The New-York journal, and daily patriotic register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1788-06-26 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register.
NUMB. 153, of VOL. XLII.]
THURSDAY, June 26, 1788.
[Total NUMB. 2332.]
HERE TRUTH UNLICENSE'D REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—EVEN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE. Thompson's Liberty.
NEW-YORK: Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
By the Commissioners of Forfeitures for the Western District, Public Notice is hereby given, THAT the following LANDS, TENEMENTS, and HEREDITA- MENTS, forfeited to the people of this state, will be sold at Public Vendue, agreeable to the laws in such case made and provided.
In COLUMBIA COUNTY.
The right and title of the people of this state of and to the undivided one third of the southermost part of a patent granted to Hendrick De Bruyn, in the district of Kinderhook; situate on the south side of the Planke Pat, and west of the pine ridge and the hill called the Kalkone Bergh; excepting out of the same, lots, No. 27, 29, and 31. The said premises are estimated at 1300 acres. And
The one third part of lot No. 7, in the rear of said patent, estimated at 300 acres: also,
The one fifth of a 12th part of the patent called Wawegenack, granted to Cornelius Van Schaack and others, situate in King's district. Said patent is estimated at 4300 acres.
Deemed to have become forfeited by the conviction of Isaac Van De Pool, late of the district of Kinderhook, in the county of Albany, yeoman.
4 acres of meadow land, at Kinderhook, adjoining the lands of the late Cornelius Van Alen and the creek.
8 acres in the meadow or great Vly, eastward of the house of the late Abraham Van Alstine, deceased, adjoining the great spring.
The undivided half or moiety of a part of the lands heretofore sold, to defray the expence of the partition of Kinderhook patent, estimated at 665 acres.
The undivided one third part of a full proprietary share in the patent of Kinderhook,
Deemed to have become forfeited by the conviction of Peter S. Van Alstine, late of the district of Kinderhook, in the county of Albany, yeoman.
The right, title, share, and interest of the people of the state of, in and to the land in the patent called Wawegenack. Forfeited by the attainder of William Bayard, late of the city of New-York, Esq.
The sales of the above Lands and Premises will begin on Thursday, the 24th day of July next, at the house of Abraham Van Buren, innkeeper, in Kinderhook, at XI o'clock in the forenoon, and will continue from day to day until the sales are completed.
In ALBANY COUNTY, In NORTHAMPTON PATENT.
Lots No. 1, 850 acres. 4, 230 do 7, 320 do 25, 375 do } Forfeited by the attainder of Sir John Johnson, late of the county of Tryon, knight and baronet.
The southeaster part of lot No. 21, estimated at 208 acres.
Lot, No. 1, 100 acres, called the fifth-house lot. } In the subdivision of lot No. 26, of 2, do in possession of G. Shew, Esquire. } the patent aforesaid.
3, do } Forfeited by the attainder of Guy Johnson, late of the county of Tryon, Esq.
The undivided half or moiety of 10,000 acres of land, situate on the west side of Schoharie river—being part of a tract of land granted to John Butler and others, and is known by the name of Strasburgh: the undivided half or moiety of 2240 acres of land, situate on the west side of Schoharie river, is bounded on the patents granted to Johannis Lawyer, John De Peyster, Adam Vrooman, and others. Deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of John Tabor Kempe, late attorney-general of New-York, Esquire.
The equity of redemption of the one equal undivided half or moiety of 2240 acres of land, situate on the west side of Schoharie river, is bounded on the patents granted to Johannis Lawyer, John De Peyster, Adam Vrooman, and others.
The equity of redemption of the one equal undivided half or moiety of 10,000 acres of land, situate on the west side of Schoharie river, being part of a tract of land granted to John Butler, and others, and is known by the name of Strasburgh.
The equity of redemption of five eighth undivided parts or shares in a patent, situate on the west side of Schoharie river, known by the name of Bienheim.
All which said three last tracts are deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of John Wetatherhead, late of the city of New-York, merchant.
Lot No. 1, in the subdivision of the first general division of the township of Ballstown, estimated at 200 acres.
The equity of redemption of lot No. 14, in the tract called the 5000 Acre Tract, near Ballstown, estimated at 200 acres.—The two last mentioned pieces of land are deemed to have become forfeited by the conviction of William Frazier, late of the district of Ballstown, in the county of Albany, yeoman.
Lot No. 26, in Dorlock, estimated at 150 acres, forfeited by the conviction of Henry Fratz, late of Dorlock, in the county of Albany, Yeaman.
KAYADEROSSRA PATENT.
Lots, No. 1, 150 acres. } in the subdivision of lot No. 4, of the division of lot No. 8, of the 12th 2, 100 do } general allotment Kayaderosra patent.
The undivided one third part of lot No. 11, in the subdivision of lot No. 12, of the 14th general allotment Kayaderosra, estimated at 200 acres.
Lot. No. 1, in the subdivision of lot No. 7, of the 16th general allotment of Kayaderosra patent, estimated at 600 acres.
Lot No. 1, in the subdivision of the 23d general allotment of Kayaderosra patent, situate at and near a place called Carman's-neck, estimated at 365 acres.
Lot No. 3, in the subdivision of lot No. 12, of the 25th allotment of said patent, estimated at 258 acres.
Lot No. 2, in the subdivision of lot No. 12, of the 6th allotment of said patent, estimated at 16 acres.
Lot No. 2, in the subdivision of lot No. 6, of the eighteenth allotment of said patent, estimated at 250 acres.
Lot No. 2, in the subdivision of lot No. 3, of the twenty-fourth allotment of said patent, estimated at 699 acres.
2 of the smaller lots of No. 4, in the subdivision of lot No. 8, of the thirteenth allotment of said patent, estimated at 100 acres.
The undivided one third part of lot No. 9, of the thirteenth allotment of said patent, including two [smaller lots, estimated at 1022 acres.
do one third part of lot No. 6, of the 24th allotment of said patent, estimated 2301 do one third part of lot No. 10, of the 25th do 1010 do one third part of lot No. 9, of the 6th do 63 do one third part of lot No. 6, of the 15th do 784 do one third part of lot No. 6, of the 17th do 2405 do one third part of lot No. 11, of the 18th do 1000 do one third part of lot No. 7, of the 23d do 1459 do one third part of lot No. 4, of the 19th do excepting out of the same 309 acres, formerly sold to Mary Gamble, and others.
do one third part of lot No. 7, and northerly half of lot No. 8, in the subdivision of lot No. 12, of the fourteenth allotment of said patent, estimated at 300 acres.
The equity of redemption of the one third part of lot No. 2, in the twentieth allotment, estimated at 1108, excepting 200 acres sold to John M'Crea.
The last mentioned premises are deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of Isaac Low, late of the city of New-York, merchant.
Lot No. 5, 125 acres, in the subdivision of lot No. 4, of the 15th general allotment of Kayaderosra patent.
The equity of redemption of lot No. 1, estimated at 300 acres, in the subdivision of lot No. 13, of the 5th general allotment Kayaderosra patent.
The lease hold estate of 300 acres, adjoining to the west of the last mentioned premises, which said last mentioned pieces of land are deemed to have become forfeited by the conviction of Daniel M'Alpin, late of the district of Saratoga, in the county of Albany, Esq.
JOHN BOWEN'S PATENT.
Lots, No. 25, 631 acres. } Situate in the united districts of Duaneburgh and Schoharie.—Deem- 27, 631 do } ed to have become forfeited by the attainder of Sir John Johnson, late of 24, 631 do } the county of Tryon, knight and baronet. Situuate in the district aforesaid. Deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of Daniel Claus, late of the county of Tryon, Esq.
Lots No. 26, 631 do deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of John Butler, late of the county of Tryon, Esq.
The undivided third part of a house and lot, in the town of Schenectady; forfeited by the conviction of John Morrison, late of the district of Kinderhook, in the county of Albany, weaver.
P I T T S - T O W N.
The rent and reversion of lot No. 55, formerly in possession of Wm. Lamson, estimated at 121 acres.
