Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-06-09 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 17, of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 9, 1790.
[WHOLE NO. 121.]
THE TABLET.—No. CXXI.
"Nature and truth are the same every where, and reason shews them every where alike."
(Continuation of the arguments in support of the position, that the universal diffusion of literature will precede and prepare the way for the universal prevalence of religion.)
B UT when an object of such novelty and importance as the Christian religion was presented to minds enlarged by study, and habituated to an investigation of knowledge, the power even of a Roman Emperor, in repressing the enquiries of curiosity, in checking subsequent conviction, and restraining the progress of truth, proved as trifling and impotent, as the ridiculous attempts of Xerxes to chain the surges of the Hellespont.—Accordingly we find that early after the publication of christianity, it was embraced by all the civilized nations under the Roman dominions, which were principally inhabitants of Italy, Turkey in Europe, and some cities of ancient Greece in Asia. The nations in the Northern and Eastern parts of Europe, for ages after this lay buried in ignorance and idolatry. But in those civilized countries, religion was diffused with great rapidity and continued to flourish, as little corrupted as was possible in this imperfect state of human nature, till a division of empire took place, and Byzantium became the residence of the Emperors. The virulent disputes and animosities that rose from this division, as is ever the case, corrupted the purity of religion; and almost at the same instant, the Northern nations, rolling like a torrent upon the Western empire, spread the veil of ignorance over learning and civilization.
Here then we may observe that no sooner had literature vanished, than religion was forgotten, or corrupted with all the idolatrous ceremonies of pagan superstition. This points us to the obvious reason, why religion was sooner corrupted in the West than in East. Constantinople, like a veteran oak, had weathered the rude shocks of the Northern barbarians and of the Saracens, for several ages after the Western empire had been overwhelmed with their desolations. During this period, that city continued the seat of literature and religion; while in the West, both were lost in chaotic darkness, or blended with errors and absurdities. Thus corrupted and degenerated, religion was converted into an engine of state, and was propagated wherever it became the interest or inclination of Emperors and Bishops to extend their jurisdiction.
To pursue this mode of reasoning, and to corroborate it by facts, it may not be amiss to mention, that in the fifth century christianity was received in Germany and Ireland, in the sixth century it was introduced into France, and into the kingdom of the Heptarchy in England; Russia and Poland were converted about the end of the eighth century; and Hungary in the first year of the eleventh. Sweden was converted in the ninth century; relapsed again into idolatry, and its conversion was not completed till the close of the tenth. But what was this religion which was de-nominated christian? A system fraught with every species of absurdity, calculated to astonish the gazing crowd, rather than to enlighten their understandings; to fetter the conscience and drain the purse, rather than to check the vices and reform the lives of its stupid votaries. A religion, in almost every instance, propagated by the sword, by marriage or consanguinity; confined at first to the courts of the great, who embraced it from motives of policy, and whose example was imitated by their devoted vassals, either through a veneration for their persons, or a dread of their vengeance. And mankind must forever have continued in this situation, groaning beneath the enormous load of ecclesiastical oppressions, had not learning and civilization first paved the way for their deliverance. When the mind begins to investigate the principles of a religion, those ceremonies that have no foundation in reason, and those doctrines that are not consonant to truth, will gradually lose their adherents. In this general ferment of examination, men may run into extremes, and disown the rational and obligatory parts of religion, because they find them blended with creeds that are capricious and useless. But as truth and nature are immutable, it may be presumed that the intrinsic excellence of the christian religion, will eventually be recognized and celebrated, by men who call themselves philosophers. (To be continued.)
In No. 120 of the Tablet, 2d. par. 2d. line, for "duty" read Deity.
RATIFICATION.
PROVIDENCE, MAY 31, 1790.
S ATURDAY Night, at Eleven o'clock, an express arrived in Town from Newport, with the important Intelligence, that the CONVENTION OF THIS STATE had ratified the CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.
The question, "Shall the Constitution be adopted, or not?" was taken on Saturday, about five o'clock, P. M.—when the affirmative was carried by a Majority of Two, thirty-four members voting for, and thirty-two against it.
This pleasing and most interesting Event was immediately announced here by the ringing of bells, and firing two federal salutes—one from the Artillery on Federal hill—and another from the ship Warren Capt. Sheldon, lately arrived from India.
RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, BY THE CONVENTION OF THE STATE OF RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.
W E the Delegates of the people of the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, duly elected and met in Convention, having maturely considered the Constitution for the United States of America, agreed to on the 17th day of September, in the year 1787, by the Convention then assembled at Philadelphia, in the commonwealth of Pennsylvania (a copy whereof precedes these presents) and having also seriously and deliberately considered the present situation of this State, do declare and make known—
(Here is inserted the Bill of Rights, as proposed by the Convention at their Session at South-Kingstown.)
UNDER these impressions, and declaring that the rights aforesaid cannot be abridged or violated, and that the explanations aforesaid are consistent with the said Constitution, and in confidence that the amendments hereafter mentioned will receive an early and mature consideration, and speedily become a part thereof: We, the said Delegates, in the name and in the behalf of the People of the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, do, by these presents, ASSENT TO and RATIFY the said Constitution. In full confidence, nevertheless, that until the said amendments shall be ratified, pursuant to the fifth article of the aforesaid Constitution, the militia of this State will not be continued in service out of this State for a longer term than six weeks, without the consent of the Legislature thereof; that the Congress will not make or alter any regulation in this State, respecting the times, places and manner, or holding elections for Senators or Representatives, unless the Legislature of this State shall neglect or refuse to make Laws or regulations for the purpose, or from any circumstance be incapable of making the same; and that in those cases such power will only be exercised until the Legislature of this State shall make provision in the premises; that the Congress will not lay direct taxes within this State, but when the monies arising from the impost, tonnage and excise, shall be insufficient for the public exigencies, nor until Congress shall first have made a requisition upon this State to assess, levy and pay, the amount of such requisition, made agreeably to the census fixed in the said Constitution, in such way and manner as the Legislature of this State shall judge best; and that Congress will not lay any capitation or poll tax.
