Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-08-18 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 37, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST, 18, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 141.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. XVIII.
L'un et l'autre parti cruel également, Ainsi que dans le crime, est dans l'aveuglement.
IN the assembly, convention, caucus, or conspiracy, at Ardres, call it by which name you will, the Prince de Condé, the Vidame de Chartres, Dandelot and others, of a character more irritable and violent, were of opinion, that without leaving to the Guises the time to augment their credit and their forces, they should fly to arms as the remedy the most expeditious and the most efficacious.
"In vain," said they, "shall we wait for the King of his own motion to determine, to restore us the rank which is our right. This Prince, incapable of deciding for himself, will never come out of that lethargy, in which he has been stupified from his infancy. Governed by his mother and the Guises, he will never dare to re-demand the power which he has so blindly abandoned to them. How can the just complaints of the Princes of the blood, and the nobles, the best affectioned to the welfare of the state, ever reach the ear of a monarch, who, even in the service of his person, is constantly surrounded with spies, stationed by his ministers and sold to their tyranny? What dependance can we have, on the resolutions of a Prince, to whom they will represent our requisitions under the blackest colours, and the odious appellations of revolts, conspiracies, and plots? Can we hope that the Queen mother and the Guises will dismiss themselves, in favor of their enemies and rivals, from a part of that power which has cost them so much labor and so many artifices? This expectation would be more chimerical than the former. Men do not weakly abandon an authority, which they have once usurped with so much boldness. Whoever arrives, by slow and secret intrigues, to unlawful power, enjoys it haughtily, and preserves it at all hazards. The power and authority of the laws, may impose on private persons; but they give way to force, which alone decides the rights and interests of Princes. So much reserve and timidity on our part, will only serve to augment the confidence and temerity of our enemies. To begin by complaining, would be to sound an alarm before an attack, and to advertise our competitors to put themselves on their guard. The promptitude of execution, alone decides the success of great enterprises. Sloth and irresolution, debases the courage, enervates the forces, and loses the opportunity which flies so rapidly away. Let us hasten then to take arms, and overwhelm our enemies before they have time to collect themselves; and let us not ruin our own hopes and projects, by cowardly precautions, and unseasonable delays."
The King of Navarre, the Admiral, the Prince of Portien and the Secretary of the Constable in the name of his master, rejected with horror, counsels so extreme, and proposed remedies less violent. "Whatever protestations we may make," lent. "Whatever protestations we may make," they replied, "that we take arms only to deliver the King from the tyranny of strangers, and that we aspire not to his authority, our conduct will be ill interpreted. All good Frenchmen, religiously attached to the person of the King, will see our enterprise with indignation. Is it permitted to subjects to lay violence or constraint on their sovereign, under any pretext or for any reason whatever? Do the laws of the kingdom authorize us, to force our master, to confide to us, any portion of his authority? He has passed his fourteenth year, and ought no longer to be in tutelage. Thus our pretensions, formed only on decency, propriety and simple equity, had better be urged with delicacy and moderation, than by ways so violent as those of arms. By employing the means which prudence and address may suggest to us, let us not despair of gaining on the inclinations of the Queen mother. As soon as she can see her safety in our party, we shall see the power of the Guises dissolve, and we shall open to ourselves a way, equally honorable and easy to the execution of our designs. The Princes of Lorrain have had, hitherto, no obstacle in their way: perhaps when they see a formidable opposition arising, they will determine to cede to us a part in the government. We will then avail ourselves of opportunities, to secure us against the dangers which threaten us, and the outrages with which they overbear us. Is it not better to be satisfied with reasonable con-
ditions, than to expose all to the inconstancy of fortune, and the hazardous decision of arms? Have we in France, forces to oppose to our lawful sovereign? What succour can we expect from foreign powers, who have lately renewed their alliances with the King? To take arms at present, would be to precipitate the house of Bourbon into the deepest misfortunes, rather than to open to us, an honorable reception into the government." This last sentiment prevailed, and it was resolved that the King of Navarre, as the chief of the house, and the first Prince of the blood, should repair to Court, and negotiate with the Queen mother, and endeavor to obtain some part in the administration of government, for himself, and for his brothers and partisans, the governments and dignities of which they had been deprived, or others equivalent.
(To be continued.)
PHILOSOPHICAL REFLECTIONS ON THE LATE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, AND THE CONDUCT OF THE DISSENTERS IN ENGLAND; IN A LETTER TO THE REV. DR. PRIESTLEY.
By J. COURTENAY, Esq. M.P.
QUO, QUO SCELESTI RUITIS?—HOR.
London, printed 1790.
CONTINUATION.
