National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-10-27 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENÉAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
SATURDAY, October 27, 1792.
NUMB. 104.
Exposition of the motives on which the French National Assembly have proclaimed the Convocation of a National Convention, and pronounced the suspension of the executive power in the hands of the king.
THE National Assembly owe to the nation, to Europe, and to posterity, a rigorous account of the motives which have determined their late resolutions.
Placed between the duty of remaining faithful to their oaths, and that of saving their country, they wished to fulfil both at the same time, and to do all that the public safety required, without usurping the powers with which the people had not entrusted them.
At the opening of their session, an assemblage of emigrants, formed on the frontiers, kept up a correspondence with all the enemies of liberty that were still to be found in the departments, or among the troops of the line; and fanatical priests, infusing trouble into superstitious minds, sought to persuade those deluded citizens that the constitution wounded the rights of conscience, and that the law had considered the functions of religion to schismatical and sacrilegious persons.
Finally, a league formed among powerful kings, menaced the liberty of France; they fancied they had a right to fix to what degree the interest of their despotism permitted us to be free, and flattered themselves that they should see the sovereignty of the people, and the independence of the French empire, fall down before the arms of their slaves.
Thus every thing announced a civil and religious war, of which a foreign war would soon increase the danger.
The National Assembly thought it their duty to repress the emigrants, and to restrain the factious priests by severe decrees; and the king employed against these decrees the suspensive refusal of sanction which the constitution granted him. In the mean time, those emigrants and those priests were busily acting in the name of the king; it was to re-establish him in what they called his lawful authority, that the former had taken up arms, and the latter were preaching assassination and treason. These emigrants were the brothers of the king, his relations, his former body guards. And while the correspondence of these facts with the conduct of the king authorized, nay, enjoined distrust, this refusal of the sanction applied to decrees that could not be suspended without being annihilated, showed clearly how the veto, suspensive according to the law, rendered definitive by the manner of employing it, gave to the king the unlimited and arbitrary power of rendering null all the measures which the legislative body might think necessary for maintaining liberty.
From that moment, from one end of the kingdom to the other, the people showed those gloomy discontents that announced storms, and the suspicions which accused the executive powers, displayed themselves with energy.
The National Assembly were not discouraged. Princes who professed themselves the allies of France, had given to the emigrants, not an asylum, but the liberty of arming, of forming themselves into military bodies, of levying soldiers, of providing military stores; and the king was invited, by a solemn message, to break, on this violation of the rights of nations, a silence that had been kept but too long. He seemed to yield to the national wish; preparations for war were ordered; but it was soon perceived, that the negotiations conducted by a ministry weak or treacherous, were confined to obtaining vain promises, which remained unexecuted, could not be regarded but as a snare or an insult. The league of kings assumed, in the mean time, a new activity; and at the head of this league, appeared the Emperor, brother-in-law to the
king of the French, united to the nation by a treaty useful to him alone, which the constituting assembly, deceived by the ministry, had maintained, by sacrificing to preserve the hope at that time well founded, of an alliance with the house of Brandenburg.
The National Assembly thought that it was necessary for the safety of France, to oblige the emperor to declare whether he would be her ally, or her enemy, and to pronounce between two contradictory treaties, of which the one bound him to give succours to France, and the other engaged him to attack her, treaties which he could not reconcile, without avowing the intention of separating the king from the nation, and of representing a war against the French people, as succours granted to his ally. The emperor's answer augmented the distrust which this combination of circumstances rendered so natural. In it he repeated the absurd charges against the Assembly of the representatives of the French people, against the popular societies established in our cities, with which the partisans of the French ministry had long wearied the counter-revolution press. He made protestations of his desire to continue the ally of the King, and he had just signed a new league against France, in favor of the authority of the king of the French.
These leagues, these treaties, the intrigues of the emigrants, who had solicited them in the name of the king, had been concealed by the ministers from the representatives of the people. No public disavowal of these intrigues, no effort to prevent or dissolve this conspiracy of monarchs, had shewn either to the citizens of France, or the nations of Europe, that the king had sincerely united his own cause to that of the nation.
This apparent connivance between the cabinet of the Thuilleries and that of Vienna, struck every mind; the National Assembly thought it their duty to examine with vigor the conduct of the minister for foreign affairs; and a decree of accusation was the result of this examination. His colleagues disappeared with him, and the King's council was formed of patriot ministers.
The successor of Leopold followed the course of his father. He thought proper to require for the princes, formerly possessing Feifs in Alsace, indemnifications incompatible with the French constitution, and derogatory to the independence of the nation. He wanted France to betray the confidence and violate the rights of the people of Avignon. At length he announced other causes of complaint, which could not, he said, be discussed before having tried the force of arms.
The king seemed to feel that this provocation to war could not be borne patiently without betraying a shameful weakness; he seemed to feel how perfidious was this language of an enemy who pretended to take an interest in his fate, and to desire his alliance, for no purpose but to sow seeds of discord between him and his people, calculated to enervate our forces, and to stop or disconcert their motions; he proposed war by the unanimous voice of his council, and war was decreed.
By protecting the assemblages of the emigrants, by permitting them to menace our frontiers, by showing troops in readiness to second them on the first success, by preparing a retreat for them, by persisting in a threatening league, the king of Hungary obliged France to make preparations of defence ruinous in their expense, exhausted her finances, encouraged the audacity of the conspirators dispersed thro' the departments, excited uneasiness among the citizens, and thus fomented in them and perpetuated trouble. Never did hostilities more really justify war, and to declare was only to repel it.
The national assembly were then able to judge to what degree, notwithstanding promises so often repeated, all the preparations of defence had been neglected. Nevertheless their uneasiness, their distrust, still rested on the former ministers, on the secret counsels of the king; but they soon saw the patriotic ministers crossed in their operations, attacked with rancour by the partisans of the royal authority, by those who made a parade of personal attachment to the king.
Our armies were tormented with political divisions; discord was sown among the commanders of the troops, as between the generals and the ministry. Attempts were made to transform into the instruments of party, which concealed not its desire of substituting its will for that of the representatives of the nation, those very armies that were destined to the external defence of the French territory, and to maintaining the national independence.
The machinations of the priests, become more active in the moment of war, made a restraining law indispensable; one was passed.
The formation of a camp between Paris and the frontiers, was a disposition happily calculated for external defence, while at the same time it served to give security to the internal departments, and to prevent the troubles which their disquiets might have produced; the formation of such a camp was ordered; but these two decrees were rejected by the king, and the patriotic ministers were dismissed.
The constitution had granted to the king a guard of 180 men, and this guard audaciously manifested a contempt of civic duties, which inspired the citizens with indignation, or with terror; hatred of the constitution, and above all, of liberty and equality, were the best titles for being admitted into it.
The assembly was forced to dissolve this guard, to prevent both the troubles which it could not fail soon to occasion, and the plots of counter-revolution, of which but too many indications were already manifest. The decree was sanctioned; but a proclamation by the king bestowed praises on those very men, whose dismissal from his service he had just pronounced, on those whom he had admitted to be men justly accused of being the enemies of liberty.
