Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-07-29 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXXI.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 29, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXXI.
There is no natural reason why youth may not acquire such habits as will best promote their honor and interest, when they are advanced in life.—But there is a reason in the nature of things why a child badly educated should not make a good man.
THE reasoning, that has been applied, in some of the preceding numbers, to literature, will equally hold good with respect to business. It is no doubt a common error in this country that men are not suitably educated for the business they are to follow. Many persons, whose circumstances require them to pursue some occupation or profession, are qualified for none. Nothing is more evident than that habits of idleness and dissipation in youth are incompatible with a love of industry and economy in any subsequent period. For this reason, parents should be careful to cultivate in their children a love of application and frugality before years of manhood. It strikes the eye of even a careless traveller through this country that estates are seldom preserved in the same family for more than two generations. By a suitable precaution in the mode of education, estates might not only be preserved, but increased through a long line of descendents. Each successor would improve upon the plans and examples that had been left him, and parents might anticipate the pleasure that their children, without the aid of entailment, would hold fast their patrimonial inheritance.
Pleasure may be indulged to a certain extent, without becoming a ruling passion. It may be kept subservient to business; and when confined within proper restrictions, it may have a useful effect. The children of rich parents are encouraged so far in the gratification of their wishes, that a love of idleness and dissipation becomes habitual. This indulgence is given under the idea of acquiring fashionable accomplishments. Young men are allowed to run such a career, that they acquire so strong an attachment to amusements and expences, as cannot be laid aside, when business and economy become indispensable. It is easy to perceive that such an education is not calculated to make men accumulate or even to save property; but to squander what is committed to their hands.
In a country where the great bulk of the inhabitants must earn their own subsistence, it can hardly be proper to borrow modes of education from a people, where few are educated in habits of pleasure and expence, but those who are either born to fortunes, or will be provided with elevated employments. It is of public advantage that opulent men should scatter a considerable proportion of their income among the various occupations and trades that fill up society. But it can be of no utility for persons to become habituated to a train of expences, which they will sooner or later be obliged to discontinue from a deficiency of property. The principles of education in every country should be specially accommodated to the probable circumstances of the general run of the inhabitants.
SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
OF all the subjects upon which the human judgment can be exercised there is none which so much demands that its principles should be deduced from fact, and be sanctioned by experience as Commerce.
As among those causes which operated in producing the late extraordinary revolution in our government, the want of an adequate power to conduct, on general principles, the commercial interests of this country was probably the most efficient, we proceed to examine those grounds on which to place our future Commerce, so as to realize the expectations we have formed, and promote our real prosperity and welfare. It is by some supposed that Commerce ought to be free and unrestrained—not subject to any public exactions or duties, and that in such a state it will ever find its own level, and be led by interest into its proper channels: However benevolent the idea, this opinion must have been prematurely suggested, and cannot be supported without the assent of all nations—for while restrictions are practised by any, a principle of self defence must render similar impositions necessary with others, to effect a proper reciprocity between them: But the necessity of raising a revenue to government from this productive source, abstracted from other considerations, forms an argument against the idea of a commerce, altogether free—and I conceive that the merchant may be restrained, and trade not materially injured—for why may not a limitation of some of the natural rights of men herein be equally productive of general advantage, as in a
variety of other positions, where it is sanctioned by every principle of good government? Perhaps by a due attention to the subject, the danger of licentiousness, without such regulations, is here to be peculiarly expected. As America in the present united state of her government assumes an equal rank among the other nations of the world, their critical attention will be directed to all her public movements, while her own future safety and happiness may be materially effected by the early part of her administration: It is therefore of importance that we should nicely weigh the ends we have in view, and ascertain the general expediency and tendency of our plans of internal policy, or foreign negotiation: It may not be here amiss to suggest a few observations relative to the principle of discrimination in our trade-laws, though no essential benefit could be expected from that which was proposed—yet the principle is I think supported by every consideration of sound policy—is conformable to the practice of other trading countries, and if not expressly, is constructively implied by our existing commercial treaties—nor does it hold out the idea of revenge or resentment, which ought ever to be deprecated as of an injurious tendency when dictating either private or public measures—but self-interest, the prevailing principle of every nation, strongly urges the propriety of a discrimination; nor will the benevolent feelings, or kind wishes of those nations who at present bar us from every kind of intercourse with them, but that which is ruinous to ourselves, be found to produce that mutual compromise which promises mutual benefit, while we tamely allow them every advantage of our trade without any return: It is asked will you risk a commercial war with Great Britain? will you consent to forfeit your future claim on the credit of her merchants? I answer, that we will like her, ground a navigation act on the basis of our own interest—we will, like her, become our own carriers—we will prohibit the introduction of her manufactures, to the encouragement of our own—we will prohibit from exportation to her ports our ashes, flax-seed, and other materials essential to her manufactures: London shall be no longer the great entrepot of our tobacco, rice, &c. for the consumption of half Europe—no longer shall their vessels bring us rum, taking in return provisions and lumber, for the supply of their West Indies or Nova-Scotia possessions—while their procurators and our registers of deeds and mortgages would be the principal sufferers by the loss of credit from their merchants: If Great-Britain can import her tobacco, rice, &c. on equal terms from the Brazils or the Indies—can obtain equally good ashes, or flax-seed from the North of Europe, or find there so general and advantageous a consumption of her manufactures—if her West-Indies can be as cheaply supplied with provisions from Ireland—lumber and flour from her Nova-Scotia and Canada dominions, she may not consent to open a more liberal trade; but if this, as I presume, is not the case, she will be disposed to meet us in a commercial contract, founded on a more perfect reciprocity than now exists between us. A further examination of this subject shall be attended to, and a substitute for our present channel of trade explored. AMERICANUS.
ORIGINAL SPECIMENS OF ELOQUENCE.
[Continued from our last.]
AFTER the several points in discussion had been adjusted, the boundaries ascertained, and the Treaty signed on both parts; the following SPEECHES were delivered by
TUSKEGATAHEE.
