National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-10-03 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, October 3, 1792.
NUMB. 97.
FOREIGN NEWS.
Speech of M. PETHION, Mayor of Paris, at the bar of the National Assembly of France, on the 3d of Aug. last.
WHEN the country is in danger, all her children ought to cling close to her, and never was the country in so imminent a danger as at this moment. We are sent here by the commons of Paris. We bring into the sanctuary of the laws the sentiments of the inhabitants of an immense city. Full of respect towards the representatives of the nation, relying fully on their patriotic courage, they do not despair of the public safety; but it is their opinion that, in order to cure radically the disorders of France, they must be attacked at the root, and that not a moment is to be lost. It is with grief that they, through my organs, denounce to you the head of the executive power. It is not to be doubted that the people have great cause to be incensed against him, but the language of indignation ill becomes men who have the power in their own hands. Forced by Louis XVI, to accuse him before you and before all France, we shall accuse him without making use of bitter expressions, but we shall not spare him. It is so long time to make use of that long-tried forbearance which well becomes a generous people, but encourages kings to be guilty of perjury. The noblest passions must give way, when the salvation of the state is at stake.
We will not delineate the whole conduct of Louis XVI, from the first days of the revolution. We will not remind you of his sanguinary projects against the city of Paris—of his predilection towards the nobles and the priests—of the aversion which he has manifested towards the bulk of the people—of the Constituent Assembly being insulted by Valets de la Cour, invested by armed men, wandering about in a royal town, and finding no asylum, except in a Five's Court. We will not remind you of his oaths so repeatedly broken, nor of his renewed protestations so repeatedly falsified by his actions, until his treacherous flight opened the eyes even of those citizens the most blinded by the enthusiasm of slavery. We will not recall all that is passed over by the generous pardon of the people; but there is a difference between pardon and oblivion. It would be in vain to strive to forget all his crimes. With them the historic page will be polluted. Posterity will remember them.
It is our duty briefly to recall to your minds the acts of beneficence shown by the people towards Louis XVI, and the ingratitude of that prince. How many reasons were there for setting him aside at the moment that the people regained the sovereignty! The remembrance of an imperious and destructive dynasty among whom is found one king for twenty tyrants; the hereditary despotism increasing with each reign the miseries of the people; the public finances entirely ruined by Louis XVI, and his two immediate predecessors! treaties the most infamous polluting the national honour; the eternal enemies of France become its allies and its masters—these constituted the claims of Louis XVI, to the constitutional sceptre!
The nation, faithful to its character, has preferred generosity to prudence. The despot of a land of slavery, is become the king of a free people. After having attempted to quit France in order to reign at Coblenz, he has been replaced on the throne against the sense of the nation, which ought to have been consulted.
Innumerable favours have followed this grand act of generosity. During the latter period of the constituent assembly we have seen the rights of the people weakened, and the royal power proportionably strengthened. The first public Fonctionnaire is become the hereditary representative of the people. A military household has been established to encircle the splen-
dor of his throne, and his legal authority has been supported by a civil list which has no other bounds than those which he has himself been willing to assign to it.
We have too soon seen the generous acts of the nation made use of as weapons against it. The power delegated to Louis XVI, for the maintenance of liberty, has armed itself to overthrow it. Let us cast our eye on the interior parts of the empire. Some perverse ministers have been obliged to give way to the irresistible contempt of the nation; they are regretted by Louis XVI. Their successors warn the nation and the king of the dangers with which the nation is threatened, they are turned out of their places, for having displayed their civism. The royal inviolability, and the perpetual fluctuation of ministers, daily elude the responsibility of the agents of the executive power.
A set of conspiring guards are calhered in appearance, but they still exist; they are still paid by Louis XVI, and they are employed in sowing discord, and hastening civil war. Restless priests, abusing the power which they have over timid consciences, arm children against their parents, and send away from the land of liberty soldiers provided with arms, to serve under the banner of slavery: these enemies of the people are protected by appealing to the people, and they are authorised by Louis, to conspire against the nation. Directors of departments forming a coalition, dare to declare themselves arbitrators between the national assembly and the king. They form a kind of upper chamber, dispersed over the empire. Some of them even usurp a legislative authority, and through profound ignorance, while they deal m against republicans, they aim at making France a federate republic. It is in the name of the king that they light the torch of civil war, and the king has not disowned, with indignation, 200 stupid or criminal administrators to whom the lie has been given by the immense majority of the administered from one end of France to the other.
Externally, hostile armies are preparing to invade our territories. Two despots publish against the French nation a manifesto, as insolent as it is absurd. French paricides, led by the brothers, by the relations, by the allies of the king, are preparing to tear the bosom of their country to pieces.
Already does the enemy on the frontiers oppose executioners to our warriors. The national sovereignty is outraged with impunity on account of Louis XVI. It is to avenge Louis XVI, that the execrable house of Austria adds this new chapter to the history of its cruelties. It is to avenge Louis XVI, that tyrants have adopted the wish of Cligula, that the heads of all the citizens of France might be cut off at one stroke.
The flattering promises of a minister have led us to declare war, and we have begun it without a complement of arms, and destitute of every thing necessary to carry it on.
In vain does Belgium invite us to her own bosom. Perverse orders damp the ardour of our soldiers. Our first steps into those fine provinces have been marked by conflagrations; and the incendiary remains in the camp among Frenchmen. All the decrees issued by the National Assembly for the reinforcement of our troops, are annulled by a refusal to sanction them, or by perfidious delays. The enemy is rapidly advancing, while the armies of equality are commanded by patricians, while our generals quit their posts in face of the enemy, suffer their armies to deliberate, report to the legislature the sentiments of the soldiers which they have no right to give, and calumniate that free people whom it is their duty to defend.
The head of the executive power is the first link of the revolutionary chain. He seems to have a share in the plots of
Plinitz, by delaying so long to make them known. His name is the signal of discord between the people and their magistrates, between the soldiers and their generals. He has separated his interests from those of the nation. We also separate ours from his. So far from having opposed himself by any formal act, to our external and internal enemies, his conduct is a formal and perpetual act of disobedience to the constitution. So long as we shall have such a king, liberty cannot be established, and we are resolved to be free.
From a remaining grain of indulgence, we with we could have desired only the suspension of Louis XVI, so long as the country shall be in danger; but in this we are opposed by the constitution.—Louis XVI is perpetually quoting the constitution; we, in our turn, will appeal to it, and we demand a decree declaring that he has forfeited his crown.
This grand measure once adopted—as it seems very doubtful that the nation should place confidence in the present dynasty—we demand that ministers, personally responsible, and appointed by the National Assembly, but out of its bosom, according to the constitutional law, and named with a loud voice, by the scrutiny of freemen, assume provisionally the executive power; until the will of the people, our and your sovereign, shall be legally known in a national convention, so soon as the safety of the state will allow it.
