Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-05-01 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 110.—VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, MAY 1, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
LONDON.
To the EDITOR of the GAZETTEER.
Please to insert the following extract of a letter from Paris, dated February 25th, 1790. I pledge myself to you that it is genuine, and that the writer is a man of condition, and veracity.
A CONSTANT READER.
THE National Assembly have made such progress in the constitution, that I cannot immediately comply with the request you make me, to inform you of all that they have done.—I am however, collecting those fundamental articles, which may, with propriety, be termed constitutional. But, as these will form a parcel much too large to send by the post, I shall embrace the first private conveyance that offers to forward them to you. At present, I have the satisfaction to assure you, that notwithstanding what so many Editors of English newspapers surmise, or their correspondents affirm to the contrary, the revolution moves on rapidly to completion, and in a right line. Since my arrival, the Assembly have been much occupied in fixing what they have just now finished, the territorial and other divisions of the kingdom. The Municipalities, which are formed in every village of it, are to be the basis of the new order of things. These are comprehended in the eighty three departments, which are the wider distributions of the country. These departments are divided into districts, and these subdivided into cantons. The number of representatives which each of these eighty three departments will be entitled to send to the National Assembly, is to be decided by the extent of their surface, the degree of their population, and the amount of their contributions. First, each department is allowed three members for its surface, and then, its population and contribution being ascertained, a proportional number of representatives in a just ratio to both, is to be superadded. According to these criterions, it has been estimated that the whole number of the next National Assembly may amount to about seven hundred and twenty. All citoyens actifs throughout France are to enjoy the rights of voters. They are described to be—Frenchmen, or such as have become Frenchmen, who have paid a tax equal to three days labour, and resided one year in the canton where their votes are given. These voters choose a certain number of electors, who meet together in each department, and choose its proportion of members to the National Assembly. Any citizen is qualified to be a member who adds to the above requisites of a voter—that of discharging a direct tax of the value of a mare d'argent :—about fifty-four livres.
It is only a few days since the Military Committee made their report (which has not yet obtained the form of a decree,) concerning the number of which the army ought to consist, and the mode of its appointment. The present pay of the troops it is said will be augmented. The peace establishment will not exceed one hundred and forty thousand men. To these, in time of war one hundred thousand are to be added. But arrangements are likewise taking to establish a well organized militia, who, if they be but tolerably trained in the use of arms, will probably compose a body of men formidable indeed on any emergency, especially for operations of internal defence. And this for the plainest of all possible reasons;—because, under the new constitution, they will habitually consider themselves as the free defenders of a country, in the government and welfare of which they really and bona fide participate.
It is not yet known precisely when this National Assembly will rise. Though it is said by many, that their important work will be concluded prior to the first of May. Should this be the case, I will then endeavour to procure for you an accurate copy of the entire constitution. Mean while you may rest satisfied, and may likewise assure our mutual friends in London, that the late commotions in some of the provinces were fomented, and accounts of what happened much misrepresented by the opposers of the present reform. Those tumults have now subsided into tranquillity, and wise measures are pursuing to prevent or punish all future disturbers of the public repose. As to Paris, I do assure you, I have seldom seen it so gay, and never more quiet. In a word, as I have too high an opinion of your benevolence not to believe that you, and indeed every good man, must wish well to a cause, which has for its object the happiness of three and twenty millions of people, so it affords me sincere pleasure to tell
you, that the French Revolution proceeds better than you could reasonably expect, and, I had almost said, as well as you ought to wish: For if liberty be a gem of such vast value, that whatever a community barter for it, still they are great gainers if they get it, perhaps one ought not to desire to see that which is intrinsically inestimable obtained with facility, and at a price too cheap.
In perusing several of those constitutional decrees of the Assembly, which I shall first forward, I think it must strike you with surprize, to remark how many of them militate with the personal interests of a majority of the members. I myself know individuals of that body, who have manifested a zeal for measures, not only disinterestedly patriotic, but absolutely repugnant to that sort of selfishness, which in ordinary times, and in common cases, clings most closely to human nature. In the instances to which I allude, sinister and sordid views seem to have become dormant and extinct in an ardent pursuit of public prosperity; and different orders of citizens, in their career for the palm of pre-eminent patriotism, forgetful of private interest and separate aims, seem to have united in preferring the glory and happiness of their country, not merely as an object, but as the sole object of their ambition.
Since I came hither, I had frequent opportunities to see and converse with that truly great young man the Marquis de la Fayette. I did not think he could be so popular as I find he is. He is almost idolized by his countrymen. Nor is this admiration of him confined to persons of mean condition. Dining the other day in a large party, with the Count De E——, the Count began on a warm eulogium on the courage, skill, and virtue, with which, he said, from the commencement of the Revolution, the Marquis had uniformly conducted, as well on common occasions as in situations the most trying and critical. I asked the Count if he knew how old the Marquis de la Fayette was? With that lively enthusiasm so natural to the French, he replied, —“were we to calculate his years by his works, it might be asserted that he has lived centuries; —but, in fact, he is but three and thirty.” A rare instance of character, in which the blooming vivacity of youth has been united to the ripe wisdom of experience!
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London, to his friend in New-York, dated March 20.
“YOU will not fail to remark, when you peruse the Parliamentary debates of this nation, how much the aristocracy dread the influence of a successful struggle for liberty in France, or the people of Britain. There seems to be a complete combination of the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and Crown Officers, to decry, stifle, or calumniate every measure, that has been pursued by the National Assembly in France. Hence that bitter Phillippic pronounced by Mr. BURKE, in the debate, concerning the army estimates, which no report has stated in terms acrid or angry enough to do justice to the sentiments he that day delivered, and which extorted from his great political foe, Mr. PITT, such warm eulogium; and has since been followed by the unanimous approbation of all those who are called the better sort of people . I listened on that occasion with utter astonishment, being in the gallery of the Commons from the beginning of the debate to the end of it—as soon as I came to my lodgings I took a minute from memory of the following passage of his Anti-Gallican eloquence.”