“I am not a Chief, but will speak for my COUNTRY. I shall always pay great regard to what I have heard respecting the Treaty, as well what may be sent us hereafter by Congress; and, as I am within the limits of the United States, I shall always expect their protection and assistance.—Our Young Men and Warriors have heard what has passed. I expect, as our boundaries are ascertained, Congress may be informed of them: and that, as Peace is now firmly established, and we are all friends, we may be allowed to hunt on each other's lands without molestation. On my part, being in Peace and Friendship with you, I shall feel myself safe wherever I go. Many of your people on Cumberland and Kentucky lose their horses in our lands, and should we find them, I wish Col. Martin to receive them.”
NOWOTA.
“I am fond to hear the talks of the beloved Men of Congress; and of ours. You, Commissioners! remember the Talks; and I shall always endeavour to support the peace and friendship now established. I remember your talks by Col. Martin, and I promised to be attached to America: but until the present, I was afraid to be in your
Country. I am now perfectly happy, since you are to protect us. Your prisoner, at Chickamanga, I will deliver you.—Formerly Capt. Cameron saw justice done to us in our land—he is gone—and I now depend on the Commissioners. If any thing rests with me to strengthen our friendship, I will faithfully execute it. You are now our PROTECTORS. When I go and tell to those of our People, who could not come to hear your talks, what I have seen and heard—they will rejoice.—I have heard your declarations of a desire to do us any service in your power, I believe you, and in confidence shall rest happy.”
The Commissioners spoke:
“WE will give you provisions for the road and with you may be happy. We will send up to Congress all our talks.”
The Talk of WILL: ELDERS to the late Agent to the CHEROKEES.
“BROTHER!
“WE have been long acquainted with you, and know you to be our friend. But what is the reason Congress has not moved those people from our lands before now? You was one of the beloved Men that spoke for Congress at Keowee, three years ago. You then said the People should move off in six moons from that time—but near forty moons are past, and they are not gone yet!
“We well remember whenever we are invited into a treaty (as observed by us at that time) and bounds are fixed, that the White People settle much faster on our lands, than they did before. It must certainly be the case, “they think we will not break the peace directly, and they will strengthen themselves and keep the lands.” You know this to be the case. You told us at the Treaty, “if any White People settled on our Lands, we might do as we pleased with them.”
“They come and settle close to our towns, and some of the Chicamoga People come (contrary to our desire) and killed a family.—Then the white People came, and drove us out of our towns, and killed some of our beloved Men, and several Women, and little Children—although we could not help what the Chicamoga People does. You know that well. We are now like Wolves, ranging about the woods to get something to eat. NOTHING TO BE SEEN IN OUR TOWNS, BUT BONES, WEEDS, AND GRASS. But for all this, WE WILL LYE STILL, and WE WILL NOT DO ANY MORE MISCHIEF, if the White People will stop. I AM BUT A BOY—but my eyes are open—AND WHEREVER I TURN, THEM, many young men turn with them. I here give you this String of White Beads, as a token of my friendship to you. Also I present you with a string in the name of your brother John Watts—he says he holds you fast by the hand: but he cannot see you yet, as he is in great trouble about his Uncle.”
“The CORN-TASSEL will come to your house towards the Spring, and stay a great while with you, as it will be very hungry times with him then.”
(To be continued.)
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES.
LONDON, MAY 3.
Some days ago Dr. WILLIS had the honor of waiting upon his Majesty; when he entered the apartment he found the King looking over some papers, on which he made a shew of retiring. “Stop, Doctor, says the King—I have been only looking over some accounts, which I have now done with; but there is one account which I am afraid it will never be in my power to settle—my great obligations to you.”—The Doctor's expectations may therefore be great.
Progress of English Arts. The Amphitheatre on which HUMPHREYS and MENDOZA are to box, is entirely finished; it forms an octagon and will contain two thousand persons; but there are only fifteen hundred tickets worked off, at half a guinea each.
Such were the shows, that erst in Rome, Prestag'd her rapid, final doom; What Rome now is, shall Britain be, For scenes like these, unnerve the FREE.
MAY 12. One objection to the New Government in America, is the expence of it. But a gentleman from that country assures us, that the annual expence of the President and Congress will not be so much as is annually allowed here to the Prince of Wales. Surely this people must be poor indeed—or their complaints are groundless. [The annual income of the Prince of Wales is 90,000l. sterling—400,000 dollars—And at the rates agreed, to by Congress, supposing that body to sit the whole year round, the salaries of the President, Vice-President, Senate, Representatives, Secretaries of Departments, and the judiciary, would not amount to near two-thirds the sum allowed to one lavish young fellow.—260,000 dollars being the extent of it, from an accurate calculation.]

Extract of a letter from Smyrna, dated Dec. 2.
"I have seen Mr. WHALEY, and two other gentlemen. They are going to Jerusalem, to decide a bet of 30,000l. which Mr. Whaley has laid with the Duke of Leinster, Lord DROGHEDA, and some others. They go from hence to Cyprus, thence to Jaffa, and from that to Jerusalem; and return to this place by Aleppo. They intend afterwards going to Constantinople, to take a trip up to the Black Sea, visit the Archipelago, land at Messina, view Etna, and the other parts of Sicily, and return to England through Italy, Switzerland, and France."
Miss Pulteney was certainly offered to Mr. Pitt, by her father. The terms were these: Mr. Pulteney would forego his whole fortune, except five-thousand pounds, pr. an. to the young couple, provided he was created Earl of Bath, with remainder to Mr. Pitt's children. By this marriage the Minister would have enjoyed a neat 25,000l. pr. annum.
Miss Pulteney, it is now said, is to be married to the Duke of Marlborough's eldest son.