The new ministers excited well founded distrust, and as this distrust could not stop at them, it fell on the king himself.
The application of the refusal of sanction to decrees rendered necessary by circumstances, of which the execution ought to have been prompt, and must stop with the decrees, was regarded in the general opinion, as an interpretation of the constitutional act, contrary to liberty, and even to the spirit of the constitution.
The agitation of the people of Paris became extreme; an immense crowd of citizens joined to form a petition in it; they solicited the recal of the patriotic ministers, and the retraction of the refusal to sanction the decrees in favour of which the public opinion had been loudly declared. They desired leave to pass in arms before the national assembly, after their deputies had read their petition. This leave, which other armed bodies had before obtained, was granted them. They desired to present the same petition to the king, and to present it under the forms established by law; but at the moment when municipal officers were coming to inform them, that their deputies, who had been refused at first, were going to be admitted, the gate was opened, and the crowd rushed into the palace. The zeal of the mayor of Paris, the ascendancy which his virtues and his patriotism give him over the minds of the citizens, the presence of the representatives of the people, of whom successive deputations constantly surrounded the king, prevented all serious disorders, and few assemblages so
numerous ever gave occasion to less disorder of any kind.
The king had mounted the ensigns of liberty, he had done justice to the citizens by declaring, that he thought himself in safety in the midst of them; the day of the federation was approaching; citizens from all the departments were to repair to Paris, there to swear to maintain that liberty for which they were going to fight on the frontiers; and all might still have been repaired. But the ministers saw nothing in the events of the 20th of June, but a favorable occasion for sowing divisions between the inhabitants of Paris, and those of the departments, between the people and the army, between the several portions of the national guard, between the citizens who remained at their homes and those who were flying to the defence of the state. The very next day the king changed his language, a proclamation, full of calumny, was profusely distributed among the armies; one of their generals came in the name of that which he commanded, to demand vengeance, and to point out his victims. A considerable number of directories of department by unconstitutional resolutions, disclosed the plan they had long before formed, of raising themselves into a sort of intermediate power between the people and their representatives; between the national assembly and the king. Justices of the peace commenced, in the very palace of the Thuilleries, a dark procedure, in which it was hoped to involve those of the patriots, whose vigilance and whose talents were the most dreaded. Already one of those justices had attempted to infringe the inviolability of the representatives of the people and every thing announced a plan dexterously concerted for finding in the judicial order, the means of giving an arbitrary extension to the royal authority. Letters were found from the minister for the home department, directing the employing of force against the federates, who might wish to take at Paris the oath to fight for liberty; and it required all the activity of the national assembly, all the patriotism of the army, all the zeal of the enlightened citizens, to prevent the fatal effects of this plan of disorganization, which might have lighted up the flames of civil war. An emotion of patriotism had extinguished in fraternal union, the divisions that had appeared but too often in the national assembly, and from this also the means of safety might have sprung. The prosecutions commenced by the king's order, at the instance of the intendant of the civil list, might have been stopped: the virtuous Pethion punished, by an unjust suspension, for having spared the blood of the people, might have been reinstated by the king; and it was possible, that this long series of faults and treasons, might have fallen again entirely upon those perfidious counsellors, to whom a confiding people had the long habit of attributing all the crimes of our kings.
The National Assembly then saw, that the safety of the country required extraordinary measures.
They opened a discussion on the means of saving their country; they instituted a commission charged to consider of and prepare a plan of these means.
The declaration that the country is in danger, called all the citizens to the common defence, all persons in public trust to their posts, and yet in the midst of complaints unceasingly repeated of the inaction of government, on the neglect, or ill management of the preparations for war, on the useless or dangerous motions of the armies, the avowed object of which was to favour the political plans of one of the generals, ministers unknown or suspected, were seen to succeed one another rapidly, and to present, under new names, the same inactivity, and the same principles.
[To be continued.]

LONDON, August 28.
PRISONS for debtors originated in barbarism, and nothing can be a stronger proof that the world is still in a state of barbarism, in a very great degree, than keeping up a practice so injurious to humanity, and disgraceful to the supposed growing reason of nations. The report of the committee, some time since appointed, in this kingdom, to enquire into the practice and effects of imprisonment for debt, has filled every civilized man with horror, to reflect that so much misery was continually passing among us in those dismal retreats; where the imprisoned wretch is forgotten, and where even friendship forgets to approach. The following is one of the melancholy pictures exhibited to the committee; but by no means the most frightful of the group:—
A poor prisoner, on his examination in prison, gave the following account of his situation. "I have been in prison more than eight years—debt 221.—I was a Silk Weaver, and lost 100l. by a man taking goods of me and absconding. My plaintiff has been often applied to to get me out, but she refused saying she would keep me here all my life, even if she was forced to support me. I am sworn on the common side—have nothing to live on but what I get from standing once in five days with the begging box at the door; the profit of the box, on an average, amounts to about two shillings a week; I have nothing else to support me, except now and then getting a job at white-washing; but I have not had a job for six months before to-day; the whole I have to subsist on, is about three shillings and six pence a week—I have a wife and four children, buried two since I have been in prison—one died of a decline, and the other in the small pox, the eldest is ten years old, and a girl; the other three are boys; together I and my wife make about a crown a week, which is the whole to support myself and family; and have not a friend to assist us; one prisoner is chummed with me, and he, myself, my wife, and children, all sleep in the same room; the room is thirteen feet by eleven; I have no complaint to make of my treatment in prison; am forty-three years old; my wife, and children have been with me ever since the first six months of confinement; if the chum is agreeable, no objection is made by the officers of the prison for the wife and children being with them. I sleep on a mattrass three feet and half wide, lying on the ground, which is all I have for myself, wife, and four children. The debt was contracted for silk which I had for carrying on my trade; I was to have had six months credit, but on account of losses I was unable to discharge my debt. I offered, if she would give me my discharge, to work it out at 10l. a year; but she would not come to any agreement of the sort. I paid her ten guineas the morning she arrested me, in her own house, where she arrested me not five minutes after the payment. I cannot carry on my trade here for want of room. A gentleman of the trade would have employed me, if I could have found room—his name was Thomson. I worked for him four or five years; but when he came to see the situation of the place, he could not employ me, as the trade requires a situation in which there is much length and light—twelve feet of light is the least in which I could do any thing."
The prisoners have no right to any supply of coals or fuel; nor is there any common fire or fire place, in the most rigorous seasons. In the King's Bench, and Fleet Prisons, fires are kept in the Coffee room, Tap room, and another drink room in the King's Bench, called the Brace; and on that account the prisoners are obliged, in cold weather, to resort to some of those drinking rooms.
