National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-01-30 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, JANUARY 30, 1792.
NUMB. 27.
AUTHENTIC.
(Never before printed.)
COPIES OF THE LAWS
Passed in the
TERRITORY of the UNITED STATES,
North-west of the River Ohio.
By the Governor and Justices thereof,
Agreeably to the Ordinance of Congress of July
13, 1787, and made out from the Original Re-
ords in the Office of the Secretary for the said
Territory.
A LAW respecting Crimes and punish-
ments. Passed September, 6th, 1788.
VI.
(Continued.)
RIOTS and UNLAWFUL ASSEMBLIES.
If three or more persons shall assemble together, with intention to do any unlawful act, with force and violence against the person or property of another, or to do any other unlawful act, against the peace and to the terror of the people; or being lawfully assembled, shall agree with each other to do any unlawful act as aforesaid, and shall make any movement or preparation therefor, the persons so offending, and upon conviction thereof shall pay as a fine, each, to this territory the sum of sixteen dollars, and find surety for their good behavior respectively for the space of six months, and stand committed till sentence be performed.
Whenever three or more persons shall be assembled together as aforesaid, and proceeding to commit any of the offences aforesaid, it shall be the duty of all judges, justices of the peace, and sheriffs, and all ministerial officers, immediately upon actual view, or as soon as may be upon information, to make proclamation in the hearing of such offenders, if silence can be obtained, commanding them in the name of the United States, to disperse and depart to their several homes, or lawful employments; and if upon such proclamation, or when silence cannot be obtained, such persons so assembled shall not disperse and depart as aforesaid, it shall then be the duty of such judges, justices of the peace and sheriffs, and other ministerial officers, respectively to call upon all persons near and of abilities, and throughout the country, if necessary, to be aiding and assisting in dispersing and taking into custody all persons assembled as aforesaid: And all military officers, and others, called upon as aforesaid, are hereby ordered and directed to render instant and full obedience in this behalf upon the penalty of ten dollars each, for every neglect or refusal herein, and commitment in case of non-payment. If any of the persons so unlawfully assembled shall be killed, maimed, or otherwise injured, in consequence of resisting the judges, or others, in dispersing and apprehending, or in attempting to disperse and apprehend them, the said judges, justices of the peace and sheriffs, and other ministerial officers, and others acting by their authority, or the authority of any of them, shall be holden guiltless.
If any person or persons shall forcibly obstruct any of the authority aforesaid, or if any three or more persons shall continue together after proclamation as aforesaid made, or attempted to be made, and prevented by such rioters, or in case of no proclamation, any three or more persons being assembled as aforesaid, shall commit any unlawful act as aforesaid, every offender upon conviction thereof, shall be fined in a sum not exceeding three hundred dollars, and be whipped not exceeding thirty nine stripes, and find surety for good behavior for a time not more than one year, at the discretion of the court before whom the conviction may be had. And upon a second conviction, each and every offender shall be whipped and fined as aforesaid, and find surety for good behavior and the peace for a time not exceeding ten years, and may be committed to any gaol in the territory till sentence be fully performed.
PERJURY.
If any person lawfully called upon to give evidence before any court of record, or other authority in this territory qualified to administer oaths and solemn declarations and affirmations, shall wilfully depose, affirm, or declare any matter to be fact knowing the same to be false, or shall in like manner deny any fact knowing the same to be true, or shall refuse to depose to, affirm or declare such fact knowing the same to be true, the person so offending shall be deemed guilty of perjury, and upon conviction thereof, shall be fined in a sum not exceeding sixty dollars, or be whipped not exceeding thirty nine stripes, and shall moreover be set in the pillory for a space of time not exceeding two hours, and be ever after incapable of giving testimony, being a juror, and of sustaining any office civil or military, in this territory.
And if any person or persons shall corruptly procure any other person to commit the crime of perjury, as before defined, he, she, or they, so offending shall upon conviction thereof suffer the same punishments and disabilities as in the case of actual perjury.
LARCENY.
If any person or persons shall steal or purloin from another person or persons, any money, goods, wares or merchandise, or any other personal property, or thing whatever, he, she, or they, so offending, shall be deemed guilty of larceny, and upon conviction thereof, shall for the first offence restore to the owner the thing stolen, and pay to him the value thereof, or two fold the value thereof, if the thing stolen be not restored, and shall be fined in a sum not exceeding two fold the value of the thing or goods stolen or shall be whipped not exceeding thirty one stripes, at the discretion of the court. Upon a second conviction, restitution and payment shall be made to the owner as aforesaid—a fine shall be set and paid to the territory not exceeding four fold the value as aforesaid, and the offender, shall be whipped not exceeding thirty nine stripes, and in like manner upon every succeeding conviction. And in case such convict shall not have property, real or personal, wherewith to discharge and justify the sentence of the court, it shall be lawful for the sheriff, by direction of the court, to bind such person to labor for a term not exceeding seven years, to any suitable person who will discharge such sentence.
And if any person or persons shall receive any goods, or other thing, as aforesaid, knowing the same to be stolen, he, she, or they, so offending, shall be deemed principally guilty, and upon conviction thereof, shall be punished accordingly.
And if any person or persons shall agree or compound, or take satisfaction for any stealing or goods stolen, such person or persons upon conviction thereof, shall forfeit twice the value of the sums or thing agreed for or taken.—But no person shall be debarred from taking his goods again, provided he prosecute the thief: Provided also, that nothing herein shall be construed so as to oblige a parent to prosecute a child, being an infant or in a state of minority.
FORGERY.
Whoever shall forge, deface, corrupt or embezzle any charters, gifts, grants, bonds, bills, conveyances, wills, testaments, or written contracts of any nature or kind, or shall deface or falsify any enrolment, registry, or record, or matter or instrument recorded, or shall counterfeit the seal or hand writing of another with intent to defraud, every person so offending shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in double the sum he shall thereby have defrauded or attempted to defraud another, one-half thereof to the party injured, or intended to be injured, and shall moreover fore-
ver after be rendered incapable of giving testimony, being a juror, or sustaining any office of trust, and be set in the pillory not exceeding the space of three hours. And all persons wilfully aiding and assisting in the commission of these crimes, or who shall cause or procure the same, or any of them to be perpetrated, shall be deemed principals.
USURPATION.
No person shall take upon himself, or exercise or officiate in any office, or place of authority in this territory, without being lawfully authorized thereunto: And if any any person shall presume so to do, he shall upon conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not exceeding one hundred dollars.
ASSAULT and BATTERY.
If any person shall unlawfully assault or threaten another in a menacing manner, or shall strike or wound another, he shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not exceeding one hundred dollars: And the court before whom such conviction shall be had, may at their discretion, cause the offender to enter into recognizance with surety, for the peace and good behaviour for a time not exceeding one year.
FRAUDULENT DEEDS, &c.
All bonds, bills, deeds of sale, gifts, grants or other conveyances, or obligations whatever, made with intent to deceive and defraud others, or to defeat creditors of their just debts or demands, shall be null and void; and the person or persons so offending shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not exceeding three hundred dollars, and pay double damages to the party or parties injured.
DISOBEDIENCE OF CHILDREN & SERVANTS.
If any children or servants shall, contrary to the obedience due to their parents or masters, resist or refuse to obey their lawful commands, upon complaint thereof to a justice of the peace, it shall be lawful for such justice to send him or them so offending to the gaol or house of correction, there to remain until he or they shall humble themselves to the said parents or masters satisfaction. And if any child or servant shall, contrary to his bounden duty, presume to assault or strike his parent or master, upon complaint and conviction thereof before two or more justices of the peace, the offender shall be whipped not exceeding ten stripes.
DRUNKENNESS.
If any person shall be convicted of drunkenness before one or more justices of the peace, the person so convicted shall be fined for the first offence in the sum of five dimes, and for every succeeding offence and upon conviction in the sum of one dollar; and in either case, upon the offender's neglecting or refusing to pay the fine, he shall be set in the stocks for the space of one hour—Provided, however, that complaint be made to the justice or justices within two days next after the offence shall have been committed.
IMPROPER and PROFANE LANGUAGE.
