Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-12-16 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXI.]
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LXXI.
"Suspicion, for the most part, proceeds from some self-defect."
TO be of a suspicious temper is not always incompatible with the character of a wise or a virtuous man. Such a temper, however, more generally characterizes persons who are weak or vicious. A man of knowledge and integrity may have perceived, in his intercourse with society, so many instances of deception, and experienced such a variety of misfortunes, that all human affairs, wear in his view, some appearance of uncertainty. When, from such causes a man guards himself against the ignorance or dishonesty of those with whom he is connected, it may be denominated circumspection rather than jealousy. His distrust is not without some foundation in the general reason of things. It is the effect of reflection and experience, rather than passion and prejudice. It operates uniformly, and does not unreasonably discriminate particular characters as objects of suspicion. Though this kind of caution often has the complexion of jealousy, when exercised towards individuals, yet it is not meant to indicate specially any bad opinion of them. Nothing more can be inferred from such habitual precaution in any person, than that he is sensible there are vices and imperfections more or less incidental to all men; and that the best way to escape the snares of the wicked is to carry a vigilant eye over the whole of mankind.
The suspicion of low, uninformed minds, is of quite another nature. It selects individuals as objects of prey without any reason, and condemns them without mercy or trial. It so often imagines evil without any proof as to render a person wretched in himself and dangerous to his friends. When suspicion operates in this manner, it denotes weakness or vice. Sometimes people suspect others of bad intentions from an ignorance of the motives and restraints which their character and situation are calculated to impose. And sometimes men feel such depravity of heart, as to imagine that others are too much like themselves not to practise the mischiefs, which are in their power.
Such low minds are most apt to harbor suspicions against persons in public office. It is not remarkable that a man, utterly unacquainted with the inducements that a responsible character feels to discharge his duty, should suspect that he will be regardless of the interest or honor of his constituents. Nor must we be surprised, that vicious, unprincipled men excite clamors among the people against their rulers; for a dishonest man acts consistently in apprehending from others the evils which he would commit, were he in their situation. To indicate mistrust over those we employ is apt to make them lose their sentiments of honor, and to weaken the effect of responsibility. For when a man knows he is suspected, he becomes familiarized to reproach, and the sting of it is taken away. It is highly expedient to impose checks on persons employed in public business; but an oversight that looks like jealousy, will be more likely to make good men bad, than to reform those who were bad before.
FROM THE AMERICAN MERCURY.
THE OBSERVER.—No. VIII.
On the means of preserving Public Liberty.
WHEN a system of national freedom hath been established by great exertions, it becomes an interesting enquiry how it shall be best preserved. The speculative-Philosopher, and the practical Statesman have united their endeavors to answer this question.
A natural thirst for power in the human mind, with the emoluments springing from authority, tend to a general encroachment on the rights of human nature. Even patriots and honest men have their weakness, passions, and appetites, and in little instances may be tyrants, while they wish for general freedom.
Many systems have been formed which in theory appear almost perfect—many checks have been devised; still there are, and we must expect there will be, abuses of power, until the nature of man is delivered from its present imperfections. In every state, some person or persons must be representatives of the public, in whose hands the power of the whole is lodged, for general protection; and without this investiture of public authority, to restrain and punish, the wicked will be a scourge to all within their reach; and it is also possible, that the very persons who are clothed with public power, may become cruel and unjust. Without power in some national head, anarchy will be the state of man, every one will retaliate and abuse as his passions dictate, which is the worst of
tyrannies: With power the rulers of a nation may do injury, for man is frail—great men may misjudge—good men may fall.
To give any man unlimited power, is a greater temptation than ought to be placed before a frail being: at the same time, placing too many checks on rulers is in effect dismembering the body, and destroys its energy of action and of defence, both against foreign enemies and its own evil subjects. So far as we may judge from American experience, a nation of freemen, in modelling their government, are more apt to err in overlimiting, than in giving too great scope to the power of rulers—In both cases the consequence is nearly the same; for when the citizens find their constitutional government cannot protect and do justice, they will throw themselves into the hands of some bold usurper, who promises much to them, but intends only for himself; and in this way very many free states have lost their liberties. The forming a constitution of government is a serious matter—the spirit of deliberation and concession, with which it hath been taken up by the citizens at large, and thus far carried into effect, is a new event in the history of mankind. The present constitution of the United States, appears to embrace the essential principles both of freedom and energy in national operations; still very little dependence is to be made on this Constitution, as a future safeguard to the American liberties.—I would by no means undervalue those systematic productions, which we call the Constitutions of the several States, and of the Union—they express our present ideas of the rulers' power and duty, and the subjects' rights—they are a written basis on which national habits will be formed, and in this way will cherish sentiments of freedom and retard the rise of oppression—on these your children will look as maxims of their fathers' wisdom; but if they have no other protection, the lust of those who have opportunity will undermine their privileges. Every generation must assert its own liberties; and for this the collective body of the people must be informed. A general diffusion of science, in every class of people, is the true cause of that new series of events which have taken place in the United States. In every other country, a great proportion of the people are unacquainted with letters—In several great and civilized kingdoms of Europe, it is but a comparative few who can read and write. The vast number of well meaning and ignorant people, become instruments of superior policy, to oppose every effort of national freedom; but in America there is no order or great number of people, who can be made subservient to such ungenerous purposes.—The late war, was a war of the people—general information convinced them of its justice and that their all was endangered; hence sprang their unanimity, exertion and patience; and a traitor could in no part of the country find either asylum or aid.
The formation of our present government, by the deliberation of three million of citizens, is the highest evidence of, and the greatest effect we have yet seen from general information.
The same causes which have given you victory, and a constitution, combining the rights of man with the powers of government, will certainly be sufficient to preserve national liberty, and make your children as free as their fathers. A few enlightened citizens may be dangerous—let all be enlightened, and oppression must cease, by the influence of a ruling majority—for it can never be their interest to indulge a system incompatible with the rights of freemen. Those institutions are the most effectual guards to public liberty, which diffuse the rudiments of literature among a people.
Let the most perfect constitution finite wisdom can devise, be adopted; if succeeding generations become ignorant—if a large part of the people are destitute of letters, their precious patrimony will be cheated from their hands—not perhaps, by violence, but by a course of artful measures, against which ignorant men have no defence.
