National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-07-07 00:00:00

National Gazette.
Mr Hopkins
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
SATURDAY, July 7, 1792.
NUMB. 72.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
RULES
For changing a limited Republican Government into an unlimited hereditary one.
[Continued from our last.]
IX. THE management of a great funded debt and an extensive system of taxes will afford a plea not to be neglected, for establishing a great incorporated bank. The use of such a machine is well understood. If the constitution, according to its fair meaning, should not authorize it, so much the better. Push it through by a forced meaning, and you will get in the bargain an admirable precedent for future misconstructions. In fashioning the bank remember that it is to be made particularly instrumental in enriching and aggrandizing the elect few, who are to be called in due season to the honors and felicitous of the kingdom preparing for them; and who are the pillars that must support it. It will be easy to throw the benefit entirely into their hands, and to make it a solid addition of 50, or 60, or 70 per cent. to their former capitals of 800 per cent. or 900 per cent. without costing them a shilling; whilst it will be so difficult to explain to the people that this gain of the few is at the cost of the many, that the contrary may be boldly and safely pretended. The bank will be pregnant with other important advantages. It will admit the same men to be, at the same time, members of the bank and members of the government. The two institutions will thus be folded together, and each made the stronger. Money will be put under the direction of the government, and the government under the direction of money. To crown the whole, the bank will have a proper interest in swelling and perpetuating the public debt and public taxes, with all the blessings of both, because its agency and its profits will be extended in exact proportion.
X "Divide and govern" is a maxim consecrated by the experience of ages, and should be as familiar in its use to every politician as the knife he carries in his pocket. In the work here to be executed the best effects may be produced by this maxim, and with peculiar facility. An extensive republic made up of lesser republics, necessarily contains various sorts of people, distinguished by local and other interests and prejudices. Let the whole group be well examined in all its parts and relations, geographical and political, metaphysical and metaphorical; let there be first a northern and a southern section by a line running east and west, and then an eastern and western section, by a line running north and south. By a suitable nomenclature, the landholders cultivating different articles can be discriminated from one another, all from the class of merchants, and both from that of manufacturers. One of the subordinate republics may be represented as a commercial state, another as a navigation state, another as a manufacturing state, others as agricultural states; and although the great body of the people in each be really agricultural, and the other characters be more or less common to all, still it will be politic to take advantage of such an arrangement. Should the members of the great republic be of different size, and subject to little jealousies on that account, another important division will be ready formed to your hand. Add again the divisions that may be carved out of personal interests, political opinions, and local parties.—With so convenient an assortment of votes, especially with the help of the marked ones, a majority may be packed for any question with as much ease as the odd trick by an adroit gamester, and any measure whatever be carried or defeated, as the great revolution to be brought
about, may require. It is only necessary herefore, to recommend that full use be made of the resource: and to remark that, besides the direct benefit to be drawn from these artificial divisions, they will tend to smother the true and natural one, existing in all societies between the few who are always impatient of political equality, and the many who can never live above it; between those who are to mount to the prerogatives, and those who are to be saddled with the burthens, of the hereditary government to be introduced; in one word, between the general mass of the people, attached to their republican government and republican interests, and the chosen band devoted to monarchy and mammon. It is of infinite importance that this distinction should be kept out of sight. The success of the project absolutely requires it.
XI. As soon as sufficient progress in the intended change shall have been made, and the public mind duly prepared, according to the rules already laid down, it will be proper to venture on another and a bolder step towards a removal of the constitutional landmarks. Here the aid of the former encroachments, and all the other precedents and way paving manoeuvres will be called in of course. But, in order to render success the more certain, it will be of special moment to give the most plausible and popular name that can be found, to the power that is to be usurped. It may be called, for example, a power for the common safety or the public good, or, "the general welfare." If the people should not be too much enlightened, the name will have a most imposing effect. It will escape attention that it means, in fact, the same thing with a power to do any thing the government pleases "in all cases whatsoever." To oppose the power may consequently seem to the ignorant, and be called by the artful, opposing the "general welfare," and may be cried down under that deception. As the people, however, may not run so readily into the snare as might be wished, it will be prudent to bait it well with some specious popular interest, such as the encouragement of manufactures, or even of agriculture; taking due care not even to mention any unpopular object to which the power is equally applicable, such as religion, &c. &c. &c. By this contrivance, particular classes of people may possibly be taken in, who will be a valuable reinforcement. With respect to the patronage of agriculture, there is not indeed much to be expected from it. It will be too quickly seen through by the owners and tillers of the soil, that to tax them with one hand and pay back a part only with the other, is a losing game on their side. From the power over manufactures more is to be hoped. It will not be so easily perceived that the premium bestowed may not be equal to the circuitous tax on consumption, which pays it. There are particular reasons, too, for pushing the experiment on this class of citizens. 1. As they live in towns and can act together, it is of vast consequence to gain them over to the interest of monarchy. 2. If the power over them be once established, the government can grant favours or monopolies as it pleases; can raise or depress this or that place, as it pleases; can gratify this or that individual, as it pleases; in a word, by creating a dependence in so numerous and important a class of citizens, it will increase its own independence of every class, and be more free to pursue the grand object in contemplation. 3. The expence of this operation will not in the end cost the government a shilling; for the moment any branch of manufacture has been brought to a state of tolerable maturity, the exciseman will be ready with his constable and his search-warrant to demand a reimbursement, and as much more as can be squeezed out of the arti-
cle. All this, it is to be remembered supposes that the manufacturers will be weak enough to be cheated, in some respects, out of their own interests, and wicked enough, in others, to betray those of their fellow citizens; a supposition that, if known, would totally mar the experiment. Great care, therefore, must be taken to prevent it from leaking out.
XII. The expediency of seizing every occasion of external danger for augmenting and perpetuating the standing military force, is too obvious to escape. So important is this matter, that for any loss or disaster whatever attending the national arms, there will be ample consolation and compensation in the opportunity for enlarging the establishment. A military defeat will become a political victory, and the loss of a little vulgar blood contributes to ennoble that which flows in the veins of our future dukes and marquisse.
XIII. The same prudence will improve the opportunity afforded by an increase of the military expenditures, for perpetuating the taxes required for them. If the inconsistency and absurdity of establishing a perpetual tax for a temporary service should produce any difficulty in the business, Rule 10 must be resorted to. Throw in as many extraneous motives as will make up a majority, and the thing is effected in an instant. What was before evil will become good as easily as black could be made white by the same magical operation.
XIV. Throughout this great undertaking it will be wise to have some particular model constantly in view. The work can then be carried on more systematically, and every measure be fortified, in the progress, by apt illustrations and authorities. Should there exist a particular monarchy against which there are fewer prejudices than against any other: Should it contain a mixture of the representative principle so as to present on one side the semblance of a republican aspect; should it moreover have a great, funded complicated, irredeemable debt, with all the apparatus and appurtenances of excises, banks, &c. &c. &c. upon that a steady eye is to be kept. In all cases it will assist, and in most its statute book will furnish a precise pattern by which there may be cut out any monied or monarchical project that may be wanted.
