Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-06-02 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 15, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 2, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 119.]
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
No. VIII.
This mournful truth is every where confest'd, Slow rises Worth by Poverty depress'd.
IF we attempt to analyze our ideas, still further, upon this subject, we shall find, that the expressions we have hitherto used, attention, consideration and congratulation , comprehend with sufficient accuracy, the general object of the passion for distinction, in the greater part of mankind. There are not a few, from him who burned a temple to the multitudes who plunge into low debauchery, who deliberately seek it by crimes and vices. The greater number, however, search for it, neither by vices nor virtues: But by the means which, common sense and every day's experience shows, are most sure to obtain it; by riches, by family records, by play, and other frivolous personal accomplishments. But there are a few, and God knows but a few, who aim at something more: They aim at approbation as well as attention; at esteem as well as consideration: And at admiration and gratitude, as well as congratulation. Admiration is indeed the complete idea of approbation, congratulation and wonder united. This last description of persons is the tribe out of which proceeds your patriots and heroes, and most of the great benefactors to mankind. But for our humiliation, we must still remember, that even in these esteemed, beloved and adored characters, the passion, altho refined by the purest moral sentiments, and intended to be governed by the best principles, is a passion still: And therefore, like all other human desires, unlimited and insatiable, No man was ever contented with any given share of this human adoration. When Cæsar declared that he had lived enough to glory, Cæsar might deceive himself, but he did not deceive the world, who saw his declaration contradicted by every action of his subsequent life. Man constantly craves for more, even when he has no rival: But when he sees another possessed of more, or drawing a way from himself a part of what he had, he feels a mortification, arising from the loss of a good he thought his own: His desire is disappointed: The pain of a want unsatisfied, is increased by a resentment of an injustice as he thinks it: He accuses his rival of a theft or robbery, and the public of taking away, what was his property, and giving it to another. These feelings and resentments, are but other names for jealousy and envy; and altogether they produce some of the keenest and most tormenting of all sentiments. These fermentations of the passions are so common and so well known, that the people generally presume, that a person in such circumstances, is deprived of his judgment, if not of his veracity and reason. It is too generally a sufficient answer to any complaint; to any fact alledged; or argument advanced, to say that it comes from a disappointed man.
There is a voice within us, which seems to intimate, that real merit should govern the world: And that men ought to be respected only in proportion to their talents, virtues and services. But the question always has been, how can this arrangement be accomplished? How shall the men of merit be discovered? How shall the proportions of merit be ascertained and graduated? Who shall be the judge? When the government of a great nation is in question, shall the whole nation choose? Will such a choice be better than chance? Shall the whole nation vote for Senators? Thirty millions of votes, for example, for each Senator in France! It is obvious that this would be a lottery of millions of blanks to one prize, and that the chance of having wisdom and integrity in a Senator by hereditary descent would be far better. There is no individual personally known to an hundredth part of the nation. The voters then must be exposed to deception, from intrigues and manœuvres, without number, that is to say, from all the chicane, impostures and falsehoods imaginable, with scarce a possibility of preferring real merit. Will you divide the nation into districts, and let each district choose a Senator? This is giving up the idea of merit, and annexing the honor and the trust to an accident, that of living on a particular spot. An hundred or a thousand men of the first merit in a nation may live in one city; and none at all of this description in several whole provinces. Real merit is so remote from the knowledge of whole nations, that were magistrates to be chosen by that criterion alone, and by an universal suffrage, distentions and venality would be endless. The difficulties arising from this source are so obvious and universal, that nations have tried all sorts of experiments to avoid them. (To be continued.)
EDENTON, May 8.
Copy of a letter from a gentleman in New-York, to his friend in Virginia.
NEW-YORK, April 14, 1790.
LAST Monday Mr. Sedgwick delivered a funeral oration on the death of Miss Assumption. When this child was born, although her mother only went seven months with her, she was promising indeed—was uncommonly large, appeared healthy, could lisp Papa and Mama, displayed a good set of teeth, and could bite a crust of bread—was fond of molasses, and her principal food was cod's head—her voluptuous manner of living caused her to outgrow her age—she was seized with a consumption, which carried her off last Monday.
Her death was much lamented by her parents who were from New-England. Mr. Sedgwick being the most celebrated preacher was requested to deliver her funeral eulogium.—It was done with puritanic gravity. This orator being manly and grave, and the language being alternately threatening and soothing, caused unusual sensations—a pause ensued—her Southern relations bore the loss with fortitude (except her aunt South-Carolina) reflecting, that if she had grown to womanhood, that her disorder might have been contagious, and a general consumption in the family the consequence.
Sixty-one of the political fathers of the nation were present, and a crowded audience of weepers and rejoicers.—Mrs. Speculator was the chief mourner, and acted her part to admiration: She being the mother of Miss Assumption, who was the hope of her family, the picture of herself, and her youngest child.—Twenty-nine of the political fathers cried out aloud—Thirty-one bore the loss with manly fortitude, being in full hope of a glorious resurrection, when she might appear again in angelic shape and virgin innocence, unattended by any monstrous appendage.
Her near relations suppose she had a premature death, and intend to try their magic art to raise her from the dead; but as the days of witchcraft are over, and its presumable they have not supernatural powers, it is hoped by those who suppose her death will produce no ill effect, that they will cease their exertions for the present and suffer the dead to rest, lest by disturbing her manes, the whole family be involved in fresh calamities.
Mrs. Excise may have cause to rejoice, because she will be screened from much drudgery—as she must have been the principal support of Miss Assumption, as well as of her mother and all her other relations.—Mrs. Direct Tax may rest more easy in Virginia, as she will not be called into foreign service.—Madam Impost will have additions to her burthen, she is however well supported, and can better bear it than any other of the domestics, being much of a woman, and having the support of Mrs. Luxury and Madam Extravagance, who are well-born dames, and above the paltry considerations of economy or reputation.
Fenno's Gazette of this day * will detail the oration.—Mr. S—k after delivering the sermon, took his leave for the east to mourn with the rest of the family.
* See Gazette of April 14.
BOSTON, May 26.
DR. FRANKLIN'S DONATION.
At the Town-Meeting yesterday, the Hon. THOMAS DAWES, EZEKIEL PRICE, STEPHEN HIGGINSON, WILLIAM TUDOR, and THOMAS DAWES, jun. Esquires, were appointed a Committee to report to the measures necessary to be adopted, for carrying into effect the benevolent intentions of the late Dr. FRANKLIN, in the Donation left to this his native town, in his Will.
CURIOUS MECHANISM.
