Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-08-21 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 38, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, AUGUST, 21, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 142.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. XVIII.
CONTINUED.
L'un et l'autre parti cruel également, Ainsi que dans le crime, est dans l'aveuglement.
IT was foreseen, however, that the success would not be happy. The King of Navarre, intimidated by the difficulty of the enterprize, acted with a delicacy, irresolution and complaisance, dictated by that softness and moderation which formed the essence of his character. The Guises, on the contrary, full of that confidence, which prosperity inspires, prepared to repel with vigor the attempt that was made against them. In concert with the Queen, they repeated incessantly to the young Monarch, that his predecessors had always mortified the Princes of the blood, as enemies to the reigning branch, against which they never ceased to operate, sometimes by secret cabals, and sometimes by open force. That in the present circumstances, the King of Navarre and the Prince de Condé, seeing themselves so near the throne, under a King of a tender complexion, who had no children, and whose brothers were under age, sought only to deprive him of the support of his mother, and his nearest relations, that they might govern him at pleasure, and hold him in dependance, as the Maires of the Palace had formerly held the Clovis's, the Chilperics, and other Princes incapable of reigning. That perhaps there was no crime at which they would hesitate, even to employing poison, or the sword, to open a passage for themselves to the throne. The King, naturally timid and suspicious, pre-occupied by these artificial accusations, which were coloured with some appearance of probability, saw with an evil eye, the King of Navarre, and received him coldly. In the audiences which he granted him, always in the presence of the Duke and the Cardinal, who never quitted him a moment, he gave him no but dry answers; alleging that he was of age; that he was not responsible to any man for his actions; that he was satisfied with the good services of those who governed under him; and rejected constantly all the requests and demands of the Princes of the blood, as irregular, unreasonable, and made with ill designs.
The efforts of the King of Navarre had no better success with the Queen-mother. She knew that she could not depend upon the attachment which the Princes of the blood professed to her; that as soon as they should obtain what they solicited, they would exclude her from the government, and force her perhaps to quit the Court. She judged moreover, that it would be imprudent to abandon the party the most powerful and the best established, to attach herself to the Princes of the blood, who had no certain support. She determined therefore to pursue her first plan: but as she wished to prevent the horrors of a civil war, she proposed to herself, not entirely to take away all hopes from the Princes, but to make use of artifice and dissimulation, to divert the King of Navarre, whose docility she knew, from the designs which he had formed, and to wait, from time and conjunctures, some expedient, advantageous to the welfare of the state. In consequence, she received him with great demonstrations of friendship, and amused him with the fairest hopes. In the course of conversations which they had together, she insinuated, that the passions of the King were easily irritable; that he must not be vexed with demands and complaints out of season; that it was necessary to wait for opportunities more favorable; that the King having passed his fourteenth year, might govern by himself, and without taking counsel of any one; that when he should find an opportunity to manifest his benevolence for the Princes of Bourbon, he would fulfil all that was required of him, by the relations of blood, and would prove to all the world the esteem and consideration, which he entertained of their merit and fidelity: that to change, all at once, in the beginning of a reign, the order established in the government, would be to give the King among his own subjects, the reputation of an inconstant Prince, without prudence and without firmness: that if any employment worthy of them should be vacant, he would have a regard to the justice of their pretensions: that in her own particular, she offered herself voluntarily to manage their interests with her son, to engage him to grant them, as soon as should be possible,
the satisfaction they desired: that it was not decent that the King of Navarre, who had always evinced his wisdom and moderation, should now suffer himself to be guided by counsels, and drawn into rash measures which were neither consistent with his age nor character; but by waiting with patience, for what depended wholly on the benevolence and affection of the King, he ought to teach others, how to merit in their due seasons, the favor and benevolence of his Majesty. The Queen having found him, at several times, by such general discourses, and perceiving that he began to waver, compleatly gained him at length, by saying that they must immediately send into Spain, Elizabeth, the sister of the King, who must be attended by some Prince, distinguished by his reputation and by his rank; that she had cast her eyes on him, as the personage the most proper to support the honor of the nation, by the splendor of his virtues, and of the Majesty Royal, with which he was adorned; that besides the satisfaction which the King her son would have in it, he would find a great advantage for his private pretensions, by the facility which he would have, of conciliating the affections of the Catholic King, and at the same time of treating in person of the restitution, or of the change of Navarre. Finally, she promised him to employ all her credit, and all the power of the King her son, to insure the success of this negotiation.
(To be continued.)
PHILOSOPHICAL REFLECTIONS
ON THE LATE
REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, &c.
CONTINUATION.
LORD STANHOPE has thought proper to pass an eulogy on the National Assembly, for making no distinction between Catholics and Protestants, but impartially admitting both to all offices of trust and profit; and invidiously contrasts our conduct with theirs, in respect to the Dissenters. But if their true motive be considered, they will be found by no means entitled to panegyric. By this affected moderation, this specious candor, this comprehensive indulgence, they evidently exhibit a contemptuous indifference for the Catholic established church, and the solemn decisions of councils and theologists.—This is a dangerous unequivocal symptom of their malady—a prognostic and a diagnostic of Atheism.