XV. As it is not to be expected that the change of a republic into a monarchy, with the rapidity desired, can be carried through without occasional suspicions and alarms, it will be necessary to be prepared for such events. The best general rule on the subject is to be taken from the example of crying "Stop thief" first.—Neither lungs nor pens must be spared in charging every man who whispers, or even thinks that the revolution on foot is meditated, with being himself an enemy to the established government, and meaning to overturn it. Let the charge be reiterated and reverberated till at last such confusion and uncertainty be produced, that the people being not able to find out where the truth lies, withdraw their attention from the contest.
Many other rules of great wisdom and efficacy might be added: but it is conceived that the above will be abundantly enough for the purpose. This will certainly be the case, if the people can be either kept asleep so as not to discover, or be thrown into artificial divisions, so as not resist what is silently going forward.—Should it be found impossible, however, to prevent the people from awaking and uniting; should all artificial distinctions give way to the natural division between the lordly minded few and the well-disposed many; should all who have common interest make a common cause and shew an inflexible attachment to republicanism in opposition to a government of monarchy and of money; why then * * * * *
Philad. June 30.
On the Disadvantage of CANALS.
[From an English Publication.]
AMONG other causes of the great advance in the price of provisions, of late years, may be justly reckoned the many long and large canals which are continually cutting through this island, whereby very much land is occupied, and a large part of it the best arable or pasture land. It is true the keeping of many horses is saved by this method of conveying goods; but whether so many as compensate for the land employed in them, and the injury done to improved lands through which they are digged, is a question worthy of attentive enquiry. Doubtless, by means of canals, the price of land carriage is greatly lowered, and, in a moderate number, they must be a national benefit; but when, under proper restrictions, may be great national benefits, may become evils if injudiciously indulged. It is no trifling matter to cut up a fruitful country in canals, especially where the population is increasing, and where large manufactures demand much land for their support, as do its inhabitants for necessary food, firing, &c. nor should it be allowed for trifling considerations or the interest of individuals who may adventure their money in these great undertakings. It is not only the loss of the land taken up in the canals, and the roads for the draft horses on their sides; but so far from their banks as cultivated land can be drained by them, it must be less fruitful, as is observable on the sides of rivers. Brooks also being sometimes diverted from their natural courses to supply the canals, must be prevented from overflowing the land through which they run, which may render it less fruitful; and water from springs may be so drawn away as greatly to injure dairy or grazing farms. The streams of some parts of rivers may also be so weakened by brooks which were wont to run into them being turned to feed the canals, as to hurt the navigation upon them. In these national works every circumstance which may be injurious, as well as those which may promise to be advantageous, should be well considered, and good land not be suffered to be cut up but for valid reasons.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE
MR. FRENEAU.
SINCE the existence of the federal government, I have not ceased to solicit of the representatives of the people an effectual system, conformably to the Constitution, for promoting the progress of useful arts, by securing to original inventors, property in their respective discoveries.
The justice, policy, and utility of securing mental, equally with local property, I have long urged.
Notwithstanding all my efforts, added to the efforts of others, relative to the subject, the object is not yet obtained.
Whether, from the novelty of the idea of a system for securing mental property; or, from a want of right information relative to the mental rights of men, or their rights in the products of their genius; or, from a too zealous disposition to do right, they have done wrong, or in other words, left they should secure too much, they have not, determinately, secured any property in discoveries; or, partly from the whole, or from other latent causes, I am, indeed, lost in conjecture;—But, it is, not only, an acknowledged fact, by all enlightened men who have attended to the object, but too clearly experienced by some on whom it operates, to wit—that the effect of the existing patent system is, indeed, infinitely worse than none.
Being determined to persevere in soliciting the deputies of the people, so long as I am capable of speaking or of writing, till the object shall be obtained; and, also, in the meanwhile, to diffuse as much as possible, any ideas, or matter which occurs to me, or of which I may from time to time be possessed, which will tend to throw light on the subject; I am, of consequence, happy in having it in my power, and cheerfully
* Or property in the products of genius.

embrace the earliest period, to lay before the public, through the means of your useful paper, a copy of the French Patent Law, or system: which, though it is exceptional in some of its parts (perfection with men being impracticable) yet, is much the most perfect of any system yet extant; and which, (being the act of one of the greatest, most free and enlightened nations on this globe, who of all, have ascertained and fixed in their Constitution and laws, the civil, local and mental rights of men, the most clearly and fully) will, I flatter myself have the effect, in operating on the minds of the people, to facilitate the establishing of a system equally, or more perfect, relative to the object, in the United States.
For, with the French nation, in the preamble to said law, I fully coincide, to wit— "That it would be to attack the rights of men in their essence, not to regard a discovery as the property of the author."
Jos. BARNES.
Philad. July 4th 1792.
The only exceptions which have impressed me, are, first, granting patents for discoveries imported: secondly, prohibiting any person, who shall have obtained a patent in France from obtaining one in any other country; under penalty of forfeiting his French right.
[The French PATENT LAW shall appear in our next.]
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
I HOLD myself not to be one of those, stigmatized in the Gazette of the United States of Wednesday, who, "while they set up their own dogmas as the infallible creed of political orthodoxy, yet condemn all, who differ from them, as fools or knaves." Such conduct would be highly irrational and liable to merited reproach. But when I deliver my opinion freely on the various abuses of the constitution, let me not be considered an enemy to it, or a fool or a knave, and reprobated and abused as such by writers who seem disposed to flatter any and every measure of government, provided some rich individuals, an influential man, or a great man in office, may be in favor thereof. Since the phrase "Enemies of the constitution" seems to be the watch-word of abuse with some; let us, for once, enquire who, in reality, and what are these enemies of the constitution?
It is answered, enemies to the constitution of the United States may be of two sorts; on one side those who are enemies to the union, and with to destroy the constitution which supports it; on the other side, enemies to republican government who wish to destroy the constitution by stretching and twisting it into a monarchy. Happily for us, if there be any enemies of the first sort, they are so few and of so little weight that they do not avow themselves. Diffusion and anarchy are doctrines both unpopular and unfashionable. They are no where, nor by any body allowed to be right and good. They are equally condemned by the language at a country tavern and a city feast.—Much is it to be deplored that the same cannot be said of the danger on the other side, and that a FACTION is in being, some of whom openly, others more covertly, preach doctrines that strike at the root of all republican government. If the fact be doubted, look back to a train of publications and paragraphs for several years, in a certain newspaper, which having lately taken an alarm is hawling in its horns, and trying, at times, to stammer out a few republican cantrips; or go, if you please, into the fashionable circles, where government is the free subject of conversation, and you will wonder what unparalleled effrontery men of this stamp must have to call themselves the true friends of our republican constitution, and to represent the opponents of their invidious hostilities to it, as enemies to liberty and the government. If they chuse to praise and preach up the British monarchy or the despotism of Turkey, in the name of liberty let them go on without molestation; but in the name of modesty let them cease their hypocritical canting pretensions to a purer zeal for the republican government of the United States.
It is an evasion, and a very silly one, not an answer to the charges which have teemed against speculating members of the government, to plead that there are some of the executive no wile involved in paper-jobbing; as if we had already got the British government among us, where government means that over-ruing branch of it only, and not, as here, the whole government; or, as if it had ever been supposed that all the members of any part of the government had gone astray.
