Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-12-23 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXIII.]
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXIII.
"I hate a drinking companion, says the Greek proverb, who never forgets."
I KNOW not a more fallacious opinion that men entertain, than that there is a great degree of friendship and generosity among persons, who mingle in parties of dissipation and intemperance. The warm professions of attachment and good will that flow so easily, in moments of festivity, are apt to lead a by-stander to imagine there is some serious friendship, at heart. Many an imprudent youth has fallen a victim to the assertions he heard at convivial meetings. There is perhaps no description of men who proclaim their own generosity so loudly, and yet who realize fewer substantial acts of it, from each other, than those who enter circles, under the stile of bottle-companions. It is hardly credible to one, who has not strictly noticed it, how slender the ties are, that are created by such a connection.
The idea conveyed in my motto may be taken in two different senses; and the reader may make his choice of them. It is true, that when persons are engaged in a drinking match, they should wish to forget their cares and misfortunes; and it will heighten their hilarity, if they can so far drown their reflection, as to forget the duty they owe their character and family. And it is likewise true, that such associates desire that whatever passes at their scenes of conviviality should not be repeated elsewhere. In either of these constructions, that companion who does not lose his recollection will be hated by the rest. What can be more offensive, in the jollity of a debauch, than remonstrances of reason, or lectures of morality! What can be more disgusting, when the debauch is over, than a just description of the actions, and recital of the expressions, with which it was attended. If a vociferous person throws off all restraint in the hours of his merriment, he certainly cannot wish to behold a portrait of himself, when he is sober. His own conduct; his own conversation are the last things in the world, that he can hear or recollect with approbation and pleasure. I would advise all such clubs, that the first article of their association should be a solemn oath of secrecy. Otherwise they may often be shocked at a view of their own picture. But the greatest advantage of forgetfulness consists in freeing one from the pain and inconvenience of being reminded of promises, that are made, when the heart is opened by mirth and intemperance. When this kind of openness and generosity discover themselves, among Bacchanalians over the bottle, it is not intended they should afford any claim upon the person, in whom they are exhibited.
I lately met with my old college acquaintance, JOCELYN. As he did not appear with his former dignity and sprightliness, I had the curiosity to enquire into his circumstances and prospects. I found him destitute of money and friends; and that he had neither character to deserve the one, nor industry to procure the other. He complained of ill-health; and his constitution was too much wrecked with intemperance to be reclaimed. It was difficult for him to assume resolution enough to relate his vices and misfortunes; and his appearance was so mean and slovenly, that he was not willing to be recognized, even when I called him by name. The terms of intimacy on which we had formerly associated made us both communicative.
When I knew JOCELYN, some years ago, he dressed handsomely, possessed an easy flow of spirits, and was generally esteemed for his amiable qualifications. His patrimonial estate was sufficient, with care and attention, to have afforded him a decent support. It happened unfortunately that he loved pleasure more than business; and knew better how to squander a fortune, than to keep, or to gain one. Though he was born and educated in the country, he early conceived an idea, that he could enjoy life in greater perfection, by taking a residence in some populous town. He followed his inclination, and entered at once into scenes of dissipation and extravagance. Soon after he fixed himself in a city, he fell into company with a set of profligate youngsters, who called themselves choice spirits . This appellation accorded so well with the feelings of JOCELYN, that he eagerly solicited an admission into the club. As he appeared a light-hearted, accommodating young man, his comrades viewed him as an acquisition. They soon discovered the depth of his purse, and knew intimately his hopes and intentions. It was their first attempt to persuade him that he had too noble a spirit to submit to the drudgery of business, and that when he had spent his property, he could not be at a loss for friends.
Thus he was beguiled into a course of idleness and debauchery, which soon plunged him into debt, and alienated him from his old friends and connections.
The honest, unsusppecting temper of JOCELYN, though it gave his new comrades a controul over his time and money, was still a source of much altercation. From his ignorance of human nature, he supposed that men never spoke but with sincerity; never promised but with an intention to fulfil. He would often repeat in the day, what he had heard in the revels of the night; and sometimes called in good earnest for the assistance that was so lavishly offered, when he stood in no need of it. In this way, he mortified them by the recital of their folly and imprudence; and vexed them by his demands on their justice to reimburse his advances; and by his appeal to their generosity to put him into better circumstances. But neither their justice, their generosity, or their pity afforded the least relief to JOCELYN, and he now remains as wretched as vice and poverty can render him. The choice spirits have totally discarded him, and ridicule him as a low-bred fellow who remembers too well.
THE OBSERVER.
No. IX.
TO THE PUBLIC CREDITORS.
