Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-01-26 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 78, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 26, 1791.
[Whole No. 182.]
FROM THE GENERAL ADVERTISER.
MR. BACHE, ACCORDING to promise I send you the petition, and assure you that the subscription goes on rapidly; 1000 having signed already.—The total number of 10,000 is deemed sufficient, although twice as many might easily be obtained. The proceeding has been scrupulously candid; not one having set down her name without a careful perusal of the contents. Much less have absent or fictitious persons been added to the list, or school-boys and other trumpery taken in.
Your friend,
C.
To the Honorable CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES.
The humble Address of ten thousand Federal Maids.
With a blush of female modesty we present this respectful address, in hopes that our federal voice may in some degree soften the clamour of discontent that stuns your ears. We are grieved to see, that a glorious empire cemented by the blood of gallant fellow-citizens, fathers and brothers, is yet in danger from licentious discord; and we make you a solemn tender of all the aid that faithful female hearts can give. Phlegmatic pedants and flirting beaus may ridicule this language as the effusion of enthusiasm; we scorn the paltry beings who never felt the sublimity and ardor of our country's sacred love . We repeat again, command our utmost efforts for the public good. If the men will not suffer your excise to touch their darling grog , excise in which does every year destroy thousands, brings many hundred families to beggary, and breaks the hearts of many amiable wives—tax then freely our favorite tea, our caps, bonnets, cushions, bihops, every piece of ornamental dress. If still more is wanted, tax our very under-petticoats. If our young men will not learn how to defend their liberty and property, their hoary sire, the mother who bore and suckled them—then order us into the field. We shrink indeed from violence; some of us cannot without pain kill a chicken: But alas, the sword is yet in this civilized era, the ultima ratio . This charming country may invite bold invaders; it may breed vipers in its bosom. This land of liberty must be defended against foreign and domestic foes. Some of us are of the society called Friends , and we all respect the civil virtues of this society; but we cannot believe that a man does please the righteous judge of mankind, and father of mercies, by suffering a savage to scalp his child, or burn the wife of his bosom in slow fires. We all know the value of national industry; but gold must be defended by steel . Independence must not be hazarded merely to make an apprentice work some additional days more in the year for his master. Learning is both useful and ornamental to nations: But do not our scholars know, that Minerva was the Goddess of arms as well as arts ? Some of us will never marry a fellow who cannot protect his sweetheart, although he could chaunt all the battles of Homer in Greek.
Your petitioners revere the rights of conscience. They know also that general regulations require modification; but every good citizen will cheerfully bear his portion of the public burden; if he cannot fight, he will pay; if he drinks a great deal, he will not grudge the price of his enjoyment.
Finally, as those that sow have a right to reap, your petitioners request with due submission a few small privileges: as an order of female heroism , like that of the Cincinnati ; the right of election to all public offices; and especially an absolute command over non-paying and non-fighting husbands.
TEN THOUSAND FEDERAL MAIDS.
EXTRACTS
From Mr. Burke's Publication on the Revolution in France.
“IT is said that twenty-four millions ought to prevail over two hundred thousand, true—if the constitution of a kingdom be a problem of arithmetic. This sort of discourse does well enough with the lamp-post for its second: To men who MAY reason calmly, it is ridiculous.—The will of the many, and their interest, must very soon differ; and great will be the difference when they make an evil choice. A government of five hundred country attorneys, and obscure curates is not good for twenty-four million of men, though it were chosen by forty-eight millions; nor is it the better for being guided by
a dozen of persons of quality, who have betrayed their trust in order to obtain that power. At present, you seem in every thing to have strayed out of the high road of nature. The property of France does not govern it. Of course property is destroyed, and rational liberty has no existence. All that you have got for the present, is a paper circulation, and a stock-jobbing constitution—and as to the future, do you seriously think that the territory of France, upon the republican system of eighty-three independent municipalities (to say nothing of the parties that compose them) can ever be governed as one body, or can ever be set in motion, by the impulse of one mind? When the National Assembly has completed its work, it will have accomplished its ruin. These commonwealths will not long bear a state of subjection to that of Paris. They will not bear that this one body should monopolize the captivity of the King, and the dominion over the Assembly calling itself National. Each will keep its own portion of the spoil of the church to itself—and it will not even suffer that spoil, or the more just fruits of their industry, or the natural produce of their soil, to be sent to swell the insolence, or pamper the luxury of the mechanic of Paris.”
From the (London) MORNING CHRONICLE.
A short Answer to Mr. BURKE's Pamphlet, by shewing the relative situation of France and England, under their new government.
FRANCE.
ENGLAND.
All Tythes abolished.
Tythes collected in kind, and Queen Ann's bounty buying up large tracts of land for the Clergy.
All Feudal Rights abolished, and Lands granted as Free Lands.
All Feudal Rights and base Copyhold Tenures preserved.
No Copyholds.
Herriots exacted from the Widow.
Nor Lords' Courts.
The Yeomanry harassed with unprofitable attendances at the will of the Lord, at his Manorial Courts
No Herriots and Fines.
The National Debt paid off by the excessive property of the Clergy being sold, and France relieved from Taxes.
A debt of 263 millions unliquidated, with the addition of 5 millions, from the late armament.
Farmers general,—and oppressive taxes abolished—a Trial by Jury introduced.
Taxes farmed—The Excise Laws extended—A Trial by Jury curtailed.
A free representation of the People annually renewed by themselves.
A partial representation, and once in seven Years, principally by the Lords.
The Corporations open to the inhabitants of the Towns.
The corporations in general closed, and consisting of few people, and having but little to do with the people at large.
A free Toleration—Offices open—Refugees recalled.
A partial Toleration—Offices shut to a million and a half of people—Emigrations likely to ensue.
By this short, but incontrovertible statement, the present situation of the two countries will more plainly appear, than by the arguments of Sophistry.
LEGISLATURE of VIRGINIA.
