Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-07-22 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXIX.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 22, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXIX.
"Would it not be well to have certain triers or examiners appointed by the State to inspect the genius of every particular boy, and to allot him the part that is most suitable to his natural talents?"
IT is to be expected that the partiality of parents will induce them to suppose, their children can make improvements in any art or profession whatever. To gratify these fond prejudices, the regulations at academies assume not the severity of authorizing the aptitude of genius in the pupils for the particular studies in which they are engaged. The instructors do not practise upon the supposition that each capacity may have some corresponding science in which it could excel; while many lads by depending in a large class and employed upon tasks unsuitable for them, are called hopeless blockheads and constantly liable to punishment and reproach.—That special bias towards knowledge, which with proper care, might be discovered, is apt to lie dormant, and never have an opportunity to improve or apply itself.
The objection against trying to introduce a reformation, is founded in a supposed impracticability. It is urged that no scrutiny of talents can be made, with such exactness, as to authorize the attempt. The different capacities and inclinations of youth are not to be lexically ascertained as to make it eligible to break through established rules of study. In answer to these objections, it may be observed, that if upon experiment no method can be devised for determining the special aptitude of each particular genius, the present classical regulations will of course be continued. I proceed upon the principle that it is practicable to discover peculiar propensities; and in those cases, where no such discovery can be made, the principle is not to be applied. It follows that an alteration cannot force itself where it is not requisite. The reformation would be attempted only on those students who do not, at any rate, acquire material advantages, under the present modes of education. If they can derive any benefit from a different manner of tuition, and derive none from the present regulations, there will be something gained without hazarding the loss of any thing.
Those who have been in any degree conversant with universities need not be told, how great a proportion of students pass away their academic years in idleness and disgust. To what can this be owing? Some pretend that the natural aversion or incapacity of youth, is the cause of their reluctance against study, and that it does not proceed from injudicious treatment. This pretence is not wholly to be regarded. I have granted that some students cannot learn, merely for want of capacity; but I have asserted that others will not learn, because they are not properly managed. The object of the reformation I propose is to discriminate characters. Those who have not genius for any thing can be distinguished from those who have genius for something; and those who have an aptitude of mind to learn every thing can be designated from both the others. By suitable management it may be determined, how far the defect is to be ascribed to nature, and how far to bad institutions, that so small a proportion of students gain any substantial advantages from a public education.
In conversation with a friend upon this subject he did not coincide with my opinion, but rather supposed the difficulty proceeded from a want of proper instructors. He imagined, that the idleness and disgust observed among students were occasioned more by the austere, unaccommodating behaviour of the professors and tutors, than by any improper assignment of studies. This point shall come next under consideration.
CHARACTER OF THE MODERN HIGHLANDERS.
[FROM KNOX'S WORKS.]
THE Highlanders have in all ages been renowned for bravery and fidelity in the cause which they espoused; strongly attached to their families, their chieftains and country, for whom they braved all dangers, and endured every kind of hardship. At present, that barbarous ferocity, which was the offspring of feudal institutions, is completely extinguished; while their native valour, and military character remain unimpaired. They are intelligent, hospitable, religious, inoffensive in their manners, submissive to superiors, temperate, frugal, grateful, obliging, honest and faithful. A man may travel in perfect security from one extremity of the Highlands to the other, without taking any precaution whatever in defence of his person or property. Wherever he goes, he meets with a civility, modesty and hospitality, which would do honor to the most polished nations; wherever he reposes any confidence, he discovers an attachment and disinterested readiness to oblige, which more opulent subjects can scarcely conceive an idea of. These qualities are the universal theme of travellers of whatever nation, who have lately visited the Highlands of Scotland.
FRUGALITY.
[A continuation of the EXTRACTS begun in No. XXV.]
"IT is of importance to teach children Frugality, and to guard them when they set out in life against needless expence. The future circumstances of children, especially of daughters, may not be so affluent as those of their parents; At any rate moderation in all things is a virtuous habit.
The rules of moderation and frugality cannot be very precisely determined: If the object be to pay debts, one can scarcely be too minutely and severely frugal: "If a man would keep an even hand, (says Lord BACON,) his ordinary expences should be but half his income." There are many extraordinary expences.
Parents should look forward to the expence of Education. We are subject to diseases, and should have something in reserve for a time of need.—We may be involved in a law suit: Additional taxes may be imposed, and the price of provisions raised. Those who are indebted to us may be in straits, and by living frugally we can afford to have patience with them.
Dependants may be unfortunate, and the landlord who lives within his income can feel for his
tenants' misfortunes, and abate his demands in a bad season.
Our friends may come to want, and it is a desirable thing to be able to assist them. There are works of benevolence and public utility, to some of which every good man would wish to contribute. By providing for extraordinary expences we are seldom obliged to borrow, which is a humiliating and expensive course to pursue. One may have no friends; or those we esteem such may deceive us; or those we have obliged may prove ungrateful: These suppositions are unpleasant, but not impossible. We may meet with losses, and it is prudent to expect them.
But lest frugality should tend to avarice, let it be practised rather with a view to keep, than from a desire to accumulate. Let us use with cheerfulness what we can fairly call our own, and cultivate habits of generosity—for there is a time to keep, and a time to give away. In a just discernment of these times, consists the difference between frugality and avarice."
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ILLIBERAL POLITICAL CONDUCT OF BRITAIN TOWARDS AMERICA.
ALTHOUGH we cannot be insensible of the prejudices of a part of the English nation against the people of the United States of America; yet we ought in all our conduct to shew such magnanimity as shall convince them, that we are neither ignorant of their unreasonableness, or unmindful of our own duty. Let us teach that haughty nation that we are capable of being injured, without retaining resentment. Let us charitably impute to the policy of endeavouring to prevent their inhabitants from migrating to America, the false representations which they are constantly giving, in their News Papers, of the state of this country. It is true, their representations have, in many instances, been made up of such extravagant and incredible falsehoods, as have operated in the nature of an antidote against the poison, which they were designed to have infused into the minds of the Europeans. Notwithstanding this has not always been the case; yet we ought to remember that truth is mighty, and will at last prevail.—Let the real circumstances of the United States of America, in the year 1789, be known to the world; and then let the world determine, whether it is for the Politicians and Critics of the Island of Britain, sarcastically to deplore our miseries, impudently to contradict the facts which are established by incontestible evidence, and malevolently to ridicule our future prospects!
