Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-05-05 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 7, of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, MAY 5, 1790.
[WHOLE No. III.]
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUTZAC.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of Intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
COPENHAGEN, 26 Dec. 1789.
THE day before yesterday the Supreme Tribunal, which revised the process of the conspiracy to burn the Russian and Danish fleets in our ports, pronounced definite judgment, by which the Sieur Benzelskierna is condemned to be beheaded. His accomplices, O'Brien, and Shields, to public labor for life. The only hope which at present remains for the unfortunate Swift's officer, is in the King's clemency.
Extract of a letter from Paris, 31 Dec.
The Marquis and Marchioness de Favras were apprehended on the night of the 24th and 25th. They were accused of setting on foot a plot to assassinate M. Neckar, the Marquis de la Fayette, and M. Bailly, to fill Paris with armed people, carry off the King, &c. On the morning of the 26th, Monsieur the King's brother, had an interview with the Marquis and M. Bailly—in consequence of which it is presumed, that he formed the resolution of addressing the Commons of Paris in person, to refute the odious measures imputed to him. He was received, by the Representatives and the Saltesies with every mark of applause, and placed in an armed chair on the left side of the Mayor.
M. Bailly answered his speech in terms expressive of the favorable ideas which the Commons of Paris entertained of the Brother of a King, who was the Restorer of French Liberty, complimented him on his having shown himself as the first citizen of the kingdom, by voting for the third estate in the second Assembly of the Notables. He concluded with offering him, in the name of the Assembly, the tribute of respect and acknowledgment which were due to his sentiments—the honor of his presence, and more particularly to the value he set on the esteem of Freemen.
M. Bailly's discourse was received with the loudest acclamations, and a cry of No pardon! No pardon for those who had accused him in so heinous a manner, as to associate his name with those guilty people. Monsieur however expressed his desires to pursue lenient measures. M. and Madame Favras have been committed prisoners to the Abby de St. Germain, as guilty of treason against the nation.
Monsieur not satisfied with justifying himself before the commons of Paris, conceived the matter of so serious a nature as to induce him to write a letter to the national Assembly on the subject, which was read on Monday 20th December, after which the DUKE DE LEVIS, proposed, that the committee of enquiry of the national Assembly "should take immediate measures with those of the city of Paris, to report as soon as possible concerning the affairs of M. de FAVRAS, and what they may discover respecting the injurious libel against Monsieur." M. Alexander de LAMETS observed on this motion, "that although Monsieur was the first citizen of the kingdom, like other citizens he was subject to the laws, that the Assembly ought not to order a particular search warrant for a libel, in his favor, that this matter ought to be referred to the proper tribunals, that the CHATELET having already taken up the business, it ought to rest there." M. le CHAPELIER, and the Count de MIRABEAU supporting the same principles, the Assembly decreed that there was no necessity to deliberate on the subject.
Previous to the discussion on Monsieur's letter, the Assembly after a long and animated debate decreed, that the several provincial States and departments should deliver up all accounts, papers and proceedings relative to the administration of the several departments, to the persons appointed to succeed them by the national Assembly, who are to investigate all accounts for the last ten years; excepting those of the treasurers and receivers deceased, and also such accounts as have been adjudged by the superior courts.
After which it was decreed without much difficulty "that in those provinces where the municipal officers possess the exercise of jurisdiction in civil and litigated matters, they should continue provisionally, the same functions as heretofore, until the organization of the judiciary powers."
THE BRAVE ENGLISHMAN.
LONDON, FEB. 11.
MR. NESHEM, the young midshipman, whose gallantry in saving the life of M. PLANTAIN, at the instant when a savage mob were, from the similitude of his face and height to those of a Nobleman of the Aristocratic party, hurrying him to execution, procured the decree of a Civic Crown, and a Sword of the uniform of the National Guard, from the Assembly of the Commons of Paris, is daily expected in England. The President, in communicating the decree to Mr. Neshem, addressed him in the following terms:
"YOUNG STRANGER, "You have merited well of the capital of the French Empire, in saving a citizen which is dear to it, at the hazard of your own life! The Assembly of the Commons wishes to acquit itself of the debt, by presenting you with its acknowledgments. "After the example of Rome, in the days of its glory and liberty, it presents you with a Civic Crown, as the reward of your virtue. "It arms you with the sword of the National Guard, to be the future instrument of your courage. Your parents will there read, and not without interest, the inscription of your generous achievement."
"When on your return you shall meet the regard of your country—you shall say, that you have seen, on the banks of the Seine, a people brave and generous—too long addicted to frivolity—but who now enjoy with pleasure the occasion of recompensing virtue—You will tell them, that free nations are as brethren—that France and England owe to each other a reciprocal esteem, and that the object most worthy the ambition of each is—to insure the general happiness of humanity!"
We have seen French papers which contain the particulars of the above event—and we have taken some pains to ascertain them—as, while they testify to the intrepidity of the gallant Englishman—they are strikingly demonstrable of the gratitude of our allies: It seems that M. Plantaire had been seized by the mob, who, mob-like, were hurrying him to the fatal lamp-post for execution, without a hearing—The National Guards, under the Marquis de la Fayette, were marching to his rescue: But the cord was tied round his neck, and his body almost suspended in the air, when Mr. Neshem, knowing M. Plantaire's innocence, rushed through the crowd to prevent the execution: He was told that he risked his life in the attempt—to this he replied, "That he had rather do that, than an innocent man should suffer"—and immediately with his sword, cut the halter, just above M. Plantaire's head. Before the mob could again make it fast, M. Plantaire was rescued—and thus through the bravery of a stranger, preserved to his country.  Mafia. Centinel.
CHURCHES.
London, how magnificent—how populous. London, from the number of its churches, must be the most religious city in the world—yet the churches of London are seldom full—generally empty—For, in London, religion is a trade carried on by gospel-managers, in gospel-shops.—One, two, three,—hundred methodist meeting-houses, in each of which the Preacher goes upon this text, " I am the way. " What, is there but one way to heaven? O, many ways—in London, there are as many ways pointed out for a man's soul, to journey towards heaven, as towards the opposite point—and each has its Overseers.
You may go to heaven by the new light, or the old light; thro' the Moravian half-penny hatch—the Muggletonian foot-path—the turn-stiles of methodism, or a hundred other ways, laid down in the geography of the different preachers—but then each of these ways has its parallel, that leads to a different climate.
