National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-07-04 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, July 4, 1792.
NUMB. 71.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
RULES
For changing a limited Republican Government into an unlimited hereditary one.
I. IT being necessary, in order to effect the change, to get rid of constitutional shackles, and popular prejudices, all possible means and occasions are to be used for both these purposes.
II. Nothing being more likely to prepare the vulgar mind for aristocratical ranks and hereditary powers, than TITLES, endeavor in the offset of the government to confer these on its most dignified officers. If the principal magistrate should happen to be particularly venerable in the eyes of the people, take advantage of that fortunate circumstance in setting the example.
III. Should the attempt fail, thro' his republican aversion to it, or from the danger of alarming the people, do not abandon the enterprize altogether, but lay up the proposition in record. Time may gain it respect, and it will be there always ready cut and dried for any favourable conjuncture that may offer.
IV. In drawing all bills, resolutions, and reports, keep constantly in view that the limitations in the constitution are ultimately to be explained away. Precedents and phrases may thus be shuffled in, without being adverted to by candid or weak people, of which good use may afterwards be made.
V. As the novelty and bustle of inaugurating the government will for some time keep the public mind in a heedless and unsettled state, let the Press, during this period be busy in propagating the doctrines of monarchy and aristocracy. For this purpose it will be particularly useful to confound a mobbish democracy with a representative republic, that by exhibiting all the turbulent examples and enormities of the former, an odium may be thrown on the character of the latter. Review all the civil contests, convulsions, factions, broils, squabbles, bickerings, black eyes, and bloody noses of ancient, middle, and modern ages, caricature them into the most frightful forms and colours that can be imagined, and unfold one scene of the horrible tragedy after another, 'till the people be made, if possible, to tremble at their own shadows.—Let the discourses on—then contrast with these pictures of terror the quiet of hereditary succession, the reverence claimed by birth and nobility, and the fascinating influence of stars, and ribbands, and garters; cautiously suppressing all the bloody tragedies and unceasing oppressions which form the history of this species of government. No pains should be spared in this part of the undertaking, for the greatest will be wanted, it being extremely difficult, especially when a people have been taught to reason and feel their rights, to convince them that a king who is always enemy to the people, and a nobility who are perhaps still more so, will take better care of the people than the people will take of themselves.
VI. But the grand nostrum will be a PUBLIC DEBT, provided enough of it can be got, and it be medicated with the proper ingredients. If by good fortune a debt be ready at hand, the most is to be made of it. Stretch it and swell it to the utmost the items will bear. Allow as many extra claims as decency will permit. Assume all the debts of your neighbours: In a word, get as much debt as can be raked and scraped together, and when you have got all you can "advertize" for more, and have the debt made as big as possible. This object being accomplished, the next will be to make it as perpetual as possible; and the next to that, to get it into as few hands as possible. The more effectually to bring this about, modify the debt, complicate it, divide it, subdivide it, subtract it, postpone it, let there be one
third of two thirds, and two thirds of one third, and two thirds of two thirds: let there be three per cents, and four per cents, and six per cents, and present six per cents, and future six per cents. To be brief, let the whole be such a mystery that a few only can understand it; and let all possible opportunities and informations fall in the way of these few, to clinch their advantages over the many.
VII. It must not be forgotten that the members of the legislative body are to have a deep stake in the game. This is an essential point, and happily is attended with no difficulty. A sufficient number, properly disposed, can alternately legislate and speculate, and speculate and legislate, and buy and sell, and sell and buy, until a due portion of the property of their constituents has passed into their hands to give them an interest against their constituents, and to ensure the part they are to act. All this however must be carried on under cover of the closest secrecy; and it is particularly lucky that dealings in paper admit of more secrecy than any other. Should a discovery take place, the whole plan may be blown up.
VIII. The ways in which a great debt, so constituted and applied, will contribute to the ultimate end in view, are both numerous and obvious. 1. The favourite few, thus possessed of it, whether within or without the government, will feel the staunchest fealty to it, and will go through thick and thin to support it in all its oppressions and usurpations. 2. Their money will give them consequence and influence, even among those who have been tricked out of it. 3. They will be the readiest materials that can be found for an hereditary aristocratic order, whenever matters are ripe for one. 4. A great debt will require great taxes, great taxes many taxgatherers & other officers: & all officers are auxiliaries of power. 5. Heavy taxes may produce discontent; these may threaten resistance; and in proportion to this danger will be the pretence for a standing army to repel it. 6. A standing army in its turn will increase the moral force of the government by means of its appointments, and give it physical force by means of the sword; thus doubly forwarding the main object.
[To be continued in our next.] Philad. June 30.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE
Mr. FRENEAU,
AS a subscriber and well-wisher to the National Gazette, I take the liberty of advising you against employing much of your paper in replying to the court paragraphs, which appear in the Gazette of the United States. There needs no second Daniel to interpret for that paper. A paragraph in favour of the excise can easily be traced to a gentleman who holds a post under that virtuous system in Baltimore. The eulogiums on the same system, in the Pittsburgh Gazette, bespeak their author in every line; the essays in favour of perpetual debt flow from the brokers and their friends—the disgusting adulatory incense is applied to the administration, not to the constitution; for these are different things, as times go.
To prevent abuses of power, and silent encroachments upon the liberties of the people, I would recommend that societies should be formed in every county of the United States upon similar plans with the following, which I have extracted from a London publication, and now send for insertion in your paper.
Outline of the Society, lately formed in London for the discussion of Political Knowledge, called
THE FRIENDS OF THE PEOPLE.
Declaration. "Considering that ignorance, forgetfulness, or contempt of the rights of men, are the sole causes of pub-
lic grievances, and the corruption of governments; this society formed for the purpose of investigating and asserting those rights, and of uniting our efforts, with others of our fellow citizens, for correcting national abuses, and restraining unnecessary and exorbitant taxation, do hereby declare.
1st. That the great end of civil society is general happiness.
2d. That no form of government is good any further than it secures that object.
3d. That all civil and political authority is derived from the people.
4th. That equal active citizenship, is the unalienable right of all men—minors, criminals, and insane persons excepted.
5th. That the exercise of that right in appointing an adequate representative government, is the wisest device of human policy, and the only security of national freedom.
"We do also further declare, that we are wearied with the insignificant and meaningless names of whig and tory, and of ministerial and opposition parties.
"Too often deceived, as we have been, by both, we can no longer implicitly confide in either. We will think for ourselves; we will study our own rights; and we leave to the inns and outs, all that idle quibble of debate which serves no other purpose than to confuse the nation, and to hold it alternately the prey of court and party intrigues.
"We have beheld corruption generated upon corruption, under the auspices of every administration, from whence we have a right to infer, that some radical defect exists in the system of government, that admits of no other cure than from the united efforts of the nation.
"We have seen taxes multiplied upon taxes, for purposes unknown to us, at the mere will and pleasure of the party that was in power: and we have seen Parliament refuse to know the cause for which such taxes were voted. Thus held in the dark by every part in the government; our money taken from us without assigning a cause, and ourselves continually deceived in the issue, we have learned from experience, the necessity of examining our own rights, and attending to our own interest.
"We are told that we have a constitution; if it permits these abuses, it is either not a good one, or good only in part, and defective in its principles, construction and effects. The continual applause that is bestowed upon it by place men and pensioners, government contractors, court expectants, and the HIRED EDITORS OF PROSTITUTED NEWS PAPERS, has justly excited our suspicion, either of its excellence, or its existence. It may be good for them, and not for us; as we are no longer to be amused with a name or a phantom, we will apply our enquiries to the fact.
