Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-05-29 00:00:00

Major John Rogers
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 14, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, MAY 29, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 118.]
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
No. VII. CONCLUDED.
The Senate's thanks, the Gazette's pompous tale, With force resistless, o'er the brave prevail; This power has praise, that virtue scarce can warm Till fame supplies the universal charm.
NATURE has taken effectual care of her own work. She has wrought the passions into the texture and essence of the soul—and has not left it in the power of art to destroy them. To regulate and not to eradicate them is the province of policy. It is of the highest importance to education, to life and to society, not only that they should not be destroyed, but that they should be gratified, encouraged, and arranged on the side of virtue. To confine our observations at present to that great leading passion of the soul, which has been so long under our consideration: What discouragement, distress and despair, have not been occasioned by its disappointment? To consider one instance, among many, which happen continually in schools and colleges. Put a supposition of a pair of twin brothers, who have been nourished by the same nurse, equally encouraged by their parents and preceptors, with equal genius, health and strength, pursuing their studies with equal ardor and success. One, is at length overtaken by some sickness, and in a few days the other, who escapes the influenza is advanced some pages before him. This alone will make the studies of the unfortunate child, when he recovers his health, disgusting. As soon as he loses the animating hope of pre-eminence, and is constrained to acknowledge, a few others of his form or class, his superiors, he becomes incapable of industrious application. Even the fear of the ferule or the rod, will after this be ineffectual. The terror of punishment, by forcing attention, may compel a child to perform a task—but can never infuse that ardor for study, which alone can arrive at great attainments. Emulation really seems to produce genius, and the desire of superiority to create talents. Either this, or the reverse of it, must be true; and genius produces emulation, and natural talents, the desire of superiority—for they are always found together, and what God and nature have united, let no audacious legislator presume to put asunder. When the love of glory inkindles in the heart, and influences the whole soul, then, and only then, may we depend on a rapid progression of the intellectual faculties.—The awful feeling of a mortified emulation, is not peculiar to children. In an army, or a navy, sometimes the interest of the service requires, and oftener perhaps private interest and partial favor prevail, to promote officers over their superiors, or seniors. But the consequence is, that those officers can never serve again together.—They must be distributed in different corps, or sent on different commands. Nor is this the worst effect: It almost universally happens, that the superceded officer feels his heart broken by his disgrace. His mind is enfeebled by grief, or disturbed by resentment—and the instances have been very rare, of any brilliant action performed by such an officer. What a monument to this character of human nature is the long list of yellow Admirals in the British service!—Consider the effects of similar disappointments in civil affairs. Ministers of State, are frequently displaced in all countries—and what is the consequence? Are they seen happy in a calm resignation to their fate? Do they turn their thoughts from their former employments, to private studies or business? Are they men of pleasant humor, and engaging conversation? Are their hearts at ease? Or is their conversation a constant effusion of complaints and murmurs, and their breath the residences of resentment and indignation, of grief and sorrow, of malice and revenge? Is it common to see a man get the better of his ambition, and despise the honors he once possessed—or is he commonly employed in projects upon projects, intrigues after intrigues, and manœuvres on manœuvres to recover them? So sweet and delightful to the human heart is that complacency and admiration, which attends public offices, whether they are conferred by the favor of a Prince, derived from hereditary descent, or obtained by election of the people, that a mind must be sunk below the feelings of humanity, or exalted by religion or philosophy far above the common character of men, to be insensible, or to conquer its sensibility. Preventions to such conquests are not uncommon; but the sincerity of such pretenders is often rendered suspicious, by their constant conversation and conduct, and even by their countenances. The people are so sensible of this, that a man in this pre-
dicament is always on the compassionate list, and, except in cases of great resentment against him for some very unpopular principles or behavior, they are found to be always studying some other office for a disappointed man, to console him in his affliction. In short the theory of Education, and the science of government, may be reduced to the same simple principle, and be all comprehended in the knowledge of the means of activity, conducting, controlling and regulating the emulation and ambition of the citizens.
FROM THE UNITED STATES CHRONICLE.
MR. WHEELER,
LOOKING over some English Magazines, I was struck with the following Extract from a Pamphlet published in the year 1781, by the Dean of Gloucester, entitled "An Enquiry, what benefits can arise to the English, the Americans, &c. from the greatest victories or successes in the present war." The predictions of the Dean concerning our country are so far from being fulfilled, that the very reverse has taken place—America is now UNITED under a firm, efficient government, administered by her choicest Sons—her inhabitants are happy,—Agriculture, Commerce and Manufactures are encouraged and increasing—and in no country in the known world are there less enemies to the established Government, or more warm supporters and friends to it.
A CITIZEN OF THE UNITED STATES.
Reloboth, May 13, 1790.
AS to the future grandeur of America, and its being a rising empire, under one head, whether republican or monarchical, it is one of the idlest and most visionary notions, that ever was conceived even by writers of romance. For there is nothing in the genius of the people, the situation of their country, or the nature of their different climates, which tends to countenance such a supposition. On the contrary, every prognostic that can be formed from a contemplation of their mutual antipathies, and clashing interests, their difference of governments, habits, and manners, plainly indicate, that the Americans will have no centre of union among them, and no common interest to pursue when the power and government of England are finally removed. Moreover, when the intersections and divisions of their country by great bays of the sea, and by vast rivers, lakes and ridges of mountains; and, above all, when those immense inland regions beyond the back settlements, which are still unexplored, are taken into the account, they form the highest probability, that the Americans never can be united into one compact empire, under any species of government whatever. Their fate seems to be, a disunited People , till the end of time. In short, the only probable supposition that can be formed of them at present is this: that being so very jealous in their tempers, so suspicious and distrustful of each other, they will be divided and subdivided into little commonwealths, or principalities, according to the above mentioned natural divisions, or boundaries of their country; and that all of them in general will be more intent on prosecuting their own internal disputes and quarrels, than desirous to engage in external wars and distant conquests. They will have neither leisure, nor inclination, nor abilities, for such undertakings."
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ON EMIGRATION.
