Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-04-30 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1759.]
PHILADELPHIA: MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 30, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
For Sale, The new and fast sailing Schooner JOHANNA TUCKER, FRANCIS DAVIS, Master, NOW lying at Pine Street wharf...
JUST ARRIVED, In the brig GAYO, capt. Bingham, from St. Martins A quantity of SALT, of an excellent quality...
For Sale, at the Stores of the Subscribers, on Walnut Street Wharf, 195 casks of nails assorted 20 bales of sail canvas, from No. 1 to 8...
THE BRIG AMAZON, For Sale, or Charter. Nicklin & Griffith, tuth&rf
FOR SALE, 195 boxes white } Havannah Sugar 107 do. brown } 200 Hides Will be landed to-morrow, at Willings and Francis's wharf...
FOR HAMBURGH, THE SHIP DOMINICK TERRY, John Fleming, Master, Having great part of her cargo engaged...
Notice—Agreeably to charter, Is hereby given to the members of "the corporation for the relief of poor and distressed Presbyterian ministers and the poor and distressed widows and children of Presbyterian ministers..."
JOSEPH RICARDO, Of this City, Merchant, has assigned his property for the benefit of his Creditors, to James C. Fisher, Samuel W. Fisher, and Thomas Wilson.
THREE Certificates of Six Per Cent. Deferred Debt of the United States of the following description, viz.—No. 10033, 10034, and 10035, for 5000 dollars each...
MESSAGE Of the President of the United States, To both Houses of Congress, APRIL 23, '98 With the Dispatches from the Envoys of the United States at Paris...
Canal Lottery—No. II. WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Sams Diller, at Wm. BLACKBURN's Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second-street...
The Co-partnership of the Subscribers, TRADING UNDER THE FIRM OF JOSEPH DAVIDSON & Co. Is this day dissolved by mutual consent...
BRANDY, The Cargo of the Danish Brig Concord, FROM CETTE, Will commence landing this day, at Smith's first wharf.
Imported in the ship Phoenix, Richard Grice, master, from Amsterdam, A quantity of Linseed Oil, and Two cases low priced Linen Checks.
NEW TEA WAREHOUSE, No. 39, South Front Street, OPPOSITE POST OFFICE. THE Subscriber respectfully acquaints his friends and the public, that he has opened a Store for the sale of all kinds of TEAS...
Notice is hereby Given, THAT application has been made at the Bank of the United States, for the renewal of the following five Certificates of Bank Stock, lost by the capture of the British Packet, Councils of Leicester...
LANDING, From on board the ship Elizabeth, captain Paillie, from Batavia, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 400,000 wt. JAVA COFFEE...
THOMAS & JOSHUA FISHER, HAVE FOR SALE, At No. 5, Dock-street, near the Drawbridge, China ware nankin dining sets, tea and coffee cups and saucers...
BEACON HILL, A Local Poem, historic and descriptive: By a Lady of Boston. ANALYSIS OF BOOK I. Allusion to the surrounding Prospect—Invocation to the River and Sylvan Deities...
Just Published, And to be had at the Book-stores of Messrs. DODSON, CAMPBELL, YOUNG and ORMEROD, in Philadelphia, OBSERVATIONS On the Causes and Cure of Remitting or Bilious Fevers.
Pennsylvania Hospital, 4th mo. 7th, 1798. THE Contributors to the Pennsylvania Hospital, are to meet on the seventh day of next Month, being the second day of the week, at the said Hospital at three o'clock in the afternoon...
ROSS & SIMSON, HAVE FOR SALE, 22 bales superior Madras blue Cloths Carolina Indigo, first quality A few bales Batas, Coffees, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON...
TO BE SOLD, 26,780 acres of Land, IN the State of New York, between the northern bounds of Pennsylvania and the Susquehanna river, or late in the townships of Hamden and Warren county of Warren.
TO BE SOLD, 40,939 acres of Land, IN Greene County, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, on the waters of Fish and Wheeling Creeks and Ten Mile Run. These Lands are fertile and well timbered, and abound in Coal...
A Premium of 100 Dollars WILL be paid by the Bank of Pennsylvania, for such Plan of a Banking House, accompanied with sections and elevations, as may be approved of by the Directors.
LANDING, From on board the ship SALLY, from Calcutta, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 1600 bags prime Sugar, 800 do. Ginger 30 bales low priced piece Goods.
NOTICE, ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM FLEETWOOD, of Liverpool, late of Philadelphia, merchant, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly attested; and those who are indebted to the same, are desired to make immediate payment.
JUST RECEIVED, And for sale by W. Young, corner of Second and Chestnut-street, M. Carey 118 High-street T. Dobson, 41 South Second-street and the Booksellers generally, (Price 5-cths of a Dollar.)
Just Received, FROM FORT-AU-PRINCE, And FOR SALE, by the SUBSCRIBERS, 110 hhds. Coffee 46 tierces do. 100 barrels do. 100 bags do. 110 hogheads of Muscovado Sugar 80 barrels of do.
WILLINGS & FRANCIS, PENN-STREET, WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Sams Diller, at Wm. BLACKBURN's Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second-street...
Sales of Lands, On Tuesday Evening next, 1st May, will be Sold at the Merchant's Coffee-House, 1000 Acres, including Harrois's Creek, and Salt Lick Run, situate 5 1/2 mile from New-Washington, and 10 1/2 miles from Harrodsburg...
IMPORTED, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, Brown Hollands Oil Cloths Gilt, Silver'd and common marbled paper German Tapes Looking Glasses Straw knives, Scythes, and a variety of other German goods.
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBERS, No. 21, Penn-street, The Cargo of the Ship Ganges, John Green, commander, from Bengal, consisting of Baftas, of various qualities and prices, Coffees Sanhams Humhums Blue Cloth Chintz and Calicoes Mamoodys Maharajonges Ginghams Guzzens Gurrahs Piniasces Salgatchys Gillie Romals Mock Pulicas
FRESH TEAS, MR. CHALK, INFORMS his Friends and the Public, that he has opened a TEA WAREHOUSE At his Circulating Library, No. 75 North Third street, where he will be happy to execute their Orders for fine-flavoured IMPERIAL, HYSON, YOUNG HYSON, HYSON-SKIN, SOUCHONG & BOHEA
FOR SALE, The cargo of the brig American from Laguira, consisting of Caraccas Cocoa, Henry Phillips, No. 112, South Fourth Street.
THE Subscribers, Are landing at Willings's wharf, from on board of the ship Elizabeth, Captain Paillie, from Batavia, 400,000 lbs. of best Java Coffee, 292 Cansisters of Sugar A few tons of Sapan wood
IMPORTED, In the Brig BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, from Bourdeaux, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, Claretin casks White wine in half casks Sweet oil of a superior quality in boxes and baskets Lunelle Sauterne Macarty, and Medoc
Just Published, Interpreter of Foreign Languages, JOSEPH E. G. M. DE LA GRANGE, Walnut-street, No. 110, BEING duly commissioned and sworn in the above capacity, offers to translate the French, English, Spanish, Portuguese and Italian Languages...
FOR SALE, (By Postponement,) At Public Vendue, on the 7th of May next, at 7 o'clock in the evening, at the Merchants' Coffee-House, THE FOLLOWING PRODUCTIVE REAL ESTATES:
1. A good THREE STORY BRICK HOUSE, 20 feet front, and 15 feet deep, with the privilege of a four feet alley. It is situated in Plum-street, between Front and Second streets, in a pleasant and improving part of Southwark. 2. A genteel three-story brick House in Front street, between Race and Vine streets, No. 171, north—it goes through to Water street, where it is five stories high, the whole in complete repair, and now rented for 600 dollars per ann.
A Country Seat to be Let, THE first House in the Village of Germantown, situated on the right hand side of the Road—together with five or six acres of Grass Land. Apply to GEORGE LOGAN.
Massachusetts District, By Order of the Honorable JOHN LOWELL, Esquire, Judge of the District Court for the Massachusetts District, NOTICE is hereby given to all persons concerned, That a Libel is filed in said Court by Christian G. Gutzmacher, late Commander of the ship Corona, of and from Hamburg, and Henry Andrew Reims as agents for the owners of said Ship, againstundry goods, wares and merchandise, saved from said ship Corona, wrecked on Cape Cod within said District on the 16th March last...
Landing at Waln's wharf, From on board the brig Enterprise, capt. Langdon, from Jamaica, 60 hogheads of good SUGAR, and 7 Entitled to 60,000 wt. of prime green COFFEE } drawback. And For Sale by WHARTON & LEWIS, No. 115, South Front Street, Who have likewise for sale, A quantity of 4th proof Jamaica Rum Molasses, and 70 barrels of Tanners' Oil A few bbls. excellent Limes
SALT PETRE, One hundred kegs of refined Salt Petre, For Sale by the Subscribers, James C. & Samuel W. Fisher, No. 13, Arch Street.
Manchester Goods, Received by the latest arrivals from Liverpool, several trunks, suitable for the present and approaching season, which will be sold very low for cash or on a short credit, viz: 7-8 and 9-8 Printed Calicoes Fancy Waistcoating in Marilles, &c. Cotton and silk and cotton Holl-y, Pantaloon, &c.
PORT WINE, In pipes, hogheads and quarter casks, OF A SUPERIOR QUALITY, Just imported, in the Henrietta, P. P. Schmidt, master, from Oporto, ALSO, ON HAND, 300 bbls. New-York and Boston Beef Queens' Ware in crates Blankets in bales Guns assorted in cases, Cutlasses, Swords, &c. For Sale by THOMAS & JOHN KETLAND, Walnut street wharf.

C O N G R E S S. H O U S E O F R E P R E S E N T A T I V E S.
FRIDAY, April 20. IT being announced by the Clerk that the Speaker was sick, and unable to attend the House,
Mr. SPRAGUE moved that a Speaker pro tem. be appointed. After some observations on the propriety of so doing, the motion was put and carried, there being 46 votes for it.
The Sergeant at Arms accordingly proceeded to collect the ballots, which being done, Messrs. Josiah Parker and Morris were called upon to count the votes, which Mr. Parker reported to be as follows, viz. for Mr. Dent 40, Mr. Sitgreaves 19, Mr. Baldwin 12, Mr. J. Williams 1, and Mr. Blount 1.
Mr. DENT was accordingly declared to be elected, and having been conducted to the Chair by Mr. Sitgreaves, he addressed the House as follows:
"Gentlemen, "IN the execution of the duties of this temporary appointment, my endeavour will be to evince strict impartiality. Permit me to hope your co-operation in maintaining order, and to expect your support in all cases of official decisions, where it ought to be afforded."