In the HOUSE of DELEGATES, THURSDAY, December 16, 1790. The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia, to the United States, in Congress assembled,
REPRESENT, THAT it is with great concern they find themselves compelled, from a sense of duty, to call the attention of Congress to an act of their last session, entitled, “an act making provision for the debt of the United States;” which the General Assembly conceive neither policy, justice, nor the constitution warrants. Republican policy, in the opinion of your memorialists, could scarcely have suggested those clauses in the aforesaid act, which limit the right of the United States in their redemption of the public debt. On the contrary, they discern a striking resemblance between this system, and that which was introduced into England at the revolution. A system which has perpetuated upon that nation an enormous debt, and has moreover insinuated into the hands of the executive, an unbounded influence, which, pervading every branch of the government, beats down all opposition, and daily threatens the destruction of every thing that appertains to English liberty. The same causes produce the same effects! In an agricultural
country like this, therefore, to erect and concentrate and perpetuate a large monied interest, is a measure, which your memorialists apprehend must, in the course of human events, produce one or other of two evils. The prostration of agriculture at the feet of commerce, or a change in the present form of federal government, fatal to the existence of American liberty.
The General Assembly pass by various other parts of the subject, which they apprehend will have a dangerous and impolitic tendency, and proceed to shew the injustice of it, as it applies to this Commonwealth. It pledges the faith of the United States for the payment of certain debts due by the several States in the Union, contracted by them during the late war. A large proportion of the debt thus contracted by this State has been already redeemed by the collection of heavy taxes levied on its citizens, and measures have been taken for the gradual payment of the balance, so as to afford the most certain prospect of extinguishing the whole at a period not very distant; but by the operation of the aforesaid act, a heavy debt, and consequently heavy taxes will be im- posed on the citizens of this commonwealth, from which they never can be relieved by all the efforts of the General Assembly, whilst any part of the debts contracted by any State in the American Union, and so assumed, shall remain unpaid: For it is with great anxiety your memorialists perceive, that the said act, without the smallest necessity, is calculated to extort from the General Assembly the power of taxing their own constituents for the payment of their own debts, in such a manner as would be best suited to their own ease and convenience.
Your memorialists cannot suppress their uneasiness at the discriminating preference which is given to the holders of the principal of the continental debt, over the holders of the principal of the State debts, in those instances, where States have made ample provision for the annual payment of the interest, and where of course there can be no interest to compound with principal, which happens to be the situation of this Commonwealth. The continental creditors have preferences in other respects, which the General Assembly forbear to mention, satisfied, that Congress must allow that policy, justice, and the principles of public credit abhor discriminations between fair creditors.
Your memorialists turn away from the impolicy and injustice of the said act, and view it in another light, in which to them it appears still more odious and deformed.
During the whole discussion of the federal constitution by the convention of Virginia, your memorialists were taught to believe, “that every power not granted was retained.” Under this impression and upon this positive condition declared in the instrument of ratification, the said government was adopted by the people of this commonwealth; but your memorialists can find no clause in the constitution, authorizing Congress to assume the debts of the States! As the guardians then of the rights and interests of their constituents, as centinels placed by them over the ministers of the federal government, to shield it from their encroachments, or at least to sound the alarm when it is threatened with invasion, they can never reconcile it to their consciences, silently to acquiesce in a measure which violates that hallowed maxim. A maxim, on the truth and sacredness of which, the federal government depends for its adoption in this commonwealth. But this injurious act not only deserves the censure of the General Assembly, because it is not warranted by the constitution of the United States, but because it is repugnant to an express provision of that constitution—this provision is “That all debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this constitution, shall be valid against the United States under this constitution, as under the confederation,” which amounts to a constitutional ratification of the contracts respecting the State debts, in the situation in which they existed under the confederation. And referring to that standard, there can be no doubt, that in the present question, the rights of States as contracting parties with the United States, must be considered as sacred.
The General Assembly of the commonwealth of Virginia, confide so fully in the justice and wisdom of Congress upon the present occasion, as to hope they will revise and amend the aforesaid act generally, and repeal in particular, so much of it as relates to the assumption of the State debts.
December 23, 1790.
AGREED BY THE SENATE,
H. BROOKE, C. S.
TEST. CHARLES HAY, C. H. D.
L O N D O N, Nov. 26.
ON the evening of the 5th inst. the Sovereign Congress at Brussels assembled at the Town-house at Namur, where they received the citizens; after the President, in an animated speech, had addressed them respecting the Emperor's Manifesto, he, in the name of the Sovereign Congress, requested their sentiments, which were delivered by one of their head, who spoke to the following effect:
“We have considered the Emperor's Manifesto, which I have the honour to inform you the citizens of Brussels not only reject but despise; the people have drawn the sword in the cause of God and their country, nor will they ever sheath it but in the bodies of their enemies!
“They are firm and determined, they have and will most cheerfully expend the last portion of their property in support of their's and their posterity's liberty! They beseech you, therefore, high and mighty Lords, to act with zeal and attachment in your several august stations; for should a link of your great chain give way, our cause must fall to ruin.
The Manifesto was then ordered to be produced at the table, where it was pricked by the sword of the President, and head of the people, and then burnt in form.
This appeal from Congress to the people, has been ordered to take place all over the States, and there is but one voice, freedom or death .
A proclamation was issued, offering a pension of twenty florins per ann. and a silver medal, to

every soldier serving the term of 3 years, from the 1st of December next.
A very extraordinary appointment has just taken place in the French Ministry. M. Dupont Dutre has been nominated Keeper of the Seals, in the place of the Archbishop of Bourdeaux. This Gentleman has been a Clerk to M. Bailly, the Mayor of Paris, and thus suddenly passes from an income of fifty, to a revenue of four thousand livres per annum.
The Members of the National Assembly though the body of them cannot speak themselves, yet paid a proper compliment to those that can in the person of Mr. Erskine, who in a late trip to Paris was honoured with a distinguished seat in the center of the Assembly.
Were Mr. Burke to appear in Paris, the French would probably honour him with a lantern, for the light he has thrown on their revolution.
Dr. Price has done himself so little good by asserting the rights of men, that he might as well have suffered them quietly to have blundered on in their own way.
How can the National Assembly boast of its zeal for the rights of man—of its justice and its humanity, when, standing on the ruins of the Bastille, it suffers the employment of torture and the wheel.
Burke's Pamphlet has just made its appearance here; the aristocratic party are devouring it.
