Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-04-03 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 88 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY APRIL 3, 1793.
[Whole No. 410.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY EVENING, March 1.
Substance of the observations made by Mr. Dayton, in the debate on the following resolution, viz.
RESOLVED , that the Secretary of the Treasury has omitted to discharge an essential duty of his office, in failing to give Congress official information in due time of the monies drawn by him from Europe into the United States; which drawing commenced in December, 1792, and continued till January 1793, and of the causes of making such drafts.
Mr. Dayton said, that at so late an hour of the night, he was unwilling to detain the committee unnecessarily; he trusted however that they would grant him their indulgence and attention for a few moments before the vote was taken. The resolution upon which the sense of the committee was about to be expressed, contained a direct charge against the Secretary of the Treasury for having "failed to give Congress official information in due time of the monies drawn by him from Europe into the United States, and of the causes of such drafts." He rose principally to remark, that the arguments which had been used by the advocates of these resolutions in support of the first that had been discussed, and particularly by the member from Virginia (Mr. Madison) were of such a nature, as must, if applied to the one now under debate, compel that gentleman to abandon this charge and give it his negative, if he would preserve any sort of consistency between his arguments and his vote.
It had been asserted by him, and seemed to be relied upon as an important fact, that the Secretary's agency in respect to foreign loans, did not necessarily result from the duties of his office, or the constitution of the treasury department which on that head was silent, but that it was founded upon a special commission and instructions given to that officer by the President in whom the laws had vested an authority. Under that view then it was deemed convenient and proper to regard the President as the principal, and the Secretary as his agent, in order that there might appear to be some foundation for the charge against the latter, for having acted in any instance without the express instruction of the former. If this was truly the relationship in which the Secretary stood to the President—if the President's commission was his authority, and the President's instructions, his law and guide—if the case of loans was, in respect to the treasury department, an extraordinary and extra-official one, not necessarily falling under the head of it, but distinct from the ordinary revenues which bounded his legal authority, as had been declared by a member from Virginia and another from Pennsylvania, Mr. Dayton called upon those two gentlemen to explain, with what propriety the Secretary of the Treasury could be censured for not comprising in his annual official statement of receipts and expenditures of public monies in his department, a report of his agency in a business unconnected therewith, which he transacted not in quality of financier, but of agent, and for which he was directly responsible to the President, who was his principal, and who could and doubtless would, have dismissed him from office if he had acted unfaithfully. There appeared to his mind, Mr. Dayton said, such inconsistency and contradiction between the reasoning he had quoted, and the resolution on the table, as induced him to believe that all who gave their assent to those arguments, but especially those who had expressed and supported them, would join with him in voting against this proposition.
But there were other reasons, Mr. Dayton added, which seemed to his judgment to lead irresistibly to the same conclusion. The House of Representatives had already expressed their sense upon this subject. Their resolution, passed on the 23d of January without any opposition, evidently recognized certain principles, which directly militated against those contained in this resolution. The President of the United States was there requested to communicate the information wanted. It is well known to every member that this mode was never adopted in any call for information respecting our fiscal concerns, or other matters relating to the ordinary business of the department, but that it was always observed when the information wanted was of such a nature as to render it improper for either of the subordinate executive officers to give it without the order of their head, the President. Shall the Secretary of the Treasury then be censured for not reporting to Congress transactions unasked for, which it is admitted he was not at liberty to report even upon the order of the House, without the sanction and express direction of the President? Shall he be censured for not giving information of the monies drawn by him from Europe, and of the causes of making such drafts, when the very laws which authorized the loan of fourteen millions, point out the
causes, declare the purposes, and designate the appropriation? The act of the 14th of August directed the application of two millions to the purchase of the public debt. Was not this country the only proper place for that operation? And would any one say that those purchases could be made, advantageously for the United States unless the money was drawn here? Was there not a discretionary power given to the executive over the other twelve millions, destined to the payment of our debt to France, in virtue of which such portion of it might be drawn here, as might be deemed consistent with the public good? Had not events fully justified Congress in having granted that discretionary power, and the executive in the use they had made of it? Through the instrumentality of those drafts we had been enabled to purchase nearly two millions of our own debt, and to pay in this country, (principally in our own produce) about half a million of the French debt, by which the Colony of St. Domingo had been relieved from its sufferings, and the government and people of France highly gratified and benefited. Far from meriting censure for arrangements so prudent and beneficial, the man who had effected them was, Mr. Dayton asserted, entitled to the commendation and thanks of his countrymen. That the Secretary had discharged both his ordinary and extraordinary duties with ability and integrity, had been directly denied by none—that he had misconstrued the act of the 14th of August, and departed from its true spirit, had been urged and supported by very few, but that the arrangements, which he made, had proved beneficial to France, and highly favorable to the interests of the United States, seemed to have been admitted by all, even by the very gentlemen who had questioned the legality of them.
Mr. Dayton concluded with saying that he was happy to find he should be with a very large majority of the House, in the vote that the Secretary was not chargeable with the omission and failure which the resolution aimed to fix upon him.
Mr. Findley—If my hopes respecting the government have not been equally elevated with those of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Ames) neither are my apprehensions so much depressed with fears. But I hope I am equally anxious for the stability and prosperity of the government; and though we differ in opinion on this question, yet I am firmly persuaded, that the part I take, is the best calculated to promote the necessary confidence in government, and secure the virtue of its administration. As the gentleman, in an elegant discourse, has explained no difficulties, nor adduced any proofs in support of his opinions, I will only add, that I believe the government to be so well established, and so much beloved by the citizens, as not to be endangered by the House of Representatives examining, how the laws have been obeyed in the application of public money, and giving their opinion upon the result of that examination.
That the Secretary has not reported fully to this House in due time, is so much within the knowledge of every member, that it is impossible to doubt of the truth of the fact, however we may differ about the propriety of the conduct. To go no farther back than last session, besides the references to the Secretary to report upon the ways and means, and inform the House what revenues were necessary, on the 30th of February, 1791, a standing order was resolved, directing, that he should report, unto the House, within a few days after the meeting of the next session, an accurate statement, and account of the receipts and expenditures of all the public monies, in which shall be distinguished the expenditures which fall under each head of appropriation, and that in it shall be shown the sums, if any which remain unexpended, &c.
Were not the monies drawn upon loan, public monies, and were not those loans appropriated? Undoubtedly they were strictly so: it is a strange evasion to say, that by these expressions only, the current revenue is intended. Arguments must be scarce when this becomes necessary. It requires no refutation.
On the 9th of January last, he was called upon to lay before the House such information with respect to the finances of the United States, as will enable the Legislature to judge whether any or what additional revenues will be necessary.
