National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-08-29 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, August 29, 1792.
NUMB. 87.
DISCOURSE on the civilization of the INDIANS bordering on the American States.
[Extracted from the French manuscript of a Gentleman, who resided some time among the northern and western tribes.]
THE event of the last expedition of the Americans against the western Indians is unparalleled, and is a proof to what extremities these savage nations will proceed, when thoroughly irritated. A barbarous enemy, licentious, and accustomed to the want of every thing; acquainted only with instant enjoyments, holding, in their individual capacity, no territorial property, when animated with a thirst for revenge, have it in their power to employ such means in war, as to render success certain.—There is scarcely a doubt but the secret enemy of the American Government takes every opportunity to encourage the Indians by aggravating the supposed grievances of which they complain. The trouble and indispensable expenses that must accrue in repelling their devastations are, beyond all doubt, the least considerable mischiefs that threaten the United States.
Time may afford opportunities for the natural enemies of the American States, in open alliance with the Indians, to make a sudden invasion of the defenceless frontier country which the dread of the savages prevents being peopled at present. We must not judge of the continent of America from what we see in the vicinity of large cities. The inhabitants of these, living peaceably and at a great distance from the frontiers, behold only in distant perspective the disastrous events which every day occur in those remote situations, nor will they clearly comprehend the importance of this territory till such times as necessity shall oblige them to contribute largely to its defence, which will at the same time tend to weaken them at home. Even now, it is more than probable concealed enemies are disseminated through the country, who endeavour to excite tumults by persuading the people that the cause of the late unfortunate warfare arises from the want of precaution in government, if not from something worse .
If I rightly comprehended all I heard during my residence among the Oneida Indians, a very great number of the other tribes complain with bitterness [that was their expression] in respect to the non fulfilment of treaties; the explanation of them to their disadvantage; the invasion of their territories either by individuals from particular states or by landed companies; the sales of them either actually made already, or advertised to be made in the public newspapers; their being prevented and obstructed in the natural and legal right of selling their lands when, and in what manner they please, or not selling them at all; the vain hope that is entertained of civilizing them, while in fact the design is abandoned; they consider all these measures as a premeditated design to delude them under the cloak of friendship and benevolence, in order to get from them what little property they still possess in reality.
As I was a stranger among them, I contented myself with listening to their complaints, and could not help thinking these were the sole causes of their so frequently assembling together; the wrongs and insults of the whites affording a constant subject for reflection to all except a few vicious or inconsiderate young men. I am inclined to think that the same causes of uneasiness exist among the other Indian tribes and nations, and that the natural enemies of the United States avail themselves of this temper to excite the Indians to unite as one man against a people whom they point out as their common enemy, whose design is to destroy them gradually in order to possess their lands.
American refugees who, after the war, found an asylum in Canada, are continually making comparisons between Britain and the United States, to the prejudice of the latter; and sorely regretting their consented property, they endeavour to gratify revenge by exciting depredations on the frontiers. The cause and grounds of these confiscations are not explained to the Indians, so that they gradually imbibe an idea that the Americans are lawless tree-booters, and whose object is to extirpate even the memory of an Indian from this continent. Facts can be brought to prove what I now say; that there are certain characters whose constant study it is to alienate the affections of the Indians from the United States by presenting phantoms to them calculated to inflame their minds and beget fears which cannot but operate to the disadvantage of the United States. Such manoeuvres seem to point out a great league, which ought to be broken before it comes to a degree of maturity.
What I have mentioned above, are the grievances at present complained of among the Indian tribes: more, perhaps, there are of which I am ignorant; and it were to be wished, for the general peace of the American continent, that such friends of harmony and good order may be found as will disclose them to the public ear. It will then be in the power of the government to apply a remedy to the disease, when the nature of it becomes perfectly known; to prevent the necessity of actual hostility, and by a treaty of amity advantageous to both parties, to avoid the necessity, in future, of shedding blood, which ought not to be lavished in these states, except only for the preservation of liberty, safety, and property.
The nature and cause of the disease being thus investigated, I will venture to propose a remedy, at once gentle in its operation, as well as perfectly concordant with that spirit of peace and amity which has always distinguished the United States, and which may be carried into execution with the greatest facility.
I do not profess myself acquainted with the secret springs that put in motion the machine of the government of the United States. I only declare my candid intentions, which are those of a man passionately fond of liberty, whose aim is public felicity, the peace and prosperity of the human species.
It is an incontestible truth that the splendour and strength of the United States ought rather to consist in a compact and numerous population, than in the scattered occupancy of a vastly extended territory. The number of its citizens makes the strength of any country, and the possession of a wilderness of immense extent without the necessary defence, and at a distance from succour on emergencies, cannot but be ruinous to such a country, and leaves it in the power of a restless, ambitious, jealous neighbour to attack and distress it, with impunity, whenever he sees proper. The situation of the United States is beyond all doubt, one of the first, if not the first in the world. Their coast is so disposed as almost entirely to shelter the interior country from a formidable attack. In such a case, the efforts of an enemy would soon be exhausted, and the temporary devastations they might make in the first onsets of exertion would never indemnify them for the expence of their expeditions.
Towards the west, almost the whole of the United States' territory is bounded by the Indian tribes, some of them useless, or at best doubtful friends, others of them excited to perpetual incursions and depredations by the natural enemies of the American Revolution. These savages, being without laws, government, or property, universally hunters, enjoying nothing, and having little or nothing to lose, habituated to the want of every thing, and
even making a merit of poverty and wretchedness, might be brought to a settled condition in being taught to attach themselves to a territory, which they now trample under foot without deriving any permanent advantage therefrom. They might be rendered a civilized people, if once fixed on a territory which they would find it their interest to defend, and thus in a short time constitute an intermediate band of tribes between the English, the Spaniards, and the inhabitants of the United States, to which last they might be indissolubly attached by treaties of alliance so constructed as by degrees to withdraw them from the savage mode of life, instill a dread of poverty, a fondness for domestic enjoyments, and a spirit of industry to procure and preserve them.
What I thus propose may perhaps to some appear a pleasing vision, and the offspring of enthusiastic fancy. These, however, will be persons who have been taught to believe that an erratic life, a fondness for plunder and devastation are congenial with the nature of an Indian. But let the retainers to such an opinion turn their view to the nations that now occupy the surface of Europe, and they will find that all have emerged from savage life. Let them be persuaded that light is making a rapid progress, in every sense of the word; and that at some future day these Indians, our fellow creatures, known to us at present by the degrading term savage , will emerge from that depraved state to which they have been so long condemned, and submitting themselves to the legislation of some philosopher, will reclaim a territory, of which they alone, upon the principles of natural justice, are the rightful lords and masters.—Let the Americans then undertake the task of civilizing them themselves rather than leave it to others, who are daily sowing prejudices in order to attach the Indian nations to another interest, and by this means render them the implacable enemies of the United States, to the latest generations.
