The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-07-31 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL.
No. CXVII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, JULY 31st, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
ENGLISH HOUSE OF COMMONS.
JUNE 5.
INDEMNITY BILL.
Upon the order of the day being moved for the house to resolve itself into a committee on the Habeas Corpus Indemnity Bill,
Sir FRANCIS BURDETT presented petitions from Jasper Moore, John Roberts, John Belcher, Thomas Evans, and John Perrott, severally apprehended by warrant of the duke of Portland, complaining of cruelty and oppression on the part of Aris, the governor of the Coldbath-fields prison, and praying that their rights of action might not be defeated by the present bill.
Mr. JEKYLL presented a similar petition from Thomas Goodluck.
The petitions were severally ordered to lie on the table.
Upon the question being put, that the speaker should leave the chair, several members called upon the attorney-general, who declined addressing the house.
Mr. JEKYLL said, he had waited some moments in expectation that, however unusual a measure of this kind was, it would not have been attempted to be carried into effect in so unusual a way. He had expected that, upon a measure levelled at the dearest interests of the people, the attorney-general would have entered at least into some details. That learned and honorable gentleman had contented himself with merely moving for the speaker's leaving the chair, at the same time pointing to the report of the secret committee, which lay upon the table. Upon that report alone he seemed to have rested the propriety of going into a committee upon such a bill as this. He regretted that his hon. and learned friend (the attorney-general,) with whom he had so many years been on terms of intimacy, should have been the mover of such a measure as this, the effect of which was to stop the regular administration and course of justice. With respect to any idea of responsibility within the walls of the House of Commons, ministers had nothing to dread; they were only actuated by their terror of that responsibility to which they knew they would be subject by the operation of that pure administration of the justice of the country, which nothing but a bill of this nature could divert. Responsibility was a word which ought to be blotted out of the parliamentary dictionary. There had been a period when an hon. person, now no more, had induced the house to come to a vote, that the influence of the crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished. Since that time the influence of the executive government had increased far beyond what it ever had been. As to the report of the committee, which was supposed to be a sufficient foundation for this bill of indemnity, he would desire any candid man to put his hand upon his heart and say whether it contained any thing to justify such a measure? The report was a mere farrago of old materials, consisting of quotations from the Prophet Ezekiel, the Prophet Brothers, the writings of Spence, a fanatic, and the new Jerusalemites. He begged the attorney-general to refer to what had recently appeared upon the trial of Spence, in the court of King's Bench, and he put it to him whether he did not seriously think that man had evinced all the appearances of a man completely deranged? He appealed whether every individual of the numerous audience upon that occasion did not feel a sort of indignation at a man's being put upon his trial who was a fitter object of confinement in Bedlam as a lunatic? When the attorney-general had on a former day introduced this measure to the house, he had stated, that it was justified by precedents; those precedents were in the years 1746 and 1780, but he contended that neither of them bore any analogy whatever to the present instance. That in 1746 was not general in its operation, as this was; it pointed only to particular acts done for the suppression of the rebellion, and not to all acts committed in the course of a long administration; its object was definite, but that of the present
bill was indefinite. Of the same kind was the bill of indemnity in 1780, which was to secure ministers and public magistrates for acts done in suppressing a flagrant insurrection and rebellion in the metropolis. It was true, the bill now before the house proceeded upon the ground of insurrection, but he would ask, did any such ground really exist? On the contrary, he believed the mass of the people to be found loyal; that there were discontented and disaffected, he also believed, but he denied they were connected with Jacobinical principles. Ample reason there was for discontent and disaffection. Could it be expected, at a period when the nation was drained by a long war, and oppressed by an accumulation of taxes and a scarcity of provisions, that the people could remain satisfied? Was it not natural there should be those legitimate complaints against the government which had produced the evils they experienced, and the more so, as those complaints were prevented reaching parliament through the medium of the voice of the people, the natural organ for uttering them. Parliament was incapable of knowing the sentiments of the people, who were deprived, for the very measures for which ministers were now to be screened, of the privilege of meeting at least with safety to state their grievances. When he considered what ministers they were who desired to have the shield of protection thrown over them, he really thought the application ought to be treated with contempt and ridicule. They stated, that their conduct had been meritorious in the use of the power granted them by the suspension of the habeas corpus act; that they had detained none without a reasonable and well-founded suspicion, the result of information upon oath or authentic documents. What! When ministers came to the house supplicating for a bill of indemnity, was it to be endured they should exculpate themselves by saying they had not detained any without evidence upon oath against them? That they had exercised their power in depriving men of their liberty upon what they called authentic documents! Words of pretty extensive import, especially when ministers themselves had the construction of them. The constitution had been particularly careful in spreading guards around the liberty of the subject with reference to high treason; it had required that the accused should have lists of his jurors and the witnesses against him, and that there should be two witnesses upon oath to convict him of an overt act—but all these protections would be rendered nugatory and useless, if ministers were to be allowed to evade them by confining upon charges of treason whom they pleased, and for what length of time they pleased, with no other evidence to justify them but what they were pleased to term authentic documents. He had heard, and he believed the fact was not denied, that upon the trials for high treason at Maidstone, none of the informations had been returned to the judges of assize. Mr. Justice Buller had called for them, and, upon the lawyers for the crown informing him they were not in court, he had expressed his disapprobation at the original examinations upon oath, if such were taken, not having been laid before him. What would any judge of assize say, if, when he came to try a man for felony, the magistrate should say to him, it is true, I had no evidence upon oath against him, but I committed him for felony, upon what appeared to me to be authentic documents. With respect to the bill itself, he could not have thought the attorney-general would have placed such a one upon the table. Gracious God! Was it to a British House of Commons he was addressing himself? Would they consent to vote for a bill, which opened a system of government by secret information of spies and informers, and reduced it to something more like a divan, or Spanish inquisition? What man was safe under such a system of government? and what ministers, who had had recourse to it, and had put it in execution, deserved to be protected? He contended, that the bill, although the contrary, he understood, had been intimated by the attorney-general, would not only
throw its protecting shield over ministers, but would cover such enormities as those detailed in the petitions presented this day with regard to Mr. Aris. It was a matter of surprise and astonishment to him, that ministers should refuse any inquiry into the conduct of such a man as Aris, of whom complaints of injustice, oppression, and cruelty, had been so repeatedly urged. There seemed, on the contrary, to be an anxiety to support and defend him. Something had been said of a sympathy and feeling between the old and the present administration; he could not avoid being of opinion that such sympathy did exist, when he found such a similarity in their measures; habeas corpus suspension bills, sedition meetings bills, pension bills. Upon the latter subject the ex-minister had wholly forgot himself; he had retired with the assurance of two pensions to the amount of 7,000l. a year; one he already had, and the other, no doubt, he very soon would have. He implored, in God's name, however the house might be disposed to give indemnity to his majesty's ministers for certain parts of their conduct, that it would pause before it touched upon the regular administration of justice, and prevented its operation with regard to his majesty's ministers the same as with respect to other men. He would put it to the attorney-general to say whether, in the case of general warrants, he would have recommended a bill of indemnity for the protection of ministers who had had recourse to such a measure?—Whatever disposition the house might feel to shelter the servants of the executive government, it was a paramount duty not to suffer the people to be made the victims of tyrannical ministers, and then to be deprived of their legal means of redress. For these reasons he objected to the speaker's leaving the chair.