Those who desire to put their finger on the particular members of the government, who have speculated in their own measures, if they cannot make the discovery by more ostensible marks, may consult the books in the public offices, but particularly the subscription books of the bank . Should the brokers be civil enough to open their books also and explain them, it is probable further light will be thrown on the enquiry.
If the opulent speculators in the public debt and the bank have a peculiar itch, as is commonly supposed, to feature our government into a likeness of the British monarchy, it does not seem difficult to solve the phenomenon. 1. A considerable number of them are now British subjects, and of course prefer monarchy to a republic. 2. Ha-
ving made fortunes out of measures copied from the British administration, their attachment easily links their gains with that administration, and proceeds from the administration to the government. 3. In the British government the moneyed interest is the favorite and the ruling interest. The moneyed interest here may consequently expect, by likening our government to the British, to get a stronger tenure than they begin now to have, to their favorite and ruling character with the government. So that avarice and ambition may not clash, but concur, in this case. 4. Sudden and splendid wealth is but too apt to generate vanity and insolence, a state of the mind very unfriendly to republican ideas. 5. Where such fortunes happen to be made without any useful industry or laudable pursuit, and still more if made by unjust or rapacious means, the possessors become obnoxious to popular odium. Hatred begets hatred. And those who hate the people are prepared to hate a government of the people.
These observations may account for an extraordinary bias in the great certificate and scrip-dealers, to favour measures subversive of the constitution. They are to be considered as enemies to it, not in favor of disunion and convulsion, which would not suit their purposes: but in favour of a progressive administration of it into a monarchy, which would tickle all their passions.
A government and its measures should never be confounded. As a man may be a friend to a government, and an enemy to its measures; so he may be a friend to the measures and an enemy to the government. If the government be republican, and the measures tend to change it into a monarchy, a friend to monarchy must be an enemy to the government in exact proportion as he is attached to its measures. G.
July 3, 1792.
KNOXVILLE, June 2.
On Sunday, the 17th of May, the governor of this territory arrived at Fayette. On his approach he gave the chiefs notice. They instantly determined to receive him with all the honors they could demonstrate, and requested that he would halt 'till they should be in readiness to receive him. In a short time they informed him of their readiness. The chiefs and Indians of every description, supposed to be about two thousand in number, were drawn up in two lines, each extending about three hundred yards, leaving an open space, through which the governor and his honorary escort, commanded by major Craig, passed, to the house erected for his temporary residence. On his entering the lines, a firing, in manner of a feu de joie, commenced, which was kept up till he passed through. Shouts of joy immediately succeeded from all quarters, and in a few seconds after he had alighted, under the standard of the United States, displayed from a pole, erected similar to those formerly erected for liberty poles, he was surrounded by the whole number, with countenances demonstrative of the utmost joy. The governor stayed with them 'till Thursday holding public and private talks with the chiefs, of which many were from the lower towns, who unanimously expressed great contrition for the depredations committed since the treaty of Holston, and their firm determination to prevent it for the future.
The governor then, left them under the most favorable impressions towards the United States, and of confidence in him as superintendent of their affairs. It is to be hoped these pleasing prospects of peace will be realized.
The Bloody Fellow, who lately visited Philadelphia, and who is now distinguished by the more honorable title of General Eskequa, with a deputation from his department, and Captain John Watts, who are really the leaders of the nation, appeared as the champions of peace, and sincerely desirous of concerting measures with the governor for the better restraining of their unruly young warriors.
At the close of the conference, General Eskequa finished a very animated speech, with a declaration to his people, that if they committed any more acts of violence, and escaped punishment from the white people, they should meet it at home.
On the 16th instant, as two sons of Mr. Wells, in Hinds's Valley, within twelve miles of this place, were picking strawberries, six Indians came up, tomahawked and scalped them, in his view, and went off without making further attempts on the family. What Indians they were is uncertain, but suspicions fall on the Creeks and Cherokees.
On Sunday the 13th of May, a man and two girls were fired on by the Indians, within four miles of Nashville. The man and one girl escaped; the other girl was tomahawked by the Indians.
Early on the morning of the 17th ult. his honor Judge Campbell, and his party, on their return from Cumberland, about four miles east of Emmery's river, were attacked by a party of Indians, who fired on their front, and killed Mr. William Clark. This party had only one gun to defend themselves, and that was rendered useless, by having the wiper broke in the barrel.
PHILADELPHIA.
JULY 7, 1792.
Wednesday, the 4th instant, being the anniversary of the Independence of the United States of America (completing sixteen years since the declaration of independence) was celebrated in this city with every demonstration of joy suitable to the occasion: At 12 o'clock the Minister of France and the Ministers of other foreign nations, the officers of the city militia, and many respectable citizens, waited on the President of the U. States, and congratulated him on the day—The state society of the Cincinnati, preceded by the Governor and Chief Justice of the State, (their President and Vice-President) went also in procession, nearly about the same time, to pay their respects to the President of the United States.—A number of cannon were discharged on the occasion, and an entertainment in honor of the day was given at Oeller's Hotel by the Cincinnati, to which the heads of departments and foreign ministers were invited, who favored the society with their company—Fire works were to have been displayed in the evening, but the badness of the day, being almost a continual heavy rain, prevented. This exhibition is postponed, we hear, to the 14th of July, the memorable anniversary of the French Revolution; on which day, it is expected, there will, in future, be a general rejoicing in every part of the United States, by all who are friends to the French Revolution, and consequently real friends to the revolution in America.
The following, among other patriotic republican toasts, was lately drank at a military exhibition in the state of Vermont. "May the American states be long defended from the inundation which is threatened by the increase of aristocrats, who wish for a rich metropolis and a poor peasantry; want a great personage's head on the current coin; and are advocates for keeping shut the doors of the Senate."
On Saturday last some boys bathing in a pond near this city, one of them wandering from the rest, sunk into a deep hole and disappeared. After laying under water about twenty minutes he was at length taken up, to all appearance dead. By rubbing him with salt, however, in less than twenty minutes the body exhibited signs of reanimation: in about three hours more he was so far recovered as to turn himself in the bed, and in a day or two was perfectly well.—Our accounts further say, that before the usual methods of recovery were tried, the body had every appearance of being lifeless; and many supposed that a total suspension of the animal functions had taken place.
A letter from Cape Francois, dated June 19, contains the following paragraph—"It is my opinion that this colony is infallibly verging to total ruin and destruction: the insurrection spreads daily, and the troops that have arrived are under no command, and die very fast. Of 350 of Dillon's brigade that were sent to Fort Dauphin, there now remain only 30 able to carry arms, and about 150 are dead."
The final abolition of the African slave trade is determined on by the government of Denmark, as far as concerns themselves. To avoid the disadvantage, however, of too sudden a change in that trade, its final abolition is not to take place for ten years, that is till Jan. 1, 1803; during which time every means is to be used to encourage breeding negroes in their colonies, and to establish such laws as may be of mutual benefit to the blacks and whites. After the expiration of the time above mentioned, no Danish subject will be permitted to carry on the slave trade in any shape whatever.
