Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-05-30 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. XIV. From WEDNESDAY, MAY 27, to SATURDAY, MAY 30, 1789. PRICE SIX PENCE.
THE TABLET.—No. XIV.
“What injures the community, without directly appearing to hurt any individual, is very little thought of.”
As the bulk of mankind do not seem to have a disposition to give their ready and effectual co-operation in rendering the public revenue productive, and adequate to the object for which it is instituted, it would lead one to conclude, that no public utility was derived from the revenue; and consequently, that men are under no obligations of justice for the payment of it. Those, who draw this inference, will go on to observe, that the common sense and apprehension of the great mass of the people can never be opposed to any measure, that is just and useful; and that general consent is the most infallible test, by which to form our notions of right and wrong. Whatever is built on the foundation of justice, must coincide with the common interests of men, and therefore will meet with general approbation and support. On the other hand, whatever is generally disliked and opposed, cannot have its origin in public utility, and has no just claim upon the property or services of men, to promote its operation and success.
Those, who reason in this manner, have taken only a loose, superficial view of the subject. In many cases, the common opinions and feelings of mankind, furnish a good standard of estimation, for the moral merit of actions. But we must not mistake in our application of this principle; nor must we suppose, the public opinion really is , invariably, and in all instances, what it appears to be . The affairs of government are complicated, and the conduct of men, with respect to it, has a contradictory appearance. In the capacity of individuals, we feel an aversion to restraint, and a reluctance in making sacrifices. When we act, not merely as individuals, but as members of a community, we feel a responsibility, in this collective character, which accommodates itself to the general welfare. The common reason of the lawmakers, while employed in the act of legislation, becomes the test of propriety; rather than the general temper of those, over whom the law is to operate. If however, the good effect of the law is so obvious, that men in their private intercourse with each other unavoidably discern it, they will acknowledge and applaud the justice of it. But the benefits of revenue laws are not immediately perceived by every individual; while the burdens are never concealed from the view of any one.
Nothing has been more common, than for almost every member of the community to complain of certain grievances, and to elect representatives, who participate of that spirit of complaint, for the express purpose of obtaining relief; and yet these same representatives, upon a fair consideration of the subject, have dropped their clamor, and even laid further impositions upon their constituents. This illustrates the idea, that people in their private capacity do not always perceive the utility, or allow the justice of a measure; merely because they have not been in a situation to comprehend the reasons, upon which it is founded.
When there is a general prevalence of a practice, that will be called unjust or vicious, by those who view it upon the broad principles of justice and virtue, it argues that the inutility of such injustice, or vice, is not obvious and immediate; but so remote and indirect, as to escape common observation. This is mentioned to prove, that public perception is not necessarily a test of the rules of justice. The partial honesty of mankind is well represented, in a late number of the American Museum. I will pursue some of the ideas, that are suggested in that publication.
It is diverting to observe the distinctions, that some people practically make, with regard to their moral estimation of actions. Some men are scrupulously honest in certain points, while in others, where there is no just ground of difference, they throw off all restraints of truth and honesty. They are countenanced in their narrow system of morality, by the common consent of their neighbors.
In the course of a journey, some time since, I passed a few hours at the store of a country trader. While I was there, several of his customers came with waggon loads of grain. The trader directed the bags to be emptied into a granary, in a part of the store occupied for that purpose. I observed him enquire of each man, the quantity he brought, and was so well satisfied with their information, as to take the grain off their hands, without the trouble of measuring it. This degree of confidence a little surprised me, and led me to ask whether it was usual to purchase articles, relying upon the word of the seller with respect to the quantity. The trader assured me, that he very seldom measured the grain, as it was brought
to his store; that in some few instances he had done it, but that he had not found any attempt to deceive him. Many of his customers, he observed to me, would highly resent his scrupling their word in this matter; and that it was generally believed, no man in that neighbourhood would defraud another in the measure of grain. Soon after this conversation ended, a man, whose appearance was better than the other farmers, offered to sell the trader a horse. The latter had as great an inclination to buy, as the other had to sell; but there seemed to be some difficulty in fixing the value of the horse, and ascertaining his age and qualities. The seller declared upon his honor that what he asserted was true; but the buyer doubted all his declarations. I took an opportunity of speaking to the trader on the subject, and told him, that I imagined the person, who was about selling the horse, did not live in the same part of the country with the honest grain-sellers. The trader assured me that he lived in the midst of them; that there was not a better man among them all; nor one, whose word he would sooner take, in any matter that related to weight and measure. But, replied I, you do not seem to believe any thing he asserts respecting his horse.—“True,” said he, “it is customary for people to take all the advantage they can in the sale of an horse, and to deceive the purchaser as to his age and properties. The most honest men in the world do not scruple to impose on one another in this respect.” From this anecdote I would infer, that the common feelings and practice of men are not always a certain criterion of the justice or utility of actions. As there are few men, who buy horses, compared with those who buy grain, the general convenience and safety of people do not require them to make a common cause of the deception, in both instances alike.
Another anecdote, not less applicable to the subject, may be introduced. I was once invited to pass an evening, at the house of a gentleman, where there was to be a party at cards. Before the play commenced, my friend assured me, that I could depend on the utmost fairness in the game, and that each person would punctually pay his losses, on the spot. I found it exactly as was represented. In every instance, where I won money, it was readily paid; and I could observe no attempt or disposition to play unfairly. At the close of the evening, a gentleman, who had been more unfortunate than usual, happened not to be in cash to square the board. He expressed great solicitude to pay his arrears; and addressing himself to the company, requested some one would be so obliging as to lend him a few guineas, declaring in the most solemn manner, it should be reimbursed early the next morning. I did not hesitate to advance the sum requested, being fully persuaded that a person, who was so anxious to pay a demand, that accidentally lay against him by a run of ill luck, and so unwilling his honor should suffer by a delinquency, would be no less exact in discharging a debt, which he had voluntarily contracted through the confidence and politeness of a stranger. The event, however, proved otherwise. In the morning, as I was getting ready to pursue my journey, I recollected the money I had lent; and desired the landlord to inform me, where the borrower could be found. The landlord, with a pertness he had not before discovered, replied, “Mr.—will not be out of his bed these two hours; have you any business with him?”—Nothing more, said I, than to receive a little cash of him. “If you wait till you get that,” answered the landlord, “I would advise you to become an inhabitant of this place, and send for your family at once. It is a chance if you ever get a farthing of the money, as Mr.—never pays any debts, he can avoid.” But, continued I, you must be mistaken in this man, he was very honorable in paying his losses at cards. “True,” replied the landlord, “for the rules of the club forbid any man to go away in debt to the table. If he left any thing unpaid, he could no longer be a member of the club. Besides, he is often fortunate and carries away money, and when he loses, he can borrow of some person who is not acquainted with his character. Those, who attend that gaming club, are honest with each other, but they pay no regard to justice, or veracity with any body else, only when they are in the club-room.” I was not however discouraged by this information from an attempt to get my money, and after importuning the landlord for some time, he permitted a negro boy to take a note from me to Mr.—. The boy himself was so well convinced that his errand was in vain, that he could not refrain from wagging his ears. He soon returned, and informed that Mr.—had told his servants, that he was not to be seen till twelve o'clock.