Mr. J. H. BROWNE denied the assertion, that the people by the operation of any bills were prevented meeting, in order to state their complaints to parliament. He entered into a justification of the conduct of the secret committee, and the reasons upon which it had proceeded, in framing its report; he observed, that it was by no means new in the history of the country to have a change of administration without a change of principles, and stated a particular instance in the year 1717, in the reign of George the First, with reference to the political principles of the Earl of Sunderland and Mr. Townsend, both equally attached to the house of Hanover. With regard to what the hon. gentleman had said concerning spies and informers, he would ask him, whether he had read the report? If he had, he would see it depended upon much stronger and more melancholy grounds than perhaps the report of any former committee. The times in which we lived were peculiar, and required extraordinary and unusual measures. Never before had conspiracies been supported by the attempts of a ferocious and implacable enemy like the one with which we had to contend. When it was seen that what had been suspected in England had actually taken place in Ireland, produced by means precisely the same as those which the well-timed measures had suppressed, and for which they now required to be indemnified. We had seen that, in every country where French principles had prevailed, French arms had prevailed, and consequently the subversion of the government of those countries. As to the manner in which the hon. gentleman had spoken of spies and informers, he would only observe that it was the duty of every subject who had taken the oath of allegiance to give information of any thing that might come to his knowledge, affecting either the king or his government; but it was necessary to have particular persons whose sole business it was to obtain information. The tranquility of the country could not be preserved without having such a system of precaution; he thought such persons not only entitled to protection, but to gratitude. He was unwilling that any person should be unnecessarily confined, but he considered the lenity exercised by the late ministers, as a principal reason for protecting them. He had, as a member of the secret committee,
not assented to the report without the fullest conviction of the truth of what it contained, and the necessity for the measures it recommended. The present was a period of danger, and, therefore, whatever temporary diminution of the liberty of the subject was necessary, must be submitted to. He hoped the measures which had been taken would enable government to protect the property and safety of every peaceful subject, and finally convince the disloyal of the wickedness and impossibility of their designs. He hoped, when peace with every foreign and domestic enemy was restored, we should resume all the blessings of our constitution: but at the present moment he owned he was a zealous friend to every thing that could afford protection to the executive power.
Mr. GREY, in a speech of great extent and ability, opposed the bill. A measure at once so unjust and so totally unprecedented, he could not conceive how the right hon. gentleman opposite to him would venture to bring forward, unless it was upon the persuasion which seemed to be confidently entertained by his majesty's ministers, that the house of Commons, after having so long been in the habit of confiding in them implicitly every measure of power they desired, was now so thoroughly converted to their purposes, as even, upon a measure of this most extraordinary and unprecedented nature, to require neither argument nor proof to justify its professed necessity. But as far as he could understand the principles of the bill, the manner of its introduction, and the arguments upon which it was supported, the whole had his most decided reprobation. What was the fact? Under the former powers granted to the house by the suspension of the habeas corpus, a number of individuals are seized and thrown into prison, on the pretence of ministers that a conspiracy existed in the country, and the existence of which, even to this house, is not proved by a single conviction. Most unwarrantable cruelties and oppressive severities are practised on those individuals while in confinement. For those severities, the only plea of justification is the secret information of spies and informers. But although those unfortunate men call repeatedly for trial by the laws of their country, in vindication of their characters, to many of them more dear than life; because refused such trial, they wish to appeal for some reparation to the laws of their country; this bill is brought forward for the indemnification of their oppressors, without offering a single title of proof to justify or in any degree warrant the cruelties practised towards them, and this bill is called a measure of justice and magnanimity; but he would call it a bill to encourage secret information. Recognising for the first time a principle abhorrent to every sentiment of British jurisprudence, whose admired and envied superiority over every code in the world for ages, was the publicity of trial, and the confronting of the accused with the accuser. Therefore in English constitution or English law the measure had no precedent, and it was only supported upon the flimsy pretence of its being a bill necessary to give effect to other bills which had passed, as merely a supplement to former measures adopted by parliament. But if a precedent was to be sought for the adoption of spies and informers, as supporters of government, it was not to the best times of the British constitution, but to the worst of times, and the practices of the worst of tyrants, we must resort. Such were the instruments of government in the reign of Tiberius, and in the vilest tyrannies that debased and ultimately ruined the Roman Empire. But in his mind the least punishment a just government should inflict upon an accuser, who dared not openly avow his charge, was not to credit his allegations. One of the principal blessings of English law was, that by the publicity of trial the innocence of the falsely accused became more manifest, and the punishment of the guilty more severe. Yet those were the principles this bill called on the house to abandon as obsolete, and to adopt those of the worst of times. It had been argued on a former occasion, and must be acknow-

ledged, that no human institution was perfect; but that it was the preponderance of good which should direct the choice of measures. He was ready to allow that arbitrary governments have their conveniences, but were they therefore to be preferred? It was very possible secret information might sometimes prove the salvation of a state, but it was equally true that it might be employed for the worst purposes of the most wicked minister; and so utterly abhorrent to every principle of punishing men upon such accusations, was the spirit of British laws; so tenacious was the spirit of the British constitution towards the life and the privileges of the subject, that even in cases of high treason the accused must be furnished many days before his trial with a written copy of the indictment against him, and two witnesses at least are absolutely necessary to prove an overt act against him. The right hon. gentleman who brought in this bill was early instructed in the laws of his country, and he well knew there were no instances existing within the country to warrant those circumstances which sought indemnity by this bill. The public tranquility was undisturbed, neither actual invasion nor open rebellion existed; yet arbitrary power was voted to the government for the safety of the state; but did it therefore follow that British subjects were to be ever deprived of the sacred privilege of seeking redress from the laws of their country, for wanton injuries sustained under the abuse of that power, or for ever to be precluded from vindicating their character against the most foul charges of treason against the state. The arguments upon which the house consented to suspend habeas corpus, were the same as had guided our ancestors in similar cases—a purpose of suspending only, and not totally destroying the constitution. An hon. baronet (Sir W. Elford) had spoken of this bill as a measure of common justice to his majesty's late ministers, and appealed to the magnanimity and the generosity of the house. But he could with the honorable member had exercised a little of his magnanimity on another ground, and extend it towards those who held the most generous claim to it; namely, those who have been injured, oppressed, and abandoned of protection; who had suffered already worse than death in his mind; for, said Mr. Grey, "I declare to God, if I were called on this moment to choose between immediate death, and suffering three years of imprisonment in the pestilent vapours of a damp and loathsome dungeon, condemned to famine, to distaste, to insult, and personal violence; deprived of pen, ink, and paper, and precluded all intercourse with friends, or the more tender and endearing connections of my family, except in the view of ruffian turnkeys, and unfeeling guards, I should prefer to be this moment led to execution." And yet all this have many individuals suffered without proof of their guilt to this hour. And now even the consoling hope under all those sufferings, that a day of reckoning and reparation would come, was to be blasted, and their oppressors indemnified from all responsibility, left legal measures of reparation should be vexatious to them. He asked before was this justice? He would ask now was it policy? Or whether such treatment was not likely to pervert men into conspirators? For his own part, he should prefer that responsibility which the laws of the country gave to the subject under the trial by jury, to that which ministers professed, under the courtesy of parliament, so uniformly in the habit of protecting them. Mr. Grey continued to argue with much ability; and on the subject of secret information, concluded by saying, if that were to be the system better at once adopt the Divan—or the inquisition—better adopt the policy of Venice, and open at once the lion's mouth to receive secret information, than attempt to support such a system, under the idea of the British constitution. Mr. Grey next adverted to the secret committee, the description of whose members, and the mode of whose selection he strongly condemned, and concluded by declaring to the bill, not only his opposition, but his most decided reprobation.
