The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-01-30 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XXXIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 30th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FEATURES of a Bill reported by Messrs. H. Lee, Evans, Craik, Bird, S. Lee, Goodrich, and Dennis. For the Government of the District of Columbia.
I. A legislature is to be established, to consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.
II. The district shall be divided into two precincts, one on the west, the other on the east side of the Potomack.
III. The House of Representatives shall consist of fourteen members, seven resident in the Eastern, and seven in the Western precinct, chosen for two years, by citizens of U. S. resident 12 months in the district and 1 month in the precinct of the United States, who are freeholders.
The qualifications of a member of the House of Representatives are, being 25 years of age, being a citizen of the United States, resident in the district for 12 months, and in the precinct for 1 month, and being a freeholder therein.
IV. The Senate shall consist of six members, three resident in the Eastern, and three in the Western precinct, chosen for six years.
The qualifications of a Senator are being thirty years of age, being a citizen of the United States, resident in the district for twelve months, and in the precinct for one month, and being a freeholder therein.
The Senators are to be chosen by eight electors, four whereof to be elected by the citizens of the Eastern, and four by the citizens of the Western precinct, which electors shall have the same qualifications as members of the House of Representatives, and who shall be elected by the same citizens who vote for members of the House of Representatives.
The Senate to be divided, at the organization, into three classes, one of which is to be replaced every second year.
V. The members of the legislature to be compensated by the district.
VI. A Governor shall be appointed by the President of the United States for three years, unless sooner removed.
The Governor shall be a citizen, and thirty-five years of age.
He shall appoint all officers erected by the legislature of the district.
He shall have a veto upon the passage of all laws; and if after his disapproving a law, it shall be repassed by two thirds of each house, he shall lay the law before Congress to be acted upon by them.
VII. The Governor, Members of the legislature, and Electors, shall be prohibited from holding any office under the United States, or any state.
VIII. Taxes, excepting excises, imposts and tonnage duties, may be layed by the legislature; but no law shall be passed for taxing the district for opening, paving, repairing, improving, lighting or regulating the streets, in any town or city within the district.
IX. Two sheriffs shall be appointed annually by the governor, one for the Eastern, and one for the Western precinct, who besides the ordinary duties of sheriffs, shall hold and be judges of all elections.
X. The judicial power of the district shall be vested in two superior, and two inferior courts, the judges to be appointed by the President, to be paid by the United States, and to hold their offices during good behaviour.
XI. The laws of Virginia and Maryland, as they now exist, shall remain in force, so far as the same may be consistent with the motives of the cession by said states.
XII. The legislature may pass all laws needful for the government and police of the district, repealable or alterable by Congress, who may make any law, which shall be supreme.
XIII. A governor shall be immediately appointed.
XIV. The election of the members of the legislature shall be held on the 1st Monday of April, and the legislature shall convene at Washington on the first Monday in June.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
On the Government of the Territory of Columbia.
To form a system of government for any people has always been considered by the enlightened as an object of peculiar delicacy and importance. The difficulties attending it have been great, even when those, who were to be the subjects of the system, themselves formed it. How much greater may the embarrassments be expected to be, when the system is formed by those who have little, if any common interests with those who are to be governed by it, without not only their approbation, but even their advice.
In such circumstances the ground which is taken should be selected with circumspection, and every principle that is reared upon it should emanate from the purest source and terminate in the most beneficial effect.
He who is regardful of the instruction of experience knows the futility, not to say temerity, of putting into operation, in a free country, principles, which, instead of advancing the great interests of society, sacrifice them to narrow views or partial objects. He knows that such principles, however bold the impulse by which they are first directed, will soon lose their power, and be substituted by others more correct and appropriate.
Under the guidance of these acknowledged principles, it is proposed, with sincere respect to examine the outlines of the plan for the government of Columbia, which has been submitted by a committee of the House of Representatives.
The interest, which the individual who makes these remarks, has embarked in the territory, and the solicitous regard which he cherishes for the political institutions of his country, will be his apology, if apology be required, for the ingenuous and unhesitating manner in which he may express his opinions.
In forming a system of government the first enquiry should be into the character, the habits, and the pursuits of the individuals to be governed; as there are certain political principles, which apply alike to all men under all possible circumstances, so there are certain modifications of principle, which are required by peculiar states of society.
The district of Columbia at present contains but a small population. Of this population, nearly one half is formed of the citizens of the towns of Alexandria and George-Town, and the city of Washington. Nearly the whole of that great accession which is contemplated will attach itself to these towns. The consequence will be that in a few years the preponderating, if not exclusive interests will be commercial and manufacturing. It will be from the correct direction of these instruments of wealth that the prosperity of the Territory must hereafter be derived. That system, therefore, which shall be best calculated to protect and invigorate these interests will, other considerations being equal, be that which wisdom will dictate.
It has become almost a maxim that the prosperity of trade and manufactures depends upon their exemption from restraint, and their protection from invasion. This maxim has been so fully verified by facts, that it is not a rare thing, to behold commercial and manufacturing towns possessed of extensive rights, and in the enjoyment of a mild system of laws, even in the heart of a despotism. Hence we find that almost all the trading towns in Europe possess peculiar privileges, and that to their citizens is entrusted the right of self government, while those around them are imperiously ruled by others.
This either is, or till lately has been, the case in England, Holland, and the Netherlands, in which countries trade and manufactures have reached unrivalled eminence.
If then any instruction be sought in the peculiar character, habits and pursuits of the citizens of Columbia, it demonstrates the commanding policy of a spirit of liberal indulgence in their promptness to discern, and readiness to pursue their true interests.
How far this policy, heretofore the ornament and boast of our country, has presided over the formation of the plan submitted we come now to enquire.
The most important feature respects the right of suffrage.
By the system proposed it is limited to citizens who possess ten acres of land, or a lot with a house erected thereon.
To the citizens of Washington, of George-Town, and of Alexandria, this provision will be unequal and unjust. It requires the latter, to qualify them for the enjoyment of certain rights to possess property much superior in value, to that of the citizens who reside in the country. The direct effect will be to depress the interests of those who reside in Washington, and the two towns.
