Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-08-03 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 28, of Vol. III.]
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 3, 1791.
[Whole No. 236.]
FROM THE COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
MR. RUSSELL,
THE next article upon which Mr. Paine has pronounced the superiority of the French constitution, is upon the subject of making war and peace. The right, he says, is placed where the expense is; that is in the nation.—Whereas, "in England, the right is said to reside in a metaphor, shewn at the Tower for sixpence or a shilling a piece." He answers himself again in this passage, and shows the folly of placing such a formidable right in a metaphor; but in this instance, as in the former, there is much wit, and no truth; and I must take the liberty to affirm, in contradiction to Mr. Paine, that the French constitution has not, nor could not place the right of declaring war, where the expense must fall; and that the English constitution has not placed this right in a metaphor.
The expense of supporting wars must in all countries be defrayed by the nation, and every individual must bear his proportion of the burthen. In free countries that proportion must always be determined by the representatives of the people; but the right of deciding when it may be expedient to engage in a war cannot possibly be retained by the people of populous and extensive territory, it must be a delegated power; and the French constitution has vested it in the National Assembly . By the English constitution it is vested in the supreme executive officer: but to guard against the abuse of this formidable power, it has given to the representatives of the people the exclusive right of providing for the support of the war, and of withholding the supplies, "the sinews of war," if it should ever be declared contrary to the sense of the people themselves. Mr. Paine supposes a perplexity which is warranted neither by theory nor by the experience of history, "if the one rashly declares war," says he, "as a matter of right, and the other preremptorily withholds the supplies as a matter of right, the remedy becomes as bad if not worse than the disease."
But every war in England must be the war of the people: the King is in reality no more than an idiot to declare a war, upon which he must depend altogether upon them for its support, without being certain of that support. Imaginary conclusions drawn by reasoning against the inevitable order of things, are unworthy of a politician, and should be left as a feeble resource for the satyrist. To have given this objection even an appearance of plausibility, Mr. Paine should have mentioned an instance, when this clashing of the rights of the King and of the Commons has ever been productive of the ill effects which his fancy has sagaciously drawn from them.
Indeed Mr. Paine himself, upon further reflection acknowledges the futility of his objection, and says "that in the manner the English nation is represented, it signifies not where this right resides, whether in the Crown or in the Parliament." But I apprehend, if the representation in England were as perfect as human wisdom could devise, their present system with respect to peace and war, would comprize all the advantages of the French system, and at the same time be free from many inconveniences to which that must be liable.
It must be clear to every one that the French have not, as Mr. Paine pretends, united the right and the expense: The impracticability of such an union, must be equally evident; and the only question which can establish a fair ground of comparison between the two constitutions is, Whether it is expedient to delegate to the legislative, or whether to the executive authority, the right of declaring war.
As I am not a convert to Mr. Paine's opinion, that a nation has a right to do what it pleases, I must be allowed to say that they have no right to make war upon their neighbours, without provocation. The people by their representatives must judge, when the provocation is sufficient to dissolve them from all the obligations of morality and humanity, by which nations are bound to preserve the blessings of peace. But when they have determined that the great law of self-preservation, to which all other laws must give way, or that the laws which they have enacted in consequence of the primitive contract which united all their power for the benefit of every individual, compel them to appeal for justice to the God of battles, then, the declaration of war, the for-
mal act, by which they announce to the world their intention to employ the arm of power in their own defence, seems to be the proper attribute of the executive power. The difference therefore, between the English and French constitutions considered in this light can involve only a question of propriety, and as such the English appears to me to deserve the preference.
If this idea should be considered as heretical, I must beg leave to call to my assistance the authority of Rousseau , a name still more respectable than that of Mr. Paine, because death has given the ultimate sanction to his reputation. "The act of declaring war," says he in his social compact, "and that of making peace, have been considered as acts of sovereignty, which is not the case; for either of those acts is not a law, but only an application of the law; a particular act which determines the operation of the law, as will be clearly perceived when the idea annexed to the word law shall be ascertained." The spirit of the English constitution is perfectly agreeable to this idea.
