Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-09-18 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 136 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, September 18, 1793.
[Whole No. 458.]
RICHMOND, (Virginia.) The following is the address of the citizens of this city and its vicinity to the President of the United States. RICHMOND, August 17, 1793.
SIR, IMPRESSED with a full conviction of the wisdom of your administration in general, & especially approving that system of conduct which you have adopted, and steadily observed towards the belligerent powers of Europe, we, the inhabitants of Richmond and its vicinity in the commonwealth of Virginia, are happy in an opportunity of conveying to you their genuine sentiments.
When propitious heaven had crowned with victory the efforts of your country and yourself, while rejoicing America enumerated the blessings to be derived from so important a revolution, it was not reckoned among the least of them that, in future, the people of this favored land might in peace pursue their own happiness, though war and violence should desolate the European world, or drench it in human blood. So too, when the good genius of America had devised that change in our government, which her wisdom has since adopted, it was held an argument of some weight against the necessity of this change, and all in opposition to it with one voice declared, that, situated as this country is, no madness or folly could ever be so supreme as to involve us again in European contests. Nor was this opinion, so uniform and universal, in favor of peace, derived from any other source than a knowledge of the real situation and a conviction of the real interests of America. It is impossible for the eye of cool and temperate reason to survey these United States without perceiving, that, however dreadful the calamities of war may be to other nations, they are still more dreadful to us, and however important the benefits of peace to others, to us they are still more beneficial.
From those whose province it is to make war, we expect every effort to avoid it consistent with the honor, interest and good faith of America; from you, Sir, to whom is assigned the important task of, "taking care that the laws be faithfully executed," we have already experienced the most active and watchful attention to our dearest interests.
Ever since the period when a just respect for the voice of your country induced you to abandon the retirement you loved, for that high station to which your fellow-citizens unanimously called you, your conduct has been uniformly calculated to promote their happiness and welfare: And in no instance has this been more remarkable, or your vigilant attention to the duties of your office more clearly discovered, than in your proclamation respecting the neutrality of the United States.
As genuine Americans, with no other interest at heart but that of our country, unbiassed by foreign influence, which history informs us has been the bane of more, than one republic, our minds are open to a due sense of the propriety, justice, and wisdom of this measure; and we cannot refrain from expressing our pleasure at its adoption.
We recollect too well the calamities of war, not to use our best endeavors to restrain any wicked citizen, if such indeed can be found among us, who, disregarding his own duty, and the happiness of the United States, in violation of the law of the land, and the will of the people, shall dare to gratify his paltry passions at the risk of his country's welfare, perhaps of her existence.
We pray heaven to manifest its providential care of these states, by prolonging to them the blessing of your administration—and may the pure spirit of it continue to animate the government of America through a succession of ages.
Signed by desire and on behalf of the meeting, GEORGE WYTHE, President, (Teste) ANDREW DUNSCOMB, Sec'y.
A N S W E R.
To the inhabitants of Richmond and its vicinity. Fellow-Citizens,
AMONG the numerous expressions of the public sense, in favor of the measures which have been adopted for the observance of neutrality in the present war of Europe, none is more grateful to me, than that of Richmond and its vicinity.
The manner in which it is conveyed, lays claim to my affectionate acknowledgments.
In recollecting the anticipations which were entertained of a pacific policy, as most consonant with the situation of the United States and the genius of our government, it is a pleasing reflection, that when the occasion for exemplifying it occurs, sentiments corresponding with it appear to pervade every part of the community. This steadiness of views, highly honorable to the national character, is well calculated to support in the administration of our affairs, a spirit constantly favorable to the great object of peace.
And though the best and sincerest endeavors to this end, may sometimes prove ineffectual, yet it will always be a source of consolation and encouragement, that the calamities of war, if at any time they shall be experienced, have been unsought and unprovoked. Every good citizen will then meet
events with that firmness and perseverance which naturally accompany the consciousness of a good cause, the conviction that there is no ground for self-reproach.
True to our duties and interests as Americans—firm to our purpose, as lovers of peace—let us unite our fervent prayers to the Great Ruler of the Universe, that the justice and moderation of all concerned, may permit us to continue in the uninterrupted enjoyment of a blessing which we so greatly prize, and of which we ardently with them a speedy and permanent participation.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
At a general meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Petersburg (Virginia) and its vicinity, at the court-house of the said town on Monday the 2d September 1793.
THE committee appointed by the town meeting held on Saturday last, to draw up and propose to the present meeting, for their consideration, certain resolutions, this day proposed to the meeting the resolutions following, viz:—
Resolved, That it is consistent with the true interest of the United States, as well as their good faith, to preserve the strictest neutrality in the present situation of Europe.
That we highly approve, and are firmly resolved strictly to observe the President's late proclamation, because we believe it was dictated by a profound knowledge of the interests of these states, and by a sincere and honest desire of promoting their real happiness and prosperity.
That we will use every exertion to discountenance and suppress all such designs and proceedings as in any manner tend to interrupt that harmony and tranquility which we enjoy under a just and pacific administration of the happiest government.
That the interference of any foreign power or minister in the internal administration of our government, is an infringement of the sovereignty of the people, tends to destroy public confidence, to introduce confusion and anarchy, and therefore should excite the indignation and reprehension of every independent American.
That any attempts to diminish that confidence which our citizens repose in the disinterestedness of the present chief magistrate of the United States, are equally ungrateful, illiberal and unjust.
Resolved, That the Chairman transmit the foregoing resolutions to Thomas Jefferson, Esq. & request him to communicate the same to the President of the United States.
And the said resolutions being severally and distinctly read, were unanimously adopted.
And the meeting continuing, the following resolution was proposed and unanimously agreed to.
Resolved, That we consider the combination of the despots of Europe against the liberties of France, as having a direct tendency to destroy the political happiness of mankind; & though we feel an interest in preserving our neutrality, yet it is our sincere will, that liberty and the rights of man may be the prevailing principles throughout the universe.
THOMAS G. PEACHY, Chairman.
THE Grand Jury for the district, composed of the counties of Henrico, Goochland, Hanover, Chesterfield, and Powhatan, impressed with the charge delivered to them by the presiding Judge of this district, have directed their attention to the subjects which it presented to their notice, upon some of which they think it proper and necessary to express their sentiments.
Advertising also to the nature and objects of their institution, they consider themselves to be fully authorized, as often as the occasion shall be sufficiently pressing or important, to animadvert upon the laws and proceedings of the government.
In the present calamitous state of foreign hostilities, the Grand Jury conceive that the honor and happiness of this country are in a great measure involved in the conduct which its government shall pursue towards the nations at war.
They consider the United States as bound by the treaties as well as their dearest interests to observe a strict neutrality towards the belligerent powers, and therefore they testify in this public manner their high approbation of those measures which have been adopted by the President of the United States, to procure a punctilious observance of that neutrality and thereby to preserve the honor and to promote the true interests of this country.
