Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-01-16 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXX.]
SATURDAY JANUARY 16, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LXXX.
"No errors are more dangerous than those which appear too trifling to be corrected."
(Continued from the last number, and concluded.)
I WOULD just observe concerning the manner of teaching arithmetic, that boys in general spend a vast deal more time and pains to learn that art, than is necessary, and do not always learn it, when they have done. Boys cannot learn arithmetic mechanically, as they do writing: They must be old enough to understand it. If lads are put upon the study of arithmetic before they are fourteen or fifteen years old, slow will be their progress, and imperfect their attainments. The mind must have formed some skill in combination, before it can be employed in that study to profit. But boys may acquire a sufficient knowledge in arithmetic for all the purposes of common life, by applying five or six weeks closely to it, under a good instructor, and at a proper age. Instead of this, how often do we see boys spend winter after winter in learning a few of the most simple rules of that art, and at last not be able to reduce a single rule to practice? And is it not requisite that females should have some acquaintance with arithmetic? A venerable old man, in grey hairs, and an aged matron, who cannot keep their own accounts, may justly weep over a misfortune, for which they are not answerable; but an indifferent spectator, who knows the worth of an education, may view with indignation that criminal negligence in men of interest, which will render the fate of posterity not less unfortunate.
Thus have I hinted at the principal defects and inconveniencies that attend the present mode of education. I am sensible that, though all I have said may be confessed, yet there is one general objection to any alteration; which is, that the people cannot support more expensive schools. But in answer to this I would observe, that if they would venture upon the experiment, they might support schools with the same or less expence, that would be much more advantageous. Economy may defeat itself by being carried to an extreme. When calculations are too close, there may be a saving in the expenditure, but the object will not be accomplished; and by attempting to save too much, all may be lost. Men who are always employed in small, trifling business, who pursue an unsteady course of life; and who, to use a familiar phrase, are always creeping along by the edges, will never make a head in the world, but must always remain poor and contemptible. It is just so with schools. People build an house, or rather put up something that will do the turn for the present; they send fifty, sixty, or seventy children to one Instructor, though this is too great a number, they own, yet, he must do as well as he can : Part of them have books—some have only pieces of a book which must do the turn for the present ; and some have none at all, but these must do as well as they can . The children cannot be spared, more than two or three days in a week, to attend school, but when they do go, they must learn as well as they can. A master is hired, who perhaps is a vagabond, and if he is not quite so good as could be wished, yet he is cheap, and people must do as well as they can these hard times . What is all this but creeping along by the edges? What is it but squandering away money and making a mock of education?
Dare, my candid readers, to step from the beaten path of custom and prejudice. Erect schools upon a different footing, and you will find them not only more advantageous for your children, but in the end, much cheaper for yourselves.—But even upon the supposition that good schools are eventually more expensive than bad ones, this should not frighten people, when they reflect that a good education is the best legacy they can bequeath their children. Thousands of persons, who have grown up to a state of manhood and found they could scarcely read or write, have wished, fervently wished their parents had left them less estate and a better education. But there is one argument of more weight than private advantages, and which ought to make parents more solicitous to encourage schools. We inhabit a country evidently formed for a great empire, where civil and religious liberty have taken up their abode, and where they will be found, as long as they are found on earth. The only way to preserve these unimpaired, is to diffuse knowledge among the body of the people. Once reduce the mass of the people to a state of ignorance and their bondage is inevitable. We have struggled through an arduous war to defend our religion and freedom, and let us be vigilant to furnish posterity with the means of defending them. We should remember at the same time, that we live in a late period of the world, as well as a glorious one, and may we not look forward with
eagerness to that finished state of society, when the diffusion of science shall have taught men, that there can be no happiness but in virtue; no liberty but in law?"
FROM THE INDEPENDENT GAZETTEER.
MR. OSWALD,
AT a noted inn upon the road to Reading, I found two countrymen, who had arrived nearly at the same time. After warming themselves, they began a conversation, which appeared to me at once interesting and diverting. I therefore took the first opportunity of putting it in writing, as nearly in the words of the parties as my memory could enable me. If you think it will either be useful or entertaining to your readers, it is at your service. A TRAVELLER.
Andrew. Aye! three days! Why, how could you spare so much time?
Henry. I was waiting for my waggons; and it was such fine fun to hear the speeches, that I could hardly get away at last.
A. Then you can tell us a great deal of what they are doing.
H. Why as to that—I do not know very well what they are doing; but some of them make monstrous fine speeches.
A. Well and what do they say?
H. O! they do pay one another off so cleverly.
A. Why Henry I suppose that you and I must put our hands in our pockets and help to pay them all at last. If they spend their time in paying one another off in words, we shall be forced to pay all hands of them in solid coin. But can't you tell us any thing about the business they were about?
H. Yes—the first day I was there, they were just finishing a long dispute about Electors. They had been at it all the week before.
A. What about Electors?
H. Why, whether the people should chuse for themselves, or find some others to chuse for them.
A. To chuse what?
H. Why, to chuse Senators, I think they called them.
A. And why were the people not to chuse for themselves?
H. Because they would not chuse right—and it was too much like the old Constitution—so they said.
A. And who were to chuse the Senators?
H. The people were to chuse men to chuse them—I don't well understand it.
A. Will there be no end of distrusting the people? Have our gentry so soon forgot where they sprung from? I suppose the people will not be trusted to get their own children, by and by.—But how did it end?
H. It was voted at last, that the people should chuse the Senators themselves.
A. Very good—I'm glad to hear it.—What was the next thing?
H. Compound rations was the next.
A. Compound rations! what's that?
H. I did not quite understand it—but they talked as if a rich man was to have a great many more votes than a poor man—Something about reckoning a man's head worth twenty shillings, and then making compound rations of his head and his money.
