Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-08-28 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 130 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 28, 1793.
[Whole No. 452.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. FENNO,
Please to give a place in your Gazette to the following observations. The Printers who may have republished the pieces, signed PACIFICUS, are also requested to re-publish these, and will no doubt be candid enough to do so.
NUMBER I.
[Concluded, from our last.]
ANOTHER important inference to be noted is, that the powers of making war and treaty being substantially of a legislative, not an executive nature, the rule of interpreting exceptions strictly, must narrow instead of enlarging executive pretensions on those subjects.
3. It remains to be enquired whether there be any thing in the constitution itself which shews that the powers of making war and peace are considered as of an executive nature, and as comprehended within a general grant of executive power.
It will not be pretended that this appears from any direct position to be found in the instrument.
If it were deducible from any particular expressions it may be presumed that the publication on would have saved us the trouble of the research.
Does the doctrine then result from the actual distribution of powers among the several branches of the government? Or from any fair analogy between the powers of war and treaty and the enumerated powers vested in the executive alone?
Let us examine.
In the general distribution of powers, we find that of declaring war expressly vested in the Congress, where every other legislative power is declared to be vested, and without any other qualification than what is common to every other legislative act. The constitutional idea of this power would seem then clearly to be, that it is of a legislative and not an executive nature.
This conclusion becomes irresistible, when it is recollected, that the constitution cannot be supposed to have placed either any power legislative in its nature, entirely among executive powers, or any power executive in its nature, entirely among legislative powers, without charging the constitution, with that kind of intermixture and consolidation of different powers, which would violate a fundamental principle in the organization of free governments. If it were not unnecessary to enlarge on this topic here, it could be shewn, that the constitution was originally vindicated, and has been continually expounded, with a disavowal of any such intermixture.
The power of treaties is vested jointly in the President and the Senate, which is a branch of the legislature. From this arrangement merely, there can be no inference that it would necessarily exclude the power from the executive class: Since the Senate is joined with the President in another power, that of appointing to offices, which as far as relate to executive offices at least, is considered as of an executive nature. Yet on the other hand, there are sufficient indications that the power of treaties is regarded by the constitution as materially different from mere executive power, and as having more affinity to the legislative than to the executive character.
One circumstance indicating this, is the constitutional regulation under which the Senate give their consent in the case of treaties. In all other cases the consent of the body is expressed by a majority of voices. In this particular case, a concurrence of two thirds at least is made necessary, as a substitute or compensation for the other branch of the legislature, which on certain occasions, could not be conveniently a party to the transaction.
But the conclusive circumstance is, that treaties when formed according to the constitutional mode, are confessedly to have the force and operation of laws, and are to be a rule for the courts in controversies between man and man, as much as any other laws. They are even emphatically declared by the constitution to be "the supreme law of the land."
So far the argument from the constitution is precisely in opposition to the doctrine. As little will be gained in its favour from a comparison of the two powers, with those particularly vested in the President alone.
As there are but few it will be most satisfactory to review them one by one.
"The President shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia when called into the actual service of the United States."
There can be no relation worth examining between this power and the general power of making treaties. And instead of being analogous to the power of declaring war, it affords a striking illustration of the incompatibility of the two powers in the same hands. Those who are to conduct a war cannot in the nature of things, be proper or safe judges, who her a war ought to be commenced, continued, or concluded. They are barred from the latter functions by a great principle in free government, analogous to that which separates the sword from the
purse, or the power of executing from the power of enacting laws.
"He may require the opinion in writing of the principal officers in each of the executive departments upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in case of impeachment" these powers can have nothing to do with the subject.
"The President shall have power to fill up vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of the next session" The same remark is applicable to this power, as also to that of "receiving ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls" the particular use attempted to be made of this last power will be considered in another place.
"He shall take care that the laws shall be faithfully executed and shall commission all officers of the United States." To be sure, the laws faithfully executed constitutes the essence of the executive authority. But what relation has it to the power of making treaties and war, that is, of determining what the laws shall be with regard to other nations? No other certainly than what subsists between the powers of executing and enacting laws; no other, consequently, than what forbids a coalition of the powers in the same department.
I pass over the few other specified functions assigned to the President, such as that of convening of the legislature, &c. &c. which cannot be drawn into the present question.
It may be proper however to take notice of the power of removal from office, which appears to have been adjudged to the President by the laws establishing the executive departments; and which the writer has endeavoured to press into his service. To justify any favourable inference from this case, it must be shewn, that the powers of war and treaties are of a kindred nature to the power of removal, or at least are equally within a grant of executive power. Nothing of this sort has been attempted, nor probably will be attempted. Nothing can in truth be clearer, than that no analogy, or shade of analogy, can be traced between a power in the supreme officer responsible for the faithful execution of the laws, to displace a subaltern officer employed in the execution of the laws; and a power to make treaties, and to declare war, such as these have been found to be in their nature, their operation, and their consequences.
Thus it appears that by whatever standard we try this doctrine, it must be condemned as no less vicious in theory than it would be dangerous in practice. It is countenanced neither by the writers on law; nor by the nature of the powers themselves; nor by any general arrangements or particular expressions, or plausible analogies, to be found in the constitution.
Whence then can the writer have borrowed it?
There is but one answer to this question.
The power of making treaties and the power of declaring war, are royal prerogatives in the British government, and are accordingly treated as Executive prerogatives by British commentators.
We shall be the more confirmed in the necessity of this solution of the problem, by looking back to the era of the constitution, and satisfying ourselves that the writer could not have been misled by the doctrines maintained by our own commentators on our own government. That I may not ramble beyond prescribed limits, I shall content myself with an extract from a work which entered into a systematic explanation and defence of the constitution, and to which there has frequently been ascribed some influence in conciliating the public assent to the government in the form proposed. Three circumstances conspire in giving weight to this contemporary exposition. It was made at a time when no application to persons or measures could bias: The opinion given was not transiently mentioned, but formally and critically elucidated: It related to a point in the constitution which must consequently have been viewed as of importance in the public mind. The passage relates to the power of making treaties; that of declaring war, being arranged with such obvious propriety among the legislative powers, as to be passed over without particular discussion.
"Tho' several writers on the subject of government place that power of making treaties in the class of Executive authorities, yet this is evidently an arbitrary disposition. For if we attend carefully, to its operation, it will be found to partake more of the legislative than of the executive character, though it does not seem strictly to fall within the definition of either of them. The essence of the legislative authority, is to enact laws; or in other words, to prescribe rules for the regulation of the society. While the execution of the laws and the employment of the common strength, either for this purpose, or for the common defence, seem to comprize all the functions of the Executive magistrate. The power of making treaties is plainly neither the one nor the other. It relates neither to the execution of the subsisting laws, nor to the enactment of new ones, and still less to an
execution of the common strength. Its objects are contracts with foreign nations, which have the force of law, but derive it from the obligations of good faith. They are not rules prescribed by the sovereign to the subject, but agreements between sovereign and sovereign. The power in question seems therefore to form a distinct department, and to belong properly neither to the legislative nor to the executive. The qualities elsewhere detailed as indispensable in the management of foreign negotiations, point out the executive as the most fit agent in those transactions: whilst the vast importance of the trust, and the operation of treaties as laws, plead strongly for the participation of the whole or a part of the legislative body, in the office of making them." Federalist vol. 2, p. 273.
