National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-12-29 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1791.
NUMB. 18.
REPORT ON MANUFACTURES.
(Continued.)
VII. As to the creating, in some instances, a new, and securing in all a more certain and steady demand, for the surplus produce of the soil.
THIS is among the most important of the circumstances which have been indicated. It is a principal mean, by which the establishment of manufactures contributes to an augmentation of the produce or revenue of a country, and has an immediate and direct relation to the prosperity of agriculture.
It is evident, that the exertions of the husbandman will be steady or fluctuating, vigorous or feeble, in proportion to the steadiness or fluctuation, adequateness, or inadequateness of the markets on which he must depend, for the vent of the surplus, which may be produced by his labor; and that such surplus in the ordinary course of things will be greater or less in the same proportion.
For the purpose of this vent, a domestic market is greatly to be preferred to a foreign one; because it is in the nature of things, far more to be relied upon.
It is a primary object of the policy of nations, to be able to supply themselves with subsistence from their own soils; and manufacturing nations, as far as circumstances permit, endeavor to procure from the same source, the raw materials necessary for their own fabrics. This disposition, urged by the spirit of monopoly, is sometimes even carried to an injudicious extreme. It seems not always to be recollected, that nations, who have neither mines nor manufactures, can only obtain the manufactured articles of which they stand in need, by an exchange of the products of their soils; and that, if those who can best furnish them with such articles are unwilling to give a due course to this exchange, they must of necessity make every possible effort to manufacture for themselves; the effect of which is that the manufacturing nations abridge the natural advantages of their situation, through an unwillingness to permit the agricultural countries to enjoy the advantages of theirs, and sacrifice the interests of a mutual beneficial intercourse to the vain project of selling every thing and buying every thing.
But it is also a consequence of the policy, which has been noted, that the foreign demand for the products of agricultural countries is, in a great degree, rather casual and occasional, than certain or constant. To what extent injudicious interruptions of the demand for some of the staple commodities of the United States, may have been experienced, from that cause, must be referred to the judgment of those who are engaged in carrying on the commerce of the country; but it may be safely affirmed, that such interruptions are at times very inconveniently felt, and that cases not unfrequently occur, in which markets are so confined and restricted, as to render the demand very unequal to the supply.
Independently likewise of the artificial impediments, which are created by the policy in question, there are natural causes tending to render the external demand for the surplus of agricultural nations a precarious reliance. The differences of seasons, in the countries which are the consumers, make immense differences in the produce of their own soils, in different years; and consequently in the degrees of their necessity for foreign supply. Plentiful harvests with them, especially if similar ones occur at the same time in the countries which are the furnishers, occasion of course a glut in the markets of the latter.
Considering how fast and how much the progress of new settlements in the United States must increase the surplus produce of the soil, and weighing seriously the tendency of the system, which prevails among most of the commercial nations of Europe; whatever dependence may be placed on the force of natural circumstances to counteract the effects of an artificial policy; there appear strong reasons to regard the foreign demand for that surplus as too uncertain a reliance, and to desire a substitute for it, in an extensive domestic market.
To secure such a market, there is no other expedient, than to promote manufacturing establishments. Manufacturers who constitute the most numerous class, after the cultivators of lands, are for that reason the principal consumers of the surplus of their labor.
This idea of an extensive domestic market for the surplus produce of the soil is of the first consequence. It is of all things, that which most effectually conduces to a flourishing state of agriculture. If the effect of manufactures should be to detach a portion of the hands, which would otherwise be engaged in tillage, it might possibly cause a smaller quantity of lands to be under cultivation; but by their tendency to procure a more certain demand for the surplus produce of the soil, they would, at the same time, cause the lands which were in cultivation, to be better improved and more productive. And while, by their influence, the condition of each individual farmer would be ameliorated, the total mass of agricultural production would probably be increased. For this must evidently depend as much, if not more, upon the degree of improvement, than upon the number of acres under culture.
It merits particular observation, that the multiplication of manufactures not only furnishes a market for those articles which have been accustomed to be produced in abundance, in a country; but it likewise creates a demand for such as
were either unknown or produced in inconsiderable quantities. The bowls as well as the surface of the earth are ransacked for articles which were before neglected. Animals, plants and minerals acquire a utility and value, which were before unexplored.
The foregoing considerations seem sufficient to establish, as general propositions, that it is the interest of nations to diversify the industrious pursuits of the individuals who compose them. That the establishment of manufactures is calculated not only to increase the general stock of useful and productive labor; but even to improve the state of agriculture in particular; certainly to advance the interests of those who are engaged in it. There are other views, that will be hereafter taken of the subject, which, it is conceived, will serve to confirm these inferences.
III. Previously to a further discussion of the objections to the encouragement of manufactures, which have been stated, it will be of use to see what can be said in reference to the particular situation of the United States, against the conclusions appearing to result from what has been already offered.
It may be observed, and the idea is of no inconsiderable weight, that however true it might be, that a state, which possessing large tracts of vacant and fertile territory, was at the same time secluded from foreign commerce, would find its interest and the interest of agriculture, in diverting a part of its population from tillage to manufactures; yet it will not follow, that the same is true of a state, which having such vacant and fertile territory, has at the same time ample opportunity of procuring from abroad, on good terms, all the fabrics of which it stands in need, for the supply of its inhabitants. The power of doing this at least secures the great advantage of a division of labor, leaving the farmer free to pursue exclusively the culture of his land, and enabling him to procure with its products the manufactured supplies requisite either to his wants or to his enjoyments. And though it should be true, that in settled countries, the diversification of industry is conducive to an increase in the productive powers of labor, and to an augmentation of revenue and capital; yet it is scarcely conceivable that there can be any thing of so solid and permanent advantage to an uncultivated and unpeopled country as to convert its wastes into cultivated and inhabited districts. If the revenue, in the mean time, should be less, the capital, in the event, must be greater.
To these observations, the following appears to be a satisfactory answer—
1. If the system of perfect liberty to industry and commerce were the prevailing system of nations, the arguments which dissuade a country in the predicament of the United States, from the zealous pursuit of manufactures would doubtless have great force. It will not be affirmed, that they might not be permitted, with few exceptions, to serve as a rule of national conduct. In such a state of things, each country would have the full benefit of its peculiar advantages to compensate for its deficiencies or disadvantages. If one nation were in condition to supply manufactured articles on better terms than another, that other might find an abundant indemnification in a superior capacity to furnish the produce of the soil. And a free exchange, mutually beneficial, of the commodities which each was able to supply, on the best terms, might be carried on between them, supporting in full vigor the industry of each. And though the circumstances which have been mentioned, and others which will be unfolded hereafter, render it probable, that nations merely agricultural, would not enjoy the same degree of opulence, in proportion to their numbers, as those which united manufactures with agriculture; yet the progressive improvement of the lands of the former, might in the end, atone for an inferior degree of opulence in the mean time; and in a case, in which opposite considerations are pretty equally balanced, the option ought perhaps always to be, in favor of leaving industry to its own direction.
But the system, which has been mentioned, is far from characterizing the general policy of nations. The prevalent one has been regulated by an opposite spirit. The consequence of it is, that the United States are to a certain extent, in the situation of a country precluded from foreign commerce. They can indeed, without difficulty, obtain from abroad the manufactured supplies, of which they are in want; but they experience numerous and very injudicious impediments to the emission and vent of their own commodities. Nor is this the case in reference to a single foreign nation only. The regulations of several countries, with which we have the most extensive intercourse, throw serious obstructions in the way of the principal staples of the United States.