On the same consistency of principle, Mr. Mirabeau moved this senate of democrats to address the king to appoint an envoy for the special purpose of jointly consulting with our administration on the most effectual means of abolishing the slave trade. Did this spring from the generous suggestions of humanity? Certainly not.—Treachery marks their proceedings; and the ruin of revealed religion is the invariable aim of all their actions. For has it not been incontestably proved, by writers equally distinguished by genius, learning, and profound researches into antiquity, that the eldest born of Ham, who was accursed by his father, was called Cuth, "which, in the Hebrew language, signifies black. Ethiopia, under which name Africa is included, is called in scripture the land of Cuth, and the inhabitants, Cuthims, or Cuthites. The negroes therefore are descended from Ham, by his eldest son, Cuth; which accounts for the degraded situation these people have ever continued in."—This reasoning is conclusive.—The Cuthites were certainly devoted to perpetual slavery, for the wickedness of their great progenitor, Ham.—Cuth himself was probably born black, both as a prophetic designation of his future fate, and to transmit this degenerate color to his posterity.
The only specious objection to this very rational hypothesis, is obviated by the author of Observations, &c. in answer to Mr. Clarkson's reprobated Essay. "It may be objected," says he, "that Cuth was born prior to the time of Ham's committing the offence against his father, for which he sentenced him and his posterity to so severe a punishment—and therefore the complexion of Cuth could not have any relation to the crime to be committed afterwards by his father. In answer to this, I observe, there is no impropriety, nor improbability, in supposing that the blackness of Cuth was the mark set upon him and his posterity, from the forknowledge of the Deity, of the crime, and consequent punishment, which Ham would commit, and be sentenced to; and as a seal of that perpetual servitude to which
his descendents were to be doomed by that sentence.
Be this as it may, it is incontestibly proved by the celebrated author of Ancient Mythology , and universally admitted, that the Europeans are the sons of Japheth: It is therefore our indispensable duty to accomplish the divine predictions of Noah, and to hold Ham's descendents in chains forever. But it is the avowed intention of the National Assembly to weaken the credibility of the sacred history, by emancipating the negroes. However, I trust we shall not be made the dupes of this profane policy: On the contrary, I sincerely will, that the corporations of Bristol and Liverpool would send out the reverend author of the Scriptural Researches to the West-Indies , with a cargo of bibles; which may be conveniently stowed in the slave-ships, as they are not now so much crowded as formerly. Let him teach the unfortunate Africans to read and study the book of Genesis; let their genealogy be condensed into a short catechism, suited to their untutored capacities, and taught them every Sunday by one of the negro-drivers.—It is impossible to say what a sudden and salutary effect it may have on their unenlightened minds, to know that their sufferings are solely owing to the wickedness of their ancestor, Ham.
It will conciliate their affections, and endear the sons of Japheth to their hearts, if they are once persuaded that we hold them in bondage, and inflict stripes on them, neither to obtain any base and sordid profit from their burning toils, nor to gratify the sudden impulse of vindictive passion, but merely in obedience to the decrees of Heaven, to accomplish the word of prophecy, as faithful executors to the last will and testament of Noah, our common progenitor, the second father of mankind.
Monsr. Volney, indeed, would fain persuade us, on the authority of Herodotus, that the Egyptians, celebrated both in profane and sacred history, were blacks—and thence artfully insinuates that we do not absolutely derive our intellectual superiority over them from the whiteness of our skins. But, even on this hypothesis, though the Egyptians might have been of a dark color, yet they were not of so deep a dye as the descendents of Cuth, nor was their hair so soft and woolly; which makes an essential difference between them. Besides, it has been conjectured by the Abbe Spallanzani, and demonstrated by a late dissection at Jamaica, that the cellular membrane, on which the color of the epidermis or outer cuticle depends is wondrously extended over the brain of the negroes, and completely wraps up the cerebrum and cerebellum in its curious net-work. Consequently, the impression made by external objects on the sensorium is rendered less distinct by passing through this reticular envelope, the nervous sensibility thereby blunted, and the rational faculties weakened. By this astonishing texture of the reasoning organ, the posterity of Ham, and the sons of Japheth, are specifically distinguished from each other. The former cannot feel so exquisitely as the latter, either intellectually or sensibly; and yet, by this admirable contrivance, they are graciously fitted for that state of degradation and slavery, to which they are perpetually devoted.
It will give me great pleasure if this singular discovery should afford the least satisfaction to those whose generous, but mis-applied sympathy has carried them beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion on the subject of the slave-trade.—They may now rest assured that the negroes do not suffer more than they can bear. The dullness of their understandings, and the bluntness of their sensations, (originating from the same cause) alleviate their transient miseries, and provisionally shield and protect them from that pungency of mental and corporeal pain they would otherwise feel from incidental acts of severity, to which a state of slavery must sometimes expose them. This anatomical description of the prolongation and extension of the subcutaneous membrane over the brain, should be explained to the blacks, in familiar untechnical language by the surgeon of the plantation, who always charitably visits and attends them after every punishment—as they are always humanely indulged with some hours rest and relaxation, to repair their exhausted strength and spirits. When they have once attained a clear scientific conception of this phenomenon from the surgeon, the clergyman should then explain the final cause of it to his catechum-

mens, that they may derive religious consolation from this marked providential inferiority of their species, and look up to their masters, mistresses, and the vigilant negro-drivers, with more awe and reverence. To be continued.
LONDON.
Lord Mansfield meets the spring as he left autumn—a body in extreme debility, with the illuminated mind of his brightest days.
ROYAL HUMANE SOCIETY.
On Tuesday the honorary medal of the royal humane society was presented to Mr. Edward Coleman, Surgeon, St. Mary Axe, for the best dissertation on suspended animation.—An address suitable to the occasion was very ably delivered by Dr. Hawes; and after thanks had been voted, a well constructed apparatus for applying warmth, was laid before the society by a gentleman from Manchester; and a still more ingenious one for promoting artificial respiration, by Mr. Coleman.
NETHERLANDS.
