Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-09-16 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XLV.]
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XLV.
“And each short maid in spite of nature May add a cubit to her stature.”
I HAVE often admired at the condescension that women of intrinsic elegance shew, in submitting to an excess of fashions, which only diminish such charms as have a real existence in nature. Simple neatness gives a beautiful person far more pleasing attractions, than any ornaments, which fancy or artifice can invent. The most therefore that a fine woman should aim at, is to avoid singularity. If in her dress, she assumes any unusual glare, her appearance may dazzle the eyes of beholders more, but it will affect their hearts less. The forms of etiquette are designed to bring persons, who associate together, on some degree of equality, for the time being. It hides the deformities of one, and veils the excellencies of another.
In a circle of ladies highly dressed, it is not easy to form particular attachments. Those causes that excite admiration seldom engage the tender sentiments of the heart. For this reason, a woman often has many admirers, who has not a single lover. A towering fanciful head-dress and other glaring decorations may be an advantage to a girl, whose size and figure are not naturally favorable; but they have the reverse effect on one who wears the graces of native elegance. In short, a woman of inherent beauty commits an imprudent act, whenever she makes her dress so conspicuous as to be looked at, more than herself. It is rather a discredit to a charming girl, that her most dangerous rival should come from a milliner's shop.
The etiquette of courts, like that of dress, is calculated to obscure the real character. Those who assemble at the levees of princes, all appear under a mask. There are no circumstances that indicate the peculiar qualities of men, on these occasions. If a blockhead commits no mistake, he passes for a fashionable man, and meets with attention from philosophers. If the most solid merit is unattended with a knowledge of etiquette, it will pass, in such a situation, as a thing of no value. Those rules, which knaves have in all ages invented for the sake of deceiving and managing fools, have obtained a currency among the wisest and best of men. It is necessary that it should be so.
NEW-YORK, SEPTEMBER 16, 1789.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES,
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 4.
Debate on the subject of fixing the PERMANENT SEAT of GOVERNMENT—Continued.
Mr. MADISON: If this delay should not produce any alteration in the sentiments of the gentlemen, it will at least fortify that hard decision that seems to be so unfavorable to the friends of the Patowmac. I hope we shall all concur in the great principles on which we ought to conduct and decide this business. I conceive that an equal attention to the great rights of every part of the community is the principle on which we are to proceed. No government, Sir, not even the most despotic, can go beyond a certain point, without violating that idea of equal right, which prevails in the mind of every community. In republican governments, justice, and equality form the basis of the system; and perhaps the structure can rest on no other foundation that the wisdom of man can devise. In a federal republic, give me leave to say, it is even more necessary and proper that a sacred regard should be paid to them. For beyond the sense of the community at large, which has its proper agency in such a system, no such government can act with safety. The federal interest involves local distinctions, which produce local jealousies, and give at the same time a greater local capacity to support and excite this sense most effectually. In a confederacy of States, in which the people operate in one direction as citizens, and in another as forming political communities, the local governments will ever possess a superior capacity to take advantage of those powers on which the protection of their rights depend. If these great rights be the basis of republics, and if there be a double necessity of attending to them in a federal republic, it is further to be considered, that there is no one right, of which the people can judge with more ease and certainty, and of which they will judge with more jealousy, than of the establishment of the permanent seat of their government, and Sir, I am persuaded that however often this subject may be discussed in the representative body, or however the attention of the community may be drawn to it, the observations I have made will be more and more verified. We see the operation of this sentiment fully exemplified in what has taken place in the several States. In every instance where the seat of government has been placed in an eccentric position, we have seen the people either successfully or unsuccessfully struggling to place it where it ought to be. In some instances they have not yet succeeded, but I believe they will succeed in all. In many they have actually gained their point.
One of the first measures in the State of Virginia since the revolution, was the removal of the seat of government from an eccentric position to one which corresponded more with the sense of the State, and an equal regard to the rights of the community. In North Carolina we have seen the same principle operate: in South Carolina the same. In the State of Pennsylvania, powerful as the inducements are, in favor of its capital, we have seen serious and almost successful efforts already to translate it to a more proper place. In the State of Delaware, where the government was as little removed from the centre as in any other State, we have seen the same spirit operate. In the State of New-York we have seen the same thing, with some fluctuations, arising from occasional circumstances of convenience. In Massachusetts the same efforts have
been made, and in all probability, when some temporary considerations cease, we shall find the same principle acting there also. Sir, it is not surprising, when we consider the nature of mankind, that this should be the case.
With respect, however, to the federal government, there is one consideration, which shews in a peculiar manner the necessity and policy of paying a strict attention to this principle. One of the greatest objections which has been made by the opponents of the system, which has been admitted by its friends, is the extent of our limits. It has been asserted by some, and almost feared by others, that within so great a space no free government can exist. I hope and trust, that the opinion is fallacious. But at the same time, Sir, acknowledging it to have a certain degree of force, it is equally incumbent on those, who wish well to the Union, that this inconvenience should be diminished as much as possible. The way to diminish it, is to place the government in that spot which will be least removed from every part of the empire. Carry it to an eccentric position, and it will be equivalent to an extension of our limits. And if our limits are already extended so far as warrants in any degree the apprehension above mentioned, we ought to take care not to extend them farther.
But the truth is, that in every point of view in which we can regard this subject, we shall find it a subject of importance. It is important that every part of the community should have the power of sending, with equal facility, to the seat of government such representatives to take charge of their interest as they are most disposed to confide in. If you place the government in an eccentric situation, the attendance of the members; and all who are to transact the public business, will not be equally convenient. The members of the Union will not have an equal chance of being represented by men of the best abilities. You do therefore violate the principle of equality, in a part which is peculiarly vulnerable. If we consider the expense, that is an inconvenience not without its weight.
In the last compensations that have been voted, the eccentricity of our position has had a disagreeable influence. The more remote the government is, the greater will be the necessity of making liberal compensations, and holding out powerful inducements in order to obtain serviceable men to represent you; and you can make no distinction; you must give to those who have the least inconvenience, the same as those who have the most. The seat of government is of great importance, if you consider the diffusion of wealth which proceeds from this source. I presume that the expenditures that will take place where the government will be established, by those who are immediately concerned in its administration, and by others who may resort to it, will not be less than half a million of dollars a year. It is to be regretted that those who may be most convenient to the centre, should enjoy those blessings in a higher degree than others. But it is an evil which is imposed on us by necessity; we diminish it as we place the source from which those emanations are to proceed, as near the center, as possible.
If we consider, Sir, the effects of legislative powers on the aggregate community, we must feel equal inducements to look for the centre, in order to find the proper seat of government. Those who are most convenient to the seat of legislation, will always possess advantages over others. An early knowledge of the law, an influence in forming them, and a thousand other circumstances, will give a superiority to those who are thus situated. If it were possible to promulgate our laws by some instantaneous operation, it would be of little consequence in that point of view where the government was. But if on the contrary, time is necessary for this purpose, we ought as far as possible, to give every part of the community an opportunity of obtaining a knowledge of the subject.
