Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-06-12 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 18, of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, JUNE 12, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 122.]
THE TABLET.—No. CXXII.
“One might suppose that the Christian religion would have been worn out, by passing through so many contending parties, unless it had some inherent solidity to give it duration.”
(Continuation of the arguments in support of the position, that the universal diffusion of literature will precede and prepare the way for the universal prevalence of religion.)
T HE facts already mentioned may perhaps be deemed sufficient to establish the point in question, as far as facts can do it.—There are however other historical traces, equally pertinent with those that have been cited, to illustrate the main purpose of our argument. It deserves to be noticed that about sixty years before the glorious era of the reformation in Europe, Constantinople, which had been the residence of learning and religion, was taken by the Saracens, and the religion of Jesus Christ was swallowed up in that of Mahomet. By this conquest, great numbers of eminent doctors were driven from Constantinople and other parts of the East. These Doctors settling in Germany and Italy introduced the Grecian literature; the study of which soon occasioned a revival of knowledge in almost every part of Europe. This happened but a few years after the invention of the art of printing;—a fortunate circumstance which greatly accelerated a general diffusion of literature. These preparatory events, concurring with other causes of less extensive and less visible influence, rendered the publication of a rational theology both practicable and natural. And for want of these causes only, it is obvious the efforts of Wickliff in the 14th, and of Huss and Jerome in the 15th century were less successful in resisting the torrent of pontifical encroachments, than those of Luther and Zuinglius in the 16th. But when the human mind was once enlightened and rendered capable of distinguishing between the precepts of religion and the impositions of fraud, a single pen could do more to reform mankind than the great, the amiable Alfred, or the powerful Charlemagne; and a single voice from the desk was listened to with more attention than the trumpet of Charles the Vth. Assisted by these favorable circumstances, Luther, before his death, had the felicity of beholding millions of wretched mortals emancipated from delusion and slavery—he saw one half the huge fabric of anti christian* dominion tumbled to the ground, and the other half tottering to its foundation.
A candid survey of these facts will convince us how fruitless an attempt must prove, to introduce a rational system of religion among savages and slaves, without paving the way by a cultivation of the mental faculties. In addition to these let us observe, that the inhabitants of the Highlands in Scotland and the neighboring islands, notwithstanding their vicinity to the most polished nations on earth, and all attempts to detach them from the idolatrous customs of antiquity, still remain firmly wedded to the druidical superstition. Let us also advert to the various efforts that have been made, without success, to christianize the savages upon our own frontiers. A reflection of a moment will point us to the reason. Unless the savages can be crowded into so small a compass of territory, as will compel them to have recourse to agriculture and commerce for a subsistence, they never can be civilized; and all attempts to instruct them in religion, while they remain in the savage state, ever have, and probably ever will prove as idle and chimerical, as an attempt to introduce civil institutions among the fowls of Heaven.—This leads us to the real cause of the otherwise astonishing success of the Jesuits in converting savages; and of that decisive influence they have acquired, wherever they have established themselves, particularly over the nations of Paraguay in South America. The profound policy of that society of ingenious and learned men, has been to prepare the way for a reception of their religion by a cultivation of the mind; and by this policy, and their indefatigable industry, they have
* It is possible some of our readers may suppose that the writer of these remarks, on the comparative influence of learning and religion, means them as an attack upon some particular denomination of christians. The Editor however is confident that the writer had no sect specially in view, in his reflections upon the state of religion, during those periods, when learning had made little progress. It is evident his object was to shew, that, in an unenlightened age, a rational system of religion could not prevail. The superstition of those times, when the people were generally ignorant, was not confined to any single religious sect, but pervaded the worship of all denominations.
One religious sect will neither be more or less superstitious than another, if all are equally favored with the means of literature.—The Editor has now in his possession an Essay written by the au-
made more converts of savages, than all other denominations of christians; and larger acquisitions to the Spanish dominions, than the arms of Cortez and Pizarro. (To be continued.)
thor of this discussion, on the subject of universal toleration, and from this he is persuaded the author is not partial in his attachments or aversions to any sect whatever. The term anti-christian does not exclusively belong to any sect of christians; but it may be applied to the errors of every one. In every sect there are good and bad men.
On the immortal MILTON.
A PART, and on a sacred hill recird, Beyond all mortal inspiration ard, The mighty Milton sits; an host around Of list'ning angels guard the holy ground; Amaz'd they see a human form afpire To grasp with daring hand a seraph's lyre, Inly irradiate with celestial beams, Attempt those high, those foul-subduing themes, (Which humbler denizens of heav'n decline) And celebrate with sanctity divine, The flarry field from warring angels won, And God triumphant in his victor son. Nor less the wonder and the sweet delight, His milder scenes and softer notes excite, When at his bidding Eden's blooming grove, Breathes the rich sweets of innocence and love, With such pure joy as our forefather knew When Raphael, heavenly guest, first met his view, And our glad sire, within his blissful bower, Drank the pure consorc of th' aetherial power, Round the blest bard his raptur'd audience throng, And feel their souls imparadis'd in song.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. IX.
Continued from our last.
'Tis from high life, high characters are drawn, A faint in crape, is twice a faint in lawn.
