Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-02-23 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 86, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1791.
[Whole No. 190.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ON THE NATIONAL BANK.
IT has been questioned by some, whether the act of Congress, for establishing the Bank of the United States, is constitutional; but if it is a useful mean for carrying into effect any of the powers specially vested in the government of the United States, and does not infringe the rights of any individual state or person, on what principal can it be unconstitutional?
Congress are expressly authorised to make all laws that shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution all the powers vested in the government of the United States; and the means for effecting these purposes not being specially pointed out, is it not left to the discretion of Congress to chuse the most fit and proper means? And if incorporating a Bank is by them judged a necessary and proper measure to carry into effect the fiscal operations of the Union, why is not that as consistent with the constitution as any other mean? The incorporation is only enabling a number of persons to aid the government, and improve their own property with greater ease and security than they could do in their individual capacity: Their bye-laws will be only rules to govern themselves in the management of their own affairs.
This artificial person will be subject to the government of the laws as much as a natural person—it may be restrained from doing injury, tho' its rights may not be violated: And will not the time limited for its duration be short enough to make a fair trial of its utility?
Legislative power is not absolutely requisite to create a Corporation—it is a power often exercised by the Executive Magistrate, without any positive law, or other express authority to authorize it.
The usefulness of Banks has been long experienced in England, and other parts of Europe.
The Bank of England was established by act of Parliament to aid the national finances, when other efforts to support the public credit had proved ineffectual.
The establishment of a Bank was thought necessary, and found useful in aid of the finances of the United States, in the time of the late war. And Banks have been resorted to, and likewise found useful under the present government; and will doubtless be found more necessary, as the demands for money encrease, and the occasions for the circulation thereof, become more extensive.
The celebrated Mr. BURKE, speaking of the Bank of England, says, "That in England, not one shilling of paper money of any description is received but of choice; that the whole has had its origin in cash actually deposited; and that it is convertible at pleasure, in an instant, (without the least loss) into cash again."
"Indeed it might be easily shewn, that our paper wealth, instead of lessening the real coin, has a real tendency to increase it; instead of being a substitute for money, it only facilitates its entry, its exit, and its circulation; that it is a symbol of prosperity, and not a badge of distress."
Such is the constitution, and (if properly managed) such will be the operation of the Bank of the United States. It has been objected, that funded securities being deposited as part of the stock, will not secure the credit of the Bank Bills: But a large sum in specie will likewise be deposited—which, together with the interest, payable on the securities quarter-yearly, will make a fund sufficient to support as much bank paper as will be necessary for common circulation; and if there should at any time be a demand on the Bank beyond the amount of the specie deposited, the money may be raised by sale of the securities, at the market price.
If the proprietors of the stock understand their own interest, they will not subject themselves to inconvenience, or risque, by issuing too much paper. The deposits of specie that will be made by the United States will also give great aid to the credit of the bank. Some have supposed that the stockholders will make too much profit by it; but that is uncertain—they take upon themselves the management and risque, and if it is profitable to them, it will likewise be so to the United States, who will be part owners of the stock.
It will not infringe the rights of the individual States, for they will be at liberty to make like
institutions within their respective jurisdictions. In cases wherein the United States and individual States have a right to legislate, respecting the same objects, (for instance, in drawing revenue from the same sources, for their different purposes) their laws will not oppose each other. Both governments are instituted by the people for their benefit—and so long as each, exercise their trust with wisdom and fidelity, there will be no danger of an interference of their jurisdictions.
No rights of individual persons will be infringed by this act; but all the citizens of the United States will share in the public benefits derived from it; and many of them will derive further benefit from it in their commercial and other employments.
Does it not evidently appear, from the foregoing remarks, that a well regulated Bank will be a necessary and useful mean to aid the fiscal operations of the United States: and that the act of Congress establishing one is therefore constitutional?
The Bank bills, which are receivable only of choice, and for convenience, and may at any time be exchanged for real money, are of a very different nature from those bills of credit mentioned in the constitution, the emission whereof is prohibited to the several states, and not delegated to the government of the United States. The mischievous consequences of that kind of paper currency has been severely felt by these states; therefore it was thought inexpedient to authorize the introduction of it in future in any case whatever.
A CONSTITUTIONALIST.
FROM THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE SPY.
"What reproacheth reason more than to act contrarieties."
THERE is, as I have heard some one express it, "an eternal fitness of things" which I apprehend to be the perfection of beauty. The contrary may be seen in a minister whose behaviour is diametrically opposite to the doctrine he preaches. In a judge who cannot distinguish between right and wrong. In a justice of the peace who is forward to break those laws which he was appointed to have duly observed. In short, all men in respectable offices shew us the contrary, when they are immoral in their conduct—vicious in their practice—unfaithful when they promise—obscene and profane in their conversation—and when they are above doing the duties of their office—or when the duties of their office are above their comprehension,—Some will ask—Are there any such incongruities in this state? I think there are—In this state and every state and kingdom in the world, and forever will be, till mankind are as willing to be govern'd as to govern.—The evil cannot be wholly remedied—yet I have not the least doubt but those in office may behave with so much prudence, as to do credit to the office which does them honor. B.
PROM THE VERMONT GAZETTE.
IN proportion as prospects open for public honors, in the same ratio anxiety rises.
He that is a candidate for public honors, is a candidate for public mortification.
He who has risen to the pinnacle, has nought to fear but a fall.
He who electioneers for his friend, because he is his friend, is oathless.
Lust of power, and intoxication of glory, lead to glorious and inglorious deeds.
CLERGYMAN.
ANECDOOTE.
DURING Lord North's administration, a dispute happened one evening at the SMYRNA whether the premier had any honor. A gentleman, who had been heartily piqued at a refusal from Lord North, would not allow him any share of it; whilst another as warmly espoused his having pretensions to every virtue. The subject created much warmth on both sides, and might perhaps have terminated very disagreeably to one or other of the parties, had not one of the company played the mediator, and very archly said, "There was no doubt of his honor, who had purchased half the honor of the nation." A general laugh ensued, at which my Lord's advocate seemed nettled, and, turning upon his heel, said, "It was a purchase very easily made."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 2.
The BANK BILL under consideration.
