The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-01-07 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,  AND  WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XXIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 7th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
The SECRETARY of the TREASURY respectfully reports to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES, That for the service of the year 1801, the following appropriations, as detailed in the estimates herewith transmitted, appear to be necessary:—
   Dolls. Cts.     For the Civil List, or the support of government, including the contingent expences of the several departments and offices, the sum of 594,701 37   For the payment of annuities and grants 1,753 33   For the support of the mint establishment 13,320   For the ordinary expences of intercourse with foreign nations 85,000   For expences incident to the treaties with Great Britain, Spain and the Mediterranean powers, 361,364   For the expences of supporting the claims of citizens of the United States, to property captured and detained in foreign countries, 64,000   For aid to distressed American seamen in foreign countries, and occasional assistance after their arrival in the United States, 30,000   For defraying the expences incident to the valuation of dwelling-houses and lands, and the enumeration of slaves, in pursuance of the act of Congress, passed on the 9th of July, 1798, and in addition to the funds heretofore appropriated, 40,000   For the military department, including the pay of the army, rations, clothing, hospital, ordnance, quartermaster and Indian expences; the defensive protection of the frontiers, and contingencies, agreeably to the estimate of the Secretary of War, 1,400,001   For the payment of military pensions, 93,000   For the Navy Department, including the pay and subsistence of officers and men, hospital and contingent expences; the support of the corps of marines; for completing navy-yards, docks and wharves; and on account of building six seventy-four gun ships, agreeably to the estimate of the Secretary of the Navy 2,342,352 95   For the fabrication of cannon and small arms, and the purchase of ammunition for the army and navy, and for the militia of the United States, 400,000   For the support of light-houses, beacons, buoys and public piers, and other establishments for the security of navigation, 38,622 70   For the second enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, 60,000   For satisfying miscellaneous claims, including the expences of returning the votes for President and Vice-President of the United States, 5,600   Amounting in the whole to five millions, five hundred and twenty-nine thousand, six hundred and ninety-five dollars, and thirty-five cents, 5,529,695 35  
The funds out of which appropriations may be made for the purposes before mentioned, are:
1st. The sum of six hundred thousand dollars of the proceeds of duties on imports and tonnage, which will accrue in the year 1801, which sum is by law annually reserved for the support of government.
2d. The surplus of the revenue and income of the United States, which may accrue to the end of the year one thousand eight hundred and one, after satisfying the objects for which appropriations have been heretofore made.
The Secretary also transmits a statement of the receipts and expenditures of the United States, for the year prior to the 1st of October last, being the latest period to which an account can be prepared.
All which is most respectfully submitted, by OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, December 10, 1800.
After this general statement the Secretary descends to a distinct specification of the several items; the most interesting of which, frequently in a condensed form, follow:
   Dolls. Cts.     President and Vice-President, 30,000   Senate and House of Representatives, 209,470   Judiciary, 78,900   Treasury Department, 92,713   Loan Officers and Clerks, 28,250   Department of State, 24,800   Mint, 23,600   War Department. 36,766   Navy Department, 24,489   General Post Office, 12,112   Surveyor General's Department, 28,200   Territory North West of Ohio, 5,500   Mississippi, 5,500   Indiana, 5,500   Demands unprovided for, 20,000   Annuities and Grants, 1,753  
INDIAN DEPARTMENT.
   Annuities to the Six Nations of Indians, 4,500   Cherokees, 6,000   Chickasaws, 3,000   Creeks, 1,500   Choctaws,* 2,000   17,000  
* Although the Choctaws are not entitled to claim the above sum, by Treaty, or authorised agreement, yet as beneficial effects are presumed to have resulted from the same grant made to them in the present year, the propriety and policy of renewing the appropriation is respectfully submitted.
Expences attending the transportation of the above Annuities, and also the Annuities per act of the 6th of May 1796, 11,500 Deduct so much appropriated, 1,500 10,000
   Promoting civilization, pay of temporary agents, &c. 15,000   Contingent expences for presents to Indians on their visits to the seat of Government, also for expences attending their journies, and during their stay, and on their return home, &c. &c. 7,500   Rations to Indians at the different military posts, and within their respective nations, 22,500   72,000  
DIPLOMATIC DEPARTMENT.
The Secretary of State estimates the following sums for the expences of Foreign Intercourse and Treaties for the year 1801.
   For one minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain, 9,000   One ditto to Prussia, 9,000   One ditto to Spain, 9,000   One ditto to Portugal, 9,000   One minister resident to the Batavian republic, 4,500   Their secretaries (five) at 1350 dollars each, 6,750   Contingencies other than personal, 2,750   Making good the deficiency for 1800, in the estimate for the mission to France 20,000   One Consul general at Algiers, 4,000   One Consul at Tunis, 2,000   One ditto at Tripoli, 2,000   One ditto to the kingdom of Morocco, 2,000   Contingencies other than personal, 5,000  
TREATIES.
   For carrying into effect the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, between the United States, and the King of Great Britain, viz.   For the salaries of the Commissioners under the 6th article, 13,320   For the salary of the Secretary, clerk-hire, stationery, &c. for ditto, 4,000   The salary of Agent relative to said article 2,000   Clerk-hire and other contingencies of said Agent's office, 3,100   Payment to special Agents appointed by ditto, 20,000   The salaries of the Commissioners under the 7th article, 14,444   Clerk-hire, office rent and other contingencies of ditto, 2,000   For deficiency of former appropriations for carrying into effect the treaty between the United States and the King of Spain, particularly in running the boundary line pursuant to the second article of said treaty, and sundry contingent expences of the military escort which attended the commissioners of the United States, 46,500   For the difference between the cost of stipulated articles in the annuity to the Dey and Regency of Algiers, and the permanent appropriation therefor 56,000   For fulfilling the engagements of the United States with the Mediterranean powers, viz. Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, 200,000  
PRIZE CAUSES.
