National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-09-29 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
Vol. I.
SATURDAY, September 29, 1792.
NUMB. 96.
BY THE P R E S I D E N T OF THE UNITED STATES. A PROCLAMATION.
W HEREAS certain violent and unwarrantable proceedings have lately taken place tending to obstruct the operation of the laws of the United States for raising a revenue upon spirits distilled within the same, enacted pursuant to express authority delegated in the Constitution of the United States; which proceedings are subversive of good order, contrary to the duty that every citizen owes to his country and to the laws and of a nature dangerous to the very being of government.
And whereas such proceedings are the more unwarrantable by reason of the moderation which has been heretofore shown on the part of the government, and of the disposition manifested by the legislature (who alone have authority to suspend the operation of laws) to obviate causes of objection, and to render the laws as acceptable as possible: and whereas it is the particular duty of the executive "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed;" and not only that duty, but the permanent interests and happiness of the people require, that every legal and necessary step should be pursued, as well to prevent such violent and unwarrantable proceedings, as to bring to justice the infractors of the laws, and secure obedience thereto.
Now therefore I George Washington, President of the United States, do by these presents most earnestly admonish and exhort all persons whom it may concern, to refrain and desist from all unlawful combinations and proceedings whatsoever having for object or tendency to obstruct the operation of the laws aforesaid; inasmuch as all lawful ways and means will be strictly put in execution for bringing to justice the infractors thereof and securing obedience thereto.
And I do moreover charge and require all courts, magistrates and officers whom it may concern, according to the duties of their several offices, to exert the powers in them respectively vested by law for the purposes aforesaid, hereby also enjoining and requiring all persons whomsoever as they tender the welfare of their country, the just and due authority of government and the preservation of the public peace, to be aiding and assisting therein according to law.
In Testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done this fifteenth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety two, and of the Independence of the United States the seventeenth.
WASHINGTON. By the PRESIDENT. TH: JEFFERSON.
DEFENCE Of Mr JEFFERSON's political Character, in reply to several Pieces which have appeared against it in the Gazette of the United States.
[From the American Daily Advertiser]
[Continued from our last.]
"Paris, May 3, 1788. W HILE there, (meaning Amsterdam) I endeavoured to get as well as I could into the state of national credit there: for although I am an enemy to using our credit, but under absolute necessity, yet the possessing a good credit I consider as indispensable in the present system of carrying on war. The existence of a nation having no credit is always precarious."
"Paris, July 31, 1788. I sincerely rejoice at the acceptance of our new Constitution by nine states. It is a good canvas on which some strokes only want retouching. What these are, I think are sufficiently manifested by the general voice from north to south, which calls for a bill of rights. It seems pretty generally understood that this should go to juries, habeas corpus, standing armies, printing, religion, and monopolies. I conceive there may be difficulty, in finding general modifications of these, suited to the habits of all the states. But if such cannot be found, then it is better to establish trials by jury, the right of habeas corpus, freedom of the press, and freedom of religion, in all cases, and to abolish standing armies in time of peace, and monopolies in all cases, than not do it in any. The few cases wherein these things may do evil cannot be weighed against the multitude wherein the want of them will do evil. In disputes between a foreigner and a native a trial by jury may be improper; but if this exception cannot be agreed to, the remedy will be, to model the jury by giving the medietas linguae in civil, as well as in criminal cases. Why suspend the habeas corpus in insurrections and rebellions! The parties who may be arrested, may be charged instantly with a well defined crime: of course the judge will remand them; if the public safety requires that the government should have a man imprisoned on less probable testimony, in those than in other emergencies, let him be taken and tried, retaken and retried, while the necessity continues, only giving him redress against the government for damages. Examine the history of England, see how few cases of the suspension of the habeas corpus law have been worthy of that suspension. They have been either real treasons, wherein the parties might as well have been charged at once, or sham plots where it was shameful they should ever have been suspected. Yet for the few cases, wherein the suspension of the habeas corpus has done real good, that operation is now become habitual, and the minds of the nation almost prepared to live under its constant suspension. A declaration that the federal government will never restrain the presses from printing any thing they please, will not take away the liability of the printers for false facts printed. The declaration that religious faith shall be unpunished, does not give impunity to criminal acts dictated by religious error. The saying there shall be no monopolies, lessens the incitements to ingenuity, which is spurred on by the hope of a monopoly for a limited time, as of fourteen years: but the benefit, even of limited monopolies, is too doubtful to be opposed to that of their general suspension. If no check can be found to keep the number of standing troops within safe bounds, while they are tolerated as far as necessary, abandon them altogether; discipline well the militia, and guard the magazines with them. More than magazine guards will be useless if few, and dangerous if many. No European nation can ever stand against us such a regular army as we need fear, and it is hard if our militia are not equal to those of Canada and Florida. My idea then is, that though proper exceptions to these general rules are desirable, and probably practicable, yet if the exceptions cannot be agreed on, the establishment of the rules in all cases will do ill in very few. I hope therefore a bill of rights will be formed to guard the people against the federal government, as they are already guarded against their state governments in most instances. The abandoning the principle of necessary rotation in the senate has, I see, been disapproved by many; in the case of the president by none. I readily therefore suppose my opinion wrong when opposed by the majority, as in the former instance, and the totality in the latter. In this, however, I should have done it with more complete
satisfaction, had we all judged from the same position." "Paris, Nov. 18. 1788. As to the bill of rights however I still think it should be added, and I am glad to see that three states have at length considered the perpetual re-eligibility of the president, as an article which should be amended. I should deprecate with you indeed the meeting of a new convention. I hope they will adopt the mode of amendment by congress and the assemblies: in which case I should not fear any dangerous innovation in the plan. But the minorities are too respectable not to be entitled to some sacrifices of opinion in the majority, especially when a great proportion of them would be contented with a bill of rights." "Paris March 15, 1789. I cannot refrain from making short answers to the objections which your letter states to have been raised. 1. That the rights in question are reserved by the manner in which the federal powers are granted. Answer, a constitutional act may certainly be so formed as to need no declaration of rights. The act itself has the force of a declaration as far as it goes; and if it goes to all material points, nothing more is wanting. In the draught of a constitution which I had once a thought of proposing in Virginia, an printed afterwards, I endeavoured to reach all the great objects of public liberty, and did not mean to add a declaration of rights. Probably the object was imperfectly executed; but the deficiencies would have been supplied by others in the course of discussion. But in a constitutional act, which leaves some precious articles unnoticed, and raises insinuations against others, a declaration of rights becomes necessary by way of supplement. This is the case of our new federal constitution. This instrument forms us into one state, as to certain objects, and gives us a legislative and executive body for these objects: it should therefore guard us against their abuses of power within the field submitted to them. 2. A positive declaration of some essential rights could not be obtained in the requisite latitude. Answer, if we cannot secure all our rights, let us secure what we can. 3. The limited powers of the federal government, and jealousy of the subordinate governments, afford a security which exists in no other instance. Answer, the first member of this seems resolvable into the first objection before stated. The jealousy of the subordinate governments is a precious reliance; but observe that those governments are only agents. They must have principles furnished them whereon to found their opposition. The declaration of rights will be the text whereby they will try all the acts of the federal government; in this view it will be necessary to the federal government also: as by the same text, they may try the opposition of the subordinate governments. 