In another respect, it will be peculiarly subversive of the interests of the city of Washington. In this place the mass of property is held by a few individuals. The votes, therefore, which the citizens of Washington will carry to the election of representatives, by whom they are to be governed, will be insignificant, compared to those which will be given in George-town, Alexandria, and the country. The inevitable result will be the entire prostration of Washington. It were folly to conceal that jealousy already exists. It is a fact that while the property of her citizens is tributary to the coffers of Prince George county, those coffers are never opened to her wants, however imperious.
Will it be said that the new system will remove or soften these jealousies? Will any one affirm that the disposition to oppress will be relaxed by an invigoration of the power? If the reverse is always true, where can the interests of Washington find security, when that population, on which her real greatness must depend, is made the passive instrument of submission to laws in the formation of which she will have only the name?
As if to place her at the uncontrolled mercy of a power extrinsic to herself, while, by the proposed system the legislature have a right to tax her for the general purposes of the district, the right is absolutely prohibited of taxing the district for opening, paving, repairing, improving, lighting or regulating her streets.
Further; what will be the effect of this feature of the system on the different description of citizens in the city of Washington?
It has already been made to appear that by its effects, the great interests of Washington, and especially the landed interest, may fall victims to the superior power of the other parts of the district. It is equally true that the laboring, the mechanic and the commercial interest in Washington may be sacrificed to the landed interest. If the latter, vindictive from a sense of oppression inflicted by the other parts of the district, should in their turn, from the too uniform operation of human passions & exclusive regard to self interest, exercise the power with which they are invested; what would be the situation of by far the greater part of the citizens; of that part, whose industry, virtue and talents, would be their only possessions? For the objects of police the city is exclusively to be taxed. These objects undoubtedly require large sums, and may be made the cover for immoderate ones. How are these demands to be answered, and by whom? Shall taxation find its basis in wealth derived from real property? Or shall it operate upon population? On this point the system is silent. Why is it silent?—I answer, that it will rest upon population.—To the rich will be given all power; even the power of extorting from the poor, for the aggrandizement of themselves, the little property their industry supplies.
Who, that knows any thing of human nature, can doubt this? Are not all classes of men in pursuit of wealth? And can there be a more direct or surer road to this goal, than by one class keeping all its possessions, and adding to it the little possessed by other classes. That this would be the result of a taxation whose basis was numbers, cannot be questioned, when it is stated that nearly the whole mass of taxes would go to increase the value of landed es-
tates, by paving streets, building bridges, erecting public buildings, &c.
If these ideas be just, they develop with irrefragable force the pernicious tendency of that narrow right of suffrage which the proposed system recommends; they demonstrate, that, in the first place, Washington would be sacrificed to the other parts of the district, and the larger part of Washington itself sacrificed to a smaller part.
But these considerations are trifling compared with those, which are presented by a wider field of observation.
The principle that taxation and representation shall be equal is the rock not only of republicanism, but of individual felicity. It is the principle for which our citizens have fought and bled. It is a principle not only rooted in their hearts, but engraven in the constitution. How much of their happiness springs from this source, let the contrasted state of America and Europe proclaim. Is it then possible that a principle, around which cling not only the most solid suggestions of reason, but all the amiable prejudices of the heart, is thus to be prostrated in a day? And this too without any promised benefit to be substituted in its place. If there be such a boon, let it be described. Until it is described, its existence must be disbelieved.
WASHINGTON.
Conrad & M c Munn
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stableage sufficient for 60 horses—They hope to merit public patronage.
City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
Take particular Notice.
WITH astonishment, I read the dissolution of the partnership of the firm of PHELAN and NOYES, bearing date the 21st Instant, without my consent, and under the peculiar circumstances of my situation. My own property, and that of the creditors to a large amount, being made over for the security of the rent, that of the creditors, the firm is responsible for—Also large sums of money received by Levi Noyes, unaccounted for—While thus situated, I do hereby declare the notification of Levi Noyes, under the firm of Phelan and Noyes, to be illegal and unjust, and that the public take no notice of it—All persons are forbid trusting Levi Noyes on account of said firm.
JOHN PHELAN, of the firm of Phelan and Noyes. Washington city. Jan. 24, 1801.
THE SUBSCRIBER, Will Sell or Exchange
FOR approved lands near the Blue Ridge, a valuable tract of land in Northumberland County, two miles from the Court House and near the bank of the Potomac, containing 1163 acres. This tract is divided into two plantations, on the one there is a brick dwelling house 50 by 33 feet conveniently divided, and two brick houses 24 by 16 feet. A Framed house 20 by 16 feet designed for an Overseer, and other out houses.
The conveniencies of this place are equalled by few, and the prospect excelled by none in the state.—The house is situated on a high hill and commands an extensive view of the Potomac, and the Chesapeake Bay. There is a Creek bounding with the finest Fish and Oysters, which terminates the flat land of this tract, that is navigable for bay craft, and affords an excellent landing place within half a mile of the house. On this part of the tract there is an excellent bearing Apple and Peach orchard, and a variety of other fruit trees. It has a great sufficiency of Oak and Hickory timber, for the use of the plantation, besides a large quantity of pine. On the other plantation there is a framed dwelling house 32 by 16 feet, and a few out houses, such as tenants generally have about them. This part of the tract is as well situated for farming as any lands in Virginia. It is well watered, has a sufficiency of timber for its support, and flourishing young peach and apple orchards.
As it is, presumable that no person will make such a purchase without viewing the premises, all that is necessary to add is that Mr. Spencer Ball living thereon will show the whole, and is fully authorised to make sale thereof.
JAMES V. BALL. N. B. Any person purchasing may be supplied with stock of all kinds necessary and sufficient for the plantation.
January 28, 1801.

WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, January 30, 1801.
The President has nominated ROGER GRISWOLD Secretary of War.