In the mean time, let our enemies come from whence they will, assemble beyond the frontiers—Let cowards and perjured men abandon the land of liberty; let three hundred thousand slaves advance, they will have to oppose TEN MILLIONS of freemen equally ready for death or victory—fighting to preserve EQUALITY; their paternal house, their wives, their children, and their old men. Let each of us be soldiers by turns, and if we must have the glory of dying for our country, let each of us, before his last breath, immortalize himself by the death of some slave or some tyrant."
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THERE is a description of people, more or less abounding in every state, who view the Constitution of the United States through such a peculiar medium of vision as to discover not a particle of spot or blemish in the whole mass, it being with them in every respect totus teres atque rotundus .—This would be well enough and no one would blame them for fixing their opinion from the information of their speculum , were it not that they manifest a determined resolution that every one shall see in the same manner, although perhaps not looking through the same glass with themselves.
In some states a man is not reckoned a good patriot, or at all gifted with civil orthodoxy , unless, previous to receiving any public appointment, he submits to the obligation of a religious test; as much as to say, Think in all respects as we do, even in the most indifferent matters, or we will not be bound to suppose that you are capable or worthy of discharging the duties of any branch of the magistracy.—The puny efforts of certain scheming gentlemen, to depreciate the character of the National Gazette , because it does not in every column hold up to the people absolute perfection in the measures of government, as well as in the government itself, puts one in mind of a passage, in Nicholas Klimius's Subterranean Journey , to the following effect:—
"The name of the next country I visited (says he) is Mardak . The inhabitants are all of the same bodily shape, and only differ in the make and number of their eyes. Some have oblong eyes; some square; some narrow; some wide; some are born with two, others with three, others with four. Of all these tribes the
most numerous, and consequently the most powerful, is that of the Nagiri , or oblong-eyed; to whom all objects appear oblong. Out of this tribe are chosen the Governors of the Republic, the Senators, and the Priests. Only these sit at the helm, and admit none from any other tribe to public offices, but such as shall confess, and confirm their confession with an oath, that a certain picture, dedicated to the sun, and placed in the most conspicuous part of the temple, appears to them, as well as to the Nagiri , to be oblong. This sacred picture is the principal object of the Mardakan worship. The most conscientious citizens, who are unwilling to incur the guilt of perjury, are excluded from every public honour; and exposed to perpetual insults and persecution. In vain do they protest, that they cannot help believing the evidence of their eye-sight; their complaints are disregarded, and the defect of nature imputed to mere malice and contumacy,
"The form of the oath, which all who sue for offices and honours, are bound to subscribe, is this:
"I A. B. swear, that the sacred picture of the sun appears to me to be oblong; and I hereby promise to persevere in the same opinion to the last gasp of my life."
"After the oath they become candidates for employments, and are elected into the tribe of the Nagiri ."
"The day after my arrival, while I was walking at my leisure in the marketplace, I saw an old man dragged to the whipping-post, surrounded with a numerous crowd of citizens, who abused him with the utmost virulence. I enquired what was the matter, and was told, that he was a vile heretic, who had openly taught that the picture of the sun was square, and had obstinately persisted in that pestilent opinion, after repeated admonitions."
"Upon this I resolved to go myself to the temple of the sun, and try whether my eyes were orthodox. When I found that to my eye light too the picture appeared a perfect square: I candidly mentioned the circumstance to my host, who was lately advanced to the episcopate of the city. He heard my words with a deep sigh, and fairly owned, that he also thought the picture square, but dared not to discover his sentiments, for fear the reigning party should bring him into trouble, and deprive him of his office,"
"I therefore quitted the city in silence and trembling, lest I should pay for the fault of my eyes with the loss of my skin; or be branded with the odious title of heretic, and be banished with disgrace. In fact no institutions ever seemed to me more horrid, more barbarous and iniquitous; and I inveighed bitterly against a government, where the only road to honours and emoluments lay through hypocrisy and perjury."
LONDON, Aug. 7.
Circumstantial account of the attack of the Austrians upon the French stationed at Orchies .
"A nobleman, belonging to the French emigrant party, in the Austrian Netherlands, and who was then at Lisle, gave the Austrian general private intelligence about a fortnight ago, that the French had but 400 men, and these of the national guards, at Orchies . The general upon this sent a detachment of between two and three thousand men to make them prisoners; but the French perceiving them coming, drew up, and posted themselves with two pieces of cannon in a gentleman's garden that commanded the road. On the first fire they killed, as report says, 64 Austrians. On the second one of their cannon burst. They kept up, however, a severe fire with their musketry and the one piece of cannon they had left, till their ammunition was entirely gone, when they made an honourable and safe retreat. Of the

French four were killed on this occasion, and four of the villagers assassinated by the Austrians on their entrance into Orchies. On the Austrian side the most favorable accounts make 400 lost. This loss however was so great, that when the general, by the returns given him, after their return to Tournay, saw the number of killed, wounded and missing, he declared it could not be, such a havoc could ever have been made by 400 men; and threw out insinuations as if the officers had betrayed the men. These insinuations were conveyed in time to the soldiers, who three or four days ago rose in a tumultuous manner, and swore they would not be led any more like sheep to the slaughter for other people. Soon after this they proceeded to rioting, and laid hold of six emigrants, whom they conducted to the gallows. Of these they hung five. The sixth was cut down almost on the moment of suspension, by persons present, who attempted to reason with the soldiers on their conduct. The calm however was only temporary, and when the tempest broke out again, the general ordered the gates to be shut, and they have continued so to this day. What has been going on within the walls of Tournay, since the time of its being locked up, nobody here knows. But before they were locked up a person got out of the town, who conveyed the above news to a gentleman at St. Omer's, among others, the father of a young priest, who was cut down from the gallows, as related above. The above situation of things may be very favorable to the affairs of France; for it is a proof that the German soldiers begin to think for themselves, and it is perhaps the first instance of their opposing their own officers.
The Declaration of the Duke of Brunswick, is attributed in a great measure to the per of Calonne. It certainly possesses all the fury of that passionate declaimer, and is a masterpiece of bombast and gasconade. There is nothing occurred since the French revolution, that has served more to cement the French nation in the general cause than this injudicious publication.
Brussels, Aug. 3. —The evacuation of Bavay, and raising the camp of Malplaquet, were not effected without a very serious action, which took place in the night. The Austrians had two captains of grenadiers, a Hungarian captain, two first lieutenants, in all 15 officers killed.
On the first at night 32 waggons came into this town loaded with sick and wounded men; 20 more waggons are expected this day. The French have foraged over the whole province of Luxembourg, and stopped all communication between the fortresses of that name and the Pays Bas. They have seized a quantity of provisions and ammunition which they found in the Abbey of Saint Hubert, at Bastogne, and at Allons.
