Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-05-19 00:00:00

Wm Plummer Esq.
115
Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser. By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1775.]
PHILADELPHIA: SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 19, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
Sale of Furniture.
ON Monday next, the 21st of May at nine o'clock in the morning at No. 10 South Fourth-street, between Chestnut and Market-streets, will be sold a large assortment of Household & Kitchen Furniture.
Collectors Office.
PHILADELPHIA, MAY 15, 1798. FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION, At the Custom House, on FRIDAY, the fifteenth of June, 1798, the following Merchandise, which remain in the Custom House Stores more than nine months, unclaimed by the owners or consignees thereof.
Will be sold for Cash.
At eight o'clock on the Evening of MONDAY the eleventh day of June next, at the Merchants' Coffee house, in Philadelphia, if not previously disposed of at private sale.
Valuable patented LAND.
In the county of Glynn, in the state of Georgia, and the counties of Bath and Randolph in the state of Virginia. 7000 acres at the head of St. Simon's Sound and mouth of Turtle and Altamaha rivers, adjoining the commons of the town of Brunswick.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that by virtue of a Decree of the Chancellor, will be sold at Public Auction, at Snowhill, Maryland, on the first Friday in June next, part of a tract of Land called STRUGGLE, lying in Worcester county, and all the right of the Real Estate of Joshua Townsend, deceased, for the payment of his debts.
LANDING.
From on board the Ship Elizabeth, captain Paillie, from Batavia, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 400,000 wt. Java COFFEE.
GOODS
Forwarded to BALTIMORE, OVER LAND Via Elkton, on reasonable terms—by Levi Hollingsworth & Son.
SALT PETRE.
One hundred kegs of refined Salt Petre, For Sale by the Subscribers. James C. & Samuel W. Fisher.
JOSEPH RICARDO.
On this City, Merchant, has assigned his property for the benefit of his Creditors, to James C. Fisher, Samuel W. Fisher, and Thomas Wilson. All persons who have demands are requested to furnish their accounts without delay—and those indebted to make immediate payment to the Subscribers, acting Assignees.
JUST ARRIVED.
In the brig Gayoso, capt. Bingham, from St. Martins A quantity of SALT, of an excellent quality. A few gross Porter Bottles, new And twenty casks Vinegar.
FOR SALE.
195 boxes white Havannah Sugar 107 do. brown Will be landed to morrow, at Willings and Francis's wharf, from on board the brig Active, William Williams, master.
TO BE SOLD.
40,939 acres of Land. IN Greene county, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, on the waters of Fifth and Wheeling Creeks and Ten Mile Run. These Lands are fertile and well timbered, and abound in Coal; they were sold ten years ago for five dollars per acre; patented early in 1793, except 3700 acres, which were patented in 1793; part of them were surveyed in 1783.
TO BE SOLD.
26,780 acres of Land, IN the State of New York, between the northern bounds of Pennsylvania and the Susquehanna river, or late in the townships of Hamden and Warren and county of Warren. These Lands, from their quality and situation, are a very desirable object for any man who means to invest his money to advantage.
Military Colours.
At C. GULLAGER'S Portrait and Ornamental Painting Rooms, No. 50, South Fourth, next to Chestnut Street, opposite the Friends' Meeting. PAINTING on Silks for Military and other ornamental purposes (in a manner peculiar to himself) durable, not to be injured by the weather, which for elegance of design, truth and beauty of colouring, materials and masterly execution, has not been equalled by George Rutter and Co.
NOTICE.
P.S. Gentlemen in town and country, wishing for a supply of Colours and Drums, painted in a masterly manner, will no doubt feel themselves obliged for the kind caution given by George Rutter and Co. not to trust self-flattering advertisements, but examine the work executed by both parties. One view will satisfy them where the superiority lies—have the spoiling of good Silks by George Rutter's pencil—and discover the requisites for the contrasting talents of Henry Frailey, at Germantown.
Military Colours.
PAINTED ON SILK—BY GEORGE RUTTER & Co. Portrait and Ornamental Painters, IN a file which will endure the harshness of the weather without injury, and which for neatness and exactitude of colouring cannot be surpassed in this city. FLAGS AND DRUMS. Furnished with dispatch, on the most moderate terms.
NOTICE.
HAVING observed an advertisement of C. Gullager, in terms derogatory of our professional abilities, we have to request the public not to be imposed upon by foreign artists; but to decide upon the merits of each by a comparison of the work executed by both, as it is a mode almost universally adopted by them to invalidate the talents of established artists, with a view of deceiving the public, and eradicating that business which their professional knowledge in no wise entitles them to. Well knowing that public opinion must govern, we flatter ourselves that the work executed by us will convince them of our great superiority over Mr. Gullager in every branch of portrait and ornamental painting, and show the necessity of judging for themselves.
NOTICE.
N. B. In future no attention will be paid to the self-flattering advertisements of Mr. G. Any person wishing a supply of FLAGS and DRUMS will please apply to Geo. Rutter and Co. Norris's Court, or Henry Frailey, Germantown.
JUST PUBLISHED.
By W. YOUNG, bookbinder, Second-street, the corner of Chestnut Street, THE WORKS OF JOHN NEWTON, LONDON. A new edition, in 9 vols. price 1/2 dols. neatly bound, containing letters of Omicron and Virgil, Campion's, review of ecclesiastical history, sermons, &c. letters to a wife, Olney hymns, and the life of Eliza Cunningham.
Also, lately Published.
Baxter's Saint's Rest, abridged by Fawcett, 12mo at 37 1/2 cts. Beveridge's private thoughts, 2 parts 12mo 75 cts. Christian (the) Parent, 12mo 50 cts. (the) Remembrancer, 12mo 75 cts. Christian world unmasked, do 62 1/2 cts. Dickenson's (of New-Jersey) familiar letters, 12mo 87 1/2 cts. Doddridge's life and progress, 12mo 62 1/2 cts. sermons on education, 12mo 44 cts. sermons to young persons, do 62 1/2 cts. on regeneration, 12mo 87 1/2 cts. Davies sermons, 2 vols 8vo 4 dols. Horne's commentary on the book of Psalms, ditto 2 vols 8vo 2 25 cts. a work highly admired by all who have had the advantage of perusing it. Hervey's Aspasia vindicated, 12mo 75 cts. Letters of certain Jews to Voltaire, 8vo 3 cts. Walker's sermons, with Blair's life of the author, 2 vols 8vo 3 dols. White's sermons, preached before the University of Oxford, 8vo 1 50 cts. Wynne's on the true and eternal God-head of our Lord Jesus Christ, 8vo 62 1/2 cts. Sacred Biography, or the history of the Patriarchs, by H. Hunter, 3 vols 8vo 6 dols. A large assortment of bibles, in folio, quarto, 12mo and pocket, at various prices. A large allowance to wholesale purchasers. Catalogues of books, with the prices of each book annexed, are delivered as aforesaid. may 17 22 1/2 cts.
CANNON.
Musket and Pistol Cartridge Papers, A LARGE ASSORTMENT Is now ready for sale by WILLIAM YOUNG, Bookseller, No. 52, Second Street, the corner of Chestnut Street. OF WHOM MAY BE HAD Baron Steuben's Regulations for the Order and Discipline of the Troops of the United States.—To which is added, an act of Congress concerning the Militia, price 50 cts.; do. large prints 67 1/2 cts.
W. YOUNG.
Hats for sale, on the lowest terms, for cash or negotiable Notes. Large writing, printing & drafting paper, Folios, 4to, 8to, 12to, and 16to. of various sizes, ink and plain ink powder, sealing wax, wafers, pocket knives, black lead pencils, quills, rulers, cases of mathematical instruments, gunter's scales, parchment and old skin memorandum books, pen knives, India-rubber and ink.
THOMAS & JOSHUA FISHER.