MR. MADISON began with a general review of the advantages and disadvantages of banks. The former he stated to consist in, first, the aids they afford to merchants who can thereby push their mercantile operations farther with the same capital.—2d. The aids to merchants in paying punctually the customs.—3d. Aids to the government in complying punctually with its engagements, when deficiencies or delays happen in the revenue.—4th. In diminishing usury.—5th. In saving the wear of the gold and silver kept in the vaults, and represented by notes.—6th. In facilitating occasional remittances from different places where notes happen to circulate. The effect of the proposed bank, in raising the value of stock, he thought, had been greatly overrated. It would no doubt raise that of the stock subscribed into the bank; but could have little effect on stock in general, as the interest on it would remain the same, and the quantity taken out of the market would be replaced by bank stock.
The principal disadvantages consisted in, 1st. banishing the precious metals, by substituting another medium to perform their office: This effect was inevitable. It was admitted by the most enlightened patrons of banks, particularly by Smith on the Wealth of Nations. The common answer to the objection was, that the money banished was only an exchange for something equally valuable that would be imported in return. He admitted the weight of this observation in general, but doubted whether, in the present habits of this country, the returns would not be in articles of no permanent use to it. 2d. Exposing the public and individuals to all the evils of a run on the bank, which would be particularly calamitous in so great a country as this, and might happen from various causes, as false rumours, bad management of the institution, an unfavorable balance of trade from short crops, &c.
It was proper to be considered also, that the most important of the advantages would be better obtained by several banks properly distributed, than by a single one. The aids to commerce could only be afforded at or very near the seat of the bank. The same was true of aids to merchants in the payment of customs. Anticipations of the government would also be most convenient at the different places where the interest of the debt was to be paid. The case in America was different from that in England: the interest there was all due at one place, and the genius of the monarchy favored the concentration of wealth and influence at the metropolis.
He thought the plan liable to other objections: It did not make so good a bargain for the public as was due to its interests. The charter to the bank of England had been granted for 11 years only, and was paid for by a loan to the government on terms better than could be elsewhere got. Every renewal of the charter had in like manner been purchased; in some instances, at a very high price. The same had been done by the banks of Genoa, Naples, and other like banks of circulation. The plan was unequal to the public creditors—it gave an undue preference to the holders of a particular denomination of the public debt, and to those at and within reach of the seat of government. If the subscriptions should be rapid, the distant holders of paper would be excluded altogether.
In making these remarks on the merits of the bill, he had referred to himself, he said, the right to deny the authority of Congress to pass it. He had entertained this opinion from the date of the constitution. His impression might perhaps be the stronger, because he well recollected that a power to grant charters of incorporation had been proposed in the general convention and rejected.
Is the power of establishing an incorporated bank among the powers vested by the constitution in the legislature of the United States? This is the question to be examined.

After some general remarks on the limitations of all political power, he took notice of the peculiar manner in which the federal government is limited. It is not a general grant, out of which particular powers are excepted—it is a grant of particular powers only, leaving the general mass in other hands. So it had been understood by its friends and its foes, and so it was to be interpreted.
As preliminaries to a right interpretation, he laid down the following rules:
An interpretation that destroys the very characteristic of the government cannot be just.
Where a meaning is clear, the consequences, whatever they may be, are to be admitted—where doubtful, it is fairly triable by its consequences.
In controverted cases, the meaning of the parties to the instrument, if to be collected by reasonable evidence, is a proper guide.
Cotemporary and concurrent expositions are a reasonable evidence of the meaning of the parties.
In admitting or rejecting a constructive authority, not only the degree of its incidentality to an express authority, is to be regarded, but the degree of its importance also; since on this will depend the probability or improbability of its being left to construction.
Reviewing the constitution with an eye to these positions, it was not possible to discover in it the power to incorporate a Bank. The only clauses under which such a power could be pretended, are either—
 1. The power to lay and collect taxes to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare: Or,  2. The power to borrow money on the credit of the United States: Or,  3. The power to pass all laws necessary and proper to carry into execution those powers. 
The bill did not come within the first power. It laid no tax to pay the debts, or provide for the general welfare. It laid no tax whatever. It was altogether foreign to the subject.
No argument could be drawn from the terms “common defence, and general welfare.” The power as to these general purposes, was limited to acts laying taxes for them; and the general purposes themselves were limited and explained by the particular enumeration subjoined. To understand these terms in any sense, that would justify the power in question, would give to Congress an unlimited power; would render nugatory the enumeration of particular powers; would supersede all the powers referred to the state governments. These terms are copied from the articles of confederation; had it ever been pretended, that they were to be understood otherwise than as here explained?
It had been said that “general welfare” meant cases in which a general power might be exercised by Congress, without interfering with the powers of the States; and that the establishment of a National Bank was of this sort. There were, he said, several answers to this novel doctrine.
 1. The proposed Bank would interfere so as indirectly to defeat a State Bank at the same place.—2. It would directly interfere with the rights of the States, to prohibit as well as to establish Banks, and the circulation of Bank Notes. He mentioned a law of Virginia, actually prohibiting the circulation of notes payable to bearer.  3. Interference with the power of the States was no constitutional criterion of the power of Congress. If the power was not given, Congress could not exercise it; if given, they might exercise it, altho it should interfere with the laws, or even the constitution of the States.—4. If Congress could incorporate a Bank, merely because the act would leave the States free to establish Banks also; any other incorporations might be made by Congress. They could incorporate companies of manufacturers, or companies for cutting canals, or even religious societies, leaving similar incorporations by the States, like State Banks to themselves: Congress might even establish religious teachers in every parish, and pay them out of the Treasury of the United States, leaving other teachers unmolested in their functions.—These inadmissible consequences condemned the controverted principle. 
The case of the Bank established by the former Congress, had been cited as a precedent.—This was known, he said, to have been the child of necessity. It never could be justified by the regular powers of the articles of confederation. Congress betrayed a consciousness of this in recommending to the States to incorporate the Bank also. They did not attempt to protect the Bank Notes by penalties against counterfeiters. These were reserved wholly to the authority of the States.
The second clause to be examined is that, which empowers Congress to borrow money.
Is this a bill to borrow money? It does not borrow a shilling. Is there any fair construction by which the bill can be deemed an exercise of the power to borrow money?—The obvious meaning of the power to borrow money, is that of ac-
cepting it from, and stipulating payment to those who are able and willing to lend.
