National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-09-19 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, September 19, 1792.
NUMB. 93.
From the (Boston) INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE, of Sep. 6.
THE CRISIS—No. I.
To the Independent American ELECTORS.
As we have for a long while been diverted with pompous paragraphs in certain papers, respecting the administration of our government, it is proper at this period, when a choice of Federal Representatives is to take place, for "The People" to examine for themselves, and enquire, whether the great purposes of our Federal Government, have hitherto been properly attended to; and whether the citizens at large have so much reason to applaud the measures adopted.
A writer in Fenno's paper, against Mr. Jefferson, signed, "An American," asserts it as a fact, that that Officer arraigns the principal measures of government—and that he takes no pains to conceal it—The reputation of Mr. Jefferson, is too well known to need any panegyric, he having filled with honor, the most important public offices both at home and abroad. And as a further proof of his known attachment to the interest of his country, he is now, by the appointment of the President, at the "head" of one of the principal departments in the government.
This being the case, notwithstanding an anonymous writer may attempt to injure his reputation, yet when such a character arraigns the "principal measures of the government, and takes no pains to conceal it," the jealousy of the people is naturally excited, and they are led in consequence thereof, to investigate more minutely the conduct of their rulers.
Whether Mr. Jefferson is right in his censures on men and measures, does not altogether depend on opinion, but on reality: Or, as the author alluded to expresses himself, "Facts speak louder than words." The happiness and prosperity of this country, do not consist in frothy declamation, or in the number of pompous paragraphs exhibited in Fenno's Gazette of the United States, and retailed out by Russell's Columbian Centinel : But the grand enquiry is, whether the government is administered upon those principles which were contemplated at the time of its adoption. The subject upon this extensive scale, will be candidly considered.
The embarrassments under which our COMMERCE labors, was one great cause, and almost the principal, which led to the adoption of our present government. The debates in the several conventions, evidently show, that this was an object, among all the federal members, of the highest magnitude. At that time many foreign ports were shut against us. Factors were flocking from Europe, to reside among us, and our navigation was embarrassed by foreign restrictions.
These difficulties were early taken into serious consideration by the merchants, tradesmen and other citizens of the town of Boston, and circular letters were forwarded by a very respectable Committee, earnestly calling on the several State Legislatures, to empower Congress to receive them—These representations were duly attended to, and a convention from several states was speedily held for the purpose of regulating our commerce, and extending the American navigation. The measures then contemplated without a more minute detail, may be considered as the basis of our Federal Government.
A few questions now naturally arise, Have the evils then complained of been remedied? Have any effectual measures been taken to revive our commerce, or extend our navigation?—Has that commercial war taken place, which was necessary to promote our carrying trade, or those measures of retaliation been adopted, to open to us foreign ports, in order that the navigation of this country, might stand upon a more respectable footing?
It is presumed not; but on the contrary, the West India Islands, notwithstanding the vast advantages we have had of them in their commotions, are still shut against us. Foreign ships assume a right to enter our ports, with a trifling extra duty, while the Americans dare not enter a petty island, unless permitted by proclamation from the governor thereof.
Notwithstanding the high sounding terms of the dignity of government, the Congress of the United States have not been able to open one port; but during their long sessions, the members have often read in our public papers, the humiliating paragraphs, that American vessels are permitted, for a certain period, to carry necessaries to some distressed Island.—Instead of coming forward with resolution, to support the American Commerce, and taking an advantage of the situation of the West-Indies, session after session have passed over, without effecting the great object for which the constitution was principally established,
Without reflecting on the debates which have taken up such a large proportion of the several sessions, 'the people' had reason to expect, from the magnitude of the subject, that the American navigation would not have given place to matters of a trifling concern.
Thus far as to the operations of government in extending our Commerce in American vessels. The attempts also to retaliate by an extra duty on foreign bottoms, are equally futile: the duties being so trifling that they answer no effectual purpose and appear only as an effort fraught with feebleness and timidity. The measures pursued, as they particularly respect the American trade, will be the subject of the next number.
A REPUBLICAN.
Mr. HENRY BANKS'S ADDRESS To the Printer of the Virginia Gazette.
SIR,
THE notice which I gave to the public, thro' your paper, relative to the constitution of this state, did not proceed either from a motive of ostentation, sedition or officiousness; for, although I have, and ever will assert the right of complaining against a public grievance, I hold it, as a republican, a requisite and political duty, to conform to the laws and regulations of my country.
To new model the constitution of this state, has been long the wish of many, and has been partially the object of public investigation—the advocates for change have not been strenuous to press—the opponents have been prompt at evasion;—
That the public mind might be fairly drawn to the subject, policy dictates the mode which I adopted, and reflection now justifies it. If my object is fallacious, it will be easier to expose it under a previous and public avowal, than if it was to be attempted at an unexpected moment. I cannot believe a modern political opinion, that a free people, or their representatives, should be ever tricked into a measure. The public mind, when rightly assayed, will be both liberal and virtuous: the principles of universal human right are more and more understood, inasmuch that tricks are now under way to prevent voluntary efforts to enforce them.
It is true that the legislature of Virginia may withhold the recommendation, but if they should do so again, the right of the people will not therefore be impaired or lessened, nor has any power on earth the right of controul, as relates to this great human postulatium. I should be sorry to find that the contracted policy of an illiberal Legislature, in avoiding a measure both right and necessary, should force the people to regenerate their government by a direct assumption and exercise of their original rights.
The neighbouring governments of Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, Carolina, and Kentucky, allow to all who contribute to the support of government, the rights of suffrage: in Virginia, land holders only have the privilege.
At the first settlement of the country this ariocratical policy might have been proper, but why it should be supported or continued, cannot be answered by the ingenuity of the most refined casuist. With arms of invitation we persuade the world to partake and enjoy the privileges of human equality, at the very instant when the foundation of the government denies to them the first essential of freemen, to wit, the right of suffrage. Men are the strength and source of wealth throughout the world, and few countries want them more than this. One man who supports a family by a useful occupation, is of more intrinsic value to the community than 100 who derive their support from rents or any other fixed revenue, and yet the government of Virginia places the lord of the soil in a degree superior to one who is not, beyond the reach of calculation. The landholder is an hereditary legislator with the right to elect representatives, not only for himself, but for those who are less wealthy or less fortunate; while this is the case, and many valuable citizens feel themselves to be less than men, is it possible that our country can flourish equal to her natural resources?