It is an error to suppose that it is a task of insuperable difficulty to civilize the Indian tribes: it is no less a mistake to imagine that it would be injurious to the interest of the United States to admit them to a social intercourse with their citizens. I do not form my opinion, generally, of Indians from what I have seen of the Oneidas &c. whose manners are become more domestic from their intercourse with Europeans. It must be owned, however, that the Indians universally have been more inclined to copy their vices than their virtues. Notwithstanding that, I consider them as children of man's size, whose capricious desires and inclinations may be turned to some good purpose, both for their tribes at large as well as individuals. The prevailing vices amongst them are Idleness , which is natural to all mankind; and drunkennes , which they have learned from Europeans.
Idleness is easily overcome. Inspire them with a desire for the enjoyments of civilized life. Inculcate it upon them that these enjoyments can only be gained by industry. Stimulate them to industry by the grant of privileges and immunities. Leave them at perfect liberty to dispose of their lands as they see fit, or not to dispose of them at all. Give them a fair chance to have set aside all acts and treaties whatever, that have unjustifiably limited the extent of their natural rights. In whatever territory, or on whatever situation these rights have been infringed, in part or present times, to such places they have an indubitable right to return and take possession, in spite of all prior renunciations; for this plain reason, that their ancestors could not deprive their posterity of a right founded in the law of nature, and which from nature is imprecipitable.
This is an incontestible truth, and it is surprising there should exist an opposition to principles so generally admitted, as well
as perfectly consistent with sound policy, as well as with liberty and property. They that have sought for both cannot consistently lay restraints upon the liberty or property of their neighbours. The Americans have declared themselves their protectors, and yet the Indians have too much reason to behold them in a directly opposite point of view, in the light of invaders and plunderers. This is the basis of all their complaints, and a secret enemy is assisting them to seize upon the American standard, in order to detach them forever from the United States. There exists at this moment a smothered flame, which will lay and by burst into a conflagration—make haste then, Americans, to remove the combustible matter which your enemy is collecting.
Show yourselves in reality the protectors of the Indian nations in your vicinity.—Let purchases of their lands be made in the fairest and most open manner possible, and when made be ratified in the face of the world; take them under the protection of your power, make an alliance with the different nations and tribes similar to that of the Swiss cantons with each other. Cast a watchful eye upon the distribution of the more remote soil; advise and persuade them, make it their interest to be your friends, and by such means you will easily take the command of them—assume no claim to rights of pre-emption, of which they well know the consequence, tending to dismember their territory.—Let the land that is sold always constitute a part of their territory, but at the same time be under your protection. Afterwards confirm all that shall be done to effect this purpose. It is a strong proof of a growing spirit of subordination on their part when you have brought them so far as to look upon your ratification as necessary, and when refused, they raise a clamour.
Rest assured that the Indians will never be effectually attached to you by mere presents, since others are in a capacity to outdo you in this respect—neither by fair promises, the value of which they well know how to estimate; and there are others who can rival or even surpass you in this respect also. There is no other effectual way to attach them except by a serious endeavour to civilize them and by enacting laws for them suitable to their habits, education, and necessities.
I would propose beginning with the Oneidas . This tribe is of a tractable disposition, and their obedience to legislation might be ensured by a small military force sent amongst them for their protection, which would be gladly received. Their territory might be distributed into three parcels, one to be divided among the individuals actually resident, one to be reserved for public uses, the other to be left at their own option to sell, rent out, or give away, in which last should be comprized a lands rented out or donations made, to the present day. Grant protection to such as go to settle among them, and in a short time you will see the fruits of their labours and your cares.
A value being thus set upon their lands a spirit of emulation would seize every individual, to possess the enjoyments of civilized life, now placed constantly in his view. Thus would a thirst for civilization and all its attendant blessings gradually extend itself to every Indian tribe on the continent, who would soon become desirous of forming treaties of alliance with the United States; their attachment to their own territory would draw a line of separation between those states, the English, and the Spaniards, a line much more to be depended on than all the posts and fortresses that could be erected, because it would then be the interest of the allied Indians to prevent a remoter enemy from crossing their territory to attack their friends and neighbors. From such a happy revolution of cir-

cumstances, a revolution worthy at least to be attempted by the successful assertors of American liberty, a frontier now almost deserted would soon be secured from Indian invasion and covered with cultivators of the soil, who without dread of molestation would be enabled to form permanent establishments of immense consequence, whose thick population in case of need would afford an effectual opposition, against such Indians, or others, as should have the temerity to be the aggressors.
But there is one object which I consider as essential to Indian civilization, that marriages should be encouraged and even enforced, upon certain conditions, between the Indian women and every white man that should settle within their territory. This step would have a most beneficial effect. Nature does not forbid the tie, and when once sanctioned by custom, marriages of this sort would become so frequent, that in a few generations the distinction of family would be wholly lost.
As to drunkenness, a direct prohibitory law would not answer the purpose. Forcibly to prevent the use of strong liquors, is impracticable; but this vice might in some measure be destroyed by declaring the person addicted thereto incapable of holding any place, enjoying the right of sitting in council, or even perpetual exclusion, according to the heinousness of the crime committed in consequence of inebriety, or according to the frequency of the fault. It might also be forbidden them to introduce any species of liquor into their councils, independently of annulling all their decisions at that session, and the suspension of the head chief for one term if he did not dissolve the council immediately upon his observing the introduction of liquor, and rendering him incapable of advancement to any post who should be guilty of this fault, the worst of all others by reason of its consequences, which, among savages are generally fatal.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
WHETHER the diabolical nature be the prevalent one among mankind is not to my present purpose to enquire. For the honour of our species it is hoped the New-Hampshire author's opinion in its utmost latitude, is not well founded. That there are partial diabolical propensities amongst us there can be no doubt, as well as a constant repetition of actions completely and unequivocally diabolical; a recent instance of which I shall briefly bring into view.
Some time last week a man was driving a flock of sheep thro' one of the streets of this city, to the slaughter. One of the sheep, not much in size above the denomination of a Lamb, and driving not quite so well as the rest, lagged a little behind, probably through lameness or weariness, which so incensed the driver that in the public street he seized the devoted animal with the grasp of an infernal savage, and applying his thumbs behind the eye balls, thrust them both out in the view of numbers of spectators.
With what face can we pray "lighten thou our darkness, O Lord we beseech thee," when excesses like this are suffered to be committed almost daily, with impunity!—The beating poor dray horses on the head with the butt end of a whip handle is also shocking to the humane, but is every day witnessed to be inflicted in the most cruel and wanton manner, to the disgrace of our police, part of whose duty it certainly is to see that the brute creation, under our power, and confined in our shackles, are treated with that degree of lenity, which reason and conscience, without the aid of law, will enjoin upon every thinking man.
