The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-12-19 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XXII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 19th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1800.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, DEC. 17, 1800.
Mr. WALN obtained leave of absence for three weeks.
Mr. STONE also obtained leave of absence.
Mr. VARNUM called up his resolution, laid on the table on the instant, for reducing the second regiment of artillery to three battalions: it at present consists of four battalions.
Mr. OTIS declared himself surprised at the resolution offered by his colleague, as he had not known any act passed in that house with more unanimity, or which appeared at the time or since to be attended with more general satisfaction, than the act on which the present establishment of artillery and engineers was founded. At the time the act was passed, the body of artillery and engineers thereby raised was considered and declared to be part of the permanent army; and in this view it had since received the sanction of the house in every form in which it had been presented.
To show that this was the case, it would be unnecessary to exhibit a history of the establishment of this body of our military force.
Prior to the year 1794, the corps of artillerists and engineers consisted of one battalion.
In May 1794, in a time of profound peace, an act passed increasing the establishment to a regiment, consisting of four battalions.
In May 1796, an act was passed recognizing and confirming the existence of the regiment, previously directed to be raised.
In April 1798, before Congress contemplated the existence of that emergency which afterwards occurred, before the provisional army was authorized, or a naval equipment with a view to actual hostility with a foreign power was begun, an act passed directing the raising an additional regiment, to consist of three battalions, and this not merely for three years, as had been hitherto usual, but for five years.
On the 3d of March 1799, an act passed for the better organization of the troops of the United States, augmenting the numbers of the companies and regiments of infantry and cavalry, and directing that the second regiment of artillery should consist of four battalions instead of three. The provisions of this act were such as manifested the determination of Congress that the artillery thus directed, and that only should be raised in any event. Thus the augmentation was not authorized for the purpose of meeting the crisis or of constituting a part of the temporary arrangements for defence, but as a resource for instruction and defence at all times and upon all occasions.
In the last session of Congress two acts were passed which materially affected the military establishment. One of which suspended all further recruiting in reference to the twelve regiments; but was silent in respect to the artillery.
The other for authorizing the President to disband the infantry and cavalry, but expressly restraining him from diminishing the numbers of the artillery—Was he not therefore warranted in the assertion that the present establishment of the two regiments of artillery and engineers had been authorized with the greatest deliberation, and sanctioned as a favorite measure. That it was intended to be cherished as a nursery for those branches of military science which are most difficult of acquisition,
which cannot be learnt or practised upon a sudden emergency? While every other part of the military establishment had experienced a radical reform. The organization of the artillery had hitherto remained exempt from objection and dispute.
This being the case, was it not incumbent on the gentleman, who had submitted the resolution before the house, to point out some of those discriminating circumstances that recommended the adoption of a measure at this time which has been hitherto deemed inexpedient? Was it not incumbent on him to show that he did not intend the accomplishment of this measure as a prelude to the entire annihilation of the little germ of an army that now remains to this country.
For his part, Mr. Otis declared, he was not ambitious of assuming either credit or responsibility that would arise from a reform that would leave the country destitute of defence. He was willing that those who succeeded in the administration of the government should reap the honor and advantage of this reform.
Whether the force at present authorized by law was more than adequate to the protection of our extended sea board, and our no less extensive frontier, would clearly appear by a statement of the distribution of it that is intended when the regiments are complete.
He had taken some pains to inform himself of this fact and had prepared a document to show exclusive of officers commissioned and non-commissioned, the numbers that would be stationed at the respective ports. Mr. Otis then went minutely into a statement of the numbers allowed to every port and garrison where the Artillery are to be employed, the results of which were as follows:
   In Georgia and S. Carolina 192   Virginia and Maryland 192   Pennsylvania 144   New-York 288   Connecticut 48   Rhode Island 144   Massachusetts 192   On North Western frontier } from Niagara to Mobile Bay. } 336   Total 1536  
And this number was to be divided among nearly thirty different garrisons.
Now, let any man, acquainted with the extent of our country, and who knew how vulnerable it was in many points, forming a line in one direction of 1500 miles, and in the other direction of more than 2,000: let any man decide whether such an extended country could be adequately defended by a force less than 2,000 in number? When the numerous harbors to be defended, on the sea board, and the number of forts on the western frontier requiring garrisons to protect them from the attacks of the Indians, were considered, could any reasonable man affirm that 2,000 artillerists and engineers were too many?
Cannot we support this establishment? Are we too poor? True economy itself would dictate a continuance of the force. For the militia, however useful in other circumstances, could afford but little defence to our forts and harbours without a corps of regular artillery to support and encourage their efforts. He put entirely out of view all considerations derived from the four existing regiments of infantry. They were entirely occupied in defending our western frontiers from Indian invasion. Their services were there required, as the militia would not be kept in readiness to repel sudden aggressions, but at an enormous expense.
We are extremely young in the science of engineering. However competent the militia may be to the great purpose of ultimately defending the country, they are not in such a situation as to be enabled to protect our forts and harbours on a sudden invasion. If the militia are incompetent to this end, we must rely upon a standing force. Infantry and cavalry might soon be created—But artillery and engineers were not the growth of a day. By dismissing these, you deprive yourselves of all the solid advantages to be derived from the mil-
itia, who in co-operation with a small regular force of this description would be formidable, but who, unaided by them, would be inefficient.
The resolution in question he also considered as quite premature. What change, he enquired since the last session, when the maintenance of this battalion was recognized as expedient, had occurred in our foreign or domestic relations? A convention it is said is made with France. But we are ignorant of its terms, its nature, or extent. It has not yet been ratified, and when ratified, who will answer for its due execution, or the consequences which may ensue—If it restores our friendly relations with France, may it not produce a misunderstanding with other powers? Do not circumstances exist that render it highly prudent to secure and strengthen our Western posts? He was persuaded that if a powerful nation like the United States, would declare its inability or reluctance to support this moderate military force; it would incur the contempt of other nations. They would hardly condescend to treat with us for a compensation of injuries, or if they made treaties, they would violate them in the full confidence of impunity.
