Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-17 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. XCVII.]
WEDNESDAY, MARCH, 17, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. XCVII.
"Deceit discovers a little mind, which stops at temporary expedients without rising to comprehensive views of conduct."
W e often meet with persons who wish to pass themselves off upon the world, for something different from what they really are. Perhaps there are few people who, in all situations, are contented to be viewed in their true colors. Deception, however, will sooner or later betray itself; and no mask can be specious enough to prevent the characters of men from being ultimately tried by a genuine standard. Low cunning may tempt men into artifices that produce some temporary advantages; but such people soon finish their career of fame and influence. A man of mere cunning takes but a narrow view of the causes that lead to real prosperity. He imagines he has an acute discernment, and commences his plans of intrigue with alluring hopes of success. But fortunately for mankind, it generally happens, that before he has done himself much good, or others much hurt, he is entangled in a web of his own weaving.
There is a strange propensity in men to occupy a respectable station in life, in some easier way, than by deserving it. To rise gradually into distinction by regular steps of merit, does not comport with the ardor and impatience of an enterprising spirit. It is presumed by ambitious men that a more expeditious mode may be adopted, and that they may accelerate their object by putting on fallacious appearances. His head must be weak, who does not foresee the effect of such disguise; and his heart must be perverse, who does not detest the practice of it. When a person, on his first setting out in life, assumes a false character, it is a proof, either, that he has not confidence in his real one, or that he has a native predilection for duplicity. Candor and sincerity are the only safe ground, on which any one can tread, who means to preserve the respect and good will of his fellowmen. He may, to be sure captivate attention, and even gain some confidence and esteem by an artificial glare of conduct. But I appeal to the experience of every person who ever tried to promote his views, by tricks of cunning, and language of insincerity, whether he did not find that the end of all his efforts was disquietude and disgrace. No prudent man would venture, and no honorable man would with a reputation so degrading and precarious.
It is impossible in the nature of things, that there should not be a want of consistency in the actions of a man, who commences his course in falsehood. There are perplexities unavoidably attending every departure from truth, which will expose men, in spite of the most artful coloring, with which transactions of deceit can be glossed. The moment a man relinquishes truth and fair-dealing as a guide, he has nothing certain to direct his steps. For, when he is reduced to a shift, that requires a disavowal of his real motives, he must soon fall into contradictions. There is not dexterity enough in the faculties of the most sagacious man, to pursue a long course of duplicity, undiscovered. It is true some dark, mysterious men retain through life a considerable degree of influence. But it should be remembered these are generally a passive kind of characters, who rather may be said, not to act at all, than to act insincerely. They learn, by concealing their actual defects, a prudent line of demeanor that is a substitute for valuable qualifications. This negative reputation can be no desirable object for a man of vigor and enterprize.
Those who are ambitious to make a respectable figure in society, and take an active part in the momentous affairs of the world, should have too much spirit to be satisfied with a negative character, and too much honesty to wear a disguised one. They must not shrink from that scrutiny which exhibits their qualities in their most natural shades. If they will bear the examination of truth and reason, there is no danger but they will ultimately rise into distinguished notice. A man destitute of intrinsic worth, can not know himself too soon; for if he is destined to move in the inferior walks of life, it can be no consolation to him that he had artfully or accidentally reached a conspicuous station, which was beyond the sphere of his merit. I cannot close this number better than by presenting the reader with an extract from an elegant author, whose remarks on this subject are sprightly and pertinent.
"That darkness of character, where we can see no heart—those foldings of art through
which no native affection is allowed to penetrate, present an object unamiable in every season of life, but particularly odious in youth.—If at an age when the heart is warm, when the emotions are strong, and where nature is expected to shew itself free and open, we can already smile and deceive, what is to be expected, when we shall be longer hackneyed in the ways of men, when interest shall have completed the obduracy of our hearts, and experience shall have improved us in all the arts of guile?"
ADDRESS of the SOCIETY of the CINCINNATI in the State of SOUTH-CAROLINA.
VOTED NOVEMBER 17, 1789.
To GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
SIR, POSSESSED of every feeling that can act on grateful hearts, the Society of the Cincinnati established in the State of South-Carolina, beg leave to congratulate you on the happy occasion which has once again placed you in a situation of rendering general good to their country.
Retired from the busy scenes of life, to reap the rewards of your virtuous acts, and to enjoy the glory you had already obtained, your fellow-citizens received you with exulting happiness; they saw in you the patriot-hero, the friend and saviour of their country; and with hearts filled with gratitude and affection, they invoked the All-wise-Disposer of human events to render that retirement happy.
The period, however, arrived when the abilities of the virtuous patriot were again to be called forth to assume a public character. A general political government was formed, by which the happiness of the country for whose liberty you had fought, was now to be established. To preside at the head of this new government, to establish it with permanency, the people sought, in the Great Washington, the virtues on which they could rely with safety, and from which they might expect to receive every benefit without alloy. They had experienced his abilities, they had experienced his integrity and his inviolable love for his country. Nor did they seek in vain. The same noble spirit which actuated you at the beginning of our late contest with Great-Britain, now operated. You received and obeyed the summons; and although you should make a sacrifice, yet you nobly determined—It was the voice of your country, in whose service every inferior consideration of ease and retirement must give place.
As citizens, we congratulate you, Sir, on this additional proof of your country's confidence. As soldiers who partook with you in many of the dangers and hardships which attended the general army under your command, we beg leave to express our warmest attachment to your person, and sincerest wish for your happiness and honor; and that we may, under your rule, supported by your amiable virtues, happily experience and long enjoy the fruits of a government which has for its basis, the GOOD of the PEOPLE of AMERICA.
By order of the Society, (Signed) WILLIAM MOULTRIE, President.
The PRESIDENT'S ANSWER.
To the STATE SOCIETY of the CINCINNATI in South-Carolina. GENTLEMEN,
FROM a conviction that the dispositions of the society of the Cincinnati established in the State of South-Carolina are peculiarly friendly to me, I cannot receive their congratulations on the occasion which gave birth to their address, without emotions of peculiar satisfaction.
The interest that my fellow-citizens so kindly took in the happiness which they saw me enjoy in my retirement after the war, is rather to be attributed to their great partiality in my favor, than to any singular title I had to their gratitude and affection.
Notwithstanding I was conscious that my abilities had been too highly appreciated: yet I felt, that, whatever they were, my country had a just claim upon me, whenever the exercise of them should be deemed conducive to its welfare. With such feelings, I could not refuse to obey that voice which I had always been accustomed to respect, nor hesitate to forego a resolution which I had formed of passing the remainder of my days in retirement. And so far am I from having reason to repent of the decided measure I took, in the crisis of organizing a new general government, that I ought rather, perhaps, to solicitate myself upon having met the wishes, and experienced the assistance of a patriotic and enlightened people, in my arduous undertaking.
