Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-01-01 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1657.
PHILADELPHIA: MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 1, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
Marshall's Sales.
United States. A certain tract, surveyed in the name of Mary Galtbreath, containing four hundred and one acres and allowance...
Marshall's Sales.
United States. By virtue of a writ of fieri facias issued out of the district court of the United States for the Pennsylvania district...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of George Campbell, containing four hundred and ten acres and allowance...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of Richard Williams, containing three hundred and ninety-seven acres and a half...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of Alexander Johnson, containing four hundred and five acres and a half...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of John Johnson, containing four hundred and eight acres and three quarters...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of William Campbell, containing four hundred and seven acres and a quarter...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of James Cline, containing four hundred and one acre and one quarter...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of Mary Galtbreath, containing four hundred and one acres and allowance...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of James Campbell, containing four hundred and one acre and one quarter...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of John Scott, containing four hundred and one acre and one quarter...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of William Scott, containing three hundred and eighty-nine acres...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of Samuel Hageman, containing four hundred and thirteen acres...
A certain other tract, surveyed in the name of Francis Walker, containing three hundred and ninety-seven acres...
The foregoing tracts are held by warrant of Survey, Seized and taken in execution as the property of Philip Reilly.
William Nicholls, Marshal.
FOR SALE, AT WM. YOUNG'S Book Store, No. 72, Second Street, the corner of Chestnut Street.
THOMAS RANDALL, PRESENTS his respects to his Friends, and the Public in general, informs them that he has opened an Office...
Landing this day, From on board the Schooner Two Friends, Daniel Crawley, Master, 80 hhds. and 12 pipes Jamaica RUM.
James & Richard Smith, TAKE the liberty of informing their Friends and the Public, that they have removed their Store to No. 54, South Front Street...
NOW LANDING, At South-Street Wharf, The Cargo of the Ship Concord, Captain Thompson, from Batavia.
FOR SALE, BY PETER BLIGHT, Who also offers For Sale, just landed from Ship Amity, from Jamaica.
FOR SALE, BY BENJAMIN CLARK, No. 55, the corner of Chestnut and Front Streets, A large quantity of Clocks and Watches.
To be Sold, The time of a Negro Boy, About fifteen years of age, has seven years yet to serve...
A person well acquainted with the theory and practice of book-keeping, who has been many years engaged in business...
Insurance Company OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. THE Stockholders are hereby notified, that an Election for thirteen Directors to serve for one year...
Insurance Company OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. IN consequence of an application from a number of Proprietors of Stock...
Insurance Company of North America. THE Stockholders are hereby informed, that a stated meeting of the Company will be held...
Philadelphia and Lancaster Turnpike Company. THE Stockholders are hereby notified, that the annual Election for Officers for the ensuing year...
Pennsylvania Population Company. THE Shareholders are hereby informed, that an Election of Officers for the ensuing year...
Tin Plates, FOR SALE BY SIMON WALKER, Pine, near Fifth Street.
A House in Burlington for Sale. THE subscriber has a large, convenient two-story brick House, with Stables, Carriage-house, and a well-improved Garden...
Lots in Washington City, Contiguous to the Capitol and to the principal harbour.
FOR SALE, By JOHN MILLER, JUN. & Co. No. 8, Chestnut-Street, One hundred and eighty bales BENGAL GOODS.
JUST RECEIVED, (via New-York) AND NOW OPENING, BY GEORGE DOBSON, No. 25, South Third Street, An extensive and general assortment of HABERDASHERY, viz.
Fresh Raisins. A Small cargo, just arrived, and now landing at Chestnut Street Wharf, from the Sloop Yarrow, capt. Haskell...
FOR SALE, By PHILIP NICKLIN & Co. At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf, Havannah Sugars, white and brown.
FOR SALE, By PHILIP NICKLIN & Co. At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf, Havannah Sugars, white and brown.
FOR SALE, By PHILIP NICKLIN & Co. At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf, Havannah Sugars, white and brown.
FOR SALE, By PHILIP NICKLIN & Co. At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf, Havannah Sugars, white and brown.
FOR SALE, By PHILIP NICKLIN & Co. At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf, Havannah Sugars, white and brown.
FOR SALE, By PHILIP NICKLIN & Co. At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf, Havannah Sugars, white and brown.
FOR SALE, By PHILIP NICKLIN & Co. At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf, Havannah Sugars, white and brown.
Employment for the Poor. FLAX FOR SPINNING. To be given out every second, fourth, and sixth day morning...
All Persons Having any demands against the Estate of the late Captain George Irwin, are requested to bring in their accounts...
The Subscriber intends to make application for the renewal of a Certificate of a Share in the Bank of the United States...
ROSS & SIMSON, HAVE FOR SALE, A few bales Bastas, Coffas, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON.
Chocolate and Mustard, of a superior quality manufactured, GINGER and Pepper, ground, sliced or pearl Barley...
Imported (via New York) on the Ship Hero, from Madras and Calcutta, and for sale by the subscriber...
To Gentlemen who intend spending the Winter in the City. ROOMS TO LET, WITH or without Board...
NOTICE. To holders of JAMES GREENLEAF's and EDWARD FOX's Engagements. IN consequence of many having been prevented...
FOR Sale by the Subscribers, Prime Rice in whole and half tiers, Bourbon Brandy, Teneriffe Wine, Molasses, Georgia and Carolina Indigo.
MUSIC. J. L. LENZ, Teacher of Vocal and Instrumental Music. RETURNS his sincere thanks to the Ladies and Gentlemen...
Alphabetical List of Duties, Payable by law on all Goods, Wares, and Merchandizes, imported into the United States...
STO IEN. Out of the subscriber's office a large blue cloth cloak, half worn. The inside of the Gollar is faced partly with scarlet velvet...