Mr. Burke, in the High Court of Parliament, Westminster-Hall, on the 21st of April last, commenting upon the grievances, as stated by Mr. Hastings, in his petition, of having already been put to 30,000l. expense, observes as follows; "but with what confidence, with what frontless audacity is such a statement made, at a time, when I pledged myself to prove that he has received in one single solitary bribe not only the amount of this expence, but of all possible expence of this trial! I know too, that the prisoner has obtained testimonials, written first in English, turned afterwards into the Persian language, re-translated into English, and which certainly had obtained the signatures of many respectable names in India! But if all the natural influence of government were to be done away, if all the gratitude of individuals were to be obliterated, and all the deep-rooted fears of the inhabitants removed, before such offences can be established, then, from this period, delinquency is safe, and prosecution fruitless."
RAIN WATER CISTERNS.
Mr. Marshal, in his Rural Economy of Yorkshire , makes mention of an ingenious device employed by the inhabitants of the vale of Pickering, for making rain-water answer the purposes of domestic economy, viz. by making deep cisterns under ground . But this, we beg leave to observe, is not peculiar to this district, or to England. In Tuscany, near Sienna, where all the spring-water has an unwholesome impregnation, it is the practice of all families to have these under-ground cisterns, where they preserve the rain water. We have been informed by an ingenious gentleman who resides in this country that the roof of every house catches as much rain-water as all the family wants, that they have two cisterns, one to catch the first shower, which washes the roof clean, and when this is done, they turn the water into a second cistern, where the purest water for drinking, &c. is preserved. This gentleman further informed us, that their cisterns were from 20 to 30 feet below the surface, and that the water in them was more pure, transparent, and spirit, than the best spring-water he ever tasted. To many of our readers, this information may be acceptable.
[English papers received in the last vessel, as late as May 19, state in general, That
IN ENGLAND—
HASTING's trial engrosses the attention of the public—more especially as his friends and himself, by a petition to the Parliament, have endeavored to get Mr. BURKE impeached for having asserted something in the trial, irrelative to the charges exhibited against him.—In the Commons this petition has been debated three days, and a Committee appointed to search for precedents. The Ministry join Hastings—but it is supposed to be a fetch of the Delinquent, to put an end to the trial.
IN FRANCE—all eyes are directed to the States General, which assembled April 27, at Versailles—where every accommodation is provided for them—and where galleries are erected to accommodate 3000 persons—who are admitted by tickets—there are other galleries to accommodate the people.
IN RUSSIA—every preparation is making for carrying on the war with the utmost vigour.—This power has 200,000 men ready to take the field.
IN GERMANY—the like exertions are making with a large army. The Emperor's convalescence adding fresh vigour to them.
SWEDEN—arming with spirit against Russia: but listening with some attention to a proposal for peace, made by the King of Prussia.
PRUSSIA—on the watch—with a large army, ready for immediate action.
POLAND—guaranteed in her neutrality, by Russia and Prussia.
THE TURKS arming with vigour, determined that the crescent shall not be humbled to the cross; or that the whim of the European Potentates shall be law for the Sublime Porte.
On the whole it appears, that the "dogs of war" will again be let loose—and that the late cessation from havock, has only sharpened their appetite for blood.]
PARIS, (France) APRIL 23.
The principal Instructions to the Deputies to the States General, are—A fixed Revenue for the King; Responsibility of the Ministers;—A state of the national debt;—A fund for the payment of part, and for a national security for the rest; A periodical Assembly of the States; The LIBERTY OF THE PRESS;—Personal freedom, and an assurance of property; Turnpikes for the repair of the highways; Habeas Corpus, and TRIAL BY JURY;—Abolition of custom duties, for goods brought from one province to another;—The receipt of taxes by means less burthensome and oppressive than by the Farmers-General;—Annihilation of those small offices by which the privilege and rank of Nobility are now obtained; and—An equal participation of all taxes.
APRIL 30.
HIS MOST CHRISTIAN MAJESTY'S SPEECH to the STATES-GENERAL.
"Versailles, April 27, 1789.
"THE DAY, Gentlemen, for which my heart waited with emotion is at last arrived, and I see myself surrounded by the Representatives of a nation, over which I esteem it a glory to reign. A long interval has elapsed since an assembly of the States General has been held; and although convocations of this kind seemed in some measure to have fallen into disuse, I did not hesitate to re-establish a custom, which may impart additional vigour, and open new sources of happiness to the kingdom.
"The national debt, which was immense at my accession to the throne, has increased under my reign: an expensive, but honorable war has been the cause of it; and an augmentation of imposts was the natural consequence. A general alarm, with an ardent wish for innovations, pervaded the public mind, and an union of wise and moderate councils must avert the threatened danger. It is with confidence, gentlemen, I have convened you; and I see with pleasure that this confidence is justified by the disposition the two first orders have shown, in renouncing their pecuniary exemptions. The hopes I have conceived of seeing all the Orders united in sentiment, and co-operating with me to the general welfare of the State, will not be disappointed. I have ordered some considerable retrenchments of expense, and shall persevere with solicitous attention every suggestion that shall be presented to me on that subject: But notwithstanding the resources which the strictest economy can introduce, I am afraid, gentlemen, I shall not be able to relieve my subjects as speedily as I could wish; the real situation of the finances will be laid before you, gentlemen; and when you have examined them, I am certain that you will propose the most efficacious means of establishing permanent order in them, and restoring the public credit. This grand and salutary work, which will insure happiness to the whole kingdom within, and promote its consequence abroad, will be the first object of our serious attention. The people's minds are in a state of perturbation, but an assembly of the Representatives will only listen to the voice of wisdom. You must be sensible, gentlemen, that on several recent occasions, prudence has not been strictly adhered to; but the predominant spirit of your deliberations will correspond with the true sentiments of a generous nation, the character of which has always been a firm attachment to her Monarchs; and I, on my part, will banish every other reflection. I am conscious of, and satisfied with, the authority and power which a just and upright King will be ever able to maintain over an enlightened and a loyal people. To promote their happiness will, as it ought to do, form the principal felicity of my life, and they have a right to expect the warmest zeal, the most tender interest for the public weal, and whatever, in short, may be hoped for from a Sovereign, who feels himself the first and truest friend of his subjects, and who considers his affection for them as his greatest glory.