DONE in Convention, at Newport, in the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, the twenty-ninth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
By order of the Convention, DANIEL OWEN, President.
Attest. DANIEL UPDIKE, Secretary.
AND the Convention do, in the name and on behalf of the people of the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, enjoin upon the Senators and Representative or Representatives, which may be elected to represent this State in Congress, to exert all their influence and use all reasonable means to obtain a ratification of the following amendments to the said Constitution, in the manner prescribed therein; and that Congress, in all laws to be passed in the mean time, will conform to the spirit of the said amendments as far as the Constitution will admit.
[Here are inserted the amendments recommended at the session, published in the Providence Gazette of March 13—also the following additional amendments, viz.]
 1. That the several State-Legislatures shall have power to recall their federal Senators, and to appoint others in their stead.  2. That Congress shall not credit any Company of Merchants with exclusive advantages of commerce.  3. That Congress shall have the power of establishing an uniform rule of inhabitanacy, or settlement of the poor, throughout the United States.  4. That whenever two members of either House shall on any question call for the yeas and nays, the same shall be entered on the journals of the respective Houses. 
The Convention likewise passed the following RESOLVES, namine contradicente.
 1. That the amendments to the Constitution of the United States, agreed to by Congress in March, 1789, except the second of said amendments, be recommended to the Legislature of this State for their ratification, pursuant to the fifth article of said Constitution. 
 2. That the thanks of the Convention be presented to the President, for the candor and impartiality with which he hath discharged the office of President. 
 3. That the thanks of the Convention be presented to the Reverend Clergy who have officiated at this Convention. 
DONE in Convention, at Newport, in the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, the twenty-ninth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
By order of Convention, DANIEL OWEN, President.
Attest. DANIEL UPDIKE, Secretary.
Yesterday Evening the Delegates for this Town arrived from Newport, and on their landing were welcomed by a Discharge of Thirteen Cannon.—Some further Demonstrations of Joy are expected to take place.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1790.
DEBATE ON TONNAGE CONTINUED.
MR. MADISON's motion for a discrimination, in the following words under consideration, viz.
THAT from and after the day of next the tonnage of all such vessels be raised to , and from and after the day of next, no such vessels be permitted to export from the United States any manufactured article the growth or produce thereof."
Mr. Fitzsimons said he very much doubted the policy of adopting this proposition; he thought it an experiment of two bold a complexion, considering the recent establishment of the govern-
ment and the present situation of the commerce of this country; he thought we were not prepared to hazard the consequences which may result from the operation of a system which would grow out of so great a change in our commercial affairs.—Its present operation would only be to raise the price of imports.
Mr. Lawrance said that he was apprehensive that the articles of produce would lay upon our hands, if this measure should be adopted, which would be an injury to us. The calculations upon the effect of its being a beneficial proceeding may be mistaken calculations. The manufactures of Great-Britain, and their manners are in some degree congenial to our own, and although we have not all the privileges that could be desired, yet we find our connections increasing with that country. He was of opinion, therefore, that the motion might prove disadvantageous; neither could he see any immediate necessity for its adoption.
Mr. Hartley observed that if the question was now put, he should vote for the discrimination. It may be doubtful whether the first rate of tonnage, as reported by the select committee, is not too high; but this may be corrected in the house. In private life, said he, the man who shews himself my friend, I should affectionately regard. The man who treats me with esteem, I would wish to make a proper return to; but the man who is vindictive, and strives to ruin my interest and my property, I would endeavor to counteract or oppose by measures which might defeat his purpose. The same principles or conduct may, perhaps, be fairly applied to nations. I can say for myself, I feel no enmity toward Great-Britain, so long as she treats this country with the justice and respect due to a nation: but she seems indirectly, nay, I might almost say directly by her policy and regulations, to attack our ship-building, navigation and commerce, and wishes to injure our interests and our property.
We have a right to oppose her by counter regulations, or by a system which may induce her to examine the subject, to correct her errors and do us justice.
Past injuries may be forgiven; I will agree that those of the war shall be in dust. But when I agree that the injuries of one nation shall be in dust, I must also observe, that our friendship for another nation, who served and relieved us in distress, should be in marble.
At the last session it was said that Britain was disposed to do us justice, and relax from some of the policy she had practiced. We were desired to wait, and all should be well: We waited, but at this session we cannot learn from any authentic documents that she has lurked in the smallest degree.
Since the adoption of the New Constitution and formation of this government, Great-Britain has experienced many advantages; she has gained much by the sweets of commerce. This government has shewn the fullest disposition to comply with the spirit of the treaty. We have established tribunals of justice, in which British subjects may recover satisfaction for any demands they may have against the individuals of these States; without the smallest danger of partiality or injustice. What has she done in return? She has been civil in some instances, for which we give her credit: for her friendship or justice, we cannot say so much.
The attack upon our commerce has been spoken of before. Why has she not given up those posts? She still retains the posts which by solemn treaty she was bound to deliver up; and to the want of those posts may we in a great measure impute the depredations and murders of the savages upon the inhabitants of the western frontiers. I do not say that the British countenance or support those invaders; but, were the posts in our hands, a great check might be given to such enormities.