The Grand Jury, estimating as they ought the sovereignty and independence of these United States, view with a just indignation all attempts of foreign powers or their Ministers to influence the measures of our government, or to detach the confidence of the people from those to whom they have committed its administration, such attempts ought to be considered as high insults upon the people of America, as incitements to the boldest treason, and as calculated to plunge the government and Citizens of the United States, into all the evils of anarchy and disorder.
CARTER BRAXTON, Foreman.
HELVIDIUS—No. V.
HAVING seen that the executive has no constitutional right to interfere in any question whether there be or be not a cause of war, and the extensive consequences flowing from the doctrines on which a claim has been asserted, it remains to be enquired whether the writer is better warranted in the fact which he assumes, namely that the proclamation of the Executive has undertaken to decide the question, whether there be a cause of war or not; in the article of guaranty between the United States and France, and, in so doing has exercised the right which is claimed for that department.
Before I proceed to the examination of this point, it may not be amiss to advert to the novelty of the phraseology, as well as of the doctrines, expounded by this writer. The source from which the former is evidently borrowed, may enlighten our conjectures with regard to the source of the latter. It is a just observation also that words have often a gradual influence on ideas, and when used in an improper sense, may cover fallacies which would not otherwise escape detection.
I allude particularly to his application of the term government to the Executive authority alone . The Proclamation is "a manifestation of the sense of the government;" "why did not the government wait, &c." "The policy on the part of the government of removing all doubt as to its own disposition," "It was of great importance that our citizens should understand as early as possible the opinion entertained by the government, &c." In addition to the rest, the early manifestation of the views of the government, had any effect in fixing the public opinion, &c. The reader will probably be struck with the reflection, that if the Proclamation really possessed the character, and was to have the effects, here ascribed to it, something more than the authority of the government, in the writer's sense of government, would have been a necessary sanction to the act, and if the term "government" be removed, and that of "President" substituted, in the sentences quoted, the justice of the reflection will be felt with peculiar force. But I remark only, on the singularity of the stile adopted by the writer, as shewing either that the phraseology of a foreign government is more familiar to him than the phraseology proper to our own, or that he wishes to propagate a familiarity of the former in preference to the latter. I do not know what degree of disapprobation others may think due to this innovation of language, but I consider it as far above a trivial criticism, to observe that it is by no means unworthy of attention, whether viewed with an eye to its probable cause or its apparent tendency, "the government," unquestionably means in the United States the whole government, not the executive part, either exclusively, or pre-eminently; as it may do in a monarchy, where the splendor of prerogative eclipses, and the machinery of influence, directs, every other part of the government. In the former and proper sense, the term has hitherto been used in official proceedings, in public discussions, and in private discourse. It is as short and as easy, and less liable to misapprehension, to say, the Executive or the President, as to say the government. In a word the new dialect could not proceed either from necessity, convenience, propriety, or perspicuity; and being in opposition to common usage, so marked a fondness for it, justifies the notice here taken of it. It shall no longer detain me, however, from the more important subject of the present paper.
I proceed therefore to observe that as a "Proclamation," in its ordinary use, is an address to citizens or subjects only; as it is always understood to relate to the law actually in operation, and to be an act purely and exclusively Executive; there can be no implication in the name or the form of such an instrument, that it was meant principally, for the information of foreign nations; far less that it related to an eventual stipulation on a subject, acknowledged to be within the Legislative province.
When the writer therefore undertook to engrave his new prerogative on the Proclamation, by ascribing to it so unusual, and unimplied a meaning, it was evidently incumbent on him to shew, that the text of the instrument could not be satisfied by any other construction than his own. Has he done this? No. What has he done? He has called the Proclamation a Proclamation of neutrality; he has put his own arbitrary meaning on that phrase, and has then proceeded in his arguments and his inferences, with as much confidence, as if no question was ever to be asked, whether the term "neutrality" be in the Proclamation; or whether, if there, it could justify the use he makes of it.
It has appeared from observations already made, that if the term "neutrality" was in the Proclamation, it could not avail the writer, in the present discussion; but the fact is no such term is to be found in it, nor any other
* The writer ought not in the same paper, No. VII, to have said, "Had the President announced his own disposition, he would have been chargeable with egotism, if not presumption."
term, of a meaning equivalent to that, in which the term neutrality is used by him.
There is the less pretext, in the present case, for hunting after any latent or extraordinary object because an obvious and legal one, is at hand, to satisfy the occasion on which the Proclamation issued. The existence of war among several nations with which the United States have an extensive intercourse; the duty of the Executive to preserve peace by enforcing its laws, whilst those laws continued in force; the danger that indiscreet citizens might be tempted or surprised by the crisis, into unlawful proceedings, tending to involve the United States in a war, which the competent authority might decide them to be at liberty to avoid, and which, if they should be judged not at liberty to avoid, the other party to the eventual contract, might not be willing to impose on them; these surely might have been sufficient grounds for the measure pursued by the executive, and being legal and rational grounds, it would be wrong, if there be no necessity, to look beyond them.
If there be any thing in the Proclamation of which the writer could have made a handle, it is the part which declares, the disposition , the duty and the interest of the United States, in relation to the war existing in Europe. As the Legislature is the only competent and constitutional organ of the will of the nation; that is, of its disposition, its duty and its interest, in relation to a commencement of war, in like manner as the President and Senate jointly, not the President alone, are in relation to peace, after war has been commenced—I will not dissemble my wish that a language less exposed to criticism had been preferred; but taking the expressions, in the sense of the writer himself; as analogous to the language which might be proper, on the reception of a public Minister, or any similar occasion, it is evident, that his construction can derive no succour, even from this resource.
If the Proclamation then does not require the construction which this writer has taken the liberty of putting on it; I leave it to be decided whether the following considerations do not forbid us to suppose, that the President could have intended, by that act, to embrace and prejudice the Legislative question whether there was, or was not, under the circumstances of the case, a cause of war in the article of guaranty.
It has been shewn that such an intention would have usurped a prerogative not vested in the Executive, and even confessedly vested in another department.
In exercising the Constitutional power of deciding a question of war, the Legislature ought to be as free to decide, according to its own sense of the public good, on one side as on the other side. Had the Proclamation prejudged the question on either side, and proclaimed its decision to the world; the Legislature, instead of being as free as it ought, might be thrown under the dilemma, of either sacrificing its judgment to that of the Executive; or by opposing the Executive judgment, of producing a relation between the two departments, extremely delicate among ourselves, and of the worst influence on the national character and interests abroad; a variance of this nature, it will readily be perceived, would be very different from a want of conformity to the mere recommendations of the Executive, in the measures adopted by the Legislature.
It does not appear that such a Proclamation could have even pleaded any call, from either of the parties at war with France, for an explanation of the light in which the guaranty was viewed—whilst, indeed, no positive indication whatever was given of hostile purposes, it is not conceived, that any power could have decently made such an application—or if they had, that a Proclamation, would have been either a satisfactory, or an honorable answer. It could not have been satisfactory, because it would not have proceeded from that authority which alone could definitely pronounce the will of the United States on the subject. It would not have been honorable because a private diplomatic application only is due to a private diplomatic application; and to have done so much more, would have marked a pusillanimity and want of dignity in the Executive Magistrate.