"May unanimity, gentlemen, reign in this Assembly—and this epoch become memorable for laying the foundation of the happiness and prosperity of the kingdom! It is what my heart longs to see, and the most ardent of all my wishes—it is the reward I am entitled to, for the uprightness of my intentions, and my sincere attachment to my subjects.
"My keeper of the Seals will more diffusely explain my desires, and I have ordered the Director-General of the Finances to lay proper and exact accounts of them before you."
[The magnanimous policy conspicuous in the above Speech—the openness, candor, and paternal affection which breathes in every line of it, contrasted with the edicts of former Kings of the same nation, evince the liberality, enlightened policy, and superior wisdom of the present era—THE ERA OF FREEDOM—OF UNIVERSAL LIBERTY! In this Western world, the first broke the chains which held mankind in servitude—and having fixed her temple in our favoured country, she is spreading her salutary reign throughout the world. Europe bows to her sway:
Her fire e'en FRANCE presumes to feel, And half unthatches the Patriot steel, Enough the power to dismay, That dare to violate the Laws, Which vindicate her sacred cause, Or guard the People's rights, or reign the Sovereign's sway.
—The wise and magnanimous monarch of France, listening to the voice of Liberty, sees that in restoring his subjects to the rank of freemen, his kingdom will be strengthened—his glory and happiness promoted—and his authority and power continue the same.—How far the trial of HASTINGS, for his tyrannies in the East, will tend to extend the sway of Liberty to Asia—or what success the late effort to emancipate the sons of Africa from their chains, will meet with, time only can determine. The attempt is however auspicious—and augurs much good.] [Massachusetts Centinel.]
BOSTON, JULY 22, 1789.
Extracts from letters received from the late Dr. LETSON, of London, to his friend in this town.
"I received with great pleasure thy letter, containing an extract of another from General WASHINGTON, in which that Hero, who effected, with little bloodshed, the greatest revolution in History, breathes the sentiments of true philanthropy."
"AT our ensuing anniversary, I shall permit Dr. HAWES to peruse, and communicate the contents to our members, which do you equal honor and at the same time reflect credit upon our institution.—It is the glorious principle of genuine christianity, to breathe universal charity—In every clime, and under every revolution of human affairs, it dictates the same language—Humanity in the most enlarged sense."
"I have not the honor of knowing, or corresponding with Gen. WASHINGTON, but if any opportunity offers, might I presume upon communicating to him the cordial approbation his humane sentiments have impressed upon me? A warrior clothed with humanity and wisdom, is the symbol of Minerva, and few have united them. TURENNE had courage and some degree of humanity; but he it was that burnt the Palatinate, and had the Nero-like pleasure of seeing thirteen cities in flames. Scipio's humanity was stained with the destruction of Carthage—and Rome fell for want of a rival. ALEXANDER the Great, and the modern FREDERICK had their stains of cruelty. But your HERO, without the lictor of CINCINNATUS, was obeyed, conquered, and retired, without the foul stain of blood; and now having no occasion for the Aegis of Minerva, he cherishes the influence of her wisdom."
"London, March 7, 1789.
"AS I have very lately answered thy obliging letter, containing an extract from Gen. WASHINGTON's, I have nothing particular to add, further than apologetic." "I shewed Dr. HAWES thy letter, who made an extract, and printed it for the use merely of the Directors of the Humane Society. It was received, certainly, with great respect, and did credit to the writer, but at the same time, it is not agreeable to me to print anything without permission of the writer."
"OUR anniversary dinner was attended by about 500. In my address to those gentlemen, ex officio , being Treasurer, I introduced the extract from Gen. WASHINGTON's letter as part of my speech, which was received with acclamation and plaudits.—Lord FIFE, the BISHOP of ST. DAVID'S, Lord STAMFORD, and Lord WILLOUGHBY DE BROKE, were present."
"London, March 31, 1789.
The following is an extract from Gen. WASHINGTON's letter.
"MOUNT VERNON, JUNE 22, 1788.
"YOUR respectable favor, covering a recent publication of the proceedings of the Humane Society, has, within a few days past, been put into my hands.
"I observe, with singular satisfaction, the cases in which your benevolent institution has been instrumental in recalling some of our fellow-creatures (as it were) from beyond the gates of eternity, and has given occasion for the hearts of parents and friends to leap for joy. The provision made for ship-wrecked mariners is also highly estimable in the view of every philanthropic mind, and greatly consolatory to that suffering part of the community. These things will draw upon you the blessings of those who were nigh to perish. These works of charity and good will towards men, reflect, in my estimation, great lustre upon the authors, and presage an era of still farther improvements.
"HOW PITIFUL, IN THE EYE OF REASON AND RELIGION, IS THAT FALSE AMBITION WHICH DESOLATES THE WORLD WITH FIRE AND SWORD FOR THE PURPOSES OF CONQUEST AND FAME, WHEN COMPARED TO THE MILDER VIRTUES OF MAKING OUR NEIGHBOURS AND OUR FELLOW MEN AS HAPPY AS THEIR FRAIL CONDITIONS, AND PERISHABLE NATURES WILL PERMIT THEM TO BE."
PHILADELPHIA, JULY 24.
In the beginning of the late revolution we were repeatedly told, that our vacant lands would defray all the expences of the war. Congress are wisely about to realize that declaration by opening a land-office for the sale of their western territories. They will in a short time sink the domestic debt of the United States, and thereby prevent our entailing a heavy and ruinous interest upon our posterity. Pennsylvania has sunk nearly a million of pounds of her proportion of the national debt, by the sale of her back lands, and had the late funding system been delayed one year

longer, or had it included certificates of only one description, the land-office would probably have swallowed up the greatest part of our proportion of the debt.