The Abbe Dupaty in quoting Mons. Necker, pays him a compliment at once elegant and just:—"I have seen the "Administration of the Finances" in many hands—every man who can read has read that work—every man who thinks, values it; every man who feels, is enthusiastic in its favour. And, in fact, how important are its principles!—How deep its reflections!—How just its ideas! Its style is truly that of the masterly writer.—It breathes too a sacred love for the happiness of mankind. This book shall reform the Governments of Europe—Envy in vain must gnaw the statue of M. Necker—it is of gold!"
The restoration of the Prince Bishop of Liege could not have been effected without the tacit consent of the King of Prussia, whose territories extend to the very gates of the town. The Imperial troops have now taken possession of it in the same manner as the Prussian army did a few months since.
Mr. Bruce, the Supercargo at Canton, is appointed Ambassador to congratulate the Emperor of China on his having attained the age of eighty years.—This custom is always attended with great pomp, whenever a circumstance like this falls out; and it is imagined that, under the care of Mr. Bruce, this embassy may prove of no small advantage to the English Supercargoes settled there. Mr. Bruce carries with him some very valuable presents as offerings on the occasion.
A MEDAL.—The Liberty of the Press.
THE very unwarrantable attack which has lately been made upon this great engine of all our liberties, civil and political, the press, has induced a number of gentlemen to request that a medal may be struck in honor of an illustrious jury of Ireland, who by their verdict, established that truth was not a libel, in sensible contradiction to the system laid down to us by Lord Mansfield. Mr. Gray, of Sackville-street, is to give the design, which will be equally spirited and just. Every man literary, or not, who feels as he ought to do for the liberty of the press, attempted to be borne down by actions at law, is requested to signify his intentions of subscribing, to Mr. Ridgway, Bookseller, at the Prince of Wales's Head, York-street, St. James's Square, London, for this medal, thus instituted in honor of the late jury of Ireland.
N. B. A list of subscribers will be printed.
THE NEW FRENCH FLAG.
The Jack on the bowsprit—three stripes of equal breadth, and placed vertically; that nearest the Jack-staff, red; that in the middle, white; and the other blue.
The Ensign the same as the Jack in the upper quarter, encompassed with a narrow stripe; one half the length, red, and the other white; the rest of the Ensign white.
The ships of war and merchant ships are to carry the same flag: those of the ships of war are to have in the largest part, the three stripes vertical, red, white, and blue; the rest of the flag to be white: the flag and ensign will be hoisted on board, as soon as the orders shall be given by the KNE.
MIDDLETWON, Jan. 15.
Extract of a letter from Capt. Jonathan Hart, dated Fort-Harmar, Dec. 8, 1790. Addressed to the Parents and friends of Lieut. Frothingham.
The Serjeant who belonged to the party which Lieut. Frothingham particularly commanded, says, while they were retreating Lieut. Frothingham call'd to him, saying, "I am wounded, you must take charge of the men." A soldier who belonging to the same party, says he was along side of Lieut. Frothingham in the retreat, passed a large stream, but did not observe that he was wounded; a militia soldier adds, he saw him after he passed the stream and that he was taking command of the men; but another soldier says he saw him sitting near the banks of the river, pale, bleeding, and said he was mortally wounded.
ed.—From every circumstance I conclude he was wounded before he passed the river; but did not bleed so much as to prevent making every effort to repulse the enemy, until further resistance became impracticable, and that by this time the loss of blood had nearly closed the scene and compelled him to seat himself and calmly to wait the expiring moment. There is a possibility of his being still alive, but I presume to hear he had calmly resigned his life to the great proprietor of all nature would be less gloomy than to entertain the alarming idea of his being alive and subject to all the cruelties of more than savage barbarians, particularly under that full assurance which every one acquainted with him must have; that according to the best of his abilities, he had performed the part assigned by the great director and answered every purpose for which he came into this world, and that he must be now safely landed on the blissful shore of a happy eternity.
Permit me to mingle a sympathizing tear with the parents, relations and friends to his memory, and add as a tribute due from me to him, that as a man of abilities to which he had added a handsome education, as a confidential active and persevering officer, his death is most sincerely lamented in the army, and as a member of society, in him we have to lament the loss of an amiable example of every moral and social virtue."
* Another letter says,—that at this place he desired the serjeant to take charge of the men, adding, that he had received a second wound.
A L B A N Y, Jan. 13.
By a gentleman from Vermont we are informed, that the Convention of that state which assembled on Thursday last, for the purpose of taking into consideration the Constitution of the United States, adopted and ratified it on Monday the 10th, by an unanimous vote.
On the receipt of this pleasing intelligence in this city, a detachment of the independent artillery company met on the parade, and proceeded from thence to the Fort, where they welcomed their long lost sister, Vermont, by a discharge of fourteen guns; after which they returned to the parade and were dismissed.
By the accession of Vermont another link is added to the federal chain; and as a bill, for the admission of the district of Kentucky into the Union, is now pending before the Senate of the United States, we may promise ourselves that we shall soon have it in our power to announce the admission of that state also, when the union will be compleat and firm; combined as one great family, enjoying such variety of healthy climate, possessing such fertile plains in which nature has been prodigal of her bounty, may we not anticipate the day that America will rival the most powerful kingdoms in the universe.
By the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS the General Assembly of the State of Maryland, by an Act passed on the twenty-third day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, intitled, "An Act to cede to Congress a district of ten miles square in this State, for the Seat of the government of the United States," did enact, that the Representatives of the said State, in the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, appointed to assemble at New-York, on the First Wednesday of March then next ensuing, should be, and they were thereby authorized and required, on the behalf of the said state, to cede to the Congress of the United States, any district in the said state, not exceeding ten miles square, which the Congress might fix upon and accept for the seat of government of the United States.
And the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia, by an Act passed on the third day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and intitled, "An Act for the cession of ten miles square, or any lesser quantity of territory within this State, to the United States in Congress assembled, for the permanent seat of the General Government," did enact, that a tract of country not exceeding ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within the limits of the said State, and in any part thereof, as Congress might by law direct, should be, and the same was thereby forever ceded and relinquished to the Congress and Government of the United States, in full and absolute right, and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil as of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the eighth section of the first ar-
ticle of the constitution of Government of the United States.
And the Congress of the United States by their Act passed the sixteenth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety, and intitled, "An Act for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of the Government of the United States," authorized the President of the United States, to appoint three commissioners to survey under his direction, and by proper metes and bounds to limit a district of territory, not exceeding ten miles square, on the River Potomac, at some place between the mouths of the Eastern Branch, and Connogocheque, which district so to be located and limited, was accepted by the said Act of Congress, as the district for the permanent seat of the Government of the United States.