A CENTURY ago, an attempt to violate the shroud of a priest's garment would have been deemed the highest impiety;—but that happy period is long past. A new sect of philosophers has brought all the present calamities on France, by insidiously varying and adapting their writings to the taste, and comprehension, of all ranks of society. They have perverted their understandings and corrupted their morals, by fatally persuading them that justice and benevolence were the essential duties of man, and that without bewildering themselves in the teazing perplexities and inextricable mysteries of theology, they should "look through nature up to nature's God." They have rent the sacred veil asunder, and falsely and presumptuously taught, that all power originates from the people;—that Kings are only the first magistrates of the state, and indebted to the meanest peasant for the splendour, magnificence, and majesty that surrounded them; and that the greatest and meanest subject should be equally bound, and equally protected by the laws. Under the specious pretext of checking and exposing superstition and bigotry, they have profanely maintained, that the ordination of the priest does not alter the nature of the man; and that the sole utility of his function consists in instructing the people in the moral and social duties of life. They have calumniated the ambassadors of Heaven, by charging them with having monopolised a third of the landed revenue of the kingdom, by artfully working on the consciences of the weak and credulous, and extorting from them on the bed of sickness, and even at the hour of death, a share of their property, as a propitiation of their sins. Their avowed principles, say these apostles of impiety, their uniform practice, the very spirit of their profession, mark them as implacable enemies to science, philosophy, and intellectual liberty. A constellation of genius seemed united in propagating these dangerous atheistical tenets. They were diffused in every species of writing, and the dulcet poison was greedily imbibed in every part of Europe. The most poignant ridicule, the finest sallies of wit, the most brilliant traits of imagination, threw a false lustre over this deceptious system. The pernicious dogmas of their schools, captivated the attention, and were conveyed to the heart in the enchanting page of a novel, the feigned adventures and passionate endearments of lovers. An article of faith was exposed in an epigram; scepticism allured proselytes by a bon mot; and creeds were confuted in a song. The luminous scrutinising genius of Montesquieu; the splendid levity of Voltaire; the impassioned and fascinating eloquence of Rousseau; the precision and depth of d'Alembert; the bold and acute investigations of Boulanger; the daring paradoxical spirit of Helvetius; the majestic sublimity of the systematic Buffon; the profound astronomical researches of Bailly; the captivating elegance of Marmontel; the impressive condensed thoughts of Diderot;—all these with com-
bined force assailed and unsettled the consecrated opinions of ages. The venerable Gothic structure was shaken from its very foundation; the sacred edifice is now laid low, and the madness of democracy has vainly dedicated a temple to liberty on its ruins.
And are we not at this instant menaced with similar calamities, by a dangerous combination of fanatical literati? Have not our prophetic Elijahs observed a cloud in the east, pregnant with inflammatory particles, and just ready to burst on this devoted land?—But to drop the metaphor. Has not a catechism gone forth, teaching us, that churches are houses built of wood and stone, which do not change their nature, though rendered holy by those sanctimonious ceremonies which the hierarchy have ordained? Are we not likewise told, that neither episcopacy nor tithes are of apostolic institution; that bishops are not chosen by the people, but appointed by the mockery of a royal conge d'elire?—Are we not told in this catechism, that the primitive church consisted solely of the people, their leaders, and the ministers or deacons? Can you, Sir, then, have the effrontery to deny that the exalted character of the lords spiritual is depreciated, and their sacred authority contemptuously treated, in this abominable catechism? Is it not recommended by a plotting and dangerous synod, consisting of four or five hundred turbulent heretical non-conformists, who proudly denominate themselves the Eastern Association? Their enthusiastic zeal makes them truly formidable; their fame has gone forth into all lands. Their missionaries have excited tumults and insurrections at Tibet and Constantinople; for they detest every mode of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and equally hate the Mufti, the grand Lama, and the Archbishop of Canterbury. Have not these catechumical lectures been translated into all languages? Has not the present emperor of China issued an edict to have them seized and burnt, with every mark of ignominy, as containing seditious and irreligious doctrines, highly injurious to the rational and moral precepts of Confucius? The great inquisitorial council of Japan have proceeded with their usual vindictive impetuosity, and have actually impaled six of those mischievous zealots, who were dispatched by the Eastern Association, at an enormous expence, to disperse this alarming tract through every nation and country under Heaven! Nay, so inveterate is the malignancy of this synod, that they have lately made up this catechism into a specific, which, agreeable to their accustomed cant, they call spiritual regenerating pills. These are prescribed to be taken by nurses, and women during pregnancy; that children may suck in these cursed doctrines with their milk, the embryo ideas of infants be contaminated before they are born, and a new stimulative be added to original sin. By this diabolical invention, faction, rebellion, and anarchy, may be disseminated over the globe, and the flourishing empires of China and Japan be overturned by a future generation of Arians, Socinians, Pelagians, Necessarians, Antinomians, and Materialists!
"The babe ere yet he draws his vital breath,
"Receives the lurking principles of death;
"The young disease, that must subdue at length,
"Grows with his growth, and strengthens with his strength."
If some vigorous and coercive measures are not adopted to check these audacious proceedings, I would not give the NIV of a straw for our constitution, in church and state.
From the first ages of Christianity, celibacy in both sexes has been esteemed the sublimity of virtue: its merit is derived from the difficulty we feel, in this frail state of mortality, in resisting the instinctive impulse of animal sensation. Hence, the monastic life became early the divine test of corporeal purity, celestial fervor, and spiritual devotion. But these new reformers have rashly absolved both monks and nuns from the solemn vows by which they had devoted themselves to heaven, and impiously encouraged them to abandon their peaceful and sanctimonious retreats, and expose themselves to the "pomp and vanities of this wicked world, and the sinful lusts of the flesh." However, it were well indeed if the mischief ended here;—but alas! this fatal step will eventually prove the ruin of England, as it is calculated on the most moderate computation, that the fleets and armies of France may soon be manned and recruited from this new source of population. Their manufactures and agriculture will no longer be distressed by a war,

as it may be carried on with vigor and facility without calling a single man from the plough or loom. Our most experienced statesmen, our wisest patriots, our most enlightened senators, are convinced of this melancholy truth: The French Revolution is therefore generally execrated—and has only received the contemptible plaudits of an obscure society, composed of atheistical dissenters, republican deists, and levelling free-thinkers, who impatiently long for the destruction of our civil and ecclesiastical establishment.