The undivided half of 17, 165 acres.
do do 21, 121 do
do do 152, do
do do 146, do
do part of 83, 30
Deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of Robert Leake, late of the county of Albany, gentleman.
Lots No. 49, and 50, in a patent granted to John Glen, and forty-four others, estimated at 250 each acres, forfeited by the conviction of Arrent Van Petten, late of the district of Schenectady, county of Albany, yeoman.
The sales of the above Lands and Premises, in the county of Albany, will begin on Thursday, the 31st day of July next, at the house of William Kane, in the West Manor of Rensselaerwyck, at XI o'clock in the forenoon, and will continue from day to day until the sales are completed.
In MONTGOMERY COUNTY, Fourth Allotment ROYAL GRANT.
Lots No. 1, 100 acres. Lots No. 93, 200 acres. Lots No. 42, 100 acres. 2, do 94, do 96, 200 3, do 95, do 97, do 28, do 38, 100 98, do 37, do 39, do 99, do 91, 220 40, do 100, do 92, do 41, do
A strip or piece of land, from the little falls or carrying place to lot No. 3, estimated at 300 acres.
Western Allotment KINGSBOROUGH.
Lot No. 7, 100 acres, late in possession of ----- Philipsen, 8, do do ----- Cratzenberger. 9, do 10, 170 568, 100 and lot No. 4, in the Stone Arabie patent, estimated at 265 acres, formerly purchased from the Snells, by the late Sir William Johnson.
524, 200. A piece of land, included in the Royal Grant, on the north side of the Mohawk river—bounded on the north by Glen's purchase, and on the south by Burnetsfield, estimated at 200 acres.
In SACONDAGO PATENT.
Lot No. 10, 500 acres. Part of 11, 12 acres, called Mount Joy; also, the lease hold estate of 250 acres of said lot.
NORTHAMPTON PATENT.
Lots No. 11, 170 acres. Lots No. 15, 300 acres. Lot No. 34, 120 acres. 13, 200 do 30, 140 do
M A Y F I E L D.
Lots No. 35, 100 acres. Lots No. 55, 100 acres 41, do 56, do 11, do 57, do 50, do
In First Allotment ROYAL GRANT.
Lots No. 21, 100 acres. Lots No. 52, 100 acres. Lots No. 56, 100 acres. 27, do 53, do 72, do. The above premises are situate on the north side of the Mohawk river, and deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of Sir John Johnson, late of the county of Tryon, knight and baronet.
Fourth Allotment ROYAL GRANT.
Lots No. 79, 200 acres. Lots No. 84, 200 acres. 80, do 85, do 81, do 86, do 82, do 87, do 83, do 88, do 12, in the Stone Arabie patent.
Forfeited by the conviction of Margaret Johnson, late of the district of Conajohary, in the county of Tryon, single woman.
Lots No. 43, 100 acres. Lots No. 50, 100 acres. Lots No. 57, 100 acres. 44, do 51, do 58, do 45, do 52, do 59, do 46, do 53, do 60, do 47, do 54, 200 61, do. 48, do 55, do 49, do 56, 100
Forfeited by the conviction of Elizabeth Johnson, late of the district of Conajohary, in the county of Tryon, single woman.
Lots No. 62, 100 acres. Lots No. 68, 100 acres. Lots No. 74, 100 acres. 63, do 69, do 75, do 64, do 70, 200 76, do 65, do 71, do 77, do 66, do 72, 100 78, do. 67, do 73, do
Forfeited by the conviction of Magdalene Johnson, late of the district of Conajohary, in the county of Tryon, single woman.
In SACONDAGO PATENT.
Lot No. 20, 250 acres, and lot No. 77, 250 acres.
MAYFIELD.
Lot No. 21, 390 acres, formerly in possession of ----- Dunham, 22, 193 No. 27, 217 acres, 23, 196 28, 224 24, 200 29, 290 25, 204 30, 195 26, 211 31, 310.
Third Allotment ROYAL GRANT.
Lot No. 130, 180 acres, and lot No. 132, 110 acres.
JOHN BOWEN'S PATENT.
Lot No. 7, 631 acres.
Forfeited by the attainder of Daniel Claus, late of the county of Tryon, Esquire.
Lot No. 18, 631 acres } Situate in the Mohawk district 10, do do } and county aforesaid.
The last mentioned pieces and parcels of land, are deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of Guy Johnson, late of the county of Tryon, Esq.
Lots No. 5, 631 acres } Situate in the Mohawk district on the south 9, do } side of the river, and deemed to have become for- 12, do } feited by the attainder of Sir John Johnson, late 14, do } of the county of Tryon, knight and baronet. 17, do }
[For the remainder see last page.]

New-York, June 26.
In order to give our generous patrons, and the public, as extensive a view as possible of the American (as well as European) policies, at this interesting juncture, we have this day struck off a JOURNAL EXTRAORDINARY.
The important intelligence, arrived yesterday from New-Hampshire, some accounts from Virginia, &c. see 1st and 2d column of the 3d page.
Here follows the proceedings (from their first setting, to the 21st) of the
NEW-YORK STATE CONVENTION, At Poughkeepsie.
June 17. There being a sufficient number present to proceed to business, the president, and a committee to prepare rules for the government of the convention, were appointed, as see last Thursday's paper—Also John McKesson, and Abraham Bancker, Esquires, were chosen secretaries, Mr. D. Barclay, door-keeper, Mr. J. Pritchard, messenger, and the clergy of Poughkeepsie were applied to open the house with prayers every morning. Adjourned until to-morrow.
June 18. Other members attended. The committee reported rules, which were agreed to. The constitution was read, and it was resolved, on motion of Mr. Lansing, the convention will, to-morrow, resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the constitution, and the papers accompanying.
Mr. Nicholas Powar was appointed printer, and it was ordered, that the secretaries have the journal of convention published daily. Adjourned until to-morrow.
June 19. The order of the day being read, the convention went into committee on the constitution, and papers accompanying the same. Mr. Oosthoudt was called to the chair.
The constitution was then again read; when Mr. Chancellor Livingston rose, and addressed the chair as follows:—
M. CHAIRMAN,
AS the preamble to the plan under consideration comprises the great objects of the union, it will be proper at this place to introduce such general observations as may with less propriety be noticed when particular articles are under consideration, and which may serve at the same time to shew the necessity of adopting some more efficacious plan of union, than that by which we are now bound. In the course of the observations I shall make with this view, many things will be urged that will be of little use to those gentlemen who have heard all that has been said, who have read all that has been written on this subject, and who have formed their judgments after mature consideration; with such, all debate is unnecessary; but I trust, sir, there are many gentlemen present, who have yet formed no decided opinion on the important questions before us, and who (like myself) bring with them dispositions to examine whatever shall be offered, and to determine until after the maturest deliberation: to such I address myself. Ever since a pure and perfect religion has lent her mild lights to philosophy, and extended her influence over the sentiments of men, it has been a received opinion, that the happiness of nations, as well of individuals, depends on peace, and that intimate connection which mutual wants occasion. To establish this on the basis of a general union of nations, has at various times, employed the thoughts and attention of wise and virtuous men; it is said to have been the last great plan of the illustrious Henry the IVth of France, who was justly esteemed one of the wisest and best of Princes. But, alas, sir, in the old world every attempt of this nature will prove abortive. There governments are the children of force or fraud, and carry with them strong features of their parent's character. Disputes will not be referred to a common umpire, unless that umpire has power to enforce his decrees; and how can it be expected that Princes, jealous of power, will consent to sacrifice any portion of it to the happiness of their people, who are of little account in their estimation. Difference among them, therefore, will continue to be decided by the sword, and the blood of thousands will be shed, before the most trifling controversy can be determined. Even peace can can hardly be said to bestow her usual blessings on them; their mutual jealousies convert peace into an armed truce; the husbandman feels the oppression of standing armies, by whom the fruits of his labour are devoured, and the flower of youth is sacrificed to the rigors of military discipline.—It has pleased Heaven to afford the United States means for the attainment of this great object, which it has withheld from other nations. They speak the same language, they profess the same religion; and, what is of infinitely more importance, they acknowledge the same great principle of government—a principle, if not unknown, at least understood in the old world—"that all power is derived from the PEOPLE." They consider this state and their general governments as different deposits of that power. In this view, it is of little moment to them whether that portion of it, which they must for their own happiness lodge in their rulers, be invested in the state government only, or shared between them and the councils of the union. The rights they reserve are not diminished, and perhaps their liberty requires an additional security from the division.
