Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-07-15 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXVII.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 15, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXVII.
"The loss which the commonwealth suffers by the mismanagement of its youth, is like the loss which the year would suffer by the destruction of the spring."
THE world has been amused with so many treatises upon education, that any attempt to throw further light upon the subject may be deemed useless, if not presuming. It can hardly be expected that any person will wish for new information; but that as soon as it is perceived what topic is introduced, the reader will turn from it, with impatience and disgust. I can only assure him that this essay is intended rather to give scope to his reflections than to enforce my own. His attention is solicited to dilate the hints that are suggested, and it is hoped he will be able to afford instruction from contemplating more at large, what is here so partially intimated. If he finds my remarks idle and unimportant, he should neglect or forget them; but if he finds them founded in reason and capable of being improved into utility, I entreat he would cherish them with care, and recommend them with fervour.
Men destined to the recluse paths of abstract science acquire an invincible attachment to what has cost them so much time and perplexity. They reflect on the tedious hours they have consumed in the acquisition, and suppose they pay an ill compliment to themselves in not fixing the highest value on their attainments. The human mind is apt to be seduced into an overated opinion of its own improvements. So fascinating are scientific accomplishments, that men abstract all ideas of utility, and feel themselves attached to the mere possession of knowledge, independent of the advantages that attend it. Under such impressions they listen, without a desire of being convinced, when any observations are made with a view of changing the course of those academical pursuits which they have followed with so much assiduity, and in which they have made eminent proficiency. Such men will condemn me without an hearing; and will rather affect to ridicule my sketches as pointing to an absurd innovation, than deliberate upon them as deserving a serious refutation.
The advocates for an indiscriminate mode of education hedge themselves under the following train of reasoning. They alledge that the classical studies are of such a nature, as will be equally important to all men, who wish to make a distinguished figure in society: No person can be eminently qualified for a conspicuous station, who has not some acquaintance with science in general: The connection between the different branches of literature is so naturally established, that perfection can be attained in none, without a knowledge of all: It is only intended that the academical acquirements should lay the foundation, on which to build a superstructure conformably to the profession, one proposes to pursue: Classical studies may be considered in the light of first principles or elements which are requisite to give the lead in every celebrated sphere of life, and which are not specially adapted to one profession more than another: Indeed when a youth enters a university, it cannot be known what will be his future employment or destiny, and therefore he should be amply prepared to figure in scenes the most respectable and interesting: His qualifications will be partial and incomplete, and he can have no claim to an elevated rank in society unless he gains some general notion of all the sciences. To these weighty reasons it is added that the order and discipline of academies require the strictest system and uniformity, and that no regulations can be established for giving special scope to different genius, but that all must be confined to an exact similarity of classical erudition: By instituting any other method, a seminary of learning would become a scene of confusion and discord, rather than the fountain from which knowledge and virtue would regularly flow.
This representation, I must confess, gives a specious colouring to the facts, and a plausible appearance to the arguments. Long habit has so rivetted the prejudices of scientific men to the customary modes of education, that those loose reasonings carry the force of infallible conclusions. It will be found upon a little investigation that those principles are true to a certain extent, but like many other truths have their fixed boundaries. I should suppose that in all schools for the instruction of children previous to their commencing an education at public universities, some uniformity should be observed in the assiguation of studies. The only general exception to this rule that is proper to establish is, that those lads who are not intended as pupils for an university should receive a different management from those,
who are to be qualified for that purpose. It is to be presumed that at that period of life, when a youth can be admitted into an university, he will afford some indications of a peculiar propensity of genius. If no such bias is discovered it is a proof; either, that he has so comprehensive a mind, that all sciences readily assimilate with his faculties, or that he has so barren an understanding that no particular science so far corresponds with his perceptions as to produce a fertile cultivation. In either of these cases, perhaps less injury will result from an undistinguishing mode of tuition than has been apprehended. The former of those characters will become master of all classical studies and yet have sufficient leisure to acquire other accomplishments, that participate more of taste and elegance. He can never seize upon a wrong object of literature because his inclination and talents will sooner or later carry him into an extensive range of general science. The latter of these characters as they can never rise to eminence in any species of mental improvement, and as they manifest no aptitude or preference for one sort of science above another, may properly enough pursue the routine of classical study, because there is no clue to direct a deviation from it. Youth of this description gain no other advantage from their literary pursuits than what is derived from the nominal reputation of having been liberally educated. They may perhaps make virtuous, useful members of society; but they become so only from the knowledge and experience they obtain after they retire from the walls of the academy, and relinquish every hope of literary eminence. Their minds are not formed for abstract science; and can raise no definite images from combining their perceptions. Their mental operations terminate in nothing; and they have no clear ideas but what are conveyed through the organs of the senses. With respect to such people, every objection that would lie against one method of tuition, might be equally applied to all. The loss of time and the expence are the only inconvenience they sustain from their studies, and this they must sustain let them study what they will.
But there are other descriptions of students, who can only derive benefit from a public education by a discrimination and attention in the manner of instruction. To illustrate this point shall be the subject of another number.
EXTRACTS FROM "AMERICAN ESSAYS."
FEMALE INDELICACY.
AN indelicate woman is a nuisance to society; I would not here be understood to mean a common prostitute; but one who pretends to the character of a modest, or chaste woman; but who, from the vanity of being thought witty, and mistaking obscenity for wit, is perpetually uttering bawdry in plain terms to raise a laugh; or in double entendres, conveying impure ideas.