Mr. WINDHAM replied at some length to Mr. Grey. The hon. member, he said, had spoken of the principle of our constitution, which had rather let twenty delinquents escape with impunity, than one innocent person should suffer. Upon this principle, he was ready to join issue with him on the merits of the proposed indemnity; for though it were possible that his majesty's ministers, in exercising to the best of their judgment the extraordinary powers committed to them for the good of the state, had committed some two or three errors, the hon. gentleman, upon his own principle, surely would not think it right to ex-
pose them to vexatious suits when they acted right in every other instance. With respect to the existence of a conspiracy in the country, he believed no man, who looked around him in England, and at the same time witnessed what was going on in France and the rest of Europe, could have any doubts on that subject. As well might it be argued that no conspiracy had existed in Ireland. The existence of a conspiracy in that country was doubted in that House, and even by one part of the members of the Irish Parliament, until the bloody proofs burst upon them with all their horrors, and plunged that country into open rebellion. The hon. gentleman objected to proceedings on secret evidence, and talked of the present bill as without precedent. To this he would answer, the circumstances of the times were also without precedent, and called for measures entirely new. The hon. member had talked of precedents in the best times of our constitution, and quoted the authority of Tacitus in support of his argument; but did the hon. member mean to argue that no change of circumstance, however new or extraordinary, were to warrant departure in a hair's breadth from the precedents of times and circumstances wholly inapplicable? Would he have laws as unchangeable as those of the Medes and Persians, while new circumstances every day called for new measures? Would he have fixed laws and a moveable constitution! Was this country never to create any change in her policy to meet the circumstances of the times, but to be forever led by precedents in a contest with an enemy, abandoning all ancient ties, precedents and principles? No man hated more than he did the necessity of resisting unconstitutional measures or secret evidence; but having to deal with a wily enemy we must use every expedient to countermine him. The hon. gentleman wished ministers to be put upon their justification, by adducing the secret evidence on which they acted; but this would be to destroy forever the source of that intelligence which enabled them to save the state. Mr. Windham next proceeded to answer that part of Mr. Grey's argument relative to the secret committee, the mode and the principle of choosing whom he vindicated, and concluded by voting for the question.
Mr. J. H. TOOKE said he did not believe the leaders of the present administration would follow the example of the last, because he thought there was a great difference between the situation of the persons taken up since they came into power, and that of those in custody under their predecessors in office. More attention was now paid to the rate of the prisons, and no torture was permitted; but under the late ministers, the most scandalous and atrocious cruelties were exercised—he did not say at their desire, but certainly in consequence of their culpable neglect. He considered the present bill as the brief of the hon. gentleman who brought it in (the Attorney-general,) and a future Peerage as his fee. (A cry of order!—order!) Mr. Tooke, in continuation, said, he wished to give the hon. member his excuse—he would give him his justification if he could. It was a fact, that within the last forty years no fewer than twenty peerages had been showered down upon the bar. Within the same time, ten millions of money had also been showered upon them. This was an excuse for complaisance from that quarter. Flesh and blood it was said could not withstand such temptations. A panic fear had been lately entertained of corruption from the admission of the clergy into that House; but he hoped those observations would incline part of the House, at least, to view with suspicion any legal measures brought forward by the minister. He had always found lawyers ready to defend strenuously, measures afterwards declared illegal. He recollected the case of a celebrated man proposing a measure in that House, and of his pupil rising in his place and refuting it on the authority of his own lectures, yet that measure (vote relative to the Middlesex election) was carried, and afterwards scandalously expunged from the journals. This experience had made him so much despair of making any impression that he had nearly resolved to walk out of the House. With respect to the observation, that the gentleman on his side would have "fixed laws and a moveable constitution," it was not insinuated that any laws, except those founded on eternal and immutable principles, might be changed and made to accommodate themselves to circumstances; but it was not to laws, but to the maxims of laws that the speech of his hon. friend (Mr. Grey) was meant to apply. Mr. Tooke dwelt some time on this latter part of the argument, and concluded with observing, that if he had three lives, he would with pleasure lay them down, would prevent the passing of the bill.