(Part of Mr. BURKE's Speech.)
THE French have proved themselves the ablest architects of ruin that ever existed in the world. In one summer they have done their business for us, as rivals, in a way more destructive than twenty Ramillies , or Blenheims . In this very short space of time they have completely pulled down to the ground their monarchy—their church—their nobility—their laws—their revenue—their army—their navy—their commerce—their arts—and their manufactures. They are now lying in a sort of trance—an epileptic fit—exposed to the pity or derision of mankind, in wild misrule, and ridiculous convulsive movements—impotent to every purpose but that of dashing out their brains against the pavement. Yet they are so very unwise as to glory in a revolution which is a shame and disgrace to them.—
They have made their way to the very worst constitution in the world, by the destruction of their country. They were in possession of a good constitution, on the very first day when the States met in separate orders. Had they been either virtuous or wise, their business then was to secure the stability and independence of the State, according to those orders, under the Monarch on the throne, and afterwards to redress grievances. Instead of this, they first destroyed all the balances and counterpoises which serve to fix a State, and give it a steady direction, and then they melted down the whole into one incongruous mass of mob and democracy. And when they had done this with a perfidy most unexampled and atrocious, they laid the axe to the root of all property, of all national prosperity, by confiscating the possessions of the Church. They next proceeded systematically to destroy every hold of authority, civil or religious, on the minds of the people, by making and recording a sort of institute or digest of anarchy, called the rights of man, in such a pedantic abuse of elementary principles, as would disgrace the imbecility of school-boys. But the worst effect of all their proceedings is on their military—rendering them fit instruments of every infamous purpose—without even the chance of any check or controul. Not converting soldiers into citizens, but into base hireling mutineers—mercenary, sordid deserters, wholly destitute of any one honorable principle. Their conduct is one of the fruits of that anarchic spirit, from the evils of which even democracy itself is received and cherished by those who are most averse from that form as a cure. This army is not an army in corps, and with discipline, embodied under the respectable patriot citizens of the State. Nothing like it. No, it is the case of common soldiers deserting from their officers, to join the banditti of a furious and unbridled populace. It is a desertion to a cause, the real object of which is hostility, not to servitude, but to society—levelling all those institutions—breaking all those connections, natural and civil, that regulate and hold together communities by one chain and subordination—raising soldiers against their officers—servants against their masters—tradesmen against their customers—artificers against their employers—tenants against their landlords—curates against their bishops, and children against their parents. How would you, Mr. Speaker, and how would any of you gentlemen like to have your mansions pulled down and pillaged—your title deeds brought out and burnt before your faces—your persons abused, insulted and destroyed—and families driven to seek refuge in every corner of Europe—and all this without any fault of yours, or any other reason than this—that you were born gentlemen and men of property—and were suspected of a desire to preserve your estates and your consideration. Sir, this desertion of the French military was to aid the most execrable, the most detestable sedition, the very open professed abominable principle of which is an implacable hostility to nobility and gentry . Their savage war whoop is “ a l'Aristocrat ”—and by this senseless bloody cry they animate one another to rapine and to murder—while abetted by ambitious men of another class, they are crushing all that is virtuous or respectable in the nation—and, to the utmost of their power, dishonoring and disgracing every name by which we formerly knew that there was such a country in the world as France. In a former century we were in danger from emulating, or wishing to emulate their splendid despotism. But the opposite peril now awaits us. Let us shudder at our present danger of being influenced by a people whose character knows no medium between despotism and anarchy—no medium between the bigotry of superstition, and the madness of Atheism.—Atheism that foul unnatural vice, foe to all the dignity and consolation of man—which having for a long time been embodied into a faction in France, is now accredited and almost avowed by its votaries. Let us beware of being led thro an illegitimate admiration of successful fraud and outrageous violence to an imitation of the excesses of an irrational, unprincipled, proscribing, confiscating, plundering, ferocious, bloody and tyrannical democracy.”
MR. HOWARD.
IT is with regret we inform our readers, that the benevolent and philanthropic John Howard, Esq. is no more. He fell a victim to the warmth of his benevolence in the service of mankind. He died at Cherson on the 20th of January last, after an illness of twelve days.

CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 31.
The proposition for assuming the state debts under consideration.
MR. WILLIAMSON, observed, that North-Carolina must be confessedly a sufferer, unless the accounts of the several states within the union should be settled. He had said it was his firm belief that the final settlement of those accounts was intentionally delayed. He also believed that if the assumption had once taken place, a settlement would never be effected. He was not bound to answer so many questions. Why were commissioners appointed? Why were they continued? Why were they allowed clerks sufficient, with liberal salaries? There was an answer at hand. All this might be done to save appearances, until the assumption was effected—but he rather supposed that the scheme of assumption, was new, and not coherent with former systems. If questions might stand for arguments, he would take the liberty, in his turn, of asking, Why are not the commissioners furnished with a rule for determining the quotas of the several States? It is known that, without such rule, they cannot possibly settle the accounts. The neglect of this provision, and some other concomitant circumstances, stand with him for a good cause to suspect that the accounts are to await the final settlement . The member from New-York had observed that Congress, being in possession of all the funds, ought in justice to pay all the debts of the individual States. This position, if well founded, proves too much: it proves that Congress should pay the expense of the civil government of the States; but it is not true, as he conceives, that Congress have the exclusive benefit of any fund except the impost duty. It is granted that Congress may impose taxes of excise; it may demand twelve cents per gallon for all the rum that is retailed in the United States, and the legislature of any State may lay an additional excise of 18d. per gallon on rum. Are gentlemen afraid that the consumption of rum will be prevented? It is strange that gentlemen should offer to support this new and exceptionable measure by allegations that are so ill founded.