But it was said by the gentleman, that as this battalion had not yet been raised, the inference was obvious that it was not necessary.
But for what reason had the raising of it been delayed? It would be recollected that during the last session of Congress, the late Secretary of war presented to this house, a project for reducing the two regiments of artillery to three battalions each, and in lieu of the fourth battalions to substitute a corps of artillerists and engineers, and a military academy in which they might be initiated into the principles of these useful and necessary sciences.
While that report was pending before the legislature, it would have been improper and inexpedient to recruit for this fourth battalion. Had the substitute been adopted, the measure would have been superceded. But the report of the Secretary though many parts of it were in his opinion highly deserving of attention, was not accepted by Congress. Since that period, the seat of Government had been removed. The former Secretary of the war department had resigned, and some time of course had been lost; he knew however that some of the officers had been appointed, and had reason to believe that the corps would soon be perfectly organized. Another reason, Mr. Otis alleged, was, that the attention of Government had been principally directed to organize the temporary army. It being conceived that the permanent establishment might proceed more leisurely. On the whole, Mr. Otis said, that he was not one of those who were dismayed at the crisis in the political affairs of the country, and he trusted there was still a majority in the house, who unawed by a change of times, and unshaken by the prospect of seeing their measures hereafter reversed, would persevere while they had the power in maintaining the principles and measures to which the nation was indebted for its dignity and prosperity. If the administration of the Government is destined to change, let those who succeed take upon themselves the burden of reform; and if it was intended by this resolution, that he should have an opportunity to partake in the glory and advantages of it, with all due acknowledgment he begged to decline the offer.
Let those, into whose hands the future government might fall, realise the expectations that have been raised, let them perform all the engagements they have made, let them preserve and augment the public prosperity, and while they enjoyed the exclusive credit of their measures, they should on those conditions receive all the support and approbation which in his humble sphere he could afford.—But he had no idea of adopting measures that would betray symptoms of regret and contrition for the past, and he hoped his friends would do nothing that should be construed into a loathbed repentance of a conduct which constituted their glory and their pride—Re-
turning himself from a short political career, he had the consolation to reflect that his efforts had been directed to the support of no measure, which would not be a source of satisfaction, if he were retiring from the sphere of existence. And he doubted not that the other gentlemen had been actuated by the same motives and would unite in the evidence of their sober conviction by voting against the resolution.
Mr. VARNUM observed that his colleague had not confined himself to a true statement of facts. It was well known that the military force raised in 1794 was for a standing army, of which character was the first regiment of artillery. But when the second regiment was raised, the country was in a state of alarm. We were told war menaced us, and were terrified with the idea of invasion. Still it was determined by Congress that the regiment should consist of no more than three battalions. If then at that period, when the danger was exaggerated by our fears, three battalions were thought sufficient, can more be thought necessary now, when there is no alarm, no danger of war or invasion?
Mr. Varnum was of opinion that the three battalions were sufficient for every national purpose to be accomplished by artillery. He did not mean to say that they were equal to the defence of the country in case of invasion. The idea would be childish. In such a case our reliance must be upon the militia, upon the great body of the people themselves.
The gentleman, who had proceeded him, had dwelt on the unfavorable condition of the militia, and the little knowledge we had yet acquired in relation to artillerists and engineers. Yet that gentleman must know that in Massachusetts alone three were forty companies of artillerists and engineers, well equipped and well disciplined, ready, at a moment's notice, to turn out in defence of the laws of the United States, or of that state. Other states were probably well provided.
The only occasion we had for the description of troops was to defend our harbors and ports from any sudden attack. For this purpose twenty-eight companies were fully adequate. On the occurrence of a great danger, we must not look up to these men, but to the people. Our true defence, our great and only defence consisted in the militia. He believed them to be in such a state as to protect us from any danger.
Mr. RUTLEDGE was supposed at the remarks of the gentleman from Massachusetts. He had stated no facts, he had referred to no documents; but had confined himself to a declaration of his belief that the four battalions of artillery are unnecessary, and had concluded by pronouncing, as he had frequently before done, a panegyric upon the militia. He thought as highly of the militia as the gentleman did; and he felt more for them. He did not desire to drag them from the plough and the enjoyments of domestic felicity, to carry them to the sea coast, there to confine them for long periods in forts, under the pretence of a miserable economy.
A comparative view of the relative expenses of a standing force and the militia would convince the gentleman that the latter was by far the most expensive.
Let him call to recollection the state of our fortifications at the close of the revolutionary war. Fortifications then covered the face of the country. But no sooner was peace restored to us, than the people believed it would last forever. Government received the same impulse, and suffered the defence of the country to fall into decay. And what were the consequences? we were now called upon to repair them. This result would be produced by that pitiful spirit of economy that the gentleman wishes to revive.
Mr. Rutledge spoke not from documents. But what he said was derived from actual observation. In travelling from the southward he had seen on the sea coast harbors and forts miserably garrisoned.
His friend from Massachusetts had not been correct in his statement. The numbers he had assigned to different places were not those actually there, but those contemplated to be stationed, when the establishment was complete.

In the whole extent of South-Carolina and Georgia there were stationed only 192 men, and in North-Carolina only 142.
Discarding, as he was compelled to do, all view to false economy, there was another view that naturally presented itself. Was the state of the nation materially changed? And if it were, should that change have any influence on the measure under discussion? If the establishment of the two regiments of artillery was part of a permanent system, and not derived from any existing or apprehended state of things, and this had been his opinion, and was, he believed the opinion of Congress, any change whatever in the state of the country would not affect the question before the house.
