Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-09-17 00:00:00

I Thomas
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 41, of Vol. III.]
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1791.
[Whole No. 249.]
L O N D O N. JULY 19.
To put the public in possession of every fact relative to the late riots at Birmingham, we find ourselves under the necessity of giving them that inflammatory and treasonable hand-bill which was circulated by the Presbyterian party on Wednesday last, in the following words:
My Countrymen!
The second year of Gallic Liberty is nearly expired; at the commencement of the third, on the 14th of this month, it is devoutly to be wished that every enemy to civil and religious despotism, would give his sanction to the majestic common cause, by public celebration of the anniversary.
Remember, that on the 14th of July, the Bastille, that high altar and castle of despotism fell!
Remember the enthusiasm, peculiar to the cause of liberty, with which it was attacked!
Remember that generous humanity that taught the oppressed groaning under the weight of insulted rights, to save the lives of the oppressors!
Extinguish the mean prejudices of nations! and let your numbers be collected, and sent as a free-will offering to the National Assembly.
But, is it possible to forget that your parliament is venal; your minister hypocritical; your clergy legal oppressors; the reigning family extravagant; the crown of a great personage too weighty for the head that wears it; too weighty for the people who gave it; your taxes partial and oppressive; your representatives a venal junta upon the sacred rights of property, religion and freedom.
But on the 14th of this month prove to the sycophants of the day, that you reverence the Olive Branch; that you will sacrifice to public tranquillity till the majority shall exclaim—
The peace of slavery is worse than the War of Freedom!—of the day let Tyrants beware!
Can any man of honest principles—can any loyal subject—can even the boldest of our anti-ministerial senators read this without shuddering at the dreadful scene it was meant to realize? REBELLION is featured on its countenance—and REPUBLICANISM centered in its bosom. He who wishes to defend his property—he who loved the Constitution under which that property flourished—must no doubt have taken the alarm at so daring a libel against all that was dear to Englishmen.
The public however was determined before they proceeded to violence, to have some further proof of the intention of those Commemoration-Men. This hand-bill might be a forgery—or might be an insidious scheme to raise a mob for the purpose of plunder;—they therefore waited till they heard what was said at table—how the political complexion of the company would manifest itself—and whether any thing more than a mere scene of commemoration conviviality was intended.
They had indeed their suspicions, and these suspicions, after the first course, were realised, by the following toast being drunk:
“DESTRUCTION TO THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT—AND THE KING’S HEAD UPON A CHARGER.”
The inhabitants, and they were almost to a man respectable house-keepers and manufacturers, who waited outside the Hotel to watch the motions of the revolutionists within, no sooner was this treasonable toast made known to them, than Loyalty swift as lightning shot through their minds, and a kind of electrical patriotism animated them to instant vengeance. They rushed into this conventicle of treason, and before the second course was well laid upon the table, broke the windows and glasses, pelted and insulted these modern reformers, and obliged them to seek for safety in an immediate flight.
By eight o’clock, upwards of two thousand persons were collected; their first act was to break all the windows of the hotel—they then proceeded to Dr. Priestley’s new meeting house, which they mostly consumed—the old meeting house became next the object of their fury, and shared the same fate. Irritated by one another against the Dissenters, they determined (una voce) to destroy Dr. Priestley’s dwelling-house at Fairhill, one mile from Birmingham. It accordingly was beset about midnight, and before ten o’clock the following morning, was entirely demolished.
We lament to hear his library and laboratory, with all his philosophical apparatus, were consumed, as well as every other article in the house. The Dr. was apprised of their intentions in time to escape with his family to a house in the neighborhood. On Friday morning nine persons were found dead in the streets, and several others have been dangerously wounded, by the falling of houses, &c. &c.
At York, Manchester, Derby, Bristol, and some other places where the Revolutionists assembled on the 14th inst. the populace shewed strong inclination to rise, but were prevented by the precautions taken by the magistrates.
RIOTS AT BIRMINGHAM. Friday Evening, July 15.
This day, after the mob had completed the destruction of Dr. Priestley’s house and laboratory, by fire, and also his garden, the Earl of Aylesford, and some other gentlemen, led a great part of the rioters from Sparkbrook to Birmingham, in hopes of dispersing them, but without effect.
A great number, about one o’clock, assembled round the elegant mansion of Mr. John Ryland (formerly the residence of Mr. Balkerville, the celebrated printer) which had lately been enlarged and beautified at great expence. The most soothing means were adopted to make them desist—money was even offered them to induce them to retire, but to no purpose; for, first exhausting the contents of the cellar, they then set fire to the house and furniture. The conflagration was dreadful!
About half past three, the inhabitants were summoned by the bell-man to assemble in the New Church yard; two Magistrates attended in an adjacent room, and swore in several hundred constables, composed of every description of inhabitants, who marched away to disperse the rioters, who were employed in the destruction of Mr. Ryland’s house.
On entering the walls which surrounded the house, then all in a blaze, a most dreadful conflict took place, in which it is impossible to ascertain the number of the wounded. The constables were attacked with such a shower of stones and brick bats as it was impossible to resist. The rioters then possessing themselves of some of the bludgeons, the constables were entirely defeated, many of them being much wounded; one person was killed, but of which party it is not yet known.
The mob being now victorious, and heated with liquor, every thing was to be dreaded, they began and soon effected the destruction of Mr. Hutton’s house, in the High-street, plundering it of all its property.
From thence they proceeded to the seat of John Taylor, Esq. banker. There, five hundred pounds were offered them to desist, but to no purpose, for they immediately set fire to that beautiful mansion, which, together with its superb furniture, stables, offices, green-house, hot-house, &c. are reduced to a heap of ruins.
This day the following hand bill was circulated among the people:
BIRMINGHAM, JULY 16, 1791.
Friends and Fellow Countrymen!
It is earnestly requested, that every true friend to the Church of England, and to the Laws of his Country, will reflect how much a continuance of the present proceedings must injure that church and that king they are intended to support; and how highly unlawful it is to destroy the rights and properties of any of our neighbors. And all true friends to the town and trade of Birmingham in particular, are entreated to forbear immediately from all riotous and violent proceedings, dispersing and returning peaceably to their trades and callings, as the only way to do credit to themselves and their cause, and to promote the peace, happiness, and prosperity of this great and flourishing town.
GOD SAVE THE KING!
  Aylesford  J. Charles    E. Finch  R. Spencer    Robert Lawley  H. Geswold Lewis    Robert Lawley, jun.  Charles Curtis    R. Moland  Spencer Madan    Edward Carver  W. Villers.    John Brooke   
Twelve o’clock at noon.