The counter revolution that is threatened in the Netherlands by the vigorous preparations of the Austrians, and the disunion of the aristocratical and republican parties, occasions the less regret among all moderate men, that the states aim plainly at the establishment of themselves into a number of petty sovereigns, or, as a Greek or Roman would have said, of tyrants. Who, without indignation, can behold the treatment of Vandermerch, the saviour of his country, confined in the citadel of Antwerp? What friend of human nature but is anxious for his safety? What reasonable man that contemplates his situation, but must acknowledge that the tyranny of aristocracy is equal to that of a single despot!
LAW INTELLIGENCE.
Yesterday was tried before Lord Loughborough and a special Jury, a cause in which a mercantile house was the Plaintiff, and Mr. Burton, an underwriter, the Defendant. The action was brought to recover a sum of money upon a policy of insurance on the ship Elizabeth.
The question in this case was, whether the assured had at the time the policy was effected, made a fair communication to the Defendant of all the circumstances relative to the ship.
The Counsel on both sides admitted the law to be, that if a fair representation of all the circumstances was withheld the policy was void.
It appeared in evidence, that the Broker employed in this business made a verbal communication of the general circumstances, but did not shew the defendant several material letters respecting the time the ship was to set sail, and other particulars. In one of those letters were the following words:—"A total loss will be the best market for us."—These words left a strong impression on the minds of the Jury against the Plaintiffs.
Lord Loughborough observed, that the question in this cause was certainly of importance to mercantile men, engaged in this species of trade. It was for the Jury to consider, whether, if all the circumstances disclosed by the evidence had been known, any person would have underwritten this ship. His Lordship was of opinion, that an underwriter was not obliged by law to interrogate a broker, or to demand the production of letters relative to the ship agreed to be underwritten, but that the latter ought to make a fair representation of all the circumstances.
The Jury found a verdict for the defendant.
LAW REPORT.
HALE, an Attorney, against BALLARD.
This action was brought by the Plaintiff, to recover 9l. for work and labour done in his profession, for the defendant. Mr. Ballard, as it appeared in evidence, was an illiterate man, and employed the Plaintiff to sue a debtor for two guineas. Mr. Hale proceeded in this action in the Courts at Westminster and got the two guineas, which he retained, in part payment of the costs of that action; and he thought fit to bring the present action against Ballard, for 9l. the remaining part of the costs, so that the Plaintiff charged the Defendant 11l. for recovering for him 2l. 2s.
The Counsel for the Defendant, justly reproached this conduct in severe terms. He said, he should do in this case what painters sometimes did when they could not do justice to the subject, he should draw a veil over the whole transaction. This Attorney, instead of proceeding in the Courts of Westminster Hall, ought to have advised Mr. Ballard to have reduced his demand so as to have brought it within the jurisdiction of the Court of Requests. If he had done this, it would have been attended only with a trifling expence.
Lord Kenyon expressed a just indignation at the conduct of the Plaintiff, and the Jury found a verdict for the defendant. His Lordship hoped, that the Plaintiff and others in his situation would take care and be more circumspect in their conduct for the future.
PROBATIONARY ODE
FOR THE LAUREATSHIP.
By BROOK WATSON, Esq.
[The Laureatship to the British King being vacant by the death of Dr. WARTON—the wits in humble imitation of PETER PINDAR, improve the occasion to satirize; on this idea, BROOK WATSON, Esq. Commissary General in the last war, is the factitious author of the following.]
LORD SALISBURY, with all respect I beg, As there's a vacant place, Forward to put my humble leg, And pray your Lordship's grace,
Perhaps you think, as I've a post already, That I've enough, my Lord, to make me steady, That that's enough to stop my note, And gain for PITT a constant vote.
A little circumstance then let me mention, To tell, although I dread it, Yet faith upon my credit, I really in the City Shall fall below all pity, Unless, and quickly too, I yield MY PENSION.
I own, in eloquence I'm no great hand, And that there are many better speakers in the land; Indeed there are too many better within St. STEPHEN's wall, But none that for a Minister can louder bawl.
Beside, did not I, leaving my family all frantic, Set sail upon the nation's cause, To restore Great GEORGE's laws Once more among the rebels over the Atlantic.
Another thing, too, permit me to remark. Am I not known to fame, Thy brush, oh! COWLEY, keeps alive my name, And shews me struggling with a mouth-rous SHARK.
I know, my Lord, your party would not lose me; For I've a reputation All over this great nation, Except indeed at College;— (No, my unlearned pate Ne'er saw a college gate,) For deep COMMERCIAL knowledge, It might not then be prudent to refuse me.
My dealings with many a FOREIGN HOUSE May prove a lucky hit To our good Minister PITT; For I can hear how matters go Abroad, with ev'ry friend and foe, And out of news may correspondents choose.
'Tis true I ne'er employ'd my time In learning how to rhyme, So perhaps with Poets you'll quarrel, If on me you bestow the LAUREL. Yet for a crown or at most a guinea, I can get some tuneful Ninny, Who has slighted great PLUTUS's bags, To follow the Muses in rags, To write me an Ode I dare say, That will do just as well. And equally well To hail the DAWNING YEAR OF GEORGE's bright BIRTH-
EXTRACT from "LETTERS on EGYPT."
