Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-06 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. XCIV.]
SATURDAY, MARCH, 6, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. XCIV.
"A desire to support a party often obtains the character and answers the end of patriotism."
P UBLIC affairs proceed with most alacrity and success, when a considerable degree of party spirit prevails. Though it may be carried to such excess as to overthrow a government, yet some portion of it is necessary to give vigour to public measures. There is in most men such a temper of selfishness as will induce them to counteract the welfare of the community. This is too stubborn to be controlled merely by a sense of duty. It can therefore only be managed by causes more energetic than itself. In this view I am induced to believe, that party spirit may operate as a remedy against those private prejudices, personal caprices, and local attachments, that combine to impede the national prosperity.
When the leading characters of a country are divided into two parties, each of which has some common views or feelings to cement them, it produces a concert of measures, which is often beneficial to the community. One party some times predominates, which, from a turn in affairs, yields afterwards to the predominacy of the other. But whichever of them has the ascendancy, the spirit of party still invigorates the actions of both. By this means, considerations, merely private, are absorbed by a regard to party interests, which frequently assume the name of patriotism. In a public assembly, composed of individuals who felt no party attachments, the debates would take a desultory turn and seem to be directed to no fixed object. Personal vanity or whim would tempt the speakers to come forward with new and singular propositions, and there would be no common principle to check their irregularities. It would be like skirmishing at random, where every man discharges his fire at such a mark as his fancy suggests, or perhaps at no mark at all. But in a public assembly where there are two determined parties, the abilities of the speakers act in concert and are directed to a common center. This combination of talents affords an able discussion of subjects, while each side exposes the errors, that the other attempts to inculcate.
There are not now, in the United States, any established parties in the government, who uniformly take sides, in important questions. The distinction of whig and tory does not exist with so much force, as materially to affect political arrangements. The mercantile and landed interests have not such a decided opposition of views, as to produce an inveterate party spirit. Some people will pretend that federal and antifederal characters are at so great variance in opinions, that they may be considered as established parties in government. I do not however view them in this light. Their diversity of sentiments is not so wide; their feelings of dislike to each other are not so keen and inflexible, as to constitute a uniform division in public debate, corresponding to those characteristics. Our government has less to fear from the zeal and activity of its enemies than from the languor and inattention of its friends. If its enemies appeared more formidable, its friends would really be more vigilant.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, FEB. 19, 1790.
In Committee of the whole, on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Madison's motion for a discrimination, still under consideration.
M R. SCOTT observed that, inasmuch as he had expressed his sentiments generally on the subject now under consideration, when it bore a shape somewhat different from the present, and considering that perhaps he might be induced to vote in a manner that would not be understood without an explanation, he requested the indulgence of the committee, whilst he attempted to offer his sentiments freely upon the business immediately under their notice.
The arguments of the gentlemen in opposition to the present motion, when taken altogether, seem to rest their whole force upon the idea of a contract said to be made, and of which contract the papers in question are said to be evidences. This is a doctrine which he absolutely denied. If those papers are evidences of any thing, it is of the pre-existing contract broken. At what period, asked Mr. Scott, did Congress contract with their soldiers? At what period did they contract with their citizens, who furnished the necessary supplies for our army? Was it at the time those papers were issued, or long before? It was long before: consequently those papers cannot be esteemed as possible evidences of any contract, unless we refer to an implied contract made when they were issued, at the conclusion of the war; which, in fact, was the last conceivable period for the settlement of such engagements as had existed long before, and to fulfil which was totally out of the power of Congress. Surely then it must be allowed, since it was not in their power to fulfil the original engagements, and since it was not in the power of interested individuals to compel them to compliance—that the contract was completely annihilated, and Congress was reduced to the necessity of
offering some consideration in lieu thereof. What did they offer? Papers of the nominal value of 20s. but of no more real value than 2s. 6d.
The original creditor, in consideration of the distress of his country, and from dire necessity, accepted of this; and would, with equal generosity, have accepted of his pay as freely as he assigned over that paper for 2s. 6d. to the speculator. Now if it be urged by gentlemen, that this transaction implies a contract, it may be confessed the papers in question are evidences of such implied contract; but of the real existence whereof there is no proof.
Mr. Scott said he would also aver, that if we are to be governed by this implied contract, the real value of the paper in question is at once fixed by the market price, then current at 2s. 6d. in the pound: the residue is the last grand sacrifice which the original creditors, as well citizens as soldiers, made to their beloved country. Thence it is evident there was no original consent of parties obtained; and hence no original contract existed. This, said he, is fair reasoning, against which no logic should prevail; it is arguing from the truth, and the eternal nature and fitness of things.
But those papers, it has been said, are not only evidences of a contract, but since they are payable to A. B. or bearer, the bearer is an original contractor! Where will this argument lead us? A robber on the high-way, a private thief, a fraudulent purchaser without consideration—if this argument be admitted—may all or severally become bearers. Are they severally original contractors? Surely, no gentleman will pretend to say that they are. Neither is it possible to detect those frauds, if what has been said is true, that many of those certificates were taken out originally in fictitious names. Suppose one of them has got into the hands of the robber, the burglar, or thief; how will that man who never existed, appear in court and convict him of the fraud? From these premises, Mr. Scott inferred, that as this was a case without remedy, the bare possession of a certificate is not a sufficient evidence to prove the holder was an original contractor.
At an early stage of this business the gentlemen in opposition to the amendment appeared to lay great stress on the want of authority in Congress to intermeddle in such cases: But as we get forward the gentlemen appear to give up; they have been beaten off that ground; and the impolicy and impracticability of the measure is principally urged. Yesterday, however, these same gentlemen abandoned the latter, and resumed the former station with great avidity.
We are likewise told, that altho' in the parliament of Great-Britain, which is omnipotent, they can do any thing: Yet we, being a legislative body whose authority is constitutionally confined to certain objects, cannot make the proposed discrimination.
Let us make some enquiry into this. Is not the whole business before us of such a nature, that without our legislative interference it must remain eternally as it is? This, it may be presumed, will be granted on all hands. What follows? That as it is a proper subject of legislative discussion, the legislature must, of necessity, and from the nature of the thing, possess all powers necessary to doing what is right and just in the premises; and consequently we have the power of discriminating, if justice and right demand it. The arguments, therefore, which the gentlemen have adopted on this subject, as well as many others to which they have occasionally resorted, must appear to the committee as perfectly inconsistent and futile.
It may be necessary, however, to advert to one or two other examples of the same complexion.
We are told, "that the advocates of the proposed amendment are acting officially; no complaints having been laid before the House; no petitions; no parties contending before us; therefore, say they, we have nothing to do with it; (here Mr. Scott adverted to Mr. Benion) the question is not legally before the court, &c." This is, in similar phrase, "there is no writ sued out; no bill filed; no issue joined between parties."