TO BE LET, And possession given the 1st January, The House No. 107, Arch-Street, Near the corner of Third Street.
To be sold, AN ELEGANT COUNTRY SEAT, containing 6 acres and 40 perches, with a neat two-story brick House...
Hyson and Young Hyson Tea. A few chisels of excellent quality, For Sale, corner of Second and Pine Streets.
Select Subscription Balls. NEW ASSEMBLY ROOM, South Fourth Street, between Chestnut and Walnut Streets.
M. FRANCIS respectfully informs the subscribers to the above Balls, that the first will be on Tuesday, the 2d of January, 1798.
Now Landing, From on board the ship Farmer, lying at Harper's Wharf, Claret in hhds.
English Grammar, The second edition, with improvements, ADAPTED to the different classes of learners...
English Exercises, Adapted to the Grammar lately published by Lindley Murray, consisting of exercises on the parts of speech...
For Sale, by the Package, For cash, or good notes at sixty or ninety days, Book and Jacobet Muslin plain stripes, and Checks.
This Day is Published, BY Messrs. Dobson, Carey, Campbell, Ric, and the other Booksellers, Price One Dollar and twenty-five cents, Elegantly printed on Wove paper, and illustrated.
The Constitutions. Of the several States with each other, and with that of the United States...
By WILLIAM SMITH, Of South-Carolina, L. L. D. and member of the Congress of the United States.

STATEMENT referred to in the second Letter of the "Friend to Laws and Freedom."
  Dr. The advantages of Peace preserved to the United States in account current, with the probable consequences of War for 2 years. Cr.   To loss arising by the destruction of commerce now dis- turbed and interrupted: By trade and commerce for one half the mercantile ship- ping of Great Britain to be taken by privateers, 682,000 tons a 8 guineas per ton (9) £5,573.   In the article of Labour, which now finds honest em- ployment and support. This being the source of all wealth, as Smith justly terms it, "the instrument of commerce and measure of value."—Say 100,000 men at £50 Pennsylvania currency per annum, for two years By their cargoes out or home, in ballast or not, averaged 4,552 vessels of 150 tons each, a £3,000 per ship 13,659,000   To the difference in the value of rice, tobacco, wheat, &c. raised, estimated at one half the present value of all exports, which for the sake of round numbers take at ten millions of dollars By two ships of 74 guns each, one of 64 and one of 50 guns taken, a £4,000 per ton, is 262,000 130,000   To the increased value of necessaries they purchase, su- gar, coffee, &c. By five frigates of different rates taken £19,784,000 ft.   To the comfort and satisfaction of enjoying it in peace, fathers and brothers with their families and friends, for which each would give something, average 1,000,000 willing contributions a 20/each, is By 60,000 men (enemies) to be killed, or destroyed in prison (10) ships, hospitals, climates, &c. in the same manner as our own, at 1-2 value to them £1,000,000 £32,973,333   To suppose 50,000 useless men (hoping there is not so many in the United States) without property, or industry to get any, and equally free from families and friendship, who would rather die than field of mars the cornfield By expence of their armament naval and military for their support, by which their national debt will be en- creased 100,000,000   Deduct for them at same rate By their annual taxes encreased 2,000,000   To double the second year, tho' all the company suppo- sed it would bear a much larger allowance, and that most people would give three, some five, and many ten times as much the second year for "peace once more" By the price of provisions ditto 1,500,000   To trade & commerce nearly annihilated for two years (1) By 500 bankruptcies in Great Britain, causing poverty and distress to as many innocent families 500,000   To revenue diminished, to supply which recourse must be had to direct taxation, say a land tax—for the first year By transports lost and paid for 100,000   The second year By hospital expences and provision for widows, orphans, maimed, lame and disabled, sick and hurt 500,000   To depreciation in the value of land throughout the United States, which will then cease to be considered "the asylum from European evils," 389,000,000 acres at 1 cent only per acre, and which it might not for ages, perhaps, ever regain By peace and quiet of families destroyed 2,850,000   To cost and out-of 20 first sail and second rate men of war, per treaty of alliance offensive and defensive (2) manned and victualled for twelve months, of which three are soon after taken By manufactures diminished 3,000,000   To maintaining and paying seamen, victualing, &c. 2d year. By revenue ditto 2,500,000   To cost of thirty frigates, sloops of war, cutters, bombs & fire ships per treaty (2) of which six are soon taken By land and labor ditto 1,000,000   To maintaining, victualing and paying second year By three Islands in the West Indies taken by the French, and from which we shall be excluded except in a very limited degree at the peace 1,300,000   To expence of enlisting, cloathing and paying 40,000 men (per treaty) twelve months, a £45 per man By immorality and depravity, likely to continue as it is £116,750,000   To maintaining and paying the second year, and replac- ing the slain By education, the want of it in the lower orders of the people favorable to monarchy and to that government in particular as it is now conducted—This item should therefore appear on the other side.   To 15,000 ton of shipping to transport 20,000 men wherever required by our allies (per treaty) to be al- ways ready, manned, victualled and equipped, a 20/ By damage done the enemy, but which is much more than counter balanced by our own £116,750,000   per ton per month for two years, is Of which this sum is not insured by the United States, being added to her enemies 105,000,000   To ships lost by capture and wreck of the foregoing, to be paid by the owners, suppose 10 per cent. on the va- lue of £15 per ton first year By balance, or loss the United States would sustain as a nation by a War of only two years continuance, but which might not be ended in seven, exclusive of the individual benefit to be derived as above £32,973,333 224,512,800   To second year (as wars always grow more unfortunate and expensive to all parties) encreased to Errors and Omissions excepted.   To pay and rations of militia Paris, December 6, 1796.   To the lives of 30,000 citizens a £50 each (3) A FRIEND TO LAWS & FREEDOM.   