T O any one who has never considered the force of national attention, consideration, and congratulation, and the causes, natural and artificial, by which they have been excited, it will be curious to read in Plato's Alcibiades, the manner in which these national attachments to their kings, were created by the ancient Persians. The policy of the modern monarchies of Europe, seems to be, an exact imitation of that of the Persian court, as it is explained by the Grecian philosopher. In France, for example, the pregnancy of the queen is announced with great solemnity to the whole nation, her majesty is scarcely afflicted with a pain, which is not formally communicated to the public. To this embryo, the minds of the whole nation are turned, and they follow him, day by day, in their thoughts till he is born, the whole people has a right to be present at his birth; and as many as the chamber will hold, croud in, till the queen and prince are almost suffocated with the loyal curiosity and affectionate solicitude of their subjects. In the cradle, the principal personages of the kingdom, as well as all the foreign ambassadors, are from time to time presented to the royal infant; to thousands who press to see him, he is daily shewn from the nursery; of every step in his education, and of every gradation of his youthful growth, in body and mind, the public is informed in the Gazettes; not a stroke of wit, not a sprightly sally, not a trait of generous affection, can escape him, but the world is told of it, and very often pretty fictions are contrived, for the same purpose, where the truth will not furnish materials. Thus it becomes the national fashion, it is the tone of the city and the court, to think and converse daily about the dauphin. When he accedes to the throne, the same attention is continued, till he dies. In elective governments, something very like this always takes place, towards the first character; his person, countenance, character and actions, are made the daily contemplation and conversation of the whole people. Hence arises the danger of a division of this attention—where there are rivals for the first place, the national attention and passions are divided and thwart each other; the collision enkindles fires; the conflicting passions interest all ranks; they produce slanders and libels first, mobs and seditions next, and civil war, with all her hissing snakes, burning torches, and haggard horrors, at last. This is the true reason, why all civilized free nations have found by experience, the necessity of separating from the body of the people, and even from the legislature, the distribution of honors, and conferring it on the executive authority of government. When the emulation of all the citizens looks up to one point, like the rays of a circle from all parts of the circumference meeting and uniting in the centre, you may hope for uniformity, consistency and subordination; but when they look up to different individuals or assemblies, or councils, you may expect all the deformities, eccentricities and confusions, of the prolemaic system.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. DEBATES ON TONNAGE, CONTINUED.
FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1790.
M R. FITZSIMONS observed, that notwithstanding all the gentleman, (Mr. Madison) has said, he could not help considering the measure as a very bold one. Great Britain maintains her West-India islands at an expence, which no other nation can support: This system she must persevere in, at all risks and hazards, and she will do it. The ships of this country are not, and will not for several years, be sufficient to export the produce of the United States, and if we exclude the British shipping, our produce must remain on our hands. This would be productive of consequences which every one must contemplate with distress.—The ships of Great Britain comprehend almost entirely what is called foreign shipping; by adopting this measure we shall in effect cut off the Southern States from all opportunity of exporting their produce—and as I think it must be a long period, if ever it should arrive, before the Southern States will become manufacturers or ship builders, it appears necessary that till such time as the American shipping shall be sufficient to carry off their produce, that we should not exclude this navigation, especially as the present capital of this country is not sufficient to furnish a present supply.—He said, to encourage our own shipping he thought the enhanced duty on tonnage was prudent; but beyond that could not think himself justified in going.
Mr. Williamson stated some particulars respecting the treaty of peace, and said that a commercial treaty was on the point of being concluded at that time; but the British minister having received information that our ports were opened to her ships, broke off the negotiation, as she enjoyed all that a treaty could give, without binding herself.
Mr. Lawrence thought the information of the gentleman last up of the highest importance, and therefore wished the business now under consideration to be postponed until such time as this information could be more completely laid before the house. We have not yet, said he, furnished the President with the means to send a person to Great-Britain to negotiate any treaty; the bill has not yet passed the Senate empowering him to nominate ambassadors, &c. He thought the same arguments which had been used against the duty on tonnage might have been applied against laying a duty on rum, coffee or sugar. To prohibit British vessels from exporting our produce, he did not believe would be thought so very disadvantageous to them: they might find other employment in exporting for other countries, even from Ireland to the West-Indies. If we exclude their vessels, we exclude their capitals; and it is well known that a great many of the British merchants have their capitals invested in the trade with America.
Mr. Lawrence further called on gentlemen to remember that this country had many indulgences allowed her in Great-Britain, which she did not allow to other countries; and instance the articles of iron, flaxseed, potash, pearl ashes, &c.
Mr. Jackson agreed with Mr. Lawrence in his observation that this was not a proper time to adopt the measure proposed, as he was apprehensive that if British bottoms were prohibited, our produce would be left upon our hands. He agreed with Mr. Hartley, in his observations respecting the western posts. He viewed the retention of these posts with indignity, as much as he viewed the carrying trade in any but our own vessels; but he said time was necessary to bring about a proper regulation. Shall we go to war with ourselves? said he.
He said he fully approved the sentiments of the gentleman from Virginia, yet such is the present situation of the United States, that he could not assent to adopting the proposition, as we are by no means prepared for the consequences.
Mr. Page remarked that the whole force of the arguments against the resolutions before the committee, still rested on a supposition that Britain would retaliate. He reminded the committee of the different arguments which he and other members had adduced, to shew the improbability of that supposition: and remarked, that those gentlemen who had agreed to raise the tonnage on her ships to one dollar, but refused to do this unless we made our allies pay the like sum, expressed fears very unbecoming members of this house. Sir, said he, we are supposed to dread what is called a commercial war with Britain: how much more will she not suppose we must dread a war of another denomination? If we are thus timid, we shall shudder at Britain's resentment: if she sees this, she should not only hold the posts she now has within our territory, but she should advance and augment them; she should insist upon our taking off the duties which we have laid on her commodities. These fears, added he, would scarcely become us in our old colonial capacities; they are highly unbecoming in our present independent situation, and are extremely impolitic. But if some gentlemen are so much afraid of disobliging the English, should they not have some fears lest they should oblige the French? Is it wise to disgust that nation, and our other allies, and bring down at least their contempt upon us, if not a restriction of our commerce with them? Can it be prudent to make no distinction between the nation which views our rising greatness with mortification, and which against its most obvious interest restrains our commerce; and that nation which at this moment is exulting in the enjoyment of liberty, for which they gratefully acknowledge they are in a great measure indebted to America, whom they had first rescued from the tyranny of that nation, to whom, contrary to the present interests of their own merchants, they open a beneficial commerce? The French must be exceedingly hurt by the observations which some gentlemen have made on our connection with France, and the preference they seem disposed to give to Britain.
But, Sir, who can suppose that what are called indulgences of Britain are any thing more than what her own interest evidently dictates? She increases her revenue nearly 700,000l. per ann. by a duty on tobacco alone. The importance of the tobacco trade to her was evident in the late war, when her merchants gave as 6d. per pound for it in this city, and afterwards paid 15d. duty in England. It was proved by Mr. Glover, when he appeared at the bar of the House of Commons in support of the merchants petition against entering into the war with America, that one third of the whole trade of Britain depended on the thirteen colonies, now the United States; and it is certain that at this day, although she has lost much of that trade she enjoys a great proportion of it, and, as my colleague clearly proved, advantages result from it which she has with no other nation. As to her turning her trade into another channel, as has been insinuated, she must be a looser by it.