Artillery, from their very nature, ought to be permanent. Infantry and cavalry can be soon raised and made effective; but not so with artillery. They require time to render them serviceable. We all know the force of artillery in war. The brilliant successes of the French were owing to the superiority of their artillery to that of their enemies. The First Consul had himself been an artilleryman; he had been bred in the school of Paris. In the great war waged against Prussia, Frederick had converted almost the whole of his force into artillery; he had himself invented the horse artillery. By these means he had triumphed.
The Secretary at war had last session made a report recommending the formation of a military school. But his plan had not been embraced. This having failed he hoped a strong military establishment would be substituted in its room.
Mr. RUTLEDGE was indisposed to diminish the corps of artillery and engineers; not that he wished to keep up an army for purposes of parade; the present establishment was not more than competent to our defence.—If a reduction were to be made, he would much rather diminish the infantry or cavalry, than the artillery, for the reasons he had already assigned.
Whether the state of the country was changed, or was not, it was not for him to say. If called upon to give his opinion, he would say that he thought the state of the country was changed. Two years ago the prospect of war was threatening. He now believed we should have peace; and if we did obtain it, it would be owing to the exertions of its honorable friend and of those who acted with him. To the energetic measures by them pursued, by which the people had been roused from apathy to a lively exertion of their powers and an exhibition of their spirit, we should owe its blessings.—Their patriotic labors had warded off the dangers that threatened us, and prevented the adoption of measures in which we might have found our ruin.
Mr. Rutledge concluded with declaring that it was not for him to say what changes had taken place in the internal situation of the country.
Mr. SHEPPARD said that a great expense had already been incurred in raising the artillery, which would be useless if they were now dismissed. He believed too the artillery to be the most important part of our establishment. For this and other reasons, in the expression of which other members had anticipated him, he was against the motion for the reduction.
Mr. S. SMITH was perfectly agreed, on general principles, with the gentleman who had just set down. A preference ought certainly to be given to that description of troops that required much previous instruction before they could be useful.
In 1794 he had heartily concurred in adopting measures calculated to call into existence gentlemen of capacity to be instructed in engineering.
An additional regiment had been urged at that time. It had been urged in 1796. A report was afterwards made of the number of men required: Upon that report the new regiment had been bottomed. It was then declared it would be no defence against an invading enemy; and it was replied that it was proposed to organise it for the particular purpose of defending our ports and harbours, and as a school of information.
At that time we had the prospect of a war before us. Still it was understood as a part of our permanent arrangement. If the establishment then formed was sufficient, why was it not now sufficient, when we have no new forts except those in the South Western Territory.
A proof of the uselessness of the additional battalions was derived from the conduct of the Executive. Neither the Secretary at War nor the President had called it into service.
The great object of the regular troops was to take care of the arms, forts, &c. and not ultimately to defend them. That object could only be accomplished by the militia, on whom, in periods of danger we
must rely for our substantial defence; for no man can suppose 96 men equal to the defence of Fort Mifflin, if attacked by an invading enemy.
Mr. SMITH said he thought the present number of artillerymen sufficient. Indeed one company might be spared from Fort Jay, and one from Newport. Fort Jay was in the vicinity of a populous city from which any aid could be obtained. The harbour at Newport he considered of the utmost importance, as he thought in a time of war we must look to that port for the protection of our navy.
Mr. Smith was not an enemy to measures of defence. He had been among the foremost in proposing and supporting them. But he thought the grand defence of this country rested in the navy and militia. Let us then encourage and advance these. They will be our true friends in times of danger. Congress had applied a sum of money to be laid out in arms to be put into the hands of the militia. And yet not one stand of arms had been given to that useful body. Why had this not been done? The want of money he presumed was the cause.
He was not among those who wished to complete the destruction of defensive measures. Nor was he for rushing into childish expense, barely to make a boast of our strength.
Mr. Smith affirmed that the fourth battalion had been raised in a back-handed way, and not in the fair regular manner that had been pretended. Without taking up the subject by itself, a bill had been passed in 1799, barely directing that a regiment should consist of four battalions; and so back-handed did the President deem it that he had never raised the additional battalion, not considering it the wish of the house that it should be raised; and as to the secretary at war, he had given it up last session for a military school.
A gentleman was greatly alarmed about nations not treating with us, as if our having one or two battalions of artillery would have any influence upon foreign nations.
No injury could be done to the country by the proposed reduction. It only affected the future establishment. It did not diminish in the least the existing force.
As to the measures of the new administration, no one can tell what they will be. He trusted that they would be what they ought to be.
It appeared to Mr. Smith strange to urge the raising a new body of the military, while the old body remained so incomplete. There were nominal corps in existence without a man. Why appoint officers for such corps? But if officers are wanted, there were one hundred and fifty vacancies in the old corps—fill them.
The gentleman from Massachusetts had shown that this corps was useless; he had shown that it had been authorised by the legislature without having been called into existence by the President when war threatened us, and now when gentlemen tell us they expect (and he believed they expected truly) peace with all the world, we are called upon—strange inconsistency!—to organize this force.
The sum of 45,000 dollars to be saved by the proposed retrenchment, had been called pitiful. He was far from thinking 45,000 dollars, a pitiful sum.
Mr. Smith disclaimed harbouring the most distant idea of diminishing the present effective force of the United States, and more particularly that of the artillery. That at present in existence he thought useful and sufficient.
Mr. H. LEE thought a view could be taken of the subject before the house, that would demonstrate the inexpediency of adopting the resolution proposed by the gentleman from Massachusetts. Let a view be taken of our forts, their distance from each other, the amount of our ordnance, and our infant navy, and the number of men required for all these objects; and he would ask the mover of the resolution whether he could persist in his purpose? A statement had been made of the number of our forts, and of the men that garrisoned them. He would call upon gentlemen to say, whether the number of men was more than adequate to meet ordinary objects that arose during a state of peace. This was not sufficient. We must contemplate our predicament in a state of war. The militia had been represented, in such a state of things, as our great defence. But it was a fact that before they could be operative a very inferior force might sweep out of our hands many of our most valuable forts.