Whereas idle, vain and obscene conversation, profane cursing and swearing, and more especially the irreverently mentioning, calling upon, or invoking the sacred and Supreme Being by any of the divine characters in which he hath graciously condescended to reveal his infinitely beneficent purposes to mankind, are repugnant to every moral sentiment, subversive of every civil obligation, inconsistent with the ornaments of polished life, and abhorrent to the principles of the most benevolent religion—It is expected therefore, if crimes of this kind should exist, they will not find encouragement, countenance or approbation in this territory.—It is strictly enjoined upon all officers and ministers of justice, upon parents and others, heads of families,
and upon others of every description, that they abstain from practices so vile and irrational: and that by example and precept, to the utmost of their power, they prevent the necessity of adopting and publishing laws with penalties upon this head. And it is hereby declared, that government will consider as unworthy its confidence all those who may obstinately violate these injunctions.
FIRST DAY of the WEEK.
Whereas mankind in every stage of informed society have consecrated certain portions of time to the particular cultivation of the social virtues, and the public adoration and worship of the Common Parent of the universe: And whereas a practice so rational in itself and conformable to the divine precepts is greatly conducive to civilization as well as morality and piety: And whereas for the advancement of such important and interesting purposes, most of the Christian world have set apart the first day of the week as a day of rest from common labours and pursuits, it is therefore enjoined that all servile labor, works of necessity and charity only excepted, be wholly abstained from on said day.
Continuation (from No. 24.) of the Memorial upon the best means of improving the Commerce and Manufactures of the United States.
[Translated from the Author's original manuscript.]
THE first requisite in all countries that wish to establish extensive manufactures, is plenty of the raw material, which ensures a lowness of price, and consequently success to the establishment. The necessity of procuring such materials in abundance begets an attention to the most proper methods of raising the various articles which are the subjects of manufactures; such as flax, hemp, silk, &c. &c. the exportation of which, in their raw state, ought to be prohibited by law, and the importation rendered free of duty.
One great object in every manufacturing country, is a careful attention to the cultivating of those plants which furnish the several dyes for the stuffs manufactured. According to the value of these, the value of the articles is frequently increased in a double, if not in a three fold degree.
As I feel myself warmly attached to the establishment of manufactures of every kind in America, I foresee that a question on this subject will very frequently occur—How long will it take to establish all kinds of manufactures in a young country?
Many will say, it requires a century; others suppose it will require two, and all agree that a considerable length of time is necessary to bring such establishments to any degree of maturity. Assertions, however, are not solid proofs, and common opinion is by no means a test of truth, either physical or moral. To determine matters of this kind, causes must be enquired into, and possibilities calculated. My opinion is, that the manufacturing importance of America is not at such a distance as many are willing to suppose. What will considerably advance it, however, are new modes of industry and the procuring of able workmen in every branch from foreign parts. To effect these two points will require, no doubt, a long time, it being a matter of difficulty to divert old modes of industry into new channels. Neither are artists of real abilities to be easily drawn from their own country, to seek a precarious subsistence among strangers.
But to obviate this unwillingness, we should imitate the conduct of the Czar, Peter the first, of Russia, Joseph the second, emperor of the Romans, and Henry the fourth of France, who spared no pains nor expence to procure an

tiſts from foreign countries, and after they had procured them, paid them ge- nerouſly, and made it well worth their while to remain in their ſeveral king- doms.—Should theſe plans be followed here, I have no doubt that, in the ſtate of Connecticut, at leaſt, manufactures of every uſeful kind might be fully eſta- bliſhed within ten years.
Suppoſing it was aſked, how long it would take for a deſigner or a dyer from London or Paris completely to eſtabliſh and proſecute thoſe profeſſions in Ame- rica? It is evident, that little more time would be neceſſary, than that ſpent on the paſſage, and both might ſet up their buſineſſes immediately after their arrival with a good proſpect of ſucceſs, provided ſufficient employ was ſecured to them by aſſociations, or other public means—The ſame obſervation holds good in regard to other workmen and artiſts of all kinds of ability.
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Sketch of the Debate in the Houſe of Representatives on Tueſday laſt, on the Representation Bill.
THE Houſe, in committee of the whole, ha- ving before them the Report of the Select Com- mittee on the apportionment of representation, together with the propoſed amendment “that no greater ratio be reported than thirty thouſand inhabitants for one Representative,” Mr. Gerry roſe to obſerve, that as the ratio of thirty thou- ſand had already received a ſanction, the propo- ſed amendment became neceſſary for the ſake of conſiſtency, and to obviate the poſſibility of the ſelect committee reporting a different ratio—Mr. Livermore was for ſtriking out the claſe reſpecting the ratio of one to thirty thouſand; and conſidered the non-concurrence of the Se- nate in the former Enumeration Bill as a ſuffici- ent reaſon why the Houſe ſhould not eſtabliſh the principle in the amendment, unleſs it were diſcovered that the Senate ſhould have changed their ſentiments on this head: neither could he ſee any reaſon for mentioning the ratio of thirty thouſand unleſs the Houſe meant particularly to fix upon it: if a diſcuſſion of the queſtion was intended, he wiſhed it previously to take place, as the deciſion of the Houſe would be a leading principle to the committee in draſting the Bill, and it would afterwards require a majority to make any alteration.
Several other obſervations being made, the queſtion was at length taken on ſtriking out the amendment, which paſſed in the negative, after which the committee having agreed to the reſo- lution and amendment [See our laſt] roſe and re- ported accordingly.
IN THE HOUSE,
Mr. Dayton moved to ſtrike out the words “and making provision for a ſecond enumerat- ion, and for an apportionment of repreſentatives thereon, to compoſe the Houſe of Representa- tives, after the third day of March 1797;” as he ſaw no neceſſity for burdening the people ſo ſoon with the expence of a ſecond enumeration.
Mr. Williamson obſerved, that although ſome complaints were made of the fractional parts not being repreſented, he never could conceive that the framers of the conſtitution entertained an idea of a repreſentation of the people diſtinct from the ſtates, but contemplated the representa- tion of the people of each ſtate, according to ſome given ratio:—no ratio could be adopted, that would not leave fractions; and thoſe fractions would be greater in ſome ſtates than in others:— the ſtate which he repreſented would ſuffer in that particular as much perhaps as any other ſtate in the Union: but thoſe ſtates that will ſuffer the moſt in the firſt inſtance, will be the ſooner relieved, as the fractional parts will probably then be in their favour, provided Congreſs pro- ceed upon ſome general rule. In order to re- move all complaints of inequality on account of fractions, and to give thoſe ſtates which have large portions of people unrepresented, the ſame advantage hereafter that other ſtates will now en- joy, he wiſhed to ſee a ſecond enumeration take place before the expiration of ten years.
Mr. Gerry remarked, that there would have been no diſpute about fractions, if the ratio had been firſt eſtabliſhed, and provision afterwards made for carrying it into execution; but when it was once known how the principle would apply, and leave greater or leſſer fractions, gentlemen then took the one or the other ſide of the queſ- tion, and wiſhed to vary the ratio, as would beſt ſuit particular ſtates:—this (he ſaid) was the cauſe of that difference of opinion which prevail- ed in the Houſe and in the Senate: the evil ought to be remedied, if poſſible: and the only remedy he knew, was the propoſition under con- ſideration;—the principle would be thus eſta- bliſhed at a time when its future operation can- not be foreſeen; and the members from particu- lar ſtates cannot poſſibly know what number will reſult from the ratio they fix upon.
Mr. Smith (N. H.) obſerved that if the re- preſentation was apportioned every ten years, with as great equality, as circumſtances would ad- mit, this would be amply ſufficient for the gene- ral ſecurity.
Mr. Maſon inſiſted on the propriety of pro- viding before-hand for the cenſus which is next to take place, in ſuch manner, as to render it impoſſible for local calculations to intrude on the buſineſs. If the principle of equality was of one tenth part of the importance that ſome gentle- men contended for, ſurely ſome precautions ought to be taken to guard againſt thoſe inequali- ties that will every day take place, and will by far exceed thoſe which have already agitated the Houſe to much:—if it be an evil that one ſtate ſhould have greater unrepresented fractions than another, it would be a much greater evil, that any one ſtate ſhould be deprived of perhaps three or four members, to whom ſhe has a right. Gen- tlemen ſeemed to think that the larger ſtates would not ſuffer ſo much from thoſe inequalities, as the ſmaller ones; but he would aſk, whether the people in every part of the United States were not to be conſidered as equal on the floor of Congreſs: ten or twenty thouſand citizens of New-York, North-Carolina, or Virginia, when conſidered in relation to that Houſe, were of as much conſequence, as the ſame number in Rhode- Island or Delaware; it is not to be conſidered, whether ſuch a ſurplus riſes from ten Repreſen- tatives or from a ſingle one.