In consequence of the recommendations of the President, and the wishes of this House to commence the discharge of the redeemable part of the funded debt, a reference was made to the Secretary, requiring him to report a mode for the application of the public money for that purpose. The House being assured by the gentleman who moved the resolution, that no new tax was intended or necessary. But the Secretary, so far from informing the House, how much money he had subject to his discretion in the bank, in notes, &c. proposed a new and partial tax, as the foundation of a new system of loans.
When the memorable bill, for to authorize another loan of 2,000,000 of dollars, was be-
fore the House a few weeks ago, we were told by gentlemen on this floor, that there was not time for argument—that the bill must be passed in three or four days, &c.—and when we wanted information, we were told by some of the friends of the bill, that it was not convenient to give information there—that we might procure information elsewhere, as they had done. I confess I did not comprehend this method of legislating; but the Secretary has since explained it in one of his reports, by complaining of the House, because the members did not go to his office, and ask information, instead of requiring it to be publicly reported.
Even when this favorite bill for a new loan was before the House, the Secretary did not condescend to inform us, that he had, without authority, provided nearly a million and a half of dollars for that purpose: He did not inform us how obligingly he had drawn bills upon our bankers in Holland, to have the money put in our way.
Thus, in order to anticipate the payments due to the bank he did what he could, to induce Congress to break the public faith, by repealing the existing appropriation, made for securing the discharge of a debt of justice and gratitude to the French nation. From this, and other instances, it appears, that however high the Secretary's regard for public credit may be, there are other considerations which have obtained a higher degree of his attention, than obedience to the laws. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Madison) has so clearly explained the nature of that discretion with which the Secretary is vested, and so fully proved that there was no necessity to justify a departure from the appropriations made by law, that it is not necessary for me to explain further on that head. However, I cannot help remarking, that the discretionary powers were pretty freely exercised. The drawing of bills began early, indeed—and were continued to a recent period: The times of drawing fortunately corresponded with the necessities of the bank, and the power of employing agents was pretty freely used. The same agents were frequently both the sellers and the purchasers of the bills. Perhaps this was necessary: No doubt it was convenient: Probably it was safe; but who can say, it will be always so?
I have not said so much to prove the truth of the facts expressed in the resolution; for, of this, there can be no doubt: it is as clear as the sun shining in day-light. But, in order to prove the propriety of this committee expressing its disapprobation of a conduct so unjustifiable, that information was withheld unduly, is evident, from the stages of this discussion—that it was obtained with difficulty, is evident, from the numerous applications we were obliged to make in order to obtain it.
On the motion to refer Mr. Giles's resolutions respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Murray made the following observations.
He said he was opposed to the reference of the resolutions to the committee of the whole. He had, as far as the time permitted, examined the several reports on which the examination depended, and was then ready to vote on them—though he confessed from the intricacy which was inherent in such a subject, as well as from the vast variety of the detail involved, he had not had sufficient time for a complete investigation—Nor did he imagine that any man who had not previously meditated on the subject for a length of time, and made choice of his ground of attack, could say he was completely master of the subject—Some votes, however, was now rendered essential to the character not only of government, but of the gentleman who presided over the finances of the country. But three days were left for this enquiry, and to finish a great deal of other business—and he thought that dispatch which was usual in the House, ought to be used in preference to the indulgence which a committee afforded—As to the abstract propositions, if it were necessary now to go into them, he thought it would be proper to decide on them first. He thought it most logical to lay down principles of reasoning before facts were developed—Were they agreed to by the House, it would be under provisions and restrictions—They could not have the implicit force of axioms, but at most must be yielded to as wholesome maxims, the application of which must be frequently modified by a certain degree of discretion. With respect to all the other resolutions, he imagined they would on examination be found to be unwarranted by facts. He hoped the movers and supporters of the resolutions would not be gratified at so late a season, by the House in resolving itself into a committee of the whole—The mode in which they were brought forward did not entitle them to much confidence. He said a more unhandy proceeding he had never seen in Congress—It had been a practice derived from the lights of common liberty, common right and the first principles of justice, that whoever was charged with a violation of law on which a punishment ensued, should have some mode of answering to the charge—It had in a recent in-
stance been the practice of Congress, when an officer's conduct was even in the first instance inquired into, to afford the officer an opportunity of attending upon the examination, on which his offence, or his freedom from blame was to appear—He alluded to the conduct of the House when an examination took place relatively to the failure of Gen. St. Clair's expedition—Suspicion were entertained that some lay somewhere—A committee was appointed to examine—the three officers particularly concerned, were, he understood invited as it were to come before the committee to explain, to interrogate and to give information—Though the Secretary at War, was not permitted to explain on the floor, justice, and delicacy, and the most common principles of jurisprudence to which we attempted to hold some analogy, demanded that he should be heard somewhere—and the committee was renewed for this purpose—The quarter-master general asked to be heard on this floor—though refused, he was permitted to attend that committee on whose examination his character as a quarter-master depended—Were any man, responsible as an officer to this House, to fall under the suspicion of its members, a regard to decency and to the established rights of citizenship, would reach gentlemen to inquire formally before they hastily laid a charge on the table, to which they might move the assent of the House—But in this proceeding a legislative charge was gone into, before inquiry had been instituted—Every rule of justice, and all that delicacy which ought ever to attend her progress, had been disregarded, and in the very first instance; a number of charges are brought forward, not for enquiry but conviction, which if sanctioned by a majority of the House, are to be followed by the dismissal of one of the highest officers in the government—This mode was as tyrannical as it was new, and if any thing could throw a bias against the resolutions, independent of enquiry, it was the partial and unjust form in which the proceeding had commenced. Resolutions of conviction might rise out of the report of a committee of inquiry, who would act as a grand jury to the House, but could never precede it—the honor the House would not refer to a committee of the whole, what might be decided in the House with more dispatch.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
CERTAIN resolutions moved in the legislature of Georgia have appeared in the papers, expressing their opinion on the question, "whether a state may be sued in the Supreme Judicial Court of the United States." They reject the affirmative with no small indignity. Among other reasons, they say in substance, if they should be made liable by due course of law to pay their debts, it would be a most grievous wrong and injury. It would create a perpetual burden of taxes; in addition to such as they have to bear by the injustice of the funding system. Admitting the horrid wrong of being compelled to pay their debts to be a clipping of the plumes of the imperial sovereignty, it is not a clear point that a question in the law courts should be, in strict propriety, decided by the legislature of Georgia. The office of judges and legislators seems to be blended. In another suit Georgia is plaintiff. Will the state please to resolve how that suit shall be decided? Yet they think it proper to send their resolutions to the judges of the Supreme Court. Is this done to overawe, or to convince them? Those who are in afraid of being encroached upon, should not encroach. They might have relied on the law and constitution, if they were as they supposed—and if they were not rightly understood, the court would not be helped by their assistance.