MR. PAGE. One of my colleagues has taken pains to convince the house that it was the interest of his State for Congress to assume payment of the State debts, and had concluded that his colleague differed from him in opinion. I rise to shew upon what grounds they so differ from him; and this I do not because I suppose I am the best qualified to undertake the business, but because, as I have said but little as yet, and may have been misunderstood, I wish, whilst I answer my respectable friend, I may have an opportunity of shewing in what light I view the question before the committee.
Sir, my colleague stated that it was the interest of Virginia that Congress should assume the payment of the debts, because taxes laid for that purpose by her legislature bore unequally on the state, particularly in the middle and eastern parts. But sir, granting this to be true, it is only a proof that the weight of legislative influence is against those parts of the country, and, if so, it is a proof that a majority of the legislature at least must be against our sheltering ourselves under the general government, against the exertions of its authority; That if the present mode of levying taxes be agreeable to a majority of the people, the innovation proposed must be disagreeable to them; and that it is disagreeable even to the holders of public securities, appears to me to be evident from the sudden and great fall of state certificates, and the eagerness with which creditors get rid of them. This is a fact of which I am well informed; they fell 30 or 40 per cent. It is affirmed, soon after the plan of assumption was proposed; and I am assured, by some of the most sensible and best informed gentlemen in Virginia, that they think the assumption of the state debts unjust with respect to Virginia, and impolitic.
This, then, I think ought to be a satisfactory answer to my worthy colleague, especially when I add that the state now pays its debts in its own way, in its own time, upon very easy terms, and the creditors are satisfied, and cannot but be alarmed at the assumption proposed by Congress, at least at the delay of two years before they can possibly tell what their certificates will be worth.
Sir, my friend (Mr. Bland) and other respectable members on his side of the question, suppose that policy and justice dictated the resolution before you, but I conceive that policy demands that we should do nothing which may wound the credit of the general government and excite the jealous fears of its late opposers and secret enemies; and as to justice, that requires that Congress should pay the debts of the late Congress, and sacredly comply with all its own engagements; and that state legislatures should pay their debts, and comply with their engagements; by doing this, both the general government and the individual states establish their credit and follow the dictates of the soundest policy.
As to the debt of America, it is two fold; one part was incurred for the general defence, some-
times under requisitions of Congress, and sometimes by virtuous and voluntary exertions; the other part was incurred for local purposes, sometimes indeed against the common enemy, but sometimes to shew the power and spirit of the state; perhaps sometimes to lay the foundation of future grandeur and pre-eminence amongst the states, which, it ought to be remembered, were separate, sovereign and independent, vying with each other and clashing in their interests, so as to render it necessary to abolish the confederation which feebly held them together only against a common enemy, and to establish the present federal government, under which alone provision can be made for payment of such debts as are now proposed to be assumed; but those particular debts, further than such as are truly continental charges and contracted under the late government, Congress ought no more to meddle with than the debts of our allies in Europe. Sir, if we undertake to pay a debt beyond that which the late Congress was bound to pay, and a debt too which is said to be enormous, must we not alarm the creditors of the late government?—Must we not weaken the credit of the new government, and perhaps to such a degree as to injure the very states which suppose they will be benefited by the assumption proposed? I conceive sir, it would be good policy in Congress to establish credit upon the firmest basis: If it should do this, it may hold forth its protecting hand to the weaker states, and enable them to flourish in agriculture, arts and commerce, so as to be able to pay all their own debts with honor.
Here, by the bye, I will observe that I think it highly improper in gentlemen, to represent the State debts as so large as to be beyond their abilities to pay them; I think this injurious to the credit of the States, and, I hope, founded on a mistake. I, for my part, think there is not a State in the union which, under the fostering hand of the general government, cannot pay its debts in a reasonable time; and sure I am, that the impost, tonnage, and back lands, will abundantly suffice for the payment of the debts and supplies of the general government.
It is said that these, and all the resources of government, being taken away, leave the States without the means of paying their debts; but this is a mistake: for if we reject the resolution before you, sir, the States will have direct taxes in their own hands for this purpose. If, indeed, the resolution be adopted, I know not what the States will have left: we shall then have grasped at all their resources: we shall prove the truth of the predictions of the enemies of this government, and wound the feelings of its friends, who so often declared that they could pledge themselves that Congress never would lay direct taxes but in cases of extreme necessity, and where the general good evidently required it; but in the case before us there is no such necessity; on the contrary, it is proposed merely to afford a partial relief to a few States, to the injury of a majority, and perhaps to the destruction of public credit, which may terminate in the ruin of all.
Thinking, therefore, as I do, sir, of the resolution before the committee, I shall vote to reject it.
MR. BLAND. I rise to explain myself to my honorable colleague over the way (Mr. Page) or I would not now have troubled the House. That gentleman seems to have rested his arguments in his opposition to the sentiments I expressed yesterday, on a single point, and that not the principal one which I made use of, but only a collateral one; nor do I think he has by any means invalidated what I then said even on that point. I could with the gentleman had taken the whole of my arguments, and answered them satisfactorily to me and the committee, and not have detached them; he would then have found that I yesterday mentioned some facts not easily to be disproved; that Virginia had suffered the loss of a very great number of her citizens by emigration to Kentucky, Franklin, Georgia, and other places, of whose assistance in the payment of her State debt she was totally deprived; nay, to those of Kentucky, she had yielded a very expensive protection, since the war, without receiving any return in taxes: that in consequence of her citizens emigrating, great quantities of the lands of those emigrants were offered for sale, which, with other causes, had produced a very great fall in the value of the lands held by those who had not emigrated, and who had now to pay the debts which were properly the debts of the union, to pay their own State debt, and the debts which they owed to British creditors prior to the war, to those creditors and that nation who had taken from these very people their negroes, laid waste those very lands, and burnt those towns, from whence they were to derive the means of paying any thing. It is true I mentioned in a cursory manner, and meant to apply it in its proper place, that the weight of wealth lay towards the sea coast, and in the track of the armies; that there also, of course, lay the burthen of war, and the principal part of those who were creditors of the State for monies loaned and supplies furnished, &c. and that the weight of legislative influence lay towards the mountains, and beyond them. I called upon the gentleman if this fact had not been ascertained in the legislature of Virginia, when the subject of the payment of British debts was agitated in that assembly; and asked him if loud complaints were not uttered from every part of the house from the lower members above described, nay, even from members surrounding the Honorable gentleman's place of abode. How much then must the State creditors, as I contend they are improperly called, for the bulk of the State debt, dread a similar proceeding, if the assumption does not take place, should any measure be moved which might effect the credit of the State funds, and especially when the securities, by being transferred, shall get into the hands of a few persons compared to the whole, or to those who now possess them, and who may be obliged to part with them? I must remind the gentleman that the British debtors are liable to be sued for their debts in the federal court, and that to many total ruin must ensue. A peace was necessary for America at the time it was made; few persons, except those who profited by the war, would have been willing to have continued it in our circumstances; those debtors were made a sacrifice to the obtaining that
peace; and without they are relieved by the assumption of the continental debt, which was assumed by the States when the continent was deficient in resources, their ruin would be complete. He would candidly hear and weigh every argument that could be urged; but had yet heard none that, either on a general or a State principle, had induced him to believe he should vote on this great question otherwise than he had hitherto done; that he was open to conviction, but could not change his opinion on flight grounds.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 28.
