Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-10-13 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 39, of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1792.
[Whole No. 361.]
FROM THE AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
No. II.
Continued from the Gazette of the 29th ult.
By the extracts from Mr. Jefferson's letters lately published, his sentiments on the constitution have been unbosomed to his countrymen. The circumstances under which they were written, already noticed, furnish the most satisfactory demonstration they were the genuine dictates of his heart. That they became at the time, the subject of public discussion, must have given him surprise; but that they should now be resorted to for the purpose of crimination, even if his judgment, upon that great subject, had wandered from a sound decision, is still more extraordinary. They are however fully before the public, and whether they deserve commendation or censure, his fellow-citizens will determine for themselves.
If the political querist sought, as an object of curious speculation, a more concise and summary exposition of them, I am persuaded he would concur with me in the following, founded on these extracts: "That he had become sensible the wise and happy direction of the affairs of his country required some great change in her political institutions: and when he first saw the constitution, the result of those able and experienced councils, to whose care the modification had been committed, he considered it like all other human productions, containing much good, but not without a considerable alloy of evil. That he prized its good qualities too high to urge any step that might possibly tend to hazard the system, and therefore wished its immediate adoption by nine States and establishment as a government. That he wished the four other States to hold out, and thereby form on each side an independent head, between whom the necessary amendments might be amicably adjusted. That afterwards and for the sake of greater safety, confiding in the virtues and patriotism of his countrymen, he even advised amendments in the mode proposed by the instrument itself."
Let the American shew the passage in these or any other letters written by him, which should give offence to the most active republican supporter of the constitution, in that or any subsequent stage: which denounces him the foe to good government, the friend to anarchy and licentiousness. Let him point out the sentiment which was not in a great measure been verified, by the President in his introductory speech to Congress, the subsequent acts of that body, and those of the several States. Unhappily for mankind the annals of nations prove, that persons in this station too often err in the opposite extreme. That those who possess wealth and power, and even where these gifts have been conferred by the confidence and favor of their countrymen, are too apt to feel for themselves a different interest, separate from, and look with an eye of jealousy and scorn upon those of their fellow men, to whom the goods of fortune have been dispensed with a less liberal hand. In this respect indeed the tone of character displayed in these letters may be deemed in some measure peculiar to their author. Such an unfeigned and benevolent regard for mankind in all their classes; such an anxious solicitude for their welfare, and vigilant attention to their rights, are rarely to be found united in any one person. With feelings and sentiments like these, if I mistake not the man, the selfish, narrow, and vain-apiring heart of the American never plowed.
The charge then of hostility to the government in that early stage, so far as it depended on the secret operations of his mind, has been shown to be without foundation. His subsequent conduct has been traced for further evidence of disaffection, and however light and contemptible the circumstances are on which it rests, I will pursue it, the more fully to demonstrate the impurity of the motives which dictated the attack.
The freedom with which he has spoken of some public measures, being a principal servant in the executive department, has been relied on as a circumstance of unequivocal proof of such hostility. The object and extent of this position perhaps I do not fully comprehend: does the author mean, that a wily framed government cannot in its administration adopt an injudicious and improper measure; or that a man cannot be friendly to the one and disapprove of the other? If this is the idea and the principle should be recognized, the field of enquiry upon any future occasion would be much abridged, and the labour of all parties propor-
* The following extract has been since furnished me by the gentleman from whom I obtained the former. It was overlooked upon that occasion or would have been then inserted.
Paris, July 6, 1788.
"I am glad to hear that the new constitution is received with favor. I sincerely wish that the nine first conventions may receive and the four last reject it. The former will secure it finally, while the latter will oblige them to offer a declaration of rights in order to complete the union. We shall thus have all its good, and cure its principal defect. You will of course be so good as to continue to mark to me its progress. I will thank you, also for as exact a state as you can procure of the impression made on the sum of our domestic debt, by the sale of lands and by federal and state exertions in any other manner."
tionally diminished. Let its measures be what they might, however repugnant to the authority under which it acted, or subversive of the rights of those who made and for whose benefit it should be administered, no controversy upon these points could be sustained; no critical comparison could be made, no line of partition drawn between the one and the other. If this doctrine should be established, the people of these States would find themselves reduced to a strange dilemma: the constitution they had adopted and planned with so much care, as the boundary of a limited authority, would be considered as the absolute surrender of all their rights. By legitimating every possible measure which in the progress of time a venal and unprincipled majority might carry, its acts would become more oppressive than those of any existing tyranny, because its administration would be more daring, under the delusion practised on the people, by seeming to rest on their suffrage.
Or does the author mean that a person by accepting an office in the executive department, should lose in the spirit of the corps, the native rights of a freeman? that he should abandon his own sentiments, except at private consultations, and cling to those of the majority? that a man of great worth, in whom for past services his countrymen reposed an high confidence, should throw the weight of his character, into the scale, to support a measure which in his conscience he disapproved and in his station had opposed? that the members of the administration should form together a close and secret combination, into whose measures the profane eye of the public should in no instance pry? If this is his idea let it be avowed; it involves a principle which upon public considerations should be discussed; for I consider it subversive of those upon which the government itself was founded. That mask of secrecy adopted in arbitrary governments, for the most oppressive purposes, and which by some good men has been deemed necessary to cover executive operations, has in most instances when applied to us been over-rated. Few cases only and those purely executive, and for which the chieftain himself should be held responsible, can require it. In general, if it does not cover gross and shameful malversations, and which should be exposed for wholesome correction to the public view, the most favorable light in which it can be held, is that of an empty, frivolous, and puerile ceremonial of office. But it may be positively affirmed that whenever it interferes with the spirit of responsibility, the life and soul of republican government, its tendency is vicious, and should be abandoned. So far then from deeming him censurable, for the freedom of his discourse upon public measures, to the extent that I am persuaded he has carried it, I honor and respect him for it. It marks a firm and virtuous independence of character, which assures me I may still confide in him with safety. The principles he acknowledges, and the language he uses, are his own; not formed upon those of the majority of the corps to which he may occasionally belong: they are the same I know that he possessed before he commenced the career of public trust.
FROM THE SOUTH CAROLINA GAZETTE. (PRINTED AT COLUMBIA.)
A correspondent, who lately made a tour across the Carolinas and Georgia, has obliged us with the following observations, taken down at Salem, the principal Moravian town in North-Carolina.
THE most elegant aspect of this place is exhibited to the traveller approaching it from the West along the heights which arise between Salem and Shoebur's paper mill. While in this point of view the town presents to the eye fifty chimney tops. This place, though not incorporated by law, is well guarded against the fatal effects of fire. A nightly watch is supported for the purpose from ten o'clock to four.
You will be treated with no rudeness by the Moravians. They never play tricks of wagery upon travellers. It seems to afford their principal men pleasure to walk with you, converse with you, shew you the several businesses which are conducted amongst them, and explain to you the philosophical principles of their machines; and all this without discovering the slightest symptom of jealousy, impatience, or reserve.
They waste no flatteries nor congees upon you. They will not ask you to eat, or drink, or smoke, or play with them. They affect no compliments; and yet you shall feel yourself treated with much attention and civility. Were the Moravians to keep open doors and free tables, spungers would make a prey of them, and the inn would be robbed of its business and support.