Now therefore, in pursuance of the powers to me confided, and after duly examining and weighing the advantages and disadvantages of the several situations within the limits aforesaid, I do hereby declare and make known, that the location of one part of the said district of ten miles square, shall be found by running four lines of experiment in the following manner, that is to say, running from the Court-House of Alexandria in Virginia, due South West half a mile, and thence a due South East course, till it shall strike Hunting Creek, to fix the beginning of the said four lines of experiment:
Then beginning the first of the said four lines of experiment at the point on Hunting Creek, where the said South East course shall have struck the same, and running the said first line due North West ten miles: thence the second line into Maryland, due North East ten miles: thence the third line due South East ten miles: and thence the fourth line due South West ten miles, to the beginning on Hunting Creek.
And the said four lines of experiment being so run, I do hereby declare and make known, That all that part within the said four lines of experiment which shall be within the state of Maryland and above the Eastern Branch, and all that part within the same four lines of Experiment which shall be within the Commonwealth of Virginia, and above a line to be run from the point of land forming the upper cape of the mouth of the Eastern Branch due South West, and no more, is now fixed upon, and directed to be surveyed, defined, limited and located for a part of the said district accepted by the said Act of Congress, for the permanent seat of the Government of the United States; (hereby expressly reserving the direction of the survey and location of the remaining part of the said district, to be made hereafter contiguous to such part or parts of the present location as is, or shall be agreeable to law.)
And I do accordingly direct the said commissioners, appointed agreeably to the tenor of the said Act, to proceed forthwith to run the said lines of experiment, and the same being run, to survey, and by proper metes and bounds to define and limit the part within the same, which is herein before directed for immediate location and acceptance; and thereof to make due report to me, under their hands and seals.
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the city of Philadelphia, the twenty-fourth day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and of the independence of the United States the fifteenth.
G. Washington.
By the PRESIDENT, THOMAS JEFFERSON.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, Jan. 13.
IN Committee of the whole, on the bill, declaring the person, who, in case of the death, inability, removal or resignation of the President, and Vice-President, shall exercise the office of President of the United States.
Mr. Carroll renewed the motion, that the vacancy in such case be filled by the Secretary of State for the time being.
Mr. Livermore observed, that the character of the gentleman who fills that office should have no weight in determining the question, because the house was about to provide for a case that might not happen before a number of years were elapsed.
The house should fix on the officer who would, from the nature of his office, most naturally succeed. He hoped they would not determine in favor of an officer of their own creating, and of which no mention is made in the constitution.
The Chief Justice, he remarked, had been spoken of—one great objection he mentioned against him, the provision which the constitution makes in case the President is impeached, viz. that he should preside.
As this was an elective government, he wished its principles preserved, and not to see the chief magistracy filled by an officer, not the choice of the people. The President of the Senate, pro tem.

appeared to him a much fitter officer to fill that station—He was originally chosen by the people into the Senate.
When amendments to the Constitution came to be thought of, perhaps it would be proper, he said, to provide for this case by a special clause in it, impowering the electors, who had chosen the President and Vice-President, in case of vacancy, to meet again, and make another choice, only, however, for the remainder of the four years; because at the end of that time the power of choosing the electors should return to, and be exercised by the several states.
If the motion before the committee was negatived, he gave notice, that he would bring in his, viz. to fill up the blank with the person last antecedently chosen President of the Senate.
Mr. Baldwin said that he should vote for the present motion, because he conceived that the constitution is express, that an officer of the government, designated either by the law or the Constitution, should be appointed to fill this vacancy.
He stated some objections against the Chief Justice: He is an officer who ought to be entirely detached from all political agitations whatever: His mind ought to be kept calm, and as unembarrassed as possible: He quoted the precedent established in the law, instituting the governor of the Western Territory—there the secretary is to succeed the governor. The secretary of state is an executive officer, an assistant to the President, and must be supposed, from his situation, to be the most proper person to supply the vacancy.
Mr. Sherman was of opinion, that putting the chief magistracy into the hands of a subordinate officer was by no means proper. As to the observations made by the gentleman last up on the arrangements in the government of the Western Territory, he did not think they could be applied to the present case: That government was a subordinate one, and a kind of legislative power was vested in the governor, of selecting from the laws, and regulations of the different States such as he thought requisite for the government of those he had under his care.
He was in favor of giving the supreme executive in case of accident, to the President of the Senate: The government would certainly suffer fewer inconveniences by that arrangement than if the head of a department was put in. The Vice-President, by the constitution succeeds to the President; the President of the Senate to the office of the first, it is therefore very natural that he should also exercise the duties of the second in case of vacancy.
To designate any officer, as possible successor to the President, he said, would be giving him too much dignity, and raising him in a manner even above the legislature.
Mr. Carroll observed that the vacancy might happen in the recess of the legislature, or in the absence of the President of the Senate: The Secretary of State would always be at the seat of government. Besides the constitution declared the vacancy should be filled by an officer of the government; the President of the Senate was on ly an officer pro tem. If the framers of the constitution had intended the vacancy should be filled by an officer named in it, they could have designated him; but this they had not done; he therefore supposed they had in view some officer then not in existence.
Mr. Gerry regretted that the subject should have been taken up at this moment, when so much important business is before Congress. He adverted to the motion, and said, that the character which now fills the office of Secretary of State, undoubtedly possessed the confidence of the legislature in the fullest manner—and very justly—but when the exigency shall arrive for which we now are about to provide, a character may fill that office, who would be a scourge to the Union. Besides said he, if the office of Vice-President was now to be filled, the Secretary of State would be ineligible, coming from the same State with the President. He stated other objections from the Constitution: He thought the nomination should not be confined to officers of the U.S. He supposed the views of government may be extended even to officers of the several States—He however wished the whole business postponed; but if this idea is over ruled, he suggested the propriety of filling the blank with the constitutional clause respecting the highest candidates who are primarily voted for as President and Vice-President.
(To be continued.)
SATURDAY, January 22.
Mr. Lawrance, from the committee to whom was referred the petition of Seth Harding, made a report, which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Agreeable to the order of the day, the house proceeded in the further consideration of the new revenue bill.