The hand-bill has not produced the salutary effects which were wished.
This moment Mr. Hutton’s country-house, about two miles from Birmingham, is on fire.
Eight o’clock in the Evening.
The rioters are now demolishing the beautiful house of Mr. George Humphrey’s, and that of William Russell, Esq. a little further on in the Oxford road. The shops are still kept shut up, and no military are yet arrived—dreadful depredations are expected in the course of this night! The remains of several poor wretches who had got drunk, and were burnt to death in Mr. Ryland’s cellar, have been dug out; one so much burnt, that he was recognized only by the buckle in one of his shoes; what could be collected of his remains have been just taken away in a basket. Another has been brought from the ruins of Dr. Priestley’s house, who is supposed to have been killed by a fall of some of the buildings.
The people who demolished Mr. Humphrey’s house, laboured in as cool and orderly a manner as if they had been employed by the owner at so much per day.
Sunday, eleven o’clock in the morning.
No military yet arrived. Last night the people of Birmingham were trembling spectators of the tremendous conflagration of Mosley Hall, the property of John Taylor, Esq. but in the occupation of Lady Carhampton.
About two this morning a most awful scene presented itself! four dreadful fires within a mile of each other! It is certain that the house of William Russell, Esq. and that of Mr. Hawks, of Mosley, have shared the fate of Mosley Hall.
The gaols have been broke open, and all the prisoners liberated.
Another express arrived in London last night, states, that between Sunday night and Monday morning, a party of the military had arrived; that notwithstanding their exertions to stop the disturbances, the rioters had made a very formidable opposition, and killed many; that numbers having been soldiers, and in the possession of fire-arms, the troops had suffered a repulse; but that having received a considerable reinforcement, they were about to rally and to renew their attacks against the malcontents, who were actuated by the greatest fury.
JULY 20.
By the Coach of Last Night.
It gives us particular pleasure to announce to the public, that peace is restored to Birmingham, the tumult having subsided on Sunday night in that town, from which the mob had gone in a large body towards Worcestershire early in the morning. It was believed that a party of them was gone in pursuit of Dr. Priestley.
By a private letter from Birmingham, received yesterday morning, we are informed, that Dr. Priestley only saved himself from the fury of the mob by half an hour’s notice. That his plate had been previously sent off to a friend’s house, and that this and a private box of manuscripts are all he has saved of his property.
The Insurgents of Birmingham had made a gridiron of immense size, which they brought to Dr. Priestley’s house, where they said they meant to broil an Anti-constitutional Philosopher by the blaze of his own writings, and light the fire with the Rights of Man .—Mr. PAINE’s next pamphlet is to be called the Wrongs of Man —it is to be an inflammatory composition on the ruin of his friend Priestley.
The French nobility in this country are in high spirits on the return of affairs in France, which they deem favorable to the Royal cause, and they every where express the most certain hopes, that the counter-revolution will be successful.
Eight hundred French officers have offered to enlist as volunteers in the counter-revolution army.
The large purchase of horses for the counter-revolutionists has raised the price of that animal to an excessive degree.
A Jew of the name of Caulla, has contracted to furnish uniforms for 15,000 men, including 3000 hussars.
The King of Spain’s letter to the National Assembly, or rather to the people of France, means much more than “meets the ear.” It is moderate indeed in its selection of words; but it is a moderation with an If!

It is the characteristic of the new system introduced in France, to have a most sovereign contempt for every nation in the world, and particularly (though that is nothing new) for the English. In the latter opinion they are amply encouraged by most of the democratic pamphleteers of this country.
At Dole an inscription has been placed on the statue of the King—“Louis XVI. the First and the Last King of the French.”
The States of Bohemia are summoned to meet at Prague on the 3d of September, three days before the coronation of the Emperor, as King.—His Imperial Majesty is expected there on the 31st of August.
Mr. Plowden has very liberally stepped forward in behalf of his brethren the Roman Catholics, to express the gratitude of that body for the late kindnesses of the Legislature; and at the same time has shown himself a zealous friend to good government, by a learned and temperate, yet manly attack upon those seditious principles, and that levelling contagion which certain discontented spirits are so actively labouring to propagate in this country.
Letters from Stockholm advise, that Baron d'Armsfeldt was lately conducted in a coach to the fortresses of Melmoe, where he is intended to be kept for life.
In one account of the National Commemoration at Paris, on Thursday last, it is observed that Colonel Tarleton, in his American uniform, rode in the triumphal car with M. de la Fayette!
M. de Montesquieu made the following extraordinary declaration of his religious and political creed, in the National Assembly of France on the 13th instant.
“At this critical moment, no superstitious attention is to be paid to the distinction of powers: the body constituent is the only providence in which the people can trust.”
The following is a very remarkable instance of quick sailing: The ship Bridget, Capt. Platt, made her passage from Africa to the island of Dominica, in 21 days. In the last six days she failed, by her log-book, 1,322 miles, which on an average is 220 miles a day.
A new light-house on the long Slips, near the Land's End, is begun to be built, under the direction of Lieut. Smith, of the navy, who has the consent of the Trinity-house for that purpose. This light-house, when finished, it is thought, will be of much service, particularly to coasters passing from one channel to the other, through the dangerous rocks about the Land's End, which have proved fatal to many.
The Manifesto of the Prince de Conde, against the French Revolution, was published on the 18th ult. at Worms, but no copies of it had reached Paris when the last accounts came away.
Mrs. Gregory, daughter of Mrs. Macaulay Graham, inherits 600l. per ann. by her mother's death.
A correspondent desires us to say, “Several people have lately been cured of the rheumatism by rubbing flour of mustard, and wearing flannel over the place affected.”
A letter from Rome says, that at an Assembly, composed of the Cardinals, it was agreed by all except one, that Mr. Dutre, the first Gentleman to the French Ambassador, should retract the oath he had taken to the National Assembly, or quit that place in 40 days, and that he had accordingly chosen the former.
The following is a literal translation of a French letter, addressed by Mr. Thomas Paine, to Abbé Seyès, and inserted on the 11th of this month, in the Patriote Françoise. Paris, 8th July, 1791.
“AT the moment of my departure for England, I read in the Moniteur of Tuesday last, your letter, in which you give the challenge, on the subject of government, and offer to defend what is called the monarchical opinion against the republican system.”