It will not fail to be remarked on this commentary, that whatever doubts may be started as to the correctness of its reasoning against the legislative nature of the power to make treaties: it is clear, consistent and confident, in deciding that the power is plainly and evidently not an executive power.
HELVIDIUS.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
To Mr. J. D. W. member of the Literary Society in this city, and author of an essay published in the National Gazette, of 23d. August 1793.
SIR,
HAVING perceived in the National Gazette of the 21st inst. an essay, said to have been read in this city, before a certain society, calling itself literary, I was much induced to give it an attentive perusal, not for the purpose of criticising on its merit, but for the sake of deriving instruction and entertainment.
When a political essay is handed to the public, through the channel of a gazette, we have a right to expect that the author has maturely considered all the opinions of which he thus publicly avows himself the patron; and he must expect that sentiments sent forth in this way, will meet less indulgence than when delivered before an assembly of inmates and companions. Observing, however, a degree of "republican moderation" (as the author seems to recommend) I shall examine a few of his doctrines. Indeed from the manner in which this essay meets the public eye, the author will not, it is hoped, be displeased with a few strictures upon the propriety of his composition, and the accuracy of his language. This society, of which he is a member, is an institution designed for the acquisition of literature in general—in particular for improvement in composition.
Whether this essay is intended as a specimen of the author's talent in writing, or as an evidence of his acquisitions in political knowledge and information, I am at a loss to decide. Nor am I less incapable of accounting for the motives, which could induce the editor of the National Gazette to admit it to the honors of his press. Better far had it been for him to have exercised a parental tenderness towards this child of a misguided judgment, by refusing it a public exposure, than to have cast it forth, with all its nakedness and poverty, to meet the scoffs of an insulted public.
The introductory sentences to this notable essay are, perhaps, as worthy of remark as any in the whole production. We are told that "It must afford singular satisfaction to the friends of freedom to contemplate the havoc, which, since the American revolution, has been made amongst those numerous customs and prejudices, which swayed the scepter over our aristocratic and oppressed ancestors."
That the "contemplation of havoc" by the friends of freedom in any country and upon any occasion, can "afford matter of singular satisfaction" is a suggestion which may be novel, but is not therefore the less absurd. To make havoc among "customs and prejudices" too, is a manner of getting rid of this class of enemies which never before occurred to my mind. It is a new invention in the art of political warfare, for which the discoverer double deserves credit, supposing him perfectly competent to explain its utility; but why should we suspect the author's ability to define the operations of his new invented engine, since he tells us it is to extirpate tyrants and despots, who long swayed the scepter over our aristocratic and oppressed ancestors. Dear departed shades, we will weep for the wrongs ye suffered while here on earth, but we will also execrate your memories, that ye were aristocrats!
Our author proceeds—"It is however an equal cause of regret, that so many opinions, usages and laws still exist in our country, which can be justified only by the circumfered reasonings of a Burke, and which suffered to remain unhandled, may gather increasing strength, and ultimately open the sluices for an inlet of political heresies, that may inundate our country, and involve our citizens in ruin."
Now let me ask this profound, erudite, member of the literary society, whose discriminative faculties seem so acute—What opinions, usages and laws, still exist in our country, that are so replete with error, mischief, and ruin? Since when have they existed—and when ought they to have been exploded? whether Mr. Burke has lately confined himself to any particular limits of reasoning? and whether lastly, a pert unlettered boy is more capable of defining the nature of laws than the most accomplished scholar, Europe now can boast? I shall hardly attempt to follow our author through his lengthy essay, but shall only subj. in a reflection or two, that must naturally suggest themselves, upon a consideration of the scope and execution of the whole piece. It appears to have been a fruit exhibited before a society of young men in this city; had it gone no farther, there would have been no complaint of the author's arrogance, however his brethren might have judged of his merit as a scholar. But to exhibit a motley collection of newfangled, common-place, and I may add thoughtless opinions upon political principles under the assumed importance of modern truth and orthodoxy, discloses no small deficiency of judgment in a youth; one too, who comes forward as a censor of manners, a repressor of customs, a corrector of political heresies—and finally, an improver of laws, politics, and jurisprudence in general. It has become fashionable of late for young men to have a complete system of political faith, long before they are initiated into the first principles of law and government; an intire set of canonical articles, as a kind of preface to their political testament. The essay that occasions these strictures is in the hackneyed style of modern declamation; is incorrect in its language, and possesses few beauties of composition. The terms aristocracy, monarchy, despotism, as contra-distinguished from democracy, which in the writer's interpretation is but another name for republicanism, are perfectly at command when he wishes to vent an execration, and he often makes use of them for no other apparent reason, than because he has heard they are frightful things.
These remarks may have the appearance of illiberal severity; but their sole intention is to induce the author of the essay that gave rise to them, to re-examine his opinions, and in future to be more careful how he hazards a publication upon political subjects, which if not the most difficult are at least the most important themes, which can engage the pen of the best informed statesmen. A youth therefore should enter the lists with timidity and diffidence, endeavoring rather to persuade his readers, than impose his sentiments upon the public.
SENE X.
Philadelphia, 23d August.
FROM THE WESTERN STAR.
IT has often been observed, and for a long time not doubted, by many, that the object of that horde (whose employment has been, ever since the adoption of the federal Government, to abuse and vilify its officers, and all acting in authority under it, and whose slander has at length been vented even against the exalted virtues and unspotted patriotism of a WASHINGTON,) was to involve this country in distress and confusion. If there are yet those whose candor may have led them to believe that the Fraternity of American Jacobins are incited by honest motives, to prefer their incendiary clamours and complaints, weekly, to the public, the decision of a Pennsylvania jury, published in our paper of this week, under the Philadelphia head, must remove the veil, and convince them that their candor has been extended towards objects in every sense highly unworthy of it.—Contrary to the unanimous opinion of the Judges, and directly in opposition to the clearly defined, and particularly pointed out, true intent and meaning of the laws of the land, an inhabitant of the United States, who had voluntarily transgressed by enlisting on board an armed privateer, and against whom a bill of indictment had been found, for the offence, has been declared not guilty, by a jury.—The right of trial by jury, is a privilege that will be always held dear by all who wish to hold their lives, their liberties, and their possessions, upon a foundation more safe and secure than the precarious tenure of assumptive and arbitrary power. But of what avail is this sacred bulwark of freedom, if law and evidence, which should ever be the ground-work of a jury's verdict, are made to give place to caprice and will? 'Tis a bubble, 'tis a shadow, 'tis nothing but a name, the sound of which, though it be grateful to the ear, yet the thing itself, in its operation, may be made an engine more destructive to the sacred rights of the community, than letters de catchet and a Bafile.—But the door is now opened, we shall probably be told, for the exercise of gratitude to France—Piracy upon the high seas, we may hear, will secure and establish Gallic freedom:—this will be animating doctrine to the pillagers of private property, who may now enlist under the banners of a KID, and traverse the ocean in search of plunder, and be dignified with the appellation of defenders of the rights of mankind—patriotic freemen, fighting in the cause of France and human nature. But whatever degree of patriotism may actuate such patriots in their patriotic pursuits, it is most probable that a large majority of the community will wish them the patriotic punishment of a halter.—Let those who really wish to risk their lives in defence of that heaven-born principle which first roused the enlightened sons of America to oppose the strides of unjust power, take passage for the invaded territory of our allies, and, under the heroes of France, gather laurels in fighting the battles of freedom: but let not the name of defenders of liberty be bestowed on those who seek protection under the shadow of pretended right, for the purpose of robbing industry of

its reward and an unfeigned affection of the bread designed for their families. If, however, there are those who bear the name of Americans, who will in defiance of law and authority, violate the enjoined neutrality of our country, by engaging in an infamous traffic, their being put out of the protection of government, must subject them, if they fall into the hands of those against whom their freebooting is designed, to rigorous treatment, if not to an ignominious exit. Their country will not resent the merited punishment, and scarcely the tear of pity will be shed at the tidings of their fate.