An additional section was proposed, pointing out the purposes to which the revenue, raised by the act should be applied. This was superceded by a motion to re-commit the bill, which was lost.
Several amendments were offered to that section, which underwent some discussion, but were postponed for further consideration.
Adjourned.
MONDAY, Jan. 24.
Mr. Livermore presented the petition of Peter Johnson, praying to be placed on the pension list. Referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Muhlenberg presented the petition of William Lane, praying compensation for losses sustained by him during the late war. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Madison presented the petition of George Gibson—which was read, and referred to a select committee, consisting of Messrs. Giles, Vining, Muhlenberg, Mathews, and Wadsworth.
Mr. Benion presented the petition of John Cockran, which was read, and referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Heister presented a memorial and remonstrance, from a number of the citizens of Philadelphia, against Excise Laws, and particularly against the bill now pending in the House, laying duties on distilled spirits.—Read and laid on the table.
The following Messages were received from the President of the United States:
UNITED STATES, JANUARY 24, 1791.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives, I LAY before you a statement, relative to the frontiers of the United States, which has been submitted to me, by the Secretary for the Department of War.
I rely upon your wisdom, to make such arrangements, as may be essential for the preservation of good order, and the effectual protection of the frontiers. G. WASHINGTON.
UNITED STATES, JANUARY 24, 1791.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives, IN execution of the powers with which Congress were pleased to invest me, by their act, entitled, "An act for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of the government of the United States," and on mature consideration of the advantages and disadvantages of the several positions, within the limits prescribed by the said act, I have, by a Proclamation, bearing date this day, a copy of which is herewith transmitted, directed Commissioners, appointed in pursuance of the act, to survey and limit a part of the territory of ten miles square, on both sides the river Potowmac, so as to comprehend Georgetown in Maryland, and to extend to the Eastern Branch.
I have not, by this first act, given to the said territory the whole extent, of which it is susceptible, in the direction of the river; because I thought it important, that Congress should have an opportunity of considering, whether, by an emendatory law, they would authorise the location of the residue at the lower end of the present, so as to comprehend the eastern branch itself, and some of the country on its lower side in the state of Maryland, and the town of Alexandria in Virginia. If however they are of opinion, that the federal territory should be bounded by the water-edge of the Eastern Branch, the location of the residue will be to be made at the upper end of what is now directed.
I have thought best to await a survey of the territory, before it is decided, on what particular spot, on the north-eastern side of the river, the public buildings shall be erected.
G. WASHINGTON.
The house then resumed the consideration of amendments proposed to the new revenue bill.
Three additional sections respecting the appropriation of the revenue to be derived from the bill, which were offered on Saturday, after some alteration, were agreed to.
Mr. Tucker proposed a clause to limit the duration of the bill: This occasioned a debate, which continued till near the time of adjournment. The motion was finally negatived. The Ayes and Noes being called for by Mr. Jackson, are as follow:
AYES.
Messrs Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke, Giles, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Matthews, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Parker, Scott, Seney, Sevier, Steele, Tucker, Williamson. 19.
NOES.
Messrs Ames, Benion, Boudinot, Bourne, Cadwallader, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Grout, Hathorne, Huntington, Lawrance, Lee, Livermore, Leonard, Madison, Partridge, Ransellaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Smith (M.) Smith (S.C.) Stone, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, White, Wynkoop. 39.
A motion by Mr. Jackson to expunge a clause respecting the Certificates' accompanying the duty article, was negatived. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, Jan. 25.
Mr. Heister presented the petition of a number of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, praying for compensation for losses sustained during the late war; referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Carroll presented the petition of two orphan children, whose father was killed in the late war, praying that the half pay which would have been received by their father, may be extended to them; referred to the Secretary of War.
A petition from the inhabitants of the county of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, against certain parts of the bill laying additional duties on distilled spirits.
Mr. Jackson of the committee on the petition of the merchants and inhabitants of Fayetteville respecting the judiciary law, reported that a committee ought to be appointed to bring in a bill pursuant to the said petition.
Mr. Ames presented the petition of Abiel Smith, praying compensation for a quantity of flour supplied the late continental army; referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Williamson presented the memorial of William Poultney, praying compensation for losses sustained during the late war; referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Lawrance of the committee appointed for the purpose reported a bill, directing the mode in which the evidences of the debt of the United States which have been, or may be destroyed, shall be renewed; read the first time.
The house resumed the consideration of the new revenue bill—undry amendments proposed by Mr. Jackson, by striking out certain clauses in the bill—were negatived; other amendments were agreed to—after considerable debate, at half after three, the question for engrossing the bill was carried in the affirmative—the ayes and noes being as follow:
AYES.
Messrs Ames, Benion, Boudinot, Bourne, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Huntington, Lawrance, Lee, Leonard, Livermore, Madison, Partridge, Schureman, Scot, Sedgwick, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, White, Wynkoop. 35.
NOES.
Messrs Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke, Griffin, Giles, Hathorne, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Mathews, Muhlenberg, Parker, Ransellaer, Seney, Sevier, Steele, Stone, Tucker. 20.
Mr. Tucker, of the joint committee appointed to consider and report the time for the commencement of the next Congress, brought in a report, which is in substance, that the business now before Congress may be finished by the 4th March, and that it will not be necessary for the new Congress to commence immediately after; but the joint committee could not agree as to the precise time, when their first session should begin.
Philadelphia, Jan. 26.
It is to be remarked that the opposers of the revenue bill now before Congress, have never come forward with a competent substitute—Something has been said about a tax on law proceedings, by which it is supposed a stamp duty was intended—but both these are found to shrink from the touchstone of popularity.
The symptoms of aristocracy in the Eastern States, are—agrarian laws—simplicity of manners—equality of circumstances—a universal diffusion of the means of knowledge—public schools being established by law, and supported by a general tax throughout the country—elections by ballot, and consequently free, being held on one, and the same day in small districts, throughout the respective governments—the soil cultivated by its independent owners—reverence for the laws—and respect to their magistrates—the federal government venerated—and the statutes of Congress obeyed—happy and tranquil because they are informed and free—and because they possess the means of preserving their freedom, by making every man, from sixteen to forty, a soldier-citizen:—But the most alarming of all their symptoms of Aristocracy is, the silence of their representatives in Congress, in respect to the jealous, uneasy, turbulent spirit of their constituents, as to any law that the general government may, in their wisdom, enact.