AGRICULTURE should be the main object of industry in such a country as ours.—Lands, uncultivated, are like gold sleeping in the mines—it is only culture that makes them valuable.—Why then should our citizens spread themselves over so immense a territory—why should they emigrate to the wilderness, and leave extensive regions behind them, in the neighbourhood of their friends; conveniently situated to export the products of their labor, and to acquire the necessaries and comforts of life—those various articles they have long been accustomed to, and which constitute the richest ingredients in the composition of animal existence.—"Why shouldst thou die before thy time?" is an old enquiry.—What is death but a privation of the company, friendship, and conversation of our old acquaintance and associates?—The sensations of an ingenious mind on abandoning his former residence, to retire beyond the mountains to pass the remainder of life, are little short of those which rack the soul on the near prospect of nature's dissolution.—Spirit and industry in cultivating the numerous tracts of fertile country in the neighbourhood of the old states, would prevent the distress of individuals, and supercede the necessity of distant emigrations for centuries to come.—
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MAY 10.
On the proposition to increase the duty of Tonnage, on foreign bottoms.
MR. JACKSON laid, that he was one of the committee on the petition before the House, but that by some accident or other he had not notice of their sitting when they concluded on the report. He would not however tax the members with any design, but suppose it to have proceeded from the neglect of the messenger.
The object of the report terminated with him in three points of view—It might be considered in the light of an addition to the revenue—It might be taken as a prohibitory or retaliating law—or it might be considered as an additional encouragement to American shipping.
If it was to be considered as an object to produce revenue, the House should be careful not to overcharge it, by overcharging any article of revenue. It was an old maxim and a very just one, that frequently instead of two and two making four, two and two made but one—This operated with the House the last session, when a higher tonnage was proposed—The revenue on tonnage is in fact no other than a revenue on customs, for the freight is added to, or deducted from the sale of the article paying that freight; and the higher this tonnage is made the fewer vessels will enter your ports, and of course the less will be the revenue coming into your treasury.
If it is meant as a prohibitory or retaliating law on other nations, for not permitting your vessels to enter their ports; he observed, that it should not have been brought in, in its present form.—The house should be manly and open, should act up to the American character and inform the nations complained of, why it was done. For what, he asked, could be expected from a law like the present regulation, but counter restrictions and regulations, and on whom he asked would those restrictions and regulations fall but on our own vessels? Suppose, however, that it has its full effect, and that a prohibition is the consequence, what is to become of the produce of our country?—Is the hand of industry to be stayed? Is it to be arrested in the hands of its owners? Will the lumber cutter rest satisfied with your telling him that this prohibition is necessary for the encouragement of ship-building? Will not his interest compel him to complain, and sir, is not interest in some measure or other the prevailing principle? Will he be satisfied that his interest shall be neglected, and that the interest of the ship-builder shall be regarded? Will not the rice and the tobacco planter have likewise reason to complain?—For sir, if this prohibition is to take place, where is your shipping to carry off the surplus of produce? Sir, it is not in existence, the best situated state with respect to shipping, employs foreigners. That we had not shipping sufficient was conceded on all sides of the House at the last session, and particularly so, by some gentlemen of the greatest abilities and knowledge. He did not know that those gentlemen now would be of different sentiments, he hoped not—he had no authority to suppose it, but he would mention the words of one or two of them to shew the House what their opinions then were. An honorable gentleman near him from Virginia (Mr. Madison) on the tonnage law, last session, had declared, that "it was admitted on all hands, that America did not furnish shipping sufficient for the transportation of her own produce, and the apparent quantity would decrease from what it was represented to be, if gentlemen considered that the American vessels mentioned in the custom-house reports, may clear three, four or five times a year. This reduction of our shipping serves only to shew the indispensable necessity of applying means to raise it up to what it ought to be. But in doing this we ought to be careful in avoiding any sudden or violent effect upon our commerce by the rise of freight." Another gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzsimons) at that time had absolutely declared a dollar too great for the trade to bear—his words were "Then we will not adopt such a duty as must deter foreigners from coming amongst us until we are in better circumstances. If we lay a duty of two-thirds of a dollar per ton on nations in alliance, we cannot propose to lay less than a dollar on those with whom we have not treaties. A ship of 200 tons will then have to pay 200 dollars, a very considerable expence, perhaps much more than our trade can bear." If then a dollar was too much for the trade to bear the last session, can we have so soon changed our situation for the better, that our trade will not feel it now—he could not suppose it.
Suppose it taken up in the last view he had mentioned as an additional encouragement to ship-building. He would ask what encouragement was wanting.—He wished the house to examine the relative situation of an American and a foreign vessel. The latter, if of two hundred tons, and entering our ports three times a year paid three hundred dollars, whilst an American vessel if she entered our ports twenty times a year paid but her six cents per ton, once in a twelve month, which would amount in a vessel of that burthen to just twelve dollars. He begged the house to view the immense difference, and then ask if the payment of three hundred dollars to twelve was not encouragement sufficient.—For his part he was at a loss to account for the application.—Fifty cents the last year was thought fully sufficient; one hundred is sought for this session, and he had no doubt but the next another petition would request two hundred. He could not tell how such people were to be satisfied, nor how far the length of such consciences would go.—He believed they would not be satisfied with anything short of a total prohibition, and if they even possessed this total prohibition, they would be like the dog in the manger—they could not eat the hay themselves, nor would they suffer others to eat it. For the shipping it was manifest they did not possess, nor was a sufficiency to be obtained in a moment. It was not this House's declaring that American shipping only should carry the produce of America, that would produce this shipping—time alone could effect it—it was granted that America could build ships cheaper than any other part of the world—this ought to be encouragement sufficient without this tonnage, and no doubt would operate as such when merchants turned their attention that way, and which their interests would naturally lead them into.
The fact was, that the American capitals which formerly were turned to that branch had been diverted from their course during the war, and would require time to return into their proper channel, which he had not a doubt would be effected—but time and time alone could do this. Here he would observe that an honorable gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Sherman) had on a former occasion argued directly contrary to what he had yesterday declared. That gentleman, when the tonnage was then before the house, had said "that the policy of laying a high tonnage was at best a doubtful point. The regulation, he had observed, was certainly intended as an encouragement to our own shipping, but if this was not the consequence of the measure it must be an improper one." Surely if it was a doubtful or an improper measure

the last session, it was so now: for the gentleman in his statement of the reasons of the committee, had declared, that the committee were not possessed of proofs with respect to the restrictions of other nations. Sir, shall we stumble on in the dark without those proofs? Shall we burthen a portion of our citizens without ascertaining the necessity of our doing so? Let us procure those proofs—let us have evidence of this encouragement's being wanting, previous to our laying this additional weight. But, Sir, who has a right to complain on this occasion? the merchants of Portsmouth or the merchants of Savannah? Let us compare the grievance of tonnage in the two places. New-Hampshire, Sir, pays of foreign tonnage the amount of 469 dollars and fifty cents; a mighty sum indeed; from the noise made about it an indifferent person might suppose it sufficient to satisfy the national debt. The state of Georgia, which on a former occasion was supposed barely capable of defraying the travelling expenses of their members, pays of foreign tonnage 2600 dollars 17 cents—a difference scarcely to be compared.
