Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-04-18 00:00:00

which are founded the reciprocal happiness of the Prince and of his people.
"You, heads of those numerous classes, which by their labours, industry and activity, are the main props of empires; His Majesty expects that your meditations and reflections on this important subject will be constantly directed towards the publick good.
"Yes, gentlemen, in whatever rank of society you may be placed, the most intimate connections bind you to every constituent part of the State. Publick felicity calls you here, and here closely unites you; this noble, this great and pervading sentiment, which is that of the nation, will preside over all your disquisitions and debates.
"You will follow this salutary object throughout all its meanders, with the utmost preciseness and accuracy; you will spare no pains to remove those obstacles from the mode in which the States General are to be convened, and to prevent those frivolous debates which formerly, and particularly in 1614, took up and wasted so many moments which might have been more usefully employed.
"Gentlemen, you never will lose sight of the simple and affecting idea, that the inhabitants of this kingdom constitute but one great family, that therefore we can have but one and the same interest to meliorate and pursue, but one and the same honour to preserve and to keep: that if the august chief who now presides here, owes himself essentially and entirely to the happiness of all, if he is the natural conciliator of all parties, and protector of those privileges and immunities which have been placed under his care, he has therefore the most undoubted right to your love and respect.
"Thus called together, thus admitted into his most intimate councils, by the confidence he reposes in you, he has every reason to expect that your enlightened zeal, your best information, like the just tribute of filial piety, will be offered up as a generous and grateful return for the tenderness and affection of a father."
NEW YORK.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15, 1789.
MR. TUCKER presented a petition from Doctor RAMSAY, of Charleston, S. C. requesting Congress to secure to him his property in the History of the Revolution of South-Carolina . A committee was appointed to take up the subject at large, and report a bill upon general principles.
A memorial of JOHN CHURCHMAN was introduced by Mr. SHERMAN—it respected Mr. Churchman's new discoveries in the magnetick variation which have been announced to the publick—this was referred to the Committee, appointed on Dr. Ramsay's petition.
Mr. TUCKER presented a memorial also from Doctor RAMSAY—Subject, the ineligibility of the Hon. WILLIAM SMITH to a seat in that House, as he was not qualified in point of residence, not having been seven years a citizen of the United States previous to his election—a requisite of the Constitution.
Mr. TUCKER introduced the memorial with a great degree of delicacy. He observed, that he wished to be considered as acting entirely officially in the business, and that it might be treated with the utmost attention, as the gentlemen were both highly respectable in their characters—Dr. Ramsay was a gentleman of extensive reputation, and ranked high in the State to which he belonged.—Mr. SMITH also was a gentleman who sustained the fairest character, and had often received respectable marks of distinction from his fellow citizens. His election was contested merely upon constitutional principles.—His appearance in that house sufficiently indicated that he had never forfeited the esteem of his fellow citizens.
This memorial was referred to the COMMITTEE OF ELECTIONS.
Mr. BOUDINOT, of the committee to prepare rules for conducting Conferences, reported—the consideration of which was postponed.
Mr. BENSON of the committee appointed to confer with a committee of the Senate, upon the subject of arrangements for the reception of the PRESIDENT, and VICE-PRESIDENT, made the following report, to wit.
That Mr. OSBOON, the proprietor of the house lately occupied by the President of Congress, be requested to put the same, and the furniture therein, in proper condition for the residence and use of the President of the United States, and otherwise, at the expence of the United States, to provide for his temporary accommodation.
That it will be most eligible in the first instance, that a committee of three Members from the Senate, and five from the House of Representatives, to be appointed by the Houses respectively, attend to receive the President, at such place as he shall embark at from New-Jersey for this city, and conduct him without form, to the house lately occupied by the President of Congress, and that at such time thereafter, as the President shall signify, it shall be most convenient for him, he be formerly received by both houses.
That a Committee of two members from the Senate, and three members from the House of Representatives, to be appointed by the Houses respectively, wait on the Vice-President of the United States, as soon as he shall come to this city, and in the name of the Congress of the United States, congratulate him on his arrival.
The said report being considered, was accepted.
A letter from the Chief Justice of the State of New-York, addressed to the Speaker, was read, informing that JOHN BECKLEY, Esq. Clerk of the House of Representatives, had appeared before him, and taken the oath required by the Constitution.
