Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-06-16 00:00:00

Mayor John Rogers. Mayor
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 19, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 16, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 123.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. X.
Wise if a minister, but if a king More wise, more learn'd, more just, more every thing.
THERE is scarcely any truth more certain or more evident, than that the nobles of Europe, are, in general, less happy, than the common people.— There is one irrefragable proof of it, which is, that they do not maintain their own population. Families, like stars, or candles, which you will, are going out continually, : and without fresh recruits from the plebeians, the nobility would in time be extinct. If you make allowances for the state, which they are condemned by themselves and the world to support, they are poorer than the poor ; deeply in debt, and tributary to usurious capitalists, as greedy as the Jews. The kings of Europe, in the light of a philosopher, are the greatest slaves upon earth ; how often soever we may call them despots, tyrants, and other rude names, in which our pride and vanity takes a wonderful delight, they have the least exercise of their inclinations, the least personal liberty, and the least free indulgence of their passions of any men alive. Yet how rare are the instances of resignations, and how universal is the ambition to be noble, and the wish to be royal. Experience and philosophy are lost upon mankind. The attention of the world has a charm in it, which few minds can withstand. The people consider the condition of the great in all those delusive colours in which imagination can paint and gild it, and reason can make little resistance, to this impetuous propensity. To better their condition, to advance their fortunes without limits, is the object of their constant desire, the employment of all their thoughts by day and by night. They feel a peculiar sympathy with that pleasure, which they presume those enjoy, who are already powerful, celebrated and rich, "we favour," says a great writer, "all their inclinations, and forward all their wishes. What pity, we think, that any thing should spoil and corrupt so agreeable a situation ; we could even with them immortal, and it seems hard to us, that death should at last put an end to such perfect enjoyment. It is cruel we think in nature, to compel them from their exalted stations, to that humble, but hospitable home, which she has provided for all her children. Great king, live forever ! is the compliment, which, after the manner of eastern adulation, we should readily make them, if experience did not teach us its absurdity. Every calamity that befalls them, every injury that is done them, excites in the breast of the spectator ten times more compassion and resentment, than he would have felt, had the same things happened to other men ; it is the misfortunes of kings only, which afford the proper subjects for tragedy ; they resemble, in this respect, the misfortunes of lovers. These two situations are the chief which interest us upon the theatre ; because, in spite of all that reason and experience can tell us to the contrary, the prejudices of the imagination, attach to these two states a happiness superior to any other. To disturb or put an end to such perfect enjoyment, seems to be the most atrocious of all injuries. The traitor who conspires against the life of his monarch, is thought a greater monster, than any other murderer. All the innocent blood that was shed in the civil wars, provoked less indignation than the death of Charles the first. A stranger to human nature, who saw the indifference of men about the misery of their inferiors, and the regret and indignation which they feel for the misfortunes and sufferings of those above them, would be apt to imagine, that pain must be more agonizing, and the convulsions of death more terrible to persons of higher rank, than to those of meaner stations. Upon this disposition of mankind, to go along with all the passions of the rich and powerful, is founded the distinction of ranks, and the order of society. Our obsequiousness to our superiors more frequently arises from our admiration for the advantages of their situation, than from any private expectations of benefit from their good will. Their benefits can extend but to a few ; but their fortunes interest almost every body. We are eager to assist them in completing a system of happiness that approaches so near to perfection ; and we desire to serve them for their own sake, without any other recompence but the vanity or the
"honor of obliging them. Neither is our deference to their inclinations founded chiefly, or altogether, upon a regard to the utility of such submission, and to the order of society, which is best supported by it. Even when the order of society seems to require that we should oppose them, we can hardly bring ourselves to do it. That kings are the servants of the people, to be obeyed, resisted, deposed, or punished, as the public convenience may require, is the doctrine of reason and philosophy ; but it is not the doctrine of nature. Nature would teach us to submit to them, for their own sakes, to tremble and bow down before their exalted station, to regard their smile as a reward sufficient to compensate any services, and to dread their displeasure, though no other evil was to follow from it, as the severest of all mortifications. To treat them in any respect as men, to reason and dispute with them upon ordinary occasions, requires such resolution, that there are few men whose magnanimity can support them in it, unless they are likewise assisted by familiarity and acquaintance. The strongest motives, the most furious passions, fear, hatred and resentment, are scarce sufficient to balance this natural disposition to respect them : and their conduct must either justly or unjustly, have excited the highest degree of all those passions, before the bulk of the people can be brought to oppose them with violence, or to desire to see them either punished or deposed. Even when the people have been brought this length, they are apt to relent every moment, and easily relapse into their habitual state of deference. They cannot stand the mortification of their monarch ; compassion soon takes the place of resentment, they forget all past provocations, their old principles of loyalty revive, and they run to re-establish the ruined authority of their old masters, with the same violence with which they had opposed it. The death of Charles the first, brought about the restoration of the royal family. Compassion for James the second, when he was seized by the populace, in making his escape on ship board, had almost prevented the revolution, and made it go on more heavily than before.