It has been observed that we risk much by adopting the resolution; a commercial warfare might turn out ruinous to America. If our risk is great, that of Great-Britain will be greater; she has immense capitals in this trade; we import many of her luxuries; we are chiefly clothed in her manufactures, and I think it will be difficult, if not almost impossible, for her merchants to change those capitals into other channels, which would be equally productive. I say, as at present informed, I shall vote for the resolution.
Mr. Sedgwick said he was induced to believe this a measure of very great impropriety, and one that would prove injurious to the interest of the United States. He could not tell for what purpose, or what was the object of this discrimination. Who are concerned in the carrying trade? We are declaring against one country, in favor of another: for what purpose? Do gentlemen expect that France will aid our carrying trade? He believed not. It is a useless declaration, an impotent measure of passion, said Mr. Sedgwick, not dictated by the understanding; and supposing the effect intended should not be produced, the consequence would probably be advantageous to Massachusetts, but very injurious to Georgia.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) thought it highly impolitic to enter into a commercial warfare with Great-Britain. We ought not to condemn her for following her usual policy in her navigation laws; they are not particularly aimed at us; her navigation act was originally aimed at the Dutch. We have not heard of any alteration particularly against this country, and therefore we have no room for being displeased. Whenever she finds her advantage, she will propose a commercial treaty, perhaps now, at the present time, it may be contemplating. The parliament rose in August last; a new parliament may act differently, and it will be more becoming in us to wait for some little time, than precipitate this measure. This country has been so disjointed since the peace, that we could not form any treaty with advantage; and even now this government is but little more than a year old.
With respect to the advantage Great-Britain reaps from her trade with this country, which advantages she will lose by the adoption of this measure, we shall also be injured. The effect may be more alarming than is now apprehended, and may bring about a revolution in one year.
Great-Britain is a more compact country, and has a more stable and permanent administration; but we change our administration every two or three years: this gives them a decided advantage, and they might cripple our commerce exceedingly from one Congress to another.
The gentleman from Virginia has said that we have it in our power to starve the West-Indies; but he thought this an idea altogether repugnant to the feelings of Americans; they would prefer a surreptitious trade to such a principle.
Some articles from America pay no duty in England, which pay duty from other countries; we have, therefore, some indulgences there which are not allowed us in France.
Mr. Smith concluded by observing that we should not resent the policy of Great-Britain's supporting her own navigation laws, from which he read some passages, and then declared his opinion, that if the proposition under consideration should be carried in the house, it would prove very injurious to the interests of this country.
Mr. Madison replied to the several arguments against his motion. A gentleman said he (Mr. Sedgwick) had called it "a measure of passion." He observed that it had neither been dictated by pas-

son, nor supported with passion; he considered it as a cool, as well as a proper measure, and believed, that the more coolly it was examined, the more proper it would appear. If any thing was to be done, let it be something that will be effectual.
As to the distinction proposed between nations in treaty and not in treaty, that point had been discussed and decided on yesterday, and was no part of the argument to day. It was agreed on all hands, that the measure reported by the committee was levelled against a particular nation, though it was not named. Why then ostensibly involve other nations for whom it was not intended? And by making no difference in favor of those in treaty, teach others to consider a treaty with us as of no value? He said we were the first restrained from making the distinction, because the nation against which the measure was designed to operate, had not hesitated to set the example, as far as her supposed interest went. He had, he said, before then, that the principle on which the trade with the West-Indies was regulated by Great-Britain, was a departure from the principle of her navigation act: according to that act, all other nations were allowed to carry directly their own produce in their own vessels, wherever the same trade was allowed by the act to British vessels.
A gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzsimons) was afraid the measure was too bold a one. But why, he asked, was it too bold, if, as the weighty information and arguments of the gentleman himself had shown there was no danger? if the existence of the West-Indies, and the prosperity of Great-Britain, depended so materially on the trade with the United States, that it would be madness in her to hazard an interruption of it?
Mr. Madison then proceeded to review the European and West-India commerce of the United States. He stated the imports to be, from Europe, about 3,039,000. sterling; from the West-Indies 927,438. — total, 3,966,438. The exports to Europe, 3,202,438. — to the West-Indies, 911,551. — total, 4,244,000.
He stated the export and return freight to Europe, to be estimated at 500,000. sterling; to the West-Indies, 250,000. — total, 750,000. For the return freight, which was estimated at one-tenth of the export freight, he deducted 45,451. 10s. which left for the value of the export freight to Europe 454,545. 10s. By applying a like rule to the West-India freight, he made the total export freight to amount to 681,818. 5s. sterling; of this he computed two thirds, or 454,545. 10s. to be enjoyed by British vessels. He took notice here, that the proportion of foreign to British tonnage, employed in the exports of Great-Britain, was stated by Lord Sheffield as no more than one to twelve.
This amount of the freight, he said, at 21. sterling per ton, employs 27,722 tons of shipping; or, allowing two voyages a year, 568 vessels of 200 tons burthen each.
This shipping, he said, allowing six men to 100 tons, employs 6816 seamen; or allowing one man to 15 tons, which was perhaps a better estimate, 7575 seamen.
He asked whether it was conceivable that Great-Britain would give up all these advantages, rather than put the commerce of the two countries on such a footing as would be reasonable and reciprocal? Whether she would throw away, and into rival hands too, a freight of near half a million sterling? Whether she could bear to see between 5 and 600 vessels rotting in port, or sold to others to be employed in the business sacrificed by her? He asked what would become of 7 or 8000 seamen, thus turned out of employment? And whether they would not enter into the service of other nations, and particularly of the United States, to be employed in the exportation of our produce.