To maintaining with medical assistance, the maimed, lame, hurt, sick and blind of the army and navy two years   And for the rest of the lives of the survivors of them, unless you leave them to perish when the war ends   To a scanty provision for the widows and children of the brave, who may be slain   To the waste and decay of farms, utensils, rails, out- houses, &c. from Georgia to New Hampshire, adjust- ed by the company on a calculation made by the map, population, &c. first year   The second year   To impeded population   To negroes who would run away (4) 30,000 a 200 dollars each   To depreciation (5) of all the remainder, in consequence of vagrant habits resulting from idleness, 674,280 slaves in the United States (per census) a £5 each, the first year   For the second year (6) as settled by the company, a £17 10/   To idle habits adopted generally throughout the country for want of employ, agreed to be reasonably esti- mated at   To jail and work house expences to punish and reclaim them   To immorality and general licentiousness of all classes and conditions of people, which it will require very many years to cure   To the broken peace of private families, irreparably injured thereby (7) fixed by the company, to close the debate, a   To loss of education to the youth of both sexes, the talents of the men, for want of cultivation, forever lost to their country, and the heightened joys which improvement bestows on female society to reward them, 300,000 a £375 each (8)   £257,486,133   £257,486,133 
(1) Here a controversy began between a young West-Indian (which I found him to be) and the new New-England accountant, the former insisting that instead of this sum it should be "the balance of trade" only; much ingenious reasoning was urged on both sides and different authorities referred to; at length Smith's arguments were declared conclusive, "that as two countries may each benefit by the cash of their annual produce, the whole decrease in their amount for which a valuable barter used to be received by either, was in such case to be deemed an actual loss," and the sum of 8 millions was inserted accordingly.
(2) Which all parties and countrymen agreed must be made preparatory to the United States engaging in war with any European power, and that without agreeing to furnish such quotas no power would take part with her unless after making her convenient, Prussia-like perhaps to leave her in the lurch.
(3) A contest now arose about the value; the New-England-man who set a high value on the service and labour of a free-man maintained that "in Massachusetts they would be worth £100 lawful at least," while the young Islander insisted "they should not be rated above £10." The company wishing to see the account made out interposed and fixed it at £50. as inserted.
(4) Here an altercation recommenced—the young West-Indian, though he had valued a negro at £100 ster. objected to their being charged in the account at 200 dollars or about £43 ster. observing (un-guardedly) that "they would be all idle in case of war, and therefore worth little or nothing," which his cool opponent took advantage of by adding to the number he supposed would therefore run away, which the company computed at 20,000, and fixed the price at 200 dollars each.
(5) The Eastern Accountant took another advantage of his adversary's remark, and by consent of the company inserted this item as a result as probable as any conjecture could well be.
(6) The gentlemen mentioned who were now chief disputants as well as clerks differed considerably on this head, one wanting
to multiply it by 5 while the other thought double enough. The company considered it as justly to be dreaded and compromised it by dividing the difference, fixing it at 3 1/2 times as much for the second year, though generally they were of opinion that slaves would scarce be worth keeping if war was to break out and last two years.
(7) This sum it was mutually agreed should be inserted, though the accountants as well as every person present declared they would "not for worlds" their families should be the unfortunate sufferers, and if such should be the case, "if millions beyond account would wash the stain and sting of its remembrance away, they would cheerfully pay the penalty."
(8) Now commenced a debate equally interesting and instructive, which I wish it was in my power to do justice to. The subject afforded a fine field, and every gentleman present delivered his sentiments upon it. The importance of education to the rising generation was universally confessed to be beyond computation—above all value: its loss inevitable and beyond the reach of compensation or equivalent, either to the individual or the nation. Its beneficial effects were considered not less serviceable to the former than its transcendant influence on the latter. It was called "the sun-shine of society," without which even the invaluable blessings of heaven born freedom itself could not be rationally, fully or justly valued or enjoyed. It was termed "the light of the people," "the path to preferment," "the road to virtuous emulation," "the morning star of human happiness." The cause which introduced it was forgotten in contemplating the momentous consequence of its operation extending even beyond this life!
I regret being unable to retrace or relate the many well termed comments made upon this subject, which I find more difficult as every thing was spoken in French.
A pause taking place, the accountants wished to set down a sum, about which, tho' they fully agreed in principle, they could not coincide as to particulars. The company having spoken with great earnestness and very loud, at this moment, brought a boy
into the room to enquire "what was the matter?" Here it is fit to observe he was a remarkable fine boy, of that open complexion of countenance which pleases every eye; his was full of intelligent expression and ready comprehension—on being answered "the gentlemen are talking about the education of children," he asked "whole children?" and persisted to question till he was fully informed about the subject of conversation, upon which pausing for a few minutes, he advanced through the company to the table, and looking the gentleman who held the pen, full in the face, with an emphasis and an eloquence of a surprising description, for it was the pure untaught persuasive rhetoric of nature's bounteous liberality, he said with a sigh, "I have no money to pay a master to teach me anything, and my father is with the army, (here a tear just glistened in his eye, but did not fall, he seemed to forbid it) but when he comes home if he does not send me to school I will not love him as I do now; though I know he will—he writes to madam L. and calls me his darling boy, (here he smiled) but how can he then buy what I ought to be learning now? Here all eyes and ears were fixed towards him—an old gentleman, a ci-devant noble, was going to catch him in his arms, but the boy evaded the attempt and as he ran out of the room finished his more than Ciceronian speech, saying (again he sighed while seeming to suppress it) "If I had a hundred louis d'ors I would give them every one to be kept constantly at school," adding with a significant nod, "though I would play at times." Such a disposition in early age, delights as it is strange, and interests as it is real.