A gentleman from North-Carolina, (Mr. Williamson) had supported the report, but hoped it never would be adopted on the principles of establishing a navy. Mr. Jackson observed that his reasons seemed to be the keeping the carrying trade within ourselves. Sir, it is a doubt with me if the carrying trade is beneficial to the United States; if it enriches individuals it certainly does not the community; writers on trade divide it into three branches, the home or coasting trade, which is allowed to be the most beneficial to the nation; the foreign trade which is next beneficial, and the carrying trade which is not at all beneficial, unless it be as a nursery for seamen—directly opposite to the sentiments of the gentleman. The carrying trade is therefore very beneficial to countries dependent on their navies—it is said to be particularly so to Great-Britain: but, Sir, is our interest the same with the interest of that nation? Does our national importance and even our very security depend as hers does on the strength of her fleets? If invaded shall we look to a navy for protection? No, Sir, to the agricultural interest—to the hardy sons of the West—to the American yeomanry we shall appeal and we shall there find support. The carrying trade is of no great consequence to us, nor is it to many other countries; it is taking a productive capital from the nation it belongs to, to be employed in the service and carrying the surplus produce of other countries. The most celebrated writers have declared even in Great-Britain, that the coal trade from Newcastle to London is the most beneficial that nation is concerned in. With us, Sir, the whole coasting trade is in the hands of our fellow citizens, where I wish it to remain, as I think it highly advantageous, and this of itself is a very great encouragement.
But Sir, if we examine, I believe, on the principle of encouragement what we have done, it will be found sufficient. I have in my hands, Sir, some paragraphs of newspapers (which he read.) By these, Sir, it appears, that ship-building is most rapidly advancing—a vessel is now building at Boston of 900 tons, one at Salem of 1100 and 22 at Philadelphia of upwards of 250 tons each. What more that branch of mechanics would want, I am at a loss for—unless they with more work than they have hands to accomplish; for I fancy if it was to be much more increased, they must send to other countries for the workmen. It is just the same with arts and manufactures—they are every where extending themselves, and no doubt owing to the ample encouragement given last session. Shall we then, if we find the encouragement already given sufficient, be still adding to the burthens of the southern states? Will not they have a right to say that they are not attended to; because they are not clamorous with petitions, shall they be saddled with additional weights? It should be remembered, that there is not to this day, a single petition for any one request from the citizens of the state of Georgia before Congress, whilst other states have brought before the house a number which would take three sessions to decide on—because she was modest, was she to be imposed on? He hoped her still voice would at least draw some attention. He believed that the southern states were a good milch cow to the Union, but he trusted if the Union milked her, they would not ride her at the same time—the additional tonnage appeared to him to be doing this.
He concluded with reminding the gentlemen (Mr. Madison, Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Sherman and Mr. Lawrance) of their former sentiments, and trusted he should not now find them avowing opinions contrary to them.
TUESDAY, May 25.
Mr. VINING having voted in the affirmative on the question, Whether Mr. Gale's motion for the committee's rising, and reporting the twelve sections of the Funding Bill, in order to their being discharged, as in our last, rose and observed.—That as the vote he had now given might appear inconsistent with his past conduct on this great question, it became necessary that he should say something on the occasion. He said he was a warm advocate in favour of the assumption of the state debts, agreeable to the plan proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury—the whole of that report was valuable; he should regret losing any part of it—and he had full confidence that the measure of assumption would be finally adopted—at present however he considered the object of the bill before the Committee, independent of the bill proposed to be annexed, as of primary consequence to the United States.—He tho' the two objects might be separated; and he was not willing by grasping at a shadow to lose the substance.—He thought the assumption might be brought forward with propriety in the form of a resolution—and he would pledge himself to do it.—He thought this would comport with the idea of the Secretary.—
Mr. SEDGWICK said that the gentlemen in favor of the assumption were very unfortunate in not being able to unite in the means of obtaining an object, which they not only approve, but consider as necessary to the execution of justice, and important to the welfare and happiness of this country. That a great majority of those who were in favor of the measure, thought it ought to be provided for before the funds should be established which are to secure the preservation of public credit. That other gentlemen were of opinion that there was no natural connection, and that therefore the subjects should be separated. That he himself was of the former opinion.
He said it had been often asserted and to his remembrance never denied, that the state debts were so unequal, that in some states it would be found impracticable to make an adequate provision for them, and at the same time for those states to contribute their equal proportion to the national treasury. That these circumstances were well known to those men to whom the people would commit the administration of their state governments; In this situation what measures would the duty and interest of these men induce them to pursue? Unquestionably, without delay, by the best means in their power, to adopt a system for the preservation of public faith. Such system and that to be adopted by this government could not concurrently be carried into execution; the one or the other must fail; both were the measures of governments depending on popular opinion.—That it ought to be a subject of enquiry therefore, which would most probably be the object of popular affection; here a knowledge of a few facts would be sufficient to determine the judgment. He said he spoke only of Massachusetts because his knowledge of facts on this subject, did not extend beyond it—that in that state a very great proportion of the national securities had been alienated, and that at a very low rate of depreciation. The purchasers of these securities, from principles well known and which are inseparable from the human heart were not the objects of affectionate regard; the system therefore which is to secure this debt cannot itself be popular. On the other hand, the state debt having had the interest regularly paid for some time, and at no time being without any provision for that purpose, had much the greater part of it remained in the hands of the original holders. It was distributed throughout every part of the state, and in every village and neighborhood there remained a grateful recollection of the merit of those services which were rendered as the consideration for the existing demands against the government; that from a cool and dispassionate reflection on these facts, gentlemen would be able with certainty to predict, without a spirit of prophecy, the issue of a legislative contention on this ground between the national and state governments.