If we consider the influence of the government in its executive department, there is no less reason to conclude that it ought to be placed in the center of the Union. It ought to be in a situation to command information, relative to every part of the Union, in every conjuncture, to seize every circumstance which can be improved, and which ought to be attended to. One of the most important considerations which is presented by this part of the subject, is the necessity of having the executive eye placed in a situation where it can see the dangers which may threaten, and the executive arm placed also from whence it may be extended, most effectually, to the protection of every part. Perhaps it is peculiarly necessary, that in looking for the centre, we should keep our eye as much as possible to our western borders. For a long time, dangers will be most apt to spring from that quarter.
In respect to the judiciary, if it is not equally necessary, it is yet highly important, that the government should be equally accessible to every part of those who are to be governed. Why should the citizens of one quarter of the Union be subject to greater difficulties than others? Why should they be obliged to travel a greater distance than others—to carry their witnesses, and be subject to all the inconveniences attending the administration of justice at a remote distance? In short, whether we consider the subject with regard to the executive, the legislative, and judicial departments, we see the soundest reasons for fixing on that place, which may be the most permanent center of territory and population in respect to the Western Territory. For it would be an affront to the understanding of our fellow-citizens on the Western Waters, to expect that they will be united with their Atlantic brethren, on any other principle than that of equality and justice.
I venture to say that it is necessary in order to preserve the Union, that we should deal out the blessings of government with an impartial hand, and that in placing the government from which these blessings are to flow, we should retire from the Atlantic, as far as is convenient, and approach that point which will most accommodate the western country; and in doing this we shall still stop short of that geographical centre, whose circle would embrace our ultramontane citizens themselves. In my opinion, the favor requested by the western inhabitants is as reasonable as possible, when they declare that they will be satisfied, if we go so far only as to leave open a proper and easy communication with the Atlantic; tho' they still be subjected to great inconveniences.
From the Atlantic to the Mississippi according to the best estimate, the distance is not less than seven hundred and fifty miles. If we go to that part of the Patowmac which is proposed, it will carry the government 250 miles west—we shall have 500 from the Mississippi. I am sure that if justice requires that we should take any one position in preference to another, we have every inducement of interest as well as generosity to fix on the Patowmac. It is impossible to reflect a moment on the separation of that branch of the Union, without seeing the mischiefs which that event must create. The area of the United States, when divided into equal parts, will perhaps leave one half on the west side of the Allegany mountains. From the fertility of soil, and the fineness of climate, and every thing that can favor a growing population, we may suppose that the settlement will go on with every degree of rapidity which our imagination can conceive. If the ratio of calculation is considered, that we double in twenty five years, we shall contemplate in that time an astonishing mass of people on the western waters.—Whether this great mass shall form a part of the united members, or whether it shall be separated into an alien, a jealous, and a hostile people, must depend on the measures that are shortly to be taken. Sir, the difference between considering them in the light of fellow citizens, bound to us by a common interest, obeying common laws, and pursuing common good, and considering them in the
light I have mentioned, presents one of the greatest ideas that can fill an American mind. Instead of peace and friendship, we shall have rivalry and enmity: Instead of being a great people, invulnerable on all sides, and without the necessity of those establishments which other nations require, we shall have to support expensive and dangerous establishments necessary for defence. We shall be obliged to lay burthens on the people to support them, and which, sooner or later will be fatal to the liberties of America. It is incumbent on us, if we wish to act the part of enlightened legislators or magnanimous citizens, to consider well when we are about to take a step, that the step be directed by the motives I have described. We must consider what is just, what is equal, what is satisfactory.
It may be asked why it was necessary to bring into view these principles, since they would not be denied. Sir, I apprehend that in general we shall not disagree as to the principle. But at the same time principles are so connected with facts, that it is necessary we should collect all the light, and examine all the circumstances which may lead us to a just decision. On a candid view of the two rivers, I flatter myself that the seat which will most correspond with the public interest, will be found on the banks of the Patowmac.
It is proper that we have some regard to extent of territory. If that is to have weight, give me leave to say that there is no comparison between the two rivers. I defy any gentleman to cast his eye on the most cursory manner over the most perfect map, and say the Patowmac is not much nearer this center than any part of the Susquehanna. Sir, if we measure from the banks of the Patowmac to the most eastern part of the United States, it is less distant than from the most southern. If we measure this great area diagonally, the Patowmac will still be nearer. If you draw a line perpendicular to the line of the Atlantic coast, you will find that it will run more equally through the Patowmac, than any other part of the Union; or if there be any difference between one side and the other, there will be a greater space on the south-west than on the north-east. All the maps of the United States shew the truth of this. From the Atlantic coast to that line which separates the British possessions from the United States, the average distance is not more than 150 miles. If you take the average breadth of the other branch of the United States, it will be found to be six, seven, and eight hundred miles. From this view of the subject, which it is not easy to describe by words, I am sure that if the Patowmac is not the geographical center, it is because the Susquehanna is less so.
I acknowledge that some regard is to be paid to the center of population. But where shall we find this center? I know of no rule by which we may be governed, except by considering the proportion among the Representatives of the different States. I believe, if we take that criterion, the present center of population will be found somewhere in Pennsylvania, and not far from the Susquehanna. I acknowledge that the present center of population is nearer the Susquehanna than the Patowmac. But are we choosing a seat of government for the present moment? Are we to confine our attention to the present state of population? I presume not; we must look forward to those probable changes that are soon to take place. I appeal to the judgement of every gentleman, if we have not reason to suppose that those future changes in the population of this country will be particularly favorable to that part which lies south of the Patowmac. On what do the measure and extent of population depend? They depend on climate, on the soil and the vacancy. We find that population like money seeks those places where it can act with most freedom, and has always a tendency to equalize itself. We see the people moving from the more crowded to the less crowded parts. We see emigration take place from the parts that are filled. The swarms do not come from the southern, but from the northern and eastern hive. This will continue to operate till every part of America receives its due share of population. If there be any event on which we may calculate with tolerable certainty, I take it that the center of population will continually advance in a south-western direction. It must then travel from the Susquehanna, if it is now found there. It may go beyond the Patowmac. But the time will be long first; and if it should, the Patowmac is the great high-way of communication between the Atlantic and the Western Country, which which will justly prevent any attempts to remove the seat further south. I have said, Sir, that the communication to the Western Territory is more commodious through the Patowmac than the Susquehanna: I wish all the facts connected with this subject could have been more fully ascertained, and more fully stated. But if we consider the facts which have been offered by gentlemen who spoke, we must conclude that the communication through the Patowmac would be much more facile and effectual than any other.
Mr. MADISON then stated the different stages of distance on the two rivers, from which he concluded that the probable distance from the place of fixing the government on the Patowmac to Fort Pitt, by land, was 170 or 180 miles, and from that part of the Susquehanna which was contemplated, 250, if the course of the Patowmac was followed, not more than 250, but on the course of the Susquehanna, about 500.