Always satisfied that I should be supported in the administration of my office, by the friends of good government in general, I counted upon the favorable sentiment and conduct of the officers of the late army in particular. Nor has my expectation been deceived. As they were formerly distinguished by their eminent fortitude and patriotism in their military service, during the most trying occasions, so are the same men now, mingled in the mass of citizens, conspicuous for a disinterested love of order, and a zealous attention to the preservation of the rights of mankind. Nor is it conceivable that any members of the community should be more worthy of the enjoyment of liberty, or more zealous to perpetuate its duration, than those who have so nobly and so successfully defended its standard in the new world.
I sincerely thank you, Gentlemen, for your expression of attachment to my person, and wish for my happiness and honor. On my part, I only dare to engage, it shall be my incessant study, that you may happily experience and long enjoy the fruits of a government, which has for its basis the good of the American people. G. WASHINGTON.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY, FEB. 25, 1790.
IN Committee of the whole House—The proposition for assuming the State Debts and the amendments proposed thereto by Mr. White, being under consideration.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. GERRY in a speech of some length, combated the principle on which the motion was founded—it contemplated, he said, the debts in question as the debts of the states, while in fact they were the debts of the United States; for the states had contracted the debts as agents of the union—and it was well known, that a debt contracted by an agent was as binding on, as though it had been done by the principal; it being an established maxim, "qui facit per alium facit per se," there can be no distinction in equity then between a debt contracted by Congress, its quartermasters, or other purchasing officers, and by a state employed by Congress; the creditors in each case being the creditors of the union. Mr. Gerry said, he had before stated, that the first army, although federal, was raised, supplied and paid by the states, till it was commanded by continental officers—that the states, on the
requisitions of Congress, had made good the depreciation of the pay of the army—had frequently supplied and recruited it, had at the request of Congress, assumed the debts of the union, by taking up certificates of purchases made by federal officers, by paying interest of the federal debt, and by various other modes, and one state (Pennsylvania) if he was not misinformed, had assumed to the amount of five million dollars of the federal debt due to her citizens, and placed this sum on the state funds. As the states then are indebted to their citizens, ought not these in equity to be paid by the United States, for property thus supplied them? When the citizens credited the states, the latter had all the resources of the union; they had the impost, excise, and sole right of direct taxation; for although Congress had the power of taxing states, they could go no farther, and that power could not be exercised from the want of a rule of apportionment required by the consideration, because the states could not form an estimate of their property as required by that compact: It must therefore be evident, as the citizens entrusted the states with supplies for the union, on the credit of certain state resources, and by the late revolution in the system of government, these resources are by the union in part alienated from the states to the federal government, which is the case of the impost; and as Congress are now extending their taxation, to another part, the excise, on which resources the state creditors principally depended, Congress are bound in justice and equity to provide for the payment of these debts contracted, at the request and for the benefit of the United States. They are bona fide debts of the union, and only differ from the federal liquidated debt in the form of the negotiation; perhaps it may be said, that the creditors having considered the states as debtors, have no legal claim against the United States. But should Congress act upon such an unjust and ungenerous principle, would not the state creditors have reason to consider the whole as a state trick or juggle to defraud them of their dues? And would they ever after rely on the faith of Congress? There can be no good reason then for the assertion, that the states can only be creditors, or in other words, that their debts can be only assumed, according to the proportions of the balances that may be due to them respectively on a final liquidation. Mr. Gerry said, the gentleman (Mr. White) had observed, that by adopting the first amendment, we should again open the door for state claims; that if it should remain shut, perhaps some injustice would take place, but if the doors should again be opened, there would be great uneasiness among some of the states. In answer to this Mr. Gerry conceived, that the states considered justice as the basis of their system of policy, and would never be opposed to a measure that would prevent injustice. If however, he was mistaken in this point; if the foundations of the state and federal governments were not laid in justice, he thought their career would be but short; but he had no apprehensions of this kind.
He observed, that Mr. White had said, in case of an assumption, some state creditors may accede to it, and others not; that of the latter number would probably be the citizens of Virginia, in which case she must pay her own creditors, and contribute to the payment of the debts assumed by the union. But where is the difficulty, says Mr. Gerry, in this case? Congress, considering the state creditors of Virginia as creditors of the union, will provide for them as for other federal creditors. And it will make no difference to the creditors, to the state, or to Congress, whether the latter pays the interest to the state, and the state to the creditors, or whether Congress pays it directly to the creditors. This seems too clear to be denied.
The gentleman has said, if the debts are assumed, Congress will fund, but not discharge them; whereas the states will do both. How, says Mr. Gerry, does it appear that Congress will be less disposed than the states, to pay off the public debt? The secretary in his report has an eye to a sinking fund; and there is no doubt of every exertion on the part of the union, to discharge the debt. True it is, the states, with the impost and excise, have made some progress in this business; but deprived of those resources, there will be less prospect of the debts being paid by the states, than by the United States. The debts of the states will now accumulate, as the federal debt did whilst the states had those resources.
The gentleman says, that if all the revenue from impost and excise is thrown into our hands, it will not be adequate, and we must resort to direct taxes, which would meet the disapprobation of all the States. But in answer to this, Mr. Gerry observed, that we have but little experience of the avails of the impost, and none of the excise, and can therefore form no judgment how far they are capable of improvement. One thing we know, that the impost is greatly injured by the State administration of excise, and we also know that the latter is eluded in a great measure in each State; so that under the federal administration of impost and excise, both would probably be much increased.
Mr. Gerry then mentioned the defalcations of excise; that the collection of it was generally supposed in Massachusetts, not to exceed 25 per cent. of what ought to be the amount, and stated the manner in which the payment of it was eluded. It is impossible, therefore, says he, at this time to determine whether those resources are or are not equal to the funds required. But suppose they are not, how does it appear that the States will be uneasy at direct taxation, if it is necessary to support public credit? I consider public credit as the main pillar of the government. If it is well established it will be more valuable than the mines of Peru; for it will command what resources you may want—and those can do no more: it will also command the confidence and attachment of your best citizens, which will be infinitely more valuable—will strengthen your government, and make it immovable. A government founded in justice is so great a blessing that enlightened citizens, like those of the United States, will not only contribute their property, but will risk every thing in support of such a government. Mines may enable a government to procure an army of mercenaries but the power of these is not to be compared with that of good citizens, acting from principle. It cannot therefore be doubted, that if direct taxes are necessary to pay the just debts of the Union, and to support its credit, the citizens will submit to it.
