Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-07-17 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 118 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 17, 1793.
[Whole No. 440.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Hints respecting a project for establishing universal peace with the Indians.
[CONCLUDED.]
THE first public magistrates, known among rude nations, are their military leaders. Their first public laws are military orders. Their first ideas of regular government are those of military discipline. Their first ideas of national character, and national union, arise from national exigencies that refer to war or hunting. The ideas of acting in concert, the ties of public union, are first felt and recognized by them during the operations of war, or the kindred employments of the chase. Their first sensibility to public opinion and honor, is impressed by such scenes—and, in such scenes they acquire their first ideas of public character, of order, government, subordination, regularity. Survey the history of the universe! Is there a single nation that ever became civilized before they were habituated to a system of military order? The feudal system, which is the basis of European government, and of which strong resemblances have obtained in Asia, was clearly of a military nature; although the pay of the troops, instead of being pecuniary, was territorial: For it was a fundamental principle of the feudal tenure, that the stipendiary property allowed the feudal lord, should be enjoyed by him, in consideration of his conforming to the orders of his superior officer and performing the services commanded by his military chief, or head warrior.
The red people who border on the United States, have not however, been as yet habituated to a regular system of military subordination.—Although in the space of the last forty, or even twenty years, they appear to have made a perceptible advance towards such a system. Among other considerations, the degree of regularity with which they planned and executed their operations in 1791, argues, that they are advancing from the state of savages to that of barbarians; and that, as such, the Indians are a more formidable enemy than they were before the American revolution. But as yet they have not acquired such habits of property, union, order, and resource, as to maintain of themselves a regular system of military subordination. Yet, like barbarians, the red people are distinguished by some of those strong traits of character which marked the earlier stages of the feudal policy.—Such are the aversion to labor; contempt of the mechanical and commercial arts—the propensity to plunder—and the passion for war and warlike exercises and sports. These traits strongly mark the character of the Indian warrior. They present his ruling passion. And by this passion, it is projected to seize him—and attach him to his own interest, to the true interest of his tribe, and to the interest of the United States.
Could his passion for war be so converted as to be made the instrument of peace and civilization, the important point would be gained. Instead therefore of giving presents to an Indian warrior, let him be allowed pay! Instead of being urged to labour, let him know that he may omit it! Let him also be indulged in his contempt of the mechanical and commercial arts, until time shall have corrected his prejudices! Let a main incentive to plunder be taken away, by allowing him a regular and comfortable subsistence! And instead of telling him to abandon the character of a warrior, and thus at once to eradicate the strongest passion of his soul, tell him that he shall be a more formidable warrior than can be found in any of the tribes that are at variance with his own! tell him that he shall be a regular warrior! tell him to be a good soldier!
The project therefore which is suggested is in substance, That the United States should engage in service and maintain a body of red troops, allowing them such pay and emoluments as military principles may require.—That a proper portion of their officers, especially of the higher grades, should be American citizens, as affording a security for their conforming to the authority of the Union:—That these troops should not exceed a certain proportion, say one half, of the whole military establishment of the United States, so that the rest of the forces, being white troops, might with other causes, completely secure the obedience of the Indians! And although it might at first be somewhat difficult to make them conform to the minutiae of military arrangement, yet it is imagined, that they might be gradually habituated to a discipline which should be liberal, yet eventually exact, nervous, solid.
Could this measure be carried into full effect, it might undoubtedly be attended with important consequences.
The red troops might serve in lieu of the same number of white men: and it is presumed, that the expense of maintaining them need not much exceed, if even equal, the expense of maintaining a like number on the present establishment. For the purposes of the partisan war, the services of the red men, in
co-operation with the more regular force of the white troops, might also be of material advantage. And the suggested project, if completely executed would operate at least, in a duplicate ratio against Indian hostilities: It would not only furnish men for the service, without taking the citizens from the productive occupations of peace; but it would also prevent the tribes to which the red troops belonged, from making war against the union—since their warriors would be in the United States service. And further, this measure would tend to secure a compliance with treaties on the part of the Indians; would introduce among them habits of subordination and government—and would thus facilitate the advancement of regular industry, the advancement of the agricultural, mechanical and commercial arts; hereby accelerating the progress of civilization, and moral improvement.
The peace of a tribe or nation, being secured by means of military regularity, the Indians might be advised to assemble and deliberate on their own affairs. Different towns might be persuaded to consult together for their common interest, and to extend their views beyond such objects as principally occupy their attention in the councils already known among the Indians. They might be gradually taught to elect persons who should represent them in such consultations. And they might be told, that the young men ought not to determine on any measure that concerned the nation without the concurrence of the old men. Thus they might eventually be habituated to the art of legislation; and to the institution of a public council, consisting of Representatives possessing the ardour of youth, and of Senators distinguished by maturer age and capacity.
The extensive views of civilized society now begin to open upon the mind. And we might look forward to the mode of administering justice; the eventual establishment of a regular system of civil government; and the introduction of education and science; the prevalence of government, laws, liberty, industry and the arts of peace among the Indians!
To the canse of the Indians, perhaps the art of civilizing and humanizing the ruder part of mankind, might be ascertained with a precision, and carried to a degree of perfection, of which history can furnish no example. For it is suggested, that the United States should lay the basis of a system for civilizing the whole continent of America. Simple in principle, seizing the rude warrior by his ruling passion, this project proposes to conduct him by the instrumentality of this passion from a state of savagery, to a state of liberal government, moral order, industry, humanity, peace.
To this project, there may, I know, be opposed one general objection which will perhaps comprehend the mass of objections that might be urged in the detail! It may be objected, that the project is new, bold, extensive. But was there ever any improvement that was not new? Is cowardice, in the most favorable view, any thing but a negative quality, that does no good, and prevents improvement? And at the worst is not cowardice in literature, science or politics, as well as in war, a rascally quality, that is fatal to the accomplishment of any thing difficult and useful? Has not the idea of reforming criminals and making them useful members of society been deemed by cowardice, as being the mad project of visionaries, until the American magnanimity dared to prove its propriety by carrying it into effect? And is not the constitution of the United States one of the newest, boldest, sublimest projects ever executed by man? And has any man of sense ever considered it as a defect in some of the most eminent characters in America, that they were distinguished by daring and enlarged views, as well as by accurate maturity of judgment?
If a measure be in principle useful, and friendly to humanity, its novelty, boldness, and extent, are considerations that should recommend it to the true American. And it is worthy the American glory, by their example, to teach mankind, not only the art of framing republican governments and thus serving liberal order among themselves, but also the art of civilizing and humanizing the whole world.
ALFRED.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
To JUBA.
[See National Gazette of Wednesday last.]
THE origin of declaimers and remonstrators is of very high antiquity. If you will have reference to an old book, held in great veneration by our ancestors, and which for that very reason has been denounced by some modern patriots, as containing anti-republican doctrines, you will find that Balaam's Ass is the first remonstrator upon record!
It would have been fortunate perhaps for the citizens of the United States, if the numerous successors of that singular orator had possessed the philanthropy and taciturnity of their long-eared progenitor—for it is said, that Balaam's Ass made but one speech in the course of his
life, and that for the avowed purpose of preventing the effusion of blood—whereas you, JUBA, and your immaculate coadjutors, are braying from morning till night, in order to involve this happy country in all the horrors inseparable from a state of warfare.