A man declaiming for liberty, and suffering his children to grow up without education, acts most absurdly, and prepares them to be licentious, but not free.
The road to preferment is open to all, and the common citizen may see his children possess the first offices of State, if endowed with genius, honesty, and science—having such incentives to fidelity, the remis parent is unparadisable. As the best preservative of national liberty, the public ought to patronize institutions to instruct the children of poor people—for, give them knowledge, and they will never be the instruments of injuring mankind. A few incautious expressions in our Constitution, or a few salaries of office too great for the contracted feelings of those who
do not know the worth of merit and integrity, can never injure the United States, while literature is generally diffused, and the plain citizen and planter reads and judges for himself.
The American Legislature could not do an act more favorable to general humanity, liberty and virtue, than to endow the Universities, rising in almost every State, with such funds in the unlocated territory, as would enable them to furnish the best means of instruction, and at an easy rate, to the sons of those who have moderate wealth. Disseminate science through all grades of people, and it will forever vindicate your rights, which are now well understood, and firmly fixed. Science will do more than this—it will break the chains, and unbolt the prison doors of despotism. At the present moment, France is an instance of its influence: The wealthy subjects of that country are become enlightened, and thus determined to be free—O France! I love thee, and thy sons. When my nightly supplication forgets to ask a blessing on thy great exertions, and on thy councils, I shall lose my claim of being a christian.—August Empire! Many of thy sons are among the learned: How often have I drank improvement and pleasure from their pens; but I fear, I greatly fear, that the vast mass of thy subjects are not sufficiently informed in the nature of freedom, to receive from Heaven and preserve so rich a gift.
FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS CENTINEL.
OF FRANCE.
TRANSLATED FOR THE CENTINEL.
L'ORIENT, Oct. 15.
Extract of a letter from Mous. de Ville le Roux, to his Constituents at l'Orient, dated Paris, Oct. 5.
I ARRIVED at Versailles, having passed without hindrance through the body of women—This day I found the Assembly deliberating on the King's answer respecting the Bill of Rights, and the Constitution decreed by us.
I shall now only inform you, that when the Duke de Liancourt saw it, and the debates that followed, he assured Mr. Kervegant, that he had seen the King previous to his coming to the Assembly, and that his Majesty had said, That "the National Assembly shall be satisfied with him that day. I have accepted, purely and simply, the articles of the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. We understand one another. They wish for what is right, and so do I. And I now leave you to go to the chace."
From the immense number of people that appeared, I apprehended, that the body of women were on their way: In approaching the avenue, I found the Life-Guards on horse-back, with sword in hand.—I trembled for them, as they had aggravated the hunger of the people, by giving a splendid repast some days before, where a profusion of every kind of food was seen.—I thought force was not a proper remedy to oppose to a body of women, that were to be calmed by more gentle means: That the barrier, however strong, would not shut them from the avenue of the throne—for the event proved that it was ineffectual. They entered into the King's apartments, where he received them with affability, and promised he would issue new orders for a fresh supply of provisions.
While all the preceding circumstances were taking place, we held the session at the Assembly. The deputies of the Parisian women, having a speaker at their head, demanded the entrance of the hall—they were accordingly introduced at the bar, and told their complaints. The debates then turned upon devising a method for the better providing provisions for Paris—every one was proposing his ideas—when a multitude of women presented themselves at the door, and were distributed by classes into the different seats, and by degrees introduced themselves into the galleries.—The deliberations continued notwithstanding, a great part of which were applauded.—When the decrees passed, a number of women spread themselves over the Hall, and occupied the Clergymen's seats that they had left vacant.
We were upon the point of retiring, when the President announced to us that the King had purely and simply accepted the Bill of Rights, and the articles of the Constitution. We were then once more informed that the King's conscience had been surprised. I left the room—the women and a number of deputies still remaining.
Several reports having circulated that the King was preparing to depart for Paris, and the National Assembly not having received any official accounts thereof, they resolved, that the person of the King and they were inseparable. A deputation of 36 were named to inform the King of it. Two of us were dispatched to the King to know whether his determination was to leave Versailles

or not, he answered, that in one hour he, the Queen, and his children should set out for Paris. A short time after I left the palace, in the midst of the soldiers, who shewed every mark of respect to the people and their deputies.—I had not been to the palace a long time before—I think I should not be fond of returning at so dull a moment.—The Oeil-de-Bœuf was filled with people in the greatest consternation. In the room adjoining to the King's cabinet, was the Queen in tears, with the King's aunt and sisters, endeavouring to devise means for consolation. She appeared too deeply affected to be sensible of their efforts.—The person that spoke to the King, received this answer—"I am exceedingly grateful for the new proof the National Assembly have given me of their attachment. I never will separate myself from them.—I shall depart in an hour with the Queen and my children, for Paris—and there I shall have a room prepared for the National Assembly to continue their debates in."—We afterwards returned to the Assembly, where M. NECKAR's system of Finance was accepted with some few amendments. In the mean time the King departed with his family for Paris."
L O N D O N, OCTOBER 20.
We have, in our late publications, hinted our taking exceptions to four essential articles, which the National Assembly of France are reported to have agreed upon. It is not proper for us to object to any public act done by such a respectable, numerous, illustrious body of men, without shewing the ground of our objection, which we thus humbly attempt to perform with becoming freedom, without intending the least disrespect to that august Assembly, or any of the members, the movers of those resolutions we disapprove of.
In the first place, then, we highly disapprove of the very first act of "incorporating themselves, or constituting themselves one individual assembly, or legislative body!" Here they lost sight entirely of the Constitution of Great Britain, as a model, if ever they had it in serious contemplation, as we really flattered ourselves they had; perhaps from an over fondness we have always entertained, for what we have so often called our excellent and unparalleled constitution, considered in its purity, unmutated by ministerial dilapidations, and the inroads of corruption. By this we lost sight of them, and all their future plans and forms of government, in hopes, however, of meeting them on some other plan more analogous to the temper, habits, dispositions, and views of their fellow-subjects.
For other reasons, besides their abandoning our system, did we censure this original measure as we may call it, of this great National Assembly.
