National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-03-01 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, MARCH 1, 1792.
NUMB. 36.
AUTHENTIC.
(Never before printed.)
COPIES OF THE LAWS
Passed in the TERRITORY of the UNITED STATES North-west of the River Ohio, By the Governor and Justices thereof, Agreeably to the Ordinance of Congress of July 13, 1787, and made out from the Original Records in the Office of the Se- cretary for the said Territory.
XI.
An ACT to prohibit the giving or selling in- toxicating liquors to Indians residing in, or coming into the territory of the Uni- ted States, north west of the river Ohio, and for preventing foreigners from tra- ding with Indians therein—passed July 19, 1790.
WHEREAS many abuses dangerous to the lives, peace and property of the good people of this territory, and de- rogatory to the dignity of the United States, have arisen by reason of traders and other persons furnishing spirituous and other intoxicating liquors to the Indians, inhabiting or coming into the said territory; for remedy whereof,
BE it enacted, that if from and after the first day of January next, any trader or other person whomsoever, re- siding in, coming into, or passing through the said territory of the United States, north-west of the river Ohio, or any part thereof, shall presume to fur- nish, vend, sell, or give, or shall direct or procure to be furnished, vend, sold, or given, upon any account whatever to any Indian or Indians, or nations or tribe of Indians, being within the terri- tory aforesaid, any rum, brandy, whis- ky or other intoxicating liquor or drink, he or she so offending, shall forfeit and pay for every quart of such liquor, or drink so furnished, the sum of five dol- lars, and for any quantity furnished at one time less than a quart, the sum of four dollars; one moiety of each and every of the several penalties shall go to the party informing on conviction of the offender, and the other moiety there- of to the use of the said territory.
And be it further enacted, That if any person not a subject or citizen of the United States, or of this territory, or who owes or professes to owe allegi- ance to any foreign potentate, power, state, or colony, shall after the said first day of January next, be found within this territory, buying from, distributing among, or selling, or giving, to any of the Indians or nations or tribes of Indi- ans inhabiting the same, any manner of goods, wares or merchandise, or other articles of commerce, barter or exchange, he or she so transgressing shall forfeit to the use of this territory, all his or her goods and chattels personal, and suffer in any of the counties of the said terri- tory imprisonment without bail or mainprize for a term not exceeding eighteen months nor less than six months; and if any person being a citi- zen of the United States, or resident within this territory, shall after the said first day of January, go to, reside in, or trade with Indians at or near any of their towns, settlements or habitations, lying within the said territory, without a licence for that purpose first duly ob- tained, he or she shall forfeit and pay to the use of this territory the sum of five hundred dollars: Provided always, That nothing herein contained shall be taken or construed to impair or weaken the powers and authority that now are, or at any time hereafter may be vested in the governor and commander in chief, or other person, as superintendent of In- dian affairs, or commissioner plenipoten- tiary for treating with Indian nations.
XII.
An ACT prohibiting the sale of spirituous and other intoxicating liquors, to sol- diers in the service of the United States, being within ten miles of any military post within the territory of the United States, north-west of the River Ohio, and to prevent the selling or pawning of arms, ammunition, cloathing and accoutrements. Passed July 26, 1790.
BE it enacted, That if any person be- ing within ten miles of any en- campment, post, fort, or garrison, or hospital for the convalescents thereof, now or hereafter to be formed, establish- ed, or erected within this territory, and occupied, garrisoned or possessed by reg- ular troops in the service of the Uni- ted States, or of this territory, shall give, sell, exchange, or furnish, or cause, or procure to be given, sold, exchanged, or furnished, to any non-commissioned officer or private soldier (knowing him to be such) serving in, or belonging to any encampment, post, fort, garrison, or hospital as aforesaid, any spirituous or other intoxicating liquor or drink, be the quantity more or less, without an order in writing previously obtained from a commissioned officer serving with the same troops, he or she so of- fending shall on conviction forfeit and pay to the use of the party first inform- ing, (or to the use of the county where- in the offence is committed if the prose- cution be at the suit and on behalf of the United States) the sum of two dollars for every gill of such liquor or drink, so furnished without an order as afore- said, to be recovered before any two jus- tices of the peace for the county where- in the offence shall be committed, in case the aggregate sum so to be forfeited do not exceed twenty dollars, or if otherwise by action of debt or informa- tion in any court of record: Provided always, That nothing herein before con- tained, shall be construed to restrain the Surgeon or Surgeon's mate, having the care of the convalescents in any such hospital or hospitals, from procuring for the use thereof, any liquor or drink he may deem needful.
And be it further enacted, That if any person shall presume to bargain for, purchase, or receive in pledge, or as a gift, or cause, or procure to be bargained for, purchased, or received in pledge, or as a gift, on any pretence whatever, all or any part of the public arms, am- munition, cloathing or accoutrements pertaining to any non-commissioned of- ficer or private soldier in the service aforesaid (knowing him to be such) he or she so offending, shall on conviction, forfeit and pay for the first offence, tre- ble the value of the article so purchas- ed or received, the same to be recovered with costs by action of debt or informa- tion in any court of record, one half to the informer, and the other half to the United States, or the whole to the United States, where prosecution shall be first instituted on the public behalf alone; and for every repetition of the like of- fence by the same person, he or she so offending again, shall forfeit and pay in like manner treble the value of the ar- ticles purchased or received as afore- said, together with costs, and shall more- over suffer imprisonment for a term not exceeding one month.
This act shall commence and be in force from the first day of January next ensuing.
NEWARK, Feb. 22.
Our frontier inhabitants do not pos- sess a foot of land, nor have they at- tempted to take possession of any, but what has been purchased, with a valua- ble consideration, and ratified by the most solemn treaties. The value of six thousand pounds was paid at one pay- ment for the Kentucky lands, and at that time the Indians were perfectly satisfied,
and remained so till persuaded to join the British, the last war. All the lands over the Ohio River that have been sold by Congress, were assigned to them by the most solemn contracts by the Indians, and they suffered our people to settle them in peace, were constantly with them every day, trading, and fully satis- fied with the compensations they had received. Governor St. Clair, Judge Symmes, and the other officers in the said territory, were determined to sup- port the treaties of the United States with the Indians; but what was the event? The Indians paid no regard to the laws, stole their horses, and when complaint was made, their Chiefs said they could not help it, refused to punish the thieves, or even restore the horses. These complaints only exasperated them, they murdered several of our traders and privately took their property, which obliged the inhabitants to forbid them coming to trade; the consequence was, they immediately fell upon the defence- less frontier inhabitants, and butchered them without mercy or discrimination.
It would be full as reasonable to as- sert, that the Angels and Devils are in the same situation, as to say "the In- dians are in the same situation with re- spect to us that we were in with respect to Great-Britain at the commencement of the late continental war." Were we fighting for property we had sold for a valuable consideration and conveyed by solemn treaty? Or was Great-Britain only defending herself against a cruel and merciless foe, who, unprovoked, had wantonly in the most barbarous manner butchered her subjects without discrimination?
To give an idea of the present situa- tion of our friends in the western coun- try, I will publish an extract of a letter, lately wrote by a person in that country.