On motion, ordered, That Mr. Carroll, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Morris, Mr. Izard, and Mr. Butler, be a committee to consider what provision will be proper for Congress to make in the present session respecting the State of Rhode-Island.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
APRIL 28.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill for the remission and mitigation of fines, forfeitures and penalties in certain cases—the same having been gone through with, the committee rose, and the House ordered it to be engrossed and read the third time to-morrow.
The bill for the government of the territory south-east of the river Ohio, was taken up by the committee of the whole, and reported without any amendment, but in going through the House some amendments were made thereto, and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Page, from the committee appointed for that purpose, brought in a bill to describe the mode in which the acts, records, and judicial proceedings of the several States shall be proved, &c.—which was read the first time.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, and made progress therein.
THURSDAY, APRIL 29.
Mr. Sherman, Mr. Smith (S. C.) and Mr. Vining were appointed a committee to report to the house if any, or what further rules were necessary to regulate the proceedings in the house; and also to confer with a committee of the Senate respecting further regulations in conducting business between the two houses.
Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Smith (M.) and Mr. Sturges were appointed a committee to bring in a bill for the government and regulation of seamen in the merchants service.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill supplementary to the act, entitled, "An act for establishing the salaries of the executive officers of government, their assistants and clerks." The bill being gone through with, and amended, the committee rose, and the house agreed to the same. By this bill the secretary of state is allowed to employ another chief clerk at a salary of 800 dollars per annum.
The house took into consideration the bill for providing the means of intercourse with foreign nations, and agreed to the same as amended by the committee of the whole on Tuesday last.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill "For the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and other writings, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned."
FRIDAY, APRIL 30.
Sundry petitions and memorials were read.
A committee was appointed to report a catalogue of books suitable to form a library, for the accommodation of both Houses of Congress, and the Executive Officers of Government—with an estimate of the expense.
Some reports of committees were read—and then the House adjourned till Monday.
The first session of the General Assembly of Virginia, subsequent to the election of the President of the United States, not having been held until several months after that event, necessarily delayed an address of congratulation to the President until the winter following; and the ill health of the Senators from that State, who were directed to present the address, having interposed a further delay, until Tuesday the 27th instant, when
The following Address was presented to the President of the United States, at his house in Broadway, by the Senators from the Commonwealth of Virginia in the Congress of the United States.
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
The Address of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
SIR, THE General Assembly of your native State, embrace the first moment in their power to present the congratulations of your countrymen, on your election to the Chief Magistracy of a free and enlightened nation.
In early life you engaged the affections of your fellow-citizens, by the exercise of those social virtues, which have so eminently marked your conduct, and acquired their confidence, by the display of these abilities, which, under Divine Providence, afterwards saved their liberties, and established their independence.
That you were a citizen, was never forgotten by you, whilst a soldier; and the end of your military command confirmed the professions with which it commenced.
The very toils and dangers through which you have passed for our defence, although they sanctified your claim to retirement, yet by presenting an earnest of your worth, created a title in your fellow-citizens to demand your return to public action; yes, Sir, you have been called to your present high station, by the unanimous voice of a free people; you have obeyed them with a peculiar greatness of mind, disdaining all scruples which could induce even a momentary pause, and renouncing that domestic tranquility, which alone you claimed as the reward of victory.
Devoted as we are to republican government, we fear not to utter these truths to you, for we believe you will feel no emotions from the cordial offerings of universal praise, but those which the purest virtue inspires.
We look forward with ardent hopes, that the great disposer of events may long continue you the instrument of general happiness; and when

the awful moment shall arrive, in which the citizen, most distinguished for his piety, wisdom, valour and patriotism, must quit this sublunary scene, the people of Virginia can be consoled, only by their firm persuasion, that he is summoned to meet that well-earned recompence, which gratitude itself cannot render upon earth.
JOHN PRIDE, Speaker of the Senate. THOS. MATHEWS, Sp. Ho. Del. A COPY, TESTE, CHARLES HAY, C. H. D.
TO WHICH ADDRESS THE PRESIDENT WAS PLEASED TO MAKE THE FOLLOWING ANSWER.
To the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
GENTLEMEN, WITH a due sense of the affectionate terms in which your address is conceived, I offer my best thanks for your congratulations on my election to the Chief Magistracy of a free and enlightened nation.
If I have been enabled to make use of whatever abilities Heaven has been pleased to confer upon me, with any advantage to our common country, I consider it not less owing to the fostering encouragement I received in early life from the citizens of the commonwealth in which I was born, than to the persevering support I have since experienced from my fellow-citizens collectively, in the course of their exertions, which under Divine Providence, saved their liberties and established their independence.
