National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-01-16 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, JANUARY 16, 1792.
NUMB. 23.
AUTHENTIC.
RETURN of the whole Number of Persons within the several Districts of the UNITED STATES, according to "An Act providing for the enumeration of the Inhabitants of the United States."
(Continued.)
N E W - J E R S E Y.
   COUNTIES. Free white males of 16 years and upwards, including heads of families. Free white males under 16 years. Free white females, including heads of families. All other free persons. Slaves. Total.       Hunterdon, 4906 4379 9316 191 1301 20153   Sussex, 4063 4599 9094 65 439 19500   Burlington, 4625 4164 8481 598 227 18095   Essex, 4339 3972 8143 160 1171 17785   Monmouth, 3843 3678 7448 353 1596 16918   Morris, 4092 3938 7502 48 636 16216   Middlesex, 3995 3375 7128 140 1318 15956   Gloucester, 3287 3311 6232 342 191 13363   Bergen, 2865 2299 4944 192 2301 12601   Somerset, 2819 2390 5130 147 1810 12196   Salem, 2679 2396 4816 374 172 10437   Cumberland, 2147 1966 3877 138 120 8248   Cape-May, 631 609 1176 14 141 2571   Total, 45251 41416 83287 2762 11423 184139  
P E N N S Y L V A N I A.
   Philad. } city & sub. 11360 8244 20838 1805 273 42520   3126 2652 5632 297 114 11871   Montgomery, 6008 5383 10984 410 114 22929   Bucks, 6575 5947 12037 581 261 25401   Delaware, 2530 2113 4495 209 50 9483   Chester, 7488 6595 13166 543 145 27937   Lancaster, 9713 8070 17471 545 348 36147   Berks, 7714 7551 14618 201 65 30179   Northampton, 6008 6410 11676 133 23 24250   Luzerne, 1236 1331 2313 13 11 4904   Dauphin, 4657 4437 8814 57 212 18177   Northumberland, 4191 4726 8046 109 89 17161   Mifflin, 1954 1949 3558 42 59 7562   Huntingdon, 1872 2089 3537 24 43 7565   Cumberland, 4821 4537 8456 206 223 18243   Bedford, 2887 3841 6316 34 46 13124   Franklin, 4022 3860 7170 273 320 15655   York, 9213 9527 17671 837 499 37747   Westmoreland, 4013 4355 7483 39 128 16018   Alleghany, 2635 2745 4761 9 159 10309   Washington, 5334 7170 11087 12 263 23866   Fayette, 3425 3416 6154 48 282 13325   Total, 110788 106948 206363 6537 3737 434373  
D E L A W A R E.
   New-Castle, 3973 4747 7767 633 2562 19686   Kent, 3705 3467 6878 2570 2300 18920   Sussex, 4105 3929 7739 690 4025 20488   Total, 11783 12143 22384 3899 8887 59091  
M A R Y L A N D.
   WESTERN SHORE. Harford, 2872 2812 5100 775 3417 14976   Baltimore, 5184 4666 9101 604 5877 25434   Bal. town & Precincts 3866 2556 5501 323 1255 13503   Ann Arundel 3142 2850 5672 804 10130 22598   Frederick, 7010 7016 12911 213 3641 30791   Allegany, 1068 1283 2188 12 253 4809   Washington, 3738 3803 6871 64 1286 15822   Montgomery 3284 2746 5641 294 6030 18003   Prince Geo. 2653 2503 4828 164 11176 21344   Calvert, 1091 1109 2011 136 4205 8652   EASTERN SHORE. Charles, 2565 2399 5160 404 10035 20613   St. Mary's, 2100 1943 4173 343 6985 15544   38573 35748 69187 4136 64445 212089   Cecil, 2847 2377 4831 163 3107 13625   Kent, 1876 1547 3321 655 5433 12836   Queen Anns, 2158 1974 4030 618 6674 15463   Caroline, 1812 1727 3480 421 2057 9500   Talbot, 1938 1718 3581 1076 4777 13084   Somerfet, 2185 1908 4179 268 7070 15610   Dorchester, 2541 2420 5030 528 5337 15875   Worcester, 1985 1916 3725 178 3836 11640   Total, 55915 51339 101395 8043 103036 319728  
V I R G I N I A.
   COUNTIES. Free white males of 16 years and upwards. Free white males under 16 years. Free white females. All other free persons. Slaves. Total.       Austia 2599 2237 4424 59 156 10886   Albemarle 1703 1790 3842 171 557 12555   Accomack 2097 2177 4502 721 4269 13959   Amberst 256 2235 3995 121 5296 13703   Amelia 1709 1697 3278 106 11307 18097   Botetourt 2147 2562 4432 24 1259 10524   Buckingham 1274 1537 2685 115 4168 9779   Berkley 4233 4547 7850 131 2932 19713   Brunswick 1472 1520 2918 132 6776 12827   Bedford 1725 2266 3674 52 2754 10531   Cumberland 835 914 1778 142 4434 8153   Chesterfield 1252 1557 3149 369 7487 14214   Charlotte 1235 1379 2535 63 4816 10078   Culpeper 3272 3755 6682 70 8226 22105   Charles-City 32 509 1043 353 3141 5588   Caroline 1209 1731 3464 203 10292 17489   Campbell 1236 1347 2368 251 2488 7685   Dinwiddie 1700 1396 2833 561 7334 13934   Essex 908 860 1766 139 5440 9122   Elizabeth-City 90 388 778 18 1876 3450   Fauquier 2274 2983 5500 93 6642 17892   Fairfax, 2238 1872 3601 135 4574 1232   Franklin 1166 1620 2840 34 1073 6842   Fluvanna 289 654 1187 25 1466 3921   Frederick 3235 4170 7310 116 4250 19681   Gloucester 1297 1522 3105 210 7063 13493   Goochland 1228 1059 2053 257 4656 9053   Greenville 669 627 1234 212 3620 6362   Greenbrier 1223 1574 2639 20 319 6015   Henrico 1137 1170 2067 581 5819 12000   Hanover 1137 1412 3242 240 8223 14754   Hampshire 1252 1956 3261 13 454 7336   Harrison 27 519 947 67 2000   Hardy 1208 2256 3192 411 369 7336   Halifax 2244 2320 4397 226 5555 14722   Henry 1223 1963 3277 165 1551 8279   Isle of Wight 1223 1163 2415 275 3867 9023   James City 125 359 705 146 2405 4070   King William 23 732 1438 84 5151 8128   King and queen 1025 2138 75 5143 9377 17366   King George 73 731 1325 85 3147 7366   Luenburg 1110 1185 2252 80 4332 8959   Loudon 3677 3992 7080 183 4030 18962   Lancaster 535 542 1182 143 2236 5638   Louisa 957 1024 1809 14 4573 8467   Mecklenburg 1857 2015 3633 416 6762 14733   Middlesex 407 370 754 51 2558 4140   Monongalia 1089 1345 2168 12 154 4768   Montgomery 2846 3744 5804 6 828 13228   Norfolk 2650 1987 4291 251 5345 14594   Northampton 857 742 1581 464 3244 6889   New-Kent 605 587 1199 148 3700 6239   Northumberland 1046 1137 2323 197 4460 9163   Nansemond 1215 1167 2231 480 3817 9010   Orange 1317 1426 2693 64 4421 9921   Ohio 1222 1377 2308 24 281 5212   Prince Edward 1044 1077 1961 32 3986 8100   Prince William 1644 1797 3303 167 4704 11615   Prince George 965 822 1600 267 4519 8173   Powhatan 623 548 1115 211 4325 6822   Pendleton 568 686 1124 1 73 2452   Pittsylvania 2008 2447 4083 62 2979 11579   Princess Anne 1169 1151 2207 64 3202 7793   Richmond 704 697 1517 83 3984 6985   Randolph 221 270 441 19 951   Rockingham 1816 1652 3209 772 7449   Russell 734 969 1440 5 19>

XIII. The business of the commissioners of the board shall have a general relation to whatever concerns the interests of the kingdom, such in particular as agriculture, manufactures, and trade.