The celebrated Mr. Necker has sagaciously observed, that it daily became more requisite than ever, to inculcate the general dictates of religion on the minds of the people, as the only effectual consolation to support them under the weight of oppressive, unequal, and impoverishing taxation. But the necessity of enforcing this pious doctrine is unhappily done away, as a redress of grievances, and a restoration of rights have already taken place—and it is a melancholy truth, that revolutionary felicity makes but a slight impression on those who have a prospect of enjoying the comforts of this life. The celestial specific so earnestly recommended by Mr. Necker derives its vital efficacy from the exertions of arbitrary power, which compels us to purchase eternal joy by a few years misery in this transitory state of probation. The priesthood, influenced by this sacred motive, have ever been the zealous advocates of despotism, except when their own privileges and immunities are endangered—as in such a predicament, they are precluded from exercising their own judgment, and only act as trustees and delegates for the rights of heaven.
The late emperor, Joseph the Great, who astonished the world by the sublimity of his genius and the grandeur of his actions, not adverting to this political axiom, seems to have committed a fatal error, in not conciliating the affections, and securing the attachment of the church (and perhaps the law) before he commenced his comprehensive and beneficent system of government in the Austrian Netherlands.
TO BE CONTINUED.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Address of a young Lady of fifteen, on her leaving the Academy at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, June 1, 1790.
BY one of the most affectionate and attentive of parents was I placed here.—The days appointed by him, for the completion of my education, are numbered and finished.
With a heart, overflowing with the tenderest emotions, I now rise to bid a long farewell to a neighborhood, from whom I have experienced the most constant and friendly offices: To a society, who have as constantly covered all my faults with the mantle of love, as they have, with a friendly partiality, encouraged my progress, by magnifying my few improvements—to take a most respectful and dutiful leave of Teachers, from whom I have experienced every attention, and every kindness; to bid a final adieu to companions, to whom I feel myself bound with the strongest cords of love and esteem.
In taking leave of this peaceable, happy society, I beg they would believe me truly grateful for their many pledges of affection; and fully sensible of the advantages I have enjoyed, in having my youth formed by such examples of domestic economy—purity of morals, and reverence for religion.
In taking leave of you, my lovely and dear companions, I am supported by the pleasing reflection, that the hill of science you are now ascending, presents prospects the most happily calculated to alleviate a separation from your relations and homes; and that the road is planted with every flower, which, perhaps, it is possible for academic ground to nurse. I speak from experience, having preceded you in these rural scenes and scientific walks. Could I give form to fancy, or embody thought, each of you would be delighted with the picture my three year's study here has impressed on my mind.
My lovely companions! If life be the bounty of heaven, to enjoy it rationally, is certainly the first happiness of humanity; to observe it with a virtuous delicacy, the peculiar felicity of our feeble, dependant sex. We are not here managed to ride the whirlwind of thoughtless dissipation. But in these calm retreats we are taught lessons which dignify the character of our sex—entitle us to respect in society—and, if duly attended to, will have a happy influence in rendering us accomplished and agreeable companions.
Separated we soon shall be, by returning to our several homes; yet, by indulging a retrospect of the sciences we have here studied together—of the pleasure we have experienced in the company of each other; and the friendships we have here contracted and cemented—shall we not daily meet in this asylum of peace and innocence? Wherever accident or circumstances may place us, I doubt not, but it will be our daily petition, that the persons of those whose time has been so sacredly devoted for our benefit, may forever be encircled with the rays of a divine benediction; and, that into a source whence we have derived so many advantages, a constant tide of peace, success and happiness, may forever roll.
Amiable and beloved Tutorelles! With what language shall I attempt to describe the gratitude, with which my rising bosom glows for all your tenderness and all your care? Were I an orator, and able to ascend the highest ladder of eloquence, I should there need an Adam to give names to sensations which no language can now express.—If I have not improved, it cannot be charged to your neglect.—Should your partiality for me, suppose me bordering on an accomplishment, it is but a small return for your unremitted attentions.
It is not necessary I should bring these, my lovely companions, in the arms of the love and friendship I feel for them, and present them to your care—they are already infolded in the bosom of your tenderest affections. Could the personal virtues of teachers ensure them success, there would not be one in this lovely circle but would answer the expectations, and even the most sanguine wishes, of those who have sent them here for an education.—These are not compliments lavished by vanity; but truths extorted by the justice due your character as teachers.
If to form the tender mind to virtue, to science and usefulness, be of the first consequence in society, what praise is due him, who, with such impartiality, abilities and attention, presides in this large, and increasing Academy?
Partial as I am, Rev. Sir, to this mode of education: warm as my bosom glows with respect and gratitude for your paternal and unceasing care for my improvements, I have not risen to disgust you with a catalogue of commendations, of which, few of your acquaintance—none of this society, can be ignorant. That respect you have taught me to entertain, for the most virtuous and deserv-
ing, I feel for you.—The useful and moral precepts I have so often received from you, I will endeavor to carry with me into the world, and hope I may be able to improve upon them as I advance in life. Whilst the finger of science, so evidently points to this innocent sublime retreat for the education of our sex, may no demon of discord be permitted to enter these peaceful groves. May the roots of this tree of knowledge of good only, you are directing our feeble sex to approach, be forever supported and enriched by the unshaken soil of virtue, and its branches continually encircled by the rainbow of refined and useful science.
To the late Director of this infant Academy, and his amiable lady, a tribute is due which I will not fully by attempting to describe.—Their places being so agreeably, and respectably filled, does not lessen our love and esteem for them; or with us, eclipse a ray of the purity with which their characters forever shone. Had not an important demand in the church called them to a more elevated situation, pleasing would it have been to this Academy could they have continued a charge, for which nature and education had so happily formed them. The winds, on whose wings our souls were wafted to Letitz, and the Lehigh with whose waters our tears were mingled, can witness to the grief and reluctance with which we bade them the last adieu. Their friendly images are too deeply engraved upon the tablet of our hearts for time to erase.—May the gentle breath of peace forever attend them!
I have now arrived at the most distressing scene, circumstances have ever forced me to endure.