However I may have confirmed my professions by my conduct, I can claim no merit for having been involved in the duties of a military command through necessity, or for having retired to the state of a private citizen through inclination. But I may be permitted to avow, that the construction you are pleased to put upon my motives for returning to public life is peculiarly satisfactory to me; because I receive from the voice of my countrymen, the only reward I wished for the sacrifice—a just interpretation of the principles by which I am conscious, I have been actuated.
Accustomed to have my actions viewed through a favorable medium, by my fellow-citizens in general, and more especially by those of my native state, I can but poorly compensate for such indulgence, by the purest emotions of gratitude demonstrated in an active devotion to that republican government, which is so deservedly the first object of their political attachment.
In looking forward to that awful moment, when I must bid adieu to sublunary scenes, I anticipate the consolation of leaving our country in a prosperous condition: And while the curtain of separation shall be drawing, my last breath will, I trust, expire in a prayer for the temporal and eternal felicity of those, who have not only endeavored to gild the evening of my days with unclouded serenity, but extended their desires to my happiness hereafter in a brighter world.
United States, } G. WASHINGTON. April, 27, 1790. }
THE TABLET.
No. CX.
"Little follies, and petty weaknesses, of no moment in common life, may, when they enter into the characters of men in high stations, obstruct the happiness of a great part of mankind."
IT is paying a great compliment to a person, to say that in all situations he conducts with propriety. There are other expressions of commendation that may be more flattering, but I know of none that a reflecting man would prefer to the praise of having committed few errors, and given little offence. If it is said that this kind of approbation may be applied to a mere negative character; I will reply that such a one gains no applause at all; he only avoids censure. But he who moves in an active sphere of life, and takes a decided part in the momentous concerns of the community, and at the same time maintains a pure reputation shews that he unites talents with discretion. The applause conferred on such a man will be dictated with sincerity and it will last forever. When men lose their influence in society, they are apt to reproach the world with insincerity or fickleness. Such suspicions generally are without reason. Every man may retain influence unless he deserves to lose it. It is very true, that a man of abilities and integrity may become unpopular; but if this should happen, he must blame himself and not the world. An honest man, may be very indiscreet, and a learned man may be very capricious. They cannot expect their caprice and indiscretion will fail to create disgust, merely because they have some capacity and honesty.
While the actions of men are confined to a narrow compass, they may indulge foibles, without doing much injury or meeting much reproach. The effect of little errors, when circumscribed, does not engage general attention. But should a man carry with him into public life any obliquities of character, however small they may be, they may be attended with peculiar inconvenience. A stubborn man, for instance, may defeat the best plans by his obstinacy, though at the same time, no one suspects he deliberately wishes to oppose the public welfare. He is only indulging a constitutional propensity, which in itself is innocent, but from its influence may become pernicious. Matters of small consequence in themselves, may be made important by the circumstances that attend them. Caprice of temper is not deemed a vicious quality, but it has produced worse effects in society than avarice or fraud. It is not easy to conjecture how great a portion of the evil incidents of life, are occasioned by the little follies and petty weaknesses of men who would be thought great and learned.
FRANCE. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
Feb. 17.
ON Wednesday M. de Cernon, member of the committee of constitution, reported to the Assembly a return from the Provinces, of several de-
crees, for settling the limits of the several districts, which will form the general decree relative to that branch of the constitution. He proposed to give a particular name to each district, different from the old; but on this point nothing was settled.
M. de Cazales proposed that the Assembly should appoint the time of their dissolution, and the election of a new one. This motion, the last hope of expiring aristocracy, was received with general disapprobation, and the previous question eagerly called for.
M. de Mirabeau was surprised that any member should dare to propose a motion to that Assembly, which would tend to criminate themselves. Had they not taken a solemn oath not to separate till they had finished the formation of a constitution! and had not that oath been taken by them, when surrounded with the instruments of despotic power!
THURSDAY, FEB. 18.
This day, after reading the minutes, the President announced a letter from Monsieur Le Duc D'Orleans, addressed to the National Assembly, which was as follows:
LONDON, FEB. 13.
"Monsieur Le President, Having obtained leave of absence from the National Assembly of the 4th of October last, I have been employed since that time in the accomplishment of those objects entrusted to me by his Majesty, and have directed all my efforts to promote the advantage of the nation, and the glory of the King; but though at a distance from the scene of your deliberations, my heart and soul are present in your august assembly, of which I esteem it my highest honor to be a member—And, permit me to say, that I have anxiously attended to your laborious duties, and have always had the good fortune to find my own sentiments expressed in your decrees.—I heartily coincide in those sentiments of love and respect repeatedly offered to his Majesty, who, without any attendants but his virtues—without any view but a sincere love of the people, united himself with the representatives of the nation, to strengthen that happy regeneration which will redound to the future glory and honor of France.
"It was natural, that on that memorable day every member of the Assembly shall make a public avowal of the principles of his conduct. The only consolation I have in not participating in such important services, is, that I have here been not wholly useless to my country.
"In these circumstances I entreat you to supplicate the assembly on my part, that they would accept of my formal accession to the oath taken by the members on the 4th instant.—I do therefore swear to be faithful to the Nation, the Laws, and the King; and to maintain to the utmost of my power the constitution decreed by the Assembly, and sanctioned by the King.—By which I enforce, as far as in my power, the decree of the 4th instant.
"And I am happy to be in perfect unison with that body in sentiment and principles.
"I am, with respect, M. Le President, Your very humble and obliged servant, L. P. J. D'ORLEANS." Depute a l'Assemblee Nationale.
LONDON, March 16.
The long expected motion in the French National Assembly, for the abolition of all titles of distinction, such as Duke, Marquis, Count, &c. in all Registers, Commissions, Leaves, &c. is to be brought forward this day.—Such is the pleasure of our Oliverian Levellers! And for the further advancement of the true Catholic Religion, the number of Bishops is to be reduced from 140 to 12!
The Swedish Minister at Copenhagen has formally declared that the terms of peace offered by the Empress of Russia have been rejected in toto, and that the King, his master, was fully determined to pursue the war with the utmost vigour.