At No. 5, Dock-street, near the Drawbridge, China ware, nankeen dining sets, tea and coffee cups and saucers. Nankeens, black fatinas and tafetas. Pongee cloths, choppan romalls, and bandannoes. China and English umbrellas. Together with a general assortment of European Goods—among which are Shot scoured in boxes. 6d. 8d. 10d. 12d. and 20d. nails. Shot—T. Crowley Reel, Spanish brown and white lead. English scythes 42 to 50 inches. ALSO, 112 barrels of kiln dried Indian corn meal. Accommodious Store in Dock-street, No. 7, to be let, three stories high, suitable for any business. 4th mo. 5th sec.
ROSS & SIMSON.
HAVE FOR SALE, 22 bales superior Madras blue Cloths. Carolina Indigo, first quality. A few bales Batras, Coffees, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON. Bengal SUGAR, in bags and boxes. Jamaica and RUM. Bengal. april 2.
LANDING.
From on board the Ship SALLY, from Calcutta, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 1600 bags prime Sugar, 800 do. Ginger, 30 bales low priced piece Goods. John Miller, Jun.
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
Stolen Last Night, OUT of the pasture of the Subscriber, living in Darby, Delaware county, a Bay Horse about sixteen hands high, six years old, this spring, shod before, thin main and switch tail, a small star in his forehead, hind feet white, has a remarkable scar on his near shoulder occasioned by a scald or burn, on which the hair is thin and short, he carries well, trots and canters, is apt to start when rode.—Whoever takes up said horse and thief, shall have the above reward, or fifteen dollars for the horse only and reasonable charges. Nathaniel Newlin. 5th month, 17 cod3t.
For Sale.
The cargo of the brig American from Laguira, consisting of Caraccas Cocoa. Henry Philips, No. 112, South Fourth Street. april 23.
W. M. BIDDLE.
RESPECTFULLY informs the Public, that he has removed to No. 147, Chestnut Street, where he proposes to carry on the business of A BROKER. He will procure patents, or transfer any other business in the Land Office of this state, for a moderate commission. may 14 cod3t.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY—MAY 1.
THE SPEAKER laid before the house a report from the Postmaster General on certain petitions from the state of New York, praying for alterations in the post roads, which was referred to the committee appointed on this subject.
Mr. LYON presented a remonstrance and petition from the inhabitants of the town of Shaftesbury, in the state of Vermont, stating the evils which would arise from a state of war, amongst which they mention as one of the greatest an alliance with a nation whose object is the destruction of Republicanism; they pray, therefore, that merchants vessels may not be authorized to arm, nor any measures taken which may involve the country in war.
Mr. DAWSON presented an address to the same effect, from Madison county, in the state of Virginia.
The SPEAKER laid before the house a number of resolutions entered into at a meeting at New-Brunswick, approving of the conduct of the Executive in its negotiation with France, and offering the lives and fortunes of the addressers in support of the measures of government.
Mr. BARR presented some resolutions to the same effect from Frederick county, Maryland.
Mr. SINNICKSON also presented an address from Trenton to the same effect.
These several addresses, &c. were referred to the committee of the whole on the state of the union.
The house went into a committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of William Imlay, commissioner of loans for the state of Connecticut, and the bill was agreed to without amendment, and ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.
Mr. SEWALL called for the order of the day on the third resolution reported from the committee of the whole, on the subject of aliens, and the consideration of the following amendment being resumed, viz. to add to it these words: "between which and the United States, there shall exist a state of declared war," it was agreed, and referred to the select committee on commerce and defence, to report it back accordingly.
On motion of Mr. SEWALL, the house went into a committee of the whole on the bill from the Senate, with the amendments proposed by a select committee thereto, authorizing the President of the United States to raise a provisional army, Mr. DENT in the chair; when the bill and the amendments having been read, the first amendment came under consideration, viz. to strike out the following words, "whenever he shall judge the public safety shall require the measure," and to insert in lieu thereof, "in the event of a declaration of war against the United States, or of actual invasion of their territory by a foreign power, or of imminent danger of such invasion, discovered, in his opinion to exist."
Mr. GALLATIN said, if this amendment was adopted, it would prevent a motion being made to strike out the first section of the bill. This amendment would certainly make the bill better than it is at present, as it goes to define in some measure the cases in which the provisional army may be raised; yet, as he conceived, the amendment did not go far enough, and that under our present circumstances, it is not necessary or proper to pass this bill, he would move to strike out the first section of the bill, which would supercede the motion under consideration. He would briefly state his reasons for the motion.
He had said that the amendment removed in some degree the objections against the bill; but it was far from removing them altogether. He allowed the two first contingencies, viz. a declaration of war, or actual invasion, were definite, and therefore the constitutional objection which lay against the bill, as to its transferring a power to the Executive, which is vested by the constitution in Congress, viz. to judge of the propriety of raising an army, does not lie against them; but the third, viz. when imminent danger of such invasion, discovered, in his opinion, to exist, is liable to the same constitutional objection to which the original bill was liable, as it left it to the opinion on the President to decide the proper time of raising an army.
Undoubtedly the constitution has foreseen that in cases of imminent danger, the United States would need a standing army, but it makes Congress the judge of this necessity, but this bill went to make the President the judge; yet he knew if there were no other objection to this bill, the most usual course would have been to have moved to strike out the latter part of the amendment. But he conceived it was not proper at present to pass this bill; he believed it would be time enough to do it, when we were convinced of the existence of danger. And he did not think there were any serious apprehensions to be entertained of an invasion during the present session. The danger to be apprehended was upon our trade; but he expected no attack upon our territory beyond predatory excursions; the landing on a dangerous class of persons from the West-India islands, or an attack on the coast by some detached frigates. But in every case, short of an actual invasion by an army, he conceived the militia would not only be competent to repel the attack, but more so than a regular army. If an invasion or insurrection took place in the southern states,
where the danger seems most to be apprehended, the militia in the neighbourhood would be ready immediately to repel or suppress it. If these could not do it, neither could a regular army. The danger to be apprehended in case of an insurrection or an attack of that kind, is what would take place immediately, and this could only be prevented by the militia who are on the spot, for an army could not be supposed to be always at hand to meet any sudden emergency. He had no doubt, therefore, the militia of the country would be fully equal to its defence. But if they were not the volunteer corps of cavalry, accoutrements for which were proposed to be provided by this bill, might be called in, and would be more effectual than any other force. He thought, therefore, it would be better to negative this bill, and to adopt the regulations recommended by the select committee, in a separate bill.
If the militia was equal to the repelling of any attack, except from a regular army, it could not be apprehended that an invasion of that kind could take place during the present session. The attention of France is at present engaged on very different objects; and if it was in their power, which he did not think it was, yet as the whole of their marine strength is engaged in a different object of much greater importance to them than the invasion of this country could be, they would not attempt it at present. It must be evident when it was recollected what a small force they have employed against the West India islands, which they wish to conquer. We do not know that the French mean to invade this country every thing on this subject arose from apprehension, but we do know they wish to re-take their possessions in the West Indies since they have made their restoration a sine qua non condition of peace, and we know all the force they have been able to send against them. And what does it amount to? In the course of a year two or three frigates and a few hundred men with arms. This is all the force they are able or willing to send from home. In the East Indies, where they have colonies to conquer for themselves, or the Dutch, the force want of force is to be seen. It is certain that whilst the European war lasts, they are either unable or unwilling to make any great exertions at a distance from Europe. Indeed, if all the force they have employed out of Europe were to come against this country, it would be repelled by the militia in any part of the country where it might make its attack. If, then, any invasion of this country is expected, it must take place at the conclusion of the European war; and if it was then made, he had no doubt of our being able to repel it. But in such case, the contingency on which the raising of this army by this bill rests, would not take place till the next session of Congress. He was not, however, under any apprehension of its taking place even at this time; and when he said this, it was not because he differed in opinion with gentlemen as to the ambition of France, but because he thought it was neither their interest, nor in their power to effect an invasion of this country. He believed the French nation to be as ambitious as the gentleman from S. Carolina represented it to be, and he believed every nation intoxicated with victory as she is, and possessing power equal to her, would also be as ambitious as she is. If, said he, this country was situated as near to France as Italy and Switzerland are, and our resources were no greater than theirs, he would agree that we should be in some danger; but, situated as we are, he believed it would neither be in the power of France, nor would it be her interest if it was, to invade this country in any formidable manner.