FROM THE COLUMBIAN MIRROR.
Citizens SMITH & PRICE, By publishing in your paper the following piece of advice, you will oblige your most humble servant, P. A. CHERUI.
Alexandria, August 20, 1793.
ADVICE to the AMERICAN CITIZENS.
Citizens and Brothers,
IT is useless to put you in mind of the plots that the Aristocrats have formed for many years past against the Republicans and the Friends to Liberty. You are not ignorant of the blood these cruel assassins have spilt, in every part of France, in sacrificing and putting to the sword those brave citizens that gold could not corrupt.
Open your eyes and know that this infamous coalition of seditious men exists in this continent, and that their design is to establish a new theatre of cruelty and calamity. I was told yesterday, by people worthy of faith, and known by their patriotism, that ill-intentioned people, strangers to this country, have published infamous calumnies against Citizen GENET, Minister Plenipotentiary of the French Republic in the United States of America, which are sufficient to break for ever the union that now exists between the two Republics, and to operate the ruin of our wise and virtuous Minister.
It is my duty to make all necessary inquiries to discover the authors of such an odious accusation, and it is with satisfaction I hear that this publication has not been made by American citizens.
It is in the name of liberty, that every virtuous man ought to revere—I beg the American citizens, our brothers, to shut their hearts against all the seditious and calumnious discourses which they may hear against the honor and dignity of the respectable Citizen GENET, and to look upon the authors of such seditious reports, as men bribed by our common enemies, who seek nothing else but to dishonor and abolish the French Republic, and to spread division and discord between the two powers.
P. A. CHERUI, Agent of the French Republic.
United States.
THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IS THE VOICE OF GOD.
EXETER, (N. H.) August 13.
At a legal meeting of the qualified voters of the town of Exeter, holden on the 12th of August, 1793,
Voted unanimously, That when unprincipled or misguided men are, by their machinations, endeavouring to interrupt the public tranquillity and happiness, it becomes the duty of the friends of peace and good order to pursue all proper measures for rendering their plans abortive.
Voted unanimously, That although we feel ourselves of comparatively small importance, both in a political and commercial view, we have a common interest with our fellow citizens through the Union in the preservation of peace and prosperity, which we now enjoy; and therefore esteem it no less our right than our duty to express our sense of common dangers, and our ideas of the means pursued for the public security.
Voted unanimously, that in our opinion the public measures, which have been adopted by the President of the United States, for maintaining, during the present war in Europe, that strict and impartial neutrality, with which both our national interest and honour are so intimately connected, were constitutional, wise, and patriotic—and that we view, with great indignation, the illiberal attempts which have been made to calumniate his official character on account of this timely discharge of an important duty.
Voted unanimously, That as we are at peace with all the powers of Europe, we cannot but consider every citizen of the United States, who is interested in fitting out, or concerned in manning, any armed vessel to cruise against their property on the high seas, or who advocates such measures, as guilty of a species of masked piracy, highly dishonorable to the American character; and that we esteem it the duty of all true friends to our country to bring every such person to deserved punishment, as a violator of the laws of nations and a disturber of the public peace.
The foregoing is a copy.
Attest,
JOSIAH GILMAN, Town Clerk.
CHARLESTOWN (Mass.)
At a meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Charlestown, the following resolutions were unanimously entered into:
Voted, That the inhabitants of this town do most heartily concur with the resolutions of the merchants and traders of the town of Boston, in their meeting of the 22d July, 1793.
Voted, That the inhabitants of this town conceive it to be the duty and for the interest of every citizen of the United States, at this important crisis of political affairs, to give their firm support to the Supreme Executive of the United States, in his exertions to maintain peace, and avoid the calamities of war.
Voted, That in our opinion it is contrary to the principles of neutrality, and repugnant to the true interests of our country, for any citizen to enter on board, or be concerned, directly or indirectly, in fitting out any armed vessel to cruise against the vessels of any nation now at peace with these States, and that they ought to be esteemed as enemies to their country, and treated accordingly.
Voted, That the foregoing resolutions shall be transmitted to the Hon. Thomas Russell, Esq. and published in the Boston newspapers.
A true copy from the records, SAMUEL PAYSON, Town-Clerk. August 13, 1793.
POWNALBOROUGH, District of Maine.
At a meeting held at Wiscasset-Hall, by a number of the citizens of the town of Pownalborough, on the 9th of August, 1793—it was unanimously voted:—
1st. That we most cordially subscribe to the sentiments held up in the several resolutions of our fellow citizens of Boston, communicated to us in the aforementioned letter, expressive of their opinion, of the propriety, wisdom and prudence of the President's late Proclamation, and that we will strictly adhere to the same.
2dly. That should any man among us, become so depraved, so far regardless of the peace and happiness of this country, as to be concerned in any way and manner, in any vessel, fitted out to cruise against any power at peace with these States, we will exert ourselves, to the utmost of our abilities, to detect and bring him, to the punishment and disgrace, that such detestable and piratical plunderers deserve;—And that we will neither deal with, or employ, any man, mariner or seaman, who shall hereafter be aiding, or assisting, in fitting out, or manning any such vessel.
3dly. That the Secretary be requested to inclose a copy of the proceedings of this meeting to the Hon. Thomas Russell, Esq. in return for the communication received from him.
Per order, JOSEPH TINKHAM, Sec'y.
MALDEN (Mass.) Aug. 17.
At a meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Malden, on the 16th of August, 1793—
Voted, That our thanks be presented to the Merchants and Traders in the town of Boston, for their timely and spirited exertions to preserve that state of neutrality so highly interesting and important to these States.