You ask "why our executive was so passive when the brig Little Sarah was arming here, altho' a British bottom, and why all this battle since the change of property?" I answer, that there is not the least similitude between the two cases. In the first instance it is well known, that the President had no knowledge of the transaction: and besides, that the vessel in question was a merchantman, deeply loaded with American produce, and had no commission or letters of marque—whereas in her present state, it is equally true, that she is equipped not only to cruise against the British, but against other powers with whom we have been always at peace. Do you really imagine, Sir, that we have so soon forgot, that we are more or less under obligations to all the continental powers in Europe? The assertion, perhaps, may be new to many—but the winner will cease when we reject, that during our struggle for liberty, we received pecuniary assistance from some of them we received pecuniary assistance—witness the loan made to us by Spain and Holland. Are we then wantonly and ungenerously to relinquish the reputation which we have so honorably acquired among the nations of the earth, in order to gratify you and your section? I trust that your disappointment will be equal to the wickedness of your attempts.
Republican governments are not new in the history of mankind, and if they are so obnoxious to kings, as to induce them to undertake cruises for the sole object of extirpating them, how happens it that there was no combination of despots against us, when it would have been so easy to have crushed us to atoms? If you are at a loss for the true cause, I will tell you. It was because there was nothing unreasonable in operating from a country, who had denied us a participation of the rights common to all the empire. It was because our local situation pointed to the expediency of independence.—It was because we rejected with horror the idea of making proselytes to political opinions by fire and sword. And further, it was because we regarded ourselves with that magnanimity, moderation and virtue, as would, if imitated by those who really wish for liberty, insure success to their efforts.
Your address to the militia of Philadelphia, is an insult to their understandings. I have the pleasure of being acquainted with a number of that respectable body of citizens, and can therefore assure you, that they know well how to discriminate between what is the CAUSE of France, and what is the CAUSE of a few selfish individuals, who, in open violation of the laws of the United States, are embarked in the disgraceful business of fitting out privateers, which need, can be regarded as nothing else than pirates. The virtuous yeomanry of America are equally proof to your seditious doctrines. If this meritorious class of citizens submitted with patience to the evils resulting from the late lengthy but just war, it does not follow that they are prepared in the present instance to join in provoking a rupture with all the maritime powers in Europe, in order to sell their wheat to JUBA and his associates, at eighteen pence per bushel, and take any kind of plunder in payment, at a thousand per cent advance!—May I go further and say, that the enlightened people of this country are not so weary of the inestimable privilege of chusing their own rulers, as to relinquish it for Commissioners, Ministers Plenipotentiary, Agents ad hoc, Secretaries pro temp. &c. &c. armed with revolutionary powers to convert us into an 85th department, by the same gentle means as were employed in Brabant, or send us on board of prison ships, in case of resistance to their sovereign will. This kind of government, however it may suit JUBA and his friends, is not calculated as yet for the meridian of the United States.
You tell us among other things, that the brig Little Sarah belongs wholly to, and was fitted out at the expence of the republic of France. There is much reason to doubt the truth of this assertion, because it is well known that she was purchased at auction by a private person—and even admitting the fact as stated, yet it does not follow from thence, that the republic can claim any right from treaties to arm vessels in our ports. The observation, that the agents or representatives of popular governments possess more integrity than those of mixed or absolute ones, can only be true when the great body of the people themselves are virtuous. But to suppose that honest men are only to be found in republics, is an idea as illiberal as false. There are individuals in all nations who do honor to human nature—and who, if they submit passively to the arbitrary mandates of one man, have been probably forced to do it, in order to avoid the greater evils of being plundered and massacred by characters of your description. This I take to have been the origin of all monarchies.
To conclude, I am clearly of opinion that the time is fast approaching, when all men who are well wishers to peace, all men who have property, and indeed all men who are not hostile to the true interest of their country, will be called upon to declare, whether they will support a government of their own choice, or submit to a new order of things forced upon them by JUBA, VERITAS, a JACOBIN, little BEN
BANGE, the translator of foreign languages, and the other numerous defendants of the FIRST DECLAINER AND REMONSTRATOR UPON RECORD? METELLUS.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
EXTRACT from the principal LAWS enacted for the Government of "The Associated Reformers, instituted for the universal Benefit of Mankind."
WHEREAS it hath been a subject of complaint, that the embryo projects of many meritorious geniuses are daily lost to posterity, for the want of that fostering care so necessary to embolden the timid. And experience teaches that numbers are found incapable of conducting or understanding their own immediate concerns, and others who through choice decline taking part in any active occupation. For remedy whereof, the society offer their aid to all persons laboring under these and similar embarrassments.
As a preliminary qualification, the members are to resign their temporal interests without reserve to the guidance of the society; and none shall retain any exclusive right over his personal property or inclinations, to the end that the same may be in all respects a common stock.
Admission of new members, and appointment of officers, shall be determined by a majority of votes; and in the latter instance, without too rigid a partiality to talents, or favor to popular men; as the society shall infallibly become possessed of an aggregate fund of intellectual treasure, to answer all purposes and circumstances.
Nevertheless, This clause shall not extend to those members who are of the committee of enterprises.
And whereas a very industrious class of citizens, commonly known by the appellation of "the Dreamers," have been hitherto neglected and discouraged. For remedy whereof, there shall be a department established, which shall be denominated "the Dreaming Department"—whose province it shall be to select the most important dreams and interesting visions which shall be communicated by the members, and other ingenious persons skilled and experienced in the art of dreaming; to the end that such communications may be made conducive to the formation of plans for useful projects.
Eighty-four members shall be elected by ballot, quarterly, who shall be denominated "the Committee of Enterprises"—To them shall be committed the execution of all arduous and hazardous undertakings. No member shall be of this committee, except he hath already signalized himself in single combat, honorably killed his man at least, or performed some action manifesting his courage and genius for arms.
It shall be made a constant research very generally of politics, by means of an extensive correspondence with foreign agents, and similar societies, which undoubtedly will spread hereafter into all civilized countries. This arrangement is designed to facilitate a principle object of the institution; which is to project new systems, or amend those that are decayed for tottering monarchies, declining empires, or deranged republics.
The society shall publish the political, happy, or laudable situation (as the case may be) of the several states of both hemispheres; whether under the denomination of monarchies, empires, republics, dukedoms, palatinates, or electorates, &c. &c. in order that the citizens, subjects or slaves (as the case may be) may understand how far they ought to be satisfied with their ancient establishments, or whether a reform ought to be preferred.
There are many other regulations which are not necessary to be inserted here, as they contain only the ordinary rules for the preservation of order, times of recess, &c. &c.
** The Printers are requested to give the above a place in their respective papers.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
[Conclusion of PACIFICUS, No. 5, from our last.]
BUT LOUIS XVI. it is said, acted from reasons of State without regard to our cause; while the people of France patronised it with zeal and attachment.