The gentleman from Maryland had given it as his opinion, that the force stationed at Norfolk might be reduced. Mr. Lee held an opposite opinion. He knew
Elizabeth river to be very important, and he also knew that it was badly protected. If, said Mr. Lee, you do not defend your forts well, you had much better not do it at all. Newport and New-York were also very important stations. Hampton Roads commands your attention. How, under your present establishment, would you defend your navy riding in that road? In case of a war with England, your little navy must fly to your shores for safety; and when there how are they to be protected?
This battalion not having been raised by the President has been tortured into an argument against the measure, under the belief that the President thought it useless. Mr. Lee said, he was disposed to pay the highest respect to the President to hear other gentlemen unaccustomed to express such respect, on this occasion uniting with him. But he was, notwithstanding, not disposed to sacrifice his own opinion; though he thought the conduct of the President had been otherwise satisfactorily explained by a gentleman who had gone before him in the debate.
Mr. LEE wished gentlemen to feel the full force of those remarks which had enforced the great weight of artillery in military operations. In the various campaigns conducted by the chief that was now no more we were without artillery, in consequence of which much American blood had been spilled. From the want of artillery, we had lost NINETY SIX. In the loss of that place a fatal blow had been inflicted upon our arms. One engineer of talents would have saved it.
He was not disposed, by adopting the motion, to cut up the roots the only military school we have left. It was within our power, and it was undoubtedly our duty to retrench all useless expenditure of public monies. But he held it to be a still higher duty not to hazard the welfare of the country. If you are determined to reduce the army, strike at the infantry and cavalry. The evil which you will then do may soon be repaired. A few weeks will make soldiers of this description. But, if by a wanton blow, you destroy science, study, and experience, you cannot soon repair the loss.
The SPEAKER said he rose to observe that it was not in order to make use of arguments derived from the execution of a law by the President, as no constitutional controul could be exercised by this house.
Mr. MACON said that the true question was whether the house thought it necessary at this time to raise the additional battalion. Does such a state of things exist as requires its being raised? If it does not, it ought not to be raised, the nominal existence of the battalion on paper to the contrary notwithstanding. As it never yet in reality existed, and we had done very well without it, he saw no occasion why we should call it into being now. As to the alleged use of it at a future period, he thought the idea futile. For then twenty battalions, for aught we can say, may be thought necessary.
Gentlemen had said that the old argument of saving public money had been used. Mr. MacOn said he thought the argument a very good one on all occasions. On all occasions unless a good reason could be assigned for spending the public money, it ought not be spent.
Suppose you raise the battalion. Experience will soon demonstrate its uselessness; and then you will discharge the men, and give them three months pay to go home with.
We have been told that in a certain event, not very improbable, the western posts will be struck at; and we shall be obliged to go to war. Mr. MacOn hoped that the days of alarm were past, and the reign of terror over—From whom was this blow to come? He did not know any nation likely to strike at our posts. We had got, it was said, a treaty with France. If so, we had nothing to fear from that quarter.
If no greater sum than 45,000 dollars was saved by the proposed reduction, he should still be for it, as he thought the additional battalion altogether useless.
Mr. KITCHELL made a few remarks, not heard; and concluded with moving the taking the yeas and nays, for which a sufficient number of members rose.
Mr. CHAMPLIN in the first part of his speech was not heard, owing to our exclusion from within the bar.
When heard, he said that he had been among those who thought the aggressions of France not only justified but called for a declaration of war from us. He had been for taking the direct road. But as other gentlemen had differed from him in opinion, he had voted for the new regiment of artillery, as a measure calculated, in connection with other measures, to produce that,
sleep by Rep, which he could not directly obtain. He had therefore voted for the additional regiment then as a temporary arrangement.
But though when first formed, he voted for the regiment as a part of the system of defensive measures, he now thought it would be permanently useful.
In reply to the remarks of gentlemen, he could assure them that several officers had already been appointed.
When at the close of the last session Congress had manifested a disposition to destroy every military arrangement, they had, notwithstanding, been impressed with the expediency of maintaining the two regiments of artillery. Nothing had since occurred to change his opinion.
Mr. RANDOLPH said that all the attention he had bestowed on the subject convinced him of the justness of the ideas expressed by the gentleman from North Carolina. The true question had been misrepresented. That did not consist in estimating, abstractedly considered, in relation to a future period, the benefits or inconveniences attached to an increase in the establishment of artillery. The simple question was whether this additional body was necessary now. That it was not necessary he was fully convinced, as it had been dispensed with in periods of appension and danger. This conviction confirmed him in his adherence to those ideas which had been forcibly expressed by the member from North Carolina.
The house had been told by a gentleman from South Carolina that from tenderness to the militia he would dispense with their services. In my opinion, said Mr. Randolph, this is a mistaken tenderness. It was a kind of tenderness, that neither he wished to manifest, nor did the militia themselves desire to receive. In a similar strain of affected tenderness a Roman Emperor had excused a Roman Senate from the exercise of their legislative duties, and had informed them that from a regard to their ease he would pass laws for them. And that Senate had abjectly returned their thanks to the Emperor for his kindness to them. He hoped that no similar proposition would be made to that house, or similar answer returned by them.
In his belief that this corps was unnecessary he was confirmed by the remarks that had fallen from the gentleman from Rhode Island. That gentleman had informed the house that the measure had received his approbation as tending to involve the country in a war with France. And was the house at this day to be called upon to adopt piece meal those measures that had been framed for the production of this effect?
