National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-12-01 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 10 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, December 1, 1792.
[Total No. 114.]
Conclusion of Mr. Williamson's speech from our last.
THIS conclusion, however, is drawn upon the supposition, that foreign commerce should be encouraged, but I am aware, that objections have been made to every measure that has foreign commerce for its object, and similar objections would fall with additional weight against any plan for supporting foreign commerce by native seamen. We are told, that in a country where land is plenty and inhabitants few; where little progress is made in cultivating the soil, the legislature should consider agriculture as the primary object of their attention. This is a position that will not be disputed, since we know, that the hope of our species must prosper or perish; that our numbers must be many or few, according to the abundance or scarcity of provisions. These facts being granted, we are only to enquire, what are the most certain and effectual means of promoting agriculture? To this I reply, that we can promote agriculture by extending foreign commerce, and by no other direct means whatever. Bounties can never prove effectual, they may serve to introduce a foreign plant, but they cannot produce industry nor plenty. The general demand for any article never fails to increase the manufacture of that article. The great demand for provisions to be exported, will not fail to produce abundance of provisions in the country.
The simple calls of nature; the mere necessity of supporting life is not a sufficient spring to active industry; it seldom gives birth to persevering diligence. Artificial wants and passions must come to our assistance; before we can shake off the indolence of nature, and apply ourselves steadily to work. Let a man discover that industry will procure him the luxuries as well as the necessaries of life, and he will not fail to work. Let the farmer see a ready market for all the produce that is not consumed by his family, and he will commonly have something to sell; let no such market present itself, and his family will frequently suffer by the want of necessaries. Every man who considers the effects of frequent and long embargoes, must discover that they generally produce a scarcity of provisions. The late war operated in this country as an embargo. What was the effect! The spirit of agriculture became torpid; the plow slept in the furrow. Let us for a moment cast an eye on the history of cities and nations. They have risen into greatness or sunk into obscurity according to the measure of their commerce. By the creative power of foreign commerce, Palmyra and Alexandria arose out of sandy deserts, and Venice out of the sea. By the same power we have seen nations become wealthy and numerous.
If we are agreed that industry, population, and wealth are promoted by foreign commerce, it will certainly be granted that our commerce should be managed by native citizens. In order to secure a sufficient number of seamen, we should make it the interest of every master or owner of a vessel, to have one or more apprentices. For this purpose it may be proper to impose a small additional duty of tonnage on every American bottom, perhaps one cent. per ton may be sufficient. A drawback of 90 per cent. of this duty may be allowed, to such vessels as are navigated by a certain number of apprentices, native citizens of the United States, according to their several burdens. I have mentioned 90 per cent. because it may be proper that a small portion of this duty should pass to a separate account that shall presently be mentioned. The amount of domestic tonnage for the last year was 504,900, at six cents per ton, this giving 30,294 dollars, hence it will follow that one additional cent. per ton would produce 5049 dollars. The amount is small, perhaps it should be doubled.
While I am recommending the increase of American seamen, I should not do justice to my own feelings, if I did not recommend another measure that is equally connected with commerce, I mean a general provision for sick and infirm seamen. I do not contemplate the building of two or three great houses in some of our principal cities; houses that might administer to the vanity of a nation, rather than to the general comfort of sick and infirm sailors. I would consult the cause of humanity, not of pride.—Wherever it is probable that sailors may be sick, there I would make provision for their support and comfort. Hospitals should be erected, or lodgings hired, as the case may be, at every port of entry in the United States, for sick and infirm seamen, where they may be properly attended during their several indispositions. The money to be collected at the several ports as hospital money, and should be expended at such port, and at no other place, under the care of such persons as may be described for that purpose. Let a small deduction be made from the wages of every seaman, to be paid at the several ports of entry for their use. I have mentioned a deduction from their wages, because this mode of raising hospital money would probably be most acceptable, and because it is certainly the most equitable tax that can be levied.
It will readily be perceived, that the two subjects I have mentioned, are nearly allied.—While we attempt to increase the number of native seamen for the extension of commerce and general prosperity of agriculture, we should be solicitous to protect and cherish this useful class of our fellow citizens. The direct tendency of the additional tonnage, is to increase the number of apprentices, and if this measure should have the desired effect, the greater part of that duty will be discharged in drawbacks. A small portion of the duty will be retained according to the plan mentioned, and some owners, less careful, will occasionally pay the whole duty. Perhaps the product of the additional cent. may be 1000 dollars per annum. This balance may very properly be applied towards a fund for sick and infirm seamen. This fund however, being contingent, and at most very inadequate to the general use of seamen, it may be necessary to make a small stoppage of their wages as a uniform and certain fund for the support of those very persons when they are sick.
Such are the outlines of two bills that I would recommend to the attention of this house. If I have viewed these subjects in a more serious light, if I have been more anxious than other members to bring them before the house, the situation of my constituents, and the laws of our state will be my excuse. That part of North-Carolina, in which I live, abounds in navigable waters, many of my fellow citizens are owners of vessels, and many go to sea.
The legislature of North Carolina attentive to the wants and desires of the people, have lately passed a law to raise money by a tax on the wages of seamen, for the support of sick and infirm seamen. This is a sufficient proof of their desire to cherish commerce, and give particular assistance to those useful members of the community."
From the AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER of November 27.
THE late discussion of the political principles of the two candidates for the Vice Presidency, has presented a view of the subject extremely interesting to the public.—For some time past, great pains have been taken to revive the exploded names of federalist and anti-federalist , and turn them at the present crisis into signals for electioneering purposes. The artifice has not, in some instances been without success; tho' not in the degree expected.
At length it bids fair to recoil on the authors with a force as great as it was unforeseen. I am, Sir, if the term must still be used, a federalist ; I with the constitution, to be supported as the palladium of liberty and order, and for that very reason, as well as others, I think, on a full view of the case, Mr Adams less fit to receive the suffrage of the people, than Governor Clinton.
Although Governor Clinton's theory of national government, may not have squared exactly with the constitution; yet no man of candor can deny that on a fair comparison, it differs much less than the theory of Mr. Adams, which embraces principles alien to the essential principles of the constitution.—As a friend to the constitution, as a federalist , therefore, I am compelled to prefer Governor Clinton to Mr. Adams.
Governor Clinton is universally held to be a sound and uniform republican. Mr. Adams is a zealous, active persevering advocate for a limited monarchy. As a republican, therefore, I cannot withhold my preference of Governor Clinton to Mr. Adams.
The sentiments of governor Clinton, in relation to the spirit, in which government ought to be administered, are agreeable to those of the people at large. The complexion of Mr. Adams's politics suits those of a particular class only. As a friend, therefore, to a faithful representation of the public sentiment in every department of the government, my preference must not be given to Mr. Adams, but to Governor Clinton.