A. What! are we to be governed only by the wealthy?
H. Why not? Would you have beggars and vagabonds govern us?
A. No, by no means; for beggars and vagabonds always vote on the side of the rich, whether they are right or wrong; so that the wealthy will always have full as much weight as they ought to have, without increasing the number of their own votes.
The middling class of people, freeholders and householders, of moderate property, settled residents, who live industriously upon their labor, are the firmest supporters of the country. They have a firm attachment to their country, and they are free from those ambitious, aspiring thoughts which lead a man to seek his own aggrandizement at the expense of his neighbours. A rich man is always wishing to be richer and greater; and he always has a rabble of needy dependents ready to assist him. He need not be helped to more influence.†
NOTES.
† I believe it will be found upon a very little reflection that those are naturally most attached to their country, who have the most to lose in consequence of any disasters which may happen to it: As the great body of our citizens consists of those in middling circumstances, it necessarily follows, that they must be the support of the country; but that "they are free from ambitious thoughts" either collectively or individually, is contradicted by the experience of all ages; and especially by that of the State of Pennsylvania, otherwise a form of government which centered all power in a purely democratic assembly, never would have been so obstinately supported—a form of government, which left nothing to the wealthy part of the community, but what they obtained by intrigue, and the influence of property. And pray have the rich no rights in which to be secured? That wealth which is the object
H. Why, truly, there seems something in this—But how will you hinder beggars and vagrants from voting?
A. This might be done. Suppose that nobody was to vote till his name had been at least a twelve-month on the county tax books, and the taxes paid. I think this matter might be managed.
H. Well! Andrew! you could always out-talk me; but if you were to hear the orators in the Convention, you would be quite dumfounded.
A. And who are the great orators?
H. Why there is Wilson; but they say he has changed sides.
A. How so? what side is he of?
H. Why, he was against Electors, and against the compound rations.
A. Well, whether he changed sides or not, I find he's on the right side. Who are the other orators?
H. Why, there's a tall lean gentleman—I forget his name; but it seems to me that his throat is lined with bell metal, and his tongue steeled like a broad-axe—He hack'd and hew'd at Wilson, like any wood-chopper—But Wilson could talk back again—and it's fine fun. There's a heap of them—all speakers—and they talk by the hour.
A. But you forgot to tell me what became of the compound rations, as you call them?
H. O! they had not finished that yet.—
A. No!—and when do they expect to get thro' their business?
H. Some time next Summer, they talk.
A. Some time next Summer!—Why I thought, when some of you were carrying petitions about, you told the people they were to save expences; that the Convention would sit only a fortnight and make us a cheap government.—
H. Why;—yes;—it was—somehow so;—but, to say the truth, they begin to talk that the new government is to cost more money than the old one.
A. How so?
H. I can't tell;—but they talk about Chancellors and Judges with salaries all over the state. * Indeed neighbor Andrew I almost wish I had been quiet as you advised me, and contented myself as I was.
A. Well! well! come don't be discouraged, since the Convention is met, let us hope for the best. I trust they will go through with what they are about; and if they do but give us a tolerable government and cure the people of the itch for calling Conventions for altering the government every twelvemonth, I shall be contented.—Good, sometimes comes out of evil, and, for my part, I really wish this Convention may not rise, till they present us with a bill of costs that shall make us sick of them.**
H. Why I hardly think I shall carry about a petition for a new Convention very soon again.—But which way are you travelling Andrew?
A. To Philadelphia upon the old affair.—My Lawyer writes me word that the Supreme Court sits this month, and, if I will attend, he expects to get final judgment for me this term. And then I expect old Nicodemus will pay me off. I really want my money, neighbour Henry; and if you and some others had not befriended me, I do not know how I could have held out so long without it.
H. Well, Andrew—have patience!—I have bad news for you. So many of the Judges and Lawyers are in the Convention, that the Supreme Court is put off.
Upon this piece of information, honest Andrew assumed an attitude and countenance that was too distressing for my feelings. As I could not relieve him, I left the room.
of envy of desire—and the great spring of exertion to every man, let his situation be what it will, in a simple democracy, may be, and generally is employed to the most pernicious purposes; or else being considered as a grievance, or necessary to be assumed by the majority for exigencies of State, proves the destruction of its possessors—fits justify these observations. How important and necessary then is the great revolution in Pennsylvania, by which the Rights of every class of citizens are more clearly ascertained and secured—
"For nature hath left the tincture in the blood, All men would be tyrants if they cou'd."
Poor men are always wishing to be rich: Rich men to be richer; and power is equally attractive to all, but most dangerous in the hands of those who are the most ignorant.
* "Chancellors, Judges, and Salaries."—Individual, competent, and responsible officers, are held up as a bugbear—while the expences of the people for their support, bear no proportion to those innumerable streams which drain the public treasury to defray the charges of Committees on Committees, State officers without titles, and without responsibility, who always keep public business in a circle, and never bring any to conclusion, while they have a majority to keep the public purse open for their emolument.
** A very laudable wish! but a free people never will be easy under a bad Constitution; and Conventions are the wisest expedient that mankind ever adopted; and next to the wisdom of our country discovered in making Constitutions, they do the greatest honor to our invention and philanthropy as a people: Let the people feel the salutary influences of a good Constitution, and they will not think of Conventions.

EUROPE.
V I E N N A, November 2.
WHEN the Emperor yesterday was attending the TE DEUM , an express arrived with the news of another victory. Lieut. General Prince Hohenlohe, who commands in Transylvania, on the same day of the capture of Belgrade, beat a detachment of the enemy near Perenzeny, and on the morrow (October 8) all the Ottoman corps, of ten thousand men, with five cannons, under the command of the Pacha Cara Mustapha, who approached to attack. Cara Mustapha, it is said, killed himself, and 1500 of his men followed the spirited example. Five of the enemy's cannon, ammunition, from 40 to 50 colours, a quantity of arms, the camp, the magazine of Vadeny, as well as that of Tyrguschyl, have fallen into the hands of our troops, who have made a considerable booty, particularly of cattle. Our loss is trivial; but the Prince Hohenlohe, has received a contusion on his right thigh. He declares, that at the conclusion of the present campaign, the signal advantages gained, succeeded one another with a rapidity which is not less glorious than astonishing.
