Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-01-09 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 64 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 9, 1793.
[Whole No. 386.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, January 2.
DEBATE on Mr. STEELE'S MOTION for the REDUCTION of the MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT of the UNITED STATES.
In Committee of the Whole. Mr. WHITE in the Chair.
Mr. Wadsworth first noticed Mr. Steele's statements and calculations.—These he said, were erroneous, and even if correct, the inferences the gentleman had drawn from them, did not appear to him just. He was surprised the gentleman should so positively have pledged himself for their accuracy, when they were so very far from deserving that character. As the statements of Mr. Steele had been published to the world he thought it right to state in what they are erroneous.
The great object of that gentleman in offering his calculations to the House, was to shew a prodigious progressive increase in the expences of the war department, since the establishment of the new government. For this purpose he had compared what he stated as the appropriations of the years 1790, 1791, and 1792, with one another, and with the sum now called for from that department for the year 1793.
Mr. Wadsworth proceeded to shew the inaccuracy of the gentleman in this attempt, by the following statement.
Mr. Steele stated, that for 1790, the appropriations for the Quarter-master's department amounted to
  Dollars   Whereas the sum appropriated was 15,000   Omitted 20,000   For the hospital in the same year, Mr. Steele states 5,000   Sum actually appropriated 1,000   Omitted 1,250   For contingencies in the same year, Mr. Steele states 250   Sum actually appropriated 3,000   Omitted 3,750   Pay, subsistence and cloathing for 1790, Mr. Steele states 750   Sum actually app. 126,020   Omitted 147,100. 8   Total omissions for 1790 21,080. 8 
In the year 1791.
  Mr. Steele states the Quarter-master's department at 25,000   Sum really appropriated 75,000   Omitted 50,000   The hospital department 1,635.20   Really appropriated 5,635.20   Omitted 4,000   Contingencies at 5,000   Appropriated 30,000   Omitted 25,000   Pay, subsistence, and cloathing, at 158,475.80   Appropriated 331,788.20   Omitted 173,312.40   Total omissions 252,312.40 
  Mr. Steele states the Quarter-master's dept. at 50,000   Sum really appropriated 120,000   Omitted 70,000   Hospital department at 6,000   Really appropriated 15,000   Omitted 9,000   Ordnance department at 7,204.64   Appropriated 28,704.64   Omitted 21,500   Contingencies at 20,000   Appropriated 50,000   Omitted 30,000   Pay, Subsistence, and cloathing 270,374.70   Appropriated 707,405.42   Omitted 437,030.72   Total omissions for 1792 Dolls. 567,530.72 
From the foregoing, the inaccuracy of Mr. Steele's statements, and of the calculations founded on them, were evident. The prodigious rapid increase of the war department expences did not appear, and the gentleman's saving plan, founded on the difference of the appropriation for 1792, and the sum estimated for 1793, proved very trifling indeed, amounting to a few thousands only.
Mr. Wadsworth said he did not positively pledge himself for the absolute accuracy of his statements, but if there were errors in them he ventured to say they were but trifling.
He next took notice of Mr. Steele's arguments relative to the ordnance department. From what had been said by that gentleman on this he truly thought, as he had expressed it, that the business bore a ludicrous appearance. but on further enquiry, by looking over an account of the expenditures of the war department, it appeared that the large sums appropriated for the ordnance department, far from being expended in the purchase of cannon, not one shilling had gone to that use, it was all for repairs to arms, &c. The statement of the gentlemen in this particular he could not conceive consistent with candour.
As the gentleman from N. C. rested his assertion of abuses in the war department, on the statements he had produced, these assertions, he conceived, he sufficiently answered, by shewing the statements misstated.
Mr. Wadsworth referred to parts of the Secretary at war's reports to shew that that officer had been in favour of conciliatory, and averse to hostile measures with the Indians, to another part to show his opinion where and how militia were effective.
He next turned to the causes of the war. The establishment of a war department was, in his opinion, by no means, as had been suggested, the cause of the Indian war, but rather the effect. The war existed before the establishment of the present government, it is an inheritance from the old confederation and so is the war department. The history of its origin and progress was in record and might be traced by a reference to the resolves of congress. The war existed in 1784. A communication received some years back from the executive of Georgia would evince its existence and shew its violence. The executive complained that the frontier was too thinly settled, and some counties broken up, and ordered out 3000 men to protect it,—since that even the city of Savannah was, he had heard, so seriously threatened, that the citizens were obliged to keep guard in it—and this before the present war system.
Neither could the present mode of carrying on the war be called the creature of the war department. It was rather the President's war,—or the war indeed of the house, the war of the legislature: the plan was a good one as the experience of the President in these wars made him a proper judge; it had his approbation and we know it.
He mentioned several instances of the cruelty of the whites towards the Indians, he also stated the information of Judge Innis, of the depredations of the Indians; the single district of Kentucky had lost from 1783 to 1790, 1500 men, women, and children, killed and taken, with 2000 horses and other property, amounting to at least 50,000 dollars, and to these he attributed the war in which we were involved. The history of the settlement of Kentucky, if recurred to, would afford a series of causes of Indian hostilities. Two hundred persons had annually fallen sacrifices to the Indians in this district.
He next proceeded to examine the opinion advanced of the superiority of militia over regular forces in an Indian war. He recurred to history to disprove the opinion. So early as the year after Braddock's defeat, he said, Virginia attempted to protect itself against the incursions of the Indians by establishing a number of posts along their frontier. The Indians, notwithstanding, penetrated the frontier, came 60 miles within it, and drove the inhabitants as far as Winchester. In the war which succeeded the peace of '62, garrisons, 14 or 15 in number, were established, to afford the wished for protection; they were all captured by the Indians, 3 or 4 excepted. The Pennsylvania frontier had been more than once penetrated notwithstanding the resistance of the militia. He next cited the instance of Col. Bouquet's success against the Indians with only two regiments of regular troops, which had even been much weakened by a long campaign in the West-Indies.—These two regiments marched into the Indian country. At first finding no support on the frontier, and when arriving at Carlisle where he expected to be aided by stores, troops, &c. he found a general panic had taken possession of the frontier—the country of Cumberland, through which he was to pass deserted—the roads covered with distressed families; but here having got together a few pack horses he stood in need of, he still advanced with the few troops under his command, and gave the Indians battle. The combat lasted from one o'clock till night, was renewed the next morning, continued thro' the day, and ended with the total rout & destruction of the Indian army. He then stationed his force in a commanding fort, and so effectually restored peace to the frontier, and spirit to the inhabitants, that they returned to their homes, which they had abandoned and lent their assistance against the foe the next campaign. With the militia of Virginia and Pennsylvania he entered the heart of the enemy's country, and forced the Indians to submission. He cited another instance of the success of Indians against militia. The engagement between 800 militia, under Gen. Herkemer, and 700 Indians, and others, where a total overthrow was given to the militia.