I SHALL conclude this letter, Sir, by a short tale, which will prove that incidents similar to those of the times of Jacob are still renewed in Egypt. The plains of Syria last year were ravaged by clouds of locusts, which devoured the corn to the very root. A famine followed, and a farmer near Damascus felt the effects of a general distress. To supply the wants of a numerous family, he sold his cattle; which resource being soon exhausted, the unhappy father, wretched at present, but foreseeing greater wretchedness to come, pressed by hunger, sold his instruments of husbandry at Damascus. Led by the invisible hand of Providence, as formerly Tobias was by the angel, while he bargained for corn, lately arrived at Damietta, he heard speak of the success of Mourad Bey, who had entered Grand Cairo victorious, and in triumph. The shape, character, and origin, of the warrior were described, and how he had risen from slavery to power supreme. The astonished farmer found the description accorded with a son, who had been stole from him at twelve years old: hope palpitated in his heart; he hastened home with his provisions, told his family what he had heard, and determined, immediately, to depart for Egypt. His weeping wife and sons offered up prayers for his safe return. Going to the port of Alexandretta he embarked there and came to Damietta. One continued fear tormented him; his son, forsaking the religion of his fathers, had embraced Mahometanism; and now, surrounded as he was by splendor, would he acknowledge his parents? The thought lay heavy on his heart; yet, the wish to snatch his family from all the horrors of famine, the hope of finding a long lamented son, gave him fortitude. He continued his journey, came to the capital, repaired to the palace of Mourad applied to the officers of the prince, and, most ardently, solicited admission. His dress and appearance bespoke poverty and misfortune, and were poor recommendations—but his great age, so respectable in the east, pleaded in his behalf. One of the attendants went to the Bey, and told him an aged man, apparently miserable, requested an audience. Let him enter, replied Mourad—and the farmer proceeded, with trembling steps, over the rich carpet which bespread the hall of the Divan, and approached the Bey, who reclined on a sofa, embroidered with silk and gold. Crouching sensations deprived him of the use of speech—at last, after attentively looking, the voice of nature vanquished fear, he fell, and embracing his knees, exclaimed, You are my son! The Bey raised him,
endeavored to recollect, and, after explanation, finding him to be his father, made him sit down by his side, and caressed him most affectionately. The first gush of nature over, the Sire described in what a deplorable state he had left his mother, and brethren, and the Prince proposed to send for, and with them divide his riches and power, if they would embrace Islamism. This the generous christian had foreseen, and, fearing youth might be dazzled, took not one of his sons with him. He, therefore, firmly rejected Mourad's offer, and even remonstrated with him on his own change of religion. The Bey, finding his father determined, and that his family's distress demanded immediate succour, sent him back to Syria, with a large sum of money, and a vessel loaded with corn. The happy husbandman immediately returned to the plains of Damascus, where his arrival banished misery, and tears, from his homely roof, and brought joy, ease, and felicity."
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT making provision for the reduction of the Public Debt.
IT being desirable by all just and proper means, to effect a reduction of the amount of the public debt, and as the application of such surplus of the revenue as may remain after satisfying the purposes for which appropriations shall have been made by law, will not only contribute to that desirable end, but will be beneficial to the creditors of the United States, by raising the price of their stock; and be productive of considerable saving to the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all such surplus of the product of the duties on goods, wares and merchandise imported, and on the tonnage of ships or vessels, to the last day of December next inclusively, as shall remain after satisfying the several purposes for which appropriations shall have been made by law, to the end of the present session, shall be applied to the purchase of the debt of the United States, at its market price, if not exceeding the par or true value thereof.
And be it further enacted , That the purchases to be made of the said debt, shall be made under the direction of the President of the Senate, the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Attorney General for the time being; and who, or any three of whom, with the approbation of the President of the United States, shall cause the said purchases to be made in such manner, and under such regulations as shall appear to them best calculated to fulfil the intent of this act: Provided , That the same be made openly, and with due regard to the equal benefit of the several States: And provided further , That to avoid all risk or failure, or delay in the payment of interest stipulated to be paid for and during the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, by the act, intitled "An Act making provision for the debt of the United States," such reservations shall be made of the said surplus, as may be necessary to make good the said payments, as they shall respectively become due, in case of deficiency in the amount of the receipts into the Treasury, during the said year, on account of the duties on goods, wares and merchandise imported, and the tonnage of ships or vessels after the last day of December next.
And be it further enacted , That accounts of the application of the said monies, shall be rendered for settlement as other public accounts, accompanied with returns of the amount of the said debt purchased therewith, at the end of every quarter of a year, to be computed from the time of commencing the purchases aforesaid: And that a full and exact report of the proceedings of the said five persons, or any three of them, including a statement of the disbursements and purchases made under their direction, specifying the times thereof, the prices at which, and the parties from whom the same may be made, shall be laid before Congress, within the first fourteen days of each session which may ensue the present, during the execution of their said trust.
And be it further enacted , That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to cause to be borrowed on behalf of the United States, a sum or sums not exceeding in the whole Two Millions of Dollars, at an interest not exceeding five per cent. and that the sum or sums so borrowed, be also applied to the purchase of the said debt of the United States, under the like direction, in the like manner, and subject to the like regulations and restrictions with the surplus aforesaid: Provided , that out of the interest arising on the debt to be purchased in manner aforesaid, there shall be appropriated and applied a sum not exceeding eight per centum per annum, on account both of principal and interest, towards the re-payment of the Two Millions of Dollars so to be borrowed.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST THE TWELFTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
PHILADELPHIA, August 18.
Yesterday the Trustees of the College of this city, elected the Hon. Judge Wilson, professor of Law in that institution; and we hear that Mr. Wilson intends to deliver, during the next winter, a course of lectures in that important branch of education.
ELIZABETH-TOWN, August 18.
The fatal effects of wild cherry-tree leaves to cattle, especially in the dog-days, have frequently been experienced, and ought to make people very cautious of throwing the loppings or tops of

PRIZES
IN THE NEW-YORK CITY LOTTERY.
