Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-12-05 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXVIII.]
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
For the TABLET, see third page.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE GUEST. No. II.
THE second appearance of the GUEST is in a dress, borrowed from an ingenious, unknown Correspondent—who accompanied the favor by the following billet:
SIR,
IF the enclosed meets your approbation, I may furnish you with one or two more Essays from the same pen. The author is not without a consciousness that the character of CLEANDER is, in some degree, his own portrait. If the same consciousness should be awakened in any of your numerous readers, they may derive some advantage from his reflections.
NEC ASPERA TERRENT.
WHOEVER contemplates the various calamities that fill the world, and the still more numerous avenues by which we are exposed to distress, will be deeply affected with a sense of the misery of Man. In this survey we need not search for remote and distant evils; we need not croud our imaginations with the horrors of war—the progress of armies, or the desolation of States: In the most familiar walks of life we may meet with miseries, at which humanity must bleed—scenes of distress lie open on every side—every quarter is filled with the groans of the dying, and lamentations for the dead. In the mass of mankind we can scarcely select an individual, in whose bosom there does not rankle unpublished griefs; and could we look into the hearts of the most tranquil, we should often find them a prey to unuttered regrets, torn with anxiety, and bleeding with disappointment.
Retiring from this melancholly spectacle without looking any further, we might be ready to consider the world as a great nursery of disease—a vast receptacle of miseries—filled with beings whom Providence has endowed with sensibilities to suffer, rather than capacities to enjoy: But to him who views the moral influence of afflictions, the evils they are intended to correct, and the benefits they import, they will appear in a very different light. He will consider them as at once the punishment of vice, and the cure of it. Sorrow is indeed the offspring of guilt; but the parent of wisdom: Stern in her aspect, and severe in her deportment, she is however lent on a message of mercy: She is destined to follow in the footsteps of temptation—to break her enchantments—to expose her delusions, and to deliver from thralldom such as are entangled in her snares, or are sleeping in her arms. Whoever surveys the course of his past life, with a view to remark the false steps he has taken in it, will find, that as they have proceeded from indiscretion, they have been recalled by distress.
To every object, our attachment is proportioned to the pleasures we have received, or expect to receive from it, and the passion will continue to be cherished, as long as the recollection of the objects calls up ideas of pleasure, rather than of pain. Now every vicious pursuit is founded in indulgence, and is guided by impulse. To the licentious and abandoned therefore, there is no prospect of the termination of their vices, till by the actual experience of the miseries they inflict, they convey to the mind more sentiments of aversion than of love. From that moment the enchantment is dispelled—the false colours are stripped off, and they will be regarded as specious deformities, and real dangers. Multitudes who could never be persuaded by the calls of interest, or the voice of conviction, to restrain the licence of their passions, and abandon their inimical pursuits, have been reclaimed by the lash of adversity. The decay of health—the desertion of friends, and the neglect of the world, have not unfrequently softened those harder spirits, to whom the charms of virtue have been displayed in vain.
Nor is sorrow less effectual in the correction of foibles than the extinction of vice. CLEANDER, in other respects a man of virtue and honor, had from his infancy accustomed himself to the unbounded indulgence of his tongue. Upon all occasions, he trod upon the very brink of decorum. A total stranger to the delicacy of friendship, which generously hides the faults it cannot correct; his ridicule was turned on the imperfections of his friends and his enemies, with indiscriminate severity. The splendor of distinguished virtue, which calls at a distance the reproaches of the world, and almost sanctifies the blemishes of an illustrious character, exempted no foibles from the scourge of CLEANDER; but rather quickened his acuteness to remark, and his asperity to expose them, as it furnished a display of his penetration, in discovering imperfections, where there appeared to the world nothing but unmingled excellence. It was indeed his chief delight to remark the shades of a brilliant character, and to portray with exactness the secret gradations of excellence, by which it fell short of perfection: Yet in CLEANDER, this conduct by no means sprang from the envy of superior worth, or the malignant desire of degrading every one to his own level. He possessed the magnanimity of a virtuous mind, and disdained to lessen his inferiority by any other means than that of honest emulation. It had its basis in a taste for ridicule, and the pride of wit. This deportment could not fail to issue in perplexity and distress. His enemies considered him as a kind of beast of prey, a savage of the desert, whom they were authorised to wound by every weapon of offence, some by open defamation, and some by poisoned arrows in the dark. His friends began to look upon him with alienation and distrust, esteeming their characters too sacred to be suspended for the sport of an individual, on the breezy point of levity and wit. His appearance was a signal for general complaint, and he could scarcely enter into company hoping to enjoy the unmingled pleasures of social converse, but he had innumerable jealousies to allay, and misunderstandings to set right. He was every where received with marks of disgust; met with resentment for which he could not account, and was every day obliquely insulted, for careless strokes of satire, of which he retained no recollection. Wherever he turned himself, he found his path was strewed with thorns; and that even they who admired his wit, secretly vilified his character, and shrunk from his acquaintance. His fears began to bleed on every side; his reputation was tarnished; his fairest prospects were blasted, and CLEANDER at length awakened from his delusion, convinced, when it was too late, of a lesson he had often been taught in vain, That the attachments of friendship, and the tranquility of life, are too valuable to be sacrificed to a blaze of momentary admiration!
A consideration of the benefit of afflictions should teach us to bear them patiently, when they fall to our lot; and to be thankful to Heaven, for having planted such barriers around us, to restrain the exuberance of our follies, and our crimes.
Let these sacred fences be removed; exempt the ambitious from disappointment, and the guilty from remorse: Let luxury go unattended with disease, and indiscretion lead us into no embarrassments or distresses, our vices would range without control, and the impetuosity of our passions have no bounds—every family would be filled with strife—every nation with carnage—and a deluge of calamities would break in upon us, which would produce more misery in a year, than is inflicted by the hand of Providence in the lapse of ages.
H.
From the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET and DAILY ADVERTISER.
Messrs DUNLAP and CAYPOOLE.
THE smallest hint that has a tendency to alleviate the disasters arising from an element so terribly destructive as fire, will merit attention. An eye-witness of the calamity which happened this morning in Third-street would suggest the propriety of having a suitable number of small engines, of such a size as might be easily introduced through an entry or passage in a house, or even, if necessary, be carried up stairs; such as are usually made for watering gardens, the box being no more than a plain tub, capable of containing 15 or 20 gallons of water. Fire sometimes lurks in places inaccessible to the large engines in the street, and out of the reach of the hand: one of these small machines, which would carry water 25 or 30 feet, would then be found of great advantage.