He took notice of the immense loss that would be sustained by the British merchants, on the capital employed in the American trade, particularly the rice and tobacco. Near 100,000 hds. of tobacco, not more than 10 or 12,000 of which was consumed in Great-Britain, annually went almost all through their hands. The something might be said of 100,000 barrels of rice annually exported from the United States.
The manufacturers, he said, would be still more distressed by the want of the American market. Many articles, which were luxuries to this country, and which it would be better without, gave bread to that class of people. Their distresses would increase the spirit of emigration, already so much dreaded by the policy of that nation. He observed that Great-Britain would be the more unwilling to risk an interruption of her trade to the United States, because it would hasten the establishment of American manufactures, which she always had endeavoured to prevent, and thereby cut off for ever this important market for her's. He said such a danger would be particularly alarming, as her three great staple manufactures, of leather, iron and wool, were those which were making the greatest progress in this country; and would be most aided at her expense.
As to the British West-Indies, it had been fully shown, he said, that they could neither prosper nor subsist without the market of the United States; they were fed from our granaries. — Without our lumber, which it was admitted could be supplied no where else, they could not carry on their trade or support their establishments. In the sale of their rum, on which the profits of their labour essentially depended, they had no resource but in the consumption of this country. He said the whole amount of rum sent to other foreign countries did not exceed 8 or 900,000 gallons, which was not more than one-fifth of what was imported into the United States; besides their loss in this respect, they would have the mortification to see the vacancy in our market filled by rum made from molasses supplied by rival islands. In case of war, which happened every ten or a dozen years, or a moment of famine, which happened every three or four, he said the condition of the British islands must evidently be such, that she would not fail to provide against the contingency, by proper concessions, unless she should infer from our conduct that they are not necessary.
He added, as a consideration which he thought of great weight, in favour of the measure, that in case any negotiations should take place, it would put our executive on proper ground. At present the trade with Great-Britain was precisely in that situation which her interest required, and her King could moreover regulate it according to circumstances. On our part the executive could neither offer nor withdraw any thing. He could offer nothing, because Great-Britain was already in possession of every commercial privilege she desired. He could not lay, give us reciprocal privileges, or your's shall be withdrawn, because this must be a legislative act. By passing the act proposed, the executive will be enabled to speak a language proper for the occasion. He can say, if you do not give the United States proper privileges, those given to you shall not be continued. (To be continued.)
GENOA, March 13.
CONSIDERABLE magazines have been for some time forming in the estates of his Sardinian Majesty—the fortifications are repairing, and the troops augmenting; every district, how small soever it may be, is to furnish 11 men, and the towns double that number, besides which a corps of 15,000 men are assembling to serve wherever occasion may require.
VIENNA, March 24.
Yesterday we received the important news from Constantinople, by the way of Venice and Trieste, that the treaty of alliance between Prussia and the Porte had been signed by the English Ambassador, and that other christian powers, namely, Sweden and Poland, would also enter into it.
PARIS, March 21.
M. Necker's health seems to decline daily. His
hepatical cholics denote that the liver is touched, and he is altogether in a very critical state.
LONDON, April 10.
The French National Gazette; a patriotic paper, printed at Paris, is prefaced with the following principles:
1. Man is an independent being by nature—and yet he has been every where the slave of despotism, as soon as he has established any thing like regular society.
2. Several nations, after shaking off the yoke of a single tyrant, have nevertheless soon found their condition no otherwise altered, than by changing one tyrant for many.
3. The eighteenth century seems pregnant with a revolution better combined, better directed, and more universal than any preceding, and founded upon a more durable basis.
4. To establish the rights of mankind upon a sure footing, it is necessary to go back to the origin of those mistakes, which have been the cause of the loss of their liberty..
5. That mankind may not mistake a change from one species of slavery to another for liberty, they ought to be acquainted with the nature of the ancient aristocracies, which were nothing more than the tyranny of the few over the many, as also with that of the democracies, which by degenerating into mob governments, were nothing else but the tyranny of the populace over the persons and properties of the wealthier part of the citizens.
6. That the friends and enemies of liberty may know how to estimate the success that may be expected from their attempts to hasten or retard a revolution, it is necessary to convince both of the truth of this proposition, that a long continued state of oppression will finally awaken a spirit of liberty; and that every nation, considered as an aggregate body, has its eyes always open to the attempts of its enemies, as well as to the faults and errors of its benefactors.
7. As we have reason to hope that the labors of the National Assembly will be of advantage to more than one generation, and that more than one nation will follow our example, it is our opinion, that as good Frenchmen, it is our duty to give a complete history of our revolution, in a separate sheet, to be published once a week.
An action was brought at Leeds by a young lady against a gentleman for a breach of promise of marriage. The contract that had been previously signed by the parties was something singular, and was as follows: "As love is the sublimest of all passions, and has been the universal conqueror of mankind, we are not ashamed to own its influence, and do hereby agree to unite our hands and hearts in the silken bands of matrimony, as witness our hands, &c." The jury found a verdict for the plaintiff with 200l. damages.
The council of Madrid has imposed a duty of five per cent. in addition to the existing duties, upon French goods imported into Spain. Other accounts say, that this duty is not restricted to French goods, but extends to those of every nation in Europe.
A deputation from Bourdeaux has arrived at Paris, and offered on the part of their constituents to aid the views of the national assembly to the best of their power, and have prayed that their municipality may be directed to form itself on the model of that of Paris.
The dispositions making by Field Marshal Laudohn to oppose the King of Prussia in Bohemia, should he dare to attack the Austrian dominions, are so well directed, and the people seem so unanimous in approving the choice of the Marshal to direct all military matters, that it is probable the King of Prussia will think it most prudent to remain quiet for the present.