I do not mention these anecdotes as singular instances of the partial view and practice of men,
in accommodating their ideas of right and wrong to their particular situation and convenience. Wherever we look, we find repeated and melancholy confirmations of the imperfection of prevailing principles, and the perverseness of authorized habits. All clubs, or societies, how unimportant or immoral soever they may be, have certain rules of honor and equity among themselves. These are few or many, limited or extensive, in proportion as the objects are so, which are to be accomplished by the association. It is to be regretted that men, who are greatly attached to any particular sect or party, are apt to forget the duties they owe the community at large, and confine their acts of usefulness and their display of virtues within narrow limits. “Robbers and Pirates, it has often been remarked, could not maintain their pernicious confederacy, did they not establish a new distributive justice among themselves, and recall those laws of equity, which they have violated with the rest of mankind.”
I have been thus diffusive, and thrown the subject into such different lights, that I might make it fully evident there are various instances in which, our sentiments of duty are not co-extensive with the objects of it. There is no case, that I have specified, in which our ideas of obligation are more erroneous and deficient, than those, which relate to a discharge of the demands, that are laid upon us by the revenue laws. Our inventive faculty is artfully displayed in finding excuses to justify actions, that are committed through the impulses of interest or passion.
If the principles of this discussion are just, they will impress on the minds of virtuous citizens, the importance of setting such examples and diffusing such maxims, as will convince the bulk of the people, that their duty and their honor are concerned in a punctual payment of the public taxes, in whatever form they are imposed. They will likewise contribute to convince men at the helm of affairs, that in order to obtain the concurrence of their constituents, in supporting the execution of the laws, the public administration should be marked with no act, that is capricious, oppressive, or unnecessary. In addition to causes of a permanent nature, that induce men to doubt the utility or the justice of revenue laws, there are often adventitious circumstances that alienate the affections of people from the measures of government. Of this description, are extravagant or useless appropriations; injudicious or superfluous appointments of officers; neglectful, dishonest or overbearing conduct in those, who are scattered through the different branches of the executive department.
A SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
[Continued from No. X.]
It is with nations as with individuals, that the first footsteps generally mark their future progress. This reflection, strongly evinces the necessity of commencing our political course, on proper and well established principles, and of moulding ourselves into that form, which promises the greatest future strength and vigour.—There are certain general principles of a moral kind, immutable in their nature, and invariable in their effects: the practice of which will ever tend to the happiness of a nation wherever and however situated; but in recurring (as is frequently the case) to the practices of other nations, for light and information upon the various subjects of government, and the grounds on which to form our plans of administration, without advertting to a proper distinction of those circumstances which form the political character, as local situation, education, manners and customs, religious tenets, ideas of government and national genius, we may be often led to a false deduction of principles as applied to our own country.—Roman virtue, and Athenian republicanism, have been repeatedly urged as models highly worthy our imitation; while, had we implicitly adhered to the maxims of the former, a WASHINGTON must have shared the fate of Camillus, because he had saved his country; and in compliance with the principles of the latter, an ADAMS, like Aristides, must have been banished for having deserved too well of his fellow-citizens: what less than a radical defect in the principles of those antient governments, could have led to such great errors in their practices? but as far as these or like errors in antient or modern governments, can be avoided by a judicious comparison, an illusion to them will be attended with material benefit; while their virtues may also be selected with care. America is yet unskilled in those intrigues of policy, which so warmly engage all Europe, and many other parts of the world, and being by nature happily situated at a distance from them, it must be officiousness alone, which can lead her into any material concern with

their politics—her own at present demand a monopoly of her attention and ingenuity; but as far as she can make her commerce with foreign nations subservient to her interest, found policy prompts the connection.
The present government of the United States, deservedly possesses an extensive share of the confidence of the people—it remains now for those who are to administer it, to complete that confidence, by the pursuit of those measures, which shall tend to establish the best interests of the nation, on a permanent basis: and here let me indulge the wish, that they would divest themselves of those local prejudices, and partial or state views, which have already brought this country to the verge of ruin; and fondly cherish national ideas, and national principles—which will alone lead to the great objects for which they were constituted.—No one will pretend to deny, that on a firm and complete union, the future happiness of America is suspended: a fear to exercise, in a full constitutional latitude, the powers vested in the general government, may be attended with unfavorable consequences; and perhaps it were better those powers had never been deputed, than that they should not be exercised when necessary—as the community will be proportionably disappointed, in not realizing those advantages, to obtain which they have expressly delegated the beforementioned authorities, and those defects which result from the administration, will be supposed to exist in the principles of the system.—The first impressions are commonly the most pervious and lasting, and if timidity should characterize the early proceedings of the national government, it will be difficult to determine, at what future period the proper energy and necessary decision, appertaining to all good governments, will commence, and it would evidently bespeak a diffidence in our rulers of the rectitude and propriety of that institution, which we have looked to as our ark of safety; tenacious of the opportunity; faction would be likely again to rear its hydra head, and once more hope for a riotous display of its power. These are among the many evils which might arise to destroy our promised happiness at home—but here they do not end.—Will not our boasted hope of respectability and importance, with the rest of the world, vanish? and will not foreign nations be yet fearful of entering into any negotiations with us; necessarily distrusting our responsibility, while they find us incompetent to our internal government? A wish to disclose the evils which must result from an inefficient administration—rather than the expectation of seeing them realized, has led to the foregoing observations.