Phila. August 25.
L O N D O N, May 23—June 15.
By the KING—A PROCLAMATION.
GEORGE R.
WHEREAS divers wicked and seditious writings have been printed, published, and industriously dispersed, tending to excite tumult and disorder, by endeavouring to raise groundless jealousies and discords in the minds of our faithful and loving subjects, respecting the laws and happy constitution of government, civil and religious, established in this kingdom; and endeavouring to vilify and bring into contempt the wise and wholesome provisions made at the time of the glorious revolution, and since strengthened and confirmed by subsequent laws for the preservation and security of the rights and liberties of our faithful and loving subjects: And whereas divers writings
have also been printed, published and industriously dispersed, recommending the said wicked and seditious publications to the attention of all our faithful and loving subjects: And whereas we have also reason to believe that correspondences have been entered into with sundry persons in foreign parts, with a view to forward the criminal and wicked purposes above mentioned.—And whereas the wealth, happiness and prosperity of this kingdom do, under Divine Providence, chiefly depend upon a due submission to the laws, a just confidence in the integrity and wisdom of parliament, and a continuance of that zealous attachment to the government and constitution of the kingdom, which has ever prevailed in the minds of the people thereof: And whereas there is nothing which we so earnestly desire as to secure the public peace and prosperity, and to preserve to all our loving subjects the full enjoyment of their rights and liberties, both religious and civil: We, therefore, being resolved, as far as in us lies, to repress the wicked and seditious practices aforesaid, and to deter all persons from following so pernicious an example, have thought fit, by the advice of our privy council, to issue this our royal proclamation, solemnly warning all our loving subjects, as they tender their own happiness, and that of their posterity, to guard against all such attempts which aim at the subversion of all regular government within this kingdom, and which are inconsistent with the peace and order of society; and earnestly exhorting them at all times, and to the utmost of their power, to avoid and discourage all proceedings, tending to produce riots and tumults; and we do strictly charge and command all our magistrates in and throughout our kingdom of Great-Britain, that they do make diligent enquiry in order to discover the authors and printers of such wicked and seditious writings as aforesaid, and all others who shall disseminate the same: And we do further charge and command all our sheriffs, justices of the peace, chief magistrates in our cities, boroughs, and corporations, and all other our officers and magistrates throughout our kingdom of Great-Britain, that they do, in their several and respective stations, take the most immediate and effectual care to suppress and prevent all riots, tumults and other disorders, which may be attempted to be raised or made by any person or persons, which, on whatever pretext they may be grounded, are not only contrary to the law, but dangerous to the most important interests of this kingdom: And we do further require and command all and every our magistrates aforesaid, that they do, from time to time, transmit to one of our principal secretaries of state, due and full information of such persons as shall be found offending as aforesaid, or in any degree aiding or abetting therein; it being our determination, for the preservation of the peace and happiness of our faithful and loving subjects, to carry the laws vigorously into execution against such offenders as aforesaid, &c.
The following is his Majesty's ADDRESS to both houses of Parliament.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
I cannot close the present session of parliament without returning you my particular thanks for the attention and diligence with which you have applied yourselves to the dispatch of the public business, and especially to the important objects which I recommended to your consideration.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
The readiness with which you have granted the necessary supplies, and the fresh proof which you have given of your constant affection for my person and family, in enabling me to provide for the establishment of my son, the Duke of York, call for my warmest acknowledgments. I have also observed, with the utmost satisfaction, the measures which you have adopted for the diminution of the public burthens, while you have, at the same time, made additional provision for the reduction of the present national debt, and established a permanent system for preventing the dangerous accumulation of debt in future.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
I have seen with great concern the commencement of hostilities in different parts of Europe. In the present situation of affairs, it will be my principal care to maintain that harmony and good understanding which subsist between me and the several belligerent powers, and to preserve to my people the uninterrupted blessings of peace—And the assurances which I receive from all quarters, of a friendly disposition towards this country, afford me the pleasing hope of succeeding in these endeavours.
The recent expressions of your uniform and zealous attachment to the established government and constitution, leave me no room to doubt that you will, in your several counties, be active and vigilant to maintain those sentiments in the minds of my faithful people; and I have the happiness of receiving continued and additional proofs of their just sense of the numerous and increasing advantages which they now enjoy under the protection and distinguished favor of providence.
Then the lord chancellor, by his majesty's command, said,
My Lords and Gentlemen,
It is his Majesty's royal will and pleasure, that this parliament be prorogued to Thursday the 30th of August next, to be then here holden; and this parliament is accordingly prorogued to Thursday, the 30th day of August next.
The ROYAL PROCLAMATION against SEDITION, &c.
The first object of this very necessary and wise measure being now completely attained, the rest will follow of course. Its first object was, the approbation of parliament; and this it had received in the amplest and most unequivocal manner. For a proof of this, we have but to refer to the names of those noble, and honorable persons who vindicated the address of thanks for the proclamation in the two houses. Among these we find the names not of the friends of government solely, but also of the leading men in opposition; and from attending to those names it seems perfectly fair to conclude, that while the whole of the supporters of government approve of the proclamation, at least nine tenths of its usual opposers do the same! Here we beg leave to remark, that we are far from presuming to scandalize his royal highness the Prince of Wales, by insinuating, that he deserves to be considered as included with the opposers of his father's government. On the contrary we alledge, being persuaded of the fact, that his royal highness's approbation of the conduct of government, and his implied disapprobation of the conduct both of the reforming societies, and of those members of both houses, who opposed it; ought to be deemed nothing else than the result of his own unbiased, impartial conviction.
The opposition is made up of three distinct descriptions of men—of tories; of moderate or old whigs, or, as some call them, innovators and jacobins. The opinion of the tories was in favour of the proclamation, and is to be collected from what was said by Lord North, Lord Stormont, &c.—The opinion of the moderate whigs was also in favour of the proclamation, and may be collected from what was said by the Marquis of Titchfield, the Duke of Portland, &c.—but as to the new whigs, or the levellers, their opinion was, as it was expected to be—altogether hostile to the proclamation. Except Lord Lauderdale, (the circumstance is enough to confound the faction) not a single peer, usually attached to the opposition, spoke against the proclamation!!!
Had the object of government been to bring forward a question calculated to prove how heterogeneous, and discordant a mass the coalition is, none could have been so well chosen as that upon which both houses of parliament have decided. But this was not the object of government—although it is one that has been gained while means have been pursuing for gaining the real object.—The nation is obviously indebted to the malignity of the society of the friends of the people, for the indelible disgrace thrown by parliament upon that, in common with all other innovating societies?—we say malignity—for those gentlemen had nothing so immediately in view as to bring on the discussion in parliament of a question, upon which they well knew, that at this crisis, Mr. Pitt, as a real friend to the king and constitution, must differ from them.
