National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-04-23 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, APRIL 23, 1792.
NUMB. 51.
AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT supplementary to the Act for the Establishment and support of Lighthouses, Beacons, Buoys, and Public Piers.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all expenses which shall accrue from the first day of July next, inclusively, for the necessary support, maintenance, and repairs of all light-houses, beacons, buoys, the stakeage of channels, on the sea coast, and public piers shall continue to be defrayed by the United States, until the first day of July, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, notwithstanding such light-houses, beacons, or public piers, with the lands and tenements thereunto belonging, and the jurisdiction of the same, shall not in the mean time be ceded to, or vested in the United States, by the state or states respectively, in which the same may be, and that the said time be further allowed, to the states respectively to make such cession.
And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury be authorized to cause to be provided, erected, and placed, a floating beacon, and as many buoys, as may be necessary for the security of navigation, at, and near the entrance of the harbour of Charleston, in the state of South-Carolina. And also to have affixed three floating beacons in the bay of Chesapeake; one at the north end of Willoughby's Spit, another at the tail of the Horse-Shoe; and the third on the shoalest place of the middle ground.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, April twelfth, 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT to erect a Light-House on Montock Point in the state of New-York.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That as soon as the jurisdiction of such land on Montock point in the state of New-York as the President of the United States shall deem sufficient and most proper for the convenience and accommodation of a light-house shall have been ceded to the United States, it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury, to provide by contract which shall be approved by the President of the United States, for building a light-house thereon, and for furnishing the same with all necessary supplies, and also to agree for the salaries or wages of the person or persons who may be appointed by the President for the superintendence and care of the same; and the President is hereby authorized to make the said appointments. That the number and disposition of the lights in the said light-house shall be such as may tend to distinguish it from others, and as far as is practicable, prevent mistakes.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, April twelfth, 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT for ascertaining the Bounds of a Tract of Land purchased by John Cleves Symmes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is authorized at the request of John Cleves Symmes or his agent or agents, to alter the contract made between the late board of treasury and the said John Cleves Symmes for the sale of a tract of land of one million of acres, in such manner that the said tract may extend from the mouth of the Great Miami, to the mouth of the Little Miami, and be bounded by the river Ohio, on the south, by the Great Miami on the west, by the Little Miami on the east, and by a parallel of latitude on the north extending from the Great Miami to the Little Miami, so as to comprehend the proposed quantity of one million of acres, provided that the northern limits of the said tract shall not interfere with the boundary line established by the treaty of Fort Harmar, between the United States, and the Indian nations, and provided also that the President reserve to the United States, such lands at and near Fort Washington as he may think necessary for the accommodation of a garrison at that Fort.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, April twelfth, 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT for fixing the compensation of the Doorkeepers of the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the termination of the present session of Congress, the door-keepers of the Senate and House of Representatives, shall each be allowed a salary of five hundred dollars per annum, in full compensation for their services in the said offices; and that the assistant door-keeper to each House shall be allowed in full compensation for all his services, the sum of four hundred and fifty dollars per annum. And it shall be the duty of the said door-keepers to do the usual services pertaining to their respective offices during the session of Congress, and in the recess, under the direction of the Secretary of the Senate and Clerk of the House of Representatives, to take care of the apartments occupied by the respective Houses, and provide fuel and other accommodations for their subsequent session. And the said compensations shall be certified and paid in like manner as is provided by law, for the other officers of the Senate and House of Representatives.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, April twelfth, 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
Mr. MERCER'S Speech on the PUBLIC DEBT.
[Continued from our last, and concluded.]
SO much for the right. I now beg leave to remark with respect to the policy.
From reasons stated, it would be readily imagined what experience has sanctioned—That a funding system, once begun in any nation, has always increased the motives that led them to run in debt with double force to prevent their getting out. It is a cancer in the body politic that acquires strength from
amputation; if any remedy exists in nature, it is yet to be discovered. It is so pleasant to spend on other people's cost, that it arms all the powerful passions against the judgment. Hence the rapid accumulation of public debts throughout Europe—the increase exhibits the appearance of the regular ascent of a mountain, while the reductions appear like gullies in the sides, scarcely discernible, impeding the progress but for a moment. Great Britain has run in debt 250 millions sterling in less than a century. Had she originally adopted a plan of rendering the debt irredeemable, and had not seized every favorable rise of credit to lower the interest, by which means she pays now 3 per cent for money borrowed at 8, no system of taxation would have paid the interest and supported government even at this day; and all this debt must have begun in the memory of men now living.
That this government should have funded, in less than five years from its origin, near 50 millions of dollars, and should now propose to fund near 20 millions more—that we should have ranacked the whole United States to find debts to effect this, invite them from every quarter, and set them to find out, create and revive debts already sunk, to secure as large a share of the general revenue as possible; that we should have carried the principle to the extravagant excess we have done, by the invention of deferred stock, which no nation ever ventured to hazard, all in our earliest infancy, must afford sublime prospects of our progress in mature age.
Something unexampled must be done, for if we adopt the addition now proposed, I believe we shall find ourselves saddled with a greater funded debt, than Great Britain herself, comparatively with the relative wealth of the respective nations; and I believe their debts make even the boldest veteran of the projecting tribe quake with terror. It is true, we may not feel it so sensibly in consequence of paying no immediate interest in so great a proportion as the deferred stock; yet it is a debt our children will feel, and some of us.
It will in the aggregate form a mass of 70 millions of dollars. The property of the United States is worth what it will sell for at an ordinary market. Although it cannot be precisely ascertained what the amount would be, we are still furnished with sufficient data to form a tolerable estimate. In the state I have the honour to represent, industry and economy have long given a high relative value to their property. That property was assessed, soon after the war [when raised, to an ideal height,] to 12 millions their money. From the fall of price, I do believe that the whole or any proportion of it would not now bring, at fair market, the money. From this we must deduct four millions for the negro property, which cannot be included in a relative comparison with other countries, where the labourers, although equally and more valuable, are not considered as property; there would then remain 8 millions. Maryland is at least a 12th of the United States, she has indeed always been rated at a higher proportion; this would fix the property of the United States at 260 millions of dollars; the debt then is more than a 4th of the whole value of the property.
The wealth of Great-Britain is estimated, by Mr. Young and Mr. Pulteney, and I believe there is no good reason to question their authority, at 1000 millions sterling; they owe 250 millions, which is a fourth; their debt then is relatively less than ours. Again, from their extensive and lucrative colonial establishments in the East and West Indies, their annual income is increased so as to yield a net revenue of 100 millions sterling per annum, so that they really do not owe 3 years income. What
our annual net income is, I have no satisfactory document to form any estimate of, but I fear it is but small. The deferred stock may defer the extent of the evil, but it is by a sacrifice of all principle to convenience.
And for what has all this magic building been erected? What were the benefits expected? The states were going on rapidly in extinguishing their debts: there was no complaint that their certificates were too low. In 1785 and 1786, the Maryland certificates were nearly as high as they are now, or would be if assumed. Perhaps some found understandings were led away by vigor of genius, uncorrected by experience, and became bewildered by the visionary dreams of Pinto, Champion, and a variety of calculators. To compare the Secretary's first report on the public debt, with the last on the frontier defence, furnishes at least the consolation that a candid mind will relinquish error. Had he adhered to those apostles of political truth, Montesquieu and Smith, the first pages of the first report would have been stricken out.
