National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-04-05 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, APRIL 5, 1792.
NUMB. 46.
AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT for the relief of Widows, Orphans, Invalids, and other persons.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, of America, in Congress assembled, That the Comptroller of the Treasury adjust the claims of the widows and Orphans respectively, as the case may be, of the late Colonel Owen Roberts, captain William White, lieutenant colonel Bernard Elliott, major Samuel Wise, major Benjamin Huger, lieutenant John Bush, and major Charles Mott, deceased, all of whom were killed or died in the service of the United States, for the seven years half-pay stipulated by the resolve of Congress of the twenty-fourth day of August, one thousand seven hundred and eighty; and that the Register of the Treasury do issue his certificates accordingly.
And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the department of war be, and he hereby is required to place on the invalid list, Timothy Mix, disabled in the late war, by the loss of his right hand, while in the service of the United States, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the fourth day of February one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three. That the said Secretary place on the invalid list, Abel Turney, Mariner, disabled while in the service of the United States, at the rate of one dollar per month, to commence on the first day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one.
And be it further enacted, That the arrears of the said pensions be paid as the laws direct in similar cases.
And be it further enacted, That the Comptroller of the Treasury be, and he hereby is required to adjust the accounts of Joseph Pannila lieutenant-colonel in the service of the United States, as a deranged officer upon the principles of the act of the late Congress, of the third of October one thousand seven hundred and eighty, and to allow him the usual commutation of the half-pay for life of a lieutenant-colonel, and that the Register of the Treasury be, and he hereby is required to grant a certificate for the amount of the balance due to him. That the Comptroller adjust the account of the late brigadier general De Haas, admitting to the credit of the said account, such sums as by evidence shall appear to have been advanced for the public service, and which have been charged by the United States to the officers who have received the same for the public service, and that the said Register do grant a certificate for the balance due on such settlement. That the said comptroller adjust the account of Thomas McIntire, a captain in the service of the United States, during the late war, and allow him the usual commutation of the half pay for life of a captain, and that the said Register grant a certificate for the amount thereof accordingly.
And be it further enacted, That the Comptroller of the Treasury be, and he hereby is required to adjust the account of Francis Suzor Debevere, a surgeon's mate in the service of the United States during the late war, and who remained in captivity to the end thereof, and that the Register of the Treasury be, and he hereby is required to grant a certificate for the amount which shall be found due for the services of the said Francis Suzor Debevere. That the said Comptroller adjust the account of Robert King, as a
lieutenant, deranged upon the principles of the act of the late Congress, passed the twenty-fourth day of November, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and that the said Register grant a certificate accordingly. That the Comptroller adjust the account of Lemuel Sherman, as a failing master of a galley on Lake Champlain, and as such taken prisoner; and that the said Register grant a certificate accordingly.
And be it further enacted, That there be granted to Nicholas Ferdinand Westfall, who left the British service and joined the army of the United States, during the late war, one hundred acres of unappropriated land in the western territory of the United States, free of all charges, and also the sum of three hundred and thirty-six dollars, out of any money appropriated to the contingent charges of government.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, March the twenty-seventh 1792 G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT providing for the settlement of the Claims of Persons under particular circumstances barred by the limitations heretofore established.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the operation of the resolutions of the late Congress of the United States, passed on the second day of November, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, and the twenty-third day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, so far as they have barred, or may be construed to bar the claims of any officer, soldier, artificer, sailor, or marine of the late army or navy of the United States, for personal services rendered to the United States, in the military or naval department, shall from and after the passing of this act, be suspended, for and during the term of two years. And that every such officer, soldier, artificer, sailor and marine having claims for services rendered to the United States, in the military or naval departments, who shall exhibit the same, for liquidation, at the Treasury of the United States, at any time during the said term of two years, shall be entitled to an adjustment, and allowance thereof on the same principles, as if the same had been exhibited, within the term prescribed by the aforesaid resolutions of Congress: Provided, That nothing herein shall be construed to extend to claims for rations or subsistence money.
And be it further enacted, That no balances hereafter to be certified, as due from the United States, shall be registered in any other name, than that of the original claimant, or of his heirs, executors or administrators; and such balances shall be transferable only at the Treasury, by virtue of powers actually executed after such registry, expressing the sum to be transferred, and in pursuance of such general rules, as have been, or shall be prescribed for that purpose.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, March the twenty-seventh, 1792 G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT supplemental to the Act for making farther and more effectual Provision for the protection of the Frontiers of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That it shall be lawful for the President of the
United States by and with the advice and consent of the Senate to appoint such number of Brigadier-Generals as may be conducive to the good of the public service. Provided the whole number appointed, or to be appointed, shall not exceed four.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, March the twenty-eighth, 1792. G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
[We are requested to insert, from the Independent Gazetteer, the following piece, addressed to the YEOMANRY of the United States.]
FOR a government to interfere in the occupations, or in the private actions of citizens, where such actions are not injurious to the community, is not only unjust and impolitic, but is highly dangerous to the liberties of the people. All partial regulations tend to create separate interests in society, and therefore occasion jealousy and dissention among citizens, whose true interest consists in being united. On this subject the sentiments of the great body of the people in the United States were clearly expressed during the arduous contest to establish their liberties: The constitutions of the several states, formed during that period of public animation and attention, manifest the strongest disapprobation of monopolies and exclusive privileges. Although these just and honorable sentiments have been lately suppressed by the influence of ambition and avarice, yet they are not extinct, but will re-appear with an additional lustre, reflected from the glorious revolution of France. The Americans will adopt the political principles of that enlightened people, and like them will consider, that the prosperity and happiness of citizens constitutes the real strength of nations. If, under a vague undefined idea of supporting the general welfare, Congress is permitted to enact partial laws in favor of a few wealthy individuals, and to grant them exclusive privileges in any occupation in which their unbounded avarice may prompt them to engage, such regulations will inevitably destroy the infant manufactures of our country, and will consign the useful and respectable citizens personally engaged in them to contempt and ruin. All confidence of procuring an honorable support from any mechanic or manufacturing employment being at an end, no citizen will think of giving seven years of the prime of his life to acquire the knowledge of any profession in which he may be supplanted by a junto of monied men, under the immediate patronage and protection of government. Whatever may be the plausible pretext of such institutions, they always promote the oppressive and injurious drudgery of the manufacturers, and the indolent luxury of the principals.
Men educated in a profession which exists by the indiscriminate defence of right and wrong, will naturally support their opinions with all the art and sophistry of acute logicians; but reasoning in proportion as it extends and becomes complicated, does not owe its triumph always to truth; mental fatigue, or implicit faith, frequently succeeds in procuring it admirers. A variety of stratagems may be made use of to deceive the people, but a minister who knows nothing more, will never lay the foundation of a great empire; the fabric raised by his duplicity and extravagance, must fall and bury its supporters in its ruins.
