Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-02-13 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. LXXXVIII.]
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. LXXXVIII.
"The most effectual way to promote the good of the people, is to prevail on them to perform their duty."
EVERY person who takes a serious review of the incidents with which he has been affected will confess, that he has suffered more evil from pretended friends, than from open enemies. Nor is it difficult to assign a reason, why this should be the case.—We guard ourselves, at all points, against those we suspect to be our adversaries; while we heedlessly expose our opinions, our character and our property to those who make professions of friendship. No circumstance more strongly marks a want of firmness in a real friend, or a want of sincerity in a supposed one, than his complimenting our vices, or encouraging our errors.
If individuals suffer severely from the fickleness or insincerity of those who pass for friends, how much more liable is the community to be imposed on, by those who assume the name of patriots? Artful politicians accomplish their views by the warm wishes and patriotic concern they express for the public good. There is a much easier way to gain public favor than by deserving it. The most slender talents are sufficient to please and seduce the people, but it requires real abilities and fortitude to promote their best interest. Nothing can be more evident than that those who clamor the most, about the public good, promote it the least. The rant and declamation of certain blusterers who live among the ignorant parts of the community beguile the people into false notions of government, and keep them vexatious and discontented. There are always some current prejudices of which designing men may avail themselves, and which in some instances may recommend them more effectually to the populace, than an honest independent line of conduct. The actions of such men however deserve any other appellation more than that of patriotism. No man should be deemed a patriot who has not given other specimens of public spirit, than fair speeches and pompous professions. The people will seldom do wrong, if influential characters will endeavor to convince them what is right. But when those who should instruct the ignorant, and admonish the vicious, act so perversely, as to flatter the one, and mislead the other, how can it be expected that the public opinion will be a safe guide to direct public measures? While there are so many men whose importance in society depends on cherishing errors in the public mind, how difficult is it to produce a perfect union of sentiment in favor of a just and honorable system of politics! The people, when they are honestly informed and fairly advised, will acquiesce in whatever will promote the public prosperity. It requires some art and address to beguile mankind into a belief, that confusion is better than order; that injustice is preferable to honesty. There cannot be a more plausible cover for bad intentions, than a pretence that they correspond with the public opinion. Such a pretext is the more convenient as it cannot easily be detected. In many interesting questions the public opinion is a very indefinite thing. It is often appealed to respecting objects which it has never contemplated. A sentiment prevailing among a few men, should not be called a public sentiment.
FROM THE INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE.
MR. ADAMS,
HOW far the spirit of the citizens of New-Hampshire is changed since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, I cannot pretend to say—but the assertion of the President of that State, that their government "has ceased to be a free, sovereign, and independent State" is so alarming, that it ought to put the citizens of every State in the Union, upon the most serious reflection. If that State has surrendered its sovereignty and independence, it follows that every State has done the same; and provided this is the case, to what a deplorable situation have we reduced ourselves, by the adoption of the Federal Constitution.—No man, however, has before been hardy enough to come forward with so flagrant an assertion; the most violent partisans have been cautious how far they ventured on this ground, knowing that it was too early a period to broach such treasonable sentiments. By this declaration the alarm has gone forth, and it has now become the duty of the several States, in their legislative capacities, to remonstrate against such a bold attack
upon their freedom, sovereignty, and independence—and tho' the State of New-Hampshire should suffer their President to proceed in his career with impunity, yet it is not doubted, but those States which still mean to support their freedom, sovereignty and independence, will bear public testimony against the declaration, and early check the wicked designs of men, however elevated their station.
B R U T U S.
THE OBSERVER.—No. XVII.
The re-establishment of public credit, a measure of sound policy.
IN my last number I considered the re-establishment of public credit, as a measure of justice to the national and state creditors. It may also be inquired, is it a measure of policy? An advantage to the creditors is apparent; but will this advantage be equal to the injury which must happen to the people at large by such an attempt? If the measure will be mutually advantageous, all ground for questioning is gone; and having no alternative, we must proceed in the most wise and economical manner to provide funds: But if it will be destructive to the people, if justice and policy are opposed, the question yet remains to be new traced, and solved on political grounds.
There is an old adage, "honesty is the best policy," to which I have not known an exception. The wisdom which instituted the connections, dependencies and wants of society, doth not commonly, if ever, suffer an opposition between the moral duty and worldly good, either of individuals or communities. But as the question in consideration is too consequential to be risked on a maxim, more frequently spoken than felt, we must call up probable consequences to determine it.
In measures of policy, we find men have varying opinions: This chiefly arises from different degrees of information, and from a limitation of the questions, on which a judgment is formed. Those who espouse various opinions, before they become warm in debate, ought mutually to communicate every information, and examine the whole extent and all the consequences of the question to be decided.
Is it good policy, or for the benefit of the people at large to restore American credit? Two persons of the same honesty, may give a different answer to this question, from the different limitations which they affix to it in their own minds. One considers its present operation, without regard to distant and national consequences, his education and connections in business do not enable him to comprehend these, without very particular information; he appeals to the present moment only, and thinks it is better for himself and for a majority of his neighbors, not to pay, than it is to pay taxes; he knows not the purposes for which public credit are necessary, nor the great benefits which will accrue by its restoration, to agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; he sees no present danger from foreign enemies, and thinks not best to restore it. Another person is acquainted with these subjects, and knows that by avoiding a present small evil, we risk the danger of a thousand which are greater, and perhaps also our very national existence.
The consequences of a depreciated credit have been too recently felt, to need a very particular description. War is a complication of calamities to the best appointed nation: To one destitute of finance and credit, it is almost certain ruin. Your late war began in a sacred enthusiasm, breathed forth from heaven on the great body of the people, which supplied a thousand wants, and gave a circulation to a paper without foundation. As this enthusiasm abated the public distress began; and half the mischief we endured, arose more from want of credit, than from the policy or power of Great Britain. A nation who can pay only in promises, which are but half believed, loses a power over its own internal resources.
Was it not a want of credit which often nearly disbanded your army? Was it not this which obliged you to execute every measure in the most expensive manner? When you had brought into the field, a military force, of one third of the appointed compliment. Was it not a want of credit which obliged you to create a more numerous and more devouring host of purchasers, and retainers on the public supplies, and even to convert your town officers into gentlemen of the public departments? Why was your army but half filled, which caused a protraction of the war? Not from a want of brave and hardy men: but by a want of credit. Hence arose the necessity of those vexatious calls on the militia, at a season of the year most ruinous to the farmer, and which was a greater drawback on his interest, than all the taxes he was called to pay. It is true these things are passed, and we hope never to see another war; the wish is pious and pacific, but wishing is not fighting, and will never defend our country. The principles of ambition and violence still exist in the world, and the nations have not yet beat their swords into ploughshares; little crossings of interest, may be strangely aggravated into bloody contention. The way to prevent war is a constant preparation to repel; so good a country as this without credit and a system of defence, is a strong temptation to the avarice and ambition of the world.
