Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-02-03 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 81, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1791.
[Whole No. 185.]
From the NORTH-CAROLINA STATE GAZETTE.
Messrs HODGE and WILLS,
HAVING observed in your paper of the 17th inst. the proceedings of a committee of the whole House of Assembly of the 24th of November last, I confess I was not a little surprised, that a subject of so delicate a nature, should have made its way to the world through the channel of a news paper remarkable for its purity. While on the other hand, it is certain, that the proceedings therein stated, were shaped down from a monster of still greater magnitude (a letter teeming with the severest reproach and invective, addressed to the individual Senators themselves.) On the other hand, it is equally certain, that they have since been in a great measure newly moulded and polished with a different brush.
Regard for truth, and public character, induces me to lay before you a protest against proceedings tinged with so much intemperance, which was prepared by the more moderate part of the house, and signed by some in its rough dress, in case they should have been finally adopted.
A MEMBER.
WE whose names are under written, from a sense of that justice due to ourselves as men, and as the Representatives of a free people, do protest against the resolutions entered into by this House, respecting the Senators of this State in Congress.
1st. We conceive that however much the state of North-Carolina may, in the eyes of some, be a sufferer from the late proceedings of Congress, such injury should be presented to the world by spirited remonstrances and firm resolves.
2d. However much individuals may be actuated by party spirit, or local resentment, we conceive dispassionate proceedings best suited to a political body.
3d. As the Senators of this state in Congress have hitherto conducted themselves with great integrity and propriety in office, it argues the greatest intemperance, to throw the load of aspersion upon two individuals for the supposed faults of a whole body.
4th. The preamble to the resolutions, which have gone forward to the world, is clothed in language, which we not only conceive improper, but inconsistent with the dignity of a great people.
5th. The resolutions themselves, are no ways consistent with the preamble—The preamble states neglect and want of execution in the Senators of this state in Congress, as individuals, when all the resolutions, except one, are relative to the senatorial proceedings collectively.
6th. The silence of the Senators in not corresponding with the executive of this state, we do by no means condemn as a crime.
1st. It might, in many instances, defeat the good of the political whole.
2. The instructions from the executive might not be the sentiments of the people, or of the legislature—they might be tainted with prejudice and locality. And
3. We do not conceive the necessity of such correspondence expressed or implied in the nature of the office of Senator.
7th. Motives of respect might have induced, we will admit, the Senators to have written to the legislature, from whom they received their appointment, but we do not condemn such silence as a crime.
8th. Having confidence in the appointments when made, we rely upon the zeal and virtue of the Senators in supporting the public good. We should regret, that in any instance they felt locality or were actuated by the warmth of a political fever.
PENNSYLVANIA, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THE legislature of this commonwealth, ever attentive to the rights and liberties of their constituents, and conceiving it a duty incumbent on them to express their sentiments on such matters of a public nature, as in their opinion have a tendency to destroy those rights, agree to the following resolutions.
Resolved, that any proceeding on the part of the United States tending to the collection of a revenue by means of excise, established upon principles subversive of the peace, liberty and rights of the citizen, ought to attract the attention of this house.
Resolved, that no public exigency, within the knowledge or contemplation of this house, can in their opinion warrant the adoption of any species of taxation, which shall violate those rights, which are the basis of our government, and thereby exhibit the singular spectacle of a nation resolutely opposing the oppression of others in order to enslave itself.
Resolved, that these sentiments be communicated to the Senators representing the state of Pennsylvania, in the Senate of the United States, with a hope that they will oppose every part of the excise bill now before Congress, which shall militate against the just rights and liberties of the people.
In the house of Representatives, on the question for adopting the above—there were 40 Yeas, 16 Nays. On the vote, taken in the Senate, for non-concurrence there were 9 Yeas, and 8 Nays.
From DUNLAP'S DAILY ADVERTISER.
ARE not the state-governments competitors for power with the legislature of the union? and if they are so, can they be deemed fit arbiters of its proceedings?
Has not uniform experience shewn, that all bodies of men are zealous to augment their authority, and extend their jurisdiction? and does it not follow, that if a privilege of censuring the federal government at pleasure is exercised by the
legislatures of the States they will use it to limit, and if possible, to depress that government?
Is it not evident, that such a state of things will lead to struggles, that must, in the end, prove fatal to either one or the other of these establishments; that either the federal government will become odious, and lose its vigour, or that the legislatures of the states will be crushed, as incompatible with its prosperity?
Will not this, in the one case, deprive us of the means of supporting our public credit, our commerce, our navigation, our manufactures, and consequently, our agriculture, and throw us into confusion and civil discord? Or, on the other hand, consolidate all the powers of government into one establishment, that may prove too extensive for a permanent republic?
Is there any other mode of obviating these dangers, but that each species of government should cautiously keep within the sphere allotted to it, without interfering with the other, until it shall exceed the powers granted to it, but leaving it to the people to judge of its merits and proceedings, who are the only tribunal which has a declared right to decide upon them?
Can it be expected that the federal government will long continue to sit in the same place with our legislature, if the latter avails itself of its proximity to the former, to hold up its measures to public odium while yet unfinished, and thus to predispose the people to dislike and disobey them?
Or, will the other states be content, that the general government should remain here, if the legislature of Pennsylvania assumes the privilege of biasing the laws during their passage, to its views or interests, while more distant members of the union cannot be acquainted with them, till they are established, and therefore cannot be altered without difficulty? C I V I S.
PORTLAND, January 13.
INFORMATION FOR THE PUBLIC.
LAST Monday evening the Light house on Portland-head, at the entrance of this harbour, was lighted. This building is built with stone and lime, is seventy-two feet high, exclusive of the lantern. The following
Directions are given for coming into this harbour.
Bring the light to bear N. N. W. then run for it, allowing a small distance on the larboard hand—and when abreast of the same, then run N. by W. This course will give good anchorage from half a mile to one and a half.
A particular survey will soon be taken, the public will then have notice of the bearings of the light from the different rocks and shoals, together with directions how far vessels may stand, either east or west when beating in.
N. B. No variation for the compass is allowed.
NEW YORK, January 31.
The following letters passed on the 27th and 28th ult. between the PRESIDENT of the New-York MARINE SOCIETY, and Captain DUROUTOIS, on his being admitted an Honorary Member of that body.