In such a position of things, the United States cannot exchange with Europe on equal terms; and the want of reciprocity would render them the victim of a system, which should induce them to confine their views to agriculture, and refrain from manufactures. A constant and increasing necessity, on their part, for the commodities of Europe, and only a partial and occasional demand for their own, in return, could not but expose them to a state of impoverishment, compared with the opulence to which their political and natural advantages authorise them to aspire.
Remarks of this kind are not made in the spi-
rit of complaint. 'Tis for the nations, whose regulations are alluded to, to judge for themselves, whether by aiming at too much, they do not lose more than they gain. 'Tis for the United States to consider by what means they can render themselves least dependent, on the combination of rights or wrongs, of foreign policy.
It is no small consolation, that already the measures which have embarrassed our trade, have accelerated internal improvements which upon the whole have bettered our affairs. To diversify and extend these improvements, is the surest and safest method of indemnifying ourselves, for any inconveniences, which those or similar measures have a tendency to beget. If Europe will not take from us the products of our soils, upon terms consistent with our interest, the natural remedy is to contract as fast as possible our wants of her.
2. The conversion of their waste into cultivated lands is certainly a point of great moment in the political calculations of the United States. But the degree in which this may possibly be retarded by the encouragement of manufactures does not appear to countervail the powerful inducements to affording that encouragement.
An observation made in another place is of a nature to have great influence upon this question—If it cannot be denied, that the interests even of agriculture may be advanced more by having such of the lands of a state as are occupied under good cultivation, than by having a greater quantity occupied under a much inferior cultivation, and if manufactures, for the reasons assigned, must be admitted to have a tendency to promote a more steady and vigorous cultivation of the lands occupied, than would happen without them, it will follow, that they are capable of indemnifying a country for a diminution of the progress of new settlements; and may serve to increase both the capital value and the income of its lands, even though they should abridge the number of acres under tillage.
But it does by no means follow, that the progress of new settlements would be retarded by the extension of manufactures. The desire of being an independent proprietor of land is rounded on such strong principles in the human breast, that where the opportunity of becoming so is as great as it is in the United States, the proportion will be small of those, whose situations would otherwise lead to it, who would be diverted from it towards manufactures. And it is highly probable, as already intimated, that the accretions of foreigners, who originally drawn over by manufacturing views, would afterwards abandon them for agricultural, would be more than an equivalent for those of our own citizens, who might happen to be detached from them.
The remaining objections to a particular encouragement of manufactures in the United States now require to be examined.
One of these turns on the proposition, that industry, if left to itself, will naturally find its way to the most useful and profitable employment: whence it is inferred, that manufactures, without the aid of government, will grow up as soon and as fast, as the natural state of things and the interest of the community may require.
Against the solidity of this hypothesis, in the full latitude of the terms, very cogent reasons may be offered. These have relation to the strong influence of habit and the spirit of imitation, the fear of want of success in untried enterprises, the intrinsic difficulties incident to first essays towards a competition with those who have previously attained to perfection in the business to be attempted, the bounties, premiums and other artificial encouragements, with which foreign nations second the exertions of their own citizens in the branches, in which they are to be rivalled.
Experience teaches, that men are often so much governed by what they are accustomed to see and practice, that the simplest and most obvious improvements, in the most ordinary occupations, are adopted with hesitation, reluctance and by slow gradations. The spontaneous transition to new pursuits, in a community long habituated to different ones, may be expected to be attended with proportionably greater difficulty. When former occupations ceased to yield a profit adequate to the subsistence of their followers, or when there was an absolute deficiency of employment in them, owing to the superabundance of hands, changes would ensue; but these changes would be likely to be more tardy than might consist with the interest either of individuals or of the society. In many cases they would not happen, while a bare support could be ensured by an adherence to ancient courses; though a resort to a more profitable employment might be practicable. To produce the desirable changes, as early as may be expedient, may therefore require the incitement and patronage of government.
The apprehension of failing in new attempts is perhaps a more serious impediment. There are dispositions apt to be attracted by the more novelty of an undertaking; but these are not always those best calculated to give it success. To this, it is of importance that the confidence of cautious, sagacious capitalists, both citizens and foreigners, should be excited. And to inspire this description of persons with confidence, it is essential, that they should be made to see in any project, which is new, and for that reason alone, if for no other, precarious, the prospect of such a degree of countenance and support from govern-
ment, as may be capable of overcoming the obstacles, inseparable from first experiments.
The superiority antecedently enjoyed by nations, who have pre-occupied and perfected a branch of industry, constitutes a more formidable obstacle, than either of those, which have been mentioned, to the introduction of the same branch into a country, in which it did not before exist. To maintain between the recent establishments of one country and the long matured establishments of another country, a competition upon equal terms, both as to quality and price, is in most cases impracticable. The disparity, in the one, or in the other, or in both, must necessarily be so considerable as to forbid a successful rivalry, without the extraordinary aid and protection of government.
But the greatest obstacle of all to the successful prosecution of a new branch of industry in a country, in which it was before unknown, consists, as far as the instances apply, in the bounties, premiums and other aids which are granted, in a variety of cases, by the nations in which the establishments to be imitated are previously introduced. It is well known (and particular examples in the course of this report will be cited) that certain nations grant bounties on the exportation of particular commodities, to enable their own workmen to undersell and supplant all competitors, in the countries to which those commodities are sent. Hence the undertakers of a new manufacture have to contend, not only with the natural disadvantages of a new undertaking, but with the gratuities and remunerations which other governments bestow. To be enabled to contend with success, it is evident, that the interference and aid of their own government are indispensable.
Combinations by those engaged in a particular branch of business in one country, to frustrate the first efforts to introduce it into another, by temporary sacrifices, recompensed perhaps by extraordinary indemnifications of the government of such country, are believed to have existed, and are now to be regarded as destitute of probability. The existence or assurance of aid from the government of the country, in which the business is to be introduced, may be essential to fortify adventurers against the dead of such combinations—to defeat their effects, if formed, and to prevent their being formed, by demonstrating that they must in the end prove fruitless.
Whatever room there may be for an expectation that the industry of a people, under the direction of private interest, will upon equal terms find out the most beneficial employment for itself, there is none for a reliance, that it will struggle against the force of unequal terms, or will of itself surmount all the adventitious barriers to a successful competition, which may have been erected either by the advantages naturally acquired from practice and previous possession of the ground, or by those which may have sprung from positive regulations and artificial policy. This general reflection might alone suffice as an answer to the objection under examination; exclusively of the weighty considerations which have been particularly urged.
The objections to the pursuit of manufactures in the United States, which next present themselves to discussion, represent an impracticability of success, arising from three causes—scarcity of hands, dearth of labor, want of capital.
The two first circumstances are to a certain extent real, and, within due limits, ought to be admitted as obstacles to the success of manufacturing enterprise in the United States. But there are various considerations, which lessen their force, and tend to afford an assurance that they are not sufficient to prevent the advantageous prosecution of many very useful and extensive manufactures.
With regard to scarcity of hands, the fact itself must be applied with no small qualification to certain parts of the United States. There are large districts, which may be considered as pretty fully peopled; and which notwithstanding a continual drain for distant settlements, are thickly interspersed with flourishing and increasing towns. If these districts have not already reached the point, at which the complaint of scarcity of hands ceases, they are not remote from it, and are approaching fast towards it: And having perhaps fewer attractions to agriculture, than some other parts of the union, they exhibit a proportionably stronger tendency towards other kinds of industry. In these districts, may be discerned, no inconsiderable maturity for manufacturing establishments.
