The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-28 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 28th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
THE BEECH TREE'S PETITION.
BY THOMAS CAMPBELL, Author of "The Pleasures of Hope."
Oh, leave this barren spot to me!— Spare, Woodman, spare the BEECHEN TREE! Tho' Bush or Flow'ret never grow My dark unwarming Shades below; Nor summer bud perfume the dew, Of rosy blush or yellow hue: Nor fruits of autumn, blossom-born, My green and glossy leaves adorn; Nor murm'ring tribes from me derive Th' ambrosial amber of the hive; Yet leave this barren spot to me— Spare, Woodman, spare the BEECHEN TREE! Thrice-twenty summers I have seen The sky grow bright, the forest green, And many a winter wind have stood In bloomless, fruitless solitude, Since childhood, in my pleasant bower, First spent its sweet and sportive hour— Since youthful lovers in my shade Their vows of truth and rapture paid, And on my trunk's surviving frame Carve many a long forgotten name. Oh, by the sighs of gentle sound First breath'd upon the sacred ground— By all that LOVE hath whisper'd here, Or BEAUTY heard with ravish'd ear, As love's our altar, honor me— And spare, oh, spare the BEECHEN TREE.
CONRAD & McMUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. LAW, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey Avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage.
City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690. A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chafing dishes, Brass iron and Japan'd Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and bread baskets, lad irons, wired up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pite and cross butt Saws, 56, 28 and 14lb Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE.
November 24th, 1800.
A GENTLEMAN with a small family wishes to get Lodgings, either in George-Town, or the City, during the Session of Congress.
Apply at this Office, or to Mr. Claxton Door keeper of the House of Representatives.
Nov. 26.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE.
RABINE, CONRAD, & CO. Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store Letters from Alexander Hamilton concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States.
Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity Arts and Sciences, Classics, School books, Novels, Romances Biography, &c. &c.—With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium demy, and foolscap writing paper thick and thin post, blue & common wrapping paper, best Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink, black lead pencils, parchment, clay ing cards, blank books, &c. &c. All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices.
Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders. Nov. 17th, 1800.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 28th, 1800.
REPLY of the President to the Senate.
Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Senate.
For this excellent address, so respectful to the memory of my illustrious Predecessor, which I receive from the Senate of the United States, at this time, and in this place, with peculiar satisfaction, I pray you to accept of my unfeigned acknowledgements. With you I ardently hope, that permanence and stability will be communicated as well to the government itself, as to its beautiful and commodious seat. With you I deplore the death of that hero and sage, who bore so honorable and efficient a part in the establishment of both. Great indeed would have been my gratification, if his sum of earthly happiness had been completed by seeing the government thus peaceably convened at this place, himself at its head. But while we submit to the decision of Heaven, whose counsels are inscrutable to us, we cannot but hope, that the members of Congress, the officers of government and all who inhabit the city, or the country, will retain his virtues in lively recollection, and make his patriotism, morals and piety, models for imitation.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your assurances that the several subjects for legislative consideration, recommended in my communication to both houses, shall receive from the Senate, a deliberate and candid attention.
With you, Gentlemen, I sincerely deprecate all spirit of innovation, which may weaken the sacred bond, that connects the different parts of this nation and government, and with you I trust, that under the protection of divine providence, the wisdom and virtue of our citizens will deliver our national compact unimpaired, to a free, prosperous, happy and grateful posterity. To this end it is my fervent prayer, that in this city, the fountains of wisdom may be always open, and the streams of eloquence forever flow. Here may the youth of this extensive Country forever look up without disappointment, not only to the monuments and memorials of the dead, but to the examples of the living, in the members of Congress and officers of government, for finished models of all those virtues, graces, talents, and accomplishments, which constitute the dignity of human nature, and lay the only foundation for the prosperity or duration of Empires.
JOHN ADAMS.
City of Washington } Nov. 26, 1800. }
Answer of the House of Representatives to the President of the United States.
To JOHN ADAMS,
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
SIR,
The House of Representatives have received, with great respect, the communication which you have been pleased to make to the two Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the present session.
The final establishment of the seat of national government, which has now taken place, within the District of Columbia, is an event of no small importance in the political transactions of our country: and we cordially unite our wishes with yours, that this territory may be the residence of happiness and virtue.
Nor can we, on this occasion omit to express a hope, that the spirit which animated the great founder of this city, may descend to future generations, and that the wisdom, magnanimity, and steadiness which marked the events of his public life, may be imitated in all succeeding ages.
A consideration of those powers which have been vested in Congress over the District of Columbia, will not escape our at-
tention; nor shall we forget, that in exercising these powers a regard must be had to those events, which will necessarily attend the capital of America.
The cheerfulness and regularity with which the officers and soldiers of the temporary army have returned to the condition of private citizens, is a testimony, clear and conclusive, of the purity of those motives, which induced them to engage in the public service; and will remain a proof on all future occasions, that an army of soldiers, drawn from the citizens of our country, deserve our confidence and respect.
No subject can be more important than that of the judiciary, which you have again recommended to our consideration, and it shall receive our early and deliberate attention.
The constitution of the United States having confided the management of our foreign negotiations to the control of the executive power, we cheerfully submit to its decisions on this important subject. And in respect to the negotiations, now pending with France, we sincerely hope that the final result may prove as fortunate to our country, as the most ardent mind can wish.
So long as a predatory war is carried on against our commerce, we should sacrifice the interests, and disappoint the expectations of our constituents, should we for a moment, relax that system of maritime defence, which has resulted in such beneficial effects. At this period it is confidently believed, that few persons can be found within the United States, who do not admit, that a navy, well organized, must constitute the natural and efficient defence of this country against all foreign hostility.
The progress which has been made in the manufacture of arms, leaves no doubt that the public patronage has already placed this country beyond all necessary dependence on foreign markets, for an article so indispensable for defence; and gives us assurances, that under the encouragement which Government will continue to extend to this important object, we shall soon rival foreign countries, not only in the number, but in the quality of arms, completed from our own manufactories.