AMERICANUS.
(To be continued.)
EXTRACT FROM "AMERICAN ESSAYS."
ON COMMERCE.—[Continuation.]
AN extensive and flourishing Commerce, will also, sooner or later, beget colonization, and therefore naturally induces some observations on that subject, in which, from its intimate and important connection with commerce, the United States cannot but consider themselves deeply interested. The Colonies of several of the now flourishing European kingdoms, may be fairly allowed at this day, to be the almost sole support of their commerce, and the most certain, and most fruitful, if not the only source, of their riches and strength: Some of them are so largely indebted to their foreign dominions, for their present power, riches, and consequence, that no other satisfactory cause, or reason, can be assigned, or conceived, why they have not long ere now, become the most insignificant provinces of their more powerful neighbours. The whole amount of the customs in England, even so late as in the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth, did not exceed the sum of 40,000. per annum, Sterling—Germany, France, Spain, and Portugal, supplied the English with every luxury, and with almost every necessary manufacture; and the Venetians and Genoese, with East-India goods, at an immense price; the legal interest of money was 10 per cent.—and when compared with some other European States, whom they now hold in contempt, the English may be said, with respect to many improvements, to have been at that era, in a state of infancy or barbarity; but as soon as they became sensible of the importance of Colonies, and wisely turned their attention to establish and encourage them, they began, from that period, to emerge from obscurity, and rapidly to increase in riches and power, till they rivalled every nation on the globe, in maritime strength, extent of commerce, and variety and perfection of manufactures; and London is now justly considered, the world's great mart; and though some of the British Colonies owe their origin to the folly, or frenzy, and were peopled against the will of the mother country, yet they were no sooner established, than they became a constant source of her riches, and increase of power: If it should be asked, why the English have so soon rivalled those nations, who were not only possessed of, but greatly enriched by their Colonies, before those of the British were planted; I answer—that one probable, and perhaps principal
cause, that may be assigned, appears to me to be the prevailing religion of that country, which circumstance alone, indisputably gives them many temporal advantages over those countries professing the Roman Catholic religion, where religious duties engross a larger share of the people's time: it has even been observed, by the liberal professors of that religion, that frequent avocations, and holy-days, naturally lead to idle habits, and an aversion to labour, very perceptible in all Roman Catholic countries. In some of the Cantons of Switzerland, nature has been rather sparing of her favors to the soil; yet where the inhabitants are principally Calvinists, it has been observed, that trade, agriculture, and manufactures, flourish much more than in those that are chiefly inhabited by Roman Catholics, even where nature has been far more bountiful.—Various are the chronological accounts of ancient times and nations; and though it is here of no great importance to be very accurate with respect to dates, yet it may be fairly allowed, that nine hundred years at least have rolled away, since Scotland was united under one Monarch; which long period had produced no material commercial improvements, or increase of wealth, or power, in that country, till a few years since, not far exceeding half a century, when the Scotch wisely began to profit of their union with England, by a participation in the commerce with the British Colonies: From this memorable epoch, the increase of their trade and manufactures has been so astonishingly great and rapid, that they are now become of vast importance to the commercial world, and have excited such a national spirit of agricultural improvements, that vast tracts of barren country, which for time immemorial had remained totally useless, being deemed incapable of cultivation, have, by the help of art, industry, and increase of wealth, the fruits of commerce, been transformed into fruitful fields; and where,
"Far as the eye could reach, no tree was seen; Earth, clad in russet, scorn'd the lively green."
Villa's, and villages, and Groves, are spread; and rosy health, and jocund plenty reign, where meagre famine, for ages, held her solitary court, and seemed to claim a natural and exclusive right.
E. C.
(To be continued.)
SCANDAL—FROM HAYLEY.
SCANDAL, a restless fiend, who never knows The balmy blessing of an hour's repose, Worn, yet unfatigued with her daily toil, In her base work consumes the midnight oil. O'er fiercer fiends when heavy slumbers creep, When wearied avarice and ambition sleep, Scandal is vigilant, and keen to spread The plagues that spring from her prolific head. On Truth's fair basis the her falsehood builds, With tinsel sentiment its surface gilds; To nightly labour from their dark abodes The demons of the groaning press she goads, And smiles to see their rapid art supply Ten thousand wings to every infant lie.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 27, 1789.
AGREELY to the order of the day, the House went into a committee of the whole on the tonnage bill.
It was moved by Mr. THATCHER, that the enacting clause, "The Congress of the United States" should be struck out—and "The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled" substituted.—This motion after some discussion was lost.
A message was received from the Senate, informing, that they had appointed a committee to join with a committee of the House, to determine and report a mode of receiving messages from THE PRESIDENT.
A motion was made to insert in the Tonnage Bill a clause, by which all vessels, not built in the United States, which may become the property of the citizens thereof, shall be subject to an impost of 50 cents:—This passed in the affirmative.
A motion was made to limit the duration of this bill, which was debated and finally lost.
A clause was added, providing for its commencement the 15th of June, next.
Mr. FITZSIMONS, from the committee appointed to bring in a bill for the collection of the Revenue, reported a draught, which was read for the first time. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, May 28.
Mr. SCOTT moved, that the House now resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union—to take into consideration the subject of the Land Office—when, he observed, he should submit certain resolutions to the consideration of the committee.
Several members observing that this motion would interfere with the Order of the day, and
might, in its discussion, supercede other important business immediately before the House—the Order of the day was called for, and taken up, by reading the Tonnage Bill, with the several amendments and alterations agreed to in committee; these alterations were adopted by the House, and the bill ordered to be engrossed, for a third reading.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the motion of Mr. Scott.
Mr. SCOTT observed, that the state of the Federal Treasury was such, as made it necessary, that something should speedily be done with respect to disposing of the Western Territory: The state of a certain contract for a very large sale, through the incompleteness of the surveys, and other causes, by which payment had been delayed of a million of dollars into the public chest, while the interest on so much of the debt was accumulating, was another reason for some immediate steps being taken with regard to that property.—It was rendered necessary by the nature of the plans which had been adopted in the sales heretofore made—Those lands had been disposed of in too large quantities—to the greatly impeding their settlement:—This had operated to discourage great numbers who had moved off, towards the Western Waters—Upwards of 7000 souls, except relieved by some favorable regulations, which should prevent the engrossing such immense tracts by individuals, would shortly be lost to the United States—They will either throw themselves into the Spanish government, and become their subjects—or they will combine, and give themselves possession of that territory (which they are now willing to purchase) and defend themselves in it against the power of the union.