But let us consider the subject a little further. Whenever a difference arises between two nations which may terminate in a war, it is proper and customary, that previous negotiations should be held, in order to use every possible means of settling amicably the dispute. These negotiations, the appointment of the agents, by whom they are to be conducted, and the communication of the proposals for accommodation, which are respectively offered by either of the parties, are all appropriated to the executive department. When the restoration of peace becomes expedient in the opinion of the people, agents must again be appointed, and proposals of pacification must again be made. It is obvious to every man, that in the management of these concerns the utmost secrecy and dispatch are frequently of essential necessity to the welfare of the people; but what secrecy can ever be expected, when every instruction to an Ambassador, every article of a proposed treaty, and every circumstance of information from the minister, in the progress of his operations, must be known to twelve hundred men assembled in the capital of the republic; what probability of dispatch, when all these things must be debated in this assembly of 1200 men; where every thing must in the necessary order of events be opposed, by interested individuals and irritated factions, who may protract the discussion for months or years at their pleasure.
By the constitution of the United States, it is true, the right of declaring war is vested in the Congress, that is, in the legislative power. But it is in the point of form that it agrees with the constitution of France; it has wisely placed the management of all negotiations and treaties, and the appointment of all agents and ministers in the executive department; and it has so thoroughly adopted in this instance the principles of the English constitution, that although it has given the Congress the right of declaring war, which is merely a difference of form, it has vested in the President, with the advice of the Senate as his executive council, the right of making peace, which is implied in that of forming treaties. This is not the first instance in which Mr. Paine's principles attack those of the constitution of his country. Highly as we may revere, however, the principles which we are under every obligation to support, we may without irreverence acknowledge that they partake of the human imperfection from which they originated, and if Mr. Paine's principles in opposition to them, are in any instance founded upon eternal truth, we may indulge the hope, that every necessary improvement will be adopted in a peaceable and amicable manner by the general consent of the people. But if the principles of Mr. Paine, or those of the French National Assembly, would lead us by a vain and delusive pretence of an impracticable union between the right of declaring, and the expense of supporting a war, to the sacrifice of principles founded in immutable truth, if they could persuade us, by establishing in the legislative body all negotiations with foreign nations relative to war and peace, to open a thousand avenues for base intrigue, for furious faction, for foreign bribery, and domestic treason, let us remain immovably fixed at the banners of our constitutional freedom, and not desert the impregnable fortresses of our liberties, for the unsubstantial fabric of visionary politicians.
PUBLICOLA.
FROM THE GENERAL ADVERTISER.
BRUXELLES, April 21.
NEITHER the internal disturbances which followed the insurrection, nor the agitation which still exists, have been any opposition to the execution of the Emperor's intentions. It was of importance to Leopold that the Belgic people should feel the necessity of order, and with for the return of any kind of government. Princes have more patience than the people—they understand the art of wearing out the courage of the people, simply by suffering them to act. They sometimes even irritate the unfortunate beings who suffer, in order to tire them the sooner—and then they become an easy prey: They then step forward, and the people contend who shall first be placed under their paternal protection, and adore the iron hand that protects them. This is our history.
A remarkable operation, partly commercial, and in part political, has been performed here. Government has granted to the house of Haye and Co. of Bruxelles, the exclusive privilege of buying the muskets and other arms, of the patriots of Brabant. Who would credit the shameful eagerness with which our citizens run to dispose of their arms? The company of Haye has already bought up an astonishing quantity; they have upwards of 28 or 30,000 muskets. What must we think of this people, who resume the yoke as a garment? What are we to conclude from this inconceivable docility, but that this people, the sport of intrigue, have never acted from proper spirit, and a sentiment of their own dignity; and that excited, by the mere cry of liberty, by some seditious characters, they now conceive their past conduct founded on an error, and inwardly regret and pant after the habits of their ancient and comfortable obedience; The government appears yet to fear a popular clamor against the re-instituted States General, and are busy in protecting them, as the assembly, by a military force, which is looked on by the people only as a diverting shew. This is our present situation.