FROM many of the evils which happen to a good citizen, he extracts a happiness as they pass. The patriotic creditor, who deposited his property with the public, has the happiness of reflecting that his loss contributed to the safety of millions, and laid the foundation of an empire, in which we hope science and virtue will perpetuate freedom. There have been many delays, and many things done on the part of the public, which ought not to have been; still you have no reason to despair of national justice. Some there may be who would spunge the whole, and obliterate your claims—these men are of small number, and still less influence—they act not from principle, and falsely supposing the measure would be popular, have baulked their own expectations of perferment. As the case is circumstanced, if there were no sense of justice, a principle of policy would support your claim with every considerate man; for to drive to despair two hundred thousand creditors and influential citizens, is an event too great to be hazarded, and might produce worse consequences than the most rigorous payment. Convinced of these facts, the creditors ought not to be too hasty in their expectations from the present government. Let it be seen that your patience hath not been the effect of necessity, but from a conviction of the deranged state of the National finances. The mind is apt to vibrate in extremes, and from too great despondency rise into sanguine hopes, which never can be realized. Something of this I have observed in the creditors of the nation. To arrange a scheme of finance—to liquidate many unsettled claims—to search from anew, the resources of this great country, and to adjust the whole into a system beneficial to agriculture, commerce and manufactures, requires great ability and industry in the official departments, and the most candid indulgence of all parties concerned. The gentlemen who have these duties in trust, possess too much good sense to hazard their own responsibility in a sudden manner, and before they can possibly ascertain the means which may be exerted. Returning order in the treasury department, is the first thing necessary—this you may see, and for the rest, there must be time to adjust measures which will be durable. If the legislature were to decide without previous information from its executive, or the executive to endanger its existence by recommending without knowledge, it would betray a want of the proper capacity, to relieve a nation from such confusion as we have experienced. Certainly it will be for the public advantage to stop the accumulation of interest on a great debt, speedily as can be; you may therefore depend on every thing which is consistent with justice and humanity to the people, and more than this ought not to be granted. The resources of the United States are increasing, and in a few years may do what is at present impossible. You have no right to expect, that funds can be suddenly erected and formalized, sufficient to answer the literal promises of the public; but ought for the present to be satisfied with what in this country hath been esteemed small interest for property: On the other hand, national honor and justice require, that the funds provided should be in their nature increasing ones, that the dividend you receive may increase with the public ability, until it arrives to the point of equitable interest; after which, all increase in
the national revenue, may become a sinking fund to do away the general debt, if that be judged best. By funds thus constituted and sacredly appropriated, a compromise may be made between the nation and its creditors, honorable for one, and safe for the other. In a country of increasing commerce and population, and in which every year brings a million acres of new land into taxable improvement, there is the best opportunity for funds of the above description. The State Creditors appear to me in the most hazardous situation, and ought immediately to unite their influence, that they may be placed on the same footing with the creditors of the United States—the measure must take place now or never;—You have a reasonable demand—Your property was advanced for the common defence, and if an application is made in season, you must be heard. I can foresee but one objection to be made to this measure, which is, that it will increase the value of State securities, and make them of equal goodness with the Continental: But he must be a churl indeed, who objects on this ground, when it is considered how much the State creditors have lost in the principal of their debt, and that the appreciation will arise from the simple circumstances of giving them a more extended circulation, and placing them on the credit of a known government, and not from laying any new burdens on the people. The National and State securities ought to be considered as negotiable bank stock, and one circumstance on which its credit and consequent value depends, is the extensiveness of its circulation, and the credit of the government pledged for its redemption. For these reasons, one hundred pounds placed in the funds of the United States, will be of greater value than the same sum bearing the same interest, in the funds of a single State. I am not an advocate for increasing the demands on the people—they have already been too great, and as a friend of the people I shall endeavor to shew still more plainly the impositions they have suffered. The people pay a certain sum annually for interest on the State debt, and it is of little consequence to them, whether this centers in the treasury of the United States, or of a particular State. If by the adoption of one general system, both people and creditors may be benefited, every friend of his country will give an influence to complete it.
From a Hartford Paper.
ENGLISH ARTICLE. A Gentleman from the West of England went to London a few weeks ago, to receive a legacy of 500l. which he proposed to bring with him into the country. His servant, apprised of his master's errand, imprudently talked of it at an inn upon the road. A person in the room, to appearance a tradesman, but in reality a highwayman, overheard the conversation, and determined to possess himself of the booty. Pursuing the gentleman to London, he watched all his motions, and on his return into the country was ready to follow him. On the other side of Hounslow, near the turnpike on Smallberry Green, the robber came up with the chaise, and passed it full gallop, but at the gate, not having a single penny to pay the toll, appearing confused, he took out his handkerchief and begged the turnpike-man to take it as a pledge. The gentleman in the chaise having observed the transaction, on his coming up inquired the cause; and promising to return the handkerchief to the owner, paid the penny for him. He presently overtook the highwayman, and ordered his chaise to stop. Pray, Sir, said he, is this your handkerchief? If so, I fear you are in great distress. I am indeed, Sir, replied the man, in the greatest that is possible. Allow me, then, replied the gentleman, to relieve your immediate wants; and, drawing out his purse, presented him with five guineas. Your generosity, said the highwayman, disarms me; your five guineas have saved you five hundred:—and, turning his horse immediately rode off. LONDON. OCTOBER 20. PERHAPS there is no part of Europe where such an unrestrained toleration is allowed to persons of every religious denomination as in the seven United Provinces: Amsterdam may be given as an epitome of the whole. The established religion is Calvinism, and the people of that persuasion make up one third of the inhabitants, the Roman Catholics another third, and the Lutherans, Arminians, Anabaptists, Quakers and Jews, compose the remainder. Each sect has its particular places of worship, whose pastors may walk the public streets with those distinctions of dress which immediately characterize them. No ad-

ditional taxes are laid upon any particular persons above those of the established worship: Property is equally secured, and leases taken by all on similar terms for any number of years by every subject of the State. The Presbyterian churches, however alone are allowed to have steeples, and the preachers of that profession are paid by government, without tithes being imposed, or ministers money collected. The American States, however, have gone farther, for they allow the right of suffrage to citizens and landholders of every religious denomination, provided they are previously qualified by oath, enrolment, or specified property.
It is a very singular circumstance, but not more singular than true, that in the Russian empire there are more ships of war than merchantmen.
The Russian merchantmen, built in Russia, and remaining the property of subjects of that empire, do not exceed seventy. This will appear the more surprising as the population of the Russian empire exceeds 24,000,000 of inhabitants.
The King of Prussia is doing every thing in his power to render himself extremely popular in Poland, and by means of his popularity to establish an influence there, that will make him master of the councils of that country.
With this view he lately caused a medal to be struck, the subject of which alludes to certain measures which have lately taken place in Poland under the auspices of Prussia, and particularly to the great augmentation of the army.
This medal represents on one side the Genius of Poland, holding a drawn sword, with this motto— Propria Marte tuta —and on the exergue the following words, Austo exercitu , 1789.
On the other side is a bust of the famous John Sobieski, King of Poland, with this motto, Irisca virtus felix —and round the bust these words, Concordia Comitum Convocatorum , 1788.