The first check the troops of the United States met with during the operation of the present war system he adverted to, in the expedition under Gen. Harmar. In that instance the want of vigour in the militia is acknowledged by their own commander; and as to the expedition under Gen. St. Clair, the regulars were few and not to be named when compared with the number of the militia. The advanced guard, in this action, composed entirely of these, not only run off without firing, but even threw away their guns and perhaps their coats too, which circumstance may account for the appellation of cow-arms , given to our men by the Indians.
He next took notice of a late instance, the engagement between Major Adair, commanding a party of militia, and some Indians. He expressed his good opinion of that officer, but the conduct of his men he wished to bring to view; and this he evinced from the commander's own letter wherein he says, "that the Indians obtained their end, the triumph is theirs," and in another place, "I will candidly
confess, when they retreated the Indians, I believe it was more the effect of choice than necessity."
Mr. Wadsworth then combat the opinion advanced, that Indian expeditions by militia, were less expensive than by regular troops; after mentioning several facts to the contrary, he instanced General Clark's western expedition which had cost, he was not prepared to say how much, but immense sums. He appealed to gentlemen who had commanded militia and continentals in the late war to declare which appeared to them the most efficient troops,—the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Parker) who had spoken in favour of the resolution before the house, he said, in one instance in the late war, if he recollected right, had no great reason to boast of his companions. He mentioned, as encreasing the expence, the want of stores, inseparable from expeditions with militia, as well as waste of lives. One regiment of militia will destroy, in the same space of time more than a Brigade of regular troops, as it is impossible to introduce discipline among them.
The settlement of Kentucky, he said, which had been protected by militia, had cost more blood than the whole American war, he believed. If the number of lives lost in that undertaking could be computed it would make the reflecting shudder.
Something had been said of the tardy nature of military operations with regular troops, and it had been remarked, that an expedition this year had not been effected. He attributed this to the slowness of the recruiting service, owing to the clamour raised against the war by those opposed to the present system. Besides, the government had been blamed for not shewing pacific dispositions towards the Indians, and had withheld the war, to procure peace by treaty—a vain hope,—But several attempts had been made on our part to procure peace. The state of Harding, and others, were melancholy evidences of this truth: But the certainty was, as it appeared to him, that the Indians must be forced to make peace, they would not be quiet of choice.
A gentleman from Virginia had objected to a respectable military establishment, because it would produce an increase of military among the British and Spaniards, to the North and South of us.—This was no reason with him, why the United States should not make themselves respectable in the eyes of the Indians.
Some years since, they told us of their confederacy, and to think of no separate treaties—to keep on our side of the Ohio. We now flatter ourselves with peace, because they have told us they will treat—but in what language, and by whom dictated, I am forbid to tell, the doors were closed when we received it.
The same gentleman had also mentioned those enlisting in our service as worthless characters: the sweepings of the streets, &c. They appeared to him as respectable, he said, as the generality of those who turned out in the American war.
He made some further observations on the comparative excellence of regulars and militia, and brought some further instances into view in support of his opinion.
Abuses, it had been intimated, had crept into our army; no army could be totally free from abuses, he observed, and he gave it as his opinion, that the army of the United States was as free from them as most, especially when its distance from the seat of government was considered.
He concluded by a recapitulation of the sentiments he had expressed, and which should influence him to vote against the motion. Especially as the system had been adopted after mature consideration. To change it now would argue that when it was first adopted, it was done with unbecoming haste, or shew a great instability. The Indians would laugh at us as inconsistent, and might be induced
[See last page.]

FROM THE CONNECTICUT COURANT.
In the Press, and will Speedily be published, A NEW PARTY DICTIONARY,
CALCULATED for the accommodation of those whose pleasure it is to be displeased with Congress...
The terms are not fully made known. The worthy compilers of this work, having the public good solely in view, have declared that the price shall be as low as can possibly be afforded.
The nature of this great literary undertaking will readily appear by perusing
THE PREFACE.
OUR rude Saxon ancestors spoke their mother tongue as their mothers did before them. It is not to be supposed that the Dictionaries in common use, tracing words up to their etymology...
To come to our country, the necessity of this work is equally manifest. What would a sound well principled party man do with the old Saxon stuff about justice and order and truth?
The urgent occasion for this work is apparent from the torpid state of men's minds. They scarcely think at all, and the government does as it chuses. When they do think there is no end to their deviations from the new political truth...
By the help of this Dictionary, you may turn at once to the word and find the thing you look for, though even to hard pressed, you might lay your finger on the very spot.
For instance, in such a Dictionary, under the word Debt you might read
"This is a cursed word. It was not spoken by our first parents in Paradise; nor had it got a currency till a little time before the flood. Then the history of those times tells us the people became intolerably corrupt...
Noah's flood, could wash them to the degree of purity that belongs to them at this day. That devilish word, after having ruined the world once already, remained unknown in America...
The word public Debt, is followed by a dissertation too long to be quoted. The reader must consult the work itself, where he will find the subject most delectably treated.
The word Excise is copiously treated. The people of the New-England States, says the Dictionary, have shown a very alarming indifference to the evil-tendency of this act.
He who makes the oath breaks it. Not he who for conscience takes it.
The excise ruins the farmers, witness the increased price of grain, and the new distilleries of spirit, which are setting up in all parts of the country.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
ODE TO INNOCENCE.
SWEET Innocence, the Child of peace! Companion of the infant breath, Fond parent of domestic ease. And tranquil rest.
Philadelphia, Jan. 5th, 1793. B. W.
Foreign Affairs.
Sunday night last the November Packet arrived at New-York from Falmouth. This vessel brings European intelligence to the 20th of November.
