Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1799-02-05 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN WARD FENNO, N o 119, CHESNUT-STREET.
NUMBER 1992.]
PHILADELPHIA: TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1799.
[VOLUME XV.]
The price of this Gazette is eight dollars per annum to Subscribers residing in the city of Philadelphia. All others pay one dollar additional, for enclosing and directing; and unless some person in this city will become answerable for the subscription, it must be paid Six Months in advance.
INSURANCE OFFICE.
THE Subscribers respectfully inform their commercial friends, in particular, and the public generally, that an office for the Insurance of shipping will be opened on Monday next, 28th inst. No. 95 South Front-street—where a share of the public patronage is solicited.
N. & J. FRAZIER. dtw gawim
SHIP BROKER'S OFFICE,
And Commission Store, NO. 119, SOUTH FRONT STREET, Next door to the Custom House.
THE Subscriber, encouraged by the advice of his friends, offers his service to the public as a Ship and Insurance Broker. He proposes to buy and sell vessels and every thing relating thereto—assist masters of vessels and others in entering and clearing at the Custom-House, procuring and shipping freight, settling Insurance and all other mercantile accounts, and have on hand the necessary Blanks and Stamps. Papers in foreign languages translated, and information given in general mercantile affairs. From a knowledge gained by long experience of every branch of business he hopes to be useful to those who please to favor him with their commands. SAMUEL EMERY. dtw
november 19
For Sale.
THE Subscriber, intending to decline the DRUG BUSINESS, offers for Sale, the whole Stock of Drugs and Medicines, Instruments, &c. The Shop is elegant, commodious, and sufficiently known for the extensive business done in the wholesale and retail line; the situation equal to any in the city, being at the corner of Walnut and Second streets. The whole, or any part of the Stock, will be sold, as will best suit the purchaser. This terms may be known, by applying to JAMES MOORE, JUN. Who has For Sale,
november 22
For Sale.
The PEGGY, about 30 tons burthen, Mulberry and Red Oak frame, and remarkably stout, of an easy draught of water, rigging in good order. The SALLY, about 30 tons, sails well, and in complete order for the lumber business. All persons indebted to the late firm of Goldsmith & Baldwin, W. B. Goldsmith, Goldsmith & Moore, or the Subscriber, are earnestly requested to make speedy payment to JAMES MOORE, JUN. august 3
november 22
For Sale.
At 7 o'clock on Tuesday evening the 5th February, at the Merchants' Coffee House The Foreign Built SHIP GEORGE. Coppered to light water mark, burthen about 378 tons Custom House measurement, now lying at Wilson's Wharf, is well found as per inventory to be seen at the Auction Room—Conditions of sale approved endorsed notes at 90 days. FOOTMAN & Co. Auctioneers. jan. 29
january 22
For Sale.
For FREIGHT or CHARTER, to any part of EUROPE, The Swedish Snow MARI A, HANS OLOF KOCK, commander. A remarkably good vessel, about 420 tons burthen. A freight to Cadiz, or any part of the Mediterranean would be preferred. Enquire of the Captain on board at Vine-Street Wharf. dec. 17
january 22
For Sale.
For sale by the subscriber, AT PORTSMOUTH (N.H.) THE HULL OF A NEW SHIP, 82 feet keel, 27 1-2 beam, 12 feet hold, 3 to between decks; about 310 tons; with masts, spars and all the carpenter's and smith's work completed; built of good found seasoned timber and plank; launched in November, 1796, and has been well taken care of since that time. Further particulars may be known by applying to Messrs. Wharton & Lewis, Philadelphia, or to THOMAS THOMPSON, december 22
december 22
For Sale.
THE large House in Southwark, lately occupied by Mr. Henry Mitchell; apply to Isaac Wharton. jan. 11
january 11
For Sale.
Bank of Pennsylvania, December 31, 1798. The Stockholders of the Bank of Pennsylvania are hereby notified that their Annual meeting will be held at the Bank on Friday the 11th day of February next at 10 o'clock. By order of the Board, JONA. SMITH, cashier. jan 12
january 12
For Sale.
Now Landing, From on board the ship John Bulkeley, and for sale at the stores of Jesse & Robert Waln, 350,000 weight of Java Coffee, of the best quality in bags. 150,000 weight of Java Sugar, in cannisters. nov. 23
november 23
For Sale.
An elegant Chariot, With plated Harness. For SALE at the Merchant's Coffee House, On Saturday next, at 10 o'clock. FOOTMAN & CO. jan. 23
january 23
For Sale.
MADEIRA WINE FOR SALE, At the late dwelling house of HENRY HILL, Esq. On Saturday morning next, precisely at 11 o'clock. FOOTMAN & CO. Approved endorsed notes, at 60 days, will be received in payment. jan. 23
january 23
FOR SALE,
By the Subscriber 200 Bolts Russia Duck, 50 pipes London particular bill Madeira Wine, 1 pair nine pound Cannon.
A few Bales Madras Handkerchiefs 4000 lbs Fine Flota Indigo 23 Barrels Beef. Willings & Francis. Penn-street, November 28
november 28
Just Arrived,
In the Brig Eliza, from the Mediterranean, and now landing at Walnut Street wharf, Fourth proof Brandy in Pipes. Brimstone. An assortment of valuable DRUGS, CONSISTING OF Opium, Aloes, Cantharides, Campbire, Senna, Cremor Tartar, &c. &c. Essences of Lemon and Bergamot Writing paper Sweet oil in bottles and flasks Olives, anchovies and capers Juniper berries A L S O—Italian Lutebrings Satins Crapes Umbrellas Remaining on Hand, St. Croix Sugars, Clarets in cases Old Madeira Wine of the first quality. JAMES YARD. November 1
november 1
FOR SALE
By the Subscribers, ON VERY LOW TERMS. WAX CANDLES, OF A SUPERIOR QUALITY. Either by the single box of 24lbs. or by the quantity. Willings & Francis. nov. 24
november 24
NOTICE.
All persons indebted to the Estate of JOSEPH ANTHONY, sen. deceased, are requested to make immediate payment. And all those who have any demands against said estate, are desired to produce them legally attested to the subscribers for settlement. JOSIAH HEWES, JOHN MORTON, JOSEPH ANTHONY, } Executors. December 26. dtf
december 26
Joseph Thomas's Creditors
are hereby earnestly requested to furnish their Accounts duly attested, as soon as convenient; thereby to enable the Assignees to form an idea of the state of his affairs; and all those indebted to said THOMAS, are required to make immediate payment to either of the Subscribers. SAMUEL W. FISHER, } Assignees WILLIAM BUCKLEY, } of JOHN HALL. } Thomas. dec. 31. dtf
december 31
JOHN DOBBIN, BOOT & SHOEMAKER.
RESPECTFULLY informs his Friends and the Public in general that he carries on his business at No 99 South Second-street, nearly opposite the Merchants Coffee house where gentlemen may be supplied in the neatest and best manner—he assures those who may please to favor him with their commands that no attention or exertion on his side shall be wanting to render him worthy of their encouragement. N. B. Orders received will be punctually attended to. november 1
november 1
NOTICE.
THE Public are cautioned not to trust any of the people belonging to the Swedish Snow Maria, on my account. Hans Olof Kock, master. dec. 29
december 29
FOR SALE,
To be EXCHANGED for property within thirty miles of the city, or to let on ground-rent forever Several valuable building Lots, In Philadelphia. Enquire of William M. Biddle, No. 147, Chesnut-street. nov. 22
november 22
TO LET,
THE large House in Southwark, lately occupied by Mr. Henry Mitchell; apply to Isaac Wharton. jan. 11
january 11
FOR SALE,
350,000 weight of Java Coffee, of the best quality in bags. 150,000 weight of Java Sugar, in cannisters. nov. 23
november 23
FOR SALE,
An elegant Chariot, With plated Harness. For SALE at the Merchant's Coffee House, On Saturday next, at 10 o'clock. FOOTMAN & CO. jan. 23
january 23
FOR SALE,
MADEIRA WINE FOR SALE, At the late dwelling house of HENRY HILL, Esq. On Saturday morning next, precisely at 11 o'clock. FOOTMAN & CO. Approved endorsed notes, at 60 days, will be received in payment. jan. 23
january 23
DANCING.
Mr. & Mrs. BYRNE, First Dancers of the NEW THEATRE, INFORM the Ladies and Gentlemen of Philadelphia, that they intend opening an A D E M Y at F. Dollars per Month, or Ten Dollars per Quarter, and mean to teach every fashionable Dance now in use in the polished circles of Europe.—Mr. & Mrs. Byrne having spent their whole lives in the acquirement of their profession, and it being their only employment, encourages them to hope for the generous patronage of a discerning public. Pleas to enquire of Mr. & Mrs. Byrne, the corner of Dock and Second streets, or during the hours of Tuition, at Oeller's Hotel, on Tuesdays and Saturdays, from ten till twelve in the morning for Young Ladies, and in the evenings of the same days from six till nine for Gentlemen.—To commence on Saturday the 26th January. dtf january 11.
january 11
The Owners of the ship New-Jersey from Canton expect in a few days part of the Cargo of that vessel in town,
CONSISTING OF A general assortment of Silks & Sattins, Nankeens, White and Yellow, Calla China Ware afforded Boha Souhong Hyon Skin Young Hyon, and Imperial. For terms of sale—apply at the Stores of Nicklin & Griffith, Archibald M'Call, Wm Read & Co. George Plumsted, dec. 26
december 26
The Subscribers,
Have received by the Clothier from Liverpool A CONSIGNMENT OF TEN CASES OF Well Allocated Buttons, About 501. sterling each Case, which they will dispose of per package, on liberal terms. Medford & Wilks. No. 78, North Front near Arch-street. dec. 22
december 22
WANTED,
ABOUT fifty Casks of Flag Annatto or Rocca, Apply as above. dec. 22
december 22
Nicklin & Griffith,
HAVE FOR SALE, Sail Cloth by the bale or piece, (No. 1 & 8) One bale of seamsting-twine Copper in sheets, from 24 by 48 to 48 by 60 inches Two tubs raised copper still bottoms Queens' ware, assorted in crates London porter in bottles, contained in cases Empty port-wine bottles Yellow ochre in casks Cochineal in serons Indigo in do. & cakes 35 cases and trunks of muslins, gingham, dimities, mouselins and pulicat handkerchiefs, in small assorted packages, calculated for the West-India market 12 trunks printed calicoes 4 bales calicoes, assorted 1 do. coarse woolens Old Madeira wine Sheathing paper English nails in cases, assorted, The Brig AMAZON, FOR SALE OR CHARTER. December 19. m.w.&fatf
december 19
Sales of valuable Property.