Should the United States by any unforeseen event be drawn into war, how, without an established credit are they to make defence? The richest nation in Europe cannot support war without having recourse to credit, and much less can these States do it. Past events will not be soon forgot; and if your promises are not fulfilled in some reasonable way, where are the men who will again loan their property to the public? Where is the farmer or manufacturer who will sell you his provision or clothing; or the soldier who will risk his life for paper, when they know it is the custom of the people, after danger is past, to forget their engagements? Had another war overtaken these States before the organization of our present government, defence would have been impossible: with a treasury destitute of money and credit, we could not have enlisted, clothed and fed five thousand troops. Many private citizens were more capable of levying successful war, than the whole Union: a nest of pirates might have destroyed our whole trade, and laid many of our sea ports under contribution, and there was no public capacity to repel them. Our present government begins to be revered abroad; but deny them the means of establishing credit, and we sink back to ignominy, and a state of danger.
Suffer me next, to recal your attention from the danger of a foreign war, without credit to support it; to consider the evils which may arise within ourselves from the same cause. A people destitute of credit, are in imminent and constant danger of being enslaved by such bold usurers as may wish to wrest from them their properties. By a late insurrection, New-England was actually threatened, and I pray that the other States may notice the warning. Tho' Massachusetts was the seat of insurgency, the same spirit wrought in the neighboring States, and all wise men considered it as a common evil. The insurgents had doubtless some
real grievances, which might have been redressed by a proper application; but instead of this they put themselves under the guidance of mad, base, and weak leaders. While we pitied the people, we were obliged to condemn their cause. The serious consequences and ending of this affair are well known. Had that insurrection been headed by a man of ambition, intrigue, extensive popularity and wealth, it would probably have overturned the government of New-England, and laid a foundation for some kind of dominion most dangerous for our liberties.
Were it either prudent or necessary, I could name you many great characters in America, who, if virtue had not prevented, might have regalized themselves and families, and formed a civil constitution in violence, suited to their own interests, and to their adherents in success. The very same people who are jealous for their privileges, in the hour of consideration, at a time of madness and insurrection will give them all away; and in this very manner many free nations have lost their liberty. Had such a thing been attempted by one, or by a coalition of a few great and popular characters; neither Congress, nor the State assemblies, who were wholly destitute of credit, could have repelled them. It ought to be a first maxim of policy with a free republic, to preserve an unspotted faith, by which they may command their own resources, either against foreign invasion or domestic insurrection, and purchase foreign assistance.
The terrors of a despotic Prince, and the influence of a nobility devoted to his will, may with little credit, draw out the resources of his kingdom; but I trust the American republic will never have such terrors or nobility; she must depend on the virtue and information of her citizens, and the purity of her national character. Patriotism is a sacred name! And I believe there is more of it in this, than any other country, and the way to preserve it is to uphold national credit. Patriotism doth not consist in a few men giving their all for public purposes in the hour of danger, and without an expectation of being reimbursed; if it did, wait to the time of trial, and an experiment will prove that we have few patriots. To be willing to contribute a just proportion, and pay an equal share in the public expenses—to be honest, and assist our government in being honest, is to be a Patriot.
A fixed credit is the only means for economy in national expenses, which is another reason for its re-establishment.
Certain expenses, and to a large amount, are unavoidable in every nation; and these will be doubled on the people, as they are obliged to make payment, by a tax and depreciated credit. I have inculcated in my former numbers, that high nominal taxation imposed on the principles of depreciation, is eventually paid by a great part of the people nearly equal to silver and gold. A suspicious credit always operates against the people; all bargaining for the public is on disadvantageous terms; the man who deals with them considers a risk, and acts from the same motive as he makes hazard in a lottery; a derangement runs thro' all public officers; it prevents responsibility and punctuality in all national concerns; and when an honest man has the care of the peoples' interests, he expects to manage them with loss; and an idea is gradually spread in the minds of men, that there is no evil in robbing the public.
Foreign nations, and merchants are eagle-eyed to discern the debilitated power of the country, and are not afraid to offend its majesty by abusing its subjects—commerce languishes, produce is low, and the farmer eventually pays the bill of national loss.
If the national debt be neglected, still there must be provision made for certain expenses; an enfeebled credit will greatly increase these, and I believe to as great a sum, as would be necessary to fund the debt honorably, and support all other expenses on the principles of a punctual regard to public faith.
A man who is slack, and has obtained a reputation of being worse than his promise, lives poor at great expense; it is the same with a nation, only in a greater degree. The false man may be compelled by law, but the slack nation cannot; these things are considered by those who deal with them, and they are treated in character.
Tho' my paper be already too long, there is one among many other considerations, which I cannot omit mention of.
A violation of national promises, or tardiness in fulfilling them, hath a destructive influence on the morality of the people.
When the legislature of a nation sport with their engagements, every lesser corporation catches the same spirit and practice. The private citizen argues in self-justification, if our lawgivers violate the promises of a nation; if the greatest and most informed men will default for the public, because they have power; I may do the same with impunity when an occasion presents. A depreciated public credit in its various operations, for a series of years, hath done more to disseminate these dangerous sentiments, than all the institutions of science and religion have done to retard them.
Let government beware of that corruption in principle and manners, which by increasing, will prove its ruin.
FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS CENTINEL.
AGRICULTURAL.
THE government of the United States, may justly be denominated the "Landholder's Government," as at its head presides one of the most distinguished Landholders and Cultivators in the United States—who knows the advantages resulting from the promotion and encouragement of Agriculture—and who is well aware of the burdens under which it hath lain, from the absurd and erroneous systems of taxation adopted in the several States. The Farmers, therefore, are satisfied, that they shall yet see good days, and while the Farmer of Mount-Vernon, and the many respectable Husbandmen now in the Legislature of the Union, are their rulers, that the dry taxes, under which they have laboured so long, will shortly be no more—but that every encouragement wisdom can suggest, will be given to those, who by cultivating the earth, add most essentially to the benefit and prosperity of our Republic. Under this, then, their government, security shall reside under their vines—and feeling the benefit of a liberal system of laws, learning, science, and the arts that adorn life, shall rise up spontaneous in regions as yet untried by the traveller, unsung by the poet—and unmeasured by the chain of the geometrician.—The reign of religion unfettered by superstition, and uncontrolled by arbitrary establishments, shall meliorate our condition as men.

MEMORIAL of the Hon. ROBERT MORRIS, to the Legislature of the United States.