On motion of Mr. Sitgreaves it was resolved, that a message be sent to the Senate, informing them that the House had elected a Speaker pro tem.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, on the bill to provide an additional armament for the further protection of the trade of the United States, and for other purposes, when the consideration of Mr. Gallatin's amendment to the 1st section being resumed, viz. to insert "provided they shall not, in time of peace, be employed as convoy to any foreign port or place."
Mr. ALLEN—Mr. Chairman, I wish to inform the Committee the reasons for the strong expressions of abhorrence and indignation, which fell from me yesterday, at the language of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin) when the House was in committee of the whole on this bill.
I confess, Sir, I have not that perfect command of myself—I have not that iron system of nerves, which I could wish, the want of which I lament, and which I so much admire in others. Constitutionally too irritable, I must confess to my country with a degree of warmth which I desire to repress, but which I hope does not banish from my bosom that consideration and that candour which are necessary in my place. The situation of our country requires a cool and temperate deliberation; and I wish for nothing more than for the adoption of such measures as true wisdom shall point out as proper. The committee, I trust, will pardon me for the astonishment and displeasure I felt at what I heard from that gentleman; a familiar displeasure marked the countenance of almost all who heard him—I did expect, upon the disclosure in the dispatches of what had passed at Paris between our Commissioners and the Government of France, that a spirit of unanimity would have been, in some degree, produced in our councils, though a perfect unanimity could not be expected. I did expect that every member of the Legislative would have laid his hand upon his heart, and considered what was necessary to be done for the safety of his country, and would have determined to support such measures as should be deliberately adopted by the majority. But, Sir, what do we behold? I have long considered as the most prominent feature in the French character the spirit of obstinacy, which knows not to yield; that furious, clamorous spirit, which never acquiesces in measures not principles, however well settled; which never yields to majorities, but which always seeks by force or art to convert minorities into majorities; that spirit which drives men to overact, destroy, or render ineffectual, measures which it disapproves, though adopted by the general consent and approbation of the country; that spirit which ceases not to reprobate in the most bitter manner measures which gentlemen know and acknowledge cannot now be set aside. I pray God this spirit may have an end; if it continues it will ruin this country. It appears to me, that the courtly gentlemen are now taking will-overwhelm us with irretrievable difficulties. I hope I am mistaken; but it appears to me the duty of every American, at this time, seriously to declare that he will support the measures which have been and which may be adopted by the government.
The Senate have passed, by a large majority, and sent to us, a bill to provide an additional armament, and no expression of disapprobation of it is heard out of doors. The objects of it are, the defence of those parts of our coast which are most exposed to the enemy; our trade from port to port; our trade to foreign countries where within the reach of our shores; and the general defence of the nation. The first step is to provide the means of defence. How it will operate I know not; it cannot be particularly foreseen. Let us possess the power and consult the mode of conducting it afterwards. All men must confess our situation requires it. It is intended to place this force in the hands of the government, to be used as the exigencies of the nation may demand. But it is attempted, by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, at the very outset, at the very threshold of the business, to shackle it, to make a declaration which goes to a prostration of the country—He requires that we declare we will not make use of these vessels to defend our acknowledged rights; that whatever may be our situation, whatever may be the event, condition or contingency, however effectual may be the means of defending our ships, our property, these vessels shall not be used as convoys. Is this wise—is this prudent? For I wish to avoid the discussion of all Constitutional questions, and to speak only of the expediency of the measure. Will gentlemen refuse their assent to the bill unless accompanied with a declaration that the vessels shall not be used in a particular manner? Surely every gentleman who is anxious only for the true interest of his own country must consent to leave the manner of employing these vessels to be settled hereafter, by Congress, or by the President, when our situation with respect to France shall be fully known. The events of next month, next week, nay, of to-morrow, may render this restriction idle, absurd, and dangerous. If gentlemen are unwilling to trust the President are they afraid of themselves? If their jealousy leads them to put manacles on the Executive, must they also fetter themselves? Can we not discuss this question at a future day, and make a law providing for the operation of this force, long before it will be prepared for action? Why occupy the time which is wanted for preparing the armament in quarrelling about its course and destination?—What will be the use of these vessels without the proposed restriction, I cannot tell; but I am not afraid to concede this power to the President; I am not apprehensive they will be improperly employed. If there were any such danger as gentlemen seem to contem-
plate, the public sentiment, the general opinion of the country, would influence the Executive conduct on the occasion. Under all the attacks that are constantly made upon us, and the threats of destruction that alarm our country, surely there can be no danger of these vessels defending us and all our rights too zealously, or too effectually.
The question is, shall we suffer these armed vessels to act as convoys in time of peace; and by peace he confesses he means that state in which we now stand; plundered, insulted, menaced as we now are!
It is said POLICY forbids it. I believe policy calls upon us to defend ourselves in the best manner we are able, unoperated upon by any thing which has taken place heretofore. Policy calls upon us to consult our own safety and interest, without giving way to an affection for one nation or hatred to another. These are absurd and dangerous passions in nations. It is our true policy to defend ourselves and our rights to the fullest extent; we have an awful lesson of what we are to expect from submission and tameness.
It is said, that it is a vain attempt to defend our commerce; because we cannot defend it effectually. Sir, no nation ever did defend its commerce effectually in the sense the gentleman means; no nation ever expected or attempted it. Every country at war will lose very many of its merchant ships; it is sufficient that we exert so great a force in their defence as under all circumstances we can afford, and can bring into action. But, Sir, no nation ever said, in the spirit of this amendment, that it would not protect its rights and commerce. It would be an invitation to all the pirates on earth to plunder it, under a promise of impunity. Whatever may be expedient to be done in fact, however much we may really be disposed to endure in hope to escape a war, we should not publish to the world and to our foe, our intention to submit to his robberies. The man who would say this, would never have the spirit to defend the country in case of an actual invasion—it is a spirit calculated only to surrender our independence to the first power who shall have courage to demand it.
It was said by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) that by refusing to protect our commerce, we should lose only the carrying trade; that the ships of other nations would come to our ports and furnish us with such foreign productions as we might want, and take from us such of ours as we might have to spare; and that the object of the protection was not worth the expence and the hazard. This was not always the language of that gentleman. He formerly thought the carrying trade of the utmost importance to the country. Every one remembers the long & earnest debate which four years ago took place on a set of resolutions brought in by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Madison). They were founded on certain commercial regulations, said to have been adopted by Great-Britain, injurious only to the carrying trade which we are now invited to surrender without a struggle.
[Here Mr. A. read some observations of Mr. Nicholas on that occasion, in which, speaking of the wrongs this country had suffered from Great-Britain, he asks if there was so little American feeling in the house as not to lead them to take retaliatory measures, &c.] Let gentlemen compare our situation at that time with the present, and they will discover that all which that gentleman then said was applicable at this time, and infinitely more. Those who then opposed the measures of the gentleman from Virginia, called for specific facts of the injuries complained of—they were told of the savages being let loose upon our frontiers, and the Algerines upon our commerce, and of commercial advantages being denied us; yes, Sir, the same gentleman from Virginia was then indignant at our commercial losses, and at restraint on our trade. No gentleman now calls for "specific facts"; no gentleman now calls for "evidence against France"; every gentleman now agrees we have just cause of war against her; but now they profess to doubt the policy of protecting that trade which they then thought so important; now it is not worth defending; now it is mere baggarelle; now they are willing to let foreigners regulate our markets, take our ships, imprison our seamen, and take possession of our harbours. Now we are seriously invited to draw our heads within our shells, and humbly take what foreigners will please to give us; and all this without an effort to defend rights so dear and sacred. These were not the sentiments which animated the gentleman on the former occasion; and I cannot account for this difference of conduct in situations so similar. The gentleman on that occasion stated the question to be whether commercial regulations should be adopted, or whether we should go to war. Arms were to be the resource if milder measures failed in their effect. These gentlemen were then ready to resist and to repel the aggressions committed on us, and their measures were strenuously urged. At that time Great-Britain did not avow the wrongs she had committed on us, nor did she threaten to continue them and ravage our coasts, both which France now does. Our complaints against Great-Britain were few and light, compared with those we make against France; yet, had the commercial regulations then proposed by these gentlemen proved insufficient, blood would have been shed in defence of the rights then violated, though of no importance compared with the injuries under which we now groan. It is contended by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) and I believe by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin) that by the LAW OF NATIONS, France has a right to search our vessels in order to discover whether they have on board contraband articles, or enemy's property. But has she not declared she will not be governed by the law of nations; that she will make her power her only rule of conduct? And will it be said that the may avail herself of rights given by a law the injunctions of which she will not obey? May she protect herself under that law while she will refuse to all other nations the protection it promises to them? Do we allow the Algerines or the pirates of Asia to search our vessels? We may reply, to every Frenchman, who demands to search our ships, "You shall not; you declare you will condemn for causes which you admit not authorized by the law of nations, and you shall not search for any cause whatever." Certainly while gentlemen admit that we have just cause of war against her, they cannot consistently contend for her right to search, and our duty to submit.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania, says, "we ought not to permit our vessels to serve as convoys, because to convoy our merchantmen is to protect them against the unlawful attacks, and against all attacks of foreign ships; that to defend our vessels against the aggressions of France by force is to fight, and to fight is to go to war; and a state of war is a greater evil than the present state of things. And he adds, we had better suffer the French to go on with their depredations, unjust and enormous as they are, than to take any step which may lead to war."
This I cannot admit. This course of argument is chosen, I believe, to give currency to the opinion that the Executive and a part of this House are determined on war in behalf
of Great Britain. This is continually insinuated, or boldly asserted, tho' contrary to the repeated and most solemn affirmations of the late and present chief magistrates, and of many of the members of this body, that they anxiously wish with peace with the French republic. This alarm is rung throughout the United States, and is every where preached up and declaimed against, in order to excite meetings and to raise up a part of the people to resist the measures of the government, however just and necessary they may be. I think I am warranted in this assertion by a number of circumstances; look at the petitions from a number of places against suffering your merchantmen to arm in their defence against a nation of robbers. Every where exertions are made to excite dissatisfaction, and a flame against our government. Every where are found men base or deluded enough to present their faces in broad day light, and revile the measures and the administrators of the government. Every where do they recount the measures they condemn—the funding system, the bank law, the excise, the British treaty, the building of frigates, the Federal City, and the stamp act, are rung in the ear of the public as monstrous, unjust, impolitic and destructive; altho' they have had the repeated and decided approbation of majorities in Congress, and of the people; and altho' almost all men, even those who excite or join in the clamour, acknowledge that every principle of justice now forbids their repeal. Instead of alarming the public mind, gentlemen would do much better service to their country by quieting and appeasing it; and by instructing the people in the true principles of the laws, in the absolute necessity of submitting to and resisting satisfied with the decision of majorities, unless those decisions obviously and manifestly led to the destruction of the country; and I should doubt even in such a case of the propriety of forcible interference, because of the danger of exercising the right of insurrection. When measures are deliberately adopted, unanimity ought to prevail in carrying them into effect; but nothing is in fact heard but the jarring sounds of discord and division; if the laws are not openly opposed and disobeyed, it is a grumbling, reluctant submission which is yielded, indicative of a temper which is ready for resistance, revolution and blood. This disposition, tho' seen in all places, commands but a few voices; for the honour of our country a very great majority of the people remain ununanimous by these factious disturbers of the public peace; and, thank God! they have lately experienced a fatal and dismal defeat in a particular part of the union.