The curtain of separation is now drawing. I must bid you a long—perhaps with some of you it will be an eternal adieu.—May our separating not break or weaken, but extend and strengthen the cords of love and friendship with which we have here been bound.—To your own breasts, my beloved and dear friends, I appeal for a description of the sensations with which my bosom is now agitated.
With the sincerity of a friend—the duty of a child—and love of a sister I bid you all a final adieu!
THAT no Virgin would incline an ear To wild professions from inconstant youth, But nobly scorn a sentiment to hear, That seems to laugh at innocence and truth.
For if no just displeasure she reveals, Time will convince her dearly to her cost, That step by step the sweet delusion steals, Till fame and honor are forever lost.
The female mind may bid its terrors cease, Who never made her softer feelings known, Nor fear a thought destructive to her peace, While prudence tells her to conceal her own.
But if, alas! In some unguarded hour, Erom this advice she madly should depart, She gives her lover an unbounded pow'r To wound her honor and to break her heart.
In vain the fair to such a crisis drove, In fence or foul superior will confide; For when has reason triumph'd over love, Or inclination been subdu'd by pride?
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
RESOLVED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
AN act to enable the Officers, and Soldiers of the Virginia line on Continental Establishment, to obtain titles to certain lands, lying northwest of the river Ohio, between the little Miami and Sciota,
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act of Congress of the seventeenth of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, relative to certain locations and surveys made by, or on account of the Virginia troops on continental establishment upon the Ohio, be, and the same is hereby repealed.
And whereas the agents for such of the troops of the state of Virginia who served on the continental establishment in the army of the United States, during the late war, have reported to the executive of the said state, that there is not a sufficiency of good land on the southeasterly side of the river Ohio, according to the act of cession from the said state to the United States, and within the limits assigned by the laws of the said state, to satisfy the said troops for the bounty lands due to them, in conformity to the said laws: to the intent therefore, that the difference between what has already been located for the said troops, on the southeasterly side of the said river, and the aggregate of what is due to the whole of the said troops, may be located on the north-westerly side of the said river, and between the Sciota and little Miami rivers, as regulated by the said state.
Be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the department of war, shall make return to the executive of the state of Virginia of the names of such of the officers, non-commissioned officers and privates of the line of the said state, who served in the army of the United States on the continental establishment, during the late war, and who in conformity to the said state and federal laws, are entitled to bounty lands; and shall also make a return of the aggregate amount in acres due to the said line by the laws aforesaid.
And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the said agents to locate to and for the use of the said troops, between the rivers Sciota and Little Miami, such a number of acres of good land, as shall, together with the number already located between the said two rivers and the number already located on the southeasterly side of the river Ohio, be equal to the aggregate amount, so to be returned as aforesaid by the secretary of the department of war.
And be it further enacted, That the said agents, as soon as may be after the locations, surveys and allotments are made and completed, shall enter in regular order, in a book to be by them provided for that purpose, the bounds of each location and survey between the said two rivers, annexing the name of the officer, non-commissioned officer or private originally entitled to each; which entries being certified by the said agents or the majority of them, to be true entries, the book containing the same shall be filed in the office of the Secretary of state.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, to cause letters patent to be made out in such words and form as he shall devise and direct, granting to such person so originally entitled to bounty lands, to his use, and to the
use of heirs or assigns, or his or their legal representative or representatives, his or their heirs or assigns the lands designated in the said entries: Provided always, that before the seal of the United States shall be affixed to such letters patent, the secretary of the department of war shall have endorsed thereon that the grantee therein named, was originally entitled to such bounty lands, and that he has examined the bounds thereof with the book of entries filed in the office of the secretary of state, and finds the same truly inserted; and every such letters patent shall be countersigned by the secretary of state, and a minute of the date thereof, and of the name of the grantees shall be entered of record in his office, in a book to be specially provided for the purpose.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the secretary of state as soon as may be after the letters patent shall be so completed and entered of record, to transmit the same to the executive of the State of Virginia, to be by them delivered to each grantee; or in case of his death, or that right of the grantee shall have been legally transferred before such delivery, then to his legal representative or representatives, or to one of them.
And be it further enacted, That no fees shall be charged for such letters patent and record, to the grantees, their heirs or assigns, or to his or their legal representative or representatives.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives, JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST THE TENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State
STOCKBRIDGE, AUGUST 10.
We have the pleasure to inform the public that by an estimate submitted to the National Legislature, the produce of the duties of impost and tonnage, without calculating on the improving resources of this country, will annually amount to 2,622,570 dollars—and that the whole sum necessary for the support of government, and the payment of the interest of the domestic debt, independent of that assumed of the State debts, amounts only to 1,660,861 dollars and 40 cents, leaving a balance to be provided for, of 37,291 dollars and 40 cents. The annual provision for the assumed debts will amount to about 758,332 dollars; so that there will remain to be provided for in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, 795,623 dollars. The excise yet remains untouched, and is beyond all doubt capable of producing a sum greatly beyond what is required, and may provide a very handsome sinking fund—From this state of facts, we with pleasure congratulate our countrymen on the happy prospect of the re-establishment of public credit, without the necessity of imposing that most grievous of all burdens, and the most destructive of the agricultural interest—direct taxes.
THE TABLET.—No. 139.
“Men often do good that they may be able to do ill with impunity.”
EVERY man has a certain position from which he wishes his character may be viewed.—There perhaps is no one so notoriously vile, as not to flatter himself that his good qualities are more than a balance for his bad. This kind of self-deceit is one of the principal checks against a progressive improvement in virtuous habits.—Such virtues, as can most conveniently be practised, or as best accord with our peculiar turn of mind, are deemed so eminently praiseworthy as to afford an apology for omitting to practise others less convenient and agreeable to ourselves.