To the Editor of the National Gazette
SIR,
IN your paper of Wednesday last, I observed a piece signed Medicus , which I have read with attention, but I must confess not without pain; inasmuch as it is an illiberal and highly ungenerous attack upon the talents and the character of a young man with whom I have passed some of the happiest hours of the three last years of my life; a young man from whom I am daily reaping instruction, and who, in my opinion, is an ornament to his country.
Do not imagine, Mr. Freneau, that I mean to enter into the merits of the controversy about lectures; neither shall I pretend to decide upon the comparative merits of the Professor of Materia Medica and the Professor of Natural History and Botany in the university. As far as my acquaintance with Dr. Griffiths extends, I think favourably of him; so favourably that I am persuaded he never wrote the paper signed Medicus , since it is asserted that the Doctor received a note from Dr. Barton, in which the latter declared that he had nothing to do with the "extract" originally published in New-York, and since republished in your gazette, which has given rise to the indecent language of Medicus . My sole object, on this occasion, is to render justice to Dr. Barton, in the view of a generous public.
Although Medicus affects that the object of his paper is to serve "injured and insulted merit," yet, I think, a man must be very blind, indeed, who does not discover that his principal object is to injure merit, which I have no hesitation in asserting is of the most superior kind.
In order to accomplish the end, Medicus pursues two ways: he endeavors to expose to ridicule that science in the knowledge of which Dr. Barton is confessedly unrivalled in this country; and he then attempts to rob the Dr. of the honour of being acquainted with the science.
As to the first object, Medicus might have saved himself the trouble he has taken; for the science of Natural History had been exposed, as they imagined, to ridicule, by the ignorant and the envious, long before the birth of Medicus . Sorry should I be to think that the candid and enlightened physicians of Philadelphia were of this gentleman's way of thinking. They need not be informed that in every polished country, both in ancient and in modern times, Natural History has been cultivated as a branch of science at once beautiful and important. They need not be told that it has lent its aid to many of the arts and sciences which dignify and meliorate human life; that it has even given new charms to poetry, and that so nearly has it been thought connected with medicine, that in every country the fathers of this science have devoted a share of their attention to it, and have generally been its greatest ornaments. I am not a physician, but still I know the names of Cullen, Boerhaave, Haller, Sauvages, Linné, Cullen, Kuhn, and many others, than whom medicine knows no higher names.
With regard to his second object, I am confident that I do not err in asserting that Medicus is still more unfortunate. He calls into question the science of Dr. Barton; but his assertions are certainly something very different from conviction, and from truth. As I have the happiness of being intimately acquainted with this gentleman, I can speak to his talents and his worth. In the circle of a very extensive acquaintance, I do not know one man of the age of twenty-nine, whose science is more general, and at the same time so truly correct and profound. To a memory as vast as that of a Crichton or a Suvvin, he adds a genius florid and acute, and a judgment accurate and strong. Even his taste for the fine arts and his acquaintance with literature, upon which he prides himself not, would give respectability to the name of a much older man. Let me add, that to all these blessings and endowments he joins an astonishing perseverance in study, and an almost unlimited enthusiasm for science, which will not fail to conduct him to consequence in life.
It is not merely the names of plants and animals, or the places which they occupy in the system of this or that philosopher, with which Dr. Barton is acquainted. With the philosophy and properties of plants; with the structure, the functions, and economy of animals, he is, if possible, still more intimately conversant. In the walk of his profession, he received very early and distinguished honours, and in the conduct of its practice, I know him to be not less tender and affectionate than he is indefatigable in its study, and ambitious to advance its limits.
It is a melancholy circumstance to see superior merit neglected! It enraptures the soul of a good man to behold the ingenious, the learned, and the virtuous bursting through the numerous difficulties of early life. Dr. Barton is not neglected. His friends learn with pleasure, and his enemies with pain, that in professional and in scientific reputation, none of his countrymen are likely to stand higher.
I have the honor of corresponding with some of the Doctor's foreign friends. Their letters, which, if it were necessary, I could produce, are the most unequivocal and ample testimonials of his merits in natural history. I shall take the liberty of subjoining part of a letter which I lately received from a foreign professor of great learning. I have translated it as literally as I am able from the original Latin in which it was written. "I rejoice to find that America, at length, possesses a naturalist whose genius and industry are to enlighten his country. Happy! thrice happy youth! to be so favorably situated in the centre of an empire on which nature has so benevolently bestowed her choicest gifts. I have received from the Doctor his Flora Pennsylvanica , in manuscript; and I shall not fail to find for it place in the memoirs of the academy . Although he modestly calls his paper a Flora , yet in the new information which it contains, and in utility, it is much more ample than many of the largest Floræ . The great attention which he has devoted to the correction of the characters of the North-American Genera; his sound sense in discriminating species; his very curious researches into the aboriginal names of the plants he describes; his remarks concerning the uses of these vegetables in medicine, in diet, and in the arts, discover a mind impregnated with the spirit of a Linné, and will not fail to give an highly respectable rank among botanical philosophers. The preliminary discourse is a composition of a very superior kind: every page of it discovers the talent of the philosopher, and the taste of the man of letters. In my opinion, it is one of the most finished essays in the science."
To vindicate the character of an amiable and ingenious man, when insulted by covert baseness cannot but afford pleasure to a virtuous mind. As to myself, I enjoy no satisfaction greater than that of shewing, upon all occasions, my regard for a man of genuine worth. Before I conclude, I think proper to declare two things, first, that I am neither a physician nor a native of Pennsylvania; and secondly, that Dr. Barton is entirely ignorant of the steps which I have thus taken in his behalf. I presume that he will not think it necessary to answer Medicus .
A Friend to real Merit. Phila. Octob. 26th.
French Affairs
PARIS, Aug. 10.
A letter from Boston, in New-England, makes mention of the murderous battles between the Anglo-Americans and savages of the western frontiers; and adds, that the Americans are much disquieted on account of the hostilities of these tribes. Among these inveterate chiefs there is one named Squallecutta; the least of whose words are so many laws; and who exacts from every one a most despotic obedience. There are also some other chiefs who are greatly dreaded by the Americans; particularly, Tukegatchee, or the young bull; Tinkshallone or the Black Fox; and Tallokwallah, or the Bold Lion; who held a high rank among the determined heroes of the forest, whom patriotism and the thirst of vengeance animate against the inhabitants of the United States!
Aug. 14—25. Translation of a letter handed among the troops commanded by General La Fayette, previous to his departure from the French service:
"Citizen Soldiers,
"It is no longer time to conceal from you what is going forward; the constitution you swore to maintain is no more; a banditti from Marseilles, and a troop of factious men besieged the palace of the Thuilleries; the national and Swiss guards made a vigorous resistance, but for want of ammunition they were obliged to surrender."
"General d'Affrey, his aids-de-camp, and his whole family were murdered."
"The king, queen, and all the royal family escaped to the national assembly; the factious ran thither, holding a sword in one hand and the fire in the other, and forced the legislative body to supersede the king, which was done for the sake of saving his life."