We have guardedly abstained from any remarks on the unfortunate disaster which has lately considerably injured, & still more extensively hazarded, the papers of the Treasury. A subject, so important in its consequences, seemed to require a circumspect and cautious treatment. It was easy to foresee that suspicion would attach itself to some where; but it was not easy to decide at once the truth of such suspicion.
Ten days have elapsed since the fire, and the public are now as much at a loss, as far as regards any official information, to ascertain the extent of the injury, as they were at the time of its occurrence.
The dignity of the government would not have been committed by an official statement, and had it been deemed improper to give the information directly to the people, it might, without embarrassment, have been communicated to their representatives. Such an act immediately subsequent to the injury, would have marked the solicitude of the executive on the subject, and would have gone farther to remove existing suspicions, than any other measure which could have been pursued.
To a delicate mind, it would appear to be an object in the highest degree desirable, to exhibit the precise extent of the injury done to the treasury department, that no ground might in future exist to question the fidelity of the executive officers.
In addition to this step, duty would have suggested another.
Circumstances, sufficiently strong to justify the suspicion of design, existed. The truth or untruth of such suspicion would have been most clearly determined by offering by way of proclamation a reward for any proof of design. Had proof been exhibited, a conviction of the criminal would have ensued: and had none been offered, the integrity of the department would have been vindicated.
These remarks flow from a desire that the reputation of the government should, particularly in money matters, be immaculate; and not from any wish to criminate its agents.
It is not yet too late to pursue the measures recommended.
MESSAGE.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
I now transmit to both Houses of Congress, in conformity to law, my annual account of the application of grants for the contingent charges of government for the year one thousand eight hundred.
JOHN ADAMS.
UNITED STATES, JAN. 16, 1801.
Table with 2 columns: Date/Description, Dollars. Includes entries for Jan 21 (warrant No. 397), Dec 31 (balance unexpended), 1799 (grant of twenty thousand dollars), and Treasury department, Register's Office, Jan. 14, 1801.
JOSEPH NOURSE, REGISTER.
The above message is published from a sense of justice to the President of the U. States. It cannot be doubted that, if disposed lavishly to expend the national treasure, a more convenient occasion could not have been seized than that offered by the contingent fund. By it 20,000 dollars were subjected to his orders. Of this sum he has used only 50 Dollars. The First Magistrate of a Republic, if ever entitled to the thanks of the people for discharging his duty, is on no occasion, perhaps, more entitled to their thanks, than for a rigid devotion of public monies to national purposes.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, January 28, 1801.
Mr. OTIS, from the committee appointed for that purpose, made report on the situation of the Treasury department, on the 1st day of January, when Oliver Wolcott resigned.
Ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed.
Mr. HARPER reported a bill amending the bankrupt act.
Referred to a committee of the whole on Friday.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the bill for giving a right of pre-emption to JOHN C. SYMMES and his associates, for lands lying between the Miami rivers.
After considering the same, the committee rose without coming to a decision, and asked leave to sit again.
Information was received from Senate that they had passed the act for the relief of Solomon Bolton, and the act for erecting a light house on Cape Poge.
THURSDAY, Jan. 29.
A resolution in the following words, proposed by Mr. Harper was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Resolved that the act, entitled an act to augment the salaries of certain officers therein mentioned ought to be continued in force.
A Petition from sundry Merchants of Rhode Island was presented to the House and on motion, referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
The following resolution proposed by Mr. Rutledge, was presented to the House, which being read was ordered to lie on the table.
Resolved that a committee be appointed to prepare and report such rules as in their opinion are proper to be adopted by this House, to be observed in the election of a President of the U. S. whose term is to commence on the fourth day of March next, provided the electors appointed under the Authority of the States, have not elected a President for that term.
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the Bill to incorporate the persons therein named, and their associates, as a mine and metal Company.
A motion was made to strike out the first section of the Bill, on the principle that Congress was not authorised by the Constitution of the United States, to grant Charters of Incorporation. This Motion was supported by Messrs. Livingston and Bird, and opposed by Messrs. S. Smith, Rutledge, J. Brown and Bayard. On the Question being taken it was determined in the negative.
Sundry amendments were made, which were reported by the Committee, taken up and adopted by the House, and the Bill ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow.
During the session of this day, while the House was in a committee of the whole, a noise was made by a person in the gallery, expressing in a very loud voice his approbation of what had been just said by one of the Members. By the Direction of the Chairman of the Committee of the whole, the Gallery was cleared, and the person who had committed the offence was taken into custody by the Serjeant at arms. Before the house adjourned a motion was made and carried that the Person should be discharged from the confinement.
WEDNESDAY, January 31.
SEDITION LAW.
House in committee Mr. Morris in the chair.
The resolution reported by the committee was, that it would be expedient to re-
new the law in addition to the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States.
Mr. Platt, chairman of the committee, explained the reasons of the committee for proposing a resolution for its continuation. The only arguments that could be adduced against it were, as to the constitutionality and as to the expediency of the measure. That it was constitutional, he contended could be well and plainly proved, without entering into the question upon the grounds and proofs exhibited at the period of the original passage of the bill, from the decision in its favour, after a lengthy examination in both houses of congress, and its adoption into a law. Added to this was the solemn decision and concurrence of the judiciary.
After these deliberate decisions in favor of it, to doubt the constitutionality of this law, would be absurd. To those who took every occasion to shew their opposition to the government, and were accustomed to vilify the conduct of its warmest adherents. This law must be obnoxious, but those who considered the government a blessing and worthy the protection of a free people, must approve of the provisions of this law, as one of the most valuable institutions in its support.
As to the expediency of the measure, the committee thought it was a wholesome and ameliorating interpreter of the common law, established to assist the government upon the most fair and equitable principle. On the one hand, the right of the government in support of itself, is established; on the other that right of protection is so established, as not to injure in the least, the honest and well intended individual, but to afford him the means of exculpating himself, although engaged in scrutinizing measures of the administration of the government; for unless it can be made evident to a court and jury that the thing written was done with a false and malicious intention, the precaution is useless. He saw nothing in this law, notwithstanding all that had been said about it, which an honest man ought to fear. No government in the world demanded the public confidence more than ours, when well administered; and should a government be brought into popular disrepute with impunity, through the false and malicious writings of those who peaceably enjoy its blessings? He trusted not.