On Saturday morning a fellow was caught in the act of posting up great bills with the dreadful words MURDER, FIRE, TREASON, in large characters. Some vigilant magistrate, alarmed at this wicked attempt, took the man into custody, and the bill was produced in evidence of his guilt. What was the astonishment of the worthy magistrate, when he found that the alarm had been thus given by some loyal and peaceable citizen, in consequence of a meeting held at the Thatched-House Tavern by the right hon. William Pitt, his grace the duke of Richmond, and others, to bring about a reform in the representation!—a thing which, tending so formidably to sedition, the zealous magistrate could not see with indifference. What steps he has taken we have not yet heard—whether, according to the order of proclamation, he has secretly given information to the right honorable Henry Dundas, of the seditious meeting held by the first lord of the treasury, and the master general of the ordnance, two men who are at the head of all the money and all the artillery of the kingdom—or whether, in a more dignified exercise of his functions, he has issued his warrants as a constitutional justice, for apprehending the said Mr. Pitt and duke of Richmond, this day will perhaps develop.
Mr. Pitt at three successive periods moved for a reform in the representation of the people in parliament, and on each of these occasions he asserted the defects of the actual representation to be as great, painted them in as odious colours, and drew consequences from them, as likely to inflame the minds of the lowest ranks of the people, as the most intemperate advocate for reform, that has spoken or written on the subject.
Of Mr. Pitt's consistency in abandoning the principles which he then maintained; as well as of his candour in endeavoring to fix the stigma of republicanism and sedition on men who now maintain similar principles, but with more temperance and discretion, we leave the public to judge.
From the speeches of the minister and the panegyrists of his friends, it is now clear to every unprejudiced person, that the best form of government in the world is that where the most absolute and unlimited confidence is reposed, not in the sovereign himself, but in his ministers; and that Great-Britain will always prosper in proportion as the prime minister shall dictate to his master.
The invasion of Poland by the Empress of Russia, proclaims to the world the conspiracy which is now forming in the cabinets of despots, against the felicity of nations. Poland and France are considered as in the same predicament by the despots of the earth, and every revolution which extends the influence of the people by limiting the domination of princes and nobility, is deprecated by the superior orders. Mr. Burke, indeed, discriminates between the revolution in France and that in Poland; and while he execrates the one revolution, he allows the other a certain proportion of applause. But in this concession, his doctrine is as offensive to tyrants as his general doctrine is offensive to the learned, and an insult to a civilized age.
In this country it seems to be the nobility and the superior orders of citizens, who feel any degree of alarm. The venerable fabric of the British constitution is likely to be maintained with accumulated glory from age to age. But whatever promotes general civilization, and confers importance on the mass of citizens, creates a jealousy in the ranks of life, and threatens the diminution of that importance which is connected with hereditary distinctions, with superior affluence, with priesthood, with nobility, or with royal blood.—The late proclamation, on which princes and nobles bestowed almost unanimous applause, seem not calculated, in any eminent degree to abate the ferment in the public mind. The public surely cannot be flattered by a proclamation, which announces danger that can only originate in free discussion, and in the infatuation of the people. The freedom of the press is the palladium of the British constitution. Truth will always ultimately triumph: and from speculative opinions little danger can be apprehended to church or state.
If it were the determined resolution of the cabinet to create disturbances, they could not have taken a more effectual course than that which they have pursued, we trust, for other ends.
To institute an unheard of species of inquisition—to call upon all the magistrates of the kingdom to become secret informers—to establish a black book, in which are to be registered the names of all men who dare to think, to write, and to talk, or rather all men suspected of thinking, writing, or talking about their political condition—to provoke the mean and officious expectants in every village—the frequenters of every ale-house—the trading justices and bailiffs of every borough to curry favor with ministers, by communicating the names of every neighbour to whom they may chuse to impute sedition;—engendering the dark passions of jealousy, malice and calumny, as well as the more open emotions of popular indignation, and patriotic alarm—are surely not the legitimate means of securing the public peace and prosperity of these realms.
It is certainly true that a proclamation cannot make law. It is of no other use than as a paternal admonition to put the unwary upon their guard against the breach of laws, which, from accident or neglect, may have been suffered to sleep. When it does more than this, it is presumptuous and illegal. It is almost always a reproach to the minister that issues it, for it is a confession of neglect; but if it should so far deviate from its true functions, as to order and command what was not previously directed, and enjoined by law, it is a serious calamity, for the minister sports with the KING's name, and exposes the royal authority to the disdain of his people.
It has been impudently said, that the whigs of England give their countenance to the proclamation. It might as well be said, that they gave their countenance to any of the publications that have provoked so much discussion—to Mr. PAINE's on the one side, or to Mr. BURKE's on the other. Such are not the principles upon which the whigs would conduct the affairs of this kingdom. They disclaim the proclamation as impolitic and imbecile—as a measure calculated to excite, and not to allay commotion—as tending to irritate, and not to harmonize the factions which divide the country—and as a measure likely to forward the evils that it professes to repel.
It is just such a measure as the country had reason to expect from a minister who has, for more than eight years shuffled between prerogative and privilege—who has one day stood up as the friend of the people, and the next as the minister of the crown—who has been for and against reform—for and against toleration. Who one day involves us in an unnecessary war, and the next, by the way of atonement, makes a miserable sacrifice to the people of necessary revenue.—From a minister thus shifting to every point of the political compass, we may naturally expect such measures as these. To be remiss at one time, and to be rigorous at another; to suffer the tardiness of magistrates one day, and to call upon them to be meddlers the next—to cherish discussion, and to establish camps to stifle it—to permit pamph-

ets to be freely disseminated for years, and then to bring forth the anathema of a proclamation against them, is the natural resort of that irresolute, twisting, tortuous system which, fixed on no basis, & moving by no regular stream, catches on its airy height, and is actuated by every wind that blows.
It was lately proposed in the American Congress, to bestow three thousand pounds on Thomas Paine, as a reward for his literary activity in supporting the revolution in that country. General Washington, however, objected to the motion, but observing that he did not wish to see a man of talents in necessity, recommended the sum of five hundred pounds as an adequate testimony of American gratitude. It is worthy of remark, that Thomas Paine has been anxious to make the world believe that the utmost friendship subsists between him and General Washington.
The university of Oxford has come to a determination to prohibit the use of pastry, jellies, sweet-meats, &c. amongst the students of the respective colleges, such indulgencies being deemed incompatible with the strict austerity of the alma mater—Among the most determined champions of reformation in this particular, the celebrated Dr. Tatham stands foremost, and tho' we disapprove his zeal in the abolition of pastry cooks, still we cannot but admire his generosity in disregarding the injury, which such a proceeding may occasion to the sale of his own publications.