BRUSSELS, November 9.
YOU must have observed in my last, that the affairs of this country were taking a very different turn from what had been expected. The event of Tuesday last is too great a proof of this.
The capitulation was accepted, and the French took possession of Mons on Wednesday at 12 o'clock at noon. As soon as the superiority of the French army was known, orders were sent to the troops in Flanders to fall back upon Mons...
The capitulation states, "That the Austrian troops shall have evacuated the Belgian
Provinces before the 15th of this month, except the provinces of Luxembourg, Limberg, and Guelderland." Dumourier has planted the tree of liberty in Mons, and gibbets for those who shall manifest a spirit of party...
Every body is getting away, and tho' the Duke of Saxe and the Archduchess sat off yesterday, some say for Bonne, others say for the Hague. The Plenipotentiary Minister, as well as all the members of the government, are also gone to Ruremonde in Guelderland.
The number of the fugitives to Holland had already filled the city of Antwerp, where a number of emigrants, who could not procure lodgings, attempted, sword in hand, to force the inhabitants to lodge them...
Domestic Articles.
CHARLESTON, (S. C.) November 27.
A most important discovery, to the great benefit of the Commercial world.
A gentleman of this state, by way of experiment, had a Palmetto Tree sawed into sheathing boards; about twelve months past, he had a small vessel sheathed with it and let her run the whole summer without once graving or cleaning...
D.C. 4. This day week, 65 members of the House of Representatives met in the state house at Columbia, and proceeded to business.
BOSTON, December 26.
The unanimity in so many respectable states, in favor of the re-election of Mr. Adams, shows in what estimation the scribbles against him are held by the people. For three years past, some of our papers have teemed with repeated and re-repeated denunciations of his policies and his conduct.
"Envy be dumb - and Malice shut your mouth, Or quit your venom on the Freeborn shore."
We may, therefore, for a time, expect a cessation of the obloquy, and the people be thereby relieved from the insult of writings which display nothing but the malevolence of their authors.
A writer in the "Courrier Politique de l'Univers" of Monday, concludes some observations on the state of affairs in France, with these lines: "We can only say, that whatever may be the issue of the war, it is our most ardent wish that France may adopt the basis of the English Constitution..."
DECEMBER 31.
Saturday arrived here ship Mary, Capt. Johnson, in 52 days from London. The following is extracted from the London Gazetteer of October 23.
No communications were yesterday received from Paris, but the Brussels Gazette, of the 18th inst. arrived; and the following articles, relative to the affairs of France, are extracted from it.
MAYENCE, Oct. 11.
Our garrison is reinforced every day, by Imperial troops, which desile through Franconia. We expect, the day after to-morrow, a considerable body of Hussars from Esterhazy, which will be followed, next week, by different divisions of infantry...
FRANKFORT, Oct. 12.
On Saturday last, two battalions and two squadrons of the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, followed by 12 field-pieces and 4 howitzers, with a great quantity of ammunition, passed through this place.
We have this day received the interesting news, that the French evacuated, yesterday afternoon, the town and the environs of Spire, retiring to Landau. While they occupied this principality, the Prince Bishop was at Pommerfeld...
Two hundred Hussars of Esterhazy passed yesterday, through this place, from Bohemia; they continued their march for Mayence, where they wait for further orders.
WALCOURT, Oct.
This town was pillaged on the 11th inst. by two thousand five hundred men from the garrison of Philispeville, who carried away all the money, plate, copper, linen, and provision, which they could find.
Yesterday morning, early, an Austrian officer passed through here going straight to Vienna: he left us certain intelligence, that a Treaty had been agreed on between the Combined Armies and that of France...
A Congress was to be held at Luxembourg, to which the National Convention of France was to send a deputation which should be acknowledged. A part of the troops which formed the blockade of Thionville, have already retired...
[The following contains the best connected account of the causes which led to the retreat of the Combined armies, we have seen.]
PORTLAND, December 25.
Capt. Titcomb, in his ship Ariadne, arrived here on Saturday last, from Liverpool, which place he left the 20th of October. Just before Capt. Titcomb failed, he saw and conversed with the noted Col. Tarleton...
In this situation, the Duke readily agreed to Dumourier's proposition of a truce. This was just as the latter would have had it. An interview took place betwixt the Generals, in which Dumourier, after a dallying conference of several days, informed the Duke that he could do nothing decisive till he had written to, and heard from the National Convention.
During this time, however, the French armies were improving every moment. That of Dumourier had taken such positions as rendered it absolutely impregnable. Those on the right and left were progressing towards the Duke's rear, and as they went, swept with them every article of provision, whether for man or beast...
HARTFORD, December 31.
A correspondent informs us, that a few weeks since, his Excellency Governor Hancock, in conformity to the humane disposition of heart, and in the true spirit of liberty and equality, gave a BALL, in his own house, to the 11 Negroes of the town of Bolton.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock Type, Price. Includes 6 per Cents (20/6), 3 per Cents (12/3), Deferred (12/9), and Full shares Bank U.S. (35 per cent. prem).
ADVERTISEMENT.
3 PERSONS at a distance from this city & wish to subscribe for this GAZETTE, are informed that the condition of advancing six months subscription, or making provision for its being paid in, must be complied with...

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, January 5.
The petition of William Seymour was read, stating that he had been severely wounded in the attack of Fort Griswold; praying the benefit of a pension. Referred to a select committee, consisting of Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Key, and Mr. Griffin.
The petition of sundry persons, merchants of the city of Hudson, was read; praying that the port of said city may be made a port of entry, as well as of delivery. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The petition of Gabriel Allen, was read; praying the renewal of two lost certificates 500 dollars each. Referred to the committee of the whole House, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on that subject.
The petition of Nicholas Virgland, was read; praying the renewal of a lost certificate. Referred as above.
The petition of Jonas Stevens, was read; praying compensation for services, and losses during the late war. Referred to the Secretary of War.
A report of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the memorial of Timothy De Mombrun, was read; which was against the prayer of the petition. It was then voted, that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition and papers.
A bill to provide for the widows and orphans of certain persons who were killed by the Indians under the sanction of flags of truce, was brought in engrossed, read the third time and passed.