Whether, therefore, said he, we measure the distance by land or water, it is in favor of the Patowmac; and if we consider the progress in opening this great channel, I am confident the consideration would be equally favorable. It has been determined by accurate research, that the waters running into the Ohio, may be found not more than two or three miles distant from those of the Patowmac. This is a fact of peculiar importance.
It has been said that if Congress should make choice of the Patowmac, greater discontent would arise, than if they preferred the Susquehanna. I know not the data from which this opinion is drawn. Who will have the best right to complain? Will it be those who may be gratified if the government should be fixed on the Susquehanna? I believe not. The truth is, that if the place short of the present geographical center is short of the center of population, as it may exist in a reasonable time, we have reason to believe that the southern inhabitants will conceive themselves most aggrieved. I think I may with truth declare, if the seat of government should be fixed on the Susquehanna, every part south of that river, and every part of the United States south of the Ohio, will conceive that the great principles of equal justice, have been disregarded. If we are to consider the subject in that point of view, I am sure it is most expedient that we should give the preference to Patowmac. This is not all—If you establish it on the Patowmac, those who think themselves not equally dealt by, will find the cause of their discontent continually subsiding; because the center of population will be continually approaching to the geographical center. If on the other hand, you fix the seat in a place which is perpetually eccentric with respect to territory, the center of population will forever recede.
The gentleman from Massachusetts, yesterday raised great objections against the Patowmac, because it was, he supposed, subject to periodical maladies from which the other river is free. I am not authorised from personal experience, or very particular information to draw a comparison between them: But there are some general facts that may serve to shew that if there is any difference, it is more likely to be in favor of the Patowmac than the Susquehanna. The position contemplated on the banks of the former is considerably farther from tide water than the place pro-

posed on the latter. On this account therefore we have little reason to expect that the Patowmac is more unhealthy. If we consider their comparative situation with respect to the west, the Patowmac is almost as much farther west, as it is distant from the Susquehanna—and we well know that generally speaking as we retire towards the western and high country, we are generally removed from the causes of those diseases to which lower situations are exposed. As also the two places are nearly in the same latitude, the objection which holds with respect to southern climes cannot apply to one more than the other. It is only their western or eastern position, their remove from or proximity to the lower country, and to fresh or stagnant water which can properly be brought into view. It is not because we advance so much to the south that we advance to the centre, it is because we go more to the west. I do not know that there is a difference of more than a degree and five or six minutes between the latitude of New-York and the proposed place on the Patowmac. The advantage the Patowmac has from its centrality, is derived more from its western than its southern position.
I will not at present go farther in this argument, and flatter myself that the considerations which have been suggested will have their proper weight, and if they should be contradicted, that we shall be able further to support them. [Daily Adv.]
Mr. AMES after some introductory observations, remarked that a central situation is to be taken. He offered many reasons to shew that the centre of a sea coast line is to be regarded.—In substance they were because, it is more conveniently accessible, has more wealth and more people than an equal area of inland country. Being more liable to invasion, government should be near to protect it. It is the interest of the back country to have the government near the sea, to inspect and encourage trade; by which their abundant produce will find an export.—And lastly, he said the contingency of the separation of the western country was a reason for preferring the sea coast.
He proceeded next to say—There will not be any contest where this centre of the sea coast line is to be found. It falls between the rivers Patowmac and Susquehanna. It will be found that there are good reasons why we should rather move east than south.
If the sea coast line is to be preferred, it will follow, that the back lands west of the Ohio, which the gentleman from Virginia has so often taken into his calculations, will be excluded. They are not peopled. They do not affect the sea coast line. And that line has already been voted to be the proper one by the committee. As it is true that the sea coast has more wealth and people than the inland country in proportion to the extent, it is equally true that the eastern half of the sea coast has more of both than the southern. If we reckon Maryland, which will be as well accommodated by the Susquehanna as by the Patowmac, we shall find the population of the eastern part nearly two millions and that of the southern only one million. And the population of free inhabitants still less in favor of the latter.
But, Sir, instead of seeking a centre geographically, we should consider the centre of common convenience. That place is the proper one, where the greatest number of persons will be best accommodated. I will endeavor to shew, that that will be on the Susquehanna. Is the zeal of gentlemen who oppose this design influenced by their despair of removing the seat of government afterwards? I believe the people of America will not complain of it. If fixed there, I think it will be found convenient and will remain there.
The Susquehanna is the centre of common convenience. At this moment, there is more wealth and more inhabitants east than south of it. But the future population of America is calculated, and it is pretended that the balance of population is receding from the east. Surely, the present inhabitants may be allowed principally to consult their own convenience. West of the Ohio is an almost immeasurable wilderness. When it will be settled, or how it will be possible to govern it, is past calculation. Gentlemen will pardon me, if I think it perfectly romantic to make this decision depend upon that circumstance. Probably it will be near a century before those people will be considerable. If we fix the national seat in the proper place now, it would give me no inquietude to know that an hundred years hence it may be liable to be removed. But in fact, the principle which is assumed by the committee, and which I have attempted to justify, of taking the centre of the sea coast line, will even in the event of that vast tract being settled, furnish abundant reason for its remaining on the Susquehanna. I will not recapitulate those reasons. We must take some principle to guide us: And though some inequalities will appear, yet let gentlemen remember, that in so vast a country, great inconveniences will attend the communications of the people with the government, be the seat of it where it may: And by taking the centre of the sea coast line they will be less than upon any other principle. It will be found best to accommodate the greatest number: Or in other words to be the centre of common convenience. Indeed this is not denied to be true at this moment. But the case is said to be changing. On the one hand, I think it is utopian to calculate upon the population of the United States a century hence: And on the other, I admit that it is impolitic at least, perhaps unjust, to confine our attention to the present population: A quarter of a century may be a medium. Will gentlemen deny that trade and manufactures will accumulate people in the eastern States in the proportion of 5 to 3 compared with the southern? The disproportion will doubtless continue to be much greater than I have calculated. It is actually greater at present. For the climate and negro slavery are acknowledged to be unfavorable to population. So that husbandry as well as commerce and manufactures will give more people in the eastern than the southern States. The very circumstance that gentlemen found their reasonings upon is pretty strongly against their calculations. They tell us of the vast quantities of good land still unsettled in their states. That will produce a thin population. For the old lands will not be crowded so long as new lands are to be had.
So far, therefore, as we may be allowed to look forward, the eastern half from this central seat will be far more populous than the other. In New-England the settled parts are said to contain about 45 to a square mile.
Much is said of the separation of the western territory. At a remote period, the junction of the British colonies with the Union might be taken into view.
The seat of government on the Susquehanna will be nearly accessible by water to all the people near the sea coast. By Delaware river on one side and Chesapeake Bay on the other.