XIV. The members of the association are particularly requested to correspond with the neighbouring governments, upon the means which appear to them the most proper to render complete the above specified regulations.
This society, as appears from the preceding articles, had four principal objects in view, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and the arts.
Their plan was extremely complex and vast, and nothing but a union of an immense number of determined persons could promise complete success in so arduous an undertaking.—These associated bodies in the year 1760 published a volume of observations, and in an advertisement prefixed thereto, they invite all public spirited and patriotic persons, to communicate their ideas on those subjects to a society, who wished to make no further use of them than to publish them to the world for the general benefit of mankind. The members of the societies, who had the public good most at heart, considered themselves as a sort of trustees for the general diffusion of knowledge, and such as when imparted should inspire all other good citizens also with a spirit of public benevolence.—But their endeavours went still further. They still considered themselves as personally obligated to labour continually in the school of experiment and research. They exerted every faculty to instruct and inform such of their fellow citizens as thought proper to advise with them. It is a truth, that the success of all such establishments does not depend merely upon political association , or simple incorporations of bodies with exclusive privileges. Objects of such magnitude depend more for success upon communications from the various cantons and districts of a kingdom. In this case the collected wisdom that puts the great machine in motion, is only the effort of the public, encouraged and animated by the government.
In respect to the numbers of those associated bodies, their duty, as they have explained it in one of their own publications, is, among other particulars, to examine into and make observations upon whatever essays are sent to them; and to repeat experiments, where they shall find cause to doubt of facts specified; to establish a society which shall have a real and intimate connexion in all its parts; to assign the principles upon which undertakings of an important nature may be prosecuted or given up; to render an account of their proceedings to the government, so that whatever is of acknowledged utility may be encouraged; and to make use of their own credit to surmount difficulties, in which a frugal and patriotic administration will always do its part to assist them.
Agriculture and manufactures were the two great objects with these associated bodies; which to neglect (as they themselves observe) would be the readiest means to deprive a state of its revenue, a people of their subsistence, the great body of a nation of its resources, and would tend to leave to the multitude the wretched inheritance of poverty and misery.
It would be well for mankind if they would imitate the bees upon the flowers, who only take the choicest juices for the composition of their honey.
That nation may be called prudent which is assiduous in copying the example of others who have been most successful in cultivating the earth to advantage, and in establishing such manufactures as serve the general uses of our species; and that man best deserves the thanks of a people, who either infuses them from wrong pursuits, or instructs them in arts of which they have hitherto been ignorant. Men, in their social state, have always wished that a multitude of individuals would furnish their separate ideas, in a clear and circumstantial manner, on the great subjects of agriculture and home manufactures, that by this means deficiencies might be supplied and what was wrong corrected.
The various modes of encouragement for agriculture and manufactures might be easily specified and estimated, if men had a complete idea of the nature of soils in general; of the different advantages attendant upon different situations;
of the qualities of grain that is sown, and which might be sown; what manufacturing establishments might be put in action, and the best means to bring them to perfection. The best methods in use for each particular kind of tillage ought also to be known; the quantity of grain of any particular sort which should be sown on a given quantity of land; the manure proper for uplands and meadows; and lastly, all other particulars relative to husbandmen and manufacturers—memoirs and essays on these subjects have always been particularly noticed by the associated companies in France, and received with gratitude.
But these patriotic companies did not stop here. They extended their researches and bounties still farther, and promoted with the same assiduity the prosperity of another branch of industry, nearly related to the two above mentioned; I mean, the arts, whether we understand the word in its more general, or its abstracted signification. They paid a very particular attention to all the arts, or trades, which serve the purposes of agriculture and commerce; they encouraged even the industrious day-labourer that procured the raw material for the manufacturers throughout, not only the province of Brittany, but the whole kingdom.
The working up of these materials, and the several additional operations towards their completion after they are wrought up; the inventing machines for the saving of manual labour, manufactures in general and all that is immediately concerned with them, are the proper objects of address to these societies. Among these however, they give a preference to such essays and discoveries as have relation and application to such useful establishments as are already in forwardness or advanced to some degree of maturity.
The following branches of industry were the first that engaged their attention, viz. such warlike weapons as were most simple and in common use—Machines for abridging the manual labour of farmers, artists and manufacturers—the introduction of new methods to turn off the lesser manufactures, such as linen or woolen stuffs, and to dye them in such a manner as to please the eye of the public. Such were the more early objects of the associated companies, and the most necessary articles of use were what they wished to see first in a way of being established. The arts absolutely necessary to the subsistence of a nation, ought always to be thoroughly investigated and practised before an enlightened statesman or minister would think of turning the attention of a people to the more refined and less useful arts; and which are attended, too, with another disadvantage, there being comparatively but few people who have genius or ability for them.
(To be continued.)
FRANCE, October 12—20.
The public were long since informed that the Abbe Raynal had undertaken to write the history of the revocation, of the edict of Nantes. The work was, previous to the revolution, already in considerable forwardness, but was suppressed through the bribes and threats of the aristocratic party. We may date the Abbe's deplorable apostasy from the time he consented to the suppression of this work. He has been publicly upbraided with the base desertion of his principles, but, as yet, has made no reply or defence.
It is the liberty of the press only that can preserve to us the blessings of the revolution. Printing houses are much more useful than parish churches; and if this country ever sends forth apostles [as religion did in days of yore] or if we have wealthy characters among us, who know not what else to do with their money, let them build printing offices, as they formerly did chapels. These will naturally produce a race of philosophers who will disseminate the knowledge of our free constitution throughout the globe.