But there are circumstances, which have been already noticed with another view, that materially diminish every where the effect of a scarcity of hands. These circumstances are—the great use which can be made of women and children; on which point a very pregnant and instructive fact has been mentioned; the vast extension given by late improvements to the employment of machines, which substituting the agency of fire and water, has prodigiously lessened the necessity for manual labor; the employment of persons ordinarily engaged in other occupations, during the seasons, or hours of leisure; which, besides giving occasion to the exertion of a greater quantity of labour by the same number of persons, and thereby increasing the general stock of labor as has been elsewhere remarked, may also be taken into the calculation, as a resource for obviating the scarcity of hands—lastly, the attraction of foreign emigrants. Whoever inspects with a careful eye, the composition of our towns, will be made sensible to what an extent this resource may be relied upon. This
(See last page.)

Proclamation of Louis XVI. the Patriot "King of the French."
"LOUIS, "By the grace of GOD, and by the constitutional law of the state, King of the French. To all citizens— Greeting.
"I HAVE accepted the constitution; I will use all my endeavours to maintain it, and cause it to be executed.
"The revolution is completed. It is time that the re-establishment of order should give to the constitution the sup- port which is still more necessary; it is time to fix the opinion of Europe on the destiny of France, and to shew that the French are worthy to be free.
"But my vigilance and my cares ought still to be seconded by the con- currence of all the friends of their country, and of liberty. It is by sub- mission to the laws; it is by abjuring the spirit of party, and all the passions which accompany it; it is by a happy union of sentiments, of wishes, and of endeavours that the constitution will be confirmed, and that the nation will enjoy all the advantages which it secures.
"Let every idea of intolerance then be abandoned forever; let the rash de- fire of independence no longer be con- founded with the love of liberty; let those pernicious qualifications, with which it has been attempted to in- flame the people, be irrevocably ban- ished; let religious opinions no longer be a source of persecution and animosi- ty; let all who observe the laws be at li- berty to adopt the form of worship to which they are attached; and let no party give offence to those who may follow opinions different from their own, from motives of conscience. But it is not sufficient to shun those excesses to which you might be carried by a spi- rit of violence; you must likewise ful- fil the obligations which are imposed by the public interest: one of the first, one of the most essential, is the payment of the contributions established by your Re- presentatives. It is for the observance of engagements, which national ho- nour has rendered sacred, for the inter- nal tranquility of the states, for its exter- nal security; it is for the stability of the constitution itself, that I remind you of this indispensable duty.
"Citizens, armed for the main- tenance of the law, national guards, never forget that it is to protect the safety of persons and of property, the collection of public contributions, the circulation of grain and of provisions, the arms which you bear have been delivered into your hands; it belongs to you to feel that justice and mutual utility demand, that between the inhabitants of the same em- pire, abundance should be applied to the aid of indigence; and that it is the duty of the public force to promote the advancement of commerce, as the means of remedying the intemperance of seasons, correcting the inequality of harvest, uniting together all the parts of the Kingdom, and establishing a com- munity of the various productions of their soil and industry.
"And you, whom the people have chosen to watch over their interests; you also, on whom they have conferred the formidable power of determining on the property, the honour, and the life of citizens; you, whom they have institu- ted to adjust their differences, members of the different administrative bodies, judges of tribunals, judges of peace, I recommend to you to be impressed with the importance and dignity of your functions; fulfil them with zeal, with courage, impartiality; labour with me to restore peace and the government of laws; and by thus securing the happi- ness of the nation, prepare for the return of those whose absence has only proceed- ed from the fear of disorder and violence.
"And all you who from different mo- tives have quitted your country, your King invites you to return to your fel- low-citizens; he invites you to yield to the public will and the national in- terest. Return with confidence under the security of the law; and this ho- nourable return, at the moment when the constitution is definitively settled, will render more easy and more expe- ditious, the re-establishment of order and of tranquility.
"And you, French people, a nation illustrious for so many ages, show your- selves magnanimous and generous at the moment when your liberty is con- firmed; resume your happy character; let your moderation and wisdom revive
among you the security which the dis- turbances of the revolution had banish- ed; and let your King henceforth enjoy, without inquietude, and without mole- station, those testimonies of attachment and fidelity which can alone secure his happiness.
"Done at Paris, the twenty-eighth of September, 1791.
(Signed) (and underneath) "LOUIS: "DE LESSART."
THE RESPECTFUL PETITION of the Christian Society of Friends called Quakers, delivered before the National Assembly of France, Thursday, 10th February, 1791.
Respectable Legislators, THE French nation having appoint- ed you her Legislators, and your hearts having been disposed to enact wise laws, our minds have been deep- ly engaged to solicit the extension of your justice and benevolence to the So- ciety of peaceable Christians to which we belong.
You know that in several states of Europe and North-America, there are a great number of Christians known by the name of Quakers, who profess to serve God according to the ancient sim- plicity of the primitive Christian church. Several towns and villages of Langue- doc contain a number of families at- tached to this primitive Christianity. Many other families which came from America, have settled at Dunkirk, un- der the auspices of the late govern- ment, in consequence of the invitation given to the inhabitants of Nantucket, for the purpose of extending the French Fisheries.
These islanders have proved them- selves worthy of your kindness by their success; and the same motive will in- duce them to continue to deserve it.— Concerns, however, of far greater mo- ment, have this day brought us before you.
In an age signal for the encrease of knowledge, you have been struck with this truth, that conscience, the imme- diate relation of man with his Creator, cannot be subject to the power of man: and this principle of justice hath indu- ced you to decree a general liberty for all forms of worship. This is one of the noblest decrees of the French legislature. You have set a great example to the nations which continue to persecute for religion, and sooner or later, we hope, they will follow it.
We are come to implore this spirit of justice, that we may be suffered, without molestation, to conform to some princi- ples; and to use some forms, to which the great family of Friends called Qua- kers, have been inviolably attached e- ver since their rise.
Great persecutions have been inflic- ted on us, on account of one of these principles, but to no purpose. Provi- dence hath enabled us to surmount them without using violence. We mean the principle which forbids us to take arms, and kill men on any pretence; a principle consistent with the holy Scrip- tures: "Render not," said Christ, "evil for evil, but do good to your ene- mies."
Would to Heaven this principle were universally adopted! All mankind be- coming one family, would be brethren united by acts of kindness. Generous Frenchmen, you are convinced of its truth; you have already begun to re- duce it to practice; you have decreed never to defile your hands with blood in pursuit of conquest. This measure brings you,—it brings the whole world, a step towards universal peace. You cannot therefore behold with an un- friendly eye men who accelerate it by their example. They have proved in Pennsylvania, that vast establishments may be formed, raised, and supported without military preparations, and with- out shedding human blood.
We submit to your laws, and only de- fire the privilege of being here, as in o- ther countries, the brethren of all men; never to take up arms against any. Eng- land, and the United States of America where our brethren are far more nume- rous than in France, allow us peaceably to follow this great principle of our re- ligion, nor do they esteem us useless members of the community.
We have another request to make, which we hope you will not refuse us, because it flows from those principles of justice to which you do homage.
In our registers of births, marriages, and burials, we have preserved the sim- plicity of the primitive church. Our maxims forbid useless forms, and limit us to those which are necessary for ascer- taining the terms of human life, consist- ently with the good order of society.— We request that our simple registers may be deemed sufficient to legalize our marriages and births, and authenticate our deaths, by causing a declaration thereof to be made before a magistrate.
