Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-04-06 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 98, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 6, 1791.
[Whole No. 202.]
Discourses on Davila.—No. 29.
(Continued.)
THE Court, seeing that the Hugonots did not execute the conditions under which they had been promised an oblivion of the past, attempts to take off the Prince of Condé and the Admiral, who had retired well accompanied, to Noyers in Burgundy. They are advertised of their danger and escape to Rochell, reassemble their forces, and make themselves masters of Saintonge, Poitou and Tourdine. The King orders the Duke of Anjou to march against them. The two armies meet at Janseneuil, without engaging: they meet again at Loudun; the rigor of the season prevents a battle. The excessive cold obliges them to march at a distance from each other. Distempers break out in both armies and carry off vast numbers. They open the next campaign in the month of March. The Hugonots pass the Charente, break down the bridges, and guard all the passages. The Duke of Anjou, by the means of a stratagem, passes the river. The battle of Jarnac ensues. On the sixteenth of March, 1569, this famous action, so fatal to the Protestant cause and to liberty of conscience in France, as to have annihilated or at least to have oppressed both for two hundred and fifty years, took place. The young Duke of Guise distinguished himself on that day, by attacking the left wing of the Calvinists, commanded by the Admiral and Dandilot at the head of the nobility of Brittany and Normandy, and gave proofs of a courage, and talents capable of performing as much good, or committing as much evil as his father had done.
The Prince of Condé who commanded the main body, opposed to the Duke of Anjou, supported with intrepidity the shock of the enemy, and when abandoned by his right and left, charged on all sides by the conquerors and surrounded by a whole world of enemies, he and those who accompanied him, fought, with desperation. In arranging his squadrons, he had been wounded in the leg by a kick of the Duke de la Rochefoucault's horse, and in the combat his own was killed and overthrown upon him. This Prince, thus dangerously wounded put one knee to the ground and continued to fight, until Montesquiou, Captain of the guards of the Duke of Anjou, shot him through the head with a pistol. Robert Stuart, who had killed the Constable at the battle of St. Dennis, and almost all the gentlemen of Poitou and Saintonge, were cut in pieces, by the side of the Prince.
The Duke of Anjou, fought in the first ranks of his squadron with a valour above his years, had an horse killed under him, and ran great risks of his life. The Hugonots lost, near seven hundred noblemen or knights of distinction. The soldiers, in derision, with scoffs and insults, brought the body of the Prince of Condé, upon an ass or pack-horse to the Duke of Anjou at Jarnac.
L'an mil cinq cens soixante & neuf Entre Jarnac & Chateau-neuf Fut porté mort sur une ânesse, Le grand ennemi de la Messe.
Young Henry, Prince of Navarre begged the body of the Duke of Anjou, who sent it to Vendome to the tombs of his ancestors. Thus lived and died Louis of Bourbon, Prince of Condé, whose valour, constancy and greatness of soul, distinguished him above all the greatest Princes and most famous Captains of his age. I shall reverse the reproaches of Davila, and say that he deserves to be canonized as one of the protomartyrs to liberty of conscience, instead of that crowd of bloody tyrants with which the calender has been disgraced.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, APRIL 6.
REVIEW
Of Mr. BURKE's Philippic against the Revolution Society in London, and the National Assembly in France—in a Letter from a Gentleman in Hartford to one in this City, dated March 20.
I HAVE just been reading the Philippic of Edmund Burke, against the Revolution Society in London, and the National Assembly in France. It has started a crowd of ideas in my mind, of whose propriety I submit to your judgment.
This work presents itself in two points of view—as the declaration of the first of English Orators, and as the result of the collected wisdom of an old and experienced Statesman.
I acknowledge that in either view, I am disappointed in the
performance. As a Philippic, it undoubtedly contains many highly labored passages, expressed in forcible and pompous language, abounding in brilliant allusion, and full of satirical wit, indignation and contempt. But where is the sublimity and pathos, tho' often attempted, which can establish him as the rival of Cicero, or Demosthenes?
He has written on the sublime and beautiful—he affects to be a sublime and beautiful writer—but he mistakes the bent of his genius. His predominant talent is wit—a sprightliness of allusion, and brilliancy of metaphor, well calculated to figure in the productions of a Swift or a Butler, but which loses its principal grace when tortured into sublimity, and obscured by the affected rotundity of pompous period. Examine a sample.—“The anodyne draught of oblivion, thus drugged, is well calculated to preserve a galling wakefulness, and to feed the living ulcer of a corroding memory. Thus to administer the opiate portion of amnesty, powdered with all the ingredients of scorn and contempt, is to hold to his lips, instead of the balm of hurt minds, the cup of human misery full to the brim, and to force him to drink it to the dregs.”
Is this style?—is it sense?—is it English? But let us view him in the light of an able politician.
He is undoubtedly right in asserting that France has at present no permanent constitution, and that government cannot long subsist in the National Assembly. He is right in his idea that the revolution to this period has been the work of destruction, that it has annihilated the power, and seized the revenues of the King, the Clergy, and the Nobility—that it has rased to the ground the Bastille of despotism, and has not yet erected the fair edifice of constitutional and well balanced government on its ruins. He may be right in describing the loss of public credit in France, and the instability of their paper assignats. He is right in censuring many wild resolves of the National Assembly, many acts of unbounded licentiousness in the populace, and many needless indignities offered to the persons of their sovereign and his family.
Did it require the talents of a great statesman to discover that in the French revolution much was wrong, and all was incomplete?
Can this calumniator of France, be the same EDMUND BURKE, who exhausted all his tropes in praise of America during her late contest with Britain? At the very period of his panegyrics, would not our total want of a constitutional government, the weakness of our confederation, the depreciation of our currency, our public distresses, the wild ideas of licentious liberty, and the unbridled insolence of our populace against the dignity of a Sovereign, happily indeed for himself, beyond the reach of personal insult, have afforded him themes equally plausible and just, for contemptuous Philippic and melancholy prognostication? No—he then asserted that we had performed miracles—that we had tried anarchy, and found it tolerable—and that society was well regulated in America, by a Congress without power, and a government without resource. He has since discovered that such miracles are incompatible with the climate of France!