Whatever diversity of speculation may have been afloat, at the adoption of the constitution, respecting its energy and operation, it is evidenced by trial to contain a principle of self continuation sufficiently vigorous to make its most ardent friends easy on that head. It is a truth held up to the political observer, by universal experience, that the tendency of all efficient governments, is rather towards a growth than a decay of its powers. This important lesson has, as is plain to the candid and well informed, received as much confirmation from the history of our own experience, as the shortness of the time can afford. As an enemy therefore to dangerous innovations of all sorts, I must reject Mr. Adams, whose whole bias is on the side of the most probable danger.
Among the possible dangers to be prospected, may be numbered the dreadful consequence of some sudden violent shock, to the principles and feelings of the great body of the people. In looking for such a danger it can be discovered no where, but in the enterprising views of those who think mankind cannot govern themselves, and who will by an artificial process to bring in ultimately, hereditary distinctions and orders. If there be such a party in the United States, as seems generally agreed, the danger to be feared from it, must be increased by the political doctrines of Mr. Adams, and in proportion to the pretended countenance, given thereto by his political elevation. As a friend to the public stability and tranquility, therefore I must adhere to my opinion that Governor Clinton, rather than Mr. Adams ought to be preferred to the Vice Presidency of the United States.
A Republican Federalist.
Strictures on Mr. Adams's political character.
[From the American Daily Advertiser.]
A WRITER under the signature of "A Consistent Federalist," first remarks respecting Mr. Adams, that all the anti-federals in America have applied themselves to depreciate his character, with a view to deprive the general government of the aid of his talents; and that writer affects to be of opinion, that the persons designated by him anti-federals , would vil-
lingly destroy or lessen the proper and necessary influence of the general government.
The cause, which gave rise to the terms federal and anti-federal , is known to be the question which agitated America in 1788, respecting the adoption or rejection of the now existing constitution; upon the final decision of that question, there was, as there ought to have been, an end to the legitimate use of these terms: there really did not exist such a distinction amongst the citizens of America.
The then anti-federals at least testified their patriotism, by peacefully submitting to the decisions of a majority of America, fairly pronounced, in conventions chosen by the people; and, by forgetting the irritations, which sprang from the heated discussions of that momentous question.
I, who then was, and still am, federal , in the strict sense of the term as at present used, but who then wished, and still wish, to see the government administered fairly and openly, with the fullest information to the people, can find no good reason why those who also profess to be federal , should insist upon the existence of an anti-federal party, when the cause of the distinction has ceased, and when it may be with safety pronounced, that there is not at this time a man of common sense and common virtue in America, who can be said to be anti-federal , if by that term is meant a wish to destroy the existing government.
One reason only suggests itself for this conduct, and although it may seem to some a little uncharitable, yet truth compels a discovery of it. It is an existing design of a particular party, to work upon the prejudices and passions of the people, by obscuring from them the truth, which are deemed more favourable to the prime objects and interests of the party, than honest addresses to their judgments, enlightened by a plain and naked state of facts.
The 'Consistent Federalist' next asserts, that "Mr. Adams is as firm and uniform a patriot, as America can boast to have reared in her bosom." This fact I positively deny. And as we are now at issue upon its verity on falsehood, recurrence must be had to the evidence on each side.
In support of the assertion, the "Consistent Federalist" has had recourse to Mr. Adams's services in the early part of, and during the American revolution; the various honours conferred upon him in consequence of those services, and his conduct in various missions abroad, which is said to have been productive of great good to America; some mutilated extracts from some of his early writings on government have been furnished, and hence a conclusion is drawn, that Mr. Adams is at this time the devoted advocate for the American government, "where reign superiority of rights with personal equality, and distinction of office without nobility of birth."
As I am in quest of truth I will furnish another extract from Mr. Adams's political writings of 1776; it is taken from a letter of his addressed to Mr. Wythe, the present chancellor of Virginia, and under the press probably on account of the supposed excellence of the doctrines it contained.
Speaking of free governments, and the means of securing freedom to the people, Mr. Adams makes the following remark: "And as it has become necessary to assume government for our immediate security; the governor, lieutenant governor, secretary, treasurer, commissary, attorney general, should be chosen by joint ballot of both houses. And these and all other elections, especially of representatives and counsellors, should be annual; there not being, in the whole circle of the sciences, a maxim more infallible than this," "Where annual elections end, there slavery begins."
[Remainder in our next.]

Substance of the Observations of Mr. Findley, in the House of Representatives of the U. States, on Wednesday Nov. 21 on the motion of Mr. Parker for striking out such part of the third resolution reported by the committee of the whole on the President's speech, as respects a reference to the Secretary of the Treasury, on the Reduction of the Public Debt.
Mr. Speaker, I AM one of those members described by the gentleman from New-York, who seriously wish to pay the public debt as fast as possible, and receive the necessary information even from the Secretary of the Treasury; but I make a material distinction between seeking for information, and transferring the power of originating systems.
To give information of the state of the Union, to recommend such business as the President may judge expedient; and to exercise a limited negative on the laws, is certainly all the part which the constitution authorises the executive to act in legislation.
The existence of heads of departments, is authorised in the constitution, and hath been created by the act of the legislature; these departments are the instruments of collecting information, and repositories of it, as it respects the execution and effect of the laws; and this information we have a right to command. This, with the more general and important information which the members of this house possess, are all that is necessary to enable us to give the first form and complexion to our revenue plans. To prevent the necessity of referring the business to an executive officer, we will avail ourselves of the information deposited in the Secretaries' offices.
This we have unanimously asserted, and yet the gentlemen on the other side of this question, constantly argue in favor of receiving information, as if we were against it. We wish for it as much, and for more important purposes than they.
The gentleman alleges that the right of the Secretary's originating plans is implicated in the constitution, and calls upon us to prove the contrary; no such thing is mentioned in the constitution. It is confessed that it does not appear on the first impression, therefore the burden of the proof falls on the gentleman himself.
The nature of the government, as it prohibits the other branch from intermeddling in the first formation of money bills, and expressly describes how far the executive power may interfere with the legislature, is sufficiently expressive of the design of the constitution. Legislative authority is in its own nature incommunicable, and cannot be transferred; a member of the legislature cannot appoint a deputy to serve in his place; if any power is exclusively vested, it is that of giving the first complexion to revenue systems; this is the special trust of that branch which possesses within itself the greatest knowledge of the people's circumstances, and participation of their interests; and this influential power is thus guarded for obvious reasons. But the constitutional principles involved in this question have been explained with so much ability by several other gentlemen who have been up before me, that it is not necessary to detain the house longer on that head.