It is not the interest of France to make an attempt to invade this country, because we have no business in the political scale or vortex of Europe. It was to increase their power in Europe, that the French have taken those steps which were so often represented in this house; but they could have no such view in sending a force against us. And though they may not always be guided in their conduct by the principle of interest, their ambition must be limited by the extent of their power. And if, twenty years ago, when our populations, and consequently our strength, was not half what it is at present, the attack of a nation whose force is applicable to any maritime exertion and to an invasion, was greater than that of France and all her allies, and whose money resources were far superior to theirs, was not able to make an impression upon this country, it held out no flattering encouragement to France to make the attempt. He must confess he looked upon all that was said of an invasion by France as a mere bug bear. He did not believe any attempt would ever be made, and if it was made, that the militia alone would be sufficient to repel it; yet were there any thing like a certainty of such an event, he would not trust wholly in the militia, but would call the whole of our resources into motion, he would have a standing army as well as the militia.
Under these impressions, it was clear he could not vote for this bill, because it goes upon the idea of an army being necessary to meet an invasion, of which he thought there was no danger; but if there are gentlemen who are of a different opinion, who think that an invasion will take place, and if so, that we must have an army, he would ask if it could take place without being known some time before hand? It certainly could not, as such an undertaking would not be entered upon without immense previous preparation. What is the intention of this bill? It is

that if the President should think danger exists, he shall begin to raise an army. When will he do this? He supposed when he first heard of preparations making for an invasion. But in that case, Mr. G. wished to know whether the first step of the President would not be to call Congress together? Congress were called together last spring, upon an occasion far less important, and when no imminent danger existed. When it was known that the President could convene Congress within six weeks after he was convinced of the danger of an invasion, he submitted to the committee, whether it was proper to place the power in the hands of the President, which the constitution has placed alone in Congress, of judging when it is proper to raise an army?
Mr. G. said, the question was, whether an army of 10,000 men should be raised for six years, according to the discretion of the President, or whether Congress should reserve to itself the discretion of raising an army, or not, as it shall think proper. He said six years, because though the enlistments are only to be for three years, yet the power of enlisting was vested in the President for three years. 10,000 men, according to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. SMITH) would cost four million dollars a year. If gentlemen really believed there was at present danger of an invasion, they would immediately order an army to be raised; but if they do not, and chose to say the President shall decide on the danger, as he conceived this to be a question of duty, he could not agree to it; and therefore he wished to destroy the bill.
Mr. SEWALL said, the gentleman from Pennsylvania had grounded his motion on the unconstitutionality and inexpediency of the present bill. If it is inexpedient, it is of little consequence whether it be constitutional, or not; and if unconstitutional, however expedient it may be, certainly the bill ought not to be passed.
The constitution appeared to him so plain on this subject, that he knew not how it could have been conceived that this bill was unconstitutional. To say that this bill is unconstitutional, would be to say that Congress are unable to provide by anticipation for the public defence; yet measures have been passed upon a different principle, which that gentleman had thought right. Mr. S. referred to the law establishing the military corps, in which the President was authorized to suspend enlistments, if he thought it necessary. There were a variety of other instances, he said, but he could only mention one more. It was the law respecting galleys passed this session, where the President had the power given him to provide them, or not, which was exactly the same kind of power now proposed to be given to the President.
He believed every gentleman who attended to the constitution, and to the manner in which it had been acted upon, could have no doubt upon the subject. In a variety of cases, Congress did not exercise their constitutional powers themselves; they were frequently obliged to authorize the President to act for them. And in this case, nothing more is intended to be done than to authorize the President to raise an army, in case of certain contingencies happening, viz. in case of a declaration of war, of an actual invasion, or of imminent danger of such invasion. But the latter power, it was said, left the raising of the army to depend on the opinion of the President. He did not conceive this. He apprehended that the fact of the existence of imminent danger was as ascertainable, as the other two. The President would have to exercise his opinion in all the three cases; but not more in the last, than in the two first.
Mr. S. called the attention of the committee to a clause of the constitution, where the same words were used in reference to the individual states keeping troops on foot. It is in the 2d article of the 10th section. "No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay." Every objection made to this bill, Mr. S. said, might be made to this clause of the constitution, but it shows that the framers of the Constitution were not so nice as the gentleman from Pennsylvania appears to be. Mr. S. thought the power proposed to be vested in the President by this bill was important and proper. It was true, that by this means the President might involve the country in war before Congress could be got together; but if the event was necessary, every one must rejoice that he had this power.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania supposed there must be a knowledge of danger, before any invasion can take place. This argument would have applied against expending any money on our fortifications. It might have been said there was no need of expence being laid out on them, except we knew the enemy would make an attack in that quarter. If nothing was to be done but upon certain ground, we should never be defended. This army was not necessary, he (Mr. G.) said, because we have no actual proof of preparations being made for an invasion of this country, and because it is neither in the power, nor would it be in the interest of France to invade us. This reasoning, Mr. S. said, might answer the purpose of quizzing the minds of some people, but it was not satisfactory to him. He should himself suppose that it would not be the interest of France to attempt an invasion of this country; yet we had seen them invade and subjugate one country after another, where they had apparently as little interest to do so, as they would have to come against this country. The same inducements which led France to invade most of those countries, viz. to obtain large sums of money, and other property from them, may actuate her in coming here. The army of France appear to govern the Government of that country and the Executive Directory
have, therefore, an interest in getting rid of them, and if they could find a part of them to this country, they would be satisfied, whatever might be their fate. If any citizens of the United States have apprehensions of this kind, and these apprehensions can be removed by a measure of this kind, which would create no expence, except the danger existed, he thought it would be a desirable object.
For his part, he should certainly be in favour of the bill; for however distant the danger may be, it is proper that we should be prepared to meet it, if it does come. Besides, if it was known in France that the President of the United States could immediately call out 10,000 men to repel any attack which might be made, the knowledge of this fact might itself prevent an attempt being made. But he was of opinion the danger must be much more imminent than at present to authorize the raising of these men. It may be supposed that England will be under the necessity of making peace with France. If this event happens, France may perhaps employ a part of the British fleet in an attack on this country, at least she will secure them from rendering any opposition to such an attack. By which means, she certainly might make such a lodgment of men upon our coast, as would call for an army equal at least to this to repel them.
Such an establishment, Mr. S. said, would have greatly the advantage over the militia. They were out only three months at a time, and were of course continually marching and counter-marching. On this account they are more expensive than regular troops. The manner in which militia are disciplined and officered, he said, were also disadvantages, and it was well known that little dependance could be had upon militia for any length of time.
Mr. S. concluded by saying, that France had at this time a very large army in force on their coast, and for ought we know, it may be embodying for the purpose of coming against this country. Or suppose they were to send out a fleet to the West-Indies, but instead of going there, it came forward to this country, could the President possibly know of this in time to raise the army proposed? He certainly could not. And in such a case, how much worse a situation would the country be in, if instead of enlisting men, he would have to call Congress together before he could do it? He hoped, therefore, the bill would be passed, as necessity does not require, neither the officers will be appointed, nor the men raised.
Mr. DANA observed, that the gentleman from Pennsylvania had alleged that the first section of this bill ought to be expunged, for two reasons, viz. because the bill was unconstitutional and inexpedient.