In committee of the whole, on the resolution for reducing the military establishment of the United States.
A long debate ensued, which ended in a motion to amend the original resolution, so as to read thus—
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to reduce the military establishment of the United States, to consist of the men who are now in service, or which may be recruited before the day of the next, &c.
This being put, was negatived—32 to 24.—The question then was on the original resolution, as moved by Mr. Steele; which being put, it was negatived, 21 members only rising in favor of it. The committee then rose, and the chairman reported accordingly. The report was laid on the table, and the House adjourned.
MONDAY, January 7.
Mr. Livermore of the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill to repeal part of a resolution of Congress of August, 1788, respecting the inhabitants of Post St. Vincennes—read twice, and committed for to-morrow.
A new appropriation bill, making provision for the support of government for the year 1793, was reported, by the select committee, to whom the former bill was recommitted.—It was twice read, taken up in committee of the whole—Mr. Sedgwick in the chair—reported without amendment, and laid on the table till to-morrow.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to regulate claims to invalid pensions.—Mr. Dayton in the Chair.—The motion of Venable for invalidating the proceedings of the judges, pursuant to the law passed last session, was discussed. Mr. Giles called for the reading of all the representations relative to the law, received from the judges the last winter. A lengthy debate ensued on this motion, in which the construction put on the above law by the judges, was critically discussed till after three o'clock. The committee arose without taking a vote, and the chairman reported progress.—Adjourned.
Erratum—in our last, in Mr. Steele's Speech, 2d col. 8th line from the bottom, for "formed", read farmed.
Philadelphia, Jan. 9.
This day, weather permitting, M. Blanchard takes his flight; The balloon we are assured will rise precisely at 10 o'clock.
The accounts from London by the Packet further state—That the hopes of harmony between the states of Brabant and the Austrian government, seem to have vanished.—On the 27th October the King of Prussia arrived at Luxembourg on his way to Berlin.—Great tumults it is said prevail in Holland.—The French government lately contracted with Mr. Atkinson of Yorkshire for 100,000 worth of coarse woollens for the use of the French army; which sum was actually paid previous to the delivery of the goods.—It appears that the French troops met with a check at Hanau, from a body of 4000 Hessians. Gen. Custine, informed of this reverse, sent to Frankfort on the 32th October, for a reinforcement to make a second attack.
A British Admiral in the port of Genoa, fired several broadsides into a French ship for not saluting the British squadron on the celebration of the British King's accession.
It appears that General Custine has taken Frankfort on the Main, and imposed a contribution on that city of two millions of florins—he has also taken the crown, sceptre, and regalia, used at the coronation of the Emperors of Germany.
A report from a committee on the trial of the King of France, concludes with a number of articles, among others—That Louis XVI. can be tried—That he shall be tried by the National Convention—A detail of his crimes to be made out, printed and published—The day for the trial is not fixed. As to Maria Antonietta, the committee say, the Queens of France have always been liable to trial for their crimes.—General Montesquieu has been accused of peculation—one article of the action is, that he charged the nation 13 liv.
for shoes, for which he paid only four and an half.—Gen. Custine has denounced Gen. Kellerman to the National Assembly.—Admiral Traguet, commander of a French fleet, has taken, plundered and burnt Onaglia—this is a sea-port on the Mediterranean, about 70 miles from Genoa. This severity was bro't on the place by the treachery of some peasants.
M. Dumourier has signified a wish to the National Convention to retire; Ghent, Namur and Brussels are in possession of the French—General Dumourier entered the last at the head of a numerous army.
M. Neckar has published a long pleading in favor of Louis XVI. A battalion has set out from Dunkirk to take possession of Ouden, agreeable to an invitation of the magistrates of that city.—The Regent of Sweden has acknowledged the Republic of France.—300,000 livres of the contribution levied on Spira has been received by the National Convention.—Gen. Dumourier has urged the giving general Valence the title of Commander in chief of the Ardennes.
Yesterday the following gentlemen were chosen, by the Stockholders, Directors of the Bank of the United States:
  Thomas Willing,  Samuel Breck,    Thomas Fitzsimons,  William Smith,    Tristram Dalton,  Samuel Johnston,    Henry Nichols,  James Watson,    James McClurg,  Joseph Ball,    John Watts,  Isaac Wharton,    Nicholas Low,  James C. Fisher,    Andrew Craigie,  William Bingham,    Herman LeRoy,  Joseph Anthony,    James Davenport,  Archibald McCall,    George Cabot,  Israel Whelen,    Rufus King,  Robert Smith,    John Lawrance,   
At a general meeting of the Members of the German Society, on the 16th ult. at the Lutheran School-house in this city, the annual election of their officers was held, and the following gentlemen were duly chosen:
 President—Frederick A. Muhlenberg.  Vice-President—Lewis Farmer.  Treasurer—John Steinmetz.  Secretaries—Andrew Geyer and Leonard Keelmle.  Solicitor—Henry Kammerer.  Overseers—Conrad Haas, William Leehman, Christopher Kucher, John Stock, Frederick Frayly, Peter Ozeas.  General WM MOULTRIE is elected Governor of the state of South-Carolina.
The names of the Wabash Indians lately arrived in this city, on a visit to the President of the United States, are as follows: Great Joseph—Baptist du Quon, and his squaw Alannonqua—Thomas—Nancopeta, or red Trowers—Sweeana, or Three Legs—Gomoo—A soldier and his squaw Wapetonequa—Le Petit Casto, or Little Beaver—Wapeteta, or Little A—Wilkeohne, or painted face—Wawweceteto, or circle—Le Petit Beafac, or Little Elk—Hawpautapeague, or Rising Man—Quoquouquefeau, or the Chaser—Meuecoueyod, or Aquiline Nose—Monekarav, a squaw, unmarried—with 3 interpreters.
COMMUNICATIONS.
We have men who go round and round like mill-horses in the drudgery of defaming the officers of government. They repeat, over and over again the same humdrum tales of vice and folly, which they tax every body with but their own angelic faction. It is in vain to read to this party the precept—“Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor,” because the old book which records this honest and good-natured advice is out of credit with these profane faints, these men of new inspiration, who set about reforming us out of our old principles.
There are certain things often transacted by collective bodies, which no individual of them will justify or defend.