From a gentleman who was present at the execution of the unfortunate Marquis de Favras we learn, that immediately before the fatal moment of dissolution, he spoke with uncommon audibility and force, and in the most direct language accused not only Mons. de St. Priest and the other witnesses against him of perjury but his Judges of corruption and partiality.
"If," said he, "those inhuman Judges had permitted me, I would have produced such demonstrative evidence of my perfect innocence, that the populace who sought my life, would have imbibed an interest in my preservation; but continued he, "I forgive those false Judges, and I leave them and their crimes to the mercy of that omniscient Judge who hears and knows the truth of my declaration."
Upon delivering his purse for his wife into the hands of his Confessor, his fortitude for the first time failed him—his emotions were strong and convulsive, and nature burst forth in a profusion of tears; from which he did not after entirely recover. This amiable weakness became sympathetic, and even the rabble, his most inveterate foes caught the sorrowful infection.
NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 1.
The British nation is highly to be respected for its literature, as well as for the wisdom of its free Constitution. In this age of refinement, when even tyrants are taught moderation, and flaves their rights, I am surprised to find that the attempt to repeal the British Test laws has not succeeded. Mr. Pitt's speech is to be supposed to express his own sentiments; and as the majority which voted with him was to the minority as two to one, we are to consider the sense of the house, as expressed by the vote. Among other topics, he insists upon the necessity of a national religious establishment, and treats the claim of an equality of rights as an extravagant delusion of the mind. Is there a village in America where this doctrine of Mr. Pitt's would be approved? How is it then? Are these almost exploded errors cherished in Britain, because truth would be innovation, and they are afraid of its being carried so far as to overturn the Hierarchy? Or has the nation upon the rights of conscience retarded the progress of the nation towards liberality; while the national character has acquired so much lustre by almost every other species of improvement? Whether it may be their misfortune that they dare not, or their bigotry that they are not disposed to repeal the test laws, of which the dissenters complain, it is a reproach upon the 18th century.
The delays of Congress are too severely censured; other nations have formed their debts and revenues by degrees—but Congress have to perform both operations at once. The debts are older than the government—and they have to provide funds for them without experience of what they will yield, or how they may be most prudently imposed. Where there is so much real difficulty, it is natural to expect great doubts—and the process of enquiry how this difficulty may be surmounted is protracted and embarrassed by the local prepossessions and unfortunate jealousies which prevail. The delay of business is not intentional. Those who think a measure is going to be passed, which is pernicious, will exert themselves to obstruct its passage—they will deem it better to do nothing than to do wrong. But when the great objects of the present session shall be completed, and which seem to involve the being of the government in the decision, the subjects of controversy will be diminished in number and importance—and, what is more, the spirit of controversy will abate; for the national habits which are daily forming and will be first established in Congress, will give an impulse to measures which will accelerate their passage. The fears of the States of danger from one another, and from Congress will be more and more perceived to be groundless; in future the progress of business may be found to be as expeditious as will be proper. Few men of sense will believe that the time is wantonly wasted, in order to get more pay; though incendiaries may wish to create so vile a suspicion. But without some reflection upon the novelty of their situation and the universal obstacles which they have to overcome, the public may become unreasonably impatient.
APPOINTMENTS.—BY AUTHORITY.
George Wray, collector, for the port of Hampton, in Virginia, in the place of Jacob Wray, resigned.
John McCulloh, surveyor, of the port of Swansborough, and district of Wilmington, and William Benion, surveyor, of the port of Windfor, in the district of Edenton, both in the state of North-Carolina.—In Senate nominated and approved, April 29.
We hear, that yesterday it was ordered in the Senate of the United States, that Mr. Strong be added to the committee appointed "to consider what provision will be proper for Congress to make in the present session, respecting the state of Rhode Island," in the stead of Mr. Butler, excused at his own desire; his colleague being on the committee.
The Public Creditors were notified in the Boston Independent Chronicle, the 22d ultimo, to meet at the Coffee-House in that town.
The Office of the Editor will be removed next week to Broad Street near the Exchange.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
   MAY 1.—DOLLARS at 8s.     JAMAICA Spirits, 5/3. 5/. Do. 22 inch do. 11. 6/.   Antigua Rum, 4/9. a 5/. Do. 18. inch do. 18/.   St. Croix, do. 4/4. Butt white oak staves, 35/.   Country, do. 3/. Pipe do. do. 9/.   Molasses, 2/. Hoghead do. do. 6/.   Brandy, 6/6. a 6/3. Do. do. heading, 8/.   Geneva, 5/. Irish barrel do. staves, 3/.   Do. in cases, 28/. Hoghead red oak do. 5/.   Muscovado Sugar, 80/. Do. French do. 5/.   Loaf, do. 1/3. Hoghead hoops, 4/.   Lump, do. 1/1½. White oak square timber } 10d.   Pepper, 3/. per square foot, } 10d.   Pimento, 1/. Red wood, per ton, 20/.   Coffee, 1/3. 1/4. Fustick, 10/.   Indigo, (Carolina) 3/. Beaver, per lb. 12/.   Do. French, 18/. Otter per skin, 9/.   Rice, 23/. Grey fox, 4/7.   Superfine Flour, 64/. Martin, 4/10.   Common do. 58/. Raccoon, 3/6.   Rye do. 26/. Mukrat, 10d.   Indian Meal, 18/. Beaver hats, 64/.   Rye, 4/9. pr. bu/h. Castor do. 48/.   Wheat, 11/. Chocolate, 14d.   Corn, (Southern) 4/. Cocoa, 70/.   Do. (Northern,) 5/. Cotton, 1/9.   Beef, first quality, 48/. Tar, pr. bar. 10/.   Pork, first quality, 75/. Pitch, 14/.   Oats, 1/7. Turpentine, 18/.   Flax-seed, 5/. Tobacco, James River, 4d.   Ship bread per cwt. 21/. Do. York, 4d.   Country refined } 28/. Do. Rappahannock, 2d.   bar-iron, } 30/. Do. Maryland, coloured, 5½d.   Do. bloomery, 25/. Do. Western-shore, 2d.   Swedes do. 45/. Lead in pigs, pr cwt. 60/.   Russia do. 30/. Do. bars, 68/.   Pig-iron, 8/. Do. Shot, 68/.   German steel, 9d. per lb. Red lead, 68/.   Nails American, by cask, } 14d. White do. dry, 95/.   per lb. 4d. White do. in oil, 5/.   Do. do. do. 6d. Salt-petre hams, 7½d.   Do. do. do. 8d. Spermaceti candles, 3/.   Do. do. do. 10d. Mould do. 11d.   Do. do. do. 12d. Tallow dipt, 9½d.   Do. do. do. 20d. Soap, 5d.   Do. do. do. 24d. Castile soap, 9d.   Pot ash, per ton, 39/. English cheese, pr. lb. 15d.   Pearl ash, 48/. Country do. 5d.   Bees-wax per lb. 2/. Butter, 10d.   Mackerel per barr. 26/. Hylton tea, 9/.   Herrings, 18/. Sequin do. 6/.   Mahogany, Jamaica, } 10d. Bohea do. 2/6.   per foot, } 10d. Ginseng, 2/.   Dominico, do. 9d. Starch Poland, 7d.   Honduras, do. 7d. Snuff, 2/3.   Logwood unchipped, pr. ton. 8/. Allum salt, water mea- } 3/6.   Do. chipped. 14/. ture, pr. bush. } 3/6.  