"Citizens—you are no longer represented; the national assembly are in a state of slavery; your armies are without leaders; Pethion reigns; the savage Dalton and his satellites are masters. Thus, soldiers, it is your province to examine whether you will restore the hereditary representative to the throne, or submit to the disgrace of having a Pethion for your king."
STATE OF PARIS.
This great capital is perfectly calm, tho' patriotism was never known to be so much
alive; it is the welcome guest of every honest heart; there is no, not even the smallest, appearance of the late crisis; all is harmony, concord and peace. The play-houses are open; commissaries, men of literary talents, have been appointed by the various sections to read over and examine the new pieces, before they are introduced to the public eye.
Almost all the theatres have given a benefit for the relatives of such as expired gloriously on the 10th of August—the never-to-be-forgotten 10th of August! The aristocrats and loyalists are alone in a state of anxious solicitude; some of them tremble; many of them are machinating plots of which, as usual, they will become the devoted victims.
Several houses have been thrown down in the neighbourhood of the royal residence. The inhabitants had offered unjustifiable insults to Louis XVI. and his family as they walked for air in the garden.—The municipality destroyed the effects by rooting away the cause. Now when the king walks in the garden, all the workmen employed in digging the fosse have orders to retire. He is only accompanied by a municipal officer; the imperial blood of Antoniette cannot bear to be side by side with a tradesman of Paris: she signifies her discontent by her looks; but the tradesman does his duty, and walks cheek by jowl with the daughter of the Cæsars.
Nobody is suffered to leave the temple, the guards excepted, without being searched.
Louis is as careless and fat as usual. The young prince is as lively as ever; the pretty innocent never committed a crime; he does not know what remorse is. May he be always equally ignorant of vice and its concomitant evils!
We just hear, that Marshal Luckner has resigned his command. We do not take upon ourselves to assert it as a fact, but we think it more than probable.
Messrs. A. Lameth and La Tour-Maubourg, and all the staff-officers of the army, have followed La Fayette.
M. La Tour-Maubourg was one of the members of the constituent assembly who sent to Varennes to bring back the fugitive king.
There is not a steady, impartial friend to the sublime cause of freedom, but grieves most sincerely for the very unpleasant alterations which lately took place between the legislative body and M. La Fayette, and which ended in the emigration of that young general.
His excellency lord Gower is still detained in Paris. He cannot procure his passports for himself and his attendants.—The present is a tempestuous moment, and etiquette must be laid aside. His excellency had declared he had not a French servant in his suite. Lord Gower it seems, has been very liberal in giving passports to French people. The assembly do not approve of such officiousness.
State of Europe, with respect to France.
The secretary for foreign affairs rose, and gave the following state of Europe.
Sweden. That kingdom had already testified pacific intentions. Government refused to enter into the league against France. Several Swedish officers wished to be employed in the French service. The regency made proposals for a commercial intercourse.
Russia. That empire never concealed its hostile views; but it could only threaten France for a long time to come.
The southern Courts were in the same case.
The German Empire was combined against France.
Holland. That republic promised the most perfect neutrality. The Dutch ambassador remained in Paris.
Great-Britain. That empire professed exact neutrality. The British ambassador had orders from his court to quit France; but nothing hostile was intimated in the mandate. The English government observed to him, that as the executive power had been taken out of the king's hand, his credentials were no longer valid or of any effect; and that it was his duty to withdraw without loss of time. His British majesty continues perfectly neuter, but did not think he would invade that neutrality, by demanding that the lives of Louis XVI. and his family should be protected. He expected that no violence would be offered to their persons, as that would awake the indignation of all Europe. Authorized by the executive power ad interim , the secretary for foreign affairs had written to the English ambassador and testified how much the French desired to continue in amity with a great people, who were the first to acknowledge the sovereignty of nations.
Marshal Luckner has proved himself unworthy of the confidence placed in him by a free and generous nation; his very versatile conduct for some time past appeared more than suspicious; and the patriots who blazoned forth his pretended virtues, have now to blush for their extreme credulity. We have seen him alternately lavish his blame and commendations on la Fayette; submit to the will of that scheming young general, or follow the advice of the first who hazarded an observation to him; and

PHILADELPHIA.
OCTOBER 27.
John Taylor, Esquire, is elected a senator, to represent the state of Virginia in the senate of the United States, in the room of the Hon. Richard Henry Lee, Esquire, resigned.
The army under general Wayne had not yet gone down the river Ohio, from Pittsburg, on the 4th of October; the water being so low as to prevent their passage. It is probable, therefore, that the operations of the troops will be retarded to a tedious and laborious winter campaign.
Mr. William Longstreet, of Augusta in Georgia, has lately completed the model of a new invented steam engine, calculated for moving all kinds of heavy machinery. This engine is so constructed and applied to saws, as to perform from forty to forty-five strokes with each in a minute, without the complication of wheels, cogs, or cranks; and all its operations are managed by a single cock. The inventor asserts that his machinery may be so applied as to grind 150 bushels of grain per day, or saw 2000 feet of inch boards in the same time.
Abstract of European news, in addition to that under our foreign heads.
It had been discovered that the king had borrowed immense sums of money to support his rebel brothers and their criminal adherents: above 20 bankers in Paris, it was expected would fail in consequence; the king's debts amounting to at least 15000 livres—Upwards of two thousand men were employed in fortifying the tower of the temple where the king is confined—General de la Fayette had prevailed on a very small part of his army to swear not to abandon him or the king—on the 22d. of August a member of the National Assembly proposed, that as the greater part of the English prints appeared to be hired by the court party to blacken and vilify the French revolution, that therefore a fraternal address should be sent to the British nation, discovering the whole conspiracy of the traitor Louis the 16th, and all the outrages that caused the insurrection on the 10th of August; and that the said address be particularly transmitted to all the popular societies in Britain and Ireland, with a request to have it reprinted and circulated through the British empire. This, it was thought too, would contribute greatly to eradicating aristocracy and royalty from England, and hasten the grand revolution of Europe—The proposition was unanimously adopted. The family of Gen. Fayette had embarked privately for England at Havre, and arrived there safe. Almost all the towns in France of any consequence had expressed their entire approbation of the proceedings of the National assembly, and the armies of the nation, except a very few retainers to Fayette and the king, were unanimous and determined on the side of the people—no doubt remained of Fayette's treachery, who was in fact holding a correspondence with the king to introduce the Austrian and Prussian armies into the heart of the kingdom—France, was now in effect no other than an immense republic, royalty execrated throughout, and the great body of the people unanimous in putting a final conclusion to the reign of kings in that country, and supporting the cause of liberty to the last drop of their blood.
ON THE INDIAN WAR.