In answer to this argument, said Mr. Scott, it is necessary only to observe, that every complaint of the people, by virtue of the representative capacity of their members, is properly, and to all intents and purposes, before the House.
But we are further told, "that no facts have been proved; we have no evidence, therefore we cannot proceed." He granted that no witnesses had appeared to make oath, no swearing in court; but will it follow from thence that we are not possessed of the facts? He presumed not. If the facts are within our knowledge, we are in as full possession of them as if they had been sworn to; and for many other facts, necessary to the investigation of this business, we can resort to our public records. Moreover, there is little use of evidence, other than to inform and convince the minds of the judges. As to the truth and fallacy of the objection, how that information and conviction happens, it is very indifferent; especially in a legislative body. In a word, the arguments to be contended with appear to move in so small and contracted a sphere, as never to extend beyond the pleadings at the bar of a county court; and consequently were very unworthy the attention of the great American court of equity.
Mr. Scott remarked that, from these observations, it might be supposed he would vote for the proposed amendment; but he said, he believed he should not: Not on account of the demerit of the proposition, or the merit of the arguments which had been used against it. There were other considerations which existed, which were not only unprovided for in the amendment, but it seemed to him as if they were barred therefrom.
One of these which came immediately within his own knowledge, and which must be likewise within the knowledge of many gentlemen in the House, one of whom had already mentioned it, is this: Our quarter-masters, purchasers, contractors, &c. or some of them, have been sent out amongst some of our citizens to procure supplies, without a shilling in their pockets: They have bought, on trust, from individuals; afterwards, those individuals have been prevailed upon (without payment being made) to give receipts, as if they had been actually paid, on a pretext that the accounts of the purchaser could not be settled, nor money obtained to pay them, without those previous acquittances. Where this business originated he knew not, but he vouched for the facts in a great number of instances to have come within his knowledge. The consequence appears to be, that those purchasers, on producing the receipts, have obtained certificates for the aggregate sum in their own names, as if for supplies by them furnished and have made no satisfaction to the individuals.
Now, with respect to this species of paper, thus procured by fraud and issued without consideration given by the persons to whom issued, he said he could not consent to fund. Nay, he would sooner part with his right hand than consent to fund certificates thus circumstanced, and thereby subject those very individuals thus robbed of their property, to contribute towards paying the price of that very property into the pockets of their robbers.
Shall it here be said, "the courts are open, and the individuals may there be redressed?" Poor alternative indeed! Where I, said Mr. Scott, to stand upon this floor and hold forth such doctrine as this, "that the courts are open—that the constitution contemplates the United States as a body that may sue and be sued, and
points out certain proceedings which shall be had when the United States become a party—and that therefore every holder of a certificate has the recovery of the money in his power, on application to the courts—and should I conclude that Congress has nothing to do with the present business!"—Pray, what should I merit by such pleadings? I doubt whether I should merit pity—contempt I might be certain of receiving.
Suffer me to ask, if the evil I have mentioned, be not too general in its nature to admit of any remedy, but by a legislative interposition? May not many of those contractors be in a state of bankruptcy? May not some of them have travelled to the Spanish main to govern colonies? May not some of them have returned to their usual places of abode, at many hundred miles distance from the defrauded individuals, as aforesaid? And can it be supposed that the widow and the fatherless, the poor and the needy, by them thus defrauded, perhaps of a bullock, or some bushels of wheat, individually, but in the whole, amounting to an enormous sum, can follow them to obtain justice? How are these plunderers to be pursued? And how can any thing be recovered from them in a common court of law? Especially when we consider that to all the difficulties already mentioned, must be added, that the very receipts under their own hands would be exhibited as evidence against the injured, honest, original creditor!
Is not this case, as often to be met with as it is, beyond remedy unless by the interposition of Congress? Now as this case is not only unprovided for, in the amendments proposed by the worthy gentleman from Virginia, but the door seems to be shut against a future provision; and considering that the same gentleman, or some other, may bring forward something that may reach to the root of the evil, and produce more effectual justice: Under these considerations, said Mr. Scott, I shall at present vote against the proposition; but if I am disappointed in my expectations, and that gentleman shall bring his propositions again forward in the house, I shall not suppose myself debarred from voting with him.
Mr. SENY rose and observed, that it was with reluctance he attempted to express to the committee his ideas upon a question which had been so fully and ably discussed. However, as it had been expected that gentlemen would not, in a case of such magnitude, be content with merely a silent vote, he rose to declare the reasons upon which his decision was founded. In doing this, he hoped that he should not use epithets which might be deemed harsh, or language which would be offensive; that although the sentiments of other members should differ from his, he wished so far to respect those sentiments as to treat them with decency.
He considered the proposition of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Madison) was designed to effect two purposes.
The one, a compensation to the original creditors who, during the late war, in times of distress, had loaned money, furnished supplies and rendered military services; and who had only received satisfaction therefor in paper of inconsiderable value, forced on them by the public, and depreciated by their acts. This class of creditors, he conceived, had a just and equitable claim for the full difference in value between that paper, when paid, and specie.
The other object of the proposition alluded to, was, he said, to compensate those creditors who now hold alienated certificates.
Each description of those creditors had, in his opinion, claims on the public. The first was founded on an original contract between them and the government, part of which only had been complied with, and the residue still remained undischarged: the other was grounded on having possession of the paper which contained the promise to pay.
It hath been contended, said he, that the United States have not ability to pay both. In this case a question arises, What is, upon the whole, most just and expedient? Some gentlemen contend, that it is incumbent on us to make full provision for those who hold the assigned certificates, without any for the original creditors who have alienated them. Others think, that the misfortune of government, in this respect, should not be felt by either class solely, but be born by both: that it is more just to adopt a mode of composition, by which those creditors should mutually share in this misfortune, and be mutually benefited by a provision within our power to make. With those his sentiments accorded. He could not be impressed with the justice or reason of a measure, calculated to make a total sacrifice of one class of creditors, and full payment to the other class. Such a step could not, in his opinion, be justified by any distinction or precedence which existed in their claims. When it was considered that the original creditors furnished money and supplies, and rendered services essential to the preservation of their country, at a time when its liberties were invaded, and every thing which can be dear to freemen was in jeopardy and at stake, he could not apprehend that their claims would be deemed inferior to those of their rivals. In his opinion these circumstances entitled them to superior notice. Believing, however, that the amendment under consideration would, upon the whole, effect more substantial justice than any other practicable scheme which had been proposed to the committee, or which he had heard of, his assent would therefore be given to it.