"Upon a late occasion a worse than English election took place in the towns of Otsego and Milton. The number of freeholders was by some miraculous power increased beyond credibility. Boys were converted into men—the transient stranger acquired a sudden residence, and the pauper became in an instant a substantial freeholder. A fact transpired on the canvass, which is a remarkable instance of the wicked arts practiced to destroy the freedom of suffrage. It is this—Mr. V. R. candidate for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, was one of the inspectors of the election in the town of Water-Vliet, chiefly inhabited by his tenants. In order to prevent them from voting against Mr. Jay and himself, and to mark out for vengeance those that had the audacity to oppose his inclination, he procured a peculiar kind of silk paper, with which the ballots were formed, by which means, and his official station as inspector, he was able to tell immediately whether his unfortunate tenants had voted their landlord for Lieutenant-Governor. N. York Journal.
The sticklers for the perfection, infallibility, and immaculate purity of government should bear with some degree of patience the opinions of those who are not so entirely convinced as themselves, and excuse them if now and then they seem a little disconcerted at observing what all but blind men must observe, the farce, or rather the tragedy, of certain European systems, endeavoring, by some, to be acted over again in this country: systems which have, in the old world, bowed down the mass of the people into the dust, and will, most certainly be attended with the same effects in America, by gradual advances, if the people are not constantly awake to the preservation of their rights.
A squall visited New-York last Sunday afternoon at nearly the same time as here; near thirty persons were drowned in consequence thereof, men, women, and children that were taking their pleasure on the river. Reports were in circulation of many other persons being lost, by the oversetting of boats. Much damage, it is said, was also done to houses and orchards. "It is a melancholy reflexion (says a New-York paper) to consider the number of persons drowned every year in taking their pleasure on the Sabbath."—Possibly with the person that made this pious reflexion, Sunday is the only busy day in the week.
In the months of April, May and June, 1792, there have been shipped from the port of Philadelphia, one hundred and sixty-one thousand, three hundred and forty-four barrels of flour; and during the same period, fourteen hundred and eighteen barrels of middlings.
Capers have been thought only capable of growing in warm climates. A tree is now growing near New-London, full of that fruit; and equal in appearance to any imported from France, Sicily, or any other foreign country.
English papers as late as the 30th of April (received by Captain Norton, from Liverpool) mention that the declaration of war against the King of Hungary and Bohemia, was formally proclaimed throughout Paris, on the 21st, amidst the greatest concourse of people ever seen on such an occasion—That the Russian fleet would pass the sound in a few days, and rendezvous either in the Downs or at Torbay; but none of the British ports were expected to be open for their reception—That the French commerce was likely to suffer in the contest, as privateers from various states would rendezvous at Ostend, and sailing under Brabant colours, would pick up the merchant ships of France—but that great preparations were making in France, for the immediate capture of that place.
Every recent letter from Spain brings some new instance of the growing spirit of revolt in that country. It first manifested itself in Catalonia, where the hardy disposition of the natives is proverbial. Castille and Arragon have followed the example, and if the recitals which have reached us, be well founded, Despotism and the Inquisition have both seen their day.
[Boston paper.]
The following strange advertisement appears in the Middlesex Gazette , printed at Middletown, Connecticut. "Strayed from a French gentleman in Middletown, a red, short-tail'd Dog—he understands the French language. Whoever will bring the dog, shall receive one dollar for their trouble, by Joseph Smith, of said Middletown, who has for sale French Brandy."
Captain Joseph Brandt, the celebrated Indian Chief from Canada, departed a few days since from this city on a journey to the westward. It is said his object is to endeavor to conciliate the minds of the hostile Indians, and lay the foundation for a permanent peace between those tribes and the United States.
The different conduct of France and America, at this time, with respect to the general communication of knowledge is too striking to pass unnoticed by the observing. The one, encouraging newspapers and other periodical publications to a degree of profusion; the latter, which owes so much to the press, making evident encroachments upon the general dissemination of literature and that knowledge of the proceedings of government, with which every freeman has a right to be acquainted. While the state papers can be kept in a squabble about corporation matters, and matters of little moment to the great interests of the union; and while such impositions can be laid on free papers printed at the seat of government, as in a great measure to prohibit their general circulation, the public can have little else to expect, than a continuation of that dark policy which to this day keeps shut the doors of the Senate, and has shown an inclination in many instances to make the constitution speak a language to which it is an utter stranger, for purposes not difficult to be developed.
By the arrival of a vessel at New-York from Lisbon, we are informed, that Doctor Willis has not met with the same success in curing the lunacy of the queen of Portugal as formerly attended his efforts upon her good brother, the king of England. The Doctor (say these accounts) has declared the queen incurable, and had taken his departure for London.

The cultivation of the sugar cane in the East-Indies has for some years been adopted, and is said to be now carried on with great success and to a great extent. Sugars are become a common cargo, and are shipped, particularly from Calcutta, for America, Ostend, France and England. Soft sugars of the best quality, similar to West-India clayed sugars, can be bought in Calcutta at nine current rupees per hundred weight (including expences of packing, putting on board, &c.) which is exactly equal to 37 1/2 Pennsylvania currency, or five dollars.
A London paper of May 1, contains the following ridiculous paragraph—"The French having insulted the Swifts Cantons, will lose, in consequence, the only good troops remaining in their service."—Yet such ridiculous paragraphs are constantly copied into American newspapers, and believed by thousands, who never suspect the most barefaced falsehood.
The whole country from this city to New-York is said to be marked with the effects of the momentary, tho' violent, squall on Sunday last. A gentleman lately from Northampton county mentions its ravages there to have been terrible, tearing up trees by the roots, and assailing the largest oaks with instantaneous destruction: its first appearance (he adds) in coming westward over the ridges of the blue mountains was truly tremendous, being a long projected angry looking cloud, and so impregnated with midnight darkness, that when it had passed to the eastward of the mountain, the atmosphere for some minutes was so overspread with gloom, that objects ever so little remote, became nearly invisible.
By English accounts from Botany-Bay, the convicts transported thither seem only to have taken their passage to be hanged on the other side of the globe, numbers being daily executed for mutiny.—Governor Philips, they relate, has been dangerously wounded in the neck by a spear from one of the natives. From his unenviable situation one would think there is no danger of his losing his next election.
In the report of the committee appointed by the English house of commons to enquire into the effect of the laws relative to imprisonment for debt, an instance is produced of a man having been confined forty-five years for a debt originally amounting only to six pounds.
The inhabitants of Lansingburg, in committee, addressed the honorable Chief Justice Jay, who arrived in their town on the 30th ult.—Among other sentiments, they express their "regret and resentment at the evident prostitution of virtue and patriotism displayed by a majority of the canvassing committee in favor of Governor Clinton." The Chief Justice returned a polite answer, but from "motives of delicacy" declined any particular remarks with respect to the late election. "Our citizens know the value of their rights (said he) and it is hoped their efforts to maintain them will always be marked by temper and moderation, as well as by constancy and zeal."
A Quebec paper of May 14, says—"On Tuesday the first inst. the Court of King's Bench was held in this city.—During the term three bills of indictment were found against Jean Baptiste Caron, of St. Joseph De la Baucé. The one for a rape on his daughter Judith Caron. The other two were for assaults with an intent to commit rapes on his daughters, Jofetta and Genevieve Caron.