4. Experience proves the inefficacy of a bill of rights. True; but though it is not absolutely efficacious under all circumstances, it is of great potency always, and rarely inefficacious. A brace the more will often keep up the building, which would have fallen with that brace the less. There is a remarkable difference between the characters of the inconveniences which attend a declaration of rights, and those which attend the want of it. The inconveniences of the declaration are that it may cramp government in its useful exertions; but the evil of this is short lived, moderate, and repairable. The inconveniences of the want of a declaration, are permanent, afflicting, and irreparable; they are in a constant progression from bad to worse. I know there are some among us who would now establish a monarchy, but they are inconsiderable in number and weight of character. The rising race are all republicans. We were educated in royalism: no wonder if some of us retain that idolatry still. Our young people are
educated in republicanism: an apostasy from that to royalism is unprecedented and impossible. I am much pleased with the prospect that a declaration of rights will be added; and hope it will be done in that way which will not endanger the whole frame of the government, or any essential part of it." "Paris, August 28, 1789. I must now say a word on the declaration of rights, which you have been so good as to send me. I like it as far as it goes; but I should have been for going further: for instance, the following alterations and additions would have pleased me: Art. 4. The people shall not be deprived or abridged of their right to speak, to write or otherwise to publish any thing but false facts, affecting injuriously, the life liberty, property, or reputation of others, or affecting the peace of the confederacy with foreign nations. Art. 7. All facts put in issue before any judicature shall be tried by jury, except, 1 in cases of admiralty jurisdiction wherein a foreigner shall be interested. 2 In cases cognizable before a court-martial concerning only the regular officers and soldiers of the United States, or members of the militia in actual service in time of war or insurrection, and 3 Impeachments allowed by the constitution. Art. 8. No person shall be held in confinement more than days after they shall have demanded and been refused a writ of habeas corp by the judge appointed by law, nor more than days after such writ shall have been served on the person holding him in confinement, and no order given on due examination for his remandment or discharge, nor more than hours in any place at a greater distance than miles from the usual residence of some judge authorised to issue the writ of habeas corp. nor shall that writ be suspended for any term exceeding one year, nor in any place more than miles distant from the station or encampment of enemies or insurgents. Art. 9. Monopolies may be allowed to persons for their own productions in literature, and their own inventions in the arts, for a term not exceeding years, but for no longer term and for no other purpose. Art. 10. All troops of the United States shall stand ipso facto disbanded at the expiration of the term for which they pay and subsistence shall have been last voted by Congress. These restrictions I think are so guarded as to prevent evil only. However if we do not have them now, I have so much confidence in my countrymen, as to be satisfied that we shall have them, as soon as the degeneracy of our government shall render them necessary."
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU,
You will please to insert the following extract from a Pamphlet now publishing in Virginia, on the necessities of an Amendment of the Constitution of that State, transmitted for publication in the National Gazette, by one of your subscribers in Richmond, in consequence of a violent attack lately made on the Secretary of State, in Mr. Fenno's celebrated vehicle, established for the conveyance of such little passages of aristocratical slander upon some of the worth characters in America.
IT would be improper, no doubt, to drag into public view, any individual, on account of anonymous publications. But these may assist to shew, the dangerous state of the political atmosphere, within the ten miles square. Ever since the commencement of the present government of America, the whole of the executive departments have been kept in constant ferment by those little paper feuds. On the one side, abuses, for considering the government a free republican system, under which as citizens they have a

right, and as servants they are bound, to condemn whatever in their opinions, may appear wrong. The other, commended and exalted, for considering it only as one step towards that abject state of courtly deceit, which should render all its dependents base, in order to create a kind of secret, safe and snug free-masonry among the brethren of the court. Whether any of these publications, are indebted to the hand, as well as to the conduct of these officers, for their existence, would perhaps be improper to premise. It is sufficient to observe, that any one less interested, or less capable than themselves, could scarcely have written so feelingly as some of their authors have certainly done.
As to the enmity or friendship of any of these officers to the present general government of America, it is not so much the business of this particular part of the present undertaking to enquire, as it appears to have been the object of some of those publications to shew. It is to be presumed, that every one is a friend to the government under which he holds an elevated post, until something more, than mere objections to the administration of it, is made appear. Indeed, when we see a man in that situation, acting thus, it only serves to prove that something must be really wrong in public measures, as well as that he has an uncommon share of virtue himself. But when we see others, in a similar situation, perverting the principles of the government under which they act, by imposing on it, things* unconstitutional and bad, and thereby exciting general odium & disgust, we cannot but conclude, that they themselves will prove the real enemies to that government in the end. This then, is the only proper distinction to be drawn, between the different executive departments, on the score of enmity and friendship to the government under which they act.
With respect to aristocratical and republican principles, we have no difficulty in determining where to look for them. Whether any of the publications above alluded to, may be reckoned among either of those speculations on paper, for which one of those great departments of government is so renowned; or whether either of the officers of those departments, is an enemy or a friend to the present government of America, as before observed, is not so much the business of this digression to enquire, as what will be the probable issue of a loose indefinite display of liberty, in the governments of the different states.
Having shewn the tree which has already produced the real fruits of enmity to the government under whose influence they have grown, it will not be difficult to trace the route through which the principles of monarchy and aristocracy are to aid in bringing its destruction about. By an indifferent and loose attention to our interests in the states, we acquire naturally the habit of inattention to our interests in American affairs. The same carelessness and indifference to our interests which will produce a weak and indifferent legislature in a state, will beget a trifling and incompetent representation there. From this cause may already have arisen, perhaps, the shameful practice of referring so much of the business of the general legislature, to the different departments of the executive branch, into whose dangerous vortex may be whirled in time, all the important interests of the people of America.
The governments of the states, which were formed in the hour of necessity and inexperience, when the human passions were in their highest region of resentment, against the government of Great Britain, and have never since been corrected, may be considered therefore, as the stubborn roots of those evils, among which stands the main sprout of knowledge (on the high soil of speculation's fertile ground) to which such sad recourse is often had. Every member, who from weakness or wrong principles, can be induced to taste of this forbidden fruit, may be considered as another dangerous old woman, in the great garden of our political affairs. Whether he be weak, or whether he be base, will be a matter of but little consequence to him, after he is sent. The little state of mind, or political Satan of aristocracy, is always ready and ingenious enough to make the best of any opening it may offer, to produce the fall of man, from his primitive state of republican
perfection, knows but too well, on which side to look, for the frailties of human nature.