AGREABLE to the last will and testament of JOSEPH ANTHONY, senior, deceased, will be sold at public sale, on Thursday, 14th February, at 7 o'clock in the evening, at the Merchants' Coffee House, in Second Street, the following REAL ESTATES, An elegant three story brick house, situated at the north-east corner of Ninth and High streets, twenty eight feet front, with three story brick buildings, extending on Ninth Street, two hundred feet to a 46 feet wide court, on which is erected a brick stable and coach house, the whole finished in the best manner. Also three Twenty-five feet Lots bounded by Filbert and Ninth Street standing back from Filbert Street seventy-five feet to the 26 feet Court before mentioned with the privilege of the said Court. Also a Lot with the Buildings thereon erected consisting of a New Four Story Brick Building on the east end and a two Story Brick Building on the west end situated in Water Street between Chesnut and Market continuing in breadth Twenty-three feet and extending Eastward into the River Delaware Two hundred and fifty feet bounded eastward by the River Delaware Southward by James Pemberton, Westward by Water Street and Northward by Mary Fox's Estate with a reservation of a Cart way across the east end of said lot. The Conditions will be made known at the time of Sale, and immediate possession of the House and Lots on High and Ninth Streets will be given and of the Store and Lots in Water Street the first of May next. JOSIAH HEWES JOHN MORTON JOSEPH ANTHONY } Executors. BENSON & YORKE, Auctioneers. jan. 9
january 9
Notice is hereby Given,
THAT application will be made at the Bank of the United States for the renewal on the following certificates of Bank Stock, standing in the name of Hodgson Atkinson of London, which were left on board the Swallow Packet, capt. Kidd, captured by the French, and all persons concerned are desired to take notice. No. 2424, issued in lieu of No. 1891, 1892, 5662 and 16640, for 4 shares. No. 3020, issued in lieu of 11055, and 11057, for 3 shares. THOMAS M'ELEN & Co. nov. 28
november 28
AUGUSTUS FRICKE,
Woollen Draper & Men's Mercer No. 7, South Third Street, HAS RECEIVED, per the last arrival from Europe, a large assortment of the fashionable Goods in his line, And has constantly for sale a general assortment of First rate London superfine Broad Cloths Cambric Vell Patterns of all kinds And every other article in the gentleman's line by wholesale and retail. december 10
december 10
CHINA GOODS,
Just received from the ship New-Jersey from Canton AND FOR SALE BY ARCHIBALD M'CALL, At his Store No. 187, South Second Street, An assortment of Teas of the first quality, White and yellow nankeens Calla, silk umbrellas An assortment of china ware, and a variety of SILKS, consisting of Black and colored Lutebrings do. do. satins do. do. senhaws do. do. silk handkerchiefs do. do. sewing silks Black Taffies ALSO, 12 pipes of excellent Madeira Wine, fit for immediate use, jan. 24
january 24
Henry Zantzinger,
SURVIVING PARTNER OF THE HOUSE OF Keppele & Zantzinger, Will dispose of all their Stock in Trade, upon moderate terms, consisting of the following articles, in packages and open, Bread and narrow Cloths Sewing Silks, Twift Callicoes, Swandowns Ginghams, Bengal Stripes Plains Beveretts Beaver Gloves and Bindings Coatings, Elastic Cloths Coloured and Scotch Flannels, Swandowns Threads Baizes Men's and Women's Cot. Ref. Blankets in Bales Hose Striped do. Do. do. Silk do. Thicksets, Velvets, Cor-duroys Men's Beaver Hats Fancy Cords, Vell Coating Pocket and Children's Jeans, Fustians, Nankeens Barlow and other Pen-knives Cotr. Bandannos Romalls Knives and Forks, Butchers Linen and Cotton pocket Knives Handkerchiefs Scissors, Shears, Razors Pulicat and other ditto Ivory, horn, and other Silk Hdks. Ferrets Combs Olive, purple and chintz Needles, Spectacles, and Shawls Spoons Apron Checks in Chimbley, Curry Comba Calicoes and in Trunks &c. &c. Chintzes Cambelts, Calimacocs, N. B. A large assortment of Pearl, Steel and L. Spinings & other Stuffsother Buttons. jan. 22
january 22
FOR SALE,
BY THE SUBSCRIBERS, 14 four pound Cannon, different lengths, 5 Carronades. JOHN NIXON & CO. December 1.
december 1
CHARLES CAMPBELL,
WATCH-MAKER. HAS removed to the Shop formerly occupied by Mr. John Wood, No. 55, corner of Front and Chestnut-streets; where he will thankfully receive and execute orders with neatness and dispatch. HE HAS CONSTANTLY ON HAND, A Neat and Large Assortment of Clocks & Watches. WANTED, A JOURNEYMAN; ALSO, one or two Apprentices of respectable parents. FOR SALE, A large quantity of Watch Glasses Wholesale and Retail. nov. 24
november 24
Removal.
THOMAS CLAYTON, Hatter, HAS removed to No. 126, South Front Street, where he intends carrying on his business as formerly, and has on hand a complete assortment of his own manufactured ladies, gentlemen and children's HATS. Canada Beaver & Musk-rat Skins, With a complete assortment of FURS, always for sale—He has received per the late arrivals from London, a complete assortment of Fashionable English Hats, Which he now offers for sale at very reduced prices. jan. 29
january 29
English wrought Nails.
Imported in the ships Molly and Diana, from LIVERPOOL, 400 Casks of Nails, CONSISTING of 6d, 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d, flat points suitable for the southern market—6d, 8d, 10d, 12d, and 20d, fine drawn sharps—also 3, 3 1/2, and 6 clouts—sprigs—rucks—saupper nails—sheathing nails, &c. FOR SALE BY, Robert Denison, junr. 127 Market-street. nov. 28
november 28
IMPORTED
In the last arrivals from Bremen, Hamburg and Amsterdam, AND FOR SALE, AT REASONABLE PRICES AND ON A LIBERAL CREDIT, BY PRATT & KINTZING, No. 95, North Water Street. 215 bales & boxes Ticklenburghs, hempen linens and oznabrige from 1 1/2 to 3/ per ell 70 do. bleached and brown hessians 40 do. brown rolls suitable for coffee bags 20 do. strong do. do. for cotton do. 30 chests platillas 3 do. sealing-wax 3 do. dowlas 3 packages oil-cloth 30 do. creas a la Morlas 4 do. sail-twine 12 do. escopailles 1 do. watches 15 do. Bilefield linen 14 pipes Port wine 90 do. pateribornes 92 cases claret 45 do. Brittanias 130 do. fine long corked claret 1 do. Holland canvas 1600 butts fine salt 1 do. Russia do. 40 cases of roll brimstone 3 do. Russia sheetings 200 casks of naval stores 1 do. ravens ducks 50 logs prime mahogany 2 do. Russia drillings 4 hds. coffee-mills 1 do. brown holland 4 bundles German steel 2 do. Silesia rovans 10 chests of slates and pencils 1 do. Mahrendorp linen 1 package of slates 1 do. Caraudoles 1 do. woolen caps, &c. 1 do. Flemish linens 4 chests of Nurenberg toys 1 do. cambricks and lawns 1 do. diaper 1 do. stripes 40 kegs of yellow ochre 1 do. checks 3 hds. Glue 2 do. fiamois 8 barrels of Lentilles 1 do. Arabia stripe 5 chests of prime red 1 do. hunting for colors 1 do. Holland cheese 1 do. Madras handkerchiefs 30 kegs of pearl barley 1 do. Turkey yarn 60 boxes of capers 6 bales empty bags 400 fides of upper and 1 chest hair ribband 300 boxes window glass 3 boxes ropes, assorted 300 Demijohns 2 do. bobbin, assorted 50 boxes glass tumblers 1 do. thread & tapes assorted 1 do. fine blue lidados 2 hds. pumice stone 3 chests men's slippers 1 box of mill saws 3 do. bed ticks 1 cask of cutlery 2 casks hog's bristles 1 quantity of lone jugs 6 chests writing paper and pickling pots 4 do. quills 1 few ships anchors, &c. november 12
november 12
Just Published
BY THOMAS DOBSON, At the Stone-house, no. 41, South Second-street, PHILADELPHIA ENCYCLOPEDIA; OR, A DICTIONARY OF THE ARTS AND SCIENCES, AND MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE. On a plan entirely new. BY WHICH THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS Are digested into the Form of Distinct TREATISES or SYSTEMS COMPREHENDING THE History, Theory, and Practice, of each, according to the latest discoveries and improvements; and full explanations given of the Various Detached Parts of Knowledge, whether relating to natural and artificial objects, or to matters ecclesiastical, civil, military, commercial, &c. Included in elucidation of the most important topics relative to religion, morals, manners, and the economy of life; together with a description of all the countries, cities, principal mountains, seas, rivers &c. throughout the world; a general history, ancient and modern, of the different empires, kingdoms and states; and an account of the lives of the most eminent persons in every nation, from the earliest ages down to the present times. Compiled from the writings of the best authors, in several languages; the most approved dictionaries, as well as general science as of particular branches; the transactions, journals, and memoirs, of learned societies; the MS. lectures of eminent professors on different sciences; and a variety of original materials, furnished by an extensive correspondence. The work is now completed in eighteen large quarto volumes, illustrated with five hundred and forty-two copperplates. The few copies which remain on hand are offered for sale at 135 dollars for the 18 volumes in boards 102 dollars nearly bound in sheep leather 130 dollars handsomely bound in Calf 207 dollars in Russia or Morocco. T. DOBSON, HAS JUST OPENED A SUBSCRIPTION, For Publishing a Supplement to the Work. The object of which is to correct such misstatements as have been found in the Work, and to give an account of the most important discoveries and improvements which have been made for the last ten years. It is expected this supplement will consist of three volumes, on thick paper and type as the Encyclopedia, at Six Dollars per volume, in boards, Six Dollars of which to be paid on subscribing, dec. 15
december 15
Patent Ploughs,
To be sold for cash by Joseph Satter at Atkinson Richard Wells, Cooper's Ferry—Jonathan Harker, Woodbury—and Jesse Evans, Lumberton. Those who have used them give them the preference to any other kind, as they require less team, break the ground better, are kept in order at less expense and are sold at a cheaper rate—the plan is much simplified and consists of but one piece of cast iron, with the handles and beam of wood; they may be fixed with wrought irons and coulters to be put on with screws and taken off at pleasure. Patent rights for vending with instructions for making them may be had by applying to John Newbold, or the subscriber No. 212 North Front-street. Who has for Sale, Or to Lease for a term of Years, A number of valuable tracts of Land, well situated for Mills, Iron Works or Farms, mostly improved, lying chiefly in the county of Huntingdon State of Pennsylvania. Those who may incline to view them will please to apply to John Canan esq. near Huntingdon. Charles Newbold. july 17
july 17

MR. PENNO,
I send you the address of the minority consisting of 48 members in the House of Delegates in Virginia, which the address of the majority rendered necessary for explaining and justifying the opinions of the minority. This masterly performance, while it does the highest honor to the talents and patriotism of the minority, cannot fail to have the happiest effect in removing the errors and prejudices concerning the general government, which are entertained in Virginia, or in any other state. So sound in principles, so strong in argument, so elegant in expression, its eloquence is irresistible; it has given a decisive blow to the antifederal party in that state, whose downfall may be dated from this epoch.
