National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-04-26 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, APRIL 26, 1792.
NUMB. 52.
On the third reading of the Bill for the further increase of the duties on Imports.
MR. BALDWIN expressed his disapprobation of the Bill now on its passage. The extraordinary services of the year, he was sensible called for additional provisions, as all the present revenues were already mortgaged: but he did not feel himself exposed to the imputation of opposing this plan of the Secretary of the Treasury, without directing his mind to some other provision. The proposed expedition is in its nature a temporary service, and requires but temporary supplies. It was agreed on all hands, and was even a part of the bill under consideration, that the monies necessary for this business must in the first instance be raised on loan; and the only question left is, whether the whole sum shall be now immediately provided for by increasing the impost as proposed in this bill; or whether it shall be considered as included in the other loans which the House was about to authorize for other purposes, provision for the discharge of which must be made as fast as possible.
The objections to the bill which seemed to have weight on the minds of other gentlemen, and to his were absolutely insurmountable, were derived principally from the following sources. That it was an unlimited and perpetual revenue law, that informed and directed as his mind then was, he never should give his vote for mortgaging to perpetuity the revenues of posterity.
That the revenue provided ought in all cases to be only commensurate to the object. Military service was in its nature a temporary object, and by the constitution could not be made the subject of an appropriation for more than two years.
As to the observations, that it was a good thing always to have money on hand; that there might be deficiencies under the funding law, and that it was necessary to increase the taxes for the purpose of encouraging manufactures, he thought them not closely connected with the Indian war. If they had been vastly necessary in themselves they would probably have been thought of before. They had been fully discussed in the last Congress, and it was supposed had been amply provided for, by the permanent systems which had been passed on those subjects.
Another ground of objection was, that it would come very unexpeted on the country.
He called on the House to recollect the progress of this business, at the first session a revenue law was passed which was then called enormous, an unwarrantable extreme of taxation, foreboding the worst of consequences. He had not forgot the passionate exclamations of gentlemen on that occasion, neither had he neglected to compare it with their conduct since that time.—At the second session the duties were raised in gross one quarter of their former amount.—The third session was made memorable by the passage of the excise law: and now at this fourth session the House is called upon to increase the former duties in different proportions from twenty to a hundred per cent. This said he, looks like travelling with large and rapid strides down to that common vortex of oppression which in so many countries before has devoured the people. The painful view was indeed for a short time interrupted at the opening of this session by the public assurance in the President's speech, which is considered as the highest governmental declaration; "that the product of the former revenue laws appeared to be sufficient, and that no new taxes need be devised." But now foresooth the bayonet is to convince us that the funding system wants further revenues to support it, that it is necessary to raise the
duties in order to encourage commerce and promote manufactures,—and that these taxes too, must be made perpetual.
He observed further, that it seemed to be generally understood that there must be a provision of further revenues still at the next session. The loans which the President is empowered to make, will require that the interest should be provided for, and perhaps if the doctrine that a public debt is a public blessing, should by that time be a little more generally exploded, it may be thought necessary, instead of looking out more debts to assume, to make some provision for sinking the small part of the funded debt which is permitted by the funding law to be discharged. As a new revenue law must probably be provided early in the fall session, even if this bill should pass, he thought it much best to be contented with the monies taken on loan for this summer, and let the whole subject lie over to the next session. Such a rapid succession of impost laws taking place as is now proposed, with but little more than a months warning, must defeat all the calculations of the merchants, and make their heavy burdens still more heavy by entangling them in their business, and depriving them of the use of those arrangements which they might make, if the laws were steady. The merchants and the rest of the people will consider their representatives as contriving how to perplex and entrap them, rather than as deliberating for their common interests and happiness.
If there should be any real deficiency in the revenues devoted to the funding system, as is now for the first time pretended, it will then come vouched by official documents, and the house will know on what grounds they legislate. To talk of raising money because it may be wanted, and it is a good thing to have money on hand, is a burlesque on legislation. If the protecting duties, and encouragement to manufactures, which had been before thought sufficient, were proved by experience to be inadequate, it would doubtless appear by the complaints of the parties themselves, none of which had yet come to his knowledge. Such unasked boons to some, wrought up to be perpetual burdens on others, appeared to him both unwise and unsafe.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MR. FRENEAU,
IN the public prints, we find a Member of Congress complaining that he had been "often interrupted" in his speech. I suppose it was not the audience that interrupted him, as I do not find any order was given for clearing the gallery. I was there, when a motion was made to have the citizens turned out of doors, for applauding General Jackson; and I well remember, some honorable member displayed no small degree of warmth on the occasion. But if it was a violation of the freedom of debate, to applaud (without interrupting) a gentleman who was not a member,—how much greater the violation, to interrupt gentlemen who are members! Order ought no doubt, to be kept in the gallery; but much more so within the bar, where it is of so much greater consequence to the welfare of the union,—as, without order, all freedom of debate is at end; and the minority, however respectable, may at any time be browbeaten, muzzled like dumb beasts, and ridden in silence by a triumphant majority, who will have no more to do, than to call them every moment to order when not out of order,—rise to explain, when no explanation is necessary,—call again and again to the chair, to state the question,—call on the clerk to read papers, rules, orders, or anything that will but answer the laudable
purpose of deranging the ideas of the standing member, and diverting the attention of the House from his arguments. Such dishonorable manoeuvres may have their effect in the corrupt assemblies of the old world: but it is devoutly to be wished, that they may never be countenanced in the honorable House of Representatives of the United States of America.
April 23.
AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT for altering the times of holding the Circuit Courts, in certain districts of the United States, and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the passing of this act the circuit courts in the districts of North Carolina and Georgia shall be held as follows to wit: in the district of North Carolina on the first day of June and the thirtieth day of November at Newbern in the present and each succeeding year. And all writs and recognizances returnable and suits and other proceedings that were continued to the circuit court for the district of North Carolina on the eighteenth day of June next shall now be returned and held continued to the same court on the first day of June next. In the district of Georgia on the twenty fifth day of April at Savannah and on the eighth day of November at Augusta in the present and each succeeding year except when any of those days shall happen on a Sunday in which case the court shall be held on the Monday following.
And be it further enacted, That the sessions of the circuit courts in the eastern circuit shall in the present and every succeeding year commence at the times following, that is to say, in New-York district on the fifth day of April and the fifth day of September. In Connecticut district on the twenty fifth day of April and the twenty fifth day of September. In Massachusetts district on the twelfth day of May and the twelfth day of October. In New-Hampshire district on the twenty fourth day of May and in the twenty fourth day of October and in Rhode-Island district on the seventh day of June and the seventh day of November except when any of those days shall happen on a Sunday and then the sessions shall commence on the next day following. And the sessions of the circuit court shall be held in the district of Virginia at the city of Richmond only. In New Hampshire district at Portsmouth and Exeter alternately, beginning at the first. In Massachusetts district at Boston. In Rhode-Island district at New-Port and Providence alternately beginning at the first. In Connecticut district at Hartford and New-Heaven alternately, beginning at the last. And in New-York district at the city of New-York only.