First, they are too numerous to sit together, deliberate calmly, debate freely, discuss thoroughly, and decide judiciously all the great important subjects respecting the formation of an entire new constitution or frame of civil government, as well the legislative as executive powers, and the putting them into regular, free, and easy motion, upon a permanent, and sure foundation.
Secondly, They were a body composed of such different classes or denominations and descriptions of men, such as Princes of the blood (even some who have eventual claims to the crown) nobles, from the highest ranks to the lowest, archbishops, bishops, abbots, and clergy in general, great commoners, representatives of provinces, cities, and other districts, large and small; we may suppose merchants, traders, bankers, and various descriptions of men, all assembled in one great body composed of such heterogeneous incompatible parts! It was simply impossible to preserve order and method among them, the very soul of public business! To this source we trace all that disorder, tumult, and confusion, which their proceedings are branded with by their open enemies and secret traitors.
Thirdly, They have no regular, fixed, permanent head or President of their Assembly, invested with a proper authority to preserve order, point out irregularities, correct misbehaviour, and enforce his rules, orders, and directions over refractory individuals; consequently all these dissimilar members cannot unite and harmonize in one great, noble, and practicable plan of government, as described above.
Before we dismiss this subject at present, we cannot refrain from animadverting upon a proposal recently made by one of the Members which we have read with astonishment, viz. "That the present Assembly should be dissolved, and a new one chosen, subject to this injunction, that not one of the present Members should be re-elected!" This motion, if adopted, would be a rock indeed upon which the National Reformation would split, and make a total shipwreck, without a possibility, much less a probability, of redemption; there would be an end of all their schemes and devices at once.
In the first place, who is to dissolve them? Are they to dissolve themselves? This would be truly a political suicide, and a mortal stab to their country. If they are not to dissolve themselves, then who is to do it? The King, about whose power they are now debating, or whether he is to have any power at all? Will they quietly take their dissolution from the man, whose negative voice,
to one single resolution of theirs, they are now warmly disputing? Admitting they should thus reel from one extreme to another, who is able and willing to call, convoke, and meet a new assembly, in the same manner that they have been called, &c.? Do they think the King would cheerfully do all this for them? If not, who is to do it? Are they willing to repeat the mode of calling this present Assembly, viz. a general insurrection, a resurrection of mob law, and of mob executions, the plundering of the provinces, and devastation of the kingdom? These things, and much more, would probably be the consequences of this rash measure of dissolving themselves by their own authority, or by the Royal fiat.
As friends of Liberty, and well-wishers to the afflicted, distressed and oppressed part of the French people, we deliver our sentiments freely; willing that, if these observations reach the eyes or the ears of the leading men among them, they may attend to them carefully, and avail themselves of these friendly hints, for the benefit of the whole French nation, and for the general repose of Europe.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE GUEST.—No. V.
In vain AVARO rolls to Heaven his eyes, In vain his prayers ascend in groans and sighs; For he that never felt another's woes, Can ne'er be grateful for what GOD bestows.
CHARITY is the first of all the graces—the child of virtue—the first-born of Heaven!—the connecting link between divinity and humanity—the only medium of intercourse between earth and heaven: So that a mind destitute of this divine principle, knows nothing of real religion—is a total stranger to the genuine spirit of christianity, and to every anticipation of the joys of Paradise.
"Charity never faileth"—it is a perpetual current of good-will and compassion, that flows towards the whole family of mankind, and visits with particular delight, the children of sorrow and wretchedness.
Charity, despises all distinctions—it feels its connection with every son and daughter of affliction; for partiality and prejudice dampen the fire, and extinguish the very embers of humanity and love.
Charity is active and diligent, in proportion to its means of benevolence—casual opportunities of communicating, and doing good, do not circumscribe its benignity—it seeks for objects of distress in their lone recesses.
While the habitual sons of want obtrude their necessities to the public view, modest, but unfortunate merit, often perishes in its humble retreat from observation.
The benevolent mind contemplates its duty in every form—it recognizes it in every adventitious circumstance of misery—and with alacrity searches out the secret abodes of the widow and the fatherless, who have none to help.
It has been observed, that of all the failings charged upon good men in scripture, the crime of avarice is never mentioned—An hard and unfeeling temper, is so contrary to the spirit of the gospel, that it may with truth be said, those who shut up all bowels of compassion towards the poor, are totally destitute of the love of God.
"The liberal mind deviseth liberal things"—and next to relieving the immediate wants of the poor, our duty is to devise plans which may abate human misery, and capacitate those of the community, who are most peculiarly liable to misfortunes, for laying such foundations in early life, as will most effectually guard the avenues of want and wretchedness in riper years: Such I conceive are, providing the means of education, upon so liberal, easy and extensive a system, as that all, of every rank, may be equally benefited by the Institution—for that is the BEST CHARITY which prevents the ills of life. Would we wish that the preaching of the gospel should not be lost labor and expence—Would we wish that the children of the poor should escape the consequences of ignorance and impiety, and become useful to themselves, and blessings to society, let a wide door be thrown open to them, for acquiring a plain, but useful education: Human wisdom and benevolence cannot contrive any expedient so competent to these objects as PUBLIC FREE SCHOOLS.
"In every age and clime we see, The restless sons of Anarchy; For let who will or fall or stand, The cards are bad, till I've a hand."
THERE are characters in the world of so wretched a cast, that the least disappointment in their pursuits, inspires them with chagrin and vexation—and when precipitated into despair of ever effecting their designs, in any degree, they are hurried by the impulse of malignant passions, into the most unwarrantable excesses: With such persons the happiness or misery of mankind are words without a meaning. Some of this stamp, while they felt their consequence in times which required, in one direction or another, every species of talents, or degree of abilities, however inferior, conducted in such manner, as to impress favorable sentiments of their honesty; but when the hour of cool discussion arrived, and a selection of the best endowments for important public purposes became necessary, and in consequence thereof they were neglected, an indifferent, uninformed spectator, to hear their dismal ravings, would think the world was coming to an end—that on our prospects rested horror and despair—and that the persons, to whom the management of public affairs is committed, are the most unprincipled of mankind. As "Sol's blest beams turn vinegar more sour," these persons appear to have a deeper tinge, and a stronger bitterness added to the gall of their envy, at the pleasing prospects which attend our country: A more perfect union of the States—a happier blending of their interests—the annihilation of local prejudices—and our rising to real, solid independence, and importance, in the scale of Empire, as a nation, appear to fill their minds with a horrid group of spectres, monarchy, aristocracy, and despotism: That Constitution, which is the rich reward of all our conflicts in the field, and the result of the deliberations in the cabinet, of our best, and most enlightened Statesmen and Heroes, is a rock of offence to these troublous of our Israel—and to depreciate its excellences—to embarrass its operation, and to vilify its administration, are the precious employment of a knot (a small one however) of uneasy, self-opinionated, disappointed men:—Such characters, in greater or less proportions, are to be found in every country; but if properly watched by a wise and vigilant people, their machinations, so far from producing the mischief they intend, may serve as a stimulus to keep up the vital circulations in the body politic.