The general assembly of Virginia closed its session on the 26th of last month.
ALPHA.
ADDRESSES.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
OPPOSING as we did, resolutions of the General Assembly, passed on the 24th day of December, we cannot remain silent under the unprecedented example exhibited in support of them, by a detailed display of those reasons which influenced their adoption. We lament their existence; and we deprecate the deviation from our legislative stage, which their adoption has produced. If this was the only evil resulting from the system of which they form a conspicuous feature, we should in silence wait your application of the constitutional corrective, which you annually dispense; but considering the happiness united America enjoys, and foreseeing the evils which disunited America must inevitably suffer, we cannot shrink from the discharge of the momentous duty to which we are unexpectedly called, and on which we reluctantly enter.
To place the present crisis plainly before you, it is necessary to recur to past transactions.
For the purpose of perpetuating the blessings of our national independence, the people of united America were induced to exchange their first political association for that now existing. The will of the majority produced, ratified and conducted it. This first principle in our federal pact cannot be impaired without proportionate injury to the body politic.
The fallibility of man prohibits the hope of perfection in his works; and the best rule for freemen to adopt, in the opinion of our ancestors, was that which inculcates obedience to laws enacted by a majority of functionaries appointed by the people. Foreseeing the terrible effects which might ensue from differences of opinion on national subjects they added to this first principle two others, which promised immortality to the work of their hands: they declared the compact amendable, and plainly pointed out the ways; they limited powers to fixed periods; recurring to the choice of the people for the delegation of authority. Under a constitution thus formed, the prosperity of America was great and unexampled. War broke out in another quarter of the globe: the government of the people of the United States bemoaned alike the distresses incident to a vast portion of the human race; distresses not within their control, and in the termination of which they did not possess even a remote influence. Avoiding the existing carriage, the continuance of our existing happiness, became, as was proper, the primary object of the attention of government. The President of the United States, a citizen the most tried, and the most beloved, weighing all the difficulties to which our relation to the belligerent powers exposed us, promulgated by proclamation, the existing state of things, and warned his fellow-citizens of the pernicious consequences which would follow the dereliction of their neutral condition. An adherence to this situation was enjoined by law, and approved by the general plaudits of our country. Yet, unfortunately for America, and for republican government, a few, openly, and more secretly, lifted their voice against their country's will. A foreign minister's contumelious appeal from the acts of government to the people, whose honor and comfort, alike commanded their support of that government, was maintained with affection to the foreign agent, and with acrimony against the constituted authorities of the nation. The subject became familiar to the whole people; and their voice, spontaneously uttered, sank into temporary and contemptuous oblivion, the abettors of this wicked effort. Smothered for a while only, the unextinguished fire rekindled as occasion afforded fuel.
The treaty which terminated our revolutionary war, although followed by the immediate possession of the main good, yet held some secondary objects unsettled. The consequence of war is a state of mental ire, which yields only to acts of mutual beneficence, and to time. This state of mental warfare had not ceased, when the unjustifiable conduct of our late foe, especially on the ocean, rekindled our ardor for hostility and revenge. The executive of the United States, uninfluenced by the passions of hatred or affection, continuing to view peace so long as it was to be preferred without dishonor, as his highest duty, in a moment menacing war, made his last effort to avert its miseries from our land. He sent a minister to Great Britain, for the purpose of settling the existing discord. Peace was preferred, with honor. This event, instead of confirming our internal tranquility, was turned with much dexterity to the renewal of past animosities; the views of Genet were reacted in a different dress, and the executive of the union was branded with every epithet of opprobrium, because in preventing war, every good
with a for by one of the parties to the contract of peace had not been obtained. Here the indignation of the American mind, was addressed with considerable effect. At length the people, roused by self-attention, spoke—all was tranquil; and error, whether resulting from mistaken confidence, or vicious intention, sunk again into oblivion—France, our ally, to whom our government had, from the beginning of the war, presented repeated proofs of sincere friendship, taught by the bickerings of ourselves, on the subject of the British treaty, re-echoed American reproaches with French views and French objects. Similitude of sentiments, too often begets union in design; our commerce became a prey to French cruisers; our citizens were captured, and all the injuries heretofore received from the British nation, were repeated on our defenceless country, with this striking difference: A former foe, claiming unexpected stipulations, inflicted the first; while the latter proceeded from the hand of a former friend, bound to us by the ties of a solemn treaty, and receiving from us every good in our power to bestow, without violating our neutrality, and thereby committing suicide on our national and individual happiness.
Influenced by the same pacific principle, the President (the same tried and beloved Washington) attempted, as before, by a timely interference to avert the impending war. He sent a minister to France, with full powers to remove by candid explanations mistaken opinions, to renew ancient friendship, and to perpetuate the blessings of mutual peace. This minister was not even received, but was ordered to depart with marks of contumely and threats of imprisonment.
The successor of Washington, actuated by the same principles, and anxious for the same beneficent end, made a second effort to restore peace, and paid an unusual compliment to the French government, by sending three envoys extraordinary, with ample powers to hear, to explain, to redress, and to bury every complaint in a fair, honorable and friendly adjustment. This renewed testimony of our desire for peace, was returned by increase of insolence and affront.
Thus situated, we had but to choose between submission to the will of a foreign nation, and the maintenance of our independence. What American could hesitate in the option? The choice being made, self-preservation commanded preparations for self-defence. With this view, and to this end, various defensive measures were adopted by the last congress, the most effectual of which were, the equipment of the fleet, the raising of an army, a provision for the removal of dangerous aliens, and for the punishment of sedition citizens. The two first are charged with the atrocious design of creating a monarchy on the ruins of our free government, and the two last are declared to be usurpations of power in violation of the constitution; while all of them are viewed as parts of a fixed system, tending to the establishment of despotism. These serious accusations, if true, commands your effectual interposition; if untrue, it ought to guard you against the warning of those who from error, or with the most pernicious design, invite you to the adoption of measures baneful to American happiness and fatal to American liberty.
When the most powerful nation in Europe, by whose insidious policy and numerous armies, populous, warlike, and wealthy states have been overturned, whose will of dominion is insatiable, and whose only rule of conduct is her will, has demanded tribute at our hands, and menaced us with the fate of nations conquered and debased, what means could have been adopted more convenient or more likely to secure our defence? The equipment of a fleet, guards the remains of our commerce from their privaters, enables us to incommode any offensive attempts which their enemy might dictate, and to facilitate our exertions for self defence, by facilitating the conveyance of the requisite supplies for military operations in our extensive country. Important already, have been the beneficial consequences to our commerce, flowing from this wise measure, and every benefit to trade, in an increased ratio, enlivens and invigorates agriculture. More important will be its effects in securing our protection, should we be forced to the last appeal in defence of our liberty and property.
Upon so solemn an occasion, what curiously would be adequate to the supineness of our government, if militia were the only resort for safety, against the invasion of a veteran army, flushed with repeated victories, strong in the skill of its officers, and led by distinguished commanders? Should not the American citizen be prepared to meet the eventual combat by those acquirements which place him on an equal footing in the day of battle? Or is he to be little esteemed as to be deludedly submitted to an unequal conflict? What more than placing him on an equality with his foe is proposed by raising an army? Thus our ancestors acted in the revolutionary war; and suspicions perverting their intention, like these now disseminated, would have been treated with contempt, or punished as the schemes of men devoted to the enemy. Where is the change in our situation, which authorises the denunciation of a measure now, then admitted to be wise and indispensable? Does it argue a love of country to paralyze means adopted for its defence? Does it demonstrate affection to our fellow citizens, to reprobate endeavors which bestow upon them equality of skill with their antagonists? Does it evince a wish to disregard and distrust our militia, when an army is formed of citizen soldiers for that very militia to rally round, and hand and hand, to march to attack the foe? Can that army be called mercenary, which is composed of our brothers and our sons, levied by law, paid by law, and embodied to defend their own common rights? Would your Washington lead a mercenary army? Is he not again your general? Why then, those unfounded suspicions, and this opprobrious unwarranted epithet, but to enslave your passions, and to mislead your judgements? Pause, reflect, and say, whether counsel thus
administered can have any other good end? But whether under the pretence of promoting your happiness, it does not tend to aggrandise a foreign nation, and to aggrandise a foreign nation, is to aggrandise a despotism to America, odious to Virginia!
Alike erroneous, and alike destructive of the common weal, is the distorted construction of the Alien and Sedition Laws.
Nevertheless, these acts are confidently pronounced unconstitutional, so much so, that to many of our fellow citizens, the question may appear to have been completely decided.
In the opinion of some, to deliberate on this subject, is to be criminal, and to pause before we declare that the constituted authorities have knowingly and intentionally violated that sacred charter by which they hold their political existence, is to be inimical to that republican liberty, which constitutes the pride and happiness of our country, and which can only be preserved by preserving that government which is now so boldly arraigned. Had the measures which profess their origin from these laws been confined to ordinary, peaceable and constitutional efforts to effect their repeal; had a decent respect for the real majority of the American people been maintained, no opposition would have been made by those who now address you—But when a partial irritation in some degree produced by misconception, is sought to be excited into general hostility against the government of our country; is seized as affording a fair occasion for proceedings which may sap the foundation of our union, we must, in obedience to that duty which gave birth to this reply—submit to our fellow citizens, some reflections on these laws:—
The act concerning aliens makes it lawful for the president of the United States to order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States within such time as shall be expressed in such order.