SIR, I TAKE the liberty to trouble you with the enclosed memorial, and must pray you to lay it before the House of Representatives. The request which is therein made, will be found so consonant with justice, that I cannot doubt of its being granted. Permit me through you, Sir, to make another, which is, that the said memorial may be entered at large on the Journals of the House.
I have the honor to be,
with great respect and esteem, Sir, your obedient humble servant, ROBERT MORRIS.
New-York, Feb. 8, 1790. To the Honorable the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States.
TO THE PRESIDENT, THE SENATE, and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA. The MEMORIAL of ROBERT MORRIS, late Superintendent of the Finances of the said United States.
HUMBLY SHEWETH,
THAT on the twentieth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and eighty five, and subsequent to your memorialist's resignation of his office of Superintendent, the Congress passed a resolution in the words following: "Resolved, That three commissioners be appointed to enquire into the receipts and expenditures of public monies, during the administration of the late Superintendent of Finance, and to examine and adjust the accounts of the United States with that department, during his administration, and to report a state thereof to Congress:" which resolution, to persons unacquainted with the nature of the office, and the mode of conducting the business of the department, gave occasion to the supposition, that your memorialist had accounts both difficult and important to settle with the United States, in respect to his official transactions. That though your memorialist foreknew the disagreeable consequences which might result to himself from the diffusion of such an opinion, he not withstanding, not only forbore any representation on the subject, but scrupulously avoided every species of interference direct or indirect, lest it should be imagined, either that he was actuated by the desire of obtaining from Congress those marks of approbation, which had in repeated instances been bestowed on the servants of the public, or that he feared to meet the proposed investigation. Respect for the sovereign of the United States, concurring with motives of delicacy, to forbid even the appearance of asking, what if merited, it was to be presumed would be conferred, (as being the proper reward of services, not of solicitation) and a firm conscience in the rectitude of his conduct, leaving your memorialist no inducement to evade any enquiry into it, which it might be thought fit to institute
That your memorialist taking it for granted, that the reasons which had produced a determination to establish a mode of enquiry into the transactions of the most important office under the government would have ensured a prosecution of the object till it had been carried into effect, long remained in silent expectation of the appointment of commissioners, according to the resolution which had been entered into for that purpose. But it has so happened, from what cause your memorialist will not undertake to explain, that no further steps have ever been taken in relation to it: And your memorialist has remained exposed to the surmises, which the appearance of an intention to enquire into his conduct had a tendency to excite, without having been afforded an opportunity of obviating them. That the unsettled condition of certain accounts of a commercial nature between the United States, and the late house of Wills, Morris and company, and your memorialist prior to his appointment as Superintendent of the finances, having been confounded with his transactions in that capacity, your memorialist has in various ways been subjected to injurious imputations on his official conduct, the only fruits of services, which at the time they were rendered, he trusts, he may without incurring the charge of presumption, affirm, were generally esteemed both important and meritorious, and were at least rendered with ardor and zeal, with unremitting attention, and unwearied application.
That your memorialist desirous of resewing his reputation from the aspersions thrown upon it, came in the month of October, 1788, to the city of New-York, as well for the purpose of urging the appointment of commissioners to inspect his official transactions, as for that of procuring an adjustment of the accounts which existed previous to his administration. But the first object was frustrated by the want of a sufficient number of members to make a Congress, and the last was unavoidably delayed by the preliminary investigations requisite on the part of the commissioner named by the late board of treasury, towards a competent knowledge of the business. That in the month of February, 1789, your memorialist returned to New-York, for the same purposes, but the obstacles which he had before experienced, still operated to put it out of his power to present the memorial which had been prepared by him in October, praying for an appointment of commissioners. That he was therefore obliged to confine himself to measures for the settlement of his accounts respecting the transactions antecedent to his appointment as Superintendent, which he entered upon accordingly with the commissioner appointed by the board of treasury: and in which, as much progress as time and circumstances would permit was made until the fourth of March last, when that commissioner, conceiving his authority, by the organization of the new government to have ceased, declined further proceedings, and of course, your memorialist was obliged to wait the establishment of the new treasury department for the further prosecution of that settlement, which has been accordingly resumed, and he hopes will speedily be accomplished. But in as much, as no mode of enquiry into his official conduct has hitherto been put into operation, and as doubts of its propriety have been raised by an act of the government, your memorialist conceives himself to have a claim upon the public justice, for some method of vindicating himself which will be unequivocal and definitive. Wherefore, and encouraged by a consciousness of the integrity of his administration, your memorialist is desirous that a strict examination should be had into his conduct while in office, in order that if he has been guilty of mal-administration, it may be detected and punished; if otherwise, that his innocence may be manifested and acknowledged. Unwilling from this motive, that longer delay should attend the object of the resolution which has been recited, your memorialist humbly prays, that an appointment of commissioners may take place, to carry the said resolution into effect. And your memorialist as in duty bound, will pray, &c. ROBERT MORRIS.
New-York, Feb. 8 1790.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
At the second Session, begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT for giving effect to the several acts therein mentioned, in respect to the State of North-Carolina, and other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that the several and respective duties specified and laid, in and by the act, entitled, "An act for laying a duty on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States;" and in and by the act, entitled, "An act imposing duties on tonnage;" shall be paid and collected upon all goods, wares and merchandise, which after the expiration of thirty days from the passing of this act, shall be imported into the state of North Carolina, from any foreign port or place, and upon the tonnage of all ships and vessels, which, after the said day, shall be entered within the said state of North Carolina, subject to the exceptions, qualifications, allowances, and abatements in the
said acts contained or expressed; which acts shall be deemed to have the like force and operation within the said state of North Carolina, as elsewhere within the United States.
