Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-05-04 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 2, of Vol. III.]
WEDNESDAY, MAY 4, 1791.
[Whole No. 210.]
TRANSLATED
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
A DISCOURSE OF STEPHEN BOETIUS,
Concerning voluntary Servitude: Or the Anti-One.
[CONTINUED.]
Οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκοιρανίη· εἷς κύρνος ἄστω, εἷς βασιλεύς. Iliad, lib. 2, v. 204. 205.
To endure the depredations, the debaucheries, the cruelties, not of an army, not of a camp of barbarians, against whom we ought to shed our blood and sacrifice our lives; but of ONE, ALONE?—not of an Hercules or a Sampson; but of a little man, frequently the most cowardly and effeminate of the nation: not accustomed to the powder of battles, nor yet scarcely to the dust of a horse-race?—not one who, by force, can command over men, but one who is wholly unqualified to contend even with women? Shall we call this cowardice?—Shall we say that those who serve thus are paltroons and drivelers?—If two, if three, if four, should not defend themselves against one, this would be strange; still it is possible. But, even in these cases, we should have a good right to say it was for want of heart or spirit. But if an hundred, if a thousand, suffer from one alone, shall we say that they will not resist, that they dare not oppose?—shall we say that it is fear, cowardice, or rather contempt and disdain? If we should see, not an hundred, not a thousand men, but an hundred countries, a thousand cities, a million of men, not attempt to attack or oppose one alone, from whom these who were best treated, received nothing but slavery and villainage: How could we name this conduct? Is this cowardice? There is to every vice some limit, beyond which it cannot pass. Two may be afraid of one; and so possibly may ten: but a thousand, a million, a thousand cities, if these defend not themselves against one, this is not cowardice. Cowardice extends not this length, no more than bravery can extend so far as that one man might scale a fortress, defeat an army, or conquer a kingdom. What monster then of vice is this, which merits not the title of cowardice? which cannot find a name base enough, which nature denies to have produced, and the tongue refuses to name?
Place, on one side, fifty thousand men in arms—as many more on the other—make your dispositions for battle, and let it begin—one army consists of freemen fighting for their liberty—the other to take it away from them—to which side should you prophesy the victory? Which would go the most gallantly to action—those who hoped as a reward of their pains the maintenance of their liberty?—or those who could expect nothing for the blows they might give or receive, but the servitude of others? The one have always before their eyes the happiness of their past life, and the hope of the like to come. They regard not the pain to be endured for the short time of the continuance of a battle, so much as those to be borne forever by themselves, their children, and all their posterity. The others have nothing to embolden them but a little point of covetousness, which is suddenly blunted by danger, and which cannot be so ardent, but that it ought and must be extinguished by the smallest drop of blood which flows from their wounds. In the battles so celebrated of Miltiades, of Leonidas, and of Themistocles, which were waged two thousand years ago, and which still live as fresh in the memory of books and of men, as if they had been fought but the last month; battles which were fought in Greece, for the good of Greece, and for examples to all the world: What was it which gave to so small a number of men as were the Greeks, not the power but the heart to support the force of so many ships, that the sea seemed to be overloaded with them? to defeat so many nations, who were so numerous that the whole squadron of the Greeks could not have furnished Captains to the armies of the enemy? In those glorious days, it was not so much a battle of Greeks against Persians, as the victory of liberty over domination, of privilege over avarice.
It is a wonderful thing to speak of the valour which liberty inspires into the hearts of those who defend her. But a thing that happens in all countries, among all men, and every day, or in all ages, that a single man should become the master of an hundred cities, and deprive them of their liberties—who would believe it, if he only heard it related, and did not see it? If he saw it
not in his own country, and only heard it related of foreign nations and distant lands, would he not think it to be fiction and romance, fraud and forgery? (To be continued.)
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
O D E S.
O D E II.
FURTHER HINTS TO REVIEWERS.
AGAIN, dispensers of the birch and bays , The Mufe inspires; and JOHN advice displays. Such is my nature—when I dare pretend, Or undertake, a purpose to perform; No power that purpose from my soul can rend: I heed not hatred, jealousy, plague, or storm. In all your criticisms, mind one thing: Be positive . For O what help it gives, To be determined that perfection lives, In all you say, or sing. Whene'er you praise, with high, enthusiastic zeal, Your commendation, even to cracking, strain; And swear that he who differently doth feel, Is idiot, baby, and devoid of brain. Yet do not praise too much;—of that beware;— But freely deal, rich condemnation forth: Then, in particular, when modest worth , And youthful merit , novel truths declare. For they will dare but small resistance make, And you may press them with severest hand; Exclaim—"Establish'd order they forsake, "And spread opinions new, around the land." How will the people wonder at your wit, Scared with the dreadful thunder of your words! And, with your rueful length of visage smit, Adore the self-created Lords. So have I mark'd the Owl, with horrid scream, Fright the sweet songsters of the warbling grove; And with a face, made wise with many a seam, Reign a dread Lord where once smiled joy and love.
JOHN.
R E P O R T OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE, On the fishery of the COD AND WHALE FISHERIES,
Made conformably to an Order of the House of Representatives of the United States, referring to him the representation of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts on those subjects;—FEBRUARY 1st, 1791.
THE Secretary of State, to whom was referred by the House of Representatives, the representation from the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the subjects of the cod and whale fisheries, together with the several papers accompanying it, has had the same under consideration, and thereupon makes the following Report:
The representation sets forth that, before the late war, about four thousand seamen, and twenty-four thousand tons of shipping were annually employed, from that State, in the whale fishery, the produce whereof was about three hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year.
That these branches of business, annihilated during the war, have been, in some degree, recovered since; but that they labor under many and heavy embarrassments, which, if not removed, or lessened, will render the fisheries every year less extensive and important.
That these embarrassments are, heavy duties on their produce abroad, and bounties on that of their competitors: and duties at home on several articles, particularly used in the fisheries.
And it asks that the duties be taken off; that bounties be given to the fishermen; and the national influence be used abroad for obtaining better markets for their produce.