Leyden, Aug. 2. —Mr. Schroeter, of Lilienthal, has lent an account to the Royal Academy at Gottingen, of some important discoveries he has made relative to the planet Venus by the help of his Herschel's telescope. He has not only found his conjectures respecting the height of the mountains in that planet confirmed, one of them being according to his calculation five geographical miles and six tenths high, but has also determined the time of its revolution on its axis. This he has ascertained, from the periodical changes in the form of its horns, particularly the southern one, to be 23 hours, 20 min. 59 sec. 4 half secs.
Copy of a letter from M. Row, dated July 10, 1792, TO JAMES MACKINTOSH, ESQ.
"Our friends complain that I have not convened the Stewards of last year to renew the celebration of the 14th of July. Circumstances have changed—the motives of my conduct remain the same. If you approve my reasons, your authority will have weight with others."
"When the wild publication of Mr. Burke was proclaimed the creed of all who frequent a court, or trade in politics, and when violence was threatened to all who presumed to think the destruction of despotism in France a blessing to mankind, to refute his reasoning, and, like men, to avow our sentiments by acts of public celebration, was the duty of the friends of freedom. An attempt is now made by our adversaries to give a different direction to the public mind. That the reasoning on which the French Revolution has been justified is theoretically true, stands now universally admitted. But an alarm is excited of these truths being pushed to an extreme, which in practice, they say, would subvert the order of society. The cry of danger to the Constitution is now raised by the traders in politics, as the cry of danger to the church was in the beginning of this century, by the traders in religion, and the enemies of freedom hope again to confound the reason of the people by their passions. Proclamations, Addresses, Encampments, have no other object. Let us be careful not to aid the arts of our adversaries, and these follies
will confute themselves. Let the public mind be calm, and the people must soon discover, that laws enacted by common consent, and directed to the common benefit of a whole community, must command the most perfect obedience, and that obedience to laws, gives peace and order to society. Our adversaries reason, as if the principals of social order had no existence but in the breasts of mercenary soldiers, and of those public plunderers, who have the direction of this force. Yet, who can fail to observe, that the one party, from the Royal conspirators at Piltz, to the lowest agent in the Birmingham riots, uniformly appeal to force, the others to reason? Who then are the friends of peace?"
"Many are alarmed for the common cause of human kind, now sustained by the French nation. I am confident whatever the immediate events may be, they will finally triumph. This infamous attempt, by fire and sword, to prescribe how a people shall govern themselves, this outrage on humanity, will awaken an indignant feeling in mankind, too powerful for the mechanical force of all the governments in Europe. Its Monarchs are formidable in present power. They can inflict much evil—but the evils they inflict will multiply the friends of France in every corner of Europe; and the ultimate event will be the destruction of Monarchy. If the friends of Monarchy and of the Aristocracy in this country were wise, they would endeavour to arrest the progress of royal desolation abroad; and at home, by a temperate but sincere reform of acknowledged abuses, exhibit their powers under the endearing aspect of protectors to the common rights of mankind. They ought to reflect how small is the number of those who fatten on the public spoil, compared with those who sustain the weight of oppressive taxes—that the fraud cannot long be concealed under the vain and empty forms of nominal representatives of the people, who are real pensioners of a court—that the most uncultivated mind must comprehend his own immediate interest in correcting a system, of which the direct and indirect corruption demands in time of peace, at least two millions of unnecessary annual taxation, besides generating a principle of public profusion, progressively increasing, which has already accumulated two hundred and forty millions of debt, and threatens bankruptcy to the country. In my judgment the event is inevitable. Whether it shall approach with the mildness of peaceful reform, or the fury of subversion, must depend on the choice of the aristocracy—whether they will elect to be the leaders, or arrange themselves against the people. Those who think with us, ought to conciliate, not inflame, and to take from our adversaries even the pretext for tumult. Under this impression have I acted in withholding, as far as I am concerned, from the mercenary tools of power, the occasion of pretended alarm, by a celebration as unnecessary to the cause, as it is free from rational objection to an intelligent or candid mind. As I shall be some days in the country, I wish you to communicate my apology to our friends."
It is said, a general dissatisfaction prevails among the Austrian troops in Flanders; that many deserters had come over to the French, and that it requires the duty of one half of the soldiery to guard the other from desertion.
The King of Poland has declared the republic to be in such a state of defence, as the enemy may find it very difficult to disturb. Meanwhile the Poles may mingle, with patriotic ardour, the comfortable hope, that their hoary persector will soon be dragged off that stage of existence, which, for the sins of Europe and Asia she has been permitted to drench with human blood so long.
CHARLESTON, Sept. 6.
At a meeting of the inhabitants of Port-Royal Island, assembled in the town of Beaufort, in order to consider the substance of certain resolutions of the inhabitants of Charleston, transmitted to them in a letter from Col. Jacob Read, as chairman of the committee of the citizens assembled at Charleston.
Resolved unanimously, THAT whilst we consider it as inconsistent with the principles of the constitution of the United States, and the rights of our sister states, to enter into any general agreement of non-importation, by which they are immediately affected—we at the same time consider the admission of slaves, or other persons convicted of crimes, into this state, as being highly impolitic and dangerous to the citizens thereof. And we are informed from authority, that persons from some of our sister states, regardless of that spirit of amity and friendly attention that ought to unite us to each other, have transported some of the most dangerous of this description amongst us; and as a discrimination between those transported or sent for sale, is at present impossible: We, therefore, finding our-
selves unprotected by any law of this state from the fatal consequences which may attend this unwarrantable procedure—
Resolved, That until the next meeting of the legislature of this state, and for twenty days after the adjournment of the same, we the subscribers bind ourselves, and pledge our sacred honor each to the other, not to purchase, sell, possess or employ any slave brought into this state; and to have no intercourse with any person who shall wilfully act in opposition to this resolution.
Resolved, That every captain or commander of any vessel coming into this port, who shall have on board his vessel any slave, transported from another state, on account of any offence therein committed, or sent for sale, shall be furnished with a copy of these resolutions.
Resolved, That a committee of five persons be appointed for carrying fully into execution the purport of these resolutions; and that general John Brumwell, majors Robert Barnwell and William Hazard Wigg, Messieurs John Verdier and Robert Porteous, be the said committee.
PHILADELPHIA.
OCTOBER 3.
Extract of a letter from Pittsburg.
"From present appearances we have no reason to expect even a temporary peace with the hostile Indians. From the most authentic information we can hear, and from various corroborating reports and communications, we have every ground to conclude, that they have deliberately, and by the voice of council, massacred those men who bore to them the flags of peace. This barbarous violation of the laws of all nations, savage as well as civilized, can admit of no mitigation; and the national character and honor of America stands bound to punish, with the most exemplary severity arms can inflict, this savage insult. They seem to be possessed of the most implacable spirit of ferocity, and ridicule the idea of a peace or treaty. They laugh at the folly, as they term it, of those flags who committed themselves; and put them to death, to shew, at once, their contempt and resolution."