It is, says the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Gallatin) we had better suffer the French as we are, "we had better suffer the French to continue their depredations on our ships and imprisonment of our seamen, we had better suffer them to go on with their depredations than to go to war." Sir, what loud and insistent complaints have been made against us, for "suffering" the British to commit the very same kind of violences on us; our ears yet tingle with the reproaches heaped upon us for suffering precisely the same atrocities which we are now invited to meet with tame submission. These gentlemen have heretofore told us that the French were excused for their robberies by our "suffering" the British to strengthen their forces and man their ships with their seamen. Is not this astonishing! What measure of deprecation and plunder may the British now adopt by this rule, if we "suffer" the French to strip us at the present rate? They have hitherto proceeded in at least a quadruple ratio. By this rule we shall be required to "suffer" the British to take our last ship, our last man, and our last farthing.
We had better suffer the French to go on with their depredations than to go to war." Sir, this is all the French claim for themselves. They now take all they can find; they are perfectly contented with their present condition. If they can take and destroy the whole of our trade, they will be satisfied. The continual plunder of our commerce will be worth more than all the money we can pay. But let gentlemen recollect that France has expressed the strongest hopes of conquering her enemy, Great-Britain; that power which alone now opposes itself to this monster which has devoured half Europe. What will be our condition, what will be our means of defence, when she has stripped us of all our ships and seamen? To me it appears clear, that if we "suffer" France "to go on" it will end in the complete destruction of all those articles in which consist our best means of defence. I am not for doing this, I am not for giving up all our ships and seamen to French rapacity; because I believe if we give up these we have those within our bosom who would give up our country too. I again call on the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) to remember the spirit which actuated him and the language he spoke, on the former occasion. That spirit, were it now awake, would hold a different tone from what we hear at present. We are advised to refrain from using the power we possess for defending ourselves on the ocean; and to declare that we will hold up our arms and submit to be stripped. No nation that had endured the wrongs we feel, and against whom such threats had been pronounced, ever said "we will not resist, we cannot afford effectual defence, and therefore we will give no defence at all." I hope we shall not yet subscribe to such a declaration.
Sir, I should have stood astonished at the language I have heard from these gentlemen; I should have wondered what could have induced it, but for what I have in my hand—is there not something peculiar and alarming in an invitation at this time to surrender our rights and independence to a foreign nation; for I believe the conduct recommended amounts to this? If we turn to the dispatches from France, however, we shall see it all accounted for. Mr. A. then read the following paragraph from the conversation of Mr. Y. with our ministers at Paris. "Perhaps you believe that in returning and exposing to your countrymen the unreasonable demands of the demands of this government, you will unite them in their resistance to those demands: You are mistaken; you ought to know that the DIPLOMATIC SKILL of France, and the MEANS she possesses in your country, are sufficient to enable her, with the French party in America, to throw the blame which will attend the rupture of the negotiations on the Federalists, as you term yourselves, but on the British party as France terms you; and you may assure yourselves this will be done."
This, Mr. Chairman, furnishes the solution of all the questions which arise, of all the enquiries that are made, into the motives of certain gentlemen on this floor. If the French had applied their "diplomatic skill," the means "they possess in this country" with the most perfect address and dexterity, what more could they have promised themselves than has occurred? Were France herself to speak thro' an American mouth I cannot conceive what she would say other than what we have heard from certain gentlemen to effect her purposes. On every proposition for a prompt, energetic and effectual defence of our country, we are
met with constitutional questions, theories, doubts, nice distinctions, learned metaphysical disquisitions, and long speeches to excite divisions, encourage their party, occupy time, and prolong the debate to an interminable and provoking extent; and this by men who have been long devoted to her cause. This is the greatest enemy to which her most artful agent would think it prudent to go; open and direct opposition to all defence would defeat itself; the most be condemned and her measures reprobated; she must be confessed to have committed outrages on our rights; but policy, policy, the sweet enchanting song of policy, must be chanted in our ears forever—policy forbids resistance to the only wounds she inflicts—the attacks us only by sea, it is there only that we at present are vulnerable; and there this syren policy is to sing us asleep. We are invited to surrender the ocean, and "all that in it is" without one feeble effort of defence. We are advised not to resist the demands of France, tho' called upon to pay her large sums of money. [Mr. LIVINGSTON interrupted Mr. A. and said he had sat still a long time and heard a most uncommon strain of calumny and attacks; but this was too serious a charge to pass unnoticed. He wished Mr. A. to state specifically what he had expressed such a sentiment, for he had not heard it.] On the penalty of my life, said Mr. A. I would not in this place and on this occasion falsely state the arguments of gentlemen. I allude, Sir, to what was said, and so laboriously supported, by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin). His very words were, "we had better suffer the French to go on with their depredations, than to take any step which may lead to war." I thought I had so often repeated the expression that no gentleman could be ignorant of what I alluded to. If it does not amount to what I have stated I hope I shall be pardoned. But it seems impossible to put the sentiment into plainer and more explicit language than that in which the gentleman himself clothed it.
France takes our ships, condemns them, and treats our seamen as prisoners of war; that is, she shuts them up in her goals; we complain of her conduct and demand that she cease her outrages, and make us satisfaction; the replies that she will continue these captives unless we pay her money; and the gentleman now says "suffer her to go on." To refuse compliance would be to refuse to suffer her to continue her wrongs or enforce any of her demands, that is, it would be to stand on our defence and repel her attacks; but the gentleman says, "suffer her to go on"—this I call advice not to resist her demands. Her demands, taking her language and conduct together, are, "pay me money, or let me take your ships," for neither of which does she pretend any justification; and the gentleman says, "let her take your ships." This is the language of an AMERICAN who loves his country? No Sir, it is the language of a foreign agent. Genuine AMERICANS Sir, detest such language; they love their country and will defend it, unless the art of these gentlemen shall paralyze our arm. Gentlemen say we cannot defend ourselves, we cannot raise the necessary funds to maintain a war. Sir, we have houses, farms and cattle, and we will spend the last farthing; we have spirits, blood and bodies, and we will lay them in the field of battle, for our country. Do gentlemen say we cannot defend ourselves? Sir, this is the language which AMERICANS are not used to hear; they will defend the rights, the honour, the independence of their country, or perish, "the diplomatic skill of France, her means, and her party in this country," notwithstanding.
In aid of this argument of policy it is urged that there still remains some chance, some hope of preserving peace; and this chance, this hope is attempted to be made a basis of action. With any such excited on which a single operation could be built; but I discover none. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) told us yesterday that he did not believe the present state of things could long exist, that peace must soon take place, in Europe, on which, such was his opinion of France, justice would be done us. [Mr. Nicholas interrupted Mr. A. saying he had said no such thing.] Mr. A. said the gentleman's words were, "we shall be restored to our rights." [Mr. N. replied that he meant that the powers at war would then cease to violate our rights.] Mr. A. continued; that may have been the gentleman's idea, but his words naturally imported remuneration, a compensation for the violation of our rights. Sir, as the gentleman himself has now stated his idea, what foundation is there for it. I do not understand France thus to speak for herself. I understand her to make her passion her guide, and her power her only rule; and tho' while she is engaged in combating the most powerful nation in Europe, she cannot wage an open war with us; yet when she has brought that power to her feet, she reminds us of our fate by the mention of Venice, and other powers of Europe which have been obliged to submit to her domination. [Mr. A. read another passage from the dispatches in which it is said should not an invasion of England actually take place, yet the alarm, interruption of trade, and the expence which it would create would ultimately wear them out, and oblige them to make peace.] The latter I fear will be the event; I believe they will not conquer that country by attack; but there is too much reason to believe they drive will it to an ignominious peace by the long continued conflict. And can we expect that France, when she has made peace with England, will sit down in quiet and cultivate only the arts of peace, and breathe nothing but good will to men? When she has humbled the only power that presents a formidable front and terrible aspect, is she to set about the introduction of that millennium of peace and purity of which we have heard so many fine promises and poetical predictions. On the contrary, if our difficulties are not settled with her before the subjugation of one, or a peace with Great-Britain takes place, and by that means her fleets which now serve us as a barrier, are withdrawn from the coast, they will not be settled at all; and if the course to which we are invited is taken, and we now "suffer" her to strip us of our ships and seamen, we shall be incapable of defending ourselves. We have every thing to expect that the avarice, the ambition, the malice and the power of France can inflict. Sir, if Great-Britain falls, and we remain a divided people, I look for nothing but bloodshed, slaughter, pillage and a complete subjection to France—how can we prevent it? Nothing else can be expected while gentlemen continue their present line of conduct; whilst to every measure of defence the expence is objected, and the people are told they cannot pay it; while a land tax is held out to the people as the greatest of all evils, and by these and every possible art the public mind is paralyzed, the public force destroyed.