And be it further enacted, That for the due collection of the said duties there shall be in the said state of North Carolina, five districts—one to be called the district of Wilmington, and to comprehend all the waters, shores, bays, harbors, creeks and inlets, from Little River inlet, inclusive, to New River inlet inclusive. Another to be called the district of Newbern, and to comprehend all the waters, shores, bays, harbors, creeks and inlets, from New River inlet, exclusive, to Occacock inlet, inclusive, together with Pamlico Sound (except that part of it into which the Pamlico or Tarr and Machapungo Rivers empty themselves, and which lies between the Royal Shoal extended to Machapungo bluff, and the shoal which projects from the mouth of Pamlico river towards the Royal Shoal.) Another to be called the district of Washington, and to comprehend all that part of Pamlico Sound excepted, out of the district of Newbern, and the waters, shores, bays, harbors, creeks and inlets adjacent to, and communicating with the same. Another to be called the district of Edenton, and to comprehend all the waters, bays, harbors, creeks and inlets, from the channel between Pamlico Sound and Albemarle Sound inclusive. The other to be called the district of Camden, and to comprehend North River, Pasquotank, and Little River, and all the waters, shores, bays, harbors, creeks and inlets, from the junction of Currituck and Albemarle Sounds, to the northern extremity of Back Bay.—That in the district of Wilmington, the town of Wilmington shall be a port of entry and delivery, and Swanborough a port of delivery only; and there shall be a collector, naval officer and surveyor, to reside at the said town of Wilmington, and a surveyor to reside at Swanborough. That in the district of Newbern, the town of Newbern shall be a port of entry and delivery, and the town of Beaufort a port of delivery only; and there shall be a collector to reside at Newbern, and a surveyor to reside at Beaufort. That in the district of Washington the town of Washington shall be the sole port of entry and delivery, and there shall be a collector to reside at the same. That in the district of Edenton, the town of Edenton shall be a port of entry and delivery, and Hertford, Murpheyborough, Plymouth, Windsor, Skewarkey, Winton and Bennet's Creek, ports of delivery; and there shall be a collector at the town of Edenton, and a surveyor at Hertford, another surveyor at Murpheyborough, one surveyor at each of the ports of Plymouth, Windsor, Skewarkey, Winton, and Bennet's Creek. That all ships or vessels intending to proceed to Hertford, Plymouth, Windsor, Skewarkey, Winton, Bennet's Creek, or Murpheyborough, shall first come to, and enter at the port of Edenton. That in the district of Camden, Plankbridge on Sawyer's Creek, shall be the port of entry and delivery, and Nixonton, Indianotown, Newbiggin Creek, Currituck inlet, and Pasquotank River-bridge, ports of delivery; and there shall be a collector at Plankbridge, on Sawyer's Creek, and a surveyor at each of the ports of Nixonton, Indianotown, Currituck inlet, Pasquotank River-bridge, and Newbiggin creek. And that the authority of the officers of each district shall extend over all the waters, shores, bays, harbors, creeks and inlets comprehended within such district.
And be it further enacted, That the ports of Wilmington, Newbern, Washington, and Edenton, shall be the sole ports of entry within the said State of North-Carolina, for ships or vessels not registered or licenced within the United States, according to law, and for all ships or vessels whatsoever, which shall arrive from the Cape of Good Hope, or any place beyond the same.
And be it further enacted, That all the regulations, provisions, exceptions, allowances, compensations, directions, authorities, penalties, forfeitures, and other matters whatsoever, contained or expressed in the act, entitled, "An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States," and not locally inapplicable, shall have the like force and effect within, the said State of North-Carolina, for the collection of the said duties, as elsewhere within the United States, and as if the same were repeated, and re-enacted in this present act.
Provided always, and be it declared, That the thirty-ninth section of the said act, and the third section of an act, entitled, "An act to suspend part of an act, entitled, "An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States, and for other purposes," did, by virtue of the adoption of the constitution of the United States, by the said State of North-Carolina, cease to operate in respect to the same.
And be it further enacted and declared, That the act, entitled, "An act for registering and clearing vessels, regulating the coasting trade, and for other purposes," shall, after the expiration of thirty days from the passing of this act, have the like force and operation within the said State of North-Carolina, as elsewhere within the United States, and as if the several clauses thereof were repeated, and re-enacted in this present act.
And be it further enacted, That the second section of the act, entitled, "An act to suspend part of an act, entitled an act to regulate the collection of duties imposed by law, on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States, and for other purposes," passed the sixteenth day of September last, shall, with respect to the inhabitants and citizens of the state of Rhode-Island and Providence plantations, be revived, and also, that the fourth section of the said act shall be revived, and both continue in force until the first day of April next, and no longer.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, FEBRUARY THE 8th, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 10.
ON motion, the memorial of Robert Morris was read the second time.
The request which accompanied the memorial that it may be entered at large on the Journals of the House being also read—
Mr. Scot moved that it should be entered accordingly, which passed in the affirmative.
It was then voted that this memorial should be referred to a select committee, and Mr. Madison, M. Sedgwick and Mr. Sherman were appointed.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—Mr. Scot's amendment under consideration.
Mr. Scot observed that the object contained in the above amendment is of so important a nature that two or three days more spent upon it will be time well employed.—It involves the whole doctrine of discrimination and liquidation—those great points once established, the way will be opened to proceed in the discussion of the principle of the report.—That report, provided the principles of it are just and equitable, is a masterly performance, and does great honor to the framer of it.—It has been said that the domestic debt of the United States must be considered in the light of a fair and just contract which cannot be violated.—I never considered it in this view—Let us revert back to the time when the public securities, so called, were received by those, who
had through blood and slaughter established the liberties of the country.—Did they consider them as a contract to be made good agreeable to the terms expressed in the bills they received? No Sir—they did not—how did they estimate their value? Why, Sir, taking into consideration the circumstances of their country at the moment they had completed and established its independence—in addition to all their other sacrifices they added this, they were contented to receive 2/6 in lieu of 20/. He then enlarged on the injustice that would accrue from funding the whole debt agreeable to the face of the securities—and of taxing those who had made so great and noble a sacrifice, to make good the securities to their present possessors—and observed that strict, impartial justice required that the securities should be reduced to their real value, and a re-liquidation of the whole made before funds are provided to pay the interest.—When this consolidation is effected, the interest ought to be punctually paid at six per cent.—From some valuations which he had made, it appeared that some millions of the debt were unliquidated. He controverted the doctrine that the present possessor of public securities stood in the place of the original holder.
With respect to those characters of whom he spoken so highly, it had been said that many of them held sentiments different from those he was now advocating—to which he observed, that some who were once soldiers, had lost all title to the honorable appellation by commencing speculators.—These, like a woman in marriage, having changed their name, by wedding speculation, no longer speak the language of soldiers but of speculators.
Mr. Hartley said he was opposed to the amendment, not only on account of the mode of expression used in it—but also on account of the very reasons urged by the gentleman in support of it.—I am one of those said he, to whom the gentleman alludes, having been in the army; though I never speculated in public securities—but beg leave to differ from him with respect to a discrimination, or postponing the present business.—He then referred to the resolution of the last session when they resolved that provision ought to be made to support the public credit—the idea of a discrimination I believe never entered into the contemplation of any person—he represented the injustice, difficulty, and expence of the measure of a re-liquidation—the principle on which the public securities were originally issued and received, he insisted were totally different from the idea held up by the gentleman, and the assertion that they were received by the soldier on the idea of their being worth only 2/6 in the pound has no foundation whatever—he shewed the capacity of the country to pay its debts; being in possession of great resources which have not been glanced at by the Secretary, in his report—this circumstance of our ability, greatly enhances the obligation to do justice.—He defended the principle of a funding system—as wise and politic in itself, and being sanctioned by the experience of the most flourishing countries in the world—Great-Britain, by virtue of her funds, and paper credit, has extended her commerce and manufactures—and raised her character to the most respectable rank, in the scale of nations—He then instanced in the history of Frederick the 2d King of Prussia to shew the effects of a contrary system—that monarch accumulated in his coffers specie to the amount of 100 millions crowns—while his whole people were poor and wretched—he added a few other observations—and concluded by saying, that tho he was sorry to differ from his colleague for whose judgment he had a high esteem, yet he must vote against the amendment.