It is said that Britain gives us a generous preference to Russia; but the balance of trade with Russia, and every other country in Europe, I believe, except Portugal, is against her.
But, Sir, it is said that we may hurt the feelings of the British, who otherwise would conclude a treaty which they seem now disposed to make, now they have a power in America with which

they may treat. That power, Sir, has existed above twelve months, and might have been long since applied to; but I believe it never will be applied to, unless Congress render the application necessary, by some such measures as are now proposed by the resolutions before us. I believe the wisest and best men in England with us would compel their King to treat; for to him is entrusted the regulation of the commerce with America. The wisest minister that nation ever had (Mr. Pitt) proposed, as soon as the preliminary articles of peace were signed, to put the trade with America upon the same footing on which it stood before the war; but his wife plan was rejected merely because the American States seemed disposed to be as dependent in their commerce upon Britain, as when they were her colonies: and a bold experiment has been made of the truth of Lord Sheffield's assertion, that America cannot exist without the trade of Britain, and that even Massachusetts would return to her former subjection to that country, rather than be deprived of the carrying trade and fisheries. Sir, such assertions ought to rouse an honest indignation, or at least a firm resolution to shew that they are groundless. I repeat it again and again, that it is the wish of Virginia to do this. I have been asked why we do not make a discrimination between our friends and enemies? Sir, I call not the British enemies, they are enemies no more; but I have been told by my countrymen, that so long as they hold posts within our territories by an armed force, they ought to be viewed as enemies; that so long as they restrain our merchants from trading with them, and burn our vessels in their ports, they cannot deserve the name of friends.
Mr. Bland was nearly of the same opinion with Mr. Page, and said he could see not the least reason to apprehend any danger of a commercial warfare. He stated sundry arguments of the opponents of the amendment, and read extracts from their speeches, which he proved to be perfectly contradictory to their present mode of reasoning. He further quoted some historical facts, respecting the conduct of Britain not long since, in regard of making a discrimination between the wines imported from Portugal and those imported from France. This was resented by the Portuguese, who immediately prohibited the importation of British cloths, which had such an effect, that Britain instantly entered into a commercial treaty, and put Portugal wines on a better footing than the French wines, by giving them exclusive privileges. I would therefore ask, said Mr. Bland, is the trade of Portugal, that small country, of more consequence to Britain than the trade of this continent? I think not. Neither have I the least apprehension that they will risk the loss of our commerce; and should they attempt it, we need not give ourselves the trouble of complaining; their own merchants and planters in the West-Indies will remonstrate as hath already been experienced. He concluded, by observing, that the proposed amendment would hold out the language of this country and of the house, by shewing them what we meant to do at a future day; and he thought the time mentioned (1st of January next) a very proper one. If they wish to enter into a commercial treaty, it may be completed before that day arrives.
JAMAICA INTELLIGENCE.
IN the Antigua Gazette of the 13th April is published several resolutions of the council and assembly of Jamaica, on the subject of the slave trade.
The first states that the partial abolition of the slave trade would lead to the necessity of purchasing only prime slaves on the coast, in order to having the same work done with fewer hands—the effect of this would be that the old people who are offered for sale in Africa, would not be bought, and would in that case, according to the custom of that country be killed.
II. That the loss of seamen in this business has been proved on the testimony of Admiral Edwards, to be much more inconsiderable than has been asserted—and that the abolition would be prejudicial to navigation, and many branches of trade dependent on it—the consumption of herrings and staled fish by the negroes, being immense.
VII. States that the number of negroes in Jamaica is 250,000—140,000 of which are males and 110,000 females.
VI. That it is absolutely impossible to cultivate the West-India islands, so as to produce any commodities that would enrich the mother country, by white labourers. Fatal experience demonstrates the fallacy of such an expectation. In the year 1749, the legislature of this island passed a law holding out great encouragement for the introduction of white families into this colony, which proved ineffectual; very few families having come in consequence thereof, and of those that came, not a vestige is left. The French ministry, in 1763, attempted to settle a colony by means of white labourers at Cayenne, on the coast of America: Twelve thousand miserable people were the victims of this impolitic scheme. If further instances are wanting to prove, that Europeans cannot withstand the climate when exposed to the sun and the rains, recourse may be had to the accounts of the siege of Carthagena; the expedition to Cumberland-Harbour; the siege of the Havannah; the returns of the regiments that came out under the command of General Garth, in 1779 and in 1780; and the expedition to Fort St. Juan, on the Spanish Main.
X. That it is the opinion of the joint Committee, that the charges which have been brought against the Planters of this island, of improper and inhumane treatment of our Slaves, may be fully refuted and disproved; first by an appeal to our laws, and secondly, by the evidence of respectable men who have resided among us, and have been witnesses to our manners. Whatever may be said of our ancient colonial Slave laws, the acts which have been passed, within the last ten years, are written in characters of justice, mercy and liberality. Concerning the general treatment of our Slaves, we refer to the evidence already personally given to the Lords of the Council, by the Right Hon. Lord Rodney, Sir Peter Parker, Admiral Barrington, Sir Joshua Rowley, Admiral Hotham, Vice-Admiral Edwards, and Sir George Young: and to the further evidence that may be produced from gentlemen of character in England who have resided many years in this
island, and are intimately acquainted with our conduct and manners. We conceive that the testimony of such persons is unanswerable and conclusive; and shall therefore only remark, that it is notorious our Slaves in general are not only treated with kindness and humanity, but they are also protected by law from immoderate chastisement or cruel treatment, and enjoy more easy, comfortable, and happy lives, than multitudes of the labourers in Great-Britain.
XII. That, It is the opinion of this joint Committee, that the present value of property in this island may be fairly and reasonably estimated as follows viz. 250,000 Negroes, at 50l. sterling per head, is 12,500,000l. The patented lands, with their erections, and the personal property appertaining thereunto, at double the value of the Negroes, (being the best general rule of valuation) amount to 25,000,000l. and the article of houses in the towns, the coasting and trading vessels, &c. may be estimated at one million and an half at the least; it appearing by the Report of the Committee of the Lords of the Privy-Council, that the houses in Kingston and Spanish-Town are alone worth 1,428,521l. sterling. The total, is thirty-nine millions of pounds sterling; the whole profits and produce of which capital, as also of the various branches of commerce to which it gives rise, center in Great-Britain, and add to the national wealth, while the navigation necessary to all its branches establishes a strength which wealth can neither purchase nor balance.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MAXIMS FOR REPRESENTATIVES.