Thus it happens that every profession of men have characteristic virtues and vices, and for this reason the opinions and the conduct of a philosopher are not predicated on any model borrowed from mere professional people. There is a right and a wrong inherent in the nature of every action; and there is a species of artificial right and wrong which takes its character from a view, that is merely local or professional. As mankind can only be held together and carry on the operations of society by forming small associations or communities, and as these must all have distinct maxims and regulations suited to their particular situation, it must be expected the bulk of mankind will be governed in their conduct by a very narrow view of circumstances. The different institutions that have been formed in the world have generally adopted their principles on too contracted a scale. For when only temporary advantages are proposed, or local objects regarded, it will happen that with a change of situation, the institution itself will be annihilated. The revolution of government, the overturn of States, and the innumerable changes in religious sects and systems, have been very much owing to their not having been built on those general and immutable principles, whose force could operate in different situations of society.
The defective basis on which most institutions are erected not only renders the term of their operation precarious, but subjects their votaries to certain local feelings and habits, not consonant to the general sense and happiness of mankind. Those people who are strongly attached to particular modes of government or religion, are apt to suppose that their affections should flow in a current equally circumscribed as the parties to which they adhere. By this means, if they are zealous and honest to their peculiar sects, they seem to imagine they acquire a right to indulge the exercise of the unsocial passions in their intercourse with the world at large.

PRIZES
IN THE NEW-YORK CITY LOTTERY.
Prizes of 4l. Drawn on Wednesday August 11.
Table with 8 columns: No., 232, 3629, 6233, 10053, 12312, 15375, 18372, 21767. It lists winning numbers and prize amounts for the Wednesday drawing.
Thursday.
Table with 8 columns: No., 101, 3014, 6554, 9756, 12325, 14220, 16904, 20289. It lists winning numbers and prize amounts for the Thursday drawing.
Friday.
Table with 8 columns: No., 144, 3234, 769, 9247, 12428, 16131, 19402, 23137. It lists winning numbers and prize amounts for the Friday drawing.
DISSUASIVE FROM SATIRE.
WHY should you waste your paper, pens and ink, To write for fools who neither read or think?
BOSTON, August 11.
THE COLUMBIA.
It is with real pleasure we announce, the safe arrival, in this port, on Monday last, of the Ship Columbia, Capt. Gray, from a voyage of adventure to the North West Coast of America.
This Ship, in company with the Sloop Washington, failed on the 30th September, 1787, and the year following reached their place of destination—from whence the Columbia failed with Furs, which she disposed of in China, on her return home.
To Messrs. Barrell, Brown, Bulfinch, Hatch, and Pintard, who planned the voyage, their country in indebted, for this experiment in a branch of commerce before unassayed by Americans: And to their care in providing every necessary for the comfort and convenience of the crews, may, under Heaven, be attributed the extraordinary degree of health which they have enjoyed; having lost but one man, by sickness, since they failed.
Their country is also under obligation to the intrepid Navigators who have conducted this voyage—who urbanity and civility have secured the friendship of the aboriginals of the country they visited; and whose honor and intrepidity have commanded the protection and respect of the European Lords of the soil, to the American flag; while that of another nation hath been forbidden to be unfurled on the coast.
The Columbia and Washington are the first American vessels who have circumnavigated the globe—and the Washington, which is only of 90 tons burthen, is the first Sloop of any nation ever sent on so great a voyage.
On the Columbia's arriving opposite the Castle, she saluted the flag of the United States with 13 guns; which was immediately returned therefrom—and on coming to her moorings in the harbour fired a federal salute—which a great concourse of citizens assembled on the several wharfs, returned with three huzzas, and a hearty welcome.
We are told, that one of the natives of the Island of Owhyhee, arrived in the Columbia.
NEW-HAVEN, August 11.
On the 10th of last month, about four o'clock in the afternoon, (the wind blowing fresh, and the weather being thick and foggy) the sloop Friendship of this port, John Ward, master, ran on a reef of rocks, near St. Peters, a little to the westward of Newfoundland, and was lost with her cargo of pine lumber; by which unfortunate accident, Mr. Richard Tritton, owner and supercargo of the vessel, was drowned; the rest of the company got on the rocks, where they remained about 24 hours, (without any sustenance) when they were taken off by some people from the shore, who treated them with great kindness, refusing to let them have any of the articles driven on shore from the wreck;—and after suffering a variety of hardships they got to St. Peters, where they took passage in a vessel bound to New-York, which landed the mate and people, at one of the points of our harbour, last Sunday, but Capt. Ward proceeded in the vessel to New-York.
Mr. Tritton, was a native of Halifax, about 40 years of age, has resided several years in this city, and has left a widow and two children.
PETERSBURG, August 5.
On Saturday last, the Sheriffs of the different counties in this District, met at Brunswick Courthouse, and after comparing the polls, returned William B. Giles, as duly elected a Representative to Congress, in the room of the late Theodorick Bland.
NEW-YORK, August 18.