That a prosperous state of credit is apt on nations, as on individuals, sometimes to work ill effects, by leading them into hazardous and unprofitable adventures, the subject we are considering sufficiently evinces; before the restoration of the finances of the union all was peace or if it was disturbed by any temporary and fugitive alarms, they subsided, by the necessity of forbearance on the one side, or of moderation on the other: but no sooner was money plenty, than war follows on its heels; instead of cultivating peace every where, retrenching expenses, and paying off our debts, the country is, as it were suddenly, and by surprise, involved in a new war, and heavy expenditures; a war, wholly unprofitable in its object, and hopeless as to its success; for what is the object of it? To extirpate the Indians, as it would be inhumane, to it would be without benefit to us; and as to compelling them to an honourable peace little is to be expected from a treaty, dictated by force on one side, and necessity on the other; were any treaty capable of countenance, with a wandering herd, subject to continual warfare, offensive or defensive with the frontier settlers, it is hopeless as to its success; for what armaments can penetrate regions comparatively unknown, to pursue an enemy that flies as you advance unless he sees a fair occasion to strike decisively, in a country without resource to our troops in case of a misfortune.
afterwards complain of the persons who were about him; he was the grand and sole cause of the dissensions that prevailed in his army. After having written to the legislative body, and protested he was the sincere friend of French liberty, he spoke to his army in quite different terms; he got upon horseback and rode thro' the ranks, lamenting the misfortunes of Louis XVI. and wishing for his restoration; he even added, that the horse he then rode was a present made to him by the good king.
It was hard to think, indeed, that man, whose son had a command in the Imperial army, and who had very considerable landed property in Germany himself, would fight against the emperor. For which reason he always proved himself a time-server. He was a democrat or a loyalist, according to place, time, and circumstances. It was evident, from the fluctuation and incertitude of his principles, that he had no leading character; that he obeyed the impulse of the moment; and, in short, that he was infinitely better calculated to command a flying camp of Hussars, than to direct the operations of an army of free Frenchmen.
The Imperialists and Prussians begin to infest our frontiers, and commit every kind of depredation. Several French detachments attack and repel them. They seem at once to threaten Thionville, Moyenwic, and Longwy. Our army is becoming more formidable every day: reinforcements are pouring in upon us without interruption: patriotism cannot swell higher in every breast.
Paris, Aug. 25. The former stately palace of the Thuilleries, is nearly a wreck; there is question of levelling it to the earth, that the dwelling of so many tyrants may no longer offend a free people, and put them in mind of the shackles which galled them for so many centuries.
Yesterday evening between five and six o'clock, M. La Porte, late keeper of the private purse, condemned by the special tribunal to be beheaded on the square of Carouzel, underwent his sentence in presence of an immense crowd of spectators.
The jury, after a trial of four and twenty hours, convicted him of having made an improper use of the civil list, in order to foment a civil war; it appeared evidently on his trial, that he had hired incendiary writers, whose poisonous productions tended to defeat the exertions of all the friends of liberty.
M. La Porte went to the block with a fortitude and resolution worthy of a better and more just cause. He however, declared his innocence to the last; but the written proofs produced in court, are indelible testimonies of his guilt and perfidy.
M. La Porte was turned off fifty. He was dressed in a new suit of silk clothes, and appeared as much unconcerned as if he was going to the levee of his late master.
The common council of this capital during M. Bailly's Mayoralty, had ordered a medal to be struck in honour of General la Fayette. M. Durivier, a distinguished young artist, was commissioned to execute it. But unwilling to perpetuate the blasted fame of the ingrate General he yesterday laid before the council his unfinished work. The C. council ordained that the effigy of the hero of both Hemispheres should be solemnly dashed to the ground on St. Louis's day (the titular Saint of France) 25th August, at 10 o'clock in the morning, on place de Greve; and that the ceremony should be performed by the executive power, alias Jack Ketch.
St. Genevieve, the patroness of Paris, has been lifted from her niche. She is now in the church of St. Etienne du Mont, where in all probability she is condemned to work no more miracles; the old devotee, pretend that she has not had a dry eye since she has been put into the church. She will admit of no consultation.
Maubeuge Aug. 21.—Col. Dampierre, at the head of a detachment of 300 men, marched against a party of Imperialists, posted at the bridge of Solte, though it rained so violently the whole night, that above 100 soldiers lost their shoes in the heavy roads; the detachment marched 3 leagues in 3 hours; and appeared in the presence of the enemy at the break of day. Were it not for the impetuous ardour of 30 dragoons, that were posted to cut off the enemy's retreat, the French infantry would have been surrounded and taken. The imperial hussars owed their lives to the swiftness of their horses. The col. fearing that his wet and weary troops should catch cold standing still, returned to camp by the right bank of the river Sambre, after having destroyed a great part of the bridge.
Strafsburg, Aug. 20. A Prussian army, supported by a body of 6000 Austrians, is marching towards Thionville. Another, re-inforced by 12,000 French emigrants, is proceeding to Saar-Louis.
Both columns consist of about 50,000 men. It seems to be their plan to divide them into two bodies; one third of which is to besiege the two above mentioned places, while the main army attempts to enter France. They are confident that thousands of French male-contents will flock to their standard.
Beside the 50,000, there is a 'corps de reserve' of 12,000 men for each column, at about seven leagues from the main army. Another body of emigrants, supported by near 4000 Austrians, is advancing towards the Duchy of Deux-Ponts. The troops in the Palatinate have orders to follow the same plan, but in different directions.
Extracts from French papers.
Florence, July 30.—The Tuscan government has formally reprimanded a certain poet, who in reciting a poem in Latin at an academical exhibition, had the assurance to give his opinion on the present situation of France, and the war she is now engaged in. The licensor of publications has also been threatened with losing his place if he, in future, suffers any thing of the like kind to be either spoken in public or committed to the press.
M. Salinas, minister plenipotentiary of Spain to this court, and nephew of Count Florida Blanca, is recalled. His mission, in the time of Leopold and the late empress Maria Louisa (infanta of Spain) was considered as merely honorary. In future the court of Madrid will only support a single resident in Tuscan. This will be M. Gardoqui, son of the minister of finance, now in the family of the Spanish ambassador at Vienna, who is in waiting at Florence for the appointment.
Stockholm, Aug. 8. "The revolution in France has drawn upon that nation the hatred of despots, because it has exposed the pretended jure divino right of kings to govern the world, and published to mankind the cruelty and unnatural tendency of that mode of domination; which has, in fact, been nothing more, than enabling a certain insignificant part of our species to trample under foot the whole human race. The despotic powers have also another motive of revenge. They find they are losing the privilege they have long enjoyed, that of being considered the gods of the earth . To those, however, who are so far enlightened as to bestow a moments reflexion upon the woe of individuals and nations at large, the revolution in France must seem a blessing. However we may be represented by the minions of the court it were to be wished that the world could know that the Swedish nation entertain the sublimest, sentiments and the most sincere regard for the people of France, in re-assuming the rights of man after so many ages of galling servitude. They are indeed a great nation—we feel sensibly for the combination that threatens them; and we think it the duty of every friend to virtue to congregate his talents and experience to forward the emancipation of his fellow creatures, who are struggling under oppressive governments. In this view of things, there are multitudes in Sweden who are devoted to the cause of France, and would freely perish in her defence.—Animated by such opinions, educated from the days of infancy in the arts of war, they are ready to offer their services to the gallant nation of the modern Gauls. Many of our brave officers are, it is true, in the combined armies; but since they begin to know their destination, their spirits droop; their commissions they disregard; and are panting for a service more congenial to their wishes; to hasten the fall of tyrants, and in quitting their country, contribute what is in their power to the political salvation of mankind."
