Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-03-05 00:00:00

W. 11th Street 725 217
Gazette of the United States, and Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1711.]
PHILADELPHIA: MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 5, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
SALT. 3500 to 4000 bushels of large grained SALT, From St. Martin's on board the ship Spy...
For Hamburg, THE SHIP DOMINICK TERRY, JACOB DEHART, Master, Having great part of her cargo engaged...
For Savannah, The fast sailing Ship SWIFT PACKET, (a regular trader) PATRICK GRIBBEN, master, WILL sail on the 10th inst...
For Sale or Charter, The Snow GOOD HOPE Will carry about 2000 barrels, and is ready to take in a cargo. For terms apply to Pragers & Co.
EDWARD DUNANT, No. 149, South Front-Street, Has still remaining of the Cargo of the Johanna, from Malaga, 66 kegs Sun Raisins...
At a Meeting of the President and Managers of the DELAWARE and SCHUYLKILL CANAL COMPANY, February 17th, 1798, Resolved, That ten dollars on each of those Stock be called for...
Canal Lottery---No. II. WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Seven Dollars, at WM. BLACKBURN's Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second-Street...
St. Croix Sugars. 26 hogsheads best ST. CROIX SUGAR, FOR SALE BY JOHN NIXON & Co. fm&wtf
Wanted, An active, clean, industrious woman to cook and do the business of the kitchen. Such a one will be allowed good wages, and no other need apply...
Twenty Dollars Reward, FOR taking up a runaway servant Girl, named Abigail Miller, lately calling herself Beesey Smith, and sending her to North Front-Street, No. 45...
To be sold at Vendue, At the Coffee House, at 7 o'clock in the evening, on the 5th of March next, The Hull of the Ship JOHN, As she lies, and three Anchors...
LANDING, From on board the Ship SALLY, from Calcutta, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 1600 bags prime Sugar, 800 do. Ginger...
FOR SALE, BY JOHN MILLER, JUN. No. 8, Chestnut-Street, A quantity BENGAL GOODS, AMONGST WHICH ARE, Gurrahs, Baftas, Guzzanas, Guzzies, Blue Cloths, Palampooras...
British Dry Goods, Forty puncheons of high proof Rum. Alex. J. Miller & James Davis, Having entered into partnership under the firm of Alexander J. Miller & Co.
FOR SALE, BY WHARTON & LEWIS, No. 115 South Front-Street, A quantity of Tanner's Oil, 4th proof Jamaica Rum, 1st and 2nd proof Brandy, Madeira Wine, Juniper Berries, &c. &c.
Landing this day, From on board the Schooner Two Friends, Daniel Crawley, Master, 80 hds. and 12 pipes Jamaica RUM, FOR SALE BY George Latimer & Son.
ROSS & SIMSON, HAVE FOR SALE, A few bales Baftas, Coffas, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON Bengal SUGAR, in bags and boxes Jamaica, St. Vincents, and Bengal RUM. 300 casks RICE, and A parcel of ship building RED CEDAR.
James C. & Samuel W. Fisher, AT THEIR STORE, No. 23, corner of Arch and Front Street, HAVE FOR SALE, Cotton and worsted Hosiery in trunks, assorted A few bales red, white, and yellow Flannel Ditto fusty romal Handkerchiefs...
For Sale, BY ELLISTON & JOHN PEROT, No. 41, North Water-Street, London particular Madeira Wine, in pipes and quarter casks, 4 years old and fit for immediate use.
FOR SALE, The House in Chestnut-Street, NEXT door but one to the corner of Fifth-Street, occupied by the subscriber. Its eligible situation is well known.
TO LET, And may be entered on immediately, A good dry Store, Three stories high, and in an excellent stand for business. Apply to Thomas & Joshua Fisher.
JUST ARRIVED, In the Ship Star, Joseph Woodman, master, from London, 50 crates Queens' Ware, assorted to suit West India market 400 hogsheads Whiting...
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, No. 21, Penn-Street, The Cargo of the Ship Ganges, John Green, commander, from Bengal, consisting of Baftas, of various qualities and prices, Coffas, Sanaks, Humhums, Blue Cloth, Chintz and Calicoes, Mamoodys, Maharaonges, Ginghams, Guzzanas, Gurrahs, Pinascoes, Salgatchies, Gillie Romals, Meck Pullicats.
The Piece Goods Of the Ganges are now open to sale at that commodious store, the north west corner of Market and Fourth-Streets. Also--A few Bales of Madras Hks. of elegant patterns and best colours.
Landing From on board the Snow Maria, from Copenhagen, A few Tons Ruffia Clean Hemp 300 pieces Ravens Duck 250 pieces Ruffia Sheeting 200 bolts Ruffia Duck, and A quantity of Swedes Iron. For Sale by JOSEPH ANTHONY & Co.
The Commissioners FOR carrying into effect the TWENTY-FIRST Article of the Treaty of Friendship, Limits, and Navigation, between His Catholic Majesty and the United States of America, hereby give information to all Persons therein concerned...
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FOREIGN INTERCOURSE.
TUESDAY--FEBRUARY 27. (Continued from Saturday's Gazette) Mr. J. WILLIAMS (New-York) said that though the fatigue from the long discussion already had, on the amendment proposed, must be sensibly felt, yet, as it was a question of great magnitude because its consequences affected the constitution of the country...
dent, the other day, nominated three commissioners to hold a treaty with the Indians, the senate concurred, and the appointment was made. The executive sent to this house the proceedings, and required an appropriation. But suppose, said he, we had disagreed, and made no appropriation, could the treaty be held? No; for in the case the last session, the executive informed us that he was about to send a minister to Berlin; we made the appropriation; a minister was appointed, and sent. And now an act is to be passed to recall him. He would put the question more home, and ask if the choice had fallen on one of those who advocated the amendment, and accepted the appointment, arranged his affairs, and gone to the place assigned him, but in six or seven months thereafter, was recalled; what would he say? Would he justify such proceedings? Said he, the security of government consists in a stable and uniform conduct, then those who are to be ruled by the laws would know how to act.

coals. He was not much acquainted with commerce, he was a farmer, but he had read something on that subject and believed that commerce was to a certain degree necessary; it may have been extended too far, but the merchants knew we could not give them the necessary protection, and consequently must take their vessels and cargoes. This it is presumed they will do, while they find it beneficial, and this was evidently the case, because we are now supposed to be the second commercial nation in the world. And it appeared to him that commerce was the handmaid of agriculture; and the greater the competition in our markets between the foreign merchants and our own, the better market, and greater demand for the produce of our country. Thus the farmer will obtain a higher price and quicker sale for what he has to dispose of, but on the other hand, if there was no competition in our markets, the farmer must sell at a price our merchants may (in a combination) please to give, or store his articles until the ship owner will please to carry it away.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) had said, that the executive power growing out of the diplomatic department, would cause war, ruin and destruction; this said Mr. W. might happen, if the majority of our people should become insane , and chuse men to fill offices, whose determination it was to ruin the country. The executive could not do it alone, because the advice and consent of the Senate was required, and the majority of this house must agree to it, because it is to be presumed that no greater salaries would be given than were necessary. Besides, the constitution provides for an impeachment, and at the end of four years the executive returns to the people; there is another provision in the constitution, that is, the people can amend it and take from the executive what power they please, thus we find the state that gentleman comes from out two years ago, certain amendments and at this time the measure is renewed. The people did not think prudent to adopt them two years since; this shews, however, that the Legislature of the state from whence a number of the advocates for these new doctrines come, do not think the power conceded for is in this house, or they would not with an amendment to the constitution. Mr. W. said, it was prudent for the people to watch the officers of government, but not too jealous so as to destroy the confidence reposed in them.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) said that commerce was partial to Great Britain; if so, I said Mr. W. why is it not something, brought forward to restrain it? or did gentlemen suppose it would be proper to restrain them; he believed it would be an improper thing, he had always understood it was best to let commerce regulate itself. He would ask that gentleman what would his constituents in Virginia have said, if Congress had prevented them from selling horses to the English about two years ago, notwithstanding they were so Frenchified, yet they sold the horses to the English, because they received a greater price for them. Again, why are those gentlemen dressed with English manufactures? what would they say if they were prevented from purchasing them? Hence, said he, the gentlemen should not prevent him from selling the produce of his farm to those who would give the most for it, and like them purchase the English manufactures, because they were the best and cheapest.
Gentlemen say, the constitution provides for the appointment of ministers by the President; but only gives him the power partially, because, say they, their salaries were to be fixed by Congress. Here said he was the check, the constitutional check, (to wit) this house shall say what was a reasonable compensation for the officers so appointed.