This law has been declared to be unconstitutional, because—First, It transcends the powers of congress;—2d, It violates that article which restrains the prohibition of migration till 1808—3d, It unites legislative, executive and judiciary powers in the chief magistrate—4th, It deprives aliens of the constitutional right of trial by jury.
Time will not allow a minute investigation of this subject, the several objections will be but briefly reviewed.
1st. It is alleged to be an exercise of a power not delegated. The constitution of the United States, in its organization dissimilar to any scheme of government which has heretofore been devised.
It presents to us for many purposes an entire nation, and for other purposes several distinct and perfect sovereignties—Perpetual peace among ourselves; a complete participation of privileges through all the states, and above all safety from abroad were perhaps the strong motives which induced America to unite under one government. All objects which are general in their nature, which interest all America, which are connected with the general safety; all external objects can only be obtained by the co-operation of the whole, and therefore the powers necessary for their attainment would be naturally vested in the government of the whole. The ends of social and interior regulation can be most beneficially attended to by the state sovereignties, and therefore the government of the union is and ought to be excluded from participating in their formation.
When we examine the situation of the United States, and the objects for which its government must necessarily have been formed, the mind is irresistibly led to the demarcation of a plain line of partition between the general and particular sovereignties—Since the general and state governments equally represent the people, and are alike accountable to them for misconduct, those powers which are essential to our happiness and protection, may with equal safety as to their abuse be trusted to the one or the other. It is therefore rational to suppose, that they are placed where they can be exercised most beneficially, and that they are given to that government which is destined to effect the particular object for which those powers are calculated—This obvious principle seems to have actuated those who framed our constitution; the powers of peace, war and commerce, external intercourse in all its variety of forms, of calling out and directing the force and wealth of the nation, are placed in the general government. They are rightly placed, because to that government we look for protection from enemies of every denomination.
With respect to these objects America is one nation, and therefore the state governments are restrained from interfering with these great acts of sovereignty: the power of protecting the nation from the intrigues and conspiracies of dangerous aliens who may have introduced themselves into the bosom of our country, seems to be of the class with those necessarily delegated to the general government: security to the union from their wicked machinations, cannot otherwise be ensured, and this security is essential to the common good. The means of obtaining intelligence of their plots are in possession only of the general government, nor can any one state do more than expel them from its territory—their right of residence is not unfrequently provided for in treaties, and treaties can only be formed or dissolved by the general government. If in the act of removing them unjustifiable injuries be committed, reparation is demandable by the sovereignty of their nation.
The reparation is demandable not from state but from the United States' government—All America, therefore, is interested in the manner in which this power shall be exercised, and would consequently choose to place it in the hands which all America chooses and controls.
In conformity then with the general theory of our government the power of protecting us from the conspiracies of aliens should
be associated in the same hands with the nation and the general power of protection from hostility of every kind. Yet it is admitted, that if in the formation of our constitution a different arrangement is made, that arrangement, however inconvenient, must be sacredly obeyed till constitutionally changed.
It behoves us, however, to satisfy ourselves completely in this interesting point.
The government of the United States, is indubitably limited as to its objects, however it may be as to the means of obtaining those objects—It possesses only delegated powers, and it is proper to enquire whether the power now under consideration be delegated or not. It is necessary in pursuing this inquiry to bear in mind that we are investigating a constitution which must unavoidably be restricted in various points to general expressions, making the great outlines of a subject; and not a law which is capable of descending to every minute detail.
If we construe the former by rules strictly applicable to the latter, the power of fortifying our ports and harbors might well be questioned, nor could the utility of the clause authorizing congress to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution all powers vested by the constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof be readily pointed out—It would be difficult too to assign a reason for omitting in the 12th amendment to our constitution, which is evidently copied from the second article of the ancient confederation, the very material word expressly. That article of the confederation, and the amendment of our constitution, were designed as a plain and explicit admission of the principle, that the powers not delegated are retained. In the confederation all powers not expressly delegated are retained; but in the amendment this very operative word is wisely omitted.
In reviewing then our constitution to decide on the powers vested for general purposes, in our general government, we must examine the whole paper—we must examine it fairly, but liberally.
Congress has power "to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water"—To make reprisals is a power distinct from, and which not unfrequently precedes war; as a branch of this power those members of congress who are decided in their declarations against the alien law, united in 1794, in support of the bill for sequestering British property. But reprisals may be made on the persons as well as the property of aliens; and as sequestration is the exercise in an inferior degree of the general power of reprisal on property, so may the removal of aliens be considered as the exercise in an inferior degree of the general power of reprisal on persons. If the whole power of reprisal be delegated, the particular degree or manner in which it shall be exercised, is a question of political discretion, and not of constitutional authority.
Congress has power "to define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations."
By the law of nations, or by particular treaty, an alien acquires a right of residence in a country at peace with his own, and it is an offence against that law to become dangerous to the peace and safety, or to be concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government of the country in which he resides. These offences congress may both define and punish.
Congress may call forth the militia, "to suppress insurrections and repel invasions"—and further, "the United States shall guarantee to every state in the union, a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion."
By this latter clause, something further was intended than merely to repel invasion. Invasion actually made is to be repelled, and for that purpose the militia may be called out. But congress it is to do more than merely to repel actual invasion. This power having been granted in the 8th section of the first article, the constitution in the 4th section of the fourth article, gives the additional power, and makes it the duty of congress to protect each state against invasion. To protect against an evil, includes the right of taking proper and necessary steps for its prevention. Of these proper and necessary steps, the government possessed of the power, must judge. To cause to depart from our territory the individuals of a nation from whom invasion was apprehended, is most obviously a measure of precaution dictated by prudence and warranted by justice. It appears then to be fairly deducible, from the theory of the constitution, and from a correct view of its particular parts, that the power of protecting the American commonwealth against dangerous aliens, whether dispersed through the interior of our country, or embodied in arms against us, is an existing efficient power placed with all others necessary for the common safety in the only hands which can bring it into complete and beneficial operation.
2d. The exercise of this power is supposed to have been suspended until the year 1808, by the 9th section of the first article of the constitution.
The words are "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
This is obviously designed as an exception to some given power. It would be extravagantly absurd to restrain until the year 1808, the exercise of that power which could not be exercised after that year. Whatever then is suspended by the article just recited, was considered as an existing thing on which the suspending clause could operate. It is the importation and migration of such persons as any of the states then existing should think proper to admit. But in this clause then, it would be in the power of congress
to prohibit the migration of aliens into the United States. It will not be easy to find in the constitution a grant of power competent to forbid their entry, which is not furnished a strong argument in favor of the general power of congress over the subject it is necessary to shew that the exception to that general power which it specifies, is not to modify it as to expose us to the inextricable of aliens who, in our bosom, may be conspiring our destruction.
To forbid indiscriminately the admission of certain classes of persons, and to order individuals of those classes to depart when they become dangerous, are certainly distinct acts, which may be performed separately, and which do not necessarily interfere with each other. This cannot be questioned—but it is said that the power of ordering suspected aliens to leave our country may be so used as to destroy substantially the power of tolerating their migration, and it is granted that it may be so used—but the possibility of abusing a principle is never supposed to be a correct argument against the power of retaining it, nor can it be admitted that the possibility of extracting the last shilling from the purse of every individual, is a sufficient objection to the existence of the power of taxation. The right of ordering aliens to depart from the United States is confined to those who are deemed dangerous; and such a construction of the law as would substantially deprive the states of the benefits resulting from the migration of such persons as they might think proper to admit, would be a perversion, and not an execution of it.
It may also be said with respect to Virginia, that she has not chosen to admit the migration of such persons as the alien law enjoins to depart. No law of this state authorises the migration into it of persons on the description comprehended in the act of the United States; on the contrary, our laws expressly authorise the execution to apprehend and secure, or compel to depart this commonwealth, all suspicious persons being the subjects of any foreign power or state, from whom the President of the United States shall apprehend hostile designs against the said states. If then the power of ordering certain persons to depart is to be connected with that of admitting their migration, the state of Virginia does not admit, but excludes from her territory all those who are contemplated by the alien law.
3dly. This law is also objected to, because it unites legislative, executive and judiciary powers in the president of the United States.
Legislation is the act of making or giving laws, congress therefore in making this law performed the part of the legislature, nor is there anything legislative in the execution of it. If indeed congress by itself or perhaps by commissioners appointed by itself, had executed the law, the charge would have worn some semblance of truth; but the commission of the execution of this law to the person charged by the constitution with the execution of all the laws of the union, is certainly in itself unexceptionable. No does this act transfer to the president powers belonging properly to the judiciary. It does not involve a decision that its object has committed a crime. It is a measure of general safety, in its nature political and not forensic, the execution of which is properly entrusted to the department which represents the nation in all its interior relations—every law, in its execution, requires some judgment, but the execution of the law is not of that account judicial.
4th, This act deprives the alien of his right to trial by jury. To this extraordinary allegation, it has again and again been answered, that this is a measure, of preventive and not of punishing justice—who would require that a jury should be empanelled, in order to decide whether a nation had or had not caused to suspect a particular alien of dangerous designs against its peace?—who would require that the President should unfold to juries throughout the United States all the intelligence he may have received, perhaps from persons within the reach of those employing the aliens, and which establishes in his mind the reality of the danger to be apprehended?—Certainly a vested right is to be taken from no individual without a solemn trial. But the right of remaining in our country is vested in no alien—He enters and remains by the courtesy of the sovereign power, and that courtesy may at pleasure be withdrawn.—That Virginia considers the two last objections groundless, is demonstrated by her own act on the same subject. By the second section of the sixty-second chapter of our laws, it is enacted, that "it shall and may be lawful for the governor, with the advice of the council of state, to apprehend and secure, or cause to be apprehended and secured, or compelled to depart this commonwealth, all suspicious persons, being the subjects of any foreign power or state, who shall have made a declaration of war, or actually commenced hostilities against the said states, from whom the President of the United States shall apprehend hostile designs against the said states; provided information thereof shall have been previously received by the executive from him. And in all such cases the Governor, with the advice of the council of state, shall, and he is hereby empowered, to send for the person and papers of any foreigner within this state, in order to obtain such information as he may judge necessary."
