Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-02-06 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXXVI.]
SATURDAY FEBRUARY 6, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXXVI.
"Popularity is a different thing from influence."
IT may seem a contradiction, but it is very true, that a man may be a favorite of the people at large, while he has little or no personal influence over individuals. The causes which make a man popular are not those which make him respected. A man by cherishing the prejudices, and playing upon the weaknesses of the populace, may render himself the object of their favors, though at the same time, he may not be supposed a person either of talents or integrity.
Popularity allures the imagination so forcibly that it betrays us into errors, and tempts us to depart from those principles, which alone can procure real weight of character. There is no point in which men deceive themselves so much, as in the pleasure and advantage, they expect to derive from popular applause. This is a bubble that will often burst; a phantom that will disappear upon the slightest touches. It is easy to perceive that the popularity of most men is liable to so much uncertainty and vexation, that a discerning person can behold it without envy or desire. How can it be otherwise? Can it reasonably be expected that applause or preferment, procured without merit, and bestowed without discretion, can be of any long duration?
There may however be instances of men, who may be the idol of the people, and yet possess such real excellence of character as to be held in estimation by the wise and virtuous. Such examples are rare and do not refute the general remark, that popularity is no proof of abilities or honesty. The only sure way to acquire and preserve influence is to observe a just and honorable line of conduct. There may be a more expeditious method to gain popular notice, but it will prove fallacious in the end. Nothing can be more easy than to flatter and deceive mankind, and perhaps an artful man may carry on the deception for years, but he will lead a life of risque and disquietude.
In a country like this, many persons wish fame and promotion. To obtain them, by some means or other, is one of the strongest inclinations an ambitious man can feel. His impetuosity drives him into measures that may for a while succeed; but it is only the prudent and virtuous character who can depend on maintaining an influence in society.
A man who acts on consistent principles may in moments of popular delusion be disregarded and overlooked; but take chances as they rise, he will probably gain more honor and advantage, than the man of duplicity who flatters the humors, rather than promotes the interest of the community.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
I HAVE seen the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and considered it with the attention which the importance of the subject deserves. It is not to derogate from his merit, or with a view to embarrass public measures, that I take up my pen. He is a man of acknowledged abilities, must be possessed of the best information, and I have no reason to doubt the goodness of his heart; yet I cannot say that I am satisfied either with his scheme or the reasoning upon which it is founded.
Politicks are not my province, I have no right to guide the helm of state, nor have I abilities to direct those who have, yet thanks to the united exertions of my countrymen I am a freeman, and as such have a right to give my sentiments on public measures: if they have no weight in themselves they will fall of course, their being mine will not support them.
The grand proposition is "that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit, is a matter of high importance to the honor and prosperity of the United States." But how this public credit is to be honorably supported is the important question, to this he truly answers "by good faith, by a punctual performance of contracts," and he further observes that "It is agreed on all hands, that that part of the debt which has been contracted abroad and is denominated the foreign debt, ought to be provided for according to the precise terms of the contract," and how else I would ask, will any contract be "punctually performed?" But the domestic debt of the United States is immensely large, and here the interesting problem occurs, "Is it in the power of the United States?" On this point we differ widely, his reasoning tends to shew that it is not, in prudence. I shall endeavor hereafter to shew that it is, but must beg leave first to make a few observations on his plans for the reduction of the interest. Notwithstanding his observations on the sacred nature of contracts, and his declaration "that no change in the rights of its creditors ought to be attempted without their voluntary consent, and that this consent ought to be voluntary in fact as well as in name," let us see how the sequel of the plan agrees with these observations and declarations. A subscription to a loan is offered, with various inducements. If I voluntarily subscribe to this loan, on any of these inducements, all is well enough; tho' the old contract is not complied with, yet a new one is entered into with my voluntary approbation; but if I do not choose to subscribe to the new loan, how then? Why then after the interest on all the rest of the public debts is paid, I may come in for a share of what money is left, if there is any; but am I to receive that share on the terms of my contract? No, truly, I shall even then receive my interest only at four per cent. Is this then supporting the public credit with honor? Is this a sacred compliance with contracts and a voluntary subscription? Just as voluntary as the donations made by the clergy on the demand of the Roman Pontiff or the most Christian King.
But what have Americans done that they are not equally entitled with foreigners to a strict compliance with "the precise terms of their contracts?" Or what security shall we have that we shall not, ten years hence be called upon voluntarily to enter into a new contract ? Can any obligation which shall at present be entered into be more binding than the words of the present constitution, which says, art. 6. "All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution shall be as valid * against the United States under this constitution, as under the confederation."
But granting, what by the way I utterly deny, that the interest of the public debt, computed at 6 per cent. is not in "the power of the United States" to command, yet the scheme for the reduction of it and the inducements held out are not so clear to common understandings as I could wish, it therefore opens a field for the knowing ones to take advantage of the less knowing, and I think we have travelled too long already in the road of speculation. A considerable part of it is calculated upon the spirit of adventure, whereas private economy and individual industry ought to be promoted by every measure of government.
But it will be said that no man ought to object to a measure, unless he will propose what he thinks better.
Let us therefore consider whether the interest on the public debt is so immense, that an adequate provision for it is not "in the power of the United States." According to the statements made by the Secretary, the principal of the foreign debt, is 10,070,307 dollars, the annual interest
The prin. of the the domestic debt 27,383,917 47 the annual interest of which at 6 pr. cent. is 1,643,035 5
The whole annual interest then is, 2,185,634 71 Add to this for current services, 600,000
The amount of the annual demand is then 2,785,634 71 An immense sum it is true, but who will say it exceeds the power of the United States, when by the estimate of the Secretary's report it is stated that one branch of the revenue only, viz. the impost may be made immediately to meet the annual sum of 2,843,400
Which leaves a surplus of 57,765 19 annually, without the Post-Office, estimated at 100,000 more, and both of these are considered as increasing branches of the revenue.
It will be observed that in this calculation, I have not taken in the state debts, true I have not, and for two very obvious reasons, viz. That the United States have no more right to intermeddle with the state debts than with the private debts of individuals, and that the States are much more competent to this object themselves than the United States can be.