Every friend to his country, to science, and the liberal arts, must feel the most pleasurable sensations in observing the rapid improvements, which are made in the various branches of mechanic arts.—It is with pleasure we announce, that our countryman and townsman Dr. JOSIAH LEAVITT, has lately constructed and completed an Organ under a Harpsichord;—a piece of mechanism so curious, was never before attempted or executed in America: Either instruments may be played upon separately, or with the greatest ease, be connected together. The tones are exceedingly sweet, and when combined, afford a most rich and pleasing variety. Those Ladies and Gentlemen of taste and knowledge, who have seen and heard it, have not hesitated to express their approbation; and Mr. SELBY, whose superior knowledge is too well known to be doubted, has pronounced as his opinion, that it is superior to any instrument of the kind he ever saw.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MAY 11.
On the proposition to encrease the duty of tonnage on foreign bottoms.
MR. FITZSIMONS said, he should state some particulars to the Committee, and leave them to decide what is best, without giving an opinion at present. He observed the agricultural interest of the United States was fully represented in Congress; but if it was not, he did not conceive there was any disposition to burden any part of the Union unequally. He observed that the Agriculture of the country, notwithstanding the duty on foreign tonnage, had not suffered; on the other hand, he could appeal to gentlemen from all quarters, whether the produce of the country had ever been in greater demand, or had sold for a better price.
He observed, one object of the report was to encourage the important business of ship-building. He enlarged on the great advantages of prosecuting this branch of Manufactures, than which, perhaps there is not one more useful and profitable pursued in the United States, considering the small value of the materials, in themselves, and contrasting this with the price of a ship when completed.
He observed, that the operation of the tonnage laid last session, had been advantageous to the trade of the United States. He shewed how this had been the case. He then said, the benefits of the revolution are yet to be realized by the Eastern States; the Southern States have the ports of the whole world open to them; the Eastern States are excluded from the ports to which they were formerly admitted, with their most important exports. He was not however in favor of a duty which would prohibit foreigners from coming to our ports; he was for encouraging ships from all nations to visit our shores, by which a competition would be created in purchasing our produce. But at the same time he should lament, as a very great misfortune, to have the carrying trade of this country monopolized by foreigners. He did not doubt that the Southern States would soon see it as much for their interest, as it is for the interest of the Eastern States to have our own vessels principally employed in carrying off our produce. He took notice of the objection, from the low price of rice, and said, this was a fact, which could not be accounted for from any other cause but this, that in the article of rice, of which there is no competition, the demand cannot be extended beyond a certain supply. He added many other observations, to which the committee appeared to be particularly attentive.
Mr. Livermore contrasted the former and present situation of the merchants and traders of Portsmouth; they have been reproached for their poverty, said he—this however if true, is their misfortune, not their fault; it is true, many of them are reduced by means of the loss of that trade, which they now petition Congress to interpose their authority, that it may be restored—among many other observations he said that the number of ships which are now building in several States, has been mentioned—but before the revolution the then province of New-Hampshire, built more ships annually than all of these together.
Mr. Bloodworth, observed that there had not been sufficient time to determine respecting the question; let us patiently wait the operation of the law as it now stands—he was for accommodation, but the accommodation should not be expected at once.
Mr. White said he was sorry the question was brought on, we have once determined the matter after a thorough discussion—and I could have wished said he that we had been satisfied.
The influence of the commercial interest was anticipated by the opposers of the constitution—will not this prove an additional burthen on agriculture? Will it not justify their predictions? Would it be just to lay an extra duty on any particular article that a particular part of the continent could not do without? The Southern States cannot export their produce without foreign ships, this shews the injustice of the proposition; he observed that the measure would have an unequal operation—it would tend to discourage agriculture—he shewed the impracticability of the Eastern States carrying the Southern produce; can they purchase that produce with specie? Have they goods to credit the Southern States for? Can they sell this produce in foreign countries upon terms equally advantageous with foreigners? I think it is evident they cannot.—He said he thought sufficient had been done to encourage the shipping of the Eastern States.
Mr. Page, I differ much, Mr. Chairman, from my colleague (Mr. White) for I think the tonnage proposed by the committee, being the very same which Virginia actually laid on British bottoms, cannot be too high, as that experiment was attended with happy effects although made by that state alone, British merchants immediately giving that freight to Virginia ships, which till then was refused them, and without encreasing the freight in British bottoms. Indeed I thought the freight was rather lowered by it, until a gentleman from Virginia, who was here when I mentioned these circumstances in the last session, told me I was mistaken. I believe, Sir, that our constituents would be pleased with the retaliation proposed in the memorial on which the report of the committee now under consideration is founded; and I confess that, did we not stand in need, of every means of encreasing our revenue, and did not a proper tonnage furnish one considerable branch of it, I should join heartily with the memorialists. The advantage of the carrying trade, and the propriety of encouraging it, has been stated to the committee; but, independent of every other consideration, I should vote for encreasing the tonnage, as the house has agreed to encrease the duties on many enumerated articles.
Sir, if Congress will go that length to encrease the revenue, it will be un pardonable not to have recourse to such an obvious source of revenue as tonnage; and that too, when instead of being a grievance, it must be highly advantageous to the United States. One dollar is the sum I wished to have voted the foreign tonnage at last session; I have heard no arguments to alter my opinion, and shall therefore, Mr. Chairman, vote against the motion before the committee, because I think as I did when the question respecting tonnage was before us last session, that the fears of the gentlemen from South-Carolina and Georgia are groundless.
I believe it is the interest of the southern states, that ship-building should be encouraged to the utmost extent in the United States. The fine timber which they have would then be sold to advantage, in the form of ships, instead of being destroyed or thrown away under the name of lumber or in trifling staves: Much I know has been destroyed in Virginia, much wasted in staves. Sir, it is their interest that their sister states should carry for them, instead of foreigners. Under the late confederation, when each state was proud of its separate sovereignty and independent interest, and viewed each other with a jealous eye, I heard harsh expressions respecting the growing naval strength of the eastern states: But under the present government, there is no reason for such reflections; their strength is the strength of the union; and in this respect they are to the United States, what Holland is to the united Provinces. I affirm, again, Sir, that we are in no danger from the retaliation of Britain; and we may with more propriety raise the tonnage, than increase the duties on articles.

FRANCE.
To the President and Commissioners of Trade at Bourdeaux. Paris, 8th March, 1790.
GENTLEMEN,
IT is with the utmost pleasure we felicitate our constituents and fellow-citizens on account of the calm which has taken place of the tempest with which they were threatened. Of this we have the most satisfactory and pleasing proof.—You will readily conceive it, Gentlemen, from the copy of a decree, passed this day at noon, unanimously, and without debate. Never was the unanimity of the National Assembly more conspicuous; and we take the earliest opportunity of dispatching to you the intelligence.