We may very safely confer honor on imaginary heroes, because among such there is no comparison of merits.
To praise a man, because we suppose he thinks as we do, is nothing less than an indirect compliment to ourselves.
To clog our attachment to the government which we have ourselves established, with conditions founded on arbitrary constructions, is, to say the least, cold-hearted patriotism.
To be governed by principles abstracted from men, is an idea too evanescent for common use—To be governed by men, without regard to principles, is passive obedience.
It is a very pleasant thing to feel superior to all the rest of mankind.
Every class of citizens, in supporting the community, support themselves. If by their utmost exertions in their various vocations, a bare competency only can be obtained, what would be their fate, should they employ one half their time in discussing political subjects.
Suspicion is the virtue of base minds—those who have no honesty themselves, are commonly the first to cry out rogue —making true the old proverb.
The principles suited to one period, will not be found adapted to another—if they will apply on all occasions, the work of destruction will never be finished.
The public liberty is to be guarded by the vigilance of the people—but an ignorant people will never be active from principle—their vigilance therefore will always be directed by individuals who may have an interest in betraying the liberties and the government of a country. The truth is the PEOPLE as such, cannot always watch; but afford to every individual the means of instruction, and they will invariably chuse their best friends for their rulers and watchmen.
Our faction have been four years inventing foul names and foul suspicions against the constitution. They have selected the sweetest flowers of Grub-street to adorn their essays and paragraphs. The plan of our government is a scheme of despotism. Too much power is given, and that is unchecked and arbitrary; and when they speak of the officers of the government, they are to be suspected and hated. The business is bad, and the agents are worse. Yet these pure and stubbornly virtuous men in the worst of times, these tyranny haters, finding that open attacks on the government avail nothing, condescend to use a little hypocrisy. They tell us they are federal. Hated is turned into love and admiration. Nay, they love the constitution so well, they suspect its old friends—they would not trust its mother to suckle it. In short, no body will do but those who sought its life, to rock and guard its cradle. But the people too well remember their enmity to the child of our nation's hopes, to be deluded by their arts. The hypocrisy of pretending to be federal, is labor lost—for they threaten while they would coax, and their former hatred is still mingled with their new fondness.
Our government has been moulded into order with great care, and still more good fortune. The people have all the fruits of a revolution in favor of liberty, without having shed any blood. That very order is now alleged as an offence of our government—all the good it has done, is made a cause of jealousy, and a reason for treading backward. Trifles are magnified, little prejudices are addressed as if they were first principles, and every exertion is made to degrade the authority of the laws and the reputation of the public officers. Good men, the natural supporters of virtue, liberty and government, look on carelessly, and say it is not two-pence matter, how these petty quarrels may end. They are worthless fellows who make them, and nobody minds what they say.—Granted. But they should mark well that our mobocrats insist upon the saying A , because they foresee B , must be said afterward— Z and æ come next—for when government begins to slide down, its first motion is scarcely to be perceived. Men are not alarmed till the motion is too rapid to be resisted. Let any observing man notice the extreme zeal and industry with which the meanest stuff is seriously held up as republicanism in our Gazettes, he will be convinced that these incendiaries have great points in view, which they mean to carry by making a hue and cry about little ones.
Ignorance of the law is no excuse for breaking it. But it is beyond question a cause of its being broken. Seven-eighths of the wretches who suffer punishment for crimes, are destitute of learning. A tyrant is said to have hung up his laws in small letters, and on a high post, so that the people could not read them. He is justly execrated for thus catching innocent transgressors in a trap. But what shall be said of the neglect of those legislators who suffer the citizens to remain so unprovided of common school advantages, that if the laws were written in large letters, and not hung on a high post, but on a level with their eyes, they would not be able to read them. At least this is the case in regard to thousands of our citizens. Is it not a shame in a free country! With respect to such victims of ignorance, it may be truly said, our criminal statutes are first made known at the whipping-post, and the knowledge they get of their nature is written on their backs.
There can be no true liberty without good laws; no good laws without firm government; no firm government without public confidence; no public confidence without disinterestedness in those who govern; no security for this virtue but in the watchfulness of those who are governed. The true friends therefore of a free as well as firm government will never attempt to brand a scrutiny into abuses with the names of faction or anarchy .
To tard the proceedings of the government with indiscriminate and exaggerated praise is not the way to serve the government. Doubts and suspicions are bred by the over-eagernefs to prevent them.
Considering the difficulty in all governments of preventing the trustees of the public interests from carving out separate latent interests for themselves, a public debt and such an institution as the Bank of the United States, which facilitate the practice, are so far great public evils.—And as the evil in the case of the Bank is vastly increased by the members thereof, being in the government—lo, quere in the other case whether the secrecy of the Book of transfers is not a greater evil than good, by concealing who are and who are not stockholders. The people ought to know the particular interests of those they trust, in order to see that they enough harmonize with their own, and to judge better of the conduct of the trustees. According to the present rules of office, a member of Congress may hold millions of paper and his constituents suppose, when he is in fact voting for himself, that he is voting according to his judgment for the interest of the farmers, merchants or manufacturers.
Although the public judgment has fully condemned the doctrine that public debts are public blessings, the preachers of it show they still adhere to it by ascribing all the blessings we enjoy to the funding system.—They must think very contemptuously of American discernment, to suppose it unperceived that this is the same creed turned into different language. If the three million of dollars put into the pockets of the tax-gatherers and creditors (the last partly foreigners) were to remain in the hands of our farmers, merchants and mechanics, people of common sense, will not be easily persuaded that the country would be less rich and flourishing. The men therefore who enjoy the immense wealth so cheaply gained out of the public systems should give over insulting the understandings of those who bear the burden. They should be content with saving, we agree that public debts and funding systems are
public evils, especially in Republics which ought to watch on all sides against the avenues of corruption; but it would be a greater evil not to pay public debts, or not to execute laws in force for that purpose.