However, another argument which has been frequently repeated, and particularly urged by the gentleman last up (Mr. Gerry) requires some further animadversions. It is, that by the law which defines the power of the Secretary, we are bound to refer the revenue business to that officer, and to receive the original plans from him; that if we do not act according to this law, we will set a dangerous example of disobedience to the citizens.
Mr. Speaker, I ask, had the House of Representatives a right to originate in the first instance revenue systems, before this law was made? This I presume will not be denied; if that house had the power, are not the powers of this house equally extensive? Can one House of Representatives abridge or alienate the powers of another? If this can be done, we may give away the constitutional powers of future houses to any extent. In short sir, I have as much power now in this house, as any member ever had in any former house; my conduct as a member is only restricted by the constitution, and by the temporary rules of the house, which we may change at pleasure by a vote. I have a right now to move on this floor, an original plan, for the very purpose in question, or for any other revenue purpose: this is a power vested with every member, consequently with the whole house, and they cannot transfer it to a secretary, to the senate or to any officer, or public body on earth.
The law in question gives a capacity to the secretary to prepare plans when we direct him to do so; it makes it his duty, (how far that law is proper, is another question.) But the law does not, nor cannot, oblige us to call upon him to do that duty, or restrain us from doing it ourselves.
Gentlemen talk much of our power to alter or reject his systems; but this is not to the purpose; it has been already ob-
ved, that we might alter or reject a plan proposed to us by the Senate, or by the President; but it is our peculiar duty to generate or give the original complexion to the systems, and this is, by universal consent, esteemed the most important and influential part of the business.
Our own discernment and virtue, is by some gentlemen urged as a sufficient security against any influence or danger, that can possibly arise from transferring this part of our duty to an executive officer; I confess I have no doubt of our virtue, and entertain a pretty good opinion of our discernment; it is an agreeable thing enough to have a good opinion of ourselves. However, I apprehend, the most venal public body that ever existed, would have boasted of their own integrity, as well as we; but it is enough for us that the constitution has provided other securities than our wisdom and virtue; our self-confidence never ought to induce us to break over, or despise the constitutional guards.
But, passing other things, I shall make a few observations upon the advantages and disadvantages arising from both sides of the question. Some of the disadvantages mentioned are, that by originating the revenue systems in the house our measures will be fluctuating, public credit will be impaired, or lost, and a stop put to the national prosperity; and, as the gentleman last up, Mr. Gerry, has repeatedly said, the confusions of the old government will be introduced. It is admitted, that the constitution puts it in the power of the representatives to give the first form to revenue plans, if they choose to do it; at least, that it was optional with them previous to the law: if, therefore, they cannot do it themselves without all those mischievous consequences, it is time to change the government itself—it is much better to do so, avowedly and deliberately, than in this insidious and indirect manner. However, I wish we would first try the experiment in a few instances, and if those bad effects are produced, the gentlemen's arguments in favor of their plan will receive experimental aid.
With respect to the confusions of the old government, I am at some loss to know what the gentleman means; it is true, the old Congress was vested with a confusion of powers, viz. legislative, executive, &c. but this is not the case with us; the old Congress had also a confused manner of doing business; they seldom had a full house: this circumstance laid them under the necessity of referring much of their business to the heads of departments; against doing which, the confederation had provided no such express guard, as our constitution does; I have always apprehended, that, from that confused habit of doing business, the present method of referring legislative affairs to the heads of departments, found its way into this house; and it is against, and not for, that old confusion, that I contend.
With respect to the advantages arising from the Secretary of the Treasury giving the first principles, and original complexion to our revenue systems, they are stated to be great and numerous; but they are well summed up, by the gentleman from New-York (Mr. Lawrence) who says, that to this method of doing business, we are indebted for the retrieved state of our national affairs, for all our wealth and prosperity. Surely if this proves any thing, it proves too much; if the Secretary's influence and abilities can do so much good, it is a proof, that if he is either mistaken, or wants virtue, he may by the exercise of this power, do much harm. According to this way of reasoning Congress must be responsible for all that is wrong, and the Secretary have the credit of all that is done well; will any person who supports this assertion, pretend to say, that if entrusting the Secretary with originating the principles of money bills, produces such important effects, that it does not vest him with the means of an undue and dangerous influence?
But does the gentleman believe that the present government, vested with such extensive and effective powers, and possessed of such ample means, would have left those powers unexercised, and those means unapplied; that Congress would have paid no respect to the contracts, and made no provision for the debts of the United States, if the Secretary had not originated the plans? surely this is not a supposable case; nor is it very consistent with another observation made by the gentleman, when he told us, that the Secretary's preparing a plan was attended with no more influence than would be produced by the clerk of this house inserting a clause in a bill—both instances being equally subject to our controul. I would not consent, nor do we permit our clerk to originate systems; but if we cannot do it ourselves, it would be much more consistent and safe, to trust it with our clerk, who is wholly dependant on the house, and may be dismissed by it at pleasure, and has no patronage connected with his office, than to entrust that power with an executive officer, chosen by the President, and dependant on him for his continuance in office, and having an encreasing patronage connected with his office. Certainly, sir, if an officer must be paid to originate our revenue systems, we ought to provide that
he should be appointed by, and dependant upon the House of Representatives.
When we reflect upon the subject, and look round us, we will find no example in the state governments to countenance our conduct, and these were the models after which the government of the Union was formed; nor is it pretended that the constitution under which we act, and have sworn to support, expressly gives any such power, and I am persuaded that the general convention which originated the government of the Union, not the state conventions who adopted it, contemplated no such implication, as is now contended for in support of our practice.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Nov. 27.
A bill was reported, from the committee appointed for the purpose, to ascertain the fees demandable in the admiralty courts of the United States, and partly to amend the act for the government of seamen employed in the merchants' service—Read twice, and referred to the committee of the whole on Monday next.
A bill was reported, from the committee appointed, for licensing and enrolling vessels, employed in coasting and the fisheries, and for regulating the same—Read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole on Tuesday next.
The third reading of the bill for regulating foreign coins, and for other purposes, was begun; but, at the request of a member, deferred till to-morrow for further consideration.
Read, the Secretary's report on the petition of John de Neufville—agreed that no part thereof ought to be granted.
A petition was presented (communicated by Gov. St. Clair) from the inhabitants of Post-Vincennes, on the Wabab, praying exemption from charges of survey—Read and referred to a select committee.
A petition was read, from Duncan Campbell, praying to be put on the pension list—Read and referred to the committee appointed on similar applications.