"We contemplate with pleasure the progress which this nation, and mankind in general, are now making in the hitherto mysterious science of government. We see a spirit of calm rational enquiry arising and diffusing itself among all orders of people, of a nature totally different from the tumultuous malevolence of party, and the artful policy of statesmen.
"We are desirous, therefore, of uniting with several societies already formed in various parts of the nation, the promoting an enquiry into, and asserting the natural and civil rights of the people.
"WE CALL UPON OUR FELLOW CITIZENS OF ALL DESCRIPTIONS, TO INSTITUTE SIMILAR SOCIETIES, FOR THE SAME GREAT PURPOSE, and we recommend a general correspondence with each other, and with the society for constitutional information at London, as the best means of cementing the common union, and of directing with greater energy, our united efforts to the same common object."
THE Marquis de la Fayette, it is generally believed, together with all the friends of the French revolution, exerted their utmost endeavours to fix the 4th of July (the well known anniversary of American Independence) for ratifying the constitution of France. It happened, however, that it was impossible to bring the great work to a focus sooner than the 14th of the same month, a day which has been and will ever be memorable and celebrated over Europe. Surely it ought not to be less noticed in the United States. The people of America will certainly make some preparations for celebrating that day: indeed, it is the next in our calendar to the anniversary of our own emancipation from arbitrary power and oppression.
If societies were formed for instructing the people in their natural and political rights, the 14th day of July would be a good time for annual meetings of those Societies, and they would well deserve the same title of that established in London, "THE FRIENDS OF THE PEOPLE." By such measures as these we would always be safe from the encroachments of any administration whatsoever.
W. T.
FOREIGN NEWS.
LONDON, May 4.
The prince of Hesse Cassel, whose army is laid lately to have astonished his highness, by presuming to make a demand of war pay, when likely to be employed in hostilities, is one of the most arbitrary princes of Germany. His dominions are only 100 miles in breadth, but so well peopled, as to enable him to raise 10,000 men without detaching either artificers, or those employed in agriculture, from their respective avocations. This prince was, till a short time since, in the receipt of a considerable subsidy for troops hired to Great Britain. Ere long it is probable, a traffic, so ignominious to the dealer and those who serve, will experience an alternation in favour of those wretched people, who have hitherto submitted to the intolerable yoke of an unnatural, and, in this instance, base surrender of their rights and dignity.
The last letters from Paris advise, that translations of the constitutional code of France have been made and published at the public expence, in the Italian, Spanish, and German languages, and are bought up with the greatest avidity by the foreigners in that city; this is the revenge taken by the French nation, on the despot who formed the preposterous project of oversetting the constitution that has restored, or rather established their freedom.
Berlin, April 20.—Such preparations are now making, as plainly indicate that part of our troops will be on the march. All the smiths, wheelwrights, & people employed on similar occasions, work night and day. The order was renewed yesterday, which prohibits the admission of any foreigners who have been in the French service. The officers have orders to make the strictest enquiries to prevent factious people from mixing with our troops.
Vienna, April 15th.—A body of troops, under the command of Gen. Wallis, is marching into Lower Austria, attended by 21 field pieces, 6 pounders—two 12 pounders, and two mortars; 24 battalions of infantry, and 14 divisions of cavalry, in all 40,830 men and attended by 84 pieces of artillery, six pounders, and 12 mortars, are on the route for the Netherlands.
Paris, April 25. The French grand army has received positive orders to march in several divisions to different posts on the frontiers; precautions have been taken that all the troops may be ready at the same time to begin the campaign; the

first military operations of France are to be directed against the electorates of Treves and Mayence, under the Marquis de la Fayette. Melancholy accounts from Nîmes, and other interior parts of France, of the wanton destruction of property by a band of ruffians, supposed to be attached to and instigated by the papist party.—M. Semonville, minister for foreign affairs to the court of Turin, had been arrested on his way thither by order of the king of Sardinia. It seems M. Semonville is disagreeable to that court on account of his Jacobin principles, and another ambassador is formally demanded in his stead.
The Secretary of the Legation, however, has received express orders to remonstrate on this subject to the court of Sardinia, and, 1st. To insist on the revocation of the orders given by the Sardinian government for the arrestation of M. de Semonville. 2d. To demand an explanation within 24 hours. 3d. To go to M. de Semonville, and to present him to his Sardinian Majesty. 4th. If the court of Turin should not observe the laws of good neighbourhood, M. Semonville is to withdraw himself from Turin and to accompany the French Minister to Genoa.
Coblentz, April 19. Yesterday a messenger arrived from M. Dumourier, the French Minister, with dispatches to our elector, requiring him to give an immediate and categorical answer to the question, "Whether the elector does not acknowledge the present constitution as the true and only constitution of France, or not?" This question is asked with a threat, that if the elector does not acknowledge the present constitution of France, that the nation will oblige him to do it. The same message was sent to Mentz: and in consequence, couriers have been sent to two great powers.
Leyden, April 27. The Stadtholder party here are much displeased with the English court, for refusing to inform them whether they mean to take any part in the constitutional disputes or not. The old patriotic party are ready for a revolution; their manifesto is ready drawn; they have money banked, and their correspondence with the patriots of Brabant is avowed; and yet with the knowledge of all this no step is taken against them. The government trembles, and contents itself with impotent remonstrances. A general amnesty has been published. The prerogatives of the Stadtholder have been voluntarily diminished. Orange cockades, shoe-strings, and all exterior marks of party on both sides have been prohibited; but nothing has availed to reconcile the discontented party to the court. A small anecdote will shew to what height party spirit runs. It is the custom for the ministers to pray for the Stadtholder and his family.—The inhabitants of Heusden, as often as the minister began his prayer, shewed their dissatisfaction by coughing, spitting, blowing the nose, and scraping with their feet, so that a word of the prayer could not be heard in the church, however it might ascend to heaven. The regency published an edict, forbidding all coughing, spitting, and blowing of noses during divine service. The citizens were peaceable, but from that day the churches have been deserted.
Stockholm, April 6. Orders have been at last sent to Helsingborg not to stop travellers in future, and to suffer all those who have been stopped to proceed on their way; their number amounts to upwards of sixty.
April 20. Notwithstanding the discontent which reigned among one part of the nation at the conclusion of the diet of Gefle, the attempt on the person of the king has contributed more to reconcile those with the royal authority, who were adverse to it, than to forward the views of the conspirators. Of this the young king and the regent have received a proof, by a deputation which waited on them the day before yesterday, to assure those princes of the loyalty and attachment of the four orders of the district of Stockholm, and to testify their grief at the event which had plunged Sweden in sorrow, &c. This deputation having at its head Mr. Uggglas, as governor or chief of the district, was composed of nine deputies of the nobility, four of the clergy, five of the citizens, and seven of the order of peasants. Among the first were some noblemen who were the chief opponents of the court; the nine deputies were Count de Brake, Count A. Lewenhaupt: the first gentleman of the chamber, Fabian Wrede; the Baron Charles de Geer: the Chamberlain, Lieut. Gen. Maurice Kingporre; the Gentleman of the Court, Lejonmark; the Vice-President, Stierngranat; the Counsellor of the Mines, Februre; and the counsellor of the Chamber, Lagerkeim.
Aukarstrom has been found guilty and sentence of death will probably be passed on him in the course of the week.
London, May 1. A letter from an English gentleman at Peterburgh, gives a very curious account of the present state of that court. The murder of the king of Sweden made a strong impression on the empress; but it gave such an alarm to the Archduke, as was perceptible to every one. He talked publicly of plans being formed to carry him off; and in a conversation with her majesty, he spoke in the most unmeasured terms, deporting himself, says the letter, "neither as a son, nor as a subject." The health of the Empress is not merely on the
decline. There is evidently a thorough break up of her constitution. Her death, though it will make no change in the abject condition of the people, will be the era of a material change in the empire, for it is likely to be divided.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
EXCISE LAW.