The states of Flanders and Hannau, have both declared themselves strongly in favor of returning to the allegiance of the new King of Hungary, on the terms proposed by his Majesty. Every prudent citizen would wish to do the same, for it is impossible now to mistake the motives and actions of the clergy of Brabant, whose sole view is to aggrandize themselves at the sacrifice of the country at large.
Can it be wondered that the capital of France should be a scene of tumult, fear and distress, when we consider for a moment how considerable a body of men have suffered by the revolution. The abolition of the Noblesse, Clergy, Parliament, Pensions, &c. have reduced so many persons to absolute distress on the one hand, and the total stagnation of commerce, and the consequent want of money on the other, cannot fail to keep the citizens in continual alarm of some great and disastrous event. The Palais Royale in Paris is every evening filled with politicians, who freely and loudly discuss the present situation of affairs. The democratic party, assisted by the national guard, keep the Aristocratics a little in awe, and they even go so far as to shut up the Coffee houses where any of the latter are supposed to meet.
An evening paper says, we have often heard of the Lord's prayer, being written in the compass of a shilling, but have lately seen a piece of paper of that dimension, which contains in manuscript, the Lord's prayer, the Creed, the ten com-
mandments, Psalms 117, 130, 137, 131, 132, 134, and 150; 9th chapter of Proverbs, Prayer of St. Chrysostom, two Collects, Prayer for the Royal Family, Nobility, Clergy, &c. &c. the blessing and Junior, 1702, the name of the writer. This curiosity is in the possession of Mr. John Reeder, of Brighton, who being an auctioneer at a sale where it was lately sold, purchased it on very easy terms. It is not legible without a good glass."
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FAIRY TALE.
(A N I M I T A T I O N.)
CANTO II.
Here industry and truth we find, Full sure receive their due; And Fairies prove they can be kind, If Mortals can be true.
SWEET music fills the glitt'ring hall, The Monarch graceful ope's the ball, Then all the train begin; With merry pranks, the sprightly elves, In active gambols please themselves. Blythe sports, ne mell'd with fin.
Now here, now there, was Robin seen, There with the King—here with the Queen, Enliv'ning all around; With merry jest, or merry tale, Or witchen glass; withouten fail, In ev'ry laugh he's found.
"Cease ev'ry sport." The Monarch cried, "Some mortal hitherward doth stride— "Let ev'ry found be still." All hush'd they stand, and all intent, All anxious wait the event, Unknown if good or ill.
Advancing thro' the ruins drear, A mortal's echoing steps they hear, And fast approachen nigh; The door was shut:—A gentle knock, Entreateth courteous to unlock— And straight they hear a sigh.
Oberon spoke:—The door wide flew— And gave a beauteous youth to view, All dripping from the storm; In arms the stripling was array'd, And tho' his face bespoke a maid, Full manly was his form.
His auburn hair (which e'en the rain, Had try'd to rob of curls in vain) From glitt'ring helmet stray'd; At first surprized and astound, He modestly forsook his ground, Then bow'd, advanc'd, and laid.
"Who e'er ye be, O beings bright, That sport away the dreary night, Nor heed the jarring wind; Or be ye angels, sprites or elves; Who thus so game-some, please yourselves, To one sore cross'd, be kind!
Well pleas'd the monarch view'd the youth; Whose face bespoke a soul of truth, And virtues rare possess'd; But bent to try him, dark he frown'd, And roll'd his azure een around, Then thus his court address'd.
"Some envious spirit sure to-night, Doth strive to spoil our sports in spite, And leads these mortals here! But fore the caustic shall repent, The froward with that him hath sent, To pry out Fairies gear.
"No froward will," the youth reply'd, "Be't ill or good that shall betide, "Misfortune brought me here:— Quoth Robin, "be he false or true, "We have a trick will quickly shew— "If true you've nought to fear.
"No tricks on me"—reply'd the youth— "I will not answer for my truth, "My sword I know is true, "I more than once have try'd the blade." And as these words the youngster said, The glitt'ring blade he drew.
"If beings of superior kind, Your power extends to know the mind, And judge if false or true; But if of mortal mould ye are, Assail me not:—or here I swear, "I'll make ye cause to rue.
"Hard is his lot who wanders far, And braves the fiercest front of war, In hopes his friends to find; Yet when return'd meets nought but woes, And finds for friends, most trait'rous foes, And e'en the heav'ns unkind.
"I did not as a robber come, Nor as a spy; but far from home, By chance am led this way, I ask a place to lay me down, And dry me till the storm is done— "Ne tricks on me you play."
His blade high lifted in his hand, When Robin wav'd his lilywand, Like statue straight he stood. Down dropp'd the sword and clang'd the floor, So great is Fairies 'chanting pow'r, The stranger's fix'd as wood.
Oberon said, "now tell thy tale, If true, ye shall ne need to wail, The falling in our hands. The virtuous mortal we revere, How e'er distress'd and poor his gear, He's lov'd by Fairy bands.
(To be continued.)
In the second part of the first Canto, fourth line from the top, for "blind crews," read "blind newt."
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday.
Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.

BOSTON, June 3, 1790.
Extract from His Excellency Gov. Hancock's Speech, to both Houses of the Legislature.
WE have, by the blessing of Divine Providence, achieved a situation truly enviable in the eyes of other nations: Our persons and possessions are governed by standing and known laws, and secured by a Constitution formed by ourselves. This Constitution is a law to the legislative authority itself—and least the pride of office, or the hand of lawless power, should rob the people of their constitutional security, a proper ballance is provided in the Judicial Department, occasionally arising from the body of the people. The price of our freedom has been great toil, and much expence, and we yet feel the weight of it: But we feel as freemen, while the people of some other countries are oppressed with heavy burthens which have been accumulated, not to secure, but to destroy their freedom.