   For prosecuting the claims of American citizens for property captured by the belligerent Powers, viz.   For the salaries of two agents, residing in London 5,000   their contingencies, other than personal, 4,000   For prosecuting claims before the high Courts of Admiralty and Courts of Appeals in England, 45,000   Reimbursing Consuls of the United States for instituting and supporting claims to captured property, before tribunals in Foreign countries, 10,000   64,000  
RELIEF OF SEAMEN.
   For the salary of an Agent residing in England, reimbursing Consuls and others for aid rendered to distressed seamen in Foreign countries, bringing them home from thence, and assistance in the United States, 30,000   For defraying the expences incident to the valuation of Lands and Houses, and enumeration of Slaves within the United States, as directed by the late act of Congress of the 9th July 1798, in addition to the Funds heretofore appropriated for that purpose, 40,000  
MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT, viz.
   Pay of the Army, consisting of 1400 officers, artificers, musicians, &c. and of 4,040 privates 480,396   Forage of ditto 7,680   Subsistence of ditto. 306,395   Horses for ditto 5,000   Cloathing, bounties, premiums, medical and hospital departments, 203,530   Quarter-master's department, 165,000   1,167,991  
ORDNANCE DEPARTMENT, viz.
   Expences at Philadelphia, 9,060   Armoury at Springfield, 53,592   Harper's ferry 24,540   Laboratory on Schuylkill, 6,460   Store keepers, 1,960   Rent, 4,388   100,000   Defensive protection of frontiers, &c. 30,000   Military Pensions, 90,300   1,390,991  

NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES.
  I. 1. United States, 2. Constitution, 3. President, 4. Chesapeake, 5. Philadelphia, } 44 Guns.   II. 1. Constellation, 2. Congress, 3. New-York, 4. Insurgent, } 36 Guns.   III. 1. Boston, 2. Essex } 32 Guns.   IV. 1. George Washington, 2. General Greene, 3. Adams, 4. John Adams, } 24 guns on main deck, and 8 on quarter deck.   V. 1. Ganges, 2. Connecticut, 3. Maryland, 4. Portsmouth, 5. Merrimack, 6. Pettaug, 7. Delaware, 8. Baltimore, } of 20 and under 32 Guns.   VI. 1. Herald, 2. Trumbull, 3. Warren, } 18 Guns.   VII. 1. Richmond, 2. Augusta, } 16 Guns.   VIII. 1. Eagle, 2. Pickering, 3. Scammel, 4. Experiment, 5. Enterprize, } 12 to 14 Guns.   IX. 7 Gallies. 
RECAPITULATION.
  I. 5 Frigates of 44 guns.   II. 4 Ditto of 36 ditto.   III. 2 Ditto of 32 ditto.   IV. 4 Ships of 24 guns on gun-deck and 8 on quarter-deck.   V. 8 Ditto of 20 to 24 guns.   VI. 3 Ditto of 18 ditto.   VII. 2 Ditto of 16 ditto.   VIII. 5 Ditto of 12 ditto.   IX. 7 Gallies.   33   IX. 7 Gallies.   40 
The Secretary of the Navy makes the following Estimate of the pay, subsistence and other expenses of the following description of ships of war. viz.
  Dolls.   Of 44 guns and 400 men, 115,945   36 guns, and 340 men, 98,347   32 guns, and 260 men, 74,999   24 on gun deck, 8 on quarter deck, and 220 men, 66,785   20 to 26 guns, and 180 men, 57,269   18 guns, and 140 men, 45,780   16 to 18 guns, and 100 men, 35,737   12 to 14 guns, and 70 men, 24,213   Galley, 28 men, 9,200   Marine Corps, consisting of 1143 men, including officers, 166,903   5 Frigates of 44 guns, 579,728   4 do. 36 393,391   2 do. 32 149,999   4 (smaller) of 32 guns, 267,035   8 Ships of 20 to 26 guns, 458,158   3 Sloops of war of 18 guns, 137,341   2 Brigs of 16 to 18 guns, 71,474   5 Brigs and Schooners of 12 to 14 guns, 121,069   7 Gallies, 64,400   Contingent expenses, 37,850   Total, adding fractional cents above omitted, 2,447,352   The Secretary of the Navy further estimates:   For progressing with six seventy-four gun ships, and for completing Navy Yards, Docks, Wharves, &c. 500,000   For erecting Marine barracks, 20,000   For maintenance of French prisoners, 30,000   And to make up the deficiencies of former appropriations for the maintenance of French prisoners, 45,000   3,042,352 95   But the appropriations heretofore made for the different objects relating to the Navy will not be exhausted at the end of the present year, by a sum equal to 700,000 dollars, so that it may not be necessary to appropriate for the year 1801, for all the navy purposes, exclusive of providing timber to be laid up in store for future use, more than, 700,000   2,342,352 95 
Estimate of the Number of Persons composing the Crews of the Navy of the United States.
  5 Frigates of 44 Guns, and 400 Men, 2,000   4 Ditto, 36 340 1,360   2 Ditto, 32 260 520   4 Ditto, smaller, 32 220 880   8 Ships of 20 to 26 180 1,440   3 Sloops of War, 18 140 420   2 Brigs, 16 to 18 100 200   5 Do. and Schooners, 12 to 14 70 350   7 Gallies 28 196 
Total, including Marines, 7,366
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, January 5, 1801.