“I accept of your challenge with pleasure; and I place such a confidence in the superiority of the republican system over that nullity of system, called monarchy , that I engage not to exceed the extent of fifty pages, and to leave you the liberty of taking as much latitude as you may think proper.”
“The respect which I bear your moral and literary reputation, will be your security for my candor in the course of this discussion; but, notwithstanding that I shall treat the subject seriously and sincerely, let me premise, that I consider myself at liberty to ridicule as they deserve, monarchical absurdities , whensoever the occasion shall present itself.”
“By republicanism, I do not understand what the name signifies in Holland, and in some parts of Italy. I understand simply a government by representation—a government founded upon the principles of the declaration of rights; principles to which several parts of the French Constitution arise in contradiction. The declaration of the rights of France and America are but one and the same thing in principles, and almost in expressions; and this is the republicanism which I undertake to defend against what is called monarchy and aristocracy .”
“I see with pleasure, that in respect to one point, we are already agreed; and that is the extreme danger of a Civil List of thirty millions . I can discover no reason why one of the parts of the government should be supported with so extravagant a profusion, whilst the other scarcely receives what is sufficient for its common wants.”
“This dangerous and dishonorable disproportion, at once supplies the one with the means of corrupting, and throws the other into the predicament of being corrupted. In America there is but little difference with regard to this point between the legislative and the executive part of our government; but, the first, is much better attended to than in France.”
“In whatsoever manner, Sir, I may treat the subject of which you have proposed the investigation, I hope that you will not doubt my entertaining for you the highest esteem. I must also add, that I am not the personal enemy of kings:—Quite the contrary: No man more heartily wishes than myself to see them all in the happy and honourable state of private individuals; but I am the avowed, open, and intrepid enemy of what is called monarchy; and I am such by principles which nothing can either alter or corrupt—by my attachment to humanity; by the anxiety which I feel within for the dignity and the honor of the human race; by the disgust which I experience when I observe men directed by children and governed by brutes; by the horror which all the evils that monarchy has spread over the earth excite within my breast; and by those sentiments which make me shudder at the calamities, the exactions, the wars, and the massacres with which monarchy has crushed mankind; In short, it is against all the hell of monarchy that I have declared war.”
(Signed) THOMAS PAINE.
MONTMEDY.
It appears, that under pretence of forming an encampment, Montmedy, where the King of the French hoped to find an asylum against the persecutions of his own subjects, had been filled with an astonishing number of tents.
The people there had been, for some time before the escape of the King, baking bread day and night. A large quantity of oxen had been bought. The town was, in short, full of all kinds of provisions and warlike ammunition.
Montmedy is situated on a mountrain, which commands the roads which lead to Metz, to Stoney, and to Sedan. It is exceedingly strong, both by nature and art.
In the reign of Louis XIV. it sustained during forty days with open trenches, a vigorous siege, at which the King was present, though the garrison consisted of only 300 men.
The town is bounded on the north by meadows, through which glides the River Chier. These meadows are of great extent, and are surrounded with hills which reach the Austrian territories at about two leagues distance.
This would have been a charming situation for M. de Bouille's Camp. Here he would have entrenched himself under the Artillery of the fortress; while he could have easily maintained a correspondence with the Austrians, and secured a safe passage to the French emigrants.
MANNER OF THE ESCAPE OF MONSIEUR AND MADAME.
“Monsieur and Madame arrived at Mons in 27 hours from Paris accompanied only by the Count d'Artois, and an English servant belonging to that Nobleman. It was through the stratagem and assistance of this man, that they effected their escape. He disguised the Prince in a plain black suit of clothes, blackened his eyes with a pencil, and dressed him in one of those wigs used in England, which never require dressing; in short, he equipped him as an homespun English Gentleman. Thus accoutred, and speaking bad French, interlarded with English, making use of a forged passport, which the ingenuity of the same fellow had provided, Monsieur and his consort cleared the Frontiers of France, though not without some danger of being discovered from an unfortunate accident that happened to them from their carriage being overturned in the cross-roads in order to avoid passing through the town of Maubeuge.”
“The Dukes Montmorency and Laval, with the Count de Brienne and some other French Noblemen, were waiting at Mons for Monsieur's arrival. The latter after staying there a few hours, proceeded by Namur to meet the King and Queen in the Province of Luxembourg. He arrived at marche en Famine, in the evening of the 23d, where he lodged at the house of a private gentleman who had been previously informed of his coming. The Prince being still upon the borders of France, thought it prudent to keep himself incog. He is now safe at Namur.”
ANECDOLE OF M. DE BOUILLE.
This nobleman, whose late conduct in France has surprised many, is possessed of every amiable qualification—brave as Cæsar, he is as humane as he is brave—When Commandant-General of the French West India islands, during the late war, a ship was cast away on one of them, which had on board several hundred Englishmen—These, in a deplorable situation, supplicated the Marquis to receive them, and to be made prisoners of war.
“No,” returned the General, “The King, my master, does not make war with the elements—had you been taken in battle, you should remain his prisoners; but your case is otherwise—I have ordered you clothing and refreshment—and have directed a ship to be got ready to transport you to the dominions of your King.”—Which was done.
The following note from M. de Florida Blanca to the Spanish Ambassador at Paris, written in the name of his Catholic Majesty, was officially communicated to the Assembly.
“THE retreat of his Most Christian Majesty from Paris, his intentions, his complaints could not originate from any other cause than the hopes of freeing himself and the royal family from the outrages of the people.”
“It may easily be proved that the present Assembly, and the municipality had not the power to stop, or to punish them for endeavouring to repair to a place of security, where the Monarch might form deliberations with the true and lawful Representatives of the Nation, acting in full freedom. Of this privilege it is too evident that his Majesty has hitherto been deprived.”
“On these accounts, his Most Catholic Majesty, as the firm ally of France, as a near relative and friend of his Christian Majesty, and as possessing a kingdom contiguous to his dominions, takes the deepest interest in the happiness and tranquility of the French Nation. He is so far from wishing to disturb them, that he conjures and exhorts the French to reflect on the insults which their Sovereign has experienced, and which were the causes of the steps which he found himself obliged to take. He warns them to respect the high dignity of his sacred person, and to maintain and defend the prerogatives of their Sovereign and the immunities of the Royal Family.”
“The French Nation may rest assured, that so long as they fulfil these duties (and his majesty hopes they will always fulfil them) they will find the King always ready to manifest towards them, the same sentiments of friendship and regard which he has ever shown them:—and which are much better suited with their situation than any other measures.”