The motion of Mr. Murray, for authorizing the clerk of the House to purchase maps for the use of the same, being renewed by him—was, after some debate, agreed to.
The House then went into committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, respecting lost or destroyed certificates—After some debate, the motion was lost, and the committee obtained leave to sit again.
A motion was made by Mr. Giles, that a committee be appointed to prepare and report a bill for making further compensation to certain receivers of continental taxes.—Ordered to lie on the table.
On motion, the report of a select committee, on the petition of Moses Young (formerly secretary to Mr. Laurens, when in Holland) for arrears, was read, and made the order of the day for Wednesday the 5th December.
The report of a committee on the petition of Charles and Louis Garranger (formerly belonging to the artillery of the United States) for compensations, was made the order of the day for next Thursday.
Another report, on the petition of the executors of Edward Carnes, for the payment of sums due for services rendered, &c.—was referred to a committee of the whole on Friday next.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 28.
A petition was presented, signed by nine excise collectors of the state of New-York, stating the receipt of only ninety dollars for 15 months services, and praying relief—Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Several petitions were read, viz, from Ludowick Kuhn, praying settlement of accounts, and compensation for supplies furnished the army during the war—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury—From Samuel Shaw, American Consul at Canton, praying remission of duties on a cargo of tea imported from China, by way of Ostend—referred to a committee of three—From Abigail Hart, praying a pension, as widow of the late Major Hart, an officer in the army of the United States—referred to a committee—From William Lockaway, a soldier in the late war, praying for a full pension—referred to the committee on final applications.
Mr. Clark moved that the Secretary of the Treasury's report on various petitions be referred to a committee of the whole on next Thursday—which was agreed to.
Mr. Giles's motion, for appointing a committee to bring in a bill, granting further compensation to certain receivers of continental taxes was taken into consideration, agreed to, and referred to Messrs. Giles, S. Bourne, and Sylvester—read, also. a second time, and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
The report of the committee on the boundary line between Virginia and the territory south of the Ohio, was read, adopted, and the same committee appointed to report a bill.
A bill was reported by Mr. Parker for making compensation to the widows and orphans of those killed by the Indians, when under the sanction of flags of Truce—Read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole on next Monday.
On motion of Mr. Steele, the attention of the House was called to the memorial of Warner Mifflin, presented by Mr. Ames on Monday last, recommending the abolition of slavery in the United States—Mr. Steele moved, that the clerk of the House be directed to return to Warner Mifflin his memorial; and that the entry thereof be expunged from the journal—He further observed, that after what had passed on that subject in New-York, he had hoped the house would have heard no more of it; but to his surprise, he found the business was started anew, and had been introduced by a fanatic, who, not content with keeping his own conscience, undertook to be the keeper of the consciences of other men, and in a manner which he deemed not very decent, had obtruded his opinion into the house. Had such an application been made to him, in case he had stood in a similar relation to gentlemen holding the species of property referred to, he thought he should have avoided a compliance with it. Gentlemen in the northern states do not realize the mischievous consequences which have been taken by certain persons in relation to that property: and, he said, if a stop was not put to these proceedings, the southern states would, ere long, be compelled to apply to the general government for their interference.
Mr. Ames rose to explain the motives of his conduct in presenting the petition. He said it was his opinion, and this opinion he had expressed in the House a long time since, that the government could not, with propriety, take any steps in the business referred to in the petition; but on the general principle, that every citizen has a right to petition the legislature, and to apply to any member as the vehicle to convey his request to the house, he had handed it in. The petitioner is a citizen of Delaware; had the member from that state been in the House, he should not have thought himself obliged to have introduced it: but the member from Delaware being absent, the petitioner had a right to apply to a member from Massachusetts, or to any other member. His mind, he said, had long since been made up in regard to the subject of negro slavery, but he had no idea of supporting the present application: he had uniformly been opposed to those made to Congress the first session; and was decidedly against an interference, considering it as totally inexpedient.
M c Smith expressed his disapprobation of the memorial in very pointed terms; he reprobated the measures pursued by persons of a fanatical disposition, in relation to the negro slavery, as tending to subvert the peace of the country and destroy the union. He supported the motion; he thought it was high time for the House to express its opinion in such a manner, as to put a stop to all such applications in future. Remarks were made by several other gentlemen; and then a motion to divide the question being agreed to, the first part of the resolution, respecting returning of the petition, was carried in the affirmative.
The bill for regulating foreign coins was read a third time—re-committed, and made the order of the day for next Monday.
The bill was then read, in committee of the whole House, for re-imbursing the expenses of the commissioners to the southern Indians—After some debate, a motion to fill up the blank with 1200 dollars, was carried. The committee then reported the bill without amendment—Laid on the table.
THURSDAY, Nov. 29.
A bill, from the committee appointed to prepare a bill for regulating a trade with the Indians, was brought in, twice read, and committed for Monday next.
Mr. Williamson notified the House, that he would move for a committee to bring in a bill for regulating the copper coinage of the United States.
A letter was read from the Treasurer of the United States, with his specie account for July, August, and September, 1792.
The House then, according to the order of the day, in committee of the whole, took into consideration the Secretary of the Treasury's report, containing estimates of the requisitions necessary for the civil list expenditures, &c. for 1793—being, in the sum total, one million six hundred and sixteen thousand seven hundred and eighty-five dollars.—After some debate thereon, the committee rose, to take the same into consideration again to-morrow.
On Motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, a resolution was passed to request the President of the United States to cause assays and experiments to be made at the mint of the United States, for ascertaining the quantity of pure metal, and of alloy, in the gold and silver coins of France, England, Spain, and Portugal; and to report the same to the House.

PHILADELPHIA.
DECEMBER 1.
Between the first and the fifteenth of October, considerable damage was done by the Indians in and about Cumberland, in the territory south of the Ohio. Several persons were fired at, when travelling the roads, one killed and another shot through the thigh. On White's Creek they burnt a distillery—lots computed at near five hundred pounds. Several dwelling houses were also burnt, hogs killed, and horses driven off; part of which were recovered by a party of men, and one of the Indians killed.
It has been the policy of the wisest legislators to employ the passions of mankind in support of their different systems of jurisprudence. Pride and superstition have been made subservient to this end with great effect. Nor have the legislators of the republic of America neglected to engage the passions on the side of the government of the United States. The principle of fear is, however, that which they have generally made use of. Indeed so great is the attention they have paid to it, and their anxiety to court it, that it is the foundation stone upon which many a very elaborate speech has been built. In the late debates in the House of Representatives upon the motion for examining the Secretaries of the War and Treasury departments, fear was the leader of an army of arguments. One member feared the influence which the honorable Secretaries might acquire over the House. Another feared, the precedent their examination would establish, by which future legislatures might encroach upon the administration of the executive. A third feared, that the dignity of the House would be lessened. A fourth feared, that it would transfer the task of legislation to the Secretaries; and in short, fear was so much employed, that the honorable members, it was insinuated, began to fear their own shadows. In the Senate of the United States fear has been as much used as in the House of Representatives. The Senators have feared the democratic influence too predominant in America, and therefore wished to give the President a title.