P A R I S, October 14
AN officer of the National Guards died a few days ago. His interment was ordered at 5 o'clock, and the bearers were taking him to the church—Some women of the neighbourhood, who happened to be in the church when the body drew near, enquired why the bell did not toll. They were informed, that the friends of the deceased had paid only the small fees, and that it was not customary to toll when that was the case. The women insisted upon tolling the bells instantly, and made the same ceremony be performed at a neighbouring convent. They insisted on the corpse being laid in one of the church vaults—military honors were then performed, and the people dispersed.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE.
SATURDAY, October 17.
The Committee of enquiry reported their opinion yesterday before the Assembly, on the subject of Monf. Besanval—they have not found any thing against him that amounts to the charge of felony, and they therefore expressed a wish for his enlargement.
The Assembly seemed very averse to this measure. The majority were of opinion, that Monf. Besanval had contributed more than any other person to the troubles in July last. "Either, said M. de Rebell, there was a plot for the destruction of Paris, or there was not; if there was, the author should be rigorously punished, if not, it is the city of Paris itself that should be brought to trial."
The Duke de Liancourt demanded M. Besanval's being enlarged on his parole. If security is asked for him, added the Duke, I am myself willing to enter into it.
M. de Luynes said, he had served under M. Besanval fifteen years, and that he had never known him give out an order that did not do honor to his character as a benevolent man and a good soldier.
Another member observed, that the letter written by M. Besanval to the Governor of the Bastille, which the Committee could not find, was still to be seen at the President's of the district of St. Gervais in Paris.
It was then disputed, whether or not he should be tried at the Chatelet in France.
M. Mirabeau proposed adjourning the trial till a proper tribunal was appointed for trying him and others accused of similar crimes.
The Assembly voted, that the Chatelet should be this tribunal for the time being.
L O N D O N.
Nov. 5. The Welch, the Danes, and the Norwegians, all assert, that some of their former adventurers discovered America long before Columbus had found land to the westward. Whether there may be any of their descendents settled on the banks of the Mississippi must admit of a very great doubt, as the shipping of the ancient Britons were not equal to herring bussies: and provided they might even have been wafted by a continuance of easterly winds to the other side of the Atlantic, yet there is very little probability that the Indian tribes would suffer a small colony to penetrate from the sea coasts to the internal parts of that Continent; and there to form a settlement free from disturbance or attack; it must, however, be admitted that evident marks have been traced, by which it is known, America had been visited by a people acquainted with the arts of improved life, as traces of fortifications and fortified camps have been discovered, and earthen ware, with instruments of husbandry, dug out of the earth in different places; those people are, however, supposed to have been a colony from ancient Carthage.
The Jews, who have obtained the full rights and privileges of citizens in his Imperial majesty's dominions, no doubt have purchased that favor at a very considerable price. This is the first time that people have been naturalized in any empire,
kingdom, or state (except for the space of one year in England) since the period of their chief city being sacked and destroyed by Titus Vespasian.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
THE following NEW YEAR'S WISH was addressed some years since, on the First of January, by a young gentleman, to a circle of his female friends: His finishing hand might possibly make it less exceptionable to the critic's eye—but as it is, I think he need not blush to own it: By publishing it, you may probably surprize him, as you will gratify your constant reader, LAVINIA.
NEW YEAR'S WISH.
To you, my young friends, while I write, Kind wishes spontaneous arise; And does aught my rude passions excite, They are hush'd by benevolent sighs. A Muse, in the form of a Dove, Hovers round and dispels every fear; She bids me each talent improve To hail you a HAPPY NEW YEAR! Her mandates I chearful obey, As her smiles I would strive to procure; For the lines that my wishes convey, May her favors in future secure; On you, my young friends, may the smile, That your verse may with melody flow; And may joy all your sorrows beguile, Nor an hour be reserved for woe. When WINTER shall sternly appear, And Nature in gloom be array'd, When the Mariner shudders thro' fear, Lest his bark should by winds be betray'd, Then in safety, well shelter'd from snow, May you, putting sorrow aside, In domestic tranquility know, All the joys of a social fire-side. When SPRING in young beauty shall smile, And charm following charm shall unfold; In rapture, beholding the while, May your portion be pleasures untold; May each songster that chirps on the spray, May each flow'ret that blows in the field, For you be more chearful and gay, For you its choice fragrances yield. When SUMMER shall sultry advance, And flocks from their sports shall retire; May each youth, who declines the light dance, Your charms, and your virtues admire. May the grape-vine form Arbors of ease, While the eglatine skirts them around, And then may the fresh balmy breeze Waft perfumes from each neighboring ground. When AUTUMN his treasures shall bring, When each fruit-tree shall bend with its load; May your hearts ever gratefully sing The hand that such blessings bestow'd. Thus sweetly, shall time roll away, Nor shall you once wish it in haste: And the YEAR that commences to-day, Far happier shall be than the past. Then, when WINTERS and SPRINGS shall decay, When SUMMERS and AUTUMNS are o'er, And PHOEBUS, the Prince of the day, Shall wake the glad seasons no more: To you, each forgetting her mirth, May beauty immortal be given, May you change the faint joys of this earth, For transports uncloying in Heaven.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 16.
Thursday last both Houses of Congress proceeded from Federal-Hall, in carriages, to the residence of THE PRESIDENT of the United States; The SENATE at 11, and the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES at 12 o'Clock, when The President of the Senate, and The Speaker of the House of Representatives, respectively, presented the following ADDRESSES, in answer to The President's Speech to both Houses—and received the Reply annexed to each.
To THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR,
WE, the Senate of the United States, return you our thanks for your Speech delivered to both Houses of Congress. The accession of the State of North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States, gives us much pleasure; and we offer you our congratulations on that event, which at the same time adds strength to our Union, and affords a proof that the more the Constitution has been considered, the more the goodness of it has appeared. The information which we have received, that the measures of the last session have been as satisfactory to our constituents as we had reason to expect from the difficulty of the work in which we were engaged, will afford us much consolation and encouragement in resuming our deliberations in the present session for the public good; and every exertion on our part shall be made to realize and secure to our country those blessings which a gracious Providence has placed within her reach. We are persuaded that one of the most effectual means of preserving peace, is to be prepared for war, and our attention shall be directed to the objects of common defence, and to the adoption of such plans as shall appear the most likely to prevent our dependence on other countries for essential supplies. In the arrangements to be made respecting the establishment of such troops as may
be deemed indispensable, we shall with pleasure provide for the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers, with a due regard to economy. We regret that the pacific measures adopted by government with regard to certain hostile tribes of Indians, have not been attended with the beneficial effects towards the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers, which we had reason to hope; and we shall chearfully co-operate in providing the most effectual means for their protection; and if necessary, for the punishment of aggressors. The uniformity of the currency, and of weights and measures, the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad, and the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, the facilitating the communication between the distant parts of our country, by means of the post-office and post roads, a provision for the support of the department of foreign affairs, and a uniform rule of naturalization, by which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens, are objects which shall receive such early attention as their respective importance requires. Literature and science, are essential to the preservation of a free constitution; the measures of government should therefore be calculated to strengthen the confidence that is due to that important truth. Agriculture, commerce and manufactures, forming the basis of the wealth and strength of our confederated republic, must be the frequent subject of our deliberation, and shall be advanced by all proper means in our power. Public credit being an object of great importance, we shall chearfully co-operate in all proper measures for its support. Proper attention shall be given to such papers and estimates as you may be pleased to lay before us. Our cares and efforts shall be directed to the welfare of our country; and we have the most perfect dependence upon your co-operating with us on all occasions, in such measures as will ensure to our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient and equal government.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. In Senate, Jan. 11, 1790.
To which the President was pleased to make the following reply—
GENTLEMEN,
I THANK you for your address, and for the assurances, which it contains, of attention to the several matters suggested by me to your consideration.
Relying on the continuance of your exertions, for the public good, I anticipate for our country, the salutary effects of upright and prudent counsels. G. WASHINGTON.
The Address of the House of Representatives to the President of the United States.
SIR,
THE Representatives of the people of the United States, have taken into consideration your Speech to both Houses of Congress at the opening of the present session.
We reciprocate your congratulations on the accession of the State of North-Carolina; an event which while it is a testimony of the increasing good will towards the government of the Union, cannot fail to give additional dignity and strength to the American republic, already rising in the estimation of the world in national character and respectability.
The information that our measures of the last session have not proved satisfactory to our constituents, affords us much encouragement at this juncture, when we are resuming the arduous task of legislating for so extensive an empire.
Nothing can be more gratifying to the Representatives of a free people than the reflection, that their labors are rewarded by the approbation of their fellow citizens. Under this impression, we shall make every exertion to realize their expectations, and to secure to them those blessings which Providence has placed within their reach. Still prompted by the same desire to promote their interests which then actuated us, we shall, in the present session, diligently and anxiously pursue those measures which shall appear to us conducive to that end.
We concur with you in the sentiment that agriculture, commerce and manufactures, are entitled to legislative protection, and that the promotion of science and literature will contribute to the security of a free government; in the progress of our deliberations, we shall not lose sight of objects so worthy of regard.
The various and weighty matters which you have judged necessary to recommend to our attention, appear to us essential to the tranquility and welfare of the Union, and claim our early and most serious consideration. We shall proceed without delay, to bestow on them that calm discussion which their importance requires.
We regret that the pacific arrangements pursued with regard to certain hostile tribes of Indians, have not been attended with that success which we had reason to expect from them; we shall not hesitate to concur in such further measures as may best obviate any ill effects which might be apprehended from the failure of those negotiations.

Your approbation of the vote of this House at the last session, respecting the provision for the public creditors is very acceptable to us: The proper mode of carrying that resolution into effect, being a subject in which the future character and happiness of these States are deeply involved, will be among the first to deserve our attention.
The prosperity of the United States is the primary object of all our deliberations, and we cherish the reflection, that every measure which we may adopt for its advancement, will not only receive your cheerful concurrence, but will at the same time derive from your co-operation, additional efficacy in ensuring to our fellow citizens the blessings of a free, efficient, and equal government. FREDERICK A. MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
To this Address, The President was pleased to make the following reply:
GENTLEMEN, I RECEIVE with pleasure the assurances you give me, that you will diligently and anxiously pursue such measures as shall appear to you conducive to the interests of your constituents; and that an early and serious consideration will be given to the various and weighty matters recommended by me to your attention.
I have full confidence, that your deliberations will continue to be directed by an enlightened and virtuous zeal for the happiness of our country. G. WASHINGTON.
January 14.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 13.
Mr. Smith of the committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States, to know at what time and place the House should wait on him to present their address, reported that the President had appointed to-morrow at twelve o'clock, at his own house.
Mr. Huntington, from Connecticut; Mr. Cadwallader, from New-Jersey; Mr. Heister, from Pennsylvania; and Mr. Smith, from Maryland, appeared and took their seats.