The Assembly was resolved to observe the most profound silence, after the reading of this paper; and the only notice which they resolved to take of it was to order the military committee to take proper precautions that the frontiers may be in a state of defence.
At length M. de St. Etienne observed, that as the intention of the Spanish minister was that this paper should be communicated to the Assembly, it was highly proper to return an answer, and that this answer should be given in a most solemn manner, as follows—“That as the French nation does not intend to meddle with the affairs of foreign powers, so foreign powers have no business to meddle with the affairs of the French nation.”
This opinion was highly applauded and adopted.
JULY 20.
Declarations of two hundred and ninety deputies on the decrees which suspended the exercise of the royal authority, and which infringe the inviolability of the sacred person of the king.
Observations at the sitting of the morning of the 5th of July, M. de Foucault, one of our number, demanded to be heard, in order to announce this declaration to the assembly, and to speak as follows:
“Gentlemen, A great number of my colleagues, amounting to nearly three hundred in number, whose opinion I have the honor to participate, think, that in our present critical circumstances, it is incumbent upon them loudly to declare their principles, and to appoint me as their organ to you. In consequence, I have the honor to present to you a declaration expressive of our sentiments, as it shall be the rule of our conduct. It is dictated by our fidelity to the King, by our unalterable attachment to the principles of monarchy, and to the true interest of the people, from which it is inseparable. I demand permission to read it and lay it upon the table.”
Scarcely had M. de Foucault, after having obtained permission, began to speak, when the order of the day was demanded by a number of voices. The president put this motion to the vote in the middle of the tumult which it had excited. It was decreed, without M. de Foucault having been able to make himself heard; and soon after the sitting adjourned.
DECLARATION.
“Three months have scarcely elapsed since we, deputies undersigned, made known to our constituents our protest against a decree, which attacked the sacred principles of inviolability of the King's person. The zeal with which many of us defended it on the 21st of March, the conviction which we entertained that it was impossible to violate with impunity this principle, essential to all monarchy, and too well justified by the events now passing under our eyes, and by the affliction spectacle of which we have the misfortune to be witnesses.”
“The king and royal family conducted as prisoners, by authority of the decrees of the national assembly; the monarch guarded in his palace by soldiers, not subject to his command; the royal family entrusted to a guard, over whom the king has no authority; the right of directing the education of the presumptive heir of the throne taken from him, who, both as king and father had the most undoubted right, and the strongest obligation to direct it; in fine, the monarch, whose inviolability was declared even by the constitution, suspended by a decree from the exercise of all his authority; such is the affliction spectacle which we, all good Frenchmen, lament, and such are the too obvious and too fatal consequences of the first violation offered to this sacred and fundamental principle.”
“And we ought to declare it, since we are compelled to refer to the decree itself against which we have protested, and against which we still protest, there is none of those measures which we not before prescribed by the constitution, in the name of which they are taken. The sacred person of the king was declared inviolable; only one case was provided for, in which, contrary to all the principles essential to the monarchy it was supposed that that inviolability might cease. This case has not yet occurred; nevertheless, the king is dragged as a criminal into his own palace, and made a prisoner in his own palace, and despoiled of his prerogative. Thus, after having infringed the inviolability of the king by decrees, they annul them in order to destroy it.”

"Amidst these outrages offered to the monarch, to his august family, and in their persons to the whole nation, what has become of the monarchy? The decrees of the national assembly have centered in themselves all the royal power; their decrees are rendered executory without requiring sanction; they give direct orders to all the agents of the executive power; they impose, in their own name, oaths, in which Frenchmen do not even find the name of their king; commissioners, who have received their mission from them alone, traverse the provinces, in order to receive oaths which they exact, and give directions to the army; thus at the moment at which the inviolability of the king was annulled, monarchy was destroyed; the appearance of royalty no longer exists: a republican interim."
"Far from all those, who are acquainted with the rules of our conduct [and, we believe, there are very few Frenchmen who do not rightly appreciate them] be the idea that we could concur in such decrees. They are not less unpleasant to our feelings than repugnant to our principles. Never have we more severely felt the rigor of our duty; never have we more lamented the fatal consequences resulting from the mission with which we were charged, than when forced to remain witnesses of acts, which we regarded as culpable attempts, while those who are most frequently our organ, become timid, for the first time condemned themselves to silence, that they might not involve the sacred cause in that unpopularity which has so ingeniously been contrived to be thrown upon our party. Without doubt, if we were guided by common rules; if we yielded to the horror with which we were inspired by the idea of being thought to approve, by our presence, decrees to which we were so averse, we would fly without delay; we would without hesitation separate from an assembly, who have been able to break through principles which they had been forced to preserve. But in circumstances so similar, we can neither assume common rules, nor our own sentiments as the bias of our own conduct. When our principles, our honor, may perhaps in the opinion of a great number, command us to fly, motives more imperious still exact of us a painful sacrifice, that of remaining, in a situation where we preserve the hope of preventing greater evils."
"Before the calamitous epoch at which we are arrived, we could at least grasp the shadow of monarchy: we fought upon the wreck; the hope of preserving it justified our conduct. Now, the last blow has been given to monarchy; but in addition to that great motive, we were bound by other duties. The monarch exists, he is captive; it is for the King's sake that we ought to rally our strength; it is for him, it is for his family, it is for the precious blood of the Bourbons, that we ought to remain at the post, where we can watch over a deposit so valuable."
"We will discharge then this sacred duty, which alone ought be our excuse, and we will prove, that in our hearts the monarch and the monarchy can never be separate."
"But whilst we comply with this urgent duty, let not our constituents expect to hear us come forward on other subjects. While one interest only can force us to fit with those who have raised a mis-shapen republic upon the ruins of monarchy, it is to that interest alone that we are wholly devoted. From this moment, the most profound silence, on whatever shall not relate to this subject, shall express our deep regret, and at the same time invariable opposition to every decree that may be passed."
"In fine, let our constituents turn their attention to the circumstances in which we are placed; if, in the present moment we have not gloried in marching foremost in the path of honor, our situation now imposes both with regard to them and to ourselves, duties which do not go beyond ourselves alone. For us, honor lies no longer in the common track; our sole object is the triumph of the sacred cause with which we are entrusted: But let them be beforehand assured, that whatever may happen, to whatever extremities we may be reduced, nothing will efface from our hearts the unalterable oath which irrevocably binds us to the monarch and to monarchy."