Stockholm, Aug. 10. There are not a few who are weak enough to suppose that the restoration of the French Noblesse is an object with the Empress of Russia to go to war with that nation. There is no doubt, but she would willingly see despotism in France, in all its vigour; but even this would not alone induce her to take an active part in the combination of despotic powers. Her favourite plan, which she never loses sight of is to reign sole mistress of the north, and to drive the Turks out of Europe. Hence, she supposes, that by kindling the flames of war in the south, and by forwarding, all she can, a war that shall engage the attention of the powers, whose strength and ambition might form serious obstacles to her designs, she will be enabled the more easily to succeed in her projects. The assistance of Sweden was what she wished above all things to ensure success in her plans; and this hope it was that patched up so hasty a peace with Gustavus the 3d. notwithstanding so many ancient causes of grudge.—The unexpected assassination of this monarch not a little deranged her projects; and there is little or no appearance that her party will ever again predominate in Sweden. The duke regent has turned his back upon the pressing solicitations of the empress, and declared that the present situation of Sweden would not allow any troops to be sent against France.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU. I SAW a piece in Wednesday's Gazette, signed Peter Plagiary—the work, I do suppose, of one of our young Doctors of medicine, together with the united efforts of a student of medicine, who it is probable will attempt to graduate in this university the ensuing spring.
In their fancies they have paid very little regard to respect for one of our highest men in the medical department of science. By their writings it is plainly to be seen they are but young dabbler launching out for applause; but they have lost it in this instance—for the eminence of Dr. Adam Kuhn is too well known to the world to be in the least depreciated by Peter Plagiary, or any of his colleagues.
Oct. 26.
P.
To have formed an effectual barrier on our borders, and limited our territorial possessions within the just bounds, would at once have kept both the settlers and the Indians in awe, and would have ascertained the hitherto unknown limits of our pursuits; war might thus have been avoided, and the country have been left to pursue that pacific system, by which alone its public credit can be supported, and its debts be honourably extinguished, but then how many offices had been wanting, how many lucrative contracts would have been lost, and how great a waste of money would have been prevented from flowing into the coffers of those concerned in this business?
If this war continues, it is easy to say its expenditures will be growing and it will prove a regular and constant drain upon the treasury, very little calculated to enhance its credit; to say nothing of the discouragement it affords to Europeans to come into this country, engaged in a ruinous warfare: many of them are prevented by it from visiting us, our lands suffer in the sale, by being conceived to be the bane of contest, and the nations of the earth exclaim against the injustice of a people, unable to cultivate what ground they have, still panting after more.
Let it be the study then of the people, in their elections, to choose those men to represent them that may lay the axe at the root of this evil, men of such patriotism, independence, and disinterestedness, as anxious above all things to secure their own rights, may be at the remotest distance from invading those of others; thus the poor Indian may become safe in the hunting grounds allotted him; and the country enjoy a dignity, credit and peace proportionate to the wisdom and integrity of its views.
*** The present number of the National Gazette (704) completes one year's papers. Such subscribers as are in arrears for six months or upwards, are earnestly requested to discharge their respective balances without delay. In future, six months advance will be expected at the time of subscribing, and the remaining half years subscription at the commencement of the following six months. Advertisements not exceeding one square inserted the first time for 50 cents; for every subsequent insertion 20 cents.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU. ON perusing your paper of Wednesday the 24th inst. I found a piece signed Medicus: on reading it I perceived it contained insinuations, which if they were true, would totally destroy the medical character of Dr. Barton, at whom it is chiefly aimed; but, sir, I beg leave to inform you that the author of Medicus was an interested man, and a man who has plainly proved that some private pique has been the cause of his thus publicly attempting to traduce the character of a gentleman, who has always distinguished himself as a man worthy the countenance of the world. Medicus insinuates that Dr. Barton was author of the letter, the extract of which was published in New-York and republished in Philadelphia. On this part of the subject I shall not say more than that Dr. Barton's acquaintance, I believe, are too well convinced of his honor to think he would be guilty of so base an act. I hope the cause of Medicus's appearing in print, was not "because Dr. Barton denied to publish in the Gazette that he was not the author of the above letter." I believe that was not the sole cause which actuated Medicus to take up the cudgel: I believe, as I said before, that the cause chiefly was a private pique, and thought thereby to traduce the character of a man whom he envies, because probably he may be a little superior in rank. Envy, Mr. Medicus, may be carried to great lengths, as it has been by you in this instance, and without any other known cause.
For my part, I am surprised to see the name or title of Medicus, to so scurrilous a piece, as well scurrilous as unmedical-like. I am convinced you cannot have any pretensions to what you title yourself—I am persuaded you are nothing more than bottle-washer or bark-pounder to some medicinal ware-house.
I would not have you to think, Mr. Freneau, that I am anywise interested in this business; I have not the pleasure of either of the gentlemen's acquaintance; the matter was stated to me plainly by a disinterested person. By publishing these few lines, you will much oblige yours, Oct. 25. A Calm Observer.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE real author of the letter concerning the medical lectures, which has called forth the animadversions of MEDICUS [see National Gazette of last Wednesday] having waited upon the printer, declares upon the word of a gentleman, that it was neither written nor dictated by Dr. Barton; that gentleman neither saw nor knew the contents of the letter, and was totally ignorant it had been written, until copied from the New-York Journal into the Daily Advertiser of this city.

Some particulars relative to Kentucky, and other interior parts of America. [by Mr. IMLAX, formerly of New Jersey.]
KENTUCKY produces, besides tobacco, all the different kinds of grain, which I have mentioned in the upper settlement; all the fruits with the addition of apricots and nectarines; these and peaches grow here to very great perfection, particularly when planted upon a light soil, which should always be the case when it can be found; but however extraordinary it may appear, it is not often the case in this district of country.
Those culinary plants, vegetables, &c. I have before enumerated are produced in the whole western country. In some parts they grow to greater perfection than in others, as in this the cucumber, turnips, peas, and many others are much finer than I ever saw them any where else. The cantaloupe melon is only to be equalled by those in Persia. We are not at the trouble and expense of forcing. Every thing put into the ground of the vegetable kind, grows in a most wonderful manner.