On motion,
Ordered, That so much of the standing rules and orders of this house, as directs the mode of appointing committees, be rescinded; and that hereafter it be a standing rule of the house, that all committees shall be appointed by the Speaker, unless otherwise specially directed by the house, in which case they shall be appointed by ballot, and if upon such ballot the number required shall not be elected by a majority of the votes given, the house shall proceed to a second ballot, in which a plurality of votes shall prevail; and in case a greater number than are required to compose or complete the committee shall have an equal number of votes, the house shall proceed to a further ballot or ballots.
The House resumed the reading of the statement of the south-western frontiers, and of the Indian department, as referred to in The President's message of yesterday: Whereupon,
Ordered, That the said message and statement be referred to a committee of five, and that Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Brown, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Baldwin, be of the said committee. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 14.
Mr. Sedgwick, from Massachusetts; and Mr. Hartley, from Pennsylvania, appeared and took their seats.
Mr. Livermore, Mr. Ames, Mr. Lawrance, Mr. Scott, Mr. Smith, (M.) were added to the committee, to whom was referred the statement of the southwestern frontiers and Indian department.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury was received and read, and referred to a committee of the whole house, this day fortnight.
Adjourned.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 15.
Mr. JACKSON, took his seat this day.
The memorial of John Cockran, Commissioner of the Loan-Office in the State of New-York, praying for an addition to his salary for reasons stated in the memorial, was read, and laid on the table.—Also, the petition of William Montgomery and Co. respecting certain inventions, which was laid on the table.—Also sundry reports of the Secretary of the Department of War, on a number of petitions and memorials referred to him at the last session.
Mr. HARTLEY—upon a presumption that the unfinished business of the last session, was to be taken up in the present, in the situation it was then left—proposed that the bill for the promoting of science and useful arts, and for securing to authors and inventors the benefits of their writings and discoveries should be taken into consideration, and to that purpose laid a motion on the table.
Mr. SMITH (S. C.) moved that the House should go into a committee of the whole on the President's Speech, which motion being agreed to—Mr. BALDWIN took the chair.
Mr. SMITH then read a statement of the several articles in the Speech which were recom-
mended to the consideration of the House—and moved that the committee of the whole should come to a resolution to refer the same to select committees—This being adopted, the committee rose, and the Chairman reported the resolution to the House—On which the House appointed committees for the following purposes, viz.
Resolved, that a committee be appointed to report a plan to provide for the national defence, and Mr. Gillman, Mr. P. Muhlenberg, Mr. Heister, Mr. Matthews and Mr. Floyd, were appointed.—
Resolved, that a committee be appointed, for bringing in a bill making provision for persons employed in the intercourse between foreign nations, and the United States—Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Huntington and Mr. Lee were appointed.—
Resolved, that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for the establishment of a uniform rule of naturalization—Mr. Hartley, Mr. Tucker and Mr. Moore were appointed
That part of the Speech referring to uniformity in the coin, weights and measures of the United States, was referred to the Secretary of State. Several other parts of the Speech, respecting post offices, and post roads—the promoting of science and literature, &c. it was ordered should lie on the table—as reports were ready to lay before the House relative to those subjects.
Mr. GOODHUE moved that a committee should be appointed, to divide the State of North Carolina into districts, for the purpose of collecting the impost in that State, agreeable to the laws of the United States.
Several other motions, referring to the same object, were introduced—but the following proposed by Mr. Sedgwick was adopted, viz.
Resolved, that a committee be appointed to report a bill or bills, for making such alterations in the laws of the United States, as may be necessary to conform the same to the present State of North Carolina—and Mr. Benton, Mr. Cadwallader and Mr. Trumbull were appointed.
Adjourned till Monday, 11 o'clock.
LEGISLATURE OF STATE OF NEW-YORK.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 13, 1790.
A MESSAGE from His Excellency the Governor, to the General Assembly of this State.
GENTLEMEN OF THE LEGISLATURE, THE Amendments proposed to the Constitution of the United States, and the other Communications which have been made to me in your recesses by the Direction of Congress, will be submitted to your Consideration with this Message. The Returns required by the Resolutions accompanying these Papers, for the Treasury and War Departments, are already directed to be made and transmitted to those Offices respectively.
The usual Returns from your Treasury will disclose the present state of our Finances, and evince the necessity of a permanent Arrangement for the support of Government and the maintenance of the public Credit. I am happy to observe, that many interesting Objects which have since the close of the War occupied much of the Time of the Legislature, are now accomplished, and that it will consequently be in your Power to devote a greater Portion of your Attention to this important Business.
I conceive it proper, at this Time, to remind the Legislature, that in the Course of the present Year the Period will arrive when by our Constitution a Census of the Electors and Inhabitants is to be taken for apportioning the Representation to the Senate and Assembly.
It is with Pleasure I inform you, that the Survey of the waste Lands, directed to be sold, is completed, and that such Progress has been made in the running out of those allotted as a Bounty to the Troops of this State, that Grants may be issued to the Individuals entitled to them without any further actual Surveys. I shall direct the Accounts of the Expenses, which have accrued in those Services, to be lodged in the Auditor's Office for Liquidation, and I flatter myself it will be found, that as great a regard to Oeconomy has been observed as the Nature of the Business, and the Obstructions which attended the Execution of it, would permit.
With respect to the Measure recommended more immediately to my Care by the concurrent Resolution of the Senate and Assembly in July last, it is sufficient to mention, that it has been executed without incurring any Expence to the State.
G. CLINTON.
New-York, 13th of January, 1790.
The several acts of Congress, and other communications which accompanied the message of his excellency the Governor were also read.
Ordered, That the said message of his excellency the Governor, and sundry matters which accompanied the same, be committed to a committee of the whole house.
Mr. Jones introduced the following resolve viz.