He could ſee no objection to the meaſure but the expence attending it; but he did not think the expence ought to be put in competition with the advantages that would reſult from it: he thought even that there would be a conſiderable ſaving of expence, in ſettling the matter before- hand, when much leſs time will be ſpent in de- bate:—had the queſtion been determined at the laſt ſeſſion, it would not have coſt the commu- nity one tenth part of what it has coſt them.
Mr. Boudinot ſaid there was a great differ- ence between the ſurplus of a ſmaller ſtate re- preſented by a ſingle member, and that of a larger one whoſe repreſentation is more numerous; as the wants, the wiſhes, the intentions of the conſtituents are better repreſented in the latter caſe, than in the former.—He wiſhed the com- mittee might be left at liberty to diſviſe whate- ver means might ſeem moſt likely to unite both ſides of the Houſe; and wiſhed to ſtrike out all the latter part of the reſolution, from the words “firſt enumeration.”
Mr. Dayton thought it by no means proper that the preſent Congreſs ſhould undertake to le- giſlate not only for their conſtituents, but also for their ſucceſſors in the Houſe, eſpecially in a point which the future Congreſs will be more compe- tent to decide upon.
Mr. Livermore remarked, that if the ratio be applied to the people of particular ſtates, it will be ever productive of inequality:—although a fractional number may remain as well in a large as in a ſmall ſtate, yet it will not affect the larger ſo much as the ſmaller one:—the ratio of thirty thouſand gives Virginia twenty-one Repreſen- tatives, and if there remained even a ſurplus of twenty-nine thouſand, that ſtate could not feel her intereſts very ſenſibly affected, and would have little reaſon to complain; whereas that ra- tio operates more ſtrONGLY againſt the ſtates of Vermont, New-Hampſhire, New-Jerſey and Delaware, whoſe Repreſentatives are to much inferior in number:—Delaware, for inſtance, having but one Representative and a fraction of above 25 thouſand, would be repreſented in the ratio of only one to fifty-five thouſand:—this in- equality might be remedied, unleſs gentlemen, becauſe the ſcale was now turned in their favor, wiſhed to take all poſſible advantage of it, and, as far as in their power, to give perpetuity to the law, and make the ratio apply to every future cenſus for ever:—but could gentlemen ſay ther- is now more wiſdom in the Houſe, than ever can be collected into it at any future period? Gen- tlemen had afferted that 120 Repreſentatives will poſſeſs double that ſhare of wiſdom, which falls to the lot of ſixty; and this very argument had been ſtrongly urged for increaſing the repreſen- tation to the utmoſt extent allowed by the con- ſtitution, becauſe the Houſe is then to poſſeſs twice or three times more wiſdom, than is now contained within its walls: poſterity, he hoped, might be truſted to paſs laws that will affect their own time.
After ſome further remarks by Mr. Gerry, Mr. Niles, and Mr. Barnwell,
The queſtion being called for, and divided, it was firſt taken on ſtriking out the provision for a ſecond enumeration and apportionment: and having paſſed in the negative (Yeas, 22; Nays, 36) the claſe was retained.
Yeas—Meſſrs. Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clarke, Dayton, Fitzſimons, Gilman, Gregg, Hartley, Heiſler, Jacobs, Kitchell, Learned, Li- vermore, Niles, Schoonmaker, Seney, J. Smith, Iſrael Smith, Sylvester, Tucker, Ward.
Nays—Meſſrs. Ames, Aſhe, Baldwin, Barn- well, Benſon, Brown, Findley, Gerry, Giles, Goodhue, Griffin, Grove, Huger, Key, Kittera, Laurence, Lee, Macon, Maſon, Moore, Muh- lenberg, Murray, Page, Sheredine, Steele, Stur- ges, Sumppter, Thatcher, Tredwell, Venable, Wadsworth, Wayne, White, Williamson, Wil- lis.
The queſtion was then taken on ſtriking out the claſe reſpecting the ratio of 30,000, and be- ing carried in the affirmative (Yeas 33; Nays 26) the claſe was accordingly ſtruck out.
Yeas—Meſſrs. Ames, Barnwell, Benſon, Bou- dinot, S. Bourne, Clarke, Dayton, Fitzſimons, Gilman, Goodhue, Gregg, Grove, Hartley, Heiſler, Jacobs, Key, Kitchell, Kittera, Learned, Livermore, Macon, Maſon, Niles, J. Smith, Iſrael Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatch- er, Tucker, Wadsworth, Ward, Willis.
Nays—Meſſrs. Aſhe, Baldwin, B. Bourne, Brown, Findley, Gerry, Giles, Gordon, Griffin, Huger, Laurence, Lee, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Page, Schoonmaker, Seney, Shere-
dine, Sterret, Sumppter, Tredwell, Venable, Wayne, White, Williamson.
The report was then agreed to as amended, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill conformably thereto.
WEDNESDAY, January 25.
A petition of Richard Henly Courts was read, praying compensation for ſer- vices as ſurgeon's mate in the hoſpital of the United States, during the late war—Referred to the Secretary at War.
Mr. Sterret laid on the table a motion for the appointment of a committee to bring in a bill to continue in force an act, declaring the aſſent of Congreſs to certain acts of the ſtates of Maryland, Georgia, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
On motion, it was reſolved, that the President of the United States be re- queſted to cauſe to be laid before this Houſe, copies of the official communi- cations, which have taken place be- tween the governor of the ſtate of Pennſylvania and the Secretary at War, with reſpect to the raiſing of troops within, and under the direction of ſaid ſtate.—Ordered, that Mr. Dayton, Mr. Smith (S. C.) and Mr. Brown, be a committee to wait on the President with the foregoing reſolution.
The Houſe reſumed the conſideration of the amendments reported by the com- mittee of the whole Houſe on Monday laſt, to the bill to aſcertain and regulate the claims to half-pay, and to invalid penſions, which being twice read, and further amended, was ordered to be en- groſſed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Maſon from the committee ap- pointed, preſented a bill for making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States—which was read a firſt and ſecond time, and committed to a committee of the whole Houſe to- morrow.
THURSDAY, Jan. 26.
A petition of David Tappen was read, praying compensation in certain caſes—also a petition of Mary Jackſon, adminiſtratrix to the eſtate of Charles Jackſon, to the ſame effect—Referred to the Secretary at War, to examine and report thereon.
A petition of Hugh Cunningham, praying to be compensated for ſervices as waggon-maſter in the United States' ſervice, during the late war—Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
An engroſſed bill to aſcertain and re- gulate the claims to half-pay, and to invalid penſions, was read the third time, paſſed, and ſent to the Senate for their concurrence.
Mr. Boudinot laid on the table the following motion:
“Reſolved that the dignity, grati- tude, and juſtice of the general govern- ment require, that a ſuitable provision be made for the widow and orphan children of the late major-general Greene, in conſideration as well of his very great and meritorious ſervices in the field, as of his patriotic exertions and perſonal influence in promoting and ſupporting contracts for ſupplying the ſouthern army with cloathing and rations, at a time and criſis when in danger of diſbanding for want of thoſe eſſential neceſſaries—and that a com- mittee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpoſe.”
Mr. Macon laid on the table the fol- lowing motion:
“Reſolved, that the prayer of the pe- tition of Catharine Greene cannot be granted.”
The Houſe then reſolved itſelf into a committee of the whole—Mr. Muhlen- berg in the chair—on a bill making pro- viſion for the protection of the frontiers.
[The bill, beſides completing the re- giments already on the continental eſtabliſhment, contemplates the raiſing of three additional regiments of infan- try, each to conſiſt of 912 non-commi- ſioned officers, privates and muſicians, excluſive of commissioned officers; and one ſquadron of light dragoons (to ſerve occaſionally as infantry) conſiſting of 304 non-commiſſioned officers and pri- vates, beſides commissioned officers.]