"He took his trial on the bill for the rape on Judith and was convicted."
"Nothing could exceed the horror excited in the breasts of a large audience, during the trial. Three daughters brought forward to convict a father of a crime at which human nature revolts.—He is the first instance in the province, and for the honor of humanity, we hope it will be the last that will stain the records of the court."
A calf was lately driven through the town of Worcester, in Massachusetts, only eleven months and an half old, which weighed seven hundred and an half, gross weight.—
Few are such calves in these degenerate days, Yet lighter calves than this have had their praise!
Extract of a letter from New-York. "The whole business of the late contested election rests upon this question—Was Richard R. Smith sheriff of Otsego county when the ballots were delivered at the Secretary's office!—Upon this point entirely depends the controversy. If he was sheriff then, the canvassers were wrong in rejecting the votes; but if it should be proved that he was not, then all will agree that they acted with propriety. A number of individuals have uniformly endeavored by every means in their power to bring about a change in the office of chief magistrate of the state. No artifice has been left untried to bias the minds and prepossess the
judgments of the electors against an old and staunch servant of the public. Numbers are led away by idle stories; one in particular, which ought not to have met with the least credit from the most credulous, "that the governor had bought up several millions of acres of land at an inadequate price, and had in contemplation to surrender up the state into the hands of foreigners."
The following paragraph is communicated as authentic.—Some short time since, a justice of the peace, residing on Lake Champlain, in the state of Vermont, issued a warrant against a person residing in said state, a few miles within the lines at present held by the British; return was made on the same, judgment granted, execution issued, and a horse of the defendant's taken by the constable: The defendant thereupon made complaint to the officer commanding the British post at Point-a-Fair, who sent an officer and party of men, and took the justice and constable prisoners, and two horses from the latter. The prisoners they conducted to the said post, where after being detained a short time, they were paroled by the commanding officer, the justice for twelve days, the constable till called for. [Albany paper.]
Both the professions of law and physic (say a daily paper) are at present so much "done over" in the United States, as to produce nearly the same number of useless members of society as are produced by monasteries in European countries. To reduce this number, in future, the best method will be to increase the price of a college education. Masters and professors will thereby be not only better paid, but government relieved from constant solicitations for endowments for sinecures, or unnecessary professorships.
The governor of the state of Georgia has issued his proclamation requiring the citizens of that state, resident in the lower district to elect on the 9th of July one representative in Congress, in the room of Anthony Wayne.—Gen. Jackson has absolutely declined an election.
Extract of a letter from Kingston, Jamaica, May 30.
"A serjeant in the 13th regiment of foot, now here, is to be shot on Tuesday morning next, for attempting to assassinate one of his officers while on the parade. The serjeant had, for impertinence to his officers, been sentenced, by a garrison court-martial, to be reduced to the ranks, and receive 200 lashes. The battalion was ordered out to see the punishment inflicted, commanded by Ensign Hilton. Mr. H. ordered him to strip, which, when he was preparing to do, he ran up to Ensign H. and stabbed him twice; and, in making the third, his arm was seized, and the knife fell from him."
REVOLUTION FRANCAISE. AVIS.
LES FRANCAIS AMIS de la LIBERTE, et toutes autres personnes qui prennent part a la revolution effectuee en France, sont priees de se trouver Mardi prochain, le 10 courant, a dix heures du matin, a l'hotel d'Oellers, dans Chesnut-street, pour deliberer sur la maniere de celebrer le jour memorable du 14 Juillet.
FRENCH REVOLUTION. SUCH natives of France and other persons, residents of this city, as, feeling an interest in the glorious cause of liberty, wish to commemorate the memorable epoch of the establishment of the French constitution, are requested to meet at Oeller's Hotel, on Tuesday next, the 10th inst. at 10 o'clock in the morning, in order to agree upon a plan for the celebration of the 14th of July.
** The Printers of the different daily papers in this city are requested to insert the above. July 6.
Governmental Combinations, and Abuses. [From Mr. Paine's Rights of Man.]
AS a new system is now opening to the view of the world, the European courts are plotting to counteract it. Alliances, contrary to all former systems, are agitating, and a common interest of courts is forming against the common interest of man. This combination draws a line that runs throughout Europe, and presents a cause so entirely new, as to exclude all calculations from former circumstances. While despotism warred with despotism, man had no interest in the contest; but in a cause that unites the soldier with the citizen, and nation with nation, the despotism of courts, though it feels the danger, and meditates revenge, is afraid to strike.
No question has arisen within the records of history that presided with the importance of the present. It is not whether this or that party shall be in or out, or whig or tory, or high or low shall prevail; but whether man shall inherit his rights, and universal civilization take place? Whether the fruits of his labours shall be enjoyed by himself, or consumed by the profligacy of governments? Whether robbery shall be banished from courts, and wretchedness from countries?
When, in countries that are called civilized, we see age going to the workhouse and youth to the gallows, something must be wrong in the system of government. It would seem, by the exterior appearance of such countries, that all was happiness; but
there lies hidden from the eye of common observation, a mass of wretchedness that has scarcely any other chance, than to expire in poverty or infamy. Its entrance into life is marked with the presage of its fate; and until this is remedied, it is in vain to punish.
Civil government does not consist in executions; but in making such provision for the instruction of youth, and the support of age, as to exclude, as much as possible, profligacy from the one, and despair from the other. Instead of this, the resources of a country are lavished upon kings, upon courts, upon hirelings, impostors, and prostitutes; and even the poor themselves, with all their wants upon them, are compelled to support the fraud that oppresses them.
Why is it, that scarcely any are executed but the poor? The fact is a proof, among other things, of a wretchedness in their condition. Bred up without morals, and cast upon the world without a prospect, they are the exposed sacrifice of vice and legal barbarity. The millions that are superfluously wasted upon governments, are more than sufficient to reform those evils, and to benefit the condition of every man in a nation, not included within the purlieus of a court.
The following sketches on the present miserable condition of the poor in England are extracted from the Journal of a sensible Quaker; who has lately travelled through that country, and whose veracity may be relied on.—
"A TRAVELLER through those populous counties wherein the iron, and other manufactures are established, observing the very great number of cottages on the sides of commons which lie contiguous to them, cannot admire at the riots occasioned by enclosing them. Many of their inhabitants, perhaps their predecessors for ages back, have been accustomed to look upon them as their own, exclusive of a small rent paid to the lords; and to be at once deprived of them, and be obliged to seek an habitation they know not where, and if procured to give an high rent, is cruel. Small tenements, in many parishes, are now become scarce, divers families live in one house, yea, a single room must serve a large family; so that the health of the poor is endangered by so many of them being crowded together; and when putrid disorders attack them, probably many lives are lost by it. It is shocking to humanity for the dead corpse of an husband to lie on the same bed (if it may be called a bed) with a sick wife, and perhaps several children. Yet many such instances there are in this rich and proud nation; and where is the humanity (it may justly be queried) of the government, when they pass enclosing laws, without protecting the poor cottagers?"