It is vastly imprudent in the great wealthy certificate holders to maintain the a public debt is a public blessing, and that the funding system is the fountain of our prosperity; because it may seem prone to account for so absurd an idea, by supposing that some consciousness of the means of getting their nasty wealth induces them to apply to the notion of interest rather than to the motive of justice in the public.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES. THE frequent misrepresentations of the proceedings in Congress, are more than sufficient to sour the minds of the best disposed people in the world—I am peculiarly led to the observation at this time, by a publication in Mr. Freneau's paper of last Saturday, relative to members of Congress, being also members of the bank of the United States.—The writer may be an honest republican, but he has demonstrated himself a very ignorant or inattentive one.—It is sufficient to state the fact, as a full and satisfactory answer to every honest mind.—The public owe to the bank two million of dollars, for which they pay six per cent interest.—By accident there are 500,000 dollars in the treasury, which cannot be immediately disposed of as appropriated, and therefore is lodged for safe keeping in the bank, who have the use of it, as they have of all other deposits, till drawn out in the usual manner.—The purport of the bill was to pay this money, with others to the bank, and thereby stop an interest of 6 per cent. and save so much to the public treasury. For this bill the gentlemen voted, who are now charged with partiality to their own private interest. Had they voted in the negative, what would this honest republican have said, when the bank was receiving 6 per cent from Congress, and 6 per cent more from discounts, made on the credit of it.—A new loan, to replace these monies, is proposed to be made, not exceeding 5 per cent. by which means, one per cent at least will be saved, (besides the 6 per cent till the loan is made) amounting to 20,000 dollars per annum, but this seems to be a matter of small concern to this honest republican.
FAIR PLAY.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, January 7, 1793. NOTICE is hereby given, that there will be paid at the Bank, after the 17th instant, to the Stockholders or their Representatives duly authorized, the following sums, being the Dividend declared for the last six months, viz.
 For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of July, Sixteen Dollars.  For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of August, Fifteen Dollars, 33 Cents.  For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of September, Fourteen Dollars, 67 Cents.  For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of October, Fourteen Dollars.  For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of November, Thirteen Dollars, 33 Cents.  For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of December, Twelve Dollars, 67 Cents.  For each three-quarter share, Twelve Dollars.  By order of the President and Directors, 3w JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
Federal City.
THE Subscriber will convey forever, by good and sufficient deed, Thirty Lots in the City of Washington, situated on South Capitol Street, to any man or company of men—provided they will agree to erect thereon good and sufficient brick houses, within three years from the date hereof. DANIEL CARROLL, of Duddington. City of Washington, Dec. 31, 1792. 6t
Mathew Carey
Respectfully informs the Citizens of the United States, that the Maps for his intended edition of
Guthrie's Geography
IMPROVED, Are now engraving—and as soon as a sufficient number of them are finished, to secure a regular supply during the publication, which will probably be early next Spring, the work will be put to press.
He returns his acknowledgments to the very respectable number of Subscribers, who have come forward thus early to patronize this arduous undertaking. He assures them and the public in general, that no pains or expense shall be spared in the execution of the work.
 Terms of the Work:  IT shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.  II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on roll paper.  III. Besides the maps in the British editions, this work will contain nine or ten American State Maps.  IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.  V. No advance required.  VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.  VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.   
* Subscriptions received in Philadelphia by the intended publisher; in New-York, by all the booksellers; in New-Haven, by Mr. Beers; in Hartford, by Mr. Patten; in Boston, by Messrs. Thomas & Andrews, and by Mr. Wells; in Baltimore, by Mr. Rice; in Richmond, by Mr. J. Carey; in Charleston, by Mr. W. P. Young, and by sundry other persons throughout the United States. (12w11)

to give us the epithet of petticoat men, and no longer merely coat men.
In some part of his argument, he expressed it, as his opinion, that notwithstanding appearances to the contrary, we should not have peace very soon.
Mr. Steele observed, that he doubted not the committee would give the subject a consideration suited to its importance; if in the course of discussion it should not appear of that importance he had deemed it to be, they will treat it accordingly. He should not have risen thus early in the debate, if the gentleman last speaking had not controverted his calculations by some of his own, without showing from what source he had taken them. Here Mr. Wadsworth referred to the appropriation bills, the principal part of which, he said, he had read. Mr. Steele proceeded—he recapitulated the substance of his several statements, to show the progressive increase of the expences of the War Department. He declared himself superior to any personal considerations, or of private pique against the Secretary of War; and in respect to the President of the United States, he professed the warmest attachment to his person and character. In coming forward on this occasion, he was actuated by motives of public consideration, from a conviction that the system now pursued would prove pernicious in the end.
Mr. Wadsworth rose to explain: he disclaimed all personal considerations; he thought himself as much superior to them, as the gentleman last speaking. The mode of treating the subject adopted by that gentleman had drawn forth some remarks from him, which he considered as strictly proper, and which he should not have done his duty not to have made.
Mr. Hartley was against adopting the motion under the present circumstances of the country, and he entered into a particular investigation of the merits of the question—When the last law for the more effectual protection of the frontiers passed, the subject now under consideration was very fully and ably discussed, and the gentlemen who were averse to the augmentation, had several alterations made to satisfy them.
Instead of the President's being obliged to raise the whole of the three regiments, he was to exercise his discretion either to make the augmentation complete, or raise a part and had authority to disband them after raised. The 12th section of the law is thus expressed, "That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to forbear to raise or to disband after they shall be raised the whole or any part of the three additional regiments in case events shall in his judgment render his so doing consistent with the public safety."
We should therefore consider, whether circumstances have so materially changed since that time as to render it proper that the legislature should interfere, repeal the powers given to the President, and discharge the three regiments.
This necessarily leads us first, to view the situation of our finances, and the state of the frontiers at, and immediately before the time of passing the law.
The extent of our revenue was not as well known then as at present, and every good man deplored the misfortune which obliged him to increase the taxes.
The war was a disagreeable one, but necessary, if peace could not otherwise be obtained.
The legislature considered the expence, and were of opinion, that we had means and abilities to defray the same.
Many murders and ravages had been committed by the savages on the frontiers—one army had suffered in the year 1790, and nearly a whole army cut off on the 4th of November 1791. And we have every reason to suppose, that the Indians would act in great force against us.
Our finances are still respectable—it is true, I should be happy if we could apply the money toward discharging the national debt already contracted, but the unfortunate situation of our frontiers prevent it.
War—though an evil, may (from the present disposition of the world) be sometimes necessary, when nations are unreasonable, and justice cannot be otherwise had.