The house had been told on a former occasion, that the sum of federalism was about to set: he confessed that he viewed with horror the awful night that would follow. But notwithstanding that, whilst he possessed a seat in that house, he thought himself bound to legislate in favour of measures, to support the government which the people had honoured by their choice. This reverse of things should never drive him from measures which it became his duty upon the most solemn conviction to adopt, since no injury could result but to those whose wilful and habitual slander opposed it by falsehood. For his part he was not afraid of the new order of things; he had nothing to fear from the existence of this law.
To those who believed the rules of common law of force and effect in the United States, this law must be truly gratifying. By the common law two practices were established, which this law most effectually removed by its ameliorating provisions. First, the common law rejected the evidence of truth in cases of libels. Secondly, the court had an unlimited authority to ascertain the penalty. By this law the truth must be given in evidence, and the penalty is ascertained. He trusted that whilst the liberty of speech and of the press (privileges to be prized above all others) were made secure, the house would see the propriety of preventing the unlimited abuse of this blessing, so injurious to the preservation of social order; an abuse which was to be judged as to its extent by an impartial jury—a privilege by which are secured to every individual, and to the government equal rights.
Mr. DAVIS said the gentleman from New-York and himself had different feelings as to the manner of deciding the constitutionality of the law, as they had of its utility. Had the decisions of the courts been made with all the moderation and solemnity that usually attend judicial decisions, he might answer that there had been proceedings in the courts of the U. States, calculated to establish the constitutionality of that law, so far as the opinions of the judges went. For he must acknowledge that the judges had the power of deciding the constitutionality of a law under which they were to act, but he denied that those deliberate decisions had been made under it, that ought to establish it as a constitutional law with the judges generally. Even in Great Britain, where we
are too apt to look for examples he believed such hasty adjudications could not be found. He was acquainted with English books, and could not then recollect any case where the accused had been summoned, indicted before the grand jury, and tried by the venire or petit-jury, in the space of a few hours or one day at most, more especially where the accused had made affidavit, that he had material witnesses absent, as had been the case in two trials under this sedition law, one at Philadelphia, the other in Richmond Virginia. If those were decisions that had rivetted the constitutionality of the law in the mind of the gentleman from New-York, he had taken slippery ground, from which he could be easily driven. But a judge of the United States having determined the law to be constitutional, did not bring conviction on his mind. He still entertained the same opinion he had formerly entertained and he believed it would be difficult to persuade the American people that the law was either constitutional or expedient. The gentleman from New-York says there is nothing in the law an honest man should object to. Why then do honest men take shelter behind it? We are all fond of having our good deeds made public, and of concealing our bad ones. Now let the public judge who are the honest men; that gentleman and his political associates, or myself and those who usually vote with me. We are willing to submit our actions to public scrutiny and to rise or fall by public opinion. If that gentleman and his friends intend to act honestly, why do they wish this law to hide their actions? Why lay the hands of power on the lips of the people, who ought to have the right of examining their political conduct and approving or condemning it? While they boast of honesty, why skulk in darkness and shelter behind a sedition law? In my opinion this neither argues honesty, nor is ominous of good; at all events this is the true difference between the parties in this house. That gentleman and his friends form a party who wish to conceal their public conduct from the prying eyes of the public, and who say if you see you shall not speak: myself and my political associates, are willing to spread our actions before the tribunal of the people and to be judged by them. Now let the world judge who are the honest men, we, who expose our actions to public view, and say to them, judge and approve, or condemn us for our deeds; or those who say be silent; we are above you; if you open your lips the penalty of the law shall be inflicted on you.
We are told by the gentleman from New-York, there is to be a new order of things. I believe there will be. It looks as if we should burn all the old and begin a new.
What are gentlemen not contented with the sedition law to protect them, do they want a wall of fire around them?
This law has been in force two years and what has been its effects? A few printers, and a few miserable newspaper scribblers have fallen victims to it, and it has disgusted a large portion of the American people who have loaded your table with petitions praying for the repeal of the obnoxious law, and why will you again agitate the public mind by reviving a law so foreign to their feelings and hateful to their sights? Will gentlemen never yield their party views to the public voice, and drop a law that has produced so much discontent.
If this law had been good and constitutional and but a few people had been dissatisfied with it, there would be some excuse for continuing it: but the very reverse is the fact. I am not afraid of the law, I am not afraid I shall ever be subject to its operation, for in my opinion the administration, when it is presented in the fairest forms of truth, will afford sufficient ground for all my animadversions. I can turn to pages, and lay my finger on paragraphs which will authorise me to say more than I wish to say.
The gentleman from New-York says, they have been told, the sun of Federalism would shortly set. I on a former occasion did say so, and I again repeat it; this very law, if it has ever done any good, was in this way. I believe it has hastened the declension of the federal sun instead of controlling public opinion as it was intended. The opposite effect has been produced; men have acted up to their opinions, though they were forbidden to speak. Your own weapons have been turned against you, you find the public mind acting strongly against you, though it dare not speak.
The gentleman from New-York says that those who consider government an evil will vote against this law. I consider good government a blessing, and am therefore

willing to let the people examine freely and fairly the fruits of government. Those who wish to make it a curse, will also to conduct it out of the sight of those immediately interested in its operations. This hidden way of conducting the concerns of the nation will never be pleasing to the free people of America. Already very many of them are opposed to the administration, and while you conduct their important concerns out of their sight they will be jealous, and withdraw their affections from an administration that shuns the light.
Mr. RANDOLPH said, when he first considered this report, he viewed it merely as the fulfilment of an obligation which the committee thought imposed upon them by the house, and he had supposed, that it would have been suffered to remain on the table without any intention of being called up.
