National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-01-12 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 12, 1792.
NUMB. 22.
[Our readers will recollect to have seen in Number 7, and some succeeding papers of the NATIONAL GAZETTE, a translation from a French manuscript entitled, "a political enquiry into the best means of improving the commerce of the United States." It is the work of an intelligent French Gentleman residing at New-London; who has recently transmitted us some further ideas on the same subject; a translation of which the Editor flatters himself will be equally acceptable to the generality of our readers with those before published.]
Continuation of the Memorial upon the best means of improving the Commerce and Manufactures of the United States.
THOSE who have read the history of the civilized world with attention, must have observed the multitude of difficulties which all infant states have been obliged to encounter, and the efforts which government and national industry have been constrained to make in order to surmount the obstacles which were opposed to the growth of the useful arts and manufactures.—At certain periods we shall find that a scarcity of artists and materials for the support of manufactures retarded the progress of the best concerted undertakings. At other times we shall see, that inadequate means or a setting out upon erroneous principles operated against all the efforts of industry. Again we shall discover, that the dearness of provisions and high wages were powerful obstacles to success. The competition of foreign manufactures and the low price of imported commodities have also contributed not a little, at different periods, to prevent nations from supplying themselves with their own fabrics. The efforts of the most persevering artists and most determined undertakers and employers have always come short of the desired purpose without being assisted by the genius and influence of legislation, which again in its turn stood in equal need of the talents of the man of art and invention.
The establishing of national manufactures has ever appeared an arduous object to the great men of all enlightened ages, because they are naturally attended with an increase of subsistence for the human species, and afford the means of living to a vast number of individuals, whose labours under proper direction give a spring to commerce and enrich their country.
It seems necessary that the wisdom of sovereigns and the industry of individuals should concur in order to render prosperous, all considerable establishments of this nature; and in proportion as difficulties increased, in this respect, the more have all wise legislatures and sovereigns exerted themselves to overcome them, and thus enjoyed the result of glory and emolument. To obtain the end in view, circumstances of necessity have always naturally induced, or rather compelled them to fall upon the most proper means to obviate the impediments thrown in their way; but at the same time, it must be confessed, that a great length of time, and men of the first rate abilities have been equally necessary to accomplish such undertakings. These persons have been universally honoured with the meritorious title of Fathers of their people and the benefactors of mankind: but it was only by the greatest exertions, resolution, and invincible perseverance that they attracted the smiles of fortune upon their endeavours. Legislative skill, knowledge of laws, sound commercial regulations, patriotic associations, political and financial abilities, with an accurate idea of government in all its parts, were alike necessary to overcome obstacles and exempt their subjects from the tribute they paid to their neighbours, in the purchase of articles necessary for the uses of life.
While we admire and venerate the
wisdom and prudent conduct of such governments, let us consider them as objects worthy of our imitation.
Let us, for a moment, turn our attention to their mode of carrying their plans into execution, and the successful means which they essayed in establishing those manufactures of which we shall presently speak.
We will, in the first place, take a view of Ireland, after the ravages of the civil wars in that country. For some time nothing was to be seen in that unfortunate island but the vestiges of fire and sword; their farms neglected, commerce annihilated; an exhausted treasury, and no other resource for re-establishing their affairs but the industry of a small number of inhabitants and the wisdom of the government.
In this situation, necessity, the mother of arts, began to put the inventive powers of people in action, and in a short time produced wonders. The incessant demands for a thousand things, necessary to mankind in a state of society, excited a spirit of emulation throughout the kingdom, which in a short time exhibited to Europe at large an example of industry hitherto unknown. In the times of which I am speaking, the interruption of national commerce and the exhausted resources of government prevented any assistance from that quarter towards the re-establishment of affairs in Ireland. One method only was left to recover arts, manufactures and commerce from oblivion; a sensible man proposed patriotic associations . His idea was attended to, and generally approved. In a short time sprung up agricultural societies, commercial societies, societies for encouraging the arts, &c. &c. These were protected by the government, and under such influence agriculture and manufactures were perfectly re-established, and rendered more flourishing than ever.
The Kings of France, always attentive to whatever concerned the public good of their nation, did not fail to imitate the conduct of Ireland. An enterprising spirit soon became prevalent thro' the Kingdom, although it must be confessed, the inhabitants of Brittany were the first to tread in the footsteps of the patriotic Irish, and institute those associations of men which had already proved so advantageous to their rivals in other countries. Lewis the XV, by a Brief dated March 20th, 1757, granted a charter to a society in Brittany, in which he confirmed the rules and laws which had been drawn up for the government thereof. As these regulations are extremely interesting to the United States, at the present period, when similar societies are establishing among themselves, we will give an abridgement of their articles and bye-laws, in as few words as possible.
[To be continued.]
The following, [from the Federal Gazette] is inserted by request.
IN the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on manufactures, it is laid down as the unquestionable meaning of the constitution of the United States, that Congress have power to provide, by the application of money, for any object, that concerns the General Welfare , terms which he says are susceptible neither of specification nor of definition—that every object concerns the General Welfare which in its operation extends, in fact or by possibility throughout the union—that it is left to the discretion of the national legislature to pronounce upon the objects which concern the General Welfare —that there seems to be no doubt that whatever concerns learning, agriculture, manufactures and commerce are within the sphere of the national councils.
Then query—
Is there any object of consequence for which money is not necessary or any object at all which money may not be applied to, and so be brought under the power of Congress?
Is there any object which in its operation may not by possibility extend through the union?
Cannot such a discretion of the national legislature pronounce all objects whatever to concern the general welfare?
Can any usurpation of power be judged unconstitutional by the judicial authority if the legislature can constitutionally do whatever, in their discretion concerns the general welfare?
Does not what concerns the general interest of learning, agriculture, manufactures and commerce embrace by far the greatest part the sphere of legislation?
May not the same discretion that can pronounce these to concern the general welfare, pronounce the same as to a provision for the support of the poor, for the maintenance of an ecclesiastical establishment, and for every thing else the legislature pleases?
Does not this doctrine in the Report knock down every boundary worth contending for between the general government and the state governments, and give an indefinite supremacy to the general government?
May not an equal latitude of construction knock down all the boundaries between the several departments of the general government, and make over such supremacy to the executive or take it wholly to the legislature or either house thereof?
Was not the general government adopted, and has it not been by all the world understood as limited to the particular powers specifying and defining the general terms, common defence and general welfare ; and not as clothed by these terms with power susceptible neither of specification nor of definition?