"I expect the Indians will be very troublesome in the spring and summer, unless Congress should take the matter up more seriously, and not send a hand- ful of men to be destroyed, and have no other effect than to exasperate them, & if possible, make them more inveterate. If Congress do not send a powerful army against them, they will break up all our settlements over the Ohio river; for as soon as the leaves put out, they will be concealed near our improvements & will kill so many of our people going to their work, as will discourage the rest to that degree, as to drive them all to the Ken- tucky country. I think every person that has any feeling, must be sensible of the necessity of vigorous measures, upon hearing the cruel tortures that are in- flicted upon those unhappy persons that fall into their hands. I think how ma- ny in the course of two years have been obliged to stand spectators of their hus- band, wife or children, tortured to death in the most lingering manner that savage barbarity could invent—dragged to their towns, at this moment in slavery, treated in the most cruel manner, liable, when- ever the barbarous monsters get in a frolic, to be tortured to death, to grati- fy their vindictive and insatiable passi- ons. The Indians are determined upon war. When a message was sent to them last year to persuade them to peace, they led out one of the prison- ers they had taken and burnt him to death, in the most cruel manner, in pre- sence of the messenger. The subject is too affecting to dwell upon"
My countrymen, be not deceived— you may be assured the Indians are de- termined upon war, and if you remove from the western country, they will fol- low you over the mountains and butcher the wives and children of those on the frontier; for nothing but necessity will bring them to a sense of their duty. Too much time and money has been spent in fruitless negotiations to bring them to peace—more than would be just to give has been ordered, and the alter- native left us is to give up our frontier
inhabitants to their mercy, or send an army sufficient to support the war in their own country, and chastise them for the unprovoked attack they made on us the last war, after receiving our presents and making the most solemn assurances of remaining peaceable, and for the cruel unjust war they are at pre- sent waging against us.
The following is a table of sixty-eight prin- cipal Towns and Cities of France, placed according to their rank, with the number of Inhabitants in each.
   Paris, 680,000 Montauban 20,000   Lyons, 160,000 Douya, 19,500   Marseilles, 90,000 Valenciennes, 19,500   Bordeaux, 84,000 Abbeville 19,000   Rouen, 72,000 Havre de Grace, 18,000   Lille, 67,000 Poitiers, 17,500   Versailles, 60,000 Sedan, 17,500   Nantz, 58,000 St. Malo, 17,500   Toulouse, 56,000 Dieppe, 17,000   Nimes, 50,000 Puy, 17,000   Strasbourg, 46,000 Luneville 16,500   Amiens, 43,500 Mouliers, 16,500   Metz, 40,000 L'Orient, 16,500   Orleans, 39,500 Rochefort, 16,000   Rennes, 35,500 Rochelle 16,000   Nanci, 34,000 Carcassonne 15,500   Troyes, 32,500 Perpignan 15,200   Caen, 32,000 Cambrai 15,000   Montpelier, 32,000 Riom, 14,800   Brest, 31,000 Nevers, 14,000   Rheims, 31,000 Alenzon, 13,500   Angers, 30,000 Mans, 13,500   Toulon, 28,000 Angouleme, 13,000   Dunkirk, 27,000 Colmar 12,500   St. Etienne, 27,000 Blois 12,000   Belancon, 25,500 Chalons sur Sa- one, 12,000   Bourges, 25,000 Bayonne, 11,000   Grenoble, 22,900 Bar-le-duc 10,800   Aix, 24,000 St. Quentin, 10,500   Clermont, 24,000 Cahors 10,000   Limoges, 22,000 Macon, 9,000   Tours, 21,600 Pau, 9,000   Arras, 21,500 Auch, 7,500   Dijon 20,300 Soissons, 7,500  
[The preceding list is extracted from M. Necker's work upon the finances of France, in which he gives a short des- cription of the several provinces of that kingdom. When one considers the means of information which that great minister possessed, and his known accuracy, such an account must be deem- ed very curious and authentic.]
On a suitable provision for the CLERGY. [From a late London paper.]
THE first political movement of this body of men, was the assuming an ex- ternal sanctity of manners, and estab- lishing a prepossession on the minds of their fellow men of something sacred be- ing annexed to their persons and char- acters; and to heighten and improve this reverence, they pretended frequent and familiar intercourse with the De- ity, and that at their intercession he would grant every petition they prefer- red to him; and finally, they inculcated the principle that the supreme Being, by his partial and peculiar providence, perpetually interfered in the transac- tions of individuals, and that their daily interposition on the behalf of sinners was essentially necessary to soften an irate his wrath and vengeance. Thus by slow, but sure degrees, they reached the summit of their views, and got under their absolute controul, not only the consciences, but the persons and property of the bulk of the people, and retain that dominion until this hour over ninety-nine hundred parts of the world; and thus, only, can be ac- counted for this universal infatuation operating on the contrition, fears, and apprehensions of the multitude, by the crafty insinuations of this malignant tribe; who, by the impious tenet of the constant interference of the deity in the transfactions of mankind, precluded the first gift of their creator, free agency; thereby making their God the author of, or conniver at, all evil. But they stopped not here; for ambition, power,

and avarice, know no bounds: in process of time they impiously assumed the prerogatives and attributes of the deity; they made themselves to be worshipped and adored; they possessed themselves of temporalities and principalities, and trod on the necks of kings; and, by the subordinate agency of their brethren, they sowed dissention, religious and civil, throughout every land, where they obtained a footing. Upon a retrospect view of the history of all nations, we shall find them, either openly or covertly, the active promoters of persecutions, blood and slaughter, rebellions and murders.
The foregoing portrait, although more immediately applied to the christian clergy of former times, yet is also justly applicable to the same class in every nation of the Globe.
It was aptly said, by a very competent judge of human nature, that priests of all religions are the same . Their power, their influence, their consequence, and depredations have ever been obtained under the insidious mask of some religious system or other; the mockery, the fallacy, the impiety of all, will be obvious to every unprejudiced mind, that strictly scrutinizes their internal and external tenets and principles; therefore, it is full time the mask should be taken off, and mankind released from the leading strings of such religious nurses, and restored to his native freedom, which has been shackled for so many ages in superstitious bondage.
We wish not the abolition of the churches, the priesthood, or religious worship; our aim is, to see them all reduced to such a standard as may do honour to the overruling power, and be consistent with reason, true piety, and propriety. It is true, the extensive arm of sacerdotal power and influence has in these latter times been shortened, and rendered less mischievous; but it is still too long, and it behoves every christian government to cut it off.
It is not our intention to send the priesthood a grazing, but only to reduce them to a respectable level. The abject slavery and dependence of the subaltern clergy, has long been a reproach to the church and legislature of every christian government; but if our plan takes place, there shall not be a ragged curate in his majesty's dominions at least. As propositions are now become the mode of address on all occasions, we shall here adopt it.
Proposition 11. It is humbly proposed, that the dignified clergy, under every denomination, be divested of all rank, precedence, and title in the state and church; saving and excepting that of Doctor in Divinity only, which every member of the church shall indiscriminately enjoy on the same respectable and rational level.
2d. That a period be put to the long mischievous, illegal, and irreligious practice of mixing temporalities with spiritualities; and that all endowments of whatsoever kind, annexed to cathedrals, churches, chapels, and colleges be sequestrated, restored, and appropriated to the relief of exigencies of the state, and heavy burdens of the people.
3d. That the forms of ordination, subscription, and degrees, be wholly abolished as useless—and, to the full, as farcical as the noli episcopari ; and that the king, as supreme head of the church, shall, by himself, or by delegation to his ministers of state, occasionally ordain and present men of sound and tried morals and understanding, to the best of their knowledge and information; profound learning and knowledge in the dead languages being absolutely non-essentials.
4th. That a considerable reduction shall be made in the number of churches, and every church be independent, and but one incumbent to each church; and in case of sickness or inability, his place shall be supplied by the incumbent of the next adjoining parish, on proper notice given of the necessary variation of the hour, for the commencement of the service.
5th. That a stipend of five hundred pounds per annum, exempt from all taxes, office fees, and deductions whatsoever, be established for every married incumbent, and three hundred for every one unmarried, in lieu of all tithes, surplice fees, and other perquisites, with a decent and commodious parsonage house, handsomely furnished at all points, in the vicinity of the church, the whole to be kept in repair by the government; the stipend to be paid from the treasury half yearly, the first half year in advance upon their induction; as those stipends are more than equal to landed estates of eight and five hundred pounds per annum, it cannot but be deemed a respectable provision. Whether the exigencies of the state can admit of this ample provision, the legislature alone are the competent judges.