Finally, we request that we may be exempted from all oaths, Christ having expressly forbidden them in these words, "You have heard that it hath been said by them of old time, thou shalt perform thine oaths; but I say unto you, swear not at all; but let your yea be yea, and your nay, nay."
Wise legislators, you are persuaded as well as we, that an oath is no assurance of sincerity; that it can give no addi- tional force to the declaration of an ho- nest man, and doth not deter a per- jurer. You admit that an oath is but a peculiar way of making a declaration—as it were a peculiar mode of speech. We hope therefore you will not refuse to hear us in ours. It is that of our com- mon Master—that of Christ.
We trust that we shall not be suspect- ed of a wish to evade the great purpose of the civic oath. We are earnest to declare in this place, that we will conti- nue true to the constitution which you have formed; we cherish and respect it; and it is our full purpose to follow its laws in all their purity; on the o- ther hand, if our words, if our evidences are found to be false, we willingly submit to the penalties on false witnes- ses and perjurors.
Can you, respectable legislators, hesi- tate to grant our request? Cast your eyes on the history of our Society, in the countries in which we are establish- ed. More than a century hath elapsed, and we have never been found in any conspiracy against the government. Our temperate rule of life forbids ambition and luxury, and the purpose of our watchful discipline is to preserve us in the practice of those manners to which we were led by the exhortations and ex- ample of our founder.
We esteem employment a duty en- joined to all; and this persuasion ren- ders us active and industrious. In this respect therefore our Society may prove useful to France. By favoring us you encourage industry. Industry now seeks those countries where the honest indus- trious man will be under no apprehen- sions of seeing the produce of a century of labor snatched away, in an instant, by the hand of persecution.
Now that France is becoming the asy- lum of liberty, of equal law and of bro- therly kindness, and adds to these sources of prosperity, perfect liberty for every individual to obey the dictates of his conscience, in relation to the Almight- y;—what prospects of advantage will arise, to induce our brethren who inha- bit less happy climes, to settle in France, a country favoured by nature, as soon as they learn that you have granted them the same civil and religious liberty which they enjoy in England and the United States of America.
Such is the respectful petition we have now found our hearts disposed to present to you, for the relief of our brethren in France, and for the good of a country which we love. We hope among your important engagements in reforming this great empire, and mul- tiplying the sources of its happiness, you will extend your justice and regard to us and our children: it will bring upon you the reward of the Almighty, and the love of virtuous men.
ANSWER OF THE PRESIDENT.
"Quakers, who have fled from per- secutors and tyrants, cannot but address with confidence those legislators who have, for the first time in France, made the rights of mankind the basis of law. And France, now reformed, France, in the bosom of peace, (which she will al- ways consider herself bound to revere, and which she wishes to all other na- tions) may become another happy Penn- sylvania.
"As a system of philanthropy, we adopt your principles. They remind us, that the origin of every society was a family united by its manners, its affec- tions, and its wants; and doubtless those would certainly be the most sublime in-
stitutions, which would renew the hu- man race, and bring them back to this primitive and virtuous original.
"The examination of your principles as a matter of opinion, no longer con- cerns us: we have decided on that point. There is a kind of property which no man would put into the common stock: the motions of his soul, the freedom of his thought. In this sacred domain, man is placed in a hierarchy far above the social state. As citizen, he must adopt a form of government:—but, as a thinking being, the universe is his country.
"As principles of religion, your doc- trines will not be the subject of our de- liberation. The relation of every man with the Supreme Being, is independ- ent of all political institutions. Be- tween God and the heart of man, what government would dare to interpose!
"As civil maxims, your claims must be submitted to the discussion of the le- gislative body. We will examine whe- ther the forms you observe in order to ascertain births and marriages, be suffi- cient to authenticate those descents which the division of property renders indispensible, independently of good customs.
"We will consider whether a de- claration, subject to the penalties against false witnesses and perjury, be not in fact an oath.
"Worthy citizens, you have already taken that civic oath which every man deserving of freedom hath thought a privilege rather than a duty.
"You have not taken God to witness, but you have appealed to your conscien- ces. And is not a pure conscience a heaven without a cloud? Is not that part of man a ray of the Divinity?
"You also say, that one of your re- ligious tenets forbids you to take up arms, or to kill, on any pretence what- soever. It is certainly a noble philoso- phical principle, which thus does a kind of homage to humanity. But consider well, whether the defence of yourselves, and your equals, be not also a religious duty? You would then have been over- powered by tyrants! Since we have procured liberty for you, and for our- selves, why should you refuse to pre- serve it?
"Had your brethren in Pennsylvania been less remote from the savages, would they have suffered their wives, their children, their parents, to be mas- sacred rather than resist? And are not stupid tyrants, and ferocious conquer- ors, also savages?
"The assembly will, in its wisdom, consider all your requests. But when- ever I meet a Quaker I shall say;
"My brother, if thou hast a right to be free, thou hast a right to prevent any one from making thee a slave.
"As thou lovest thy fellow-creature, suffer not a tyrant to destroy him: it would be killing him thyself.
"Thou desirest peace—but consider— weakness invites war—general resist- ance would prove an universal peace.
"The Assembly invites you to stay its sitting."
To the President, Senate and House of Re- presentatives of the United States in Congress assembled:
The Memorial and Address of the peo- ple called Quakers,
Respectfully sheweth, That deeply affected with the great effusion of human blood, and the slaugh- ter of our fellow men in the late contests with the Indian natives, we sincerely lament the miseries and distresses which these mournful circumstances have pro- duced, and may be yet further encreas- ed; if the same hostile measures are con- tinued.
We conceive it to be our duty, and a- mong our rights as citizens, to suggest to you our painful feelings on the subject: A serious and deep consideration of its importance, being among the most in- teresting objects that can claim the atten- tion of the guardians of the public wel- fare; we, therefore ardently desire, that under the influence of true wisdom, you may be directed to pursue such pacific measures as have been heretofore expe- rienced to be salutary and effectual in securing peace and friendship with the original owners of this land, whose re- ligious instruction and civilization, if rightly promoted, may tend to this de- sireable end;—believing the blessing of a righteous God, who made of one

blood all nations of men, will be graciously vouchsafed to those, who, on the principles of justice and mercy, use their endeavours to prevent the shedding of human blood, and to promote love and peace among men.
Signed in and on behalf of a meeting appointed to represent our religious society in Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, Delaware, and parts of Maryland and Virginia, held in Philadelphia the 16th day of the 12th month, 1791.
Signed SAM. EMLEN, and forty others.
PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 29.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, December 26.
The bill for effecting a contract between the United States and the state of Pennsylvania for the purchase of lands bordering on Lake Erie, was read a third time, passed, and sent to the Senate for their concurrence.
Several petitions were read, which being referred for further consideration, the House then proceeded, in committee of the whole, on the bill for establishing the Post-Office and Post-Roads within the United States.
After some time spent therein, the committee rose, reported progress in the bill, and several amendments, which were read and ordered to lie on the table.
A letter was then read from the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanying his report on the petition of Catharine Greene, relict of the late Major General Nathaniel Greene. To be committed to a committee of the whole House on Thursday next.
TUESDAY, Dec. 27.
A petition of sundry merchants and others of the town of Warren in the state of Rhode Island, was read, praying that a weekly post may be established by law from Newport to Boston, through Bristol, Taunton and Warren, and a post office in the said town of Warren.