Convention between Austria and Prussia. Entered into by the Count de Colloredo on the one part, and the Baron de Bischoffswerder on the other, immediately before the death of the late Emperor, and since acceded to by the king of Hungary and Bohemia.
ART. I. "Their Imperial and Prussian majesties have agreed to enter into a durable convention, as well for themselves as their reciprocal allies, on purpose to give more energy to the measures they may be under the necessity of taking, in order to maintain the honor and dignity of their respective crowns, against the attempts of rebels, whether such rebels may be their own subjects, or those of their allies, or any other prince or potentate whose sovereign dignity may be exposed to outrage.
II. The two contracting powers mutually and reciprocally guarantee all and every their possessions, rights prerogatives, &c. as well as those of their allies, &c.
III. Their majesties promise for themselves and allies, not to take advantage of any commotion or rebellion in any neighbouring state, but, on the contrary, to endeavor to quell the same; they will therefore arrest the fugitives at their first requisition, and transmit them to their proper sovereign, &c.
IV. The two contracting powers have farther agreed, to keep all their forces in readiness to restore all its rights, prerogatives, and power, to the crown of France; and in order to accomplish this, as soon as the season permits, they have resolved to employ the following troops, viz. his Imperial majesty and his allies shall furnish 120,000, and his Prussian majesty and his allies 60,000, over and above their respective contingents for the army of the empire. These troops are to be paid by their own sovereigns, and augmented if need be.
V. A Congress shall be opened, to which their two majesties and their allies shall send ministers, respectively, in order to examine the nature and the extent of the prerogatives which belong to the crown of France, and on purpose to restore that crown to its proper dignity; and if gentle means will not do, they shall then enforce their propositions, with either the whole, or such part of their forces as may appear necessary."
It is said that when the Rt. Hon. Secretary [Dundas] first saw Mr. Thomas Paine's letter to him, he consulted Mr. Burke about answering it, but obtained a severe rebuke from the apostate statesman. "What the devil, says he, don't you think I would answer my own letters, first if I could, before I'd touch your's."
When the SECRETARY's Secretary obtained the first paper with Mr. Paine's letters in it, he called his patron at the bottom of the stairs. "Who wants me?" cries the principal. "There's Paine's epistle to your honor—For the first time in his life he did na come when called, but exclaimed, "The devil burn the letter and the author together—I would they had both been strangled in their birth." He returned to his sullen studies, and there remained all the day.
NORFOLK, August 18.
Yesterday arrived in Hampton Road, the Ship George, of Boston, Silas Daggett, master, in 35 days from Cadiz; by him we learn that the people of Spain having expressed great alarm and uneasiness at being kept in ignorance of what was doing in France, the minister thought it best to allow them the liberty of speaking freely on political subjects; in consequence of which the French Constitution had become the subject of common conversation in all the coffee houses and places of public resort:—That the king of Prussia had withdrawn his troops intended to act against France, in order to keep a watchful eye over the conduct of the Empress of Russia, with regard to Poland: That the Marquis la Fayette was carrying all before him:—and that wherever he penetrated into the Austrian dominions, the people had declared in favour of the French constitution.
PHILADELPHIA.
AUGUST 29, 1792.
Extract of a letter from Charleston, S. C. Aug. 14.
"The devastations in French Hispaniola, which now seem to be drawing to a conclusion, the hurricane in the windward islands, which has done an immensity of damage to their buildings, &c. and a variety of other circumstances, seem to point out an increasing demand in the West-Indies for American timber. It is well known that the lumber of this country and Georgia is preferable (particularly the pine) to any in the United States, for its firmness and durability, yet so miserably thin is our state of the necessary hands at present, that scarcely more felled lumber is brought down the rivers than is sufficient for our own consumption, not to mention a considerable and constant importation from Georgia. It may even be asserted, with ample truth and justice, that the increase of Charleston itself is greatly retarded for want of sufficient supplies of this article. With every advantage from nature this state seems to suffer not a little from an ill-founded prejudice among foreigners of the insalubrity of its air. In the neighbourhood of the rice swamps it is indeed sickly towards autumn, but as these parts are generally inhabited by the negroes who have the entire care of cultivating the rice, it ought not to deter hardy and industrious men from the northward from coming and making their fortunes on the immense waste of our interior timber lands. Carolina as yet generally lies in a state of uncultivated nature; no country has more excellent mill-seats; our rivers and their branches are innumerable; and the aid of art is soon to be called in to form junctions between them by means of canals. Tho' our rivers are generally supposed shallow, yet there is water enough in most of them at certain seasons to carry down ships of three hundred tons, that might be built several hundreds of miles from the sea coast. With all these advantages, industrious and monied strangers will find no place in which their expectations are likely to be better gratified than in South-Carolina, a state that is rising into the most rapid importance, and only wants the nerves of freemen, and a more improved back country to render her capital the first, or only next to the first, in the United States."
The British Parliament was prorogued on the 15th of June, to meet again on the 30th of August. For the king's speech to both houses on this occasion, see our foreign head.
John Milledge, Esq. is chosen a representative in the Congress of the United States, from the eastern district of Georgia.
The President and Fellows of the Medical Society of the state of Delaware have announced the following question as the subject of a prize dissertation:
What is the origin and nature of the noxious power which prevails especially in hot and moist climates during summer and autumn, and produces intermittent and remittent fevers, and certain other diseases? By what means may this insalubrity of climate be corrected; and the diseases thence arising most successfully prevented and treated?
This dissertation must be written either in the English, French, German, or Latin language. The premium for the best dissertation on this subject is three hundred dollars; fifty pounds of which were generously contributed by Mr. DICKINSON.—Should none of the dissertations offered be adjudged worthy of the prize, the money is to be appropriated to some other useful purpose.
On Saturday morning last a female infant was found laid in a cellar window, corner of Second-street and Elfrith's alley. It was immediately taken into the protection of a humane family in the neighbourhood, where it still continues, "being unwilling (say our accounts) to let the foundling be sent to any public hospital, but to have it nursed and reared under their own guardianship."
It was intimated in a paper of Monday, that donations for this purpose would be gratefully received from the hands of the benevolent.
There is now living in this city, a man in the 109th year of his age. He was born on Long-Island, in the vicinity of New-York; followed privateering in Queen Anne's wars, and through the whole of his long life is said to have enjoyed an uninterrupted share of health; and at this day walks abroad with less appearance of infirmity than the generality of men of 70 or 75 years of age. Mr. Peale, we hear, is engaged to take a painting of this extraordinary person, to preserve to future times the features and form of a person furnished with nerves and constitution to exist to so surprizing an age, on that ocean of time which has long ago swallowed up so many millions of his cotemporaries.