It is to a good and substantial system of policy in the states only, then, we can resort for security in our congressional affairs. The general government, excellent as it is in itself cannot produce complete happiness without the assistance of the governments of the states. Governments formed on right principles in the different states, would certainly be the most natural means of introducing proper principles into the government of the continent. The habit of acting in the right way at home, will always produce a proper conduct in men when they go abroad. Thus the states, accustomed to a proper mode of governing themselves, will naturally give a proper tone to the government of the whole. By shewing a proper regard for the rights of representation ourselves, we should convince those, who were to govern there, that they would not go unnoticed in sporting with the people's rights at large.
In a country like this, where a difference of climate, a variety of soils, and a great difference in natural advantages, produce all the diversities of interests that can exist, no general system of taxation can possibly be equal and just. One an importing state; another a manufacturing one; the third an exporting one; a fourth too new, too local, or perhaps too poor to be either; a part possessed of slaves; another part made up of tradesmen, fishermen, and mariners; some interspersed with a variety of glorious navigable waters; and others environed with impenetrable mountains, wildernesses, and inhospitable tribes; such a complication, in short, of situations, climates, interests and the like, as renders it impossible that any general tax, which tends to throw the collection on the same article throughout, should be either politic, natural or just; and could only have been thought of from the want of confidence in the governments of the different states. Indeed we know, that the want of confidence in the states, in the collection of their quotas of the general revenue, was among the principal causes for establishing the general government itself. There is no doubt then, that the establishment of proper state systems now, would immediately throw the reflux of revenue back, to those channels, in which it is so natural it should flow.
It is a mortifying thing, to both the representative and the represented, no doubt, that the important charge, with which the one is intrusted by the other, should be transferred and bartered off to a third, for a partnership in his knowledge, on little more than half-stocks to the community at large. Nothing but the want of confidence in some other body, than the Secretary of the Treasury, could ever have introduced the humiliating practice of referring the great and important business of taxation to one, who to save himself the trouble, might make another transfer, if he chose, of this transferable property in the people, to any little + stock-jobber, who was able to wield this great weapon of destruction, to deprive them of their small remnant of interest in themselves. Governments in the states, with whom could be intrusted the important business of determining the mode of collecting the taxes, would of course, be a most important object, on a general view of our interests in American affairs. A confidence there, would not only destroy the influence of those, who calculate the downfall of republicanism, through the medium of finance, but would also quiet the alarms of others, who aid their wishes, by being too much accustomed to view the cause of liberty, through some of our present imperfect plans of government, on the dangerous sides of licentiousness and destruction."
† Instance the celebrated Mr. Duer.
WESTERN TICKET.
The following names for representatives to the next Congress appear on a list for the counties of Washington, Westmoreland, Fayette, and Alleghany, in the state of Pennsylvania. "We hope (say the framers of this ticket) that it will not be the less acceptable because it treats the people like rational beings, altho' it wants the sanction of both conference and committee of correspondence." — William Findley, John Smilie, William Montgomery, John McClain, Andrew Gregg, Moses M c Clain, Robert Whitehill, John W. Kittera, Daniel Heister, Jonathan B. Smith, Peter Muhlenberg, Charles Thomson, William Scott. The framers of this ticket (continue they) have been guided by the following motives:
In the first place they have carefully avoided all Cincinnati knight errants. Because they conceive all who set themselves up for chieftains, especially military chiefs, are very unsuitable characters to represent the citizens of a republic, whose distinguishing passion should be an ardent love of liberty; and without equality, liberty cannot exist a moment. But every order of patricians, knighthood, or nobility, are absolutely incompatible with equality, and therefore destructive of liberty. For these reasons the national assembly of France have exterminated every vestige and emblem of such dangerous combinations from their country, and shall we who profess to be republicans, be less zealous for the preservation of our liberties, than the citizens of a monarchy?
Can those who are pleased with such childish toys as the effigy of a ravenous bird, suspended to their button hole by a bit of blue ribbon, as a mark of distinction from the rest of their fellow citizens, be supposed to have souls sufficiently exalted to represent freemen? Mr. Paine, describing aristocracy, says, "It talks about its fine blue ribbon, like a girl, and shews its new garter, like a child." Put eagle for garter, and behold the very image of our Cincinnati. The state has trusted its business long enough to these kind of gentry; it is time now it should "put away childish things."
Secondly, They have avoided as far as they knew, all Bankers and Speculators in the public funds, because it is their interest to increase the burthens of the people, which we think are sufficiently heavy already. Every sum they vote, they pocket a considerable portion of it themselves: This is regulating for themselves at the public expence: They are both the layers and receivers of taxes. From this source has arose grievous abuses. Hitherto the business of Congress has been to contrive pretences for taxation. We would wish persons of principle and capacity sent to the next Congress to develope the system a little, and, if possible, stop its progress, for we cannot expect this from its authors and admirers. The funding system, the Indian war, the excise law, with many other things, are subjects that need revision; if they are suffered to go on in their present state, their evils will accumulate.
Thirdly, They have endeavoured to select characters, whose habits, sentiments and situation, place them on a footing with the great mass of the people. Men who in general possess "neither poverty nor riches, but enjoy food convenient." Men whose personal interests are blended with the interests of the people they represent: Men who are pretty well known to possess sound understanding, and judgments well informed with practical knowledge, sufficient for every purpose of legislation, although some of them perhaps are not connoisseurs in finance and stock-jobbing; yet they are most of them men of plain, honest, rural republican manners, who will not assent to any measure without a sufficient reason to satisfy their conscience. Such persons are most likely to attend to the public business, and not dissipate their time in riot and pleasure at the public expence, while the public business is sacrificing in a secretary's office. Hitherto money bills, and indeed every other kind of bill of consequence have originated with the secretary of the treasury, a man tainted, we are informed, with monarchical principles. This perhaps accounts for the analogy between our political transactions, and that of Britain's. — We think Congress have held long sessions, and decreed themselves sufficient pay to have enabled them to do all their business themselves.
Fourthly, They have endeavoured to divide the members as equally as possible throughout the state, so that the greatest possible information respecting its circumstances and interest may be combined in its representation. This is a prime maxim in representative government, and ought to have been the principal object of the legislature in framing the election laws; as they have neglected it, it devolves on the virtue of the citizens. They must carefully attend to it; they ought also to inform themselves who voted for the law as it now stands, and exclude them from their confidence forever.