The House proceeded to consider the amendments reported by the committee of the whole House, yesterday, to the bill for establishing the post office and post roads within the United States, and having made some progress therein, an adjournment was called for.
The Bank of the United States, in this city, has resolved that the discounts in future be made on Tuesday and Friday, and that the notes or bills offered for discount, be presented at the Bank on Monday and Thursday.
The inhabitants of Vermont have it in contemplation to erect a university in the town of Burlington, in that state; and their new academy at Williamstown is to be converted into a College.
The subscription book for opening the canal and lock navigation between the rivers Schuylkill and Susquehanna, by the waters of Tulpehocken, Quitapahilla and Swetara in the counties of Berks and Dauphin, having been kept open for fifteen days, agreeable to law, were closed on Saturday last.
Last Saturday, some Gentlemen, with a very accurate instrument, found the highest part of Vine-street 37 feet 4 inches above the mark of high water at Vine-street wharf; and 38 feet and an half above the tide of that day; not twenty-seven feet, as mentioned in our last; which (says the General Advertiser) is, probably, a random estimate made fifty years ago.
The Brig Philadelphia, Waters, from Charleston, is arrived at Reedy Island; with whom came passengers five Indian chiefs, of the Creek nation, one young man and a woman. Mr. Carey, their Interpreter arrived here on Tuesday last, and the Chiefs yesterday. The brig is detained below by the ice, great quantities of which are floating in the river, but may be expected to disappear in a few days, should the present uncommonly mild weather continue.
We hear that Mr. Tho. Pinckney, of South-Carolina, is nominated by the President of the United States Minister Plenipotentiary to the court of London; Mr. Gouverneur Morris Minister Plenipotentiary to the court of France; and Mr. William Short resident at the Hague.
On Monday last, in the House of Representatives of the United States, the Post-office and Post-Road Bill was reported with amendments: on considering the 22d. and 23d. sections of the bill, it was agreed, that newspapers conveyed in the mail under cover, shall be open at one end for the purpose of inspection, and shall be subject
to a pollage of one cent each for any distance not exceeding one hundred miles, and for any greater distance a cent and an half—that the newspapers shall be carried in separate bags from the letters; and that fifty per cent on the postage shall be allowed to the deputy Post-Masters who deliver them.
Extract of a letter from Fort Hamilton, dated November 10, 1791.
"Before this reaches you, the account of the late expedition, with the misfortunes attending thereon, will, no doubt, be published in the newspapers—or at least partially so.
"In my last I mentioned to you an account of every day's march, with a draft of our route, &c. but as all my papers and baggage fell into the hands of the enemy, this is out of my power. The army had advanced within about 30 miles of the Atumee towns (perhaps a shorter distance) and on the morning of the 4th, were attacked by the savages on all sides. The engagement soon became general, and in a few minutes many officers and men were cut off. The fire of the enemy was chiefly directed at the officers, who were distinguished by their dress. They rushed on the artillery heedless of their fire, and took two pieces in an instant. They were again retaken by our troops; and whenever the army charged the enemy, they were seen to give way, and advance again as soon as they began to retreat, doing great execution, both in the retreat and advance. They are very dextrous in covering themselves with trees; many of them however fell, both by the infantry and artillery. After the army had been engaged for near two hours, most of the officers being killed or wounded, and the men continuing to fall at every fire, the general ordered the remainder of the army to charge and break through the enemy, which they effected—a retreat then took place. The savages pursued four or five miles; and in this distance, no doubt, killed many of the wounded and others. Next to the brave officers and men who fell, I regret the loss of the artillery: six or eight pieces fell into their hands, with about four hundred horses, all the baggage, ammunition, and provision of the army. This is a fatal stroke to the United States—so much so, that it will be difficult to establish hereafter what might have been done this campaign with little expence, had proper arrangements been made.
"It was so late in the season before the army took the woods, that all the forage was destroyed by the frost; neither cattle or horses could subsist, which obliged the army to move slow, and gave the enemy time to collect. Independent of this, we seldom had more than two, three, or four days' flour on hand at a time: this created great uneasiness in the army. On the 21st Oct. a number of the militia deserted, and about three o'clock on the same day, the first regiment was detached on the road leading to Fort Washington, and did not again join the army until another retreat. Indeed, I think it a fortunate circumstance that they were detached; for, had they been there, they would only have served to swell the numbers of slain, and made the sacrifice on our part greater. Six hundred well chosen riflemen from the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Vermont, and Virginia, would have done more execution than all our force combined together. The army must now be new modeled; and I hope it may chiefly consist of riflemen, and well appointed cavalry—such as I have already mentioned, which I am sure will not serve for two dollars per month—what a pitiful establishment, True, men may be enlisted for that sum, to make up numbers, destroy provisions, and enrich the enemy."
The following is the translation of a French letter from a gentleman in Baltimore, who had just arrived from Port-au-Prince, to his friend in this city.
On the 21st Nov. we were in peace and quietness when the mulattoes applied to the municipality to give them their privileges agreeable to several articles of the late treaty between them; next day, the 22d, the question was taken up by the municipality, and a large majority was in favor of granting them the privileges demanded, but the minority opposed, and got to their assistance a body of the people of the town, when they were thus collected, met one of the free people of colour who they took and immediately executed. Upon the mulattoes hearing this, they beat the general, and paraded in a large body with their arms, they marched to the government yard, the 2d Port au Prince regiment paraded and an action began which lasted for a considerable time, when the mulattoes set fire to the town in several places, the wind being westerly and high, the flames spread throughout the town with amazing rapidity, and did not stop until 32 squares at least, about seven eighths of the city was destroyed, the inhabitants were in the greatest confusion, not knowing where to run or put their heads—every thing was destroyed, no one being able to save any thing—the whole of the sugar, coffee, molasses, provisions, &c. which were in the stores, were totally destroyed, and the small part of the town which escaped the flames was plundered: the vessel which brought this account, left Port-au Prince the day after the fire, at which time the mulattoes were in possession of a hill just behind the town.
The safety of the whole island was considered to be in great danger, the vessels in the harbor were unhurt.
Letters from Fort Washington mention, that General St. Clair received eight balls through his hat and clothes, during the bloody contest with the Indians on the 4th of last month, that he was the only officer on horse-back that was not killed or wounded in the battle. General Butler
fell whilst he was conversing with his surgeon who stood by him when shot pierced his foot as he lay on the ground. This gallant officer and hero died beloved and lamented by all who knew him. He served with uncommon reputation during the late war. He entered the British lines at Saratoga among the foremost of the American troops, and shared with general Morgan in all the dangers and honors of the campaign of 1777. In private life he was modest, gentle, and just. An amiable widow, and several young children, together with an aged father and five brothers (the last of whom were all bred to arms) will long, very long lament in him the loss of the kindest friend and tenderest relation.
We can inform our friends from the best authority, that in the late action of the 4th Nov. under major-general St. Clair, the following gallant conduct of major Butler, who commanded one of the battalions of levies from this state, took place—the major having received the wound which broke his leg, he retired to be dressed, and the moment it was over, got himself upon a horse and returned to his battalion, and continued with it until it was ordered to retire.
ERRATUM in Mr. BURKE's "Appeal from the NEW to the OLD WHIGS."