If the exposition in the report should prevail, will not the people of America be under a government which is not the choice of the people but the choice of those who administer the government?
Is there not a degree of misconstruction and assumption of power, that may raise the awful question, whether it does not touch the fundamental compact of government, and is it not wise to keep at a distance from that danger?
AUTHENTIC. (Never before printed.)
COPIES OF THE LAWS
Passed in the TERRITORY of the UNITED STATES, North-west of the River Ohio, By the Governor and Justices thereof, Agreeably to the Ordinance of Congress of July 13, 1787, and made out from the Original Re- cords in the Office of the Secretary for the said Territory.
IV.
A LAW for fixing the Terms of the General Court for the Territory.
THE general court for the territory of the United States north west of the river Ohio shall hold pleas civil and criminal at four certain periods or terms in each and every year in such counties, as the judges shall from time to time deem most conducive to the general good, they giving timely notice of the place of their setting. That is to say upon the first Monday of February, May, October and December—Provided however that but one term be holden in any one county in a year; and that all processes, civil and criminal, shall be returnable to said court wheresoever they may be, in said territory: and as circumstances may so intervene as to prevent a session of the court at the time and place fixed upon, it shall and may be lawful for the court to adjourn from time to time, by writ directed
to the sheriff of the county; and to continue all process accordingly; and in case neither of the judges shall attend at the time and place aforesaid, and no writ be received by the sheriff it shall be his duty to adjourn the court from day to day during the first six days of the term, and then to the next term; to which all processes shall be continued as aforesaid: Provided however that all issues in fact shall be tried in the county where the cause of action shall have arisen.
V.
A LAW respecting Oaths of Office. Passed September, 2d. 1788.
EVERY person appointed to any civil office in the territory, and commissioned by the Governor, shall previously to his entering upon the exercise of his office, take the following oath, viz.
I, A——B——being appointed to the office of——do solemnly swear that I will well and truly exercise the duties of my said office, according to the best of my skill and understanding without fraud or partiality. So help me God.
Any person appointed as aforesaid, conscientiously scrupulous of taking an oath shall make the following affirmation previously to entering upon the duties of his office, viz.
I, A——B——being appointed to the office of——do solemnly, sincerely, and truly declare and affirm, that I will well and truly execute the duties of my said office according to the best of my skill and understanding without fraud or partiality; and this I declare and affirm upon the pains and penalties of perjury.
And that all oaths of office or declaration and affirmation prescribed as aforesaid shall be taken before the governor, or such person or persons as shall by him be appointed and commissioned for that purpose, and certified upon the commission of the person taking the same. And in case of the absence of the governor the said oath or declaration and affirmation may be taken before and certified by either of the judges of the territory.
VI.
A LAW respecting Crimes and punishments. Passed September, 6th. 1788.
TREASON.
If any person belonging to, residing in, or protected by the laws of this territory shall levy war against the United States or against this territory, or shall knowingly and wilfully aid or assist any enemies at war against the United States or this territory, by joining the armies, or fleets of such enemies, or by enlisting, persuading or procuring others to join said fleets or armies, or by furnishing such enemies with arms, or ammunition, or provisions, or any other articles for their aid or comfort, or by carrying on a treasonable and treacherous correspondence with them, or shall form or be any way concerned in forming any combination, plot or conspiracy for betraying the United States or this territory into the hands or power of any foreign enemy, or shall give or attempt to give or send any intelligence to any such enemy, for said purpose, the person or persons so offending shall be deemed guilty of treason, and upon conviction thereof shall suffer the pains of death, and shall moreover forfeit all his, her or their estate, real and personal to this territory.
MURDER.
If any person or persons, shall with malice aforethought, kill or slay another person, he, she or they so offending, shall be deemed guilty of murder, and upon conviction thereof shall suffer the pains of death.

AUTHENTIC.
JRN of the whole Number of PERSONS within the several Districts of the UNITED STATES, according to "An Act providing for the enumeration of the Inhabitants of the United States."
VERMONT.
Table with 7 columns: COUNTY, Free white males of 16 years and upwards, Free white males under 16 years, Free white females, All other free persons, Slaves, Total. Rows include Addison, Bennington, Chittenden, Orange, Rutland, Windsor, Windham, and a Total row.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Table with 7 columns: COUNTY, Free white males of 16 years and upwards, Free white males under 16 years, Free white females, All other free persons, Slaves, Total. Rows include Rockingham, Strafford, Cheshire, Hillsborough, Grafton, and a Total row.
MAINE.
Table with 7 columns: COUNTY, Free white males of 16 years and upwards, Free white males under 16 years, Free white females, All other free persons, Slaves, Total. Rows include York, Cumberland, Lincoln, Hancock, Washington, and a Total row.
MASSACHUSETTS.
Table with 7 columns: COUNTY, Free white males of 16 years and upwards, Free white males under 16 years, Free white females, All other free persons, Slaves, Total. Rows include Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, Hampshire, Plymouth, Bristol, Barnstable, Dukes, Nantucket, Worcester, Berkshire, and a Total row.
RHODE ISLAND.
Table with 7 columns: COUNTY, Free white males of 16 years and upwards, Free white males under 16 years, Free white females, All other free persons, Slaves, Total. Rows include Newport, Providence, Washington, Bristol, Kent, and a Total row.
CONNECTICUT.
Table with 7 columns: COUNTY, Free white males of 16 years and upwards, Free white males under 16 years, Free white females, All other free persons, Slaves, Total. Rows include Hartford, New-Haven, New-London, Fairfield, Windham, Litchfield, Middlesex, Tolland, and a Total row.
NEW-YORK.
Table with 7 columns: COUNTY, Free white males of 16 years and upwards, Free white males under 16 years, Free white females, All other free persons, Slaves, Total. Rows include Richmond, Kings, Queens, Suffolk, New-York city and county, West-Chester, Dutchess, Orange, Ulster, Columbia, Albany, Montgomery, Washington, Clinton, Ontario, and a Total row.
(To be continued.)
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, January 9.
An engrossed bill to establish the post-office and post roads, being taken up for a third reading.
Mr. Murray moved for a recommittal, in order to amend the section relating to the conveyance of newspapers, by reducing the Postage to half a cent for a hundred miles, and a cent for any greater distance.