THE REV. DR. PRICE.
A List of some of the writings of this excellent man, may be acceptable to our readers:
His first publication was a Thanksgiving Sermon , preached in the year 1759. He has since published a Review of the principal questions in Morals , 8vo. A treatise on Reversionary Payments , 1 vol. 8vo. afterwards enlarged to 2 vols. An appeal to the public on the National Debt . In 1776, he published a pamphlet on the justice and policy of the American war, which made a great impression on the inhabitants of this country.
This work has been since enlarged to an 8vo. volume. In 1779 and 1781, two or three fast sermons: A treatise on annuities and assurances for lives; with an essay on population, in 8vo.: State of the Public Finances and Public Debt in 1783: Observations on the American Revolution, and a volume of Sermons on the Christian Doctrines. He contributed largely to a volume of Friendly Correspondence , published by himself and Dr. Priestley, on the Doctrines of Materialism and Philosophical necessity. One of his last publications was a Discourse on the Love of our Country, preached at the Old Jewry to the Revolution Society, on the 4th of November, 1789.
LANSINBURGH, July 22.
It is observed that several farmers are spreading their flax before beating out the seed, by which they are like to lose what the more prudent will save. It is true, flax-seed has run low; but if we may credit the late accounts from Ireland, that article will this season be in demand: exports last year turned out so, that it is very possible the shipments will be larger this. Farmers, save your seed! at any rate, if it be properly cleaned, it will bear a price with wheat.
NEW-YORK, July 28.
A generous and humane action of a sailor deserves to be recorded. A fine little boy, son of Mr. James Saidler, of this city, accidentally fell into the East-River yesterday, from Jones's wharf. Mr. Launcelot Chalmers, of the brig Sally of London, fortunately observing the accident, immediately at the imminent risk of his own life, jumped into the river, and happily saved the life of the boy.

By Authority.
O D E.
THE FAREWELL.
HOPE, holy sister of the cherub Peace!
Thy path celestial thro' the heavens I trace,
As now, reclining on the amber breast
Of yon far-failing cloud.
*****
Go little Lyre, unbend thy useless chords,
Untune each speaking string;
No more my voice of youth shall give these words,
My feeble touch responsive bid thee ring.
ELLA.
L O N D O N, May 19.
REVOLUTION IN POLAND.
IN different foreign letters, we have already
laid before our readers details of the events
which have lately taken place in Poland, and
which have entirely changed the Constitution of
that Republic.
At three o'clock in the morning of May 3d, a
number of patriots, who had preconceived the
great objects which they meant to accomplish in
the sitting of the Diet that day, assembled in the
King's chamber.
The assembly was opened at the usual hour.—
The galleries were crowded with spectators, and
the House was surrounded with thousands who
could not gain admission. Instead of the Mar-
shals, the King himself opened the session. He
said in substance, that "notwithstanding all as-
surances to the contrary, there was an alarming
rumour, confirmed by the advices daily receiv-
ed, that the three neighbouring Powers would
make up and terminate all their jealousies and
divisions at the expence of the possessions of
the Republic; that the only method of assur-
ing to Poland the integrity of its possessions, and
of preserving it from the ruin which foreign
politics were preparing for it, was to establish
a Constitution, which should secure its internal
independence. That in this view there had
been prepared a plan of a Constitution, founded
principally on those of England, and the Unit-
ed States of America; but avoiding the faults
and errors of both, and adapting it as much as
possible to the local and particular circumstan-
ces of the country." In support of the infor-
mation relative to the foreign powers, the King
communicated to the Diet some dispatches re-
ceived from the Ministers of the Republic at
foreign courts, stating how eager they were to
oppose all settlement of the Constitution, and
that every thing seemed to announce their hostile
designs on Poland. The King desired that the
plan, which he submitted to them, might be
read, and that they should proceed forthwith to
enact it into a law, if they approved of it. The
plan was accordingly read, and a very long and
important debate took place.