After ſome debate on the increaſe of the military eſtabliſhment, the committee roſe, and obtained leave to ſit again—and a reading of ſome of the confident- ial communications from the President being called for, the galleries were or- dered to be cleared.
FRIDAY, Jan. 27.
Several petitions were read, praying com- penſation for ſervices rendered—which were refer- red to the Secretary at War.
The Speaker laid before the Houſe a letter from the treaſurer of the United States, with an account of indents of intereſt received, and iſſu- ed by him from the firſt of October, to Dec. 31ſt, 1791, inclusive; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table.
The Houſe then, in committee of the whole, took into conſideration the bill for making fur- ther provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States. After ſome time ſpent therein, the committee roſe, to take the ſame into conſideration again on Monday next.
Mr. Sheredine moved, for the appointment of a committee to wait on the President of the United States, to enquire of him, when it will be agreeable to him that his confidential com- munications reſpecting the weſtern frontiers ſhall be publicly diſcuſſed in the Houſe.
The following motion, by Mr. White, was also laid on the table:
Reſolved, That it be a ſtanding order of this Houſe, that whenever confidential communi- cations are received from the President of the United States, the Houſe ſhall be cleared of all per- ſons, except the members and the clerk, and ſo continue during the reading of ſuch communi- cations, and during all debates and proceedings to be had thereon; and that when the Speaker, or any other member, ſhall inform the Houſe that he has communications to make, which he conceives ought to be kept ſecret, the Houſe ſhall in like manner be cleared until the com- munication be made; and the Houſe ſhall then determine whether the matter communicated re- quires ſecrecy, or not, and take order accordingly.
UNITED STATES, Jan. 16, 1792.
SIR,
AS the circumſtances which have engaged the United States in the preſent Indian war may ſome of them be out of the public recollection, and others perhaps be unknown, it may appear adviſe- able that you prepare and publiſh, from authentic documents, a ſtatement of thoſe circumſtances, as well as of the meaſures which have been taken, from time to time, for the re-eſtabliſhment of peace and friendſhip.
When the community are called upon for conſi- derable exertions to relieve a part which is ſuffer- ing under the hand of an enemy, it is deſirable to manifeſt that due pains have been taken by thoſe entrusted with the adminiſtration of their affairs to avoid the evil.
(Signed)
G. WASHINGTON.
The Secretary for the Department of War.
The Cauſes of the exiſting Hoſtilities between the UNITED STATES, and certain Tribes of IN- DIANS North-weſt of the OHIO, ſtated and explained from official and authentic documents, and publiſhed in obedience to the orders of the Pre- ſident of the United States.
A RECURRENCE to the Journals of the United States in Congreſs aſſembled, of the early ſtages of the late war, will evince the public ſolicitude to preſerve peace with the Indian tribes, and to prevent their engaging in a conteſt, in which they were no wiſe intereſted.
But although partial treaties or conventions were formed with ſome of the northern and weſtern tribes, in the years 1775 and 1776; yet thoſe treaties were too feeble to reſiſt the powerful impulſes of a contrary nature, ariſing from a combination of circumſtances at that time; and accordingly all the various Indian nations (the Oneidas, Tuſcarora, and a few individuals of the Delawares ex- cepted) lying on our frontiers, from Georgia to Canada, armed againſt us.
It is yet too recent to have been forgotten, that great numbers of inoffenſive men, women and chil- dren, fell a ſacrifice to the barbarous warfare prac- tiſed by the Indians, and that many others were dragged into a deplorable captivity.
Notwithstanding that theſe aggreſſions were en- tirely unprovoked, yet as ſoon as the war ceaſed with Great-Britain, the United States, inſtead of indulging any reſentments againſt the Indian na- tions, ſought only how to eſtabliſh a liberal peace with all the tribes throughout their limits.
Early meaſures were accordingly taken for this purpoſe. A treaty was held, and a peace conclu- ded, in the year 1784, with the hoſtile part of the northern Indians, or Six Nations, at Fort Stanwix.
In January 1785, another treaty was formed with part of the weſtern tribes, at Fort M'Intoſh, on the Ohio; to wit, with the Wyandots, Dela- wares, Ottawas and Chippewas.
During the ſame year, treaties were formed at Hopewell, on the Keowee, with all the powerful tribes of the ſouth, excepting the Creeks; to wit, the Cherokees, the Chaſtaws and Chickaſaws.
In January 1786, a treaty was formed with the Shawaneſe, at the confluence of the Great Miami with the Ohio.
It was not long before certain turbulent and malignant characters, reſiding among ſome of the northern and weſtern tribes, which had formed the treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort M'Intoſh, ex- cited uneaſineſs and complaints againſt thoſe trea- ties. In conſequence of representations upon this ſubject, on the 5th of October 1787, Congreſs di- rected, “That a general treaty ſhould be held with the tribes of Indians within the limits of the Uni- ted States, inhabiting the country north-weſt of the Ohio, and about Lake Erie, as ſoon after the firſt of April next as conveniently might be, and at ſuch place and at ſuch particular time as the Governor of the Western Territory ſhould appoint, for the purpoſe of knowing the cauſe of uneaſineſs among the ſaid tribes, and removing their com- plaints; of regulating trade, and amicably ſettling all affairs concerning lands and boundaries between them and the United States.”
On the 2d day of July, 1788, Congreſs appro- priated “the ſum of twenty thouſand dollars, in ad- dition to fourteen thouſand dollars before ap-

“ appropriated, for defraying the expences of the treaties which had been ordered, or which might be ordered to be held in the then present year with the several Indian tribes in the Northern Department, and for extinguishing the Indian claims; the whole of the said twenty thousand dollars, together with six thousand dollars of the said fourteen thousand dollars, to be applied solely to the purpose of extinguishing Indian claims to the lands they had already ceded to the United States, by obtaining regular conveyances for the same, and for extending a purchase beyond the limits theretofore fixed by treaty; but that no part of the said sums should be applied for any purpose other than those above mentioned.”
Accordingly new treaties were held at Fort Harmar the latter part of the year 1788, and concluded on the 9th day of January, 1789, with a representation of all the Six or Northern nations, the Mohawks excepted—and with a representation of the following tribes, to wit: the Wyandots, the Delawares, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pattawatamas, and Sacks.—By these treaties, nearly the same boundaries were recognized and established by a principle of purchase, as had been stipulated by the former treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort McIntosh. Thus careful and attentive was the government of the United States to settle a boundary with the Indians on the basis of fair treaty, to obviate the dissatisfactions which had been excited, and to establish its claim to the lands relinquished on the principles of equitable purchase.
It does not appear that the right of the Northern and Western Indians, who formed the several before mentioned treaties to the lands thereby relinquished to the United States, has been questioned by any other tribes; nor does it appear that the present war has been occasioned by any dispute relatively to the boundaries established by the said treaties.
But on the contrary it appears, that the unprovoked aggressions of the Miami and Wabash Indians upon Kentucky and other parts of the frontiers, together with their associates, a banditti, formed of Shawanese and outcast Cherokees, amounting in all to about one thousand two hundred men, are solely the causes of the war. Hence it is proper that their conduct should be more particularly adverted to.
In the year 1784, when messages were sent to the Wyandots and Delawares, inviting them to meet the Commissioners, first at Cayahoga, and afterwards at Fort McIntosh, their neighbors the Miami Indians were also included in the said invitations; but they did not attend.
In the year 1785 these invitations were repeated; but the messengers upon their arrival at the Miami village, had their horses stolen, were otherwise treated with insolence, and prevented fulfilling their mission.
In the years 1787 and 1788, new endeavors were used to bring those Indians to treat: they were urged to be present at the treaty appointed to be held at Fort Harmar; but these endeavors proved as fruitless as all the former.
“ At a council of the tribes, convened in 1788, at the Miami river, the Miami and Wabash Indians were pressed to repair to the treaty with great earnestness by the chiefs of the Wyandots and Delawares: the Wyandot chiefs particularly presented them with a large belt of wampum, holding one end of it themselves, and offering the other to the hostile Indians, which was refused. The Wyandots then laid it on the shoulders of a principal chief, recommending to him to be at peace with the Americans; but without making any answer, he leaned himself and let it fall to the ground: this so displeased the Wyandots, that they immediately left the council house.”
