Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-10 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. XCV.]
WEDNESDAY, MARCH, 10, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. XCV.
"There is a certain frivolous falsehood that people indulge themselves in, which ought to be had in greater detestation than it commonly meets with."
IT is no small inconvenience for a man to be doubted as to the truth of any thing he asserts. Many people acquire an habit of speaking at random on indifferent matters, and without being aware of it, most of the information they communicate is either false or incorrect. The consequence of this negligent mode of speaking is, that a person cannot be believed when he really speaks the truth.
People of a warm imagination are apt to exaggerate facts to such a degree, that whenever they make an assertion, the hearer at once supposes great allowance is to be made, as the representation is so far beyond the reality. There is another sort of men, whom one should believe with great restrictions. I mean those indolent persons, who never enquire into the circumstances of an affair, but take up and circulate every report that comes in their way.
Whatever may be the cause that leads a person aside from the truth, he will find a great inconvenience, in having his word scrupled. Nothing will secure to a man the reputation of veracity but a most rigid attention to the propriety of what he communicates. It is true that a man may be disbelieved in all he says, and yet no person will be so uncivil as to charge him with uttering falsehoods. There is a genteel way of evading any direct charge in the matter. A man prone to an extravagant manner of conversation gains little belief. His acquaintance modestly say of him, that they cannot strictly rely on what he asserts, because he is accustomed to exaggerate. He supposes such a charge conveys no reproach, and he bears it with good humour. But it would be well for him to trace the effects of such a character. He soon forfeits the confidence of his friends; and his veracity, though, not explicitly called in question, can give no currency to his words. A careless man likewise, who is too indolent to investigate the truth of any matter, gets into an habit of mistaking things, and rendering suspicious whatever he alleges. Such a man, to be sure, is not called a liar, but still he never can be believed. When a person derives every disadvantage that could result from being called a liar, it is of no great importance simply to avoid the character.
Few men sufficiently estimate the advantages of a reputation for truth and sincerity. It saves a person much trouble in his common intercourse with the world. For if any one has often been known to misrepresent a state of facts, whatever may have been his motive, he must, in order to gain belief, produce something more valid than his own assertions. On the contrary, a man who has never been discovered in misrepresentations, will find no difficulty in having his word received for truth.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
LETTER.—No. VI.
MR. FENNO,
AS the plan I am to unfold grounds itself, and depends entirely on the generosity of the nation for its execution; it inspires me with the greatest confidence that it will be crowned with success: Abler heads than mine may propose better means for the gradual abolition of slavery, and the happiness of the African free negroes, living now among us; but no one can fix his plan on a more solid dependence—I would propose:
That Congress be requested to grant to every free negro man, or family, a tract of land in the district hereafter mentioned, proportioned to what they can cultivate, but of no value in trade till occupied by him, his heirs, or those to whom it was granted. That when a certain number of applications has been made for obtaining that favor, that a strong situation be chosen, such appears to be the Peninsula formed by lake Huron, lake Michigan, and lake Superior, south St. Mary's strait and falls, on Pouchitani river, west of the said lands of the Peninsula, for a colonial town. That at first these free negroes be provided with the most necessary tools, and transported there at the expence of the Commonwealth; that a governor, judges, white citizens, be appointed, and such other measures as the wisdom of government shall direct be adopted to direct the colony in its infant state: That in future when any gentleman manumits his slave, he is to apply for the free grant of a land certificate, and pay the costs of necessary tools and transportation to government: That government may be requested to lay heavy fines on the importation of slaves, but that it may be lawful for the freemen to sell their slaves for misbehavior, under warrant of a Judge, in the West-India islands: That it may be lawful to have, near, or in the next parish church, Sunday Schools, to teach the young Negro slave, reading, religion, and morals.
The benefits of such measures would be, that as reward, punishment, and instruction, go hand in hand, the slave will become truely, less troublesome, and more profitable to his master; the fear of being sent to the Islands will mend his conduct; the hopes of freedom and wealth will excite him to deserve them; the Augean stable will be cleaned without loss of property; the general mass of slaves will become ripe for freedom; their great number unnecessary to agriculture; and as the resources of the nation appear to me matchless by any now on the globe, it may in future be coinciding with the wisdom of our rulers to offer a generous price for the slave thus become fit for freedom and colonization.
But as colonization has lost much of its credit, I will take a flight survey of this matter. Where there is uncultivated land, colonization is prejudicial; it lessens the progress of agriculture, and the increase of population in the mother country: In modern Europe, Portugal, Spain, and even England are the examples of this; Holland is an exception, because there is almost no land, except in Guiderland, the rest of the Dutch inhabit chiefly marshes, diked and dammed; trade is the field they have to cultivate—this draws foreigners, who replenish what colonization exhausts.
In Asia it is advantageous to the Chinese, because almost every inch of land is cultivated, or usefully employed, and its consequence, population, raised to such a pitch, that the southern borders of the sea are lined with barges, justly compared to permanent floating towns and villages, as the law forbids an individual born thereon to sleep on shore. Colonization is also beneficial there, because the colonies are trading ones, established in the Asiatic islands, and on India's continental shore, and because the Chinese is so attached to his native soil, that when industry has gained him a maintenance he returns home.
To the United States, colonization will be a triumph; it will be performed within their own territory; it will be a strong frontier establishment, commanding three lakes, besides other advantages for time to ripen, and the government bestowed on the African men, will attach a permanent and inestimable jewel to the brilliancy of the national character.
And now Sir, I thank you for the place you have given to my letters in your elegant, useful, and philosophical paper: Farewell, you will hear no more from me, as in obedience to the first law of nature relative to man, I take the plough in hand, to scratch my mother's pate.
RUSTICUS.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the SECOND Session, begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the Fourth of January, 1790.
An ACT providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Marshals of the several districts of the United States, shall be, and they are hereby authorized and required to cause the number of the inhabitants within their respective districts to be taken; omitting in such enumeration Indians not taxed, and distinguishing free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, from all others, distinguishing also the sexes and colours of free persons, and the free males of sixteen years and upwards from those under that age; for effecting which purpose, the Marshals shall have power to appoint as many Assistants within their respective districts, as to them shall appear necessary; assigning to each Assistant a certain division of his district, which division shall consist of one or more counties, cities, towns, townships, hundreds or parishes, or of a territory plainly and distinctly bounded by water courses, mountains, or public roads. The Marshals and their Assistants shall respectively take an oath or affirmation, before some judge or justice of the peace, resident within their respective districts, previous to their entering on the discharge of the duties by this act required. The oath or affirmation of the Marshal shall be, "I, A. B. Marshal of the district of _____ do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will well, and truly cause to be made, a just and perfect enumeration and description of all persons resident within my district, and return the same to the President of the United States, agreeably to the directions of an act of Congress, entitled, "An act providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States," according to the best of my ability." The oath or affirmation of an Assistant shall be, "I, A. B. do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will make a just and perfect enumeration and description of all persons resident within the division assigned to me, by the Marshal of the district of _____ and make due return thereof to the said Marshal, agreeably to the directions of an act of Congress, entitled, "An act providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States," according to the best of my ability." The enumeration shall commence on the first Monday in August next, and shall close within nine calendar months thereafter: the several Assistants shall, within the said nine months, transmit to the Marshals by whom they shall be respectively appointed, accurate returns of all persons, except Indians not taxed, within their respective divisions, which returns shall be made in a schedule, distinguishing the several families by the names of their master, mistress, steward, overseer, or other principal person therein, in manner following, that is to say:
The number of persons within my division, consisting of _____ appears in a schedule hereunto annexed, subscribed by me, this _____ day of _____ one thousand seven hundred and ninety
A. B. Assistant to the Marshal of
Schedule of the whole Number of Persons within the Division allotted to A. B.