A notorious strumpet is despised and avoided by all who value their reputations; in such a solitary, and completely wretched situation, she ceases to be a dangerous example, but rather serves as a beacon, to warn the sex, by exhibiting the picture of vice in its utmost deformity: There are also many instances of female defection, where no case, or situation in life is more truly pitiable—youth, simplicity, inexperience, and often a prepossession in favor of the object, open a thousand doors to the numberless insinuating arts of seduction: Remorseless man! the crime is all his own: Unhappy injured woman! her's the disgrace and punishment; for if perchance she escapes public infamy, yet oft her still chaste mind secretly deplores the indelible stain, bewailing in tearful solitude, her violated honour.
But the woman of loose conversation, though she may not be a whore, perhaps because untempting, or untempted, yet is her mind often more grossly depraved and debauched; with her lewd conceits, she pollutes the delicate ear; violates the chaste mind, and poisons the morals of all her acquaintance: She disgusts the wife with her incontinence; and the libertine with her unmeaning, or ill-timed provocations: She is a whore in principle, though not in practice, and possesses their worst, most shameless, and most disgusting properties: It may with propriety be said she keeps a bawdy-house, and gives lessons of concupiscence; though she has not been seduced, she is a common seducer; debauching both sexes, and if a mother, her own children. E. C.
ON FRIENDSHIP.
MANKIND in adversity are too apt to complain that their friends have forsaken them: there wants but little reflection to be convinced that this is an erroneous idea; adversity only enables a man to distinguish his real from pretended friends; nor do I know of any other certain test, or criterion: Those only deserve the name of friends, who regarding with equal indifference the smiles and frowns of fortune, are neither attracted by the one, or repulsed by the other: Those whom the man in prosperity supposed to be his friends, and of whom, in adversity, he complains, never deserved the name; nor can they be justly accused of any change; they are only poor pitiful reptiles that are always seen swarming and balking in the sunshine of prosperity; but when the clouds of adversity shade their wonted retreat, they grow cold and torpid, creep from the once pleasing, but now gloomy scene, and having gained a certain, wished-for distance, sneak off to brighter, and more cheerful skies: To these, an unfortunate man serves only as a signal of danger; and to avoid the rock on which he split, they deem it most prudent to shun the unhappy victim—"tempora si fuerint nubila, solus eris." But as misfortunes are often unavoidable, and when otherwise, frequently flow from a too generous confidence, or forbearance, or some other excess that favours more of virtue than of vice, it is greatly to be regretted, that they should be indiscriminately treated as crimes, and avarice, usury, and extortion be often dignified with the honourable epithets of prudence, industry, and honesty.
Having already observed that a man who has not experienced a reverse of fortune, will never be able to discriminate his real from pretended friends; so there is probably no man who would choose to make the experiment upon such hard terms, but would wisely prefer taking mankind as he finds them, with, or without a mask; for as society is preferable to solitude, so of course pretended friends have their use; they can sing as good a song, tell as good a story, drink a glass as cheerfully, give as good a toast or sentiment, be as entertaining, and make at least as warm professions as the best friend in the world: They are always ready to oblige—those who want no favours; to lend—to those who do not want to borrow; to give—where they expect a four-fold return; and to render any services, in any way—to those who they are sure will amply repay them; thus they supply the place of real friends to those who stand in need of none; and may be said to be equally useful where no disinterested services are required; and thus the rich feel their convenience, and seem to taste the sweets of friendship perhaps without one real friend—"donec eris felix multos numerabis amicos." However paradoxical therefore it may appear, it is nevertheless true, that the discovery of a real friend is a misfortune that every wise man would wish to avoid; and the enjoyment of many pretended friends, a happiness which every man would wish to possess. E. C.
SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
THE great pillars supporting national prosperity and happiness are AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, and COMMERCE: It is from their due combination and arrangement we derive the greatest circulation, and that aggregate income, which being the subject of taxation, affords a revenue to the public—whereby a naval and military power is established, tending to internal security, while it renders us formidable to outward enemies. We have too frequently heard invidious and altogether ideal distinctions between the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial interests of a community, which on a proper and candid view of the subject will be found to spring from each other, to be intimately and efficiently connected, and not easily separated in their principles or effects, and to flourish best while going hand in hand. The Earth envelopes the most important articles in use among mankind: From its bowels and surface do we obtain chief of the raw materials for manufactures and commerce—which are extracted by the hand of the labourer, rendered fit for use by the artizan, and bartered or exchanged by the merchant, to the best possible profit; and we may with propriety consider the progressive numbers of the people, the extent of their industry, and successive amount of their traffic, and their wealth, as objects of the first consequence to the political greatness of a people: The observation that the number of its inhabitants is the best estimate of the riches of a country, is peculiarly applicable to America; and the natural encouragement which is here presented, must induce frequent emigrations from other parts of the world—while the salubrious climate we enjoy will tend to produce a vigorous increase of internal population—which prospect is also enhanced by the equivalent each one will here find for his labour, the means of subsistence proportionate to numbers—a happy government, and a free people, whose native genius and enterprise claim the patriotic attention of those in power, to disburthen the landed interest as much as possible from public exactions; to establish societies for the encouragement of industry and useful skill; granting premiums for discoveries in agriculture and the mechanic arts, and to lower the interest of money; open roads, canals, and posts, as objects of public utility: From such encouragement we have every reason to expect the most beneficial consequences to our trade and manufactures: our present proficiency in many branches of the latter, justify such a hope: Already our breweries, and distilleries, our iron, paper, leather, duck, cotton, wollen, linen, oil, snuff, and other manufactures bear a very pleasing appearance, and patronized by the fostering hand of government, must ere long produce the greatest national advantage.