Instead of the following passage (New-York edition, page 79) viz.—"They [the rulers of England] have before their eyes the example of a monarch, insulted, degraded, confined, deposed; his family dispersed, scattered, imprisoned; his wife insulted to his face like the vilest of the sex, by the vilest of all populace; himself three times dragged by these wretches in an infamous triumph; his children torn from him, in violation of the first right of nature; and given into the tuition of the most desperate and impious of men; his leaders of desperate and impious clubs; his revenues dilapidated and plundered; his magistrates murdered; his clergy proscribed, persecuted, famished; his nobility degraded in their rank, undone in their fortunes, fugitives in their persons; his armies corrupted and ruined; his whole people impoverished, disunited, dissolved; whilst through the bars of his prison, and amidst the bayonets of his keepers, he hears the tumult of two contending factions, equally wicked and abandoned, who agree in principles, in dispositions, and in objects, but who tear each other to pieces about the most effectual means of obtaining their common end; the one contending to preserve for a while his name and his person, the more easily to destroy the royal authority—the other clamoring to cut off the name, the person, and the monarchy together, by one sacrilegious execution. All this accumulation of calamity, the greatest that ever fell upon one man, has fallen upon his head, because he had left his virtues unguarded by caution; because he was not taught that where power is concerned, he who will confer benefits must take security against ingratitude."
READ—They [the people of England] have before their eyes the example of a people no longer insulted, degraded and confined by their monarch; their families no longer dispersed, scattered, imprisoned; their wives no longer insulted and debauched by the vilest instruments of the vilest despotism; themselves no longer dragged by the same wretches in infamous triumph; their children no longer torn from them, in violation of the first rights of nature, and given into the military discipline of the dissolute and impious leaders of a dissolute and impious soldiery; their revenues no longer dilapidated and plundered; their magistrates no longer murdering the innocent and protecting the guilty; their clergy no longer proscribing, persecuting and fleeing them; an insolent nobility at length degraded from their usurped rank, limited to their just fortunes, fugitives only from their country's happiness; their armies no longer corrupted and turned against themselves; the whole body of the people, no longer impoverished, enslaved, despised; whilst within the bars of the bastille, and the bayonets of its keepers, the innocent victim of ministerial vengeance or female caprice, will never more await the result of courtly factions, equally wicked and abandoned, who agree in principles, in dispositions, and in objects, but who differ about the most effectual means of obtaining their common end; the one contending to preserve for a while his life and his misery, the more fully to display the triumph of royal authority; the other clamoring, to cut off the hopes, the delays and the person, together, by one sacrilegious execution. All this accumulation of benefit, the greatest that ever fell upon one people, has fallen upon the people of France, because they no longer left their virtues unguarded by caution; because they are now taught that where power is concerned, those who expect benefits from it must take security against ingratitude.
Translations from Paris Papers, to October 12.
PARIS, October 7—12.
The Directors of the Social-Circle Printing Press in this city, anxious to contribute all in their power to the more general dissemination of that immortal effort of human reason, the New Constitution of France, have lately put to press a polyglott or general translation thereof into all the languages of Europe. The typographical part is to be executed with the most scrupulous attention, that it may not in that respect disgrace the translations which will be made under the inspection of a man of acknowledged learning and merit, and entrusted by him into the hands of such persons as he shall judge properly qualified in the several languages into which it is to be transferred. Each translation will be sold separately. The English will appear this week, and
the others successively once a fortnight. These translations when bound up into one volume will, it is hoped, become a classic for the study of different languages.
The following animated sentiments are taken from the Bishop of Paris's circular letter, published on the 25 of September—
"The simple and majestic edifice of our new Government is now firmly established upon the ruins of feudal tyranny, odious chicanery, despotic sway, and every other species of unrestrained power that have in all ages crushed the genius of the French nation. The whole of this constitution displays to the view of man all that can be wished for to render him happy in a state of society, by an equal mixture of morals, politics, and religion. Let us cherish, then, under the twofold relation of christians and citizens, this precious constitution, which seems to be the gospel itself transferred, for the happiness of France, to the code of her civil government.
For a long time we were governed by the Romans; then conquered by the Franks who obliged us to become christians, afterwards ruled by ambitious usurpers of the throne—enjoying a short interval of happiness under Charlemagne; crushed under the fall of this prince's family, and bowed down under the weight of the feudal system: rising a little under Louis the 12th, only to fall lower still under his successors, and endure the shackles of despotism or aristocracy, which ever happened to prevail—France, before the memorable era of the present revolution, possessed a government void of form and order, a barbarous mode of legislation, and, in fact, no constitution at all.
Thanks to the labors of the national assembly, light has beamed forth from the bosom of chaos. Our political duties are now so plainly prescribed that he who runs may read. France is free; the people are the sovereign; the king is only a king while he obeys the constitution. We acknowledge no authority superior to the law; the king only reigns by the law, and it is only in the name of the law that he can exact obedience from the people. This law is made by the temporary representatives of the nation, depositaries of the legislative authority and the mouths of the public will of the people."
THE COUNTRY PRINTER.
[Continued]
THE OFFICE.
SOURCE of the wisdom of the country round, Again I turn to that poor lonely shed Where many an author all his fame has found, And wretched proofs by candle-light are read, Inverted letters, left the page to grace, Colons derang'd, and commas out of place.
Beneath this roof the Muses chose their home;— Sad was their choice, less bookish ladies say, Since from the blessed hour they deign'd to come One single cob-web was not brush'd away:— Fate early had pronounc'd this building's doom Ne'er to be plagu'd with boonder, brush, or broom.
Here, full in view, the ink-bespangled press Gives to the world its children, with a groan, Some born to live a month—a day—some less: Some, why they live at all, not clearly known, All that are born must die—TYPE well knows The almanack's his longest-living brat.
Here lie the types, in curious order rang'd Ready alike to imprint your prose or verse; Ready to speak [their order only chang'd] Creek-Indian Lingo, Dutch, or Highland erse; These types have printed Erskine's Gospel Treat, Tom Durfy's songs, and Bunyan's works complete.
But faded are their charms—their beauty fled! No more their work your nicer eyes admire; Hence, from this press no courtly stuff is read But almanacks and ballads for the Squire, Dull paragraphs in homely language dress'd The pedlar's bill, and sermons by request.
Here doom'd the fortune of the press to try From year to year poor TYPE his trade pursues— With anxious care and circumspective eye He dresses out his little sheet of news; Now laughing at the world now looking grave, At once the Muse's midwife—and her slave.
[To be continued.]
JUST PUBLISHED,
and for sale by
THOMAS LANG,
No. 21, Church alley;
An Essay on
COMMERCE and LUXURY:
Re-printed from the London edition—Price 1/6.
The merit of this work will be acknowledged by every judicious reader. The re-publication of it in this country, at this time, has been advised by several enlightened patriots. These wish to promote our national commerce, on the basis of agriculture and industry, and free from the base alloy of imposition and gaming. They set a proper value on the conveniences and ornaments of civilized life; but detest that luxury which is the offspring of a frivolous taste, and the mother of profligacy, dishonesty, poverty, of numbers less private and public vices and misfortunes. Nov. 28. t. e. t.

exhibits a large proportion of ingenious and valuable workmen, in different arts and trades, who, by emigrating from Europe, have improved their condition, and added to the industry and wealth of the United States. It is a natural inference from the experience, we have already had, that as soon as the United States shall present the countenance of a serious prosecution of manufactures, as soon as foreign artists shall be made sensible that the state of things here affords a moral certainty of employment and encouragement, competent numbers of European workmen will transplant themselves, effectually to ensure the success of the design. How indeed can it otherwise happen considering the various and powerful inducements, which the situation of this country offers; addressing themselves to so many strong passions and feelings, to so many general and particular interests.