The success of American manufactures will not depend on financial calculations, or legislative interference, but on the patronage and encouragement
they may receive from patriotic citizens. It is certain that the powerful and increasing mercantile interest, has always suggested doubts respecting the propriety of giving encouragement to American artists and manufacturers. As agents, it is the immediate interest of the merchants that every raw material, and every manufactured article, should pass through their hands: But no real citizen ever had a doubt of the expediency of every independent commonwealth being as much as possible supplied within itself with all things necessary or useful in common life. A chain does not derive its strength and utility from being composed of a few heavy links, and the remainder weak and ill conditioned, but from every link being as much as possible of equal power. The same takes place in civil society: a state is rendered more respectable and powerful by the prosperity of all its citizens, than by the over-grown wealth of the few. By giving useful employment and comfortable support to the weakest and most miserable fellow-citizen, you promote your own consequence and safety; therefore, duty as well as interest oblige the members of the same society to assist each other. Those who use foreign manufactures, in preference to such as may be procured in their own country, receive protection from the government, of which they are members, without complying with their duty in supporting its citizens. An injustice that in its increase must be the ruin of any Commonwealth. This principle, however, should be carried no further than is consistent with the real prosperity of the state, as connected with the full employment, the happiness and independence of all its citizens.
We ought not to desire the establishment of any kind of manufacture in our country, which cannot support itself, without government granting to its agents, bounties, premiums, and a variety of exclusive privileges, in violation of the rights of the people.
A FARMER.
March 15, 1792.
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, March 31.
A bill in addition to the act providing for the government of the territory, north-west of the river Ohio, was twice read, and made the order of the day for Wednesday next.
Mr. Vining, from the committee appointed, reported a "bill, to compensate the corporation of Trustees of the public grammar school and academy of Wilmington in the state of Delaware," which was twice read, and made the order of the day for Tuesday next.
A resolution, for indemnifying the state of Maryland for a certain sum of money advanced to discharge a contract made by N. R. Moore for the purchase of a number of horses for the service of the United States during the late war,—was referred to a select committee.
The amendments, proposed by the Senate, to the Militia bill, were read, and the bill, together with the amendments, ordered to be printed for the consideration of the House.
Mr. Speaker laid before the House a memorial from the Legislature of Massachusetts—and Mr. W. Smith a copy of instructions from that of South-Carolina to their Delegates in both Houses of Congress, respecting a further assumption of the debts of those states—Referred to the committee of the whole, on the public debt.

The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the public debt—Mr. Seney in the chair.
The 5th, 6th and 7th of Mr. Fitzsimon's resolutions were agreed to, as follows:
"Resolved, That a subscription for a farther loan in the debts of the individual states, be opened and continued to the first day of _____ next, not to exceed in the whole _____ millions of dollars, in the proportions following, that is to say:
 In the debt of New-Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode-Island,  Connecticut,  New-York,  New-Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North-Carolina,  South-Carolina,  Georgia, 
Provided, That the interest on such loan shall be payable before the _____ day of _____: And provided, that when the sum, to be assumed for any state, shall not be subscribed by the holders of any of the evidences in which the same is made receivable, the state shall not be entitled to receive interest on the residue."
"That the subscriptions to the aforesaid loans in state debt, be payable in such certificates, bills, notes, and evidences of debt whatsoever, as shall have been issued by the respective states, and by the several commissioners of loans of the United States, on account of the excises of the sums subscribed in certain states beyond the sums heretofore assumed for such states. Provided, That no such certificates, bills, notes or evidences of debts of the respective states shall be receivable upon the said loan, which, from the tenor thereof, from any public record, act or document, shall appear or can be ascertained to have been issued for purposes irrelative to compensation and expenditures for services or supplies towards the prosecution of the late war, and the defence of the United States, or of some part thereof during the same; but this shall not be construed to exclude any certificate, bill, note, or evidence of debt which shall have been issued in lieu or on account of any other certificate, bill, note or evidence of debt which was itself issued, in relation to such compensations and expenditures."
"That the debt due to certain foreign officers, the interest whereon is payable at the house of Le Grand, in Paris, be discharged out of any monies obtained on loan, by the President of the United States, in virtue of the act making provision for the public debt;—which may now be unappropriated."
The eighth resolution was the subject of a lengthy debate, which continued to the usual hour of adjournment, when the committee rose, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again.
MONDAY, April 2.
The report of a select committee on the "Abstract (received from the Secretary of the Treasury) of the returns of the duties on imports and tonnage, and the amount of the exports of the U. States to foreign countries," being taken up,—Ordered that the said abstract be printed;—and also, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to the House, during the course of the present session, the quantity and value of the exports from each state.
A message was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, informing the House, that the President of the United States had this day signed an "act for finishing a light-house on Bald head, at the mouth of Cape Fear river, in the state of North-Carolina."
A message was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, informing the House, that the President had notified the Senate of his having approved and signed an "act to establish a mint, and regulate the coins of the United States."
The House pursuant to the order of the day, again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the public debt:—Mr. Seney in the chair.
The 8th of Mr. Fitzsimon's resolutions was amended, and agreed to, as follows:
"Resolved, . . . . That the interest on so much of the domestic debt as has been or may be purchased for the United States, or as shall be paid into the Treasury, and so much of the sum appropriated for the payment of the interest on the foreign and domestic debt as shall be over and above what may be sufficient for the payment of such interest, shall be appropriated "for the redemption of the public debt." The said funds to be applied to the purposes aforesaid, by the commissioners hereafter mentioned, under the approbation of the President of the United States."
The 9th and last of the resolutions was also agreed to, as follows:
"Resolved, . . . . That _____ be commissioners for the purposes aforesaid; and that a precise account of all the debts redeemed, and of all purchases by them made, be laid before the legislature within _____ months after its first meeting in every year."
The committee then rose, and reported the resolutions, as amended; and the House immediately proceeded to consider the same.
The first resolution being read, as follows, "Resolved, . . . . That the term for receiving on loan, that part of the domestic debt of the United States which yet remains unsubscribed, be extended to the _____, on the same terms as was provided by the act making provision for the public debt of the United States, . . . ."
Mr. Giles renewed his motion for amending it, by the addition of the following: "Except that condition in the act, which renders the debt so far subscribed, subject to redemption by payments not exceeding in one year, on account of both principal and interest, a proportion of eight dollars upon the hundred, on any certificate which shall be issued according to the terms therein specified; which condition, so far as it relates to any part of the debt which may be hereafter subscribed, shall be abolished."
The question being taken on this amendment, passed in the negative;—yeas 27; nays, 30.
YEAS.—Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Clark, Findley, Giles, Gregg, Griffin, Grove, Heister, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittera, Lee, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Murray, Page, Parker, Seney, J. Smith, Sumpter, Tredwell, Venable, White, Willis.—27.
NAYS.—Ames, Barnwell, Benfon, Bou-dinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley, Huger, Key, Laurence, Learned, Livermore, Macon, Muhlenberg, Niles, Sedgwick, W. Smith, Steele, Strett, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatcher, Tucker, Wadsworth, Ward.—30.