It is to a nice attention, and an able management of these subjects by government, that Great-Britain owes her present national prosperity and glory: One of her writers says, that from such a line of conduct it has followed, "That although an empire has been rent asunder;—a whole continent, so peopled as to class at present among the Potentates of the world, has been detached from her; and that event which was purchased by the French, Spaniards, and Dutch, at the expence of 140,000,000 Sterl. as the surest means of pulling down that country, has been so far from having such an effect, that they are proved, on the most authentic records, to be more flourishing, and consequently more formidable, than at any former period since the foundation of the monarchy."
But why need we seek for proofs to support self evident propositions, or strive to inculcate by example what is dictated by common sense, and arises from the nature of things?
AMERICANUS.

EXTRACTS.
I. A WRITER in the Massachusetts Centinel of July 8, concludes a speculation upon TITLES in the following words:— "The TITLE of our FIRST MAGISTRATE should be expressive of his station and dignity, as representing the MAJESTY OF THE PEOPLE, bearing their sword of justice to execute their laws: To treat in their names with the sovereign power of other nations; and in their name to compel other nations to fulfill their engagements, and to observe the law of nations.— What words are so expressive and suitable to this great Representative of the PEOPLE'S MAJESTY, as, "HIS MAJESTY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES?"
II. DR. LETTSOM, of London, in an address to two successful candidates for prize medals—thus analyzes a part of a Dissertation, with the motto, "Hoc animas ille evocat Orco." "Our author," says he, "has paid singular attention to the powers of ELECTRICAL FIRE; this active fluid, which pervades earth and air, is in the former the tremendous agent of earthquakes; and in the latter, of thunder and lightning, equally terrible to man; until FRANKLIN, from the NEW HEMISPHERE, boldly sealed the Heavens, and taught us to wield the artillery of the skies, and direct its fire to aid and restore debilitated man, by its penetrating and nervous energy."
III. "THE conquests of an ALEXANDER—the slaughtered millions of a CÆSAR—the daring rashness of a CHARLES—and the victorious career and barbarities of a Frederick of Prussia. These are the tales of wonder, which glow in such splendid colours beneath the pencil of an admired recorder. But who are the authors? They are the wretches that have filled the world with carnage; have trampled on the liberties of mankind; broke through the ties of nature; and sacrificed at the shrines of Avarice and Ambition, the happiness of nations. If characters such as these will adorn the pages of history, what pencil can do justice to the merits of our beloved PRESIDENT. In defence of the rights of human nature, he unsheathed the sword: During the utmost tumult of war, the rights of the citizen never were infringed: In him distress always found a friend; and the tale of injury sustained, never was heard without being followed by redress: And to crown the whole, he has discarded every idea of pecuniary emolument. Blush! Blush! Ye despots of the old world: For ye have yet to learn what patriotism is, and what it is to acquire the name of FATHER OF THE PEOPLE."
IV. YE Fathers, ye generous protectors of American liberty, you may form Constitutions and laws, that shall closely approximate even perfection itself; but unless you enable your people to see the beauty, the worth of them, all will be in vain! You may as well "cast pearl to swine." Would you preserve to yourselves and your posterity the blessings and happiness of your dear bought republican government, or indeed your government itself, you must encourage a general education among all ranks in society! You must prescribe, adopt and bring into operation, a system of education, by which the minds of your people, in general, from generation to generation, may be so far enlightened as to discover and realize the true principles and excellence of civil liberty! And I see not why this may not be done. The Americans, as a nation, are already the best instructed people under the sun. There are, perhaps, individuals in other countries, who have made greater advances in arts and sciences; but I presume there is not a nation on earth, where the people at large are so well informed. Why may they not be raised one degree higher in point of education? Were the people absolutely obliged to maintain regular schools, and in such number that all the children might be taught, would not the necessary knowledge soon be diffused throughout the continent? O! why may we not flatter ourselves that it was reserved for America to convince the world that a republican government may exist in its utmost purity to the final close of human nature?
ALBANY.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW-YORK.
MONDAY, JULY 6, 1789.
THIRTY-NINE Members appeared in the Assembly Chamber, which number being a quorum, they proceeded to the choice of a Speaker, when
GULIAN VERPLANCK, Esq. was unanimously elected. A message was received from the Senate, informing that they had made a quorum.
Messages were then sent to the Governor and to the Senate, to inform them that the House was ready to proceed to business. Shortly after, the Senate having come in to the assembly chamber, for the purpose,
His Excellency the GOVERNOR delivered the following SPEECH to both Houses.
GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND ASSEMBLY, I CONCEIVED it to be my duty to convene you at this early period, that the Legislature might again have an opportunity of choosing Senators, to represent this State in the Congress of the United States; and I flatter myself that an occasion so important and interesting will command an approbation of the measure. I am sensible, however, that should your session be protracted at this season, it would be injurious as well as inconvenient to many of the members. Impressed with this idea, and as nothing extraordinary hath taken place in the recess, I shall not attempt to call your attention to any other object: Our circumstances require unremitting industry and the strictest economy; and I have confidence, that this consideration alone will be a sufficient motive with you, to give as much dispatch to the public business as may be consistent with safety.
GENTLEMEN, Whilst the distresses experienced by the failure of the last year's crops, particularly in the exterior settlements, and by the poorer class of people, are contemplated with anxiety, the unmerited favours daily conferred upon us by Almighty God, and especially the kind interposition of his divine providence, in so ordering the seasons, as to afford a prospect of relief, from the approaching harvest, cannot fail to inspire us with sentiments of unfeigned gratitude and thankfulness.
GEORGE CLINTON.