If the bill is unconstitutional, the objection is decisive. Why is it so? Because the gentleman from Pennsylvania says it transfers to the Executive a power which is expressly vested by the constitution in Congress alone. In a former argument, that gentleman referred to the constitution, and said that it gave to Congress the sole power of raising and supporting armies. Congress has also the power of providing for calling forth the militia, and yet they delegate that power to the President. In the one case, it is said, "Congress shall have power to raise and support armies," in the other, "Congress shall have power to provide for calling forth the militia." If this difference amounted to anything, it was to say, that where the Constitution says Congress are to provide for doing a thing, they may delegate their power; but where the other phraseology is used, they must do the act for themselves.
He would examine this doctrine, and shew it to be fallacious. Congress have the power to provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia; for the punishment of counterfeiting of the securities and current coin of the United States; and to lay and collect taxes. So that upon the principles of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Congress must turn tax-gatherers, borrowers of money or money brokers, apprehenders of coiners, and recruiting serjeants, occupations which he believed few of the gentlemen of that house would wish to undertake, if they were in other respects fitted for the employments.
The gentleman's construction, therefore, proves too much, and is perfectly ridiculous. What, then, is the meaning of this general power placed in Congress? He believed it to be, that Congress shall define the number of troops to be raised, and the manner and the time of their service, and having done this, he believed they have done all that is necessary, the rest is to be submitted to the Executive. This principle was by no means a novel one. It had been recognized in not less than ten different acts. But it is said that these things only show that Congress ought to be careful how they fix precedents. But will the gentleman from Pennsylvania come forward, as if he were the Oracle of Political Wisdom, the only High Priest of the Constitution, and say, that these authorities have no weight? In doing this, he set at nought the wisdom of all who had preceded him. Mr. D. then enumerated the different laws in which this principle had been acted upon, and concluded by saying, that if it was not for incurring unnecessary expence, he should be in favour of calling out these men immediately; but not without this, he was willing the power should be placed in the President in the manner proposed.
(To be continued.)
FRIDAY—MAY 4.
The House having resolved itself in a committee of the whole, on the resolution from the Senate, granting leave to Mr. Pinckney, our late ambassador to Great Britain and Spain, to receive certain presents from those courts, on his taking leave, Mr. Dent in the chair. The resolution having been read,
Mr. Bayard moved that the committee concur.
N. M'Dowell said, this was a new subject, and, as it struck him, of importance. Not
withstanding he felt as much disposed as any member of the committee to do every thing respectful to our late minister to London and Madrid; yet, when he looked upon the constitution, and reflected upon the intention of the clause which forbids the receiving of presents by our ministers, and the consequence which must flow from a precedent of this kind, he could not easily bring himself to consent to it, unless some gentlemen could show the propriety or necessity of it in a stronger light than he at present saw it. If, said he, we allow our ministers to receive presents from foreign courts upon their taking leave, we must also calculate upon giving presents to all the foreign ministers who come here, and these, we have every reason to expect will be constantly increasing. Besides, he objected to the principle of these presents. What are they given for? He supposed it was to gain their friendly offices and good wishes towards the country who gave them. He thought this improper. And he believed it would be well now to put a stop to the business, as a fair opportunity could never occur of trying the principle, for if, ever it could be allowed, in consideration of public services, it could not be better deferred than in the present case; but believing the principle to be a bad one, he should therefore be opposed to it.
Mr. Bayard said, every constitutional objection must vanish on a single view of the article, because it allows that presents may be received, if the consent of Congress is obtained; and so far from the constitutions insinuating that it would be bad policy to allow these presents to be received, it proves that they might be received if inconvenient in receiving them could be avoided. He supposed the constitutional provision was meant to oblige ministers to make known to the world whatever presents they might receive from foreign courts, and to place themselves in such a situation as to make it impossible for them to be unduly influenced by any such presents. Indeed, he supposed these presents would produce a directly contrary effect, for when a minister was known to have received a present of this kind, he would naturally be particularly careful of all his actions, lest he should be supposed to be improperly biased. If presents were allowed to be received without number, and privately, they might produce an improper effect, by seducing men from an honest attachment for their country, in favor of that which was loading them with favours; but any evil of this kind was securely avoided by the notoriety of the act.
What, said Mr. B. is this present? It is a gold snuff-box, a gold chain, a picture, or some trifling thing, which could have no possible operation upon any man. It was necessary he believed, to attend to these little civilities and ceremonies, as the want of attention to them often produced hostility between nations. He had some doubt, from the constitution, whether it was necessary in this case, to have applied to Congress at all for leave to have received these presents, as the office of this gentleman had expired before they were offered. Under the old articles of confederation, a like provision was in being, only that the receipt of presents by our ministers was positively forbidden, without any exception without leave of Congress; but their being allowed to be received under the present government by consent of Congress, shews that they might be received in certain cases. He had indeed, been informed, that notwithstanding the prohibition under the former constitution, presents were frequently received by ministers; for though persons holding offices were forbidden to receive presents, the moment their office ceased, and they became private individuals, they were no longer prohibited from receiving any presents which might be offered to them. Under these circumstances, he thought the resolution ought to be agreed to.
Mr. W. C. Claiborne hoped the present resolution would not be adopted. When this subject was first brought into view, he felt inclined to favor the request. This first impression arose from his great personal respect for the applicant and the desire he felt to gratify his wishes. But upon a little reflection, it appeared to him, that policy dictated the propriety of rejecting the present resolution. So far as relates to the constitutionality of receiving the presents in question, he thought no member would join in opinion with the member from Delaware last up—By recurring to the letter of the gentleman from S. Carolina (Mr. Pinckney) it would appear that these presents were offered to him when he was about to take leave of the courts to which he was minister. He was of course, at that time a minister of the United States, and came within the constitutional prohibition.
This prohibition in the constitution appeared to him to be bottomed on sound policy, and of great importance to the security of the happiness and freedom of the nation. [Mr. C. read the clause.] The object of this clause appeared to him very different from what had been stated to be its object by the gentleman from Delaware. He believed it was intended to lock up every door to foreign influence, to the influence of courts and monarchies, which could not but prove baneful to every free country. He had been told that it was the custom of Europe when a favorite minister was about to take his departure, not only to present him with presents, but also to confer a title upon him; and if the leave now asked was granted, a precedent would be established, which he apprehended would, at a future day, bring the question before Congress whether leave should be given for a citizen of this country to receive a title from a foreign monarch, and thus all the folly and vices of European courts will be brought up for discussion before the Congress of the United States; and he had no doubt characters might be found who would desire such a distinction, and others who would advocate the granting of it. On the contrary, he was persuaded, that if the vote of this house negarized the present resolution, no future application would be made on this subject. The reason, in his opinion, which induced the insertion of a clause in the constitution that presents might be received, when leave of Congress was obtained was this; That in the course of events, a case might exist in which it might be proper for a citizen of the United States to receive a present from a foreign government. Many, perhaps, might be named; he thought of one—Suppose an officer of our navy were to render essential service to the vessel of a foreign power in distress, on the high seas, it might be proper in such a case, for Congress to permit the officer to receive any suitable present as a reward for his service and benevolent exertions in the cause of the unfortunate. But, he believed, in all ordinary cases, every present ought to be rejected.
Mr. Otis saw no ground for the apprehensions which the gentleman from Tennessee had manifested, as to the effects to be produced by concurring in the resolution now before them. When every present to be received must be laid before Congress, no fear need be apprehended from the effects of any such presents. For it must be presumed, that the gentleman who makes the application has done his duty, as he at the moment he makes the application, comes before his country to be judged. In the present case, he supposed, no idea could be entertained that our minister had not done his duty, or that he had been bribed by a foreign power, as a reason for not granting the request. But it was
strange that gentlemen should assert that if presents were allowed to be received, Congress might next be asked to consent to the introduction of titles; for the constitution expressly lays presents may be received, but with respect to titles it says, "no title of nobility shall be granted." [Mr. Claiborne said, those were not the words of the constitution to which he alluded. What he had reference to was the following:— "No person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, shall, without the consent of Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign state."] The first part, Mr. O. said, was distinct from the last. Titles of nobility were expressly forbidden; but presents, emoluments, offices, or titles (not titles of nobility) might be received, by the consent of Congress. But as no title of nobility could be granted, the gentleman from Tennessee need not be alarmed on this ground. If titles had not been excluded, he should have supposed, that at this time of day, when titles were going to fall out of fashion, there could be no fear of their obtaining here. The intention of the constitution, he said, must have been that these presents should be received, on their being made known to Congress, otherwise the clause would have been peremptory, as under the old Congress.