6th. That the reduced dignitaries, in compensation for their losses in temporalities, shall have the preference on the new presentations taking place, and next to them the Doctors of Divinity of the present establishment; but as our plan only proposes one incumbent for each church, the supernumeraries in orders, which overflow the land, must not be left to starve: therefore, we propose an annuity of one hun-
dred pounds shall be settled upon them for their lives; and as many of them will drop off annually, the state will soon be released from that burden.
7th. That the Doctors shall still retain the honorary titles, insignia, and emoluments [if there are any] of being chaplains to his majesty and the nobility.
OBSERVATIONS on the WESTERN TERRITORY and the INDIAN WAR; In a Letter to a Friend. [From the American Apollo.]
Dear Sir, THE late publication of the Secretary of the War Department, professes to give an account of the causes of the present war, and as it comes from authority, it deserves to be treated with respect; but you will allow me to use the freedom of an American citizen in remarking on some parts of it; and perhaps what I originally intended to say to you on the subject, may be conveyed in the form of remarks in this production as well as in any form whatever.
After mentioning the treaties held with the Indians in the years 1784, 1785 and 1786, the Secretary tells us, that "certain turbulent and malignant characters, residing among some of the northern and western tribes, excited complaints and uneasiness against those treaties." In a subsequent paragraph he says, that "the government of the United States had been careful and attentive to obviate the dissatisfaction which had been excited, and to establish its claim to the lands relinquished, on the principle of equitable purchase," and this purchase was made with 26,000 dollars. Afterwards he says, "it does not appear that the present war has been occasioned by any dispute relatively to the boundaries established by the said treaties." On those passages I would remark,
1. That I have no doubt the Congress and their commissioners, who framed those treaties, acted honorably and uprightly according to their ideas of propriety.
2. There are certain difficulties attending purchases made of the Indians, which have frequently occurred on other similar occasions; such as these—To know when a tribe is fully and fairly represented at a treaty; whether that tribe has an exclusive right to the tract of country which they assume to cede. To make an adequate compensation for the land purchased, and to know whether that compensation be equitably divided among those who have a right to it. Whether any of these difficulties exist in regard to these treaties, may be a proper subject of enquiry.
But, 3. Supposing none of them to exist, yet there is one principle on which these treaties were grounded, on our part, which may, with the greatest probability, be supposed to have "excited dissatisfaction" among the Indians, and which no purchase money may have been able to remove. This principle is that of Sovereignty. If you will look into the treaties of Stanwix, McIntosh and Miami, you will see the prominent features of it.
In that of 1784, with the Six Nations, the word itself does not actually appear, but you will find the language to be "The United States give peace to the Six Nations and receive them into their protection." In that of 1785, with the Wiandots, &c. the language rises a little higher; "The Indians acknowledge themselves and their tribes to be under the protection of the United States, and of no other Sovereign whatsoever." In the next treaty, made in 1786, with the Shawanese, the language rises into the superlative degree, they "acknowledge the United States to be the sole and absolute Sovereign of all the territory ceded to them by a treaty of peace made between them and the king of Great Britain."
In conformity to this idea, the lands beyond a certain boundary are said to be "allotted to the Indians for hunting ground," and certain tracts within the said hunting ground are "referred to the United States," for forts and trading places; and the Indians are made to "relinquish all title or pretence of title," to the lands on this side of the boundary.
From the language used in these treaties, does it not appear, that the commissioners of the United States supposed themselves to represent the sole and absolute Sovereigns, of the whole territory comprehended between the Atlantic, the Mississippi and the Lakes; that when they gave peace to the Indians, they had a right to reserve what lands they pleased to themselves, and allot what lands they pleased to the Indians?
Now, however fond we may be of the idea of Sovereignty over the tribes, and over the lands of the Indians, and however just a title to it we may suppose is derived to us from the treaty of peace made with the king of Great-Britain, yet we must remember that the Indians themselves treat this idea with contempt; and consider themselves as absolute proprietors of the country, and as an independent people; and if absolute propriety and independence are not the soul and essence of sovereignty, I know not what is. Those nations which have not entered into such treaties with us must, according to their own ideas of independence, despise those who have. And can we wonder that they refuse our invitations to treat of peace, and that the Miami warrior should "drop the belt off his shoulder," as Mr. Knox tells us, when such a proposal was made? Since they know, that in signing a treaty with us they must acknowledge our sovereignty and relinquish their own independence by accepting of our protection? Though we may effect to call those characters "turbulent and malignant," who have excited complaints against
these treaties; yet they may possibly be revered among them, as the Sons of Liberty were once among us, though at the same time they were loaded with us harsh and opprobrious epithets, by the friends of British usurpation.
A gentleman of a respectable character, who is intimately acquainted with the Indians of the Six Nations, told me, not long since, that the western tribes reason on the subject in the same manner that Pym and Hambden reasoned against the ship money in the time of Charles I, and that we reasoned against the claims of Britain to draw our money away by taxes. "What (say they) do you think that the king of England by making a line in the air with his finger can give away our land to whom he pleases? No, our forefathers came out of this earth * many hundred years before the king of England's subjects ever set foot upon it. If you want land we will give it you. We always gave it when you asked it, and there is enough for us and for you; but you have already more than you can cultivate. It is not the value of the land that we contend for, but the principle on which you claim it; if we admit that, we give up our right to the whole." Ought we not to respect the Indians for holding sentiments so similar to our own?
I will conclude this letter with an extract from a work of governor Pownal, entitled "the Administration of the Colonies." It is the sentiments of an honest man, well acquainted with the much injured savages of America, and may with as great propriety be addressed to us as it was to the British government at the time when it was written.
"To do justice to our faith and honor, by treating the Indians according to the real spirit of our alliances with them; to do justice to them in their lands; to give up that idle, useless claim of dominion over them, are points absolutely necessary to be adopted into our politics; unless we have seriously taken the resolution to force our way by war. Until these points are adopted, we shall never have peace. And it deserves mature deliberation how we engage to settle America by war."
"While these poor tribes of hunters remain, it will be our own fault if they do not remain in harmony with us. They are continually wearing away, and as they diminish or retire, they cede their lands to us in peace; which we thus in time, as fast as we can really want them, may possess in right and justice, untainted with the impeachment of having gained them by murder." Adieu.
* The notion which the Indians have imbibed respecting the origin of the human race, is, that they grew out of the soil like trees, and that in a course of time, they were loosened from the earth, and acquired a power of motion on its surface.
PHILADELPHIA. CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Feb. 24—[Continued]
After the doors were opened, a petition of sundry merchants of Philadelphia, trading to India and China, was read, praying the protection and encouragement of the general government, either by prohibiting foreigners from interfering in the trade, or making a greater distinction than now exists, between the duties imposed upon goods imported into the United States, immediately from Asia, and those brought by the way of Europe—Referred to a committee of the whole on the State of the Union.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the resolution respecting the indemnification of Gen. Greene's estate.
After some debate, the resolution being amended, was agreed to—yeas, 25,—nays, 22.—The resolution, amended, stands as follows:
"Resolved, that the United States shall indemnify the estate of the said Gen Greene for the said sum last mentioned, and the interest thereof, or for such sum, as (upon due investigation, by the officers of the treasury, of the transaction between John Banks & Co. and Messrs. Newcomen & Collet, in which General Greene was security for said Banks & Co.) it shall appear, that neither Gen. Greene, nor his executors, shall have any payment or compensation for:—Provided the executors of the said General Greene, shall account for a sum, being about £. 2,000 (be the same more or less) recovered of John Ferrie, one of the partners of said Banks and Co. to be in part of the indemnification aforesaid; and also shall make over, for the use of the United States, all mortgages, bonds, covenants, or other counter securities whatsoever, now due, which were obtained by the said Gen. Greene in his life time, from the said Banks and Co. on account of his being surety for them as aforesaid, to be used for in the name of the said executors, for the use of the United States."