He then noticed a variety of objections which had, in the course of debate, been urged against the amendment he supported. Gentlemen, he said, had insisted, that although the principle of it might be right and proper, yet the execution of the scheme was altogether impracticable. They had also contended, that the adoption of such a proposition would be a violation of those rules which, as to contracts, ought to be held sacred, and also that the constitution under which the government was then acting; that it would be disapproved of, even by the persons for whose benefit the provision was intended.
He observed, that those who admitted the propriety of the measure as to the principle, could not be justified in their opposition upon the ground of impracticability; that the honorable mover of the amendment had, in the course of yesterday's debates, suggested expedients which would, in his opinion, remove the greater part of the objections which ingenuity had urged in that respect: that some particular cases, perhaps, might exist, for which special provision would be requisite: however, as that gentleman had declared his belief in the practicability of the system, such was Mr. Seney's confidence in the sincerity and abilities of the person who made the declaration, that he was not disposed to believe the reverse without giving an opportunity of proof, or until some trial was made. It had been also objected, said he, that the proposed project is violative of the rules which in contracts should ever be preserved: but how, he asked, could gentlemen reconcile this objection to the plan which they advocated? would it not operate with equal force to condemn that, as well as every other, which had been contemplated? The argument, by proving too much, ought therefore to have no influence upon the question. It had also, he said, been mentioned, that the plan in controversy was a violation of the constitution, which every member had taken an oath to support. This observation, he remarked, might be made in terrorem , but could have little weight if the words of the constitution, in this respect, were attended to; these are, "all debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of the constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this constitution, as under the confederation."

that the words debts and engagements, here expressed, would comprehend as well the residue still due to the officers, soldiers, and other original creditors, as the claims of the present holders of alienated certificates; and that if the constitution created any obligation concerning debts, &c. it had equal force with respect to every description of creditors. But he apprehended that the constitution did not, by the words expressed, place any debts alluded to in a situation different from that in which they were previous to its adoption.
Great stress, said he, had been laid upon the practice of other nations. It had been frequently asserted, that the measure proposed was without a precedent in any country: it had been repeatedly recommended to us to imitate the British parliament as to measures touching public credit.
We however find, said he, a cause was cited yesterday, by an honorable member from Virginia (Mr. Madison) in which they made a provision as to debtors, similar to the one now under consideration. If precedent is therefore to influence, we have one from the nation whose public faith is extolled. But it had been observed by an honorable member from New-York (Mr. Lawrance) that the precedent then cited was not applicable, because, said the gentleman, the British parliament and Congress are bodies very different as to power; the former is omnipotent and unlimited as to objects of legislation; the latter is not so, but restricted and confined by the constitution which controls their power: That the British parliament can therefore do many acts consistent with their powers, which Congress cannot. This observation, said Mr. Seney, does by no means diminish the force of the precedent; because, although Congress possess not power as to all objects of legislation so extensive as the British parliament, yet, as to objects within their power, they were as much omnipotent as that parliament. It will not, he conceived, be denied, but that a provision respecting public credit was one of those objects; with regard, therefore, to the subject under debate, there can be no difference between the two bodies as to omnipotence.
It had been remarked, he said, by another member from New-York (Mr. Benson) that the adoption of the amendment would be improper, because it was unsolicited by those whom it was designed to benefit; and because there was reason to believe it would meet with disapprobation.
The gentleman, he said, had informed us of a resolve of the Cincinnati of this State disavowing the plan, and cited their proceedings as evidence to prove this disapprobation. In reply to this, he would not then enquire how proper it would be for the committee, in their decision, to be influenced by any act of the Cincinnati, or other society; but believed, if the history of the proceeding alluded to was fully known, nothing could be inferred from it to effect that gentleman's purpose. That he had, since the publication of their resolve, been informed, that the meeting of the society, at the time it passed, was not a full one; that such a resolve was unexpected by many until proposed, and that it passed without debate, and, as it were, sub silentio ; that he had since been informed that several of the body disapproved of the resolve, and believed that if a full meeting was had, a different determination would be the result. He had conceived that the worthy members composing that body had too much experience of their own sufferings to be opposed to a provision in favor of those creditors for whom the compensation was intended, and could not think that such a provision would be disapproved of by a society of the kind in any of the States.
It had, upon this occasion, been asserted, said he, that public opinion should have little influence on the conduct of legislatures. But, notwithstanding the plausible reasoning he had heard upon that head, he was satisfied a regard was due and must be had to the opinions of the people, and to their feelings. Government, he said, was formed for their benefit; under the present constitution, all the powers of it flow from them as the source; they have the means of carrying into execution their will; and under those circumstances he could not believe the legislature ought to be indifferent as to their sentiments.
Gentlemen, he said, had founded their opposition to the amendment principally upon the rigid rules strictly adhered to in the courts of common law; rules which had often been the means of stultifying justice, to correct the rigour of which legislatures had often interposed. Such rules could not be proper fetters for the supreme power of government. The history of nations proves that legislatures are superior to them; their objects are extensive; and in all extraordinary cases they will make such provisions as may be requisite to effect general justice and equity. The case under consideration was certainly one of an extraordinary kind. He could not think that those, whose exertions had rescued them and us from despotism and slavery, were ever honestly paid those hard-earned claims they were so justly entitled to; and could not but believe, that as long as those claims existed, there would exist a stigma on the justice, humanity, and gratitude of this country.
Mr. Livermore said he was against any discrimination between the soldier, or other public creditor, who held a public security, and the speculator who had purchased one. He said the securities were made payable to the bearer, and consequently transferable, with intent that they might be sold, if convenience or necessity should require it. This had been well understood by all parties, as well in America as in foreign countries, and securities had been sold accordingly. The advocates for discrimination have not denied this; they have only alleged that the low rate at which the poor soldier, or other public creditor, had sold their securities, was a sufficient reason for Congress to interfere and set aside the sale. In opposition to this, Mr. Livermore observed, that persons had a right to buy and sell at such prices as they could mutually agree upon, provided there was no fraud.
A diamond, a horse, or a lot of ground, might be sold too cheap or too dear, and so might any other property; but government could not interfere without destroying the general system of law and justice. Esau had sold his birth-right for a mess of pottage, and heaven and earth had confirmed the sale. The distresses of the army, both officers and soldiers, at the time they received and sold their securities, had been painted in too strong a light. They were not so emaciated, by sickness or famine, as had been represented. They were crowned with victory and received with applause by their fellow-citizens; and although they had been paid in paper, their loss had been made up by large bounties and in other emoluments, so that, in point of property, they were equal to their fellow-citizens, that had borne the burden of taxes, under which many were laboring to this day. Let them be called BRAVE soldiers, or PATRIOTIC soldiers, but not POOR soldiers. They ought to be governed by the same system of justice that governs others; but their contracts ought not to be set aside out of partiality to them. He said the case quoted from the statute of Queen Ann, was not applicable to this case, inasmuch as government had not originally made the debentures therein mentioned transferable. Neither, he said, did the case of the Canada bills apply; for, as he understood, those bills were paid to British merchants, or others, who had purchased them.