The question was then taken on the resolution, and passed in the affirmative.
The two following resolutions were also agreed to, viz.
Resolved, That provision ought to be made for payment of the interest on the unsubscribed part of the domestic debt of the United States, to the first day of 1799, on like terms as was provided by the act aforesaid.
"Resolved, . . . . That the term for receiving on loan that part of the debt of the individual states, assumed by the United States, yet unsubscribed, be extended to the first day of _____ next, on the same terms as is provided by the act making provision for the public debt."
The next of the resolutions providing for a further assumption of the state debts, was under consideration, when the House Adjourned.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
BRUTUS, No. V.
On the FUNDING SYSTEM.
HAVING made some observations on the perpetual system of taxation which has been fixed like a mill stone around the necks of us and our posterity, and having traced its cause to the funding system, let us now proceed to take a general view of its effects—And we shall, in the first place, behold hosts of foreign and domestic speculators living in foreign countries, or within the purview of the treasury, drawing a constant tribute from the mass of the people, who, living remote from scenes of speculation, have neither had time or opportunity to acquire this species of property: but on the contrary have been plundered of those which they so dearly earned by greedy speculators, to whose artifices they have been wantonly exposed, by the sudden and surreptitious manner in which the funding system was palmed on them. It is not here asserted that this was the result of a deep laid scheme of speculation; the effects however have been the same, and have proved equally unjust and pernicious. It is a notorious fact that the unsuspecting soldier has become a prey to the knowing speculator, and that the certificates which in times of difficulty and danger, were received as cash for personal services, have been purchased up at four and six pence in the pound; and by a variety of arts have been since stimulated in the hands of the purchasers to twenty-five shillings: a circumstance the more aggravating when it is considered that the people who have been thus manœuvred, are now obliged to supply the taxes by which the evidences of their past services, of which they have been so shamefully plundered, have been thus raised in the hands of foreign & domestic speculators to five shillings in the pound above their nominal value.
It has been hinted at in more ways than one, that some of our representatives, their friends and agents, have had a share in the profitable speculations which ensued from the funding system; while the great temptation they were exposed to by the facility of purchasing certificates, and the extraordinary exertions they have since made to raise them in value, are circumstances which give a colouring to the supposition that cannot fail making some impression on the most unsuspicious mind. They had nothing to do but purchase at four and six-pence in the pound; vote for the funding
system, the impost, and excise laws; make the one permanent, and mortgage the others for the payment, & their bundles of paper, formerly the representatives of the soldier, and the patriot's services, but now of their poverty and neglected state, become valuable property in the speculators hands. To answer these ends have our ears been dinned with the prostituted cries of public faith, national honour, and unviolated contracts; or how happened it that these high sounding terms, slept for a term of years, when alone they could have been used with propriety, when justice, gratitude, policy, and every obligation, moral as well as political, required them in favour of a meritorious class of citizens, whose health and fortunes have been ruined by extraordinary exertions to serve their country.
But let the Secretary of the Treasury and his adherents beware how far they proceed in their successful attempts to increase the national debt, and add to the burthens of the people, by loans, funding systems, and perpetual taxes; let them remember, that altho' the republican jealousy of the people may sleep for a time, that it is not extinct, and that when they begin to feel the pressure of oppressive and perpetual taxes, and the numerous impositions which attend them, that they may, by one exertion, overturn that complicated fabric the funding system, the cause of all these evils, and bury the enormous fortunes which have been made under it in its ruins. It would be well for them to reflect that altho' themselves may have been led on from measure to measure by an artful combination of principles, not in their nature connected with each other, and have been induced to justify one evil and unconstitutional act by a preceding one still worse, that the people will form an opinion of these measures by their individual merits, and not follow their financier in his labyrinth of sophistical reasoning. Let them further reflect that however the immense profits which have been made by these systems may cast a mist before the eyes of those who are interested, and obtain them the applause and adulation of a few greedy speculators hovering about the treasury, that the great body of the people, whose interests will be affected in a different manner, may be as prejudiced against these speculating measures, as themselves have been partial in their favour. They may perhaps think they could have been better employed in counteracting the injurious restraints imposed on the produce of the country by the severe navigation laws of Europe, particularly of Great Britain; that they should not have suffered them to continue pouring in their superfluous luxuries without limitation, while even our grain and other valuable productions the fruits of hard labour, are either not admitted into their ports, or subjected to the most partial and limited conditions.
If they have done a single act whose object was, to promote the interest of the yeomanry of the United States, by securing to them better markets for the fruits of their industry, let it be made known; that like a gleam of light, it may shine through the dark catalogue of imposts, excises, loans, funds, banks and bounties; about which they have been so exceedingly busy for the professed purpose of rising stock. A greediness for revenue and a desire to perpetuate and secure it, to speculators in the public funds, has marked all their proceedings; in this favourite object they have entirely lost sight of the agricultural interests: so much so with regard to those, who from their locality & distance from a market, are obliged to convert their grain into ardent spirits, that they have actually sacrificed their interests, by means of an excise to the speculators in that part of the funding system called the assumption, of which the excise is an immediate offspring. In this instance it might be shown that this greediness for revenue has led them so far from the line of their duty, as to sacrifice the interests of the farmer and distiller of whisky in the United States, to the sugar planter and distiller of rum in the West-Indies.
It is not here asserted that agriculture, and consequently commerce, have not in some degree flourished for two years past, but this has arisen from causes entirely unconnected with the general government, or any of its measures. The dearths, the wars, the dissensions, and the revolutions which have convulsed Europe within the period mentioned, have been the real causes, that have given a temporary stimulus to our agriculture and commerce; hence the demand for our produce has been so great, as to raise wheat to 12/6 in the bushel; and this again has stimulated the farmer to increase his exertions, and at the same time has supplied him with the means of doing it successfully.
Advantage has been taken of these fortuitous circumstances, and with great success, to reconcile some people to measures which are palpably wrong. But when the affairs of Europe become settled into a calm, and their own crops are again sufficient to supply their wants; and when, in consequence of these events, the produce of this country shall be reduced to its former value, for want of purchasers to take it off our hands, and the farmer meets no encouragement to pursue with vigor his useful
occupation, we shall then see agriculture languishing, and the yeomanry of the United States dwindling into insignificance, because in addition to all the disadvantages they will labour under for want of markets to dispose of the fruits of their industry, the little surplus that will remain to them, which ought to be appropriated to keep up the necessary improvements of their farms, will be drained away by heavy taxes to support the funding system, and supply the wants of an expensive government. The merchant also, when from the same causes, he finds the balance of trade continually against him, will soon feel the ill effects, of paying heavy duties into the treasury to support the encreasing wants of government, and to supply the demands of public creditors. In short every class of citizens, except those immediately engaged in speculation, or in administering the public affairs, will feel the dire effects of a languishing commerce, and a declining agriculture, attended with encreasing burthens. When we consider the scattered situation of the people of the United States over an immense territory, we shall find that this system of perpetual taxation to support a public debt, by paying the interest only, will be pregnant with every mischief. Because, added to the annual interest which will accrue, there will be an expensive civil list, all of which must be supplied by taxes drawn from the most extreme parts of the union to supply the wants and extravagance of a few drones living at the seat of government, or in the large maritime towns. Evils which will be doubly pernicious, because they will depress the great body of yeomanry who are the ornament & support of their country; and serve to nurse up an aristocracy, who will be the willing tools to undermine and destroy our free republics.