Mr. SCOTT further informed the House, that overtures had been made to these people by other powers, to his certain knowledge, and great encouragement promised, provided they would put themselves under their jurisdiction: This, he conceived, would be a very unhappy circumstance for the United States: Such enemies in the heart of our country, would be more dangerous than any foreign power:—All these embarrassments and difficulties arise from their not being able to purchase lands in small quantities: It never could be the intention of Congress, that this should be the case: Million-acre purchasers are but few—and the present mode, if adhered to, will be attended with fatal consequences: Congress now has it in their power to obviate every difficulty: These people ask their protection: They will, if protected and encouraged, be obedient and loyal subjects—they wish for a Constitution, Laws, and Government; but if neglected, they will be lost to the States.—These things plainly point out the necessity of a new arrangement, and of establishing a Land Office in that country—for it will be impossible for the people in those remote regions to travel a great distance to transact their business.
Mr. SCOTT then read a resolution to this effect, That it is the sense of this committee that an act of Congress ought to pass, establishing and regulating a LAND OFFICE, for the sale of vacant and unappropriated lands in the Western Territory, This was followed by several others, exhibiting the outlines of a Bill for the purpose.
Mr. BOUDINOT objected to the resolve, so far as it confined the idea to the institution of a Land-Office—he moved therefore, that the words "Land-Office" be struck out—that the committee might take up the business upon the most extensive scale:—He observed, that limiting them to this simple idea, might interfere with former arrangements, which it would be extremely difficult to alter;—the establishment also of such an office, may be rendered entirely superfluous, in as much as the conducting of this business, might with the utmost propriety come under the cognizance of one of the three great departments, already established.
Mr. VINING supported the idea of a Land-Office; and adverting to the observations which had fallen from Mr. Scott, said, that it appeared to him, that the exigencies of the case were such as would admit of no delay: That such an institution was highly necessary—and the only one that held out a prospect of reasonable and adequate relief.
Mr. CLYMER observed, that the subject before the committee was very intricate and extensive—that it would require a very elaborate discussion to form a competent system—much more so, than the committee was then prepared to investigate—He queried the propriety of taking measures to dispose of the lands in small quantities, as it would interfere with the sales already made under the ordinances of Congress.—He moved, therefore, that the committee should rise.—The motion for rising was seconded.
Mr. MADISON observed, that he was not opposed to the rising of the committee, but rather in favor of it, that time might be given to obtain more accurate information; but as Mr. Scott had given the committee very important intelligence, which no doubt respected facts, and of a very serious import, he suggested the propriety of paying the earliest attention to the business.
The committee then rose—and the Speaker resumed the chair.

It was then moved, that a select committee be now appointed, to enquire into the state of the unappropriated lands in the Western Territory, and to report what steps are necessary to be taken for the sale of those lands.
This motion was opposed upon various grounds: Some considered it as an expedient to get rid of the business; others contended that it entered into the decision of a question, as to the sale of the lands, which the committee were in no measure sufficiently informed to determine—The motion after considerable discussion, was divided, and the latter clause, negatived.—A committee was then appointed agreeably to the first part, consisting of Mr. SCOTT, Mr. HUNTINGDON, and Mr. SHERMAN.
Mr. HEISTER introduced a resolve to the following effect, That every such member of this present Congress as is not furnished with the journals of the late Congress, upon application to the keeper of the records, be furnished with a complete set of such journals.
This resolve was adopted unanimously. Mr. SENEY then moved, that the report of the joint committee upon the subject of news-papers, and printing, which had lain several days on the table, should be taken up.
This report being read, the first part which provides for supplying every member of Congress with "one news-paper" at the public expence; was objected to—a variety of observations were made, and the clause finally rejected—the latter part respecting the public printing, and giving power to the Clerk of the House, and Secretary of the Senate, to form the necessary contract, was adopted, and then the House adjourned.
FRIDAY, MAY 29.
The engrossed bill, imposing a duty on tonnage, was read the third time—and passed.
Mr. PARRIDGE, from the committee appointed to confer with the Senate, on a proper mode of receiving bills and messages from the President, reported—That until the public offices are established, and proper officers appointed, messages or bills may be received by either House, under cover, directed to the President of the Senate, or the Speaker of the House of Representatives.—This report, with some amendments, was accepted.
A motion was then made, that the bill regulating the collection of the revenue, should be considered in a committee of the whole, on Monday next.—This passed in the affirmative.
Mr. WHITE introduced an amendment of the rule of the House, respecting the appointment of committees by ballot—It was proposed, that all committees should be appointed by the Speaker, except when the House should order otherwise.
This was objected to by divers members—and advocated by others:—Several modifications were proposed, as expedients to get rid of the mode of balloting, which was considered as tedious, and occasioning unnecessary loss of time;—but after some spirited observations on both sides the question, Mr. WHITE's motion, with every qualification of it, was lost by a large majority—and the rule of the House remains as it originally stood.—Adjourned until Monday next.
[The following Selection of MISCELLANEOUS INTELLIGENCE, from European and American papers, comprises the whole, that our limits will permit us to insert this day.]
EAST-INDIES.
At Delhi, a revolution was effected in September, by the Rohilla Confederates, aided by one of their most daring Chiefs, Gholan Kadar Cawn, taking advantage of Madajee Scindia's remissness, in neglecting to station a proper number of troops round the city.
The consequences were truly terrible to the unfortunate old King, whose eyes the inhuman Chief deprived him of, putting the robes of royalty at the same time on one of his creatures, Ackmed Shaw.
Scindia did not long leave the tyrant in possession of Delhi; he very shortly gained, not only a complete victory over the Rohillas, but possession of the city. The modern Bajazet, Gholan Kadar Cawn, saved himself by an ignominious and rapid flight.