Mr. Livermore concluded, by saying that he should vote against the amendment, because no sufficient reason had been assigned that could operate in his mind against the general system of right.
(To be continued.)
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 3.
Mr. Ames of the committee to whom was recommitted the bill to provide for the remission or mitigation of fines, forfeitures and penalties in certain cases, presented a report, which was read—On motion of Mr. Lawrance the petition of Abraham Skinner, was read the second time—and referred to a committee of three.
Mr. Sedgwick of the committee on the petition of Jehoshaphat Mochkin brought in a report which stated, that the circumstances in the petition were substantiated—and proposed a resolve that the petitioner should be entitled to receive one hundred and twenty dollars out of the public Treasury, in full of his claims against the United States.
Mr. Carroll after a few introductory observations showing that several members wished further time to digest the subject of the assumption of the State debts proposed that the committee of the whole should be discharged from a further attention to that part of the Secretary's report for the present, and made a motion to that effect, which was seconded: This motion was objected to by Mr. Smith (S. C.) Mr. Lawrance and Mr. Sedgwick—and supported by Mr. Seney, Mr. White and Mr. Madison—the latter gentleman proposed an amendment, so that the committee should be discharged, till the Secretary of the Treasury should communicate the information expected from him on the subject respecting the resources to be appropriated for the purpose of paying the debts to be assumed: This motion was considered as an indirect method of getting rid of this particular part of the report altogether—and those who considered this part as inseparably connected with all the rest observed, that if this was passed over they should be totally at a loss how to act with respect to the other objects of the report.
It was further said that if this vote was adopted, it would place the State debts in a less eligible situation than those of the continental—when, as it was contended they stood on equally meritorious footing—these observations were concluded with a motion that the committee should suspend the consideration of the whole report, and not have reference to any particular part of it.—All idea of getting rid of the business as had been suggested, was disclaimed by Mr. Carroll—He thought the observation un candid.—The difference between the State and continental creditors was urged by those who were in favor of the motion—and the acts of the old Congress to that purport, were cited—It was said that no idea of opposition to this motion was expected, as the committee must see the propriety of waiting for the requisite information from the Secretary of the Treasury—The question on this motion being taken, was negatived.
In committee of the whole on the naturalization bill—the subject of admitting foreigners to the right of holding lands occasioned considerable debate—it was urged that the power of forming a uniform rule of naturalization is vested in Congress by the constitution exclusively—and cannot rest in the States, without involving the greatest absurdity—as every State has its particular mode—from which every difficulty was experienced—It is therefore necessary that Congress should determine upon a rule which should operate equally through all the States and go to effecting complete citizenship.—In reply to these observations it was said that the mode of admission to citizenship only, could be uniform; that Congress cannot interfere with the laws and regulations of the several States—their power extends only to the rule , but the subsequent parts of citizenship must depend on the regulations of the respective States—when a foreigner is naturalized, he will immediately enquire what rights he becomes entitled to by virtue of his new character—on motion
The second and third sections which related to foreigners holding lands were struck out.—The committee having proceeded through the discussion, rose and reported the bill with amendments—and the House ordered the same to be engrossed for a third reading.—Adjourned.
THURSDAY, MARCH 4.
Mr. Contee took his seat this day.
The bill providing a uniform rule of naturalization, was brought in engrossed—read the third time, and passed to be enacted.
The bill providing for the remission or mitigation of fines, forfeitures, and penalties, in certain cases, was read the second time, and referred to the committee of the whole house, to be taken up to morrow.
Several petitions were read and committed.
In committee of the whole on the bill to promote the progress of the useful arts. The bill was read, and discussed in paragraphs. The clause which gives a party a right to appeal to a jury from the decision of referees, it was moved, should be struck out. This motion was opposed, as depriving the citizen of a right to which he is entitled—as improper in itself, as causes of very great magnitude may be depending, which it may be highly improper to submit to the decision of three men only, two of which may be so differently interested, as never to agree—so that the decision may finally result from the influence of the person nominated by the Secretary of State. On the other hand it was said, that it appears highly improper that juries should be called to judge upon matters that they may not be supposed competent to forming a judgment of—these trials will always relate to matters of invention, &c. of which three persons may be found with much greater ease who are competent to judge, than twelve—that the right of trial by juries is not universal—and in the present case there will be a much greater probability of having justice done by arbitrators, who are men of science, &c. The motion for striking out was carried in the affirmative.
The committee proceeded further in the discussion of this bill—but rose without completing it—and the chairman reported progress.
A report was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, pursuant to orders from the House, and read.
FRIDAY, MARCH 5.
Mr. Foster of the committee on the memorials of the people called quakers respecting the slave trade brought in a report, which was read.
Mr. Gerry presented a petition from Catharine Greene—relict of the late Major General Greene—which was read.
Mr. Scot moved that the memorial of Richard Wells and J. Hart respecting the old paper money, should be referred to the committee of the whole House.
The question being taken the motion was negatived—it was then moved that it be referred to a select committee of ten members—which passed in the affirmative.
A memorial was presented by Mr. Tucker from the officers of the South-Carolina line of the late army.
In committee of the whole on the bill for the remission, or mitigation of fines, penalties and forfeitures in certain cases—the bill was read, and having made one amendment the committee rose, and reported the same to the House, who ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading.
In committee of the whole on the bill to promote the progress of the useful arts—Sundry amendments were made in this bill, which were reported to the House, these amendments with several others were agreed to, and incorporated in the bill, which was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next.
A message from the Senate informing that they have passed an act to accept of the cession of certain lands in the Western Territory, made by the State of North Carolina—Also, that they have passed a resolve, for giving further instructions to the collectors of impost in the United States, in which they request the concurrence of the House.
The bill to provide for the remission, or mitigation of fines, forfeitures and penalties was brought in, engrossed, read the third time, and ordered to lie on the table.
The act and resolve received from the Senate were then read.
The petition of Mrs. Greene was read a second time, and referred to a committee of five.
The report of the committee on the letter from the commissioners on accounts, respecting the salaries of the Clerks in their office was read—A motion for recommitting this report, and instructing the committee to bring in a bill pursuant thereto, occasioned considerable debate respecting the difference between a resolve and a law—the motion for recommitting passed in the affirmative—the subject of the south western frontiers being moved for—the galleries were shut.