To say that the power to borrow involves a power of creating the ability, where there may be the will, to lend, is not only establishing a dangerous principle, as will be immediately shewn, but is as forced a construction, as to say that it involves the power of compelling the will, where there may be the ability, to lend.
The third clause is that which gives the power to pass all laws necessary and proper to execute the specified powers.
Whatever meaning this clause may have, none can be admitted, that would give an unlimited discretion to Congress.
Its meaning must, according to the natural and obvious force of the terms and the context, be limited to means necessary to the end, and incident to the nature of the specified powers.
The clause is in fact merely declaratory of what would have resulted by unavoidable implication, as the appropriate, and as it were, technical means of executing those powers. In this sense it had been explained by the friends of the constitution, and ratified by the state conventions.
The essential characteristic of the government, as composed of limited and enumerated powers, would be destroyed: If instead of direct and incidental means, any means could be used, which in the language of the preamble to the bill, ‘might be conceived to be conducive to the successful conducting of the finances; or might be conceived to tend to give facility to the obtaining of loans.’ He urged an attention to the diffuse and ductile terms which had been found requisite to cover the stretch of power contained in the bill. He compared them with the terms necessary and proper , used in the Constitution, and asked whether it was possible to view the two descriptions as synonymous, or the one as a fair and safe commentary on the other.
If, proceeded he, Congress, by virtue of the power to borrow, can create the means of lending, and in pursuance of these means, can incorporate a Bank, they may do any thing whatever creative of like means.
The East-India company has been a lender to the British government, as well as the Bank, and the South-Sea company is a greater creditor than either. Congress then may incorporate similar companies in the United States, and that too not under the idea of regulating trade, but under that of borrowing money.
Private capitals are the chief resources for loans to the British government. Whatever then may be conceived to favor the accumulation of capitals may be done by Congress. They may incorporate manufacturers. They may give monopolies in every branch of domestic industry.
If, again, Congress by virtue of the power to borrow money, can create the ability to lend, they may by virtue of the power to levy money, create the ability to pay it. The ability to pay taxes depends on the general wealth of the society, and this, on the general prosperity of agriculture, manufactures and commerce. Congress then may give bounties and make regulations on all of these objects.
The States have, it is allowed on all hands, a concurrent right to lay and collect taxes. This power is secured to them not by its being expressly reserved, but by its not being ceded by the constitution. The reasons for the bill cannot be admitted, because they would invalidate that right; why may it not be conceived by Congress, that an uniform and exclusive imposition of taxes, would not less than the proposed Banks be conducive to the successful conducting of the national finances, and tend to give facility to the obtaining of revenue, for the use of the government?
The doctrine of implication is always a tender one. The danger of it has been felt in other governments. The delicacy was felt in the adoption of our own; the danger may also be felt, if we do not keep close to our chartered authorities.
Mark the reasoning on which the validity of the bill depends. To borrow money is made the end and the accumulation of capitals, implied as the means. The accumulation of capitals is then the end, and a bank implied as the means. The bank is then the end, and a charter of incorporation, a monopoly, capital punishments, &c. implied as the means.
If implications, thus remote and thus multiplied, can be linked together, a chain may be formed that will reach every object of legislation, every object within the whole compass of political economy.
The latitude of interpretation required by the bill is condemned by the rule furnished by the constitution itself.
Congress have power “to regulate the value of money;” yet it is expressly added not left to be implied, that counterfeiters may be punished.
They have the power “to declare war,” to which armies are more incident, than incorporated Banks, to borrowing; yet is expressly added, the power “to raise and support armies;” and to this again, the express power “to make
rules and regulations for the government of armies;” a like remark is applicable to the powers as to a navy.
The regulation and calling out of the militia are more appurtenant to war, than the proposed bank, to borrowing; yet the former is not left to construction.
The very power to borrow money is a less remote implication from the power of war, than an incorporated monopoly bank, from the power of borrowing—yet the power to borrow is not left to implication.
It is not pretended that every insertion or omission in the constitution is the effect of systematic attention. This is not the character of any human work, particularly the work of a body of men. The examples cited, with others that might be added, sufficiently inculcate nevertheless a rule of interpretation, very different from that on which the bill rests. They condemn the exercise of any power, particularly a great and important power, which is not evidently and necessarily involved in an express power.
It cannot be denied that the power proposed to be exercised is an important power.
As a charter of incorporation, the bill creates an artificial person previously not existing in law. It confers important civil rights and attributes, which could not otherwise be claimed. It is, though not precisely similar, at least equivalent, to the naturalization of an alien, by which certain new civil characters are acquired by him. Would Congress have had the power to naturalize, if it had not been expressly given?
In the power to make bye laws, the bill delegated a sort of legislative power, which is unquestionably an act of a high and important nature. He took notice of the only restraint on the bye laws, that they were not to be contrary to the law and the constitution of the bank; and asked what law was intended; if the law of the United States, the scantiness of their code would give a power, never before given to a corporation—and obnoxious to the States, whose laws would then be superceded not only by the laws of Congress, but by the bye laws of a corporation within their own jurisdiction. If the law intended, was the law of the State, then the State might make laws that would destroy an institution of the United States.
The bill gives a power to purchase and hold lands; Congress themselves could not purchase lands within a State “without the consent of its legislature.” How could they delegate a power to others which they did not possess themselves?
It takes from our successors, who have equal rights with ourselves, and with the aid of experience will be more capable of deciding on the subject, an opportunity of exercising that right, for an immoderate term.
It takes from our constituents the opportunity of deliberating on the untried measure, although their hands are also to be tied by it for the same term.
It involves a monopoly, which affects the equal rights of every citizen.
It leads to a penal regulation, perhaps capital punishments, one of the most solemn acts of sovereign authority.
From this view of the power of incorporation exercised in the bill, it could never be deemed an accessory or subaltern power, to be deduced by implication, as a means of executing another power; it was in its nature a distinct, an independent and substantive prerogative, which not being enumerated in the constitution could never have been meant to be included in it, and not being included could never be rightfully exercised.
He here adverted to a distinction, which he said had not been sufficiently kept in view, between a power necessary and proper for the government or union, and a power necessary and proper for executing the enumerated powers. In the latter case, the powers included in each of the enumerated powers were not expressed, but to be drawn from the nature of each. In the former, the powers composing the government were expressly enumerated. This constituted the peculiar nature of the government, no power therefore not enumerated, could be inferred from the general nature of government. Had the power of making treaties, for example, been omitted, however necessary it might have been, the defect could only have been lamented, or supplied by an amendment of the constitution.