If the alien law of the United States be an union of legislative, executive, and judiciary powers, so is that of Virginia; if one is unconstitutional by depriving an alien of trial by jury, so is the other. This is a question entirely separated from the power of the different governments; because the provisions of the one constitution, are in these respects as explicit as those of the other. This act of our legislature was not passed hastily or inconsiderately—It was originally en-

acted in 1785 under the auspices of some of the most zealous opponents of the powers of the act of congress—It was revised, corrected, and reported by the judges and others appointed to collate and digest all the laws of the state. It was then re-enacted in 1792.
Never during this investigation and re-investigation, did it occur to a single individual, that to order an alien to depart the commonwealth, first under the suggestion of congress under the old confederation, and afterwards on the suggestion of the President under our improved constitution, united legislative, executive, and judicial powers, or deprived an alien of a trial to which he was entitled, viz. trial by jury.
That this measure should originally have been suggested as necessary for national safety, that it should have been preserved through a long course of reflection, that it should be deemed free from the objection of uniting the powers of different departments in the executive, as also an act of depriving an alien from his residence without a trial by jury, and yet that it should for the same causes produce a ferment in some states, as soon as the principle was adopted by Congress, might warrant reflections which we will not permit ourselves to express.
The act entitled "An act in addition to the act entitled an act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," and which is commonly called the sedition law, subjects to a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars and to imprisonment not exceeding two years any person who shall write, print, utter, or publish, or cause or procure to be written, printed, uttered, published, any false, scandalous, malicious writing or writings against the government of the United States, or either house of Congress of the United States, or the President of the United States, with intent to defame the said government, or either house of Congress, or the said President, or to bring them, or either of them, into contempt or disrepute, or to excite against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition within the United States or to excite any unlawful combinations therein for opposing or resisting any law of the United States, or any act of the President of the United States, done in pursuance of such law, or of the powers in him vested by the constitution of the United States, or to resist, oppose, or defeat any such law or act, or to aid, encourage, or abet any hostile designs, or any foreign nation against the United States, their people, or government: the person accused is to be tried by jury, and may give in evidence the truth of the matter contained in the libel.
To constitute the crime, the writing must be false, scandalous, and malicious, and the intent must be to effect some one of the ill purposes described in the act.
To contend that there does not exist a power to punish writings coming within the description of this law, would be to assert the inability of our nation to preserve its own peace, and to protect themselves from the attempts of wicked citizens, who, incapable of quiet themselves, are incessantly employed in devising means to disturb the public repose.
Government is instituted and preserved for the general happiness and safety—the people therefore are interested in its preservation, and have a right to adopt measures for its security, as well against secret plots as open hostility. But government cannot be thus secured, if, by falsehood and malicious slander it is to be deprived of the confidence and affection of the people. It is vain to urge that truth will prevail, and that slander, when detected, recoils on the calumniator. The experience of the world, and our own experience, prove that a continued course of defamation will at length fully restore the reputation, and will throw suspicion on the purest conduct. Although the calumnies of the factious and discontented may not poison the minds of a majority of the citizens, yet they will infect a very considerable number, and prompt them to deeds destructive of the public peace, and dangerous to the general safety.
This the people have a right to prevent: and therefore, in all the nations of the earth where presses are known, some corrective of their licentiousness has been deemed indispensable. But it is contended, that though this may be theoretically true, such is the peculiar structure of our government, that this power has either never been conceded to, or has been withdrawn from the legislature of the union.—We will examine these positions. The power of making all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution all powers vested by the constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof, is by the concluding clause of the eighth section of the first article, expressly delegated to congress. This clause is admitted to authorize congress to pass any act for the punishment of those who would resist the execution of the laws, because such an act would be incontestably necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested in the government. If it authorizes the punishment of actual resistance, does it not also authorize the punishment of those acts, which are criminal in themselves, and which obviously lead to and prepare resistance? Would it not be strange if, for the purpose of executing the legitimate powers of the government, a clause like that which has been cited should be so construed as to permit the passage of laws punishing open resistance, and yet to forbid the passage of laws punishing acts which constitute the germ from which resistance springs? That the government must look on, and see preparations for resistance which it shall be unable to control, until they shall break out in open force? This would be an unreasonable and improvident construction of the article under consideration. That continued calumnies against the government have this tendency, is demonstrated by uninterrupted experience. They will, if unrestrained, produce in any society convulsions, which if not totally destructive of, will yet be very
injurious to, its prosperity and welfare. It is not to be believed that the people of the western parts of Pennsylvania could have been deluded into that unprovoked and wanton insurrection, which called forth the militia of the neighboring states, if they had not been at the same time irritated and seduced by calumnies with which certain presses incessantly teemed, into the opinion that the people of America, instead of supporting their government and their laws would join in their subversion. Those calumnies then, tended to prevent the execution of the laws of the union, and such seems to be their obvious and necessary tendency.
To publish malicious calumnies against an individual with an intent to defame him, is a wrong on the part of the calumniator, and an injury to the individual, for which the laws afford redress. To write or print these calumnies is such an aggravation of the crime, as to constitute an offence against the government, and the author of the libel is subject to the additional punishment which may be inflicted under an indictment. To publish malicious calumnies against government itself, is a wrong on the part of the calumniator, and an injury to all those who have an interest in the government. Those who have this interest and have sustained the injury, have the natural right to an adequate remedy. The people of the United States have a common interest in their government, and sustain in common the injury which affects that government. The people of the United States therefore have a right to the remedy for that injury, and are substantially the party seeking redress. By the 2d section of the 3d article of the constitution, the judicial power of the United States is extended to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; and by the same article is extended to all cases in law and equity arising under the constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made or which shall be made under their authority. What are cases arising under the constitution, as contra distinguished from those which arise under the law made in pursuance thereof? They must be cases triable by a rule which exists independent of any act of the legislature of the union. That rule is the common or unwritten law which pervades all America, and which declaring libels against government to be a punishable offence, applies itself to and protects any government which the will of the people may establish. The judicial power of the United States then, being extended to the punishment of libels against the government, as a common law offence, arising under the constitution which created the government, the general clause gives to the legislature of the union the right to make such laws as shall give that power effect.
That such was the contemporaneous construction of the constitution, is obvious from one of the amendments which have been made to it. The 3d amendment which declares, that Congress shall make no law abridging the liberty of the press, is a general construction made by all America on the original instrument admitting its application to the subject. It would have been certainly unnecessary thus to have modified the legislative powers of Congress concerning the press, if the power itself does not exist.
But although the original constitution may be supposed to have enabled the government to defend itself against false and malicious libels, endangering the peace, and threatening the tranquility of the American people, yet it is contended that the 3d amendment to that instrument, has deprived it of this power.
The amendment is in these words, "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or ABRIDGING the freedom of speech or of the press."
In a solemn instrument, as in a constitution, words are well weighed and considered before they are adopted. A remarkable diversity of expression is not used, unless it be designed to manifest a difference of intention. Congress is prohibited from making any law RESPECTING a religious establishment, but not from making any law REJECTING the press. When the power of Congress relative to the press is to be limited, the word RESPECTING is dropped, and Congress is only restrained from passing any law ABRIDGING its liberty. This difference of expression with respect to religion and the press, manifests a difference of intention with respect to the power of the national legislature over those subjects, both in the person who drew and in those who adopted this amendment.
All ABRIDGEMENT of the freedom of the press is forbidden, but it is only an ABRIDGEMENT of that freedom which is forbidden. It becomes then necessary in order to determine whether the act in question be unconstitutional or not, to enquire whether it does in fact ABRIDGE the freedom of the press.
The act is believed not to have that operation, for two reasons.
1st. A punishment of the licentiousness is not considered as a restriction of the freedom of the press.
2d. The act complained of, does not punish any writing not before punishable, nor does it inflict a more severe penalty than that to which the same writing was before liable. 1st. If by freedom of the press is meant a perfect exemption from all punishment for whatever may be published, that freedom never has, and most probably never will exist. It is known to all, that the person who writes or publishes a libel, may be both sued and indicted, and must bear the penalty which the judgment of his country inflicts upon him. It is also known to all that the person who shall libel the government of the state, is for that offence, punishable in the like manner. Yet this liability to punishment for slanderous and malicious publications, has never been considered as detracting from the liberty of the press. In fact the liberty of the press is a term which has a definite and appropriate signification, completely understood. It signifies a liberty to publish, free from previous restraint, anything and every thing at the discretion of the
printer only, but not the liberty of spreading, with impunity false and scandalous slanders which may destroy the peace and mingle the reputation of an individual or of a community.
If this definition of the term be correct, and it is presumed that its correctness is not to be questioned, then a law punishing the authors and publishers of false, malicious and scandalous libels can be no attack on the liberty of the press.
But the act complained of is no abridgement of the liberty of the press, for another reason.
2d. It does not punish any writing not before punishable, nor does it inflict a heavier penalty than the same writing was before liable to.
No man will deny, that at common law, the author and publisher of a false, scandalous and malicious libel against the government or an individual, were subject to fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the judge. Nor will it be denied, that previous to our revolution, the common law was the law of the land throughout the now United States.
We believe it to be a principle incontestibly true, that a change of government does not dissolve obligations previously created, does not annihilate existing laws, and dissolve the bonds of society; but that a people passing from one form of government to another, retain in full force all their municipal institutions not necessarily changed by the change of government. If this be true, then the common law continued to be the law of the land after the revolution, and was of complete obligation even before the act of our Assembly for its adoption. Whether similar acts have been passed by the legislatures of other states or not, it is certain that in every state the common law is admitted to be in full force, except as it may have been altered by the statute law. The only question is, whether the doctrines of the common law are applicable to libels against the government of the United States, as well as to libels against the governments of the particular states. For such a distinction there seems to be no sufficient reason. It is not to a magistrate of this or that description that the rules of the common law apply. That he is a magistrate, that he is clothed with the authority of the laws, that he is invested with power by the people, is a sufficient title to the protection of the common law. The government of the United States is for certain purposes as entirely the government of each state, chosen by the people thereof, and clothed with their authority, as the government of each particular state is the government of every subdivision of that state, and no satisfactory reason has been heretofore assigned why a general rule common to all, and punishing generally the malicious calumniators of magistrates, should not be as applicable to magistrates chosen by the whole, as to those chosen for its different parts.