Let us not then, sir, neglect to improve the advantages we possess; let us avail ourselves of the present moment, to fix lasting peace upon the broad basis of national union; let us, while it is still in our power, lay the foundation of our own happiness and that of our posterity. Jealousies may spring up; the seeds of them are already sown; the present moment may be the only one afforded for eradicating them.
I am too well satisfied, sir, of the virtue and patriotism of those to whom I address myself, to suppose that their determination will be influenced by any unworthy motive:—but, sir, I dread the effect which a hasty or partial view of the subject may have on their minds, and, above all things, I dread lest the chimerical ideas of perfection in government, which gentlemen may have formed, should induce them to reject this, as falling short of their standard. Perfection, sir, is not the lot of humanity; and, perhaps, were the gentlemen on this floor to compare their sentiments on this subject, no two of them would be found to agree. Nay, such is the weakness of our judgment, that it is more than probable, that if a perfect plan was offered to our choice, we should conceive it defective, and condemn it. The only people whose government was visibly directed by God himself, rejected his administration, and induced him in his wrath to give them a King. Let us be cautious, sir, lest by our negligence or eager pursuit after chimerical perfection, we should forfeit the blessings we enjoy, and lose this precious opportunity of completing what other nations have been unable to effect.
As on the one hand, sir, our situation admits of an union, so on the other our distresses point out its necessity. I will not at this time touch on the declining state of our commerce; nor will I remind you of our national bankruptcy, of the effect it has upon our public measures, and the private miseries that it causes; nor will I wound your feelings by a recapitulation of the insults we receive from nations, whose injuries we are compelled to repay by the advantage of our commerce. These topics have been frequently touched; they are in every man's mind; they lie heavy at every patriot's heart; they have induced states the most independent in their situation to unite their endeavours to remove them; they operate with peculiar force on us. Permit me, however, to make some observations, drawn from our particular situation, and which will shew in the clearest light, that our existence as a state depends on a strong and effective federal government.
He then went into a minute consideration of the natural advantages of this state drawn from its valuable and abundant staples; the situation of its principal sea port; the command of the commerce of New-Jersey by their rivers discharging themselves in our bay;—the facility that the sound afforded for an intercourse with the eastern states. He observed upon the advantages resulting from the Hudson, which he described as bearing upon its bottom the wealth of the remotest part of the state. He touched upon the prospects that a lasting peace afforded of commanding the treasures of the western world by the improvement of our internal navigation. He said, that to these natural advantages, we might add many other adventitious circumstances. He observed, that a considerable proportion of our domestic debt was already in the treasury, and that though we are indebted for a part of this to our citizens, yet that that debt was comparatively small and could easily be extinguished by an honest exertion on the part of the government. He observed, that our bank lands were competent to the discharge of our foreign debt, if a vigorous government should be adopted, which would enable us to avail ourselves of this resource, so that we might look forward to a day when no other taxes would be required from us, than such as would be necessary to support our internal government; the amount of the impost being more than adequate to the other expenses of the union. He feared that a prospect of these advantages had excited an improper confidence in ourselves; that it has produced an inflexibility which had rendered us regardless of the wishes and expectations of the other states, and lessened that respect which was due as well from nations to each other, as from individuals. We have insisted, says he, that every knee shall bow to the golden image we have set up. But let us remember, that how valuable soever the materials of which its nobler parts are composed, its feet (like those of the image in the vision) are composed of iron and clay, of materials that will not adhere together, and the slightest shock will tumble it to the earth.
He then went into a minute consideration of the natural advantages of this state drawn from its valuable and abundant staples; the situation of its principal sea port; the command of the commerce of New-Jersey by their rivers discharging themselves in our bay;—the facility that the sound afforded for an intercourse with the eastern states. He observed upon the advantages resulting from the Hudson, which he described as bearing upon its bottom the wealth of the remotest part of the state. He touched upon the prospects that a lasting peace afforded of commanding the treasures of the western world by the improvement of our internal navigation. He said, that to these natural advantages, we might add many other adventitious circumstances. He observed, that a considerable proportion of our domestic debt was already in the treasury, and that though we are indebted for a part of this to our citizens, yet that that debt was comparatively small and could easily be extinguished by an honest exertion on the part of the government. He observed, that our bank lands were competent to the discharge of our foreign debt, if a vigorous government should be adopted, which would enable us to avail ourselves of this resource, so that we might look forward to a day when no other taxes would be required from us, than such as would be necessary to support our internal government; the amount of the impost being more than adequate to the other expenses of the union. He feared that a prospect of these advantages had excited an improper confidence in ourselves; that it has produced an inflexibility which had rendered us regardless of the wishes and expectations of the other states, and lessened that respect which was due as well from nations to each other, as from individuals. We have insisted, says he, that every knee shall bow to the golden image we have set up. But let us remember, that how valuable soever the materials of which its nobler parts are composed, its feet (like those of the image in the vision) are composed of iron and clay, of materials that will not adhere together, and the slightest shock will tumble it to the earth.
He then went into a minute consideration of the natural advantages of this state drawn from its valuable and abundant staples; the situation of its principal sea port; the command of the commerce of New-Jersey by their rivers discharging themselves in our bay;—the facility that the sound afforded for an intercourse with the eastern states. He observed upon the advantages resulting from the Hudson, which he described as bearing upon its bottom the wealth of the remotest part of the state. He touched upon the prospects that a lasting peace afforded of commanding the treasures of the western world by the improvement of our internal navigation. He said, that to these natural advantages, we might add many other adventitious circumstances. He observed, that a considerable proportion of our domestic debt was already in the treasury, and that though we are indebted for a part of this to our citizens, yet that that debt was comparatively small and could easily be extinguished by an honest exertion on the part of the government. He observed, that our bank lands were competent to the discharge of our foreign debt, if a vigorous government should be adopted, which would enable us to avail ourselves of this resource, so that we might look forward to a day when no other taxes would be required from us, than such as would be necessary to support our internal government; the amount of the impost being more than adequate to the other expenses of the union. He feared that a prospect of these advantages had excited an improper confidence in ourselves; that it has produced an inflexibility which had rendered us regardless of the wishes and expectations of the other states, and lessened that respect which was due as well from nations to each other, as from individuals. We have insisted, says he, that every knee shall bow to the golden image we have set up. But let us remember, that how valuable soever the materials of which its nobler parts are composed, its feet (like those of the image in the vision) are composed of iron and clay, of materials that will not adhere together, and the slightest shock will tumble it to the earth.
He then ran over the alliances that would be formed in case of a disunion; pointed out the connection between the eastern states, and urged various reasons to shew that it was neither the interest nor wish of the states on the east or west to form a league offensive or defensive with us. Having dwelt largely on this subject, he deduced as a consequence from it, that our wealth and our weakness equally required the support of a federal union. He observed that this could only be found in the existing confederation, or in that under consideration: urging that as union could only be founded on the consent of the states, it should be sought where we had reason to expect that consent; that to depart from this would be to investigate as many ideal systems as there were persons who had thought on the subject of government. He observed that in the then state of things, it was problematical at least, whether we could recur to the old confederation, but as many gentlemen thought it possible he would proceed to investigate it. He then went thro' the confederation, and shewed that the powers intended to be vested in Congress, were very similar to those given by the new government, to wit, to raise troops, possess a common treasure, borrow money, make treaties, appoint civil officers, &c. He observed that as on the one hand the want of these powers would not be objected to the confederation; so on the other, the possession of them could not be urged as a fault in the new plan.