"The estates are generally in the hands of farmers, and it is no uncommon thing for one farmer to rent from three to five hundred pounds per annum. As the parishes are mostly small, three or four capital farmers frequently occupy almost all the estates in one of them: and as by the tenor of their leases, they pay all parish rates and taxes, they conclude it their interest that as few poor labourers as may be, dwell in their respective parishes; and therefore, as some of the labourers have told me, they have suffered as many small cot-houses, which were on their estates, as they could, to fall down, rather than they should be occupied by poor families: always chusing that their labourers should live in an adjoining parish, rather than their own, giving for a reason, that if any misfortune should happen to them, their estates would not be burthened with supporting them."
"In most parts of England, the people are absolutely in a state of vassalage to their high and mighty masters, for whom they labour for about six shillings per week. I believe the farmers, at least some of them, sell corn to their labourers for what they call reasonable prices. They scarcely taste a bit of animal food, except bacon, which they buy of their masters for seven pence per pound, and every other article of life is proportionably dear. The best produce of the country is carried off to the towns, or exported; even their fuel, though in many parts plenty, is dear. The milk, that necessary food for poor families, is chiefly made into cheese: the poor have seldom any. The best of the cheese is sent away, and an inferior sort made for them, and sold at a high price. There seemed to me to be a visible depression in the countenances of these poor creatures. I have seen them approach their masters with all the appearance of abject fear and flattery; but could never discover any thing like affection, or an attachment to their master's person or property, further than outward show, the effect of slavish fear. In short, the English peasantry appeared to me almost everywhere, to be in a very uncomfortable state."—[The American reader will make his own reflections.]
A new sort of an ALLEGORY.
GOVERNMENTS and states have something in them so analogous to a ship and her crew, sailing on the high seas, that from
the earliest ages, the resemblance has afforded constant occasion of allegorical comparison. Horace, in his time, compared the Roman empire to a vessel tossed in a storm at a sea, and intimates it would have been much better that she had continued in the quiet port of republicanism, than have ventured out on the boisterous element of royalty.—I do not recollect, however, that any author has considered the comparison in the following point of view. There is no ship, nor vessel of any kind but is more or less pestered with leaks, which are in some degree necessary to keep the ship sweet; neither is there any government but is constantly infested with abuses and encroachments of a nature more or less considerable, and more or less dangerous to the liberties of the people.—The leaks in a ship, tho' ever so trifling, become fatal in a few days sailing, if the pumps are not duly jogged: if these be neglected the soon becomes water-logged, and perishes in the next gale of wind with all her crew—governments are liable to the same danger, of political foundering, if free printing presses (like the pump on shipboard) are not worked more or less briskly, according to the degrees of political leakage. But whether the ship leaks or not is for the founding rod to discover, and this is the business of the people. July 6.
NEW-YORK, July 4.
As much pains has been taken to impress an opinion upon the public mind, that the failure of Mr. Jay, in the election for governor, is entirely attributable to the loss of the Otsego votes, it may not be improper to submit the following statement to the public:
If all the votes had been canvassed, it is highly probable, that Gov. Clinton would have had a larger majority than he now has: He lost 300 votes in Orange and Richmond. From the best information, two of the rejected counties, Clinton and Tioga, would have, at least, turned out a majority of 100 in his favor.
Two of the rejected towns in Ontario, Jerusalem and Genesee, which gave seventy votes, were also supposed to afford him a majority of 50.
The aggregate of which losses would be 450 votes.
  Mr. Jay, it is said, lost 15 votes in Ulster county   40 do. in Westchester.   25 do. in Rensselaer.   350 at the highest, according to Mr. Jacob Morris's* calculation in Otsego, but say 400   Losses 480 total of Mr. Jay.   To losses, add 450 of Mr. Clinton's 108 the majority by which he succeeded.   from which subtract Mr. Jay's losses 558 the amount 480 
78 majority in favor of Mr. Clinton, if all the votes had been counted.
This statement has been made upon the presumption, that all the votes, given in favor of Mr. Jay, were fair and bona fide—The contrary, however, is most evidently the case. If imposition had not been practised, in Otsego, there is no doubt Mr. Clinton would have had a majority in the county of that name. That town has been settled only within a few years, and upon the most liberal calculation it cannot produce more than 300 votes, whereas by iniquitous fraud it turned out nearly 600.
The town of Harper's Field was almost unanimously in favor of Mr. Clinton, and it furnished two hundred electors.
The town of Cherry Valley also contained a considerable majority for him, which added to Harper's Field, and a diversion in his favor, in the town of Otsego, would have given Mr. Jay, only about a majority of 200, notwithstanding the three hundred dishonest votes in the town last mentioned.
But after the town officers had been regularly chosen, in Cherry Valley, Mr. Eli Parsons (one of the leaders of the insurgents, in Massachusetts, and who is a warm Jayite, and the intimate friend of the virtuoso judge Cooper) followed by a small faction, occasioned the choice of others, by which means there were two sets of town officers, and inspectors of the election, in that place. The few suffrages taken at Parson's poll, being favorable to Mr. Jay, were deposited in the box by Smith, the pretended sheriff—Those taken at the regular poll, being for Mr. Clinton, were put on the out side, by which shameful partiality, if Parson's ballots, and not the others, had been canvassed, Mr. Jay would, perhaps, have had a majority of 400, in Otsego county. If, however, the election had been fairly managed, Votes.
  Mr. Jay might have had a majority, in the town of Otsego, of 200   Mr. Clinton, in Harpersfield and Cherry Valley, 300 
* Member of Assembly from that county.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  6 Percents 21 3/4   3 Per cents 12 3/4 12 3/8   Deferred 12 1/10 13 3/8   Indents 13 3/8   Final Sett. 20 3/8   1-2 Share Bank U.S. 62 to 64 percent adv.   Whole Shares ditto 25 do. do. 

THE DISH OF TEA.
LET some in grog place their delight, O'er bottled porter waste the night, Or sip the rosy wine, A dish of tea More pleases me, Yields softer joys, Provokes less noise, And breeds no base design.
From China's clime, this present brought, Enlivens every power of thought Rigs many a ship for tea, Old maids it warms Young widows, charms, And misses' men Not one in ten But courts them for their tea.
When throbbing pains assail my head And dullness o'er my brain is spread, The muse no longer kind, A single sip Dispels the hyp : To chase the gloom Fresh spirits come The flood-tide of the mind.—
When worn with toil, or vexed with care Let Susan but this draught prepare And I forget my pain ; This magic bowl Revives the soul, With gentle sway Bids care be gay, Nor mounts to cloud the brain.
If learned men the truth would speak They prize it far beyond their Greek, More fond attention pay : No Hebrew root So well can suit, More quickly taught, Less dearly bought, And studied twice a day— This leaf from distant regions sprung Puts life into the female tongue And aids the cause of love. Such power has TEA O'er bond and free, Which priests admire, Delights the 'squire And Galen's sons approve.
On Partial Attachments to Country.