Mr. O. said, it was altogether matter of discretion in the gentleman from S. Carolina, whether or not he had asked consent to receive the presents in question; for he is at present no officer of the United States, and he might receive them as a private citizen. He believed he had a perfect right to do so, though it might not consist with the decency of his character. Mr. O. said, he had it from the best authority, that even under the old confederation, though presents were unconditionally prohibited, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Laurens, received the customary presents on their departure from the foreign courts at which they were employed. They to be sure communicated the fact to Congress after they had received them. And they received them for a good reason; because they could not refuse them without giving umbrage to the courts which presented them. He, therefore, thought it very improper for gentlemen to suggest difficulties of the kind, which had been brought forward, as if the gentleman making the application was personally concerned; it could not be considered as any object to him. The question was merely whether we would conform, or not, to the customs and usages of other nations with respect to the presents in question; in which there certainly could be nothing either dangerous or alarming.
Mr. Mason had no doubt congress had a right to grant leave to receive the presents in question, and he believed the determination in this case would fix the usage in future. He believed an application could never be made to the house, in which there could be no objection to the applicant, then in the present case. He was convinced the gentleman from Mississippi need not to have said that this was no object to the gentleman from S. Carolina. He was sure no one thought so. He believed it was improper to bring any personal considerations into the question. He was sure there had been a more popular act done for this country for a long time than the treaty which that gentleman had concluded with Spain. But the committee were told this resolution ought to be adopted, because it was an European custom. If, said he, we adopt this custom, we must adopt another—that of paying foreign ministers who come here; and he owned he would not be willing to see any of them carry off the money of his constituents, because he did not think the conduct of any of them was deserving of such a fee.
The gentleman from S. Carolina had made a condition of the presents offered to him, and he now wished the point to be tested by congress, whether he shall receive these presents or not. He had no idea, whether these presents were a gold snuff box, a gold chain, a picture, or 500 guineas, they could possibly have any effect upon the applicant. Nor had he much fear about the introduction of titles into this country; for if any such thing were ever proposed, there would be such a scramble for the highest among certain gentlemen, that he believed it would be rejected.
Mr. Bayard remarked, that the gentleman from Tennessee seemed to be greatly alarmed lest the agreeing to this resolution should destroy the liberties of the country; and that a precedent of leave being given to a minister to accept of a gold snuff box or a gold chain, should hereafter be brought as a fashion to the granting of titles or nobility. But he asked the gentleman, as a lawyer, whether he conceived that a precedent for granting permission to a minister to receive a snuff box, could be produced as a precedent for granting titles or nobility? It certainly could not. Therefore, as to precedent, the gentleman might feel himself perfectly at ease. There could be no doubt but the congress of the United States might give their consent to a citizen receiving a title from a foreign power; but he could not apprehend that they would ever do so. Was this, then, to be brought as an argument against allowing a gentleman, against whose conduct the most slanderous tongue had never laid a word, from receiving the customary trifling presents on his leaving a foreign court? He trusted not. He allowed, it would be a precedent for the future in this respect, and that congress might expect to be called upon hereafter for similar permissions. But he did not think there was any thing alarming in this, the amount would be very trifling; and he did not know that having a few additional gold snuff boxes in the country could produce any material effect. As to the constitutional question, he thought it was as he had already stated it.
Mr. Venable wished that every thing which was said on this subject, might be said without reference to the gentleman making the application, but that it might be considered as establishing a general principle which was to operate hereafter. It was said that it was necessary to accept of these presents as a point of etiquette, and that the refusal to accept of them might give offence. He did not believe this could be the case, as it was well known to the European courts, that our government is established on principles totally different from theirs, and when our ministers informed them that their government did not permit them to receive presents, it must be a satisfactory reason for not accepting them. He knew that these presents were sometimes made in pictures, some in snuff boxes, and sometimes in money. And, said he, if these presents were not sanctioned by custom, would it not appear an indelicate thing to offer these things to the minister of a foreign country? It certainly would. If the origin of the custom was, therefore, a bad one, the United States ought not to adopt it, since they had now the choice of doing so or not. He hoped the United States would always make sufficient provision for their own ministers, and not permit them to receive any thing from a foreign court. A contrary custom, to say the least of it, would prove a very troublesome and disagreeable one.
(To be continued.)
Very Great Bargains, CONSISTING of Table Linen, Scotch and India Muslins, now selling off and well worth the attention of Housekeepers to make purchase of—Enquiry of Thomas Randall, No. 88 Spruce-street.
may 17
TO BE RENTED, To a Small Genteel Family. A Pleasant House in Dock-street, near Front-street—Apply at No. 155 South Second-Street. may 17
The Gazette. PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY EVENING, Mar 19
CONGRESS. Yesterday the House of Representatives of the United States passed the bill for raising a Provisional Army of ten thousand men, and for authorizing the President to accept of the services of the Volunteer Corps, and to commission their officers, 51 votes to 40. A motion was passed, without debate (laid upon the table yesterday by Mr. STOKES) for restricting members, during the remainder of the session, from speaking more than once to any question, either in the House or in Committee of the whole. The resolution for instructing the committee for the protection of Commerce and the Defence of the Country, to report what measures are proper to be taken for securing, removing, or otherwise restricting seditions or disaffected Aliens, or others, was agreed to without a division or debate. The House went into a committee of the whole on a bill to amend the present Militia Law. It consisted of nine sections. The two first went to make uniform exemptions from service throughout the United States, taking from the Individual States the power which they now possess of making their own exemptions. The six next sections proposed fines on officers and men neglecting duty, and other regulations respecting mustering. The ninth section provided for the purchase of a quantity of arms to be distributed amongst the Militia of the several States. All the sections, except the last, were struck out, and it was recommitted to the Select Committee to undergo some alterations. A motion was made to adjourn till Monday, but negatived 37 to 36. The house accordingly meets to day.