When the ravage of fire is so sudden, that the family barely escape with their lives, and leave their property to destruction, it often happens that there are many articles of an incombustible nature, which receive but little injury, and if carefully picked out of the rubbish, and restored to the owners, would diminish the amount of their losses. But the morning after the calamity, the ruined buildings are generally over-run with boys and idle people, scrutinizing, not without risque, the scenes of destruction, and probably secreting any small article which they find uninjured, while no attention is paid to secure to the disconsolate and unheedful owner the larger effects, which a little care would preserve. The magistracy might direct a slight fence to be run round the place in the morning, and constables to be stationed till the ruins were properly examined; or if they would not attend to it, fire-companies might have a committee constantly appointed for the purpose.—A watch, belonging to poor Brown, the hair dresser, and some dollars, were picked out of the ruins this morning, and delivered to the unfortunate people; what was concealed amongst a crowd of boys cannot be told.
The great inclemency of the weather increases the merit of the citizens who attended, and exhibited the usual activity of Philadelphia upon an occasion so melancholy. There are, indeed, few duties more incumbent on the inhabitants of a large city, where so much property is comprised in so small a compass, than to step forward without hesitation, in opposition to an enemy, which assails at once both life and property with equal violence. And it has been the meritorious character of my fellow citizens, to sacrifice on such occasions the distinctions of civil life, and the consideration of personal safety; rich and poor, black and white, old and young, mingling together in lanes, or assisting at the engine, with a zeal which reflects honor on human nature. That there are some, whose love of ease subdues their sense of duty, who, without ill health, or advanced age, will coldly ask from the window, Where is the fire? and will return to their beds with the selfish remark, that there will be people enough there, cannot be denied—but their numbers are few, and their praise is small.
A. C I T I Z E N.
November 26, 1789.
EASTERN MAGNANIMITY.
ABOUT the commencement of the late Mahratta war, an army, under the command of General Carnac, made an excursion into the territories of those warlike and Independent republicans. In proportion as the English army advanced up the country, difficulties encreased upon them apace. At last they were surrounded by the Mahratta army, under the command of Madagee Scindia, and, for want of provisions, obliged to capitulate. The terms granted by the Mahratta Chief were far better than the English had any reason to expect. He permitted them to return to Bombay, and furnished them with provisions for that purpose, on these equitable conditions, viz. That the English should make peace with the Mahrattas, and that they should restore to them the Island of Salsette, from which the Presidency of Bombay had expelled them in the commencement of that unjust war. The Field Deputies of the English army agreed to the terms, and delivered up as hostages, for the performance of their part of the convention, two English gentlemen, Messrs. Farmer and Stewart, the first a Civilian, the latter an Ensign in the service.
But when the army returned to Bombay, the avaricious views of the Presidency of that settlement refused to ratify a treaty which had saved their army from destruction.
Madagee Scindia came to the prison in which
the English hostages were confined. "The English," said he, "have broke the treaty, and your lives are forfeited of course! But the Mahratta States disdain to take the lives of two innocent men. Go, and serve your country."
Transported with gratitude, and struck with the generosity of the Mahratta Chief, Mr. Stewart was going to swear on his sword, which Madagee Scindia had delivered to him, that he would never draw it against the Mahrattas. "No, No!" exclaimed Scindia, "Let your sword be pointed against the enemies of your nation, whoever they may be; and, brave young man! remember, I expect to meet you in the field the very next engagement."
LUXURY.
IN a country where the people go barefoot, ought the first person that procured a pair of shoes to be blamed for luxury? Would it not rather be a proof of his good sense and industry?
May not the same be said of him who first wore a shirt? As to the man who first contrived to have a shirt washed, and worn a second and a third time, and so on, I look upon him to have been a prodigious genius, and dare say he was capable of governing a State.
Nevertheless it is probable that he was considered by those who did not wear clean linen as an effeminate person, who was likely to corrupt the manners of the people.
It is not long since a Norwegian reproached a Dutchman with luxury. What is become, said he, of those happy times, when a merchant on going from Amsterdam to the East-Indies, left a quarter of dried beef in his kitchen, and found it at his return? Where are your wooden spoons, and your iron forks? Is it not a shame for a sober Dutchman to lie in a damask bed?
"Go to Batavia," answered the man of Amsterdam, "get ten tons of gold, as I have done, and then see if you will not want to be a little better cloathed, fed and lodged."
REVOLUTION at PARIS and VERSAILLES.
P A R I S, October 7.
THE following is an authentic copy of the resolutions of the District of the Cordeliers, adopted by the other Districts of Paris, which occasioned the decisive measure of the Marquis de la Fayette's march to Versailles, at the head of the National Militia.
October 4, 1789.
"THE district of the Cordeliers being this day legally and extraordinarily convoked and assembled, and being informed by the public papers and the report of ocular witnesses, that on Thursday the first of this month, the officers of the Garde du Corps gave an entertainment in the hall of the Opera-House, at Versailles, to the officers of the regiment de Flandres, to which were invited the officers of the Trois Eveches, the Dragoons, the Swiss and Cent Swiss, the Garde Nationale of Versailles, the Marechaussee, and Prevote, being in all about two hundred and fifty guests; and that after the health of the King and Queen, and of the Dauphin were given, (that of the Nation omitted) the air of "O Richard! O my King!" &c. was played by the music of the regiment de Flandres. Some grenadiers and fusiliers of that regiment were then introduced to join their officers; and to confound the sentiments and libations of the company, a grenadier drew his sabre, saying, that he had ill defended his King (as if serving the nation was betraying the King). The national cockade was also insulted; they having substituted the black cockade, and afterwards the white; that they had audibly said, that this last was the only good one, although the King and the National Assembly, and even the whole nation, had adopted invariably the colours of red, blue, and white, ever since the day of taking the Bastille, and of the arrival of the King at Paris; that such an insult to the symbol of liberty, and to the nation, who will defend it to the last extremity, could only be the effect of that aristocracy, which is renewing even in the National Assembly, which alone appears in the unjust opinion which prevails in the affairs of Orleans, Macon, and Marientburgh: That such an entertainment, given in the very moment when all good citizens sacrifice a part of their subsistence, is an insult to the public distress; that the people who thus acted, have rendered their patriotism doubtful; more especially when one recollects, that the day which had been fixed for the execution of the fatal project, which the vigilance of the good citizens of Paris rendered abortive, was preceded by similar rejoicing.—
Resolved unanimously, 1 That every citizen in Paris, and even every stranger, inhabitant thereof,

shall again be positively invited to keep or take, without delay, the national cockade, composed of the colors red, blue, and white, exclusive of all others, and to wear it at the outer loop of his hat, or at the button hole of his coat.