It has answered, I will venture to assert, but one good effect of these predicted, for the myriads of evils it has entailed. It has enabled some debtors to pay off on better terms. But the number of them are but few, distressed people cannot keep these things, they early get into other hands.
As to its increasing our capital, that ground is now abandoned even by bigotry itself. To mortgage an estate adds nothing to its value—an estate is not doubled by dividing its profits. So much wealth as is borrowed on property, of so much less value is the property to him that holds, pays the interest, and stands charged.
Every atom of funded debt is so much taken from the value of the land in the hand of the landholders, and so much diminished from the value of labor to the laborer. Thus one great blessing of the funded debt predicted in the rise of land, has taken a contrary direction, for, unless it is round some towns, lands will hardly sell at all. Even in England and old countries, where there is a variety of other wealth, the public debt has so far lessened the value of land, that an estate that actually produces 1. 10000 a year, is in fact only estimated at about 63, and when sold the year's purchases are estimated at the latter sum.
Men that purchase land are not so thoughtless of posterity as administrations usually are. They purchase in a great measure for children. They consider the incumbrances, and fix their price accordingly. Altho' we pay no interest on deferred stock, yet it enters deeply into the price of our lands.
There is another consideration that is weighty on this subject: That stock in every country, particularly in one situated as we are, is ever varying in value. Since I have been here, in five weeks, it has altered its value one third. It cannot serve then as a medium of commerce, for that must be some certain common standard. To measure our commodities by a standard more variable than the commodities themselves, has always been held as absurd. Consequently, I never heard of land, or indeed any thing else, sold for stock. If the exchange takes place at all, it is first by a sale, and money is the medium. It bears therefore such a proportion to the money in circulation, and requires so much, that it pinches all other objects of sale—land, produce, and I believe commerce too. It is an old maxim, and I believe a true one, that if money is to be had, it will be had to game with. Stocks are so uncertain, that traffic in them has ever been considered as a species of gaming. Their value is supported by it. Withdraw the game-
(See last Page.)

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, April 18.
The report of the select committee on the petition of the invalid officer [whose application to the judges of the circuit court has been already mentioned] was taken up and read.—It contains barely a state of facts.
A petition praying relief for sundry American sailors captured by the Algerines, was referred to a select committee.
A memorial was read from sundry owners of and agents for iron-works in the state of Pennsylvania, praying that the duties on bar and pig iron may not be discontinued.—Referred to the committee of the whole on the bill for raising additional supplies.
A bill for settling the demands of A. W. White against the United States, was reported and read a first time.
On considering the message received yesterday from the Senate, the House concurred with them in their proposed amendment to the bill authorizing the grant and conveyance of certain lands to the Ohio Company.
Mr. Secretary Otis delivered a message, informing the House, that the Vice-President having obtained leave of absence on account of his own and his family's bad state of health, the Senate had elected the hon. R. H. Lee President pro tempore, as the constitution directs.
Mr. Otis further informed the House, that the Senate had considered the bill to extend the time for payment of the duties on certain teas, and resolved that the same should not pass to a third reading:—and, that they had passed a bill to make alterations in the treasury and war departments; in which they desired the concurrence of the House.
This bill was read a first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole on Friday next.
Mr. Gerry laid on the table a resolution for the appointment of a committee, to enquire into the state of the recruiting service, and (if necessary) to report a bill for promoting the same, by increasing the pay of the privates, establishing the "act making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers," to four dollars per month.
Pursuant to the order of the day, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and resumed the consideration of the bill for raising a further sum of money for the protection of the frontiers.
The committee having proceeded to the 12th section,
Mr. Parker moved to strike it out, as directly imposing a stamp duty, which he considered as a pernicious measure, that he hoped he would never see introduced under this government, unless in some case of dire necessity.
Mr. Fitzsimons replied, that the having a stamp on the paper is not alone a sufficient reason to reject it: the duty, he observed, is small; and, being imposed on cards, will be acceptable to most people.
Mr. Livermore adverted to the uncommon degree of minuteness in the precautions for securing the collection of that duty; and thought it by no means necessary to be so extremely cautious about so trifling an article as cards.
Mr. Williamson replied, that either the duty must be struck out altogether, or some provision made to ensure its collection;—that there is no article on which a duty can be laid with so much propriety, as on playing cards; but that, without some regulation for marking them, the duty will be evanescent, and no revenue at all will accrue;—this had been the case in N. Carolina, where a duty having been imposed, the cards were constantly smuggled.—As to the stamp, he hoped the mere name of "mad dog" would not be sufficient to condemn the measure—for as the duty itself was not objected to, as improper, he could not see any dangerous attack on the liberties of the people, in setting a mark on paper, to prevent smuggling, the stamp being in fact nothing more than a mark, to distinguish whether goods were smuggled or not; and this, he thought, the people could not complain of, as oppressive:—in some time, hence, it may perhaps be found necessary to impose a stamp on law proceedings also; for something of that kind must be done, before recourse be had to a poll-tax or land-tax.
The question being taken on striking out the section, it passed in the negative, four gentlemen only having risen in the affirmative, viz.
Messrs. Livermore, Macon, Parker and Venable.
The 13, 14, 15 and 16 sections, on the same subject, were agreed to.
The 18th section being read, as follows,--
Se ct . 18. And be it further enacted, That the several and respective duties aforesaid, except that mentioned in the fourth section of this act shall continue to be levied, collected and paid until the debts and purposes to and for which the duties hereby directed to cease after the _____ day of _____ next, were pledged and appropriated, shall have been fully paid and satisfied; and that so much thereof as may be necessary, shall be, and hereby are pledged and appropriated in the same manner, for the same purposes and with the same force and effect as those which are hereby directed to cease after the said _____ day of _____ next; and that so much of the residue thereof as may be necessary, shall be, and hereby are appro-
priated for making good deficiencies in any funds which may have been designated for satisfying grants and appropriations heretofore made.
Mr. Sney moved to strike it out, and in lieu thereof to insert, "Be it enacted, That this act shall continue until the _____ day of _____, and until the next session of Congress which shall happen thereafter, and no longer: and that, from and after the expiration of the same, the duties hereby extinguished and repealed, shall be revived, collected and paid in the same manner, as if this act had never been passed."
A warm debate hereupon took place, during the course of which, one gentleman who strenuously supported the motion, was several times interrupted;—apprehensions were expressed of dangerous consequences in case his speech should appear in print;—and an honorable member, who opposed the motion [Mr. Gerry] declared, that the manner in which the debates of Congress had been published, and the business conducted, during the present session, had a direct tendency to bring about a dissolution of the union.
The question being taken on Mr. Sney's motion, passed in the negative: yeas 27, nays 32.
The committee having proceeded through the remainder of the bill, rose and reported it, with sundry amendments.
THURSDAY, April 19.