If we refer to the propositions of the States for amending the constitution, there is nothing in them that justifies the contrary supposition; but I shall be always opposed to direct taxes till it shall appear that they are indispensably necessary.
The gentleman supposes that the assumption will lessen the influence of the States and elevate the general government, and has quoted my observation, that the States out of debt, would be out of danger: and not as gentlemen in the opposition conceived, in debt out of danger. To confute this doctrine, the gentleman has stated a case, and says, if owning an estate he owed money on it, he should think it more safe to take the estate into his hands and pay his debts with its incomes, than to mortgage his estate to another on his engaging to pay the debts—But Mr. Gerry observed, that the resources for paying the State debts are taken from them, and the question in the case stated is, whether the owner of an estate who owed debts on it, would not expect that the person who occupied it should with the incomes pay the debts of the estate rather than leave the owner to pay them. In the case of a minor,

MONDAY, MARCH 15.
ought not his guardian who receives the income of an estate to pay the minor's debts, and not to apply the income to his own use whilst the debts were accumulating? Much had been said respecting part of the State debts being for State and not for federal purposes: but would any gentleman deny that almost the whole expenditures of the States excepting the expenses of their civil governments, were for federal purposes, or that the taxes of the States had far exceeded the civil lists and other expenses of the States?
Mr. Livermore said, that he seconded the motion (of Mr. White) because he supposed it would bring the subject fully before the committee: For I consider, said he, that it would be as absurd for Congress to assume the whole mass of the State debts, previous to a liquidation, and ascertaining the balances, as it would be to pay the account of an individual without first determining whether it was just or not.
Mr. White replied to Mr. Gerry, and observed, that the gentleman considered the States, as agents to Congress; but he considered them as agents to the people. The States have been called on, some have complied with the requisitions. I wish the business to go on till all have done their duty, and a settlement of accounts to precede all payment of debts.
Mr. Burke said, that however the question may be determined at this moment, it must finally be adopted, for South-Carolina cannot grapple with her debt any more than a child with a giant. And she will consider herself in a wretched condition, if after being wheedled into the Constitution, and wheedled out of her impost, she should now be abandoned to her fate, with a debt incurred for the general defence which she never can discharge.
Mr. Livermore said, that the observations of the gentleman last speaking, had not altered the nature of the question at all. It is no fault of the United States if any particular State or individual, is in debt: It is their misfortune, but Congress is not obliged to make itself answerable for such debts. The gentlemen from South Carolina are instructed to urge this matter: They do right so far as their judgement is in the measure; but the delegates from New Hampshire expect different instructions upon this subject; and I shall think it my duty to follow those instructions, especially as they will accord with sentiments I have long entertained on the subject.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
SATURDAY, MARCH 13.
Sundry petitions were read.
The memorial from the officers of the South-Carolina line of the late army, after some debate was referred to the secretary of the treasury.
In committee of the whole on the report of the secretary of the treasury—for providing for the support of the public credit.
The blank in the third proposition of the sixth resolve, was passed over by consent.
The seventh and eighth resolutions were agreed to, viz.
VII. "Resolved, that immediate provision ought to be made for the present debt of the United States; and that the faith of government ought to be pledged to make provision, at the next session, for so much of the debts of the respective States, as shall have been subscribed upon any of the terms expressed in the last resolution."
VIII. "Resolved, that the funds which shall be appropriated according to the second of the foregoing resolutions, be applied in the first place to the payment of interest on the sums subscribed towards the proposed loan; and that if any part of the said domestic debt shall remain unsubscribed, the surplus of the said funds be applied, by a temporary appropriation, to the payment of interest on the unsubscribed part, so as not to exceed, for the present, four per cent. per annum; but this limitation shall not be understood to impair the right of the non-subscribing creditors to the residue of the interest on their respective debts: And in case the aforesaid surplus should prove insufficient to pay the non-subscribing creditors, at the aforesaid rate of four per cent. that the faith of government be pledged to make good such deficiency."
A proposition similar to the one proposed by Mr. Boudinot, was moved by Mr. Gerry—but after considerable discussion it was withdrawn.—Adjourned.
On motion of Mr. Sherman the house went into a committee of the whole on the bill making appropriations for the services of government for the year 1790.
The bill was read.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) moved to add after the fourth section a clause providing for the payment of expenses on account of the Light-House, at the entrance of the harbor of Charleston, previous to passing the act for making the cession thereof to Congress.
Mr. Sherman observed that Congress would doubtless pay such expenses as have arisen subsequent to the time of the cession, agreeable to the act of the legislature—but if any particular states have been remiss in paying off arrearages, which existed prior to that period it certainly cannot be expected that such arrearages should be paid by the United States.
Mr. Tucker observed that the expenses referred to by his colleague were incurred in consequence of the funds being diverted into a different channel which had been appropriated by the State for their discharge—the amount is not great—not more, perhaps than four hundred pounds sterling—he thought that it was a just and equitable allowance, as it was ceded to the United States in an unfinished situation, has been finished since, and the State has been precluded from paying this expense by the funds being absorbed by the United States.
Mr. Livermore observed that the present bill is a bill of appropriations, and not of grants, it refers to sums to be provided for by laws already past, the motion therefore appears to be out of order.
Mr. Tucker replied that he was aware of the difficulty, and meant to have moved for an addition to the whole sum, by proposing that it be increased two thousand dollars, a sum which he supposed would be adequate to defraying the deficiency.
Mr. Jackson advocated the motion, and added, he hoped the gentlemen from South Carolina would give their vote for certain improvements in the navigation of Savannah river, which he mentioned, and which he designed to move for.
Mr. Fitzsimons spoke against the motion, he showed its impropriety and unequal operation; that he thought it an inconsiderable object, in itself, and more so when contemplated as coming from a State, which the United States have agreed to pay five millions of dollars for.
Mr. Tucker replied to Mr. Fitzsimons, and said, that he did not conceive the assumption of the state debts had anything to do with the present motion; if the debts of South-Carolina are to be paid, she will furnish the means, as it will be applying her resources to their proper object.
The motion being put, was negatived.
Mr. Jackson after some introductory observations, proposed the following amendment, after the words "Cape-Henry" to add "and for removing the obstructions in Savanna River, from that City to the Sea."
The same objections respecting the informality of the amendment, were made to this, as were to the motion offered by Mr. Smith.
Mr. Jackson after insisting on the propriety of bringing forward the present motion, when the house were specially engaged in voting monies for public expenses, and observing that according to the ideas of some gentlemen the house had no right to add to the appropriations proposed by the secretary, said, that according to this doctrine, the whole business of legislation may be as well submitted to him, so that in fact the house would not be the representatives of their constituents, but of the secretary—he further said, that as there appeared to be some weight in the objection, to introducing his amendment in this clause, he would withdraw it for the present.