Adjourned till Monday.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 4, 1790.
In obedience to the Order of the House of Representatives, of the second inst. The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully reports,
THAT in his opinion, the funds in the first instance requisite towards the payment of interest on the debts of the individual States, according to the modifications proposed by him in his report of the ninth of January past, may be obtained from the following objects:
An increase of the general product of the duties on goods imported, by abolishing the discount of ten per cent, allowed by the fifth section of the Act for laying a duty on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States, in respect to goods imported in American bottoms, and adding ten per cent. to the rates specified, in respect to goods imported in foreign bottoms, with certain exceptions and qualifications: This change, without impairing the commercial policy of the regulation, or making an inconvenient addition to the general rates of the duties, will occasion an augmentation of the revenue little short of two hundred thousand dollars.
An additional duty on imported sugars. Sugars are an object of general consumption: and yet constitute a small proportion of the expence of families. A moderate addition to the present rates would not be felt. From the bulkiness of the article too, such an addition may be made with due regard to the safety of collection. The quantity of brown and other inferior kinds of sugar imported, appears to exceed twenty-two millions of pounds, which at a half cent per pound, would produce one hundred and ten thousand dollars. Proportional impositions on foreign refined sugar, and proper drawbacks on exportation, ought of course to indemnify the manufacturers of this article among ourselves.
Molasses, being in some of the States a substitute for sugar, a small addition to the duty on that article, ought to accompany an increase of the duty on sugar. This, however ought to be regulated with proper attention to the circumstance, that the same article will contribute largely in the shape of distilled spirits. Half a cent per gallon on molasses, would yield an annual sum of thirty thousand dollars. Our distillers of spirits from this material, may be compensated, by a proportional extension of the duty on imported spirits.
Snuff, and other manufactured tobacco, made within the United States: Ten cents per pound on the snuff, and six cents on other kinds of manufactured tobacco, would be likely to produce annually, from ninety to one hundred thousand dollars. From as good evidence as the nature of the case will admit, the quantity of these articles manufactured in the United States, may be computed to exceed a million and a half of pounds. The imposition of this duty would require an increase of the duty on importation, and a drawback on exportation, in favor of the manufacture. This being an absolute superfluity, is the fairest object of revenue that can be imagined, and may be so regulated, as in no degree, to injure either the growth, or manufacture of the commodity.
Pepper, pimento, spices in general, and various other kinds of groceries. These articles will bear such additional rates, as may be estimated to yield a sum of not less than thirty thousand dollars.

Computing according to the entries in the State of New-York, in 1788, the yearly quantity of pepper and pimento brought into the United States, is not less than eight hundred thousand pounds, of which about a third is pepper. Six cents on pepper, and four cents on pimento (with draw-backs on exportation) may without inconvenience, be laid.
Salt. An additional duty of six cents per bushel, may, in the judgment of the Secretary, with propriety be laid on this article. It is one of those objects which being consumed by all, will be most productive, and yet from the smallness of the quantity in which it is consumed by any, and of the price, will be least burthensome, if confined within reasonable limits. If a government does not avail itself, to a proper extent, of resources like these, it must of necessity overcharge others, and particularly, give greater scope to direct taxation. The quantity of this article, annually imported, being at least a million and a half of bushels, the annual product of an additional duty of six cents may be computed at ninety thousand dollars.
Carriage, such as coaches, chariots, &c. These articles may certainly be the subject of a considerable duty. How productive it would be, is not easy to be estimated. But it is imagined, that it would yield not less than fifty thousand dollars per annum.
Licenses to practisers of the law. Certain law proceedings, and various kinds of writings. The extent of this resource can only be determined upon trial; but the Secretary feels a strong assurance, that there may be drawn from it yearly, not less than two hundred thousand dollars. The system for collecting a duty of this kind, would embrace playing cards, and some other objects of luxury, which do not fall under the above descriptions, but which are estimated in the supposed product.
Sales at auction (exclusive of houses or lands, or those made in consequence of legal process, or of acknowledged insolvency.) One per cent on such sales, would, probably, produce a yearly sum of forty or fifty thousand dollars.
Wines and spirits sold at retail. These articles are, in the opinion of the Secretary, capable of being rendered far more productive, than has been generally contemplated; and they are, certainly, among the most unexceptionable objects of revenue. It is presumed, that two hundred thousand dollars per annum, may, with facility, be collected from the retail vent of these articles.
The foregoing objects, are those, which appear to the Secretary, preferable towards a provision for the debts of the individual States. There are others which have occurred to him as supplementary, in case the experiment should discover a deficiency in the expected product; but which he conceives it unnecessary now to detail. He will only add, that he entertains no doubt of its being practicable to accomplish the end, on the principles of his former report, without the necessity of taxing, either houses or lands, or the stock or produce of farms.
The Secretary conceiving the design of the House to have been to obtain from him a general delineation only of the funds, competent in his judgment to the provision in question, has refrained from those details, which would be indispensable, if that provision were immediately to be made; and to have furnished which would have occasioned greater delay than would, probably, have suited with the present state of the business or the convenience of the House. He with great deference trusts, that what is now offered will be deemed a satisfactory compliance with their order.
The statement required respecting the product of the duties on imports and tonnage to the last of December, as far as returns have come to hand, is contained in the schedule herewith presented.
All which is humbly submitted, ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
Abstract of the nett proceeds of the duties on Imports and Tonnage.
  N. Hampshire, from August 11, 7,789 21 3/4   Massachusetts, — — 10, 113,439 54 1/2   Connecticut, — — 11, 20,352 87 1/2   New York, — — 5, 152,198 97   New Jersey, — — 1, 1,971 51   Pennsylvania, — — 10, 188,494 94   Delaware, — — 1, 6,573 98 1/2   Maryland, — — 10, 87,751 6 1/2   Virginia, — — 17, 142,028 62   S. Carolina, — — 31, 55,032 61 1/2   Georgia, — — 22, 8,850 80 3/4 
Dollars, 784,487 14 3/4 Deduct for drawbacks, 2 pr. cent. 15,689 74 Dollars, 768,797 40 3/4 Port of Boston only to 19th December.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO, HAPPENING in the gallery of the House of Representatives, when the bill for regulating the Post-Office, as reported by a Committee, was read, I was not a little surprised to find no mention made of European Packets. The extraordinary manner in which the English Mails are received and delivered at the Post-Office in this city, appears to me to require the interposition of the Legislative Body. I am told, and I believe it to be true, that when a Packet from England arrives at this port, the Mail is immediately taken to the house of the British Agent, where it is by him opened, and such letters taken out as he pleases—after which it is sent to the Post-Office. The letters for Europe that are to be sent by Packets, are received at the Post-Office, and sent by the Post-Master to the British Agent—who has again the privilege of culling them. Dispatches for his Britannic Majesty's officers, and all letters for Canada, are reserved by the Agent, which I conceive must very materially injure the revenue of the Post-Office Department. At a moderate calculation, the postage of them to Albany would amount, during the winter season, when they can be conveyed no other way, to 1 500 dollars. Such liberties to an American Agent I fancy would hardly be granted in any part of Europe—and in Great Britain it would be a novelty indeed, to find even an Ambassador conveying mails thro its dominions by any other channel than the Post-Office.—You may possibly hear from me again, when Congress resumes this business. Z.