But it will be said that I have made no calculation upon the arrears of interest in the above statement, true I have not, my object was to examine whether our annual resources were not equal to our annual expenditures, and I think I have fairly shewn that by the best estimates that can at present be procured they are fully equal after making a very handsome allowance for failures and contingences.
The interest on the domestic debt to the 31st December 1790 is estimated at Dollars. 13,030,168 20
From this sum deduct two years interest, viz. from December 31, 1788, 3,286,970 10
The remainder is 9,744,098 10 For the payment and redemption of which, measures ought immediately to be taken.
I deduct two years interest, as above, because measures ought to be taken for the payment of the interest due for the year 1789, within the course of the year 1790, and in future the payment of the interest for every year ought to commence the first day of the next succeeding year, this, though but half a years interest should be paid at a time, which by the way I think will be easiest for the public and most advantageous for the individual, and will be a degree of punctuality of which no creditor will ever complain.
By a number of acts of the late Congress of the United States, requisitions have been made upon the several States both in actual money and indents; some of these have perhaps been fully complied with, and others in part, by particular States; there are however large sums in arrear upon those requisitions from every State, these ought never to be lost sight of, because the several States not having paid in proportion to each other, great injustice would be done by it to those States which have paid with the most alacrity. I would propose therefore that indents should issue for the arrears of interest on the whole of the domestic debt to the 31st December, 1788, that the several States should be immediately required to pay in the arrearages of the requisitions made by the former government, and that the indents be received in payment as far as they will extend; the remainder in efficient money. I have not at hand sufficient documents to make the necessary estimates, but do not doubt these arrearages will be found sufficient to redeem the whole of the indents and pay the arrearages of interest on the foreign debt.
But it will be said you have proposed that the interest for the year 1789 shall be paid in the course of this year, how is this to be done seeing we have not the cash in hand? I answer let impost bills be struck, to the amount of one years interest, which shall be receivable, by the several collectors, for all duties both on imports and tonnage, except the duties on wine and spirits imported, which should be payable in specie only, and let those bills be issued immediately for the payment of the last years interest. As this according to the estimates made by the Secretary would all be collected within the course of a year, it would answer the United States every purpose of money in the payment of interest; it would answer the individual every purpose of money in the payment of duties, and, if the necessary punctuality is kept up in the collection, it would be ready in the public offices by the times at which it would be wanted to pay the present years interest; by this continual rotation and demand it would be saved from depreciation and made to answer every valuable purpose.
The amount of the duties on wine and spirits imported, and the neat proceeds of the Post-Office should be reserved for the payment of the interest on the foreign debt and the current expences of government.
I cannot but be surprised to hear people cry out, and sometimes men of information too, that the public debt is so great, that at the present rate of interest, it would sink the whole United States; surely these persons do not reflect on what they say, for clear it is from the statement which I have made, that the United States are competent to making "an adequate provision for the support of public credit," even on the present terms of the contract, and that without attempting at direct taxation.—But supposing the whole of the revenue arising from the impost and tonnage duties and the post-office should be appropriated to the payment of the
* The members of the present Congress have all sworn to support this article of the constitution.
interest, and reduction of the principal, of the foreign debt, and the current expences, yet internal taxation would prove a source sufficient for the interest of the domestic debt, and the land-office under proper regulations might form a fund for its extinguishment: so that we need not even then despair.
The annual interest on the domestic debt, is but 1,643,035 5 dollars, and Mr. Jefferson, in his notes on Virginia, if I mistake not, says, that State alone can raise one million of dollars annually, by internal taxation, and this observation will be supported by what the State of New-Jersey has done and is actually doing; this small State without impost or excise, or other resource, notwithstanding she was at the same time paying duties on imports to the neighboring States of New-York and Pennsylvania, to near the amount of the present continental duties, by mere dint of internal taxation, has, for four years past, annually paid interest on the domestic debt of the United States,
Dollars. 83,358 And for the same time, to the receiver of continental taxes, at the rate of 6,500 And for two years past has annually raised for the payment of invalid pensioners, 10,666 60
Amounting to 100,524 60 Besides which she has supported her own government, pays £12,500 annually for the interest on the State debt, and has between June 1787, and November 1789, reduced the principal of that debt £29,477 18/.* yet so far are they from considering themselves overburdened when the public good is the object, that the legislature at their last sitting have ordered an additional tax of £12,500 to be raised within the course of the present year, for sinking so much of the paper money of the State now in circulation.
The amount of the State debt on the 1st November, 1789, was £266,277 6 11,—from the above statement therefore it appears, that New-Jersey is able to pay her proportion + of the interest on the domestic debt of the United States, on the present terms of the contract, besides supporting the government, paying the interest on the State debt, and extinguishing the principal in less than 22 years, and that if she should be relieved from paying the interest on the continental debt, she can extinguish her State debt in about seven years—and this she has been enabled to do by a judicious issue of revenue paper, for the payment of one years interest in advance, which has been collected every year for the payment of the next years interest agreeably to the mode which I have proposed to be put in practice by the United States—I know it will be objected that the Jersey paper has depreciated—true it has, but the revenue paper did not until it was injudiciously burdened with an emission of £100,000 in loan-office paper, to continue in circulation unredeemed for twelve years, and with it made a legal tender—but suppose it had depreciated before that time, it had one grand difficulty to encounter which continental paper would not, viz. that there was no object to create a demand for it in any State but our own, whereas all our trade was carried on with our neighboring States, and the balance entirely against us, of course it was to make payments in other States that money was principally in demand. A JERSEY MAN.
* The statement published with the Secretary's report is unauthenticated and very erroneous. + About one seventeenth part.
FRANCE.
THO' an Archbishop holds the great seal of France the royal assent was given, and the great seal affixed to the decree of the national assembly almost the instant it was presented, by which the church is stripped of her immense possessions.
This decree will be felt by those who probably did not think themselves likely to be affected by it, for the principle on which it is founded, shakes the tenure by which every corporate body in France holds property.