But whether the Executive was or was not applied to, or whatever weight be allowed to that circumstance, it ought never to be presumed, that the Executive would so abruptly claim a sense of the contract, which the other party might consider and wish to support by discussion as its true and reasonable import. It is asked, indeed, in a tone that sufficiently displays the spirit in which the writer construes both the Proclamation and the treaty. "Did the Executive stand in need of the logic of a foreign agent to enlighten it as to the duties or the interests of the nation; or was it bound to ask his consent to a step which appeared to itself consistent with the former, and conducive to the latter? The sense of treaties was to be learnt from the treaties themselves." Had he consulted his Vattel,

instead of his animosity to France, he would have discovered that however humiliating it might be to wait for a foreign logic, to assist the interpretation of an act depending on the national authority alone, yet in the case of a treaty, which is as much the treaty of a foreign nation, as it is ours; and in which foreign duties and rights are as much involved as ours, the sense of the treaty, though to be learnt from the treaty itself, is to be equally learned by both parties to it. Neither of them can have a right more than the other, to say what a particular article means; and where there is equality without a judge consultation is as consistent with dignity as it is conducive to harmony and friendship, let Vattel however be heard on the subject.
"The third general maxim, or principle, on the subject of interpretation [of Treaties] is: "That neither the one nor the other of the interested or contracting powers has a right to interpret the act or treaty at its pleasure. For if you are at liberty to give my promise what sense you please, you will have the power of obliging me to do whatever you have a mind, contrary to my intention, and beyond my real engagement: and reciprocally, If I am allowed to explain my promises as I please, I may render them vain and useless, by giving them a sense quite different from that in which they were presented to you, and in which you must have taken them in accepting them." Vat. B. II. c. vii. §. 265.
The writer ought to have been particularly sensible of the improbability that a precipitate and ex parte decision of the question arising under the guaranty, could have been intended by the proclamation. He had but just gone through his undertaking, to prove that the article of guaranty like the rest of the treaty is defensive, not offensive. He had examined his books and retailed his quotations, to show that the criterion between the two kinds of war is the circumstance of priority in the attack. He could not therefore but know, that according to his own principles, the question whether the United States, were under an obligation or not to take part in the war, was a question of fact whether the first attack was made by France or her enemies. And to decide a question of fact, as well as, of principle, without waiting for such representations and proofs, as the absent and interested party might have to produce would have been a proceeding contrary to the ordinary maxims of justice, and requiring circumstances of a very peculiar nature, to warrant it, towards any nation. Towards a nation which could verify her claim to more than bare justice by our own reiterated and formal acknowledgments, and which must in her present singular and interesting situation have a peculiar sensibility to marks of our friendship or alienation, the impropriety of such a proceeding would be infinitely increased, and in the same proportion the improbability of its having taken place.
There are reasons of another sort which would have been a bar to such a proceeding. It would have been as impolitic as it would have been unfair and unkind.
If France meant not to insist on the guaranty, the measure, without giving any present advantage, would have deprived the United States of a future claim which may be of importance to their safety. It would have inspired France with jealousies of a secret bias in this country toward some of her enemies, which might have left in her breast a spirit of contempt, and revenge of which the effects might be felt in various ways. It must in particular have tended to inspire her with a disinclination to feed our commerce with those important advantages which it already enjoys, and those more important ones, which it anxiously contemplates. The nation that consumes more of the fruits of our soil than any other nation in the world, and supplies the only foreign raw material of extensive use in the United States would not be unnecessarily provoked by those who understand the public interest, and make it their study, as it is their interest to advance it.
I am aware that the common-place remark will be interposed, that, "commercial privileges are not worth having, when not secured by mutual interest; and never worth purchasing, because they will grow of themselves out of a mutual interest." Prudent men, who do not suffer their reason to be misled by their prejudices will view the subject in a juster light. They will reflect, that if commercial privileges are not worth purchasing, they are worth having without purchase; that in the commerce of a great nation, there are valuable privileges which may be granted or not granted, or granted either to this or that country, without any sensible influence on the interest of the nation itself; that the friendly or unfriendly disposition of a country, is always an article of moment in the calculations of a comprehensive interest; that some sacrifices of interest will be made to other motives; by nations as well as by individuals, though not with the same frequency, or in the same proportions that more of a disinterested conduct or of a conduct founded on liberal views of interest, prevails in some nations than in others, that as far as can be seen of the influence of the revolution on the genius and the policy of France; particularly with regard to the United States, every thing is to be hoped by the latter on this subject, which one country can reasonably hope from another. In this point of view a greater error could not have been committed than in a step, that might have turned the present disposition of France to open her commerce to us as far as a liberal calculation of her interest would permit, and her friendship towards us, and confidence in our friendship towards her, could prompt, into a disposition to shut it as closely against us as the united motives of interest, of distrust, and of ill-will, could urge her.
On the supposition that France might intend to claim the guaranty, a hasty and harsh refusal before we were asked, on a ground that accused her of being the aggressor in the war against every power in the catalogue of her enemies; and
in a crisis when all her sensibility must be alive towards the United States, would have given every possible irritation to a disappointment which every motive that one nation could feel towards another and towards itself, required to be alleviated by all the circumspection and delicacy that could be applied to the occasion. The silence of the Executive since the accession of Spain and Portugal to the war against France throws great light on the present discussion. Had the proclamation been issued in the sense, and for the purposes ascribed to it, that is to say, as a declaration of neutrality, another would have followed, on that event. If it was the right and duty of the Government, that is, the President, to manifest to Great Britain and Holland; and to the American merchants and citizens, his sense, his disposition, and his views on the question, whether the United States were under the circumstances of the case, bound or not, to execute the clause of guaranty, and not to leave it uncertain whether the Executive did or did not believe a state of neutrality, to be consistent with our treaties, the duty as well as the right prescribed a similar manifestation to all the parties concerned after Spain and Portugal had joined the other maritime enemies of France. The opinion of the Executive with respect to a consistency or inconsistency of neutrality with treaties in the latter case could not be inferred from the proclamation in the former, because the circumstances might be different. Taking the proclamation in its proper sense, as reminding all concerned, that as the United States were at peace (that state not being affected by foreign wars, and only to be changed by the legislative authority of the country) the laws of peace were still obligatory and would be enforced, and the inference is obvious and applicable to all other cases whatever circumstances may distinguish them, that another proclamation would be unnecessary. Here is a new aspect of the whole subject, admonishing us in the most striking manner at once of the danger of the prerogative contended for and the absurdity of the distinctions and arguments employed in its favour. It would be impossible in practice, as it is in theory, to separate the power of judging and concluding, that the obligations of a treaty do not impede war from that of judging and concluding, that the obligations do impede war. In certain cases, silence would proclaim the latter conclusion, as intelligibly as words could do the former. The writer indeed has himself abandoned the distinction in his VIIth paper, by declaring expressly that the object of the proclamation would have been defeated "by leaving it uncertain whether the Executive did or did not believe a state of neutrality to be consistent with our treaties."