The cod and whale fisheries, carried on by different persons, from different ports, in different vessels, in different seas, and seeking different markets, agree in one circumstance, in being as unprofitable to the adventurer, as important to the public. A succinct view of their rise, progress, and present state, with different nations, may enable us to note the circumstances which have attended their prosperity, and their decline, to judge of the embarrassments, which are said to oppress ours; to see whether they depend on our own will, and may, therefore, be remedied immediately by ourselves, or, whether, depending on the will of others, they are without the reach of remedy, from us, either directly or indirectly.
Their history, being as unconnected as their practice, they shall be separately considered.
Within twenty years after the supposed discovery of Newfoundland, by the Cabots, we find that the abundance of fish on its banks, had already drawn the attention of the people of Europe. For, as early as 1517, or 1519, we are told of fifty ships being seen there at one time. The first adventurers in that fishery, were the Biscayans of Spain, the Basques and Bas-Bretons of France, all united anciently in language, and still in habits and in extreme poverty. The last circumstance enabled them long to retain a considerable share of the fishery. In 1577, the French had one hundred and fifty vessels there; the Spaniards had still one hundred; and the Portuguese fifty, when the English had only fifteen. The Spaniards and Portuguese seem, at length, to have retired silently, the French and English claiming the fishery exclusively, as an appurtenance to their adjacent colonies, and the profits being too small for nations surcharged with the precious metals proceeding from their mines.
Without materials to trace the intermediate progress, we only know that so late as 1744, the French employed there five hundred and sixty-four ships, and twenty-seven thousand five hundred seamen, and took one million two hundred and forty-six thousand kentials of fish, which was three times the extent to which England and her colonies together carried this fishery at that time.
The English, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, had employed, generally, about one hundred and fifty vessels in the Newfoundland fishery. About 1670, we find them reduced to eighty, and one hundred, the inhabitants of New-England beginning now to supplant them. A little before this, the British parliament, perceiving that their citizens were unable to subsist on the scanty profits which sufficed for their poorer competitors, endeavored to give them some advantage by prohibiting the importation of foreign fish; and, at the close of the century, they formed some regulations for their government and protection: and remitted to them some duties. A successful war enabled them in 1713 to force from the French, a cession of the island of Newfoundland. Under these encouragements, the English and American fisheries began to thrive. In 1731, we find the English take two hundred thousand kentials of fish, and the Americans two hundred and thirty thousand, besides the refuse fish not fit for European markets. They continue to gain ground, and the French to lose it, inasmuch, that about 1755, they are said to have been on a par; and, in 1768, the French have only two hundred and fifty-nine vessels of twenty-four thousand four hundred and twenty tons, nine thousand seven hundred and twenty-two seamen, taking two hundred thousand kentials, while America alone, for some three or four years before that, and so on to the commencement of the late war, employed six hundred and sixty-five vessels, of twenty-five thousand six hundred and fifty tons, and four thousand four hundred and five seamen, and took from three hundred and fifty thousand, to upwards of four hundred thousand kentials of fish, and England a still greater quantity, five hundred and twenty-six thousand kentials, as is said.
Spain had formally relinquished her pretensions to a participation in these fisheries, at the close of the preceding war; and, at the end of this, the adjacent continent and islands, being divided between the United States, the English and French (for the last retained two small islands merely for this object) the right of fishing was appropriated to them all.
France, sensible of the necessity of balancing the power of England on the water, and therefore, of improving every resource for raising seamen, and seeing that her fishermen could not maintain their competition without some public patronage, adopted the experiment of bounties on her own fish, and duties on that of foreign nations brought into her markets. But, notwithstanding this, her fisheries dwindle, from a change taken place, insensibly, in the character of her navigation, which, from being the most economical, is now become the most expensive. In 1786, she is said to have employed but seven thousand men in this fishery, and to have taken four hundred and twenty-six thousand kentials; and in 1787, but six thousand men, and one hundred and twenty-eight thousand kentials. She seems not yet sensible that the unprofitableness of her fisheries proceeds from the want of economy, and not the want of markets; and that the encouragement of our fishery abridges that of a rival nation, whose power on the ocean has long threatened the loss of all balance on that element.
(To be continued.)
By the Ship CANTON, Captain TRUXTON.
CALCUTTA, October 21.
THE following account of the late action of the 13th and 14th, received in a letter from Arnee, of date the 26th September, in several respects differs from, and is more particular than others which have been given to the public; and we trust it will therefore be acceptable to our readers.
Tippoo descended the Gaults on the 12th of September, and reinforced Seyd Saheb. He moved early in the morning of the 13th towards Colonel Floyd, whose detachment consisted of his own regiment of dragoons, two regiments of native cavalry, three battalions of seapoy, and two companies of the Bengal artillery, under the command of Captains Sampson and Elwood, with one eighteen-pounder, two twelve-pounders, and eight six-pounders.
The enemy's cavalry first began skirmishing, but were worsted by our cavalry. About eleven o'clock in the forenoon, Tippoo's whole army crossed the Bavani, and advanced within 600 yards of our line, before they fired a single shot; they then opened at once, with all their guns and rockets, and, having ascertained our distance, did amazing execution.
The enemy's cavalry repeatedly charged our line, with great order and regularity: but were always repulsed with considerable loss.
On the night of the 13th, a board of field officers being assembled, it was resolved upon to retreat: accordingly, the detachment moved off before day, on the 14th, leaving the whole of the baggage, together with the eighteen-pounder, two of the twelve-pounders, and three six-pounders, for want of bullocks to draw them.
The enemy were not long in getting information of this retreat, but they were so busily occupied in plundering the baggage, that they did not again come up with the detachment until 12 o'clock that day, when a second engagement commenced, in which the enemy made every possible exertion to break our line, but without effect; for both Europeans and seapoy behaved with the utmost steadiness and cool intrepidity. Night coming on, put a stop to the action; and our little army continued retreating in good order until 8 o'clock, when they halted. About 3 o'clock the next morning, (the 15th) they again moved, and marched to effect a junction

with General Meadows, which they happily accomplished in the evening, without having seen any of the enemy during that day.
The loss sustained by the artillery in privates, lascars, &c. was very trifling, in comparison with what they suffered by officers, killed and wounded.