But whence all his fury against philosophers, who have asserted the rights of mankind, and his frequent ridicule of this enlightened age. On the subjects of religion, of government, and of humanity, is not this age more enlightened than the preceding? I grant that many of the philosophers whom he attacks were inaccurate in their ideas, and wild in their theories. Awakened (to express myself in Burke's manner) from the midnight darkness of despotism, their eyes were dazzled by the orient light of liberty, and instead of discerning objects in their native reality, their unaccustomed optics were pleasingly overstrained by a confused glare of visionary splendor.
But have they done no service to mankind, and was no innovation necessary to human happiness?
I am accustomed to view things on the brighter side, and am pleased with every bold effort of the mind, and every attempt to assert the rights and dignity of man.
Government, morality and religion, are too august in themselves, too well supported by reason, and too necessary to the existence of rational society, to be overthrown by the attacks even of anarchy, sophistry, and infidelity. The world may perhaps reap eventual advantage from the labors of philosophers, whose tenets in many particulars deserve abhorrence—from the prophane ridicule of VOLTAIRE, the wild reveries of ROUSSEAU, and the immoral sophistry of HUME. Such writers can never destroy the citadel of government, but they will demolish the bulwarks of tyranny—they cannot rase the temple of religion, but they will level the outworks of superstition and enthusiasm.
But what must be the view of a writer, who could overlook the merits of a MONTESQUIEU, a RAYNAL, a MABLY, and the long list of amiable assertors of the rights of mankind, and blend them with the factious and the infidel, in one undistinguishing censure on philosophers?
What was the situation of France before the revolution—an unconnected group of provinces, regulated by separate and contradictory laws and customs of jurisprudence, and only held together as a nation, by the undefined and despotic power of the sovereign. Her religion, bigotry in the lower ranks, deism in the higher, and intolerance in all. Her King, a despot in name; her nobility infinitely too numerous for a Senate, and possessed of no legislative powers; and her parliaments not even the shadow of a house of representatives. Her military force in the hands of the crown, her commerce degraded, her revenues collected by extortion, and a great part of her lands mortgaged to support the indolence of her clergy, her nuns, and her friars.
Amid the present diffusion of science, and with the example of British freedom at her door, and American independence among her allies, it was impossible she could have continued long in so mortifying a situation. Though the only power of her sovereign was despotism, her sovereign could be a despot no longer. No spring was left of sufficient force to move the wheels of a government at once so complicated and disjointed. A revolution, if not immediately necessary in theory, must appear to every reflecting mind, at least unavoidable in fact.
If this sketch be justly drawn, what will become of all the eloquent periods of BURKE's declamation, in which he advises them to guard against innovations, and only endeavor to amend their ancient constitution. What was their ancient constitution, but an arbitrary and unlimited monarchy? From their early history he might indeed have revived some unacknowledged clerical and aristocratical claims, but he could not find a trace of popular freedom. His amendments to the constitution of France must have been only made by adding some props and braces to the tottering pillar of despotism.
If a thorough reformation was necessary in France, were not most of the measures, which are the subjects of his censure, equally necessary for the attainment of that end? Was it not necessary to annihilate arbitrary power, that they might pave the way for a limited monarchy? Was it not necessary to destroy the exorbitant
claims of too numerous a nobility, before they could establish a well-chosen and well-regulated house of Lords? Might it not be necessary to raise the representative power, which never before existed, above its proper balance, that it might gain sufficient force and energy to hold its just rank in a permanent constitution?—Might it not be necessary to melt down the whole people into a general mass, previous to the new calling and organizing a well-balanced government? Can the negative to these questions be proved true, and till proved, may we not check at least the severity of our censures?
BURKE dwells principally on minutiae : He catches the picture of the present moment, but seems not to possess the talent of retrospect and prospect, which accompanies a great mind.
He indeed justly censures the capital error of the National Assembly—their ideas of pure democracy, and their apparent ignorance of the necessity, the indispensable necessity, of the different orders in government; but he seems not to dwell on the subject as a matter of importance: He throws it out as a vague sentiment arising in a mind, aiming its artillery at more essential objects, at Parisian triumphs, proscriptive injustice, Dr. Price, and the Revolution Society.
Whether the establishment of a well-balanced government, and a free constitution in France will be effected, as in America, by the united wisdom of a National Convention; or whether it must be preceded by the horrors of a civil war, and finally be established in a treaty of accommodation, time alone can determine.
But I think we may venture to predict that France will never again be subject to arbitrary government, and that she will at no very distant period reap an ample harvest from those seeds of liberty already planted in her soil, but which a BURKE could not discover among the broken furrows.
The advantages gained by France in the present revolution must be extensive and permanent—the errors of the National Assembly will be transitory in effect—and posterity speaking of them hereafter, may perhaps invert the sentiment of Shakespeare, and say,
“The good that they have done lives after them, The evil lies interred with their bones.”
Thus, sir, I have in a very hasty manner given way to my feelings on the first perusal of Mr. BURKE's pamphlet. I pretend not to sufficient information to enter into minter disquisitions. I will turn to a more agreeable subject.
The first Congress has now completed its sessions. If they do not retire with a loud clamour of universal applause, they may receive sufficient consolation from the general happiness which they have diffused over our country.
In no nation, by no legislature, was ever so much done in so short a period for the establishment of government, order, public credit and general tranquility. I only fear that the manifest increase of our circulating coin, together with the additional resources of millions of paper securities so rapidly appreciating, and the circulation of bank notes, may injure those general habits of industry and economy, introduced by former years of penury and distress: it will, unless drained off in more extensive and beneficial channels of commerce.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, Feb. 7.
The BANK BILL under consideration.
MR. GILES'S SPEECH CONCLUDED.