IT has often been remarked by travellers who have visited this country, that the Americans are less national than any other people ; which observation is undoubtedly pretty generally true. There seems to be a natural propensity in almost every human being to think more favorably of himself than of his neighbour ; of ascribing to himself virtues and qualities the possession of which he is unwilling to allow to others ; and of detracting from them excellencies in which he is notoriously deficient, and to which he can never hope to aspire by any subsequent exertions. This inclination predominates in the mind in proportion as the causes of it are more or less powerful, more or less numerous. It reaches not only to individuals and private society, but extends its influence to states and nations. Thus we frequently see a foreigner so strongly prejudiced in favour of his country, from which perhaps he was transported for crimes that are a disgrace to humanity, reddened with anger at a supposed aspersion against his countrymen, by whom he had been treated with the greatest contempt, which he very justly merited. That the Americans are exempt from national prejudice is far from being the truth. The inhabitants of almost every state in America are distinguished by some particularities, either of speech or behavior, peculiar to themselves. The most apparent national distinctions appear to exist between the natives of the New England states and the inhabitants of all the others, from their frequently stigmatizing each other with the satirical appellations of Cracker, Yankee, Lovers of Pork and Molasses,* bad Pronouncers of their own tongue, and many other such like elegant epithets. "Particular instances ought not to justify general conclusions." Therefore that behaviour which characterizes a few in any state ought not to be indiscriminately attributed to all, nor stamp their national character. To judge of a whole people by a few individuals argues want of experience, an acquaintance with men and manners, and a mind clouded with prejudice and absorbed in ignorance. "There are good as well as bad in all societies." If a parallel were drawn between the northern and southern states, by balancing the advantages and disadvantages on both sides with regard to the use of cant words and phrases, the scale might preponderate in favour of the former, for there the greatest attention is paid to learning, which is conspicuous from the number and diversity of excellent literary institutions established in every part.
The conversation of many of my fellow citizens at certain seasons especially, turns entirely on the meetings and exploits (past, present, or to come) of the sons of St. Patrick, St. Andrew, or St. George. I could wish to observe to those who have been born in countries under the supposed patronage of any of the aforesaid right worshipful personages, but have left them to take their final residence in America, that it would better become them to acknowledge their new father St. Tammany, who is a father to them by the same rule that "a friend in need is a friend indeed," and who is so far from the strictness of their former patrons that he has never attempted to enforce any other rule than that "every man shall do as he pleases." But, if there is any excuse for the natives of Europe, what are we to think of those who, as well as their fathers and grandfathers before them, were born in this country, and yet have searched their pedigrees to find out which of the European
* Which is derived from the custom, common in New England, of curing pork with molasses, not from eating them together
faints they belong to! there is Christopher Bogherty, a pretty equal mixture of German and Irish, but perceiving that the Germans seldom frolic for their faint, and recollecting his Irish name, he, in the dialect of his mother's family swears that he will join the sons of St. Patrick, for he has been drunk with them more as two times areat. And my neighbour Jonathan Gregor, descended on both sides from the first settlers of New England, is determined to join the Sons of St. Andrew ; for, "odds namp it, as sure as snakes, it must be darnation clever fun ;" though the mixture in honest Jonathan's blood is such as would puzzle a good Jockey, with all his knowledge of quarters, eighths, sixteenths, and thirty seconds, to ascertain what proportion of it is Scottish. But enough—The countries of Europe were all peopled by emigrants, and as we are now a nation, let us not be ashamed of our name, nor the station we have taken—"Where liberty is there should be our country ;" but if, unwilling to acknowledge the country that gives us bread, we ought not, in pursuit of our origin, to stop in Europe but proceed to Asia, whence we are descended from a pair who might have continued in the enjoyment of a paradise, had they known how to prize it, when there. Georgia Gazette.
Prices Current at Philadelphia.
[Dollars equal to 100 cents.]
 ASHES Pot per ton 90 Dols. to 100.  Ashes Pearl 137 — — 140.  Bacon flitches per lb. 7 cents.  Bacon shoulders — 6 do.  Bees wax per lb. 25 cents to 27.  Brandy Coniac, per gl. 1 dol. 20 c. to 1 d. 33 c.  Brandy common, 1 dol. 26 c.  Butter in kegs, per lb. 9 c. to 10.  Coals per bushel 20 c. to 22  Coffee per lb. 18 to 20 c.  Cotton per lb. 26 c. to 40  Flax per lb. 11 to 12 c.  Flour superfine, per barrel 5 Dols. 13 C.  Common 4 dols. 80 c.  Burr middlings best, per brl. 4 Dols. 67 C.  Meal Indian 2 dols. 52 c.  Rye 2 dols. 67 c.  Ship stuff per cwt 1 dol. 1d. 33c.  Gin Holland, per case 4 dols. 67 c.  Ginseng per lb. 20 c. to 24  Grain barley, per bushel 90 c.  — best shelled, per lb. 3 c.  Buck-wheat per bushel 40 c.  Indian corn 41 c. Oats 26 c. pr. bush.  Rye 54, Wheat 93 to 95 c.  Hams per lb. 8 c. to 9  Hemp imported, per ton 120 dols. to 146 67 c.  American per lb. 4 c. to 5  Hides raw, per lb. 9 c. to 11  Indigo Carolina, per lb. 60 c. to 1 dol.  Iron bar, per ton 82 dols. 67 c.  Casings per cwt. 3 dols. 47 c.  Nail-rods per ton 96 dols.  Pig per ton 24 dols. to 26 dols. 67 c.  Sheet per ton 173 dols. 33 c.  Lard hogs, per lb. 9 c. to 10  Lead in bars, per cwt. 7 dols.  In pigs — — 5 dols. 33 c. to 5 dols. 67 c.  Red — — 6 dols. 40 c. to 6 dols. 67 c.  White — — 10 dols. to 10 dols. 67 c.  Myrtle wax per lb. 18 c.  Molasses per gal. 44 c. to 50  Nutmegs per lb. 7 to 8 dollars  Oil Lit. seed, per gallon 65 to 67 c.  Pepper per lb. 40 c. to 50 c.  Pimento — — 16 c.  Porter London, per dozen 1 dol. 60 c.  American do. 1 d. 4 c. to 1 d. 60 c.  Pitch per barrel 1 dol. 73 c. to 2 dols.  Pork Burlington, per barrel 11 dols to 11 d 67c.  Lower County do. 10 dols.  Carolina do. 9 dols.  Rice per 100 lb. 2 dols. 50 c. to 2 dol. 67 c.  Rosin per barrel 2 dols. 33 c. to 2 dols. 67 c.  Rum Antigua, per gallon 1 dol. 11 c.  Barbadoes do. 87 c.  New-England do. 67 c.  Jamaica 1 dol. 18 c. to 1 d. 22 c.  Windward Island 93c. to 1d.  Salt (Allan) per bushel 24 to 27 c.  Caciz — — 23 to 24 c.  Lisbon — — 25 to 27 c.  Liverpool — — 29 c.  Skins Deer, in hair, per lb. 20 to 30 c.  Red ditto 26 to 33 c.  Snake-Root per lb. 20 c. to 42  Sugar Havana, white, per lb. 17 to 18 c.  Brown per lb. 15 c.  Muscovado per cwt. 14 d. to 16 d. 67 c.  Lump per lb. 24 c.  Loaf single refined 26 c.  Loaf double ditto 36 c.  Tallow refined, per lb. 9 c.  Tar New-Jersey, 24 gal. to the brl. 1 dol. Carolina, 32 gal. 1 dol. 33 c. to 1 dol. 67 c.  Tea Hyson skin, 53 c. to 67  Southong 50 c. to 93  Congo 43 c. to 50  Bohea 37 c. to 33  Tobacco James River, best. per cwt. 3 dols. 60 to 3 dols. 73 c.  Inferior 2 dols. 67 c. to 3 dols.  Old 4 dols. 67 c.  Rappahannock 2 dols. 50 c. to 3 dol  Coloured Maryland 5 dl. 33 c. to 8 d  Dark 2 dols. 40 c.  Long leaf 2 dols. 40 c.  Eastern Shore 2 dols. to 2 dols. 23 c.  Carolina, new 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dols.  Carolina, old 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dol  Turpentine per barrel 1 dol. 67 c. to 2 dols.  Wine Madeira, per pipe 106 dl. 67 c. to 200 dl. Lisbon, — — 96 dols. to 100  Teneriffe per gal. 51 c. to 60  Fayal — — 44 c. 49  Port per pipe 106 dols. 67c. to 120 d.  Sherry per gal. 90 c. to 1d. 20c. 