The following is an exact return of the killed, wounded, and missing, of the non-commissioned, and privates, &c. of artillery.—
 One corporal, and 6 lascars, killed.  One gunner, 6 privates, (or matrosses.)  One terang, 1 tandal, and 11 lascars, wounded.  One private, and 9 lascars missing.  One lascar taken prisoner. 
The 36th regiment had no less than 115 killed and wounded, and other corps suffered nearly in proportion.
We are happy in being able to announce to the public, from the best authority, that the fortress of Paliguatchery has at last yielded to the British arms.—This completes the conquest of the country below the Gaults.
Extract of a letter from an officer of Major Montgomerie's Detachment.
"Camp at Bunnore, Sept. 12.
"Within a few coss of this, between us and the Kistnah, lived a Rajah who governed his country, handed to him from his fore-fathers, with much justice and moderation, and paid his tribute regularly—his name Kangapah Naick, Rajah of Dewardrug, but when at the Soubah's Court lately, he as usual, paid his chief attention to Teyg Jung Buckhee and commander in chief of the troops, which was noticed with a jealous eye by Mesheerul Mullock, the minister, as the other Teyg Jung is in the minority. At the same time, another Rajah who lives within 16 or 18 coss of this, on the side of the Kistnah, was at Court, and noticed to the minister the dissatisfaction of the Dewardrug man to him, offering him 7 lacks of rupees for permission to attack and dispossess him of his country, also a considerable encrease of revenue.
"The terms were acceded to, and the Nazim's troops were actually sent with this man (the Rajah of Solapore) and after an obstinate defence, and many lives lost, the place was carried, by the treachery of one of his own people, who sold the gateway. The Rajah, on finding this out, went into his powder magazine, and that no branch of his family should be liable to the insults of the Salapore Rajah, his inferior cast—they ALL accompanied him, and with his own hand he applied the match, which plunged about 50 into eternity, of their own free will and choice. This happened about the 6th or 7th instant, very near us, not above 10 or 12 miles, and is an absolute fact."
NOVEMBER 11.
The Right Honorable the Governor General has publicly declared his intention of proceeding to Madras, the beginning of next month; and though we may reasonably expect that some decisive blow will be struck before his Lordship's arrival, yet his presence cannot fail to be of the utmost importance to the public service, by giving vigor to our enterprizes, confidence to our Native Allies, and forwarding any negotiations that may be necessary without the delay of a reference to the Supreme council.
Notwithstanding the numerous reports that have been daily circulated in town, no intelligence whatever has been received from the Grand Army since our last; the mail of 24th ult. arrived yesterday from Madras, when an interval of thirteen days had elapsed without any letters having been received from Camp; there can be no doubt that the incourse has been interrupted by flying parties of the enemy's horse between Trichinopoly and Caroore; we may infer, however, with certainty, that no events can have taken place of importance.
It is with much pleasure, we understand, that the Center Army, under Col. Maxwell, had actually marched on the 24th ultimo, into the enemy's country to the South-West of Amboor,
The last accounts from Poonah, dated the 19th ult. mention, that the Mahratta Army under Purseram Bhow had greatly encreased in numbers; a very valuable and extensive tract of country belonging to Tippoo had been subdued, who must find himself much embarrassed by the progress of the Mahrattas; Purseram Bhow had applied for a reinforcement of Artillery and Sepoys from Bombay, previous to his commencing the Siege of Derwar; in the mean time the adjacent country had been laid waste to distress the garrison as much as possible.
L O N D O N, March 4.
Conclusion of the late address of the National Assembly to the People of France, on the civil Constitution of the Clergy.
[Translated from Mr. Luzac's Leyden Gazette.]
"AND you too, ye natives of France, the adorers of religion and of your country; Ye people faithful as ye are generous and bold as ye are grateful, pause a moment and contemplate with wonder the changes which your vast empire has undergone! Contrast your late situ-
ation with that which is to come? What was France a few months ago?—Our philosophers and sages invoked the goddess of liberty, but she was deaf to their cries.—Every enlightened Christian demanded Freedom in a country where the splendid religion of his forefathers still remained, but where the true religion, inculcated in the morality of the gospel, was scarcely to be found. We were a nation without a country, a people without a government, a church without a character, or authority. Nothing seemed fixed or permanent amongst us but the propagation of vice, the most scandalous injustice between man and man, divine and human laws were alike set at defiance, and every principle of religion and morality were upon the verge of a total extinction!—was this a country for MAN to exist in, where the liberty and property were at the absolute disposal of rulers without restraint, without honor, without understanding, and in whose preposterous view of things both the Deity and his creatures were held as nothing!
But what a revolution has succeeded to this scene of disorder and confusion! a revolution, which has reduced all government to the sublime simplicity of the honest dictates of nature; a government opposed only by a growling herd of reptiles (meaning the Aristocratic party) whose impotent rage, and insatiate thirst for revenge, prevents them from imbibing a single ray of public spirit, from contemplating the dignity of man; and whose whole desires center in the sordid, abject love of self! ye Frenchmen! ye are the redeemers of your own liberty; ye have witnessed her revivification in this extended empire, by your noble and disinterested endeavors—may your wisdom and moderation preserve her in eternal vigour. Let the spirit of patience, and the coolness of reason, universally expand among you; let your friendly consolations be the support of those of your fellow-citizens, whose sacrifices to the revolution, have been peculiarly heavy. Recollect, that if the regeneration of Empires is brought about by the enthusiastic efforts of the people, that they can only be maintained in that state, by the amiable and endearing virtues of peace. Be convinced too, that the present repose and silence, so visible in the nation, after so many plots and base attempts upon its liberty, is the most certain proof, that the fiend of tyranny has quit us in despair, and forever let go his hold upon us. He has struck his tents and departed! In future, be assured, nothing will more effectually disconcert the designs and plots of the malicious, than an equitable and moderate administration of the affairs of the kingdom."
[The above animated speech was delivered in the National Assembly, on the 14th of January, by M. de Mirabeau; and was afterwards styled the Manifesto of the Assembly against the Clergy.]
FEBRUARY 25.