"After these considerations, which appear to us founded upon the true interest of the nation, and the eternal advantage of the people, essentially dependent on monarchy, we declare to all Frenchmen:"
"That after having constantly opposed all the decrees, which in attacking Royalty, either in its essence or in its privileges, have prepared the people to receive without indignation, as without examination, the anti-monarchical principles to which these days of anarchy have given birth:"
"That after having defended till the last moment, monarchy, undermined in its foundations:"
"That after having seen its ruin completed by the deliberations of the National Assembly; for to attack the person of the monarch, is to annul monarchy; to suspend monarchy, is in fine to destroy it:"
"Nothing can authorise us any longer to take part in deliberations, which become in our eyes guilty of a crime which we do not wish to participate."
"But that monarchy existing in the person of the monarch, from whom it is inseparable; that his misfortunes and those of his august family imposing upon us a stronger obligation always to surround his august person and defend it from the application of principles which we condemn; we place our sole honor, our most sacred duty in defending with all our might, with all our zeal for the blood of the Bourbons, with all our attachment to the principles which our constituents have transmitted to us, the interest of the king, and the royal family, and their indefeasible rights."
"That in consequence, we shall continue, from the sole motive of not abandoning the interests of the person of the king, and the royal family, to assist at the deliberations of the National Assembly; but being neither able to avow their principles, or recognize the legality of their decrees, we will henceforth take no part in deliberations which have not for their object the only interest which it now remains for us to defend."
Paris, June 29, 1791.
All to God and all to the King.
Signed by nearly 300 members.
A L B A N Y, September 5.
We have the pleasure of now being able to inform the public that from the survey lately made by the Surveyor General of the intended junction of the waters of Lake-Champlain and the North River, it appears that that object will be much more easily accomplished than could be expected. The whole distance from Fort-Edward to the Wood-Creek not exceeding 6 miles, nearly one half of which being up the creek that empties into the Hudson at Fort-Edward, and can be made navigable with a little expence, the remainder of the distance being nearly on a perfect level, without a single spot of intervening high-ground, and having every circumstance in its favor to facilitate the opening of a canal.
The advantages which will arise from opening this avenue of trade, from the northern parts of the state, must strike every one in so obvious a point of view, that we trust our legislature will, at their next meeting, embrace those favorable opportunities which nature has presented, and make provision for putting it into execution.
N E W Y O R K, September 10.
A correspondent who has just arrived in town from Philadelphia, in justice to the boys of that city and its liberties, declares that tho' he traversed the streets by night and by day, thoroughly and universally, generally and particularly, on foot and on horse back, in fair weather and in foul, he did not meet with any of those formidable battalions of the "Rising generation," which are spoken of with so many alarming circumstances of terror and affright in some lengthy paragraphs of one of their late papers;
and that excepting a small cut in the face, from the carelessness of a barber's boy, near Pewter-platter alley (who was shaving him by candle light) he received no injury whatever either in his flesh or bones, his goods or his chattels, from those far famed combinations of puerile light infantry. He was well informed that the few instances of outrage that have been committed, have chiefly arisen from the want of a little common resolution on the part of such gentlemen as have been attacked; and, upon the whole, he is convinced from his own as well as from the experience of many persons of his acquaintance, that there is no city in the United States where a man may conduct his frail tabernacle thro' the streets in greater safety, than in the celebrated metropolis known by the name of Philadelphia.
Philadelphia, September 17.
FURTHER EUROPEAN ACCOUNTS, By the Hope, arrived at New-York.
THE Anniversary of the French Revolution was celebrated in many parts of England and Ireland. At the Crown and Anchor Tavern, London, nearly a thousand persons were assembled and dined together on this occasion. A number of patriotic toasts were given—An Ode, written by Mr. Merry, was recited, and the following Stanzas, accompanied by a band of music, sung in the gallery by Mr. Sedgwick:—
FILL high the animating glass, And let the electric ruby pass From hand to hand, from soul to soul; Who shall the energy controul, Exalted, pure, refin'd, The Health of Human kind. Not now a venal tribe shall raise The song of prostituted praise, To fov'reigns who have seiz'd their power; But at this gay, this lib'ral hour, We bles what Heaven design'd, The Health of Human kind. We turn indignant from each cause Of man's dismay—from partial laws— From Kings who vainly seek by flight To shun the blaze of moral light; We bles what Heaven design'd, The Health of Human kind.
C H O R U S.
Affect the hallow'd Rights which Nature gave, And let your last belt bow be, Freedom or the Grave.
The ensuing Toasts were:
The Sovereignty of the People, acting by a free representation in every nation. The increased, increasing and sacred flame of LIBERTY. Perfect Freedom, instead of Toleration, in matters of Religion. The Liberty of the Press. The Trial by Jury, and may the Rights of Jurymen to protect the innocent, for ever remain inviolate. The Literary characters who have vindicated the Rights of Man, and may genius ever be employed in the cause of Freedom. THANKS TO MR. BURKE FOR THE DISCUSSION HE HAS PROVOKED.
An address was then delivered to the company by a French gentleman of distinction: After which, the company separated and retired home. In the evening some boys went about calling for lights, which were however soon extinguished by orders from the Magistrates.
At Belfast, in Ireland, the day was celebrated by the Volunteers and inhabitants at large, and by the Northern Whig Club—and the day passed in great conviviality and tranquility. The inhabitants walked in procession through the town. After dinner a great number of toasts and sentiments were given—and a declaration highly approbating the Revolution of France unanimously agreed to, and voted to be sent to the National Assembly. In the toasts drank at the patriotic meetings in England and Ireland, the United States, and those eminent characters who have borne a conspicuous part in effecting the Independence of our country, are never forgot—but are always mentioned, with peculiar respect.—The anniversary of the grand Confederation was celebrated with eclat in Paris, and the city splendidly illuminated.
There are accounts in the London papers received via France, that the British army in India has defeated Tippoo Saib. The British army consists of 23,000 fighting men—the followers exceed 200,000. The ground it covers in its march in general extends 8 or 9 miles. The Empress of Russia is said to be dangerously sick. The negotiations for peace between the Empress, the Emperor, and the Grand Seigneur, having been broken off, hostilities have again commenced. The last English messenger from Petersburg brought no definitive intelligence. The English naval armament is still continued.
The English papers also contain a memorial from the Prince of Conde to the National Assembly, in answer to the Decree of 11th June. In which he says, "France shall never again behold me, so long as reason and justice are banished from her, and so long as she is the prey of the factious who mislead her."—Also a letter from the officers of M. Bouille's army at Luxemburg; in which they say, "We swear upon our honor (the only thing that remains to us) that we will die for the deliverance of our King."—[These articles in our next.]