Voted, That we concur with them in taking every legal measure to bring to condign punishment any citizen who shall be guilty of the least infringement on the laws of a strict neutrality, agreeable to the President's late Proclamation.
Voted, That the preceding votes be inserted in the Columbian Centinel. A true copy, Nehemiah Terrey, Town-Clerk.
SPRINGFIELD, August 20.
The inhabitants of the town of Springfield, being called together by their selectmen on Wednesday August 14th, 1793, in consequence of a letter signed by the honorable THOMAS RUSSELL, Esq. chairman of a committee of merchants, and others, citizens of the town of Boston, to consider the threatening
aspect of our public affairs, in consequence of the unhappy war between the nations of Europe, and the disposition thereon, as it is said, by some of the inhabitants of these States, unduly to interfere therein.
Having freely conferred on the subject, we are unanimously of opinion, that it is our duty as citizens, to observe a most scrupulous neutrality in regard to the war, as well as a punctilious observance of treaties existing between the United States and any other nation.
And although we do not feel disposed to arrogate the right of approving or condemning the official conduct of the Supreme Executive of the United States, yet we cannot but express our gratitude, for the prudent and well timed Proclamation of the President, declaring the United States to be in a state of neutrality.
By order of the Selectmen, SAMUEL LYMAN, Chairman.
Resolutions of the Town of Newbedford, Massachusetts.
Resolved, 1. That we will to the utmost of our power strictly attend to the pacific system manifested by the President in his late Proclamation.
Resolved, 2. That we heartily concur with our fellow-citizens of the town of Boston in their late doings relative thereto: and we will endeavor to detect all such as may, in the smallest degree, violate that neutrality we so highly approve.
Voted unanimously, That the above Resolutions be printed in the MEDLEY, and COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
THADEUS MAYHEW, Clerk.
At a meeting of the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council and Freemen of the City of New-Haven, warned according to the Constitution, and convened at the State House in said City, on Monday the 19th day of August, A. D. 1793.
SAMUEL BISHOP, Esq. Mayor of said City, Moderator.
RESOLVED, That the late Proclamation of the President of the United States, declaring and enjoining a strict neutrality, with respect to the belligerent powers, is a proof of the wisdom of the supreme executive, and of his vigilant attention to the prosperity of our country, and merits our warmest approbation and firm support.
Resolved, that we approve of the measures adopted by the Governor and Legislature of this State, in support of that Proclamation, and the system of neutrality it enjoins.
Resolved, That we will unitedly and individually exert ourselves to promote in our fellow-citizens, a conduct friendly and impartial towards the nations of Europe, which are now at open war with each other: and for this purpose, will discountenance, and to the utmost of our power, suppress any hostilities against the people or property of such nations.
Resolved, That we will endeavor to preserve pure and inviolate, in principle and practice, the Constitution of the United States, and watchfully guard against any insidious, or open attacks upon it.
Resolved, That the Mayor of this City, be requested to transmit an official copy of the proceedings, to the President of the United States, and a like copy to the Governor of this State.
SAMUEL BISHOP, Mayor. Attest, S. BALDWIN, City Clerk.
NEWARK, August 21.
At a meeting of the inhabitants of the County of Essex, at Newark, on the seventeenth day of August, 1793, agreeably to public notice,
Major General DAYTON was unanimously chosen chairman, & ELISHA BOUDINOT, Esq. Secretary.
When, after the President's Proclamation was read, and the business fully discussed, the following Resolutions were entered into with only ONE dissenting voice.
Resolved, THAT we regard the Proclamation of the President which announces the Neutrality of the United States, in the war now existing among several of the nations
in Europe, as a declaration of the real disposition of these States, as a friendly admonition to all our citizens, of the penalties to which they will be exposed, under any violation of the Law of Nations; and as a new proof of that watchful care and paternal affection, for the true interests, prosperity and honor of this country, which has so uniformly marked and eminently distinguished the administration of our first Magistrate.
Resolved, That as it is the indispensable duty of every good Citizen, so it shall be our constant endeavor to carry into effect the pacific system enjoined us in the aforesaid proclamation, and to support our public officers in all lawful and proper exertions to enforce and maintain the same.
ELIAS DAYTON, Chairman. ELISHA BOUDINOT, Secretary.
RICHMOND (Virg.) August 19.
At a numerous meeting of the Citizens of Richmond and its vicinity, held at the Capitol, on Saturday the 17th of August, 1793, agreeable to notification, and in order to take under consideration the late Proclamation of the President of the United States.
The Proclamation of the President being read, on motion by Mr. John Marshall, the following resolutions were offered, discussed and unanimously agreed to—
1st. That it is the interest and duty of these United States to conform to their several subsisting treaties, and to maintain a strict neutrality towards the belligerent powers of Europe, on the due and faithful observance of which the happiness and prosperity of our common country very greatly depend.
2dly. That our illustrious fellow-citizen, GEORGE WASHINGTON, to whose eminent services, great talents, and exalted virtues, all America pays so just a tribute, has given an additional proof of his watchful attention to his own duty and the welfare of his country by his Proclamation notifying to all that these United States are in perfect neutrality with respect to the belligerent powers of Europe, and enjoining our citizens to an observance thereof.
3dly. That it is our duty as well as our interest to conduct ourselves conformably to the principles expressed in the said Proclamation, and to use our best endeavors to prevent any infringement of them by others; and we hereby declare that it is our firm intention to do so.
And a committee was appointed to draw up an Address conformable to said resolutions, consisting of the following gentlemen—J. Marshall, C. Braxton, A. Ronald, J. M'Clurg, A. Campbell, and J. Steele. The Committee returned, and Mr. Marshall reported an address, which being read, was unanimously agreed to.
The meeting continuing to sit, the following Resolutions were offered, discussed, and unanimously agreed to—
That the Constitution of our country has provided a proper and adequate mode of communication between these United States and foreign nations or their ministers whereby the sense of these United States or of foreign nations on any subject concerning either may be conveyed or received.
2dly. That if at any time this constitutional authority should be abused, and the Supreme Executive of the United States should misconstrue treaties, violate the laws or oppose the sense of the union, there exists among the people of America, without the intervention of foreign ministers, discernment to detect the abuse, and ability to correct the mischief.
3dly. That any communication of foreign ministers on national subjects, with the citizens of these United States or any of them, otherwise than through the constituted authority, any interference of a foreign minister with our internal government or administration, any intriguing of a foreign minister with the political parties of this country, would violate the laws and

usages of nations, would be a high indignity to the government and people of America and would be great and just cause of alarm, as it would be at once a dangerous introduction of foreign influence, and might, too probably, lead to the introduction of foreign gold and foreign armies, with their fatal consequences, dismemberment and partition.
GEORGE WYTHE, President. A. DUNSCOMB, Secretary.
Resolutions of the county of New-Castle, State of Delaware.