He asked whether with these powers, it had been able to effect the purposes designed by the Union—whether it had repelled invaders—maintained domestic peace—supported our credit, or extended our commerce? He proved that not one of these objects had been effected by it. He pointed to the British possessions in the limits of this state, held in defiance of the most solemn treaties, and contempt of our government, as proof of its incompetency to defend our rights against foreign powers. How has it happened, says he, that Vermont is at this moment an independent state? How has it happened that new states have been rent from those
on the west, that were entitled to the protection of the Union? He asked if any gentleman would assert, that our national credit was fixed upon a proper basis—that our commerce enjoyed the advantages we had a right to expect? If then, says he, experience has shewn that the existing confederation (if I may use the term) has not answered the great ends of the Union, it must either have arisen from an inefficiency in its powers, or from some defect in the execution of them: If insufficient, more should be added; if not executed, the cause should be enquired into. He shewed that with the addition of a few powers, those it possessed were competent to the purposes of the Union. But that the defect of the system rested in the impossibility of carrying into effect the rights involved in them by the states. He then ran through every power intended to be vested in Congress, and shewed that the exercise of them, by the intervention of the state governments, and subject to their pleasure or their different views of the matters recommended to them, would be attended with inseparable difficulties, inconveniences and delays, even if they were disposed to carry them into effect. But that if (which experience had shewn, would often be the case) they should either neglect or refuse to comply with the requisition, no means was pointed out by the confederation to coerce them, but that it was left as all leagues among nations, to military force. He shewed in a strong point of view, the danger of applying this; and deduced from all those observations that the old confederation was defective in its principle, and impeachable in its execution, as it operated upon states in their political capacity, and not upon individuals; and that it carried with it the seeds of domestic violence, and tended ultimately to its own dissolution. He then appealed to our experience in the last war, to shew the operation of this system, and demonstrated that it must from its construction leave every state to struggle with its own difficulties, and proved that none would be routed to action but them that were near the seat of war. He alledged that this idea of a Federal Republic, in the ground of a league among independent states, had, in every instance, disappointed the expectations of its advocates—He mentioned its effects in the antient republics, and took a view of the union of the Netherlands, and shewed that even when they were struggling for every thing that was dear to them in the contest with Spain, they permitted the burthen of the war to be borne in a great measure by the province of Holland, which was at one time compelled to attempt to force a neighboring province by arms, to a compliance with their federal engagements. He cited the Germanic league as a proof that no government, formed on the basis of the total independence of its parts, could produce the effects of union. He shewed that notwithstanding the power of their federal head from his hereditary dominions, the decrees of their general diet were little regarded, and different members of the confederacy were perpetually rushing upon each other's swords.
He then observed upon the necessity of adding to the powers of Congress, that of regulating the militia—referring to the article in the proposed plan, which he said he would not anticipate. He urged the common consent of America as a proof of the necessity of adding the power of regulating commerce to those Congress already possessed, which he said not only included those of forming laws, but of deciding upon those laws and carrying them into effect: That this power could never be trusted to the individual states, whose interest might in many instances clash with that of the Union. From hence he inferred the necessity of a federal judicial, to which he reserved not only the laws for regulating commerce, but the construction of treaties and other great national objects, shewing that without this it would be in the power of any state to commit the honor of the Union, defeat their most beneficial treaties, and involve them in a war. He next adverted to the form of the federal government—He said that though justified when considered as a mere diplomatic body, making engagements for its respective states, which they were to carry into effect, yet that if it was to enjoy legislative, judicial, and executive powers, an attention as well to the facility of doing business as to the principles of freedom called for a division of those powers, after commenting on each of them, and shewing the mischief that would flow from their union in one house of representatives, and those too chosen only by the legislature, and neither representing the people or the government, which he said consisted of legislative, executive and judicial, he proposed the constitution of this state as the model for the state government.
From these observations he deduced, first, that the powers which were by common consent intended to be vested in the federal head, had either been found deficient, or rendered useless by the impossibility of carrying them into execution, on the principle of a league of states totally separate and independent. Second, that if the principle was changed, a change would also become necessary in the form of the government: But if we could no longer retain the old principle of the confederacy, and were compelled to change its form, we were driven to the necessity of creating a new constitution, and could find no place to rest upon in the old confederation.—That he had urged these considerations to fix gentlemen's attention to the only true ground of enquiry, to keep them from reverting to plans which had no single feature that could now be serviceable, and to lead the way to a minute discussion of every article, with candor and deliberation; and in order that this might be the better effected, and no gentleman pledged before he had fully considered the subject, he intended before he sat down, to move the resolution he had in his hand: He considered the question as one that not only affected the happiness and perhaps the existence of this state, but as one that involved the great interests of humanity. Many of us sir, said he, are officers of government, many of us have seats in the senate and assembly; let us on this solemn occasion forget the pride of office—let us consider ourselves as simple citizens assembled to consult on measures that are to promote the happiness of our fellow citizens. As magistrates, we may be unwilling to sacrifice any portion of the power of the state; as citizens, we have no interest in advancing the powers of the state at the expence of the union: We are only bound to see that so much power as we find it necessary to entrust to our rulers, be so placed as to ensure our liberties
and the blessings of a well ordered government.
He then offered a resolution, the purport of which was, That no question, general or particular, shall be propounded in this convention, upon the proposed constitution of government for the United States, or upon any clause or any article thereof, until the constitution shall have been discussed, clause by clause, through all its parts; and that any amendments which may be proposed, shall be submitted to the consideration of the committee without a question being taken thereon.
The said resolution being taken into consideration, was agreed to by the convention.
The committee then rose, and the convention adjourned till next day, ten o'clock, A. M.
Friday, June 20, 1788.
Convention met pursuant to adjournment. Went into a committee of the whole.
Mr. Oosthoudt in the chair. The hon. Mr. Lansing then rose, and addressed the chair as follows:
M. CHAIRMAN, I AM equally disposed with the honorable gentleman from New-York, who favored the committee with his sentiments yesterday, to a candid and dispassionate investigation of the important business now under consideration, and to receive every possible information on the occasion.
I do not mean to state any objections to the clause now read; but with the indulgence of the committee, while I make some observations in answer to those which were given to the committee by the honorable gentleman from New-York.
Sir, the project devised by Henry IV. in his closet, to form a confederated republic of the European states, may perhaps be considered as visionary in its object, but originating in motives which were in some measure peculiar to himself, as from the power and importance he possessed, he might have flattered himself that he should have been at the head of it; But a difference in language, manners, religion and interests of their sovereigns, would have defeated it if it had been attempted. Here a confederated republic is only more attainable from the circumstances of all the powers existing in or originating from the people, and a similarity of language and manners: We ought therefore to be extremely cautious how we establish a government which may give distinct interests to the rulers and governed, so as to induce the former to pursue advice to the happiness of the United States.
It has been observed, that as the people must of necessity delegate essential powers either to the individual or general sovereigns, it is perfectly immaterial where they are lodged; but as the state governments will always possess a better representation of the feelings and interests of the people at large, it is obvious that those powers can be deposited with much greater safety with the state than general government.
I am equally averse to cherishing on this occasion, the idea of attaining a perfection which never existed, and to disparaging of making important amendments to the system now offered for consideration; for, sir, however much I may be disposed to perpetuate Union; however sensible of the defects of the existing confederation; I cannot help differing from those gentlemen who are of opinion it is incapable of melioration.
I would ask, what are the objections which have been so shily urged against it? They are comprised under two heads:
1. It affords no defence against foreign insult. 2. No security to domestic tranquility. Both these objects might be compassed if Congress could be vested with a power to raise men and money.
Requisitions made under the existing confederation by Congress, it is allowed are inefficient; but this defect might in a great measure have been remedied by permitting the United States to legislate on individuals, after the requisitions had been made, and not been complied with. If the requisitions could be thus enforced, loans of money might be negotiated when necessary, and Congress be authorised to raise money to replace them.