A motion was then made by Mr. Livermore to introduce a clause for allowing the sum of one hundred and ninety-two dollars to Gifford Dalley for his services ninety-six days, during the recess of Congress, which was agreed to.
Mr. Jackson then observed that this appeared to be the proper time to bring forward his motion, he therefore moved that the sum of _____ be allowed for removing the wrecks and obstructions in Savanna River, from that city to the Sea.
Mr. Bland objected to the motion as involving a principle pregnant with innumerable difficulties; for no man can tell to what extent it can be carried. Should this be granted, every member in this House will come forward with proposals for clearing rivers and opening canals to the sources of rivers.
Mr. Jackson observed, that the principle is already established in the bill, by the provision made for Delaware river.
He said that the revenue of the United States is to be derived from navigation and commerce; excepting the obstruction in our rivers and harbors are removed, commerce will be embarrassed, and our revenue will be lessened and destroyed, and in this view the measure appears to be founded in reason, policy, and justice, and not to do it will be impolitic and unjust.
The motion being put, was negatived.
The committee having gone thro the bill, rose and reported the same with sundry amendments.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to morrow.
On motion of Mr. Jackson to take up the bill respecting the South-Western-Frontiers. The doors of the galleries were shut.
TUESDAY, MARCH 16.
The bill for making appropriations for the services of Government for the year 1790—was brought in engrossed, read the third time and passed.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by the secretary of the department of war, conveying information received from the supreme executive of the State of Pennsylvania, relative to the depredations of the Indians on the frontiers of that State.
Mr. Lawrance presented a memorial from the importers of hemp, and the manufacturers of cordage in the city of New-York, stating a variety of difficulties to which they are subjected from the operation of the revenue laws.
Sundry reports from the Secretary of the Department of War, on petitions referred to him, were read.
On motion of Mr. Ames, the petition of the Rope-Makers, &c. of the town of Boston was read, and with the petition from those of New-York, referred to a select committee consisting of Mr. Lawrance, Mr. Boudinot, and Mr. Heister.
The motion of Mr. Boudinot, for appointing a committee of 11 members, to whom petitions and memorials for claims should be referred, was read and taken into consideration.
Some gentlemen objected to this plan, and preferred the motion offered by Mr. Bland, for a direct reference to the heads of departments. An amendment was agreed to, that the petitions should be first read in the House.
Mr. Boudinot observing that this amendment being adopted, defeated the object of the proposition, he therefore withdrew the motion. But it being renewed by another member, was further debated; but on the question to agree to the proposition, it was lost.
The resolutions offered by Mr. Bland relative to the same subject were then taken into consideration.
After some debate the question on the first resolution being put, it was negatived, the other was lost of course.
Mr. Boudinot moved for the order of the day on the report of the committee to whom was referred the memorials of the people called Quakers. The motion was opposed, it was said that the order of the day on the report of the secretary of the treasury claimed a preference in the attention of the house; after considerable debate the question was taken, and passed in the affirmative.
The report was then read.
A message was received from the President of the United States, with the ratification of the amendments to the constitution by the State of Pennsylvania.
The report on the slave-trade was then discussed.
Mr. Tucker after premising several observations on the injustice, and unconstitutionality of the interference of the legislature in the business, proposed an amendment which should negative the whole report.
Mr. Jackson spoke largely on the subject, and in opposition to the report.
Mr. Vining replied to Mr. Jackson.
A question then rose on the subject of order. The Chairman gave his opinion that the amendment, offered by Mr. Tucker, was not in order. This question was discussed with considerable ardor on both sides. The question being put, the Committee determined that the amendment was not in order.
Mr. Tucker then proposed to add the amendment immediately after the preamble of the report, after the word "opinion." The question of order was still agitated on this variation, and the committee rose without a decision, and are to sit again on this subject to-morrow. Adjourned.
ON THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.
(CONTINUED.)
OUR property, as well as life and liberty, is secured to us by our constitution of government. The man that ruins the reputation of his neighbor, may thereby, in a variety of cases, deprive him of acquiring or improving his property, and consequently becomes amenable to the laws of the land; for surely our constitutional rights are not to be wrested from us and sported with, according to the will and pleasure of an enraged slanderer, or a needy printer. I know that it has been observed, that the same press which teems with abuse against any man, affords him an opportunity of defending himself. The observation is specious; but let me ask is it not possible that the scandal may be more widely diffused than the reparation of it. Will not the man who has exerted himself to defame his fellow-citizen, use as great, or greater exertions, to spread abroad the defamations?
It is further asserted that good men are not afraid of a free press; that none but bad characters shrink from its lash. I assert in contradiction to this, that good men may suffer, nay, in this State, have suffered, from the bitter, unmerited severity of malicious scribblers, who have too frequently misrepresented characters. The same assertion might have been made with respect to the old comedies of the Greeks, which answered the purposes of our presses. In these, real characters were introduced, and real actions were represented. But let it be remembered, that the same Aristophanes who exposed the vicious man, the false patriot, or the ignorant pretender, exercised his satire, against that most virtuous and wise man, the amiable Socrates. This daring licentiousness was at length curbed by laws, and the same restrictions will be found necessary upon our printing presses, or no person's reputation can be safe.
Every man should be esteemed innocent, until there is proof to the contrary. No man can be punished for a crime, until he is convicted of it, by evidence before a jury of his Peers. Shall then an individual, from meer suspicion, inflict the most severe species of punishment upon his neighbor, the detestation and contempt of his fellow-citizens? If a man has been guilty of crimes, the press is not the proper tribunal before which he is to be brought. Let him be accused before the courts of justice, and if convicted, let him be punished. But to punish a man unheard (and is not the lash of the satirist punishment?) is the most cruel tyranny—but it may be objected, "there are crimes not cognizable in courts of justice," are not these fair game? If they are crimes, let laws be made to punish them—if they do not merit this name, and are only foibles, I still deny the right to attack an individual on account of them. Foibles which do not amount to crimes are the proper objects of satire and the drama. But let us "spare the person and expose the vice," most satirists have fallen into the error of attacking the agent and not the act. This entirely frustrates the end of satire. It should be general, not local. What applies to one only, can extend its effects to him alone—but when a vice is depicted in proper colours, the satire will apply equally to all persons who are guilty of it, and its effects will be not merely temporary, but perpetual—I have been led into these reflections, from observing the personal abuse, which has too long reigned, unchecked among us. It is much to be wished that the liberty of the press may no longer remain a vague term, which may be used to justify every species of defamation; but that its import be accurately defined—The French constitution establishes a free press, but with a proviso, "that the authors shall be responsible for the abuse of that liberty, in cases provided for by the law."—We have already suffered too much from the want of restriction. Domestic tranquility has been invaded. The wise, the virtuous man, the patriot, the philosopher, the statesman, and the industrious citizen, have equally smarted from the whip of calumny. Many a one has fallen a sacrifice to the malicious insinuations, or direct reflections of a murderer of reputations.—As we have shaken off civil and religious tyranny, if we have any respect to our good name, and inward peace, we shall now endeavor to free ourselves from the tyranny of the press, the effects of which are no less dangerous and fatal.