A Bill making appropriations for the year 1801 was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole house on Monday next.
Messrs. Davis, Nott, and Claiborne were excused from serving on the committee appointed to investigate the official conduct of Winthrop Sargent.
Mr. Davis moved that the committee of Ways and Means be directed to enquire into the expediency of appointing agents in Kentucky and the N. W. Territory to pay pensions becoming due.
The House resolved into a committee of the whole, Mr. RUTLEDGE, in the chair, on the
JUDICIARY BILL.
The chairman proceeded in reading the paragraphs until he came to the 5th section, which,
Mr. EGGLESTON moved to amend, as to preserve the plan at present existing, which establishes one Court for Virginia, instead of dividing the state into two districts, and having two courts, one to sit at Richmond and the other at Fredericksburg, as proposed by the bill.
On this motion a lengthy debate ensued. Messrs. Eggleston, Nicholas, Randolph, Jackson and Macon supported, and Messrs. Griswold, Harper, Bayard, H. Lee, and Otis, opposed it.
Those who supported the motion contended that the proposed alteration was unwarranted by any change which had taken place in Virginia; that heretofore much business had been done in the federal court from an accumulation of unsatisfied demands incurred previously to the formation of the federal constitution; that these demands, for the most part, were now settled; that the existing demands are few, and which one court was fully equal to attending to; that the fact was that justice had been administered under the present system with the greatest dispatch; and that at the last term the docket was so completely cleared, in a sitting of ten days, that the court, not satisfied with deciding on suits which had gone through the usual forms, had actually decided on several returnable to the ensuing term; that the additional court was not desired by the citizens of Virginia, whose convenience, so far from being furthered, would be injured by it; for that the plan of having one court held at Richmond, and another at Fredericksburg, which were not more than seventy miles apart, would place a large portion of the citizens at a greater distance from the seats of the courts, than they were at present from Richmond; which was, besides, the capital of the state, and the place to which the citizens very generally repaired for the transaction of their ordinary affairs;—that it behoved those gentlemen who recommended this extension of the judiciary system, to shew the peculiar necessity, and advantages of it.
Those who opposed the motion observed, that it became the government of the United States to organize the judiciary in such a way as to insure an obedience to its laws; and to insure the faithful collection of revenue; that this last object could only be attained by the institution of federal courts, not so remote from each other, as to prevent the convenient attendance of prosecutors, parties, witnesses, and jurors at the seats of the courts; that the recovery of duties derived from this source could only be made before the federal courts, and if the places at which infractions of the revenue laws took place were very remote, however ardent the patriotism of the citizens, they could not be expected to encounter the great expense and loss of time that would be required in attending a court three or four hundred miles distant; that the most solid objection to an extension of the courts was their expense; that in fact the extension would probably be an economical arrangement, as the facility of recovering dues to the public would be increased, and with it the productiveness of the revenue; and a considerable sum would be saved in the expenses, defrayed by the public, of a grand jury, which from its very nature must be drawn from all the parts of each state, by the contracted size of the district from which they were taken; and that the same remark would apply, in a smaller degree, to common jurors, witnesses, prosecutors, &c. that so far from the statement made
by gentlemen being correct, it was understood that several suits in which the public was interested, had been protracted for several terms; that the little business, alleged to have been brought before the federal court of Virginia, was the most conclusive evidence of the inconveniences attending the present plan, whereby, owing to the remote situation of the greater part of the citizens, they were induced to prefer an appeal to the state, in preference to the federal courts.
It was further declared to be very doubtful on constitutional ground, whether Congress could delegate judicial powers to the state courts; and if they could, it was a delicate question how far state judges were amenable to the United States, for a faithful discharge of their duty, inasmuch, as if they violated the laws of the United States, they were not constitutional subjects of impeachment by congress;
that, at any rate, the effect might be the inexecution of the laws; from which an imbecility in the government would arise, the more fatal as it affected the vital principle of the administration of justice; that it was not doubted but that Virginia would be well satisfied with one court in preference to two, or with no court whatever in preference to one; that it would be wise in congress to conform as nearly as they could, in consistency with economy, to the ideas adopted by the several states, as well as the established principles of common law, which brought justice home to the door of every man: that it would therefore be advisable, if the expense were not too great, to divide Virginia, not merely into two, but into four or eight districts, with a court in each; that it was a lame argument, that because we could not do all that was required, we should do nothing; that as to the idea thrown out, that the convenience of the citizens of Virginia did not require an additional court it was entitled to no weight; as the additional court would not be instituted merely for the convenience of Virginia, but for rendering justice to foreigners and the citizens of other states; and to insure the dignity and independence of the government.
It was further observed that if the division of Virginia, contemplated by the bill, was inconvenient, it might be altered; though it was believed that the objection arose from a want of geographical knowledge in the gentlemen who made it.
In reply to these remarks, it was said by a member, who represented the western district of Virginia, that there had been but one suit carried before the federal court from his part of the state for ten years, and that at present there was not a single one depending.
Other gentlemen observed that it behoved those who avowed that this additional court was not intended to answer the convenience of the citizens of Virginia to say whose convenience it was intended to answer; that, notwithstanding the contrary declarations of some gentlemen, who on this occasion, had betrayed the same ignorance of the physical state of the country, that on previous occasions they had manifested of its moral and political state, the new arrangement would increase, instead of diminish, the existing inconveniences, inasmuch as the citizens of the counties of Essex, Caroline, Louisa, and Orange would be removed to a greater distance from Fredericksburg, the contemplated seat of their court, than they now were from Richmond.