If those who vote for this ticket are governed by the same motives with its formers, they will not consult what is called the monied interest, the commercial interest, the aristocratical interest, the landed interest, nor any separate interest whatever; the public interest alone will be the polar star by which they will steer their conduct. If any characters in the ticket are contrary to what the framers have supposed and stated, they will rejoice to have it detected. They have no personal attachment, are under no personal obligation, nor have they any personal expectation to gratify; to promote the public good is their sole inducement, and would be happy to be corrected by any public spirited person, who they hope will always assign a reason for what he advances; every amendment that will give it public confidence is solicited. They have said nothing of electors for president and vice-president. The first they presume will be continued in its present occupant, who will probably hold for life. The last they apprehend is of little consequence who holds it; his business is only to be chairman
of the senate, with an enormous salary, which renders the office in a great measure a sinecure; as the chairman does no more business than the other members, all this extra pay is given for nothing. Indeed it matters little to the public who presides in the senate; They do not choose to let the public know any thing about the reasons of their political conduct; the public therefore may trouble themselves little about them, except it be to watch them with a strict jealousy, and try to get rid of them as soon as possible; it is but little good ever they did, and but little good they can do; but they may do much evil; there are however valuable characters shut up in their divan. We sincerely wish them released. — Pennsylvania wanted a senator this last session; we pray a greater evil may never befall her.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
PARIS, August 4.
Letter from Mr. Arthur Dillon to the National Assembly, dated August 2.
"Defection encreases among the Austrians, for their soldiers are unwilling to fight for the emigrants at a distance from their own country."
"At this moment, there is a violent ferment at Mons and Tournay. None of the soldiers belonging to the camp are permitted to enter the city; and all the magazines have been evacuated. I have an opportunity of judging, from what I see, that the enemy have very little confidence, as they throw up very extensive entrenchments at small posts."
"To defend two posts of 30 men, they have formed abbatis of trees for half a league; but this did not prevent Lieutenant Colonel Richardot from forcing his way past these two posts, sword in hand. An ardour for combating, and the love of good order and subordination, encreases every day in our army. Could we have a reinforcement of men, and a fresh supply of muskets, there would not remain the smallest doubt of our success."
"The enemy are carrying on a war which will not gain them friends. They committed great atrocities at Bavay and Orchies."
M c Dillon's letter was accompanied by a short account of the atrocities committed by the Austrians at Bavay and Orchies, by which it appeared that they levied oppressive contributions from the inhabitants, beat them unmercifully when they would not labour as they required, and carried off their public treasures, even after they had promised, in the name of the Emperor, that they would molest neither the persons nor property of individuals. At Orchies they assassinated seven citizens and several women. They lost 400 men in the first attack. A French officer of the name of Basset, a Lieutenant of artillery, discharged a cannon sixty four times in less than a quarter of an hour. After the garrison of Bavay had retired, a hundred volunteers, who did not know of their retreat, kept back the Austrians for some time, and retired in good order, after expending all their ammunition. When the enemy got possession of the town, they indulged in every species of licentiousness: a Hulan blew out the brains of a citizen while drinking his health, another Hulan plunged his sword into the belly of a woman big with child, after he had thrown her down. He was, however, punished for his barbarity by a French soldier, who instantly laid him dead by the side of his victim. After the Austrians had made themselves masters of the place, two raw recruits, who had left their knapsacks at the inn where they were quartered, returned to search for it. The Assembly smiled at the naivete of the two recruits, but they were much affected when they learned that these poor fellows were murdered by Hulan.
Aug. 6. A deputation from the section of Mauconteil came to declare to the Assembly "that the king had lost their confidence — that they rejected him with horror — that they considered him as a traitor — and that they abjured the oath of fidelity which the confidence they had in him had induced them to take." They added, that a great number of citizens, who breathed the same wishes, requested to be allowed to defile through the hall. This petition was referred to a committee; the twenty petitioners present were admitted, but the request of the others was refused.
M c Amelot sent a letter to the Assembly informing them, that assignats to the amount of six millions had been burnt yesterday, making with those formerly destroyed, 596 millions.
The destination of the French emigrants is now finally settled five thousand under the prince de Conde will join the army of general Hohenlohe; 8000 with the French princes will follow the Prussians, and 4000 will march into Barbant to reinforce the army of general Clairfait. They will all be subjected to the orders of the commanders of the respective armies, and kept as corps de reserve.
Our squadron intended for St. Domingo, under the command of M c Desbarbes, for the purpose of enforcing the decree of March 24th, is still at the island of Aix. It consists of one ship of 74 guns, four frigates,
* Funding systems, excise laws, exclusive privileges, &c. &c. for instance.

and seventeen transports, on board of which are eight thousand men.
Lysle, Aug. 4. Several of our detachments, just returned, have had skirmishes with the enemy, in all of which the advantage was on our side.
An officer has received a letter from a friend in the centre army, stating that there has been an action near Longwy, in which the enemy lost 600 men.
On Thursday last our national guards were all drawn out; the decree declaring that the country is in danger was proclaimed, and a requisition by the commanding officer of the district of one man out of six to join the army, was read. If we may judge from the spirit of our citizens, this place alone will furnish 1500 volunteers.
Strafburg, Aug. 2. The enemy are approaching Landau in considerable force. The citizens are making every possible exertion for the defence of the place; and the care and attention of General Biron give them the best assurances of support. The activity and vigour of this general have given a new appearance to the defensive force of the department of the Lower Rhine.
Longwy, July 30. Luxembourg, and its environs, are full of troops. To-morrow, 18,000 Prussians are to arrive at Heymann, and Bouille at their head.
There are two camps, the one before Arlon above d'Obange, the other between Longwy and Montmedy, near St. Leger. Fortunately for us La Fayette's army is arrived, and fortunately too for Flanders, for the enemy have followed his motions.
He has just attacked the two camps above mentioned, and was near taking both. His success would have been complete, if three officers of Austria had not deserted as he put his troops in motion. They were pursued, but escaped and alarmed the enemy.
M. La Fayette had occupied the Austrian valley of Vionon, between Longwy and Montmedy, and had advanced troops towards Tiercelle to prevent the troops in the camp of Reming, before Luxembourg, from attacking our city on that point.
He marched at night from his camp at Villers-le-Ronde; and disposed his troops in two columns. Unfortunately a heavy rain retarded their march, and the three deserters gave notice of their approach time enough for the enemy to fall back.
Our first column, which attacked the camp of St. Leger, killed about 400 of the enemy and took thirty covered waggons.
The other column pursued the enemy to the village of Melancy before Arlon, where they took shelter, and where we burnt the village in order to dislodge them; they had still a retreat open into a thick wood.
A priest killed one of our men from a window; he was taken, and on the point of being put to the sword, when some of the soldiers reminded their comrades of discipline and the law, and he was brought safe to Longwy.
The enemy having retreated more speedily in this quarter lost only about 80. On our part, M. Delmoties, La Fayette's adjutant general, and intimate friend, was mortally wounded. Our whole loss is only three killed and about twenty wounded.