The decree for suspending for a time, or provisionally, the power of ecclesiastical superiors to admit any person of either sex to make religious or monastic vows, also received the royal assent.
L O N D O N, November, 4.
Extract a letter from Madrid, October 6.
"In order to prevent the consequences of the spirit of insurrection, which is spreading from kingdom, to kingdom, and has already made some progress in this, our Monarch has resolved to assemble the ancient Courts of Spain. His Majesty has accordingly announced to all the towns who have a right to send Deputies to prepare for such Purpose."
"This solemn Assembly is to be held in this capital, at the Place del Buon Retiro, in the great Hall of the kingdom—thus named, because it contains the armories of the seventeen kingdoms which compose this Monarchy."
UNITED STATES.
G E O R G E - T O W N, January 27.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman in New Orleans, to his friend in this town, dated 12th Dec. 1789.
"The sparks of liberty which were discovered some time past in South-America have now actually broke out into a flame. Yes, my friend, the American Fever, which has shaken to its foundations the thrones of enlightened Europe, has found its way to this land of ignorance and superstition:—by accounts received over land from Mexico, all bids fair for a revolution. The inhabitants of this rich and fertile country, who have been the dupes and sport of priest-craft for centuries past, begin to open their eyes—they have refused to pay the fourth part of the produce of their mines to the king, in consequence of which the viceroy ordered the European troops to take possession of some of the most valuable mines in

the neighbourhood of the city of Mexico—this happened in October last; and about the 20th of Nov. upwards of 7000 of the inhabitants appeared under arms, amongst whom were the most respected characters of the country; they marched and attacked the troops who had taken possession of their property; an engagement took place—the greater part of the king's troops fell a sacrifice, and the people retook their property—they were afterwards joined by a large body of Indians (who make the greater part of the inhabitants) and then proceeded to the city of Mexico, where they took possession of the King's magazines, arsenals, &c. the viceroy, the chief officers, the priests and jesuits, the most obnoxious to the natives, fled towards Carthagena. Two expresses arrived here over land. Government wishes to conceal it from the people, but time will disclose the whole of this interesting affair."
N E W-Y O R K, Feb. 5.
The district court for the district of New-York was opened on Tuesday last by the Hon. James Duane, Judge of said Court.
The following Gentlemen who had been summoned for the purpose, appeared and were sworn as Grand Jurors, being the first Grand Jury assembled in this State under the authority of the United States, to wit:
Jacob Le Roy, sen. Foreman, Francis Lewis, sen. John Broome, Richard Platt, John Blagge, Eleazer Miller, Samuel B. Webb, Henry Remsen, sen. William Denning, Walter Livingston, William Maxwell, Comfort Sands, Alexander Macomb, William Edgar, Paschal Nelson Smith, James Farquhar, Alexander Stewart, James Nicholson, Frederick Jay, Nicholas Hoffman, Cornelius Ray, Abijah Hammond, Joseph Hallett.
His Honor the Judge then gave the following Charge:
Gentlemen of the Grand Jury.
In a charge to the first Grand Inquest convened for this District, I tread an unbeaten path. We are now become emphatically a nation. A new Constitution pervades the United-States, with adequate powers for their government and protection. New laws are promulged, both with respect to crimes and civil obligations; and new judicatories established for the administration of justice. To examine the nature of those institutions, and their effects on our former system, would be a work of time, and indeed difficult to be accomplished without further experience. But I have no intention to enter upon a discussion so extensive. For us it is sufficient that the constitution and laws of the United-States, are the laws of the land, sanctioned by the highest authority, paramount to all political obligations; and commanding our respect and obedience. Happy are we that thus bound to submission, this constitution, after the strictest scrutiny, is so strongly marked with the approbation of a vigilant and enlightened people! Happy that we may confidently trust it will answer the inestimable purposes expressed in its preamble, that it will "form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."
After this introduction his Honor explained the judiciary powers of the United States—the Nature of the Courts instituted by virtue of those powers—and the several laws of the union, violations of which are the subjects of cognizance to the Grand Jury of this district—and concluded with the following interesting, and important observations.—
"You have perceived how much it must depend on you, and those who may from time to time succeed you as grand jurors, to vindicate the authority of the United States, and particularly to prevent abuse of office, and frauds in the revenue—evils of such pernicious tendency."
"You will therefore be careful and diligent in executing your high trust. The solemn oath which has been administered to you, will regulate your conduct. From your respectable characters I am assured that you will act independently and impartially, as much uninfluenced by the fear, as the favor of men."
"You will present things truly as they exist in, or shall come to your knowledge, weighing every circumstance with deliberation, so that the innocent may not be vexed, nor the guilty escape unpunished."
"I am happy that I have no particular accusation to lay before you; and therefore dismiss you to your duty: not doubting but you will discharge it conscientiously, and merit the thanks of your country."
Thursday the District Court of the United States, for the District of New-York, again met, according to adjournment, when the Grand Jury presented the following address to the Court, in answer to the charge delivered to them at the opening of the court.
To the Hon. JAMES DUANE, Esq. Judge of the District of New-York.
SIR,
We, the Grand Jurors for the District of New-York, beg leave to present our sincere thanks for
your excellent charge, in which the nature of our duty, and the judicial system of the United-States are described in the clearest manner, and recommended by the most cogent reasons.
Convinced that a government marked with the approbation of a vigilant and enlightened people, and calculated to extend the great blessings of liberty and union, to the latest posterity, is entitled to our fullest confidence and support. And sensible that we must chiefly depend upon the due execution of the laws imposing duties, and an impost upon trade and navigation, for the support of our government, the payment of our debts, and the re-establishment of public credit. We conceive it our duty to declare, that our whole conduct shall be regulated by these sentiments; that both by our influence and example, we will endeavor to promote the collection of the public revenue; and that, not only in our present capacity, but as private citizens, we shall exert ourselves to bring offenders to the bar of public justice.