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No 209 Market Street) in folio and Octavo, either full or half bound.—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in Octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
BOOKS, Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
 1. American Museum, from its commencement in January 1787, to December 1791, in ten vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, sixteen dollars. This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The Subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.  2. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Marchioness of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6/6.  3. Smith's History of New-York, from its first settlement to the year 1752. To which is annexed, a description of the country, with a short account of the inhabitants, their religious and political state, and the constitution of the courts of justice—Price a dollar and a quarter.  4. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L.L.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69. p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful."  5. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, containing select productions of the most eminent British and American poets. Price four fifths of a dol.  6. Blair's Sermons, containing the whole of the three volumes of the British edition, in two. Price two dollars.  7. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four fifths of a dollar.  8. Examination of the observations of Lord Sheffield's on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five eighths of a dollar.  9. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five eighths of a dollar.  10. M'Fingal, an epic poem, a new edition in 12mo. Price three eighths of a dollar.  11. American Test Book, in two parts, with two very neat engravings. Price bound, three fifths of a dollar.  12. Garden of the Soul, by Bishop Chalenor. Price, bound plain, half a dollar, in calf and lettered three quarters of a dollar, plain 1-2dol.  13. The Douay Translation of the vulgate Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2—plain, six dollars.  Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again. May 17. 6m. 12.w.
A FARM FOR SALE.
To be sold cheap for cash, a Farm situated on the Banks, and on the north side of the river Raritan in the state of New-Jersey; eight miles from the city of New-Brunswick, and one from the town of Bound Brook, containing 191 acres, and 40 acres about a mile distant apportioned to it for woodland: on this farm has lately been erected a neat and convenient house 28 by 24 feet neatly finished, built on a cellar the dimensions of the House, with a kitchen forming a wing 24 by 18 feet completed: 50 acres of it being meadow renders this place truly valuable; the healthy airy and pleasant situation makes it an agreeable seat for a gentleman: the meadow and fertility of the soil, an object for the farmer, & its being surrounded by the most wealthy and opulent farmers in the state, a very eligible stand for a store. The ride to and from Brunswick, on either side of the river, is delightful: for the price apply to the editor of the National Gazette. 6w 12.w.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine Second and classic cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices— V I Z. Best Superfine navy blue 34/6, Ditto. ditto. Scarlet 36/6. Common colours superfine 32/6. Elastic Stripes 95. London buff and white cassimers 15/6. Ditto, coloured do. 15/6. Yorkshire do. do. 13/6. Striped toiletens 14/6. Rattinets 38/6. Striped Nankeens 3/4. A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low, Fancy buttons and trimmings do. London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24/6. The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first Mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers; by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD. No. 3 South Fourth-street. Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house, together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment. A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14, 28w. 1f.
PROPOSALS For Printing by Subscription, THE PUBLIC REPORTS FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT of the UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May 1792. THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half. A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several Members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking. Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAIN, the publishers, No. 209, Market Street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States. May 24.
THIS DAY ARE PUBLISHED, [In Octavo—Price 2/9.]
THE LAWS of the UNITED STATES, Passed at the First Session of the Second Congress. PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.
To which are added the Ratifications of the Amendments to the Constitution, by the several ratifying States; the Armistice between the United States and Great-Britain; and the Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Cherokees, which, with those in the other octavo volume completes all the existing treaties. Philadelphia, printed by CHILDS & SWAIN, Printers of the Laws of the United States, and sold by them, at their office, No. 209, Market-Street; also by the principal Booksellers in the city. ** The Laws are sewed in blue paper, and are intended to be bound up with those of the next session, so as to make one volume, comprising all the Laws passed by the Second Congress, when a complete Index will be added for both sessions.
The LAWS of the Three Sessions of the First Congress, With a complete Index, in one volume octavo, may be had as above. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1792.
This day is published, And to be sold at No. 54, S. Second-street By ROBERT CAMPBELL, And BENJAMIN JOHNSON, No. 147. Market-street, [Price ten shillings, neatly bound] The New Art of Cookery, According to the present practice; Being a complete Guide to all Housekeepers, on a plan entirely new— Consisting of thirty-eight Chapters. —Containing—
PROPER directions for marketing, and trussing of poultry; The making soups and broths; Dressing all sorts of fish; Sauces for every occasion; Boiling and roasting; Baking, broiling and frying; Stews and hashes; Made dishes of every sort; Ragouts and fricassees; Directions for dressing all sorts of roots and vegetables; All sorts of omelets and eggs; Puddings, pies, tarts, &c; Pancakes and fritters; Cheesecakes & Custards; Blancmange, jellies, and syllabubs; Directions for the pick; Preserving, syrups, and conserves; Drying and candying; All sorts of cakes; Hogs puddings, fausages, &c; Potting, and little cold dishes; The art of carving; Collaring, salting, and soucing; Pickling; To keep garden vegetables, &c; Made Wines; Cordial Waters; Brewing; English and French bread, &c.— By RICHARD BRIGGS—Many years Cook at the Globe-Tavern, Fleet-street, the white-Hart Tavern, Holborn, and now at the Temple Coffee-house, London.
HOWELL'S LARGE MAP of PENNSYLVANIA.
THIS work is engraved in the most elegant style, and will be ready for delivery early this summer. It is 63 inches long and 36 inches wide, and for the most part very full of work (except some small places of which materials were not to be had) and was wholly compiled from actual surveys, acquired at great expense of money, and more than four years labour, and from its manifest public utility, the Legislature has been pleased to grant the proprietor the sum of three hundred pounds. This map exhibits the County and Township Divisions, and those of the Surveyors Districts in the New-Purchase, Donation and Depreciation Lands; the waters, portages, and the Canal, mountains and valleys, roads, towns, &c. He thanks the Public for their very liberal subscription, and informs them that it is yet kept open. He sells his SMALL MAPS, on canvass, folded and cas'd for pocket carriage, at 10/6, and plain at 8/4.
READING HOWELL No. 88, North Fifth-street. June 11. 12w. 6w.
PRINTED BY CHILDS and SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.