[Translations from the Leyden Gazette of the latest dates.] View of the political situation of several European powers, in respect to France.
IT was foreseen from the very commencement of the French revolution, that it would excite numerous and powerful enemies against that nation. Internally, those whose interests were injured by the change in the government, and consequently their passions and prejudices inflamed. Externally, the enemies of the revolution were those despotic princes, who were alarmed for their arbitrary power, or willing to profit by the intestine divisions and parties through the kingdom, were determined to make the most of them for their own emolument. At the commencement of the revolution the universal state of things seemed to favor it. Russia was embarrassed with a double warfare against Sweden and Turkey. Austria was exhausted by three brilliant but ruinous campaigns; conquering barren deserts in the east merely to restore them again, and seriously engaged in the west in reconquering her revolted provinces; and menaced more or less with popular insurrections in the different parts of her extensive dominions. Prussia, whose intrigues had in a great measure contributed thus to embarrass her rival, was only watching an opportunity to declare herself openly, to give the last fatal wound to the Austrian power. England and Spain upon the point of declaring war on account of some wretched factories on the other side of the globe, and merely to support a petty mercantile interest—All Europe, in short, was more or less at variance with itself, either from the ambition of its leading powers, or from the general discontent of the people, in whom the example of the French had awakened an idea of their own strength and power. But the views of the several powers are now, in a great measure, changed—the passions of regal powers have assumed another character: we must therefore make new calculations from the relations that actually exist. It ought not to be concealed, that there exists in every court of Europe, almost without exception, a spirit directly and pointedly inimical to those principles of liberty that form the basis of the French constitution. But we must look farther for the cause of their enmity to the revolution than mere speculative opinion. The house of Austria, faithfully adhering to her plans of hereditary ambition, has viewed the troubles of France as likely to contribute to her own aggrandizement; and having gained so far upon the court of Prussia as to prevail upon it to change its former policy of real interest, she proposes to assume to herself, the advantages that may arise from discord and party spirit in France, —
Although the infraction of the treaty of 1756 ought to have more weight than merely French principles in alienating the court of Vienna, it appears that the present war against France is not viewed with a favorable eye by that power. The court of Berlin seems to take a decided part against France, altho' Frederick can only be regarded as the ally of the king of Hungary and Bohemia. This decided spirit, however, is not the general spirit of Prussia, any more than of the statesmen and the old generals who were formed in the school of the great Frederick. This monstrous alliance between Prussia and Austria, which threatens the independence of the Germanic body, cannot be lasting, even tho' founded upon a partizan treaty, and Prussia were sure of seeing France once more her natural ally. The dispositions of the electors of Treves and Mayence are no less decided against France than the others. Nothing has induced them to temporize with France but the dread of seeing her armies in their territories. In these electorates the French emigrants have constantly found an asylum and protection; so that France has a right to consider them as actually her enemies. It would be almost superfluous to be very particular in respect to the designs and views of the Germanic body; in general, they are by no means favorable to France, and where they are, are watched with such a jealous eye by the majority, as to render their friendship ineffectual. The neutrality of the Empire is therefore a thing not to be relied on; for, among such of the princes as embrace that system, there are several who will view matters in a different light, when they see their states guaranteed by the arms of Prussia and Austria. Their contingent, however, will not be formidable, both from their slowness in collecting their troops, and the character they always sustain, when raised. It is probable therefore that the contingent of the princes will be optional, in money or troops; the former of which will be the readiest method. After the ceremony of the coronation of the emperor, it may be expected he will publish a declaration, urging the Empire to war; which declaration will effectually explain to the French the real intentions of the several German courts. The empress of Russia has not behaved towards France with that treacherous dissimulation, and duplicity of sentiment, that for a long time at first kept them in the dark respecting the real designs of the courts of Vienna and Berlin. She from the beginning declared herself the enemy of their revolution and the protectress of the emigrants. She was a principal agent in the concert of powers; at an early period broke off all communication with the French government, and was the first to agree to the famous convention at Piltz. Her alliance with the late king of Sweden seems to have had no other object than to form a general combination against France; her pecuniary succours given to the emigrants; the honor she did the emigrant princes in sending ministers to their court at Coblenz; her rigorous edicts against the French that were settled in Russia, when suspected of attachment to the national cause; all these particulars seem to point out Catharine the 2d as the implacable enemy of France and her liberties. Her conduct has been uniform on this principle, but managed with some secrecy till such time as she saw Prussia firmly linked in with Austria, and ready to engage the French on the banks of the Rhine. The Russian policy then was developed, and it began to be perceived that as France was too remote for the empress of Russia to hope to share in her spoils, Poland became a more interesting object. The invasion of that republic by the whole Russian force, the inactivity in fitting out fleets of war from the Russian ports, and the neglect shown to the illustrious French emigrants at the court of Peterburgh, lead one to believe that all the empress had in view was to deceive the court of Berlin in regard to her real designs, and that Poland and not France was from the beginning the object of her plans. From the very latest advices received from Peterburgh, the French emigrants have nothing more to hope for from that quarter; and their envoys, who were there, negotiating for squadrons and land forces, have only been able to obtain one frigate, and that one was equipped solely to rid Russia of their company and solicitations—The death of Gustavus 3d seems to have changed the politics of the court of Sweden. The regent never approved of his brother's views and projects; and it is easy to see that he will not fulfil his inconsideate engagements. He dares not however rashly contradict the opinions of the empress of Russia; and it will require his best political abilities to rid himself from the obligatory clauses of a formal recent treaty. This is the reason that the court of Sweden has not yet resumed its official correspondence with the French court, nor acknowledged the new constitution. But the vast attention that is shown to the French charge des affaires at Stockholm, and the free admission of the French national flag into all the Swedish ports, together with their disgracing the two ministers who were opposed to France; the total want of naval or military preparations, are strong arguments that the neutrality of Sweden may be depended on—As to Denmark, it has been her sole policy for a long time to remain a quiet spectator

of the quarrels that agitated the rest of Europe. This moderate conduct ensures her peace and prosperity. The present Danish minister is a man of too much understanding to abandon the pacific system of his country. The most exact neutrality may therefore be counted on from this power, since its justice, interest, and long experience of the past are equally concerned therein—Sardinia has long manifested herself hostily inclined towards France. The constant asylum she affords the emigrant princes, the interest she takes in their personal concerns, her refusal to receive the French minister, the preparations she is making so far beyond her ability, the camp of 10,000 Austrians that is to be formed after harvest at the port of Tortona, and her accession to the Vienna and Berlin alliance, are all proofs that France ought strictly to watch the motions of this power.
[To be continued.]