1st. Resolved That the meeting highly approve of the late Proclamation of the President of the United States, enjoining upon the citizens of the United States, the observance of neutral conduct towards the belligerent powers of Europe.
2d. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the President by his proclamation has given an additional proof of found discretion and unremitting vigilance in the exercise of the functions of his station.
3d. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting that the prosperous and happy condition of our country is connected with, and greatly dependant on its state of peace, that war would be destructive of its commerce, and injurious to its agriculture, and that the proclamation is happily calculated to avoid the multiplied evils and misery of which war would be productive.
4th. Resolved, That this meeting, firmly persuaded that the measures of the general government are wise, honorable and advantageous, will be regulated in their conduct by them, and will contribute their aid to support them.
5th. Resolved, That from the opportunities the persons now convened have had of discovering the sentiments of the inhabitants of this state, it appears, that they correspond with those expressed in the preceding resolutions.
6th. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions, under the signature of the Chairman, be transmitted to the President of the United States, and that the proceedings of the present meeting be published.
JOHN M'KINLY, Chairman. MATTHEW PEARCE, Sec'y.
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR, SOLICITOUS for the continuance of that happiness, which so highly distinguishes our country, and so essentially depends on the preservation of its Peace, Liberty, and Sovereignty, We, the inhabitants of the city of Hartford, in the State of Connecticut, beg leave to express our grateful acknowledgments for our patriotic measures to protect those invaluable blessings. Among these we view with singular pleasure your late Proclamation, on the subject of neutrality towards the belligerent Powers in Europe. To give public notice of the existence of hostilities between foreign nations, with whom we have continual intercourse, and to point out the line of conduct we ought to pursue, in respect to those contending powers, we must consider as a constitutional act, becoming the duty of the first Magistrate, highly necessary in our situation, and evidently dictated by that paternal care, so often exerted in promoting the welfare of the States.
The prerogative of Kings to make war at their sole will and pleasure has for ages been wantonly exercised for the destruction of human happiness. Motives of personal resentment, cruelty and caprice, or the desire of conquest and aggrandizement, have often involved the world in desolation and carnage. Happy is the condition of our country! whose free Constitution secures to the people the sole right of declaring war by the voice of their Representatives, and imposes the most solemn obligations on the Supreme Executor of its laws, to guard its peace, till such declaration be made of the public will. For this important right are our Allies, the French, contending at an infinite expence of blood and treasure. While we trust that the good sense of our fellow-citizens will preserve and perpetuate so essential a power, we ardently pray that it may be obtained by all nations. Then and not till then may we expect, that peace on earth and good-will to men shall become the law of nations, as it is a precept of our holy Religion.
Warmly attached to our government, both by interest and affection, we take the liberty to assure you, that we shall ever stand ready by our utmost exertions, in every legal and constitutional way, to support the just measures of your administration; and to lend our assistance in maintaining the peace and harmony of the States, and in opposing the insidious designs of those persons, if there be any so deluded, who may wish to subject the country
to foreign influence, and involve it in the horrors of War.
We are fully convinced, that an impartial neutrality is the will of the inhabitants of this State, and that your Proclamation was received by them with cordial satisfaction and approbation.
We are happy in this opportunity of declaring, that we still retain undiminished, that just gratitude for your services, and respectful attachment to your person, which warmed and united all hearts, and was witnessed by affectionate addresses from every part of the union, on your first inauguration, as President of the States.
Signed by Order, SAMUEL WYLLYS, Chairman. Hartford, August 2, 1793.
To the Inhabitants of the City of Hartford in the State of Connecticut.
FELLOW CITIZENS, THE Address of the Inhabitants of the city of Hartford contains sentiments too favorable to the public weal—on partial to myself not to claim and receive my cordial acknowledgments.
It, at the same time offers a new proof of that characteristically love of order and peace, of that virtuous and enlightened zeal for the public good, which distinguishes the inhabitants of Connecticut.
'Tis from dispositions like these, that we may hope to avoid an interruption of the numerous blessings which demand our gratitude to Heaven; or that we may be encouraged to meet with firmness, confiding in the protection of a just Providence, any attempts to disturb them, which intemperance or injustice, from whatever quarter, may, at any time, make it our duty to encounter.
GEORGE WASHINGTON. General JOSEPH BLOOMFIELD, Chairman of the meeting of the citizens of the county of Burlington. Philadelphia, August 17, 1793.
SIR, I have received with great pleasure the resolutions of the citizens of the county of Burlington, which were enclosed in your letter of the 13th of this month.
In addition to the high satisfaction which I feel in knowing that my measures are approved by my fellow citizens, it affords me no small pleasure to see that, in giving this public testimony of their approbation, they take occasion to express those many and independent sentiments which are truly characteristic of a free and an enlightened people. And I must beg you to assure the citizens of the county of Burlington that, believing as I do, that the true interest of this country and the happiness of its citizens depend upon our remaining in a state of peace during the present important crisis, I cannot but highly applaud their patriotic resolution to use all means in their power for the accomplishment of this desirable object. And that I am no less pleased with the sentiment which they have expressed respecting any foreign interference in the internal administration of our government.
G. WASHINGTON. [The newspapers from a distance contain the Resolutions of many other places—Our limits do not permit us to publish the whole this day.]
CHARLESTON, August 2. On Tuesday evening last an affray happened between some French and British sailors, in which one of the latter was so badly wounded as to occasion his death on Thursday morning. It is to be lamented that the vigilance of the officers of the police and city guard extends not from the nature of such encounters to the prevention of them. Private disputes always did and ever will produce public disorders.
By a gentleman from the frontier of Georgia, we are informed that the Indians have been very quiet for these two months past and that no person has been killed or plundered within that time.
Last Wednesday about an hour after dark as a young man by the name of Corbett was coming to town within four miles and a half mile of the city he was suddenly pulled from his horse by three fellows, whether white or black he could not determine, and after giving him several blows with a gun upon the side, took from him his horse, saddle, bridle, and saddle bags containing his cloaths, his shoes from off his feet, and sixty-three pounds sterling, which he had earned by his industry and intended to have laid out in town.
NEW-YORK, August 24. PORT-au-PRINCE, June 30, 1793. "COMMISSION NATIONALE CIVILE." "WE, Stephen Polverel and Leger Felicite Sonthonax, civil commissaries of the Republic, delegated to the French Windward Islands in America, for restoring order and tranquility."
"Whereas the traitor Galbaud, after having reduced the town of the Cape to ashes, has departed and carried with him several vessels of war belonging to the republic, together with many commercial vessels that were in the harbor, and which he means to deliver up to the English or Spaniards; and whereas before leaving the coast he may again attempt to burn and lay waste several towns of the colony: To prevent all such further attempts, we prohibit all commandants of regular forces, and the national guards, all municipal officers, and all those to whom an armed force is confided, from suffering or permitting any of the said vessels, so armed, to enter any of the ports, bays, or harbors of the colony, or even to approach, within cannon shot, neither under the pretence of necessity, the want of provisions or refreshments, or in fine, under any pretext whatever."