Captain JULIAN JEAN DUROUTOIS, Commanding his Most Christian Majesty's Packet, Le Franklin.
SIR,
YOUR great humanity and benevolence, the more distinguished and heightened by distresses under which yourself labored, in rescuing from almost inevitable destruction, the remaining crew of the late unfortunate Captain George Bryant, justly entitle you to the highest esteem and applause, while every feeling heart must be impressed with a high sense of this meritorious action. The Marine Society of this city, cannot withhold from you their testimonial of praise and respect: They have therefore elected you one of their honorary Members, and it is with the greatest pleasure that I enclose your certificate of admittance, and a copy of their charter and bye-laws. I have the honor to be,
With great regard Sir,
Your very humble servant,
JAMES FARQUHAR, President.
New-York, 28th Jan. 1791.
SIR,
I HAVE the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday, accompanying a certificate of my admittance as an honorary Mem-
ber into the Marine Society, of this city, with their charter and bye-laws.
I cannot enough express my gratitude towards the generous Americans in general, and the Marine Society in particular, for their remembrance of an action which was dictated only by common humanity, and which, by them is far over-rated by the honor conferred on me; for which I beg you, and the Society, to accept my sincerest thanks. I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your very humble servant,
DUROUTOIS.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Jan. 18.
Amendments to the new Revenue Bill under consideration.
THE first amendment was to add a clause after the words "city, town or village," in these words, containing not less than — families.
Mr. White offered some general observations on the bill, and on this part in particular, which he said would in its operation be very disagreeable to a considerable proportion of the people; he wished to have it so modified as to leave it as little exceptionable as possible, and if in doing this a diminution of the sum proposed to be raised by the bill should take place, still he thought there would according to the estimates which had been laid before the house, be a sufficient amount brought into the public Treasury—but if there should not, he should, he said be willing in some other way to make up the deficiency; and for this purpose, Congress may have a session as early as September.
He gave notice that in some future stage of the bill he should move to have this section recommitted.
Mr. Fitzsimons observed, that notwithstanding all that had been offered to shew that the revenue proposed to be raised by this bill would not be wanted, he was still of opinion, that no excess of any consequence would be produced; he objected to the commutation proposed in lieu of the specific duty, and shewed how disadvantageously to the revenue this would operate; with respect to a perfect definition of what is to be understood by a city, town or village, he conceived that no possible evil would result from vesting a discretionary power with some officer of the United States, to determine what shall be understood by either of the terms.
Mr. Boudinot objected to any alteration in the section, he thought it sufficiently precise, and from recurring to certain authorities, he shewed that these terms were sufficiently understood to preclude the necessity of burthening any officer with the task of describing and determining what number of inhabitants shall respectively constitute a city, town or village.
Mr. Livermore said, in his opinion, the terms, "city, town or village," comprehended the whole and every part of the United States.
Mr. Jackson observed, that as two days had been nearly spent in considering this question, and it appeared to be impossible to agree in what constituted a village, he thought it would be to no purpose to introduce any amendment to the section, but leave it to be determined by a due course of law; he supposed that questions would arise to be determined by the judicial authority of the United States; if this should not appear to be agreeable to the house, he would propose that it should be referred to the college of physicians—those gentlemen of the squib, who as they had attempted to squirt morality and instruction into the minds of the members, perhaps may also be able to squirt understanding into the house, on this subject.
Mr. Parker controverted certain calculations offered by Mr. Fitzsimons, as to the quantity of liquor which a still might make. He then entered into a general consideration of the bill and advertising to the discontents in some of the States, and the utter aversion of many inhabitants to

excises; he said he should continue his opposition to the last.
Mr. Moore offered another modification of the section.
The question on adding the words, was put and negatived.
Mr. Boudinot called the attention of the house to the fourth section, which authorizes the President of the United States, by the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint such a number of officers, as he may think necessary—he thought that the most, if not the only exceptionable clause of the bill; his opinion was, that the number of officers should be limited. He moved this addition to the section—"provided the number do not exceed in any county, city, town or village." He objected to the clause as establishing a dangerous precedent.
Mr. Bloodworth seconded this motion.
Mr. Parker said he was in favor of this motion, because he wished to have the number of these officers as small as possible.
Mr. Boudinot's motion occasioned considerable debate, it was said that the number of officers is virtually restricted by the compensation to be received, this allowance cannot be exceeded, so that the number of officers cannot be increased beyond what may be necessary—if they are, the President of the United States must pay them out of his own pocket, or they must receive a less sum.
It was said in answer to this, that experience shews when once the object is obtained in the appointment of these officers, ways and means will be found to pay them—in confirmation of this idea it was said, there are already two motions on the table for enhancing the compensations to the officers of the revenue.
Mr. Boudinot's motion was negatived.
Several other amendments were proposed by different members, and rejected. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, Jan. 20.
The house resumed the consideration of amendments to the new revenue bill.
An amendment was proposed by Mr. Sedgwick, to strike out part of the 4th section, which respects the compensations to the inspectors, and to introduce a substitute, to limit their compensations to a certain sum.
Mr. Sherman said he should prefer striking out the whole clause, and passing the bill without it—and leave the compensations to be provided for in a separate bill.
Mr. Gerry proposed an amendment, which he conceived was not liable to the objections which apply to the original clause, and to the amendment at present under consideration, and which arise from their giving The President the power of establishing offices.
Mr. Sedgwick stated certain principles of conciliation which had induced him to move the amendment now under consideration. He shewed by a variety of particulars, that the services will be various, and merit in some cases a much greater compensation than in others.
Mr. Ames objected to the amendment proposed, on principles of economy, both of time and money. The time is already so exhausted that there will be scarcely sufficient in the present session, to finish the bill—and if the amendment is adopted, it will follow, that in order to make adequate provision in all cases, you must, in many instances, make that compensation too much. He urged the importance of passing the law with such a power as would enable the Executive to apportion the compensations in proportion to the merits and services of the respective officers. This law is said to be obnoxious to the disapprobation of the people: It therefore becomes our duty to make the compensations such, as may command the services of men of responsibility, in point of property and character—men of prudence and judgment. He conceived the power of apportioning the salaries might be left with the Supreme Executive: Nor did he conceive there was any thing in the Constitution contrary to this idea. Gentlemen have cautioned the house against exceeding the powers of the Constitution by implication; he supposed that it was equally reprehensible to refrain from exercising the full powers, indisputably vested in the legislature by the constitution.