Hostilities have lately been committed on our troops commanded by Major Adair, and several of the southern tribes shew themselves inimical, and we have no absolute assurances that we shall have peace in the spring—The agreement by some tribes to a suspension of hostilities, was convenient to them, as it protected their families for the winter.
If the great object of the additional armament was to obtain peace—this is not yet effected, may we promise ourselves more success in negotiation by laying down our arms, or by retaining them? History is in favour of the latter.
Indeed I hold it as a maxim, that the nation, which is prepared for war, can most easily obtain peace. For my own part, I can discover no existing causes for altering the system established by the act, to which I have before referred.
The expence has been made a very serious objection: it ought to have weight; but where measures have been proper, America has not regarded it. She has freely expended her treasure to support her rights.
We are bound in justice and honour to protect our fellow-citizens on the frontiers, we demand from them an excise—They require from the general government protection.
I am for making peace with all the Indians upon reasonable terms; but any country that has been fairly purchased from the Indians, they should not be permitted to re-possess or hold by conquest.
If an offensive war be necessary, says the gentleman from N. Carolina, regular troops are not the most proper to carry it on. They are more expensive and unfit to meet the savages of the wilderness. As to the expence I have partly answered before; but if the gentleman is to have five expeditions in one year, I believe he would find that his calculations are not correct: a misfortune to either detachments or party would bear very hard upon the district they came from; the partial loss of regulars, would not be equally felt, very few of them having families.
I have a high opinion of the back-woods riflemen, but I am confident that we cannot certainly rely upon their turning out as often as they might be wanted; we could not rely on such uncertainty, and yet this offered as a favourite project.
If you cannot rely upon them, you may say that the ordinary militia can be drafted, you would find them unfit for such a service, they would in general be composed of substitutes unexperienced and undisciplined, and it would be unfair to take them all from the frontiers and some of the states, or at least one, have no militia laws—I am for retaining the regular troops.
The President has practised economy in organizing the troops voted for, and I am told they have made considerable progress in discipline; they are formed into legionary corps, composed of horse, riflemen, light-infantry, and battalion-men. The three former will be fit for active service in the field, the latter for the common duties of the camp or garrison. The printer mistook my expression the other day in speaking of regular troops. Instead of saying, there was no instance where regular troops had been beat by Indians; I mentioned "there was no instance during the late war where regular troops were beat by an equal number of Indians." I here repeat the same observation.
I will allow volunteers and militia their full credit; but I do not think the regular troops merit the disparagement attempted—Volunteer corps have not been free from misfortunes.
Colonel Crawford at the head of 500 volunteers from Virginia and Pennsylvania, was defeated in the western country, and he was burnt at the stake. General Braddock, it is said, was obstinate, and his European troops were undisciplined for such a service. The army under General St. Clair was lost, because the men were undisciplined and unfit for that service.
I can mention several instances where regular troops have penetrated the Indian country, among warlike tribes, with success: Colonel Montgomery into the Cherokees; Col. Armstrong to the Kittanig; Colonel Boquet's campaign of 1763 and 1764. Three detachments of the American army in the year 1778; one under the command of Gen. Broadhead; one under Lieut. Col. Butler, and the last commanded by your humble servant, penetrated the country possessed by the six nations. Neither of the detachments was large; and the last had to contend against superior numbers.
In Gen. Sullivan's campaign the year following, his van-guard beat an equal, if not a superior number of Indians.
I might mention the Roman legions; they almost constantly were successful against those they called barbarians, until their enemies adopted the Roman discipline.
I reprobate the idea of a standing army which might endanger the liberty of this country; but I consider the troops contemplated in the act of Congress, to be absolutely necessary until peace shall be obtained: and therefore shall vote against a reduction.
Every step has been taken, and I dare say will be pursued by the President, to procure a peace without bloodshed. Our messengers of peace have in some places been murdered, and yet he has sent messengers to others.
I have a high opinion of the personal bravery and prowess of an Indian; but I do deny that they can act to the best advantage in large bodies. They have not an experience of that kind; disciplined troops would have the advantage—When I speak of disciplined troops, I mean a discipline fitted to the country and enemy they are to act against.
[To be continued.]
TO BE SOLD, That well-known Place, called South-Point,
LYING at the end of Sinpuxet Neck, on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, within two miles of the Inlet, in Worcester County, in the said State, being the first landing for vessels that trade in there. From the situation of the place, it is convenient for fish, clams and oysters, is open to the sea, and has every convenience that could be wish'd for. The soil is excellent for Indian corn, wheat or flax, is natural to clover, and has a good marsh pasture for flock.
Any person desirous of purchasing, may know the terms by applying to Ashton Humphreys, Esq. in Philadelphia— Mr. Benjamin Purnell, in Indian Town, Worcester County —or to Capt. Littleton Robins, near the place. Jan. 2. (41)
A GREAT BARGAIN.
FOR Sale, a beautiful situation on the Potomack, adjoining the town of Alexandria and in a line of direction towards the Federal City and George Town, in full view of each place, commanding a prospect of the river and adjacent country of Maryland and Virginia, for many miles; about 45 or 50 acres of Land, lying directly on the river, will be sold, with the improvements, which are, a two-story framed dwelling-house, neatly finished, a kitchen, office, brick smoke-house and dairy, two-story framed barn, a well of excellent water, and an ice-house, a yard and garden, neatly railed and highly improved, with a number of other necessary improvements; the whole of the land enclosed with posts and rails, ten or fifteen acres laid down, with different kinds of grass. Its contiguity to those three towns must render it an object worthy the attention of any person who wishes to invest money in a property that must enhance in value, in proportion to the rapid increase of the Federal City, Alexandria and George-Town. This property lies nearly in a central situation to each place. The Potomack at this spot has a fine deep shore and harbour, capable of receiving vessels of any burden. It may not be improper to observe, that men of judgment think a profitable and convenient Ferry might be erected here to the City of Washington and the Maryland shores leading to Baltimore and Philadelphia.—Also to sell, 215 acres of Wood-Land, about three miles distant, which will suit well to supply the above in wood and timber. The title may be seen to the above property, which is indisputable, and terms known by application to the subscriber, living on the premises. BALDWIN DADE. December 12th, 1792. ep 2m
200 Dollars Reward.
LOST, at Providence, or between Providence and Boston, a very small TRUNK, covered with seal-skin of a reddish colour, with white spots. It contained a quantity of South and North-Carolina State Notes, and a few of the State of Rhode-Island; with other papers, which can only be serviceable to the proprietor. The State notes are checked at the offices from whence they issued. Any person producing the Trunk (with its contents) to JOHN MARSTON, of Boston, WILLIAM HALL, of Providence, Messrs. PATERSON and BRASHER, New-York, or Mr. SAMUEL EMERY, in Philadelphia, shall receive the above reward, or for any part of the property, One Hundred Dollars. Boston, Nov. 28. epst.