2. That every individual of whatsoever station, quality, or condition, Frenchman or foreigner, passing in this district wearing a black cockade, or a white only, shall be at first desired by the first soldier upon duty to take it off, and to wear a national one instead thereof; and in case of refusal to be stripped of it, and conducted to the district to be interrogated and sentenced accordingly; and if the Assembly is not sitting, to be taken to the Hotel de Ville before the committee of the Police, to be by them sentenced according to their deserts.
3. That in case of the delinquent's being caught a second time in the same crime, he shall be accused as a traitor to his country, and as such delivered over to the hands of justice, to be tried without delay.
4. That all districts to which these resolutions shall be communicated, shall be invited to join therein.
L O N D O N, OCTOBER 12.
PARIS, OCTOBER 8. 1789.
Ten o'Clock, A. M.
We are at length arrived at the second great crisis of our disorder, and the violent fever we have just escaped, has thrown off the peccant humors of the body politic. I have uniformly assured you, that some premeditated plan of the aristocratic party was preparing for the long nights; but in this, as well as their former conduct, the envenomed rage and hatred which animate the defeated tyrants, has broke forth with too much precipitation; they have over-shot their mark, and as weakly as wickedly counted upon the docile temper of slavish troops bent under the yoke of discipline, and fashioned to the mandates of an arbitrary government.—We have long known, that one or more traitors existed in the new administration.
The first of October has long been whispered as the period of some great event, by the complacent shrugs and significant hints of the well known friends of the old system. You remember I solicited your attention to the King's 'Oyes! always,' of the 23d of September, when requested to declare his favorable intentions towards the National Assembly. I called the public observation to the extraordinary and clandestine introduction of the Flanders regiment to Versailles; at the gates of which they arrived after a long march from Douay, a distance of 50 leagues, before either the National Assembly, or a single good citizen of Paris were apprised of their approach. I confidently assured you of what I knew to be a fact, that there was a premeditated plan for the King's escape; a measure inevitably productive of a civil war, tho' with the certain loss of his crown. I hinted likewise at another leading fact with respect to the children of the Duke of Orleans, the particulars of which every motive of honest zeal and prudence prevented me from explaining; but which, in addition to the above, and a variety of concurrent circumstances, all plainly announced the revived hopes and malignant views of a profligate and foolish party, which never can forgive, because they feel they merit no forgiveness from an insulted nation.
The cause of liberty is now triumphant—the same prudent motives are at an end. Let M. de Calonne now say what he knew of the plot—Let the Comte de Hautoy speak out; and let the Russian Princess, in Jermyn-street weep over the headless trunks of the restorers of the Austrian power at Versailles, with as genuine fervency as the whole aristocratic band would have indecently rejoiced at the supposed massacre of those thousands of oppressed citizens whom the first reports received in England will doubtless have devoted to the sword by the hands of their fellow-citizens in royal uniform.
M. de Calonne will perhaps understand me (tho' he, honest man, is too remote from Paris to know any thing of the proceedings of the Queens party) when I ask him, what meant the late private meetings at the apartments of the Chevalier de Cubieres at Versailles? For what purpose his bosom friends the intriguing Monsieur Amavite, ventured back to Paris a few days previous to this fresh attempt? What part the Baron de Tott, the Commandant of Douay, had in preparing the regiment de Flandres for this black exploit? What were his connections at Constantinople, with the Comte de St. Priest the suspicious minister for Paris? And what the friendly aid of Madame de Tott, the Baron's daughter, the favorite Maid of Honor to the Queen? Perhaps, too, he may have heard of the Comte d'Artois' interview with the Magistrates of Berne; their promises and artful manœuvres of the Swiss Deputy dispatched to Paris to tamper with the troops of the Cantons; that the first of October was the most favorable moment for the desperate attempt, when the picked men of all the provincial regiments were to pass through Paris at the annual time of furlough; and when his creatures, without his knowledge doubtless, had been laboring with industry at least, if not success, to decry the financial schemes of M. Neckar, and to load the patriots with all the odium brought on the National Assembly by the Maury, the de Virieux, the Lallys, and the d'Espreniens. Let him—let M.
de Calonne, I say, plead Not Guilty , if he chuses, to these questions and suppositions; the grand inquest of his country have examined the evidence, and found it a True Bill , and the indictment will hang over him, till he dares venture to a trial.
But the plans of tyrants and traitors are defeated; the troops have again proved themselves citizens; the Queen has lost herself forever; the King has left no doubt respecting his intentions; the lives of a few faithless courtiers have again saved torrent of blood; the new national character of the French is established; the wicked alone tremble; the Almighty hand of Providence is manifest, and freedom is triumphant! Louis and Marie Antoinette are in our possession, from which neither the intrigues of Breteuil at Vienna, Vaugnyon at Madrid, d'Artois, aided by his trusty Calonne at Turin (for he is expected there) nor all the petty bands of Germany, can wrest them. The eighteenth century will still exhibit the glorious and unparalled spectacle of a bloodless revolution; for not 1000 lives have been lost in the field, or on the scaffold, to produce the freedom and happiness of existing millions and endless generations.
O the sweet sympathy of kindred souls! that the band of the regiment de Flandres should accidentally hit on the favorite Air of the theatrical M. de Calonne, as the mot de ralliement for the poor royalists! How often have the groves of Wimbledon, and the link boys in Piccadilly, heard this unhappy, but modest Statesman, quaver out the plaintive notes of
O RICHARD! O mon Roi! L' univers t'abandonne; Dans tout la terre, Il n'y a que moi qui s'intéresse Pour ta personne!
But let him now hang up his harp—Not a Monarch in Christendom has subjects more truly attached to his person than Louis XVI.—They are only afraid lest he should abandon them. M. de Calonne is now the only abandoned person.
The Duke of Orleans, apprised of the intentions of the aristocratic party to make another struggle for the renewal of the old system, towards the beginning of October, sent off his children, the 26th of last month, to Villedieu, a small country seat of his near Dieppe; opposite to which, in a little creek of the sea, a vessel has been for some time lying at anchor, provided with every necessary, and ready to put to sea at a moment's warning, for England. The King's removal to Paris will render this precaution no longer necessary.