The committee having risen, and reported the resolution, as amended,—The house adjourned.
SATURDAY, Feb. 25.
The House proceeded to the consideration of the amendments, proposed by the Senate, to the bill making further and
more effectual provision for the defensive protection of the frontiers of the United States;—whereupon the galleries were cleared.
MONDAY, Feb. 27.
Petitions were read from Jacob Clemens, Adam Hill, and Stephen Porter, praying compensations for supplies furnished, &c.—from Joseph Kittredge, Ebenezer Whittemore and Martha Whittemore, praying renewal of certificates—a petition of Joseph Whipple, collector of Portland district, praying augmentation of salary—A petition of Henry Howell Williams, praying compensation for injuries sustained in the late war—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. Also a petition of Moses Young, praying payment of a balance of salary—referred to a private committee.—A petition of Abigail Leavenworth, widow, praying allowance of the depreciation upon her late husband's half pay;—which was ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. S. Bourne, from the committee on enrolled bills, presented to Mr. Speaker the "bill relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer, who shall act as President, in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President." Mr. Speaker signed the same; and the committee, before the House adjourned, waited on the President of the United States, and presented it to him, for his approbation.
A motion, some days since laid on the table, by Mr. Gerry, for the appointment of a committee to bring in a bill for the reduction of the rates of postage on newspapers, was honorably mentioned, and recalled to the remembrance of the House, by Mr. Murray, but was not called up, to be acted upon.
The order of the day being called for, on General Jackson's petition, respecting the Georgia election,—
Mr. Wayne moved a resolution to the following effect:
"Resolved, That the time for reading the evidences and documents on the petition of James Jackson, respecting the validity of the election for a member to represent the Lower District of the state of Georgia, in the Congress of the United States, and those of the sitting member, be postponed until the Monday in March next; to the end that the whole of the testimonies may come fully before the House, in order for a free and full investigation of the merits of that election."
Mr. Speaker laid before the House a letter from General Jackson, stating that he was waiting at the bar of the House, and prepared to enter into proof of the allegations set forth in his former petition.
On motion, that the petitioner should be admitted to be heard in person, or by counsel,—The question being taken, and passing in the affirmative,
General Jackson having a seat assigned to him within the bar, arose, and addressed the House in a short speech, which he concluded with a declaration, that he was now fully prepared, and hoped the business might come to an immediate trial.
After a debate of some length, the following resolution was agreed to—Yeas 36,—Nays, not counted.
"Resolved, That the trial of the contested election of Anthony Wayne, returned as a member of this House, elected within the state of Georgia, be postponed until the second Monday of March next."
During the course of the debate, an honorable gentleman having said, that the petitioner "consented" to a postponement,—
General Jackson set him right, by informing him and the House, that he "submitted," not "consented."
Immediately after the passing of the above resolution,
Mr. Baldwin moved for leave to lay on the table (to be used in such manner as the House might think proper) certain papers relative to the election, which the governor of Georgia, had, by the direction of the legislature of that commonwealth, transmitted to him, to be laid before the House. Those papers were certified, under the signature of the governor, and the seal of the state.
Objections were made to receiving the papers.
One gentleman hoped they would not be received.
Another thought it improper to produce them before the day of trial, and opposed their being laid on the table.
A third, besides opposing their acceptance, talked of moving a resolution,— "That any decision of a state legislature, tending to decide the validity of the election of a member of that House, is a violation and invasion of the rights of the House." And, in order to shew the sense of the House on the subject, he would, if Mr. Baldwin persisted in his motion for leave to present the papers, move for calling the yeas and nays on the question.
After a debate of three quarters of an hour, on the subject of receiving the papers,—
Mr. Baldwin withdrew them, 'till the day of trial.

Mr. Laurence, from the committee, to whom were referred two petitions from merchants of New-York and Philadelphia, respecting the duties on tea, reported a resolution, to empower the proper officers to grant a longer time for the payment of the duties.
The copies of the Laws of the Western Territory were referred to the committee who have under consideration the petition of George Turner.—Adjourned.
TUESDAY, Feb. 28.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they recede from some of their amendments to the bill making further and more effectual provision for the defence of the frontiers, disagreed to by the House, and insist on others.
A memorial was read from the inhabitants of Chester county, (Pennsylvania) in favor of the excise law—and praying it may not be repealed. This was signed by fifty persons.
Mr. Murray presented an address from J. Churchman; praying, for reasons set forth, a speedy decision on his memorial presented some weeks since, and reported on by a select committee.
The House took into consideration the message from the Senate—on which it was ordered that the galleries should be shut.
The doors being opened, the House went into committee of the whole on the militia bill—Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.
The committee finished the discussion of the first section of the bill; the second section which designates the exemptions being read; Mr. Sumpter moved that the several descriptions therein mentioned should be struck out.
This motion was debated without coming to a decision till a motion was made for the committee to rise; the committee accordingly rose.
The House, on motion of Mr. Williamson, took up the report of the committee on the memorial of John Churchman; the report being read—a motion for an adjournment was made and carried.
PHILADELPHIA.
MARCH 1, 1792.
The Senate and House of Representatives of the State of South Carolina, have concurred in resolving that “the South Carolina delegates in Congress be requested to express in both Houses of Congress the propriety of their assuming the whole of the public debt of South Carolina, incurred in the prosecution of the late war.”
There being every appearance of a general assumption of the residue of the state debts at this session of Congress, the public are advised not to sell their state certificates at the present prices, as there must be a considerable appreciation of them in a short time [N. York D. Adv.]
‘It is a fact pretty well ascertained (says a N. York paper) that the real specie in the state does not exceed twelve hundred thousand dollars; of which scarcely one million falls to the share of the city.—It is hard to tell, then from whence the patrons of the new bank expect to procure specie, as a basis whereon to erect their fabric.’
The family of PENN, have constituted the honorable Thomas M c Lean, and Edmund Physick, Esq. of Pennsylvania, their attorneys in fact, to sell and dispose of all the property of said family in the state of Delaware. The two gentlemen above mentioned, in consequence of this appointment, have notified the President of Delaware of the same, and offered to that state the right of pre-emption.
A memorial has been presented to the legislature of this state by Mr. James Logan, praying that the library bequeathed to the public by his father, the late Dr. Logan, may be annexed to the Philadelphia public library.—The Loganian Library is said to contain a large proportion of the best medical and anatomical authors, besides the classics, and a vast variety of the best chosen authors upon agricultural and other subjects; to the amount of several thousand volumes.
A lot has been contracted for by the agents of the governor of this state, for the purpose of erecting thereon the PRESIDENT'S HOUSE. The lot pitched upon, is in High (or Market) street, the corner of Ninth street. Several plans of the house have been recently submitted to the legislature for their consideration; and in order to raise a sum, in addition to what has already been raised, to complete it in a proper stile of elegance, a tax is proposed upon pleasure carriages.
Very late accounts from Kent Island (Chesapeake) say, that the passage from thence to Annapolis over the bay, was entirely obstructed by vast quantities of floating ice. A ship, laden with salt, was drifting up and down the channel in a most perilous situation; and having some time before grounded on a shoal, the crew had been obliged to throw upwards of four hundred bushels overboard, to set her afloat again.
On the 11th and 15th of January last, the Legislature of the State of North Carolina passed two resolutions, instructing their Senators in the Senate of the United States “to use their constant and unremitted exertions until they effect having the doors of the Senate of the United States kept open, that the people may have access to hear the debates of the Senate, when in its legislative, or judicial capacity.”
The representatives of the state of Georgia have exhibited a second additional article of impeachment against Henry Osborne, Esq. late chief justice of that state, and one of the judges of the superior court. The charge in this article is, his issuing an arbitrary and illegal warrant to take a citizen of the state, with some moveable property, before one of the justices of the county of Chatham.—In answer to all which, Mr. Osborne declares himself not intentionally guilty of having committed any crime against the laws of the state, and that in issuing the said warrant he acted up to the best of his knowledge for the public weal.