It is a trite observation, that anticipation of evil, is often the forerunner of mischief: We have, however, been happily disappointed in times past—No thanks to the dismal cacklers of the capitol. As the good sense of the people has hitherto prevented them from imbibing a restless spirit of complaint, from the oft repeated, tho groundless jealousies and apprehensions of more than eagle-eyed politicians, so it is to be hoped they will not in future be seduced to change the solid blessings of the government, for the positive miseries of discord and sedition, because some persons say, they are averse to measures that have never been tried.
Extract of a letter from Boston, Jan. 15.
Such a December has not been experienced here for many years—Wood rose to twenty shillings a cord! But since this year came in, the weather has moderated—provisions have been very plenty, and very cheap—the sleighing excellent—Pot and Pearl-ashes, Hemp, Flax, &c. &c. have been brought in from the back country which have generally commanded good prices, and sent much money to enliven the interior parts of this state, Vermont and New-Hampshire. The attachment of the people of this Commonwealth to the general government daily encreases; and in the rise of the public credit—the demand for produce &c. they feel its superiority over that of the late untied system.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 16/6. 16/9. pr. £ 83 3/4 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 8/9 9/ do. 42 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9/ do. 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 15/6 15/9 78 3/4 do.   Indents 8/9 9/ 45 do.   N. and S. Carolina, debts, 11/ 11/6. 57 1/2 do.  
INFORMATION WANTED.
THE Subscriber requests, if any gentleman can give him information of a purchase of Lands made by a Mr. Daniel Richardet, in the year 1781 and 1782, in some part of the United States, he will be so kind as to inform his Brother, by directing a line to him, at the Printer's office. S. RICHARDET.
January, 1791.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
JANUARY 25, 1791.
THE Public Creditors are reminded that, in order to the proper dispositions for paying the interest in the several States, it is necessary that the amount to be paid in each should be previously known at the Treasury. And as the expiration of the first quarter is not far distant, it is wished that those who have not yet done it, may be expeditious in making and signifying their election, pursuant to the act making provision for the debt of the United States.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
December 13, 1790.
In obedience to the order of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the 9th Day of August last, requiring the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to prepare and report, on this Day, such further Provision as may, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the PUBLIC CREDIT
RESPECTFULLY REPORTS,
(CONCLUDED.)
THE reason for the several provisions contained in the foregoing plan, have been so far anticipated, and will for the most part be so readily suggested by the nature of those provisions, that any comments, which need further be made, will be both few and concise.
The combination of a portion of the public debt in the formation of the capital, is the principal thing, of which an explanation is requisite. The chief object of this is, to enable the creation of a capital sufficiently large to be the basis of an extensive circulation, and an adequate security for it. As has been elsewhere remarked, the original plan of the bank of North-America, contemplated a capital of ten millions of dollars, which is certainly not too broad a foundation for the extensive operations to which a national bank is destined. But to collect such a sum in this country in gold and silver, into one depository, may, without hesitation, be pronounced impracticable. Hence the necessity of an auxiliary, which the public debt at once presents.
This part of the fund will be always ready to come in aid of the specie: it will more and more command a ready sale; and can therefore expeditiously be turned into coin if an exigency of the bank should at any time require it. This quality of prompt convertibility into coin, renders it an equivalent for that necessary agent of bank circulation; and distinguishes it from a fund in land, of which the sale would generally be far less compendious, and at great disadvantage. The quarter yearly receipts of interest will also be an actual addition to the specie fund during the intervals between them and the half yearly dividends of profits. The objection to combining land with specie, resulting from their not being generally in possession of the same persons, does not apply to the debt, which will always be found in considerable quantity among the monied and trading people.
The debt composing part of the capital, besides its collateral effect in enabling the bank to extend its operations, and consequently to enlarge its profits, will produce a direct annual revenue of six per centum from the government, which will enter into the half-yearly dividends received by the stock-holders.
When the present price of the public debt is considered, and the effect which its conversion into bank-stock, if incorporated with a specie fund, would in all probability have to accelerate its rise to the proper point, it will easily be discovered, that the operation presents in its outset a very considerable advantage to those who may become subscribers; and from the influence which that rise would have on the general mass of the debt, a proportional benefit to all the public creditors, and, in a sense, which has been more than once adverted to, to the community at large.
There is an important fact which exemplifies the fitness of the public debt, for a bank fund, and which may serve to remove doubts in some minds on this point. It is this, that the bank of England in its first erection rested wholly on that foundation. The subscribers to a loan to government of one million two hundred thousand pounds sterling, were incorporated as a bank; of which the debt created by the loan and the interest upon it, were the sole fund. The subsequent augmentations of its capital, which now amounts to between eleven and twelve millions of pounds sterling, have been of the same nature.
The confining of the right of the bank to contract debts to the amount of its capital, is an important precaution, which is not to be found in the constitution of the bank of North-America, and which while the fund consists wholly of coin, would be a restriction attended with inconveniences, but would be free from any if the composition of it should be such as is now proposed. The restriction exists in the establishment of the bank of England, and as a source of security, is worthy of imitation. The consequence of exceeding the limit there is, that each stockholder is liable for the excess, in proportion to his interest in the bank. When it is considered, that the directors owe their appointments to the choice of the stockholders, a responsibility of this kind on the part of the latter, does not appear unreasonable. But on the other hand, it may be deemed a hardship upon those who may have dissented from the choice. And there are many among us, whom it might perhaps discourage from becoming concerned in the institution. These reasons have induced the placing of the responsibility upon the directors, by whom the limit prescribed should be transgressed.
The interdiction of loans on account of the United States, or of any particular State, beyond the moderate sum specified, or of any foreign power, will serve as a barrier to executive encroachments, and to combinations inauspicious to the safety, or contrary to the policy of the Union.