"The celebrated M. de Mirabeau, has been chosen one of the administrators of the department of Paris. The Bishop of Autun (both a patriotic and philosophical character) is also chosen to the same rank, and has consequently quitted his dignity of Bishop. We should not be surprised to see him chosen Archbishop of Paris, since it is now certain that M. de Juigne, the former Archbishop, will not appear again in that station; having retired to Chambery, in disgust, and there published a pastoral letter, which has shared the fate of the other compositions of that kind, neglect. "I am persuaded (says he to the clergy of his diocese) that you will not prove rebels to the cries of conscience, and that you will extort praise even from your enemies, in preferring honest poverty to the scandal of apostasy."
The Americans have at length finally ratified their Treaty with the Court of Portugal—which, as it is a separate one with that Power, only bids fair for being of considerable utility to the United States, though it must militate strongly against the interests of some of the European Courts.
By Authority.
TRANSLATION.
Philadelphia, 29th April, 1791.
SIR,
IN consequence of orders which I have received from his Majesty, I have the honor herewith to transmit to you the law which fixes the disposition of the colours in the different kinds of flags, or other customary marks of distinction among ships of war and commercial vessels of the French nation. I request the favor of you to make this law known in the ports of the United States.—And have the honor to be,
With a respectful attachment,
Sir,
Your most humble and Obedient servant,
O T T O.
M. JEFFERSON, Secretary of State for the United States.
A L A W,
Fixing the Disposition of the Colours in the different kinds of Flags, or other customary marks of distinction among ships of war, and commercial vessels.
Done at Paris the 31st October, 1790.
LOUIS, by the Grace of God, and by the constitutional Law of the State, King of the French:
To all whom it may concern, GREETING.
The National Assembly has decreed, and we ordain the following:
DECREE OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF 24th OCTOBER, 1790.
THE National Assembly having enacted, by their Decree of the 21st of October, that the French Flag should bear the National Colours, and willing in consequence to fix the disposition of these Colours in the different kinds of Flags, or other customary marks of distinction, among warlike and commercial vessels, it is decreed:
ART. I. The JACK shall be composed of three equal stripes, and placed vertically: The one nearest the staff, shall be red, the center one white, and the third blue.
ART. II. The ENSIGN shall bear in its upper quarter the same as the Jack above described; that part of the Flag shall be exactly one fourth of its full size, and encircled with a narrow stripe, one half the length of which shall be red, and the other white; the remainder of the flag shall also be white. This Flag shall be borne by ships of war and commercial vessels.
ART. III. The PENDANT of the ships of war, and other vessels, belonging to the State, shall bear in its broadest part three vertical stripes, red, white, and blue—the remainder white. The VANE shall bear in a striking manner the National Colours.
ART. IV. The Flags of Commandants shall have in their upper quarter three vertical stripes, red, white and blue; the National Assembly not conceiving any change necessary in the dispositions, whose object is to distinguish in a naval army, the three squadrons of which it is composed—the rest of the Flag may be as hitherto, red, white, and blue.
ART. V. The Flags and Pendants of the National Colours cannot be made of any other than those Stuffs which are manufactured in France. They shall be carried without delay by the warlike vessels, agreeable to orders given by the King.
ART. VI. The King shall be intreated to sanction this Decree, and to order to be taken both in the French and foreign ports, the necessary steps for its prompt and certain execution, and to fix the time when the commercial vessels may without inconvenience bear the new Flag.
We have sanctioned, and, by these presents, which we have signed with our hand, do sanction the present Decree.
We command and order all our Tribunals, Administrative Bodies and Municipalities, to have these presents transcribed in their Registers, read, published, and posted up in their respective districts and Departments, and to execute it as a Law of the Kingdom. We likewise command and order our Commandants of Ports and Arsenals, Commandants of Squadrons, Ships, and other Vessels of War, Governors of Colonies, Intendants and Odonnateurs of Marine, and of the Colonies, and all others to whom it shall appertain, to conform thereto and to aid in the execution, each agreeable to the duty of his station.
IN Testimony whereof we have signed, and caused to be countersigned the said Presents, and the Seal of State to be hereto affixed—at PARIS, the 31st Day of October, in the Year of our Lord 1790, and of our Reign the Seventeenth.
(Signed) L O U I S.
And lower down, (Signed) L'ARCHEVEQUE DE BORDEAUX.
And sealed with the Seal of State.
Certified to agree with the Original, (Signed) L'ARCHEVEQUE DE BORDEAUX.
Sent by the Department of Marine, (Signed) MONTMORIN.
PROCLAMATION OF THE KING.
IN execution of the law of 31st day of October, fixing the disposition of the Colours in the different kinds of Flags or other customary marks of distinction among ships of war, and commercial vessels—
The law of 31st day of October, having determined the form of the French Flag, and fixed the disposition of the National Colours in the different kinds of Flags and other customary marks of distinction among the ships of war and commercial vessels, and the 6th Art. of the said law directing "that the King shall be intreated to order to be taken as well in the French as in Foreign Ports, the necessary measures for its prompt and certain execution, and to fix the time when all the commercial vessels may without inconvenience carry the new Flag."
His Majesty has ordained in consequence, that all Flags, Pendants, Flags of commandants and other marks of distinction which shall henceforward be hoisted by ships and other vessels of war, shall carry the national Colours agreeable to the dispositions announced in the law of the

31st day of October, and similar to the models which shall be sent to the different ports. Commercial vessels shall likewise hoist, without delay, the said Flag in the ports of France: His Majesty having fixed on the 1st day of April next, as the time when the said commercial vessels may without inconvenience hoist at sea and in foreign ports the new National Flag, provided the foreign maritime powers shall then have been informed of the change in the Flag, and have given information in their respective ports to the commandants of their ships of war and privateers—His Majesty ordains that computing from the said time, (1st day of April next) there shall not be borne on board of any French commercial vessels, either in port, or at sea, any other than the National Flag according to the dispositions announced in the 2d Art. of the law of the 31st day of October, hereby prohibiting the use of every other Flag, and of all those particularly designated under the names of City Flags, Port Flags, Flags of the late Provinces, and others which may have been used; and in case any commercial vessel now at sea and not informed of the arrangement made by this Proclamation, should not enter into the Ports of the kingdom till after the epoch of the 1st day of April next above fixed on, they shall not be permitted to go out of the said ports, or again to put to sea, till after having hoisted the new National Flag.