The gentleman from Massachusetts had founded the tocsin of party, and had called upon a majority of that house to meet with firmness what he conceived an honorable political death. He had proclaimed his indisposition to recede from those dignified measures that had hitherto been pursued. Mr. Randolph confided in the integrity of the gentleman; and did not entertain a doubt of his receiving his most cheerful co-operation in that change of measures, which he had portrayed as impending over the house; and he was happy to say, that if such a disposition were manifested by that gentleman, and by those who acted with him it would be met by correspondent sentiments of harmony on his side of the house.
The question was then taken by ayes and noes as follows: YEAS 39, NOES 46.
YEAS. Messrs. Alston, Bailey, Bishop, R. Brown, Christie, Clay, Claiborne, Condit, Davis, Dawson, Dent, Eggleston, Elmerdorf, Goode, Gregg, Grove, Hanna, Heisterter, Holmes, Jackson, Kitchell, Leib, Lynn, Macon, Muhlenberg, New, Randolph, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Stanford, Sumter, Taliaferro, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Tazewell, Van Cortlandt, Varnum.
NAY S. Messrs. Baer, Bartlett, Bird, J. Brown, Champlin, Cooper, Craik, J. Davenport, F. Davenport, Dennis, Dickson, Edmond, Evans, Foster, Freeman, Glen, C. Goodrich, F. Goodrich, Grifwold, Henderson, Hill, Huger, Inlay, Kittera, H. Lee, S. Lee, Morris, Nott, Otis, Page, Parker, Pinckney, Platt, Powell, J. Reed, N. Read, Rutledge, Shepard, J. C. Smith, Tenney, Thatcher, J. C. Thomas, R. Thomas, Wadsworth, Williams, Woods.
Mr. H. LEE reported a bill concerning the district of Columbia, which is inserted to-day in the National intelligencer under the Washington head; which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole house.
Mr. MACON, from the committee of claims, made report on the petition of Mr. L'Enfant, that the petitioner had no just

chain against the government of the United States—which report was read a second time by unanimous consent, and agreed to without a division.
Mr. COOPER called up his resolution for appointing a committee, to enquire into the expediency of repealing the act directing the valuation of dwelling houses, and enumeration of slaves.
On the motion of Mr. Otis, seconded by Mr. Griswold, the motion was so altered as to make the reference to the committee of ways and means, and then agreed to by the house.
THURSDAY, December 18.
The resolution made by Mr. McMillen, in relation to the disposition and situation of lands in the N. W. Territory appropriated to the maintenance of schools and religion, was agreed to, and a committee of five members appointed.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 19.
FRENCH TREATY.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
For four days past THE FRENCH TREATY has been before the Senate, who have been engaged in reading the documents that accompanied it, which are circumstantial, and which are part in English, and part in French.
The following are its principal FEATURES.
 1. The instrument is denominated a CONVENTION.  2. It begins by laying aside for the present, and submitting to future negotiation and explanation, the obligations imposed by the treaty of 1778, and by the consular convention; declaring that in the mean time those acts shall be of no avail.  3. The period of its continuance is unlimited.  4. It directs a reciprocal restitution of all national armed ships captured by each nation.  5. It indirectly admits the ships of war of each nation, with their prizes, to obtain admission and asylum in the ports of the other.  6. It declares that the citizens of each nation shall recover from the citizens of the other or its government, all just demands, excepting property either confiscated or captured on the ocean under national authority.  7. It declares that in case of a declaration of war by one nation, the citizens of the other shall have twelve months to remove with their effects.  8. It establishes between the two nations the principle that free bottoms make free goods.  9. It declares that vessels of one nation sailing under convoy shall not be subject to examination by the armed ships of the other.  10. It considerably diminishes the list of contraband articles. 
THE TREATY WITH FRANCE having been previously printed for the use of the members, Mr. Morris moved on Wednesday the adoption of a rule, enjoining on the members secrecy in the case of all future treaties and the proceedings thereon, unless it should be otherwise directed by the Senate. The motion made did not in the least affect the proceedings of the Senate as to the Treaty now before them. On this motion the Senate were equally divided; and the Vice President gave his casting vote against it.
The reasons for rejecting this motion, we understand were that the time of offering it was improper, as it might tend to impeach the conduct of members in the instance of the treaty before them, respecting which there had been no special injunction of secrecy, and because its provisions were improper in themselves; it was alleged by those who voted against the motion that the true principle would be, that in all cases of treaties, in which the President recommended secrecy, the injunction should exist until revoked by the Senate.
The convention of Amity, and Commerce, between the United States and France, we are informed, has been published in the Paris papers. The following is the fourth article:
ARTICLE IV.
“Property captured, and not yet definitively condemned, or which may be captured before the exchange of ratification (contraband goods destined to an enemy's port excepted) shall be mutually restored on the following proof of citizenship, viz. [Here follows a copy of the form of the passports]
now used by American vessels.] And this passport shall be sufficient without any other paper, any ordinance to the contrary notwithstanding; which passport shall not be deemed requisite to have been received or recalled, whatever numbers of voyages the said ship may have made, unless she shall have returned home within the space of one year.
Proof with respect to the cargo shall be certificates containing the several particulars of the cargo, the place where the ship failed, and where she is bound; so that the forbidden or contraband goods may be distinguished by the certificates; which certificates shall have been made out by the officer of the place whence the ship set sail in the accustomed form of the country.
And if such passports, or certificates, or both, shall have been destroyed by accidents or taken away by force, their deficiency may be supplied by such other proofs of ownership as are admissible by the general usage of nations.
Proofs with respect to any other than merchant ships shall be the commissions they bear. This article shall take effect from the date of the signature of the present provisional treaty. And if from the date of the said signature any property shall be condemned, contrary to the intent of the said treaty, before the knowledge of this stipulation shall be obtained, the property so condemned shall be restored or paid for without delay.”
RETURN OF VOTES,
For President and Vice-President of the United States.