Let me add, as no contemptible engine in this business of sowing discord, dissensions and distrust of the government, a vile incendiary paper published in this city, which constantly teems with the most atrocious abuses of all the measures of the government, and its ad-
ministrators. A flood of calumny is constantly poured forth against those whom the people have chosen as the guardians of the nation. The privilege of franking letters is abused in sending this paper into all parts of the country; and the purest characters are, thro' this medium, prostrated and laid low in the view of the people. No nation, no government was ever so insulted. In another country, this printer and his supporters would long ago have found a Fourth of September, and this paper is well known always to speak the sentiments of, and to be supported by, certain gentlemen in this house. These, Sir, are the fruits of "the diplomatic skill of France"—these are the effects of her "means"—these are the efforts of "her party in this country." I am aware that our government may not always, on all occasions, have acted with the most perfect wisdom; what government ever did? we are not perfect, it is the lot of humanity to err. But who would have conducted our affairs more wisely? Will gentlemen from Pennsylvania, no many days since, declared that if we have war, with France, it will be owing to the publication of the dispatches and instructions! I with we may avoid a war, if possible—but if we do not, if war must come, I cannot believe it will be produced by that publication. The publication of those papers is acknowledged by the gentleman to be an innocent act in itself. A proceeding so proper and so honorable cannot draw upon us such a pretext; our enemy needs no such pretext; she fears it—the finds in her ambition, and her lust of domination, motives enough for war. I desire that all the citizens of the United States should learn that this gentleman has said "the publication of these papers will lead France to make war on us," and I am sure they cannot mistake the motives to the declaration. It is not the language of patriotism to say that the publication of what the people were anxiously looking for and expecting is to produce a war. The language of every man who loves his country ought to be, "A majority has determined what shall be done, and we will support it; if it was an error it was not a vice, and we will defend it." But it was not an error. Such is not the language to be produced by the "diplomatic skill of France." That skill throws itself in great apparent moderation and candour, but will fly promote principles calculated to passy our efforts and defeat all the exertions for the protection of our country's rights and independence. Such things will be practiced until all men will agree to prefer their own country to every other. I believe there are men in this country, in this house, whose hatred and abhorrence of our government leads them to prefer another, our government and its friends as its.
The gentlemen who press upon us these two ideas, viz. "we have some chance of peace; and, an European peace will restore to us our rights," have heretofore assumed to understand the temper, policy and projects of the French government, and thereupon have claimed authority to direct our affairs in relation to France; and have bitterly and loudly condemned our want of faith in them. Let us examine the grounds of their claim—let us see how far their predictions heretofore have been verified.
Genet and his partisans in this country, told us France did not wish us to join her in the war. A few months after this, she pulled his instructions from his pocket, and they were found to enjoin upon him to employ all possible means to draw us into the war. These gentlemen understood Great-Britain too—they knew she would not treat with us at all, much less on any terms of reciprocity. When that treaty was made and ratified, they so clearly saw her perfidy, and her hypocrisy, they were certain she would not perform on her part those stipulations which were favorable to us; they knew she would not deliver up the Western Posts, &c. Sir, we see that power performing her engagements with a religious good faith, that France and her ferocious tyrants never knew.
These gentlemen have constantly assured us that all the robberies, the decrees of spoliation, the violations of her treaty with us, her embargoes, her compulsory contracts with our merchants in her ports, and her disregard of all her contracts, were measures necessary to her very existence, that they were the result of "an imperious necessity;" and that when that necessity ceased, when her liberties were secured, when she had repelled and humbled the despot of Europe who were leagues against her, she would cease her outrages, and would render justice to all who had suffered by her wrongs. Let the gentlemen hold up their heads, and declare to us what is now the case—She extends and encircles her ravages; her voracious jaws have engulfed all that has come within her reach. Sir, I will remind the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) and the gentlemen who then acted, and now act with him, that to the answer to the President's speech, at the session last Summer, he moved an amendment in the following words, viz. "The rejection of our Minister, and the manner of dismissing him from the territories of France, have excited our warmest sensibility; and, if followed by similar measures, and a refusal of all negotiation on the subject of our mutual complaints, will put an end to every friendly relation between the two countries; but we flatter ourselves that the Government of France only intended to suspend the ordinary diplomatic intercourse, and to bring into operation those extraordinary agencies which are in common use between nations, and which are confined in their attention to the great causes of difference. We therefore receive with the utmost satisfaction your information that a fresh attempt at negotiation will be instituted; and we expect with confidence that a mutual spirit of conciliation, and a disposition on the part of the United States to place France on the footing of other countries, by removing the inequalities which may have arisen in the operation of our respective treaties with them, will produce an accommodation compatible with the engagements, rights, duties and honour of the United States."
This amendment was most zealously supported, and the debate upon it occupied this House near three weeks at the extraordinary session last Summer. I then thought it ill-timed, but I now believe it was a fortunate motion—it serves as a test by which to try these gentlemen. The plain language of it was, "We will make another attempt to negotiate, and a rejection of her abuses will convince us that we cannot have any friendly connections with France." Sir, putting an end to all friendly relations between two countries, I understand to be placing them in a state of hostility. I know of no mongrel half-breed state of things after such an end is put to our relations with a foreign nation; it is war, or it is peace. The citizens of one have a right to be received in the ports of the other in a friendly manner, or they have not—if they have it, it is peace; if they have not, it is war. The President has made a fresh attempt at negotiation; he has sent three Ministers in place of the one, to beg and pray for compromising, for negotiation for justice and for peace. The haughty Directory will not receive them, will

not hear them; its vile agents infall them with demands of enormous sums. Sir, France not only will not negotiate, but she will not even suspend her depredations while one of our Envoys can return home to procure such powers as the demands to be given them. She admits the justice of our complaints, and declares we shall submit to her power. The event on which the gentleman counted in his amendment has happened, but he now warmly contends for a continuation of friendly relations between the two countries. It is proved the government of France did not intend only to suspend the ordinary diplomatic intercourse and to bring into exertion those extraordinary agencies. We have referred to such extraordinary agencies; we have sent three Envoys Extraordinary. Her first rejection of our Minister has been followed by similar measures, and a refusal of all negotiation, and the gentleman now vehemently contends against even defence and resistance!
It is proved that the Gentleman's "confidence" in the success of this "fresh attempt" to negotiate was utterly delitute of foundation, and now again he says "there is some chance of peace," and "peace in Europe will restore to us our rights." By this time I think the Gentleman should hesitate and pause a little before he pronounces any more creeds on the subject of French justice, French honour, French moderation, French magnanimity. The Gentleman in his amendment also said, "we cannot believe that any serious expectation can be entertained of withdrawing the support of the people from their constitutional agents"—and now the boasts of "her means and her party" in America. Sir, our dangers are too imminent, too awful to trifle with; our measures must be prompt, energetic, and decisive. I with the gentleman from Pennsylvania could be convinced of the propriety of withdrawing his motion; and of the necessity of unanimity in our Councils. (Mr. A. read from the despatches, a part of Mr. Y.'s address to our Envoys. "What, he, Mr. Y. asked would be "our situation if peace should be made with England before our differences with France would be accommodated.") This is a solemn enquiry; this is a question on which we should well consider—I pray the Gentlemen who are now opposing our measures to make the answer; and I with them the light of a divine revelation in the solution. But Gentlemen will not join us heart and hand, in the defence of our rights and our Independence, I do trust a fervor will kindle and spread thro' the country which will compel Gentlemen to act and do their duty.
I hope, Sir, the Committee will pardon my ardour on this occasion; I am sure a majority will. I cannot hear the threats which are thrown out against us; I cannot hear the denunciations of France against my Country, and sit down calmly to calculate the pounds, shillings and pence which it will cost to defend it. I do hope, Sir, the fervor of the Country, if nothing else can affect certain Gentlemen, will oblige this house to proceed immediately in such measures as are proper for our defence—I pray God this may speedily be the case; or we are a ruined and devoted people. But while I see such motions as the present brought forward, and a pure American (Mr. Brent) declare that such sentiments as we heard yesterday from the Gentleman from Pennsylvania "would do honour to the head and heart of any man." I despair of any considerable degree of unanimity in this house. (This Debate to be continued.)
By this day's Mail.
NEW-YORK, April 28. Yesterday arrived here from Calcutta, the ship HARMONY, capt. Kollok; which place she left on the 5th of December, having stopt a few days at the Cape of Good Hope. Mr. Alexander Smith, owner of the ship and cargo, who came in the Harmony, has favored us with a file of Calcutta papers up to the first of November. We shall hereafter give some extracts. Capt. Kollok spoke nothing on his passage, until he was in lat. 34, long. 21. spoke a sloop from this port bound to Providence. Same day, fell in with a large Schooner, which they took to be a French privateer. Having dog'd them for some time; but on discovering them prepar'd to meet her, she came not within hail of the Harmony. Sunday last, they were boarded by the English frigate Thetis, capt. Cochran, who treated them with great politeness; and by his officer, requested their acceptance of some fresh beef and vegetables, having been only a few days from Norfolk. Thursday last, spoke the brig Lucretia, of New-Bedford; a few leagues east of Sandy Hook, bound to Alexandria. The Harmony's crew chiefly consists of Malays, 45 in number, who are much distressed by the coldness of our climate. A party of sixteen guns was fired from the Harmony on her entering the harbor.
Last evening at the Society for Free Debate, held at Hunter's Hall, the question, "Would it be better policy to suspend our carrying trade to our enemies, than to arm in defence of our carrying trade?" was debated before the most numerous concourse of citizens which have yet assembled. After a lengthy debate, it was determined as the for the very large majority of the meeting, that under existing circumstances, it would be better policy to arm in defence of our carrying trade than to arm an embargo. The question of the question naturally calling into view the conduct of our government towards France, inspired the meeting with a glow of patriotic feelings; and after the question had been determined and the business of the Society finished by an adjournment to the next regular meeting, it was proposed that the citizens then assembled (amounting to at least four hundred and fifty) should express by a vote of the meeting, their sentiments respecting the conduct of our government. Col. Morton being unanimously called to the chair—On motion, resolved almost unanimously, that a committee be appointed to Address the President and Congress of the United States in behalf of the citizens there assembled, expressing their full approbation of the conduct of the Executive of the United States with respect to France—their entire confidence in his patriotism and ability, and their determination to support and defend at all hazards, the independence, the freedom, and the independence of their country. Resolved, that Col. Jacob Morton, Col. Ebenezer Stevens, Nicolas Everson, John Cozine, and John Ogden H. Smith, be the committee to draft and forward the above Address. JACOB MORTON, Chairman. John E. Seaman, Secretary.
BALTIMORE, April 27. To the Editor of the Federal Gazette. Gentleman, I saw with much surprise in your Gazette of yesterday, a paragraph which asserts, that I had received a letter from General Pinckney, in which it is pretended, that he he had expressed expectation of having an audience of the French directory with our other ministers plenipotentiary; As I have never received any such information, I beg you will contradict the unfounded report to which I allude; and I am, earnestly, gentlemen, your true friend and will induce you to comply with any request, which will greatly oblige CHARLES L. PINCKNEY HOOKE. Bryden's Hotel, April 26. In addition to the above, we can assert on the best authority, that Mr. Fenwick had never received any letter from Gen. Pinckney, on the subject of the negotiations with the directory; and that the General has for a long time past refused all correspondence with a character infamous for the many well-articled practices carried on against his own country. Whatever may have been the intention of the author of the article, it certainly was calculated, if left uncontradicted, to have a very injurious tendency at this time, by holding up a rally-point to the disaffected, and rendering the government subject to the caprice and despotic ambition of a foreign nation.