Many of the most valuable citizens of this state who wanted resources to give to themselves and families this political establishment, have emigrated to Kentucky, Georgia &c. and we see their places filled, by refugees, excise men and stock holders—and if the degrading policy of which I complain, shall be much longer continued, this country will present a bitter spectacle of pride, power, impertinence, and extortion, on one side; humility, submission, obedience & slavery, on the other. The genius & good sense of this country, when called into exertion, will unite with indignation, against the policy which is calculated to make one greater, and another less than man; and those principles of universal natural equality and right, which are now to be found in other states and countries, may be established at home, on a basis which will receive additional strength by use—to effect this is now, and I hope will ever be, my object.
If it was necessary to call forth the strength of this country, to repel an invading enemy, would an inhabitant not a land holder, be on that account excused? And yet, why should he be required to make battle? To protect his wealthy landlord or ariocratical neighbour in a tyrannical enjoyment and usufruct of power, which would be immediately used against those who defended it? Reason says No—the constitution and government of Virginia says, Yes. If then, oppression and degradation are to be the governmental watch words of this country, it matters not by whom they are administered, whether by a tyrannical king, a self created ariocracy, an impolitic legislature, or a speculating Congress.
The caution which is given in your paper under the signature of Americanus , to prevent an injury to the cause which I have espoused, implies either a right or ability; but as he confesses an entire ignorance of a necessary postulatium, to wit a knowledge of our state constitution, I must recommend to him, and other sceptics to read the resolutions of the Convention of 1776, and to examine the census of inhabitants taken under the auspices of the federal government; the first gives a representation of two members to each county in Virginia; the second will prove that many counties from 15 to 20,000 inhabitants, have no more political weight than others from 1500 to 2000; the most strenuous advocate for old maxims, on the prescriptive preference of one man over another, will not presume, that, if nature
has given a preference to any description of people, that she has done so at the disproportion of ten to one. I will not draw comparisons, nor can I agree that the active and industrious sons of the mountains are of less value in the scale of human affairs, than those whose lot is given them locality, near a fish-pot.
ment of this state, is a po. imposition, which every republican should endeavour to develope and counteract.
Strongly impressed with these sentiments, I have exposed myself to public criticism; and although I may not have either talents or influence to effect my wishes, I shall induce my countrymen to reflect and by example prove, that they have a right to utter their thoughts.
HENRY BANKS.
[From "Letters (just published) addressed to the Teomanry of the United States," containing Observations on the dangerous tendency of establishing national manufactures, exclusively privileged, and with large capitals.]
WHEN Ministers are suffered to introduce, and Legislators adopt, the spirit and regulation of a military corps, into civil government, and by arbitrary laws, interfere in the private actions of citizens; it manifests a shameful ignorance of that knowledge of history, with which every statesman should be acquainted, or a want of that sound judgment, and of those just principles of philosophy, which would enable them to make a useful advantage of such knowledge.
The history of civil society does not furnish a single instance of Legislators interfering with, and directing the occupations of citizens, but with injury.
The celebrated Solon introduced this wretched system of policy. To ingratiate himself with the licentious citizens of Athens, he ordained, that the husbandmen should not sell the produce of their farms to any, but the Athenians. The small quantity of oil, raised in the country, was alone admitted to a free, unlimited sale. This unjust regulation served a temporary purpose of supplying the city with provisions, at a low price; but the farmers, feeling themselves injured, converted so great a proportion of the country into olive yards, that in a short time provisions became dearer than ever, and the quantity of oil produced, occasioned Athens to become one of the most considerable markets for oil in that quarter of the world.
The Athenian policy, of restricting the sale of the produce of the country, was imitated by the Romans, and produced similar effects. The culture of grain was neglected in the neighbourhood of Rome, and the distant provinces were oppressed, in order to supply the city with bread.
Modern politicians, without advertting to the inevitable consequences, have too generally adopted the regulating spirit of the ancients. Some time previous to the late war, American and British vessels, seeking for the best market for their wheat in the Mediterranean, were accustomed to put into Marseilles, to procure a knowledge of the markets; if the difference of price was not considerably in favour of any other port, the British Consul, who acted as Agent had directions to sell—It sometimes happened, though very rare, that the vessels were ordered to Genoa or Leghorn. This freedom of commerce gave umbrage to some of the people; they procured an order for instituting a society of Plenty, whose duty it was to seize any provisions coming into Marseilles, in order that the numerous citizens of that place, might be furnished with such necessaries, at a low price. After this, regulation the vessels avoided the port, and provisions became dearer than before.
[To be continued.]

MANIFESTO , published at Brussels the 28th July, 1792, given by the Duke of Brunswick, Commander in Chief of the Austrian and Prussian armies.
THEIR majesties, the emperor and king of Prussia, having confided to me the command of the combined armies which they have caused to be assembled on the frontiers of France; I have resolved to announce to the inhabitants of that kingdom, the motives that have induced these two sovereigns to this step, and the principles by which they are governed therein.
After having arbitrarily suppressed the rights and pretensions of the German princes in Alsace and Lorraine, and over-set all interior order and good government, exercised against the sacred person of the king and his august family innumerable injuries and violences, continued from day to day, and constantly renewed, those who have usurped the reins of government have, at length, filled up the measure of their iniquities, in causing an unjust war to be declared against his Imperial majesty, and in attacking his provinces, situated in the Low Countries. Some of the possessions of the Germanick empire have been involved in this invasion, and others have escaped, only by submitting to the imperious menaces of the predominating faction, and of its emissaries.
His majesty the king of Prussia, united with his Imperial majesty, by the ties of a strict and defensive alliance, as well as in his quality of preponderating member of the Germanick body, has not been able to refuse marching to the succour of his ally, and co-estates; and it is in both these qualities, that he takes upon himself the defence of that monarch and of Germany.
To these two interests is united another equally important, and which the two sovereigns have much at heart—that of causing the anarchy existing in the interior of France to cease to stay the assaults made upon the throne and the altar; to re-establish the legal authority; to restore to the king the liberty and safety of which he has been deprived; and to place him in a situation to exercise the legitimate authority that of right belongs to him.