“Curiosity has induced many of our countrymen to travel through the United States of America. Amongst these, none has given so entertaining and, we are inclined to believe, so just an account of the country and its inhabitants, as M. J. P. Brissot, who visited the United States in 1788. His work is
contained in three octavo volumes, the following extracts from which will give our readers some idea of his manner.—“Boston (says he) may be called another Salentum . We here meet with a number of celebrated characters in the American story; here we observe the most persevering industry in a variety of pursuits; no contemptible advancement of the arts and sciences; and an honest simplicity of manners, which do real honour to the Bostonians.—In traveling from Boston to New-York the fatigue of my journey was well repaid by the amazing variety of the beautiful and romantic scenes through which I passed, and that perpetual contrast which I observed between nature and art; the one struggling, as it were, and making every effort for the destruction of the other. In one place you see ponds losing themselves in an immense extent of forests; in another, you observe brooks and rivulets, serving to water meadows recently snatched from the grasp of uncultivated nature, and every where, elegant and comfortable houses scattered over the country, the seats of industry and embracing all the sweets of life.
This part of the United States swarms with handsome, healthy looking children, well clad, and by their appearance, well fed. The fields are covered with trunks of trees, left to rot, and which are concealed during the vegetating part of the year by crops of Indian corn, or other grain. In other places you see enormous quantities of timber blown down by storms, half rotten, and the branches withered; oaks yet standing, deprived of their verdure, but which in some sort retain the semblance of their ancient vigour; being girdled near the root, and consequently ready to fall by the first violent blast. All these objects, so new to a European eye, thoroughly absorbed my attention, as it were in an agreeable vision. The immense of the forests, together with the thickness and prodigious height of the trees recalled to my mind, the time when the country was wholly inhabited by savages—This very tree (said I, as I passed under an aged oak) this very tree has beheld those sons of nature, when they ranged through the forests. There remains not one of them; they have given way to another generation of men! The husbandman, however, is no longer in dread of their vengeance; his musket, which in times past he kept by his side when he was employed in rural labours, now hangs neglected in his house. Situated in the midst of these extensive forests and having only his wife and children about him, he sleeps and goes through his daily toil in safety. He is therefore happy; and it is my real opinion, that if happiness is to be found on this earth (that happiness which nature owes to man) it is in those remote solitudes, where human pride and ambition having nothing to stimulate mischievous desires, there is no room for the indulgence of extravagant hopes; the felicity of the inhabitant depending solely on himself and the little circle around him.
Striking off to the eastward, I visited Rhode-Island. The prospect of that state is not so agreeable as could be wished. The baneful effects of paper money and want of public faith are here depicted in every countenance, and visible to the most superficial observer.
My mind, however, met with some consolation when, in proceeding southward, I contemplated the prosperous situation of New-York and Philadelphia, which appeared to me to be owing to causes directly contrary to those which had given Rhode-Island so sickly an aspect.
[The remainder of these observations shall appear in our next.]
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 11.  Several petitions were read, and referred to the Secretary at War, and the Secretary of the Treasury.  A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Secretary Lear, communicating two reports from the Secretary of the War department, relative to the situation of the Frontiers. Those reports being of  a private nature, the galleries were ordered to be cleared.  A written message from the President of the United States was, on the same day, delivered by Mr. Lear to the President of the Senate—as follows:  United States, Jan. 11, 1792.  Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives.  I LAY before you, in confidence, two reports, made to me by the secretary for the Department of War, relatively to the present state of affairs on the western frontiers of the United States.  In these reports the causes of the present war with the Indians, the measures taken by the executive to terminate it amicably and the military preparations for the late campaign are stated and explained, and also a plan suggested of such further measures on the occasion as appear just and expedient.  I am persuaded, Gentlemen, that you will take this important subject into your immediate and serious consideration, and that the result of your deliberations will be the adoption of such wise and efficient measures as will reflect honor on our national councils, and promote the welfare of our country.  G. WASHINGTON.  Which was read, and ordered to lie for further consideration.  THURSDAY, Jan. 12.  A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Secretary Otis, informing the House, that the Senate have passed the bill “for extending the time limited for settling the accounts of the United States with the individual states,” with several amendments, to which the concurrence of the House was desired.  Mr. Otis further reported, that the Senate have passed a bill “for the encouragement of the Bank and other cod-fisheries, and for the regulation and government of the fishermen employed therein;” and desiring the concurrence of the house to the same.  The House then proceeded to take into consideration the papers and other documents communicated in the President's message of yesterday, which being private, the door was shut.  HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.  Tuesday, Jan. 10.  Petition of Catharine Greene, Widow of the late Gen. Greene.  On motion of Gen. Wayne, the house went into committee of the whole, Mr. W. Smith in the chair; the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Catharine Greene, widow of the late major-general Greene, being under consideration.  The object of the petition is to obtain an indemnification from the United States against certain engagements which were entered into by her husband, the deceased major-general Nathaniel Greene, while commanding officer in the southern department; and for the circumstances on which it is founded, refers to a representation of the 22d August, 1785, which was then made by the said general Greene to the United States in Congress assembled.  The petition is accompanied by a number of vouchers, arranged in alphabetical order by the Secretary of the Treasury in his report: from all which he draws the following conclusion—“That strong and extraordinary motives of national gratitude for the very signal and important services rendered by general Greene to his country, must serve to give a keener sting to the regret, which ought ever to attend the necessity of a strict adherence to maxims of public policy, in opposition to claims founded on useful acts of zeal for the public service, if no means of protecting from indigence and penury, the family of that most meritorious officer, shall, upon examination, be found inadmissible.”  General Wayne rose to give his reasons for supporting the petition.—  Mr. Chairman—It may not be improper to mention the motives that impel me to wish a fortunate issue, in favor of the claim now under consideration of this committee, which I must also offer as an apology for the part I have taken, or that I may eventually take in support of that claim.  From my first interview with general Greene, until the moment of his dissolution, we always lived in the strictest habits of friendship and confidence—He was an officer with whom I had participated of almost every vicissitude of fortune (in many a well tried field) from the frozen waters of the north, to the burning sands of the south—He was a man whose virtues and talents I knew and revered—his noble soul would have revolted at the idea of imposition—he never would have offered in a claim to Congress, but upon the purest principles of honor and justice. I was a witness of the pressing necessity that compelled him to become the surety, for which indemnity is now claimed—he did what I would have done (as second in command) had he been absent at that trying crisis.—The claim I know

to be just—and I am decidedly of opinion that he was drawn into that security from the situation in which he was placed by Congress, as commander in chief of the southern department—Under these impressions, I beg leave to submit to the consideration of this committee the suit of resolutions now in my hand—and doubt not of their concurrent support.—
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the estate of the late major-general Nathaniel Greene ought to be indemnified for and on account of the engagements entered into by that General with certain persons in the state of S. Carolina, for the purpose of obtaining supplies for the American army, in the year 1783, and that ——— be granted to the executors of the estate of the late major-general Nathaniel Greene, for that purpose.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill in conformity to the foregoing resolution.