The company unanimously resolved to insert this sum in the account, and the old gentleman observing "that a citizen who devoted himself to the service of his country in the day of danger and difficulty in the humble station and capacity of a soldier, should have his child educated by that country," promised to take care of this boy himself, while the company as if astonished by the tongue of an angel engaged their exertions to each other in order to "establish and provide for the universal education of
children"; this I had afterwards the pleasure to learn has been done—a system is digesting and will speedily be adopted (I hope with more effect than the present imperfect plan) throughout the republic.
(10) For the probability of this, the returns of 1783 were examined; by which it appears the British Army alone in America, had 43,633 men rank and file killed, exclusive of officers!
(11) For this item, see the King's speech to Parliament, 5th December, 1782, recommending to them "to correct the prevailing vices of the times." See also Newgate Calendar at the close of the war (before cited).
The rest of the account was stated by the old gentleman and agreed to by the company, being placed as you see it in the outer column on "the effect of such an increase of debts" and "the operation of circumstances so influential on a people," several judicious observations were made, but it was not considered by any one of the company as likely to produce a restitution or reparation of the damages! On the contrary it was thought "so much distress heaped on the people would disable or at least ill-dispose them to submit to additional and heavy taxes for the purpose of paying us," "that an appeal to arms has ever been looked upon as the satisfaction demanded or taken for compensation of wrongs and no other redress after that is begun can ever be expected;" that just compensation would then require the full payment of all expences incident to the war as well of the sum which gave cause to it, amounting to more perhaps than all the specie in circulation throughout the world! "in the nature of things impossible under any circumstances however fortunate or favorable to expect" "the very method of seeking redress being so expensive as to cause an absolute prohibition to obtaining it." !!!
(1) The general particulars of the debit side being ended, an elderly gentleman (whom I found had been an officer under the royal government, and possessing a very considerable estate) took up the pen and with a very satisfied smile observed to the one who had just laid it down, "now sir, we shall see the other side of this account which in importance I expect will be tho't to over-balance the account you exhibit." In the first place (looking round to the company as if he expected an universal acquiescence in his opinions) "it must be observed that national honor (laying great stress on the words national honor and expressing them with the air of a soldier) requires that injuries unprovoked and such as have been done to the United States, should be resented with that prompt spirit and vigor which the country has already shewn itself to possess. Was this country (France) so insulted, there is not one of the Ancient Regime (I cannot render this expression into our language, and preserve its force) but would willingly sacrifice one half their property, to obtain satisfaction, as an individual, sooner than sit tamely quiet under such unparadonable insults. I would rather suffer every evil, even of an unfortunate war, the death of half my tenants, and the loss of half my rents." Here he was interrupted by another French gentleman abruptly observing that "his income as well as that of the great class of independent and industrious citizens of France, would not admit of such a sacrifice; those who have little more than life to give (though they justly prize and preserve their own honor) might not think proper to sacrifice it to the opinion of others, that the national honor required that they should." The old officer seemed equally displeased at the interruption and the observation, but proceeded by remarking, "that merchants farmers and mechanics might be content under such circumstances, but to the ideas of a soldier it was distressing."—The company were, however, unanimous in declaring that "as no specific value could be set upon it in a national account, the item was inadmissible, whereupon he proceeded—"The records of the United States inform us how much mischief she could do to the trade of Great Britain. Mr. Coxe (page 346) tells us that three countries (only) in the state of Massachusetts took during the last war 1108 vessels and cargoes out of 6219 sail, the entire mercantile shipping of that country! I propose then to meet the gentleman in his political account current, by entering on the opposite side to that he has filled up, the value of said ships and cargoes. Here he paused as if to consider on the sum or rate, but it was observed "that was in a war of seven years, the account was intended for an estimate of only two." The old gentleman resuming, observed in reply, "that the superior ability of the United States at present to what it was during the revolution, would admit a mode of calculation not likely to be very far from the probable event of such an occurrence." Mr. Reeves (in his law of shipping, page 433) states the whole, mercantile shipping of Great Britain to be 1,365,000 tons which he estimates at 8 guineas per ton, is £11,466,000 ster." of this the old officer observed he "had no doubt the United States would in two years take one half" which being acquiesced in by the company, was entered in the account accordingly, as well as the estimated value of their cargoes, and also of the men of war and frigates, which from the confidence of safety will be observed "be certainly taken, being opposed by men and ships of their own way of fighting."
(1) Smith vol. 2d page 304. "An instructed and intelligent people are always more decent and orderly than an ignorant and stupid one," they feel themselves each individually more respectable and more likely to obtain the respect of their lawful superiors, and they are therefore more disposed to respect those superiors, they are more disposed to examine and more capable of seeing thro' the interlaced (or designing) complaints of faction and sedition, and they are upon that account, less likely to be led into any wan-
ton or unnecessary opposition to the measures of government.
Here a review of the whole account took place, by which it appeared to the company, "that by a successful war of two years individual citizens might get about £32,000,000 Pennsylvania, or 85 millions of dollars in prizes, which would be acquired solely by the cities and trading towns, while the entire landed interest would suffer doubly—in the depreciated value of what was raised and the appreciated value of every necessary imported; and that the United States as a nation would unavoidably incur a debt of at least an equal sum (as the items will explain) which at 6 per cent. only (2) is 5,120,000 dollars per annum, to be borne by the whole country forever after, besides all the other inconveniences, losses and distresses incurred, amounting to equal to 225 £ of pounds Pennsylvania, or 600,000,000 dollars more! the whole weight of which point of retarded property the country inevitably feel at compound interest."