The Prussian envoy at the court of Warsaw presented this medal, struck in gold, to his Polish Majesty, in the name of the King of Prussia—and two others, in silver, to the two marshals of the Diet, in the name of the Monarch.
These medals were struck at Berlin.
The King has not been out of doors since his removal to Paris. He has not even amused himself in his favorite exercise of walking, though the gardens of the Thuilleries hold out such a charming invitation.
The terrors of a conspiracy, said to be formed in Paris, lessen daily, though the Parisians continue in the firm opinion that it was on the point to be carried into execution. The reports on this subject have been greatly exaggerated, such as cloathing and arms having been found concealed for 15,000 men, &c. not a title of which has any truth. The city, however, has taken every precaution, in the same manner as if it was threatened, by mounting double and treble guards in those quarters of the town most suspected. The gates were shut for several days during the search, and it is only two days since people were suffered to pass in and out of the city without molestation or enquiry.
The National Cockade is in future to be worn by all the troops in the kingdom without distinction, and it is to be the substitute for the white one.
The servants of Paris have resolved to raise for the public use, the sum of one million of livres, or about forty thousand guineas.
AN AFFECTING EVENT.
Lately were executed at Old Heath, near Shrewsbury pursuant to their sentence at our last assizes, Thomas Phipps, Esq. the elder, and Thomas Phipps, the younger (father and only son) of Llwynmaplis, in this county, for forging and uttering a note of hand for 20l. purporting to be the note of Mr. Richard Coleman, of Oswestry, knowing the same to have been forged.
It was proved on the trial of these unfortunate gentlemen, that Mr. Coleman never had any transactions with Mr. Phipps that required the signing of any note whatever. That about Christmas last, Mr. Coleman was served with a writ, by order of Mr. Phipps at his own suit, which action Mr. C. defended; that Mr. Phipps not supporting it, non pros was signed in the action, with 2l. 3s. costs; whereupon Mr. Phipps and his son, with William Thomas, their clerk, made an affidavit, stating, that the note was for trespass in carrying away some hay from off the land of one of Mr. Phipps' tenants, which Mr. Coleman had taken.
The affidavit is at full length in the printed trial, wherein it appears, that Phipps the elder swears only to a conversation with Coleman; on which the learned judge observed, the son appeared to have misled the father in the matter. Upon this affidavit the Court of Exchequer granted a rule to shew cause why the non pros should not be set aside. Mr. Coleman insisting that the note was a forgery, the matter rested in suspense, till the event of this prosecution. After a full hearing of the evidence on both sides, and the Judge's charge to the Jury, the two Phipps's were pronounced guilty of uttering and publishing the note, knowing the same to be forged. The Judge immediately passed sentence of death upon them, and recommended the Jury to acquit William Thomas, who was according by found not guilty.
Mr. Phipps and his son, from the time of their condemnation till the morning of their execution, persisted in their innocence. However, before they left the goal, young Phipps confessed that he committed the forgery, avowing his father's innocence of it, and ignorance of its being forged, when published. They were taken in a mourning coach to the place of execution, accompanied by a clergyman, and another pious person, who attended them almost daily since their condemnation. On their way to the fatal tree, the father said to the son, "Tommy, thou hast brought me to this shameful end, but I freely forgive thee." To which the son made no reply. It being remarkable wet weather, the devotions were chiefly performed in the coach.
When the awful moment arrived that they must leave the sable vehicle, Mr. Phipps said to his son, "You have brought me hither, do you lead the way;" which the youth accordingly did, and in the most composed manner ascended the ladder to a temporary scaffold, erected on purpose, followed by his father. When the devotions were finished, and the convicts tied up, they embraced each other, and in a few moments the executioner let down the scaffold and they were launched into eternity, amidst a vast concourse of deeply affected spectators, beholding a parent and child suffering an ignominious death for violating the laws of their country.
Mr. Phipps was in his 47th year, and his son just 20 years of age, two days before his execution.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
DURING a short residence in England I became acquainted with that celebrated Statesman, and Patriot, Mr. HARTLEY—who distinguished himself by his opposition to those measures, which lost America to the Empire of Britain forever.—He favored me with correct copies of several Speeches made by him on important occasions—which I now send you for re-publication, that they may be preserved as monuments of the wisdom, penetration, and patriotism of the author—while they serve to exhibit the madness and folly of that ministry, who, with their eyes open, precipitated the British nation into a ruinous war, which the just and equitable politics of this gentleman, and his com-patriots, if they had been attended to, would have prevented.
T. T.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 27, 1775. LONDON.
LORD NORTH'S PROPOSITION.
MR. HARTLEY.
I AM called upon on this occasion particularly as I made a conciliatory proposition on this subject of the American disputes to the House before Christmas, which I shall, at a proper time, offer to the House as a regular motion. The proposition alluded to, was to make a free requisition to the colonies for a supply towards the expence of defending, protecting, and securing the colonies. The present motion is not free but compulsory—it is attended with menaces and threats, therefore not a lenient or conciliatory measure, but only thrown out as such for a pretext. To say, give me as much money as I wish, till I say enough, or I will take it from you, and then to call such a proposition conciliatory for peace, is insult added to oppression. The proposition which I made before Christmas, was, what it appeared, a free requisition. A requisition by a secretary of State is an ancient, legal, approved, constitutional way. It states the case, represents the services necessary to be done, and requires the free aid of the subject for those necessary services, leaving, as a constitutional controul, to the subject whose money is required, the judgment upon the necessity of the services stated, and the right of appropriating the money so granted. How totally different from this proposition is that before us now, which says neither more nor less than this—give me what I ask, leaving likewise the quantity to my discretion, or I will take it by force. Besides, this proposition is a direct breach of faith towards America, who have been assured by a circular letter from the secretary of State, that his Majesty's ministers never meant, nor ever would entertain the thought of raising a revenue in America by taxing. This proposition before us is a direct breach of the
public faith so pledged in America, by a circular letter from a secretary of state, in which his Majesty's royal word was particularly plighted. The noble Lord's proposition, who was minister in this house when the above mentioned circular letter was written, is that we will forbear to tax just so long as they will give us a revenue to our content. What is this if it be not extorting a revenue by threats of taxing? The only concession contained in this proposition is, that it gives up at once the mode of our proceedings with America for these last ten years, as it confesses that it would be proper to proceed in the way of requisitions. This proposition pretends to condemn the exercise of taxation before you have made a requisition at least, and have met with a refusal, though by uniting them in the same proposition, it destroys the very nature of the requisition by making it compulsory.