A GENTLEMAN from Massachusetts (Mr. Sedgwick) finding the usual import of the terms used in the constitution to be rather unfavorable to the doctrines advanced by him, has favored us with a new exposition of the word ( necessary ) he says that necessary as applicable to a mean to produce an end, should be construed so as to produce the greatest possible quantum of public utility. I have been taught to conceive that the true exposition of a necessary mean to produce a given end, was that mean, without which the end could not be produced.
The gentleman's reasoning however if pursued will be found to teem with dangerous effects, and would justify the assumption of any given authority whatever: Terms are to be so construed as to produce the greatest degree of public utility—Congress are to be the judges of this degree of utility; this utility when decided on will be the ground of constitutionality, hence any measure may be proved constitutional which Congress may judge to be useful; these deductions would suborn the constitution itself and blot out the great distinguishing characteristic of the free constitutions of America—as compared with the despotic governments of Europe, which consists in having the boundaries of governmental authority clearly marked out and ascertained. The exclusive jurisdiction over 10 miles square has been adverted to by one gentleman (Mr. Ames) as a specified authority, to which the one contended for is suggested to be incidental; he has reasoned in this manner, Congress possess jurisdiction over 10 miles square, &c. Congress may therefore establish a bank, within the 10 miles square—and as principle is not applicable to place, Congress may exercise the same autho

right any where else—this seems to me to be an ingenious improvement upon sophistical deduction; the gentleman however should have reflected, that the ground upon which he built the right to exercise this authority, was that of exclusive jurisdiction, and to extend the principle it is necessary to extend the right of exclusive jurisdiction, without this the basis of his argument fails, and the superstructure however beautified must follow, for the principle, if at all deducible from that source, is expressly confined to place and cannot operate beyond it.
I shall now consider the second resource, whence the constitutional right of exercising the proposed authority is derived—its incidentality to the mere creation and existence of government. It has been observed, that in all governments there are certain rights tacitly granted and certain other rights retained, that it is impossible in framing a constitution to enumerate every minute governmental right, and that such an attempt would be chimerical and vain. And hence the incidentality of this authority to the mere existence of government is inferred; these observations seem to me to apply to a government growing out of a state of society, and not to a government composed of chartered rights from previously existing governments, or the people of those governments. I have been taught to consider this as a federal not as a consolidated government, and am not prepared or disposed at present to relinquish that idea. A gentleman from New-York (Mr. Lawrance) has remarked, that the government is consolidated quo ad the powers granted, and of course quo ad their incidents; but he should first have shown that the authority contended for is one of those granted, or incidental to some one of them, before the application can be made—the observation can have no tendency to establish either of those positions. What effect would this doctrine, if admitted, have upon the State governments? And how would it be relished by them? Their dignity and consequence will not only be prostrated by it, but their very existence radically subverted. A third resource of deducing this constitutional authority has been resorted to, the expediency of the proposed measure itself . I presume the great object of the constitution was to distribute all governmental rights between the several State governments and the government of the United States; the expediency therefore of the exercise of all constitutional rights as they relate to State or general government, is properly contemplated and decided by the constitution, and not by the governments amongst which the distribution is made. A gentleman from South-Carolina (Mr. Smith) has said, that the expediency and constitutionality of the proposed measure, cannot be considered separately, because the constitutionality grows out of the expediency, this is but candidly unveiling the subject of that sophistical mask which has been ingeniously thrown over it by some gentlemen: for all the arguments adduced in favor of the measure, from whatever source they arise, if pursued will be found to rush into the great one of expediency, to bear down all constitutional provisions and to end themselves in the unlimited ocean of despotism.
Several gentlemen have said that this authority may be safely exercised, since it does not interfere with the rights of States or individuals. I think this assertion not very correct; if the States be constitutionally intitled to the exercise of this authority, it is an intrusion on their rights to do an act which would eventually destroy or impede the free exercise of that authority; for it is totally immaterial whether the effect be produced by the operation of this or by an inhibition in express terms; the States may not only incorporate banks, but may of right prohibit the circulation of bank paper within their respective limits; the act therefore if it be intended to have an effectual operation will certainly infringe this right, or exist at the mercy of the State governments. This reasoning however places the subject in another point of view a little singular; it contemplates the authority contended for as vacant ground and justifies the tenure by the mere title of occupancy. In almost all the remarks in favor of the measure, gentlemen seem to have forgotten the peculiar nature of this government; it being composed of mere chartered authorities, all authority not contained within that charter, would from the nature of the grant have been retained to the granting party, and I will venture to assert that this opinion was the sine qua non of the adoption and existence of this government; but if this opinion had been doubtful, Congress themselves have made an express declaration in favor of this construction in the proposed amendments to the constitution. Gentlemen have inferred a constitutional right to exercise the authority contended for from a fourth resource, the former usages and habits of Congress , in affirmation of this argument several acts of Congress have been referred to, the power of removal from office, the government of the Western Territory, the cession from North-Ca-
rolina, the purchase of West-Point, &c. &c. I shall not examine into the propriety of these several acts, tho' I conceive it would not be difficult to show, that they differ materially, upon constitutional grounds, from the one now proposed—I shall only remark, that if Congress have heretofore been in the usage and habit of disregarding and violating the constitution, it is high time that that habit and usage was corrected: I hope and trust that the people of the United States will not tamely see the only security of their rights and liberties invaded and violated, but also see one violation of it with impunity, boldly urged as an argument to justify another.
An instance of a similar exercise of authority by the Congress, which existed under the former confederation, has been mentioned in favor of its exercise by the present Congress. The argument has been, that as the powers of the present Congress are greater than those of the former Congress, and the former were competent to the exercise of this right, the present must be more so; it is to be remarked, that that act was the child of necessity, and that Congress doubted its legitimacy, and the act itself was never confirmed by a judicial decision; and it should be also remarked, that the same Congress did not pretend to possess the right to punish those who should counterfeit the paper of the bank, and recommended it to the states to confirm the act which they had done, and to pass laws for the purpose of punishing those who should counterfeit the paper; and it is a little remarkable that this circumstance, which is one of the most essential to the existence and operation of this act, is withheld from our view. But as I think arguments drawn from this source wholly foreign to the subject, I shall make no other remark upon them. I shall now suggest a few observations respecting the expediency of the proposed measure—in doing this, I shall not say any thing as to the utility of banks in general, nor as to the effects of the banks of England, Scotland, Holland, &c. &c. I possess not sufficient practical or theoretical knowledge to justify the inquiry; I shall only point out a few circumstances, which are peculiarly attached to the government we are now administering, which might vary the application of general rules, drawn from governments of a different nature, and which possess the unquestioned right of granting charters of incorporation.