The commandant of the Hussars at Messuage was killed, and his horse, superbly caparisoned, sold for 1,050 livres.
On the evening before this action, the Hussars of Chamborant took ten of the Hulsans; but we lost 32 dragoons on a foraging party, one of whom, a volunteer, was cut in pieces at the enemies grand guard.
We have still 18,000 men at the camp of Villers-Ronde.
July 31. The Austrians are returned to their two camps, and our troops to theirs. The camp of Fontenoy is reinforced by 400 men from Marshal Luckner's army. The valley of Vionon is the only part of the enemies country occupied by us in this quarter.
The circumstances of the engagement, I find, are correctly stated in my former letter. The regiment of Rouillon, at the head of our first column, charged with fixed bayonets, on coming up with the rear of the enemy, which accounts for the loss of the Austrians in the quarter where the first column attacked. The second column had not an opportunity of coming to close action, the enemy having moved off before they came to the ground. The commander of the Austrian Hussars, whose horse was sold by the dragoon who killed the rider, for 1050 livres, had the day before sent an insulting letter to M. la Fayette.
M. la Fayette is still a favourite with the army, but the soldiers complain that they are not led against the enemy.
Warsaw, July 13. We have received accounts here that the Polish army under Prince Poniatowski, near Polonac, has suffered a great loss from the Russians.
On the 27th instant, the Polish army, consisting of 25,000 men, approached the Russians, whose numbers we have no accounts of. Prince Poniatowski was just absent; thus the army wanted a head. The Russians no sooner appeared, but the Polish National troops were immediately struck with a panic-terror and put to flight. Two Polish generals, either through inclination or fear, went over to the Russians. A reinforcement of 20,000 men for this army was on the march, and it is much apprehended they will meet with the Russians unprepared.
The loss of our defeated army consists of the whole field equipage 49 guns, 27 bags of gunpowder, 1475 firelocks, 50,000 cartridges, 24,000 sacks of flour, 5000 sacks of oats, 2500 cart loads of hay, 2800 pieces of cloth, 470 ammunition waggons, and the chest of war; 1745 men were
killed, 439 wounded and 1247 taken prisoners. This affair cost the Russians nothing, since the Polish army made no resistance.
On the 10th of July, the king and the whole Corps de Reserve that was encamped in the adjacent districts, marched, and fixed their camp in the neighbourhood of Prague (in Poland) on the opposite banks of the Vistula.
PHILADELPHIA.
SEPTEMBER 29, 1792.
The committee of correspondence of Philadelphia, viz. Thomas M'Kean, James Hutchinson, John Barclay, A. J. Dallas, Hilary Baker, and Jared Ingersoll, have communicated, for the consideration of the citizens of this state, the following list of the names of all the persons that have been mentioned, in the answers to their circular letter, as candidates for members of Congress, and electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States. [N. B. The original documents are deposited at the office of Robert Henry Duncan, Esq.]
The following are the names proposed to the committee as fit persons for representing the state of Pennsylvania in the Congress of the United States— City of Philadelphia , F. A. Muhlenberg, John Barclay, Thomas Fitzsimons, William Bingham, Dr. James Hutchinson, Jared Ingersoll, David Rittenhouse, William Rawle, Jonathan D. Sergeant. County of Philadelphia , Blair M'Clenachan. Bucks county , Nathaniel Irvine, Henry Wynkoop. Chester , Dr. John M'Dowell, Dr. Jos. Gardner, Thomas Rofs, John Hannum. Lancaster , John W. Kittera. York , Thomas Hartley. Cumberland , General William Irvine, Robert Whitehill. Berks , Daniel Heister. Northampton , Samuel Sitgreaves, John Arndt. Bedford , John Woods. Northumberland , Wm. Montgomery. Westmoreland , Wm. Findley. Washington , Thomas Scott, James Rofs, Presly Nevill, John Hoge. Fayette , John Smilie, Albert Gallatine, Isaac Meason. Franklin , Dr. Robert Johnston, Montgomery Charles Thomson, Israel Jacobs, Peter Muhlenberg, Robert Lollar, John Richards. Dauphin , William M'Clay. Mifflin , Andrew Gregg, Dr. James Armstrong. Delaware , Mark Wilcox.
N. B. Dr. Hutchinson, Jared Ingersoll, Esq. James Rofs, and Albert Gallatine have declined serving. The subsequent names are proposed to the committee of correspondence for the city of Philadelphia, as electors for the state of Pennsylvania, for President and Vice-President of the United States.
City of Philadelphia , Thomas M'Kean, Samuel Miles, Charles Biddle, William Bingham, David Rittenhouse, Thomas Procter, Jonathan B. Smith, Dr. James Hutchinson, William Nicholls, John Baker, Dr. David Jackson, Dr. Amos Gregg, George Meade, Hilary Baker, Charles Pettit. County of Philadelphia , William Lander, George Logan, Blair M'Clenachan. Bucks county , Francis Murray, James Hanna, Joseph Irvine, John Barclay, Samuel Ogden. Chester , Walter Finney, Dr. Jos. Gardner, Joseph Strawbridge, John Ralston, John Rofs, Jas. Moore, James Boyd, Samuel Evans, Richard Downing, junior. Lancaster , William A. Atlee, John Whitehill, Robert Coleman, Edward Hand. York , Henry Miller, Gen. James Ewing, William Read, Michael Smytar. Cumberland , Thomas Smith, Ephraim Blaine, John Montgomery, Samuel Poillethwaite, James Dunlap, John Alexander, Jonathan Hoge. Berks , Joseph Heister, Collenion Reed, Nicholas Lutz, Jacob Ruh, Gabriel Heister. Northampton , Robert Brown, John Arndt. Bedford , George Woods, jun. John Piper. Northumberland , Samuel M'Clay, John Boyd, Daniel Montgomery, Frederick Antis. Washington , Alexander Addison, James Rofs, David Redick. Fayette , Ephraim Douglass, Alexander M'Clean, Isaac Meason, Albert Gallatin. Franklin , William Henderson, James M'Lene, Dr. Robert Johnston, James Chambers, Edward Crawford. Montgomery , Samuel Potts, Benjamin Rittenhouse, Charles Thomson, Thomas Craig, Robert Lollar, James Morris, John Richards, Benjamin Merkley, John Shoemaker. Dauphin , William M'Clay, Alexander Graydon, John A. Hauna. Huntingdon , Andrew Henderson, Hugh Davison, John Cadwallader. Alleghany , Dr. John Wilkins, Gen. John Nevill. Mifflin , James Harris.
The person who was lately committed to jail on suspicion of being concerned in the murder of Elizabeth Reeves, having been examined by the proper authority, nothing appeared against him to confirm the suspicion. He was accordingly discharged. It is proper therefore that the public should be notified that the proclamation of the supreme executive of this commonwealth remains in force.