As far as the assertion, with regard to the monarch is founded and is an objection to our gratitude to him, it destroys the whole fabric of gratitude to France: For our gratitude is and must be relative to the services rendered us. The nation can only claim it on the score of their having been rendered by their agent with their means. If the views with which he rendered them divested them of that merit which ought to inspire gratitude—none is due. The nation no more than their agent can claim it.
As to the individual good wishes of the citizens of France, as they did not produce the services rendered to us as a nation, they can be no foundation for national gratitude. They can

only call for a reciprocation of individual good wishes. They cannot form the basis of public obligation.
But the assertion takes more for granted, than there is reason to believe true.
Louis the XVI. no doubt took part in our contest from reasons of state; but Louis the XVI. was a humane kind-hearted man. The acts of his early youth had entitled him to this character. It is natural for a man of such a disposition to become interested in the cause of those whom he protects or aids; and if the concurrent testimony of the period may be credited, there was no man in France more personally friendly to the cause of this country than Louis the XVI. I am much misinformed if repeated declarations of the venerable Franklin did not attest this fact.
It is a just tribute to the people of France to admit, that they manifested a lively interest in the cause of America; but while motives are scanned who can say how much of it is to be ascribed to the antipathy which they bore to their rival neighbors; how much to their sympathy in the object of our pursuit? It is certain that the love of liberty was not a national sentiment in France, when a zeal for our cause first appeared among that people.
There is reason to believe too, that the attachment to our cause, which ultimately became very extensive, if not general, did not originate with the mass of the French people. It began with the circles more immediately connected with the government, and was thence diffused through the nation.
This observation, besides its tendency to correct ideas, which are calculated to give a false direction to the public feeling, may serve to check the spirit of illiberal invective, which has been wantonly indulged against those distinguished friends of America, who, though the authors of the French revolution, have fallen victims to it; because their principles would not permit them to go the length of an entire subversion of the monarchy.
The preachers of gratitude are not ashamed to brand Louis the XVI. as a tyrant, and La Fayette as a traitor. But how can we wonder at this, when they insinuate a distrust even of a
In urging the friendly disposition to our cause, manifested by the people of France, as a motive to our gratitude towards that people, it ought not to be forgotten, that those dispositions were not confined to the inhabitants of that country. They were eminently shared by the people of the United Provinces, produced to us valuable pecuniary aids from their citizens, and eventually involved them in the war on the same side with us. It may be added too, that here the patronage of our cause emphatically began with the community not originating as in France with the government, but finally implicating the government in the consequences.
Our cause had also numerous friends in other countries; even in that with which we were at war:—Conducted with prudence, moderation, justice, and humanity, it may be said to have been a popular cause among mankind; conciliating the countenances of Princes, and the affection of nations.
The dispositions of the individual citizens of France can therefore in no sense be urged, as constituting a peculiar claim to our gratitude. As far as there is foundation for it, it must be referred to the services rendered to us; and, in the first instance, to the unfortunate monarch that rendered them. This is the conclusion of nature and reason.
A further view of this subject is reserved for another paper
PACIFICUS
No. VI.
THE very men who not long since, with a holy zeal, would have been glad to make an auto de fe of any one who should have presumed to align bounds to our obligations to Louis the XVI. are now ready to consign to the flames those who venture even to think, that he died a proper object of our sympathy or regret. The greatest pains are taken to excite against him our detestation. His supposed perjuries and crimes are founded in the public ear, with all the exaggerations of intemperate declaiming. All the unproved and contradicted allegations which have been brought against him are taken for granted, as the oracles of truth, on no better grounds, than the mere general presumptions—that he could not have been a friend to a revolution which stripped him of so much power—that it is not likely the Convention would have pronounced him guilty, and confined him to so ignominious a fate, if he had been really innocent.
It is very possible that time may disclose facts and proofs, which will substantiate the guilt imputed to Louis; but these facts and proofs have not yet been authenticated to the world; and justice admonishes us to wait for their production and authentication.
Those who have most closely attended to the course of the transaction, find least cause to be convinced of the criminality of the deposed monarch. While his counsel, whose characters give weight to their assertions, with an air of conscious truth, boldly appeal to facts and proofs, in the knowledge and possession of the Convention, for the refutation of the charges brought against him—the members of that body, in all the debates upon the subject which have reached this country, either directly from France, or circuitously through England, appear to have contented themselves with assuming the existence of the facts charged, and inferring from them a criminality which, after the abolition of the royalty, they were interested to establish.
The presumptions of guilt drawn from the suggestions which have been stated, are more than counterbalanced by an opposite presumption, which is too obvious not to have occurred to many, though I do not recollect yet to have met with it in print:—It is this:
If the Convention had possessed clear evidence
of the guilt of Louis, they would have prohibited it from the world in an authentic and unquestionable manner. Respect for the opinion of mankind, regard for their own character, the interest of their cause, inane this an impartial duty; nor can the omission be satisfactorily ascribed to any other reason, than the want of such evidence.
The inference from this is, that the melancholy catastrophe of Louis XVI. was the result of a supposed political expediency, rather than of real criminality.
In a case so circumstanced, can it consist with our justice or our humanity, to partake in the angry and vindictive passions which are endeavored to be excited against the unfortunate monarch? Was it a crime in him to have been born a Prince? Could this circumstance forfeit his title to the consideration due to his misfortunes as a man?
Would gratitude dictate to a people, situated as are the people of this country, to lend their aid to extend to the son the misfortunes of the father? Should we not be more certain of violating no obligation of that kind—of not implicating the delicacy of our national character—by taking no part in the contest—than by throwing our weight into either scale?
Would not a just estimate of the origin and progress of our relations to France, viewed with reference to the mere question of gratitude, lead us to this result—that we ought not to take part against the son and successor of a father, on whose sole will depended the assistance which we received—that we ought not to take part with him against the nation, whose blood and whose treasure had been, in the hands of the father, the means of the assistance afforded us?
But we are sometimes told, by way of answer, that the cause of France is the cause of liberty; and that we are bound to assist the nation on the score of their being engaged in the defence of that cause. How far this idea ought to carry us, will be the subject of future examination.
It is only necessary here to observe, that it presents a question essentially different from that which has been in discussion. If we are bound to assist the French nation, on the principle of their being embarked in the defence of liberty, this is a ground altogether foreign to that of gratitude. Gratitude has reference only to kind offices received . The obligation to assist the cause of liberty, has reference to the merits of that cause, and to the interest we have in its support. It is possible, that the benefactor may be on one side—the defenders and supporters of liberty on the other. Gratitude may point one way—the love of liberty another. It is therefore important to just conclusions, not to confound the two things.
A sentiment of justice more than the importance of the question itself has led to so particular a discussion, respecting the proper object of whatever acknowledgment may be due from the United States for the aid which they received from France during their own revolution.
The extent of the obligation which it may impose is by far the most interesting enquiry. And though it is presumed, that enough has been already said to evince, that it does in no degree require us to embark in the war; yet there is another and a very simple view of the subject, which is too convincing to be omitted.