Such sentiments as these we trust are not peculiar to ourselves, nor confined to any rank or description of Citizens; but pervade and will govern the whole community. They are the natural result of universal attachment to a government formed to secure the rights of man, and in which, by necessary consequence, public prosperity is connected with the happiness and safety of individuals.
The Court in reply, thanked the Grand Jury for their respectful address; and observed, that the sentiments it contained were honorable to themselves, and must produce great public good. The Grand Jury were then discharged, and the Court adjourned to meet again according to law.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 3, 1790.
THE bill providing for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States was read the third time.
The time for commencing the business, and the period to be allowed the Marshals for completing it, and making the returns, occasioned considerable debate. The first Monday in August next was agreed to, as the day on which the enumeration shall begin by virtue of this law. But the House did not come to any decision respecting the time to be allowed for making the returns. Several motions were made, which met with various objections—and the further consideration of the bill was postponed.
In committee of the whole on the bill to establish a uniform system of naturalization. The terms on which foreigners shall be admitted to the rights of citizens, occasioned a lengthy debate—which turned principally on the questions Whether residence should be a requisite to entitle to all the rights of citizenship? and if necessary, for what time, previous to the enjoyment of those rights? A diversity, and opposition of sentiment appearing to prevail, on motion, the committee rose, without coming to any determination—and the House adjourned.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 4.
The enrolled bill for giving effect to the laws of the United States in the State of North-Carolina, was brought in by the committee, who reported that they had examined the same, and found it correct—the speaker then signed the same.
Mr. Trumbull of the committee on the memorial of Roger Alden brought in a report which was read, and laid on the table.
The bill for establishing a uniform system of naturalization was again taken into consideration by the committee of the whole.
The motion made yesterday for striking out the words from the bill "and shall have resided within the United States for one whole year" was resumed.
Mr. Stone was in favor of extending the previous time of residence to four or seven years.
Mr. Jackson suggested the propriety of a term of probation, and a recommendation from the grand jury of the district, before foreigners should be admitted to the rights of citizenship. He withheld that such guards should be provided as would prevent the privilege from being bestowed on unworthy objects—for he hoped the time was nigh at hand, when it would be deemed as honorable to be a citizen of the United States, as it formerly was to be a citizen of Rome when she was mistress of the world.
Mr. Lawrance observed that as the United States contained vast tracts of uncultivated territory, it is their interest to have it settled with industrious citizens—and as such citizens are to be obtained by emigration, it becomes the duty of government to hold out every encouragement, they therefore ought not to make their terms of admission difficult.
Mr. Huntington said that the terms of the bill are indefinite—that it requires the emigrant to take an oath that he intends to reside in the United States, but how long and for what purpose are not ascertained in the law.—He may determine to reside here till he accomplishes a particular
object—and may go into the most obscure part of the Union to take this oath.—The community will not be benefited by such emigrants, and therefore ought not to admit them to the privileges of citizens.
The mode of naturalization pointed out by this bill is much too easy.—In the state to which I belong no person can be naturalized but by an act of the legislature; the same is the case in several of the other States, and in England—and I never knew a good inhabitant who wished to be admitted to the rights of citizenship that did not find this mode sufficiently easy.
The term that the emigrant should reside, ought to be long enough to give him an opportunity to acquire a knowledge of the principles of the government, and of those who are most proper to administer it, otherwise he cannot exercise his privilege to the advantage of himself or the community.—He wished therefore that the clause might be amended in such a way as to leave the naturalization of foreigners to the State Legislatures.
Mr. Clymer after some introductory observations said, that in his opinion foreigners should be gradually admitted to the rights of citizens,—that a residence for a certain time should entitle them to hold property, &c. but the higher rights of citizens, such as electing and being elected to office, should require a longer period—permitting these rights to be assumed and exercised at a shorter period would not operate as an inducement to persons to emigrate—as the great object in emigration is generally to procure a more comfortable subsistence, or to better the circumstances of the individuals—and the exercise of particular privileges is but a secondary consideration.
Mr. Page and Mr. Lee, were in favor of an easy mode of admitting foreigners—that the period previous to their enjoying and exercising the rights of citizens, should be short—as this would tend greatly to encouraging emigrations into the United States.
Mr. Seney observed, that the United States have a right to impose the qualifications on the electors of officers for the general government—but have no right to interfere in those of the electors of officers in the State governments—and while I am in favor, said he, of holding out proper encouragement to foreigners, and would very early admit them to hold property, yet I think it would be of dangerous tendency, to admit strangers suddenly to all the rights of citizens. He was opposed to adopting any mode that should interfere with the laws of the particular States, and in favor of recommitting the bill to a select committee.
Mr. Jackson, was also in favor of a recommittal. He said there were so many propositions before the committee that he should not know how to vote—he observed that the ideas of some gentlemen with respect to naturalization, will subject the United States to the inconveniences and impositions which take place in some of the individual States; where it has been frequently the case, that in a warmly contested election, the wharves and shipping have been stripped of sailors, and carried in bodies to vote.
Mr. Burke spoke largely on the subject, and reprobated a system that would produce corruption and a violation of the rights of the citizens in elections, and moved for the recommittal.
Mr. Clymer said he was in favor of the motion, but thought it would be best to pass to the next clause first, which involved the case of that particular class of persons denominated refugees.
Mr. Tucker proposed a clause by which foreigners should be admitted to the rights of citizens, so far as to possess property, immediately after their arrival into the country on taking an oath of fidelity to the United States, and giving satisfactory evidence of their intention to reside therein—and that three years residence should be requisite to entitle to the rights of election.
Mr. Livermore said, that if he could get thro the labyrinth of order, he would move that the committee should rise, and that the bill should be recommitted to a select committee—he observed that in the committee of the whole the business is now involved and perplexed, by motion after motion, in such a manner, that it put in him mind of a certain book which says, that in a certain assembly one hath a psalm, a second hath a doctrine, and another hath a prophecy, &c.—till the whole is in confusion.
He pointed out the difficulties that would result from not making residence a qualification of citizenship—upon the plan of some gentlemen who would admit foreigners upon taking an oath, it is not the United States who make citizens of foreigners—they make themselves citizens.