But the proposed bank could not even be called necessary to the government; at most it could be but convenient. Its uses to the government could be supplied by keeping the taxes a little in advance—by loans from individuals—by the other banks, over which the government would have equal command; nay greater, as it may grant or refuse to these the privilege, made a free and irrevocable gift to the proposed bank, of using their notes in the federal revenue.
He proceeded next to the cotemporary expositions given to the constitution.
The defence against the charge founded on the want of a bill of rights, presupposed, he said, that the powers not given were retained; and

that those given were not to be extended by remote implications. On any other supposition, the power of Congress to abridge the freedom of the press, or the rights of conscience, &c. could not have been disproved.
The explanations in the state conventions all turned on the same fundamental principle, and on the principle that the terms necessary and proper gave no additional powers to those enumerated. [Here he read sundry passages from the debates of the Pennsylvania, Virginia and North-Carolina conventions, shewing the grounds on which the constitution had been vindicated by its principal advocates, against a dangerous latitude of its powers, charged on it by its opponents.] He did not undertake to vouch for the accuracy or authenticity of the publications which he quoted—he thought it probable that the sentiments delivered might in many instances have been mistaken, or imperfectly noted; but the complexion of the whole, with what he himself and many others must recollect, fully justified the use he had made of them.
The explanatory declarations and amendments accompanying the ratifications of the several states formed a striking evidence, wearing the same complexion. He referred those who might doubt on the subject, to the several acts of ratification.
The explanatory amendments proposed by Congress themselves, at least, would be good authority with them; all these renunciations of power proceeded on a rule of construction, excluding the latitude now contended for. These explanations were the more to be respected, as they had not only been proposed by Congress, but ratified by nearly three-fourths of the states. He read several of the articles proposed, remarking particularly on the 11th. and 12th. the former, as guarding against a latitude of interpretation—the latter, as excluding every source of power not within the constitution itself.
With all this evidence of the sense in which the constitution was understood and adopted, will it not be said, if the bill should pass, that its adoption was brought about by one set of arguments, and that it is now administered under the influence of another set; and this reproach will have the keener sting, because it is applicable to so many individuals concerned in both the adoption and administration.
In fine, if the power were in the constitution, the immediate exercise of it cannot be essential—if not there, the exercise of it involves the guilt of usurpation, and establishes a precedent of interpretation, levelling all the barriers which limit the powers of the general government, and protect those of the state governments. If the point be doubtful only, respect for ourselves, who ought to shun the appearance of precipitancy and ambition; respect for our successors, who ought not lightly to be deprived of the opportunity of exercising the rights of legislation; respect for our constituents who have had no opportunity of making known their sentiments, and who are themselves to be bound down to the measure for so long a period; all these considerations require that the irrevocable decision should at least be suspended until another session.
It appeared on the whole, he concluded, that the power exercised by the bill was condemned by the silence of the constitution; was condemned by the rule of interpretation arising out of the constitution; was condemned by its tendency to destroy the main characteristic of the constitution; was condemned by the expositions of the friends of the constitution, whilst depending before the public; was condemned by the apparent intention of the parties which ratified the constitution; was condemned by the explanatory amendments proposed by Congress themselves to the Constitution; and he hoped it would receive its final condemnation, by the vote of this house.
SATURDAY, Feb. 19.
Mr. Muhlenberg presented the petition of Valentine Wiley; read, and referred to the Secretary at War.
Agreeable to the order of the day, the house again resumed the consideration of the amendments proposed by the Senate to the new revenue bill—an amendment was proposed to the 6th section, limiting the compensation to the officers to two years, which passed in the affirmative, ayes 34, noes 20: The residue of the amendments were agreed to with amendments.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) gave notice, that on Monday next he should move that a committee be appointed to prepare, and bring in a bill for the temporary regulation of the Post-Office.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, upon the exports from the United States, was referred to a select committee, consisting of Messrs. Carroll, Bourne, and Mr. Sedgwick.
On motion of Mr. Sedgwick, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Boudinot in the chair, and took into consideration the bill giving effect to the laws of the United States, within the state of Vermont—the committee reported the bill, with one amendment, which was agreed to by the house. The bill was then ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time on Monday next.
The house again went into a committee of the whole—and took into consideration the bill regulating the number of representatives to be chosen by the states of Vermont and Kentucky: the committee reported the bill without amendment, which was read a third time and passed.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to provide compensation to clerks, marshalls and jurors in the courts of the United States—after some time spent, the committee rose, reported progress and asked leave to sit again.
MONDAY, Feb. 21.
Reports from the Secretary of War on sundry petitions read. An engrossed bill to give effect to the laws of the United States,
within the state of Vermont, was read the third time, the blanks filled up, and the bill passed.
Mr. Goodhue delivered in the following.
The Committee to whom was referred the Message of the President of the United States, of the 14th inst. report as follows:
THAT after the day of no goods, wares or merchandise, of foreign growth or manufacture, shall be imported into the United States, except in vessels of the United States, or in such as actually belong to the country or place, of which such goods, wares or merchandise, are or may be, the growth, product or manufacture, or in the ships or vessels of such country or place, to which the ships or vessels of the United States shall be permitted to carry goods, wares and merchandise, which are not of the growth, product or manufacture of the United States.
And if any goods, wares, or merchandise of foreign growth or manufacture, more than shall be necessary for sea stores, shall after the said day of be imported into the United States, in any other manner than as is herein before provided; all such goods, wares, and merchandise, and the ships and vessels in which the same shall be imported, together with their tackle and apparel, shall be seized and forfeited, to the use of the United States, and shall be recovered and sold, and the proceeds accounted for, and applied in the manner provided for forfeitures, by the act, intitled, "An act"
That there shall be levied, collected, and paid, upon all rum which, after the day of shall be imported into the United States (over and above the duties now payable on distilled spirits) a duty of one cent pr. gallon. And upon all distilled spirits, the produce or manufacture of any country or place, at which the ships or vessels of the United States are not permitted to load such distilled spirits, and which shall be imported into the United States after the day of a farther additional duty of twelve and an half cents pr. gallon, on such as shall be not more than ten pr. cent below proof, according to Dica's hydrometer, and in like proportion for all other distilled spirits, whether imported directly from thence, or from any other country or place, in any ship or vessel, other than those of the United States; which duties shall be levied, collected, and paid, in like manner, subject to the like regulations and drawbacks, as is provided by the act, intitled, "An act"
And in order to ascertain the country or place at which spirits imported after the day of shall have been distilled, it shall be the duty of the importer or importers thereof in other than ships or vessels of the United States, to make proof to the satisfaction of the officers of the customs, with whom entry of any distilled spirits shall be made, that the same were distilled in some country or place at which the ships or vessels of the United States are permitted to load like spirits; in default of which proof, all such spirits shall be liable to the payment of the aforesaid duty of twelve and an half cents per gallon.