A bill for settling the demands of A. W. White against the United States, was read a second time, and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Mr. Goodhue, from a select committee, reported a bill respecting the compensation of certain officers employed in the collection of the duties of impost and tonnage; which was read a first and second time, and committed for Monday next.
A report from the Secretary of the Treasury on the memorial of the merchants of Philadelphia, respecting the erection of piers at New-Castle on Delaware, was referred to a select committee, to examine and report, by bill or otherwise.
Mr. S. Bourne presented, and Mr. Speaker signed, an enrolled bill, authorizing the grant and conveyance of certain lands to the Ohio Company of Associates.
The House proceeded to the consideration of the amendments, reported by the committee of the whole, to the bill for raising an additional sum of money for the protection of the frontiers; and having gone through the same,
Mr. Sney moved further to amend the bill, by adding, at the end, the following section:
"Be it enacted, That this act shall continue until the _____ day of _____, and until the next session of Congress which shall happen thereafter, and no longer; and that, from and after the expiration of the same, the duties, hereby extinguished and repealed, shall be revived, collected and appropriated, in the same manner they would have been, if this act had never been passed."
This motion gave rise to a lengthy debate, which was supported with an interesting degree of warmth and animation on both sides of the question; and continued till the usual hour of adjournment; when, the yeas and nays being called,
Those who voted in the affirmative, were, Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Findley, Giles, Gregg, Griffin, Grove, Heister, Jacobs, Lee, Macon, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Niles, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Sney, Sheridine, J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sumpter, Tredwell, Tucker, Venable, White, Williamson, Willis, 32.
Those who voted in the negative, were, Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Benion, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clarke, Dayton, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley, Hillhouse, Huger, Key, Kitchell, Kittera, Laurence, Leamed, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Murray, W. Smith, Sterrett, Sylvester, Thatcher, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward, 31.
The majority in favor of the motion being but one, Mr. Speaker (as entitled by the rules of the house) gave his casting vote, and the question passed in the negative.
Mr. Page then moved that the bill should be recommitted; but before a question was taken on the motion,
Mr. Fitzsimons laid on the table a proposition of amendment, and the House adjourned.
FRIDAY, April 20.
The petition of E. Ladd, praying a remission of the duties on certain goods damaged by shipwreck, was referred to the committee on the petition of W. and J. Symmes.
A memorial, from sundry citizens of the state of N. Carolina, respecting certain impediments in their navigation, was referred to a select committee.
Mr. Gerry having read in his place a passage of the American Daily Advertiser of this day, containing a comment on certain expressions he had used in the debate of Wednesday last, made a motion for the appointment of a number of persons skilled in short hand writing to take down the debates of next session—referred to a select committee.
The House having then taken up the Bill for raising an additional sum for the defence of the frontiers, and a motion for recommittal being negatived, further amendments were made, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
One of the amendments was, to strike out every thing relating to the stamp on cards.—Carried, Yeas 27; Nays, 25.
For the National Gazette.—No. IV.
CONVERTING the tobacco plantations in Virginia into farms, will not only promote the prosperity and wealth of that state, but will greatly contribute to the individual happiness of its citizens. Whilst we make this declaration in favor of the proposed alteration, it may be proper to observe that the previous and necessary expenses attending the full cultivation of a well regulated farm, are very considerable.
The spirit of calculation has hitherto been too much neglected by the yeomanry, and therefore this valuable class of citizens has, in most countries, fallen a sacrifice to insidious systems, of indirect taxation bro't forward and supported by financial artifice and cunning.
To conduct agriculture to the advantage of a country, requires a greater sum of money to be invested in it, than in general is thought necessary. The expenses are of three kinds; 1st, Primitive , or such as are connected with the soil itself, consisting of clearing the land of trees, roots, stones, digging of drains, and putting it in order for the plough, habitations for the farmer and his family, barns for hay and grain, stables for horses and cattle, and buildings for the preservation of waggons, carts, ploughs, and other instruments of husbandry. 2nd, Instrumental expenses; confined to providing implements of husbandry and stock of every kind. 3d, Annual expenses, comprehending the subsistence of man and stock on the farm, the support and reparation of instruments and buildings, manure, &c.
Such an account of expenses may alarm and discourage many planters; but they should remember that the produce of their farms will be in proportion to such expenses.
With respect to the size of a farm, it is asserted that our farms in America are too large; I would rather say that the purse of the yeomanry are too weak , to carry on agriculture to their own profit, or to the advantage of the country. The advocates for small farms assert, that farms under one hundred acres must necessarily excel in husbandry: and that the superiority of management must of course be in proportion to their degree of smallness: On the contrary, however, every country affords evidence of the fallacy of these conceptions. It is on the larger not on the smaller farms we find a spirit of improvement, and a superiority of management to prevail. Among the occupiers of small farms, whose scanty possessions are too frequently marked with an inferiority of management, little information can be expected. It is on the farms of men whose independency, conversation and reading has led them to think and act without prejudice, that we must expect to find a superiority of general management and a spirit of improvement to prevail. A farm of two hundred acres, subject to a proper rotation of crops, will afford full employment to one family. Farms should not be less, if we wish to preserve the independency of the yeomanry, or promote the real wealth of the commonwealth.
However individuals may differ in opinion respecting the size of a farm, it is universally allowed, that it is impossible to carry on any farm to advantage without a good farm yard and proper buildings. In farms where such are not to be found, the grass fields are poached all winter, and the quantity of manure procured is but trifling. View the management of two farmers in this respect, the one good, the other bad; the first procures by every means plenty of litter for his stables and his yard, he saves all the refuse straw, fodders all his cattle in the stables or in the yard, and at the conclusion of the winter he is in possession of a valuable quantity of manure—On the contrary, the slovenly husbandman keeps his cattle ranging about the fields all winter, the hay or grain of each field is stacked in it, and all his pastures poached. The management of the farm yard is a point of so much importance that too much attention cannot be given to it.
The housing of cattle from the first week in November to the first week in May, is necessary in order to procure the greatest quantity of manure; in the day time the cattle to be turned into the barn yard and foddered with straw: During this period fifty head of cattle will create a sufficiency of manure for the complete dressing of 20 acres of land. To afford shelter to the stock in the barn yard, the necessary buildings frequently form a hollow square. The quantity of walling, number of doors, extent of roofing, with repairs incident to low straggling buildings, renders this and every other plan which resembles it altogether ineligible. The buildings of a farm should be as compact as possible—we prefer a long square for the principal building, the ground floor to be occupied as stables; and the upper part of the building to form the barn and hay chamber, with a barn floor—in rural economy, straight lines and right angles are principles which can seldom be deviated from with propriety, either in laying out a farm or in planning farm buildings. The great object is to procure the desired conveniencies at the least expense, present and future. The greater number of conveniencies there can be included in one building, the cheaper will they be obtained.
A FARMER.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
On the Secretary's Report on the Excise.