His Majesty commands and orders the Commandants of Ports, Arsenals, Commanders of Squadrons, Ships and other Vessels of War, Governors of Colonies, Intendants and Ordonnateurs of Marine, and of the Colonies, and all others to whom it shall appertain, to govern themselves agreeable to this Proclamation, and to aid in the execution of it.
DONE at Paris the 31st Day of October, 1790.
(Signed)
L O U I S.
And lower down,
M O N T M O R I N.
NEWBURN, April 9.
ON Monday last, the District Courts of the United States, for the North-Carolina District, was held at the Court-House in this town, before the Hon. Judge Sitgreaves.
We have been favored with a copy of the CHARGE delivered to the Grand Jury, on this occasion. It is as follows:
GENTLEMEN OF THE GRAND JURY,
YOU are now impanelled as an inquest for the United States, for the North-Carolina district, under the authority of a Constitution, which has received the assent of all America.
To forbear to speak of this government on this occasion, (altho' it may not be necessary to the business for which you are now assembled) might argue an insensibility towards it, which no citizen should ever feel.
It was a happiness reserved for the people of America, after having successfully asserted their claim to independence, to be permitted calmly and deliberately, in the mild season of peace, unawed by external force—undisturbed by internal commotion, to agree upon a system of government, which should bear the test of the most jealous examination, and be sanctioned by general approbation.
What may not be presaged from a constitution thus framed? In which local prejudices are made to yield to the primary object, the safety and happiness of the whole, by which a people inhabiting a vast extent of territory, under the influence of different climates and habits, have blended their interests in a perpetual union, presenting to the world a nation commanding admiration and respect.
It would be pleasing to contrast the present, with the former government; to point out the energy and stability of the one; to show the impotence and instability of the other. But this would be an unnecessary digression. It will suffice to observe, that among the many advantages we had anticipated from the change, a few months' experience has already evinced, a rapid establishment of public and private credit, and an increased circulation of solid coin. By these our commerce is already reviving; agriculture must soon feel the effect.
Under a government thus made by a people for themselves, administered by their own citizens, and alterable at their pleasure; in which the rights of mankind are fully recognized and respected; the citizen as a member of a nation, forming a conspicuous figure in the grand society of the human race, while he laments the deplorable situation of millions of his species, must be elevated with his dignity and importance, and be readily induced to revere and support it.
As members of such a nation, you are now called upon to perform a duty of great trust and importance.
On grand juries depend in a great measure the observance of the laws; through them the guilty is to be punished; the laws to be respected. As the duty is similar to that which you have often rendered to the state, the frequent performance of it, and the oath you have taken will cause a more particular direction unnecessary.
The criminal jurisdiction of this Court extends to all crimes and offences against the United States committed within this district, or upon the high seas, by any person now within the District, where no other punishment than whipping not exceeding thirty stripes, a fine not exceeding one hundred dollars, or a term of imprisonment not exceeding six months is to be inflicted. All such it is your duty to enquire into, and present, as well as all breaches of the laws of impost, navigation or trade of the United States, which subject the offender to indictment and punishment in this court. And it may not be improper here to observe, that however prevalent might be the opinion, when America was part of the British empire, that the evasion of the payment of the duties was not dishonorable or unjust, yet such an idea, at this day must be generally execrated; and it should be remembered that he who is guilty of a fraud on the revenue, commits a species of robbery, by which every citizen is injured.
It will be also your duty to present the misbehaviour of the officers of the revenue, if such should come to your knowledge. The possibility of negligence and corruption in the subordinate officers will render the vigilance of the public eye proper.
The gentleman who now acts as Attorney for the United States will prepare any business that may be offered for your consideration, and the Court will be ready to afford you any assistance or advice that may be necessary.
To the Hon. JOHN SITGREAVES, Esquire, District Judge of the United States.
May it please your Honor,
THE Grand Jury of the United States for North Carolina district, cheerfully embrace this interesting occasion to thank your Honor for the Charge delivered them yesterday, and feel a pleasure
in expressing to you their approbation of the Constitution, under which this Court is now sitting.
The organization of the government of the United States and the administration of it realize the hopes we had formed of the benefits and advantages to be derived from it.
Impressed as we are with the most favorable opinion of it, and the administration, convinced that the happiness and safety of the people of America, must depend on an efficient government, which can assert the dignity of the nation, and secure the liberty of its citizens, we shall with great cheerfulness give every facility to the execution of its measures.
The Grand Jury are fully convinced of the propriety of your Honor's observations, relative to the strict execution of the revenue laws, and shall always consider that man, as an enemy to his country, and not worthy of being a citizen of a free state, who can deliberately defraud the public of any part of its revenue.
We should do violence to our feelings, if we did not express to you the pleasure we enjoy, in beholding the distribution of justice placed in the hands of a man, for whom we have the greatest regard and affection.
Frederick Hargett, Foreman. W. Shepard, F. Lowthorp, W. Good, E. Bell, W. Dennis, jun. W. Blount, N. A. Bray, W. Randal, J. Blount, A. Harvey, S. Willis, J. Cook, W. Lawrance, E. Tinker, W. Henry, J. Smallwood, E. Alexander.
Jury-Room, April 5.
William Slade, Silas White Arnett and Benjamin Woods, Esqrs. were admitted to practice in this Court as Attorneys and Counsellors at Law, and qualified accordingly.
The number of fouls in the district of Newbern, as enumerated by the Deputy-Marshall, is 5603.
From the (Boston) COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
SOUTHERN WHALE FISHERY.
An obliging correspondent has furnished the Editor with the following accurate account of the product of the English South Whale Fishery—From which some judgment may be formed, of the importance of the object which has lately occasioned the armaments and conventions between Great-Britain and Spain—and which must arrest the attention of the enterprising merchants of the United States.
  PRODUCT in 1790.   Ships. *whale oil. t/sperm. do. †whalebone. § seal skins. 47 3420 tons. 809 tons. 2522 cwt. 85461.   AVERAGE VALUE—sterling.   *161. per ton. †481. per ton. ‡71. per cwt. § About 2s. 6d. per skin. 
Philadelphia, May 4.