The preceding observations are made partly for the purpose of introducing the following beautiful lines, which were written before the end of the late war, by DR. DWIGHT, in his Poem, called the Conquest of Canaan ; as well as partly for the purpose of annexing a malevolent Note written by the London Reviewers on these words, "Here UNION'D CHOICE."
EXTRACT.
"In that dread hour, beneath auspicious skies, To nobler bliss yon Western world shall rise: Unlike all former realms, by war that stood, And saw the guilty throne ascend in blood."
"Here UNION'D CHOICE shall form a rule divine; Here countless bands in one GREAT SYSTEM join, The sway of law unbroke, unrivall'd grow, And bid her blessings ev'ry land o'erflow."
"In fertile plains behold the tree ascend, Fair leaves unfold, and spreading branches bend! The fierce, invading storm secure they brave, And the strong influence of the creeping wave; In heav'nly gales with endless verdure rise, Wave her broad fields, and fade in friendly skies. There safe from driving rains, and battering hail, And the keen fury of the winter gale, Fresh spring the plants; the flow'ry millions bloom, All ether gladd'ning with a choice perfume; Their hal'ing pinions birds unnumb'rd spread, And dance, and wanton in the arial shade."
"Here EMPIRE'S LAST and BRIGHTEST THRONE SHALL And peace, and right, and freedom greet the skies: (RISE, To morn's far realms her ships commencing sail, Or lift their canvas to the evening gale; In wisdom's walks her sons ambitious soar, Tread starry fields, and untried scenes explore. And hark what strange, what solemn breathing strain Swells wildly murm'ring, o'er the far, far main! Down time's long, les'ning vale the notes decay, And, lost in distant ages, roll away."
NOTE OF THE LONDON REVIEWERS.
"Here UNION'D CHOICE.—Mr. Dwight is always very sanguine when he talks of America; but much better political philosophers than he seems to be, are afraid that the time when America's
union'd choice shall form a rule divine— and her countless bands in one great system join— is at an immense distance."
"Nor can we pass over uncensured the illiberal spirit which breathes through the paragraph immediately preceding. It is not enough, it seems, that America must be complimented as a second Paradise, the land of Millennium; but to strengthen the contrast, the great eastern Continent, and
its Islands, must be doomed by our bard to the most deplorable state of slavery and misery. But all this will come to pass, we suppose, when the prophecy of America's "UNION'D CHOICE JOINING IN ONE GREAT SYSTEM, AND FORMING A RULE DIVINE," shall be fulfilled."
The London Reviewers are called upon, as they would support any pretensions to the character of honest and candid men, to acknowledge, that, at least, some part of this prophecy has been fulfilled, in the CHOICE OF THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES by the suffrages of more than three millions of people, WITHOUT ONE DISSENTING VOICE.—Say, ye Critics, is not this UNION'D CHOICE!
Thus are men of letters, who ought indeed to consider themselves as citizens of the world, warped from the line of rectitude by political or national prejudices; and often, under the influence of those prejudices, do these British Literati endeavor to BELITTLE the productions of America. Yet, here, justice requires that the commendation which they have given, in the last paragraph of their review, of Mr. Dwight's Poem, should be cited.
"Mr. Dwight informs us in his motto, and his Poem evinces, that he is a young man. As he is undoubtedly possessed of poetical powers much above mediocrity, it may justly be hoped, that experience and cultivation will one day render him truly classical. At present his work is a promising blossom of polite literature sprung up on the American Continent; and, as citizens of the world, we rejoice to see it, and sincerely hope Mr. Dwight will improve by our strictures. He may be assured, that had we not thought his muse capable of improvement, we would by no means have been so particular, or paid her the attentions we have done."
EXTRACT.
TO divide honest and well meaning citizens has not been found so difficult a task in many countries as might have been wish'd—no extraordinary genius is requisite—a low cunning and some small share of experience among men are too often found to be sufficient, and the consequences, to a benevolent mind, appear truly distressing.—Rancor, malice, hatred, envy, ill will, a disposition to persecute and destroy, prove fatal to the peace, the comfort and satisfaction of social life—a system of fraud and seduction follows of course, and in this situation the disloyal passions have full play. Uninfluenced by the principles of virtue and true patriotism, the state is in a perpetual ferment—the noisy and most boisterous have the control of public measures—anarchy and confusion are consequent, and to them the most despotic government may succeed.
These being the consequences of party rage and violence, it certainly must be considered as the duty of every one who desires the prosperity of his country to seize every opportunity to cultivate and improve a spirit of harmony and unanimity—to eradicate those principles which inspire animosities—breed rancor and malice, create divisions, destroy the internal peace, weaken the strength and fully the glory of our government. Every good citizen should exert his utmost abilities to heal political divisions, and change the narrow prejudices of a party spirit in to the pleasing, diffusive, happy spirit of true patriotism and universal benevolence.
WORCESTER SPECTATOR.
BIOGRAPHICAL.
ON the 17th of last January died at Grand Cairo, in Egypt, Mr. JOHN LEDYARD, a native of the State of Connecticut. He served under Capt. Cook, in the last voyage which that able navigator performed, and was one of the witnesses to his tragical fate on the island of Owyhee; an account of which, with the material occurrences of the voyage, he published in America, before that great and splendid relation of it appeared in England, in which honorable mention is made of Mr. Ledyard. He had a most insatiable desire to visit unknown countries, and offered his services to the Empress of Russia, through her Ambassador at Paris, to explore the continent of America, and to attempt to pass from the north west coast to the northern parts of the United States, or the Atlantic. Being disappointed in these views, he undertook the journey, with the assistance of a few friends, and found his way from Paris to Petersburg, and from thence to Kamptchatka, were, by order of the Empress, he was put, without any previous notice, into a sledge drawn by dogs, and after returning to the southward, was sent out of her Majesty's dominions. Being thus again disappointed, he went to London, and proposed to the Royal African Company to make a journey through Africa, and to examine the unknown parts of that quarter of the globe.—He accordingly arrived at Grand Cairo, under the auspices of this Company; and thinking himself on the moment of pointing his way towards Abyssinia, from whence he expected to have continued his route to the Cape of Good Hope: he made all his arrangements for this long journey, and engaged the protection of a caravan, which was to set out in a few days towards the southward. Here, however, he finished his career, and is gone to "that undiscovered country, from whose bourn no traveller returns." Mr. Ledyard was strong and active, bold as a lion, and gentle as he was bold. By his intrepidity, perseverance and patience under hardships, he seemed calculated to execute such enterprises as he was always in pursuit of; and the miscarriage of his project for exploring either America or Africa must be felt as a very general and public loss.

FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Extract of MANUSCRIPT IMITATIONS from the French.—The original was intended to be sung by the sacred choir of Hebrews, at the conclusion of the first Act of ATHALIAH.
AN ODE.
THE WHOLE CHOIR.
BEYOND this Ball's diurnal bound, Beyond time's terminable round, Our GOD exists the same: Wide from th' EMPYREAN to this sod, The Universe is full of GOD, Extol, extol his name!
ONE VOICE.
The beauteous painting of the flow'rs, The fruitful year, the flying hours, His boundless pow'r proclaim: The dew, the rain, the snow, the hail, Seed time and harvest still prevail— Extol, extol his name!
ANOTHER VOICE.
Though his gifts to all extend, Fill th' immensity of space: Mortals, in his presence bend! Greater are his gifts of grace.
CHOIR.
Oh, SINAI's Mount! preserve the fame, Of that tremendous day; When to thy top, convoy'd with flame, The LORD in clouds and darkness came, And fire prepar'd the way.
Why those trumpets in the air, Thunder's voice and light'ning's glare, Torrent smoke and bick'ring fire? Dreadful signs of waken'd ire!
How great Nature's pillars nod, How her old foundations shake, Mountains melt and vallies quake, At the wonder-working GOD!
ONE VOICE.
Mortals, struck with holy awe, Fear he comes to end their race: Israel's sons receive his law, Greatest are his gifts of grace.
CHOIR.
Their bread from Heav'n, their water from a rock; His hand, through deserts guiding, made them free, Led them between the billows as a flock, And whelm'd their following foes deep in the sea. Beneath his standard rang'd, the legions sped, While them gainst battling bands to glorious deeds he led.
ONE VOICE.
High o'er the Tabernacle's arch, The Warrior GOD was seen to march; But left the splendours from above, Too bright for mortal eyes should prove; He deign'd his glory ineffable to shroud, Circled by Night in fire by Day in cloud. Should not his pow'r and grace our bosoms move? For such unheard-of good he only claims our love!
CHOIR.
Should not pow'r and goodness move, Israel's sons his law to love? Law divine and favor'd race! Greatest are his gifts of grace!
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
[Debate on the proposition to make a discrimination between the pay of the Senate and House of Representatives.]
THURSDAY, JULY 16, 1789.
MR. JACKSON opposed this discrimination He observed—We have all alike abandoned our particular pursuits in life, and are all equally engaged in the service of our country—and I can see no reason for making any difference: Can a Senator eat more—or does he drink better than a Representative? I presume not—their expences are equal: There is but one reason that can be assigned for this distinction, and that is, the Senate may sit longer than the House; but as it must be considered that they will receive pay accordingly, this reason falls to the ground. The business of both houses is the same, and the pay ought to be alike.
MR. LEE observed, that the Constitution had made a difference, and that we ought to do it:—There is a degree of refinement in the mode of electing Senators:—They are our best men—and I think that every encouragement ought to be given to draw forth the first abilities:—The difference of two or three dollars is but a trifling distinction to our venerable sages: At present there may be young men in the Senate; but the time will come when our most honorable, grey headed sires, the experienced and wise men of our land will fill those seats: Old men are with difficulty brought into public life—every inducement should therefore be held out—the honor and dignity of our government is inseparably connected with supporting, in a proper manner, this important branch of our legislature: The Constitution warrants a distinction: It is founded on the best experience—I therefore give my hearty assent to the proposal for a discrimination.
MR. WHITE: Sir, I am opposed to a discrimination; I cannot see the difference in the Constitution which the gentlemen refers to: There was an artificial and political distinction established between the Senators and the people in some of the ancient Commonwealths: This was the case at Rome in particular: The Senators were there considered as possessing a portion of divinity;
and the rest of the people were not suffered to mix with them.—Is it to be supposed that because our Senators have the same name they are of a superior order to their fellow men? Whatever may be the sentiment here, in their respective States there is no difference in the general estimation between a Senator and a Representative—and why any discrimination should be made in their respective allowances I cannot conceive.
This distinction will operate against the independence of the members of this house—and may in some future day enable the Senate to carry points, by being able to prolong the sessions when it may be greatly to the inconvenience of the house.
MR. MADISON was in favor of the discrimination: He said it was evidently contemplated by the Constitution to hold out some distinction in favour of the Senate, as an inducement for men of staid and fixed principles, whom habits of retirement might render averse from the active scenes of public life, to devote the experience of years and the acquisitions of study to the service of their country—and except something of this kind is done, we may find it difficult to obtain proper characters for the Senate, as men of enterprise and genius will naturally prefer a seat in the house which will be considered as a more conspicuous situation.
MR. VINING was opposed to the motion for discrimination: He observed that wealthy men would in all probability be chosen Senators, and that the representatives would not in general be of that class—the discrimination ought therefore if any was made, to be in favor of the latter: This (said he) is a subject on which we can feel, but which it is difficult to discuss. I am against the reduction of the sum mentioned in the report, as I think that sum quite insufficient: Six dollars Sir, is not equal to the expence per day at which many gentlemen live when at home: We surely do not intend to make the public service unpleasant, by rendering the situation of gentlemen less eligible.—As to discrimination, the constitution has sufficiently pointed out the proper distinction: MR. VINING added many more observations and concluded, by saying I have expressed myself fully upon this occasion: I am not afraid that my sentiments should be known to my constituents, because I think theirs are agreeable to my own.