Convinced that the sound part of the nation abhors the excesses of a faction that subdues it, and that the greater number of the inhabitants wait with impatience the moment of auxiliary aid openly to declare themselves against their odious oppressors, his majesty the emperor, and his majesty the king of Prussia, call upon and invite them to return without delay to the paths of reason, of justice, of order, and of peace. With these views the under-signed general and commander in chief of the two armies declares as follows:
1st. That, led into this war by irresistible motives, the two courts propose to themselves no other object than the good of France, without intending to enrich themselves by means of their conquests.
2d. That they do not intend to intermeddle in the interior affairs of France, but mean only to deliver the king, the queen, and the royal family from their captivity, and to procure to his most christian majesty the necessary security that the king may be enabled without danger or obstacle to call together such convocation or assembly as he may think proper, to assist in preserving that happiness to his subjects, which he has promised to them, and to which he will contribute all that may depend upon him.
3d. The combined armies will protect all cities, burghs, villages, persons and possessions, that shall submit to the king, and they will instantaneously contribute to the restoring of order, and a good police throughout all France.
4th. The national guards are called upon provisionally, to watch over the tranquillity of the country, to the safety of the persons and effects of all French citizens, until the arrival of the troops of their Imperial and royal majesties, or until it shall be otherwise ordered, upon pain of being held personally responsible. On the other hand, such of the national guards as shall have fought against the troops of the allied courts, and shall be taken arms in hand, shall be treated as enemies, and punished as rebels to their king and disturbers of the public peace.
5th. That the general officers, subalterns and soldiers of the troops of the French line are equally called upon to return to their ancient fealty, and instantly
to submit to the king their lawful sovereign.
6th. That the members of the departments, the districts and municipalities are held equally responsible on their heads, and with all their goods and chattels for all crimes, fires, murders or atrocious acts, that they may not have used all their endeavours to prevent within their jurisdiction: they are further held provisionally to continue their functions until his most christian majesty shall be placed at full liberty to provide ultimately, or at least until in his name other steps shall be taken in the interval.
7th. The inhabitants of all cities, boroughs and villages that shall dare to defend themselves against the armies of their imperial and royal majesties, or to fire upon them either in the open field or from any windows, doors, or openings of their houses, shall be immediately punished according to the rigor of the martial law, and their houses shall be razed or burned; on the contrary, all inhabitants of the said cities, burghs or villages, who shall hasten to submit to the king by opening their doors to the troops of their majesties, shall be instantly placed under their protection, their persons and effects shall remain under the safeguard of the laws, and care shall be taken to provide for the security of all and each one of them.
8th. The city of Paris and all its inhabitants without distinction, are held to submit immediately, and without delay, to the king; to set the king at full and entire liberty; and to assure to him, as well as to the royal family, that inviolability and respect which subjects owe to their sovereign by all the laws of nature and of nations. Their imperial and royal majesties render personally responsible of all events upon their heads, and to be tried in a summary military way, without the least hope of pardon, all members of the national assembly, the department, the district, the municipality, and the national guard of Paris, justices of the peace, and all others to whom it may belong. Their said majesties declaring, on the faith and word of an emperor and a king, that if the castle of the Thuilleries is either forced or insulted; that if the least violence—the least outrage be offered to his majesty, the queen, or the royal family—if immediate measures be not taken for their safety, their preservation and their liberty, that they will take an exemplary and ever memorable vengeance by delivering over the city of Paris to military execution and a total subversion, while the guilty revolters are receiving the punishment they will have merited.
Their imperial and royal majesties, on the contrary, promise to the inhabitants of the city of Paris, that they will use their good offices with his most christian majesty, to obtain pardon of all wrongs and errors that may have been heretofore done, and to take the most vigorous measures to ensure their persons and effects, if they immediately and exactly obey the present injunction.
Finally their majesties being unable to acknowledge any laws as existing in France except such as shall emanate from the king, enjoying a perfect liberty, they protest beforehand against the authenticity of any declarations which may be made in the name of his most christian majesty, as long as his sacred person, that of the queen, and the royal family shall not be really in safety; in consequence, their imperial and royal majesties invite and earnestly solicit his most christian majesty to name a city in his kingdom the most near to the frontiers into which he may be pleased to retire with his queen and family, under a strong and sufficient escort which shall be sent for that purpose, in order that his most christian majesty may call together the ministers and councillors he may think proper, or collect such convocation or assembly as may appear best to him to provide for the restoration of good order by the regular interior administration of his kingdom.
In a word, I do further declare and engage myself in my own name, and in my quality above mentioned to occasion to be every where observed by the troops entrusted to my command a good and exact discipline, promising to treat with mildness and moderation all well intentioned subjects that may appear peaceable and submissive, and to apply force only against such as shall be guilty of resistance or ill will.
It is for these reasons that I require and exhort all inhabitants of the kingdom in
the strongest and most earnest manner, not to oppose the march and operations of the troops that I command, but rather to allow them free passage, and all such good will and assistance as circumstances may require.
Given at my head-quarters, at Coblenz, the 25th July, 1792. CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, Duke of Brunswick Lunenburgh.
Foreign Occurrences.
P A R I S, July 15.
The French Princes have formed a new Bastille at Coblenz, in which are now confined seventy-seven persons, suspected of infidelity to these worthy promoters of peace and good order. One of the persons in this Bastille is a trader of the city of Nancy, who came into one of the nearer French towns in the course of his business. A monk who knew him to be a member of a popular society in his own town, invited him to walk in the territory of Treves, where he was arrested, carried before the grand provost Prienneau, and committed to prison, upon proof that he had asserted, that kings might be made for the people, but no people could ever be made for a king!
Warsaw, July 4. The Russians upon taking possession of Nieśwież , instead of fulfilling the terms which they themselves had held out to the garrison, gave a loose to every species of barbarity, spreading pillage, destruction, and death among the defenceless inhabitants. The Polish commander upon this immediately dispatched an officer to the Russian general, proposing a suspension of hostilities for a limited time, that during the interval a stop might be put to the effusion of the blood of so many citizens. The Russian commander in chief, however, refused a truce, on pretence that he had express orders from his sovereign to efface the very traces of the new Polish constitution, adopted on the 3d of May, 1791.
Vienna, July 7. The treaty is ratified with our court, by which the king of Sardinia accedes to the league between Prussia and Austria, against France. By this treaty the king of Sardinia is to furnish 7 battalions of infantry, 2 squadrons of horse, and 50 artillery men, as auxiliaries from Sardinia.