HELVIDIUS. * The writer is betrayed into an acknowledgment of this in his 7th No. where he applies his reasoning to Spain as well as to Great Britain & Holland. He had forgotten that Spain was not included in the proclamation.
Foreign Intelligence.
WATERFORD, (Ireland) May 2. LAST Tuesday the first stone of the bridge which is to be built over the river Suir, opposite Bridge-street, was laid by Sir John Newport, Bart. in the presence of a number of gentlemen, and a vast concourse of people. On the stone was fixed a plate of copper, on which was engraved the following inscription:
In 1793, A year rendered sacred to National prosperity By the extinction of Religious Divisions, The foundation of this Bridge was laid, At the expence of Afflicted Individuals, Unaided by Parliamentary Grants, By Sir John Newport, Bart. Chairman of their Committee, Mr. Lemuel Cox, a Native of Boston, Architect.
LISBON, June 24. Some of your papers talk of a fleet from this country, which is to join Lord Howe, at Portsmouth. It is true, that there are a few good vessels here, which have been lately, in some measure, prepared for sea; but they are, at present, without stores, and have not half their complement of men. Last week they went over the Bar, and had a mock engagement, but soon returned; the bowsprit of one of them was carried away.
PARIS, June 22. The wits again begin to ridicule the new constitution. Some call it the constitution of Bentabole; others the extempore constitution; another calls it a Table of Matter. Danton compares it to the thunder, which is occasioned by clouds of anarchy heaped upon one another; and on a central battery, which fires in all directions upon the assailants.
It is reported, that 40 Revolutionary Females, of the Society of Fraternity, presented themselves on the 18th inst. at the Club of Cordeliers, to engage them to issue a request to the sections, to order all the Women at Paris to join them, Sunday next, in the Champ de Mars, to swear the death of intriguers, to guard Paris, and march against the rebels of La Vendee.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
TUESDAY, July 2. Deputies from the Department of Cote-d'Or appeared at the bar, and said, "We are French Mountaineers. Your long discussions tire us and all France. You have, however, made amends by giving us a constitution, and liberty triumphs. We profess obedience to your decrees."
On the proposition of Lacroix, the following decree was passed: — "The National Convention provisionally suspends the payment of all salaries to those who live in the districts in a state of insurrection against the National Convention, until they can prove that they are not concerned in these doings, or that they retract what they have done."
LONDON, July 16.
Declaration of the French, Assembled under the command of General Gaston, in the Departments of Vendee, Maine, Loire, and Loire Inferieure.
Denounced by the assembly entitling itself the national convention of France, as traitors to our country, and rebels to its laws, we ought, as our duty, to declare to all loyal Frenchmen, and all the loyalists of Europe, the motives which have hitherto directed our conduct, the principles which shall for the future regulate it.
When first we assembled in February last, in the defence of our lives, of our individual safety, of our religion, of our liberty, and of our property, the greatest of crimes was committed—the head of Louis XVI. was brought to the scaffold.
From that time, nothing could be expected from the new order of things that arose up in France, under the name of republic, but confusion, robberies, and anarchy, every day gave birth to a new faction; and if these robbers sometimes appeared divided among themselves in opinion and interest, upon two principal points they terminated their difference, viz. usurpation and pillaging of property, massacring and imprisoning good citizens, who refused being accomplices in their enormities.
For more than three years the rights of persons and property have undergone in France numerous attempts; violence hindered us from the free exercise of the religion of our fore fathers. But, there remained to us a King; and though he was stripped of that part of his authority so necessary for the maintaining a great monarchy, we were still in hopes that the French people would yet acknowledge their true interests, and that order would be re-established without convulsions, and without violence.
We were deprived of this last hope when we saw our fellow citizens, truly groaning under the yoke of a small number of factions, but making no effort to liberate themselves; struck with consternation at viewing our king dragged to the place of execution; but keeping silence through terror, and not daring to arm ourselves to rescue him from the clutches of his executioners.
Under such dilemmas, what were loyal subjects to do?—either accomplices or victims was to be our portion; but we would be neither the one or the other; we have assembled, we have armed ourselves, and hitherto Heaven has crowned our efforts with success.
We are not the aggressors; our intentions are only to defend our persons and property. As men, we have the right to resist oppression; as possessors of property, we oppose its devaluation; as Frenchmen, we will have a king; as Christians, we will have the religion of our fathers; as citizens, we will have fixed laws, under cover of which we may again find peace. In fine, we are weary of being the sport and victims of the factions.
This is neither the time nor place to declaim on political opinions; we have not the smallest pretension to govern France. Individual safety, property, liberty of religious worship, and a king, are what we demand; for that it is we contend; and we will not disarm till we have obtained them.
We invite all people, whatever may be their political or religious opinions, to unite themselves quickly to us; it is their most pressing interest; for every man who is not a robber is on our side;
if any citizen has not a land property to defend, all have at least their personal property, (and personal liberty is shamefully violated by our enemies) all are interested in enjoying in peace, the fruit of their labor and industry; all are interested in living securely at home, and to have their houses for an asylum—this is what we demand for our fellow citizens, as well as for ourselves.
It is the interest of all the powers of Europe to sustain and protect us; for our enemies are such as wished to overthrow every king and every throne.
It is the interest of all people to send us help: for our enemies wished to disturb the peace, and overturn the laws of all people.
Our enemies unmercifully punish with death those of us they make prisoners of war. We declare, before all Europe and France, that we have not used, and we will not use, in this respect, death for death. The cause which we defend is that of justice and humanity; and we will never dishonor it by acts of barbarity. They threaten to crush us by number and the factious announce, that they will attack us with all the forces they can assemble. We await them determined, for we have on our side our courage, and the justice of our cause. We have the God of armies, who will fight for us, the God of Clovis and of St. Louis who did not permit formerly the French monarchy to be overthrown, and who miraculously sustained the throne of our kings, almost destroyed under Charles V under Charles VII. and under Henry IV.
At last, if, by one of those strokes of providence, which the human mind can neither calculate nor foresee, we are overcome in the defence of a cause so just, we shall at least have the glory of dying, in fighting for our God, for our king, and for our country,—thousands will arm themselves sooner or later to avenge us for the French people will at last be weary of their heavy yoke of anarchy; and even our defeat itself will serve to hasten the fall of our tyrants. Besides, let them not believe us so weak as we are said to be at the bar, and at the tribunal of their assembly, where they place us between victory and punishment; for they are always strong, who have no other alternative but to conquer or die.
(Signed) GASTON, For myself and my brave fellow soldiers.
General Quarters, near Fontenay la Comte 25th May, 1793.
SPANISH STATE PAPER.