MR. SENEY: I am sorry Sir, that the question of discrimination has been brought before the House: What reason can be assigned for making this distinction? Are the services of the Senate greater than those of the Representatives? I think not.—Gentlemen have brought forward the constitution upon this occasion; but I conceive it is opposed to the principle they mean to advocate. The independence of the several branches is to be strictly preserved, this will destroy that independence: If we establish a discrimination in favor of the Senate, will it not naturally tend to create a sense of inferiority in the minds of the Representatives? and the time may come, when they may find it for their interest to be entirely subservient to the views of the Senate: Sir, I feel so sensibly the impropriety and unconstitutionality of this measure, that if I had the smallest idea that it would comport with the sentiments of a majority of the members of this House, I should call for the ayes and noes upon the question—but as I do not conceive that to be the case, I shall for the present wave the proposition.
MR. SEDGWICK observed that whenever he had a motion to make in the House, he always endeavoured to satisfy himself of the reasonableness and propriety of the proposition it contained: When he had determined is was proper, the mode of decision that should be adopted, he considered as not of very material consequence—but in determining the present question, he hoped the ayes and noes would not be called. There is a principle in human nature, which revolts from the idea of inferiority—hence when a proposition is made which has for its object the establishment of a superiority, in whatever form you please, that principle is alarmed, and excited to opposition—but in discussing such a question as the present we ought to divest ourselves of every partiality and prejudice which may bias our judgments to a decision that will not bear the test of reason and experience.—The constitution has I conceive plainly pointed out the precedence of the Senate: There are grades in society which are necessary to their very existence. This is a self evident proposition—it is recognized by every civilized nation: It is recognized by the House in the report before us: Why else have we made a difference between the President and Vice-President? Is it not on account of his superior station, and weight of dignity—and between the Vice-President and the Senate? This distinction is also established in the difference of the terms for which the Senate and the House of Representatives is chosen: The time for which the Senate is chosen, points out the propriety of a difference in the pay they ought to receive: The administration of the government will require that they should more completely abstract themselves from personal pursuits: Their attention will be almost wholly absorbed by an attention
to public duties: They should therefore have an adequate and independent allowance: They will generally be of an age that will preclude them from all idea of ever engaging in their several professions after once having engaged in the service of their country: Their age, their wisdom and experience, all warrant this discrimination.—MR. SEDGWICK added many more observations to shew the policy and constitutionality of the discrimination, and concluded by saying, that he thought the real dignity of the House so far from being diminished by adopting the proposition, that he conceived it was essentially connected with it.
MR. JACKSON in reply to the enquiry of MR. SEDGWICK,—Why have we made a difference between the President and Vice-President? observed, That the President will be employed the whole of his time: The Vice-President may retire to his farm whenever he pleases. Reference is had to the wisdom of the Senate—but how is this superior wisdom made to appear? If a distinction is to be made on this account, it follows that a difference should be made between the several members of this House and also between those of the Senate.—We cannot be too cautious how we establish an undue pre-eminence, and give an influence and importance to one branch of the legislature over the other: All governments tend to despotism as naturally as rivers run into the sea.—Despotism carries its points gradually by slow and imperceptible steps: Despotic power is never established all at once: We shall, ere we are aware get beyond the gulph, and then wonder how we got there: The services of the Senate are not more arduous than ours; their proper business is legislation, and I never will consent to any discrimination: Had I any idea that the question would be determined in favor of discrimination, I should be for calling the ayes and noes, and should it be so determined, I shall clause to enter my negative against it.
MR. PAGE made a number of observations, which as he spoke low were not distinctly heard: thus much we collected, that he was in favor of the discrimination: He said, that in his opinion, the Senate ought to have permanent salaries, that they might be placed in an eligible and independent situation.
The proposition for a discrimination as mentioned in our last was however negatived.]
MONDAY, JULY 20, 1789.
A message was received from the Senate by their Secretary, informing that they had concurred with amendments in the bill, for establishing the department of foreign affairs—also, that they had passed a bill for the establishment of judicial courts in the United States, and requested the concurrence of the Hon. House in the same.
The Secretary then delivered in the bills and withdrew.
A message was received from THE PRESIDENT, by Mr. LEAR, his Secretary, who informed the House, that he was directed by the President of the United States, to return to the Hon. House the bill, imposing a duty on tonnage, to which the President had affixed his signature.
The engrossed bill to regulate light-houses, &c. was read: A motion for its recommittal was negatived.—The question, shall this bill pass? was carried in the affirmative.
MR. SMITH (S. C.) moved that a committee should be appointed to bring in a bill, to authorise the several States to provide funds for the support of Hospitals, for sick and disabled seamen, and for the regulation of their respective harbours. This motion was adopted, and Messrs. SMITH, (S. C.) CARROLL, and CLYMER, appointed the committee.
The report on the petition of ANDREW ELLICOTT, was again read, and recommitted.
The bill for establishing an executive department to be denominated the department of foreign affairs as amended by the Senate, was read and the amendments agreed to.
The bill for establishing judicial courts in the United States, was read.
Voted that it be referred to the committee of the whole House, to be taken into consideration on Monday next, and that 100 copies be printed for the accommodation of the House.
In committee of the whole on the bill, for establishing the government of the territory north-west of the Ohio.
MR. BOUDINOT in the Chair.
The committee went through the discussion of this bill, in which they made but one amendment, and that was in the preamble: The committee then rose—and the chairman reported the same, which was taken up in the House, and agreed to. It was then voted that this bill be engrossed, for a third reading to-morrow.
MR. SINNICKSON asked leave of absence for three weeks—which was granted.
The house then adjourned.
TUESDAY, JULY 21.
The engrossed bill to provide for the government of the territory North West of the Ohio, was read, and passed to be enacted.

The Speaker informed the House that the en- rolled bill to provide for the establishment of light-houses, beacons, and buoys, was ready for the inspection of the committee, who should ex- amine and present the same to the President, for his approbation and signature.
Mr. MADISON moved that the house should now form itself into a committee of the whole, on the state of the Union, to take into consideration the subject of amendments to the Constitution.
Mr. AMES proposed that the committee of the whole should be discharged from their ob- ligation to consider the motion of 8th of June on the subject of amendments, and that the said mo- tion, and such other amendments as have been proposed by the several States be referred to a spe- cial committee—this being seconded by several members, occasioned a debate, which terminated in favor of the motion of Mr. AMES, by a large majority—and accordingly the following gentle- men were chosen by ballot, a special committee for the aforesaid purpose, viz.—Messrs Gilman, Goodhue, Sherman, Benion, Boudinot, Glymer, Vin- ing, Gale, Madison, Burke, Baldwin.