In committee of the whole on the bill making compensation to Clerks, Marshalls and Jurors.
The committee discussed the several sections of the bill; which were so amended as to leave the compensations to arise altogether from fees: They then rose and reported the bill to the House, which further amended the same. The bill was then referred to a select committee, of five, to report a table of fees.
Mr. Madison reported a bill to explain a clause in the Act making provision for the public debt—respecting the duty on lead and printed calicoes; which was read the first and second time, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
In committee of the whole on the bill, to compensate Captain Joshua Barney. A motion for filling up the blank with 896 dollars, occasioned a considerable debate, and was finally negatived.
The committee then rose and reported the bill to the house with a blank. A motion for engrossing the bill was also negatived.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House that they have passed a bill which originated in the house, with sundry amendments.
Some private business occurring, occasioned an order for clearing the galleries.
TUESDAY, Feb. 22.
Mr. Sedgwick of the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill to make further provision in the law for the collection of the duties on Teas, which was read the first and second time, and referred to the committee of the whole house.
Sundry reports from the Secretary of War, on petitions referred to him, were read.
A bill supplemental to the act for establishing the Treasury Department, was read the first and second time, and made the order of the day for to-morrow. This bill provides for extending the clause in the bill which enjoins an oath or affirmation from the principal officers of this Department, to the Clerks.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the house, that they recede from some, and adhere to others of their amendments to the bill laying duties on distilled spirits, &c.
The committee appointed to consider, and report what further provision is necessary to secure the duly accounting for monies appropriated for the War Department, reported a resolution for the appointment of a pay-master, which was read and laid on the table.
In committee of the whole, on the bill, supplementary to the act to incorporate the subscribers to the bank of the United States.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) moved that the first section of the bill should be expunged—and proposed the following in substance, as a substitute, viz: that subscriptions for the bank should not be opened till the first Monday in July next, and that the first payment in the six per cents of the United States may be deferred till the first Monday in January next; this was agreed to.
A clause to prohibit any person or body politic, except on behalf of the United States, from subscribing within three months from the said first of July, more than shares in one day—was agreed to.
A clause proposed by Mr. Fitzsimons enjoining the payment of the specific proportion of the subscription at the time of subscribing, and subjecting the subscribers to a forfeiture of the said first payment, in case the subsequent payments are not made—was also agreed to.
Mr. Madison proposed a clause, in substance, making it optional with the subscribers to pay their subscriptions either in the three or six per cents, both of the continental and assumed debt—the three per cents, at two for one of the six per cents; agreed to.
The committee reported these amendments to the house, which were adopted, and the bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The enrolled bill to regulate the number of Representatives for the States of Kentucky and Vermont was reported, and signed by the Speaker.
The amendments to the bill laying a duty on distilled spirits, &c. which had been disagreed to by the Senate, were taken into consideration. The first amendment to which the Senate had disagreed, respected the limitation of the compensation of the officers to two years; they proposed a substitute, by which, the provision was to continue till altered by law: After some debate, the question for agreeing to the amendment of the Senate, was negatived—Ayes 24; Nays 36. The house then voted to insist on their amendment.—The house concurred in the other amendments.
A message was received from the Senate informing the house that they have negatived the bill determining the time of the next meeting of Congress; also communicating a vote of the Senate in which they request the concurrence of the house, for transmitting to the President of the National Assembly of France, a resolution expressive of the sensibility of the legislature of the United States at the very respectful attention paid by that free and enlightened assembly to the memory of Benjamin Franklin.
The report of the committee on the message of the President of the United States of the 14th inst. was read the second time.
A motion to refer this report to a committee of the whole, was superceded by the call for an adjournment—which took place.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE VOLUNTEER LAUREAT, AN ODE;
For the BIRTH-DAY of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
OF T has the Poet's venal song, Correctly mean, and elegantly low, Told the false plaudits of the courtly throng, And wak'd a smile on guilty Grandeur's brow. But here hath Virtue's guardian hand Torn from the Syren, Adulation's power The Man, whose praise—the voice of every land— Hangs on the lips of every parting hour.
Here, can no Poet's venal song Echo the praises of a courtly throng; Nor the poor wealth of many a powerful State, Buy a new honor for the truly great: For here, the Muse's noblest lays But speak a Nation's answering praise; And here, can heaven-descended verse Nought but the glories of his name rehearse.
Daughter of Heaven! awake the enobling lyre! Breathe thy full influence; every cord inspire; Exalt the soul to dignity of song; Swell every note, and every strain prolong.
The answering Spirit trembles o'er the strings; Things, more than earthly, dance before my sight; Hark! with her voice the empyrean rings; The Past, lies all reveal'd; the Future lives in light.
"The voice of Horror echoes far; Responds, the direful whoop of war; "Thunders, the mighty tube of death; "The knife red gleams upon the heath; "Groans load the air, shrieks rend the skies; "The crimson standard wildly flies; "Impatient slaughter loudly calls; "The Chief of Tho'tless Valor falls. "Gainst all the terrors of the field, "The Chief of Virtue rears his shield; "Secure, the train diminish'd move; "And weeping Britain smiles in love.
"See, demon Danger's horrid form, "With dire Oppression strong allied, "Hangs o'er the land—and wak's the storm; "And swells, of deep calamity, the tide. "See, in their train Destruction stalk; "And Giant Vengeance threatening walk; "And red-clad Envy ride the empouison'd gale; "And jealous Grandeur spread the impatient fail. "Greatly inspir'd, his country lifts her voice— "See Danger trembles at his awful name; "Tyrant Oppression views her fainting flame; "And gasping Freedom breathes but to rejoice.