In the mean time the frontier settlements were disquieted by frequent depredations and murders, and the complaints of their inhabitants, (as might be expected) of the pacific forbearance of the government, were loud, repeated, and distressing— their calls for protection incessant—till at length they appeared determined by their own efforts to endeavor to retaliate the injuries they were continually receiving, and which had become intolerable.
In this state of things it was indispensable for the government to make some decisive exertion for the peace and security of the frontiers.
But notwithstanding the ill success of former experiments, and the invincible spirit of animosity which had appeared in certain tribes, and which was of a nature to justify a persuasion that no impression could be made upon them by pacific expedients, it was still deemed advisable to make one more essay.
Accordingly, in April 1790, Anthony Gamelin, an inhabitant of Post Vincennes, and a man of good character, was dispatched to all the tribes and villages of the Wabash river, and to the Indians of the Miami village, with a message purporting, that the United States were desirous of establishing a general peace with all the neighboring tribes of Indians, and of treating them in all respects with perfect humanity and kindness, and at the same time warning them to abstain from further depredations.
The Indians in some of the villages on the lower part of the Wabash, appeared to listen to him, others manifested a different disposition, others confessed their inability to restrain their young warriors, and all referred the messenger to the Indians at the Miami village. At that village some appeared well disposed, but the chiefs of the Shawanese returned the messages and belts, informing the messenger however, that they would, after consultation, within thirty nights, send an answer to Post Vincennes—The promised answer was never received. While the messenger was at the Miami village, two negroes were brought in from our settlements, prisoners; and upon his return to L’Anguille, a chief informed him that a party of seventy warriors, from the more distant Indians, had arrived, and were gone against the settlements.
In three days after his departure from the Miami village, a prisoner was there burnt to death. Similar cruelties were exercised at the Ouitanon towns, about the same time; and in the course of the three months immediately after the last mentioned invitation, upwards of one hundred persons were killed, wounded, and taken prisoners upon the Ohio, and in the district of Kentucky.
It is to be remarked, that previously to the last invitation, the people of Kentucky, who, in consequence of their injuries, were meditating a blow against the hostile Indians (as before intimated) were restrained by the President of the United States, from crossing the Ohio, until the effect of the friendly overture intended to be made should be known.
It is also to be observed, that the Wyandots and Delawares, after having frequently and fruitlessly endeavored to influence the Miami and Wabash Indians to peace; upon mature conviction finally declared that force only could effect the object.
As an evidence that the conduct of the hostile Indians has been occasioned by other motives than a claim relatively to boundaries—it is to be observed, that their depredations have been principally upon the district of Kentucky, and the counties of Virginia, lying along the south side of the Ohio, a country to which they have no claim.
It appears by respectable evidence, that from the year 1783, until the month of October, 1790, the time the United States commenced offensive operations against the said Indians, that on the Ohio, and the frontiers on the south side thereof, they killed, wounded and took prisoners, about one thousand five hundred men, women, and children; besides carrying off upwards of two thousand horses, and other property to the amount of fifty thousand dollars.
The particulars of the barbarities exercised upon many of their prisoners, of different ages and sexes, although supported by indisputable evidence, are of too shocking a nature to be presented to the public. It is sufficient upon this head to observe, that the tomahawk and scalping-knife have been the mildest instruments of death. That in some cases torture by fire, and other execrable means, have been used.
But the outrages which were committed upon the frontier inhabitants were not the only injuries that were sustained: repeated attacks upon detachments of the troops of the United States were at different times made. The following from its peculiar enormity deserves recital.—In April, 1790, major Doughty was ordered to the friendly Chickasaws on public business. He performed this duty in a boat, having with him ensign Sedam, and a party of fifteen men. While ascending the Tennessee river, he was met by a party of forty Indians in four canoes, consisting principally of the aforesaid banditti of Shawanese, and outcast Cherokees. They approached under a white flag, the well-known emblem of peace. They came on board the major’s boat, received his presents, continued with him nearly one hour, and then departed in the most friendly manner. But, they had scarcely cleared his oars, before they poured in a fire upon his crew, which was returned as soon as circumstances would permit, and a most unequal combat was sustained for several hours, when they abandoned their design, but not until they had killed and wounded eleven out of 15 of the boat’s crew. This perfidious conduct, in any age, would have demanded exemplary punishment.
All overtures of peace failing, and the depredations still continuing, an attempt at coercion became indispensable. Accordingly the expedition under brigadier-general Harmar, in the month of October, 1790, was directed. The event is known.
After this expedition, the governor of the Western Territory, in order that nothing might be omitted, to effect a peace without further conflict, did, on his arrival at Fort Harmar, in December, 1790, send through the Wyandots and Delawares conciliatory messages to the Miamies, but still without effect.
The Cornplanter, a war chief of the Senekas, and other Indians of the same tribe, being in Philadelphia in the month of February, 1791, were engaged to undertake to impress the hostile Indians with the consequences of their persisting in hostilities, and also of the justice and moderation of the United States.
In pursuance of this design, Col. Proctor, on the fourteenth of March, was sent to the Cornplanter to hasten his departure, and to accompany him to the Miami village—and messages were sent to the Indians declaratory of the pacific sentiments of the United States towards them. But both Col. Proctor and the Cornplanter, although zealously desirous of executing their mission, encountered difficulties of a particular nature, which were inextricable, and prevented the execution of their orders.
Major-general St. Clair, in the month of April, sent messages from Fort Harmar to the Delaware, expressive of the pacific designs of the United States, to all the Indian tribes.
A treaty was held at the Painted Post by Col. Pickering, in June, 1791, with a part of the Six Nations, at which the humane intentions of the general government towards them particularly, and the Indian tribes generally, were fully explained.
Capt. Hendricks, a respectable Indian residing with the Oneidas, appearing zealously disposed to attempt convincing the hostile Indians of their mistaken conduct, was accordingly sent for that purpose, but was frustrated by unforeseen obstacles, in his laudable attempts.
The different measures which have been recited must evince, that notwithstanding the highly culpable conduct of the Indians in question, the government of the United States, uninfluenced by resentment, or any false principles which might arise from a consciousness of superiority, adopted every proper expedient to terminate the Indian hostilities, without having recourse to the last extremity, and, after being compelled to resort to it, has still kept steadily in view the re-establishment of peace as its primary and sole object.
Were it necessary to add proofs of the pacific and humane dispositions of the general government towards the Indian tribes, the treaties with the Creeks, and with the Cherokees, might be cited as demonstrative of its moderation and liberality.
The present partial Indian war is a remnant of the late general war, continued by a number of separate banditti, who, by the incessant practice of fifteen years, seem to have formed inveterate and incurable habits of enmity against the frontier inhabitants of the United States.
To obtain protection against lawless violence, was a main object for which the present government was instituted. It is, indeed, a main object of all governments. A frontier citizen possesses as strong claims to protection as any other citizen. The frontiers are the vulnerable parts of every country; and the obligation of the government of the United States, to afford the requisite protection, cannot be less sacred in reference to the inhabitants of their Western, than to those of their Atlantic frontier.
It will appear from a candid review of this subject, that the general government could no longer abstain from attempting to punish the hostile Indians.
The ill success of the attempts for this purpose, is entirely unconnected with the justice or policy of the measure. A perseverance in exertions to make the refractory Indians at last sensible, that they cannot continue their enormous outrages with impunity, appears to be as indisputable, in the existing posture of things, as it will be advisable, whenever they shall manifest symptoms of a more amicable disposition, to convince them, by decisive proofs, that nothing is so much desired by the United States, as to be at liberty to treat them with kindness and beneficence.
H. KNOX, Secretary of War. War-Department, Jan. 26. 1792.
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 30, 1792.
Late letters from Birmingham mention, that Mr. Taylor (who had his house and other property destroyed by the mob) and several other respectable dissenters, were preparing to embark for America in the course of the present year. Mr. Taylor, alone, it is said, is worth near 200,000 sterling.