The ATTORNEY GENERAL observed that the hon. gentleman who spoke last had used him no worse than the whole profession, and therefore he should submit to his censure without answering any thing that had fallen from him. He had offered himself early, and he was still willing to state the grounds of the measure. It was a bill of justice, and not a favor, but on the contrary should be forced upon ministers, for the benefit of the country, should they decline it. The hon. gentleman who spoke last but two, (Mr. Grey) had opposed the manner in which it was brought forward, and also its principle. The answer given by his right hon. friend (Mr. Windham) was so satisfactory that he rejoiced he had not proved the means of preventing the conviction, which it must have produced. The committee, he contended, was formed in the most constitutional manner. Had there not been a general and concordant opinion of the fitness of its selection, it would have been rejected; but the approbation of the house was a sufficient proof that the selection was fitly made. The concealment of a secret could not be obligatory upon those gentlemen who thought it all a fable. It was impossible that any three of those who considered the foundation of the report as a ludicrous matter could agree with him, or bind themselves to secrecy upon what they regarded as a mere joke. Would gentlemen who considered the massacres of Ireland a pleasantry, would they be fit members of such a committee? He was so satisfied they would not, that he had no hesitation to say they ought to be excluded. With respect to the charge that the committee had exceeded its powers and instructions, it was its duty, the practice of the house, and of common sense, to submit to the practical result of its examinations. But then its members were carving on their own safety and indemnity. This he denied, as there was not more than one member of administration on the committee whom it could affect. The principle of the bill was, that it indemnified those whom it deprived of the means of justification. This indemnity was the same in genus as the precedents on which it was founded, and only differed in particular cases. At the time the indemnity bills of 1716 and 1776 were passed, there was no danger from disclosure, because the rebellion out of which they grew were severally over; but now, while the poison was circulating through the veins of the country, while mischief was at work in full activity, it would be political insanity to permit disclosure. The statute of 1746 was copied from that of 1716, and that from the 1st and 5th of William and Mary. It could not be said that these times were inauspicious to liberty, and yet all these statutes contained the provisions of the present bill, and went even further. That of 1716 applied, but before, and was made to attach prospectively upon suspicion of treason and rebellion. Such a bill would not have passed in that day, had it not been considered a measure of strict justice. Bills for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus also went hand in hand with these statutes, and indemnity was carved out for the ministers of the day just in the same manner as it was now proposed to be done. In fact, strict justice requires it; the duty was imperative upon them—indemnity should therefore follow of course; but, in the present case, the right to it was still stronger. Here the minister was precluded from justification; but, in 1716 and 1746 it was otherwise, for the rebellions were then over. It was a gross mistake to suppose that the persons in custody, if innocent, must recover damages, if allowed to bring their actions. This consequence did not follow, for if ministers had fair and probable ground for confining them, that would be a sufficient defence. He little thought that Maidstone would have been mentioned. It was such a shipwreck of credit that he thought the very name would have been anathematized by the very persons who used it. Arthur O'Conner, whom their credulity had extolled to the skies, was a traitor to base, that if Reynolds were replaced in the scale with him, he would hug that spy to his heart, in preference to a man to whom he could not, consistent with decency, give a proper name. It was the fashion with some to load a spy with the most opprobrious terms; but it was by means of one that the rebellion in Ireland was anticipated, and the country was enabled to work its safety. This country possessed the same means of safety, and had trusted a proper use would be made of it. Much had been said of the sufferings of innocent men from that description of persons, and the spirit and honour of the country were sought to be goaded to madness by imputed cruelties on false accusations; but there was not a trial of the kind that did not end in the full further debasement and degradation of the party
complaining. (Hear, hear). What else did the petitions presented that day contain, but such unfounded charges, and why were they disgracefully potted on the Journals, but to propagate such calumnies? (Hear, hear, hear!) As to the bill, it went only to indemnify for the imprisonment, and not for any collateral circumstances. A jailor would still remain liable to an indictment or action of trespass, for any unnecessary harshness or severity exercised on his prisoner, as before. For all cases of that kind, the Courts were open to the party aggrieved, but indemnity for the imprisonment was just, because secrecy was necessary. On these grounds he submitted his bill, which differed in nothing from the precedents, except so far as it provided a summary mode of stopping proceedings. He submitted it with all its imperfections on its head, and yet, he hoped, with an unblemished reputation.
The question being loudly called for, the House divided; for the Speaker's leaving the Chair 172—Against it 38—Majority 134.
The House now resolved itself into a Committee upon the Bill; the clauses were gone through, and the Report was ordered to be received on Monday.
TO BE RENTED,
THE store lately in the tenure of Doctor Galt & Co. Its situation for business is preferable to any other in the City, being on the Pennsylvania Avenue, between the President's House and the Capitol, and within a few yards of the spot on which is to be immediately erected the market house.
JOSIAS W. KING.
At the Capitol.
May 29, 1801.
ept
VARDEN & CARPENTER, TAYLORS,
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Regimental and Ladies Habits made in the neatest manner.
May 15, 1801.
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WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, July 31, 1801.
Yesterday the PRESIDENT of the United States left this City for Monticello.
On Tuesday Mr. MADISON, Secretary of State, also left Washington for his seat in Virginia.
We have received files of the Leyden Gazette to the 30th of May, Paris and Bourdeaux papers to the 4th of June, and London prints to the 6th. From a careful perusal of these, we find that almost every article of news has been already anticipated. But as room admits, we shall present our readers with articles, little less interesting, which chiefly regard the internal state of France and England, and the progress of science and literature in those countries.
We insert to-day a debate in the British House of Commons of great importance, inasmuch as it not only demonstrates the existence in Great-Britain of a crisis which requires such extraordinary measures, but also as it shews that there are not wanting in that country men, seriously impressed with impending dangers, and resolute in the declaration of them. It appears to us that the speech of Mr. Grey, who is a gentleman of independent fortune, must excite alarm in the breast of every Englishman that reads it.
There cannot, perhaps, be a stronger evidence of the departure of a government from the true principles of republicanism, than its systematically attempting to depreciate science, and all those engaged in its promotion. From the beginning of the world to the present day philosophers have been dreaded by men whose views were inimical to the general welfare. By such men their principles have been traduced, their characters have been slandered, their persons have been endangered, and their lives threatened or taken away. And such has been the corrupting influence of immoderate power, that the hero, after having drawn his sword in defence of his own, or the rights of his fellow-men, has been too often the first, after the attainment of his end, to persecute even to death the enlightened citizen, to whose labours he owed his own triumphs.
The reason is obvious. The philosopher aims not at possessing power himself beyond that which is derived from reason. But he aims at repressing, not, it is true, by the sword, but by the more efficacious weapon of truth, the gigantic strides of ambition. He inculcates a diffidence in all men. He exhibits innumerable examples of men virtuous in private life, becoming vicious, tyrannical and oppressive in public stations. The truth of his remarks reaches the heart of the tyrant, whose vengeance is fired, and soon bursts on the devoted head of the friend of mankind. The philosopher is upbraided as a traitor, and often treated as one.
While this spirit triumphs in the old world, every American will rejoice at its downfall in the new. Unfortunately recent events have evinced the existence, among some of our citizens, of uncharitable and persecuting sentiments; and many of the most enlightened men among us have been branded, in the comprehensive term philosophers, with being profligate in morals, anarchical in politics, and infidels in religion. The term philosopher, which in the virtuous ages of Greece, implied all that was good and great, has been held up to popular scorn—and those pursuits, to which we are indebted for all the comforts of social life, have been decried as criminal.
But let us be grateful that we have past this period of infatuation—let us rejoice that our liberties have rode through the storm of persecution: and let us, profiting by experience, never suffer that intolerant spirit to return, in which our freedom, if it ever does expire, must find its grave.
Let our public magistrates continue to respect learned men, and to regard the interests of learning. They, who live in the affections of their fellow-citizens, need entertain no pusillanimous fears or jealousies. Their security is public approbation, and while their actions entitle them to this, they may be deaf to every weak or designing counsellor that would recommend intolerance. Such men, they will silence with the example of Margaret, Governess of the Netherlands.
"Who is this Luther?" (said Margaret, governess of the Netherlands.) The courtiers around her replied, "He is an ILLITERATE MONK." "Is he so?" (said
she.) I am glad to hear it. Then do you, gentlemen, who are not illiterate, who are both learned and numerous, do you, I charge you, write against this illiterate monk. That is all you have to do. The monk is easy; for the world will surely pay more regard to a great many scholars, and great men, as you are, than to one poor illiterate monk."
A London print of the 6th of June announces the early appearance of the MEMOIRS of the late Mrs. ROBINSON, in four volumes, written by herself, including anecdotes of many of the most distinguished persons of the present period; together with some posthumous pieces in verse and prose.
We find it stated in the British Parliament, in a late debate, that the quantity of grain imported into England in the year ending the 5th of October, 1800, amounted to 1,800,000 quarters, valued at seven millions sterling.