The languishing situation of our commerce has also been attributed to the impotence of Congress; but I think their journals will justify me in the assertion, that all the states, excepting two, had passed laws to enable Congress to regulate commerce, and that those two were not indisposed to vest that power.
The conduct of the king of Great-Britain with respect to the western posts, has also been urged as the result of the insufficiency of our Government; But however organized our government might be, I should doubt whether it was either prudent or expedient to risk a war, which would expose our coasts to depredations by an enemy, against whose attacks in that point we must remain defenceless, until we can create a fleet to repel their invasions. Will any government enable us, to do this in a few years? I am convinced it will not.
That we have to encounter embarrassments; that we are distressed for want of money is undoubted; but causes which could not be controuled by any system of Government, have principally contributed to embarrassments and distresses us. On the termination of a war which operated to exhaust our resources, we launched into every species of extravagance, and imported European goods to an amount far beyond our ability to pay. The difficulties which arose from this and several other causes, equally uninfluenced by the system of government, were without hesitation attributed to its want of energy.
Sir, the instance adduced from the history of the Jewish theocracy, evinces that there are certain situations in communities which will unavoidably lead to results similar to those we experience. The Israelites were unsuccessful in war; they were sometimes defeated by their enemies; instead of reflecting that these calamities were occasioned by their sins, they sought relief in the appointment of a King, in imitation of their neighbours.
The United Dutch Provinces have been instanced as possessing a government somewhat parallel to the existing confederation; but I believe it will be discovered that they were never organized as a general government on principles so well calculated to promote the attainments of national objects;

as that of the United States. They were obliged to resort to subordinate societies to collect the sense of the state before the deputies were authorized to assent to any public measure binding on their states. Sir William Temple relates, that an important measure was prevented from taking place by the dissent of a single town, till one of its citizens was accommodated with a commission.
The Germanic Confederacy consists of a heterogeneous mass of powerful Princes, petty despotisms and republics, differently organized; divided by religious jealousies, and existing only in its forms by the pressure of the great controlling power of the Emperor. I know not that history furnishes an example of a confederated republic coercing the states composing it by the mild influence of its laws operating on the individuals of those states. This therefore I suppose to be a new experiment in politics, and as we cannot always accurately ascertain the results of political measures, and as reasonings on them have been frequently found fallacious, we should not too confidently predict those to be produced by the new system.
The dangers to which we will be exposed by a dissolution of the Union, have been represented; but however much I may wish to preserve the Union, apprehensions of its dissolution ought not to induce us to submit to any measure, which may involve in its consequences the loss of civil liberty. Congress can do no more in the present state of civilization than to subject us to be ruled by persons, in whose appointment we have no agency. This, Sir, is the worst we can apprehend at all events; and as I suppose a government so organized, and possessing the powers mentioned in the proposed constitution, will unavoidably terminate in the depriving us of that invaluable privilege, I am content to risk a probable, but on this occasion a mere possible evil, to avoid a certain one. But if a dissolution of the union should unfortunately ensue, what have we to apprehend? We are connected both by interest and affection with the New-England states; we harbor no animosity against each other; we have no interfering territorial claims; our manners are nearly similar, and they are daily assimilating, and mutual advantages will probably prompt to mutual concessions, to enable us to form an union with them. I however, contemplate the idea of a possible dissolution with pain, and I make these remarks with the most sincere reluctance, only in answer to those which were offered by the honorable gentleman from New-York.
Sir, I have formerly had occasion to declare to the public my apprehensions, that a consolidated government, partaking in a great degree of republican principles, and which had in object the control of the inhabitants of the extensive territory of the United States, by its sole operations could not preserve the essential rights and liberties of the people. I have not as yet discovered any reason to change that sentiment; on the contrary, reflection has given it additional force. But I stand here the representative of others, and as far as I can ascertain the views of my constituents, it is my duty to promote them with the utmost assiduity; and in no one pursuit can I be better supported by the almost unanimous opinion of my fellow citizens in the county I have the honor to represent, than in proposing amendments to the constitution which is now the subject of our deliberations, as the mode of introducing them was the only point of difference. Influenced by these considerations, every amendment which I am convinced will have a tendency to lessen the dangers of invasion of civil liberty by the general government, will receive my sincere approbation. But none which can in the remotest degree originate in local views will meet my concurrence; and I trust an intention will not be attributed to me to preserve the consequence of official state establishments.
Sir, When motives of this kind are supposed to actuate men in office by persons who have imbibed prejudices from a want of information—when they originate from an illiberality of sentiment which would disgrace the world cause, every man who feels the injustice of the imputation, while he laments the misguided zeal which arises by the sacrifice of private feeling to obtain a favorite object, will disregard the attempt, and consign it to merited oblivion: but when an honorable gentleman is distinguished for his liberal turn of thinking, who is possessed of one of the most lucrative offices of the state, deliberately gives his name to the public as impliedly sanctioning the sentiment, silence must unavoidably be construed into a tacit confession of its justice. The committee will therefore indulge me in remarking that if the operations of the general government will subvert those of the individual states, the interests of the state officers may be affected in some measure, otherwise their emoluments will remain undiminished—their consequence will remain unimpaired as not to compensate men of interested pursuits by the prospect of sharing the offices of the general government.—Does this imputation only apply to the officers of this state? Are they more discerning in distinguishing their interests, or are they only capable of being warped by apprehensions of loss? In the neighbouring states the officers of government are amongst the warmest advocates of the new system, and even in this state they are perhaps more divided in sentiment than any other class of men whatever.
But, Sir, I trust we shall divest ourselves on this occasion of every consideration of a private nature, and determine the constitution with caution and moderation.
By EXPRESS.
Yesterday, at 12 h. noon, Mr. Kelsey arrived in this city in ten hours from Poughkeepsie, with the important intelligence of the RATIFICATION of the CONSTITUTION, by the state of NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
This intelligence was received at Poughkeepsie, by express, under the signature of his excellency John Langdon, president of the state of New-Hampshire, and purports, that the convention, of that state, RATIFIED the CONSTITUTION on the 21st instant, by a majority of ELEVEN, yeas 57, nays 46.
At half after twelve this letter was read in Congress. At one o'clock Col. Henley sat off, express, for Virginia, with the joyful tidings.
At 2 h. the bells in this city were set a ringing, which incessantly rang until 7 in the evening.
Many citizens were rejoiced on this occasion; to testify which bottles of choice nectar were quaffed—and, at that hour, the guns fired.
It is not possible to form an adequate idea of the political situation of the state of Virginia, as it respects the new proposed constitution, and this arises from the great variety of accounts which are in circulation; their purports are as various as their numbers. The latest, viz. the 15th, say, that if the constitution be carried in the convention, it will be but by a very small majority. This is said both by federalists and anti-federalists.
Extract of a letter from Boston, June 17.
"There seems to be a general infatuation here among the magi; the vulgar have caught it, so that there is no reasoning with them on the subject, though of the greatest importance. Ask any of them, high or low, whether they have any ill apprehensions from the adoption of the new system, they answer, without hesitation, yes; but they say, Congress will certainly make the proposed alterations. Ministers, lawyers, and merchants, made a large proportion of our convention, so that it is no great wonder that the people at large are so many of them deluded; yet, I believe, could the voice of the people in general be taken, a very large majority would be found in opposition to the proposed plan. Of this I am convinced from the frequent conversations I have had with farmers, &c."
Extract of a letter from St. Mary's, Georgia, dated May 30, 1788.
"I have just received the following intelligence from an Indian countryman, viz. That on the 27th inst. he spoke with an Indian warrior, who said, he met with a number of a gang of 40 young warriors that were returning to their nation, in consequence of receiving information that M c Gillevray had sent to call in every warrior, a peace having been concluded upon between the commissioners from Congress and the Indian tribes. I place so much confidence in this information, that I am induced immediately to enter into trade."
"We are happy to hear that the utmost harmony subsists at Poughkeepsie, notwithstanding the difference of sentiment which prevails."