We are with respect, Gentlemen, Your most humble, And most obedient servants, CORBUN, BECHADE-CASAUx.
Decree of the National Assembly, concerning the French Colonies. Passed Monday 8th of March, 1790. Transmitted, in Manuscript, by M. Nairac, one of the Deputies from this city to the National Assembly.
THE National Assembly, taking into consideration the addresses and Petitions of the commercial and manufacturing towns, the Memorials received from St. Domingo and Martinique, addressed to them by the Minister of the Marine, and the representations of the deputies from the colonies—
DECLARE that, viewing the colonies as a part of the French Empire, and desirous that they should enjoy the benefits of the happy revolution which has been accomplished here, they, nevertheless, never meant to include them in the Constitution which they have established for the Kingdom, and to subject them to laws which might be incompatible with their local and particular interests.—WHEREFORE, They have decreed, and do decree, as follows :
1st. Each Colony is authorised to make known its wishes with respect to a constitution, a Legislature, and that administration of the government which may be most conducive to its prosperity, and the happiness of its inhabitants; provided they conform to those general principles which bind the colonies to the mother-country, and ensure the preservation of their respective interests.
2d. In those colonies where there are colonial assemblies, freely chosen by the citizens and acknowledged by them, these assemblies shall be permitted to make known the wishes of the colony; in those colonies where there are no such assemblies, they shall be immediately formed, in order to exercise the same privileges.
3d. The King shall be petitioned for permission to circulate in each colony an instruction from the National Assembly, containing 1st. The means of establishing Colonial Assemblies in those Colonies where there are none. 2d. The general principles to which the Colonial Assemblies shall conform in the plans which they shall offer.
4th. The plans prepared in the said Colonial Assemblies shall be submitted to the National Assembly, in order to be examined and adopted by them, and presented to the King for his acceptance and confirmation.
5th. The Decrees of the National Assembly, respecting the organization of municipalities, and of Administrative Assemblies, shall be transmitted to the said Colonial Assemblies, with authority to carry into execution any part of the said decrees which may apply to their local situation, subject to the final determination of the National Assembly, and of the King, with respect to the modifications which it may be proper to admit; and subject, also, to the provisional approbation of the Governor, with regard to the provisional execution of the Decrees which shall be made by the Administrative Assemblies.
6th. The same Colonial Assemblies shall express their wishes with respect to the modifications which might be introduced into the prohibitory regulations of the commerce between the Colonies and the Mother-Country, in order, upon their petition, and after having heard the representations upon the part of the French Commerce, that they may be adopted, if it shall be found expedient.
FURTHERMORE—The National Assembly declare they have no intention to effect, either directly, or indirectly, any change in any of the branches of the trade of France with her Colonies. Placing the Colonists and their property under the special protection of the nation, they pronounce all those to be criminal against the nation who shall attempt to excite any insurrections among them.
Judging favourably of the motives which have actuated the Citizens of the said Colonies, they declare there is no ground of complaint against them; and they expect from their patriotism, the maintenance, of tranquility, and an inviolable fidelity to the Nation, to the Laws, and to the King.
THE TABLET.—No. CXIX.
“Many events, alluded to as a matter of revelation, may be accomplished by the operation of natural causes.”
MR. EDITOR,
SOME years ago I was present at one of the public exhibitions of a neighbouring University. There was an ingenious discussion of the following question; Whether the universal diffusion of literature will precede and prepare the way for the universal prevalence of religion? One of the young gentlemen, who took a part in the affirmative of the question, gave me a copy of the arguments he delivered on the occasion. I was so highly gratified with them, that I am induced to request you to divide them into several essays, and publish them in different numbers of the Tablet. Z.
IN compliance with the wishes of our correspondent we begin the publication of the performance above mentioned, and may perhaps continue it through three or four succeeding numbers.—
FOR THE TABLET.
WERE the favorable influence of Literature upon religion, to be determined by the impartial voice of reason only—a decision of this question in the affirmative would be the result of a single reflection. But since our reasonings, in this imperfect state, are liable to error, and we sometimes find experience demolishing the speculative systems that are erected by demonstration itself, it will be necessary to take a view of the state and connection of literature and religion, at different periods of the world, that we may be able, by a knowledge of past facts, to frame probable conjectures concerning future events.
“As the question is supposed to refer to christianity, as the most rational system of religion ever published to mankind, I shall offer it as a principle which reason and fact concur to establish, That it is impossible for a rational system of religion to exist among a barbarous and illiterate people. In confirmation of this principle, we may observe that the inhabitants of most of the vast empires of Asia are uncivilized or unlettered, and their religion mostly idolatry—that altho christianity has been frequently preached among them, yet the repeated efforts of Missionaries, from the times of the Apostles, down to the modern Jesuits, have hardly been able to establish it in a single province. So early as the 7th century, christianity was published in China. In the 13th, we are informed, the New Testament and Psalms of David were translated into the language of the Tartars. Yet so incapable were those Asiatics of comprehending the sublime ideas of an invisible Deity, that they chose to follow Confucius and Brumma, rather than Jesus Christ, and to worship Fo and Dilailama in preference to the Deity owned by Christians.
“The Emperors, it is true, opposed the propagation of christianity, from motives of policy. Tamerlane, in particular, used the sword to extirpate it—probably he was apprehensive that the ideas of equality and independence, which our religion inculcates, would disturb the tranquility of his dominions, or prove fatal to his extensive and despotic power. But, waving the question, why so many millions of the human race, for thousands of ages, have slumbered in tame submission to the will of a tyrant, without effecting material innovations in their government: It is certain that had the body of the people in these empires, been enlightened by science, the sword of Tamerlane, of Kouli Khan, and of Omar would have been as impotent in resisting the progress of religion in Asia, as the victorious armies of Charles Vth, the pompous decrees of ecclesiastical councils, and the awful fulminations of the Roman Pontiff, were unsuccessful in opposing the reformation in Europe.” (To be continued.)