All the representatives of the Provinces of Vol-
hynia and Podolia, declared themselves against
the new form of constitution.
M. Suchorzewski, who so recently distinguished
himself in so brilliant a manner as an advocate
for the people, and who is justly regarded as the
principal author of the movements that have
brought about the Revolution, opposed this plan
with great zeal. The patriotism by which he
was animated, was alarmed, by the Crown's be-
ing made hereditary. He advanced, and threw
himself on his knees at the foot of the Throne,
supplicating and conjuring his Majesty, "to re-
nounce his ideas of the hereditary succession to
the Royalty, as it would be the tomb of the Li-
berty of Poland." Many Representatives, who
were on the same side, alleged the instructions
of their provinces, which prevented them from
agreeing to make the Throne hereditary. They
insisted that at least the plan should be taken ad
deliberandum , as every other new law was taken;
but a great majority of voices refused to agree to
this. "We must pass the whole this day; we
will not depart from this place until the whole
is accomplished." The majority requested the
King to be pleased to unite with them for the
acceptance and support of the new Constitution
in a solemn oath. The King called to him the
Bishop of Cracovia, and took the oath from his
hands. They cried out, "All those who desire
the welfare of their country will join their King,
assist and support him." They surrounded the
throne on all sides. The King, to be seen by the
Assembly, could not remain seated; he mounted
on the seat, and swore aloud. A great majority
of the Diet held up their right hand, followed
his example, and swore the same. "Every man
that loves his country," exclaimed his Majesty,
"follow me to the Church, and thanking God,
let us repeat the oath at the altar." All the Bi-
shops, all the secular Senators, with a great
number of the Nuncios or Representatives, ac-
companied the King to Church, and there again
solemnly engaged, before the Supreme Being
and their Country, to maintain a Constitution,
which, combining liberty with subordination,
and subjecting the first citizen as well as the last
to the law, secures to all the means of happiness,
and gives to each citizen the true enjoyment of
his rights. It was that time seven o'clock in the
evening, Te Deum was sung, and the new Con-
stitution was announced to the people by the dis-
charge of 200 pieces of cannon. There were
between thirty and forty Nuncios who did not
follow the King to church. The King, with his
suite, returned to the Assembly House, and ad-
journed the Diet to the 5th of May, after charg-
ing the Marshals to give the oath to all the De-
partments. The opposing Nuncios, seeing that
all resistance was useless, resolved to protest
against the new Constitution, by the publication
of a Manifesto, after which they retired without
noise to their own houses. There was no at-
tempt made to interrupt them, nor was any in-
sult whatever offered to their persons. Cries of
joy filled the streets, but this joy was the ex-
pressions of pure and calm patriotism. Through
the whole day there was not the smallest confu-
sion, nor disorder, nor riot. At eleven o'clock
the streets were so perfectly calm, that one
would scarcely believe that it had been the epoch
of a new order of things.
It is pretended, that on the eve of this memo-
rable day, a certain foreign Minister had endea-
voured, by the dextrous application of 50,000
ducats, to avert the revolution; but all was fore-
seen and prevented. The business was executed
in every point with as much address as it was
framed. On the 4th inst. eighteen Nuncios pub-
lished their Manifesto against the proceedings of
the day before; and Mr. Suchorzewski returned
the Cordon bleu , with which his Majesty had in-
vested him fifteen days before. On the 3d May,
the post was stopped, and even foreign Ministers
submitted to the general order; but on the 4th,
expresses were sent off in all directions.
The following is an authentic copy of an ad-
dress, presented to W. WILBERFORCE, Esq. on
Thursday the 5th of last month, by the Africans
in and about London.