In committee of the whole house, the Order of the day was resumed, by proceeding to fill the blanks in the Resolve, as follow,
 On Cocoa, 1 cent pr. lb.  On Beer, Ale and Porter, imported in casks, 8 cents pr. gal.  On do. in bottles, 24 cents pr. doz.  On Tallow Candles, 2 cents pr. lb.  On Wax do. 6 do. do.  On Cheese, 4 do. do.  On Soap, 2 do. do.  On Boots, 50 cents pr. pair.  On Shoes, Slippers, and Galoshes, 10 do. do.  On unwrought Steel, 56 cents pr. 112lb. 
On the subject of Steel, a debate ensued. Mr. LEE moved, that the article be struck out of the enumeration.
Mr. TUCKER was in opinion with Mr. LEE.
Mr. CLYMER, and Mr. FITZSIMONS, were for the duty.
On the one hand it was contended, that this duty would create a monopoly in favour of a few manufacturers, no ways conducive to the general advantage—that it would bear hard upon the agricultural interest, as it was an indispensable article in the fabrication of implements of husbandry, &c.
On the other it was alledged, that three hundred tons had been manufactured the year past in Pennsylvania alone—That further encouragement would produce sufficient quantities for the consumption of the Union—and although it might operate a little unequally at first, the same objection lay against increasing every branch—but that this was an evil that carried its own remedy with it—for every productive business was soon overdone, and the article then diminished in value—That it was the duty of the House to go upon general principles, and not to be biased by partial interests, when a measure appeared to be evidently calculated to promote national objects—that when the whole system should be brought into operation, there would probably be a balance of mutual advantages derived to individual States.
The question being taken on Mr. LEE's motion, it was lost.
On Cables and tarred Cordage, a duty of 50 cents pr. hund. wt. was voted.
On untarred do. 60 cents pr. hund. wt.
On Twine and pack Thread, one dollar pr. hund. wt.
An Impost on Hemp was mentioned, and urged by some observations from Mr. SCOTT—but gentlemen were not sufficiently prepared to ascertain the amount that might be expedient—it was accordingly deferred.
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 16.
House met agreeably to adjournment.
The Bill, providing the mode of taking the oath, or affirmation, required by the Constitution, was read the second time, and on motion of Mr. WHITE, was referred to the committee of the whole house, and made the order of the day for Monday next.
A committee of five was then balloted for, who are to join a committee of the Senate, to receive the President on the Jersey shore, and attend him to this city, Mr. BOUDINOT, Mr. BLAND, Mr. BENSON, Mr. LAWRENCE, and Mr. TUCKER, were elected. Mr. GILMAN, Mr. AMES, and Mr. GERRY, were appointed a committee to wait on the Vice President, on his arrival, and congratulate him in the name of the two Houses.
In committee of the whole, on the state of the union, the committee proceeded to fill up the blanks in the resolve.
HEMP—Mr. GILMAN proposed, that this article be struck out of the enumeration.
Mr. HARTLEY—I am opposed Sir, to an excessive duty upon this article: Hemp is a raw material, which we should find ourselves very much distressed for, should we lay a heavy, or prohibitory tax upon it; the production of this article in the country, bears no proportion to its consumption; nor can gentlemen determine with any degree of precision, when that will be the case. We have, Sir, already laid a duty upon Cordage, which will operate as a protection to our manufacture of that article, and if we now tax Hemp exorbitantly, we shall in a measure defeat our own purposes. Besides Sir, this will be a most improvident measure, as it respects ship building—and surely we do not mean to lessen the navigation of our country. Upon the general principle, Mr. Hartley concluded in favour of a small duty, not more than 5 pr. cent. as on the general mass of articles.
Mr. MOORE was in favour of a high duty—his observations were considerably lengthy, but were not distinctly heard by the editor.
Mr. HESTER observed, that from the Western country, large quantities of this article were to be expected: He proposed therefore a small duty should be laid for the interim between the present time, and the next harvest, after which the Impost should be enhanced, so as to afford encouragement to the raising this important article.
Mr. WHITE opposed striking out the article—Hemp, he observed, was a plant that might be raised in any quantities, especially in the Western country, the soil of which was peculiarly adapted to its growth. Agriculture was an object of immense importance; Government would undoubtedly patronize it—He therefore proposed 75 cents pr. hund. as a moderate duty on this article.