While they fear the invasion of their peculiar province with so much forenses and jealously, it became them surely to leave untouched the exclusive authority of Congress.
It seems they adopted a different opinion. For they have gone out of their way to call the funding system hard names. It would appear as indecent at least, and perhaps as dangerous to the sovereignty of the people of the United States for the legislature of a State to discuss the merits of the acts of Congress and to pass censures on them, as for a law court to interpret the Constitution according to its legal sense—of which they are the proper judges. The sovereignty of the whole people of the union seems to be as sacred as the sovereignty of Georgia. They tell us indeed that for them to be sued is repugnant to the smallest idea of sovereignty. Perhaps it is meant that the smaller the idea of sovereignty, the more must be made of it, and the more the greater must give way and yield to the less. So much for the decency of this intrusion of their censure on the funding system. How just is it? Precisely as just as it is decent. When they speak of the injustice of the funding system they certainly intend that somebody suffers wrong by it. Who is it that suffers wrong? Is it intended to affirm that the certificate holders receive less than their right? This cannot be supposed to be their concep-

tion of the matter—for they speak of the injustice of the funding system creating a burden of taxes, which implies that the injustice or wrong consists in the public's paying too much more than the creditors have a title to receive. But the Legislature of Georgia know from persons who do not support the funding system to such a degree as to impair their credit with them, that there was a prodigious saving in the terms of funding the debt—and that saving of millions they proposed to give to the late army and to the original certificate holders. The injustice of the funding system lies therefore, according to the evidence of their own party, in not giving enough, and it is hard to see how giving more to the creditors in order to make the funding system more just, could have made the burden of taxes less.
What would the sovereignty of Georgia say, should Congress tread in their own step?—should the Senate or House of Representatives of the United States draw into question and condemn the doings of the Legislature of Georgia—proclaim to their citizens the injustice and bad policy of their acts, and as far as votes will go excite all possible aversion and resistance to the execution of their lays.
We have a great many blinking politicians who see the danger of encroachments only on the jurisdiction of the States—that is their blind side, for they will not see the usurpation of a State on the functions of the National authority.
To the Printer of the Gazette of the United States.
SIR, I HAVE seen, in your last paper, the copy of a commission which the Secretary of the Western Government endeavored to impose on the Judges of one of the county courts there. The style of this extraordinary commission exhibits features so novel; it is swoln with such affectation of pomp, and struts on such stately stilts, that indeed, Mr. Printer, I could hardly believe (any evidence in your Gazette to the contrary notwithstanding) that the production in question was really American. Rubbing well my eyes, however, and carefully wiping the glasses of my spectacles—for I wear spectacles, Mr. Printer—I next proceeded to adjust them to my nose in the most exact, approved, and critical manner—when lo! in rushed on my mind the fable of the frog and the ox: an involuntary fit of laughter ensued, that has continued ever since, and for which I humbly beseech the "honorable" Secretary's most gracious pardon.
PHILADELPHIA, April 1, 1793.
FROM AN EASTERN PAPER.
REPEATED solicitations have drawn to the press the following close of a sermon, delivered before the PRESIDENT of the United States, during his Eastern Tour, upon the importance of educating youth for public benefactors: from GENESIS, xviii, 19. "I know him, that he will command his children and his house after him, and they shall keep the way of the Lord, to do justice and judgment." "And to what theme my beloved brethren, could I with so much propriety have turned our attention, as this, this morning. At a time, when the great political Father, and Chief Ruler of these States has honored us with his presence, and awoke a general Jubilee, and spread a new joy, through a large tract of country. He will pardon my boldness; when I say, that in him we see all these virtues which I have now described. He hath set a pattern for youth, not of the present day only, but for those who shall come after him, until time shall be no longer.
"He, after a life devoted to the service of mankind, hath, at the unanimous call of millions, undertaken the arduous task of setting the wheels of government in motion, and awoke our sinking country to sensations, which she had not known for a long period.
Then virtue reared her head, then vice retreated—industry roused. The fire of patriotism, burnt into a new flame. All ranks of sufferers and mourners, under the desolation of past years, began to wipe away their sorrows.
"May his days be long and happy—his virtues imitated—his services rewarded, by the pleasing reflections which arise from having served his generation faithfully. By the will of God—by the applause of Angels and reward of Heaven.
FROM THE (BOSTON) MERCURY.
FAME, who is ever listening with delight to the mellifluous Lyre of PHILÆNIA, has lately been assiduous in circulating the information, that this favorite Muse is now composing a Poem, of the Epic nature, in which will be delineated some of the most striking features of the Revolution in this country.—From the greatness and brilliancy of the subject, the Critic may anticipate the pleasure of beholding a Mæsonian Scion engrafted on the stalk of Columbian genius; and the Champions of Freedom, from the exalted reputation of this fair writer, may exult in an exemption from the fate of ALEXANDER, who wept, that he had not a HOMER to perpetuate his glorious achievements. The Poem, we hear, is intitled, "BEACON HILL." As the most momentous scenes in the Drama of the American war, (after the curtain of open hostility had been drawn by the genius of Liberty) are embodied in the visible horizon of this eminence; so commanding a spot could not pass unnoticed by so penetrating an eye, nor unimmortalized by so elegant a pen. This natural observatory is also peculiarly favorable to the pleasures of perspective. Here may the visual feast feast on the most picturesque views, which our country exhibits. Here may the wing of imagination rise unconfined, over an exhaustless field of the most romantic REALITIES. Here may the republican bosom glow with grateful pride, while on one hand he hears the busy din of the commercial and mechanic arts; and on other, beholds the back ground of the Picture superbly ornamented with Nature's most profuse luxuriance. Collected in one beautiful group, we here behold the various and flourishing departments of this rising Empire.
But while from this elevation the senses are regaled by such flattering prospects, the heights of Charles-town, or the more distant plains of Lexington, arrest the attention, and the gay scene is changed. The memory of departed Heroes, who sealed the chart of Independence with their blood, invests the mind in tributary contemplation: while the tear of regret fills the eye with gloomy gratitude.
BLEST be the task, along the stream of Fame, To waft the Patriot's and the Hero's name! Blest be the Muse, whose soft Orphean breath Recalls their memories from the realms of death! And blest PHILÆNIA, noblest of the choir, Whose hallowed hands attune Columbia's lyre, 'Tis thine to bid the deathless Laurel bloom, And shade departed Virtue's sacred tomb: While pruned by thee, its loftier branches grow, And yield new honors to the dust below! 'Tis thine, like Joshua, SUN OF GLORY STAND!