The following statement of the transactions of the general government, relative to the Indian Tribes, is the result of the most diligent enquiry we have been able to make into the subject. We doubt not it will prove satisfactory, as it contains facts, and such general information as the public have a right to receive; it will also furnish the means of forming just ideas of the present posture of Indian Affairs.
THE measures adopted by the general government, relative to the Indian tribes within the limits of the United States, are replete with moderation, justice and humanity. Philosophers, and the intelligent part of the human race, approve the wisdom of such conduct, while its opposers will consist entirely of people of a different description.
Instead of an oppressive system, having for its object, the extirpation of a race of men more sinned against, than sinning, it appears to be the design of the general government, to impart to the Indians, who were the original lords of the soil, all the blessings of life, of which their situation will admit, and to lead them, by degrees, to a more settled and civilized mode of existence.
Waving the consideration of civilizing the Indians, which by many is deemed impracticable, the policy of observing a liberal and humane conduct towards them cannot be well denied.
It may be safely affirmed, that the expence of conciliating, and attaching all the neighbouring Indians to the interests of the United States, for a period of fifty years would not be so great, as the expences of one campaign against either the Creeks, or the Choc-taws.
At the commencement of the present constitution, the affairs upon the south western frontiers, presented a gloomy aspect.
The State of Georgia had been involved, for a number of years, in serious hostilities with the Creek nation of Indians. In this contest, the State of Georgia had been greatly distressed, its frontier inhabitants compelled to abandon their plantations, and guards were mounted, even in the city of Savannah itself, to prevent a surprise.
Congress early took this subject into consideration, and voted the sum of twenty thousand dollars, for the purpose of defraying the expences of negotiations, or treaties, with the Indian tribes. Three Commissioners were accordingly appointed for the purpose of holding a treaty with the Creek nation, in Sept. 1789, who were about to assemble at that time by virtue of a previous arrangement made under the directions of the old Congress.
Altho' these Commissioners were characters of high reputation, and repaired to the place appointed in due season, yet they failed of effecting a treaty at that time, owing to causes which are here unnecessary to be detailed.
But, altho' no permanent treaty was concluded, an informal truce was agreed to until the spring of the year 1790.
The issue of this business placed the United States in a new and critical situation: Before, it seemed a contest arising out of disputes between Georgia and the Creeks, relative to local boundaries. But, the United States having interposed, they became interested therein, and responsible for all consequences.
The treaty had been broken off rather abruptly, on the part of the Creeks, and under circumstances which indicated aversion to an intimate connection with the United States. Had the Creeks committed hostilities, either before or after the expiration of the truce, it would have been difficult to have found the colour of an excuse, for the United States not entering into an immediate war with that nation.
While on the one hand such a war, in which neither honor nor profit could be obtained, was to be avoided if possible, so on the other the United States were bound to protect all their citizens from violence.
In order therefore to prevent the former, and to establish the latter, measures, honorable to the government, were devised, and executed with great ability, to induce the chiefs of the Creeks, to repair to the residence of the general government, as the only means by which they could avoid the ruin impending over their nation.
The treaty with the Creeks at New-York, on the 7th of August 1790, was the consequence of the visit of the Chiefs. This treaty has been reprobated by land-jobbers, interested individuals, and some of the inhabitants of Georgia.
But, the enlightened citizens of America, highly approve of the treaty, as the ground work of attaching the Creeks, and the whole body of Southern Indians, to the interests of the United States, up-
on principles entitled to the approbation of the disinterested part of mankind.
The supreme executive of the United States, has also taken measures to secure the Choctaws and Chickasaws, in their attachment to the United States, by assuring them of the full performance of the treaties of Hopewell.
And, a treaty is to be held by Governor Blount, of the territory of the United States south of the Ohio, during the present year with the Cherokees.
Indeed there is the fairest prospect, of not only making a permanent peace with all the southern nations of Indians, but of attaching them in such a manner to the interests of the United States, as to command their active services, if necessary.
The Yazous company, so called, who have purchased of the State of Georgia, the pre-emption, to almost the entire lands of the Choctaws, Chickasaws, and part of the Cherokees, are dwindling away, and the boasted plans of Mr. O'Fallon and his associates, are far from being realized. The general government will never be so lost to sentiments of justice and virtue as to suffer a number of land-jobbers to dispossess the Indians of their country, against existing laws and treaties, and thereby to plunge the United States in a war with those powerful tribes, who are otherwise zealously disposed to be our firm and intimate friends.
The warriors of the Creek Nation of Indians, are estimated at 6000—the Choctaws at 5000—the Chickasaws at 1300, and the Cherokees at 2500, amounting in all to nearly 15,000 warriors—The friendship of such powerful tribes, even upon principles of policy, is well worth cultivating. The value of their friendship is to be estimated by the expence of their enmity, independent of the disgrace attendant upon the injustice of attempting to deprive them of their lands, against the faith of the United States, stipulated by solemn treaties.
It were devoutly to be wished, that in turning our eyes to the regions north-west of the Ohio, that the same prospects of peace appeared.
The general government took early measures for this purpose—Treaties had been formed, under the old government, with the six nations, the Wyandots, and Delawares, and some of the more western Indians—but, the Wabash Indians always declined to attend at the negotiations of those treaties, notwithstanding they were invited thereto.
In order, if possible, to bring those deluded people to a just sense of their situation, the President of the United States, directed that they should be invited a-new, to treat of peace, and that the consequences of their refusal, and persisting in hostilities should be fully placed before them—and at the same time, the people of Kentucky were prohibited from making any further incursions into the Indian country.
This invitation was executed early in the last year, to all the tribes inhabiting the river Wabash, from Post Vincennes, up to the Miami village. The invitation was not only refused by the Indians, but their hostilities were renewed with greater violence than ever.
The campaign therefore of the last year was a measure of necessity—The Indians had been invading our frontiers, and had killed many hundred innocent men, women and children.
It became just and highly proper, to manifest the power of the United States over these blood-thirsty tribes. That the expedition did not entirely succeed, is to be much regretted, but it is unnecessary in this place to investigate the causes of its failure.
Notwithstanding the provocations of these Indians, it is said measures have been taken to open their eyes to their true situation, and if possible, to induce them to peace, without the necessity of an active campaign against them; but, if the measures taken for this purpose should be in vain, the meekness of christianity, will justify the government, in taking effectual measures to prevent the murder of its peaceable citizens.