PHILELUTHEROS.

THE ADDRESS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.
To GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. SIR,
WE have been long impatient to testify our joy and unbounded confidence on your being called, by an unanimous vote, to the first station of a country, in which that unanimity could not have been obtained without the previous merit of unexampled services, of eminent wisdom, and unblemished virtue. Our congratulations have not reached you sooner, because our scattered situation prevented the communication and the collecting of those sentiments, which warmed every breast. But the delay has furnished us with the opportunity, not merely of presaging the happiness to be expected under your administration, but of bearing testimony to that which we experience already. It is your peculiar talent, in war and in peace, to afford security to those, who commit their protection into your hands. In war, you shield them from the ravages of armed hostility: In peace, you establish public tranquility, by the justice and moderation, not less than by the vigor of your government. By example as well as by vigilance, you extend the influence of laws on the manners of our fellow citizens. You encourage respect for religion, and inculcate by words and actions, that principle, on which the welfare of nations so much depends, that a superintending Providence governs the events of the world, and watches over the conduct of men. Your exalted maxims, and unwearied attention to the moral and physical improvement of our country have produced already the happiest effects. Under your administration, America is animated with zeal for the attainment, and encouragement of useful literature; she improves her agriculture, extends her commerce, and acquires with foreign nations a dignity unknown to her before. From these happy events, in which none can feel a warmer interest than ourselves, we derive additional pleasure by recollecting that you, Sir, have been the principal instrument to effect so rapid a change in our political situation. This prospect of national prosperity is peculiarly pleasing to us on another account; because whilst our country preserves her freedom and independence, we shall have a well-founded title to claim from her justice the equal rights of citizenship, as the price of our blood spilt under your eyes, and of our common exertions for her defence, under your auspicious conduct; rights rendered more dear to us by the remembrance of former hardships. When we pray for the preservation of them, where they have been granted; and expect the full extension of them from the justice of those States, which still restrict them; when we solicit the protection of Heaven over our common country we neither omit, or can omit recommending your preservation to the singular care of Divine Providence: Because we conceive that no human means are so available to promote the welfare of the United States, as the prolongation of your health and life, in which are included the energy of your example, the wisdom of your counsels, and the persuasive eloquence of your virtues.
J. CARROLL,
In Behalf of the Roman Catholic Clergy.
CHARLES CARROLL, of Carrollton, DANIEL CARROLL, THOMAS FITZSIMONS, DOMINICK LYNCH,
In Behalf of the Roman Catholic Laity.
To the ROMAN CATHOLICS in the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
GENTLEMEN,
WHILE I now receive with much satisfaction your congratulations on my being called by an unanimous vote, to the first station in my country; I cannot but duly notice your politeness in offering an apology for the unavoidable delay: As that delay has given you an opportunity of realizing, instead of anticipating the benefits of the general government; you will do me the justice to believe, that your testimony of the increase of the public prosperity, enhances the pleasure which I should otherwise have experienced from your affectionate address.
I feel that my conduct in war and in peace, has met with more general approbation than could reasonably have been expected: And I find myself disposed to consider that fortunate circumstance, in a great degree resulting from the able support and extraordinary candor of my fellow-citizens of all denominations.
The prospect of national prosperity now before us is truly animating, and ought to excite the exertions of all good men to establish and secure the happiness of their country, in the permanent duration of its Freedom and Independence. America, under the smiles of a Divine Providence—The protection of a good government, and the cultivation of manners, morals and piety, cannot fail of attaining an uncommon degree of eminence, in literature, commerce, agriculture, improvements at home and respectability abroad.
As mankind become more liberal they will be more apt to allow, that all those who conduct themselves as worthy members of the community are equally entitled to the protection of civil go-
vernment. I hope ever to see America among the foremost nations in examples of justice and liberality. And I presume that your fellow-citizens will not forget the patriotic part which you took in the accomplishment of their revolution, and the establishment of their government: Or, the important assistance which they received from a nation in which the Roman Catholic Faith is professed.
I thank you, Gentlemen, for your kind concern for me. While my life and my health shall continue, in whatever situation I may be, it shall be my constant endeavor to justify the favorable sentiments which you are pleased to express of my conduct. And may the members of your society in America, animated alone by the pure spirit of christianity, and still conducting themselves as the faithful subjects of our free government, enjoy every temporal and spiritual felicity.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
New-York, March 17, 1790.
THE National Assembly of France which is but a Convention, met for the express purpose of altering the old Constitution, began its memorable session the 27th of April—1789 years after Jesus Christ—1371 years after Pharamoud, founder of the French Monarchy—892 after Hugh Capet, head of the reigning family, and in the 16th year of the reign of Lewis the XVth, proclaimed the restorer of the freedom of France. The nation, considering that a long succession of ages—that manners and opinions, altogether new, have entirely altered and changed its interests—its political, civil and military constitution, has undertaken to form and establish a new one on the principles of perfect freedom. This is the most important event which has happened in the old world for many ages—what may we not expect from the collective wisdom of one of the most enlightened and most influential people of Europe? The rights of men and of citizens—those of the Monarch and of the subject, will at last be known and ascertained on the most solid basis: They mean to establish the political and civil happiness of the present as well as of the succeeding generations. The number of pamphlets published in Paris, as well as in the provinces is beyond credibility. They have permanent committees in every town and city throughout this great kingdom, who receive regularly accounts of the proceedings of the National Assembly, and which are read with avidity by the meanest peasant: These publications must be considered as so many sparks, which the universality of the French language spreads throughout Europe with an amazing rapidity—the irresistible effect of which, must produce all over the civilized world an era much more propitious to the rights of men.—Lewis XIVth, unintentionally took a very effectual method to disseminate the French language, by revoking the Edict of Nantes. Little did he suppose that he was thereby sowing the seeds of the present glorious revolution: The refugees who were scattered thro Europe carried their language with them—they preserved their sentiments—they taught their neighbors their language—they acquired additional motives to preserve their privileges, and new ideas on the general subject of the rights of human nature—and thus laid the foundation of Gallic Freedom.