Few events could have been more pleasing to our constituents, than that great and rapid increase of revenue, which has arisen from permanent taxes. Whilst this event explains the great and increasing resources of our Country, it carries along with it a proof which cannot be resisted, that those measures of Maritime defence, which were calculated to meet our enemy upon the ocean, and which have produced such extensive protection to our Commerce, were founded in wisdom and policy. The mine must in our opinion, be insensible to the plainest truths, which cannot discern the elevated ground on which this policy has placed our Country. That national spirit, which alone could vindicate our common rights, has been roused, and those latent energies, which had not been fully known, were unfolded and brought into view, and our Fellow Citizens were prepared to meet every event, which national honour or national security could render necessary. Nor have its effects been much less important in other respects. Whilst many of the nations of the earth have been impoverished and depopulated, by internal commotions, and national contests, our internal peace has not been materially impaired; our commerce has extended, under the protection of our infant navy, to every part of the Globe—wealth has flowed without intermission into our Seaports, and the labours of the Husbandman have been rewarded by a ready market for the productions of the soil.
Be assured, Sir, that the various and important subjects, recommended to our consideration, shall receive our early and deliberate attention, and consistent of your co-operation, in every measure which may be calculated to promote the general interests, we shall endeavour on our part, to testify our industry and dispatch, the zeal and sincerity with which we regard the public good.
To which the President made the following reply.
Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
Compelled by the habits of a long life, as well as by all the principles of society and government, which I could ever understand and believe, to consider the great body of the people as the source of all legitimate authority, no less than of all efficient power, it is impossible for me to receive this Address from the immediate representatives of the American people, at this time and in this place, without emotions, which it would be improper to express, if any language could convey them.
May the spirit, which animated the great founder of this city, descend to future generations, and may the wisdom, magnanimity and steadiness, which marked the events of his public life, be imitated in all succeeding ages.
I thank you, Gentlemen, for your assurance, that the judiciary system shall receive your deliberate attention.
With you, Gentlemen, I sincerely hope, that the final result of the negotiations, now pending with France, may prove as fortunate to our country, as they have been commenced with sincerity, and prosecuted with deliberation and caution. With you I cordially agree, that so long as a predatory war is carried on against our commerce, we should sacrifice the interests and disappoint the expectations of our constituents, should we for a moment relax that system of maritime defence, which has resulted in such beneficial effects. With you I confidently believe, that few persons are to be found within the United States, who do not admit, that a navy, well organized, must constitute the natural and efficient defence of this country against all foreign hostility.
Those who recollect the distress and dangers, to this country, in former periods, from the want of arms, must exult in the assurance, from their representatives, that we shall soon rival foreign countries, not only in the number, but in the quality of arms, completed from our own manufactories.
With you, Gentlemen, I fully agree that the great increase of revenue is a proof that the measures of maritime defence were founded in wisdom. This policy has raised us in the esteem of foreign nations. That national spirit and those latent energies, which had not been and are not yet fully known to any, were not entirely forgotten by those, who had lived long enough to see in former times, their operation and some of their effects: Our fellow-citizens were undoubtedly prepared to meet every event, which national honour or national security could render necessary. These, it is to be hoped, are secured at the cheapest and easiest rate. If not, they will be secured at more expence.
I thank you, Gentlemen, for your assurance, that the various subjects, recommended to your consideration, shall receive your deliberate attention. No farther evidence is wanting to convince me of the zeal and sincerity, with which the house of representatives regard the public good.
I pray you, Gentlemen, to accept of my best wishes for your health and happiness.
JOHN ADAMS.
Washington, Nov. 27, 1800.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 26, 1800.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the Reply to the President's Speech. Mr. PARKER in the chair, which was read by paragraphs, and reported to the house without any amendments.
The report of the committee was immediately taken up, and on the question to agree to the Address, Mr. NICHOLAS rose and observed that he regretted

the introduction of political matter, calculated to produce discord and division. He was averse to the house spending time in propounding political theories, as no good, but much mischief, might flow from such a procedure. Had no other topics or sentiments been alluded to than those contained in the President's Speech, there would have been much less division in the house than was to be expected from the insertion of extraneous ideas. He had no intention, however, to enter into a detail of the objections he entertained to the Address. For the reasons he had assigned, and others which he felt, he thought the style of the Address not only unnecessary, but worse than useless. He concluded by desiring the yeas and nays to be taken.
The question being taken, was carried in the affirmative, yeas 36, nays 32, as follows: YEAS.—Messrs. Bartlet, Cooper, Craik, J. Davenport, F. Davenport, Dent, Dickson, Edmund, Evans, A. Foster, Freeman, E. Goodrich, Griswold, Henderson, Huger, Imlay, H. Lee, S. Lee, Linn, Morris, Otis, Page, Parker, Plat, Powell, Reed, Read, Sheppard, J. C. Smith, Spaight, Thatcher, Thomas, Wadsworth, Waln, L. Williams, Wood. 36.
NAYS.—Messrs. Bishop, R. Brown, Christie, Clay, Claiborne, Condit, Dawson, Elmdorff, Gray, Gregg, Hanna, Heister, Holmes, Jackson, Kitchell, Leib, Macon, Muhlenburg, New, Nicholas, Randolph, Smilie, J. Smith, Stanford, Stone, Sumpner, Talliaferro, Thomson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Courtlandt, Varnum. 32.
Mr. GRISWOLD moved that the Speaker, attended by the house, should deliver the Address to the President, and that a committee be appointed to wait on the President to know when and where it would be convenient to him to receive it.—Agreed to, and a committee of three was appointed, who soon afterwards reported that the President would receive the Address tomorrow at 12 o'clock at his own house.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the house that they had agreed to the resolution for appointing chaplains, with an amendment, directing that the chaplains should be of different denominations, in which amendment the house concurred, ayes 36, nays 34.
