The New-York journal, and daily patriotic register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1788-01-09 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
NUMB. 8, of VOL. XLII.]
WEDNESDAY, January 9, 1788.
[Total NUMB. 2186.]
HERE TRUTH UNLICENSED REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—E'EN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE Thompson's Liberty.
NEW-YORK: Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
To the SUBSCRIBERS of the New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, AND THE
RESPECTABLE PUBLIC. THE Proprietor and Editor of the above-mentioned JOURNAL, hereunto subscribed, prompted by the solicitation of a respectable number of his present subscribers—and by means of the generous patronage of a few valued friends, and the public, for which he requests their acceptance of unfeigned thanks—begs leave to communicate to them his intention of printing and publishing a DAILY PAPER, under the title of—THE NEW-YORK JOURNAL, and DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
By this publication it is not intended, that the idea of the WEEKLY REGISTER shall be extinct, therefore, the present subscribers, in general, will please to take particular notice, that the THURSDAY's paper will contain just such kind of matter as usual, in which the choicest pieces, and the fewest advertisements, will be inserted—and, that their papers, will of consequence be delivered or sent on, as heretofore, until they severally pay off their arrearages, and stop it, or order their respective names entered upon this new subscription paper.—The Thursday's paper, alone, will be TWO DOLLARS per annum, as usual.
The particular inducements to this arduous task need not all be enumerated.—That the present is a most important CRISIS of the national affairs of this country, must be evident even to the least thoughtful, but more especially to those who nobly conceive—that the dearly purchased freedom and independence of America is a sacred deposit, to be nurtured, supported, and transmitted, unimpaired, by the present possessors, to millions yet unborn. To this end it is necessary, that the body of the people (who must ever, in free countries, be supposed the supporters of freedom) be well informed of the nature of any government that may be proposed for their adoption; therefore, free discussions on that momentous topic, as well as interesting intelligence from the several quarters of the world, are necessary to be universally disseminated.
By printing only one paper per week, as heretofore, one half of the essays communicated, and all that might be copied from other papers, were, in general, unavoidably neglected: in a Daily paper there will be room for all that may be worthy insertion. In this paper, FREE and IMPARTIAL discussion, that is, decent and well written ESSAYS, on either side of any important public topic, SHALL FIND FREE ACCESS.
As the principal support of a Daily paper is derived from Advertisements, Gentlemen in the mercantile line, and all others who occasionally Advertise, are earnestly requested to prefer this new undertaking, which favor shall be gratefully acknowledged by the strictest attention being paid to correctness and propriety. Advertisements shall be inserted as reasonably as by any printer in the city.
The great expence with which a Daily paper will be attended, at first, is too well known to require any apology for the REQUISITION, on subscribing, expressed in the Conditions, or for the warmth of the solicitations, for the continuation of PUBLIC PATRONAGE, with which the following PROPOSALS are introduced by the public's greatly obliged,
And very humbly Servant, THOMAS GREENLEAF. New-York, November 12, 1787.
PROPOSALS
For altering The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, Into the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
CONDITIONS. I. THE New-York Journal and Daily Patriotic Register shall be printed on the same paper, form, and type, as the Weekly Register, and shall contain the same quantity of matter.
II. The price, per Annum, will be SIX DOLLARS, one quarter part of which to be paid on subscribing, viz. One dollar and an half: after which quarterly payments to be punctually observed.
III. No subscriber is to discontinue his subscription on any other condition than the payment of arrearage subscription money, and that at the expiration of a quarter.
IV. The Daily Patriotic Register shall be delivered to the subscribers in the city every morning, and sent (as may be ordered) to those out of the city, with the greatest punctuality, they paying the expence of carriage.
Printing-Office, November 19. THE Editor returns sincere thanks to those gentlemen who have already enabled him to form a very respectable list of subscribers to his paper, upon the plan of the above proposals. His subscriptions having been rapid, has determined him to commence the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register, THIS DAY.—From the favourable disposition of the public, already evinced, he flatters himself with a prospect of speedy and generous ADVERTISING patronage.—He anticipates the pleasure of having it in his power, in a few weeks, to present to the public, a publication that will both serve and be a CREDIT to his country, not withholding a few of his GILDED rays from the public's ever devoted humble servant, THE PRINTER.
To the Friends of Science.
IT has long been the universal wish, that the public might be furnished with an accurate Geographical and Topographical Grammar of the United States.
Geographers of foreign countries, not being possessed of the proper materials, and not equally interested in this part of their subject, have filled their accounts of these states with numerous inaccuracies. It is time these inaccuracies were corrected. We are independent of Great-Britain, and are no longer to look up to her for a description of our own country.
Several gentlemen of abilities, have, in detached pieces, gratified the public with ample and accurate descriptions of several parts of the United States; but no collective description of the whole has been attempted, except in a small duodecimo volume, published by the subscriber in 1784, which, though imperfect on account of the infant state of geographical knowledge in America, was well received by a candid public, and an edition of 1500 copie speedily sold.
This encouragement has determined him to publish again on the same subject. For the purpose of collecting more ample and accurate materials than he formerly possessed, he has travelled through all the states, and has been favoured with the communications of gentlemen well qualified to give information on so important a subject; and has likewise established a correspondence with several respectable characters in different states, from whom he has every reason to expect a valuable addition to the materials already collected; yet as all the information that can be obtained on a subject so extensive, varied and interesting, is greatly to be desired, and every man of science may have it in his power to contribute some observations which may be useful, the subscriber will feel himself particularly obliged to any gentleman who will be so kind as to furnish him with answers to all, or any of the annexed enquiries, viz.
 1. The boundaries and extent of the several states, and the latitudes and longitudes of the principal places.  2. Descriptions of the rivers, their sources, courses, lengths, how far navigable, how high does the tide rise—and what fish do they produce. A description of mountains, lakes, harbours, capes, and bays.  3. General face of the country, an account of its animal, mineral, and vegetable productions, or its natural history. What are the evidences to support the opinion that the flat country in the southern and middle states was formerly occupied by the waters of the ocean, and that the land below the hills and mountains has been made since the flood.  4. Natural and artificial curiosities, caverns, caves, &c.  5. State of commerce, manufactures and agriculture, exports and imports, balance of trade. The number of vessels which annually enter at the custom houses in the several sea ports of the United States.  6. Civil divisions of the several states, the number and names of the several districts, counties, and towns, their extent, latitude and longitude, number of inhabitants, and distance and bearing from the capital of the state. Particular descriptions of the principal towns are requested *.  7. Population—from whence are emigrations, to what places, and how numerous. Of what nations are the inhabitants of the states composed, or whence originated—proportion of the slaves.  8. Climate, diseases and their causes—longevity of the inhabitants—what proportion die in infancy.  9. Religion, number of churches of different denominations—by what methods are ministers supported.  10. State of the practice of law and physic.  11. Societies for the advancement of science and humanity.  12. State of literature, colleges, academies, schools and their funds.  13. Characters who have distinguished themselves in the late war by their patriotism.  14. An estimate of the damages sustained in the late war, in the several states.  15. A description of the adjacent Islands.  16. Manners, customs, diversions and dress.  17. Constitution, policy—general account of the laws—what political principles predominate in the several states.  18. Military and marine strength.  19. Public revenue and expences—mode of levying taxes.  20. Indians, their tribes, languages, numbers, characters and dispositions towards the United States.  21. The society of Cincinnati, their laws and influence and the nature and political tendency of their establishment.  22. History.  * N. B. The subscriber wishes to avail himself of the advantage of all the most accurate maps, and detached geographical pieces, which have been published respecting the United States; and will thank any gentleman to inform him where they can be procured.