Nothing shows in a stronger light the rooted inveteracy of the Indians, than their putting to death every flag, that has been hardly enough to approach them. Captain Snake, a chief belonging to the Munsee (friendly) tribe, was sent sometime since with a message to the hostile nations but was killed at one of the Delaware towns, the moment he made his business known.
We are constantly amused with the most contradictory accounts from different parts of Hispaniola, relative to the actual state of that island. Some letters represent matters as, upon the whole, growing better; others, that the negroes continue masters of the open country, and their ravages little, if at all, abated. When the last vessels came away, a fleet of men of war was looked for, with six or seven thousand land forces to quell the insurrection.
The following gentlemen have been recommended by a number of the stockholders, in the New-Jersey manufacturing society, as proper persons for DIRECTORS: Nicholas Cruger, Cornelius Ray, James Watson, Abijah Hammond, Nicholas Low, Benjamin Walker, John Bayard, James Parker, Herman Le Roy, Samuel Ogden, Josiah Hornblower, Elisha Boudinot.
On Wednesday the 26th ult. was held the annual commencement at NASSAU HALL, in Princeton, New-Jersey. The following exercises were delivered at the church to a numerous assembly convened on the occasion.—1. A salutatory oration in latin, by Alexander White, of Virginia. 2. An oration on poetry, by John C. Otto, of New-Jersey. 3. An oration on Mathematics, by Charles Harris, of North-Carolina. 4. A dispute on the utility of war to mankind, in preference to a state of universal and perpetual peace: respondent, Joseph K. M'Iner, of New-Jersey; opponent, Robert Herron, of South-Carolina; replicator, George Billo, of Virginia. 5. A humorous oration on the marks of genius, by George C. Maxwell, of New-Jersey. 6. A dispute whether the ancient eastern custom of dividing the people into different classes, and confining children to the profession of their fathers, be preferable to the universal freedom of enterprise that prevails in Europe: respondent, George W. Morton, of New-York; opponent, James Ruan, of St. Croix; replicator, Benjamin Hodgdon, of Pennsylvania. 7. An eulogium on Columbus, by George Willing, of Pennsylvania. 8. An oration on sympathy, by Edmund J. Lee, of Virginia. 9. An English salutatory oration, by Peter Carle, of Georgia. 10. An oration on Society, by George W. Burnet, of New-Jersey. 11. A dispute, Is not the belief of a revealed religion essential to the order and existence of society? respondent, John J. Sayrs, of New-Jersey; opponent, Joseph Alexander, of North-Carolina; replicator, Henry Wackoff, of New-Jersey. 12. An oration on the happy deliverance of Europe from the tyranny of superstition. 13. An oration, on the condition of an old bachelor lately married. 14. A dispute, Is there any evidence from the radical resemblance of the languages of different nations, that mankind have sprung from one source: respondent, William Sloane, of New-Jersey; opponent, Jacob Ford, of New-Jersey; replicator, Lewis Pintard, of New-Jersey. 15. A dispute, Is the emancipation of slaves, without preparing them by a proper education to be good citizens, consistent with humanity and sound policy: respondent, Nicholas Bayard, of New-Jersey; opponent, William Hosack, of New-York. 16. An oration on the progress of freedom in the European states, by John Ryers, of New-York.—The degree of Bachelor of Arts was then conferred on the above named young gentlemen and ten others. The degree of A. M. was likewise conferred on several gentlemen: victors on competitions declared: and the exercises then concluded with the valedictory oration, delivered by Joseph Reed, of Pennsylvania.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Nashville, dated July 16.
“On the 26th of June, Zeigler's station, within two miles of Bledsoe's Lick, was attacked by a party of Indians, first in the afternoon and again by night, in which five persons were killed, one burned in the station, four wounded, three escaped unhurt, and thirteen made prisoners, the latter mostly helpless women and innocent children.”
“This is the boldest stroke ever made by Indians in this quarter, and has spread a more general alarm than has heretofore been felt. The inhabitants begin to complain loudly that they are neglected, and even almost to despair of the protection of government; but Governor Blount, since his arrival, has ordered three hundred militia into actual service, under the command of major Sharpe, an old, experienced continental officer, for the protection of the southwestern frontiers, posted at proper distances, in well built block-houses and blockade forts, which has in a great measure relieved and silenced their tears and complaints; Those posts will, I hope be kept up while the danger exists, if not augmented; so that in my opinion the people of this district will be in a better situation than they have heretofore experienced. During this summer on the frontiers, while one man worked another was obliged to keep centry.”
“A large representation of the Chickasaws and Choctaws are, here, well disposed towards the United States, and it is expected the Governor will shortly conclude his conference with them. A party of Cherokees, are also here, who accompanied the boats with the Indian goods down the Tennessee, from Chatanuga to the mouth of Bear Creek, by whom we learn the passage thro' the Muscle Shoals was not found so difficult as was apprehended. These Cherokees give information, that a large party of Creeks had passed the Tennessee on their way to this country to take hair and steal horses; as yet they have taken no hair, although they daily fire on parties as they are passing through the settlements, but have taken about seventeen horses since the Governor's arrival.”
“By this savage and faithless tribe, upwards of seventy people have been killed, wounded, and taken prisoners since their treaty at New-York, entered into by Mr. McGillivray.”
“It is here believed from a variety of concurrent circumstances, that McGillivray himself has deserted the interests of the United States, and attached himself to the Spanish interest. It is beyond all doubt, he is gone to a conference with the Spaniards at Pensacola, accompanied by a large party of his warriors, consisting of about three hundred. Panton, the great Indian trader, of Pensacola, has been engaged by the Spaniards to bring about this meeting of the Creeks, and hath also been among the Cherokees to bring them into the measure, and hath applied to the Little Turkey to obtain leave for the Spaniards to establish garrisons on the Tennessee, and one even as high up the same as the mouth of Bear Creek.”
“John Watts, a Cherokee chief, with a few others, have attended at that treaty for purposes which are yet unknown. No doubt he has paid well for Watts as he has been before attached to the United States.”
London accounts are received at New-York, till the 24th of August. According to these, the king of France was dethroned—the royal family obliged to flee for safety to the national assembly—that, in forcibly dethroning the monarch, the guards withstood the people, till most of them [the guards] were cut off, after having killed upwards of one thousand of the people—that the Marquis de la Fayette was displaced; and that the Jacobins had offered a reward for his head, and the heads of some other leading men.
On the 8th of August Mr. Pinckney, the American minister, had his first audience of the king of Great Britain, when he delivered his credentials. He was introduced by Mr. Dundas, one of the principal Secretaries of State, and by Mr. Cotterell, deputy master of the ceremonies.
Short view of the respective power, resources, &c. of the principal powers combined against Poland and France.