(To be continued.)
BOSTON, MAY 6, 1790.
EASTERN CIRCUIT COURT.
The CHARGE of Chief Justice JAY, to the Grand Juries of the Eastern Circuit.
WHETHER any people can long govern themselves in an equal uniform and orderly manner, is a question which the advocates for free governments justly consider as being exceedingly important to the cause of liberty. This question, like others, whose solution depends on facts can only be determined by experience : It is a question on which many think some room for doubt, still remains. Men have had few fair opportunities of making the experiment ; and this is one reason why less progress has been made in the science of government, than in almost any other. The far greater number of the constitutions and governments of which we are informed, have originated in force or in fraud ; having been either imposed by improper exertions of power, or introduced by the arts of designing individuals, whose apparent zeal for liberty, and the public good, enabled them to take advantage of the credulity and misplaced confidence of their fellow-citizens. Providence has been pleased to bless the people of this country, with more perfect opportunities of choosing, and more effectual means of establishing their own government than any other nation has hitherto enjoyed ; and for the use we may make of these opportunities, and of these means, we shall be highly responsible to that Providence, as well as to mankind in general, and to our own posterity in particular. Our deliberations and proceedings, being unawed and uninfluenced by power or corruption, domestic or foreign, are perfectly free—our citizens are generally and greatly enlightened—and our country is so extensive, that the personal influence of popular individuals, can rarely embrace large portions of it. The institution of general and State governments—their respective conveniences, and defects in practice, and the subsequent alterations made in some of them, have operated as useful experiments, and conspired to promote our advancement in this interesting science. It is pleasing to observe, that the present national government, already affords advantages, which the preceding one proved too feeble and ill constructed to produce. How far it may be still distant from the degree of perfection to which it may possibly be carried, time only can decide. It is a consolation to reflect, that the good sense of the people will be enabled, by experience, to discover and correct its imperfections, especially while they continue to retain a proper confidence in themselves, and avoid those jealousies and dissensions, which, often springing from the worst designs, frequently frustrate the best measures. Wise and virtuous men, have thought and reasoned very differently, respecting government ; but in this, they have at length very unanimously agreed, viz.— That its powers should be divided into three distinct, independent departments ; the executive, legislative and judicial. But how to constitute and balance them, in such a manner as best to guard against abuse and fluctuation, and preserve the constitution from encroachments, are points on which there continues to be a great diversity of opinions, and on which we have all, as yet much to learn. The constitution of the United States, has accordingly instituted these three departments ; and much pains have been taken to form and define them, as that they may operate as checks one on the other, and keep each within its proper limits : It being universally agreed, to be of the last
importance to a free people, that they who are vested with executive, legislative and judicial powers, should rest satisfied with their respective portions of power—and neither encroach on the provinces of each other, nor suffer themselves nor the others to intermeddle with the rights reserved by the Constitution to the people. If then so much depends on our rightly improving the before mentioned opportunities ; if the most discerning and enlightened minds may be mistaken relative to THEORIES, unconfirmed by PRACTICE ; if on such difficult questions, men may differ in opinion, and yet be patriots—and if the merits of our opinions can only be ascertained by experience—let us patiently abide the trial, and unite our endeavors to render it a fair and impartial one. These remarks may not appear very pertinent to the present occasion—and yet it will be readily admitted, that occasions of promoting good will and good temper, and the progress of useful truths among our fellow-citizens, should not be omitted. These motives urge me further to observe, that a variety of local and other circumstances, rendered the formation of the judicial department, particularly difficult. We had become a nation—as such we were responsible to others for the observance of the laws of nations ; and as our national concerns were to be regulated by national laws—national tribunals became necessary for the interpretation and execution of them both. No tribunals of the like kind and extent had heretofore existed in this country ; from such therefore, no light of experience, nor facilities of usage and habit were to be derived. Our jurisprudence varied in almost every State, and was accommodated to local, not general convenience—to partial, not national policy. This convenience and this policy, were nevertheless to be regarded, and tenderly treated. A judicial controul, general and final, was indispensable—the manner of establishing it, with powers neither too extensive, nor too limited : rendering it properly independent, and yet properly amenable, involved questions of no little intricacy. The expediency of carrying justice as it were to every man's door, was obvious ; but how to do it in an expedient manner was far from being apparent. To provide against discord between national and State jurisdictions, to render them auxiliary instead of hostile to each other ; and so to connect both as to leave each sufficiently independent, and yet sufficiently combined, was, and will be arduous. Institutions formed under such circumstances, should therefore be received with candor and tried with temper and prudence. It was under these embarrassing circumstances, that the articles in the constitution on this subject, as well as the act of Congress for establishing the judicial courts of the United