The ceremony of translating the body of Voltaire to the French Pantheon, was attended with great pomp and solemnity, on the 11th July.
The last advices from Germany (under the London head of July 19) seem to confirm the idea of peace being soon established.
With mobs and insurrections we generally associate the idea of Tyranny and Oppression on the part of the Government—but when riots and outrages are committed on those who are advocates for a reform in the abuses of government, we may well exclaim—"The world's turn'd upside down."
There is one idea however connected with this business that may be of use, and that is, that mobs may be excited without any, as well as by a just cause.
As the several accounts received of the late riots in Birmingham bear one and the same complexion, and are accompanied with no extenuating circumstances, it may justly be expected that the whole truth is not yet told.
In Birmingham the great mass of the inhabitants are manufacturers and artisans—hundreds, perhaps thousands of them, are dependent for their daily employment on a few individuals—the apprehensions probably excited in their minds, that the prevalence of French revolution principles would in their operation unhinge the present regulations of government, and throw them out of immediate employ, and consequently deprive them of subsistence, gave rise to their opposition to the celebration of the anniversary of French Freedom.
To say that the agency of government was employed on this occasion, amounts to the same as saying that either the people are mobbishly attached to the government, or that the government possessed in this instance an influence or power equal to controuling the popular opinion.
It may be perhaps safely asserted, that no judgment can be formed of the predominant sentiments of the people of England, from the Birmingham sample—for it is probable that, had the mobility in other places been excited to rise, a very different description of characters would have been sufferers.
The following beautiful ODE was sung at Liverpool at the celebration of the Anniversary of 14th July.
O'ER the vine-cover'd hills and gay regions of France, See the Day-star of Liberty rise; Thro' the clouds of dejection, unwearied, advance, And hold its new course thro' the skies. An effulgence so mild, with a lustre so bright, All Europe, with wonder, surveys; And from desarts of darkness, and dungeons of night, Contends for a share of the blaze. Let Burke, like a bat, from its splendor retire, A splendor—too strong for his eyes; Let pedants, and fools, his effusions admire, Intrapt in his cobwebs, like flies: Shall frenzy, and sophistry, hope to prevail Where reason opposes her weight; When the welfare of millions is hung in the scale, And the balance yet trembles with fate? Ah who 'midst the horrors of night would abide, That can taste the pure breezes of morn; Or who, that has drank of the crystalline tide, To the feculent flood wou'd return? When the bosom of beauty the throbbing heart meets, Ah who can the transport decline? Or who that has tasted of Liberty's Sweets, The prize, but with life, wou'd resign? —But 'tis o'er—high Heav'n the decision approves— Oppression has struggled in vain; To the Hell she has form'd, Superstition removes, And Tyranny bites his own chain. In the records of Time a new Æra unfolds,— All Nature exults in its birth— His Creation, benign, the Creator beholds, And gives a New Charter to Earth. O catch its high import, ye winds, as ye blow! O bear it, ye waves, as ye roll! From regions that feel the sun's vertical glow, To the farthest extremes of the pole. Equal Rights, equal Laws to the nations around, Peace and Friendship its precepts impart— And wherever the footsteps of Man shall be found, May he bind the Decree on his heart.
Extract of a letter from Danville, Kentucky, via Richmond, dated Aug. 22. "An express from Gen. Wilkinson has this moment reached this place, informing of his success. He has destroyed a large Indian town situated on the Wabash; also a Kickapoo town, containing about 30 houses, and killed and taken 42 of the enemy. His loss, 2 men killed and one wounded. I have not as yet heard where the express left him, but expect he has re-passed the Ohio before this time."
When it is considered that there are in France three millions of citizen-soldiers, all armed in defence of the Constitution, the hopes of success in attempts to effect a counter-revolution must be built on a very slender foundation.
Thursday afternoon, the PRESIDENT of the United States, his Lady and Suite, left this City on a tour to Mount Vernon.
The Anniversary Commencement of Dartmouth College, in Hanover, N. H. was held the 24th ult. when the Degree of Bachelor in Arts was conferred on forty young gentlemen.
A GENERAL ELECTION is to be held for the City and County of Philadelphia, on Tuesday the 11th day of October next, at the State-house. The Election to be opened between the hours of ten in the morning and one in the afternoon: The Electors of the City and County are to choose—
One Representative for the City and County of Delaware } In Congress. One Representative for the Counties of Philadelphia and Bucks, } In the General Assembly. Five persons for Representatives for the City, } In the General Assembly. Five persons for the County, } In the General Assembly. Two persons for Sheriffs, and } In the General Assembly. One Commissioner for the County. } In the General Assembly.
Died at Portland, District of Maine, Mr. SAMUEL DYER DEERING, aged 22. A young gentleman who bid fair to be a useful and ornamental member of society.
From PELOSI'S MARINE LIST.
ARRIVALS at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
Ship Delaware, Waters, Charleston. — Elizabeth, Peacock, Liverpool. Brig Eliza, M'Kay, Jamaica.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
FUNDED DEBT. 6 pr. Cents 20/6 102 1/2 pr. cent. 3 pr. Cents 12/ 60 do. Deferred 6 pr. Cents 12/6 62 1/2 do. UNFUNDED DEBT. Final Sett. and other Certificates 20/ par Indents 12/ 60 do. N. and S. Carolina debts, 15/ Bank Subscriptions, 138 Dollars.
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
T E A S,
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c.
Of the first quality—by retail,
No. 19,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
LOTTERY TICKETS.
New-Jersey, 2d Class—to commence drawing 26th inst. } Poss. Massachusetts Semi-annual, 2d Class, 13th October. } tively May be had as above.
IF THOMAS FRANKS, lately of Little York, in Virginia, (but originally of Scarborough, in Yorkshire, Great-Britain) will make himself known, together with his present place of residence, either to his brother JOHN FRANKS, who is now in this Port, or to the subscriber, he will hear of something greatly to his advantage.
THOMAS ROBINSON.
Portland, (District of Maine) August 29, 1791. P. S. In case of the decease of Mr. FRANKS, his legal heir or heirs are requested to forward their names and places of abode to Mr. ROBINSON, as above.
GEORGETOWN, September 9, 1791.
THE Sales of the Lots in the Federal City will commence on Monday the 17th day of October next. The Commissioners finding they may engage materials and workmen for the public buildings to any desirable extent; with a view to draw the fund into action, so as to facilitate the work, instead of a deposit of 8 per cent. will require 1-4th part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue to be on bonds with security, payable with interest in three equal payments. The manner of improvement will be published at the sale.