Those gentlemen, who may be so obliging as to favor the above design, by communications, are requested to forward them to Messrs. R. Aitken, or W. Spottwood, Philadelphia; Messrs. Spottwood and Clarke, booksellers, Baltimore; Rev. Mr.
* This enquiry is made for the purpose of collecting the proper materials for a Gazetteer of the United States, which makes a part of the general plan in view. It is obvious that a book of this kind, compiled from accurate information, would be exceedingly useful. This might easily be done, if one well-informed gentleman, in each town, would spend one half hour for the purpose. In this time the gentlemen might throw together every important circumstance relative to the towns, in which they respectively reside.
Keith, Alexandria; the honorable H. Williamson Edenton, North-Carolina; the honorable D. Ramsay, Messrs. Wright and Co. Charleston; the honorable A. Baldwin and Joseph Clay, Esquires, Georgia; Samuel S. Smith, D. D. Princeton, Mr. Loudon, Printer, New-York; and the Rev. Samuel Austin, or Jedidiah Morse, New-Haven, with their names subscribed, and the places of their residence, that the author may have the pleasure of knowing to whom he is indebted for their friendly assistance. JEDIDIAH MORSE
If the several Printers, in the United States, feel disposed to favor the above design, and will give this Advertisement a place in their respective papers for a few weeks, and will receive and forward to New-Haven, any communications which may be handed them by friends to the design, they may thereby contribute to the public good, and will peculiarly oblige their humble servant. Philad. Aug. 7, 1787. J. M.
FOR SALE, At the STORE of Mr. Barnt Deklyn, No. 39, Maiden-Lane, near the FLY-MARKET the following G O O D S, Which will be SOLD at the most reduced Prices, to wit.
  A VARIETY of Cotton Checks, Mantuas and other Gown Silks, Sarcenets, Peelongs, and Modes, Chintzes, Printed Linens, and Cottons, Fancy Shawls and Handkerchiefs, Jeans, Jeanetts, and India Dimities, A quantity of Linen and  Spotted and plain Velvets, A variety of Gloves and Fans, Linens, Sheetings, and Oznabrigs, Marseilles Quilting, Fancy Jacket Patterns, A variety of Plumes and Ribbands, Fancy Shoe Buckes and Buttons.  
With a Variety of other Articles, Which he is determined to SELL low, for Jersey (upon the face of the Bill) New-York, or Pennsylvania PAPER MONEY.
MR. HARDIE, TEACHER of LANGUAGES, RETURNS his most grateful acknowledgment to his good friends, for their generous patronage, since he opened a public school.
At their request he wished to introduce the practice of hearing his Latin Scholars occasionally read lessons in English; but finding it difficult to attend to a variety of branches at the same time, and wishing to do all in his power to promote the progress of the young gentlemen committed to his care, he has taken, as an assistant, Mr. Martin, a gentleman educated at the university of Glasgow, who, together with himself, will industriously instruct their Scholars in the following branches, viz. Writing Arithmetic, Geography, Navigation, and the Greek, Latin, and English Languages grammatically.—Particular attention will be also paid to train up the young gentlemen to a just and graceful mode of elocution; and some time will be daily spent in teaching orthography.—Apply to the school, next door to the Methodist Church in John-street.
AT THE TANNERY, Near the Fresh-Water Pond, MAY be had of the subscriber a quantity of excellent SOL and UPPER-LEATHER, tanned in the English mode, equal to any manufactured in America. He proposes, for country dealers, to supply on terms that will enable them to make large profits;—for city consumption, such as will establish the Shoe Manufacturers, and procure them a run of custom—for ships use, as good in quality, as that imported from England, and at a much less price. Cash, Bark, raw Hides or Calve Skins taken in exchange. ISAAC COULTHARD. N. B. A Currier, Master of his Business, is wanted immediately—Apply as above. 40—w.f.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to the estate of Gilbert Ryan, of Huntington, Long-Island, Suffolk county, yeoman, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Gilbert Ryan, the accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons, having claims against said Gilbert Ryan's estate, previous to his discharge under the act of insolvency, are requested immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to JOHN ARDEN, Junior, Affignee. 42 m.w.f. gm. New-York, November 15, 1787.
To be SOLD, at this OFFICE, HUTCHINS's and the UNITED STATES' ALMANACK, For the Year of our Lord, 1788. A L S O, OBSERVATIONS, leading to a fair Examination of the Government proposed by the late CONVENTION, and to several essential and necessary Alterations.
Just imported in the Jeane, Captain Martin, from Glasgow, by
Samuel Campbell, No. 44 Hanover-square, Corner of the Old-Slip, A large assortment of B O O K S, Among which are,
THE present state of Nova Scotia, with an account of Canada; Whitaker's vindication of Mary, Queen of Scots, 3 vol. Miss Grenville, a new novel, 3 vol. Maria, or the Generous Ruler; Alexander's history of women; Bolinbroke's Miscellanies; Blair's Lectures, 3 vol. Sully's Memoirs, 5 vol. Cullen's Practice, 4 vol. New-Edinburgh Dispensatory; Smith's Cookery; Martin's Young Gentlemen and Ladies Philosophy, 3 vol. A variety of the best Classics now in use.
S. CAMPBELL has this day published, GULLIVER REVIVED, CONTAINING singular travels, campaigns, voyages and adventures, in Russia, Iceland, Turkey, Egypt, Gibraltar, up the Mediterranean, and on the Atlantic ocean: Also an account of a voyage into the moon, with many extraordinary particulars relative to the cooking animal in that planet, which are here called the human species, by Baron Munchausen; the 4th edition, considerably enlarged.
DR. SPEDIAUR'S PRACTICAL OBSERVATIONS on the VENEREAL DISEASE; describing the various symptoms, and method of cure in every different state. The third edition, corrected. Price only five shillings sewed.
N. B. The great demand for this treatise, the account of it giving by the Reviewers, and the large extracts made from it by Dr. Duncan, in his medical commentaries, with the recommendation of several eminent Doctors of this city, has induced the editor to present the public with an American edition of the work, printed correctly from the last London edit. and reduced to less than two thirds of the price.
With a great variety of STATIONARY, in particular, pocket-books, ink-holders, paper, blank books, quills, wax, wafers, &c.
N. B. SAMUEL CAMPBELL returns his sincere thanks to his customers, and those who have purchased Books or Stationary at his store, and hopes by his assiduity and attention in keeping an universal assortment of books, and the reasonable prices he sells at, will insure a further continuance of their favours The European, Political, Edinburgh, and Scotch
MAGAZINES.
The UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS assembled, July 23, 1787.
RESOLVED, That all persons having unliquidated claims against the United States, pertaining to the late commissaries, quartermasters, cloathiers, or marine department, shall exhibit particular abstracts of such claims to the proper commissioner, appointed to settle the accounts of those departments, within eight months from the date hereof; and all persons having other unliquidated claims against the United States, shall exhibit a particular abstract thereof to the comptroller of the treasury of the United States, within one year from the date hereof; and all accounts not exhibited as aforesaid, shall be precluded from entitlement or allowances.