Let us next consider the inland navigation of this river. Pittsburgh on the Ohio may be considered as the key of those waters; at least to the northward. It is a kind of common centre. Let us see how we shall approach it by the Susquehanna.
  From Havre de Grace, at the mouth of Susquehanna, } and at the head of the Chesapeake to Wright's ferry is } 40 miles   (And here the federal town probably will be.)   To Harris' ferry, - - - - - 20   To the mouth of Juniata river, - - - - - 15   Up Juniata river to the Standing Stone, - - - - - 75   Portage to Conimac, Old town, - - - - - 30   Down the Kiskiminetas river to the Allegany river, - - - - - 60   Down that river to Pittsburg, - - - - - 30   And from the supposed seat of government at Wright's ferry only } - - - - - 270 230   Let us compare this route to Pittsburg, with that by the Patowmac.   From the tide water on Patowmac to Fort Cumberland, - - - - - 200 miles   Portage to the three forks of Turkey Foot, - - - - - 30   Water carriage, and portage one mile, at the falls of Yohiogany, - - - - - 9   Down the Yohiogany to the Ohio, - - - - - 50   Up to Pittsburg, - - - - - 15   304 
I have reason to confide in these calculations. The latter is said to be made by a distinguished person whose authority no man will dispute. If it is true, or any thing near true, it will destroy the whole argument in favor of the Patowmac. I have consulted the best informed persons out of the House, and believe the statement to be true, as it respects both rivers. If it is, the ponderous edifice which the gentleman from Virginia has erected with so much labor crumbles to powder. For it will appear, that it is more than 70 miles nearer by the Susquehanna and Juniata to Pittsburg than by way of the Patowmac. Neither should we forget that from the tide water on the Patowmac to Chesapeake is near 200 miles. Of course, the access by water is less convenient and direct.
The eastern branch of the Susquehanna is navigable to the head, at Lake Otsego. A detachment of Gen. Sullivan's troops came in boats from that lake quite down the river. This river stretches its long arms and embraces a vast country, comprehending not less than twenty millions of acres.
Let us next consider the connection through this water with the lakes. Its branches approach the Allegany river very near, and by a portage of only three miles communicate with the waters of Lake Erie.
Reckoning from Fort Pitt, Lake Erie and its waters, and the several branches of the Susquehanna, it will be found that more than fifty thousand square miles are accommodated with water carriage. Perhaps, out of America, there is not such another instance in the world. Yet this is not all. The water communication by the Patowmac is subservient to the argument for the Susquehanna. For if the western country is so wonderfully accommodated by its waters, that it is an high-way, then it is only 60 miles travel, a mere portage, to Wright's ferry. They will be on a footing with those who come by sea, and they will have still greater advantages over many of those who travel by land.
However, Mr. Jefferson's account of the Patowmac does not correspond with the praises now bestowed upon it. He says the falls are fifteen miles long, and speaks very unfavorably of the interior navigation. In the summer it's waters are very subject to fail. My informants prefer the waters of the Susquehanna. Admitting, however, that the Patowmac is as commodious as the other, still there are weighty reasons in favor of it's rival.
The advantage to the neighboring country in point of trade, resulting from the federal town, is very unessential in a national view. The people on the Patowmac will not be injured in the conveyance or sale of their produce by having it fixed on the Susquehanna. For the influence of the federal town in this respect will not extend far. And as to the convenient access to the government: It will make only sixty miles difference which surely is not an object. But the great national point is, to fix the seat of government in that place, where it will best secure the Union.
The Patowmac is in some degree exposed to two dangers: By sea, and from the mountains: Large vessels can go to Georgetown. The events of the late war have proved that there is a foundation for this apprehension. The western country is to be viewed under different circumstances. From Lake Erie, by Pittsburg, to the head of the Chesapeake, the people are naturally connected with us. They must send their produce through the States. But lower down the Ohio, and on the Mississippi, the people have their export by the latter river. If the latter should separate from the Union, they will not be willing to leave the southern states in the Union. The separation will not take place by the mountains, which are far from being impassable. The capital, if imprudently placed so far southwest, will furnish a temptation to this division, and strength and resources to maintain it. I will not dilate on this idea, tho' I think it an important one. The more it is weighed, the more hazardous and preposterous it will appear, to place the capital in a situation, where gentlemen's own arguments admit, when they speak of the contingency of losing the western country, that we may need all our strength, and yet, where we should be able to command but a small part of it.
Contrast this with the Susquehanna. The country is perfectly safe from both dangers of invasion by sea and from the mountains. If a division should happen, the seat of government will fall on the right side of the dividing line—and so much strength on the frontier of that line will prevent a division. For the country from Lake Erie to Fort Pitt, and from thence to Lake Champlain, vast in its extent, its soil fruitful, its climate favorable to the production of an hardy race of men, and to sustain a vast multitude of them—this vast country will be benefited in some degree, and in a greater attached to the Union by fixing the seat of government in this place. Besides, nature has united them by indissoluble ties to the States—unless a feeble government should engender the anarchy of many separate sovereignties. It is a pleasing reflection to trace the effect of the strength of this part of the western territory towards securing the remaining western region in the Union. In every event, the country, east of
a line drawn from Lake Erie to the Chesapeake, will be safe from the force of any other part of America—will that other part be safe from this eastern part? Tho' national justice and the wisest policy should direct our counsels, yet ambitious men will find a motive and a pretext for fomenting a division. But those near the line of the eastern half will be unwilling to be a frontier. Those farther south will be equally so—and what barrier, in case of a separation, have they to oppose to their northern neighbors? The mountains furnish none, and both parties live beyond them. The great rivers will expose them to hostile inroads, as they will afford a convenient passage to troops. In fact, the western people will secure the western people. If the separation should notwithstanding take place, it would not be because nature directs it. We should have the consolation of reflecting that we have provided the best means of preventing its happening at all, and from it, after it has happened, the best security against the effects which will result.
I will not pretend to say that any one of these arguments is conclusive—nor do I flatter myself that they will immediately produce conviction. I place dependence on the moderation and good sense of gentlemen who possess public spirit and private honor. I rely upon the calm review which they will make of my observations a week hence, when the fervor of this debate has subsided.
I appeal to their candor at that time to decide whether in point of centrality, accessibility, protection to the Union, salubrity, and safety from insurrection and invasion, there is not solid reason for establishing the seat of government on the Susquehanna. I will not say that the Patowmac is insalubrious. But it is well known that northern constitutions are impaired by removing to a more southern latitude. The air may be healthful—but the change is found to be pernicious to them. Whether there is any foundation for it, or not, the eastern people would dread the experiment.
The preservation of the Union is the worthiest object of a patriot's wishes. The world has doubted our success. I feel a consolation in the opinion that the measure I am contending for will best contribute to that end. An American legislature may seek true glory by such measures as will tend to secure the Union, to preserve peace, and to diffuse the blessings of science, liberty, and good government over a greater extent of country, and in an higher degree, than the world ever enjoyed them. Surely this will interest the pride of every honest heart. It is the philosophy of ambition—it is the religion of politics.