Their young women collect and worship very early in the morning. A Piano Forte enlivens their devotions. About the same time their young men are employed in the same manner. The whole community worship together in the evening—men and women—old and young—strangers and servants. Here the organ is put in blast to accompany their Hallelujahs!
There are some hopes that the Moravians will found a new settlement in the next, if not the current year, on the waters of Long Canes in South Carolina. Their handicrafts must make them eminently useful to a country so remote from the ocean. Moravian establishments, at proper intervals, through the interior parts of the United States, must operate as nurseries for the Republican Virtues of Industry, Economy, Temperance and systematic Habits of Life.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
THE REPUBLICAN.—No. III.
WHATEVER effect the preceding observations may have made, the reader will believe that the provision for the public debt has increased the number of the friends and supporters of the government. There is no doubt those who hold the paper will be persuaded that their property would fall with the government. Their interest is connected with the preservation of the laws. If this be the corrupt influence which is pretended to have arisen with the funding law, no friend of the union will hesitate to avow it. For it may be demanded, what property would be safe if the government should fall? The torrent of a revolution sweeps every thing away, and our clamourers may expect to pick up something valuable adrift. Every man who has property will therefore deem it his interest, as well as his duty, to preserve the laws, which are to preserve him and his possessions. The funded stock is the most easily destroyed at a blow—but when the work of such monstrous iniquity shall begin, what right or what possession will be safe, till the rage or the avarice of the perpetrators shall be weary or satisfied?
The corrupt influence complained of by the party-writers, is therefore the influence of property. Those who have nothing, and whose principles are as light as their purses, talk of a revolution as of a holiday.
Bad impressions are not unfrequently made by neglecting to trace what we hear to its principles. We shall not on reflection allow much force to the suggestion that Congress has a secret influence that can neither be explained nor resisted. Admitting the whole tale to be true, as its inventors have told it. What is this mighty influence that operates unseen like magic? Can a few creditors govern a nation? They tell us they are few—and this is the burden of their song—for it would destroy their argument to make them very numerous. They tell us too they are imprudently ostentatious, generally worthless and odious. Their influence, according to the party writers, must therefore be very little.
How much then will these men, so few and so odious, weigh against the multitude of independent freemen?
But if these public creditors are governed by interest only, we have the means of judging how their influence will be used: their interest will lead them to preserve public order, but not to invade equal liberty. The laws protect their property. They have only to maintain the laws. They have something to preserve, but nothing to gain. If a despot therefore should arise, would he find the holders of the public debt his friends? Certainly not. The change of government would shake their funds. They of all men could compute the loss of liberty in pounds, shillings and pence. It is manifestly their interest to have the administration conducted on popular and reasonable principles: for any opposition to the laws, or even any strong symptoms of discontent, would alarm their fears and reduce the value of their stock.
The public creditors are bound to support liberty by all the duties which bind other citizens. Besides which, their property is made to depend upon its being supported. If they act a part the most purely selfish, they will oppose the oppressions of the government, and the insurrections of the multitude. They will hate confusion, but they will love equal liberty. They will keep things as they are, and resist change.
It has already been remarked, that general laws are favorable to equal liberty, by placing the rich and poor impartially on a footing. It may be added, that while such laws are maintained, great men cannot rise up to destroy republican equality.
In the eye of law, all citizens have equal rights. Carry the laws strictly into execution, and they will enjoy them with equal security. But let down the laws, and the natural distinctions among men, in point of property and knowledge, find room to operate without restraint. The citizens are no longer equal. The man who has a great plantation, and many slaves and dependents, rises high above the common level. He seizes a portion of that supreme authority which has been wrested from the laws, or more properly from the whole people. The part he thinks fit to espouse, is followed by all the district over which he reigns, as a petty king. We, in America, have known the laws so feeble, that the authority of individuals of great influence seemed to be the only means of preventing the evils of extreme anarchy. It will not be said that this influence was not frequently used, in the times alluded to, virtuously, and even in conformity with the general sense of the people. But power is often well used, but rarely laid down with good will. As the stable and equal laws of the union rose, the influence of great men, and leaders of parties declined. The people however may be said to have risen in authority with the laws. The laws of Congress treat the citizens, whether rich or poor, with equal favor. Those who are properly to be called great men, because in unsettled times they had more power than their neighbors, have seen with no small mortification the overthrow of their personal authority.
They descend, loath and murmuring, to the common level of citizens. But from that grave where their power lies buried, the troubled spirit of ambition rises and walks the earth.—Look round and apply these remarks to the fiercest ant federal leaders. Are they not real aristocrats who defend their prerogatives against the equal rights of the people, as well as against the authority of the laws? They are impatient to see the people made their equals, in consequence of the laws having become their superiors. They may, and probably they do believe what they say—but human nature and experience deserve more credit than their pretences.
If the people would maintain a republican equality, let them set a mark on those false friends who would overturn the authority of the laws. The way to govern the people against public order, is to deceive them. By conspiring to take away a part of the power from government, they are deluded with the idea of having it shared among them. Nothing is less possible to happen. The leaders would engross it all. In a very numerous single assembly, no man will pretend there is an equality of power among the individuals assembled. Assemble a nation, and all appearances of equality vanish. The most persuasive speakers divide the authority. How much power can the individuals of a nation exercise in times of anarchy without even assembling at all? It is obvious that in the supposed case all the government there might be would be of men and not of laws.
It is easy to see how men may dupe themselves in regard to the nature of the laws. They will be impatient under them, because they are equal, and therefore to them unusual. They wonder to see a government so unlike that which they have been used to govern—which they could influence to make edicts or laws to exempt real estates from execution—to interpose between them and their creditors, especially foreigners, and which in effect secured them all the powers of a genuine aristocracy.
Such men would not fail to join in the cry, that the friends of the laws are no longer republicans: and the language of their impatience and disappointed ambition, would be not unlike that of disfranchised freemen. But their clamour, it is to be hoped, will make little impression. The multitude, who are too busy to judge of a government, except by what they feel, perceive that their industry is protected and encouraged since the new order of things. Men who have leisure to reason and reflect more profoundly on the human character, will not be at a loss to discover in their true colors the selfishness and ambition of those who foment opposition to the laws.
EXTRACT.
AS a careful, candid examination is necessary in order to form a right judgment, so divesting ourselves of selfish views and party prejudices, is necessary for a thorough, candid examination. The eye, when filled with gravel, may as well be kept open and look steadily in order to distinguish colors, as the mind, when filled with selfish views and party prejudices, can examine impartially and distinguish truth from error. Party spirit can see but one side: it not only prevents the discerning of truth, but like wise the speaking of truth. At the present day, in this time of electioneering phrenzy, there are no doubt many party zealots on both sides, of such poor narrow souls, that they are not capable of thinking on any thing but with an eye to their particular favorite. Party prejudice involves the minds of men in mists of error, and pours forth floods of calumny; in an instant it changes men's characters. We see it to be the case that men who nine months ago were thought so wise and good that their opinions were made a standard, are now called wicked and designing, or else the tools of party."
ANECDOOTE.
From Vol. II. of Miss H. M. Williams' Letters from France, just published.