Mr. Boudinot, agreeable to the idea of Mr. Sherman, moved that the clause should be struck out, and leave the compensations to be provided for in a subsequent bill.
This motion was seconded from various quarters, and occasioned a considerable debate.
Mr. Burke said he was sorry to see such a disposition in many of the members of this house to extend the powers of the executive. The excise bill is universally odious—and gentlemen seem to be trying to render this more odious, by urging one exceptionable clause after another: He hoped this clause would be struck out, and that the legislature would retain the power of disposing of their own money. He said that his ideas on the subject had been called chimeras—but this was a stale trick, which has been long practised by those who are in favor of strengthening the arm of the executive—it was always made
use of in that country whose precedents we often recur to; but, for his part, no such observations should deter him from placing every possible guard round the liberties of the people, and checking the undue extension of the executive arm.
The motion for striking out was carried—29 to 27.
A motion from Mr. Clymer, as a substitute for the 4th section, was then read. This proposed an inspector for each state, at a salary of dollars per annum; with power to appoint such number of deputy inspectors as they may think proper—these deputy inspectors to receive per cent. on the gross amount of the sums by them respectively collected.
Mr. Sedgwick proposed that this motion should be referred to a select committee, with other motions now on the table.
Mr. Vining was opposed to referring it to a select committee. He said the consequence of a reference would be an unnecessary prolongation of the business. He thought it might as well be taken up and decided upon at the present time as any.
Mr. Lawrance was in favor of referring this motion to a select committee.
The Speaker observing that it would not be in order to commit this motion, except in connection with the whole clause, Mr. Clymer withdrew it for the present.
Mr. Lee then moved, that the bill should be recommitted for the purpose of bringing in a clause devising a proper mode of collecting the revenue.
Mr. Livermore seconded the motion, and in a few general remarks condemned the bill altogether.
Mr. Stone also spoke against the bill, and in support of the motion for a recommittal.
Mr. Gerry objected to the motion, especially as it was contemplated to make an arrangement by which the duties of the officers of the revenue, already established, are to be blended with those of the officers to be appointed by this law—this would deprive the government of that check which it has in view by this bill.
Mr. Livermore said, that he did not conceive there was any thing like an excise contemplated by the bill. The duty proposed on spirits is a mere duty of impost. As to checks, he did not think any additional ones were necessary. If the officers already appointed to collect the revenue are not sufficient for the purpose, let them be increased—but as to any further checks, he considered them altogether superfluous. It is acknowledged, said he, on all hands, that the patriotism and punctuality of the importers has been such as to produce a very strict compliance with the revenue laws.
Mr. Gerry read several clauses in the bill, to show that it was something more than a mere impost law.
Mr. Giles said he hoped the bill would not be precipitated, there are a number of propositions on the table calculated to amend the several defects it contains, he therefore hoped the bill would be recommitted for the purpose of amending those defects; he fully objected to sending the bill up to the Senate in a confessedly imperfect state, and hoped no such precedent would ever receive the sanction of the house, especially in a money bill.
Mr. Sedgwick called the attention of the house to the process of this business; much time was spent in the discussion of it last session—we are now past the middle of the present; more than three weeks have already been spent in the business, and now at this late period, gentlemen come forward with propositions that strike at the very principles of the bill. He hoped no such motion would take place.
Mr. Vining objected to a recommittal for general purposes.
The question on recommittal generally was lost, 30 to 37.
A motion was then made for recommittal for a particular purpose, which was lost, 24 to 33.
Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 2.
The bill making appropriations for the support of government, for the year 1791; and for other purposes, was brought in, engrossed, read the time and passed.
Sundry petitions were read, and referred to the heads of departments.
A message was received from the Senate, by Mr. Otis their Secretary, informing the house, that they have passed the bill declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the state of Maryland.
The bill to incorporate the subscribers to the National Bank, was taken into consideration—a lengthy and interesting debate took place.
Messrs. Jackson, Lee, Giles and Madison supported the argument against the bill, principally, as being unconstitutional—Messrs. Lawrance, Sherman, and Gerry severally in favor of its passing:—no vote was taken this day on the subject.
Mr. Floyd of the committee of enrolment, informed the house that the Kentucky bill was presented to the President for his assent.
Mr. Ames presented the petition of Daniel Loller, praying to be placed on the pension list—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, Feb. 3.
Sundry petitions were read and referred to the heads of departments.
Mr. Clymer presented the memorial of sundry Widows, creditors of the United States—remonstrating against the funding system—and praying that they may receive six per cent. on the whole amount of the demands against the United States—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A memorial of sundry merchants of Philadelphia, respecting the erection of piers, at New-Castle in the Delaware, for the security of the navigation, was read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A committee consisting of Messrs. Sedgwick, Sturges, and Contee was appointed to report a bill making a temporary provision for the clerks and other officers of the federal courts—also compensation to the jurors attending said courts.
The Bank-bill was further discussed this day. A motion was made by Mr. Williamson to recommit the bill, for the purpose of amending the first section by prolonging the time for receiving subscriptions from October to April—this motion occasioned some debate, and was determined in the negative—the Ayes and Noes being as follows:
(AYES.)
Messrs. Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke, Carroll, Contee, Gale, Giles, Grout, Jackson, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Sevier, Smith (S. C.) Steele, Stone, Tucker, White, Williamson. 21.
(NOES.)
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Bourne, Cadwallader, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Parker, Partridge, Rensselaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Smith (M.) Sylvester, Sinnickson, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, Wynkoop. 38.
Mr. Ames, in a lengthy speech, supported the constitutionality of the bill—the further consideration of which was postponed. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, Feb. 4.
Mr. Heister presented the petition of Andrew Holmes: Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The petition of John Hollins was read, praying an abatement of the additional duties on imports, which took place the first January last, arising on a cargo, which, tho' it had arrived before, could not be entered till subsequent to that period. Referred to the Secretary of State.
A report of the Secretary of State, on the subject of the Fisheries, was laid before the House by the Speaker, and read by the Clerk—and on motion, it was voted, that this Report, with a letter from the French Chargé des Affaires, which accompanied the same, be sent to the Senate.