The Mahrattah Chief, Scindia, in consequence of this victory, it is thought, will regain his wonted influence in the Upper Provinces, and the miserable cycle of Monarch of Delhi once more be restored to his throne and regal power.
The young Prince of Delhi, Johander Shaw, lived not to behold his Royal Father's miseries; he fell a victim in June, to the warmth of the climate, having over-heated himself in a pious excursion to Chunar.
LONDON, March 31. Government have resolved to pursue the plan they laid down some time since, in respect to the Governors of the different settlements in India; who are to reside only a certain time, the same as is customary with the Viceroys of Ireland. The system of peculation, so long unhappily pursued in that part of the globe, is, by this step alone, completely done away.
WARREN HASTINGS, Esq.
The House of Lords sent a message by the Masters in Chancery, to the Commons, informing them of their determination to proceed in the trial of Warren Hastings, on Tuesday the 21st of April. [Mr. Hastings has presented a most ingenious and affecting petition to the House of Lords, praying that his trial may be proceeded in, and finished, without any future interruptions.]
Extract of a letter from Madras, February 13.
The following is the present state of the kingdom; The number of the inhabitants 10 millions and a half; our military forces consist of 74,779 infantry, 18,360 cavalry, and 10,208 guards belonging to the King's household, exclusive of thirty-three battalions of militia 62 companies of invalids, and some companies called Micheletts. Our marine forces are composed of 72
ships of the line, viz. nine of 112, one of 110, three of 94, eight of 88, forty-two of 74, seven of 68, and two 64 guns, with forty-six frigates, sixteen zebecs, &c. in all 238 ships of war, which together carry 8984 guns, and they are still building a large number, at Cadiz, Carthagena and Ferrol. The revenues of the crown amount to 30 millions of piastres.
The accidental omission of a number in the drawing of the late Irish lottery, is like to be productive of very serious consequences: The number, it appears, was not put into the wheel. The first legal authorities in that kingdom have been consulted, and the leading opinion amongst them is, that the lottery should be drawn over again. The confusion attendant on such a measure, it is much more easy to imagine than describe.
April 2. The backwardness of the present spring, is likely to be productive of the worst consequences to the northern parts of this island. The eastern coast of Scotland, is at this moment covered with snow, and the usual tillage cannot take place for some time; a late feed time, always occasions in that country a late, and from the shortness of the summer, a scanty harvest.
A negotiation, it is said, has for some time past been on the tapis in London, for the exchange of Canada with France, for the islands of Guadaloupe and Marie Gallante in the West-Indies. Various opinions are formed respecting the expediency and advantages that may accrue to Great-Britain by this exchange.
INTELLIGENCE FROM FRANCE.
TRANSLATED FROM THE COURIER DE LONDRES. FEBRUARY 25, 1789. THE three orders of the Provinces of Saintonge and Angoumois, being met in general assembly, the clergy and nobility have unanimously voted to renounce all pecuniary privileges in taxation, and to bear any public expences in common with the third estate. As to the manner of voting in the States-General (per capita, or by order) the opinions were divided; and it was resolved to submit, in this point, to the decision of his Majesty.
The following resolution deserves to be noticed:— "The Nobility of Roussillon, duly assembled, considering that its members are men and citizens before they are Nobles, and being desirous to give to their fellow-citizens, of the third estate, a convincing proof of their dispositions to cement the union between all orders—have unanimously agreed on the solemn resolution to pay, on the principles of a perfect equality, and each of them in proportion to their fortune, the imposts and general contributions of the province, without any pecuniary exemption; reserving to themselves only the sacred rights of property, and those distinctions which are necessary in a monarchy, in order to support the rights and liberties of the people, the respect due to the Sovereign, and the authority of the laws."
We may form an idea of the principles upon which the States-General of France will establish their first deliberations, from the following extract of the public instructions, given by the Duke of Orleans to his Representatives.
 1. Individual liberty. No man shall be imprisoned but by the ordinary course of law. It shall be death for any person to arrest, or cause to be arrested, any citizen without the interference of his natural judge.  2. The liberty of the press, considered as a part of individual liberty; with such restrictions, however, as the States-General shall think proper.  3. Property shall be sacred, and no man deprived of it, even for the public good, without a sufficient compensation.  4. No tax or impost shall be levied without the special consent of the States-General of the nation; the grant of such tax or impost shall be limited to the time of the next meeting of the States, so that, if no such meeting takes place, the said tax or impost shall not be continued.  5. The periodical meeting of the States-General to be fixed on short terms.  6. The Ministers shall be responsible to the States in all matters relative to the finances, and to the laws of the country.  7. The public debt shall be consolidated.  8. The tax shall be laid equally on every citizen of the kingdom.  9. No impost shall be granted, until all the measures, relative to public and private liberty, shall have been agreed upon. 
AMERICA.
BALTIMORE, MAY 22. The amiable Lady of our beloved PRESIDENT arrived in this place on Tuesday Evening, and set out early next morning for New-York. She was met at Hammond's ferry by several of our citizens, and received by such other demonstrations of affection and respect as her short stay admitted. Fire-works were discharged before and after supper, and she was serenaded by an excellent band of Music, conducted by gentlemen of the town. We shall only add, that, like her illustrious husband, she was clothed in the manufacture of our country, in which her native goodness and patriotism appeared to the greatest advantage.
PHILADELPHIA, MAY 26. Intelligence being received on Thursday last, by an express appointed for that purpose, that the Consort of our illustrious President was on her way from Mount Vernon to New-York, and would breakfast at Chester next morning—the two city troops of light-dragoons paraded early on Friday, and marched to form her escort. His Excellency the President of the State, and the Hon. the Speaker of the Assembly, attended by a numerous suite of gentlemen on horseback, preceded the troops—and the whole halting ten miles from the city, waited the approach of this much-respected Personage. While they paid the compliment of military honors due to her exalted rank, they offered a still more grateful tribute of heartfelt regard to the amiable virtues, which distinguish and adorn her character. The present occasion recalled the remembrance of those interesting scenes, in which, by her presence, she contributed to relieve the cares of our beloved Chief, and to sooth the anxious moments of his military concern—gratitude marked the recollection, and every countenance bespoke the feelings of affectionate respect.