Let us enquire now whether ever North America did refuse to contribute to the common defence upon requisition; so far from it that they have contributed in case of necessity, even beyond their abilities, as the records of thanks to them, and retribution for the excess of the zeal and fidelity, which stand annually upon your journals during the late war, do fully and incontestibly prove. Throughout the whole course of this contest since the war, they have over and over offered to contribute to the necessary supply when called upon in a constitutional way . I have extracted proofs of these from addresses, petitions, &c. for the whole period of the last ten years. Their petitions you have thrown out of your doors—their repeated addresses, remonstrances, letters, and memorials you have treated with contempt. I have now in my hand many proofs that they have offered to pay upon requisition according to the utmost of their abilities, if those requisitions were made in a legal and constitutional way. I have collected offers of this kind, and I have got them from, I think, almost every colony. I can shew them repeatedly from Massachusetts Bay, from New-York, New-Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Carolina, and these repeated from time to time during the whole of this contest. I have them in my hand, and will beg to read them to the House. [ Reads them. ] And to conclude the whole, North America assembled at the continental congress pledge themselves, That whenever the exigencies of the State shall require a supply, they will, as they have always heretofore done, contribute their full proportion of men and money. The terms in which all these offers are expressed, are clear, uniform and explicit. All that they require, is, that they may stand upon the footing of freemen and free British subjects, and giving and granting their own money; for these reasons I object to the motion before us, and shall, with the permission of the House, endeavor to put the proposition upon its proper grounds by another motion on some future day.
UNITED STATES.
PITTSBURG, November 28.
BY SIMON M'GREW lately from Detroit, we are informed, that while at that place, a vessel had arrived with cannon and stores for the garrison, which is now making very strong, and there is every appearance of an intention to hold it against force.
It is with regret we announce to the public, the death of the Hon. SAMUEL H. PARSONS, one of the judges of the western territory. He had accompanied captain Hart as far as the Salt Licks, on his way to Giahaga, and was on his return, down Big Beaver creek, in a canoe with one man, when coming over the falls, the canoe was dashed to pieces, and they both were drowned.
To delay the business of dividing the Ohio Company lands, observes a correspondent, would not only be highly injurious to the proprietors generally, but to many industrious families, that have long been anxiously waiting an event which may accommodate them with the opportunity of purchasing small tracts for plantations, and becoming settlers in that part of the western territory, and certainly would deprive the company of an acquisition of inhabitants which every spring's embarkation upon the head waters (always consisting of multitudes without any fixed destination) might enable them to obtain.

TWELFTH FEDERAL PILLAR.
NORTH CAROLINA.
It is with a great degree of satisfaction we announce to the public, the RATIFICATION of the CONSTITUTION of the UNITED STATES, by the respectable State of NORTH-CAROLINA; the intelligence of which agreeable event we received yesterday morning, by Capt. JOSIAH BACON, master of the Peterborough Packet , in FIVE DAYS from North-Carolina . The particulars are:
The Convention of North-Carolina met at Fayetteville , the 1st November, and after debating the Constitution throughout, the 20th November the question of Ratification was put, and passed in the affirmative—
  YEAS,  193    NAYS,  75  
  MAJORITY,  118  
This intelligence was received at Edenton , by express, on the evening of the 30th of November. The next morning the colours belonging to the town, and on board the shipping were hoisted. At Twelve o'clock Twelve cannon were discharged, in honor of the several States in Union—and a collation provided for the spectators. At three o'clock, an elegant dinner was provided at the Merchant's Coffee-House, and after dinner the following toasts were drank:
 1. The United States of America.  2. The President of the United States.  3. The Vice-President, and Officers of the United States.  4. The King of France, and French Nation.  5. All the powers of Europe, in alliance with America.  6. Our late Convention.  7. The Governor and State of NORTH-CAROLINA.  8. May the NEW CONSTITUTION be a blessing to the people.  9. Commerce, Agriculture and Manufactures.  10. The Officers, Soldiers and Patriots, who distinguished themselves in the late army.  11. The fair Daughters of Columbia .  12. May the State of Rhode-Island follow the example of our late Convention. 
In the evening, Twelve large lanterns were hoisted on the flag-staff belonging to the town; the lantern of the Court-House, and several of the houses, were beautifully illuminated; and a very large bonfire made at the back of the town.
The bells of this town [Boston] rung one hour on this joyful occasion.
OF NORTH-CAROLINA.
The history of this State, now the more interesting, as it has become a member of the Union, is less known than that of any of the other States. It was settled in 1710, is 750 miles in length, and 110 in breadth—inhabitants 270,000, of which 60,000 are Negroes. The North-Carolinians are mostly Planters—their exports tar, pitch, turpentine, rosin, Indian corn, peltry, lumber, tobacco, ginseng, snake root, &c. &c. Agreeably to the Constitution, North-Carolina will send five Representatives to Congress.
THE IMPORTANCE OF THE CLASSICS.
AN EXTRACT FROM DR. BLAIR.