THE Report of the Secretary of the Treasury upon the petition respecting the Excise Law, which had been referred to him by the House of Representatives, is accompanied with an elaborate detail of arguments, and a statement of facts, calculated as a reply to the reasoning of the petitioners in favour of a repeal or revision of the law; and a copy of this ministerial essay has been delivered by order of the House to each member, for the purpose of assisting him to make up his mind on the important question to which it leads. In digesting this report and preparing these arguments several months have passed away; and that the influence to be promoted by them might be the better matured, a considerable time subsequent to their public discussion was suffered to elapse before any further order was taken on the subject by the friends of the Excise System.
Let us suppose, for a moment, that the Secretary is perfect in wisdom, immaculate and infallible with respect to integrity, Congress, it must be confessed, are extremely happy in deriving such assistance from his personal merits and qualifications, and have been fortunate indeed in the institution of the Secretary's office, and in the uses which they make of it. Far inferior is the British mode of communicating ministerial aid to parliamentary deliberation. The Minister of that nation, though he possesses the advantage of being a member of the legislature, can only introduce his resolutions, and offer his reasons on the floor, as a member; and if these should be thought dangerous or improper, there are always some characters ready, on the same ground, and with equal privileges to examine his statements and to detect the artifice contained in his propositions, before the leaven has time to ferment. The efficacy of the antidote depends indeed upon its being administered before the poison, not assimilated with the usual nourishment. If, therefore, we admit that the Secretary is a fallible mortal, and however great his capacity may be, that he is liable to mistake, or to be imposed upon, or in the range of hypothesis, if we suppose these possible cases, that his political principles may not correspond with the genius of the government, or with the public opinion; or that he embraces the interest of one class of the community in preference to the interest of the other classes—I say, admitting any, or all, of these circumstances to be possible, then the ministerial mode of influencing the deliberations of Congress, practised since the change of the government, is more dangerous than even that which is pursued, but loudly complained of, in Britain. That the minister's character is in some measure involved in the last of my suppositions may, I think, be demonstrated by a critical examination of almost all his fiscal reports; but for the present I will confine myself to the proofs, arising from a few observations upon the report (to which I have already referred) grounded on the objection: to the Excise Law, as one of the most recent and important acts of his administration.
Before I enter upon this discussion, however, a short history of the origin of the Excise in the United States will be necessary to throw light upon the subject. To enable Congress to provide for the discharge of the debts, incurred in the progress of the revolution, was a principal motive for vesting the government of the union with more extensive powers, and cloathing it in more approved forms. When the newly organized government began its administration, after providing for executive arrangements, the public debt naturally employed the attention of the Legislature; but instead of investigating the business by a committee in any of the usual forms, it was referred generally to the Secretary of the Treasury, without even fixing the principles by which he was to be governed; the debt for which he was to provide, or the sources from which the provision was to be drawn. The citizens only expected, and the public creditors only wished that a competent provision should be made for paying the interest on the public debt, until the principal could be discharged, and for paying off the small arrearages of interest that had not been extinguished, according to the modes of the confederation: for it is to be observed that the interest previously to the first of January 1788, was so effectually disposed of among the different states by requisitions, that Congress would not even receive it in payment for lands.—Hence it appears, that, besides the foreign debt, the capital of the domestic debt, estimated at _____ was the whole amount for which Congress had to provide the means of paying interest, according to any existing obligation; and for this the impost afforded a sufficient and permanent fund. It is true that debts were contracted by the respective states, under assurances of receiving a credit for them by Congress upon a final settlement: but that settlement was then in progress under the direction of commissioners, vested with competent authority, and is now nearly completed; and most of the states had previously made con-

considerable exertions in extinguishing the debts of this description; or had, in aid of the general government, during its want of resources, possessed themselves of so much of the domestic claims, as would raise a productive fund for their discharge. The western lands, and the probable surplus of the import, which must increase with the increase of our population, offered a competent fund for the two years arrears of interest on the domestic debt, and what might, on the final settlement, appear due to creditor states; which, however, ought to have been balanced by requisitions. If this natural order of things had been pursued, neither excise, nor direct taxes would have been necessary.
But the Secretary, not contented with taking up this business in the way it naturally presented itself, augmented the domestic debt, probably between a third and a fourth of the whole amount, by reviving that portion of it which had been legally provided for by the requisitions of Congress; and projected an assumption of the aggregate of the state debts. To the surprise of the citizens, Congress eventually ratified his system, with very few alterations. It is true that it was agreed to, with great difficulty, by a small majority; and, it is now known, by a very unequal representation of the union: but such a system would probably never have been proposed, and surely would not have been adopted, if the legislature had originated the business. Along with the assumption of the state debts, the excise was proposed and enacted; a tax, which, as it affects home produce, was hateful to the citizens, and most disapproved in those states that had made the greatest exertions to discharge their debts, and whose greatest dependence was on agriculture.
This excise law, however, thus introduced, having been found, in a great degree, unproductive and impracticable, and being again brought by the people before Congress, has received a vindication in that report of the Secretary which it is my intention to investigate, and to which I shall now return.
In the first page of the report, the Secretary observes that the objections have a reference to a supposed tendency in the act, 1st, To contravene the principles of liberty, &c. 2dly, To injure morals. 3dly, To oppress by heavy and excessive penalties, injure industry and interfere with the business of distilling. — I am aware, with respect to the third particular, the heavy and excessive penalties, that before the excise becomes practicable, the penalties must be more excessive than they yet are; for I admit, that, if an excise upon home-produce is necessary, heavy penalties and arbitrary powers are its natural and necessary concomitants. If therefore the tax stands the test of examination, or the questions respecting morality, industry, and good policy, it would be wrong to affect much nicety about the penalties or powers, by which its collection is guarded and secured.
On the question of liberty, the Secretary presumes greatly upon the conviction, which originally dictated the law:
But, I will make free to assert that it was not the conviction of the people. Nay, is it not a matter recorded and understood that the assumption of the state debts, which alone created the necessity of the Excise, was carried by a very small majority of that representation; and under such circumstances, too, of management and inducement, as were not very honorable?
To pass over these collateral considerations, however, I believe that an Excise is a tax of such a nature, as cannot, in any possible mode of conducting it, be rendered consistent with the liberty of the citizens. In support of this opinion, I shall assign some of the reasons on which it is founded.
In the first place, then, It is not possible for the people to understand the Excise so well as other direct taxes. It is paid without feeling so sensibly, or knowing so well the amount that is paid; and consequently it is, in a degree, taxing the people blindfolded. I know there are persons, and particularly some, who have a voice in the affairs of government, to whom this very incident is a recommendation of the Excise; because, as they alledge, the people pay it cheerfully in swallowing their draught of grog. This remark may, indeed, apply in countries where the subjects do not give their money to government, but are robbed of it by tyrants; and where there is no check set to the exactions, but merely the interest of the rulers, to preserve the people in a capacity of providing for future taxes. Every robber, upon this maxim, will take the easiest method of procuring his booty, and consequently, prefer artifice to a direct attack. The argument, however, must appear in a more striking point of view, when taken in connexion with my subsequent remarks.