Mr. PARTRIDGE spake in favour of a moderate duty, for considering the article as a material, necessary to the existence of an important manufacture—the high price it bore in foreign markets, should induce a reason for a very low Impost—he therefore proposed 40 cents pr. hund.
Mr. LAWRENCI—I am, Sir, opposed to a great Impost upon Hemp: It is certain that the production of that article in the States, bears no proportion to the demand. This State, Sir, manufactured three hundred tons the year past—and not more than forty tons were raised among ourselves. We cannot be supplied from our own produce with sufficient quantities at present. The duty on Cordage is sufficient, and will operate to the encouragement wished for in the raising of Hemp. If his information was just, the gentleman observed, that Cordage could be imported as cheap as Hemp, or nearly so; a duty therefore on the latter, would induce the importation of the former, to the total discouragement of the manufacture. He concluded therefore by moving, that the duty should be 40 cents pr. hund.
Mr. GOODHUE was in favour of 40 cents; there was a material difference between Hemp and Cordage, as gentlemen had observed, and the difference between the duties ought to bear some proportion.
Mr. BOUDINOT said, that as every article of importation would doubtless bear an Impost of at least 5 pr. cent. and the proposed duty amounted, according to the present price of Hemp, exactly to that sum, he should be in favour of 40 cents, for that reason; but as it was already a specified article, to give it distinction as such, without materially enhancing the duty from 5 pr. cent. and that Commerce and Manufacture might mutually assist each other, he would propose 50 cents.
Mr. HARTLEY suggested, that in lieu of a duty on foreign Hemp, to encourage the growth of it at home, it might be eligible to offer a bounty on the latter: He was decidedly of opinion, that the last expedient would be preferable to the imposing a tax on Hemp imported.
Mr. MOORE again advocated an enhanced duty.
Mr. WHITE also, to the same point, adverted to the Western territory—suggested the policy of conciliating the affection of our brethren in that country, and of making favourable impressions respecting the administration of the New Constitution.
Mr. SCOTT—Sir, Commerce and Agriculture are so closely allied, that whatever is injurious to one, equally affects the other; they must be united.—In vain does the Farmer till the soil, and bring his produce to market, unless the Merchant is ready to take his articles, at a reasonable rate.—In vain does the Merchant plan his voyages to distant climes, unless the labour of the Husbandman furnishes him with the necessary remittances.
Agriculture is the natural resort of the great body of our countrymen. The establishment of Manufactures may be necessary to America, in a time of war, but their prosecution, upon a generally extensive scale, is not to be expected, while the boundless tracts of uncultivated lands that extend thousands of miles westward, offer an easy support to the poorer classes of people—and for a long time to come, we cannot expect to vie with the European manufacturers—Agriculture, therefore, is the great object that should arrest our attention. Hemp is an article, the growth of which, if encouraged by the general government of the United States, quantities may be raised in the Western country to an unlimited amount—Its transportation is easy, and the price it bears, will warrant its being brought from a great distance. Should but a hope be held out, that the inhabitants of those regions may hope, that Congress will take this article under their patronage, it will not be long, before the mouth of the Mississippi will be delivering immense quantities, which from the interior country, shall come floating upon its waters—Mr. Scott was therefore in favour of 75 cents pr. hund.
Mr. MADDISON here made some observations, which we could not distinctly hear: He was opposed, however, to a high duty, and proposed 45 cents.
Mr. SMITH, Maryland, was in favour of 40 cents, as a temporary duty, and proposed, that after two years, the Impost should be one dollar, or 100 cents pr. hund. wt.
Upon taking the vote it passed in favour of 50 cents pr. hund.
The article Malt was dutied at 10 cents pr. bushel.
Mr. AMES proposed the articles of Barley and Lime should be added to the general enumeration—which being voted in the affirmative, Barley pr.

bushel was dutied 6 cents—Lime, pr. hd. 100 cents. Nails, Spikes, Tack and Brads, were the next articles. These Mr. LEE proposed, should be struck out—and was seconded by Mr. Maddison, and Mr. Bland: The latter gentleman observed, that it would operate as an intolerable burthen upon the Southern States, especially as the quantities which are manufactured in some of the States, are not adequate to the demand of those States.
Mr. GOODHUE supposed, that the quantity which now was, or easily might be made in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts was equal to the demands of the Union.