It was then voted that the committee be instruct- ed generally to take the subject of amendments to the constitution of the United States into con- sideration, and report.
Another motion was made, that the committee be instructed to report as expeditiously as possible —this was superceded by a motion for adjourn- ment—which accordingly took place.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
An ACT imposing duties on Tonnage.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Re- presentatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That the following duties shall be, and are hereby imposed on all ships or vessels entered in the United States, that is to say, on all ships or vessels built within the said States, and belonging wholly to a citizen or citizens thereof; or not built within the said States, but on the twenty ninth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine, belong- ing, and during the time such ships or vessels shall continue to belong, wholly to a citizen or citizens thereof, at the rate of six cents per ton: On all vessels hereafter built in the United States, be- longing wholly, or in part to subjects of foreign powers, at the rate of thirty cents per ton; on all other ships or vessels at the rate of fifty cents per ton.
Provided always, and be it enacted, that no ship or vessel built within the aforesaid States, and be- longing to a citizen or citizens thereof, shall, whilst employed in the coasting trade, or in the fisheries, pay tonnage more than once in any year.
And be it further enacted, That every ship or vessel, employed in the transportation of any of the produce or manufactures of the United States, coastwise, within the said States, except such ship or vessel be built within the said States, and be- long to a citizen or citizens thereof, shall on each entry pay fifty cents per ton.
And be it further enacted, That this Act shall commence, and be in force, from and after the fif- teenth day of August next.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. Approved, July twentieth, 1789, G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
WINCHESTER, JULY 8.
Extract of a letter from John Sevier, dated Seneca, South-Carolina, June 4, 1789.
“About three days ago, three men were kill- ed and scalped by the Creeks, at a place called the Mulbery, on the frontiers of Georgia: It is also reported here, that a large number of Creeks are on their way for Tugalou, in consequence of which guards are posted there, in order to pro- tect the inhabitants. Yesterday I heard that 400 were seen on their march towards that place— God only knows what the event will be!”
PETERSBURG, July 9.
Virginia Cloth —of excellent quality and very cheap—may be purchased almost every day, of the country people who come to town for the purpose of making sale of it. It is infinitely su- perior to any thing of the kind imported, and wears remarkably well. This cloth is made of cotton, wove with great taste, and by the inge- nuity of our FAIR, has been brought to such per- fection as to be preferred to many of the Euro- pean manufactures. Several gentlemen have fur- nished themselves with full suits of this cloth, and as many others are as anxious to obtain it, we hope that every one who professes himself to be a Virginian will be distinguished by their cloth, as it will be promoting the manufactures of our country, and giving that encouragement to indus- try, which it ought ever to meet with.
Extract of a letter from North-Carolina, July 3. “The exertions that have been made by ma- ny friends to the new government, in this State,
gives me reason to hope that we shall have a con- vention in the fall, that will extricate us from our lonesome and disagreeable situation; but still I have my fears, unless Congress should take up the subject of amendments before, as many seem determined still to reject it, until some objections are removed, particularly as one of your greatest supporters of the constitution, has admitted that there are many.
PHILADELPHIA, JULY 20.
On Saturday last the Chief Justice, accompa- nied by Judges Atlee, Rush, and Bryan, with the Attorney-General and Prothonotary, waited up- on the President of the State, in Council; and se- verally took the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, which was administered to them by his Excellency.
An account of the produce of different kinds of grain planted in the beginning of September, 1788, by Jacob Hiltzheimer, Esq.—Winter barley; one grain produced 65 heads, which contained 3900 grains:—Cape wheat; one grain produced 64 heads, which contained 2816 grains:—White wheat; one grain produced 40 heads, which con- tained 2240 grains:—Yellow-bearded wheat; one grain produced 58 heads, which contained 3016 grains: Speltz; two grains together produced 104 heads, which contained 4368 grains.
AGRICULTURAL.
WILMINGTON, JULY 18.
It may be of service to our readers, to be in- formed of the following facts relative to far- ming.
When I leased Prospect Hill estate, I found two thirds of the land sown with wheat, rye and bar- ley, so that there was only left for pasture about 21 acres, with some meadow ground, and 14 acres which was miserably poor, sandy and gravelly. These 14 acres I planted with Indian corn, and manured it in every hill, so far as the manure would go (there being but little on the farm) from which I received a tolerable crop—I worked the ground well, giving it 4 ploughings and 2 harrowings, with the last I put my wheat in the ground—the following season my wheat was only knee high. I reaped it as near the ground as possible, and immediately ploughed in the stub- ble, and late in September I sowed it with rye, which, at the following harvest, was generally five feet high, and in some places much higher, and from which I threshed about 10 bushels to the acre. This rye stubble I ploughed in like- wise, and sowed the ground with wheat. Un- der this culture this ground has been managed for six successive years, without any manure ex- cept about ten common cart loads; and I now have the pleasure of seeing as fine a crop of red bear- ded wheat on it as the neighbourhood can pro- duce; I think I shall not reap less than 12 or 15 bushels from the acre. From this and many other experiments I have made, I am well convinced of the utility of a succession of crops.”
“In turning over an old magazine for Jan. 1760, page 7, I find the following observation, which I think should be particularly attended to by the gentlemen of this country. “I can not help joining with the author of the new system of agriculture, in his severe censure of our coun- try gentlemen.”
“It is to me,” says he, “a surprising proof of our gentlemen’s inaptitude to this noble art (agriculture) to see so many hundred thousand acres pestered, and corrupted by common dung, the bowels of which very land is loaded with in- exhaustible quantities of real and wholesome phy- sic for its own diseases.”
“Dung is not only prejudicial to some soils, but inferior to the worst of any composts upon any. One would wonder to see how people put themselves to extraordinary charges, and the in- conveniency of sending to great distances for horse dung, to manure those very lands which never fail of being verged or bottomed by a substance of one kind or other, by far more proper for the end they aim at; and therefore I lay it down as a rule, almost without exception, that every soil, of what nature, situation or condition soever, abounds with natural and sufficient helps for its own peculiar imperfections.”
WILLIAM GEDDES.
SALEM, JULY 14.