Secondly, Another objection arises from the extent to which the Excise may be carried. By the mere act of the legislature, it may be made to embrace every thing that is useful and comfortable to mankind. What necessary, what comfort of life has, in European nations, escaped the insatiable maw of Excise-Laws! This species of tax-
ation may well be denominated the political horse-leech, the barren womb that never has enough. If we look across the Atlantic to Britain, we shall perceive that although the Excise plausibly began its operation there, as it has with us, on supposed luxuries, yet that with inconceivable rapidity it seized upon every thing useful and comfortable in life. The shoes which the people wear are excised with the tanner and the currier; the soap with which they wash their linen, the starch with which they clear it; the glass which admits the light by day, and the candle which supplies it by night; the beer that is drank, and the butchers' meat that is eaten, make but a small portion of the exciseable enjoyments of that country, whose boasted freedom is tarnished with corruption, and whose venality and extravagance are in a great measure produced and fostered by these odious Excises, the horror of all free states. — But were I to enumerate the exciseable articles in the British book of rates, it would fill more pages than I design to write upon this subject.
When we contemplate the state of France, we behold a generous nation labouring under an increased load of excises, until the burthen became so intolerable, that the most loyal people in the world, who had hitherto blindly idolized their grand monarch, and for his sake gloried in their chains, were compelled at last to spurn the dire oppression; and thus roused from the lethargy of prejudice and servility, they overturned the pyramid of rapacious and insatiable profusion, which had endured for ages. To detail the variety and exorbitance of the Excises in France, would in itself require an extensive volume; I will therefore only mention the article of salt, which in some provinces had been raised to 8 dollars a bushel; and of tobacco, which had been raised to half a dollar a pound. It will add to the extravagance of these impositions when we recollect that salt is in France an article of home produce, and in such great abundance that even the marshes teem with it; and that in some privileged provinces, tobacco is likewise cultivated in plenty; altho' in other provinces, fitter for the growth of the plant, it is banished, by rigid prohibitions, from their soil. But still it has become, in the use, a necessary. I might, in short, traverse all the nations of Europe in which Excises have been introduced, and, whatever ideas of taxing articles of luxury were suggested as the lure, when they were originally proposed for adoption, it would be uniformly found that, in the issue, they have fallen heaviest on the necessaries of life. This principle is, indeed, invariably pursued by financiers, let their pretences be what they may; for necessary articles are generally the least convenient for smuggling purpose, and being, at the same time, of unavoidable consumption, they must always be the most productive, and afford the most certain subjects for official estimates. Even in our own import, the duty on salt, an article which enters most largely into the daily food of the poor; and which, in parts distant from the sea, is necessary also in the food of beasts, has been raised by every revision of the law, until the contribution levied by government from a bushel of coarse salt exceeds, in fact, the amount of the first cost and freight. — No article of luxury pays so high. Salt ought to be as free as the water we drink, as it is of as general and equal usefulness. I thank God, that the purling stream is not in the power of exciting financiers; if it were, the fatigued labourer, or the thirsty horse, would have to contribute to government before they could quaff the cooling draught! — I call upon the contrivers and promoters of the system to mention that nation, which has at any time introduced Excises on its domestic produce, or manufactures, without extending the fatal grasp to the necessaries of life, which, as I have already observed, must ever be the most productive sources of that species of revenue. To luxuries, indeed, the instrument may first be artfully applied; but it uniformly acts as the opening wedge, to make way for the whole system, with all its enormities and oppressions.
Can we then promise ourselves to be an exception to the experience of all other nations! Let the present excise be once in full operation, and occasions will annually arise for its extension. Cider and beer will be convenient and productive subjects to supply the wants occasioned, perhaps, for the very purpose of apparently justifying an amplification of the excise tyranny. Those who already pay for their home-made spirits, will not only agree to the additional imposition, but give it countenance upon the principle of promoting an equality of contribution; and the second class will facilitate its extension, with similar views, to still more necessary and more numerous objects. Let the present excise, I repeat, be once fully established, and I will engage that it will not be long on spirits alone. It is not reasonable that it should. When one part of the people of any nation loses its liberty, past the hope of recovery, it becomes the ready instrument of enslaving the rest: and thus it is with respect to revenues raised by excise
upon one part of our home produce; the original imposition promotes, or rather ensures a gradual extension to the other parts. It is to be considered, likewise, that there are no natural bounds or limits to the rate that may be laid on what is necessary for life. The use of the articles merely luxurious depends upon the habits and appetites of the people, which, as they may be diverted or restrained, are subject to some limitation; but the consumption of necessaries depends upon life itself; for, who can live without salt, candles, &c. or who, thinking himself free, will live without enjoying the lawful comforts which arise from the culture of his farm. All other direct taxes are limited in their own nature. A tax upon improved land must be within what it would rent for, or else none would cultivate it; a tax upon uncultivated land must be less than its probable increasing value, or none would own it. But the excise which the Roman Emperor imposed upon wine, could not be evaded, for it was founded on a call of nature which must be obeyed. Many instances of the extravagant rate of excises upon necessary articles in modern times might be given; but those which I have before mentioned on salt and tobacco in France, where the articles are produced, and where the price of labor is very low, are sufficient examples for my present purpose.
A third objection to the excise proceeds from the consideration that luxuries are, comparatively, used by few: Hence, an excise upon articles of that description would not be sufficiently productive for the uses and exigencies of government. To render it productive it must be laid on those articles, which, from the manners or circumstances of the people, are become necessaries, and are in general use. This opinion is supported by the examples of every foreign country, which has imposed an excise; and even by our own excise on spirits made from home produce. By the habits of the country this liquor was become necessary to laboring people, and preparing it had become part of the business of the farmer, as much as preparing his cider, or any other supply, which his farm will produce. The object in laying the excise is not to promote health, as the canting address of the college of physicians advises, nor to prevent drunkenness, as the Secretary hints. The Secretary well knew that the habits and circumstances of new settlements in particular, rendered the use of spirits in some degree necessary; and the reasons that operate in favour of the present excise will necessarily extend to every thing in a similar situation.
To prove that it is not inconsistent with liberty, the report (page 2) asserts, that, "it has not the features of other excise laws -- that there is not the summary and discretionary jurisdiction in the excise officers, contrary to the course of common law, and in the abridgment of the right of trial by jury -- that there is not a general power, in the same officers to search and inspect indiscriminately all the houses and buildings of the persons engaged in the business to which the tax relates."
This I readily admit; but I hope the Secretary will also admit, that the law, as it stands, is not effectual. The truth is, that many people, in a great part of several states disregard it altogether; some apparently submit to it, but while they keep two stils employed, enter only one of them; and others acquiesce for the present, in confident expectation that the law will be soon repealed.
I may venture to assert that the execution of the act will for ever be impracticable, until those very powers are vested in the officers, the want of which is the boast of the report. No excise law in the world has been effectual without them; and no people in the world have a greater aversion to excise laws than the citizens of the U. States. If then those powers are necessary to render excise laws practicable, as I firmly believe they are; and I have reason and all experience on my side; I expect the Secretary will no longer contend that excise laws are consistent with liberty. Any law that increases crimes, punishments, fines, seizures, and confiscations, is injurious to the liberty and enshrining to the happiness of the people. In all countries, where the excise has prevailed, it has created new crimes and punishments, it has accumulated fines, seizures, and confiscations; and, by inevitable consequence, these evils, which it engenders, have proved injurious to the liberty, and enshrining to the morals of the citizens. What instrument, indeed, can more effectually prepare a people for slavery, than that, which sets their interest in opposition to their honesty, and which must either destroy their virtue or ruin their fortune with its pressure?