The assistance lent us by France was afforded by a great and powerful nation, possessing numerous arms, a ready fund of resources, and a match for the force to be contended with. The position of Europe was favorable to the enterprise; a general disposition prevailing to see the power of Great Britain abridged. The co-operation of Spain was very much a matter of course, and the probability of other powers becoming engaged on the same side not remote. Great Britain was alone and likely to continue so—France had a great and persuasive interest in the separation of this country from Britain. In this situation with much to hope and not much to fear , she took part in our quarrel.
France is at this time singly engaged with the greatest part of Europe, including all the first rate powers, except one, and in danger of being engaged with all the rest. To use the emphatic language of a member of the National Convention—she has but one enemy and that is ALL EUROPE. Her internal affairs are without doubt in serious disorder. Her navy comparatively inconsiderable. The United States are a young nation; their population though rapidly increasing, still small—their resources, though growing, not great; without armies, without fleets—capable from the nature of the country and the spirit of its inhabitants of immense exertions for self-defence, but little capable of those external efforts which could materially serve the cause of France. So far from having any direct interest in going to war, they have the strongest motives of interest to avoid it. By embarking with France in the war, they would have incomparably more to apprehend, than to hope.
This contrast of situations and inducements is alone a conclusive demonstration, that the United States are not under an obligation, from gratitude, to join France in the war. The utter disparity between the circumstances of the service to be rendered, and of the service received, proves, that the one cannot be an adequate basis of obligation for the other—There would be a want of equality, and consequently of reciprocity.
But complete justice would not be done to this question of gratitude, were no notice to be taken of the address, which has appeared in the public papers (the authenticity of which has not been impeached) from the Convention of France to the United States; announcing the appointment of the present Minister Plenipotentiary. In that address the Convention
informs us, that “the support which the ancient French Court had afforded the United States to receive their independence, was only the part of a bare speculation; and that their glory attended its ambitious views, and the Ambassadors of France bore the criminal orders of stopping the career of their prosperity.”
If this information is to be admitted in the full force of the terms it is very fatal to the claim of gratitude towards France. An observation similar to one made in a former paper occurs here. If the organ of the nation, on whose will the aid given us depended, acted not only from motives irreconcilable to our advantage, but from unworthy motives, or as it is stated, from a base speculation—it afterwards displayed a temper hostile to the confirmation of our security and prosperity, he acquired no title to our gratitude in the first instance, or he forfeited it in the second. And the nation of France, who can only claim it in virtue of the conduct of their agent, must together with him renounce the pretension. It is an obvious principle, that if a nation can claim merit from the good deeds of its sovereign, it must answer for the demerit of his misdeeds. The rule to be a good one, must apply both ways.
But some deductions are to be made from the suggestions contained in the address of the Convention, in reference to the motives which evidently dictated the communication. Their zeal to alienate the good will of this country from the late monarch, and to increase the odium of the French nation against the monarchy, which was so ardent as to make them overlook the tendency of their communication, to disarm their votaries among us of the plea of gratitude, may justly be suspected of exaggeration.
The truth probably is, that the base speculation charged, amounts to nothing more than that the government of France, in affording us assistance, was directed by the motives which have been attributed to it, namely, the desire of promoting the interest of France, by lessening the power of Great Britain, and opening a new channel of commerce to herself—that the orders said to have been given to the Ambassadors of France to stop the career of our prosperity are—resolvable into a speculative jealousy of the ministers of the day, left the United States, by becoming as powerful and great as they are capable of becoming under an efficient government, might prove formidable to the European possessions in America. With these qualifications and allowances, the address offers no new discovery to the intelligent and unbiased friends of their country. They knew long ago that the interest of France had been the governing motive of the aid afforded us; and they saw clearly enough, in the conversation and conduct of her agents, while the present constitution of the United States was under consideration, that the government of which they were the instruments, would have preferred our remaining under the old form, for the reason which has been stated. They perceived also, that these views had their effect upon some of the devoted partisans of France among ourselves; as they now perceive, that the same characters are embodying themselves with all the aid they can obtain, under the like influence, to resist the operation of that government of which they withstood the establishment.
All this was and is seen, and the body of the people of America are too discerning to be led astray about it. Too wise to have been misled by foreign or domestic machinations, they adopted a constitution which was necessary to their safety and to their happiness. Too wise still to be ensnared by the same machinations, they will support the government they have established, and will take care of their own peace, in spite of the insidious efforts which are making to detach them from the one, and to disturb the other.
The information which the address of the Convention contains, ought to serve as an instructive lesson to the people of this country. It ought to teach us not to over-rate foreign friendships—to be upon our guard against foreign attachments. The former will generally be found hollow and delusive; the latter will have a natural tendency to lead us aside from our own true interest, and to make us the dupes of foreign influence. They introduce a principle of action, which in its effects, if the expression may be allowed, is anti-national . Foreign influence is truly the GRECIAN HORSE to a republic. We cannot be too careful to exclude its entrance. Nor ought we to imagine, that it can only make its approaches in the gross form of direct bribery. It is then most dangerous, when it comes under the patronage of our passions, under the auspices of national prejudice and partiality.
I trust the morals of this country are yet too good to leave much to apprehend on the score of bribery. Caresse, condescension, flattery, in unison with our predispositions, are infinitely more to be feared; and as far as there is opportunity for corruption, it is to be remembered, that one foreign power can employ this resource as well as another, and that the effect must be much greater, when it is combined with the other means of influence, than where it stands alone.
PACIFICUS.
Washington, July 4, 1793.
At the laying of the corner stone of the Hotel to be built by lottery in the Federal City, upwards of 1500 people were present, and walked from thence in procession, preceded a lodge of Free-masons, to a dinner, the principal dish of which consisted of an ox roasted whole. A number of toasts were drunk on the occasion, and the day concluded with much harmony.
N. B. The principal front of the Hotel will extend one hundred and twenty feet, and the assembly room will be 49 by 65. The whole will form the most magnificent building in America, perhaps in any other country.
HALIFAX, (N. S.) June 25.
Last Thursday evening major general Ogilvie arrived here in the Alligator frigate from St. Peters, with 5 transports, having on board between 5 and 600 prisoners, and some stores.
The governor of St. Peters was brought here in the Alligator, and is at liberty to walk about the town.
The prisoners look extremely healthy, and appear to have been treated with the greatest humanity and kindness.
AUGUSTA, (Gear.) June 29.
We are authorised to mention, that official communications have been received from the President of the United States, by our government, forbidding Georgia to enter into any offensive war with the Creeks. These orders authorize the raising of one company of cavalry and one of infantry, each to consist of one hundred men, to be commissioned by the Governor of this state, and under Continental pay whilst in actual service.
It is said that a schooner has been lately fitted out at Savannah, under a French commission, to cruise against the British. This privateer is commanded by a Frenchman, manned chiefly by Americans, and owned by a Mr. Putnam.
July 27. General Pickens will set out in the course of this week from Hopewell, in South-Carolina, for Philadelphia.
WINCHESTER, (Vir.) July 8.
By a gentleman from the Creek nation, we are informed, that the cause of the aggressions of that nation, on the Cumberland settlers, is by certain traders telling the Indians, that country was thrown away by Congress, and they could do them mischief with impunity. What motive could these traders have for infusing such sentiments into savages? none, we can conceive, but that of buying horses very cheap, which the Indians steal from that place.