PARIS affords our Authors abundant scope for observation and anecdote. Of that equality which now exists in France, there cannot be a more pleasant specimen than this:
A Gentleman, formerly one of the Garde du Corps, and who very narrowly escaped from the fury of the people on the 6th of October, 1789, came a few days ago to Paris, and immediately sent for a hair dresser. The officer, while he was dressing, told the man that he thought he remembered his face. "Yes, Sir," said the hair dresser, "and I recollect you perfectly—you were in the Garde du Corps; I saw you on the 6th of October." "Faith," said the officer, "I escaped very narrowly; I was very near being hanged." "Yes, indeed Sir," replied the hair dresser, "and I held the cord!"

Foreign Affairs.
PARIS, August 8.
IN France the imposition of Tythes is for ever abolished: the people have already experienced the happy effects of being released from oppression.
During the last autumn, the husbandmen in several parishes began their harvest in a manner expressive of their gratitude, both to God and to the National Assembly.
Their pastors accompanied them to the field; Te Deum and other anthems were performed; and the grateful effusions of the heart ascended to Heaven in praises and thanksgivings.
The most thankful acknowledgments were made to their legislators, by whose wise and merciful decrees every one was about to reap the fruits of his labor; happy that he could now call the whole produce of his fields his own.
Music and dancing and innocent festivity, displayed through the Parish the felicity of its inhabitants.
Is there an Englishman who reads this account, but most earnestly hopes that the period is not far distant, when his countrymen shall enjoy similar felicity, and express their feelings in the same grateful and devotional manner.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY,
AUGUST 6.
Letter from Marshal Luckner to the Minister at War.
Wissenburg, Aug. 4.
"The army of the Rhine is encamped below Wissenburg; detachments have been sent out in order to scour the country and bring in intelligence. Four hundred Hungarian dragoons have been cut in pieces in a skirmish, during which we lost only 25 men, one of whom was a lieutenant colonel.
"General Kellerman is advanced towards Lauterbourg. The Austrians have crossed the Rhine; it was impossible to prevent their passage.
"It is certain that we shall be attacked in several different parts at one and the same time; the only difficulty will be, to distinguish the true one. I have every reason to praise the discipline and good order of the troops.
I am, &c. (Signed) "LUCKNER."
AUGUST 13.
M. Bazire informed the Assembly, that several letters had been found in the King's apartments, among which was the correspondence of the Jacobins of Marseilles to their brethren of Paris. Those letters had been intercepted by M. Blancgilly, member of the National Assembly, and handed to the King. He added, that M. Blancgilly had previously written notes in the margin descriptive of several persons friendly to the Jacobins, consequently the King's enemies.
The commissioners sent to summon M. Blancgilly to appear in his place, and answer to the charges made against him; returned and brought word, that he was gone to the country.
The Assembly decreed, that his papers should be sealed up.
Mr. Gohier laid down several papers found at M. la Porte's administration of the civil list. M. Gohier observed, that there were numberless letters among them replete with adulation, and begging a participation of the civil list. There is one letter from an officer, said he, whose name we shall not mention for the present; he is employed in a high capacity in one of our armies; and he does not conceal his anti-patriotic sentiments.
The last mentioned letter was referred to the Military Committee, with injunctions to adopt the proper measures to counteract the rebel's intentions.
The commissioners of the commons of Paris gave in the state of the capital—peace, as they said, was perfectly restored—all the aristocratical presses had been destroyed—the Staff officers of the Gens d'Armes were in custody—the assassin's who threatened the Mayor's life were in irons; a Court Martial to judge the Swiss was assembled. The Assembly bestowed much applause on the conduct of the commons.
M. Thuriot moved, that all the demolished statues should be converted to cannon.
M. la Croix conceived it would be a patriotic decree, that would order all the brazen monuments in the churches to be melted into artillery.
Not only in Paris, added M. Thuriot, but throughout the whole empire—Whatever is metal in the churches, national houses, in the dwellings formerly in the King's possession, should be melted down, and made cannon of.
M. La Croix's motion was decreed.
M. Francois moved, that the lands called common should be equally divided among the inhabitants of the neighborhood in which such should be found.—Decreed.
The same member moved, that the property of the Emigrants should be sold in small lots.—Decreed.
SITTING OF TUESDAY NIGHT
A Member read a passage from a letter he had received from Brest:—
"The 10th of August the citizens of Brest transported 72 priests who had not taken the oaths.—The ship the people of Brest chose for their conveyance had been formerly a Guinea-man; and the good people ordered the Captain to make the first Spanish port."—(The assembly applauded.)
M. Gensonne, in the name of the Committee of General Safety, proposed, and the Assembly decreed, the following articles:—
 1. The six Secretaries of State, appointed by the assembly, are to compose the Executive Power.  2. They are charged to seal and promulgate the laws of the State.  3. Each Secretary in his turn, and weekly, is to preside at the Council Board.  4. A double copy of each law is to be made out, signed by the keeper of the Seals, and sealed with the seal of State; one copy to be deposited in the Keeper's Archives, the other in the National Assembly's.  5. The laws are to be promulgated.—The decrees of the National Assembly are entitled laws, and are to be published without any previous formula—they are, however, to be concluded thus:—"in the name of the Nation, the Executive Council, ad interim, order the Administrative Bodies and the Courts of Justice to transcribe these presents, &c."  6. The Seal of State shall be changed: henceforward it shall bear the figure of Liberty, armed with a pike, with a cap of Liberty at the top, with this inscription, "In the name of the French Nation."  7. The sentences of the Courts of Justice shall begin thus: "In the name of the French Nation."  8. The Officers of Justice, formerly called the King's Commissaries, shall for the future be named National Commissaries.  M. Bazire in the name of the Committee de Surveillance, presented several letters and memorials found in the King's library. The letters were written from Coblentz to M. Noailles de Poix, to obtain pay for the King's guards at Coblentz.—It appeared that the King had paid them even after the month of January 1792. M. Bazire informed the Assembly, that the Prince de Poix had been taken in custody, by order of the Committee de Surveillance. Six o'clock in the evening.
L O N D O N, August 13.
Extract of a letter from Paris.
"The Commons are in full possession of all power and authority. They have conferred on the Sections the right of judging every citizen who shall be denounced, and to pass on him what sentence they please. They have erected a provisional tribunal, to which they refer every man sent to them as a criminal, who is summarily judged, and instantly executed. Every moment fresh victims fall under the sword of this new tribunal. Every person is positively prevented from leaving Paris. All those who are possessed of property are in a general consternation. Ecclesiastics are particularly ferreted out and imprisoned. The Nobility share the same fate. Prince de Rohan Chabot was arrested yesterday, and will, no doubt, be soon sacrificed. Abbe Dillon, of an Irish family, has been massacred in his own house.
Yesterday, twelve Ecclesiastics were arrested who had taken refuge in the Irish college. Persecution is, in short, at its height.
"Every stratagem has been employed to excite the fury of the rabble against the Royal Family, and to bring them to the scaffold. For this purpose, not only hand-bills are in daily circulation, but the licentious editors of the Jacobin Journals invent the most gross calumnies; which they know must remain uncontradicted, as the Gazettes in the opposite interest have been prohibited to be published. In one of these papers of yesterday, written by the execrable Gorsas, a letter is published, which he says was found in the Queen's writing-desk at the time the palace was pillaged, from her Majesty to the Austrian Minister at Brussels, recommending a long list of proscribed friends to the royal cause, to his particular favor. She is therein made to write—how much they are entitled to his protection, from the services they have done her and the King, and that she hopes the time draws nigh, when she shall be able to reward all her friends;—that she looks forward with a pleasing hope to the time when the Duke of Brunswick enters Paris.