Albany, July 6, 1789.
This Speech was referred to a committee of the whole house.
Col. JAMES LIVINGSTON, in the chair.
The committee having resolved that a respectful address should be made in answer to the Speech, rose and reported accordingly.
The House accepted of the report, and appointed Mr. KING, Mr. SILL, and Mr. JONES, a committee to prepare the draught of an address.
Adjourned.
TUESDAY, JULY 7.
The committee appointed to prepare an answer to the Governor's Speech, reported one, which being read, was referred to a committee of the whole, and finally adopted by the House without amendment.
A message was sent to the Governor, to enquire when it would be agreeable to him to receive the address—who appointed 11 o'clock, to-morrow morning.
The House then proceeded to appoint a committee of ways and means: A committee of grievances: A committee of privileges and elections: A committee of courts of justice; and a committee to examine and report what laws have expired, &c.
On motion, it was ordered, that a committee wait on the clergy of the city of Albany, and request of them to make such arrange-
ments among themselves, as that one of them may attend to open the business of the house, each morning, with prayer.
On motion, it was Resolved, That the Lieut. Governor be requested to wait on the house, at 12 o'clock, to administer to the members the oath required by the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "an act prescribing the manner of administering certain oaths."
At 12 o'clock the Lieut. Governor attended, in pursuance of the foregoing resolution, and administered the said oath to the several members of the assembly.
The following resolution was agreed to.
"Resolved, (if the honorable the Senate concur herein) that a joint committee be appointed to prepare an address of the Legislature of this State, to THE PRESIDENT of the United States of America, congratulating him upon his appointment to his present dignified station, assuring him of the regard they have for his person, of the confidence they place in his wisdom, and of the firm expectation which they entertain that his administration of the national government will be glorious to himself, and happy for his country."
Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 8.
The bill for appointing commissioners, with authority to declare the Independence of Vermont, was read a second time, and committed.
At 11 o'clock the House waited on His Excellency, when the Speaker delivered the following ADDRESS.
To His Excellency GEORGE CLINTON, Esq. Governor of the State of New-York, General and Commander in Chief of all the Militia, and Admiral of the Navy of the same.
The respectful ADDRESS of the Assembly in answer to His Excellency's Speech.
WE, the Representatives of the People of the State of New-York, in assembly convened, impressed with the high importance of a complete organization of the government of the United States of America, do in the fullest manner approve of your Excellency's having convened the Legislature at this period for the purpose of appointing Senators to represent this State in the Senate of the United States.
We are with your Excellency sensible of the inconvenience of a session of the Legislature at this particular season, and are therefore anxious to confine our deliberations to those objects which shall appear absolutely necessary to the public happiness.
At the same time that we lament the distresses to which many of our fellow citizens in the exterior settlements of the State have been exposed from a scarcity of some of the necessaries of life, we unite with your Excellency in rendering our fervent thanks to Almighty God, for the frequent interpositions of his providence in our favour, and more especially for the prospects which we enjoy of relief and plenty from the approaching harvest.
By order of the Assembly,
GULIAN VERPLANCK, Speaker.
Assembly-Chamber, July 7, 1789.
To which His Excellency was pleased to make the following Reply.
GENTLEMEN, PERMIT me to tender you my cordial thanks for this polite address.
The approbation which you have been pleased to express of my conduct, in convening the Legislature on the present occasion, affords me much pleasure; and I am persuaded that your punctilious attendance on the public business, particularly at this season, cannot fail of being highly acceptable to your constituents.
GEORGE CLINTON.
Albany, July 8, 1789.
A bill was moved for, and brought in, directing the manner of appointing Senators of the United States, to be chosen in this State, which was read a first time, and ordered a second reading.
A message was received from the Senate, informing, that they had agreed to the resolution for presenting an Address to the President of the United States.
Adjourned.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
SATURDAY, JULY 11, 1789.
THIS day the House, according to order, received the report of the committee of the whole on the bill for collecting the Impost; which being read, and the several amendments to the same agreed to, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday.
MONDAY, JULY 13.
The reading of the engrossed bill for regulating the collection of the impost was postponed till tomorrow.
Upon motion it was voted, that the report of the committee upon the memorial of ANDREW ELLICOTT, Surveyor, should be taken into consideration:—The report was accordingly read—it stated, that the survey ordered by Congress of the lands ceded to the United States in 1786, ought to be completed forthwith, and that the surveyor be reimbursed the expences he had already incurred in the prosecution of the business.
Mr. SEDGWICK observed, that this business involved certain purchases, in which some citizens of Massachusetts were interested—that he was not possessed of such a state of facts as he could wish, he therefore proposed that any decision upon the subject should be delayed.
Mr. SCOTT, said, I do not think, Sir, that the reason offered by the gentleman is sufficient to induce a postponement:—It is not intended that the House should at present determine upon any disputed claims—the completion of the survey will not affect those claims in the least.
Mr. SEDGWICK, said that he only wished that the report should lie on the table till to-morrow.
Upon the vote's being taken on the postponement, it passed in the affirmative.
The House then on motion of Mr. SCOTT, resolved itself into a committee of the whole upon the state of the Union—to take into consideration the state of the western territory.
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.
The report of the committee appointed on a former discussion of this subject, was then read, and is as follows—
Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that an act of Congress should pass for establishing a Land-Office, to regulate the terms of granting vacant and unappropriated lands in the western territory.