On the morning of the 12th inst. about the break of day, Capt. John Beard, who had the command of a company of mounted infantry, consisting of fifty six, made an attack on the Hanging Maw's family, and other Indians, who were invited there by order of government.
Major King and Daniel Carmichael, were at the Hanging Maw's at the time, and report that Beard's party had killed Scantee, Fool Charley, one of the chiefs of Hightower, Betty, the daughter of Kittakiska, and several others; among them a white man, named William Roseberry. The Hanging Maw and his wife both wounded, and Betty, the daughter of Nancy Ward. Major King and Daniel Carmichael say that it was with great risk of their lives, they escaped through the fire of these enraged whitemen, and also at their particular entreaty, they spared the rest of the Hanging Maw's family, and did not burn his house.
We hear that Capt. Beard was positively restricted by Gov Blount's orders, from crossing the Tennessee, and to confine his pursuit to that party of Indians, who had lately killed the two Gillums, or a horse-stealing party in the same neighborhood.
BALTIMORE, July 10.
The Committee appointed to examine the situation of the French fleet arrived in this harbor, and to ascertain the number of passengers, and the relief necessary to be given them, Report,
THAT they visited 13 of the ships, and found on board 351 passengers, exclusive of people of colour and negroes, of which number about 100 are women and children—that the passengers in other ships arrived and expected are probably equal to the above number, of which they have advised an accurate report to be made to the Consul of the French Republic—That the distresses of these unhappy people has not been exaggerated, or perhaps equalled, by the information already given to the public—That an exertion of great humanity is indispensably necessary in the town of Baltimore, to

supply their immediate wants and provide for their comfortable accommodation, until the interference of the French minister, or the general government, can be engaged—That the passengers and crews in general appeared to be healthy.
The Committee actuated by motives of pity for the helpless part of the passengers have, of their own authority, ordered a supply of fresh provisions and vegetables to several of the ships, of which articles they had been totally destitute during the voyage—this part of their conduct they trust will be approved of by their fellow-citizens.
The business of future supply the committee conceive ought to be conducted in some regular system. On mature consideration they beg leave to recommend the following resolutions—
Resolved, That subscriptions be taken immediately for such sum as each person may please to contribute or advance, on the occasion—one third part to be paid in hand, and the residue when called for;—that the whole be put under the direction of the Consul of the French Republic, who will cause an exact account to be taken of the passengers that are in actual want of support—that the Consul be requested to appoint a committee, from the contributors, to receive the money, who will keep regular accounts of the expenditures authorised by him, and appoint persons to purchase provisions, provide houses, and do such other matters as shall be judged proper and necessary.
Resolved, That a committee be also appointed to call on the inhabitants of the town, to request them to give accommodation to the unhappy people above mentioned, in such numbers as is convenient to each family; and that they make their Report to the French Consul, and assist in carrying this plan into execution.
The subscription being opened on the Exchange this day at 12 o'clock, near TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS were immediately subscribed, and the example will no doubt be generally followed.
To the Ladies of Baltimore.
TO alleviate distress is the peculiar province of the female sex; the hand of nature formed them, no less to smooth the asperity of man, and give a gentleness to his disposition, than to avert, misfortunes from destroying his peace, or depriving them of their society when they may occur. Being conscious of this truth, it may be unnecessary to remind the fair, that an opportunity has now offered to display the generous attributes of their souls. Our valued allies now implore assistance; escaping from the Russian barbarity of a murderous mob, deprived of all that fortune had presented, or their industry had accumulated, they seek refuge in this asylum of peace and happiness, without food to support their drooping bodies, or clothes to protect them from the inclemency of the climate.—The liberality of our citizens is already preparing to afford their mite; but how many female strangers, many of them lately blessed with affluence, demand the more immediate and particular attention of their own sex? Once furnished with every luxury of life, they now would gladly receive the humblest pittance—Very few possess a second change of garments, and it is in this that you can especially assist them; think but a moment on their helpless situation, their impoverished infants, torn from the hapless partners of their misfortunes, their husbands, fathers—and my feeble voice will not be required to summon into action the commiseration and benevolence of your hearts.
BOSTON, July 8.
Thursday last (4th July) being the 17th anniversary of American Independence—the same was celebrated here. The morning was ushered in by the discharge of cannon from the castle, by the company of artillery in this town, and by the sons of Liberty, at Liberty-square, &c.
At twelve o'clock the Lieutenant-governor, the Hon. Council, with several gentlemen of distinction, walked in procession to the Old South meeting house, where, after the Rev. Dr. Thatcher had addressed the throne of grace, by prayer, an Oration was delivered, adapted to the occasion, by John Q. Adams, Esq. to a very numerous audience, whose countenances testified the sincerity of the universal plaudits with which it was received. And it is but justice to Mr. Adams to observe, that in point of composition and oratory, he has been excelled by none who preceded him.
The Independent Fusileers, and a company of militia, in complete uniform, paraded in honor of the day.
The day was celebrated with the greatest hilarity and good humor, by every class of citizens, and at sunset a discharge of cannon concluded the entertainments.
The Cincinnati, agreeably to their institution, dined together, at Mr. Bryant's Hall, in Equality-Lane.
Latest European Intelligence, by an arrival at Boston from Liverpool.
LISBON, April 14.
LIEUT. Gen. Bernard Ramirez Esq. has been appointed admiral of our fleet, which will be composed of 11 ships of the line, 2 frigates and 2 brigs, and are at present on the Tagus, between Junqueira and Belem, ready to put to sea. Twelve hundred young men from Oporto have offered to serve as volunteers on board this fleet, as well as many sailors from the adjacent provinces to the amount of 4000.
GERMERSHEIM, May 6.
The Prince of Conde has announced to the Bretons who are under his command, that he has received intelligence that all Brittany, except Brest, has submitted to the royalists, and that he wishes they would use all the means in their power to go thither, where they may be of more service than with him.
OSTEND, May 18.
A fleet has just anchored in our roads, supposed to be the artillery from the river Thames. The French, who are in great force at Dunkirk, are again threatening us. Last night there was a long skirmishing between our advanced posts and them near Furnes; but as we have not heard any thing since morning, we suppose they have retreated again.
QUIEVRAIN, May 12.
The French to the number of 1200, at 5 this morning made a sortie from Conde and pushed forward to attack our advanced posts, which to draw them the nearer, made a feint to retreat. In the interim the enemy set fire in old Conde, to two farm-houses by which our chas- seurs were covered. It was then that a battalion of infantry took them in flank and repulsed them vigorously—killed a number of them: As they gave no quarter they bro't in no prisoners. On our side we had 6 men killed and two horses wounded.
The army under the command of his serene highness the prince of Saxe Cobourg has at this time a free communication with that of gen. Clairfait.
We learn by the French deserters that their commander in chief, Dampiere, was interred on the right wing of the camp of Famars.
Private letters from Worms state, that the French Gen. Custine, has been made prisoner, with a part of the troops under his command.
FRANKFORT, April 27.
The French army on the Moselle, consisting of 40,000 men, has made a movement in front, and again taken possession of Deux-Ponts and Hambourg. It is supposed however, that they will soon be driven thence again, as the reigning duke of Brunswick, at the head of a body of 20,000 Prussians, Austrians and Hessians, is marching to the relief of this Duchy. [See an article of 28th April, in our last Gazette.]