Philad. April 21. SIDNEY.     PRICE OF STOCKS.     Six per cents, per £. - - 20/   Three ditto - 11/6 10 12/6   Deferred: ix ditto, - 12/6 12/6   Final settlements, &c. - 15 16   Indents - - 1/3   Halfshare Bank Stock 25 per cent advance.  
PHILADELPHIA.
April 23, 1792.
By a vessel arrived here on Friday last, from the Cape, we learn that the remainder of the 6000 troops, expected for the relief of St. Domingo, have reached that island.
On Thursday last died at his lodgings in this city, BIG TREE, one of the Indian Chiefs of the five nations, that arrived here about six weeks since. His illness was not of more than 20 hours continuance. — His corpse was interred on Saturday.
On Wednesday evening last, a number of disorderly persons assembled round the Jail in New-York, behaving in a riotous manner, breaking the lamps, &c. — Fortunately the friends of legal restraint and good order, with the exertions of the police, prevented any dangerous excesses being committed. Mr. Duer, it seems, was their object.
A New-York paper of Thursday informs, that the Barbers of that city have raised the price for shaving from six pence to eight pence, on account of the extraordinary and universal addition to the length of the chin, that has taken place there since the late failures.
Accounts from Pittsburgh, to the 14th instant, mention several murders and depredations, in addition to those stated in our last, committed by some sculking parties of Indians along the waters of the Ohio.
The extraordinary swell of the Susquehanna, during the present spring, has afforded many large boats an opportunity of coming full loaded down that river, having all passed the various falls, rapids, &c. in safety. — One of these boats is 80 feet in length, 14 wide, & had on board 1950 bushels of wheat, a large quantity of hemp, &c.
We agree with Camden (in the General Advertiser of Saturday) that humanity is better pleased with the conduct of the judges of the Eastern Circuit: but Camden must allow, that they too have, though in a delicate manner, passed sentence of unconstitutionality on the invalid law. — We deny Camden's assertion; and assert that the word "impeachment", was several times mentioned in the H. of R., although no motion was made on the subject. We do not mean to muffle up the judges any more than Congress, in the cloak of infallibility: we wish to see both parties amply clad, that it to say, with the gub of wisdom and righteoufness. The old cloak being worn to rags (of which there is a great scarcity at present) may be sent to the mills; and when manufactured into foolscap paper, may be used for printing panegyrics on the measures of government.
He must be a venal wretch, indeed who thinks that because a man holds a lawful office under government, therefore he is obliged to approve and flatter the most arbitrary measures of that government.
There are who praise without measure; because they probably conceive their interest might suffer by a contrary conduct. With an eye to the man, they approve his work without attention to its intrinsic merit. Were such believed, it might appear that every thing is going for the best, and that there is no room for amendment. That there is wisdom displayed in our public councils, no one can deny — that we enjoy a considerable share of prosperity is evident: But that some measures have produced evils, experience testifies, — that a change of measures might bring about a change of circumstances is clear. — Then while there is room for improvement, why be satisfied with our present progress towards political prosperity? [Gen. Adv.]
The Speaker of the Irish House of Commons was insulted by a number of persons, who were irritated at being turned out of the galleries of that House — This piece of intelligence was ONCE only mentioned in an American paper, entitled, the National Gazette — Ergo, it includes an admonition to the citizens of the U. States, that they should, on a similar occasion, act in the same manner — excellent logic, truly!
*** The Printing Office of the National Gazette is removed from No. 239, to 209, High (or Market) Street, above fifth Street.
RAN away on Wednesday night last, a Negro Man, about twenty-three years old; had on a light coloured short coat: took with him a pair of leather breeches and a pair of green stuff do. a beaver hat half worn, narrow brim and deep crown; a pair of boots; striped cotton and silk stockings — he is slim made — reads and writes a legible hand — has, I am informed, procured a pass and certificate of his being a free man. It is probable he will endeavor to get on board some vessel, either at this place or New-York. He has a small fear under his chin occasioned by cutting out an oven. I will give Forty Dollars reward to any person who will deliver him to me at this place, and pay all reasonable expenses.  ANDREW MOORE. No. 118 Spruce-Street.  April 23.

sters, and the whole fabric vanishes. They are the leaven that raises the bread of the stockholders. The misfortune is, it is so extensive as to withdraw men from the solid pursuits and moderate profits of useful occupations into a vortex of corruption and vice. This is a complaint from all quarters, and so very general, that I must believe it has too much foundation.
This kind of gaming has ever been considered as highly pernicious to the public morals. If it is so, no benefits (if such did exist) could compensate the injury. To a republic whose existence depends on a due proportion of disinterested virtue, such an over-dose of poison administered, must either destroy the patient, or be thrown off by some violent and latent power of the constitution.
A love and veneration of equality is the vital principle of free governments. It dies when the general wealth is thrown into a few hands. The effect of stocks is to transfer the fruits of the labours of the many, who are able to appreciate its value by the difficulty of acquirement, and would convert it into useful improvement, into the hands of the opulent few who exchange them for foreign luxuries, and consume in an hour, the labour of industrious families for years. It prevents a general diffusion of wealth by drawing it to a center, and saps the foundation of a republican government, especially in a large continent.
In a young country, these effects of individual opulence are particularly hurtful. Such men are not only idle themselves, but they maintain numerous idle dependents and menial servants, whose lives are consumed in ministering to their luxuries, and whose services die the moment they are rendered. Their want is felt in an unimproved, thinly populated country, where there are no supernumerary hands—differently from an old well-settled state, where there are more hands than employment. But of all opulence, that of the wealthy stockholder is most fatal to a young country. Where a man's revenue arises from landed property, it is created by productive labour employed on the land, and the necessities of life are encreased as his income encreases. As his wealth depends on the value of some particular estate, it becomes his interest to improve it. His private advantage becomes the public prosperity. He also who employs his capital in manufactures, encreases thereby the aggregate of necessary productions; and even he who lends money on interest to individuals, generally selects the industrious from motives of safety, and so encreases the general welfare.
But wealthy stockholders who have lent their money to government, are interested in no particular spot of land or manufacture. They improve nothing; but take something from all. They are citizens of the world:—oftener foreigners than natives. Attached to no country. At the first appearance of danger they sell out, and sink your credit at the moment it becomes essential. As your distresses encrease, they fly you. When the impending cloud of misfortune casts its gloom beyond you, these sun-shine friends disappear in a moment.
So far as foreigners are proprietors in our funds, the enquiry into the operation, is truly interesting to the independence and prosperity of the community. In peace you are tributary, in war you are at their mercy. Great-Britain and Holland, allied as they are with their interest in our funds, present an object that must be viewed with concern.