Coblenz, July 8. The Prussian troops are arrived here. The son of the king of Prussia came the day before yesterday, at the head of a regiment of Hussars, about fifteen hundred strong. It is supposed to be the finest regiment in Europe, being composed entirely of men six feet high. The next day arrived a body of chasseurs. These handle their carabines with such skill, that often at the distance of 500 steps they will hit a crown piece with a single ball. Their discipline is most terribly severe, an idea of which may be gathered from what passed yesterday. A Prussian soldier ventured to make some disrespectful remarks relative to the war against France, before four of his comrades. Two days after a subaltern officer was informed of it, and related the circumstance to his superior. It reached the Duke of Brunswick.—He wont suffer philosophers in his army—he condemned the soldier to die. He was shot, and over his dead body three of his comrades received 100 lashes, for listening to his discourse without denouncing him to his officer.
Paris, July 18. Marshal Luckner is still here. He demands immediate reinforcements to oppose the prodigious bodies of troops, which are rapidly advancing to the French frontiers. He asserts that France has not more than 65,000 men in the three frontier armies, and that the combined enemies will soon shew themselves 280,000 strong.
PHILADELPHIA.
SEPTEMBER 19, 1792.
On Saturday evening last arrived here, from Ostend, the ship Baring , capt. Tingey. This vessel brings European accounts down to the 3d of August. It was said at Ostend, at the time capt. Tingey left that port, that business in Paris was entirely at a stand: all the shops and stores were shut, and upwards of two hundred thousand citizens of the city of Paris were under arms, determined to defend themselves and their liberties to the last extremity. Every department was furnished in the best manner with cannon, military stores, and provision. No particular accounts are received relative to the marquis de la Fayette further than that he was at the head of the army on the frontiers.
Extract of a letter from Boston, dated Sept. 5.
The administration of the federal government has not been so universally pleasing to the great body of the people, as its interested partisans have continually represented it to be. Its influence has invariably acted as an opiate on all free enquiry into the latent springs of its motions, and the press has been silenced on that head, while the most fulsome panegyrics have issued from the polluted font of adulation, in its praise; in a word, the language has
been exhausted in terms of the basest servility to decorate this political bride. It has long been the opinion of many that a free examination of the measures of government will have a tendency to preserve the constitution of our country from change, and ensure an administration of it upon the same principles that gave it existence; but this only can be accomplished through the medium of a press unshackled by its influence, and conducted to that end."
Notwithstanding the continual puffs in the English papers of the enviable and unrivalled situation of Great-Britain, and the depressed state of France, it is remarkable that every ship from Britain and Ireland is pouring in upon us hosts of emigrants, while those continually arriving from France bring us few or none; a decisive argument that the common people at large are much more at their ease in France than in Britain and Ireland.
By a public communication from governor Telfair to the representatives in Congress of the state of Georgia, it appears that it will require one million of dollars to be assumed on account of that state; to cover its state debts.
It is a fact, perhaps not generally known, that the late captain John Paul Jones, at the time that he was attempting to fit out a little squadron during the late war, in one of the ports of France, to cruise on the coast of England, was much delayed by neglects and disappointments from the court, that had nearly frustrated his plans. Chance one day threw into his hands an old almanac containing Poor Richard's Maxims , by Dr. FRANKLIN. In that curious assemblage of useful instruction a man is advised "if he wishes to have any business faithfully and expediently performed, to go out himself: otherwise, to lend."—Jones was immediately struck, upon reading this maxim, with the impropriety of his past conduct in only sending letters and messages to court, when he ought to have gone in person. He instantly set out, and by dint of personal representations procured the immediate equipment of the squadron, which afterwards spread terror along the eastern coast of England, and with which he so gloriously captured the Serapis and other British ships of war, returning from the Baltic. In gratitude to Dr. Franklin's maxim, he named the principal ship of his squadron after the name of the pretended Almanac Maker , Le Bon Homme Richard , Father Richard.
"It gives us great pleasure (says a Boston paper) to find that the patriotic JEFFERSON has become the object of censure, as it will have a happy tendency to open the eyes of the people, to see the tricks of certain men in power, who are wishing to turn every staunch republican out of office, who has discerning to ken their arbitrary measures, and honesty sufficient to reveal them.
From several symptoms it appears that the old republican spirit of America is returning in full force upon those parts of the United States where it had been rather obscured for some time past by the arts of aristocratical sophistry. How the "Gazette of the United States" will be affected by this change, a short time will determine. Some think the Printer will be served much in the same manner as the fox served his fleas and vermin—he is said to have sunk himself gradually into a pool of water with a wisp of straw in his nose, the vermin all the while crawling up as the fox immersed his carcass, till at length Reynard gave them the dodge, and left them to shift for themselves!
"England at present (says a letter from that quarter) is free from invasion or threat, but disturbed with internal commotions. It may seem strange to tell, but Paine's Rights of Man have produced all this. A proclamation to suppress that work, and other means also have been tried: but proclamations and prosecutions will only tend to hasten the dissolution of those political trammels, that have held mankind in a bondage of thought and action too long. Mr. Paine's prosecution is on the eve of commencing; and I believe its process will be short. There is an apparent disposition in ministry to be severe, but under that veil, I guess I may venture to say, there is a real inclination to the contrary; for the friends of that work compose a very respectable majority of the people of England. It is to the sycophants of the court he is a sore scourge; and the people begin to see the gross impositions that have been practised upon them, and with indignation and resentment. It is now reported, that a change in the ministry is to take place immediately. The particulars of the ins and outs are not publicly known. The lord chancellor has lately resigned. This, of itself, will produce some change."
"Fortunately (says the same letter, dated July 18) a union of parties has taken place in France, that lessens the hopes of her enemies and gives encouragement to her friends; the want of which union has hitherto kept alive the torch of civil discord, and spirited up her fugitive miscreants to excite the aid of German and Prussian mercenaries, to complete the destruction of her fabric. But scarcely has the mind time to reflect at large upon her situation, before

Poland claims our thoughts: Emerging, but lately, from a state of vassalage to that of freedom, she it seems, has excited the enmity of Russia's haughty despot; who now wages war against her, to extinguish that ray of freedom, reflected from the altar, which Poland raised in Warsaw. It seems hurtful to her sight; and I hope it will dazzle her optics with its splendor and its consequences till (as somebody says) her eye-lids can no longer wag."