The question being taken on this motion, and lost, the house proceeded to fill up the blanks; and agreed,—
That the post-master general be empowered to make contracts for carrying the mail, for the term of five years;—
That any person, who obstructs or retards the mail, be subject to a fine of 100 dollars:—
That any ferryman, who refuses or neglects to transport the mail, be subject to a penalty of ten dollars, for every half hour's delay:—
That the post-master general shall give twelve weeks notice in the public papers previous to forming a contract for the conveyance of the mail:—
That the salary of the post-master general shall be two thousand dollars per annum; and that of his assistant, one thousand:—
That the new rates of postage shall take place from the first day of next March:—
That any deputy post-master, who makes an over-charge of postage, shall pay a fine of 100 dollars:—
That any private person carrying letters for hire on the post roads, shall pay a fine of 200 dollars; and 300 dollars for every week's continuance of the practice:—
That any person employed in any of the departments of the post-office, who shall unlawfully open, detain, or embezzle any letter or packet, not containing notes or any other valuable property, shall pay a fine, not exceeding 300 dollars, and suffer imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months:—
That any post-rider who delays the mail, or quits it on the road, shall forfeit 100 dollars:—and.
That any post-rider, who carries letters, contrary to the act, shall pay a fine of fifty dollars.
Some other blanks yet remained to be filled up, when the house adjourned.
TUESDAY, Jan. 10.
The house agreeably to order proceeded in the further consideration of the bill to establish the post-office and post-roads within the United States; the section under consideration, making compensation to the deputy post-masters at the places where the European packets may arrive; it was then proposed to fill the blank with 1950 dollars, which was negatived; several other sums were proposed and negatived; the sum of 1500 dollars was then proposed and agreed to; on filling the blank for the sum to be paid on all ship letters delivered at the post office; one cent was proposed and agreed to; the question was then put, shall this bill pass; which was carried in the affirmative.—Ordered that the clerk of this house do carry the same to the Senate, and request their concurrence.
Mr. Giles called up a resolution, which lay on the table, to this effect: That the Secretary at war be instructed to lay before this house, accurate statements of all ascertained balances of pay, which appear by the books of the United States, to be due to the officers and soldiers who served during the late war, and those which remain unclaimed, &c. which was read and referred to a select committee of Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Giles, and Mr. J. Smith (N. H.).
Agreeably to the order of the day, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Smith (S. C.) in the chair, to take into consideration, the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Catharine Greene, widow of the late major-general Nathaniel Greene. Mr. Wayne offered for the consideration of the committee, a resolution to this effect:
Resolved as the opinion of this committee, that the estate of the late major-
general Nathaniel Greene ought to be indemnified from the engagements entered into by that general, with certain persons in the state of South-Carolina, for the purpose of obtaining supplies for the use of the American army under his command, in the year 1783, that the sum of be granted to the executors of the estate of the late major general Nathaniel Greene, for that purpose; and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill conformable to said resolution; after some time spent in debate, the committee reported progress, and asked leave to sit again, which was granted. Adjourned.
From the NEWARK GAZETTE.
WHEN an opinion generally prevails, it is commonly in vain to attempt to controvert it. The sanction which it receives by being universally assented to, appears sufficient to condemn all the arguments that can be brought against it; and by this circumstance many believe themselves convinced of the propriety of a sentiment, without giving themselves the trouble of a moment's reflection, and in some instances they are so far prejudiced that they cannot attend with patience to have it impartially canvassed.
This observation seems to be verified by the inhabitants of the United States with respect to the Indians. There is scarcely an individual who is willing to doubt the propriety of the present war: but those who will candidly weigh the arguments on both sides, will find many scruples not easily to be obviated. There are a variety of circumstances which render both its justice and policy at least dubious. The reasons on which the propriety of commencing hostilities is founded, are such as these—That the fertility of the American soil is a proof that it was never intended to support the savages by whom it was first inhabited—that the uncultivated state in which the Europeans found the country, justified them in taking possession of it; and that afterwards the infidelity and cruelty of its original inhabitants, rendered them the proper objects of contempt—that the ravages which they daily commit, are inconsistent with justice and tend to retard the settlement of our frontiers—that treaties have been repeatedly violated—that professions of friendship have been made merely to deceive—and that we cannot expect to live in security till the Savages are rendered incapable of resistance or entirely exterminated. But it is inconsistent with the principles of justice to suppose that a particular class of men should be denied the privileges enjoyed by others, because they have not been equally blessed by Providence; they certainly answer the purposes for which they were intended, and we cannot be justifiable in attempting to oppress them.
The cruelty of the Indians cannot be denied; but is it not just? Have not we, by our own conduct, justified them in committing the depredations of which they are accused? I think I may venture to answer in the affirmative. The barbarity and treachery which has been manifested towards them, by persons whose better information ought to have dictated a different conduct, has furnished them with a plea, that their behaviour is consistent with the law of nations. If they are supposed to possess the same passions with others, can it be expected that they will quietly submit to imposition, and stifle the desire of retaliation, when opportunities are daily offered them? But even this supposition would not be more unreasonable than are frequently made.
The conduct of the Pennsylvanians, which has been similar to that of many of the states, is sufficient to show that the Indians have been improperly treated. Their measures have been nearly equal to those adopted by the Pope at the discovery of America—he publicly declared the natives to be, at least, equivocal men; permitted the Europeans to massacre them with impunity and transferred the whole continent to the king of Spain. The inhabitants of the back parts of Pennsylvania have followed his example, in plundering the savages of their property—in murdering them without provocation, and in refusing to punish the murderers when detected.
It is further urged, that they have violated solemn treaties; But have not
This Day are published, SERMONS,
Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York. Sold by T. DOBSON, R. CAMPBELL, & M. CAREY.
[Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]
M. GARDETTE, Dentist,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from No. 88 to No. 127, Chestnut, near Fourth street, nearly opposite the Bank of the United States. Dec. 19.
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale Fisheries—may be had at the office, No. 239 High-street.

these treaties been defective? Have they not wanted some of the qualifications necessary to render them complete contracts? They certainly have. They are not then binding, and may be broken at pleasure. The poor natives in many cases are compelled by force, to subscribe to treaties of which they are entirely ignorant, and which, were they adhered to, would deprive them of such rights as they value more than their lives; they are not in this case to be blamed for their ignorance, but for our treachery in persuading them for the sake of a few trifles, to enter into engagements which would require them to remove almost from the face of the earth, or to make such sacrifices as require more resolution than we ourselves possess. But I believe there has never yet been an instance in which an Indian treaty has been ratified, and afterwards broken, if it deserved the name of a treaty, unless they were sufficiently provoked, to justify them in breaking it: so that the charge of their breaking treaties appears to be without foundation.