The Gazette.
PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY EVENING, April 30
Proceedings of the Town of Providence in the State of Rhode-Island.
At a numerous Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town of Providence, assembled by public notice, in consequence of a request signed by forty-five citizens, at the Town House on Saturday the 23d day of April 1798, to take into consideration the propriety of presenting a respectful address to the President of the United States, expressive of approbation of the President's conduct, in relation to the Foreign concerns of the United States— The Hon. JAMES BOWEN, Chairman. JAMES BURRILL, Jun. Esq. Sec'y. The request for convening the meeting was read and the object of the meeting stated by the chairman. After several gentlemen had delivered their opinions upon the state of affairs and the negotiation with France, the instructions of the President to the Envoys extraordinary appointed to negotiate with the French republic were read, it was then resolved, nemine contradicente, that Dr. David Howell, Welcome Arnold, John Brown, Amos Maine Atwell, John Dorrance, John S. Dexter and James Burrill jun. Esq. be appointed a committee to prepare an address, from the inhabitants of Providence, to the President, expressive of their unqualified approbation of his conduct in relation to the republic of France, and to all other foreign concerns of the United States, and their resolution to support the dignity and independence of the United States, with their lives and fortunes; that they report said address to this meeting, at its adjournment, and that the same when approved of by the meeting be offered to the inhabitants for their signatures. The meeting was then adjourned to Monday next, at 10 o'clock in the morning. Monday, April 23d 1798. The inhabitants again assembled, in a very full meeting, agreeably to their adjournment. The committee, appointed for that purpose, reported an address which being several times read, was unanimously approved; ordered to be presented to the inhabitants, for their signatures, and afterwards transmitted, by the chairman, to the Senators and Representatives of this State in Congress, to be by them presented to the President, with the minutes of the proceedings of this meeting. This address as reported and adopted, was forwarded by the mail, which arrived here on Saturday last, with a letter from the chairman, dated on the 24th instant, to the Senators and Representatives in Congress, from the State of Rhode-Island, requesting them to present it. They this day waited on the President, at ten o'clock in the morning, and presented the address to him. It is as follows. To the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. SIR, The underwritten inhabitants of the Town of Providence, voluntarily assembled, in pursuance of public notice, beg leave to address you, with sentiments of personal and profound respect. The late disclosure of the views and designs of France, in contrast with the pacific disposition of the United States, has excited the most disgusting apprehensions of hostilities from that republic, and the most unlimited confidence, in the wisdom, integrity and patriotism of the administration of our Government. In the progress of the negotiation with that republic, whose legitimate origin we were the first to acknowledge, a republic which, at the dawn of its political day, seemed elevated to the sublimest height of virtue, and disclaimed, in the first exercise of its power, all right to interfere in the internal concerns of other nations, we observe with regret, a departure from the great principles of liberty and justice, and we observe this with the deeper regret, because that country received its first lesson of liberty from ours. After the numberless and trying proofs which the United States had given of their sincere desire to preserve an impartial neutrality, their repeated applications for redress, might, at least, have been answered with professions of amity, and of a love of justice, instead of an avowed intent still further to impoverish us, and to pursue a studied system of universal domination. While we lament that some of the inhabitants of this country have too much attached themselves to European politics, we believe this dangerous mistake proceeded not from a treacherous defection from the cause of their country, but from the fascination of the brilliant spectacle of a nation victoriously contending for its liberties. We rejoice that the scales have now fallen from their eyes—they must now see, what enlightened statesmen have seen before, that the sacred name of liberty is profaned to disguise projects of ambition and conquest. Your late communications must cement the public councils and encrease the energy of government. The inadmissible and exorbitant exactions of France, will not only deprive them of every American advocate, but convince the world that an adjustment of the differences between the two countries, was impracticable on any other basis than the prostration of America at the feet of France. The result in the mind of every American must be a manly determination to vindicate the honour and interest of his country. Should we be driven to the last appeal,
we have an extensive country, full of resources, and we trust in GOD, who has hitherto so signally favored us, that he will again inspire us with that glowing zeal and undimayed courage, which in a period not remote, the people so successfully displayed, and in such an exigency we shall derive additional confidence from the firm moderation, the long tried integrity, the ripened wisdom which induced an enlightened nation to place you at the helm of government. We cannot close without assuring you of our entire approbation of your conduct, in relation to the foreign concerns of this country—of our prayers for your personal health and happiness, and of our readiness, with our lives and fortunes, to support the dignity and independence of the United States. Signed by one Thousand and Twenty-Seven of the principal Merchants, Freeholders and Inhabitants of the Town of Providence. To which the President was pleased to return the following ANSWER: To the Inhabitants of the town of Providence in the state of Rhode-Island. GENTLEMEN, This respectful Address from the inhabitants of Providence, who have been my friends and neighbors from my youth, was by no means necessary to convince me of their affectionate attachment. Imagination can scarcely conceive a stronger contract, than has lately been disclosed between the views of France and those of the United States. I will not distinguish between the views of the governments and those of the nations; if in France they are different, the nation whose right it is will soon show that they are so; if in America they are the same, this fact also will be shown by the nation in a short time in a strong light. I cannot however see in this contract a sufficient cause of disquieting apprehensions of hostilities from that republic: hostilities have already come thick upon us by surprise, from that quarter—if others are coming we shall be better prepared to meet and repel them. When we were the first to acknowledge the legitimate origin of the French Republic, we discovered at least as much zeal, sincerity and honesty of heart, as we did of knowledge of the subject, or foresight of its consequences—the success of those proofs which the United States have given of their sincere desire to preserve an impartial neutrality, and of their repeated negotiations for redress of wrongs have demonstrated, that other means must be resorted to, in order to obtain it. I agree entirely with you in acquitting in general, those of our citizens, who have too much attached themselves to European politics, of any treacherous defection, from the cause of their country: The French Revolution, was a spectacle, so novel, and the cause was so complicated, that I have ever acknowledged myself incompetent to judge of it, as it concerned the happiness of France, or operated on that of mankind; my countrymen in general, were, I believe as ill qualified as myself to decide; the French nation alone, had the right and the capacity, and to them it should have been referred: we should have suspended our judgments, and been as neutral and impartial between the parties in France as between the nations of Europe. The honor of our nation is now universally seen to be at stake, and its independence in question, and all America appears to declare, with one heart, and one voice, a manly determination to vindicate both. The legislature, by the late publication of instructions and dispatches, have appealed to the world, and if the iron hand of power has not locked up the presses of Europe, in such a manner that the facts cannot be communicated to mankind, the impartial sense, and voice of human nature, must be in our favor. If perseverance in injustice should necessitate the last appeal, whatever causes we may have to humble ourselves before the supreme tribunal, we have none, for any other sentiment, than the pride of virtue, and honest indignation against the late conduct of France towards us. I thank you gentlemen, for your personal civilities to me, and return your kind wishes for my happiness. Your noble declaration of your readiness, with your lives and fortunes, to support the dignity and independence of the United States, will receive the applause of your country, and of all others who have the sentiments and feelings of men.
JOHN ADAMS, April 30th, 1798.
Extra of a letter from a gentleman in Providence (Rhode-Island) to his friend in this city, dated April 27th, 1798. By the mail of this day, will be transmitted the proceedings of the inhabitants of this town, and the address by them individually signed to the President, pledging ourselves to support the public councils and measures, for securing our national honor and independence. The personal attachment to, and confidence in, the President, is increased to an ardent affection, and the whole administration stand as strong in New England as the western mountains. The French I believe are left friendless here.
CALENDER TURN'D OFF.
Backe begins to be ashamed or rather tired of his lead-headed associate—In the Aurora of this morning we find Calender disavowed as a contributor to the elegancies of that repository, or as having any participation in its editorship—It is possible that the lead-headed Pauper has been asking for some of those broken victuals, which his employer is not so well able to spare, as when his employers were on the spot. The following name was omitted in the list of those elected as members of the Philosophical Society of Pennsylvania, the 20th April, published in Saturday's Gazette—viz. JULIUS NIEMCEWICZ, of Poland, now in the United States.
PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
ARRIVED, days
Ship Liberty, Jones, from Alexandria 8
Brig Union, Fletcher, Bourdeaux 57 Jane, Vanlife, Cape Francois 15 Sally, Hampton, St. Bartholomews 16 Betsey, Forreil, Acquin 26 Schooner Jane, Greenwell, Lisbon 45 Flying Squirrel, Bath, Havana 16 Regulator, Hamilton, Norfolk 3 Maria, Ober, Charleston 6 Sloop Supply, Wallace, L'Anceveau 24 Betsey, Sweetzer, Charleston 7
C L E A R E D,
Ship Delaware, Swords, for Canton Active, Rinker, London Eagle, Berry, Oporto Caesar, Howland, do. Hope, Younghusband, New Windfor Brig Anna, Maffit, Gonaives Maria, Sherer, Charleston Schooner Tryal, Hand, Alexandria Capt. Hampton of the brig Sally, informs that he left at St. Martins the 6th instant, the following vessels, prizes. Brig Anthony, Ganet, of Philadelphia, condemned. Franklin, Morris, Wilmington, do. purchased by the capt. and to sail in 6 or 8 days. George Washington, Devereaux, of Philadelphia, do. Betsey, Black, Wilmington, N. C. do. Little Samuel, White, Baltimore, do. Sally, Arnold, N. York, do. purchased by the capt. and to sail soon. Vulture, Lambert, cleared, (not being worth condemning.) Betsey, Weaver, Newport, for trial. Frederick, Colman, Portland, do. Schermerhorn, Connor, Alexandria, condemned Atlantic, Stanton, Stonington, do. Industry, Knapp, Salem, for trial. Sloop Sally, Storbury Philadelphia condemned Mary, Totten, Newhaven, for trial. Anna Corbin, Justice, Folly Landing, condemned. Sally, Union, Marblehead, for trial. Capt. Hampton left St. Bartholomews the 11th inst. on the 10th the French privateer Le Mode de Patre, capt. Moscalfo, arrived with masters and part of the crews of the following vessels that he had captured and sent into Porto Rico, during her last cruise, and was then on her way to Guadalupe with their papers for trial, viz. Brig Resolution, Lester, of Norwich from Demerara, at which place he left the Brig Sea Nymph, M'Dougal of Philadelphia, Lucy, Clap, Hartford, from Demerara Ship Augusta, Story, Newhaven, for Surinam Brig Courtney, Watson, Norfolk, for Jamaica Sc. Lucretia, Young, Portland, from Tobago The privateer left Porto Rico the 28th ult. at which time there lay about 50 sail of American prizes; amongst them were Ship New-Jersey, Clay, of Philadelphia, from Canton, captain gone to St. Domingo for trial. Ship Fame, of New-York, mounting 3 guns, sent in by a privateer of 4 guns. Three captains, 4 mates, and 6 seamen, came home passengers in the Sally. There are ten sail of American prizes at St. Barthelemie. The harbour of St. Bartholomews is daily blockaded by French privateers, who are suffered by the Swedish government there not only to capture the vessels of other neutral powers, but the vessels belonging to the island under the guns of the fort, and send them to St. Martin's. Captain Hampton was at Guadalupe the 17th of March, at which time more than 40 sail of American prizes lay in the different ports of that island. He was at Nevis on the 18th instant, where lay the ship Philadelphia, of Philadelphia—was at St. Kitt's, and left there the 3d, the brig Betsey, Griffin, New-Haven. Captain H. further informs, that in consequence of the late instructions of the Court of London, respecting neutrals, several privateers were fitting out at St. Kitt's, and 9 at Antigua; and that a brig from Baltimore for Guadalupe, with 300 barrels of flour, had been sent into St. Kitt's under those orders: that one-eighth of the cargo of the Pigeon was landing at Antigua for salvage: that part of the crew of that vessel had reached St. Bartholomews from Guadalupe, from whence they had taken passage to Charleston, and that the remainder had left Guadalupe in a row boat, and arrived at Antigua. The Schooner Jane, Greenwell, failed from Lisbon the 17th ult. previous to which the British ship Swiftsure of 74 guns, had arrived there with the information of the death of the Dey of Algiers: that Mr. Smith, the American minister, immediately took passage in that vessel supposed for Gibraltar: that only 3 British men of war remained at Lisbon with Lord St. Vincent, the rest being off Cadiz. The Spanish Court it was reported, were negotiating a peace for Portugal. Capt. Greenwell was at Bilboa, and failed from thence the 13th of February in company with the brig Minerva, Long, of this port, for Bordeaux. April 23, Lat. 38. long. 70, spoke the ship John and Elizabeth, Galloway, 70 days out from the Isle of France for Boston; next day spoke the brig Rainbow, Cruff, from the Havannah to Boston; next day the ship Edward, from the Havannah, to Providence. Capt. Vanlife, of the Jane, informs, that previous to his sailing, the squadron of frigates from Brest had arrived at Cape Francois. Captain Fletcher left at Bourdeaux the 21st ult. the brig Minerva, Long, of this port, and Sally, Logan, do. to sail next day for St. Thomas; brig Annable Matilda, Brown, taking in. On the 17th inst. lat. 31, long. 65, was boarded by a French privateer brig of 12 guns, and was plundered of a variety of articles belonging to the cargo, rigging, fails, money, &c. the men robbed of all their spare clothing, and two of them stabbed badly; they then put on board the Union 6 men that they had taken out of the Schooner Little Gray, Hawes, of Washington, to St. Bartholomews, and Schooner Betsey, from Barbadoes, to North Carolina, which they had captured a few days before, and ordered for Porto Rico.
New-York, April 28.
ARRIVED, DAYS.
Ship Harmony, Kollok, Calcutta 15 Diana, Duplex, Savannah 15 Eliza, Allen, Jacquanal 26 Brig Georgia Packet, Thomas, Savannah 16 Clinton, Champlain, do. 16 Mary Anne, Martiner, Jamaica 23 Scher. Two-Brothers, Tupper, N. Carolina 6
CHARLESTON, April 19.
The from South Carolina, Captain Andrews, from this port for the Havannah, laden with salt, has been captured by the British frigate Thetis, Captain Cochran, and sent to Halifax. An order is received at the Havanna from Spain, prohibiting the entry of all British manufactures. From "Le Patriote Francaise," of yesterday. "A Paris paper of the 13th of February, says, after mentioning the new appointments that have been made by the Directory in the diplomatic and consular line, there is no change in our legation to the United States; the wreck of the legation remaining there will exercise their functions, until the differences between France and the Anglo-Americans are terminated, or until they are recalled to France."
NEW-THEATRE.
(BY PARTICULAR DESIRE.) TO-MORROW EVENING, May 1, Will be presented, the favorite TRAGEDY of
ISABELLA; Or, THE FATAL MARRIAGE.
After the Tragedy, will be presented, AN OCCASIONAL INTERLUDE. Particulars will be expressed in future bills. To which will be added, the COMIC OPERA of
THE PADLOCK.
On Wednesday evening, a Comic Opera, (not acted these two years) called LIONEL AND CLARISSA; Or, A SCHOOL FOR FATHERS—with a Pantomime (never performed here) called FORTUNATUS; or, HARLEQUIN'S WISHING CAP—with a variety of Entertainments—For the benefit of Mr. WAKELL, and Mr. WALL, jun. * * * Mr. and Miss MILBOURNE'S Night will be on Friday next.
THE LAST NIGHT. FOR THE BENEFIT OF MR. SULLY.
Mr SULLY having been, by unforeseen fortuitous circumstances deprived of his late situation, and prevented, at the New Circus, of receiving the assistance of his friends and the public, ventures to put his name up for a Benefit, with the assistance of Mr. Chalmers and others, at Ricketts' Circus, on Monday next, April 30th, 1798; to which he respectfully invites them, and dantes himself the Bill of Fare with which he has the honor of presenting them, will prove both pleasing and attractive. There being no performance at the Theatre on that evening, is the occasion of the alteration from Tuesday.
WAGS AND ODDITIES, OR THE MEDLEY;
CONSISTING OF Entertainments, Dramatical and Pantomimical Dances, Songs, and Sentiment.
IN PART. ADDRESS, CONTAINING THE GRECIAN FABLE, Mr. CHALMERS.
A Dissertation on Jealousy, by an American Lady—her first appearance. THE TATLER, Taken from THE DUCE IS IN HIM. Doctor Pratt—Mr. Chalmers. Emily—Mrs. Rowson. Belle—by a young Lady of this City. To conclude with the Comic Tale of The Spirit of Contradiction—by Mr. Chalmers. Lawyers pay you with words, or the end of a Song By Mr. Sully.
ON THIS NIGHT MRS SULLY Will perform a Pot-Pourri on the Grand Piano-Forte
BUCKS HAVE AT YE ALL; With a Dash at the Belles—Mr. Chalmers.
IN PART. A Burlesque, called LINCOLN'S TRAVELS, Or, HOME IS HOME.
Linco, Mr. Sully; Damon, by Mr. Frederick; Dorcas, Mrs. Rowson; Shephards and Shepherds, by others. The performances of the last evening having taken up more time in Representation than was expected, induced Mr. Chalmers to omit the Tale of
TOM KING, OR MONSIEUR TONSON, It will, by particular desire, be given this evening, Duet on the Grand Piano-Forte—By Mr. Benjamin Carr and Mrs. Sully.
Notoriety, or All for a Name, in the character of Nomini—By Mr. Chalmers.
3d PART. MASTERLY FEATS OF ACTIVITY, WITH CROUD AND LOFTY TUMBLING, By Mr. Sully and his Pupils, and PART.
A PANTOMIME ENTERTAINMENT, called THE POWER OF LOVE; Or, The Vicissitudes of Fortune. With the Dying and Skeleton Scenes. Harlequin—Mr. Sully.
With many surprising Leaps, Biceps, and Feats of Activity, particularly through A CHURCH STEEPLE TEN FEET HIGH. Don Romando, Mr. Frederick; Father, Mr. Tomkins—Clown, Mr. Ponsart. Venus, with a Song, by the young lady who personates Belle in the Duce is in Him— Columbine Mrs. Rowson.
The whole to conclude with An EPILOGUE, in the character of Harlequin—by Mr. Sully. To finish with a Leap, eight feet high, through A grand Display of Variegated Fire. Tickets to be had of Mr. Sully. No. 22, South Fifth Street, near the New Circus; or Mr. Chalmers, No. 39, South Front Street; at B. Carr's Musical Store, Market Street, and O'Callaghan's Hotel—The outstanding tickets of Mr. Chalmers' Tuesday last will be admitted this evening. * * * Particular attention will be paid to the better lighting of the stage. Mr. Chalmers is sorry to hear many of his friends departed the last night before the performances were at an end, owing to a misconception by his giving out the intentions for this evening.
Mr. Sully begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public, that the new FEDERAL SONG to the tune of the PRESIDENT'S MARCH, will be given among the variety of Entertainments performed at Ricketts' Circus, this evening, April 30, for his Benefit.
POST-OFFICE, Philadelphia, 28th, April 1798.
LETTERS for the British Packet, for Falmouth, will be received at this Office, until Tuesday the 1st May at 12 o'clock (noon.) N. B. Inland Postage must be paid to New-York.
LANDED THIS DAY.
From on board the ship Alexander, capt. Brown, from Jacquanal, at Wilcock's wharf, about 80,000 wt. of fine Green Coffee in hogsheads, barrels and bags For Sale—apply to John Whipple & Co. WHO HAS ON HAND, Claret of the first quality, in cases April 30. $25
Aloes at Auction.
On TUESDAY next, the 1st of May, at 11 o'clock at FOOTMAN and Co's, Auction Store, will be sold for approved interest notes at 60 days.
A Quantity of Cape Aloes
In lots to suit the purchasers, of a good quality, being the property of a person deceased. FOOTMAN & Co. Auctioneers. April 20.

Graft Lots to let. THREE contiguous Lots of Ground, containing something more than an acre, situated in Carpenter Street, between Third and Fourth Street, Southward; to rent separately or together, for the year or longer. They are in good order and generally produced hay for fifteen years past. Upon one lot is a frame dwelling house, a garden, well of water, and hay stable. For further information, enquire at No. 12, North Third Street, April 25.
Germantown and Reading Turnpike Road Company.