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 12.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Secretary Otis with the bill for establishing the compensations of the Members of the two Houses and their respective officers, concurring in the amendment of the House, to the amendment of the Senate.
In committee of the whole on the bill for establishing judicial courts.
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.
The committee proceeded in the discussion as far as the 28th section, when they rose and reported progress; and the House adjourned.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 14.
The committee appointed to examine the enrolled bills, reported that the bill for establishing the compensations of the Members of both Houses and their respective officers, having been examined was found correct: The Speaker then affixed his signature to the same.
A memorial from the BARON DE STUBEN was read and laid on the table.
The memorial of the weighers and gaugers of the city of New-York, praying that their fees may be enhanced, was read a second time.
A message was received from the Senate with the bill for suspending the operation of a clause in the collection law, in which they have concurred, with amendments. Also the bill for suspending the operation of a clause in the tonnage act, non-concurred.
The amendments proposed by the Senate to the resolution of the House providing for amendments to the Constitution, were read, and on motion it was voted that a number of copies be struck off for the use of the Members.
The amendments to the bill for suspending the clause in the collection law, were then read, and acceded to on the part of the House.
These amendments provide for the relief of Rhode-Island and North-Carolina, in lieu of the provision intended by the suspension of part of tonnage act.
The House then went into a committee of the whole on the judicial bill.
Mr. SMITH (S. C.) proposed the following amendment to the 20th section, which respected juries, viz. That all juries which shall be summoned to serve in the courts of the United States, shall be formed according to the laws of each State respectively. This amendment was adopted.
Mr. BURKE moved to insert the following clause in the same section, viz. In cases of felony and

treason, the offender shall be indicted and tried in the county, town or district wherein the offence shall have been committed, as hath been usual in each State before this law was enacted. This was carried in the affirmative. The committee this day finished the discussion of this bill, which was reported to the House.
Mr. AMES of the committee appointed to bring in a bill upon the subject of the permanent residence pursuant to the resolution passed by the House, brought in a report which was read the first time. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, SEPT. 15.
The bill for establishing the permanent residence was read the second time, and referred to a committee of the whole, to be taken up on Thursday next.
The enrolled bill for suspending a part of the collection law, was brought in and signed by the Speaker.
A petition from the inhabitants of the town of Portsmouth, in Virginia, representing the hardships they suffer from not having a naval office established in that place, and praying that an officer may be established there, was read, and laid on the table.
The House then took up the amendments to the Judicial bill, agreed to by the committee of the whole.
Mr. SENEY moved, as an amendment in the 3d section, to insert Chestertown, instead of Easton, in Maryland, as the place for holding the district courts: This, after some debate, was negatived. Mr. Seney calling for the ayes and noes, there were 23 noes—20 ayes.
A message was received from the Senate, by Mr. Secretary OTIS, informing that they had passed a bill for the establishment of the Post Office, and desired the concurrence of the House.
The House proceeded in considering the amendments to the Judiciary Bill, but adjourned without completing the business.
RE-CONSIDERATION.
CASH, or no Cash, that was the question, Which found such plaguy tough digestion; 'Twas this that sav'd from reprobation, That talking horse discrimination; A question too, where the minority, Were heart and soul with the majority: For had their's prov'd the major vote, It would have stuck so in their throat, That, maugre all discrimination, They'd mov'd a re-consideration.
NEW-YORK, SEPTEMBER 16.
It is a familiar rule in politics that a man, employed in the affairs of government, ought to be paid up to the trust reposed in him—for the less temptation is there in this case to illicit gain out of the employment itself, and less excuse for the negligent or unskilful conduct of it. But the rule, tho' alike applicable to all orders of public offices, has been in the State governments, in a great degree, over looked as to the legislative—and while the executive or judicial laborer has been thought worthy of his hire, the legislative has been generally left to little more than the bare honor of the service. I would presume to doubt however, whether this retribution alone can be sufficient, for tho' perhaps there is no situation in which the mind feels more self complacency than that of a man chosen to make laws for his country, a distinction, implying at once both talents and integrity, yet this sensation is scarce more than a transient inflation of vanity in the first moments of the choice—for when seriously engaged in the business, there is nothing so firm, or abiding in that passion as to bear any one up against the pains and uneasiness inseparable from the situation—the fatigues of attention—the irksomeness of disputation—the chagrin of disappointed measures—are a sketch of the sufferings within doors;—without, your judgments are constantly re-judged, and actions, meant to be founded on principles of common good, brought to the touch-stone of partial interest or local politics—and accordingly it is commonly found that no species of ambition whatever is, after a short trial, less gratified in the possession.
It should seem that the distinction of reward in this case is without just ground—indeed, if any difference should be made, it ought rather to be in favor of the legislative, it being doubtless a higher trust to make, than to execute laws—and the defect of ability or honesty in the one, a more sensible injury than in the other. Without examining, however, into the motives of distinction in the State governments, a few observations will shew that other maxims ought to prevail in that of the United States.
Those who are to compose the legislature of this government will be brought from every quarter of the Union: It will not be with them as in some of the States, the business of a day to come and to go; but often from circumstances of distance, or hardship, the serious undertaking of a voyage—for let government be administered where it may, in a region of such vast extent, many pilgrimages of near a thousand miles to its seat, must annually be performed: It will not be to any of these men, as in the States, the brief suspension
of the cares of private concerns, or professional duties, to be resumed without prejudice; but frequently such a continued neglect or dereliction of them as to induce great loss or inconvenience.
It may in truth be said that men may be found, who have no personal affairs to suffer by dedicating themselves to the public; but he who is without trusts or duties of his own is seldom fit for the trusts or duties of his country. Such for instance might be many a bankrupt adventurer, in law, physic, divinity, or merchandise, who having neither fortune nor dependence at home, any trifle abroad would be clear gain to. The vessel of the republic might be conducted cheaply by such a crew, but would it be possible for her to escape shipwreck?
The rich—they surely might make an absolute gift of their services—but it is not always by the exercise of generous qualities that they become so: The rich besides are with more difficulty drawn from the satisfactions of home, and if wise, not easily induced to quit the preeminence in society conferred by wealth, for the equality of deliberative assemblies, and where men are accustomed to be valued by other standards: The rich too are often unpopular, and seen with an eye jealous of aristocratic opulence: It is not for the indigent, or the wealthy then that provision should be made, but for those who are possessed of something, and yet not so much as to stand justified in making unrequited sacrifices of their time or fortune.
Leaving them both—where are all the patriots of the late time, who gave themselves to the public cause without reward? Their enthusiasm is gone, and will not appear again, but with a renewed occasion—the danger of our country. In days of ease and security, men are willing to put a value upon their exertions, and expect compensations for services of every kind.