A contract has been passed at Cape-Francois, the 6th of December last, between the administration officers and M. M. Giraud, for the supplying of 30,000 barrel of superfine flour, and 15,000 fine ditto, to be delivered at the Cape, part in March, and the remainder not later than June, 1792. The prices are, ten dollars for superfine, and nine dollars for fine, per barrel. Sundry contracts have since been made, of which no information is yet come to hand, but will shortly be advertised.
The New Constitution of Canada took place on Monday the 26th of December.—This event was celebrated by the French and English inhabitants with the greatest demonstrations of joy, the public rejoicings being continued through the week. The province is now divided into two governments, Upper and Lower Canada.
We are informed that a committee are to meet to view the Raritan on the 20th of February next—and that Nehemiah Hubbard, Esq. of Connecticut, is appointed superintendent-general, with a salary of two thousand dollars a year.
We are farther informed that the manufacturing society expect from Lyons in France, early in the spring, a company of manufacturers for the Ribbon and Wire department.
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman now residing at Quebec, to his correspondent in N. York, dated Jan. 9, 1792.
“ Our humanity was deeply affected by the dreadful carnage made by the Indians. You may be assured that the number of Indians did not exceed 1000, and that nothing saved Gen. Sinclair, and the remainder of his army but the great quantity of plunder he left to the Indians; they were composed of various tribes, and three fourths of them remained in the camp to plunder it and to take scalps, the trophies of their victory; and he that got most when he returned to his nation, acquired the greatest share of glory; hence only about 200 pursued. The loss of the Indians is under 20 killed and 30 wounded. The victory they have obtained at so easy a purchase and the riches they obtained by the plunder, and the provisions they found, will make them a more terrible foe than they have ever been; they boast of taking an amazing quantity of powder and arms, which they wanted; many of them were only armed with spears and hatchets, and I have no doubt but if another expedition should be set on foot, that they will be met by three times the number of Indians. The Indian tribes of nations who live many hundred miles back have all entered into an association, and made the present war a common concern; they have made peace among themselves to enable them to oppose what they call the common enemy. The warriors of the different tribes so united, are not less than 15 or 20,000,—numbers of the Chiefs of 10 or 12 numerous nations were here the last summer.—Lord Dorchester advised them to make peace, and offered his mediation: He told them that he was at peace with the United States, and could give them no assistance. Their answer was, that the enemy was in their country, and would not make peace with them, but on terms dishonorable, and at the expence of their country, and that they had determined to die before they would accept of such terms. They left us much dissatisfied with the answer they received, and with a full determination to defend their country with the last drop of their blood.”
BRITISH GOVERNMENT. THE boasted equilibrium of this government, (so far as it is a reality) is maintained less by the distribution of its powers, than by the force of public opinion. If the nation were in favour of absolute monarchy, the public liberty would soon
be surrendered by their representatives. If a republican form of government were preferred, how could the monarch resist the national will? Were the public opinion neutral only, and the public voice silent, ambition in the House of commons could wrest from him his prerogatives, or the avarice of its members, might sell to him its privileges.
The provision required for the civil list, at every accession of a king, shews at once his dependence on the representative branch, and its dependence on the public opinion. Were this establishment to be made from year to year, instead of being made for life (a change within the legislative power) the monarchy, unless maintained by corruption, would dwindle into a name. In the present temper of the nation, however, they would obstruct such a change, by taking side with their king, against their representatives.
Those who ascribe the preservation of the British government to the form in which its powers are distributed and balanced, forget the revolutions which it has undergone.—Compare its primitive with its present form.
A king at the head of 7 or 800 barons, sitting together in their own right, or admitting another hypothesis) some in their own right, others as representatives of a few lesser barons, but still sitting together as a single House; and the judges holding their offices during the pleasure of the king; such was the British government at one period.
At present a king is seen at the head of a legislature, consisting of two Houses, each jealous of the other, one sitting in their own right, the other representing the people; and the judges forming a distinct and independent department.
In the first case the judiciary is annexed to the executive, and the legislature not even formed into separate branches. In the second, the legislative, executive and judiciary are distinct; and the legislative subdivided into rival branches.
What a contrast in these forms? If the latter be self balanced, the former could have no balance at all. Yet the former subsisted as well as the latter, and lasted longer than the latter, dating it from 1688, has been tried.
The former was supported by the opinion and circumstances of the times, like many of the intermediate variations, through which the government has passed; and as will be supported, the future forms through which it probably remains to be conducted, by the progress of reason, and change of circumstances.
[From the L y d n Gazette—Translated.] Vienna Oct. 14. Government has just published an ordinance, enjoining all its magistrates “strictly to observe the conduct of the French emigrants in the provinces of Austria: to prevent all unlawful excesses and dangerous enterprises on their part, and to be particularly careful that they do not enlist any Austrian subjects—and even to compel all such Frenchmen to quit the country, who are under suspicion of that nature.—to seize upon their persons, if necessary, to examine them, and to see that they be furnished with no supplies whatever by the subjects of Austria, that might enable them to act offensively against their country.”
PRICE OF STOCK. Six per cent, for cash, - 25 3/4. Three per cents, - - - 15 1/2. Deferred six per cents, - - - 15 1/4. Six per cent notes at 90 days, 25 1/11. Three do. - - 60 - - 15 7. Deferred do. - - - - 15 1/10. Bank Stock 12 Shares 108, to 109. — at sixty days - - - 112. — paid and deliv. 1st June, - 116. Full shares paid and delivered on Jan. 10, 1793, 84 to 85 advance. Finals, interest paid to 1788, 23 3/4. Back interest due, - - - 14 3/4. Prizes in the Tul. e. cken canal 75 to 80 dl.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS. January, 1792. Monday, 23. 7 30. 1 — 5 N.W. Fair. 2 30. 18 15 do. ditto. Tuesday, 24. 7 30. 1 5 w. Cloudy. 2 30. 0 24 do. Fair. Wednesday, 25. 7 30. 5 5 s.w. Fair. 2 30. 1 26 do. ditto. Thursday, 26. 7 30. 15 3 w. Fair. 2 30. 15 28 do. ditto. Friday, 27. 7 30. 2 3 s.w. Fair. 2 30. 25 29 do. ditto. Saturday, 28. 7 30. 25 9 w. Cloudy. 2 30. 2 22 do. Fair. Sunday, 29. 7 30. 25 4 N. Fair. 2 30. 2 29 do. ditto.
During this week of extreme cold, the air was generally clear, and always calm. On Monday morning the Thermometer was 5 below 0. All the other numbers are to be understood above 0.
HOWELL'S Small MAP of Pennsylvania, MAY be had of Mr. BAILEY, and Mr. CRUKSHANK, Printers, in Market-street; or of the author in N. Fifth-street, No. 88, who has the said maps pasted on canvas, cut, folded and cased for pocket carriage. Philadelphia, Jan. 30, 1792.
WANTED immediately, a JOURNEYMAN BOOK-BINDER, to go to Lancaster. Enquire of Francis Bailey, printer, No. 116, High-Street.

Various STRICTURES on Mr. Pitt's SINKING FUND: With the best means of alleviating the NATIONAL DEBT. From Capt. NEWTE's tour in England and Scotland, lately published.
THE scheme of paying the National debt by taking from one hand and giving to the other, may justly be considered as a political sophism. The public is at once debtor and creditor. To impose taxes for the discharge of the public debt, puts one in mind of the covetous man in Moliere, who, chagrined beyond measure at the loss of his money, and ignorant whom to accuse of the theft, or where to apply for restitution, seizes his own left hand with the right, and cries out in a praexylm of passion, "and myself too! I will charge myself with the robbery!"
As this is an important subject, and either untouched, or little insisted on by financiers and politicians, let us endeavor to illustrate it. First, It is universally allowed that the wealth of a nation consists in its industry.
Secondly, That the exercise of ingenuity and enterprise in large undertakings or concerns, cannot have place without a capital.
Thirdly, The sinking fund may be considered as a capital laid out by the nation at very low interest, instead of being employed in trade and manufactures.
Fourthly, Besides the difference between extremely low interest, and the immense returns of trade, there is, in the sinking fund, the expence of collection.
Fifthly, The object of the sinking fund is two-fold: first, the stability of public credit; secondly, the benefit of posterity.