The objections, says a correspondent, to the wages of the members of Congress, are not well founded. They are no greater than they were during the late war. Let it be remembered that they will only sit one half, or one third of the year, that most of them relinquish all private and professional pursuits, and that many of them will carry their families with them to the place where Congress resides.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT for establishing an EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, to be denominated the Department of FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be an executive department, to be denominated the department of foreign affairs, and that there shall be a principal officer therein, to be called the Secretary for the department of foreign affairs, who shall perform and execute such duties as shall, from time to time, be enjoined on or entrusted to him by the President of the United States, agreeably to the Constitution, relative to correspondences, commissions, or instructions, to or with public ministers or consuls, from the United States, or to negotiations with public ministers from foreign States or Princes, or to memorials or other applications from foreign public ministers, or other foreigners, or to such other matters respecting foreign affairs, as the President of the United States shall assign to the said department: And furthermore, that the said principal officer shall conduct the business of the said department in such manner as the President of the United States shall, from time to time, order or instruct.
And be it further enacted, That there shall be, in the said department, an inferior officer, to be appointed by the said principal officer, and to be employed therein as he shall deem proper, and to be called the chief clerk in the department of foreign affairs, and who, whenever the said principal officer shall be removed from office by the President of the United States, or in any other case of vacancy, shall, during such vacancy, have the charge and custody of all records, books, and papers appertaining to the said department.
And be it further enacted, That the said principal officer, and every other person to be appointed or employed in the said department, shall, before he enters on the execution of his office or employment, take an oath or affirmation, well and faithfully to execute the trust committed to him.
And be it further enacted, That the Secretary for the department of foreign affairs, to be appointed in consequence of this act, shall forthwith after his appointment, be entitled to have the custody and charge of all records, books, and papers in the office of Secretary for the department of foreign affairs, heretofore established by the United States in Congress assembled.
FREDERICK A. MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JULY 27, 1789. G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, JULY 27, 1789.
The engrossed bill for settling accounts between the United States and individual States was read, and the blanks filled.
To the chief Clerk to the commissioners, 600 dollars a year was allowed, and 400 dollars to the other Clerks.
A message from the Supreme Executive, was received by Mr. SECRETARY LEAR, with the bill for establishing an executive department, to be denominated the Department of Foreign Affairs; to which THE PRESIDENT had affixed his signature.
The memorial of Nathaniel Gorham, praying, that Congress would take measures for determining the principles of the cession of the western territory from the State of New-York to the United States, previous to running the line of jurisdiction and property between that State and individuals on the one part, and the United States on the other part—which was presented on Friday last, was this day taken up, and on motion for the commitment of the same, a lengthy debate ensued:—The motion was supported by Mr. SEDGWICK, Mr. BENSON, Mr. GERRY, Mr. LAURANCE and Mr. SHERMAN; and opposed by Mr. SCOTT and Mr. BOUDINOT—on the question being taken it was carried in the affirmative, and the memorial committed to Messrs. Huntington, Jackson and Lee.
In committee of the whole House, on the order of the day—
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair— The report of the committee appointed to confer with a committee of the Senate, in preparing joint rules to be established between the two
houses for the enrollment, preservation, attestation and publication of the acts of Congress, and to regulate the mode of presenting addresses, and other acts to The President of the United States, was taken up.
On motion of Mr. SEDGWICK, the following resolution was agreed to, viz. That it is the opinion of this committee, a select committee ought to be appointed, to prepare and report a bill, to provide, without establishing a new department, for the safe keeping of the acts, records, and great seal of the United States—for the publication, preservation and authentication of the acts of Congress—for establishing the fees of office, and prescribing the forms of commissions, &c. This resolution being added to the report, and the discussion being finished, the committee rose, and the chairman reported the same with the amendments, which were acceded to by the House: A committee consisting of Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Matthews and Mr. Wynkoop, was appointed agreeably to said resolution. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, JULY 23, 1789.
Mr. VINING, of the committee on amendments to the Constitution, brought in a report, which was read, and laid on the table.
Upon motion of Mr. GERRY, it was voted that 100 copies be struck off for the accommodation of the members.
A message from the Senate was received by their Secretary, informing the Hon. House, that they had concurred with amendments in the bill to regulate the collection of duties imposed on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the United States.—These amendments were immediately taken into consideration, and acceded to by the House.
The bill for registering and clearing vessels, and for regulating the coasting trade, was read a second time—and on motion the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, for the discussion of the same—the committee made considerable progress in the bill, but the time did not admit of finishing it—they therefore rose, and the House Adjourned.
NEW-YORK, JULY 29, 1789.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States was so well as to receive visits of compliment from many official characters and citizens yesterday; but we learn, that, until his strength shall be more fully restored, he proposes to receive them only once a week, and that on Tuesdays.
MRS. WASHINGTON, we are informed, will be at home every Friday, at eight o'clock, P. M. to see company.
On Saturday last the Most Hon. RUFUS KING, and on Monday the Most Hon. PHILIP SCHUYLER, took their seats in the Congress of the United States, as Senators from the district of New-York.
We hear, that the Supreme Executive of the United States, in consequence of the resignation of Charles Thompson, Esq. has committed the records and papers of the late Congress, and the Great Seal of the United States, to the custody of ROGER ALDEN, Esq. till further orders.
Extract of a letter from Connecticut, July, 1789.
“ You inform me that the probable plan of appointments will be—first, to continue those already in office in the several States, who have given indubitable proof of fidelity and capacity, excepting in instances where superior political, and official abilities may point them out, as proper subjects of promotion—secondly, that those characters of the late American army, who may be qualified, who merit much, but from the unfavorable circumstances of the country, have never been suitably rewarded, will next be noticed—and thirdly, that persons who in civil life have evinced a firm attachment to the cause of their country in all the different views in which it has been placed; more especially the advocates and friends of the new constitution, whose characters and qualifications entitle them to patronage, will also receive attention.