   Names of heads of families. Slaves. All other Free Persons. Free White Females, including Heads of Families. Free White Males under sixteen years. Free White Males of sixteen years, and upwards, including Heads of Families.      
And be it further enacted, That every Assistant failing to make return, or making a false return of the enumeration to the Marshal, within the time by this act limited, shall forfeit the sum of two hundred dollars.
And be it further enacted, that the Marshals shall file the several returns aforesaid, with the clerks of their respective district courts, who are hereby directed to receive and carefully preserve the same: And the Marshals respectively shall, on or before the first day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, transmit to the President of the United States, the aggregate amount of each description of persons within their respective districts. And every Marshal failing to file the returns of his Assistant, or any of them, with the clerks of their respective district courts, or failing to return the aggregate amount of each description of persons in their respective districts, as the same shall appear from said returns, to the President of the United States, within the time limited by this act, shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of eight hundred dollars; all which forfeitures shall be recoverable in the courts of the districts where the offences shall be committed, or in the circuit courts to be held within the
fame, by action of debt, information or indictment; the one half thereof to the use of the United States, and the other half to the informer; but where the prosecution shall be first instituted on behalf of the United States, the whole shall accrue to their use. And for the more effectual discovery of offences, the Judges of the several District Courts, at their next sessions, to be held after the expiration of the time allowed for making the returns of the enumeration hereby directed, to the President of the United States, shall give this act in charge to the Grand Juries, in their respective courts, and shall cause the returns of the several Assistants to be laid before them, for their inspection.
And be it further enacted, That every Assistant shall receive at the rate of one dollar for every one hundred and fifty persons by him returned, where such persons reside in the country; and where such persons reside in a city, or town, containing more than five thousand persons, such Assistant shall receive at the rate of one dollar, for every three hundred persons; but where, from the dispersed situation of the inhabitants in some divisions, one dollar for every one hundred and fifty persons shall be insufficient, the Marshals, with the approbation of the Judges of their respective districts, may make such further allowance to the Assistants in such divisions, as shall be deemed an adequate compensation, provided the same does not exceed one dollar for every fifty persons by them returned. The several marshals shall receive as follows: the Marshal of the district of Maine, two hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of New-Hampshire, two hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of Massachusetts, three hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of Connecticut, two hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of New-York, three hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of New-Jersey, two hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, three hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of Delaware, one hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of Maryland, three hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of Virginia, five hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of Kentucky, two hundred and fifty dollars; the marshal of the district of North-Carolina, three hundred and fifty dollars; the marshal of the district of South-Carolina, three hundred dollars; the marshal of the district of Georgia, two hundred and fifty dollars. And to obviate all doubts which may arise respecting the persons to be returned and the manner of making returns.
Be it enacted, that every person whose usual place of abode shall be in any family on the aforesaid 1st Monday in August next, shall be returned as of such family; and the name of every person, who shall be an inhabitant of any district, but without a settled place of residence, shall be inserted in the column of the aforesaid schedule, which is allotted for the heads of families, in that division where he or she shall be on the said 1st Monday in August next—and every person occasionally absent at the time of the enumeration, as belonging to that place in which he usually resides in the United States.
And be it further enacted, That each and every person more than sixteen years of age, whether heads of families or not, belonging to any family within any division of a district made or established within the United States, shall be, and hereby is obliged to render to such Assistant of the division, a true account if required, to the best of his or her knowledge, of all and every person belonging to such family respectively, according to the several descriptions aforesaid, on pain of forfeiting twenty dollars, to be sued for and recovered by such Assistant, the one half for his own use, and the other half for the use of the United States.
And be it further enacted, That each Assistant shall, previous to making his return to the Marshal, cause a correct copy, signed by himself, of the schedule, containing the number of inhabitants within his division, to be set up at two of the most public places within the same, there to remain for the inspection of all concerned; for each of which copies the said Assistant shall be entitled to receive two dollars, provided proof of a copy of the schedule having been so set up and suffered to remain, shall be transmitted to the Marshal, with the return of the number of persons; and in case any Assistant shall fail to make such proof to the Marshal, he shall forfeit the compensation by this act allowed him.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States.
and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, MARCH THE 1st, 1790.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
ANECDOLE OF GEORGE II.
ONE of the finest instances of the sublime we ever heard of, is not as we imagine, any where recorded:—George the Second was at Drury-lane Theatre, when the Cullenian dispatches were presented to him, from the Duke of Cumberland, his darling son. All was anxiety and apprehension. The instant his Majesty had opened them, he started up while the tears streamed from his eyes, and in some glorious ejaculation, thanked his God and announced the victory. Garrick in a moment caught the transporting sound. The Orchestra, by his orders, struck up "God save Great George our King!" and the whole audience in a wild enthusiasm, joined the chorus.
AN old soldier, one JEAN CHEVAUCH: otherwise Dupont, aged near 100 years, has enrolled himself in the second company of the Bourgeois militia at Bonetable, and has mounted guard several times since, in a manner which proves he has not forgot the trade he had left near 70 years. He served at the defence of Lisle, in 1708, and was at the battle of Malplaquet, in 1709. He has been married twice, had 27 children, and appears to be yet very distant from terminating his earthly career.
BON MOT.
MAJOR Pigget, who is not only one of the liveliest wits, but one of the pleasantest Punsters in Ireland,—being on a visit to the late Duke of Leinster, at Carton, paid a morning's attendance to Mr. Conolly, at Castletown, who was then very deep on the turf, and the morning was principally spent in examining and admiring the stud of his sporting host.
On his return to Carton, the Duke, after pleasantly interrogating the Major on his morning's amusement, proposed shewing him his stud, which consisted of about 50 monstrous bullocks, stall-feeding for market.
"Well Major," says the Duke, "which do you like better my stud or my friend Conolly's?" "Your Grace's" replied the Major "and I am sure they will all come in for fleaks and plates before any of his."
To be LET,
And possession given the 1st of April, for one or more years, (two miles and half from this city, on the Greenwich road.)
THAT NEW TWO STORY HOUSE—four Rooms on a floor; with six fire places; a new Barn, and Well of excellent Water; a young Orchard of Fruit Trees, with 7 1/2 acres of Land, the most part Meadow. For particulars enquire at No. 7, Maiden-Lane. New-York, February 20.

CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, FEB. 19.
In Committee of the whole, on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. MADISON's motion for a discrimination, still under consideration.
MR. GERRY rose after Mr. Livermore, and observed that it was with great concern he should express his sentiments on a subject so important in its consequences: that after mature deliberation he had formed an opinion; and that should arguments hereafter preponderate against it, he should think it consistent not only with honesty, but with honor, to alter that opinion, and freely declare it.
The amendment, he said, proposed by the gentleman from Virginia, differed from the proposition before the committee in other points, besides that of discrimination; and he proposed, as an amendment to the amendment, to strike out all that related to this question, that the sense of the committee may be fairly ascertained, "Whether there shall be a discrimination between the original and assigned holders of public securities."
Mr. Gerry stated, that the foundation of the motion for a discrimination was the heavy losses sustained by our brave and veteran soldiers, in the sale of their public securities. Little or nothing, he said, had been urged in favor of meritorious officers, and of citizens who, by the loan of their property, had contributed to the support of the war, and much less of assignees; although he could see no reason why equal justice should not be done to these two classes of original creditors. To form a judgment, then said he, of the foundation of the motion for a discrimination, let us advert to the history of the army, and we shall find that their first enlistments expired at the end of 1775; that the commander in chief, not being able to re-enlist the soldiers, was reduced almost to the necessity of abandoning the extensive lines in the vicinity of Boston; that notwithstanding this, such were the prejudices in favor of short enlistments, and such the dread of a standing army, that Congress were obliged to enlist the second army for one year, and their times of service expired at or about the end of 1776. During that campaign Congress were so fully convinced of the fatal consequences of such policy, as, at all events, to determine that the next enlistment should be for the war; but they were afterwards constrained to provide the alternative, or for three years, and those who enlisted for this term left the army in 1780. We shall also find that, in 1780, the army was greatly reduced, and the states earnestly called on to recruit their respective regiments; but such were the prospects of gain, from privateering and other measures—such had been the sufferings of the army, and so little was the confidence in public faith—as to require enormous bounties in specie, and the mode of classing, for obtaining recruits: the average of bounty in many states was 250 dollars, in specie, and in Massachusetts upwards of 280. Thus, then, if we divide the army into four classes, it will appear that the soldiers of the first and second classes were discharged and fully paid, in 1775 and 1776; that the soldiers of the third class, who enlisted for the war between 1777 and 1780, served six, five, or four years, without any other prospect of reward than the stipulations of Congress; and that the fourth class, some of whom served two and an half years, others two years, and others one, were amply paid by bounties, the least of which amounted to 100 dollars a year, or 8 1/3 dollars a month, in specie, exclusive of the allowance made by Congress. The third and fourth classes were, however entitled, by their contracts, to 6 2/3 dollars in specie, per month, or to an equivalent, exclusive of bounties, rations, and clothing; and how has the contract been fulfilled?
He then referred to a memorial of the officers and soldiers of the army, stating their grievances to Congress, in April, 1783; and likewise a resolve of Congress of July in the same year, for liquidating the accounts of the army, and for issuing certificates which would then produce but 25. 6d. in the pound, for the balance due to each officer and soldier.
Mr. Gerry then asked, Is this a fulfilment of the contract? Was ever such a brave army, was ever any army, so paid before? If then the contract has not been fulfilled, ought not the party, failing to do this, to indemnify the party who have sustained damages? Justice may be in favor of the fourth class; but justice, generosity, and humanity, plead loudly for the third class, the amount of whose demands will not exceed 200,000 dollars.
The question then is, Who ought, in justice, to make good these losses of the soldiery? Some gentlemen say, those who purchased their certificates: On what principle? From their having received them without an equivalent. Let us attend to the nature of the contract of the soldiers with the assignees; for it differs widely from that with Congress. Some gentlemen consider it in the nature of a specialty or bond, and have carried us to courts of law, to prove that whatever has been paid short of the nominal value of the certificates, is now due from the assignees. This mode of reasoning is inadmissible, because particular decisions of law courts cannot apply to great national questions; and the legislature is authorised to regulate such courts, and is not to be regulated by them. But if admissible, is the transfer of a soldier's certificate in the nature of an assigned specialty? For, if not, arguments on this principle will fall to the ground, and we shall be again freed from courts of law.
Mr. Gerry then shewed what a bond was, according to the law-definition of it, and that a certificate differed from it; as in the latter there was no condition of performance, or seal, and in the transfer no indorsement is necessary. The title, he said, of an assignee to a certificate was by a sale, which is "a transmutation of property from one man to another, in consideration of some value or recompence."
He further observed, that the public securities of the United States are a species of stock or property, similar to merchandise; they are sold in open market, and at the market price, which is always an equivalent: for the market price of stock, he said, was regulated by the public opinion, and depended in a great measure on the circumstances of the nation, and on events: It had always been subject to great variations, and ever would be whilst communities are subject to calamities; and this is a quality inseparable from that species of property. To illustrate his argument he stated two cases, the latter of which is as follows:—Suppose that the public debt was funded, and the stock at par; that a combination of European powers had been secretly formed to subdue us; that a fleet, with a formidable army, had suddenly appeared on our coast, and that the enemy had landed before arrangements could be made to resist them, and had over-run half the country: Would not stock, under such circumstances be reduced in value? If a stockholder should insure his property in the funds, would not the policy be as valid against such an enemy, as any other policy in time of war?
Let us suppose that this calamity had raised the premium to 80 per cent. and the stockholder had agreed to allow it, would not the insurer be justly entitled to it for taking the risk? But if the stockholder, instead of giving the premium, had made sale of his property at 80 per cent. discount, being one fifth of its former value, would not that fifth be an equivalent and the sale valid? Where is the difference, except merely the mode of negotiating, between insuring his property at 80 per cent. premium, and selling it at 80 per cent. discount? Or, where is the injustice of the measure in either case? But should the enemy be expelled, and stock again at par, can the original stockholder, in justice, demand any part of the 80 per cent. premium, or of the 80 per cent. discount, on a pretence that he has not received an equivalent? If the whole had been lost, would he have returned the 20 per cent. which he received of the insurer or purchaser?—Surely not; and it must be evident that although the nominal was the real value of stock before the appearance and after the repulse of the enemy, yet that the value was reduced by the danger of conquest, and that the market price at that period was an equivalent.
Several cases have been cited as precedents for discrimination: that which relates to the reduction of the Canada bills, mentioned by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Madison) was by his own acknowledgment not applicable. The case referred to in the act of Queen Ann, cited by the gentleman, was not analogous; for, independent of other considerations, the debt contracted by the Queen for the support of her household was unliquidated, and by a vote of the House of Commons had been disallowed: Had the debt been liquidated, and certificates of it issued, as in the case of our soldiers, there would have been no interference of parliament in the subsequent transfer of such certificates, as their whole conduct evinces.