States, were made and passed. Under the authority of that act, this court now sits—its jurisdiction is two-fold civil and criminal : to the exercise of the latter, you, gentlemen, are necessary, and for that purpose are now convened. The most perfect constitutions, the best governments, and the wisest laws, are vain, unless well administered and well obeyed. Virtuous citizens will observe them from a sense of duty ; but those of an opposite description, can be restrained only by fear of disgrace and punishment. Such being the state of things, it is essential to the welfare of society, and to the protection of each member of it, in the peaceable enjoyment of his rights, that offenders be punished. The end of punishment, however, is not to expiate for offences ; but by the terror of example, to deter men from the commission of them. To render these examples useful, policy as well as morality, require not only that punishment be proportionate to guilt, but that all proceedings against persons accused or suspected, should be accompanied by the reflection that they may be innocent. Hence therefore, it is proper that dispassionate and careful enquiry should precede those rigours, which justice exacts, and which should always be tempered with as much humanity and benevolence as the nature of such cases may admit. Warm, partial and precipitate prosecutions, and cruel and abominable executions such as racks, embowelling, drawing, quartering, burning, and the like are no less impolitic than inhuman. They infuse into the public mind, disgust at the barbarous severity of government, and fill it with pity, and partiality for the sufferers. On the contrary, when offenders are prosecuted with temper and decency ; when they are convicted, after impartial trials, and punished in a manner becoming the dignity of public justice to prescribe, the feelings and sentiments of men, will be on the side of government ; and however disposed they may, and ought to be to regard suffering offenders with compassion ; yet that compassion will never be unmixed with a due degree of indignation. We are happy, that the genius of our laws is mild, and we have abundant reason to rejoice, in possessing one of the best institutions that ever was devised, for bringing offenders to justice, without endangering the peace and security of the innocent, I mean that of Grand Juries. Greatly does it tend to promote order and good government, that in every district, there should frequently be assembled a number of the most discreet and respectable citizens in it, who on their oaths are bound to enquire into, and present all offences committed against the laws in such district—and greatly does it tend to the quiet and safety of good and peaceful citizens, that no man can be put in jeopardy for impure crimes, without such previous enquiry and presentment. The extent of your district, gentlemen, which is commensurate with the State, necessarily extends your duty throughout every county in it, and demands proportionable diligence in your enquiries, and circumspection in your presentments. The objects of your enquiry are, all offences committed against the laws of the United States in this district, or on the high seas by persons now in the district. You will recollect that the laws of nations make part of the laws of this, and of every other civilized nation. They consist of those rules for regulating the conduct of nations towards each other, which, resulting from right reason, receive their obligation from that principle, and from general assent and practice. To this head also belong, those rules or laws which by agreement become established between particular nations, and of this kind are treaties, conventions, and the like compacts. As in private life, a fair and legal contract between two men, cannot be annulled or altered by either, without the consent of the other, so neither can treaties between nations. States and legislatures may repeal their regulating statutes, but they cannot repeal their bargains. Hence it is, that treaties fairly made and concluded, are perfectly obligatory, and ought to be punctually observed. We are now a nation, and it equally becomes us to perform our duties as to assert our rights. The penal statutes of the United States are few, and principally respect the revenue. The right ordering and management of this important business, is very essential to the credit, character and prosperity of our country. On the citizens at large, is placed the burthen of providing for the public exigencies : Whoever therefore fraudulently withdraws his shoulder from that common burthen, necessarily leaves his portion of the weight to be borne by the others, and thereby does injustice, not only to the government but to them.

The House then took up the amendments proposed—and agreed to the same—Other amendments were made.
The clause which imposes a duty on stills was objected to by several gentlemen, and after some conversation on the subject, it was agreed that the Bill should lie on the table.
Mr. Fitzsimons laid the following resolution on the table, viz. "Resolved, that from and after the last day of — next, the duties heretofore laid on Teas and Coffee, shall cease, and that the following be laid in their stead, viz."
 "On Bohea Tea, 12 Cents pr. lb."  "Souchong and other Black Teas, 20 Cents,"  "Hyson Tea, 40 Cents,"  "Other Green Teas, 24 Cents,"  "Coffee, 5 Cents." 
In committee of the whole on the Bill for establishing the Post Office and Post Roads.
Mr. Boudinot in the Chair.
The committee made some progress in the discussion of this bill—but not having time to finish it, asked leave to sit again.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they have passed the act for extending the Judicial Law of the United States to the State of Rhode Island, with one amendment, which was to reduce the salary of the District Judge from one thousand, to eight hundred dollars. This amendment was agreed to.
A message was received from the President, informing that he had approved and signed an Act for extending sundry acts therein mentioned, to the State of Rhode Island—an act for the relief of Thomas Jenkins and company—and also a resolution for annexing to the code of laws, the several treaties now made, and that may be made between the United States and foreign nations.