Mr. SCOTT—Sir, I apprehend the subject before us is very interesting to the United States.—This appears from a variety of considerations.—It ap-
pears from a view of the extent of the territory. I think I shall be within the mark, to say, that it is one thousand miles, by five hundred:—This will in a few years be peopled by six millions of souls, and chiefly farmers—double the number of the present inhabitants of the Atlantic States:—The climate, the soil, the waters, are such as will command inhabitants—the temperature of the climate is happily calculated to suit the people of all parts of the Union—they will find it healthy and agreeable.
The extensive trade with the Indians for peltry, furs, &c. renders it valuable.—To my knowledge, great exports are brought from that country. Its importance further appears from the great advantages already derived to the United States, from the sales which have been made of those lands; although but a trifling part has been disposed of.—The sales already amount to near five millions of dollars; almost one fifth of the domestic debt of the Union is hereby extinguished: Have the whole exertions of the United States done so much? No, Sir.—This renders that property an object of immense future consequence.
We have also made great donations of those lands to the officers and soldiers of the late army—but the part sold bears no proportion to what remains.—The national honor is deeply engaged to these officers and soldiers, in point of government and protection—It cannot be supposed that they are to be considered as the outcasts of society: We are bound to afford them our protection; and all the rights and immunities of citizens enjoying the blessings of good government.—But these are not the only obligations that Congress is under.—We have formed treaties with the natives to secure them in the possession of those lands, which they have not sold or ceded to the United States: A due observance of treaties with the Indians must be sacredly adhered to: It will not be for the interest of the States to have that country settled by an unprincipled banditti: It is of the last importance to enforce those treaties, which can only be done by establishing good government:—Justice, honor and good faith, call loudly upon us not to disappoint the just expectations of those who have confided in us.—The truth and propriety of these observations will not be disallowed: But the point of policy as connected with the question respecting the encouraging emigrations to that country, will not perhaps be so readily granted.—It has been said, that except the settling of that country is discouraged, we shall depopulate the Atlantic States.
Sir, I am not in favor of depopulating the old settlements—and would not urge this business, did I suppose it would produce this effect.—The emigrations to that country will proceed, independent of all regulations. I mentioned upon a former occasion the encouragement held out by the neighbouring government—Since then, I have received such further accounts as fully confirm what was then advanced.—He then read a proclamation from a Spanish Governor, dated at the Illinois, in which every inducement of lands, law, exemption from taxes, protection, civil and religious liberty, were held out, to induce settlers to pass into, and settle in the Spanish territories. And observed, that this will have all the effect that encouragement from this quarter would have.
It may be said, that Americans will not put themselves under the Spanish government; but to this it may be replied, that when people are determined upon emigrating, provided they can be secured, and quieted in their possessions, they care little about the form of the government under which they are to live.
The old established settlers in the Atlantic States will never emigrate; it is a different description of people that settle new lands—Your rough boisterous people, of which thousands are already in that country. Such persons cannot be confined, they never can be prevented from emigrating.—There are particular classes of persons who compose the great body of emigrants.—Can Congress make a law that shall point at individuals? Will Congress pass a law to prevent the unfortunate from seeking an asylum? This would not be acting like nursing fathers. It remains for Congress to make the most of their settlements—the people are already there by thousands. Empire has been continually pointing its course westward. Emigrations have been uniformly extending in that direction from the Garden of Eden to the present day.
We are told that these people will be lost to the United States.—Arguments are brought from the limited boundaries of European governments to prove that extending the dominions of the United States will tend to weaken and destroy them.
These observations are further extended to the Roman empire, which it is said, fell by its own weight—by its extensive colonization, &c.—But in my opinion, a very different reason may be assigned for this event—it was dividing the empire, and changing the seat of government, to which we must ascribe its downfall. These circumstances do not apply to the United States. The separation of the United States from Great Britain is brought as an argument to prove that the western territory owing to the distance, if from no other

cause, will finally be lost to the Union : But to this it may be replied, that the immense ocean...
Immense tracts of this territory are under sale by contracts with the late Congress—these are laying in an incomplete state...
This plan (Mr. Scott further observed) does not prevent sales of large tracts—it only admits sales of small quantities.
The question upon the report of the committee was then taken and passed in the affirmative. A resolve, which provides that the Land-Office should be placed under the direction of the Governor...
Mr. LEE observed, that he thought it was best that the committee should rise; that a special committee should be appointed to examine all papers, contracts, &c. respecting the western territory...
Mr. VINING then moved, that the proposition should lie on the table till tomorrow—and that the committee should rise: This motion obtained, and the Speaker resumed the chair.
Mr. VINING moved that the report of the committee, appointed to take into consideration the compensation proper to be allowed to the President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives of the United States...
pences of an house, furniture, Secretaries, Clerks, carriages, horses, &c.
Mr. LAURANCE observed, that he should not take upon him to determine whether the sum mentioned in the report was sufficient or not: The constitution states, that the President shall receive an adequate allowance...
A variety of observations followed this motion; which was at length carried in the affirmative, and the article in the report now stands thus: Resolved, that the President of the United States be allowed thousand dollars per annum...
TUESDAY, JULY 14. Mr. AMES, of the committee on elections, made a partial report on the contested election of the State of New-Jersey...
The engrossed bill to regulate the collection of the duties on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the United States, was read—after which the House proceeded to fill up the blanks.
Table with 3 columns: Item, Dollars, Cents. Rows include: The pound sterling of Great-Britain, The livre tournois of France, The florin, or guilder of the United Netherlands...
All duties to be paid in gold and silver. The gold coin of France, Spain, England and Portugal, and all other gold coin of equal fineness, to be valued at 89 pwt.
An ACT to regulate the collection of duties imposed on tonnage, and on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the United States. Mr. FITZSIMONS introduced a motion, That leave be given to bring in a bill to provide for the government of the Western territory...