LEYDEN, [United Provinces.] FEB. 16.
By letters from New York, of so late a date as 8th Jan. last, we are informed, that on that very day, the Congress of the United States of America met for the 2d time since the adoption of the New Constitution, to which even North-Carolina had lately acceded. On the solemn occasion, the illustrious WASHINGTON opened the sessions by delivering a speech full of congratulations and exhortations, absolutely on the model of those delivered in Parliament by the King of England, with the following difference only in the way of dressing.
1st—Co-citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives. &c. 2d—Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, &c. 3d—Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, &c. "I have directed the proper officers to lay before you the papers and estimates," &c.
This we observe, to show not only that very little is wanting to Mr. WASHINGTON to be something like a King; but that let the first magistrate of any country bear the title that fancy may ap-
propriate to him, the time is at hand, when all European governments must be modelled upon those of OLD and New-England: Mankind will hear no more of absolute Monarchy. The King of the French has given up the offensive motto, GOD AND MY SWORD ; all the Potentates are aware of the necessity of following the wise example: They are only anxious how to meet the will of the people with something like good grace.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 31.
The proposition for assuming the State debts under consideration.
MR. SMITH (S. C.) replied to Mr. Williamson, he said he was not afraid of the assumption business losing ground by a reconsideration. He was sorry to hear that North-Carolina would be defrauded of half a million by the measure, but he believed there was more probability of a fraud being committed, if no assumption was to take place. Part of the gentleman's reasoning, said Mr. Smith goes more in favor of the measure than against it; and the remainder of his arguments are not difficult to refute.
The gentleman has observed that it was imprudent to add to the debt, which was already a large one, by the assumption; that the amount of the state debts was uncertain, and that a door was still to be opened to encrease them: It is not adding to a debt, Mr. Smith said, to acknowledge those we owe, and we have already resolved that Congress owes these debts which have been improperly called state debts, because they were incurred for general purposes; it is not a wanton act, but an honest avowal, that these debts ought to be paid by the union—their actual amount is immaterial if they are due. Has not the house declared they will fund the domestic debt, and is that all liquidated? There are eighty millions of continental bills still unsettled, a man cannot refuse paying a just debt because he is not acquainted with the precise amount of all his debts; no door is opened to new claims from individuals, but only a permission to the states to bring forward their claims, this will not encrease the amount of the state debts, for they are already liquidated by the several states, it will only affect the final settlement between the states and the United States. The same member has said, that North-Carolina owes to her citizens a large debt, amounting to several millions which she has assumed, and which Congress ought to pay, and he adduces that as an argument against the assumption, when in fact it is the strongest reason he could have offered to shew its justice and propriety; for it would be the height of injustice to burden that state with the payment of a large sum which she does not owe; but if the measure is wrong, he would vote against it, although it should be for the interest of North-Carolina. In this the gentleman was to be commended; but the committee of the whole, after fair discussion, had declared the measure to be right; if it was right when that vote was taken, an adventitious circumstance could not make it wrong. Suppose North-Carolina had not acceded, then the measure would have been declared a right one by a decided majority; its accession cannot make it a wrong one, especially when it is so obvious that it will be for her interest.
We are cautioned against the imprudence of undertaking what we cannot pay; but either the state debts are to be paid, or they are not. If they are never to be paid, I give up the argument; if they are to be paid, and that is admitted on all sides, then I am clear it will be more easy for Congress to pay them than the states, it will require less money to be levied on the people. The resources are the same, whether they are paid by the one or the other; but the collection will be more simple and economical in the one case than in the other. The only question is, whether these resources shall flow into the pockets of the creditors through one channel or through thirteen. The Secretary of the Treasury has assured us he has ample funds for the purpose, and others in reserve, without laying a land-tax; his calculations have been questioned, but as he is a responsible officer, who has undoubtedly contemplated the subject with attention, and whose reputation is in some measure pledged for the accuracy of his reports, I am inclined to give credit to them, until I hear them refuted. From his calculations it is evident, that the state debts may be funded with the greatest ease by the union, and with infinitely more advantage to the people in general than by the several states. To prove our inability, we have been told, that the inhabitants of France who reside in Paris, contribute each 64 livres annually, and those who dwell in the country 19 livres, to the government. Apply this to the citizens of the United States, and what will be the result: Suppose 200,000 inhabitants dwelling in towns, paying annually 64 livres, or fourteen dollars, this would furnish the sum of 2,800,000 dollars: And suppose 3,800,000 inhabitants residing in the country, paying nineteen livres, or three and an half dollars, this would give 9,800,000 dollars, making together the aggregate sum of 12,600,000 dollars; but the sum required for the interest on the debt, including those of the several states and the civil list, is only 3,840,000 dollars, leaving a surplus revenue of 8,760,000 dollars. Thus the instance which the gentleman cites, to prove the inadequacy of our resources, has a direct contrary effect, and if applicable contradicts his own assertions.
It is said that the impost will be inadequate to the purpose, and is uncertain, and that a poll and land tax, which may be collected with greater certainty, are to be deprecated, because they would be odious to the people. I admit that if the state creditors are excluded from the benefits of the impost, it will be insufficient even to discharge the interest on the continental debt, because the obstructions which will be thrown in its way by the state legislatures in funding the state debts, and the facility which will be given to smuggling by the injured state creditors, will considerably reduce the avails of the impost which may be laid for that purpose; but if the state creditors who are considerably more numerous than the other class are included in the provision, they will have an interest in supporting the due collection of the revenue, and the general popularity of the impost will ensure its operation. If the citizens of North-Carolina deprecate a direct tax, they will find their advantage in the assumption; for if they are left to fund their own debts, they must resort to direct taxes; they are deprived of the impost altogether; little or no revenue can be drawn from a state excise—they must therefore raise all their supplies by a direct tax. One or other of these consequences must therefore ensue; either that state must distress her citizens annually by imposing an enormous direct tax payable in good money, or she must defraud her creditors by paying them off in a depreciated paper.—These are hard alternatives, but they are the inevitable consequences of a non-assumption.