It is also alleged, that our frontier inhabitants are exposed; but let them cease to encroach on the Indians by removing from their land, and the danger will be over; we shall then live in peace, and we have no right to expect peace till this measure is adopted; it would be absurd to think that we are intitled to the western territory because the King of England has renounced his claim to it—he had no more right to dispose of it, than the Pope had to transfer the whole Continent when first discovered. It follows, therefore, that until we either pay the natives the full value of the land, or remove from it entirely, we must expect to be exposed to their vengeance without the just privilege of retaliation. And indeed the general conduct of the Europeans, since the first discovery of America, has evidently tended to oppress the natives, to deprive them of their property and to excite their hatred. They acquired a title to the land by pre-occupation, but this title was deemed insufficient, although others were supposed to rest their claims on the same grounds.
The sovereigns of Europe thought themselves entitled to the soil they discovered; although at the same time it was thickly inhabited, still they contend that the Indians have no right to this privilege; but the fact is just the reverse—the Indian title is good, and the European is not, because the former were the original discoverers, and not the latter.—But in fact, the arguments that were offered to support the propriety of the war, show it to be unjust, and if it be unjust, it must necessarily be impolitic; for although national injustice may seem to produce a partial benefit, yet in the end it will prove the reverse; justice and policy being inseparably connected. If then national reputation be a matter of importance, as it certainly is, the sacrificing of this can never be atoned for by a few acres of uncultivated land. The whole western territory will be of but little value when put in competition with the confidence and esteem of Europe.
We ought therefore to give up the former in order to secure the latter. It would be impolicy indeed, to sacrifice our reputation for any consideration whatever, but particularly for an object of such a nature as that of the present war. Great Britain has brought on herself a load of infamy by attempting injustice; and shall not we be deemed much more infamous, if, after our late professions, we adopt the very principles that we before reprobated?
Are not the Indians in the same situation with respect to Great-Britain at the commencement of the late continental war? I think they are. The cases are at least similar. The world justified us in resisting tyranny, and it will exculpate them in opposing oppression. We refused to give away our property without consent. They also refused to give up their's without their consent; can we then say that our property is sacred, and that their's is not? This would be subverting the principle on which we revolted from Great-Britain. Perhaps it may also be prudent to consider that in a just cause and aided by Providence, they are as likely to succeed, and to secure to themselves a favorable peace, as we were when in a similar situation. The late defeat of the army under General St. Clair sufficiently evinces that the
Indians are not to be conquered, or even frightened by the appearance of disciplined troops, and that the war will be protracted to such a length that the expenses of it would be more than sufficient to secure every object that we hope to obtain in case we now succeed.
It is in vain to say that the natives have received the full value of their land—they have not received an hundredth part of its value. In many places they have been driven from their possessions, without obtaining the least compensation—and even in those cases in which we pretend to make compensation, we held the sword in one hand, and with the other offered them proposals dictated by our own avarice. Some through fear accepted the latter, but others, much to their credit have chosen the former. The character of the Indians has generally been given by interested persons; such as have either been injured by them, or have been active in oppressing them, and therefore want a pretence to justify their conduct. It is natural to suppose that the ill treatment they have received, should materially alter their conduct, and in some measure change their dispositions—but when the Europeans first came to this country, they found them in a state of innocent simplicity; had the successors of Columbus treated them with as much justice as he did, we should have lived with them in peace for ever. This conclusion may evidently be drawn from the declaration which Columbus made before the King of Spain. 'I swear' says he, 'to your Majesties, that there is no better people in the world than these—more affectionate, affable and mild. Their language is the sweetest, the softest, and the most pleasing, for they always speak smiling, and although they go naked, let your Majesties believe me, their customs are very becoming'
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 12, 1792.
On Tuesday forenoon the directors of the Bank of North America proceeded to the choice of a President, and John Nixon, Esquire, was unanimously elected.
The annual election for directors of the Bank of North America was held on Monday last, at the said Bank; when the following gentlemen were chosen for the ensuing year—Thomas Fitzsimons, Josiah Hewes, George Laumer, John Morton, Benjamin Fuller, Mordecai Lewis, Joseph Swift, John Swanwick, Robert Waln, Miers Fisher, and William Smith.
Accounts from Pittsburgh say, that the inhabitants of that place labor under the most distressing apprehensions of an immediate attack from the confederated Indians. In consequence of these apprehensions, which, in the opinion of many, are not without sufficient foundation, a number of the inhabitants are preparing to leave the place, and retreat into the interior parts of the state, unless the most speedy and effectual assistance be afforded them from government.
Capt. Beeks, of the Lady Walterstorf, from Havre de Grace, informs, that about the 20th of November, a frigate and several transports lay there, preparing to receive on board five thousand troops, destined for Cape-Francois, to relieve the distressed inhabitants of Hispaniola from the ravages of the insurgent negroes.
Extract of a letter, to a person in this city, dated Edenton (N. C.) Dec. 26.
"A vessel from France arrived here the 22d inst. by which we learn that the king of France has made another elopement, and is now actually in Prussia."
The committee on the several communications of the Governor of Pennsylvania, relative to the defence of the western frontiers, have reported three resolutions, in substance as follows:—That two hundred and eighty militia be employed to defend the frontier. That the officers be appointed by the Governor, and the force distributed on such parts of the frontiers, as to the Governor may seem fit. This force to remain together no longer than six months. That a bounty be granted to the persons serving, such as, with the pay given by the United States, shall make up the sum of _____ per month.
On Saturday last was presented to the Secretary of State, the model of a machine, the invention of Mr. Obadiah Herbert, of Mount-Pleasant, in Monmouth county, New-Jersey. Mr. Herbert, we hear, has petitioned for a patent for his invention, which is a wheel, that spins, twists and reels, by the single operation of one person. The advantages of such a machine are evident; and what adds considerably to its value, is, that it can be afforded at a trifling advance upon the price of the common spinning wheels.