The Count de Lusignan, whose head was struck off at Versailles, was Colonel of the regiment de Flandres, and a member of the National Assembly—a circumstance assuredly alledged at the time in the Assembly, to prove that no danger could arise from the unexpected arrival of that regiment—tho' there was not a more determined Member of the aristocracy than the Count.
The Duke de Chatelet, likewise a member of the assembly, succeeded the Marechal de Biron as Colonel of the French Guards, and was universally detested by the regiment previous to the revolution. On several occasions, he had apparently espoused the popular cause, but was so sordidly avaricious, as to render him at all times a suspicious character. On finding himself deprived of his regiment by the revolution, the most lucrative military employ in France, and receiving many personal insults by the seizure of his carriages, horses, and equipage, after the taking of the Bastile; his conduct, from lukewarm became violent on the side of the Nobles, and he was one of the chosen band to operate the Royal Restoration. The patriots, who, tho' they may sometimes appear to sleep, are in fact unremitting in their vigilance, and invariably jealous of all the Members of the old Court, let drop insinuations to his disadvantage in the Assembly, which were soon propagated by means of the Press, and produced the fatal catastrophe of his death.
The Duke de Guiche was no otherwise distinguished than by his uniform servility to Court measures, and his active zeal at the moment of this expected revolution.
On the Marquis de la Fayette's arrival at Versailles on Monday evening, he demanded an audience of the King; but courtly firmness being then in its meridian glory, he was peremptorily refused admittance. He then signified his resolution of not quitting Versailles until he had a personal communication with His Majesty.
In the interim the rage of the women broke forth into violence—The Gardes du Corps fired on them—The regiment de Flandres, and other troops, refused to act—and the ill-advised Monarch was once more obliged to recede from his lofty pretensions, being allowed only five minutes consideration by the Marquis, who declared, that he was charged, by the city of Paris, to require his presence in the capital—and in case of a refusal, could not be responsible for his life.
The King burst into tears, and attempted to hesitate—but convinced at length that his danger was imminent, he reluctantly agreed to set off on Tuesday; on which day he proceeded in his carriage to Paris, with the Queen, Monsieur, his Sister, Aunts, &c. in twelve carriages, preceded and followed by the Parisian Guards, the soldiers
of other regiments, an immense concourse of people, and with the heads of the Duke de Chatelet, the Duke de Guiche, and the Comte de Lusignan, carried on pikes in front of the procession.
The King was accompanied in his carriage by the Prince de Beauveau, who on arriving at the Thuilleries, attempted to follow his Royal master, but was stopped by the Marquis de la Fayette, who told him there was no room for him in the apartments prepared for his Majesty.
During this singular and horrible procession, people flocked in from all parts of the country, and lined the roads—and the whole way from the bridge at Seve, two leagues from Paris, to the city, was filled with the armed citizens from Paris, as on his former entry of the 16th of July—but the reception, tho' cold enough at that time, was now marked in still more mortifying characters.
P A R I S, SEPTEMBER 28.
The petitions from the religious bodies to the National Assembly for the suppression of their institution, have been very numerous. Half the Nuns in France are willing to recant their vows and return to society.
The number of contributions daily increase, and now their Majesties have made a sacrifice of their plate and jewels, it is held infamous to make use of either. Every thing of mere luxury is dedicated to the public, and we have no doubt, but in the course of this week, an immense sum will be brought into the public Treasury. A public auction of jewels, trinkets, and other valuables, will be announced, and foreigners coming to purchase will be protected on the faith of the nation.
Their Majesties' plate is reckoned worth one million five hundred thousand livres.
The King, truly penetrated at the embarrassed state of the finances, gave orders for his plate to be sent to the mint, and this morning at 10 o'clock, it was sent from Versailles to Paris. The Queen made the same sacrifice.
M. Neckar refuses the statue intended to be erected for him in the city of Paris; the Marquis de la Fayette refuses the salary of one hundred and fifty thousand livres established for the Captain General of the city guard; and M. Houdon refuses to accept of any sort of payment for the bust of M. Neckar, which is to be placed in the hall of the Assembly.
D U B L I N, SEPTEMBER 10.
We have strong assurances that a very considerable number of Catholic dissenting farmers and peasantry of Ireland have it in contemplation to try the experiment of a French hemisphere as soon as the present troubles shall in that country subside, and the National Assembly are enabled to complete the grand fabric of a free Constitution.
The oppressions which those two sects of people have undergone, not only from the rack of absentee landlords, and middle men, but the oppressive burthens of clerical tythes, and the necessity of supporting two sets of clergy, point out to the Legislature the only system of arrangement that can render this country tolerable to two thirds of its inhabitants—when any other soil is to be found—when the true value of population and industry are estimated by a just scale of liberty and comfort, exempt wholly from vassalage and oppression.
Men begin now to think for themselves, and to separate their temporal and spiritual connections.—The whole property, principal and profit, of every Protestant husbandman in this country, goes once in every ten years to his clergy; and by the same rule, the property of every Dissenter, Catholic and Protestant is transferred to the church once in five years. This will never do—it is a prohibitory tax on industry, which Heaven knows, requires stimulants instead of discouragements in this country. The French National Assembly have abolished tythes—they have done wisely. The French clergy saw the people were in an humor to get rid of the grievance, and not disposed to be cajoled: They therefore made a virtue of necessity, and quietly resigned their pretensions.
This is an admissible precedent, and we trust will have its operation in this country, without an effort of popular violence.
To such a degree of perfection has the cotton branch arrived in this kingdom within these few years past, that scarce any article in that line is imported here, either from Manchester or any other part of England.
L O N D O N, OCTOBER 16.
The measures taken by the court of Spain, may for a time prevented the flame of liberty from breaking out in that kingdom; but the torrent cannot be long resisted. The Spaniards will think.
Great Britain has now its turn of peace and prosperity; and nations that prospered by means of the embarrassment in which this kingdom, before the peace of 1763, was involved, feel now the disadvantages and calamities of war.
The advantages which arise from Inland Navigation are of a truly important nature, and it is not to be wondered at, that kingdoms, whose views are directed to commercial objects, should eagerly countenance them for the benefit of society. A Scotch writer on agricultural subjects, has estimated the product of six acres as necessary

to the support of one wellfelled draft house, which, if cultivated by the spade, would maintain twelve of the human species. Admitting his calculation on a much lower scale, it is as easy to conceive how beneficially inland communication by water must operate in the reduction of animals, and what has been proved before a committee of the English House of commons in the year 1774, will give a pretty clear idea thereof. In that year it was demonstrated, that the heavy goods which passed in one year through Stamford-hill, Hackney and Mile-end gates, amounted to 304,278 tons, the carriage of which would employ upwards of 608,556 horses; whereas in barges, the same may be drawn by 7,608; a saving in the maintenance of 600,248 horses.