It may be affirmed therefore, in respect to hands for carrying on manufactures, that we shall in a great measure trade upon a foreign stock; reserving our own, for the cultivation of our lands, and the making of our ships; as far as character and circumstances shall incline. It is not unworthy of remark, that the objection to the success of manufactures, deduced from the scarcity of hands, is alike applicable to trade and navigation, and yet these are perceived to flourish, without any sensible impediment from that cause.
As to the dearth of labor (another of the obstacles alleged) this has relation principally to two circumstances; one that which has been just discussed, or the scarcity of hands; the other, the greatness of profits.
As far as it is a consequence of the scarcity of hands, it is mitigated by all the considerations which have been adduced as lessening that deficiency. It is certain too, that the disparity in this respect, between some of the most manufacturing parts of Europe and a large proportion of the United States, is not nearly so great as is commonly imagined. It is also much less in regard to artificers and manufacturers than in regard to country laborers; and while a careful comparison shews, that there is, in this particular, much exaggeration; it is also evident that the effect of the degree of disparity which does truly exist, is diminished in proportion to the use which can be made of machinery.
To illustrate this last idea—Let it be supposed, that the difference of price, in two countries, of a given quantity of manual labor requisite to the fabrication of a given article is as ten; and that some MECHANIC POWER is introduced into both countries, which performing half the necessary labor, leaves only half to be done by hand, it is evident, that the difference in the cost of the fabrication of the article in question, in the two countries, as far as it is connected with the price of labor, will be reduced from ten to five, in consequence of the introduction of that power.
This circumstance is worthy of the most particular attention. It diminishes immensely one of the objections, most strenuously urged, against the success of manufactures in the United States.
To procure all such machines as are known in any part of Europe, can only require a proper provision and due pains. The knowledge of several of the most important of them is already possessed. The preparation of them here, is in most cases practicable on nearly equal terms. As far as they depend on water, some superiority of advantages may be claimed, from the uncommon variety and greater cheapness of situations adapted to mill seats, with which different parts of the United States abound.
So far as the dearth of labor may be a consequence of the greatness of profits in any branch of business, it is no obstacle to its success. The undertaker can afford to pay the price.
There are grounds to conclude that undertakers of manufactures in this country can at this time afford to pay higher wages to the workmen they may employ than are paid to similar workmen in Europe. The prices of foreign fabrics, in the markets of the United States, which will for a long time regulate the prices of the domestic ones, may be considered as compounded of the following ingredients. The first cost of materials, including the taxes, if any, which are paid upon them where they are made; the expense of grounds, buildings, machinery and tools; the wages of the persons employed in the manufactory; the profits on the capital or stock employed; the commissions or agents to purchase them where they are made; the expense of transportation to the United States, including insurance and other incidental charges; the taxes or duties, if any, and fees of office which are paid on their exportation; the taxes or duties, and fees of office which are paid on their importation.
As to the first of these items, the cost of materials, the advantage, upon the whole, is at present on the side of the United States, and the difference, in their favor, must encrease, in proportion as a certain and extensive domestic demand shall induce the proprietors of land to devote more of their attention to the production of those materials. It ought not to escape observation, in a comparison on this point, that some of the principal manufacturing countries of Europe are much more dependent on foreign supply for the materials of their manufactures, than would be the United States, who are capable of supplying themselves with a greater abundance, as well as a greater variety of the requisite materials.
As to the second item, the expense of grounds, buildings, machinery and tools, an equality may at least be assumed; since advantages in some particulars will counterbalance temporary disadvantages in others.
As to the third item, or the article of wages, the comparison certainly turns against the United States; though as before observed, not in so great a degree as is commonly supposed.
The fourth item is alike applicable to the foreign and to the domestic manufacture. It is indeed more properly a result than a particular, to be compared.
But with respect to all the remaining items, they are alone applicable to the foreign manufacture, and in the strictest sense extraordinary; constituting a sum of extra charge on the foreign fabric, which cannot be estimated at less than from 15 to 30 per cent on the cost of it at the manufactory.
This sum of extra charge may confidently be regarded as more than a counterpoise for the real difference in the price of labor; and is a satisfactory proof that manufactures may prosper in defiance of it in the United States.
To the general allegation, connected with the circumstances of scarcity of lands and dearth of labor, that extensive manufactures can only grow out of a redundant or full population, it will be sufficient, to answer generally, that the fact has been otherwise.—That the situation alleged to be an essential condition of success, has not been that of several nations, at periods when they had already attained to maturity in a variety of manufactures.
The supposed want of capital for the prosecution of manufactures in the United States, is the most indefinite of the objections which are usually opposed to it.
It is very difficult to pronounce any thing precise concerning the real extent of the monied capital of a country, and still more concerning the proportion which it bears to the objects that invite the employment of capital. It is not less difficult to pronounce how far the effect of any given quantity of money, as capital, or in other words, as a medium for circulating the industry and property of a nation, may be increased by the very circumstance of the additional motion, which is given to it by new objects of employment. That effect, like the momentum of descending bodies, may not improperly be represented, as in a compound ratio to mass and velocity. It seems pretty certain, that a given sum of money, in a situation, in which the quick impulses of commercial activity were little felt, would appear inadequate to the circulation of as great a quantity of industry and property, as in one, in which their full influence was experienced.
It is not obvious, why the same objection might not as well be made to external commerce as to manufactures; since it is manifest that our immense tracts of land, occupied and unoccupied, are capable of giving employment to more capital than is actually bestowed upon them. It is certain, that the United States offer a vast field for the advantageous employment of capital, but it does not follow, that there will not be found, in one way or another, a sufficient fund, for the successful prosecution of any species of industry which is likely to prove truly beneficial.
The following considerations are of a nature to remove all inquietude on the score of want of capital.
The introduction of banks, as has been shown on another occasion, has a powerful tendency to extend the active capital of a country. Experience of the utility of these institutions is multiplying them in the United States. It is probable that they will be established wherever they can exist with advantage; and wherever they can be supported, if administered with prudence, they will add new energies to all pecuniary operations.
The aid of foreign capital may safely, and with considerable latitude be taken into calculation. Its instrumentality has been long experienced in our external commerce; and it has begun to be felt in various other modes. Not only our funds but our agriculture and other internal improvements have been animated by it. It has already, in a few instances, extended even to our manufactures.
It is a well known fact, that there are parts of Europe, which have more capital, than profitable domestic objects of employment. Hence, among other proofs, the large loans continually furnished to foreign states. And it is equally certain that the capital of other parts may find more profitable employment in the United States, than at home. And notwithstanding there are weighty inducements to prefer the employment of capital at home, even at less profit, to an investment of it abroad, though with greater gain, yet these inducements are over-ruled, either by a deficiency of employment, or by a very material difference in profit. Both these causes operate to produce a transfer of foreign capital to the United States. 'Tis certain, that various objects in this country hold out advantages, which are with difficulty to be equalled elsewhere; and under the increasingly favorable impressions, which are entertained of our government, the attractions will become more and more strong. These impressions will prove a rich mine of prosperity to the country, if they are confirmed and strengthened by the progress of our affairs. And to secure this advantage, little more is necessary, than to foster industry, and cultivate order and tranquility, at home and abroad.
It is not impossible, that there may be persons disposed to look with a jealous eye on the introduction of foreign capital, as if it were an instrument to deprive our own citizens of the profits of our own industry: But perhaps there never could be a more unreasonable jealousy. Instead of being viewed as a rival, it ought to be considered as a most valuable auxiliary; conducting to put in motion a greater quantity of productive labor, and a greater portion of useful enterprise, than could exist without it. It is at least evident, that in a country situated like the United States, with an infinite fund of resources, yet to be unfolded, every farthing of foreign capital, which is laid out in internal ameliorations, and in industrious establishments of a permanent nature, is a precious acquisition.