THE Subscribers Commissioners appointed by an Act of Assembly of this Commonwealth entitled, "An Act to enable the Governor of this Commonwealth to incorporate a Company for making an Artificial Road from the city of Philadelphia, through Germantown, by the route of Chestnut Hill, to the twelve mile stone on the Reading Road, and thence to Reading in the county of Berks," hereby give notice, that books are provided as the law directs, and that we will proceed to receive subscriptions for the company's stock on the 28th, 29th, and 30th days of May next, at the City Hall, in the city of Philadelphia, at the Tavern of William Buchan, in Germantown, at the Tavern of Jacob Berr, in Reading in the county of Berks, and at the Tavern of George Pflieger, in Pottstown in the county of Montgomery, on the same days, from ten o'clock in the morning, until two o'clock, P. M. on each day, when and where certain of the Commissioners will attend to receive subscriptions accordingly. April 14th, 1798.
BENJAMIN CHEW, jun. CASPAR W. HAINES, SAMUEL BETTON, GEORGE FRANKS, JOHN FROMBERGER, ISAAC FRANKS, JOS. HEISTER, J. BOWER, DANIEL ROSE, SAMUEL LAVERY, GEORGE DOUGLASS, jun., ABRAHAM LINCOLN. N. B. Fifteen Dollars to be paid on each share at the time of subscribing. April 17—cod36m
The Annual Election
FOR Directors and a Treasurer of the Library Company of Philadelphia, will be held at the Library, in Fifth Street, on Monday, the 7th of May next, at three o'clock in the afternoon, when the Treasurer will attend to receive the annual payments. As there are several shares on which fines are due, the owners of them, or their representatives, are hereby notified, that they will be forfeited, agreeably to the laws of the company, unless the arrears are paid off on the said 7th day of May, or within ten days after. By order of the Directors, BENJAMIN R. MORGAN, Secretary. April 7 gaw
NOTICE.
THE Partnership of the subscribers, trading under the firm of PAXSON & RICHARDSON, was dissolved on the first of the third month last, by mutual consent. All persons indebted thereto are earnestly requested to make payment; and those that have any demands against the same, are desired to present their accounts for settlement to either of the subscribers. Isaac Paxson, Nathaniel Richardson. Philadelphia, 4th mo. 3d, 1798.
ISAAC PAXSON,
Continues to carry on the business at the usual place, No. 10, South Third Street, where he has on hand a large assortment of Ironmongery, Saddlery, Cutlery and Brass Wares, which he will sell wholesale or retail, on low terms, for cash or the usual credit. He expects to receive by the first vessels from London, Bristol, Liverpool and Hull, a large addition to his present assortment; and will execute with punctuality and care any orders from the former customers, and his friends in general. 2aw4w
To be Let,
(And immediate possession given) A Pleasant Country Seat, on the Germantown road, five miles and a quarter from the City. Enquire at No. 39 Pine-Street. April 17. 2awtf
Salisbury Estate.
THE Subscriber, proposing to contract his business, offers this Estate for sale, on moderate terms. It is one of the best and most valuable Farms in the County, containing a complete Boring Machine, and a very good grist Mill, with two pairs of stones; also a good Forge, all in perfect repair, as are all the Water Works connected with these various branches. The Air Furnace was lately built for the purpose of casting Cannon for this State. There are about two thousand acres of Land, one half of which is under wood, the other very fine arable Land, producing the best Hay and Pasture. The Cannon lately manufactured there, fully proves the excellence of the metal, which is superior to any in this country, and probably equal to any in the world; for not one of sixty-nine guns lately made, although some of the 24 were bored into 32 pounders, have failed on proving. The situation is very eligible, particularly for this branch of manufacture, and a place of arms lying in the State of Connecticut, and only 30 miles from several landings on the Hudson's river, and having every advantage that can result from a plenty of water issuing from a large natural pond, very near the Furnace, and which may be converted into a variety of other useful purposes. The purchaser can be accommodated with all the stock and utensils, and have possession on or before the first of June next, and preparation may be made in the meantime for going into blast immediately thereafter, for every part will be delivered in good order, with one coal, Ore, &c. &c. For terms, apply to Mr. Joseph Anthony, in Philadelphia; David Brooks, Esq. one of the Representatives in Congress for this State; Mr. David Waterman, on the premises, or to the proprietor in New-York. WILLIAM NEILSON. Dec. 1. gawtf
Valuable Stands for Business.
FOR SALE—by the Subscriber, Two Lots of Ground, Situate on the south side of Chestnut-Street, between Second and Third Streets: one containing eighteen feet, and the other seventeen feet, more or less, on the said Street, and both extending, the first breadth, one hundred and forty-eight, more or less, to Carter's alley. There are, on Chestnut-Street, two two-story BRICK HOUSES (Numbers 80 and 82) Which may readily be made into one; and, on Carter's alley, there is a convenient, well built three-story
Brick House and Kitchen,
Almost new, which has two rooms on a floor and a front of eighteen feet on said alley. This property is clear of ground-rent, and an indispensable title will be given to the purchaser. The three Houses will be sold separately or together. Further particulars may be known on application to ZACHARIAH POULSON, jun., No. 80, Chestnut-Street, or at the Library. March 23. 2awtfw
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
MARCH 1, 1798.
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
IN pursuance of the Act of Congress passed on the sixth day of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act laying duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper", and the Act passed on the fifteenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act to postpone for a limited time the commencement of the duties imposed by the Act entitled "An Act laying Duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper", that from and after the first day of July ensuing, the several Stamped Duties hereafter enumerated, will be levied and collected throughout the United States.
For every skin or piece of Vellum or Parchment, or sheet or piece of Paper, upon which shall be written or printed any or either of the instruments or writings following—to wit:
Dls. Cts. Mls. Any Certificate of Maturationization, 5 Any Licence to practice, or Certificate of the admission, enrolment or registry of any Counsellor, Solicitor, Attorney, Advocate or Proctor, in any Court of the United States, 10 Provided, that a Certificate in any one of the Courts of the United States for one of the said Offices, shall so far as relates to the payment of the duty aforesaid, be a sufficient admission in all the Courts of the United States, for each and every of the said offices. Any Grant or Letters Patent, under the seal or authority of the United States (except for lands granted for military services) 4 Any exemplification or certified copy of any such grant or letters patent, (except for lands granted for military services) 2 Any Charter-Party, Bottomry, or Respondentia Bond, 1 Any Receipt or discharge for or on account of any Legacy left by any Will or other testamentary instrument, or for any share or part of a personal estate divided by force of any statute of distributions, other than to the Wife, Children or Grand Children of the person deceased, the amount whereof shall be above the value of Fifty Dollars, and shall not exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars, 25 When the amount thereof shall exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars and shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 50 And for every further sum of Five Hundred Dollars, the additional sum of 1 Any Policy of Insurance or instrument in nature thereof, on any ship, vessel or goods insured from one district to another in the United States, 25 From the United States to any foreign port or place, when the sum for which insurance is made shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 25 When the sum insured shall exceed five hundred dollars, 1 Any Exemplification, of what nature soever, that shall pass the seal of any Court, other than such as it may be the duty of the Clerk of such Court to furnish for the use of the United States or some particular State, 50 Any Bond, bill single or penal, foreign or inland bill of exchange, promissory note or other note, other than any recognizance, bill, bond, or other obligation or contract, made to or with the United States or any State, or for their use respectively, 10 If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 25 If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 50 If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 75 And if above one thousand dollars, 1 Provided, that if any bonds or notes shall be payable at or within sixty days, such bonds or notes shall be subject to only two fifth parts of the duty aforesaid—viz. If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 4 If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 10 If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 20 If above one thousand dollars, 30 Any Notes issued by the banks now established, or that may hereafter be established within the United States, other than the notes of such of the said Banks as shall agree to an annual composition, of one per centum on the annual dividends made by such Banks, to their Stockholders respectively, according to the following scale, 0 On all notes not exceeding fifty dollars, for each dollar, 50 On all notes above fifty dollars, and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 1 On all notes above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 2 On all notes above five hundred dollars, 25 Any Protest or other Notarial act, 25 Any Letter of Attorney, except for an invalid pension, or to obtain or sell Warrants for Land granted by the United States as bounty for military services performed in the late war, 25 Any Certificate or Debenture for drawback of Customs or duties, for less than five hundred dollars, 1 For five hundred dollars and not exceeding two thousand dollars, 2 For more than two thousand dollars, 3 Any note or bill of lading for goods or merchandise to be exported, or from one district to another district of the United States, not being in the same State, 10 If from the United States to any foreign port or place, 25 Any Inventory or Catalogue of any furniture, goods or effects, made in any case required by law, (except in cases of goods and chattels distrained for rent or taxes, and goods taken in virtue of any legal process by any officer,) 50 Any Certificate of a Share in any Insurance Company, of a share in the Bank of the United States, or of any State or other Bank, 10 If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 25 If above one hundred dollars, 1 If under twenty dollars, at the rate of ten cents for one hundred dollars. 10
The duties aforesaid will be collected and received by the Supervisors, Inspectors and other Officers of Inspection, in the several Districts, Surveys and Divisions of the United States, and by such other persons as shall from time to time be specially appointed and employed by the Supervisors of Districts for that purpose.
III.
The Supervisors of the several Districts will, prior to the first day of July ensuing, and as soon as may be practicable, mark or stamp, without fee or reward, any quantities or parcels of Vellum, Parchment or Paper, with any of the rates of duties before enumerated, on payment of the said duties; or stamped Vellum, parchment and paper may at the option of the Citizens of the United States, be obtained at the rates prescribed by law, by application to any Supervisor, Inspector, Officer of Inspection, or other person appointed for the distribution of Stamps, by the Supervisors of Districts.
GIVEN under my Hand, at Philadelphia the day and year abovenoted. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
March 10.
JAMES HUMPHREYS,
BEING encouraged by a number of gentlemen in the mercantile line, to undertake the publishing of a Price Current in this city, and they having engaged to give him every assistance in their power to render it accurate and useful,
PROPOSES TO PRINT BY SUBSCRIPTION,
The Philadelphia Price Current,
And Market Day Advertiser.