That the losses by illegal captures and seizures alleged of American vessels and property (sometimes blended with that of the enemies of the captors, in five years, that is, since the commencement of hostilities in Europe, does not amount to the whole of which it is now very probable will be recovered (just exceptions only excluded (3) as consulting futurity, it is evident equally the interest of Great-Britain France and Spain to render justice and maintain a good understanding with the United States, and that under their present peaceful, flourishing and happy situation, the Union should recompense the sufferers rather than hazard the forfeiture of so enviable a position.
The old officer and one American gentleman dwelt much on "what Great-Britain intended to have done if not prevented by the balsam of Toulon et cetera; upon the distress a war with the United States would bring upon England; and what we could do there: but fortunately placed at a great distance from the scene where the balance of power is so much the subject of contest and with which we have nothing to do and that they ought not to go to war for honor."
(4) Fifteen out of seventeen persons present, "approved of the statement, and the exemplary wisdom, piety, firmness and patriotism by which the proof of its contents are so fortunately postponed."
(2) Which it was agreed to rate it at, tho' satisfied it would cost the country above ten per cent.
(3) See how admiralty cases are determined in the superior courts of justice in Europe. Pothier's Dict. vol. 2d page 715, and sequel.
(4) Poor soldier, "So Pat you got that broken head for honor, and there you lay bleeding in all your glory." Falstaff, "There lies honor" pointing to the carcass.
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
December 26.
Mr. Evans presented two petitions signed by a number of the citizens of Montgomery County praying that a new election district may be formed and that the place of holding the election may be at Pottstown, which were read & referred to the Members from the County.
Mr. Evans presented a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Montgomery County, referring to a former petition, and praying a sum of money may be granted them for the erection of a bridge over the Manatowey creek, which was read, and referred to a Committee of roads and in land Navigation.
Mr. Vanborne presented a petition from the Trustees of the Academy at Newtown, in Bucks County, praying a sum of money for the endowment of the said Institution, which was read and referred to a Committee.
Mr. Gurney presented a petition from a number of the owners of land on the Wissahickon road, praying a law may be passed authorizing the Governor to incorporate a Company to erect an artificial road which was read and referred to the Committee on the petition from the German-town.
Mr. Worrell presented a petition from the Trustees of Lower Dublin Academy praying leave to raise a sufficient sum by way of lottery to finish the buildings, which was read and referred to a Committee.
Dr. Leib presented a petition from a number of the citizens of Philadelphia County, praying the Governor may be authorized to incorporate a Company to erect an artificial road to the twelve mile stone on the Reading Road, similar to several already offered, which was referred to a Committee already appointed.
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole on a Bill to authorize Frederick Leathers his heirs and assigns to maintain a Dam across Bald Eagle creek in the County of Mifflin Dr. Leib in the chair. After some time spent the Committee rose and the Bill was recommitted.
Mr. Hemphill offered a resolution for the continuance of the act for increasing the salaries of the Judges of the supreme Court, the President of the Circuit courts and the Secretary of the Common-wealth.
The report of the Committee on a petition from Mifflin County praying the appointment of a Trustee was read a second time and agreed to and a committee was appointed to bring in a Bill.
The further report of the committee on unfinished business was read a second time, and the different subjects were referred to committees.
Several parts of the report on the governor's address which were postponed, were taken up and referred.
Dr. Leib laid the following resolution on the table, Resolved that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill authorizing the commissioners of the county of Philadelphia to keep a record of the roads within the said county.
The resolution offered by Mr. Hemphill was called up for a second reading by special order and after considerable debate was postponed till Friday next. Adjourned.

December 27. A Petition from a number of the citizens of Germantown and its Vicinity of a similar import with those presented on Saturday last respecting a turnpike road to Germantown, was referred to the committee already appointed. A petition from a number of the citizens of the city of Philadelphia in Northumberland county, praying that the place of election may be in the city of Philadelphia, was presented and referred to the committee appointed on the subject. A petition from a number of the citizens of the city of Philadelphia praying a law to re-organize the Bank of Pennsylvania, was presented and referred to the committee appointed on the subject. A report from the committee on the rules and regulations of the House, with the exception of the ninth rule, which was postponed until next. Rules for conducting business between the two Houses were taken up and agreed to except the fourth which was postponed until Wednesday next. Adjourned.
December 28. Mr. Wells presented a memorial from the college of physicians accompanied by several documents relative to the health laws, and the report of the late malignant fever, which was referred to the committee appointed on the health laws. Mr. Wells on the part of the committee reported a bill to authorize the Governor to incorporate a company to improve the navigation of the river Lehigh which was read and made the order of the day for Thursday next. Mr. Freley on the part of the committee reported a bill to alter certain election districts in Berks County which was read and made the order of the day for Thursday next. A bill from the Senate authorizing the commissioners of Westmoreland county to appoint assessors and assistant assessors for the township of North Berks to elect them was read and made the order of the day for Saturday next. The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill supplementary to the act authorizing the Governor to incorporate a company for creating an artificial road from this city to Lancaster; on motion the committee rose and the bill was committed to a select committee. Adjourned.
From the (N. Y.) Daily Advertiser. "Perish our Commerce! Let the CONSTITUTION live!" This exclamation of Mr. Wyndham's, in the British Parliament, at the commencement of the present war with the French Republic, has been rung in a thousand changes by the Jacobins of England and America. The orator, no doubt, that if the repeated innovations pursued by the French, destructive of every principle of good order and government, could be prevented from spreading their effects into his native country; a partial sacrifice of its commerce by the war, would be comparatively of little consequence. He was moderate. Our "exclusive" patriots have so far out done him in their views, that we hear no more of the "horrid exclamation." They have not only repeatedly attempted themselves, but permitted in others, a violation of our own excellent constitution—but have justified the piracies on our commerce by those who term themselves our ALLIES? Looking, only, to the will of those Free-Boobies, they say, "Let our Constitution and our commerce go to the devil together!" OBSERVER.