Mr. Boudinot said, there was no greater friend to the memory of general Greene than he was, nor any person more anxious to have justice done to his widow and family; but he was apprehensive that the resolution proposed by the worthy gentleman who had first brought forward this business was not drawn up in such a manner as to insure a passage through both houses of Congress. He wished therefore that it should be so expressed as to prevent any tedious discussion, and at the same time do ample justice. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury puts the subject on the best footing. The motives which led him to make the contract were, first, the public good; and perhaps secondly to serve his friend Mr. Burnet, because he was his aid-de-camp, and he wished to put him in the way of being established in business after the war; but Mr. Burnet was never in any other way connected with general Greene, than as a young man brought up in the family, whom he wished to patronize.
After a few other observations, Mr. Boudinot moved to strike out the preamble of the resolution proposed by general Wayne, and to adopt words nearly in substance as follows:
Resolved, that it is becoming the dignity of Congress to make compensation for the widow and orphans of the late major-general Greene, who so gloriously served his country; and that they be indemnified for the loss which his estate is likely to sustain by his having entered into certain bonds for supplying the southern army with rations and cloathing, at a time when they were threatening to disperse.
Mr. Findley wished that the subject should be brought forward in the mode proposed by the first mover of the question. The house must either grant relief, or refuse it; and if a gratuity is offered to the family of the late general Greene, I wish, said he, it may be done in that manner which is best supported by principle; in acting thus our measures will be the most justifiable. With regard to the risk which the deceased ran in making those contracts, and giving his own security without the previous authority of Congress obtained, it was done in the greatest emergency, and it is one of those cases for which there is no general rule in any government; for, should the public service exclude the idea of all risks, we should not be so well served. There is not any occasion for me to dwell upon the meritorious services of general Greene, as they are universally known and acknowledged; and with regard to the contracts made for the cloathing and rations of the southern army, the auxiliary evidences now brought forward were not necessary to convince me that he was in no other manner concerned with the mercantile house of Banks and Co. than he has represented in his letter to Congress of the 22d August, 1785: my mind is satisfied of the purity of his intentions during the whole course of the war, and indeed during the whole course of his life. The letters produced by Mr. Banks have no weight with me to invalidate the veracity of the brave and honest officer who is now no more, neither do I credit the oath of that person whose character is so generally known and despised. Under these impressions I am for sympathising in the claims of the petition; but the mode of doing it is the point which requires consideration, which of the two resolutions to adopt, that of the gentleman from Georgia, or of the gentleman from New-Jersey. That a gratuitous support should be given I am satisfied, and if it be asked, why? I will say, because it is due from this government in gratitude to the memory of a gallant officer, and because it would be disgraceful to the United States to see his family in distress. But it may be said, it will be establishing a precedent and opening a door for numberless other claims somewhat similar thereto; and I confess there are very many cases of merit in distress which deserve our attention: there are also many cases of officers who suffered greatly in the service of the country, who have not been rewarded; if we look around we see them in every quarter, and on the floor of this house; and it is not the men who have served us best that have been most successful, for we see many of them and their children brought to misery and distress, whilst others are rolling in wealth which they have accumulated perhaps from the very sufferings of those who have served us best both in the cabinet and in the field. There are petitions coming daily before Congress, many of which have expired in terms that would seemingly imply that the applicants assumed to themselves the whole merit of the revolution. Sir, I do not mean to dispute the merit of any of those petitioners—but I must say that the case under our consideration is certainly as worthy of our attention as any other: perhaps it would be improper to draw a scale, of the degrees of merit in those cases; but I trust this will be taken up in the way proposed by the gentleman from Georgia. We have an instance where we have allowed the commissioners for settling accounts to take up authorised as well as unauthorised claims, and surely this is not less deserving than others.
Gen. Wayne thought it necessary to make some observations upon what had fallen from the gentleman on his right (Mr. Boudinot)—In order to place this business in a proper point of view, he begged leave to mention certain circumstances previous to the evacuation of Charleston. Some of the first characters in South Carolina obtained a flag from general Greene to meet a deputation of merchants and others, under a flag from the British lines—those merchants were anxious to remain after the army, for the purpose of disposing their stock in trade, and wished for a reasonable time to transact that business; this indulgence was readily granted, for it was thought an object of consequence to retain supplies for the use of the country as well as for the army; and they were permitted to continue in the place for the space of twelve months after the abandonment should take effect. Assurances were also given them for the inviolable protection of their persons and property for that period. Thus sanctioned they were probably induced to speculate upon such stores as the British army could spare, (for that army was redundantly supplied) whilst the Americans were experiencing almost every possible distress for want of the common necessaries of life. About this time hopes were entertained of the speedy appearance of a superior water force from the French West-Indies, to that of the British; and the operating army under my command was advanced to the quarter-house, in a position to prevent the enemy from embarking with impunity, and to protect the town and its inhabitants from depredation and insult; this manoeuvre had the desired effect—it created a jealousy in the British general for the safety of his rear, and general Leslie was in a manner compelled to come into a convention, more resembling a capitulation, than an abandonment, for he was under the necessity to “agree not to commit any insult upon the inhabitants, or depredation on their property, or damage to the city, at or after his embarkation. The word after caused some demur, but it was insisted upon and complied with, in consequence of the orders I had previously received from general Greene—a measure which at once afforded security to the inhabitants, and a flattering prospect of full supplies, as well for the citizens as for the army.
The gentleman (Mr. Boudinot) says—how are we to distinguish between the articles and necessaries that were actually made use of by the army, and of the other goods purchased of the British merchants?
This may be fully answered and explained, by mentioning this fact—that those merchants took advantage of their situation and would not dispose of any article suitable for the army, unless their whole stock were purchased together, having but twelve months to dispose of their goods and collect their debts—nor could the necessary articles be obtained at the point of the bayonet, as the merchants were protected by a compact made under the sanction of a flag. Nor would they trust the contractor Banks, with their property, unless general Greene became his security; by which act, in their opinion, the United States would be bound in honor to fulfil a contract made by their commanding officer; nor did general Greene come into the measure until compelled by dire necessity, to prevent a mutiny and dissolution of the army. And such was the exhausted situation of the country in the vicinity of Charleston, that the executive and legislature found it expedient to send a distance into the country to obtain supplies for themselves and the refugee families who were returning to the city after the evacuation—in fact we were under the necessity of taking part of this very provision, to prevent an instantaneous revolt.