BRUSSELS, May 15.
The French troops, disappointed in their efforts to succour Conde, have in great part retired to the camp at Famars, and the remainder to garrison the different frontier towns.
OSTEND, May 18.
A fleet has just anchored in our roads, supposed to be the artillery from the river Thames. The French who are in great force at Dunkirk, are again threatening us. Last night there was a long skirmishing be-
between our advanced posts and them near Furnes; but as we have not heard any thing since morning, we suppose they have retreated again.
LONDON, May 9.
The Spanish Register ship is not, as has been stated, condemned as a prize to the re-captors, there not having been yet time for the customary process of the High Admiralty Court. The legal opinions in this new case are, however, strongly in their favor, and the Spanish Ambassador says, this opinion coincides with the laws of his country. The amount of the specie already come at 450,000, and the whole of the cargo will net about $200,000.
May 17. The right wing of the Coldstream regiment were the troops that suffered most in the attack of the 8th. It consisted of four companies, commanded by Colonels Bofville, Gascogne, Freemantle, and Fitzroy—the 1st lost 21 men, the 2d 19, the 3d 14, and the 4th 9 killed and wounded.
Philadelphia, July 17.
A letter from Baltimore contains the following particulars relative to the cause of the late events at Cape-Francois:
The most circumstantial account we have received of the cause of this fatal disaster, throws considerable part of the censure on the inhabitants of the Cape; it appears that Gen. Galbaud arrived there in the absence of the commissioners; that he found the town in great want of provisions, which he had not money to purchase; that he offered the Americans fourteen dollars per barrel for flour, payable in drafts on Philadelphia or France; that the Americans refused to receive such payment, but offered their flour at 12 dollars for specie, or the produce of the island; that the inhabitants, pleased with the generosity of this offer, agreed with the General to furnish the produce, in consequence of which agreement, the Americans delivered their flour, and then the inhabitants would not comply with their promises—at this stage of the business the commissioners arrived—they censured the general for exceeding his powers, and so deified what they conceived to be his authority, that he refused to remain in the island, and determined on returning to France. The commissioners however confirmed the purchase from the Americans, and assessed the inhabitants heavily for the payment—the latter disgusted with the tax, invited the general and admiral (who it seems was displeased also with his treatment) to an attack on the commissioners, they landed for the purpose, and the inhabitants refused their aid; the commissioners and their party sustained the attack of their adversaries two days, and it then would appear that each party considered itself in danger, the one retired to the shipping, the other to the country; the reviled Negroes were admitted into the town, and then scenes of unutterable horror were committed."
On Sunday last Admiral Sercey, commanding the fleet from Cape-Francois, arrived in town from Baltimore.
The ship Washington, of Wilmington, Delaware, arrived at that port last Sunday evening, after six weeks passage from Londonderry, with about 300 passengers.
The committee appointed by the citizens on the 9th instant, to pursue measures for the relief of the distressed citizens of Cape-Francois, in the fulfilment of their duty recommend, that subscriptions be opened in the respective wards of the city, in the district of Southwark, and the township of the Northern Liberties, for the benevolent purpose of supplying the wants of such of the distressed as are or may arrive in this city, and those that are already in great numbers at Baltimore, and Norfolk in Virginia. The following gentlemen are accordingly solicited to co-operate with the committee in raising the amount and sums collected to a meeting of the subscribers that may be appointed hereafter—
North Mulberry Ward.
William Van Pelt, Edmund Randolph, Godfrey Haga, John Baker, Philip Wagen.
South Mulberry.
Leonard Dorsey, Thomas Morris, Christopher Kucher, Michael Hillegas, Joseph B. McKean.
North Ward.
Henry Kammerer, Charles Biddle, Jonathan Jones, Joseph Anthony, Lawrence Sickle.
High Street.
John Morrell, William Wells.
Upper Delaware.
Andrew Hodge, Henry Pratt.
Lower Delaware.
John Duffield, John Gill.
Walnut Ward.
Casper Morris, Robert Smith, James Crawford.
Chestnut Ward.
John Stille, Senior, Benjamin Smith, William Poyntell.
Middle Ward.
Israel Israel, George Bickham, Francis Bailey, Benjamin F. Bache.
South Ward.
Thomas Harrison, Samuel M. Fox, Charles Marshall, Matthew M'Connell.
Dock Ward.
John Purdon, Joseph Lownes, Thomas M. Willing, George Meade.
New Market Ward.
Daniel Smith, Clement Stocker, Robert Wharton, Walter Stewart.
South Ward.
William Clifton, Thomas Penrose, Joseph Huddle.
Northern Liberties.
William Coates, Robert Hare, Peter Brown, Jacob Servoss.
The benevolence of the citizens of Baltimore, manifested towards the fugitives from Cape-Francois, exceeds all praise. Fifteen thousand Dollars were subscribed in a very short time—and various expedients are devised by their committees, to find employment for the mechanics, and convenient accommodations for the whole.
Their exertion appear to make the most sensible impressions on the minds of our unfortunate allies—Surely the blessing of the Father of Mercies, will descend on their heads, who thus hold out the cup of consolation to those who were ready to perish.
Letters from New-York say that the Ambassador arrived there from a cruise.
One hundred and twenty vessels have entered the Chesapeake bay, with upwards of 1200 passengers, men, women and children, on board, many of whom have escaped by swimming from fire and sword, naked, and in want of every thing.
The French fleet arrived in Chesapeake, carried in two valuable Dutch prizes.
Extract of a Letter from a Merchant in Barcelona, to a Gentleman in this City, dated April 20.
"No doubt you have been informed before this, that Spain and England are engaged against France. Those powers have been careful with regard to navigation; the Spanish governments having stationed frigates, and other armed ships along the Spanish coast from this place and Gibraltar, with orders to protect every vessel coming this way with grain and any other goods; consequently the English and American vessels, on coming into the straits will meet with a safe convoy; nor will they be molested by the Barbary cruisers; so that it is not necessary to charter neutral vessels, as those are equally safe and may be had on lower freight than neutral ships."
"The cargo of wheat and flour from America, is just sold to the magistrates of that city, the wheat at the extraordinary high price of 115 reals per quarter, and the flour 125 reals per quintal."
Extract of a letter from Boston, July 9.
"There seems to be a universal acquiescence in the measures of government in this quarter; and unless more successful efforts are made to stir up the people to their own injury, peace will continue to bless us."
Extract of a letter from a neighbouring country town.
"Claw me and I'll claw you."
SCOTCH PROVERB.
"A few high metled idlers of our town finding no other chance by which to distinguish themselves from the multitude, have of late determined to meet together and confer on each other the title of "MEMBER OF THE DEMOCRATIC CLUB"—under this plausible name they hope the public mind may be led to repose intire confidence in all their doings. Whether they will to choose from their own society the officers of government, or to alter any law that may not suit the particular situation of any of the members, it is presumed that no one will dare to oppose their measures."
"Should any one be so impertinent as to ask, is not this the minority dictating to the majority? the answer is, it is the voice of the Democratic Club."