It was further contended that the state courts were fully competent to discharge all the duties assigned them; and that in Virginia the federal laws had been either invariably obeyed or enforced; that no spirit of hostility to the federal government had appeared, and that it would be time enough to guard against it when it should appear; that from the remarks of some gentlemen, it really appeared, as if they wanted an additional judge, and knew not where to locate him.
The question was then taken on Mr. Eggleston's motion to strike out, and lost—Ayes 39—Noes, 44.
A motion was then made that the committee rise—Lost—Ayes 36—Noes 39.
M. H. Lee moved to amend the section, as to produce a division of Virginia laterally instead of longitudinally, and to make Staunton instead of Fredericksburg, the Seat of Justice.
Carried, Ayes 45.
Tuesday, Jan. 6, 1801.
The committee of privileges made a report on the letter of the Serjeant at Arms; the preamble of which approves the conduct of the Serjeant; states the individual who made the disturbance in the gallery to have been intoxicated, and to have absconded; and the magistrate, who issued the warrant on which the

Serjeant was arrested, to have made to the committee satisfactory explanation in extenuation of his conduct: after the preamble the report concludes with a resolve, that it is not expedient for the house to take any order in the affair.
On agreeing to the report a long and warm debate ensued, in which Messrs. Bayard, John C. Smith, Dana, Harper, Kittera, Otis, Rutledge, Nott, and Edmonds, supported the report, and Messrs. Nicholas, Davis, Smilie, Macon, Allison, Stanford, Varman, Eggleston, and Kitchen, opposed it.
The report was finally agreed to by ayes and noes.
The debate shall appear in our next.
The following are the YEAS and NAYS, as taken in the House of Representatives, on the passage of the bill to erect a Mausoleum for GEORGE WASHINGTON:
YEAS.
Messrs. Bartlett, J. Brown, Champlin, Cooper, Craik, J. Davenport, F. Davenport, Dennis, Dent, Dickson, Evans, Foster, Freeman, Glen, Goode, C. Goodrich, E. Goodrich, Griswold, Grove, Harper, Henderson, Hill, Huger, Inlay, Kittera, H. Lee, S. Lee, Morris, Nott, Otis, Pinckney, Platt, Powell, J. Reed, N. Read, Rutledge, J. C. Smith, Sheafe, Tenney, Thatcher, J. C. Thomas, R. Thomas, Wadsworth, L. Williams, Woods.—45.
NAYS.
Messrs. Allison, Bailey, Bishop, R. Brown, Christie, Clay, Claiborne, Condit, Davis, Dawson, Eggleston, Elmhurst, Gray, Gregg, Hanna, Holmes, Jackson, Kitchen, Leib, Linn, Macon, Muhlenberg, New, Nicholas, Randolph, Smilie, J. Smith, Spaight, Stanford, Sumter, Taliaferro, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Varnum, R. Williams.—37
The following are the YEAS and NAYS, on referring to a Committee of the whole House the report of the Committee on revival and unfinished business recommending for two years the continuance of the act commonly called the SEDITION LAW:
YEAS.
Messrs. Allison, Baer, Bartlett, Bayard, Bird, J. Brown, Champlin, Craik, Dana, J. Davenport, F. Davenport, Dennis, Dent, Dickson, Edmond, Evans, Foster, Freeman, Glenn, C. Goodrich, E. Goodrich, Griswold, Grove, Henderson, Hill, Inlay, Kittera, S. Lee, Morris, Nott, Otis, Pinckney, Platt, Powell, J. Reed, N. Read, Rutledge, J. C. Smith, Sheafe, Tenney, Thatcher, J. C. Thomas, R. Thomas, Wadsworth, R. Williams, L. Williams, Woods.—47.
NAYS.
Messrs. Bailey, R. Brown, Christie, Clay, Claiborne, Condit, Davis, Eggleston, Elmhurst, Goode, Gray, Gregg, Hanna, Jackson, Kitchen, Leib, Linn, Macon, Muhlenberg, New, Nicholas, Randolph, Smilie, J. Smith, Spaight, Stanford, Sumter, Taliaferro, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Varnum.—33.
This Day is Published.
TO be SOLD at the Office of the National Intelligencer, and at Rapine Conrad and Co. Book-store—price 25 Cents—Also at Michael Roberts's Book-store, George-Town, and by the Editor of the Times, Alexandria,
CONSIDERATIONS, on the GOVERNMENT of the TERRITORY of COLUMBIA.
as they recently appeared in the National Intelligencer under the Signature of Epaminondas.
January 5, 1800.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE. RAPINE, CONRAD, & CO. Corner of South B. Street & New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store, Letters from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States
Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity, Arts and Sciences, Classics, School books, Novels, Romances Biography, &c. &c.—With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium, demy, and foolscap writing paper, thick and thin post, blue & common wrapping paper, best Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink, black lead pencils, parchment, playing cards, blank books, &c. &c.—All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices.
Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders.
Nov. 17th, 1800.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, January 7, 1801.
We this day present our readers with an abstract, made with considerable trouble, of the appropriations proposed for the general government, by the secretary of the treasury. It will be found to embrace a general view of the articles in the report which exceeds 100 pages, and a particular view of those which are peculiarly interesting.
We are desired to inform the citizens of Maryland that George Dent declines a re-election as member of the H. of R. of the United States.