PRIZE-MONEY, Of the Squadron under John Paul Jones, Esquire, NOTICE is hereby given to those officers and men of the Frigates Alliance and Bon homme Richard, who are entitled to a share in the prizes taken by the squadron under the command of John Paul Jones, Esq. that a division has been made of the proceeds of such prizes as were old in France, and that the shares will be paid to the respective claimants, or their legal representatives, on their producing, at this office, sufficient proof that they are the persons, or are empowered by the persons actually entitled to the shares they respectively claim. Benjamin Walker, Commissaire Office of accounts, Marine department.
MARSHALL'S Porter and Oyster-House, IS now opened at the corner of Cortland and Greenwich-Streets, opposite Powles-Hook Ferry-House, at the North-River—where every exertion will be put in force to render those who will favor him with their commands agreeable. New-York, Dec. 12, 1787. 63-a.
TO BE LET, by
Moses Gomez, A VACANT LOT, for one or a term of years, in Hage-street; 45 feet in length, and 21 feet six inches in front, and 19 feet in the rear. A L S O,
A VACANT LOT, in Ferry-street, seventy-five feet wide, and one hundred feet long. It faces Cliff and Chapple-streets. The said Lot will be let, either whole or in two separate Lots, as best suits the applicant. MOSES GOMEZ.
Affize of BREAD, As Established December 5, 1787. A Loaf of inspected superfine Wheat Flour to weigh Two Pounds Five Ounces for Six-pence. A Loaf of Rye Flour to weigh One Pound Twelve Ounces for Three-pence.

To the PEOPLE of the STATE of NEW-YORK.
BEFORE we proceed to examine any other objections to an indefinite power of taxation in the union, I shall make one general remark; which is, that if the jurisdiction of the national government in the article of revenue should be restricted to particular objects, it will naturally occasion an undue proportion of the public burthens to fall upon those objects. Two evils would spring from this source, the oppression of particular branches of industry, and an unequal distribution of the taxes, as well among the several states as among the citizens of the same state.
Suppose, as has been contended for, the federal power of taxation were to be confined to duties on imports, it is evident, that the government, for want of being able to command other resources, would frequently be tempted to extend these duties to an injurious excess. There are persons who imagine that they can never be carried to too great a length; since the higher they are, the more it is alledged they will tend to discourage an extravagant consumption, to produce a favourable balance of trade, and to promote domestic manufactures. But all extremes are pernicious in various ways. Exorbitant duties on imported articles would beget a general spirit of smuggling; which is always prejudicial to the fair trader, and eventually to the revenue itself: they tend to render other classes of the community tributary in an improper degree to the manufacturing classes, to whom they give a premature monopoly of the markets: they sometimes force industry out of its more natural channels into others in which it flows with less advantage. And in the last place, they oppress the merchant, who is often obliged to pay them himself without any retribution from the consumer. When the demand is equal to the quantity of goods at market, the consumer generally pays the duty; but when the markets happen to be overstocked, a great proportion falls upon the merchant, and sometimes not only exhausts his profits, but breaks in upon his capital. I am apt to think, that a division of the duty between the seller and the buyer more often happens than is commonly imagined. It is not always possible to raise the price of a commodity, in exact proportion to every additional imposition laid upon it. The merchant especially, in a country of small commercial capital, is often under a necessity of keeping prices down, in order to a more expeditious sale.
The maxim, that the consumer is the payer, is so much oftener true than the reverse of the proposition, that it is far more equitable the duties on imports should go into a common stock, than that they should redound to the exclusive benefit of the importing states. But it is not generally true as to render it equitable that those duties should form the only national fund. When they are paid by the merchant, they operate as an additional tax upon the importing states; whose citizens pay their proportion of them in the character of consumers. In this view are they productive of inequality among the states; which inequality would be increased with the increased extent of the duties. The confinement of the national revenues to this species of imposts, would be attended with inequality, from a different cause between the manufacturing and the non-manufacturing states. The states which can go farthest towards the supply of their own wants, by their own manufactures, will not, according to their numbers or wealth, consume so great a proportion of imported articles, as those states which are not in the same favourable situation, they would not therefore in this mode alone contribute to the public treasury in a ratio to their abilities. To make them do this, it is necessary that recourse be had to excises; the proper objects of which are particular kinds of manufactures. New-York is more deeply interested in these considerations than such of her citizens as contend for limiting the power of the union to external taxation can be aware of—New-York is an importing state, and is not likely speedily to be to any great extent a manufacturing state. She would of course suffer in a double light from restraining the jurisdiction of the union to commercial imposts.
So far as these observations tend to inculcate a danger of the import duties being extended to an injurious extreme, it may be observed, conformably to a remark made in another part of these papers, that the interest of the revenue itself would be a sufficient guard against such an extreme. I readily admit that this would be the case
as long as other resources were open; but if the avenues of them were closed, hope, stimulated by necessity, would beget experiments fortified by rigorous precautions and additional penalties; which, for a time, would have the intended effect, until there had been leisure to contrive expedients to elude these new precautions. The first success would be apt to inspire false opinions: which it might require a long course of subsequent experience to correct. Necessity, especially in politics, often occasions false hopes, false reasonings, and a system of measures, correspondently erroneous. But even if this supposed excess should not be a consequence of the limitation of the federal power of taxation, the inequalities spoken of would still ensue, though not in the same degree, from the other causes that have been noticed. Let us now return to the examination of objections—
One, which if we may judge from the frequency of its repetition, seems most to be relied on, is, that the house of representatives is not sufficiently numerous for the reception of all the different classes of citizens; in order to combine the interests and feelings of every part of the community, and to produce a due sympathy between the representative body and its constituents. This argument presents itself under a very specious and seducing form; and it is well calculated to lay hold of the prejudices of those to whom it is addressed. But when we come to dissect it with attention, it will appear to be made up of nothing but fair sounding words. The object it seems to aim at, is, in the first place impracticable, and in the sense in which it is contended for is unnecessary. I reserve for another place the discussion of the question which relates to the sufficiency of the representative body in respect to numbers; and shall content myself with examining here the particular use which has been made of a contrary supposition in reference to the immediate subject of our inquiries.
The idea of an actual representation of all classes of the people, by persons of each class, is altogether visionary. Unless it were expressly provided in the constitution that each different occupation should send one or more members, the thing would never take place in practice. Mechanics and manufacturers will always be inclined with few exceptions to give their votes to merchants in preference to persons of their own professions or trades. Those discerning citizens are well aware, that the mechanic and manufacturing art furnish the materials of mercantile enterprise and industry. Many of them, indeed, are immediately connected with the operations of commerce. They know that the merchant is their natural patron and friend; and they are aware, that however great the confidence they may justly feel in their own good sense, their interests can be more effectually promoted by the merchant than by themselves. They are sensible that their habits in life have not been such as to give them those acquired endowments, without which in a deliberative assembly the greatest natural abilities are for the most part useless; and that the influence and weight and superior acquirements of the merchants, render them more equal to a contest with any spirit which might happen to infuse itself into the public councils unfriendly to the manufacturing and trading interests. These considerations, and many others that might be mentioned, prove, that experience confirms it, that artisans and manufacturers will commonly be disposed to bestow their votes upon merchants and those whom they recommend. We must therefore consider merchants as the natural representatives of all these classes of the community.