NO man can be safely entrusted with the important concerns of a country, who is deficient in knowledge, principle, or industry—who is extremely avaricious, or under the controul of ambition. He must be firm, laborious, but not obstinate, nor jealous, nor too much concerned about his own honor. He must express many ideas in few words, as long speeches, (even when excellent) generally displease some of the hearers. He must be undisguised, open, candid, and attentive to his opponents—always manifesting a disposition to accommodate. Never aim to carry a point by any means which the most impartial minds will not approve—and never triumph in success. Study to avoid hurting the feelings of his opponents—while he brings strong arguments against his opinions, clothed in soft and respectful language.—No appearance of cunning should stain his political character—man-kind associate the ideas of cunning and roguery together—and whenever a measure is effected by mere cunning, its opponents will ever after view its advocates as dishonest men—it ought therefore to be constantly impressed upon his mind that finess, craft and cunning, are miserable expedients, and commonly issue in defeat and loss of character. Moderate abilities, if exerted only in the strait line of truth and honor, with a single eye to the public good, will save the nation, and render the plain honest Statesman the delight and glory of his country. But the artful and designing, however learned, are always seen through, and detested. Altho this hath been the fate of cunning men in all times, yet all times to come may expect to be curst with such characters.
HARTFORD, June 7.
On Saturday the 29th of May last, died at Brooklyn, of a fever, in the 73d year of his age, that justly celebrated Hero, Patriot and Philanthropist, ISRAEL PUTNAM, Esq. Major-General in the late Continental army. He enjoyed his reason to the last moment of his life, and with remarkable cheerfulness, and solid satisfaction, left this for the everlasting rewards of a better and more glorious country; and on Tuesday following his Funeral was attended by the largest and most respectable collection of the inhabitants ever known there on the like occasion,—After a well adapted Sermon, delivered by the Rev. Josiah Whitney, the procession moved to the burying ground in the following order:
 Company of Grenadiers.  Militia of the Town with reversed Arms.  Musick.  Company of Artillery.  The Masons, in the Badges of their order.  The CORPSE.  Mourners.  The Clergy.  The Church of Brooklyn.  Military Officers.  Inhabitants. 
When the procession had arrived at the burying ground, the troops opening to the right and left, the Masons passed on to the grave, and after performing their accustomed antient ceremonies, and pronouncing a brief Elogium on the character of the deceased, the Grenadiers advanced and fired three platoons, which was succeeded by a discharge of Artillery. The whole was conducted with that order and decorum, which the love and respect of the inhabitants inspired.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 9.
THE bill providing for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States, having been engrossed, and amended by sundry additions, was recommitted to a select committee.
Mr. Parker moved the following Resolution, viz. That when the two houses adjourn to close the present session, the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives adjourn their respective Houses to meet, and hold their next session at the city of Philadelphia.
The introduction of this motion occasioned some conversation about order. It was asked if it had been laid on the table; or the house had been in possession of it agreeable to the rules of the House? The Speaker observed that the gentlemen gave notice of his intention to bring forward such a motion yesterday; but that he had not observed it on the table. He said he would read the rules, and leave the house to determine, whether the motion thus circumstanced is in order, or not.
Mr. Gerry thought the motion was not in order. Mr. Vining contended that it was; and enlarged on the subject. Mr. Livermore appealed to the chair for a decision. The Speaker declined giving his opinion, and observed, that circumstanced as he was, he supposed, by leave of the house he might be excused; numbers cried out by all means.
Mr. White observed that as it would be attended with very pernicious consequences for the two Houses to disagree respecting the place of their meeting he would propose that there should be a conference with the Senate.
Mr. Lawrance observed that he had always aimed to act upon national principles; agreeable to this idea he thought that the permanent residence of Congress should be the subject of consideration in preference to the temporary residence.
Mr. Jackson, after observing that on the idea of accommodating his constituents, by having the seat of government nearer the centre of the Union, he had before voted in favour of adjourning to Philadelphia, said as the subject had now assumed a different aspect, and he saw no probability of the resolution's being carried in the Senate, in order to prevent the delay of public business of the greatest importance, he should vote against bringing the temporary residence forward again.
Mr. Vining observed, with respect to the permanent residence, it was not in his opinion the proper time to bring the question forward: It would require perhaps 20 years to bring it to a decision.—He enlarged on this subject, and said the motion would not be in order; and if it was, there is no prospect of its being carried in the Senate, as they have already decided against the measure.
The question on the temporary residence he was anxiously solicitous to have determined, as he conceived the public mind was much agitated—the House is agitated by it, and the business before them is embarrassed for want of this decision.
The speaker finally determined that it was not in order to take up the motion at the present time: it was therefore ordered that it should lie on the table till to-morrow.
Mr. Sherman of the committee appointed for the purpose reported sundry additional rules to be observed in conducting business between the two houses.
Mr. Gerry gave notice that he should to-morrow bring forward a resolution to fix the permanent residence of Congress somewhere on the Eastern banks of the Delaware.
In committee of the whole on the bill for repealing, after the last day of next the duties heretofore laid on distilled spirits, &c.
Mr. Goodhue moved to strike out the twelfth section which provides for an excise on spirits distilled in the United States. This motion occasioned considerable debate.—The excise was opposed, as interfering with those funds of the particular States on which they depend for paying the interest of their State debts, which would be a most glaring act of injustice, unless those debts are assumed by the United States; others objected to the principle of excises altogether; the motion was however negatived by a majority of 3—25 rising in the affirmative, and 28 in the negative; the committee proceeded to the 26th section of this bill before they rose.
THURSDAY, JUNE 10.
A report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Stephen Moore, was read and referred to a select committee.
Mr. Clymer presented a petition from the tanners of Philadelphia, which was read.
Mr. Vining moved that the House should take up for consideration the motion made yesterday by Mr. Parker, to remove Congress from New-York to Philadelphia.
Messrs. Smith [S. C.] Sedgwick, Boudinot, Lawrance, Gerry, Jackson, Burke, Bloodworth, Ames, and Livermore, opposed the motion. It was supported by Messrs. Hartley, Vining, Parker, Page, and White.—After much debate on the question for taking up the proposition, it was decided by calling the yeas and nays.