Mr. SEDGWICK said that to his mind there was an inexplicable misery in the conduct of gentlemen who declared themselves in favor of the assumption, and that they considered it irreconcilable to the subject of funding the debt, and yet declined giving the reasons on which such an opinion was founded. That he ardently wished the gentlemen would condescend to give the explanation their friends requested; hitherto they had mysteriously declined to do it. He requested that they would be pleased to remember that a very considerable majority of those who are in favor of the measure, supposed the debts contracted by the states for the support of the war, to be the proper debts of the United States. If this was a well founded opinion there could not possibly exist a doubt, but they should be added to the list which already contained many different species of securities—that now was certainly the proper time to determine whether that opinion was just or erroneous.
He further observed that this was the proper time to determine on this subject from another very important consideration—if the state debts are assumed, all the sources of revenue without violence or injustice, will be at the disposal and under the control of this government. That without the assumption, seizing on those which are necessary to secure the interest of the state debts, would be in the extreme both violent and unjust. That a tax, for instance on spirituous liquors was for many reasons proper and would be in a great degree productive; that notwithstanding should that article, under the present circumstances be excised, it would be putting this government on a competition, to which he believed it would be found unequal.
Mr. SEDGWICK further observed that the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Madison) at a time when he had not the happiness to be present, at the end of eight weeks debate on this subject, during which time he had remained only a silent hearer, had come forward in a speech, which had been given to the public, and he was informed with great accuracy—that by means of discharging, immediately afterwards the committee from the further consideration of the subject, no answer had been given to it; that this speech which he feared was designed to make an unfair and undue impression on the public mind, was a performance in his opinion composed of unfounded facts, monstrous premises and inconclusive deductions; that it would well become the magnanimity of the gentleman and the partiality of his friends to permit a full examination of his argument that it might justly be determined how far it deserved the character he had imputed to it.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 26.
Mr. Gilman informed the House that yesterday the joint committee of both Houses waited on the President of the United States and presented the following bills:
An Act to prescribe the mode in which the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings in each State, shall be authenticated so as to take effect in every other State.
An Act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures and penalties accruing under the revenue laws in certain cases therein mentioned.
An Act to continue in force an Act passed at the last session of Congress, entitled an Act to regulate processes in the Courts of the United States.
An Act for the government of the territory of the United States, South of the river Ohio.
A message was received from the President of the United States informing the House that he had given his assent to the two first of the above Acts. The other two originated in the Senate.
Mr. Page made a motion which was seconded by Mr. Parker, that the committee of the whole be discharged from any further consideration of the bill respecting the State of Rhode-Island, and added the following observations:
Mr. PAGE. Sir, I rise to move that the committee of the whole be discharged from considering the bill respecting the State of Rhode-Island, which originated in the Senate—and hope that it will by the house be rejected—for I think, as the Convention of that State is to sit in a few days, we should have nothing before Congress which could tend to influence their choice of the Constitution, under which they are to live. It peculiarly behoves this House, as Representatives of Republican States, which have always asserted their rights to judge for themselves in all cases which interested them as freemen—which adopted the plan of government after mature deliberation, unbiased by any such motives as the bill alluded to holds out to Rhode-Island: I say it becomes this House therefore to take care that their sister State, now about to consider of the propriety of adopting the Constitution, shall be as free to judge for herself as was any other State in the Union—Should this bill pass, and should Rhode-Island adopt the Constitution, she will come with so bad a grace into the Union, that she must be ashamed when she enters it, and the independent States must blush when they receive her—She will be laughed at by the majorities in the other States, and despised by the minorities—How far this may tend to strengthen the Union let those who favor the bill judge. She would be in the situation of a soldier, prest into the service, looked upon as unworthy to be ranged with the volunteers—suspected of an inclination to desert, till perhaps indeed it may become her interest, like his to do so, and to act vigorously against those who had insulted her.
Surely, Sir, it becomes this House to pity the frailty of the weak and ignorant, who know not the blessings of our New-Government, to forgive the perverse and wicked who oppose it from base principles, and to shew a generous indulgence to that jealous, cautious republican spirit, which indeed we should cherish and revere. Let this House manifest such a disposition, and I will venture to predict the happiest consequences. Rhode-Island will find it her interest to unite with States possessing such magnanimity—her rights she will see can never be violated, and her true interests never can be neglected; but Sir, if we shew that we are more anxious to compleat the numbers of our States than to preserve inviolate the rights of freemen, and the principles of the late glorious revolution—if we are more solicitous to restrict smuggling than to extend the benign influence of our New Constitution, through the state of Rhode-Island, as well as through the twelve other States,
what can that State expect from a union with States thus disposed? But if we not only manifestly shew this disposition, but also a malevolence resembling that which Great-Britain shewed when she in her rage to answer her revenge, and extend her despotic power over America, shut up the port of Boston, hoping to starve into submission its virtuous citizens—Must not the Rhode-Islanders, like the Bostonians detest the cruel attempt, resent it, and by their resentment, may not the consequences be too much like those which followed in the case alluded to? May they not be applauded by true Republicans throughout the world? May they not be supported by the enemies of our peace?
Sir, they will take advantage of every circumstance which may afford them an opportunity of gratifying their envy or revenge. There is perhaps but one nation upon earth, which wishes to see these States flourish in peace, and it may not be long before she may think that our growing greatness may interfere with hers. Let us not therefore run the risk of endangering the peace and harmony of the United States—Let us not even wound the feelings of a sister State—Let us not expose ourselves to the charge of inconsistency, impropriety, rashness, and cruelty; but let us to avoid those charges, discharge the committee of the whole, take up the bill in the House and reject it at once—leaving Rhode-Island unbiased (by any thing Congress can do) to adopt or reject the Constitution, as they may think proper. If they adopt it the bill will be unnecessary—if they should reject it, then let us leave them on a footing with foreigners—they are allies at present, and should be treated as such. But it is said our revenue is in danger. Sir, take my advice, and you will make it the interest of Rhode-Island to unite with us, or at least lay her under an high obligation not to smuggle; but go on with the bill, and you force her to smuggle—nay, perhaps to be your enemy for ever. States in Europe adjoining each other, shew us, that this bill is unnecessary. It would be thought madness there, to interdict all commercial intercourse of neighboring States, merely with a view to prevent smuggling—it would be believed too to be looked upon as equal to a declaration of war.