And be it enacted, That at each session of the supreme court of the United States or as soon after as may be, the judges of the supreme court attending at such session shall in writing subscribed with their names (which writing shall be lodged with the clerk of the supreme court and safely kept in his office) assign to the said judges respectively the circuits which they are to attend at the ensuing sessions of the circuit courts; which assignment shall be made in no such manner that no judge, unless by his own consent shall have as-
signed to him any circuit which he hath already attended until the same hath been afterwards attended by every other of the said judges. Provided always, That if the public service or the convenience of the judges shall at any time, in their opinion, require a different arrangement, the same may take place with the consent of any four of the judges of the supreme court.
And be it further enacted, That the district court for the district of Maine, which, by the act, intitled "An act to establish the judicial courts of the United States," is holden on the first Tuesday of June, annually, at Portland, shall, from and after the passing of this act, be holden on the third Tuesday of June, annually, any thing in the act aforesaid to the contrary notwithstanding: and all writs and recognizances returnable, and suits and other proceedings, that were continued to the district court for the district of Maine on the first Tuesday of June next, shall now be returnable and held continued to the same court, on the third Tuesday of June next.
And be it further enacted, That the stated district courts for the district of North-Carolina, shall in future, be held at the towns of Newbern, Wilmington and Edenton in rotation, beginning at Newbern, as the said court now stands adjourned.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate
Approved, April thirteenth, 1792. G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT for apportioning Representatives among the several States, according to the first enumeration.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the third day of March one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, the House of Representatives shall be composed of members elected agreeably to a ratio of one member for every thirty-three thousand persons in each state, computed according to the rule prescribed by the constitution; that is to say: Within the state of New-Hampshire, four: within the state of Massachusetts, fourteen: within the state of Vermont, two: within the state of Rhode-Island, two: within the state of Connecticut, seven: within the state of New-York, ten: within the state of New-Jersey, five: within the state of Pennsylvania, thirteen: within the state of Delaware, one: within the state of Maryland, eight: within the state of Virginia, nineteen: within the state of Kentucky, two: within the state of North-Carolina, ten: within the state of South-Carolina, six: and within the state of Georgia, two members.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, April fourteenth, 1792. G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
MACKINTOSHE'S DEFENCE.
This day is published, by William Young, Bookseller, No. 52, Second-street, the corner of Chesnut-street, price 2-3ds of a dollar in boards,
A DEFENCE OF THE
French Revolution.
And its ENGLISH ADMIRERS, against the accusations of the Right Honorable Edmund Burke; including some sketches on the late production of Monsr. De Calonne.
By JAMES MACKINTOSH.
N. P.—Ditto with the French Constitution, as accepted by the King, 13th September 1791. Price in boards 3-4ths dollar.
April 23.
3b.

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, April 21.
The memorial of sundry merchants of the city of New-York, respecting bankrupt laws, was referred to a select committee.
An engrossed bill for raising a further sum of money for the protection of the frontiers, was read a third time, the blanks were filled up, and the bill passed, yeas 37; nays 20.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Baynwell, Benion, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Brown, Clarke, Findley, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Hart, Hillhouse, Huger, Key, Kitchell, Kittera, Laurence, Learned Livermore, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Niles, W. Smith, Steele, Sterret, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatcher, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward, White.
NAYS—Messrs. Afton, Baldwin, Giles, Groves, Macon, Madison, Mercer, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Sney, Sherredine, J. Smith, T. Smith, Sumpter, Tredwell, Tucker, Venable, Williamson, Willis.
A message from the President of the United States, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, together with the following letter, from the judges of the circuit court.
SIR,
TO you it officially belongs to "take care that the laws" of the United States "be faithfully executed." Before you, therefore, we think it our duty to lay the sentiments, which, on a late painful occasion, governed us, with regard to an act passed by the legislature of the union.
The people of the United States have vested in Congress all legislative powers "granted in the constitution."
They have vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress shall establish, "the judicial power of the United States."
It is worthy of remark, that, in Congress, the whole legislative power of the United States is not vested: an important part of that power was exercised by the people themselves, when they "ordained and established the constitution."
"This constitution" is "the supreme law of the land."—This supreme law "all judicial officers of the United States are bound, by oath or affirmation, to support."
It is a principle important to freedom, that in government, the judicial should be distinct from, and independent of the legislative department. To this important principle the people of the United States in forming their constitution, have manifested the highest regard.
They have placed their judicial power, not in Congress, but in "courts." They have ordained that the "judges" of those courts shall hold their offices "during good behavior;" and that "during their continuance in office, their salaries shall not be diminished."
Congress have lately passed an act, "to regulate (among other things) the claims of invalid pensions."
Upon due consideration, we have been unanimously of opinion, that, under this act, the circuit court, held for the Pennsylvania district, could not proceed:—
1. Because the business, directed by this act, is not of a judicial nature: it forms no part of the power vested, by the constitution, in the courts of the United States: the circuit court must consequently have proceeded without constitutional authority;
2. Because, if, upon that business, the court had proceeded, its judgments (for its opinions are its judgments) might, under the same act, have been revised and controuled by the legislature, and by an officer in the executive department,—such revision and controul we deemed radically inconsistent with the independence of that judicial power which is vested in the courts; and consequently with that important principle, which is so strictly observed by the constitution of the United States.
These, Sir, are the reasons of our conduct. Be assured, that, though it became necessary, it was far from being pleasant. To be obliged to act contrary either to the obvious directions of Congress, or to a constitutional principle, in our judgment, equally obvious, excited feelings in us, which we hope never to experience again.
We have the honor to be, with the most perfect consideration and respect, Sir,
Your most obedient and very humble servants
(Signed) { JAMES WILSON, JOHN BLAIR, RICHARD PETERS.
The PRESIDENT of the United States.
Philadelphia, 18th April 1792.
Mr. Vining laid on the table a resolution that Congress should adjourn on the 4th of May, to meet again on the first Monday of
Mr. Williamson from a select committee, reported a bill for the sale of the unappropriated lands in the territory north-west of the Ohio; which was read a first time.
A motion, made on Wednesday last by Mr. Gerry, being called up, and in part agreed to, a committee was, pursuant thereto, appointed, to enquire into the state of the recruiting service, and to report.
Mr. Boudinot moved,
That a joint committee of both houses be directed to wait on the President of the United States, to request he will recommend to the people of these states a day of public humiliation and prayer, to be observed by supplicating the Almighty, for the safety, peace and welfare of the union.