"By a decree of the military committee, which nominates commissioners to the three armies, they are authorised to issue mandates of arrest, pronouncing the suspension and dismissal of the general and staff officers who may be suspected of favoring the enemy, or of acting against the general safety."
Prince d'Esterhazy, accompanied by the Prince de Lichtenstein, is arrived in town, incog. from Coblentz.
As soon as the news of the late motions at Paris reached Rouen, the department sitting there came to a resolution, That they had taken a solemn oath to be faithful to the nation, the law, and the King; that they had devoted their lives and fortunes to the constitution; that the present legislative assembly had no power to alter one tittle of that constitution; and that they would neither obey, nor cause to be executed, any decree not sanctioned by the King. This is expected to be the case with many other departments.
By the mention of the Prince de Poix in the National Assembly on Sunday, as one of the persons having access to the King without leave, it appears that the report of his having fallen a victim to the insurrections of Friday last was erroneous.
Bickestaff, the author of Love in a Village, the Maid of the Mill, Padlock, &c. and who might justly be termed the father of that species of composition, was some time ago seen wandering about in Italy, in a state of almost mendicant indigence. A donation of half a guinea from one who had known him in better days, was received by him with humble gratitude. An example this, that abilities when debased by vice, cannot secure to their possessors even the common necessaries of life.
When a well, vault, or drain, has been inclosed a considerable time, if two or three pails of water be thrown down, the noxious and suffocating air will be so dispersed and corrected, that in an hour any person may go down with safety.
Great quantities of Wheat are already cut in the neighborhood of London, and a season more abundant than the present for that kind of grain, is not within the memory of the oldest farmers.
AUGUST 20.
It is positively asserted by information received at a capital house in the city, that the combined army had entered the French territory in Luxembourg, and had commenced their operations by the investiture of Thionville, the capital of the French in that Duchy. The force by which it was attacked could not be resisted for many days. Thionville is 195 miles N. E. of Paris.
From Thionville, the combined army are to move to Par Louis, a strong town in Lorraine, fortified after the manner of Vauban; it is 20 miles to the eastward of Thionville, and at this siege the King of Prussia, it is said, will be present.
A vessel which left Havre-de-Grace on Wednesday morning, with Gen. Biron's lady, is arrived at Portsmouth.
Domestic Articles.
SALEM, October 2.
Last week an action on the Slave Trade Act was brought before the Court of Common Pleas at Newburyport; when it was made a question, whether the Court had jurisdiction thereof, who determined in the affirmative. The defendants then appealed from this decision to that of the Supreme Judicial Court.
Mr. Ripley, in his account of Concord, Massachusetts, says—"The average number of deaths annually, for thirteen years past, is 17 or 18. January 1792 there were living in that town, seventy-five persons above 70 years of age." The census of that town gives 1590 inhabitants.
The National Gazette of the 19th ult. gives an extract of a letter from Boston, which represents the great body of the people here as not well satisfied with the federal government. A superficial observer would however be likely to form a different opinion, from hearing the people universally expressing their happiness in the present established order of things, and from the candid acknowledgment of those who at first opposed the federal constitution, that they were in an error.
BOSTON, Oct. 4.
Captain Spooner, of the Schooner Phoenix , arrived at Plymouth, Massachusetts, on Tuesday last, in 35 days from Oporto—spoke on the Grand Banks, brig—, Capt. Brockhouse from Havre de Grace, for Salem, who confirmed the late unhappy accounts from France, and added, that General Fayette and his family had gone to England—Captain Brockhouse left Havre de Grace about the 4th September.
HARTFORD, Oct. 8.
The deplorable state of France, at this moment, must excite the compassion of every feeling man. The King deposed by a decree of the National Assembly—and both King and Queen, with their family, obliged to shelter themselves in this very Assembly, from the lawless fury of the Parisian populace. The guards of the palace butchered before the threshold, and the palace rifled by the mob—an army of 200,000 Austrians and Prussians, headed by the brave and warlike, but implacable Duke of Brunswick, determined at all events, to penetrate to Paris and restore the King to his throne and prerogatives—disunion, suspicion and treachery among the national councils—fierce animosity between the Jacobins and the generals of their armies, and distraction throughout the whole nation. A scene so gloomy and terrible is seldom unfolded on the theatre of this earth! As men, as philosophers, and as good citizens, let us pause—let us withhold a part of our admiration of the French Constitution, which places legislative power in a single body of men, unchecked and uncontrouled—Let us withhold our encomiums on the man, or men who are distinguished for their faculty of writing down governments, without talents for replacing them with better systems. Let us lament the obstinacy of Kings, nobles and priests in Europe, who, by refusing to relax in their dominating systems, in proportion to the progress of knowledge and commerce, render their subjects and tenants desperate, and by resisting small amendments of the Constitution, blindly expose their countries to the horrors of war and civil discord. Let us lament that nations, when they have obtained important ameliorations of their government, will not stop at any point of moderation, but rashly plunge themselves into anarchy, wretchedness and ruin.
RICHMOND, (Vir.) Oct. 5.
On Monday last the Assembly of this state met at the Capitol in this city, agreeable to the Governor's proclamation, when there appeared a full house. They then proceeded to the appointment of their officers, and made choice of Mr. Charles Hay, as clerk, Thomas Mathews, Esq. speaker, Mr. William Allen, serjeant at arms, and the Rev. Benjamin Blagrove, Chaplain.

Philadelphia, Oct. 13.
By the ship Diana, Capt. Goodwin, who arrived at Boston on the 4th inst. in 35 days from Bristol, the following intelligence is received.
PARIS, August 15.
MERLIN announced to the Assembly, that the Prussian and Austrian armies had entered the departments of Moselle, and that they had made themselves masters of the advanced posts of Sierck and Rodemack.
This circumstance, he added, ought not to intimidate the French nation, but it ought to arouse them so as to adopt a very important measure: He therefore moved, "That the relations, the wives, and the children of the emigrants, should, with Louis XVI. be reserved as guarantees for the events of the war."
It was accordingly resolved by the Assembly, that they should be detained as hostages within the limits of their respective municipalities.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, August 18.
M. Cabot read a letter from Manbeuge, from which it appeared that the soldiers approved of the proceedings of the Assembly, and that they had resisted the attempts made by Dillon, Lameth, and La None, to excite them to oppose the Assembly. To the insinuations of those Generals, they replied, "that their true point of rallying was, and always would be, the National Assembly, and that they considered Louis XVI. as a perjured wretch and a traitor!" "M. Lameth in vain attempted (said the writer of the letter) to gain over a few regiments. In vain did he tell them that 15,000 Austrians were ready to fall upon them. The troops flew to arms, and ordered their music to play Ca ira!!"
SUNDAY, August 19.
The Assembly were occupied for almost two hours in reading letters and addresses, all approving of the decree for suspending the King.
The Department of Garde informed the Assembly, that they had caused the refractory Priests to be exported, and that they considered this measure as tending very much to preserve public tranquility.
The Assembly then ordered the Committee of Legislation to prepare the plan of a decree for transporting all the refractory priests out of the kingdom.
Some private letters from Marshal Luckner were read, which announced that he had again taken the oath of fidelity, and professed his attachment to the public cause. In a paragraph of one of these letters, the Marshal expresses himself thus:
"Though the Executive Power be suspended, I hope I shall not be ordered to retire. Had I not been ordered to withdraw from Courtray, I would, in a little time, have restored liberty to the Belgians."