Mr. Sedgwick entered into a general consideration of the subject of providing for the establishment of public credit—he said he believed that government had a right to interfere in certain cases with contracts public and private, and instanced the conduct of Congress on former occasions with respect to paper money; and the consolidation of demands against the public—the great point to be settled in the present business is our capacity to fulfil the existing engagements of the country to its creditors—He should be in favor of fulfilling those engagements as far as our abilities extended—on this question there may be various opinions—he should think himself bound to acquiesce in the decision that shall be made after a due investigation of our resources; but was clearly of opinion that any further procrastination of the business would encrease the difficulty of a final determination—the pernicious consequences of speculation will be encreased—for tho that business is necessarily connected with a transferable debt—and derives its value from it in a great degree, and the public credit is thereby promoted; yet when persons are seduced from the more useful occupations of life, and commence gamblers in the public funds, he thought the policy of any system that would promote such speculation ought to be reprobated—he concluded by saying that very dangerous consequences to the government were to be apprehended from delays in funding the public debt.

Mr. Boudinot followed Mr. Hartley in repro- bating the object of the present amendment—He said that if he could conceive with the hon. gen- tlemen from Pennsylvania, that the public securi- ties had been received by the creditors of the U- nited States as being worth no more than 2/6 in the pound, he should most cordially acquiesce in the inference he deduced from such a position— he should be for considering them in the same light as he did the bills of credit, or old continen- tal money; as the circumstance of its being under- stood that they were worth no more at the time, would render it just and equitable to determine their value accordingly—but a recurrence to the resolutions of Congress under which the evidences of the debt now under consideration were is- sued, will sufficiently explode such a supposition. No idea of payment's being made, by those securi- ties, was ever entertained—they were in fact, and were so considered, evidences of the liquidated and specific sums due to the creditors of the Uni- ted States, hence it is incontestibly evident, that the securities were not considered as payment, any more than the settlement of any private account can be considered as a discharge of such account. The first evidences of the debt were not transfer- able, and had not Congress afterwards made those certificates or evidences of the debt transferable, they must have remained in the hands of original holders; but for the particular accommodation and advantage of the original holders, Congress afterwards made them transferable—and this step so far from benefiting the creditors, would have proved a real injury to them, if the assignee could have been supposed to stand in a less eligible si- tuation than the assignor. Upon every principle of assignation of debts and contracts, such an idea ought to be reprobated. He adduced several in- stances of the disadvantageous circumstances un- der which the creditors of the United States had been paid—from which it appeared that manifest injustice would be done to many persons in the payments they had received, should the full a- mount of their securities be paid them in specie— from all which, and many other considerations which he added, he inferred, that no idea exist- ed in the mind of any person, either soldier or citizen, that the securities were considered or re- ceived as a full discharge of the demands against the public. Mr. Boudinot founded many of his observations on resolves of the late Congress which he read, on his own knowledge of the particular circumstances under which the public paper of the United States had been issued, as he was in Con- gress at the periods referred to.
Mr. Scot observed, in answer to Mr. Boudinot, that other resolutions of the late Congress might be adduced which held a different language—and the conduct of government in regard to the pa- per money at different periods, plainly proved that it was considered as just and proper for them to interfere and determine the value of those evi- dences of debt. Mr. Scot then referred to the observation of Mr. Sedgwick, in which he had said that the most alarming consequences were to be apprehended from not coming to a decision upon this important business the present session. He wished that gentleman would point out the evils which were to be apprehended—for his own part he did not suppose that the holders of public securi- ties would cut the throats of Congress, for a necessary delay in funding the debt.
Mr. Sedgwick replied to the enquiry, and point- ed out a great variety of considerations which must appear weighty and important if justly con- sidered by the committee. A great and respecta- ble body of our citizens are creditors of the Uni- on—their expectations are on the decisions of the present session of Congress.
There are various opinions prevailing respect- ing the debt in regard to discrimination, inter- est, and funding—On these points there appears to be a great diversity of opinion—Heats and ani- mosities will grow out of this opposition of sen- timent, and a spirit of party will probably termi- nate in forming factions among the people, that may be pitted against each other, and may destroy the public tranquility and blast the hopes and prospects of the people under the government now so happily established.—These are among the many consequences to be apprehended—but the reputation, the credit of the States, are at stake.—The circumstances that affect these are often in themselves of small importance—at the present moment the public expectation is alive to the measures of government—it lays with the legislature to realize this expectation, so far as jus- tice, equity and the abilities of our country de- mand. If Congress pursue the present enquiry and come to a determination, the general senti- ment will be brought to a point and a probable acquiescence in what is done—and all the evils of faction, disunion and disappointed expectations prevented.
Mr. Stone was opposed to a postponement of the business, as it involves a relinquishment of all consideration of the subject the present session.
Mr. Stone reprobated all funding systems, as productive of mischief and poverty—factitious credit was but a mode of acquiring the means of shedding the blood and cutting the throats of our neighbors.—The credit of this country, he said,
does not depend on any paper schemes of credit. It cannot be established suddenly, in a day, or a year.—It depends on the evidence we give of an honesty of principle. He observed that the situ- ation of the United States is so different from those of the countries who are proposed as models of imitation in our financial arrangements, that such systems are no ways applicable.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) made a few remarks on Mr. Scot's amendment—And in a short reply to some of Mr. Jackson's observations, quoted Blackstone against Blackstone.
Mr. Gerry after touching upon Mr. Scot's a- mendment turned his attention to an observation which was made by Mr. Jackson, viz. that America owed her independence principally to her foreign loans. Mr. Gerry in contrasting the foreign and domestic debts, exhibited in a striking point of light, the injustice of this observation—and from accu- rate details from the public accounts, shewed that the domestic debt is in fact as sixteen to one compared to the foreign debt: He reprobated the suggestion that the citizens of the United States were principally indebted to foreigners for their liberties—the reverse appeared to be evidently the case, from their immense exertions and annual expences during the war, which he stated at five millions sterling.—So that the debt of the United States bears no proportion to the actual expences and sacrifices of the citizens for the acquisition of their independence.—A question here arises, what has become of the residue of the debt? To this it may be answered, that the great mass of the difference has been sunk by de- preciation on the paper money, which can be considered in no other light than a tax upon the people—and which has operated perhaps as e- qually as any that might have been assessed. Mr. Gerry contrasted the foreign and domestic debts in various points of view—by which it appeared that if any discrimination should be made be- tween them, it ought to be in favor of the latter.