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION,
Begun and held at the city of New York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
AN ACT to provide for mitigating or remitting the Forfeitures and Penalties accruing under the Revenue Laws in certain cases therein mentioned.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That whenever any person who now is or hereafter shall be liable to a fine, penalty or forfeiture; or interested in any Vessel, Goods Wares or Merchandise, or other thing which may be subject to seizure and forfeiture by force of the laws of the United States now existing, or which may hereafter exist for collecting duties of Impost and Tonnage, and for regulating the coasting trade, shall prefer his petition to the judge of the district in which such fine, penalty or forfeiture may have accrued, truly and particularly setting forth the circumstances of his case, and shall pray that the same may be mitigated or remitted: The said judge shall enquire in a summary manner into the circumstances of the case, first causing reasonable notice to be given to the person or persons claiming such fine, penalty or forfeiture, and to the Attorney of the United States for such district, that each may have an opportunity of shewing cause against the mitigation or remission thereof; and shall cause the facts which shall appear upon such enquiry to be stated and annexed to the petition, and direct their transmission to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, who shall thereupon have power to mitigate or remit such fine, penalty or forfeiture, or any part thereof, if, in his opinion, the same was incurred without wilful negligence, or any intention of fraud, and to direct the prosecution, if any shall have been instituted for the recovery thereof, to cease and be discontinued upon such terms or conditions as he may deem reasonable and just.
Provided that nothing herein contained shall be construed to affect the right or claim of any person to that part of any fine, penalty or forfeiture incurred by breach of either of the laws aforesaid in cases where a prosecution has been commenced, or information in cases where a prosecution has been commenced, or information has been given before the passing of this act; the amount of which right and claim shall be assessed and valued by the Judge of the district in a summary manner.
And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force until the end of the next session of Congress—and no longer.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States. and President of the Senate. APPROVED, MAY TWENTY-SIXTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
AN ACT for the Government of the Territory of the United States, South of the River Ohio.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Territory of the United States South of the River Ohio, for the purposes of temporary government, shall be one district; the inhabitants of which shall enjoy all the privileges, benefits and advantages, set forth in the ordinance of the late Congress, for the government of
the Territory of the United States, North-West of the River Ohio, and the government of the said Territory, South of the Ohio, shall be similar to that which is now exercised in the Territory North-West of the Ohio; except so far as is otherwise provided in the conditions expressed in an Act of Congress of the present Session, entitled “An act to accept a cession of the claims of the State of North-Carolina, to a certain District of Western Territory.”
And be it further enacted, That the salaries of the officers, which the President of the United States shall nominate, and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint by virtue of this act, shall be the same as those, by law established, of similar officers in the government North-West of the River Ohio.
And the powers, duties and emoluments of a superintendant of Indian Affairs, for the Southern department, shall be united with those of the Governor.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
APPROVED MAY TWENTY-SIXTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MAY 31.
THE report of the Post Master General on the petition of Colles, respecting a survey of the public roads, was read, and referred to the committee on the subject of regulating the Post-Offices, and Post Roads.
Mr. Fitzsimons moved that the motion laid on the table, respecting Congress holding their next session in Philadelphia, should be taken up.
Mr. Sherman and Mr. Livermore objected to the motion: It was observed that the third reading of the funding bill was the order of the day, which was a subject of the greatest importance, on which the House has been long deliberating—and which has never been before the Senate. The subject occasioned a lengthy discussion from the last session, and will probably introduce much debate whenever renewed.
Mr. Vining supported the motion. He observed, that the business was now brought forward in the most simple form, unconnected with those questions of permanency, &c. with which it was formerly encumbered. He hoped the resolution would be immediately attended to; it was certainly of some consequence to determine whether Congress should in future hold their sessions nearer the centre of the Union, or not. The question now comes before us in an abstract form; the members are free and unbarred; no undue influence and combinations that he knew of existed.
Mr. Lawrance opposed the motion, and urged taking up the business which had a prior claim to the attention of Congress.
Mr. Thatcher observed, that as there was business of the greatest consequence before the House, and on which the public mind is particularly anxious; and this question is confessedly trifling and unimportant in a comparative view, he hoped that the time of the House would not be consumed in discussing it. He did not think it of two paper dollars' consequence to the United States, whether Congress sat at New-York, Philadelphia, or on the Potomac.
Mr. Vining and Mr. Hartley replied to Mr. Thatcher.
Mr. Sherman observed, that the business more immediately before Congress, he considered of so much consequence, that he could with the present motion might be withdrawn. He should have no objection to taking it up next Tuesday or Wednesday.
Mr. Fitzsimons said, that if the House would agree that it should be taken up next Tuesday or Wednesday. He was not so tenacious of the present moment as to object to such a postponement.
Mr. Livermore objected to the House's pledging themselves to take up the resolution next week.
Mr. White was in favor of taking up the resolution at the present time: He conceived that it might be soon determined. Recurring to the Journals, he said, it appears that the last session there was a considerable majority of the House in favor of Germantown, as the permanent residence; that being the case, there can be no difficulty in fixing on Philadelphia as a temporary residence. He wished therefore the question might now be determined.
Mr. Parker was in favor of deciding on the question. He mentioned a variety of inconveniences which resulted from meeting in New-York.
Mr. Gerry replied particularly to the two last gentlemen, and observed, that it is of more consequence to the people what Congress do, than where they sit.
Mr. Smith objected to the motion. He considered the question as unimportant to the community at large, whether Congress met at one place or another. He considered it improper in itself, as it is not certain that the present Congress will hold another session. The members of this Congress were chosen to meet in New-York. He thought it quite unnecessary that at the last session the members should be dragged away to another place. He added many other observations, and concluded by saying that he should call for the Ayes and Noes.
Mr. Williamson, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Bloodworth, made a few remarks.—A sufficient number of members rising, in favor of calling the Ayes and Noes, they are as follows:
AYES.
Messrs Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scot, Sneyd, Sinnickson, Steele, Stone, Sumpter, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop.—32.
NOES.
Messrs Ames, Benton, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Burke, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Huger, Huntington, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, Partridge, Ranscller, Schureman, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker.—27.
So it was determined to take up the Resolution.
The Resolution was then read.
Mr. Lawrance observed, that the last session it was said that the union of the States depended on fixing the permanent residence. He queried whether it would be more easy to fix on this residence after an adjournment to Philadelphia? If Congress removes to Philadelphia, he conceived the difficulty of ever fixing on a permanent residence would be greatly increased, and probably rendered insuperable. How far the question of permanency would be involved in the present discussion he would not pretend to say. The last session the question greatly agitated the House, in such a manner that the members generally regretted that it had been brought on. He considered the question as local, and in that view he thought it ought to subside till business which concerned the whole Union should have been decided on. He thought the question premature, so far as it might involve the idea of a permanent residence, as it appeared to be proper to wait till the enumeration of the inhabitants should be completed; New-York does not contemplate Congress tarrying here for a long season. He observed, for a variety of reasons, that it was as proper a situation as any for a temporary residence.
Mr. Huntington objected to the resolution, and on general principles contended for Congress tarrying where they now are. He pointed out the difficulties, and expence, which would attend the removal. He adverted to the conveniencies and accommodations of this city; but he was opposed particularly to the idea of a change, till a permanent situation should be fixed on.