Authentic accounts are received of the death of Col. GIBSON, and of Capt. DARKE, of wounds received in the engagement with the united Indian forces, on the 4th of November last. Col. Gibson died at fort Jefferson on the 10th of December, and Capt. Darke at the same place the 25th of January.—Si qua, in ea, gloria—fama manet.
The Continental Stock in the treasury of the State of New-York on the 31st of December last, stood as follows—of six per cents 898,847 dollars—three per cents 680,681 dollars—70 cents—deferred, 520,668 dollars 66 cents.—On which there was interest due, Jan. 1st 1792, seventy one thousand and seven dollars, two cents.—six per cents will produce an annual interest, commencing the 1st of Jan. 1792, of thirty five thousand two hundred and forty eight dollars, twenty eight cents; the three per cents, from ditto, will produce twenty thousand five hundred and seventy one dollars, ninety seven cents; and the deferred stock will produce an annual interest, from Jan 1st 1801, of forty four thousand nine hundred and eighty eight dollars, seventy two cents.
The latest advices from St. Domingo are still fraught with disastrous incidents. Early in January, the mulattoes (in revenge for the capture of one of their armed cutters with 25 men on board, who were put to death) massacred all the whites then in their power, or that they could get hold of for some time after. About the middle of the same month they surprized Port Piement, on the Tiberoon shore, and put eighty white men, women, and children to death.—The whole of the southern district of the island is now in the hands of the mulattoes, the town of Aux Cayes and Jacquemel excepted, the former of which places is strongly fortified, with a camp about two miles advanced.
A frigate had arrived at the cape, from France, with 150 soldiers on board, and accounts that the first division of the army destined for the Cape had embarked previous to her departure. This division consisted of 2500 men, part of the 18000 that were decreed by the national assembly (others say only 6000)—
On January 21, detachments of the negro army approached so near the town of Cape Francois, as to be fired upon from the batteries.—The prices of all West India produce excessively high, flour from five to six dollars a barrel, dull sale.
We hear from Boston that a new edition of the AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY, is now preparing for the press by the Rev. Jedidiah Morse. The author justly observes, in his proposals for printing this work, that no system of American Geography, hitherto published on the other side of the Atlantic by foreigners, is to be implicitly relied on for information. As an instance of this, he quotes two egregious errors by European Geography-mongers; one of them, who published his system in 1789, very gravely informs his readers that “the state of Vermont is a vast country, situated eastward of New-Hampshire; south of Massachusetts, and west of New-York.”—The other, was an error imbibed by the celebrated Lord North, from some such faulty system as that just mentioned; his lordship having observed in the debate on the Boston Portbill, and the bill to remove the board of customs from the town of Boston, that “the merchandise would now be landed at Marblehead, in the province of Salem,” &c.—The work now proposed, (says Mr. Morse) is designed to remedy the inconveniencies incident to most European systems of Geography, (where they treat of America) by comprising in one sizeable volume a full and accurate description of the American States, which will constitute the first part. The second part will comprise an account of the other three parts of the globe, collected from the most authentic materials.
In a late English paper, the produce of the British West-India islands, in the article of sugar, is rated as follows. Jamaica, 90,300 hhds. Barbadoes 25,000, St. Kitts 25,000, Antigua 23,000, Grenada, 30,000,
Montserrat 5500, Nevis 3000, St. Vincent 6000, Dominica, 3000, Tortola 2000, making in the whole 212,800 hhds.—Anguilla, and some other small English islands, make some sugar, but none for exportation. In different islands the hoghead differs considerably, it being frequently 180cwt. gross in Jamaica, and often-times not more than a thousand or twelve hundred wt. in the islands to windward.
Much is said in the London prints of the projected new settlement at Sierra Leona, in Africa, notwithstanding the unhealthiness of the place, where it is certain, even the American descendants of African blacks can scarcely exist, for the insalubrity of the air. Discerning people have surmised the whole to be a scheme to rid the kingdom of a vast number of superfluous free blacks, who are considered as a nuisance by the whites. Another plan is projected for erecting a sugar colony on the banks of the river Gambia, in Africa, for which the sanction of the parliament is to be requested at their next session.
The same papers speak with much regret of the continual emigrations of the English, Irish, and Scotch tradesmen and mechanics to this country. To prevent this useful class of men from reaping that due return for their labours in a foreign land, which their native soil has denied them, the most severe laws have been enacted, making every person who is found any way concerned in persuading them away, liable to a punishment little short of total loss of fortune, and imprisonment for life. This being the case in Britain, it is certainly the duty of the public of the United States to throw every encouragement in the way of those patriotic societies which have been instituted for the purpose of making the situation of emigrants of this kind easy, upon their arrival, and to put them forward in their respective occupations.
At Newark, in New-Jersey, an academy is to be erected in May ensuing, for the instruction of youth in the English, French, Latin, and Greek languages, and arts and sciences. The building is to be sixty feet in front, and thirty feet in depth, and three stories high; the third story to be reserved for the use of a brotherhood of Free Masons.
The Brig Pratt, belonging to Wilmington (D.) put into New-York on Saturday last from Cape Francois. She brings accounts that on the 21st of January the blacks took a fort of ten guns near the Cape, from whence they turned the guns upon the town and cannonaded it. That a firing of musquetry and artillery was kept up the whole of that night, when, in the morning the fort was retaken, with a few prisoners.—The evening the blacks captured the fort, they pushed on to the hospital, a large building containing near two hundred sick sailors, every one of whom they put to death.
Concise view of the present state of several European powers.
“From the whole tenor of intelligence it appears, that the two great preponderating powers of Germany will not give up their present pacific plan, for any of those uncertain prospects that an invasion of France in the spring, might seem to promise. What adds strength to this opinion is, the philosophical character of the Emperor, his extreme caution, and his unwillingness to abandon great objects to the uncertain events of war. As to the king of Prussia, not a single movement of his has indicated any thing hostile, being entirely taken up from year to year with amusements and harmless reviews at Potsdam.—In respect to the German princes, a coalition amongst them can scarcely be expected, considering the unsettled principles that have always influenced them, and their being obliged to obey whatever impulse is given their counsels by the king of Prussia and the emperor; their united efforts, therefore, can only be matter of contempt to such a power as France. Where then shall we look for rebels to the rights of man? Perhaps it may be said, in Sweden and Russia. The lofty and despotic character of the king of Sweden is well known—and we also know that he has 12,000 of his best troops assembled in one of his southern provinces, which he dares not to march out of his kingdom for fear of intestine insurrections.—As to the heroine of the north, who fills the world with the history of her devastations, her designs are beyond all doubt favorable to the restoration of despotism; and the present made to the French princes, it is said, was only a prelude to a present of 18,000 men, 13 ships of the line, and a small fleet of frigates—to be sent to conquer 24 millions of men, who have sworn to exist only under a free government!—As to the ISLAND so CELEBRATED, the residence of philosophy and the sciences, the classic land of liberty, (as Mirabeau termed her) were the only to make the attempt to restore the reign of slavery in France, a volcano would burst from her bosom to scorch into cinders the vile assertors of a tyrant's claim!—It is scarcely worth while to mention the Cantons of Switzerland, who are entirely occupied in preserving their own independence.
The king of Sardinia, has too many fears for his own safety, to think of stirring out of the narrow circle of his own dominions. It is reasonable to think, therefore, that he will neither attack, nor assist in attacking. As to Spain, it would seem, from her various efforts, that all her cares are confined to herself—Governed, in a manner, by clerical hypocrisy, she esteems the introduction of liberty the same thing as civil war. It may be therefore expected that she will remain entirely occupied in protecting and enforcing the policy that keeps mankind strangers to their own rights, and interests. [Gaz. Univ.]