IT is in vain also to allege, that the reputation of the Ancient Poets, and Orators, is owing to authority, to pedantry, and to the prejudices of education, transmitted from age to age. These, it is true, are the Authors put into our hands at schools and colleges, and by that means we have now an early possession in their favor; but how came they to gain the possession of colleges and schools? Plainly, by the high fame which these Authors had among their own contemporaries. For the Greek and Latin were not always dead languages. There was a time, when Homer, Virgil, and Horace, were viewed in the same light as we now view Dryden, Pope, and Addison. It is not to commentators and universities, that the classics are indebted for their fame. They became classics and school-books, in consequence of the high admiration which was paid them by the best judges in their own country and nation. As early as the days of Juvenal, who wrote under the reign of Domitian, we find Virgil and Horace become the standard books in the education of youth.
Quot stant pueri, cum totus decolor estet Flaccus, et haeret nigrò fuligo Maroni.
SAT. 7.*
From this general principle, then, of the reputation of great ancient Classics being so early, so lasting, so universal, among all the most polished nations, we may justly and boldly infer that their reputation cannot be wholly unjust, but must have a solid foundation in the merit of their writings.
Of correct and finished writing in some works of taste, the moderns may afford useful patterns; but for all that belongs to original genius, to spirited, masterly and high execution, our best and most happy ideas are, generally speaking, drawn from the Ancients. In Epic Poetry, for instance, Homer and Virgil, to this day, stand not within many degrees to any rival. Orators, such as Cicero and Demosthenes, we have none. In history, notwithstanding some defects, which I am afterwards to mention in Ancient Historical Plans, it may be safely asserted, that we have no such historical narration, so elegant, so picturesque, so animated, and interesting as that of Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Livy, Tacitus and Sallust. Although the conduct of the drama may be admitted to have received some improvements, yet for poetry and sentiment we have nothing to equal Sophocles and Euripides; nor any dialogue in Comedy, that comes up to the correct, graceful, and elegant simplicity of Terence. We have no such Love Elegies as those of Tibullus; no such pastorals as some of Theocritus's; and for Lyric Poetry, Horace stands quite unrivaled. The name of Horace cannot be mentioned without a particular encomium. That "Curiosa Felicitas," which Petronius has remarked in his expression; the sweetness, elegance,
and spirit of many of his Odes, the thorough knowledge of the world, the excellent sentiments, and natural easy manner which distinguishes his Satyres and Epistles, all contribute to render him one of those very few authors whom one never tires of reading; and from whom alone, were every other monument destroyed, we should be led to form a very high idea of the taste and genius of the Augustan Age.
To all such, then, as wish to form their taste, and nourish their genius, let me warmly recommend the assiduous study of the Ancient classics, both Greek and Roman.
Nocturna versate manu, versate diurna. †
Without a considerable acquaintance with them, no man can be reckoned a polite scholar; and he will want many assistances for writing and speaking well, which the knowledge of such Authors would afford him. Any one has great reason to suspect his own taste, who receives little or no pleasure from the perusal of Writings, which so many ages and nations have consented in holding up as objects of admiration. And I am persuaded, it will be found, that in proportion as the Ancients are generally studied and admired, or are unknown and disregarded in any country, good taste and good composition will flourish, or decline. They are commonly none but the ignorant or superficial, who undervalue them.
NOTES.
* "Then thou art bound to smell, on either hand, As many stinking lamps as school-boys stand, When HORACE could not read in his own fully'd book, And VIRGIL's sacred page was all besmear'd with smoke."
DRYDEN.
† "Read them by day—and study them by night."
From Mr. Loudon's paper of yesterday.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE GUEST. —No. VII.
"His greatest action which we find, Was, that he wash'd his hands and din'd."
WE are mistaken," says the Duke de Rochefoucault, "if we think that none but the more hot and violent passions, such as love and ambition, do triumph over the rest. Laziness, as weak and languishing as it is, seldom fails of subduing them. It gets the better of all our designs, and controuls all the actions of our life; and both our passions and our virtues are, together consumed insensibly by it."
Few men have any idea, how great a proportion of indolence enters into the composition of our nature. If men were not naturally inclined to be indolent, we should find very few, who really would be so. It is evident, upon a little survey, that no men are so unhappy as those that are idle. And though man is a being made for activity, yet a great many people choose to be busy in doing nothing. I mean that men ought to be active in order to be happy. But as many men are averse to labour, their restless spirit drives them to such methods of getting rid of time as most properly may be called idleness. It may seem odd to make the assertion, but it is very true, that some persons weary themselves exceedingly in finding out how to be idle. Those, who go about asking news in the streets to know who has got a wife or a place, are of this stamp. We may also include in this description, those superficial visitors who go to see folks because they are not at home. There are several others of this kind who, as it were, labor to be lazy.
Many men are obliged to stretch their ingenuity to devise modes of wearing away their time. This will be the case with those who have no fixed employment. It should therefore be a settled maxim with every person, that unless he is employed in something useful, he cannot meet with contentment.
[ERRATUM—In last number of the Guest, line 10th from the top, for "wind" read "mind."]
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
ON CHARITY SCHOOLS.
CHARITY SCHOOLS owe their rise undoubtedly to those innate principles of benevolence which the Deity hath impressed upon the human heart. But charity in these instances, may with propriety be said to begin at home; and commonly ends there too. Indeed, from the nature of these institutions, it must always be found, that they are not competent to the design. Particular denominations and societies, form these plans for the exclusive advantage of the poor of their own persuasion: But with the aid derived from the contributions of the charitable of other denominations, was it ever known that all the poor children, without exception, of the society which is designed to be particularly benefited, were, or could be accommodated by them? What is the consequence? A charge of partiality; and this idea cannot be erased from the mind of a parent, who standing exactly on the same ground with his favored neighbor, cannot his get child admitted. Charity schools, where the object extends to clothing poor children, prove a very expensive mode of
conferring our bounty, without producing the good intended, in any degree commensurate to the charge. A charity school for 50 or 60 children upon this plan, will cost probably seven or eight hundred pounds per annum: a sum that would support two schools, in which from 150 to 200 children might be equally well taught. The expense of clothing being the heaviest charge, is the most useless, and might be saved; as it is immaterial how children are clad, provided they are clean; for uniformity in cloaths does not facilitate their progress in learning; and "he that hears the young ravens when they cry," does in the course of his providence, enable the poorest of our citizens to provide such covering for their offspring as would be sufficient for them to attend school in. In addition to the incompetency of the funds to support charity schools, and the utter impossibility of giving general, much less universal satisfaction, there is in the minds of the free citizens of these States, a principle of conscious independency, which revolts from the idea of being under obligations to charity, for the education of their children, as fully as it does to be indebted to it for the blessings of freedom and civil society. That charity schools cannot be competent to the object of making universal provision for the education of the poor, is exemplified in the city of London; where there are the most extensive institutions of this kind, that are to be found upon the face of the globe. Let us advert to facts. At the late procession of the King to St. Paul's it is said there were six thousand charity scholars mustered, double the whole that could be collected—for we well know that absence is not dispensed with on such occasions—six thousand appears a large number—but how many times six thousand must remain to be brought up in ignorance among a million of inhabitants, when only six thousand are provided for—and a great proportion of these, not the poorest—for English authors will inform us that the poor, are not always benefited by those institutions originally designed for the poor.