In 1772, the county of Essex contained 11,457 males above 16 years of age; in 1784, only 11,023: So that in a period of 12 years, there was a de- crease in this county, of 434 rateable polls.
The county of Lincoln, in the same period, en- creased its rateable polls from 1354 to 5071.
NEW-YORK, JULY 22, 1789.
The settlement of the Western territory is considered by many persons as an event inauspicious to the interest of those States situated upon the Atlantic. Time was when the migration of the in- habitants from the sea ports, only 40 or 50 miles into the country, was considered as pregnant with fatal consequences to such sea-ports; but now those interior settlements are found necessary to the ex- istence of the trade and manufactures of our populous maritime towns. —In proportion as we advance to empire our ideas will expand, and the period is fast approaching when those extensive regions will prove a boundless source of wealth to the Union—they will extend the domestic and internal trade of the Union in such man- ner as will convince us of our ability to support the Independence of the United States, beyond any other circumstance to be named.
Extract of a letter from Massachusetts, dated July 13.
“With respect to the mode of transmitting messages, bills, &c. from either house, I cannot say that it pleases me: Indepen- dent of its being improper that the Secretary or Clerk should be absent from their respective stations, they are not members, and this being a necessary step in the progress of a legislative act, it should most certainly be performed by a member or members.”
“I observe by the papers that THE PRESIDENT of the United States has returned the Impost-Bill to the House after receiving his approbation, by his SECRETARY. It was expected that this part of Legislation would have been marked with some striking cha- racteristic feature: More particularly would there not be great propriety in the PRESIDENT’s going to the FEDERAL HALL, and there, in the presence of both Houses of the Legislature give his assent, publicly, to the bills? It appears to me that this would be proper—would impress upon the public mind an idea of the importance and solemnity of the laws—and hold up the several branches of the Government to the view of the people, in a conspi- cuous and dignified point of light: It has been supposed that the President’s late indisposition prevented the adoption of this plan. Some persons may perhaps object to this, for however astonishing the fact, it seems to be a point with many to prevent the people from thinking too favorably or respectfully of the government, or the administration.”
The subject of amendments is at length put in proper train—had the Constitution been launched upon the waves of speculation and indefinite theories, we might well have been alarmed for its safety and future fate, among the shallows and whirlpools which are found in those seas.
It has been said that the Constitution of the United States is as well established at the present moment as if it had been in oper- ation a century: If this is the case, and it will be difficult to prove the contrary, it is very problematical whether attempts to strength- en its foundation will not tend rather to weaken than confirm it.
A correspondent observes that the confusion, and consequent distress occasioned by the sudden stoppage to the circulation of the copper coin, are subjects that call for the immediate attention of authority: The poorer class of citizens are peculiarly affected by this circumstance, many of whom had their little all invested in this most uncertain of all human possessions, a fluctuating medium: Many of the retail shops are shut: The cries are suspended in the streets, and it is with difficulty the poor can purchase bread of the bakers, or vegetables in the market: This evil has been long foreseen, and yet the base trumpery called cop- pers (greatly inferior to Woods’ infamous brass money) has been pouring in upon us like a flood for many months past: Many of the merchants and shop keepers, it is said, have large sums by them of this coin, by which they will be great sufferers.
We are informed that on Saturday last, Mr. HARBOUGH laid the models of his new-invented machines before the PRESIDENT of the United States, who, after a critical examination, approved of them much; and was pleased to say, that he hoped the public would reward the inventor in a manner adequate to the great mer- its of his mechanical genius.
Nothing can tend more to the public welfare than such inven- tions as promote the interest of the farmer and merchant, which the machines above mentioned will effectually do. The ma- chine for clearing docks will be of infinite service in cutting and deepening canals, for draining marshes and water ponds, and even to those farmers who live near rivers and creeks which contain black mud, well known to be the best manure.
The reaping machine is certainly a very great invention, being on a plan both simple and cheap, and may be used by a person who never saw reaping before: It may be so constructed as to cut the straw or the heads only. The work will be clean, and such grains as scatter out will all be received in a container. It may either be worked by man or horse.
The threshing machine is superior to every thing of the kind ever yet invented.
The inventor’s plan for working boats by a horse, against the strongest stream, or raising great quantities of water to any height, must be allowed, by every mechanical genius, to be entirely new, and of the greatest utility.
The inventor of the above machines is recommended by gentle- men of the greatest respectability in Baltimore: we have no reason therefore to doubt his abilities.
Mr. Harbough is the person who turned an arch under a court- house (a very spacious brick edifice in Baltimore) many years after it was built, a similar instance to which we never have heard of before.
A few days since died, at Elizabeth-Town, very much regret- ted, the LADY of His Excellency WILLIAM LIVINGSTON, Esq. Governor of the State of New-Jersey.
ERRATUM.
In the Estimate of Supplies, published in our last, for “arrangement” under third and fourth head, read ARREARAGES.
ARRIVALS.
 Saturday. Brig Industry, Clow; Gaudaloupe, 14 days.  Sloop Aurora, Caboone, Rhode Island, 3 days.  Schooner Edward, Smith, Shelburne, 12 days.  Schooner Donald, Lilley, Richmond, 5 days.  Sunday. Schooner Catharine, Aitken, Shelburne, 9 days.  Sloop Triumvirate, Sheldon, Aux Cayes, 26 days.  Tuesday. Sloop Adventure, Allen, Port au Prince, 18 days.  Sloop Lady Hayley, Tillinghast, Charleston, 9 days.  Sloop Minerva, Parker, Bay of Honduras,  Schooner Nancy, Clark, Richmond, 3 days.  Schooner Polly & Betsey, Butler, Baltimore 15 days. 