NEW-YORK, FEBRUARY 22, 1790. A REPORT having circulated, founded as it is publicly asserted, on the best authority, that "when the question was moved at the last meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati of the State of New-York for disavowing certain principles contained in a petition published in the public papers, and recommended to the attention of the officers and soldiers of the late army, most of the members present were taken with surprise, and the main question passed sub silentio, but that many of the members since have expressed their disapprobation of the resolution, and it is supposed, if there should be a full meeting of the society had on the same question, the sense of the majority would be against it." Be it remembered, That the following notice was published in the New-York Daily Gazette of January 1, 1790.
pers, and recommended to the attention of the officers and soldiers of the late army, most of the members present were taken with surprise, and the main question passed sub silentio, but that many of the members since have expressed their disapprobation of the resolution, and it is supposed, if there should be a full meeting of the society had on the same question, the sense of the majority would be against it." Be it remembered, That the following notice was published in the New-York Daily Gazette of January 1, 1790.
"A general meeting of the New-York State Society of the Cincinnati, will be held on Monday the first day of February next, at 6 o'clock, P. M. at the Lodge Room in Cortlandt-Street.—The punctual attendance of the members is required. By order of the President, JOHN STAGG, jun. Sec'y."
And that after it was made known, that the petition above mentioned would be submitted to the society for their consideration, the following notification was addressed to every member in the city, and sent by the Secretary to their houses, viz.
"SIR, "A general meeting of the New-York State Society of the Cincinnati, will be held on Monday the first day of February next, at 6 o'clock, P. M. at the Lodge Room in Cortlandt-Street; your punctual attendance is requested. By order of the President, JOHN STAGG, jun. Sec'y."
That on the evening of the first of February a greater number of members (than usual) appearing, and many more than the number requisite to do business, the society proceeded to examine the situation of their funds, and to receive the reports of the several committees, on the points which had been committed to them at the last general meeting. The petition referred to was then laid before the society at or about 9 o'clock, and it was ordered to be read.
A motion was then made, "That the Society reject the petition and disavow the principles it contains;" this motion was seconded, and a resolve submitted to the consideration of the Society, and after a considerable debate relative to the wording of the resolve (its principles never being objected to) and amendments being proposed and passed, one member raised doubts respecting the expediency of passing the resolve, and moving the previous question, which being lost, the question was taken on the resolve, as has been published, at eleven o'clock; and so far from passing sub silentio, that the ayes found an unanimous vote; and when on motion, the question was reversed, there was not a dissenting voice.
It was then moved and seconded, that the resolve be published in the public papers, of this city, and passed unanimously. A true statement of the Proceedings of the New-York State Society of the Cincinnati, held at the Lodge Room, in Cortlandt-Street, on Monday the 1st day of February, 1790. JOHN STAGG, jun. Sec'y.
NEW-YORK, MARCH 6.
Thursday last was the anniversary of the first meeting of Congress under the new constitution—a day to be remembered with peculiar pleasure by all the friends to the civil rights—the property, happiness and future glory of these rising States—on that auspicious day, we received the surest pledge of enjoying and perpetuating the invaluable acquisitions of "Peace, Liberty, and Safety." Then old anarchy's kingdom fell!—and our country invigorated in her councils, and animated by her prospects commenced anew, her career in the road of empire, fame, and honor.
Some persons in writing and speaking of the general government, use such a style as would lead a stranger to suppose they had reference to a foreign jurisdiction: To say nothing of the injustice of this practice, it is injurious to the essential interests of the State and General Governments, as it has a tendency to excite jealousies, create distinctions, and form an ideal incompatibility of interests—whereas we must all stand or fall together—and an enemy of the General Government is an enemy of the State Governments, and vice versa.
Doubtless there are some spirits in all societies of so malignant an aspect, that they never can be at ease, while the people are happy under any system of government whatever—these persons endeavor to impress on the public mind that government is an evil—they will acknowledge, merely to save appearances, that it is a necessary evil—It will be well to attend to the operation of this sentiment; from considering government as an evil, we are naturally led to consider those that administer it, as evil instruments in an evil cause—this transition is easy; and perhaps is one of the most plausible foundations on which the unprincipled disturbers of human happiness, can raise a system of successful sedition.—From a specious concern for the public good the best administration that ever was formed may be attacked, with a probable chance of making impressions to its disadvantage—and to the infinite injury of the public interest. This sentiment independent of its falsehood, and pernicious tendency, contains likewise a most infamous satire on human nature—for as mankind cannot subsist as civilized communities, without laws and government, they must either be governed as rational beings who know how to combine their several interests for the mutual benefit of the whole—or, be considered (if in a state of society) as associating animals, united by bonds formed on a principle of universal suspicion of each other.—This latter idea of government would correspond with the temper and genius of such persons; for, judging from their own particular bias, or propensity, they realize that confidence, in such a government, would be forever disappointed in its expectations.
The revolution of America is not founded on the idea that government is a necessary evil—but on the reverse that it is the choicest blessing heaven ever has bestowed on the human race—and the refined, free, liberal state of society which the United States are now enjoying, under the new constitution, evinces the fallhood of the idea—it suggests also this pleasing reflection, that as we have made so great, and obvious progress in improving the condition of human nature, we shall continue to persevere in the line of the constitution—by supporting and strengthening the hands of our civil rulers—by a generous disdain of the feeble, but malicious invectives and slanders of those, whose envy at our growing greatness, and increasing happiness, can find no rest, but in venting itself in lies and defamation—and in attempts to belittle the free and independent citizens of this glorious country in their own eyes.
The people of the United States are at this moment in a more eligible situation, than any other
nation now upon the face of the globe—nor have we any reason to suppose, that any of the nations that have gone before us, ever enjoyed a greater degree of positive happiness—and with respect to our prospects, we may justly assert that the experience of mankind has never produced a parallel—but there are some persons who would be tormented by a situation in paradise—would even a celestial administration please such characters? I trow not.
The society of the Cincinnati of this State at a late meeting, voted unanimously, to celebrate the birth day of the President of the United States in future.