In the first place, the right of exercising that authority by this government is at least problematical, it is no where granted in express terms; the legislature therefore can have no competent security against a judicial decision, but a dependant or a corrupt court. I presume that a law to punish with death those who counterfeit the paper emitted by the bank, will be consequent upon the existence of this act; hence a judicial decision will probably be had of the most serious and awful nature—the life of an individual at stake on one hand—an improvident act of the government on the other. A distrust arising from this cause, will forever keep the bank in jeopardy, and the very first trial of this nature will probably subject the bank to a run which it will be unable to withstand; for all stockholders will require the greatest possible security for their money, and a distrust of such an institution will be its destruction. This observation seems to me to have peculiar force, from the great proportion of paper to that of gold and silver, upon which the bank is proposed to be founded. The peculiar relation between the general and state governments will naturally produce a contest for governmental rights, until long experience shall settle the precise boundaries between them. The present measure appears to me to be an unprovoked advance in this scramble for authority, and a mere experiment how far we may proceed without involving the opposition of the state governments. It should be remarked that this government is in its childhood, it is therefore unfitted for such bold and manly enterprizes, and policy would dictate that it should wait at least until it may have become more matured or invigorated. Two modes of administering this government present themselves—the one with mildness and moderation, by keeping within the known boundaries of the constitution—the other by the creation and operation of fiscal mechanism—the first will insure us the affections of the people, the only natural and substantial basis of republican governments—the other will arise and exist in oppression and injustice, will increase the previously existing jealousies of the people, and must be ultimately discarded, or bring about a radical change in the nature of our government. Having suggested these observations upon the measure in general, I shall now proceed to point out a few objections to the detail of the bill: I think the authority given to the bank, to purchase and hold lands, objectionable; in the first place, I doubt the constitutional right of Congress to invest such an authority—the lands within the United States are holden of the individual states, and not of the United States, and that tenure appears to me to be the true ground upon which the right to exercise that authority grows. I believe it is ad-
mitted that although Congress may naturalize a foreigner, they cannot authorize him to purchase lands—and I think the case at least as strong, when they first create an artificial person, and then invest the authority; besides, if we have reference to the experience of other countries, we shall find it dangerous to allow incorporated bodies to hold lands at all: the exercise of that right produced great oppression in England, and nothing but the masterly activity of an absolute Prince, could apply a competent remedy. A gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Sedgwick,) has denied that the Bank is invested with this right—it is true, it is confined to the mode of purchasing by mortgage, but that is the most effectual mode of purchasing, and the most ruinous to the landholder.
I will merely mention one other objection without a comment—the authority given to make laws not contrary to law or its own constitution—but the most objectionable clause is that which limits its duration, and pledges the faith of the United States that no other Bank shall be established in the mean time, however dangerous and offensive the present measure might prove in its operation, and whatever may be the utility and advantage in any other scheme of banking, which experience may suggest—such a stipulation cannot be justified but from the most pointed necessity, and from the maturest deliberation: When I search for the necessity of this measure, it escapes me—it is not pretended in the bill itself—the chief stimulus which I can discover to the existence of this measure, is to give artificial impulse to the value of stock—this is not a sufficient justification—the subject has not been sufficiently considered, and I therefore hope it may be postponed to some future session of Congress, —many evils may be avoided by such a conduct —none can result from it.
From the CONNECTICUT COURANT.
The PROMPTER.
Come, we'll take the t'other sip.
THE grog-drinker is not the only man who takes the t'other sip. The drone, the sluggard opens his eyes upon the morning dawn—he stretches—rolls over—gapes—feels drowsy—says it is time enough yet—hugs the pillow, and takes the t'other sip. He naps away a precious hour or two, when he might have earned his breakfast.
The gamester takes a hand at whist in the evening—a hand or two can do no harm—it is an amusement—a quarter of a dollar a corner is a trifle—his mind is engaged—if he has lost a game, he must play another to win —if he has won, he hopes to win again—he must take the t'other sip—and the t'other—and the t'other—the bell rings nine o'clock—but one more hand can do no harm—who would go to bed with the chickens? The clock strikes twelve —but one more hand and I positively go—The clock strikes one —he starts—damns his luck—but the next evening he'll take another sip—he swears he'll recover what he has lost—he marches home, when not an animal should be awake, but owls and rats and thieves.
The poor man, with a score of bare footed children, breadless and naked, works hard for a little meat to silence the demands of hunger, and a little wood to warm their naked limbs. But there is a Lottery—a prize of a thousand dollars! and not two blanks to a prize! yes one prize that is worth having, among nine thousand tickets! Glorious chance! nine thousand to one against him! But a ticket he must have—Four or five day's labor, the subsistence of several days must be bartered for a ticket! Nine thousand to one against him! Is this all? No, no. He is anxious for good fortune—he must stand by and see the drawing—a week more lost—time is money—the price of the ticket is two dollars , and it costs him four . The wheel of fortune rolls and rolls and rolls him up—a blank . But like the grog-drinker, who takes the t'other sip, he must try his luck again. Luckless man! nine thousand to one, is odds against him . One certainty is better than a thousand Lotteries , where some thousands of probabilities are against a man.
But must we discourage Lotteries when public utility is their object? No. Let every one buy tickets, who is able to pay a tax to the amount of the price.