The member from that state has said that her citizens, though numerous, are not wealthy. This is another reason, in my judgement, why the assumption would be advantageous to them; for citizens who are not wealthy, contribute less to the revenue by impost than by direct taxes. A poor man pays as much by a poll-tax as a rich man; but each individual pays by an impost only in

"Not for himself he sees, or hears, or eats, Artists must chuse his pictures, music, meats."
THE taste of the world is regulated by very few persons. This may seem the more strange, as few people approve of the fashions they are compelled to follow. It is not easy to account for it, that in a land of freedom where men are left, in most respects, to pursue what their inclination dictates, so many persons should lead a life totally the reverse of what they wish. A man seems, as it were, to give up his natural independence of temper, the moment he begins to live in fashion. He never can consult his convenience, and not often the particular cast of his fancy, in the choice of his food or apparel. The privilege of choosing for one's self is surrendered by every one, who would be supposed fashionable. A man of finished taste must seldom eat what he likes, or wear what is convenient for him. As no great harm results from this kind of self denial, in a general way, it is not my intention to complain of it. There is however some regard to be paid to reason and nature, in the regulation of our dress. Though taste cannot be managed by any rules which admit of demonstration, there is nevertheless, in some things, a natural propriety which ought not to be overlooked.
For instance, dress should be accommodated to the season and climate. The laws of fashion can never control the constitution of our bodies in such a manner, that the people of a cold climate can, without real impropriety, borrow their modes of dress, from the inhabitants of a warmer one. French fashions may be, in themselves, superior to those of any other nation, but they illly apply to the situation of the Northern parts of the United States. The furs of Russia are much better adapted to our winters, than the silks of France. It is not a matter of consequence in point of expense, what country we imitate in our dress, because if we are industrious, we can afford to wear what we please. But when we consider how the health is affected, it becomes an affair of serious moment, to whom we look for direction in forming our taste. It would discover more real good sense to form our own—but as this would be troublesome, I do not expect we shall ever be so independent. Foreigners remark that the ladies of America lose their bloom, and impair their vivacity at a very early period of life. I am of the opinion that the irregularity of our climate is the principal cause of this unfortunate fact. Perhaps this is a misfortune against which there is no perfect remedy. The effects of it, however, may be partly counteracted, and our women may preserve their health and vivacity much longer than they do. There is no doubt, that a warmer dress in the Winter, than is usually worn by our females, would meliorate their Constitution, and contribute to their happiness. These few hints, I hope will be enlarged upon, by some person of leisure and reflection.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
A PARAGRAPH under the New-York head, published in your Gazette of this day, has these words, "In this age of refinement, when even tyrants are taught moderation, and slaves their rights, I am surprised that the attempt to repeal the British (religious) Test Laws, has not succeeded." In the next sentence, it is said, that Mr. Pitt, and by an inference the British Legislature, treats the claim of an equality of rights as an extravagant delusion of the mind." And then the question is asked, "Is there a village in America, where this doctrine of Mr. Pitt's would be approved?"
Was the writer to learn that there are not only villages in America where this doctrine of Mr. Pitt's would be approved—but that it is a fundamental principle in the government of Six of the Twelve United States. I allude to those States which have clauses in their Constitutions to the following effect—That no person shall be eligible to a seat in the Legislature, unless he be of the Protestant Religion. I do not by this remark intend to support the decision of the British parliament, I lament it, and hope it may be soon reversed—nor do I add that a circumstance like this is a reproach upon the 18th century, as your paragraphist has asserted—I know that we approach perfection but by slow degrees.
From the first settlement of this Continent toleration dawned upon the land—it brightened upon it as the United States withdrew from under the shadow of Britain—and the Constitution recently established marks the meridian splendor of that luminary. I trust its benign influence will chase away the few clouds of prejudice which still rest upon us—May we, by our example, induce the world to respect the equal rights of men and citizens—and not declaim against what we daily practice.
VERBO SAT.
proportion to his riches. He contends, however, that a direct tax, though it would be obnoxious to the people, if collected by continental authority, would be acceptable, if levied by the authority of the states. When we advert to the funding systems of the several states, we shall find them less beneficial to the people than is imagined. The mode of issuing certificates for interest, and calling them in by a direct tax, is injurious both to the creditors and to the other citizens. The creditor is heavily taxed in order to pay himself; money is taken from him in the first instance to pay him the interest on his debt; the poorer part of the community who are unprovided with these certificates delay purchasing them till they are pressed for their taxes, and then they are supplied at an enhanced rate by an accommodating speculator, or a friendly collector, who had previously bought them up for the purpose; the creditor receives no benefit, the public derive no advantage, the citizens are heavily taxed, and the speculators get all the profit.
The constant fluctuation in their schemes of finance is another distressing circumstance to the citizens. In one session those who have purchased public property for which they are to pay in state paper, and which it becomes their interest to depreciate, gain the ascendancy and carry measures productive of that effect. In the next, the holders of the state paper preponderate, and in their turn procure a system which will appreciate the paper. Thus the people are embarrassed and distressed by these speculations and contentions.
The numerous tax collectors in the different states is another cause of expense and inconvenience to the citizens. A direct tax in every state would require, under state regulations, at least 1300 collectors, all of whom must be paid by the people for their trouble. There is another consequence resulting from direct taxes of a very serious nature—Individuals are too apt to neglect making provision for their taxes in due season; executions are issued against them, their property is levied upon and they have ultimately to pay poundage and constable fees, which sometimes amount to more than the tax itself. All these grievances are removed by resorting to the impost, and that species of revenue will alone be nearly competent to provide for the state debts, if assumed by the union. Even should Congress resort to direct taxation (and some members from the southern states have expressed a predilection for it) there is no doubt that it would be levied in a mode adapted to the particular habits and convenience of every state; for by the constitution it is not required that taxes, like duties and excise should be uniform; and as each state has its particular representation in this house, it is evident that the accommodation of the different parts of the union would be consulted: It would also be levied with more economy under one system than under thirteen.
The cession which the state of North-Carolina has made to the United States is said to contain a provision which is opposed to the assumption: the provision referred to only relates to the final adjustment of the accounts between the individual states; for it requires that in such adjustment the lands ceded, and the inhabitants belonging thereto, shall not be estimated in ascertaining the proportion of North-Carolina with the other states in the common expense occasioned by the war.