The papal Revenues have just been farmed to a company of three bankers at the sum total of two million and a half.
A letter from a gentleman in Barcelona to a merchant in Boston, dated April 22, says:—It has been reported here that 5 of the Tripolitan cruisers have sailed for the purpose of cruising about Cape-de-Gatt; which I think to be very probable, as they captured a number of Swedish vessels about there last year."
Extract of a letter from the Consul General of the United States at Paris, to a mercantile house in Baltimore, dated Paris, 14th April, 1801.
The council of Prizes established at this place, has the power of revising the judgments of the several Colonial tribunals of France. A great number of our vessels have been condemned at Guadaloupe, St. Domingo and Cayenne—all such condemnations may be now annulled, and I devote myself entirely to that business. It is necessary I should be furnished with copies of the proceedings in the Islands, duly attested by the colonial officers, and if possible, with copies of the ship's papers and cargo—papers the vessel were provided with at the time of their captures; these last certified by the public officers of the United States they belonged to or failed from. The owners or masters of such illegally condemned vessels, should also transmit to me a special power of attorney before a Notary Public, legalized, if possible by a French agent in the United States for the purpose of bringing up the appeals and prosecuting them for such."
Extract of a letter from the Oconee, to a respectable gentleman in Louisville, dated the 15th June.
"SIR, "In passing up the river, I this day fell in with Capt. Swilly, on his way from the nation. Capt. Swilly informed me that he was directly from Col. Hawkins's square, where he was holding a talk with the chiefs, and had been several days before—that he heard the whole that passed—that the Indians were in great confusion—that the best talk the most friendly delivered, was, that they would do what they could, but would promise nothing respecting a compliance with the treaty—that Col. Hawkins informed them that was the last time they would be called on. Mr. Swilly further stated, that he saw people from Cumberland, who had come for the purpose of getting some white women prisoners, that were detained by the Indians, and that they would not give them up.
"Further—and that he urged as the cause of the Indians holding back, that Bowles was holding out, and promising the Indians great things, and that a very large majority of them clave to him."
Pittsburgh, July 17.
General WILKINSON, Commander in chief of the army, sailed from this place on Sunday morning last, for the cantonment (Wilkinsonville) near the mouth of the Ohio.
The general having been appointed by the President of the United States, one of the commissioners to treat with several nations of Indians east of the Mississippi, we understand he will proceed from Wilkinsonville to Nashville, where he is to meet his colleagues (governor Davie and col. Hawkins) when they will enter upon the duties of their appointment.
MAL MAISON;
OU, LE CHATEAU DE MAISON.
This magnificent old castle, now the country residence of the Grand Consul of
the French Republic, is pleasantly seated on the river Seine, nine miles from Paris, and three from St. Germain's; it was erected by Francis Mansart for Mons. De Longueuil, President of Parliament and Superintendent of the Finances; and at the Revolution belonged to the Count D'Artois.—Three noble avenues, disposed in the form of a cross, and having each two pavilions, decorated with different styles of architecture, and separated by a fosse, conduct you to the castle. The principal avenue, intersected with rods in the forest of St. Germain, has in perspective two pavilions, with Doric columns, supporting groupes of children, bearing baskets of flowers. On entering the second avenue on the left, are placed on massy pedestals, statues of Mars and Minerva, with children and their attributes. A noble building, appropriated for stables, to which belongs a riding-school, with the same on each side.—The front of the castle on the court side is decorated in the antique style, with two orders of architecture, namely, the Doric, and the ancient Ionic, ornamented with four vases, surmounted with an attic of Corinthian pilasters. On this side of the court are two plantations, most beautifully formed, that on the left is terminated by an orangery.—The castle is surrounded by a dry fosse, and bordered by a terrace, which continues round the principal court. The vestibule, after the taste of that of the Tuileries, is beautified by columns and Doric pilasters of one solid piece. In the hall the tapestry is after Jordens; and on the staircase on the landing are Ionic pilasters, between which are large cornices, with groupes of figures, representing Painting, Sculpture, Architecture, Music, Cupid and Hymen, and above all, the art of war. On the right is what were termed the apartments of the Queen. The King's apartments are on the other side of the hall, with the Corps de Garde, hung with tapestry, presented to Mons. de Maisons, when he was Chancellor to the Queen Mother, and communicate with another chamber, supported by cariatides, in an attic raised out of the ceiling. On the side is a beautiful round cabinet: the periphery of the walls is embellished with Ionic pilasters, intermixed with looking glass; and the ceiling forms a lofty dome. On the roof of the castle is an extensive terrace, bordered with an iron balcony: a handsome terrace stretches the whole length of the building, from which is a descent to a pasture, terminated by the river Seine; at the foot of the terrace on the left between the flights of the steps, which form the figure of a horse, is a little cascade with five pipes, making as many sheets of water. Orange-trees are placed in the walks in front, and in a half-moon at the foot of the staircase.
The following paragraph is taken from a London paper of June 6th. It adds another instance to the number that have already occurred, of the strange attacks of lunatics upon the king of England.
A female maniac, of most wretched appearance, was taken into custody on Thursday, at St. James's, for throwing a stone at one of the serjeants of the guard, and assaulting one of the sentinels at the garden gate, just as his majesty was going in: at the time of her apprehension she had a large stone in her hand and another in her pocket. In the evening she was brought before Mr. Ford, at Bow street, where on being interrogated, she shewed evident signs of mental derangement, calling herself Britannia, and other incoherent expressions. She was sent to Tothall-fields bridewell, till she was otherwise disposed of.
FOR SALE,
A young Negro Girl,
About 15 years old—Apply at this office, April 22, 1801.
Land for Sale.
On the 28th day of September next, will be sold at Public Auction, at Mr. Stille's Hotel, in the City of Washington, (if not sold before at private sale)
Two Tracts of Land, lying on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, and with in the district of Columbia—containing together ninety-two acres. On each of these tracts is a quantity of good ash wood, within a few yards of the river, and the greater part, if not the whole, of said land, at a moderate expence, may be made excellent meadow. There is on one of the tracts an eligible situation for a dwelling-house, with about four acres of excellent upland suitable for a garden. Sale to commence at three o'clock, when the conditions will be made known. Information may be had from the subscriber at the Navy-yard.
GEORGE FRANK,
On the premises, or of THOMAS HERTY, Conveyancer City of Washington.
July 20, 1801.
12w6w
SONNET.
BY R. B. SHERIDAN, ESQ.
DRY be that tear, my gentle Love, Be hush'd that struggling sigh, Not reaf-n's day, nor fate shall prove More fix'd, more true than I! Hush'd be that sigh—be dry that tear, Cease, boding doubt—cease, anxious fear.
Ask'st thou how long my vows shall stay When all that's new is past? How long—ah, DELIA, can I say, How long my life will last! Dry be that tear, be hush'd that sigh, At least I'll love thee till I die!