With regard to the learned professions, little need be observed; they truly form no distinct interest in society; and according to their situation and talents, will be indiscriminately the objects of the confidence and choice of each other, and of other parts of the community.
Nothing remains but the landed interest; and this, in a political view, and particularly in relation to taxes, I take to be perfectly united, from the wealthiest landlord to the poorest tenant. No tax can be laid on land which will not affect the proprietor of millions of acres, as well as the proprietor of a single acre. Every landholder will therefore have a common interest to keep the taxes on land as low as possible; and common interest may always be reckoned upon, as the surest bond of sympathy. But if we even could suppose a distinction of interest between the opulent landholder and the middling farmer, what reasons is there to conclude, that the first would stand a better chance of being deputed to the national legislature than the last? If we take fact as our guide, and look into our own senate and assembly, we shall find, that moderate proprietors of land prevail in both; nor is this less the case in
the senate, which consists of a smaller number than in the assembly, which is composed of a greater number. Where the qualifications of the electors are the same, whether they have to chuse a small or a large number, their votes will fall upon those in whom they have the most confidence; whether these happen to be men of large fortunes, or of moderate property, or of no property at all.
It is said to be necessary, that all classes of citizens should have some of their own number in the representative body, in order that their feelings and interests may be the better understood and attended to. But we have seen that this will never happen under any arrangement that leaves the votes of the people free. Where this is the case, the representative body, with too few exceptions to have any influence on the spirit of the government, will be composed of landholders, merchants, and men of the learned professions. But where is the danger, that the interests and feelings of the different classes of citizens will not be understood or attended to by these three descriptions of men? Will not the landholder know and feel whatever will promote or injure the interests of landed property? And will he not from his own interest in that species of property be sufficiently prone to resist every attempt to prejudice or encumber it? Will not the merchant understand and be disposed to cultivate, as far as may be proper, the interests of the mechanic and manufacturing arts, to which his commerce is so nearly allied? Will not the man of the learned profession, who will feel a neutrality to the rivalships between the different branches of industry, be likely to prove an impartial arbiter between them, ready to promote either, so far as it shall appear to him conducive to the general interests of the society?
If we take into the account the momentary humors or dispositions which may happen to prevail in particular parts of the society and to which a wise administration will never be attentive, is the man whose situation leads to extensive enquiry and information less likely to be a competent judge of their nature, extent and foundation, than one whose observation does not travel beyond the circle of his neighbours and acquaintances? Is it not natural that a man, who is a candidate for the favor of the people, and who is dependent on the suffrages of his fellow-citizens for the continuance of his public honors, should take care to inform himself of their dispositions and inclinations, and should be willing to allow them their proper degree of influence upon his conduct? This dependence, and the necessity of being bound himself, and his posterity, by the laws to which he gives his assent, are the true, and they are strong cords of sympathy between the representative and the constituent.
There is no part of the administration of government that requires extensive information, and a thorough knowledge of the principles of political economy, so much as the business of taxation. The men who understand those principles best, will be least likely to resort to oppressive expedients, or to sacrifice any particular class of citizens to the procurement of revenue. It might be demonstrated, that the most productive system of finance will always be the least burthensome. There can be no doubt, that in order to a judicious exercise of the power of taxation, it is necessary, that the person in whose hands it is, should be acquainted with the general genius, habits and modes of thinking of the people at large, and with the resources of the country. And this is all that can be reasonably meant by a knowledge of the interests and feelings of the people. In any other sense, the proposition has either no meaning, or an absurd one. And in that sense, let every considerate citizen judge for himself, where the requisite qualification is most likely to be found. P U B L I U S.
A LETTER of his Excellency EDMUND RAN-DOLPH, Esq; on the FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.
Addressed To the Honorable the Speaker of the House of Delegates, Virginia.
SIR, Richmond, Oct. 10, 1787. THE Constitution, which I enclosed to the General Assembly in a late official letter, appears without my signature. This circumstance, although trivial in its own nature, has been rendered rather important to myself at least, by being misunderstood by some, and misrepresented by others.—As I disdain to conceal the reasons for withholding my subscription, I have always been, still am, and ever shall be, ready to proclaim them to the world. To the legislature, therefore, by whom I was deputed to the federal convention, I beg leave now to address them: affecting no indifference to public opinion, but resolved not to court it by an unmanly sacrifice of my own judgement.
As this explanation will involve a summary, but general review of our federal situation, you will pardon me, I trust, although I should transgress the usual bounds of a letter.
Before my departure for the convention, I believed, that the confederation was not so eminently defective, as it had been supposed. But after I had entered into a free communication with those who were best informed of the condition and interest of each state; after I had compared the intelligence derived from them, with the properties which ought to characterise the government of our
Union, I became persuaded, that the confederation was destitute of every energy, which a constitution of the United States ought to possess.
For the objects proposed by its institution were, that it should be a shield against foreign hostility, and a firm resort against domestic commotion; that it should cherish trade, and promote the prosperity of the states under its care.
But these are not among the attributes of our present Union. Severe experience under the pressure of war—a ruinous weakness, manifested since there was a peace—and the contemplation of those dangers, which darken the future prospect, have condemned the hope of grandeur and of safety under the auspices of the confederation.
In the exigencies of war, indeed, the history of its effects is but short; the final ratification having been delayed until the beginning of the year 1781. But, howsoever short, this period is distinguished by melancholy testimonies of its inability to maintain in harmony the social intercourse of the states, to defend Congress against encroachments on their rights, and to obtain by requisitions supplies to the federal treasury, or recruits to the federal armies. I shall not attempt an enumeration of the particular instances; but leave to your own remembrance and the records of Congress, the support of these assertions.
In the season of peace too, not many years have elapsed; and yet each of them has produced fatal examples of delinquency, and sometimes of pointed opposition to federal duties. To the various remonstrances of Congress I appeal for a gloomy, but unexaggerated narrative of the injuries, which our faith, honor, and happiness have sustained by the failure of the states.
But these evils are past; and some may be led by an honest zeal to conclude, that they cannot be repeated. Yes, Sir, they will be repeated as long as the confederation exists, and will bring with them other mischiefs, springing from the same source, which cannot be yet foreseen in their full array of terror.
If we examine the constitutions and laws of the several states, it is immediately discovered that the law of nations is unprovided with fashions in many cases, which deeply affect public dignity and public justice. The letter, however, of the confederation does not permit Congress to remedy these defects, and such an authority, although evidently deducible from its spirit, cannot, without violation of the second article, be assumed. Is it not a political phenomenon, that the head of the confederacy should be doomed to be plunged into war, from its wretched impotency to check offences against this law; and sentenced to witness in unavailing anguish the infraction of their engagements to foreign sovereigns?
And yet this is not the only grievous point of weakness. After a war shall be inevitable, the requisitions of Congress for quotas of men or money, will again prove unproductive and fallacious. Two causes will always conspire to this baneful consequence.