A splendid embassy is preparing from the court of Great-Britain to the Emperor of China. The ambassador (Lord Macartney) was to sail from Portsmouth some time in August, in a ship superbly fitted and accommodated; the troops and seamen alone were to be seven hundred, with artists, assistants, &c. of almost every description.
Every friend of humanity must feel a gratification at the pleasing prospects opening in Ireland. The people at length seem so far to have opened their eyes to their own interests as not to suffer themselves to be played off on each other upon the score of religious opinion, while their enemies, the courtiers, &c. were enjoying the sport, for their own purposes. The Papists and Protestants of Ireland, in their present spirit of political union, cannot otherwise than speedily regain those privileges and those rights of freemen, which, altho' their undoubted birthright, have hitherto been basely withheld from both one and the other by a nation that assumes the deceitful name of protector.
Additional intelligence is daily arriving of the destructive effects of the hurricane in the more easterly parts of the West-Indies, the beginning of August, instant. It is an ancient rule in those islands, the result of long experience, for those bound to sea at the approach of the hurricane months, not to remain beyond the 25th of July, from which date to the 25th of October is reckoned the duration of the hurricane season.
Gen. Bowles, the famous Indian chief, who some time since was taken by the Spaniards in Florida and conveyed to the Moro Castle at the Havannah, has since been transferred to Old Spain, and is now closely confined in Cadiz-Isle.
Major L'Enfant is preparing a plan of the town of Paterson, in Jersey, said to surpass any thing of the kind yet seen in this country.
A loan at 4 per cent. interest has been lately effected in Europe, for account of the United States. The sum is equal to the amount of the former loan, about twelve hundred thousand dollars.
[From Letters addressed to the Yeomanry of the United States.]
The declared intention of establishing national manufactures is to carry off the surplus produce of our agriculture. The citizens of the United States, engaged in the cultivation of the ground, comprehend nine tenths of its inhabitants. This numerous, laborious, and useful class of citizens have never come forward to government to solicit partial privileges; have never sought to be incorporated as a distinct body, forming a separate interest from the community at large, much less do they require a violation of the rights of a numerous and respectable class of citizens, personally engaged in manufactures. The yeomanry of America only desire what they have a right to demand—a free unrestricted sale of the produce of their own industry: and not to have the sacred rights of mankind violated in their persons by arbitrary laws, prohibiting them from deriving all the advantages they can from every part of the produce of their farms.
"The concert of kings stands some chance of being embarrassed, if not defeated by the jealousy of the German States. The kings of Hungary and Prussia have not addressed them in the most conciliating terms, and some of the electors begin already to see, that if the kings should triumph over the independence of France, their own independence must be the next sacrifice." [London paper.]
Extract of a letter from Paris, June 11.
"This moment I had a visit of our countryman, Col. Blackden, of Connecticut, who commanded a regiment of horse last war, in the continental service. He informs me that M. de la Fayette wishes much to have some American officers, and the National Assembly has just enacted a decree, authorizing the Secretary of War to grant commissions to foreigners.
"We expect that M. de la Fayette had a general engagement yesterday or to day with the Austrians; his army is well disciplined, in great spirits, and abundantly provided. I have these particulars from a gentleman who left camp Friday last, tho' the public papers published by the aristocratical party may inform you otherwise."
Extract of a letter from Fort Knox [Vincennes] dated June 15, 1792.
"I am afraid, my friend, that we shall have a very ugly job on hand, with this Indian war. The Indians on this river are peaceable enough with a great deal of watching and coaxing; they come in here very frequently, and appear to have a great itch for scalping and plundering, and nothing, I imagine, but their concern for the prisoners we have, restrains them from taking up the hatchet.
"A few days ago, several chiefs came in from Ope. a place high up on the Illinois river, and, in their speech to Major Hamtramck, told him they were frequently invited and threatened by the Miami Indians to induce them to go to war against us, but that they had not, nor did not intend to do it. — That we must keep a good heart, for we should have a great many more to fight this year than we had the last—wished us success, and hoped we might give them a good drubbing. The Major enquired whether the British made them any presents; they replied that the British gave them goods like stacks of hay, provisions, arms, ammunition, and every thing but big guns.
"Indeed, every intelligence we have received from the Miami villages, corroborate so far as to convince us that there will be double the number of Indians in the field this year than was the last, and the British continue to supply them with every thing they want; so that I think a few of us will be apt to lose our hair."
Late Additions to PEALE'S MUSEUM.
SUPPLEMENT to Chambers' Dictionary, in two vol. fol. Presented by a citizen of Philadelphia.
A fine specimen of petrified wood, found in the state of Delaware: Presented by Jonathan B. Smith, Esq.
A pair of horns of the American Reindeer: Presented by Mr. Shingle.
A white Hare, of which species some numbers have appeared in this, and the neighbouring northern states; within these four years past; before that period unknown: Presented by the Hon. Thomas Jefferson.
An Otaheitean dress, consisting of a long cloak, and a cap, made of feathers, and very elegant; being a present to the President of the United States, by some gentlemen of Boston, adventurers in the first voyage made from thence to Nootka-Sound and the Otaheitean islands; now deposited in this museum for preservation and safe-keeping for the President.
Chinese ladies' shoes, measuring in length 5 4-10 inches: Presented by Mr. Pritchard.
The Nautillus-shell, uncoated and ornamented. A pair of Chinese ladies' shoes, made to fit the wife of a native of that country, who supplied the ship (Sampson) with necessaries when at China; and the Podadabird, commonly called the sea-pigeon: Presented by Mr. Jacob Betterton.
Birds nests, very costly, which made into a soup, is much esteemed in China, and throughout all the Indies.
"When it is reported, that in the Indies people eat birds nests, there is no man but must wonder at it; nay, many think they are imposed upon, because it appears to them quite repugnant to nature, or at least very little acceptable to the palate. But they are reckoned good, light, and wholesome food; very proper for sick people. They are so well dressed with other good ingredients, that they prove an excellent dish to those who do not know what it is. As the materials with which they are made come from fish, they are not unwholesome."
[Pothetwait's Dictionary.]
A pair of ground paroquets, very small and beautiful, from the Straights of Sunda. A Chinese lantern. Some incense matches, which are used in the temples in China, and a pair of Turkish knives, in a case, neat and curious: Presented by Mr. Plumlead.
A pair of humming-birds preserved in a glass case: Presented by Mr. Myers.
A large sea-pen: Presented by Mrs. Branton, (Wilmington).
A kitten with two heads, in spirits: Presented by —
The glass snake: Presented by Dr. —
Two snake-skins, from the island of Trinidad, one measuring in length 7 feet 4 inches, and the other 13 feet 8 inches: Presented by Mr. Samuel Hazlehurst.
Shells which are used instead of glass in the windows of the houses of the inhabitants of Malabar: Presented by Captain Howland, (Baltimore).