Sir I lament that this bill has been committed, but if it should now be taken up and rejected, it will be doing all that can be done—and will shew that as soon as the attention of the House was turned to it, a proper regard was shewn for the rights of freemen. This bill is too inconsistent with the character the Representatives of these States ought to support—it has too much the appearance of certain British acts of Parliament, which our constituents have execrated. Surely Sir, the Representatives of Massachusetts, must unite with me in opinion, that such a bill should not be committed—The Members of States which applauded the glorious spirit of that State in opposition to a similar act, who risked their all in her support, and thereby acquired liberty and immortal honor, will, I trust, vote with me—and surely the States which came late into the Union, and such as adopted the Constitution by a small majority, will consider that the case of Rhode-Island, might have been their own—Surely even those, if such there be amongst us, who think that devoted State to be as British Ministers said America was, a nest of miscreants, will allow that it will be inhuman to punish the innocent with the guilty. I think therefore that the bill deserves not the sanction of this house—that it is impolitic and unjust—I hope the committee will be discharged, and the bill taken up for a third reading, and rejected, time enough, to leave the Convention of Rhode-Island free to adopt the Constitution or reject it as they may please.
Let us consider with what indignation the Convention of any of the States, which we represent, if about to sit on such an occasion, would have received such an Act of Congress—would they not have protested against it, as an insult, and adjourned without deliberating on the favorite Constitution? Is there a man in this house were he in such Convention, who would not agree to such protest and adjournment? But Sir, let us consider the design of the bill: If it be intended to induce the State of Rhode-Island to come into the Union, I think I have shewn that it is badly calculated to answer that purpose—and if intended to prevent smuggling, I think I have shewn that it is more likely to produce that evil, than to prevent it.—If the motion be agreed to, no inconvenience can arise, but much mischief may be prevented. I hope therefore that the House will agree with me, that the committee of the whole be discharged, and will not leave such a bill hanging over the heads of the people of Rhode-Island, which must put them into a situation different from that of any other State in the Union when they adopted the Constitution.—Let it not be said, Sir, I conjure this House, that the confederated Republics of America have united upon any other principle than that of a free and perfect conviction of the excellence of their federal plan of government—Let it not be said that fear had any share in bringing even the smallest state into the Union—Let us not treat a sister state in the very manner we disdained to be treated by Great Britain.

Several gentlemen observed on the impropriety of the motion, as the bill was made the order of a future day—next Monday—and Mr. Parker having withdrawn his second, the motion sub- ided.
The House took up the report of the committee of the whole, on the funding bill. The first question was to discharge the report of the committee from further proceedings on the said bill. This was agreed to.
The amendments proposed by the committee to the bill were next taken into consideration, and agreed to.—The clause for funding the continental money being first amended, by altering the rate of receiving the same from 100 dollars of the said money, for one dollar in specie, to 75 for 1. This proposition produced some debate, and was decided by the ayes and noes.
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benon, Boudinot, Burke, Cadwallader, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Grout, Hathorn, Huger, Huntington, Leonard, Livermore, Partridge, Ransellaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Sherman, Smith (M.) Silverster, Sturges, Sumpner, Thatcher, Tucker, Wynkoop.—31.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Carroll, Coles, Contee, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Lawrence, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Scot, Sney, Sinnickson, Smith, (S. C.) Steele, Stone, Trumbull, White, Williamson.—25.
A further provision was then moved for, that interest should be computed on the said bills from the day of
This also caused some debate, and was decided by ayes and noes.
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Hathorn, Huger, Leonard, Livermore, Partridge, Sedgwick, Sumpner, Thatcher, Tucker.—15.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Benon, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Burke, Cadwallader, Carroll, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Gale, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Huntington, Jackson, Lawrence, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Ransellaer, Schureman, Scot, Sney, Sherman, Silverster, Sinnickson, Smith, (M.) Smith, (S. C.) Steele, Stone, Sturges, Trumbull, White, Williamson, Wynkoop.—42.
THURSDAY, May 27.
A motion was made by Mr. Carroll, that the several reports from the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary at War, and the Commissioners for settling the accounts between the United States and individual states, should be printed. This motion occasioned a debate; and on the question to agree to the same, it was negatived—ayes 27—noes 29.
In Committee of the whole, on the funding bill.—
Mr. Heister moved that so much of the third section as respects funding the Indents should be struck out—this motion was supported by Mr. Jackson, Mr. Williamson and Mr. Page—Mr. Heister, gave a statement of certain facts relative to the situation of Pennsylvania, in regard to Indents—and enforced the propriety of his motion in a speech of considerable length.—The motion was opposed by Mr. Sherman, Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Gerry, and Mr. Vining—and on the question being put, it was negatived, 10 or 11 members only rising in favor of it.—
On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, the section respecting the non-subscribing creditors was amended by inserting these words “including the interest to the last day of December next.”—The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next.
Mr. Boudinot read a number of resolutions, in favor of the assumption of the State debts—(in substance Mr. Gerry’s late proposition)—these were laid on the table.
Mr. Fitzsimons read the following—which was laid on the table, viz. Resolved, that Congress will meet and hold their next session at Philadelphia.
A message was received from the Senate, informing that they have passed “an act providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations,” with one amendment. Also that the President of the United States has given his assent to the act to continue in force the act to regulate processes in the Courts of the United States—and the act for the government of the Territory south of the river Ohio.
The above amendment was to strike out the clauses which specify the officers to be employed abroad, and the salaries to each—and leave the application of the sum appropriated by the bill to the President of the United States.—On the question to agree to this amendment the Ayes and Noes were demanded, and are as follows:
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benon, Cadwallader, Gale, Goodhue, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Huntington, Lawrence, Lee, Parker, Partridge, Smith, (S. C.) Stone, Trumbull, Vining, Wynkoop.—18.
NOES.
Messrs. Baldwin, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Brown, Burke, Carroll, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Grout, Hathorn, Huger, Jackson, Leonard, Livermore, Madison, Matthews, P. Muhlenberg, Moore, Page, Ransellaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Scot, Sney, Sherman, Silverster, Sinnickson, Steele, Sumpner, Thatcher, Tucker, White, Williamson.—38.
Mr. Steele’s motion on the subject of amendments was taken up.
The motion was divided—and the first part, respecting the appointment of a committee to examine and report the decisions of the several States on the amendments proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the United States, was agreed to, and Mr. Steele, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Contee,
were appointed.—The other part, respecting additional amendments was negatived.
Mr. Gerry laid the following on the table. Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives that all treaties made, or which shall be made by the United States, be published, and annexed to the Laws of the United States.