Mr. AMES—Sir, I am in favour of the articles being retained in the Resolve; to strike them out would be to strike at one of the best and most accommodating manufactures that could possibly be established. It is now usual in Massachusetts, for house keepers in the country towns, to erect a small forge in their chimney corners, and in winter, and on evenings, when no other work could be done, it is almost incredible, what quantities of Nails are made, even by children. These Nails are produced in such quantities that the exportation of them is become a very considerable branch of Commerce. And shall we discourage so useful, so extensive a manufacture? Every principle of policy forbids it. Manufactures in Europe and America are upon quite different foundations: In Europe, necessity is a competent stimulus; but with us, every encouragement is necessary, to prop and cherish our infant attempts—he was therefore against the motion.
Mr. SHERMAN observed, that as our country abounded in iron, the manufacture under debate, was prosecuted with perhaps greater advantage, than almost any other—that it promoted an intercourse with the neighbouring States—Connecticut for instance, which manufactured this article to a large amount, bartered the nails for nail-rods, with their neighbours in the State of New-York, he was therefore opposed to the motion. Mr. Tucker, Mr. Partridge, Mr. Fitzsimons, and Mr. Carroll, severally spoke upon the motion—which was finally withdrawn.—Tacks and brads were then struck out, and one cent per pound duty, was imposed upon nails and spikes.
Salt was the next article read, to which Mr. BURKE and Mr. HUGER were severally opposed to assessing any duty, as it would operate very unequally upon the Southern Governments, where the price was greatly enhanced by very extensive land carriage.
Mr. LAWRANCE observed that a tax upon salt, would be equal through the States, and as it was an article on which a certain revenue could be realized—he was of opinion that a duty of six cents per bushel would not be burthensome, he therefore proposed that sum.
Mr. TUCKER expatiated upon the unequal operation of this duty—and the extreme injury it would produce to the poorer part of the people in the Southern States, whose fate would be extremely severe, deprived of this necessary article—already so high with them that it was scarcely attainable.—He was decidedly opposed to any duty whatever.
Mr. SCOTT,—the article of salt, Sir, is transported to a distance of 500 miles from the Atlantic Ocean, and cannot be procured nearer—chief of the way on horseback, two baskets to a load. Four dollars a bushel is the price of this article where I live.—Sir, to add to this exorbitant price by a tax, would in my opinion be impolitic at this early period of the national Government, it may be our wisdom to make the most favorable impressions upon the minds of the back country people—I do not pretend to the gift of prophecy, but the effects of a measure of this kind would certainly be unfavorable upon the minds of those people—nature it should seem had sufficiently taxed this article by the difficulties she threw in the way of obtaining it by a great proportion of mankind.—Mr. Moore said some thing upon the subject, but we could not distinctly hear him.
Mr. SMITH of (South Carolina) was opposed to the duty—and combated it by a variety of observations which had reference principally to the local circumstances of South Carolina—its attachment to the Constitution—the expensive land carriage, &c. &c. but as the time had elapsed and no prospect appearing of bringing the subject to an immediate decision, Mr. Lawrence moved that the committee should rise.
The further consideration was therefore postponed.
The committee arose and the House adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 17. Met agreeable to adjournment.
Mr. SHERMAN moved for the order of the day. In committee of the whole—resumed the consideration of the impost proper to be laid on Salt!
Mr. BURKE moved that the article be struck out of the enumeration.
Mr. LAWRANCE—I am not convinced, Sir, by all that has been urged upon the subject, of the inexpediency of a duty upon this article—Upon the general principle, this article, it is true, will come in, but when it is considered that it is our duty to avail ourselves of the most productive sources of revenue. When it is considered that this duty will operate more equally than some others,
by reason of the greater consumption for the purposes of luxury than will be consumed by the poor—considering also, the low price at which salt is imported, it must be confessed a very eligible source of revenue. It has been said that it was oppressive, and would be as odious as a poll tax. As to its being oppressive, he could not conceive of it, as the quantity consumed by families upon an average, did not exceed, perhaps, three bushels per annum; which, at six cents was little more than one-sixth of a dollar a year; and it was very well known, that a poll-tax was common in some of the States, and had been so, time immemorial, and no greater complaint existed as to that denomination of taxes, than against others—The truth was, all taxes were odious, and were submitted to from principle and necessity. In the Southern governments, it has been said, that the heavy land carriage of this article, would enhance its value beyond all toleration—To this, it might be replied, that whatever the price of Salt might be, the impost would be uniform, and not in proportion to the price of the article, let Salt be cheap or dear, still six cents only was the proposed duty; and if from local circumstances, some parts of the Union paid an excessive price for a particular article, still it lay with them very much to lessen the price and diminish the amount of the duty by retrenching the consumption of such article. At any rate, it was morally certain, that a balance would be produced upon the whole, when the system should be completed; by the States upon the shores of the Atlantic consuming many articles on which heavy duties would be assessed, and which were not, and would not be made use of, in the inland parts of the country—A tax upon this article had existed for some time in this State, and was collected with the same ease with other duties: There were other objections answered by Mr. Lawrance; his replies were to the point, and he concluded by wishing that the article might not be erased.