Table with 4 columns: Prize amount, No., and numbers. Includes prizes of 1000, 500, 200, 100, and 40.
Table with 8 columns: No., 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. Includes numbers for various prizes.
Table with 8 columns: No., 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. Includes numbers for various prizes.
Table with 8 columns: No., 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. Includes numbers for various prizes.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES. FINAL SETTLEMENTS 2 1/2. INVENTS 7 1/2.
ty might have been avoided; and if the blessed principle of Rotation is attended to, a NEW SET, profiting by the mistakes of the OLD, will guide the political ship to UNIVERSAL approbation—
Extract of a letter from Boston, August 10. The owners of the Columbia with she had sunk in Nootka Sound;—great complaints of chieery are made; time will explain whether there has been any roguery in the business or not;—intolerable disappointment is the result of high raised expectations I assure you.—The electioneering campaign is begun.—I expect we shall have snaring enough.
Congress, in a late act, have appropriated forty thousand dollars for the payment of Pickering's notes issued after 1782. They have also appropriated thirty eight thousand dollars for the payment of the people on Long-Island, who have claims for subsisting American prisoners during the late war.
Extract of a letter from Charleston, South Carolina. In another State, I hope we shall be happy under a simple government, directed by infinite wisdom and goodness; but in the present, while struggling with such various and contradictory passions, nothing less than the most consummate address in playing them one against another, wholesale and retail (if I may use the expression) can ensure us any tolerable lasting peace and security, either publicly or privately.
The "Defence, &c." I have read with much attention and pleasure. It was published very opportunely for our country; and except our experience should be contrary to that of all the nations of the world that have preceded us, its merit will continually appreciate in the mind of every free American—the author's great aim being to devise the most effectual method of preserving THAT LIBERTY, the cause of which, the labors of his life have been devoted to serve, and which none of the ancient governments have been found competent to securing.
At the time of passing the decree of the National Assembly, by which the King is deprived of the prerogative of making peace and war. Fifty thousand persons surrounded the place of meeting. Had the decision been different—bloodshed and carnage would probably have been the consequences.—This may be a democratical government—but surely it is not a free government.—Query, who governs France? The national Assembly; the people they represent; the national troops; or the mob of Paris?
We may talk of liberty to all eternity, and never enjoy the blessing—except our enthusiasm should lead to the erection of a sacred dome, in which the goddess may reside, viz. A just, an equal, and energetic form of government—in which the security of property is an object of equal attention, with the security of life.
DIED]—Mrs. ELIZABETH LAWRANCE, wife of the Hon. John Lawrance, Esq. of this city—member of Congress.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK. Schooner New-York Packet, Barnard, Boston 7 days. Sally, Patterson, Shelburne, 14. Sally, Hoyes, Baltimore. Ship Patriotius, Carvallia, Teneriffe, 52. Sloop Aurora, Cahone, Rhode-Island, 3. Polly, Godfrey, ditto. 1.
This Day published, And to be sold by THOMAS ALLEN, The American Museum, for August, 1790. CONTAINING, among many other interesting articles, several Letters from WARNER MIFFLIN, on the Quaker's petition to Congress, for the abolition of the Slave Trade.
said trees in the high-ways or streets, to the great injury of their neighbours.—A recent instance, which confirms the above, happened at Chatham, by which a person lost two cows who had eaten of this destructive poison.
BOSTON, August 13.
A man games at cards to win money for himself and family, that is unlawful. Again, he games at a tavern for money to be spent for the good of the house, this is also unlawful. Again, he games in a lottery to ease his neighbours of their taxes, wins the poor washer woman's money, carries off the prize in triumph, and leaves the poor woman half-distracted for her loss, yet this is lawful, because it is designed for the public good. Goody Two-shoes says the end sanctifies the means.
If the newspapers speak true, our American politicians have given a fresh proof of their superior ingenuity, by the new balances they have lately invented. Mr. Herschell's new invented glasses by which he has discovered planets never before seen by mortal eyes, has done him great honour. And a committee of our politicians have invented a curious pair of scales, by which political justice is weighed with such exactness as must do them honor. By experiments already made it appears, that if a man loaned government silver and gold, or supplied their armies with clothing and stores, 13 or 14 years ago, took their obligation promising payment of the principal of it in two or three years, with interest at 6 per cent. and now the whole principal is yet unpaid, and part of the interest, if the distressed creditor calls for his money, I say by this new discovery, it appears to be doing justice, to give him a new note in lieu of the older one, for 3ds of 3ds of the principal, payable before the coming in of the Jews, at 6 per cent. interest; also, another note for part of the remainder without interest for 10 years and another note for the remainder at 3 per cent interest payable before the millennium. This is that branch of justice which has lain hidden ever since the deluge, but now marvellously discovered by Americans. It is however to be lamented, that these scales will not weigh the justice of anything but old state debts with any certainty; otherwise I should be glad to weigh the pay of a committee man with them to see whether the payment of 3ds of 3ds of 6 dollars a day would not come as near to justice with him, as to pay off the old silver money loaner, at that rate, who loaned his money, and supplied the army, at a time when it was worth 20 per cent. to insure it from the enemy, and now worth 30 per cent. to insure it from friends and patriots.
HARTFORD, AUGUST 16.
The interest on the foreign debt has this year been paid; and there will remain in the Treasury at the end of the year a sum which, employed in a bank operation, may be very convenient in facilitating at once the payment of the duties and a prompt discharge of the quarterly interest.