   Adams. Pinckney Jefferson Burr Stearns     New-Hampshire 6 6   Massachusetts 16 16   Rhode-Island   Connecticut 9 9   Vermont 4 4   New-York 12 12   New-Jersey 7 7   Pennsylvania 7 7 8 8   Delaware 3 3   Maryland 5 5 5 5   Virginia 21 21   Kentucky   Tennessee   North Carolina 4 4 8 8   South Carolina 8 8   Georgia 4 4   61 61 66 66  
The Electors of Vermont have voted for President and Vice President as follows:
For John Adams 4. C. C. Pinckney 4.
The Electors of New-Hampshire have voted as follows:
For John Adams 6. C. C. Pinckney 6.
Thomas Calvert, late commander of the United States brig Norfolk, is appointed commander of the brig Eagle.
The following bill was read in the House of Representatives on Wednesday last.
A Bill concerning the District of Columbia.
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled That the laws of the state of Virginia as they existed on the first Monday of December in the year 1800, shall be and continue in force in that part of the District of Columbia which was ceded by the said state to the United States, and by them accepted for the permanent seat of government: and that the laws of the state of Maryland, as they existed on the said first Monday in December shall be and continue in force in that part of the said district which was ceded by that state to the United States, and by them accepted as aforesaid.
Section 2. And be it further enacted That all executive and judicial officers, appointed by the respective states of Virginia and Maryland, and who had jurisdiction in or over the said district, or any part thereof, on the said first Monday of December according to the tenor of the constitution and laws of the said states, shall continue to hold and exercise such jurisdiction until removed by the President of the United States; and that the appointment of all such officers hereafter, shall be made in the manner designated by the second section of the second article of the constitution of the United States.
Section 3. And be it further enacted That nothing in this act contained shall
in any wise alter, impeach or impair the rights granted by or derived from the acts of incorporation of Alexandria and George Town, or any other body corporate or politic within the said district.
By an arrival at New-York from St. Sebastians, Paris papers have been received to the 16th of October. They contain but few articles of importance.
The Paris papers state the existence and detection of a plan to assassinate Buonaparte.
Joseph Buonaparte is appointed minister plenipotentiary to treat of the re-establishment of peace between the French republic and the Emperor.
The English fleet, which were lately before Cadiz, have dispersed; and the blockade is continued by six ships of the line.
ARMY OF ITALY.
Copy of a report of the operations of the right wing of the Army of Italy, to the general in Chief, Brune, by lieutenant general Dupont, dated 25th September.
“The body of troops commanded by general Pino, having evacuated the line of the Rubicon, and gone to Bologna, the armed brigands in Ferrara and Tuscany, thought the moment a favorable one, to throw themselves into Romagna, and commit there every sort of excess without opposition. They invaded the greatest part of that territory, and advanced as far as Imola, cutting down the trees of Liberty, turning the magistrates of the people out of office, and exercising every where, the most abominable pillage.
“In order to surprise them in the midst of their incurrions, I gave in charge to general Monnier to send to Ferli, the Cisalpine second half brigade, with a body of light troops from the 14th Hussars and 4th regiment of Chasseurs. The general of division Pino, who had the command of that expedition, arrived the 4th complimentary day at Faenza, after having pursued the brigands, who had already taken possession of Imola. They divided themselves into several bodies, one going to Ferrara, another to Ravenna, and a third following the road of Arezzo. The general formed his troops into three columns, in order to overtake them. The brigands on their way to Ferrara, we attacked near Lugo by one of the columns under the command of Ferrand, chief of brigade. Terror took possession of them, and few made their escape.
“On the 5th complimentary day the French column destined for Ravenna found there the brigands ready to make resistance. Their defence was short. The Chasseurs of the 4th regiment, commanded by the chief Brigade Yam, entered, and every man found with arms in his hands was exterminated.
“The same day a detachment of Grenadiers surrounded the brigands, who were making their escape towards the Apennines. A similar fate awaited the third body, and the few who remained hid themselves in the mountains.
“At the moment when Bologna was threatened with an invasion, the national guards acted with great firmness: they formed a column ready to co-operate with the French and Cisalpine troops. I presented to them 6 pieces of cannon, which I am persuaded they will use gloriously against the common enemy.
“The Cisalpine troops employed in that expedition have emulated the French in activity and bravery. Gen. Pino has rendered very important services on the occasion to the French and Cisalpine republic.
(Signed)
DUPONT, Lieut. Gen.
To RENT.
A Commodious Two Story brick dwelling house on square No. 701—the lot is well inclosed and bath every necessary out house, and is very convenient for a small family—it may be entered on immediately, the terms made known and the premises shown by applying to
BENJAMIN MORE.
Washington, New Jersey Avenue, December 17, 1800. 3t
CONRAD & McMUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, on New Jersey avenue leading from thence to the Eastern ranch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage.
City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
RAN AWAY
FROM the Subscriber on the 10th inst. Negro FIDELIO, well known about the City, and it is thought he is lurking about Mrs. Young's where he has a wife. I will give a generous reward for having him put in Jail, and One Dollar for flogging him and bringing him home. All persons are also forewarned from crediting any person on my Account, without an order from under my hand, and also from Harbouring my People, or permitting them to cross the Ferrries without a line from,
JAMES R. DERMOTT.
St. Elizabeth, Dec. 15, 1800. 3t
This day is Published and for Sale
BY
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE,
Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A FEW remarks on Mr. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President. price 25 cents.
The BEGGAR GIRL and her Benefactors 3 Vols by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh heiress, Juvenile indiscretions, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howell. price 3 dollars, neatly bound.
TO BE RENTED,
FOR a few months, a Two story brick house with 4 rooms, together with, mahogany chairs, bureau, sofa, bedstead looking glasses &c. enquire of HENRY INGLE, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill. Who has just received a few Coal Grates in addition his assortment of Hard-ware.
Dec 8, 1800.
H INGLE.