On the 23d of November last the House of Representatives of the state of Georgia took up the report of their committee on the late election of a member to represent the lower district of that state in the Congress of the United States, from which it appeared—1st, That the election in the county of Effingham, held on the 3d of
January last was contrary to law, two of the persons presiding at the same not being qualified justices; and that there were nine votes more than voters at said election. 2d, That the return of the election of Glynn county was suppressed, which return the Hon. Judge Osborne (chief justice of the state) had undertaken to convey to the executive, but which was sent to general Anthony Wayne, together with the return from the county of Camden, which last was only delivered to the executive in due time. 3d, That after closing the legal poll of the county of Camden, the return (being fifteen for general Wayne and ten for general Jackson) was delivered to judge Osborne, who, with some other persons, did afterwards hold a second election, and augmented the number of votes considerably in favor of general Wayne. 4th, That most undue and corrupt practices were allowed at this election, by setting down the names of men, who were not present at the said election; and that the tax return for the county of Camden had been kept back, which destroys the only check the state has on the elections—all which proceedings, in the opinion of the committee, "are partial, arbitrary, illegal, and in manifest violation of the sacred trust reposed in said judge Osborne; a perversion of the law, and a daring outrage on the liberties, rights, and privileges of the state of Georgia, and tending to the subversion of the government; it being evident that a member is returned to the Congress of the United States, who is not duly elected by the voice of the citizens of the state of Georgia."—A resolution was recommended by the committee for impeaching the said judge Osborne, as "guilty of various mal-practices relative to this election, and who ought therefore to be impeached of divers high crimes and misdemeanors;" and further, it was the opinion of the committee, that general James Jackson is by the free voice of the people their representative for the lower district of Georgia to the Congress of the United States, and that by mal-practice he was not returned."—The report, with other included particulars, being read, was agreed to by the house and a committee appointed to carry a message to the Senate, impeaching at their bar, the said judge Osborne, of divers high crimes and misdemeanors. It was then further resolved that five commissioners should be appointed to draw up and exhibit the articles of impeachment.
Extract of a letter from Washington county, Dec. 25.
"The Indians are, beyond all controversy, a more formidable enemy than is generally apprehended; and there is nothing wanting to convince the United States of this truth, but unanimity amongst the different tribes. That it has now become their interest to unite must be evident to every man who will think on the subject; and it is not to be doubted that there are characters among them well qualified to effect a general combination. The Indians do not want either understanding or courage; their mode of war will always give them a superior advantage over a regular army, when their numbers are nearly equal; and, by their situation, we labor under nearly the same disadvantages that Great-Britain did in the late war with us, and in some particulars, worse. No supplies can be had in the Indian country, and when those for our troops are exhausted or intercepted by the enemy, the consequence is fatal.—I think it a mistaken policy to establish posts in the enemy's country, without planting settlements in their neighborhood. If sufficient encouragement were given to settle on the frontiers, men in plenty would be had in every respect qualified for such a situation. There are at this moment thousands of hardy, able bodied men in Kentucky and on the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, that do not possess an acre of ground; and consequently do not feel a sufficient interest with, and attachment to the community. Nine pence a day is no inducement to a man to fight in a cause in which he is not immediately interested; but give such men wages, and a reasonable share in the lands for which they are to contend, and they will be as eager to take possession of the western lands as the Indians are to keep them. But it it may be relied on the savages are not to be subdued by mercenaries who fight for nine pence a day, nor eighteen pence neither. It will probably not be in the power of the general government to raise and send out troops with the alacrity that circumstances demand. An interference therefore of the state governments seems necessary, to furnish men for a temporary defence of the frontiers; and if this be not done without delay, the present line of frontiers will be driven in, and the enemy suffered to penetrate what distance they please into the settlements. At present, twelve hundred active troops will hardly be sufficient to protect the frontiers of Pennsylvania only, and if the general government were to embody twenty thousand men (including five thousand riflemen) I should not think it an over-proportion."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Tortola, dated Dec. 9.
"My situation on this island has enabled me to remark upon an appearance in nature, for which I do not know that any rational cause has ever been assigned, I have generally observed, that for several days before a severe hurricane (the weather being at such times calm and moderate) the sea is nevertheless in a great commotion, not only near the shore, but also at a considerable distance off. It is not reasonable to imagine that this motion is communicated by the ocean, agitated by high winds in other places; for, the motion of the wind being naturally quicker than any that could be communicated by the sea at such a distance, it is plain the wind must first arrive. I am therefore inclined to suppose—that, in all probability,
these violent convulsions of the atmosphere called hurricanes, do not originate in the clouds, as has been imagined, but rather arise from the bottom of the deep. What seems, in some measure, to confirm this idea, is, that previous to a hurricane on land, there is commonly heard a hollow rumbling found in deep wells, and pits, attended with a strong smell of sulphur. I offer this only as a conjecture, but the subject seems worthy of philosophical disquisition."
From a correspondent
IN all wile nations, where virtue and morality have been best understood and practiced, the theatre has not only been tolerated, but protected and encouraged by the ruling powers and the public voice of the people. The theatre in America has ever labored under almost inextricable difficulties, owing in some degree to prejudice, as well as to the small encouragement an infant country like this has been able to bestow on the merits of the stage. To put the theatre on a more respectable footing than hitherto, in Philadelphia (the Athens of America) a gentleman of the stage, from this place, is now in England collecting a more respectable company of actors than has heretofore appeared on the American continent. A lot of ground, it is said, has also been purchased at the upper end of Chestnut Street near Seventh Street, for the erection of a theatre, upon an improved plan, and which, it is expected, will be much more convenient in every respect than that in Southwark, as well as more favorably situated for the resort of the lovers of rational and polite amusement.
A correspondent who wishes neither to flatter nor insult government, but to deliver his sentiments with that decent freedom which is the prerogative of every citizen of this country,—says, that the Indians would be better managed by treaty than by war. At the first settlement of this country, the provinces (as they were then) of Massachusetts Bay and Pennsylvania adopted, one, the hostile, and the other, the pacific method of dealing with the Indians. The experiment was fairly tried, and the misery of the first province was as remarkable as the prosperity of the latter. In Massachusetts Bay they were continually harassed with tumults and invasions.—The land, where many a melancholy tragedy was acted, was deluged with blood. The Indians killed half of its inhabitants, and it was once feared that they would extirpate every white man from the settlement. In Pennsylvania they knew nothing but harmony. They honestly purchased, and peaceably took possession of some lands from the Indians, and maintained an incessant and friendly communication with them, extending by degrees the settlement of the people of the province upon the frontier. The sacred saying was verified, in regard to Pennsylvania, "Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth."—Our correspondent says, that the conduct of the general government in regard to the southern Indians was deservedly applauded. The state of Georgia had passed an act to dispose of the lands in the back part of the state belonging to the Indians, which they called "vacant lands." The general government denied the right to enter into the lands of the Indians without their being purchased or ceded; and concluded a treaty with the Indians upon just and humane principles. The murmurs which were made at the expence attendant upon this treaty were, perhaps, illiberal and improper. It would be happy for the interests of humanity if the northern Indians could be managed in the same amicable manner with the southern. The character of the celebrated William Penn appears as great in the management of the Indians as it was little and mischievous in the support of the tyrannical James the second, of England, against the immortal hero, William the third. The Quaker knew to tame an Indian, as well as a Moor to tame a lion.