It is sincerely to be regretted that so much of the public paper has heretofore been trifled away for the want of a criterion to ascertain its value, or indeed evidence that it would continue to be of any value at all. There are now data for calculation, which men of forecast will regard, and which, after a few payments of interest shall have been made, all will attend to. The flocks created by the new loan will average a profit of about four and an half per cent. which is more than real estate produces, and which in a shorter period of time probably than is generally imagined, will be near the rate which money in this country ought to produce in deposits unaccompanied with trouble and risk.
MIDDLETOWN, August 14.
Much has been said of the diminution of the population of the United States, to be dreaded from migrations to the western country. This apprehension is ill-founded. The increase of people in these states by births is 150,000 annually, being one twentieth part of the whole number of the inhabitants; whereas the migration to the western country, as stated lately in Congress, by the Hon. Mr. Brown, is only 15,000 annually on an average.
NEW-YORK, AUGUST 21.
We hear that the President of the United States had a very fine passage to Newport, at which place he arrived on Monday evening last—he was expected at Providence on Thursday, where preparations had been made for his reception.—He will probably arrive in this city this evening.
Yesterday arrived in this city, his Excellency ARTHUR ST. CLAIR, governor of the Western Territory.
On Thursday last Col. MCGILLIVRAY, and the other Chiefs of the Creek Nation, failed from this port for St. Mary's River, in high spirits, and greatly pleased with having concluded a Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the United States.
The issue of the negotiation with the Creeks, observes a correspondent, must give pleasure to every friend to humanity, and the peace and honor of the United States.—The solemn ratification of this just and equal Treaty, with which the Creeks appear to be so fully satisfied, and which has received the deliberate sanction of the President of the United States, and of the Senate, affords the happiest prospects of lasting peace and tranquility to our southern Frontiers.
Congressional electioneering is carried on with great spirit in several of the States: The merits of the Candidates are emblazoned to the public eye—doubtless by their friends; every error of the present Congress is pointed out with the finger of patriotism, and with infallible prescience it is now clearly seen how every difficult-

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, July 23.
Debate on the amendment of the Senate to the Funding Bill, to assume a part of the State Debts.
MR. SMITH. (S. C.)
Concluded.
THE opposition to the assumption was strongest from the States of Virginia and Maryland, and was founded in a belief that those States would be considerably injured by it. It had been said that they had extinguished a considerable portion of their State debts, and had placed the balance in a convenient train of settlement: the State of Virginia including Kentucky, he said, was a very large and opulent State, abounding in internal resources, and the exertions she had made towards the discharge of her debt ought not to be estimated by a comparison with other States, but by a reference to her own size and strength: exertions which might appear considerable when put in opposition to those of smaller States, would perhaps appear of less importance when her magnitude and vast resources were contemplated. The members from that State had not informed the house how much of her debt had been discharged, tho' they had generally spoken of a large sum; he had been informed that it did not in the whole exceed three millions of dollars; now this was surely a moderate sum to be raised in a period of eight years by a State which, according to a respectable author, might without inconvenience, even in the time of war, raise 1,500,000 dollars annually. But South-Carolina, a State of not half the size and population, had paid more than three millions of her debt, although she had unquestionably suffered much more by the war.
With respect to the State of Maryland, notwithstanding she had fortunately escaped the ravaging hand of the enemy, yet she was obliged to resort to her confiscated property as a fund for the discharge of her debt, while South-Carolina had, in pursuance of the treaty of peace, and the recommendation of Congress, liberally relinquished a mass of valuable confiscated property, with which she might long ago have sunk every farthing of her debt.
Upon investigation it did not then appear that those States were entitled to more applause for their exertions, or would be more injured by the assumption than other States; but admitting, he said, that their exertions have been considerable, they will obtain a credit for them in the final settlement, and will become creditor States in proportion to their advances. The assumption will be favorable to both the debtor and creditor States; the former will be relieved from their debts, and will not be compelled to pay their balances by direct taxes which they otherwise must do; the latter can receive their balances by no other process; after the assumption, there will be more creditor than debtor States, consequently there will be a majority in both houses to enforce a settlement and payment. The advantages to the States in general will be considerable; relieved from a grievous pressure of State debt, and from an expensive mode of taxation, they will apply their internal resources to the improvement of their manufactures, the opening their inland navigation, and the encreasing of their exports.
The non-assumption will be productive of endless embarrassments; some States were unable to discharge their debts with the aid of the impost and excise; how will they be equal to it, deprived of those resources, or having only a partial assistance from the latter? If the Union should resort to the excise as well as the impost, the States will have nothing left but direct taxation, and can they with that resource alone defray their civil list and contingent annual expenses, and sink their debts? The States will be compelled to carry on a warfare of revenue against each other: manufactures protected by duties in a manufacturing State will be crushed by a heavy excise in a consuming State; excise will be laid on impost, and impost will be laid against excise, and the people will be ground between the rival systems. One of the principal causes of the present government was the mischief resulting from a contrariety of commercial regulations in the different States; the non-assumption will renew these embarrassments—will defeat one of the main objects of the constitution, and be repugnant to its very principles; the meeting at Annapolis had in view a uniform system of commercial regulations and duties and from that meeting sprung the present constitution. The rejection of this measure will induce a repetition of all those clashing systems which were so injurious to our trade and manufactures.