1. No government can be stable, which hangs on human inclination alone, unbiaffed by the fear of coercion; and 2. from the very connection between states bound to proportionate contributions, jealousies and suspicions naturally arise, which at least chill the ardour, if they do not excite the murmurs of the whole. I do not forget indeed, that by one sudden impulse our part of the American continent has been thrown into a military posture, and that in the earlier annals of the war, our armies marched to the field on the mere recommendations of Congress. But ought we to argue from a contest, thus signalized by the magnitude of its stake, that as often as a flame shall be hereafter kindled, the same enthusiasm will fill our legions, or renew them, as they may be filled by losses?
If not, where shall we find protection? Impressions, like these, which prevent a compliance with requisitions of regular forces, will deprive the American republic of the services of militia. But let us suppose, that they are attainable, and acknowledge, as I always shall, that they are the natural support of a free government. When it is remembered, that in their absence agriculture must languish; that they are not habituated to military exposures and the rigor of military discipline, and that the necessity of holding in readiness successive detachments, carries the expence far beyond that of enlistments—this resource ought to be adopted with caution.
As strongly too am I persuaded, that the requisitions for money will not be more cordially received. For besides the distrust, which would prevail with respect to them also; besides the opinion, entertained by each state of its own liberality and unassisted demands against the United States, there is another consideration, not less worthy of attention. The first rule for determining each quota the value of all land granted or surveyed, and of the buildings and improvements thereon. It is no longer doubted, that an equitable, uniform mode of estimating that value, is impracticable; and therefore twelve states have substituted the number of inhabitants under certain limitations, as the standard according to which money is to be furnished. But under the subsisting articles of the union, the assent of the thirteenth state is necessary, and has not yet been given. This does of itself lessen the hope of procuring a revenue for federal uses; and the miscarriage of the impost almost rivets our despondency.
Amidst these disappointments, it would afford some consolation, if when rebellion shall threaten any state, an ultimate asylum could be found under the wing of Congress. But it is at least equivocal whether they can intrude forces into a state, rent asunder by civil discord, even with the purest solicitude for our federal welfare, and on the most urgent entreaties of the state itself. Nay the very allowance of this power would be pugnacity alone, from the want of money and of men.
To these defects of congressional power, the history of man has subjoined others, not less alarming. I earnestly pray, that the recollection of common sufferings, which terminated in common glory, may check the sallies of violence, and perpetuate mutual friendship between the states. But I cannot presume, that we are superior to those unfocal passions, which under like circumstances have infested more ancient nations. I cannot presume, that through all time, in the daily mixture of American citizens with each other, in the conflicts for commercial advantages, in the discords, which the neighbourhood of territory has been seen

to engender in other quarters of the globe, and in the efforts of faction and intrigue—thirteen distinct communities under no effective superintending control (as the United States confessedly now are, notwithstanding the bold terms of the confederation) will avoid a hatred to each other deep and deadly.
In the prosecution of this enquiry we shall find the general prosperity to decline under a system thus unnerved. No sooner is the merchant prepared for foreign ports, with the treasures which this new world kindly offers to his acceptance, than it is announced to him, that they are shut against American shipping, or opened under oppressive regulations. He urges Congress to a counter-policy, and is answered only by a conundrum on the general misfortune. He is immediately struck with the conviction, that until exclusion shall be opposed to exclusion, and restriction to restriction, the American flag will be disgraced. For who can conceive, that thirteen legislatures, viewing commerce under different regulations, and fancying themselves discharged from every obligation to concede the smallest of their commercial advantages for the benefit of the whole, will be wrought into a concert of action in defiance of every prejudice? Nor is this all: Let the great improvements be recounted, which have enriched and illustrated Europe: Let it be noted, how few those are, which will be absolutely denied to the United States, comprehending within their boundaries the choicest blessings of climate, soil and navigable waters; then let the most sanguine patriot banish, if he can, the mortifying belief, that all these must sleep, until they shall be roused by the vigor of a national government.
I have not exemplified the preceding remarks by minute details; because they are evidently fortified by truth, and the consciousness of United America. I shall therefore no longer deplore the unfitness of the confederation to secure our peace; but proceed, with a truly unaffected distrust of my own opinions, to examine what order of powers the government of the United States ought to enjoy? How they ought to be defended against encroachment? Whether they can be interwoven in the confederation, without an alteration of its very essence, or must be lodged in new hands? Shewing at the same time the convulsions, which seem to await us, from a dissolution of the union or partial confederacies.
To mark the kind and degree of authority, which ought to be confided to the government of the United States, is no more than to reverse the description, which I have already given, of the defects of the confederation.
From thence it will follow, that the operations of peace and war will be clogged without regular advances of money, and that these will be slow indeed, if dependent on supplication alone. For what better name do requisitions deserve, which may be evaded or opposed, without the fear of coercion? But although coercion is an indispensable ingredient, it ought not to be directed against a state, as a state; it being impossible to attempt it except by blocking the trade of the delinquent, or carrying war into its bowels. Even if these violent schemes were eligible, in other respects both of them might perhaps be defeated by the scantiness of the public chest; would be tardy in their complete effect, as the expense of the land and naval equipments must be first reimbursed; and might drive the proscribed state into the desperate resolve of inviting foreign alliances. Against each of them lie separate unconquerable objections. A blockade is not equally applicable to all the states, they being differently circumstanced in commerce and in ports; nay, an excommunication from the privileges of the union would be vain, because every regulation or prohibition may be easily eluded under the rights of American citizenship, or of foreign nations. But how shall we speak of the intrusion of troops? Shall we arm citizens against citizens, and habituate them to shed kindred blood? Shall we risk the inflicting of wounds, which will generate a rancor never to be subdued? Would there be no room to fear, that an army accustomed to fight, for the establishment of authority, would salute an Emperor of their own? Let us not bring these things into jeopardy. Let us rather substitute the same process by which individuals are compelled to contribute to the government of their own states. Instead of making requisitions to the legislatures, it would appear more proper, that taxes should be imposed by the federal head, under due modifications and guards; that the collectors should demand from the citizens their respective quotas, and be supported as in the collection of ordinary taxes.
It follows too, that, as the general government will be responsible to foreign nations, it ought to be able to annul any offensive measure, or enforce any public right. Perhaps among the topics on which they may be aggrieved or complain, the commercial intercourse, and the manner in which contracts are discharged, may constitute the principal articles of clamor.
It follows too, that the general government ought to be the supreme arbiter, for adjusting every contention among the states. In all their connections therefore with each other, and particularly in commerce, which will probably create the greatest discord, it ought to hold the reins.
It follows too, that the general government ought to protect each state against domestic as well as external violence.
And lastly it follows, that through the general government alone can we ever assume the rank, to which we are entitled by our resources & situation.
Should the people of America surrender these powers, they can be paramount to the Constitutions, and ordinary acts of Legislation, only by being delegated by them. I do not pretend to affirm, but I venture to believe, that if the Confederation had been solemnly questioned in opposition to our Constitution, or even to one of our laws, posterior to it, it must have given way. For never did it obtain with us a higher ratification, than a resolution of Assembly in the daily form.
This will be one security against encroachment. But another not less effectual is, to exclude the individual states from any agency in the national Government, as far as it may be safe, and their interposition may not be absolutely necessary.