The order of the day was called for—which being the Bank-Bill, the Speaker proposed the following question: Shall this bill pass?
A lengthy debate then ensued on the general principles of the bill—which continued until the time of adjournment.
PARIS, October 14.
A NEW order of Knighthood is certainly forming in France, with a view to overturn the new French Constitution. The star ends in eight points, with four fleurs de lis in the spaces, surmounted with the Crown of France! In the centre is a medallion representing on one side the Marquis de Favras rising from his tomb, on the other a croix patonce . There are three ranks of dignity in this order. The croix stars of the first and second differ from that of the third, for instead of the croix patonce on the reverse of a medallion, there are the words—"Alpha and Omega." Many silver-smiths are employed at Paris, Strasburgh, and Milan, in making these stars. The Grand Master is at Turin; the Treasurer, M. H. a near relation of M. Barentin, late Keeper of the Seals; the Cashier, an ancient Advocate in Council; and the Secretary in Chief, an Abbe of great repute. The ribbon is black. The Knights Commanders are to wear the star at the breast; the Masters and Apprentices at the button holes. At present the Society wear them in their pockets (I have seen two of them) because the hour is not yet come.
This order goes under three or four different names—it is called the order of Resurrection—of the Counter Revolution—of the Holy Sepulchre—or, simply of Jerusalem, a denomination that assimilates it, together with the black ribbon, to that of Malta. The Cavaliers have proper signs and contracts, like the Free Masons, and many Members of the National Assembly have been already admitted into it.
L O N D O N, Dec. 3.
The Count de Merci Argenteau, the imperial Ambassador at the Hague, has written a letter to the Marechal Baron de Bender, dated the 22d of November, which does him infinite credit.
It breathes throughout the noblest sentiments of genuine patriotism, and is written with firmness, tempered by mercy, and may, therefore, be justly supposed to have been dictated by the humane Leopold, who is infinitely greater as a man, than as an Emperor, though an excellent sovereign.
The poor Belgic multitude are mentioned as, "sheep who have gone astray," and who are to be treated with the utmost mildness. To spare, to protect, to forgive, these are the orders given to the Austrian General.
The members of the parliament of Toulouse, overcome by the earnest entreaties of their friends, are gone to St. Sebastian, in Spain, where they have been received most politely and cordially. By this timely precaution they have, for the present, avoided the chains with which they were threatened to be loaded, and the

prisons which were opening to receive them in their dark and unwholesome recesses. Vincennes was intended to be their abode. The last news from Oran, on the coast of Barbary, are dated the 1st of November. It appears that 60 shocks of an earthquake have been felt in that town.
The Moors, who are under the dominion of the Bey of Mascara, took advantage of the calamities of the inhabitants, and attacked them with 4000 men; but they were repulsed by 1200 men, under the command of Count de la Union, four different times.
A Dublin paper mentions, that a gentleman has engaged, for a wager, to spin a finer piece of muslin than ever came from the East Indies. We hear that a pound of cotton can be spun in such a manner as to be worth thirty guineas.
SUCCESSION to the CROWN of POLAND.
The King of Poland is not like his brother of France, passive, inert, and ready to be carried, or driven, whither soever a multitude of self-constituted demagogues are pleased to command. While he is willing to submit to good advice, he is himself able to give the best, and to follow it in practice; at the same time, he has discernment, courage, and resolution to discover, and to resist baneful counsels.
When he was told that it was against his interest to permit the election of a Successor to the Crown of Poland, during his own life, he nobly replied, "I love my country better than myself, and I am convinced that such a measure is alone calculated to resist the influence of foreign powers over the councils of the nation, and to counteract the evils which such an influence has always produced—there is, therefore, no room for hesitation."
Notwithstanding some particular circumstances rather unfavorable to the election of Saxony, such as his having no heirs male, and his brother, and others of his relatives being attached to the house of Austria, he was unanimously proposed as a successor to the present King. His Majesty approved the choice, and it is expected that he will be elected without opposition.
France continued without a National Assembly for 175 years, till again called together in May 1789, which was a measure the sovereign would never have agreed to, were it not that the derangement of the public finances, and the internal state of convulsion and discontent, made such a measure indispensably necessary. When convoked at the beginning of the 17th century, the Assembly were then proceeding to such uncourteous lengths, by impeaching the ministers of the crown for all the evils and commotions which had for a series of years distracted, and almost ruined the country, that they were dissolved by the King, and no more assembled. The spirit of liberty was not indeed then so well understood as at present, nor was the country on the verge of national bankruptcy—yet is was on the point of being involved in all the horrors of a civil war.
LIGHTNING.
The Prussian government has lately published a circumstantial relation of the success which has attended the use of Earth Baths, in restoring persons apparently killed by lightning. The process is as follows:
The person struck must be immediately undressed, laid at length in a bed of soft earth, covered with a layer of three or four inches of earth, and from time to time gently sprinkled with water.
Experience has proved that this process is infallible, and that three hours is a sufficient time to restore animation to those unfortunate persons to whom the lightning had solely caused a suspension to the pulse.
A Dublin paper has the following strange paragraph: "Last week a gentleman of this city, who came passenger in the brig Triton, arrived off-passage, from Philadelphia, relates, that the Congress had determined to send an Envoy to the Great Mogul, for the purpose of negotiating an establishment in some of the northern provinces of the Indian Empire, for the benefit of a more extensive trade. That Rupert de Visme, a capital merchant of New-York, and late Vice-President of Congress, had been appointed to that office, and was to embark in the first vessel bound to the river Ganges, about the middle of Sept. The great and good Washington has perfectly recovered from his late illness; for which, fire works were displayed, cannon fired, and every demonstration of joy and respect in the power of a sensible and animated people to bestow."
The following is an effectual cure, even in the most desperate cases for cattle that have overfed themselves among wet clover. Take an Egg, empty the shell, fill it with tar, and throw it unbroken down the throat of the creature: though ready to burst, within less than five minutes the swelling will be abated and the danger entirely over.
GEORGETOWN, Jan. 26.
Extract of a letter from a correspondent at Louisville, Kentucky, dated 10th December, 1790.