Mr. Sedgwick was also in favor of the committee's rising, and urged it from the consideration of the small progress that the committee had made in two days discussion of the bill—motion has been piled on motion in such a manner said he, that we appear to be involved in an inextricable labyrinth.
The motion for the rising of the committee was opposed by Mr. Smith (S. C.) he said, that several questions had been discussed so fully, that

the committee could now come to a decision as well, or better than at any other time—It is a question with some gentlemen whether residence shall be requisite to citizenship—this it appeared necessary to determine previous to any further discussion—as the question will continually occur, till the sense of the committee is known—several other questions which depend on this, may now be decided, in this way the mind of the committee may be known, after which the bill may be recommitted to a select committee who may arrange the several parts of the bill so as to meet the general idea more fully.
The motion for the committee's rising was carried in the affirmative.
It was then voted that the bill be recommitted to a select committee consisting of a member from every State.
The House resumed the consideration of the bill for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States.—It was moved to recommit the bill.
Mr. Sedgwick adverting to the present rate of representation of the several States in Congress, and in which there is, said he, the most palpable inequality—observed, that it was absolutely necessary that such an enumeration as would be competent to equalizing the representation should be made previous to the next election—this is expected by the people on the idea of right and justice—and the constitution has wisely provided for it—nor will the people who are not fully represented be easy without enjoying that weight and influence in the national legislature to which they are entitled—Mr. Sedgwick then read a proposition which he meant to offer as a clause to be incorporated in the bill when it shall be recommitted.
Mr. Jackson made some animadversions on this proposition, and reprobated its principles generally, more especially as it would not allow sufficient time to complete the enumeration, and particularly as it proposes that the President of the United States shall determine the number of inhabitants from the returns he shall receive from the Marshals, and the ratio of representation on those returns.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) objected to the proposition as not allowing sufficient time—he then went over the several periods which must probably elapse before the business of enumeration can be completed—from which it appeared that the object of the motion cannot be effected so as to make any alteration in the next election proper.
Mr. White made some observations on the proposition, and pointed out the difficulties that would attend the measure, as some of the States had passed laws regulating the time of elections—and presumed that the Legislature would never delegate to any man, or men, the power of determining the ratio of representation.
Mr. Lawrance was in favor of recommitting the bill: He observed, that it appeared to him, that the rule or ratio of representation ought to be determined previous to ascertaining the number of inhabitants—as in all probability that rule would be agreed to with less prejudice and partiality, while the contingencies which may affect it, are unknown.
Mr. Jackson observed, that this suggestion is an artifice, covered however with too thin a veil not to be seen thro'—it is too unsubstantial to support itself—the Constitution has settled the point already. He then recited those clauses which particularly point out the number of representatives which each State is entitled to elect, previous to any actual enumeration—the Constitution plainly directs an enumeration therefore, before the ratio of a future representation shall be settled.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) observed, that the ratio of representation is already proposed by Congress in the amendments sent out to the Legislatures: He hoped that nothing would be done to impede the progress and ratification of those amendments.
Mr. Sedgwick said, that when he came forward with the proposition, he supposed it founded in such fair and equal principles, that he did not anticipate the smallest objection would have been made by any gentlemen whatever.
It is a simple proposition that justice should be done—that a more equal representation should be attempted, and effected—If inequalities do exist, and that they do, is very evident—can any gentleman object to a remedy?
Some other observations were made, and then the motion for recommitting the bill to a committee of the whole House was put and carried in the affirmative.
FRIDAY, Feb. 5.
A memorial of Joseph Henderson, and John Carnes, executors to the estate of Edward Carnes, deceased, was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The report of the committee on the memorial of Roger Alden, was taken into consideration—this report after stating the services performed by Mr. Alden, in consequence of the charge which devolved on him by having the custody of the papers and records of the late Congress, proposes that he should be allowed a salary at the rate
of 1000 dollars per annum, during the time he has been employed as aforesaid, also necessary expenses—and that the clerk which has been his assistant, be allowed at the rate of 500 dollars per annum.
This report was amended by adding these words after "per annum"— Until the Secretary of State shall enter on the duties of his office —and then accepted, and referred to the committee on appropriations.
The Secretary at war having reported on sundry petitions and memorials referred to him—the reports were read, and laid on the table.
In committee of the whole on the bill for the remission, or mitigation of fines, forfeitures and penalties in certain cases.—The bill was read and discussed in paragraphs. A motion was made that the following words, viz. " Offering to confess judgment for the same " previous to relief being granted, should be struck out.
Mr. Ames said he was indifferent whether the words were retained or struck out—he wished however that the principles of the bill should be well understood—he conceived that a strict adherence to rule even if it should sometimes be attended with some degree of rigor, was a less evil than a lax mode of executing the laws; that it may be considered as a great grievance to have frequent recourse to qualified interpretations of the laws—with regard to the revenue laws, it must strike every person that a certainty in the rule should be maintained in all possible cases—still fines, penalties and forfeitures may be incurred in such a way as may entitle to relief.—The object of the bill is to grant such relief with the least risque to the revenue, and in such way as that the person may receive it as soon as possible.
Mr. Sedgwick was in favor of the motion, and pointed out the injustice of requiring a confession previous to granting relief, as it would violate the feelings of a person not conscious of guilt—besides subjecting him inevitably to the loss of one half his property.
Mr. Burke wished the whole clause should be erased, he said it was like making a man confess murder and then hanging him for his confession.
Mr. Wadsworth stated a case to shew that this law would make the situation of persons designed to be relieved by it, much worse than it now is—and will eventually destroy the coasting trade.
Mr. Lawrance stated the process by the law as it now stands, by which persons absolutely violating the laws intentionally or through ignorance, are precluded from all relief—he therefore insisted that it is necessary that this confession of judgment should accompany the application for relief, in cases designed to be provided for by the bill—without this confession the application appears to be absurd—he was therefore opposed to the motion for striking out the words.
Mr. Smith was in favor of striking out the words.