An amendment proposed by that state to the constitution has also been expatiated on, as manifesting her aversion to this measure; it is rather extraordinary that this construction should be given to the amendment, when the house have been told that the idea of an assumption was never contemplated in that state; indeed it was improbable the citizens of that country should endeavor to guard against a measure, the bare possibility of which had never occurred to them. An attentive examination of that amendment will prove that it evinces no such intention as has been attributed to it; as it relates expressly to all the states, it could not have had North-Carolina exclusively in view, nor was it designed to guard against any interference with her state paper alone: As it particularly relates to an interference by Congress or the judiciary, it proves an apprehension of some interference by the federal courts, which could not be involved in a question of assumption; it is therefore evident that the true interpretation of that amendment is that the convention of that state were apprehensive of some interposition of the judicial courts of the United States, in enforcing payment of her state securities. That it does not relate to the question of assumption is clear, because were it calculated to prevent an assumption, it would have said so in explicit terms, and declared that Congress should not pay her state debts; and because the gentleman from that state has informed the committee that they never dreamt of an assumption. North-Carolina, is unwilling that Congress should dictate to her how she should discharge her debt, but it does not appear that she has any objection to Congress assuming and paying it themselves.
Admit however the full force of the remark, and it would tend to restrain Congress from funding even the continental and foreign debt without the assent of two thirds of the members present in both houses; for another amendment from that state requires that no navigation law, or law regulating commerce should pass except in the above mode; and the funding system cannot go into operation without such laws. The gentleman however would have no objection; he says, to the assumption, provided security could be given that there would be a settlement of the accounts of the several states, but there is no such proviso in the amendment; if it has in view the assumption, it is opposed to it under any modification whatsoever. How can he then reconcile his state to a vote given in contradiction to their express sentiments, merely because the business would be put in a shape which is palatable to himself, is not this another proof that the amendment did not relate to the assumption?
Another local objection is started from that state: It is said that she has issued paper money with which she has bought up and paid off certificates, and which paper money she must lay taxes to redeem, and if Congress do not assume that paper, as part of her debt, she will be under the necessity of paying taxes to sink it, and at the same time of contributing her proportion of revenue for the debts of other states, and that this would be defrauding her of half a million of dollars, the amount of the paper so emitted. If that state has sunk a part of her debt, Congress will have less to assume on her account in proportion to the sum discharged, there will be consequently a smaller charge against her in the ultimate settlement, and she will become a creditor state in the same proportion; if therefore she has bought in her own certificates under par, or paid them off with paper in a depreciated state, she has been a gainer by the negotiation, and is in a better condition than those states which have not had this advantage: The revenue she will contribute will be applied as well to the payment of her own debts as those of other states, which will also contribute their proportion to the payment of her debts. But no measures, it is said, are in forwardness for the completion of this settlement. Commissioners of accounts have been engaged a considerable time in this business, and are now pursuing it with the assistance of a numerous body of clerks, and are in a train of settlement. Should other measures be thought requisite to expedite and insure the adjustment, Congress may accompany the assumption with a bill making special and effectual provision for that object. North-Carolina it is said, is apprehensive least some securities of that state which were fraudulently issued should be funded by the union, and charged to her account; how will they be charged to her account if there is to be no settlement of the accounts, and the member from that state says he is persuaded there is to be none? She will then receive the benefit of those securities, and the citizens of the other states will pay her the interest on them; if they are sold to speculators, at all events she or her citizens have received a consideration for them: But either that state will be able to detect the fraud, or she will not; if she can discover the fraud, so can Congress; they will therefore be rejected, and there is no ground of apprehension; if the fraud is not liable to detection, then at any rate North-Carolina must pay them; inasmuch therefore as it is for her interest that they should be paid by Congress rather than by herself, this circumstance is rather an argument in favor of the assumption.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, APRIL 30.
SEVERAL petitions and memorials were read. The engrossed bill for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts, and other writings, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the time therein mentioned, passed the house.
On motion, a committee, consisting of Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Scott and Mr. Seney, was appointed to bring in a bill to alter one of the places for holding the district court in Pennsylvania.
The bill to authorise the issuing certificates to a certain description of officers, was read a first time.
A message from the President of the United States, informing the house that the bill to regulate the military establishment of the United States has received his assent.
Mr. Gerry, Mr. Burke and Mr. White were appointed a committee to report a catalogue of books for the use of the house.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, for prescribing the mode in which the acts, records and judicial proceedings of the several states shall be authenticated, so as to take effect in any other state.—The bill being gone through with, the committee rose, and the house agreed to the same, and ordered it to be engrossed for a third reading.
The bill making compensation to John Ely, was agreed to, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Gerry, from the committee appointed for the purpose, brought in a bill for the adjusting and finally settling the accounts of the Baron de Steuben, which was read the first time.
A committee of five members was appointed to consider of, and report the period from which the President, Vice-President, Senators and members of the House of Representatives are to date the commencement of the time for which, by the constitution, they are elected to serve, and also to report upon such other matters as may relate to said business.
IN SENATE.—FRIDAY APRIL 30.
The Senate proceeded, agreeably to the order of the day, to consider the motion made yesterday, viz. That the doors of the Senate Chamber shall be open when the Senate is sitting in their legislative capacity—to the end that such of the citizens of the United States as may chuse to hear the debates of this house, may have an opportunity of so doing—and the question being taken it passed in the negative.
MONDAY, MAY 3.
The bill to prescribe the mode, in which the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of each State shall be authenticated, so as to take effect in every other State—and
The bill to allow compensation to Col. John Ely for his attendance as a Physician and Surgeon to the American prisoners on Long-Island, were read the third time and passed the house.
The bill to authorise issuing certificates to a certain description of invalid officers was read the second time, and ordered to be engrossed.
The bill for adjusting and satisfying the claims of the Baron de Steuben, was read the second time and referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. Fitzsimons reported a bill for the regulation and government of the seamen in the Merchants service—which was read a first and second time.
Mr. Lee presented a petition from the inhabitants of Alexandria, respecting certain clauses in the tonnage act—read and referred to the committee on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, relative to the defects in the revenue laws.