He then adverted to the circumstances under which the domestic debts were contracted, and from these, deduced the injustice and ill policy of a re-liquidation—he reprobated giving the preference to our foreign creditors in the provi- sion to be made for payment of the interest.
He replied to the several objections against funding the debt and procrastinating the business, and by several familiar instances in common life, enforced the absolute necessity of the measure, as the only possible expedient of doing justice which presented.
He added many other observations upon the subject—and concluded with this striking obser- vation, that if the United States while they make provision for their foreign creditors should at the same time abandon their domestic—it will give occasion to say, that the ultima rex regum , and not a principle of honor and justice, was the influencing cause.
Mr. Tucker observed, that he was in favor of a discrimination among the creditors of the Uni- ted States—he did not however entirely agree in the motion now before the committee—He then divided the public creditors into three classes —the holders of old continental bills of credit or paper money—the original holders of liquidated securities—and those who held the latter by pur- chase—the old paper money he said should be con- solidated at forty for one, principal—with inter- est at six per cent.—for these, and the second class of creditors provision ought to be made without delay to pay them their interest at six per cent. —with respect to the third class, they are en- titled by the engagements of the country to an interest of six per cent.—this he said they ought to receive when the country shall be in circum- stances to pay—he therefore proposed that this class should be referred to a future period for payment—he thought that the second resolution in the report would in some measure preclude a discussion of the subsequent ones—he therefore proposed an amendment by adding these words, “as shall appear consistent with equity and the improving resources of the country.”
The question being taken on Mr. Scot's motion, it passed in the negative by a great majority.
Mr. Burke then moved the following amend- ment “provided a discrimination be made be- tween the original holders and their assignees, and that a scale of depreciation be prepared ac- cordingly,”—This being seconded, was laid on the table. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 11.
A memorial from the annual meeting of Friends at Philadelphia, respecting the Slave Trade, and praying the interposition of Congress for the mi- tigation of the evils, and final abolition of that pernicious traffic, was presented by Mr. Fitzsi- mons. Another memorial on the same subject, from the meeting of Friends in New-York, was presented by Mr. Lawrance. These were both read, and on motion that they should be read a second time, in order to their being committed— a warm debate ensued, which ended this day in withdrawing the motion for a second reading.— The order of the day was then taken up, and the House went into a committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Burke's amendment to the second resolu- tion, which was laid on the table yesterday, was read, viz. Provided nevertheless that a discrimi- nation ought to be made between the original holders of public securities and assignees, and that a scale of depreciation be prepared accordingly.
After a few observations on this proposition, by Mr. Smith, S. C. it was withdrawn by Mr. Burke.
A message was received from the Senate by their Secretary, informing the House, that they have passed a resolve, empowering the President of the United States to appoint three commissioners to enquire into the receipts and expenditures of public monies by, and to examine and adjust the accounts of, the late Superintendent of Finance, and requesting the concurrence of the House in said resolve.
Mr. Burke's amendment being withdrawn, Mr. Madison entered into a lengthy discussion of the subject of the public debt—towards the close of his speech he proposed that a discrimination should be made between the original holders of public securities, and those who hold them by purchase. His plan is that the first should be paid the full sum promised, with interest at 6 pr. cent. The assignees or purchasers, to be paid the highest a- verage sum they have been sold at, and to those who have alienated them, the residue, and both to receive interest at 6 pr. cent. Government not to avail itself of the least advantage in the tran- saction.
Mr. Livermore moved that the resolution should be amended by inserting after the word interest , “at a certain rate”—this motion was negatived.
Mr. Madison proposed an amendment to the resolution, agreeable to the principles of his speech. This proposition remains to be discussed. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 12.
A memorial from the Pennsylvania Society, for the abolition of slavery, signed by Benja. Frank- lin, President, was read.
Mr. Hartley moved that the memorials present- ed yesterday should be read the second time, which was agreed to by a large majority. He then moved that they should be referred to a select com- mittee—which motion brought on a debate which lasted till near three o'clock.
The question being called for, Mr. Smith, S. C. moved that it be determined by Ayes and Noes, a sufficient number of members appearing in fa- vor of this motion, it was thus determined.
AYES—Messrs Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Grout, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Law- rance, Lee, Leonard, Livermore, Madison, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Partridge, Ranfel- laer, Schureman, Scot, Sedgwick, Seney, Sher- man, Sinnickson, Smith M. Sturgis, Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth, White, Wynkoop. 43.
NOES—Messrs Baldwin, Bland, Burke, Coles, Huger, Jackson, Matthews, Sylvester, Smith, S. C. Stone, Tucker. 11.
The memorials were referred to a committee of seven members.
On motion of Mr. Lawrance, the petition of George Bowne, of the society for the abolition of slavery in this city, on the same subject, was read, and referred to the same committee.
The House then adjourned till Monday.
☞ We have prepared a sketch of the Debates of Thursday and yesterday, which want of room obliges us to defer till Wed- nesday.
NEW-YORK, FEBRUARY 13.
Extract of a letter, dated Paris, Nov. the 3d. 1789.
[The Editor, fearing it would not be in his power to introduce into the translation the peculiar elegance of the extract, flatters him- self the perusal of it in the original language will not be unaccept- able to a considerable number of his readers.]
“Votre héros devenu le notre, est comme vous le savés à la tête de la milice de cette capitale, ainsi que des troupes que la nécessité a obligé le gouvernement d'y faire venir; vous savés sans doute tout ce qui s'est passé icy depuis la premiere époque, lorsque deux cents mille hommes ayant résolu d'acquérir leur liberté, pro- noncèrent son nom par acclamation & le nommèrent leur chef; quelle destinée! quelle gloire! Espérons que le généreux défen- seur de la liberté, n'aura pas inutilement soutenu sa noble cause, que ses talents et ses vertus si dignement reconnues en Amerique, vont recevoir une nouvelle récompense dans son propre pays; il se montre de plus en plus digne des postes éminens, ou son destin l'appelle; le GENERAL WASHINGTON, devenu supreme Magistrat des etats nouvellement réunis n'apprendra pas sans plaisir que son fils adoptif, son élève, son émule, marche dans la carrière de la vraie gloire, en imitant les vertus ainsi que les succès de son illustre & respectable maître.