Mr. DENT, from the committee of elections, reported Nathan Read to be duly elected in the place of Samuel Sewall, John C. Smith in the place of Jonathan Brace, Lyttleton W. Tazewell in the place of John Marshall, and William McMeillon in the place of H. W. Harrison.
The house agreed to the reference to a committee of five members, of the motion respecting amendments to the post office law, laid on the table yesterday.
Resolved that the house make choice of a chaplain tomorrow.
On motion of Dr. Leib resolved that the petition of the Marshal of Pennsylvania, with the report made thereon last session, be referred to a committee of the whole, and that it be the order of the day for tomorrow.
The motion, made yesterday by General Lee, for appointing a committee to report such measures as they may deem advisable for carrying into effect the resolutions agreed to at the last session, commemorative of the military and political services of George Washington, was agreed to, and a committee of seven appointed.
THURSDAY Nov. 27, 1800.
A bill extending the usual privilege of franking, attached to the members of the house, to the delegate from the territory N. W. of the Ohio, and for making provision for his compensation, was read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole house to-morrow.
The House then proceeded in carriages in a body to the House of the President, to deliver their Address. A considerable number of members remained behind.
In a short time the members returned, when the Speaker took the chair, and the reply of the President to the Address of the House was read.
The House proceeded to the election of a chaplain. Mr. Dent and Mr. Otis were appointed tellers.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House, that they had elected Bishop Clagget their chaplain.
The election was then gone into by the House, and Rev. Mr. Lysle, previously nominated by Mr. Parker, was chosen.
FRIDAY, Nov. 28.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the President's speech, Mr. Morris in the chair.
Propositions for the reference of the several parts thereof to select committees were made and reported; to which the house agreed and the committees were appointed.
Mr. NEW moved that a bill Regulating the grants of land appropriated for the Refugees from the British provinces of Canada and Nova Scotia, passed last session by the house of representatives, be referred to a Select Committee which was agreed to.
Last evening arrived in Washington, THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice-President of the United States, and took up his lodgings in Messrs. Conrad and M'Munn's apartments.
Unquestionable information is received from Tennessee, that Mr. LOVE is elected an Elector. Mr. Love is decidedly for Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr, and is chosen for the only district in which any doubt was entertained. The entire vote of Tennessee will therefore be for Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr.
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE.
The bill for the election of Electors, as amended in the Senate on the 20th inst. was sent to the House of Representatives, who amended it in such a way as to insure the choice of nine Electors to themselves, and six to the Senate. This amendment has been non-concurred by the Senate, who adhere substantially to their original proposition, which the house has again rejected.
On Sunday evening the 26th October the Light-House on Brant Point (Nantucket) was blown down.
Extract of a letter from Charleston, dated November 11.
"By a vessel arrived this day, from St. Domingo—All the white French inhabitants are ordered off by the Blacks."
EARTHQUAKE.
"Lancaster, Nov. 22."
"In the course of the two last days we have been visited by several alarming Earthquakes. The rumours as to the number and violence of these convulsions have not yet been reduced to certainty by the public opinion. We believe the first appearance was on Wednesday morning, about five o'clock, which "seemed like the murmurs of distant winds." A few minutes before six on the same morning we had the most violent shock. It continued for about fifty seconds, agitated every thing, and was in sound like the rumbling of many carriages over a stone pavement. Yesterday morning shortly before two o'clock, there was a shock nearly as violent. In the interval, and since, four or five more trivial agitations have taken place. We reserve particulars and observations till next publication."
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman in Taney Town, dated Nov. 24th, 1800.
"The Factory for public arms in the neighbourhood of Taney Town belonging to Mr. Matthias Shroyer the contractor, on last Friday about 10 o'clock at night, caught fire, and in a few hours was burnt down, together with 45 muskets that were ready for inspection, 80 locks rendered useless, and a large quantity of flocks and stock stuff, with all the necessary tools. The loss is estimated at 1600 dollars."
From a London paper.
A few days since as some labourers were digging chalk in a meadow, called Pitmead, between Warminster and Heytesbury, they came down upon a substance which at first appeared to them as common brick, but which, upon minute examination, proved to be a most perfect and beautiful Roman pavement, 22 feet square, equal if not superior to those discovered at Woodchester, near Gloucester, some years since. It is earnestly hoped the researches of the Antiquary will not stop at this view, as it is generally supposed this is only part of some spacious Roman palace. The ground belongs to the Marquis of Bath.
The following is the letter of Thomas Pinckney, to which that from the President, which was lately published, was an answer:
Charleston, 16th September, 1800.
SIR, I have the honour of transmitting herewith a Charleston Gazette, containing a letter copied from a newspaper of Baltimore, to which your signature is subscribed. Conscious, as I am, that I never, either directly or indirectly, by myself or by my friends, have been concerned in any British intrigue, or connected with British influence; knowing that my nomination to the English mission, was not only unsolicited but was unknown to myself and my immediate friends until announced
to me officially by Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State; believing as I do that no improper influence preponderated in the mind of the officer by whom I was nominated; I take the liberty of making this appeal to your justice, requesting if the letter, which has been published as yours, be a forgery, that an immediate and explicit declaration of this fact may be promulgated; but if the contrary should be the case, I equally rely upon your justice, to explain how far you consider my brother and myself to have been justly obnoxious to the suspicions which you appear to have entertained at the time the letter was written, together with the basis of such suspicions. While a due regard to our best property reputation, impels me to urge this claim on your justice, I entreat you, Sir, to consider me as not intentionally deviating from a due respect to your private virtues, or derogating from the consideration which, in your official capacity, you are justly entitled. I have the honour to be Sir, your respectful and most obedient servant,
THOMAS PINCKNEY.
The President of the United States.