The limitation of the rate of interest is dictated by the consideration, that different rates prevail in different parts of the union; and as the operations of the bank may extend through the whole, some rule seems to be necessary. There is room for a question, whether the limitation ought not rather to be to five, than to six per cent. as proposed. It may with safety be taken for granted, that the former rate would yield an ample dividend; perhaps as much as the latter, by the extension which it would give to business. The natural effect of low interest is to encrease trade and industry; because undertakings of every kind can be prosecuted with greater advantage. This is a truth generally admitted; but it is requisite to have analyzed the subject in all its relations, to be able to form a just conception of the extent of that effect. Such an analysis cannot but satisfy an intelligent mind, that the difference of one per cent. in the rate at which money may be had, is often capable of making an essential change for the better in the situation of any country or place.
Every thing therefore which tends to lower the rate of interest, is peculiarly worthy of the cares of legislators. And though laws which violently sink the legal rate of interest, greatly below the market level, are not to be commended, because they are not calculated to answer their aim; yet whatever has a tendency to effect a reduction, without violence to the natural course of things, ought to be attended to and pursued. Banks are among the means most proper to accomplish this end; and the moderation of the rate at which their discounts are made, is a material ingredient towards it; with which their own interest viewed on an enlarged and permanent scale, does not appear to clash.
But as the most obvious ideas are apt to have greater force than those which depend on complex and remote combinations, there would be danger, that the persons whose funds must constitute the stock of the bank, would be diffident of the sufficiency of the profits to be expected, if the rate of loans and discounts were to be placed below the point to which they have been accustomed; and might, on this account, be indisposed to embark in the plan. There is, it is true, one reflection, which, in regard to men actively engaged in trade, ought to be a security against this danger; it is this—That the accommodations which they might derive in the way of their business, at a low rate, would more than indemnify them for any difference in the dividend; supposing even that some diminution of it were to be the consequence. But upon the whole, the hazard of contrary reasoning among the mass of monied men, is a powerful argument against the experiment. The
institutions of the kind already existing, add to the difficulty of making it. Mature reflection, and a large capital, may, of themselves, lead to the desired end.
The last thing which requires any explanatory remark, is the authority proposed to be given to the President to subscribe to the amount of two millions of dollars on account of the public. The main design of this is to enlarge the specie fund of the bank, and to enable it to give a more early extension to its operations. Tho' it is proposed to borrow with one hand what is lent to the other; yet the disbursement of what is borrowed, will be progressive, and bank-notes may be thrown into circulation, instead of the gold and silver. Besides, there is to be an annual reimbursement of a part of the sum borrowed, which will finally operate as an actual investment of so much specie. In addition to the inducements to this measure, which results from the general interest of the government to enlarge the sphere of the utility of the bank, there is this more particular consideration, to wit, that as far as the dividend on the stock shall exceed the interest paid on the loan, there is a positive profit.
The Secretary begs leave to conclude, with this general observation—That if the Bank of North-America shall come forward with any propositions, which have for object the ingrafting upon that institution the characteristics which shall appear to the legislature necessary to the due extent and safety of a national bank, there are, in his judgment, weighty inducements to giving every reasonable facility to the measure. Not only the pretensions of that institution, from its original relation to the government of the United States, and from the services it has rendered, are such as to claim a disposition favorable to it, if those who are interested in it are willing, on their part, to place it on a footing satisfactory to the government, and equal to the purposes of a bank of the United States; but its co-operation would materially accelerate the accomplishment of the great object, and the collision, which might otherwise arise, might, in a variety of ways, prove equally disagreeable and injurious. The incorporation or union here contemplated, may be effected in different modes, under the auspices of an act of the United States, if it shall be desired by the Bank of North-America, upon terms which shall appear expedient to the government.
All which is humbly submitted.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
“AT a half-yearly communication of the Grand Lodge of New-Jersey, and masonic jurisdiction thereunto belonging, the several members met at their Lodge Room in Trenton, on Tuesday the 11th inst. and proceeded to ballot for the Grand Officers for the ensuing year—when the Right Worshipful John Beatty, Esq. was duly elected Grand Master.
The Right Worshipful Robert L. Hooper, Esq. Deputy Grand Master.
The Right Worshipful Samuel W. Stockton, Esq. Senior Grand Warden.
The Right Worshipful Jonathan Rhea, Esq. Junior Grand Warden.
The Right Worshipful Thomas Bullman, Grand Treasurer.
The Right Worshipful Mabel Ewing, Esq. Grand Secretary; and were duly installed in their respective offices.”
Trenton, 12th Jan. 1791.
On Tuesday the 11th inst. at a meeting of the members of the Society for promoting the establishment of Sunday Schools in this city, the following gentlemen were elected officers for the present year,
President. The Right Rev. William White, D. D. Vice-President. Mr. James Pemberton. Treasurer. Mr. James Mendenhall. Secretary. Mr. Matthew Carey. Visitors. D. B. Say, Rev. Ashbell Green, Rev. Mr. Bend, Mr. Peter Thompson, Junr. Dr. B. Rush, Samuel Powell, Esq. George Meade, Esq. John Barker, Esq. Mr. Thomas Bartow, Capt. N. Falconer, Dr. Wm. Currie, Mr. Samuel Fisher.
Forty Dollars Reward.
LOST by the Subscriber, on the 12th day of January 1791, between Penollopou and Freehold, in the county of Monmouth, and State of New-Jersey, the following Certificates, issued by the said State, to sundry Soldiers, for the three-fourth parts of the depreciation of their pay; all of which are signed by John Stevens, jun. Treasurer, and countersigned by James Ewing, Auditor, viz.
   No. Dated, Payable to Amount.     323 June 26, 1781, Powel Alston, £.60 8 9   399 January 27, do. Jacob Long, 30 16 10½   593 June 29, do. Oliver Cromwell, 60 8 9   664 June 30, do. James Kinsey, 57 12 6   740 July 2, do. George Long, 5 4 4½   869 July 4, do. Ananias Clark, 3 12 4½   938 July 30, do. Samuel Dotey, 135 7 6½   1060 March 20, 1782, Ephraim Patien, 31 13 9   1128 August 8, do. James Coulton, 30 7 10½   1133 August 8, do. Moses Thompson, 150 5 9½   1230 January 27, 1783, Asa Gilderleaves, 63 7 5½   1237 April 9, do. Michael Lane, 61 16 10½   841 July 4, 1781, James Clark, 4 17 10½  
Any person who may have found the said Certificates, and will return them to the subscriber, living at Penollopou aforesaid, shall receive the above reward; and in proportion for any part of them which may be returned.