AYES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scott, Seney, Sinnickson, Smith, (Maryland) Steele, Stone, Sumpner, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop. 32.
NOES.
Messrs. Ames, Benfon, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Burke, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Hathorn, Huger, Huntington, Jackson, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, Partridge, Van Rensselaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith [S. C.] Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker, Wadsworth. 29.
The motion being before the House for a decision—a motion was made that the same should be committed to a committee of the whole, and that the proposition moved yesterday by Mr. Gerry, should at the same time be referred to the committee, with instructions that they examine into the question relative to a place for fixing the permanent seat of government.
This motion for commitment, also gave rise to considerable debate about the usual time of adjournment.
A motion was made to adjourn—On this motion the house divided—ayes 29—noes 28. The Speaker declared himself in favor of the minority. The house was then equally divided, and the motion in consequence lost.
The question being at length put for commitment, it was negatived—ayes 28—noes 33.
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benfon, Boudinot, Burke, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Hathorn, Huger, Huntington, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, Partridge, Van Rensselaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith (Maryland) Smith [S. C.] Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker, Wadsworth. 28.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Bloodworth, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scott, Seney, Sinnickson, Steele, Stone, Sumpner, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop. 33.
A motion was again made for an adjournment—The House divided—Ayes 30—Noes 31.
Mr. Bloodworth then moved, that Philadelphia should be struck out of the resolution, and Baltimore inserted.
After some debate on this motion, another motion was made to adjourn—and carried.
This debate was supported by arguments and observations similar to those stated in a former paper; but greatly enlarged on this occasion. Those in favor of determining on the temporary residence, or an adjournment to Philadelphia, urged its greater cen-

LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be forthwith transmitted to the executives of the States of Virginia and North-Carolina, a complete list of the officers, non-commissioned officers and privates of the lines of those States respectively, who are entitled to receive arrears of pay due for services in the years one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two, and one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, annexing the particular sum that is due to each individual, with a request to the executives of the said States, to make known to the claimants in the most effectual manner, that the said arrears are ready to be discharged on proper application.
That the President of the United States be requested to cause the Secretary of the Treasury to take the necessary steps for paying (within the said States respectively) the money appropriated by Congress, on the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, for the discharging the arrears of pay due to the troops of the lines of the said States respectively.
That the Secretary of the treasury in cases where the payment has not been made to the original claimant in person, or to his representative, be directed to take order for making the payment to the original claimant, or to such person or persons only as shall produce a power of attorney, duly attested by two justices of the peace of the county, in which such person or persons reside, authorizing him or them to receive a certain specified sum: Except where certificates or warrants have been issued under authority of the United States for any of the said arrears of pay, and the same shall be produced by the claimant or claimants.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. APPROVED, JUNE SEVENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
BURLINGTON, June 1.
A correspondent takes the liberty of impressing upon the minds of the farmers, the utility of a particular attention to the cultivation of potatoes. At a time when the unsettled state of Europe and the West-Indies, affords a favorable and certain market for all the grain and flour we can furnish, we should be attentive to cultivate those articles which will lessen the consumption of grain among ourselves, and enable us to increase the export to foreign countries. Potatoes are found to be one of the most wholesome, cheap, and nutritious vegetables, either for the use of families, cattle or hogs; and the great improvements made in the cultivation of them in America, ought to animate us to every exertion for the farther improvement of this important object of domestic consumption, as well as export.
COLUMBIA, May 12.
An unhappy affair happened last week within a few miles of Granby. One Ballard was accused of stealing pigs belonging to Mr. Gabriel Frigid, who procured a warrant against him, but he absconded for three days, to elude the pursuit. It was therefore agreed to visit his house in the night, and there he was; being asked to surrender, he refused—then Mr. Riley, one of the party, fired a gun through a hole in the wall, directed at the ceiling, to frighten him; still he was obstinate—after some expostulation, the gun was discharged a second time, and the contents lodged in Ballard's side, who instantly expired. A coroner's inquest being held upon the body, returned a verdict—wilful murder.—Some of the persons who were present have been committed to Orangeburgh gaol.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 12, 1790.
Wednesday afternoon the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES returned from Sandy Hook and the fishing banks, where he has been for the benefit of the sea air, and to amuse himself in the delightful recreation of fishing. We are told he had excellent sport, having himself caught a great number of sea-bass and black-fish—the weather proved remarkably fine, which, together with the salubrity of the air and wholesome exercise, rendered this little voyage extremely agreeable, and cannot fail, we hope, of being very serviceable to a speedy and complete restoration of his health.
Daily Adv.
"HONOR YOUR RULERS," is a good political maxim, and more necessary in a Republican government, than in any other. I wish the Americans were more attentive to their duty—not only numerous complaints are uttered against the measures of Congress, but evil surmisings and predictions. One predicts they will consume a long session, and disagree at last about the mode of doing the business:—Another, thinks they will dispute so long about residence, as to prevent the accomplishment of the great national concerns: A third apprehends it is not their intention to establish public credit, but to waste one session after another in speculations and intrigues for their private advantage. How irrational is all this! Ask any one of these complainers and surmisers, if he would
act so unworthy and inconsistent a part were he in Congress? He will confidently answer, NO! Let us despise such evil insinuations against the Representatives of our nation: They know the infinite importance of public credit, and of national harmony: We ought to repose intire confidence in them, and believe they possess so great a spirit of wisdom and patriotism, that they will never adjourn until they have laid a sure foundation for national happiness—and like good brethren of one family, by the exercise of love and candor, unite in a system for public felicity.
Americans will never forget the impudent predictions of their Tory and British enemies, during the revolution, "that they were incapable of governing themselves"—nor can they forbear despising the weakness of some anxious people, who fear the above prediction may come to pass, because Congress has not completed all their wishes.—More time having been spent in national arrangements, and forming a system for the establishment of public credit, than some expected, they are ready to draw the worst conclusions—suppose our representatives will quarrel like children—and part without accomplishing their business. Let us honor ourselves too much to believe it possible that we can be so deceived in the men to whom we have committed the honor and happiness of our country.
Extract of a letter from Dr PRICE, dated Hackney, Feb. 1, to a gentleman in this city.