Congress, on the 2d instant, agreed to the report of a committee, that the district of Kentucky, be erected into an independent state.
Since our last the ships Montgomery, Bunyan, from London; Phipps Packet, Barron, Newry; brig Cato, Garfinit, Galway, and sloop Cato, Dilsen, Greenock, have arrived—by whom European intelligence was received to the 30th April.
By accounts thus received, we find, that the probability of an European war is still more glaring, than by the last arrivals. It is said that the Emperor of Morocco has absolutely declared war against England. That the war between the Turks and Russians is carrying on in a most bloody manner; the former of whom refusing to give quarters to any one taken in arms. That there is a large Spanish armament ready to sail on an expedition, of which no one knows the nature or tendency; that the edicts of the king of France, respecting lettres de cachet, continue to keep the several parliaments in a broil; that a treaty of defensive alliance has finally obtained between the king of Great-Britain and their noble and high mightinesses, the states general, by which sincere amity and union, firm and constant, is permanently established between the two contracting powers.
At New-Hampshire general election, held at Concord, June 5, 1788, a sufficient number of members to make a quorum being present, the House proceeded to a choice of a Speaker, when the Hon. John Langdon, Esq. was chosen—The house then proceeded to the choice of a Clerk, when the Hon. John Calfé, Esq. was chosen.
The vacancies in the Senate being filled, both branches proceeded to count and sort the votes for President, when there appeared to be, for
John Langdon, Esq. 4,421 John Sullivan, Esq. 3,664 Scattering votes, 753
So his Excellency John Langdon, Esq. was declared Chief Magistrate, and having acknowledged his acceptance, and taken the necessary oaths, took his seat accordingly.
The Speaker being removed to the chief seat of government, the Hon. John Sullivan, Esq. was chosen Speaker, who declined: the Hon. Thomas Bartlett, Esq. was then chosen, and took his seat accordingly.
Accounts from Portland, Massachusetts, dated June 12, say, "Yesterday the convention for considering the expediency of a separate government in the three eastern counties, met in this town agreeably to adjournment. After making choice of General Wadsworth for President in room of the Hon. William Gorham, Esq. who was absent—and passing some other votes; on motion of Mr. Davis, the convention was adjourned to the second Tuesday of September next, then to meet in this place. The petition from the convention being at this time before the General Court, and as that honorable body will soon take up the subject, there remained nothing of consequence for the convention to do. But the committee which were chosen the last session of the convention, consisting of Stephen Hall, and Jacob Bradbury, Esqrs. and Captain James
Carr, were revived, and with their former powers continued to the next sitting of the convention."
On the arrival of his Excellency JOHN ADAMS, Esq. at Boston, on the 17th instant, after an absence of nine years, the legislature of that Commonwealth, being then in session, addressed him as follows:
SIR, THE return of yourself and family, to the United States, and to this your native state in particular, is gratifying to all who recollect your many successful labors in the service of your country.
To the patriot citizens of a free Commonwealth, the affection of an enlightened people, will appear the most illustrious reward.
The Legislature of Massachusetts, just to the merit of all her citizens, and particularly mindful of yours, participate in the public satisfaction which is manifest on your arrival: And in these congratulations, the Legislature are confident that they express the sentiments of the people.
To the foregoing address, Mr. Adams returned the following answer.
To the honorable the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
THE kind and condescending congratulations of so illustrious a body as the Legislature of Massachusetts, on my arrival, with my family in this my native country, does me great honor, and demands my most grateful acknowledgments.
If the dangers and fatigues which have fallen to my share, in the course of a memorable revolution, have contributed in any degree to the acquisition or security of those inestimable blessings of independence and peace, of commerce and territory, of civil and religious liberty, which this highly favored nation now enjoy, the reflection on them will be a source of consolation to me to my latest period, and the candor and indulgence with which they have been received by my fellow citizens, will ever be remembered with gratitude.
JOHN ADAMS.
The following paragraphs, from an English paper of the 24th of April, are general, viz.
France has privately supplied Spain with a number of seamen, for the purpose of manning the fleet intended for the Mediterranean.
The Dutch treaty being now happily concluded, can no longer afford a pretence for clamour. The ground is therefore now shifted, and those who are enemies to the present Administration, think that greater advantages ought to have been gained, no less than a free trade to the Dutch Spice Islands. This, however, was never asked; the great object was to break the connection entered into between the states general and France about four years since; and which, happily for this country, by the late treaty, is virtually dissolved.
It has been reported, that the reasons of further concessions not having been made to us by the Dutch, is on account of a protest having been entered into by the French minister at the Hague. Such report is however, totally false. The French are too well convinced of their declining interest in the Dutch Republic, to have attempted dictating the terms of our late negotiation.
The Venetians, it is thought, will not stand single among the christian powers, who oppose the entrance of the Russians into the Mediterranean. Indeed from the present state of Russian manners, they would be to the full as disagreeable neighbours as the Ottomans.
So very numerous will the armies of the Porte be, in consequence of the vast reinforcements they will receive from Arabia, Persia, and other friendly districts, that it is highly probable, they will out-number their antagonists, who being also in great force, one of these consequences must absolutely follow—The scene of action must be frequently changed, or famine will on both sides supersede the use of the sword.
So forcibly have the Divan expressed, in a circulating letter to the various independent Mahometan states, the injustice of the conduct of the two Imperial invaders, that their long cherished animosities against the subjects of the Sublime Porte have been wholly laid aside; and they are now arming with the utmost alacrity in one common cause, to repel the efforts of those whom they are taught to believe, have without provocation, or even the pretext of justice, entered into a league to extirpate, without exception, all the followers of Mahomet.
Starch and Hair-Powder, MANUFACTURED and SOLD by Isaac & John Stoughtenburgh, At the corner of Greenwich and Dey Streets, North-River.
ACELLER to let. A LARGE convenient Celler, situate in Water-Street, near the Coffee-House, may be hired from this date to 1st of May next.—Enquire of the Printer.
TO BE SOLD, At PUBLIC AUCTION, This DAY, at XII o'Clock, At the COFFEE-HOUSE BRIDGE, An Excellent MARE, Either for Carriage or Saddle, Five Years old. WILLIAM HAMILTON. New-York, June 26, 1788.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons who are indebted to Richard Lawrence, of Westchester, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscribers, their accounts will be put in suit—and all creditors are desired to bring in their accounts, properly attested, as a dividend is intended to be made the first Monday in September next, provided the creditors accounts are sent in, to
JOSHUA MERSEEAU, or GOZEN RYERS, } Affignees June 18, 1788. 26—6w.th.
All kinds of Public & State Certificates BOUGHT and SOLD,
At No. 27, WATER-STREET, And every kind of PAPER MONEY exchanged for SPECIE and re-exchanged: Also, on Hand FOR SALE,
A LARGE Sum in Bancker's, Barber's, and Loan-Office Certificates of this State, such as will purchase Lands at the Commissioner's Sale, and pay Quit Rents—Likewise Final Settlements of this State; any, or all of which will be exchanged for Common Final Settlements, Loan-Office, or Pickering's Notes, and Indents at a small difference. New-York, June 25, 1788. 30—e.d.
Wanted to Purchase IMMEDIATELY, OFFICER's and Soldier's Military Bounty Rights of Land, both State and Continental—Also, a large Amount in Indents, Final Settlements, and Pickering's Notes. Apply at No. 196, Water-Street. New-York, June 25, 1788. 30—e.d.
A COACH-MAN.
WANTS a PLACE, A YOUNG MAN who has been accustomed to driving a COACH.—Enquire of the PRINTER. June 25, 1788. 30—e.d. t.f.
EASTERN STAGES. THE Line of Stages, from Boston, to this Place (after the First of next Month) will be continued from hence, to New-York.—The Proprietors having provided convenient Carriages, good Horses, and faithful steady Drivers; those who wish to have a Conveyance, may depend on having the best Accommodations. New-Haven, June 18, 1788.
Rooms to Let, EITHER furnished or unfurnished; one of which is a lower front room very convenient for a Lawyer's Office, or a Doctor's shop.