Russia is an empire as singular in its present state as it was in its commencement. It exhibits the picture of North America in Europe, or an old country and a new country combined into one. Its population (owing to easy means of subsistence rendering marriages early and frequent) augmenting one fifth in every twenty years, in defiance of public and private despotism; its partial luxury, which found in the midst of wilderness; its civilized cabinet at the head of a semi-barbarous nation; its firm, yet docile people; its peasantry awed by their masters, yet brave when soldiers; from some of its contrated circumstances, and, together with the following particulars, render Russia infinitely formidable.—With thirty millions of people, thus rapidly and progressively increasing, she is placed invulnerable, in the north-eastern corner of Europe, out of the reach of all maritime approaches, though herself possessing a considerable navy for offensive purposes. She has also myriads of disciplined troops, and a peculiar force in light troops for keeping in awe large extents of country; and almost all her troops combat with the advantage of certain religious prejudices, which lessen the terrors of death, and are peculiarly hardy and capable of fatigue. Her empire is vast indeed in its extent, but her troops, her sailors, and her stores, move through it with incredible celerity, owing to the water communications, and to the abundance of horses belonging to her peasantry, which admit of conveyances by post, either in waggons, or else in sledges upon the snow, both for her forces and for warlike stores. At the end of her last war but one, the remitted taxes; and at the end of the war just concluded, she has not augmented them. She loses subjects in war,
but replaces them by those whom she vanquishes, or by the excess of the number born from her own people over those which die; she increases, therefore, both in war and in peace; and it is this silent or this furtive increase of men, accompanied at the same time with an augmentation of cultivation, of arts, and of wealth, which unnoticed by the rest of Europe, enables her, upon every struggle, to appear with renewed and accumulated strength. Lastly, she skirts the whole northern frontier of Asia, she possesses the means of attacking its rich western flank completely from north to south; and is not without access to its eastern flank, and to the rich mines of Western America; but above all, in consequence of having the means of invading the Indian possessions from the north, facilitated by the help of water carriage on great lakes and descending rivers, as well as by having a probable opportunity by the aid of Austria, of commanding the two navigations of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, she seems to draw close to the moment of obtaining possession of the communication between western and eastern nations, which in all ages of the world has uniformly and signalily aggrandized those who have held it. In one word, she is become the modern northern hive, pouring forth, not disorderly, but marshalled and obedient swarms, increasing yearly in their numbers by land and by sea, all recognizing a common chief, whose watchful eyes turn alike to the east and to the west, looking for opportunities of plunder, either in company or alone, while she renders barbarous her immediate instruments, and the rich her certain victims.
Austria is the power next in order. With fewer vacant lands, and thinly scattered settlements, than Russia, she has nevertheless in her eastern territories the means, by better management of greatly augmenting the people, now amounting to twenty millions, and still increasing. All that she may receive in the way of accession of territory or of people, will enhance this advantage. As to the military dispositions of this power, they are well known, her family connexions, as far as she can depend upon them, are considerable, and her influence over every thing turned to the quarter of the Mediterranean, will soon become conspicuous, when acting in concert with Russia and Prussia.
Lastly then we come to Prussia, possessing near twelve millions of people;—A factious state, it is true, and requiring the continuance of the same good management, which brought it gradually forwards to its present comparative prosperity, as well as devoid of internal means (like those of Russia and Austria) for multiplying her people; but yet possessing an immense army, which its late king, in consequence of applying the doctrine of mechanics to its tactics, has brought to the highest pitch of known perfection. At the same time it has nothing to fear from its debts, its taxes, its nobles, its clergy, from assemblies of states, from an exposed state of commerce, from its frontiers, or from any cause whatever but its follies and dangerous associations. Had the present Monarch of Prussia consulted the works of his sagacious predecessor, he would have found hints enough to alarm him respecting the power and situation of Russia; and upon proper enquiry, he would have known that the state of Poland also had made a deep impression upon his mind; since not only from fear of Russia and Austria, but in order to make some atonement to humanity and to character, he wished to give to the remains of Poland such a constitution, as should secure its independence as a barrier, and form a compensation for its wrongs.
Such are the three potentates already contiguous by situation so as to be able to give each other effectual support and protection, who are now compacted together in military union upon principles of conquest, as is demonstrated by the late division of Poland, and by the present commensurate respecting it. Common sense shews what is or may be in their power, and human nature shews what that power will prompt them to. It therefore becomes necessary to know what means there are to oppose it, in the remaining scattered fragments of Europe, should Poland and France, as before mentioned, either be incorporated into their system, be disabled, or be rendered neutral.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE
MR. FRENEAU, WHAT must be the desperation of the Aristocratic junto, when they endeavor to support their expiring cause, with rumours of letters, that were never written, and scraps of conversation, that, when spoken, were combined with other matter, which, truly related, would yield a very different complexion! For shame, Major! If you have no opportunity of employing yourself more profitably, at least, act more innocently: Your friend may assist in making you a lawyer, but, believe me, he can never make you a politician. Are we, Sir, really citizens of a free country? If so, every man has a right to think, speak, and act for himself; being responsible for the abuse of that right. But, it would appear from some late proceedings, that whatever the theoretical frame of our constitution may declare, no man in Pennsylvania has a right to think, speak, or act, but in favour of certain prescribed measures and characters: and the abuse of the privilege of speech and action is deemed to commence the moment that any thing is said or done, which displeases the Major, and his friend the counsellor; William, the nabob, or Robert, the cofier. What would Tom Paine think of this order of things! In Great Britain, a monarchy,
revered for its antiquity, though reprobated for its corruption, Common Sense dares to write against the government, the ministers, & the sovereign; nay, a proclamation, issued in most convenient season, and with all the parade of royalty, he can with impunity, arraign as a libel: while a freeman of Pennsylvania is prohibited from thinking of affairs of State, and must acquiesce, with servile complacency, in whatever measures the self-created nobles of the land shall impose. If Paine took the proclamation in so much dudgeon, what would he have thought of the ever-memorable circular letter, signed by the nine dictators, commanding us to proceed to the election of a governor, with a Conge d'elire , specifying the object of our choice: and if he treats with such sarcasm, the present state of the representation in the British Parliament, what would be his commentary on a view of the representation of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, at the Board of Confeerces! The measure, so extravagant and so arrogant, would, perhaps, draw his attention from the persons who were convened: but let us, who have leisure and patience to consider both, invoke Common Sense (I mean the Common Sense that governed our feelings and our conduct from the year 1775 to the year 1780) to explain the magic by which William Lewis and Robert Waln, have been conjured into delegates, “from the city of Philadelphia.” Common Sense declines the task, and refers us to Faction for an answer.