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
 Jamaica Spirits, - - - 5/6  Antigua Rum, - - - 5/.  St. Croix, do. - - - 4/8.  Country, do. - - - 2/10.  Molasses, - - 3/2. 2/0.  Brandy, - - 5/6. 5/9.  Geneva, - - - 5/3.  Do. in cases, - - - 29/.  Muscovado Sugar, - - 56/. 72/.  Loaf, do. - - - 1/3.  Lump, do. - - - 1/1½.  Pepper, - - - 2/8.  Pimento, - - 1/9. 2/.  Chocolate, - - - 1/2.  Cocoa, - - 75/. 80/.  Coffee, - - 1/8. 1/9.  Indigo, (Carolina) - - 4/. 6/.  Rice, - - 23/. 24/.  Superfine Flour, - - - 45/.  Common do. - - 42/6. 43/.  Rye do. - - 26/. 27/.  Indian Meal, - - - 18/.  Rye, - - 4/9. pr. bush.  Corn, (Southern) - - 3/9. 4/.  Do. (Northern.) - - 4/3. 4/6.  Beef, first quality, - - 48/. 50/.  — Second quality, - - - 41/6.  Pork, first quality, - - - 81/6.  — Second quality, - - - 76/6.  Hams, - - 7d. 7½d.  Carolina Tobacco, - - 3d½. 5d.  Virginia —, - - 4d. 5d. 

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
IT was by flattery, bribery, artifice, and violence, that Marius and Apuleius prevailed with the people to continue their power, in opposition to all that the senate could do to prevent it. What would have been the consequence then if there had been no senate? Would not the majority of the people in the tribes have continued their power, against all that could have been done by the minority? Would not still more of the public lands, money, and grain, have been lavished upon proper instruments among the majority, and the minority have been compelled to pay the expence? Our author affects to say, that the "senate and people continued the power of Pompey and Cæsar." But Cæsar himself knew it was the people, and not the senate; and if the senate continued Pompey, it was because Cæsar and the people laid them under the necessity of doing it in their own defence. Would Cæsar have had less "command in Gallia," if the people, or their successive assemblies, had been possessed of all power? It is most obvious, that a majority of the people, in that case, would have continued Cæsar as long as he desired, and have given him as much power as he wished: so that every step of our author's progress demonstrates his system to be false. It is idle to say, that a continuation of power increases influence, and spreads corruption, unless you point out a way to prevent such a continuation of power. To give all power to the people's successive single representative assemblies, is to make the continuance of power, with all its increasing influence and corruption, certain and inevitable. You may as wisely preach to the winds, as gravely exhort a triumphant majority to lay down their power.
It is undoubtedly honorable in any man, who has acquired a great influence, unbounded confidence, and unlimited power, to resign it voluntarily; and odious to take advantage of such an opportunity to destroy a free government: but it would be madness in a legislator to frame his policy upon a supposition that such magnanimity would often appear. It is his business to contrive his plan in such a manner, that such unlimited influence, confidence, and power, shall never be obtained by any man. The laws alone can be trusted with unlimited confidence:—Those laws, which alone can secure equity between all and every one*; which are the bond of that dignity which we enjoy in the commonwealth; the foundation of liberty, and the foundation of equity; the mind, the soul, the counsel, and judgment of the city; whose ministers are the magistrates, whose interpreters the judges, whose servants are all men who mean to be free†:—Those laws, which are right reason, derived from the Divinity, commanding honesty, and forbidding iniquity; which are silent magistrates, where the magistrates are only speaking laws; which, as they are founded in eternal morals, are emanations of the Divine mind‡.
If, "the life of liberty, and the only remedy against self-interest, lies in succession of powers and persons," the United States of America have taken the most effectual measures to secure that life and that remedy, in establishing annual elections of their governors, senators, and representatives. This will probably be allowed to be as perfect an establishment of a succession of powers and persons as human laws can make: but in what manner annual elections of governors and senators will operate remains to be ascertained. It should always be remembered, that this is not the first experiment that was ever made in the world of elections to great offices of state: how they have hitherto operated in every great nation, and what has been their end, is very well known. Mankind have universally discovered that chance was preferable to a corrupt choice, and have trusted providence rather than themselves. First magistrates and Senators had better be made hereditary at once, than that the people should be universally debauched and bribed, go to loggerheads, and fly to arms regularly every year. Thank Heaven! Americans understand calling conventions; and if the time should come, as it is very possible it may, when hereditary descent shall become a less evil than annual fraud and violence, such a convention may still prevent the first magistrate from becoming absolute as well as hereditary.—But if this argument of our author is considered as he intended it, as a proof that a succession of powers and persons in one assembly is the most perfect commonwealth, it is totally fallacious.
* Quod æquabile inter omnes æque unum, omnibus esse protect. Cic. p. Cæcin.
† Hoc vinculum est hujus dignitatis quæ frumer in republica, hoc fundamentum libertatis, hujus sors æquitas. Mens, et animus, et consilium, et sententia civitatis, posita est in legibus. Ut corpora nostra sine mente, sic civitas sine lege suis partibus, ut nervis ac sanguine et membris, uti non potest. Legum ministri, magistratus; legum interpretes judices; legum denique ideo omnia servi sumus, ut liberi esse possimus. Cic. pro Cluent. 146.
‡ Lex nihil aliud est nisi recta, et a numine Deorum tracta ratio, imperans honesta, prohibens contraria. Cic. ii. in Anton. 28. Illa Divina mens summa lex est, De Leg. ii. 11. Magistratum legem esse loquendum, legem magistratum mutum. De Leg. iii. 2.