"Dark o'er the field of Liberty and Right, "Of sad Dismay, hangs low the deepened gloom: "Wide spreads the flash of Trenton's bloody light; "And Freedom, glorying, rises from the tomb. "Strong in himself—he scatters wide the storm; "Calms the wild raging of the troubled tide; "O'erthrows Destruction; Vengeance joins his side; "And Envy kneels in Adoration's form.
"Lin'd with red Hosts the ramparts shine; "Oppos'd, the brother armies join; "The brazen Thunders ope their throats; "On all the air the Tempest floats: "Their Captives guarded, see the bands retire, "And jealous Grandeur at the view expire. "His Country sav'd, o'er Cincinnatus great, "Hesills the foil, and guides the arts of Peace. "But see! new Glory bursts the womb of Fate! "New toils demand him from the promis'd ease! "The voice of millions lift him o'er the realm "Which once his valor from oppression freed; "Powerful in virtue, now he rules the helm— "In War—in Peace—the blest of Heavon succeed.
"O born to grace and dignify mankind! "Years long await thee—Time himself shall slay "Till thou hast op'd, resplendent on the mind, "Th' immortal brightness of the moral day. "Tis thine to spread new virtue o'er the Earth; "To breathe the foul of liberty in man; "To brace Creation to a glorious birth; "And charm Perfection to complete the Plan."
Favor'd of Heaven! the Muse in rapture faints, Thy grateful country strives, in vain, to sing; The Earth uplifts her hands in joy—the Saints Respond in Peans to each speaking string. "Long may'st thou live"—the Soul of Nature cries— "Greatest of Mortals—Favorite of the Skies," ELLA.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 23, 1791.
Yesterday being the Anniversary of the Birth-Day of THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, when he attained to the 59th year of his age—the same was celebrated here with every demonstration of public joy. The Artillery and Light-Infantry corps of the city were paraded, and at 12 o'clock a federal salute was fired. The congratulatory Compliments of the Members of the Legislature of the Union—the Heads of the Departments of State—Foreign Ministers—Officers, civil and military of the State—the Reverend Clergy—and of Strangers and Citizens of distinction, were presented to the President on this auspicious occasion.
The President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, has been pleased to nominate and appoint DAVID HUMPHREYS, Esq. Minister-Resident, from the United States, to her Most Faithful Majesty the Queen of Portugal.
Names of the Counsellors and Attorneys in the Supreme Court of the United States, admitted and sworn at Philadelphia, Feb. 1791.
COUNSELLORS.
William Lewis, William Bradford, jun. Alexander Wilcocks, Miers Fisher, Jonathan D. Sergeant, Jared Ingersoll, Edward Tilghman, James Monroe, Edward Burd, William Barton, Moses Levy, John F. Mifflin, Charles Heatley, William Rawle, Jasper Molyan, A. I. Dallas, Thomas Leaming, jun. Peter S. Du Ponceau, John Todd, jun. Joseph B. M'Kean, Joseph Henderson, and Benjamin Chew, jun. Esquires, of Pennsylvania. Luther Martin, Esq. of Maryland. Hon. Alexander White, of Virginia. Hon. Samuel Johnston, of North-Carolina.
ATTORNEES.
John Caldwell, and Beni. R. Morgan, Esq'rs, of Pennsylvania.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17 1/2 pr. £ 86 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 9 3/4 do. 45 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9 3/4 do. 46 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 15 9 16 3/4 80 do.   Indents 9 3/4 45 do.   N. and S. Carolina debts, 12 6 62 1/2 do.  
* Erroneously stated at 10 3/4 in our last.

Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the subject of a MINT.
(CONTINUED.)
BUT the remainder of the argument stands upon ground far more questionable. It depends upon very numerous and very complex combinations; in which there is infinite latitude for fallacy and error.
The most plausible part of it is that which relates to the course of exchange. Experience, in France, has shewn, that the market price of bullion has been influenced by the mint difference, between that and coin; some times to the full extent of the difference; and it will seem to be a clear inference, that whenever that difference materially exceeded the charges of remitting bullion, from the country where it existed, to another in which coinage was free, exchange would be in favor of the former.
If, for instance, the balance of trade, between France and England, were at any time equal, their merchants would naturally have reciprocal payments to make to an equal amount; which as usual would be liquidated by means of bills of exchange. If in this situation, if the difference between coin and bullion should be in the market, as at the mint of France, 8 per cent; if also the charges of transporting money, from France to England should not be above 2 per cent.; and if exchange should be at par, it is evident, that a profit of 6 per cent. might be made, by sending bullion from France to England and drawing bills for the amount. One hundred louis d'ors in coin would purchase the weight of 108 in bullion; one hundred of which remitted to England would suffice to pay a debt of an equal amount: and two being paid for the charges of insurance and transportation, there would remain six for the benefit of the person who should manage the negotiation. But as so large a profit could not fail to produce competition, the bills in consequence of this would decrease in price, till the profit was reduced to the minimum of an adequate recompence for the trouble and risk. And as the amount of 100 louis d'ors, in England, might be afforded for 96 in France, with a profit of more than 1 and 1-2 per cent. bills upon England might fall in France to 4 per cent. below par; one per cent. being a sufficient profit to the exchanger or broker for the management of the business.
But it is admitted that this advantage is lost, when the balance of trade is against the nation; which imposes the duty in question; because by increasing the demand for bullion, it brings this to a par with the coins: and it is to be suspected, that where commercial principles have their free scope, and are well understood, the market difference between the metals in coin and bullion will seldom approximate to that of the mint, if the latter be considerable. It must be not a little difficult to keep the money of the world, which can be employed to an equal purpose, in the commerce of the world, in a state of degradation, in comparison with the money of a particular country.
This alone would seem sufficient to prevent it: whenever the price of coin to bullion, in the market, materially exceeded the par of the metals, it would become an object to send the bullion abroad; if not to pay a foreign balance, to be invested in some other way; in foreign countries, where it bore a superior value: an operation, by which immense fortunes might be amassed, if it were not, that the exportation of the bullion would of itself restore the intrinsic par. But as it would naturally have this effect, the advantage supposed would contain in itself the principle of its own destruction. As long however as the exportation of bullion could be made with profit, which is as long as exchange could remain below par, there would be a drain of the gold and silver of the country.