John Smith & Peter Wendover, SAIL-MAKERS,
BEGS leave to inform their Friends and the Public in general, that they have commenced business in copartnership in their line, under the Firm of SMITH and WENDOVER, in the Sail-Loft on VAN ZANDT's Wharf (near the Coffee-House) formerly occupied by CARMER and SMITH, and lately by JOHN SMITH. Those Gentlemen who will be pleased to favor them with their custom may depend upon having their work done in the best manner, and on as short notice as can be expected.

TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUZAC.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of Intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
(CONTINUED.)
Extract of a letter from Madrid, 14 Dec. 1789.
GOVERNMENT has been very attentive in preventing the circulation of any papers respecting the revolution in France—several however have been introduced into Spain, and some of them translated into Spanish. The Inquisition which has relaxed in persecuting heresy, now watches over the political orthodoxy of the nation, and has anathematized a number of their works.
About three weeks since an Ordinance was published here enjoining all persons (excepting the Grandees of Spain) who are not settled in the capital, and who cannot produce good reasons for staying, to leave Madrid in a fortnight, under penalty of a fine of 50 ducats, in case of disobedience.
Extract of a letter from Paris, 28 Dec.
Among a number of matters, of consequence to this capital, but little to the world at large, few have affected M. BAILLY, and excited more general attention, than a plot which was discovered last Saturday, which was, to put to death the Mayor, and the Marquis de la Fayette. The committee for searching the city immediately assembled, and ordered some persons to be apprehended—the most conspicuous is M. MOREL, Administrator of the Royal Lottery of France. He was arrested on Saturday evening, and after having been interrogated at the Hotel de Ville, neither he nor the others were confined. It is probable that this report, like many others, is without foundation. M. FAVRAS, and his wife, who is said to be a natural daughter of the Prince ANHALT, and who were among the number of the arrested, mentioned in their deposition certain connections with Monsieur the King's brother. A report immediately prevailed that this Prince was at the head of the conspirators. In order to contradict this report in the most public manner, Monsieur came the day before yesterday to the Assembly of the Commons of Paris, and made a speech, in which he set forth his acquaintance with M. Favras, which had been in his service in the Swiss guards, which he left in the year 1775, from which time, until lately, he had no communication with him, when he employed him to transact some money negotiations. He spurned at the idea of justifying himself on this occasion, and explained his opinions which he openly avowed, and would always support—and concluded by saying, that the happiness of the King, and of the people, was the sole object of his thoughts and wishes.
A robbery was committed on the Chatelet, between the hours of 10 and 11 on Sunday evening the 20th, by ten persons who broke in, knowing that it contained a large quantity of money property and valuable papers, and among other things jewels of above 200000 livres in value, belonging to the estate of the late Duchess of Kingston. They were discovered whilst filling their pockets, three were seized, and the other seven made their escape, four of whom it is said have since been taken.
The defence which the Parliament of Brittany is about to make at the bar of the National Assembly, where it has been cited, interests the public attention. The parliament proposes to justify its conduct on the principle, That "it is out of their power to dispense with their oaths, which with the law of the Province prohibits them from registering any law that has not been accepted by the States of Brittany."
The decree of the National Assembly, of the 24th declaring Non-Catholics capable of filling all employments, civil or military, as well as other citizens, affords Europe an example, which does not exist among people, proudest of their republican liberty. If the like spirit of this truly christian wisdom and charity does not pervade other enlightened nations, there can be no doubt but that an equitable toleration, a constitution under which the rights of men and citizens are duly appreciated, a mild climate, Agriculture encouraged, and Commerce protected, will restore to France that population, that spirit of industry, and activity—in a word, that universal tranquillity, which the fatal reign of despotism, under LEWIS the XIVth. seemed to have ravished from it forever. The speech of M. BRUNET DE LATUQUE, deputy from the bailiwick of Nerac, which occasioned the decree, did him great honor.
Extract of a letter from Petersburg, 11 Dec.
The Empress, among other proofs of her estimation of the services of Field Marshal Prince POTEMKIN, the conqueror of Oczakow, has presented him with a set of brilliants, in the form of a crown of Laurel, to wear round his hat, valued at 100000 roubles. Lt. Col. SUBOW, who brought the news of the capture, was presented with a snuff box, richly ornamented with diamonds.—
Maj. Gen. POPOFF, who delivered the key of the fortress, has been decorated with the order of St. Ann. Prince George DOLGORUCKI has obtained the blue ribbon of St. Andrew. Lt. Gen. SAMOILW the order of St. Alexander, and Major Gen. ENGELHARDT the order of St. Wolodimir of the second class.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
La nature parle aux cœurs des Rois, tout comme a ceux des particuliers.