BRUTUS.
Philadelphia, April 3d, 1792.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
On the INDIAN WAR.
WHEN the present constitution of the United States ceased to be a subject of investigation, by being adopted and put in operation, those who had opposed its adoption without considerable alterations, manifested their patriotism, good sense and love of order, by a prompt acquiescence in the decision of their country, and concurrence in the execution of this constitution according to its genuine principles. Several adventitious circumstances combined to bless the country with a full gale of prosperity under its earliest operations. Almost a perfect calm as to political controversy took place. Not a complaint was to be heard except from some of those ardent spirits, who were actuated by a warm and inconsiderate zeal in procuring the adoption of this government, and who expected more happiness from it, than any form of government can produce; these were of course greatly disappointed, and were the first and loudest in complaining of wages, grants, &c. Those, on the contrary, who were prompted to oppose the adoption of the government, from a serious apprehension that their liberties would be endangered by its establishment, having indulged their fears rather than their hopes, their disappointments were of a more agreeable kind, and therefore much of their jealousy subsided.
These partial murmurs arising from the inevitable consequence of the chimerical expectations which were so fondly cherished by the former description of persons, were of transient continuance, and gave way to the sober reflections of reason.
But the misfortune of the Indian war, the increased exposure of an extensive frontier to the incursions of the savages, and the extraordinary expence of defending it, have produced not merely popular clamour, but serious and nearly universal discontent, and advantage has been taken of this disposition of the public mind, to make improper and in some instances indecent attacks upon administration. Even the boasted and unexampled success of the complex funding system is not without its evils, and has had no small share in souring the community.
My principal object is not to advocate the administration in the military department, altho' I believe the disasters of the late campaign are not wholly imputable to that quarter, but may be traced to a higher source. As far as I was acquainted, which was pretty generally, want of success last campaign was no surprize, as it was not expected. However the completeness of the defeat and the magnitude of the slaughter would have occasioned astonishment under any arrangement. Nor is it my design formally to attack the funding system. I am of opinion that the public ought to make provision for the payment of its debts, with the greatest punctuality and dispatch.
My intention is to examine more particularly into the conduct of Congress itself. It lays constitutionally with the legislature of the union, to originate the national business, and therefore it is here our investigations ought to begin.
Here then we have to regret the inefficient measures adopted for bringing the Indian war to a speedy and honorable issue. Had there been a second regiment raised and put under the command of General Harmar previously to his expedition, it would have been in his power to have chosen his time of going out, to have crested forts and flood his ground when out. He would have taken the Indians unprepar-

and uncombined, and in all probability an immediate peace would have been the consequence. Whilst the British hold the western posts, and their traders (and perhaps others) supply and stimulate the savages to go to war, with so extensive and exposed a frontier liable to their attacks, and even the friendly Indians in our neighborhood standing in need of constant protection, who could, with any truth or reason have said, that 2000 soldiers, properly organized and disciplined, would have been too much, or that they would have been dangerous to the liberties of so extensive a territory, inhabited by a people so well informed, so independent and enterprising. I said that our own extensive frontier, as well as the friendly Indians in our neighborhood, even in time of peace, stand in need of protection. Constant experience and the nature of the case convince us of the truth of this.
Whilst the Indians are under so inefficient a government; whilst they are supplied by, and under the influence of traders inimical to us; whilst the memory of former injuries stimulates the violent and ungovernable individuals of both the Indians and the United States, to embrace opportunities of revenge; whilst the Indians experience that the sure way of getting valuable presents from us is to kill a number of people, thus spreading a general terror in order to render a new treaty, and perhaps a journey to Philadelphia to enjoy the luxuries of the capital, necessary; and whilst the numerous temptations which are held out to their lawless rapacity by the emigrants descending the western waters for Kentucky and other districts, with all their property collected in a boat, and which fall an easy prey to the savage free-booters, and afford them more property, with scarcely any risk, in one season, than they would receive from us at a treaty; I say, whilst these unpropitious circumstances continue, a permanent force of at least two regiments will be necessary for our protection.
It is painful to reflect how this business has been conducted. Without a law, or any legal means of compelling the service of the militia, they were called upon late in the season to go on an expedition so distant that it could not be accomplished in the time limited by the state laws for a tour of militia service, consequently the greater part of them refused to go, and the few who did go were very badly armed, or otherwise equipped for the service. Their legal term was expired before the object of the expedition was accomplished, so that if General Harmer had succeeded according to our most sanguine wishes, he must have retreated with almost equal precipitation as if he had been defeated. Certainly such a plan of conduct was merely calculated to irritate and combine the savages to wreak their vengeance on a far extended exposed frontier. Such were the apprehensions of the people on the frontiers; those high in government deemed their fears greater than their danger, but time and dear-bought experience have convinced them of the contrary.
Another evil effect of this improvident plan was the militia being discharged in the wilderness without getting the trifling pittance of pay to which they were entitled. In consequence of which many of them were delayed on their return from Kentucky, and were afterwards killed by the way coming up the river; nineteen were killed in one company.
But, say some writers, the fault was in administration, as the expedition was not necessary, and was provoking a war. They must have been inattentive indeed who did not know that did not know that the Indian war on that quarter had not ceased when peace was made with the British. That robberies on the Ohio, accompanied with the most shocking murders, were continually perpetrating. From the frontier of Pennsylvania down the Ohio, fear and devastation had their annual reign; in some instances Pennsylvania was penetrated, and the blood of the peaceable inhabitants mingled with their harvest. It is well known that the one regiment, altho' always acting on the defensive, was marched from station to station, and scattered along an immense distance to afford all possible protection. The people also made great and oppressive exertions for their own defence.
When things were in this distressing situation, the old Congress were not possessed of sufficient fiscal resources even to pay the one regiment, or to discharge the expenses of the civil list. To enable government to afford protection and to do justice were the motives which influenced the community to organize anew their national constitution. When the new Congress found itself vested with the power of the purse and the sword in the most ample manner; when the respective states were constitutionally divested of both power and means for adequate military operations; and when the new Congress was in part composed of a great many valuable members who had been in the old, surely neither ignorance of the danger and distress of the frontier inhabitants, nor want of power and resources, could be pretended. Thus favorably circumstanced, and loudly call'd upon for efficient arrangements, what was their conduct? Why a short law was passed empowering the President to order out the militia, without providing for either organizing, &c. the militia so draughted, or considering that some of the states had no militia law existing, or giving authority to compel the obedience of those that had militia laws, or without giving suitable encouragement to go out. Who could expect men to undertake a service at three dollars a month, wherein every article they had to purchase must be obtained from the contractor at three or four times the usual price, and where the ordinary price of labor was from seven to eight dollars per month.