In the small state of Connecticut, there are no charity schools; but there are upwards of FIVE HUNDRED FREE PUBLIC SCHOOLS. The dignity of human nature—the rights of property, and a due sense of the blessings of government and civil liberty, are no where better understood, or more extensively enjoyed than in that highly favored land of equality and freedom. CIVIS.
NEW-YORK, DECEMBER 23.
Members of Congress now in this city: Senate —PRESIDENT of the Senate—Mr. DALTON; Mr. JOHNSON; Mr. SCHUYLER; Mr. KING; Mr. IZARD; Mr. BUTLER.— Representatives —Mr. GILMAN; Mr. GERRY; Mr. LAWRENCE; Mr. BENSON; Mr. SCOTT; Mr. COLES; Mr. BROWN; Mr. GRIFFIN; Mr. HUGER; Mr. SMITH, of South-Carolina.
The public expectation begins to awaken at the approaching sessions of Congress. When we reflect on the various and difficult objects to be accomplished by our legislators, we must suppose their task is weighty and critical. The patience and candor of the people will be equal, we hope, to every reasonable allowance for any delays or errors that inevitably result from circumstances so new and embarrassed.
The tranquillity and contentment that prevails among the citizens of the United States, under the operation of the national government, are a proof of their general determination to give it support. If we may judge from appearance, the various branches of the executive departments are filled with such characters, as do honor to their appointments and give general satisfaction to the people. When men of abilities and integrity are at the head of affairs, we may always expect that the government will operate, in such a manner, as to obtain popular sanction and promote the important ends of political association.
It is worthy of contemplation how rapidly the people of this country are extricating themselves from the calamities and burdens of the late war. Many towns that were laid waste by the ravages of the enemy are restored to their former size and prosperity. The progress of an industrious frugal people, towards wealth and comfort may be accelerated to such a degree as almost to elude calculation. We have many striking examples how soon the disasters of fire, and many other misfortunes may be surmounted, when once the people assume resolution, and practise industry.
The amendments to the Constitution proposed by Congress to the several States, appear to receive that cordial approbation which does honor to the candor and patriotism of the respective State Legislatures, to whom they have been submitted.—If they do not in every respect meet the ideas of those who never liked the Constitution, it ought to be remembered that they are the result of a concession on the part of the majority, who were satisfied with the system in its original form—but from the best motives were induced to acquiesce in amendments to reconcile, if possible, opposition, and to conciliate the doubting.
‡ We are much favored by the "Sketch on Poetry"—want of room prevents its insertion this day; but it shall appear in our next.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Saturday Schooner Sally, Patterson, Shelburne, 5 days. Sloop Sally, Sampson, Boston, 17 days. Monday Sloop Saratoga, Thrasher, Cape Fare, 28 days. Sloop Polly, Bartlett, Cape Fare, 28 days.

MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER XXIV.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 27, 1780.
SIR, QUESTION twenty-seven.—How was the situation of manufactures, manual art, and trade in general, at the beginning of this war? What change have they suffered?
Manufactures in general never flourished in America. They were never attended to only by women and children, who could not work in the field, and by men at certain seasons of the year, and at certain intervals of time when they could not be employed in the cultivation of the lands; because that labor upon land, in that country, is more profitable than in manufactures. These they could import and purchase, with the produce of their soil, cheaper than they could make them. The cause of this, is the plenty of wild land: A day's work, worth two shillings, upon wild land, not only produced two shillings in the crop, but made the land worth two shillings more: Whereas a day's work of the same price, applied to manufactures, produced only the two shillings.
Since the war, however, freight and insurance have been so high, that manufactures have been more attended to. Manufactures of salt-petre, salt, powder, cannon, arms, have been introduced; cloathing, in wool and flax, has been made; and many other necessary things: But these, for the reason given before, will last no longer than the war, or than the hazard of their trade.
America is the country of raw materials, and of commerce enough to carry them to a good market; but Europe is the country for manufactures and commerce. Thus Europe and America will be blessings, to each other, if some malevolent policy does not frustrate the purposes of nature. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. CALKOEN.
FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE.
To our BRETHREN, the CITIZENS of NEW-JERSEY.
EVERY friend of our national prosperity must feel himself interested in your plan of maintaining your poor, by means of manufactures. It is at once wise and humane. The object of the present little address is, to recommend to you to take great care in fixing the seats of your several factories. Let them unite these three objects—1st. A fund of fuel that will not fail, or access to it.—2d. A fund of forage, that will be equal to the supply of an encreasing and accumulated population.—3d. As interior a situation as can be found, which possesses the first two requisites, that a market may be afforded for the produce of those farms, that are at present subject to a heavy expence of carting.