Suppose a poor man saves enough out of his usual grog-expences to buy a ticket. This is very well—but it would be better to save the same money to buy bread and a pair of shoes for a shoeless boy.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
THE writer in your paper of Saturday last, disclaims the idea that the friends of the Bank of North-America entertain a want of confidence in the resources of their country, and declares "they are warm and zealous friends to the United States," and supporters of their constitution and government; but the constant com-

plaint with him, and some others is, that they think themselves injured because their institution was not made the Bank of the United States; and an appeal is made to the finer feelings of the human heart to decide on their merits and services. This address to the passions is offered as a substitute for reason and argument in a question of national policy! The author however has but followed the example of "THE OBSERVER," whose performances are a play upon the fancy, rather than an appeal to the judgment of his readers.
It is not contended that the Bank of North-America did not render essential services to the United States in the most critical periods of the war; but was not this their duty—was it not the end and design of their creation, on being paid for it; and does it appear that they have lost any thing by the bargain—or that they have been disabled in the service? If they have suffered in their property, they should be reimbursed with interest—if their corporation has been essentially injured, they are intitled to a gratuity.
But say the friends of the State Bank, "we had a continental charter."—The Secretary of the Treasury observes in his report, "That they have since accepted and acted under a new charter from the State of Pennsylvania, materially variant from the original one; and which so narrows the foundation of the institution, as to render it an incompetent basis for the extensive purposes of a national bank." Hence he recommends an establishment upon different principles—and the former is left to stand as it was. But the Secretary at the same time, gives it as his opinion, that every reasonable facility should be given to a consolidation of the Bank of North-America, with the Bank of the United States, upon terms not injurious to the parties concerned, provided the former would come forward with propositions.
We are told the proposed Bank "did not want for respectable authorities opposed to it at its birth, and that it is believed, their reasonings are such as will bear the test of time." If observations of this kind are to have any weight, it might perhaps be answered with equal truth, that many of the friends and advocates of the Bank of the United States are also entitled at least to respect; and what is of more consequence, the refutation of the arguments of some of them has not yet been even attempted.
Some of the gentlemen are dissatisfied because their institution was not made the foundation to build upon; but a broader basis was thought necessary; and a question might arise who was to accommodate, the general government, or the Bank of this State. This much however is certain, that if it had been proposed to ingraft upon the old according to the principles of the new, or in any other way, but such as might be dictated by the present Bank, the clamor would have been much louder than it is at present: So difficult—nay so impossible is it to please all parties.
LONDON, February 15—24.
THE meeting of Parliament opens a new field for political disquisition. It now becomes our province to mark the progress of National business: to animadvert upon the conduct of our Legislators; and to weigh with minute regard the measures to be pursued by our Ministers in the present position of affairs.
The high and consequential state which Britain has attained in the scale of Europe, together with the prosperous and flourishing situation of our domestic concerns, are circumstances so obvious, that he who labours to disprove them must willingly err against Reason and Truth. These are themes which, when touched upon, must awaken the most torpid feelings of patriotic regard, and which in all his reflections, conclusions and anticipations must strongly influence the mind of the candid Politician:
The great progress made in the reduction of the National Debt must afford to every person interested in the support of public credit, the most sincere gratification.
For the satisfaction of our readers, we shall particularize the amount of the whole capital sum redeemed by the commissioners for the liquidation of the National Debt, on the last day of January 1791:
  3 per Cent. Consols £ 2,753,800   3 per Cent. Reduced 1,878 450   Old South Sea 1,091,100   New South Sea 807,000   South Sea 1757 242,000   £ 6,772,350 
This sum with the Interest of the capital sum redeemed, is regularly added to the annual million.
How rapid, by this system, must be the diminution of the National Debt, may be easily calculated; how much it has already tended to the establishment of Public Credit, is universally felt, and joyfully acknowledged.
Since the establishment of this fund, one million, it must be admitted, has been borrow-
ed by the Minister; but when that is deducted from the above sum, the surplus is still great.
The expences of the late Armament, it will readily be recollected, are provided for distinct from the great mass of the National Finance. The policy of this arrangement was loudly applauded by men of all parties. It indeed strongly enforces its own panegyric.
PARIS.
It is inconceivable how sanguine even yet the Partizans of Royalty remain: the other day an officer in the King's regiment affirmed, that in two months, M. Mirabeau would not be in existence.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
Feb. 3. Mr. Mirabeau, the President, seems to unite the suffrages of all parties, by an exercise of this office, marked by a severe equity, and a dismissal to all personal predilections.
Feb. 4. After some local regulations, of small importance, deferring consideration of the Tobacco business, they circumscribed Paris, within 33 parishes.
ORGANIZATION OF JURIES.
The following articles were among those important in this great work.
The judges pronounced aloud their opinions commencing with the youngest and finishing at the president.
If they differ in the application of the law, the mildest is preferred. If more than two opinions divide the body, they call upon the Judges of the district to compose their differences.
The text of the law is read previously upon which judgment is pronounced. After sentence, three days are allowed for the demand of cession. If this be admitted, it must be founded upon violation of forms, nullity in the instruction, in the judgment, or the application of the law erroneously.
Such demands are to be decided within a month after their reception.
It was observed, with some degree of reproach, that so great a proportion of this Assembly should be members of the law. The censure seems to have been idle in the extreme; they are most likely to frame a perfect constitution, whose studies have been confined to the legal limitation of general and particular rights.
DOVER, (N. H.) March 17.
We hear from Candia, in this state, that a few days ago, two horses in a double sleigh, broke from their fastenings, and ran with great precipitation down a certain street in that town, but were soon met by a double and a single sleigh, with young persons in them, of both sexes, going on a party of pleasure—they turned out on each side to give them room to pass, but just before the sleigh got to them, one of the runners struck a log, and sheer'd the horses directly over the double sleigh in which were the young people; by which accident one young woman was killed, and a number more badly wounded, one of which has since died—In going over one of the runners caught one of the near horse's hind legs and broke it, which immediately turned it to the other side of the street where the other single horse stood, and ran against him with such force as drove the tongue of the sleigh into his bowels, which killed him instantaneously—all of which was accomplished in a few moments.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
A Thousand leagues of Ocean roll between These tranquil States, and Europe's troubled scene: Divided thus—sure nature's God design'd This land—th' Asylum of the free-born mind. Here shall an independent empire rise, Concentring from all climes the just and wise; By innate principles expand its name, Nor owe to foreign politics its fame. On this Idea, federal wisdom plann'd, The Nation's bank—that bulwark of the land; Nor Anglois, Francois, or the sage Mynhoer Shall in our schemes of Finance interfere, The States as one agree, that this is right, Tho' pigmy politicians rave and write.