A L S O— A STABLE & CELLAR, Enquire of the Printer.
TO LET, Two convenient ROOMS, For the Summer Season, IN an elegant HOUSE, and pleasant Situation; at Gravesend, King's County.—Enquire of the PRINTER, or at Dr. Smith's, living in said House.
EMPTY BOTTLES, WANTED IMMEDIATELY, Enquire at Mr. W. BRADFORD's, OLD SLIP. New-York, June 20, 1788. 30—e.d.
Just Published, At Thomas Greenleaf's Printing-Office. No. 25, Water Street. A new, complete, and correct Edition of Baron Steuben's Regulations
FOR THE Order and Discipline OF THE Troops of the United States.
I. Greenwood, SURGEON DENTIST, No. 199 Water-Street, opposite the Coffee-House, Performs all Operations incident to the TEETH and GUMS, Transplants Natural, and Substitutes ARTIFICIAL TEETH, And attends abroad upon sending direction.
Just Published, And to be Sold at the Printing-Office, The Heidelbergh Catechism. A L S O, The Mothers Catechism.
Conductor Generalis, To be sold at this Office.

POET'S CORNER.
STREPHON and CELIA; or, Courtship displayed.
Y EAR after year fair Celia reign'd, With adamantine heart: And frowning, cry'd, that she disdain'd Young Cupid's fatal dart. Thus always sung the haughty maid, While yet no lover came: Their absence was but ill repaid, By words so mean to name. At last fond Strephon mov'd his suit, And breath'd his love sick woe: The cunning nymph at first was mute, And scarcely answer'd—No. He tells the am'rous pains he felt, Still begging to be blest: Her frozen heart soon learnt to melt, And flutter in her breast. But Strephon always prone to change, Forsakes the willing fair: And she who thought that love so strange, Now sinks in sad despair. Learn hence, ye swains, a woman's truth; Our sex they but pursue: To love they learn from our false youth, And first to change from you. Thus Weather-cocks will constant prove, Thus woman, wond'rous kind! From one fix'd point they never move, Unless first woves the wind.
To be SOLD CHEAP, At PRIVATE SALE, A FARM,
T HE place which WILLIAM PROVOOST formerly occupied, which for elegance of situation is perhaps equal to any in the state of New-Jersey; it lies three quarters of a mile from the church of Hackinack and extends from the river up the road towards Paramus, being intersected by the road leading to the New-bridge: on the lot next the river is a fine DWELLING HOUSE, two story high in front, and three in rear, having a fine dry Celler and a Dwelling-Room underneath on the ground floor (being built on the declivity of a hill) with a large Kitchen adjoining: Also, a Poultry-House and a new Barn: in the rear of the Dwelling-House is a beautiful Green, ornamented with Fruit-Trees; between which and the river, lies a valuable piece of meadow, yielding about twenty-four loads of English hay yearly: to the rear of the meadow is a spacious and substantial Dock, newly made, on which is a store with a large quantity of ashes, an extraordinary spring and well at the Dwelling-House, from which the meadow may be watered: There is also a Garden with a variety of the best Fruit-Trees: On the lot on the opposite side on the road stands a commodious store, commanding the trade of the back country; also a young Orchard of good Fruit-Trees. The whole of the place contains about thirty-four or five acres, twelve of which are Wood-Land; the land has been well manured with ashes; the whole of the Land enclosed with a new substantial fence.
The beauty of this situation, and its advantages for trade, make it eligible either as a country seat, or a place of business. To be sold in three different Lots, or the whole together, as may best suit the purchaser: For terms apply to DIRCK LEFFERTS, in Maiden-Lane, No. 21, New-York, who will give a good title for the same.
The conditions of payment will be made easy to the Purchaser. If any person wants to view the place, apply to D. LEFFERTS, he will send a Person with him. New-York, May 28, 1788. 6—th.
A MINIATURE PAINTER,
Lately arrived from FRANCE, Presents his RESPECTS to his Friends, and the Public in general, —And INFORMS them— That he DRAWS THE MOST STRIKING LIKENESSES OF LADIES and GENTLEMEN, At the LOWEST PRICE, And engages the Painting to be equal to any in Europe.
SHOULD the Likenesses not be approved of, after drawing, they will be taken back. Those Ladies and Gentlemen who will please to honor him with their Commands, will be so kind as to enquire at Mrs. DAVIS'S, No. 42, Hanover-Square, opposite Mr. Peter Goelert's.
PETER HENRI. Ladies in the City will be waited on if desired. New-York, June 9. 17—ed.
Wants a Place,
A WET NURSE, who can be well recommended, and who would go in to a family. Enquire of the printer.
SHRUB.
Of the very best Quality, by the Hoghead, Barrel, or smaller Quantity, FOR SALE by Charles Tillinghast, At his House, nearly opposite the New-Market in Cherry-street.
By Order of the JUDGE of PROBATES, TO BE SOLD, at PUBLIC AUCTION,
On TUESDAY the 1st of July next, At Three o'Clock, P. M.
On the PREMISES, The House & Lot of Ground,
No. 66, William-Street, Directly opposite the NORTH-CHURCH (Late the Property of Stephen Dwight, Deceased)
THE House is substantially built of Brick, contains six Fire Places—the Rooms well finished—The Stand for Business is equal to any in this City.
N. B. For particulars apply to JOHN ANDERSON, No. 16, Cherry-Street, New-York, June 17, 1788. 23—ed.6t.
TO BE SOLD.
At Public Vendue,
—On the PREMISES— The SECOND DAY of JULY next, (If not Sold before at Private Sale)
Two LOTS of GROUND,
SITUATE IN CHESNUT-STREET:
EACH LOT containing in front and rear, Twenty-five Feet, and in length on both sides, Fifty-Two Feet. The Payments will be made easy to the purchaser, and a good TITLE will be given by the subscriber,
PETER OGILVIE.
JUST IMPORTED, In the Ship J U N O, from Havre-de-Grace, and ships PHILADELPHIA and GRACE from Amsterdam, And to be SOLD at the STORE No. 191 Queen-street, opposite Beckman's Slip, By DE LUZE DE MONTMOLLIN, and COMPANY,
A general Assortment of DRY GOODS,
Consisting of the following ARTICLES, CHINTZES, Kid Gloves, Calicoes, Ribbons, Lutestrings, Hair Ribbons, Cambricks, Watches, Silk Hose, Umbrellos, &c.
Also, to be sold at the above Store, Handkerchiefs, Persians, and Sarfnets. t.f
FRANCIS DURAND,
No. 15, QUEEN-STREET, Has FOR SALE, imported in the French Packets,
The following ARTICLES, viz. CAMBRICKS, and Superfine French Broad Cloths, Scarlet, Blue, &c. &c. Umbrellos of different sizes, Thread Laces and Edgings, Lyon's quilted Satins, Black Silk Laces, Men's black and white Silk Hose, White and coloured Women's white do. Women's Kid Gloves Black Modes, yard wide Chintzes, &c. bell assorted Ribbons,
TO BE SOLD, For JERSEY MONEY at full Value, Or exchanged for any Property in New-York, or bartered for West-India or DRY GOODS, At Market Price,
A Valuable Farm,
SITUATE in Woodbridge township, in the county of Essex, New-Jersey, within a quarter of a mile of the main road from Woodbridge to Brunswick, about eight miles distant from the latter, and three and a half from Perth Amboy, consisting of one hundred and seventy acres: a third part of which is excellent MEADOW; a sufficiency of fire-wood, with a handsome piece of thrifty young timber.
The plough-land equal to any in that part of the country; the whole under good fence.
On the premises is a good house, kitchen, and barn; and an excellent spring of water near the door; to which is added, fifteen acres, or thereabouts, of salt marsh, on the Rariton, about one mile from the farm.
This place is well known by the name of CLAWSON'S FARM.
For terms of sale enquire of Mr. Joseph Bindon, merchant, New-York, or Benjamin Thompson, near Morris-Town. New-York, Jan. 24, 1788. 09—e.d.