And whatever be the objects which originally attract foreign capital, when once introduced, it may be directed towards any purpose of beneficial exertion, which is desired. And to detain it among us, there can be no expedient so effectual as to enlarge the sphere, within which it may be usefully employed: though introduced merely with views to speculations in the funds, it may afterwards be rendered subservient to the interests of agriculture, commerce and manufactures.
But the attraction of foreign capital for the direct purpose of manufactures ought not to be deemed a chimerical expectation. There are already examples of it, as remarked in another place. And the examples, if the disposition be cultivated, can hardly fail to multiply. There are also instances of another kind, which serve to strengthen the expectation; enterprises for improving the public communications, by cutting canals, opening the obstructions in rivers, and erecting bridges, have received very material aid from the same source.
When the manufacturing capitalist of Europe shall advert to the many important advantages, which have been intimated, in the course of this report, he cannot but perceive very powerful inducements to a transfer of himself and his capital to the United States. Among the reflections, which a most interesting peculiarity of situation is calculated to suggest, it cannot escape his observation, as a circumstance of moment in the calculation, that the progressive population and improvement of the United States, ensure a continually encreasing domestic demand for the fabrics which he shall produce, not to be affected by any external casualties or vicissitudes.
But while there are circumstances sufficiently strong to authorize a considerable degree of reliance on the aid of foreign capital, towards the attainment of the object in view, it is satisfactory to have good grounds of assurance, that there are domestic resources of themselves adequate to it. It happens, that there is a species of capital, actually existing within the United States, which relieves from all inquietude on the score of want of capital—This is the funded debt:—
The effect of a funded debt, as a species of capital, has been noticed upon a former occasion; but a more particular elucidation of the point seems to be required by the trials which are here laid upon it—This shall accordingly be attempted.
Public funds answer the purpose of capital, from the estimation in which they are usually held by monied men; and consequently from the ease and dispatch with which they can be turned into money. This capacity of prompt convertibility into money causes a transfer of stock to be in a great number of cases equivalent to a payment in coin—and where it does not happen to suit the party who is to receive, to accept a transfer of stock, the party who is to pay, is never at a loss to find elsewhere a purchaser of his stock, who will furnish him in lieu of it, with the coin of which he stands in need.
Hence in a found and settled state of the public funds, a man possessed of a sum in them can embrace any scheme of business, which offers, with as much confidence as if he were possessed of an equal sum in coin.
This operation of public funds, as capital, is too obvious to be denied: but it is objected to the idea of their operating as an augmentation of the capital of the community, that they serve to occasion the destruction of some other capital to an equal amount.
The capital which alone they can be supposed to destroy, must consist of—The annual revenue, which is applied to the payment of interest on the debt, and to the gradual redemption of the principal—The amount of the coin, which is employed in circulating the funds, or, in other words, in effecting the different alienations which they undergo.
But the following appears to be the true and accurate view of this matter—
1st. As to the point of the annual revenue requisite for payment of interest and redemption of principal.
As a determinate proportion will tend to perspicuity in the reasoning, let it be supposed that the annual revenue to be applied, corresponding with the modification of the 6 per cent. stock of the United States, is in the ratio of eight upon the hundred; that is, in the first instance, six on account of interest, and two on account of principal.
Thus far it is evident, that the capital destroyed to the capital created, would bear no greater proportion than 8 to 100. There would be withdrawn from the total mass of other capitals a sum of eight dollars to be paid to the public creditor; while he would be possessed of a sum of one hundred dollars, ready to be applied to any purpose, to be embarked in any enterprise, which might appear to him eligible—Here then the augmentation of capital, or the excess of that which is produced, beyond that which is destroyed, is equal to ninety two dollars.
To this conclusion it may be objected, that the sum of eight dollars is to be withdrawn annually, until the whole hundred is extinguished, and it may be inferred, that in process of time a capital will be destroyed equal to that which is at first created.
(To be continued.)
CHARLES BITTERS, No. 120, South Market, near Fourth Street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured BY LOT MERKEL, A large and General Assortment of Muffs & Tippets, Trimmings & Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Mitts & gloves lined with Fur which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest Prices.
M. GARDETTE, Dentist, RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from No. 88 to No. 127, Chestnut, near Fourth Street, nearly opposite the Bank of the United States. Dec. 19.
This Day are published, S E R M O N S, Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York. Sold by T. DOBSON & R. CAMPBELL. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]
*** A few copies of the REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the subject of MANUFACTURES, may be had at the Office, No. 239, High-Street.
GEORGE MEADE
HAS FOR SALE, At his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF, A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old bns of ex- change Madeira WINE, which he will dis- pose of by the pipe, hogshead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old. Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hogshead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a su- perior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity. Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter casks of first quality Hyson TEA. He has just received by the Pigeon, Loxy, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, capt. Stevens, from Dub- lin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted; a few bales of Red and White FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality. He has also to dispose of a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Qua- lity Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HANDSPIKES. He is purchasing FLAXSEED and BEES WAX, and will give the highest Price for them.
N. B. A few Humpers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just arrived and to be disposed of.
ROBERT SMOCK, Woolen Draper & Mercer,
Has just received by the ship Pigeon, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north west corner of Market and Third streets, Philadelphia,
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF
SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost every colour. Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashion- able colours. Superfine cashmers, do. Do. and super elastic striped cloths. Milled drabs and hunters cloths. A variety of fancy waistcoating, in silk, silk and cotton, silk mouselkin, cashmers printed and tamboured, and superfine striped Spanish toli- nets. Mens black sattins, florentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities. Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, assorted. Sattins and mantuas, a beautiful variety. Superfine rattinets, with a large collection of best trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality. Moreens, joans spinning, durants and caliman- coos. Hairpins and camblets, &c. 9-8 wide superfine Maritimes quilting with bor- ders. Maritimes bedquilts and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4. Flanders bedbugs and bedtickings. A beautiful variety of chinizes and cottons. An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chinizes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons. Velveteens, velvets, corduroys, thicksets, fancy cords, rockinees, royal ribs, fatinees, hair plushes, &c. &c. Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings. Rose blankets assorted. ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very gene- ral and extensive, consisting of almost every arti- cle in his line of business.—Being desirous of giving entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meritng a continuance of those cus- tomers, whose favours he has hitherto experien- ced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
This day is Published By CHILDS and SWAIN, In one Volume Octavo; [Price One Dollar and a half, the small Edition, and One Dollar and three quarters the large.]
LAWS of the UNITED STATES. Collated with, and corrected by the original Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State. With a copious INDEX; or A complete DIGEST of the LAWS; (Making 56 pages:)
Executed by an eminent Law Character. To obtain this useful and necessary Part of the Work complete, has retarded the Publication. This Volume comprises the Acts of the Three Sessions of the first Congress; also, the Federal Constitution, and the Treaties between the United States and Foreign Nations—Together with an Ap- pendix, containing the Declaration of Independ- ence, and sundry Ordinances and Resolves of Con- gress under the Confederation.
Sold by Childs and Swaine, No. 239, High- Street, Thomas Dobson, Joseph Crukshank, and Robert Campbell, Philadelphia. October 25.
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale- Fisheries—may be had at the office, No. 239 High-Street.
PRINTED BY CHILDS and SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.