LA FAYETTE ACCUSED.
Some soldiers of the army of M. la Fayette being admitted to the bar, informed the Assembly that they were obliged to make their escape through a wood to avoid being seduced by their chiefs, and that they had come to Paris to learn the truth respecting the events of the 10th. They said, that M. Veneur had written to the battalions, in the name of M. la Fayette, to the following purport:
"Soldiers! your constitution has been annihilated! Seditious men have filled the measures of their crimes. They have caused the Swiss soldiers, and the commandant of the National Guards, to be assassinated. With swords in their hands they have compelled the Legislative body to decree the suspension of the King. Soldiers choose between the King and Petion."
They added that M. La Fayette wished to make them sign a paper written in the same strain, and requested that the Assembly would prevent the perfidious design of this General.
M. Merlin presented fifty different pieces to support their accusation.
Two private letters, and in particular one from the Commissioners
sent to the army, being adduced to corroborate these charges, the Assembly immediately passed the following
DECREE OF ACCUSATION AGAINST M. DE LA FAYETTE.
 1. It appears to this Assembly that there is just ground for accusation against M. de la Fayette, heretofore Commander of the army of the North.  2. The Executive Power shall in the most expeditious manner possible, put the present decree into execution; and all constituent authorities, all citizens, and all soldiers, are hereby enjoined, by every means in their power, to secure his person.  3. The Assembly forbids the army of the north any longer to acknowledge him as General, or to obey his orders; and strictly enjoins that no person whatsoever shall furnish any thing for the troops, or pay any money for their use, but by the orders of M. Dumourier. 
We shall be informed before-hand of the part that the Assembly will take on the question of the forfeiture; for, in the intermediate time, they are by deputation to collect the opinions for yes or no.
L O N D O N, August 20.
The people at Havre-de-Grace, and from thence to Rouen, appear to be pretty equally divided between the King and the enemies of monarchy.
The letters from Paris brought by the last mail, mention that every thing in that city is in a state of the greatest ferment and confusion, that every hour persons of respectability are arrested, and that no one thinks himself safe; and that all who can get away are doing it as fast as possible.
There are one hundred and thirty persons in prison for the business of the 10th; there is a very great probability that they will all be put to death, as no doubt they will all be found guilty of--fidelity to the King. The executions are to take place in the square of the Carrousel over against the Palace. Among the victims, are several noblemen of this country, and the flower of the Swiss nobility, many of the late ministers, and M. la Porte, the keeper of the privy purse. The trials commence this day.
A letter from Ostend, dated 22d inst. received in town this morning, says, "We have this day the important news that M. La Fayette, and thirteen of his officers, are carried prisoners of war into Nemur--you may depend on the authenticity of this news."
The Duke of Brunswick, it is generally credited, marched on Thursday from Luxembourg (the word of command was given by the King of Prussia) on his way to Paris; the distance by land from thence being about 210 miles: It was conjectured that the Duke would transport his army by the river Moselle, and reach Paris on the 5th of September.
The Temple, where the Royal Family of France are confined, was a sanctuary where debtors took refuge against arrest--"Never," said a Parisian wit, on seeing the King enter it on Monday--"never before did it contain so great a Bankrupt!"
ELECTION.
Return of the number of votes at the election, held on Tuesday last:--
CONGRESS.
   Candidates. Total. Including City and County of Philadelphia, Delaware, Bucks, Chester, and Montgomery.    F. A. Muhlenberg 8465  T. Hartley 8647  J. W. Kittera 8538  W. Findley 8789  D. Helfter 8685  W. Irvine 8268  P. Muhlenberg 6436  T. Scott 6224  T. Fitzsimons 6154  W. Bingham 4593  J. Armstrong 5530  H. Wynkoop 5810  S. Sitgreaves 5597  C. Thomson 5206  J. Barclay 2924  W. Montgomery 2952  I. D. Sergeant 3732  A. Gregg 3046  J. Smilie 2739  I. Jacobs 2150  R. Johnston 238  I. Arndt 254  W. Rawle 377  
County Commissioner, ISAAC HOWELL.
Representatives in the State Legislature:--
   City. County.    John Swanwick Robert Hare  George Latimer Thomas Porrett  Henry Kammerer John Lardner  Jacob Hiltzheimer Thomas Paul  Benj. R. Morgan Thomas Britton  Montgomery--J. Davis, J. Tyson, C. Evans, J. Shoemaker.  
Chester--John Hannum, Dennis Whelen, Charles Dilworth, and Samuel Sharp. Sheriff for Chester--Joseph McClellan.
Representatives in the Third Congress of the United States:--
John F. Mercer, Uriah Forrest, Gabriel Christie, Esquires.
A number of artists are arrived at Boston from Amsterdam, who are to be employed in the manufacture of Glass in the Glass House in that town.
By an officer from the Rock Landing, a South Carolina paper, information is received, that Col. McGillivray having lost the confidence of the Creeks, has retired with what property he could collect to New Orleans, there to remain in a private station, by order of the Spanish Governor.
From the Pittsburgh Gazette of October 6. "We are informed that the Cornplanter, New Arrow, and 60 of the chiefs and warriors of the Seneca nation, have set out for the Miami towns, to council with the hostile Indians, and to exert their influence to bring about a peace between them and the United States."
"Sunday last was hanged on the commons of this place, James Nugent, alias James McMullen, belonging to Capt. Rodgers's troop of horse, for desertion and stealing a horse, &c. the property of the public."
"And on Wednesday, two men were shot, for having deserted sundry times."
The President of the United States, his Lady and Family are expected to arrive in town this day.
JOHN PATTON, Esq. is elected Representative in Congress for the State of Delaware.
We hear from Nantucket, that the shipping employed in the whaling business out of that place, have been very successful the past season. One ship brought in 1300 barrels of oil, and 7000 lb. of bone.
Accounts from Nova-Scotia say that the same business has been so unfavorable, that the adventurers there are almost entirely discouraged.
The English whale fishery has also been unfortunate this year.
A Richmond (Virginia) paper of October 5, informs that the four horses belonging to the mail stage were drowned the preceding day, in attempting to ford Pamunkey river--The passengers crossed the river on a temporary bridge erected for foot passengers--the driver narrowly escaped drowning.
Extract of a letter from Cape-Francois, Sept. 17. "The fleet arrived this day at twelve o'clock, the new General (M. Desparbes) dined on board the Ecole, man of war. The troops were under arms, in order to receive him: at 4 o'clock, he sent word that he would not land until morning."
"At half after five o'clock, however, he landed, and his landing was announced by the firing of cannon. The procession was dispersed, this was what he wished to avoid. He went to M. Blanchelande's, who met him at the Champ de Mars. After resting for half an hour, we all went to the Colonial Assembly, the President, M. Danfy, expressed his regret, that the intended ceremony had not taken place on his arrival, and invited him for the next day to a feast with the assembly and civil commissioners. M. Desparbes answered, that he would not hear of any feasts or ceremonies, that he was come to save the Colony, and that he had more serious business to do than receiving or giving entertainments; upon this he walked off amidst the plaudits of a numerous gallery, consisting chiefly of the most reputable citizens. He brings with him 6000 men, among which are 250 dragoons, of the Regiment of Orleans."