Died WILLIAM EDWARD, architect and bridge-builder; or the Rev. Wm. Edward; for he sustained both characters with equal assiduity and ability: The celebrated bridge on the river Taaff, called Pont y tu Pridd (by the English New Bridge) was constructed by him: It is the segment of a circle, whose chord at the surface of the water is 147 feet, and is the boldest and largest arch in Europe: He was then a common mason, and methodist preacher: His fame was diffused thro' England, and his assistance sought where ever difficulties occurred in constructing bridges: He retained his passion for religious exercises; and conducted a large and mingled congregation of methodists and independents, and built bridges, to the age of 71; at which he died, venerated even among contending sects for his exemplary piety, and, for his inventive genius and talents, ranked among the real benefactors of mankind.
UNITED STATES.
NEW-YORK, DECEMBER 5.
Yesterday His Excellency WILLIAM LIVINGSTON, and the Hon. JOHN BEATTY, Esq. presented the following Address to THE PRESIDENT, in behalf of the State of New-Jersey.
To THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
THE Legislature of New-Jersey, altho' fully sensible of the trouble and interruption occasioned by the numerous addresses of congratulation, on your acceptance of the highest office in the Commonwealth, would neither forgive themselves, nor expect the pardon of their constituents, should they neglect in this their first meeting, after the organization of the Federal Government, to express their joy, on seeing you at the head of the United States.
New-Jersey having been the central theatre of the late war, and the scene of some of the most important military operations, which distinguished the American armies, and added new honors to their Illustrious Commander, we are particularly induced to commemorate those brilliant exploits, which, while they immortalized your name, afforded peace and security to the inhabitants of the State.
Adulation, Sir, we are as much indisposed to offer, as you can be disclined to receive; but while we add our voice to that of the world, in celebrating your military achievements, we cannot refrain from acknowledging the attention, which you have always paid to the laws of the State, and your inflexible perseverance, amidst all the dire necessities of war, in preferring the rights of the citizen, to the convenience of the soldier; thus while equal to the most renowned warriors as a Hero, you have proved yourself superior to them as a Citizen.
As New-Jersey was early and unanimous in adopting the Constitution, under which you rule—As every voice called you forth to the office of Chief Magistrate, and every person looks up to it and you for protection, prosperity, and good government, we may, we trust, assure you, that the citizens of this State will, to the utmost of their abilities, ever strengthen and support you in the discharge of your high and momentous trust.
We have reason to adore the divine Providence, in raising up for us a Leader and Ruler, so perfectly suited to our situation and circumstances, and sincerely believe, that great and important as your services have been, you will not derive more honor therefrom, than from your humility and self-denial, in modestly ascribing all, as you constantly have done, to the power and wisdom of the Most High.
We earnestly pray, that the same kind Providence which has conducted you with so much honor to yourself, and such unspeakable felicity to the public, may long continue you a blessing to the United States, in your present important office, and at last crown you with that palm of victory, which is promised to those, who by Divine assistance shall finally prove to be more than conquerors.
House of Assembly, November 30, 1789.
Signed in and by order of the House,
JOHN BEATTY, Speaker.
Council-Chamber, December 1, 1789.
Signed in and by order of Council,
WILLIAM LIVINGSTON, President.
THE ANSWER.
To the Honorable the LEGISLATURE of the State of NEW-JERSEY.
GENTLEMEN,
IN replying to the flattering and affectionate address, with which you are pleased to honor me, I confess a want of expression to convey the grateful sentiments which it inspires. You will do justice to those sentiments, by believing that they are founded in sincere regard, and respectful esteem.
The opportunities which were afforded me, in the trying vicissitudes of our arduous struggle, to remark the generous spirit which animated the exertions of your citizens, have impressed a remembrance of their worth, which no length of time, or change of circumstance can efface.
To the gallantry and firmness of their efforts in the field, they have added the wisdom and liberality of distinguished patriotism in Council: Appreciating, with judicious discernment, the blessings of that independence, which their efforts contributed to establish, they were unanimously agreed to secure and perpetuate them, by adopting a Constitution, which promised equal and efficient protection to the privileges of confederated America.
The assurance now given by your honorable body, to support the federal system, is a renewed proof of the estimation in which it is held, and a happy indication of the beneficial effects already experienced, and hereafter expected to flow, from its operations.—As such it is to me peculiarly grateful, and must be so to every citizen of the Union, whose wish is private prosperity and public honor.
Allow me, Gentlemen, to assure you of every endeavor on my part, to promote these desirable objects.
In making my acknowledgments for the favorable opinions you express of my military conduct, as it respected the observance of civil-rights, it is justice to assign great merit to the temper of those citizens, whose estates were more immediately the scene of warfare. Their personal services were rendered without constraint, and the derangement of their affairs submitted to, without dis-
satisfaction: It was the triumph of patriotism over personal consideration, and our present enjoyments of peace and freedom reward the sacrifice.
Implored a continuance of these enjoyments to our Country, and individual happiness to the citizens, who procured them, I offer up a sincere prayer for you Gentlemen, and your Constituents.
G. WASHINGTON.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
PROGRESS OF LIFE, OR THE PRODIGAL SON.
WITH anxious care, nurs'd in our tender years, Till life's full bloom a parent's love appears; But, when to manly vigour we attain, The bonds are loos'd, and we assume the reign; Impatient of control, our souls on fire, Mount on the wings of hope, and strong desire: Ten thousand pleasures tempt our minds to roam, Till truth and virtue guide us wand'ring home. The Prodigal in sacred story known, Is but the picture of each giddy son; In foreign climes, his patrimony spends, Till want in ev'ry dismal form attends; Dear-bought experience taught him to be wise; The husks of vice and folly to despise. Shame and contrition in his bosom burn, And joy and feasting hail'd his blest return! Paternal love pervades the mansion round— My Son was dead, was lost—he lives! is found!
PHILADELPHIA, November 28.
Thursday morning, about half past two, a fire broke out at a house in Third-street, next door to the Bunch of Grapes Tavern, which had arrived at such a height before it was discovered, either by those within, or by the watchmen, that the whole was involved in a vivid flame, and entirely consumed. A poor woman, with her two sons perished.