Equal protection to the citizens is the first duty of a government, it is that on which the right of subjection and obedience is founded. And to say the least of it, Congress did not pay sufficient attention to the protection of those citizens who were exposed to the horrors of savage hostility and rapacity. The President was indeed required to administer protection, without being vested with adequate means for that purpose.
The result was answerable to the provision. In addition to the former vast field of depredation, the western frontier of Pennsylvania was attacked for near 150 miles of circuitous extent, and the miserable inhabitants who escaped the tomahawk drove from their habitations too early in the spring to have put crops in on their own farms, and too late in the season to provide and prepare land in the interior settlements; and even where the militia went out to protect the people who returned to their plantations with a design to reap their harvest, they found it had been destroyed by cattle in their absence. These people had been ruined by the former war, were but just got back to their long desolated habitations in extreme poverty, and were beginning to make a living, when they are thus again reduced to the greatest distress.
If those who meanly insult the sufferings of these devoted people, by charging them with provoking the Indians to war, were but to take a transient view of their situation; if they considered how incredible it is that a people thus exposed could with to stimulate an Indian war, by which they would be the severest sufferers, or if they were acquainted with the friendly conduct of these people towards those savages; they would reflect with remorse on their injustice and cruelty. The newspaper writers perhaps know no better, but if it is true that such language has been used by members of Congress, I wish such to reflect that the blood that has been shed both of our own people and the Indians, since the general government has been vested with sufficient powers to prevent it, lays in the first instance at the door of Congress.
That some instances of provocation have been given to the Indians by the inhabitants of Pennsylvania since the peace and before the attacks made by the Indians last spring is admitted; but that it was done by any of the settlers in the western counties is absolutely denied. These people are not so stupidly ignorant as not to know that they would be the first victims of the vengeance of incensed savages. A revengeful murder committed in Northumberland county about two years ago was atoned for to the satisfaction of the Indians by the government of Pennsylvania, and accordingly no retaliation has taken place in that county on the part of the Indians. The perpetrators of this murder have fled the state, one person who was present at it but not actually concerned in it, was tried and acquitted. Since the Indians were killed at Beaver Creek, by Bready and others, which transaction occasioned a proclamation to be issued by the governor, it is ascertained that these very Indians upon whom the outrage was committed, and who we presumed were peaceable and friendly, were making war upon us previously to the attack made upon them by our people; this has been discovered by the surest of all proofs, viz. the return of the prisoners whom they had taken before that time; but alas how few were suffered to return! The tomahawk and the scalping knife are tender mercies compared with the lingering fiery tortures under which the agonized frames of too many of those are devoted to suffer, who have been tenderly raised and carefully educated, and had the dreadful misfortune to fall into the hands of the savages.
Is it true that even members of Congress have said that if the Indians had orators, newspaper writers, or secretaries of war to state their grievances, that the provocations which they have received would make a more numerous detail than the one they have brought forward. Such an assertion is not deserving of serious reflection; but I wish to know for what purpose it is designed; not certainly for the interest of humanity. Compared with the corresponding circumstances it holds out this language—the people on the frontiers have committed depredations on the Indians to a very great amount, although we confess we are ignorant of the facts, but we will believe and assert it, without knowing any of the instances, because it is a theory suitable to our plan, which is to let the people on the frontiers and the Indians fight it out, and exterminate one another; we will call out for peace, but will withhold the means of procuring it. But the genuine language of humanity calls loudly for such efficient and energetic measures as will put peace in our power. I say, humanity dictates this line of conduct, whether we consider the whites or the Indians.
SIDNEY.
[To be concluded in our next.]
CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGES.
THE Eastern-shore Stages, by way of Chester-town to Baltimore, start regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings, at four o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodness of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route.
JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON,
N. B. Light Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen.
March 30.
2aw.
IN answer to LUCIUS upon the Representation bill, nothing more is necessary, than to insert the following table, which will show a fair comparative scale of the Representation of the free people of the United States—Its truth will bid defiance to all ingenuity, and no subtlety of reasoning can resist its force.—As to the constitution and the construction upon it, the public will judge as well as LUCIUS, and perhaps with equal capacity—I ask how by the ratio of 1 for 30,000 in any other possible way than by the principle of the present bill, 20,000 freemen of the state of Delaware are to be represented, either actually or virtually, the consequence must be, that the state having the least surplus above 30,000, must represent them or they will not be represented at all.—How fair or equal this would be in a government where the liberties of the people must be guarded by a numerous representation, and where representatives and direct taxes are to be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, an impartial public will determine.
PLAIN SENSE.
TABLE of the numbers of free persons in the several States.
   STATES. True federal numbers without slaves. Members nearest to equality. Giving one Representative for Senate's Amend't. 1st Bill of House.   Members by Giving one for Members by Giving one for     Vermont 85,523 3 28,507 3 28,507 2 42,762   New-Hampshire 141,727 5 28,345 5 28,345 4 35,431   Maine 96,540 3 32,180 16 29,707 15 31,688   Massachusetts 378,787 12 29,137   Rhode-Island 67,877 2 33,938 2 33,938 2 33,938   Connecticut 235,182 8 29,397 8 29,397 7 33,597   New-York 318,796 10 31,879 11 28,981 11 28,981   New-Jersey 172,716 6 28,786 6 28,786 5 34,543   Pennsylvania 430,636 14 30,759 14 30,759 14 30,759   Delaware 50,207 2 25,103 2 25,103 1 50,207   Maryland 216,692 7 30,956 9 24,076 9 24,076   Virginia 456,983 15 30,465 21 21,761 21 21,761   Kentucky 61,247 2 30,623 2 30,623 2 30,623   North-Carolina 293,179 10 29,317 12 24,431 11 26,652   South-Carolina 141,979 5 28,393 7 20,989 6 23,663   Georgia 53,284 2 26,642 2 26,642 2 26,642   Total 3,201,355 106 21,355 120 112  
PHILADELPHIA.
April 5, 1792.
On Monday last the chiefs of the five Indian nations, now in this city, met the governor of the state in the council chamber, and returned a formal answer to his address delivered to them in the same place on the 26th of March. Two of the chiefs only spoke on this occasion, viz. Sagoyewatha, or Red-Jacket, and Agwelondongwa, or Good Peter.—Both these speeches contained their expressions of good will and wishes for a continuance of peace with the people of the United States, and a treaty of friendship and alliance; in forwarding which, however, it was intimated that their nations were not completely unanimous, some of their young men not having attended the late councils.—The governor, in reply congratulated them upon the prospect of a speedy alliance, and a mutual exchange of good offices between the inhabitants of the United States and the Indians of the five nations.