And gild the urn of Freedom's martyr'd hand! While in thy song, with charms illustrious, shine Gods, shap'd like men, and men, like Gods, divine! Hail, lofty Beacon, hill of Freedom, hail! Thy torch her Herald to the distant vale! What various scenes, from thy commanding height, Th' horizon paint—the turning eye delight! Loud Ocean here, with undulating roar, Calls daring souls to worlds unknown before: While mazing there, like Fancy's wanton child, CHARLES curls along, irregular and wild; Here, Commerce, deck'd in all the wings of Time,
Comes the fleet breeze, and ranges every crime; There the gay villa lifts its lofty head, The social mansion, and the humbler shed. But nobler honors to thy Fame belong, And owe their splendor to PHILÆNIA's song. Beacon shall live the throne of future lays; PHILÆNIA bids—obsequious Fame obeys. Beacon shall live, embalm'd in verse sublime, THE NEW PARNASSUS OF A NOBLE CLIME.
No more the fount of Helicon shall boast Its peerless waters, or its suitor-host; To thee shall every fabled muse aspire, And learn new music from PHILÆNIA's lyre. No more the flying fleet the bard shall bear Through the wild regions of poetic air! On nobler gales of verse his wings shall rise, While Beacon's Eagle wafts him thro' the skies. 'Tis here PHILÆNIA's muse begins her flight, As Heav'n elate, extensive as the light; Here, like this bird of Jove, she mounts the wind,
And leaves the clouds of vulgar bards behind. Her tuneful notes, in tones mellifluous flow, With charms more various than the color'd bow; Here, softly, sweet her liquid measures play, And mildest zephyrs gently sigh away: There, towering numbers stalk, majestic rise, Like Ocean storm, and lighten like the skies. While here, the gay Canary charms our ears, There, the lorn Philomel dissolves in tears, While here, the deep, grave verse flow loiters on, There, the blythe lines in swift meanders run. Thus to each theme responds her echoing lay; Bold, without rashness; without trifling, gay; Serene, yet nervous; easy, yet sublime; With modulation's unassisted chime; Soft, without weakness; without frenzy, warm; The varying shade of Nature's varying form! Let souls, elated by the pomp of praise, The arch triumphal, or the baulo raise, Bid marble, ifling into life, proclaim Their bubble greatness in the ear of Fame! Gay trifles, pick'd out on Glory's shore, Which Time's first rising billow leaves no more! 'Tis thine PHILÆNIA, loveliest muse, to raise A firmer monument of nobler praise! Thou shalt survive, when Time shall whelm the dust,
And lay the pyramids of Fame in dust. Unfoid'd by years, shall thy pathetic verse Melt Memory's eye upon the Patriot's heart; And while each distant age and clime admire The funeral honors of thy Epic lyre, What Hero's bosom would not with to bleed, That you might sing, and raptur'd ages read? 'Till the last page of NATURE's volume blaze, Shall live the tablet graven with thy lay! MENANDER.
HALIFAX, (N.C.) March 13.
The following is a complete return of the gentlemen chosen at the late election Representatives to Congress, in the respective districts: No. 1—Col. Joseph M'Dowell.
No. 2—Gen. Matthew Lock. No. 3—Col. Joseph Winston. No. 4—Gen. Alexander Mebane. No. 5—Nathaniel Macon, Esq. No. 6—Col. William Gillespie. No. 7—William Barry Grove, Esq. No. 8—William J. Dawson, Esq. No. 9—Col. Thomas Blount. No. 10—Col. Benjamin Williams.
Philadelphia, April 3.
A most atrocious murder was committed on board the ship Wasp, of Bristol, Robert Jones, master, on or about the 20th January last—said ship arrived in Montego-Bay, Jamaica, on the evening of that day. The person murdered was Thomas Hedges, the surgeon of the ship. It appears from the deposition taken, that the sailed from Bristol to Africa for slaves, and arrived afterwards at Jamaica with a cargo of 200. That designs against the surgeon's life were entertained from the beginning—and after a series of ill usage, he was dispatched the day previous to the arrival of the ship, with circumstances of savage barbarity.
The villainy appears to have been perpetrated by a number of the people belonging to the ship, with the connivance of the Captain. The ship lay in Montego-Bay 34 days, and has since sailed for Bristol—the murder was not discovered till after she had sailed. Measures have been taken by the authority at Jamaica to bring the perpetrators to justice. The ship is 141 tons measurement, painted black, figure head, copper-bottom, Guinea-man's round-house, and had some caronades mounted, and it is supposed will not go to Bristol, though cleared for that place.—Robert Jones, the Captain, is a young man, about 5 feet 4 or 5 inches high, and only 20 years of age.—Joseph Nees, the steward, light tawny complexion, about 5 feet 9 inches high.—Thomas Beddo, the boy, is a thin lad, his hair supposed to be light, tho' he always wore a handkerchief over it, 5 feet 3 inches in height, pock-fretten.—Jack, a yellow negro, of a very stout make, and spoke a good deal of English.
The above described persons are represented as the active and passive instruments in the aforesaid murder.
One of the Paris Gazettes ( Patriote Francois ) among other remarks on a certain American publication, makes the following:
"There is now translated into French a book entitled the Federalist , or a collection of pieces in favor of the constitution, proposed for the United States of America, by the Convention of 1787, published in New-York, by Messieurs Hamilton, Madison and Jay, citizens of the United States. The bookseller, Buisson , has done France great service, especially in her present circumstances, in publishing this work which is clearly the best the world has hitherto seen on the subject of confederate government. It must be confessed, however, that in some places, there are passages, taken in certain views, wherein we may remark an aristocratical tendency; but in general the political maxims are excellent."
Extract of a letter from Columbia, Western Territory, to a gentleman in this city.
"As young as this place is, there is a remarkable thirst and taste for learning in it. We have already an Academy here, under the joint care of two men of abilities, in which the English, Latin, and Greek languages, the Mathematics, and various branches of the Arts and Sciences are taught. Perhaps you will think it incredible, when I assure you that in this academy, at the aforesaid different branches of learning, there are already sixty scholars. There is another Latin and Greek School at Cincinnati, six miles below this.—Thus does the Wilderness begin to blossom as a Rose."
The following gentlemen are elected Representatives to serve in the next Congress of the United States, from the state of Virginia—William B. Giles, Abraham Venable, Richard Bland Lee, Anthony New, Francis Walker,
Carter B. Harrison, John Page, and Matthew Clay, Esq's.