They feared our present illustrious chief magistrate would be forgotten, and therefore wanted to place his effigies upon the federal coin. But in no instance has their fear arisen so high as upon the question for opening their doors. The reasons for shutting themselves up, have been, as far as we can guess, 1st. The fear of long speeches, 2d. The fear of a mob, and 3d. The fear of appearing ridiculous. In short, this passion has been of the greatest service in furnishing the honorable Congress with reasons for unreasonable things, and the members with long speeches when they would otherwise have had nothing to say. Since then, this passion is so useful in our government, we would propose that an academy be instituted under the immediate patronage of the majority of the Senate and House of Representatives, for instilling fear in a higher degree into our youth; and we have no doubt but it would contribute much to making good citizens. It would also save many a valuable soldier in our Indian wars, for if our military were more under the influence of fear, they would not stay to be shot at like woodcocks, but run away, and thus stop the further effusion of human blood. [Gen. Ad.]
The superior court of New-Jersey, held at Trenton last month, conferred the degree of Sergeant at Law on Elisha Boudinot and Joseph Bloomfield, Esquires.
The celebrated THOMAS PAINE, just before embarking at Dover for France, in consequence of his being elected a member of the national convention, had not only his travelling trunk and baggage, but even his pockets searched at that place by the collector of the customs, for prohibited articles. Mr. Paine has written a long letter of remonstrance to Mr. Secretary Dundas on this subject, chiefly grounding his complaint on the powers claimed by the officer of examining private letters and papers.
The question in America is no longer between federalism and anti-federalism, but between republicanism and anti-republicanism. The censures which have abounded, have issued as much from the uniform friends as from the former opponents of the constitution, and have been directed against particular laws and proceedings only. The constitution itself is seen and felt to be firmly established. Part of the dislike to it was extinguished by the amendments. Many acquiesced, as good citizens, out of republican respect to the fair decision of the majority; and are now among its best supporters. To oppose the constitution, would be every where as unpopular as it is otherwise to blame certain offensive proceedings. It is a fact not to be questioned, that the government is discovered, on experiment, to possess an efficiency and strength equal to the utmost hopes of its sincere friends. According to the opinion of many, it has gained; according to the opinion of none, has it lost power, in the
progress of its operation. It is now sufficiently clear, also, that some who have passed under the name of federalists, have views far beyond those of the friends to the constitution in its present form. They have embraced it, because they looked on it as a promising essay towards a system of anti-republican orders, and artificial balances. To this ultimate object the politics of a certain party are unquestionably pointed. The progress of its leaders, in inculcating their doctrines and maturing their councils, is become too serious to be disregarded. A language in praise of monarchical and aristocratical institutions, and in derogation of our republican systems, which would not have been whispered a few years past, is becoming so familiar in certain scenes as scarcely to call forth observation. In this posture and prospect of things, all true friends to liberty ought to be on their constant guard against insidious attempts to divide them by an abuse of names, and to unite firmly in checking the career of monarchy, by bearing testimony against its advocates, keeping continually in mind that it is not a question now between federalism and anti-federalism, but between republicanism and anti-republicanism. [A. Daily Adv.]
It is evident (says a correspondent) that not a few are treating the "Defence of the Constitutions of the United States," in the manner a certain well known book has been too often treated in times past; both sides making it a nose of wax, to suit their own purposes. While one endeavors to make out the author of the Defence an arrant aristocrat, or even monarchist, from certain passages quoted—others attempt to prove him a staunch republican on the strength of sentences, selected perhaps only from the next page. Amidst so much contrariety, how shall we come at Truth?—For my own part, I have read "this celebrated Defence" with some attention, and, from the contents, hold the Title Page to be a total Misnomer.
By English papers, received by the last Packet, all was quiet at Paris the latter end of September. Some disturbances had agitated Orleans and Lyons, but by the exertions of the Assembly, the first were quelled, and steps were taken to restore tranquillity in the last mentioned place.
It is mentioned in the North-Carolina Journal of the 14th inst., that depredations are daily committed by the Indians in the vicinity of Nashville—and that a military force was collected under General Sevier, who was about to march into the Indian country, from whose exertions an important blow was expected.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
The following extract of a letter from Thionville was read in the convention on the 27th of September.
"While our enemies were firing upon us, the citizens were wonderfully cool and composed; not a woman was heard to say a single word. The persons who suffered most were the last to complain. On the contrary they considered it as an honour to receive damage from the bombs. Our enemies are still encamped below the wood of Vineranche, but we are not afraid of them. The inhabitants will suffer themselves to be buried under the ruins of the place, rather than surrender. A magazine of forage was taken from the enemy a few days ago. The troops as they returned sung the air of Ca ira. The besieged placed a wooden horse on the ramparts, with a bundle of hay in its mouth, with this inscription, When the horse eats this hay, Thionville will surrender. Though our artillery is constantly employed in discharging bombs and bullets at the enemy, gaiety still prevails amongst us. On Sunday our wives and daughters danced around the batteries. So much cheerfulness and tranquillity never prevailed in any town. We know not who informed your printer so badly, when he inserted in his journal that the firing continued only one quarter of an hour, and that three bombs only fell in the town. It commenced at midnight, and was not over at two. We received more than a thousand bombs, and found 80 shot of 11 pounds weight each."
"This morning the general returned with fifteen waggons loaded with flour, salt, meat, soap, &c. carried off from the enemy. Not having waggons enough to bring all the provisions away, he ordered the rest to be thrown into the river. This capture is estimated at more than a million."
Abstract of the late intelligence received at New-York on Wednesday last by the British October Packet.—(This Packet brings English accounts to the 4th of October.)