But now, Sir, permit me to declare, that in my humble judgment, the powers by which alone the blessings of a general government can be accomplished, cannot be interwoven in the confederation without a change in its very essence, or, in other
words, that the confederation must be thrown aside. This is almost demonstrable, from the inefficacy of requisitions, and from the necessity of converting them into acts of authority. My suffrage, as a citizen, is also for additional powers. But to whom shall we commit these acts of authority, these additional powers? To Congress?—When I formerly lamented the defects in the jurisdiction of Congress, I had no view to indicate any other opinion, than that the federal head ought not to be so circumscribed. For free as I am at all times to profess my reverence for that body, and the individuals who compose it, I am yet equally free, to make known my aversion to repose such a trust, in a tribunal so constituted. My objections are not the visions of theory, but the result of my own observations in America, and of the experience of others abroad. 1. The legislative and executive are concentrated in the same persons. This, where real power exists, must eventuate in tyranny. 2. The representation of the states bears no proportion to their importance. This is an unreasonable objection of the will of the majority to that of the minority. 3. The mode of election, and the liability to be recalled, may too often render the delegates, rather partisans of their own states, than representatives of the Union. 4. Cabal and intrigue must consequently gain an ascendancy in a course of years. 5. A single house of legislation, will sometimes be precipitate, perhaps passionate. 6. As long as seven states are required for the smallest, and nine for the greatest votes, may not foreign influence at some future day insinuate itself, so as to interrupt every active exertion? 7. To crown the whole, it is scarcely within the verge of possibility, that so numerous an assembly should acquire that secrecy, dispatch, and vigor, which are the test of excellence in the executive department.
[To be concluded on Friday next.]
As there are BEAUTIES contained in the following FRAGMENTS of an- cient Poetry, collected in the High- lands of Scotland, they are inserted for the Entertainment, and Pastime of our Readers.
THOU alked, fair Daughter of the Isles! whose memory is preserved in these tombs? The me- mory of Ronnan the bold, and Con- nan the chief of men; and of her, the fairest of maids, Rivine the love- ly and the good. The wing of time is laden with care. Every moment hath woes of his own. Why seek we out grief from afar? Or give our tears to those of other times? But thou commandest, and I obey, O fair daughter of the Isles!
Conar was mighty in war. Gaul was the friend of strangers. His gates were open to all; midnight dark- ened not on his barred door. Both lived upon the Sons of the moun- tains. Their bow was the support of the poor.
Ronnan was the image of Conar's foul. Gaul was renewed in Ronnan his son. Rivine, the daughter of Con- ar, was the love of Ronnan; her brother Connan was his friend. She was fair as the harvest moon setting in the seas of Molachasquir. Her foul was settled on Ronnan; the youth was the dream of her nights.
Rivine my love! says Ronnan, I go to my king in Norway. A year and a day shall bring me back. Wilt thou be true to Ronnan?
Ronnan! a year and a day I will spend in sorrow. Ronnan, behave like a man, and my foul shall exult in thy valor. Connan, my friend, says Ronnan, wilt thou preserve Ri- vine thy sister? Durstan is in love with the maid; and soon shall the sea bring the stranger to our coast.
Ronnan, I will defend: Do thou securely go.—He went. He return- ed on his day. But Durstan return- ed before him.
Give me thy daughter, Conar, says Durstan; or fear and feel my power.
He who dares attempt my sister, says Connan, must meet this edge of steel. Unerring in battle is my arm: my sword, as the lightning of heaven.
Ronnan the warrior came; and much he threatened Durstan.
But, saith Uran the servant of gold, Ronnan! by the gate of the north shall Durstan this night carry thy fair-one away. Accursed, an- swers Ronnan, be this arm, if death meet him not there.
Ronnan! saith Uran, this night shall the stranger carry thy sister away. My sword shall meet him,
replies Connan, and he shall lie low on earth.
The friends met by night, and they fought. Blood and sweat ran down their limbs as water on the mossy rock. Connan falls; and cries, O Durstan, be favorable to Rivine! And is it my friend, cries Ronnan, I have slain? O Connan! I knew thee not.
He went, and he fought with Durstan. Day began to rise on the combat, when faining they fell, and expired. Rivine came out with the morn; and—O what detains my Ronnan!—She saw him lying pale in his blood; and her brother lying pale by his side. What could she say? What could she do? Her complaints were many and vain. She opened this grave for the war- riors; and fell into it herself, before it was closed; like the sun snatched away in a storm.
Thou hast heard this tale of grief, O fair daughter of the Isles! Rivine was fair as thyself: shed on her grave a tear.
New-York, January 9.
A Letter from Obnarnafen, in Austria, dated the 29th July, contains the fol- lowing particulars of an event that hap- pened in the month of May, in the neigh- bourhood of Stadhoufen, in the bailage of Sprichingen:—“Near the place through which the little river Schlichen passes, there is a chain of mountains, named Henbergh, of which about four and twenty years ago some parts separated themselves, filled up a valley, and covered a great reach of woods and fields. The 14th of last May the same mountain cracked all along the top, and there rolled down some enorm- ous rocks. Ever since that time the earth and stones continue falling, and the rub- bish has already covered the best part of the forest. It has been observed, that in the space of half an hour the ground has removed itself full ten inches. The 17th of the same month, the cracks were length- ened for near twenty feet. The poor in- habitants are in the utmost anxiety for themselves, their houses, and their vines.”
The examination of the students of Co- lumbia College commenced on Monday last, at ten o'clock, A. M. to continue un- til this day, at 3 o'clock, when several ora- tions will be delivered by the students in the College-Hall.
For the DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER. MR. GREENLEAF, Please to insert the following, and gratify your much obliged and very humble servant,
A JOURNEYMAN PRINTER.
To the New-York Journeyman Printers.
HUZZA, my boys! exult forever! the coast is clear; we will soon teach these damn saucy master Printers how to behave! As for Sammy and Billy, we have them snug enough; and if you will but adhere to my advice, I will lay you ten thousand m's, close matter, that in less than three months, we, assisted by our Devils, shall have them all under our thumb, kick them, and cuff them about at our pleasure, and make them insert in their papers, what we please, besides obliging them to conform to our rules of treatment and wages; and who knows, boys, but we shall so chagrine and tease them, that they will be glad to relinquish all their rights, titles, and possessions; to get rid of our direful satire, such as one of our fra- ternity ordered Billy and Sammy to insert in their last Monday and Tuesday's papers. —But, let me reflect a moment—I fear, upon further consideration, that we began our siege in the most vulnerable parts— for Sammy and Billy are two happy heads, and I begin to suspect that we shall not succeed any farther:—However, my boys, push on Tim, the first printer's devil, and here is the lad to begin with the balls to paint the chops, and with the brier, to pick the teeth, of the first MASTER PRINTER, who shall dare to offer a SECOND TABLE, or ever refuse to be directed in his business, by
A JOURNEYMAN PRINTER. Printers Street, sign of the Balls and Brier, Jan. 8th, 1788.
To be LET, until May Day, And entered on immediately,
ONE half of the Dwelling-House, in Cherry-street, No. 7. This house is made convenient for two families. For terms enquire at said house—where may be had GENTEL BOARDING and LODGINGS; or either, for two or three gentlemen.