SIR,
WE are sensible that the acknowledgments of
a few humble natives of Africa, can add but lit-
tle to the satisfaction of a gentleman, who finds
his generous exertions amply recompensed in
the consciousness of worth; yet we have pre-
sumed to gratify our own feelings at least, by
presenting this small tribute of thankfulness, as
well on our own behalves as on that of our kin-
dred in misery and chains.
We are, Sir, as you well know, though partici-
pating of personal freedom, yet in very low sta-
tions, claiming however, and not unworthily we
hope, to be considered as sober, and diligent and
just: with faces of colour indeed, but unknown
to the magistrate, and with names not to be
found in the list of offenders of any kind; yet,
lowly as we are, if, upon the question lately agi-
tated in Parliament (involving the fate of our
whole race) we were without the sensibilities of
admiration, and gratitude and hope, we should
in good truth not be men.
As concerning the event of this question, it
may not, perhaps, become us to speak; yet
strong and lively is our hope, that the principles
explained, and the sensations excited by you can
never be satisfied till they have obtained their end.
CIRCULAR.
TO THE FRENCH AMBASSADORS AND MINISTERS.
Copy of a letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, addressed by order
of the King, to all the Ambassadors and Ministers of his Majesty, in
Foreign Courts.
SIR,
THE King has charged me to inform you, that it is his will that
you make known his sentiments respecting the Revolution and
the French Constitution to the court at which you reside. The
same orders are transmitted to the ambassadors and ministers of
France, at all the courts of Europe, to the end that no doubt may
remain with regard to his majesty's intentions, his free acceptance
of the new form of government or his irrevocable oath to main-
tain it.
His majesty had convoked the States General of his kingdom,
and resolved in his council that the commons should, in that as-
sembly, have a number of Deputies equal to those of the two o-
ther orders then existing. This act of provisional legislation which
the circumstances of the moment did not allow to be more favor-
able, sufficiently announced his majesty's wish to restore the na-
tion to all its rights.
The States General met, and took the title of the National As-
sembly; and in a short time, a constitution fitted to secure the
happiness of France, and of the monarchy, took place of the an-
cient order of things, under which the apparent power of the king
only served to conceal the real power of certain aristocratic bodies.
The National Assembly adopted the representative form of
government, conjoined with hereditary monarchy. The legisla-
tive body, was declared permanent; the choice of the ministers
of public worship, of magistrates, and judges was given to the
people; the executive power was conferred on the king, the
formation of laws on the legislative body, and the power of sanc-
tion on the Monarch. The public force, both internal and ex-
ternal, was organized on the same principles, and in conformity
with the fundamental basis of a distribution of powers. Such is
the new constitution of the kingdom.
That which is called a revolution, is no more than the abroga-
tion of numerous abuses that have been accumulating for ages,
through the errors of the people, or the power of the ministers,
which was never the power of the king. Those abuses were no
less prejudicial to the nation than to the monarch. Authority,
under happy reigns, had never ceased to attack these abuses, but
without being able to destroy them. They exist no longer; the
nation, now the sovereign, has no citizens but such as are equal
in rights; no despot but the law; no organs but public officers,
and of those officers the king is the first. Such is the French re-
volution.
This must naturally have for its enemies all those who, in the
first moment of error, regret, on account of personal advantages,
the abuses of the ancient government. Hence the apparent divi-
sion which shewed itself in the kingdom, and which is daily be-
coming less; hence perhaps some severe laws and circumstances
which time will correct; but the king, whose true power can ne-
ver be distinct from that of the nation, who has no aim but the
happiness of the people, and no authority but that which is dele-
gated to him, the king has adopted without hesitation, a happy
constitution, which will at once regenerate the nation, the mo-
narchy and his authority. All his powers are preserved to him, ex-
cept the dreadful power of making laws. It remains charged
with the power of negotiating with foreign nations, with the
care of defending the kingdom, and repelling its enemies; but
the French nation will in future have no external enemies, but its
aggressors; no internal enemies but those who, still flattering
themselves with vain hopes, believe that the will of twenty-four
millions of men, restored to their natural rights, after having orga-
nized the kingdom in such a manner as to leave only the memo-
ry of ancient forms and abuses, is not an immovable and irrevoc-
able constitution.