EQUAL liberty is the great boast of the citizens of Pennsylvania, but it is not exemplified in the operation of two laws now existing within this commonwealth—The one prohibiting the irrational and cruel amusement of horse-racing—The other restricting the industrious farmer from making the best advantage of property acquired by his own industry. As the first interferes with the pleasures of our apes of British nobility, we see it violated with impunity: But the farmer ever complaining of the injury and insult of an odious Excise Law, he is at once stigmatized as an enemy to government, who ought to be punished for not submitting quietly to the laws of his country.—These distinctions and partialities among citizens cannot long continue.
Since the glorious and honorable peace of 1783, artifice and deception has effected one revolution in favour of the few—Another revolution must and will be brought about in favor of the PEOPLE.
June 30. BRUTUS.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
BANK.
AS the public disposition to examine the constitutionality of the bank is evidently increasing, and recent attempts have been made by the interested, to throw dust into people's eyes, on this subject; it may be proper to superadd to the many solid objections which have been enforced against it, the following very serious ones, which I have several times heard in conversation, and have not yet seen in print. If I have rightly comprehended them, they stand thus:
1. Congress make the bank. The bank, by the authority of Congress can create offices and affix salaries, payable too in part out of monies of the United States . Every member of Congress can make himself a member of the bank; many have done so. As members of the bank, members of Congress can vote for directors; they can be voted for, and can vote for themselves to be directors: some members of Congress are directors. As directors, they can receive salaries; as stockholders they can vote salaries to themselves as directors, salaries in like manner payable in part out of the monies of the United States . They can, as directors, vote for the creation of offices; they can vote for the appointment and increase of salaries, full payable in part out of the money of the United States : they can vote for officers to enjoy these emoluments; they can be voted, and can vote for themselves, to fill the offices, and to enjoy the emoluments.—Such is the Constitution of the bank—Now for the Constitution of the United States.—"No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time, and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office." Let the reader consult the spirit and reason of this restriction, and then the inference may be left to himself.
2. Two millions of the bank-stock is the money of the United States. As far as this goes, the offices and salaries for the management of it may be considered as strictly offices and salaries of the United States: as much so as those of a commissioner of loans or a receiver of taxes. If the stock and income of the bank belonged wholly to the United States, the case would be disembarassed, and the unconstitutionality self-evident.
3. The Constitution of the United States is founded on the essential principle of natural right and political liberty, that those who are members of a society, and to be bound by its laws and acts, should have a voice in its laws and acts. The public is made a member of the bank. It is bound by the laws and acts of the bank. Yet what is allowed in all cases to every freeman is denied, in this case, to the whole body of freemen. They are all bound by laws, ordinances, and regulations, in which they have had no voice, to which they never gave their consent by themselves or their proxies.
4. It is a principle of the Constitution, a principle sacred in itself, that taxation and representation go together. Those who contribute money should have a vote in the management of the common stock. Every other stockholder in the bank, including bodies politic and corporate, has votes in a certain ratio to his contribution. The people of the union who are taxed to the amount of one fourth of the whole contribution, are not represented by a single vote.
But it was not convenient nor prudent to allow the public a right of representation. Is it convenient or prudent to trample on the essential principles of the Constitution?
But the British government has no vote in the bank of England.—Neither has it any stock to entitle it to a vote. If we are for every measure to look for a model in a foreign monarchy, why violate republican principles, where the model itself does not? Why make the things we copy inconsistent with themselves, as well as with our Constitution?
Account stated between the United States, and the Bank.
   The Bank, Dr. Dols.     To 60 per cent. value added to 8000,000 stock 4,800,000   Debts to be hereafter liquidated,   To contingent advantages from emptying the public treasury into the bank when run upon   To do.—do. from transacting the public debt   To do.—do. from agency in bills of exchange for foreign interest   To do.—do. from influence on money measures of Congress through agency of director-members of Congress   To do.—do. from influence on state measures by branches of discount and deposit   To loss to the United States from the banishment or exclusion of—   — millions of specie  
   The Bank, Cr.     By privilege granted to the Secretary of the Treasury to inspect its books 000,000   By abatement of 1 per cent. interest, say for one year on 523,000 dollars 5,230   5,230   Balance due 4,794,770   4,800,000   [Errors excepted]   July 2, 1792.  
Extracts from the Quebec Gazette.
Quebec, May, 24. Despotic governments are only upheld by the care they take to maintain a tyrannical inequality among their subjects; and by force and cunning preventing the greater number, which they disdainfully term populace, from acquiring that knowledge, which would free them from blind credulity and mental slavery—And the political reason why such governments do so, is, because an ignorant people are always insensible to personal subjection, and suffer themselves to be plundered without resistance; wherefore a people who, like the Canadians, have acquired the liberty to think and act for their own welfare, ought to inform themselves in every thing, in order to preserve that liberty, and to reap the fruits of it, so essential to the happiness of mankind.
Monday last, a boat going from Quebec to Orleans, being overloaded and the wind blowing hard, overset and sunk, and ten persons out of twelve were unfortunately drowned. Among the number was the much esteemed Mr. Hubert, rector of Quebec.—On this occasion an old seaman gives the following advice to pilots and others, who conduct undecked boats.—"1. Reduce the size of your sails. I have generally remarked that they are greatly disproportioned in this respect to the size of your vessels. 2. By no means ballast your boats with stone, iron, or such like matter. 3. Always keep on board, and which you may flow away under your benches, a convenient number of casks of 20 gallons each, so as when filled with water, to enable your boat to be stiff and carry sail.—With this precaution, if a sudden flaw of wind should upset the boat, she will float with the casks, and the persons on board may save their lives; and even one such cask will be sufficient to save the life of a man. If the ballast be of stone, the consequence is, that when overturned, she must go down with all on board. 4. Another advantage arises from water-casks ballast, which is, that when you are becalmed, you can discharge the water from the casks overboard, and have a light vessel to row: whereas if you carry stone ballast, and are long becalmed, and with to have a light vessel for convenience of rowing, you by throwing it overboard render the boat unfit for carrying sail when a fresh breeze springs up, and by this means are unable to reach the shore. 5. Always keep a funnel on board for filling your empty casks. 6. Your boat, when water ballasted, sails much more lively, especially in rough water, than when ballasted with stone."
A citizen of this province has discovered a method of refining maple sugar in such a manner as not to differ from the best West-India sugar imported from England, as well for its taste as its whiteness. He is willing publicly or privately to submit proofs of his operation to the government. He flatters himself that the object will be taken into consideration, from which he hopes for legal recompence.