Proclamation of Gen. Ricardos, commanding the Spanish Army against France.
THE army over which the King has been pleased to give me the command does not enter France with hostile intentions. His Majesty, a constant friend of the French monarchy and nations, only proposes himself to deliver her from the horrid despotism with which she is oppressed and tyrannized by an unlawful usurping, and unruly assembly, who after having subverted and trod upon religion, laws, and the safety of public and individual property, after having committed and ordained, in cold blood, the most unheard-of murders on the most respectable and innocent persons, have filed the measure of their iniquities, by shedding the blood of their lawful and well meaning sovereign.
For these reasons, the king orders me to declare, as I do declare in his name that all good Frenchmen who, abhorring the erroneous and perverse maxims that have produced, and are productive of an overthrow, as fatal as it is disastrous, shall declare themselves to be attached to their monarch, will find in his majesty every kind of protection and support; that the troops whom I have the honor to command, shall observe the most scrupulous discipline, and shall in no manner attack the safety nor property of any body:—That the speediest justice shall be done to every Frenchman, who shall make a well-founded complaint against any individual whatever of the Spanish army, and that the troops shall pay ready money for whatever is sold or furnished to them. On the contrary, all those will be persecuted who persevering in false principles or deluded by the attraction of an illusory liberty, shall side with the pretended National Convention, and act against the

good cause, either in a hostile manner by advice, or by suggestions; and all such shall be treated as rebels and traitors, to religion, their sovereign and native country.  Signed RICANDOS.
United States.
BOSTON, Sept. 9.
Capt. J. Freeman, from Bayonne, in France, but last from St. Andre, where he was carried by a Spanish privateer, and which he left the last of July—informs that the Spaniards do but very little in the war, and do not appear disposed to risk much. While he was at Bayonne, it was expected for 19 days, that the Spaniards were meditating an attack upon that place; but when he came away it was reported that they were all called off for another expedition.
On Friday last arrived and anchored below the Castle, the French privateer Marseilles, of 22 guns, Citizen L'Ecuyer, Commander; she saluted the Castle with 15 guns, which were returned by that fortress.
The Marseilles was fitted out at Havre-de-Grace, and has been cruising off the Western Islands about six weeks: She has been remarkably fortunate, having taken eight prizes, some of them are very rich. The following is a list of them, as handed us by a correspondent.
The sloop Young Gerard, from Curacoa to Rotterdam, arrived at Boston.
The Schooner Concordia, from Demarara, for Amsterdam, sent for the port of Boston, not yet arrived.
The English privateer, ship Good Intent, of 17 guns, arrived at New-York.
The ship Harpooner, copper-bottomed, from Brazil for Bristol, arrived at Boston.
The brig Chance, from Lisbon for Newfoundland, with salt, given to the prisoners, to go wherever they pleased.
The brig Brothers, from Cadiz, for Newfoundland, with salt, burned at sea.
The ship _____, from New-York, for Newfoundland, with flour and bread, sent for Boston, since arrived at Portsmouth.
The American ship President, from Hull in England, for Baltimore, with English goods, British property, arrived at Boston, and since released to the original owners.
From the GENERAL ADVERTISER.
From Dr. E. STEPHENS to Dr. JOHN REDMAN.
SIR,  IN compliance with the request of the learned body over whom you preside, I now cheerfully transmit them a few brief and detached observations on the nature and treatment of the present malignant and fatal disorder which prevails in this city. Their humane anxiety to ascertain the real character of the complaint, and to establish some fixed and steady mode of cure for it, are fresh proofs of their benevolence, and clearly evinces that disinterested liberality for which they are so eminently distinguished. I only regret that their application to me, has approached so near the moment of my departure that I have not sufficient leisure to elucidate the subject so amply and satisfactorily as the importance of it deserves. Imperfect however as the enclosed sketch may be, I can with truth assure them, that it is the result of extensive experience and accurate observation, and that it is dictated solely by a philanthropic desire of checking the ravages of the disease, and of restoring tranquillity to the dejected minds of the public.
This disorder arises from contagion. Its approaches are slow and insidious at the commencement. It is ushered in with a slight degree of languor and lassitude, loss of appetite, restlessness and disturbed dreams, depression of spirits, and a want of inclination to perform the ordinary occupations of life.
The patient does not consider himself sufficiently sick to complain or call in the assistance of a physician. His feelings are rather unpleasant than alarming. This train of symptoms continue for two or three days, and if not removed by timely aid, is succeeded by a sharp pain in the head, anxiety and suppression about the præcordia, a febrile pulse, great prostration of strength, and a variety of other morbid phenomena which are too well known to the faculty to need description. In the first stage of the disorder a little attention and the well directed efforts of a skilful practitioner may generally prove successful in mitigating the violence of future symptoms and preventing either much danger or long confinement. At the first appearance of languor, lassitude, &c. especially if the patient has been near the source of contagion, he should carefully avoid all fatigue of body and application of mind. Every thing that can tend to debilitate should be carefully guarded against. He should remain at perfect rest. His diet should be fuller and more cordial than usual, and a few extraordinary glasses of old Madeira may be allowed. He should take the cold bath every morning, and if his sleep is disturbed, a gentle opiate combined with a few grains of the volatile salts and some grateful aromatic may be administered at night. A few doses of good genuine bark may be taken in powder during the day; and if the stomach should be affected with nausea, a strong decoction of the same may be substituted. Great care should be taken to keep the mind of the patient calm and serene; neither to terrify it with needless apprehension, nor alarm it by the melancholy relation of the spreading mortality which surrounds him. It is at this stage of the complaint that the physician may lay the foundation of future success: but unfortunately it is also the period of the disease which is commonly too much neglected by the patient. Gentlemen of the faculty are rarely called in until the symptoms are more alarming and dangerous. But it is a matter of material consequence to the patient to know that by a little attention at the commencement, and by carefully watching the approaches of the disease, even though it should be contracted, it may be rendered mild, and may terminate favourably. It is also of equal consequence for practitioners to attend to these particulars in laying down the prophylaxis to their patients.
When the disorder has gained ground and become violent, and when the danger is imminent, the most unremitted exertions should be made by the physician to mitigate the symptoms. The nausea and vomiting may be relieved by an infusion of camomile flowers given frequently until the stomach is sufficiently emptied of all crude matter. Small doses of a cordial mixture composed of the oil of peppermint and compound spirits of lavender may then be taken until the sickness abates. If notwithstanding the irritability of the stomach should still continue, recourse must be instantly had to the cold bath which must be used every two hours or oftener if the urgency of the symptoms should require it. After each immersion a glass of old Madeira, or a little brandy burnt with cinnamon, may be administered. Flannel cloths wrung out of spirits or wine impregnated with spices, may be applied to the pit of the stomach and changed frequently.