SPRINGFIELD, November 25.
We are informed that the Hon. Board of Trustees of Dartmouth College, at a late meeting, conferred the degree of Doctor of Laws on his Excellency JOHN SULLIVAN, Esq. President of the State of New-Hampshire, and the Hon. PAUL WENTWORTH, Esq. of London.
NEW-YORK, DECEMBER 5.
IMPORTANT NEWS!
By the arrival of a Packet, in five days from Wilmington, North-Carolina, we have received the agreeable intelligence that the Convention of that State ADOPTED THE NEW CONSTITUTION, on the 20th ult.
  For the adoption, 193   Against it, 75   Majority, 118 
The Ratification of the Constitution by the State of North-Carolina is an event of the highest political consequence to the Union, as it leaves but the shadow of a schism in the Bond that unites the great Federal Republic. This is an additional ray to the fame and glory of our Country, and there is no doubt but Rhode-Island will be illuminated by it, to see wherein her real interest lies.
Letters from Post-Vincennes , inform that that situation has been very sickly the season past—that the Indians have been troublesome and several murders have been committed by them in the neighborhood of that place.
Rousseau, Chesterfield, and Voltaire , according to the English paragraphists, severally predicted the revolution of France! It is really laughable that those should be dubbed prophets after their death, who spent their whole lives in ridiculing every kind of preconception; but there is no doubt that some persons can more easily discover the origin of Gallic Freedom, in the fabricated predictions of sceptic philosophers, than in the spark which was struck from the Altar of American Liberty!
So far as our Information extends, the late FEDERAL THANKSGIVING has been attended in the several States with that solemnity which became the important occasion. One advantage which has resulted from the Supreme Executives' of the individual States having republished the proclamation of THE PRESIDENT, has been, that the people have thereby been more fully acquainted with this truly federal and devout recommendation of testifying our gratitude as a people, to the SOVEREIGN LORD OF ALL, for his innumerable favors conferred upon the United States—and the only possible disadvantage that can arise from the non-interference of any particular State is, that some parts of the Union, or of some particular States, not possessing, so fully as others, the means of information, may have been led, through ignorance, to a neglect of the duties enjoined.
If, while the community at large has been solemnly engaged in acts of public thanksgiving and praise, any individuals have availed themselves of the opportunity to pursue their common business, we may compliment their shrewdness, and keen relish for gain; but it will be at the expense of their patriotism, complaisance, and good citizenship.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
 Wednesday, Sloop Union, Watson, Philadelphia, 8 days.  Thursday, Schooner Betty, Billings, Washington, 9 days.  Schooner Neptune, Jones, Curacoa, 31 days.  Schooner Sincerity, White, Baltimore, 21 days.  Schooner Sydney, Todd, Wilmington, N. C. 4 days.  Sloop Cato, Mills, Baltimore, 8 days.  Sloop Wilmington Packet, Bramby, Wilmington, 9 days.  Schooner Nancy, Lewis, Richmond, Virginia, 9 days.  Sloop Hunter, Foreman, Edenton, N. C. 4 days.  Sloop Exchange, Biggs, Richmond, Vir. 6 days. 
THE TABLET.—No. LXVIII.
"It may be questioned, whether it is a greater point of wisdom to discover knowledge, than to hide ignorance."
ONE of the most respectable men of my acquaintance is a person who speaks very little. People in general believe him to be sensible, though no smart thing, he ever said, can be quoted; nor can any other reason be given, why he is reputed a man of sense, but because he never betrays any weakness in conversation. There is however a still better reason, why he is on such good terms with mankind: He not only has prudence to conceal his own defects; but he has not penetration to discern those of other people. This want of discernment is called candor and politeness; while his ignorance is so covered, as to acquire the dignified appellations of reflection and gravity. When he is silent he is supposed to be in deep contemplation; and when he speaks, though he discovers neither spirit or sentiment, he is still thought to shew wonderful sagacity. His remarks are not of importance enough to meet with opposition, and they are delivered with so much formality as to lull all suspicion of their being dull or uninteresting.
The secret of hiding one's ignorance is a very useful acquisition. It spares the trouble of acquiring knowledge, and escapes the disadvantages that result from such a deficiency. Indeed a man who has learned to put on a solemn air of mystery, when a subject is discussed, which he does not understand, will often be appealed to, in settling any points in dispute that rise out of the discussion. He has only to evade giving any answer at all, and his wisdom will be applauded. It is certain he gives no specimen of folly, which can seldom be said of a man who is prone to much conversation. Too much stress is apt to be laid on a ceremonious kind of reserve. Men of this stamp pass themselves off for much more than they are worth. When they are employed in public life their measures are slow and inefficacious, and none of their plans are attended with vigour and utility. And yet it is almost impossible to dislodge them from any respectable post, they have once taken. They excite no active envy, and a man of a noble, generous spirit is ashamed to be found as their competitor. As they do no positive harm, they meet with no ill-will; and it is rather difficult to prove that a man, who does and says nothing, is destitute of capacity. I will conclude this short essay with the reply of a philosopher, who was once asked what he thought of a person who had been sitting a considerable time in the company, without speaking a word.—"If," said the philosopher, "he is a fool, he acts the part of a wise man; and if he is a wise man, he acts the part of a fool."
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. XXIX.
Ours is the present—let us then be blest, Since pleasing prospects on the future rest.
THE lot of mankind is uncertainty, fear and disquietude:—the whole force of our faculties is exerted through life, to avert the effects of these invariable attendants on human existence—To this point our views are directed in all the enterprises and hazards in which we engage—when we form connections, increase our cares, and add to our labors: Societies and communities owe their origin to the same cause—and in forming systems of government for extensive operation, certainty, security, and tranquility, are the great impelling principles: But, from the imperfection of human wisdom, the best concerted plans often miscarry, and totally disappoint our expectations. After all our endeavors to guard against adverse contingencies, we leave the fame, or a similar course of labors, to our successors: For though one generation may be wiser than another, yet every generation has much to learn.