Mr. Sturges observed, that he did not conceive the relief proposed to be administered, ought to be considered in the light of mercy, but of justice. The mode of relief pointed out by this bill, let the circumstances be as they will, leaves the sufferer in a situation that no person ought to be liable to, who is not guilty of intentional and wilful violation of the laws—for at any rate he is to lose one half his property. He thought the case, stated by the gentleman from South Carolina, very pertinent to the present.
Mr. Fitzsimons said, he hoped if these words are struck out, that the whole clause would be erased, and that there would be a more equitable mode pointed out. He adverted to the practice in England, where the application for relief is made to the Commissioners after trial.
Mr. White followed Mr. Fitzsimons in similar observations.
Mr. Ames entered into a full discussion of the principles of the bill—and observed, that he doubted not when the committee had possessed themselves of a more perfect knowledge of its operation and tendency, it would meet with approbation. With respect to the offender's losing his whole property on confession; he observed, that this inconvenience may be prevented, by the person's filing his petition previous to the entry's being made by the persons seizing the property—and this he will always have it in his power to do.
Mr. Burke said that the bill so far from affording the relief proposed, would prove a snare to the citizens, for a confession of guilt would inevitably involve the loss of one half of his property whether he merits punishment or not.
Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Stone, and Mr. Scott spoke on the subject.
The motion for striking out the words being put was carried in the affirmative.
Mr. Fitzsimons then moved that the committee should rise—the committee rose, and the House agreed to the amendment.
It was then moved that the bill should be recommitted.—This motion was adopted.
The report of the Secretary at War on the petition of Ezra Smith was taken into consideration.
This report went into a general consideration of the cases of sundry officers of the late army, whose particular circumstances appear to call for
the interposition of government in their favor.
It was moved that this report should be referred to a select committee, who should be instructed to bring in a bill pursuant thereto.
This motion was opposed as establishing an improper precedent—it was contended that it ought to be previously discussed in a committee of the whole, and the result of their deliberations should be the basis of the bill that may be thought necessary.
On the other hand, it was said, that the state of facts is before the House, on which they may form a judgment, that the going into a committee of the whole would not throw any new light on the subject and that the House is now prepared to refer it to a select committee as fully as they can be after the form is gone through.
The motion for referring the report to a select committee was withdrawn—It was then ordered that the report should lie on the table.
Adjourned till Monday 11 o'clock.
NEW-YORK, FEBRUARY 6.
Wednesday last the Supreme Court of the United States, met agreeable to adjournment. An order was read, appointing JOHN TUCKER, Esq. [late clerk to the Supreme Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts] their Clerk—who was accordingly qualified. Two other orders were also read, to wit.
Ordered, That the seal of this Court shall be, the arms of the United States engraven on a circular piece of steel of the size of a dollar, with these words in the margin— the seal of the Supreme Court of the United States —Ordered that the Seals of the Circuit Courts shall be the arms of the United States engraven on circular pieces of silver of the size of half a dollar, with these words in the margin, viz. In the upper part— The seal of the Circuit Court —In the lower part— the name of the District for which it is intended —After which the court adjourned until one o'clock on Friday.
Yesterday the Supreme Court of the United States met pursuant to adjournment. Among other business transacted, we hear, that
The Hon. ELIAS BOUDINOT, of New-Jersey, The Hon. THOMAS HARTLEY, of Pennsylvania, The Hon. RICHARD HARRISON, of New-York, were admitted Counsellors at the Supreme Court of the United States.
Ordered, That persons admitted as Counsellors shall not appear in the character of Attorneys, nor Attorneys in that of Counsellors at the Supreme Court of the United States.
Ordered, That no person shall be admitted as an Attorney at the Supreme Court of the United States, who shall not have practiced three years in the Supreme Court of a particular State, and who shall not sustain a just and fair character.
Ordered, That the Style of all Writs and Processes from the Supreme Court of the United States, be in the name of THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
The Court adjourned to Monday next.
Extract of a letter from Baltimore, dated Jan. 31.
"I received your letter in which you request information in what light the Secretary's Report is viewed here: It has not yet been so fully examined as to produce a decided opinion on the merits of the different propositions; but it has thus far made very favorable impressions—and I am confident it will be approved of in proportion as it is examined. The truths it contains are great and interesting, and will bear the test of the strictest scrutiny, while truth and justice are applauded by men.
"There are many considerations which give my mind perfect confidence and satisfaction on the subject of the public debt—some of them I will mention.
"1st. The security of property is one of the first objects for which government is instituted—and it would be a most flagrant infraction of the Constitution of the United States should Congress injure the property of a very numerous and respectable class of the citizens by a violation of public contracts.
"2d. It is found policy in government to be honest—They cannot otherwise be respected—and it would be in vain for them to pass laws to secure good morals and make subjects and citizens honest, should they themselves set an example of public injustice and fraud.
"3d. Those who know the characters which compose the Legislature of the Union are satisfied that they never will be influenced by the maxims and principles which have stamped infamy on the name of Rhode Island. Could no dependence be placed on the personal characters of the Gentlemen in Congress, the scorn, reproach, and misery, which Rhode Island has suffered by her dishonest policy would sufficiently warn them against the consequences of a violation of public faith.
"We rest assured that no law respecting the debt will pass both Houses, and have the sanction of the President, which is not founded in that righteousness which exalteth a nation. The Constitution—the characters which compose Congress—the resolution which was past last session—the President's speech—and the answers to it—and the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, authorize the most perfect confidence in the measures of government."
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Thursday, Ship St. James, Collins, Cadiz.
Friday, Schooner Sally, West, Boston, 7 days.

REPORT
Of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Jan. 9, 1790.
[CONTINUATION.]
THE interesting problem now occurs. Is it in the power of the United States, consistently with those prudential considerations, which ought not to be overlooked, to make a provision equal to the purpose of funding the whole debt, at the rates of interest which it now bears, in addition to the sum which will be necessary for the current service of the government?