But the gentleman (Mr. Boudinot) says that Gen. Greene's private friendship for major Burnet, who had been his aid-de-camp, was a peculiar inducement for his entering into that security, and that major Burnet had mortgaged an interest to general Greene as a collateral security. This indeed was an act of private friendship—but it was a subsequent transaction, and no ways connected with the former, nor is it amongst the charges—this was a private purchase by major Burnet, from Mr. John M'Queen, a gentleman well known in South Carolina—and it was thought to be a very advantageous purchase for major Burnet at the time it was made (albeit it has turned out otherwise) but it was necessary for him to obtain security, previous to receiving titles—He applied to Gen. Greene to become his security upon that occasion, which was complied with—and in that act he certainly displayed a superior degree of private friendship, and such as has already been found extremely injurious to his family—but it is by no means connected with the claim now under consideration.
The danger of establishing a precedent in future, unsupported by previous authority obtained from Congress, is also mentioned as an objection.
Mr. Chairman—There never can be any danger of drawing this circumstance into precedent; for the page of history never did before, nor I believe never will again, produce a similar precedent, i. e. an army facing and surmounting every difficulty and danger through a long and bloody contest, badly clothed, and worse paid, and frequently destitute of the common necessaries of life.
Sir, it's for the honor of Gen. Greene that we contend—and I am warranted in asserting, that he was not interessed in the contract of Mr. Banks, otherwise than from the pure and virtuous motives of serving and saving his country—
I therefore feel myself interested and bound in honor, to support and defend the character of my departed friend—and to demand this claim as a matter of right and not of grace—and I have a confidence that the candor and justice of this committee will induce them to adopt the principles of the resolutions submitted to their consideration.
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 16, 1792.
Authentic extract of a letter, (dated Bourdeaux, Sept. 25, 1791) to a gentleman in this city. The political situation of this country is now likely to take a favorable turn, the king having given his sanction to the Constitution on the 14th instant, in an unequivocal manner. The 30th is the day fixed for the Legislature to supersede the National Assembly. All proteccions of individuals for the part they may have taken, have ceased, their persons set at liberty, and a general amnesty decreed. Measures of clemency, like these, will, it is hoped, prevent all opposition to our new modelled government, produce union, and give stability to the constitution. The equipment, however, of ninety-seven thousand militia for the field is going on, and the quota of two thousand and upwards, from this department, will be in a few days for the southern frontiers.—There are no maritime preparations making, and the English are actually disarming their fleet: the appearances of a war are therefore at an end. The rumour of a league, on the continent, against France, can be nothing more than a chimera. Exchange is rising a little and specie coming into circulation, tho' yet at an advance of five to fifteen per cent. As confidence gains, it will become more abundant, which will operate in favor of the intercourse with America, heretofore greatly interrupted by the low exchange and scarcity of specie. Was exchange near par this country would now pay ten or twenty per cent. higher for tobacco, rice, indigo and grain, than any of its neighbors, and this year would take a considerable quantity of the last mentioned article; the late crops having proved very short, considerable supplies will be wanting in all the south of France.—The want of knowledge in America of the French manufactures, the inability and reluctance among the manufacturers here to giving foreign credits prevent an exchange of commodities, and unless the respective governments adopt some measures to promote a mutual exchange, I fear it will never be brought about. If Congress should establish any arsenals, and would take from France all the cloathing and necessaries they might want, both for their armaments and trade with the Indians, it might contribute greatly to promote the knowledge and rise of the French manufactures in America. The coarse woolens and fancy stuffs of Carcasson, Montpellier, Toulouse, and Montauban are well adapted for the purpose, and, on comparison would be found cheaper than the English. The linens also of Brittany, Flanders and Tuscany might be put in competition with those of England and Ireland. The trade in the Levant also offers many articles of exchange, and, in all probability a peace may be made with the present Dey of Algiers on much better terms than with the late one, as his character is said to be more flexible than that of his predecessor.”
Extract of another letter from the same correspondent, dated Bourdeaux, Oct. 28. “Every thing seems to promise a general peace in Europe. The national militia that I mentioned in my last, as being about to depart for the frontiers, are now quartered in the neighboring towns, and it is to be presumed they will not have occasion to quit the department.—I see by an act of Congress of the 3d of March past, that the value of a six dollar which was rated, by the law providing for the collection of duties on goods imported in the United States, is repealed. This, I presume, was in consequence of the depreciated value of the coin in Denmark. The same reason and justice require a diminution of the value of the five Tournois in the imposition of the duties on goods imported from France; as since the circulating medium of specie has been supplied in this country by that of paper, I can assure you that dating from the first of May last, the value of a five Tournois, in comparison with a Spanish milialed dollar has been less than fifteen and an half cents; and compared with a pound sterling, from the same date, has been under eight pence sterling. Therefore, while the regulation of foreign coins in America stands as rated by the impost law of July 31, 1789, and the value of money continues as at present in this country, the duties in the United States on French merchandise will be at least twenty per cent. higher than on those of other countries.—This appears to me an object for the attention of the legislature of America toward a commerce yet in a state of infancy, that requires rather to be fostered than oppressed.
APPOINTMENTS.
The President of the United States has appointed, by and with the advice of the Senate, Gouverneur Morris, to be Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States at Paris—Thomas Pinckney, to be minister Plenipotentiary for the United States at the court of London—and Richard Peters to be District Judge of the Pennsylvania district, in the room of William Lewis, who has resigned.
Inland navigation seems a favorite pursuit of the present age, and in most cases is attended with general advantage. The Chinese have led the way in such improvements, their whole empire being intersected in every direction by highways of this kind, generally deep enough to float vessels of two or three hundred tons burthen. The Europeans have imitated these ingenious Asiatics, and not only the continent of Europe, but the islands also are accessible throughout by means of artificial junctions of rivers. Most of the canals, however, in the old world have been executed at an enormous expence, the natural
obstacles having generally been more considerable there, than in America, where the spirit of canal making seems to be more and more engaging the attention of the different legislatures.
Free government in any country naturally verges by imperceptible advances to tyranny, unless corrected by the vigilance of the people. Nothing but the perpetual jealousy of the governed has ever been found effectual against the machinations of ambition. Where this jealousy does not exist in some reasonable degree, the saddle is soon prepared for the back of the people, to be occupied by a succession of tyrants. There never yet was a government that had not its flatterers, whose incense of adulation is always in readiness to be offered at the shrine of power, and whose abilities are prostituted to cover the abuses of office—Monarchies, it is well known, owe no small share of their durability to such support—Republics ought to be above it.