Gentlemen, in favor of discrimination, have also mentioned the South-Sea and Mississippi schemes: The gentleman from New-Jersey (Mr. Boudinot) had clearly shewn that the conduct of parliament in the South-Sea scheme was directly against discrimination; for although they imprisoned the directors and others, and confiscated their property, yet they never interposed in the transfers of stock by other proprietors, although it was bought and sold from par to 13 or 1400 per cent.
The history of the Mississippi scheme I propose not to state fully but to mention a few particulars. In the year 1717 the government of France were deeply indebted, and had issued state bills to the amount of several hundred millions of livres, they were sold at 60 or 70 per cent. discount; and the Regent of France, desirous of appreciating them, established a commercial company with the exclusive privilege of trading to the Mississippi, to consist of such as would subscribe 60 millions payable in state bills at par; at first there were few disposed to be concerned, but at length the sum was subscribed, the stock by another arrest was increased to 100 millions; the farm of tobacco, amounting to 4 millions a year, was then granted to the company as a fund to pay the interest, and, under the direction of Mr. Law, they made greater profits from it. Stocks were thus enhanced from 70 per cent. below to 20 per cent. above par. The India and African companies were afterwards incorporated with the Mississippi, whose capital was further extended, by which means stocks rose to 5 or 600, and, in the progress of this matter, to 1000 per cent. at this period a subscription was opened for 50 millions of livres, at 10 for 1, payable at ten different payments; and so infatuated was the nation, that the subscription in a few days amounted to 75 millions, being half as much more as was wanted, and the day after the subscription closed, those who had given 1000 sold for 2000 per cent. When the bubble burst, as it is expressed, no attempt was made by government to interfere in the transfers made by individuals, but all such transfers were valid.
From all which, I think it will appear that stocks are, in their nature, a species of property subject to great variations from calamities and other causes; that the market price will be regulated by public opinion, and that it is always considered as an equivalent. A transfer of property in the funds, at market price, differs widely from the gambling of stockjobbers, a pernicious species of traffick, of the nature of wagers or bets; and those concerned therein have no property in the funds, and generally are subject to punishment.
Should enquiry be made, what calamity have we been under to reduce so low the price of our stocks? I answer, the calamity of a defective national government; the effects of which were severely felt. In 1780, Congress called on the states to sink their respective proportions of the old paper money; part complied, and part did not. The consequence was, that in 1781 the bubble burst, and almost ruined the public credit. Early in 1783, the army, from want of pay, were nearly mutinying, and part of them soon after did mutiny, and drove Congress from Philadelphia. Again—Congress, by the confederation, were authorised to tax the states on a valuation of their respective property; but the states were unable to produce the documents required for forming that valuation, and refused to adopt a new rule proposed by Congress, who could therefore levy no tax. To evince an honest disposition, and to support public credit as far as possible, Congress proposed the plan of impost, and supplementary funds: this was accepted by some states, and violently opposed in others, which produced apprehension that a considerable part of the union wished to apply the sponge to the public debt. These circumstances, and the consequent commotions, so weakened government, that we had no credit, public or private, at home or abroad. By these and other calamities, and the load of our debt, were the stocks reduced, the public opinion fixed their rates, and taking the risk, they were worth no more; but circumstances are now altered, and they are increased in value.
Gentlemen, to support discrimination, have charged assignees with fraud. Are the assignees chargeable for the defects of the confederation? Or for a non-compliance of some of the states with the requisitions for sinking the old bills of credit? Or for the mutinying of part of the army? Or for defeating the plan of the impost and supplementary funds? Or for the consequent commotions? Or did the assignees deceive the original holders? Did they act the part of sharps and swindlers? If so, bring the culprits to justice; your country demands it. But if their only crime is good fortune in their negotiations, if they have purchased the securities in open market, and honestly paid for them, treat them as good citizens, acquit them of fraud, and do them justice. Being among those original holders who have transferred part of their certificates, and not replaced them, I can feel for myself as well as for our brave soldiers, but am against discrimination. So much for the justice of the measure: Let us now consider the policy of it.
It is admitted on all sides that the preservation of public faith is indispensable to the welfare of the Union, and in what does it consist? Public faith, as I conceive, consists in a punctilious fulfilment of engagements and contracts on the part of government. To preserve public faith, therefore, it is necessary that a nation should have adequate resources, the government adequate powers, and those who administer it, integrity and abilities. That our resources are equal to the payment of our debts has not been denied, that Congress have not sufficient power, I presume none will assert.
The preservation, then, of public faith, will principally depend on their integrity and abilities. Their abilities may not be questioned; but their conduct in this case will be critically examined and tried by the standard of morality: If it will stand the test, they will have the confidence of the people; but if not, vain will be every attempt to establish public credit. For this is nothing but the confidence of the people in public faith, and the people will think that, whatever resources they may have, or power to change the form of government, the defective principles of their rulers can only be corrected by the Sovereign of the Universe. Is it good policy, then, to rest the public faith on an act of discrimination, which is intended to faddle one class of citizens with a tax to repair the loss which another class has sustained by a breach of contract on the part of the public? This will wear the appearance of committing one fraud to cure another. The right of speculators to purchase certificates, at the market price, is undoubted, and their conduct in making the purchases and payments is unexceptionable; but if there was a doubt of this, in regard to some, would it be sufficient ground for a discrimination?
Again, the whole expense of the war is supposed to be about one hundred 76 millions dollars, of which there is now due about 80,000,000 dollars, exclusive of 20,000,000 supposed to be due to the third class of soldiers. Is it good policy by funding the debt to do every thing necessary for the support of public credit, except making payment of 20,000,000 dollars, and then, at the risk of public credit, by an act of discrimination, to save the sum last mentioned, which is but one eighty-eighth part of the expense of the war?
But how are we to obtain loans in future? Some gentlemen conceive the establishment of our funds will always precede the loans: Can any gentleman insure this? I conceive not. There is not a nation in Europe so happily circumstanced; and if an unfunded debt should again be requisite, who will lend when your unfunded securities cannot be transferred, because you have estab-
lished a precedent for discrimination? Is it not evident, then, the proposition is pregnant with ruinous consequences?
If enquiry be made what is to be done with the suffering soldiers? I answer, Pay them, if your funds are sufficient; if not, assure them you will do it as soon as funds can be provided. It has been suggested, that they have relinquished to the public seven-eighths of their property: If they have, I think it unjust to accept it. But is this the fact? Would they not have received the whole of their liquidated demands in specie, had it been offered? There can be no reason to doubt of this. Some gentlemen say, they wish to compound the matter, between the soldiers and their assignees, because we cannot pay both: Would not a composition, on such principles, be a declaration of national bankruptcy? And shall the United States, with 3,000,000 inhabitants, with the most flattering prospects arising from the increase of commerce, husbandry and manufactures, with such an extensive territory, and in the vigor of their youth, declare bankruptcy for a debt, including the federal, state, and foreign loans, not exceeding 80,000,000 dollars, or 18,000,000 sterl. when Great Britain, with only 8 millions of inhabitants, can fund a debt of 240 millions sterl.? I hope not—and consenting to such a measure, would never acknowledge myself an American.