A large flying-fish, measuring from the mouth to the extremity of its tail, 18 inches: Presented by Mrs. Earl.
A large porcupine-fish, measuring 16 and half inches in length, and 8 feet 3 inches circumference, independent of the spines: Presented by Capt. Howel.
Coatimondi, (alive) a very good humoured, playful animal, from South-America: Presented by Mr. Lea.
The ring-tail monkey: Presented by Mr. J. Graham.
A calcarius stone, weighing 21 and half ounces, taken out of the bladder of a horse: Presented by Mr. Dunkin.
An arrow, which was used against the Americans in the battle of the 4th of November 1791, near the Miami towns: Presented by Dr. Brown.
A live rattle-snake: Presented by Dr. Gibbons.
N. B. This is secured in a strong case, with a wired and glass front, and may be viewed in perfect safety to the spectators; & it is also kept in a room distinct from the museum, so that those who have aversions to such animals need not see it.
That brilliant insect, the diamond-beetle, from the Brazils, is placed in the museum, with convenient magnifiers for viewing it to advantage.
Some improvements in the arrangement of the articles are made. A grotto for receiving marine subjects, and a number of rare birds are added.
LANDS FOR SALE.
IN a well settled Country, SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-six—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer.
August 29.

AN OLD HEATHEN STORY.
Adapted to Modern Times.
AS trappus once, with weary feet Pursu'd his way through polish'd Athens street, Minding no business but his own; Out flew a set of wheeps With sun-burnt scalps, Black, red, and brown, That nipt his heels and nibbled at his gown—
While with his staff he kept them all at bay Some yelp'd aloud, some howl'd in dismal strain, Some al'd the sage to bark again—
Even little Snapnose seem'd to say, "Answer us, Sir, in your best way; "We are, tis true "A paltry crew "But with our jaws "Have gain'd applause "And Sir—can worry such as you."
The sage beheld their spite with steady eye, And only stop'd to make this short reply: "Hark ye, my dogs—I have not learn'd to yelp, "Nor spend my breath on every lousy whelp, "Much less to write, or stain my wholesome page "With puppies lingo—answering to their rage— "Home to your Araw!—such contest I dis- dain—
Learn this, ('Tis not amiss) For men I keep a pen, For dogs—a cane."
Aug. 27.
The following is extracted from "Letters addressed to the Yeomanry of the United States," lately published at Mr. Oswald's Printing office in this city, and for sale at the several Book-Stores.]
IT may be thought improper at this early period to offer any observations on the justice or wisdom of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on manufactures. It is true, we might have waited for the deliberations and conclusion of Congress on the subject; but Congress, having adopted a new method of legislating, by referring the most important business of the country to the different Secretaries, and adopting their reports, experience justifies a belief, that the principles of this report will also be adopted, and will come forward under the sanction of the legislature in the form of a law. The Secretary of the Treasury, and his friends in New-York, have already prepared the way, by procuring one of the most unjust and arbitrary laws to be enacted by the commonwealth of New-Jersey, that ever disgraced the government of a free people; a law granting to a few wealthy men the exclusive jurisdiction of six miles square, and a variety of unconstitutional privileges, highly injurious to the citizens of that state. This law merits your attention, not as a pattern of justice, but to convince you how dangerous it is for a free people to place their whole political safety on the conduct of any set of legislators, when surrounded by artful and designing men. Is it reasonable? is it just, that a numerous class of citizens, whose knowledge in mechanics and manufactures, not less necessary for the support of their families, than useful to their country, should be sacrificed to a wealthy few, who have no other object in view than to add to their ill-gotten and enormous wealth?
Such being the nature of this corporation, can it be doubted, whether it violates the spirit of all just laws? Whether it subverts the principles of that equality or which freemen ought to be so jealous? Whether it establishes a class of citizens with distinct interests from their fellow citizens? will it not by fostering an inequality of fortune, prove the destruction of the equality of rights, and tend strongly to an aristocracy?
There are two kinds of inequality, the one personal, that of talent and virtue, the source of whatever is excellent and admirable in society; the other that of fortune, which must exist, because property alone can stimulate to labor; and labor, if it were not necessary to the existence, would be insupportable to the happiness of man? But though it be necessary, yet in its excess it is the great enemy of civil society. The accumulation of that power which is conferred by wealth in the hands of the few is the perpetual source of oppression and neglect of the mass of mankind. The power of the wealthy is rather concentrated by their tendency to combination, from which, number, dispersion, indigence and ignorance, equally preclude the poor. The wealthy are formed into bodies by their professions, their different degrees of opulence, called ranks, their knowledge, and their small numbers:—They necessarily, in all countries, assume the government, for they alone have skill and leisure for its functions. Thus circumstanced, nothing can be more evident than their inevitable preponderance in the political scale. The preference of partial to general interests, is, however, the greatest of all public evils: it should, therefore, have been the object of all laws to repress this malady, but it has been their perpetual tendency to aggravate it. No content with the inevitable inequality of fortune, they have superadded to it honorary and political distinctions. Not content with the inevitable tendency of the wealthy to combine, they have embodied them in classes. They have fortified these conspiracies against the general interest which they ought to have resisted, though they could not disarm. Laws, it is said, cannot equalize men,—No—but ought they for that reason to aggravate the inequality which they cannot cure? Laws cannot include unmixed patriotism—but ought they for that reason to foment that corporatim spirit which is its most fatal enemy? all professional combinations, said M c Culloch, in one of his late speeches in Parliament, are dangerous in a free state. Arguing on the same principle, the National Assembly of France have proceeded further: They have conceived that the laws ought to create no inequality or combination, to recognize all only in their capacities as citizens,
and to offer no assistance to the natural preponderance of partial over general interests." It is not the distinctions of titles which constitute an aristocracy: it is the principle of partial association. The American aristocrats have failed in their attempt to establish titles of distinction by law; yet the destructive principles of aristocracy are too prevalent amongst us, and ought to be watched with the most jealous eye.
WHA WANTS ME?
[An excellent New Song, Supposed to be written by M c Dundas, the sycophant of power and enemy to the liberties of his native country, Scotland. Copied from a London paper.]
DEAR Pitt! it is not hard indeed, Such wicked gibes should pass, Against the pure and patriot creed Of thy beloved DUNDAS? But let them prattle, or let them blame, I care not a button; My text shall ever be the same— "Sirs! wha wants me?" Wha wants me, my friends! Wha wants me? My text shall ever be the same— "Sirs! wha wants me?"
Let COURTNEY in ironic strain, Exhaust his Doric wit; The cause of this, to me, is plain— He never dines with PITT! So let him prattle &c.
Let GRAY, in a more manly style, My trimmings all unfold; I'll patiently suppress my bile, And touch the nation's gold! For let them prattle &c.