It is happy for our country, that notwithstanding the turpitude of the times, our national characteristics are far from being disreputable: and that that justice which dignifies and adorns a people, appears to be sought after, as a guide to direct in our concerns as a nation. The payment of our debts is a leading object of our rulers—and that the United States are well capacitated to pay all demands against them, is a fact not to be disputed. Happy for our country, it is in possession of the choicest of Heaven's gifts—The mines of Peru, and the islands of riches, are under her feet; and are daily realized: Her coasts are extensive—her soil fruitful—her sons enterprising—and to crown her happiness, she carries in her hand the cap of Liberty. Mass. Gen.
The concern'd in the ship Columbia and sloop Washington, have reciev'd letters from captain Kendrick, dated at Nootka in July last; he informs them that he passed the Winter preceding on the north west coast of America: that he was then bound on a voyage further Northward, and from thence intended to proceed to Canton—The letters were forwarded to Mexico by a Spanish fleet that had been at Nootka, and from thence to the Spanish Charge des affaires at New-York. They were covered to the President of the United States of America.
The Rogues lately taken in Massachusetts, are the most celebrated adepts in the science of counterfeiting, &c. which have appeared among us. At the present moment, the securing this knot of artists may be of very great consequence—as it is suspected the whole fraternity thro the United States may be discovered, and broken up, if proper steps are pursued.
Sunday morning last, about 5 o'clock, a fire broke out in the Malt-House of Messrs. Watson, Willet, and Co. which destroyed the same: The Brew-House adjoining received some damage.—As it was very calm, the spirited exertions of the citizens were effectual to preventing any further spreading of the flames.
Monday morning a house in Beaver Street caught fire in the roof, which was said to be occasioned
by putting ashes in a cask in an upper chamber. Happily the flames were extinguished by the timely exertions of the fire companies and the citizens with the loss of the roof only.
Horses and carts in a crowd at the time of fire, produce confusion, disarrange the ranks formed for facilitating the passage of the water in buckets, and greatly endanger the limbs of people. Whether these disadvantages are counterbalanced by the supply of water contained in a tea-water hog-head, is the question.
“SPECTATOR” in our next.
ARRIVALS.—NEW YORK.
Saturday Sloop Betsey, Brooks, Philadelphia. Sloop New-York Packet, Bailey, Ditto. Schooner Exchange, Wilton, Charleston. 10 days. Tuesday Brig Minerva, Worth, Port-au-Prince, 23 days. Schooner Friends Adventure, Parker, Kingston 36 days.
ADVERTISEMENT.
By the Visitors and Governors of St. JOHN'S College in the State of Maryland, February 10, 1790.
RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, THAT at the regular quarterly meeting on the second Tuesday in November next, the Visitors and Governors of St. John's College, elect a Principal of the said College; that it be the duty of the Principal to superintend the College according to regulations hereafter to be established, and in conjunction with the Vice-Principal, to teach the higher authors in Latin and Greek—and the higher branches of science usually taught in other American Colleges; and that he receive for his services, an annual salary of £.500 current money, equal to £.300 sterling of Great-Britain, or 1,333 1/3 Spanish dollars, to be paid quarterly.
That at the next quarterly meeting, on the second Tuesday in May next, the board elect a master of writing and arithmetic in said St. John's College; and that he receive for his services, an annual salary of £.150 current money to be paid quarterly.
That Mr. Wallace, Mr. Carroll, of Carrollton, and Mr. Hanson, be a committee to write a letter in behalf of this board, to Doctor Price, Doctor Reece, and Doctor Kippis, of the kingdom of Great-Britain, inclosing a copy of the Resolve respecting the appointment of a Principal; requesting them to recommend a man proper to be elected Principal of St. John's College, and assuring them, that if the man, whom they shall recommend, be approved of—immediate information thereof shall be given.
That the several Resolves for electing a Principal and master of writing and arithmetic, be published in such newspapers as the said committee shall think proper.
Test, NICHOLAS BRICE, Sec'y.
The public are requested to take notice that if a proper character in America shall offer, the Visitors are free to appoint him; and that they wish to elect a Principal, as early as is consistent with propriety, and the lasting welfare of the College.
Any person desirous of offering himself either as a Principal of St. John's College, or master of writing and arithmetic, will be pleased by writing to inform any one, or the whole of the committee, consisting of Mr. Charles Carroll, now in Congress, Mr. Charles Wallace, in Annapolis, and the Chancellor of Maryland.
The printers of America are requested to insert in their respective newspapers the foregoing Resolves and notifications; and to inform their fellow-citizens, that St. John's College, after a variety of untoward disastrous circumstances, was opened and dedicated in November last; that the plan of this rising seminary comprehends two schools for philosophy or the higher branches of science, under the Principal and Vice-Principal—a school for the learned languages under a professor, an assistant master, and ushers to be appointed, according to the number of students; and a school for writing and arithmetic subordinate to the grammar school; that John M'Dowell, A. M. is already engaged as professor of philosophy—the Rev. Ralph Higginbottom, professor of languages, and Mr. Patrie M'Grath his assistant master; that there is a moral certainty that by the 17th of March, the number of students will exceed fifty. Indeed from the fortunate situation of St. John's College, the amount and stability of its funds, the character and residence of its trustees, there is the fairest prospect presented of its answering in the fullest extent the purpose of its liberal and wise founders, and benefactors.
Just published, by CAREY, STEWART, AND COMPANY, No. 1, of the VIIIth volume of The American MUSEUM, or UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE,
And to be sold by THOMAS ALLEN, No. 13, QUEEN-STREET, where subscriptions are received, at 2 Dol. and half pr. an.
CHARACTER OF THE MUSEUM.
“IT has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety. A more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, or one more deserving of public encouragement.” His Excellency General Washington.
“It has been conducted in a manner highly deserving of public encouragement.” Hon. John Dickinson.
“It far exceeds, in my opinion, every attempt of the kind, which, from any other American press ever came to my hands.” His Excellency Governor Livingston.
“I concur with those respectable characters, (General Washington, Hon. John Dickinson, and Governor Livingston) in their high opinion of the work, and of its execution.” His Excellency Governor Randolph.
“The Museum is calculated to disseminate literary, political, historical, agricultural, and other valuable information, in a very advantageous manner, and to a great extent, and more especially to preserve interesting documents from oblivion.” Rev. Dr. Stiles—Rev. Dr. Dwight—Judge Hopkins—Bishop White—Rev. Dr. Ewing—Rev. Dr. Magaw—Tench Coxe, Esq. Rev. Dr. Andrews—Judge Law—Judge Dyer—Judge Sherman—Judge Pitkin.