Let your females be taught to weave. It is more healthful than many of the sedentary employments of their sex, such as knitting, needle-work, carding and spinning. Weaving a yard of jean or plain cotton stuff is worth 7d. or 8d. specie, and a steady person may easily weave seven yards in a day: That is, 3/6 or 4/6 per day may be earned by a female weaver. A young woman that can read and write, and earn four shillings specie a day, is well endowed. No prudent young man need be afraid to marry her: This we ought to attend to among ourselves: In the mean time it is suggested, from our due regard to you likewise.
Endeavor to have a command of water. Machines that go by water may work wonders: They have enabled the British nation to advance their cotton manufactures two or three hundred per cent. in a very few years.
Look immediately to your inland navigation and main roads. Cheap carriage of raw materials, fuel and provisions, are the greatest of all aids to manufactures.
You have wisely banished your paper tender. Commerce, foreign and domestic, sickens at the sight of it. Since the federal constitution has removed all danger of our having a paper tender, our trade is advanced fifty per cent. How has this happened? Our monied people can trust their cash abroad, and have brought their coin into circulation. The same thing will happen to you in a year or two. A million of specie dollars have been introduced into business in this State since the peace, by persons who have come from abroad to settle among us. Would they have done this if we had a paper lawful tender? No. Nor will prudent foreigners ever introduce their money into the manufactures, internal trade or foreign commerce of a country, that has paper money, unless it be to fleece the inhabitants by profits of cent per cent.
Look well to your habits of living. Though without foreign trade, do not import spirits cost you more than all your taxes? Is this necessary? Could you not draw from your lands those excellent and wholesome substitutes—porter, ale, beer, metheglin and cyder.
Brethren of New-Jersey, rouse yourselves. Let industry, economy, and the use of home
made articles become a fashion. They will be more honorable than purple and fine linen, and will encrease the power of your country.
THE CITIZENS OF PENNSYLVANIA.
December 4th, 1789.
ON THE VANITY OF YOUTHFUL HOPES.
IN life's gay morn, what vivid hues Adorn the animating views, By flattering fancy drawn? No storms with gloomy aspect rise, To cloud the azure of the skies, No mists obscure the dawn. With looks invariably gay, Young Expectation points the way To ever blissful shades, Where odours scent the breath of morn, Where roses bloom without a thorn, And music fills the glades. Enraptur'd with the distant view, Youth thinks its fictions beauties true, And springs the prizeto gain; His grasp the gay illusion flies: Experience thus the cheat defies, And proves his hopes are vain. The path of life tho' flowers adorn, Yet often will the rugged thorn Amidst the flowers arise; Expect not then on earth to share Enjoyment unallay'd by care, But seek it in the skies.
ANECDOTE.
A CELEBRATED counsellor had been laboring in a long winded speech to the jury. The verdict being found against him, zounds! exclaimed he, here have I been spending my breath for an hour vainly endeavoring to convince twelve blockheads of a point that is as clear as demonstration, I believe my countrymen have been inoculated for dulness.—That may be, said the other counsellor who had gained the cause, but you, unlike your countrymen, have it in the natural way.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
ABSTRACT OF JOURNAL of the FIRST SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, July 30.
PROCEEDED to a third reading of the bill, entitled, "An act for settling the accounts between the United States and individual States," and, Resolved that the Senate do concur therein; and the Secretary notified the House of Representatives accordingly.
FRIDAY, July 31.
Proceeded to a third reading of the bill, entitled, "An act to establish the Treasury Department."
On the question, shall the words, "And an assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury," at the end of the first paragraph, be stricken out? Passed in the negative.
On motion to strike out the words "Secretary of the Treasury," and insert, "Three Superintendents of the Treasury," it passed in the negative: And on the question upon the bill, Resolved, That the Senate do concur therein with amendments.
The Secretary carried the bill, entitled "An act to establish the Treasury Department," to the House of Representatives, concurred in with Amendments.
Also the concurrence of the Senate in the resolve of the 31st July, and the appointment of Mr. Wingate a standing committee, jointly with the committee of the House to examine and present the enrolled bills that may pass the Senate and House of Representatives from time to time.
MONDAY, August 3.
The bill, entitled, "An act for the establishment and support of light-houses, beacons and buoys," concurred in with amendments, was carried to the House of Representatives by the Secretary.
TUESDAY, August 4.
Proceeded to a third reading a bill, entitled, "An act to establish an Executive Department, to be denominated the Department of War."
On motion to strike out these words—in line 6th and 7th, "And Naval," "Ships," "Or naval affairs;" Passed in the negative.
On motion to strike out the words—line 14th, "And who, whenever the said principal officer shall be removed from office by the President of the United States;"
And the yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the Senators present, the determination was as follows:
YEAS. Mr. Butler, Mr. Few, Mr. Gunn, Mr. Grayson, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Izard, Mr. Langdon, Mr. Lee, Mr. Wingate. 9.
NAYS. Mr. Carroll, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Henry, Mr. King, Mr. Morris, Mr. Read, Mr. Schuyler, Mr. Strong. 10.
So the question was lost, and the words proposed to be struck out, were retained; and upon the question on the bill,
Resolved, That the Senate do concur therein with amendments: Which bill, with the amendments was carried to the House of Representatives.
Proceeded to the third reading of a bill, entitled, "An act to provide for the government of the territory north-west of the River Ohio."
On motion to insert these words after the word "President," in the last line of the second section, "By and with the consent of the Senate;"
And the yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the Senators present, the determination was as follows:
YEAS. Mr. Butler, Mr. Few, Mr. Gunn, Mr. Grayson, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Izard, Mr. Langdon, Mr. Wingate. 8.
NAYS. Mr. Carroll, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Henry, Mr. King, Mr. Morris, Mr. Read, Mr. Schuyler, Mr. Strong. 10.
So it passed in the negative;—And on the question upon the bill, as it was,
Resolved, to concur therein with amendments: Which bill, with the amendments, was carried to the House of Representatives.