With regard to public credit, it will never be shaken while we can pay the interests of our debts, though we should never diminish the principal: even towards the end of the American war, government was able to borrow more money than it wanted.
But, without a sinking fund, the very progress of time, if our manufactures and commerce continue to flourish, would alleviate the public burden by a gradual depreciation in the value of money. At the first establishment of a standing army, the pay of a common soldier, six pence a day, was calculated and fixed, on the principle that the soldier would be placed on the same footing, with regard to income, with an ordinary mechanic, as a shoemaker, a taylor, &c. who, from 1633 to 1660, the period when the two oldest regiments were raised, earned per diem, on an average, sixpence. But an ordinary mechanic, at this day, in any part of the kingdom, can gain more than triple that sum; and in the capital, and other places, more than six times. The medium, therefore, is, that from the period just mentioned to the present, the value of money has decreased three fourth parts of its value. Now, as commerce continues, where it is prosperous, to encrease in a kind of geometrical proportion, the future decrease in the value of money may be expected to be extremely rapid; so rapid, indeed, as to elude calculation.
Even if it were certain that a sinking fund, tho' oppressive to the present race, would nevertheless prove a blessing to posterity, the question of the Irishman might fairly be put "I pray you, what did ever posterity do for us?" "Sufficient for the day is evil thereof." But, in just calculation, a sinking fund, squeezed out of the people, is not a benefit, but a loss to posterity. It transmits to our successors a depreciated sum of money or capital, instead of the fruits of the labour which this capital would now purchase. It is as if an English manufacturer should send to his friend in Tom-buctoo or Acapulco, guineas or other golden coins instead of British manufactures. It is, as if a landholder or farmer, instead of improving his estate or farm, should lock up, for the benefit of his grand children, his guineas, crowns, and half-crowns, in his strong-box. The conclusion to be drawn from all this reasoning is, that we should let this weight of the public debt alone. It is a maxim in physics, that the momentum of bodies depends on the quantum of their velocity multiplied into that of their matter. Dead pressure is next to nothing. This maxim holds, in some degree, in moral concerns. There is neither genius nor sound sense in harassing the nation for the establishment of a sinking fund. It would be wise policy, instead of imposing unnecessary burthens to remove taxes, wherever their weight affects industry. If there be a surplus revenue after this, apply it in bounties, or in any way that may best promote general and productive exertion.—Be careful of one thing, never to add to the national debt. Let the supplies, even on new and great emergencies be raised boldly within the year; from which this great advantage would arise, that no administration could carry on any project, whether of peace or war, without the general concurrence of the nation. It is not the debt already contracted, however great, that is the evil we have most reason to dread; but the aptitude of all ministers to impose new taxes on every subject, that we ought to watch with a jealous eye. They lie in wait, on various pretences, to catch that money which, if left as a capital in the hands of the people, would serve as a spur to general industry. Sound policy, therefore, adopting the language of Spencer, speak to the British nation thus:
The very best that I can thee advise Is to remove the occasion of the ill; For when the cause, whence mischief doth arise, Removed is, th' effect surceaseth still.
It is unnecessary to observe, that in quoting these observations, it is not the present intention to enter into the question, whether we have in reality a sinking fund or no; or, in other words, whether our annual expenditure, all probable contingencies being taken into the account, is not equal to our annual income; nor yet into that other question, whether the present mode of liquidating the national debt, supposing that our income really exceeds our expenditure, is not as eligible as any of those that were thrown out on all hands to the public, when the minister made an option. The simple question here proposed to liberal financiers and politicians, is whether, since Great Britain has not yet come near to the ultimatum of its improveability, the whole, or part of that money
which is employed by the public, in buying up stock for the public, might not be more advantageously laid out in such plans of general improvement as might contribute to alleviate the national debt, by dividing it among a greater number of hands, and lessening more and more the value of money? Whether the whole, or part of the surplus revenue, if there be any, might not be more happily employed in the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, than in being laid out at three and a half per cent. in the public funds? Nay, and whether that surplus revenue would not, on the whole, be more productive, left as a capital in the hands of industrious individuals, than drawn forth into the shape of a sinking fund, to the discouragement of several branches of trade and manufactures? It may farther be observed, that we neither have, nor can have, any security that the sinking fund will always be preserved sacred and inviolate. The same authority that created may annihilate it: and a time may come, when it may only serve as a tempting bait to the rapacity of some unprincipled minister, who may even bribe a majority in parliament by a participation in the public plunder.
To the Editor of the NATIONAL GAZETTE. S I R,
HAD Verus, in your paper of yesterday, read Cardinal Bellarmine or any other Catholic writer on indulgences, he would not still conceive, that there is a good deal of reason in a late assertion, "that lotteries were like the pope's indulgences, forgiving and permitting sins, to raise money." Nay, had Verus, who professes great respect for the good intentions of many Roman catholics in this and every part of the world, had he, who considers them as worshippers of "the man of sin, the son of perdition," even read their catechism, he would have seen the absurdity of the comparison. Such ignorance in a man, who undertakes to write against the tenets of catholics, does not indeed provoke their indignation; but it excites their pity. They charge this imputation and many others equally calumnious, to the credulity of weak men, who devour eagerly every accusation, howsoever absurd, against those who profess a different religion. The surprise of Verus must be great, when, on examination, he shall find, that neither Bellarmine nor any other catholic divine, ever understood of an indulgence, a permission or licence to commit sin, or even the forgiveness of sins already committed. Yet while Verus was endeavouring to impress his readers with the contrary notion, although undoubtedly he supposed himself doing what was right, he was only retailing a stale calumny. But, says he, there are people now living in America, who have purchased indulgences for their sins of the pope. Whereas Verus tells us, that the price current has been often altered, he would undoubtedly gratify public curiosity, were he to learn from them, what are the modern rates. These reformed offenders will not probably step forward and declare, for which of the sins mentioned in the price current, they obtained an indulgence by purchase. Verus therefore calls up Guthrie's geographical grammar to support his charge. This, Mr. Editor, is one of the barefaced calumnies, which have been piously invented to cry down popery. It would be equally inconsistent to learn the tenets of christians from their pagan adversaries in the first ages, as those of the catholics from their prejudiced opponents. A book, says Verus, was published somewhat less than two hundred years ago, by the then pope, with a long list of indulgences, and the prices affixed to them. It is strange indeed, that within twelve two hundred years, amidst the light, which the reformation so astonishingly in the eyes of Verus produced, no protestant historian, no cotemporary writer remarked the publication of such an extraordinary book. Quere. When any system of religion is attacked by calumnies, does it not form a prepossession in its favour?
To prevent further misrepresentations on this subject, let Verus learn through the channel of your paper, that the catholic doctrine concerning indulgences, neither means the remission of sin, nor a licence to commit sin, but a release from the canonical penances, which cannot be obtained by any not already justified from the guilt of sin, by sincere repentance and the sacrament of penance. By an indulgence, the truly pious may obtain remission of temporal punishment, which often remains due, after the guilt of sin is forgiven.
The application of the text of St. Paul, concerning "the man of sin, the son of perdition" to the pope, is of a piece with the notions of Verus, concerning indulgences. To avoid being tedious to you, Mr. Editor, I refer Verus for instruction to the celebrated protestant divine, Mr. Thornhike, in his treatise of just weights and measures, ch. 2. Let not them, says he, who charge the pope to be antichrist, and the papists idolaters, lead the people by the nose to believe, that they can prove their supposition, when they cannot.
VERAX.
January 24th, 1792. P. S. Verus would be happy, if a temperate investigation of the doctrines of popery, were entered into through the newspapers. The catholics being in long possession of their tenets, are satisfied to act on the defensive. If Verus think proper to pursue the investigation, we hold ourselves bound to satisfy every one, who asks us a reason of that hope, which is in us, that they may be ashamed when false y accuse our good conversation in Christ. We will reply with temper, hoping, that our antagonist will act with candour, and with a sufficient knowledge of our tenets.
From a late London Paper.