The wisdom and magnanimity of the United States discovered in their peaceably adopting a free and efficient system of Federal Government, hath contributed more to exalt the American character in the view of the civilized and refined nations of Europe, than all our unparalleled exertions in effecting the late revolution; for the impulses of wisdom, in deliberate reflection, touch the finest springs in the human mind, while the influence of oppression rouses only the passions to momentary resentment: From this circumstance, more than from all others, combined, the wise and virtuous anticipate our rising glory, as a nation; but while the friends of our country exult in this prospect, so absurd and inconsistent are others, that they take delight in contemplating a picture, created by their own gloomy fancies, in which darkness and shades so predominate, that scarce a gleam of light appears: This they are continually holding up to view, that they may, if possible, degrade the people in their own estimation; but this "leaven of iniquity will not work"—peace and tranquility are so justly preferable on their own account, to tumult and insecurity—and we have suffered so much from following the advice and counsel of those who now seek to disturb the public mind, that our National Government, possessing the general confidence, shall continue to appreciate, and gather strength, till rooted and grounded in the affections of the people, all the powers of darkness shall not be able to shake it.
UNITED STATES.
FAYETTEVILLE, OCTOBER 26.
INDIAN AFFAIRS.
On Monday last, the Hon. BENJAMIN LINCOLN, CYRUS GRIFFIN, and DAVID HUMPHREYS, Esquires, Commissioners Plenipotentiary for restoring and establishing peace and amity with the Indian nations south of the river Ohio, passed through this town on their return to New-York.
Notwithstanding the Commissioners have not been able to conclude a definitive treaty with the Creeks, yet they have received the strongest assurances from Mr. McGillivray and all the other Chiefs and Head Men present, that the same tranquility which has prevailed for some months past, shall be inviolably preserved on the part of their nation. The Supreme Executive of the State of Georgia are also taking efficient measures for preventing any outrages and provocations on the part of the inhabitants of the frontiers of that State.
We learn that the Commissioners sent messages to several nations of Indians, which are at peace with the United States. We have likewise been favored with the following authentic communications:
A message to the Cherokee nations of Indians, from the Commissioners Plenipotentiary for restoring and establishing peace and amity between the United States of America, and all the Indian nations, situated within the limits of the said States, southward of the river Ohio.
BROTHERS OF THE CHEROKEE NATION. WE have been made very happy by receiving information from the public newspapers, that on the 16th of June last, a truce was concluded with your nation, by the Commissioner of North-

Carolina in behalf of that State; and that in this truce a treaty was stipulated to be held as soon as possible, and in the mean time, that all hostilities should cease on both sides.
Whereupon, we the said commissioners Plenipotentiary aforesaid, do think proper to confirm the said truce, and to give the strongest assurances of the friendly disposition of the United States towards the Cherokee nation. And we have made the same known to all those whom it might concern, and particularly to all the inhabitants of the frontiers bordering on the Cherokee towns and settlements, declaring, in consequence of the full powers vested in us by the Supreme Executive of the United States of America, that it is the sincere intention of the said States to cultivate a friendly intercourse between our citizens and your people, and strictly enjoining an obedience of the truce aforesaid upon the former.
Head Men and Warring Chiefs of the Cherokees, hearken to what we have to say to you.
Notwithstanding there are some difficulties arising from the local claims of North Carolina, which prevent us at present from writing to you so fully as we could wish, yet we would not omit so good an opportunity to assure you, that when those difficulties shall be removed the general government of the United States will be desirous to take every wile measure to carry into effect the substance of the treaty of Hopewell, as well as to convince you of their justice and friendship.
NOW, BROTHERS,
We have nothing more to add at this time, except that we wish you all the happiness which we with the most dear of our fellow citizens; and that we will send to you another message on the subject of public affairs, before we shall return to the beloved city of Congress from whence we came.
Done at Savannah, under our hands and seals, this 13th day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and in the fourteenth year of the Independence of the United States. (Signed)
B. LINCOLN, C. GRIFFIN, D. HUMPHREYS.
Attest. DAVID S. FRANKS, Secretary.
TO ALL THOSE WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.
The Commissioners of the United States of America for restoring and establishing peace and amity, between the United States and all nations of Indians situated within the limits of the said States, southward of the river Ohio, send Greeting:
FORASMUCH as we have been given to understand that a truce has lately been concluded at the Warford, between the Commissioner of the State of North Carolina on the one part, and the Head Men of the Cherokees, on the other, in expectation that a farther negotiation for the purpose of establishing permanent peace and tranquility, will take place as soon as the circumstances may admit: And whereas we have sent an official message to the Cherokee nation, with full assurances of the continuation of the good dispositions and friendly intentions of the United States towards them.
Now, therefore, We, the Commissioners Plenipotentiary aforesaid, do think proper to make the same known to all those whom it may concern, and particularly to all the inhabitants of the frontiers bordering on the towns and settlements of the said Cherokee nation. And we do declare, in virtue of the full powers vested in us by the Supreme Executive of the United States of America, that it is the sincere intention of the said United States to cultivate a friendly intercourse and perpetual harmony, between the citizens of the United States and the Southern Indians on their frontiers, upon terms of perfect equality, and mutual advantage. We therefore enjoin an observance of the truce aforesaid; and further declare, that any infraction of the tranquility now subsisting between the said contracting parties, would directly contravene the manifest intention, and highly incur the displeasure of the Supreme Authority of the United States of America.