An injection containing an ounce of powdered bark mixed with thin salep or sago, to which a teaspoonful of laudanum has been added, should be administered. These injections may be continued every two or three hours omitting the laudanum after the first. As soon as the stomach can bear the medicines and nourishment, the bark may be administered in small doses; as much Madeira wine may be given as the patient can bear without affecting his head or heating him too much. All emetics and cathartics should be avoided. If the
bowels should not be sufficiently open, a laxative clyster may be necessary, or a few grains of powdered rhubarb added to each dose of bark until the desired effect is produced. If diarrhoea should prevail it must be checked by starch injections blended with laudanum by the tinctura e kino japonica, or a decoction of carcarilla. All drastic cathartics do injury when the disease is in its advanced stage. If stupor, coma, or delirium should come on, a large blister should be applied between the shoulders, and small ones to the thighs; stimulant cataplasms should also be applied to the soles of the feet. When hæmorrhages appear, the elixir of vitriol may be administered in conjunction with the bark, but great care should be taken to prevent it from affecting the bowels. If the pulse should be much sunk, the prostration of strength great, and subsultus tendinum take place, small doses of the liquor mineralis Hoffmanni, or even vitriolic æther diluted with water may be given. Musk and camphor in this stage of the disease have likewise proved effectual. Upon the whole, Sir, I may sum up this hasty outline by inculcating the use of the tonic plan in its future extent, and by warning against the ill consequences of debilitating applications, or profuse evacuations in every period of the disease: the cold bath, bark and wine, a spacious well ventilated room, frequent change of bed and body linen, and attention to rest and quiet, if properly persevered in, will, in most cases, prove successful, and strip this formidable disease of its malignity, its terror, and its danger.
The description I have given of this disorder, and the utility of the plan of cure I have laid down, are confirmed by experience, and coincides with your reason and the soundest theory; the cause producing the effect is a strong debilitating power; the symptoms occasioned by its application, all indicate extreme debility in the animal functions, and great derangement of the nervous system; ought not therefore the remedies adapted to this complaint, to be cordial, stimulating and tonic? Should not violent evacuations which evidently weaken and relax, be avoided?
These are hints which would be presumptuous, and assuming in me to extend or dwell upon: to gentlemen of such eminence as your colleagues it is sufficient to point out what reason and experience conjointly suggest to me; Their superior judgment will, I am convinced supply every deficiency and enable them to pursue that plan which is best adapted to public utility, and the effectual removal of the present dreadful malady. If the few observations I have suggested be serviceable to the inhabitants of this city, my intentions will be fully answered, and my feelings completely gratified.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, EDWARD STEVENS. JOHN REDMAN, M.D. President of the College of Physicians.
Philadelphia, Sept. 18.
The ship Manchester, captain Clay, on Tuesday night the 11th instant, about half past ten, run aground on Turtle Gut, two leagues north of Cape May.
The Manchester left Liverpool the 23d of July, and the Downs the 27th, brought two cabin and four steerage passengers; she makes no water in her present situation, and it is supposed that she will be got off without much trouble; she was running at the rate of eight knots an hour when she struck; at high water she has twelve feet, and she draws but thirteen and an half; our informant spoke 4 shallops and sent them to her relief. Her rudder was unhung.
The Synod of Philadelphia, met at York-Town on the 28th day of August, 1793; unanimously agreed in appointing Thursday the 24th day of October next to be observed as a day of fasting and prayer by all the Churches under their care.
Wednesday the 28th ult. the anniversary commencement of Dartmouth College was celebrated at Hanover, New-Hampshire.
when the degree of Bachelor of arts was conferred on thirty-nine young gentlemen.
The anniversary commencement of Rhode-Island College was celebrated at Providence the 4th inst. when the degree of Bachelor of Arts was conferred on twelve and that of Master of Arts on seven gentlemen.—The honorary degree of Master in the Arts was conferred on Nicholas Tillinghast, jun. Esq. of Taunton; the Rev. Archibald McClean, of Edinburgh; Rev. William Edwards, of Lynn, (England) Rev. James Dore, of London; Rev. John Sutcliff, of Olney (England) and Rev. Samuel Pearce of Birmingham (England.)
The Degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred on the Hon. David Howell, of Providence; Rev. Joseph Priestley of Birmingham (England) and Rev. Morgan Jones, of Hammersmith (England)
The Commissioners who set out from Philadelphia the last of April, to hold a treaty, for the purpose of making peace with the Western Indians, have returned without success. T. Pickering, Esq. arrived in this city last Friday and Mr. Randolph has since reached Germantown. They came back by the way of Genesee, Albany and New-York. General Lincoln took another route, and, on account of the sickness prevalent in this city, will probably return directly to his home in Massachusetts.
We understand that the hostile Indians refused to make peace, unless the United States would remove all their settlers (amounting to several thousands) from over the Ohio, and make that river the boundary between them.—This is obviously inadmissible.
It would be unpardonable not to mention in terms of the highest applause the heroism of two gentlemen of this city, who have voluntarily undertaken the superintendence of the Hospital at Bush-Hill.
These gentlemen give their personal attendance daily at the above place—and we are happy to be well informed that the exertions of Mr. Stephen Gerard and Mr. Peter Helm, have produced a most favorable change in the face of affairs in the Hospital.
AT a meeting of the citizens of New-York at the Tontine Coffee-House, the 12th of September, 1793—among other resolutions adopted to prevent the introduction of infectious disorders into the city, they have agreed to the following:—
To check as much as possible the intercourse by the stages, and for this purpose to appoint a committee to acquaint the proprietors of the different southern stages, that it is the earnest wish of the inhabitants of this city, that their carriages and boats do not pass while the infection prevails in Philadelphia—to direct all ferry-boats to land their passengers at the proper wharves only, and to have a prudent person at each to examine the passengers.
By a Proclamation of the Governor of New-York of the 13th inst.—all vessels bound from Philadelphia to that city, are to perform quarantine.
Dr. RUSH is satisfied, from several recent observations, that the loss of six or eight ounces of blood, in persons who are plethoric, in addition to a milk and vegetable diet, will have a great effect in preventing an attack of the present Epidemic, or in rendering it a mild disease. Sept. 16.
Died—Mr. Thomas P. Anthony—and M. Vincent M. Pelosi, merchants of this city.
THE author of the Speculative signed HELVETIUS, is informed, that no additional numbers be forwarded to Editor during the suspension of the Gazette the United States , they will be forwarded to Editor of the Mail , for publication.
To the SUBSCRIBERS FOR THIS GAZETTE.
THE EDITOR FINDS himself under the painful necessity of suspending the publication of the Gazette the United States , for a short time.—As soon as the causes occasioned by the distressing sickness are removed, and business returned to its usual channels, the publication will be resumed.
The Editor again renews his ear for payment of arrearages—and a Subscriber, that on the receipt of at this distressing crisis, depends the family, and his ability to discharge the debts incurred in prosecuting the persuasion that his request will meetly words of course.