ON the 28th of September the National Convention of France received a letter from General Montesquiou, dated Cham-berry (capital of Savoy) Sept. 22. In that letter he informs the convention, that he had made himself master of the whole country from the borders of the Isere to the Lake of Geneva. The flight of the despotic troops was so rapid that he found
it impossible to come up with them. The booty taken from them, however, was immense, and all this gained with 12 battalions against 15,000 men. He had taken possession of Anneci, Garouge, Touron, and in about eight days more expected to make himself master of the whole country from Geneva to Mount Cenis. The French were every where received with an ecstasy of joy by the people, who had for so many ages bowed under the yoke of aristocracy and tyranny, and who instantly assumed the three-coloured cockade—Orders were given to receive taxes in the name of the French nation—the people were every where disposed to bring about a revolution in Savoy like that of France—the booty taken from the enemy, was an immense quantity of tents, kettles, and every species of camp baggage; 1000 mules, 3000 sacks of wheat, 10,000 cartridges, a large quantity of powder, grenadier hats and caps innumerable, an immense quantity of salt, and about 30,000 livres in money. It was thought Savoy, being thus rescued from despotism would be established by the people into a republic under the protection of France.—The city of Lisle had received a summons to surrender, but answer was made to the German General, that the inhabitants had just renewed their oath to be faithful to the nation, and were determined to maintain the cause of liberty or die at their posts.—On the 20th of September an engagement took place between General Kellermann, commander of the French middle army, and the combined forces of the Austrians and Prussians. The enemy made the attack at break of day on the advanced guard of the French, which fell back, at the same time making a resolute defence. The enemy was in great force, and marched in several columns. Not being able to make an impression on the army, they extended their line on the right of Gen. Kellermann, under cover of an immense artillery. The French then ranged in order of battle, and notwithstanding a rather disadvantageous position, the battle was maintained from 7 in the morning till the same hour in the evening—The cannonade lasted 14 hours, in which the French lost many gallant men, in all 250, killed and wounded—the enemy's loss in cavalry and artillery was said to be prodigious.—The besieged garrison of Thionville still held out, on the latter end of September, occupying the attention of 28,000 Austrians and Hessians: the garrison had recently sallied out and taken 15 waggons loads of provisions from the enemy.—Lisle was besieged by 20,000 men, but not likely to be taken, as it would require at least 100,000 to invest it completely. The garrison consists of 5500 foot and 800 horse. The inhabitants and garrison in the highest spirits, and prepared to sacrifice every thing in the cause of liberty.—M. de la Fayette had been openly insulted by the people in passing through Cologne, and had it not been for his guard, would probably have been massacred. He was on the point of removal from the state prison of Wesel to that of Spandau, in upper Saxony.—A fleet had failed from Toulon on an expedition against Piedmont (Savoy) and a land army had also marched to second their attack.—On the 30th of September the positions of the hostile armies on the French frontiers were the same as since the engagement on the 20th. Private conferences had taken place between commanders and officers on both sides: The Prussians were in the utmost distress for want of provisions and forage: and there was no doubt but they had offered to ascertain the liberties of France on the basis of a limited monarchy; which was not listened to—Divisions subsisted between the Prussians, the Austrians and the French emigrants: the latter were despised by the former—A negotiation for peace was said to be carrying on between the king of Prussia and Gen. Dumourier—The French had at sea, when these accounts left Europe, 102 vessels of war, in ships of the line, frigates, packets, &c.—refitting, 33 ships of the line, 43 frigates—Marshal Luckner was at Paris, but ordered not to leave it till the military committee should deliver in their report relative to his letter to the convention. His conduct in Brabant, in general, would it was thought induce the convention to suspend him, as Generalissimo. His letter to the convention is as follows:
"I have come to Paris on the invitation of the executive council, in order to be consulted relative to the operations of the war."
"Do not doubt of the eagerness which I had to repair to the National Convention, not in order to pay my compliments to it, but to testify my satisfaction at its labours."
"You have constituted yourselves a republic:—very well: but it is necessary that every one should have a stable and honorable post."
"Calumny has environed and pursued all my actions. I have not the art of speaking, but I know how to fight."
"They forget what I have done for the commonwealth; they forgot my conduct with respect to La Fayette; my position was such in respect to him, that he could have put me into the greatest embarrassment."
"They do not mention what I did in regard to the affair of the 10th of August. It was I who prepared the minds of the army, previous to the arrival of the commissioners from the National Assembly; and they must render me the justice to say, that they but completed my work."
"I have been ridiculously reproached with an intention to march the army against Paris; but what will serve as a reply to such calumnious reports, is my posterior nomination as Generalissimo, in order to aid all the chiefs of the army with my advice and counsel."
"It has been asserted that I have a son in the Emperor's service; the truth is, that both my sons are in the service of Denmark, and that France has never had any occasion to complain of them."
"It is time, I acknowledge, that all doubtful characters should disappear; but it is also proper to environ virtuous men with that confidence without which they cannot do any thing."
"I have grown old under arms; honor is every thing with me—I have passed through all the military gradations; my heart is French—I with to live and to die for the cause of liberty—receive my oath of fidelity and obedience to every point of view."
(Signed) "LUCKNER."
The armies of Gen. Dumourier and Kellermann consist of 69,000 men; and at different towns between Paris and Chalons were stationed 80,000 volunteers. The blockade of Montmedi continued, with little action on either side—The generals of the northern and central armies of France having notified the executive council that overtures had been made to them, on the part of the king of Prussia, desiring to enter into a negotiation; the following answer was decreed by the council—"The French republic will not hear any propositions before the Prussian troops have entirely evacuated the French territory."—The minister at war had sent in his resignation, declaring that the state of his health would not permit him to remain longer in office.—The Duke of Brunswick had peremptorily refused any liberation of the Marquis de la Fayette, or his companions on parole; and there was every reason to suppose, that they would all be brought, in a short time, to trial.
[From the latest London papers]
A Russian lieutenant general is at this moment, at the head of a body of Polish troops, in the grand Duchy of Lithuania: The ambassador of that nation regulates every thing in the capital. The king and his ministers have been obliged to sign all the declarations presented to them, and Poland is now, to all intents and purposes, a Russian province.
The idea among the confederates against France, is by no means that of restoring the ancient despotism. They are well aware that such a project would be vain and chimerical; that the temper of the times, and the state of political knowledge, would render it impracticable, if it were even desired. If they therefore were to succeed, and of course summon a free parliament, the measure would be to offer them a constitution, which has been planned by characters we are not at liberty to name, the basis of which is monarchy, and perhaps the amended restoration of the old States general.
Nice, a fine city on the Mediterranean, belonging to the king of Sardinia, is the object of the French fleet from Toulon. Gen. Anselme has marched against the same place at the head of 6000 choice troops. The king of Sardinia will probably lose the far greater part of his dominions by joining in the confederacy of despotism against France.
A new camp is going to be established under the walls of Paris. Sixty-four thousand men are demanded for the camp.—On the 29th of September an arrest was served upon the king, for trial, and four commissioners named. A bloody riot prevailed in the Prussian army, which carried off vast numbers, from their having lived much on raw vegetables, and their only allowance a pound of bread in three days.