Though we allow benevolence and generous affections to exist in the human breast, yet every moral theorist will allow the selfish passions in the generality of men to be the strongest. There are few who love the public better than themselves, though all may have some affection for the public. We are not, indeed, commanded to love our neighbour better than ourselves. Self-interest, private avidity, ambition, and avarice, will exist in every state of society, and under every form of government. A succession of powers and persons, by frequent elections, will not lessen these passions in any case, in a governor, senator, or representative; nor will the apprehension of an approaching election restrain them from indulgence if they have the power. The only remedy is to take away the power, by controlling the selfish avidity of the governor, by the senate and house; of the senate, by the governor and house; and of the house, by the governor and senate. Of all possible forms of government, a sovereignty in one assembly, successively chosen by the people, is perhaps the best calculated to facilitate the gratification of self-love, and the pursuit of the private interest of a few individuals; a few eminent conspicuous characters will be continued in their seats in the sovereign assembly, from one election to another, whatever changes are made in the seats around them; by superior art, address, and opulence, by more splendid birth, reputations, and connections, they will be able to intrigue with the people and their leaders out of doors, until they worm out most of their opposers, and introduce their friends: to this end they will bestow all offices, contracts, privileges in commerce, and other emoluments, on the latter and their connections, and throw every vexation and disappointment in the way of the former, until they establish such a system of hopes and fears throughout the state as shall enable them to carry a majority in every fresh election of the house. The judges will be appointed by them and their party, and of consequence will be obsequious enough to their inclinations. The whole judicial authority, as well as the executive, will be employed, perverted, and prostituted to the purposes of electioneering. No justice will be attainable, nor will innocence or virtue be safe, in the judicial courts, but for the friends of the prevailing leaders: legal prosecutions will be instituted and carried on against opposers, to their vexation and ruin; and as they have the public purse at command, as well as the executive and judicial power, the public money will be expended in the same way. No favours will be attainable but by those who will court the ruling demagogues in the house, by voting for their friends and instruments; and pensions and pecuniary rewards and gratifications, as well as honors and offices of every kind, voted to friends and partisans. The leading minds and most influential characters among the clergy will be courted, and the views of the youth in this department will be turned upon those men, and the road to promotion and employment in the church will be obstructed against such as will not worship the general idol. Capital characters among the physicians will not be forgotten, and the means of acquiring reputation and practice in the healing art will be to get the state trumpeters on the side of youth. The bar too will be made so subservient, that a young gentleman will have no chance to obtain a character or clients, but by falling in with the views of the judges and their creators. Even the theatres, and actors and actresses, must become politicians, and convert the public pleasures into engines of popularity for the governing members of the house. The press, the great barrier and bulwark of the rights of mankind, when it is protected in its freedom by law, can now no longer be free: if the authors, writers, and printers, will not accept of the hire that will be offered them, they must submit to the ruin that will be denounced against them. The presses, with much secrecy and concealment, will be made the vehicles of calumny against the minority, and of panegyric and empirical applauses of the leaders of the majority, and no remedy can possibly be obtained. In one word, the whole system of affairs, and every conceivable motive of hope and fear, will be employed to promote the private interests of a few, and their obsequious majority: and there is no remedy but in arms. Accordingly we find in all the Italian republics the minority always were driven to arms in despair. "The attaining of particular ends requires length of time; designs must lie in fermentation to gain the opportunity to bring matters to perfection." It is true; but less time will be necessary in this case, in general, than even in a simple hereditary monarchy or aristocracy.
(To be continued.)
ALBANY. SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW-YORK.
MONDAY, JULY 13.
The bill for the relief of Abraham Lott and others, was read a third time; on the question for passing the bill, a division was called for.
For the affirmative—45. For the negative—10.
On motion of Mr. Clarkson, the house came to the following resolution:
Resolved, as the sense of the legislature, that Fort George in the city of New-York, and the lands adjoining to the same, ought to be reserved and secured for public uses: and that a proper house ought to be erected on part of the ground for the residence and accomodation of the President of the United States; and that the legislature will at their next meeting make the necessary legislative provision in the premises. And the Governor of this State is hereby requested to cause the street commonly called the Broad-way, to be continued through the said fort, and to direct the materials of the said fort and battery to be collected and secured at the expence of the state.
This resolution was agreed to without a single dissentient.—It has since been agreed to by the senate—seventeen to three.
They also agreed to the amendments made to the bill for the relief of Abraham Lott.
The house resolved itself into a committee on the bill for appointing commissioners to declare the independence of Vermont.
Mr. Barker in the chair.
The bill was read in the words following: An act appointing commissioners with power to declare the consent of the legislature of the state of New-York, that a certain territory within the jurisdiction thereof, should be formed or erected into a new State.
Be it enacted, &c. That _____ shall be and hereby are appointed commissioners, with full power to them, or any _____ of them in their discretion, as they shall judge the peace and interest of the United States in general, and this state in particular to require the same, and on such terms and conditions, and in such manner and form as they shall judge necessary and proper, to declare the consent of the legislature of this State, that such district or territory within the jurisdiction, and in the north-eastern and northern part thereof, as the said commissioners shall judge most convenient, shall be formed and erected into a new state. And every act of any _____ of the commissioners hereby appointed in the execution of the power aforesaid, shall be as effectual to every purpose as if the same had been an immediate act of the legislature of this state.
A motion was then made by Mr. J. Smith to add the following proviso.—"Provided always and it is hereby declared, that nothing in this act contained is intended or shall be construed to give any person claiming lands in such district so to be erected into an independent state, any right to any compensation whatsoever from this state."
This motion was carried 34 to 24.
TUESDAY, JULY 14.
The committee appointed to prepare the draught of an address to the President of the United States, made a report. The address reported by them having been read and considered by paragraphs, was unanimously agreed to.
The house resolved itself into a committee on the Vermont bill;
Mr. Barker in the chair.
The committee proceeded to fill up the blanks; it was resolved that there should be five commissioners, three to be named by the assembly and two by the senate. The members were then called on to nominate three commissioners; Judge Yates had 54 votes—Mr. King 43—Mr. Speaker 29, Judge Hobart and the attorney general each 17.
The names of Robert Yates, Rufus King, and Gulian Verplanck were then inserted.
IN SENATE, JULY 15.
On the question to concur in the appointment of General SCHYLER one of the senators to represent this State in Congress, it was carried in the affirmative—13 to 6.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, JULY 16.
A message was received from the senate, informing that they had passed the Vermont bill, and added the names of four gentlemen as commissioners in addition to those nominated by the assembly; the names are Robert R. Livingston, Richard Varick, Simeon Dewitt, John Lansing, jun.
This amendment having been taken into consideration, was agreed to.
The bill was then sent to the council of revision.
A resolution was then moved for to appoint Rufus King one of the senators to represent this State in Congress.
The question on Mr. King was then put and carried unanimously.
A message was received from the council of revision that they had agreed to the Vermont bill.
A resolution was then moved for, that the next meeting of the legislature should be at the city of New-York; a motion was made for Poughkeepsie; on the question being put on Poughkeepsie, it was negatived, 45 to 14.—New-York was then carried, 32 to 27.
Some day in the senate, on the question for concurring in the resolution of the assembly, appointing Rufus King a senator, it was agreed to—11 to 8.
The question on the resolution for holding the next session at New-York was then taken into consideration and agreed to—12 to 8.
The two houses then adjourned to meet at the city of New-York on the second Monday in January next.
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