The most dangerous of those enemies are they who affect to
disseminate doubts of the intentions of the Monarch. These men
are much to blame, or much deceived. They suppose themselves
the friends of the King, and they are the only enemies of royalty.
They would have deprived the King of the law and the confi-
dence of a great nation, if his principles and his probity had been
less known. What has the King not done to shew that he consi-
dered both the revolution and the French constitution as his titles
to glory! After having accepted and sanctioned all the laws, he
has neglected no means of causing them to be executed. Since
the month of February, of the last year, he has promised in the
bosom of the National Assembly, to maintain them. He has
taken an oath to do so, in the midst of the general federation of
the kingdom. Dignified by the title of the Restorer of French
Liberty, he will transmit to his son more than a crown; he will
transmit a constitutional royalty.
The enemies of the constitution are constantly repeating that the
King is not happy; as if it were possible for a King to enjoy any
happiness but the happiness of his people. They say that his
authority is lessened, as if authority, founded on force were not
less powerful, and more precarious, than authority founded on
law. Finally that the King is not free; a calumny atrocious, if
they suppose that his will could be constrained; absurd, if they
take for a want of freedom the consent repeatedly expressed by
his Majesty to remain among the citizens of Paris, a consent that
was due to their patriotism, even to their fears, but above all to
their love.
Those calumnies however, have reached foreign courts; they
have been repeated there by Frenchmen, who are voluntary ex-
iles from their country, instead of sharing its glory, and who, if
they are not enemies, have at least deserted their stations as citi-
zens. The King, Sir, charges you to defeat their intrigues and
their projects. The same calumnies, while they spread the falsest
ideas respecting the French revolution, have rendered the inten-
tions of French travellers suspected by several neighbouring na-
tions; and the King expressly orders you to protect and defend
them. Represent the French constitution in the same light as
that in which the King views it; and leave no doubt of his in-
tention to maintain it to the utmost of his power. By securing
the liberty and the equality of the citizens, that constitution
founds the national prosperity on the most immovable basis; it
confirms the royal authority by the laws; it prevents, by a glori-
ous revolution, a revolution which the abuses of the old govern-
ment would probably soon have effected by a dissolution of the
empire; and finally, it will constitute the happiness of the King.
To justify it, to defend it, and to consider it as the rule of your
conduct ought to be your first duty.
I have frequently before communicated to you his Majesty's
sentiments on this head; but after the information he has received
of the opinion endeavoured to be established at foreign Courts,
respecting what is passing in France, he has ordered me to charge
you to make known the contents of this letter to the government
with which you reside; and that it may be still more public, his
Majesty has ordered it to be printed.
(Signed)
MONTMORIN.
Philadelphia, July 25, 1791.
The above is a faithful translation of a letter communicated to
me officially by Mr. Otto, Chargé des Affaires of France, and
rendered public at his desire.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.

Conscious of our humble condition, we have considered that this paper should be presented only by a few and that at your door, without seeking any nearer access. And as towards those gentlemen, who, like you, have been swayed by no other interests than those of humanity, we have also considered that it may be best to express our acknowledgments only here, taking the liberty however to distinguish, by name, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, great rivals as we are told, in political pursuits, but whom we have found to be friends in those of virtue, seeking with one accord, and with congenial minds, that better prize which both alike can gain.
As towards you, sir, we know not what it may become us to say: but we mean, at least, by the presentment of this paper, honour of every kind . Our voice is too low to praise: yet small as it is, we however consider it as the first imperfect breathing of a name, which shall, one day, swell the cheek of Africa, and be founded with universal acclaim.