Mr. MADDISON was in favor of the duty; he considered the subject upon the principles of justice and policy, and from both determined that the proposed duty was eligible; he was however in favor of a small one, but could by no means think of leaving the article out.
Mr. HUNTINGDON adverted to the facility and punctuality with which a great revenue was raised from this article in European countries—the duty proposed was low, and in a great majority of instances, would be borne by those who were best able to pay.
Mr. WHITE opposed the article's being continued in the resolve, or a duty's being imposed on it—His constituents expected relief from the operation of the New Government. this would be considered as a great burthen, and have a very inauspicious influence. Five per cent he was in favor of; but the proposed sum amounted to almost 33-3 per cent.
Mr. SCOTT was in opposition to the continuance of the article in the list, and observed, upon the assertion that had been made respecting the people in the Western country, not consuming many articles which the sea ports paid a heavy duty upon, that every article of luxury, both of Europe, the East and West Indies had found their way 500 miles inland; and that according to their property, the people in those regions, consumed their full proportion of luxuries: He was therefore for expunging the article, as he dreaded the consequences, which, in his opinion, would result from an impost that would be considered in so odious a light.
Mr. FITZSIMONS observed, that justice was the great principle that should influence the decisions of that House; that it would be a poor compliment to the judgment and patriotism of their constituents, to suppose that their attachment to good government and the Constitution, depended upon a circumstance of this nature: He did not think it was in human justice to adopt a tax less injurious to the poor; he conceived that no people upon earth had higher sentiments of justice than the people of these States; and as so great a sum as nearly 100,000 dollars might, according to a calculation he had made, be raised with ease upon this article; he was opposed to expunging it, and hoped the duty of six cents would obtain.
The question being taken, it was voted not to expunge the article.
Mr. GOODHUE then moved that a draw back should be allowed on salt used for the Fisheries, and provisions—this passed in the affirmative.
It was then voted that the duty on salt should be six cents per bushel; on manufactured Tobacco, six cents per lb. on Snuff, ten cents per lb.
Mr. CARROL then proposed that window and other Glass, should be added to the general list of articles: This, after some debate, was acceded to, and ten per cent ad valorem was voted upon window and all other glass. After considerable further debate, the committee voted that a duty of seven and half per cent ad valorem, should be laid upon all writing, printing and wrapping Paper and paste-board, walking sticks and horse-whips, clothes ready made, and gold and silver, and plated ware, jewellery and paste work, and upon all coaches, chariots, and other four wheeled carriages, duty of fifteen per cent ad valorem.
Upon motion the committee then rose, and the Speaker resumed the chair. A letter was then read from the Hon. Senate enclosing two orders.
A report from the joint committee appointed to determine upon the mode of conducting conferences; also respecting the election of Chaplains. This report was accepted on the part of the House—And an order of the Senate appointing Mr. Strong, Mr. Izard and Mr. Lee, to join a committee of the House, to consider the most eligible mode of communicating papers, bills and messages. Mr. Lee, Mr. Burke and Mr. Seney were appointed.
Adjourned (To be continued.)
O D E, On the Establishment of the CONSTITUTION, And the Election of GEORGE our President.
G OD of our fathers! need we trace The mis'ries of a former race, To learn true conduct from recorded woes? But now our errors, and our crimes, Drew down thy judgments on the times, Back o'er our heads a tempest rose, Soon all the Heav'ns were in a flame, Pointing to blast our peace and fame: But, oh! thy mercy turn'd the storm aside, Deign'd to becalm the raging seas, Deign'd to diffuse the swelling breeze, And to the port of peace our vessel guide.— Our pilot sav'd thro' such a wat'ry war, Sits at the helm, and points to Hope's bright star; And, God his guide, he bids us boldly go, Whatever focks oppose, whatever tempests blow."