The Legislature of Massachusetts have chosen JOHN CODMAN, a Senator of the United States in the room of Benjamin Goodhue resigned. Jonathan Mason, previously elected, declined serving.
After the election the Legislature was adjourned to the third Wednesday in January.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
SIR,
I enclose you one of a series of Essays on the best system of military defence, now publishing in the Newark (N. J.) Gazette.
The friends of our republican institutions, who justly view a standing army as their greatest enemy, and a well regulated militia as their strongest guard, have often affirmed the existence of men in the United States, who, either from mistaken or depraved motives, wish to substitute the former in the place of the latter. An irrefragable confirmation of this opinion will be found in the perusal of this Essay. It ought to excite a spirit of vigilant attention to render abortive the delusive ideas diffused among the people; and it calls upon the legislature of the United States, as well as of the individual states, to place the equipment and organization of the militia upon a footing, which shall render fruitless all attempts to establish a large standing force.
A CITIZEN.
FOR THE NEWARK GAZETTE.
ESSAY ON THE BEST SYSTEM OF MILITARY DEFENCE.
No. II.
"Saul chose him three hundred men of Israel; and the rest of the people he sent every man to his tent."
THE militia institution is again objectionable on the grounds of its corrupting influence upon morals. It is calculated directly to instruct the youth and yeomanry of our country, if not in discipline, at least in dissipation. On what occasions, is there more frequent profanity, intemperance, extravagance of every kind, and I may add, of obscenity, than on that of the militia musters? Habits of curling, swearing, fighting, brawling, drinking, but above all, of idleness and growing dissipation, are there begotten and invigorated in an unusual degree. The idleness of those mustering days, and the consequent increase of vicious practices, is an evil of large and alarming extent. So universal is the dereliction of business, by men, by women, frequently by children and slaves, on these occasions, that one would naturally, at first, imagine them to be festivals instituted expressly to do the honors of the old Bacchanalian worship, and to serve as a school for vice and irregularity. In a word, if the least spark of barbarian brutality remain in the uncultivated manners of the crowd, it is sure to display itself on such public meetings, and increase in additional vigor.
All this is, as I conceive, the effects of the hoarding principle, if you combine with the association of the ideas that war and its attendants never fail to produce in the mind. Of war the demoralizing effect has become proverbial; and even when it has disappeared, many of its unhappy consequences remain.
If war itself, in substance in its demoralizing effects, be dreaded, the militia institution, its shadow, so far as it extends, can scarcely be accounted less so. To procure defence on such conditions, when better may be had, it cannot surely, by a people who knows how to appreciate it, be thought a cheap purchase. The militia institution is thus objectionable in a moral view. Many evil habits are generated, which in all probability, a more regular and systematized establishment would go far to obviate.
3d. But if objectionable in a moral, it is still more so in an economical view. What are we to think on this subject, survey it as we will? the vast expence attending military duty under this far-famed institution, cannot fail to strike us. We will consider the progress of an ordinary militia mustering. We are in the first instance to consider the time which is lost, by those who bear arms and train; for "time," says Franklin, "is money." We are next to take into account the usual herd of spectators of all ages, sexes and colors. We must then calculate the worth of all this time industriously improved in the ordinary employments of life; and this considerable amount must be multiplied by several trainings in a year, frequently in the throng of business. Again, we are to remultiply this great sum by all the militia in the United States, together with all contingent, direct and individual expences, and what will probably be the amount? A sum more than adequate, no doubt, to the maintenance of a regular armament many times greater than is necessary for any rational fear of defence.
Or let us, if you please, place the calculation upon another footing. There are three days of labor out of the three hundred, that are devoted to the purpose of military duty. This amounts to 1 per cent upon all the active industry of the country; for the industrious women at home cannot be supposed to earn more at home, than the men spend abroad on these occasions. Now one hundredth, according to this calculation, of what is earned in the United States, would probably be more than treble sufficient for the maintenance and pay of any necessary number of regular forces; of consequence the militia is three times as expensive, to say no more, as it should be. Yet the militia is looked upon by many as costing nothing, when compared with regular establishments. Strange! a striking instance this of national prejudice, and preconception. We must, I repeat it, eradicate NATIONAL PREJUDICES.
Reason dictates, that to arrive at any degree of perfection, the military, like all other arts, should be made the business of a particular and distinct profession. The whole time and talents of those of that profession should be devoted to it, and to it only. Till this be the case, and the military art be pursued as an object, with system and regularity, our knowledge of it, of necessity can be no otherwise than superficial, at a vastly enhanced expence, too at the same time. We may expect, indeed, in our attempts to acquire this knowledge in any other than the right way, to experience the inconveniences inseparable from it, with few of its advantages.
It is an established principle in economics, that the more simply, entirely and separately, a branch of business is followed, the better it succeeds, and the less expence there is of what are merely means; and on the other hand, the more complex a man's pursuits, the worse the chance for success as much is then lost in running from one thing to another. The farmer must not think of being his own mechanic if he means to live by his farm; he must not make his own or his family's shoes; he could not afford it, if even he was competent; much less can he think of it under the combined disadvantage of being obliged to learn at the same time the trade that he is practicing. Nor can he think of being his own lawyer, physician, divine or school master, in the present state of society at least. A man of all trades, says common sense, is good at none, and profits by none. Let us apply these principles to the militia institution, and so far as they extend, we shall perceive, that by combining and confounding the military along with other professions, it is rendered at once bungling, nugatory, and expensive. To me therefore it appears that the maxim of every citizen his own soldier, is a gross mistake. It approximates our situation to the state of barbarians, in whose boundaries universal war is the characteristic feature. It is, in fact, a justification of Hobbes' famous sentiment, that "the state of man is a state of war"; and in point of policy, every man might, with equal pretence to reason, become his own lawyer, physician, or shoe-maker.