PUBLIC OPINION IN FRANCE
A judicious view, from concurrent accounts founded on facts, will best enable an impartial observer to judge rightly of the present situation, and future event of the French Revolution.—Let us, in the first place, cast a contemplative view on
the situation of minds in France. We may distinguish five classes of citizens of different sentiments. In one are all the inveterate enemies of the revolution, all the rebels driven from Coblentz, and all the fanatical priests, enemies to liberty and the prosperity of man. This insane band have faith in the return of despotism, of the re-establishment of the clergy, and of the parliaments; but their chiefs who acknowledge that the total return of the ancient system is impossible, are ambitious only of the re-establishment of the noblesse and the adoption of a constitution nearly conformable to that of England.—Doubtless the emigrated princes do not think of re-establishing the parliaments, whose pride and power they always dreaded, any more than the order of the clergy, a set of men who had hardly the virtue of hypocrisy, and who had for ages lorded it over the noblesse , and whose ill-gotten treasures are become necessary to all parties to restore the finances and pay the expenses of the war. A second class who, contrasted with the first, is composed of citizens, who would have a government, in every respect, republican; but they are very small in number. They do not form a party; all they can do is to frame vows. There is a third class who alone compose two-thirds of the citizens of the kingdom; it is that of the zealous patriots, true friends of liberty and equality. Their sentiments are upon a level with the revolution, and they will support it at the risk of their lives; but it is to be confessed that there are some among them troublesome, petulant and intolerant. A fourth class is that of the citizens of moderate character and probity. Their number is great, their intentions are pure, and they are for the constitution, but their principal wish is tranquility. Weak and timid, the very appearance of trouble alarms them: the enemies of the country avail themselves of their pusillanimous fears to separate them from the zealous patriots: they incessantly present to their view the abyss of anarchy half open; they tell them that there exists a republican faction who wish to overturn France, and that against them the good citizens ought to unite. These weak and credulous men, are the dupes of such perfidious insinuations. They look upon the best citizens as factious, and from their love of goodness and peace unite with those who only wear the mask of moderation. The last class is the most dangerous of all: it is composed of a great number who lose by the revolution: but more essentially of an infinite number of great proprietors of lands, of rich merchants, in fine, of men opulent and proud who cannot suffer an equality, who regret the destruction of a nobility to which they aspired; who finding themselves advantageously placed in the amphitheatre of social situations, do not like having their seats removed; who detest the new constitution, the mother of equality, but would have one to render sacred the assumed rights of aristocracy. This is the true situation of minds in France.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
AT a meeting of the directors of the society for establishing useful manufactures, held at New-Ark, on Friday the eighteenth day of May, 1792, at which time was passed the following
SUPPLEMENT to an ordinance, entitled "An ordinance for securing the punctual payment of the monies due on the subscriptions to the society for establishing useful manufactures."
WHEREAS by the third section of the ordinance, entitled "An ordinance for securing the punctual payment of the monies due on the subscriptions to the society for establishing useful manufactures," it is ordained, that if any subscriber or his assigns, shall neglect to pay the second, third or fourth payment of his, her or their respective subscriptions for the space of three days after the expiration of the time limited by the law of incorporation for the said payments that is to say, the second payment, on the thirteenth day of July, 1792: that then and in that case, all and every share or shares, of such person or persons so neglecting to make such payments as aforesaid, and the monies by them previously paid, shall be forfeited, and forever thereafter vested in the said directors and their successors for the common benefit of the said society.
And whereas circumstances render it inexpedient to exact full payment of the second instalment on the said thirteenth day of July next, or within three days thereafter.
Be it therefore ordained, by the deputy Governor and directors of the society for establishing useful manufactures, that if the said second payment shall be made in manner following, that is to say, one equal third part thereof, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, one other equal third part thereof on or before the thirteenth day of September next, and one other equal third part thereof, on or before the thirteenth day of October next, with lawful interest computed thereon from the said thirteenth day of July next, that then and in such case, the said penalty mentioned in the said section, shall not be exacted, any thing in the said ordinance to the contrary notwithstanding.
A. MERCER, Deputy Governor. Extract from the Minutes, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clk.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No 209 Market Street) in folio and Octavo, either full or half bound.—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in Octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.

PHILADELPHIA.
JULY 4, 1792.
The Bank of the United States has notified the stock-holders that the following dividend, from the commencement of the institution to July 1st. will be paid after the 10th inst. For each share completed in the month of March, 12 dollars; for do. in the month of April, 10 dollars 67 cents; for do. in the month of May, 9 dollars 33 cents; for each half share, 8 dollars.
Considerable damage was done by a party of Indians at and round the town of Frankfort, in Kentucky, about the middle of May. They were pursued over the Ohio by a party of volunteers, who found the savages too strong to be attacked, and returned without doing any thing.
The foundation of an academy is now laying in the town of Newark, N. Jersey. This building, it is said, will, when finished, be at least equal to any edifice for this purpose in America.
Captain McDonald, of the ship Trelawney Planter, who experienced such degrading and inhuman treatment from the captain of a Spanish man of war in August 1790, on his passage from Jamaica to England, has had the satisfaction to receive official information, that since his return to Spain a court martial has been held over the Spanish captain, by order of the court of Spain, and that he was sentenced to imprisonment, and then to be dismissed the service.
Some misunderstandings have taken place at the Cape of Good Hope between a British and American captain, on account of a seaman taken from the latter, by the British captain; notwithstanding he was certified to be an American. It is said the American vessels have recently been deprived of many of their seamen under various arbitrary pretences in that port.
We hear that the distilling business is in so flourishing a way of late, that for the want of a sufficient quantity of new copper, the smiths are making use of old copper kettles for stills. [Gaz. U. S.]
A complete abolition of the African slave trade seems an article in a fair way of being universally assented to by the maritime nations of Europe; and may be justly considered as one of the benign effects of that philanthropic philosophy, whose sun is rising upon mankind. It may be observed, however, that fanaticism has been for some time past attempting to assume to itself the honours due to philosophy, and would arrogate (from the heated exertions of a moment) what has resulted in this respect, from an enlightened reason, gradually cultivated and propagated by the few, who for a century or two past, have dared to think for themselves, in spite of persecution and the shafts of bigotted malevolence.
A dead man was lately discovered in Lancaster county, lying in the woods, almost petrified. In his pockets were found three silver dollars and a quarter. His shoe and knee buckles (of silver) were marked S.I.
The question has been carried in the British House of Commons, that the African slave trade, in British bottoms, shall cease after January 1st, 1796.
A London paper announces the death of lord Sandwich, on or about the last of April.
Part of a manifesto appears in the London prints, addressed from the people of the Belgic States and those of Liege, united, to all the people of the earth. They complain much of the tyranny and oppressions of the house of Austria; the crimes, extortions, and cruelty of the present Prince Bishop of Liege, and conclude with asserting their determination to throw off all allegiance to the House of Austria; and declaring the Prince Bishop a perjured traitor, the author of every the blackest crime; for reparation of which they swear to pursue him and his abettors, until justice shall have been done for their crimes.
It is mentioned in some European letters, that the French emigrant princes have had announced to them the speedy assistance of twenty thousand Russians and Tartars, who were to embark as soon as the season would admit—Russians and Tartars have long served as a scarecrow to the cause of liberty—something of this may be recollected in the time of the American war—“Drink my tea, boys, and write on my stamped paper, (said John Bull) or I have a Russian bear in the woods that will come and swallow you up like plumb-puddings.”
A debate took place in the English House of Commons on the 30th of April, relative to a parliamentary reform. Messrs. Grey, Pitt, Fox, and Burke were the principal speakers on this occasion. In the course of the debate Mr. Paine and his pamphlets on the Rights of Man were brought into view. Mr. Fox considered them as not tending to a reform, but to a total alteration of the British government & constitution, and that “Mr. Paine’s production was a libel on the government.”—Mr. Burke pronounced Paine’s pamphlet “a libel of the most infamous kind against the British constitution, and that the clubs and societies who recom-
mended it to be read by the people, were the avowed enemies of the constitution,” &c. It is somewhat surprising that both Fox and Burke should be ignorant that Mr. Paine is their countryman, and only a citizen of America. Fox expressly calls him a native of America; and Burke styles him “a stranger (which in one sense is true) who knows just enough of all countries to confuse and distract all, without being of the least use to any.” Mr. Fox calls the Rights of Man a libel; “but it will be remembered that truth itself may be a libel in England.”