"You will, before this reaches you, hear of the dreadful slaughter made by the Indians. I have lost fifteen men out of my company, all of which were heads of families, five have left eight or ten children behind. The loss fell heavy on the militia of Kentucky, the disharmony which existed between the federal troops and the militia, contributed much to this unfortunate campaign."
NEW-YORK, Feb. 1.
Extract of a letter from Paris, Nov. 10, 1790.
"We have at last received the prodigiously learned pamphlet of Mr. BURKE, concerning the French revolution. It is surprising that a man of his reputation should have undertaken to expose it towards the decline of his life. Some friends of liberty have proposed here, to send him an address of thanks for his wretched defence of tyranny, and particularly for having at last open-
ed our eyes, by showing us the English such as they are, viz. jealous of every thing, except of the confidence and friendship of other nations. Whatever may have been the mistakes of the people of France, before this happy resolution, its writers have never been sullied with the reproach of supporting tyrants and monks. Yes, France may glory that it never produced a BURKE. Before this scribbler presumes to give us lessons of policy, let him ask the King of England why he has usurped the right of making war and peace—a right which has not been granted to him by any law, and which HENRY VIIIth himself, tho' a tyrant by trade, never dared to exercise: Let him ask the Parliament the amount of the money it receives annually for its humble submission to the orders of the minister: Let him ask the Church of England, why it affects an insulting superiority over other religions: Let him ask the people of England, why two thirds of its citizens are not represented in Parliament, whilst the other third is shamefully corrupted by the Crown: Lastly, let him ask how long the trial of Mr. HASTINGS is to be deferred—such subjects would be worthy of the pen of a patriot."
"Contempt is the best weapon against a madman like Mr. Burke—to refute him would do him too much honor. From mere charity, however we advise him to take a master of the French language, that he may comprehend the decrees of the National Assembly, with which he is not better acquainted than with the laws of decency and true patriotism."
Extract of a letter from Bourdeaux, Oct. 25.
"The principal merchants of this place met last week to deliberate on the means of obtaining redress concerning the tonnage duty laid by Congress on French vessels, notwithstanding the treaty of commerce, which subsists between the two nations."
"They resolved unanimously to write to the chambers of commerce of Nantz, of Rouen, and of other sea port towns, to request their concurrence to an address, which is to be presented to the National Assembly. They desire that the Americans, who hitherto have paid no tonnage in France, may be placed on the same footing as the French are in America. I do not know what will be the result of this step, but I shall take care to inform you by the very first opportunity."
"Great complaints are made here that your government has appointed two consuls to reside at Hispaniola and Martinico. We do not even allow the Spaniards to have consuls in our colonies. These officers are only admitted into countries where commerce is free; the trade of our islands is not free; it cannot, it will not be free. Our policy in this respect does not differ from that of other nations; attempt to send consuls to Jamaica or to the Havannah, and you will see how they will be received."
"The assignats rise considerably since the beginning of the sales of Church land: it is believed they will soon be at par."
"From this moment we may consider the revolution as complete. If the aristocrats dare to make new attempts, they will be ruined for ever."
"Yesterday his Excellency the Governor communicated to the legislature a letter from Governor Chittenden, of Vermont, dated Jan. 22d, including a certified copy of an act of that state, for paying 30,000 dollars to this state, and fixing the boundary of Vermont—Also informing, that they had appointed the Hon. Nathaniel Chipman, and Lewis R. Morris, Esquires, commissioners to negotiate the admission of that state into the union."
BOSTON, Jan. 12.
The militia of Massachusetts consists of 50,000 train-band Infantry, 1300 Cavalry, and 1200 Artillery-men—add to these, 23,000 Alarm men, all armed for war, the whole will make a body of 75,000 men. The train-band are from 16 to 40 years of age; the alarm-list, from 40 to 60.
FROM THE AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
THE Bill depending before Congress for incorporating a Bank, is certainly unconstitutional. Whatever powers the State governments did not grant, are expressly to be retained: now there is no power granted in the constitution for incorporating any Banking Company whatever: none are mentioned as entitled to exclusive rights, but authors for their writings or discoveries; and the States are in the daily habits of granting charters which must interfere with those of Congress, if both have the power to grant them. The bank of North-America holds its charter under the State of Pennsylvania: the Congress have no right to establish another Bank to its prejudice, or to incorporate another set of men to carry on Banking, whose notes are alone to circulate in the public revenues. The Constitution of the United States expressly says, no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the parts of one State over those of another; of course, no Bank can be founded to issue notes at Philadelphia to pervade the Union, to the injury of Banks elsewhere. Congress might as well incorporate an East-India or any other, as a Banking Company.
Philadelphia, Feb. 5.
We hear that the amount of the value of the Exports from the United States, for thirteen months, agreeable to an estimate made at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, is twenty millions and two hundred thousand dollars.
Some recent accounts from France, via Boston, state, that the Assignats of France, which had been down to 8 per cent. discount, have risen to par.
It is rather a curious circumstance in the politics of the United States, that the powers of the legislature, as derived from the constitution, should be considered in a less expansive view by some who are appointed to administer the government, than they are contemplated by any particular state in the union, or even by those who have racked their inventions to discover in those powers the latent seeds of tyranny. It may however afford consolation to the real friends to the liberties of our country, when they reflect, that there are so many motives, whether laudable or not, in the minds of the administrators of our government, to sound an alarm at the most distant appearance of encroachment on the rights of the states, or of individuals.
If the powers of the general government are so limited that they cannot embrace every object with which the essential interests of the United States are connected—the people, like Moses of old, may have a view of the promised land, but may not enter therein; or, like Tantalus, may have the waters of life flowing to their lips, but are not suffered to taste thereof.
The Constitution of the United States has been highly complimented at home and abroad—and from the happy alteration in the circumstances of our country, under its auspices, the people have been led to subscribe to the opinion of its friends; but if the powers, which the government has exercised, exceed the limits prescribed, the people must most sincerely lament the restriction, and consider the constitution so far defective; for it is much better to derive such advantages from a constitutional source, than to owe them to accident, or an illegal assumption of legislative power.—One thing however is certain, that independent of the Constitution we have no reason to suppose that the United States would at this day, have been either in credit, free, or independent.