As the assumption relates to the government of the United States, there can be no doubt that viewing it as a federal question, it will be a measure which will contribute to the more durable union of the States and will greatly facilitate the collection of the revenue. It will be just and politic; just, because the expenses were incurred in the common cause, and ought to be paid from the common treasury; and because Congress are exclusively possessed of the best resources of the country; politic, because the State systems of revenue will obstruct and injure the national system and impair the credit of the United States. These considerations should have weight with those who are specially appointed to administer this government.—In a great national question they should not suffer local considerations to warp their judgment and influence a vote on which perhaps the very existence of the union may depend. Will it be denied that there will be a clashing between the States on the subject of taxes and excises, that there will be heart burnings on the part of the State creditors who will be left destitute while ample provision is made for the continental creditors; that many of them will not only connive at frauds in the revenue, but will even promote them to reduce the continental creditor to a level with themselves, that smuggling, instead of being viewed as a crime against the union, will be deemed an innocent act, and even become popular; because those who think themselves abandoned by the government will feel themselves justified in thwarting the collection of a revenue which is to be distributed with so partial a hand; shall one creditor be ruined because he happened to be a citizen of a State, distant from the residence of Congress, and received State securities, while another, perhaps less meritorious (for he might not have been a voluntary creditor) will have the principal and interest of his debt well funded, and a conformable subsistence provided for the remainder of his days? Shall the bare circumstance of a continental commissioner not going into a distant State till a considerable time after the peace, to liquidate the claims of its' citizens, deprive them of a compensation for their services, or a retribution for their property employed in the common cause? Or shall the sufferings of a State during the war be aggravated at the peace, by saddling her with the payment of a large debt incurred for general purposes? When these reflections rush on the minds of the State creditors, would it be surprising that they should abhor a government by which they shall be treated with such palpable injustice? But it is contended that justice will be done them by leaving the payment of their demands to the several States? And that justice will be also done to those States which have made greater exertions than others on a final settlement of accounts. With respect to the latter observation, it cannot be urged with sincerity by those who have declared themselves persuaded that no settlement will ever take place, and who have relied on that circum-
stance as an argument against the assumption, because, say they, it is unjust that the States which have made considerable efforts since the peace to discharge their debts, should be taxed a second time to contribute towards the debts of other States; when this objection is obviated, by telling them that on a final settlement of accounts, they will have credit for these payments, and that the smaller the debt which is assumed by the union, the larger will be their balance as creditor States, they ridicule the idea of any final adjustment of accounts; now when it is declared that the assumption is necessary to do justice to those States which made the most considerable exertions to repel the enemy, we are referred for that justice to a final settlement of accounts. But either there will be a settlement or there will not; If there will be a settlement, no injustice will be done by the assumption to the States which have already paid off a portion of their debts, for on such settlement they will have credit for their payments with interest, and will have their advances refunded: If there will not be a settlement, the argument in favor of the assumption is unanswerable, for it is the only mode by which justice can be done to the States which were most exposed to the attacks of the enemy, and made the greatest advances in the common defence. But if there be no settlement, I shall be asked how is retribution to be made to the States which have cancelled part of their debts since the war; will not the assumption be injurious to them? I answer in a considerably smaller degree than the non-assumption to the others; because their ability to discharge part of their debt since the peace is a strong proof that they sustained little injury by the war; and although they should contribute to the discharge of the debts of the suffering States, it would be no more than equalizing the expenses and burdens of war. Let us however inquire by what extraordinary exertions some States have reduced their debts, and if in the progress of our inquiry we should find that they have got rid of their debts, in some instances with little difficulties to themselves, and in others with little benefit to their creditors, we shall not be ready to allow them so much merit for their exertion as they wish to obtain.—Some have paid no interest to their creditors for a number of years, but have cut down the capital of the debt at once, by a sale of confiscated property, or vacant and useless lands.—In this case the State made no exertions; her citizens were not taxed, nor was her government put to any inconvenience or difficulty—the property of her enemies, which Congress at the peace recommended to them to restore, or unappropriated back lands were applied to the discharge of the debt, while the creditor, after waiting several years without receiving any interest on his certificate was obliged to receive the principal in confiscated property of wild lands, at an extravagant price. Others have discharged their debts with depreciated paper or by taxes payable in the principal of their debt, or by other arrangements as little burdensome to the State as advantageous to the creditor. No material injury therefore can result to these States, even should they never have credit for such payments.
Mr. Smith then observed, that the justice, policy, expediency, and even necessity of the assumption being evident in every view in which it could be contemplated, and the mischiefs which would flow from a rejection of it being equally obvious and alarming, he trusted it would on a further consideration be agreed to. A funding system without it would want the only basis on which it could stand; justice and the consent of the people were necessary for its existence; should it appear to them partial and unjust, its operation would be embarrassed, and the continental creditors themselves would be the first persons to lament the absence of that necessary ingredient without which it would be vain and ineffectual. He then replied to some of Mr. Jackson's observations.
REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
IN vulgar speech, the word got answers a great variety of purposes: A man has got a horse; has got his house done: has got his leg broke; has got his wheat to reap; has got to go to work: A boy has got to get his lesson, or has got his lesson to get: In short, if I attempt to mention a thousandth part of the ways by which this poor got is abused, I should have a task indeed. Let any farmer who comes from his field and sits down to read this paper, ask himself whether it is not quite as easy to say he has a horse, as to say, he has got a horse, and easier to say he must go, than to say, he has got to go. Let me ask whether it does not sound better to say, "he must get a cart," than to say, "he has got to get a cart?" If he should think this a matter of no consequence, I can only lose my labor of writing—no harm will be done.
Again; it is a custom with our modest country people to ask questions thus; you don't want any corn, do you? You have not any rum to sell, have you, you don't want to buy veal, do you? New-England people are much laughed at, for this singular practice; and indeed it is ridiculous. Let me ask our market people why it is not just as easy to ask a question decently and directly at once; do you want to buy veal; or, will you buy corn? One would think it best to finish the business directly and handsomely.