"We order the said commandants, municipal officers, depositaries of the armed forces, and all our citizens in general to employ
every means in their power to repulse or destroy the said vessels."
"We declare all those who shall receive the said vessels, give them any assistance, or hold any correspondence with them, traitors to their country."
"We require the Governor General to cause the present order to be put into execution."
"Given at our camp in the General Quarter of Breda, 25th June, 1793, and 2d year of the Republic."
"POLVEREL and Sonthonax, Civil Commissioners of the Republic. "PIQUENARD, Joint Sec. to the Civil Commissioners."
For the Daily Advertiser. TRANSLATION. The Citizens of Bourdeaux to the National Convention.
A CRY of horror is heard at the extremities of the republic—three hundred representatives of the people devoted to proscription—twenty-two, to the sanguinary axe of the Centumvirs.
Legislators, when we chose deputies, we put them under the protection of the law;—of virtue, and of all that is most sacred on earth—we believed that we had sent them among men;—we discover that they are surrounded with Tigers thirsting for blood;—These courageous citizens, at this moment are under the daggers of assassins—what do we say, perhaps they are no more; if this atrocious crime is perpetrated, tremble legislators, tremble at the violence of our indignation and despair—if a thirst for blood has robbed us of our Brothers, of our Representatives; the horror of the bloody crime shall direct our vengeance, and the Cannibals who shall have destroyed all the laws of Justice and Humanity, shall perish by our revenge.—Convention of the nation, Parisians, once so proud and elevated! save the Deputies of the People, save us from despair—save us, save yourselves from the carnage of civil war. Yes, we will instantly organize one half of our National Guards, we will fly to Paris, unless arrested by a satisfactory decree—and we swear to save our Brothers, or to perish on their tombs.
Signed by the Presidents and Secretaries of the Sections of Bourdeaux.
At a meeting of the Council General of the commune at Bourdeaux, on the 9th May, 1793, the foregoing address was approved, and by their direction communicated to the Council General of the district of Bourdeaux.
Signed, "SAIGE," Mayor. "BAS TERRE," Clerk.
At a meeting on the 9th May, 1793, of the Council General of the District of Bourdeaux, the above address was approved.
Signed, "LEMOINESILS," President. "PAGES," Secretary.
At a meeting on the 9th of May, 1793, of the Council General of the department "Gironde," the address of the Citizens of Bourdeaux to the National Convention was adopted.
Signed, "PIERRE SERS," President. "PADERVIEU, Cholet, Rambaud, Dubois, Martin, Womefelle, La Brousse, Tranchere, Bonac, Tarteyon"—Admistrators. "ROULET," Procureur-General Syndic. "FRINGUES," Secretary General.
Philadelphia, Aug. 28.
The college of physicians of this city, in consequence of a malignant fever which at present prevails, have, among others recommended to the citizens the following means, to prevent its progress, viz. That persons infected should be kept in large, airy rooms, in beds without curtains—and pay the strictest attention to cleanliness—to keep the streets and wharves clean as possible—to avoid all fatigue of body or mind—to avoid sitting or standing in the sun, also in a current of air—or the evening air—to accommodate the desks to the weather—and to exceed rather in warm, than in cool clothing—to avoid intemperance, but to use fermented liquors, such as wine, beer or cyder, with moderation.
About two years since a fever similar to that which is in this city, prevailed in New-York; numbers died—but its continuance was short.—Almost every populous place is visited with malignant disorders once in the course of a few years—but a due attention to the means which the improved state of medicine has discovered to be salutary—with the blessing of Providence on those means have hitherto, and we trust will prevent their progress to a justly alarming point.
Sunday morning last, a fire broke out in New-York, in Cherry-street, near New-Slip, three framed houses were consumed, the property of Mr. George Courtney.—The fire was occasioned by the accidental conveyance of water to some unslacked lime, in one of the buildings.
Accounts from Martinique inform that the negroes who were declared free, in order to induce them to take up arms against the aristocrats—now retain their arms to support their freedom—and will not labor—slavery and hard work being to their comprehension, ignominious terms.
By a publication in a Charleston paper, it appears, that Gen. Borel is in that city, lodged there at the charge of one of his friends.
A publication in the Charleston papers, signed Polverel and Sonthonax—charges Governor Galbaud, as being the author of all the miseries which have befallen Hispaniola since his arrival.—This account says, that 6,000 revolted slaves are in the colony, devoted to the Spaniards, and the cause of kings—But still they do not despair of the public cause.
COMMUNICATION.
Mr. Fenelon in his National Gazette of Saturday last, says—"It is wonderful that there should be a difference of sentiment between the people of a free country, and their magistrates,"—On which a correspondent observes, that it appears rather late in the day, to attempt palming such trumpery on the people as this. The truth must probably, as it respects a declining party, is, that their wonder is on the other side of the question—For, strange as it may appear, there are persons who have for a number of years deluded themselves with the idea, that the people of the United States never would cordially submit to any permanent form of government whatever—and therefore they wonder exceedingly, to find themselves so egregiously mistaken.—They wonder that the people are not willing to sacrifice their positive enjoyments, the blessings of "peace, liberty and safety," for castles in the air, erected by modern philosophy.—They wonder that the people should be satisfied with the conduct of those, who from former and recent experience, they have found faithful in the discharge of every public trust.—They wonder that the people do not believe their assertions, when they say, that they are the patriots, and the only true patriots of the United States, although the people have never had any proof of the declaration from the beginning of the world to this day.
FROM THE NEW-YORK DIARY.
Gentlemen,
AN Officer of the Jupiter has it in command from me to hand you this denial of certain passages which have lately appeared in your gazette. I owe it to truth—to myself—to the error into which certain French republicans have been drawn—and finally, to the honor of the service of the French Republic, which shall never perish in my hands, through want of zeal to maintain it.
The articles are—1st. "The Company of the Jupiter have on just grounds of suspicion arrested their commander Admiral Cambis.—2d. "The men accuse Cambis of being the cause of the troubles at the Cape." [See last Gazette.]
These articles are not signed.—Methinks, Sirs, your delicacy must have been wounded by publishing, during my scandalous confinement, reflections and sayings concerning me without at the same time exposing to public view the infamous and base authors of these calumnies, and of the momentary deception of my companions in arms.
While American generosity will revolt at these dastardly manoeuvres, it will, I trust, applaud me for addressing you, for the last time, these few lines.
The connections which I have been under a necessity of maintaining with Galbaud, are of a nature so scandalous for a man who prefers any esteem for himself, that I am less solicitous to lay them before the public, than to verify them before the tribunals appointed to take judicial cognizance of them.
I expect from your candor, an early publication of this letter.
Rear-Admiral CAMBIS. Aboard the Jupiter, 23d August, 1793. 2d year of the French Republic.
From the BALTIMORE DAILY REPOSITORY. Messrs. Printers.