New-York, January 7, 1788. 84—c.d.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of James Paskell, an insolvent debtor, that they shew cause, before Benjamin Blagge, Esq. at his office in Beckman-street, by the fifteenth of January inst. why an assign- ment of the estate of the said James Paskell should not be made, and be discharged, pursuant to the directions of an act of the legislature of this state, entitled, “An act for the relief of insolvent debtors,” passed the 13th day of April, 1786. JAMES PASKELL.
Dated this 8th day of Jan. 1788. 86 31. w. C.m. Petitioning Creditors, Eleanor Lawrance, Jane Hunt, Thomas Ni- kerson.
For St. CROIX, THE BRIG ESOPUS, lying at Ten Eyck's Wharf. SHE will positively sail the 14th inst. great part of her cargo being already engaged.—For freight or passage apply to the Master on board, or to the subscriber, No. 41, Roosevelt-street. PETER WYNKOOP. New-York, Jan. 8, 1788. 85 90 c.d.
WANTED, TWO JOURNEYMEN PRIN- TERS—one of whom, at least, must be a single Man, who can subject himself to the Customs of a Second Table in bachelor's Hall; both must be steady Printers, willing to work at all Seasons requi- site: their Pay shall be as good as the Season will admit of. The one must apply by Tuesday next, and the other within three Weeks. Enquire at this Office. January 9, 1788. 86—c.d.
NOTICE is hereby given, by So- lomon Goodale, of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, and by all the petitioning cre- ditors of the said Solomon Goodale, to shew cause, if any they have, before John Wyley, Esquire, one of the aldermen of the city, and county of New-York, and one of the judges of the court of common pleas of the city and county of New- York, commonly called the mayor's court, by Friday the eleventh day of January inst. why an assignment of the estate of the said Solomon Goodale should not be made, and the said Solo- mon Goodale discharged, pursuant to the direc- tions of a certain act of the people of the state of New-York, represented in senate and assembly, entitled, “An act for the relief of insolvent deb- tors,” passed the 13th of April, 1786. New-York, Jan. 7, 1788. 84 88 c.d.
Wants Employment, A YOUNG Gentleman, who is versed in the FRENCH and ENGLISH LANGUAGES & MERCHANTS ACCOUNTS. In either of these branches he would be glad to engage. Having already officiated as teacher of the above languages, and been fortunate enough to give satisfaction, he would prefer that mode of living in future, either in a private family or as an as- sistant in some school—but if he fails in this, being perfectly acquainted with BOOK-KEEPING, he would accept of a place in a store, for a longer or shorter time, as may best suit the employer. New-York, January 3, 1788. 81—c.d.
Ten Dollars Reward.
Ran-away, from Cape Francois, A MULATTO MAN, Named JACQUES or JAMES, A CREOLE, from Martinico,
AN excellent kitchen and pastry COOK, 26 or 27 years of age, about 5 feet 9 inches high, middling thick, his legs are much warped, much pock-marked, a very large mouth, small eyes and sunk, a large forehead and long necked; he has a kind of ring-worm on one of his arms, and has a difficulty in his speech, hammer- ing a little—He left Cape Francois in the beginning of May last, and was supposed to have taken passage for this continent. Whoever secures said Mulatto Man, and gives intelligence, will be handsomely re- warded, and all reasonable charges paid. Enquire at No. 15, Queen-Street. 73—c.d.
Masters & Owners of Vessels
Are hereby informed, THAT they may be supplied with cables, large or small of any length, and cords of all sizes, made of Peterburg hemp, first quality, at Ivers's Rope-walk, at the head of Mul- berry-street, the first left hand turn above the Tea- Water Pump, on such favorable terms as to merit the attention of any gentleman that would wish to lay out his money to the best advantage. Cables spliced, with the addition of any length required, white rope of every sort for city or country use, hambro lines, deep sea lines, hand lead lines, log lines, houseline, and marine, &c. &c. by
H. IVERS, Rope-maker. N. B. The above articles, whether in large or small quantities, will be delivered to any part of the city without expense of carriage to the buyer. New-York, Dec. 7, 1787. 38 d.c.
By order of BENJAMIN BLAGGE, Esquire, one of the aldermen of the city of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of John Johnston, an insolvent debtor, that they appear at the office of the said alderman, in Beckman-street, to the 9th day of January inst. at 10 o'clock, to shew cause, if any they have, why an assignment of the estate of the said John Johnston should not be made for the ben- efit of all his creditors, and he be thereupon dis- charged, pursuant to an act of the legislature of this state, entitled “An act for the relief of insolvent debtors,” passed the 13th day of April, 1786.
JOHN JOHNSTON. Dated New-York, the 2d day of January, 1788.
The AMERICAN MAGAZINE, For December, 1787, Just Published in this City. Sold at this Office, price two shillings.

POET'S CORNER.
"My girl not turn'd of twenty."
SONG.
LONDON ladies walk the streets In gaudy silks and fatins; The country girk has no such sweets, She cracks along in pattens.
ANECDOTE.
THE late duke of Ancester, passing over Tower-hill on a very dirty day, stopped for the purpose of getting his boots cleaned.
HIGH WATER.
This Day, January 9. 9 h. 48m. Morn.
THOMAS SMITH, BOOT and SHOE MAKER, LEATHER CUTTER, AND CURRIER,
Queen-Street, No. 179, Corner of Beekman or Chapel Street,
BEGS leave to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he carries on the above branches in an extensive manner.
Table with 3 columns: Item, Quantity, Price. Items include Gentlemen's best boots with the best English legs and bend-foles, Gentlemen's best boots turned down tops, etc.
As also, all kinds of leather, whether for shoemakers, saddlers, or harness-makers use.—English boot-legs, bend-foles as usual. He wishes to inform the public, that as he is determined to sell on the most reasonable terms, no credit on any account will be given, except to those of his former customers.
Just published by M. CAREY, In Philadelphia, and now to be SOLD, By THOMAS ALLEN,
THE American Museum,
For NOVEMBER, 1787.
CONTAINING,
Objections to the proposed plan of federal government. By an officer of the late continental army.
2 Answers to the preceding objections. 3 Address to the inhabitants of New-Jersey. 4 The federalist.
Rural Concerns.
5 Address from the Philadelphia society for promoting agriculture. 6 Chinese method of curing ginseng. 7 Tartarian ditto. 8 Instructions for the culture and use of maize, or Indian corn, as fodder for cattle. By Mons. St. John de Crevecoeur.
Medical Essays.
21 On the use of mercurial preparations in the scarlatina anginofo. By Dr. William Currie. 22 Observations on the cause and cure of the tetanus. By Dr. Ruth.
Law information.
26 Statement of a cause decided in the court of common pleas, Charleston, March 5, 1785. 27 Statement of an important and interesting cause decided in the court of king's bench, London, July 20, 1787.
Humour.
30 On the use of butlers. 31 Suannah Trapes's complaint of the badness of the police. 32 On pronouncing dictionaries. 33 Plan for a wax-work legislature.
State and other public Papers.
36 Letter from the Hon. Roger Sherman and the Hon. Oliver Ellsworth, Esqrs. to governor Huntington. 37 Letter from the Hon. Elbridge Gerry, one of the delegates from the state of Massachusetts in the late federal convention, containing his reasons for not signing the new constitution.