If then it were even true that the punishment of the printer of malicious falsehoods affected the liberty of the press, yet the act does not abridge that liberty, since it does not substitute a harsher or severer rule of punishment than that which existed.
On points so extremely interesting, a difference of opinion will be entertained. On such occasions all parties must be expected to maintain their real opinions, but to maintain them with moderation and with decency. The will of the majority must prevail, or the republican principle is abandoned, and the nation is destroyed. If upon every constitutional question which presents itself, or on every question we chuse to term constitutional, the construction of the majority shall be forcibly opposed, and hostility to the government excited throughout the nation, there is an end to our domestic peace, and we may ever bid adieu to our representative government.
The legislature of Virginia has itself passed more than one unconstitutional law, but they have not been passed with an intention to violate the constitution. On being decided to be unconstitutional by the legitimate authority, they have been permitted to fall. Had the judges deemed them constitutional, they would have been maintained. The same check, nor is it a less efficient one, exists in the government of the union. The judges of the United States are as independent as the judges of the state of Virginia nor is there any reason to believe them less wise or less virtuous. It is their province, and their duty to construe the constitution and the laws, and it cannot be doubted, but that they will perform this duty faithfully and truly. They will perform it unwarmed by political debate, uninfluenced by party zeal. Let us in the mean time seek a repeal of any acts we may disapprove, by means authorized by our happy constitution, but let us not endeavour to disseminate among our fellow citizens the most deadly hate against the government of their own creation, against the government, on the preservation of which we firmly believe the peace and liberty of America to depend, because in some respects its judgment has differed from our own.
Various other points are noticed in the address alike calculated, to excite your resentment, and provoke your resistance. Seriously do we regret, the expression of such sentiments by a body so respectable.
At a time when all ought to unite in repelling every evidence of existence of division in the United States on which division our enemy calculates and with her knowledge of which has had the presumption to upbraid us, it cannot but inflict a deep wound in the American mind to find the commonwealth of Virginia, exhibiting through her legislature irresistible testimony of the degrading charge, nor will the embittering reflection be softened by the declaration of a determination to repel a foreign invasion which is occasionally interspersed in those proceedings. Hatred to government is unapt to beget a disposition to unite in its defence, and more probably would project other schemes, coupling de-
fence from invasion, with change of political system. The result of which might be union with the invader, for the purpose of accomplishing a delectable reform. Unfortunately for the human race, such coalitions have happened, and unfortunately for the American people, another instance of like conduct may be afforded. Exhortations to disregard foreign danger under pretence of opposing domestic usurpation is an artifice, which has been often used to divide and ruin republican governments.—Switzerland has lately afforded a fatal proof of this melancholy truth, and may heaven avert the like fate from us.
One other fertile topic of complaint against the general government, we must notice; its fiscal arrangements, and increasing expenses.
In considering this subject, always recollect that our revolutionary war left the nation with a heavy debt, (the price of its independence) and bereft of the means of discharging it.
When an individual or a nation cannot pay the principal of an honest debt, and can pay the interest, every fair motive commands the principal to be secured and the interest to be punctually paid. Obedience to this honest injunction produced the funded debt of the United States; and altho' we pretend not to say that some mode more consonant to the American character, might not have been adopted, producing the same end, yet we do assert that the mode adopted was the result of much labor, and much investigation and that it received the constitutional sanction. From this we infer that acquaintance in, and support of the system, is the proper conduct of every good citizen.
Added to these, original debts has been the vast expense of defending Kentucky, and the western frontiers from the Indian enemy, and the establishment of government in the north and south western territory.
At present, the defence of the United States claims money, and their defence cannot but swell considerably the public demands—The stake is our all—and to save his all, who would begrudge a part?
But we derive great consolation in reminding ourselves of the following facts—Our resources are vast, are annually increasing, are managed with ability, and disbursed with integrity—that they are applied to promote the people's good, only consonant to their intention, and by their chosen servants—That the choice of our functionaries recures as usual, when the faithful servant will receive his reward, and the unfaithful be ordered to depart—Thre we are a great, powerful and independent nation—and that the safety and happiness of such a people cannot be promoted without proportionate supplies of their money—that the weight of taxation in the congressional system falls almost entirely on the rich—that the capacity to pay rises in proportion to our security from abroad, and our tranquility at home—that the preservation of peace is as it has been, our constant desire, to prevent the interruption of which our government has ably and perseveringly struggled—that war in defence of all our endeavors, impends over our heads—and that to avert its calamity, we must be prepared to meet it like men.
Continuing to confide in our government—continuing to regard union as the rock of our political salvation, and the constitution as the means of its preservation—continuing to prefer a state of peace without dishonor, we will not turn from the perils of war, with a degraded name, but like our fathers will be ready to risk life and fortune; expecting from the timely exertions of our government, to be enabled to meet any and every enemy on equal terms.
Democratic Judge.
Yesterday a resolution passed the House of Representatives of the Pennsylvania Legislature, requesting the Governor to displace Benjamin Brannan, Esq. from the office of Associate Judge of the county of Delaware. Yeas 57—Nays 11.
Y E A S. Messrs. Evans, Speaker: Albright, Bull, Brown, Buckley, Baird, Blair, Campbell, Dunlap, Erwin, Evatt, Fisher, Frailey, Folmer, Forster, Hall, Hemphill, Hannum, Hopkins, Hostetter, Horn, Hartzell, Hendricks, Huston, Ingels, Kepple, Keys, Kelly, Kennedy, Krause, Lyle, Mewhorter, Miller, Martin, McPherson, McDowell, Power, Preston, Palmer, Rugh, Raim, Seckel, Stocker, A. Scott, Stewart, J. Scott, Sauer, Sample, Taylor, Turner, Udrey, Van Horne, Wharton, Wright, Wilson, Welles, Williamson.—57.
N A Y S. Doctor Logan, Boileau, Cunningham, Conrad, Eyre, Linnard, Penrose, Rose, Shoemaker, Snyder, Worrell.—11.
CONGRESS.
Owing to the Indisposition of the Speaker, the House of Representatives adjourned this day without proceeding to business.
BALTIMORE, February 1.
A postscript to a letter from Hamburg, of the 29th of November, to a mercantile house in this, says.
"Within these few days past, much talk has been caused by the arrest of Napper Tandy, and 6 other United Irishmen, at the request of the British minister. The French minister tells the senate, that if they are not restored in 24 hours, he will leave the city. The senate, however, still keep them in prison, and the matter in dispute is to be referred to the king of Prussia."
Insurance Company of the State of Pennsylvania.
February 1, 1799. THE Directors have this day declared a dividend of seventy-four dollars on each share of the Stock of this company for the last six months which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 10th instant. JAMES S. COX, President. Feb 1 dict
Late Foreign Articles
BRUNN, November 7.
According to private letters from Constantinople, (say our gazettes) 18 Egyptian Bays have already joined the French, and a great part of the people are entirely won over by them. This, however, appears to require confirmation. It is added, that Buonaparte is collecting all the shipping he can find, and that the French are fully employed in refitting them.
MILAN, October 29.
In the great harbour of Malta is a French ship of the line and three frigates, with two unrigged Maltese ships of war. The French garrison in Malta is provided with meal for a whole year, and hopes to hold out till the stormy weather shall compel the assailants to raise the blockade. According to some accounts, Malta will be restored to the knights of the order, when the negotiation between France and Naples shall be amicably adjusted.
PARIS, November 11.
The French corair, le Mercure, has taken an English vessel from China. This vessel had on board a chest of seeds for the king of England. Lebrun the captain of the corair, made a present of them to the botanic garden of Bordeaux. There are 300 different kinds at least, and of the most rare species.
November 19.
The commander of the Anemone advice boat, which was wrecked on the coast of Alexandria in its endeavors to avoid falling into the possession of the English, and which was nevertheless taken by them, was brought into this port on the 17th October. At the time of its departure, Sept. 21, the French army was encamped 30 leagues beyond Cairo, in the most advantageous position. It was abundantly supplied with provisions; but a disorder prevailed in the eyes of the men, which it was expected would cease on the approach of winter. A squadron had made itself master of the whole course of the Delta. Gen. Buonaparte had declared himself Governor of Egypt.
BRUSSELS, November 6.
Yesterday and the day before, during the whole day, there was fighting without intermission upon the canal of Bruges and Antwerp, particularly in the environs of Room, Willebroeck, and of Capell aux bois. A part of this last place was burnt by the republican artillery. The insurgents defended themselves with a rage bordering on despair; they lost a great number in these different actions. An officer and several wounded soldiers have been brought in here.
Yesterday at two o'clock, large detachments of cavalry and infantry with six pieces of cannon, went from hence to attack the rebels again, conjointly with two other columns of troops. There will probably be this day a general attack of the rebels, and there is reason to hope it will be decisive on the points to which it will be directed. We learn on the other hand, that in the departments of the Lys and the Forests, the rebels have again been beaten. Troops from all the armies continue to arrive.
DUBLIN, November 24.
A letter received yesterday from Belfast, mentions that a desperate fire had taken place there in the linen hall, in which two of the squares of that building were consumed.
Extract of an authentic letter from Emma Vale, near Abilone, dated Nov. 22.
"The rebel Hackett has at length paid the forfeit of his crimes; he was shot in the act of pillaging the house of Mr. Atkins."
The Hamburg mail which arrived yesterday brings important papers from the congress at Rastadt, by which our readers will see, that as the Russian troops advance, and the treaties towards a new confederacy draw to a close, the empire becomes more categorical in its demands on the French, and more daring in its language. The French ministers sent off couriers to Paris, and it is thought that the answer will decide the question of peace or war.
In other respects the mail is not important. No step on the part of the French has taken place on the Grison frontier; but they are busily employed in recruiting their army on the Rhine. The insurrection in Brabant seems to decline a positive malice. The Leyden Gazette says, that it exhibits only a scene of horror and devastation. The insurgents, pressed by the troops of the French, take refuge in their villages, try in vain there to defend themselves, set fire to their houses, and perish in the flames. It is not true that Syeyns has quitted Berlin. That court, notwithstanding its representations on the state of Ehrenbreitstein, seems still determined to keep aloof from the confederacy, and preserve to its people the blessings of peace.
Richard Bayley & Co.