The house of delegates of Virginia, have passed a resolution appointing a committee to investigate and report upon the conduct of JOHN HAMILTON, the British consul resident at Norfolk, relative to the delivery of Hugh Jones, by JOHN K. READ, to, and at the request of, the said Consul—which said Hugh Jones is said to have been tried, condemned, and executed by a foreign court-martial.
An account of the quantity of wheat flour, rye flour, and Indian meal, inspected in the city of Baltimore, for the last quarter, ending the 31st December last:
 97,029 barrels of wheat flour,  6,055 half barrels ditto,  2,928 barrels rye ditto,  51 hogheads Indian meal,  588 barrels ditto,  1 half barrel ditto. 
Died—at Newark, N. Jersey, Peter J. Van Berkel, late minister from the United Netherlands.
By the account of the commissioners of the tobacco inspection, in the city of Charleston, presented to the legislature, it appears, that from the 31st October, 1799, to the 30th September, 1800, 3484 hhd. of tobacco have been inspected at that warehouse.
The Wilmington Gazette, of Dec. 18, says, we hear that an English ship from Liverpool, arrived at the fort on Tuesday evening last, and brings the important news of a Peace in Europe. A gentleman who was on board the ship yesterday arrived in town to-day, and says, that the Capt. informed him, that on the passage he was boarded by a French 74 gun ship, which suffered him to proceed on his voyage, the Captain informed him at the same time that a peace had been concluded at the Congress of Luneville.
From the Aurora. JERSEY ELECTION!
In the recent vote for members of Congress by a general ticket in Jersey, it appears on comparing the average votes of the opposite candidates, that the majorities are as follow:
  Counties. Republican. Federal.    Bergen, — 210  Essex, 2475 —  Morris, 2325 —  Burlington, — 1945  Salem, 75 —  Hunterdon, — 963  Somerset, — 750  Middlesex, — 645  Monmouth, — 255  Gloucester, — 450  Sussex, 1200 —  Cumberland, 116 —  Cape-May, 44 —  Total, 6235 5218  Republican majority. — 1017  
The following extracts are taken from the first number of THE PORCUPINE, a paper printed in London by William Cobbett, which are an evidence of his present sentiments, and may be considered as an elucidation of his late views, in relation to this country.
HAVING, in America, witnessed the fatal effects of revolution; having seen piety give place to a contempt of religion; plain-dealing exchanged for shuffling and fraud, universal confidence for universal suspicion and distrust; having seen a country once the seat of peace and good neighbourhood, torn to pieces by faction, plunged, by intriguing demagogues, into never-ceasing hatred and strife; having
seen a people, once too fond of what they called liberty to bear the gentle sway of a British King, humbly bend their necks to the yoke, nay, to the very foot of a set of grovelling despots; having, in short, seen the crime of rebellion against monarchy punished by the tormenting, the degrading curse of republicanism, it is with the utmost astonishment and indignation, that I find many of those, who have the press at their command, endeavouring to bring down on my native country the very same species of calamity and disgrace. Notwithstanding the example of America, and the more dreadful example of France, I find the emissaries of the republican faction (for such it really is) still preaching fanaticism and infidelity, still bawling for that change which they have the audacity to denominate reform, still exerting all their nefarious ingenuity in sapping the foundation of the Church and the Throne. Those who want experience of the consequences, may, for aught I know, be excused for conniving at these attempts; but, for me, who have seen acts, passed by a republican legislature, more fraudulent than forgery or coining; for me, who have seen republican officers of state offering their country for sale for a few thousand dollars; for me, who have seen republican judges become felons, and felons become republican judges; for me to fold my hands and tamely listen to the insolent eulogists of republican governments and rulers, would be a shameful abandonment of principle, a dastardly desertion of duty. With these sentiments, then, I resume the publication of a Daily Paper, duly apprised, by past experience, of the hostility I shall excite, and firmly resolved to repel it by all the honourable means in my power.
It is with no small mortification that I find too many of the periodical publications (as well pamphlets as papers) in the hands of Fanatics and Infidels, all of whom, however numerous their monstrous sects, however opposite their tenets, however hateful their persons to each other, do most cordially unite in their enmity to the national Establishment, and most zealously co-operate for its destruction. Convinced as I am, from the experience of America, as well as from history in general, that an established Church is absolutely necessary to the existence of religion and morality; convinced also, that the Church of England, while (a few words defaced) of the Throne, I trust I never shall be base enough to decline a combat with her enemies, whether they approach me in the locks of the Secular, or the scald crop of the Jacobin.
The subjects of a British King, like the sons of every provident and tender father, never know his value till they feel the want of his protection. In the days of youth and ignorance, I was led to believe, that comfort, freedom, and virtue, were exclusively the lot of Republicans. A very short trial convinced me of my error, admonished me to repent of my folly, and urged me to compensate for the injustice of the opinions I had conceived. During an eight years absence from my country, I was not an unconcerned spectator of her perils, nor did I listen, in silence, to the flanders of her enemies. Though divided from England by the ocean, though her gay fields were hidden, probably for ever, from my view, still her happiness and her glory were the objects of my constant solicitude; I rejoiced at her victories, and mourned at her defeats; her friends were my friends, and her foes were my foes. Once more returned; once more under the safe-guard of that Sovereign, who watched over me in my infancy, and the want of whose protecting arm I have so long had occasion to lament, I see an irresistible desire to communicate to my countrymen the fruit of my experience; to show them the injurious and degrading consequences of discontent, disloyalty, and innovation; to convince them, that they are the freest, as well as happiest, of the human race; and, above all, to warn them against the arts of those ambitious and perfidious demagogues who would willingly reduce them to a level with the cheated slaves, in the bearing of whose yoke I have had the mortification to share.