PRICE OF STOCKS. Six per cents, per £. 24/6. Three per cents, - 14/4. Deferred six per cents, - 14/10. Final Settlements - 22/. Indents, - 14/. Bank Stock 1-2 Shares 104 per cent advance.
LOTS AND LANDS FOR SALE. THE Subscriber wishes to sell sundry Lots and Houses in the town of Alexandria, in good situations for business; some of them are unimproved. Also several tracts of Land in the counties of Fairfax and Loudoun; the Fairfax lands are from one and a half to four miles from Alexandria; the Loudoun lands 45 to 50 miles. A credit will be given for a considerable part of the value if required by the purchaser; and as no person will buy without viewing the property, a description is unnecessary. I will also sell several tracts of land on the western waters, in the inhabited part of the country, containing from 300 to 2000 acres each. These lands will be sold low, either on long credit, or for money, as may best suit the purchaser. I have also a tract of 500 acres of low land in Accomack county, on the Eastern shore of Virginia; about 50 acres of which are cleared, on the waters of Massango River, navigable for boats through the land. The land is of an excellent quality, and heavily timbered, with White-Oak and Pine, and lies within 4 miles of a landing that a vessel of 9 to 10 feet water can load at. Mr. Walter Bayne, who lives near the land, will show it to any who may incline to purchase. JOSIAH WATSON. Alexandria, Feb. 20 1792.
HOWELL'S LARGE MAP of PENNSYLVANIA. THIS work is engraved in the most elegant style, and will be ready for delivery in the Spring. It is 63 inches long and 36 inches wide, and for the most part very full of work (except some small places of cubic materials were not to be had) and was nobly compiled from actual surveys, acquired at great expence of money, and more than four years labour, and from its manifest public utility, the Legislature has been pleased to grant the proprietor the sum of three hundred pounds. This map exhibits the County and Township Divisions, and those of the Surveyors Districts in the New-Purchase, Donation and Depreciation Lands; the waters, portages, and the Canal mountains and valleys, roads, towns, &c. He thanks the Public for their very liberal subscription, and informs them that it will not be closed before the middle of April next. He sells his SMALL MAPS, on canvass, folded and cas'd for pocket carriage, at 13/6, and plain at 8/6. READING HOWELL. North fifth street, No. 88—March 1.
District of Pennsylvania, to wit: BE it remembered, That on the fourteenth day of February, in the sixteenth year of the independence of the United States of America, H. H. BRACKENRIDGE, of the said district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a Book, the right whereof the claims as author, in the words following, to wit: MODERN CHIVALRY, containing the adventures of Captain JOHN FARRAGO, and TEAGUE O'REGAN, his servant; volume first—By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE. Quicquid agunt homines, nostri, farrago Libelli.—Juvenal.—In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, “An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned.” SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
Just published, and to be sold by the Printer, J. MCCULLOCH, No. 1. N. Third-street, and at most of the Book-stores in this city, MODERN CHIVALRY: CONTAINING THE ADVENTURES OF Captain JOHN FARRAGO, AND TEAGUE O'REGAN HIS SERVANT. VOLUME I. BY H. H. BRACKENRIDGE. Quicquid agunt homines, nostri, farrago libelli. Juvenal.
A few Copies of the REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, of the 6th inst. on the PUBLIC DEBT, may be had at this Office.

To the YEOMANRY of the United States.
HAPPY for mankind, the present enquiry in the philo sophical world is not the mecha nism of the universe, or the composition of its elements, but the principles of civil society. The prodigious advantages which France has already derived from these enquiries, and the alterations which are daily taking place in other parts of Eu rope in favor of the rights of man, should have some influence on the measures of the general go vernment of the United States; which are tend ing in an alarming degree to undermine the liber ties of our country; to strip the farmer, the mechanic, the manufacturer, and the useful laborer, of all influence and of all importance; to consign them to contempt, or at best, to the sad privilege of murmuring without redress.
The world has been sufficiently flooded with the blood of its inhabitants—and free citizens under the sanction of law have been too often reduced to misery and wretchedness.
In this enlightened age let American rulers beware how they proceed.—Whatever may be the opinion of those characters living upon the spoils of their fellow citizens, or basking in the sun shine of court-favor, they will find a spirit of re sistance in the people which will not submit to be oppressed, and a fund of good sense which cannot be deceived by the arts of false reasoning or false patriotism.
Governments are tranquil when they are adapt ed to the ideas and lights of the age: But when ever their regulations become unsuitable to the ideas of the times, and contrary to the opinion of the people, the rulers should look into their conduct, and remove every reason of complaint. All attempts to support unjust measures in this country, where the people as yet, have so much power, are absurd, and must ultimately be un successful: justice will finally take place in spite of all efforts to suppress it.
The same spirit of arbitrary power which du ring the last year violated the rights of the great body of yeomanry by an Excise Law, now propo ses to interfere in the occupations of the mecha nic and manufacturer. A government may waste the public money in erecting palaces, statues, &c, the evil is but temporary, but when it assumes principles injurious to the rights of the people, and by arbitrary laws interferes in the occupations of its citizens, liberty is but a name. The theory of such a government is falsehood and mockery; the practice is oppression.
It may be thought improper at this early period to offer any observations on the justice or wisdom of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on manufactures. It is true we might have waited for the deliberations and conclusion of Congress on the subject. But Congress having adopted a new method of legislating, by referring the most important business of the country to the different Secretaries, and adopting their reports, experience justifies a belief, that the principles of this report will also be adopted, and will come forward under the sanction of the legislature in the form of a law. The Secretary and his friends in New-York have already prepared the way, by procuring one of the most unjust and ar bitrary laws to be enacted by the commonwealth of New-Jersey, that ever disgraced the govern ment of a free people; a law granting to a few wealthy men the exclusive jurisdiction of six miles square; and a variety of unconstitutional privileges, highly injurious to the citizens of that state. This law merits your attention, not as a pattern of justice, but to convince you how dangerous it is for a free people to place their whole political safety on the conduct of any set of legislators, when surrounded by artful and designing men. Is it reasonable, is it just, that a numerous class of citizens, whose knowledge in mechanics and manu factures, not less necessary for the support of their families, than useful to their country, should be sacrificed to a wealthy few, who have no other object in view than to add to their ill-gotten and enormous wealth.
Such being the nature of this corporation, can it be doubted whether it violates the spirit of all just laws? Whether it subverts the principles of that equality of which freemen ought to be so jealous? Whether it establishes a class of citizens with distinct interests from their fellow citizens? Will it not by fostering an inequality of fortune, prove the destruction of the equality of rights and tend strongly to an aristocracy?
There are two kinds of inequality, the one personal—that of talent and virtue, the source of whatever is excellent and admirable in society— The other that of fortune, which must exist, be cause property alone can stimulate to labor; and labor, if it were not necessary to the existence, would be indispensable to the happiness of man: But though it be necessary, yet in its excess it is the great malady of civil society. The accumu lation of that power which is conferred by wealth in the hands of the few is the perpetual source of oppression and neglect to the mass of mankind. The power of the wealthy is farther concentrated by their tendency to combination, from which, number, dispersion, indigence, and ignorance, equally preclude the poor. The wealthy are formed into bodies by their professions, their dif ferent degrees of opulence, called ranks, their knowledge and their small numbers—They ne cessarily in all countries administer government; for they alone have skill and leisure for its functions. Thus circumstanced, nothing can be more evident than their inevitable preponderance in the political scale. The preference of partial to general interests, is however the greatest of all pub lic evils. It should, therefore, have been the object of all laws to repress this malady; but it has been their perpetual tendency to aggravate it. Not content with the inevitable inequality of for tune, they have superadded to it honorary and political distinctions. Not content with the in evitable tendency of the wealthy to combine, they have embodied them in classes. They have forti fied these conspiracies against the general interest, which they ought to have resisted, though they could not disarm. Laws, it is said, cannot equal ize men—No.—But ought they for that reason to aggravate the inequality which they cannot cure? Laws cannot inspire unmixed patriotism; but ought they for that reason to foment that
corporation spirit which is its most fatal enemy? All professional combinations, said Mr. Burke, in one of his late speeches in Parliament, are dan gerous in a free state. Arguing on the same prin ciple, the national assembly of France have pro ceeded further: 'They have conceived that the laws ought to create no inequality or combina tion, to recognize all only in their capacities as citizens, and to offer no assistance to the natural preponderance of partial over general interests.