When the general convention met to form the present constitution, said Mr. W. no doubt but they had a view to all the different constitutions then extant, many difficulties arose; at length an agreement was made between the great and small states, that the latter should have an equal representation in the Senate, which constituted one branch of the Legislature, and advice and consent were to be given by a quorum of this body to the nomination of all officers, by the President, who by the nature of his office would have the means of information from foreign powers. Thus the nomination of ministers—where to be sent—and of what grade, was vested in the President. So in the treaty-making power, this body being composed of an equal number, and power, from each state, in which the small states retained their sovereignty, and notwithstanding this, yet so careful was the convention, of this great power, that two thirds of this body was to agree to all treaties before they became the supreme laws of the land. Yet some of the members here, representing small states, are for giving up this sovereignty which was so strenuously contended for in the convention, and solemnly agreed to; and take the power from the Executive and Senate by a new doctrine, which if once obtained it would give a power to the representatives of four states to control at their will and pleasure, the remaining twelve states. This, said he, was evident, because the states of Virginia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts had more members in that house than the other twelve states. Was this power in this house conceded for by some, it would deprive the Executive and Senate of the appointment of diplomatic officers, or making treaties. For instance said he, the gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) had said he was for doing away all the foreign intercourse. Let us take it for granted that this was the case, and that we had no foreign minister, and no one was to be appointed previous to an appropriation—Congress adjourn—and a short time thereafter, the French directory should have come to their senses, they send to our government that they would do us justice, pay for the depredations on our commerce, discharge the debts due to our citizens, and would enter into a new treaty with us upon
principles of reciprocity. Would not this be a desirable object to treat with them? for although by the laws of nations we are not holden to any treaty at this time, because, when two nations enter into a treaty, and one breaks a part thereof, the other is not bound; yet it was a desirable object to be at peace with all nations. In this case, how would the Executive act? He must call congress together; this would take much time and be attended with great expense; yet this must be done. When Congress comes together they are informed of the business, but suppose a majority are opposed to a treaty being entered into with that nation, and will not agree to an appropriation—will not this prevent a treaty being made? and will it not be in the power of four states to control the other twelve states? Beside this, suppose the majority say we will appropriate but it shall be provided such a person and such grade. Let the gentlemen have the power they contend for this day, and they would not agree among themselves, much more the whole house, for says the mover, (Mr. Nicholas) I am for a minister plenipotentiary to France and England, a minister resident to Holland, Portugal and Madrid, says another gentleman (Mr. Claiborne) from Tennessee, the mover will agree for a minister plenipotentiary to Spain (by the by how in unison those gentlemen are) but says another member, a minister resident will do at Spain. So that by the gentlemen's own declaration, we could not expect any thing to be done, though their system was adopted. It would be attended with an infinity of expenses and delay, and in the end would reduce our republican system, by introducing an aristocracy, which would pave the way to absolute tyranny. To prove that the constitution would be rendered inactive, he would only instance a case in the legislature of New-York, in 1789. The two branches of the legislature, were of different political opinions, the one would resolve to appoint two characters, to represent that state in the Senate of the United States, but the other branch would not concur, they would resolve to appoint two others of a different political opinion. The consequence was, that no appointment took place until after a subsequent election, at which time both branches were of one political opinion. Hence, if the other states in the union had been in a like situation, the constitution of the United States would not have gone into operation.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) and others had contended that the different branches of our government had a check on each other, and they had instanced a law passed relative to the judiciary, who deemed the law unconstitutional and did not act thereon. But by this had they a check on the legislature? No. They did not act; and so in the case, when the call was made two years ago on the Executive for some papers relative to a treaty, did not the Executive refuse them? why? because said he, you have no constitutional right to them. Thus we find that each body moves within its respective orbit. So if a sum is called for we appropriate what is deemed reasonable.
The mover of the amendment dwelt much on the debate, had on the passing the first foreign intercourse bill, in the year 1790; but he did not state both sides of the question. Some of the debates were the same as those used on a late occasion, especially the one by a gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. W. Smith) all the evidence however, we had on this subject was, that the law was passed, and had continued to be re-enacted by every new Congress since, it was something singular that this new discovery had not been made before now.
Much had been said relative to a minister being sent to Berlin; the President in his speech at the last session said, "It was a natural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral, to consult with other nations, engaged in the same studies and pursuits; at the same time that measures ought to be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, and the other near expiring, might be renewed." This, among other subjects was then referred to a committee, and an appropriation made without debate or division, this, said he, was the time to have made the opposition. But it was said that a minister was not wanted at Berlin. He believed if gentlemen would reflect that minister was not only appointed to Berlin, but also to Sweden. Stockholm was not far distant from Berlin, and one minister had been sent to renew the treaties with both these nations. What had been done he knew not as there were no documents before them; but he thought it bad policy to recal him, if it was within their province until they were informed the treaties were renewed—because it would cost them 9000 dollars more as an outfit, in case he was recalled before the business was done. Beside, Berlin was a place to obtain much commercial and political information, so necessary at this time both for our government, as well as our other ministers at foreign courts.
He would not have said anything relative to the minister lately near the republic of France, had it not been for two expressions which had fallen from a gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) the one was that, that minister had been made a sacrifice of, and the other, that in that gentleman's opinion, peace with the French republic might have been secured, but the executive had done all in their power to cast it from us. With respect to the first, said Mr. W. if that Minister had been made a sacrifice of, it must have been occasioned by his own conduct, for said that gentleman, another had been applied to, but expecting to be himself sacrificed would not accept. How came this gentleman to accept, said Mr. W. or had he not the discernment of him who refused; but as he did accept he ought to have conducted, as to have merited the thanks, not the displeasure of his country. If it was so, he was persuaded it had arisen from his own transactions.
The other expression was—"the execu-
tive had prevented a peace"—this he supposed must have been in consequence of the executive's opposing measures which were calculated to disturb the peace and independence of this country. If we look around us, said Mr. W. and had time to investigate this subject, it would be easily shown, that the executive had acted right in not suffering this country to be drawn into a war with any nation; and if we must have a war (which God forbid) I hope it will be for refusing to depart from this principle; and whoever will impartially trace the transactions of our government, respecting the proceedings of the French nation and their agents will find that it has respected and preserved a uniform system of friendship, which justice to others, left us free to perform. The predicament of a neutral nation is peculiar and delicate, and imminently so while it defends itself against charges of partiality from one of the warring powers, least it should seem to palliate the misdoings of another.
Let us view for a moment, said Mr. W. the transactions of an agent from that Republic, and previous to his being acknowledged as such—this transaction which must be understood the acts of his government. Were they not calculated to involve us in war abroad, and discord and anarchy at home? And had not his acts and those of his confederates been counteracted, we must long since have been involved in a distressing war. I ask, said he, what insults have been borne with from sentiments of regard to that nation! Because the established laws of our land would not permit the executive at all times to go the full length of what the representatives of the French republic wished, it was to be expected they would not ascribe the omission to any want of cordiality or friendship to that nation, but to the sovereignty of the law. Hence because the executive continued steadfast, in the principles of neutrality deeming that the interest of his country, and using his endeavours and preventing our citizens from embracing their hands in the blood of one nation, to gratify the hatred, or serve the interest of another. This drew forth an appeal from the French minister to the people, and hence we may date the accumulated difficulties we have experienced, and are now labouring under. Notwithstanding all these insults, the respect and esteem for that nation, and to show them how much we respected their endeavours for liberty, disregarding the insults of their agents, bad government and citizens, to prevent them from starving, hastened to supply them with provisions, and anticipated the payment of all the debts which we contracted with them during our revolution.
But the appeal to the people and other transaction of their agent, created a party against the executive of fifty times the strength that the two classes mentioned by (Mr. Nicholas) who he said were in favor of executive measures. But before he went into a refutation of that gentleman's arguments respecting party, let us, said Mr. W. attend a little to what this sacrificed minister has done, or rather what he has not done. I ask, said he, what has been done, for injuries on our commerce under the authority of the French government, and their agents long before the treaty complained of? Of the spoliations and mal-treatment of our vessels by the French ships of war and privateers—a distressed and continued embargo in 1793 and '94 at Bourdeaux—the non-payment of bills, &c. drawn by the colonial administrations in the West-Indies—the seizures or forced sales of cargoes and applying them to their own use, without making satisfactory compensation—the non-performance of contracts made by their agents for supplies—the condemnation of our vessels and cargoes incompatible with the treaties between them and us? How many vessels have they captured, cargoes condemned? I do not know, but I know they have been decreed to be paid by the committee of safety, has any thing been paid? How many millions value of property have they taken from our citizens without justice and without compensation? What then has this sacrificed minister done? I wish gentlemen would inform us what services he has rendered his employers. Another gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Brent) has alleged that we were indebted to this minister for the peace we enjoyed. This was a kind of peace however by no means agreeable: it appeared like a man attacking another unarmed and taking all from him, but declaring he wished to be in peace, tho' he must have what he wanted, and what he could get.
It had been observed by a gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) that he was sorry this minister had laid before the public all the official documents which had passed between him and the two governments. Mr. W. said, he believed that minister and his friends would indeed regret it before the citizens had done with it. That minister's book, and the remarks it had excited and would excite, would be read and duly considered. The people are the proper tribunal; give them time for reflection and they will always judge right. That gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) thus changed his ground and says he was sorry that a part of it was made known. Why not the whole? It was, said Mr. W. because of the breach of trust it discloses. Would the gentleman have only the fair and delusive portion of it published, and the dark and treacherous parts concealed? How could the people judge? They could not judge without having both sides. Surely that gentleman was for a call of the papers on a similar occasion; why not give the people every information now? Full and fair disclosures to the people will always lead them to correct and honest opinions.
That gentleman (Mr. Nicholas) had been preaching to the people day after day for some time; he began about two years ago, but were I by my preaching to lessen my hearers, I should be for changing my doctrine. That gentleman began with 62 followers, who are now reduced to 45. I hope the gentleman will continue his public in-
struction, for it has wrought miracles within these two years past. All I regret is, the loss of precious time, and a great expense. I hope however, this will lessen in proportion to his number of hearers.
Mr. W. had taken a short view of the proceedings of our late minister at Paris. He would ask the indulgence of the committee, to make a few observations on what had been done by our minister at London.
Here the prospect brightens. Eminent in talents attention and fidelity, the interest of his country have flourished in his hand. When his aid is requested by those concerned in claims, it is instantly, and effectually afforded; not by the cold and distant medium of formal letters; he applies to the judges in person, is heard and justice is obtained. A recent instance of his interference, procured for a house in this city, upwards of 12,000 dollars. His demands and exertions contributed greatly to procure an act of the British parliament, appropriating 800,000 sterling, for satisfying the claims of neutrals, for spoliations on their commerce. Our country justly exults in her employment of this illustrious citizen. A sickening contrast is found in the comparison of him with that before alluded to.
Again, our minister there, seeing that the court of admiralty procrastinated and kept adjourning; by his attention and constant application to the lords in commission for appeals, has obtained an order that the court should positively sit in November last, and continue to hear and determine the causes as they lay on the docket. The above 12,000 dollars, though a clear case, had it not been for the minister, would not have been settled for a long time. This is for one house: no doubt but that others have received from the same source; hence we may with propriety say that our minister at London alone, has been the means of saving to the citizens of this country, more than all the diplomatic expense; and altho' this money does not go into the treasury, yet it adds wealth to the Union.