"I had determined to enlist myself with this party, but my friend and neighbour has suggested to me that in time the Democratic Order will become Noble, and that it will subject our country to trouble. I should be much obliged to any friend of yours for his opinion on the subject before I am enrolled, "A DEMOCRAT."
UNIVERSITY of PENNSYLVANIA
JULY 12, 1793
THE variation for the Philosophical Classes commences on Monday the 15th instant, and is to continue six weeks; and for the different schools, belonging to the Institution, on Monday the 29th instant, to continue four weeks.
The Commencement for conferring Degrees on the Students of the Senior Class, who have been already examined before the Faculty and Trustees, and approved of by them, will be held on the 2d Wednesday of September next.
As the Philosophical Professors will begin their courses of Lectures about the 1st of September, to the Classes under their care, and as it is usual for Students from distant parts, who wish to finish their education in the University, to enter one or other of these Classes, according to their proficiency in Literature, it is recommended to such Students to make their applications for admission at that time.
The Lectures of the Provost for the benefit of the Medical Students, will begin, as usual, on the first of November, when the Lectures of the Medical Professors commence.
By order of the Faculty, WM. ROGERS, Sec'y.
For the Constitution, &c. of the Democratic Society, see 4th page.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
  Ship Robert, Jacobs, Honduras   Jenny, Marschalk, New-York   Industry, Coffin, Lewis Town   Industry, Haven, New-Hampshire   Brig Peggy, Morris, Savannah   Chickley, Cavanagh, St. John's   Hetty, Woods, St. Thomas   Active, M'Keever, St. Croix   Duron, Desklin, Marseilles   Derry Packet, M'Carthy, Honduras   Lively, Hickman, Boston   Sch'r Sally, Wilson, ditto   Commerce, Shaw, Casco Bay   Sloop Mary, Mulford, New-York   Betty, Breman, New-London 
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  6 per Cents, 18 3/4   3 per Cents, 10 3/4   Deferred, 11 1/2   Full shares Bank U. S. 5 per cent. adv. 

PHILADELPHIA.
At a meeting of the Democratic Society of Pennsylvania, held at the city of Philadelphia, for the said city, July 3d, 1793—
On motion, ordered, That the Committee of Correspondence do publish in one or more of the public newspapers of this city, the Principles, Articles, and Regulations agreed upon by this meeting, together with a list of the names of the officers thereof, and the Circular Letter ordered to be sent to the different counties.
Extract from the minutes, JOHN PORTER, Secretary.
Principles, Articles, and Regulations,
AGREED UPON BY THE MEMBERS
OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY in Philadelphia, May 30, 1793.
THE Rights of Man, the genuine objects of society, and the legitimate principles of government, have been clearly developed by the successive revolutions of America and France. Those events have withdrawn the veil, which concealed the dignity and the happiness of the human race, and have taught us, no longer dazzled with adventitious splendour, or awed by antiquated usurpation, to erect the Temple of Liberty on the ruins of palaces and thrones.
At this propitious period, when the nature of Freedom and Equality is thus practically displayed, and when their value, (best understood by those who have paid the price of acquiring them) is universally acknowledged, the patriotic mind will naturally be solicitous, by every proper precaution, to preserve and perpetuate the blessings which Providence hath bestowed upon our country;—for, in reviewing the history of nations, we find occasion to lament, that the vigilance of the people has been too easily absorbed in victory—and that the prize, which has been achieved by the wisdom and valour of one generation, has too often been lost by the ignorance and supineness of another.
With a view, therefore, to cultivate a just knowledge of rational liberty, to facilitate the enjoyments and exercise of our civil rights, and to transmit, unimpaired, to posterity, the glorious inheritance of a free Republican Government, the Democratic Society of Pennsylvania is constituted and established. Unfettered by any religious or national distinctions, unbiaffed by party, and unmoved by ambition, this institution embraces the interest and invites the support of every virtuous citizen. The public good is, indeed, its sole object, and we think that the best means are pursued for obtaining it, when we recognize the following, as the fundamental principles of our association.
I.
That the people have the inherent and exclusive right and power of making and altering forms of government; and that for regulating and protecting our social interests, a Republican Government is the most natural and beneficial form which the wisdom of man has devised.
II.
That the Republican Constitutions of the United States, and of the State of Pennsylvania, being framed and established by the people, it is our duty, as good citizens, to support them. And in order effectually to do so, it is likewise the duty of every freeman, to regard with attention, and to discuss without fear, the conduct of the public servants, in every department of government.
III.
That, in considering the administration of public affairs, men and measures should be estimated according to their intrinsic merits; and therefore, regardless of party spirit or political connection, it is the duty of every citizen, by making the general welfare the rule of his conduct, to aid and approve those men and measures that have an influence in promoting the prosperity of the commonwealth.
IV.
That in the choice of persons to fill the offices of government, it is essential to the existence of a free Republic, that every citizen should act according to his own judgment, and, therefore, any attempt to corrupt or delude the people in exercising the rights of suffrage, either by promi-
ing the favour of one candidate, or traducing the character of another, is an offence equally injurious to moral rectitude and civil liberty.
V.
That the People of Pennsylvania form but one indivisible community, whose political rights and interests, whose national honour and prosperity must, in degree and duration, be forever the same; and, therefore, it is the duty of every freeman, and shall be the endeavor of the Democratic Society, to remove the prejudices, to conciliate the affections, to enlighten the understandings, and to promote the happiness of all our fellow citizens.
Having united under these principles, we adopt the following rules and regulations for transacting the business of the institution.
ARTICLE I.
The Society shall be co-extensive with the State, but for the convenience of the members, there shall be a separate meeting in the city of Philadelphia, and one in each county, which shall chuse to adopt this constitution. A member admitted in the city or in any county, shall of course be a member of the Society at large, and may attend any of the meetings wherever held.
ARTICLE II.
A meeting of the Society shall be held in the city of Philadelphia, on the first Thursday in every month, and in the respective counties as often and at such times as they shall by their own rules determine. But the President of each respective meeting may convene the members on any special occasion.
ARTICLE III.
The election of new members and of the officers of the Society shall be by ballot and by a majority of the votes of the members present at each respective meeting. But no new members shall be voted for at the same meeting at which he is proposed. The names of the members proposing any candidates for admission shall be entered in a book kept for that purpose. Every member on his admission shall subscribe this constitution and pay the sum of half a dollar to the Treasurer for the use of the Society.
ARTICLE IV.
The officers of the meeting in the city of Philadelphia shall consist of a President, two Vice-Presidents, two Secretaries, one Treasurer, and a Corresponding Committee of five members; and the meetings of the respective counties shall chuse a President and such other officers as they think proper. The officers of the meeting held in the city of Philadelphia shall be chosen on the first Thursday in January in every year.
ARTICLE V.
It shall be the duty of the Corresponding Committee, to correspond with the various meetings of the Society and with all other Societies, that may be established on similar principles, in any other of the United States, and to lay all communications which they shall make and receive, together with such other business as they shall from time to time deem proper, before the Society at a meeting held within their respective counties.
ARTICLE VI.