"The same letter relates, that the Negroes have been lately beaten at Gros Morne, that several of their encampments have been taken, that they had 150 killed and 100 made prisoners."
COMMUNICATIONS.
It was the policy of the ancient commonwealths, by public games and festivals, and by various devices, to multiply and strengthen the ties which bind men to society. The fine arts were encouraged by the public, chiefly with the view of fostering the enthusiasm of the citizens for their country. It is surely better to bind men's hearts than their hands, to engage their best feelings for a government, rather than to awe their fears into obedience. Yet some men, pretending to be philosophers, wiser than the ancients, and colder than nature made them, affect to dread the influence of opinion in favor of a popular authority. They fear that a government, in all its branches purely representative, will possess in too great a degree the gentleness of all power--the power of doing good, exercised in a manner to gain the affections of the people. Surely these men would not recommend a government as more safe, which should make itself justly odious by violating their rights, and debasing itself below the degree of excellence in which every good citizen delights to contemplate the image of his country. The people however are told to watch, to suspect, and almost to fear and hate a government which has done justice to individuals. They tell us that Congress is the more to be feared for having done justice--those whose threatened rights have been spared, will be grateful, and feel disposed to support government. This is the corrupt and dangerous influence which they tell you is created and conjured up against liberty.
Is the world come to such a pass as not to be shocked when such words are applied to such a purpose? Is it possible in this enlightened age, that a government can be charged as criminal, and the people roused with alarm, because the rights of the public creditors have been deemed sacred? The same writers who reprobate the funding act, because it attaches men to society by the ties of interest and sentiment, abhor still more a standing armed force. They would support the authority of the people thro' their rulers, neither by the strength of arms nor of opinions. The consequence is easily drawn--they would not have it supported at all. Time is against the government, for it is new. Armies it has none. Rivals it has many--enemies more, some of its own household--It has scorned the aid of superstition--Without nobles, without a political priesthood, its life is in every man's hand--It is supreme, yet an hostage with the people--Who are they that would incite them to destroy it? Not the friends of liberty. The wise and virtuous citizens are protected by government, but in turn they protect it. They are the keepers of a sacred deposit--for a republic so purely elective as ours is, rests on opinion. When therefore desperate men attempt to poison the public mind, it becomes the men of worth to discharge their trust. They are bound to resist in themselves and others the first impulses of passion. The sober reflection of the public seldom errs, and as seldom fails at last to govern the government. It becomes that sober public to judge whether the tendency of the late calumnies on men and measures be to correct what is wrong, or to throw down all the fences of liberty and order.
Blind and excessive praise of the government and its measures cannot be expected to serve any cause. Good men will be disgusted and cunning men will find grounds for suspicion. But a rational exposition of the principles of a law and an earnest and frequent appeal to the sober sense of the citizens on the fitness of those principles and the useful tendency of the law, is always a proper conduct for those to observe who wish to see good order maintained.--It is
doubly necessary to do it when men who wilfully or ignorantly misrepresent the design of a law, and of those who framed it are busily at work to kindle sedition--when they deny facts that all the world may see with their eyes, and tell the people in the bosom of peace and in the very lap of plenty, that the laws of Congress are oppressive and ruinous, that the excise, funding, and bank laws ought to be repealed, and even resisted--for their doctrines cannot be admitted without justifying the resistance of the laws; truly in such a case it is proper to vindicate the conduct of Congress--to point out the reasons of those laws, to refute the groundless objections urged against them, to appeal to experience, the best judge of men and their measures, to evince the wisdom of those laws by the good fruits they have yielded to the body of the nation. There can be no dispute on the propriety of doing this often and with some degree of force and earnestness, suited to the sense of the mischief of stirring up the people against their own laws--yet those who incessantly write against the excise, bank and funding acts, bestow foul names on those who vindicate those measures. It seems as if the antidote should be sent after the poison. The soberest attempt to shew by facts the uses of a law is denominated puffing; which by the way is safer than to deny the facts which stare them in the face. Advising the people to respect the laws and maintain good order is called servile flattery of men in power, sycophantish, &c. The court--that is to say, the servants of a free people are to be slandered to manifest the spirit of freemen and those who approve their conduct are base dependants or secret enemies of liberty. Such are the impudent arts which are using to stir up mischief.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
I AM a plain man, and not deeply versed in politics, but I am conscious of being in truth a well-wisher to mankind, and particularly to the inhabitants of these highly favored United States. It gives me no small pain to see in some of the newspapers, a number of scandalous reflections thrown out against the present administration of the general government and the constitution--a constitution which, like the glorious fabric of heaven and earth, (as far as we may compare lesser things with greater) was formed in much wisdom and true patriotism, out of a mere chaos--where we lay in darkness, confusion, disgrace and distreſs, which (had it continued) was only "the beginning of sorrows" to us and our posterity;--whereas now it is the admiration of all intelligent unprejudiced men in the world who have heard of it; and the envy of most nations, even of those who have not the virtue, power or resolution to follow our example. What those grumbletonians amongst ourselves have in view, I know not; but however fair their pretensions may be, or however clamorous, their secret views are strongly, and I am afraid justly suspected, by the more enlightened and honest part of the inhabitants of these states, of not being friendly to the public peace. Perhaps some may want to fish in troubled waters, even if their country should perish in the storm. It may be envy with others.
From all I can learn, the chief and other officers of government were men of the first characters for probity, intelligence and patriotism, and underwent much fatigue and heart corroding anxiety in the field of danger and death, risking their ALL to obtain for this now happy country, freedom from a most grievous yoke, which neither we nor our posterity would have been able to bear.
I have been at pains to enquire, and from all I can learn, most or all the members of the legislative body, in both houses, were men of the first characters for integrity, patriotism and intelligence, in the states from whence they came: those of their own vicinity were certainly the best judges of their characters; they must feel the good or evil of the laws they make, more than you or I, or any others of less property, or fewer connexions or dependants than themselves. Nothing but perverse blindness, or worse, can hinder any man from seeing and owning this; and what possible motive could they have for enacting laws (in the consequences of which themselves and their numerous families and connexions are so deeply concerned) which in their heart and conscience they did not think to be (upon the whole) best for the whole family of this great and growing empire?
I cannot help suspecting that amongst those unreasonable enemies to the present constitution, there are a few who wish us again under the British yoke, or are inimical to the credit, the glory, the peace and prosperity of those United States.
PHILANTHROPOS.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
BY this day's Mail I am informed, that the letter containing 6 per cent. Stock addressed to me from Boston, which in a letter of 16th ult. was said to be by Post, was not put into the Post-Office, but forwarded by a private hand to New-York, where it was lost. It is but justice due to the Post-Office department to make this matter public, as groundless suspicions may have arisen in consequence thereof. It is very unfortunate at this time, that such an error should be committed, as similar reports have prevailed and in many instances with as little foundation.
Your's, &c. SAMUEL EMERY.
Philadelphia, 11th October, 1792. No. 62, North Second-Street.
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, OCTOBER 12, 1792.
THE Medical Lectures will begin on Thursday, the first of November.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
   Ship Eagle, Pell, Oporto   Brig La Salome, Puyraud, Nice   Norfolk, Welsh, Cape-Francis   Newton, Hawkins, St. Croix   Sch'r Rebecca, Newel, Savannah   Sloop Thomas, Burke, Aux-Cayes  
Price of Stocks as in our last.