Semblable au fier lion, qu'un Maur a su domter. Qui docile a son Maître, a tout autre terrible; A la main qu'il connoit il soumet son tete horrible, Le fuit d'un air affreux, le flatte en rougissant, Et paroît menacer, meme en obéissant.
HARTFORD, Jan. 2.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Cape-Francois, to another in this city, dated Dec. 6.
"Times here have been very troublesome, by the revolt of the negroes, and our markets miserably dull; this got to America, and of course no vessel came here; in consequence produce is now taking a rise, particularly rice and flour—salted provision is coming on. There are not above twelve vessels in our port, and those are nearly ready to sail—There is very little provision in the place, so that there must necessarily be a demand, for the consumption is ever the same. We have drove the negroes from the plains into the mountains, and it is supposed they cannot keep together much longer—one half of them are starved. We have lately received three commissioners from France, and the information they bring gives great pleasure to the inhabitants."
NEW-YORK, Jan. 10.
Yesterday morning, about 4 o'clock, this city was alarmed by a most tremendous fire, which happened at a house in Front-street, between the Fly-market and Depeyster-street, by means of which seven dwelling-houses were consumed, and several others much damaged. Happily the wind blew in such a direction as to carry the embers from the city. The houses destroyed were occupied by Mrs. Dickey, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. Hughes, Mr. Dennis M'Cready, Mr. Lalor, and Mrs. Keeling.
We learn that a subscription is opened for the relief of the sufferers.

The following lines were written some years ago (Sept. 1784) on board the brig Dromilly, in Kingston Harbour, Jamaica; and sent to the keeper of the King's water-works, near Rock-fort; who had refused the writer a puncheon of water from a reservoir that was, by royal order, appropriated to the use of the royal navy.]
CAN he, that o'er two Indies holds the sway, Where o'er the ocean flows, whose fleets patrol, Who bids Hibernia's rugged sons obey, And at whose nod (you say) shakes either pole; Can he, whose crown a thousand jewels grace, Of worth untold—can he, so rich, deny One simple puncheon from this ample vase, Begg'd by his quondam subject—water dry? Vast are the springs in yonder cloud-capt hill: Why then confine the free-born chrysal wine? Where hogs and dogs and keepers drink their fill, May I not something from your bounty crave? Keeper! must I with empty cask return, Just see the limpid stream, that runs to waste— Deny'd the wave that flows from nature's urn, By hocks and keys secur'd from vulgar taste? Yes! if I must—inform the royal ear, Poor are some Kings that still in Britain live; Tell him, that nature is no niggard here, Tell him—that he with-holds what beggars give.
S I N B A T.
[All our curious dock-walkers must have taken notice of the fine Indian Head of the ship Delaware, belonging to this port. Whether it was from a late attentive survey of that figure (which is a model of perfection in its kind) or from what other cause I know not, but upon my retiring to rest a few nights ago, I no sooner fell asleep than I imagined myself standing upon one of the wharves, with the carved Indian figure full in my front; when it instantly assumed the mien and attitude of an orator, and with a menacing frown uttered the following speech to a crowd that had collected upon this extraordinary occasion.]
I HAVE every reason to believe, gentlemen, that I was placed here as the emblem of valour, activity, perseverance, industry and cunning. So far, therefore, have your countrymen testified in favor of an opinion, almost universally exploded, that the inhabitants of the western forests have some affinity with the human species. I with they had gone a little farther, and in their general conduct towards our tribes in peace and war treated us as beings possessed of reason, and practicing some few of the inferior virtues. Alas, it is too evident from their actions, that they place us upon a footing with the beasts of the wilderness, and consider an Indian and a Buffalo as alike entitled by nature to property or possession.
“My heart bleeds within me when I reflect upon the wrongs of my countrymen, the insignificant rank they appear to hold in the scale of animated being, and their probable extirpation from the continent of America. Nature is cruel in all her works. She successively destroys not only the individuals of a species, but at certain periods a whole class of a species; nay, even the species itself sometimes totally disappears. This cruel mother is nevertheless so merciful as, for the most part, to bring about such events imperceptibly and gradually. Why then would you anticipate her designs, and by every means in your power hurry us in a moment from this earth before nature has said, There is an end to the children of the forest ?”
“Our habitations were once on the borders of the rivers of the ocean, and in the pleasant vicinity of its shores. The sails of Columbus, and Cabot, and Raleigh appeared. With grief we saw your superior skill, your surprising pre-eminence in art, your machines of death before which our arrows and darts were no more than the toys of children—In dread of your superior power, we retreated from the shore to the Allegany; from the Allegany to the Ohio; we have bid an everlasting adieu to the pleasant land of Kentucky; you have at length followed us over the Ohio—you meditate to drive us beyond the Mississippi—to the lake of the woods; to the frozen deserts of the north, and to the regions of darkness and desolation. But how unreasonable, how cruel are your designs. Compelling us to remove farther into the forests is the same to us as death and ruin. We must there fight for the possession of the soil before we can hunt in safety, as independent possessors; and as we retreat before you, remember that foes of our own colour and kindred increase upon us, like swarms from the hollow tree: Nations extremely tenacious of their hunting grounds, less enervated with your baneful liquors than ourselves, and consequently more warlike, more robust, and even gods, in comparison to the feeble tribes who yet exist between you and them.
“You detest us for having the feelings of men; you despise, in us, the virtue of patriotism, so natural to all mankind, and so extolled by yourselves. But what were your feelings when, only a few years ago, the great king on the other side of the water intruded upon your rights? You filled the world with your clamors—heaven and earth were called to witness, that you were determined to defend those rights which had been bestowed upon you by the Great Man above, and for the preservation of which you prayed him to smile upon your warfare. He heard your prayers and you were successful; the enemy retired with shame, and your warfare was crowned with an honorable peace.