The ST. TAMMANY society have voted that they would celebrate this event, on the 22d. day of February—the society of the CINCINNATI have not announced their day.
The House of Assembly of this State has passed a Resolution, appointing His Excellency GEORGE CLINTON, RICHARD VARICK, and JOHN WATS, Esquires, Commissioners, with authority to build a Government House, on the ground where the Fort stands, and to draw twenty thousand dollars out of the Treasury of this State for that purpose. The said building to be appropriated for the accommodation of The President of the United States, while Congress remain in this city.
On Thursday last Mr. ARTHUR LEE took the necessary oaths for his admission to the bar of the Federal Court, as a Counsellor at Law.—This gentleman, (whose talents and law knowledge so eminently distinguished him in the Courts of Westminster, prior to the commencement of the late glorious revolution, in the whole course of which his abilities and patriotism were so successfully exerted for the benefit of his country,) will, we doubt not, be another shining ornament to the Federal Bar—and will, we hope, meet with those returns from his fellow citizens, in the line of his profession, which his long-tried integrity, and high character justly entitle him to: Those considerations, we hear, have induced the Hon. Judges of the Supreme Court to dispense with a special rule of the Court in his favor, which precluded the admission of any person as a counsellor, who had not practiced as such in some of the Superior Courts of the States for three years antecedent to the adoption of the New Constitution.
Every friend to America must be highly gratified, when he peruses the long list of eminent and worthy characters, who have come forward as Practitioners at the Federal Bar—where the most important rights of Man must, in time, be discussed, and determined upon, as well those of nations, as of individuals. Happy country! Whose Judges, (rendered independent—and selected for their wisdom and virtue,) constitute so firm a barrier against tyranny and usurpation on the one hand, and fraud and licentiousness on the other.
Of Members of Congress chosen in the State of North Carolina, we have only heard of The Hon. HUGH WILLIAMSON, and The Hon. J. B. ASH, Esquires.
SUBSCRIPTION FOR A MEDAL OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
MEDALS, from the earliest period of time, have been regarded, by every enlightened people, as the greatest help to history, and the best method of transmitting to posterity the memory of the heroes and patriots of the age, and one of the most honorable compliments a grateful people could confer on their favourites;—As the history of mankind furnishes no instance of a hero or patriot who has better deserved, or has been more justly intitled to the affections or esteem of a grateful people, than the President of the United States—an artist is induced to offer to the citizens of America, a medal with a striking and approved likeness, and such inscriptions or allegorical figures as shall best suit so great a character; and he humbly hopes to be honoured with their patronage.
To SUBSCRIBERS—a medal will be delivered of fine white metal, to resemble silver, for one dollar; of a fine, gold-colored metal, for two dollars; of fine silver for four dollars; and of gold in proportion to weight.
SUBSCRIBERS will please to particularise the kind they choose. As the medals are now striking, and will be ready to deliver in a few days after the order comes to hand, it is hoped every gentleman will pay at the time of subscribing.
** SUBSCRIPTIONS will be received at the Post-Office in this City;—or any gentleman may have any number sent to any part of the continent, by his order and remittance for the same, to J. MANLY, to the care of ROBERT PATTON, Esq. Post Master, PHILADELPHIA.
COPY—WE, the undersigned, have seen the medal of the President of the United States; and think it a strong and expressive likeness, and worthy the attention of the citizens of the United States of America.
THOMAS MIFFLIN, governor of the state of Pennsylvania. RICHARD PETERS, speaker of the house of assembly. CHRISTIAN FEBIGER, treasurer of the state. FRANCIS JOHNSTON, colonel of the late American army. PHILADELPHIA, February 22, 1790.
ALEXANDRIA, Feb. 18.
On Thursday last an elegant Ball was given at Mr. Wise's Tavern, in commemoration of that auspicious day which gave to the world the illustrious and beloved President of the United States. The company was numerous and brilliant. Every heart expanded with those pleasurable emotions which the happy occasion naturally inspired. Every countenance was suffused with joy, Beauty—always powerful—now arrayed in universal smiles—shone with unusual splendour. Most of the gentlemen present had been witnesses of the affectionate and pathetic leave which the Patriot and the Hero had taken of this town and neighborhood last spring, when saluted by the unanimous voice of his countrymen to fill the chair of empire.
In the very room where they were assembled to celebrate the day of his nativity they had seen him laboring with sensations, almost unutterable, excited by the necessity of bidding adieu to those whom he was pleased to honor with the appellation of "affectionate friends and kind neighbours." Upon this endearing circumstance they reflected, and will continue to reflect with peculiar complacency. Long—very long—may this great and good man live, to receive this annual tribute of the esteem, the affection, and the veneration of a grateful people!
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Wednesday. Sloop Dolphin, Carpenter, Savannah, 9 days. Friday. Sloop Betty, Brooks, Philadelphia, 6 days.

From the MARYLAND JOURNAL and BALTIMORE ADVERTISER.
THE ÆOLIAN HARP.
An Extract from "THE SYMPATHIES OF SOUND." &c.
(A Poem, not published.)
WHEN sunless twilight dims departing day, And silent darkness, in her wonted way, Rolls on the deep'ning shades, till closing night, Repos'd in slumber quenches human sight;
Hush'd then the found a moment pausing lies, Till rung symphonious sweeter tones arise, Twang'd in melodious millions—string to string, Romantic, then their soft Pianos sing:
Or, dim reflected, visionary things, From future worlds, ANTICIPATION brings: Drawn thro' the rueful light of umber gleams, Or yellow lustre of ethereal dreams,
Transcendent glorious—TO THE GOOD AND WISE. THEOLOGISTORICO PHILOSOPHOLOGOS.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
LETTER.—No. V.
MR. FENNO,
DISTANT as the evils I have enumerated are from us; slow as would be their growth, were opinions like these adopted, they would be no less certain. A more gradual manumission, if inhabiting among us is thereby understood, would infuse its baneful effects only by slower degrees.
From the grounds I have travelled over, I come to the means to obviate the evils I have represented. Benevolence is, I know, natural to American freemen, they will bestow with liberal hands blessings upon others:
However, before I go into an explanatory discussion of these articles, I must first predispose to the subject, what I have said in letter the 3d.—That "if nations are not compelled by circumstance, they will suffer no slaves among them."
Considering also the countenance, which the fathers of the federal government, our worthy rulers, have given to agriculture, we may safely conclude, that this will be productive of many inventions, facilitating, and abridging hand-work in agriculture:
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
RUSTICUS in his third letter tells us, that he "was compelled to travel over large philosophical and historical grounds, to find the place of the woolly negro in the order of nature," and concludes, that as the ox is born to till his ground, so is the negro born to be the slave of other nations.