He would not enter into a view of the unconstitutionality of the law. How strongly soever the gentleman supposed that question to have been decided by the congress who passed the law; he would tell that gentleman and all his adherents, that he had a still higher tribunal to appeal to, one higher than they could produce: he meant the American people. Their voice was more powerful than that of those courts and this President, to whom the gentleman referred. The will of the people had been fairly and fully expressed upon this subject, and notwithstanding all inferior decision, this ought and this ultimately must be attended to; the people would be heard. He would ask gentlemen whether it was expedient, at this time, for the house to shew their contempt of the opinions of the people; whether it was prudent to insult their understanding in a matter so well appreciated by them as this law, and at a period when they have so evidently declared that their rights shall be no longer infringed? The moment in which this measure was renewed, reminded him of the spirit which actuated the fallen angel, as related by the great poet of the English language: when he could no longer be victorious, he would evince his revenge.
The legislature of the state which he had the honor to represent, Mr. Randolph said, had given instructions to her representatives and senators in congress, to oppose, by every effort in their power, any attempt that might be made to renew this monstrous and destructive act. From which were he not even convinced of its unconstitutionality of which he could not entertain a doubt, he felt himself particularly bound to express the opinion of that state, & to give his utmost opposition to the law, in its several stages. Were he to act otherwise, he really ought to humble himself in dust and ashes before an insulted and indignant people, for the perpetration of an act so inimical to their instructions, as well as to all the feelings and good sense of the American people.
Mr. Griswold said, it would be well for the committee to attend to the whole of the law. The gentleman said, that all the old writings were destroyed, and we must begin anew.
[Mr. Davis explained that he said it seemed as though the old papers were to be burnt up and that we should begin anew.]
Mr. Griswold then hoped from a due examination of this law, this would be one part he would wish to preserve from destruction. Surely the insinuations made against the whole law could not be of force: some of its parts were certainly unobjectionable. The first part provides a punishment against unlawful combinations to oppose the national government. It is possible said Mr. Griswold, the gentleman may think such persons ought not to be punished, but I do, and in my opinion, the preservation of this provision is essential to our very existence.
Another part is against persons who rise in insurrection, or those who encourage it by counselling and abetting it. That such acts should be punished appears to me a self evident proposition, whatever the gentleman might think of it, yet he thinks the law ought not to be renewed! Surely a moment's consideration must prove that such persons ought to be punished, and that their punishment ought not to be left to the unlimited discretion of the court as by common law, but should be defined by a statute.
But the most essential opposition appears to lie against that part where libelling the government is made an offence and punishable. That this part should be opposed by a gentleman whose orderly conduct removes him beyond the fear of the penalty, he was much surprised. What is the effect of this provision? It is that if any person should publish untruths against
the government, with an intent to bring it into disgrace, such offender should be punished. Is there any gentleman in this committee who wishes to publish falsehoods, and malicious falsehoods? He trusted not; and if not, why should gentlemen be unwilling to make this wilful offence, punishable by statute? There could be no ground for alarm, since the penalty was only intended to affect the publication of falsehoods. Falsehoods tended to much evil; nay, they were evil in themselves, & it was necessary to punish them, in order to preserve to the government its merited popularity. The provision was exceedingly important, and he thought the ideas of his friend from New-York must have considerable weight with the committee.
It was a well known fact, that at common law the truth could not be given in evidence; it was equally well known, that the punishment for crimes was left undefined and at the will, he had almost said, the arbitrary will of the court. He did not think it right to leave this power in the hands of the court, nor did he think it right to stifle the testimony of truth in behalf of the accused. He did not believe it to be the wish of the house or of the administration to suppress truth; if the government acted in such a manner as not to bear the test of truth, it certainly merited animadversion, and with severity. To continue the right of giving truth in evidence, and to keep the power of prescribing a punishment with the legislature, he hoped the law would be re-enacted.
As a constitutional question, he thought no doubt could now exist, whatever might have been entertained before the question was settled on its present principles. The judiciary had decided it to be a law effectually within the constitution. There might be some other quorum to which gentlemen would wish to appeal; perhaps they might be better satisfied by appealing to the people, but he could not be. He believed the decision to be made in a constitutional mode, and was desirous of giving it his decided support.
(To be continued.)
Kid, Eliot & Co.
HAVE received by late arrivals, a general assortment of Hard ware and Ironmongery, which they offer for Sale at their Store opposite the Great Hotel.
They have also on hand
Madeira, Sherry & Lisbon Cognac Brandy. Jamaica Spirits, Holland Gin, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Tea, Coffee, &c. &c.
Washington, Dec. 18.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
At the Brick Store opposite BRIDGE'S HORSE.
HAVE received by the Brig UNION, Capt. Leonard, from Liverpool, a large supply of Crockery Ware. Some of which is well assorted in small casks for the country.
Also, by the same Vessel.
White Lead, ground in oil. Spanish Brown do. Red Lead, Patent yellow, &c. &c.
They expect by the Roba and Betsey arrived at Norfolk, an additional Invoice of crockery and a large assortment of Glass ware. All which will be sold at the Philadelphia prices.
December 28.
I WILL Sell, or Rent for 2 years, a convenient two story Brick House near the LITTLE HOTEL. Possession may be had on the 10th day of March.
JONATHAN PANCOAST. Washington, Jan. 20. 1800.
CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE.
THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the LITTLE HOTEL—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, letters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, seamen's wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms.
Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary.
N. B. Herty's Abridgement of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Herty's Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered.
December, 1800.
Take Notice.
THE partnership under the firm of PHELAN and NOYES, is dissolved this 21st day of January, 1801.
PHELAN & NOYES.
N. B. The business will be continued, as usual by the subscriber LEVI NOYES. Washington, Jan. 21, 1801.
John Minchen.
BOOT MAKER
FROM PHILADELPHIA.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Vootes, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials.
December 3d. TO JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED, a number of Journeymen Shoemakers, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given.
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of WASHINGTON.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard.
WILLIAM PROUT.