A correspondent in Morrisstown, New-Jersey, observes, that the late battle made about the Secretary of the Treasury, with design as some suppose, to put his reputation in jeopardy, has been so far accomplished, that he is in real danger, in that part of the union at least, of falling under the curse denounced against him whom every one speaks well of—Zeal in a party cause often betrays want of judgment, and that even in men we should otherwise think the least suspect—for proof of which the journals of Congress exhibit full evidence.
Extract of a letter from Maryland. "I can assure you, that the defeat of those resolutions respecting the Secretary, has been rejoiced at—as to whole some effects—there being no morbid tendency in this part of the United States there was nothing to heal, or to cure—but I doubt not it will have a good tendency all over the country. Jealousy, a weak sentiment, is a proof of love—a firm confidence in government is essential to the peace and prosperity of the union—doubts of stability will produce a want of this confidence in such as do not think for themselves—and a panic is as deadly in government as in an army.—A continuation of good moral politics will work the most salutary effects throughout the States."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman on a tour to the Southern States, dated Petersburg, 20th March.
"I arrived here shortly after the news of the late attack on Mr. Hamilton had reached this, and am very glad to find it has opened the eyes of many who have hitherto been under the implicit direction of certain would be umpires of the United States in Congress."
One of the reports, which I find circulated to the prejudice of this gentleman is, that he has not done so much as he ought to assist certain needy men in their claims for services which they declare they performed during the late war, and which they believe he could assist them to obtain, if he pleased—I gave such answer as I thought true and satisfactory—and am happy to find that the unjust prejudices against this industrious patriot are decreasing daily—so are all those unfortunate misunderstandings and misrepresentations which have tended to sour the minds of many, respecting an eastern and southern interest.
"I have lately been on the ground designed for the residence of Congress after the year 1800—and do assure you I never beheld in one place so many corresponding beauties—in point of situation, of convenience for commerce, and of every excellence which could be expected from nature. I hope time will afford a completion in every requisite that art can bestow—and that it will, as it is the last, be the first city in the universe. The only objections which I have heard to this situation for the government, are certain local prejudices and a tincture of ant federalism in some people of the vicinity. Maryland is one of the most federal States in the union, and Virginia is fast mending her manners, in this particular.—So that the last of these objections will soon be removed, and for the other, time and necessity must effect a cure. But as matters are, the politics of your government wear a much more unfavorable aspect than those of this state, and I with they may not eventually disturb our peace and unity."
In short, I am so much pleased with the new city, that I have determined one day to fix on the spot—and shall be happy to see you my neighbor. The public works are progressing as they ought, not with that degree of rapidity that ruined Port Roseway, and which injured Baltimore about 5 or 6 years ago, (from which however she has since recovered) but in a sober-minded manner, worthy of the prudence and spirit of the Commissioners.—These gentlemen are past the time of life for balloon, or whimsical experiments—for which however they are daily incurring the censure of certain light-headed neighbors, particularly among the land-holders. These men finding their lands have risen about 1000 per cent. are now angry that they do not rise to ten times this value, and are daily growing more and more fit for a lunatic hospital, which I have in consequence recommended as the first of the buildings to be erected in the city."
The Bakers of Philadelphia and Boston have petitioned the Legislatures of Pennsylvania and Massachusetts respectively, for a repeal of the law regulating the price and assize of bread.
The Petition of the Bakers in Boston contains the following historical sketch.
"IN Great-Britain, the Bakers are and have been, for more than 400 years, an incorporated company, possessing exclusive privileges; and authorized to restrain, by limitations and restrictions of various sorts, the competition to a smaller number, than might otherwise go into this business—which is attended with the same consequences as a monopoly, though in a less degree. To counterbalance the evils of these incorporations, this law was produced—a law in its nature and operation contrary to the true principles of trade, which leave industry and talents free to attain their utmost reward; trusting for a supply, to the effects of a liberal competition, which always hath, and ever will bring to market, the products of human skill, at such rates as place

the exertions of all the citizens on a just and true level. It ought not to be omitted, that the wisest and most celebrated writers in England, constantly and publicly assert that, where there is no exclusive corporation, the competition will regulate the price, much better than any artifice—among many facts which are adduced in support of their opinion, the following is cited, viz.—The method of fixing the price of bread, established in the reign of George II. could not be put in practice in Scotland, on account of a defect in the law, its execution depending upon the office of Clerk of the market, which does not exist there—this defect was not removed until the reign of George III. the want of an artifice, as is declared by an eminent Scotch writer, occasioned no sensible inconvenience, and the establishment of one in a few places, where it has yet taken place, has produced no sensible advantage—in the greater part of the towns of Scotland, however, there is an incorporation of Bakers who claim exclusive privileges. In Massachusetts, there is no incorporation of Bakers—they enjoy no exclusive privileges—they possess no authority to restrain or limit their number—or to combine, in any manner, for the purpose of raising the price of their labor, or the profits of their stock—The only apology, then, for such a law in England, happily for its citizens, does not exist in America.
This law is enforced in a few towns only—and the citizens immediately injured by its operations, are small in number, compared to the rest of society, who, though erroneously, may fancy themselves gainers by its existence—to this supposed self interest of a majority of the community we must impute the continuance of a statute which yet remains a blot in the history of American jurisprudence.
It is not generally known that Dumourier had in the earlier part of his life distinguished himself as a captain of infantry. In a celebrated engagement he was left for dead on the field of battle. In consequence of ill health, he was permitted to transfer his services to a civil line. His return from a diplomatic to a military capacity, has been distinguished with his former spirit and address. The victory at Jemappes may be attributed to his conduct. He fought with his bayonet in the ranks. Like Marshal Saxe, he threw his staff in the middle of the enemy. Knowing the nature of his troops, he placed them 50 deep, so that the first ranks, pressed forward from behind, found it impossible to retreat. Thousands were cut to pieces, but the fresh succession of ranks rendered them at last irresistible. Gen. Adv.
On Friday the Senate of this Commonwealth had under their consideration the bill sent from the House of Representatives for altering and amending the incorporation laws of Philadelphia—the principal of which is, to vest the judiciary, legislative and executive powers, exercised by the corporation, in different bodies.—A motion was made by Mr. Morris to postpone the first section, for the purpose of introducing a substitute, the purport of which was, to let the present mayor and aldermen retain their powers during the time for which they were elected into office. This motion for postponement, after some debate, was carried in the affirmative, 10 to 7, as follows:
Ayes—Messrs. Coais, Edie, Hoge, Hanna, Jenks, Morris, Sellers, Schmoyer, Scott and Thomas—10. Noes—Messrs. Brown, Heister, Montgomery, Moore, Smiley, Smith and Kennedy, 7.
The substitute was then under consideration and agreed to; some other amendments were proposed by Mr. Morris, particularly a clause for altering the corporation, so as to assimilate it to the constitution of the United States, by dividing it into two branches. This was debated, and finally agreed to, viz.