Mr. Boudinot said he voted against the question's coming on, on the principle that more important business is before the House. He added other observations, and moved that the Resolution should be amended so as to include the idea of a permanent residence, in these words, Resolved, "That the permanent seat of the government of the United States shall be fixed in some convenient place on the banks of the Delaware, and, that Congress meet and hold their next session, &c." This was made a question of order. The Speaker determined that the motion was not in order. An appeal was made to the House, and the question decided by Ayes and Noes.
AYES.
Messrs Benson, Boudinot, Burke, Coles, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Goodhue, Hathorne, Huntington, Lawrance, Lee, Leonard, Livermore, Madison, Partridge, Renfellaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Stone, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker.—29.
NOES.
Messrs Ames, Ashe, Bloodworth, Baldwin, Brown, Clymer, Contee, Cadwallader, Fitzsimons, Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Grout, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scott, Sinnickson, Steele, Sumpner, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop.—29.
The Speaker having before decided in the negative, the amendment was lost.
Mr. Lawrance moved that the question be referred to a committee of the whole House. This was lost.
Mr. Smith (M.) moved that the Resolution be amended by striking out Philadelphia, and inserting Baltimore.
Mr. Sherman moved Wilmington.
Mr. Vining observed, that as there was no probability of carrying Wilmington, he could consider the motion in no other light than as designed to embarrass.
Mr. Ames rose to exculpate Mr. Sherman from the imputation of insincerity. He said he had uniformly discovered a predilection for Wilmington.
The debate was continued respecting Philadelphia and Baltimore.
Mr. Seney, Mr. Stone and Mr. Lawrance spoke in favor of Baltimore, as being more central.
Mr. White, Mr. Hartley and Mr. Fitzsimons against the motion.
Mr. Smith (M.) mentioned some particulars of the commerce of Baltimore—the laws they have passed respecting ceding to Congress 10 miles square—he also informed the house that the Inhabitants of that town had raised a subscription of between 20 and 30 thousand pounds to erect suitable accomodations for the members.
Mr. Fitzsimons after observing that his object being to remove from New-York, proposed that the place should be left blank—the house agreeing to this.
It was then moved that the blank should be filled up with New-York.
Mr. Gerry said he considered the question of great importance, and if no sufficient reason can be assigned for it, it will be found to be attended with very serious consequences. What reason can be given for the removal? I know of none—if Congress should meet the next session at Philadelphia, it will very probably be moved to return again to New-York; and thus Congress will be as a political shuttlecock—bandied about between two rival cities. He contrasted the accomodations of New-York and Philadelphia, and gave the preference to those of the former: He adverted to the expence the city of New-York had been at, to accomodate the government, and said, that Congress could not remove with honor, without reimbursing them the expence. He thought it of importance to determine the question respecting the temporary and permanent residence of Congress, for while the question remains doubtful, it will always be insinuating itself in all great national questions.—Is this a situation for this government to continue in? He replied to some observations respecting the "wealth and security of Philadelphia" and observed, that with respect to the latter, there was no great force in the remark, as it is a time of profound peace, and no inconvenience had, as he believed, or would arise on account of the former.
On the question to insert New-York, the ayes and noes are as follows.
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Burke, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Grout, Hathorne, Huger, Huntington, Lawrance, Livermore, Partridge, Renfellaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith, (S. C.) Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker.—25.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Gale, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Lee, Leonard, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scott, Seney, Sinnickson, Smith, (M.) Steele, Stone, Sumpner, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop.—35.
Baltimore and Philadelphia were then proposed to fill up the blank, almost at the same instant—some debate ensued, which should be first put.
Mr. Carroll observed that as he saw no probability of carrying Baltimore, though he considered it as a proper place, on account of its being more central than any other that has been mentioned, he should vote for Philadelphia as being nearer the centre than any other situation he saw a prospect of being agreed to.
Mr. Seney moved an amendment, to add after Philadelphia, "or Baltimore."
Mr. Vining, Mr. Hartley and other members opposed the motion, as leading to no decision with respect to either place.
The motion for adding Baltimore, was determined in the negative.
AYES.
Messrs. Benson, Bloodworth, Burke, Floyd, Gerry, Grout, Hathorne, Huger, Jackson, Lawrance, Partridge, Renfellaer, Seney, Sylvester, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Stone, Sturges, Sumpner, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker.—22.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Ames, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Foster, Gale, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Huntington, Lee, Leonard, Livermore, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Schureman, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sinnickson, Steele, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop.—38.
The question for inserting Philadelphia, was also determined by ayes and noes.
AYES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Gale, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Lee, Leonard, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Partridge, Scott, Seney, Sinnickson, Smith (M.) Steele, Stone, Sumpner, Thatcher, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop.—38.
NOES.
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Bloodworth, Burke, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Grout, Hathorne, Huger, Huntington, Lawrance, Livermore, Renfellaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith, (S. C.) Sturges, Trumbull, Tucker.—22.
The proposition as filled up was then put and agreed to.
Sundry reports from the secretary of the department of war, were read.
Mr. Moore presented several papers, containing representations from the people of a particular part of Virginia, respecting inconveniences which attend holding the federal courts in that state, and moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal part of the judicial law.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing the house that the "Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned, had received his assent."
A message was received from the Senate, informing the house, that they still insist on their amendment to the bill providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations—and request a concurrence with the house on the subject of disagreement.
The house voted to concur, and appointed Mr. Gerry, Mr. Williamson and Mr. White the committee on their part, to manage the conference.
TUESDAY, JUNE 1.
On motion of Mr. Williamson, the house went into a committee of the whole, on the bill providing for the settlement of the accounts between the United States and individual states.
Mr. Seney in the chair.
Some progress was made in the discussion, the committee then rose and reported progress.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing the house, that he had received official information of the ratification and adoption of the constitution of the United States, by the state of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, on which event he congratulated the house.—A letter from the President of the Convention, to the President of the United States, accompanied the message, which was read.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) Then moved that the committee of the whole house, should be discharged from considering the bill to prevent a commercial intercourse with the state of Rhode-Island, &c. which was immediately put and carried in the affirmative.
On motion of Mr. Sedgwick, a committee was appointed to report a bill or bills for giving effect to the laws of the United States—in respect to the state of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
Information having been received of the death of the honorable Theodorick Bland—one of the members of the house—Mr. Jackson moved that a committee should be appointed to superintend his funeral.
This business was specially referred to the delegation from the state of Virginia.
Mr. Gilman of the joint committee of both houses, reported that said committee had examined the following enrolled bills, and found them correct—to which the speaker affixed his signature, viz.