The principle being agreed to with respect to the Federal Legislature, it is nevertheless a matter of opinion what the compensations should be:—We have seen the opinion of Congress in the compensations established, which may appear reasonable from these considerations: The legislative business of the Union may require a session altogether unremitted, or one of a few months in the year: If the former, is it to be expected that a member, if he has a family, will not bring it with him to the seat of the government, where he is so much to reside? and who in this case should bear the extraordinary charge? will the whole allowance as settled by Congress more than give a moderate support to a family? Will any thing over run to balance the disadvantages of distant affairs abandoned to themselves, or left to agency: If the latter, the family may remain at home—but what will be the savings at the end of the term in that case—will they be as much, after assisting in important national councils, as what any common quibbler in the law gleams quarterly from plaintiff and defendant, at county sessions or azizes.
Should the legislative term be of such short duration, as those most competent to judge think the most probable—then, upon a comparative view, combined of the circumstances of pay and time, will the present government, so likely to be productive of the perfect fruits of peace, liberty, and happiness, be administered at a cheaper rate than the old one, which answering the sudden purpose of its institution, ever after, though perpetually sitting, hatched nothing but abortions.
Discontents have already been excited on this subject: They have proceeded from mistake, from faction, or from meanness: It is only the well meaning who will bear reason when it is exposed to him: As to the incendiary he wishes not to be convinced in any thing against his desperate purposes, and the niggard, grudging the expence of good government, will freely let his country take her chance of ruin or salvation, provided he is suffered to keep his penny in his pocket.
The time fixed on for the adjournment of Congress draws near—and we doubt not that the recess will be attended with the most salutary effects. Six months close application to public business requires a season of relaxation: The people in remote parts of the Union, must wish to see, and converse with their delegates: The members will have a more competent opportunity to form a judgment of the laws they have enacted—their tendency and operation—where they may be amended so as more fully to adapt them to the circumstances of their constituents—and, when again assembled, the knowledge they will have acquired in the recess, will be found of the most beneficial and important nature.
The late appointments in the Treasury Department appear to have been predicated on different principles from those in the revenue.
The reasons for this deviation are doubtless founded in propriety, as the nominations have been sanctioned by the Senate—and we have no reason to suppose that any motives which would be inconsistent with the public interest, could bias their independency: The future arrangements in the Treasury Department will in all probability be so different from what that department has been under, that it is supposed the object is to fe-
lect those abilities which will give the most prompt and adequate operation to the New System: The result will determine how far a just judgment has been formed—certain it is, that the public anticipations are great, from the appointment of the gentleman at the head of the department.
The conciliatory temper discovered by the Federal Legislature in their attention to the embarrassed situation of the trade of Rhode-Island and North-Carolina, and granting those States that relief which their memorials stated to be necessary to their interest and accommodation, must make the most favorable impressions on the minds of the citizens of those States—they must be struck with the enlarged, liberal, and generous policy, which governs the Congress of the United States.
Paragraph translated from the COURIER DE BOSTON.
The King of Prussia lately ordered that there be published a gazette every three months, to be distributed gratis among the peasants of Silesia. His Majesty has farther enjoined that the school master of every district shall read and explain the contents of this paper, to those of his neighbors who are not able to read. This gazette is to give an account of the progress of agriculture, in all his dominions; of the prescriptions for curing divers maladies incident to mankind, to cattle, sheep, dogs, &c. and other matters which may tend to promote the public good. GLORIOUS, ENLIGHTENED POLICY!
Accounts from Madeira state that the Algerines are at their old Game, having captured several French vessels.
We hear that a duel was fought at Boston by two Officers of the French fleet, on the 9th instant—in which one of them was slightly wounded—the cause is not mentioned.
ADDITIONAL APPOINTMENTS SINCE OUR LAST.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States has been pleased to nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate to appoint
Gen. HENRY KNOX, Secretary at War—
OLIVER WOLCOTT, jun. Esq. Auditor of the Treasury—
JOSEPH NOURSE, Esq. Register of the Treasury.
Mr. PETER KEMP, Surveyor of Rappahannock district, Virginia, vice STAIG DAVIS, resigned—
Mr. CHARLES CHILTON, Surveyor of Town Creek, Patuxent district, Maryland, vice ROBERT YOUNG, resigned.
The Hon. Secretary of the Treasury has appointed WILLIAM DUER, Esq. Assistant-Secretary.
Yesterday arrived the British Packet HALIFAX, — BOULDERSON Commander, in 63 days from Falmouth, and 10 from Halifax.—She will sail again on Thursday, the 24th instant.—The Mail will be closed at the Post-Office, at nine o'clock the preceding evening.
New-York, Sept. 16. 1789.
“Extract of a letter,” the contents of which comprize this enquiry, “why the pay of the Speaker should be double to that of a common member,” is omitted for want of room.
AS the recess of Congress is approaching, and consequently we shall not have it in our power to entertain the readers of this paper with a detail of legislative proceedings, it may not be improper to intimate that the Gazette of the United States will be continued as nearly as possible upon its original plan, and the residue of those acts, which from their length have not yet appeared, will be published: The governmental transactions of the Supreme Executive, will receive an early and regular insertion, which from their interesting nature, will form a valuable substitute for the temporary suspension of congressional proceedings.
THE EDITOR.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
Monday Sloop Friendship, Burnham, Savanna, 12 days. Brig Minerva, Kerr, Bremen, 63 days. Brig Rachel, Hill, London, 50 days. Schooner Polly. Todd, St. Thomas's, 22 days.
INTELLIGENCE BY YESTERDAY'S MAIL.
CONSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 22.
THE new system of our government begins to develope. His Highness on account of the success of the grand Admiral in the last war in Egypt, and his great reputation, has removed him from the station of Admiral, and ordered him to put himself at the head of a formidable army, and march immediately to retake Oczakow. Though this transaction may appear to some as a sort of disgrace, we are far from thinking so; and we are assured that last night the Grand Signoir, to excite the ambition of the Captain Pacha, and to inflame his love for glory, bestowed on him before hand the pompoustitle of Conqueror of the grand Fortress; in consequence of which the ex-grand admiral will shortly go to Bessarabia, and put himself at the head of 100,000 men, with which army he will besiege Oczakow. These dispositions, it is easy to foresee, excite great jealousy between the Grand Vizier and the Captain Pacha, which will not any assist the enter prize against Oczakow, the success of which the new Sultan has so much at heart, that he has given the most pressing orders to the vice-admiral to sail with the grand fleet to the Black Sea, to favor that important expedition. However those motions announce nothing but disorder and confusion—the recruits are not chosen ones, the provision and ammunitions are sufficient for the number of troops which will be employed, and the magazines are placed in such a manner, that it will be difficult for the army before Oczakow to procure provisions, owing to the facility with which the light troops of the Russians may intercept the convoys. This expedition at present attracts all the attention of the court and of the capital.
PHILADELPHIA, SEPT. 12.
INSURRECTION IN FRANCE.