For myself, said Mr. W. were I asked as a farmer respecting the use there was for foreign ministers, I would answer that they were of little use, and the expense might be saved; but when he considered, that these regulations would have a tendency to promote commerce and thereby create a competition in our markets, in the sale of our agricultural productions, and the farmer as well as those concerned in the fisheries, would gain in their prices of what they had to dispose of, he was led to believe, that commercial regulations, to a certain extent, were necessary. But it had been said that consuls would answer all these purposes; he did not know, nor had he read of much respect being paid them in any country, excepting where such country had factories.
The British had a factory at Petersburg, in Russia, in Lisbon, at Smyrna and Aleppo, and he believed at Leghorn; in these places, the consuls are considered as men of consequence, and no British subject can be arrested for a crime, until he is tried and condemned by the consul, who acts as a judge, and if found guilty, he is then delivered over to the officers of justice of the country. We have no factories abroad, and our consuls are chiefly selected from among the merchants whose chief aim in accepting the appointment is to promote their own interest as merchants. And if these men were obliged to dance attendance on account of business to the different secretaries of state in the European courts, they would lose their time and business, and of course must receive salaries. It will be admitted, that their salaries would not be so great as that of a minister, but it must be remarked also, in the foreign courts of Europe, where etiquette is considered as necessary, and from custom, is become essential: what a minister could effect at one audience with the minister, a consul or consul-general, would have to attend or send to the minister fifty times, before he could gain admittance, and complete. If said he, no minister was kept at a court, and the business was to be transacted by a merchant as a consul, after having travelled some distance perhaps, he must lose much time merely in the parade of attending levees of the sovereign, his ministers and different secretaries of state; as also the parties of the different foreign ministers, in order to gain the countenance of some of them to assist and facilitate his intercourse with the prime minister of the court at which he resides as consul. It was true the British consuls at Elsenour, at Dantzwick and Hamburg were of importance, and respected, but what made the consul at Elsenour of importance was, his superior income as consul, and the high file he was able to live in. For the consular office at Elsenour, from his commissions on advances of paying the toll fees of the Baltic, and his consular signatures to their certificates was considered as an income of 12,000 ster. per annum—and this sum was more than all our foreign ministers had, previous to the commissioners sent to France; but as long as the European ministers are sent here, the balance is in our favor; as they expend more in this country, than our ministers are enabled to do abroad.
Here Mr. W. said, he would sit down, was it not for some observations which fell from the gentleman who moved the amendment (Mr. Nicholas) respecting the origin of party, who, he said, had thrown the present existing influence into the hands of the executive, and were the means of pursuing it. To prove this, that gentleman had adverted to the funding the domestic debt, which he said, was probably done to produce a party in the United States, who would support the executive. This act, Mr. W. observed, was passed on the 4th of August, 1790, at a time when nine tenths of the evidences of the domestic debt were in the hands of the speculators. But what had the executive to do with it? If, said Mr. W. the executive had intended that funding the domestic debt would have contributed to his influence, and he was so disposed, the executive would have caused the debt to be funded, so as to take it out of the hands of the many, to be put in the hands of a few, as that gentleman had said; but would so have arranged that business, as that the debt when funded, should have remained with the greatest number possible, because the greater the number, the more the influence.
Mr. W. said he was as much opposed to the funding system as that gentleman, nor had he ever any thing to do with it; but as the faith of the nation was pledged for the payment we were bound by honor to do it in the best manner we could. He believed, however, the executive had no hand in it. He was convinced that at that time there were great speculations on all sides, some wished for the funding system, others for the Penobscot expedition, and the building the frigate in S. Carolina, authorised by congress to be paid for by the United States—some wanted the permanent seat of congress where it was fixed; and others agreeing to it to have a temporary residence of congress here; but what had the executive to do in all these matters? This Mr. W. said he knew was done—New-York lost the residence of congress, and in the settlement of accounts that state was charged with upwards of two millions unjustly, which he hoped would never again be called for, because it was not due. The next class that gentleman took notice of which added to the influence of the executive was, those unfortunate persons who were opposed to our revolution. These people, said Mr. W. were men of different classes, some of them were opposed from principle and others from fear and to gain favor. But at the close of the war, they were mostly driven from our country, and perhaps there was never a worse policy adopted. If we had let them remain, as they were generally men of property who were then ordered away, our debts might have been much lessened, and as they are mostly allowed to come back, the misfortune is that the money they had was nearly exhausted previous to their return. But ought those to be arraigned for their conduct, because they wish to support the government under which they live. No—he conceived they were to be commended—Their supporting government in a peaceful manner was a valuable trait in their character.
Mr. W. said as those two classes of men, were brought into view by that gentleman, as the supporters of the executive power, he would beg the indulgence to mention some of those classes, who have been the opposers.
When the constitution, said he, was first made known, it of course engrossed the public mind. Reason, prejudice, and passion equally prompted the discussion of it—and the citizens were nearly divided for, and against it. Thus it went into operation. In its organization there were numbers of candidates to fill the offices, hence many were disappointed, some of which we have reason to believe have continued their opposition in consequence thereof to the present time. In addition to this, when the French revolution commenced, and because the executive maintained a uniform system of neutrality, and would not suffer this country to be drawn from the full tide of prosperity, upon the shadows and miseries of war, on the part of France, how many of our citizens were there who endeavoured to lessen the well earned confidence of the executive, and render his administration unpopular; our youth fired with ambition to enter into the French service, and urged, notably by those of the party, but also those who by misfortune or luxurious habits had outlived their fortune, as well as others who for interest were anxious to have this country engaged in war. In addition to this, how many had been engaged by the French agent, and commissioned to go against a nation with whom we were at peace, as well as those engaged in fitting out privateers. Add those who were engaged in a lucrative commerce with the inhabitants of St. Domingo, and who were checked by the British, who would not suffer the commerce to be carried on in the manner not permitted by France in a time of peace. And to crown the whole, what party was created when the proclamation was issued relative to the neutrality? And altho' this was approved of by men of the best abilities, and by those who are looked up to by the advocates of the amendment, but who are in the opposition to the executive, yet it created innumerable opponents to the executive, because private interest overcame public good. And not withstanding the executive had done all that was consistent for the French nation, keeping in view our neutrality and to maintain peace, yet the minister of that nation appealed to the people—and although the executive was pursuing every prudent measure for the good of the people, and to prevent a war, yet what an opposition was formed fifty times as strong as the two parties mentioned by Mr. Nicholas, and had it not been that a wise providence who over-rules all things, and human prudence in the executive, we must at that time have been drawn into a war. The vanity of our country seeing these things, and that the opposition arose from interested views, they, far as my information and knowledge extends, although they were at first opposed to the constitution, fearing a new revolution, engaged on the side of government. This assertion is verified, if we take a view of the state of New-York, and the Eastern states; for when the constitution took place, three fourths were opposed to it in the northern and western parts of New-York, and now three fourths of them are attached to its support. And why was this change in the great commercial cities? because the executive prevented that privateering and illicit commerce which must have involved us in a war abroad and discord at home; but for a momentary benefit, numbers have opposed the executive, and in consequence thereof a great opposition has appeared.
An observation, said Mr. W. was made the other day by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Gallatin) and he was sorry to hear it, that although the majority here was for the executive measures, yet the people said he are with us. This idea with the feeble minorities, Mr. Williams said, had, in his opinion, created all our past and present difficulties; and what had led him to this opinion was, that when the French minister came here in 1793, his actions were such as though he depended on feeble minorities and the people with us. Who was it, said Mr. W. that told the French nation these things that induced them to instruct their minister thus to act? Was it not the feeble minorities and the people with us? His pursuing the measures he did, and previous to his being acknowledged by our government, confirmed him in this opinion; for, the French minister would not have had those instructions, nor have pursued those measures, unless the French na-

The Gazette.
PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY EVENING, March 5.
The following Message was read in the House of Representatives this forenoon.
Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
The first dispatches from our envoys extraordinary since their arrival at Paris, were received at the Secretary of State's office, at a late hour the last evening—They are all in a character, which will require some days to be deciphered, except the last which is dated the 8th of January, 1798, the contents of this letter are of so much importance to be immediately made known to Congress, and to the public, especially to the mercantile part of our fellow-citizens, that I have thought it my duty to communicate them to both Houses without loss of time.
JOHN ADAMS. United States, March 5th, 1797. (No. 5.) Paris, January 8th, 1798.
DEAR SIR, WE embrace an unexpected opportunity to send you the "Redacteur" of the sixth instant, containing the message of the Directory to the Council of Five Hundred, urging the necessity of a law to declare as good prize all neutral ships having on board merchandise and commodities, the production of England, or of the English possessions, that the Flag, as they term it, may no longer cover the property. And declaring further that the ports of France, except in case of distress, shall be shut against all Neutral ships, which, in the course of their voyage, shall have touched at an English port. A commission has been appointed to report on the message, and it is expected that a decree will be passed in conformity to it.
Nothing new has occurred since our last, in date of the twenty-fourth ultimo. We can only repeat that there exists no hopes of our being officially received by this Government, or that the objects of our mission will be in any way accomplished.
We have the honor to be with great respect, your most obedient servants. CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. J. MARSHALL. E. GERRY. Timothy Pickering, Esq.
Referred to the Committee on the State of the Union.
The following is an epitome of the present politics of the French government. Extra of a letter from Bourdeaux, dated Dec. 8, written by a gentleman whose information may be depended on.
"Our plenipotentiaries are still at Paris, and have not as yet effected any arrangement, they have not even had an audience or any conference with the executive—and nothing can exceed the indifference with which they have been treated; to say not worse—it is impossible to foresee in what manner the present discord between the two governments will be reconciled—it is generally thought, and indeed it is our individual opinion, that our present commissioners will not effect the object of their mission: yet we do not think hostility will follow their departure from Paris, unless provoked by the United States by some act of reprisals for French depredations—which depredations will probably continue at the will and whim of the executive of France—yet this whim will be measured by their political situation with the neighboring nations. They are so accustomed to victory and making laws, that there is scarcely any moderation or bounds to their terms in many cases. England is however, the only nation that has not as yet received their yoke—Portugal has ratified the late peace, but as she did not do it in the time limited, it is thought the ratification will not be accepted without an additional sacrifice or humiliation."