From these considerations, candor should regulate our judgments, and modesty restrain our censure, in considering those institutions which require time to ascertain their intrinsic excellence, or aptness to the object they are designed to obtain. Systems of government, founded upon a freedom of choice, must be viewed in the light of experiments—for to suppose them unalterable, involves the greatest absurdities. It has been observed, however, that those who have arrogated to themselves a more tender feeling for the liberties of the people than their neighbors, have objected to the New Constitution, because it has been called by some of its friends an Experiment: But the question is, Whether there is not greater danger to the liberties of the people in rendering that unalterable, which from the imperfection of human nature, cannot be supposed perfect, than there is, in trusting to experience to point out its defects, and leaving the people at liberty to mend them, as prudence shall dictate? The perfection of government is, necessarily, a progressive work—Upon this principle, the good sense of the free citizens of America, has led them to adopt that System which is now happily brought into operation—for perfection, antecedent to trial, is an idea that never entered into the heart of any man, honestly disposed to any government at all.
The effects of System are gradually to be observed: They should not be partially considered—a comprehensive view must be taken. Revolutions in government, founded on general principles, produce no local, or temporary consequences, by which their utility is to be determined: It is to the common, combined, and essential interests of the whole community, we must extend our views.—If we perceive that the great body of the people are tranquil, industrious and enterprising, we cannot fairly trace these circumstances to any other source, than their confidence in the government:—If we observe that the Commerce, Arts, Agriculture, and Manufactures of the States, are emerging from depression, extending and flourishing, it is from an anticipation of security and protection under the administration of Law and Justice:—If we find the general sentiment is hostile to temporizing schemes, tender laws, and paper money, it is because the people recognize the spirit of that Constitution, which has forever shut the door against such iniquitous and ruinous expedients:—If universal and unbounded respect is shewn to the Supreme Executive of the United States, and the public expectation is drawn to the administration of the general Government, as to the common centre of Hope and Happiness—it is evident that Union and Harmony reign triumphant through the States, and that the universal desire is, that the Constitution should have a fair trial.

MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER XVI.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 26, 1780.
SIR,
THE sixteenth enquiry is, "Who loses most by desertion? Do the English and German deserters serve voluntarily and well in the American army? How do those who do not enter into the army subsist?"
These questions I answer with great pleasure. There has been, from the beginning of the war to this day, scarcely an example of a native American's deserting from the army to the English. There have been in the American army, some scattering Scotch, Irish, and German soldiers; some of these have deserted, but never in great numbers; and among the prisoners they have taken, it is astonishing how few they have been able to persuade, by all their flatteries, threatenings, promises and even cruelties, to enlist into their service.
The number of deserters from them has been all along considerable more. Congress have generally prohibited their officers from enlisting deserters; for some particular services permission has been given, and they have served well.
Those who do not enlist in the army have no difficulty to subsist. Those of them who have any trades, as weavers, tailors, smiths, shoemakers, tanners, curriers, carpenters, bricklayers; in short, any trade whatsoever, enter immediately into better business than they ever had in Europe, where they gain a better subsistence and more money; because tradesmen of all denominations are much wanted: Those who have no trade, if they are capable of any kind of labor, are immediately employed in agriculture, &c. labor being much wanted, and very dear.
I am not able to tell the precise numbers that have deserted; but if an hundred thousand were to desert, they would find no difficulty in point of subsistence or employment, if they can and will work.
Sir, yours,
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. CALKOEN.
LETTER XVII.
AMSTERDAM, OCTOBER 26, 1780.
SIR,
THE seventeenth enquiry is, "Whether we have any information that we can rely on concerning population? Has it increased or diminished since the war?"
In some former letters I have made some observations upon the subject of the increase of mankind in America.
In the year 1774 there was much private conversation among the members of Congress, concerning the numbers of souls in every colony. The delegates of each were consulted, and the estimates made by them were taken down as follows:
 In New-Hampshire 150,000  Massachusetts 400,000  Rhode-Island 59,678  Connecticut 192,000  New-York 250,000  New-Jersey 130,000  Pennsylvania and Delaware 350,000  Maryland 320,000  Virginia 640,000  North Carolina 300,000  South-Carolina 225,000  3,016,678 
This however was but an estimate, and some persons have thought there was too much speculation in it. It will be observed, that Georgia was not represented in the first Congress, and therefore is not included in the estimate.
In a pamphlet published in England about a year ago, entitled a memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe, on the present State of Affairs, between the Old and New-World," written by Mr. POWNAL, a Member of Parliament, and formerly Governor of Massachusetts, and Lieut. Governor of New-Jersey—we are told that "The Massachusetts had, in the year 1722, 94,000 inhabitants; in 1742, 164,000; in 1751, when there was a great depopulation, both by war and the small pox, 164,484; in 1761, 216,000; in 1765, 255,500; in 1771, 292,000; in 1773, 300,000.
In Connecticut, 1756, 129,994; in 1774, 157,356. These numbers are not increased by strangers, but decreased by wars and emigrations to the westward, and to other States; yet they have nearly doubled in eighteen years.
In New-York, in 1756, 96,776; in 1771, 168,007; in 1774, 182,251.
In Virginia, in 1756, 173,316; in 1764, 200,000; in 1774, 300,000.
In South-Carolina, in 1750, 64,000; in 1770, 115,000.
In Rhode-Island, in 1738, 15,000; in 1748, 28,439.
As there never was a militia in Pennsylvania, before this war, with authentic lists of the population, it has been variously estimated on speculation. There was a continual importation, for
many years, of Irish and German emigrants, yet many of these settled in other provinces; but the progress of population, in the ordinary course, advanced, in a ratio between that of Virginia and that of Massachusetts; the city of Philadelphia advanced more rapidly; it had in 1749, 2,076 houses; in 1753, 2,300; in 1760, 2,969; in 1769, 4,474; from 1749 to 1753, from 16 to 18,000 inhabitants; from 1760 to 1769, from 31,318 to 35,000.
There were in 1754, various calculations and estimates made of the numbers on the continent. The sanguine made the numbers one million and a half; those who admitted less speculation into the calculation, but adhered closer to facts and lists, as they were made out, stated them at one million two hundred and fifty thousand.—Governor Pownal thinks, that 2,141,307 would turn out nearest to the real amount in 1774. But what an amazing progress, which in eighteen years has added a million, to a million two hundred and fifty thousand, although a war was maintained in that country for seven years of the term! In this view one sees a community unfolding itself, beyond any example in Europe.
Thus you have the estimates made by the gentlemen in Congress, in 1774, and that of Governor Pownal for the same epocha.—That made in Congress is most likely to be right: If in their estimate some States were rated too high, it has been since made certain, that others were too low.
But admitting Mr. Pownal's estimate to be just, the numbers have grown, since 1774, so much, notwithstanding the war, and the interruption of migrations from Europe, that they must be well nigh three millions.—If the calculation made by the members of Congress was right, the numbers now must be nearer four millions, than three millions and an half.