Some gentlemen have referred us to the act of Congress for scaling the continental currency, to prove both the policy and justice of a discrimination. Let us examine that matter: Congress, from the commencement of the war to Feb. 1781, were but a meeting of State Commissioners, without any form of government or powers, except such as were contained in their discordant commissions. From April 1775, to the end of 1779, they supported the war by artificial credit: At that period they had issued 200,000,000 of paper dollars, and borrowed 35,000,000 of dollars on loan office certificates, which were afterwards reduced to 11,000,000; they had borrowed all they could in Europe, and were reduced to the necessity of stopping emissions, and of depending on the States for monthly supplies of 1,500,000 of depreciated dollars, and on domestic loans. In March, 1780, the proposed taxes and loans failed; emissions on the former plan were at an end, and Congress were reduced to the necessity of scaling the old debt, to sink it, and of beginning anew, or of giving up the cause; Sad alternative! to violate the public faith or be enslaved. They chose the former, but aimed to do all possible justice. Indeed they had one reason for scaling bills of credit, which applies not to the liquidated debt. The public did not receive the value of the former, but did of the latter, according to the nominal sums; and had each emission been scaled according to its value when issued, the public would probably have been better satisfied, but having reduced the old bills from 40 to 1, did Congress attempt to recale them when they sunk to 1000 for 1? Or did they provide that original holders, who passed continental money for less than they received it, should be reimbursed by the assignees? If not, the precedent is against discrimination. Indeed if the precedent favored such a measure, it is admitted by the gentleman who produced it to have been a violation of faith, and is therefore a bad precedent, which can never sanctify a bad act, or alter the eternal rules of justice. Because then Congress, in a distressing war, without a form of government, and at the end of their resources, violated faith, can we, on a principal of policy, in a profound peace, with a strong government, and sufficient resources, be justified in taking a measure which promises so little advantage; and which may involve such dangerous consequences? If this measure is adopted, what is to be done with them who have given Congress a dollar in public securities for an acre of land, such as you will now sell for one fifth of a dollar in the same securities. Ought not Congress, on their own principle, as the assignee of the purchaser, to reimburse four-fifths of this property? But what security, will a speculator in land have, who may purchase of an original proprietor, that when the value of the land is enhanced, a similar discrimination will not be made? And who, thus circumstanced, will purchase your lands.
With respect to the practicability of discriminating, gentlemen in favor of the measure have not removed the objections of those who are against it, and have only said provision must be made in certain cases, without explaining. It has been said, if the latter will unite with the former, the difficulties, altho' great, may be removed; but no effort can make a measure practicable, which is impracticable. Such attempts tend to weaken government, and to bring the laws into contempt, as we have seen in regulating acts.
Public opinion has been mentioned as an argument in favor of the plan. I have the highest respect for the public opinion, but have not argued on this ground: First, because in the present case we know not the public opinion; and secondly because conjecture is endless and useless. Indeed, in great national concerns, the public will generally form their opinions by the proceedings of the Legislature, because the latter have a more general view of matters, and the best means for forming a judgment. If on the whole, then, the justice, policy, or practicability of the measure, was only in question, ought we to accept it. But when we are doubtful of all, ought we not to reject the proposition!
Mr. BLAND seconded Mr. GERRY's motion. He said he was apprehensive the idea of discrimination had already worked mischief. He then explained the fallacy and injustice of such a measure, which he thought had been clearly proved to the house, and assigned among other reasons its impracticability, which, if there were ninety-nine reasons for it, that in itself was sufficient to make him vote against the amendment.
Holders will come to the treasury and demand payment; there they must deposit their certificate, and there they must lie until proofs can be obtained. The same inconvenience will arise respecting the interest: suppose a creditor, if the amendment should pass, was obliged to look for proofs, where must he seek them? in the grave, beyond the sea, in Asia! Suppose a creditor was unwilling to comply with this law, you must then pass another law to compel him to deposit his security.
The question had not been answered to his satisfaction, and he shall not have risen were it not on account of the point of discrimination, to which he had always entertained an aversion, as involving the loss of that most valuable and inestimable jewel PUBLIC CREDIT.
If we commit this breach of public faith, it would be little better than the tender laws of Rhode-Island. No doubt some of the speculators had deserved punishment, but others are innocent. Mr. Bland observed that he was no speculator, but he held original securities, therefore the decision could not affect him. There is hardly a state in the union that wishes for any discrimination. If the state accounts are to be all reckoned, what a day of reckoning would that be, to travel back and issue fresh notes; it would be two final settlements. In short, there appeared so much intricacy and difficulty, that it was utterly impossible and impracticable in his opinion; he therefore was against Mr. Madison's amendment, but would second that of Mr. Gerry.
[Some explanations with respect to order then took place, and Mr. Gerry agreed to withdraw his motion until the proposition of Mr. Madison should be first disposed of.]
Mr. BURKE rose and observed, that on Friday last he had laid before the committee a motion for making a discrimination between original holders and assignees of public securities, and for establishing a scale of depreciation of those securities; this motion he afterwards thought proper to withdraw, as, on further consideration, he deemed it altogether impracticable, and because he was not convinced that such a measure was honest and consistent with public faith. He did not think himself at liberty to give it his support.
As to the question before the committee, Mr. Burke said he could consider it in no other view than as a question, Whether we shall commit a

breach of public faith with the domestic creditors of the United States, and violate those solemn promises, so often repeated in appeals and proclamations to the people by the late government, and a promise or engagement which has been reiterated by the new constitution? In his opinion it required no profound skill, in politics or finance, to answer the question: it is only consulting the dictates of common faith and common honesty, which command nations as well as individuals to fulfil their engagements.
The United States have repeatedly pledged themselves, in terms plain as language can express, to pay to the bearer a specific sum: and to commit a violation of this promise appeared to him both unjust and impolitic. If the United States are able to perform it, they ought to do so. He believed and hoped that they had the ability; and even in the case of inability, he was of opinion, should bankruptcy itself ensue from the honorable attempt to do justice, this would be preferable to a stain cast upon these states, at the commencement of their political career, by a cool and deliberate act of public injustice to their creditors. America has established in the world a high military character: let her but perform her engagements, and she will also establish a national character of honor and fair dealing. This will be to her as a real and substantial treasure, which she will be able to transmit, like a fair inheritance, to her children. Should we, on the other hand, pollute her, by suffering her to commit a breach of honor, it will be such a public calamity as no money can compensate.