Another message was received from the Senate, that they had passed Baron Steuben’s bill, with amendments. The said amendments were laid on the table. The Senate propose to increase the annuity from 2000 to 2500 dollars—and to disallow the payment of the 7000 dollars.
Adjourned.
FRIDAY, MAY 28.
Mr. Gilman informed the house, that yesterday the joint committee of both houses presented to the President of the United States, an act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned.
Also several resolutions respecting arrears of pay due to officers and soldiers of the Virginia and N. Carolina lines of the late army.
The following motion of Mr. Gerry, in substance, was adopted. That whenever the ayes and noes are called on a particular question, the subject matter of such question shall be entered on the journals of the House.
Mr. Boudinot moved that the resolutions respecting the assumption of the State debts, which he laid on the table yesterday should now be taken into consideration by the House.
This motion was negatived—25 to 19.
Mr. Gerry then moved that they should be taken up on Monday next in committee of the whole—Mr. Parker opposed this motion, and after several observations in opposition to the assumption, moved that the subject should be referred to a committee of the whole on the first Monday in December next; a long debate ensued. Mr. Lee moved next Monday week, and Mr. Livermore next Monday fortnight.
The first Monday in December, and next Monday fortnight were put, and negatived. Next Monday week was finally agreed upon, when the resolutions are to be taken up by the committee of the whole house.
The amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill for adjusting, and satisfying the claims of Frederick William de Steuben, were read. Mr. Goodhue moved that the consideration thereof should be postponed to the next session. This motion was opposed by Mr. Gerry, Mr. Vining, Mr. Smith (S. C.) Mr. Page, Mr. Carroll and Mr. Livermore, and being put was negatived.
The several amendments were agreed to. That which proposes, after striking out the 7000 dollars, to add 500 dollars to the annuity, was on motion of Mr. Thatcher, determined by ayes, and noes.
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benon, Boudinot, Burke, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Gale, Gerry, Hartley, Heister, Huger, Huntington, Lawrence, Lee, Livermore, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scot, Silverster, Smith, (S. C.) Trumbull, Tucker, Vining, White, Wynkoop.—32.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Foster, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Grout, Hathorn, Jackson, Leonard, Partridge, Ransellaer, Schureman, Sney, Sherman, Sinnickson, Smith, (M.) Steele, Stone, Sturges, Sumpner, Thatcher, Williamson.—25.
The House took up the report on the memorial of Nathaniel Twining—and after some debate, agreed to the same.
A message was received from the Senate, with the bill providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, and informing the House that they insist on their amendment to said bill—Mr. Smith (S. C.) moved that the house should recede from their disagreement; this motion was warmly opposed and finally determined in the negative by ayes and noes.
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benon, Cadwallader, Egan, Goodhue, Griffin, Huntington, Lawrence, Lee, Parker, Partridge, Smith (S. C.) Stone, Trumbull, Vining, Wynkoop.—15.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Burke, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Grout, Hartley, Hathorn, Huger, Jackson, Leonard, Livermore, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Page, Ransellaer, Schureman, Scot, Sney, Sherman, Silverster, Sinnickson, Smith (M.) Sturges, Sney, Sumpner, Thatcher, Tucker, White, Williamson.—37.
The House then voted that they insist on their disagreement to the amendment.
A motion was then made to appoint a committee of conference. This was negatived.
Mr. Stone laid the following motion, in substance, on the table, viz. That the committee of the whole be discharged from attending to the “bill for repealing the duties on Wines, Teas, &c. and laying others in their stead,” and that said bill be referred to a select Committee, who are to be instructed to report such duties as in their judgment may be adequate to the payment of the interest on the foreign and domestic debt of the United States; and for the support of government—without interfering with the revenues which may be appropriated by the respective states for paying the interest on their particular debts, and the support of their governments. (Adjourned till Monday, 10 o’clock.)
THE TABLET.—No. CXVIII.
“There are some persons whose congeniality of character is such, that they need only to see each other to form immediately the strictest intimacy.”
THOSE circumstances in which men resemble each other are not more numerous or more evident, than those in which they disagree. The points of resemblance are sufficient to designate the human race from any other class of beings, and to give them a specific character. The great outlines of human nature are so constant and uniform, that we can never mistake them, however they may be modified by climate or education. But though we are in no danger of mistaking any part of our species through a want of obvious similarity; we are still liable to strong antipathies, from various instances of dissimilarity. Some men appear to be like the rest of their species in very few respects. There is so little congeniality of character between them and other men, that they can never form any intimacy or acquaintance. This circumstance simply does not prove a man to be better or worse than the general run of mankind: It only shews that he has too strong peculiarities to authorize an high degree of intimacy.
Why has one person a great number of intimate associates, while another has few or none? This may happen where both sustain a reputation equally fair; and where both are situated equally favorable to cultivate friendship. It is because one person more than another finds his character congenial to those with whom he may chance to be acquainted. Some men can make an intimate companion of almost any person whom accident may throw in their way. We denominate such very familiar men. They have no peculiarities of disposition to make them critical in the choice of their associates; nor have they any singularities of character to make them disgusting to others. Men of such an easy temper and accommodating manners pass through the world, without ever being much respected, or much hated. But there are persons of a different stamp who can find none, with whom they can easily assimilate. They are exactly the reverse of what I have just called familiar men. A reserved disgust most commonly happens from a want of congeniality of character. If this is a prevailing quality in any individual it is an evidence, not that he is a bad or a good man, but that the impulses of his soul do not vibrate in sympathy with those of other people.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION,
Begun and held at the city of New York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT to prescribe the mode in which the public Acts, Records, and Judicial Proceedings in each state shall be authenticated so as to take effect in every other state.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Acts of the Legislatures of the several states shall be authenticated by having the seal of their respective states affixed thereto; that the Records and Judicial Proceedings of the Courts of any state shall be proved or admitted in any other Court within the United States by the attestation of the Clerk, and the seal of the Court annexed, if there be a seal, together with a certificate of the Judge, Chief Justice or presiding Magistrate, as the case may be, that the said attestation is in due form; and the said Records and Judicial Proceedings authenticated as aforesaid, shall have such faith and credit given to them in every Court within the United States, as they have by law or usage in the Courts of the State from whence the said records are, or shall be taken.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBURG
Speaker of the House of Representatives JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
APPROVED MAY TWENTY-SIXTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
An ACT to continue in Force an Act passed at the last Session of Congress, intitled, “An Act to regulate Processes in the Courts of the United States.”