TUESDAY, JUNE 15.
The bill for the relief of Nathaniel Twining, having been engrossed was read the third time and passed.
In committee of the whole on the bill to establish the post office and post roads in the United States.—Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
The section which prohibits passengers from carrying letters, under a penalty of three times the postage, was objected to, as impracticable in itself—it was moved that it should be expunged.
Mr. Livermore, who was one of the committee, observed that this section was introduced to prevent the diminution of the revenue from the post office—the mail is now carried in stage coaches, in which there are generally several passengers, sometimes as many as six, and it is supposed that many more letters go by the passengers, than by the mail; it is to be supposed that most persons would wish to be excused from the trouble of carrying these letters, and if this section passes, they will be furnished with an excuse for not taking them; and it appears very unreasonable and absurd that the public should pay the proprietors of the stages for transporting the mail, and in this way be defrauded out of that revenue which they are undoubtedly entitled to receive.
Mr. White and Mr. Gerry were in favour of striking out the clause. Mr. Sedgwick and Mr. Sherman in favor of it as in the bill.
The motion for striking out was negatived.
The committee proceeded as far as the 21st section and then rose.
Mr. Lawrance of the committee appointed for the purpose brought in a bill authorising and empowering the President of the United States, to purchase such a part of the tract of land at West-Point, as the public service may render necessary—read the first time. Adjourned.
BOSTON June 9.
ARTILLERY ELECTION.
Monday last, being the anniversary election of Officers of the ANCIENT AND HONOURABLE ARTILLERY of this commonwealth—the Corps paraded at 10 o'clock, in the Old South Meeting-House—At 12 o'clock, it marched to the Council-Chamber, from whence it escorted His Honor the Lt. Governor (His Excellency the Governor being indisposed) the Hon. Council, and several military characters, to the Old Brick Meeting-House; where an elegant and peculiarly well adapted Sermon was delivered by the Rev. Mr. HOMER, of Newtown. After the religious ceremonies of the day were over, the following procession was formed, viz.
 Lt. Gov. ADAMS—Hon. Mr. BOWDOIN.  Hon. Council, and Senators.  Speaker, and Members of the House.  President of the University.  Clergy. 
Amongst whom were Abbe ROUSSELET and Mr. THAYER. Consuls of France, Holland and Sweden. Selectmen of Boston, Gentlemen, and strangers of distinction.
Adjutant-General—Officers of Cadets, Castle-William, Artillery and Fusiliers, in uniform. Honorary Members, &c.
Which was escorted by the Company to Faneuil-Hall; where a sumptuous dinner was provided—After which the following toasts were drank:
1. The PRESIDENT of the United States (three
cheers)—2. The Vice-President, and Congress of America. 3. The Governor, and Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 4. The Powers of Europe, in Alliance with the United States. 5. Agriculture Manufactures, Fisheries and Commerce. [His Honor the Lieutenant Governor then gave the following toasts—Prosperity to the Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company.] 6. The King of France (clapping of hands) 7. The Marquis de la Fayette. 8. The National Assembly of France—may they rightly distinguish between the evils of licentiousness, and the blessings of good government. 9. Chief Justice JAY. 10. Gen. Knox. 11. Mr. HAMILTON. 12. Mr. JEFFERSON. 13. May the inhabitants of America exercise the same wisdom in preserving as they have in erecting the FEDERAL DOME.
The Hall was beautifully decorated. The entrance formed an Arch, supporting the Orchestra where the Band performed during the entertainment—The front exhibited Plenty with her cornucopia—under which were 13 circles including as many stars; and on each side were displayed the standards of the Company, and of the Artillery. They key stone of the Arch bore this inscription—"Incorporated 1638." The back part was ornamented with standards, and the whole decorated with evergreen and flowers. From three parts of the wall, in quadrangular directions, hung wreaths of flowers of every tint, with clusters hanging from the centre of each. The upper wreath supported thirteen pendant circles of evergreen and flowers, in the centre of each of which was a star. At the head of the Hall was one grand Arch, from the key-stone of which hung a golden fleur de lis. In the rear of this, in the front window, was placed an obelisk [finely executed by Johnson]—the base was formed by a Bust of the PRESIDENT of the United States, encircled with a glory—the inscription, "The lustre of his actions shines with triumphant brightness, and spreads a glory round him." Over this, at the top of the obelisk, was the all pervading EYE diffusing its emanations on our FABIUS, with an inscription, "Fideles Protego," over it. In the centre a winged Cherub crowning the PRESIDENT with a chaplet of Laurel, encircling the words, "Premium Virtutis"—and a garter extending on each side the Cherub, bearing the motto, "Sic itur ad Astra." Two large American colours were displayed on each side the obelisk, with good effect. The elegance and neatness of the decorations did much credit to the gentlemen who executed them; and received the tribute of approbation from the thousands who visited the Hall to see them.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all Treaties made, or which shall be made, and promulgated under the authority of the United States, shall, from time to time, be published, and annexed to their Code of Laws by the Secretary of State.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JUNE THE FOURTEENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
AN ACT for the relief of THOMAS JENKINS and Company.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the duties amounting to one hundred and sixty seven dollars and fifty cents, be remitted, on a parcel of hemp, duck, ticklenburgh and molasses, the property of THOMAS JENKINS and Company, merchants of the city of Hudson in the State of New-York, which were lost by fire in the brig Minerva, on her passage from New-York to the city of Hudson, her port of delivery: And the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States is hereby authorized and directed to allow a credit on the Bond or Bonds executed by the said THOMAS JENKINS and Company, for payment of the duties on the said goods.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JUNE THE FOURTEENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
PROVIDENCE, June 5.