Extra of a letter from a gentleman at Bourdeaux, who had just left Paris, dated 8th November 1797.
"Times are very critical here for American affairs, and the arrival of the commissioners is of no effect. I waited on them several times at Paris, and the day before I left it, had a long conference with one of them, the substance of which I do not think prudent to put in this letter as its fate is uncertain; but they are certainly treated with the most shameful neglect. At the same time, our commerce is suffering in the most alarming manner, and you may shortly expect to hear of a vast number of condemnations; for although they should be acquitted in the inferior tribunals, the court of cassation will condemn them; and the decree which gives a right to individuals to fit out national ships will considerably increase their cruisers."
The article signed "Sic Transit," published in Friday's Gazette, is considered a fabrication—If it is not, the person who sent it to the office, is called on to prove that it came from Connecticut.
Hyson and Young Hyson Tea. A few chests of excellent quality, for sale, corner of Second and Pine Streets. Dec 26—cot
GAZETTE MARINE LIST.
PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
Table with columns for Ship, Arrived, and Days. Includes entries for Ship Hope, Benbridge, C. N. Mole; Brig Lively, Cox, do.; Nymph, Webb, do.; Fly, Ruffel, Jamaica; Experiment, Hefs, Surinam; Pomona, Morton, Isle of France; Hannah, Kenney, Charleston; Peggy, Alcorn, Charleston; Prussian, Antonietta, Guyque; Molly, Kilby, Cape Francois; Scher. Minerva, Andaulle, Port-au-Prince; Kitty, Fatham, Piscataway; Sloop Eliza, Baldwin, N. York; Sloop Laura, Barker, Nantucket; Indultry, Spooner, N. Carolina.
Table with columns for Ship, Cleared, and Days. Includes entries for Ship Birmingham Packet, Kelly, Bombay and Canton; Peggy Raper, Charleston; Brig Eliza, O'Connor, Port-au-Prince; Galliot, Bremen, Flagge, Meyer, Oporto; Scher. Illinois, Watson, Petit Goave; Success, Cook, Gonaives; Trial, Hand, Alexandria; Sloop Eliza, Cottrell, N. York.
The George Barclay, and a number of other outward bound vessels, left Reedy Island on Saturday. The Minerva Andaulle, failed from the Mole the 14th ult. under convoy of the British brig Jason, of 14 guns for Philadelphia. Brig Marlow, do. Charleston. Sloop Hope, 6 do. Philadelphia. And in company of the following vessels. Ship Experiment, Jenny, for Philadelphia. Brig Delaware, Dunphy, do. Active, Elliot, do. Clio, do. New-York. Betsey, do. Baltimore. Schooner Little Will, Pearson, Philadelphia. Fox, Kidney, do. Thomas, Vandym, do. Elizabeth, Frazier, do. John, do. Maria, do. Norfolk. Sloop Sally, Philadelphia. Capt. Andaulle parted convoy the 21 ult. safe through the Keys. The Fly, Ruffel left Kingston, Jamaica the 15th of January in company with a large fleet for England, under convoy of 10 ships of war, and about 20 sail of vessels for the United States, amongst which were the following. Ship Sally, Webb, for Norfolk. Mary, Dillingham, N. York. Ames, Boston. Schooner Two Sitters, Tuckerman, Norfolk. Left at Kingston the sloop Nelly, Pease of this port, sent in on her passage, from St. Jago, to Lancaux, cargo condemned. The brig Peggy, from La Guira, failed four days after the Hannah, and brings an account of a schooner from Jamaica, in a short passage, having arrived there previous to his sailing, which brought information of the arrival of a British packet at Jamaica, with the intelligence of the American commissioners having been ordered to quit Paris in 48 hours. (No dates mentioned.) The brig Delaware Dunphy, from Port-au-Prince, (one of the fleet) is below. Capt. Webb informs, that he left at Jeremie the 28th of January, the snow Polly, Senkey, and Polly, Cox, of this port. February 28, off the Capes, spoke the ship Minerva, Sisson, out 69 days from Havre for New York, who informed that he had dispatched on board form the Commissioners at Paris to the Executive of the United States. Arrived yesterday, Molly, Kilby, from Cape Francois, who informs that he failed in company with the sloop Charlotte, Higbee, for New York, the brig Patriot, Hodgkins, failed 2 days before for Baltimore, and the schooner Eutaw, Brewster, of this port failed for Gonaives 5 days before that the schooner Maria, Flinn, of this port, retaken from the British, was condemned at Port de paix 3 days after her arrival. Captain Flinn was at the Cape in order if possible, to procure a second trial, and that the sloop New-York and Philadelphia Packet, Ruffel, from hence to Leogane, had been taken and sent in Gonaives, and plundered of considerable property, and then dismissed, that the schooner Hopewell, Clark, of this port, had returned to the Cape, after failing for home; and was to sail again in 15 days—the schooner Boston, Clark, from hence, had arrived in 12 days—that an expedition was gone against the Mole or Port-au-Prince, and that accounts had been received at the Cape of the capture of Fort Bizoton—that in consequence of the negroes and mules being in requisition, country produce was scarce at the Cape—American produce in demand. March 2d, spoke the ship Charles, 14 days from Guadalupe for Baltimore. The English Packet, the Countess of Leicester, from London, for New-York, is taken by the insurgent French frigate and carried into L'Orient.
BOSTON, February 24.
WASHINGTON'S BIRTH DAY.
Was as it ought ever to be, celebrated in numerous places throughout the Union, on Thursday last. In this town, demonstrations of gratitude discovered themselves in various displays of festive hilarity. The American flag floated from all the shipping in the harbour, and from every flag staff in town. Guns were fired, although the weather was tempestuous, and the bells of Christ-church rang merrily. Private Entertainments were given in various parts of the town, and a large number of citizens, as usual, partook of a sumptuous dinner.
CONCERT-HALL.
Among the guests, were His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the chief Justice and Judges of the Supreme Judicial Court, Members of
the Honorable Council and Senate, the Speaker of House of Representatives, several of the Clergy, General Knox, the Hon. Mr. Ames, and several federal and state officers of distinction. General Lincoln presided; pleasure enlivened every countenance and the sentiments which animated the company, will be seen by the following toasts after dinner.
1. The day we celebrate.
2. GEORGE WASHINGTON. "May his name be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark against all open and secret enemies of our country." [Waltham. march.]
3. THE PRESIDENT of the United States. May the wisdom, virtue and energy, which he has so universally displayed, in defence of the rights of his country, be ever held in grateful remembrance. [The Grand Salute.]
4. The Vice-President.
5. The Congress of the United States. May they be fully convinced, that the surest expedient to preserve peace, is to prepare for war; and that the best means to avoid aggression, are to manifest the power, and the disposition to repel it. [Yankee-doodle.]
6. The Constitution of the United States—Under a wise and temperate regimen, may it be preserved alike from foreign contagion and domestic disorder.
7. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Uniform in her opposition to external foes and domestic sedition, may she persevere in maintaining the independence of her principles. [Knox's march.]
8. Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State—May he continue firmly and ably to vindicate the measures of a virtuous administration.
9. John Jay. Faithful, able and independent, may he always enjoy the esteem and confidence of our fellow-citizens.
10. Our ministers abroad. May they remember, that their highest duty is to vindicate their own government, and not to surrender its rights to the interest of any other.
11. The American Commissioners at Paris. As the motives and conduct of our government need only to be understood to be justified, may a speedy opportunity occur to remove any prejudices which a misrepresentation of our measures have occasioned.
12. The Clergy. May they check the progress of religious infidelity so fatal to public order and private happiness.
13. The commerce of our country. May our government exert its strongest arm for its protection, and may it rise superior to the unprincipled attacks of its enemies.
14. Agriculture. May the American farmer sit under his own vine and fig tree, and enjoy in safety the fruits of his toil.
15. May American Patriotism never forget its home in a too generous feeling for foreign countries.
16. When anarchy pays court to the American Goddess, may he be fond to take the lover's leap from our own highest rock. [On the retiring of the Governor and Lieutenant Governor, their healths were given.]
VOLUNTEERS.
By Gen. Lincoln, (President). May the laws protect the citizens, and the citizens the laws.
By Hon. Mr. Higginson, (first Vice-President.) May the luminaries of Heaven be darkened sooner than America be really ungrateful to her military servants.
By Gen. Cobb, (Second Vice-President.) May the virtues of WASHINGTON be an invariable example to all future Statesmen and Heroes.
By Hon. Mr. Jackson. Oliver Wolcot, Secretary of the Treasury. While ability and integrity continue to mark his character, may he possess the confidence of all honest men.
By Major-General Elliot. James M'Henry, Secretary at War. May the talents he has displayed in peace, increase in proportion to the necessity of exerting them.
By Hon. Mr. Ames. May our fellow-citizens use liberty as temperately as WASHINGTON exercised power.
Mr. Consul Crafts. The American Commissioners at London—Thanks for their past exertions—Success to their future labours.
By Major-Fraser. The Rising Navy of America May it like Hercules strangle serpents who would list it in its cradle.
By Mr. Cooper. The population of our country—May no locons be grafted on our oak, but those which imbibe the juice of the Parent tree.
By Mr. Callender George Cabot: While talents and virtues are respected, Massachusetts will boast of him as her son.
By Mr. Lowell. May modern events convince us that a constitution is a "spider's web," in the hands of Tyrannical demagogues.
By Mr. Gorham Parsons. The Hon. Roger Griswold, and the fifty two Gentlemen in Congress—May their exertions to rid the National Legislature of a beastly character, be remembered by their constituents.
By Dr. Barrett. May the People of the United States perpetuate the blessings of their free State Constitutions by a cheerful support of the Federal government, and obedience to its laws.
By Mr. D. Sargent. The late communication of our Executive to Congress; may every American heart beat in union with such sentiments; and every arm be nerred to demand "reparation for injuries, and satisfaction for insults."