The Secretary will not say that such a provision would exceed the abilities of the country; but he is clearly of opinion, that to make it, would require the extension of taxation to a degree, and to objects, which the true interest of the public creditors forbids. It is therefore to be hoped, and even to be expected, that they will cheerfully concur in such modifications of their claims, on fair and equitable principles, as will facilitate to the government an arrangement substantial, durable and satisfactory to the community. The importance of the last characteristic will strike every discerning mind. No plan, however flattering in appearance, to which it did belong, could be truly entitled to confidence.
It will not be forgotten, that exigencies may, ere long, arise, which would call for resources greatly beyond what is now deemed sufficient for the current service; and that, should the faculties of the country be exhausted or even strained to provide for the public debt, there could be less reliance on the sacredness of the provision.
But while the Secretary yields to the force of these considerations, he does not lose sight of those fundamental principles of good faith, which dictate, that every practicable exertion ought to be made, scrupulously to fulfil the engagements of the government; that no change in the rights of its creditors ought to be attempted without their voluntary consent; and that this consent ought to be voluntary in fact as well as in name. Consequently, that every proposal of a change ought to be in the shape of an appeal to their reason and to their interest; not to their necessities. To this end it is requisite, that a fair equivalent should be afforded for what may be asked to be given up, and unquestionable security for the remainder. Without this, an alteration, consistently with the credit and honor of the nation, would be impracticable. It remains to see, what can be proposed in conformity to these views.
It has been remarked, that the capital of the debt of the union is to be viewed in the light of an annuity at the rate of six per cent. per annum, redeemable at the pleasure of the government, by payment of the principal. And it will not be required, that the arrears of interest should be considered in a more favorable light. The same character, in general, may be applied to the debts of the individual States.
This view of the subject admits, that the United States would have it in their power to avail themselves of any fall in the market rate of interest, for reducing that of the debt.
This property of the debt is favorable to the public; unfavorable to the creditor. And may facilitate an arrangement for the reduction of interest, upon the basis of a fair equivalent.
Probabilities are always a rational ground of contract. The Secretary conceives, that there is good reason to believe, if effectual measures are taken to establish public credit, that the government rate of interest in the United States, will, in a very short time, fall at least as low as five per cent. and that in a period not exceeding twenty years, it will sink still lower, probably to four.
There are two principal causes which will be likely to produce this effect; one, the low rate of interest in Europe; the other, the increase of the monied capital of the nation, by the funding of the public debt.
From three to four per cent. is deemed good interest in several parts of Europe. Even less is deemed so, in some places. And it is on the decline; the increasing plenty of money continually tending to lower it. It is presumable, that no country will be able to borrow of foreigners upon better terms, than the United States, because none can, perhaps, afford so good security. Our situation exposes us less, than that of any other nation, to those casualties, which are the chief causes of expence; our incumbrances, in proportion to our real means, are less, though these cannot immediately be brought so readily into action, and our progress in resources from the early state of the country, and the immense tracts of unsettled territory, must necessarily exceed that of any other. The advantages of this situation have already engaged the attention of the European money-lenders, particularly among the Dutch. And as they become better understood, they will have the greater influence. Hence as large a proportion of the cash of Europe as may be wanted, will be, in a certain sense, in our market, for the use of government. And this will naturally have the effect of a reduction of the rate of interest, not indeed to the level of the places, which send their money to market, but to something much nearer to it, than our present rate.
The influence, which the funding of the debt is calculated to have, in lowering interest, has been already remarked and explained. It is hardly possible, that it should not be materially affected by such an increase of the monied capital of the nation, as would result from the proper funding of seventy millions of dollars. But the probability of a decrease in the rate of interest, acquires confirmation from facts, which existed prior to the revolution. It is well known, that in some of the states, money might with facility be borrowed, on good security, at five per cent. and, not unfrequently, even at less.
The most enlightened of the public creditors will be most sensible of the justness of this view of the subject, and of the propriety of the use which will be made of it.
The Secretary, in pursuance of it, will assume, as a probability, sufficiently great to be a ground of calculation, both on the part of the government and of its creditors—That the interest of money in the United States will, in five years, fall to five per cent. and, in twenty, to four. The probability, in the mind of the Secretary, is rather that the fall may be more rapid and more considerable; but he prefers a mean, as most likely to engage the assent of the creditors, and more equitable in itself; because it is predicated on probabilities, which may err on one side, as well as on the other.
Premising these things, the Secretary submits to the House, the expediency of promising a loan to the full amount of the debt, as well of the particular states, as of the union, upon the following terms.
First—That for every hundred dollars subscribed, payable in the debt (as well interest as principal) the subscriber be entitled, at his option, either
To have two thirds funded at an annuity, or yearly interest of six per cent. redeemable at the pleasure of the government, by payment of the principal; and to receive the other third in lands in the Western Territory, at the rate of twenty cents per acre. Or,
To have the whole sum funded at an annuity or yearly interest of four per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum on account both of principal and interest; and to receive, as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands, as in the preceding case. Or
To have sixty-six dollars and two thirds of a dollar funded immediately at an annuity or yearly interest of six per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding four dollars and two thirds of a dollar per annum, on account both of principal and interest; and to have, at the end of ten years, twenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents, funded at the like interest and rate of redemption. Or
To have an annuity for the remainder of life, upon the contingency of living to a given age, not less distant than ten years, computing interest at four per cent. Or
To have an annuity for the remainder of life, upon the contingency of the survivorship of the youngest of two persons, computing interest, in this case also, at four per cent.
STATE of RHODE-ISLAND and PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.
IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY, JANUARY SESSION, 1790.