By the ship Young Eagle, Capt. Kerr, arrived in this port the last evening in 35 days from St. Sebastian in Spain, we learn, that the great patriot and friend to America, Lewis the 16th, had joined with the Commons of France against the Nobles—that a battle ensued in which 7000 were killed on the spot—and that the Bastile was totally demolished.

RE-PUBLISHED BY PARTICULAR DESIRE.
From the DAILY ADVERTISER.
MESSRS PRINTERS, Be pleased to publish the inclosed letter from a gentleman sent by the Patowmac company, to examine the state of the navigation of that river, and ascertain the most practicable communication between it, and the waters of the Ohio.
ALEXANDRIA, SEPT. 2, 1789.
AS your countrymen have committed to your care a very important trust, any information which can throw the smallest light upon their interest, I trust will be acceptable to you. Under this impression, I take the liberty of sending you some observations which I made in an excursion up Patowmac river, and across the Allegany mountain, to some branches of the western waters. By the desire of the Patowmac company, Mr. Smith, (the conductor of the Patowmac works) and myself, proceeded from the Great falls up the river in a boat, which, if moderately loaded, would have taken from thirty to forty barrels, till we got twelve miles above Fort Cumberland, and could with convenience have continued our route in the same boat to the mouth of the New creek, which is thirteen miles higher up the North Branch, than the place at which we stopped; but being strangers to that part of the river, and being informed by the inhabitants of the country, that the river was then lower than it had been for some years past, we were fearful that in case the dry weather should continue during our progress over the mountain, the river might be rendered so shallow as to prevent our getting the boat down again; we therefore proceeded from this place (Capt. Daniel Cresap's) on foot along the side of the river to the mouth of Savage river. To this place the navigation may be extended, and not much higher without incurring too great an expence for the present times. The mouth of the Savage is two hundred and ten miles from tide water at the bottom of the Little Falls, where large vessels may come. After passing the Falls at the mouth of the Shenandoah river, we found no fall which would prevent a boat passing up or down with ease and safety, except in those seasons when the river is very low, then, in the broad parts the water is shallow, and requires to be collected or deepened in those parts which does not appear to be either difficult or expensive to accomplish. From the mouth of Savage, we went along the State road to the top of the Allegany mountain, and from thence to the waters of Deep creek (which take their rise in the Green Glades) thirteen miles from the mouth of Savage, four miles below the place where the road crosses this water; it is large enough for boats, is gentle and deep, and will afford a good navigation down to the falls in the Yohogany (of which this creek is a branch) called Ohiophyle Fall, near the —; so that seventeen miles will join the waters of Patowmac and Yohogany. From the mouth of Savage to Little Yohogany, one mile above the forks, is twenty-two miles, to Big Yohogany twenty-four miles, to Salt Lick creek, a branch of Cheat river, thirty miles, to Cheat river, at the Ford at Dunkard Bottom, thirty-seven miles and a quarter, to Morgan town fifty miles, to Clerksburg eighty miles, to the mouth of Muskingum one hundred and forty miles. These distances, except the last, are from actual measurement. Cheat river at Dunkard Bottom, is nearly or quite as large as Shenandoah at Snicker's or Keyes' ferry, and is a fine gentle river, except two falls which are now passed frequently, and may at a small expence, be rendered safe and easy. The course of the road from the mouth of the Savage to Cheat river, is nearly due west. About the mouth of Savage river and George's creek, are inexhaustible beds of coal; some of which the river has laid bare—we found them easy to dig, and the coal of good quality. This range or bed of coal extends along the first ridge of the Allegany mountain to Wills' creek, above Cumberland; from which place we saw them carrying coal for the nail manufactory, at Hager's town. Upon our return from the other side of the Allegany mountain, one or two days moderate rain had raised the river, and we found the navigation in that state much better than we expected. Two boats came down from Old town with tobacco, two or three from Opeckon with flour; and we went in company with two from Shepherd's town; one of which was more than seventy feet long, and when fully loaded, would carry from 120 to 130 barrels of flour; these boats went quite down to the Great Falls; and I was informed by Captain Sepherd, that one thousand barrels of flour had been sent down the river this spring from Shepherd's town only. If we allow ten miles from the head of the tide to the Big Falls, and seventeen from the mouth of the Savage to Deep creek—Patowmac has but twenty-seven miles land carriage at this day to the western waters, and in two or three years at farthest, ten of these miles will be taken away. From Fort Cumberland to the settlements on Yohogany is twenty-one miles, to the Ohiophyle falls — miles, below which there is a good navigation to Pittsburg.
From Fort Cumberland to Fort Pitt or Pittsburg, is one hundred and fourteen miles. From Fort Cumberland to Bedford is thirty miles, and a good road. I am fully satisfied there can be no navigation found between the eastern and western waters which approaches so near, which will have so good and short a portage, and which can be effected at so small an expence. I am acquainted with the Susquehanna, let there be an actual survey made of that river and its branches, which can be rendered navigable the farthest towards the western waters, as there has been of Patowmac, and I am certain that the difference in favor of Patowmac will be found greater than any person can believe who has not examined them both with an eye of observation. The following branches of Patowmac, when improved, will afford a very extensive navigation, and chiefly through a very fertile country. Monocacy about thirty miles, Shenandoah one hundred and eighty miles, Conococheague about twenty-five miles, Cape Capen the same distance or perhaps farther, the South Branch from seventy to eighty miles, and Patterson's creek about twenty miles; the country through which these waters flow, is remarked for the richness of the land, and is in general thick settled. After giving you this sketch of the Patowmac, its branches and the Allegany mountains, permit me to mention to you that fine extensive valley lying upon the south-east side of what is called the North mountain, and which extends from the river Susquehanna to James river: I believe I may be bold to say that no quarter of America, or perhaps of the world, can produce a body of land of such extent, equal to this in quality, and blessed with so salubrious an air; the necessaries of life are here produced in the greatest abundance, add to this that iron ore, with every convenience for refining it is found here in large quantities and of excellent quality, and coal discovers itself in such quantities upon the margin of the river (from whence it may with ease be conveyed to any part of the continent) as to pronounce it inexhaustible. Should the seat of our empire move westwardly, which sound policy now requires, and which it must do sooner or later from the increasing weight on that side, there is a most beautiful and healthy situation for a large city at the place where Fort Frederick stands, upon the north banks of Patowmac. The State of Maryland holds two hundred acres of land at this place, and the State in this part is only five miles wide, so that Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia, might each be gratified in contributing to the formation of the federal city by fixing it at that place. From the luxuriance of the soil all around, from the many branches of the Patowmac which penetrate the country in different directions to a great distance, the most abundant supply of every kind of provision will at all times be commanded, and by the river Patowmac every foreign article, whether of luxury or convenience, may be procured in the same abundance and with the same ease as on the sea coast. Within the limits of your city might be a cannon foundary, an ore bank, forge and other manufactures. From the Great falls to George town sixteen miles, to Alexandria eighteen miles and an half. Should you incline to approach nearer the tide water, William's port, and Shepherd's town in the same valley, and Frederick town near Monocacy and below the Blue Ridge afford most desirable situations, I am, Sir, &c. &c.