Philadelphia, April 6.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London, dated January 1791.
"The interest of Mr. Pitt must incline him to peace, and yet I am fearful that his policy will deceive him, and shortly plunge us into a war. He has got out of the Spanish scrape with honor; but by insisting upon so much, I suspect that he has planted the seeds of a future war in the proud breast of the Don. He and Prussia mean to bully and terrify the Empress out of her conquests, and into such a peace as they shall dictate. The Northern Elizabeth does not seem to be frightened, but to set them at defiance. She has secured the King of Sweden by acting generously by him, when he was nearly down, and his allies could not give him timely assistance. It is thought that the British council is attempting to buy off the King of Denmark with large promises. He is scarce of so forgiving a spirit as to have forgotten how they threatened him and made him desist from joining the Empress against
Sweden; or so young in politics as not heartily to unite with Russia and Sweden, to keep a foreign fleet out of the Baltic. The British nation owes the Empress a grudge for the armed neutrality, and therefore are glad to promote an armed mediation to humble her: But if she will not give way, and they press on, they may find themselves plunged into a war not only with the three Northern powers, but Spain and others, who may think it high time to pull down the overgrown and overbearing navy of Great-Britain. The German Emperor will not lose the friendship of the Empress. Holland will rather look on, and bustle without doing much.
EAST-INDIA INTELLIGENCE.
ON the 23d May last, the Mahrattas, assisted by the East-India company's troops, gained a signal victory over Ishmael Beg, a country power, with whom the Mahrattas are at war.
The army of Ishmael Beg consisted of 25000 foot, and 20000 horse, besides a great number of elephants, camels, &c. The conquerors took 100 pieces of cannon, 15 elephants, an innumerable number of camels, 100 pair of colours, and the enemy's whole baggage—and the morning following the victory, 7 battalions, and 10000 irregulars laid down their arms: This great victory was gained with the loss of only 700 men killed and wounded.
The British military establishment in the East-Indies, according to a return made the first of January 1790, amounted to 8039 men—Tippo Saib's, to 155,230.
Accounts from Paris, via London, of 24 Jan. say, that some German troops had entered France on the side of the Maes and the Rhine—instant preparations were made to send 10000 volunteers after them.
The spirit of revolution has manifested itself in Hungary, Vienna, Spain and Bavaria: The discontents in Vienna are occasioned by the dearth of provisions—the scarcity is however tho' to be artificial.
While some accounts from France inform, that the clergy are conforming to the new regulations, and taking the civic oath with great cordiality—others say, that they are very refractory in many of the provinces—so that it is extremely difficult to form any settled opinion on the subject.
According to an estimate published in the General Advertiser of Monday last—it appears that 4992 Dozen of wool cards are made in this city, annually—an important branch of manufactures! The importation of this article has long since ceased—and in a very short time that of shoes of every kind must also cease.
On the 31st ult. departed this life, at Elizabethtown, in New-Jersey, MATTHIAS OGDEN, Esq. late a Brigadier General, in the army of the United States.
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL LOTTERY.
   State of the Wheel, Saturday March 26.   In the Wheel. Prizes drawn.     1 of 10000 2 of 1000   2 of 3000 5 of 500   3 of 2000 10 of 200   4 of 1000 22 of 100   5 of 500 31 of 50   20 of 200 23 of 40   58 of 100 33 of 30   59 of 50 41 of 20   77 of 40 51 of 10   87 of 30 2115 of 8   120 of 20   149 of 10 2333 Prizes drawn.   5470 of 8 4367 Blanks do.   6055 Prizes in the Wheel. 6700 Tickets drawn.   12245 Blanks in do.   18300 Tickets undrawn.   6700 Do. drawn.   25000  
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 16/10. 17 1/2. pr. £. 88 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 9/. 45 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 8/11 9/. 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 15/9 78 3/4 do.   Indents 9/. 45 do.   N. and S. Carolina debts, 12/2 15/.  
ARRIVALS at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
  Brig Benjamin, Brookhouse, Bristol, 35 days.   Do. Wallerhoff, Osmon, London, 38.   Ship Birmingham, Kerr, London, 33.   Do. Dublin Packet, Davis, Dublin, 32.   Brig Galen, Edie, London, 58.   Do. Betty, Potter, Virginia, 6.   Do. Margetett, Codman, Boston, 4.   Ship Manchester, Williams, Liverpool, 33. 
HENRY KUHL,
HEREBY gives public notice that he discontinues to negotiate in the Funds on Commission. Philadelphia, April 5.
LOST,
BETWEEN this city and New-York, on the post road, two bundles containing the Gazette of the United States—No. 82—defined for New-York and Bolton. As they can be of no use, but as waste paper, except to the Subscribers, many of whom keep files of that publication, any person who can give information to the Editor, so that the whole or any part of them may be recovered, shall receive a generous reward. The two bundles contained 300 papers.

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE THIRD SESSION,
Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, on Monday the sixth of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
AN ACT in addition to an Act, intitled, "An Act for establishing the Salaries of the Executive Officers of Government, with their Assistants and Clerks."
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the passing of this act, there shall be allowed to the chief clerk of the auditor, the annual sum of two hundred dollars, in addition to the salary allowed to him by the act, intitled, "An act establishing the salaries of the executive officers of government, with their assistants and clerks," to be paid at the treasury of the United States, in quarterly payments, and from like appropriations as may be assigned for the payment of the other salaries mentioned in the above recited act.