Altho' any number of freemen have an undoubted right to meet as private citizens, and frame a ticket for President, Representatives, &c. it is nevertheless apprehended by many, that when persons meet on this business, as representatives of a country, they ought to be appointed by the county, and not selected in a private and partial manner to transact business in which every citizen is ultimately concerned. In case such private meetings are held, as has in many instances been the case, the conferees ought, undoubtedly, to be considered as private citizens only—otherwise, the people have a right to suppose, that the whole business of others assuming the right to elect for
them is an unwarrantable encroachment on the rights of freemen, abridging the liberties of the people, and tending to aristocracy.
"Our court (says a letter from Richmond, Virginia) has rejected the allowing the recovery of old British debts, until the treaty is fulfilled, by Great-Britain restoring the Western Posts. The saying is here, Let them fulfil the treaty on their part, and we will readily do so on ours."
Gen. Meadows, the most active of the generals in the English East India company's service during their late war against Tippoo Saib, endeavoured to take away his own life, upon the failure of a partisan attempt of some troops under his command, in a nocturnal expedition. One pistol-load of slugs which he discharged into his own body are said to have been extracted, and the general pronounced out of danger. Another account says, that "the near prospect of a disadvantageous peace with Tippoo, after an immense expence to the company, was the real motive of the general's attempting his own life. "Neither would peace have been made so soon upon any account, had not the fidelity of the Indian allies been strongly suspected; and that either the exclusive pillage of Seringapatam, or a total defection from the further prosecution of the war, was the only alternative they meant to offer, in case that was refused them."
Extract of a letter from Paris, dated Aug. 7.
"This day will give us a prognostic of the fate of the great question which comes on upon Thursday, for this day the assembly will decide upon the dismissal of La Fayette. The strength of the two parties will be fairly tried, and if M. La Fayette shall be dismissed, you may rest assured that the king will be dethroned. A man is apt to judge as he wishes; but without yielding to my prejudices in his favor, and to my anxiety on a measure which, perhaps, determines the fate of France, I am of opinion, from what I see, that they will not be so rash and desperate as to dismiss him."
It is mentioned in a letter from the westward, that governor Blount has returned to Knoxville, having had no success in his negotiations with any of the Indian tribes except the Chickasaws. The Cherokees continue their murders and depredations on the Cumberland settlement; to prevent which as much as possible, governor Blount has lately ordered a proportion of the militia into actual service for nine months; a step that clearly proves he has serious apprehensions from his Cherokee neighbours.
It has been erroneously represented, (say a London paper) that admiral John Paul Jones died in distress. So far from that, he has left more than a thousand pounds to be divided between his two sisters, residing in the north of England.
Accounts from the Miami towns state the number of hostile Indians, at present there assembled, to be about four thousand five hundred, which is upwards of four times the number that defeated Gen. St. Clair. This confederated force consists of 600 Indians from Lower Canada, with bodies from the Hurons, Wiandots, Chippevas, Ottowas, Potowas, a few Oneidas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Senecas, Shawanese, and the whole tribe of the Delawares. Blue Jacket, Goshewa, and Snake are their principal commanders. They were said to be waiting in force for the approach of the American army; which by our last accounts (that part of it under gen. Wayne, at Pittsburgh) had begun to move down the river about the 14th inst.
One cannot help admiring at the strange inconsistency of some men, who at the very time they are themselves exercising the privilege of every American citizen, that of communicating their sentiments to the public through the medium of the press, are so inconsiderate as to recommend an abridgement of that privilege in others. Can such really suppose that the objects of the late war are forgotten; or do they persuade themselves, that the stale sneaking cry of the government being in danger is to restrain the freedom of discussing its measures? A writer in a daily paper warmly patronizes your passive obedient doctrines in politics; and gravely recommends that the means of doing mischief may be withheld from men whose sentiments he does not like; as much as to say, Do not furnish certain printers with your subscriptions, good public, and then we shall soon have every press in America precisely to our own liking!
Translations from the Leyden Gazette, to July 27.
Madrid, July 4. "The principles of moderation that form the basis of the Count d'Aranda's administration, are unfolding themselves as fast as good policy will admit. Count Florida Blanca bore such an inveterate hatred to every thing that was French, that even their most moderate newspapers were prohibited to Spain; and under his influence, it seemed to be the wish of the government that every newspaper in the world should be under the same reserve as the Madrid Gazette, in which there is never a single word mentioned of the present affairs of France, as if an historian of the times could suppress at his pleasure the most memorable events of the present age. These jealous Spaniards seem not to have reflected that a prohibition of this kind is really prejudicial to commerce, which is the pole star of all political speculation. In a commercial country the circulation of news should be perfectly free, and altho' Spain has
not much foreign trade of her own, it has been an injury done to her subjects not to let them know what the world is about."
Brussels, July 12. "Since the French have repulsed their old encampments, and have adopted their formidable plan of defence, nothing of a very important nature has passed between our troops and theirs. Frequent skirmishes are all that happen, which every day become more bloody from the increasing animosity of both parties. On the 8th a large body of Uhlan s in pursuing some French Patrols to Quevrain, were attacked by a squadron of cavalry. The engagement was desperate and bloody, but the Austrians were obliged to retire, with a very considerable loss, besides losing a number of prisoners. The loss of the French was likewise considerable."
Aranjuez, July 3. "We have nothing new here of a political nature. The public attention has been engaged in the sending up a balloon the day before yesterday, under the conduct and direction of M. Barretto, who was embarked therein. When the balloon was beginning to ascend, and had attained to a small height, the philosopher was seized with a giddiness in the head, fell to the ground and broke one thigh and two of his ribs. Our new minister, Count D'Aranda seems to have but little influence in the interior politics and domestic administration of the kingdom. It is owing to him however that civil liberty is upon a better footing than under his predecessor. Persecutions against the French residents are at an end; a strict impartiality of conduct towards all strangers is adopted, and there is a certainty that Spain will not join the league of armed powers—M. d'Aranda may pursue his system of moderation with the less interruption, as the management of foreign affairs is entrusted wholly to his care, and he is at liberty to act toward France to the best of his judgment for the mutual good of the two nations. In conformity to this plan, the French are now admitted to a share in the negro slave trade to Cuba, Porto Rico, and Araens. It is probable however that the want of negroes more than regard to the French, has occasioned the opening of this trade."
Frankfort, July 5. "This day at 1 P. M. Francis the first, King of Hungary, was proclaimed Emperor, under the title of Francis the second. &c."
Brussels, July 19. "The French have at length so far studied their own true interests as to restrict their plans in future to the guarding of their own country, and acting the rest of hornets to whoever attacks them. This was originally Marshal Rochambeau's system; and it would have been better for the French if they had adhered to it, and not rashly declared war against the house of Austria."