Done at Savannah, under our hands and seals, this thirteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and in the fourteenth year of the Independence of the United States of America.
B. LINCOLN, C. GRIFFIN, D. HUMPHREYS.
Attest. DAVID S. FRANKS, Sec'y.
HEAD MEN AND WARRIORS OF ALL THE CHEROKEES,
WE sent to you a friendly talk from Savannah, about one moon past; but least that should not have reached you all, we now repeat it. We farther inform you, that, altho' a formal treaty of peace has not been concluded with the Creek Nation, yet we have received positive and repeated assurances from them, that the same tranquility which now prevails, shall be faithfully preserved on their part.
BROTHERS,
Had not the hunting season commenced, so as to prevent us from finding you at home, we should have been happy in seeing you personally, before we returned to the far distant white town of Congress: as that will now be impossible, we conclude by cautioning you to beware of listening to bad men in such a manner as to interrupt the truce concluded between you, and the commissioner of North-Carolina.
NOW BROTHERS,
In assuring you that the general government of the United States will always do you strict justice, we bid you farewell. Done at Augusta, this fifth day of October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and in the fourteenth year of the independence of America.
B. LINCOLN, C. GRIFFIN, D. HUMPHREYS.
ATTEST, DAVID S. FRANKS, Sec'y.
BOSTON, DECEMBER 5.
INCREASE OF COMMERCE.
We inform, as evidencing this, that one hundred and eighty-two ships and vessels have arrived in this port, since the 4th of August last, from Foreign parts. The number of vessels building, rigging and repairing in this harbor, and in the several rivers, is another evidence of increasing navigation.
"Fearless now of hostile fleets, Commerce spreads her native sail, Peace the honest Merchant greets, While Plenty flows on ev'ry gale."
ANNAPOLIS, DEC. 3.
On Wednesday the 11th ultimo, St. John's College, in this city, was opened, and dedicated with much solemnity, in the presence of a numerous and respectable concourse of people.
NORFOLK, NOVEMBER 28.
A letter from Augusta, dated Oct. 15, says, the Governor of Georgia has received a dispatch from Col. Howell, of Effingham county, announcing that depredations have already been committed by the Indians, since their departure from Rock Landing, by taking four negroes and a horse from Capt. Bird, and three horses from Mr. Lofinger; and that when a party had gone in pursuit. Likewise had received information by express, who
arrived on Tuesday from Washington county, that alarming depredations are committing by our savage foes; they have burnt Kemp's fort, and several houses, and give full scope to their natural barbarity, in exercising their usual cruelties. Two families have been taken from Greene county, and carried to the Indian country.
EXTRACTS FROM A POEM, On THE PRESIDENT of the United States, Published in the MASSACHUSETTS CENTINEL.
WHILE grateful hearts with shouts of loud applause, Hail the DEFENDER of his country's cause, The CHIEF delighted, hears the loud acclaim, For none, unheeding, hear the voice of FAME: And feels, unlike the heroes of mankind, The conscious plaudit of the approving mind. For pride may boast, yet merit only knows, The inward bliss which worth alone bestows. 'Tis not the flick'ning blast of party rage, Nor the envenom'd sting of Slander's page; Nor loathsome Envy's pestilential breath, Can tint his laurels, with the blast of death. Still uncorroded by the rust of years, His name shall live commensurate with the spheres. So the tall rock, high on the mountain's brow, Securely stands, nor fears the storms below, And while the winds the face of earth deform, Laughs at the whirlwind, and derides the storm.
When we assume the sober garb of age, Our youth shall emulate the godlike rage, And fondly listen to the historic song, Nor think, for once, an old man's tale too long. Then shall new Homers, sing the CHIEFTAIN's wars, And not a Woman's, but a Nation's cause; Nor need th' assistance of the bright abodes, Columbia's Heroes supersede his Gods.
EXTRACT
of a Letter from Paris, to a gentleman in New-Haven, dated August 30th, 1789.
IT is extremely gratifying, my dear Sir, to have spent the last six months in this country—where, next to the American revolution, the greatest and most wonderful scenes are unfolding. The progress of truth and reason is beyond calculation. We might have believed from theory, that government would meliorate—that the people might discover in time that as laws are made for them, they ought to be made by them—that Kings should be but Executive Magistrates, and therefore subject to the laws. But when we consider the flow and almost imperceptible progress of such ideas from the days of Magna Charta to the last revolution in England, their retrograde motion from the time of the great Henry, to Louis XVth. in France, and their dormant state for many ages in all the rest of Europe, it is astonishing that so many events of this nature should be crowded into fifteen years. It is but since the American war that the faculty of thinking has been by any means general in France. The example of America in her theoretical ideas of liberty has certainly been a great thing for France. But greater, if possible, will be her example in the development of these ideas in her government. The Constitution of France, which is in a good degree of forwardness, will be as nearly like the American, as is consistent with having an hereditary Chief Magistrate. If they had not a King on hand, they would not create one. They will now preserve him with such powers as the people choose to delegate to their Executive Chief. And he will gladly accept of what they may give him, acknowledging the source from whence it flows, the jus divinum of his fellow citizens.
The other nations of Europe have now an example nearer home—and they will soon follow it. The gospel of civil liberty will run and be glorified—nations are coming to its light, and Kings to the brightness of its rising. It cannot be ten years before Germany, Spain, and South America will be free: How many other States will precede, and how many follow them, cannot now be known; but all Europe must do one or the other. One principal occasional cause of these revolutions, is the immense national debts accumulated by the expensive wars of the present century. Spain finds a deficiency of eighty millions. The Emperor's dominions are exhausted by war and taxes. No Sovereign in Europe can impose a new tax, without the consent of the people, for France could not do it. Spain must assemble her Cortes, or submit to a bankruptcy, either of which is the direct road, and the first, the beaten road, to a revolution. Assembling the Notables here, has done the same thing.
SPRINGFIELD, December 9.
ISAIAH THOMAS Esq. Printer at Worcester, has lately issued proposals for printing a large family BIBLE.—This will be a great, expensive, but truly laudable & praiseworthy undertaking. The abilities of this gentleman in his professional capacity are so generally known, that we cannot admit a doubt of his success in this important design.