FOR SALE,
By the Subscriber, near the County wharf VOLCGNE Milk-stones, of different sizes lately from Amsterdam; German, London, Blist and crowley steel; sugar in hogheads and barrels; coffee, bar and rod iron; castings in plate stoves complete for use, of different sizes; beef and pork, of first quality, by the barrel; fine and coarse salt; tar, turpentine and rosin; clover feed.
JESSE HOLLINGSWORTH. Baltimore, January 1, 1801.
Notice is hereby given,
TO the creditors of John Dixon, that a general meeting of the creditors is appointed to be held on the 17th day of February next, at the house of George O'Hara inn-keeper in Morris-Town, in the county of Morris, and state of New-Jersey, at 10 o'clock, forenoon, in order to examine and ascertain the debts due to each creditor; and notice is also given to the creditors aforesaid, that a dividend of the said Dixon's property will be made on the 9th of July next at George O'Hara's aforesaid, at 10 o'clock, forenoon.
WILLIAM CRAMFIELD, Assignee, Morris-Town, Dec. 27, 1800.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED
By RAPINE, CONRAD & Co. At the Washington Book-Store, Corner of South B Street & New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol THE WASHINGTON REPOSITORY, for the year 1801.
CONTAINING, an Almanac—a bill to establish an uniform system of Bankruptcy throughout the United States—Abstract of the revenue law, list of duties, tonnage, drawbacks and bounties, custom house fees &c. an act to establish a general stamp office, with a list of stamp duties, an act to value property, an act to lay a direct tax, &c. &c.—Offices of the several governments of the U States—list of congress, department of state, Treasury, War, Navy and Judiciary, with an account of what is important in each—Post office establishment, with times of receiving and despatching the Mails at Baltimore—Ministers, Consuls, &c. to and from the U States—Government of the State of Maryland, with a list of the general Assembly. An account of the corporation of the city of Baltimore, with a list of officers, Banks, Insurance company, &c. in ditto, and a variety of other useful matter—Price neatly bound in the form of a Pocket book, 75 cents.
Speed the Plough, a comedy in five acts, as performed at the theatre royal covent garden; and now performing with universal applause, at the new theatre Philadelphia.—By Thomas Morton, Esq. author of "a cure for the Heart Ache, Way to get Married" &c. &c.—price 25 cents.
An impartial review of the rise and progress of controversy between the parties known by the names of the FEDERALISTS, and REPUBLICANS, containing an investigation of the radical cause of division; and of some of the subordinate or auxiliary causes which have been instrumental in enlarging the breach, and inflaming the minds of the partisans. In a series of letters from a Partaker in the American revolution to a junior citizen.—price 31 cents.
R. C. & Co. Have just received a general assortment of Books in every department of literature, which they will dispose of on the very lowest terms.
Jan. 7, 1801.
In Chancery, December 29, 1800.
WALTER W. H. ROOD, an Insolvent of Prince George county, makes application as a trader, by petition to the Chancellor in writing, praying the benefit of an "act for the relief of sundry Insolvent debtors". There is annexed to his petition a Schedule of his property, and a list of his creditors on Oath, as by the said act is required. The Chancellor is satisfied by competent testimony, that he is at this time, and was, at the time of passing that act, a citizen of this state, and of the United States. It is therefore adjudged, and ordered that he appear before the chancellor in the chancery office, on the first day of April next, for the purpose of taking the Oath, by the said act required in presence of his creditors, and that by causing a copy of this order, to be inserted once in each of three successive weeks before the end of January next, in some newspaper of the City of Washington, he give notice to his creditors to attend on the said first day of April, for the purpose of recommending a trustee for their benefit, and to lodge with the chancellor, within sixty days from the time of the last publication (if they shall think fit) their dissent to his being admitted to the benefit of the said act.
Test.
SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, reg. C. C. Jan. 7, 1801.
In Chancery, January 3d, 1801.
ON Application to the Chancellor by petition in writing of JOHN HEPBURNE, of Charles county, praying the benefit of the "act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors" passed at the last session on the terms therein mentioned, and a schedule of his property and a list of his creditors, so far as he can ascertain, the said John Hepburne, being a person known to the Chancellor to be at this time, a citizen of the United States, and of this State, and to have been such at the time of passing the said act, and the said John Hepburne, at the time of presenting his petition, having produced to the chancellor, the affidavit in writing, of so many of his creditors as have due to them, the amount of two thirds of the debts due by him at the time of passing the said act, according to the list aforesaid—It is therefore adjudged and ordered that the said John Hepburne, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted once in each of three successive weeks, in some one of the Washington Newspapers, before the end of the present month, give notice to his creditors, to appear in the Chancery Office, on the twentieth day of February next, for the purpose of recommending some person to be trustee for their benefit, on the said John Hepburne, then and there taking the Oath prescribed by law for delivering up his property.
Test.
SAMUEL HARVEY HOWARD, reg. C. C. Jan. 7, 1801.

ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.
From the view which has been presented of the relative strength of parties in the present House of Representatives, by which it appears that the republican side have eight states, to six on the federal side; that in the ensuing Congress, from the change in the delegation of Rhode Island, which is republican, and of South Carolina, whose representatives are equally divided, there will be nine states republican, four federal, and three doubtful: from a decided conviction of superiority entertained by the republicans, from the invariable accretions of strength which have in every quarter of the union insured their triumph; it will not be hazardous to affirm that there exists a moral impossibility of their abandoning Mr. Jefferson. To do this would be to expose themselves to the imputation of ceasing to respect the voice of the people in a submission to, or participation in, the wishes of a hostile party.