A VIRGINIA ELECTION. Extract from the proceedings of the House of Delegates, December 8, 1797. It appears to your committee, from the information of William Munford Esq. that he was present at the election which was commenced for the county of Pittsylvania, and acted as a clerk of one of the polls; that the election was extremely crowded, and the crowd very violent and disorderly; that they pressed on the sheriff in such a manner, that he could not keep his stand within the bar, and at length forced the clerks out of their seats, and took possession of the table; that several persons appeared on the table and at the door in their shirt sleeves, apparently prepared for combat; that the sheriff was very industrious in endeavouring to suppress the riot, and clear the court house, so that he might proceed with the election, and once or twice the house was nearly cleared, and the votes again taken, but that the disorder and violence at last was so great, that the sheriff and his clerks were compelled to retire from the court house; that the sheriff finding it impossible to proceed with the election, was advised to close the polls, and return the truth of the case; that many persons applied to the sheriff, desiring to give their votes but the sheriff told them he could not take their votes; and thereupon the sheriff, with the consent of the candidates, proclaimed at the door or window, that the poll was closed, and that Messrs. William Clarke and Robert Devin had a majority of the votes taken; that the informant could not say who were the cause of those riotous proceedings, but thought the candidates in general seemed rather to encourage them, and that none of them took proper steps to suppress them; that application was made to the informant by Mr. William Clarke, one of the candidates, to continue to take the votes at a time when the sheriff was out of the way, and had resolved not to proceed with the election, to which he replied, that he could not proceed to take a vote, until directed by the sheriff to do so; that it was generally said that the people were kept by force out of the court house, by certain men polled at the door for that purpose; that these men enquired
of all who came to the door, whom they intended to vote for, and if they were admitted or excluded accordingly, as their answer pleased or displeased those who questioned them, but that the informant knew nothing of this, of his own knowledge; yet he has reason to believe it, as he saw certain violent and disorderly men at the door, nearly stripped for battle, who appeared to be polled there for that purpose. It further appeared to the committee, from the information of the said William Munford, that the candidates agreed, that persons who were on the militia list, without regard to the distinction of the right of freehold, should be permitted to vote, and that the persons admitted to vote, were examined by the sheriff only, with respect to their being on the militia list, and not with respect to their being freeholders.
The Gazette. PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 1. The question whether our merchants shall arm their vessels for defence, or not, is postponed by the House of Representatives to February. The opposition party opposed an immediate decision because they said it would be considered as hostile to France, and as interfering with the pending negotiation. Some of the Federalists concurred in this last opinion. But, should the negotiation fail, there will no doubt remain as to the object of arming, viz. to defend ourselves against France. Will the anti-federalists then consent to this measure? No. The friends of the merchants and the government, do not appear to have been aware of this. The question ought to have been decided at once on every principle; for at present, no nation could reasonably have taken umbrage at its being determined in the affirmative. Opposition, by saying that the arming of our merchants would be hostile only to France, give up the question whether our trade suffers most by France or Great Britain. Should the war cease to-morrow, the measure of arming our merchantmen would be expedient, if not necessary; for piracy and plundering would probably be pursued by the banditti in the West Indies till compelled to relinquish the business by force.
The crew of the John Sife. A letter was received in town on Saturday from capt. Folger of the John, dated Greenwich, (Jersey shore) 28th instant, informing that by the humane exertions of the people of that place, he with the remaining part of his crew and passengers, were preserved from destruction that morning. They were got off from the ship in small boats. The captain adds, that the ship was then nearly full of water, but that he expected to save a part of the cargo.
AURORA CANDOR AND TRUTH. There is a list of American vessels published in the Aurora of this morning at Cape Nicholas Mole on the 5th December, which the Editor heads "British Captures,"—whereas from the list itself it appears they were all waiting for convoy—only two of them had been captured, and those re-taken from the French, and released on paying salvage. COMMUNICATION. The measure of permitting a mercantile armament, is opposed upon the ground of its tendency to accelerate a rupture between the United States and France—It is said that our vessels thus armed by acting offensively may afford a just cause of war, or by acting defensively may furnish a pretext for it. The first case is hardly supposable.—The captain of a merchantman armed and situated out in pursuit of a peaceful traffic, can have no inducement to commence an attack, when he is not authorized to capture, merely for the sake of fighting. It will be sufficient to restrain him, that he would thus involve his owner and himself in a ruinous responsibility at home, and expose his person to the gibbet and his vessel to condemnation in the event of capture. If a few hairbrained commanders should prove exceptions to this general principle, their country would disavow an authority for their conduct, and would not be fairly chargeable with their madness. The only question is then would this measure furnish the French with a pretext for doing what they may already be inclined to do?—It is indeed astonishing that a man can be found in America at this day, who conceives that this nation requires an apology to do whatever their exigencies make convenient, or whatever will gratify the lust of conquest, and promote the inveterate project of universal empire. To whom should they be solicitous to justify themselves?—Not to the people of these states; for they must be sensible that the affections of all honest men for their nation and cause are irrevocably forfeited; and the few tools who still adhere to them cannot be more blindly or fervently devoted to their measures—Not to the nations of Europe, whose rights they violate, whose laws they contemn, whose opinions they deride. Some of whom are subjugated beneath their iron rod; and all of whom are marked and numbered for conquered provinces, or dependant vassals. But admitting that an apology was deemed expedient, as the preamble to a manifesto—have they not found with a most ready and fatal invention, excuses for perpetrating every species of injustice at home and abroad, upon their own citizens and upon foreign nations? Examine the history of their confiscations, proscriptions, massacres, wars and invasions, and say if they have been puzzled for reasons to justify their putting into requisition all the property of such of their citizens as are not concerned in the mummery of their government—have they not stolen under the sanction of law, plate, horses, cattle, furniture and clothing wherever these articles were found? Can they want apologies to support their tremendous army, or to satiate the appetites and supply the luxuries of their deputies on mission, and their parasites and trumpets, who form an army of themselves? Where did they find apologies for appropriating to their own use the riches of Belgium, for exhausting the treasures of the United Provinces; for ravaging Italy; for plundering Allies as well as Foes—for laying embargoes upon our vessels, taking them as prizes, and sacrificing to an immense amount, cargoes fairly consigned and entered in their ports? Imperious necessity has always enabled them to frame a very plausible "exposition des motifs," at a period when their resources were more abundant than they now are.