Resolved, if the hon. the senate concur herein, That the treasurer be, and is hereby directed to deliver one copy of the laws of the state to his Excellency the Governor, one to each house of the legislature of the United States, one to the secretary of state for the United States, two to the clerk of the senate of this state, four to the clerk of the house for the use of the legislature, one to the chancellor, one to each judge of the supreme court, and one to the judge of the court of probates, one to the secretary, one to the attorney general, one to the clerk of the supreme court, one to the auditor, one to the clerk of each county of the state for the use of their respective offices, and one other copy for the use of his own office, one to the clerk of each town, for the use of each town, he giving his receipt, one for each judge of the supreme court of the United States, one to the clerk of the supervisors in each county, for the use of the supervisors—Also to Richard Varick and Samuel Jones, Esquires, by whom the said laws were revised and digested, each one copy; and to each member of the senate and assembly of this state one copy—and the treasurer is hereby directed, to have regard, in the distribution of the said laws, to the order observed in this resolution, giving priority to those who are first named, adopted 37 to 4.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 14.
The following message was received from the Senate:
Resolved, (if the hon. the Assembly concur herein) that a joint committee of both Houses of the Legislature be appointed to examine such accounts as have been submitted by the auditor of this state to the commissioner appointed by the United States, for settling the accounts between the United States and individual states; and to advise the auditor relative to the vouchers of the claims of this state: and in case of such concurrence, that Mr. Philip Schuyler, Mr. L'Hommedieu, and Mr. Livingston, be of the said committee on the part of the Senate.
The House concurred, and appointed Mr. King, Mr. Randall, Mr. Schoonmaker, Mr. Barker, and Mr. Giles, the committee on their part.
The House resolved that they would choose a Council of Appointment this day at 12 o'clock.
Went into a committee on the Governor's message;
Mr. Watts in the chair.
It was resolved that committees be appointed to bring in bills in conformity to the act of Congress of 23d September last, respecting gaols; and that of the 7th August, respecting light-houses.
A resolution was also agreed to, appointing a committee to prepare and bring in a bill in conformity to the concurrent resolution of the Legislature of the 13th of July last, respecting Fort George and its dependencies.
The committee then rose, the House accepted of the report, and appointed committees accordingly.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
To the Hon. LEGISLATURE of this STATE.
A WRITER, in a late Poughkeepsie paper, on the important subject of PUBLIC SCHOOLS, introduces this very singular observation, "It is even conjectured, says he, that our legislature will never consent to a law, making it the duty of each town to support a respectable school, for fear it would be unpopular."—Can it be possible that there should be any foundation for such a conjecture? If there is—Can language suggest a more powerful motive, to induce the Legislature to pass such a law? Does it not indicate such a state of ignorance, and degradation, as calls on all the principles of humanity, benevolence, and patriotism, to make the most spirited exertions, that the people may be brought from under the tyranny of such ignominious sentiments, so hostile to their best interests, in every point of view? for that society must be in a deplorable condition, in which it is unpopular to propose a public regulation, that has for its object, the diffusion of knowledge, science, and virtue, among the people. The Deity hath not devised a system so competent to this design, as public schools.—The present enlightened Legislature of this State, hath on many occasions adopted a most public spirited line of conduct—and there can be no doubt, that this important subject will be taken into consideration by them—and such effectual provision made, that the State of New-York may in this, as she does in other respects, support her pretensions to an enlightened, liberal policy.
C I V I S.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. EDITOR, I was agreeably surprized to read in one of the Papers to day, that in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, the Revenue which may be expected from the Post-Office is estimated at 100000 Dollars—this is so contrary to past experience, that I cannot but suppose, that in addition to enhancing the rate of postage, some new arrangements are contemplated—there is one which appears to me very essential, and that is to give the Merchants and others a greater opportunity to answer their Letters by the return of the post by which they are received—The practice of closing the mail, the same evening that it arrives, which in a great measure deprives them of this convenience, operates against the revenue to Government. MERCATOR. January 15.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 16, 1790.
FROM CORRESPONDENTS.
The public anticipations are more than realized by the communications made to Congress at the commencement of the present session. During the recess it appears that the Executive Departments have been incessantly employed in forming the necessary arrangements, collecting information, and preparing public business, in such manner that the National Legislature has the most important objects brought immediately before them—and there is no doubt, but that they will proceed in the discussion of every subject, with all that unanimity and dispatch, which is compatible with doing justice to the general interests of their constituents.
How must the bosom of every friend to the United States expand with pleasure, in contemplating the situation of our country, as delineated in the speech of The President to both Houses of Congress: What a generous confidence in the patriotism of the citizens! And what a glow of hope, that as they have begun, so they will continue to appreciate the blessings of good government, under the best Constitution ever conferred upon any of the sons of men.
Of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury much may be said; but as it will shortly be laid before the public, an anticipation of their opinion, will doubtless fall below the sentiments that will be excited on its appearance.
Another correspondent informs, that a number of the sect called SHAKERS, having, thro' the benevolence of a certain Society, not an hundred miles from John-Street, been indulged with the use of their Tabernacle for a few evenings past, to hold their particular meetings in, has occasioned those extraordinary appearances, noises, &c. which have excited so much speculation.—There is nothing new in all this—there was a sect in Persia a thousand years ago, that beat this hollow, in writhings, contortions, groanings and screechings.
BOSTON STAGE.
THE subscriber informs the public, that having contracted to carry the public mail in the stage from New-York to Boston, for the year 1790—commencing January the first to go twice a week till the first of May, and three times a week from first May to first November, and to employ a person to go thro' with the mail to take Care of it. He engages that this conductor shall transact all private business committed to him with fidelity at a reasonable Commission—he will carry bundles, money, newspapers, &c. And may be seen every Wednesday and Saturday Evening in New-York, at Frances Tavern, in Boston at the subscribers House, in Hartford at Frederick Bull's, Coffee House.
Four active men are now engaged as Conductors, who have given bonds for the faithful discharge of their trust.