That there shall be a common council and a triennial council.
The following is copied from a St. Eustatia paper of March 8.
PARTICULARS of the EXECUTION OF LOUIS, XVI.
[Extracted from a French Paper, January 22.] ON Sunday night he visited his family for the last time, and after spending some time with them he returned to his own apartment and supped as usual; he slept tolerably well that night, and arose about 7 o'clock on Monday morning, when after some time spent in private devotion with his confessor, he informed the officer he was ready; the carriage being sent for, he, with his confessor appointed to attend him, went in, and proceeded to the place of execution, guarded by a party of the national guards; when they arrived there he ascended the scaffold with great firmness; as soon as he got up, the executioner cut off his hair, at which he shewed some emotion, but soon recovering himself, he advanced to the front of the scaffold, where he addressed the populace in the following manner:
FRENCHMEN, I die innocent; it is from the scaffold in the presence of Almighty God I tell you so. I forgive my enemies and hope— Here a confused cry of Grace, Grace , was heard from the people around the scaffold; on which he was stopped and hurried to the block, where his head was severed from his body at one stroke; the executioner carried it twice round the scaffold, and then, with the body, it was thrown into a basket and conveyed to Magdalen, where a grave was prepared with some quick-lime in it.
The blood which flowed from Louis XVI. was gathered up, by some in paper, and by others in white handkerchiefs, and this was done by persons who had not the air of attaching a political superstition to it—Two young men of good appearance were particularly noticed; one of them who was a foreigner, and had the appearance of an Englishman, gave 15 livres to a child and requested it to keep a very handsome white handkerchief in the tracks of blood that remained—the other young man seemed to have much at heart the obtaining the ribband which tied the queue, and some of the hair of Louis, for which he paid a louis d'or.
The national convention consists of 740 members, 737 of whom were present at the last debate respecting the king, and upon its being put to the vote whether he should suffer death, six hundred and ninety-three gave their voices in the affirmative; and of this number was Philippe Egalite, the ci-devant Duke of Orleans, and cousin German of the King.
The King made three requests to the national convention after his condemnation, namely, That he should be allowed a sight of his family for the purpose of taking a final adieu; that he should be buried in the Cathedral church of Sens, by the side of his fathers; and a respite of his sentence for three days, in order to prepare himself for eternity—The first was granted—the two last were rejected.
The following is extracted from the same paper. Letter from the Marine Minister, Written to Citizen Montel, Governor of St. Lucia. Paris, Jan. 2, second year of the Republic.
THE Executive Council has learned, from your dispatches of the 4th and 8th of October, that you did not join in the rebellion of Martinique; that, faithful to your country, you were ready and willing to spill your blood to defend it against tyranny or usurpation—and that the brave soldiers under your command, together with the inhabitants of St. Lucia, acted with concord and unanimity, and were actuated by the like conduct.
The National Convention have seen with indignation the excesses of those miscreants who stile themselves the Counter-Revolutionists of the windward islands, have decreed that a powerful force should be sent to chastise the rebels. Ships of the line, frigates, and transport ships are ready to put to sea, commanded by Captain Duval; they have on board battalions of those brave troops, of those intrepid volunteers who have banished the Germans from the territories of the republic, and who have in one month finally conquered the Belgic provinces. They burn with impatient desire to suppress the rebellion, and notwithstanding the celerity of the preparations they complain of the tardiness of the execution. To prevent
delays, several reinforcements are to succeed them with the utmost dispatch, accompanied, if necessary, with avengers to the unfortunate patriots.
The nation, always just and severe—great and magnanimous, does not wish to confound the innocent with the guilty, nor to shut the door to repentance. Clemency speaks in their favour, and civil commissaries will be sent out with the troops to endeavour to obtain by meekness that which must be ultimately insured by her invincible arms;—but if they are misled by ill-advisers, unhappy will be the lot of those who will dare to contend with the national power. The French people have shook a throne, they have made kings tremble, and they are determined to annihilate all malcontents.
Inform the inhabitants of St. Lucia from the executive council; testify to them their satisfaction at the sentiments they have manifested; assure them that they will receive the necessary assistance which the exigency of their situation requires, and that the nation will ever regard with attention her faithful subjects.
I request you will make the contents of this as public as possible.
(Signed) MONGE.
Some remarks have lately appeared in the papers respecting the preference given in certain public appointments to foreigners. A writer under the signature of Russell , who has favored the public with various speculations during the course of the past winter, undertakes to defend the policy of such appointments, in an essay which appeared not long since in the federal Gazette.—The following is an extract from a publication in the General Advertiser of yesterday in answer to Russell:
"Would Russell present his property to a stranger in preference to a sister or a brother? If merit was to decide the donation, perhaps he might meet with an equal if not a superior degree of merit in a stranger, why then will he not give it to the most deserving? Our country is our common parent, and in the distribution of its benefits kindred are to be considered before aliens. It is to be hoped that genius, information, and virtue are not quite so rare, that with foreign manufactures, we must be obliged to import foreigners to govern our country! Hitherto our progress in the one is unequal to European improvement, I have the pride of country so much about me as to suppose, that in the other we are not exceeded by any nation upon earth."
COMMUNICATIONS.
The man who has a great deal of money wishes to get more. Accordingly we see men who have enough, risk all to get more, which they do not want, and would not, if they had it, know what to do with it. Often by their running imprudent risks they lose all. The human mind will not stand still. A people rich in liberty are very apt if they cannot have more, to wish for something different. Having all, they cannot increase their stock, but they would change it. Many are fond of trying new things; and in this temper precious old ones are often flung away. It is not true to affirm, that oppression only, will excite a desire for change. It is in the nature of man, and the freest nation may be made to sigh for new schemes of politics with all the ardor of suffering freemen.
Those who sow jealousies and discord in the union have the address to hold up the allurements of new theories, as specious in argument, as they would prove pernicious in the trial. Liberty is certainly one of the fairest gifts to man; it is his state of perfection.—But like his state in paradise it is surrounded with temptation. The serpent is every where tempting the people to pluck the fair fruit.—Those who tempt, would be the first to revile and torment them in their fallen state. May the Liberty of America which has not yielded to suffering and danger, escape the arts of those assassins who flatter to destroy—who would pull down government under the pretext of gaining more li-
erty to a nation which already has all.