A Customer to your useful paper, wishes for information from some of your learned correspondents, on the following subject:—By the law of nations, and a special act of Congress, the persons of foreign ministers, consuls, &c. are protected from arrests and actions in certain cases, in which others are liable to both. Does this privilege secure ambassadors, envoys or consuls from an action for defamation? and if so, what remedy can a calumniated person have for a most atrocious falsehood, propagated to his great prejudice, by one who is recognized as a public character? A. Z.
The principles of the French Revolution are the noblest that can give consolation or hope to the heart of man. Emanating from liberty, the birth right of all the descendants of Adam, they must monopolize the affections of every part of mankind. But Americans know, by experience, that like all sublunary things, they are liable to abuse; and their prayers and wishes are—that in the Gallic Republic, the Goddess of Liberty may be wedded to the Genius of Good Government, and that Order, Equal Privileges, Harmony, and National and Individual Felicity, may be the offspring of the alliance—and that not only there, but that their residence may be bounded only by the boundaries of the globe. Let the high flying advocates of levelism, pretend to a better wish if they can!
[COLUM. CENT.]
We are happy to hear that the disorder which has prevailed in this city for several days—begins to abate.
An English vessel was lately divested of cannon and warlike stores, at Charleston, S. C. on suspicion of being equipped as a cruiser.
DIED, after a short illness, Mr. Samuel Swan, brother of Caleb Swan, Esq.—Paymaster to the western army. Monday his remains, attended by a number of citizens, were interred in the Presbyterian burial ground, Arch-street.
Peace to the hapless stranger's dust, Whose soul reposes with the just. May blessings on that man descend, Who prov'd himself the stranger's friend.
Mr. Frederick W. Starman, and Mr. Thomas Miller, worthy and respectable merchants of this city—greatly regretted.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA. Brig Betsey, Mease, Barbadoes & St. Eustatia, Schooner Eagle, Jones, Charleston, Robin, Horton, Cape-Francois,
PRICE OF STOCKS.
6 per Cents, 8 3/4 3 per Cents, 10 1/2 Deferred, 10 3/4 Full shares Bank U. S. 5 per cent. ad val.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 26, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusive, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January, to the thirty-first day of December 1793, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereinafter mentioned, viz:
1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Cadiz, in the State of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-Town & Carlisle.
2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek.
3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls.
4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning.
5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cuyahoga, and at the said Head Navigation.
6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga, and at the said mouth.
7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and on the said river to the Tuckahoe, and at the Tuckahoe, and thence over to the Cuyahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth.
8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto.
9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids.
10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Piqua Town.
11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton. At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair.
12. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson.
13. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action.
14. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages.
15. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth.
16. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake.
17. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cuyahoga.
18. At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle.
19. At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadagague Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadagague Lake, and thence down the Alleghany river to Fort Franklin.
20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf.
21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh.
22. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.
23. At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.
24. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox.
25. At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Ouitanou, and at Ouitanou.
26. At any place or places from Ouitanou, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River.
27. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Village.
28. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively.
29. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville.
30. And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof.
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in the foregoing proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz:
One pound of bread or flour, } per 100 rations. One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, }
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depredations of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years.
The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.
To the Public.
THE EDITOR of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Prices Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State:—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTISING favors will be gratefully received.
TERMS.
To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next.
The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence.
In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant,
JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of Subscription papers, and by the Editor, at his house, No. 34, North Fifth Street.
By THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARROLL, Esquires,
COMMISSIONERS appointed by Government to purchase the Public Buildings, &c. within the City of Washington, for the reception of Congress, and for their permanent residence after the year 1800.
A LOTTERY FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
50,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, are 350,000 dollars.
  1 Superb Hotel, with baths, } 50,000   out houses, &c. &c. to cost } 25,000   1 Cash Prize 25,000   1 ditto 20,000   1 ditto 15,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 ditto 10,000   10 ditto 10,000   20 ditto 10,000   100 ditto 10,000   200 ditto 10,000   400 ditto 10,000   1,000 ditto 20,000   15,000 ditto 150,000 
16,737 Prizes Dollars 350,000 33,263 Blanks
By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers, and yet the federal City will gain its object thereby, in a magnificent building designed both for public and private convenience.
Although some expense must necessarily attend the conducting of the lottery, (which expense will be taken from the principal prize) the Commissioners having agreed to present in return a sufficient quantity of excellent free-time, together with the best adapted lots for the hotel and for the out-houses, the value of the lottery entire may be fairly rated at something more than par: In this important instance it will be found, on examination, to exceed all the lotteries that have ever been offered to the Public in this or perhaps in any other country. The keys of the Hotel, when complete, will be delivered to the fortunate possessor of the ticket drawn against its number.—All the other prizes will be paid, without deduction, in one month after the drawing, by the City Treasurer at Washington, or at such Bank or Banks as may be hereafter announced, for the convenience of the fortunate adventurers. The drawing will commence on Monday the 6th of September next, at the City of Washington.
Tickets may be had of Col. Wm. Dickens, City Treasurer of Washington; Thayer & Bartlet, of Charleston, South-Carolina; Gideon Denison, Savannah; Messrs. James West & Co. Baltimore; Mr. Peter Gilman, Bolten; and at such other places as will be hereafter published.
N. B. ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given for the best Plan of an elegant and convenient HOTEL or INN, with hot and cold Baths, Stables, and other out houses, if presented on or before the 10th of April next; and a preference will be given to the Artist for a Contract, provided he be duly qualified to complete his plan. The ground on which the Hotel and out houses are to be erected, will be a corner lot of about 60 by 200 feet, with a back avenue to the stables, &c. Sections and estimates of the expense will be expected with the elevations, &c. complete; and 50,000 dollars must be regarded by the Architect as the utmost limit in the expense intended for this purpose.
S. BLODGET, Agent for the affairs of the City.
March, 6 1793.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
By THOMAS DOBSON,
At the Stone House, No. 34, South Second Street,
Medical Transactions
OF THE
College of Physicians
Of Philadelphia:
VOLUME I. PART I.
Price in boards One Dollar.
Also lately published by T. Dobson,
DR. UNDERWOOD'S TREATISE
On the diseases of Children, with general directions for the management of infants from the birth, adapted both for the use of Medical Practitioners and private Families.
TWO VOLUMES IN ONE.
Price one dollar neatly bound.
SEAT of WAR.
For Sale, at M. CAREY's Store, No. 118, Market-Street,
A Sheet Map of the
French, Austrian and Dutch Netherlands, in which the progress of the present War may be traced.—Price three eighths of a dollar.
And a Map of the Three Northern Districts of France, divided into Departments.—Price 1/4 of a dollar.
Maps of the United
States:—Any public spirited gentlemen, possessed of materials for correcting and improving the Maps of the several States, will lay M. Carey under very particular obligations, by communicating them. He is in immediate want of some for New-Jersey and Delaware; of which States he is now preparing Maps.
Guthrie's Geography:
The subscription for this work will be continued open, at the present rate of twelve dollars, till the first day of November next; after which, it will be raised to fourteen dollars.