Economy dictates, not only that the military profession should be filled by a

separate class in society, but by men who voluntarily engage in it. For this purpose an adequate compensation must be attached to the employment. We thus secure their willing and effective services; and instead of teaching every man a smattering, economy dictates to teach a few only, an adequate few, but these few thoroughly. But the number of these few should always increase or diminish with the exigency of the case, and should in all cases be perfectly voluntary. To this end the soldier should be well paid and encouraged. They should in every instance be men of approved talents and unexceptionable character. Every soldier, in a word, should be a gentleman; and I aver that true economy not only dictates, but reason evinces, that the military should and might be selected with as much discrimination as the judiciary, or any other social department. The absurdity is in this way avoided of employing a man by constraint to serve his country, in a business which, of all others, requires the most patriotism and spirit.
MILTIADES.
From the Boston Chronicle.
As the Legislature have assembled to transact a business which is considered, by a large proportion of their Constituents, as a violation of their individual rights, it requires the utmost circumspection that intrigue and deception should not become powerful agents in their ultimate decision. The deprivation of this privilege is of that magnitude, as will never be forgotten by the People.
It is a fortunate circumstance, that two books are now in circulation, which develop the measures of men, once high in the confidence of their country. One is written by Alexander Hamilton , and the other is supposed to be the lucubrations of Noah Webster . The two authors are at variance, but their statements serve to inform the citizens of very important transactions.
Noah says—"That as early as the year 1798, a Treaty offensive and defensive with Great-Britain was proposed, and that many influential characters in the government, were zealously engaged in this interest, and among them the late Secretary of State; and the British Minister intimated a wish to receive a proposition for this purpose from our government."
He further says—"That as early as the year 1797, William Cobbett, alias Peter Porcupine, proposed and urged an offensive and defensive Treaty, between the United States, and Great-Britain"—and the writer further says, "that it is now ascertained that Porcupine was an agent of the British Ministry, and corresponded with the under Secretaries of State"—and that it is a known fact, that he had won over to his interest the Government-paper of the U. States."
Noah further says—"that Hamilton, in the spring of 1798, addressed the People of the U. States, on the necessity of raising a considerable army—endeavoured to convince them of the danger of invasion—a danger altogether chimerical and almost morally impossible—that Hamilton was the principal instrument of exciting an unfounded alarm, and producing measures that put the country to an "unnecessary expence."
Thus far Noah Webster; and while republishing Hamilton, as the principal instrument in obtaining an unnecessary and expensive army, he at the same time admits, that Mr. Adams, though opposed to his plans, gave his signature to those acts under which the whole system was adopted. Mr. Webster is called on to justify Mr. Adams in thus functioning as President, what Mr. Hamilton had devised in his official capacity.—It is but a poor consolation to the People, who have to pay the taxes arising from an unnecessary army to find that Mr. Noah Webster supposed the President to be deceived by Hamilton. The Constitution contemplates the President above such intrigues and cabals, and though Webster attempts to vindicate his conduct, yet the suggestion, that he was deceived by Hamilton, cannot have a tendency to excite the confidence of the citizens in his future administration. Can Mr. Webster seriously suppose, that if the United States are burthened with an additional debt of millions, in consequence of raising an army declared to be necessary, that they will hazard a four years administration to a man who has been thus far deceived by the intrigues of an individual? If this is the case, it proves so much against Mr. Adams, it is a pity that any friend of his should mention the circumstance.
But it seems, by Hamilton's publication, that the administration has been in some measure under the direction of " Ministers ." Who these " Ministers " are, the
Constitution is entirely silent. This Ministerial influence , however, has been very powerful, not only in controlling the conduct, but in electing the President. "It was agreed," says Hamilton, at one time, "that a few votes should be delivered from Mr. Adams to other persons" and at another, "that it was determined to support Mr. Adams for Chief Magistrate." Hamilton talks a great deal about " Ministers ," and a person would suppose he was reading the transactions within the Court of St. James's, rather than those of the President of the United States.
Upon the whole, we are furnished from these documents, with the following particulars, viz. 1st, that a treaty, offensive and defensive was urged by influential characters in government, with Great Britain.—2d, That Peter Porcupine was under pay of the British government.—3d, That the said Peter had won over to his interest, the GOVERNMENT-PAPER of the United States.—4th, That the army was unnecessary, and adopted by the intrigue of Hamilton.—5th, That the President gave it his sanction, though he disapproved the measure.—6th, That a party has ever been controlling our elections for president and vice-president, and that " ministers " had so far assumed the reins of government, as to consider it "a dangerous and degrading system not to consult them."
This is the picture drawn of our administration by Hamilton and his opposer. This being a fact, is it not best to place the government in the hands of those, who have openly borne testimony against the machinations of Hamilton? As Jefferson has never been deceived by him, and during his political elevation, he has viewed Hamilton and his satellites, as the enemies of the liberties of the people, Hamilton could not have persuaded Jefferson to sign an act for raising an army, unless he had been convinced of its utility.
One thing however is evident, that the man whom Hamilton recommends, must be obnoxious to the friends of this country. Mr. Pinckney is the object contemplated by him and the Essex Junto: of consequence if he is chosen, he must be the mere tool of the individuals who elect him. A question then arises, if Hamilton under the administration of President Adams, was able to receive the government so far as to obtain a needless and expensive army, and thereby throw a land tax and other enormous expenses upon the people, what may we not apprehend if Pinckney should be chosen, who would become the mere automaton of the party who supported him?
NEW-YORK, Nov. 21.
By the brig Commerce, arrived here yesterday, we learn, that on the 24th of September she left at Gibraltar 50 sail of the line and 50 transports, with 22,000 troops on board, under the command of Lord Keith. They were taking in water and provisions; and it was expected they would sail in a few days—destination unknown.
INFORMATION WANTED.