All persons are hereby cautioned against purchasing any of the above Certificates, as payment is stopped at the public offices. If any of them should be offered for sale, the person to whom they are offered is requested to stop the same, and give notice thereof to their humble servant. KENNETH HANKINSON. Monmouth County, New-Jersey, Jan. 15, 1791.
WANTED, TWO OR MORE Convenient ROOMS,
in Chestnut-Street, or as near the Bank as possible. Enquire of the Printer. (cpfi.)
HENRY KUHL,
At No. 143, Second-Street, near Race-Street,
BY advice of his friends in New-York and Philadelphia, has opened an office for the purpose of buying and selling, on commission, the different species of Stock, and of liquidated and unliquidated paper in the market.
He will obtain such Certificates as are required by the funding law, for those who have unliquidated Securities; and transfer stock from and to the Treasury and the Offices of the Commissioners of Loans, on moderate terms.
Having for several years past been employed in the Treasury of the United States, he is well acquainted with its operations and forms; and flatters himself that on that score he has a decided advantage in transacting business here. He is fully impressed with the truth of the adage that “dispatch is the soul of business,” and will always make the interest of his employers an object of the first importance.
Philadelphia, December 29th, 1790.
Subscribers for Mrs. Warren's Poems, are requested to call on the Editor for their books.
THE Copartnership of HEWES and ANTHONY having expired the gift ultimo, they request those, who have any demands, to exhibit their accounts and receive their money; and those who are indebted, are desired to make speedy payment, to either of the Subscribers, at their Compting-House, No. 5, Chestnut-Street-Wharf. JOSIAH HEWES, JOSEPH ANTHONY.
Philadelphia, Jan. 15, 1791.
N. B. They have yet on hand, and for SALE, at their STORE abovementioned,
HYSON, Souichong, and Bohea TEAS, Three cales Caffia, Pimento in bags, Martinico Coffee, Muscovado Sugar, A few Casks old Batavia Arrack, One cask of Durham Mould, New England Rum in hogheads and barrels, A quantity of prime Boston Beef, Spermaceti, right whale and tanners' Oil, Best pickled Mackerel, 6 by 8—7 by 9—8 by 10—9 by 11—and 10 by 12 Window Glass, A quantity of excellent carrot Tobacco, And an elegant CHANDELIER. (zaw6w.)
AMERICAN CLOTHS.
SUPERFINE and ELASTICS, CONGRESS BROWN, LONDON SMOKE, LEAD, DRAB, BLUE and OTHER fashionable Colours,
Manufactured at Hartford, (State of Connecticut,) just received, and are now offered for Sale, at the
CHEAP STORE, No. 38,
North Third Street,
At which Store are also opening a large and general assortment of EUROPEAN and INDIA GOODS.
   CLOTHS, ELEGANT Vest Patterns—     Linens, adapted to the season,   Cambrics, Silk, Cotton, and Worsted   Painted, sprigged, tambour- Hose,   ed, book, and jacquet Muslins, Corduroys,   Chintzes, Velveteens, and Royal Ribs,   Cottons and Calicoes, Satinets,   Silks, Best Buck, Beaver, and White   Sheetings, Kidd Gloves,   Table Cloths, of a superior Fine Muslin Cravats,   quality, Black Russel,   Muslinet, Joan's Spinning.   Patent Silk Hose,  
A Variety of STUFFS.
And many other Articles, too numerous to insert in an Advertisement; all of which are now selling by Wholesale and Retail, on low terms, as to make them an object to the purchasers.
N. B. A few Barrels of MACKAREL, and Nova-Scotia HERRINGS. Philadelphia, Jan. 12, 1791.
EBENEZER HAZARD and JONAS ADDOMS have entered into partnership, and opened an OFFICE, at No. 173, in Market-Street, a few doors above Fourth-Street, where, under the Firm of
HAZARD and ADDOMS,
They purchase and sell all kinds of CERTIFICATES—PAPER MONEY, and BANK STOCK.
N. B. Transfers made at the Public Offices, and Business in general transacted on Commission. December 29.
To the Merchants, Traders, Foreigners, and the Public in general.
GENTLEMEN, AGREEABLY to the plan which the Subscriber submitted to the public consideration, and under the most flattering assurance of public patronage, he takes the liberty of announcing that
THE MERCHANTS,
and EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE,
is now opened at the corner of Market and Water-Streets, for the accommodation of the Merchants, Traders, and other Citizens of Philadelphia.
The Subscriber deems it unnecessary to repeat the declarations of his sincere intention to prosecute his undertaking with the most respectful assiduity: But he cannot forbear making a public acknowledgment of his gratitude, for the encouragement he has already experienced; nor suppress his invariable wish, that those gentlemen who may honor his Coffee-House with their presence, will communicate such articles of intelligence received from their correspondents as they shall think proper, and in preference, will upon every occasion, point out the defects of his plan, or favor him with hints for improving its execution.
The Subscriber will prepare entertainments, either at noon, or in the evening, for select parties, upon the shortest notice, and on the most reasonable terms. He can accommodate two or three Gentlemen with lodgings; and proposes at two o'clock on each day, when the public business of the Coffee-Room is over, to provide a cheap, but good and plentiful ordinary, for such guests as shall please to honor him with their company.
I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and humble Servant,
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 1, 1791.
THE partnership of JOHN DUNLAP and DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE having expired this day, DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE proposes to publish a Newspaper, entitled
The Mail,
and New Daily Advertiser.
(To be continued every Evening, Sundays excepted.)
THE MAIL shall be printed with an elegant new Type, procured for this particular purpose, on Paper, equal in size and quality to any of the Newspapers of Europe or America—And the Subscriber engages that no Means shall be spared to render the MAIL and NEW DAILY ADVERTISER in other respects worthy of the Public Patronage, which he now respectfully solicits.
The Price of the MAIL will be Eight Dollars pr. annum, to be paid at the end of the Year: And Advertisements will be received on such moderate Terms as to prove satisfactory to those who may be pleased to favor the Printer with their Commands in that line.
The MAIL will be published at the House No. 2, Lower Third Street (now occupied by Mr. J. D. Blanchard, who will shortly remove to the adjoining House, No. 4.) and at present Subscriptions are thankfully received at No. 48, Market-Street, by D. C. CLAYPOOLE.