FROM NEW-YORK. MR. FENNO, NEW-YORK FEDERALISM
Is all a sham—I would not give the most inconsiderable portion of the genuine American Spirit that animates Philadelphia, for all the tinzel of patriotism that glitters here. Nobody here seems to give any attention to the state of public affairs or to have any concern for them; no exertions are made to exclude foreign politics, intrigue and influence or to suppress the views of domestic faction. Nothing of this kind is found in the newspapers—nothing in the places of public resort—the conversations at the Coffee House are as foreign to American affairs as to those of China. I hear nothing of those important topics which more or less should occupy the mind of every American. From the view of the public mind here, it would never be suspected that our country is labouring under unexampled embarrassments—that foreign insolence and rapine have defolated our commerce and prostrated our national honour—have driven us to the verge of war and heaped insult and distress upon us beyond all example, and insufferable by a free and independent nation. I find the people here eagerly driving at commercial bargains, rushing to six-penny vendues and talking for hours over a farthing per cent. in a policy of insurance, while the general ruin that hangs over our heads, the storm that threatens to sweep them and their projects to perdition is entirely unheeded and unregarded. But this is not all—this criminal supineness—this rage of commercial avarice is not the only sin of New-York.—It will be incredible to a Philadelphian, but it is true, that while the tri-coloured cockade is to be met with at every corner and even at the coffee-house, no man dare be seen, or at least no man is seen with the American cockade. It was worn, as I understand, for a few days, and taken down for fear of giving offence to the other party. Great Heavens! who are the other party, that they are to be thus respected? Fugitive foreigners and desperate scoundrels urged on by the perfidy and intrigue of French villainy—you know that in Philadelphia, no man could walk a square with a French cockade unless he is a French commissioned officer. I am informed that at "Vauxhall Gardens" near this place, a Frenchman had the daring insolence to attempt to tear the Black Cockade from the hat of a young gentleman. I believe he did not succeed, but his bones were not broken, and no public indignation was excited by it as I can learn. At the Theatre last evening the President's March was not once played or called for. The friends of government here, those who detest French rapine and insolence, are inactive, supine and funk in the occupations of sloth and avarice; or the strength of the French faction is so considerable that they dare not oppose it. Thank God! we have a different tone at Philadelphia; I hope it will be communicated to the drowzy drones of this place, and animate them to a just sense of the duty they owe the honor of their country and a proper exertion to maintain it. They send on spirited addresses, but those who sign them dare not wear any emblem that would mark them as friends of the government.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO, A few days ago an extract of a letter from Citizen Hedouville, the new agent of the Directory at St. Domingo to Citizen Letombe, the French Consul, was published in Bache's paper. It purports to be an invitation to the American merchants to continue their speculations to the French ports of St. Domingo; and lest they might be deterred from it by the recent decree of the Directory relative to vessels laden with British productions, he assures them of his determination "to take for the rule of his conduct towards neutrals the arrest of the commission of the government of the 27th Vendemaire last." It is perhaps unnecessary to give a caution against confiding in the promises of French agents, after the uniform fatal experience we have had of their disregard for faith and justice: yet surely no merchant, not already desperate, will, under the present aspect of affairs, be disposed

The Subscribers
HAVE FOR SALE, Six Tons of Cordage, ASSORTED. Two hundred weight of first sort Hinglass.
Madras and Ventapaulam HANDKERCHIEFS, Seafaukers and Carradarries, of the newest and most approved patterns, entitled to the drawback, just received.
WANTED, IN A PLEASANT SITUATION, WITHIN a few miles of Town (for a Lady, lately from England) Board and Lodging, in a quiet respectable family—would engage for five or six months, and give very little trouble.
This Day Published; By J. O. R. M. R. O. D., No. 41, Chestnut-Street, (price 25 cents). A SERMON Preached in Christ Church and St. Peter's, Philadelphia; on Wednesday May 9, 1798, being the day appointed by the President as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer, throughout the United States of North America.
Country Residence. A FAMILY who live Six Miles from the City, wish to receive two or three genteel boarders. The House is handsomely furnished; the Gardens, Meadows and Lawn are beautifully laid out, and well stocked with the choicest Fruit.
A Morning School, From six till eight o'clock, is opened at The New School Room, Back of No. 147, in Chestnut Street, for the Education of Boys and Young Men in the English and French Languages; Writing, Accounts, &c.
A few boxes of Umbrellas To be Sold cheap—by Mordecai Lewis.
FOR SALE, A THREE Story Brick House, on the north side of Spruce-Street near Second-Street, adjoining the wall of Mr. Jones's garden and formerly occupied by David Lenox, Esq.—This house is in complete repair with back buildings, consisting of a Piazza, Kitchen and a handsome Dining Room over the Kitchen.
A Black Man, WHO has five years and a half to serve, is a good coachman, an excellent waiter, and has been accustomed to marketing for a family—his age about thirty two years.
Furnished Chambers—To Let. THOSE Gentlemen, Members of Congress and others, wishing to engage for the next session of Congress, Chambers, furnished in a modern style, and in a very pleasant and central part of the city, may hear of them by applying at the office of this Gazette.
WANTED, APPROVED BILLS on Amsterdam—for which cash will be given at the rate of thirty seven cents per guilders. Enquire of the Cashier of the Bank of the United States.
Cedar Posts, Rails and Shingles FOR SALE. THEY will be delivered to any place in Maryland, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, or New-York, where boats drawing six feet water can go from this place.
Notice is hereby Given, THAT application has been made at the Bank of the United States, for the renewal of the following five Certificates of Bank Stock, lost by the capture of the British Packet, Countess of Leicester—viz.
FOR SALE, A FARM and COUNTRY SEAT, SITUATED on the west side of the Schuylkill opposite to Norris-town, seventeen miles from Philadelphia—the farm contains 195 acres of land, 50 of which are woodland, about 40 of meadow, and the rest arable land.
FOR SALE, A good situation for a Country SEAT, Forty acres of Land, On the Old York road, within sight of Germantown, and about five miles from the City; the whole being under good fence, and in excellent order as pasture ground.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, MARCH 1, 1798.
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
IN pursuance of the Act of Congress passed on the sixth day of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act laying duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper", and the Act passed on the fifteenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act to postpone for a limited time the commencement of the duties imposed by the Act entitled "An Act laying Duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper", that from and after the first day of July ensuing, the several Stamped Duties hereafter enumerated, will be levied and collected throughout the United States.
For every skin or piece of Vellum or Parchment, or sheet or piece of Paper, upon which shall be written or printed any or either of the instruments or writings following—to wit:
Any Certificate of Naturalization, 5
Any Licence to practice, or Certificate of the admission, enrolment or registry of any Counsellor, Solicitor, Attorney, Advocate or Proctor, in any Court of the United States, 10
Any Grant or Letters Patent, under the seal or authority of the United States (except for lands granted for military services) 4
Any exemplification or certified copy of any such grant or letters patent, (except for lands granted for military services) 2
Any Charter-Party, Bottomry, or Respondentia Bond, 1
Any Receipt or discharge for or on account of any Legacy left by any Will or other testamentary instrument, or for any share or part of a personal estate divided by force of any statute of distributions, other than to the Wife, Children or Grand Children of the person deceased, the amount whereof shall be above the value of Fifty Dollars, and shall not exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars, 25
When the amount thereof shall exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars and shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 50
And for every further sum of Five Hundred Dollars, the additional sum of 1
Any Policy of Insurance or instrument in nature thereof, on any ship, vessel or goods insured from one district to another in the United States, 25
From the United States to any foreign port or place, when the sum for which Insurance is made shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 1
When the sum insured shall exceed five hundred dollars, 25
Any Exemption, of what nature soever, that shall pass the seal of any Court, other than such as it may be the duty of the Clerk of such Court to furnish for the use of the United States or some particular State, 50
Any Bond, bill single or penal, foreign or inland, bill of exchange, promissory note or other note, other than any recognizance, bill, bond, or other obligation or contract, made to or with the United States or any State, or for their use respectively, 10
If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 25
If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 50
If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 75
And if above one thousand dollars, 100
Provided, that if any bonds or notes shall be payable at or within sixty days, such bonds or notes shall be subject to only two fifth parts of the duty aforesaid—viz.
If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 4
If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 10
If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 20
If above one thousand dollars, 30
Any Notes issued by the banks now established, or that may hereafter be established within the United States, other than the notes of such of the said Banks as shall agree to an annual composition, of one per centum on the annual dividends made by such Banks, to their Stockholders respectively, according to the following scale.
On all notes not exceeding fifty dollars, for each dollar, 1
On all notes above fifty dollars, and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 50
On all notes above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 1
On all notes above five hundred dollars, 2
Any Protest or other Notarial act, 25
Any Letter of Attorney, except for an invalid pension, or to obtain or sell Warrants for Land granted by the United States as bounty for military services performed in the late war, 25
Any Certificate or Debenture for drawback of Customs or duties, for less than five hundred dollars, 1
For five hundred dollars and not exceeding two thousand dollars, 2
For more than two thousand dollars, 3
Any note or bill of lading for goods or merchandise to be exported, if from one district to another district of the United States, not being in the same State, 10
If from the United States to any foreign port or place, 25
Any Inventory or Catalogue of any furniture, goods or effects, made in any case required by law, (except in cases of goods and chattels distrained for rent or taxes, and goods taken in virtue of any legal process by any officer,) 50
Any Certificate of a Share in any Insurance Company, of a share in the Bank of the United States, or of any State or other Bank, 10
If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 25
If above one hundred dollars, 1
If under twenty dollars, at the rate of ten cents for one hundred dollars.