The following unfinished letter was found in the pocket of the Prince de Ligne, who was killed by the French on the 14th of September. "We begin to be displeased with the war. The emigrants promised us more butter than bread. We have to fight with troops of the line, who never desert, and with national guards who resist our utmost efforts. We every where find armed peasants, who fire on our troops. The bad weather renders the roads impassable; we cannot drag our cannon thro' the mire; add to all this famine. We have great difficulty to procure bread for the soldiers; they seldom or never eat flesh; we were six or seven days without eating any thing hot. Our shoes and clothes are nothing.—Sometimes we have the pleasure—"
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  Six per cents. 21/3   Three per cents. 12/7   Deferred, 13/4   N. American 35 

NUMBER III.
[Continued from our last.]
To the Honorable Supervisor of the Excise, for the district of Pennsylvania.
IN Mr. Claypoole's MAIL, a very curious publication appears, without address or signature; yet clearly expressive of the author. It seems to be intended as a reply to the descriptive account of George Clymer's, Esq. journey to Pittsburgh, which was published, some time ago in the Gazette of that place. The description, indeed, was so indiscriminately satirical, that I thought it, at least, as great a reflection upon the character of us plain western folks, as upon the character of the honorable Supervisor of the Excise. But Mr. Clymer will, perhaps, not agree in that opinion: for, although the Pittsburgh writer intimates, that among us, the rabble rules, and not the law; he, no doubt, conceives an aspersion of that kind to be trifling, in comparison with the heinous offence of exposing his fears or his foibles, to public derision.
The Supervisor has attempted to vindicate his fame: and we must be allowed, likewise, to deny the imputation cast upon us in the original publication, at Pittsburgh; and since most virulently renewed, in the justificatory memorial of Mr. Clymer. I do not mean, by way of retaliation, to furnish a narrative of that gentleman's never-to-be-forgotten peregrination (the ludicrous events of which, far exceed any thing that has yet been related) for, where folly and weakness merely are exhibited, I am content with laughing at the one, and pitying the other. By the malevolence of his attack upon the reputation and virtue of the inhabitants of the western counties, my attention is attracted; and I confess, that feeling, not only as an individual involved in the odium of the charge, but as a man interested for the honour of human nature, I blush at so unmerited, so indiscriminate, so uncommon a slander.—That I have not hastily, or improperly, applied those epithets, will be satisfactorily evinced, by a perusal of the seventh paragraph of the Supervisor's counter-memorial: he there lays, "That he does not pretend to dissemble his apprehensions of danger to his person, in passing through that country: a danger which would have justified, to any one in his predicament, any devices whatever, to escape the rage of a people, vehemently excited against the authority of Congress, in the instance of the excise; and instigated to a state of actual insurgency against the government of the union; openly, by a dangerous confederacy, composed of almost all the magistrates, other public officers, and clergy; but, covertly, as is apprehended, by a character in Westmoreland, more influential than all the rest. A country, where some persons concerned in the revenue, had been barbarously and ignominiously handled, by bands of armed men; and where, as is in proof, even a military officer of the United States, having but a slight and accidental connection with the excise, had been actually threatened, by men of some consideration, with being scalped; where the president of a state circuit court, expressly gave, as one reason for declining to take the depositions of witnesses, pointed out to him, in the case of a riot—the odium to be incurred by it. And, finally, where the faint animadversions of the state courts, upon offences committed against the laws of the union, in such cases, have afforded a real encouragement to them."
Heavens! what a flood of crimination! What a torrent of abuse! But from what source do they proceed? Is there, in fair reason, and candid observation, a cause to justify them?—No!—I will venture to assert, that they are nothing more than the offspring of a cankered heart; the visions of a perturbed spirit; the spectres and goblins of a disorderly fancy! Weak minds are easily intimidated; but the weakest mind may have cunning enough to excuse its fears by exaggerating the objects that excite them. The Supervisor acknowledges that he was terrified, himself; and it was, therefore, to be expected, that he would endeavor to terrify others. But, surely, it was trespassing too much upon the precepts of truth, religion and morality, to conjure all the ministers of the gospel, the conservators of the peace, and, in short,
all the respectable citizens that inhabit the western quarter of the state, into demons of discord and sedition, for the sole purpose of excusing the farcical panic of a collector of an odious excise.
There is something incongruous in the diction of Mr. Clymer's signing the declaration of independence, at the same time that he acknowledges, that he would stoop to any device, to avert danger from his person; for, surely, such sentiments did not dictate that instrument; nor was such conduct the means of supporting it. Perhaps, indeed, the hon. Supervisor was one of those patriots who signed the constitution, but did not vote at the decision of the momentous question; a periodical change in the delegation of this state, before the declaration of independence was ready for formal attestation of the delegates, having conferred, on several members, the honor of signing the deed, who certainly had no share in the vote of the ever-to-be-remembered fourth of July, 1776. This is very properly called, (according to Mr. Clymer's expression) putting his hand to the instrument: The heart might not be employed on the occasion.
To criminate an individual falsely, is punishable by municipal law; while, by the laws of honor, a severer penalty is inflicted, that brings even the person of the slanderer, not only into contempt, but danger. To criminate a whole people, is, surely, however, a crime of a deeper dye; and when perpetrated by an officer of high rank, whose peculiar duty it is, to conciliate the affections and obedience of the citizens, and to communicate true information to the government; language affords no terms sufficiently energetic, to describe the infamy and turpitude of the offence.
Has the honorable the supervisor deserved a charge of this heinous nature? A short examination of the facts which he has stated in support of his horrid description on the west side of Alleghany will evince: He says, that in that country, some persons concerned in the collection of the excise revenue had been barbarously and ignominiously used by bands of armed men; that one officer had been threatened with the loss of his scalp, and that cornet Taylor had been menaced on account of the protection which, it was supposed, he designed to afford Mr. Clymer. Of the last incident I entertain some doubt; but I admit, that there may be a slight foundation for the other assertions. Where, however, is the pure region, in which the passions and vices of mankind do not occasionally produce outrages upon the peace and order of society? Are not the laws of the land incessantly violated in the city of Philadelphia? I am told, indeed, that a robbery was once committed in the house of the chief justice of the commonwealth, and that even the mansion of the supervisor has been the subject of a midnight burglary.—But shall it be inferred therefore, that the city of Philadelphia is in a state of insurgency, and that its inhabitants, clergy and laity, judges and juries, are one notorious band of thieves and outlaws? Surely not. In both places justice should be done; the innocent should be unrequited; the guilty should be punished. Have the guilty disturbers of the peace escaped with impunity in the western counties? Mr. Clymer knows, and I can prove, that in every instance they have been indicted, convicted and punished according to law. I am at a loss, indeed, to conceive what the honorable supervisor means, when he speaks of the faint animadversions of the state courts, because the power of our judges is limited by the laws; and, I hope, he does not wish to introduce new and extraordinary penalties, the torture, and the inquisition, to secure the executors of his darling excise, or to protect Don Quixote excisemen.