Soon will be published, THE SYSTEM OF Short-Hand,
Used by Mr. LLOYD, in taking down the Debates of Congress. A system so easy, that any man, of ordinary capacity, may clearly comprehend it in half an hour, and soon practise it, in its fullest extent, without any further instruction, than what will be conveyed in a few pages,—the whole ART being comprised in eighteen simple characters, without any of those perplexing, arbitrary marks, with which the learners of other systems are obliged to burden their memory, and embarrass their practice.
Price, to Subscribers, One Dollar—to Non-Subscribers, a Dollar and half.
Subscriptions received by Messrs. Rice, Booksellers, Market-street, and by JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-Street. Half a Dollar to be paid at the time of subscribing.
The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars, per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
Between William Shipley Complainant, John Meng and others Defendants. December 31, 1792. In the high Court of Chancery of the State of New-Jersey. Present, His Excellency the Chancellor.
THE Complainant having filed his bill of Complaint against the Defendants in the month of September, seventeen hundred and ninety-one, and in the said Bill of Complaint did among other things set forth that the said Complainant being seized in his Demesne as of fee of and in a certain Tract of Land, said to contain nine hundred and thirty acres, situate, lying and being in the township of Hardwick in the county of Sussex in the State of New-Jersey, did on the first of March seventeen hundred and eighty-five, bargain sell and convey the same in fee simple unto John Meng and John Henderson of the city of Philadelphia, William Goodwin and John Town, for the consideration of One Thousand Six Hundred Pounds in Gold or Silver—That on the fifth day of the same month of March the said trustees above named did execute unto the said William Shipley a Deed of Mortgage in fee simple of the said sixteen hundred pounds, with the lawful interest which might thereon accrue—That in the year seventeen hundred and eighty-six the said John Meng and William Goodwin did become Bankrupts within the intent and meaning of the acts of the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and such proceedings were had against them that in the same month they were duly declared Bankrupts; and that they the said John Meng and William Goodwin did in some short time afterwards convey and transfer all their estate both real and personal, and particularly all their right and title to the premises above mentioned to John Field, Curtis Clay, James C. Fisher, Isaac Wharton, John Kaighn and Arthur Collins all of the city of Philadelphia, subject to the Mortgage so as aforesaid given to the said Complainant.—That the said John Field, Curtis Clay, James C. Fisher, Isaac Wharton, John Kaighn and Arthur Collins soon after bargained, sold and conveyed all their Right and Title of and in the said Tract of Land unto Benjamin Town of the city of Philadelphia, and John Town, subject to the Mortgage aforesaid—That on the eighteenth day of October seventeen hundred and eighty-five, the said John Town and Benjamin Town did execute another Mortgage to the said William Shipley for securing the payment of twelve hundred pounds in certain installments—That in the month of January seventeen hundred and eighty-six, John Town did bargain and sell in fee simple all his Right and Title to the said premises, to the said Benjamin Town, subject to the Mortgages aforesaid—That in the month of February seventeen hundred and eighty-eight, the said Benjamin Town did convey all his Right and Title to the said premises, to John Field and Curtis Clay of the city of Philadelphia, upon certain Trusts unknown to the Complainant—That said Benjamin Town the soon after became Bankrupt, and in pursuance of the bankrupt laws of the State of Pennsylvania, did convey all his estate real and personal to a certain Robert Ralston—That John Henderson did also in the month of September seventeen hundred and eighty-seven become a Bankrupt, and under the bankrupt laws of the State of Pennsylvania, did assign and convey all his estate real and personal to David Lenox, George Hughes, Matthew Clarkson, Peter Baynton and Richard Bache—And the Complainant doth in and by his said Bill, pray that those having Right to the said Estate may be decreed to pay him what is due on the said Mortgages, or that the equity of Redemption be foreclosed by the Decree of this Court.
And now upon opening this matter this day by Richard Stockton, Esquire, being of the complainants counsel—it appearing to the Court that the said defendants do reside in the State of Pennsylvania, without the jurisdiction of this Court; and it appearing further to this Court that writs of subpoena have been taken out according to the course of this Court, that the said writs of subpoena have been duly served upon the said several Defendants upwards of one year from this day; and that none of the said Defendants have caused his or their appearance to be entered in this Court to the suit of the said Complainant; It is therefore ordered by his Excellency the Chancellor, that the said Defendants do cause their appearance to be entered to the suit of the above Complainant according to the rules of this Court in two months from this day, or that the Plaintiffs bill be taken pro confesso agreeably to the directions of the act of the Legislature in such case made and provided.—The Complainant giving notice and making publication of this rule as in and by the said act of the Legislature is provided.
WILLIAM PATERSON, Chancellor. December 31, 1792. ep 3w
To the PUBLIC.
THE Subscribers having been appointed a committee of the Board of the Trustees of the University of North-Carolina, for the purpose of receiving proposals from such gentlemen as may intend to undertake the instruction of youth in that institution, take the opportunity of making known to the public their wish that such gentlemen should signify their inclination to the subscribers.
The objects to which it is contemplated by the Board to turn the attention of the students, on the first establishment, are—The study of Languages, particularly the English—History, ancient and modern—the Belle-lettres—Logic and Moral Philosophy—the knowledge of the Mathematics and Natural Philosophy—Agriculture and Botany, with the principles of Architecture.
Gentlemen conversant in these branches of Science and Literature, and who can be well recommended, will receive very handsome encouragement by the Board. The exercises of the institution will commence as early as possible after the completion of the buildings of the University, which are to be contracted for immediately.
SAMUEL ASHE, A. MOORE, JOHN HAYE, DAVID STONE, SAM. M'CORKLE.