RESPECTFULLY inform the public that their Retail Business, carried on by them at their Store, No. 436, Market Street, will in future be carried on by Mr. Wm. Bonnarr, whom they beg leave to recommend to the favor of their friends and the public.
ALL PERSONS indebted to the above firm and those to whom they are indebted, will please to apply to JOHN WHITBREAD & Co. or the settlement of their respective accounts, who are duly empowered for that purpose.
Richard Bayley & Co.
WILLIAM BONNARR,
RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, that the above Store will be opened by him on Monday the 4th of February next, with an assortment of
DRY GOODS,
Suitable to the season; which he flatters himself will meet the approbation of those who honor him with their favor. Jan 29.

PROPOSALS,
BY THE Insurance Company of North America. FOR INSURANCE against FIRE, on Dwelling-Houses, Ware-Houses, and other Buildings (and on Goods contained in such Buildings) distant from Philadelphia, in the United States.
1. Common Insurance, on hazards of the first class, will be undertaken at a premium of about half per cent. per annum. For extra hazardous risks a larger premium will be required, which will vary according to circumstances, seldom exceeding one per cent. per annum; but in some instances, where the property insured is not only in itself extra hazardous, but rendered still more so by the vicinity of extra hazardous buildings and occupations, the premium demanded will be raised according to circumstances.
Houses and Ware-Houses, the walls and partitions of which are wholly of stone or brick, well constructed, so as to be guarded as well as well against fires from within, and free from extra hazardous buildings and occupations in their neighborhood, will be deemed hazardous of the first class, and may be insured to their full value.
Also Goods and Merchandise, not of an extra hazardous kind, in casks, bales, or packages, deposited in such buildings, to an amount not exceeding 4000 dollars; but if more than this sum is required to be insured in one tenement, an additional premium will be required, in proportion to circumstances.
II. Insurances will also be made on buildings and goods extra hazardous, at premiums proportioned to the risk. But it is not easy to arrange these under particular heads or classes, so as to describe each with the necessary accuracy. Each case must therefore be decided upon according to the circumstances attending it; and these circumstances will, in general, appear from the description accompanying the application.
Buildings partly constructed of brick or stone, are preferable to those wholly wooden. And, in both cases, the site of building, how they are occupied, how they are situated, the neighboring buildings, and how occupied, are considerations to be taken into view. And with respect to goods, their tendency, whether from their nature, or from the manner in which they are exposed, either to commence or to increase an accidental fire, and their liability in such state to receive damage by wet, or by sudden and hasty removal, or to be stolen in time of confusion and hurry, are all circumstances of weight; and the premiums must be proportioned accordingly.
III. The following condition are to be understood by the parties.
1st. The Insurance is not binding till the stipulated premium be paid; but it shall be deemed effected from the time of such payment and acceptance thereof, whether the policy be immediately signed or not.
2d. Insurances may be renewed at the expiration of the term of the policy, without further expenses than the payment of the premium of the renewed term, the circumstances continuing the same as they were understood by the Insurers at the time the former insurance was made; but the payment of the premium is essential to such renewal; and if the party insured suffers any time to elapse after the expiration of the former insurance, before he pays a premium for the renewal, he is not insured during such time; nor can the insurance be renewed on the former policy but by computing the commencement of the renewal from the expiration of the former insurance. The subject of insurance may be renewed by open to treat for a new insurance.
3d. If any other insurance be made on the same property; it must be made known at the time of application, otherwise the policy made on such application will be void.
4th. Goods held in trust, or on consignment, may be insured as such a separate policy; but they are not to be considered as insured otherwise.
5th. This company will not be liable or accountable for any loss or damage occasioned by any foreign invasion, or by any military or usurped force, or by reason of any civil commotion; or occasioned by gunpowder, aquafortis or other thing of a like kind kept in the building, or amongst the property insured.
6th. Bills of Exchange, Bonds and other Securities, Title Deeds, Money, Bank and other promissory Notes, are not included in any insurance; nor are paintings, medals, jewels, gems, antique curiosities, or mirrors exceeding the value of twenty-five dollars each, to be considered as insured unless particularly mentioned and by special agreement.
7th. No insurance will be made for a shorter term than one year, nor for a longer term than seven years. Persons choosing to insure for fewer years shall be allowed one year's premium by way of discount: One third of a year's premium shall be abated in like manner on an insurance for three years.
8th. Losses sustained by fire on property insured, shall be paid within thirty days after due proof and liquidation thereof, without deduction.
A description of the property to be insured will be expected with each application, to be made by a master carpenter and signed by him, as well as by the owner of the building or applicant for insurance, and attested before a Notary or principal Magistrate, who will certify his knowledge of the parties and their credibility.
With respect to Houses and other Buildings. 1st. The site and position; describing the street or road on or near which the building stands; its contiguous to water, and other circumstances relative to the extinguishment of fire in case of accident; and particularly whether any and what fire companies are established, and engines provided, in the place or neighborhood.
2d. The materials of which it is built, whether of brick, stone or wood, and what part of each, as well as to the outside walls as inside or partition walls, and their respective height and thickness; the style of the roof and of what materials; how secured by battlements or party walls; what kind of access to the top of the house and to the chimneys; whether any and what electric rods; the number and kind of fire places; and the kind of deposit for ashes.
3d. The dimensions of the building and how divided, and the style in which it is finished so as to enable indifferent persons to judge in what manner it is to be repaired or rebuilt in case of injury; the age and condition of the building, and how occupied, whether merely as a dwelling house, or for any other, and for what purpose; also an estimate of the value of the house or building independent of the ground.
4th. The situation with respect to other buildings or back buildings, whether adjoining or not, comprehending at least one hundred feet each way; what kind of buildings are within that distance, how built, of what materials, and how occupied or improved, whether as dwellings for private families, or otherwise; whether any and what trade or manufacture is carried on, and particularly whether there be any extra hazardous articles used, or usually deposited in the house, or within the distance aforesaid, and of what kind.
Respecting goods in Houses, Warehouses, &c. 1. A general description of the building in which they are kept will be expected, similar in all respects, as to the danger from fire, with that required for Insurance on the buildings themselves.
2. A description of the kind and nature of the goods, whether in casks or other packages, or opened; and whether displayed in whole pieces or in the usual form for retailing. And
if the goods vary materially in kind, a general estimate of the value of each kind proposed to be insured; but in the last particular minuteness of description is not expected.
3. Articles of the following kinds are deemed extra-hazardous, though in various degrees, in whatever building they may be placed, viz. pitch, tar, turpentine, resin, wax, tallow, oil, inflammable spirits, sulphur, hemp, flax, cotton, dry goods of an inflammable kind, opened. — Glass, china ware or porcelain, especially unpacked; looking glasses, jewelry; and all other articles more than commonly inflammable, or more than commonly liable to injury by sudden removal or by moisture, or particularly obnoxious to theft on an alarm of fire.
Letters post paid, directed to the Secretary of the Board of Directors, will be duly attended to. An order for Insurance accompanied by the means of paying the premium, will be immediately executed on the premium being paid. If the application contain an enquiry only, it will be answered.
By order of the Board, Ebenezer Hazard, sec'ry. Office of the Insurance Company of North America; Philad. Feb. 1, 1798.
PROPOSALS,
FOR CARRYING Mails of the United States, On the following roads, will be received at the General Post-Office, until the 13th day of February next, inclusive.
1st. From Philadelphia by Bristol, Trenton, Princeton, New-Brunswick, Woodbridge, Raraway, Elizabethtown and Newark to New-York six times a week.
From May 1 to November 1. Leave Philadelphia every day (Sunday excepted) at 1 P. M. and arrive at New-York in nineteen hours, the next day (Sunday excepted) by 8 o'clock, A. M. — Returning; leave New-York every day (Sunday excepted) at 1 P. M. and arrive at Philadelphia in eighteen hours the next day (Sunday excepted) by 7 A. M.
From November 1 to May 1. The mail is to be taken from Philadelphia at the same hour and delivered at New-York by 9 A. M. in 20 hours; and is to be taken from New-York at 1 P. M. and delivered at Philadelphia at 8 A. M. in nineteen hours.
2d. From Philadelphia by Chester, Wilmington, Newport, Christiana, Elkton, Charlton, Havre-de-Grace and Harford to Baltimore, six times a week. Leave Philadelphia every day (Sunday excepted) at 9 A. M. and arrive at Baltimore in 27 hours, the next day (Sunday excepted) at noon. Returning; leave Baltimore every day (Sunday excepted) at 4 A. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 9 A. M. in 27 hours.
3d. From Baltimore by Bladensburg, Washington and Georgetown, to Alexandria six times a week.
From April 1 to November 1. Leave Baltimore every day (Sunday excepted) at 4 A. M. and arrive at Alexandria the same day by 6 P. M. Returning; leave Alexandria every day (Sunday excepted) at 4 A. M. and arrive at Baltimore the same day by 4 o'clock P. M.
From November 1 to April 1. Leave Baltimore every day (Sunday excepted) at 4 A. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day (Sunday excepted) at 8 A. M. Returning; leave Alexandria every day (Sunday excepted) at 5 P. M. and arrive at Baltimore the next day (Sunday excepted) at 4 P. M.
4th. From Philadelphia by Downingtown, Lancaster, Columbia, York, Carlisle, Shippensburg, Strasburg, Bedford, Somerset and Greensburg to Pittsburgh once a week. Leave Philadelphia every Saturday at 4 A. M. arrive at Lancaster in the evening, arrive at York on Sunday noon, at Shippensburg on Monday, at 6 P. M. Leave Shippensburg on Tuesday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Pittsburgh the next Friday at 10 A. M. Returning; leave Pittsburgh every Friday at 3 P. M. and arrive at Shippensburg the next Monday by 6 P. M. Leave Shippensburg on Tuesday at 4 A. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next Thursday by 8 P. M.
Note 1. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next. The contracts for the routes No. 1, 2, 3, are to continue in operation until the first day of October in the year 1800; and the contract for the route No. 4 is to continue until the first day of October in the year 1801.
Note 2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices on the routes where no particular time is specified.
Note 3. For every fifteen minutes delay (the impassibility of rivers excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed, in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue till the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
Note 4. If any persons making proposals desires an alteration of the times specified he must state in his proposals the alteration desired and the difference it will make in the terms of his contract.
Note 5. The usual penalties for misconduct in the carriers will be stipulated in the contract.