NATURE speaks the same language to the hearts of Princes, as to those of other men. Kings compare themselves with other Kings, or with such of their own subjects, as are nearest to them: and have the same sentiments as private persons, of pride, vanity, jealousy, resentment and hatred arising from such comparisons.
FRANCIS I. after his ascension to the throne; whether he was misled by an imprudence of youth, or whether he consulted only his own beneficent disposition—proposed to himself, from the first day of his reign, to aggrandize the Princes of the blood, and load them with favors. To elevate in dignity, those who belonged to the Royal family by proximity of blood, he believed to be for his own glory; having discerned in CHARLES the head of the Branch of Bourbon, all the talents which form the great Captain and the able Statesman, he gave him the office of Constable; and by conferring on him and the Princes of that house the most distinguished employments, he placed them at the head of the most important affairs of his kingdom. This it must be confessed was impolitic; since it is always dangerous for the first in office or command, to be over fond or familiar with the second—to confer too many opportunities of eclipsing his own glory or of drawing away the attention of the public; or to offer too many temptations to ambition, rivalry or envy.—Accordingly the first fire of this zeal abated: and experience having excited his jealousy, or policy revealed to him the reasons of the conduct, which his predecessors had holden; he manifested in the sequel as much eagerness to lower the Bourbons, as he had at first discovered of affection to exalt them.
Fortune soon presented an opportunity favorable to his design. LOUISA of Savoy, his mother, had commenced a law suit against CHARLES, for the Duchy of Bourbon, in his possession. Judges, in those days, were not independent. —The King thought that by influencing the decision, in favor of his mother, and by thus despoiling the House of Bourbon of the richest portion of their patrimony, he might accelerate the declension of a credit, founded in part on their immense riches. CHARLES, in the course of the proceedings, discovered the manœuvres, which were practised to his prejudice, by the Chancellor DUPRAT, by order of the King. The indignation, which he conceived at this injury, and the apprehension of the reverse of fortune which threatened him, struck him so forcibly, that, having negotiated secretly with the EMPEROR, CHARLES Vth. and HENRY VIIIth. King of England, he conspired against the State, and even against the person of the King. His designs were discovered: and, necessitated to fly the kingdom with precipitation, he afterwards bore arms against his sovereign.—He commanded the Imperial army at the battle of Pavia, in which after the bloody defeat of the French army the King surrounded on all sides by the infantry of the enemy, remained a prisoner. The Constable, as a punishment of all these crimes was declared a rebel: all his estates were confiscated and united to the dominions of the crown. He was killed soon after, at the taking of Rome; and there remained to the Bourbons nothing of that grandeur, which had inspired so much umbrage to Kings. Their misfortunes did not cease here.—Although CHARLES was deceased without issue and the other Princes of his House had not favored his revolt, resentment in the breast of the King overcame his reason, and the Bourbons were deprived of the favours of the court, and banished from the government. Their personal merit could not soften the hatred attached to their name. This rigour it is true, diminished with time, and in proportion, as the memory of the past, and the disadvantageous ideas which the King had conceived of them, were effaced from his mind. Nevertheless, he cautiously applied himself, to obstruct all the passages, by which they might have returned to the possession of those dignities and that power, to which Royal favor had formerly raised them. These secret dispositions of the King were perfectly known to CHARLES of VENDOME, now at the head of that House, who by his moderation, studied to dissipate the suspicions, which were entertained against his family; in this view he refused, during the imprisonment of the King, to pretend to the regency, which belonged to him, of right.—After the King was set at liberty, CHARLES shut himself up with his domestics, leading a private life, without meddling in the government of a State, in which he saw he was suspected. All the other Bourbons, after his example retired, as much to prove that they were innocent of the revolt of the Constable,
as to mark their submission to the will of the King, even when it was most disadvantageous to them. They avoided every thing which could revive the distrust against them: and, too openly in disgrace, to think of elevating themselves to those dignities which they thought alone suitable to their birth, and too haughty to descend to the smaller places, they renounced all the honors and offices of the court. The same causes produce the same effects. The late revolution in France, opened a prospect to the Royal family, not very different from that in 1515. Tho' the merits and injuries of ORLEANS, may not be Compared to those of a Constable de Bourbon; yet the passions of a Prince of the blood of the second order may hereafter be painted by another DAVILA. Opportunity will generally excite ambition to aspire: And if even an improbable case should happen of an exception to this rule, danger will always be suspected and apprehended, in such circumstances, from such causes. We may soon see, that a form of government in which every passion has an adequate counterpoise, can alone secure the public from the dangers and mischiefs, of such rivalries, jealousies, envies and hatreds.
FASHION.—AN EXTRACT.
ADDISON speaking of the attention paid by the women of his day, to the ornaments of their heads and of their feet, supposes them to be actuated by the old house-wife's maxim, "that if you light the fire at both ends, the middle will take care of itself," but the greater caution of this age is, it seems, unwilling to trust to the proverb; and equal attention is at present paid to the center as to the extremities of the fair. The present idea of beauty as applied to this part of the female, appears to consist entirely in bulk—hence the Venus a belles fesses of the present times is a Venus a grosses fesses: Whereas, in a few years hence, female beauty may consist in being as lank as a greyhound.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
S C H E M E.
Table with 3 columns: Prize number, Prize amount in £, and Number of Prizes. Includes prizes from 1 to 7950.
8346 Prizes, 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £.50000. 16654 Blanks, Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in August next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
ADVERTISEMENT.
By order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled "an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety. March 31. rawgm.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market,
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE. &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790. tf.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muffins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jackonet do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cassas, Chintzes, Seerfuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.