2w
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that two tracts of land belonging to CHARLES GRANDPR, lying in the County of Pickering in the Mississippi territory, and adjoining land belonging to Adam Bingham, are attacked by a Foreign attachment at the suit of Joseph Calvet for a debt of 2063 dollars 50 cents
JOSEPH CALVET.
Nov. 28, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
FIVE or Six gentlemen can be accommodated with Gentee Board and Lodging, in a good and comfortable House, on New-Jersey Avenue, at Mr. Law's former residence Also good Stabling wherein twenty horses can be accommodated by,
SAMUEL BOOTES.
Nov. 16th, 1800.
4t
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR Apprehending and securing in any Goal, so that the Subscriber gets him again A NEGRO MAN named NACE, ran away some time in the month of October, aged thirty years, about five feet high, light complexion, wears his hair queued, a well set trunky fellow. I have cause to believe he is in the City of Washington. It is unnecessary to describe his Clothing as he will have it in his power to change them. I will give TWENTY DOLLARS if ten miles from home, TWENTY DOLLARS if twenty miles, and the above reward if a greater distance.
ZACHARIAH SOTHORON.
Charles County near medi October 21, Bct
BOARDING AND LODGING.
THE Subscriber respectfully inform the Members of the ensuing Congress and the officers that he has taken the two houses in square no 690, on the New Jersey Avenue opposite the house at present occupied by Thomas Law, Esq. where he can accommodate either single Gentlemen or those who have families. The houses were finished last spring, so that no danger can be apprehended from damp walls He has stabling for several horses and two good Carriage houses.
ROBERT W. PEACOCK.
City of Washington,
October 31st 1 00
THE SUBSCRIBER
OFFERS FOR SALE,
THE FOLLOWING VALUABLE PROPERTY,
In George Town & the City of Washington. VIZ.
A BRICK HOUSE & LOT near the Union tavern; the terms of payment as follows, one half cash, the balance in 6 and 9 months, the purchaser giving notes with approved indorsers.
—ALSO—
A number of Lots unimproved; one lot adjoining the above, 47 feet front, 120 back; one lot on the causeway, near Mr. Joseph Peck's building, 26 feet front by 125 back; one south of the square in Thomas Beall's addition to George Town, on an elegant eminence, it being part of that square improved by Mr. William Smith; also, a lot in said addition, it being at the diagonal corner from the place of residence of Joseph Nourse, Esq. one lot in the City of Washington, square 164, fronting North E. street 66 feet 4 inches by 80 feet 10 inches on Connecticut Avenue, containing 5295 square feet, with a spring of excellent water running through said lot.
All the above property will be disposed of on the most reasonable terms, and indisputable titles will be given on the purchase money being paid.
JONATHAN JACKSON.
November 22, 1800.

COMMUNICATION.
To the Editor.
It cannot have escaped the notice of the citizens generally, that the FORTY-FIVE members of the House of Representatives who voted for the virtual exclusion of the stenographers, constitute what is denominated the Federal party; and that those who voted for the admission, with the addition of two or three individuals, constitute the republican party.
From the statement you have given, the accuracy of which has not been impeached, it appears that all the steps taken by you were calculated to keep the subject out of the vortex of party. Yet it appears to have been hurried into that vortex by the misapplied zeal of the Speaker and his friends.
As the result must be deprecated by every friend to a diffusion of correct information among the people, and of consequence by every sincere friend to our republican government, it is my opinion that, not only the conduct of the forty-five members in union with the Speaker, ought to be universally known, but that the motives, that influenced their votes, should be developed and examined.
In the progress of this business there are some facts, which have not been sufficiently noticed.
1. The Speaker's declaration that the first application came from Mr. Stewart, a federal printer. The impression designed to be made on the house by the honorable Speaker, by this statement (which he affirms to be true) was that no partiality could be ascribed to him; nay, that he had rejected the prayer of one, who thought in politics as he thought.
Now let the reader attend to the single fact, that hitherto Mr. Stewart has not taken the debates himself, but has copied them from your paper, or else omitted them altogether, in connection with his declaration (as recorded in your statement of facts) that he meant to condense the debates, and I ask him whether the Speaker, apprised as he probably was of the course that Mr. Stewart intended to pursue, could consider the application of Mr. Stewart in the same light with the one made by you. He must have known that a refusal of the request could not materially injure Mr. Stewart; whereas it might essentially injure you. For a prohibition of admission within the bar was not likely to interfere with Mr. Stewart's condensed statement; while, on the contrary, it was calculated to frustrate yours.
2. It appears that the Speaker, before you had declared your intention to report the debates in detail, expressed his hope that you would not give them at large.
What influence may have been produced on his mind by the unexpected nature of your reply it might be temerity to decide. Those, who are versed in a knowledge of human nature, will not be much embarrassed in forming an opinion.
3. The committee, appointed by the Speaker, and who brought in the report adopted by the casting vote of the Speaker, consisted of four federal members out of five; most of whom were his personal friends, and the member who made the motion for admitting the stenographers, though a federal member, was studiously placed at the close of the committee, instead of being the first named, whereby he would have been chairman, contrary to the almost invariable practice of the Speaker.
These are facts which require no comment; equally unnecessary is it to remark on,
4. The Speaker's rising on each of the days on which the subject was discussed, and not confining himself, as he professed, to a statement of facts, but deciding, with more than his usual energy, for the house, by declaring over and over again, that the dignity, the order, the convenience of the house, would be destroyed by the proposed admission, though the direct contrary of these remarks had been previously declared by other members; and though the order of the house does not permit the Speaker to take a part in the debates.
These facts elucidate the manner in which this business has been managed; but the matter itself is more important.
It involves the great question whether in a republican government those who make laws for the people have a right to conceal from the people the ground on which those laws are made. I affirm that they have not; and, if they exercise such a power, it is usurped and not legitimate.