“Le fils du Marquis que je vois souvent GEORGE WASHING- TON LA FAYETTE continue de mériter toute la tendresse de son Pere; il est sous Lieutenant dans notre milice; ah jeune homme quels noms vous portés! quelle gloire! mais quelle tâche d'avoir de tels parents & de tels exemples à suivre! &c. &c.”
Extract of a letter from Boston, Feb. 3.
You have obliged me by the copy of Mr. Hamilton's system of finance—he has so well digested and explained his plan, that I am of opinion the opposition to it must be feeble, and cannot pre- vail so far as to effect any material alterations—the creditors in Massachusetts will cheerfully accede to his propositions; but will universally revolt at a reduction of the interest below four pr. cent.
They are confident Mr. Hamilton's abilities are adequate to carrying his ideas into effect, with advantage to the community; and in particular that they will serve to create a beneficial me- dium, very much wanted, to put in motion the industry of the country—the constitution of this State was preserved in the late rebellion, through the exertions of the public creditors—and they contributed most essentially to the establishment of the general government—in this view, it appears of the last importance to the liberties of the people, which are inseparably connected with the constitution, to consolidate and secure the attachment of so influ- ential a part of the community.

REPORT
Of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Jan. 9, 1790.
[CONTINUATION.]
A Hundred dollars advanced upon the life of a person of eleven years old, would produce an annuity
Table with 3 columns: Description, Dollars, Parts. Rows include: If commencing at twenty-one, of - - 10 346; If commencing at thirty-one, of - - 18 803; If commencing at forty-one, of - - 37 286; If commencing at fifty-one, of - - 78 580.
The same sum advanced upon the chance of the survivorship of the youngest of two lives, one of the persons being twenty-five, the other, thirty years old, would produce, if the youngest of the two, should survive, an annuity for the remainder of life of
23 dollars, 556 parts.
From these instances may readily be discerned, the advantages, which these deferred annuities afford, for securing a comfortable provision for the evening of life, or for wives, who survive their husbands.
The sixth plan also relinquishes the supposition, which is the foundation of the second, and third, and offers a higher rate of interest upon similar terms of redemption, for the consideration of the payment of one half of the loan in specie. This is a plan highly advantageous to the creditors, who may be able to make that payment; while the specie itself could be applied in purchases of the debt, upon terms, which would fully indemnify the public for the increased interest.
It is not improbable, that foreign holders of the domestic debt, may embrace this as a desirable arrangement.
As an auxiliary expedient, and by way of experiment, the Secretary would propose a loan upon the principles of a tontine.
To consist of six classes, composed respectively of persons of the following ages:
First class, of those of 20 years and under.
Second class, of those above 20, and not exceeding 30.
Third class, of those above 30, and not exceeding 40.
Fourth class, of those above 40, and not exceeding 50.
Fifth class, of those above 50, and not exceeding 60.
Sixth class, of those above 60.
Each share to be two hundred dollars. The number of shares in each class, to be indefinite. Persons to be at liberty to subscribe on their own lives, or on those of others, nominated by them.
Table with 3 columns: Description, Dollars, Cents. Rows include: The annuity upon a share in the first class to be - - 8. 40; upon a share in the second - - 8. 65; upon a share in the third - - 9. 0; upon a share in the fourth - - 9. 65; upon a share in the fifth - - 10. 70; upon a share in the sixth - - 12. 80.
The annuities of those who die, to be equally divided among the survivors, until four-fifths shall be dead, when the principle of survivorship shall cease, and each annuitant thenceforth enjoy his dividend as a several annuity during the life, upon which it shall depend.
These annuities are calculated on the best life in each class, and at a rate of interest of four per cent. with some deductions in favor of the public. To the advantages which these circumstances present, the cessation of the right of survivorship on the death of four-fifths of the annuitants, will be no inconsiderable addition.
The inducements to individuals are, a competent interest for their money from the outset, secured for life, and the prospect of continual increase, and even of large profit to those, whose fortune it is, to survive their associates.
It will have appeared, that in all the proposed loans, the Secretary has contemplated the putting the interest upon the same footing with the principal: That on the debt of the United States, he would have computed to the last of the present year: That on the debt of the particular States, to the last of the year 1791; the reason for which distinction will be seen hereafter.
In order to keep up a due circulation of money, it will be expedient, that the interest of the debt should be paid quarter-yearly. This regulation will, at the same time, conduce to the advantage of the public creditors, giving them, in fact, by the anticipation of payment, a higher rate of interest; which may, with propriety, be taken into the estimate of the compensation to be made to them. Six per cent. per annum, paid in this mode, will truly be worth six dollars, and one hundred and thirty-five thousandth parts of a dollar, computing the market interest at the same rate.
FROM THE AMERICAN MERCURY.
THE APOLOGIZER.
HOW happy, says one, would the times be, if we could all see alike in politics. When a young man, I was of the same opinion, and used to lose all patience with other people when they contradicted me; since which experience has convinced me I was in an error; and I every day find benefit from the different opinions of men. Instead of faulting, it is now my business to frame an apology for every one who opposes the government, and having applied myself with great industry to the business, and examined a great number of anti-federalists, I have always found a sufficient reason, either in the particular structure of their heads, or in the qualities of their hearts. The result of my inquiries shall be occasionally laid before the public, illustrated with examples.
The first articles of my apology, arises from a general law in the wisdom of nature, that perfection arises from contrariety, or the joint operation of opposite principles. In this part of my speculation, I have been much assisted by the weekly labors, of a very eminent clergyman. Tho I am not divine enough, nicely to describe his argument, for it is very long and required more than ten discourses for a complete discussion; yet I well remember the words in which it resulted, "that Satan was a great blessing to the church, and that Judas Iscariot was an eminent instrument of good to mankind."
In the course of argument, he seemed to prove, that without moral evil, it is not possible for men to see either the nature or the benefits of virtue; and he told us, that tho every man is eternally guilty for his vices, yet that a little vice in the universe, will forever give a relish to the happiness of good people, as a small bowl of sauce will season a large dish of meat, for that was his comparison. Now that I could not find this kind of reasoning very conducive to my piety, yet it come in
good time, to assist me in my favorite design, an apology for anti-federalism—for the advantages of this opposite principle to good government are not a few, and without them political society could not arrive to a state of perfection. While my reverend guide returns public thanks for the life and adventures of Judas Iscariot, I can most heartily join with him, only by changing the name in my own mind, to some great man, who has influence enough to get an election, into the very government he endeavours to destroy.