Perfectly risible, in one respect, was a late address to the Indian chiefs in this city, delivered in a certain assembly. Every time they were mentioned it was under the pompous appellation of Princes.—It is well known that all the tribes of the more northern parts of this continent are, in reality, republicans rather than aristocrats or monarchy men. Calling our tawny visitors Princes (in the common acceptance of the word) is a little like the mistake of Lord Hawkesbury's ploughman—who having brought a basket of fine apples to his Lordship's house in town, left them standing in an exposed entry till he could find the great man. In the interim, the apples were mangled and destroyed by two fine dressed monikies, belonging to the house. The countryman, to excuse himself when the nobleman appeared, whined out, I did indeed bring the apples, my lord, but they were eaten up by the two young gentlemen, your sons.
The National company of comedians, so called, (says a Paris paper) who had heretofore been always reckoned amongst the dregs of the community, but have been recently erected into something like a political existence, by the liberality of the national assembly, seem already to have forgot their benefactors. Before the revolution, like the vilest and most loathsome of animals, they were forbidden the rites of burial with other citizens; and their bodies, when dead, were thrown into drains and dung-heaps, there to rot with other base, bestial carcasses to whom no respect was due, but now, forsooth, when they are advanced to the honorable rank of citizens, they begin already to fall in with the aristocratic faction, and affect to exhibit on the stage only those pieces which have been calculated to idolize royalty, such as Gaston and Bayard, Athaliah, the Chasse Party, Richard Coeur de Lion, &c. instead of noble energetic pieces, like Brutus, the death of Cæsar, the preservation of Rome, Charles 9th, and liberty regained; which (to mention no more) contain sentiments that would cherish a love of liberty in the people, and check that base spirit of idolatry which has been in times past the perquisite of despotic royalty.
On the 11th ultimo, a pilot boat, belonging to Charleston, was overset a little to the eastward of that bar, in seven fathom water. The accident was owing to a sudden and heavy squall of wind by which the boat was overset, in which among others were eight of the best branch pilots belonging to the port, every one of whom perished. Their names, Paul Ripley, Thomas Rice, Elias Ferry, William Farrow, David Rainer, John Gordon, Neil Gillespie, Mathew Dial, Samuel Waldron, and three other persons. Nimium confisse cœlo sereno; Nudus in ignota Palimure, jacebis arena!
Incredible as it may appear, it is nevertheless an absolute fact, that all the world does not know where every merchant lives, Witness!—On Friday evening last, a French gentleman had to enquire at perhaps twenty different places, without meeting any one person, who could direct him where to find a certain very respectable association of merchants in this city. Every one could indeed tell him what ships they own, and what they have to sell,—because all this is told in the newspapers: but as to their place of abode,—that, not being designated in their advertisements, might as well have been in the moon. Now if our citizens are so shamefully negligent, as not to cram their pocket-books (for the benefit of enquiring strangers) with memorandums of the names and dwelling places, even of capital wholesale merchants, how must puny retailers hope to fare?—Quere, therefore, whether it would be amiss in merchants and shop keepers, although known to all the world, to inform nevertheless the rest of the world where they live, especially as the Printers do not charge one farthing more for an advertisement designating the street and house, than for another, which does not tell, whether the person lives in Philadelphia, Canton, or Constantinople.
The States of Holland have made overtures for an alliance with the House of Austria. How these propositions will succeed does not yet seem to be certainly known in Europe, as it is thought the Emperor of Germany is rather averse to such an alliance. Holland, it is said, has become extremely weak from her being obliged to send home the 5600 German troops that garrisoned her posts, and sending out the flower of the national troops to crush the growing spirit of revolt in the possessions of the republic in the West Indies.
Lieutenant Turner, who was captured by the Indians in the late engagement under General St. Clair, is, we hear, arrived in town. Being closely pursued in the engagement by two Indians and seeing death inevitable if he attempted further to fly or to resist, he turned about and offered his hand. The Indians not only spared his life, but protected it from the vindictive madness of their companions. After the engagement they thought of conveying him to the scene where the savages were revelling over their spoils; but first, one of them took the precaution of paying a visit to the camp to the victors, and seeing them much intoxicated took him to the tents of their particular tribe. Thence he was sent to Detroit, where a private English Gentleman paid his ransom, released him and took his note for the amount.
** BRUTUS, No. VI. is received, and shall appear in our next.

THE SHELBURNE THREAT.
[A story founded on fact.—The captain of a Nova-Scotia Bank vessel, in attempting to land his fish at Boston, without paying the foreign duty, had his vessel and cargo seized. The captain, in a fit of irritation, swore, that if the Bostonians were reduced to a starving condition, he would never again bring a fish to their port!]
FROM Shelburne's boasted town, o'er Fundy's bay, (To put himself in madam Fortune's way) A Scotish came,—'tis worthy of remark, Master and owner of a painted barque; Fresh made the whole t-totum of his load, With fish was every hole and cranny stow'd, Even in the cabin, where he made his bed, Bundles of fish were for his pillow spread: In every corner heaps lay slain, 'Twas fish on fish—and cut—and come again!
At length to Boston's haughty port arriv'd, There, many a fisherman to run them he contriv'd; For here, by law (we scarcely need to say) All foreign fish a heavy import pay. To save this duty was the captain's wish And land, unseen, his long imprisond fish: Vain were his plans!—no scheme could he devise To cheat old Argus, with his hundred eyes, {That wight who, ceaseless, waits the coming tides, Peeps in the hold, or through the cabin glides}— Vain were his plans, the unlucky sequel shews, Striving to cheat the customs of their dues, Ere he was able to complete his wish, The Port-collector seiz'd them—every fish!
" 'S blood, death, and wounds (the angry captain cry'd) " What vile, ungrateful wretches here reside!— " May I be d—d, (this dreadful oath he swore, And stamp'd, indignant, on his cabin floor) " May I be d—d, if at some future day " When famine marks these Yankees for her prey, " When pinching wants their growling guts al- " fail, " If prayers or tears shall o'er my wrath prevail! " Starve or be d—d, shall be the word—that's " plain; " Shelburne, nor I—will aid your wants again!
April 3.
From the American Daily Advertiser of March 31.