“ This arrangement meets my approbation entirely; but at the same time great caution is requisite to avoid essential mistakes—in the first place, it is not difficult for persons in office who are unworthy of, and incompetent to the places they hold, to procure factitious testimonials in their favor.
“ It must be granted, also, that many persons mistake their own talents—and men who have done well in one situation, may be totally unqualified for others: There is a sort of claim which military characters possess, that may unduly bias the judgment—and it is possible, that some candidates for office cannot with propriety, wholly impute their present depressed circumstances to the deficiencies of their country.
“ The third description affords the greatest range for the selection of competent public officers—and from this, all other considerations being equal, no doubt a preference will be given to those who have supported the Constitution,
in appointments which have for their object the promotion of the public interest, upon the principles of that Constitution.”
Every pleasing anticipation is entertained with respect to the nominations to office that are immediately to be made.—The hackneyed proverb, that “killing goes by favor,” will be found totally inapplicable on this occasion; an inflexible independency of determination having always distinguished the appointments of the late Commander in Chief of the American army—there is every reason to expect that real abilities and desert will be the only influencing considerations.
A correspondent observes, that however plausible the idea, in an economical view, of preventing the encrease of offices by jumbling a great variety of heterogeneous business in one department, may be, yet it will be found that such arrangements must be made, to prevent confusion, as will in the issue be as expensive as openly establishing so many distinct offices.
A correspondent observes upon the subject of Titles, that a total renunciation of them involves an idea, that is levelled not only at the existence of government, but of all society whatever.—Society supposes order—order, grades and distinctions—Mankind have never yet devised any other mode of designating these distinctions than by titles.—To suppose therefore that they are unnecessary, is to suppose that human nature possesses an intuitive faculty of discerning merit, & of ascertaining its various degrees, so as never to fail of spontaneously paying it due respect, without any external indication whatever—the absurdity of this is too gross for reflection.
Extract of a letter from a young gentleman at Academy, to his father in C—
HONORED SIR, “ I think it my duty to give you some inimitable evidence of my progress in literature; when I first came to this academy, scarce an hour in the day passed without some strictures on my mode of speaking—but by perpetual hints from every quarter, my schupidity was overcome, and my attention so quickened, that at length I have become so habichuated to the proper sound of du, tu, &c. that the old fashioned pronunciation sounds quite unnatchural —having surmounted this difficulty, in speaking the following words, I no longer make the least mistake, viz. virchue, nachure, fuchure, individual, infatchuation, machurate, fachu-rate, forchune, shootable, shupreme, shuperior, chuse-day , and many others—there is a further improvement talked of, and that is to pronounce debts, jets, &c. but how this will succeed is uncertain.
“ I hope my improvements will receive your approbation, and am your justiful son, TIMOTHY TON.
DEATHS.
At Constantinople, (Turkey) April 7, 1789, ACHMET IV. Grand Signior to the Ottoman Empire, aged 64—after reigning 45 years. It is supposed he was poisoned by some of the party in favor of the continuation of the war with Russia, to which he reluctantly consented. And it is thought his death will put an end to all ideas of peace for some time. Prince SEMLIN, his nephew, it is said, succeeds him.
In Germany, the PRINCE of GELNHAUSEN, the last Protestant Prince of the Palatine family.
At Newport, Capt. DAVID GARDINER, aged 48.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
Sunday Sloop Delight , Campbell, Newfoundland, 25 days Sloop John , Gilbert, Kingston, 21 days Tuesday Sloop Hancock , Brown, Rhode-Island, 2 days Sloop Rambler , Peterson, do. 2 days Brig Nelly , Buchanan, Martha Brae, 21 days
MR. FENNO,
IN the translation of an Ordinance of the Gov. of Hispaniola, published in your last, the words of the preamble, “with his Majesty’s good pleasure,” seem to imply that the King has consented to it: The meaning of the words “Sous le bon plaisir de sa Majesté” is, that in case the King should consent, then the law should have its effect. The expression is conditional, whereas in the English translation it seems to be positive, and may mislead your readers. CAUTION.
[We conceive that the Translator’s idea as conveyed in the sentence alluded to, exactly coincides with the writer’s of the above: The words “provisionally enacted,” sufficiently indicate that the Ordinance is subject to the King’s revision.]
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
 Jamaica Spirits, 5/6  Antigua Rum, 5/.  St. Croix, do. 4/8.  Country, do. 2/10.  Molasses, 2/2. a 2/0.  Brandy, 5/6. a 5/9.  Geneva, 5/3.  Do. in cases, 20/.  Muscovado Sugar, 56/ a 72/.  Loaf, do. 1/3.  Lump, do. 1/1½.  Pepper, 2/8.  Pimento, 1/9. a 2/.  Chocolate, 1/2.  Cocoa, 75/ a 80/.  Coffee, 1/8. a 1/9.  Indigo, (Carolina) 4/ a 6/.  Rice, 23/ a 24/.  Superfine Flour, 45/.  Common do. 42/6. a 43/.  Rye do. 26/ a 27/.  Indian Meal, 18/.  Rye, 4/9. pr. bush.  Corn, (Southern) 3/9. a 4/.  Do. (Northern), 4/3. a 4/6.  Beef, first quality, 48/ a 50/.  — Second quality, 43/6.  Pork, first quality, 81/6.  — Second quality, 76/6.  Hams, 7d. a 7½d.  Carolina Tobacco, 3½d. a 5d.  Virginia 4d. a 5d. 