Mr. J. Smith reported, that the committee of enrollment had presented to the President for
his approbation, the bill authorizing the grant and conveyance of certain lands to the Ohio company of associates.
MONDAY, April 22.
Mr. Dayton asked leave to present a bill to authorize a grant of certain lands to J. C. Symmes; but this being declared to be contrary to rule, he moved for the appointment of a committee, and a committee was accordingly appointed, to bring in a bill to that effect.
A bill for the sale of unappropriated lands, in the territory N. W. of the Ohio, was read a second time, and ordered for commitment.
A message was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, notifying the House, that the Senate had passed a "bill to compensate the services of the late Col. George Gibson," in which they desire the concurrence of the House;—that they had passed the "bill to indemnify the estate of the late Gen. Greene," with amendments, in which they also desired the concurrence of the House; and that they insisted on their amendments to the militia bill—[the two additional sections, vesting the President with a discretionary power to call forth the militia, and establishing their pay whenever called out.]
Pursuant to the order of the day, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—(Mr. W. Smith in the chair)—and took up for consideration a bill, to provide for calling forth the militia, when necessary, to execute the laws of the union, to suppress insurrections, and repel invasions; and after some time spent therein, rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again.
Mr. Hartley having given notice, that he had a report of a secret nature to make, the galleries were ordered to be cleared.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
On the Secretary's Report on the Excise.
(Continued from our last.)
THE Secretary observes, that "this is one of those cases in which names have an improper influence, and in which certain prepossessions exclude a due attention to facts," but the reverse of his remark is the truth. By some unaccountable infatuation, the promoters of the Excise law seemed to suppose, that they were legislating for the dark ages, when the human mind, unacquainted with the refinements of financiers, might have been easily deceived by names without examining principles: Under this infatuation the odious name of Excise was not expressed in the law; and when it was recognized by its features, the Secretary who framed it, its friends on the floor of Congress, some of the Judges on the bench, &c. &c. all pledged themselves, that it was no Excise law. But I wish to be informed, who were deceived by the influence of the new assumed names? If any, they were those few persons only who, pleased with the titles of supervisor, inspector, &c. when substantiated by a union with handsome salaries flowing from sources independent of the precarious revenue which they were designed to collect, some of this order may have been deluded; but, as to the people, they still call such officers indiscriminately what they really are, excisemen, not even excepting the honorable gentleman who pledged himself to the public, that the citizens were pleased with the law, without understanding it. Did the Secretary, when employed in originating the system, and Congress when they gave it a sanction, reflect that they were legislating for a people who within twenty years past, could discern the introduction of tyranny and oppression, and even an excise wrapped up in the specious garb of a common contribution, and presented under the mild indorsement of a three-penny duty on tea: a people who revolted against that innovation, certainly not for the magnitude of the duty, but from a wise anticipation of the horrid train for which it was calculated to open the way; if this reflection did occur, the minister and legislature must have concluded that the patriots of America had rapidly lost their discernment, and changed their principles. I acknowledge, in conformity with the Secretary's statement, that the people of the United States have strong prepossessions against an excise upon home produce, but that these prepossessions prevent a due attention to the facts, I wholly deny. It will be conceded, that at the period to which I had alluded, it was a matter of just fear and apprehension that an excise on home produce would be introduced under the right claimed by parliament to tax the colonies.
In the language in which the Congress of 1775 addressed the inhabitants of Canada, speaking of the excise, they emphatically declare it to be the horror of all free states and the most odious of all taxes. Where it has been attempted in the several states to which my knowledge extends, it has either been wholly defeated by the people, as in New-Jersey, or it has remained an impracticable and unproductive monument of the folly of enacting laws in opposition to the public mind, as in Pennsylvania. In the latter state indeed there were many circumstances in its favour; an imposition of a similar nature had been introduced under the proprietary establishment, the people were in the habit of paying large direct
taxes on their land and stock, and from various circumstances in accomplishing the revolution, their government had more than a just proportion of the public-creditors to support during the recent imbecility of the confederation. In this situation of affairs an excise law was enacted, and the proceeds of the tax were soon appropriated to pay the interest of a favored debt, viz. the depreciation to original holders exclusively. But all these favorable circumstances could never make the excise upon spirits prepared from home produce either respectable or productive.
The unconstitutional and discretionary powers that were vested in the officers, only served to disgrace the government; for being inefficient as to its object, they were soon annulled, and the whole system as it respected home produce, though it nominally remained for some years locked up under the special, was triumphantly repealed as soon as that appropriation could be otherwise supplied; still however I must contend that although the people of the United States have strong prepossessions against the excise on the produce of their farms and labours, that does not prevent but greatly stimulates their attention to facts respecting it. In a dictionary of the English tongue, which has long been in the highest esteem, they are taught from their youth to define an excise as the most hateful tax. They are a people who by reading have more generally acquired a knowledge of the history of the European nations, than is possessed by persons of the same class and station in Europe itself. By enjoying the advantages, and possessing the independence peculiar to habits of freedom, they have also become more jealous of every political arrangement that has the appearance of being inimical to liberty, and they have long known that internal excises, under whatever form of government they originate, are not merely the means of oppression but the badges of slavery. Not only their prepossessions, therefore, but their principles are in opposition to any thing of the kind; and their attention is particularly employed to watch, and examine, and discern its first appearance, and most disguised approach. Changing its name, or dress, will but defeat and dishonor those who attempt the imposition: for though it be presented with an angel's form, soon will the cloven foot of the demon be discovered and detected. Were these prepossessions against an excise less substantially grounded, a wise legislature, or a judicious financier, would still treat them with respect. Even in the most despotic governments of the darkest ages, there have been some prejudices so deeply rooted, that the most absolute tyrant could not eradicate or subdue them. Alexander, himself, the conqueror of the world, though he overcame the Persian arms, and rifled all their treasures, was obliged in a considerable degree, to submit to the prepossessions of the vanquished, to wear their dress, and patronize their customs.
Let us now, however, transfer our attention to the subject as it affects the morality of the citizens, which is the second charge, and against which the Secretary of the Treasury stands forth as the advocate of the excise. Perhaps, if he had not been the original contriver, he would not have been the volunteering advocate: I say volunteering; for, I do not find that the House applied to him for arguments or apologies when the petitions were referred: and if he had been as disinterested in reality, as in prudence, at least, he ought to have appeared, his arguments would have been of a more honest stamp.
He informs us (page 5) that oaths—"are not peculiar to the act in question, that they are a common appendage of revenue laws, and are among the usual guards of those laws, as they are of public and private rights in courts of justice, they constantly occur in jury trials to which the citizens of the United States are so much and so justly attached," &c. How could the secretary conceive the idea of comparing the oath required of the distiller to ascertain the quantity of spirits which he has daily distilled, and drunk, or otherwise disposed of, with the oath of a disinterested juror, binding him with a religious obligation to decide justly in relation to the truth of a fact which it is highly probable he would do, tho' no oath were administered.