Mr. S. Perkins, (after the Generals retiring) General Lincoln—Grown Grey in the service of his country, may he long continue to enjoy its esteem and confidence.
By A Citizen. "Thunder"—the language of the Speaker of the Federal House of Representatives—may it reverberate thro' the Union.
By A Citizen. May the Lion of the green Mountains be considered by every citizen as the meanest reptile in creation;—the pinfeather of America.
By A Citizen. The Minority in Congress; may we continue to gain by Honors as they lose by old tricks.
The toasts were received with cordiality and applause.
Notwithstanding the weather was unfavorable, the Columbian Museum was well attended.
The day was suitably noticed at Salem, Cambridge and other places in our vicinity.
TO RENT,
A good three story House,
TWO rooms on each floor, with a convenient Kitchen—in Front, near South-Street—Enquire of the Printer. march 3—3aw3w
tion had been led to believe that the people of this country were opposed to their government, and would go to war on the part of France. I ask, said he, what would have been done with a minister going from this country to France, who acted in like manner? would he not have been guillotined, even without the shadow of a trial? Again, would that minister have appealed from the executive to the people, had he not been persuaded the people were opposed to their government? and who are these people? No, they be called friends to their country? No—Has not the feeble minorities and this idea of the people with us, been the cause of the French nation making depredations on our commerce, and thereby producing a loss to our citizens to the amount of six millions of dollars? Had not that idea, said he, induced the British to believe in the year 1792, that this country would engage in a war against them in favour of France; and their taking for granted that this would be the case, was the reason why they made the depredations on our commerce which they did—But the British finding that our government was determined to support their neutrality, and would go to war in case the insult was continued, they desisted; and so would the French nation have done, had not a party existed among ourselves, who were constantly buzzing in the ears of the rulers in France, that the people were opposed to their government. What was said to our late minister to France by their minister, was sufficient to show this. But how has it operated? the French have been deceived, and their disappointment has caused them to do what they would not otherwise have done. They had been led to believe, that through the influence of certain gentlemen, the yeomanry of our country would do anything for them, even enter into a war in their favour in opposition to their own government. In this they have been disappointed, and this has vexed them, so as to fall on our defenceless commerce. When men are vexed, they will commit excesses; instance the member from Vermont; the ideas had set him to act like a crazy man; he said that the members in this house were acting against the opinion of nine tenths of the people who sent them, and declared in the next breath, that he could in six months change their opinion. If he had attended to, or believed what he had said, the people did not want to be changed, at least it was out of ten.
I believe it was the wish of the yeomanry of our country that the French people should obtain their independence, but not to be dragged into a war on that account. But for any persons to say the French nation might (by the people's opposition to our government) expect much from the people, or that they would engage in a war in their favour, was not only void of truth, but calculated to do much mischief; and this we have experienced. To this we may attribute the difficulties that have arisen from the transactions of our own people, arising from the feeble minorities, and the idea of the people with us. Again—this idea of "the people with us" is unfounded in fact. In the last session of congress, the number who voted on a question relative to the conduct of our government being just and impartial to foreign nations, there were 33 for it, and only 45 against it. On what principle then, can that gentleman say "the people are with us?" These observations are not only unfounded, but have been attended with the worst effects to our country. The assertion has encouraged privateers being fitted out here; I am told of a single company who fitted out four. Our merchants have had sixty-one vessels taken by them, and only three were captured belonging to the English. The merchants who were pursuing their occupation honestly and airily, and who would not be seen in any contraband trade, have been injured. Bankruptcies have been occasioned, and the farmers who have given credit to the merchants until the return cargo arrived, have lost the price of all their crops, and party prevented the resources of our country from being called for, to redeem our debt, at a time when the burthen could with ease have been borne. Beside this, our merchants have been so plundered, that numerous engagements have not been complied with, and the money is gone from our country; this has occasioned innumerable law suits, and many of our honest and industrious farmers, will have to sell their farms, and all this, from feeble minorities and the idea of the people with us. I ask, said Mr. W. if their opposition had not carried them sufficiently far into difficulties, and if it was not high time to pause? Let us, as the gentleman said from Connecticut the other day, reason together for the good of the whole.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) had concluded his observations with a good determination; which was, that he would defend his country in case of an invasion. Mr. W. observed that he hoped every one would do the same, tho' he did not imagine an invasion for the purpose of subjugation would take place. What European nation, said he, would come three thousand miles for such purpose? We have upwards of one million republicans, who, to repel an enemy, would embody; the want of discipline would be supplied with the spirit of '76, and the yeomanry of our country would come down like a mighty torrent, and would sweep the bold invader to the deep.
The sensibility of our country, Mr. Williams believed, was determined to vindicate its rights with firmness, and cultivate peace with security. But, said he, does America with for war? God forbid. If any means short of the surrender of our rights, freedom, religion and property can purchase peace, let us do it—he was for it. War is to be dreaded: it was a measure attended with a train of innumerable evils—But rather than give up all, will we not unite to repel unmerited insults if not put a stop to? Yes—He contended that a day of virtuous liberty, was worth an age in bondage.
Gentlemen had said that our government would cause a war with Spain, but how have they been mistaken? Our government had spoke to Spain in the American language; they heard, and peace was the consequence. Had the same language been spoken to France, and no feeble minorities, no idea of the people with us, they would also have heard, and twenty millions would have been saved.
Upon the whole—It is not contended, but that this house has a right to fix the sums necessary to be paid to the ministers according to their grade, and the courts to which they are sent. This was the constitutional check vested in the house of representatives; and notwithstanding the salaries have not been augmented since the year 1790, he was willing to go into the enquiry, and if found too much, would vote for a reduction, and it necessary, to distinguish the sums to be allowed them according to the different places to which they are sent. To act on this ground, he concurred to be agreeable to the spirit and letter of the constitution, and he was for allowing them no more than was concurred to be reasonable; and on this principle we could use the check given us by the constitution, and we ought not to overlook the bounds assigned us therein; for while we, as one branch of the legislature, would form to be dictated by any other, feeling the sense of our own dignity; if that source of dignity ought to teach us to abstain from dictating to another branch as independent as we are.
Our duty, as one branch, ought to be, to maintain the rights vested in us by the people; but if we presume to encroach upon the power vested in another branch—this being the most numerous, the powers of that branch which must give way, being a weaker branch, will by degrees be rendered inactive, whereby an aristocracy will be established, and this will pave the way to absolute tyranny.
The retrenchment of expenses in our government, was a desirable object; and he would unite with gentlemen on this subject in every case, where it should be thought proper. But the security of our government, our lives, liberty, religion and property was of more importance, and this should never be lost sight of. In the defence of which, we know not how soon our ardent exertions would be called for. Let us therefore, as guardians of the people, do away all party prejudices, let us coolly and deliberately reflect on our situation as a nation, let us as brothers belonging to one great family, often, to forget any unanimity, financial and national, to forget any misunderstanding which may have taken place. Let us individually endeavor to eradicate from our minds those opinions which we may have allowed to acquire a growth that overshadows the disinterested and impartial truth and justice. When party distinctions are wrapt to an extreme height, when jealousy and suspicion universally pervade not only ourselves, but the community—However interesting the full disclosure of the duty, it will be a difficult task to arrest either our own or the public attention, by an appeal to the understanding, and impartial enquiry into the true interest of one country. Let us each individually consider whether we have not owed our immediate and particular interest to influence our public conduct, and with a view to a temporary advantage to ourselves, given our nation to measure forces, which, until a timely check, may put in hazard those blessings which a constitution, founded like the constitution of the United States, not on the visions of a heated or diffused imagination, but on principles which unchecked in their operation by the arm of violence or misrepresentation, and when we shall have traced in the wisdom which directed, and in the firmness which effected, the revolution, our being preserved hitherto from being drawn into a war, we must acknowledge with that gratitude which is due to providence, for his kind interposition in behalf of this happy country.
By this day's Mail.
NEW-YORK, March 3. Last evening the Schooner Felicity, capt. Vaughan, arrived at this port in 53 days from Portsmouth in England. Her letters are dated London, January the 18th, later than any thing before received, but we have seen none that contained politics—her papers could not be bad until this day.
BOSTON, February 26.
LATEST FROM FRANCE.
Important and Authentic!!
Capt. Dill, arrived here yesterday in 45 days from Havre-de-Grace, has brought dispatches from the American commissioners in France, to the Government of the United States; which will immediately be sent off by express.
By this arrival, a private letter was received from the Hon. Eldbrige Gerry, one of the American Extra Envoys, at Paris, dated in that city, the 3d Jan. which says "We have not been accredited by the Executive Directory, nor do I think we shall be, I see no prospect of success in our embassy, and I think our residence here will be but short. An Entertainment is soon to be given the Lady of Gen. Buonaparte, by the Minister of Foreign affairs, at which will be present the Directory and all the Foreign Ministers, Except The American, The Paris papers, received by captain Dill, contain no articles of political information. Important to the American public; they are to Jan. 7, and on the subject of our Commissioners, or the projected Defacent on England, are almost totally silent.
NEW-THEATRE.
MONDAY EVENING, March 5,
Will be acted the COMEDY of
A Cure for the Heart Ache.
To which will be added, the Comic Opera of
The SHIPWRECK.
Subscription Ball.
MR. FRANCIS respectfully informs the subscribers that the Second Ball of the present subscription will be on Tuesday the 6th of March. Ladies Tickets to be had of the subscribers, or on application to Mr. Francis, no. 70, next Eighth Street. Non-Subscription Tickets to be had of Mr. F. at his house, or at the Assembly Room. Tickets as usual. march 5.
For London,
Ship STAR,
Joseph Woodman, master,
Intended to sail on the 18th inst.
ABOUT 50 tons on freight
will be received, if immediate application is made to the master on board, at Walnut Street wharf, or to
Thomas & John Keeland.
50 tons Gravel Ballast for sale on board said ship. march 5. $124
To be Let on Shares,
A valuable Farm ready flocked,
WITHIN 3 1/2 miles from Philadelphia, on the well side of Schuylkill, and near the turnpike.