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act, intitled “An act to regulate processes in the courts of the United States,” passed on the twenty-ninth day of September last, shall be, and the same is hereby continued in force, until the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBURG
Speaker of the House of Representatives JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, MAY TWENTY-SIXTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
BOSTON, MAY 21, 1790.
SHIP NEWS.
On Thursday last, the Ships President Washington, Capt. Nicholson, and Gov. Bowdoin, Capt. Douse, sailed for the East-Indies. The elegant structure of these Ships, and the strength and beauty of the workmanship; must, when it is known in the East, that they, their sails, cordage, &c. together with the other Ships that have before failed, are entirely the product of Massachusetts, insure it a reputation for Shipbuilding highly advantageous.
NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 29.
The Ship Harmony Capt. Willet is arrived at Philadelphia from Bengal.—Accounts from the East-Indies State—there is a most pleasing prospect of a plentiful harvest in that part of the world—that Cotton has sold so low as 11 Tales in China—that the English settlements enjoy a profound peace—that the greatest part of treasure on board the Vanittart one of the East-India company’s Ships lately lost, had been recovered from the wreck—that the ship Durham Capt. Kepling; and another ship were lost in a gale of wind, foundering in the road—that Tippoo Sultan to punish the faults of some of the tributary Princes had depopulated and laid waste their country from Belipatam to Calicut, an extent of 80 or 90 miles, where the late possessors of its fields and habitations are seen no more.
The Hon. PETER SYLVESTER is re-elected a member of the House of Representatives of the United States—and the Hon. JAMES GORDON is chosen to serve in the same hon. branch of the next Congress.—
On Tuesday last, died at Jericho on Long-Island, the hon. James Townsend, who was lately elected a member of the House of Representatives of the United States.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Ship William and Robert, Woodhouse, Bristol, 7 weeks. Schooner Bussey, Squires, St. Martins, 17 days. —Polly, Todd, St. Thomas, 17 days. —Polly, Man, Edenton, (N. C.) 5 days. Sloop Rainbow, Corre, New Providence, 10 days. —Saratoga, Thrasher, Charleston, 14 days.
THE INDEX to the first volume of the Gazette of the United States, beginning April 15, 1789, and ending April 14, 1790, is ready to be delivered gratis, to those Subscribers who propose to have the numbers bound.
WANTED Immediately, a Man as an Ostler, one that is sober and can be well recommended, will meet with encouragement, and find steady employment, by applying to the Subscriber, ARCHER GIFFORD, N. B. None but a sober person, and one well recommended need apply. Newark, May 29, 1790.

LONDON, March 28.
From the French National Gazette.
THE schemes of the Sciota company become more alarming. More efficacious means than those proposed by M. Maulu ought to be adopted if we would effectually rid France of this nuisance. If the gentlemen, who have opened the office under the direction of the Sciota company, are foreigners, the best treatment they ought to expect is to be ordered to depart the kingdom within eight days, as persons guilty of violating the laws of nations. If they are Frenchmen they ought to be brought to trial as subjects charged with the crime of treason against the nation. No pretence whatever can justify a further sufferance. A company avowedly formed to depopulate this country, ought not to be allowed two days existence in France. [Notwithstanding the extreme jealousy of the Parisians in respect to the emigration of their countrymen to the United States, it is thought they might part with several thousands of them without considerable detriment. That the National Assembly view the matter in this light is evident from the late arrivals of French emigrants in the Potomac.]
The following is translated from a late Paris Daily Gazette.
It is highly proper and laudable for the United States of North America to make agriculture and commerce the foundation of their power; and it is possible we may charge them unjustly when we say, we have reason to suspect that they have no objection to depopulating France, provided they could thereby advance their own population—a measure which would not be permitted even by nations actually in a state of hostility with each other. Is it then possible to suppose that the American States mean to make so ungrateful a return to France, for the succour she has afforded them?
“An association, however, known by the name of the Sciota company, actually exists in Paris, who have opened an office in New-Street (Rue Neuve) No. 162. This company have already printed and published advertisements, the sole design of which is to persuade the French to emigrate to N. America. The offers they hold out are very tempting—a passage free of expence—a short and easy service after their arrival, and lands given them in return for such service. They have even the assurance to say, “That this is conferring a benefit upon France, considering her present situation, in disburthening her of a superfluous population, at once distressing and dangerous.” It is not probable that the French government will consent to such emigrations. France has new lands to cultivate as well as the United States of America, and labor enough to employ all her citizens. How comes it, then, that such an office as that of the Sciota Association should be allowed in Paris, and the publication of their pamphlets permitted?
ASSOCIATION.
The following articles are said to have been signed at Berlin on the 9th of January last by the Ministers of the King of Great Britain, the King of Prussia and their High Mightinesses the States General of the United (Dutch) Provinces.
WHEREAS the troubles of the Netherlands are of a nature to interest the high contracting parties, and which may possibly call for their interference, the following general articles have been provisionally agreed to, which they severally bind themselves to carry into execution.
Article I. “They will not take any part in those troubles, unless invited or compelled to do by circumstances.
II. “Having an interest in the preservation of the privileges of the Netherlands, the high contracting parties shall invite his imperial Majesty to secure them, and see that the Prussian and Dutch frontiers be not hereafter disturbed or alarmed.
III. “Should the Netherlands become free and independent, then the high contracting parties will take into consideration the nature of the constitution, and deliberate whether they will recognize their independence.
IV. “No foreign power shall be suffered to accede and become a party in this treaty, without the consent of the present high contracting parties.
V. “Whatever may be the consequences which this treaty may produce the high contracting parties will stand by each other and make a common cause of it.”
BELGIC PROVINCES.
The unblemished character, and pacific professed of Leopold II. have no impression on the Belgic states. In the Memoir which accompanied his sister, and the Duke of Saxe Teschen's letter to the states of Brabant, he unequivocally reprobated the Emperor's system, promised the most unlimited redress of grievances, and offered to accept the sovereignty of the Netherlands under limitations and restrictions that would have rendered it nearly nominal.
These propositions were, by the states of Brabant, on the 6th, referred to the sovereign Congress of the Belgic Commonwealth, and rejected on the 9th by that body, without a division or debate.
[—472—]
BOSTON.
DR. FRANKLIN'S WILL.