To eminent a character as the secretary had not stooped to make the comparison in his apology for the excise law; I should have blushed to examine it: for the folly and weakness of the supposed analogy must be evident, I think, to the most superficial observer.
Jurors are returned by the sheriff from the body of the county; they are selected out of the most independent and disinterested characters; and before they sit down to decide upon a cause, they are subject to be challenged by the parties. Thus purged, they might be safely trusted without an oath; but the oath is added to give the greatest possible confidence. Their duty is to decide upon the case according to the testimony legally before them, and every man, from the dictates of his own conscience, will decide in favour of truth and justice, where he has no interest to induce him to do otherwise.—But how different is
this from the situation of the distiller of the produce of his farm! He believes the excise with which he is charged to be unjust; he is obliged, not only to keep an account of the quantity of spirits which he distills daily, but also of the manner of disposing of it, whether it is drank by himself and his family, or by his neighbours. He is in effect required to furnish testimony against himself to his own loss. Now, I ask, would any judicature admit the oath of a person so situated as legal testimony? Surely not. If a person is interested he cannot be admitted as a witness, if he is ever so remotely suspected of being interested, he must purge himself of that suspicion before his evidence can be received, and after all this it is still taken with great doubt and caution. Where then exists the analogy between a man in the predicament of a distiller, and the obligation imposed on an impartial juror, whose verdict can never affect his own person or property? It is certainly more properly similar to a party being entrusted to try his own cause, a case which is not even supposable ever to be permitted.
Another example produced by the Secretary and other advocates of the excise is more plausible; I mean the oaths by which the collection of the impost is guarded. No article subject to duty on the importation can be brought into the country, but the master of the vessel must, in the first place, report it upon oath, and before it can be landed, the owner or consignee, must also enter it upon oath, producing an invoice of the articles, its cost, &c.—the oath of the captain is rather considered as official than as the oath of the party, and the oaths of both captain and owner, as well as the invoice, can be examined and checked by examining the bales, the price of the goods may be nearly as well known as the price of whisky, where it is to be sworn to; and a false oath respecting it could be as easily checked by the knowledge of the common rate of such goods. Here then are sufficient means of detecting false swearing; and consequently there can be no great inducement to the practice: for who would venture to take a false oath, when he was apprised that examining the bales, or looking into other invoices, might convict and condemn him not only to infamy, but punishment. But what possible check can even the ingenuity of the secretary devise, to discover the quantity of spirits which a man has drunk, or secretly disposed of? Besides, the captains who import goods, subject to imposts, and the owner, or consignee who, have to swear, are few in number compared with the farmers who distill during a few weeks, or months in the year: perhaps, there are more stills, in one small county, than there are importers of foreign goods in the most commercial state in the union—and certainly the more general a fiare becomes to the morals of the people, it is the more dangerous and pernicious.
With respect to imposts, if commerce is at all to contribute towards the revenue, it must be taken at the port of entry, for, should the goods be once landed and dispersed, they could not afterwards be ascertained: No number of officers, or quantity of swearing, could secure the revenue. He that could secrete best, and swear with the greatest solicitude, would be the gainer; and scrupulously honest men would be obliged to abandon commerce. Just in such a situation is the distilling of spirits from home produce: it is conducted by numberless practitioners, and very rarely is found in towns and villages; the more remote any place is from the haunts of commerce, if farming is once introduced, the greater the number of stills will be found. In this situation the honest citizen will either relinquish the distillery or oppose the law; the business then falls of course into the hands of men of relaxed morals, and forid dispositions, and when such people can in this way obtain a premium for perjury, instances of the crime will naturally multiply, and while the secrecy with which it is committed ensures impunity, the universality will not only protect it from odium, but crown it eventually with a kind of popular applause.
Let the distilleries be conducted by the most depraved part of the community, and let the excisemen be selected from the dregs of the people, as those at least of the lowest order must necessarily be, and what security remains for the collection of the revenue, or what consolation can government enjoy for the loss of that purity of morals and manners in the people, which afford in every country the best assurance in every emergency of patriotism and public spirit. If the principal design of government was only to promote that kind of happiness which consists in the protection of property, much of its dignity would be lost. To place men in that situation in which knowledge will be increased, virtue cherished, and the all-important interests that are connected with immortality be most effectually promoted, is the great end of the institution of organized society. Every thing indeed that has a tendency to render the conscience callous by the habits of vice, must injure those moral ties which are essential to the support of rational government: for, certainly, wherever the majority of society shall be brought by their crimes, to wish that they may have no account to give of their moral conduct, to the God of the spirits of all flesh, a very easy transition establishes positive belief, that they will not have that fe-

rious account to render. In such a state of mind, what security can arise from an oath? What confidence can there be amongst men, and what foundation for the existence of government itself? It is worth remarking that if rational morality is undermined in the United States, superstition and priest-craft can furnish no succedaneum.
I ask then, should the infernal demons erect another Pandemonium, and all the cunning of the dark conclave of hell to be exerted to accomplish the total depravity of a nation, whether a more effectual method could be suggested to accomplish their design, than to hold out rewards to perjury! and does not the present excise law operate precisely the same thing? Its language unequivocally declares to all farmers who keep stills, if you are honest, and swear the truth, you must pay a third or a fourth of the value of every gallon of spirits that you distill; but if you swear falsely, there is no method in the nature of the thing to detect you, and you shall save that amount of your property. But I dwell too long upon so clear a case. It is well known, that in countries where oaths have been too freely used, they are little regarded. Many here can tell, that in Britain, where every boasted check and summary power is introduced, you may pass the inspection of goods in a very easy manner for a paltry half-crown; and a bowl or two of punch procures an escape from paying many a pound of excise.
Preserve us heaven (if our rulers do not choose to do it) from perjured excise-men, and from perjured distillers! However useful commerce is to a nation, we know that it has not been friendly to strict morality; avarice is its principal spring and calculation, the medium through which it is exercised. Although therefore many of our most respectable characters are engaged in commercial pursuits, yet it is almost impossible to guard against the chicanery, the smuggling and the swindling tricks which it has introduced into society; and of which the ruin of numerous families in every commercial city are constant and fatal manifestations.