How far our pecuniary interest is benefited is also truly consequential. I have been some time ago told, that they possessed eleven millions of the thirty-one, and from the proportion of purchase made since, it was supposed they owned at least one-half. A great deal of money ought to have come in for this. Is this the fact? or have we taken in exchange their gew-gaws and luxuries, and eaten up the fat of our land? I fear the fact is so. Had their purchases been made with money, there must have been a demand for money here, and exchange would have fallen. It is an invariable tide-mark, to try the flux and reflux of money. It has almost always been, I believe, considerably above par, except one year when there was a demand for produce; then it fell at once 15 per cent. below par. Money certainly came then, and I believe one year's good price for produce of more real advantage than any stock that could be devised, or any price that could be wished for it.
But this mode of employing money has reduced produce to nothing. It takes considerable capitals to make the expensive and circuitous voyages necessary to vend our produce, and the profits can never be large; for the difference between the price of the necessaries of life, and raw materials in different countries, will not bear high commission or charges of transportation.
Thus I have considered all the boasted benefits of funding systems but one, and that is, the strengthening of government—That, to a certain extent, they may have this effect, may be true; but, carried beyond it, they certainly operate in a contrary direction. Let the interest settle chiefly in the hands of foreigners, or let the agricultural interest, which, in a young country, must always preponderate, become alarmed at its extent, and jealous of a monied interest acting in opposition to their wishes and principles, and it may destroy a government that otherwise might have secured the public happiness; but these are trifling circumstances. The position may be justly reduced to this: A good government will always be supported without these aids by the good sense of a great majority of the members, and a bad one ought not to be supported by it. Now the mischief is, that these people support bad governments more willingly than good, because they are better paid for it; they can make better bargains with them.
There is a still further consideration that will affect this country powerfully, and is peculiar to it. Our people will not purchase to hold at the prices stocks have risen to: Foreigners have the market to themselves, and they must finally settle with them; this prevents their lending money to us in peace on the terms we obtained, when under the pressure of every calamity, and had no right to expect the establishment of our independence. They purchase into our funds instead of
lending: this is the effect of the irredeemable quality of the stock; it deprives us of every benefit of the rise of credit, and gives the market to foreigners. The strange terms on which it is constituted, must keep its value always unsettled, as the redemption is rendered so contingent; this also deprives it of every useful quality as a medium of intercourse, and must keep it an object of barter.
What would be our operation but for this irredeemable quality? why, as our credit rose at market, we would do as Great Britain has done—form new loans at a lower interest, and pay off the debt at the higher interest; this is done without a sinking fund on hand, and shews the folly of those that say we cannot redeem now as fast as we have the liberty. In Great Britain, soon after the establishment of their funding system, they effected new loans, and in 1717 reduced the 8 and 6 per cents to 5, and in 1727, they reduced the 5 to 4, and from 1750 to 1757, they reduced the 4 to 3, which was equal to the sinking of half their debt, and from the first creation of their three per cents, in 1716 to 1753, they averaged at market, par, that is, were equal to gold and silver: by these operations, there was no injury to the creditor in reality, for he could, at the end, sell the stock that bore 3 per cent. for as much money as he lent government at 8. At this moment, if it were not for the irredeemable quality, we could, if our credit is worth 4 per cent. as we are told, make an operation that would be equal to the sinking of our debt nearly one half in value, on the same plan that Great Britain has pursued so successfully; and the public creditors are really not benefited by this irredeemable quality; for although it raises the price of stocks with foreigners, yet it keeps down that of three; which, by a reduction, such as I mention, and the liberation of our commerce from high duties, must soon be on equal terms to what they were in Great Britain in the infancy of their funding system—that is near par.
In fine, the debt is to be deplored, but it must be paid: let as much of it be paid, and as fast as possible; these are the true principles of public credit. Let us reprobate the idea of encreasing or continuing it when it can be avoided, upon the principles of any political enterprise. It seems strange to be called upon to fund it now, and provide the funds hereafter: it looks too much like taking an undue advantage of a future legislature, and has a suspicious and low lurking aspect, when we know that we are really not the true representatives of the people. Are we afraid that a real representation of the people would act otherwise? If we are, we ought to hesitate. All the virtue of this continent is certainly not confined to this session: we may trust that any succeeding representatives will be as just and wise as ourselves: as they are to find the means of paying, let them agree on the terms of the contract.
To the YEOMANRY of the United States.
CONGRESS have been officially informed that "the embarrassments of our external trade, have led to serious reflections on the necessity of enlarging the sphere of our domestic commerce; the restrictive regulations which in foreign markets abridge the vent of the encreasing surplus of our agricultural produce, serve to beget an earnest desire, that a more extensive demand for that surplus may be created at home."
Commercial regulations, restrictions, and prohibitions, may be regarded as the bane of Europe. They are universally supported by the clamorous importance of partial interests, or by the prejudices and contemptible cunning of financiers, who seldom possess any real intention to promote the general welfare. Colbert, the confidential minister of Lewis XIV. did infinite injury to France by his desire of subjecting the commerce, the manufactures, and all the actions of the People, to Financial calculations and regulations. That minister, by the tariff of 1667, imposed very high duties upon a great number of foreign manufactures: Upon his refusing to moderate them in favor of the Dutch, they in 1671 prohibited the importation of the wines, brandies and manufactures of France; and it has been thought that the war in 1672, was in part occasioned by these mutual injuries. The peace of Nimiguen put an end to it in 1678, by moderating some of these duties in favor of the Dutch, who in consequence took off their prohibitions. It was about the same time that the French and English began mutually to oppress each other's industry. In 1697 the English prohibited the importation of bone-lace, the manufacture of Flanders; the government of that country prohibited in return the importation of English woolens.
The motto of the French economists—Faire le bien c'est le recevoir—is as applicable to nations as to individuals; yet in this enlightened period do we observe the most polished nations doing every injury in their power to each other, with the unjust and absurd idea of deriving advantage to themselves, by circumscribing or destroying the advantages of their neighbors.
Whilst we are exacting a prohibitory tonnage duty from foreigners, and annually encreasing the duties on their produce and manufactures, can we expect that they will not retaliate, and in their turn obstruct the progress of our trade by embarrassments particularly injurious to the agricultural interest. If we find that such retaliation on the part of foreigners has actually taken place, and that our commercial regulations and restrictions operate to injure ourselves, by preventing a sale for the surplus produce of our agriculture—why not adopt a genuine system of policy, founded on the rights of man, and at once remove the evil, by declaring a total freedom of commerce within the United States? Is it not more than probable that other nations would retaliate real benefits, as well as insults and injuries. A just and enlightened policy, of this kind, would be fully adequate to remove the complaint.
Experience justifies the assertion, that a perfect, free commerce, would not only take off the surplus produce of our farms, but would stimulate to industry, and would ensure the prosperity of our country. The small islands of St. Thomas and Santa Cruz, were under the government of an exclusive company, which had the sole right both of purchasing the surplus produce of the colonists,
and of supplying them with such goods, of other countries, as they wanted; and which, therefore, both in its purchases and sales, had not only the power of oppressing them, but the greatest temptation to do so. The government of an exclusive company of merchants, is perhaps the worst of all governments, for any country whatever. It was not, however, able to stop, altogether, the progress of these colonies, though it rendered it more slow and languid. The late King of Denmark dissolved this company, and since that time, the prosperity of these colonies has been very great. Curaçoa and Eustatia, the two principal islands belonging to the Dutch, are free ports, open to the ships of all nations: and this freedom, in the midst of other colonies, whose ports are open to those of one nation only, has been the great cause of the prosperity of these two barren islands. Mr. Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, speaking of the causes of the prosperity of new colonies, observes, "That plenty of good land, and liberty to manage their own affairs, their own way, seem to be the two great causes of the prosperity of all new colonies."