I send you a Discourse* which has been much talked of here: It is an effusion of zeal in the cause of human liberty and virtue—I can be confident that you will approve the spirit of it, and the general sentiments it contains.
You must probably feel the same satisfaction and triumph in the late revolution in France that I have felt. It appears to me that most of the events in the annals of the world are but childish tales compared with it—The United States of America have the glory of having led the way to it.
The New Constitution of France deviates in some respects from those ideas of the best Constitution of government which have been explained and defended with so much ability in the "Defence of the American Constitutions"—but this deviation, as France is situated, seems to have been unavoidable—for had not the aristocratical and clerical orders have been obliged to throw themselves into one chamber with the commons, no reformation could have taken place, and the regeneration of the kingdom would have been impossible—and in future legislatures were these two orders to make distinct and independent States, all that has been done would probably be soon undone. Hereafter, perhaps, when the New Constitution, as now formed, has acquired strength by time, the National Assembly may find it practicable, as well as expedient, to establish, by means of a third estate, such a check as now takes place in the American government, and is indispensable in the British government.
Remember me very kindly to Mrs. — may you be long continued happy in one another, and in your connexions.—I feel myself in the decline of life—an indolence is encreasing upon me—and a disposition to be encumbered and burthened with every little business that comes in my way.
The new federal government has I hope, now acquired such a firm establishment as will make it the means of extricating the United States from difficulties, and rendering them prosperous and happy.
* See Gazette, No. 107.
Extract of a letter from Boston, June 6.
You will see by the papers what our legislature has done respecting the Assumption of the State debts. The Governor's Speech has produced the Resolution thus early. If the State debts are not assumed, distrust, dissatisfaction, and murmuring will be the inevitable consequence in Massachusetts—God grant, that that open and patriotic policy which led America through a solemn war, may yet take her by the hand, and extricate her from the embarrassments under which she now labors.
We have had a large and respectable meeting of the merchants, mechanics, &c. at Faneuil Hall, who have agreed to petition the General Court for the repeal of the excise law—The petitions are signed, and are to be presented on Monday.
As to Congress' removing from New-York—Poor Richard I think says,
I never saw an oft-removed tree, Nor yet an oft-removed family, That threw so well as those that settled be.
The Connecticut papers contain sketches of the debates in the House of Representatives of that state. No method that could be devised, can serve so fully to enlighten the people in the knowledge of the views and characters of their political guides.
MARRIED]—In Boston, by the Rev. Mr. Parker, HARRISON GRAY OTIS, Esq. to Miss SALLY FOSTER, daughter to William Foster, Esq.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST. —NEW-YORK.
Schooner Experiment, Smith, Savannah, 40 days. Ship Eagle, Jappie, London, 39 days.
To be LET, and possession given immediately, THE HOUSE No. 27, Front Street.—A part of the FURNITURE will be sold, on reasonable terms, to accommodate the Tenant, if required. Apply on the premises. June 12, 1790.
reality than New-York—the injustice done to the Southern States in holding the sessions in so eccentric a situation—the uneasiness of the people on this account—the present temper of the house—the tendency of the question to irritate and inflame—the interruption of the public business, and the influence the subject might be supposed to have in determining great national questions—that the determination of a very great majority of the house had been overruled in an unprecedented and extraordinary manner by the Senate, the House ought in justice to themselves, and to their constituents, who were greatly interested in the issue of the question, to insist on their former vote, &c.—from these considerations the advocates for Mr. Parker's motion urged an ultimate decision on the question.
In reply it was observed, that the question is of a mere local nature, which ought not to be brought forward at the present moment, to interrupt the great and important national business before the house—that the people were anxiously waiting for a completion of this business—that they would view with concern and disgust the men whom they had appointed to transact affairs of the greatest moment, agitated, irritated, and wasting time in discussing a question, of, confessedly, a local nature—that the resolution had been once carried by a large majority in the house, it was negatived in the Senate—and there was no prospect of a different decision—that if Philadelphia was agreed upon as the place to which Congress should adjourn, it must appear, from a most cursory view, of the state of representation, that it would be extremely difficult ever to effect a removal to a more central situation, and no one pretended that it was the most eligible place for a permanent residence. It was further said, that in order to remove all cause of further uneasiness on this subject, it was become necessary to determine the permanent seat of government. On this last idea, many observations were made, and the eligibility of the measure urged with great zeal.—The motion to take up Mr. Parker's resolution being carried,
Mr. Sedgwick after a number of observations, moved that the Resolution now before the house should be referred to a committee of the whole, and that that committee be instructed to take into consideration the motion of Mr. Gerry laid on the table yesterday, for fixing the permanent seat of government on the banks of the Delaware.
Mr. Carroll observed, that when the subject was originally bro't before the house, it was moved to take up the permanent residence—that motion was then rejected—why then should we waste time on a subject, which has already been determined? If gentlemen are sincere who profess to be concerned about the other public business, they certainly will not go into a committee of the whole, as now proposed.
Mr. Ames rose and declared, that he as well as those with whom he acted, were sincere in their professions when they wished to bring forward the permanent residence—he thought it of the utmost importance that the subject should receive a final determination. This motion as before stated was negatived.
FRIDAY, JUNE 11.
Mr. Lawrance moved that the House should go into a committee on the bill providing ways and means for the support of the public credit.—On this motion the Ayes and Noes were called, and are as follows.
AYES. Messrs Ames, Boudinot, Benton, Burke, Foster, Floyd, Gerry, Goodhue, Hathorne, Huntington, Huger, Jackson, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, Renfellaer, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sturges, Sylvester, Schureman, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Trumbull, Thatcher, Wadsworth.—26.
NOES.
Messrs Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Bloodworth, Carroll, Cadwallader, Contee, Clymer, Coles, Fitzsimons, Gale, Griffin, Gilman, Grout, Hartley, Heister, Madison, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Matthews, Page, Parker, Sney, Steele, Scot, Sinnickson, Stone, Vining, Williamson, Wynkoop, White.—31.
So the motion was lost.
On motion of Mr. Hartley the House took up the resolution for holding the next session of Congress at Philadelphia.
Mr. Bloodworth withdrew his motion for striking out "Philadelphia" and inserting Baltimore.
Mr. Burke renewed the motion for Baltimore.