'Tis now some twenty years and more— I think 'tis twenty-one, Since I became a Senator, And Minister's first man. For let them prattle, &c.
When sleepy NORTH the vessel steer'd, And steer'd wi' meikle pain, I with my pilot boat appear'd To tug him thro' the main. For let them prattle, &c.
When wily SHELBOURNE next came in, And made that glorious peace; I fac'd about, and thought no sin With him to coalesce. For let them prattle &c.
When Fox and Whigs march'd into place, (If they had but inclin'd), I should have deem'd it no disgrace Their party to have join'd. For let them prattle &c.
But thanks to GEORGE, their reign was short; 'The Back-stairs Lord prevail'd', And cant and cunning won a court, Where worth and virtue fail'd, So let them prattle &c.
Now, since my BILLY rules the roast, To be his chosen tool Shall ever be my foremost boast, As long as he shall rule. For let them prattle, &c.
But should ev'n BILLY himself go out, And Belsabub come in; I'd bawl for him, you need na doubt, And make a dev'lish din! For let them prattle, &c.
Thus first and last, through thin or thick, My care shall be thro' life, By any Minister to stick— Tho' not by any wife! For let them prattle, &c.
The following Epitaph has been written by a Frenchman on the late king of Sweden. SUCCESSEUR de Vasa, Christiern fut son mo- dele: Pour asservir le peuple, il opprima les grands. A la nature, aux loix, a l'honneur infidèle Il eut l'esprit, la gloire, et le fort des tyrans.
L O S T.
THE DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS of the citizens of the United States: Any good patriot of 1775 who should bring the same to light, will receive the thanks of his fellow citizens and the blessings of posterity.
N. B. This is a matter of importance to the people of the United States, as there is some reason to fear a total loss of their rights and privileges will speedily follow the loss of the declaration of them. A CORRESPONDENT.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And for Sale at the Printing-Office, No. 209, Market-Street, and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in Second-Street,
Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar, A D V I C E
TO THE PRIVILEGED ORDERS, in the SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE, Resulting from the necessity and pro- priety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government. By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York Price 5/7 1-2.
To be published by Subscription, THE AMERICAN REMEMBRANCER, OR PROCEEDINGS OF THE Old Congress,
From September 1774, to March 1789—an au- thentic and original collection of
Official Letters &c.
Written during the late war;—and Ex- tracts from the
Secret Journals,
[For particulars, see the Proposals at large.] SUBSCRIPTIONS are received by the principal booksellers, and by the Editor, JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-Street, Phila- delphia.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer, JOHN M'CULLOCH, at No. 1. North Third- Street, and by most of the Book- Sellers in this city,
(Price 3/9)
MODERN CHIVALRY: Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, his Servant.
VOLUME II. By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines, nesciri, Farrago libelli Juvenal.
JUST PUBLISHED By E OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence)
FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the
Yeomanry of the United States: CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Governor Duer and Mr. Secreta- ry Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures; by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly in recessing at this period, may be had at the follow- ing places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing Office, No. 209, Market-Street; at No. 209, Market-Street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-Street; at Mr. Cruikshanks, 91, Market-Street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-Street; and at Mr. Young's, S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-Streets. August 21.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said Society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Go- vernor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second instalment for the payment of shares in the stock of this Society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second instalment, be- ing 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful in- terest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thir- teenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or be- fore the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, be- ing the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dol- lars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brun- swick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs.—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk. July 24. tf.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitestown, in the state of New-York, on the south side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchasers.
N. B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill sites. The peculiar advantages of this tract, situ- ated within a few miles of Whitestown (which contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants) with an easy and convenient water carriage to Schenectady, Albany, and New-York, make it an object for any persons inclined to settle it, and ren- der it an extremely advantageous purchase for persons inclined to realize their money in land of an increasing value. The whole tract or any part of it, will be sold very low for cash, or for part cash, and the remaining payments at distant peri- ods. Enquire at No. 229 Queen-Street, near the Fl-market New-York. July 19.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market Street) in folio and o- ctavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar,
BOOKS, Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement, in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven volumes Price, neatly bound and lettered, Seventeen dollars and three fifths.
This work which is now conducted on an im- proved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of poli- tical, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excel- lency the President of the United States, has de- clared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The Subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.
2. Smith's letters to married women, on nursing and the management of children. We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed. Monthly Review Vol. 38, Page 101. Price bound five eighths of a dollar. Duncan's elements of logic. three fourths of a dollar.
4. Beauties of Fielding, 50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair, 50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pen- nington's advice; Marchmont's Lambert's ad- vice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fa- bles for the ladies—Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dol- lar and a quarter.
7. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beat- tie, LL.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Re- viewers (vol. 69. p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicu- ous, or more generally useful."
9. Beauties of Poetry, Price four fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons, Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of reli- gious opinions. Price four fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the observations of Lord Shef- field on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five eighths of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five eighths of a dollar.
14. M c Fingal, Price three eighths of a dollar.
15. American Jott Book, three fifths of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul, half a dollar.
17. The Douay Translation of the vulgate Bi- ble in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2—price, six dollars.
Said Books for sale, a large assortment of books. European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favour him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfac- tory manner. A liberal allowance to such as pur- chase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again. May 17. Gm. 12. w.
NEW-YORK & PHILADELPHIA STAGES.
Via Bordentown and Burlington, And SHREWSBURY & PHILADELPHIA STAGE, Via Bordentown.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Phi- ladelphia Land and Water Stages beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of passengers, they have thought proper to remove the different packet-boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-Street, from whence, on the first day of July next, and afterwards, a convenient packet-boat will start for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordentown or Bur- lington, each place to be taken alternately. Fare for passengers from Philad lphia to New-York 15s.—For Goods pr. cwt. 6s.
VAN EMBURGH & M c KEAN, DAVID WILLIAMSON, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Phi- ladelphia Stages, by the route of Bordentown. JACOB MYERS, AMOS HUTCHIN, NICHOLAS SCHENK, Proprietors of the line of N. York and Phila- delphia Stages, by the route of Burlington.
The Shrewsbury Stage will leave Philadelphia on the months of July and September, on every Sunday and Wednesday, and return on every Tuesday and Friday. In the month of August, it will leave Philadelphia on every Sunday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday and Sa- turday.
VAN EMBURGH & M c KEAN, DANIEL LOT, Proprietors of the Shrewsbury and Philad. Stage, Bordentown, June 25, 1792.
For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to M c KEAN & VAN EMBURGH, at their store on said wharf, immediately next be- low Arch-Street; by whom orders for the purchase of all kinds of grain, flaves, or other country pro- duce, are punctually attended to.
For freight or passage to Lambert or Tren- ton, also apply as above. Philadelphia, June 27. jaw t
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, E, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.