It is expected the tenant will find suitable persons to take care of a dairy and attend market, with all other necessary labour.
ALSO, WANTED,
A Gardener—a Single Man.
None need apply, in either case, unless they can bring good recommendations. Enquire at No. 30 Market-Street. march 5. $2w
To be Sold,
An elegant Country Seat,
Containing 6 acres and 40 perches, with a neat two story brick House and kitchen thereon, an apple Orchard, &c. Situate on the Irish tract lane, in the township of Moyamensing, about one mile from the city of Philadelphia. Further particulars will be made known upon application at the office of the Philadelphia Gazette.
The improvements upon this place, for taste and elegance stand unrivalled.
N. B. If the above place is not sold before the 20th inst. it will then be rented, for the Summer season only. march 5. $
Notice is hereby given,
THAT application will be made for the renewal of a Certificate of a Share in the Bank of the United States, standing in the name of the Subscriber, No. 3004, and dated July 11, 1797—the same having been lost.
JOHN GRAHAM. march 5. $6w
To be Sold,
The time of a Negro Girl,
Eleven years of age, and who has seventeen years to serve. She is lately from the country, is healthy, strong and capable of doing the light work of a small family.—Enquire of the Printer. march 5. $

JUST RECEIVED,
W. YOUNG'S Book-store,
Corner of Chestnut and Second Streets, (Price 50 Cents)
Causes qui se sont opposées aux Progrès du commerce, entre LA FRANCE et les ETATS-UNIS DE L'AMERIQUE.
Avec les Moyens de Pacifier; Et la comparaison de la Dette Nationale de l'Angleterre, de la France, et des ETATS-UNIS.
In six Letters, addressed to Monsieur le Marquis de LA FAYETTE. Traduit sur le Manuscrit Anglais du Colonel SWAN, ancien Membre de la Législature de la République du Massachusetts.
Le Commerce est la portion la plus importante des Richesses Nationales. —Le Trident de Neptune, et le sceptre du Monde. LEMERRE.
Or causes that have been opposed to the PROGRESS OF COMMERCE between FRANCE and the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. With the means of accelerating it;
And a comparison of the National Debts of England, France, and America.
In Six letters, directed to the Marquis de LA FAYETTE.
Translated into French from the original English Manuscript of Col. SWAN, formerly a Member of the Legislature of Massachusetts.
Commerce is the most important portion of the Wealth of Nations. —The Trident of Neptune is the Sceptre of the World. LEMERRE.
At a juncture when the question of a Commercial Treaty with France may soon become an object of discussion, a work of this kind becomes extremely useful to those citizens of the United States, who may be desirous to enable themselves to view this subject, under its various aspects; and they will have the satisfaction to be furnished with the necessary data, to judge of the usefulness of this transaction.
This work is principally distinguished by the richness of the observations, the perspicuity of the ideas, and the modesty of the theory which it contains. It is a work of a rich farmer's barn, heaped up to the very roof with useful produce. It is addressed to the unfortunate LA FAYETTE, in letters, which fugitive form, the author who could only devote a few weeks to this occupation, was obliged to adopt. Although circumstances are in many respects different at the present day, from what they were in the year 1789, when these letters were written, yet it may be justly said, that so many absolute and permanent data still remain, that the judicious reader will not appreciate the work less on that account; on the contrary, as many of the alterations, which have been made, are the result of the author's remarks, it will serve to convince him that in all transactions, between free nations, every thing may be expected from the efforts of truth and justice.
LETTER I. General view of the obstacles, created in France, to prevent the extension of commerce, with the United States—Observations made in a tour, taken for that express purpose, upon some French manufactures (a precious fragment this). Examination and refutation of the prejudices existing in France, against the quality of certain productions of the United States, and against the advantages of their importation—Demonstration of the bad policy of laying duties on their importation, principally on provisions in general, and on salt provisions, and in particular—Considerations on the regulations of the French customs-houses.
LETTER II. Obstacles to the extension of trade with France, proceeding from circumstances and individuals in the United States—Proofs that these obstacles are only temporary and will be removed (they have been removed) by time and the wisdom of government—History of the influence of the American paper money—Important principles and abstract considerations on money and circulation—Causes of the degradation of American trade, after the peace—Critical examination of French goods, imported into America, and extraordinary conduct of the French merchants—Effects of good commercial laws; and patriotic wishes on this subject—Observations on money, weights and measures.
LETTER III. Essay in the form of a tableau, to appraise the importation into the United States from France and England. The author examines at each article, whether it can be better furnished from France or England—It is principally on this subject (which would have afforded a mere theorist) that the author appears to evince great commercial experience. These kind of tables, unluckily as difficult to obtain as they are much to be desired, are the only sure guides the statesman can take for the policy of treaties, deprived of which he is continually deceiving or deceived. We cannot too much admire the apparent exactness of Colonel Swan's calculations; and although the prophecies of Lord Sheffield have already been contradicted by experience, and by several able pens, yet it is curious to see the author of the present work, dispute with him the only ground on which he has not been hitherto attacked, by proving that France, under the required condition, will be better able than Great Britain to supply us with several articles, which the English author allows exclusively and forever to the latter; the author's partiality (if he has any) does not appear to have at any time created a partiality of judgment . The result of this calculation is, that in 1789, that is to say, at a period when arts and manufactures did not exist in France the vital means and probability of extension which they now possess, that even in 1789, it was presumable, that France would not only have the means to supply one half of any given quantity of the productions of France and England united, but also to enter into competition with Great Britain for the remainder, in proportion to the wisdom of her government, and the industry of her inhabitants.
LETTER IV. Calculation of the exportations of the United States, and particular examination of their suitability to France; this is one reason why, notwithstanding the excellent work of Mr. Tench Coxe, Mr. Swan's tableau is by no means superfluous, the principle of the advantages which would result to France from the importation of provisions and raw materials, is every where applied; and it is upon this argument, that the author establishes his demands to the French government, for the limited admission of the productions of his country into France.
LETTER V. Tableau, of the debt of the United States at that time—Opinions of the author on the finances, on the effects of national debt, on circulation, &c. as more amply detailed in his National Arithmetic printed at Boston in the year 1786; the whole calculated to strengthen in France, the public and private credit of the United States—the happy condition of America, and the miseries arising from the public debt in Europe, are contrasted in the ablest manner, and under the most striking relations, by very curious calculations—Observations on the wisdom and economy which preside over the public expenses in Massachusetts. In this place the patriotism of the author appears, with all the elevation which a national pride inspires. The ancient governments of Europe, says he, will learn from us the art of economy in recompensing the services which the country receives; among us it will be seen, that men are chosen for places, and not places for men. This letter concludes with a general view of the public property, deposited in the hands of the government of the United States.
LETTER VI. General examination of the defects of the commercial policy of France with respect to the United States; many of these observations have produced the effects for which they were intended, others still remain, pointing out the reforms to be made in future, as a good chart marks the shoals and rocks. The author concludes his work, by fixing his attention on his country, and the great men who have rendered it illustrious; and we take a pleasure in quoting what he says of the present chief of our government. To praise a man when he exercises a distinguished employment, is common, and may be taken for flattery; but whilst he is in private life, it is the homage of sincerity.
Note, page 316 of the work.
* Les haïtiens des Etats-Unis, suivant dans leur choix le bien public, & excités par un principe de reconnaissance, choisirent M. John Adams pour vice-président du nouveau congrès. Ses efforts, pour préserver le peuple des intrications formées par le gouvernement Anglais contre sa liberté, le rendirent très-suspect à ceux qui étoient en pouvoir. Le peuple, convaincu de son mérite, le choisit pour un de ses représentants dans le premier congrès. De ce nombre étoit aussi M. Samuel Adams, patriote aussi intègre, qu'insatiable. La révolution Américaine doit beaucoup à la persévérance de ses travaux, & à ses talents distingués. Ceux que M. John Adams a développés dans le traité de paix, qui s'est fait à Paris en 1783, ont prouvé qu'il étoit aussi habile que grand. Et dans son ouvrage sur la défense de la constitution Américaine, il a montré toutes les connaissances qui forment les vrais justiciables, & les hommes de loi; connaissances nécessaires, pour remplir honorablement les fonctions de président du sénat des Etats-Unis.
concludes his work, by fixing his attention on his country, and the great men who have rendered it illustrious; and we take a pleasure in quoting what he says of the present chief of our government. To praise a man when he exercises a distinguished employment, is common, and may be taken for flattery; but whilst he is in private life, it is the homage of sincerity.
Note, page 316 of the work. * Les haïtiens des Etats-Unis, suivant dans leur choix le bien public, & excités par un principe de reconnaissance, choisirent M. John Adams pour vice-président du nouveau congrès. Ses efforts, pour préserver le peuple des intrications formées par le gouvernement Anglais contre sa liberté, le rendirent très-suspect à ceux qui étoient en pouvoir. Le peuple, convaincu de son mérite, le choisit pour un de ses représentants dans le premier congrès. De ce nombre étoit aussi M. Samuel Adams, patriote aussi intègre, qu'insatiable. La révolution Américaine doit beaucoup à la persévérance de ses travaux, & à ses talents distingués. Ceux que M. John Adams a développés dans le traité de paix, qui s'est fait à Paris en 1783, ont prouvé qu'il étoit aussi habile que grand. Et dans son ouvrage sur la défense de la constitution Américaine, il a montré toutes les connaissances qui forment les vrais justiciables, & les hommes de loi; connaissances nécessaires, pour remplir honorablement les fonctions de président du sénat des Etats-Unis.
NOTICE.
A Manufactory of yellow and delft-ware, Such as never was in this Country before, has been lately erected at Tivoli, Red Hook Landing, on the East Bank of Hudson's River, State of New-York, where any article of various forms and shapes may be executed, as well as earthenware upon a new construction, that saves three fourths of the fuel, commonly used in cast iron stoves or open chimneys; they are besides very wholesome, and ornamental, by applying to
J. MOUCHET, Wanted a skillful hand to attend to the baking and glazing part of the said ware. Generous appointments will be given. Apply as above, or to DAVID BROOKS, Esq. No. 71 South 5th Street. Feb. 19.