Last week, failed in a vessel from this port for England, Mr. Thomas Pinckney, Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States to the court of Great Britain.
On Sunday afternoon last a violent squall of wind from W. N. W. and N. W. did considerable damage in this city and port. Several square rigged vessels were driven from their moorings at the wharves, but were fortunately secured from injury by anchoring in the stream, except an English brig, which grounded on the bar opposite the lower part of the town, and the ship Juno, lately from Havre de Grace, which soon after breaking from her moorings overset, and drifting along the island, got aground about a mile below the town, where she now lays on her beam ends, and is supposed to have lost most of her spars and rigging.
Several small craft and boats were also much damaged, but we are happy to hear that no lives were lost, altho’ the gale was very severe, and came on so suddenly that it was almost impossible to escape its fury.
In the city some chimneys and parts of brick walls were blown down; the roof of a store below the Bird-in-Hand wharf was removed several inches from its place and large limbs torn from many trees in different parts of the town.
“It is said to be in agitation, immediately on the arrival of official accounts of open hostilities between the patriots of France and their enemies, to set on foot a plan for raising a body of American volunteers, to embark as soon as possible for France. The idea was not suggested from a doubt that the French freemen are not able to cope with their slavish enemies; or that they wanted any thing to stimulate them to glorious conquest; but merely to evince the gratitude of Americans; and once more to mingle their blood with those of their allies, in defence of the rights of human nature. Should the idea be carried into effect, there is not a doubt that the government of the United States, and the individual states, will make ample provision for the support and transportation of these patriot volunteers. The legislature of Massachusetts now in session, would do themselves immortal honour by being the first to provide, on their part, in case the project succeeded, for those who would go from this state.” [Boston Centinel.]
The Salem Gazette contains a lengthy statement of a conversation and correspondence between Capt. Sims, of the ship Fame, of Philadelphia, bound to India, and Capt. BLIGHT, of his Britannic majesty’s ship Providence, of 20 guns, at Table-Bay, on the coast of Africa, in December last. In this statement Capt. Sims complains of the ill treatment he suffered from Capt. Blight, in secreting and protecting one of his seamen, who had entered at Philadelphia, and taken the oath of allegiance to the United States, and had sworn that he was a citizen thereof—but who, expecting punishment for being drunk and abusing his captain, had sought an asylum on board the Providence, on pretence that he was a British subject. Though Capt. Sims’ conduct was genteel and manly—although he produced to Capt. B. the oath the fellow had taken and subscribed—proved that he was considerably in debt to the ship—and that his detention would weaken and distress the ship’s crew—yet Capt. B. not only refused delivering him up, but sent his lieut. on board the Fame, and, in the absence of the captain, plundered it of the fellow’s chest—and stole two silver table spoons; and during the time threatened to cut the Fame’s mast, by the board, if certain pretended wages were not paid the seaman—the lieut. at the same time endeavoring to entice the seamen to quit the Fame and enter on board the Providence. Capt. Blight’s conduct in this transaction appears to be high-handed and ungentlemanlike—and it is hoped the affair will meet with early attention from the Supreme Executive of the United States—as Capt. Crownshield, who brought the above accounts, informs, that Capt. Smith, of this town, suffered similar treatment at the Cape of Good Hope—and as the consul of the United States, at Liverpool, has complained to the Secretary of State of like conduct at that port. [Boston Cent.]
The following is the speech of M. Dumourier, the French minister of war, delivered at the Jacobine Club, just after his appointment:
“All my time and attention will henceforth be devoted to fulfil the will of the nation, and the object of the choice of a constitutional king. I shall carry on foreign negotiation with the vigour that becomes a nation; and they shall shortly produce a lasting peace, or a decisive war. If the lat-
ter is the issue, I shall lay down my pen, and join the army to triumph or die free with my brothers.
The weight of the duty I have undertaken is immense; assist me with your advice. Communicate to me here, and thro’ the channel of the public prints, truths, even severe truths; but do not readily credit those who shall attempt to misrepresent my intentions.”
That so much corrupt speculation and avaricious jobbing should have polluted the infant character of our government is a circumstance truly mortifying to its real steady republican friends. The conduct of those whose integrity and fidelity have yielded to the allurements of dishonorable gain, is the more unpardonable and odious, when compared with the purity, the disinterestedness, and the magnanimity of the example at the head of the government. Much is yet to be hoped from the continuance of that illustrious example, with the greater reason, as it is now enforced by the awakened attention of a virtuous and enlightened people, who will not fail to distinguish between the government and its abuses, and in lopping off rotten branches will spare the sound ones, and still more carefully the tree itself.
That letters from gentlemen in England should recommend hereditary monarchy, hereditary Presidency, &c. is not wonderful, considering the long-rooted prejudices of that people in favor of lineal regal succession.—If, however, instead of England we read Boston, the proposition will appear a little extravagant.—Yet such doctrines are propagated, and it is asserted with the greatest confidence, that “a first magistrate, whether styled king, emperor, or president, should be hereditary to prevent the horrid contests that must be the attendants of renewed elections.”—If care be taken to preserve free and uninfluenced elections, why should we reflect so much upon the good sense of the people of America, or their representatives, as to suppose a President of the United States may not be chosen in as much peace and quiet as the governor of any one state? Render a first magistrate once hereditary, and the experience of history shows that an order of nobility is a natural consequence,—and after these an order of peasantry, or slaves.
In the gulf on Sunday afternoon last, one of the ferry boats of this city was overset within three hundred yards of the Jersey shore. There were on board nine persons, five men and women, and four small children. Captain Scott, of Massachusetts, who was one of them, by his exertions brought them all safe on shore: first one of the children, and afterwards successively the others, who in the mean time, with difficulty had saved themselves from drowning by hanging to the boat, which supported them, tho’ full of water.—A boy was drowned by the oversetting of another boat, which is the only life lost that we have yet heard of.
The Indians (says a letter from Knoxville, of June 2d) are still troublesome: they attacked Judge Campbell on his way from court; there were four others in his company but all escaped. Two boys have been recently killed about 12 miles from this place, and a man fired at by four Indians, who however was not hurt.—The governor of this territory has been in their towns. A numerous representation of the chiefs and warriors from the lower towns on Chickamogga attended: they now shew signs of a desire for peace.”
A northern paper contradicts the account in our last of Judge Powell, of Canada, being prisoner at Quebec on a charge of treason. The whole story is said to be a fiction.
Captain Daniel Shays, who a few years since made such havoc in Massachusetts, is now confined in prison, in Worcester, for debt. It is intimated in a Boston paper, that the general government is under no small obligation to this man for its adoption, advancement, and popularity.—This, no doubt, is to be understood as a fine qua non:
Of parson, thus, for preaching fam’d The sexton reason’d well, Who justly half the merit claim’d Because he rang the bell!
A paragraph in a French paper makes mention that the refractory non-juring clergy in France had been arrested by order of the government and transported to Italy, the original hot-bed of superstition and imposture.
Great complaints are made by the people of Martinico of a number of negroes being stolen from that island, and carried off in a schooner from Boston, called the Dolphin, Nathaniel Hickman, master, and Samuel Skinner, owner, who was with the vessel, and is represented as the instigator and perpetrator of the theft. Information has been given of the crime to the tribunal of the admiralty at Fort Royal. The Americans are not a little reflected on by the French, for such unprincipled conduct in one of their nation.
French papers are come to hand, from Cape Francois, till the 11th of June. No material event had then taken place. The insurgents, however, it was said, had taken a solemn oath to extirpate the whites by every means possible, and assume the sovereignty of the island.