LEVI PEASE.

THE OBSERVER.
No. XIII.
Our national happiness must depend on the perfection of our union.
DIVIDE and govern, was the policy of Great Britain to keep the Americans in subjection, before our emancipation from her authority; and it is now the policy of those who wish to embarrass our councils and defeat the general government. The success of this artifice is manifest from the strange conceptions of each other, entertained by the inhabitants in the extremes of the United States, before our happy revolution. An intercourse in war and policy, has done much to remove these prejudices of ignorance, and we find that an American, whether he were born in New-Hampshire or Carolina, is a reasonable being, is capable of friendship and honesty, and if he be decently treated will return the civility. Ignorance on this subject is now so far removed, that when I hear any one disseminating prejudices against a distant part of the union or endeavoring to prove an irreconcilable opposition of interests, I immediately suspect his heart of a political poison; and that a mischievous design against the government, rather than ignorance of men is his motive to asperse. If there be any who cannot dilate their affections and policy beyond our ancient colonial jurisdictions, they ought immediately to quit the country, and seek an insular situation, where rocks and waves may be an unchangeable boundary to their brotherly love—for such, our parent isle will be a happy retreat, where a charity and national system of three hundred miles in dimension will over-reach the limits of territory.
We often speak of the union—this union now subsists in theory, and to make it permanent must be in feeling and in practice—it must rise superior to local attachments and boundary lines, to the interest and designs of a party—and must grasp the whole. In the policy of a nation the little passions ought to have no concern. In the home-bred labourer, who supposes his own district to approach near the extreme limits of human habitation, we forgive the narrow apprehension and its consequences; but in a lawgiver of his country, or in any public officer, we mark the weakness, and pity him as a man whose mind is less than his employment.
Gentlemen who possess delegated power, ought not to forget the particular interests of their constituents; but this part may be over-acted—a thousand questions of opposite interest, may be invented by a small degree of sagacity; to heal and not aggravate the opposition marks a great politician—to adopt a pervading system, in which sacrifices made by any part of the union, shall be compensated by equivalent benefits, is the work of a skilful lawgiver. A desire of popularity in their own small districts, with some, proves a temptation to be very curious in discovering local interests; this may succeed for a time but as the motive is not the most honorable, must in the end defeat the very purposes, which it was designed to promote.
In a country of free electors, where all have some property, there is a worthy pride on this subject; those are most respected, who unite an economical care of the peoples' interest, with a magnitude of mind commensurate to national purposes. A good subject had rather lose a few pence annually, than to hear it said his representative is a man of little and selfish views.
In the galleries of the State Legislatures, I have often observed the feelings of every spectator, wounded, by the rising of a member to give information, that the measure is against the interest of his town or county, and therefore he must oppose it.
The influence of example is great! We have sanguine expectations, that the magnanimity and enlarged national views, manifested by all the gentlemen of our general representation, in their last session, will have a salutary effect on the feelings of those, who legislate for the particular States.—When we remember that every mind was superior to territorial prepossessions, and enlarged as the empire to which they give law!—When we reflect, how they considered themselves acting for a nation, and not for a single State; and that they were not known even to name their own ancient dominions, lest it should be construed into an anti-national meaning! When we observe that the spirit of concession brightened to the very close of their meeting, and shone with most dazzling lustre, on the question of a permanent seat for government; we are surprised by such superiority of human weakness!—Such examples must be powerful on the feeling of every State!—From this moment, a patriotism not confined to little limits will inspire our State councils!—And every informed citizen, will consider himself a subject not of one; but of the United States!—
The final adjustment of a revenue system, is a subject more exposed than any other, to the intrusion of local views and ancient prepossessions. Both rulers and people must expect to sacrifice some feelings, which were pardonable in our old state of separation; but in our new state of union are wholly unfit.
The man cannot be a good subject, who on a proposition of public measures, first enquires within himself, will this work an exclusive advantage to my own town, county, or state; with this spirit he will be forever grumbling at imaginary wrongs, and his brain will be distracted with political phantoms which have no existence but in his own jealousy and selfishness.
Either break the chain of union, and let every part get what it may, in the general wreck of property and honor; or make the union, as real as it is ostensible; and the only way for this, is to be one in legislation, in a judiciary system, in finance, in public funds, and in the manner of taxation and forming a national revenue. If in this great republic, there are to be thirteen treasury departments; each jealous of the other, and armed with such hostile cunning as the several States can produce and all of them most jealous of the general treasury: if every State is to have a plan of revenue from trade and business, artfully calculated to entrap its neighbors: if each State is to have a separate debt, for which they must provide, by means the most anti-national in their operation; certainly our union cannot be perfected.
Demagogues and men of dishonest principles but popular views, will take occasions from the disorder to disseminate the seeds of contention between the States—the low passions of the people will be kept alive, and in the hour of passion they will submit to such State measures, as in the end must rob them of prodigious property; for it is not possible for the several States to provide for our debt, in so economical a manner, as it may be done by the united power. The old method of requisition on the States hath been found futile in the extreme; and for Congress in taxing the States, to have a moiety process adapted to the several modes of assessing and collecting now used in each, will keep alive suspicions of partiality; and prevent order, regularity, and a similarity of decrees in the higher departments of the treasury. Uniformity in the manner of taxing and collecting through the whole, I consider as a principal step towards the perfection of our union; and to be uniform, the system of the United States, must overlook all local customs, and stand on its own basis—it must adopt a simple process, which may be understood by every kind of people in the union; and such I conceive is the proposition of a land-tax which I have heretofore made.
There is nothing in the circumstances, either of the eastern, middle or southern States, which in the opinion of an impartial mind, ought to militate against a plan of similar operation through the whole. People may have their jealousies; while the States were in treaty with each other, it was necessary to bear with them; now we are one people, have a right to the same treatment, and all jealousy ought to be done away.