A correspondent observes on the subject of the national debt of Great Britain, that if the principal of it could be paid off, it would be more fatal to the British nation than the mines of Mexico were to Spain—and it is well known the Spaniards lost their spirit, independence and freedom, when they opened those sources of the precious metals.
A Negro Man was lately tried at the Court-House in Fairfax county, Virginia, for killing an Overseer. It appearing on the trial, that the Overseer had been guilty of many barbarous acts towards the Negro, and that the Negro's life was in danger when he committed the fact, he was acquitted. This decision has given great satisfaction to the friends of justice and humanity in that quarter.
Hon. NICHOLAS GILMAN and JEREMIAH SMITH, Esquires, are elected members of the second House of Representatives of the United States.
Extract of a letter from Joseph Fenwick, Esq. Consul of the United States, at the port of Bourdeaux, dated Nov. 8, 1790, addressed to his friend in Providence, (R. I.)
"There is a usage at this port, which allows on all bills of lading, filled with primage and average accustomed, ten per cent. on the freight—say five to the Capt. for primage, and five to the ship for average. As this occasion frequently and disagreeable disputes here, between the Captains and Consignees, and often subjects the freighter to a charge he is not aware of, I beg leave to suggest, that it would be well to stipulate on the bill of lading what is to be allowed, to either the Captain or Ship, over and above the freight. As this is not generally known in America, and the information may interest your merchants in general, I beg that it may be inserted in the different newspapers throughout the United States."
APPOINTMENTS.
The Governor of this Commonwealth, at the first inst. made the following appointments.
The Hon. Edward Shippen, Esquire, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court, in the room of the late Hon. George Bryan, Esq.—The Hon. James Biddle, Esq. Judge of the Court of Common Pleas—and Charles Biddle, Esq. Prothonotary of said Court.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
A Correspondent who handed us remarks on the indecorum of wearing Hats, cocked, as well as floucheé, in the Gallery of the House of Representatives, even while the Chaplain is officiating, is informed, that agreeable to King Charles' rule, we think it best to "MAKE NO COMPARISONS."
As to the Dogs, who accompany the Auditors of the debates, and sometimes disturb the House by their yelping, we refer our correspondent to their owners.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17 1/2 17 1/2 pr. £ 86 3/4 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 8 3/4 9 1/2 do. 45 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9 1/2 9 1/2 do. 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 16 3/4 do. 80 do.   Indents 8 3/4 9 1/2 do. 45 do.   N. and S. Carolina, debts, 11 1/2 11 1/2 do. 57 1/2 do.  

MR. FENNO,
THAT the sentiments contained in the following PROTEST may be more generally known throughout the Union, you are requested to insert it in the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The Minority on the Vote respecting the Resolutions of the House of Representatives on the subject of the Excise Bill, now depending in the Congress of the United States, having had permission to enter on the journals the reasons of their dissent, have accordingly introduced the following:
1st. BECAUSE, the precedent being once established, that it is expedient for the State Legislatures to enter into legislative resolutions, respecting the acts and proceedings of Congress, would be attended with the most fatal consequences to the peace and tranquility of the union; for under the specious and seducing plea, that is now alleged, of protecting from invasion the liberties of the people, an opposition to every act of the federal government, for imposing taxes, might be justified; now the state legislatures are chosen for the particular objects of municipal jurisdiction; the people have never committed to them an agency in the business of federal legislation, nor have invested them with authority to oppose legislative barriers to the discretion of Congress, in the exercise of their constitutional powers; for they must necessarily be incompetent thereto, for want of the collected wisdom and extensive information that the complicated affairs of the union require.
2d. Because we cannot but express, in language of unqualified disapprobation, the impropriety of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, discussing the merits of a report of the Secretary of the Treasury, at the very period that Congress was employed in deliberation on the same subject; and of foreboding the mischief that might ensue from its adoption, by the federal legislature; this was drawing an inference of a necessary perversion of power; to the public detriment, from the exercise of their constitutional authorities; which was ungenerous, as the possible abuse of power is equally incident to every trust; and as amongst the acts of Congress there is no evidence on record that can justify so dreary and unfavorable an anticipation of their acts, the intentions should be viewed maliciously prejudged, nor should censure be implicated, without the proof, or even appearance, of error or criminality; the federal government merits kinder treatment than to be brought into dispute from a mere apprehension of meditated danger.
3d. Because, on a supposition that Congress, regardless of their duty to their country, and their constituents, should pass acts, which contravene the constitution, by encroaching on those powers, which the states have exclusively retained, it is presumable that there would be found such inflexible integrity and independence in the federal judiciary, so to expound the laws, as to prevent their being carried into execution; besides, an additional security and salutary check, arise out of the enlightened patriotism of our Chief-Magistrate, who, we may rest assured, will never sanction a legislative act, that indicates an encroachment on the reserved rights and powers of the people.
4th. Because, the federal and state governments, are, in their respective characters, agents and trustees of the people, totally distinct from, and independent of, each other, instituted with different powers, and designated for different purposes. Neither has any right to interfere with the constitutional acts of the other; and should either attempt to enlarge its sphere of jurisdiction, at the expense of the other, there is an ultimate appeal to the sentiments and sanction of the people, who are their common constituents, their common superior, and their common umpire. This responsibility to, and dependence on the people, may not only be deemed an effectual guard against the dangerous and improper exercise of the legislative trusts, but as a sufficient control, to prevent undue encroachments on each other's authorities.
5th. Because, from the relative situation and circumstances of the federal and state governments, with respect to weight and influence, there is too much reason to apprehend danger, from the encroachments of the latter, on the acknowledged rights and constitutional powers of the former. The federal government, in its infancy, encountered many difficulties, arising principally from the stronger attachments and predilection of influential characters to their state authorities. But its operations have been so instrumental in ameliorating the situation of the country, aggrandizing its interests, and rendering the people happy, that many of its warmest enemies in this and other States, have abandoned their former propensities, and become its firm friends and supporters.
But there is still much to apprehend from an undue interference of the state legislatures on the proceedings of Congress; a disposition to which, arises out of the qualities inherent in, and attached to, all public bodies, but which will be much matured, from a precedent being established, by so powerful a state as Pennsylvania—and should other states follow the example, of transmitting to their delegates in Congress, legislative resolutions, on the various matters that may be depending in that body, there is too much reason to believe they would have an improper bias on the minds of the members, who might pay too great a deference to opinions sanctioned by such high and respectable authority; this would tend to disarm the federal government of its power, and reduce it to a slavish dependence on the state legislatures.