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES.
ZARA, FEBRUARY 27. The Chevalier Emo, is cruising with our fleet between the Archipelago and the Mediterranean, it is said he is furnished with secret instructions relative to the war between the two Imperial powers and the Porte...
LONDON, APRIL 24. M. DE SASSURE has been performing philosophical experiments in the exalted regions of the Alps. He was accompanied by his son, and they ascended one hundred and eighty toises above the top of the Buet...
As men and Christians, our national character was never, perhaps, more at stake, than in the issue of Mr. Wilberforce's intended motion on Monday next, for the abolition of the slave-trade.
Pamphlets, chiefly in the form of dialogue, are disseminating among the French peasantry, treating on the natural rights and liberties of mankind. To this practice no opposition is made by the government.
The French have, with their usual gallantry, gone further than ourselves in the plan of their representation.
They have given to ladies the right of voting, and of sending Representatives to the General Assembly.
BALTIMORE, JULY 7.
Captain Weatherby, in the brig Paca, from this port bound to Port-au-Prince, about the 1st of June, in the latitude of Bermuda, fell in with a ship which was lying to; supposing her to be in distress...
PHILADELPHIA, JULY 8.
The time is now approaching, when Americans will be enabled to demonstrate their gratitude towards those persons, who have been instrumental in procuring them that most invaluable of human blessings—LIBERTY.
The appointment to offices of trust and profit will soon commence; and there can be no doubt but that those will have the preference, who have most distinguished themselves in the cause of freedom.
Extract of a letter, dated London April 29.
“ My warm and zealous attachment to the United States induced me to publish some extracts from your letter, that indicate the glorious prospects of your citizens, under the operation of the federal government.
“ Paragraphs are generally deemed obnoxious, and it is with difficulty that liberty can be procured to insert them in any of the public papers. None of the Editors of the ministerial papers would give them a place, as Administration dread the consequences of emigration...
“ The political reputation of no country was ever so much blasted as yours has been since the peace. It will require an undeviating adherence to the maxims of an honest and just policy, to restore your credit, and place you in a respectable point of view amongst the nations of the earth.
“ You would have had many men of considerable fortune, (desirous of making provision for large families of children) who would have emigrated to your country, but were restrained, from the general opinion that prevails, that although there was great enjoyment of personal liberty, (even to the extent of licentiousness) there was no security for property.
“ However, a favorable change of sentiment already appears, and the principles of your federal Constitution have in a great measure effected it.
BOSTON, JULY 1.
The fishery the staple of Massachusetts, we are told, is verging fast to the grade of superiority which it held before the revolution; Marblehead has reached this point, and other towns are not far in the rear.
NEW-YORK, JULY 15, 1789.
We hear from Albany, that on Saturday last, the Hon. Legislature of this State, chose the Hon. PHILIP SCHUYLER, and the Hon. JAMES DUANE, Senators of Congress for this District of the Union.
By an edict of the King of France, dated Paris April 20, 1789. The premiums or bounty granted on the importation of grain and flour into that kingdom from the United States, is doubled, and continued to the first of September 1789.
Extract of a letter from Salem, July 11.
“ It is with thankfulness we can inform you, that we are now cutting down our harvest, and that we have the greatest prospect of the largest crops that we have had for many years; and the most part use no rum in cutting it down.”
On Wednesday the 1st instant, the Rev. Israel Evens, was installed Pastor of the Church of Concord, New-Hampshire.
Saturday arrived here the brig Prudence, Capt. Swan, from a Whaling voyage.
Three months have now elapsed since the commencement of this publication: Our patrons will please to notice the terms of subscription: Those at a distance who can cause payments to be made in this city will greatly accommodate and oblige THE EDITOR.

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
The fourth reason is, "because a succession of supreme powers destroys faction:" Which is designed to be an adherence to an interest distinct from the true interest of the state.