The question for striking out Philadelphia and inserting Baltimore after some debate was determined by ayes and noes as follows:
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benton, Bloodworth, Burke, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Hathorne, Huger, Huntington, Jackson, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, Partridge, Renfellaer, Sedgwick, Sney, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Steele, Stone, Sturges, Sumpter, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker, Wadsworth.—31.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scott, Sinnickson, Steele, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop.—28.
On the resolution as amended by the insertion of Baltimore, the ayes and noes are as follows:
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Ashe, Baldwin, Benton, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Goodhue, Griffin, Grout, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huger, Huntington, Jackson, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, Madison, Matthews, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Partridge, Renfellaer, Scott, Sedgwick, Sney, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Steele, Stone, Sturges, Sumpter, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, White.—53.
NOES.
Fitzsimons, Gilman, Schureman, Tucker, Williamson, Wynkoop.—6. Majority for Baltimore 47.
A message was received from the President of the United States with a copy of the ratification of the amendments to the constitution by the State of North-Carolina.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they have agreed to adopt the report of the joint committee on the enquiry, "Whether any and what further rules may be necessary for conducting business between the two houses."
In committee of the whole on the bill for repealing after the last day of the duties heretofore laid on distilled spirits of foreign manufacture, and laying others in their stead.
The committee proceeded as far as the forty-seventh section of the bill—they then rose, and the Chairman reported progress.
Adjourned till Monday 10 o'Clock
From the Massachusetts Magazine, for May, 1790.
DR. FRANKLIN.
TH' Eternal's arm with long encircling sweep, His golden compasses drew around the deep; Here, roll thy billows—there thy waves be staid; And this your bound—the great JEHOVAH said: But when fierce lightnings rend th' electric cloud; And bellowing thunders bursting roar aloud; The vollied flame I yield—a mortal's care, Go say to FRANKLIN—here thy servants are.
BOSTON JUNE 5.
This day a RESOLUTION came down from the Hon. Senate, for concurrence, for making application to the Congress of the United States to ASSUME THE DEBT OF THIS STATE contracted during the late war—Together with instructions to the Senators in Congress, from this State, to use every means in their power to effect the same.

FAIRY TALE.
(A N I M I T A T I O N.)
CANTO II. (Continued.)
BUT first "h-cried" remove thy spell, Without restraint my tale I'd tell; "The Magic straight did cease. Palemon of the dale am I, Elwina's virtues caus'd the sigh, "That rob'd me of my peace. Elwina deign'd to look on me, The first of England's maids was she With wealth and beauty blest: "Oh had she been of low degree, Perhaps she had been doom'd to me, "And I to joy and rest. Her father saw not with her eyes, Nor birth, nor virtue did he prize, "But gold he priz'd full dear; He proudly shut his door on me— But as I turn'd I chanc'd to see "Elwina's trickling tear. Ne'er did I think till now (I cried) True happiness and wealth allied, "But now I fear 'tis truth:— Far from my native clime I'll roam, Nor ever see my pleasant home, "Or play mates of my youth. Till wealth and honors I have won, To fit me for Sir Malcolm's son, "And lov'd Elwina's Lord— Ne more I thought, nor chang'd my mind, But Cœur de Lion's banners join'd "And drew my father's sword. The Cross prevail'd we gain'd the land, I rose in favor and command "Lov'd by my King and Peers, But now returning with my load, By fortune and my King bestow'd; "I've lost the gain of years. Two false friends arm'd my treasures bore, Whilst I unthinking rode before, "The forest cross our way: When night drew near, they lag'd behind, Withouten thought of bale design'd "I rode till close of day. Then long I waited, till at last, Driv'n by the storm I this way past, "With doleful cause to rue. My steed was by the light'ning torn, Thus rob'd—betray'd—and all forlorn, "I crave relief from you!" Well pleas'd the monarch cried "I find Your form does not belie your mind, "Both faultless, free, and fair; Sir Malcolm he is long time dead, And on Elwina's beauteous head, "His honors thou'ret are. The gallant youth of England's land, Do strive to gain the fair one's hand, "But all do strive in vain; She sighing breathes Palemon's name, And still enquires of erring fame, "For tidings of her swain." Then Robin brought the witchen glass, And made before his een to pass, "What most he wish'd to see; There on a costly bed was laid The tender, sighing, sleepless maid And all in tears was she. Palemon sigh'd, and gaz'd and sigh'd; When thus the Monarch blythely cried— "Robin, full quick away! Waste no more time; there's much to do, My little merry sprite for you "Before the break of day. Go find the traitors out; quick! fly! Be Wistful Will in either eye, "And lodge them in the swamp; Transport the treasure by thy pow'r Hither all bring in half an hour, "And give the thieves the cramp." No sooner said than Robin's gone: Meanwhile, good gifts on Palemon, Withouten end they show'r: His cloaths is chang'd he knows not how, Both warm and costly too I trow, "By Fairy's magic pow'r. Now in the midst, Palemon's store, Was seen spread out upon the floor, His valour's well earn'd prize; With gold and many a precious stone, Which, with such glaring lustre shone, As dazzled Cudden's eyes. Quoth Puck "I left them in the bog, Each on his back, thrown like a log, "With cramps and aches all o'er." 'Tis well "the mighty monarch cried— Thrice be these riches multiply'd! "Thrice heap'd, Palemon's store! Thrice trebled be the caitiff's pain! 'Tis done—now Robin quick again, "And finish what's begun, Convey Palemon and his store, Where harm shall never find him more, "See our good withes done." Then Robin took up Cudden's store, "Throw this upon the heap for more" He said, and held it high. Cudden (who still as mouse had been, Down looking on the varied scene) Uttered a dismal cry. Palemon look'd—but lo! He found Himself upon his native ground, With all his treasure nigh; Elwina's mansion full in view; The lovely maiden still was true; Palemon ceas'd to sigh. The cock crew loud—the Fairies fled— Down dropt dull Cudden on his head— Thick darkness fill'd the dome: There wet and cold the trembling lay, Until he saw the break of day, Then forry sought his home. This story oft my grannum told, When winter's winds without blew cold, To eager list'ning youth: My boy says he, when you're a man, Upon this tale form ye life's plan; Love industry and truth. THE END. W. D.
L O N D O N, April 6.