NOTWITHSTANDING all the solemn frenzy which appeared in the piece [in the National Gazette of Monday last] under the signature of Federalist, upon the subject of the Representation bill now before the President, yet he may be assured that however misrepresentations may, for a time, deceive the citizens of this country, the voice of truth will at last be heard and attended to. The people of the United States are neither to be misled by sophistry, nor can declaratory dogmas, however loud or plausible, pervert the plain principles of common sense. It is to be wished, that those who abuse measures of government, and venture upon the turbulent ocean of political controversy, would adopt the previous caution, of annexing definite and precise ideas to the terms they use; this is almost as necessary to a fair investigation as a true statement of facts. Words are too often taken upon trust, and those who are to judge upon public subjects, are sometimes the dupes of a term; and more particularly so if that term happens to be of factious import. Take, for instance, the awful word, Consolidation—it is a word of dire signification, as used by the Federalist. But as he applied it, I confess to me it is altogether unintelligible. It is intended to convey to the citizens of the United States an idea of the total destruction of that liberty and of those rights for which their blood has so profusely flowed, and for which the treasures of this country have been exhausted. How this word can be thus applied to the representation bill I am yet to learn; and it is for the genius of the Federalist alone, to reconcile things so opposite in their nature and effects. Does equality of representation imply consolidation? Is an equitable distribution of representatives among the several states, a consolidation of the union? Ought then a numerous combination of the general interests of the United States, to be stigmatized with an odious epithet, because a few individuals are disappointed. Has the power of a single state been either diminished or absorbed by the measure? Does it operate as an encroachment upon the liberty of the people of the United States, either in their individual or aggregate capacity? What right is restrained, or what power has been enlarged by the principle of representation, which has been so loudly deprecated. The very calculation and table which this author has introduced, proves that he has either misapplied or misunderstood the term he has used. He seems to argue that the whole unrepresented number of representable inhabitants of the United States, by this bill, will amount to 30,981—a very small number indeed, when compared with any other scale of representation which can be brought forward. By the table which he has produced there appears to be at the ratio of one for 30,000. a fractional number left unrepresented of 250,000. Now what will go with his doctrine of virtual representation, as he calls it, which seems so obnoxious to him; it would be at least as eligible if true, as the doctrine of no representation at all, which would certainly be the case with the surplus inhabitants by any other mode which could be practised by the scale of one for 30,000. It is also to be remembered, that the bill had been before lost, in the dispute between 30 and 33,000. There is equal injustice in imputing the success of this bill to the cating vote of the Vice-President: In this he has been misinformed; the Vice-President has never given a vote upon it. It had a sufficient majority without such an appeal. As to the kicknicks of the Southern members, and their consequent absence, if it proves any thing, it proves too much; if it establishes the inference drawn from it, that the Southern members, had they been present, would at all events have voted against the measure, it certainly shews that they would have been governed by local reasons and not by the real merits of the subject. The man who asserts without fact, calumniates, and no person
are determine how gentlemen would vote who had not attended the discussion of the question. It is not impossible for northern and southern members, I trust, sometimes to agree, in their votes—they have done it in this very business.
It is unfortunate for us, and very seriously to be lamented, that four of the eight representatives are to come from the east of the Hudson. This is the poisoned shaft which leaves the incurable wound—a wound whose anguish no palliative can assuage, nor can any balm on earth check its malignity—six eastern states send four members, Jersey, Delaware, North and South-Carolinas will furnish the rest. Hard indeed is the fate of the United States. Much indeed is it to be regretted that the state of Virginia has not been allowed 22 members,—the equilibrium of power might then be better supported, and if a few obnoxious funding systems, bank plans, and Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury could be by any means annihilated, the government might yet be saved from the dark impending cloud of threatening dissolution—but I mean not to make painful reflections,—I acknowledge the wisdom, and respect the virtue of that state, and only hope she may consult her true and permanent interest, and will wait for the prosperity that will attend her, until the blessings of the present government, by a natural progress, may reach her. The time I do not contemplate as very distant when this event will take place,—as soon as truth shall be more powerful than declamation, a few old fashioned prejudices removed, and one or two local laws repealed, money will be plenty, credit restored, and the people contented and happy.
A TRUE FEDERALIST. March 30, 1792.
[The following is copied from the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. It is said to have been written by a person, who retired from the world in disgust many years ago; and has ever since resided in a solitary recess, some miles from Worcester, which he has not discovered to any person.
As, in all probability, my fate would be otherwise enveloped in as great obscurity for years to come, as it has been for many past, you, Messieurs Printers, are requested to publish the subsequent piece of writing. It may furnish hints to a few surviving friends, and serve to contradict an opinion that gained credit from the manner and suddenness of my disappearing.
TO wander up and down this pilgrimage of life, Heaven's awful mandate I obey! Ye successful votaries of happiness, who dance the giddy round of pleasure, until every active power of gratification is exhausted, and the senses dissolve into a deliquium of repose, pass not unheeded by the wandering Solitaire!—Time was, when like you, his senses inhaled the fragrance of the festive board—when, like you, his eyes, with pleasure, surveyed the sparkling cup—when friends promised, and ambition flattered; but of these things he has seen an end. He now drinks from the chrysal spring, and gathers food from the forest. The wild beasts of the wilderness have found a shelter in the same cave, and a refuge from their destroyer man. No sooner did I forego the company of the cruellest and most insidious of all heaven's animated works, than I was restored to and caressed by the innocents of the forest, not one of whom but acts up to the design of nature. To behold the countenance of man, my former associate, I ramble forth once every year into the busy world. With astonishment I witness the creative power of industry and art—the rugged face of the world is changed; and nature, like an antiquated matron, appears beautified and adorned by her children. An added temple in this place, would tell me, that piety and virtue had doubly encreased, and that the golden age was fast returning, did not the neighboring structure of massy stone correct the mistaken opinion. In the still solemn hour of night, I pass the costly mansions of the sons and daughters of fortune: While you, my fellow beings, are sunk in beds of down—while soft slumbers refresh your weary limbs, and fancy sports in airy visions, I pass unheeded, save by the angry mastiff, that, with open mouth, threatens to swallow me up alive. Many of you have been eye witnesses of my distress.—When pinching hunger compels me to enter your houses, and supplicate relief, humanity sometimes opens her generous stores, and bids misery and wretchedness, for a moment forget their triple load. At other times, a refusal is immitigated with language of cruelty and reproach. But the flock of charity is no way sufficient for the many great claims, which are hourly made upon it: And, perhaps, the stunted alms which were annually bestowed, had been already anticipated by the idle and dissolute. I often receive the taunts of the proud, and endure the contumelies of the hard-hearted and profane.—Just God! how have I merited this more than brutal treatment from my fellow men! The pure current, that still animates this shrivelled frame, is impelled from a heart that never bid the sufferer go unsatisfied away. My time and substance have not been wasted at the table of hazard—I never joined in the noon-day riot, nor were my senses ever steeped in the midnight debauch: But Heaven's ways are just, and it is not for man that sinneth to complain.—Sixteen long years have rolled down the current of time, since I bid adieu to the world, and chose my obscure retreat. The sword of civil war was just unsheathed—friends armed against friends, and brothers were stained with brothers' blood! But I forbear, lest I touch the cord that vibrates anguish to my soul. This is the last visit I shall ever make to the habitations of man. My sands are nearly run—the pulse deadens—the arteries collapse—and my feeble limbs will scarce bear me to my friendly cave. Should chance ever direct to the place of my retreat, my story will be found faithfully recorded on sheets of slate, with an inscription for my monument; it contains the initials of my name, with blank spaces for the dates. It may possibly add a melancholy page to some future history; and after-generations, pointing to the place, may say, there once lived, and there nowlies interred, the
1791. SOLITAIRE.
THE JURIES OF FRANCE.