FROM THE PROVIDENCE GAZETTE.
THE NEW YEAR.
THE commencement of a new year, it is hoped, will be marked by a new era in the policy of this State. The session of our Legislature, which takes place on the second Monday of January inst. is anxiously waited for. The eyes of Europe, as well as America, are upon us: and that we may, at such an interesting crisis, walk worthy of our vocation, is the ardent wish of every friend to this and the United States. By adopting the government of the Union, farmers, merchants, and citizens of every description, would soon experience a pleasing reverse of circumstances; wealth would flow in upon us from every quarter, and the bane of a community, the Truck-Trade (which extreme necessity compelled us to adopt) become totally extinct.
Effectual Remedy for the Bite of a Mad Dog.
THERE is nothing, perhaps, so much to be dreaded as the bite of a mad dog: for the poison is so very infectious and penetrating, that it takes effect thro' the clothes, without fetching blood; by the breath of the animal drawn into the lungs; by a touch of the tooth if recent; and applying it to the lips or tongue, when it has been long dried; by handling the wound, or instrument, which was the death of the animal; or by handling things which have been infected by any of the former means.
To prevent the fatal consequences that too often attend these accidents, the following (which is the famous East-India Specific) is recommended to be given in a glass of brandy:
Take native cinnabar, and factitious cinnabar, of each 24 grains, musk 16 grains, make it into a powder, and give it one dose, as it was given in the following case:
A poor man was bit by a mad dog, and after using divers medicines, was invaded with a strong hydrophobia, and being confined in Greenwich, was treated with the above medicine as follows: His teeth being forced asunder with a knife, he took one dose: three hours after the hydrophobious symptoms were abated, he swallowed a second dose, which by next morning almost recovered him; he took a third dose in a fortnight, a fourth in a month after, and never felt any more of the hydrophobious symptoms.
FROM THE AMERICAN EAGLE.
Published at Salem, by Mr. THOMAS C. CUSHING.
BY late intelligence from India we learn, that the French have ceded Pondicherry, on the coast of Coromandel, to Tippoo Saib—reserving the right, for a limited time, of keeping a small number of troops in the citadel, for the protection of such ships as may touch there before this cession is generally known. Transports were gone to bring Gen. Conway, (the French Generalissimo in India) and the troops to the Isle of France.
Tippoo had destroyed the strong fortress of Mangelor, on the Malabar coast. The English possessed themselves of this commanding situation he last war; but Tippoo, determined that they should never more take advantage of it, detached a large body of troops to destroy it, and attended himself in person to see that it was effectually done. It was blown up and overturned to its very foundations, exhibiting a scene of ruins like the effects of a violent convulsion of nature.
The policy of this warlike and ferocious Prince appears to be, to gain Indostan entirely to himself, and to destroy all intercourse between its inhabitants and Europeans. For this purpose, he has ordered every pepper-shrub to be rooted up, in his dominions, and every object of commerce to be destroyed.
Tippoo's numerous troops are under the most excellent discipline: the English by fighting them, and the French by aiding them, have taught them the European art of war. A great number of Gen. Matthews's army, who were captured last war, and other Europeans, are now in his pay.
It is said, the probable consequence of the measures of Tippoo and the French will be, the entire expulsion of the English from the peninsula of Indostan; when, pursuing his plan of policy, Tippoo will turn about, and drive off the French also.
If to remove usurpers, and to obtain the entire government of Indostan, for the sake of establishing a beneficial commerce with the rest of the world, appeared to be the objects of Tippoo, we might perhaps be justified in wishing him success: but we fear he is actuated only by revenge, and an ambition to govern by military law—that he means to prevent a friendly intercourse between his subjects and the inhabitants of the other parts of the globe; and to wage a general war against the arts of peace, which have had so happy an influence upon mankind.
WILLIAM TAYLOR,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS,
Among which are the following Articles:
  BOOK/Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS,   Jacket do. Long Cloths,   Hankercchiefs, of various kinds, Cassos,   Chintzes, Seerluckers,   Gingham, Boglapores. 
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS.
With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
JANUARY 9, 1790.
PROPOSAL, FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
MEMOIRS OF THE BLOOMSGROVE FAMILY.
In a SERIES of LETTERS from a gentleman in New-England to a respectable citizen of Philadelphia.
CONTAINING Sentiments on a MODE of DOMESTIC EDUCATION, suited to the present state of Society, Government and Manners in the United States, and on the Importance and Dignity of the Female Character.
INTERSPERSED WITH A VARIETY of interesting ANECDOTES.
CONDITIONS.
They will be printed on a good paper and type—neatly bound and lettered, in two volumes, 12mo. and delivered to subscribers at three quarters of a dollar per volume.
These Memoirs are dedicated to Mrs. WASHINGTON, by her permission. Having seen the manuscripts, and approved the plan, "She heartily wishes that every laudable effort to improve the mode of education in this country may be attended with merited success."
FROM the literary character of the reputed author of the above work, and a table of contents left with the printer hereof, being eighty-three letters on the most interesting subjects of education, life and manners, it is expected these Memoirs will prove a very valuable and interesting performance.
Subscriptions received by the Editor, at his office, and letters (post-paid) duly attended to.
THE Gazette of the United States circulates in every part of the Union—being honored by subscribers in Georgia, South and North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, New-York, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, and District of Maine, Canada, Europe, and the West Indies. This extensive circulation renders it a proper vehicle for ADVERTISEMENTS of a general, commercial and governmental import:—By the particular desire and advice, therefore, of a number of its patrons, this paper will be open for the reception of advertisements of the above description; which as they will convey intelligence of an interesting nature, the Editor hopes their insertion will meet the approbation of his friends in general. Should the number at any time amount to more than a page in the Gazette, they will be given in a Supplement. JOHN FENNO.
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