In this particular, one may venture to differ altogether from our author, and deny the fact, that a succession of sovereign authority in one assembly, by popular elections, destroys faction. We may affirm the contrary, that a standing authority in an absolute monarch, or an hereditary aristocracy, are less friendly to the monster than a simple popular government; and that it is only in a mixed government of three independent orders, of the one, the few, and the many, and three separate powers, the legislative, executive, and judicial, that all sorts of factions, those of poor and the rich, those of the gentlemen and common people, those of the one, the few, and the many, can, at all times, be quelled. The reason given by our author is enough to prove this: "Those who are factions must have time to improve their sleights and projects, in disguising their designs, drawing in instruments, and worming out their opposites." In order to judge of this let us put two suppositions: 1. Either the succession must be by periodical elections, simply; or, 2. by periodical elections in rotation: and, in either case, the means and opportunities of improving address and systems, concealing or feigning designs, making friends and escaping enemies, are greater in a succession of popular elections than in a standing aristocracy or simple monarchy, and infinitely greater than in a mixed government. When the monster faction is watched and guarded by Cerberus with his three heads, and a sop is thrown to him to corrupt or appease him, one mouth alone will devour it, and the other two will give the alarm. —But to return to our first case, a succession in one assembly, by simple annual elections. Elections are the best possible schools of political art and address. One may appeal to any man who has equal experience in elections and in courts, whether address and art, and even real political knowledge, is not to be acquired more easily, and in a shorter time, in the former than in the latter. A King of France once asked his most able and honest ambassador d'Ossat, where he had learned that wonderful dexterity, with which he penetrated into the bosoms of men of all nations and characters, unravelled every plait in the human soul, and every intricacy of affairs and events? The cardinal answered, "Sire, I learned it all, in my youth, at the election of a parish officer." It is a common observation in England, that their greatest statesmen, and their favorite Chatham among the rest, were formed by attendance on elections. The human heart is no where so open and so close by turns. Every argument is there exhausted; every passion, prejudice, imagination, superstition and caprice, is easily and surely learned among these scenes. One would suspect that Shakespeare had been an electioneering agent. When these elections are in a single city, like Rome, there will be always too sets of candidates: If one set succeeds one year, the other will endeavor to succeed the next. This will make the whole year a scene of faction and intrigue, and every citizen, except perhaps a very few who will not meddle on either side, a partisan or factious man. If the elections are in a large country like England, for example, or one of the United States of America, where various cities, towns, boroughs, and corporations, are to be represented, each scene of election will have two or more candidates, and two or more parties, each of which will study its sleights and projects, disguise its designs, draw in tools, and worm out enemies. We must remember that every party, and every individual, is now struggling for a share in the executive and judicial power as well as legislative, for a share in the distribution of all honors, offices, rewards, and profits. Every passion and prejudice of every voter will be applied to, every flattery and menace, every trick and bribe that can be bestowed, and will be accepted, will be used; and, what is horrible to think of, that candidate or that agent who has fewest scruples; who will propagate lies and slanders with most confidence and secrecy; who will wheedle, flatter, and cajole; who will debauch the people by treats, feasts and diversions, with the least hesitation, and bribe with the most impudent front, which can consist with hypocritical concealment, will draw in tools and worm out enemies the fastest: Unfulfilled honor, sterling integrity, real virtue, will stand a very unequal chance. When vice, folly, impudence, and knavery have carried an election one year, they will acquire, in the course of it, fresh influence and power to succeed the next. In the course of the year, the delegate in an assembly that disposes of all commissions, contracts, and pensions has many opportunities to reward his friends among his own constituents, and to punish his enemies. The son or other relation of one friend has a commission given him in the army, another in the navy, a
third a benefice in the church, a fourth in the customs, a fifth in the excise; shares in loans and contracts are distributed among his friends, by which they are enabled to encrease their own and his dependents and partisans, or, in other words, to draw in more instruments and parties, and worm out their opposites. All this is so easy to comprehend, so obvious to sight, and so certainly known in universal experience, that it is astonishing that our author should have ventured to assert, that such a government kills the canker-worm Faction.
(To be continued.)
New-York, July 13. On Saturday last the following ADDRESS was presented to the PRESIDENT of the United States, by the Rev. William Smith, D. D. the Hon. John Henry, Esq; of the Senate, and the Hon. Joshua Seney, Esq; of the House of Representatives; being a committee of the Visitors and Governors of Washington College, in the state of Maryland, appointed for that purpose. viz.
TO THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR, WE, the Corporation of Visitors and Governors, and the Principal and Faculty of Professors of WASHINGTON COLLEGE in the state of Maryland, actuated by the sincerest personal affection, as well as the purest public considerations, beg leave to embrace the present occasion of our Anniversary Meeting and Commencement, to felicitate ourselves and our country, upon your unanimous appointment to the Chief Magistracy in the general government of the United States.
Revolving upon the vicissitudes and eventful history of the late war, every page of which bears ample and honorable testimony to the services which you have rendered to your country, and the exertion of those Virtues and Talents which have exalted your name to the first rank among the Heroes and Benefactors of mankind, we cannot but recall to mind the occasion of our former address to you, and your benevolent answer to the fame.
The General Assembly of Maryland, upon the establishment of this Seminary, having dignified the same with the auspicious name of "WASHINGTON COLLEGE, in honorable and perpetual memory of the services of the illustrious and virtuous Commander in Chief of the armies of the United States;" we expressed our confidence—"that, amidst all the public monuments which your country sought to erect to you even while living, none would be more acceptable than a Seminary of universal Learning, expressly dedicated to your name, with a view to instruct and animate the youth of many future generations, to admire and to imitate those PUBLIC VIRTUES and PATRIOT LABORS which had created for you a Monument in the heart of every good citizen; that we hoped you would permit your name to be placed at the head of the Visitors and Governors of the college, trusting that the time was then not very remote, when, by the termination of War, the Infant institution might be enabled to salute you in person, and, like a dutiful child, as one of its first works, present the OLIVE WREATH and other emblems of Peace, to its FATHER, GUARDIAN and FRIEND."
Highly encouraging to us was your answer; "That, with pleasure, you would consent to have your name enrolled among the Visitors and Governors of the college, if it were not to the exclusion of some other whose proximity and other circumstances might enable him to be a more useful member; and that as the Act of the General Assembly, which has given your name to the college, would remain a monument of their esteem, it made an impression on your mind which could only be exceeded by the flattering assurance of the lasting and extensive usefulness of the seminary; and when that period should arrive when we could hail the blest return of Peace, it would add to your pleasure to see the Infant Seat of Learning rising into consistency and proficiency in the sciences, under the nurturing hands of its founders."
The happy period is now arrived when, through the blessing of GOD, upon the return of Peace, this Seat of Learning hath attained to such proficiency in the Sciences, as to wait upon you with the promised WREATH of literary Honour which we trust you will not reject, although from an institution of inferior standing, yet not of inferior gratitude and affection, to the chief of those which have al-
NOTE. The WREATH of LITERARY HONOR referred to in the above ADDRESS and in the answer to the same, is the academical degree of DOCTOR OF LAWS; and as we have been favored with a copy of the preamble to the DIPLOMA, we are happy to lay it before our readers, as the first specimen we have seen of the present title and past services of our illustrious and beloved PRESIDENT, attempted in truly classical Latin.