An act for finally adjusting and satisfying the claims of Frederick William de Steuben.
An act for giving effect to an act entitled "an act to establish the judicial courts of the United States, within the state of North-Carolina."
An act supplemental to the act for establishing the salaries of the executive officers of government, with their assistants and clerks.
A message was received from the Senate, informing that they have passed a bill for the relief of Thomas Jenkins and Co.
Mr. Gerry's motion for printing the treaties between the United States and foreign nations, and annexing them to the code of laws, was taken up and passed.—Adjourned.
NEWPORT, May 13.
A very severe flash of lightning, attended with a tremendous clap of thunder, on Thursday morning last, struck one of the chimnies of a house inhabited by Mr. Joseph Taylor standing by itself south-easterly, at about half a mile's distance from the compact part of the town—the top with the partitions in the chimney, were beat into the body and fell to the lower floor—Mr. Taylor's wife was sitting near the hearth with a child in her lap, and a girl just by her, with another child in her's—one of Mrs. Taylor's shoes was torn in pieces (she had no buckles in them) off her foot, which was so burnt as to be blistered,—the lightning having apparently passed through the heel, a hole being made therein about as large as might be pierced with a double-tined gimblet—the girl and children were not injured in the least. Mr. Taylor himself, who was sitting near the window, had both his shoes also torn so that the upper leather was separated from the soles, and one of his buckles slightly melted. A table in the room was overturned and a candle stand had its legs broken—two large holes were made through the floor into the cellar and two glass windows in the room, together with the fishes, were stove to pieces and carried to a considerable distance from the house—there was a small iron chain hanging in the chimney within about six inches of the hearth. Quere, how can it be accounted for that the shoes of both Mr. and Mrs. Taylor, who were sitting at a considerable distance from each other should be taken off, and no other injury done to them but slightly scorching one of her feet?—A hen sitting on her nest in a closet near the chimney was killed, and a number of eggs under her broke to pieces and scattered about.
NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 2.
ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION BY THE STATE OF RHODE-ISLAND.
Monday afternoon arrived Sloop Rambler, Capt. Carey, from Newport, Rhode-Island, who left that place on Sunday morning last.
By the arrival of Capt. Carey, we have received the authentic information, that the CONVENTION OF RHODE-ISLAND did, on Saturday last, adopt the Constitution of the United States by a majority of TWO. The Yeas were THIRTY-FOUR—the Nays THIRTY-TWO.
In the above vessel came passenger Col. BARTON, one of the members of the Convention, with dispatches for the PRESIDENT of the United States.
It is expected the Governor of Rhode-Island will immediately convene the legislature of that State, in order that they may proceed to the choice of two Senators to the Congress of the United States.
In consequence of this event a Federal salute was fired from the battery in this city.
"There is a Providence which presides over the affairs of individuals and of nations." The United States have so frequently experienced the interpositions of this benignant power, that in any exigency, it would be the extreme of infidelity not to confide in its all-powerful goodness—Clouds
and darkness have often obscured our prospects—"the dawn has been overcast"—but a glorious day has succeeded—One series of events has followed another, and all have combined to produce the best interest of our country—and to place this confederated Republic in a situation the most respectable and enviable of any upon the face of the globe. The recent accession of Rhode-Island to the constitution almost compleats the chain of our federal Union—and the way will probably be very soon opened for Vermont to make her name truly respectable as a member of the great American Family.
The federal government is new—its operation is extensive, its influence, however, begins to be realized, and its salutary effects will be more and more apparent—The citizens of the United States justly consider it as the last hope of their freedom and happiness—and the perulant and restless characters may censure public measures, and excite a momentary uneasiness, the great body of the people are too wise not to realize that their peace and prosperity are inseparably connected with supporting government, and the faithful Administrators of the laws.
"Cato was the tory of the age in which he lived—Caesar on the other hand was the whig of his time"—and like other unprincipled Demagogues of all ages, employed his influence and power to overturn the liberties of his country.
As with individuals, so it is with nations; in proportion to their consciousness of independence, they will not bear to be told the truth; real patriots must generally wait for time to do justice to their merits—and it is the touchstone of bitter experience that bears witness to their integrity.
The confidence of the people is often usurped by bold pretenders to a superior attachment to their liberties; but the necessity of a transmission of this confidence from those, who on being "weighed in the balance are found wanting," suggests the propriety of a steady adherence to characters who through all the fluctuations of opinion, continue to support an inflexible independence of spirit; of such we may say
The falling stream shall change its rapid course, And up the sloping mountain climb with force; A weak vain will, great nature's laws controul, Ere aught shall change the purpose of their soul.— On such the public turn th' expecting eye When dangers threaten, or when ruin's nigh.
"The voice of the people is the voice of God;" this is a text from which many heretical, political sermons are preached; the voice of the people can only be known by the constitution they have adopted, and the laws enacted by their authority under it—and whatever regard some may pretend for the liberties of the people, if they speak not according to the laws and the constitution, it is because "there is no truth in them"—as the laws of nature can be known only by their steady, uniform operation—so "the voice of the people" is only to be heard in the decisions of their collective, free assemblies.—The opinion of the moment is never a directory to the consistent patriot.
Complaints have lately been made by several farmers of the inefficacy of the Plaister of Paris, they have sown upon their lands. Upon scrutiny it appears, that a good deal of this manure, or what resembles it, has been imported into these middle states from the Bay of Fundy. The greater part of this has been used without effect, as having been taken from the surface of the soil. If the Nova-Scotians would be at the pains of digging it from the bosom of the earth as in Old France, no doubt it would be found nearly as good as that of Paris.
The Governor and Legislative council of the province of Canada, have issued an act in addition to the act for regulating the inland commerce of that province, whereby it is enacted, that the free importation of pig iron be permitted from the United States, provided every pig of iron so imported shall be marked in the moulds in legible letters, VERMONT."
We have the pleasure to felicitate the public, that the President of the United States has so far recovered his health, that he yesterday saw company at his house, and received the congratulations of many respectable characters on the occasion.
Yesterday died in this city, the Hon. THEODORICK BLAND, Esquire, a member of the Hon. House of Representatives of the United States—from the State of Virginia.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
 Ship Nestor, Robertson, Montego Bay, 45 days.  —Curwin, Gibson, Liverpool, 49 days.  Brig Jane,—Newfoundland, 21.  Schooner Prince and Liberty, Prince, St. Eustatia.  —Ralley, Hazard, Edenton, (N. C.)  Sloop Rambler, Peterfon, Rhode-Island, 1 day.  —Sally, Bartlett, Wilmington, 7 days.  —Fanny, Farrel, Bermuda, 44 days.  —Sally, Payne, Charleston, 8 days.  —Hudson Packet, Coffin, St. Eustatia, 21 days. 