But, as if the measures of Congress were ever to be directed by the momentary fluctuation of affairs, it is proposed, that to afford relief to the farmer, recourse should be had to manufacturing establishments, under the particular patronage and protection of government; and that Congress should grant exclusive privileges, bounties and premiums, to a few monied men, to encourage them to establish extensive manufactures, and to enable them to import from Europe, necessary machines and workmen. Should this scheme take place, under a false pretext of serving the agricultural interest, a valuable class of citizens, personally engaged in useful manufactures, will be sacrificed to the wealthy few.
The yeomanry of America do not require this violation of the rights of their fellow citizens: We only desire, what we have a right to demand—a free unrestricted sale for the produce of our farms.
A FARMER. March 28.
* Secretary of the Treasury on Manufactures. † The tonnage duty of Congress, places the whole of the American trade in a similar situation.
This day is published—Price 6s. By MATHEW CAREY. No. 118, Market-Street, near fourth Street, The Ladies' Library, Containing
1. Miss More's Essays 2. Gregory's Legacy 3. Lady Pennington's advice 4. Marchioness of Lambert's advice 5. Swift's Letter to a new married Lady 6. Miss Chapone on Command of temper 7. More's Fables for the Ladies.
Said CAREY has lately published 1. M c Fingal, an epic poem, 2/9 1-2 2. Blair's Sermons, complete in two vols 15s. 3. Neckar's treatise on Religious Opinions, 6s. 4. Examination of Sheffield's Observations, 4/8 5. American Constitutions, 4/8 6. Douway Bible—neat, 6 dol., elegant 50/2 7. Vade Mecum, 1/10 1-2 8. Charles Grandison abridged, 1/3 9. Humphrey's poems, bound 2/6, in blue paper 1/10 1-2 10. American Jest Book, in 2 parts, bound, 4/6 11. Select Poems, 1/3 12. Think Well On't, 1/10 1-2 13. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, 6/ 14. Beattie's elements of moral science, 5/7 1-2 15. The Christian Economy, 1/10 1-2.
*** Sets of the American Museum.
AS several gentlemen in different parts of the United States, have been heretofore disappointed in their applications for complete sets of the American Museum, the printer informs the public, that he is engaged in reprinting the deficient numbers of the work, and has now and will henceforward have a constant supply of sets on hand; such gentlemen, therefore, as please, may be furnished with sets neatly bound, in ten volumes, at sixteen dollars.
This work will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays as any ever published in America.
Of said Carey, may be had, wholesale and retail, Bibles, Testaments, Spelling-Books, Primers, Quills, Ink-Powder, Writing-Paper of various kinds, Bonnet-Paper, Pocket-Books, Ink-Stands, Message and playing cards, &c &c. 6/12/90
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia. A PREMIUM
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and it's destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building, in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia. A PREMIUM
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following
apartments, to wit. A conference room } Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each. A room for the Representatives } A lobby or antichamber to the latter. A Senate room of 1200 square feet area. An antichamber or lobby to the left. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
Sales at Auction, By M c FARRAN & DUNLAP,
At the Merchants' Coffee-house, in New-York, on Wednesday the 25th of April next, at 12 o'clock,
THAT valuable and well known Grift Mill and Farm, late the property of Abraham De Peyster, deceased; near Fish-kill landing, in Dutchess county, seventy miles from this city, upon the Hudson or North river. The mill-house is 32 by 80 feet, has one pair French burr, and one pair Esopus stones, new and of an approved quality; a reeling screen, fanning mill, and a complete set of flour bolts, turning by water, all of which are new and in perfect order; as also every other part of the work, having lately undergone a thorough repair. The stream, a newer sailing one, capable of turning in addition to the present, a fullery and jaw mill, for which the situation affords proper conveniences, and very advantageous, the waters of the Hudson flowing up to the mill-tail, at which a vessel drawing 6 feet water, may load and unload, and in the best wheat country in the state. The dwelling is large, commodious, and well finished, built of brick and stone, 39 by 50 feet, pleasantly situated within sixty yards of the mill, with a handsome garden in front, and an excellent spring of water, and a new well built Dutch barn; also a small house at a convenient distance from the mill, calculated to accommodate a tradesman. The farm consists of 274 acres, including the mill stream, about 140 acres of which is an excellent grove of growing timber, lying in a body not more than half a mile from the mill, and a good spot of mowing ground, all properly fenced; a small, but good orchard, producing abundance of the best apples, with a number of other fruit trees, dispersed near the house.
This is truly a valuable and advantageously situated property, which renders it an object worthy the attention of a man of business, when it may be extended to any length. One half of the purchase money will be required on delivery of the deeds, (when possession will be given) the other half in one year, with interest, secured by a mortgage on the premises. An indefinite title will be given—for further particulars enquire of Messieurs M c Farran and Dunlap, Peter A. Schenck, New-York; or of Isaac De Peyster, Jeller, on the premises. New-York, March 31. 2.a.w.
WHEREAS a certain GEORGE STILL, who formerly went by the name of George Howard, late of Speedwell iron-works, in West-Jersey, absconded on the 4th of April, 1792, and took with him the wife and child of the subscriber; the child being about fifteen months old, and a female. Said George Still is a man of light complexion, with sandy hair, black eyes, marked with the small-pox, about six feet two inches high, and spare in his make. Had on when he went away, a bottle-green coat, ribbed velvet breeches, a spotted waist-coat, mint coloured brownish stocking; shoes rather old, with square plated buckles. He may be seven or eight and thirty years of age. The woman, Mary Hunsinger, wife to the subscriber, is of a fair complexion, with light blue eyes, brown hair, and middling size: had on when she went away a dark spotted calico short-gown, with a striped homespun petticoat, and check apron, with half worn shoes, and a pair of old square silver buckles; she also took with her a new homespun broadcloth cloak, lead coloured, bound with blue silk binding, the hood lined with pale blue silk, and an old fashioned hat. The child had on a calico frock, and a green bonnet. The woman took more clothes with her, and possibly might change her suit: she also took with her six large silver tea-spoons, marked I. B. M.—Whoever takes up said George Still, with the woman and child, shall have Six Pounds reward, with every reasonable charge, paid by the subscriber; or Three Pounds for the man only; and Three Pounds for the woman and child.—I do hereby forewarn all persons not to trust said Mary Hunsinger on my account, as I will pay no debts of her contracting.
PETER HUNSINGER. Lower Frechold, Monmouth County. East New-Jersey, April 5, 1792. 12/90 3/.
PRINTED BY CHILD S. AND SWAIN E. AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.