Leyden, July 25. "It has been an observation, by no means ill founded, that the French when attacked on their own ground, know well how to defend themselves to the best advantage. This was amply proved in the failure of the attack of the Austrian General Latour upon Orchies. The object of this attack was to capture a French detachment that lay in this garrison, in which the Austrians totally failed, besides losing many soldiers, and among the officers M. Ceiger, captain of artillery, whose life was more worth than the whole garrison an hundred times over. The number of Austrians that came to the attack was one thousand. The place was defended by 50 men of a regiment, 50 dragoons, and 500 soldiers."
July 26. "The mission of Mr. Jenkinson, son to Lord Hawkesbury, to Coblenz, has occasioned much speculation here. It may be recollected, that about the time the Jacobine party in France became masters of the executive, as well as of the National Assembly, and their influence caused a declaration of war against Austria, Lord Elgin was sent to Brussels with proposals of accommodation between the two powers: it is since known that his mission was to have been extended to Vienna, but by this rupture it was prevented. There is no doubt but England, who declares herself perfectly neutral, has all along meant to interfere as mediatrix at the moment when France should be attacked by the combined forces. That moment, we suppose, she now thinks near at hand, and has therefore dispatched Mr. Jenkinson to offer his conciliatory propositions to the French princes at Coblenz; or more probably at Mayence, considering that is to be the place of interview with the new Emperor and the king of Prussia."
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
SIR, THE following Ticket will, it is believed, receive a firm and successful support from all the friends to the Republican interests of America, in every part of the State. Let the names, indeed, be considered with candor, and there can be little danger in contrasting them with those, which a self-created board of conferees will endeavour to palm upon the people.
 Charles Thomson,  William Findley,  Frederick A. Muhlenberg,  William Montgomery, (of Northumberland)  Daniel Heister,  John Smilie,  William Irvine, of Cumberland,  Peter Muhlenberg,  Jonathan D. Sergeant,  Andrew Gregg,  Thomas Hartley,  John W. Kittera,  John Barclay. 
The Printers throughout the state are requested to publish the above ticket. Sept. 26. A WHIG.

ADVICE TO THE LADIES,
NOT TO NEGLECT THE DENTIST.
SINCE time too soon the race of man impairs And age comes on with all its pains & cares, Why then, by nature subject to decay, Ah! why invite what art might long delay?— To the bloom of health, neglect and sloth Corrodes the ivory of the loveliest tooth, And that coarse breath, where every sweet might dwell, Tempts the nice beau to slight his careless belle, And think no longer 'tis his heaven to sip Love's draft of pleasure from the damask lip.
The DENTIST's care, bright maids, can shield from harms And to your kisses lend a thousand charms, Safe from the ills of torture and decay Love there would perch, and all his flames display— Low at their shrine more constant lovers fall Who leave not nature to accomplish all— Revere that art which thus prevents your pain, Which ages past have sought, and sought in vain; So shall, your lovers to their oaths be true, And, years elaps'd, each beauty still be new; While she, who proudly would all art despise, And trusts alone the conquests of her eyes, Too soon beholds her wonted influence lost, Neglected wit, and love congeal'd to frost; In vain her rouge the mask of health restores, No more the lover sighs, the slave adores; Infulting prides no more a rival fear, But cruel whispers thus insult her ear: In Love's bright circle, why should they be seen Whose toothless charms encroach on gay sixteen?
Sept. 24.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
FUNERAL OF ADMIRAL J. PAUL JONES. Letter from Col. Blackden to the National Assembly, July 19.
"MR. PRESIDENT, "I announce to you, that Admiral Paul Jones died last evening in Paris: that the American minister has ordered the person at whose house the Admiral lodged, to cause him to be interred in the most private manner, and at the least possible expence—This person, on account of the formalities still existing relative to protestants, found it necessary to apply to a commissary. He has done it; and M. Simoneau, the commissary, expresses his astonishment at the order given by the minister, and says, that a man who has rendered the most signal services to France and America ought to have a public funeral. He adds, that if America will not pay the expence, he will pay it himself. The friends of the Admiral wait the orders of the assembly respecting the mode of interment."
(Signed) S. BLACKDEN, Late Colonel in the service of the United States.
After hearing the letter, the assembly ordered, that a deputation of twelve members should assist at the funeral of Paul Jones. The next day this deputation, preceded by two huissiers, and escorted by horse-guards, came to the house of the deceased, and at seven o'clock the funeral procession moved from the house in the Rue Tonson, passed the Pont Neuf, entered the street that leads to St. Eustache, passed on to the Boulevard by the rue St. Martin, and, at the end of an hour and a half, arrived at the place of sepulture. The body being deposited, M. Marron, a Protestant minister of Paris, pronounced the following discourse:
"Legislators, citizens, soldiers, brothers and friends, We have just restored to the earth the relics of an illustrious stranger, one of the first heroes of American liberty—of that liberty which was the glorious prelude to our own. The Semiramis of the north, had drawn him to her standard: but Paul Jones could not long breathe the imprisoned air of despotism. He preferred the serenity of a private life, in the free kingdom of France, to all the titles and pretended honours that Catharine could lavish upon him from the throne of usurpation. The fame of the brave survives the stroke of death; his inheritance is immortality! What homage more flattering can we render to the memory of Paul Jones, than to swear upon his tomb "to live free or die?" It is the full determination, it is the united voice of all good Frenchmen, that tyrants and their infamous abettors shall never fully this sacred land.
While the enjoyment of an undisturbed repose is here allotted to the ashes of that great man, who, impatient to be free, has too soon quitted the society of men: let his example teach posterity to what sublime efforts the hatred of oppression may inspire an elevated soul! Brothers and friends, a generous emulation sparkles in your eyes; your moments are precious—the country is in danger. Who among us would not pour out his blood for her defence? Be partakers, then in the glory of Paul Jones; imitate him in that contempt of danger, that noble heroism, which, after having agonized the present generation, shall remain the unchangeable object of veneration for ages to come."
The American minister could not attend the funeral: as he had some persons to dine with him on that day.
Additional Declaration by his Most Serene Highness the reigning Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg, addressed to the inhabitants of France.
THE Declaration which I have addressed to the inhabitants of France, dated Quarters General, at Coblenz, July 25, must have sufficiently made known the firm resolves of their majesties the emperor and the king of Prussia, when they entrusted me with the command of their combined armies—The liberty and the safety of the sacred persons of the king, of the queen, and of the royal family, being one of the principal motives which have determined their imperial and royal majesties to act in concert; I have made known, by my said declaration to the inhabitants of Paris, my resolve to inflict on them the most terrible punishments, if the least insult should be offered to his most christian majesty, for whom the city of Paris is particularly responsible.