City of Washington. December 12, 1800. N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
Notice is hereby given,
TO the creditors of John Dixon, that a general meeting of the creditors is appointed to be held on the 17th day of February next, at the house of George O'Hara in Upper in Morris-Town, in the county of Morris, and state of New-Jersey, at 10 o'clock, forenoon, in order to examine and ascertain the debts due to each creditor; and notice is also given to the creditors aforesaid, that a dividend of the said Dixon's property will be made on the 9th of July next at George O'Hara's aforesaid, at 10 o'clock, forenoon.
WILLIAM CANFIELD,
Assignee,
Morris-Town, Dec. 27, 1800.
Mantua-Making.
MRS. DEMPSEY,
FROM NEW-YORK,
BEGS leave to inform the Ladies and Public in general, that she has commenced business in the City, on the New Jersey Avenue, five doors from Mr. Smith's Printing-Office, where she makes Ladies' Dresses on the shortest notice, and of the newest fashion.
January 16, 1801.
FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber will sell at private sale, two Three story Brick Houses, adjoining each other, 28 feet front each, by forty feet deep, on Capitol Hill, Lot No. 6. Sq. 686—a fine commodious lot 61 feet front, by 196 feet deep, running back to an alley 30 feet wide, and may be occupied as one or two tenements, they are finished in a plain, but substantial manner, and built on the best materials—a credit of three, six, and nine months, on giving approved notes, negotiable at the bank of Columbia, or Baltimore—apply to Daniel Carroll, or in Baltimore to HENRY H. CARROLL. Washington, Jan. 5, 1801.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
GRATEFULLY acknowledges the numerous favours conferred on him, and informs his friends and the public that he has entered into partnership with CHARLES VARDEN, likewise from Philadelphia, on Capitol Hill, opposite Mr. CARROL's buildings, where, as well as in Pennsylvania Avenue, between the Presidents House and George Town, from their long and extensive experience in Military, Naval and Fancy dresses, and in Ladies Habits &c. and from their having procured the best of workmen and materials, the utmost taste and punctuality might be expected.
Two apprentices wanted. Washington, Dec. 22.
A Tutor Wanted.
ONE qualified and willing to take charge of a school in the country about 30 miles distant may hear conditions and other particulars by application at the bar of J. H. Barney in George-Town—Preference will be given to a person capable of teaching the Latin language. Jan. 22, 1801.
By virtue of a decree of the High Court of Chancery, will be Sold at public auction to the highest bidder on the 10th day of March next, on the premises, Lot No. 1. in square No. 744 in the City of Washington, with the Sugar House and materials, and the other buildings on the said Lot erected.
Such part of the purchase money as shall be sufficient to pay and satisfy the debt, interest and costs due by mortgage from James Pierce to Thomas Law (the amount whereof will be made known on or before the day of Sale) is to be paid down the day of sale, or brought into the Court of Chancery on the twenty-fifth day of June next, at the option of the purchaser; and for the residue of the purchase money, with interest, the purchaser is to give bond payable on the 20th day of June 1802 and upon the ratification of such sale by the chancellor (which ratification if made at all will be upon the twenty-fifth of June next) and upon payment of the whole of the purchase money (and not before) a title will be made to the purchaser clear of all claim of the said Law and Pierce or either of them.
JAMES D. BARRY, Trustee.
January 26, 1801.
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690.
A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles.
Iron pots, frying pans, chafing dishes, Brass, iron and Japan Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, fad irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and cross cut Saws, 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE.
November 24th, 1800.
CHEAP LUMBER,
FOR SALE,
By the Subscriber, on reasonable terms, either by large or small quantities, at his Lumber Yards, the north end of Lamberton, and at the old Sturgeon Pond, above Richards's wharf.
A QUANTITY OF
ASSORTED LUMBER, viz.
One and 1-4 inch, 1-1-8, and 1 do. Yellow pine heart boards—1 inch pannel, 1-1-4 do. for floors, 1 do. common, white pine do—2 do. 7-1-4 and 2-1-2 do planks, 1 do. 5-8, and 1-8 do. boards, black walnut—2 do. plank, 3 do. 1-2 do. pannel boards, bedstead sets, poplar the whole of the above are well seasoned and fit for use—Clear heart pine, and sap pine white oak, and bilthead, hemlock and white pine scantling, assorted—best kind three feet cedar shingles, dressed and undressed, do two feet white pine do; do 18 inch cypress do—cedar rails—Also, white pine fawed rails—shingling and paistering laths, best kind; white oak waggon timber—sap pine planks, sap pine one inch boards, 3-4 cedar, best kind, 3-4 white pine, 3-4 sap pine, seasoned weather boards—A quantity of handsome chestnut pailings, fawed 1 by 3 inches and from 4 to 16 feet long, for garden fence, &c. A quantity of chestnut oak posts, dressed and undressed; a quantity of cherry boards, a quantity of large white oak joice, a quantity of chestnut posts—5000 feet of neat beach scantling for tool blocks—5000 feet of sickamore scantling for bedsteads; 2 inch white oak plank; 1 inch white oak boards; 3-4 do. do. do. 25,000 feet superior cherry boards and plank, 3,000 do. very clear 2 inch white pine plank, 3,000 do. handsome beaton wood bedstead sets seasoned, 100,000 prime North Carolina shingles, a quantity of ash plank, 150 tons paister Paris, warranted, 3,000 bushels best Virginia pit coal, 200 bushel cleans house sand.
The subscriber intends, establishing a Lumber Yard at the Federal City of Washington, which he will keep regularly supplied as above—Any quantities may be agreed for by contract, deliverable, as the purchaser may wish, provided that the place of delivery may be comeatable by water with a navigable vessel—Any quantity that may be ordered for shipping abroad, shall be supplied with punctuality and dispatch, agreeable to order.
Gentlemen who are or may be building—as well as carpenters who may be under or may enter into contracts to build and furnish the materials, will find it well worth their attention to apply as above—Applications may be made by letter (post paid) or otherwise, to the subscriber, or left with Wm. and Anthony M c Buckley, or Benj. W. Morris and Co. merchants, Philadelphia.