The duties aforesaid will be collected and received by the Supervisors, Inspectors and other Officers of Inspection, in the several Districts, Surveys and Divisions of the United States, and by such other persons as shall from time to time be specially appointed and employed by the Supervisors of Districts for that purpose.
The Supervisors of the several Districts will, prior to the first day of July ensuing, and as soon as may be practicable, mark or stamp, without fee or reward, any quantities or parcels of Vellum, Parchment or Paper, with any of the rates of duties before enumerated, on payment of the said duties; Or stamped vellum, parchment and paper may at the option of the Citizens of the United States, be obtained at the rates prescribed by law, by application to any Supervisor, Inspector, Officer of Inspection, or other person appointed for the distribution of Stamps, by the Supervisors of Districts.
GIVEN under my Hand, at Philadelphia the day and year abovenoted. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury. March 10.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 30th. 1798.
Public Notice is hereby given,
THAT by an act of Congress passed on the 19th day of March, 1798, the following alterations and amendments have been made to the act passed on the 6th day of July 1797, entitled "An act laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper."
The stamp duties on debentures or certificates for the drawback of Customs or duties on Imports are repealed.
A discount at the rate of seven and one half per Centum, will be allowed by the Supervisors or Inspectors respectively, to any persons other than Officers of the Revenue, who may purchase at one time or procure to be stamped, any quantities of Vellum, Parchment or Paper, upon which the duties shall amount to Ten Dollars or upwards.
Stamped Paper, will be provided, and sold at the rates prescribed by law, without any additional charge or expense on account of the price of Paper; but for stamped Parchment or Vellum, an additional price will be demanded at the rate of Fifty Cents for each skin of Parchment, or Two Hundred Cents for each skin of Vellum of medium size, which may be furnished at the expense of the United States and proportionally for any lesser quantity.
GIVEN under my hand, at Philadelphia, the day and year abovenoted. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
To be Let, (And possession given on the 1st of May) A genteel three story brick House, 22 feet front, and 40 feet deep, with back buildings and stables, at present in the tenure of Major J. Jackson. Enquire at 187 South Third Street.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, (Price 25 Cents)
Reflections on Monroe's View of THE CONDUCT OF THE EXECUTIVE, As published in the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, Under the signature of SCIPION, In which the Commercial Warfare of France is traced to the French Faction in this Country, as its source, and the Master of Opposition, &c.
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN NIXON & Co.
A quantity of very excellent LOGWOOD NOW LANDING AT THEIR WHARF. may 10. 3awtf
Fresh Teas.
Just Imported, in the ship Delaware, Captain Cooper, from Canton, And For Sale, by SAMUEL HOWELL, At his Counting House, No. 54, Chestnut-Street, and SAM. E. HOWELL, At his Counting House, Crooked billet wharf, Bohea, Souchong, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, and Imperial TEAS.
China Ware; assorted; black and coloured Lute-strings and Sattins, Nankeens, Cassia, large garden and common Bams, fatin and lutestring Umbrellas, whale-bone sticks. They have also For Sale, Ell wide Persian, Bandanna Handkerchiefs, French Cambricks and Umbrellas, Sugar in boxes. march 8. 6
Now Opening,
At WILLIAM M'LAWS Saddle Manufacturery, No. 72, Chestnut Street, A general assortment of Horseman's Pistoils, direct from the Manufacturers in London, ALSO ON HAND, Saddles, Bridles, Holsters, Half Covers, Light Horseman's Caps, Swords, Cartouch Boxes, Valises, Saddle Bags, Portmanteau's, Hard Leather Trunks, Carriage and Chair Harness, &c. april 9. dif
Canal Lottery—No. II.
WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Seven Dollars, at WM. BLACKBURN'S Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second-Street—Tickets in the Schuylkill Bridge Lottery, at Ten Dollars, where check books are kept for registering and examining in theft, the City of Washington, No. 11, and Patterson Lotteries, and information where tickets may be had in most of the Lotteries authorized by law in any of the States of the Union. N. B. The business of a BROKER, in buying and selling all kinds of Public Stock and Securities, discounting Bills and Notes of Hand, sale of Lands, Houses, &c. &c. will be duly attended to, by WM. BLACKBURN. November 15. 5
The following Certificates of FUNDED DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES
STANDING on the Books of the treasury, were forwarded for London by the ship William Penn, Captain Jollif, which hath been captured, and the Certificates supplied to be lost, viz: 3164. 82. Deferred Debt, in the name of Rev. Edward Giddy, of Thredrea, in Cornwall, Great Britain, dated June 2, 1797. Certificate No. 10,072. 8021. 11. Six per Cent. Stock, in the name of Edward Horne, of Devismount, Hants, Great Britain, dated May 30, 1797. No. 15196. 3620. 50. Deferred Debt, in the name of William Manning, of Ormsby, in the county of Norfolk, in England, dated July 10, 1797. No. 10199. 2018. 72. Three per Cent. Stock, in the name of Janet Mathew, of Upper Seymour-Street, London, Widow, dated October 31 1797. No. 11820.
For the renewal of the above Certificates, application is intended to be made at the said office of the Treasury of the United States, and all persons concerned are desired to take notice. ALSO IN THE SAME VESSEL, Fifteen Shares Stock of the Bank of United States in the name of William Manning of Ormsby, county of Norfolk, England, viz. Three Certificates for five shares each, dated January 1, 1797. No. 23982, 23983, 23984. For the renewal of which application is meant to be made to the said Bank of the United States, and all persons concerned therein are desired to take notice. J. N. VAUGHAN. Philadelphia, may 4. 56w
The following Certificates of Shares
IN the North American Land Company, standing on the Books of said Company in the name of Daniel Lifter, of Hackney, in the county of Middlesex, England—viz. No. 2151, representing 13096 to 13105, ten shares—No. 2150—13066 to 13075, ten shares—No. 2149—13056 to 13065, ten shares—No. 2148—13046 to 13055, ten shares—No. 2147—11477 to 11480—Amounting to Forty Shares, were forwarded for London by the ship William Penn, which having been captured, said certificates are supposed to be lost; for the renewal of which, application will be made to the Board of the said company. Daniel Neal Lifter. may 1. 46w
NEW TEA WAREHOUSE.
No. 39, South Front Street, OPPOSITE POST-OFFICE.
THE Subscriber respectfully acquaints her friends and the public, that she has opened a Store for the sale of all kinds of TEAS, imported in the late arrivals at Boston and Philadelphia, (as under) and which she is determined to sell on reasonable terms. It will be her constant endeavour to give satisfaction to those who shall be pleased to favour her with their custom. Country stores will find it their advantage to deal with her, as she can at a moment's notice afford them any quantity wanted, and will allow a reasonable credit on approved notes. Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Souchong, Hyson Skin, and Bohea—also, Coffee and Loaf Sugar for sale. Sarah Eaton. april 12. 28th.6w
JUST RECEIVED.
And for sale by W. Young, corner of Second and Chestnut-Street. M. Carey 118 High-street T. Dobson, 41 South Second-street and the Booksellers generally, (Price 1-8th of a Dollar.)
BEACON HILL,
A Local Poem, historic and descriptive: By a Lady of Boston. ANALYSIS OF BOOK I. Allusion to the surrounding Prospect—Invocation to the River and Sylvan Deities—to the Historic Muse—Fiction discarded—Dedication to Washington—The Action opens at the Retreat of the Columbian Army—Bunker's Hill—The Retreat.
The Memory of the Hero—Death of Warren—Personification of Fortune and Fame—Washington at Mount Vernon—called to the chief Command—Formation of the Columbian Camp at Cambridge—Natural, moral, or political History of the several States—Their commanding Officers—Siege of Boston—Its Sufferings—Negotiation for the safe Retreat of the British Army—Its Departure—Appointment of Congress—Declaration of Independence—Character of the Columbian Soldiers—The Poet's prophetic Apocryphe to the Progress of Freedom throughout the World. march 30. 5
Valuable Stands for Business.