PAINTING UPON GLASS
This very fascinating and brilliant branch of the Arts, was some years since supposed to be lost. It is now not only recovered, but materially improved. The few old specimens which remain in ancient Cathedrals, &c. are almost invariably ill drawn, added to this the figures are either put in attitudes to suit the shapes of the glass, or cut to pieces by the lead and iron work with which it is necessarily intersected. Mr. PEARSON, with
whose productions the public are well acquainted, has adopted a method by which this inconvenience is removed. He has painted a full length portrait, as large as life, of His Royal Highness the PRINCE OF WALES, in the character of St. George, from a picture by Mr. BARRY; in which, though the circumference painted upon is 8 feet by 5, the lead and iron is wholly concealed, and the whole appears without joining or division, as one entire plate of glass.
A smaller figure, copied from the same Artist, representing the Birth of Venus, from LUCRETIUS, has a most enchanting effect; and a copy from one of WRIGHT's Blacksmith's shops, has an effect of fire, that almost deceives the eye.
For invention, dignity, grace, and greatness, the seven Cartoons by RAPHAEL have ever been esteemed the first productions in the world. Sir JAMES THORNHILL made seven admirable copies as large as the originals; these copies were soon after his death purchased by the Duke of BEDFORD, who built a room purposely for their reception. For engraving them QUEEN ANNE conferred the honour of Knighthood on DORIGNY, the Engraver; besides his set, there have been made from them, some tolerable, and many intolerable Prints. With a perseverance and taste that does her great honour, Mrs. PEARSON has now transferred these chef d'oeuvres of the greatest Artist that existed, to seven of the largest pieces of glass that ever passed through the fiery ordeal of the furnace. Considering the subjects, the painter, and the manner in which they are copied, it is not easy to imagine any set of paintings that would be more appropriate ornaments for a private chapel.
PARALLELS.
The Civilized Man and the Savage. From the European Magazine.
THE Savage rises in the morning, and takes his bow and runs through the forest, and returns loaded with animal food for his family: vegetables spring up spontaneously under his feet.
The peasant gets up with the sun to serve his master's cattle, waters the soil with the sweat of his brow, and reflects that all this is not for himself.
The Savage has in abundance the viands that please him, the drink which he prefers, and receives every thing as it is prepared by the hands of nature.
The Civilized man has but a scanty pittance of unsavory food, is obliged to struggle with his wants, and to quench his thirst with an unwholesome beverage.
The inhabitant of the woods considers his dares as the blessings of nature, since he can chase and vary his pleasures at his will.
The Civilized man is obliged to concentrate his happiness in one object; if sickness or accidents incapacitate him, there remains to him nothing but uneasiness and imbecility.
The one depends only upon the ordinary progress of events, which carries us on along with it.
The other is encompassed with chains, kings, government, laws, society: prejudices act every instant even upon his very thoughts.
The former feels no anxiety for the future welfare of a family, however numerous it may be, is tormented by no tributes, no burthens, the appendages of social life.
The latter has continually before his eyes the wretchedness that threatens his family, hears every instant the voice of the tax gatherer at his door, and is frequently at a loss how to provide clothing which conventions have rendered necessary.
The one feels no fatal effects from storms, droughts or inundations; his house is a tree, his field is every where, and nature is his country.
The other, a victim to the inclemency of the seasons, sees his provisions consumed by the burning sun, or carried away by impetuous torrents.
The being whose destiny we lament, is cheerful, alert, courageous by nature, lives contentedly, and dies without regret, because he conceives he shall soon revive.
The being whose lot we boast of, bears in his emaciated and furrowed visage the traces of misery, is never sure of to-morrow, and dies in the midst of troubles, fears, and uncertainty.
Translations from the Leyden Gazette, &c. October 28.
PARIS, October 21.
It is remarkable that in the various tumults that have been excited among the populace on account of the protestants being allowed to preach their doctrines without hindrance, women have been the sole actors; and on several occasions have gone to such mischievous lengths, that even the lowest vulgar among the men, have voluntarily aided the city guards in reducing these priest ridden viragos to reason. This ungovernable temper in our women is not difficult to be accounted for. In times past it has been the policy of the teaching clergy, always to make sure of the mistresses of the family. No pains having been previously spared to make them sincere converts to the tenets of bigotry and fanaticism, the men, of consequence, became an easy prey, and were not so much attended to. The principles of intemperance having by these means taken such deep root in the minds of the lower class of our females, no wonder that the laws of equity and justice find it difficult to inspire them with a tolerating spirit in matters of religion.
The first sessions of the second Legislative Assembly of France have been marked with that same instability and want of good order as the former Assembly. The public, however have gained one advantage in this which they had not in the last, that is, the complete establishment of committees. These preparatory assemblies infinitely accelerate the labours of the general assembly, in arranging the matter, and fitting every subject for methodical discussion. The capital question was, how to steer clear of certain abuses with which the committees of the constituting assembly had been justly reproached. The organization of these committees was, in many respects, faulty;
particularly in this, that a single individual could be a member of several committees at the same time; that their duration was permanent; and that they could decide upon questions without consulting the assembly.—The legislature now in session, sensible of those abuses, have decreed. 1. That no member can be of more committees than one at the same time. 2. That previous to presenting their reports, each committee shall take care to have them printed and distributed among the general assembly, at least eight days before they are delivered in for actual legislative consideration. 3. The committees shall not directly receive memorials, addresses, or petitions; but that every document of this nature must come to them through the assembly, at whose option it shall be to refer them to committees or not. 4. Committees shall not in any case make answers to questions, nor decide thereon, whether provisionally or definitively. 5. Their sittings and deliberations shall be open to all the members of the assembly, who shall choose to attend or assist therein.—As to the mode of organizing committees, it is decreed, that a paper shall be provided, distributed into as many columns as there are committees; each member of the assembly to write his name, employment, department, and place of abode, in the column appropriated to that part of the public business which is assigned to him, or to which he thinks himself equal. The members of each committee shall then be chosen by simple balloting, one half of which to be changed alternately every three months.—The number of committees to be 22; the members of each to be 24, except the committee of legislation, which shall consist of 48, the whole to be changed every six months.—The following is a list of the committees, and the name proper to each. 1. The committee of the districts of the kingdom; 2, of civil and criminal law; 3, of liquidation; 4, examination of accounts; 5, public expenditures; 6, certificate and money matters; 7, public constitutions; 8, the national treasury; 9, the public debt; 10, agriculture and internal communications; 11, commerce, manufactures, and arts; 12, matters relative to the feudal law; 13, for the military; 14, for the marine; 15, for domains; 16, diplomatic, or foreign employments; 17, for the colonies; 18, for public aids; 19, public education; 20, petitions; 21, decrees; 22, for the inspection of the secretary's books and the printing-office.—According to this list, five committees are abolished by the second assembly, viz. that for the clergy—pensions—research—report—and the constitution.—A member stood up, at a late sitting, and gravely proposed a committee of vigilance; i. e. to watch over the proceedings of the assembly, and prevent any thing being done to wound the constitution.—His colleague got up and proposed in his turn, that, "of this committee, every individual in the house should be a member."—It is evident that the second legislative assembly may claim great merit from having thus made a proper distribution of the immense labours before them; the public now hope that they will expedite business, as a malevolent spirit seems to be gathering strength amongst us, and every thing announces it high time to put a stop to the emigration of the noblesse and priests, as well as to the incredible desertion of the officers from the frontier army; in regard to whom a motion has been recently made in the assembly, to declare them infamous, and traitors to their country.
A few Copies of the following REPORTS and ACTS may be had at the Office, No. 239, Market-Street.
REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, relative to a provision for the support of public credit.
Plan for the general arrangement of the Militia of the United States, by the Secretary at War.
Report of the Secretary of State for establishing a uniformity in the weights, measures, and coins of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on establishing funds for paying interest on the debts assumed by the United States.
Attorney General's Report on the Judiciary System of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale fisheries.
Abstract of the Exports of the United States for one year.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on a National Bank.
Secretary of State's Report on Western Lands.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on Manufactures.
An Act to incorporate the Subscribers to the Bank of the United States, with the Supplement.
An Act to provide more effectually for the Collection of the Duties on Goods, Wares, & Merchandise imported into the United States, and on the Tonnage of Ships or Vessels.
The Act commonly called the Excise Law.
The JOURNAL of the House of Representatives for the three first sessions, with Indexes complete, may be had separate, or half bound in one vol.
The LAWS of the first three sessions of Congress (published by authority) in folio, half and whole bound, with a complete Index.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.