We learn from Deerfield, that on the 21st ult. the following accident happened there:—A gentleman belonging to New-Jersey, by the name of Brightson, returning home from a journey to the northward, was unfortunately thrown from his horse. His head first meeting the ground, immediately deprived him of all sensation, and he lay as it were breathless. Providentially Doctor Cunningham of Hatfield rode up, according to his conjecture about 20 minutes after the accident took place. He could not discover any visible signs of life, but instantly bled him, and by smart friction, and the application of strong vinegar, restored animation, and in about an hour put him in a condition to renew his journey. What would have been the consequence of this gentleman's disaster, had he not received the seasonable assistance he did, is uncertain; but the warmest thanks are certainly due to the humane Doctor for the diligence with which he employed successful attempts for his restoration.
THE GARDEN OF THE THUILLERIES.
THIS garden is the finest, and most frequented walk in Paris. The parterres, the alleys, the large basons of water, the statues of marble, are all answerable to each other in their stile of magnificence.
It was begun by order of Henry IV, in 1600, and finished under Louis XIV, in 1660. It is 360 fathoms in length, and 68 broad; containing in the whole 67 arpents of land.
There are seven entrances into this garden. The three principal alleys are 165 fathoms long; and that in the middle is 15 fathoms broad.
The great terras on the side of the river, which makes the principal ornament of the garden, is 280 fathoms long, and 14 broad.
In the whole garden are four fountains, two of which have basons of a large circumference. On the side of the palace are six statues, and two vases of white marble. The statues are a hunter and two huntresses, a fawn, an Hamadriade, and the goddess Flora.
Round the great basin of the parterre are four groupes of marble figures: The first represents the rape of Orithia, or rather Time carrying off Beauty; the second is Ceres born away by Saturn, under the figure of Time: the third, Lucretia stabbing herself before Collatinus; The fourth represents Aeneas, laden with his household gods, his father Anchises, and his son Ascanius.
In the semi-circle which forms the horse shoe, there are four marble rivers, upon pedestals of the same—the Loire, the Seine, the Nile, and the Tyber. The two last were copied at Rome, from antiquities, that are to be seen in the Capitol.
At the end of the garden, between the openings of the horse shoe, there are two figures on horseback, of a prodigious magnitude, raised upon rustic piers; they represent Mercury, and Fame.
Within a few years several statues, cut by the ablest masters in the time of Termes, have been placed in this garden.
PRODIGIOUS STATUE.
IN the place of Louis XIV, in Paris, is erected his equestrian statue in bronze. The King is represented in the dress of a hero of antiquity, without saddle or spurs.
The statue and horse are twenty-two feet two inches high. The whole was cast at once, by Balthasar Keller, of Zurich in Switzerland. The designs were by Girardon. Fourscore thousand weight of metal was used in this work, which cost two hundred thousand crowns.
A trial was made by which it appeared that twenty persons might sit round a table in the belly of the horse.
The pedestal upon which this horse stands is thirty feet high, twenty-four long, and thirteen broad.
NEW-YORK, DECEMBER 16.
The stupendous monuments of antiquity which excite the admiration of modern times, ought at the same time to fill our hearts with gratitude to heaven, for amending the condition of mankind in such manner, that a few haughty despots do not command the wealth of the world, and the labor of millions of slaves, by which means only, such astonishing works could have been erected.
How much better is it to employ the wealth of this world in forming institutions for promoting useful knowledge, and lessening the infelicities of existence, than to suffer human vanity to erect monuments of pride and ambition, which stamp indelible infamy on the degraded character of the age in which they are founded.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Monday Packet Telemachus, Thotetier, Bordeaux, 75 days. Schooner Sally, Furguson, St. Martins, 31 days.

MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER, XXII.
AMSTERDAM, OCTOBER 27, 1780.
SIR, QUESTIONS twenty-second and twenty-third. "General Monk repaired the King's govern-ment in England: Might not one American Gene-ral or another be able, by discontent or corruption, to do the same? Would the army follow his orders on such an occasion? Could one or more politicians, through intrigues, undertake the same with any hopes of success, should even the army assist him in such a case?"
I have before observed, that no politicians, or general officers, in America, have any such influence. Neither the people nor the soldiers would follow them. It was not attachment to men, but to a cause, which first produced, and supported the revolution: It was not attachment to officers, but to liberty, which made the soldiers enlist. Politicians in America can only intrigue with the people: These are numerous, and so scattered, that no statesman has any great influence but in his own small circle. In courts sometimes, gaining two or three individuals may produce a revolution: No revolution in America can be accomplished without gaining the majority of the people; and this not all the wealth of Great Britain is able to do, at the expence of their liberties.
Question twenty-four.—"The revolution must have made a great change in affairs, so that many people, though at present free of the enemy's incur-sions, have lost their daily subsistence. Have the occupations, which come instead of their old ones, been sufficient to supply their wants?"
All the difficulties which were ever apprehend-ed, of this sort are long since past. In 1774, some were apprehensive that the fishermen, sailors, and shipwrights would be idle: But some went into the army, some into the navy, and some went to agriculture; and if there had been twice as many, they would all have found employment. The building of frigates and privateers has em-ployed all the carpenters. Manufactories, be-sides, have been set up, of cannon, arms, pow-der, salt-petre, salt. Flax and wool have been raised in greater quantities, and coarse manufac-tures of cloth and linen been increased. In short, the greatest difficulty is, that there are not hands enough. Agriculture alone, in that coun-try, would find employment enough for milli-ons, and privateering for thousands, more than there are. I have the honor to be,
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. CALKOEN.
The ADDRESS of the MAYOR, RECORDER and ALDERMEN of the Borough of NORFOLK, To his Excellency THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq.
SIR,
IT is with singular pleasure that we congratu-late you on your safe arrival to your native land, returning you our unfeigned thanks for the many eminent services you have rendered the trade of this State during your residence abroad. We are happy in having the opportunity of mak-ing our personal acknowledgments to a character to which we are so deeply indebted: And our fervent wishes are, that you may be as happy in the important station you are now called to by a grateful country, as you have been successful in your negotiations.