On motion of Mr. Goodhue, the report of the committee on the petition of the inhabitants of Portsmouth, (N. H.) respecting an enhanced duty on foreign tonnage, was read—This report proposes that an additional duty of one dollar per ton be laid on foreign bottoms, and 10 per cent additional impost on goods imported from ports in which American vessels are not permitted to enter. This was referred to a committee of the whole house on Friday next.
On motion of Mr. Smith, (S. C.) it was voted, that the accounts of the Treasurer of the United States should be printed, and annexed to the Journals of the house.
Mr. Gerry suggested the propriety of reading those reports on petitions, from the heads of departments, which negative the prayers of such petitions, as well as those in favor of granting them—as, he observed, the contrary practice is in fact delegating a very extraordinary power to executive officers.—After some debate Mr. Gerry submitted the following proposition in substance—"That the reports on memorials and petitions not determined upon in one session may be called up in a subsequent session.
On motion of Mr. Smith, (S. C.) that part of

the President's speech which respects the encouragement of science and literature was read. He then moved that it should be referred to a select committee.
Mr. Stone enquired what part of the Constitution authorised Congress to take any steps in a business of this kind—for his part he knew of none. We have already done as much as we can with propriety—We have encouraged learning, by giving to authors an exclusive privilege of vending their works—this is going as far as we have power to, by the Constitution.
Mr. Sherman laid that a proposition to vest Congress with power to establish a National University was made in the General Convention—but it was negatived—It was thought sufficient that this power should be exercised by the States in their separate capacity.
Mr. Page observed, that he was in favor of the motion. He wished to have the matter determined whether Congress has or has not a right to do any thing for the promotion of science and literature—He rather supposed they had such a right—but if on investigation of the subject, it shall appear they have not, I should consider the circumstance said he, as a very essential defect in the Constitution—and should be for proposing an amendment—for on the diffusion of knowledge and literature depend the liberties of this country, and the preservation of the Constitution.
The House adjourned without a decision on this motion.
TUESDAY, MAY 4.
A message was received from the Senate informing the house that they have passed a bill for extending the judicial law of the United States to the State of North Carolina—also, that they have concurred in the vote of the house for the appointment of Committees to consider if any, and what further rules are necessary to be adopted in conducting business between the two houses—also to determine the period at which the appointment of President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives of the United States commenced agreeable to the Constitution.
The bill to authorise issuing Certificates to a certain description of Invalid officers was read the third time and passed.
A memorial of Moore, of North Carolina proprietor of West-Point was read, referring to a resolution of the late Congress for purchasing the property, and praying the present Congress to confirm said resolution.
In committee of the whole on the bill for adjusting and satisfying the claims of the Baron de Steuben.
Mr. Stone moved that the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Baron's memorial should be read—the clerk read the same. The committee proceeded in the discussion of the bill.
The clause which proposes an annuity for life was objected to. Several amendments were proposed and lost; a lengthy debate was supported on other propositions, but a motion for the committee's rising prevented a decision.
A message was received from the Senate, with the bill providing for the government south of the Ohio—the amendments of the house to this bill were not agreed to.—Adjourned.
FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE.
To the Honorable the MEMBERS of the LEGISLATURE of PENNSYLVANIA, The following NOTES, on the subject of that Commonwealth, are most respectfully inscribed, by A CITIZEN OF PENNSYLVANIA.
IN the present state of the affairs of the United States, the true condition of the country is an object of most useful knowledge to the body of the people of Europe. To give them some just ideas of that part of it, whose affairs are committed to your charge, is the design of this publication. As you are annually selected, by the free and equal choice of your constituents, from the mass of the citizens, on account of your knowledge of their local interests and general rights, and as you are required, by our constitution, to be inhabitants of the city or county which you respectively represent, it will appear probable to an European reader, that no gross deception or material misrepresentation is designed. imposed upon them, in a publication made under your eyes, and which the writer has ventured to address to you. That you may be able more perfectly to judge of the truth of the facts, and the justness of the observations, they will be confined to Pennsylvania.
THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA is oblong, of 156 miles wide from north to south, by about 190 miles in length from east to west. On the east of it lies the Delaware river, dividing it from West Jersey and New-York; on the north New-York, and a territory of about 100 miles and a half of acres on lake Erie, which Pennsylvania purchased of Congress; on the north west lies lake Erie, on which it has a considerable front and a good port; on the west are new lands of Congress, called the western territory, and a part of Virginia; on the south lies a part of Virginia, Maryland, and the
State of Delaware. The contents of Pennsylvania proper, are about 29,000,000 acres, but, including the lake Erie territory, it exceeds 30,000,000. It lies between 39 deg. and 43 min. and 42 deg. of north lat. The bay and river of Delaware are navigable from the sea up to the great falls at Trenton, and have a light-house, buoys and piers, for the direction and safety of ships. On this river are the small towns of Chester and Bristol, and the city of Philadelphia, which is the capital of the State, and the largest and most populous sea-port and manufacturing town in the United States. The distance of this city from the sea is about 60 miles across the land to the New-Jersey coast, and 120 miles by the ship channel of the Delaware.
(To be continued.)
PITTSBURGH, April 17.
On Friday the 9th instant, six persons having crossed the Ohio river, about five miles on this side Hollyday's Cove, to the Indian side, as it is commonly called, where they were attacked by a party of Indians, and five of them were made prisoners, the other got as far as the river and attempted to cross, but was pursued by the Indians who fired at him several times, and it is supposed killed him, as he has not since been heard of. This account may be relied on as authentic, as we have it from a gentleman immediately from the spot.
We are sorry to remark, says a correspondent, that the accounts from Kentucky, and the danger in going down the river, are very alarming: It appears evident that the Indians are determined on hostilities, and though they are not seen in large bodies, yet the great number of small parties which keep continually watching the river bank, and cutting off the frontier inhabitants, bears an aspect which is by no means favorable, but seems rather to threaten the people of Kentucky with a very troublesome summer.
It may be well enough to inform those who are not well acquainted with this country, and who may wish to remove thereto, that we are perfectly secure from any depredations of the Indians.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Kentucky, to his friend in this town dated February 19, 1790.