NATIONAL. Extract of a letter from a neighbouring State. "I AM really happy to be informed that the GENERAL GOVERNMENT is beginning its operations—Human nature is capricious; would you believe it—there was something like the appearance of an abatement of that ardour in the national cause, which has so strongly marked the conduct of the majority of the people in this quarter—"there is a tide in the AFFAIRS of men"—and so there is in their SENTIMENTS too—"taken at the flood it leads" to Empire Government, and Peace—but it neglected—I forbear the rest—May the Legislature of the United States be wise to discern, and spirited to prosecute the best interests—"Where freedom dwells, there is my Country," said one—and where is her residence to be found but where the security of person and property exists under a just, a righteous, and energetick Government?—such as I trust is in reserve for this rising—this independent Empire."
PRIZE OF VIRTUE. ROYAL AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY of PERPIGNAN.
JANUARY 2, 1788. THE prize of Virtue proposed for the countryman, who should most deserve it, by a long irreproachable conduct, or some remarkable instance of courage and humanity, was this day awarded to the following persons.
NICHOLAS BRUSSE, of the village of Toulouge, who, throughout a life of sixty years, has been in the constant exercise of virtuous actions, notwithstanding the many misfortunes he has experienced.
EBDON CLARET of 40, and VILLENOVAL, of 20, inhabitants of St. Laurent de Cerda, whose employment was to carry ore, on mules, from the mountain of Batere to the forges at St. Laurent. These muleteers, returning from Batere, find the most dangerous torrents in the province extremely swelled. The youngest takes upon himself to sound the passage. He gets upon his mule, laden with ore, and enters the water. The mule is soon carried away by the stream, and VILLENOVAL loses his seat. His comrade, seeing him on the point of being drowned, rushes into the river, seizes VILLENOVAL, and drags him to the opposite side. Perceiving the mule of his young friend, and this mule was his all, ready to perish, he again plunges in, comes up to the mule, cuts the girths to disengage the load, but the animal in struggling strikes him on the head, and CLARET is carried away senseless by the torrent. VILLENOVAL cannot bear to see his preserver perish, rushes into the water, and after several efforts has the good fortune to bring CLARET to the shore.
The society gave 200 livres to BRUSSE, and 100 livres to each of the others.
NEWYORK, APRIL 18. It would be a poor compliment to the good sense of the Citizens of the United States, to suppose, that after their unparalleled exertions to obtain the blessings of freedom and independence, that they should not with ardour adopt a firm and efficient Government, and enter into a SPIRITED administration of such a Government too, as the only method to realize, secure and perpetuate the great objects for which they fought and conquered.
Accordingly we find, that the more that Government is studied, understood and enjoyed, like other blessings of a propitious providence, the more it is prized; and there is no doubt but as the prejudices of mankind subside, and their understandings have fair play, they will consider the restraints of Law and good Government, as the only barriers of freedom and happiness.
OF THE FEDERAL STATE-HOUSE. This superb edifice is upon the whole, superior to any building in America—and for its competency to the great design for which it is constructed, does honour to the architect.—The citizens of this metropolis, always distinguished for their public spirit—have by their exertions in this instance, added greatly to the lustre of their established FEDERAL CHARACTER.

The TABLET.—No. II.
"In our progress from infancy, habits of acting are prior to habits of thinking. Manners have a most powerful controul over principles."
I WAS the other evening in company with two foreigners; who were in the humour of political discussion. They both discovered a strong curiosity to gain information; and were not averse, in their turn, to impart what they had acquired. It gave me pleasure to find that their minds were not very deeply tinged with prejudice. Some improper biases must be expected of men, who are remarking upon the affairs of a country, in so many respects, different from their own: They seemed willing to give applause, where it was due; and spoke with delicacy and candour, on what could not be applauded. One of them, addressing himself to me, made this expressive remark; the affairs of this country will operate favourably, when your people leave off disputing about words and attend more to things. The emphatick manner in which he communicated this idea, led me to suppose, he laid great stress upon it. I requested an exemplification, "I have resided," said he, "eighteen months in America; and during this time, have frequently heard the lectures of clergymen, the debates of legislatures, and the conversation of private circles. The main scope of their observations rather aimed at teaching men, how to think , than, what to practise ."