THE Selectmen having received from the executors of Dr. Franklin's will extracts therefrom, communicated the same to the town, at the adjourned town meeting.
The extracts are lengthy, and contain many of those judicious and elegant maxims and observations, for which the Doctor is so justly celebrated. They contain legacies to the town, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and his relations. To the town he has bequeathed 1100. One hundred pounds of which is to the grammar schools—the interest of which is to be laid out in medals, to be given to such scholars as shall excel in certain acquirements. The other ten hundred pounds sterling, the select men of the town of Boston are to hold in trust, to be let out in sums not exceeding sixty pounds, nor less than fifteen pounds sterling, to young married artizans under the age of 25 years, who can procure sufficient recommendations for sobriety, and of having performed the duties required by their indentures, of at least two reputable citizens, who are willing to be sureties from them; at an interest of five per cent. per annum.—The interest and a tenth part of the principal to be paid annually. This sum being thus made an accumulating fund, the Doctor has provided for the appropriation of its product in 100 years, [when it will amount to 131,000. sterling]—one hundred thousand pounds for public works, and the remaining 31,000. to begin a second fund on the principles of the legacy now left; until another century expires, when it will accumulate to 4,000,000.—one million of which the town is to dispose of; and the other three millions the state, the Doctor not wishing to extend his views any further. There are many other particulars, which, as we relate from memory, we cannot at present give correct to our readers. Nor can we attempt any part of it in the language of the deceased. As a correct copy will undoubtedly be published—the foregoing sketch may suffice.
PORTSMOUTH April 25.
A gentleman of Montgomery county, Pennsylvania, took the following method lately to preserve peach trees from being injured by worms caterpillars, &c. He cleared away the gum that issued out of the tree affected by the worm; strewed a little flour of brimstone round the root, and covered it with fine mould that it might not blow away, yet so that the sun might operate through and cause the brimstone to fumigate which destroyed the worms, one pound of brimstone is sufficient for near two hundred trees. The same kind of sulphur he also found to be destructive to caterpillars. In the latter case his plan was as follows: He split the end of a pole or stick, put therein a few brimstone matches, set them on fire, and held the pole under the nest. This destroys the caterpillars. A pole thus lightened will serve for three or four nests.
NEW-YORK, May 22.
A debating society has been lately established in Wilmington, Delaware. Plans of this kind have heretofore failed in some of the largest towns on the continent; we sincerely wish this laudable attempt may be successful. It has been said that the celebrated Burke, of the British House of Commons, laid the foundation of his political eminence at a debating society—under the auspices of the late Marquis of Rockingham.
THE EFFUSION OF A GENTLEMAN, JUST BEFORE HIS GOING TO PRISON, ON SEEING HIS CHILD ASLEEP.
SOFT Babe! sweet image of a harmless mind! How calm that sleep which innocence enjoys! The smiling cheek thou in thy slumber wear'st, Is Nature's language for a gentle heart; It says all's peace within. It is thy right; It is the blest privilege of thy tender age To wake, or sleep in peace; to know no fears, To dread no ill, to smile on friend and foe. Could gazing catch that look of cordial peace, My ardent eye I'd fix to pluck it thence, And plant it in my breast.—In vain that thought: Heav'n this bliss to sinful man denies; 'Tis Virtue's crown; and e'en an Angel's wealth. Sleep on, mild infant; sleep, and never know What thy fond Parent feels; now feels for thee, Though thou feel'st nought. May kind heaven grant Thou never wake again. How sweet to pass From Earth to Heaven on so soft a wing! Those looks would fix a smile on Death's cheek. I must away; relentless Law compels; I'll take thee too; thou in a cell canst sleep, And play within the horrors of a goal. Thy father sleeps no more. What then? I'll watch Thy sleeping hours; and when thou smil'st, I'll smile; Smile e'en in misery; wipe my streaming eye, Then smile again.—Will law forbid me this? Thy mother in her peaceful tomb is laid; Silent her griefs, which fretted life away; At sight of thee her tender heart would bleed; It bled for others woes; for thine 'twould stream. Thou know'st, my God, by thy great pattern taught, I never turn'd my eye, nor shut my heart From any wretch that walk'd this earth in pain; When thy rich blessings on my head were pour'd Thou led'st my heart, since goodness comes from thee, To seek out misery in her bashful path, And did my utmost every wound to heal. Some virtuous mind thou't touch; Then guide him to my cell! my chains he'll break, And light to me, and to this Babe, restore. B.
Bethlehem Stages.
THE great number of Misses, who from the banks of the Delaware Eastward, even to Boston, are now at the young ladies Academy at Bethlehem, renders some regular, convenient and cheap mode of conveyance between that town and New York necessary. To accommodate parents who have daughters at that flourishing Academy, and others who may wish to visit that pleasing romantic hill, the subscribers are now running stages, which will continue during the summer, between Elizabeth Town Point and Bethlehem. At each of these places a stage will start every Monday and Thursday morning at 5 o'clock, meet at Covenhoven's tavern the same evening, exchange passengers, and the next day return.
Fare of each passenger from Elizabeth Town Point to Bethlehem 3 dollars—way passengers 4d per mile—15lb. of baggage the same as a passenger. Packages and letters will be received and delivered at Mrs. Winant's, White hall, where seats may be taken—carriage of a letter 3d—14lb. of baggage allowed to each passenger.
To accommodate those who may wish to take Bethlehem in their route in journeying between the Eastern and Southern states, a stage will constantly run between Bethlehem and Philadelphia, starting at Bethlehem every Monday morning.
WILLIAM CRANE. FREDERICK BEUTEL.
May 19.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
S C H E M E.
   PRIZE of £. 3000 £. 3000     1 1000 2000   2 500 1500   3 200 800   10 100 400   30 50 250   50 20 120   120 10 60   180 4 24   7950 31800  
8346 Prizes, 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £. 50000 16654 Blanks, Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect; as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donald's estate, within this state, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (1W.17.)
ADVERTISEMENT.
By order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled "an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell; he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety. March 31. 1aw3m.
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET.
A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market,
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE. &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
A large impression of this paper having been struck off from the commencement of the second vol. April 14.—Those who incline to become subscribers from that period, may be furnished with the numbers compleat.
THE MAIL DILIGENCE for Philadelphia leaves the Ferry-Wharf at New-York, forty minutes after Seven, every Morning, except Sunday. Dines at Brunswick; and reaches Trenton before dark.