When we see contrarieties admitted into every part of nature, as fire and water, honesty and falsehood, and find it useful thus to be, it should reconcile us to some dissentients among our rulers, and doubtless they are as great blessings to the State, as Iscariot was to the church. These gentlemen who continue their opposition, certainly are lights in our political horizon, for they say and do things which no other men would; and they also appear to have a principle of heat. Now tho severe heat be disagreeable, there are some benefits from it; heat as our almanacks suppose, at a certain season of the year, is increased by the burning rays of the dog star; but what candid man ever thought of blaming that sultry star, which acts in its appointed time and place: In like manner I consider those who oppose national measures as the dog stars of government, moving in their own proper orb. They were not made for suns to rule the day, and by attempting it, would make Lee-way in their course; in the dark they can sparkle, and why should we expect more from a simple star. True it is, that they some times cause a political heat, which is rather disagreeable, but this like an animal fever, purges from the body those gross humours contracted by a careless way of living. I desire that no person would think disrespectfully of star light, while for certain purposes it is better than the light of the day. The whole tribe of shadowy substances such, as apparitions and spectres of the imagination, disappear under the luminance of the sun, but half mankind are witnesses that they may be seen in the dark by the twinkling of the stars, and it is by these discoveries of the night that we are enabled to guard against their encroachments on the human race. In the same manner it is by the twinkling of star-light politicians, that our jealous people are enabled to see spectres of oppression, as they grow in the first principles of government.
The laws of nature in generating and transmitting evil are yet but little known, and if we had not some lesser lights, to rule in the political night, and see by darkness, the numerous enemies of the people's rights, in their shadowy and pre-existent state, unexpected destruction might come on the public. I therefore must esteem this nebulous twinkling as necessary in politics, as it is in the planetary system; and very comfortable to all weak eyes.
DOMESTIC ARTICLES.
CHARLESTON, Jan. 13.
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, Dec. 24, 1789.
"A reflecting mind will take pleasure in contemplating the different situations of men (with respect to freedom of opinion, without penalty) in England and America.—In England, no dissenter from the established religion is excused from paying a tax to the support of such establishment. In America, the civil power leaves the conscience perfectly free, and a man may adhere to any sect he pleases, or dissent from all, without danger of subjecting himself to the vexatious process of ecclesiastical courts and the censures of episcopal tyrants. I am informed from the best authority, that the Quakers in England only have paid, during this year towards the support of the national church, no less than five thousand one hundred pounds sterling, and in Ireland one thousand two hundred and forty seven pounds. Add to this that very little regard is paid to the pacific principles of the Quakers, several of them having been imprisoned last year at Braintree and elsewhere, for not having provided substitutes in the county militia; others have been shut up in jail by the ecclesiastical courts on account of tythes, and (unless contributions are made) no one knows when they will get out of prison. In my opinion a forced maintenance of the clergy is evidently contradictory to, as well as utterly inconsistent with, the mild spirit, benevolence and dignity of the gospel, which has bestowed its bounty freely upon all. But time (it is to be hoped) will eradicate these prejudices and abuses in England and Ireland, where at present, (as Hudibras says)
"Every village is a see
As well as Rome, and must maintain
A Tythe-pig metropolitan,
More haughty and severe in's place
Than Gregory or Boniface."
Thanks be to the goodness of Heaven which has inclined the great body of the people of this country, to put matters of a religious nature upon a different footing.—The Quakers in this neighborhood, who in 1777, gave such a hearty welcome
to Sir W. Howe, had not a proper sense of these matters, or they would have acted in a very different manner from what they did; and not have declined to share with the rest of the Americans the burthen of the common defence."
NEW-YORK, Feb. 13.
Saturday, the 6th Instant, being the anniversary of the ALLIANCE BETWEEN FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES, the same was celebrated by the CHARGE DES AFFAIRES OF HIS MOST CHRISTAIN MAJESTY. On this occasion there was an entertainment at his House, at which were present, his Excellency the Vice-President of the United States—the honorable Senate—the speaker of the House of Representatives, the chief Justice, and the Heads of the great Departments of the United States—his Excellency the Governor, and the Honorable the chancellor of the State of New-York,—the Diplomatic Body, and Foreigners of distinction.
After dinner the following toasts were introduced.
1. The Alliance.
2. The King, the National Assembly, and the People of France.
3. The President, the Congress, and the People of the United States.
4. The King of Spain.
5. The United Netherlands.
6. The King of Sweden.
7. The Cincinnati and the Soldiers of both Countries who have fought in support of the Alliance and of Independence.
8. Mr. Jefferson and the preceding Plenipotentiaries of the United States in France.
9. The Count de Moustier and the preceding Plenipotentiaries of France in the United States.
10. The Marquis de la Fayette, and all those who cherish the connection of the two countries.
11. May the increase of our commercial intercourse daily confirm the alliance.
12. May the advantages of a free, consolidated and efficient government be felt in both countries.
13. Perpetuity to the Alliance. Let us be rivals in Wisdom only and in National Honor!
WAR-OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the invalid Pensioners of the United States, residing within the States respectively, that one moiety of their annual pension, commencing on the fifth day of March last, will be paid at the places and by the persons herein after mentioned, on the fifth day of March ensuing, and that the second moiety of the said annual pension will be paid at the same places and by the same persons, on the fifth day of June ensuing.
Table with 3 columns: The States, Places, and persons by whom the pensions will be paid. Rows include: New-Hampshire, Portsmouth, Joseph Whipple; Massachusetts, Boston, Benjamin Lincoln; Rhode-Island, Providence, Jeremiah Olney; Connecticut, New-London, Jedidiah Huntington; New-York, New-York, John Lamb; New-Jersey, Perth-Amboy, John Halsted; Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Sharp Delany; Delaware, Wilmington, George Buth; Maryland, Baltimore, Otho H. Williams; Virginia, B. Hundred, William Heth; North-Carolina, Hillsborough, John Haywood; South-Carolina, Charleston, George Abbott Hall; Georgia, Savannah, John Habersham.
January the 28th, 1790.
By order of the President of the United States.
H. KNOX,
Secretary for the Department of War.
IN order to prevent unsuccessful applications, the following information is re published, respecting the vouchers which will be required.
"THE returns which have been or shall be made to the Secretary for the Department of War by the several States of the pensions which have been granted, and paid by them respectively will together with the vouchers herein required, be considered as the evidence whereon the payments are to be made.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state specifying that the person possessing it, is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2dly. An affidavit agreeable to the following form: to wit—A. B. came before me one of the Justices for the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited.)
That he served in (regiment or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an Invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney must, besides the certificate and oath before recited, produce a special letter of attorney agreeable to the following form,
I A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney to receive in my behalf of (the first or second moiety) of my annual pension, as an Invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, One thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, this
Signed and sealed in the presence of Acknowledged before me Applications of executors or administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the Invalid died, whose pension they may claim. By Command of the President of the United States of America H. KNOX, Secretary for the Department of War. War-Office, October 13. 1789.