For, are not the representatives responsible to their constituents? Was it not intended that this responsibility should be solid and not ideal? Is not the confidence of the people essential to the preservation of a republic? Can that confidence exist without knowing the motives of those who challenge
it? Can a few individuals, unconnected with any persons at a distance, either convey to the people at large an adequate idea of the debates, or can they themselves be a check on the measures of the representatives?
Would not men, whose wish it was altogether to retreat from public scrutiny, pursue the very plan that has been pursued? Would they not strive to render the situation of a stenographer so unpleasant as to disgust him with the ineffectual attempt to discharge his duty, hoping in that way to get rid of him altogether? If they failed in this object, would they not avail themselves of his previous declaration of inability distinctly to hear, to cry down his reports; to prejudice the public against him; if his statements were correct, by declaring them unjust; and if not absolutely correct, by aggravating and swelling in the public mind every error—
Of such a plan, systematically and perseveringly pursued, what would be the end?
Might it not terminate in sowing among the people a general doubt of the truth of all they heard in relation to the sentiments of their representatives?
Might it not terminate in a declaration founded on an affected conviction by the representatives, that the only way of redressing the evil of misrepresentation, was by excluding every body from hearing their debates?
This object being accomplished, they might bid defiance to popular discontent, and to every suggestion or remonstrance of reason that did not emanate from themselves.
A REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PEOPLE.
From JEFFERSON'S Notes.
It is difficult to determine on the standard by which the manners of a nation may be tried, whether Catholic, or particular. It is more difficult for a native to bring to that standard the manners of his own nation, familiarized to him by habit. There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose to his worst of passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who permitting one half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patriae of the other. For if a slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labour for another; in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his individual endeavours to the enervation of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their industry also is destroyed. For in a warm climate, no man will labour for himself who can make another labour for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labour. And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just: that his justice cannot sleep for ever: that considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among possible events: that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest.—But it is
impossible to be temperate and to pursue this subject through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of history, natural and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force their way into every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible, since the origin of the present revolution. The spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the auspices of heaven, for a total emancipation, and that this is disposed, in the order of events, to be with the consent of the masters, rather than by their extirpation.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
HAVE received by late arrivals, a general assortment of Hard ware and Ironmongery, which they offer for Sale at their Store opposite the Great Hotel.
They have also on hand Madeira, Sherry & Lisbon Wines. Cogniac Brandy. Jamaica Spirits, Holland Gin, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Tea, Coffee, &c. &c. Washington, Dec 18. tf.
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of WASHINGTON. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard. WILLIAM PROUF. City of Washington, December 12, 1800 tf N B A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kilm of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690. A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Saddlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials. Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chaffing dishes, Brass irons and Japand Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, sad irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and cross cut Saws. 56, 28 and 14lb Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY IAGLE November 24th, 1800.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE.
RAPINE, CONRAD, & Co. Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store Letters from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States. Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity, Arts and Sciences, Classics School books, Novels, Romances Biography, &c. &c.—With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium, demy, and foolscap writing paper, thick and thin post, blue & common wrapping paper, best Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink black lead pencils parchment, playing cards, blank books, &c. &c.—All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices. Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders. Nov. 17th, 1800.
CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE.
THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the L. I. T. L. HOTEL—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, partnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, letters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, seamen's wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms. Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary. N. B. Hertys Abridgement of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Hertys Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered. December 5, 1800. twtf.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
MAY be had for Three or Four gentlemen during the session of Congress by applying to Mr. Claxton, or at the Three Buildings 4 doors East of the Navy office, to WM. O'NEAL. City of Washington Dec. 8, 1800. 3.*
INFORMATION WANTED.
ALEXANDER INNES, a Bagger by trade, was sometime ago on board the Constellation frigate and was in 1798 in Norfolk, Virginia. He has not since been heard off. His friends would be thankful if any persons who know anything of his situation or residence, would communicate it by letter, per post, addressed to Robert Innes, jun. merchant Easton Pennsylvania. P. S. Printers to the Southward of Pennsylvania are requested to give the above a place for a few times. November 28, 1800.
JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT-MAKER
FROM PHILADELPHIA. RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Bootees, drets and undrets Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d. 3tw.
TO JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED, a number of Journeymen Shoemakers, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given.
JOHN BARNES, FROM PHILADELPHIA,
Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz. Imperial, Large Hyson, Young Hyson, Hysonekin, Souchong and Bohea. SPICES. Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Four bags fresh Almonds. LIQUORS. Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port, Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spirits, and Holland Gin. COFFEE. Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings. He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes. English and American playing cards, Pasteboard per gross, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 7-8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece. Nov. 14th, 1800.
NOTICE.
The 27th. instant being the anniversary of St. John the Evangelist, the members of Federal Lodge No. 15 are requested to meet the master and wardens of the said lodge at their lodge room in the dwelling house of Mr. Cunningham in the New Jersey Avenue, from whence they will walk in procession to the Church of the Rev'd Brother Andrew Thomas McCormick, who will deliver a discourse Suitable to the day. By order of the Lodge ALEXANDER COCHRAN Sec'try. City of Washington, 8th December, 1800. N. B. all master Masons are Invited to attend.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE, Lot No. 9, in Square 122. THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on E. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street.—An indisputable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel JOHN KEARNEY. N. B. I will also sell Lot No. 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 249, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property. I. K. November 17, 1800.
STRAYED or STOLEN A BLACK MARE
With a white streak down her face, with a bunchy Mane and tail. No other particular marks that I know. About thirteen hands high, about twelve years old, very heavy made and in good order, FOUR DOLLARS reward and all reasonable charges paid if left either with the Subscriber, or at JAMES TIMMONS Liberty Street Baltimore, By JAMES USHER, Greenleaf's Point. Washington City, Nov. 10, 1800. 3t.