A correspondent remarks, that it is curious to observe how extremes meet in a point, on the subject of electing a federal Senator. The high flying federalists will not elect, for fear one of different principles, should mar the influence of the present Senator, by a cross vote. The anti-federalists will not elect, that legislation being carried on by a maimed representation may be a source of discontent, and future opposition, to the laws of the United States, while moderate men are borne down, by the numbers and violence of the extremes.
WINCHESTER, December 24.
Tuesday afternoon arrived here, from Fort Washington, Lieut. Stevenfon of the Virginia battalion of levies,—Lieut. Stevenfon left the Crab orchards, in company with Ensign Towles, Adjutant Devin, and 35 other persons, on the first instant. He was in the unfortunate action with the Indians on the 4th ult. and has favored us with the following particulars, viz. That the number killed on our side, amounts to 637, including officers—that Majors Brown, Clark and Gaither, Lieutenant Hopper, Quarter-Master Wards, Reynolds and Semple, are not among the slain as formerly stated; but that Ensigns Wilson and Reeves, not mentioned before, lost their lives in the unhappy conflict—that Colonel Gibbons wounds, it is thought will prove mortal—that Colonel Darke is but slightly wounded—that Captain Darke, a most promising youth, received a musket shot in his face, which fractured a jaw, and rendered him speechless, but that he is still alive—that the Kentucky militia, which were to march with General Scott, did not go; General St. Clair having signified to that officer, that the Fort had been amply supplied with provisions, and every other requisite, from Head Quarters—that Major Hamtramck, of the 1st United States regiment, is put under an arrest, for some supposed misconduct on the day of the action—that he had information of the defeat, and was detached, but declined giving the necessary succour to the retreat—that a white man, who rode a grey horse, and wore a red coat, and who had a horn, was very observable among the enemy, at the time of the engagement, but, disappearing at an early period thereof, he is supposed to have been killed—that the enemy's loss is conjectured to be between one and two hundred.—Number of our troops engaged one thousand four hundred—number of the enemy, supposed to be between two and three thousand.
Since the arrival of Lieutenant Stevenfon, three other officers, and a few private soldiers, have passed through this town, on their way to their respective homes, from the scene of action.
We are happy in having it in our power to announce, that Piomingo, or the mountain-Leader, is safe; he was detached, as formerly mentioned, with 21 warriors, and a few soldiers, to reconnoitre the Miami villages, and returned to Fort Jefferson two days after the action between our army and the savages. On his way to the fort he discovered that our army had been defeated, but saw none of the enemy, save one, who mistaking Piomingo's party for some of his own comrades made up to them—he received his mistake, but too late to retreat;—he was accosted by Piomingo, with “Rascal you have been killing white men.”—He endeavoured to expulpate himself, but Piomingo ordered two of his warriors to expand his arms, and a third (an old man, “for, says Piomingo, none of my young men shall disgrace themselves so much as to kill a wretch like thee”) to shoot him through the heart, which was accordingly executed—they afterwards took off his scalp.
N.B. Want of room obliges us to defer John Calvin, and several other favors from correspondents till our next.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H., Bar., Ther., Wind, Weather. Rows for Monday through Sunday, January 1792.

THE PILOT OF HATTERAS.*
IN fathoms five, the anchor gone, While here we furl the sail, No longer vainly laboring on Against the western gale;— While here thy bare and barren cliffs, O HATTERAS, I survey, And shallow grounds and broken reefs, What shall amuse my stay!
The PILOT comes!—from yonder sands He shoves his barque so frail, And hurrying on, with busy hands Employs both oar and sail. Beneath this rude, unsettled sky Condemn'd to pass his years, No other shores delight his eye, No foe alarms his fears.
In depths of woods his hut he builds Where ocean round him flows, And blooming in the barren wilds His simple garden grows. His wedded nymph, of fallow hue, No mingled colours grace— For her he toils, to her is true, The captive of her face.
Kind nature here, to make him blest No quiet harbour plann'd, And poverty—his constant guest Restrains the pirate band. His hopes are all in yonder flock, Or some few hives of bees Except, when bound for Ocracoke† Some gliding barque he sees;
His Marian then he quits with grief And spreads his tottering sails, While, waving high her handkerchief, Her commodore she hails: She grieves, and fears to see no more The sail that now forsakes, From Hatteras' sands to banks of Core Such tedious journeys takes!
Fond nymph! thy sighs are breath'd in vain; Restrain those idle fears: Can you, that should relieve his pain, Thus kill him with your tears? Can absence thus beget regard, Or does it only seem! He comes to meet a wandering bard That seeks fair Ashley's stream.
Tho' disappointed in his views, Not joyless will we part; Nor shall the god of mirth refuse The balm of the heart: No niggard key shall lock up joy; I'll give him half my store, Will he but half his skill employ To guard us from your shore.
When eastern gales once more awake What dangers will be near! Alas! I see the billows break, Alas! why came I here— With quarts of rum and pints of gin Go, pilot, seek the land, And drink, till you and all your kin, Can neither sit nor stand.
SINBAT.
* Written off the Cape, July, 1789, on a voyage to South-Carolina, being detained sixteen days with strong gales a-bead.
† All vessels from the northward that pass within Hatteras shoals, bound for Newbern, and other places on Pamlico sound, commonly, in favorable weather, take a Hatteras pilot, to conduct them over the dangerous bar of Ocracoke, 11 leagues W.S.W. of the Cape.
From the American Daily Advertiser.