It would give rise to a legislative warfare betwixt the federal and municipal governments, and instead of a system of legislation that should be founded on a spirit of mutual concession and accommodation, which connects by ties of sympathy the various interests of the union, it would flow from the discordant and distinct views and wills of the separate members of the confederacy.
6th. Because in the interference of the House of Representatives, there exists such a palpable inconsistency of conduct and dereliction of principle; for whilst they express the most fearful apprehension of an attack on the liberties of the people, from the operation of an excise bill, now depending before Congress, their patriotism has not extended so far, as to propose the repeal of an act of this State of a similar nature, but which involves powers far more obnoxious and oppressive to the people, than those which are in the contemplation of the act of Congress.
The people have for a long series of years, submitted to this species of taxation, without murmur or complaint, and gave a preference to it at a time when the fiscal administration was not preferred for revenue. We have too much respect for the house to harbour a wish of tainting their resolutions by a suspicion of insidious design; the same consideration induces us to regard their conduct in this instance, with very serious concern.
7th. Because it is well known that government, in a great measure is founded on, and supported by, public opinion; it therefore becomes necessary, for those who are favorably inclined to the federal government, to cherish every sentiment, propitious to its existence: but these resolutions, cloathed in the garb of legislative suspicion and distrust, must have a strong tendency, to enlist on the side of opposition to federal authority, some of the most popular prejudices; and thereby to diffuse among the people, a want of confidence in the wisdom and purity of the federal councils; the seeds of dissention and jealousy being once sown (without timely care and precaution to prevent it) they will infallibly ripen into a harvest of disaffection.
8th. Because, as the federal government is intended as a bond of union, to cement the States together by a tie of general interest, and a general system of legislation, equally operative on every member of the confederacy, it is necessary that the fullest confidence should be evinced of a general disposition to acquiesce in
the acts of federal legislature; the State governments, like the radius of a circle, have a common centre in the federal government: the further they individually depart from it, the more they respectively recede from each other, and the further they remove from the influence of that authority, which can alone prevent the dreaded disunion of the subordinate parts. Now if one State interferes in the proceedings of the federal government, it not only betrays an indisposition to comply with the result of the federal arrangements, but induces an idea of the exertion of an undue influence; which must necessarily inflame the prejudices of the disaffected, and create alarms and jealousies in the other States of the union.
9th. Because, the people of this State, in ratifying the federal constitution, made a solemn compact with the people of the other States to well certain specific, and defined powers, in the federal government, for the common good of the union.
Whilst the government of the United States, confines itself within constitutional bounds it is incompatible with the duties arising out of its engagements, for a State legislature, to interfere by legislative resolutions, in opposing the exercise of their powers; for however anxious a State may be to disengage itself from its federal obligation, yet it cannot effect it, without the consent of the other States, which are joint parties to the contract.
Under the influence of the ideas expressed in the foregoing observations, and as friends to the constitutional and acknowledged rights of the federal and State governments, we feel ourselves called upon solemnly to enter our reasons of dissent, against so fatal a precedent, as that established by the resolutions of the House of Representatives, and to deprecate the pernicious consequences that may arise therefrom.
WILLIAM BINGHAM, JAMES COLLINS, JONATHAN ROBERTS, HENRY TYSON, JOHN CHAPMAN, WILLIAM M'PHERSON, BENJAMIN MARKLEY, THOMAS LILLY, JOHN STEWART, RICHARD DOWNING, DANIEL CLYMER.
This day is published, By Carey, Stewart, and Co.
No. 22, in FRONT-STREET,
The American Museum,
FOR JANUARY, 1791.
CONTENTS. ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
PROSE.
METEOROLOGICAL observations, made in Philadelphia, December 1790
Observations on the weather and diseases in do.
Exports from Baltimore, from Oct. 1, 1789, to Oct. 1, 1790
Plan of a Russia voyage
Number of souls in the territory of the united states, north west of the river Ohio, in 1790
"I have seen—and I have not seen." By the late gov. Livingston
Some of letters from a gentleman to his friend
Observations on gaming
Sketch of the nature and causes of diseases—explained upon scientific principles
SELECTED ARTICLES.
PROSE.
Letter from general Varnum to his lady—written a few days before his death
Progress to bankruptcy of an honest tradesman
Curiosity thoughts on duelling
Extracts from the introductory lecture of the hon. James Wilson, esq. L. L. D.
Anecdote of Thomas Paine
Anecdote of an American, at a theatre in London
Bon mot, respecting the king's evil
Bon mot, respecting a musical performer
Some account of the shape, manners and customs of the Hottentots
Calamitous events entertaining to the mind. By the rev. Joseph Lathrop
Essay on appearing what we neither are, nor wish to be
Curio, a character. By miss Bowdler
Essay on the influence of religion in civil society. By the rev. Thomas Reeve, A. M. pastor of the presbyterian church at Salem (S. C.)
Revolutions of English literature. Translated from the Italian
Curious particulars discovered by the microscope
On the improvement of worn-out land. By Richard Peters, esq.
Expense, culture, and profit of half an acre of hemp. By mr. Curven
Expense and product of an acre of hops
Mode of destroying canker-worms, and of preventing the blasting of grain. By John Cushing
Precautions against fire
Mode of purifying tallow, to make candles
A singular accident
Method of tempering edge-tools, of too brittle a quality
Method of checking the too free perspiration of the hands
List of the most material articles exported from the state of New-York, in July, August, and September, 1790
Arrivals at the port of New-York, from January 1, 1790, to January 1, 1791
List of the sea-vessels, which arrived in the port of Philadelphia, from January 1, 1790, to January 1, 1791
Account of the patients in the Philadelphia dispensary, from December 1, 1789, to December 1, 1790
Bill of mortality, for the town of Salem, for the year 1790
Extracts from the census of the inhabitants of Massachusetts
Census of the inhabitants of the state of New-York
Census of the inhabitants of the city and county of New-York
Statement of the tonnage of vessels, entered in the united states, from October 1, 1789, to September 30, 1790
Observations on the artifices of animals. From Smellie's philosophy of natural history
The negro equalled by few Europeans. Translated from the French
Anecdote
Charter of Rhode-Island.