"Cum cum in finem GRADUS ACADEMICI a Majoribus nostris prudenti instituti fuerint, ut Viris qui de Religione, Republica et Literis optime sunt meriti publici honores decerneretur; Cumque Nobis et Omnibus praeclearum compertum sit, GEORGIUM WASHINGTON FOEDERATARUM AMERICAE CIVITATUM PRAESIDEM; non solum de Religione, Literis, Republica, et toto etiam humano genere bene semper et multum meruisse; sed, Bello, aeque ac Pace, communis omnium salutis appetentissimum, per gravissima Rerum Discrimina, sese Civem praestantissimum, LIBERTATIS ultorem felicissimum, PATRIAEQUE PATREM affantissimum, ostendisse; nos igitur &c."
ready dignified themselves by presenting you with the like honors.
Bearing an ardent and unfeigned part in the admiration and applause of those virtuous and magnanimous sentiments, which in obedience to the voice of your country, have led you forth once more from the enjoyment of domestic happiness to a laborious and conspicuous participation of the cares of public life, at a most interesting crisis of our affairs; we fervently pray—That the glory and felicity of our country—the true consummation of the PATRIOT'S LABORS—may be your crown in this world, and assure you an everlasting crown in the world to come!
Signed by order.
WILLIAM SMITH, D. D. President of the Corporation, and Principal of the Faculty.
June 24, 1789.
THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER.
To the Corporation of Visitors and Governors, and the Principal and Faculty of Professors of WASHINGTON COLLEGE, in the state of Maryland.
GENTLEMEN, YOUR very affectionate Address, and the honorable Testimony of your regard which accompanied it, call forth my grateful acknowledgments.
A recollection of past events, and the happy termination of our glorious struggle for the establishment of the Rights of Man, cannot fail to inspire every feeling heart with veneration and gratitude towards the Great Ruler of events, who has so manifestly interposed in our behalf.
Among the numerous blessings which are attendant upon PEACE, and as one whose consequences are of the most important and extensive kind, may be reckoned the prosperity of Colleges and Seminaries of LEARNING.
As in civilized societies, the welfare of the state and happiness of the people are advanced or retarded, in proportion as the morals and education of the youth are attended to; I cannot forbear, on this occasion, to express the satisfaction which I feel on seeing the encrease of our seminaries of learning through this extensive country, and the general with which seems to prevail for establishing and maintaining these valuable institutions.
It affords me peculiar pleasure to know that the Seat of Learning under your direction hath attained to such proficiency in the Sciences since the PEACE; and I sincerely pray that the great AUTHOR OF THE UNIVERSE may smile upon the Institution, and make it an extensive blessing to this country.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
New-York, July 11, 1789.
MISCELLANY.
FROM THE ESSEX JOURNAL.
MR. HOYT,
BY giving the following extract of a letter (which lately fell into my hands) from a gentleman who resided several years with our illustrious PRESIDENT of the United States, a place in your useful paper, you will oblige one of the many thousand of his admirers, who, although he has not a personal acquaintance, is nevertheless under very particular as well as general obligations to him, and wishes that all the good people of these States may be sensible of his unbounded disinterestedness, formerly in relinquishing the pleasures and enjoyments of affluence and domestic quiet, at the risk of life, to rescue his country from slavery and oppression; and now, at the repeated call of his 'fellow citizens,' in devoting himself to their service in devising measures to preserve and secure that liberty, which, 'by the divine munificence,' he had by his wisdom and valour procured: And all this without any other compensation than the satisfaction of doing good! In addition to all this, from unequivocal authority I am able to assert, that his whole influence is exerted to patronize and befriend the liberal arts and science.
EXTRACT.
"GENERAL WASHINGTON possesses 10,000 acres of land in one body, where he lives—constantly employs 250 hands—keeps 24 ploughs going all the year, when the weather will permit—sowed in 1787, 600 bushels of oats, 700 acres of wheat, and prepared as much for corn, barley, potatoes, beans, peas, &c.—has near 500 acres in grass—and sowed 150 with turnips—Stock, 140 horses, 112 cows, 235 working oxen, heifers and steers, and 500 sheep. The lands about his seat are all laid down in grass—the farms are scattered round at the distance of 2, 3, 4, or 5 miles, which the General visits every day, unless the weather is absolutely stormy.—He is constantly making various and extensive experiments for the improvement of agriculture: He is stimulated with that desire which always actuates him, to do good to his country and benefit mankind. In 1786 he killed 150 hogs, weighing 18,360lb. for his family use (exclusive of provisions for his negroes) which was made into bacon."
GREATNESS OF SOUL.
AN anecdote, in "A tour in Corsica," will illustrate the position, that true greatness of soul may be found as well in the lower as in the highest grades of life.—The leader of a gang of banditti, who had long been famous for his exploits, was at length taken and committed to the care of a soldier, from whom he contrived to escape. The soldier was tried, and condemned to death. At the place of execution, a man, coming up to the commanding officer, says, "Sir, I am a stranger to you, but you shall soon know who I am. I have heard one of your soldiers is to die for having suffered a prisoner to escape: He was not at all to blame; besides, the prisoner shall be restored to you. Behold him here; I am the man. I cannot bear that innocent man should be punished for me, and I come to die myself." "No," cried the French officer, who felt the sublimity of the action as he ought, thou shalt not die, and the soldier shall be set at liberty. Endeavouring to reap the fruits of thy generosity: Thou deservest to be henceforth an honest man."
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