ALEXANDER INNES , a Hatter by trade, was sometime ago on board the Constellation frigate and was in 1798 in Norfolk, Virginia. He has not since been heard off. His friends would be thankful if any persons who know anything of his situation or residence, would communicate it by letter, per post, addressed to Robert Innes, jun. merchant Easton Pennsylvania.
P. S. Printers to the Southward of Pennsylvania are requested to give the above a place for a few times.
November 28, 1800.
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that two Tracts of land belonging to CHARLES GRANDJEAN lying in the County of Pickering in the Mississippi Territory, and adjoining land belonging to Adam Bingham, are attached by a Foreign attachment at the suit of Joseph Calvet for a debt of 2063 dollars 50 cents.
JOSEPH CALVET.
Nov. 28, 1800.
STRAYED OR STOLEN A BLACK MARE with a white streak down her face, with a bunchy mane and tail. No other particular marks that I know. About thirteen hands high, about twelve years old, very heavy made and in good order, FOUR DOLLARS reward and all reasonable charges paid if left either with the Subscriber, or at JAMES TIMMONS Liberty Street Baltimore,
By JAMES USHER, Greenleaf's Point. Washington City, Nov. 10, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the members of the ensuing Congress and the Public, that he has taken the two houses in square No. 690, on the New Jersey Avenue opposite the house at present occupied by Thomas Law, Esq. where he can accommodate either single Gentlemen or those who have families. The houses were finished last spring, so that no danger can be apprehended from damp walls. He has Stableage for several horses and two good Carriage houses.
ROBERT W. PEACOCK.
City of Washington,
October 31st 1800.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, failed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unex- cused delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indecent ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to him, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROFESSIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PEREELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subjoined to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good eni paper, and with a new type
2d. The annual subscription shall be FIVE DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and SIX DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.
3d. All Letters to be post paid.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare, his, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional department shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit
of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
October 31st, 1800.
The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER is this day presented to the Public. It is the first Paper printed in WASHINGTON; and from the vicinity of the Editor to the Capitol, the seat of the public bodies, he expects to be enabled to furnish the earliest and most correct notices of their deliberations. The crisis of national affairs is deeply interesting, whether contemplated in relation to our internal or external situation. Fully impressed with the sacred duties of the press in such times, and sensible how much good or mischief may be effected by the virtuous or vicious application of the power with which public opinion has invested it, truth and truth only, shall be the guide of the Editor. In many instances he will doubtless be deceived. But in all instances a consciousness of error will be followed by a candid enunciation of it.
The design of the National Intelligencer is to diffuse correct information through the whole extent of the union. From the whole extent, therefore, of the union, it must derive the patronage that shall sustain it; and every friend to its plan is invited to promote it, by making known its nature and character to his fellow citizens in his neighbourhood.
For this sole purpose, not in the unworthy spirit of solicitation, it is intended to forward a few of the early numbers to citizens of respectability in the several states, who are requested to use their good offices, if they consider the Paper worthy encouragement.
Oct. 31st. 1800.
JOHN BARNES,
FROM PHILADELPHIA,
Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of
fresh Teas of the first quality, viz.
Imperial, Large Hyson, Young Hyson, Hysonkin, Souchong and Bohea.
SPICES.
Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Four bags fresh Almonds.
LIQUORS.
Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port. Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spi- rits, and Holland Gin.
COFFEE,
Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings.
He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONERY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 80 to 130 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes.
English and American playing cards, Tableboard per gross, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 73 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece.
Nov. 14th, 1800.
THE SUBSCRIBER OFFERS FOR SALE, THE FOLLOWING VALUABLE PROPERTY.
In George Town & the City of Washington.
Viz.
A BRICK HOUSE & LOT near the Union-tavern; the terms of payment as follows, one half cash, the balance in 6 and 9 months, the purchaser giving notes with approved indorsers.
—ALSO—
A number of Lots unimproved; one lot adjoining the above, 47 feet front, 120 back; one lot on the causeway, near Mr. Joseph Peck's building, 26 feet front by 125 back; one fourth of the square in Thomas Beall's addition to George Town, on an elegant eminence, it being part of that square improved by Mr. William Smith; also, a lot in said addition, it being at the diagonal corner from the place of residence of Joseph Nourse, Esq. one lot in the City of Washington, square 164, fronting North K. street 66 feet 4 inches by 80 feet 10 inches on Connecticut Avenue, containing 5295 square feet, with a spring of excellent water running through said lot.
All the above property will be disposed of on the most reasonable terms, and indisputable titles will be given on the purchase money being paid.
JONATHAN JACKSON.
November 12, 1800.

PHILADELPHIA, November 22, 1800.
At a numerous meeting of the citizens of the City and County of Philadelphia, convened by public advertisement at the State House on Thursday evening the 20th of November, 1800.
CAPTAIN JAMES GAMBLE
Was unanimously called to the Chair, and William Duane named Secretary—A citizen having stated the purpose of the meeting to be intended to take into consideration the recent conduct of the Legislature.
It was moved that a committee be appointed to draft resolutions—and Messrs. Hugh Ferguson, John Leib, Edward Pole, John Smith, and John L. Irwin were nominated, who having retired for some time, presented a form of proceedings which after some warm debate, and undergoing several amendments, were adopted by paragraphs and passed with only a single dissenting vote as follows:
The citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia, convened by public notice at the State-house, on Thursday evening the 20th November, 1800, after considering the recent transactions in the senate of this commonwealth, and witnessing the unhappy subserviency of a number of the members of that body, to the dictation of a few persons known under the designation of the Dunwoody Committee, in opposition to the voice of their legitimate constituents; and having likewise considered the measures attempted and the means pursued by a majority of 13 to 11 of the members of that body to render the voice of Pennsylvania nugatory in the present interesting moment—think it expedient to declare to their fellow citizens of the commonwealth at large their opinions, by way of Resolution, on the culpable conduct of the said thirteen members of the senate; in the manner following:
1. Resolved as the opinion of this meeting, founded on the principles of republican government, and recognised by the Constitutions of the United States and of this state, that the will of the majority of the people is the only safe and legitimate rule by which the representatives of a free people can act.