And does that thought affect thee too, The thought of Sylvio's death, That, he who only breathes for you, Must yield the faithful breath? Hush'd be that sigh, be dry that tear, Nor let us lose our heaven here!
FOR RENT,
The House I now occupy, on Square No. 142, near the President's house, for six months from the first of August next. Possession will be given at that time.
NICHOLAS KING.
July 20, 1801.
ep2w
Nail Manufactory,
ALL kinds of Cut Nails for Sale by Wholesale and Retail at the Factory on E Street, and at the Hardware Store of the Subscriber, where persons building and all others wishing to purchase may be supplied with any quantity at the most reasonable rates.
JOHN JACK
Washington Feb. 4, 1801.
NOTICE.
THE following Slaves have been committed to the prison of Washington county, as runaways. WILL, who says he is the property of Jesse Robinet, has on light cotton cloaths, appears to be about 26 years of age, well made of light complexion, and is about five feet five or six inches high.
DEBBY WILLIAMS, alias PARKER, who says she belongs to Mrs. Pinckney, Old Town, Baltimore, about 22 years of age, of light complexion, and five feet 3 or 4 inches high; had on when committed an old dark calico gown.
The owners of the above slaves are requested to take them away, or they will be sold according to law, to pay their prison fees.
DANIEL CARROLL BRENT,
Marshal of the District of Columbia.
July 17.
w.tl.
For Sale and to Rent,
TWO elegant two story Brick DWELLING HOUSES, situate on the south side of Pennsylvania Avenue, a little to the west of the President's Square. Each house contains two parlours and passage on first floor; on second, two rooms with fire-places, and well finished garrets, cellars and kitchens. In the front of the buildings extending to the avenue, is a neat yard planted with trees, pallisaded, &c. The situation, in point of health and contiguity to the public buildings, is equal to any in the city, and is well adapted for private families, or to accommodate genteel Boarders. The title is indisputable. The terms will be moderate for part cash or slaves. For particulars inquire of OWEN ROBERTS, on the premises, or of
THOMAS HERTY, Conveyancer
City of Washington, May 25, 1801. ry
TO BE SOLD.
NINE Lots on square 693, on each of which is one two story brick house, six fronting on New-Jersey Avenue, and three on E Street south.
Also,
One lot on square 802, fronting on 3d street; on this lot there is a cellar dug and walled up, and the first floor of Joists laid, designed for a house 25 feet 7 inches front, by 36 feet deep. An indisputable title will be given. Terms of payment one fourth part cash on the day of sale, the remainder in three equal annual payments with interest. For further particulars inquire of, MOFFAT & NESMITH.
New-Jersey Avenue, June 12, 1801.
12w N.I.&U.tl
NEW BOOKS.
JUST received by the sloop Highland, capt. Hand, from Philadelphia, and now opening at the store of Rapine, Conrad and Co. corner of south B street and New Jersey, Avenue; a very handsome assortment of books, amongst which are,
De Valcourt, by Mrs Bennett, author of Welsh Heiress, Beggar Girl, &c. &c.
Nocturnal Visit, 2 vols. by Maria Regina Roche, author of the Children of the Abbey, &c.
The Girl of the Mountains, 2 vols. by Mrs. Parsons, author of "Women as they are."
Rash Vows; or the effects of enthusiasm, by Madame de Genlis.
The Farmer's Boy, a rural poem, by Robert Broomfield.
The life of Catharine the Second, Empress of Russia, 3 vols.
Dawin's physiologia; or the philosophy of agriculture and gardening.
Also a general assortment of law books, and miscellaneous history, Rationary, writing and wrapping paper, &c. &c. all which they will dispose of on the most reasonable terms.
N. B. Bookbinding in all its branches, with neatness and dispatch.
Washington, May 15,

REMARKS ON MALTA. By a late resident in Petersburg.
It would be the policy of the Russian Court to remove the Maltese into their Empire, probably into the Crimea, and re-people the Island with a colony of its faithful subjects. Such a Russian colony would resume the arts of Maltese commerce, and succeed to the vessels and ports in which they had traded. The mere voyage of a Russian fleet from Cronstadt to Malta, relieve the fleet which would be stationa-ry on its shores, would change the Rus-sian fresh watermen into sailors. The fisheries would create a naval youth: the coasting trade to Italy, Greece, Syria and Egypt, which the Maltese have so lately enjoyed, would excite in the Russian ad-venturous merchants a new spirit for the new commerce, and for the hitherto un-practiced art of sailing. Malta can mere-ly boast an extent of twenty miles by twelve, and a population of sixty thousan-d souls: yet this extent is sufficient to be a depot, and a secure invincible depot for the articles so much wanted in South of Europe, of Siberian oil, of salted fish, of flax and hemp, and of corn and timber. All the commodities which the Island requires, Petersburg, or the Black Sea could cheaply and plentifully afford. In a military and naval, as well as in a com-mercial view, Malta would be to Russia an invaluable acquisition. Their fleets, now frozen six months in the Baltic, can-not raise that unwieldy empire into a na-val power—at Malta no winter would check their operations, or suspend their acquiring skill in naval tactics. Its vast capacious harbours would launch and re-ceive from a voyage, and protect from tempests, and fit out for war their nume-rous ships of the line. Merchant ships would enjoy the novel advantages of a Russian convoy, and would surprise the neighbouring shores with the novel sight of bearded commercial barbarians from the north, and of Russian articles in Russian bottoms. To Turkey and to France a Russian armament, powerful by land, power-ful by sea, would be imposing and formi-dable in a garrison literally impregnable. It would oblige the Turkish empire to per-mit the Russian articles of fish, hemp, and flax, timber, and iron, to be exported to Malta, direct, or to the Mediterranean seas: a plan which would direct the trade of Europe into its ancient channel, which would enable the nations of the Levant to receive the useful articles from Rus-sia at an easy price, and in the most in-credible abundance; would prevent the present circuitous conveyance of Russian goods by the Baltic and the Channel, at a heavy expence, to the Mediterranean; would open a mutual exchange of commo-dities from Italy and Syria to Russia; would turn to its use the fertility of the Ukraine and of all its productive southern provinces; would export with facility from the Cas-pian and the Black Seas the corn, the fish, the salt, with the valuable ores of the re-gions around the Volga and the Kama. It would render Russia a second China, a warehouse of exportable commodities for all the neighbouring world. Its Baltic ports would still preserve their present a-bundance of trade in those articles of prin-cipal necessity, not found in the rest of Europe, in hemp, iron, and timber. Its new ports of the Crimea, as in the classic times of Roman commerce, of the Gre-cian empire, and of the Genoese power, its harbours on the Black and the Caspian Seas, the outlet of Constantinople, and the depot of Malta, would cause it to monopolize the supply of South Europe. A new impulse would be given to all the south of the Russian dominions. East In-dia produce and manufactures would be conveyed in threefold abundance from the Northern India to the neighbouring Cas-pian by land, and thence to North Per-sia, to Lesser Asia, and to Turkey, to the Danube, perhaps, even to Germany and to Italy. By the usual progression of trad-ing countries, and by the usual energetic efforts of despotic Governments, the fer-tile Ukraine and the prolific Crimea would double in population and in produce. Inland navigation and greater population would create the necessity of new canals, and external commerce would clear the ad-joining forests of their timber, and the mines of their ore; incalculable causes of opulence to the noble proprietors, and of revenue to the Crown.