The Ottoman government, altho, released from a war with Austria and Russia, is far from being at peace within itself. Many Pachas of distant provinces have revolt-
ed, particularly Timur Khan, who by the last accounts was marching with an immense army to attack Bagdad; several Egyptian Beys have also revolted from the authority of the Sultan, and are laying waste the country. [Lond. Paper.]
The master, mate, supercargo and four seamen of the schooner Dolphin, of Boston, have been committed to the gaol of Savannah, Georgia, for kidnapping negroes at Martinico and selling them at Savannah.
When political reformation is in the hands of men of desperate fortune and character, the state may be given over as in a desperate situation. The conversation of the Coffee-house daily convinces us of the truth of Swift’s observation, that in times of party a bee is not a busier animal than a blockhead. The life of republican governments is, uninfluenced and pure elections. None but absolute freeholders, who possess an absolute free fee simple, should vote in these personal contests of ambition, where the prize is so great. It is better and safer to disfranchise ten thousand influenced tenants, than fix a permanent and hereditary balance of influence. If this influence becomes fixed in government, the first officers will become as hereditary as they were in France, and the scattered interests of the south will not be able to combine, or prevail over the consolidated aristocracy of the north. In vain will our government be called a free one, if the dependent creatures of the landed interest can overpower the independent free-holders of the south. We hope soon to see agitated in the legislative councils the republican doctrine of free and uninfluenced elections. This question will be the test of republicanism, and if the southern freeholders cannot prevail, we do not hesitate to pronounce a separation expedient and necessary to the salvation of the southern interest. [N.York Journal]
The following address to the National Assembly of France, unanimously agreed to by the Legislature of Virginia, is extracted from their Journals of 1791:
“WE, the representatives of the people of Virginia, long sympathising with the National Assembly of France, in their glorious struggle for liberty, avail ourselves of the earliest opportunity to present, with all the sincerity of fraternal affection, our warmest congratulations on the establishment of your new Constitution—a constitution in which every masculine feature is portrayed that could strongly mark it as the legitimate offspring of liberty. Indeed from such an illustrious band of patriots and philosophers, we anticipated nothing less, preserving as you have done, with undiminished purity through so many successive ages, that noble spirit of your ancestors, which often bade defiance to the antient conquerors of the world.
“It is impossible for a nation, in the full enjoyment of liberty, to look with an eye of indifference on the struggles of another to procure it. Upon general principles of philanthropy then we felt an anxious solicitude for the successful issue of your labors. But when we carry our minds back, and review the eventful history of our own country, we are impelled by the strongest additional motives of friendship and gratitude, to sympathize with the National Assembly of France.
“We venerate the wisdom that suggested—we admire the boldness that commenced—we applaud the manly firmness that pursued—we are pleased with the humanity and politic forbearance that ensued—and we love the virtue that achieved the enterprise. Long may you enjoy the inestimable blessing which this combination of enviable attributes has secured to you, and may your example be imitated, not only by the rest of Europe, but by every enslaved nation upon the face of the globe—till despotism, with all its host of enemies to human happiness and improvement, is entirely chased away.”
   METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, JUNE, 1792.   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather.     Monday, 18. 6 30. 1 67 W. Fair.   2 30. 15 87 S. W. do.   Tuesday, 19. 6 30. 2 68 S. W. Fair.   2 30. 2 87   Wednesday, 20. 6 30. 1 69 W. S. W. Fair   2 29. 95 85 do. do.   Thursday, 21. 6 29. 8 74 N. N. E. Cloudy.   2 29. 8 87 do. Rain.   Friday,. 22. 6 29. 75 70 N. E. Fair.   2 29. 78 85 do. do.   Saturday, 23. 6 29. 7 72 Clouds.   2 29. 65 72 N. Rain.   Sunday, 24. 6 30. 5 67 N. E. Fair.   2 30. 1 78 S. S. E. do.   Monday, 25. 6 30. 15 63 Calm. Rain.   2 30. 15 72 do. Cloudy.   Tuesday, 26. 6 30. 12 68 N. E. Fair.   2 30. 15 81 W. do.   Wednesday, 27. 6 30. 1 67 W. Fair.   2 30. 1 84 S. W. do.   Thursday, 28. 6 30. 0 70 N. W. Fair.   2 30. 0 86 S. W. do.   Friday, 29. 6 29. 9 74 S. W. Fair.   2 29. 87 89 do. do.   Saturday, 30. 6 29. 9 72 N. W. Fair.   2 29. 9 86 do. do.   July 1. 2. 6 29. 9 76 S. W. Fair.   2 29. 9 91 W. Cloudy.   Monday, 2. 6 29. 85 75 N. W. Hazy.   2 29. 9 89 W. Fair.   Tuesday, 3. 6 30. 65 Rain.   2 30. 73 Fair.  

INDEPENDENCE.
Remov'd from Europe's feuds, a hateful scene (Thank heaven, such wastes of ocean roll between) Where tyrant kings in bloody schemes combine, And each forebodes in tears, Man is no longer mine; Glad we recall the DAY that bade us first Spurn at their power, and shun their wars accurs'd; Pitied and gaff'd no more for England's glory Nor made the tag-rag-bob-tail of their story.
Something still wrong in every system lurks. Something imperfect haunts all human works— Wars must be hatch'd unthinking men to sluce, Or we, this day , had been in perfect peace, With double oolts our Janus temple shut, Nor terror reign'd through each back-woodsman's hut, No rattling drums affail'd the peasants ear Nor Indian yell's disturb'd our sad frontier, Nor gallant chiefs, 'gainst Indian hosts combin'd Scap'd from the trap—to leave their tails behind.
Peace to all feuds!—and come the happier day When Reason's sun shall light us on our way; When erring man shall all his RIGHTS retrieve, No despots rule them, and no priests deceive; 'Till then Columbia!—watch each stretch of power Nor sleep too soundly at the sleeping hour, By flattery won, and lull'd by soothing strains Silenus took his nap—and wak'd in chains— In a soft dream of smooth delusion led Unthinking Gallia bow'd her drooping head To tyrant's yokes—and met such bruises there As now must take three ages to repair. Then keep the paths of dear-bought freedom clear Nor slavish systems, grant admittance here— July 3.
Curious Matrimonial advertisement.
[Advertising for wives has become a common thing in the English Newspapers : The following ad- vertisement seems, however, to be a refinement upon all that had previously appeared]
To such Ladies as are divested of the prejudices of the times, maids or widows, of suit- able years, (not exceeding forty); the very hum- ble address of a gentleman, (whether a widower or a bachelor can be of no consequence), respectably connected in life, free from bad habits and de- formity, clear of encumbrances and thoroughly ac- quainted with the world as it goes, whose age is from 35 to 45, and whose fortune will certainly be found between 300 and 900 per annum. Thus much by way of preface to the female world at large; now for the woman among you I could wish to be mine for life; in person gently form'd and of a moderate size, her voice melodious, her hair may be of any colour, and her complexion brown or fair, but her teeth must be found, if not white and regular; in manners pleasing if not en- gaging; of a social domestic disposition, in con- versation easy, but not witty, but let her be rather the coquette than the prude, and in dress neat, if not elegant. With regard to the polite accom- plishments, music is deservedly held in the highest estimation, for music hath charms to every ear, it is therefore expected that she can play well, either on the harp, harpsichord or piano-forte. If a widow, her having any children would be an ob- jection, however well provided for, still more ob- jectionable would maid or widow be who had ca- riciously cast off her faithful admirer. Blessed as I am, no less with the means than the spirit of independence, and despising the idle prejudices of the times, I am convinced that the parties uniting by such a mode as is now offered, may be as hap- py as by a formal introduction, and the dull, stu- pid, tortured state of many years courtship. I know all the objections that can be made against it, but they can only be applicable to selfish, avar- icious, despicable characters, impostors of both sexes. The lady's connections in the strictest sense, should be truly respectable, and the must have been trained to such economy that she can make 300 a year serve us and appear respectable to our neighbours; and this economy should be manifested, were she even possessing a fortune of her own, which is not so much insisted upon, as an elegant form, a pleasing animated countenance, melodious voice, a mind well cultivated, a re- spectable rank in society musical talents and a tem- per capable of friendship and love.