On Tuesday the inhabitants of this town very generally and cordially united in celebrating the adoption of the Constitution, which has completed the Thirteenth Arch of the "rais'd Empire," uniting all the States under a free and efficient go-
vernment, after a liberal and intelligent investigation.
At sunrise the united company of the train of artillery, commanded by Col. Tillinghast, appeared in uniform, and discharged Thirteen Cannon. A similar discharge was repeated at noon—after which the company, with a number of other Gentlemen, repaired to the Colonel's house, where a handsome entertainment had been prepared for them. After dinner the following toasts were drank, viz.
 1. The President of the United States.—2. The Senate and Representatives of the United States—3. The Governor and Company.—4. The Rhode-Island Convention, that completed the Union of America.—5. May the Union last till Years shall cease to roll.—6. Peace at Home, and Reputation abroad.—7. May the Groans of the distressed be no more heard.—8. May America forever honor the Men who have led her to her present happy situation.—9. Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce.—10. The encouragers of useful Arts.—11. The abolition of Party.—12. May the good of the whole be the grand object.—13. May private virtue be the road to public honor. 
At three o'clock a discharge of thirteen Cannon was repeated. A Procession of respectable citizens, like a Band of Brothers, then marched with great order and regularity, through the streets, accompanied by martial Music, and displaying the banners of Union, freedom and independence. In the evening the Ship Warren was most ingeniously illuminated, and made a very splendid appearance; and a variety of handsome fire-works, prepared by the company of Artillery, closed the public exhibitions on this truly memorable occasion.
The next evening a Ball was given to the fair Daughters of freedom.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 16, 1790.
APPOINTMENTS.—By Authority.
In the State of South-Carolina.
THOMAS BEE, Judge of South Carolina District, in the place of William Drayton, deceased.
In the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
 WILLIAM ELLERY, Collector,  ROBERT CROOKE, Naval-Officer, } of Newport.  DANIEL LYMAN, Surveyor,  JEREMIAH OLNEY, Collector,  TREODORE FOSTER, Naval-Officer, } of Providence.  WILLIAM BARTON, Surveyor, 
The Senate of the United States on Monday last, postponed the consideration of the Resolution of the House of Representatives, for holding the next session of Congress at Baltimore, to that day fortnight.
Monday the Artillery of this City commanded by Col. Bauman was reviewed according to Law. The regiment made a fine appearance, and received the full approbation of numerous spectators.—
A melancholy accident happened last Sunday Evening—a promising boy of 9 years of age, nephew of Sir John Temple, fell overboard from a Sloop in the North River, and was drowned—his body was found the next day.—
The latest intelligence from Europe is that an Alliance is formed between the Turks and the Prussians—the treaty is also said to be signed by the English Polish and Swedish Ambassadors at Constantinople—That the King of Prussia in consequence of this is making great preparations for war—That the determination of the Divan to continue the war was received with applause by the people—The campaign between Sweden and Russia is opened by an attack on a Russian Fortress which was taken—That affairs in the low Countries present a most alarming picture, jealousy, treachery and ambition having destroyed the confidence of the people in their leaders, and interrupted that Union on which the hopes of freedom are suspended—That Gen. Vander Mersch has been arrested—The following is a copy of a letter from him addressed to the States, My Lords,
"I am come here in pursuance of your commands: Crimes of the blackest kind are impu-ted to me—If I am guilty let my head fall—If I am innocent, as my conscience testifies, I ought to be exculpated—Death or reparation of my honor is then what I demand."
Some accounts from France say that the Clergy are so dissatisfied with being stripped of their revenues, that they preach up the most seditious doctrines against the National Assembly, but in the most artful and covert manner, tho' calculated to inflame the minds of the populace—
The National Assembly have immortalized their proceedings by establishing the trial by Jury—and by solemnly declaring that conquest and extending the limits of the Kingdom shall disgrace their public Councils no more.—
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
 Ship Olive Branch, Barnwell, Dublin, 45 days.  Brig Peru, Baddock, Port-au-Prince, 24.  Mary, Findlatter, Martha Bray, 36 days.  Sloop Sally, Carey, Philadelphia, 9 days.  Ann, Leyburn, Grenada, 19 days.  Grace, Whiting, Cape Francois, 17 days.  Schooner Hannah, Yatts, St. Austatia, 28 days. 