"It is to be regretted, that the abilities of publick preachers are so much employed in fixing theories and explaining words. Their discourses seem generally to agree in one point; that they have more concern with the creeds , than with the morals of their hearers. There are however some exceptions to this mode of preaching; and there is reason to imagine that the Clergy will be more and more of the opinion, that if they can persuade men to act right , they will have less temptation to believe wrong . It must occur to every reflecting mind, that a just and useful life is one of the best guards against an erroneous belief. Whatever is commonly considered an article or doctrine of faith, does not, I imagine, often gain advocates by investigation. The preacher will do less hurt to himself, and more good to his audience, by acting on the presumption that none of his hearers wish to dislodge him, from the platform, on which he stands. If he can engage the affections of people towards himself, his peculiar tenets will rest on a safer foundation, than metaphysicks can afford. He will promote his own happiness, and the cause he professes to serve, more effectually, by gaining a true knowledge of the human character, than by any expertness in the refinements of logic."
"In your legislative assemblies, I find the debates wearing a similar complexion. To determine the meaning of expressions and the bounds of constitutional power takes up much of their deliberations. Many of your politicians seem not to have extended their views to the practical parts of government. They reason well upon principles, while they seem embarrassed how to adopt measures. Speculative men, either in publick or private life, seldom give energy or success to their operations."
"The private circles I have attended, likewise shew a disposition to theorize. Forms, more than substances, occupy their attention. More men are expert in discussing personal rights and legislative powers, than in marking out plans that shall render the blessings of government something more than a name ."
"I will mention an instance, which though not an uncommon one, will tolerably well illustrate the general object of my remarks. In a journey through a part of New-England, I passed a night at a small country village, or town as the inhabitants called it. On alighting from my horse, I observed several persons in and about the house where I was to lodge. Their appearance was decent, and their deportment not uncivil. My host furnished me with an apartment, which he meant I should have to myself through the evening. However, I had not long been seated, before a man, whose appearance I did not dislike, came into the room and accosted me in the following words: "Friend, you are a stranger to me, I hope you will take no exceptions, if I sit a while with you." I was in that state of mind, which preferred indifferent company to none at all, and therefore bid my companion take a seat. He immediately fell into a diversified conversation; in the course of which he informed me of all the noted law-contentions that had happened in his vicinity for several years; and also gave me a full account of some disputes that had taken place respecting the discipline of a neighbouring church; and in short did not leave me ignorant of any material transaction that had come within his knowledge for a considerable time. He had expressions at his tongue's end suitable for all these purposes; it occurred to me as probable, after he left the room, that he was some professional man, and I had no doubt that he sustained an excellent character in the neighbourhood. Indeed I should have thought favourably of him to this day, had not the landlord undeceived me as he was lighting me to bed. "I hope," said he, "you will not have a bad
opinion of my house for having been so disturbed with that impertinent man, who intruded upon you this evening. There are in this neighbourhood a number of these talking, idle fellows, who put themselves in the way of all strangers that come to my house." I told my civil landlord to give himself no uneasiness, for my companion had afforded me much amusement; and I had concluded that he was a man of respectability, and asked if he was not a lawyer, or some officer of the church as he was well acquainted with legal processes and ecclesiastical discipline. The innkeeper with a look of indignant surprise assured me I was deceived, and that he was as lazy and worthless a fellow as could be " found unhung ". He was a man of no profession and in no credit. His father left him some property, but he wasted it, in quarrels at law, and in stirring up strife among the neighbours. Is he not, replied I, a man of honour and integrity in his dealings? The landlord with a sarcastick sneer said, "Sir, if you put any property in his hands, you will have good luck ever to get any of it back again." But he certainly, continued I, must be a man of veracity. The innkeeper out of all patience with my queries, shook his head, and in a significant smile, replied, "my neighbour is rather apt to shoot flying ." This character of my new acquaintance a little agitated me: as he had pledged himself to accompany me several miles in the morning, having assured me that business would lead him the direction I was going, and for the sake of my company, he would start earlier than he otherwise intended. In the morning, at the hour appointed, he called for me. I mentioned to him that I was exceedingly sorry to disappoint him, but that I had discovered my horse must be new shod, before he could perform his journey. We took leave of each other, and he assured me, that if ever I came that way again, he should be glad of a further acquaintance, and that if he should not happen to be at the inn when I arrived, the landlord would give him notice. The character of this man fully exhibits a specimen of one, who had been educated in habits of thinking and talking upon forms, to which no substantial meaning had been annexed, and from which no useful effects had been produced. It led me into a reflection that there must be a radical error in a system of education, which makes the actions of men so illy correspond with their conversation.