You yourselves are now, in your turn, become the oppressors. Do not blame us then for possessing the same feelings with yourselves on the same occasion. Your desperation carried all before it, and why would not ours do the same, when we are obliged to act against you from the same motives.
Say not that you have purchased our territory. Was a keg of whiskey, some bundles of laced coats, or a few packages of blankets, an equivalent for the extent of a kingdom? or was a bargain with some drunken chiefs of one or two nations, an obligation upon an hundred tribes?
How much do ye stand in your own light, ye free white men of America—How are you duped by the deep and designing!—Not a single soldier need be sent to act offensively in the Indian country. Our commercial intercourse with you would effectually destroy us as fast as you could advance your frontier by cultivation and natural population. Your neighborhood is death to us. We cannot exist among you—but suffer us, we beseech you, to disappear gradually from this miserable stage of human existence, and not like a taper, by a sudden blast, be extinguished in a moment!
You have, at different times, been at much expense in sending among us religious missionaries to effect our conversion to your faith. I wish those gentlemen had been as assiduous in inculcating the practice of the moral and social virtues as they were busy in pestering us with mytheries.—They have, however, said enough upon the virtue of temperance to persuade us not to destroy ourselves with rum, brandy, or New-England whiskey during the remainder of the present century.—These good men have now quit us entirely, and given us up to the god of nature—you send armies in their room, not to convert, but to destroy us; to burn our towns and turn us out naked to the mercy of the elements; to shoot us down wherever they can see us, and propagate a principle as disgraceful to your pretended age of philosophy as it is repugnant to truth and reason, that the rights of an Indian are not the rights of a man! ”
Being suddenly awakened by the yelpings of a spaniel, that constantly sleeps at the foot of my bed, I lost the remainder of this extraordinary speech.
Jan. 9.
REFLECTIONS of a KING, on his Journey to Cheltenham.—11th Edition.
[Translated from a French Paper of October 10.]
THIS ingenious pamphlet has had great success in England. It offers to our view a natural portrait of the king of Great-Britain, his original turn of mind, his whims, his faults, his opinions, his foibles, and his fopperies. In this very interesting piece we may also discover the secret history of the court of England. The author, in this work, makes George the 3d his own historian, and good judges will find that the character has been humoured perfectly well. A better opinion of the work will, however, be formed by some passages we will take leave to quote. The reader will call to mind the journey the king made to Cheltenham (a place in England famous for the medicinal quality of its waters) a short time previous to the discovery of his insanity. The author supposes that at this period a fancy struck the king to write the history of his own journey. In the following manner he is made to speak of his progenitors and himself:—“During an acquaintance of seventy years standing, the house of Hanover has not yet formed any tolerable idea of Great-Britain. My two predecessors, both men of courage and honesty, were absolute strangers in the country where they were said to govern; and if they ever went out of sight of their capital, it was only to gratify the very natural desire of seeing their dear native land. As to myself, I was from my infancy puffed up with vain notions of power and glory, and was placed under the eye of Chatham, who had more than once seized the reins of government from my grandfather, and buoyed up by the popular infatuation of the times, frequently insulted my youth and inexperience.”
“Lord Bute would have delivered me from the controul of Pitt, but he wanted the necessary talents, and the conflict between them ended in my confusion.”
“Upon my coming to the throne, the Scots, like so many famished grasshoppers, flocked about me. Every source of corruption was exhausted to satisfy them. It was then proposed to distress America under pretence of a consolidation of government, but the real cause was to find places for the Scots. I was deceived. I was so weak as to consent to ruin the colonies for the sake of providing offices for these important ones. The one-half of my subjects then revolted, at the idea of taxes being imposed upon them without consent or representation. I was then pelted with libels, I was hooted at, and sometimes insulted. At the very time I was driving all before me in America, I hardly dared to stir out of my palace at home.”
“Hitherto I had contented myself with travelling on a map. In this manner I journeyed over Scotland in company with lord Bute, who had fully depicted all its beauties to me. In this manner I fought side and side with lord George Sackville for the conquest of America. Poor Sackville! Both alike unpopular, we sympathized with each other. He was a much more agreeable preceptor to me than Bute, and was besides an excellent soldier upon a map.—The mountains that bound the horizon of Windsor have been to me, till this hour, the confines of the world, and the idea of going beyond them has given me not a little disquiet. I have been taught to consider the peasantry and artisans as my greatest enemies, and indeed they have been sadly trampled under foot in order to enrich a venal majority in my insatiable parliaments. In what sort of humour they are at present, and how they will receive me are serious questions.”
“Jenkenson ridiculed these apprehensions—Assume a sacred character (said he) accustom yourself to an overbearing mode of behavior—You may then suck the very blood of the people, and they will worship you while you are doing it. Do you know the reason why Jenkenson wished to be a lord? In the opinion of the public the name of Jenkenson was synonymous with every thing that was base, black, and treacherous; in a word, he was considered an adept in every species of political villainy—he could not pass a turnpike without a quarrel or receiving an insult—the very farmers set their dogs after him to lug him—He was then made lord Hawkesbury!—At the name of lord Hawkesbury all the world was cap in hand, and even the first minister was his humble servant.”
“I recollect, at my first visit to Oxford, I felt a little ashamed of my defective education. The idea of the immortal Alfred, who came into the world to establish peace and happiness among mankind, as I did to divide and destroy them,
struck me in a forcible manner. The sublime genius that sketched out the British constitution, founded also the university of Oxford—one, the first effort of the human mind; the other, the first university in the world—both of them have but a sickly aspect in my reign. Fifty years old was I before I ever had a sight of the university of Oxford—I never even dreamt of it, excepting about the time of general elections. The number and magnificence of its colleges, its halls, its libraries, its schools, and their opulent endowments, perfectly astonished me. I nevertheless observed a great disproportion between the buildings and the number of their occupants. Oxford, to come any thing near the extent of its plan, ought to maintain from twenty to thirty thousand students, whereas there are not more than a thousand, if that. Since the accession of the Hanover family there has been a coldness between Oxford and the court—and when they began to open to me the history of the several colleges, and the annals of the ancient kings of this country, I felt like a perfect stranger, and hardly seemed to be one of the family.”