"On the first of December last, the Indians killed a Mr. William Brown and Mr. Allison, on their way from the Miami to Lexington, and on the third they fired on a boat, about twelve miles above Limestone, and wounded two men and one woman, one man and the woman died at Limestone of their wounds; a few days after this they killed two men on Licking river, and took a boy prisoner, and on their return from doing this mischief, they attacked a boat below the Scioto, just as it had been landed, and killed four men, and took one man and two women prisoners, and about four weeks ago, they fired on a boat and a canoe above the Scioto, from both sides the river, and wounded two men in the canoe; on the 17th instant, they killed a boy and wounded a man six miles from the Upper Blue Licks. This information you may depend upon as fact, and I wish it made public, that people coming down the river may be aware of the danger, and be prepared accordingly."
PHILADELPHIA, May 3.
We are informed that a Tragedy is getting up at the Theatre in this city called the WIDOW of MALABAR, written by a citizen of the United States, not more remarkable for his poetical talents, than liberality of sentiment; both of which are eminently displayed in this elegant production, tending to inculcate the noblest of all sentiments, HUMANITY.
Extract of a letter from London, March 22.
"Robert St. Etienne is chosen president of the National Assembly; he succeeded L'Abbe Montesquieu, one of the ablest men they have. He is a protestant minister and a monied man, which are two singular circumstances in France. He thanked them for the honor, as it was giving the pledge of the principles the Assembly set out upon—but the times were overcoming prejudices. They write they hope to finish the constitution soon. The 17th of July, the anniversary of storming the bastille, they are to have a thanksgiving and procession."
"The church lands will, it is supposed, be soon arranged and some practical measures adopted. Instead of 240 millions, the state reserves for them 80 millions. Two millions livres a year to be saved by the plan of the army. Taxes are becoming more efficient—and a few months will enable them to stem their great embarrassments. Neckar wished a council of finance, but the request was not granted."
While other nations are at an immense expence to cut canals, the numerous rivers of the United States, penetrating an extraordinary length into the bosom of this extensive continent, are joined by navigable, though inferior streams, that facilitate commerce and manufactures, and fertilize the country in their course. It is remarkable that no river in all the kingdoms of Europe is navigable, by ships from the sea, to more than half the length of the Hudson or the Delaware or a third of that of the Potowmac.
NEW HAVEN, April 28.
On Thursday last the Circuit Court for the district of Connecticut, was opened in this place by the Hon. John Jay, Chief Justice of the United States, the Hon. William Cushing, Associate Judge and the Hon. Richard Law, District Judge.
The sessions continued until Saturday, during which several civil causes were heard, and sundry
rules and regulations adopted for future proceedings.
The good sense and candor of the Judges has left an impression on the minds of the people, favorable to this New Institution.
NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, MAY 5.
Extracts of sundry LETTERS.
APRIL 22.
IT is now in the power of Congress to establish public credit fully and compleatly—the general opinion and wish of the people are strong in favor of it—and very justly—for they feel the accumulation of burthens to originate in a want of confidence in the public engagements—If the present favorable moment therefore should be neglected, who will be answerable for the consequences? If the Representatives of the people think as highly of this matter as many of their constituents, they will never lose sight of the object one moment, till it is accomplished—the people in this quarter wait this event with anxious hopes, and a countenance of solicitude resembling the perilous days of doubtful war—Public credit has begun to decline, and private embarrassments to encrease while this "one thing needful" has hung in a state of suspense.
APRIL 24.
In the first of this session of the national legislature, after the President's speech and the Secretary's report were published, so universal were the expectations of the people that public credit would be immediately established, that there was perhaps the most visible and general change for the better ever experienced in any country—the public securities rose rapidly—land greatly appreciated—(more farms were bought and sold in two months, than in five years preceding) all kinds of property seemed to increase in value—money circulated more than it had for many years—many iron repositories, whose hinges had not creaked for a long period, were emptied of their contents, to the great advantage of trade, which evidently appeared to revive, and give industry new vigor—the whole country wore a pleasing and animated countenance.—If these things were the effect of anticipation only—what may not the reality of Public Credit be?
Extract of a letter from Boston, April 25.
Yesterday the officers of the customs attached Capt. S——'s ship the Neptune, for running goods that were not entered, and other breaches of the revenue laws. It is said more than 10000 dollars duties had been paid on her cargo.
Unless public credit is firmly established, the revenue will decrease—and of course, many of our expected blessings vanish like a dream.
We still hope some medium may be thought of—some accommodation—that some culivening ray may illumine our political horizon.
Should the Excise law of this Commonwealth be carried into full execution, it will do more injury to the Revenue of the United States than is at present conceived of.
Extract of a letter from Cambridge, Massachusetts.
You will see by the papers that our old goaler, BRADISH, has taken himself off in a summary way—The mode was a little singular—and tho' not quite original, was very effectual—he fixed the muzzle of a fowling piece in his mouth, and with a yard wand pushed off the trigger, like an old fool. He was 70 years of age—and Death, in a less terrific form could not have been very distant.
GARDENING.
From an English Paper.
Owing to the extraordinary mildness of the winter, the gardens and other lands surprisingly abound with the kind of grubs which in the summer change to the flying insects called cock-chafers. These grubs are exceedingly voracious, devouring all sorts of grain and pulse, both before they have germinated, and when in leaf—they are equally destructive in the kitchen gardens, entirely eating thro the stems of young plants close to the earth, particularly pease, cabbages, broccoli, cauliflowers, borecole, lettuces, endive, &c. In short, there is scarcely any vegetable in family use, except onions, leeks, garlic and shallots, that they will not greedily devour. The best way to preserve plants from these destructive animals, is to strew saw-dust, the coarser the better, about their stems, the asperities thereof being so offensive to them that they cannot creep over it. To strew saw-dust along the drills of pease, soon after they have broke ground, so as slightly to cover them, is an effectual method to preserve them from slugs and grubs, and also from being injured by cold or wet.
MARRIED]—On Saturday evening last by the Rev. Dr. Linn, the Hon. JOSHUA SENEY, of Maryland to Miss FANNY NICHOLSON, daughter of James Nicholson, Esq. of this city.
DIED]—Yesterday Morning, at his house in Broad-Way, JOHN FOXCROFT, Esq. Agent to his Britannic Majesty's Packets.
Moses Rogers, and Co.
HAVE removed their STORE to the New Building, corner of Golden-Hill and Queen-Street, fronting Burling Slip. New-York, May 5, 1790.

DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
Auguste verité ! C'est à toi, de montrer aux yeux des nations Les coupables effets de leurs divisions.
WHEN one family is depressed, either in a Monarchy, or in any species of republic, another must arise. While, in the reign of FRANCIS I. they thus humbled the branch of the Bourbons; there arose two other powerful families, who soon obtained the administration of affairs: The house of Montmorency , and that of Guise ; both, indeed inferior to the Blood Royal; but both illustrious by the splendor of the most ancient nobility. That of Montmorency produces Titles, which prove its descent, by an uninterrupted succession, from one of the principal Grandees who accompanied PHARAMOND in his first expedition. It has the glory of having been the first French house which received baptism and the Christian Faith. The memory of this distinction is preserved in the motto of their arms, God help the first Christian Baron ; a splendid testimony both of the antiquity and religion of their ancestors. ANNE of Montmorency , who united a vast genius, directed by prudence, to a grave and imposing deportment—who combined a singular address to a patience never to be exhausted in the intrigues and affairs of the Court, which change so often their aspect, sprung from this stock. His high qualities merited the confidence of FRANCIS I. After having passed thro all the military gradations of the State, he was at first elevated to the dignity of Grand Master of the King's household, and after the death of the Duke of Bourbon, to that of Constable —in one word he concentrated in his person, the command of armies, and the principal administration of all the affairs, civil and political, of the kingdom.
The house of Lorraine , of which that of Guise is a branch, derives its original, from the highest antiquity. It reckons among its paternal ancestors, GODFREY of Bouillon, the famous leader of the Crusades, who by his valour and piety conquered the kingdom of Jerusalem; and by the female line it traces its descent from a daughter of Charlemain. ANTHONY, of Lorraine , chief of this rich and powerful family, reigned over his people, with an absolute authority; CLAUD, his younger brother, went into France to take possession of the Duchy of Guise , and there recommended himself by his valour.—After the battle of Marignan, where he commanded the German troops, he was taken out from an heap of dead bodies covered over with blood and wounds; his cure was thought to be a miracle, and he held afterwards the first rank among the greatest captains of France. The houses of Guise and Montmorency , had rendered services of such importance to the State that it was difficult to determine, which of the two merited the pre-eminence. In the splendor of their birth and the extent of their domains, the Guises had the advantage. In the favor of the King, the family of the Constable was most advanced, and saw itself at the head of affairs. Nature which has established in the universe a chain of being, and universal order, descending from Arch Angels to microscopic animalcules, has ordained that no two objects shall be perfectly alike and no two creatures perfectly equal. Although among men, all are subject by nature to equal laws of morality, and in society have a right to equal laws for their government, yet no two men are perfectly equal in person, property, understanding, activity and virtue—or ever can be made so by any power less than that which created them; and whenever it becomes disputable between two individuals or families which is the superior, a fermentation commences, which disturbs the order of all things until it is settled and each one knows his place in the opinion of the public. The question of superiority between the Guises and Montmorencys had the usual effects of such doubts. But as nothing is less stable than the fortune of courtiers, in ill-ordered governments, they both experienced reverses, towards the end of the reign of FRANCIS the I. That jealousy, which never has an end, because it is always well founded, which reigns in every government, where every passion and every interest has not its correspondent counterpoise, actuated the King. The two ministers not being subject to any regular plan of responsibility, were become dangerous rivals of their master; their enemies knew how to insinuate suspicions. The Constable fell into disgrace for having persuaded the King to trust the promises of CHARLES the Vth. and to grant him a free passage through France, as he went to chastise the rebellion of Ghent. The Emperor not keeping his engagements, the King and the court accused the Constable of having failed, either in prudence or fidelity. He was obliged to leave the court and return to private life, to conceal himself from the pursuits of his enemies. The Duke of Guise was also constrained to quit the court and give way to the storm, for having incurred the displeasure of the King, by causing to be raised upon the frontiers without his consent, certain troops, which he sent to the Duke of Lorraine , his brother at that time at war with the Anabaptists.
The Constable , and the Duke of Guise , thus disgraced, were replaced by two ministers of consummate experience, indefatigable industry and acknowledged abilities; the Admiral D'ANNEBAUT and the Cardinal de TOURNON. The mediocrity of their fortune and extraction, excited little apprehension, that they would ever arrive, at that high power, of which the King had reason to be jealous, and which he dreaded in the hands of his subjects. This Prince, who understood mankind, and was become unquiet and suspicious since his disgraces, had long resolved to dismiss from his person, the Constable and the Duke, notwithstanding the long confidence with which he had honored them; believing that he should not be able to govern, according to his own mind, while he should have about him two persons, whose credit and reputation were capable of balancing his will. He dreaded in the Constable that profound experience and that lively penetration, from which he could not conceal his most hidden secrets. Every thing was to him suspicious in the Guises . Their illustrious birth, their restless humour, their active genius, that ardent character to embrace every occasion to aggrandize themselves, and that ambition capable of forming projects the most vast and daring. As the judicial courts had no independence, and there was no regular judicature for impeachments, there could be no rational responsibility. The King could inflict none but arbitrary punishments; there was no tribunal, but the States general and their committees, and among these the ministers had as many friends as the King. The ministers therefore thought themselves, and as the constitution then stood they really were, so nearly equal to the King in power, that they might do as they pleased with impunity. They presumed too far, and the King was justly offended: but had no remedy, but in the assassination or dismissal of his ministers—he chose the latter; though in the sequel we shall see many instances in similar cases, of the former; in the last years of his life this monarch, if we may call by that name a Prince who was in effect, nothing more than the first individual in a miserable oligarchy, secretly recommended to Prince HENRY his son, to distrust the excessive power of his subjects, and especially of the house of Guise , whose elevation would infallibly disturb the repose of the kingdom. FRANCIS now saw and felt, that the house of Guise was become, as the house of Bourbon had been before, a dangerous rival of the house of Valois.