A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Beckley; who brought up a bill, entitled, "An act for making compula-
tion to the President and Vice President of the United States, and desired the concurrence of the Senate therein;—
Informed the Senate that the House had agreed to the amendments on the bill, entitled, "An act for the establishment and support of light-houses, beacons, and buoys;"—
Brought up the acceptance, by the House of Representatives, of a report of a joint committee upon the mode of presenting addresses, the enrollment of bills, &c.—
Together with the appointment of Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Carroll, and Mr. Hartley, a committee, to join with a Committee of the Senate, to be appointed for the purpose "To consider of and report, when it will be convenient and proper that an adjournment of the present session of Congress should take place; and to consider and report such business, now before Congress, necessary to be finished before the adjournment, and such as may be convenient to be postponed to the next session; and also consider and report such matters now before Congress, but which it will be necessary should be considered and determined by Congress, before an adjournment."
WEDNESDAY, August 5.
Proceeded to a first reading of a bill, entitled, "An act for allowing a compensation to the President and Vice President of the United States," and assigned to-morrow for a second reading.
Appointed Mr. Strong, Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Carroll, a committee, jointly with the committee of the House of Representatives, to that purpose appointed, to consider what business is necessary to be acted upon prior to an adjournment, and to report a proper time at which an adjournment shall take place, agreeably to a proposition from the House of Representatives of the 4th of August.
WEDNESDAY, August 5.
Mr. Butler, in behalf of the committee to whom it was referred to arrange and bring forward a system to regulate trade and intercourse between the United States, and the territory of other powers in North-America and the West-Indies;"—
Reported, That it will be expedient to pass a law for imposing an increased duty of tonnage, for a limited time, on all foreign ships and other vessels that shall load in the United States with the produce of the same, to any port or place in America where the vessels of the United States are not permitted to carry their own produce; but such a law being of the nature of a revenue law, your committee conceive, that the originating a bill for that purpose, is, by the Constitution, exclusively placed in the House of Representatives.
Your Committee beg leave further to report, as their opinion, that it will be expedient to direct a bill to be brought in, for imposing similar restraints upon the trade of the European settlements in America with the United States, that are imposed on the trade of the United States with those settlements.
Resolved, That the first clause of this report be accepted, and that the remainder of the report be recommitted, and that it be an instruction to the Committee, in case it shall be their opinion that a legislative provision ought to be made on the subject of the commitment, to report a bill for that purpose.—And that Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. King, and Mr. Read be added to the committee. Adjourned. (To be continued.)
ADVERTISEMENT.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE OHIO COMPANY.
WHEREAS, in the opinion of the Agents, it is very much for the interest of the proprietors at large, that all the lands of the purchase should be divided and allotted as immediately as may be—And in order to accommodate them generally, by the option of classing as they may think proper, and drawing their rights or shares (where they may possess more than one) either together in contiguity, or by detaching and annexing them to distinct classes or divisions (at their own election) to give them the greater chance for variety in soil and situation—It is unanimously resolved, That as soon as the exploring committee shall have appropriated the lands for donation settlements, in quantity sufficient for all the proprietors, WINTHROP SARGENT, JOSEPH GILLMAN, and RETURN J. MEIGS, Esquires, who are hereby appointed a committee for that purpose, shall immediately make out, upon a large scale, a complete map or plan of the whole purchase from the best information, which they may be then able to obtain, expressing all the lands of the eight acre, three acre, city lots and commons, one hundred and sixty acre, and donation lots, the reserved lots of Congress, school lots, and lots appropriated for religious purposes—also, the two townships given by Congress for an university, and the towns or situations for towns to be reserved by the company for a future allotment.—That, all the residuary lands shall be, by them, the said committee of three, divided and numbered upon paper, into forty equal grand divisions of twenty-five shares each, as like in quality as may be: That each grand division be divided into five sub-divisions of five shares each, and each sub-division into sections of single shares:—That as soon as the map or plan is completed, the agents will form or class their subscribers (who shall not previously class themselves) by sections or single shares, into sub-divisions of five, and grand divisions of twenty-five, and immediately proceed to drawing by lot for said lands; by grand divisions, sub-divisions and sections: That in all draughts of sub-divisions (into sections) which may be made up of proprietors holding four, three, or two and single shares, it shall be the usage for the greatest proprietor, or holder of the greatest number of shares, to take his lands in contiguity, by lot, either in the southern or northern part of the sub-division, where they shall be numbered from north to south, and in the western or eastern (by lot also) where they may be numbered from west to east; and where sub-divisions may be made up of two proprietors of two shares each, and one of one share, the two greatest proprietors shall receive their sections, by lot, either in the southern or western part of the sub-division. Resolved, That the before named committee, be directed to prepare the names and numbers, and make all the necessary arrangements for the intended draught: That previous to the drawing for this ultimate grand division of lands, there shall be returns of the proprietors, as they may be classed by the agents (or otherwise) lodged in the Secretary's office, and it is recommended in all cases to consult the inclinations and interests of the proprietors in the order of classing.
Resolved, That the agents will give public notice of the time and place of drawing, and that there be two persons no ways interested in the draughts, who shall be sworn to the faithfully drawing out the names and numbers from the boxes, and who alone shall be employed in this business for the draught of grand divisions, sub-divisions, and sections.
Resolved, That the Secretary cause the foregoing resolutions to be published in the newspapers of New-York, and the New-England States; to the end that the proprietors at large may have the option of classing themselves as they may think proper: And they are hereby requested to do, and to express themselves upon this subject, either to their respective agents, or by information in writing addressed to, and to be lodged with the Secretary, at his office in the city of Marietta, previous to the first Monday of March, 1790—Upon which day it is expected the division will take place. WINTHROP SARGENT, Secretary to the Ohio Company.
Marietta, 3d November, 1789.
MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS which have appeared in the Gazette, are part of a series, 26 in number, wrote by his Excellency in Holland—the whole are published in a pamphlet of 64 pages, which is to be sold by Messrs. Berry & Rogers, Hanover-Square, Mr. Robert Hodge, Queen-Street, and by the Editor hereof.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]