It is not the distinctions of titles which consti tute an aristocracy: it is the principle of partial association. The American aristocrats have fail ed in their attempt to establish titles or distinctions by law; yet the destructive principles of aristoc racy are too prevalent amongst us, and ought to be watched with the most jealous eye.
A FARMER.
From the INDEPENDENT GAZETTEER. [Interfied by desire.]
Mr. OSWALD, At a stated meeting of the Germantown Society for promoting domestic Manufactures, the following paper was delivered by the President, and di rected to be published.
Gentlemen, AT the last meeting of the society a resolution was adopted, recommending to the mem bers to procure the best information respecting the raising of Bees; the society being of opinion that the profit and advantages to be derived from this source of domestic riches merited some at tention.
It is a received opinion that the bee provides itself with wax and honey from the flowers of plants, therefore the number of bees which may be kept to advantage in a neighborhood, must de pend on the quantum of pasture afforded by the surrounding fields. Whenever a particular dis trict of country becomes overstocked, the bees suffer, and the quantity of wax and honey col lected does not recompence the farmer for his at tention. The ancients were so sensible of this, that Columella informs us, that as few places are so happily situated as to afford plenty of pasture, it was the advice of Celsus, that after the ver nal pastures are consumed, the bees should be transported to places abounding with autumnal flowers, as was practised by conveying the bees from Achaia to Attica; and also in Sicily, where they were brought to Hybla from the other parts of the island. Maillet, in his curious def cription of Egypt, relates that one of their most admirable contrivances, is their sending their bees annually into distant countries, in order to procure them pasture at a time when they could not find any at home, and afterwards bringing them back, like shepherds who travel with their flocks, and make them feed as they go. The hives are placed in a boat prepared for the purpose: After they have remained some days at their far thest station, and are supposed to have gathered all the wax and honey they could find in the fields within two or three leagues around, their con ductors convey them in the same boats two or three leagues lower down the river. The author of the Natural History of Bees gives the following account of what is practiced in this way in France: M. Proutau, says he, keeps a great number of hives; his situation is one of those in which flowers are very soon scarce, and where few or none are seen after the corn is ripened. He then sends his bees into Beauce, or the Gatinois. This is a journey of twenty miles; the hives are placed on a cart, and removed with great care.
As it is more than probable that the members of this society will not think it proper to remove their hives in order to procure pasture for their bees, it is necessary that the number of hives kept should be in proportion to the pasture afforded by the neighborhood; a little experience and obser vation would soon ascertain this point; when every neighbor confining himself to his propor tion, the raising of bees might be carried on to the advantage of all.
I have conversed with several elderly men who have been attentive to bees for forty or fifty years. They say the raising of bees is not attended with the success of former years; and that is owing to the want of pasture for these valuable insects.
Straw hives are preferable to any other habita tions, because the straw is not so liable to be heated by the rays of the sun; and is a better security against the cold than any kind of wood. The form and fashion of the common straw hive is sufficiently known, but they are often made too high for their width. The best size is such as would hold about six gallons. Whoever makes use of straw hives should at all times have them well secured from the inclemency of the weather, by means of a substantial straw cap; which not only preserves the bees from wet, but which no thing is more injurious, but also preserves the hive in a more equal temperature during the se verity of summer heats and winter colds.
A variety of opinions have been entertained respecting the situation and form of an apiary; experience has pointed out the most simple plan to be the best. It is now generally allowed, that the best situation for a hive of bees, is on a stool, raised about two feet from the ground, and placed not exactly level, but a little slanting, that the water which falls on the stool may not incom mode the bees. If the straw cap is properly form ed it will extend over the edges of the stool and prevent any such injury.
The latter end of August, or the beginning of September, the combs are fullest of honey. This points out the proper season for taking it. The old way is to kill the bees—but many methods have been recommended for taking the honey without destroying the insect. I attempted this new plan, and injured my stock of bees. Mr. George Shoe maker and Mr. Lukins, who have had great ex perience in raising of bees, met with no better success; both these gentlemen prefer the old method of destroying them. There can be no great purpose answered in preserving the bees when their food is taken away; for in these circumstances they frequently require more care and attention than the farmer can bestow to preserve them from per ishing. The practice of killing the bees when you take their wax and honey, is not so cruel as it may appear on the first view to persons of great
humanity. The life of the bee is naturally but short, and with the best management they must pass but an uncomfortable winter after they are robbed of their provision.
We have not thought it necessary to take no tice of the natural history, or the economy of the bee. We may just observe, that the hive is a school, to which numbers of people ought to be sent—prudence, industry, benevolence, public spi ritedness, economy, neatness and temperance, are all visible among the bees. These little animals are all actuated by a social spirit, which forms them into a body politic, intimately united, and perfectly happy. They all labour for the general advantage; having no partial interest, no selfish distinction to support, they are happy because the concurrence of their several labours inevitably produces abundance, which contributes to the riches of each individual—Let us compare human societies to this, and they will appear altogether monstrous. Necessity, reason and philosophy, have established them for the commendable purpo ses of mutual aid and benefits; but a spirit of selfishness destroys all; and one half of mankind to load themselves with superfluities, leave the other destitute of common necessaries.
Extract of an original letter, written from the insu lar West-Indies.
“ Perhaps there is no sight in nature more beautiful than a Planter's country-seat in the West-India islands, where the several improvements and ornamental appendages have been directed by a man of taste. The trees and shrubs of the tropi cal climates have a peculiar aspect for beauty, contributing at first glance to excite those roman tic ideas of philosophical solitude and rural felicity, which a native of the more northern parts of the world has imbibed from fiction only.—I was not long since, invited to a sugar plantation to pass the night and part of the succeeding day. The importunity of the owner, and his affected anticipation of the pleasure that could not fail to attend the excursion, was my principal motive for accepting the invitation.
In approaching to what I had been led to sup pose a terrestrial paradise, my satisfaction was con siderably abated, on the way, by the negro boy who had been sent with the horse for my accom modation. It is almost universally the custom in these islands for the attendant to follow the horse on foot. If you travel too fast for him to keep on an even pace with you, (which he is obliged to do at his peril) he twirls a whip of the horse's tail about his fore finger, and by this means is, as it were, in addition to his own exertions, towed along by the horse, some times at the rate of ten miles an hour.
Before reaching the mansion house, I passed through a small village of negroes belonging to the plantation—not a cheerful look could I observe amongst the wretched inhabitants, except from some naked children who had not yet come to a sense of the misery of their condition.—The im perial buildings (as I may call them) were small, but neat, convenient, and numerous, surrounded by and intermingled with a vast number of beauti ful trees and shrubs, some of them of the aroma tic kind, which, with the prospect of distant hills, vallies, plains covered with sugar canes two thirds grown, and beyond all, the immense and orbicular ocean, formed a scene which for rural beauty and magnificence, could not, I am certain, be exceed ed in either of the Indies.