August 14. 1793.
DISTRICT of PENNSYLVANIA, to wit.
BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the thirteenth day of August, in the eighteenth year of the Independence of the United States of America, THOMAS DOBSON, of the said District, hath deposited in this Office the Title of a Book, the Right whereof he claims as Proprietor, in the word following—to wit:
"TRANSACTIONS OF THE COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF PHILADELPHIA.—VOL. I. PART I.—Non sibi sed toti."
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, intitled, "An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during the times therein mentioned."
SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
War Department,
August 1st, 1793.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March last, and which will become due on the 5th of September next, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans, within the States respectively under the usual regulations.
By Command of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
H. KNOX, Secretary at War.
N. B. The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers for the space of two months.
Treasury Department,
August 10, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 14th day of September next inclusive, to furnish by contract the following articles of Cloathing, for the use of the United States, viz:
 4,800 Hats,  5,120 Stocks,  5,120 Stock-Clasps,  20,480 Shirts,  5,120 Vests,  5,120 Coats,  9,600 Woollen Overalls,  9,600 Linen ditto,  19,200 pairs of Shoes,  9,600 pairs of Socks,  5,120 Blankets,  320 Caps,  320 pairs of Leather Breeches,  640 pairs of Boots,  320 pairs of Spurs,  640 pairs of Stockings,  1,520 Rifle Shirts. 
The cloathing to be delivered at the city of Philadelphia; one fourth part of the whole number of suits on or before the 15th of February, one fourth on or before the 15th of April, and the remaining half on or before the 15th of June, 1794.
The articles must be agreeable to such patterns as shall be directed by the Secretary for the Department of War. Payment will be made as soon as the whole of the articles shall have been delivered. ept 48.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE EDITOR proposes to continue the publication of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, for distant circulation, after the first of December next, on the following terms, viz:
It shall be published on WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, on paper of the Medium size—which is larger than the present.
The price, Three Dollars per annum, exclusive of postage.
Subscriptions to be received by the respective Post-Masters throughout the Union, or such other persons as may see proper to collect them.
The papers to be forwarded by post twice a week. No packets to contain less than six papers—and no subscriptions to be received for a less term than six months.—Payments to be constantly six months in advance.—Twenty per cent. deduction from the price of the GAZETTE, will be allowed to those who collect and forward the subscription money, free of expense, in full of all charges for their trouble in the business.
The publication will contain as usual, a variety of original essays—foreign and domestic intelligence, and a summary of the proceedings of the Legislature of the Union, &c. &c.—Attention will be paid to dispatching the papers with punctuality, and Subscribers may depend on receiving them as regularly, as the post arrives.
June 8.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NEW-JERSEY, } BY virtue of a Writ to me Suffex county. } directed, issued out of the High Court of Chancery of New-Jersey, at the suit of William Shipley against John Ming and others; I shall expose to sale at Public Vendue, on the sixth day of February next, between the hours of Twelve and Five in the Afternoon of the same day, on the Premises, the following described Tract of Land, with its appurtenances, situate in the Township of Oxford and County of Suffex, beginning at a Chesham Oak Tree, corner of Daniel Cox's land, and standing in the line of a former survey made to Thomas Stevenson, being marked with the letter B, and thence extending along Cox's line (first) south fifty degrees west fifty-five chains and seventy-five links, to a Black-Oak Tree corner of Joseph Shippen's land (second) south nine degrees and fifteen minutes, west ninety chains and sixty-five links to a forked White-Oak Tree, marked with the letters R and B another of the said Shippen's corners (third) thence north eighty degrees, east one hundred and forty-five chains, to a post on the southerly side of Paquoch-River, being also a corner of John Reading's land (fourth) thence north thirty-nine degrees west, one hundred and thirty-two chains to the place of beginning, containing nine hundred and thirty acres with the usual allowance for roads and high ways.—The same Premises are within eight miles of the River Delaware, and there is thereon a convenient Grist Mill with two pair of Stones—a Saw Mill in good repair, with a sufficient stream of water for their use—a Dwelling House, Store House, and several small buildings.
MARK THOMPSON, Sheriff. Dated 2nd day of July, 1793
City of Washington.
JANUARY 7th, 1793.
A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners, on the 17th day of September next.—One fourth part of the purchase money is to be paid down, the residue at three equal annual payments with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid.
JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Com'rs. Extract of an Act of the General Assembly of Maryland, concerning the Territory of Columbia, and the City of Washington.
"Be it enacted, That any foreigner may by deed or will, hereafter to be made, take and hold lands within that part of the said Territory which lies within this State, in the same manner as if he was a citizen of this State; and the same lands may be conveyed by him, and transmitted to and be inherited by his heirs or relations, as if he and they were citizens of this State: Provided, That no foreigner shall, in virtue hereof, be entitled to any further or other privilege of a citizen."
Feb. 10. 1793.
INSURANCE COMPANY.
PHILADELPHIA, July 18, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given to the members of the Insurance Company of North America, that the Directors have declared a dividend (to this day) of six per cent on the amount of the first installment, and of one per cent per month, on the sums paid towards the second and third installments, calculating from the first day of the month following that in which these payments were made. The Dividend will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives, at the Company's Office, (No. 119, South Front-Street) at any time after the 7th inst.
EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. As the members of this company are much dispersed throughout the United States, the Printers in the several states are requested to give the above a place in their newspapers.
Hercule De Sercey,
From Leogane, Island of St. Domingo, MAKES and sells all sorts of Mugs, Jacks, Porringers, Cups, Stew-Pans, Lamps, &c. in Tin, plain or jappanned—He also mends old tin work. As he works cheap, he hopes for the public encouragement.
No. 23. Race-Street, near Front-Street. June 22.
HERCULE DE SERCEY,
DE Leogane, Isle de St. Dominique, travaille en fer Blanc, de toute sorte de manieres a commande et a bon marche. A Philadelphie, ce 22 Juin 1793. No. 23. Race-Street, pres Front-Street.
FOR SALE, BY MATHEW CAREY, At his Store, No. 118, Market-Street, PHILADELPHIA.
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January, 1787, to its termination in December, 1792, in twelve volumes, price, neatly bound and lettered, nineteen dollars and one fifth.
The opinion of the President of the United States, respecting this work, is as follows:
"I believe the American Museum has met with extensive, I may say, with universal approbation from competent judges; for I am of opinion, that the work is not only eminently calculated to disseminate political, agricultural, philosophical, and other valuable information; but that it has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety. If to these important objects be superadded the more immediate design of rescuing public documents from oblivion—I will venture to pronounce, as my sentiment, THAT A MORE USEFUL LITERARY PLAN HAS NEVER BEEN UNDERTAKEN IN AMERICA, or one more deserving of PUBLIC ENCOURAGEMENT."
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 16, Wall-Street, NEW-YORK.
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE & SALE of STOCKS on COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to.
LEONARD BLECKER. (t.t.)