—Their commerce is at present annihilated, their finances utterly deranged, and the conquered countries drained of the means of supplying their exactions. In this posture of affairs, agriculture must languish, and famine will always threaten and sometimes overtake them.—Can it then be doubted, that when other resources fail, and they shall be destitute of the ability of paying for our cargoes; despair will come in aid of violence, and that they will make a manifesto of war against us with as little ceremony as they issue an edict "for putting boots and shoes into requisition," or rather that they will seize upon our property without a manifesto, and leave it to their American advocates to palliate and justify their measures? Whether negotiation succeeds or fails, we ought to be prepared for these events.—It is indeed difficult to comprehend the precise idea attached by many, to the success of the negotiation. Every true patriot in and out of Congress, is ready to relinquish compensation for the past, rather than fight. Is success then deemed to consist in a stipulation for future indemnity? If so, let it be remembered, that we have already the stipulations of a fair and solemn treaty for our protection. These fail to protect us, because we have exercised the right of a sovereign nation and made another treaty in no respect incompatible with the first. Will not pretences equally plausible be found for violating a future treaty? It is easy to imagine a hundred. One half of the government may send the other to Madagascar, and those who remain may repeal the treaty, as many of our Representatives were inclined to do by the British Treaty. Our government may prohibit the fitting out of privateers in our ports, and may restore vessels captured in our jurisdiction. It may continue to prevent the sale of prizes, and refuse to oblige the decisions of our courts of law. These complaints have been solemnly urged.—They are not the worst for wear—They will answer as well after another treaty as they do at present; New ones may be manufactured at pleasure; and at least, the apology of imperious necessity will continue to be unanswerable. The Merchants ought therefore, to insist upon their right to protect and defend themselves, whatever may be the event of the negotiation.
Brig Eliza, of this port, is taken and sent into Gaudaloupe. We are informed by a gentleman just arrived from Nantz; that 75 privateers are in commission out of that place; that during the short time he was there, ten new vessels were launched for Corsairs; and that many more were on the stocks. From the Columbian Centinel. Political truths—worthy attentive perusal. Mr. Russell, Among the causes which operate at this crisis of agitation throughout the civilized world, none possesses or has displayed a more formidable energy to subvert civil government and social order, than that spirit of political fanaticism which has given to the French revolution, half its character and almost all its terrors. Of all evil spirits, it is perhaps the most intolérant, sanguinary and blind. It boasts of its liberty, because it abhors the power of priests and tyrants; and indeed, all despotism but its own. It never ceases to extol its philanthropy and fraternity, and its merit in asserting for men his imprescriptible rights, and as the best of them, his freedom of speech and tho', yet neither the ten persecutions of Christians, nor the records of the inquisition, furnish so long a list of victims for opinion sake as three years of the French revolution. These observations will afford the proof that it is not wanted of the intolerance and ferocity of the political reformers. Their blindness is no less remarkable; since in spite of experience, which has written its lessons of refutation in blood, they labour still to make proselytes to their anarchical theories, although they see the fabric of society shaken or subverted and the earth strewed with ruins on the actual experiment of them. One cannot look back upon the last six years without wondering at the number and the bewitching or rather maddening nature of the impostures which have been addressed to the credulity of mankind. Europe was to be bound in cords of love, and the nations were to learn war no more; governments were to be the works and the image of the peoples. Thus they would exhibit in their administration the purity and divinity of their origin, and the awful sanctity of their destination and duties:—the people restored to their lost rights, and asserting and sustaining their native dignity, were to rise much higher than ever Adam fell; and all France, indeed all the world, was.
To quit its sphere and rush into the skies. Philosophers, the champions of these rights the artificers of this splendid machinery, have wielded the republican sceptre, and have brought their principles to the test—disgraced them; for which of their flattering dreams has not fled, which of their metaphysical systems assuming just principles and carrying them to excess, has not been tried and failed, and failed so completely as to cover the agents with guilt and ruin, and their admirers with confusion? But the sect of political fanatics, rising like Anæus the stronger from the fall, are never more formidable than when just defeated. To suffer confutation and disgrace like suffering persecution, consolidates the party, sublimates the ardor of its zeal and gives to the unity and energy of its action a power like Sampson's to shake the pillars of every government, with a giant's force.—Though in France a man has no rights, except such as he holds at sufferance, because the despots may not for the moment have an interest to invade them; though it may be put to vote that his estate, real and personal, belongs to the treasury, and that he thus beggared, shall be sent to live with the less ravenous Alligators of the Oronoko, and he goes, yet the words liberty, equality and the rights of Man remain.—Yes, they remain not only for mockery at home, but as engines of seduction and destruction in every other country. These wonder working words, more forceful than Buonaparte's cannon, have annihilated the Dutch and Spaniards—they exist in name, but the vital soul of independence is dead within them Italy is more changed and more desolated than of old by Attila. Fanaticism crosses the Adriatic and carries to Dalmatia and to the Albanians, that impatience under government which requires more than former restraint, and yet will not submit to any. It every where enacts that men who will not be governed by reason shall not be governed by force; that it is the most degrading extreme of despotism to exact our social or political duties by force, and yet the brightest of all civic virtues to assert our rights by violence; that governments are the proper objects of hatred and of hostility, because they are in their very nature odious, and it is owing to them that the nations are corrupted as well as enslaved. The credulity, the ignorance and the ferocity of the people are imputed to kings, nobles and priests. The general good being the end, and the general will the source of authority, the people may discern and they have a good right to mistake the tendency of measures, they may for any cause, or no cause at all, create or change their political systems. This, it is insisted, a nation, whom ages of despotism had debased, blinded and corrupted, is competent to do with infallible rectitude and wisdom, as soon as the dread of despotic power is converted into fury against those who held it. The tame beasts under the monarchy are wild ones now. Slaves who slept in chains awake maniacs, and may, they tell us, be tied with ribbons—they scatter firebrands, they pillage and kill—no matter—the declaration of rights is printed on their snuff-boxes—the goddess of reason sits in the church of Notre Dame, and the shouts of millions are heard at the feast of confederation and the holy anniversary of the murders of the 10th of August.