Our self sufficient political reformers condemn the speculative systems of finance and banks and all the mysteries of money transactions as well as of the cabinet. Who would expect to find these lovers of plainness and simplicity—these matter-of-fact-men who hate fine spun reasonings, the very dupes of their own visions and crack-brained speculations! Yet so it is—our new lights, our inspired reformers disdain to be guided by the light of experience, or to adapt their politics to the nature of man. To suppose that man has passions and appetites, and that the good of all may require that each should be put under some check, is aristocratic—it is usurpation.—They would build their work on present fury and enthusiasm. They would very properly found their Babel on a quagmire. Trace the theory of our fault-finders and mark its inconsistencies. They hate banks, yet they always favor the making more.—They hate fine spun theories, yet all their schemes are repugnant to nature and experience. They suppose men devils as soon as they get into office, and yet they affect a purity in their theory of government, that angels would scarcely prove able to carry into effect. They are consistent and uniform in one object only, and that is to try and do any thing to make the government of the union detested.
Extract of a letter from the Westward.
"I know not whether the appearances of reform in England and Scotland are to be considered as favorable to liberty. I should have liked better to find Mr. Pitt continue in the pride of his power till the people themselves burnt their shackles. I fear if the reform is to come from government it will be like the amendments of the federal constitution—a tub to the whale.—It may be otherwise, and will doubtless be a more peaceable way, but it is still building on a bad foundation."
"I like the spirit from which the present fashionable address of Citizen proceeds; but, like a new cut in cloaths, I cannot help thinking there is a little affectation in it.—This feeling a little time will remove, especially as the appellation is of an endearing nature—I should like better to have the name only. As you know fashions take some time to arrive here from the metropolis, I must take a little time to reconcile myself to it; and get others here to keep me in countenance. For this once you will therefore excuse me, and not think me an aristocrat if on the outside I retain the former appellation. But here I shall subscribe myself, My dear Fellow-Citizen, Most sincerely yours."
Mail. Israel Smith, Esq. is re-elected a representative in Congress from the state of Vermont.
A New-York paper says, the King and court of Great-Britain have put on mourning for the death of Louis XVI.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA. Ship Ann, Torris, Honduras Brig Isabella and Ann, Hampton, St. Eustatia Hannah, Carmel, Port-au-Prince Sch'r Nancy, Block, Richmond Farnham, Thomas, Virginia Sloop Dove, Merchant, Newburyport Abby, Eames, Boston Alfred, Shuhan, Hispaniola
PHILADELPHIA.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
6 per Cents, 18 3/4 3 per Cents, 10 1/2 Deferred, 11 3/4 Full shares Bank U. S. 15 per cent. prem
ADVERTISEMENT.
WHEREAS A BRIDGE is to be built over Raritan River, at the city of New-Brunswick, in the state of New-Jersey—to accomplish which, will require the service of many carpenters and masons of experience; Notice is therefore hereby given, that any person or persons inclining to undertake the whole, or any part thereof, by applying to the subscribers, on or before the first day of May next, may have an opportunity of contracting for the same.
JOHN BAYARD. JACOB HARDENBURGH. JOHN DENNIS, Secy. Brunswick, March 24th. ep83w

By THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARROLL, Esquires,
COMMISSIONERS appointed by Government to prepare the Public Buildings, &c. within the City of Washington...
A LOTTERY FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
Table with 3 columns: Prize Amount, Number of Prizes, Total Dollars. Includes Superb Hotel, Cash Prizes, and various ditto prizes.
16,737 Prizes Dollars 350,000
33,263 Blanks
By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers...
Although some expense must necessarily attend the conducting of the lottery...
The drawing will commence on Monday the 9th of September next, at the City of Washington.
N. B. ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given for the best Plan of an elegant and convenient HOTEL or INN...
S. BLODGET, Agent for the affairs of the City. March 6, 1793.
City of Washington.
A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners...
JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Com'ts. Extract of an Act of the General Assembly of Maryland...
Be it enacted, That any foreigner may by deed or will, hereafter to be made, take and hold lands within that part of the said Territory which lies within this State...
Jan. 19.
TO BE SOLD, An noted covering Horse, OF THE HUNTING BREED.
HE was imported from England in November, seventeen hundred and eighty-six, and is now ten years old...
February 18. 1793.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given, That the Commissioners appointed by the Board of Trustees of the University of North-Carolina...
FREDERICK HARGETT, Chairman.
An Ordinance for securing the unpaid Payment of the Monies due on the Subscriptions to the Society for establishing Useful Manufactures.
WHEREAS doubts have heretofore arisen with regard to the power of the Society to annex any penalties to the non-payment of the instalments...
Sec. 1. Be it ordained, therefore, by the Governor and Directors of the Society for establishing Useful Manufactures...
Sec. 2. And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That if any subscriber, or his assigns, shall neglect to pay the second payment...
Sec. 3. And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That if any subscriber, or his assigns, shall neglect to pay the fourth payment...
NICHOLAS LOW, Governor. Passed at New-Ark, 9th February, 1793. (Counter-signed) ELISHA BOUDINOT, Secretary pro tempore.
BE IT KNOWN, That the proportion of specie which may be paid on the respective payments...
Table with 3 columns: Date, Amount, Dollars. Includes amounts due on 13th of July, 1792; 13th of May, 1793; 13th of January, 1793; 13th of July, 1793.
Stockholders in the said Society are hereby notified, that I, the subscriber, am duly authorized to make the requisite indorsements...
NICHOLAS LOW. February 21, 1793.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
RESOLVED, THAT any person residing in Europe, who shall authorize the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of the United States...
The President, Directors and Company, if requested, will remit the monies by them received to any part of Europe, free of expense and without deduction...
By the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
PROPOSALS
For re-printing a new, entertaining and instructive Work, intitled, THE
Errors of Education.
BY MRS. ELIZA PARSONS.
Instability of mind impedes our road to PERFECTION; and YOUTH, if not animated by EXAMPLE, to illustrate the precepts of VIRTUE, will ever fall into ERROK.
The European edition of this work, printed last year, sells at 12s. the two volumes, (and few copies, if any, to be had at that price) - This first American edition, which shall be well executed, on an entire new type and fine paper, will be delivered to subscribers in one volume of about 420 pages 12mo. neatly bound, at a French Crown each, to be paid on receiving the book...
Subscriptions will be received at the Bookstores of Messrs. T. Dobson, W. Young, J. Crukshank, and B. Johnson, and at Mr. Henry Kammeyer's, No. 24, North Third Street, Philadelphia; by Messrs. R. Hall, S. Campbell, and T. Allen, Bookellers, New-York; by Messrs. Day & Co. Printers, Trenton; by the Subscriber, in Burlington; and by others in whose hands Subscription-papers are lodged. Feb. 18. 1793. ISAAC NEALE.
Wanted to complete files of this Gazette numbers 79 and 80 - Six pence each will be paid by the Editor for a few of those numbers.
Vinall's Arithmetic.