I have observed to you in a former letter, that the Massachusetts Bay has been lately numbered, and found to have increased in numbers as much as in former periods, very nearly.
I now add, that Delaware, which in 1774 was estimated at 30,000, upon numbering the people since, they appeared to be 40,000.
Pennsylvania is undoubtedly set too low in both estimates.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. CALKOEN.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
ABSTRACT OF JOURNAL OF THE FIRST SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, May 13, 1789.
ORDERED, That Mr. Langdon, Mr. Strong and Mr. Carroll, be a committee, to confer with any committee that may be appointed on the part of the House of Representatives, and report what newspapers the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, shall be furnished with, at the public expense.
A committee consisting of Mr. Johnson, Mr. Read, Mr. Langdon, Mr. Morris, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Henry and Mr. Gunn, was appointed to report a bill, defining the crimes and offences that shall be cognizable under the authority of the United States, and their punishment. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, May 14.
The committee appointed the 9th inst. to determine "under what Title it will be proper for the Senate to address the President"—and to confer with a committee of the House of Representatives, "upon the disagreeing votes of the Senate and House," informed the Senate, that they had conferred with a committee of the House of Representatives, but could not agree upon a report.
The committee appointed the 9th inst. "to consider and report under what Title it will be proper for the Senate to address the President of the United States of America," Reported, That in the opinion of the committee it will be proper thus to address the President—HIS HIGHNESS THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AND PROTECTOR OF THEIR LIBERTIES.
Which report was postponed—and the following resolve was agreed to, to wit:—
From a decent respect for the opinion and practice of civilized nations, whether under monarchical or republican forms of government, whose custom is to annex Titles of respectability to the Office of their Chief Magistrate; and that, on intercourse with foreign nations, a due respect for the majesty of the people of the United States may not be hazarded by an appearance of singularity; the Senate have been induced to be of opinion, that it will be proper to annex a respectable Title to the Office of President of the United States: But the Senate desirous of preserving harmony with the House of Representatives, where the practice lately observed in presenting an address to the President was without the addition of Titles, think it proper for the present to act in conformity with the practice of the House:—
Therefore Resolved, that the present address be—"To the President of the United States"—without addition of Title.
A motion was made to strike out the preamble as far as the words "but the Senate;" which passed in the negative—and on motion for the main question; it passed in the affirmative.
The committee appointed to consider and report a mode of carrying into effect the provision in the second clause, of the third section of the first article of the Constitution, reported—
Whereupon Resolved, that the Senators be divided into three classes, the first to consist of Mr. Langdon, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Morris, Mr. Henry, Mr. Izard and Mr. Gunn—
The second of Mr. Wingate, Mr. Strong, Mr. Patterson, Mr. Basset, Mr. Lee, Mr. Butler and Mr. Few—
And the third of Mr. Dalton, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Maclay, Mr. Read, Mr. Carroll and Mr. Grayson.
That three papers of an equal size, numbered 1, 2, and 3, be by the Secretary rolled up and put into a box, and drawn by Mr. Langdon, Mr. Wingate and Mr. Dalton, in behalf of the respective classes in which each of them are placed; and that the classes shall vacate their seats in the Senate according to the order of numbers drawn for them, beginning with number one—
And that when Senators shall take their seats from States that have not yet appointed Senators, they shall be placed by lot in the foregoing classes, but in such manner as shall keep the classes as nearly equal as may be in numbers.
The committee appointed to confer with a committee of the House of Representatives, in preparing proper rules to be established for the enrollment, &c. of the acts of Congress—Reported, which report was ordered to lie for consideration.
Ordered, That the committee appointed to draft an answer to the President's Speech wait on him, and request him to appoint the time when it will be agreeable to receive the address of the Senate, at his own house. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, May 15.
The Committee appointed to draft an answer to the President's Speech further reported—
Whereupon it was Agreed, That the Senate should wait upon the President at his own house on Monday next, at a quarter after eleven o'clock, and that the Vice President then, present the address of the Senate, as agreed to on the 7th instant.
The Senate proceeded to determine the Classes agreeably to the resolve of yesterday, on the mode of carrying into effect the provision in the second clause, of the third section, of the first article of the Constitution, and the numbers being drawn, the classes were determined as follows:—
Lot No. 1, drawn by Mr. Dalton—containing Mr. Dalton, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Maclay, Mr. Read, Mr. Carroll, and Mr. Grayson—Whose seats shall accordingly, be vacated in the Senate at the expiration of the second year.
Lot No. 2, drawn by Mr. Wingate—containing Mr. Wingate, Mr. Strong, Mr. Patterson, Mr. Basset, Mr. Lee, Mr. Butler, and Mr. Few—whose seats shall accordingly be vacated in the Senate at the expiration of the fourth year.
Lot No. 3, drawn by Mr. Langdon—containing Mr. Langdon, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Morris, Mr. Henry, Mr. Izard, and Mr. Gunn—whose seats shall accordingly be vacated in the Senate, at the expiration of the sixth year. Adjourned.
SATURDAY, May 16.
A message from the House of Representatives by Mr. Beckley, their Clerk, who informed the Senate that "the House had concurred in the appointment of a committee, consisting of Mr. Sylvester, Mr. Wynkoop and Mr. Smith (of South-Carolina) to confer with a committee appointed on the part of the Senate, the 13th instant, and to report what newspapers the members of Congress shall be furnished with at the public expense; and that it was an instruction to the said committee on the part of the House, to receive proposals for printing the acts and other proceedings of Congress." Adjourned.
MONDAY, May 18.
Agreeably to the order of the 15th instant the Senate waited on the President of the United States, at his own house, when the Vice-President in their name, delivered to the President the address agreed to on the 7th instant: To which the President of the United States was pleased to reply. (See our paper of May 20.)
Ordered, That Mr. Lee be a committee on the part of the Senate, to join any committee appointed for that purpose on the part of the House of Representatives, to lay before the President of the United States for his approbation, a bill, entitled, "An Act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths," after it shall be enrolled, examined by the said committee, and signed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and by the Vice-President.
ADVERTISEMENT.
MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS which have appeared in the Gazette, are part of a series, 26 in number, wrote by his Excellency in Holland—the whole are published in a pamphlet of 64 pages, which is to be sold by Messrs. Berry & Rogers, Hanover-Square, Mr. Robert Hodge, Queen-Street, and by the Editor hereof.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Osgoode-Market, NEW-YORK. [3 dol. pr. v.]