FOR SALE—by the Subscriber, Two Lots of Ground, Situate on the south side of Chestnut-Street, between Second and Third Streets: one containing eighteen feet, and the other seventeen feet, more or less, on the said 1st. lot, and both extending, the 1st. lot breadth, one hundred and forty-eight, more or less, to Carter's alley.
There are, on Chestnut-Street, two two-story BRICK HOUSES (Numbers 80 and 82) Which may readily be made into one; and, on Carter's alley, there is a convenient, well built three-story Brick House and Kitchen, Almost new, which has two rooms on a floor and a front of eighteen feet on said alley. This property is clear of ground-rent, and an indisputable title will be given to the purchaser. The three Houses will be sold separately or together. Further particulars may be known on application to ZACHARIAH POULSON, JUN. No. 80, Chestnut-Street, or at the Library. march 23. 4efr8w
Salisbury Estate.
THE Subscriber, proposing to contract his business, offers this Estate for sale, on moderate terms. On it are one Blast and three Air Furnaces, a complete Boring Machine, and a very good grist Mill, with two pair of stones; also a good Forge, all in perfect repair, as are all the Water Works connected with these various branches. The Air Furnaces were lately built for the purpose of calling Cannon for this State. There are about two thousand acres of Land, one half of which is under wood, the other very fine arable Land, producing the best Hay and Pasture. The Cannon lately manufactured there, fully proves the excellency of the metal, which is superior to any in this country, and probably, equal to any in the world; for not one of sixty-nine guns lately made, although some of the 24 were bored into 32 pounders, have failed on proving. The situation is very eligible, particularly for this branch of manufacture, and a place of arms lying in the State of Connecticut, and only 30 miles from several lands on the Hudson's river, and having every advantage that can result from a plenty of water issuing from a large natural pond, very near the Furnace, and which may be converted into a variety of other useful purposes. The purchaser can be accommodated with all the stock and utensils, and have possession on or before the first of June next; and preparation may be made in the meantime for going into blast immediately thereafter; for every part will be delivered in good order, with some coal, Ore, &c. &c. For terms apply to Mr. Joseph Anthony, in Philadelphia; David Brooks, Esq. one of the Representatives in Congress for this State; Mr. David Waterman, on the premises, or to the proprietor in New-York. WILLIAM NELSON. Dec. 1. gawtf
Massachusetts District.
By Order of the Honorable JOHN LOWELL, Esquire, Judge of the District Court for the Massachusetts District,
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons concerned, That a Libel is filed in said Court by Christian G. Grutzmacher, late Commander of the ship Corona, and from Hamburg, and Henry Andrew Heius as agents for the owners of said Ship, against sundry goods, wares and merchandise, saved from said ship Corona, wrecked on Cape Cod within said District on the 16th March last—which goods, wares and merchandise, were confined to divers persons in Philadelphia, in the District of Pennsylvania, and elsewhere—and that said Libel is filed as aforesaid, for the freight due to be due to the Libellants on said goods, wares and merchandise, and for necessary expenses paid by them which have arisen upon the aforesaid Libel at a District Court to be held at the Court-House in Boston, on Monday the eighteenth day of June next, at 11 o'clock, A. M. SAMUEL BRADFORD, Marshal of Massachusetts. Dated at Boston, April 23d. 1798. tawtf
FOR SALE,
THE whole or one half of a PLANTATION on the river Delaware, between Burlington and Bordentown (two miles from the latter), containing about 400 acres; 60 of which are bottom meadow, and 100 wood land; there are 30 acres of red clover to cut this year (exclusive of meadow) but will exceed 50 the next; and any quantity of manure may be had for the upland from the meadow without injury.
An orchard of grafted fruit yielding between 60 and 70 hogheads of excellent cider; a dwelling-house with a barn, stable, granary and other necessary buildings go with one part in case of a division; on the other are no improvements, but has one of the most elegant situations for a house to be seen on the river. The land is of good quality, suitable for grazing or agriculture, and convenient to market by land or water. For terms apply to the owner on the premises. Thomas St. John. codtf
Germantown and Reading Turnpike Road Company.
THE Subscribers Commissioners appointed by an Act of Assembly of this Commonwealth entitled, "An act to enable the Governor of this Commonwealth to incorporate a Company for making an Artificial Road from the city of Philadelphia, through Germantown, by the route of Chestnut Hill, to the twelve mile stone on the Reading Road, and thence to Reading in the county of Berks," hereby give notice, that books are provided as the law directs, and that we will proceed to receive subscriptions for the company's stock on the 28th, 29th, and 30th days of May next, at the City Hall, in the city of Philadelphia, at the Tavern of William Bucholz, in Germantown, at the Tavern of Jacob Berr, in Reading in the county of Berks, and at the Tavern of George Phleger, in Pottstown in the county of Montgomery, on the same days, from ten o'clock in the morning, until two o'clock, P. M. on each day, when and where certain of the Commissioners will attend to receive subscriptions accordingly. april 14th, 1798.
BENJAMIN CHEW, jun. CASPAR W. HAINES, SAMUEL BETTON, GEORGE LOGAN, JOHN FROMBERGER, ISAAC FRANKS, JOS HEISTER, J. BOWER, DANIEL ROSE, SAMUEL LAVERY, GEORGE DOUGLASS, jun. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. N. B. Fifteen Dollars to be paid on each share at the time of subscribing. april 17—codt30m
Schuylkill Permanent Bridge.
THE Subscribers being the six persons first named in the Letters Patent, issued by the Governor of this Commonwealth, by virtue of the Act of General Assembly of the 16th ult. for incorporating the Company—hereby give notice, agreeable to the 3d section of the said law, that they have appointed, and hereby request a meeting of the subscribers at the State House in the City of Philadelphia, on the thirty first day of this instant May, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, for the purposes mentioned in the said 3d section, which is hereafter published for the information of the Stockholders.
Richard Peters, John Perot, Matthew M'Connell, William Sheaff, George Bickham, William Nichols. Philadelphia, 1st May, 1798. Section 3. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the six Persons first named in the Letters Patent, shall as soon as conveniently may be after sealing the same, give notice in two or more public Newspapers in Philadelphia, one whereof shall be in the German Language of a time and place by them to be appointed, not less than thirty days from the time of issuing the first notice, at which time and place the said subscribers shall proceed to organize the said Corporation, and shall choose by a majority of votes of the said subscribers by ballot, to be delivered in Person or by Proxy, duly authorized—one President, twelve Directors, one Treasurer, and such other officers as they shall think necessary to conduct the business of the said Company for one year, and until by-laws, rules, orders and regulations, not inconsistent with the law of this Commonwealth, shall be necessary for the well ordering the affairs of the said company; Provided always, that no person shall have more than fifty votes at any election or in determining any question arising at such meetings whatever number of shares he or she be entitled to, and that each person shall be entitled to one vote for every share by him or her held under the said number.
FOR SALE,
Two three story Brick Houses With convenient stores, wharf, &c. situate on Water Street, between Mulberry and Sassafras Streets, containing in front on Water Street fifty-four feet, and containing that breadth eastward ninety-five feet, then widening to the south thirteen feet six inches. These houses have the convenience of a public alley adjoining on the north side, and area very desirable situation for a merchant, flour factor, or others who may have an occasion for storage of goods. This property will be sold on very reasonable terms for cash. For further information apply to the printer. april 5. mkwtf
For Sale,
A good situation for a Country SEAT, Forty acres of Land, On the Old York road, within sight of Germantown, and about five miles from the City; the whole being under good fence, and in excellent order as pasture ground. For further information and terms, apply to JOHN ELLIOTT CRAWSON, at his Office for the sale of Real Estates, Conveyancing, &c. No. 54 High-street. 4th mo. 3d. tuait