THE BACHELOR.
HERE tranquil hours, with all the sweets of peace, Glide smoothly on, and ev'ry joy increase: No ruffling cares disturb my soft repose, My midnight slumber no obstruction knows— My heart exalts, when first the morning smiles; The grey ey'd eve my fleeting time beguiles; My servants wait, obedient at my hand, And cheerful execute the mild command: Among my neighbors, generous friendship reigns, Nor calumny another's honor stains. I live in harmony, and free from strife; For I'm not blest, good Heav'n! with a wife.
CIVIS.
ANECDOLE of Mr. ORME, the Historian of the late War in India.
WHEN this gentleman presided in the export warehouse of Madras one Davidson, who acted under him, one day at breakfast being asked by Mr. Orme, of what profession his father was? Davidson replied, a Sadler. 'And pray,' (said Orme,) 'why did he not bring you up a Sadler? I was always whimsical,' (said Davidson) and rather chose to try my fortune, as you have done, in the East India Company's service. But pray, Sir, (continued he) what profession was your father? My father, (answered the historian, rather sharply) was a gentleman. And why, (retorted Davidson, with great simplicity and bluntness) did he not bring you up a gentleman?
ELEVENTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE UNION.
An ACT to establish the TREASURY DEPARTMENT.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be a department of Treasury, in which shall be the following officers, namely; a Secretary of the Treasury, to be deemed head of the department; a Comptroller, an Auditor, a Treasurer, a Register, and an Assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury, which Assistant shall be appointed by the said Secretary.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to digest and prepare plans for the improvement and management of the revenue, and for the support of public credit; to prepare and report estimates of the public revenue, and
the public expenditures; to superintend the collection of the revenue; to decide on the forms of keeping and stating accounts established, or to be hereafter provided, all warrants for monies to be issued from the Treasury, in pursuance of appropriations by law; to execute such services relative to the sale of the lands belonging to the United States, as may be by law required of him; to make report, and give information to either branch of the legislature, in person or in writing (as he may be required) respecting all matters referred to him by the Senate or House of Representatives, or which shall appertain to his office; and generally to perform all such services relative to the finances, as he shall be required to perform.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Comptroller to superintend the adjustment and preservation of the public accounts; to examine all accounts settled by the Auditor, and certify the balances arising thereon to the Register, to countersign all warrants drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury, which shall be warranted by law; to report to the Secretary the official forms of all papers to be issued in the different offices for collecting the public revenue, and the manner and form of keeping and stating the accounts of the several persons employed therein; he shall moreover provide for the regular and punctual payment of all monies which may be collected, and shall direct prosecutions for all delinquencies of officers of the revenue, and for debts that are, or shall be due to the United States.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Treasurer to receive and keep the monies of the United States, and to discharge the same upon warrants drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury, countersigned by the Comptroller, recorded by the Register, and not otherwise; he shall take receipts for all monies paid by him, and all receipts for monies received by him, shall be endorsed upon warrants signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, without which warrant so signed, no acknowledgement for money received into the public Treasury shall be valid: And the said Treasurer shall render his accounts to the Comptroller quarterly (or oftener if required) and shall transmit a copy thereof, when settled, to the Secretary of the Treasury; he shall moreover, on the third day of every session of Congress, lay before the Senate and House of Representatives, fair and accurate copies of all accounts by him from time to time rendered to, and settled with the Comptroller as aforesaid, as also, a true and perfect account of the state of the Treasury; he shall at all times submit to the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Comptroller, or either of them, the inspection of the monies in his hands, and shall, prior to the entering upon the duties of his office, give bond, with sufficient sureties, to be approved by the Secretary of the Treasury and Comptroller, in the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, payable to the United States, with condition for the faithful performance of the duties of his office, and for the fidelity of the persons to be by him employed, which bond shall be lodged in the office of the Comptroller of the Treasury of the United States.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Auditor to receive all public accounts, and after examination to certify the balance, and transmit the accounts with the vouchers and certificates to the Comptroller for his decision thereon: Provided, That if any person whose accounts shall be so audited, be dissatisfied therewith, he may within six months appeal to the Comptroller against such settlement.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Register to keep all accounts of the receipts and expenditures of the public money, and of all debts due to or from the United States; to receive from the Comptroller the accounts which shall have been finally adjusted, and to preserve such accounts with their vouchers and certificates; to record all warrants for the receipt or payment of monies at the Treasury, certify the same thereon, and to transmit to the Secretary of the Treasury, copies of the certificates of balances of accounts adjusted as is herein directed.
And be it further enacted, That whenever the Secretary shall be removed from office by the President of the United States, or in any other case of vacancy in the office of Secretary, the Assistant shall, during the vacancy, have the charge and custody of the records, books, and papers appertaining to the said office.
And be it further enacted, That no person appointed to any office instituted by this act, shall directly or indirectly be concerned or interested in carrying on the business of trade or commerce, or be owner in whole or in part of any sea vessel, or purchase by himself, or another in trust for him, any public lands or other public property, or be concerned in the purchase or disposal of any public securities of any State, or of the United States, or take or apply to his own use, any emolument or gain for negotiating or transacting any business in the said department, other than what shall be allowed by law; and if any person shall offend against any of the prohibitions of this act, he shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and forfeit to the United States the penalty of three thousand dollars, and shall upon conviction be removed from office, and for ever thereafter incapable of holding any office under the United States. Provided, that if any other person than a public prosecutor shall give information of any such offence, upon which a prosecution and conviction shall be had, one half the aforesaid penalty of three thousand dollars, when recovered, shall be for the use of the person giving such information.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER the 2d, 1789.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
 Jamaica Spirits, 5f.  Antigua Rum, 4/6. a 4/9  St. Croix, do. 4/5. a 4/6  Country, do. 2/10.  Molasses, 2/3. a 2/6  Brandy, 6/9.  Geneva, 5/3.  Do. in cases, 28/. a 29/.  Muscovado Sugar, 56/. a 72/.  Loaf, do. 1/6 3/4. a 1/9.  Lump, do. 1/12.  Pepper, 2/9. a 2/10.  Pimento, 1/9. a 2/.  Chocolate, 1/2.  Cocoa, 95/. a 80/.  Coffee, 2/8. a 1/9.  Indigo, (Carolina) 4/. a 6/.  Rice, 22/6. a 23/.  Superfine Flour, 45/.  Common do. 40/.  Rye do. 24/. a 25/.  Indian Meal, 18/.  Rye, 4/3. pr. bush.  Corn, (Southern) 3/9. a 4/.  Do. (Northern) 4/3. a 4/6.  Beef, first quality, 48/. a 50/.  Second quality, 43/6.  Pork, first quality, 8 1/2/.  Second quality, 7 1/2/.  Hams, 7d.  Carolina Tobacco, 3d. a 6d.  Virginia 4d. a 5d. 
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]