The Schooners Dolphin & Kitty , now lying at Mr. Young's Wharf will constantly take freights every three weeks from this to An-napolis or Baltimore. For terms apply to BRO- HAWN AND BOYS, Washington July 25, 1802.
List of Letters
Remaining in the Post-Office at Wash-ington City, July 1st, 1801.
 A. GENERAL Ira Allen, John Alexan-der, Robert Allen, Benjamin Alline.  B. Doctor Lewis Beebe, Jud Bishop, Esq. (2) John Bogan, (2) Pierce Butler, Esq. John Brackenridge, Jonathan Bird, Patrick Branniff, (care of Wm. Brant,) Benjamin Bourn, Thomas Burnes, Zachariah Boll, (son of Samuel,) capt. Bird, Blount & Cook, Nancy Ballenger, Samuel Blackdon, Jesse Brown, William Berry, Jacob Benson, (care of S. Boots,) Robert Brown, capt. William R. Boote, (care of Gen. Wilkinson) M. S. Bunbury, Esq. William Brown, Daniel C. Brent, Esq. lieut. col. commandant Henry Burbeck.  C. Lieut. James Campbell, Jno. Callender, Esq. Richard Carroll, William Compton, Charles Crawford, (2) Thomas Cochran, for John Duky, William Crane, Esq. Hen-ry Clifton, John Connolly, John J. Corn-well, William Cooper, Daniel Caley, (clerk of the House of Representatives of the United States.) William Cleland, (2) Mrs. B. Courme, (2) Doctor Carnwell.  D. William Duncanson, Henry Darby, (2) Mr. Doulecy, governor Davie, care of the Secretary of State, Mr. Dente, John Dar-nall, (2) George Dente, Esq. Mrs. Dou-lery and company, David Dobbins, Allen Davis, Jane Douglass, Joseph H. Davis, Esq. (2) John Doyne, (care of Mr. G. An-drews.)  E. Henry Elliot, (2) Moses Estey, Esq. Dr. Arnold Elzey, (2) Thomas Eaton, Samuel Edmiston, (care of Everry Senkell.)  F. James Farrell, Matthew Fleming.  G. Aresbill Grayson, John Gough, Jacob Godby, Alfred Wm. Grayson, William Gif-fen, William Glenn, Edward Gilpen, John V. Glen, Robert Goldsborough, (2) Tho-mas Gordon, Nathan Goodhall, lieutenant T. N. Gautier, William Given.  H. Thomas Hicks, col. Samuel Hodgdon, Esq. John Hopkins, Esq. Enoch Hum-phrey, John Harris, William Howard, An-drew Hosle, Job Haige, John Hughes, Esq. (care of Joseph Nourse, Esq.) Daniel Henshaw.  J. Jeremiah Johnson, William Johnson, John Johnson, John Jellard, Levi Job, Sa-muel Jackson, William Jones.  K. John Kane, Michael Krommenacky, Tho-mas Kidder.  L. James Law, James Lyon, (2) Matthew Lyon, (care of James,) Theodorick Lee, Thomas Law and Samuel Elliot, Esquires, Hon. R. R. Livingston, cadet Simon Levy, Thomas Lawson, Mrs. Langley, (2) Mr. Little, master on board the Congress.  M. Major Thomas Martin, (4) Thomas Mc-Gill, Esq. (3) Peter Mercier, Thomas Ma-can, captain Daniel Mc. Neill, Thomas Mache, Joseph Morgan, William Mc. Munn, Lawrence Mc. Carty, lieut. John Mc. Rea, Mr. Maratta, Truman Mosely, Esq. Joseph I. Maxwell, Samuel Mackell, Lawyer Mc. Hume, William Mc. Coy, Benjamin Martin, captain Peter Marks, Thomas B. Morris, Lewis Morin, John Molowney, Esq. lieut. Edward Meade, Sa-muel Mickle.  N. General Lewis Nicholas, Wm. Nolms, Thomas Napier.  P. Stephen Proctor, frigate John Adams, Cary Pratt, Thomas Pye, (care of Patrick Farrell,) Doctor James Pendleton, Pierce Purcell, John F. Powele.  R. Joseph Roberts, (2) William Richardson, Esq. lieut. John Rush, lieut. John Roche, Daniel Richardson.  S. Captain Benjamin Strother, (2) Stephen Sayre, Esq. Mr. Serey, (2) Doctor Samuel Shaw, Gordon Stewart, Ischia Schoolfield, Henry Summers, Jeremiah Sattywhite, Richard Smyth, John Hartman, Thomas Serjeant, lieut. Horatio Stark, Jonathan Shorne, Winthrop Sargent, Esq. S. Swift, Esq. John Shaw, Esq. John C. Scott, Esq. Samuel Smith, jun. Esq. at the Treasury office, David Slate, (2.)  T. Major Presly Thornton, (4) lieut. col. Lewis Toufard, (4) Thomas Truxton, Esq. (2) Henry W. Todd, major George Thomp-son, Mr. J. Tice, Stephen Thorne, John Barkley Trumble, George Naylor Thomas, Doctor William Turner. 
 W. Thomas White, lieutenant John Wilson, (2) Samuel Craven Ward, (2) Thomas H. Williams, William Wilson, Levi Warner, Collin Wills, Amos Wheeler, Lund Wash-ington, Edward Wyer, David Whittlesey, Esq. Patrick White, Sylvester Woodward, Mrs. Wilde at Mr. Andrews, Tobias Wat-kins, Conrad Wortman, at Mr. S. H. Smiths.  Y. George Youngs, Esq. w. & fr. St. w. 