LETTERS from Constantinople mention that Jusuf Pacha, who was Grand Vizir the campaign of 1788, and since, Seraskier of Ismael, is again appointed Grand Vizir to succeed the old Captain Pacha, who has resigned.
About thirty years ago, Charles Marsh and honest Tom Payne bought a parcel of books in conjunction; among which were a shabby set of Tillotson's works. The executors, in a prayer book which they preserved, found these memorandums:—Til. 20l. page 8—Til. 60l. page 12.—Til.—100l. page 200.—Til. 70l. page 90." On the death of the good Bishop Hoadley, it was mentioned in the papers, that the Bishop was the editor of Tillotson's works, 3 vols. folio; it directly struck the executors that the treasure was in the Tillotson they had sold. They immediately applied to the booksellers, and recovered the Tillotson, and with it the notes. What is extraordinary, the Tillotson had travelled to Oxford, and to a gentleman at the Charter House, and was returned as a bad copy. Old Jerry Dyson, of the House of Commons, old Mr. Plumtree, who formerly lived in Jermyn-street, and Bishop Burnet, used to lay up their Bank notes in books.
Lord Stanhope's project was never to make way against wind and tide. Such a project, every man who has been at sea, or conversed with sailors, knows to be utterly impracticable. But the application of a force which, in a dead calm, shall be able to move a vessel, is undoubtedly a discovery of a great importance. In natural calms, ships are inevitably retarded for many days; when, if they were able to make way through a trifling space of sea, they would be certain of finding a breeze. And, in naval engagements, when an artificial calm almost always takes place, and vessels besides are often disabled in their rigging, what a vast advantage to change situation, instead of lying immovable upon the water, raked and torn by every ship of the enemy that passes.
FRANCE.
Extract of a letter from Perpignan, Feb. 19.
"A company of 120 men of the National Guard formed, on Shrove-Tuesday, a kind of procession that amused very much the inhabitants of this town. At the head of it was seen waving in the air a noble banner, on which was written in large golden letters—Vive la Liberte; every one of the soldiers had wreaths of laurel and flowers in his hands, and was singing, as they marched, a military song suitable to the circumstance. An uncovered waggon next followed with emblems, garlands, and devices, of which the most conspicuous were—"Long live liberty, the new Constitution, the Law, the King, the National Assembly, and the Patriotic Citizens armed for the defence of the New Constitution," &c.—Wine was procured from the car to the people; on the hoghead was written—It only flows for real Patriots. A hundred National Volunteers came next and preceded a second waggon, on which were seen a staved cask with the inscription—The Chest of privileges; and a broken trunk, with the words—The Ghost of Feudal rights, addressed to the Princes of Germany. After this second waggon, appeared a man, superbly dressed, leaning on two chained slaves—he was intended to represent Aristocracy, and wore as an emblem a mask with two faces—a numerous Court formed his retinue; and when all the cavalcade arrived at the most frequented part of the town, they were ordered to halt; it was then proposed to drink to the health of our good King, Lewis XVI. the Father of the people, and the restorer of French liberty.
"Vive le Roi was the general toast, followed by shouts of joy, and the flourish of thirty musicians; during this effusion of genuine-mirth, the man who represented Aristocracy was gnashing his teeth, and endeavouring to disturb the august ceremony. The second toast was—Vive L'Assemblée Nationale, the sound of which was so hearty and loud, that it quite overpowered the mad efforts of the enraged Aristocratic figure, who foaming at the mouth, never ceased to cry out—No, no, no! At the same instant arrived a cabinet courier, properly accoutred, who presented a packet to the commander—it was the speech of his Majesty to the National Assembly on the 4th instant, and a letter supposed to be written by the President to the good people of Roussillon; the second in command read it, in a clear audible voice, and at every word of comfort for the people, the figure changed colour, and at the words—Let us all profess, I give you the example of it, only one opinion, only one interest, and only one will—an attachment to the Constitution, &c.—he fell backwards; some approached to raise him up and assist him, but the physicians, after having examined him and felt his pulse, declared he was dead; to keep up the mockery of woe, several persons presented themselves in deep mourning, with weepers, &c. and followed the body, which was put on a hearse, to the grave; the moment that it disappeared, the commander in second proclaimed, that all our enemies were at an end, and ordered a toast to be drunk to peace and concord. The music played an air suitable to so joyous a subject. Upward of 10,000 persons were present. * They are the King's words in the Speech of the 4th of Feb.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
S C H E M E.
Table with 3 columns: Prize number, Prize amount in £, and Prize amount in £. Rows include 1st Prize (£3000), 2nd Prize (£1000), 3rd Prize (£500), etc.
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £50000 16654 Blanks, } Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
Bethlehem Stages.
THE great number of Misses, who from the banks of the Delaware Eastward, even to Boston, are now at the young ladies Academy at Bethlehem, renders some regular, convenient and cheap mode of conveyance between that town and New York necessary. To accommodate parents who have daughters at that flourishing Academy, and others who may wish to visit that pleasing romantic hill, the subscribers are now running stages, which will continue during the summer, between Elizabeth Town Point and Bethlehem. At each of these places a stage will start every Monday and Thursday morning at 3 o'clock, meet at Covenhoven's tavern the same evening, exchange passengers, and the next day return.
Fare of each passenger from Elizabeth Town Point to Bethlehem 3 dollars—way passengers 4d per mile—450lb. of baggage the same as a passenger. Packages and letters will be received and delivered at Mrs. Winant's, White hall, where seats may be taken—carriage of a letter 3d—14lb. of baggage allowed to each passenger.
To accommodate those who may wish to take Bethlehem in their route in journeying between the Eastern and Southern states, a stage will constantly run between Bethlehem and Philadelphia, starting at Bethlehem every Monday morning.
WILLIAM CRANE. FREDERICK BEUTEL. May 19.
ADVERTISEMENT.
By order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled "an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety. March 31. 12w3m.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donalds estate, within this state, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (1w.17.)
To be Sold, an elegant dwelling house, in every circumstance fitted for a gentleman with a large family, situated in a very pleasant part of Elizabeth Town, New-Jersey.—The lot contains about four acres, on which is a very good garden, and a variety of the best fruit trees. The terms of payment can be made so easy as to suit the purchaser. Enquire of the Subscriber at No. 12, Wall-Street. ELIAS BOUDINOT. June 2, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790. it.
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET. A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA, LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.