To be published every Wednesday and Saturday morning, on the following conditions. It will be printed on four pages quarto. It will contain the Prices Current (wholesale) at Philadelphia, with the duties on each article—The Prices Current at Boston, New-York, Charleston, and other parts of the United States, with the Prices Current at London, the West Indies and elsewhere as often as they can be had accurate and to be relied on. The rates of insurance—the price of stocks—course of exchange, &c. &c. Likewise a regular account of entries, inward and outward—with such marine and other intelligence as shall be thought useful and important—and the remainder of the paper will be appropriated to advertisements. The price to subscribers within the city and liberties, to whom it will be delivered at their houses, will be Four Dollars per annum—Two dollars at the expiration of a month from its publication, and the remainder at the end of the year. Subscribers at a greater distance will have it sent them agreeable to their directions—to pay two dollars at the time of subscribing, and the remainder at the end of the year. The publication shall commence as soon as a sufficient number have subscribed to pay the expense of conducting it. It is from the advice and to gratify the wish of a number of mercantile gentlemen that the printer proposes publishing this Price Current in a quarto size in preference to any other. And it is proposed to embrace the Prices Current with such other matter as may be most material to the abroad in the first two pages—appropriating the other two to such matters as may be more immediately domestic, and to advertisements. Subscriptions are received by North Humphreys, at his Printing Office, No. 74, North Third-Street, and Mr. Z. Poulton, jun. at his office in Chestnut-Street, and at the Philadelphia Library. Philadelphia, April 14. ftf
For Sale,
A CONVENIENT well built second hand Light Wagon, hung on Jacks with glass and blinds in the doors, with or without harness—Enquire of Peter Umericovich, Arch, below Sixth Street, or the subscriber in Germantown. CASPAR W. HAINES April 2 2aw3w
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
March 30th. 1798.
Public Notice is hereby given,
THAT by an Act of Congress passed on the 10th day of March, 1798, the following alterations and amendments have been made to the act passed on the 6th day of July 1797, entitled "An Act laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper."
The stamp duties on debentures or certificates for the drawback of Customs or duties on imports are repealed.
II.
A discount at the rate of seven and one half per Centum, will be allowed by the Supervisors or Inspectors respectively, to any persons other than Officers of the Revenue, who may purchase at one time or procure to be stamped, any quantities of Vellum, Parchment or Paper, upon which the duties shall amount to Ten Dollars or upwards.
III.
Stamped Paper, will be provided, and sold at the rates prescribed by law, without any additional charge or expense on account of the price of Paper; but for stamped Parchment or Vellum, an additional price will be demanded at the rate of Fifty Cents for each skin of Parchment, or Two Hundred Cents for each skin of Vellum of medium size, which may be furnished at the expense of the United States and proportionally for any lesser quantity.
GIVEN under my hand, at Philadelphia, the day and year abovenoted. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
Treasury Department,
March 19, 1798.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury until the expiration of the 15th day of July next ensuing, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States from the 1st day of October 1798, to the 30th day of September 1799, both days inclusive, at the places and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz. At Oswego; at Niagara; at Presque Isle; at Michilimackinac; at Fort Franklin; at Pittsburgh; at Le Beuf; at Cincinnati; at Greenville; at Piqua Town and Loramie's Store; at Fort Wayne; at Fort Defiance; at any place below Fort Defiance on the Miami River to Lake Erie; at Fort Knox and Ousanton on the River Wabash; at Massac; at any place or places on the east side of the River Mississippi above the mouth of the River Ohio, and upon the Illinois River; at any place or places on the east side of the Mississippi River below the mouth of the River Ohio to the southern boundary of the State of Kentucky, and within the said State; at Knoxville, Tellico Block House, and at all other Posts in the State of Tennessee; at any place or places on the east side of the River Mississippi, below the southern boundary of the State of Tennessee, to the southern boundary of the United States.
If supplies shall be required for any posts or places not mentioned in this notice, all such supplies shall be furnished at prices proportioned to those to the posts before recited, as may be agreed on between the United States and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied to consist of the following articles, viz.
One pound of bread or flour One pound of beef or twelve ounces of pork or bacon Half a Gill of rum, brandy or whiskey, one quart of Salt, two quarts of vinegar, two pounds of soap, one pound of candles per hundred rations
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, as that there shall at all times during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego, for the term of six months in advance, and at each of the other posts, for the term of at least three months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood, that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of lifting the supplies to the troops at each post, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the price of the articles captured or destroyed, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable character, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is referred to the United States of requiring that none of the supplies which may be furnished under the proposed contract, shall be issued, until the supplies which have or may be furnished under the contract now in force have been consumed.
OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury. March 27. 2awtf
To the Afflicted with
NERVOUS Disorders, loss of appetite, female complaints, debilitated constitutions, inward weakness, loss of spirits, animal weakness, indigestion, decayed, weak or relaxed constitutions, pains in the limbs, poverty of blood, sinking anxieties, and tremors, which so dreadfully affect the weak, the sedentary and the delicate, every symptom of extreme debility, attendant on the indications of youth, the consequences of a dissipated life; excess of pleasure or grief, change of climate, the immediate effect of tea, spirituous liquors, or any intemperance; disorders incident to young girls and women at a certain period of life— THE CELEBRATED Cordial Restorative Balsam,
Is a medicine of absolutely specific and unparalleled virtues, in the speedy and effectual cure of the above disorders, having stood a trial of many successful years, during which period many have been restored from the brink of the grave.
Youth and age, of either sex, are equally the objects of this Restorative, and they will uniformly participate in its glorious qualities and effects; for whether the system has received a shock, and is debilitated, from imprudence or inattention in the earlier part of life, or sinking under the influence of years, a small quantity of this medicine will give present relief to, and afford a pleasing prospect of returning health and strength, by giving tone to the muscular system and organs of digestion, and in a great measure renovating the constitution.
Women at any period of life, may by this medicine be freed from the most afflicting disorders incident to the sex, and at a certain period it is most highly useful.
The Cordial Restorative Balsam is sold genuine (only) by the proprietor, Dr. JAMES CHURCH, at his medicine store, No. 1, South Third Street, next Market-Street, Philadelphia; where may be had an account of the virtues of this Restorative and a list of cures. April 3—2aw3w
JUST PUBLISHED,
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, (Price 25 Cents)
Reflections on Monroe's View
OF THE CONDUCT OF THE EXECUTIVE,
As published in the
GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES,
Under the signature of
SCIPIO,
In which the Commercial Warfare of France is traced to the French Faction in this Country, as its Source, and the Effects of Oppression, &c.
March 30.
FOR SALE,
A House and Lot in Dover,
FOR SALE. A LOT OF GROUND, situate on the east side of the main Street, running through the town of Dover, in Kent county, in the State of Delaware, about thirty or forty yards below Captain Furber's Tavern, containing in front on said Street thirty feet, and extending in depth eastward twelve perches, together with the buildings thereon erected, which consist of a good brick house, two stories high, well finished, with two rooms above seventeen or eighteen feet square each, and a passage eight or ten feet wide on the first floor; three rooms with a passage above, and good garrets, the cellars are excellent, one of which is used as a kitchen; a back brick building with two rooms above and below about ten or twelve feet by fourteen; the upper rooms of this building communicate above stairs with the passage of the house; A brick smoke house, and a good pump of water in the yard, and a garden adjoining.
The House is in every respect as comfortable as any in Dover, is in a good situation, and now occupied by John Freeman, as a tavern, with the sign of the Eagle.
The terms will be reasonable. Apply to Daniel Millin, at Camden, near Dover, or to the subscriber, No. 60, North Eighth-Street, Philadelphia. CADWALADER EVANS. March 27. tuis4w
For Sale,
A good situation for a Country Seat,
Forty acres of Land,
On the Old York road, within sight of Germantown, and about five miles from the city; the whole being under good fence, and in excellent order as pasture ground. For further information and terms, apply to JOHN ELLIOTT CASSON, at his Office for the sale of Real Estates, Conveyancing, &c. No. 54, High-Street. 4th mo. 3d. tuis4tf
For Sale,
A FARM AND COUNTRY SEAT,
SITUATED on the west side of the Schuylkill opposite to Norris-town, seventeen miles from Philadelphia—the farm contains 195 acres of land, 50 of which are woodland, about 40 of meadow, and the rest arable land. The house and garden which is large and well paved, stand in the most pleasant situation, commanding a view of the river, an island which is opposite, and the village of Norris-town. There is a fine fishery belonging to the place.—Enquire in Philadelphia, No. 96, North Third Street, or on the premises. April 16. 2awtf
Valuable Property for Sale.
FOR SALE.
THAT well known Estate, called SHREWSBURY FARM, formerly the residence of General John Cadwalader, situate on Schuylkill River, in Kent county, Maryland—containing about 1900 acres of prime LAND, upwards of 500 of which are in woods. The Buildings are all excellent, and consist of a handsome Dwelling House, two large Barns with Cow houses, Stables for fifty horses, a spacious treading floor under cover, a granary, two Overlooker's houses, two ranges of two story buildings for Negroes (one of them new and of brick), Corn houses, a Smoke house, &c. &c. The whole Estate being nearly surrounded by water, it requires but little fencing, and has a good Shad and Herring fishery. It is conveniently situated for both the Philadelphia and Baltimore markets, with two landings on a navigable river but a short fall from Baltimore. There is a large Peach, and two large Apple Orchards on the premises; also, a variety of excellent fruits of different kinds. The soil is mostly a rich loam.—The whole will be sold together, or divided into smaller farms (for which the buildings are conveniently situated) as may suit the purchaser. The Stock on said Farm, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, &c. will also be disposed of.—For further particulars apply to GEORGE HASTINGS, on the premises, or to the subscriber, in Philadelphia. ARCHIBALD M'CALL, JUN. February 24. 2aw6w
Baskenridge—for sale
IT consists of 920 acres, almost all of which is a fine Sward Meadow, (the residence of the late Earl of Sterling). It may be conveniently divided into five farms, four of which are bounded on the East by the river Potomac.
There are on it a number of buildings, forming a square of nearly three acres. The dwelling house is a very convenient one, and a small expense would put it in complete repair.
The orchard consists of 1500 fine bearing engrafted Apple Trees—and there is on other parts of said tract near 300 other Apple Trees—as also a great variety of other fruits, particularly Cherries of the best and most delicious kinds.
Also, a great number of beautiful Exotics and Forest Trees, that add to the beauty and convenience of the place. Its situation is about 18 miles from the towns of Newark and Elizabeth: 10 do. from Morris-Town, and 12 from Springfield:—It is wooded and watered.
To leave trouble, the price is five pound pr. acre in cash, on delivery of the deeds. Please to enquire of T. MCCUEN & Co. No. 78, Chestnut-Street. codtf
February 2.
FOR SALE,
Two three story Brick Houses
With convenient stores, wharf, &c. situate on Water Street, between Mulberry and Sassafras Streets, containing in front on Water Street fifty-four feet, and containing that breadth eastward ninety-five feet, then widening to the fourth thirteen feet six inches. These houses have the convenience of a public alley adjoining on the north side, and are a very desirable situation for a merchant, flour factor, or others who may have occasion for storage of goods. This property will be sold on very reasonable terms for cash. For further information apply to the printer. April 5. m4wtf
Prison Manufactor.
FOR SALE, At the Prison of the City and County of Philadelphia.