BROHAWN AND BOYS, BEG leave to inform the citizens of Wash-ington, that they have taken Mr. N. Young's wharf, very conveniently situated to the Capitol and President's Square; where they have opened a LUMBER YARD, and expect to go pretty largely in that line of business; and in about two or three weeks will have a general assortment of the first quality of groceries that can be procured in Baltimore. Washington June 24, 1801. N. B. Any gentleman wishing to apply for bills of scantling of any size or dimensions, may obtain them at the shortest notice by applying as above.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, June 6, 1801. Notice is hereby given, THAT PROPOSALS will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Navy un-til the 31st inst. inclusively, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the Marine Corps, from the 1st day of October next, to the 30th day of September 1802, at the City of Washington, at Baltimore, at Norfolk, or any other place or places, where marines may be re-cruited, marched or stationed, within the states of Maryland or Virginia:—The Ration to con-sist of eighteen ounces of bread or flour, or where neither can be obtained, of one quart of rice or one and an half pound of sifted or bolted Indian meal, one and a quarter pound of fresh beef, one pound salted beef, or three quarters of a pound of salted pork, and when fresh meat is issued, salt at the rate of two quarts for every hundred rations; one half gill of rum, whiskey or other ardent spirits; soap at the rate of four pounds candles at the rate of one and an half pound, and vinegar at the rate of two quarts, for every hun-dred rations. The price of the several com-ponent parts of the ration, as well as substitutes and alternatives must be specified. H. DEARBORN, Acting Secretary of Navy. ept1A
NAVY DEPARTMENT, June 7th, 1800. Regulations for ascertaining and fixing the Pensioners, and payment of pen-sions on the Navy establishment of the United States. To obtain a pension the party must produce to the Secretary of the Navy a certificate from the commander of the ship or vessel on board of which he sustained the injury, which incapacitates him; or in the case of a marine, from the commanding officer of the marine corps, or commander of a detachment as the case may require; in the latter case however, if the injury happened on board a vessel of war, the certificate of the surgeon will also be required, if on shore, that of some respectable medical character of the place, that the same was received while he was acting in the line of his duty, specifying the nature and amount of the disability, the ca-pacity or station in which he acted, and the monthly pay to which he was entitled at the time of sustaining the injury. On such certificate be-ing produced, and it being ascertained to the satisfaction of the Secretary of the Navy, that the disability still exists and is likely to continue, he will at once direct the applicant to be placed on the books of the Loan Office of the state in which he resides, and the loan officer will make the payments half yearly, viz. On the 1st of January, and 1st of July, to the party in person or his legal attorney during his life or the continuance of his disability. But if the pension is to be paid on a power of attorney, the loan officer must have it ascertained by the certificate of a Justice of the peace of the county where the pensioner resides, that he was living, and that his disabili-ty continued, in the month next preceding that in which payment is to be made every year, and must transmit the same to the Accountant of the Navy with the necessary receipts as vouchers for his payments. Each person to be placed on the pension list, must receive at the Navy Office a certificate in the following form. A. B. Seaman, &c. having been disabled in the service of the United States, on board of the ship of war while acting in the line of his duty, is entitled to receive dollars per month, from the loan officer of the state of _____ payable half yearly, on the 1st of January and 1st of July in every year dur-ing his life or continuance of such disability, to commence from the _____ day of _____. The same will be paid to him in person or on his legal power of attorney. But no money will be paid on a power of attorney, unless the said A. B. shall tend to the loan officer of said state the certificate of a Justice of peace of the county wherein he resides, that he the said A. B. appeared before the said justice in the month preceding that in which the ill continued, to be made an that his disability so continued. Signed BENJ. STODDERT. The foregoing regulations are still in force.— By order, A. THOMAS, P. CIA. Navy Department, June 27, 1801.
Intending to leave the city in October next, I am desirous of disposing of my Furniture, two Negro Men, one a cook, the other an ostler and coachman, and a pair of very well gaited Riding Horses. It may be a convenience to any family remov-ing here, and taking the house I now occupy up-on rent, to take the Furniture (which is but lit-tle worn) by purchase. The house, one of the six buildings on Pennsylvania Avenue, is plea-santly and conveniently situated, and the furni-ture, which is tolerably well fitted to it, will be reduced in price in proportion to the wear and tare, and change of fashion, shall have made right. JENKIN GRAYSON ORR. July 20, 1801. ep4w
The subscriber respectfully ac- equaints the public, that he has removed to the corner of Ninth and E streets, where he continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of Ornaments for Chimney pieces, Door Caps, Frontispieces, Metal Safes, &c. which may also be had at his store No. 51, Barclay Street, New-York, and at Mr. Wild's store, Market Street, Baltimore. GEORGE ANDREWS. Who has gold leaf for sale by the package or book. May 3, 1801. ry
LOTS FOR SALE, In the City of WASHINGTON. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a num-ber of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard. WILLIAM PROUF. City of Washington. December 12, 1800. N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kilo of Bricks, and some Cord wood. W. P.
A GREAT BARGAIN. I WILL sell or lease for ten years, a valuable Farm, in the county of Culpepper, and state of Virginia, on Flat Run, containing 750 acres the land is extremely fertile, and yields abun-dantly in the production of corn, wheat, and to-bacco; there are about 100 acres of meadow land, 50 or 60 of which are cleared, and 15 acres well set in Timothy, about 350 acres of the tract are cleared and well inclosed. This land is dis-tant from Fredericksburg about 28 miles, and 55 miles from Alexandria and the City of Washing-ton. There are several valuable merchant mills; in the vicinity, one within the distance of a mile, where the Fredericksburg prices are given for all kinds of grain. I will also sell the Reversion of 250 acres of land adjoining the above, on which are erected a number of valuable buildings, among them a large dwelling house of 60 feet by 40, with four rooms on a floor, with fireplaces, and every ne-cessary out-houses—A valuable peach and apple orchard. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as any persons desirous of purchasing or leasing, will doubtless wish to view the premises. For terms apply to Robert Brooke Voss, Esq. who lives adjoining the premises, or to the sub-scriber. I will also Sell or Rent, Two three story brick houses in Alexandria, completely finished, on King and Columbia-street, with sundry valuable property near the same, possession whereof may be had immedi-ately. The situation for the flour and grocery business is equal to any in Alexandria. For terms apply to Henry Thomas Moore, Alexandria, or to the subscriber. NICHOLAS VOSS. City of Washington, July 13, 1801. N. B. I wish to hire by the month, or until the 1st day of November, ten or twelve labor-ers, for whom liberal wages will be given.—Apply to N. Voss, on F Street, or W. T. Voss, at the Navy-Yard. 2awtf
THE SUBSCRIBERS HAVE just received from Baltimore and Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of Spring and Fall goods, which they are now o-pening adjoining Dr. Thornton's upon F street, &c which they offer for sale upon the most reasona-ble terms either for cash or country produce, viz. Printed and plain mar- Tambeuring silk, leilles, Ladies gloves, long and Dimities of various kinds, short, Counterpanes, Stuff and Morocco shoes, Striped nankeen, Balsore handkerchiefs, Bandanna and plaited A handsome assortment handkerchiefs, of muslins, Indichantz, Brown camlet, White sheeting, Rattinets, tanmys and Brown Holland, durants, Irish linens, Moreans and Jones, Humbugs and ginghams Cloths and cassimeres, Platiilas, creas &c. Swansdown, Janes, &c. &c. Lace and edging, Mullinets, fans, &c. Men's Ladies and boy's Ivory combs, thread and cotton hose, Shirt buttons, button Buttons assorted, moles, Fustas, Persians, Sen Elastic suspender, shawls and fannins, Stationary of various Black mode, kinds, Ribbons well assorted, Hyson tea, Shoe-binding first quality, Muscovado and loaf fu- thread of every kind, gar, Curtain cord, Coffee, old spirits, gin Dutch lace, & pepper, Silk and twift, Osnabrigs, dowlas, French chintz, Carpeting, &c. The best James River chewing tobacco, with a variety of other useful articles too tedious to mention. ROBERT CAMP, & Co. Who offer their services to the public in the Auction and Commission business. City of Washington, July 10, 1801. 2aw3w