TO be Sold, an elegant dwelling house, in every circumstance fitted for a gentleman with a large family, situated in a very pleasant part of Elizabeth Town, New-Jersey.—The lot contains about four acres, on which is a very good garden, and a variety of the best fruit trees. The terms of payment can be made so easy as to suit the purchaser. Enquire of the Subscriber at No. 12, Wall-Street. ELIAS BOUDINOT.
June 2, 1790.

FAIRY TALE.—(AN IMITATION.)
CANTO II.
Here falsehood sore is punished, And violence likewise; The bale that haps on CUDDEN's head, Have eye BEFORE YOUR eyes.
DOWN the dale dull CUDDEN trod, His homeward way with clowdish plod, And thoughtless mind I ween; He whistling saw the sun go down, Nor far had left the market town, Ere darkness clos'd the scene.
His whistling ceas'd, his courage fail'd, While thus his lot the looby wail'd, And trembling totter'd on, "O had I from the ale-house kept, Nor had the fire-side idly slept, By day light I had gone."
"Now silly loon 'tis ten to one, Before the rise of morrow's sun, You'll rob'd and murder'd be, My market cash how shall I save? Oh! Spare my life—take what I have— Hush—soft—it was a tree!"
Thus CUDDEN held his darksome way, Which through a thicket forsook lay, With various path-ways crost; Loud howl'd the wind; cold came the night, CETAS, poor shiv'ring dismal wight, Ne'er in worle place was lost.
No broken branches caught his coat, But straight poor quaking CUDDEN thought, Some devil had him got, The moist sleet soon his garments wet, Ne'er was poor fain so fore beset, As CUDDEN was I wot.
Now o'er the flippy darklin road, Full many a weary yard he trod, When lo! a light he spied: And soon in sooth a ruin'd wall, A tot'ring tow'r with turrets tall He found himself beside.
He enter'd mongst the ruins drear; Each coarse red hair gan crawl for fear; He o'er the pavement past: His steps resounded as he went Hoarse echoes forth the arches sent, He reach'd a door at last.
And there the looby trembling stood, Nor dar'd to enter though the wood, Blaz'd cheerfully on the hearth; His wet cloaths clung his shiv'ring limbs, He listen'd long but heard no screams Of woe, ne bursts of mirth.
At length the lubber ventur'd in, He hug'd himself and dry'd his skin, Then all adown he laid: But fears still kept the loon awake, Though much he wish'd a nap to take, Yet not a prayer he said.
Distinct twelve times a clock resounds; The hour when Fairies take their rounds T' inspect the deeds of men; The hour when mad'ning ghouls burst out, And howling through the thick air float, Unthought of mortal ken.
The hour when Oberon and Mab, And Puck, to punish maids that blab, Blister their tongues they say; The hour when Mab in frightful dreams, Makes mortals think again the themes, That fill their thoughts by day.
The hour when witches search the rooms, And finding cobwebs, seize the brooms, And mount aloft in air, There having gambol'd out their fill, Descend and mount the maids at will, And make them snort and flare.
CUDDEN's cold fit redoubled came, An ague shook his clumsy frame, He grip'd his purse full fast; This money gave the clown no rest, He thrust it first close to his breast His breechen took't at last.
Now fiercer winds wild rock'd the hall, Loud thunders rent in twain the wall, And let in rushing light: CUDDEN pretending deadly sleep, Would still from out his eye-lids peep, And saw a gallant light.
Ten thousand waxen lights adorn The glassy walls, before forlorn, And dark as dungeon dol'd; And straight withouten aid of hands, Up rear'd a beauteous fabric stands, With throne of shining gold.
Now Clarions shrill salute the ear, And sounding feet approachen near Soft music fills the sky, And now gallants all gayly dress't, Came riding in, full ten a breast, On moulin pranking high.
(To be continued.)
LONDON.
Extract of a letter from Bastia, (Corsica,) Feb. 1.
THE spirit of liberty prevails more than ever, throughout the whole Island. The Corsicans, who, only three months ago, were liable to severe punishment, if they appeared armed, are now all provided with arms. No violence, no pillaging, has, however been committed, and no other use is made of strength than to protect our natural rights. The first endeavour was to lessen the power of certain high families, who had formed a combination hostile to the freedom of the people, and who always opposed our having an armed militia of citizens."
In this era of uncommon revolutions, the blacks seem inspired with the same passion for freedom, that is now so general in a great part of Europe. In the British Island of St. Vincent, a spirit of opposition to the planters has been long
prevalent, not only among the negroes, but even among the remains of the ancient natives, who have outlived the cruelty and oppression of the European settlers, few of whom are to be found in any of the West India Islands but that of St. Vincent. Those circumstances strongly evince, that the oppressed inhabitants are not ignorant of what is going forward in our hemisphere.
PROVIDENCE, May 20.
Extract of a letter from a very respectable gentleman in Congress, dated New-York, May 11, 1790, to his friend in this town.
"The local situation of your state, its commercial advantages and pursuits, the energy and enterprize of its citizens, combined in consideration with its former connections with the nation, will render it impossible that an ultimate separation should take place.
"It being now generally believed that your convention will reject the constitution, the measures to be pursued in that event are in the contemplation of the Senate. It is probable the result will be, that all commercial intercourse between Rhode-Island and the United States will be interdicted, as well by land as water; and a demand made of immediate payment of the interest at least, perhaps the principal, of her proportion of the national debt; while humanity will regret the evils to be produced by these measures, their necessity, I am persuaded will justify them to the candor even of those who may be the principal sufferers.—These evils, which I am confident you will believe I ardently wish may be avoided, are the least that can be done under the present circumstances. They may be averted, and I will not altogether despair, that Rhode-Island will yet before it is too late, know and pursue the things which belong to her Peace and Happiness."
CHARLESTON, May 5.
Yesterday morning about 2 o'clock, a man dressed in a clerical gown, was detected in preaching to a number of negroes on Prioleau's wharf; but by his activity, and leaving a bottle of rum and his gown behind him, he effected his escape.
PHILADELPHIA, 27 May.
Extract of a letter from London, to a gentleman in this city.