Though the national affairs of our country are more immediately under the attention of the General Government, yet we have very important business which demands our attention.
Having formed our governments, and established our independency, we sit down quietly and peaceably, to enquire into, and to perform those duties, which may be reasonably expected from us in our tranquil situation. And I am very happy to inform you, that the business of our meeting is principally confined to the devising ways and means for answering the just demands of our public creditors—making such additional laws as may be necessary to mark out the paths of distributive justice—to adopt such measures as may facilitate the settlement of the uncultivated parts of the State—and to devise ways for promoting useful knowledge, and for inculcating those virtues which are the only solid foundation of public and private felicity.
Many of the citizens of this Commonwealth, while the country was pressed on every side by danger and distress, freely loaned their property to the public safety: And had the most solemn assurances for a re-payment with interest. Others ventured their lives in the war for our defence, and received the public faith pledged for a compensation, when the war should be terminated. The eyes of these creditors are now upon us for justice: And the sufferings of the widow and orphan demand our attention.
I am sensible that some of the public securities, evidential of these loans and services, have been thrown into the hands of persons who have given but a small consideration for them; but while we are convinced that this has in some measure been owing to the failure of governmental promises, we ought not to increase the calamity, by unnecessary delays in doing justice. Was it within the power of the people to pay the debt they owe, as a government, it would be for their honor and advantage to do it immediately—but as this cannot be done, the making provision for the punctual payment of the interest annually, will be nearly as well for the creditors. But then in order to produce this effect, the payment of this interest must be assured upon funds which may be depended upon. In a republican government, the idea of responsibility is generally divided amongst too many persons to insure that punctuality in the performance of promises, which some other forms of government may afford: Therefore the security of punctual payments is not frequently well-established, without appropriated funds—and yet the happiness of every government, in whatever form it may be, depends essentially upon the rectitude and punctuality of it. When I speak of the happiness of a government, I mean that situation of a civil community, which has a tendency to make those who compose it, happy, by affording them security against foreign invaders, as well as against internal commotions—and in defending the individuals over whom it is extended, against oppression and injustice.
The debt we are involved in, and which I have now under consideration, was contracted for the common defence of the United States, and I flatter myself that justice will finally prevail, so that the government lately established will consider the whole of the Union as responsible to each State for debts of this nature. In the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States there is a proposal for Congress to assume the debts of the several States—but I am not convinced of the propriety of the General Government's assuming to pay the debts of this Commonwealth without the request or consent of this government—but as it will be more congenial to any system of Finance which the Congress may adopt, for this class of the creditors of this State, to transfer the demands to the General Government, on the idea of the standing credit of our Government, and to have them involved in the funded debt of the United States, than to have a claim open in favor of the Commonwealth, I recommend it to your serious deliberation, whether instructions may not be given to our Senators and Representatives on this point.
We hear that there is a prospect of a happy union of sentiment in the Legislature of Massachusetts upon all great national subjects, both with respect to public credit and the federal government.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
AN ACT supplemental to the act for establishing the Salaries of the Executive Officers of Government, with their Assistants and Clerks.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the more effectually to do and perform the duties in the Department of State, the Secretary of the said department be, and is hereby authorized to appoint an additional clerk in his office, who shall be allowed an equal salary, to be paid in the same manner as is allowed by law to the chief clerk.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. APPROVED, JUNE FOURTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
AN ACT for finally adjusting and satisfying the Claims of Frederick William De Steuben.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in order to make full and adequate compensation to Frederick William De Steuben, for the sacrifices and eminent services made and rendered to the United States during the late war, there be paid to the said Frederick William De Steuben an annuity of two thousand five hundred dollars during life, to commence on the first day of January last, to be paid in quarterly payments at the Treasury of the United States; which said annuity shall be considered in full discharge of all claims and demands whatever of the said Frederick William De Steuben against the United States.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. APPROVED, JUNE FOURTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
AN ACT for giving effect to an act, intitled, "An act to establish the Judicial Courts of the United States," within the State of North-Carolina.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act, intitled, "An act to establish the judicial courts of the United States" shall have the like force and effect within the State of North-Carolina, as elsewhere within the United States.
And be it further enacted, That the said State shall be one district, to be called North-Carolina district; and there shall be a district court therein, to consist of one judge, who shall reside in the district, and be called a district judge, and shall hold annually four sessions; the first to commence on the first Monday in July next, and the other three sessions progressively on the like Monday of every third calendar month afterwards. The stated district court shall be held at the town of Newbern.
And be it further enacted, That the said district shall be, and the same is hereby annexed to the Southern circuit: And there shall be held annually in the said district, two circuit courts; the first session of the circuit court shall commence on the eighteenth day of June next, the second session on the eighth day of November next, and the subsequent sessions on the like days of every June and November afterwards, except when any of the days shall happen on a Sunday, and then the session shall commence the next day following: And the sessions of the said circuit courts shall be held at Newbern.
And be it further enacted, That there shall be allowed to the judge of the said district, the yearly compensation of fifteen hundred dollars, to commence from his appointment, and to be paid at the treasury of the United States in quarterly payments.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. APPROVED, JUNE FOURTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY JUNE 7.
A BILL for extending the judiciary system of the United States to the State of Rhode-Island, was read the second time, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The house proceeded to the consideration of the report of the committee of the whole, on the bill for settling the accounts between the United States and the individual states, and agreed to the same. Several amendments were then proposed to the bill, some of which were agreed to; and on motion of Mr. Scott, a clause was added to encrease the salaries of the clerks of the commissioners from 400 dollars per annum, the present allowance, to 500, the salaries given in all the other offices.