But we are told by some of the scribblers of the day, that the citizens ought not to meddle with matters, that relate to the federal government. Leave them, it is echoed from the Major to the Brother . Leave them to the President and the officers of the union. I agree, Sir, that we ought to give into Cesar the things that are Cesar's ; that we ought to leave to Congress the constitutional authority of making the laws of the union, and to the President the uninterrupted power of executing them: but, I hope, we are not yet ripe to admit, that the business of managing elections, and choosing our representatives, can be performed by any authority, but that of the people. It seems, indeed, peculiarly indelicate and improper, for any officer of the United States to intermeddle upon the occasion; and, while hints are retailed for the admonition of our state officers, it may not be amiss to remind those of the federal establishment, how unbecoming it would be, to foment parties, and to influence elections for the purpose of ensuring approbation to their political projects, and permanency to their official appointments.
The disposition to defame an opponent, whose arguments cannot be refuted, is the evidence of a low and rancorous mind. It has, indeed, but one mischievous effect (for, in other respects, it carries its own antidote) that of provoking a retort. Now, Sir, though I would not willingly depreciate the character of any man, I feel too strongly the esprit du corps , not to take up the gauntlet, when it is wantonly thrown; and, therefore, I am preparing sketches of the primary planets, in the aristocratical hemisphere, and their satellites, which, upon the plan of Mirabeau's “gallery of portraits,” or, “the jockey club,” I will present, in a few days, for the information and amusement of the electors of Pennsylvania.
I am, Mr. Freneau, Your obedient servant. Oct. 2. Z.
New-York and Philadelphia STAGES, Via Bordentown and Burlington.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia Land and Water Stages, beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of the passengers, they have removed their different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet Wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-street; from whence a convenient packet boat starts for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and returns on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordentown or Burlington; each place taken alternately.
Fare for passengers from Philadelphia to New-York 15s. For goods do. per cwt. 6s. Van Emburgh and M'Kean, David Williamson, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Bordentown. Jacob Myers, Amos Hutchin, Nicholas Schenck, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Burlington. Bordentown, Oct. 1. For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to
M'Kean and Van Emburgh; Who have for sale at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-Street, Ole Madeira, Teneriffe, and Mountain Spices, Jamaica Spices, Antigua, Monserat, & Rum. Newbury Rochelle Brandy in pipes, cases and demijohns, Gin in pipes and cases, Orders for Grain, Staves, Bills of Scantling, or other Lumber, punctually attended to. For freight or passage to Lambert or Trenton: also, apply as above. Philadelphia, October, 1792.

BOOKS,
Printed and sold by
MATHEW CAREY,
No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement, in January 1787, to June 1792, eleven volumes Price, neatly bound and lettered, Seventeen dollars and three shillings.
This work which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.
2. Smith's letters to married women, on nursing and the management of children. We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed. Monthly Review. Vol. 38, Page 101. Price bound five eighths of a dollar.
3. Dugald Stewart's elements of logic. three fourths of a dollar.
4. Beauties of Fielding, 50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair, 50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennycuick's advice; Marchmont's of Lammer's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
7. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L.L.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69. p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful."
9. Beauties of Poetry, Price four shillings of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons, Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four shillings of a dollar.
12. Examination of the observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five eighths of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five eighths of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal, Price three eighths of a dollar.
15. American Jest Book, three shillings of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul, half a dollar.
17. The Douay Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 5/6—plain, six dollars.
Said are also for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which will be disposed of at the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again. May 17. G.M.11.W.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitesboro, in the state of New-York, on the north side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchasers.
N. B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill seats. The peculiar advantages of this tract, situated within a few miles of Whitesboro (which contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants) with an easy and convenient water carriage to Schenectady, Albany, and New-York, make it an object for any persons inclined to settle it, and render it an extremely advantageous purchase for persons inclined to realize their money in land of an increasing value. The whole tract or any part of it, will be sold very low for cash, or for part cash, and the remaining payments at distant periods. Enquire at No. 229 Queen-street, near the Fly-market New-York.
July 19.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of Stock in the said Society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second installment for the payment of shares in the stock of this Society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second installment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 11-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brunswick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs.—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk. July 24.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé,—
SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Méridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Columbia, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Saluée, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être guères possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre, dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes.
S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE A THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluée, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made new sown ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer, August 29. 12111
JUST PUBLISHED
By E. OSWALD,
(Price Eleven Pence)
FIVE LETTERS,
addressed to the
Yeomanry of the United States:
CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Governor Duer and Mr. Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures, by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing-Office, No 156, Market-street; at No. 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Crukshanks, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-streets. August 21.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer, JOHN M'CULLOCH, at No. 1. North Third-Street, and by most of the Book-Sellers in this city, (Price 3/9)
MODERN CHIVALRY:
Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, his Servant.
VOLUME II.
By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines nostri, Farrago libelli. Juvena
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And for Sale at the Printing-Office, No. 209, Market-Street, and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in Second-Street, Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar,
ADVICE
TO THE PRIVILEGED ORDERS, in the SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE, Resulting from the necessity and propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government.
By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
George Town, June 2, 1792. A NUMBER of LOTS in every intention which may be desired in the city of Washington, will be offered for sale, by the Commissioners on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners. July 25.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
THE PENNSYLVANIA PLANTER.
ATTACH'D to lands that ne'er deceiv'd his hopes, This rustic sees their harvests come and go; His autumn's toil returns in summer's crops, While limpid streams to cool his herbage flow: And if some cares intrude upon his mind, They are such cares as heaven for man design'd.
He to no pompous dome comes, cap in hand, Where new-made squires affect the courtly smile, Nor where Alexander, midst his foreign band, Extols the rule of kings in swelling style, With tongue that babbled, when it should have hush'd, A head that never thought—a face that never blush'd.
He on no party hangs his hopes or fears, Nor seeks the vote that basenels must procure; No stall fed Mammon, for his gold reveres, No splendid offers from his chiefs allure:— While showers descend, and suns their beams display, The same to him, if Congress go or stay.
Where wandering brooks from mountain sources roll, He seeks at noon the waters of the shade. Drinks deep—and fears no poison in the bowl, That Nature for her happiest children made, And from whose clear and gently palling wave, All drink alike—the master and the slave.
The scheming statesman shuns his homely door, Who, on the miseries of his country fed, Ne'er glanc'd his eye from that base pilfer'd store, To view the sword, suspended by a thread, Nor that hand-writing, grav'd upon the wall That tells him—but in vain—the sword must fall.
He ne'er was made a holiday machine, Wheel'd here and there by 'squires, in livery clad; Nor dreads the sons of legislation keen, Hard-hearted laws, and penalties most sad; In humble hope his little fields were sown, A trifle in your eye—but all his own. Sept. 29.
New-York, Sept. 26, 1792.
MR. FRENEAU,
THE interests of learning in Columbia College, New-York, are supposed to have suffered much by the late constrained departure of one of its professors, designated in the following elegant little poem under the fictitious name of Euphranor. Without entering into the merits of the case, or pronouncing any judgment on the fairness of the decision of the Trustees, you will oblige a correspondent by inserting the inclosed reflections, in your National Gazette, penned on this occasion (it is supposed) by one of the higher Students of Columbia College. G. G.