Government is formed in order to promote the general good, and that government is best which tends most directly to that end. The best security against the abuse of the powers of government, is knowledge:—It is indeed highly probable that a bad government will extinguish knowledge among the people, or that knowledge will reform a bad government. But tho' an enlightened people would certainly attempt the reform, they would risk and suffer much in the undertaking—Even success has its dangers—for in the period of fermentation of men's minds, the love of novelty would constantly demand, and an acute ingenuity would supply an infinity of new schemes, which would prove pernicious—Every one would be an innovation, and every innovation in some degree unlets the state of security which men form societies to enjoy—This uncertain state is dangerous to liberty.—A wise people therefore who enjoy liberty, have much at hazard, when they listen to those who advise to weaken their government. But when the government is derived from the people, it should be considered as the safe-guard of liberty. Instead of abstract opinions, let us appeal to facts which we all remember, and most of us with pain—In 1786, the government of the Union was no more than a shadow—arms were taken up in the eastern part of the United States. Was liberty more secure than at this period? Those who call themselves champions for liberty, and who exhort us to take away part of the powers of the National Government, to as to bring it nearly to the admired standard of the confederation, will deliberate whether they are not doing all in their power to assist our liberties. This is the government of the people—by reducing its powers they would diminish their own. They can only act as a body by means of a government. When government is dissolved, every man being reduced to act as an individual, becomes nothing.—The people have always been cheated by the tale that they are to get the power which government loses—whereas, their ambitious leaders exercise it, and the people have commonly lost much of what they had before.
Dr. Price's Revolution Sermon may be had of the Editor. Price 1/7.
FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA MERCURY.
IMPROMPTU
ON HEARING OF THE DEATH OF GOV. LIVINGSTON.
OFRAIL mortality!—behold thy doom, Heroes and sages crowd the narrow tomb! The vet'ran PUTNAM, bows his laurel'd head, And beckons sages to the mighty dead; FRANKLIN obeys—and treads the shadowy shore— And the good LIVINGSTON is now no more— His mighty soul reluctant to remain, Elated, rush'd to join the illustrious train.
NEW-YORK, AUGUST 18.
Last Thursday evening the St. Andrew's Society of the State of New-York held their quarterly meeting at the City-Tavern. The Society, anxious of shewing their respect to the character of Col. M C GILLIVRAY, availed themselves of his presence in this city, and unanimously elected him an honorary member of the Society, and immediately after a committee was appointed to conduct him to it. The Colonel was introduced to the presiding officers in their places, and received the compliments of the Society. When the business of the Society was finished, he partook of a collation provided for the occasion, and mingled, with great affability in the festivity of the evening. An occasional song was prepared and sung by a visiting friend, and addressed to the Chief in terms so artless, and yet so affecting, as touched the hearts of the members with sensations uncommonly pleasurable.
The Society were honored with the company of the Hon. SAMUEL JOHNSTON, Senator of the United States from North-Carolina, who had previously been elected an honorary member by a meeting of the Society specially called for that purpose.
On Saturday last The PRESIDENT of the United States—His Excellency Gov. Clinton—The Secretary of State—Hon. Judge Blair—Colonel Humphreys, Major Jackson, and Mr. Nelson, embarked on board the Hancock Packet, Capt. Brown, on a tour to Rhode Island.
Extract of a letter from Boston, August 2.
"This day the ship Columbia arrived here—the particulars of her voyage you will see in the papers.—This mercantile enterprize does honor to the concerned.—There is no attempt too arduous for the adventurous spirit of Americans. The sons of Columbia traverse the globe by sea and land; and nothing bounds them but the limits of creation. To what eminence must such a people attain under the fostering care of a wise, just and energetic government; but the misfortune of the world is, that there is scarcely one good government in it. You will perceive by some late publications, that violent suspicions are entertained that a want of rectitude and real patriotism have stained some recent transactions in ours, while in its infancy. Should these things be true, the selfish, unprincipled, avaricious wretches will find that excrations will follow them as their shadow, so long as any one remains to utter curses—but for the honor of human nature, and of our country, I hope better things."
The lottery mania appears to rage with uncommon violence. It is said there are nearly twenty lotteries now on foot in different States. The sale of tickets has been uncommonly rapid. Lotteries have been formed, published, the tickets sold, and drawn in the course of 10 or 15 days. The rage for adventuring however begins to abate, and it now takes months to compleat, what has been transacted in a few days. Odd numbers have been so very fortunate, especially if sold to a very poor man, who borrowed the money, or parted with his coat to procure the ticket, that it is recommended to the fabricators of lotteries in future, to designate every ticket by such number only—the sale would be immensely expedited by the measure. So exceedingly strong was the faith of a certain person in odd numbers, that he purchased every ticket in a late lottery, whose number contained three threes. He however paid his full share of the deduction for the benefit of the lottery; but he imputed his misfortune to an extraordinary run of good luck which attended the intervening odd numbers.
There are some advantages which result from lotteries: A person for 6 weeks drank one dram less every morning, in order to save money enough to buy part of a ticket.
The Act for the relief of Adam Caldwell, title of which was published in our last, did not pass the Senate, but was referred to the next session.
Prizes in the New-York City Lottery of 10l. and upwards.
Table with 4 columns: Prizes of 100l., No., 23, 578, 22,375, 22,244, 10,127. It lists prize amounts and winning numbers for the 10l. and upwards category.
DIED]—At Occanee, in the Indian country, Capt. JOSEPH SAVAGE, formerly of Boston.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Sloop Matty, Jones, Turks-Island. Mary, Harris, Augusta, 9 days. Schooner Union, Havre-de-Grace, 94.
TO BE LET,
On very low terms—and entered upon immediately, until the first of May next.
THAT elegant new TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, in the Bowery-Lane, formerly occupied by ROBERT GILBERT LIVINGSTON, deceased; it has seven Fire Places with a good Cellar under the whole House—a convenient out-House in the rear, with a Coach-House, and Stables; for further particulars enquire of MANGLE MINTHORN, Corporation Dock. (2 w. t. f.)

CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FRIDAY, July 23.
Debate on the amendment of the Senate to the Funding Bill, to assume a part of the State Debts.
MR. Smith (S. C.) after some introductory observations, said, that two points were generally conceded; namely that the debts, which, for distinction sake, were called state debts, had been incurred for the common welfare and general defence, and that those debts ought to be paid: The question was by whom? Whether by the several states or by the Union?