The celebrated Ledyard , at the instance of the English African company, for exploring that continent, first undertook the Herculean task, but unfortunately died of a fever soon after his arrival at Cairo, in Egypt. To him succeeded Major Houghton , who has now for more than two years been actually engaged in travelling through the interior of that hitherto unknown continent. According to English papers, the President of the African company has recently received dispatches from Major Houghton , informing that he has discovered a city not mentioned in any history, and unheard of thro' the medium of tradition. He represents it as infinitely larger, and as containing more inhabitants than any other city at present existing in the world, but the people even there, as well as in every other part of the country, he describes to be in a state of gross barbarism, and trading chiefly in slaves, of which it is the great mart.
"From the best information that can be had (says a letter from Havre) France will have to cope with an army of at least two hundred thousand men of the combined forces. General Luckner has demanded a reinforcement of one hundred and thirty thousand men, without which he has declared he cannot act even on the defensive. He has also proposed to the Assembly, from motives of the most urgent necessity, that the generals shall be permitted to inflict punishments without court-martials."
The well-wishers to France and her revolution cannot but express their regret, that their periodical writers, and in general all those who call themselves the defenders of the liberties of the nation, had not been a little more circumspect than openly to avow their design of disseminating the principles of French liberty through Europe, and by thus influencing the opinions of other nations, encourage them to shake off the yoke of their existing governments. More reserve on this subject would have prevented those pretences now made by almost all the courts of Europe, and even by such republics as Switzerland, to act against and assist in overturning the new constitution. The present National Assembly are now convinced of the impropriety of such conduct, but too late to prevent the hostile operations of the courts of Vienna, Berlin, Turin, &c. Their predecessors thought the same way, but if they had ventured to repress the effusions of these writers, they would have been arraigned at the tribunal of the Jacobins for plotting against the liberty of speech and writing, and pronounced enemies to their country.
[Leyd. Gazette.]
Towards the latter end of May last the ministers of the two courts of Hungary and Prussia transmitted a memorial to his Danish majesty's minister of state, relative to the affairs of France, requiring the accession of Denmark to the combined force of kings, in order to restore what they call the deranged government of France, and particularly for the following objects: 1st. To settle and reinstate the emigrated French princes in their former rights. 2d. To make good the claims of the Pope upon Avignon and other places in France, taken from him by the National Assembly; and, thirdly, to restore the rights of monarchical government in France, qualified and modified to the liking of the combined powers, in conjunction with the king of the French, when at liberty, and the legal representatives of the nation.—The Danish minister's answer to this memorial is dated June 1st, wherein he informs the above mentioned ministers, that his majesty, the king of Denmark, cannot agree to become a member of the concert, from the consideration that Denmark had already acknowledged the constitution of France, since it was avowed by Louis XVI, and that therefore there could be no reason for pretending to avenge the cause of him who believes himself free and satisfied with the limitations of royal authority, which he had adopted and received without complaint.—Another cause of refusal are the commercial connections between France and Denmark, which it was apprehended would be infringed, by Denmark making herself a party in the combination against France.
It is mentioned in a London paper, by one of the last arrivals, that the empress of Russia has agreed to add eighteen thousand auxiliaries to the army of his Apostolical majesty (the king of Hungary) in order to act in concert against France.
The temper and politics of the people of Scotland seem to have undergone a remarkable change since the conclusion of the war between Great Britain and America. During the whole of that war, the Scots were exhibited to the world as the timid tools of royalty, the abettors of tyrannical conquest, and the sycophants of power. That charge ought more justly to have been confined to the few who were employed among them
by the court to mislead and misinform the nation. At present the Scots rank amongst the first promoters and friends of liberty in Europe. Their exertions to procure an abolition of the slave trade have been unparalled, and the cause of France has no where found more sincere well wishers, or a public that has been more profuse in pecuniary contributions to assist in establishing the liberties of that country on a sure basis.
A fleet of six or seven ships of the line were preparing at Toulon the beginning of July, with a view, it was said, to bombard Trieste, an important Austrian commercial port on the Gulf of Venice. It was thought not improbable in France that Leghorn would share the same fate, as it was in no state of defence to resist such an attack.
London papers are received by way of New-York to the 8th of August. French accounts by this arrival say, that the Mayor and forty-eight districts of Paris had petitioned the National Assembly to declare, "that the king had forfeited his crown, and that a ministry be elected, into whose hands the reins of government shall be entrusted until a national convention shall have adopted definitive measures." This demand was referred to a committee extraordinary—a decree had passed the assembly unanimously on the first of August, that it was expected would desolate the camps of the emperor and the king of Prussia, almost as soon as they were pitched in France. By this decree every officer or soldier of the enemies armies deserting from them, and appearing at a French military post, or before one of the constituted authorities, or before a French citizen, is to be received with fraternal affection, presented with the national cockade, pensioned for life, and their pensions after their deaths to be continued to their widows—further particulars on this subject in our next.
About the 26th or 27th of July, a part of the Austrian forces attacked the French camp at Maulde. The advanced guard of the French, consisting of 600 men, was attacked by 10 000 Austrians; the latter of whom were beaten off the field after losing 200 men killed, a great number prisoners, and the chief of their baggage taken by the French.
By the last accounts from Port au Prince, we learn, that the mulattoes had all come in under capitulation, but that the blacks will not yet suffer the proprietors of estates to take possession of them, altho' they have agreed to furnish the whites with all the supplies they require.
[French Hispaniola.]
Extract of a letter from Cayes, dated August 18. "Referring to my last by capt. Bates, I am now sorry to inform you that, since his departure, the political situation of affairs in the island has undergone a most unfortunate change. Gen. Blanchelande , it is supposed, encouraged the negroes who were in a state of insurrection, they consequently descended from the mountains, and killed many of the inhabitants, and burnt many valuable estates. The troops and inhabitants immediately assembled, to the number of 1300 or 1400, under the command of general Blanchelande , and attacked them, but unfortunately were entirely defeated, with the loss of 7 officers and about 200 men killed, and a great number wounded. This unexpected defeat obliged the planters to take refuge once more in town, and encouraged the negroes to revolt, to the number of about 2000. They have since burnt and destroyed near one half of the plain. Finding themselves entirely masters of the country, they have now made propositions of peace, which are, freedom to all who are in a state of insurrection, and Les Platoon (a delightful coffee country in the mountain) for themselves. Whether or not these terms will be acceded to, I cannot pretend to determine—If not, heaven knows what will be the consequence—should they be granted, the entire insurrection of the remaining negroes will inevitably follow. I therefore look upon every thing as certainly lost. I am sorry the immediate departure of this vessel will not admit of my entering into particulars."