The soil is uncommonly favourable to hemp and indian corn. I have known 12 cwt. of the former produced from an acre of ground, and as much as 100 bushels of the latter. This has not only been done from an uncommon fertile spot; but there are larger bodies of land adjoining, which are equally prolific. I believe, that, were I to mention upon an average the produce of the whole country, it would be found to be nearly as follows:
  Hemp per acre 800 cwt.   Indian corn, or maize, ditto 60 bushels   Wheat, ditto 30 ditto   Barley, ditto 40 ditto   Oats, ditto 50 ditto   Clover and timothy grass ditto 25 cwt. 
Besides hemp and flax for manufacturing, cotton is cultivated with considerable success, particularly in the southern parts of the state and Cumberland; and, no doubt, in a few years, when our settlements extend to the Natchez, cotton will be produced in as great perfection as in the East or West-Indies. No soil or climate can be more congenial to this plant than the regions of the lowermost parts of the Mississippi. We have it in our power to promote the culture of silk also. The mildness of the climate and the great quantity of the mulberry trees, which are every where interspersed in our forests, renders this matter extremely easy; but how far this will be politic, when the use of silk is going out of fashion, is a matter that requires some consideration. Cotton has supplied its place, and its superior excellence, I apprehend, will always make it a more profitable manufacture.
The growth of wool will form an important consideration with us. The plains I have described, extend quite to the mountains, so that sheep here may have every advantage which the flocks of Spain enjoy. If we can form any idea, from the samples of wool produced in many parts of the country, we may conclude that our most sanguine expectations will be fully answered.
The buffalo are mostly driven out of Kentucky. Some are still found upon the head waters of Licking creek, Great Sandy, and the head waters of Green river. Deer abound in the extensive forests; but the elk confines itself mostly to the hilly and uninhabited places.
The rapidity of the settlement has driven the wild turkey quite out of the middle countries, but they are found in large flocks in all our extensive woods.
Amidst the mountains and broken countries are great numbers of the goats I have described; and since the settlement has been established, the quail, by following the trail of grain which is necessarily scattered through the wilderness, has migrated from the old settlements on the other side the mountain, and has become a constant resident with us. This bird was unknown here on the first peopling of the country.
There is a variety of wild fowl in every part of this state, particularly the teal, and the summer-duck. The latter breeds with us. Its incubation is always in temperate climates, which is the reason of its being called the summer duck.
The productions of Cumberland are nearly the same as those of Kentucky. The quality of tobacco is perhaps something better; but the climate being considerably warmer, it is not so favourable to wheat and barley, nor does grass grow there so luxuriantly as with us.
The country below Cumberland soon becomes warm enough for indigo and rice; and perhaps these articles, in a few years, will be cultivated on the Mississippi with as much success, if not more, than they ever were in South-Carolina or Georgia; particularly the former, as the soil on the Mississippi, is infinitely more luxuriant than any whatever in the Carolinas. Some essays were made in this business, previous to the late war; but the object was abandoned in the destruction of the settlement I mentioned in a former letter, made below the Natchez.
Oranges, and other tropical fruits, grow at the Natchez, and some distance above, to considerable perfection. There are a variety of nuts which grow both in Kentucky and Cumberland, some of which are common to both; the most remarkable of which is the pecan; but as they have all been noticed, both by Caver and Jefferson, I shall refer you to them for their particular descriptions and properties. Grapes, plums, gooseberries, and strawberries, grow also spontaneously in the southern parts of Kentucky and in most parts of Cumberland.
The produce of the western country will be nearly the same in the parallels of latitude throughout, so that comparing my imaginary states, with the settled country south-east of the Ohio, you will be able to form a just idea of what they will be capable of producing. But to comprehend the object of the commerce of this country, it is first necessary to contemplate it, abounding in all the comforts of life, limited in its variety of climate only by what is not desirable; with a soil so prolific, a navigation so extensive, and a security so permanent from being inland, that it seems this vast extent of empire is only to be equalled for its sublimity but by the object of its aggrandizement.
Provisions, tobacco, and raw materials will constitute the first articles of our trade. Such a
quantity of beef, pork, bacon, butter, cheese, &c. &c. might be furnished from this country as will, one day, no doubt, supply the West-India islands, and afford relief to the miserable Chinese, whose scanty portion of rice is only sufficient to keep soul and body together. Our mountainous countries must always prove excellent ranges for herds of cattle; the grass, in the summer, affording sufficient food to fatten them, without the expense of cultivating meadows, and the winters are seldom so severe as to require any other food than the cane and peavine.
The navigation of this country has been much talked of. The distance from one place to another has been computed with some degree of accuracy; and the various experiments which have been made confirm the opinion that its difficulty is merely imaginary.
The common mode of descending the stream is in flat-bottomed boats, which may be built from 15 to 500 tons burthen. But, as far as I have been able to judge, I should suppose, that about 50 or 60 tons burthen would be the most convenient, wieldy and consequently safe, particularly when the waters are very high, for in such cases the rapidity of the current makes it difficult to manage an unwieldy mass with facility. These boats are built of oak plank, with a certain proportion of breadth to their length, i. e. nearly as 12 feet to 40; which will be a boat of nearly 40 tons. They are covered or not as occasion may require. The object is to build them as cheap as possible, for their unwieldiness prevents the possibility of their returning, and they can only be sold as plank.
Several of these boats setting out together let us suppose 5, 10, 15, or 20, of 60 tons burthen each, which would require each 6 hands to navigate them. The boats then of 60 tons each will employ 60 hands, which will be equal to navigate up the stream 3 boats of 5 tons each, and which would be more than sufficient to bring back the cargo which the produce of the ten boats would purchase; as the articles we export are gross and bulky, while we want only in return superfine goods; the coarser goods of every sort will always be manufactured in the country. We also make our own salt, sugar, spirits, malt liquor, and shall soon make our own wine. These boats must be worked up with steam and sails.
The invention of carrying a boat against the stream by the influence of steam is a late improvement in philosophy, by Mr. Rumsey of Virginia, whose ingenuity has been rewarded by that state with the exclusive privilege of navigating those boats in her rivers for 10 years; and as this grant was given previous to the independence of Kentucky, the act of separation guarantees his right. Some circumstance or other has prevented his bringing them into use. However there can be no doubt of the success of his scheme, for the assembly of Virginia had the most unequivocal assurances before they gave the privilege, in a certificate signed by General Washington and Man Page Esq. setting forth that they had seen a boat which they believed to be constructed by Mr. Rumsey, ascend a stream without the aid of manual labour, but without mentioning the operating cause, which has since appeared to be steam. If this principle should fail (and from such authority I do not conceive how it is to be presumed), I flatter myself that philosophy is capable of supplying the place in the appropriation of some one of the secrets with which mechanics abound.
In taking a retrospective view of the world, we are for a moment surprised when we recollect that some thousands of years had elapsed before printing was invented, and that the only way of accumulating the copies of art and genius was by the tardy method of transcribing; and that the art of navigation was for nearly as long a time tedious, and regulated by no certain laws, the stars and head lands of different countries being the only guides to the adventurous mariner who often perished when the heavens were obscured. O liberty! how many blessings hast thou brought us! man, in promulgating his opinions, now finds security under the wings of an established freedom; and the dismal dungeon which eclipsed the luminous mind of the celebrated Italian, would now be erected into a school for him to lecture in, instead of a prison to bewail the miserable ignorance and depravity of his fellow-creatures. Truth and reason have led to this melioration of manners, it will lead to more benefits to mankind.—But should we still be obliged to row our boats against the stream, it is not only practicable but easy.