And be it further enacted, That there be allowed to the clerks employed in the several offices attached to the seat of government, in addition to their respective salaries, their reasonable and necessary expenses incurred by the removal of Congress from the city of New-York to the city of Philadelphia.
And be it further enacted, That there be allowed to the assistant secretary of the treasury, in addition to his salary for one year, commencing with the passing of this act, four hundred dollars, to be paid in the same manner as his salary.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, MARCH THIRD, 1791. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. Deposited among the Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
This day is Published, The American Museum, OR, UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE, FOR MARCH, 1791.
ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
METEOROLOGICAL observations made at Philadelphia, in February 1791. Observations on the weather and diseases for the same month. A brief examination of Lord Sheffield's observations on the commerce of the United States of America. Reply to hints and conjectural observations on an American excise. Defence of the use of the bible as a school book. Some remarks on the policy observed towards the Indians. The Columbian Observer, No. IV and V. Our Grandmothers.
POETRY. To the memory of the late William Livingston. Friendship. Is Delia loved?
SELECTED ARTICLES.
Anecdote of General Arnold. Anecdote of Capt. Troy. The negro equalled by few Europeans. Essay on the influence of religion in civil society. Maxim. Abstract of the exports of the United States from the commencement of the custom houses, at different times in August 1790, to Sept. 30, 1791. Of the artifices of animals. Of national debts. Thoughts on friendship. Revolutions of English literature. Premiums offered by the Philadelphia society for the promotion of agriculture. Advantages of using the tops of Indian corn as food for horses and cattle. Method of preserving meat fresh for years together. Constitution of the state of New York concluded. Constitution of the state of New Jersey.
POETRY. Elegiac sonnet on the indisposition of a young lady. Invocation to horror. The adieu and recall to love. The pen, to Delia Crusca. To Anna Matilda. To a young lady. Stanzas to ill-nature. Prayer to Venus. The rose, an idyllion. Philadelphia, April 1, 1791.
This day is published, for the Proprietors, By WILLIAM YOUNG, BOOKSELLER, No. 52, Second-Street, the corner of Chesnut-Street, The Universal Asylum, FOR MARCH, 1791.
CONTENTS.
HISTORY of the life and character of Dr. Franklin, (continued) On the excellency of modesty. Account of the manufactures of cotton and wood cards in the city of Philadelphia. Ludicrous simile. On the nature and principles of municipal law, and legislative authority. A curious fact tending to elucidate the civil policy of the Seneca Indians. American antiquities. On novel reading. History of Philander Flaxaway. On the fallacy of the political doctrine, that civil liberty can only exist in a small territory. Petition of sundry horses to the honorable the corporation of the city of Philadelphia. Wisdom and Truth. Account of the Turkish government. On the causes of famine in China, and the means used for preventing it. Proposal for abolishing the absurd practice of separating the sexes, immediately after dinner. On the folly of attempting to develope the origin of civil society. Population, without respect to property, the object of representation in a free government. Anecdote of Peter the cruel. On penal laws. Account of a gigantic family at Cape-Cod. Result of a course of agricultural experiments. Anecdote of Sterne and a Pennsylvania lady. History of the American revolution, (continued.) Account of the celebrated Dr. Henry Moyes. Method of purifying common salt.
IMPARTIAL REVIEW.
Of the New-England Farmer: Chemical and economical essays: Foreign literature.
COLUMBIAN PARNASSIAD.
An Ode on the progress of enlightened freedom. Anacreontic ode on the approach of spring, 1791. Elegy to the memory of the American volunteers, who fell at Lexington, on the 19th April 1775. The crow of fashion, a new song. Sensibility. Description of poetry. To a beloved fair one. On a lady who wore patches.
THE CHRONICLE.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject of a mint. Historical sketch of the proceedings of Congress. Intelligence. Appointments. Marriages and Deaths. Meteorological observations. To which are prefixed the Philadelphia prices-current, and course of exchange. Philadelphia, April 1, 1791.
Wanted, to complete sets, a few Copies of the COLUMBIAN MAGAZINE, for January, 1788, for which five shillings each will be given.
MATTHEW M'CONNELL,
IN CHESNUT-STREET, No. 66,
BUYS and SELLS all kinds of THE PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNION ; has frequently occasion to NEGOTIATE INLAND BILLS OF EXCHANGE —and will receive Orders for making SUBSCRIPTIONS to the BANK of the UNITED STATES .
Philadelphia, March 30, 1791.
(96 tf)
MANUEL NOAH,
BROKER,
No. 91, Race-Street, between Second and Third-Streets, BUYS and SELLS
Continental & State Certificates,
Pennsylvania and Jersey Paper Money, And all kinds of SECURITIES of the United States, or of any particular State.
FOR SALE,
In the City of New-Brunswick,
A Commodious TWO STORY HOUSE , almost new, pleasantly situated on the banks of the Raritan, together with a large Lot in the rear, and a very good Wharf immediately in front of the House. Said House is thirty-four feet square has four rooms on each floor, with entries between the same, and a good stone cellar under the whole.
Any person inclining to purchase may have possession the first day of May next, and know the price and terms of payment which will be made easy by applying to LEWIS FORMAN , in said city, or the subscriber in Borden Town. J. VAN EMBURGH.
N. B. If not sold, to be rented from 1st day of May next.
A CO-PARTNERSHIP having commenced between JOSEPH ANTHONY , and his Son, THOMAS P. ANTHONY , under the firm of
JOSEPH ANTHONY and Son, They have for Sale, at their Stores, (lately improved by HEWES and ANTHONY ,) Northside Chesnut-Street Wharf,
  NEW-ENGLAND Rum, Hyson, TEAS, of the first   Molasses, Souchong quality,   Muscovado Sugars, & Bohea   Jamaica & Martinique Coffee, Boston Sail Duck, No. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 7,   Pimento, 6 by 8 Window Glass,   Cassia, Boston Prime Beef,   Old Batavia Arrack, A quantity of choice Carrot   Spermaceti & Wax Candles, Tobacco.   Spermaceti, Right Whale, N. England Tow Linen.   and Tanner's Oil,   Best pick'd Mackerel,   Philadel. March 18. [e.p.3w.]