African is an inferior animal to the long haired European (which I hope I have shown to be a false as well as ungenerous idea) still how absurd is the notion, that nature should form an animal, endue him with reasoning powers, and place him in a climate congenial to his frame; only that he should be torn away from that climate to serve another animal differing from him only in the colour of his skin and length of his hair.
LONDON, Dec. 31.
THE magistrates of Liege have issued an order to the following purpose, viz.
1st, That as the wearing cockades was only a signal of the nation's wish to have the regulation of 1684 abolished, and the people re-established in their rights, there did not now remain any reason for wearing them, as they had received two specific assurances, one of the 29th of November, and another of the 15th instant, in the name of a powerful Monarch, stating, that they should be protected in those rights.
2d, That respecting the point which related to the Burgesses companies and Patriot guards; it was evident, that being re-established in their rights of 1684, their existence was secured; at the same time they respectfully assured the Serene Princes, that they should be carefully employed to maintain peace and tranquillity.
3d. They recommended to the citizens to continue treating those troops (the Prussians) with all the care they merit, as friends and protectors.
The affairs of Liege is likely to produce some troubles, though the Prussians have quiet possession of it with 9000 chosen men; but the Imperial chamber of Wetzlar, on the 4th instant gave notice, that they will not listen to any terms of accommodation, and insist upon the Prince being re-established directly in all the powers he formerly enjoyed.
The Island of Jersey takes the lead in the present patriotic reformation: and as soon as the above resolutions were carried, a communication thereof, and an invitation, was immediately transmitted to Guernsey, where the opposition was much stronger and more numerous, but where, however, the rights of British subjects at length prevailed.
A model of the Hebe frigate has been exhibited before the first Lord of the Admiralty; it is on a scale of sixty feet to an inch; the ribs are of polished steel, and the masts, decks, &c. of gold; the guns all steel, their carriages gold; the sails of silver, with the blocks, and every rope as fine as a hair of the same.
The Spaniards at Malaga are building three ships of the line, one of 70, one of 50, and the third of 40 guns, heavy metal.
Extract of a letter from Montelimar, December 2.
"On Saturday last a confederate camp, of between 30 and 40 communities, from Vivarez and Dauphine, was formed on the plain of Auriol, to the number of 12,000 men all armed, with provisions on their mules for two days.
"We French citizens on both sides of the Rhone, from Valence as far as Pouzin, all in brotherly union, rejecting all sorts of distinction, swear on our honor and arms, consecrated to the defence of the State, that our will, strength, and fortitude, are devoted to our country, to the support of the laws enacted by the National Assembly, and to the King, who so greatly deserves, and has so just a claim to our love.
not pay all the respect which is due to the most just, and most popular, and the most beloved of Monarchs.
"Nine commissioners have been named for the correspondence of this patriotic confederacy, who are to meet at Voute, a small town in the Vivarez, on the 24th instant, where the regiments will send some detachments."
Accounts from Vienna says, that Prince Mau-rojeni, Hospodar of Wallachia, was not only in the interest of the Emperor, but that it was he himself who invited the Austrians into his country, he having no other way of securing both his life and his treasures, of both which he was likely to be deprived by the Porte.
To convince the people that in passing from the Turkish to the Austrian dominions, the change was for the better, the Prince de Cobourg prohibited all plunder under pain of death; and gave the strictest orders to his troops to pay ready money for every thing with which the inhabitants should furnish them.
The Prince, to avail himself of the consternation which the taking of Bucharest had occasioned among the Turks, staid only one day in that city, and marched out the next with a considerable body of troops, to penetrate farther into the country, and drive the few remaining Turkish troops across the Danube.
NEW-YORK, MARCH 3.
The following is a copy of the roll of Counsellors, and Attorneys sworn in the Supreme Court of the United States.
COUNSELLORS.
Elias Boudinot, Thomas Hartley, 5th Feb. 1790. Egbert Benson, John Lawrance, Theodore Sedgwick, William Smith (S. C.) Morgan Lewis, James Jackson, Fisher Ames, George Thatcher, Richard Varick, Robert Morris, 8th Feb. 1790. Samuel Jones, Abraham Ogden, Eliza Boudinot, William Paterson, Ezekiel Gilbert, Corn. J. Bogert, Feb. 9. 1790.
ATTORNEYS.
William Houston, Edward Livingston, Jacob Morton, Barth. de Haert, John Keese, Peter Masterton, William Wilcocks, Feb. 10, 1790.
The court then adjourned to the next term, viz. the first day of August next.
On the 15th ult. Arthur Lee, Esq. Barrister and Doctor of Laws, was, by a special order, of the Supreme Court of the United States, admitted a Counsellor in the said Court.
WILLIAM TAYLOR,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS,
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Mullins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacksonet do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cassas, Chintzes, Seerluckers, Ginghams, Boglapores.
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
To be LET,
And possession given the 1st of April, for one or more years, (two miles and half from this city, on the Greenwich road.)
THAT NEW TWO STORY HOUSE—four Rooms on a floor; with six fire places; a new Barn, and Well of excellent Water; a young Orchard of Fruit Trees, with 7 1/2 acres of Land, the most part Meadow. For particulars enquire at No. 7, Maiden-Lane. New-York, February 20.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
(Price Six Shillings, bound and lettered) And to be sold, by appointment of the Author, by Messrs. BERRY and ROGERS, No. 35, by A. M'LEAN, No. 41, (Franklin's Head) Hanover Square, and by the Editor hereof, No. 9, Maiden-Lane,
GEOGRAPHY MADE EASY:
BEING AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY.
CONTAINING,
ASTRONOMICAL Geography: Discovery and General Description of America: General View of the United States: Particular Accounts of the Thirteen United States, in regard to their Boundaries, Extent, Rivers, Lakes, Mountains, Productions, Population, Characters, Government, Trade, Manufactures, Curiosities, History, &c.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
A Geographical Account of the European settlements in America; and of Europe, Asia, and Africa.
Illustrated with eight neat MAPS and CUTS.
Calculated peculiarly for the use of Schools in the United States.
BY JEDIDIAH MORSE, A. M.
Minister of the Congregation in Charlestown, near Boston. Second Edition. Abridged by the Author.
A work which has long been wanted, to accommodate Schools; and for the use of children in families. Geography now claims a very general attention—and that of our country in a particular manner; for in proportion as this is understood it will inspire the rising generation with elevated ideas of their own character, when contemplating the magnificent theatre on which they are to act the parts assigned them: Hence the propriety of the observation—
Let all foreign climes alone, Till you understand your own.
Wanted by the Editor of this paper, a House that will accommodate a large family, and the printing business—from the first of May next.