And here let me suggest to my countrymen a little more decision in answering questions. If I ask a man a civil question, I want a direct answer: I want no round about indirect answers, such as, I don't much care if I do; I don't know but I will; I can't tell whether I will or not. There may be cases when such an indecisive answer is necessary; but if I ask a man to eat or drink, or take a ride with me, I want no such answers as, "Why, I don't care much if I do."
How many ate there left? Said I to a man standing by me; ne'er a one, replied he. Ne'er a one, ne'er a one, said I; this is not English. Never a one, never a one; this is Irish or Scotch, it certainly is not English. So when I ask a man, how many horses he keeps, he tells me, he keeps never a one. This is odd indeed! But when he says he has none, this is plain intelligible English. [American Mercury.]
LONDON, JUNE 7.
OUR Constitution if kept upon its original purity, is far superior to any of the boasted republics of antiquity. In Rome, whose constitution was an improvement on the Grecian models, the citizens elected their Consuls, Prators, Tribunes of the people, &c. but the Senate was an hereditary body, and all powers might be said to be committed to their hands; for though the Tribunes, who sat in the porch of the Senate House, might give their "Veto" to any law, yet the whole of them must agree, as one dissentient voice would set aside the negative of the rest. In these kingdoms, however, we elect our Senators, and were but the Boroughs reformed, our form of constitutional government would come as near to perfection, as any political institution can possibly admit.
When the news of the late defeat of the Patriots reached Namur, several citizens, well affected to the house of Austria, expressed the highest satisfaction at the event. This was imprudent. But when they saw a number of wounded men brought from the Patriot army to the hospitals of Namur, their exultations increased, which doubtless were inhuman.
In the utmost consternation at the rumours of a defeat, and enraged at the treachery and info-
lence of the Royal party, the populace assembled attacked, pillaged, and completely demolished three houses belonging to the Royalists. A child was accidentally killed in the tumults.
On the 22d, the populace again assembled for the purpose of devastation and revenge, but the garrison troops joined the armed citizens and defeated their designs.
The excesses were again renewed on the 23d, at night, and the house of a Bookseller was destroyed, and himself thrown out of a Window.
An Irish Gentleman being lately asked what he thought of Gen. Burgoyne's abilities, replied—"that, as a military man, he was a decent farce writer." Being asked what he meant by that, Sir Patrick replied—"the General wrote a good farce in England, and acted a bad one in America."
Nothing has yet transpired concerning Doctor Warton's literary occupations at the time of his death. It has been generally believed that he had undertaken a new edition of the Paradise Lost, at the particular request of his Majesty, and as he was peculiarly qualified both in critical talents and taste to do honor to such a work, we hope to hear that it is at least in such a state of advancement as to admit of publication.
COALITION BETWEEN FRANCE AND SPAIN, AND ITS NATURAL EFFECTS:
The Grandees of Spain about 300 years ago sold the liberties of the people to the then Monarch, the ancient constitution of every province being governed by its own peculiar laws was abolished, and a new system adopted, which obliged the Nobility, Clergy, and Representatives of the people to meet, confirm, and record the decrees of the Sovereign, without allowing them a negative on any occasion.
This arbitrary mode seemed so well formed for carrying into execution the oppressive views of tyranny, that Cardinals Richlieu and Mazarine, effected its establishment in France, deprived the twelve Provinces of their privilege of making laws, or rather giving their assent or dissent to arrests, passed by the King for the Government of the Empire, and thereby made France a Monarchy as absolute as Spain in every other respect, except on the point of deciding upon civil actions.
The riots in Dublin have been of a very alarming nature, the election mobs sweeping all before them. Several persons have lost their lives in consequence of the Military being obliged to fire on the deluded hirelings of the party in that kingdom. The election for the city of Dublin, concluded something like our Westminster election, the mobility of weavers polling over and over again, in consequence of which, the Duke of Leinster's brother, and Mr. Grattan, have been returned by a large majority. The county of Dublin election is also finished, and Sir Edward Newenham and Mr. Talbot returned. Mr. Talbot is one of those independent gentlemen who mean to support government.
ADVERTISEMENT.
PURSUANT to a Resolve or act of Congress of the 10th day of May, 1780, relative to the destruction of Loan-Office Certificates by accident; notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that on the 2d day of January 1780, the house occupied by the Subscribing in Market-Street, Philadelphia, took fire and was consumed, in which was lodged a number of Loan-Office certificates as pr. list below, all which were destroyed by the said fire: Therefore if any person, hath any objection why the said Certificates should not be renewed, agreeable to the resolves of Congress, they must make them before the expiration of three months, from the date hereof.
Invoice of Loan-Office Certificates destroyed in the house of John Holker on the 2d day of January 1780.
   1778. No. Dols.     March 13. 1636 1 Samuel Cooke, jun. New-York, 600   1673 1 ditto. do. 600   Dollars, 1200.  
In testimony whereof, I have signed the present for publication. New-York, July 26th, 1790. HOLKER.
TO BE LET,
On very low terms—and entered upon immediately, until the first of May next.
THAT elegant new TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, in the Bowery-Lane, formerly occupied by ROBERT GILBERT LIVINGSTON, deceased; it has seven Fire Places with a good Cellar under the whole House—a convenient out-House in the rear, with a Coach-House, and Stables; for further particulars enquire of MANGLE MINTHORN. (2 w. f. f.) Corporation Dock.
This day published, And to be sold by THOMAS ALLEN, Queen-Street, corner of Fly-Market, A COLLECTION OF ESSAYS AND FUGITIVE WRITINGS, On various subjects. By NOAH WEBSTER, Jr.
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA, LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
Dr. Price's Revolution Sermon may be had of the Editor.—Price 1/7.