If any thing can maintain for a length of time a material difference, between the value of the metals in coin and in bullion, it must be a constant and considerable balance of trade, in favor of the country in which it is maintained. In one situated like the United States, it would in all probability be a hopeless attempt. The frequent demand for gold and silver, to pay balances to foreigners, would tend powerfully to preserve the equilibrium of intrinsic value.
The prospect is, that it would occasion foreign coins, to circulate by common consent, nearly at par with the national.
To say, that as far as the effect of lowering exchange is produced, though it be only occasional and momentary, there is a benefit the more thrown into the scale of public prosperity, is not satisfactory. It has been seen, that it may be productive of one evil, the investment of a part of the national capital in foreign countries; which can hardly be beneficial, but in a situation like that of the United Netherlands; where an immense capital and a decrease of internal demand render it necessary to find employment for money, in the wants of other nations: and, perhaps, on a close examination, other evils may be deferred.
One allied to that, which has been mentioned, is this—Taking France, for the sake of more concise illustration, as the scene. Whenever it happens that French louis d'ors are sent abroad, from whatever cause, if there be a considerable difference between coin, and bullion, in the market of France, it will constitute an advantageous traffic to send back these louis d'ors and bring away bullion, in lieu of them: upon all of which exchanges, France must sustain an actual loss of a part of its gold and silver.
Again, such a difference between coin and bullion may tend to counteract a favorable balance of trade. Whenever a foreign merchant is the carrier of his own commodities to France, for sale, he has a strong inducement to bring back specie, instead of French commodities; because a return in the latter may afford no profit, may even be attended with loss; in the former, it will afford a certain profit. The same principle must be supposed to operate in the general course of remittances, from France to other countries. The principal question with a merchant naturally is—In what manner can I realize a given sum, with most advantage, where I wish to place it? And, in cases, in which other commodities are not likely to produce equal profit with bullion, it may be expected that this will be preferred; to which the greater certainty attending the operation, must be an additional inducement. There can hardly be imagined a circumstance, less friendly to trade, than the existence of an extra inducement, arising from the possibility of a profitable speculation, upon the articles themselves, to export from a country its gold and silver, rather than the products of its land and labour.
The other advantages supposed, of obliging foreigners to pay dearer for domestic commodities, and to sell their own cheaper, are applied to a situation, which includes a favorable balance of trade. It is understood in this sense—The prices of domestic commodities (such at least as are peculiar to the country) remain attached to the denominations of the coins—When a favorable balance of trade realizes in the market the mint difference between coin and bullion, foreigners, who must pay in the latter, are obliged to give more of it for such commodities, than they otherwise would do. Again, the bullion, which is now obtained at a cheaper rate in the home market, will procure the same quantity of goods in the foreign market, as before; which is said to render foreign commodities cheaper. In this reasoning, much fallacy is to be suspected:—If it be true, that foreigners pay more for domestic commodities, it must be equally true, that they get more for their own, when they bring them themselves to market. If peculiar, or other domestic commodities, adhere to the denominations of the coins, no reason occurs why foreign commodities of a like character, should not do the same thing.—And in this case, the foreigner, though he receive only the same value in coin for his merchandise, as formerly, can convert it into greater quantity of bullion. Whence the nation is liable to lose more of its gold and silver, than if their intrinsic value in relation to the coins, were preserved. And whether the gain or the loss, will on the whole preponderate, would appear to depend on the comparative proportion of active commerce of the one country with the other.
(To be continued.)
DANBURY, Feb. 1.
On the morning of the 17th of January between 8 and 9 o'clock, the brig Sally, belonging to Stamford, commanded by Capt. Benjamin Keeler, of Ridgfield, returning from a voyage to the West-Indies, was cast away on Eaton's Reef, Long-Island, and all on board, consisting of 11 persons perished.
The shore presented a mournful and distressing sight of various parts of the vessel and cargo scattered and broken to pieces, floating upon the water. The quarter deck, which was composed of two inch plank, was broken cross-ways, and the vessel torn asunder in many parts. These fragments and ruined cargo, were drifted on shore, about 33 rods from the extremity of Eaton's point. The body of Capt. Keeler was found, drifted on shore, with his arms clenched fast round the top-mast shrouds, where he probably was when the vessel struck, and fell with the mast. Three other bodies were found on shore, viz. Daniel Gray, of Stamford, Stephen Jackson, and James Butler, of Norwalk, sailors. The Brig sailed out of Sagg-Harbour on Sunday morning: The serenity of the weather, the mildness of the day and the little appearance of such a dreadful storm, had probably raised their expectations of reaching their designed port without danger. But from this time to the morning in which they perished, we can only conjecture their awful and distressed situation; excepting from some circumstances and papers. It appears that Capt. Keeler, apprehending the destruction which awaited them, packed his cloaths up and put them with his papers respecting the voyage, his watch, medal, and some other things, into his chest, locked it and fastened his keys to the hinge of his trunk. In order to secure themselves in case the vessel should strike, they had fastened one end of a piece of rigging to the boat, the other to the shrouds. The vessel was seen at 7 o'clock in the morning of the 17th close in with the land at Eaton's neck, under sail and endeavoring to claw off the shore. Soon after this, they were probably stove in pieces. Among the papers found, there was one written by the Captain, and carefully packed up with the log-book, describing the horrors of the storm, and the distress they were in, being presented with nothing but the gloomy prospect of a watery grave.—Capt. Keeler was the only son of his mother, and she a widow—a dutiful and affectionate child, beloved by all his acquaintance: Having experienced misfortunes himself, he was ever ready to succour the wretched. As a seaman he was expert, having followed the business 12 years: He died (aged 29) lamented by his relations, friends, and acquaintances.
A L B A N Y, Feb. 7.
We are informed that a mercantile house in Lansingburg, has this season purchased, and taken into store, upwards of 30,000 bushels of wheat—and that Messrs. John Kane and Brothers, have purchased, and in store at Fort-Edward, between 12 and 16,000 bushels.
In this city, wheat is on the fall: As an instance of which, we mention, one of our merchants having offered all he had in store [being no inconsiderable quantity] at 6s. per bushel, in cash—half in hand, and the remainder at a 4 months credit.
N E W - Y O R K, Feb. 14.