Every thing on a West-India plantation wears the severe aspect of despotism. The tyranny, that originates with the master proceeds through every grade of the black domestics, and each becomes a tyrant in his turn to those over whom chance or merit gives him a momentary direction. All in authority go constantly armed with a whip, which is applied on the most trifling occasions with an unfeeling heart and hand.—Do the young ladies wish to have a sociable family dance, and a petit 'upe?—The negro fiddler, commonly a tall young fellow, perhaps nineteen or twenty years of age, is called in. He makes some blunder in playing a march—a severe whipping about the naked legs is the sure consequence, as well as being obliged to undergo the mortification of returning thanks in form to the master and mistress of the house for every stroke inflicted. This is common to all the English Islands.—I was awaked soon after day light, in the morning, by the cries of the most pungent and agonizing distress, which continued something more than a quarter of an hour. Up on enquiry, after rising, I found these cries pro ceeded from about a dozen slaves, who had some time before ran away, were afterwards appre hended, put in the dungeon, fed on little else than water and a scant allowance of potatoes, and had been sentenced to receive, each, thirty lashes every morning for a week. About an hour after, I had the misfortune to see these objects; they were chained together by the neck, employed in carry ing stones and lime to a new building, appeared horribly mangled, starved, and naked—their legs swollen to an enormous size, from a failure of the doctor in extracting the Guinea worm; their feet devoured with an insect called a chigger ; and in fact, altogether constituting a groupe of human wretchedness beyond any thing it was ever my lot to behold before.
A negro-man was soon after brought to the house, who had been caught in one of the cane fields cutting a sugar cane. He confessed the fact, but assured the planter, his master, it was solely committed to gratify the gnawings of an empty stomach, the overseer having that morning refused him his allowance, because he came five minutes too late.—He was ordered twenty-five lashes, well laid on, to warn him how to transgress in future with a view to alleviate the cravings of hunger.
In northern countries the crack of a whip, even from a horse driver, is not always accompanied with the idea of a stroke inflicted at the same time, on the animal substance. Here, however, except at the morning alarm, you may be sure it is the token of anguish, hear it when you will; which is frequently to the distance of three miles—and once I recollect, distinctly to have heard a cart-whipping from St. Kitts to St. Eustatia, over a channel near three leagues wide.
Not to mention several other disagreeable inci dents of the same kind as those above, which are
constantly taking place on a West-India sugar farm, a stranger who resides in these islands will find that flagellation is as constant as the day, and may be called the creature of the whole year round. It is thought superfluous to address the reason or understandings of ignorant barbarians; and the owner of this beautiful plantation assured me, that if he were to relax but a single week of his usual severe discipline, if he were only to seem the man of sympathy or pity; if the slaves were not made to feel the most excruciating torments upon the slightest infringement of his laws, he and his family would not rest a single night with out the most serious danger of having their throats cut; or if this did not actually happen, their property would be wasted, ruined and embezzled by their unprincipled domestics.
“ If so, replied I, may heaven deliver me from ever owning a sugar plantation on this side the tropic! If this fatal sweet must be had, let us ra ther retire to the forests of the north, where it is extracted from the sugar maple by the hands of freedom and innocence. We may there possess this luxury without a crime; without feeling the heart against every feeling of nature and metamorphosing man into a monster.”
The peculiar misery attending such a rural life as that I have been describing is not a little affect ing to a foreigner, and all such as have not become unfeeling despots from habits of custom. The shades and charming prospects of the islands bring to mind the innocence of the first men of the earth, contrasted with the view of avarice, cruelty, and tortures every moment inflicted on unfortunate victims, in addition to poverty, slavery, and the severest of all labour.
I returned on a slow walk to the sea port, with the horse and negro boy, who had before attended me. Upon alighting, he assured me I was the first man he had ever known, who had been so merciful as not to oblige him to follow the horse, if not on a gallop, at least on a brisk six mile trot!”
Authentic Prices Current at Philadelphia.
[Dollar equal to 100 Cents.]
  ASHES Per ton 90 Dols. to 100   Ashes pearl 137 — 140   Bacon flitches, per lb. 6 1-2 cents   Bacon shoulders 6 do.   Bees wax, per lb. 25 cents to 27   Brandy, Coniac pr gl. 1 dol. 50 c.   Brandy, common, 1 dol. 26 c.   Butter, in kegs, per lb. 10 c. to 12   Coals, per bushel, 20 c. to 22   Coffee, per lb. 18 c.   Cotton, per lb. 25 c. to 37   Flax seed, per bushel, 85 c. to 90   Flour, super fine, per barrel, 5 dols. 13 c.   Common, 4 dols. 74 c.   Burr middlings, best, per brl. 4 dols. 13 c.   Meal Indian 2 dols. 67 c.   Rye 3 dols.   Ship stuff, per cwt, 1 dol. to 1 dol. 33 c.   Gin, Holland, per case, 4 dols.   Ginseng, per lb. 20 c. to 24   Grain, barley, per bushel, 60 c. to 63   best shelled, per lb. 3 c.   Buck-wheat, per bushel, 40 c.   Indian corn, 40 c. 44, Oats 26 c. pr. bush.   Rye 50 c. to 54, Wheat 90 to 93, pr. do.   Hams, per lb. 8 c. to 9   Hemp, imported, per ton, 120 dols. to 146 67 c.   American, per lb. 4 c. to 5   Hides, raw, per lb. 9 c. to 11   Indigo, Carolina, per lb. 40 c. to 1 dol.   Iron, bar, per ton, 32 dols. 67 c.   Castings, per cwt. 3 dols. 47 c.   Nail-rods per ton 96 dols.   Pig, per ton, 24 dols. to 26 dols. 67 c.   Sheet, per ton, 173 dols 33 c.   Lard, hogs, per lb. 9 c. to 10   Lead, in bars, per cwt. 7 dols.   In pigs, — 5 dols. 33 c. to 5 dols. 67 c.   Red, — 6 dols. 40 c. to 6 dols. 67 c.   White, — 10 dols. to 10 dols. 67 c.   Myrtle wax per lb. 18 c.   Molasses, per gal. 46 c. to 50   Pitch, per barrel, 1 dol. 73 c. to 2 dols.   Pork, Burlington, per barrel, 11 dols.   Lower County, do. 10 dols.   Carolina, do. 9 dols.   Rice, per 100 lb. 2 dols. 67 c.   Rosin, per barrel, 2 dols. 33 c. to 2 dols. 67 c.   Rum, Antigua, per gallon, 90 c.   Barbadoes, do. do. 77 c.   New-England, &c. 59 c.   Jamaica, 1 dol. 12 c.   Windward Island, 80 to 83 c.   Snake-Root, per lb. 20 c. to 42   Sugar, Havanna, white, per lb. 17 to 18 c.   Brown, per lb. 16 c.   Muscovado, per cwt. 14 dols. to 16 dols.   Lump, per lb. 22 c.   Loaf, single refined, 25 c.   Loaf, double ditto, 36 c.   Tallow, refined, per lb. 9 c.   Tar, New-Jersey, 24 gal. to the brl. 1 dol.   Carolina, 32 gal. 1 dol. 33 c. to 1 dol. 67 c.   Tea, Hyson, per lb. 93 c. to 1 dol. 28 c.   Hyson skin, 53 c. to 67   Souhong, 50 c. to 93   Congo, 43 c. to 50   Bohea, 34 c. to 36   Tobacco, James River, best, per cwt. 3 dols. 60 c. to 3 dols. 73 c.   Inferior, 2 dols. 67 c. to 3 dols.   Old, 4 dols. 67 c.   Rappahannock, 2 dols. 50 c. to 3 dols.   Coloured Maryland, 5 dl. 33 c. to 8 dl.   Dark, 2 dols. 40 c.   Long leaf, 2 dols. 40 c.   Eastern Shore, 2 dols. to 2 dols. 23 c.   Carolina, new, 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dols.   Carolina, old, 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dols.   Turpentine, per barrel, 1 dol. 67 c. to 2 dols.   Wine, Madeira, per pipe, 106 dl. 67 c. to 200 dl.   Lisbon, 96 dols. to 100   Teneriffe, per gal. 51 c. to 60 
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