Without making the least alteration in the 8th article of the said declaration of the 25th instant, I declare, besides, that if, contrary to all expectation, by the perfidity or baseness of some inhabitants of Paris, the king, the queen, or any other persons of the royal family, should be carried off from that city, all the places and towns whatsoever, which shall not have opposed their passage, and shall not have stopped their proceedings, shall incur the same punishments as those inflicted on the inhabitants of Paris; and the route which shall be taken by those who carry off the king and the royal family, shall be marked with a series of exemplary punishments, justly due to the authors and abettors of crimes for which there is no remission.
All the inhabitants of France in general are to take warning of the dangers with which they are threatened, and which it will be impossible for them to avoid, unless they, with all their might and by every means in their power, oppose the passage of the king and royal family, to whatever place the factious may attempt to carry them. Their imperial and royal majesties will not allow any place of retreat to be the free choice of his most christian majesty (in case he should comply with the invitation which has been made) unless that retreat be effected under the escort which has been offered.
All the declarations whatever, which shall be made in the name of his most christian majesty, which shall be contrary to the object which their imperial and royal majesties have in view, shall be considered as null and without effect.
Given at General Quarters, at Coblenz, July 25, 1792, CHARLES GUILLAUME FERDINAND, Duc de Brunswick Lunenburg.
Prices Current at Philadelphia.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include: Ashes (Pot per ton 90 Dols. to 100), Bacon (flitches per lb. 7 cents), Bees wax (per lb. 25 cents to 27), Brandy (Coniac, per gal. 1 dol. 20 c.), Butter (in kegs, per lb. 9 c. to 10), Coffee (per lb. 18 to 19 c.), Cotton (per lb. 26 c. to 40), Duck (English No. 1. per yd. 28 c.), Flour (superfine, per barrel, 5 dol. 13 c.), Gin (Hollands, per cask, 4 dol. 67 c.), Grain (barley, per bushel, 90 c.), Herring (per barrel 3 d.), Hoops (hoghead, per M. 15 d.), Hemp (imported, per ton, 120 dols. to 146 67 c.), Hides (raw, per lb. 9 c. to 11), Iron (bar, per ton, 82 dols. 67 c.), Lead (in bars, per cwt. 7 dols.), Mackerel (best, per bbl. 9 d.), Molasses (per gal. 44 c. to 50), Nails (8d. 120 and 200. per lb. 10 c.), Nutmegs (per lb. 7 to 8 dollars), Oil (Linseed, per gallon, 65 to 67 c.), Pepper (per lb. 37 c.), Pimento (16 c.), Porter (London, per dozen, 1 dol. 60 c.), Pitch (per barrel, 1 dol. 73 c. to 2 dols.), Pork (Burlington, per barrel, 11 dols to 11 33 c.), Raisins (Muscadella, per box 3 d.), Rice (per 112 lb. 2 dols. 50 c. to 2 dol. 67 c.), Rum (Antigua, per gallon, 1 dol.), Salmon (per bbl. 6 d. 50 c. to 7 d.), Scantlings (heart, per M. 23 d. 33 c.), Shingles (18 inch, per M. 2 d. 33 c. to 2 d. 67 c.).
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include: Salt (Allum) per bushel, 24 to 27 c., Cadiz, 23 to 24 c., Lisbon, 25 to 27 c., Liverpool, 29 c., Skins (Deer, in hair, per lb. 20 to 30 c., Red, ditto, 26 to 33 c.), Snake-Root, per lb. 20 c. to 42, Sugar (Havanna, white, per lb. 17 to 18 c., Brown, per lb. 11 to 12 c., Muscovado, per cwt. 13 d. to 15 d., Lump, per lb. 24 c., Loaf, single refined, 26 c., Loaf, double ditto, 36 c.), Tallow, refined, per lb. 9 c., Tar, New-Jersey, 24 gal. to the bbl. 1 dol. 1 c., Turpentine, per barrel, 1 dol. 67 c. to 2 dols., Tea (Hyson skin, 53 c. to 67, Souchong, 50 c. to 93, Congo, 43 c. to 50, Bohea, 31 c. to 33), Tobacco (James River, best, per cwt. 3 dols. 60 to 3 dols. 73 c., Inferior, 2 dols. 67 c. to 3 dols. Old, 4 dols. 67 c., Rappahannock, 2 dols. 50 c. to 3 dol., Coloured Maryland, 5 d. 33 c. to 8 d., Dark, 2 dols. 40 c., Long leaf, 2 dols. 40 c., Eastern Shore, 2 dols. to 2 dols. 23 c.), Wine (Madeira, per pipe, 176 d. to 226 d. 67 c., Lisbon, 120 to 126, Teneriffe, per gal. 63, Fayal, 52, Port, per pipe, 113 dol. 33 c., Sherry, per gal. 90 c. to 1 d. 20 c.).
SOCIETY FOR ESTABLISHING USEFUL MANUFACTURES.
NOTICE is hereby given to the Stockholders of the Society for establishing useful manufactures, that the annual election for Directors of the said Society will be held at the Courthouse in New-Ark in the county of Essex on the first Monday in October next, between the hours of twelve and two in the afternoon of the same day. A. MERCER, Deputy Governor. New-Ark July, 17th 1792.
JUST PUBLISHED
By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence) FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the Yeomanry of the United States:
CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Governor Duer and Mr Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures, by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing Office, No 156, Market-street; at No. 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Crukshank's, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-streets. August 21.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer, JOHN M'CULLOCH, at No. 1. North Third-Street, and by most of the Booksellers in this city, (Price 3/9) MODERN CHIVALRY: Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, his Servant. VOLUME II. BY H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines, nostri, Farrago libelli. Juvena
PLAN OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON. FOR SALE BY
MESSRS. Dobson, Young, Crukshank, and Carey, in this city. Sept. 15. 6 c.
PUBLIC REPORTS FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May, 1792. THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half. A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work; provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking. Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAIN, the publishers, No. 209 Market-street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States. May 24.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT 500,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitesboro, in the state of New-York, on the north side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchasers. N. B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill seats. The peculiar advantages of this tract, situated within a few miles of Whitesboro (which contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants) with an easy and convenient water carriage to Schenectady, Albany, and New-York, make it an object for any persons inclined to settle it, and render it an extremely advantageous purchase for persons inclined to realize their money in land of an encreasing value. The whole tract or any part of it, will be sold very low for cash, or for part cash, and the remaining payments at distant periods. Enquire at No. 229 Queen-street, near the Fly-market New-York. July 19.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said Society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second installment for the payment of shares in the stock of this Society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second installment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—or on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 11-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brunswick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk. July 24.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé,— SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues, à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Salude, riviere qui arroise les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable le peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille piece de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra tres commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-six—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 12 1/2
George Town, June 2, 1792.
A NUMBER of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in the city of Washington, will be offered for sale, by the Commissioners on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners. July 25.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market-street) in folio and octavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.