2. Resolved, That it appears from authenticated returns that the late elections have been made of members of Congress, of state senators and representatives upon the conviction of the people of this state that the system of public measures pursued for some years past, was ruinous and unwise; and with a view to the correction of past errors and the promotion of a system more economical, and conformable to the spirit of our country;—that the election of our present governor was carried upon the same principles; and that in the recent election of only seven senators, six of whom went out by rotation, the new senators have been chosen by a Majority of 11,000 votes; and the members of the present house of representatives by a majority of 18,000 votes.
3. Resolved that elections being the constitutional criterion whereby the sense of the people is obtained, that the voice of the people has been unequivocally declared for a change of measures, by a change of men in the recent elections.
4. Resolved, That this meeting view with indignation the contemptuous manner in which the Petitions and Memorials of their constituents laid before them in the present session, have been treated by a majority of the Senate.
5. Resolved, That the majority of the senate of this commonwealth, consisting of Messrs Woods, Potts, Gurney, Jones, Johnston, Ewing, McClellan, Poffethwaite King, Barton, Wheelan and Carpenter, in opposing the mode of election by joint vote, have disregarded the principle heretofore uniformly adopted, and particularly directed in the constitution; and that it is the opinion of this meeting, and must necessarily follow, that if the election by joint vote is not constitutional, that Messrs William Bingham and James Ross, senators in congress from this state, are not entitled to hold their seats in Congress, they having been elected by a joint vote, and many of the members who are opposed to the principle at present having voted for them by that mode.
6. Resolved, That the respectable minority of the senate of Pennsylvania deserve the grateful thanks and future confidence of their constituents and the state at large.
Resolved, That the thirteen members of the senate who have contumaciously disregarded the voice of the people—the duty they owe to their constituents—the sacred rights of petitioning—the weight and suffrage of this state in the scale of the union, merit public execration, and that in the opinion of this meeting they ought not
to receive support at any future election nor promotion to any place of profit, honour, or trust under this commonwealth.
Resolved that copies of these Resolutions be transmitted to the honest minority of the Senate, signed by the Chairman, and the proceedings be published.
[Signed]
JAMES GAMBLE, Chairman. Attest Wm. DUANE, Secretary.
BOSTON, Nov. 17.
On Saturday, anchored in Nantasket Roads, the United States frigate Boston, George Little, Esq. commander, with her prize, the French national corvette La Berceau, commanded by citizen Louis Andre Senes, captured on the 12th October, in lat. 22, 50, N. lon. 51, W. after an action of one hour and forty minutes. Le Berceau mounts 22 French nine, and two 12 pounders on one deck; and had on board at the commencement of the action 230 men—Her loss was 35 killed, and a number wounded. The force of the Boston, was 24 twelve and 6 nine pounders, and 230 men. The names of the killed and wounded on board the Boston, are—William Ford, John Higgins, Matthias Jasey, and William M'Kee, killed; Mr. Samuel Young, Purser, Thomas Hartley, and Nathaniel Dill, wounded, since died; and Mr. J. M. Haswell midshipman, George Groom, Gavin Wilkinson, Francis Rice, John Runlet, Francis Francis, John Alford and John Collins, wounded and likely to recover. The prize lost all three of her masts, and was very much disabled. The Boston is much injured in her masts, spars, rigging, and sails, which obliged capt. Little to return from his cruise to rest. We are informed, capt. Little has expressed in strong terms his approbation of the conduct of his officers and crew, during the action; and considered that it would be injustice to the commander of Le Berceau, not to state that he gallantly defended his ship as long as she was capable of making a defence.
Le Berceau had been out from Cayenne, 25 days, during which she had plundered 2 American vessels, and made prize of one. On a former cruise, she had captured several American, and a great number of Portuguese ships from Brazil.
A variety of circumstances renders this capture of more importance than appears at the first view.—Le Berceau is considered as one of the fastest sailing corvettes in the French navy, she served as lookout vessel to the French fleet for 18 months, has frequently been chased by the British cruisers, and was never overtaken before; she has been very successful in capturing British, Portuguese and American vessels; and was bound this cruise to intercept American Indian, and S. American ships. Captain Senes has been a post captain in the French navy for many years, and was a midshipman in Count de Estaing's fleet in this harbor. He has been in several engagements and is esteemed a brave and intelligent officer.
The Bureau lost in the engagement her first lieutenant, master, boatswain, master-gunner and Pilot; besides common men.
The Boston expended upwards of 2700 weight of powder, above 1500 round shot, besides double that number of chain, double headed and grape, during the action. The prize is now commanded by lieut. Haswell, first lieut. of the Boston.
The Corvette measures 120 feet upon her gun deck and nearly the width of the Boston.
Capt. Senes, and a commissioner who was in Le Berceau, after being on board the Boston 15 days, were, at their request, permitted to go to Barbadoes on parole; they took passage in a vessel bound to that place.
Among the number of the killed on board of the Boston, it is a melancholy task imposed on us to insert the name of Mr. Samuel Young, the purser of the frigate, who served in the action as master of one of the quarter deck guns, and was wounded early in the engagement. On the abilities, and prospects of this spirited and intelligent young gentleman, were reposed the pride and the hopes of his respectable connections, who reside in the town of Bridgewater, in this state; most sincerely do we mingle our regrets with the tears of his family and friends—Of great youthful promise and literary ambition he was two years since entered of the profession of law, and remained for sometime a student in the office of Mr. Mitchell. His circumstances, however, not corresponding with his wishes, a thirst for independence and his own manly habits, pointed him to a life of more arduous activity as the means of improving his situation. At the expiration of the present cruise, it was his determination to return to the profession he had for a time
relinquished, and in which the expectation of all who knew him had allotted him a rank of honor and usefulness. With such views and such resolutions, the fate which has attended him, while it bears honorable testimony to his memory, will leave a dreary blank in the most wisely framed calculations of human foresight.
KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE.
Speech of the Governor.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.
I embrace this as the first favorable opportunity of expressing through you to my fellow-citizens in general, the high sense which I entertain of that esteem and confidence, which has induced them again to call me to the high office which I have at present the honor to fill. This instance of their good opinion is the more flattering, as it evinces their approbation of my former administration, and has renewed in me the obligations of duty: and as far as zeal and integrity will supply the place of ability; so far they may rely on my unremitting attention to the duties of the office, and whatever else may be in my power, to promote the interest and happiness of my constituents.
In recurring to the internal situation of our country—free from intestine commotion as well as from foreign aggression—firmly united in the principles of republican liberty—enjoying domestic tranquility—profiting by the progress and improvements in agriculture, and some useful manufactures—and blessed with the pleasing prospects of plentiful crops—we possess strong incentives to the warmest expressions of gratitude to the benign Author of all good, as well as ample ground for mutual congratulations.
It is at the same time, however, not to be concealed, that there are unfavorable circumstances in the situation of our affairs.
The very reduced state of our treasury, will excite your regret, and that not merely on its own account, but on account of the nature of the causes which have produced it: for though we can happily acquit ourselves of having wasted our resources by extravagant and expensive establishments—yet notwithstanding all our care and economy, our actual income will be found inadequate to our necessary expenditures.
The principal source of this evil will probably be found, in our local situation, but more especially in the nature and system of our trade. The amazing sums of money which have been annually drained from this country in consequence of commercial arrangements, in which not merely the balance, of trade but the whole trade itself is against us, have left us almost destitute of specie:—nor can I discern any probable prospect of a change for the better, until our dependence on other countries is lessened, and until we supply those wants which are indispensable, through channels which will admit of an exchange of commodities, mutually advantageous to the parties concerned.
Deriving as we do, for the most part, our origin from the countries bordering on the ocean; our ideas naturally take a commercial direction. Notwithstanding our remote situation from the sea;—nature, bountiful in her gifts, has afforded us the means of intercourse with foreign nations—through a channel, both natural and practicable, the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, together with the numerous navigable streams which take their directions, through various parts of our fruitful country. Policy and interest therefore invite us, in our commercial views to this channel. Experience no doubt, by proving it adequate to the exportation of all the surplus of our industry as well as to the importation of such articles as our necessities may require—will teach us to regard it as a medium of great national conveyance, if not of wealth. Whether it be within the power of government to do any thing towards giving a new direction to our system of commerce, and obtaining the productions of distant climes through their natural channel—can only be ascertained by an accurate knowledge of the causes which have contributed to a perseverance in our present mercantile arrangements. As far as our continuance in the system we have fallen into, depends on the habits, the connections and the predilections of the mercantile part of the community;—something might probably be effected to counteract these causes, by such premiums on importations by the way of the Mississippi, as would at least call their attention more effectually to that essential channel of our foreign intercourse.
Intimately connected with this subject is that of home manufactures. Our soil and
climate are happily adapted to the production of materials for carrying this branch of national industry to a very beneficial extent. Our domestic manufactures, even on the present scale, imperfect as it is, have a very honorable claim to public countenance—and from the wisdom and prudence of our citizens, we have every reason to hope they will be greatly extended. But as our consumption for a considerable time to come, will greatly exceed any thing that will probably be done in this line: I will suggest whether it might not be expedient for the legislature to encourage manufacturing men of industry, probity and ability, by affording such pecuniary aids as may be deemed consistent with the interests and resources of the commonwealth.
The state of the militia, is a subject to which I have frequently called your attention—and many judicious regulations have been made, by which I shall probably be enabled, to lay before you, during the present session, its real situation. It is a melancholy fact, that one half of our militia are at present without arms, and that a great proportion of the arms actually possessed, are unfit for use. I need not inform you that in the present state of things, either invasion or insurrection, would meet with a very feeble resistance, for want of the means of rendering us formidable to both.
The present is happily a time of peace—a time above all others the most proper to prepare against future danger.
The procuring of arms and providing military stores, I cannot but deem essential to our future safety.
The penitentiary house, I am happy to inform you, has been completed. The monies appropriated to this building, I have reason to believe have proved nearly adequate to the objects for which they were intended. There may be some incidental demands, which will probably require a farther appropriation;—but on this subject you will be able to judge more accurately, when a report shall be made by the directors of the building.
Special laws of the late session, requiring the attention of the executive, have been, as far as time and other circumstances admitted, carried into effect.
You will agree with me, I doubt not, fellow-citizens of the general assembly, that some of the subjects on which I have now addressed you, are highly important and involve the most weighty interests of the commonwealth.
I submit them to your wisdom and discretion, and am satisfied that they will receive a candid and dispassionate deliberation.
JAMES GARRARD.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE,
Lot No. 9, in Square 122.
THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on F. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street.—An indispensable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel.
JOHN KEARNEY.
N. B. I will also sell Lot No 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No 24, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property.
I. K.
November 17, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
FIVE or Six gentlemen can be accommodated with Gentel Board and Lodging, in a good and comfortable House, on New-Jersey Avenue, at Mr. Law's former residence Also good Stabling wherein twenty horses can be accommodated by,
SAMUEL BOOTES.
Nov. 26th, 1800.
Public Sale of Lots, IN WASHINGTON CITY.
WILL be sold at public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the 10th day of December next, at William Tunnicli's Hotel, ONE HUNDRED LOTS, situated eastward of the Capitol and near to the Eastern Branch ferry. The terms will be one half cash and the other half at 60 days on notes negotiable at the bank of Columbia satisfactorily endorsed.
An indisputable title will be given by GEORGE WALKER.
Washington, November 26.