It shall be the duty of the Secretaries to keep minutes of the proceedings of the several meetings; and of the Treasurers, to receive and account for all monies to them respectively paid.
[CIRCULAR.]
FELLOW CITIZEN,
WE have the pleasure to communicate to you a copy of the constitution of "THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY," in hopes that after a candid consideration of its principles and objects, you may be induced to promote its adoption in the county, of which you are an inhabitant.
Every mind capable of reflection, must perceive, that the present crisis in the politics of nations, is particularly interesting to America. The European confederacy, transcendent in power, and unparalleled in iniquity, menaces the very existence of freedom. Already its baneful operation may be traced in the tyrannical destruction of the constitution, and the rapacious partition of the territory of Poland: And should the glorious efforts of France be eventually defeated, we have reason to presume, that for the consummation of monarchical ambition, and the security of its establishments, this country, the only remaining depository of
Liberty, will not long be permitted to enjoy in peace the honors of an independent, and the happiness of a republican government.
Nor are the dangers arising from a foreign source, the only causes, at this time, of apprehension and solicitude. The seeds of Luxury appear to have taken root in our domestic soil; and the jealous eye of patriotism already regards the spirit of freedom and equality, as eclipsed by the pride of wealth and the arrogance of power.
This general view of our situation, has led to the institution of "THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY." A constant circulation of useful information, and a liberal communication of republican sentiments, were thought to be the best antidotes to any political poison, with which the vital principles of civil liberty might be attacked; For by such means, a fraternal confidence will be established among the citizens; every symptom of innovation will be studiously marked; and a standard will be erected, to which, in danger and distress, the friends of liberty may successfully resort.
To obtain these objects, then, and to cultivate on all occasions, the love of peace, order, and harmony; an attachment to the constitutions, and a respect to the laws of our country, will be the aim of "THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY." Party and personal considerations are excluded from a system of this nature; for, in the language of the Articles under which we are united, men and measures will only be estimated according to their intrinsic merits, and their influence in promoting the prosperity of the state.
From you, Citizen, we hope to derive essential aid, in extending the society and maintaining its genuine principles. We request, therefore, an early attention to the subject, and solicit a constant correspondence.
We are with esteem your
Fellow Citizens.
Philadelphia, 4th July, 1793.
Officers of the Democratic Society, for the city and liberties of Philadelphia.
David Rittenhouse, President.
William Coats, Charles Biddle, Vice-presidents.
James Hutchinson, Alexander J. Dallas, Committee
Michael Leib, Jonathan D. Sergeant of correspondence.
David Jackson, Israel Ischia, Treasurer.
J. Porter, P. St. Duponceau, Secretaries.
BANK of the UNITED STATES.
JULY 1st, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given that there will be paid at the Bank after the 10th instant, to the Stockholders or their Representatives duly authorized, FOURTEEN DOLLARS and FIFTY CENTS for each Share, being the dividend declared for the last six months.
By order,
JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
R U L E S
To be observed in transacting Business with the
Insurance Company
OF NORTH-AMERICA.
1st. ALL orders for Insurance must be given in writing, signed by the applicant; and as minute a description of the vessel is expected, as the person ordering the insurance can give, respecting her age, built, how found and fitted, and whether double or single decked.
2d. All policies will be ready for delivery in twenty-four hours after the order for insurance is accepted at the office, and the policy must be taken up in ten days.
3d. Notes, with an approved endorser, for all premiums, must be given in ten days, payable as follows:
For American and West-India risks, in three months after the date of the policy.
For European risks, in six months.
For India and China risks, in 12 months.
For risks by the year, in eight months.
For risks for six months, in four months.
And for risks for any lesser time, in three months.
4th. Losses will be paid in ten days after proof and adjustment; but if the note given for the premium shall not have become due within that time, the amount of it shall, nevertheless, be deducted from the loss to be paid.
The Insurance Company of North-America hereby give notice to all whom it may concern, that, agreeably to the above rules, they are ready to receive all orders for insurance, which may be addressed to them, accompanied with directions to some responsible house in Philadelphia for the payment of the premiums within the time limited.
In case the risks offered shall be approved, the insurance shall be immediately effected; otherwise notice shall be given, either by answer to the person applying, or to his agent, in Philadelphia, as may be ordered.
By order of the Directors,
EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'ty.
July 3.
4w
To the Public.
THE Editor of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Prices: Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds: Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTISING favors will be gratefully received.
TERMS.
To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next.
The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence.
In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant,
JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dufour, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of subscription papers, and by the Editor at his house, No. 341 North Fifth Street.
Philadelphia, July, 1793.
THE EDITOR
MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible.—Those persons who have received subscription money on his account are desired to remit the same. The arrears are for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of this expensive publication. Philadelphia, June 26.
INSURANCE COMPANY.
PHILADELPHIA, July 1st, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given to the members of the Insurance Company of North America, that the Directors have declared a dividend (to this day) of six per cent on the amount of the first instalment, and of one per cent per month, on the sums paid towards the second and third instalments, calculating from the first day of the month following that in which these payments were made. The Dividend will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives, at the Company's Office, (No. 119, South Front Street) at any time after the 7th inst.
EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'ty.
As the members of this Company are much dispersed throughout the United States, the Printers in the several states are requested to give the above a place in their newspapers.
Albany Glass-House.
The Proprietors of the Glass-Manufactory, under the Firm of M'CLALLEN, M'GREGOR and Co. BEG leave to inform the public, that they have now brought their WINDOW-GLASS to such perfection, as will be found, on comparison, to be equal, in quality, to the best London Crown Glass.
Having fixed their prices at a lower rate than imported Glass, they are induced to believe, that importations of this article will be discontinued, in proportion as their works are extended.—They propose to enlarge the scale of this business, and as the success of it will depend on the patriotic support of the public, they beg leave to solicit their friendly patronage in the pursuit of a branch which will interest every lover of AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.
All orders for WINDOW-GLASS, of any size, will be received at the Store of RHODES and MACGREGOR, No. 234, Queen-Street, New-York, and at the Glass Warehouse, No. 48, Market-Street, Albany, which will be punctually attended to.
WANTED, six smart active LADS, not exceeding 16 years of age, to be indentured as Apprentices, and regularly instructed in the various branches of Glass-Making.
Also, three Window-Glass Makers, to whom great encouragement will be given.
May 1, 1793.
4017w
GENERAL POST-OFFICE, Philadelphia, May 27, 1793.
500 Dollars Reward.
WHEREAS a certain THOMAS SLOSS GANTT, has lately made his escape from Baltimore County Gaol, to which he was committed under a charge of having robbed the Eastern Mail, on the 28th day of January last; Notice is hereby given, that a reward of five hundred dollars will be paid at this Office, to any person or persons who shall apprehend the said Thomas Sloss Gantt, and deliver him into the custody of the keeper of the said Gaol, or into the custody of either of the Marshals within the United States, so that the said Thomas Sloss Gantt may be effectually secured, and forth coming to answer the above mentioned charge.
TIMOTHY PICKERING,
Post-Master General.
The following is a description of the above named THOMAS SLOSS GANTT: He is about six feet high, straight and well made, has light coloured hair, tied behind, fair complexion and has a down look when spoken to.