A few Subscribers are in arrears—they are assured, that their accounts will be balanced when the publications found due, returned, at the Editor expects to remain Letters enclosing remittances there him by Post, as usual, will get to him
ENCYCLOP
THOMAS DOBSON begs his grateful acknowledgment of the kind support and encouragement He takes the earliest opportunity of informing them, that notwithstanding the delay, by having his Press down in the dreadful fire of last spring, so much of his property had been destroyed, that with the assistance of Types he has purchased, what was just imported for his use, which does honor to the part with, the press will be re-commenced he hopes to shew by the continued Philadelphia.

From the ROYAL DANISH AMERICAN GAZETTE. [Printed at Copenhagen, St. Croix]
THE subscriber having met with the misfortune to be totally shipwrecked, on the 12th day of February last, in the bay of Boston, called Cohasset, on a naked rock, near a place named Bruth-Island; where he with his crew was for 36 hours exposed to a most severe gale with frost and a thick snow, through which they could not be discerned; but as soon as the thick clouds began to disperse, they instantly, to their great joy, observed in the forenoon, the people on shore endeavoring to come out to them with boats, in order to save them, though the sea run so high that their boats were thrice filled with water, and one of the boats shattered, whereby six of the hands were nearly lost. Notwithstanding this, the feeling people on the shore did keep up their spirits, and the Pastor there, named Mr. Shaw, then present, encouraged them, by addressing them thus:— "My friends! I need not to remind you of the services, we, as human beings, owe one to another; being fully convinced of your good disposed minds, but this is an extraordinary case, in which we must show ourselves; there are the lives of twenty men in question, to be saved, who will, most certainly, be frozen dead in less than an hour; come, my friends, I'll enter the boat for one man, although I am a bad mariner"—and all the rest followed the Reverend joyfully; they took us off the rock, made their home, ours, attended us in our sickness, and carefully saved what they could from the ship and cargo, even to trifles, as watches, buckles, buttons, spoons, with other gold and silver ware, belonging to the subscriber, which they delivered him every night, coming from their work. The probity of these strangers, assisting us in our distress, I cannot express less in retaliation, but by my warmest and sincerest thanks, voluntarily acknowledging, that the laud possessed by such individuals, is happy, and the unfortunate man drove to their shore, cannot but fall in the hands of upright honest men. This I think incumbent on me to publish. H. P. KLEIN. June 22d, 1793.
KINGSTON (Jam.) Aug. 2. the Printer of the Kingston Daily Advertiser.
Admiralty Office, Kingston, July 21, 1793.
GENTLEMEN, PLEASE to publish the enclosed wit as the speediest notification readake of his honour the Lieu which Governor's instructions, di that to be given by me to the plies of private armed ships five use d from this office.
unnecess Gentlemen, stand the very obedient servant, study, as M. WALKER, Dep. Reg.
I am aw leges are no ettor's Office, July 27, 1793.
by mutual because they are of his honour the mutual inter overnor, that in the dices will vatees, they may be, They will t terms, forbid riling ing without the passengers or a great nation which may be ed either to the proceedings being sensible influence Britons, are by no itself; that the to be sanctioned by tion of a count ment in the cal terest; that for ing only to Pirates made to o is determined, by by individual o discountenance and quency, or it of a disintered ed on liberal nations than t obedient servant, of the influen and the polic Reg. Ct. Ad.
hoped by th country can this point of been comm turned the her comm tion of her friendship to ill-will, could urge her.
On the supposition th to claim the guaranty, a before we were aked, on her of being the aggressor very power in the catalog
To be Sold AT PRIVATE SALE, A Valuable Lot of 16 Acres of LAND, lying on the great road leading from Fincastle to Tazewell, 1 3/4 miles from Fincastle; with a ten-yard, brick house, barn, house and carriage-house, a never-failing stream of water running through the same; a good dwelling-house, with an entry and two rooms on the lower floor, and three on the upper floor; a kitchen adjoining, with a cellar under the whole, and a well of water at the door; also, 170 bearing apple-trees, and two or three acres of watered meadow. There will be an indispensible title given. Any person inclining to purchase, may know the terms of sale by applying to the Subscriber on the premises. MATTHEW CLARKE. September 14, 1793. (E4W)
George-Town, (PAWMAc) September 9, 1793. THE Commissioners of the Federal Buildings having received only one or two days previous to the time appointed for the commencement of the drawing of the Washington Hotel Lottery, information that a number of Tickets which had been deposited for sale in the hands of persons at a distance, were still unsold; and there being no fund established to pay any loss that might be sustained by keeping these tickets in the risk of the City, they (the Commissioners) determined to defer the drawing until they could be all sold. Under these circumstances, a number of gentlemen of this town, and the City of Washington, formed themselves into a company, and took upon themselves all the tickets remaining on hand, on the express condition agreed on by the Commissioners, that the drawing of the Lottery should absolutely commence on the 23d instant, and be continued without interruption. The Subscribers have been appointed a committee to manage the concerns of this company, which was formed on public, not private motives. And in pursuance of their instructions, they now inform the public, that Tickets will be deposited with the following gentlemen: G. Scott, Baltimore Town; J. Davidson, Annapolis; D. Crawford, Upper Marlboro'; B. Lowndes, Bladensburg; B. Turner, Port Tobacco; J. Wilkinson, Calvert County; J. Fenwick, St. Mary's County; G. Murdock, Frederick Town; H. Clagett, Hager's Town; M. Waite, George Town; W. Herbert, Alexandria; W. Thompson, Colchester; J. Muehlent, Dumfries; R. Paxton, Fredericksburg; T. Mason, Richmond; Campbell and Wnaler, Petersburg; Sam. Love, Newgate.
Who will sell the same until Saturday the 21st inst. at the original price of 7 dollars. If, contrary to the expectations of the company, any of their Tickets should remain unsold when the drawing commences, a necessary attention to save themselves from loss, will compel them to take advantage of the rise in price, which will certainly then take place. B. STODDERT, J. MASON, J. M. LINGAN, M. WAITE, T. PETER. N. B. The Managers are to forward, daily, to the Post-offices of each of the principal towns on the continent, an accurate list of each day's drawing; the blanks, as well as prizes, will be contained in these lists, in order that no one may be imposed on by any sale or purchase of drawn tickets during the drawing.
FOR SALE, BY MATHEW CAREY, At his Store, No. 118, Market-street, PHILADELPHIA.
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January, 1787, to its termination in December, 1792, in twelve volumes, price, neatly bound and lettered, nineteen dollars and one fifth.
The opinion of the President of the United States, respecting this work, is as follows: "I believe the American Museum has met with extensive, I may say, with universal approbation from competent judges; for I am of opinion, that the work is not only eminently calculated to disseminate political, agricultural, philosophical, and other valuable information, but that it has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety. It to these important objects be superadded the more immediate design of rescuing public documents from oblivion—I will venture to pronounce, as my sentiment, THAT A MORE USEFUL LITERARY PLAN HAS NEVER BEEN UNDERTAKEN IN AMERICA, or one more deserving of PUBLIC ENCOURAGEMENT." June 5.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE EDITOR proposes to continue the publication of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, for distant circulation, after the first of December next, on the following terms, viz. It shall be published on WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, on paper of the Medium size—which is larger than the present.