COLUMBIA'S HALL.
A SONG—Tune, Birks of Invermay.
WHEN here, Philander, first I came, By Hudson's fair, majestic stream: Where 'midst distilling classic sweets, Fate, seem'd to fix the muses feasts. Bless'd science, nurs'd her sons in peace, Euphranor led the muse of Greece. Fair fame, obey'd industry's call: And gladness fill'd Columbia's Hall.
But ah! what mournful, dire reverse, Demands my youthful, humble verse! Euphranor, now, his post resigns: The muse retires—and dullness reigns. Alas! who's that, his place supplies? The Attic genius, asks—and flies! I see the flight!—my spirits fall: And sadness fills Columbia's Hall.
Those happy hours, return no more, That fraught our minds with ancient lore. We labor hard—but waste our time. We seek in vain the true sublime. No critic hand, our views to lead, Our minds with learning's dainties feed. No illustrator, at our call, But darkness fills Columbia's Hall.
Demosthenes, no hand to wield, And Homer's beauties, lye conceal'd. The Roman glow—the Attic salt, Can now, no more our minds exalt. We feel a thirst, we can't assuage. We've none to clear Longinus' page. We seek, but miss those treasures all, And Taste, is fled Columbia's Hall.
The torch no more Euphranor holds: Nor classic beauties now unfolds: Nor learning's treasures pure, imparts In copious streams, to grateful hearts. No more the youth of genius wings. The muses drop their languid wings. Grim, rueful, threatening omens, all, Surround and fill Columbia's Hall.
[THE following plan for establishing a college for old Maids was published at Dublin, in Ireland, in the year 1790. It may at once amuse the curious and afford a hint to the benevolent on this side of the Atlantic to attempt something upon a similar idea.]
FORMED for society, solitary seclusion is never the object of our voluntary choice, while unbiaised reason is permitted to regulate our conduct. Ascetics, it is true, may be found in all ages, but they have always been either driven from the haunts of men, by the angry voice of offended conscience, or seduced by the flattering spirit of enthusiasm. Besides, poor dependant beings as we are, we require the mutual aid of each other. How deplorable then is the condition of an OLD MAID! Stripped, perhaps, by death of her relations, and abandoned by the friends of her
youth, she pines in solitude: a prey to infirmity, or bending beneath the weight of years, she sits, cheerless, the solitary tenant of an humble habitation. No lisping babe gambols at her knee; no smiling friend appears to pour balm on her lacerated mind. Denied the pleasures of society, incapable, it may be, of employing her needle, and unused to habits of study, time passes her with a tardy step. And when death advances to her relief, his string is sharpened by the reflection, that her eyes will not be closed, nor her limbs decently laid, by the hand of friendship or conanguinity.
This picture is not less faithful than it is melancholy. To relieve the miseries it exhibits, is the object of these pages.
To remedy the evil which I now deplore, I have revolved several plans in my mind; but the only one, which, on mature deliberation, has appeared to me eligible, is the instituting,
A COLLEGE FOR OLD MAIDS of moderate fortunes; thus forming them into a sisterhood, and supplying them with all the comforts and advantages of society. Lest this plan should hastily be deemed Utopian, I must beg the attention of the reader, while I endeavour to show its feasibility,—provided parliament will afford its aid.
Let a fund for this purpose be raised by means of a capitation tax on the females of every family in the kingdom, above the rank of peasants and working artificers. The money thus collected, to be partly employed in purchasing a certain quantity of ground in each of the four provinces, in a situation to which nature has been prodigal of her charms, and in the vicinity of a market-town. Here let a spacious building be erected, with a cloister, chapel, refectory, dormitory, and all the suitable offices, according to a plan that will admit of occasional additions in harmony with the whole.
The legislature having thus performed its part, let the ladies who shall avail themselves of its bounty, contribute to the support of the institution; each lady sinking irretrievably in the general fund, at least two hundred pounds of her fortune.
[To be continued.]
STATE PAPER.
Letter of the Helvetic Congress to the king of the French, dated June 11; 1792.
SIR,
THE necessity of preserving our precious country in these critical times, with the same courage and firmness as our ancestors, who, reposing in God, founded our republic, under the protection and visible assistance of the Almighty, has engaged all of us, the Cantons and allied states, maturely to weigh, and to deliberate by our deputies assembled at Frauenfeld for that purpose on the most proper means of preserving the tranquillity and peace of our country, and averting the dangers arising to it from abroad.
In consequence of these mature deliberations, we have the honour of addressing to your royal majesty the present letter, with the respect which we owe you. Following the example of our ancestors, we have taken the first and unanimous resolution to observe with fidelity, on our side, the most entire and strict neutrality towards the great powers actually engaged in war, and to support the same by an armed force, as circumstances shall require; for which end we are already fortifying our frontiers, to put them in as secure a state as possible.
At the same time we presume to conceive hopes, that the Principalities of Neuchâtel and Vallangin, the republic of Geneva, the Val de Munther (Montreal Grandval) as well as the other states of the Bishop de Bâle, who are all more or less intimately connected with some or our co-estates, will be as usual, included in the neutrality, and respected on that account as at every former period. In consequence we earnestly demand of your majesty to issue your orders for the troops which are in the territory of Portenruy to be withdrawn, in order that the confederate territories may be more safe, and may not have reason to fear an invasion on the part of the belligerent powers.
After this formal and solemn declaration of neutrality, we hope, from the generosity of your royal majesty, that you will, upon urgent demand, give orders that your troops and armies may not set foot upon the Helvetic territories, that they may not occupy any post, that they may not make any incursion or traverse the country. We take the liberty of asking as before, that you will soon issue the agreeable declaration, which we hope to obtain likewise from his apostolic majesty, the king of Hungary and Bohemia, in consequence of the demand which we have made this day. We will employ all the means in our power to act and observe with fidelity all that is required by a full, loyal, and strict neutrality.
We regard this gracious declaration which we expect from your majesty, as a new proof of your goodness and benevolence towards all the confederation. We beg you would continue to preserve the same dispositions, and pray that the Almighty may maintain the prosperity of your sacred person, and of the royal family, and conduct all events for the general good.
Your majesty's most attached, and zealous servants, burgomasters, magistrates, and councils of the thirteen Cantons and United States of Switzerland.
Given and sealed in common with the seal of Zurich, the 11th of June, 1790.
SOCIETY FOR ESTABLISHING USEFUL MANUFACTURES.
NOTICE is hereby given to the Stockholders of the Society for establishing useful manufactures, that the annual election for Directors of the said Society will be held at the Courthouse in New-Ark in the county of Essex on the first Monday in October next, between the hours of twelve and two in the afternoon of the same day.
A. MERCER, Deputy Governor. New-Ark July, 17th 1792.
For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York Price 5/7 1-2.