Absurdities of this description are called philosophy, and therefore disdain argument and instruction. It is then arrogant pretension to instruct mankind. In such extremes they are miracles, and are allowed to attend themselves. Thus Buonaparte goes sword in hand through Italy to persuade the people to accept their liberty, and to be as independent as the Dutch, but for this precious gift they must pay their protectors until they are satisfied. It may be that there are some few among us who are not fools upon any other subject, who even yet call this the cause of liberty. The Genoese and Venetians may ape the French—banish their nobles and slay their priests. This will not make the ground bear more corn and wheat—rather less, as the hand that should sow the earth is employed to moisten it with blood. Scarcity may make revolutions, but revolutions will make scarcity. The necessity to labor will remain, and with aggravation in proportion as fresh want arises from withdrawing the laborers to become in imagination rulers. The load that presses the many down is thus made heavier than before. The promised instruction cannot be extended to society, unless mutual slaughter should thin it, until each half famished citizen shall have some leisure and more than bread enough. Europe is now overstocked, but if the French conduct its revolutions, bread and the consumers may come out even. Then when it is possible that they should be better fed we may hope they will be better taught.
POST-OFFICE, Philadelphia, Dec. 30. Letters for the British Packet the Princess Charlotte, for Falmouth, will be received at this Office until Tuesday, the 2d January, at 12 o'clock, noon. N. B. The inland postage to New-York must be paid.
NEW THEATRE. THIS EVENING, JANUARY 1, 1798. Will be presented the COMEDY of A CURE FOR THE HEART ACHE. To which will be added (for the first time) a grand American Pantomime Ballet, called, THE ANIMATED STATUE; Or, Triumph of Love. MRS. GRATTAN, RESPECTFULLY informs her friends and the public in general, that necessity obliges her to make this effort for the maintenance of her family; for them Mrs. G. solicits the support and patronage of a generous public, at her SECOND CONCERT, which will be to-morrow evening, 2d January, at Mr. Richard's.
ACT I. Sinfonia, Pleyel Ballad—Mrs. Grattan (words from Shakespeare) music by a Lady Quartett—Messrs. Gillingham, Hupfield, Dangle, and Mienel With a Solo for Mr. Gillingham. Song—Mrs. Grattan Amoroza Concerto—Piano Forte, by a Young Lady Krumpholtz ACT II. Concerto—Clarinet, Mr. Wolf Song—Mrs. Grattan Tacchini Sinfonia, Pleyel Subscribers Tickets Six dollars, which admit all the unmarried ladies of his family. No tickets transferable. Non-subscribers Tickets Two Dollars. The Concert to begin at half past six, and the Band to attend for the Ball at eight. The Subscribers will please to send for their tickets, at No. 192 High Street, January 1.
Bank of North America, January 1, 1798. AT a meeting of the Directors this day, a dividend of six per cent. was declared for the last half year, which will be paid to the Stockholders or their representatives at any time after the 10th inst. By order of the board, JOHN NIXON, President.
Bank of the United States, January 1st, 1798. THE Directors have this day declared a dividend of sixteen dollars on each share for the last six months,—a 10 per additional dividend of four dollars on each share, arising from surplus profits. Which dividends will be paid to the Stockholders, or their legal representatives, after the 10th inst.
NICKLIN & GRIFFITH, At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf— HAVE FOR SALE, 58 hds. of Jamaica Rum Madeira Wine in pipes and hds. Teneriffe do. in pipes Old Port do. in hds. Imperial Tea in quarters and eighths of chests Sail Canvas, No. 1, to 8 Dimities, Ginghams, and Mullins, in packages suitable for the West India market Nails all sized Black quart bottles Queens ware in hds. and crates Yellow ochre dry in casks; And at New-York, on board the ship DIANA, from Liverpool, exported round as soon as the navigation is open, Fine Liverpool Salt Coals Spanish Brown Venetian Red Purple Brown Parent white White lead Red lead Colcothar vitriol 160 bundles Sheathing paper Seaming twine Ship DIANA, For Sale or Charter. ALSO, Brig AMAZON. N. B. The late firm of Philip Nicklin & Co. is now changed to Nicklin & Griffith. January 1.
The Subscriber, Informs those to whom he is indebted, that his books, which have been kept open for their inspection since December 1796 are balanced to the present day, and will during the present month remain open at his Counting house in Chestnut Street for their further investigation and scrutiny. JAMES GREENLEAF. Philad. Jan. 1st 1798.