P L A N
OF THE
GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
A NATIONAL PAPER.
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THE Publick approbation alone can give stability and success to any undertaking which must ultimately depend upon public opinion: This idea has generally induced the Editors of new publications to attempt anticipating that approbation through the medium of professions , which, to say the least, are, too seldom realized: The Editor of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES would avoid, as far as possible, the imputation that has been frequently and justly incurred upon account of professions never substantiated.
Should the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES prove a faithful register of publick transactions, especially those of the great council of the nation, the FEDERAL LEGISLATURE; he HOPES it will be patronized by those who feel interested in the welfare of the union; the patriots and independent freemen of our country.
Should it contain a competent detail of foreign and domestic intelligence; revolutions in commerce; discoveries in various parts of the globe, opening new sources of wealth to enterprising adventurers; rise and fall of stocks; prices current, &c. he HOPES it will receive the support of mercantile characters.
Should the great body of mechanics find that their important interests are attended to; that improvements and discoveries in their several branches claim an early and constant insertion.
Should this Gazette be the happy instrument of pointing out various plans, by which the music of the AX and HAMMER may again be heard in our cities, the Editor cannot but HOPE for their generous encouragement.
Should something worthy the notice of the great farming interest of our country (the bulwork of freedom and equal laws) be exhibited from time to time, the editor HOPES for their patronage. Improvements in agriculture are of the first consequence to our young, our rising country; and the labours that tend to affect this desirable object, are the result of the purest patriotism, and should demand the constant attention of the Editors of periodical publication.
The Editor HOPES that the wealthy part of the community will become patrons of this publication, as it is but just to say, that every project, which has been obviously calculated for publick utility, has met with prompt and generous encouragement from those whom Providence has blessed with affluence; without their assistance, the noble plans now on foot for the promotion of MANUFACTURES, ARTS and SCIENCES, must have proved abortive; their liberal efforts on many recent occasions, have given a spring to the publick mind. Should the Gazette of the United States suggest improvable hints, or feasible projects, which must depend upon the PURSE for their maturity, it cannot fail of being countenanced by the RICH and public spirited.
The great and momentous subject of Education is hourly appreciating in its importance: That part of the NEW CONSTITUTION, which opens the door to every man of every rank, possessing VIRTUE and ABILITIES, to the highest honours in the great American Republick, has expanded the views of every American.
This idea, places the business of Education in a point of light, in which it never has before been viewed; a point in which it cannot be considered in any other country upon the face of the earth. The MIDLING and LOWER CLASS of CITIZENS will therefore find their account in becoming subscribers for this Gazette, should it pay a particular regard to this great subject. Full justice cannot perhaps be done to it; but every attempt to illustrate and enforce its importance, must insure the applause of every person who feels the dignity of a rational being, or who prizes the birthright of an American.
Ignorance is the parent of all human degradation; every attempt therefore to disseminate the rays of knowledge will receive the applause of the truly benevolent. The happiness of mankind being inseparably connected with the practice of religious, moral and social duties, it becomes obligatory upon the Editors of publick papers, to pay a distinguished regard to every idea that may be suggested upon these important points, upon general principles, avoiding tedious dissertations upon abstruse and metaphysical subjects: Those essays that have a natural tendency to refine our manners, humanize the heart, and exalt our natures, should claim a distinguished attention. So far as the Gazette of the United States shall be instrumental in diffusing sentiments of justice, humanity and benevolence—those great moral virtues, it will doubtless receive the support of the Reverend Clergy.
In short, should this Gazette support the character of a NATIONAL, IMPARTIAL and INDEPENDENT CONVEYANCER to all parts of the Union, of News, Politics, and Miscellanies, the approbation and patronage of a generous publick will doubtless reward the exertions of
THE EDITOR.
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Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 86, WILLIAM STREET, NEW-YORK.