To be SOLD, At PUBLIC AUCTION, on the First Day of APRIL next, (if not disposed of before, at Private Sale.)
THAT pleasant and valuable Place formerly called COLES-FERRY, now by the name of VAN DUZER'S, on Staten Island, Richmond County, with two good sufficient Pettiaugers for the ferrying business. It is a beautiful situation, and one of the best stands for a Ferry, or Tavern, on Staten-Island, and an excellent Shad and Herring Fishery within 20 yards of the door, Black-Fish, and all other kind of Fish in their season. It is likewise the best and most convenient Ferry to Long-Island, where a number of passengers pass and repass. It lies within two miles of the Point of the Narrows, and between 8 and 9 miles from New-York. There is about 30 acres of excellent good Land, chiefly Meadow, with a very good Wharf, House, Barn and Garden—the whole being in good repair. It will also make a beautiful Country Seat, fit for any gentleman.
For Particulars enquire of JOHN ANDERSON, corner of the Exchange, or CHARLES M'LEAN, White Hall, New-York, or of Messrs BYERS and REILLY, Staten-Island, or of the Subscriber on the premises, where the conditions of sale will be made known. ABRAHAM VAN DUZER.
Staten-Island, March 6, 1790.

THE APOLOGIZER.
No. III.
HAIL ! All hail the auspicious æra of humanity ! Avaunt ! Ye black discriptions of human nature, and of crimes against common sense, good government and good order. Rejoice ye anti-feds ! Your apologizer triumphs ! He is read with applause ! What a glory his labors spread over you ! Your opinions and practices, which heretofore have been supposed criminal, are proved to be the perfection of nature working by cross purposes ! Your honesty is demonstrated, by a more self evident truth, the circumscription of your understandings ! How pleasing to the writer is the applause of his own conscience, for rescuing from the bar of public censure those unpitied ones, who, bating the energy of his own quill, never could have had a defender ! Black shade of Catiline ! Hear me, and be thou the patron-demon of my undertaking ; and may Arnold, thy antitype in the present age, be a ministering genius between me and thee, for my assistance while I emblazon the integrity of our common friends. Reader, be not impatient, the mysteries of my factious devotion are now ended, and I will again converse with thy earthly understanding. A principle of self preservation is a part of living nature, of which no creature is destitute ; a man and his mule equally feel its influence. Even a fabulous existence is dear to the possessor—witness the self preserving exertions of Griffins, Unicorns and other imaginary beings of antiquity ; when science began to enlighten the mass of mankind, and they felt a faintness spread over their fabled being how they struggled to survive. If such be thy efforts, self-preserving nature, where thou art but imagined to be, what must be the labor of thy creatures to continue, when they actually exist. No matter how small the quantity of being, if it be something—a little something is as real as a great something, and, for ought we can know to the contrary, feels as strongly the principle of self preservation, and the evil of extinction.
Self preservation how sacred ! Is it not a justifying plea for whatever man can do ? Do not our laws and reverend judges allow it to be a defence against the highest charges ? And would you not sneer in the face of an anti-fed, for so far forgetting his own safety, as voluntarily to subscribe a constitution, which requires capacities in government above his own ? Doth any man love to go into company in which he cannot shine ? I tell thee friend, that these questions carry death to a great number, whom the Apologizer wishes to preserve, and it may be thine own portion, while thou art gazing.
Tho' regard to public good be a laudable principle of action, it is, by no means so sacred or binding on any one as nature's own instinct of self preservation.
Reader, if thou art a great man in thine own State, I am certain these arguments will go to thy heart, and bring to remembrance the time when thou hast felt them. These feelings I shall never forget, for tho' I am now one of the literati, I have been quite another creature, a great man in my own State. It was a vision. When I was meditating this apology, on motives of pure benevolence ; those invisible powers came upon me, to whom great authors are indebted for the inspiration of the quill. In imagination, I was transformed from a humble citizen full of love to my whole country, into the chief man of a great State in the western territory. My title was the sweetest music, I had ever heard. Tho' I found my mind prodigiously lessened by the operation, several of its passions were increased, especially a jealousy for my own honor. The proclamation for a general thanksgiving, coming out in any other name beside my own, was a cutting circumstance, but determining not to be insulted without revenge, I joined my own name to the supreme signature. Ah ! there is much in signing a name, sometimes it gives pence, and is half a man's dignity among the people. In the first days of vision, I thought myself alone in these feelings, but gradually found that several counsellors and judges who surrounded me, felt the gnawing of the same worm.
They dreaded the approach of federal officers of a similar department, and the mischief of the whole was, we could not convince the people of what we felt so strongly ; that our own exclusive dignity was of more consequence than the public good. It soon became a common cause, and I shall not fail in due time, to inform the world of those pangs in vision which we all suffered.
Nature thou art powerful ! Yes ! It was thy self preserving power, acting in them and in me, and we should have been suicides to resist. But greater things, than these, were before me, and I am chilled by the remembrance. This fatal tour thought I within myself ! What evil destiny has led the hero here ? Whether to be first or second, in the house of my own kingdom, was now the question. While in tormenting suspense, Podagra, my guarding angel, who had saved me out of many political scrapes, and made my folly pass for shrewdness, descended ! He seized me body, soul and joints, and hid me from the scheme !
(AMERICAN MERCURY.)
THE FINE ARTS.
Extract of a letter from New-York, February 27.
THE justly celebrated TRUMBULL is now busily engaged in his great undertaking—the productions you may depend will be a most valuable acquisition to the world—to the American world in particular. I have seen some of the pieces, in which a few heads and some portraits are finished—The likenesses are PERFECT—the drawing, NATURE ITSELF—and the designs sentimental, elevated and just. In short, here is no risque—the object is sure, and the mind is perfectly satisfied—it rests in the execution.
(Mass. Gen.)
Fir'd with the martial toils that bath'd in gore His brave companions, on his native shore, TRUMBULL, with daring hand, the scene recalls, And shades with night Quebec's beleaguer'd walls, Mid flashing flames that round the turret rise, Blind carnage raves, and great MONTGOMERY dies. On Charlesbourg's height, thro' floods of rolling fire, Brave WARREN falls, and sullen hosts retire; While other plains of death that gloom the skies, And chiefs immortal o'er his canvas rise.
BARLOW'S VISION.
"O D'ARBY, did you ever see a Whale ? Hush, neighbors, hush, let D'ARBY tell his tale."