A Boston paper of the 7th instant says, "Saturday last Captain Cobb arrived here in the Schooner Nancy, in 30 days from Martinico.—Notwithstanding the various accounts of the restoration of tranquillity in the French [W. I.] Islands, we are authorized to affirm, that the disturbances there continue with aggravated fury.
CHARLESTON, Jan. 25.
On Tuesday the 20th instant, in the house of Representatives, at Columbia, on the second reading of a bill to repeal the confiscation act, a very warm debate took place. On the question being put, the ayes were 15, nays 69, so the bill was lost.
EDENTON, Feb. 4.
The Hon. HUGH WILLIAMSON, Esq. is re-elected a member of the house of representatives of the United States, for the Albemarle division of this state. By a majority of 896.
NORTH-CAROLINA.
In SENATE, December, 1790.
The judges of the superior courts of law and courts of equity in this state, having laid before this general assembly a letter informing of their having refused a writ of certiorari, issued by the judges of the federal court for the district of North-Carolina, relative to a suit depending in the court of equity for the district of Edenton, in the state aforesaid, in which Robert Morris, John Alexander Nesbitt, and others are complainants, and Nathaniel Allen, Alexander Black, William Scott and others defendants, and the said judges have, together with their letters, laid before the two houses the reasons and causes of such their refusal.
It is therefore resolved, that the general assembly do commend and approve of the conduct of the judges of the courts of law and courts of equity in this particular question.
W. LENOIR, S. S.
The question being put, will the house concur with the resolution of the senate? it was carried in the affirmative. Adjourned sine die
HENRY KUHL,
No. 143, North Second-Street.
FROM an expectation that a mutual advantage would be derived by the dealers in public securities, and a person who should undertake to transact such business on commission only, has concluded to offer himself for that purpose. Being of opinion, that every requisite to convince them and others of his disinterestedness ought to be attended to on his part, he has duly made oath before the Hon. the Chief Justice of the State of Pennsylvania, that he will faithfully execute the trust which may be reposed in him.
COPY OF THE OATH.
"I Henry Kuhl, of the city of Philadelphia, Stock broker, do swear, that I will not be concerned either directly, or indirectly, on my own account, in any purchase or sale of the evidences of the debt of the United States or of particular States, but will truly and faithfully execute such purchases and sales on commission only for those who may employ me: that is to say, until I shall announce in one or more of the newspapers printed at the seat of the government of the United States, my determination to the contrary. HENRY KUHL."
Sworn at Philadelphia, February 12th, 1791, before THOMAS M'KEAN."
The commissions he will charge for the present, are—
On the specie amount of all sums below 5000 nominal dollars, one half per cent. on do. from 5000 to 10,000 do. one fourth per cent. on do. from 10,000 and upwards do. one eighth per cent.
Accounts stated, and certificates funded at the Treasury or Loan-Office of the United States, on moderate terms.
N. B. All orders for purchases or sales to be in writing.
Philadelphia, February 19, 1791. (85 t. f.)
MASSACHUSETTS STATE LOTTERY.
THE Managers of the STATE LOTTERY, present the Public with the First Class of the Massachusetts Semi-annual State Lottery, which will commence drawing in the Representatives' Chamber in Boston, on the Seventeenth of March next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of.
SCHEME.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE.
25,000 Tickets, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
   Prizes. Dollars. Dollars.     1 of 10000 is 10000   2 of 3000 are 6000   3 of 2000 6000   6 of 1000 6000   10 of 500 5000   30 of 200 6000   80 of 100 8000   90 of 50 4500   100 of 40 4000   120 of 30 3600   161 of 20 3220   200 of 10 2000   7585 of 8 60680   8388 Prizes. 125000   16612 Blanks.  
25000.
TICKETS may be had of the several Managers, who will pay the Prizes on demand—of the TREASURER of the Commonwealth—of JAMES WHITE, at his Book-Store, Franklin's-Head, Court-Street, and at other places as usual.
BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun. } DAVID COBB, } SAMUEL COOPER, } Managers. GEORGE R. MINOT, } JOHN KNEELAND, }
Boston, July 28, 1790.
Tickets in the above Lottery are to be sold by Stephen Austin, corner of Front and Pine Streets, Philadelphia.
PLEASE TO NOTICE.
FOR the accommodation of those who would wish to become Adventurers in the First Class of the MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL STATE LOTTERY, letters, post paid, directed to SAMUEL COOPER, at his Office, North side State-House, Boston, enclosing Philadelphia, New-York or Boston Bank-Bills, or other good Bills, will be particularly attended to, and Tickets forwarded immediately upon the receipt of such letters.
Boston, Dec. 22, 1790.
N. B. A List of Prizes will be deposited with the Printer hereof, immediately after the drawing is completed. 71 raw it
The Managers of the STATE LOTTERY assure the public, that the first Class of the Semi-annual Lottery will positively commence drawing on the day appointed, viz. the 17th of March next. As the Managers have in their several Monthly Lotteries commenced drawing at the hour assigned, so they are determined to be equally as punctual in this. Jan. 59.
THE Copartnership of HEWES and ANTHONY having expired the gift ultimo, they request those, who have any demands, to exhibit their accounts and receive their money; and those who are indebted, are desired to make speedy payment, to either of the Subscribers, at their Compting-House, No. 5, Chestnut-Street-Wharf. JOSIAH HEWES. JOSEPH ANTHONY.
Philadelphia, Jan. 15, 1791.
N. B. They have yet on hand, and for SALE, at their STORE abovementioned,
 HYSON, Souchong, and Bohea TEAS,  Three cases Caffa,  Pimento in bags, Martinico Coffee,  Muscovado Sugar,  A few Cases old Batavia Arrack,  One cask of Durham Mustard,  New England Rum in hogheads and barrels,  A quantity of prime Boston Beef,  Spermaceeti, right whale and tanners' Oil,  Best pickled Mackerel,  6 by 8—7 by 9—8 by 10—9 by 11—and 10 by 12 Window Glass,  A quantity of excellent carrot Tobacco,  And an elegant CHANDELIER. (22w6w.) 
MANUEL NOAH,
BROKER,
No. 91, Race-Street, between Second and Third-Streets, BUYS and SELLS
Continental & State Certificates,
Pennsylvania and Jersey Paper Money, And all kinds of SECURITIES of the United States, or of any particular State.
Philadelphia, Feb. 1790.