It is among the class of society, who live the life of nature by the cultivation of the soil, that we are to expect virtue in its greatest purity: shall the avarice and ambition of financiers be permitted to sow the seeds of depravity around their dwellings? alas! are there not ways enough for government to possess itself of a sufficient portion of the property of so patriotic and discerning a people, without increasing their vices! No serious person will esteem these apprehensions imaginary, they are deducible from the most solid principles, and fully supported by experience and the knowledge of mankind; although the people of the United States, have not prior to the present excise law, encouraged to enacting a practice, yet it is not wholly without example. When heavy taxes were introduced in the course of the last war, and when high ideas of equality in taxation as well as representation prevailed; a great proportion of the plantations in Pennsylvania not being patented, records of the surveyor were not in possession of the officers of taxation; and there was a well founded apprehension that people in returning their land to the assessors did not give true information: The legislature therefore directed the return to be made upon oath; though this method produced larger returns than formerly, yet there were strong presumption of perjury, or at least equivocation, and in the general opinion, the practice was considered as a dangerous snare, many conscientious people refused to swear, notwithstanding that the penalty was a double tax, and that those persons made the most scrupulously honest return, and the law was repealed after two years standing, with common consent. The last of those years cash was returned upon oath, but the small amount of that article that was returned, is a proof of the small security arising from obliging people to tax themselves upon oath where the property can be secreted, which is the case in a great degree with whiskey as well as money. Such instances of the weakness of virtue in opposition to private interest, are to be lamented; but snares calculated to promote them ought not to be encreased.
SIDNEY.
BALTIMORE, April 17.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Havre-de-Grace (mouth of Susquehannah) to his friend in this town, dated on Friday last.
"I have the pleasure to inform you, that a vessel has just arrived at my wharf here, from the Standing-Stone, ninety miles up the Juniata river, and two hundred and ten miles up the Susquehannah, with upwards of one hundred barrels of superfine flour. She is bound round to Baltimore, and I hope your merchants will be so generous and public spirited (not to say politic) as to give every encouragement in their power to the spirited adventurers on board, as they are the first and indeed only persons who ever carried down this river, a cargo of such produce, to seek a market. If our canal was finished, what might we not expect from the industrious enterprising people who own and cultivate the luxuriant soil on and near this long extended branching river! Would it not prove advantageous to some of your gentlemen, who are fond of speculating in script of all kinds, to make some attempts effectually to open the river Susquehannah."
*** The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Excise Act, for sale at this Office.
PHILADELPHIA.
April 26, 1792.
We learn from good authority, that Bowles, who heretofore occasioned so much mischief in the Creek nation, in opposing M c Gillivray and the commissioners from extending the line between the state of Georgia and that nation, is in confinement on board a Spanish man of war at Havannah, from whence he is to be conveyed to Madrid, to suffer for robbing some stores within the Spanish territory, for which Governor Guiochi has lodged a formal complaint against him to his Catholic Majesty.
On Friday arrived at New-York from Port-au-Prince, the Brig Julia, Capt. Baile, with nine passengers, and the day before, the Brig Silas and Sally, Capt. Clap, with five passengers; both of these vessels left Port-au-Prince on the night of the 1st instant.
It is said, that the passengers who have come in the above vessels, are chiefly rich planters from that distressed place, to seek an asylum in this country.
A gentleman who arrived in one of these vessels informs, that the island is still in the utmost consternation; that the commissary from France, has gone to the Cape, having had no power over, or influence upon the rebellious multitude; that the troops (about 800) are under no command, having broke and dismissed all their officers; that several skirmishes took place in the last week in March, at Croix de Bouquet, by soldiers and citizens, against the negroes, in which many fell. On the whole, that the island is in the most undescrivable misery: the town of Port-au-Prince being surrounded by the enemy, with little or no means of defence—hourly expecting an attack from without.
A person in Rhode-Island has invented an Air-gun, which can be discharged, to do execution, 20 times, each time it is loaded. As nothing is cheaper, and easier to be transported, than the ammunition for the above pieces; and as saving much expense, they recommend themselves strongly to the Secretary at War, to be used in the approaching campaign against the Indians.
Last Tuesday the Vice President of the United States, left this town, for his seat in Braintree, Massachusetts, where it is said he will pass the summer.
Owing to a long and severe fit of sickness the senses of the Queen of Portugal have been so sensibly affected, that her personal administration of affairs is transferred to her first minister, Prince José de Siabra de La.
Barque Neptune arrived here, from Calcutta, brings intelligence down to the 21st of November last. The forces of the English and their Allies, it appears by these accounts, are again in motion—Seringapatam still the object of their efforts. The Asiatic papers represent Tippoo as a monster of cruelty, and give numerous instances of his barbarity to prisoners. His force at Seringapatam is represented as considerably weakened by constitutional desertions, and reduced to no more than 40,000 effective men. He is giving every attention to render his capital impregnable.
Infallibility in religious matters has proved the ruin of the Popedom. Hence let our high-fliers take a seasonable hint, and beware, lest political infallibility prove a millstone at the neck of that government, which they are so anxious to buoy up. If instead of acknowledging, and correcting their errors, they with inquisitorial rancor, brand and persecute, as a political heretic, every man, who with republican freedom, canvasses their measures, in conversation or in print—they will only disgust the citizens of America against a government that is thus despotically supported by the tyranny of the pen, which is equally galling to free men as the tyranny of the sword.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Havana, to his Correspondent in Baltimore, dated March 23, 1792.
"Since the order from the Governor, for all foreign vessels to depart the port in eight days, two French vessels arrived, with slaves, but were ordered away: One of them immediately put to sea, the other, being in distress, was towed into port, her slaves put on board an old hulk, with orders to repair, take her slaves on board again, and proceed to sea. It is generally supposed no more will be admitted."
Extract from private letters received by a gentleman in Baltimore.
"Fort Washington, Feb. 10, 1792.
"Nothing very material has occurred since my last. In consequence of dispatches, received on Saturday last, from the War-Office, the major part of the small force at this place are ordered to be in readiness to march at the shortest notice—General Wilkinson has requested a reinforcement of 60 riflemen from the nearest settlement—Volunteers will appear on the first summons in his name; his popularity is great, as well with the military as with the militia—He is beloved by citizens and soldiers.—Notwithstanding the object of the meditated expedition is perfectly secret. Wilkinson has only to put on his hunting-shirt, shew his tomahawk, and cry "War-Hocks" and the militia are ready, to a man."
"Danville, Ma ch 17, 1792.
"Mr. T—S—, who had contracted to deliver a quantity of Provisions at post St. Vincennes, went from the rapids the 9th ult. his boats contained 100 hogs, 40 bushels of salt, and some horses, which he landed at the mouth of Pigeon-Creek, above the mouth of the Wabash, and proceeded by land. The second night after he went on shore, the Indians fired on his party, a few drovers, and took all his hogs, horses, and salt."
"A boat belonging to Elliot and Williams, with provisions for Post St. Vincennes, was obstructed in the Wabash by the Ice: about 80 Indians appeared on the shore, some of whom went on board the boat, and demanded a barrel of whisky, which the boat's crew, dared not refuse them; when they had drank it out, they went for more, offering no violence to the whitemen, but said they would have as much whisky as they wanted, that "Congress would pay," and upon that score, took off six barrels, without doing any other injury"
Extract of a letter from Lancaster, April 13.