IT is in Politics as in Ethics, that the moral turpitude of things, is to be regarded, in proportion as they have a tendency to produce good or evil; and the virtue or wickedness of the man, in the latter case, or the wisdom or corruption of the minister, in the former, may be fairly deduced from the principles and effect of the measures he pursues. Avarice and ambition are latent but powerful passions of the human mind, and although an artful man may readily assume the mask of disinterestedness and moderation, yet a just comparison of all his conduct will rarely fail to present the mirror to the portrait of the public minister, and reflect his marked and genuine features, undisguised from the shades and colours of the limner's brush, or the high founding but prostitute praises of sycophantic flattery—Consciousness of conduct may be regarded as a virtue both in public and in private life, and the man who on other occasions has laboured to establish principles and opinions, which when he becomes a public minister himself, is the first to violate and disregard, demands at least that his public conduct should be scrutinized, with a spirit of free enquiry. I am led to these reflections by a review of the measures proposed, since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, by the minister who conducts the public finances and at the head of the treasury department of the United States. He has devised systems that have already produced consequences most pernicious to the interests, honor and happiness of our country; systems which, like seas of corruption, will, if pursued, overwhelm and destroy in their poisonous current, every free and valuable principle of our government. To contrast those measures and the consequences I charge to them, with the public conduct and avowed opinions of the same man, at the time of the adoption of the constitution, may be the best means to satisfy the public mind of the truth or fallacy of my conclusions, since it must be admitted that truth is eternal, and that right principles never vary by circumstances or occasions. Let it be remembered then, that at the period referred to, his utmost labor and talents were exerted not less in his reputed writings of Publius than in all his speeches in the state convention of New-York, to satisfy the public mind and impress a thorough confidence of safety and happiness under his then favorite system; "that usurpations of power were not to be ap-
prehended either from the nature or extent of the enumerated powers of Congress;" "that construction by implication, and its most dangerous of all consequences, unlimited discretion, could never be applied either to any specified powers of Congress, or to the more general power to do all things necessary and proper therein;" "that the proposed system afforded an additional security to republican government, to liberty and to property; that the genius of the system was adverse to the exaltation of the Few at the expence of the Many, and opposed every idea of an influence to be created by exclusive privileges or exclusive benefits;" "that the power and influence of the state governments were more likely to destroy the federal government, than that was to injure them—that a consolidation of the states into one nation and government would be precluded by the adoption of the proposed system and its guarantee of a republican form of government to each,— "that the fountain of legislation would be preserved pure and unsullied, alike free from all executive influence or the means of corruption." These, with various others of a similar kind, were the axioms labored to be established, axioms, which, however the asserter of them might then believe, are found, in practice, to be but empty and delusive speculations of a visionary theory.—By a little modern refinement in politics, commixed with the legerdemain of fiscal operations, systems have arisen, and others are now engendering, which bid fair to subvert the rights of the people, sap the foundations of government, and utterly destroy the existence and independence of the states individually. The funding project interweaving the plans of assumption, excise, irredeemability of debt and a mortgage of the best funds of the country beyond the power of legislative control, were but a single dash of the pen of this bold adventurer; and it speedily became a favorite maxim with the Myrmidons of speculation, who sprang up like Hydras in every quarter, eager to riot on the best blood and treasure of the people, "that the power and efficacy of the new system should be tried at its outlet by an experiment of measures to the full extent of the authority granted, and that opposition, if any, had better be met in its earlier than more advanced stages." The next project was the Bank scheme, which may be regarded as the consummation of the funding project and the union of the government itself, with the new created monied interests which that produced; and the last project is that of manufactures, so called, or in other words, a new system of monopolies; exclusive privileges and charters of incorporation, grounded on the favorite new assumed doctrine of Discretion and the undefined Powers of Congress.
The baneful effects of the funding system, its tendency to produce the consequences suggested, and its direct subversion of the axioms of the once admired Publius, will be found in its combination with the bank, manufacturing and monopoly schemes, all of which are to be regarded as links of the same chain. By the funding system, grounded expressly on the principle "that national debt is no national evil"—a debt which on principles of common justice, it may be fairly questioned, would not have amounted to more than 12 or 15 millions of dollars, has been realized by an accumulation of interest on a compound ratio and other specious means, to upwards of sixty millions, this too at a time and in a manner when not more than fifty people perhaps, except the minister and those within the vortex of speculation, out of the millions of people to be affected by it knew or had seen the system, or could give an opinion on it; thus letting loose the whole community to be the prey of harpies and of the most unprincipled speculators, who after the vilest and wickedest impositions were, under the sanction of lawful authority, to be permitted to call on the great body of the yeomanry of America to make good and realize to them the very property of which they had been cheated and defrauded. Nor was this all, the capacious mind of the author of this system, not forgetting one of his former maxims "that the exigencies of a nation are at all times equal to its resources," and therefore a heavy debt at the outset would beget a necessity for perpetuating his system, first conceived, and suggested the consolidating idea of assumption, by which an addition of twenty-one millions was made to the original debt of the nation, on principles so unequal and oppressive, as to render it at this time sufficiently odious and reprehensible—Irredeemability of debt for a given time, became the inevitable consequence of these measures, and with them the experiment of an untried, and I will add, unfounded principle in government "the power of an ordinary legislature to mortgage the resources of the community for a given period, and place them beyond the control of their successors"—But it was foreseen, that there were yet further aids necessary, and the next link in the chain is the Bank system, by which a union was cemented between the government and the new monied interests, which the scenes of speculation occasioned by the funding system, had created; an alliance proper in every view to further, present and future fiscal operations. Two principles are also produced by this system, each of them alike novel and repugnant to the genius and spirit of the federal constitution; the first, a power in Congress, and that exclusively too, of the rights of the states, to grant charters of incorporation and monopolies; the other, the practicability of having in Congress placement, or in other words, members, who in the character of Bank directors, may receive salaries and emoluments from a company which they themselves have created and incorporated, which salaries and emoluments being at all times in the discretion of the stockholders, may, on suitable occasions be augmented to any amount and produce all the consequences of an actual bribe. The last link of this bright chain is the manufacturing scheme; this is yet in a state of embryo, and how far the pernicious principles it is fraught with, may receive legislative disapprobation remains to be determined; some of its principles however as connected with those of the system it is a branch of, merit attention,—these refer principally to the doctrine so fully exploded in the writings of Publius, vol. 28, p. 46, 47, and 48, viz. "that the powers of Congress to raise and appropriate money is unlimited and absolute, commensurate with every object of science, agricul-
ture, manufactures and commerce, and from the generality of the terms "Common Defence and General Welfare" admits not of specification or limitation"—a doctrine which, if established, renders the specification of enumerated powers a nullity, since in that specification will be found a limitation to the very power contended for.—Another power contended for, and not less dangerous than the other, is that of creating monopolies, and granting exclusive privileges by means of bounties, exemptions, charters, &c.—a power, in the execution of which, not less than from the Bank system, may result inequality, corruption and oppression, and through the combined effect of the three systems, consolidation and the annihilation of the state governments. It is not my purpose, however, to pursue these remarks further, at present: enough has been said to point the public attention to the policy of the measures in question, and a further review of each will be taken in future animadversions on them. Perhaps the time may not be remote, if it be not already arrived, when the people of America may experience that the government they have so recently reared, however beautiful in theory, is calculated, in its execution, to produce the ambitious sacrifice of the many to the aggrandizement of the few. But certain I am, that in whatever degree the measures I have scrutinized may be hostile to the first principles of the government, the great agricultural interests of the community will be thereby rendered subordinate, tributary and dependent on the new created, associated and associating interests of speculation, commerce and manufactures, and that the equal rights and equal interests of the yeomanry of our country, who constitute its strength, its wealth and its firmest pillars, will be shamefully prostrated at the shrine of Mammon and Ambition.
January 9.
CAIUS.
[From a London Paper.]
Upon BUILDING CASTLES in the Air.