TO BE SOLD,
A GREEABLY to the left will and testament of WILLIAM H. NYMAN, deceased, and possession given immediately, a valuable property in Arch Street, between Third and Fourth Streets, consisting of the house, No. 107, with the lot on which it is erected, a erected, a stable, and other improvements. The house is 50 feet front, and contains ten good apartments. The lot is of the same breadth as the house and 400 feet deep, with a well of water and a very capacious walled cistern, both with pumps in good repair. The stable stands on the rear of the lot and will accommodate four horses and a carriage. This property enjoys the perpetual privilege of a 26 feet court and an alley, 8 feet wide, extending to Cherry Street. Its central position and the advantages it possesses with respect to free ventilation, renders it well worthy the attention of any person wishing to possess an eligible property in Philadelphia. For further particulars enquire at No 83, White Street—of ROBERT HEYSHAM, or FRANCIS BOWES SAYRE, Adm'g Executors. January 11.
NOTICE.
ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM PLEWTOOD, of Liverpool, late of Philadelphia, merchants, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly attested; and those who are indebted to the same, are desired to make immediate payment, to GEO. DOBSON, No. 25, So. Third-street. January 4.
NOTICE.
A Black Woman, named Zeline. SHE is of a middling sized stature, thick lips, marked with the small pox in the face—She carried off a bundle of linen with her. Whoever takes her up and brings her to the subscriber, at No. 181, Arch-street, corner of Fourth-street, shall receive two Dollars reward. J. LIZELLES. N. B. Whoever harbors said Girl after this notice, shall be prosecuted to the severity of the law. February 10.
PROPOSALS
By Arondt Van Hook, Proprietor of the Reading Room; For Publishing by Subscription, An Appeal to Impartial Posterity, By MADAME ROLAND; Wife of the Minister of the Interior in France. These scarce and very valuable Historical Memoirs, (which ran through two London editions in a few months,) will be comprised in 2 vols. octavo, of 400 pages each. They will be printed on fine paper and a new type, and delivered to Subscribers, neatly bound and lettered, at 1 dollar and 50 cents per volume—one third of the Subscription money to be paid on delivery of the first volume—the remainder when the work is complete. To Printers, Booksellers, and others, who will acquire Subscriptions, the usual allowance will be made. Subscriptions are taken at the Reading-Room, No. 149, Water-street—the Printing-Office, 149, Pearl-street—and at the different Bookstores in New-York—Also, by William Young, corner of Second and Chestnut Street, and the Editor of the Gazette of the United States, Philadelphia. As soon as a sufficient number of Subscribers are obtained, the work will be put to press, and completed with the utmost dispatch. Feb. 20.
PROPOSALS,
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A NEW AND INTERESTING WORK, ENTITLED, A TREATISE ON THE POLICE OF LONDON, Containing a detail of the various crimes and misdemeanors, by which public and private property, are, at present, injured and endangered: And suggesting remedies for their prevention. BY A MAGISTRATE, Acting for the counties of Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, and Essex; for the city and liberty of Westminster; and for the liberty of the Tower of London. CONDITIONS. This work will be printed in a large octavo, on an excellent English paper—it will be delivered to subscribers, bound in boards, at the moderate price of One Dollar and a half; although the last London edition, on inferior paper and meanly bound, is now sold at two dollars and a half. To non-subscribers the price will be raised. Whatever encouragement may be given by subscription, it will be committed to the press without delay; and, barring accidents, will be ready for publication early in April. Subscriptions will be thankfully received at BENJAMIN DAVIS's book-Store, No. 68, High-street, and by most of the other booksellers in the city; by George Hill, in Baltimore; and by Samuel Campbell, and A. Drummond, in New-York. January 31.
PROPOSALS,
BY THE Insurance Company of North America.
FOR INSURANCE against FIRE, on Dwelling-Houses, Ware-Houses, and other Buildings (and on Goods contained in such Buildings) distant from Philadelphia, in the United States.
I. Common Insurance, on hazards of the first class, will be undertaken at a premium of about half per cent. per annum. For extra hazardous risks a larger premium will be required, which will vary according to circumstances, seldom exceeding one per cent. per annum; but in some instances, where the property insured is not only in itself extra hazardous, but rendered still more so by the vicinity of extra hazardous buildings and occupations, the premium demanded will be raised according to circumstances. Buildings and Ware-Houses, the walls and partitions of which are wholly of stone or brick, well constructed, so as to be guarded as well as may be against fires from within, and free from extra hazardous buildings and occupations in their neighborhood, will be deemed hazardous of the first class, and may be insured to their full value. Also Goods and Merchandize, not of an extra hazardous kind, in casks, bales, or packages, deposited in such buildings, to an amount not exceeding 4000 dollars; but if more than this sum is required to be insured in one tenement, an additional premium will be required, in proportion to circumstances. II. Insurance will also be made on buildings and goods extra hazardous, at premiums proportioned to the risk. But it is not easy to arrange these under particular heads or classes, so as to describe each with the necessary accuracy. Each case must therefore be decided upon according to the circumstances attending it; and these circumstances will, in general, appear from the description accompanying the application. Buildings partly constructed of brick or stone, are preferable to those wholly wooden. And in both cases, the site of building, how they are occupied, how they are situated, the neighboring buildings, and how occupied, are considerations to be taken into view. And with respect to goods, their tendency, whether from their nature, or from the manner in which they are exposed, either to commence or to increase an accidental fire, and their liability in such state to receive damage by wet, or by sudden and hasty removal, or to be stolen in time of confusion and hurry, are all circumstances of weight; and the premiums must be proportioned accordingly. III. The following conditions are to be understood by the parties. 1st. The Insurance is not binding till the stipulated premium be paid; but it shall be deemed effected from the time of such payment and acceptance thereof, whether the policy be immediately signed or not. 2d. Insurance may be renewed at the expiration of the term of the policy, without further expenses than the payment of the premium of the renewed term, the circumstances continuing the same as they were understood by the Insurers at the time the former insurance was made; but the payment of the premium is essential to such renewal; and if the party insured suffers any time to elapse after the expiration of the former insurance, before he pays a premium for the renewal, he is not insured during such time; nor can the insurance be renewed on the former policy but by computing the commencement of the renewal from the expiration of the former insurance. The subject of insurance may nevertheless be open to treaty for a new insurance. 3d. If any other insurance be made on the same property; it must be made known at the time of application, otherwise the policy made on such application will be void. 4th. Goods held in trust, or on consignment, may be insured as such in a separate policy; but they are not to be considered as insured otherwise. 5th. This company will not be liable or accountable for any loss or damage occasioned by any foreign invasion, or by any military or usurped force, or by reason of any civil commotion; or occasioned by powder-misfire, aquafortis or other thing of the like kind kept in the building, or amongst the property insured. 6th. Bills of Exchange, Bonds and other Securities, Title Deeds, Money, Bank and other promissory Notes, are not included in any insurance; nor are paintings, medals, jewels, gems, antique curiosities, or mirrors exceeding the value of twenty-five dollars each, to be considered as insured unless particularly mentioned and by special agreement. 7th. No insurance will be made for a shorter term than one year, nor for a longer term than seven years. Persons choosing to insure for seven years shall be allowed one year's premium by way of discount: One third of a years premium shall be abated in like manner on an insurance for three years. 8th. Losses sustained by fire on property insured, shall be paid in thirty days after due proof and liquidation thereof, without deduction. A description of the property to be insured will be expected with each application, to be made by a master carpenter and signed by him, as well as by the owner of the building or applicant for insurance, and attested before a Notary or principal Magistrate, who will certify his knowledge of the parties and their credibility. With respect to Houses and other Buildings, 1st. The fire and lightning—defeating the street or road on or near which the building stands; its contiguity to water, and other circumstances relative to the extinguishment of fire in case of accident; and particularly whether any and what fire companies are established, and engines provided in the place or neighborhood. 2d. The materials of which it is built, whether of brick, stone or wood, and what part of each, as well as to the outside walls as inside or partition walls, and their respective height and thickness; the style of the roof and of what materials; how secured by battlements or party walls; what kind of access to the top of the house and to the chimneys; whether any and what electric rods; the number and kind of fire places; and the kind of deposit for ashes. 3d. The dimensions of the building and how divided, and the style in which it is finished so as to enable indifferent persons to judge in what manner it is to be repaired or rebuilt in case of injury; the age and condition of the building, and how occupied, whether merely as a dwelling house, or for any other, and for what purpose; also an estimate of the value of the house or building independent of the ground. 4th. The situation with respect to other buildings or back buildings, whether adjoining or not, comprehending at least one hundred feet each way: what kind of buildings are within that distance, how built, of what materials, and how occupied or improved, whether as dwellings for private families or otherwise: whether any and what trade or manufactory is carried on, and particularly whether there be any extra hazardous articles used, or usually deposited in the house, or within the distance aforesaid, and of what kind. Respecting goods in Houses, Warehouses, &c. 1. A general description of the building in which they are kept will be expected, familiar in all respects, as to the danger from fire, with that required for Insurance on the buildings themselves. 2. A description of the kinds and nature of the goods, whether in casks or other packages, or opened; and whether displayed in whole pieces or in the usual form for retailing. And if the goods vary materially in kind, a general estimate of the value of each kind proposed to be insured; but in the last particular minute-ness of description is not expected. 3. Articles of the following kinds are deemed extra hazardous, though in various degrees, in whatever building they may be placed, viz. pitch, tar, turpentine, rosin, wax, tallow, oil, inflammable spirits, sulphur, hemp, flax, cotton, dry goods of an inflammable kind opened—Glas, china ware or porcelain, especially unpacked; looking glasses, jewelry; and all articles more than commonly liable to injury by sudden removal or by moisture, or particularly obnoxious to them on an alarm of fire. Letters post paid, directed to the Secretary of the Board of Directors, will be duly attended to. An order for Insurance accompanied by the means of paying the premium, will be immediately executed on the premium being paid. If the application contain an enquiry only, it will be answered. By order of the Board, EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. Office of the Insurance Company of North America; Philad. Feb. 1, 1798. Feb. 14.
CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE Missionary Society of Philadelphia, impressed with the importance of ameliorating the condition and augmenting the happiness of mankind, are impelled by motives of religion and benevolence to attempt the propagation of christian and civil knowledge among the aborigines of America. Those who have experienced the blessed effects of real religion, must feel a desire to disseminate its principles, wherever the footsteps of a fellow man may be found. An opportunity now offers, for such to evince their sincerity, by laboring together in accomplishing the ancient prediction—The knowledge of the Lord shall cover the earth as the waters do the sea. Living in an age when the devastations of war teach us to appreciate and extend the blessings of peace, all good and enlightened citizens will concur with us, that every step which tends to introduce the arts of civilization among the Indians, must be highly favorable to the interest of the United States. The early effects which may be had at present to the different tribes, by means of government establishments in various parts of their territory— their tranquil state, and the friendly disposition of some of their chiefs—dispose the Society to believe that their efforts is not premature. They presume that nothing more is necessary to excite the attention and secure the support of their fellow citizens than to present their plan to the consideration of the public.
CONSTITUTION.
I. The Association shall be called the Missionary Society. II. Any person signing the constitution and paying the sum of one dollar to the treasurer and the further sum of one dollar yearly, is a member during the payment of his or her subscription. III. The Society shall elect by ballot an acting committee to consist of a treasurer, secretary and seven members, one third of whom shall be renewed every six months—five shall form a quorum to transact business and have power to call special meetings. IV. The Society shall meet every three months at an appointed place to enact the necessary laws and deliberate on the report of the committee respecting the state and progress of the institution. V. No missionary shall be considered qualified who is not capable of practicing or teaching some useful art as well as a rational system of religion. No other test shall be required, excepting, evidences of piety and zeal—that he renounce all sectarian names and adopt simply that of CHRISTIAN. VI. Should the funds of the Society permit, instructions for instructing the Indians in the agricultural and mechanical arts, shall be established among them. VII. As soon as a sufficient number have subscribed, the committee shall publish under their inspection a periodical miscellany entitled the "Missionary," and the profits arising from the sale shall be applied to the funds of the Society. * No alteration or amendment shall be made in the above constitution, without the consent of two thirds of the members, and every such improvement must be proposed three months prior to its discussion. The constitution is left for signatures at 177 S. Second-street. * The Little Turtle, one of the most influential characters among the Indians North West of the Ohio (who is now in this city) is very anxious to forward the views of the Society. The Interpreter, capt. Wells, is also very favorable as to the prospect of success, and promises all the aid in his power. February 24.
Bakenridge—for sale
IT consists of 920 acres, almost all of which is a fine rich Meadow, (the residence of the late Earl of Stirling). It may be conveniently divided into five farms, four of which are bounded on the East by the river Forth. There are on it a number of buildings, forming a square of nearly three acres—The dwelling house is a very convenient one, and a small expence would put it in complete repair. The orchard consists of 1500 fine-bearing engrafted Apple Trees—and there is on other parts of said tract near 300 other Apple Trees—as also a great variety of other fruits, particularly Cherries of the best and most delicious kinds. Also, a great number of beautiful Exotics and Forest Trees, that add to the beauty and convenience of the place. Its situation is about 18 miles from the towns of Newark and Elizabeth: 10 do. from Morris-Town, and 12 from Springfield—It is wooded and watered. To have trouble, the price is five pound pr. acre in cash, on delivery of the deeds. Please to enquire of T. McEuen & Co. No. 78, Chestnut street. February 2.
COLUMBIA HOUSE
Boarding School for young Ladies.
MRS. GROOMBRIDGE with much pleasure and respect, returns her sincere acknowledgement for the liberal encouragement she has received during four years residence in Philadelphia; and assures her friends and the public, so far from intending to decline her school, she has made a superior arrangement for the more convenient accommodation of her scholars.—Every branch of useful and polite education is particularly attended by Mrs. Groombridge and masters excelling in their respective professions. Corner of Spruce and Eleventh Streets. June 5th. 1797. The situation is perfectly healthy; and made more agreeable by an extensive garden and lot of ground adjoining the house.
THIS DAY IS OPENED,
And for sale by WILLIAM YOUNG, No. 52, corner of Second and Chestnut-rects, In one large volume, 8 vo. (Price of the common paper, neatly bound, 2 dollars 50 cents; fine ditto, in boards, 3 dollars)
AMERICAN GAZETTEER,
EXHIBITING, in alphabetical order, a much more full and accurate Account, than has been given, of the States, Provinces, Counties, Cities, Towns, Villages, Rivers, Bays, Harbours, Gulfs, Sounds, Capes, Mountains, Forts, Indian Tribes, and New Discoveries, on the AMERICAN CONTINENT, also of the West-India Islands, and other Islands appertaining to the Continent; and those newly discovered in the Pacific Ocean: Describing the Extent, Boundaries, Population, Government, Productions, Commerce, Manufactures, Curiosities, &c. of the several Countries, and of their important Civil Divisions—and the Longitude and Latitude, the Bearings and Distances, from noted Places, of the Cities, Towns, and Villages—with a particular Description of The Georgian Western Territory. The whole comprising upwards of Seven Thousand distinct Articles. Collected and compiled from the best Authorities, and arranged with great care, by, and under the direction of JEDIDIAH MORSE, D. D. Author of the American Universal Geography—Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences—and Member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. [Illustrated with seven new and neat Maps.] [Published according to act of Congress.]
ALSO, FOR SALE, as above,
Mr. Morse's Universal Geography, In two large 8 vo. volumes, price 4 dols. 50 cts. Ditto, abridged, at 1 dollar. February 26. co4t
NEW-York, February, 1798.
PROPOSALS BY GEORGE FORMAN,
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A New and Valuable Work, which has been examined only six months—entitled PROOFS of a CONSPIRACY against all the religions and Governments of EUROPE, carried on in the secret meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and Reading Societies. Collected from good authorities. By JOHN ROBISON, A. M. Professor of Natural Philosophy, and Secretary to the Royal Society of Edinburgh. Nam tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet.
THIS work will be put to press as soon as 400 subscribers are obtained, and no money required until the work is completed.—It shall be printed with an elegant new type, and on paper of superior quality, which will comprise about 400 pages neat octavo, handsomely bound and lettered—the price will be one dollar and fifty cents. Those who procure 12 subscribers, and become accountable, shall have a 13th gratis—and the usual allowance to booksellers. The above work comes from the pen of J. Robison, of Edinburgh, a gentleman in high estimation in the literary world—the facts therein recorded are well substantiated, and the reasoning and arguments thence deduced, while they discover the found judgment and penetration of the writer, are calculated to amuse as well as to instruct. A scene of villainy is developed by the author sufficient to appal the stoutest heart.—The danger to be apprehended from secret societies is clearly pointed out; the degeneracy of human nature awfully illustrated, and the hazard of every deviation from the straight path of religion and of virtue, incontestably proved both to the politician and the christian by stubborn and incontrovertible facts. Subscriptions taken in by G. Forman, No. 46, Williams-street, opposite the Post-Office, and by the respective booksellers in New-York and Philadelphia. February 28.
Salisbury Estate.
THE Subscriber, propounding to contract his business, offers this Estate for sale, on moderate terms. On it are one Blast and three Air Furnaces, a complete Boring Machine, and a very good gross Mill, with two pair of stones; also a good Forge, all in perfect repair, as are all the Water Works connected with these various branches. The Air Furnaces were lately built for the purpose of casting Cannon for this State.—There are about two thousand acres of Land, one half of which is under wood, the other very fine arable Land producing the best Hay and Pasture. The Cannon lately manufactured there, fully proves the excellency of the metal, which is superior to any in this country, and probably equal to any in the world; for not one of sixty-nine was lately made, although some of the 24 were bored into 32 pounders, and have failed on proof. The situation is very eligible, particularly for this branch of manufacture, and a place of arms lying in the State of Connecticut, and only 30 miles from several landings on the Hudson's river, and having every advantage that can result from a plenty of water issuing from a large natural pond, very near the Furnace, and which may be converted into a variety of other useful purposes. The purchaser can be accommodated with all the flock and utensils, and have possession on or before the first of June next, and preparation may be made in the meantime for going into Blast immediately thereafter, for every part will be delivered in good order, with some coal, etc. For terms, apply to Mr. Joseph Anthony, in Philadelphia; David Brooks, Esq. one of the Representatives in Congress for this State; Mr. David Waterman, on the premises, or to the proprietor in New-York. WILLIAM NEILSON. Dec. 1. 32w1f
Wanted, to Hire,
A Large and convenient HOUSE, in or near the centre of the city—for which a generous rent will be given; to be taken for a year, or more for a longer term. Inquire of the Printer. Oct. 17. co4t
FOR SALE,
Several fonts of Types—half worn, Including Long Primer, about 400 weight, in good condition, and would answer the purpose of a country Printer as well as new. Enquire of the Printer.
City Commissioner's Office,
January 12th, 1798.
FOR THE INFORMATION OF THE CITIZENS,
THE following arrangement is made by the said commissioners, for cleaning the streets, &c. District No. 1.—From the north side of Vine street, to the south side of Mulberry street; to be under the superintendence of Nicholas Hicks. 2. From the south side of Mulberry street, to the south side of Chestnut street, to be under the superintendence of William Moulder. 3. From the south side of Chestnut street to the north side of Spruce street, to be under the superintendence of Joseph Claypoole. 4. From the north side of Spruce street, to the south side of Cedar street, to be under the superintendence of Hugh Roberts. mwfrn
Just Published,
And to be had of Messrs. Dobson, Campbell, Rice, Cary, and the other principal Booksellers in the city, price one dollar, twenty-five cents in boards, New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America. By BENJAMIN SMITH BARTON, M. D. June 20.