WHEREAS the operation of the Federal Government, according to the existing laws of Congress, will prove greatly injurious to the commercial interests of this State, unless a further suspension of the same can be obtained. And whereas this General Assembly, at the present session have passed an Act recommending a State Convention, in conformity to the recommendation of the General Convention held at Philadelphia, and of the Congress of the United States; and there is every reason to hope that the accession of this State to the Federal Union will, in a short time, entitle the citizens thereof to all the benefits of the Federal Government. And whereas it is necessary that application be made in the mean time, for a suspension of the Acts of Congress subjecting the citizens of this State to foreign tonnage and duties:
It is therefore Voted and Resolved, that his Excellency the Governor be, and he is hereby requested to make application, in the name of this State, to the Congress of the United States, for reviving the indulgence granted to the citizens of this State by an Act of Congress of their last Session, during the good pleasure of Congress.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, St. Croix, Country, Molasses, Brandy, Geneva, Do. in cases, Muscovado Sugar, Loaf, Lump, Pepper, Pimento, Coffee, Indigo, Do. French, Rice, Superfine Flour, Common, Rye, Indian Meal, Rye, Wheat, Corn (Southern), Do. (Northern), Beef, Pork, Oats, Flax-seed, Ship bread per cwt., Country refined bar-iron, Do. bloomery, Swedes, Russia, Pig-iron, German steel, Nails American, Do. do. 6d., Do. do. 8d., Do. do. 10d., Do. do. 12d., Do. do. 20d., Do. do. 24d., Pot ash, Pearl ash, Bees-wax per lb., Mackerel per barr., Herrings, Mahogany, Jamaica per foot, Dominico, Honduras, Logwood unchipped, Do. chipped, 2 inch white oak plank, 1 inch do., 2 inch white pine plank, 1 1/2 inch do., 1 inch do., 2 inch pitch pine do., 1 1/2 inch do., 1 inch do., Pitch pine scantling, Cyprus 2 feet shingles, Do. 22 inch do., Cedar 2 inch do.
WILLIAM TAYLOR, Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4, JACKONET do., Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Chintzes, Ginghams, HUMHUMS, Long Cloths, Cassas, Seeruckers, Boglapores.
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
JANUARY 9, 1790. t. f.
WAR-OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Invalid Pensioners of the United States, residing within the States respectively, that one moiety of their annual pension, commencing on the fifth day of March last, will be paid at the places and by the persons herein after mentioned, on the fifth day of March ensuing, and that the second moiety of the said annual pension will be paid at the same places and by the same persons, on the fifth day of June ensuing.
Table with 3 columns: The States, Places, and persons by whom the pensions will be paid. Rows include New-Hampshire (Portsmouth, Joseph Whipple), Massachusetts (Boston, Benjamin Lincoln), Rhode-Island (Providence, Jeremiah Olney), Connecticut (New-London, Jedidiah Huntington), New-York (New-York, John Lamb), New-Jersey (Perth-Amboy, John Halded), Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, Sharp Delany), Delaware (Wilmington, George Bush), Maryland (Baltimore, Otho H. Williams), Virginia (B. Hundred, William Heth), North-Carolina (Hillsborough, John Haywood), South-Carolina (Charleston, George Abbott Hall), Georgia (Savannah, John Habersham).
January the 28th, 1790. By order of the President of the United States. H. KNOX, Secretary for the Department of War.
IN order to prevent unsuccessful applications, the following information is re-published, respecting the vouchers which will be required.
THE returns which have been or shall be made to the Secretary for the Department of War by the several States of the pensions which have been granted, and paid by them respectively will together with the vouchers herein required, be considered as the evidence whereon the payments are to be made.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state specifying that the person possessing it, is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2dly. An affidavit agreeably to the following form: to wit—A. B. came before me one of the Justices for the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited.)
That he served in (regiment or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an Invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney must, besides the certificate and oath before recited, produce a special letter of attorney agreeable to the following form,
I A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney to receive in my behalf of (the first or second moiety) of my annual pension, as an Invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, One thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, this
Signed and sealed in the presence of Acknowledged before me
Applications of executors or administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the Invalid died, whose pension they may claim.
By Command of the President of the United States of America. H. KNOX, Secretary for the Department of War.
War-Office, October 13. 1789.
The Printers throughout the United States are requested to insert the above information, for the benefit of the unfortunate invalids, who have suffered severely in the cause of their country.
A NEW MAGAZINE.
THE Public are respectfully informed, that the first Number of this Magazine will be published as soon as a number of subscribers sufficient to defray the expence shall be obtained: and not on the first day of February, 1790, as was formerly proposed. This Work will be entitled,
THE PHILADELPHIA MAGAZINE AND UNIVERSAL ASYLUM.
By a Society of Gentlemen.
PLAN AND CONDITIONS.
1st. THE objects of the Philadelphia Magazine and Universal Asylum, are to enlarge the understanding, to rectify the heart, and to please the fancy, by such means as may be best adapted to the state of society and manners in this confederated republic.
2d. Interesting and entertaining essays, in prose and verse, on philosophy, politics, commerce, agriculture, manufactures, polite learning, wit and humour (uncontaminated with ribaldry or licentiousness) and in a word, on all other subjects which may be deemed worthy of public attention, shall be inserted in this Universal Asylum of Literature.
3d. This miscellany shall contain much original matter; but a rage for originality shall not prevent the insertion of valuable extracts from other publications.
4th. A comprehensive and impartial abstract of the Debates and Proceedings of the Congress of the United States of America, shall regularly be given, beginning with the first session under the present government.
5th. Foreign and domestic occurrences shall be faithfully recorded.
6th. The Philadelphia Magazine shall be published, punctually, on the first day of every month.
7th. Each number shall contain eighty pages, octavo, on an elegant new letter, and fine paper.
8th. The price to subscribers will be two dollars and two-thirds per annum; one dollar and one third to be paid upon the delivery of the first number, and the same sum at the commencement of every succeeding half year.
Subscriptions are received by most of the Printers and Booksellers in the United States, and in other parts of the continent of America, in the West-Indies and in Europe, who are requested to forward the names of subscribers, with their titles, and places of residence.
The usual allowance will be made to all who favor this work by collecting subscriptions for it.
The advantages that are to be expected from the united efforts of a literary association, instituted for the sole purpose of supporting the Philadelphia Magazine and Universal Asylum, must be obvious to every one.—Such a plan, while it engages the first abilities, ensures a greater variety and a more uniform supply of valuable matter, than could be afforded by any individual, however elevated his genius, or great his endeavors.
PHILADELPHIA, January 1, 1790.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]