THOMAS JOHNSON, } Commissioners. DAVID STUART, } DANIEL CARROLL, }

NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE GOVERNMENT OF POLAND, &c. &c. (CONTINUED.)
ARTICLE VII.
The King, or Executive Power.
THE most perfect government cannot exist or last without an effectual executive power. The happiness of the nation depends on just laws, but the good effects of laws flow only from their execution.
Having, therefore, secured to the Polish nation the right of enacting laws for themselves, the supreme inspection over the executive power, and the choice of their magistrates, we entrust to the King and his Council, the highest power of executing the laws.
This Council shall be called Straz, or the Council of Inspection.
The duty of such executive power shall be to watch over the laws; and to see them strictly executed according to their import, even by the means of public force, should it be necessary.
All departments and magistracies are bound to obey its directions. To this power we leave the right of controlling such as are refractory, or of punishing such as are negligent in the execution of their respective offices.
This executive power cannot assume the right of making laws, or of their interpretation. It is expressly forbidden to contract public debts; to alter the repartition of the national income as fixed by the Diet; to declare war; to conclude definitively any treaty, or any diplomatic act; it is only allowed to carry on negotiations with foreign Courts, and facilitate temporary occurrences; always with reference to the Diet.
The Crown of Poland we declare to be elective in regard to families, and it is settled so forever.
Having experienced the fatal effects of interregna, periodically subverting government, and being desirous of preventing forever all foreign influence, as well as of insuring to every citizen a perfect tranquility, we have, from prudent motives, resolved to adopt, hereditary succession to our Throne, therefore we enact and declare, that, after the expiration of our life, according to the gracious will of the Almighty, the present Elector of Saxony shall reign over Poland.
The dynasty of the future Kings of Poland shall begin in the person of Frederick Augustus, Elector of Saxony, with the right of inheritance to the Crown to his male descendants. The eldest son of the reigning King is to succeed his father; and in case the present Elector of Saxony has no male issue, a husband chosen by him (with the consent and approbation of the Republic) for his daughter, shall begin the said dynasty. Hence we declare that the Princess Mary-Augusta Neponucena, only daughter of the Elector of Saxony, to be infant of Poland.
We reserve to the nation, however, the right of electing to the throne, any other house or family, after the extinction of the first.
Every King, on his accession to the throne, shall take a solemn oath to God and the nation, to support the present Constitution, to fulfil the pacta conventa, which will be settled with the present Elector of Saxony, as appointed to the crown, and which shall bind him in the same manner as former ones.
The King's person is sacred and inviolable; as no act can proceed immediately from him, he cannot be in any manner responsible to the nation; he is not an absolute monarch, but the father, and the head of the people; his revenues, as fixed by the pacta conventa, shall be sacredly preserved. All public acts, the acts of magistracies, and the coin of the kingdom, shall bear his name.
The King, who ought to possess every power of doing good, shall have the right of pardoning those that are condemned to death, except the crimes be gainst the State.
In time of war he shall have the supreme command of the national forces—he may appoint the commanders of the army, however, by the will of the States. It shall be his province to patent officers in the army, and other dignitaries, consonant to the regulations hereafter to be expressed, to appoint Bishops, Senators and Ministers, as members of the executive power.
(To be continued.)
Blank Powers to receive the Interest, and for the transfer of the principal of public debt, agreeable to the Rules established in the Treasury Department: Also Blanks for abstracts of Certificates, to be sold by the Editor.
ADVERTISEMENT.
BY late arrivals from France, the Editor has received from No. 10 to 31, both inclusive, of a Publication which comes out twice a week in Paris, entitled, "CORRESPONDANCE NATIONALE." From No. 1 to No. 10, have been shipped, but are not yet come to hand. Any person who may incline to subscribe for this work, which appears to be ingenious, impartial and patriotic, may be furnished with the numbers as they arrive by applying to the Editor of this Gazette.
W. M'DOUGALL'S DANCING SCHOOL,
Is now opened at his School-Room, No. 28, Carter's Alley.
HE returns his sincere thanks for the great encouragement he has experienced these eighteen years; hopes the reputation of his school for decorum and good order, as well as the performance of his scholars, will still ensure him a respectable share of the public favor.
A number of new Cotillions and Country Dances will be taught during the season.
Those who please to honor him with the tuition of their children, may be assured, they will be taught in the most approved style, and that proper attention will be paid to their carriage and manners.
A general practising for the improvement of the scholars, will be held at the New Rooms, every other Wednesday; when the employers, and strangers of genteel deportment, will be admitted. These practisings will be attended with no expence.
N. B. An EVENING SCHOOL will be opened for grown Gentlemen, as soon as a sufficient number offer. Philadelphia, September 14, 1791. (t. f.)
LOUISIANA.
ALL those persons who have an inclination to settle on the rich lands of the Mississippi, can have a passage to New Orleans about the 20th of October next. Each single man on his arrival there, will have a grant of two hundred and forty acres of land, in fee simple, gratis, without rents or taxes; and each married man, a larger quantity, in proportion to the number of his family. For further particulars, enquire of Messrs. STEWART & NESBITT, No. 15, South Water-Street.
Philadelphia, Sept. 7, 1791.
[61]
BOOKS.
CAREY, STEWART, and Co.
No. 22, NORTH-FRONT-STREET,
HAVE FOR SALE,
A large collection of BOOKS;
Among which are the following
AMERICAN EDITIONS.
LOVELASS on Bills of Exchange. Clerk's Vade Mecum. Gilbert's Law of Evidence.
New Edinburgh Dispensary. Cullen's First Lines of the Practice of Physic. Rush's Medical Enquiries. Brown's Elements of Medicine.
Offerwald's Christian Theology. Rice and Proofs of Religion in the Soul. Necker on Religious Opinions. Fordyce's Addresses to Young Men.
Sermons to Young Women. Poor Man's Help and Young Man's Guide. Newton's Dissertations on the Prophecies. Lectures delivered by Soame Jenyns. The Christian Remembrancer. Future State Eternal. Russell's Seven Sermons.
Ramsey's American Revolution History of America. Morse's Geography. Siege of Gibraltar. Shaw's Abridgement of Bruce's Travels. Keate's Account of the Pelew Islands.