New-York RUM
Of excellent Flavour and good Proof FOR SALE, By Charles Tillinghast,
At the DISTILLERY, near the New Market in Cherry-street.
Mrs. WATERS
HAS removed to Peck-Slip, No. 1, where she continues the business of washing Silk Stockings, and other nice articles, in the usual manner, in which branch she has always given satisfaction,
[Continued from first page.]
Lots No. 4, do situate in the district aforesaid. 1, 100 acres. } 2, do } In the subdivision of lot number sixteen of the 3, do } aforesaid patent. 6, do }
Deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of John Butler, late of the county of Tryon, Esq. The equity of redemption of the one equal half or moiety of 24,760 acres of land, in the Mohawk district, being part of a tract granted to John Butler, and others, and is known by the name of Strauburgh; deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of John Wetherhead late of the city of New-York, merchant.
The equity of redemption of a certain tract or piece of land, in Glen's purchase or Remefnyder's Bush; forfeited by the conviction of Philip Empie, late of Palatine district, in the county of Tryon yeoman.
A farm on Charlotte river, late in the possession of John McDonald, forfeited by the conviction of the said John McDonald, late of Charlotte-river, in the county of Tryon, farmer.
Part of lot No. 1, estimated at 100 acres, in Maginnis's patent, commonly called Tillebagh; forfeited by the attainder of Isaac Low, late of the city of New-York, merchant.
In Glen's Purchase, or Remefnyder's Bush.
Lots No. 1, 100 acres. } 2, do } 3, do } In the subdivision of 4, do } lot No. 20. Lot No 1, 100 acres. } 2, do } 3, do } In the subdivision of 4, do } lot No. 5. 1, 100 acres. } 2, do } In the subdivision of lot No. 11. 10, do }
The aforesaid lands are situated on the north side of the Mohawk river, in Kingsland district; and are deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of James De Lancey, late of the city of New-York, Esq.
Nine hundred acres of land, on the Adugetanga or Charlotte-river, forfeited by the conviction of Christopher Service, late of Charlotte-river in the county of Tryon, yeoman.
The undivided half or moiety of 24,760 acres of land, in the Mohawk district, being part of a tract of land granted to John Butler and others, and known by the name of Strauburgh.
Deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of John Tabor Kempe, late attorney-general of New-York, Esq.
Lot No. 6, in the subdivision of lot No. 23, Remefnyder's bush, containing 50 acres; forfeited by the conviction of John Thompson, late of the county of Tryon, yeoman.
Lot No. 39, in Klock and Nellis' patent, estimated at 100 acres; forfeited by the conviction of Henry W. Nellis, late of the county of Tryon, yeoman.
In NORTHAMPTON PATENT.
The western part of lot No 8, 64 acres. eastern do 16, 220 do do do 18, 225 do western do 29, 60 do do do 33, 60 do 28, in Cuchitmondoy Town. 12, do
A small piece of low land, between the aforesaid town lots and river, estimated at 2 acres. Forfeited by the attainder of Guy Johnson, late of the county of Tryon, Esq.
Fifty acres of land on Tripes-hill; forfeited by the conviction of William R. Bowen, of the district of Caghnawaga, in the county of Tryon, laborer.
Lot No. 25, 420 acres. half of 1, 240 } southerly half of 34, 220 } In a patent granted to Frederick Young, eastermost half of 38, 200 } and others, on the south side of the Mohawk south westerly quarter of 46, 52 } river, commonly called the Second Tract. westerly half of 53, 200 } southerly half of 58, 100 }
The half of lot No. 56, 105 acres, westerly half of 8, 210 } do do 16, 210 } In a patent granted to Philip Livingston, northerly half of 25, 200 } and others, on the south side of the Mohawk southerly half of 37, do } river, commonly called the First Tract. do do 48, 105 }
The aforesaid lands are deemed to have become forfeited by the conviction of Frederick Young, late of the district of Conesjoary, in the county of Tryon, Esq.
The northwest quarter of lot No. 46, 52 acres. easterly half of 53, 110 } In a patent granted to Frederick Young, & others, on the south side of the Mohawk river, commonly called the Second Tract.
Part of lot No. 17, in a patent granted to Teobald Young and others, on the south side of the Mohawk river, estimated at 100 acres.
The aforesaid pieces of land are deemed to have become forfeited by the conviction of Adam Young, late of the county of Tryon, yeoman.
6 lots, estimated each at 498 acres, in a patent granted the twelfth day of June, 1771, to William Bayard, and others, on the south side of the Mohawk river, commonly called the Oneida purchase; deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of the said William Bayard, late of the city of New-York, Esq.
The undivided half or moiety of 2,000 acres of land, situate between the Coquago branch of the Delaware and Susquehannah rivers, granted to John D. Berniere, &c.
The undivided half or moiety of 5000 acres of land, situate between the Coquago branch of the Delaware and Susquehannah rivers, granted to Robert Leake, &c.
The aforesaid premises are deemed to have become forfeited by the attainder of Robert Leake, late of the county of Albany, gentleman.
A farm, situate on Bowman's Kill, the south side of the Mohawk river; forfeited by the conviction of John Hickey, late of Bowman's Kill, in the county of Tryon, yeoman.
The sales of the above lands and premises in the county of Montgomery, will begin on Monday, the 11th day of August next, at the Court-House in Johnstown, at XI o'clock in the forenoon, and will continue from day to day until the sales are completed.
By an act, entitled, "An act relating to the forfeited estates," passed the twenty-first day of March, 1788, it is enacted, That from and after the said 21st March, no other public securities except such as are signed by the Treasurer or Auditor of this state, shall be received in payment.
All persons who have any claim by mortgage, pre-emption or otherwise, on any of the above lands, tenements, or hereditaments, included in this advertisement, are hereby required and notified, to exhibit the same before the day of sale, to the subscribers.
HENRY OOTHOUTD, } Commissioners of Forfeitures JER. V. RENSSELAER, } for the Western District. Commissioner's-Office, Albany, May 13, 1788. 2306—th.t.o.d.
Advertisement.
STOLEN from the subscriber, on the night of the 6th instat, a sorrel ball faced Horse about 14 hands high; natural to a single footed trot, about 7 years old, about one half of his mane cut off on the near side, 3 white feet. It is supposed he is carried by the thief into the Jerseys. Whoever will take up said thief and horse, so that the thief may be brought to justice, and the horse returned to the subscriber, shall receive Five Dollars reward, and all reasonable charges, and for the Horse, Three Dollars, and all reasonable charges. It is supposed said horse is stole by one Caleb Ferris, who hath been guilty of such crimes, and it is said he is in the Jerseys.
BARBARAH PALMER.
Greenwich, Fairfield county, state of Connecticut, May 12th, 1788. 15 gw ft
Masters & Owners of Vessels
Are hereby informed, THAT they may be supplied with cables, large or small, of any length, and cordage of all sizes, made of Petersburg hemp, first quality, at Ives's Rope-walk, at the head of Mulberry-street, the first left hand turn above the Tea-Water Pump, on such favourable terms as to merit the attention of any gentleman that would wish to lay out his money to the best advantage. Cables spliced, with the addition of any length required, white rope of every sort for city or country use, hawser lines, deep sea lines, band lead lines, log lines, house lines, and manline, &c. &c. by
H. IVERS, Rope-maker.
N. B. The above articles, whether in large or small quantities, will be delivered to any part of the city without expence of cartage to the buyer.
LETTERS of INTELLIGENCE—occasional PARAGRAPHS—speculative PIECES—ESSAYS, &c.—are gratefully received at this OFFICE. For the greater CONVENIENCE and SAFETY of which COMMUNICATIONS, a LETTER-BOX is placed in the Window.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for this PAPER (printed EVERY DAY, at Six, and ONCE a Week, at Two Dollars, per Annum) are also received here—and ADVERTISEMENTS, REASONABLY INSERTED.
** PRINTING, in all its Variety, performed with NEATNESS and DISPATCH.