Interesting Laws.
47 Act for the receipt of tobacco in payment of taxes. 48 Act for the establishing religious freedom in Virginia. 49 Act to prevent the further importation of slaves into Virginia.
Resolves of Congress.
Resolve relative to the devices and inscriptions of the federal copper coin. ——— relative to the Indian war in Georgia. 53 ——— relative to foreign consuls. 54 ——— relative to the Hon. John Adams Esq.
Miscellanies.
58 An oration delivered at Peterburgh, Virginia, July 4, 1787, in commemoration of American Independence.
59 Account of the late revolution in Sweden. 60 Obs. on the means of extinguishing a fire. 61 Address to the ladies of America. 62 On the use of tobacco and snuff. 63 Account of three volcanos in the moon By W. Herschell.
64 Observations on the numb fish, or torporific eel. By H. C. Flagg. 65 Extract of a letter from the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, to Dr. Stiles. 66 Observations on the leech worm. 67 Letter relative to the devices and inscriptions of American medals. By Col. Humphreys. 68 Extract from an act to punish blasphemers.
Poetry.
69 Epistle to his excellency General Washington. 70 On the death of Col. John Laurens. By Philip Freneau. 71 Prospect of South-Carolina. By the late Dr. Ladd.
The subscription for the American Museum is 18s. per annum, for two volumes, of 624 pages. This Work is also SOLD by Messieurs Berry and Rogers, Mr. Hodge, and Mr. Loudon. New-York, Dec. 17, 1787. 66—e.d.
72 The man of sorrow. By William More Smith, Esq. 73 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 74 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 75 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 76 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 77 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 78 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 79 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 80 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 81 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 82 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 83 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 84 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 85 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 86 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 87 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 88 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 89 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 90 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 91 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 92 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 93 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 94 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 95 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 96 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 97 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 98 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 99 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq. 100 The man of sorrows. By William More Smith, Esq.
THIS DAY, Is Published in this City, The American Magazine,
For the Month of DECEMBER. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION, On education, Gen. Lincoln's letter on the ingrafting of trees,
Anecdote of the Duke of Gordon, Advice to masters, and to husbands that have scolding wives, and wives that have peevish husbands, Principles of government and commerce. On bills of rights, Letter to Doctor Stiles, accounting for the fortifications west of the Allegany, Abridgment of Smith's History of Virginia, how he took his degrees and went to keeping school; how afterwards he became a great man and wore a wig, and how any body else may do the same, Invocation to the Night ingale, Foreign intelligence, American intelligence, Marriages and deaths.
THE AMERICAN CALCULATOR, or Counting-House COMPANION,
CONTAINING, A TABLE, ascertaining the value of sundry coins in gold, as regulated by the Chamber of Commerce in this city, and shewing at one view, their value in the several currencies of New-York, North-Carolina, and Great-Britain.
This Book is intended for the convenience of Merchants, &c. in the United States, by Francis Healy, Accomptant. Price 1f. 6d. single. The usual discount to Booksellers, and others, who may purchase by the Hundred, Dozen, &c.
THIS DAY PUBLISHED, And to be SOLD at this PRINTING-OFFICE [Price TEN PENCE.] The Mother's Catechism.
THIS Catechism is designed for the First, and should be taught to infants as an Introduction to those Catechisms which are not so easily understood. It is universally recommended by Divines.
FOR THE Encouragement of the PAPER MANUFACTURES in America, the Printer hereof pays CASH, and the highest Price, for LINNEN, and COTTEN and LINNEN, RAGS.
Morris-Town and Paules-Hook
STAGE.
ON the 14th inst. the subscriber began to run his Stage-Waggon every Tuesday and Friday, from his house in Morris-Town, to Paules-Hook, by the way of Newark, starting at five o'clock each morning.
The FARE for a passenger, with seven pounds of baggage, is ONE DOLLAR, and the same for one hundred and fifty pound weight. The waggon, on its route to Paules-Hook, stops at Lawrence's tavern, Springfield, where the passengers may breakfast, if they choose; the next stage is at Major Sayre's, Newark, from whence they proceed to Paules-Hook.
N. B. Letters, to be sent by the above stage, may be lodged at Capt. Crane's, a few doors above the Ferry-house, in Cortlandt-street, New-York, from whence they shall always be safely conveyed to the stage. All letters carried free. GEORGE OHARA. Morris-Town, August 28, 1787.
STAGES, Which ply between New-York & Philadelphia,
Respectfully inform the PUBLIC, THAT, after this date, their stage will leave Paules-Hook at three o'clock in the afternoon, and proceed to Elizabeth-Town; and that in order to accommodate passengers, one stage will leave Elizabeth-Town at day-light; and another stage leaves Newark at eight o'clock, and both stages go as far towards Philadelphia as the weather and roads will permit, during the winter season. December 23th, 1787. 46
SHRUB,
Of the very best Quality, by the Hoghead, Barrel, or smaller Quantity, FOR SALE, by Charles Tillinghast, At his House, nearly opposite the New-Market in Cherry-street.
FLAX-SEED, STORED, Cleaned, Purged and
Sold at HARTELL and WOODWARD'S Flax-seed store, lately occupied by Mr. JACOB SARLY, last by Mr. Nalh, between Van Zandt's and Murray's Wharves. 38—e.d.
To the Afflicted with WORMS.
LATELY received from the western country, and may be had at No. 21, Beekman-street, an extraordinary and never-failing WORM POWDER—From long experience it has been found, that three doses of these Powders will effectually destroy the Worms, either in children or grown persons. N York, Sept. 13, 1787. 32—e.d.
A PERSON perfectly acquainted with MERCHANT'S ACCOUNTS, would be glad of employ, in that line, either in Posting of Books, or adjusting intricate accounts, re of the Printer. New-York, October 25, 1787. 38—e.d.
New-York RUM
Of excellent Flavour and good Proof FOR SALE, By Charles Tillinghast, At the DISTILERY, near the New Market Cherry-street and nearest to the Ship-Yards. October 3, 1787 53—m. th.
Just PUBLISHED, and to be SOLD, at T. GREENLEAF'S
PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, Water-street, A new, complete, and correct Edition of Baron Steuben's Regulations
FOR THE Order and Discipline OF THE Troops of the United States.
Part of this Edition is rendered conformable to the Military establishment of this State, [The only printed Edition with such Alterations.] and the remaining Part correct Copies of the late Editions; each decorated with a half sheet Copper Plate Engraving. Price Three Shillings.
A FEW copies of that much celebrated work of the late Rev. Dr. CHATNAY, of Boston, "On the Fall, and its consequences," to be had at this Printing-Office.
To be Sold at this PRINTING-OFFICE, B L A N K S of all Sort
—LETTERS of INTELLIGENCE—occasional PARAGRAPHS—speculative PIECES—ESSAYS, &c.—are gratefully received at this OFFICE. For the greater CONVENIENCE and SAFETY of which COMMUNICATIONS, a LETTER-BOX is placed in the Window. SUBSCRIPTIONS for this PAPER (printed EVERY DAY, at Six, and Once a Week, at Two, Dollars per Annum) are also received here—and ADVERTISEMENTS, REASONABLY INSERTED. PRINTING, in all its Variety, performed with NEATNESS, and DISPATCH.