And the arrangements made, and which are in train of execution, will in all probability be entirely adequate to the full conviction of the hostile Indians, that they have abundantly more to hope, from the mercy, than to expect from the weakness of the United States.
It was to have been expected that some particular circumstantial accounts would have been received from India, by the Canton; the papers however now bro't from that country bear too great a resemblance to those published in England to enable us to ascertain facts with any precision. It appears that Tippoo has gained a very considerable victory, in the outset of the war; Col. Floyd's detachment being in a great measure cut to pieces, lost its artillery and abandoned its encampment and baggage which fell into the hands of the enemy.—Notwithstanding this the English predict success to their army from every particular enterprize on foot—and a mortal raging sickness having got into Tippoo's army—his entire destruction is to follow of course!
Famine—the concomitant of war in India, is expected to add to the evils of the wretched inhabitants of that ill-fated country.
The rapid subscription to the loan in Holland on account of the United States, is a most unequivocal evidence of the rising credit of this country.
How much then are the people of America indebted to those distinguished characters, through whose influence such favourable impressions have been made on the minds of the wary Hollanders—The administration in whose hands the governmental concerns of the country are now happily placed, is entitled to great applause—but the foundation of our respectability in the eyes of that people, was laid in the unparalleled, patriotic and successful negotiations of the VICE-PRESIDENT of this confederated republic.
Monday last the Vice-President of the United States, his Lady and family, left this city on a tour to the Eastward. We hear that his Excellency proposes to pass the summer at his seat in Braintree, near Boston.
Monday, pursuant to a vote of adjournment, passed at the general meeting of the Cincinnati the last year, a number of the Delegates from several States assembled in this city. The President and Vice-President being absent, the Hon. Gen. Knox was chosen President, pro tempore.
Securities as in our last.  This day is published, for the Proprietors,  By WILLIAM YOUNG, BOOKSELLER,  No. 52, Second-Street, the corner of Chestnut-Street,  The Universal Asylum,  FOR APRIL, 1791.

SALE M, April 19.
Extract of a letter from London, December 21, 1790.
DEAR SIR,
MY heart rejoices at the present happiness and future prospects of your country. Every thing combines to establish in Europe a just idea of your increasing respectability. The revival of punctuality in public and private engagements is a sure evidence of the wisdom and energy of your National Government. We have felt anxious for the fate of your political ship, tossed about as she has been without a captain or pilot, without rudder or compass—happily, however, no storms overtook her in that unprepared state, and she now holds a right course for the haven of safety. Great are the expectations of the wife and the good from the advantages you possess:—they hope you will exhibit the fair example of a people who shall make the enjoyment of life consist in fulfilling its duties, and who will look for social benefits only in the practice of social virtues—They flatter themselves that the period is commenced, when the superiority of nations is to be marked by the productions of industry instead of the ruins of war—when a people will be distinguished for what they enjoy instead of what they sacrifice.—America has the merit of opening this new field: I pray to Heaven that she may neither mar its cultivation nor despoil its fruit! May she be willing that the subsistence and comforts of life shall be distributed in the cheapest manner and enjoyed universally; and for this purpose I pray that she may avoid those restrictive and partial systems of commercial legislation which impoverish the people they are intended to favor, and only provoke those they are intended to punish. This left-handed policy, which disgraces Europe, can never be approved by the poor man's friends. The scanty pittance of the poor in all countries is made still scantier by this abuse of power; it cannot therefore (without very strong reasons indeed) be practised among you by those who unite kindest hearts with wise heads.
The interests of nations are not often incompatible, tho they are commonly considered so by those who have the guidance of them. It is a wretched error to estimate the wealth and opulence of a people by the comparative poverty of other nations. However just such a mode of calculation may be for estimating power, nothing can be more absurd in estimating wealth. But what absurdity is so great as to be without its advocates among those who are called wise? Even Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce, which are indispensably necessary to assist and support each other, are frequently treated as rivals—sometimes as enemies. If your country is willing to profit by the mistakes of others, you will conduct these things better than they have been conducted here—and yet I am so much an Englishman in my prejudices as to believe that their several interests have been less frequently injured, and more frequently promoted by the interference of government in England than in other countries; but be this as it may, it is now a prime article in the political creed of our ablest doctors, that the hand of labour is misguided by the interference of government oftener than it is directed to any valuable purpose—They admit that an useful art or branch of commerce unpractised and unknown in a country may deserve and require public assistance to introduce it—but tho there are cases in which government may aid the individual, there are none in which it may guide him: they believe "that the general industry of every country if left free will be unerringly directed to the best objects, and will therefore extend the production of every thing useful further than it can be extended in any other way."—"That the individual when left to himself applies his talents and his capital to the purposes he can best accomplish, and in a manner the most profitable—that he purchases from others such necessary things, and such only, as he cannot produce himself with so much advantage as he can buy them, and thus secures to himself of those things he needed the greatest abundance possible for him to obtain—and that the nation, which is the aggregate of individuals, must have the accumulated mass of benefits which the eagle-eyes of private interests can discover, and its incessant exertions procure." They believe "that commerce, when free from all restraints, will flourish most, and thus prove the greatest encouragement to agriculture and manufactures—and that these, being so encouraged, will by multiplying the articles of commerce repay the benefit with ample interest."
I should be unnecessarily tedious to be more particular, and therefore only give these leading principles. If they are so plausible as to be tho' deserving examination, this would gratify my ardent wishes—to call your attention to a subject so very important, is my aim—for altho it be admitted "that the interests of commerce are too complex to be fully comprehended in all their relations and combinations," yet some valuable
knowledge may be attained by a patient investigation of them, and this I wish to excite.
And now, my dear Sir, you are ready to enquire what is the disposition of Great-Britain towards the United States? Truth compels me to say, that in her sentiments she is less liberal than her honor as well as interest requires; but she will be true to her best interest finally, which she can never be, without serving yours—she is growing better humored, and every day discovers an increasing disposition to cultivate a harmony with you that must be reciprocally beneficial: her late apprehensions of a war with Spain made her sensible that your friendship might be estimated too low—and she has at length advanced one step toward you by the appointment of Mr. Elliott, as public minister to the United States. This gentleman was formerly in the custom-house at New-York, where he has left some friends—he is much esteemed here, and is said to have the confidence of the minister, with whom he is also remotely connected, his nephew having married Mr. Pitt's sister.