By such management there will be no dread of the want of the comforts of life, if thrice the means can hereafter be mustered; nor will there be any doubt on my part if such a lady is discover- ed, regarding our future felicity. In order to prevent improper applications, and that none may be offended nor disappointed, be it known & re- membered, that no farther information touching the author of this address will be given until such REAL COMMUNICATIONS are received by him as may be deemed fully satisfactory, and that there may be no trifling on this occasion, neither rank nor fortune, nor any other consideration whatever, shall tempt him to alter his resolution. THESE COMMUNICATIONS must be from principals and from them only, in their own hand writing, with real names and addresses, they will not otherwise be considered in a serious light; and if they do not live within the metropolis nor within twenty miles of it, a reference to some persons of respect- ability in town will be expected; no improper use shall be made of it. By these means, offici- ous negotiators and curious impertinents may per- plex themselves in vain.
These conditions are with the utmost deference submitted to the consideration of women of liberal sentiments, capable of judging and acting for them- selves, and who entertain the same opinion on the subject, which I endeavour to maintain. If any such should happily glance on this address, it is possible that the want of fortitude may be a bar to many a worthy woman corresponding with this description, yet not less amiable in my eyes than they seem, who may adventure to reprove the ne- cessary confidence in the author's integrity. Trust not the secret on any account to a third person; it is not a point either of us should ever assent to. Should you be blessed with a property of any im- portance your relatives may be like mine, and both yours and mine had rather we would remain as we are, for if you get a husband you may have
children, and relatives can preach patience until you are grown too old to have a chance for either, which I may be bold to say is the case with many a charming woman in this kingdom.
Whatever you may think fit to communicate, shall, in a word, be held sacred; your letters shall be returned in due season, and an early opportu- nity embraced to satisfy your mind that you have to deal with a man of real honour. However ac- curately in several respects the description con- tained in this address may be answered by many, should it appear to its author that the utmost at- tention has not been paid to the lady's education, both with regard to her morals as well as to her accomplishments, every application from such per- sons would be held unnoticed, for most assuredly he has long known the world too well to be du- ped, and as this is a business of the greatest im- portance in life, he will be the more cautiously guarded against the advances of unworthy char- acters.
Letters for a period of twelve days from the date hereof, will be received if directed (post-paid) to P. G. D. to be left at No. 14, Bridges-street, Covent Garden, London.
P. S. No letters will be answered unless they are strictly conformable to the conditions herein proposed; and it is requested that due attention will be paid to this postscript. London, January 14, 1792.
On the Inequality of the human condition.
What does one dog owe to another, and one horse to another horse? Nothing. No animal depends on its fellow; but man, partaking of that spark of divinity called reason , what advan- tage accrues to him from this? To be a slave almost every were throughout the earth!—Were this earth what it apparently should be, that is, did man every were meet with an easy, certain, and safe subsistence, and a climate suitable to his nature, it is manifestly impossible that one man could have enslaved another. When this earth shall every were produce salubrious fruits: when the air, which should contribute to our life, shall not bring us sickness and death; when man shall stand in need of no other lodging and bed than that of the deer and roe-buck: then the Turk- ish and Asiatic tyrants will have no other domes- tics than their children, and these will have so much natural affection as to assist them in their old age.
In this so natural state, which all quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles enjoy, man would be happy as they; dominion would be a chimera, an absurdity, which no one would think of; for who would make a bustle to get servants without any want of their service?
Should any individual, of a tyrannical disposi- tion and extraordinary strength, take it into his head to make a slave of his weaker neighbour, the thing would be impracticable; the party op- pressed would be a hundred leagues out of the op- pressor's reach before he had taken his measures.
Thus a freedom from wants would necessarily make all men equal. It is the distress annexed to our species which subjects one man to an- other; not that inequality is a real misfortune; the grievance lies in dependence. What signifies one man being stiled his highness, another his linefs?—but to serve either is disagreeable. A nu- merous family has successfully cultivated a good soil, whilst two small neighbouring families can- not bring their stubborn ground to produce any thing. The two poor families must either become servants to the opulent family, or extirpate it; this is self evident: one of the two indigent fam- ilies, for a subsistence, goes and offers its labour to the rich; the other goes to dispossefs it by force of arms, and is beaten. The former is the origin of domestics and labourers, and from the latter slavery is derived.
In our calamitous globe, it is impossible that men, living together in society, should not be divided into two classes, one the rich, who com- mand, the other, the poor, who serve or obey: These two are subdivided into a thousand, and these thousands have their farther subdivisions and gradations.
All the oppressed are not absolutely unhappy: most of them being born in a servile state, conti- nual labour preserves them from too sensible a feeling of their situation; but whenever they feel it, wars are the consequence, as at Rome between the Plebeian and Patrician parties; likewise those of the peasants in Germany, Eng- land, and France. All these wars terminate, soon or late, in the subjection of the people, be- cause the great have money, and money does eve- ry thing within a state: I say within a state; for between nation and nation it is otherwise. A nation which handles iron best, will ever be too strong for that which with its abundance of gold, is deficient in skill and courage.
Every man is born with no small propensity to power, riches, and pleasure; and has naturally a delight in idleness; consequently every man is for having the money, wives, or daughters of others; would subject them all to his humours and do no work, or at least what only pleased himself. We may see that for men with such dis- positions to be equal as is impossible as that two preachers, or two professors of divinity, should not be jealous of one another.
Mankind, in the present state, cannot subsist, unless an infinity of useful men have the misfor- tune of being without any possession whatever; for, to be sure, no man in easy circumstances will plough your grounds; and if you are in want of a pair of shoes, you must find some other hand than a sergeant at law or a judge advocate, to make them for you. Thus inequality is, at the same time, both the most natural and the most chimeraical thing in the world.
Men being excessive in every thing where they can be so, this inequality has been carried too far, in several governments it is a standing max- im that a citizen is not allowed to quit the coun- try where he happened to be born: the import of such a law is visibly this; the country is so bad and ill governed, that we forbid any persons what- soever to go out, least every body should leave it. —A good government will act more wisely, it will create in its subjects a delight to remain, in foreigners a desire of coming thither.
Every man has a right to believe himself natu- rally equal to other men; but it does not from
thence follow, that a Cardinal's cook may order his eminence to dress his dinner. The cook, in- deed, may say, "I am as much a man as my mas- ter; like him I crier at my birth, and he will die in the same agonies, and amidst the same ceremonies as I; the animal functions are alike in both. If the Turks make themselves mas- ters of Rome, and I should then come to be a cardinal, and my master reduced to turn cook, I will take him into my service."—There is no- thing in this soliloquy but what is rational and just; yet till the grand seignior makes himself master of Rome, the cook is to do his duty, else there is an end of human society.—As to him who is neither cook to a Cardinal, nor holds any state employment, and who has no connexion or dependence, but who is chagrined at being every where received either with an air of protection or contempt, who plainly perceives that so many Lords, Dukes and Esquires have neither more learning, more genius, nor more virtue than himself, and to whom it is a torment to be some- times in their antichamber; what would you have him do?—Take himself away.