I am aware, however, that it will be urged that the persons who assembled at Pittsburgh to petition Congress for the repeal of the excise law, went beyond that object, and resolved, in the mean time, to avoid the society of excise officers, and to administer nothing to their wants or to their happiness. If I had exercised my judgment on the occasion, I should certainly have dissuaded the members of the meeting from a declaration of this design. But what is the nature of the offence, which is so much reprobated? The duties of hospitality, the courtesies of social life, are regulated only by the laws of discretion and policy; and, admitting that
found discretion and good policy would have prevented the obnoxious measure alluded to, or, acknowledging that it was unconnected with an address to the federal legislature, and in fact, calculated to obstruct the accomplishment of the end for which the meeting was convened, still only the characters of the men who acted were responsible; their discretion, and not mine, was the guide; their reputation, and not mine, should be impeached. Far less should the irregular proceedings of a few men, chosen with a legitimate view to petition Congress, be considered as proof, that those who chose them were incendiaris and insurgents; that the church and the forum, our pastors and our magistrates were associated in a traitorous combination with the people of all ranks to subvert the government! The very appointment of the meeting demonstrates a respect and obedience to the laws.
[Remainder in our next.]
New-York and Philadelphia S T A G E S, A N D Bordenton, Burlington, and Trenton or Lamberton
P A C K E T S.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia Land and Water Stages, beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of the passengers, they have removed their different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet Wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-street; from whence a convenient packet boat starts for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and returns on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordentown or Burlington; each place taken alternately.
Fare for passengers from Philad. to N. York 15/ For goods per Cwt. do 6/
Van Emburgh and McKean, David Williamson, Proprietors of the line of New York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Bordentown.
Jacob Myers, Amos Hutchin, Nicholas Schenck, Proprietors of the line of New York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Burlington. Bordentown, Oct. 1.
For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to
McKean and Van Emburgh; Who have for sale at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-street,
Ole Madeira, Teneriffe, and Mountain Jamaica Spirits, Antigua, Monserat & Newbury in pipes, cases and demijohns, Gin in pipes and cases, Orders for Grain, Staves, Bills of Scantling, or other Lumber, punctually attended to.
For freight or passage to Lamberton or Trenton, apply at said wharf to Thomas Ashmore, William Douglass, John Ashmore or Alexander Douglass, (Masters on board) or as above, to McKean & Van Emburgh. Philad. Oct. 6, 1792.
CHARLES BITTERS, No. 120, South Market, near Fourth-street,
Has received from New-York, and manufactured by Lot Merkel, A large and general assortment of
Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices. Nov. 24. 2awtf
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. Philadelphia, Nov. 20th, 1792.
THE stockholders of the bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the bye-laws the stockholders of the said bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Thursday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors. JOHN KEAN, Cashier. t. J. 5.
W A N T E D, A Journeyman Book-binder, To go to Carlisle.—
A PERSON who is capable of performing neat Binding and Lettering, will receive good wages. The particulars to be ascertained by LEWIS WEISS, Esquire, Arch-street, 159, Philadelphia. Nov. 13. 4i, 1aw
A Bargain!
FOR ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, WILL BE SOLD, A Private LIBRARY, Of two hundred and twenty-seven volumes, (Chiefly Greek and Latin;) Among which are, several scarce and valuable editions of the CLASSICS. Further particulars may be learned, on personal application at No. 26, Pear-street.
TO BE SOLD.
By public sale, on Friday the 14th of December next, at three o'clock P.M. at the house of Mabel Mills in Roads town, West-Jersey, Cumberland county, a house and lot of ground, late the property of Ananias Sayre, deceased, containing about nine acres situated at a place known by the name of Sayre's cross-roads, West-Jersey, Cumberland county. It is in a very healthy, plentiful part of the country, and very beautifully situated at the north west corner of said cross roads. It is particularly well suited for a store, or a tradesman of any description. More need not be said in describing the place, as it is presumed any person wanting to purchase would first see the premises. Terms of payment to be made known at the time and place of sale—The sale to be made by LEONARD SAYRE. Executor to the estate of Ananias Sayre deceased. Nov. 28. 1792. 1aw.ew
K I D, and Co.
PERFUMERS, &c.
Have just imported in the P I G O U, and other late arrivals from Europe, and now open for Sale, at their store, No. 222, in Market above Sixth-street,
A general assortment of the following G O O D S, viz.
LADIES' and Gentlemen's japanned dressing cases complete, of all sorts Gentlemen's shaving cases, powder bags, boxes and powder puffs of all sorts Tortoiseshell, ivory, and horn combs, of all kinds Tooth brushes, dragon roots and tooth powder All kinds of the best cloaths brushes Ladies' tortoiseshell sliders for the hair Belt Windsor soap, all kinds of wash balls Powder masks and court-plaister Silk puffs and gloves tops All kinds of razors, warranted Pocket, pen, and sporting knives Scissors of all kinds Pinching, curling and spring irons A general assortment of pocket-books, ladine thread-cases and etwes Best English, Cheshire, and Gloucester cheeses Wax, wax candles, and sealing-wax Message cards of all kinds All kinds of hair powder English, French, and other pomatums Tamboured, Cassimier and muslinet waistcoats patterns.
An elegant assortment of Ready made Milinary,
Consisting of full dress, Caps, Hats, and Bonnets. Fine chip hats Black and coloured beaver hats, best quality An assortment of the most fashionable ribbons And beads for trimmings and other ornaments. Have likewise received a fresh supply of MILK of ROSES.
They beg leave to inform the ladies, that they continue to make all kinds of ornamental false hair upon an entire new method, and of so light and easy a construction, that they look better than when a lady is dressed by the most expert hair dresser.
An assortment of elegant cut Steel Watch Chains, Seals, Watch Keys, &c. with a variety of other goods, too tedious to enumerate. November 10. 4w. 2aw.
Manufactured and for Sale,
At No. 11, North Sixth-street, Fashionable Round Top and Flat
B U T T O N S,
Warranted superior to any imported of equal price. Country Store-keepers supplied either in small or large quantities, By
S. POST & Co.
N.B. Conkshel Buttons, Buckles, &c. Oct. 17. 2awtf
** Two neat Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo, & price 22/6d 15/ bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar,
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAITE AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-ST EET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.