Also for Sale or to Let,
A large commodious Dwelling House, without buildings complete, and from three to seven acres of land—Two small do. with lots thereto. Also, a small Store near the river—All laying in the village of Lamberton.
NATHAN COMBS.
N. B. A Screw Jack to let, that raises from 10 to 40 tons by hand—a constant supply of laister and Smith's Virginia coal. Lamberton, New Jersey, (on Del.)
January 13, 1801.
twf.
Sarah M c Karaher,
Mantua-Maker and Seamstress,
RETURNS her thanks for the encouragement she has met with from the Ladies of this city, and informs them she has removed to the house of Mr. DE FRANCE, within one door of Mr. Smith's Printing-Office. She will either attend Ladies at their own houses, or take in Mantua-Making, or Plain Sewing.
City of Washington, Jan. 16, 1801.

A BILL, For the government of the District of Columbia.
Sec. 1. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for the government of the District of Columbia, there shall be instituted within the said district a legislature which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.
That for the purposes of government, the said district be and the same is hereby divided into two precincts.—The one, consisting of all that part of the district which lies on the eastern side of the river Potomack, to be called the eastern precinct; and the other, consisting of all that part of the district which lies on the western side of the said river, to be called the western precinct.
The House of Representatives shall be composed of fourteen members, seven of whom shall be resident in the eastern and seven in the western precinct.—To be chosen every second year, by the voters of the respective precincts, qualified as hereinafter mentioned.
No person shall be eligible as a representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, been a citizen of the United States, a resident of the district twelve months, and of the precinct for which he shall be elected one month immediately preceding the election, and a freeholder within the precinct.
Every free white male citizen of the United States, resident within the district twelve months, & within the precinct when he shall offer to vote, one month immediately preceding the election, aged twenty one years, being seized of an estate for life, or a greater estate in ten acres of land within the district, or a lot or part of a lot of land within a city or town within the district, with a dwelling house thereon, the superficial contents of the foundation whereof is twelve feet square, or equal to that quantity, and unless the title shall have come to him by descent, devise, or marriage, having been possessed six months; and no other person shall be qualified to vote for members of the House of Representatives.
When vacancies happen in the representation from either precinct, the executive authority of the district shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.
The house of representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers.
The senate shall be composed of six members to be chosen for six years as follows.
The voters of each respective precinct, qualified to vote for members of the house of representatives, shall on the day and at the places herein after appointed for the first election of representatives, elect four electors for each precinct; which elector shall have all the qualifications required for members of the house of representatives.—The electors when thus chosen, shall meet together at the place herein appointed for the first meeting of the legislature, and proceed to choose by ballot, six persons to be senators for the district; three of whom shall reside in the eastern, and three in the western precinct.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided into three classes, so that each of the classes shall contain a senator from each precinct. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year; of the second class, at the expiration of the fourth year; and of the third class, at the expiration of the sixth year; so that one third may be chosen every second year.—And for this purpose the like number of electors shall be chosen every second year, at the times and places of choosing representatives, in the manner herein before prescribed; which electors shall elect two senators to fill such vacancies, the one for the eastern, the other for the western precinct.—And if vacancies happen by resignation, removal out of the precinct, death or otherwise, in the interval between the said election of electors, the electors last elected for the district shall fill up such vacancies. Vacancies occasioned amongst the electors shall be supplied by a choice made by the electors themselves, of the precinct where the vacancy shall happen, regard being had to all the qualifications herein required for electors.
No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, been a citizen of the United States, a resident of the district twelve months, and of the precinct for which he shall be elected, one month immediately preceding his election, and a freeholder within the precinct.
The senate shall choose their president and other officers.
The legislature shall assemble at least once in every year, and such annual meeting shall be on such days as they shall by law appoint.
Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business, but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each house may provide.
Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two thirds expel a member.
Neither house during the session of the legislature, shall without the consent of the other adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.
The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out of the treasury of the district. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest, during their attendance at the session of their respective houses and in going to or returning from the same.
No person holding any office, legislative, executive or judicial, under the United States, or under any state; or any office, executive or judicial, under the district, shall be a member of either House, or an elector of the Senate, during his continuance in office.
In the year one thousand eight hundred and three, and within every subsequent term of ten years thereafter, there shall be an enumeration of the inhabitants of the district. The Representatives and Senators for each precinct, shall after the first enumeration, be in proportion to the number of free white inhabitants resident therein, until the whole number of Representatives for the district shall amount to twenty, and the whole number of Senators for the district shall amount to eight; after which they shall not be increased: Provided , That the precinct containing the smallest number of free white inhabitants, shall not have less than seven Representatives, not less than three Senators.
SECT. 2. And be it further enacted , That there shall be an executive officer, to be styled governor of the district of Columbia; who from time to time, shall be nominated by the President of the United States, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, by him appointed; whose commission shall continue in force for three years unless sooner revoked by the President of the United States.
No person shall be appointed governor who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five, and be a citizen of the United States.
He shall after his appointment, reside within the district, and shall be incapable during his continuance in office, of holding any other office or appointment under the United States, any state, or the district of Columbia.
He shall appoint and commission all executive and judicial officers, which may be erected by the legislature of the district, whose appointment shall not be otherwise directed by Congress. He shall be commander in chief of the militia of the district. He shall from time to time give the legislature of the district, information of the state of the district, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, and he shall every six months transmit to the President of the United States, authentic copies of the laws or acts, and resolutions of the Legislature.
He may on extraordinary occasions convene both Houses, and in case of disagreement between them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them, to such time as he shall think proper. He shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall receive as a compensation for his services an annual salary of dollars, payable quarterly out of the Treasury of the United States.
Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall before it becomes a law, be presented to the Governor of the district; if he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated; who shall enter the objections at large, on the Journal, and proceed to reconsider it; If after such reconsideration, two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent
together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered; and if approved by two thirds of that house it shall be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress at their next session thereafter, to be acted upon as by them shall be thought proper: But in all such cases the votes of both Houses of the legislature of the district, shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill, shall be entered on the Journal of such House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the Governor within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the legislature by their adjournment prevent its return; in which case it shall not be a law. Every order, resolution, or vote, (to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives of the district may be necessary,) except on question of adjournment, shall be presented to the Governor and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be proceeded on as herein before directed in the case of a bill.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted , That the legislature of the district shall have power to lay and collect taxes within the said district, not being excises, imposts on goods, wares and merchandise, or duties on the tonnage of ships or vessels; and generally to pass all laws which shall be needful for the government and police of the said district, or any part thereof, not contravening the constitution of the United States, any treaty or any statute of the United States: But all laws made and passed in the said district by the legislature thereof, shall be repealable or alterable, by the Congress of the United States; and the Congress of the United States, may at any time make or prescribe any law or regulation for the said district, any law made in the same, notwithstanding: But no law, order, vote, or resolution, shall be made or passed by the said legislature, for laying taxes on the district, for the purpose of opening, paving, repairing, improving, lighting, or regulating the streets, in any town or city within the district.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted , That for the purpose of giving immediate effect to this government, a Governor shall be appointed as soon as may be after the passing of this act; and the Governor as soon as may be, after his appointment, and every year thereafter, shall appoint and commission two proper persons to be sheriffs; one for the eastern, and one for the western precinct of the district, who shall hold their commissions for one year; and shall each have power to appoint, as there shall be occasion, one or more deputies; and before they enter on the duties of their offices each shall be bound for the faithful performance of the same, by himself and his deputies, before the justices of the superior court of the district, jointly and severally, with two good and sufficient securities, inhabitants and freeholders of the precinct for which he is appointed, to be approved by said judges, in the sum of twenty thousand dollars; and shall take before such justices, as shall also his deputies, before they enter on the duties of their appointment, the following oath of office—"I, A. B. do solemnly swear, or affirm, that I will faithfully execute all lawful precepts directed to the sheriff of the precinct of the district of Columbia under the authority of the United States, and of the district of Columbia, and true returns make, and in all things well and truly, and without malice or partiality, perform the duties of the office of sheriff (or deputy, as the case may) be of the precinct, during my continuance in office, and take only my lawful fees."
On the first Monday in April in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, each of the said sheriffs shall hold an election within the precinct to which he is appointed, for representatives and electors of the Senate; the electors for the eastern precinct, shall be held at the house of in
; and for the western precinct, at the court-house in the town of Alexandria; two justices of the peace in their respective precincts shall attend the said elections, for the purpose of preserving order and keeping the peace. The polls shall be opened at nine o'clock of the said day, and shall be closed at sun-set of the same day. The sheriffs shall be judges of the election, and if they doubt of the qualifications of a person offering to vote, they may administer to such person an oath or affirmation, for the purpose of ascertaining the truth.
Every person qualified to vote, shall deliver to the sheriff of his respective precinct a ticket or paper, written or printed which
shall contain the names of seven persons, residents of his precinct, qualified as herein before required, to be members of the house of representatives: and such ticket shall be endorsed with the name of the voter. Every person qualified to vote shall also deliver to the sheriff of his respective precinct, a like ticket, so endorsed, containing the names of four persons, residents of his precinct and qualified as aforesaid, to be electors of the Senate of the district; the said sheriffs shall have each the power to appoint one or more clerks to assist at the elections; and as soon as may be after closing the polls, they shall count the votes in the presence of the said justices of the peace who shall join in a certificate of the number of votes for each person, and shall return with the said certificates all the original tickets; and the persons having the greatest number of votes shall be members of the house of representatives and electors of the senate, until the first Monday in April, in the year 1803, of which immediate notice shall be given by the governor, by proclamation.
And the said electors of the Senate for the eastern and western precincts, shall on the third Monday in April, in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, meet together at the City of Washington; and then and there proceed to elect by ballot six persons; three to be residents of the eastern and three of the western precinct, qualified as herein before required, to be Senators for the district; a certificate of which election the said electors shall transmit to the governor as soon as may be after the election; who shall make like proclamation thereof as in the case of representatives and electors. The governor shall convene the legislature on the first Monday in June, in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, and shall deliver to each house the certificates and tickets of its own members; which session shall be held in the Capitol in the City of Washington; and the governor is hereby empowered to take such measures for the preservation of the chambers and furniture as he shall deem expedient; the legislature shall afterwards, and until convenient buildings are provided for its permanent accommodation, meet at such place or places within the City of Washington, as they shall deem expedient.
Section 5. And be it further enacted —That so far as the same may be consistent with the motives of the cession, the laws of the state of Virginia as they now exist, shall be and continue in force in that part of the District of Columbia which was ceded by the said state to the United States, and by them accepted for the permanent seat of government; and the laws of Maryland as they now exist, shall be, and continue in force in that part of the said district, which was ceded by the said state to the United States, and by them accepted as aforesaid, until the said laws shall be altered or repealed by the Congress of the United States, or by the legislature of the District of Columbia.
Section 6. And be it further enacted —That the judicial power of the District of Columbia, shall be vested in two superior and two inferior courts, and in such other subordinate authorities as the Congress of the United States may from time to time ordain and establish.
The superior court shall consist of a chief judge, and two associate justices, who shall hold two courts; one in the Eastern, and one in the Western precinct of the District.
The inferior courts shall consist each of an associate justice of the superior court, and two assistants, to be held one in the eastern, and one in the western precinct of the district.
The chief judge of the superior court, shall be chancellor for the district.
The judges of the superior and inferior courts shall be nominated by the President of the United States, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, by him appointed to hold their offices during good behavior; and shall at stated times receive for their services, a compensation out of the treasury of the United States.
The judicial powers of the district shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising within the district under the constitution and laws of the United States, and the laws which are or may be in force in the said district, other than those cases in which the supreme court of the United States has original jurisdiction, or which the laws of the United States may delegate to other courts ordained and established by Congress, in exclusion of the judicial power of the said district; to be exercised in such manner, and under such regulations, as the Congress shall from time to time ordain and establish.
The constitution and the laws of the United States, shall be the supreme law, in all cases within the district.