Note 6. The mail on the route No. 1, shall be carried in a Sulkey during three months of the winter season, having a box or chest to secure the mail from rain. The mails on that route during the rest of the year and the routes No. 2 and 3 shall be always carried in a light box sufficient to defend it from the rain, or a box within the body of the stage.
JOS. HABERSHAM, P. M. General. General Post-Office, Philad. Jan. 1, 1799.
DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, TO WIT:
BE IT REMEMBERED,
THAT on the tenth day of December, in the twenty third year of the Independence of the United States of America, JOHN LAMBERT of the said District, hath deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author in the words following, to wit:
"A short and practical Essay on Farming; being the experience of a farmer of about fifty years of age, near forty years of which were spent in England, Essex county, on land where farming is done in the greatest perfection, and near seven years on three hundred and twenty acres of worn-out land in Pettigrove and Alloway creek, in Salem, county, New-Jersey — Shewing the means whereby these worn-out lands may be improved, and that the means are in the power of almost every farmer."
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, intitled "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the terms therein mentioned."
D. CALDWELL. Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
A Farm for Sale.
WILL be sold, in pursuance of an order of Orphans Court of Delaware county, on Monday the 23th February next, at the house of W. Anderson, in the Borough of Chester, at one o'clock, P. M.
THE PLANTATION,
Late the property of Raper Hopkins, deceased, situate in the said Borough, containing about 220 acres, of which between 43 and 50 acres are excellent upland and marsh meadow; about 40 acres of woodland; the remainder is arable land, of a good quality — The whole has been used for many years as a grazing farm and is under an almost new cedar fence; there are on the farm a good two story stone dwelling house and kitchen in good repair; the dwelling house has four rooms on a floor, with a convenient entry; there is a good kitchen garden, two good apple orchards, one containing about six acres young and healthy; a good tenant's house, barn, stables and chair house. The banks are in good repair, and walled in front with stone.
All at the same time and place will be sold 15 acres of marsh meadow, in the neighbourhood of the farm, under good bank, and in high cultivation. Any person desirous of viewing the premises, will be shown them by applying in Chester to
ELEANOR HOSKINS, Admin'x.
January 18, 1799. Who desires all those indebted to the late R. Hopkins, to make immediate payment, and those who have demands against his estate, to present them to her for settlement.
PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the honorable JOHN D. COXE, esq., President of the Court of Common Pleas, and of the Courts of Oyer and Terminer and General Goal Delivery, in the first Circuit, consisting of the city and county of Philadelphia, and the counties of Bucks, Montgomery and Delaware, Wm. Robison, the younger, Jonathan Bayard Smith, and Reynold Keen, esquires, Judges of the Court of Common Pleas, and Justices of the Courts of Oyer and Terminer and General Goal Delivery, in the said county of Philadelphia, have issued their Precept bearing date the 18th day of January, 1799, and to me directed, for holding a Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Goal Delivery, at the State-house in the said City of Philadelphia, on the 18th day of February next.
Notice is hereby given to the Mayor, Recorder and Aldermen of the City of Philadelphia, and to all the Justices of the Peace, the Coroners, and Constables within the said City and Counties of Philadelphia, that they be then and there, in their own proper persons, with their Rolls, Records, Inquisitions, Examinations and other Remembrances, to do those things which to their offices in that behalf appertain to be done. And also all those who will prosecute against the Prisoners that are or shall be in the Goal of the City and County of Philadelphia, are to be then and there to prosecute against them as shall be just.
JONATHAN PENROSE, sheriff. God save the Common-Wealth.
Jan. 24.
DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, TO WIT:
BE IT REMEMBERED,
THAT on the twelfth day of August, in the twenty-third year of the Independence of the United States of America, Benjamin Smith Barton, of the said District, hath deposited in this office the title of a book the right whereof he claims as author in the words following to wit:
"New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America — By Benjamin Smith Barton, esq., M. D. Correspondent Member of the Society of the Antiquaries of Scotland, Member of the American Philosophical Society, Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences of Boston, Corresponding Member of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and Professor of Materia Medica, Natural History and Botany in the University of Pennsylvania."
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, intitled "An act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors, of such copies during the times therein mentioned."
SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk, Dist. of Penn y
AN ACT,
Limiting the time within which claims against the United States, for credits on the books of the Treasury, may be presented for allowance. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all credits on the books of the Treasury of the United States, for transactions during the late war, which, according to the course of the Treasury have hitherto been discharged by issuing certificates of registered debt, shall be forever barred and precluded from settlement or allowance, unless claimed by the proper creditors, or their legal representatives, on or before the first day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine. And the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby required to cause this Act to be published in one or more of the public papers of each state.
(Signed) JONATHAN DAYTON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. THEODORE SEDGWICK, President of the Senate. Pro. Tem. Approved July 9, 1798.
JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States.
December 13.
W. 1st Mar.
January 23d, 1799.
IN pursuance of a resolve of the
President and Managers of the Delaware and Schuylkill Canal Company, The Stockholders are hereby notified and required to pay ten dollars on each of their respective shares of stock, on or before the first day of March next, to the Treasurer of the Company at their office near the Bank of Pennsylvania.
Extract from the minutes, GEORGE WORRALL, Sec'ty. WILLIAM GOVETT, Treasurer. jan. 25.
Country Seats for Sale.
TWO Seats at convenient distances from Philadelphia, each comprising perfect accommodation and conveniences of every kind for a genteel family — For particular enquiry of EDWARD BONSALL & Co. No. 64, Dock-street, 1st mo. 31.
This day Published,
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, The Essays under the Signature of VIRGINIENSIS, ON THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS. (Price 25 cents 12mo.)
IT is perhaps futile to expect to work conviction in the minds of to inveterate and vicious a class of men, as the Democrats of America, by any arguments however forcible, or any display of truth, however irresistible: These writings are, however, calculated to produce a more important and useful effect, by placing the subject in its true light before honest men, who are uninformed, or have been misinformed as to the nature and objects of those bills.
jan. 13.
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF
Madras Handkerchiefs,
FOR SALE BY
Merdecia Lewis.
jan. 25.
40 Boxes of Fresh Citron
Just arrived via New-York, and for Sale by
JOHN CRAIG,
Who has also for Sale,
Old Madeira Wine
of the first quality,
India Mullins,
coarse and fine, &c.
A quantity of the best English large leaf
Clover Seed.
jan. 21.
TO BE SOLD,
A two story Stone House,
LATELY built, with two acres of land, on the Bristol road, about a mile above Frankford. The situation is high and healthy, and the water excellent. — For terms apply to Mr. John McClelland, or Mr. Richard Whitehead, No. 68, Vine-street.
Jan. 21.
PUBLIC NOTICE
IS hereby given, that application will be made to the Directors of the Bank of Pennsylvania for the renewal of a Certificate for a share in the said Bank, No. 1282, dated July 24th 1797, standing in the name of JOSEPH REED, the same having been accidentally lost or destroyed.
Philad. Jan. 25.
FILTERING STONES.
Of an excellent quality for Ships or Families
FOR SALE BY
Thomas & Joshua Fisher.
No. 5, Dock-street.
1st mo. 25.
ALL PERSONS
Indebted to the Estate of Mr. JOHN FENNO, late of Philadelphia, deceased, are desired to make payment, and those having any demands, to present them for settlement, to
SAMUEL BLODGET, Adm'r.
or
JOHN WARD FENNO, Agent
to the administration.
nov. 30.
JAMAICA RUM,
A Cargo now landing at South Street wharf,
FOR SALE BY
PETER BLIGHT,
Apply at Stores on the Wharf,
WHO ALSO OFFERS FOR SALE,
BRANDY, 1st and 4th proof
Madeira and Port Wines, &c. &c.
Nov. 1.
Five Dollars Reward.
STOLEN yesterday morning, between 10 and 12 o'clock, from No. 68, South Fourth Street, A Single case Silver Watch,
the maker's name Markknoble — number not known. The letters W. H. are scratched on the rim of the case — a seal chain and key, gilt seal with a cypher W. H. engraved on it. Whoever will give me information so that the thief may be brought to justice shall receive the above reward.
W. HAYDON.
jan. 21.
Stray Horse.
WAS taken up, respitting on the subscriber, in the township of Pallyunk, in the county of Philadelphia, a grey Horse, about fourteen hands high, thirteen or fourteen years old, blind of his right eye, and shod before. Whoever has lost him, by proving property and paying charges, may him again on applying to the subscriber.
JOHN SINK, On the Banks of Schuylkill.
jan. 19.
WHEREAS
ISAAC PAINTER having made an assignment of all his property to me the subscriber for the benefit of his creditors, this is to request all persons indebted to the said Isaac Painter, to prevent further trouble, to make immediate payment to me the subscriber; and all those having any demands against him to render in their accounts to
JACOB CLARK, Assignee.
jan. 26.
NOTICE,
PURSUANT to a Resolve of the Board of Trustees of Washington Academy, in Somerset county, Maryland, authorizing WILLIAM POLK, esq. majors SAMUEL WILSON, and WILLIAM JONES, Members of said Board, to procure a principal teacher for said Academy — NOTICE is hereby given, that a gentleman qualified to teach the Greek and Latin Languages, Geography and the Mathematics, and such other branches of Literature as is customary to teach in such Schools, will meet with liberal encouragement and it is presumed will be well accommodated in taking charge of this Academy. The building is spacious and will accommodate at least sixty students.
Proposals may be addressed to John Dennis, No. 161 Arch-street, or William Winder, accountant in the Navy department, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, or to either of the three gentlemen above mentioned, near Princess Anne, Maryland.
dec 17.
BREAD
TO be delivered to the Poor of the City and Liberties at Friends Meeting-House in Market, the corner of Second, Street, on Friday the 18th of February, at 10 o'clock, agreeable to the wills of Petty and Carter.
The guardians of the poor are requested to give their attendance agreeable to a resolve of the General Board of the 24th instant.
Jonathan Robeson, President of the General Board of Guardians Philadelphia, January 28, 1799
WANTED,
To Article for two or three years a young Man to a profitable business — For particulars enquire at no. 68, south Fourth Street.
A person who has some knowledge of painting or drawing would be preferred.
W. HAYDON,
WHO HAS
A Cellar to Let.
jan. 11.
This Day is Published,
AND FOR SALE BY J. FENNO, 150 CHESTNUT-STREET
AN ADDRESS
To the People of Maryland,
ON the origin,