Norfolk, (Virginia) 25th Nov. 1789.
THE REPLY.
To the worshipful the MAYOR, RECORDER and ALDERMEN of the Borough of NORFOLK.
GENTLEMEN,
ACCEPT my sincere thanks for your very kind congratulations on my return to my native land. I am happy too that circumstances have led my arrival to a place which I had seen before, indeed, in greater splendor, but which I now see rising, like a Phoenix out of its ashes, to that importance to which the laws of nature destine it. Peculiarly favored by nature in situation and climate, fostered by our special government and protected by the general one, to which we have so wisely confided our greater concerns, we have every ground to hope the future welfare of your city. That your particular happiness, Gentle-men, may be mingled in the general stream of its prosperity, is my sincere prayer. As for my my-rite of service, it has not been worthy the notice you so kindly take of it: That my country should be served is the first wish of my heart; I should be doubly happy indeed, were I to render it a service.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
November 25, 1789.
ANECDOSE.
WHEN the President of the United States, in his late tour, was at Lexington, viewing the field where the first blood was shed in the late war; he with a degree of good humour, told his in-formant, and others that were present, that the Britons complained to Dr. Franklin of the ill u-sage their troops met with at Lexington battle, by the Yankees getting behind the stone walls, and fir-ing at them; the Doctor replied, by asking them whether there were not two sides to the wall.
LONDON.
THE Epilepsy, or Falling Sickness, being rec-koned in general, an incurable illness, a physician of the first eminence, who has been witness to the convulsions of many poor creatures in our streets, has requested us to publish the fol-lowing effectual remedy.
Take one drachm of fine filings of true white metal powder, or block tin powder, mix it with a little conserve of oranges, or some sweet meat, give it to the patient the middle of the third day before the full of the moon, and twelve hours before the full, and also the middle of the third day after the full of the moon. The same meth-od is to be observed with respect to the change of that planet. Twelve doses thus given are ge-nerally sufficient to effect a cure. When the dis-ease invades, the same dose is to be given prom-iscuously, which will have a remarkable effect; but to obtain a complete cure, the full and change of the moon are to be observed.
As many people, of all ranks, are afflicted with this disorder, which exhibit such miserable symp-toms, it is consequently to be expected that they will have recourse to so simple, so plain, and ef-ficacious a medicine, which is also a specific in the cure of the worms.
OF FRANCE—FROM VOLTAIRE.
THE military aspect of Paris, is not, at this time, more formidable than it was when drawn forth by the faction of Cardinal de RETZ, on the arrest of Bousset, and the dispersion of the other popular Magistrates, during Louis XIVth's minority: And how that attempt of the people was subdued, the following anecdote will explain:
The Parisians were formed in martial bodies, and de RETZ himself, had a corps, named the Corinthian Regiment. Five hundred thousand citizens were in arms, when the great Prince de CONDE marched to oppose them with only 8000 men. The Parisians took the field, adorned with feathers and ribbands. Their evolutions were the jest of the disciplined troops. They were routed by the regulars; and the regiment of Corinth, having been beaten by a handful of CONDE's men, the defeat was called "The First Epistle to the Corinthians!"
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
ABSTRACT of JOURNAL of the FIRST SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1789.
A MESSAGE from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Beckley their Clerk; who informed the Senate, that a commit-tee consisting of Mr. Partridge and Mr. White, was appointed on the part of the House, to join such committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate, to examine the enrolled bill, entitled, "An act laying a duty on goods, wares and merchandizes im-ported into the United States," and to lay the same before the President of the United States for his approbation.
Whereupon Mr. Wingate was appointed on the part of the Se-nate; and the House of Representatives was notified accordingly. The bill, entitled "An act imposing duties on tonnage," was carried to the House of Representatives as agreed to on the 30th of June.
A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Beckley their Clerk; who informed the Senate that the House had receded from their disagreement to the fourth, fifth, and sixth amendments of the Senate, to the bill, entitled, "An act imposing duties on tonnage." Adjourned.
THURSDAY, JULY 2.
A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Beckley their Clerk: who brought up the enrolled bill, entitled, "An act for laying a duty on goods, wares and merchandizes imported into the United States," signed by the Speaker:
Also, a bill, entitled "An act to establish the Treasury Depart-ment; which had passed the House of Representatives, for the con-currence of the Senate thereon.
The enrolled bill was signed by the Vice President and deli-vered to the chairman of the committee, who laid it before the President of the United States for his approbation. Adjourned.
MONDAY, JULY 6.
The bill, entitled, "An act to establish the Treasury Depart-ment," was read a first time and Monday next was assigned for a second reading.
A bill, entitled, "An act to establish an Executive Department to be denominated the Department of War," was read a first time, and Friday next was assigned for a second reading.
A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Beckley their Clerk; who informed the Senate, that the President of the United States had affixed his signature to a bill, entitled, "An act for laying a duty on goods, wares and merchandizes imported into the United States;" and had returned it to the House of Rep-representatives.
The resolve of the House of Representatives, providing, that a copy of the Constitution of the United States be prefixed to the publication of the acts of the present session of Congress, was read; Whereupon, Resolved, That the Senate do concur. Adjourned.
MONDAY, JULY 13.
Mr. Butler, in behalf of the committee appointed on the 17th of June, to bring forward a system for the regulation of the trade and intercourse, between the United States and the territory of other powers in North-America and the West-Indies, so far as to place the same upon a more beneficial and permanent footing," report-ed; and the report was ordered to lie for consideration.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 15.
A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. Beckley, their Clerk—
Mr. President,
The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled, "An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares and merchandizes, imported into the United States," to which they request the con-currence of the Senate. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, JULY 17.
Resumed the second reading of the bill, entitled, "An act for establishing an Executive Department to be denominated the De-partment of Foreign Affairs;" and agreed line 1st to expunge the words "Congress of the United States," and insert, "Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Con-gress assembled," and assigned to-morrow for a third reading.
On motion, That on the final question upon a bill or resolve, any member shall have a right to enter his protest or dissent on the
Journal, with reasons in support of such dissent, provided the same be offered within two days after the determination on such final question—Passed in the negative.