Seven miles from the city she was met by a brilliant company of ladies, in carriages, who attended her to Gray's Ferry, on Schuylkill, where an elegant entertainment of upwards of one hundred covers was prepared at a few hours notice. The repast being finished, the procession was recommenced; and the corps of artillery, being formed on their parade near the city, saluted with a discharge of 13 cannon—the bells were rung, and a joyous concourse of citizens welcomed, with affectionate shouts, the much-respected and beloved Mrs. WASHINGTON to Philadelphia.
Mrs. [Robert] MORRIS having met her honored guest at Darby (8 miles from town) conducted her to her house in Market-Street, where, taking leave of her escort, Mrs. Washington, in the most gracious manner, thanked the troops for their polite attention.
Having fixed her departure for yesterday morning, the troops paraded, with an intention to escort her to Trenton—His Excellency the President of the State, and many gentlemen on horseback, attending, at ten o'clock the procession moved from Mrs. Morris's house, who, in her own carriage, accompanies Mrs. Washington to New-York. The weather proving rainy, she requested that the troops might return; and they took a respectful leave of her a few miles from the city.
During her short stay in Philadelphia, the citizens have vied with each other in demonstrations of respectful attachment to this most amiable woman.
ARRIVALS AT BOSTON.
Ship Dianna Folger, in 40 days from St. Jago, left at Isle of May, Capt. Bentley, of Providence, a brig belonging to Mr. W. Gray, of Salem, and others.
Capt. Magee, from Salem, arrived at St. Jago, March 15, and 21st failed for Canton. Ship Ceres, Sturges, arrived 16th, and 24th failed for Bombay.
NEW-YORK, MAY 30, 1789.
Wednesday arrived in this city from Mount Vernon, Mrs. WASHINGTON, the amiable consort of THE PRESIDENT of the United States. Mrs. Washington from Philadelphia was accompanied by the Lady of Mr. Robert Morris. At Elizabethtown point she was met by the THE PRESIDENT, Mr. Morris, and several other gentlemen of distinction, who had gone there for that purpose.—She was conducted over the bay in the President's Barge, rowed by 13 eminent pilots, in a handsome white dress; on passing the Battery a salute was fired; and on her landing she was welcomed by crowds of citizens, who had assembled to testify their joy on this happy occasion.
The principal ladies of the city have, with the earliest attention and respect, paid their devotions to the amiable consort of our beloved PRESIDENT, viz. The Lady of His Excellency the Governor—Lady Sterling—Lady Mary Watts—Lady Kitty Duer—La Marquioness de Brehan—the Ladies of the Most Hon. Mr. Langdon, and the Most Hon. Mr. Dalton—the Mayors—Mrs. Livingston of Clermont—Mrs. Chancellor Livingston—the Miss Livingston—Lady Temble—Madam de la Forest—Mrs. Montgomery—Mrs. Knox—Mr. Thompson—Mrs. Gerry—Mrs. Edgar—Mrs. M'Comb—Mrs. Lynch—Mrs. Houston—Mrs. Griffin—Mrs. Provost—the Miss Bayards, and a great number of other respectable characters.
Although THE PRESIDENT makes no formal invitations, yet the day after the arrival of Mrs. WASHINGTON, the following distinguished personages dined at his house, en famille.—Their Excellencies the Vice-President—the Governor of this State—the Ministers of France and Spain—and the Governor of the Western Territory—the Hon. Secretary of the United States for Foreign Affairs—the Most Hon. Mr. Langdon, Mr. Wingate, Mr. Izard, Mr. Few, and Mr. Muhlenburg, Speaker of the Hon. House of Representatives of the United States.
The PRESIDENT's Levee yesterday, was attended by a very numerous and most respectable company—The circumstance of the PRESIDENT's entering the Drawing Room at 3 o'clock, not being universally known, occasioned some inaccuracies as to the time of attendance.
By a gentleman who arrived a few days since from Boston, we are happy to learn, that a favourable disposition prevails towards the proceedings of Congress, as far as they had then been communicated. It was a general determination to support the revenue laws and to discountenance every species of fraud or opposition against the impost system. This resolution which was passed, (as far as usury and repeated conversation in which sentiments were honestly expressed, and tending to the same point, can be called a resolution) under the full expectation that the impost would be laid in a just and reasonable manner; and whatever shape it may wear after passing both Houses, they will no doubt be a good disposition in its favour, among the great body of an enlightened people.
We are likewise happy in hearing from the southern States, that the minds of the people are accommodating themselves to the measures of the new government, and all denominations of citizens anticipate better times, as they well know nothing contributes so essentially to make times good, as such laws as will encourage industry, reward the effects of enterprise and genius, and bear testimony against the idle, the vicious, and extravagant. The good examples that are set, by some distinguished characters, of order, economy, and diligence, will produce most beneficial effects.
In tracing the historic page, a thousand years contrast into a very limited compass—"We measure time by ideas"—And to form some competent idea of the existence of States and Empires, we must attend to those events which have marked the several periods of their existence—a long series of ages have rolled over the States and Kingdoms of the Eastern Hemisphere, since they were first noticed by the pen of history;—but their transactions, their improvements in knowledge, wisdom, arts and humanity, make no elevated figure in their annals—a smooth stream of oblivion has rolled over them, from age to age, except when interrupted by that foullest of all imputations upon human nature, WAR—and has left us little to learn from, or to admire.—But the case is far otherwise with America, every page of the volume of independence unfolds some thing new, great and glorious—and there is every reason to suppose, that contrasted with the dark ages of bigotry and enthusiasm, if ideas lengthen the period of life, Americans may realize an antediluvian existence.
Extract of a letter from the State of Rhode-Island, dated May 23, 1789.
"The enemies of the Federal Government, triumph more than ever in this State, since the bill passed the House of Representatives of Congress, for levying a duty on all foreign merchandise, exported from this to any other State. As that bill exempts articles that are the growth and manufacture of this State, from being subject to impost, it places the farmers who are generally antifederalists in just such a situation as they have wished. They now derive all the benefits that the new government is capable of producing by encouraging the sale of domestic articles; while they are not exposed to any of its inconveniences. —In addition to this reason, they are exceedingly gratified at such a stroke levelled against the mercantile interest. The legislature of this State have laid duties similar to what Congress impose. Our merchants therefore pay duties at home in the first instance, and afterwards in the State, to which they export such goods. This operates peculiarly hard, and will, I fear, be a means of hindering our majority from consenting to have a convention called, as they take pleasure in seeing the merchants crushed. They say they have greater advantages without entering into the union, than they could derive by becoming a member of it. I hope Congress will consider our situation and put the different classes of people in this State in a predicament equally disagreeable, by subjecting domestic articles to a similar imposition as they do foreign, that are exported from this, to any other State. Such a measure would soon draw our obstinate majority into the views of honesty, and the United States."