There was one principle, he said, which should be attended to in the discussion of this great question: that was, that the citizens of one state ought not to pay a greater price for independence than those of another, but that a citizen of New-Hampshire, in proportion to his means, should contribute as much towards the expenses of the war as a citizen of Georgia.
Premising this principle as one which could not be shaken, it might serve as a standard by which the arguments on both sides ought to be tried. Should the States be left to pay their respective debts, it was evident that the citizens of those States which suffered most from the incursions and depredations of the enemy would pay a higher price for their liberties than the citizens of other States, because the debt would be larger, and the means of payment smaller. The burden would be therefore unequal, and every refusal to equalize it would be unjust. Whether the citizens of those States were viewed in the light of creditors of the public or not, the inequality would be apparent. If creditors, they would have a less chance of being paid than creditors of other States; the individual in South-Carolina who spilt his blood, furnished supplies or lent his money to carry on the war, would probably receive compensation at the rate of a shilling in the pound, while the individual in Maryland, with similar claims, would receive his compensation at the rate of fifteen shillings in the pound; and while the citizen who had casually received a continental instead of a State certificate, would be settled with at the rate of twenty shillings in the pound.
If the citizens of the suffering States were viewed not as creditors, but as individuals liable to such taxation as would be necessary to do justice to the creditor, the inequality was no less obvious. In one part of the union the people would be crushed with grievous taxes, in another the taxes would be trifling; the inequality indeed would exist in a compound ratio; for, in proportion to the amount of taxes necessary for the payment of its debt, would be the inability of the suffering State to pay them; inasmuch as a large debt would be an evidence of great exertions, and consequently of great distress; it would therefore follow, that in one State, either the creditor would lose his debt, or the citizens groan under an enormous burden, while in another State the creditor would have his debt well funded, and the citizens smile under an easy system of taxation.
Under the old confederation, this inequality, although incompatible with the true principles of the social compact, was, however tolerable, because each State retained all its resources; and because there was no other constitutional mode of equalizing the burden among the States than by a settlement of accounts. Under the present form of government it will be intolerable; because the impost, which to the States most in debt was the most valuable source of revenue, is relinquished to the union; and because Congress have it in their power, by the Assumption, to do away all disproportion. This measure will therefore stand the test of the principle above premised; for the creditors of all the States will be placed precisely on the same footing, and the citizens of all the States will be equally taxed.
An objection, however, is much depended on, derived from a supposed inequality, which will occur in the event of an Assumption: some States, it is said, have, since the peace, discharged a part of their debts by considerable exertions, and it is not just that their citizens should now contribute to the discharge of the debts of other States which have been remiss.
In order to give weight to this objection, great merit has been assumed by the former, and much censure inflicted on the latter, who have been exultingly asked, why they had not made similar efforts. Such a question, Mr. Smith said, he was inclined to compare to the conduct of a man in the vigor of health, and who had never seen the face of a Doctor, asking a sick friend, still languid under the depression of a severe illness, why he did not eat heartily and take exercise as he did?
Each State, he presumed, undertook at the close of the war, such methods of extricating herself from her embarrassments as were within the compass of her abilities. He did not ascribe the payments some States had made to a greater degree of virtue in them than in others; nor could he suppose that the gentlemen who made this observation, seriously thought that an individual was more meritorious because he was a citizen of one State, than if he had been a citizen of another: or that an ideal boundary line of a State could operate so wonderfully on the human mind as to render the citizen on this side active in the performance of his political duties, and the citizen on the other side inactive? That being on the north side of the Potomac or the Savannah, an individual would have more or less inclination to contribute his exertions for the public good, than if he were on the south side? Unless they insisted on these points, how could they account for these inequalities of which they complained; to what causes could they attribute the large debts of some States, and the smaller debts of others. The exertions of some members of the Union since the peace, to disencumber themselves of their burdens, and the supineness of others? Could they be traced to any other cause than a greater degree of suffering during the war, on the one part, and a greater abundance of resources since the peace on the other. Those States, which during the war were most invaded by the enemy, were at the peace most exhausted; and it was unreasonable to demand great exertions from them. In proportion to their struggles and efforts was their debt increased: In the same proportion was their strength exhausted, and their resources drained—while other States, more fortunate, (and he envied them not their good fortune) contracted less debt during the war, and were fully competent to the discharge of that small debt at the peace.
He wished all these circumstances of comparative merit had been kept out of view, and that the question had been considered on its proper grounds of justice and policy; but as they had been contemplated by some members as necessary materials in the investigation, without which a proper estimate of the true merits of the question could not be formed, he considered it a duty he owed to the state he represented, to take some notice of the arguments which had been urged on that head.