Virginia, Culpeper County, 25th Jan. 1791.
To be SOLD by the Subscriber,
THE PLANTATION, where-
on he resides, laying on both sides the Carolina road, in the great fork of Rappahannock river, 36 miles from the town of Dumfries, 30 from Fredericksburg, and 28 from Falmouth; in a most healthy part of the country:—Consisting of 2,000 acres—half cleared, and in good fence, well adapted for farming and grazing—the soil is good, lays well, abounding with many excellent springs and streams of water, so dispersed as to afford great opportunity of making watered meadow of the first quality, perhaps more than 300 acres—of which 120, in one body, is already in grass, and all watered and drained at pleasure by a number of ditches, for that purpose, passing through the whole. Orchards of about 2000 bearing apple trees—near as many peach trees, and a variety of most other kinds of fruit, natural to the climate. A good dwelling-house, the situation whereof is remarkably beautiful and pleasant; and many other valuable improvements of divers kinds.
And one other Plantation about 5 miles nearer said towns, consisting of about 1500 acres, on which is good merchant, grist, and saw mills, where nature, labour and art, have fully conspired to render them complete; a large constant stream, on which they stand, affords them water in great abundance; convenient thereto is a kiln end house, for drying corn, a bake house, a dwelling house and several other improvements mostly new; about 300 acres of the lands are in cultivation, very good in quality; the other part thin soil, but abounding with timber, is an inexhaustible source for the saw-mill.
Also several detached tracts within said county, of about 2, 3, and 400 acres each, and though not off so fertile a soil, their vicinity to the towns render them valuable, on some of them there are small improvements, and the lands so situated, that they can easily be made convenient little farms.
The whole or any part of the abovementioned possessions will be disposed of, on very reasonable terms—a small proportion in ready money, for the balance, the payments will be made entirely to accommodate the convenience of the purchasers, who may be supplied on the same terms, with all kinds of stock, work horses, oxen, &c. &c. &c. by JOHN STRODE. [r.f.]
TO BE SOLD,
THE SEAT OF THE LATE GOVERNOR LIVINGSTON,
Situate about a mile from Elizabeth-Town, on the public road to Morris Town. The farm contains between 90 and 100 acres of land, 15 or 20 acres of which are wood land; there is also appertaining to the said farm about 19 acres of salt meadow. Particular attention having been paid to the cultivation of fruit; there is on the farm a very large collection of various kinds of the choicest fruit trees, &c. in full bearing; the house is large, convenient, well built and in very good repair.
Enquire of the Printer, for further particulars. New-York, Jan. 1791. 80 3m
New Line of Stages.
THE Subscriber has established a line of STAGES from Hartford to Boston, by way of Norwich and Providence, which will run thro twice a week during the Winter Season, and three times a week during the Summer Season.
Good Carriages, Horses, and careful Drivers are provided.—Passengers pay three Pence per Mile, and are allowed 14 pound Baggage each.—Extra Baggage pays at the rate of three Pence per Mile for every 150 wt. As the Mail is to go in these Stages for the year 1791, fixed hours for starting from the respective Stage Houses is absolutely necessary—from which there can be no deviation. Norwich, Dec. 14, 1790.
The Stage for the Eastward leaves Hartford—Mondays and Thursdays, Norwich—Tuesdays and Fridays, Providence—Wednesdays and Saturdays, For the Westward, leaves Boston—Mondays and Thursdays, Providence—Tuesdays and Fridays, Norwich—Wednesdays and Saturdays. JESSE BROWN. 69-1w3m
All persons concerned will be pleased to take notice that the following advertisement has been varied from that published in our paper of the 23d of March.]
Treasury Department.
MARCH 22, 1791.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the first Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania and Fort Pitt, and at Fort Pitt.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort McIntosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort McIntosh.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort McIntosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayuga River, and down the said River to its mouth.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami, at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie.
At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, and at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami village, before described.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.
At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village.
At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango.
At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf, betwixt Le Beuf and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river.
At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek.
At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively.
At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazous inclusively.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the river Tenessee, to Ocochappo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively.
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles.
  viz. One pound of bread or flour, } per. 100 rations.   One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork,   Half a Jill of rum, brandy or whisky,   One quart of salt,   Two quarts of vinegar,   Two pounds of soap,   One pound of candles, 
ALSO. That Proposals will be received at the said office until the first Monday in September next, inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the state of Massachusetts, and the Post of West-Point, in the state of New-York.
The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the same articles as are above mentioned.
ALSO. That proposals will be received at the said office, until the 1st Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January to the 31st day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned.
At the post on the river Saint Mary, at present commanded by Capt. Henry Burbeck.
At the post on the river Altamaha, at present commanded by Capt. John Smith.
At the post on the river Oconee, at present commanded by Capt. Joseph Savage.
At the post on the river Apalachee, at present commanded by Capt. Michael Rudolph.
At any place or places from the Rock Landing on the Oconee, up to the mouth of the main south branch of the said river, from the said mouth up to the source of the said main south branch, and from thence to the Currahee mountain.
At any other place or places within the state of Georgia which may hereafter be occupied as permanent posts by any troops of the United States.
And for rations deliverable on the march to such future posts. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least two months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the same articles, as are abovementioned.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depredations of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
The contracts for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years.
The proposals may be made for the whole of the above posts together, or separately for Springfield, for West-Point, for Yorktown, and the seventeen places following it, and for the posts in Georgia; and they must specify the lowest price per ration, for prompt payment.
Treasury Department, March 30, 1791.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the INTEREST for the Quarter ending the 31st instant, on all that part of the DEBT of the United States which stands on the books of the Treasury, will be paid on demand, after that day, at the Bank of North-America . All persons concerned are requested to apply there accordingly.
A few copies of the CONSTITUTION of the United States, printed with Notes, may be had of the Editor.