[From a London paper.]
It may be pleasant to our readers to see the precise manner in which the French have determined to arrange their juries for the trial of criminal causes, and how it differs from ours.
The municipality of Paris, in obedience to the law, have issued a decree concerning the formation of juries. It recites the law on the subject, which ordains, that they shall commence from the 1st of January, 1792.
 1. The procurer of the commons shall make a list of thirty proper persons to compose the jury of accusation, which answers to our grand jury.  2. That every active citizen, who has the qualifications of an elector, shall, before the 15th of December in each year, write his name on a register, to serve on the jury for judgment.  3. That out of this register, the procurator general Syndic of the department shall choose, every three months, 200 persons, who shall form the jury of judgment for that time.  4. Eligible citizens neglecting to inscribe their names on the register in the month of December, shall be deprived of their suffrage for two years.  5. No citizen can be put twice on the list of 200 jurymen, in the course of one year, without his consent. 
The decree concludes with an animated appeal to the citizens of Paris on the great duty of coming forward to discharge the functions of jurymen, and states that a double register is opened for the inscription of citizens in each of the forty-eight sections of Paris.
Thus in reality they are to have a standing jury for three months, nominated by the procurator Syndic, who again is nominated by the people. When a prisoner comes to be tried, he has the right of objection, as in England, and the offence is tried by twelve jurymen. The reason of this manner of striking a jury was, that in the beginning of a popular system it was thought that the people were not sufficiently enlightened to be taken indiscriminately, as in England; but it is not subject to the serious objection of setting up a small number of individuals to be canvassed on particular occasions, and of course it is not liable to the same imputations as lie against our own special jurymen in crown causes, namely, that the dearest function of a free man, that of doing justice, is turned into a profitable trade.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
AN ADDRESS to the Citizens of Holland, on considering the accounts of the Periodical Indemnations, which have destroyed that country agreeing with the late accounts of the encroachment of the ocean there.
IF we believe what heretofore Has happened to this hallowed shore, Shall we next age prognosticate An inundation for your fate; Then Holland's citizens beware Of what you can avoid with care, Columbia's sons would you befriend, Should you unto their voice attend, Behold with open arms they stand, Upon the margin of the land, Proclaiming welcome to these plains, Where Liberty triumphant reigns.— Come listen to their timely call, Thus from the deep prevent your fall. Or will you disregard their cries, Close up your ears, shut to your eyes, And on your brittle banks depend Against the billows to defend? Can you the troubled sea command, When building bulwarks on the sand, Saying that "we will be obey'd, "And here shall thy proud waves be stay'd." April 3d.
Sales at Auction,
By M C FARRAN & DUNLAP,
At the Merchants Coffee-house, in New-York, on Wednesday the 25th of April next, at 12 o'clock,
THAT valuable and well known Grift Mill and Farm, late the property of Abraham De Peyster, deceased; near Fish-kill landing, in Dutchess county, seventy miles from this city, upon the Hudson or North river. The mill-house is 32 by 80 feet, has one pair French burr, and one pair Esopus stones, new and of an approved quality; a reeling screen, fanning mill, and a complete set of flour bolts, turning by water, all of which are new and in perfect order; as also every other part of the work, having lately undergone a thorough repair. The stream, a never failing one, capable of turning in addition to the present, a fullery and saw mill, for which the situation affords proper conveniences, and very advantageous, the waters of the Hudson flowing up to the mill-tail, at which a vessel drawing 6 feet water, may load and unload, and in the best wheat country in the state. The dwelling is large, commodious, and well finished, built of brick and stone, 36 by 50 feet, pleasantly situated within sixty yards of the mill, with a handsome garden in front, and an excellent spring of water, and a new well built Dutch barn; also a small house at a convenient distance from the mill, calculated to accommodate a tradesman. The farm consists of 274 acres, including the mill stream, about 140 acres of which is an excellent grove of growing timber, lying in a body not more than half a mile from the mill, and a good spot of mowing ground, all properly fenced; a small, but good orchard, producing abundance of the best apples, with a number of other fruit trees, dispersed near the house.
This is truly a valuable and advantageously situated property, which renders it an object worthy the attention of a man of business, when it may be extended to any length. One half of the purchase money will be required on delivery of the deeds, (when possession will be given) the other half in one year, with interest, secured by a mortgage on the premises. An indisputable title will be given—for further particulars enquire of Messieurs M C Farran and Dunlap, Peter A. Schenck, New-York; or of Isaac De Peyster, seller, on the premises.
New-York, March 31.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M.
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following
 apartments, to wit.  A conference room } Sufficient to be  A room for the Re- } accommodate  presentatives } 300 persons  each.  A lobby or antichamber to the latter.  A Senate room of 1200 square feet area.  An antichamber or lobby to the last.  12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former.  Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls.  THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M.
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls.
THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away in August 1790 from the subscriber, living in Queen Ann's county, eastern shore of Maryland, a country born Negro woman, called GRACE. She is about middle aged, very low of stature, round face, remarkable small feet, for a negro, and has lost several of her fore-teeth. The lapse of time since she has absconded renders it unnecessary to describe her cloathing. She is artful and talkative, and I make no doubt has passed for a free woman, and got into Pennsylvania or Delaware states. The above reward shall be paid to any person securing said negro, and giving information thereof to her master, and reasonable charges if brought home.
EDWARD HARRIS. Feb. 23. 8w 1aw.
LOTS AND LANDS FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber wishes to sell sundry Lots and Houses in the town of Alexandria, in good situations for business; some of them are unimproved. Also several tracts of Land in the counties of Fairfax and Loudoun; the Fairfax lands are from one and a half to four miles from Alexandria; the Loudoun lands 45 to 50 miles. A credit will be given for a considerable part of the value if required by the purchaser; and as no person will buy without viewing the property, a description is unnecessary. I will also sell several tracts of land on the western waters, in the inhabited part of the country, containing from 300 to 2000 acres each. Those lands will be sold low, either on long credit, or for money, as may best suit the purchaser. I have also a tract of 500 acres of low land in Accomack county, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia; about 50 acres of which are cleared, on the waters of Mattaponi River, navigable for boats through the land. The land is of an excellent quality, and heavily timbered, with White-Oak and Pine, and lies within 4 miles of a landing that a vessel of 9 to 10 feet water can load at. Mr. Walter Bayne, who lives near the land, will shew it to any who may incline to purchase.
JOSIAH WATSON. Alexandria, Feb. 20 1792. 611 a w.
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale-Fisheries—may be had at the office, No. 239 High-Street.
** The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Excise Act, for sale at this Office.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, E, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.