General Post-Office.
PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 10, 1792.
PROPOSALS will be received at this Office until the fifteenth day of November next, exclusively, for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads, from the first day of January next, until the first day of June, 1794.
In MASSACHUSETTS and NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
1. From Wilcasset to Portland in the district of Maine: The mail to leave Wilcasset every Tuesday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portland the next day by one in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Portland every Thursday by six in the morning, and arrive at Wilcasset the next day by one in the afternoon.
2. From Portland to Portsmouth: The mail to leave Portland every Monday and Thursday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday at one in the afternoon, and arrive at Portland on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening.
3. From Portsmouth to Boston: From November first to May first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening:—Returning, to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon:—And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Boston the same days by six in the evening:—Returning, to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by six in the evening.
In MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT and NEW-YORK.
4. From Boston, by Worcester, Springfield, Hartford, Middletown, and New-Haven, to New-York: From November first to May first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon; and arrive at New-York every Saturday and Wednesday (the sixth day from its departure) by ten in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Saturday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon:—And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by three o'clock in the morning, and arrive at New-York every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday (the fourth day from its departure) by eleven in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave New-York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK, NEW-JERSEY and PENNSYLVANIA.
5. Between New-York, (by Newark and Elizabethtown) and Philadelphia, every day in the week, Sunday excepted: The mails to leave New-York at noon, and Philadelphia at one o'clock in the afternoon; and arrive at Philadelphia and New-York respectively, the next day after their departure, by ten in the forenoon; excepting the mails of Saturday, which are to arrive at the same hour on Sunday.
In PENNSYLVANIA and MARYLAND.
6. From Philadelphia to Baltimore: The mail to leave Philadelphia every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Baltimore each succeeding day by noon:—Returning, to leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Philadelphia each succeeding day by eleven in the forenoon.
7. From Baltimore to Alexandria: The mail to leave Baltimore every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Alexandria each succeeding day by eight in the morning:—Returning, to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday by four o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by ten in the forenoon.
In VIRGINIA.
8. From Alexandria to Richmond, Petersburg, Suffolk and Portsmouth: The mail to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at nine o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Richmond every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by six in the evening; at Petersburg, every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at ten in the forenoon; at Suffolk every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by six in the afternoon; and at Portsmouth every Friday, Monday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave Portsmouth the same Friday, Monday and Wednesday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Suffolk the same days by seven in the evening; and at Petersburg the next Monday, Wednesday and Friday by eleven in the forenoon; leave Petersburg the same days at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Richmond the same days by six in the evening:—leave Richmond on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Alexandria the next Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by three in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
9. From Richmond, by Williamburg, York-Town and Hampton, to Norfolk: The mail to leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norfolk on each succeeding day, by five in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Norfolk every Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Richmond each succeeding day, by six in the evening.
In NORTH and SOUTH CAROLINA and GEORGIA.
10. From Fayetteville, by Cheraw Court-House, Camden, Columbia and Cambridge, to Augusta: The mail to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, reach Camden the next day by five in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Saturday by noon:—Returning, to leave Augusta every Thursday, at five in the morning, arrive at Camden the next Sunday by
five in the morning, and at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening.
11. From Augusta to Savannah: The mail to leave Augusta every Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Savannah the next Monday morning by ten:—Returning, to leave Savannah every Monday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Wednesday, by five in the afternoon.
12. From Camden to Statesburg: The mail to leave Camden every Thursday by four in the morning, and arrive at Statesburg by eight:—Returning, to leave Statesburg every Saturday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Camden by six.
In MASSACHUSETTS, RHODE-ISLAND and CONNECTICUT.
14. From Boston to Providence: The mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Providence, by five in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Providence every Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Boston, by five in the afternoon.
Persons offering proposals for this contract, are desired also to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Boston and Providence, three times a week, and every day in the week (Sunday excepted) in each a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
15. From Providence, by Norwich, to Hartford: The mail to leave Providence every Tuesday and Friday, by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Hartford on Wednesday and Saturday, by five in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Hartford every Monday and Thursday, at seven in the morning, arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Providence on Tuesday and Friday, by five in the afternoon.
Persons offering proposals for this contract, are also desired to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Providence and Hartford three times a week, if a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
16. From New-London to Newport, thence by Bristol and Warren to Providence, thence by Greenwich to Newport, and from Newport to New-London: The mail to leave New-London every Tuesday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Newport the next day by six in the evening; leave Newport every Friday at eight in the morning, and arrive at Providence the same day by six in the evening; leave Providence on Saturday at eight in the morning, and passing through Greenwich, arrive at Newport the same day by six in the evening; leave Newport the next Monday at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London the next day by ten in the forenoon.
17. From New-Haven to New-London: The mail to leave New-Haven every Monday, at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London every Tuesday by ten in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave New-London every Tuesday at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at New-Haven every Wednesday afternoon by six.
18. From Middletown to New-London: The mail to leave Middletown, from November first to May first, every Thursday morning, and from May to November, every Friday morning, by eight o'clock; and arrive at New-London by six in the evening of the day of its departure:—Returning, to leave New-London each next succeeding day by eight in the morning, and arrive at Middletown by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK. 19. Between the city of New-York (by Kingsbridge, Poughkeepsie, and the city of Hudson) and Albany: The carriers, with the mails, to leave New-York and Albany every Monday and Thursday, by four in the morning, meet, and return to each place on Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the evening.
In PENNSYLVANIA. 20. From Philadelphia, by Lancaster, York-town, Carlisle, Shippensburg, Chambersburg, Bedford and Greencastle to Pittsburgh: The mail to leave Philadelphia every Saturday at noon, and arrive at Pittsburgh the next Friday by noon; remain there not less than four, nor more than six hours, and return to Philadelphia the following Friday by noon.
In the STATE OF DELAWARE. 21. From Wilmington, by New-Castle, Cantwell's Bridge, and Duck Creek, to Dover: The mail to leave Wilmington every Monday afternoon, by five o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Dover by five in the evening of Tuesday:—Returning, to leave Dover every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Wilmington by seven in the evening of the same day.
In DELAWARE and MARYLAND. 22. From Christiana Bridge, by Middletown, Warwick and George-town Cross-Roads, to Chesapeake, and thence to Easton: The mail to leave Christiana Bridge every Monday afternoon, by six o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Easton by six in the evening of Tuesday:—Returning, to leave Easton every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Christiana Bridge in the evening of the same day, by eight o'clock.
Persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it from May first to November first, by leaving Philadelphia every Monday at half past nine, A. M. and reaching Easton the next day, by four, P. M.—and returning, leave Easton every Wednesday by four, A. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by noon: And perform the same tour, during the other half of the year, between half past nine o'clock of every Monday, and noon of the next Saturday. And also their terms for carrying an additional mail between Philadelphia and Chesapeake, leaving Philadelphia every Wednesday and Friday at half past nine, A. M. and returning the fourth day after by noon.
23. From Baltimore to Annapolis: The mail to leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday, at same days by five in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Saturday by eight in the morning, and arrive at Baltimore the same days by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA. 24. From Suffolk, by Edenton, Plymouth, Washington and Newbern, to Wilmington: The mail to leave Suffolk every Wednesday at four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next Saturday, by six in the evening:—Returning, to leave Wilmington every Monday by four in the morning, and arrive at Suffolk the next Thursday by six in the evening.