Authentic letter from the Marquis de Condorcet, in Paris, to his Excellency Count D'Aranda, Prime Minister of Spain.
"At the moment that the friends of the Constitution were threatening Spain with the effects of their arms and courage, at the moment that the torch of war was kindling on the frontiers of both empires, his Catholic Majesty has raised you to the Ministry, and offered us the branch of Olive for a signal of peace."
"Liberty having had you for an admirer during your disgrace, will now acknowledge you for one of her defenders against superstition and despotism. The destroyer of the Jesuits will be the enemy of all kind of tyranny. Behold him armed with Hercules's club, in a country infested, above all others, with the most shameful prejudices! Methinks I see Hercules himself cleaning the Augean Stable; and crushing under his foot that vile Canaille, who, under the names of priests and nobles, were the ulcers of states!"
"I envy you your situation, and I should envy it still more, were I not also employed in similar pursuits in my own country; were I not, as representative of the first of nations, busily employed in exalting it to that height to which it has a claim, and in making the scepters of kings bend before the organs of the laws!—You are now the executor of the will of those philosophers with whom you have lived, and the shade of d'Alembert hovers over the places of your abode."
"As first minister in a court where obedience to a minister was always habitual, and is now become a duty, you will teach all Europe, that the greatest service which can be done to kings is—to break in pieces their despotic scepters, and to leave them armed with nothing but a good Constitution, by which, as only the first servants of the people, they may occupy that place which they ought to fill for their happiness and ours."
Paris, July 17.
The following Extract of a letter (dated Saratoga April 23) appears in an Albany paper.
"Since I saw you I have been as far as Lakes Ontario, Erie, &c. and returned by way of Buffalo Creek. The Indians from Lower-Canada, some few of the six nations, the Chippeways, Ottoways, Hurons, Potoways, &c. are assembled already at Detroit, and the Miamis towns, to act in hostility against the United States. The prospect of a peace this summer is very faint, if we may judge from apparent and probable circumstances; notwithstanding the negotiation carrying on by way of the six nations, whom the Secretary at war has employed as mediators. Capt. Henry and the three Indians, dispatched by Gen. Chapman from Buffalo Creek, with a message to the Shawanees, have proceeded on as far as Detroit.—Col. Brandt's son previous to his father's return to Philadelphia, was gone off with a banditti of Mohawks, to join the hostile Indians, but the Col. has dispatched a messenger to bring him back. He is assuredly a friend to the United States, and is shortly to set off to see the hostile tribes. But how far his and the influence of the few friendly six nations will extend, among a savage banditti, eager after plunder and ramp after blood, I shall leave undetermined.—The Shawanees and Delawares are much exasperated at the Senecas, in consequence of Cointeplanter's people scouting with some of the troops under Lieut. Jeffers , and killing four of the latter, and unless the Senecas make them satisfaction, their arms, it is said, will be turned against them. Should this be the case, God only knows the consequences—our frontiers in this state will stand but a narrow chance."
"I think it ill policy to endeavor to spread the seat of war, which inevitably will be the case provided the Six Nations openly declare themselves for the United States. The forces can do little against so numerous a race as they will have to contend with, provided they do not remain neutral."
"Had such measures been taken last summer, as these, an amicable treaty might have been formed; but their success last fall has much raised them in their own self importance."
Original Anecdote.
A speculator in a neighbouring city, having some spare money by him, observed to a friend of his (a jolly Irishman) that he had concluded to purchase a coach by way of realizing the cash, as it was an old saying that money had wings and might fly away, and therefore he would make sure of it in time.—Arrah, my dear, said Teague, Remember if money has wings, a coach also has wheels!
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
SIR, YOUR known impartiality will lead you to publish the following letter in your independent and useful paper—Democritus is equally entitled with Momus to your attention.
To the Honorable Thomas M'KEAN, Esq. Doctor of Laws, Chief Justice of the State of Pennsylvania, &c. &c. and Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence.
SIR, ALTHOUGH I have not been so favoured as to be thought of sufficient consequence to receive a circular letter from you, being, probably, supposed not to be a leading character, or, perhaps, being supposed to differ from you in my political creed, not being entirely orthodox, I cannot but think myself equally entitled with any influential character, to suggest to you my opinions.—Perhaps no one, who has had the honor of your particular address, feels a greater plenitude of gratitude than I do, for the great zeal and disinterestedness of your committee in favour of the people's rights.—To step forward at the critical moment, when every thing dear and valuable was at stake, to hazard every thing which regarded your fame and your interest to protect the people from oppression, is an instance of Roman virtue, almost unexampled in the history of our times.—The risk and the danger designate the real patriot, and true patriotism, whenever and wherever met, merits the plaudits of a generous people: mine shall be given to you, tho' in lisping accents; could they flow like a torrent and inundate every heart with grateful veneration, they would be but a small tribute for the mighty service—Without party views, or individual interests—without other motive than pure love
for your country, you have boldly stepped forward as the champions of an oppressed people, and have signalized yourselves in the cause of humanity and freedom—Pennsylvania, nay United America, will ever revere the action—an action which will be as deeply engraven on the hearts of her citizens, as the memorable achievements of the famous Tell in behalf of his oppressed Switzerland, or the magnanimous resistance of the patriotic Hampden against regal extortion.—Our diseased state required the hand of a skillful physician to restore her vigour—the analogy between the body-politic and the body-physical, made the same remedies which would apply to the disease of the one, apply equally to the malady of the other—without calling in other aid , you have the fullest resources within your own power—let the indications be whatever they may, whether to give or diminish the vigour of the political system; your skill in the science of healing will direct you to exhibit bracers , or draw off the peccant humours , as the pulse may direct.—Should surgical assistance be necessary, in case of a mortified member, a fractured limb, or contused head, the knife and the saw are within your own reach, and you can amputate, reduce or trepan , as the case may require. Should the labour of Pennsylvania be too severe, or too long, like a skillful accoucheur, you can fly to the assistance of the forceps or the crochet , and by a coup of skill speedily put an end to her as well as your own labour.—This has continued so long, that I much fear, unless you are relieved, your vital power will be spent, and an irrecoverable deliquium will be the consequence.—Fatigued and exhausted with the weight of care and solicitude, for the restoration of your patient, for which, as often happens, your reward may be ingratitude, you ought to be permitted to rest from your troubles, and once more repose in ease and security on the downy bed of liberty. I hope it is nearly made up to your mind, for should your watchfulness continue much longer, it may, alas! instead of a deliquium, terminate in a delirium, or what is more to be deplored, an incurable insanity. As I wish to throw my small mite into the common stock, that you may be the sooner discharged from your hard duty, I will suggest to you the following named gentlemen, as representatives for this state in the Congress of the United States, viz.