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
IT is pretended by some, that a sovereignty in a single assembly, annually elected, is the only one in which there is any responsibility for the exercise of power. In the mixed government we contend for, the ministers, at least for the executive power, are responsible for every instance of the exercise of it; and if they dispose of a single commission by corruption, they are responsible to a house of representatives, who may, by impeachment, make them responsible before a senate, where they may be accused, tried, condemned, and punished, by independent judges. But in a single sovereign assembly, each member, at the end of his year, is only responsible to his constituents; and the majority of members who have been of one party, and carried all before them, are to be responsible only to their constituents, not to the constituents of the minority who have been overborne, injured, and plundered. And who are these constituents to whom the majority are accountable? Those very persons, to gratify whom they have prostituted the honours, rewards, wealth, and justice of the state. These, instead of punishing will applaud; instead of discarding, will re-elect, with still greater eclat, and a more numerous majority; for the losing cause will be deserted by numbers: and this will be done in hopes of having still more injustice done, still more honours and profits divided among themselves, to the exclusion and mortification of the minority. It is then astonishing that such a simple government should be preferred to a mixed one, by any rational creature, on the score of responsibility. There is, in short, no possible way of defending the minority, in such a government, from the tyranny of the majority, but by giving the former a negative on the latter, the most absurd institution that ever took place among men. As the major may bear all possible relations of proportion to the minor part, it may be fifty-one against forty-nine in an assembly of an hundred, or it may be ninety-nine against one only: it becomes therefore necessary to give the negative to the minority, in all cases, though it be ever so small. Every member must possess it, or he can never be secure that himself and his constituents shall not be sacrificed by all the rest. This is the true ground and original of the liberum veto in Poland; but the consequence has been ruin to that noble but ill-constituted republic. One fool, or one knave, one member of the diet, which is a single sovereign assembly, bribed by an intriguing ambassador of some foreign power, has prevented measures the most essential to the defence, safety, and existence of the nation. Hence humiliations and partitions! This also is the reason on which is founded the law of the United Netherlands, that all the seven provinces must be unanimous in the assembly of the States General; and all the cities and other voting bodies in the assemblies of the separate states. Having no sufficient checks in their uncouth constitution, nor any mediating power possessed of the whole executive, they have been driven to demand unanimity instead of a balance: and this must be done in every government of a single assembly, or the majority will instantly oppress the minority. But what kind of government would that be in the United States of America, or any one of them, that should require unanimity, or allow of the liberum veto? It is sufficient to ask the question, for every man will answer it alike.
FINANCIAL MEMENTO.
From the FEDERAL GAZETTE.
I HAVE had my attention seriously engaged by the publication of the Estimate of the Supplies requisite for the United States in the year 1789. On investigating this report of a committee, it appears that the annual demands on the Union for the civil list expenditures, the instalments due on foreign loans, and the interest on the foreign and domestic debt, amount to 3,207,096 21-90. Deduct instalments and premium on the loan
490,962 89 90
2,716,133 24-90
which is the clear amount of the annual contributions for the support of government—for the payment of the instalments is a liquidation of so much of the capital of the foreign debt, which by being extinguished, will require a proportionally less sum to be raised in subsequent years for interest.
As for the various arrearages, which the report takes notice of, and which form the balance of the sum total, they are not to be considered as an annual demand, but will probably be consolidated with the capital of the debt, and the interest thereon be alone required.
So far from room for despondency in the minds of the good people of these States, by such a representation of their affairs, it exhibits the most flattering and favorable prospects. The annual requisitions will not amount to a dollar per head, estimating the population of the Union at three
millions: A small demand, in exchange for such invaluable blessings as peace, liberty and independence; and which must be lightly felt in a country that can afford to pay three shillings per day for a common laborer.
It is not probably a fourth of the contributions that we should have been compelled to furnish towards our proportion of the national debt of Great Britain, if we had remained under the domination of that haughty and exacting nation.
But let us enquire what is the relative situation of other countries, with respect to quantum of public contributions.
Great Britain under the operation of a government, that it must be confessed pays pointed attention to her agricultural, commercial and manufacturing pursuits, flourishes, notwithstanding an accumulation of public debt, that demands an annual supply of sixteen millions sterling, to satisfy its interest, and support her other expences.
But the people are so little oppressed by these demands, that they are enabled, with ease, to raise by taxation a sufficient sum to constitute a sinking fund, which in the course of the last year extinguished two millions of the capital of the national debt.
Calculating on eight millions of inhabitants in Great Britain, there will be apportioned to each individual, as an annual contribution, forty shillings sterling, which is betwixt eight and nine dollars per head.—What a flattering consideration for the citizens of the United States, arises out of the comparative situation of the two countries!—But what renders the reflection still more pleasing, is, that Great Britain may be deemed stationary, if not declining, in her population, and consequent resources. But the United States present an unbounded field for progressive population; and the encrease of inhabitants will ease the burthen of the debt, by additional numbers participating in the support of its weight.
This augmentation does not only arise from natural increase in a country situated like America, where the means of subsistence are so easily to be procured—but likewise from the rapid emigration that will necessarily take place, from the superior encouragement that a government, so well constituted to favor civil and religious liberty, and protect the rights of property, will offer. Such emigrations are usually, accompanied with considerable acquisitions of property, which add to the general stock of the community.
When the United States of America have arranged their financial system, and made ample provision for their existing claims, the progressive increase of the taxes, arising from various causes, joined to the sales of the western territory, will form a considerable surplus, that may be applied to the gradual and speedy extinction of the capital of the public debt.
The beneficial effects of the funding system, when founded on proper principles, will be felt through all classes of the community—as it will throw into circulation the capital of the domestic debt, increase thereby the general stock of the country, and facilitate the various purposes of alienation.
If a comparative view was formed of the public debts of France, Spain, or Holland, the United States would find, that it would induce a result much more favorable than even that with Great Britain.
This communication of Congress can therefore give no cause of exultation to the enemies of the government. Foreign nations must respect the resources of a country, abounding in such powerful means, and so unfettered by its present engagements. A FRIEND TO THE UNION.
ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT.
EDENTON, (N. C.) JULY 9.
The following ADDRESS of the Governor and Council of this State, has lately been presented to General WASHINGTON, President of the United States: To which he has been pleased to return the Answer thereto subjoined.
To his Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esquire, President of the United States.