If then the spirit of the republicans in the House of Representatives should, on principle, adhere to Mr. Jefferson, and the federalists should resolve on voting for Mr. Burr as President, what would be the consequences?
A majority of states would be united in favor of neither—No President would be elected; and there would be no Vice President, as this office is only filled, after the designation of the President by the person then having the greatest number of votes.
As the constitution has made no provision for the temporary discharge of executive duties in case of no election; not having, apparently, contemplated such a contingency; and as Congress therefore possesses no power, in such an event, derived from the constitution, it follows that after the third day of March there would be no executive magistrate. Nor would there be any legislative body, constitutionally organized and competent to the passage of laws. For after a particular act is agreed to by both houses, the Constitution prescribes its submission to the President; which submission, as a preliminary step, is as necessary, as the previous approbation of each branch of the legislature.
If then the U. States would be without an executive magistrate, and without a legislature, it becomes a solemn question whether every other officer of the government would not be, ipso facto , removed. It is, at any rate, certain that every salutary restraint of, and constitutional barrier against, the abuse of power by subordinate civil or military agents, would be withdrawn; the source from which their power is derived, as well as the judge of its correct exercise, would be no more.
Would the government, in such a state of things, have any constitutional existence?
Either it would have no constitutional existence; or if it had, the tenure by which it was held, would be so vague and indefinite, so little entitled to the respect or the affections of the people, that, either on the one hand, it would want that necessary energy that all power requires, or it would degenerate into that undefined and unlimited exercise of tyranny which the wantonness of ambition has been heretofore found perpetually to prompt.
In such an event, the government would either,
 1. Be dissolved.  2. Or it would be continued in the hands of certain subordinate public agents.  It becomes the people of the United States to contemplate with cool collected wisdom these alternatives; to estimate the effects of each on the tranquility and prosperity of the empire; and to appreciate the actions of those public agents who would make one or the other the necessary result of their measures.
Of these two effects, it might be difficult to decide which would produce the greatest evil.
By the first, viz. a dissolution of the government, merely on suggestion, not only the reason, but the imagination, is instantly alarmed by an apprehension of high danger. Though this alarm be far from irrational, yet there is a possibility that by it the people or the state sovereignties would be brought back to their original situation; from which might, perhaps, arise without division or bloodshed a new and regular system of government; whereas,
From the last, viz. a continuance of the government in the hands of certain subordinate agents, would inevitably flow a want of legitimate authority in
those who held the reins of government; a want of respect in the people for their actions; an impunity of crimes in those who govern as well as those who are governed; and possibly insurrection within, and war from without.
It has become a maxim almost undisputed, that those evils are the worst, and productive of the greatest misery, which are vague and undefined; which, not being correctly understood in their causes, are susceptible of arbitrary extension and unascertained application in their effects; and which, not being marked at the source with the poison that lurks within them, appear to do good, at the moment they are accomplishing the greatest mischief.
These observations would, probably, but too truly characterise the investiture of subordinate public agents with the great powers assigned by the constitution to other hands.
Not however, to anticipate those remarks which, the importance of this alternative requires to be made more in detail; we shall proceed in the first place to consider the effects likely to proceed from a dissolution of the government . A dissolution of the General Government would restore, in some respects, the people and the states to the situation in which they were placed previously to the adoption of the Federal Constitution; in other respects, that situation would be changed.
The Federal Constitution was the act of the people of the United States; not of the states themselves. Its articles naturally divide themselves into two parts; those which create, and endow with delegated powers, the general government; and those which take away from, or forbid to the states individually certain specified powers, given to the general government.
From a dissolution of the General Government would result a destruction of all powers given to that government; but would such powers, previously exercised by the states, revert to them? The people having taken them away from the states, could the latter, who are only the creatures of the former, resume them without an express authority from the people. It is presumed they could not. At any rate as the question would be involved in great doubt, the powers thus assumed, might be perpetually opposed in their application to particular cases; and those who exercised them would, in all probability, either act with timidity from a doubt of their right; or with violence, from a determination to accomplish by force what justice would not effect. In either event, if the powers were assumed by the states the doubt which attended them might produce all the ill effects, if not greater ones, than would ensue from their non-existence.
Under this view of the subject, which to my mind is imperative, no other similarity of situation would exist in relation to the people and the states, than that, as before the ratification of the Federal Constitution, the people would possess all power not delegated to the respective states; while the states would possess all the efficient power that could constitutionally be exercised by public agents, and the only legitimate power possessed by any. I say efficient power, in contradistinction to that nominal power with which, under the confederation, the Old Congress were invested.
The dissimilarity of situation would be real and striking. It would exist in all the following important articles; and in many more little less important.
 1. There would exist no depository of national authority for the management of foreign concerns.  2. All suits pending before the federal courts would be terminated; nor would the state tribunals have cognizance of a large share of them.  3. There would be a large revenue, amounting annually perhaps to more than fourteen millions of dollars, on the receipt whereof depended the support of the army, the navy, the fortifications, the protection of the western frontier from Indian depredation, and the payment of the interest due to public creditors; all of which would be abandoned.  4. A large army would be let loose upon the community, and an extensive list of military articles wrested from their allotted purposes.  5. The navy would either rot in our ports, or more probably find an asylum in the arms of some foreign power.  6. There would be a large class of men, the collectors of the public revenue, who, not knowing with whom to lodge the amount of their receipts, would keep it in their own possession. 