John Smiley, James Hutchinson, Alex. I. Dallas, John Barker, Edward Pole, Alex. Boyd, John M'Callough, Blair M'Clanahan, Philip Pancake, Edward Fox, Adam Foelker, Robert Whitehill, Robert Smith, (hatter). Locality has been kept out of view when this ticket was forming.—Though I am a citizen of America, I am also a citizen of the world, and think mankind ought to be viewed on the universal scale of philanthropy and citizenship; it is therefore of little importance to a true philosopher, whether a man be an alien or a citizen; a Chinese or a Japanese; a Russian or a Briton, if he discovers an outrageous zeal for our country, he ought to be received into her bosom; for I am always disposed to believe that sincerity and real affection are proportioned to the violence of a man's professions . Besides, the same sun which illumines us sheds its influence over the world; and the same nature which gave us being, brought a citizen of another clime likewise into existence; and shall we as freemen be niggards of our bounty, and distribute it only to the homely sons of our own country? Forbid it liberality! That the labours, fir, of your committee, may be speedily terminated, and that the sun of freedom which you intend again to light up, may dispel the dark clouds of ignorance and tyranny, must be among the sincerest prayers of every true friend of his country.
With the profoundest veneration and respect, I have the honour to subscribe myself your, as well as the committee's devoted servant, DEMOCRITUS. Bucks County, Sept. 8, 1792.
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
THERE being good reason to suppose a prosecution will be instituted against the printer of the Gazette of the United States for certain defamatory charges in some of his late papers, it would be perfect trifling in you to take any notice of the accusations brought by Catulus (probably the same with The American ) as far as they respect yourself. The charge of being pensioned by the Secretary of State you have solemnly denied, and the accusation is as far as ever from being proved, the long talked of documents being yet unproduced. Direct charges of this nature ought to be proved in the most direct and positive manner: certainly they are not proved to the satisfaction of the public by vague insinuations, dark surmises, inconclusive deductions, or even by "presumptive facts and circumstances."
As the National Gazette has ever professed itself open to all parties and influenced by none, it will lie upon the calumniator of Mr. Jefferson's political character to prove that the National Gazette has been partial to one side of the question by refusing or neglecting original communications on the other. If this cannot be done, what grounds are there for supposing the Editor to be bribed or pensioned by the Secretary of State? Bribing, or pensioning a man to print an impartial, free paper is too absurd an idea to have the least weight with a rational mind.
ONE OF THE PUBLIC. Philadelphia, Sep. 17, 1792.

THE SPECULATOR.
EGG'd on by hope, from town to town he flew, The soldier's curse pursued him on his way, Care in his eye, and anguish on his brow, He seem'd a sea-hawk watching for his prey.
With soothing words the widows mite he gain'd, With piercing glance watch'd misery's dark abode, Fitch'd paper scraps while yet a scrap remain'd, Bought where he must, and cheated where he cou'd.
Vast loads amass'd of scrip, and god knows what, Potof's wealth seem'd lodg'd within his clutch— But wealth has wings (he knew) and instant The prancing steed, gay harness, and gilt coach.
One Sunday morn, to church I saw him ride In glittering state—alas! and who but he— The following week, with Madam at his side, To routs they drove—and drank Imperial tea.
In cards and fun the live-long day they spent, With songs and smut prolong'd the midnight feast, If plays were had, to plays they constant went Where Madam's top-knot rose a foot at least.
Three weeks, and more, thus pass'd in airs of state, The fourth beheld the mighty bubble fail— And he, who countless millions own'd so late Stopt short—and clos'd his triumphs in a Jail.
Sept. 17.
P O L A N D.
Declaration of the Citizens of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, (in Poland.)
WE, the citizens of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, assembled at Grodno, afflicted by a common share of public calamity, and united by the same sentiments, make this present declaration before God, our country, and all nations, as a true statement of what passes in our province.
After so many ages of abatement, degradation, weakness, and calamity to which our country was reduced, having at last discovered their source, in the effects of our former Government, scarce were all our efforts turned towards its improvement, scarce in that laborious and arduous undertaking had we surmounted all the obstacles which prejudice, self interest, pride, and habits of anarchy, threw in the way of our legislation; and knowing that the neighbouring states considered our government, subject by its former nature to periodical revolutions, as the occasion of disturbances and commotions, which affected them: scarce then had we established a firm and lasting government, free from all the inconveniences of electors, and calculated for our happiness, as well as the tranquility of our neighbours, when, alas! the pride and selfishness of a few guilty citizens, envious of the common prosperity, unable to withstand the general opinion of the whole country, which ill agreed with their ambition and lust of rule, soon found means to gain a foreign power, and in contempt of the nation, the king, the legal government of the republic, consisting in the Diet, composed of a double number of Representatives, usurping to themselves (a few individuals) the name and right of a whole nation, while they call the assistance of a foreign power, to save liberty from a supposed danger, they themselves give the most cruel stab to this very liberty, and to their country. They attempt to disseminate the sense of a whole nation, to control her opinion, to rule by the force of foreign arms, to bring back into their ruined country all the former anarchy, weakness, and subjection; and lastly perhaps, to occasion for ever the destruction of Poland.