[Voltaire]
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*** This work will be comprised in 24 royal octavo vols. 8 or more of which will be published every year until completed.
Lord Raymond, Douglass, Vesey, Cowper, Strange, Crooke, Ambler, Salkeld, Peere Wil- liams, Durnford and Earl, Dallas, Comyns, Bur- rows, Kelyng's and Aitkin's Reports in octavo— Hargrave and Butler's Coke upon Littleton, London and Dublin editions.—Comyn's digest of the laws, 5 vols. Doctor and Student, or dialogues between a Doctor of Divinity and a Student in the laws of England.—Eunomus or dialogues concerning the laws and constitutions of England. Foster's crown law—Leach's crown law—Gil- bert's practice in common pleas—Hinds and Harrison's practice in chancery.—New law gram- mar—Mallory's entries, 2 vols.—Newman's conveyancing, 6 vols.—Williams's do. 2 do.— Highmore on bail—Hatfield's precedents in the house of commons—Powel on contracts—Do- on powers—Reeves's history of the English law— New system of pleading—Sheppard's touch- stone—Kydd on Awards—Richardson's common pleas—Travels of Anacharsis the younger, in Greece, during the middle of the 4th century be- fore the christian era, 7 vols. with elegant maps. Cowper's translation of Homer, 2 vols.—Gilles's history of Greece, 3 vols.—Gibbon's Roman hi- story, 12 vols.—do. do. complete in 6 vols.— Russells history of modern Europe, 5 vols.— Humes's history of England, 8 vols.—Rollins's ancient history 8 vols. 8 vo. same book 10 vols 12 mo.—Bolwell's life of Dr. Samuel Johnson, with an elegant head—King of Prussia's works 13 vols.—Bruce's travels, 6 vols.—Elegant extracts prose, verse, and epistles—Domestic divinity by Knox—Mosheim's ecclesiastical history, 6 vols.— Soame Jenyn's works, 2 vols.—Tower's life of Frederick the 3d. late King of Prussia, 2 vols.— Shakespeare's dramatic works complete in one vol.—Spallanzani's dissertations, relative to the natural history of animals and vegetables, 2 vols.—The European and literary magazines for the last 6 months of 1791—The universal and gentleman's do. for do.—Lately published Smellies philosophy of natural history, price 2 dollars, neatly bound.
N.B. Country storekeepers may be supplied at the above place with family, common, and pocket Bibles, Testaments, Spelling-books, Watts's Psalms, Hymns, Playing Cards, Quills, Wafers, Sealing-Wax, Writing-Paper, Blank- Books, &c. &c. on the lowest terms. 1aw
HOWELL'S LARGE MAP of PENNSYLVANIA.
THIS work is engraved in the most elegant style, and will be ready for delivery early this summer. It is 63 inches long and 36 in- ches wide, and for the most part very full of work (except some small places of which mate- rials were not to be had) and was wholly com- piled from actual surveys, acquired at great ex- pence of money, and more than four years labour, and from its manifest public utility, the Legislature has been pleased to grant the proprietor the sum of three hundred pounds.
This map exhibits the County and Township Divisions, and those of the Surveyors Districts in the New-Purchase, Donation and Deprecia- tion Lands; the waters, portages, and the Ca- nal, mountains and valleys, roads, towns, &c.
He thanks the Public for their very liberal subscription, and informs them that it is yet kept open. He sells his SMALL MAPS, on can- vass, folded and cas'd for pocket carriage, at 10/6, and plain at 8/4.
READING HOWELL No. 88, North Fifth-street. June 11. 1aw. 6w.
TEN POUNDS REWARD.
BROKE goal at Monmouth court-house on Sunday evening, the 10th inst. a Negro Man, named SAM, sometimes calls himself George; is of a yellow complexion, high cheek bones, large white eyes, and impudent look; said negro is about five feet ten inches high, had on and took with him when he went away, a sheeting shirt and trowsers, oznabrigs frock, and an old felt hat. Whoever will deliver said run- away to his master, or lodge him in any goal, so that his master may have him again, shall be entitled to the above reward to be paid by me. ELISHA JEWELL.
Freehold, Monmouth county, June 22, 1792. 1. 2. Wgt
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine second and elastic cloths, together with a variety of other arti- cles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices—
 Best Superfine navy blue 34s.  Ditto. ditto. Scarlet 36s.  Common colours superfine 32s.  Elastic Stripes 9s.  London buff and white cassimere 15/6.  Ditto, coloured do. 15/6.  Yorkshire do. do. 13/6.  Striped toiletens 14s.  Ratinees 3s.  Striped Nankeens 3/4.  A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low,  Fancy buttons and trimmings do.  London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24s. 
The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first Mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into Ameri- ca; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers; by the public's most bumble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD. No. 3 South Fourth-street. Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house, together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well esta- blished by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment. A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14. 2aw. 1f.
This day is published,
And to be sold at No. 54. S. Second-street By ROBERT CAMPBELL, And BENJAMIN JOHNSON, No. 147. Market-street,
[Price ten shillings, neatly bound]
The New Art of Cookery,
According to the present practice; Being a complete Guide to all Housekeepers, on a plan entirely new— Consisting of thirty-eight Chapters. —Containing—
PROPER directions for marketing, and trus- sing of poultry; The making soups and broths; Dressing all sorts of fish; Sauces for eve- ry occasion; Boiling and roasting; Baking, broil- ing and frying; Stews and hashes; Made dishes of every sort; Ragous and fricasées; Directions for dressing all sorts of roots and vegetables; All sorts of omelets and eggs; Puddings, pies, tarts, &c; Pancakes and fritters; Cheesecakes & Cust- ards; Blancmange, jellies, and syllabubs; Direc- tions for the sick; Preserving, syrups, and con- serves; Drying and candying; All sorts of cakes; Hogs puddings, sautages, &c; Potting, and little cold dishes; The art of carving; Collarine, sal- ting, and fousing; Pickling; To keep garden vegetables, &c; Made Wines; Cordial Waters; Brewing; English and French bread, &c.—
By RICHARD BRIGGS—Many years Cook at the Globe-Tavern, Fleet-street, the white-Hart Tavern, Holborn, and now at the Temple Coffee- house, London.
NEW-YORK & PHILADELPHIA STAGE Via Bordentown & Burlington, And SHREWSBURY & PHILADELPHIA STAGE, Via Bordentown.
THE proprietors of the New-York & Phila- delphia land and water Stages beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of passengers, they have thought proper to remove the different packet boats from their former stand at the Crooked Billet wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-Street, from whence, on the first day of July next, and after- wards, a convenient packet-boat will start for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordent- town or Burlington, each place to be taken al- ternately. Fare for Passengers from Philadel- phia to New-York 18s.—For Goods per cwt. 6s.
VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, DAVID WILLIAMSON,
Proprietors of the line of New-York and Phi- ladelphia Stages, by the route of Bordentown.
JACOB MYERS, AMOS HUTCHIN, NICHOLAS SCHENK,
Proprietors of the line of N. York and Phila- delphia Stages, by the route of Burlington.
The Shrewsbury Stage will leave Philadelphia in the months of July and September, on every Sunday and Wednesday, and return on every Tuesday and Friday. In the month of August, it will leave Philadelphia on every Sunday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday and Sat- urday.
VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, DANIEL LOT,
Proprietors of the Shrewsbury and Philad. Stage. Bordentown, June 25, 1792.
For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to M'KEAN & V. EMBURGH, at their stores on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-street.
Philadelphia, June 27. For freight or passage to Lambert or Tren- ton, also apply as above. 1aw tf
** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York. Price 5/7 1-2.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, E, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.