"I am exceedingly rejoiced to hear of the prosperity of my native country, that so much unanimity prevails: And that under the government of that excellent MAN General Washington, the states begin to make so respectable a figure both at home and abroad. I can assure you, dear sir, that America has many warm friends in this country, and by far the greater part of the people here with well to the interests of that land. The praises of the PRESIDENT are almost in every mouth that mentions his name. Perhaps no man that ever lived on earth was more universally esteemed. May God send him long life, health and happiness, and every blessing, here and hereafter. The peace and plenty which abound in America at this time in so remarkable a manner, are great tokens of the divine favor, and ought to be as such acknowledged. If the inhabitants of the states continue to double as now every 25 years, they will in one hundred years, or a century hence be 48 millions of people, and in two centuries will nearly equal the inhabitants of the globe at present. What an astonishing thought! When we consider that the first settlement in New-England is not yet 170 years old until next November, and that in Virginia not above 12 years older, we are filled with wonder at the amazing increase. Great things hath God done for America, and greater things no doubt he hath in store. Though I am far from thence I feel myself interested in her welfare, and should be glad if it was in my power to serve and promote her interests."
BOSTON, May 26, 1790.
A correspondent has communicated to us the following abstract of the cargo of the Ship Federalist, Capt DALE, lately arrived at New-York, from Canton, China:
1709 Chests HYSON TEA, 410 do. SOUCHONG do. 66 do. BOHEA, do.
Bethlehem Stages.
THE great number of Misses, who from the banks of the Delaware Eastward, even to Boston, are now at the young ladies Academy at Bethlehem, renders some regular, convenient and cheap mode of conveyance between that town and New-York necessary. To accommodate parents who have daughters at that flourishing Academy, and others who may wish to visit that pleasing romantic hill, the subscribers are now running stages, which will continue during the summer, between Elizabeth Town Point and Bethlehem. At each of these places a stage will start every Monday and Thursday morning at 5 o'clock, meet at Covenhoven's tavern the same evening, exchange passengers, and the next day return.
Fare of each passenger from Elizabeth Town Point to Bethlehem 3 dollars—way passengers 4d. per mile—150lb. of baggage the same as a passenger. Packages and letters will be received and delivered at Mrs. Winant's, White hall, where seats may be taken—carriage of a letter 3d.—14lb. of baggage allowed to each passenger.
To accommodate those who may wish to take Bethlehem in their route in journeying between the Eastern and Southern states, a stage will constantly run between Bethlehem and Philadelphia, starting at Bethlehem every Monday morning.
WILLIAM CRANE. FREDERICK BEUTEL.
May 19.
EDUCATION.
THE remote situation of Clinton Academy has prevented the merits of its institution from being ushered into public view, while other Seminaries, not more productive, have received the well deserved approbation of the public, from the just applause of the literati, who have condescended to examine them. It cannot, therefore, be amiss to acquaint the uninformed that—the building for this Academy was erected in 1784, by a number of private gentlemen in East Hampton, on Long-Island.
That it was done for the purpose of promoting good learning in the neighbourhood—and of extending the blessings of education, so far as application for them should be made. In the year 1787, or 1788, it was placed on the honorable establishment of a branch of the university. A considerable number of young gentlemen have begun their classical studies here, and already completed them, in different colleges; a considerable number are now in college, and many more have finished a valuable education at this seminary. The departments for miscellaneous education have been more generally improved. In these, great numbers have received some benefit, and more than a few have advanced to brilliant acquirements.
These departments being, for the present, committed to the management of the Subscriber, he is determined to recommend them to the Public by that good order and proficiency of the Scholars, which undeniably declare the merits of the Institution. He considers Tuition as an essential part of his employment; but, to gain the voluntary attention of his Pupils he deems still more important.
He will teach those who come only to be taught, and, he will avail himself of every possible advantage to form the minds of those who are sent to be made Men, as well as Scholars. He is particularly sensible of the necessity of good discipline, and is determined, at all events, to establish and support it; but, is equally determined to renounce corporal punishments, as an expedient for this purpose, being fully convinced that the ingenious mind is best influenced by persuasive motives; and that the most refractory has some latent sense of honor and propriety, which being called forth and properly directed, will better regulate the conduct than any corporal punishment which a Governor can inflict.
Every branch of common education will be taught in these departments, with the addition of the French language; and the Pupils will be carried to such degrees of perfection, in what they are required to learn, as their time and genius will admit.
Particular attention is given to the religious improvement of the Scholars, by the Principal, the Rev. Mr. BUELL, who daily performs public prayers in the Academy, and gives every Saturday, a lecture in Theology.
The classical department, though lately vacated, by the removal of an eminent Instructor, will be seasonably supplied by a gentleman suitably qualified for the place; and those who apply for classical instruction, will be regularly attended to, at the usual rate of thirty-two shillings per quarter.
The price for full tuition, at public and private hours, in the English Academical department, is twenty-six shillings per quarter, exclusive of vacations. There are appointed two vacations in a year—each, three weeks, and they are to commence the first week in April, and the first week in September. For the common School, viz. six hours in a day,—only fourteen shillings. Each scholar who writes, pays threepence per quarter for his ink, and one shilling per quarter for the use of books with which the miscellaneous departments are completely furnished.
Good boarding, inclusive of washing, &c. may be had from eight to ten shillings per week; so that a scholar being properly clothed, and furnished with suitable utensils for his business; his whole expenses for a year, provided he is absent during the vacations, may be defrayed with twenty-two pounds; or from that to twenty-eight, accordingly as it is chosen that he should be taught or accommodated.
East Hampton, is well known to be a pleasant part of the Island, and remarkably healthy. The conveyances by water to and from New-York are regular and frequent; a constant intercourse is preserved with various parts of the continent, and the remoteness of its situation is more than counterbalanced by the tranquility of the place, and its conveniences for study. The late generous notice of the legislature of the state, in their valuable donation to the seminaries of learning, will undoubtedly add much to the usefulness of this Academy.
The Subscriber will devote his time, and utmost attention to the business of Education here, during the present season, being With great respect,
To the Promoters of Education, Their most obedient, And most humble Servant, WILLIAM PAYNE.
By Permission of the Principal. } East Hampton, May 5, 1790.
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET. A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co. Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market. WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
WANTED Immediately, a Man as an Officer, one that is sober and can be well recommended, will meet with encouragement, and find steady employment, by applying to the Subscriber, ARCHER GIFFORD, N. B. None but a sober person, and one well recommended need apply. Newark, May 29, 1790.
THE INDEX to the first volume of the Gazette of the United States, beginning April 15, 1789, and ending April 14, 1790, is ready to be delivered gratis, to those Subscribers who propose to have the numbers bound.
A large impression of this paper having been struck off from the commencement of the second vol. April 14.—Those who incline to become subscribers from that period, may be furnished with the numbers compleat.
THE MAIL DILIGENCE for Philadelphia leaves the Ferry-Stage at New-York, forty minutes after Seven every Morning, except Sunday. Dines at Brunswick, and reaches Trenton before dark.