Already has our country felt the direful effects of their designs. The Russian armies, according to the declaration of her Majesty the Empress, were only to offer support to the freedom and sense of the nation, which are assigned in her declaration as the immediate objects of her concern; yet having found our whole country unanimously convinced, and attached to its present form of government, instead of respecting the will of a nation, they still support the ambitious schemes of a few tyrannical minds, they insult the intentions of the Empress, expressly announced in her declaration, and violate the public as well as the individual freedom of the nation. The Russian commanders issue orders and summonses for the citizens to meet and join them, threatening them with the most rigorous prosecutions on persons and property; still no honest citizen has yet appeared in the Russian camp; except those carried in forcibly and violently by the Cossacks, all fly their approach with horror. These are the means by which this supposed confederacy is formed.—Our towns and villages are filled with blood and tears, by the violence of the Russian soldiers; we hear the groans of our fellow citizens confined and imprisoned, whose only crime is their steadiness and firm adherence of their oath and constitution. The Russian troops spread wide, terror and alarm, forcing the inhabitants to give up, with the accepted government, their own welfare; and that of their posterity; they drive in their train thousands of men and cattle; in a word, they ruin and waste, as they proceed, our whole districts and provinces. In the more distant parts, not yet invaded by the Russian armies, we see the roads crowded with fugitive citizens, who, with their desolate families, flying to avoid the abhorred confederacy, as well as the barbarity of the Russian soldiers, have relinquished their homes and fortunes, and prefer all the hardships of a voluntary exile, rather than submit or accede to the fatal act, intended to destroy our sacred constitution on the 3d of May 1791.
In support of this constitution, all of us offer personal defence and innumerable contributions; we have not seen any of such ready offers made in favor of this detested sham confederacy, which, seeming to dazzle us with delusory privileges would deprive us of the dearest rights of a man and citizen, and prepare the ruin of our country. Various are the events and chances of war; whatever may be the final issue of this most unjust attack and invasion of our republic, we the under written, penetrated with the sincerest love
of our country, firm in our fidelity, pure in our hearts and conscience, being driven from our homes to escape the oppressive hand of the enemy, and preserve our honour and liberty, and assembled here, we do in our names, and that of thousands of our fellow citizens [who are at this present moment, either surprised and detained by the Russian army, or are abandoning their houses and fortunes, and flying before the enemy], call to God, the avenger of wrongs; we appeal to all nations and governments; may they see the sufferings to which we are so unjustly exposed; by what we encounter, let them judge, how dear our new government must seem to us, and convinced of its beneficial designs for the country, how much we value it, and wish to preserve it. At least, let not the world ever accuse us, or our posterity reproach us, that we have been abject in misfortune; and forfeited that claim of prosperity to which this excellent constitution did entitle us. Should even our just and sacred cause be disregarded and forsaken by all Europe, nay, should it even sink, under the ill success of arms, we feeling like true citizens, in the midst of a defensive war, and surrounding dangers, trusting solely to our virtue and resolution, which no power is able to subdue, declare, and protest before the universe, and in the face of the oppressive force of the enemy, that having freely and willingly adopted the form of government established on the 3d and 5th of May, 1791, and having sworn to maintain it, having likewise by delegates [chosen unanimously in the Diets] addressed his majesty, and the states assembled in Diet, expressing our thanks and approbation; and thereby most solemnly testified our public consent, and lastly, having devoted already our lives and fortunes in defence of this constitution, so in consequence, faithful to our oaths and conviction, from which no power can absolve or deter us, we are determined to preserve the same inviolate, as well as the laws subsequently enacted, and guided by our gracious sovereign Stanislaus Augustus. Supported by the justice and innocence of our cause, we are ready to meet all hazards and dangers. In case any of us should ever, by foreign arms, or domestic treason, be compelled to sign an act contrary to this our present declaration, and the new form of government, we publicly and previously declare it void and null, announcing and acknowledging this alone as our fixed resolution, never to relinquish the independence of our republic, our public and private liberty, in a word, the constitution of the 3d of May, and its subsequent laws, full of hopes that the illustrious provinces of the crown will join, and as strenuously support, this our determination.
Dated Grodno, July 19, 1792.
Follow the numerous signatures of citizens of all ranks.
Prices Current at Philadelphia.
[Dollars equal to 100 cents.]
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Ashes, Bacon, Bees wax, Brandy, Butter, Beef, Country ditto, Coats, Coffee, Cotton, Cheese, Chocolate, Cordage, Duck, Flaxseed, Flour, Grain, Herring, Hoops, Hams, Hemp, Hides, Indigo, Iron, Mackerel, Madder, Myrtle wax, Molasses, Nails, Nutmegs, Oil, Pepper, Pimento, Porter.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Pitch, Pork, Raisins, Rice, Rum, Salmon, Scantling, Shingles, Salt, Skins, Snake-Root, Sugar, Tallow, Tar, Turpentine, Tea, Wine.
SOCIETY FOR ESTABLISHING USEFUL MANUFACTURES.
NOTICE is hereby given to the Stockholders of the Society for establishing useful manufactures, that the annual election for Directors of the said Society will be held at the Courthouse in New-Ark in the county of Essex on the first Monday in October next, between the hours of twelve and two in the afternoon of the same day.
A. MERCER, Deputy Governor. New-Ark July, 17th 1792.
PLANS OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON. FOR SALE BY MESSRS. Dobson, Young, Crukshank, and Carey, in this city.
Sept. 15. 6t.
BOOKS, Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include American Museum, This work which is now conducted on an improved plan, Smith's letters to married women, Smith's History of New-York, Elements of Moral Science, Blair's Sermons, Necker's Treatise, Examination of the observations of Lord Shelburne.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include The Constitutions of the several United States, M'Fingal, American Test Book, Garden of the Soul, The Douay Translation of the vulgate Bible.
Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again.
May 17. 6m. 12. w.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said Society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second installment for the payment of shares in the stock of this Society, may be made in the following manner, viz. The amount of the said second installment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 11-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brunswick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs.—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk. July 24. tf.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitetown, in the state of New-York, on the north side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchasers.
N. B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill seats. The peculiar advantages of this tract, it is situated within a few miles of Whitetown (which contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants) with an easy and convenient water carriage to Schenectady, Albany, and New-York, make it an object for any persons inclined to settle it, and render it an extremely advantageous purchase for persons inclined to realize their money in land of an encreasing value. The whole tract or any part of it, will be sold very low for cash, or for part cash, and the remaining payments at distant periods. Enquire at No. 229 Queen-Street, near the 11-market New-York. July 19.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé, — SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour Supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Saude, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille piece de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. rawtf
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAINE, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, ADELPHILPHIA.