In NORTH-CAROLINA.
25. From Halifax by Blountville, Williamstown, and Daileys, to Plymouth, once in two weeks:—The mail to leave Halifax every other Monday by five o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Plymouth the next day by six in the evening:—Returning, to leave Plymouth the next Thursday by five in the morning, and arrive at Halifax on Friday by five in the evening.
26. From Wilmington to Fayetteville: The mail to leave Wilmington every Sunday, at four in the morning, and arrive the next day at Fayetteville by five in the afternoon:—Returning, leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next day by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA. PROPOSALS will be received at the Post-Office in Richmond, until the 10th day of November next, exclusively, for carrying the mail of the United States from Richmond to Staunton,—from the 15th day of the same month, until the first day of June 1794. The mail to leave Richmond every Monday by six in the morning, and arrive at Staunton the next Wednesday by six in the evening:—Returning, leave Staunton every Thursday at ten in the forenoon, and arrive at Richmond the next Saturday by seven in the evening.
Persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it, and leave Richmond every Wednesday at noon, and arrive at Staunton the next Saturday by three in the afternoon:—Returning, leave Staunton every Monday at seven in the morning, and arrive at Richmond the next Wednesday by ten in the forenoon.
Note 1. If during the continuance of the contract here proposed, any other times of arrival and departure of the mails should become necessary, to preserve a proper connection with other mails, the contractors are to conform to any arrangement which for that purpose shall be made by the Post-Master General, such arrangement not lessening the number of hours above allowed for carrying the mails respectively, without their consent.
2. A convenient time not less than ten minutes, nor exceeding half an hour, for opening and closing a mail is to be allowed at each Post-Office, at which the time of its arrival and departure is not herein specified.
3. For every half hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, double the sum which the value of one trip shall bear to the value of the whole number of trips to be performed.
4. The mail may be carried on any of the post roads herein described, either in stage waggons or on horses: but when the state of the roads prevents travelling in waggons with the necessary expedition, the mails are to be carried on horses.—Every mail-stage must have in it a box in which the mail is invariably to be carried, under lock and key.
5. News-papers, as well as letters, are to be sent in the mails: and if any contractor would wish to be authorized to carry news-papers, other than those conveyed in the mail (agreeably to the 22d section of the post-office law) he must, in his proposals, state the respective sums for which he will carry the mails with and without the emoluments which may arise from such separate carriage of news-papers.
NEW POST ROADS. In NEW-YORK, MASSACHUSETTS & VERMONT. An extension of the Post roads having been desired, from Connoiarhariga to Whites-town, and thence to Kanandaigua, in the state of New-York; from Stockbridge to Bennington, in the states of Massachusetts and Vermont; and from Rutland to Windsor, and Rutland to Fairhaven, in Vermont: Proposals for carrying mails on those routes, (at the expense of the contractors) will be received at the General Post-Office, until the fifteenth day of November next, exclusively.—Persons offering such proposals, must state the days and hours when they will receive and deliver the mails at each place herein mentioned, and the length of time (which cannot exceed eight years) for which they will contract.
The contractors, respectively, will have the exclusive privilege of carrying letters and packets on these roads, for hire; and be authorized to receive, to their own use, all the postages which shall arise on letters, packets and newspapers by them carried, at the rates established by law: but must carry, free of postage, such letters and packets as by law are, or shall be declared free.
For every hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in delivering a mail, after the time agreed on, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, one dollar for every ten miles distance, as far as the failure extends.
The persons whom the contractors shall designate for Postmasters, on these routes,—previous to their acting as such, must be approved by the Post-Master General, and take the oaths required by law: They are to agree for their compensations with the contractors, to whom alone they are to account for all the postages they shall receive. The same oaths must be taken by the contractors and their riders who carry the mails.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, POST-MASTER-GENERAL.
The SUBSCRIBERS to the Universal Tontine
Are informed, that a general meeting is to be held at the State-House in this city, on Saturday the 3d day of November next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. agreeably to the sixth article of their association.
By order of the Agents. EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. Philadelphia, Sept. 15, 1792. (cp1 N 3)
Universal Hymn Book.
To be Sold by THOMAS DOBSON, and other Booksellers in Philadelphia. A Collection of PSALMS, HYMNS, and SPIRITUAL SONGS: selected from different Authors, and published by Order of the Convention holding the Doctrine of the Salvation of all Men, met in Philadelphia, May 25, 1791. Price of a single book, bound, 3-3/4ths of a Dollar, with good allowance to those who take quantities. August 4. (ep1.)
To the Public.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends and the public, for the many favors he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand a few fine toned
FORTE PIANOS,
which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms.
The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons commissioned to vend them—who, for a very trifling compensation, recommend instruments that are nothing but imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disadvantage of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pays as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N. B. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS let out by the month or quarter, likewise Musical Instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES, [48] No. 67, Walnut, near Third-Street.
JOHN GOULD,
HAIR-DRESSER,
INFORMS his friends and the public in general, that he continues to carry on his business as usual, at No. 1, South Third-Street, near Market-Street, and thanks his former customers for the favors he has received.
Said GOULD has for sale, an infallible cure for Weak or Sore Eyes, which on trial, has and will be found to answer the purpose.—He has it in vials from one quarter of a dollar to a dollar.—Any person trying the above, if not found to answer the character given, the money will be returned. [49]
Treasury Department,
August 20th, 1792.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 13th day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1793, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, and the Port of West-Point, in the State of New-York.
The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a gill of rum, brandy or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, } per 100 rations. Two pounds of soap, } One pound of candles. }
The proposals may be made for both of the above-mentioned Posts, or separately, for Springfield and West-Point.
TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA.
July 6, 1792.
THE Subscriber offers for Sale, a Mill-Seat on Rock Creek, deemed by those who have examined it, equal to any in the United States. The Mill-House may be placed within one quarter of a mile of the river Potomac, half a mile from the market house in Georgetown, and one mile from the President's square, in the city of Washington—on tide water, navigable for vessels of several hundred bushels burthen.—The stream is sufficient the year round, to turn four pair of stones, and the fall may be made from 25 to 30 feet. It is unnecessary to dwell on the advantages of such a situation.
The purchaser may be accommodated with a few hundred acres of land adjoining the Mill-Seat, if that should be an object. (ep3m 14 Jul) B. STODDERT.
PLANS
OF THE
City of Washington,
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
George-Town.
A Number of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in City of WASHINGTON, will be offered for sale by the Commissioners, on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid.
JOHN M'GANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners. June 2, 1792. [ep1.]
Strayed or Stolen,
FROM the subscriber, on the night of the 18th instant, from the inclosure of JOHN CLARK, of Trenton Township, Hunterdon county, New-Jersey, a Chestnut Sorrel MARE, about nine years old, fourteen and an half hands high, bald faced, white feet and eyes, a bunch on her left and near side, occasioned by a hurt, small long neck, thin mane, forthright tail, shod all round: Whosoever will take up said Mare, and return her either to JOHN CLARK, of Trenton, RICHARD VARIAN, New-York, or the subscriber in Danbury, Fairfield county, State of Connecticut, shall receive EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD for the Mare only. Thieves, or FOUR DOLLARS for the Mare only. JAMES TROWBRIDGE. Trenton, (N.J.) Sept. 18, 1792.
The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.
The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.