Mr. Madison then moved for another amendment, the consideration of which was postponed till to morrow.
Mr. Livermore from the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill for the regulation of the post-offices and post roads.
Mr. Sedgwick from the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill for extending the enumeration law of the United States, to the State of Rhode-Island.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing that he had approved of, and signed the resolutions respecting the arrears of pay due to the troops of Virginia and North-Carolina, lately serving in the army of the United States.
TUESDAY, JUNE 8.
The bill for giving effect to the law for establishing the Judicial Courts of the United States, in respect to the State of Rhode-Island, having been engrossed, was read the third time: The salary of the District Judge was fixed at One Thousand Dollars: The blanks being filled up, the bill was passed to be engrossed.
The bill for extending the law of the United States, providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants, to the State of Rhode-Island, was read the second time, and re-committed, for the purpose of adding a clause, empowering the Deputies of the Marshals to require of the heads of families and others, an oath to the truth of the returns made by them of the numbers of inhabitants.
On motion of Mr. Boudinot, a committee was appointed to enquire, and report to the House, the business necessary to be transacted previous to an adjournment.
The bill providing for the settlement of the accounts between the United States and individual States, was taken into consideration.
Several amendments were proposed and debated. Some of them were agreed to, and others rejected.
The bill being finished, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House, that they have taken into consideration the Resolution passed the House the 31st May, respecting Congress' meeting, and holding their next session in Philadelphia—and have not concurred therein.
The committee to whom was re-committed the bill for the relief of Nathaniel Twining, reported several amendments to the bill.—Laid on the table.
The Message from the Senate was read.
A motion was then made to adjourn—which was negatived.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill for repealing, after the last day of the duties heretofore laid on distilled spirits of foreign manufacture, and laying others in their stead. The bill being read, some progress was made in the discussion—the committee then rose, and the House adjourned.
IN SENATE, TUESDAY, JUNE 8.
On motion, the Senate agreed to postpone the bill for establishing the seat of government of the United States, and the report of Committee thereon—and to take up the Resolution of the House passed the 31st of May.
This Resolution was non-concurred—13 to 11. The opinion of the Senate was taken "Whether it is expedient at this time to determine the permanent seat of government of the United States, and the question determined in the negative.
On motion to fill up the blank in the bill for fixing the permanent residence with the words—"The easterly banks of the Potomack."—It passed in the negative.
Baltimore and Wilmington were then proposed and were also negatived.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO, NOTHING evinces more forcibly the high value of a federal government, founded on the great democratic principle of representation, than the conduct of the House of Representatives of the United States. Its members extend their paternal care equally over every part of this great empire—nothing escapes their minute researches to benefit every part of the Union—While many regulations in the collection laws show how attentive they have been to avoid oppression; they have uniformly manifested an ardent desire to accommodate all their constituents, by assigning numerous ports and districts for the convenience of commerce—nay, in some instances, this disposition seems to have led them almost to sacrifice that security, which the due collection of the revenue requires. These observations are corroborated by a late transaction.
The committee recently appointed for the purpose of bringing in a bill for extending the revenue laws of the United States, to the State of Rhode-Island, reported that foreign ships, and all vessels coming from China or the East Indies, should be limited to the port of New port—the size of that State would lead one to suppose that one port was fully sufficient for all its purposes of foreign commerce; but such was the desire of that body to extend the advantages of commerce to all ports that were in a capacity of enjoying and benefiting by them, that they added the port of Providence, on the motion of Mr. Sedgwick, who assigned this reason, in favor of it, that he had been informed by a worthy and intelligent gentleman from that State, that it was the wish of some of its inhabitants.—What could justify the foregoing remarks more fully?
Americans! while you employ such men as agents, regard not the malevolence of the snarling and insidious—creatures who live in faction, and exist upon the vapors of a foul imagination—who may be traced like the snail upon the rock, by the slime of defamation they leave behind them? L..
NEW-YORK, JUNE 9, 1790.
APPOINTMENTS.—BY AUTHORITY.
Made the 7th and 8th instants.
RICHARD HARRISON, of Virginia, Consul for the port of Cadiz, &c.
JOHN MARSDEN PINTARD, of New-York, for the Island of Madeira, &c.
JAMES MAURY, of Virginia, for the port of Liverpool, &c.
WILLIAM KNOX, of New-York, for the port of Dublin, &c.
JAMES FENWICK, of Maryland, for the port of Bordeaux.
BURRELL CARNES, of Massachusetts, for the port of Nantz.
NATHANIEL BARRETT, of Massachusetts, for the port of Rouen.
SYLVANUS BOURNE, of Massachusetts, for the port of Hispaniola.
FULVIAN SKIPWITH, of Virginia, for the port of Martinique.
District of North Carolina.
WILLIAM R. DAVIE, Judge.
JOHN SITGREAVES, Attorney.
JOHN SKINNER, Marshall.
Territory of the United States South of the River Ohio.
WILLIAM BLOUNT, Governor.
DAVID CAMPBELL and JOHN MCNAIRY, Judges.
DANIEL SMITH, Secretary.
or "Thomas Secupes," in the appointments in our last, read Thomson Seayres.
The Ship Margaret, Blaine, from New-York, is arrived at Londonderry, in 24 days passage.
The Astrea, Magee, is arrived at Boston, after a passage of 125 days from Canton in China.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Packet Duke of Cumberland, Falmouth 49 days.
Brig Betsey Motley Charleston 9 days.
Schooner Queen, Potter, Shelburne, 6 days.
Return, Olwood, St. John's 16 days.
Brothers, Peters, Demarara, 24 days.