"The Susquehanna still continues remarkably high. Two boats are now at Wright's ferry, from above the Big Island. They came down the Conewago falls with great safety, one loaded with 200 barrels of flour, the other 1200 bushels of wheat. If they should be disappointed in a market at Wright's Ferry, they mean to proceed to Havre-degrais. A number of your Lancaster friends intend going to-morrow, to see the two arrivals. The improvement of our inland navigation is a subject in which the landed interest of this country is materially interested."
A Baltimore paper mentions that Mr. Kryder had arrived there from Standing Stone, on Juniata, with one hundred and four barrels of flour, having performed the voyage in five days. His flour passed for superfine, and was sold immediately, at the highest price, for cash—the merchants presented Mr. Kryder with one hundred and four dollars, as a premium for the risk he ran, with his two tons, in attempting the navigation of the Susquehannah, heretofore thought to be impracticable for boats of burden.
Extract of a letter from Major George M c Cully, dated 14th April, 1792.
"I have the pleasure to inform you, that Dunwoody's waggons arrived here on Monday the 10th, in the evening. On Wednesday I had Captain Smith's company mustered, armed and equipped; and on Thursday they commenced their march to take post at Big Beaver and Yellow creeks. We want but five privates to compleat the whole corps under my command, &c."
"It is reported that one woman has been killed within the bounds of Washington county; but I have not official accounts of this from Capt. Paul, who commands in that neighborhood: on the contrary, I had a letter from him, dated the first of April, in which he says, that no discoveries of Indians have been made, and that all is well."
"To-morrow Major Irwine and myself set out to view the lines, and muster Capt. Paul's and Capt. Guthrie's companies."
Translation from the Leyden Gazette.
Extract of a letter from Paris, Jan. 20.
"Good sense as well as experience join to prove, that a certain firmness of conduct tempered with prudence, when manifested in the proceedings of great national bodies, rather than in individuals, is the salvation of a country. There can be no doubt but that France will regulate her conduct by this principle, and will triumph as much by moderation as by courage over those obstacles which seem to oppose the advancement of the new constitution on every side. The National Assembly having now assumed that authoritative tone that becomes the representatives of a great nation, with regard to the hostile projects in Germany; and the executive power being employed in measures of circumspection, founded on enlightened policy, which could not be expected in so ample a manner from a numerous assembly, whose deliberations are in the face of the public, we are happy in observing that such a spirit in the government has already produced the happiest effects on the German princes bordering on the Rhine, particularly the elector of Treves.—The court of Vienna, too, acting in concert with them, with equity and prudence, gives us room to hope that notwithstanding the present appearances of war, Europe will remain in peace, and that the French revolution will have a favorable effect upon every nation that is wise enough to hate despotism without patronizing licentiousness."
** The following corrections are made by the author.—In SIDNEY (in our last) 2d par. line 44, for the last, read "several": 3d par. fill the blank with 30,000,000: 2d col. line 10, for two years, read two or three years.
WAR DEPARTMENT.
Appointments and Promotions in the Army of the United States.
Table with 3 columns: Rank, Names, Residence. Lists appointments and promotions including Major-Gen. Anthony Wayne, Brigadiers Gen. Daniel Morgan, Marinus Willet, John Brooks, James Wilkinson, Adjutant-Gen. Winthrop Sargent, Q. Master-Gen. James O'Hara, Deputy ditto, John Belli.
First Regiment of Infantry.
Table with 3 columns: Rank, Names, Residence. Lists appointments and promotions including Major. Erkuries Beatty, Captains. Wm. Peters, Jacob Kingsbury, Ebenezer Denny, Thos. Martin, Thos. Palfrey, Mark M c Pheron, Lieuts. James Clay, Daniel Britt, H. Armstrong, Bart. Shomberg, Bernard Gaines, John Wade.
Second Regiment of Infantry.
Table with 3 columns: Rank, Names, Residence. Lists appointments and promotions including Majors. David Strong, John Smith, Joseph Asheton, Captains. Bezaleel Howe, Daniel Bradley, John Platt, Lieuts. John Tillinghast, Daniel Tilton, Samuel Andrews, John Bird, Micah M c Donough.
Ensigns to fill the vacancies in the first and second Regiments.
Table with 3 columns: Rank, Names, Residence. Lists appointments and promotions including Ensigns. Andrew M c Clary, Samuel Drake, Daniel Bissell, Andrew M c Clay, William Marts, Lewis Bond, John Lowrey, Robert Hunter, Peter Shoemaker, William Marcus Mills, Jacob Kreemer, John Michael, Felix Long, Samuel B. Turner, John Whistler, Isaac Younghusband, Henry Montfort, William Temple Paine.
Six Majors of Infantry.
Table with 3 columns: Rank, Names, Residence. Lists appointments and promotions including Majors. Thomas Butler, Henry Gaither, John Clarke, Henry Bedinger, Alexander Trueman, William M c Mahon.
Surgeons and Surgeons Mates.
Table with 3 columns: Rank, Names, Residence. Lists appointments and promotions including Surgeons. Richard Allison, John Scott.
Surgeon's Mates.
Table with 3 columns: Rank, Names, Residence. Lists appointments and promotions including Surgeon's Mates. Charles Brown, James Woodhouse, Joseph Philips, William M c Crokey, Frederick Dalcho, James Mease, Theophilus Elmer.
Table with 3 columns: Rank, Names, Residence. Lists appointments and promotions including Surgeon's Mates for garrisons on the western and southern frontiers, and extra services. William A. M c Crea, Thomas Hutchins, John Sellman, George Balfour, James Clayton, Thomas Farley.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather. Lists observations for Monday through Sunday, April 1792.

Mr. BALDWIN'S SPEECH in the House of Representatives, on the General Assumption of the Residue of the State Debts.
Mr. Baldwin said, he was not in the situation just complained of, the representative of a state, the whole of whose debt had been before assumed, and therefore interested in opposing any further assumption. He was from a state, the half of whose debt was not before assumed, and they were not consoled by observing, that four-fifths was assumed for their next neighbour, neither was it a solitary instance of treatment, such as had not been expected from that House; he did not indulge the habit of complaining, but he felt it to be his duty to remember them; and the people, from which he came, could not easily forget them. He was however of opinion that these evils would not be corrected by a general assumption, on principles so ungovernable as were contained in the proposition now under consideration, and that it would administer injury rather than relief.
Each state had been made debtor for the sum assumed, and as the general board of commissioners, for settling all accounts between the United States and individual states, had reported that the whole would be finished in a little more than a year from this time, he was of opinion, it would give much more effectual relief to the states which had been injured in the apportionment of the former assumption, and upon principles much less injurious than the general and promiscuous assumption, which would be the effect of the present proposition.