THIS is a business, that has produced more great men than are to be met with in history, and wherein a man that has been unfortunate in all others, is sure to succeed, upon the easy condition of applying himself to it in earnest. It must be owned indeed that the pleasures it affords are entirely imaginary, and consequently of a very short and precarious duration. But then as the materials for this kind of architecture are never to be sought, and the application to it neither expensive nor laborious, the frequent repetition of the enjoyment makes amends for the fleetingness of its existence. And since reason itself is only the instrument of happiness, it will justify the most fanciful entertainments, provided they are innocent, when they relieve from a sense of pain, or suspend the sorrows of an afflicted heart, as these are frequently known to do.
Among the Stoicks it was reckoned the truest, the essential character of their wife, their perfect man, that he drew all his enjoyments from himself, and did not depend upon foreign objects for his happiness. Every thing that was not in his own power, that had not its source within himself, or that was capable of being ravished from him, either by the malice of others, or the iniquity of fortune, was, according to them a matter of indifference, and neither to be courted, nor avoided. Upon this hypothesis, a castle-builder will be found to act most philosophically. For the edifices he raises, and the riches he grasps at, are in the strictest propriety his own; so much his own that nobody else can covet his possessions, much less invade them. And though he may be sensible that other people are carrying on their works as well as himself, yet he has still room enough to build on, and need never be afraid of their encroaching on his territories. Nor is it a small addition to his satisfaction that he can reflect on the justness of his title, and dreams in his ethereal apartments with a safe conscience, since they are his own, both as to the matter and the form; a circumstance which according to Grotius and Puffendorf, constitutes the fullest and most perfect right.
But to be serious; though people may, and oftentimes do carry the sports of their imaginations to an extravagance, and raise themselves into visions that may have an ill influence on the conduct of their lives; yet still this anticipation of felicity in our present state is not only natural but unavoidable. In all human affairs, the end is ever prior in our intention to the means; and we draw the model of a building, and contemplate its beauty, before a single stone be laid in the foundation. To do any otherwise would be to act without reason and design, and make the life of a man as comfortless as that of a brute. So that we are all castle-builders in some degree or another; and the only difference between a rational and whimsical castle-builder lies in one point, that the former is better furnished with mortar than the other, and by that means makes more substantial and durable work, though not so magnificent and beautiful as his competitor. And in some cases his competitor seems to act the more reasonable of the two, for he makes a shift to enjoy, in some part, the end of his labors every hour of the day, whilst the other perhaps consumes a whole life in plodding for the means, and drags on a wearisome being without coming to any end at all: a case but too frequent among the great adventurers for power, riches, and glory, who make the pursuit of avarice and ambition the whole pursuit of life. How happy had it been for the world, and themselves too, had Alexander, Cæsar, and Lewis XIV. sat down and peaceably dreamt themselves in possession of all that empire and renown, to which they not only sacrificed their own repose, but the peace and welfare of mankind.
BOSTON, December 29.
Our country is happily restored to peace; our government is diffusing its benign operations; our finances are in the most favorable situation; our citizens are thriving in their various occupations: Let us then be careful least we disturb this universal tranquility. No people under Heaven, have the power to perfect their happiness, so completely as the Americans; provided we improve the means now in our power. But if through ambition and ostentation we wantonly blast our
prospects, our folly may suffer us to pursue measures, which in their consequences, may prove fatal to our peace and prosperity.
To what purpose is the outstretched arm of the Union to be exercised?—Do the native Indians possess a territory that we have an indubitable right to claim?—Are we so contracted in territory, that the United States stand in immediate need of unmeasurable tracts of wilderness? Or is it absolutely necessary for them to wage a distressing and expensive war to obtain them?—Are the United States become so crowded with inhabitants, as to require our planting colonies in the wilderness, to ease ourselves of supernumerary inhabitants? Have not the United States sufficient territory to employ their citizens for centuries, in every useful branch of agriculture, manufactures and commerce?—Are parents complaining that the country is already so completely settled and improved, that their children are obliged to reside at the old family mansion, for want of lands to cultivate?—If on the contrary, tracts as boundless as the ocean, now lay barren and uncultivated, upon what principle either of interest or policy, are we so immediately urged to spill the blood of our young men, and expend the revenue of the States to obtain more?—Why do we with to send our industrious families to settle abroad, at the risk of their lives, when they can find ample employment at home, in peace and security?—Why do we desire to enlist men for soldiers when their country calls for their aid, in the useful business of husbandry? The ploughshare, rather than the sword, is the implement that promises happiness and prosperity to these States.
Can it be considered wise policy, at this early period, to raise a war in the bosom of our country?—Is it prudent to set a tribe of warring Indians in motion merely to obtain their lands which must at present, be a disadvantage to us to settle and cultivate?—Every man who emigrates to that country, ceases from being a useful citizen, and rather places himself in a situation to become chargeable to the government. Any land that requires a standing body of troops to settle, is not worth, at this time, our acceptance. The expence of maintaining the army, must be greater than the benefits arising from the culture.
Let us pause for a moment, and not rush precipitately to renew the contest with the natives. If we have inconsiderately entered upon this business, let not our pride urge us to further imprudencies. Let us by friendly overtures, endeavour to restore the confidence of the Indian tribes. Let not the ambition of those whose interest prompts them to war, influence our conduct. Let us rather oblige such persons to study economy in their expenses.
It is said, that the Indians have destroyed many families on our frontiers; but are we sure, our settlers have not provoked the Indians to commit depredations. But admitting that in some instances, they have been the aggressors, is it just to destroy indiscriminately, a whole nation for the misconduct of the individuals?—When Boston was threatened with destruction by the Port-Bill, we thought it a most glaring act of injustice, to involve the innocent with the guilty.
It is presumed that our political fathers will study the welfare of the States; but this business has become so interesting and serious, as to arrest the attention of every citizen.
This day is Published By CHILDS and SWAIN, In one Volume Octavo;
[Price One Dollar and a half, the small Edition, and One Dollar and three quarters the large,]
LAWS of the UNITED STATES. Collated with, and corrected by the original Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State.
With a copious INDEX; or A complete DIGEST of the LAWS (Making 56 pages:)
Executed by an eminent Law Character. To obtain this useful and necessary Part of the Work complete, has retarded the Publication. This Volume comprises the Acts of the Three Sessions of the first Congress; also, the Federal Constitution, and the Treaties between the United States and Foreign Nations—Together with an Appendix, containing the Declaration of Independence, and sundry Ordinances and Resolves of Congress under the Confederation.
Sold by Childs and Swaine, No. 239, High-street, Thomas Dobson, Joseph Crukshank, and Robert Campbell, Philadelphia. October 25.
This Day are published, SERMONS,
Historical and Characteristical By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York.
Sold by T. DOBSON, R. CAMPBELL, & M. CAREY. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale Fisheries—may be had at the office, No. 239 High-street.
M. GARDETTE, Dentist,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from No. 83 to No. 127, Cneut, near Fourth street, nearly opposite the Bank of the United States. Dec. 19.
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