The engrossed "Bill to establish the Judicial Courts of the United States," was read, and upon the question, "Shall the bill pass?" The yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the Senators present, the determination was as follows:
YEAS. Mr. Basset, Mr. Carroll, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Few, Mr. Gunn, Mr. Henry, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Izard, Mr. Morris, Mr. Patterson, Mr. Read, Mr. Strong.
NAYS. Mr. Butler, Mr. Grayson, Mr. Langdon, Mr. Lee, Mr. Maclay, Mr. Wingate.
So the bill passed, and the Secretary was directed to carry the same to the House of Representatives for concurrence. Adjourned.
SATURDAY, JULY 18.
Agreeably to the order of the day proceeded to a third reading of the bill entitled "An act for establishing an Executive Depart-ment to be denominated the Department of Foreign Affairs."
Ordered, That on taking the yeas and nays, where the Vice-President is called upon to vote, the Secretary propose to him the question.
On motion to strike out of the bill these words—Page 3d, line 15th, "by the President of the United States," and the yeas and nays being required thereupon by one fifth of the Senators present, the determination was as follows:
YEAS. Mr. Few, Mr. Grayson, Mr. Gunn, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Izard, Mr. Langdon, Mr. Lee, Mr. Maclay, Mr. Wingate.
NAYS. Mr. Basset, Mr. Carroll, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Henry, Mr. Morris, Mr. Patterson, Mr. Read, Mr. Strong, the Vice President.
So it passed in the negative, and the clause proposed to be struck out was retained.
On motion to strike out these words, line 4th, "Such duties as shall from time to time be enjoined on or entrusted to him, by the President of the United States, agreeable to the Constitution, rela-tive to correspondence, commissions or instructions to or with pub-lic Ministers or Consuls from the United States, or to negotiations with public Ministers from foreign States or Princes, or to memo-rials, or other applications, from foreign public Ministers, or o-ther foreigners, or to such other matters respecting foreign affairs, as the President of the United States shall assign to the said depart-ment: And furthermore that the said principal officer shall con-duct the business of said department, in such manner as the President of the United States shall, from time to time, order or in-struct." And insert in lieu thereof these words, "The duties of his office with integrity, ability, and diligence"—Passed in the negative. (To be continued.)
ADVERTISEMENT.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE OHIO COMPANY.
WHEREAS, in the opinion of the Agents, it is very much for the interest of the proprietors at large, that all the lands of the purchase should be divided and allotted as immedi-ately as may be—And in order to accommodate them generally, by the option of classing as they may think proper, and draw-ing their rights or shares (where they may possess more than one, either together in contiguity, or by detaching and annexing them to distinct classes or divisions (at their own election) to give them the greater chance for variety in soil and situation—It is unani-mously resolved, That as soon as the exploring committee shall have appropriated the lands for donation settlements, in quantity suffi-cient for all the proprietors, WINTHROP SARGENT, JOSEPH GILL-MAN, and RETURN J. MEIGS, Esquires, who are hereby appoint-ed a committee for that purpose, shall immediately make a com-plete scale, a complete map or plan of the whole purchase from the best information, which they may be then able to obtain, expressing all the lands of the eight acre, three acre, city lots and commons, one hundred and sixty acre, and donation lots, the reserved lots of Congress, school lots, and lots appropriated for religious pur-poses—also, the two townships given by Congress for an univer-sity, and the towns or situations for towns to be reserved by the com-pany for a future allotment.—That, all the residuary lands shall be, by them, the said committee of three, divided and numbered upon paper, into forty equal grand divisions of twenty-five shares each, as like in quality as may be: That each grand division be divided into five sub-divisions of five shares each, and each sub-division into sections of single shares:—That as soon as the map or plan is completed, the agents will form or class their fellow-shar-ers (who shall not previously class themselves) by sections or single shares, into sub-divisions of five, and grand divisions of twenty-five, and immediately proceed to drawing by lot for said shares by grand divisions, sub-divisions and sections: That in all draughts of sub-divisions (into sections) which may be made up of proprietors, holding four, three, or two and single shares, it shall be the usage for the greatest proprietor, or holder of the greatest number of shares, to take his lands in contiguity, by lot, either in the southern or northern part of the sub-division, where they shall be numbered from north to south, and in the western or eastern (by lot also) where they may be numbered from west to east; and where sub-divisions may be made up of two proprietors of two shares each, and one of one share, the two greatest proprie-tors shall receive their sections, by lot, either in the southern or western part of the sub-division. Resolved, That the before nam-ed committee, be directed to prepare the names and numbers, and make all the necessary arrangements for the intended draught: That previous to the drawing for this ultimate grand division of lands, there shall be returns of the proprietors, as they may be classed by the agents (or otherwise) lodged in the Secretary's office, and it is recommended in all cases to consult the inclinations and interests of the proprietors in the order of classing.
Resolved, That the agents will give public notice of the time and place of drawing, and that there be two persons no ways inter-ested in the draughts, who shall be sworn to the faithfully drawing out the names and numbers from the boxes, and who alone shall be employed in this business for the draught of grand divisions, sub-divisions, and sections.
Resolved, That the Secretary cause the foregoing resolutions to be published in the newspapers of New-York, and the New-England States; to the end that the proprietors at large may have the option of classing themselves as they may think proper: And they are hereby requested to do so, and to express themselves upon this subject, either to their respective agents, or by informa-tion in writing addressed to, and to be lodged with the Secretary, at his office in the city of Marietta, previous to the first Monday of March, 1790—Upon which day it is expected the division will take place.
WINTHROP SARGENT,
Secretary to the Ohio Company.
Marietta, 3d November, 1789.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Gazette of the United States circulates in every part of the Union—being honored by subscribers in Georgia, South and North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, New-York, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, and District of Maine, Canada, Europe, and the West Indies. This ex-tensive circulation renders it a proper vehicle for ADVERTISEMENTS of a general, commercial and governmental import:—By the particular desire and advice, therefore, of a number of its patrons, this paper will be open for the reception of advertisements of the above description; which as they will convey intelligence of an interesting nature, the Edi-tor hopes their insertion will meet the approbation of his friends in general. Should the number at any time amount to more than a page in the Gazette, they will be given in a Supplement.
JOHN FENNO.
New-York, Nov. 28, 1789.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Usque-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. pr. an.]