[The remainder in our next.]
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS
October, 1792.
   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather.     Wednesday, 17. 7 30. 15 47 W. Fair.   9 30. 2 65 do. do.   Thursday, 18. 7 29. 9 47 W. Foggy.   9 29. 8 49 N.W. Rain.   Friday, 19. 7 30. 2 43 N.W. Fair.   9 30. 2 59 do. do.   Saturday, 20. 7 30. 1 41 S.E. Foggy.   9 30. 0 64 do. Cloudy.   Sunday, 21. 7 29. 67 56 W. Cloudy.   9 29. 75 57 do. Fair.   Monday, 22. 7 30. 2 37 N.W. Fair.   9 30. 25 49 do. do.   Tuesday, 23. 7 Fair.   9 do.  
Manufactured and for Sale,
At No. 11, North Sixth-street,
Fashionable Round Top and Flat
BUTTONS,
Warranted superior to any imported of equal price.
Country Store-keepers supplied either in small or large quantities, By
S. POST & Co.
N.B. Conksheel Buttons, Buckles, &c.
Oct. 17.
eawtf
New-York and Philadelphia STAGE AND PACKETS.
Bordenton, Burlington, and Trenton or Lamberton THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia Land and Water Stages, beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of the passengers, they have removed their different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet Wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-street; from whence a convenient packet boat starts for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and returns on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordenton or Burlington; each place taken alternately.
Fare for passengers from Philadelphia to New-York 15s. For goods do. do. per cwt. 6s. Vans Emburgh and McKean, David Williamson,
Proprietors of the line of New York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Bordenton. Jacob Myers, Amos Hutchins, Nicholas Schenck,
Proprietors of the line of New York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Burlington. Bordenton, Oct. 1.
For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to
McKean and Van Emburgh; Who have for sale at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-street,
  Ole Madiera, Wines. Loaf, and Sugars.   Teneriffe, and   Mountain Lump Molasses, Coffee,   Jamaica Spirits,   Antigua, Chocolate, Bohea Tea, Burlington Pork,   Montserrat & Rum.   Newbury Hams, Flour, Bar Iron, &c. &c. &c.   Rochelle Brandy   in pipes, cases and do. do. do.   demijohns,   Gin in pipes and cases, do. do. do.   Orders for Grain, Staves, Bills of Scantling, or 
other Lumber, punctually attended to. For freight or passage to Lamberton or Trenton, apply at said wharf to Thomas Athmooe, William Douglass, John Athmooe or Alexander Douglass, (Masters on board) or as above, to M c Kean & Van Emburgh. Philadelphia, October 6, 1792.
TAKE NOTICE.
WHEREAS a mulatto man named LUKE, the property of the subscriber living in Accomack county, Virginia, ran away from him on the first day of September last, and was taken up and committed to the gaol of Newcastle county, in the State of Delaware, on the 14th day of September, where he remain'd until the 4th of this instant, October, when a Mr. Jones, who said he lived in Frederick Town, in the county of Cecil, in Maryland, appeared and produced a Benjamin Ferguson, who made oath that he suspected the said slave to be a freeman, named John Wright, who had failed with the said Ferguson in a schooner belonging to the said Jones, and had committed a burglary on board of her in July last, in consequence of which the said slave was delivered by order of the hon. David Finney, a supreme judge of the said state of Delaware, to the said Jones, to take his trial for the said supposed offence. As I am fully convinced from the description of the said slave, given to me by the gaoler, that he is my property, and that the said Ferguson has mistaken him for Wright, I do hereby direct the said Mr. Jones, and Ferguson, to return the said slave to the place from whence they took him, and so inform me thereof, otherwise I shall proceed according to law.
JOHN CROPPER, Jun. Oct. 16th. 1792. 2a.w.3w.
JUST PUBLISHED
By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence)
FIVE LETTERS,
addressed to the
Yeomanry of the United States:
CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Wm. Duer Esq. and Mr Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures, by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing-Office, No. 156, Market-street; at No. 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Crukshanks, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-streets. August 21.
NOTICE.
THIS is to warn all masters of vessels and others, at their peril, not to take a certain mulatto Boy, named Lewis Boget, formerly of Cayenne, out of this city, he being lawfully bound and apprenticed to me, until 16th Nov. 1793; as I have reason to suspect he is endeavouring to leave this city. JAMES ROBERTSON. October 9. tf
THOSE gentlemen that yet remain possessed of subscription papers of Howell's large Map, are hereby notified (as well also the public in general) that no subscriptions will be received or accepted after the date hereof, and that they be pleased to transmit the said papers to the subscriber as soon as safe opportunity shall serve, as the Maps which are now received will be delivered at his own house in North Fifth-street, Philadelphia. READING HOWELL. Oct. 15. 3t
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends, and the public for the many favours he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand, a few fine toned FORTE PIANOS, which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms.
The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons, commissioned to vend them, who for a very trifling compensation recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of European music-shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pay as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N. B. Musical instruments let out by the month or quarter, likewise musical instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES,
No. 60, Walnut near Third-street.
October 10. 4t
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pais bien peuple, — SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule piece, dans le canton le mieux peuple de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contree agreable, et salubre, ou les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contigues à la ville de Cambridge, du il y a un College, et Cour superieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est tres probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Saluée, riviere qui arrose les terres memes. Elles sont agreablement diversifiees de coteaux et vallons charmans propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considerable peut aisement convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-etre gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille piece de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra tres commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE.
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluée, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstances, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printers August 29. rawtf
New-Jersey Confiscated Lands.
WHEREAS the first purchaser did not comply with the conditions of sale; this is to give notice that the following tract of land, containing fifty acres and thirty nine hundredths, strict measure situated in Hardiston township, near the road that leads from Elijah Collards, deceased, to Paulinskill, late the property of Oliver De Lancey, will be sold at public vendue.
The sale to begin on Wednesday the 28th day of November next, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon at Sussex courthouse; and besides cash, the following state obligations will be received in payment, to wit,—Officers and soldiers notes given for the depreciation of their pay—notes given to the militia of this state for the arrearages of their pay—certificates liquidated by Silas Condict—and notes given by the Treasurer of this state to persons who had demands against the confiscated estates of New-Jersey. JOSEPH GASTON, Agent for Sussex county. Oct. 24, 1792. 4w.1aw.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
And for Sale at the Printing-Office, No. 209, Market-Street, and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in Second-Street, Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar,
ADVICE
TO THE PRIVILEGED ORDERS, in the SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE Resulting from the necessity and propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government.
By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.