Mr. Burke then offered a few observations, in answer to those gentlemen who were so urgent in favor of the motion. They had advanced that the officers and soldiers have not been fully paid. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Madison] has said that, without the discrimination which he offers, we shall be raising monuments of gratitude, not to our officers and soldiers who fought for us, but to those who speculated on their securities. On this, Mr. Burke remarked, that it is to be lamented, when our army was disbanded, the derangement of our affairs put it out of our power to pay them in specie. The states, however, did every thing in their power to provide for their soldiers. The state of S. Carolina gave them bounties in lands, and the warrants, and grants for these lands were passed through different offices, without the usual fees. North-Carolina, Virginia, and other states, gave similar bounties, he believed, without mentioning the lands appropriated for them by the United States. He would not say that the soldiers have been rewarded, for what reward can be adequate to their great services? But he insisted that the people of America have not been unmindful of those services. If we, for a moment, consider the conduct of the people towards one part of the army (the officers) we shall find that America has signally displayed her gratitude towards them, from the commander in chief down to the ensign. The illustrious leader of her armies retiring from the field to private life, she again raised to the elevated station of a sovereign prince ! Through what motives? From gratitude for his splendid services. View the high departments of the general government; look into the several offices; enter the several custom houses from the northern to the southern extremity of the continent: there we shall find conspicuous instances of gratitude.
Let us now see how the people regard the officers of the army in the different states. In S. Carolina, no other class of citizens stand any chance in competition with officers; they are promoted to the stations of governor, lieutenant-governor, privy counsellors; they are to be found presiding in the tribunals of justice, in the legislatures, and on the floor of Congress; and the gratitude of the people follows them in the private walks and ordinary occupations of life. They are justly held in love and veneration; and if the future historian of America records the truth and nothing but the truth, he must raise lasting monuments, both of the illustrious services of the officers of the army, and of the gratitude and love of the people for those services. This, Mr. Burke said, he mentioned in answer, or rather defence of the people, and to clear them from the charge of ingratitude.
It is urged, in favor of discrimination, that a few speculators will make princely fortunes. This, he said, was a circumstance which he sincerely regretted; as he did likewise regret the speculations now carrying on, from this city and other places, in the state of South-Carolina—the sending pilot-boats secretly from New York to Charleston, while the people there were asleep, as it were, and totally unacquainted with the councils or views of administration, with information on the one side only: this he thought a hard case. But the speculators availing themselves of this and a variety of other advantages, could not, he said, justify him in his own mind, in giving a vote that would give a stab to the good faith and credit of a nation in whose councils he had the honor of a suffrage.
He foresaw, however, a still greater misfortune, in this business, than that of a few specula-
tors aggrandizing themselves by our funding system: it is, that our public securities will go into the hands of foreigners . The present system, offered by the Secretary, is actually mortgaging these states to foreign speculators , for the amount of the debt: for the holders will sell, as they have already sold, immense sums to foreigners, to raise ready money. Few of our citizens possessing monied capitals, ready money will yield far greater emoluments, employed in commerce or agriculture, than when lodged in the funds. This is a calamity which he lamented from his soul: but, upon a most serious consideration upon the subject, he was not clear but a forfeiture of public faith, a loss of public credit, would be for America a far greater calamity. He entertained strong apprehensions, that parting with the fair inheritance of public faith and public honor, under any pretext, would be acting the part of him who sold his inheritance for a mess of pottage. Viewing the subject in this light, he said he could not, he dared not vote in favor of the motion.
He also mentioned another ground whereon he opposed it: the scheme of a discrimination appeared totally impracticable. Commissioners must be appointed, not only in different states, but in different places of the same state. If commissioners are appointed, for instance, in Charleston, the citizens must attend from the remotest part of the state, and be worried in travelling backwards and forwards to seek for witnesses, many of whom may be dead or removed into other countries—not to mention the length of time and enormous expence which so complicated a business must occasion.
Mr. Burke concluded by declaring it to be his opinion, that the proposition, if agreed to, would throw things into confusion and perplexity, which he could not see the extent of: he should therefore oppose it.
TUESDAY, FEB. 23.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—the following resolution under debate, viz.—“Resolved that permanent funds ought to be appropriated for the payment of interest on, and the gradual discharge of the domestic debt of the United States.”
Mr. Livermore—This proposition is of a very extensive nature—of which the committee have at present no adequate idea—I do not learn that the creditors have applied to Congress to pay them; we do not know what the States are doing in the business; we have an arduous task to provide for the debt of the union—The State debts are unascertained, we do not know their merits or amount—there are commissioners appointed to settle accounts between the United States and individual States; we ought therefore to suspend all proceedings on the subject, for the present—and if it cannot be passed over, I hope the resolution will be rejected.
Mr. Lawrance in favor of the motion, observed that the assumption of the State debts, may be considered as a measure favorable to the States as the revenue collected through one medium will be more productive, and less liable to oppress the people than when collected through various and opposing channels—He adverted to the necessity of a uniformity in the excise; the States are repealing their excise laws—and the making provision for these debts must devolve upon the union; he replied to Mr. Livermore's objection from the amounts not being known, by saying that the Secretary has ascertained this amount with such precision that there is no probability of its being more than 25 millions dollars—it is likely to fall below that sum—the exact amount may be known in season—but from the returns actually received it is pretty evident that the estimate of those States not received, is rated full high—he entered into a consideration of the present state of those debts, the merit of the creditors, the necessity of a settlement of the debts of the respective States—and the improbability of this being done while matters remain in their present situation. He advocated the measure from motives of policy and justice, and as holding out the only prospect left to the State creditors; their acquiescence in the measure is to be expected, and the plan is calculated upon that idea; he hoped therefore that the committee would adopt the resolution, as at present he saw no objection of any weight to taking it up at this time—he should however hear with pleasure the observations of gentlemen upon the subject.
Mr. Ames wished that the harmony which has prevailed, may be preserved—he presumed for a variety of reasons that the consideration of the assumption of the State debts would not be postponed—for if it should, it would alter the whole face of the subject before the committee, and the report of the Secretary would be no longer before us, but we should be wondering from idea to idea without having any definite object. Except the State debts should be assumed, the revenue contemplated by the Secretary cannot be justly assumed, as it has special reference to this object.
Mr. Sherman was in favor of the assumption, after a proper discrimination was made between debts incurred for the general defence, and those
which had respect to the particular interest of particular States, and in which the union was not interested; he thought the committee might now adopt the general resolution, as provision, according to the Secretary's plan, is to be a future business.
Mr. Stone contended that the general government would acquire an undue influence, and the State governments would be annihilated by the measure—he objected to the mode of raising revenue by impost as operating very unjustly and unequally: he then adverted particularly to the subject of assumption, and said, that he very much doubted the right of the United States to adopt the debts of the individual States—he went on the supposition that these debts were not incurred on the account of the United States; and if the United States should proceed upon this principle there is no calculating the extent of taxation.—The debts of the several States are exceedingly various as to their merits and relative value—the paper of the several States is very variously and oppositely estimated.—He then pointed out the difficulties which would result from the measure from the different plans of policy adopted by the States, and the creditors themselves, by which the laws of Congress would not have a uniform operation—It would produce this evil, the States would be taxed by their own legislatures as high as they could go for the purposes of internal legislation—and at the same time, the general government would be extending taxation as far as they can carry it for the exigencies of the union. He observed the committee had gone on with a celerity of which he had not conceived—the business he had supposed would have taken up a longer time for discussion—the decisions of the committee are of the highest importance; I do not see the necessity of precipitating the present question.—If we move with caution in this great business we may give full satisfaction, and may receive the hearty concurrence of our constituents—but if we hastily adopt measures, which may be contrary to their feelings, we shall meet with opposition and difficulty in carrying our measures into effect.