THE Second Edition of this work, with improvements, will speedily be put to press. The rapid sale of the first edition...
Those Bookellers who wish to take a number of copies in success, are requested to apply to the author for particulars. 1000 Copies.
At a meeting of the SCHOOL COMMITTEE, February 5th, 1793.
The Committee, appointed to examine "The Preceptor's Assistant, or Student's Guide," being a systematical treatise of Arithmetic, by JOHN VINALL, teacher of the Mathematics & Writing, in Bolton, reported, that they have attended that service, and are of opinion, that the work is executed with judgment, and is as well calculated for the use of schools, counting houses, and private families, as any of the same compass that has hitherto been offered to the public.
VOTED, That the above report be accepted, and that Mr. VINALL be furnished with a copy of it, whenever he shall desire it.
Copy of the Records. Attest, CHARLES BULFINCH, Sec'y.
The following character of the above work, is given in the Review of the Massachusetts Magazine, for Jan. 1793:
"This is a very useful work, and is no ill proof of the judgment and industry of the author. The rules are laid down with propriety, and the examples annexed are sufficient for their illustration. One part of the work deserves particular commendation. We mean that which the author files "Mercantile Arithmetic." It occupies a considerable portion of his book, but not more than its importance will justify. We would recommend to the young Arithmetician to pay a particular attention to this branch. He will find its principles well explained. And should he make himself master of them, he will always have reason to acknowledge his obligation to the judicious and laborious author. We cannot but congratulate the rising generation on account of the many useful productions which have lately appeared; and in which their improvement has been principally consulted. Among those productions we must place this treatise of Arithmetic. We should be wanting in justice to the author, should we not acknowledge that his work is in reality that which its title imports - THE PRECEPTOR'S ASSISTANT, or STUDENT'S GUIDE." I. C. A. A. A. S. Boston, Feb. 13.
War Department.
JANUARY 28, 1793.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of September 1792, and which will become due on the 5th day of March 1793, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the states respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers:
1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an Invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which, as such, he is annually entitled.
2d. An affidavit agreeable to the following form:
A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of ... and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited). That he served ... (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the ... and county of ... and has resided there for the last ... years, previous to which he resided in ...
In case an Invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeable to the following form:
I, A. B. of ... county of ... do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of ... my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an Invalid of the United States, from the 4th day of September 1792, and ending the 4th day of March 1793.
Signed and Sealed in the Presence of
Acknowledged before me.
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the Invalid died, while mention they may claim.
By Command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary at War.
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 45, Great Dock-Street, NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE & SALE of STOCKS on COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to. (t.1.) LEONARD BLECKER.
PLANS
OF THE
City of Washington,
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS,
DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, ss.
BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the thirteenth day of March, in the seventeenth year of the Independence of the United States of America, THOMAS DOBSON, of the said District, hath deposited in this Office, the Title of a Book, Right whereof he claims as Proprietor, in the words following, to wit:
"An Enquiry into the Punishment of Death in Pennsylvania. By William Bradford, Esq. To which is added, an Account of the Cash and Penitentiary House of Philadelphia, and of the interior Management thereof. By Caleb Lownes, of Philadelphia. - If an enquiry into the Causes of all human Corruption, we shall find that they proceed from the Impunity of Crimes, and not from the Moderation of Punishments." - Monmouth.
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, intitled, "An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during the Times therein mentioned."
SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
The above work is sold in Charleston, by William Price Young; Richmond, by Archibald Currie; Baltimore, by James Rice; New-York, by Thomas Allen; Boston, by David Root.
Morse's Geography,
Revised, corrected, and greatly enlarged, with many additional Maps, well engraved.
In a few weeks will be published, By THOMAS and ANDREWS, Pearl-Street, No. 45, Newbury-Street, Boston, In Two Volumes, large Octavo.
A NEW Edition of the AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY: Being the largest and the best system of Geography ever published: Or a complete GEOGRAPHY of the WORLD, brought down to the present time. IN TWO PARTS.
The General Contents are -
PART I. - Of Astronomy, as connected with, and introductory to the science of Geography; under this head will be given an account of the several astronomical systems of the World, and a particular description of the true one. A table of the diameters, periods, &c. of the several Planets in the solar system - an account of the Comets and fixed stars.
Of GEOGRAPHY - its use and progress - figure, magnitude and motion of the Earth - Doctrine of the Sphere - Geographical Circles - Divisions of the Earth into zones and climates - methods of finding the latitude and longitude of places from celestial observations - Globes, and their use - with a number of the most useful and entertaining Geographical Problems and Theorems - Maps, and their use - sources of heat and cold - theory of the winds and tides - length of miles in different countries - natural divisions of the Earth - account of the Gregorian or new style, &c.
AMERICA - Its discovery by Columbus - general description of the Continent, in which is a lengthy discussion of the question, When, whence, and by whom, was America first peopled? With a long and entertaining account of the Indians, and the late discoveries on the north-west coast, &c. - NORTH AMERICA - chronological account of its discovery, and settlements, its divisions - DANISH AMERICA, BRITISH AMERICA, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - general description of them, including a history of the late war, and many other useful and entertaining matters. SOUTH AMERICA - its divisions, particular description of its several provinces and countries. WEST INDIA ISLANDS, &c.
** This part of the work will be illustrated by maps of the countries described, from the correctest copies.
PART II. - Containing every thing essential which is contained in the best and latest editions of Guthrie's and other British Geographies, with selections from celebrated navigators, travellers and respectable authors of other nations, &c.
Of EUROPE in general - its grand divisions, particular geographical descriptions of its several Kingdoms and Republics, &c. - Of ASIA - its situation, boundaries, general history, particular descriptions of its several divisions, &c. Of AFRICA - its general history, boundaries, grand divisions, &c. Also, new discoveries, Terra Australis, Geographical Table, alphabetically arranged - Chronological Table of remarkable events, discoveries and inventions, list of men of learning and genius, with other useful miscellany.
** This part will also be illustrated with maps of the countries described.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Author is sensible that the first edition of his American Geography (which makes Part I. of the above work) was in many instances defective, in others erroneous, and in some offensive. It has been his endeavour, as it was his desire, in the present edition, to supply the deficiencies, correct the errors, and include the offensive parts of the last. To assist him in this business, he has received many valuable communications from the heads of departments in the general government, and from gentlemen of respectability in the several states. The description of foreign countries (which composes Part II. of the above work) has been carefully compiled from the most approved writers on Geography, and useful information introduced from the discoveries of the latest Navigators, Travellers, and respectable authors. Indeed, no pains nor expense have been spared to render this work the most complete, accurate, and useful of any ever offered to the public.
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG
Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at
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Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
N. B. A few Boxes of the above HYSON for sale.