As the subject was not new before the house, his opinion upon it in general had been often expressed. Events had much confirmed his former opinions on the subject, and he was more than ever convinced of its pernicious effects. This government, said he, is not calculated to bear a heavy burden, it is put to its worst use when it is put to that use, it shews the government to the greatest disadvantage. The general national powers, the want of which was so much complained of before the institution of it, appear, from the experiment, to be more easy and manageable than was expected. When considered as a great society, instituted by sovereignities to cut off the causes of war among themselves, and to deliberate on general national concerns which could be no otherwise provided for, it is an experiment honorable to human nature, and is as useful an exertion of the social principle, as the institution of society over individuals, for the supply of their wants, and to prevent individual slaughter and carnage. Its friends have had great reason to promise themselves success to the experiment, if there can be a due moderation in administering it, in confining it to those objects for which it was alone intended. But if any one supposes that this government may be made to answer the purposes, and be put to the same uses as common governments, and be administered upon the same principles, it gives reason to believe that he is either wicked in his intentions, or that his mind has never comprehended the subject. General questions of boundary, of war and peace, regulation of commerce, a moderate and general impost for the immediate support of the government, might be decided in a manner that would reflect honor on the government, and to the satisfaction of the people. But accumulate an enormous public debt, and let this government be called to the odious task of applying to the individual citizens for a heavy tax, and you will then see the structure of the government to the greatest possible disadvantage; it is better suited to any thing than to that; it ought to be directed to such a use with the most extreme and cautious reluctance. Probably it will be found, in the nature of things, impossible that it should be well adjusted to such a use. To raise a heavy tax, there ought to be a great similarity in the circumstances of the persons on whom it is to operate, if the burden is not equal, it must be in some parts cruelly oppressive. The first objects, in attempting a heavy tax is, to be sure that it should be equal; otherwise some will be crowded to their destruction, while others are exulting in prosperity, and feel no burden at all. There is such a dissimilarity in the interests and circumstances of the extensive country over which this government is to operate, that it will be scarcely possible to adjust heavy burdens to any tolerable equality. The whole current of experience in society forbids the expectation. Even some of the states had found their limits too large to preserve the necessary equality, in their own revenue systems. And to suppose that this government should be able to bear burdens in the same proportion to its size, without intolerable oppression, is founded neither in good sense nor experience.
This view of the subject supposes the most honest disposition in endeavoring to make the burdens as equal as possible. But an important view of the subject, which ought to be taken on this occasion, is that there is much less security for an honesty of disposition in laying the burdens. The circumstances of the persons who make the laws, and of those on whom they are to operate, ought to be closely connected, and thoroughly in the view of each other; the moment they get so far dislocated as not to be known and felt by each other, security against oppression is gone. In this government there can be but a mere shadow of representation, in many instances, not more than one for a hundred miles square, they, for a great part of the year are entirely detached from their constituents, so that they who are acquainted with their circumstances at home, cannot be intimately acquainted with their conduct, so as to judge of the motives by which they are governed, and they who are witnesses of their conduct in the government, do not know their circumstances at home; so that men may feel themselves at greater liberty to indulge improper passions, than they would if both their circumstances and their conduct were under the immediate notice of their constituents, and thus the motives by which they were governed on every occasion easily explained. On the general national subjects, which are their more immediate province, there would be less danger from this cause, as they would present fewer objects for individual passions. But in the collection and management of vast revenues and
their necessary concomitants, there are the strongest lures to improper conduct. The love of power and property are two fierce passions of nature, which, if they can be indulged without any loss of reputation, or even without the fear of detection, will be sure, in all countries, to make havoc of the happiness and rights of men.
He did not pretend that it was possible altogether to avoid this source of danger, the government cannot be carried on without resources, they had been provided to a pretty large extent on its first commencement, by general regulations, which appeared to have been tolerably satisfactory to the community.
They who agreed with him in the general observations which he had made, must allow that they were substantial reasons against the proposition on the table, and that those debts ought to be left upon the states, rather than be assumed by the present government.
Mr. Baldwin said, the general assumption not only reconciled very ill to the nature of the government, as he had shown, but it also reconciled as ill to the circumstances of the country; it was, in its very nature, designed to draw off business and property from the different states, and unite them in one great vortex at the center. This is an evil which appears to have been most cautiously guarded against in every part of the constitution. How many checks and guards shew themselves in every part, to keep up the equality of states, to prevent the combination of strong interests in giving special advantages, and that there should be no preference for the increase of the ports of one state over those of another? No one can look over the principles of the union, without seeing this to be the great and striking feature of the whole states possessing equal powers, feeling and being strongly attached to their own advantages, and, like individuals in forming a society, giving them up with reluctance, and only such as appeared indispensable to the protection of the rest.
The present object seems to be to construct a huge gigantic organization, at the center, which shall collect all the vital fluids to strengthen and enlarge those parts without any means of propelling a circulation in return, to keep up the principles of life in the extremes of the body. The very figure is monstrous. A state centre and a state organization, which it is the avowed intention of the present system to reduce, and as far as possible do away, is necessary to preserve the principles of life in them. The collection of a revenue in the states, and the circulation of it among their people, is not only necessary to their health, but it is necessary to their existence; and they who avow their opposition to it are seeking their destruction. The instance which had been mentioned of a distant state paying more than half a million of dollars in a year, which had been sent on to the general treasury, without scarcely any call on the government to receive any part of it in return, struck him very forcibly—and the more forcibly, as the same impression had been made upon him from his own state. One of their ports, he said, would probably this year pay into the treasury, forty thousand dollars, and except the accidental circumstance of there being at this time some companies of the federal troops in that state, who might receive their pay there, he knew no cause which could have prevented the actual sending of almost the whole of that sum in specie to this place, which if it were to take place every year, and increased in the manner as is now proposed, would soon drain them of all the medium by which business is to be transacted.
The circulating medium in society, has been aptly filed the oil of the machine which lubricates all its motions; adopt a system which shall thus entirely prevent the supply of it, and the motions cannot be easy; when the solid parts are left to grind against each other, it is not to be expected that the machine should long remain cool.
Mr. Baldwin then proceeded to take a view of the subject on the grounds which the gentlemen in favor of the proposition had themselves taken; that the general assumption must intend either taking up all the debts of the states, whatever may have been the cause for which they were contracted, or there must be some process to distinguish those that were contracted for the purpose of carrying on the war.
He could not suppose that any person could be serious in maintaining that all the debts of the states contracted for the support of their governors or state legislatures, or for any other state purposes, ought to be assumed by the United States. It had been the universal principle, from the first contracting of the debts, that a distinction ought to be made between what was contracted for the purpose of carrying on the war, and what was not. He then reviewed the systems of the old Congress on that subject, and shewed how they had at the time assumed the claims of the states as the expenses were incurred, and passed particular resolutions for their liquidation, putting them on interest upon the general funds, which was then called funding them.