These are but a few of the immediate and inevitable effects of a dissolution of the general government. They are, however, such as would produce many real, and more apprehended dangers. They are such as
would destroy confidence, annihilate harmony, paralyze industry, and prepare the minds of men for desperate events. Nor would the era of desperate events be distant.
The exacerbation of feeling kindled among the people by those who produced the crisis; the belief that such a crisis was created with a view to the evils that followed it, and to apprehended evils of a darker hue: the action of such suspicion, whether well founded or not, on the minds of its objects, and the resistance of these by words of resentment, perhaps by acts of hostility, would pave the way, if any events could pave the way, to convulsion and disunion. What would be the issue of these, it shall be the object of my next paper to point out.
ARISTIDES.
CONRAD & McMUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern ranch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage. Cit of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
TWO gentlemen can be accommodated with genteel Board and Lodging in a good and comfortable Two story Brick house, a few yards from the end of the New Gravel Walk on New Jersey Avenue, and on moderate terms by JAMES VANSANDT. December 28. 3t.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
GRATEFULLY acknowledges the numerous favours conferred on him, and informs his friends and the public that he has entered into partnership with CHARLES VARDEN, likewise from Philadelphia, on Capitol Hill, opposite Mr. CARROL's buildings, where, as well as in Pennsylvania Avenue, between the Presidents House and George Town, from their long and extensive experience in Military, Naval and Fancy dresses, and in Ladies Habits &c. and from their having procured the best of workmen and materials, the utmost taste and punctuality might be expected. Two apprentices wanted. Washington, Dec. 22. ti
Notice is Given THAT I shall attend at the Eastern Branch Ferry on Monday, the 29th inst. for the purpose of renting the Fishing Landing. If any person should want to rent it, with whom I am not acquainted, security will be required. JOHN WALLACE, of Wm. December 22, 1800.
20 Dollars Reward. RAN away from the subscriber, living in Frederick County, Virginia, a Mulatto boy named Tom, about twenty years of age, of a sturdy make, about five feet nine inches high, he has no particular mark.—He will endeavour to pass for a free man.—He has a mother, a black woman, slave to Mr. Frederic Conrad, living in the Federal City; where it is conjectured he will harbour. The above reward will be paid on his being brought home, or Ten Dollars if procured in any jail and information given to A. LINDO. December. 22 1w3t
To RENT. A Commodious Two Story brick dwelling house on square No. 701.—The lot is well inclosed and hath every necessary out-house, and is very convenient for a small family—it may be entered on immediately, the terms made known and the premises shown by applying to BENJAMIN MORE. Washington, New Jersey Avenue, December 17, 1800. 3t
BOARDING AND LODGING. FIVE or Six gentlemen can be accommodated with Genteel Board and Lodging, in a good and comfortable House, on New-Jersey Avenue, at Mr. Law's former residence Also good Stabling wherein twenty horses can be accommodated by, SAMUEL BOOTES. Nov. 26th, 1800. 4t.
THE SUBSCRIBER BEGS leave to inform the Public in general, that he has opened a Beef-steak and Oyster House, on Capitol Hill, City of Washington, in the House lately occupied by Brown and Snowden as a Printing Office, a small distance from the Capitol, where Gentlemen may be accommodated at any hour in the day or Evening, with Beef steaks, Oysters, Sausages &c. at the shortest notice and on the most reasonable terms. Likewise the Subscriber has taken particular pains to lay in a stock of Good Liquors, and flatters himself that by paying strict attention to the business to Merit the favour of the Public in General. WILLIAM TORKIN. December 28. eptf.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
At the Brick Store opposite BLODGET's HOTEL.
HAVE received by the Brig UNION, Capt. Leonard, from Liverpool, a large supply of Crockery Ware. Some of which is well assorted in small cakes for the country. Also, by the same Vessel.
White Lead, ground in oil. Spanish Brown do. Red Lead, Patent yellow, &c. &c. They expect by the Roba and Betsey arrived at Norfolk, an additional Invoice of crockery and a large assortment of Glass ware. All which will be sold at the Philadelphia prices. December 28.
JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT MAKER
FROM PHILADELPHIA. RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Footees, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d. 3tw.
TO JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED, a number of Journeymen Shoemakers, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given.
CABINET AND CHAIR MANUFACTORY.
WILSON AND HANDY,
HAVE commenced the above business at their shop on New Jersey Avenue between the Episcopal church, and Sugar House. As they are confident from the experience they have had in the principal shops in Europe and America, that they shall be able to give general satisfaction to those who will please to favour them with their custom. They have on hand, viz.
Secretary Desks, Portable Writing Desks, Drawing Chests, Card Tables, &c N B. Orders from country or city thankfully received and faithfully executed. December 30. 3tw
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690. A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chaffing dishes, Brass, Iron and Japanned Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, sad irons, wind up Jacks, sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet flasks, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and cross cut Saws, 56, 28 and 14b. Iron weights. Also seale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE. November 24th, 1800.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
HAVE received by late arrivals, a general assortment of Hard ware and Ironmongery, which they offer for Sale at their Store opposite the Great Hotel
They have also on hand Madeira, } Wines. Sherry & } Lisbon Cognac Brandy, Jamaica Spirits, Holland Gin, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Tea, Coffee, &c. &c. Washington, Dec. 18. tf.
JOHN BARNES, FROM PHILADELPHIA,
Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz.
Imperial, Large Hyson, Young Hyson, Hysonkin, Souchoong and Bohea. SPICES.
Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Four bags fresh Almonds. LIQUORS.
Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port, Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spirits, and Holland Gin. COFFEE.
Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings. He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes.
English and American playing cards, Chessboard per groce, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 7-8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece. Nov. 14th, 1800.