LONDON, April 10.
THE Prince de Conti having returned to Paris will induce several others of the French fugitive Princes to follow his example. The absence of many of the French Nobility from their own country, is one cause of the great scarcity of ready money.
In the last letter from the King of Prussia to the Bishop of Liege, his Majesty says, that if the Prince does not accede to his propositions, he shall withdraw his forces from Liege, which he is well assured will produce a civil war.
The new King of Hungary brings with him to Germany, what was much wanted in the last months of his brother's reign, a great supply of money. It is said that his Majesty, whilst Grand Duke of Tuscany, was able to lay by annually so considerable a sum of money, that he found himself, on the day of his brother's death, possessed of a capital of eighty millions of florins.
The states of Flanders and Haunau, have both declared themselves strongly in favor of returning to the allegiance of the new King of Hungary, on the terms proposed by his Majesty. Every prudent citizen would wish to do the same, for it is impossible now to mistake the motives and actions of the clergy of Brabant, whose sole view is to aggrandize themselves at the sacrifice of the country at large.
Very few of the fugitive Noblesse of France, resident in this country, can procure remittances from home, and the situations of several are in consequence distressful in the extreme! The Duke of Luxembourg is to be reckoned among the unfortunate, as though he was left without a resource, he has found a friend from whom he experiences an ample support. He had conciliated the friendship of the Duke of Marlborough by his politeness shown to the latter when in Paris, and his Grace has, in return, given him permission to draw on his Banker without restriction. This instance of munificence does honour to the country.
Among the foremost of the late Emperor's good qualities, was that of attending to applications when from the meanest of his subjects; and it is to the honor of his memory that in no instance where redress of grievance was demanded in justice or equity, it was ever refused. His first business every day was to read over and investigate all petitions and memorials, and to give orders accordingly.
April 16.
By recent accounts from China, we learn that every part of that vast empire is defaced and torn by civil dissensions, which rage with the most ungovernable fury; the same accounts also describe, in the most pathetic terms a mortality occasioned by famine through most of the provinces, particularly in that of Canton, where the miseries of the people are indescribable.
Such were the calamities occasioned by famine in the province of Canton, that contrary to the jealous spirit of the people, the English then at that port were invited into the town, and permitted to explore the adjacent country, that they might behold, and report to the British settlements, the distresses which reigned there; but unfortunately for their own preservation, the settlements were compelled to deny them that relief which at any other time humanity would afford and dictate.
The inhabitants living on the river, who are prodigiously numerous, felt much less the effects of this famine, than those in the country, the former having a supply of fish, of which necessity obliged them to refuse the participation with their unhappy countrymen.
So sacred is the liberty of the Press considered by the French National Assembly, that they will overlook even libels upon themselves and their proceedings, rather than attempt to check the freedom of writing and of printing.
Declaration of the Sovereign Congress of the United Provinces of Flanders.
Dated Brussels, April 7.
The said Congress being informed that a report is spread abroad, that regulations are about to take place with foreign powers, contrary to the rights and liberties of the Republic and United Provinces, positively declare that no engagement whatsoever has been entered into with any foreign power, neither do they mean to enter into any which can in the least affect the liberty, independence, or commerce of the Republic in general, nor any particular province. The Congress exhort, therefore, every individual, to be cautious of giving credit to every insinuation of the kind, which can proceed only from evil-minded people, with a view to check the ardour of patriotism among the people—to foment divisions, and to check the confidence of the nation placed in their representatives.
Given in Congress, April 6th, 1790.
(Signed) Baron de Haverkerke, Pres.
H. C. N. Vandermoot,
P. S. Vaneupen, Sec.
Doctor Blair, of Edinburgh, has received eight hundred pounds for the copy of a third volume of sermons.
PHILADELPHIA, June 10.
As the derivation of the term Merry Andrew is not generally known, it may not be amiss to mention, that it arose from one Andrew Borda , a droll physician, who used to attend market towns, and harangue the populace in a facetious manner. He was in great repute, and much followed in the year 1574.
BURLINGTON, June 1.
A correspondent begs leave to suggest to the farmers of New Jersey, the great advantages that would flow from shearing their early lambs. The custom is generally adopted in England, and furnishes a valuable material in the important manufacture of woolen hats. The usual time for shearing lambs is about five or six weeks after that of sheep shearing; this will allow sufficient time for the fleeces of the lambs to grow before winter; and instead of injuring, rather promotes the growth of the wool. Many judicious farmers in this country have tried the experiment with success, and found the averaged quantity of wool obtained by these means, to be a pound and a quarter from each lamb.