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
Wednesday. Sloop Amphion, Barry, Jamaica, 33 days. Thursday. Ship Bell, Boyd, London, 49 days. Friday. Schooner Catharine, Aitken, Halifax, 10 days. Snow Maria, Walkie, London, 50 days.

L E T T E R.
THE RIGHT GOVERNMENT of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
IT happens universally, when the people in a body, or by a single representative assembly, attempt to exercise all the powers of government, they always create three or four idols, who make a bargain with each other first, to do nothing which shall displease any one: These hold this agreement, until one thinks himself able to disembarass himself of the other two; then they quarrel, and the strongest becomes single tyrant. But why is the name of Pompey omitted, who was the third of this triumvirate? Because it would have been too unpopular; it would have too easily confuted his argument, and have turned against himself, to have said that this association was between Pompey, Cæsar, and Crassus, against Cato, the senate, the constitution, and liberty, which was the fact. Can you find a people who will never be divided in opinion? who will be always unanimous? The people of Rome were divided, as all other people ever have been and will be, into a variety of parties and factions. Pompey, Crassus, and Cæsar, at the head of different parties, were jealous of each other: Their divisions strengthened the senate and its friends, and furnished means and opportunities of defeating many of their ambitious designs. Cæsar perceived it, and paid his court both to Pompey and Crassus, in order to hinder them from joining the senate against him. He separately represented the advantage which their enemies derived from their misunderstandings, and the ease with which, if united, they might concert among themselves all affairs of the republic, gratify every friend, and disappoint every enemy. The other example, of Augustus, Lepidus, and Antony, is equally unfortunate: Both are demonstrations that the people did think of usurping others rights, and that they did not mind any way to preserve their own. The Senate was now annihilated, many of them murdered: Augustus, Lepidus, and Antony, were popular demagogues, who agreed together to fleece the flock between them, until the most cunning of the three destroyed the other two, fleeced the sheep alone, and transmitted the shears to a line of tyrants. How can this writer say then, that, "while the government remained untouched in the people's hands, every particular man lived safe?" The direct contrary is true. Every man lived safe, only while the Senate remained as a check and balance to the people; the moment that controul was destroyed, no man was safe. While the government remained untouched in the various orders, the Consuls, Senate, and people, mutually balancing each other, it might be said, with some truth, that no man could be undone, unless a true and satisfactory reason was rendered to the world for his destruction; but as soon as the Senate was destroyed, and the government came untouched into the people's hands, no man lived safe but the Triumvirs and their tools; any man might be, and multitudes of the best men were, undone, without rendering any reason to the world for their destruction, but the will, the fear, or the revenge of some tyrant. These popular leaders, in our author's own language, "saved and destroyed, depressed and advanced, whom they pleased, with a wet finger."
The second argument to prove that the people, in their successive single assemblies, are the best keepers of their own liberties, is, "because it is ever the people's care to see that authority be so constituted, that it shall be rather a burthen than profit to those that undertake it; and be qualified with such slender advantages of profit or pleasure, that men shall reap little by the enjoyment. The happy consequence whereof is this, that none but honest, generous, and public spirits, will then desire to be in authority, and that only for the common good. Hence it was, that in the infancy of the Roman liberty there was no canvassing for voices; but single and plain-hearted men were called, intreated, and in a manner forced with importunity to the helm of government, in regard of that great trouble and pains that followed the employment. Thus Cincinnatus was fetched out of the field from his plough, and placed, much against his will, in the sublime dignity of Dictator: So the noble Camillus, and Fabius, and Curius, were, with much ado, drawn from the recreation of gardening to the trouble of governing; and the consul year being over, they returned with much gladness again to their private employment."
The first question which would arise in the mind of an intelligent and attentive reader would be, whether this were burlesque, and a republic travesty? But as the principle of this second reason is very pleasing to a large body of narrow spirits in every society, and as it has been adopted by some respectable authorities, without sufficient consideration, it may be proper to give it a serious investigation.