“Oxford, it is true, neither stands in need of court favor or court assistance. It only wants a reform and discipline to come up to the ideas of its founders. But who will undertake such a reform in opposition to the habits of indolence sanctioned by time, and opulence so firmly established.”
“It would be no small satisfaction to me to see my own name among those of the Edwards and Henries—alas—that is not my destiny—I have expended more than an hundred millions in endeavoring to reduce the Americans to a state of slavery—these are my honors, this is my history!”
“Every thing in Oxford has an air of debauchery and superstition. The bells call you to church every hour in the day—the trifling formalities of prayer tired out my patience—the old monkish habits of the clergy, obsolete in other places, are still retained here—there is abundance of external show, but the sentiments of true religion seem not to be depicted upon a single countenance—and the faces of the professors absolutely resemble a blaze of fire.”
“The newspapers have greatly interrupted my repose, and accelerated the operation of the mineral waters. Mem. to diminish the dose, whenever the papers give me any trouble. Westminister, I foresee, will soon be in a hurry-burley. Pitt tells me that his credit is lost forever if the treasury must find the means of smothering this flame—and as to the civil list, it will not afford half enough.—I will dine no more in public. I will take lodgings for myself and the queen, in some of the houses about the palace; and I will gnaw upon the revenue of the prince in order to save my own. But the parliament is a tremendous gulph, a bottomless pit.—I am astonished people do not see into the nothingness of it—I can always have a majority in it, purchased by means of the wery money with which the nation so liberally supplies me.—But, who is the people? or, where is the people? it is a mere creature of the imagination, a phantom of which cunning practitioners have ever served themselves in order to frighten over-credulous criminals.”
PARIS, October, 12.
Many ages have elapsed since the popes first betought themselves to make a regular price current of indulgencies. This price current has been several times reprinted at Rome, under the authority of the popes. With a view to give mankind an idea how greatly they have been, and still are (in some places) imposed upon by ecclesiastical avarice and cunning, we will detail a few articles.
 1 A man (not of the clergy) who beats a priest without fetching blood, 6 livres. £. s.  2 A man for killing another must pay 4 4  3 A man who fails of performing a vow to visit the churches of the apostles 10 16  4 For him who kills his father, mother, his wife or his sister, 6 0  5 For dragging a murderer from the church where he had taken refuge, 26 12  6 For him that burns his neighbor's house, 7 4  7 For eating flesh or poultry during Lent, 6 6  8 For a bastard that enters into holy orders, 10 16  9 For him who lays with his mother or his sister, 4 10  10 For marrying at a time prohibited by the church, 48 0  11 For him who lays with a woman in a church, 55 8  12 For a priest who takes a concubine, and wishes to be dispensed from living according to church rules, 6 6  13 For a king or a queen who wish to enjoy the same privileges, as if they had made a journey to Rome, 337 0  14 For a general dispensation from keeping fast days, 24 18  15 For a general absolution from all sins, 67 10  16 For a king who visits the holy land without permission, 363 10 
L O N D O N, Sept. 15.
That the French did not adopt some middle way between despotism and the entire subversion of their old government; that they did not accommodate their reform to the plan of the English constitution, must have been the effect of necessity. The court and aristocratical party had formed a design to dissolve the National Assembly; and to get rid of their fiscal difficulties by a general bankruptcy, preceded by a war with England. These dark and destructive designs compelled the Assembly and the nation to go the lengths which they have gone for their own security.
Advises from Palermo, in Sicily, mention the death of the monster-making prince Palagonia, in that city. This strange genius delighted in employing artists, not to imitate nature in her most captivating forms, but in designing and executing such monstrosities as nature, however perverted, could never produce. He is particularly characterized in one of Dr. Brydone's letters, written from Palermo. He constantly employed, for upwards of thirty years, a number of sculptors and stone-cutters, whose extravagant and absurd productions
amount to near a thousand pieces—all remarkable for nothing but deformity without humour: birds with human heads, and men with the heads of beasts, &c. &c.—The time has been, when such talents would have been held in admiration, in various parts of the world.
GEORGE MEADE HAS FOR SALE,
At his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF,
A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old bids of exchange Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, hogshead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old. Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hogshead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter casks of first quality Hyson TEA. He has just received by the Pigeon, Lowley, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted: a few bales of Red and White FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality
He has also to dispose of a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HANDSPIKES. He is purchasing FLAXSEED and BEES-WAX, and will give the highest Price for them.
N. B. A few Hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just arrived and to be disposed of.
ROBERT SMOCK, Woollen Draper & Mercer,
Has just received by the ship Pigeon, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north east corner of Market and Third streets, Philadelphia,
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF
SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost every colour.
Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashionable colours.
Superfine cassimers, do.
Do. and super elastic striped cloths.
Milled drabs and hunters cloths.
A variety of fancy waistcoating, in silk, silk and cotton, silk molekin, cassimers printed and tamboured, and superfine striped Spanish toilets.
Mens black sattins, florentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities
Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, assorted.
Sattins and mantuas, a beautiful variety.
Superfine rattinees, with a large collection of best trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality.
Moreens, joans spinning, durants and calimancoes.
Hairbines and camblets, &c.
9-8 wide superfine Marseilles quilting with borders.
Marseilles bedquilts and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4.
Flanders bedbunts and bedtickings.
A beautiful variety of chintzes and cottons.
An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chintzes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons.
Velveteens, velvets, corduroys, thicksets, fancy cords, flocknets, royal-tibs, satinets, hair plushes, &c. &c.
Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings. Rose blankets assorted.
ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very general and extensive, consisting of almost every article in his line of business.—Being desirous of giving entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meriting a continuance of those customers, whose favours he has hitherto experienced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
JUST PUBLISHED, and for sale by THOMAS LANG, No. 21, Church alley; An Essay on
COMMERCE and LUXURY.
Re-printed from the London edition—Price 1/6.
The merit of this work will be acknowledged by every judicious reader. The re-publication of it in this country, at this time, has been advised by several enlightened patriots. These wish to promote our national commerce, on the basis of agriculture and industry, and free from the base alloy of imposition and gaming. They set a proper value on the conveniencies and ornaments of civilized life; but detest that luxury which is the offspring of a frivolous taste, and the mother of profligacy, dishonesty, poverty, of numberless private and public vices and misfortunes. Nov. 28. e. t. t.
* * * A few copies of the REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the subject of MANUFACTURES, may be had at the Office, No. 239, High-Street.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAINE, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.