The price, Three Dollars per annum, exclusive of postage. Subscriptions to be received by the respective Post-Masters throughout the Union, or such other persons as may be proper to collect them.
The papers to be forwarded by post twice a week. No packets to contain less than six papers—and no subscriptions to be received for a less term than six months. Payments to be constantly six months in advance. Twenty per cent. deduction from the price of the GAZETTE, will be allowed to those who collect and forward the subscription money, free of expense, in full of all charges for their trouble in the business.
The publication will contain as usual, a variety of original essays—foreign and domestic intelligence, and a summary of the proceedings of the Legislature of the Union, &c. &c. Attention will be paid to dispatching the papers with punctuality, and Subscribers may depend on receiving them as regularly, as the post arrives. June 8.
To the Public. THE EDITOR of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted. To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general—Maritime information:—Prices Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c. ADVERTISING favors, will be gratefully received.
TERMS. To be printed on paper of the demy size but a larger size shall be substituted in December next. The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly. When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence. In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual. Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant, JOHN FENNO. Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of subscription papers, and by the Editor, at his house, No. 34, North Fifth Street.
THE EDITOR. MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible. Those persons who have received subscription money on his account are desired to remit the same. The arrearages for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of this expensive publication. Philadelphia, June 26.
JUST PUBLISHED, By Thomas Dobson, Bookseller, at the Stone House, in Second Street, PHILADELPHIA, VOLUME IX, of ENCYCLOPEDIA: OR, A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, AND MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE, On a Plan entirely new; BY WHICH THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS are digested into the Form of Distinct, TREATISES or SYSTEMS: THIS VOLUME CONTAINS HYDROSTATICS, Hygrometer, History of Japan, Leland, Jerusalem, Jews, India, Insects, Insurance, Ireland, Italy, Kanackatka, Knighthood, Language, Law, Legerdemain, with a great variety of Biographical and Miscellaneous Articles.—Illustrated with thirty-one elegant Copperplates.
CONDITIONS. I. The work is printing on a superfine paper, and new types, (cast for the purpose) which will be occasionally renewed before they contract a worn appearance. II. The work is furnished in boards, in volumes or half-volumes, as subscribers chuse; the price of the whole volumes, five dollars each, or the half-volumes two dollars and two-thirds of a dollar each. Ten dollars to be paid on subscribing, the volumes or half-volumes finished to be paid for when delivered, the price of one volume to be paid in advance, and the price of each succeeding volume to be paid on delivering the volume preceding it. No part of the work will be delivered unless paid for. III. In the course of the publication will be delivered about five hundred copperplates, elegantly engraved in Philadelphia; which by far exceed in number those given in any other scientific dictionary. At the close of the publication will be delivered an elegant frontispiece, the dedication, preface, and proper title pages for the different volumes. It is expected the work will be comprised in about eighteen volumes in quarto. The subscription will continue open on the above terms till the first day of September next, to give opportunity to those who are not yet subscribers, to come forward. Those who have subscribed, and got only a small part of the work, are requested to complete their sets, as far as published, as soon as possible, as after the first of next September, by which time the tenth volume is expected to be ready, the publisher will not consider himself bound to make up those sets which are not completed up to that period. Philadelphia, June 19, 1793.
SEAT of WAR. For Sale, at M. CAREY's Store, No. 118, Market-street, A Sheet Map of the French, Austrian and Dutch Netherlands, in which the progress of the present War may be traced.—Price, three eighths of a dollar. And a Map of the Three Northern Districts of France, divided into Departments.—Price 1/4 of a dollar.
Maps of the United States:—Any public spirited gentlemen, possessed of materials for correcting and improving the Maps of the several States, will lay M. Carey under very particular obligations, by communicating them. He is in immediate want of some for New Jersey and Delaware; of which States he is now preparing Maps.
Guthrie's Geography: The subscription for this work will be continued open, at the present rate of twelve dollars, till the first day of November next; after which, it will be raised to fourteen dollars. August 14.
War Department, August 31, 1793. INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are intitled to six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March last, and which will become due on the 5th of September next, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans, with in the States respectively under the usual regulations. By Command of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. H. KNOX, Secretary of War. N. B. The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers for the space of two months.
Treasury Department, August 10, 1793. NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 14th day of September next inclusively, to furnish by contract, the following articles of Clothing, for the use of the United States, viz. 4,800 Hats, 5,120 Stock, 5,120 Stock-Clasps, 20,480 Shirts, 5,120 Vests, 5,120 Coats, 9,600 Woollen Overalls, 9,600 Linen ditto, 19,200 pairs of Shoes, 9,600 pairs of Socks, 5,120 Blankets, 320 Caps, 320 pairs of Leather Breeches, 640 pairs of Boots, 320 pairs of Spurs, 640 pairs of Stockings, 1,320 Rifle Shirts. The clothing to be delivered at the city of Philadelphia; one fourth part of the whole number of suits on or before the 15th of February, one fourth on or before the 15th of April, and the remaining half on or before the 15th of June, 1794. The articles must be agreeably to such patterns as shall be directed by the Secretary for the Department of War. Payment will be made as soon as the whole of the articles shall have been delivered. ep114S.
Treasury Department, August 27, 1793. NOTICE is hereby given that proposals will be received until the 15th day of October next, inclusively, by David Henly at Knoxville, in the Territory South West of the Ohio, for the supply of all rations which may be required to the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereinafter mentioned, viz. 1. At any place or places from the mouth of the River Tennessee to Ocoee or Bear Creek, on the said River inclusively. 2. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville. 3. At any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the southward, westward, or northward thereof. 4. At Bledsoe's Lick, or any place or places between the said Lick and Nashville. 5. At any place or places from Bledsoe's Lick to the crossing of Cumberland river, along the new Trace, or at near the great Salt Lick, and at the said crossing place over Cumberland river. 6. At any place or places along the said Trace, from the crossing of Cumberland river to the mouth of Clinch river, and at the said mouth of Clinch river. 7. At any place or places between the said mouth of Clinch and Knoxville, and at Knoxville. 8. At any place or places on the north-western frontiers of Washington and Hamilton districts, in the Territory South of the Ohio, from the mouth of Clinch to the Virginia line. 9. At any place or places on the southern frontiers of the said districts of Washington and Hamilton. 10. At any other place or places in the territory South of the Ohio, not herein mentioned. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a Gill of brandy, rum or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles per 100 rations. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each fort or other stationary post, which is or may be established for the space of at least three months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemies, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depredations of two or more creditable character, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed. Those who may become proposers are required to transmit without delay to the Secretary of the Treasury duplicates of their proposals. The proposals will be decided upon at Knoxville aforesaid, where the said David Henly will make known the offer which is accepted, and will conclude the contract.
P L A N S OF THE City of Washington, Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.