BOSTON, JUNE 5.
Mr. SPELLERD, for many years Quarter-Master in the 16th, or (Queen's) Regiment of Light-Dragoons, known by the name of Burgoyne's, and who was captured with that General and Lord Cornwallis, in this country, has lately arrived in this town, from Gibraltar; and is an instance of the good effects that the exercise of walking has upon the health. This gentleman is considered as one of the first walkers in Europe—he has lately walked through every county in England and Ireland, through France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and a great part of the Barbary states, particularly from Tangiers to Mequinez and Fez, in Morocco, and through the Arab's country—he has also walked above 790 miles since his arrival in America.—What most remarkable is, that severe snow storms never deter him from setting upon a journey on foot, from which he seldom feels the smallest inconvenience.
STOCKBRIDGE, June 8.
"WE ARE ONE," was the motto adopted by our countrymen when they first leagued together to "break the yoke of the proud oppressors of mankind." This bright sentiment animated them to tread the path they had laid out, with firmness; the genius of liberty smiled on their endeavours to reach the expected bliss, and with open arms stood ready to embrace those whose professed principles reflected honor upon her cause. By Union we conquered, and by Union alone can the glory of the American empire be established.—Jealousy, however small at present her power and influence, seems engaged to promote distrust in the minds of some, and stimulates them to suggest that the general and state Governments are actuated by different interests. How wrong the suggestion! Are not the state governments necessary and important links of the general government? And will not the dissolution of the one involve in its issue the dissolution of the other? How absurd then the supposition that there is danger of the general government's assuming all power, and swallowing up the prerogatives and privileges of the state governments. But it is feared, or pretended to be feared by some, that if the general government exercise their CONSTITUTIONAL powers to promote the general weal, if they model the important national concerns to the best advantage, if they provide for the exigencies of the country and the support of the government, in the way least burthensome to the people, (and this they are bound by the most sacred ties of justice, honor, and patriotism to accomplish)—if the general government do this, some pretend to fear that the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the several states will be annihilated. What astonishing absurdity this! America is a free, sovereign, and independent nation. But, are the several states free and independent of the National Government? Are the different states which compose the Union, free and independent nations? If so, the general government is useless, and the sooner abolished the better. But the fact is the reverse. The States are dependent on the general government, and the general government dependent on the States. Can the head exist without the body, or the body without the head? The words Freedom, Sovereignty, and Independence, are often prostituted, and as of often echoed and re-echoed to the people's detriment. When once the baneful, the prejudicial idea shall predominate, that the states, separate, and of themselves, are free and independent, and the attempt is made by each to act in this capacity, farewell to the peace, happiness and prosperity of this country; the states will then indeed be free and independent of every thing but anarchy and civil discord. But let us hope better things. Should the States refuse to listen to the whispers of an unreasonable and groundless jealousy, and concur in aiding the General Government to promote and establish those general national plans on which the happiness of the people, and the welfare of the country depends, we may then with safety predict, that the glory of America will TRAVEL WITH THE SUN, AND EXPIRE WITH THE SKIES.
A MOTHER'S ADDRESS TO HER DYING INFANT.
TENDER, softest Infant mild! Perfect, sweetest, loveliest Child! Transient lustre! beauteous Clay! Smiling wonder of a day; Ere the last convulsive start Rends thy unresisting heart, Ere the long enduring loom Weighs thy precious eye-lids down; Ah! regard a Mother's moan, Anguish sharper than thy own; Fairest eye, whose dawning light Late, with rapture fill'd my sight, Ere thy orbs extinguish'd be, Bend their trembling beams on me. Drooping Sweetness! verdant flower, Blooming, withering in an hour! Ere thy gentle breath sustains Latest, hereaft, mortal pains; Here a suppliant, let me be, Partner in thy destiny.
Z.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
JUNE 16.—DOLLARS at 88.