The people have, in some countries and seasons, made their services irksome; and it is popular
with some to make authority a burthen. But what has been the consequence to the people? Their service has been deserted, and they have been betrayed. Those very persons who have flattered the meanness of the stingy, by offering to serve them gratis, and by purchasing their suffrages, have carried the liberties and properties of their constituents to market, and sold them for very handsome private profit to the monarchical and aristocratical portions of society: And so long as the rule of making their service a burthen is persisted in, so long will the people be served with the same kind of address and fidelity, by hypocritical pretences to disinterested benevolence and patriotism, until their confidence is gained, their affections secured, and their enthusiasm excited, and by knavish bargains and sales of their cause and interest afterwards. But although there is always among the people a party who are justly chargeable with meanness and avarice, envy and ingratitude, and this party has sometimes been a majority, who have literally made their service burthensome, yet this is not the general character of the people; a more universal fault is, too much affection, confidence, and gratitude, not to such as really serve them, whether with or against their inclinations, but to those who flatter their inclinations, and gain their hearts. Honest and generous spirits will disdain to deceive the people; and if the public service is wilfully rendered burthensome, they will really be averse to be in it: but hypocrites enough will be found, who will pretend to be also loath to serve, and feign a reluctant consent for the public good, while they mean to plunder in every way they can conceal. There are conjunctures when it is the duty of a good citizen to hazard and sacrifice all for his country: but, in ordinary times, it is equally the duty and interest of the community not to suffer it. Every wise and free people, like the Romans, will establish the maxim, to suffer no generous action for the public to go unrewarded. Can our author be supposed to be sincere, in recommending it as a principle of policy to any nation to render her service in the army, navy, or in council, a burthen, an unpleasant employment to all her citizens? Would he depend upon finding human spirits enough to fill public offices, who would be sufficiently elevated in patriotism and general benevolence to sacrifice their ease, health, time, parents, wives, children, and every comfort, convenience, and elegance of life, for the public good? Is there any religion or morality that requires this? Which permits the many to live in affluence and ease, while it obliges a few to live in misery for their sakes? The people are fond of calling public men their servants, and some are not able to conceive them to be servants, without making them slaves, and treating them as planters treat their negroes: But, good masters, have a care how you use your power; you may be tyrants as well as public officers. It seems, according to our author himself, that honesty and generosity of spirit, and the passion for the public good, were not motives strong enough to induce his heroes to desire to be in public life; they must be called, intreated, and forced. By single and plain-hearted men, he means the same, no doubt, with those described by the other expressions, honest, generous, and public spirits. Cincinnatus, Camillus, Fabius, and Curius, were men as simple and as generous as any; and these all, by his own account, had a strong aversion to the public service. Either these great characters must be supposed to have practised the Nolo Episcopari , to have held up a fictitious aversion for what they really desired, or we must allow their reluctance to have been sincere. If counterfeit, these examples do not deserve our imitation; if sincere, they will never be followed by men enough to carry on the business of the world. The glory of these Roman characters cannot be obscured, nor ought the admiration of their sublime virtues to be diminished; but such examples are as rare among statesmen, as Homers and Miltons among poets. A free people of common sense will not depend upon finding a sufficient number of such characters at any one time, but less a succession of them for any long duration, for the support of their liberties. To make a law, that armies should be led, Senates counselled, negotiations conducted, by none but such characters, would be to decree that the business of the world should come to a full stand: And it must have stood as still in those periods of the Roman history as at this hour; for such characters were nearly as scarce then as they are now. The parallels of Lyfander, Pericles, Themistocles, and Cæsar, are much easier to find in history, than those of Camillus, Fabius, and Curius. If the latter were with much difficulty drawn from their gardens to government, and returned with pleasure at the end of the consular year to their rural amusements; the former are as ardent to continue in the public service, and if the public will not legally reward them, they plunder the public to reward themselves. The father of Themistocles had more aversion to public life than Cincinnatus; and, to moderate the propensity of his son, who ardently aspired to the highest offices of the state, pointed to the old galleries rolling in the docks—"There," says he, "see the old statesmen, worn out in the service of their
country, thus always neglected when no longer of use!" Yet the son's ardour was not abated, though he was not one of those honest spirits that aimed only at the public good. Pericles too, though his fortune was small, and the honest emoluments of his office very moderate, discovered no such aversion to the service; on the contrary, he entered into an emulation in prodigality with Cimon, who was rich, in order equally to dazzle the eyes of the multitude. To make himself the soul of the republic, and master of the affections of the populace, to enable them to attend the public assemblies and theatrical representations for his purposes, he lavished his donations: Yet he was so far from being honest and generous, and aiming solely at the public good, that he availed himself of the riches of the state to supply his extravagance of expense, and made it an invariable maxim to sacrifice every thing to his own ambition. When the public finances were exhausted, to avoid accounting for the public money, he involved his country in a war with Sparta.
(To be continued.)
BOSTON, May 20, 1789. Agreeably to an order of the Hon. Secretary at War, Mr. Joseph Callender has just finished the Inscription ordered by Congress to be engraved on the TWO CANNON, which constituted one moiety of the American Artillery, at the commencement of the late war. The inscription is finely executed in relievo—as follows.
The HANCOCK, one—The ADAMS, the other. SACRED TO LIBERTY. This is one of Four Cannon, Which constituted the whole train of Field Artillery possessed by the British Colonies of North-America, at the commencement of the War, on the 19th of April, M,DCC,LXXV. This CANNON and its fellow, belonging to a number of citizens of Boston, were used in many engagements during the war. The other two, the property of the Government of Massachusetts, were taken by the enemy. By order of the United States, In Congress assembled. May 19, 1788.
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. VI.
Government is so far the result of a free choice, as the people are led to its adoption from sentiment."
It is a trite, though true observation, that "good education is the foundation of all human happiness." This is so universally acknowledged in private life, that the conduct of the enlightened part of mankind may be considered as a comment upon the conviction of its importance;—hence the common observation, that good education is the best fortune—hence the extreme solicitude of parents to strain every nerve, that they may extend the plan of their children's improvements in science—that they may enjoy advantages which their fires feel the want of—hence also the rapid progress that has been made in improving upon ancient modes of instruction—opening new avenues to knowledge, and expanding our views in those walks that had been familiar to us. It appears from these specimens, that under the auspices of peace, freedom, and good government, there is every reason to suppose that the great importance of education will continually appreciate in the minds of our citizens—and that in this respect, "the wilderness will ere long be made to blossom like the rose." Already do we behold Science courting the sons of America to the retreats of rural life; Seminaries of Learning arising in those retreats, late the haunts of savage men, wild and untutored as their fellow-tenants of the woods.
This deeply impressed sense of the importance of education, may, and doubtless will, operate most powerfully and effectually, in producing the necessary provision for common education—as it will come in to aid those necessary arrangements, which must be made by the fathers, the magistrates, the ruling powers of villages, towns, and cities, to effect this important object.
But this sentiment, it cannot be supposed, will extend its benign influence so far, as to supersede the necessity of Congressional interference in a subject of so great magnitude, as NATIONAL INSTITUTIONS for a NATIONAL EDUCATION.
This is doubtless a desideratum, that the wise and philanthropic part of mankind will exult to see realized—public seminaries, in which national, governmental, and patriotic instruction shall form the great outlines of the system.
From such a centre, those rays of knowledge may diverge in every possible direction, which will be productive of the most salutary consequences; for it requires nothing more than a feeling sense of the importance of freedom and civil government, founded on a competent understanding of their principles and intrinsic excellencies, to engage the best affections of the human mind in their support; but the foundation of an universal attachment to right principles, whether of a public or a private nature, must be laid in youth.
THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSEHOLD.
WHEREAS, all Servants and others, employed to procure provisions, or supplies, for the Household, of THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, will be furnished with monies for those purposes. Notice is therefore given, That no accounts, for the payment of which the Public might be considered as responsible, are to be opened with any of them.
SAMUEL FRAUNCES, Steward of the Household. May 4th, 1789.
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