Two points had been dwelt on—The large debts of some States, and the feeble exertions they had made to discharge them. He was happy he had in his power to clear up in a few moments, the doubts of every candid mind on both those points, as they related to South-Carolina. With respect to the first, the size of her debt might be accounted for, from the following circumstances:—that the paid, fed, equipped and clothed the whole Continental line of South-Carolina from its first raising to the 1st January 1782, a period of seven years; that the defence of the
whole Southern trade fell chiefly on South-Carolina, as well as the protection of a considerable extent of sea coast, which cost an immense sum for vessels of war, galleys, &c.—While Georgia and Virginia had their galleys on continental establishment, South-Carolina had to pay her own—that Charleston was three several times attacked by the British forces, in 1776, 1779 and 1780, which induced an enormous expense for fortifications; sinking vessels to obstruct their passage up the rivers; arming and calling forth the militia; purchasing horses, naval military stores; that at the time the British arms attacked the State on the sea coast, the savages and tories attacked it in the West—that in addition to all this, the State had assumed out of the hands of its citizens charges against the United States, liquidated by their Commissioners amounting to more than two millions of dollars—that while the citizens of some States received hard money, the citizens of South-Carolina were compelled to receive certificates for the supplies which were furnished to the Southern army; and that the State had moreover been at a vast expense in raising and equipping some regiments of horse, under the sanction of General Greene.—These were some of the causes of the large debt that State had long groaned under. He then adverted to the steps she had taken since the peace to discharge it. Much could not be expected from people distressed as her citizens were; many of whom owed considerable private debts to British merchants at the breaking out of the war, and had been bereft of almost the whole of the property with which those debts were to be discharged. A State, which for the space of six or seven years had been constantly struggling with the enemy; which had lost its crops for several successive years; whose towns had been burnt; all the furniture of its citizens destroyed; deprived of upwards of 30,000 negroes; nearly one half of its labourers; the property of the citizens torn from them by British plunderers, or by American impressments; multitudes of their citizens killed; in so much that in the district of Ninety-Six alone, there were 1400 widows at the close of the war—could not be censured with any propriety for having made slender exertions to discharge her debts. In 1784, she attempted a funding system, and had kept down the interest ever since, which alone, considering her situation, was a considerable exertion, as the annual interest amounted to upwards of 300,000 dollars: She had also sunk upwards of a million and a half of the principal, and would have done more had the crops been favorable; but from 1783 to 1787, in consequence of the depopulation of labourers, the bad state of the fields, and a succession of bad seasons the planters had annually made scarce half a crop. He did not mention these circumstances to make a parade of them, but for the purpose of removing impressions unfavorable to the citizens of that country which seemed to exist in the minds of some of the members. TO BE CONTINUED.
FROM THE NEW-YORK DAILY GAZETTE.
SONG.
Sung in the St. Andrew's Society, on Thursday evening last, when Col. ALEXANDER M'GILLIVRAY was present.
TUNE—Nottingham Ale.
AMONG polish'd nations for centuries past, The Hero, the Saint, have by custom assign'd A day to their honor, which ever shall last While gratitude softens the hearts of mankind. For this cause to-day, The Crops we display, To honor St. Andrew, the great and the good; Who, despising the shame, Laid to glory the claim, And seal'd, like a martyr, the truth with his blood. Perhaps his last moments, those moments of pain, Might be sweet'ned with prospects of what would ensue; When one of his children should make the way plain, And people Elysium with converts from you. When Ohio's fair plains Should enlarge the domains Of the Prince, and the Lover and Giver of Peace; And a Son of his own Have the merit, alone, Of making all Indian hostilities cease. The time is at hand, nay, already appears, When the Empire of Reason shall govern the world, And Error, tho' sanction'd by thousands of years, With contempt, as it ought, from our bosoms be hurl'd. With a great and just view This Truth we'll pursue, That feature or colour no difference can be, In the eye of that Mind Which call'd forth Mankind, To make them one family, happy and free. What a wide scene of rapture my eye now beholds, When I turn to the West the enkindling view, Their frank tawney children my bosom enfolds, And clasps them with ardor, as brothers, like you. Perhaps, ere I die, My children or I, With safety and comfort may traverse this land And bless this fair day, When St. Andrew's sway, Impell'd their Leader to give me his hand. May plentiful seasons, a sun ever mild, A spirit of kindness and friendship sincere, Transform to an Eden your deserts so wild, And sympathy only occasion a tear. When you're gone far away, Oh! remember the day, When here joy and harmony mingled their pow'rs, To keep up the fame Of St. Andrew's name, And embellish'd his shrine with a chaplet of flowers.
* Here the Chief and the Poet shook hands with great cordiality, and the members present participated heartily in the exchange of friendly sentiments.
This day published, And to be sold by THOMAS ALLEN, Queen-Street, corner of Fly-Market, A COLLECTION OF ESSAYS AND FUGITIVE WRITINGS, On various subjects. By NOAH WEBSTER, Jun.
The Mail Diligence, FOR PHILADELPHIA.
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market.
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
MASSACHUSETTS STATE LOTTERY.
THE Managers of the STATE LOTTERY, present the Public with the First Class of the Massachusetts Semi-annual State Lottery, which will commence drawing in the Representatives' Chamber, in Boston, on the Seventeenth of March next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of.
SCHEME.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE.
25,000 Tickets, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
Table with 3 columns: Prizes, Dollars, and Number of Prizes. It lists various prize amounts from 10000 down to 8 dollars and the number of tickets for each.
8388 Prizes. 16612 Blanks. 25000.
TICKETS may be had of the several Managers, who will pay the Prizes on demand—of the TREASURER of the Commonwealth—of JAMES WHITE, at his Book-Store, Franklin's-Head, Court-Street, and at other places as usual.
BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun. DAVID COBB, SAMUEL COOPER, GEORGE R. MINOT, JOHN KNEELAND, Managers.
Boston, July 28, 1790.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT.
July 13, 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the first day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty first day of December 1791, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania, and Fort Pitt and at Fort Pitt. At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort M'Intosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort M'Intosh. At any place or places, betwixt Fort M'Intosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami Village, before described. At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio. At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river. At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village. At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river. At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango. At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf betwixt Le Beuf and and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river. At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the road from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek. At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively. At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazoo inclusively. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee, to Ocochoppo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively. Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.
One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a Jill of rum, brandy or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, per. 100 rations,
The proposals must specify the lowest price per ration. No credit is required. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donald's estate, within this State, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790.
CONTINENTAL
STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET.
A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
A large impression of this paper having been struck off from the commencement of the second volume April 14.—Those who incline to become subscribers from that period, may be furnished with the number compleat.