Congress was continually extending their assumption by particular resolutions, founded on the nature of each particular case, and by the agency of commissioners, invested with chancery powers, to enter most summarily into all the equitable considerations attending the particular applications, for several years after the close of the war, till they supposed they had assumed nearly all that ought to be assumed, some few cases they had left undetermined—as the Penobscot expedition, &c. That there might not be left the least colour for any complaint on the part of the states, that Congress was reluctant in assuming any debts which had been contracted for carrying on the war, in the year 1786 they appointed a general board of commissioners, with ample powers to assume all debts which might be still remaining, which upon the principles of equity and conscience, they might think ought to be assumed. It will be seen by the journal, that this passed unanimously, and appeared to give universal satisfaction, carrying the principle as far as it ought to be carried. The whole of this process has been founded on the universal impression, that a distinction ought to be made between the debts incurred for the purposes of carrying on the war, and debts contracted merely for state purposes. There has been immense labour for these ten or
twelve years past, at an expense not much short of a million of dollars, in liquidating and distinguishing the proper debt of the United States. The House had been officially informed, that the business was now near a close, and that the whole would be finished in a short time. Can any one, he asked, after all this, be hardy enough to intend that the United States should be plunged under the promiscuous debts of the states, regardless of all distinction?
He was sensible that the proposition under debate professed to regard the principle, and contained a proviso that no state certificates should be assumed, which on the face of them appeared to have been issued for any other purpose than carrying on the war.
But it was in vain that it contained the principle, if it was accompanied with no mode of carrying it into effect. From that cause he supposed, there was some reason to suspect the sincerity of the intention. He believed there could not be devised a mode for carrying the principle into effect more summary and complete, than that which was now in operation, and so near its close, under the general board of commissioners.
They had power and evidence to distinguish the proper debts, they would strike the balance in favor of states who were actually in advance, and then no one could object to assuming it.
He was thus particular on this part, because some gentlemen had taken the liberty to place it, in some respects, in an unfair view. The former assumption had not been contended for as necessary to the final attainment of justice, there was no doubt of a complete attainment of justice, on striking the balance of the accounts under the system which has been described. But some of the states complained of the present pressure of their enormous debts, and in confidence of a large balance appearing in their favor, begged a part payment in advance to be received on account for their immediate relief. On these grounds only, had the former assumption taken place. It was presumed that enough was left in arrears to secure an adherence to an impartial settlement, which might correct any mistakes in such a random assumption. In this view, the argument which produced the former assumption, loses all its force on the present occasion; it will be difficult to conceive that the little fraction of debt left on the states is a burden so much more enormous than the whole war, that it cannot be supported a few months, till there is a settlement of the accounts. If the assumption should, in any instance, be made to exceed the amount of the claims, it will be productive of great discontent and embarrassment, when it approaches near the balance of the claim, it is foregoing the security for the final settlement of accounts—as this general settlement of the accounts had been continually regarded, during the whole of the war, as the minds of the citizens had been reconciled to quotas and requisitions made on very slight information, merely by being led to expect justice from that event, and as it was the basis on which alone our proceedings since could be explained,—he thought there should be some care, not to make it the interest of any to wish that it should be relinquished.
SENTIMENTS of a REPUBLICAN.
A CERTAIN prince once asked one of his ministers, how he should counteract the ideas of liberty which he had observed to prevail among his subjects in certain parts of his dominions. Force them, (said the minister) to rebel, and thus punish them by confiscating the very means they will have of supporting a struggle for liberty." The advice was followed, and with the wished for success. Lewis XIVth asked Cardinal Richlieu, how he should annihilate the remains of liberty which still existed in the kingdom of France. "Fill your kingdom (said the Cardinal) with places of public amusement, and by these means divert the people from thinking or talking upon the affairs of government." The efficacy of this measure in completing the despotism of the late French government, is too well known to be mentioned.
From the present signs of the declining state of liberty in our country, it would seem as if some demon, unfriendly to human happiness, had whispered in the ears of the first Congress that assembled under the present government, that the most speedy and effectual method of destroying the liberties of the United States, was to establish and perpetuate among them a national debt.
Innumerable have been the evils introduced by the funded debt of the United States. But the most alarming one is, it has produced so much inequality in point of property among our citizens, as to endanger the safety of our government. The most barefaced efforts have been made to substitute, in the room of our equal republic, a baneful monarchy in our country; and it is too evident these efforts originate with those states, and with those individuals, who are most interested in the funding system. Examine the newspapers and the journals of Congress, and you will find that the propositions for titles, for an equestrian statue, for keeping birth days, and for emitting royal coin, all come from those two quarters. The propositions are as degrading to the President of the United States as they are dangerous and insulting to the people, for they are calculated to reduce him to a level with the titled and royal banditti of Europe, who govern their subjects by fraud or violence.
If our wealthy speculators, in and out of Congress, cannot enjoy their immense estates, without creating among us a power that shall hereafter ennoble them, let them transport themselves across the ocean and bask in the splendor of courts, birth-day assemblies, and royal pictures and sta-
tues in some old and corrupted country. Let the United States disgorge such beaks of plunder and prey; and let them do more, let them immediately devise ways and means for the payment of every farthing of the national debt. It is a millstone about the neck of our country. It is even worse than a calamity that induces suffocation and death. It is a monster, from whose fetid bowels proceed monarchy, aristocracy, and slavery.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A PREMIUM
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and it's destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A PREMIUM
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following
 apartments, to wit.  A conference room } Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each.  A room for the Representatives }  A lobby or antichamber to the latter.  A Senate room of 1200 square feet area.  An antichamber or lobby to the last.    12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former.  Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792. 
RAN away on Wednesday night last, a Negro Man, about twenty-three years old; had on a light coloured short coat: took with him a pair of leather breeches and a pair of green stuff do. a beaver hat half worn, narrow brim and deep crown; a pair of boots; striped cotton and silk stockings—be is slim made—reads and writes a legible hand—has, I am informed, procured a pass and certificate of his being a free man. It is probable he will endeavor to get on board some vessel, either at this place or New-York. He has a small scar under his chin occasioned by cutting out a swan. I will give Forty Dollars reward to any person who will deliver him to me at this place, and pay all reasonable expenses. ANDREW MOORE. No. 118 Spruce-Street. April 23.
CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGE.
THE Eastern-shore Stages, by way of Chester-town to Baltimore, start regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings, at four o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodness of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route. JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON, N. B. Light Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen. March 30.
*** The Printing-Office of the National Gazette is removed from No. 239, to 209, High (or Market) Street, above fifth Street.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.