ADVERTISEMENT.
HAVING completed the second volume of this Gazette, its patrons, and the public at large, are informed that it will be prosecuted on its original plan, with every improvement that friendship and ingenuity may suggest.
The price of this Gazette, (published Wednesdays and Saturdays,) is Three Dollars per annum—one half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
The utmost punctuality is observed in transmitting the papers to subscribers: The Editor thinks there is the fairest prospect that Information from the seat of government, to the extremes of the Union, will in future circulate with greater facility and certainty, than through the past winter.—Additional subscriptions from all parts of the Union are therefore solicited.
An index to the second volume is preparing for the press.
This volume contains the laws of the two last sessions of Congress—the journal and debates of the house of Representatives—reports of the heads of departments—besides a greater variety of original communications immediately connected with the interests of the United States, than any other periodical publication.
The Editor acknowledges with gratitude the punctual payments received from a great proportion of his subscribers—some arrearages remain—which he is confident will very speedily be discharged.
Payments may be made to the several persons of whom the papers are received.
Advertisements of one square, or less, will be inserted in this Gazette, three times, for one dollar—subsequent insertions, twenty-five cents each; larger advertisements in proportion: No vehicle in the United States gives so immediate a circulation—and the number of each impression is at present fourteen hundred.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Subscriber, who served a regular apprenticeship to the business of VENDUE-MASTER, under Mr. GEORGE KELLY, has just opened an OFFICE in the Borough of NORFOLK, Virginia, in a good and convenient House, situated near the County Wharf, where he is in hopes of giving general satisfaction to all those that may be pleased to favor him with their commands. JOHN H. HALL. (1 ep 7w) Norfolk, Virginia, April 21, 1791.
GALLAUDET and EWING,
No. 54, SOUTH SECOND STREET,
HAVE imported in the Lady Walterforst, from London, Manchester and Adriana from Liverpool, and the Birmingham Packet from Bristol, a GENERAL ASSORTMENT of
SEASONABLE GOODS,
which they will sell on reasonable terms.—On hand for sale, a few hogheads of OLD JAMES'S RIVER TOBACCO. Philadelphia, April 9, 1791. 100 ep1m
To be disposed of, BY PRIVATE SALE, A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS,
In the HEBREW, GREEK, LATIN, FRENCH, and ITALIAN LANGUAGES—being part of a private Library;
Among which are the following:
FOLIO. Euripides, Homer, Demosthenes, Xenophon, Plato, Lucian, Plutarch, Pausanias, Procopius, Eusebius, Nicephorus, Cicero, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Seneca, Pliny, &c.
Quarto. Pindar, Aristotle, Terence, Ovid, Cæsar, Suetonius, Juvenal, Manilius, &c.
Octavo & infra. Septuagint, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Epictetus, Hesiod, Orpheus, M. Antoninus, Phalaris, Isocrates, Polyænus, Lucretius, Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius, Paterculus, Florus, Lucan, Statius, Gellius, Aulus Gellius, Vida, Buchanan, Boëthius, Poëtæ minores Latini, Callipædia, Strada, L. Valla, &c.
A Catalogue is left at the Book-Store of Messrs RICE and Co. Market-Street, where further particulars may be learned.
MATTHEW M'CONNELL,
IN CHESNUT-STREET, No. 66,
BUYS and SELLS all kinds of THE PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNION; has frequently occasion to NEGOTIATE INLAND BILLS OF EXCHANGE—and will receive Orders for making SUBSCRIPTIONS to the BANK of the UNITED STATES. Philadelphia, March 30, 1791. (96 tf)
All persons concerned will be pleased to take notice that the following advertisement has been varied from that published in our paper of the 23d of March.]
Treasury Department.
MARCH 22, 1791.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the first Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania and Fort Pitt, and at Fort Pitt.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort McIntosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort McIntosh.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort McIntosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami, at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie.
At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami village, before described.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.
At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village.
At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango.
At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf, betwixt Le Beuf and Presq'Ille, at Presq'Ille, and betwixt Presq'Ille and the mouth of Cayoga river.
At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek.
At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively.
At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazous inclusively.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the river Tenessee, to Ocochappo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively.
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.
 One pound of bread or flour,  One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork,  Half a jill of rum, brandy or whisky,  One quart of salt,  Two quarts of vinegar,  Two pounds of soap,  One pound of candles,  per 100 rations.
ALSO, That Proposals will be received at the said office until the first Monday in September next, inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the state of Massachusetts, and the Post of West-Point, in the state of New-York.
The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the same articles as above mentioned.
ALSO, That proposals will be received at the said office, until the 1st Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January to the 31st day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned.
At the post on the river Saint Mary, at present commanded by Capt. Henry Burbeck.
At the post on the river Altamaha, at present commanded by Capt. John Smith.
At the post on the river Oconee, at present commanded by Capt. Joseph Savage.
At the post on the river Apalachee, at present commanded by Capt. Michael Rudolph.
At any place or places from the Rock Landing on the Oconee, up to the mouth of the main south branch of the said river, from the said mouth up to the source of the said main south branch, and from thence to the Currahee mountain.
At any other place or places within the state of Georgia which may hereafter be occupied as permanent posts by any troops of the United States.
And for rations deliverable on the march to such future posts.
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least two months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the same articles, as are abovementioned.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depositions of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
The contracts for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years.
The proposals may be made for the whole of the above posts together, or separately for Springfield, for West-Point, for Yorktown, and the seventeen places following it, and for the posts in Georgia; and they must specify the lowest price per ration, for prompt payment.
The Printers who have published the above advertisement, are requested to reprint it with the alterations.
MANUEL NOAH,
BROKER,
No. 91, Race-Street, between Second and Third-Streets,
BUYS and SELLS
Continental & State Certificates,
Pennsylvania and Jersey Paper Money, And all kinds of SECURITIES of the United States, or of any particular State.