Pike's Arithmetic. Gough's Arithmetic, altered by Workman. Clark's Introduction to the making of Latin. Dodsley's Fables. P. Ovidii Nasonis Metamorphoses, I. X. Philadelphia Latin Grammar. Ruddiman's Rudiments. Schoolmaster's Assistant. Selecta & Veteri Testamento Historie. Scott's Lessons on Elocution. Sargeant's Short Hand. Wetenhall's Greek Grammar. Young Man's Companion. Catechism of Nature. Hervey's Meditations. Young's Night Thoughts. Thomson's Seasons. Rudiments of Taste. Klopstock's Messiah. Lavater's Aphorisms.
IMPORTED BOOKS.
Kennet's Roman Antiquities. Trimmer's Sacred History, 6 vols. Nicholson's Navigation. Alexander's Experimental Enquiries. Experimental Essays. Huxham on Fevers. Virtues and Efficacy of a Crust of Bread. Edinburgh Pharmacopia. Burke's Speeches and Political Tracts. Beauties of the British Senate. Davies's Dramatic Miscellanies. Miss Murray's Mentoria. Stuart's View of Society. Richard Steele's Correspondence. Man of the Moon, 2 vols. Dramatic Pieces. Philadelphia, August 6 1791.
The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.
A PERIODICAL PUBLICATION, TO BE ENTITLED, The ANNUAL REGISTER, AND POLITICAL REPOSITORY
OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Will speedily be commenced by the Subscriber, in the city of PHILADELPHIA.
This work will contain a history of the PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of CONGRESS, from the beginning of the session which will commence in October next.
Secondly—STATE PAPERS.
Under this head, will be comprised the Reports and Statements of the executive officers of government, including those which have already been made, official correspondence with foreign powers, &c.
Thirdly—THE STATE OF THE UNION.
This important article will show our situation with regard to foreign nations, by advertising to treaties, whether concluded or pending, hostilities, and commercial intercourse. It will also give a comprehensive view of the internal system; to wit, population, the national defence, by militia, regular troops, armed vessels, and fortifications; national finance, as to loans, debts, revenue, bank, &c. national morals, as to prevailing virtues and vices; number and quality of crimes and punishments, bankruptcies, &c. general progress of the arts and sciences; general laws and civil regulations, whether of the federal government, or state legislatures; general manners and customs; and finally, the complexion of political sentiments, as it may be seen in public prints, proceedings of the several governments, popular tranquility, or discontent.
Fourthly—IMPROVEMENTS,
In every profession, art, and science.
Fifthly—MEDICAL OBSERVATIONS,
On the increase and decrease of diseases, &c.
Sixthly—NATURAL HISTORY,
Particularly that of America.
Seventhly—CHARACTERS.
Eighthly—MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS,
Which may be thought worthy of being preserved from oblivion, on philosophical, historical, biographical, agricultural, mechanical, commercial, and other subjects, calculated to amuse the mind, or advance the best interests of society.
Ninthly—POETRY—original and selected.
Tenthly—A REVIEW OF BOOKS,
American only; to which will be added, a list of new European publications, indicating such as may be deemed particularly valuable in this country.
Eleventhly—A CHRONICLE
Of the most interesting events of each year, selected from the various newspapers, and methodically arranged.
To the history of the proceedings and debates of Congress, in the first volume of this work, will be prefixed the Constitution of the United States of America, together with a sketch of the proceedings, and the names of the members, of the first Congress assembled under the auspices of the constitution.
Each volume of the ANNUAL REGISTER, and POLITICAL REPOSITORY of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, will contain at least 500 pages, octavo, and be printed on good paper, with a handsome type, equal to that with which the Editor's edition of the Laws of the United States is printed. The price to subscribers will be one dollar and a half.
The plan of this work has been submitted to the consideration of some of the first characters in America, whose sentiments have determined the Editor with regard to the undertaking. The first volume will be published in the spring of the year 1792.
In order to render this work as perfect as possible, and truly honorable to the United States, communications, coinciding with the plan, as above given, and either handed to the Editor or transmitted to him by post, will be gratefully received. He with confidence expects this assistance from Artists, Men of Learning, Philosophers, and Statesmen, as they must be impressed with adequate ideas of the extreme utility of this arduous undertaking.
Gentlemen who may incline to patronize this publication, are requested to forward their names to Messrs. Thomas & Andrews, Bolton; John Carter, Esq. Providence; Messrs. Hudson & Goodwin, Hartford; Mr. Thomas Greenleaf, New-York; Messrs. Goddard & Angell, Baltimore; Augustine Davis, Esq. Richmond; Mr. P. Young, Charleston; or to
ANDREW BROWN, Philadelphia, Aug. 30, 1791. in the city of Philadelphia.
** Subscribers' names shall be prefixed to the work.
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
BOUGHT AND SOLD, on COMMISSION, by
SAMUEL ANDERSON,
Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL,
AND NEW-HAVEN
LOTTERY TICKETS,
To be had at the same place.
Public Notice is hereby given,
to all to whom these presents shall come, or in any wise concern, That JAMES GARDNER, late of Wilmington, North-Carolina, deceased, did make four promissory notes payable to SAMUEL JACKSON, of Philadelphia, Merchant, all bearing date the 19th July, 1785; one for three hundred and seventy-one pounds, payable in six months—one for seven hundred and forty two pounds, in nine months—one for seven hundred and forty pounds, in twelve months—and one for seven hundred and forty-five pounds thirteen shillings and three-pence, in fifteen months, amounting in the whole to two thousand five hundred and ninety-eight pounds thirteen shillings and three-pence, and payable in produce at Wilmington:—Which said notes have been assigned by the said Samuel Jackson to THOMAS MACKIE and Co. and JAMES HOOD, Merchants, Philadelphia, and have since, in the life-time of the said Gardner, by him been accounted for and paid in part to the amount of two thousand and forty-seven pounds fifteen shillings and six-pence, to the said THOMAS MACKIE, and Co. in proof of which the subscribers have sufficient vouchers.
These are therefore to caution all persons from purchasing said notes as they will not be taken up.
THOMAS WRIGHT, ROBERT SCOTT, M. R. WILLKINGS, Executors.
Wilmington, North-Carolina, 27th May, 1791. (e p. 3m.)
PHILADELPHIA, 20th July, 1791.
THE Commissioners appointed to receive Subscriptions to the Bank of the United States, do hereby, agreeable to law, inform the Stockholders of the said Bank, that an election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the City-Hall in Philadelphia, on Friday the 21st day of October next, at 10 o'clock in the morning.
THOMAS WILLING, DAVID RITTENHOUSE, SAMUEL HOWELL.
A few copies of the CONSTITUTION of the United States, printed with Notes, may be had of the Editor.