  JAMAICA Spirits, 5/3. 5/. Do. 22 inch do. 11. 6/.   Antigua Rum, 4/9. 5/. Do. 18, inch do. 18/.   St. Croix, do. 4/6. Butt white oak staves, 35/.   Country, do. 3/. Pipe do. do. 9/.   Molasses, 2/3. Hoghead do. do. 61. 10/.   Brandy, 7/7. Do. do. heading, 8/.   Geneva, 5/. Irish barrel do. staves, 31. 5/.   Do. in cases, 28/. Hoghead red oak do. 51. 5/.   Muscovado Sugar, 80/ a 70/. Do. French do. 5/.   Loaf, do. 1/4. Hoghead hoops, 4/.   Lump, do. 1/2 3/. White oak square timber } 10/.   Pepper, 2/7 2/9. per square foot, } 10/.   Pimento, 1/4. Red wood, per ton, 18/.   Coffee, 1/3. 1/4. Fustick, 10/.   Indigo, (Carolina) 3/ a 6/. Beaver, per lb. 12/ a 16/.   Do. French, 18/ 10/. Otter per skin, 9/ 30/.   Rice, 2/3. 2/4. Grey fox, 4/7.   Superfine Flour, 64/. Martin, 4/10.   Common do. 58/. Raccoon, 3/6 a 7/6.   Rye do. 30/ a 28/. Muskrat, 10/ a 14/.   Indian Meal, 18/ 20/. Beaver hats, 64/.   Rye, 5/ br. bush. Catior do. 48/.   Wheat, 11/ a 10/6. Chocolate, 14/.   Corn, (Southern) 4/. Cocoa, 70/ a 80/.   Do. (Northern) 5/ a 4/9. Cotton, 5/6.   Beef, first quality, 48/ 50/. Tar, pr. bar. 11/.   Pork, first quality, 80/. Pitch, 14/.   Oats, 2/. Turpentine, 21/ a 20/.   Flax-seed, 5/. Tobacco, James River, ad. 23 3/4.   Shipbread per cwt. 21/ 24/. Do. York, 4/ a 3 3/4.   Country refined } 28/ a 30/. Do. Rappahannock, ad. 3 3/4.   bar-iron, } 28/ a 30/. Do. Maryland, coloured, ad. 3 3/4.   Do. bloomery, 25/ a 26/. Do. Western-shore, ad. 3 3/4.   Swedes do. 45/. Lead in pigs, pr cwt. 60/.   Russia do. 30/. Do. bars, 68/.   Pig-iron, 8/ 10/ a 9/. Do. Shot, 68/.   German steel, 9/ per lb. Red lead, 68/.   Nails American, by cask. } 14/. White do. dry, 95/.   per lb. 4/. White do. in oil, 5/ 12/.   Do. do. do. 6/. Salt-petre hams, 7 3/4.   Do. do. do. 8/. Spermaceti candles, 3/.   Do. do. do. 10/. Mould do. 11/ a 1/.   Do. do. do. 12/. Tallow dipt, 9 3/4.   Do. do. do. 14/. Soap, 5/ a 8/.   Do. do. do. 16/. Castle soap, 9/ a 10/.   Do. do. do. 18/. English cheese, pr. lb. 15/.   Do. do. do. 20/. Country do. 5/ 6/.   Do. do. do. 22/. Butter, 8/.   Do. do. do. 24/. Hyslop tea, 9/.   Do. do. do. 26/. Sequin do. 6/6.   Do. do. do. 28/. Bohea do. 2/4.   Do. do. do. 30/. Ginseng, 2/ a 2/6.   Do. do. do. 32/. Starch Poland, 7/.   Do. do. do. 34/. Snuff, 2/3.   Do. do. do. 36/. Allum salt, water mea- } 36/.   Do. do. do. 38/. sure, pr. bush. } 36/.   Do. do. do. 40/. Liverpool do. 2/.   Do. do. do. 42/. Madeira wine, } 60/ a 90/.   Do. do. do. 44/. pr. pipe, } 60/ a 90/.   Do. do. do. 46/. Port, 45/.   Do. do. do. 48/. Lisbon, pr. gal. 5/.   Do. do. do. 50/. Teneriff, 4/.   Do. do. do. 52/. Fyall, 3/3.   Do. do. do. 54/. Spermaceti do. 6/.   Do. do. do. 56/. Shake-down hhds. 3/6.   Do. do. do. 58/. Dutch gun-powder, pr. cwt. 6/.   Do. do. do. 60/. Nail rods, pr. ton, 34/ 3 3/4.   Do. do. do. 62/. Lintseed oil, pr. gal. 4/.   Do. do. do. 64/. Cypress 2 feet shingles, 11. 10/.   Do. do. do. 66/. Whale do. pr. barrel, 50/ a 60/. 
TO be Sold, an elegant dwelling house, in every circumstance fitted for a gentleman with a large family, situated in a very pleasant part of Elizabeth Town, New-Jersey.—The lot contains about four acres, on which is a very good garden, and a variety of the best fruit trees. The terms of payment can be made so easy as to suit the purchaser. Enquire of the Subscriber at No. 12, Wall-Street. ELIAS BOUDINOT. June 2, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market.
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
To be LET, and possession given immediately, THE HOUSE No. 27, Front Street.—A part of the FURNITURE will be sold, on reasonable terms, to accommodate the Tenant, if required. Apply on the premises. June 12, 1790.
The Mail Diligence, FOR PHILADELPHIA.
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
WANTED Immediately, a Man as an Ostler, one that is sober and can be well recommended, will meet with encouragement, and find steady employment, by applying to the Subscriber. ARCHER GIFFORD.
N. B. None but a sober person, and one well recommended need apply. Newark, May 29, 1790.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island Securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.