Ambition, disappointed and disgraced by a King, commonly becomes obsequious to the heir apparent, or ostensible successor. In 1547, Henry the second, the successor of Francis the first, disregarding the advice and example of his father, dismissed from his court and service, the Admiral and Cardinal, though possessed of the secrets of the state; and placed again at the head of affairs, the Constable Anne of Montmorency , and Francis of Lorraine , son of Claud Duke of Guise , who soon engaged the confidence of the young King, and regulated every thing at his court. Their authority was equal: But, as has been once observed, nature has decreed, that a perfect equality shall never long exist between any two mortals. The views, the conduct and the characters of the two ministers, were unlike in all things. The Constable advanced in years, was naturally fond of peace: Formed by a long experience in the art of government, he enjoyed an high reputation for wisdom, and held the first place in the conduct of affairs of state. The Duke, in the flower of his age, captivated by an elevated genius and sprightly wit, united with a robust constitution and a noble figure, the affections of the King. Henry treated him, almost as his equal; admitted him to his conversations, his pleasures, and those exercises of the body which were suitable to his age and inclination. His affection for the Constable , was rather veneration: His attachment to the Duke was familiarity. The conduct of the two favourites was very different; the one an enemy of all show, urged with a certain severity, from which age is seldom exempted, the necessity of economy. He even opposed the profusion of the Prince. His austere virtue inspired a contempt for foreigners, and rendered him little solicitous for the affection of the French. The Duke of Guise affable and popular, gained by his liberality and politeness, the hearts of the people and the soldiers. With a generous warmth, he protected the unfortunate, and conciliated the esteem of strangers.
Inclinations and conduct so opposite, soon produced jealousies, between the two ministers, equally beloved of the King. To insinuate themselves further into the royal graces, and make themselves masters of his favors, they exerted all their skill, address and efforts. Their emulation and ambition were stimulated by their nearest relations, and private friends. The Constable was irritated by his Nephew Gaspard de Coligni, Lord of Chatillon, who had succeeded to the Admiral D'Annebaut, and who was not less distinguished for his policy, than eminent for valor. The Duke of Guise was animated, by the Cardinal Charles of Lorraine , his brother, who united
the splendor of the Roman purple, to a noble figure, profound erudition and uncommon eloquence.
Hence forward the demon of rivalry, haunted the two houses of Guise and Montmorency : and fortune did not fail to open a vast career, to the animated emulation of the two competitors.
LONDON, March 15.
Wednesday morning early a Courier arrived with the official account of the death of the Emperor Joseph II. which happened at Vienna on the 20th ult. at five in the morning; he was in the 40th year of his age, in the 26th year of his reign as Emperor of the Romans, and the 10th as King of Hungary and Bohemia. He succeeded to the imperial crown on the demise of his father, Francis, on the 18th of August, 1765; to the hereditary dominions of the house of Austria on the death of his mother, Maria Theresa, the 29th of November, 1780. He was twice married, to a Princess of Parma, and a Princess of Bavaria; but having left no issue, the hereditary dominions of the House of Austria devolve on his brother Peter Leopold Joseph, Grand Duke of Tuscany.
The National Assembly, among their other retrenchments, have cut off 2000l. per annum from the salary of their Ambassador, in this metropolis; and that at a time in which, from the multitude of his countrymen that are his constant visitors, he can certainly ill support the want of the sum.
MR. HOWARD'S DEATH.
What the friends of humanity, and the admirers of unexampled benevolence have often and anxiously predicted, has at last occurred—the amiable and virtuous Howard has fallen a victim to his persevering and unrivalled philanthropy. The excellent man paid the debt of nature on the 20th of January, at Cherson, after an illness of twelve days.—His disorder was a violent fever caught at the hospital at that place, where he had been administering medicine to many poor wretches who languished under the same malady.
Thus fell a man who was not only an ornament to his country but to human nature. The name of Howard has long been held high in the annals of England; but the philanthropic Howard, has extended the fame of the British virtue over all the globe; and the dreariest abodes of misery and disease have echoed with the praises of him, whose greatest delight was, "in going about to DO GOOD."
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of PHILIP DENMAN, now confined in the common gaol of Newark, in the county of Essex, That the Honorable Court of Common Pleas, in and for said county, have appointed Tuesday the 8th day of May next, for the creditors of said Philip Denman, to meet at the Court house in Newark, at nine o'clock of the day aforesaid, and shew cause to the judge of the said Court, if any they have, why an assignment of the said insolvent debtor's estate should not be made, and he discharged according to the act of the Legislature of New-Jersey in such case made and provided.
PHILIP DENMAN.
Newark, April 14, 1790.
To be SOLD, For CERTIFICATES, Or exchanged for LAND, TWENTY-TWO acres of ground in the City of New-York, fronting Great George-Street, Bowry-Lane, and Greenwich Lane. On the premises is a brick dwelling house containing ten rooms; a smaller brick house with four rooms; a house with a brick front with two rooms: In each house is a Kitchen, and under the whole four cellars; a never failing spring is near one of the kitchens; a frame stable and a coach-house with stables. From the dwelling house both the North and the East rivers are plain to the view. Additional improvements have been made this Spring, the ground has been laid out for pleasure as well as for utility; it is provided with variety of orchard and other fruit part of the land has also been sown with timothy and clover To be sold for certificates of the national debt, which will be received at the nominal value, Dollars at 8s. Or for good upland even it covered with wood, provided it is situated on the following ingriders, or on creeks as far as navigable, communicating with the same, viz. At the Potowmac above Alexandria, at James River above Richmond, in South-Carolina, about one hundred miles from the sea shore, on Santee Edisto or Ponpon river, or on Savannah river. If not sold at private sale before the 15th of May, it will then on the above terms be disposed of by Public Vendue at the merchants Coffee-House.—For further particulars enquire of Mr POELLNITZ on the premises. New-York April 10, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLIC SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacksonet do. Long Cloths, Hankercchiefs, of various kinds, Calfas, Chintzes, Seersuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece Package, low for cash.
John Smith & Peter Wendover
SAIL-MAKERS,
BEG leave to inform their Friends and the Public in general that they have commenced business in copartnership in the line, under the Firm of SMITH and WENDOVER, in the Sailing Loft in Front Street, opposite VAN ZANDT's Wharf (near the Coffee-House) formerly occupied by CARMER and SMITH, and late by JOHN SMITH. Those Gentlemen who will be pleased to favor them with their custom may depend upon having their work done in the best manner, and on as short notice as can be expected. NEW-YORK, MAY 1, 1790.
Subscribers for the Gazette of the United-States may be furnished with the numbers complete, from the commencement of the second volume.