SIR, AMIDST the congratulations which surround you from all quarters, WE, the Governor and Council of the State of North-Carolina, beg leave to offer ours, with equal sincerity and fervency with any which can be presented to you. Though this State be not yet a member of the Union under the new form of government, we look forward with the pleasing hope of its shortly becoming such; and in the mean time consider ourselves bound in common interest and affection with the other States, waiting only for the happy event of such alterations being proposed as will remove the apprehensions of many of the good citizens of this State, for those liberties for which they have fought and suffered in common with others. This happy event, we doubt not will be accelerated by your Excellency's appointment to the first office in the Union, since we are well assured the same greatness of mind, which in all scenes has so eminently characterised your Excellency, will induce you to advise every measure calculated to compose party divisions, and to abate any animosity that may be excited by a mere difference in opinion. Your Excellency will consider however others may forget how extremely difficult it is to unite all the people of a great country in one common sentiment upon almost any political subject, much less upon a new form of government materially different from one they have been accustomed to, and will therefore rather be disposed to rejoice that so much has been effected, than regret that more could not all at once be accomplished. We sincerely believe America is the only country in the world where, such a deliberate change of government could take place under any circumstances whatever. We hope your Excellency will pardon the liberty we take in writing so particularly on this subject; but this State, however it may differ in any political opinions with the other States, cordially joins with them in sentiments of the utmost gratitude and ve-
ration for those distinguished talents and that illustrious virtue, which we feel a pride in saying we believe, under God, have been the principal means of preserving the liberty and procuring the independence of our country. We cannot help considering you, Sir, in some measure, as the father of it, and hope to experience the good effects of that confidence you so justly have acquired, in an abatement of the party spirit which so much endangers a Union on which the safety and happiness of America can alone be founded. May that Union, at a short distance of time, be as perfect and more safe than ever! And in the mean while, may the State of North Carolina be considered, as it truly deserves to be, attached with equal warmth with any State in the Union, to the true interest, prosperity, and glory of America, differing only in some particulars in opinion as to the means of promoting them!
SAMUEL JOHNSON. By order and on behalf of the Council, JAMES TREVELL, President. William Johnston Dawson, Clerk Council. By order, May 10, 1789.
To the GOVERNOR and COUNCIL of the State of North-Carolina. Gentlemen,
IT was scarcely possible for any address to have given me greater pleasure than that which I have just received from you; because I consider it not only demonstrative of your approbation of my conduct in accepting the first office in the union, but also indicative of the good dispositions of the citizens of your State towards their sister States, and of the probability of their speedily acceding to the new general government.
In justification of the opinion which you are pleased to express of my readiness to advise every measure calculated to compose party divisions, and to abate any animosity that may be excited by a mere difference of opinion, I take the liberty of referring you to the sentiments communicated by me, to the two Houses of Congress. On this occasion, I am likewise happy in being able to add the strongest assurances, that I entertain a well grounded expectation that nothing will be wanting on the part of the different branches of the general government to render the union as perfect, and more safe than ever it has been.
A difference of opinion on political points is not to be imputed to freemen as a fault; since it is to be presumed that they are all actuated by an equally laudable and sacred regard for the liberties of their country. If the mind is so formed in different persons as to consider the same object to be somewhat different in its nature and consequences, as it happens to be placed in different points of view, and if the oldest, the ablest, and the most virtuous statesmen have often differed in judgment as to the best forms of government—we ought, indeed, rather to rejoice that so much has been effected, than to regret that more could not all at once be accomplished.
Gratified by the favorable sentiments which are evinced in your address to me, and impressed with an idea that the citizens of your State are sincerely attached to the interest, the prosperity, and the glory of America, I most earnestly implore the divine benediction and guidance in the councils which are shortly to be taken by their delegates on a subject of the most momentous consequence, I mean the political relation which is to subsist hereafter, between the State of North-Carolina, and the States now in union under the new general government.
G. WASHINGTON. New-York, June 19, 1789.
A NEW METHOD OF MAKING POTASH.
PUT your ashes into your casks about four inches deep, then put in slack lime about two inches deep, then put in your ashes as usual—when beginning to boil, put in about the bigness of an hen's egg of hog's fat every day when boiling, into each kettle, and skim your kettles once a day, which will take off all the fat; and when drying down your salts, throw in a piece of alum, one ounce, and take great notice about your salts settling—when they once settle, it will not be but a few minutes before there will be a small crust on the top, but it will follow boiling up immediately, —as soon as the boiling is all over the kettles, then stir it until it leaves off at frying, then dip it off into your coolers. The melting down is accomplished in 45 minutes, that used to take four or five hours.
From a VIRGINIA PAPER.
[Published by authority.]
THE public are advertised, that the French packet-boats, which had been suspended by order of government, are lately re-established—and that from the 15th of March, 1789, a packet-boat will sail from the port of Bourdeaux, the 15th March, 15th May, 15th July, 15th September, 15th November, and 15th January, in every year, which will take charge of the letters and packets intended to be sent to the United States of America. These vessels will arrive alternately at New-York and at Norfolk, where they will deposit the mails they bring, and take those intended for France, which they will convey directly to Bourdeaux.
On their departure from France, there will be made out two lists, the one addressed to the Director of the French post at New-York, comprehending all the letters directed to the States of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware; the other addressed to the Vice-Consul of France in Virginia, containing the letters for Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia.
The superintendence of the packet boats at Norfolk, being confined to Mr. Oster, Vice-Consul of his Most Christian Majesty, letters for France, England, Germany, Holland, &c. &c. will be received at his office, on payment of postage to Bourdeaux.
N. B. All letters sent by land, which are not franked, will remain in the Post-Office.
BON MOT.
SOME days ago a gentleman of the order of Epicurus was dining at a Friend's table, and was displaying some very extraordinary feats of eating; by way of apology, however, for troubling the Lady of the house to help him so frequently, "Upon my honor madam, I am sorry to trouble you so often, but I really think I have lost the bottom of my stomach"—The answer was neat—"Upon my honor, Sir, I have not found it."
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oscego-Market, New-York. [3d. pr. an.]