Mr. Sherman replied particularly to Mr. Stone. He said that both the general and state governments were founded on the people—and there could be no danger in strengthening both governments, and vesting them with full powers to the limits of their Constitutions. The several States are free, sovereign, and independent, as to all the purposes of their domestic regulation—and there can be no doubt that the people will be pleased with every measure adopted by Congress, agreeable to the Constitution, from which they derive advantages. If they exceed the line of the constitution, the people will chuse others which shall propose such alterations as may be found necessary.
He could see no difficulty from clashing jurisdictions in the measure; on the other hand, he conceived it the most effectual way to prevent it. He doubted not that the state creditors would see their interest in acceding to the measure; he was opposed to a postponement; the plan is not to be immediately adopted, and as there will be sufficient time allowed for every arrangement, he hoped the committee would now decide the question.
Mr. Burke entered into a consideration of the rise and progress of the debt of South-Carolina, and from a series of particulars endeavored to shew that their debt was incurred on account of the general defence, and he thought it ought to be so considered, but still he had his doubts respecting the propriety of assuming those debts the present session—he thought it absurd to engage to pay debts when we do not know their amount, nor the abilities of the United States.
Mr. Gerry adverted to the constitution, to ascertain whether the assumption was compatible therewith; and found that it was perfectly consistent, as the debts were incurred for the general defence. The states were as agents on the part of the continent. The states and the general government are as one great machine, in which small wheels are as necessary as large, demolish one, and you destroy the whole. If the state debts should not be assumed, a clamor will be raised against the state governments for not doing justice, and the people will consider them as oppressive; they will diminish in the estimation of the particular citizens. If the general government should hereafter oppress the states, they will be in a better situation to defend themselves, being out of debt, than if in debt; for out of debt, out of danger. He expatiated on the policy of the measure, and the fruitful source of disunion and discord, which would result from opposing and clashing systems of revenue and excise. He was in favor of a full compliance with the contract to the State creditor; their claims are equally well founded with those of the creditors of the union—the object was the same—the services the same, and justice plead as urgently for them, as for the other.
Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Fitzsimons, and Mr. Smith, spoke in favor of the proposition.
Mr. Lawrance, moved that the committee should rise and report progress.
(To be continued.)

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH 8, 1790.
MR. VINING took his seat this day.—The bill to promote the progress of the useful arts, was brought in engrossed, read the third time, and ordered to lie on the table till to morrow.
The bill to accept of the cession of lands in the western territory, by the state of North Carolina was read the second time and referred to a committee of the whole house.
The resolve of the Senate for giving further instructions to the collectors of the revenue was read the second time.
This resolution enjoins a compliance with the state inspection laws previous to clearing out vessels, and was referred to a committee consisting of Mr. White, Mr. Tucker, and Mr. Contee—who are instructed to bring in a bill pursuant thereto.
A bill to provide for an addition to the salaries of the clerks in the office of the commissioners of accounts, was read the first time.
Mr. Livermore presented a bill, making appropriations for the services of the year 1790.—Read the first time.
A report of the secretary of the treasury, on sundry petitions, was read.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by his secretary; with a copy of the ratification of the amendments proposed by Congress, to the constitution of the United States, by the state of Delaware.
A petition of Gifford Dally, was read, and referred to the committee of appropriations.
Mr. White presented a bill to regulate the exportation of certain articles, subject to inspection, by the laws of the several states.
Mr. Ames presented the memorial of David Olyphant, Director-General of the Hospitals, in the southern department of the late continental army.
Mr. Hartley moved that the report of the committee on the memorials of the people called Quakers, should be taken up for a second reading, which motion being adopted, it was read as follows—viz.
That from the nature of the matters contained in those memorials, they were induced to examine the powers vested in Congress, under the present constitution, relating to the abolition of slavery, and are clearly of opinion: First, that the general government is expressly restrained from prohibiting the importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit until the year 1808.
Secondly, That Congress, by a fair construction of the constitution, are equally restrained from interfering in the emancipation of slaves, who already are, or who may, within the period mentioned, be imported into, or born within any of the said states.
Thirdly, That Congress have no authority to interfere in the internal regulations of particular states, relative to the instruction of slaves in the principles of morality and religion, to their comfortable cloathing, accommodation and subsistence; to the regulation of their marriages, and the prevention of the violation of the rights thereof, or to the separation of children from their parents; to a comfortable provision in cases of sickness, age or infirmity, or to the seizure, transportation, or sale of free negroes, but have the fullest confidence in the wisdom and humanity of the legislatures of the several states, that they will revise their laws, from time to time, when necessary, and promote the objects mentioned in the memorials, and every other measure that may tend to the happiness of slaves.
Fourthly, that nevertheless, Congress, have authority, if they shall think it necessary to lay at any time, a tax or duty, not exceeding ten dollars for each person, of any description, the importation of whom shall be by any of the states, admitted as aforesaid.
Fifthly, That Congress have authority to interdict, or (so far as it is, or may be carried on by citizens of the United States, for supplying foreigners) to regulate the African trade, and to make provision for the humane treatment of slaves, in all cases while on their passages to the United States, or to foreign ports, as far as it respects the citizens of the United States.
Sixthly, That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners from fitting out vessels in any port of the United States for transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port.
Seventhly, That the memorialists be informed, that in all cases, to which the authority of Congress extends, they will exercise it for the humane objects of the memorialists, so far as they can be promoted on the principles of justice, humanity and good policy.
Mr. Smith (S.C.) moved that the above be referred to a committee of the whole, to be taken up the first Monday in May next.
Mr. Boudinot proposed the first Monday in April.
Mr. Jackson opposed the latter period; he urged several reasons which rendered it extremely inconvenient to assign so early a day: A proper knowledge of the present state of the importations, and other particulars respecting the slave-trade, which cannot be known so early, call for a longer time—he adverted to the peculiar circumstances of the southern states, and urged the necessity and justice of requiring a more perfect knowledge of the sentiments of their constituents; to adopt it in its present form, would produce infinite mischiefs in the southern states—it would excite tumults, seditions, and insurrections.
Mr. Vining opposed a postponement—he considered the report if adopted as an honorable declaration of the sentiments of the legislature, on this important business; he could not conceive that there was any grounds for the alarming apprehensions entertained by some gentlemen.
Mr. Boudinot answered Mr. Jackson—he observed that if the report was calculated to produce such effects, the argument is in favor of the shortest period; that the report may be so amended, as to prevent those effects.—He moved the first Monday in April, because, he expected that Congress would rise in May, and he thought it would not be giving the business that attention which it deserved, to postpone it to a period which may preclude all discussion of the subject whatever.