POETRY.
Verfes, addressed to the trustees of the college and academy of Philadelphia. By the rev. Nathaniel Evans
The hermit's vision. By the rev. Thomas Penrose
Instructions to a porter. By mr. Bedingfield
Verfes on the new year
Hymn, written for Sunday-schools. By William Hayley, esq.
The nest
Invitation to the country. By Letitia
Friendship. By the rev. Thomas Penrose
Home—an extempore effusion
Song, written in Maryland, during the late war.
Philadelphia, Feb. 1, 1791.
Wanted a GROUND RENT, of
15 or 20 £. pr. annum, well secured.
Enquire of JOSIAH HEWES, LAWRANCE SECKEL, OWEN JONES, jun't.
MASSACHUSETTS STATE LOTTERY.
THE Managers at the STATE LOTTERY, present the Public with the First Class of the Massachusetts Semi-annual State Lottery, which will commence drawing in the Representatives Chamber, in Boston, on the Seventeenth of March next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of.
SCHEME.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE.
25,000 Tickets, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
   Prizes. of Dollars. is Dollars.    1 10000 10000 1 10000  2 3000 6000 2 6000  3 2000 6000 3 6000  6 1000 6000 6 6000  10 500 5000 10 5000  30 200 6000 30 6000  80 100 8000 80 8000  90 50 4500 90 4500  100 40 4000 100 4000  120 30 3600 120 3600  161 20 3220 161 3220  200 10 2000 200 2000  7585 8 60680 7585 60680  8383 Prizes. 125000  16612 Blanks.  
8383 Prizes.
16612 Blanks.
25000.
TICKETS may be had of the several Managers, who will pay the Prizes on demand—of the TREASURER of the Commonwealth—of JAMES WHITE, at his Book-Store, Franklin's-Head Court-Street, and at other places as usual.
BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun.
DAVID COBB,
SAMUEL COOPER,
GEORGE R. MINOT,
JOHN KNEELAND,
Managers.
Boston, July 28, 1790.
Tickets in the above Lottery are to be sold by Stephen Austin, corner of Front and Pine Streets, Philadelphia.
PLEASE TO NOTICE.
FOR the accommodation of those who would wish to become Adventurers in the First Class of the MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL STATE LOTTERY, letters, post paid, directed to SAMUEL COOPER, at his Office, North side State-House, Boston, enclosing Philadelphia, New-York or Boston Bank-Bills, or other good Bills, will be particularly attended to, and Tickets forwarded immediately upon the receipt of such letters.
Boston, Dec. 22, 1790.
N. B. A List of Prizes will be deposited with the Printer hereof, immediately after the drawing is compleated.
71 law ff
The Managers of the STATE LOTTERY assure the public, that the first Class of the Semi-annual Lottery will positively commence drawing on the day appointed, viz. the 17th of March next. As the Managers have in their several Monthly Lotteries commenced drawing at the hour assigned, so they are determined to be equally as punctual in this.
Jan. 25.
New Line of Stages.
THE Subscriber has established a line of STAGES from Hartford to Boston, by way of Norwich and Providence, which will run thro' twice a week during the Winter Season, and three times a week during the Summer Season.
Good Carriages, Horses, and careful Drivers are provided. Passengers pay three Pence per Mile, and are allowed 14 pound Baggage each. Extra Baggage pays at the rate of three Pence per Mile for every 150 wt. As the Mail is to go in these Stages for the year 1791, fixed hours for starting from the respective Stage Houses is absolutely necessary—from which there can be no deviation.
Norwich, Dec. 14, 1790.
The Stage for the Eastward leaves
Hartford—Mondays and Thursdays,
Norwich—Tuesdays and Fridays,
Providence—Wednesdays and Saturdays,
For the Westward, leaves Boston—Mondays and Thursdays,
Providence—Tuesdays and Fridays,
Norwich—Wednesdays and Saturdays.
66—1w3m
JESSE BROWN.
TO BE SOLD.
THE SEAT OF THE LATE GOVERNOR LIVINGSTON,
situate about a mile from Elizabeth-Town, on the public road to Morris Town. The farm contains between 90 and 100 acres of land, 15 or 20 acres of which are wood land; there is also appertaining to the said farm about 19 acres of salt meadow. Particular attention having been paid to the cultivation of fruit; there is on the farm a very large collection of various kinds of the choicest fruit trees, &c. in full bearing; the house is large, convenient, well built and in very good repair.
Enquire of the Printer, for further particulars.
New-York, Jan. 1791.
80 3m
Forty Dollars Reward.
LOST by the Subscriber, on the 12th day of January 1791, between Penollopom and Frechold, in the county of Monmouth, and State of New-Jersey, the following Certificates, issued by the said State, to sundry Soldiers, for the three-fourth parts of the depreciation of their pay; all of which are signed by John Stevens, jun. Treasurer, and countersigned by James Ewing, Auditor, viz.
   No. Dated, Payable to Amount.    323 June 26, 1781, Powel Allison, £.60 8 9  399 January 27, do. Jacob Long, 30 16 10½  593 June 29, do. Oliver Cromwell, 60 8 9  664 June 30, do. James Kinsey, 57 12 6  740 July 2, do. George Long, 5 4 4½  860 July 4, do. Ananias Clark, 3 12 4½  938 July 30, do. Samuel Dotey, 135 7 6½  1060 March 20, 1782, Ephraim Patien, 31 13 9  1128 August 8, do. James Coulton, 30 7 10½  1133 August 8, do. Moses Thompson, 150 5 9½  1230 January 27, 1783, Asa Gilderleaves, 63 7 5½  1237 April 9, do. Michael Lane, 61 16 10½  841 July 4, 1781, James Clark, 4 17 10½  
Any person who may have found the said Certificates, and will return them to the subscriber, living at Penollopom aforesaid, shall receive the above reward; and in proportion for any part of them which may be returned.
All persons are hereby cautioned against purchasing any of the above Certificates, as payment is stopped at the public offices. If any of them should be offered for sale, the person to whom they are offered is requested to stop the same, and give notice thereof to their humble servant. KENNETH HANKINSON.
Monmouth County, New-Jersey, Jan. 15, 1791.