Betsey, Brooks, Philadelphia.

FROM THOMAS'S MASSACHUSETTS SPY.
ODE, TO CONNECTICUT RIVER.
I. GLIDE, fair Connecticut, glide on, And bear thy chrysal waters down, In current to the main;
II. On northern mounts, which prop the skies, Thy liquid streams in embryo rise, Thence falling drench their sides;
III. Far in the north, and at thy head, Though small, by rivulets when fed, Pride of Columbian floods;
IV. When thus conjoin'd, thy waters roll, Descending tow'rd th' Antarctic Pole, Majestically flow;
V. Such rocks at Walpole's lofty bridge, On either side a broken ridge, Ascending high are seen;
VI. And pent th' indignant waters roar, And last with strength the rocky shore, Impatient of their bound;
VII. Descending then, thy waters lave The fertile shores with milder wave, Where richer prospects rise;
VIII. Thence sloops swift in the watery chace, And bulky barks thy surface grace, With choicest treasures crown'd;
JUVENIS. And these dispense them round.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
No. IX.
'Tis from high life, high characters are drawn, A faint in crape, is twice a faint in lawn.
PROVIDENCE, which has placed one thing over against another, in the moral as well as physical world, has surprizingly accomodated the qualities of men, to answer one another. There is a remarkable disposition in mankind to congratulate with others in their joys and prosperity, more than to sympathize with them in their sorrows and adversity.
National passions and habits are unweildy, unmanageable and formidable things. The number of persons in any country, who are known even by name or reputation to all the inhabitants, is, and ever must be very small.
as the attention of an whole people, acquire an influence and ascendancy that it is difficult to resist. In proportion as men rise higher in the world, whether by election, descent or appointment, and are exposed to the observation of greater numbers of people, the effects of their own passions, and of the affections of others for them become more serious, interesting and dangerous.
It has been already said, that in proportion as men rise higher in the world, and are exposed to the observation of greater numbers, the effects of these passions are more serious and alarming. Impressions on the feelings of the individual, are deeper; and larger portions of mankind become interested in them.
(To be continued.)
Translated from the "FRENCH PATRIOT,"* a paper published by M. DE WARVILLE.—Jan. 1.
Extract of a letter from — Switzerland.
YOU are right in supposing that aristocracy exists in Switzerland: Nothing is more aristocratic than the government of some Cantons—but, nothing is more opposite, than what exists in some others.
* At the head of this paper is the following sentence: A free Gazette, and a Sentinel, which watches incessantly for the people.
EXTRACT.
A Writer in the Boston Independent Chronicle observes, "As a young and growing nation, calling into action all the possible resources of which every part is possessed, is in fact, enriching and supporting the whole: The interests of the Southern and Northern divisions of this extensive continent, are by no means incompatible."
The efforts of the Seamen and Manufacturers of America, were a great instrument—they were indeed the axis of the late revolution."
SLAVERY.—AN EXTRACT.
NARAGANSET in Rhode-Island, is a fertile tract of country, laid out in rich inclosures, and it may be justly stiled the garden of America. This charming country about sixty years ago, literally enjoyed all the sweets of the golden age—but mark the event!
ANECDOTE.
One reason why Doctor Johnson's memory was so particularly exact, might be derived from his rigid attention to veracity; being always resolved to relate every fact as it stood, he looked on the smaller parts of life with minute attention, and remembered such passages as escape cursory and common observers.
"A story (says he) is a specimen of human manners, and derives its sole value from its truth. When Foote has told me something, I dismiss it from my mind like a passing shadow: When Reynolds (Sir Joshua) tells me something, I consider myself as possessed of an idea more."
BOSTON, May 23.
SUICIDE.
We hear from Amherst, (N. H.) that one Keef, the person who was convicted of setting fire to the barn of Joshua Atherton, Esq; (by which it was entirely consumed with its contents) and for which he was sentenced by the court to stand in the pillory one hour, and receive 20 stripes—set on the gallows, and receive 30 stripes, on Friday last took an effectual and sure method to evade that punishment which a crime so heinous justly merited.
From Hollis we likewise learn, that a man in that town put an end to his life by hanging himself in his barn.
ALBANY, May 25.
Yesterday afternoon his Excellency the Governor, his honor the Lt. Governor, the honorable Ezra L'Hommieu and Richard Varick, Esqrs. four of the commissioners of this State, for negotiating treaties with the Indians, arrived in this city.
Bethlehem Stages.
THE great number of Misses, who from the banks of the Delaware Eastward, even to Boston, are now at the young ladies Academy at Bethlehem, renders some regular, convenient and cheap mode of conveyance between that town and New York necessary.
Fare of each passenger from Elizabeth Town Point to Bethlehem 3 dollars—way passengers 4d per mile—150lb. of baggage the same as a passenger. Packages and letters will be received and delivered at Mrs. Winant's, White hall, where seats may be taken—carriage of a letter 3d—14lb. of baggage allowed to each passenger.
To accommodate those who may wish to take Bethlehem in their route in journeying between the Eastern and Southern states, a stage will constantly run between Bethlehem and Philadelphia, starting at Bethlehem every Monday morning.
WILLIAM CRANE. FREDERICK BEUTEL.
May 19.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8. 1790.
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196, WATER-STREET. A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
To be Sold, an elegant dwelling house, in every circumstance fitted for a gentleman with a large family, situated in a very pleasant part of Elizabeth Town, New-Jersey. The lot contains about four acres, on which is a very good garden, and a variety of the best fruit trees. The terms of payment can be made so easy as to suit the purchaser. Enquire of the Subscriber at No. 12, Wall-Street. ELIAS BOUDINOT. June 2, 1790.