Mr. Smith (S.C.) and Mr. Stone urged the postponement, the latter Gentleman observed, that he had not approved of the interference of Congress in the business. He thought that persons who are not interested, ought not to interfere; such interferences favored very strongly of an intolerant spirit; and he could not suppose that any one of the states had a right to interfere in the internal regulations of another: The states are not accountable to each other for their moral conduct. He wished that the interesting circumstances of the states, which would be so materially affected, might be taken into consideration, and the subject postponed to the first Monday in May.
Mr. Vining replied to Mr. Stone, and observed, that it was very extraordinary, that a humane liberal spirit—a wish to diffuse universal liberty should be called an intolerant spirit; and disinterested persons, he had always supposed the most likely to form a just judgment; he could not but approve of the report of the committee, it was couched in terms of humanity and prudence, and did great honor to the gentlemen who framed it.
Mr. Boudinot observed that as there were some expressions in the report which if altered, might give satisfaction to all parties, he would move that the house should now go into a committee of the whole, in order to make those alterations.
Mr. Jackson said for the purpose of altering the phraseology, he should have no objection to going into a committee.
Mr. Burke was for postponing the business altogether, he dilated on the pernicious consequences which may be expected to flow from an interference in the business.
Mr. Smith (S.C.) moved that the report should be recommitted—he expatiated on the construction which might be put on the several parts of the report and shewed their pernicious tendency; he was pointedly severe in animadverting on the conduct of the memorialists in meddling with the business.
Mr. Sherman opposed this motion; he said that this report was agreeable to his ideas, it was prudent, humane and judicious.
The motion for recommittal was negatived—It was then voted that it should be referred to a committee of the whole house—the time when it should be taken up, occasioned some further debate; it was urged that as so much time had been spent in the discussion and many ideas were thrown out of alarming insurrections, it was become necessary to make an early decision on the business; Mr. Boudinot therefore withdrew his motion for April, and moved that the House should at this time go into a committee of the whole on the report.
Mr. Jackson was opposed to the motion; he animadverted with great severity on the memorialists, and introduced an account of the mischiefs which had resulted from the interference of a sect called Anabaptists in the State of Georgia.
Mr. Gerry justified the Quakers—he was astonished he said, that these persons should be treated with so much severity, when it was well known that they had exerted themselves in the same cause in Great-Britain and other parts of the world—that they had formed societies to effect their humane purposes, and for their exertions, had hitherto met with universal applause.
It was finally voted to take up the report to-morrow week.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—the assumption of the State debts under consideration.—Mr. White, Mr. Stone, Mr. Smith (S.C.) and Mr. Gerry, spoke on the subject; but the committee rose without coming to a decision.—Mr. Clymer had leave of absence for a few days.
TUESDAY, MARCH 9.
Mr. Benson presented a memorial from William Bedlow, late deputy Post-Master of the city of New-York—which was read.
The bill for encreasing the salaries of the subordinate Clerks, in the office of the commissioners on accounts, to the sum which is allowed to such Clerks in the Treasury department; was read the second time and ordered to be engrossed.
The bill for making appropriations for the services of the year 1790—was read the second time, and ordered to be referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday next.
The bill to prevent the exportation of goods not duly inspected according to the laws of the respective States, was read a second time and referred to the committee of the whole on Thursday next.
The report of the committee appointed pursuant to the memorial of Robert Morris, Esq. was read, with certain papers accompanying the same.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—the proposition for the assumption of the State debts under consideration.
After further debate on this proposition, it was adopted, 31 to 26—as in the following words:
Resolved that the debts of the respective States ought, with the consent of the creditors, to be assumed and provided for by the United States; and at the same time that effectual provision be made for the liquidation of, and crediting to the States the whole of their expences during the war, as the same have been, or may be stated for the purpose—and that the best evidence of the same be taken, the nature of the case will admit.
The next proposition was also agreed to, viz.
Resolved that it is adviseable to endeavor to effect a new modification of the domestic debt, including that of the particular States, with the voluntary consent of the creditors by a loan, upon terms mutually beneficial to them and to the United States.
Resolved, That for the purpose expressed in the last preceding resolution, subscriptions toward a loan ought to be opened, to the amount of the said domestic debt; including that of the respective States, upon the terms following, — this resolve was adopted; the first alternative which follows being read—a considerable debate ensued, occasioned principally by a motion of Mr. Boudinot to strike out all that relates to the western territory—the committee finally rose without deciding on the motion or the rate of interest. Adjourned.
NEW-YORK, MARCH 10.
A Correspondent observes, it is so long since the agricultural interest of this country enjoyed the advantage of a considerable temporary rise in the prices of grain, that it is not a little surprising to find persons coming forward with their proposals of an embargo. To say nothing of the extreme modesty in which this proposition has obtruded itself on the public—provided we are favored with a very great surplusage of grain, as is to be presumed—the project of laying an embargo on its exportation would be as wise, as the conduct of a merchant, who should shut up his warehouse at the moment of a brisk demand for his commodities.
The Legislature of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, has appointed the Honorable NATHAN DANE, their Agent, to support the claims of that Commonwealth against the United States.
A Correspondent would suggest the propriety of Government's offering bounties for the encouragement of Agriculture the ensuing season, more particularly to those farmers, who shall raise the greatest quantities of summer grain of all sorts—and of such vegetables as are the nearest substitutes for grain.
The plan of rendering Federal Officers ineligible to State appointments is hostile to the best interests of the States—as it will very frequently deprive the people of the abilities of their best men—excite jealousies, and an opposition of interests:—Justice to the people requires, that good men should in all cases be competent to different appointments, that are not in their natures incompatible.
“PHILHELUTHROS”—“AMERICANUS,” &c. are received, and will appear on Saturday next.
To be SOLD,
At PUBLIC AUCTION, on the First Day of APRIL next, (if not disposed of before, at Private Sale.)
THAT pleasant and valuable Place formerly called COLES-FERRY, now by the name of VAN DUZER'S, on Staten Island, Richmond County, with two good sufficient Pettiaugers for the ferrying business. It is a beautiful situation, and one of the best stands for a Ferry, or Tavern, on Staten-Island, and an excellent Shad and Herring Fishery within 20 yards of the door, Black-Fish, and all other kind of Fish in their season. It is likewise the best and most convenient Ferry to Long-Island, where a number of passengers pass and repass. It lies within two miles of the Point of the Narrows, and between 8 and 9 miles from New-York. There is about 30 acres of excellent good Land, chiefly Meadow, with a very good Wharf, House, Barn and Garden—the whole being in good repair. It will also make a beautiful Country Seat, fit for any gentleman.
For Particulars enquire of JOHN ANDERSON, corner of the Exchange, or CHARLES M'LEAN, White Hall, New-York, or of Messrs BYERS and REILLY, Staten-Island, or of the Subscriber on the premises, where the conditions of sale will be made known. ABRAHAM VAN DUZER.
Staten-Island, March 6, 1790.