THE celebration of the Birth-day of our beloved PRESIDENT has been general & harmonious, in small as well as in capital towns. Amongst others, a correspondent has communicated to us the demonstrations of the respect for this illustrious character, which inspired the citizens of the town of Gloucester, Cape-Ann. In the morning, Capt. PEARCE ordered the colours to be hoisted, at the discharge of a gun, on board several vessels—and at 12 o'clock, desired Capt. J. COFFIN, who commands a large ship fitting for whaling, to fire 13 guns. At one o'clock, a neat whale-boat, on wheels, well-manned and equipped, with oars, harpoons and lances, with warp, &c. and each man dressed in frock and trowsers, was dragged by men in pursuit of a horse, which represented a whale, having fins, &c. fixed to him ; and on coming up, the harpooner threw his harpoon by the horse's side, and the man on the horse catching the end of the warp, the horse immediately sat off upon the run—the men in the boat securing themselves, and observing the same rules as in real service. The horse at length stopping, the harpooner on coming up with him, threw a lance by his side, and the horse, turning upon the boat as if in an agony, appeared to fight it ; but, after several attempts to extricate himself, being at length worn down, was represented as expiring—The whole affording a scene which gave much satisfaction to a great number of spectators. At night, 13 guns were fired, and 13 toasts drank by the gentlemen of the town who assembled on the joyous occasion.
AGRICULTURE.
MR. BUTLER,
THE growing of Turnips is justly reckoned a very profitable branch of husbandry—every hint, therefore, that has a tendency to advance the cultivation of this valuable root, will be acceptable to the public.
The Farmers in this part of the country generally sow their turnips, for fall and winter use, about the 25th of July. I have been long apprehensive that this sowing is too early. The weather at this season of the year is generally very hot, and very dry, and drought has a direct tendency to dwarf and spoil a field of young turnips :—The black fly also, a natural enemy of the turnip, is at this period very voracious, and the crop is too often destroyed or rendered unprofitable, by one or other of these causes.
With a view to remedy these evils, I sowed my turnips, the last year, very late in August. My neighbors laughed at me, and said I should not have a single mess : I had, however, more and better turnips than any of them. Encouraged by this success, I sowed this year on the 25th of August, a small piece of ground, eight rods only, with turnips. They came up well, and not a fly touched them. When they had four or five leaves, I directed one of my men to clean them of weeds, and thin them so as to have them stand ten or twelve inches from each other. The ground was afterwards slightly stirred with a garden hoe. The leaves grew rapidly—covered the ground, and prevented the further growth of weeds. On the 11th of November I pulled the turnips, trimmed and measured them, and had on the eight rods of ground (the twentieth part of an acre) forty-five bushels of as large and well flavored turnips as I ever saw. This produce is at the rate of nine hundred bushels per acre. The soil is a sandy loam, in good heart, but by no means in high tilth.
I sowed two other small pieces of ground, the one on the first, and the other about the eighth of Sept. Neither of these yielded like the one sowed on the 25th of August ; but each of them produced much larger and better turnips than any I have seen that were sowed at the usual time.
I attribute my success altogether to the late sowing—then the heat is less intense—the rain more frequent, the dew copious, the fly harmless, and the crop abundant. YOUNG FARMER. Hampshire County, Dec. 1789.
PROGRESS OF AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.
THE President of the United States having recommended to Congress a legislative encouragement for producing, among ourselves, the various articles of manufacture conducive to the defence of the country ; it may be satisfactory to learn the actual state of one of these manufactures in Pennsylvania, as it appears in the following extract of a letter from thence :
"Being directed by the manufacturing board, lately, to take upon me a share of an extensive report, in which gun-powder was an article, I was much pleased and surprised to find that we have twenty-one powder-mills capable of making six hundred and twenty-five tons per annum : That they retail at 37s. 6d. per quarter of 25lb. and offer to sell, in quantities, under 6l. per cwt. and that the English price, after deducting the bounty of 4s. 6d. is 75s. 6d. sterling, or 6l. 5s. 10d. currency, per cwt. English powder is now nearly done with here, and one year will entirely exclude it. I am convinced this essentially necessary manufacture, besides ensuring defence, is worth above 200,000 dollars. It has surprised me as much as the paper-mills."
NEGRO DEPUTIES IN THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
PARIS, November 17.
IN the Island of St. Domingo are 30,000 free people, viz. 6,000 whites, and 24,000 people of colour, most of whom are negroes. The former, in the beginning of the new Constitution, called a meeting in the Island, and, thinking it but just that they should be represented, sent their Deputies to Paris, who were at length admitted into the Assembly here. In process of time, the latter, i. e. the free black people, called a meeting also, in the same Island. They stated that they were the subjects of France ; that they paid their taxes in the same proportion as the former ; that they could see no difference between the blacks and the whites ; and that, for these and other reasons, they ought to be represented also. They therefore determined upon sending deputies and actually nominated three, who arrived in Paris about a fortnight ago. Upon their arrival they demanded an audience of the Assembly, into which they were admitted. On stating their claims, M. Fretau, the president, a most zealous friend in the cause of liberty, assured them that they need not be dispirited ; for that the Assembly knew no distinction between Blacks and Whites, but considered all men as having equal rights.
The circumstances, however, of the nation were such, that their claims could not be immediately discussed ; (and here permit me to observe that these circumstances are the very same which defer the consideration of the Slave trade also) but that they shall have a provisional seat in the National Assembly. This provisional seat may be thus explained : Three Members of Parliament in England put up at an election, and two are returned ; the third complains to the House of an undue election ; the House resolve to consider the case on a fixed day, but till then the two members who were returned keep their seats. So it is, in the present case, the three black representatives are allowed a seat till the case is determined ; and you may therefore see them every day in the National Assembly ; and so far as I can find, they stand in no danger of losing their seats at a future time. This circumstance I have been acquainted with for some days, but was additionally informed last night by Mons. de la Fayette, that it was one of the articles of the deputation to appoint him Commander in Chief of the 24,000 people of color—which command he has accepted.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
   SCHEME.   PRIZE of £.3000 £.    2 1000 2000  3 500 1500  10 200 2000  30 100 3000  50 50 2500  120 20 2400  180 10 1800  7950 4 31800  
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £.50000 16654 Blanks, } Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles :    BOOK Muffins 8-4 6-4 5-4  HUMHUMS,    Jackonet do.  Long Cloths,    Hankerchiefs, of various kinds,  Cassas,    Chintzes,  Seersuckers,    Gingham,  Boglapores.  
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
New-York, 1789.
A LIVERY STABLE,
Kept by BENJAMIN POWELL, at the upper end of QUEEN-STREET, No. 111, near the TEA-WATER PUMP.
WHERE he takes in Horses by the night, week, month or year, at the most moderate rates that can be afforded. He thanks his former customers for their favors, and flatters himself that care and attention will again be paid to such gentlemen, as may put their horses in his charge. Boarding and Lodging may be had by applying as above. FEB. 25.