In ancient time, a great conqueror (if we are truly informed) having ravaged Africa, and destroyed a whole people, made spoil even of the name, and wore it as his own: but haply, sir, in some future time, this name may be voluntarily and gratefully bestowed by Africa itself, for nations preserved civilized, enlightened, and rendered commercial, the trophy of benevolence, not the spoil of war .
George Samuel, Thomas Cooper, William Tyrwitt, Cæsar Piction, Thomas Johnson, James Bailey.
PORTLAND, (Mass.) July 18.
"On Thursday the 14th instant, at Pownalborough, came on the trial of Louis Paronneau, a young Frenchman, who was indicted for the murder of his uncle, a Mr. Joseph Junin.
"The Attorney-General, with great candor and fairness, opened the cause to the Jury, and stated the evidence, which he said was not positive, but depended upon a combination of circumstances attending the fact. The amount of the evidence was, that the night preceding the discovery of the murder, the prisoner lodged at the house of a Mr. Denner, having previously passed the evening there—that about 12 o'clock he went out of the house, saying that he was going to the store to bed—that he returned in 8 or 10 minutes, appearing terrified and agitated, and said he saw two Indians standing at the store door, with guns or sticks—cried out several times in the night that he saw Indians going to shoot him. In the morning he went down to the store with two young men of the house to deliver them rum—appeared as usual, and told them to awake his uncle, which they refused; he then went in to the bed room to awake him, reached towards the bed, and cried out that his uncle was murdered. A gun was discovered in the store room, appearing to have been newly discharged; but was in a disordered state, there being no flint, &c. The rod of the gun was found in the kitchen; and the balls which had passed through the head of the deceased were of the same weight with others found in the store. Two musquash skins were found near the store; and there was evidence that there was a settlement of Indians at about 10 miles distance from the store; one of whom had, in August last, threatened to murder Mr. Junin, whenever he should get an opportunity.
"Messrs. Gardiner and Lithgow were counsel for the prisoner, and very ably pled his cause.—The Jury brought in their verdict that the prisoner was NOT GUILTY."
HUDSON, July 21.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Frankford, on the Kentucky river, to his brother in this city, dated May 16, 1791.
"On the 19th of March we left Fort Pitt with only 4 men, in company with two boats, to go to Limestone. On the 22d we took in 5 men at Muskingum. The next morning, our boat being foremost, we were hailed by the Indians, who came up with us in four boats, with about 20 men in each, and killed one of our men and wounded two the first shot, we waited till they were within 30 yards, and then fired, which did great execution; I then received a shot through my arm; one of the boats attempted to board us, but we beat them off; they then attacked a boat in our rear, took her, and in a most inhuman manner placed the women and children in the center of their boats, and attacked us again; we had only three men and myself able to fight, but we beat them off. During this attack we drifted within 30 yards of the shore, where they attacked us again, and pursued us about a mile and a half along the shore, before we could get out of their reach. Out of 9 men two only escaped unhurt. We had on board one woman and eight children, one of the children received a slight wound. We arrived at Limestone at 11 o'clock that evening. The Indians are very troublesome in this country, and do great mischief: but they have not attacked a boat on the river since our action. The loss they sustained from us we could not ascertain, but they suffered severely for their attempt."
BURLINGTON, July 26.
A correspondent remarks, that the conduct of the grand jury, impanelled at the last court of oyer and terminer held here, is both exemplary and commendable, and shews their zeal for the public welfare in an eminent degree; for after taking a view of the circumstances and moral condition of the county in this vicinity, they actually adjourned to Egg-Harbour, in order to enquire more particularly on the spot, into the fate of Capt Douglass, and the unfortunate circumstances attending his shipwreck; prompted therefor, by a suspicious report circulating, and generally credited, to the prejudice of Mr. T—r, living on the shore. On this occasion we are authorised to assure the public, that, this doubtful business having been minutely investigated, not a scintilla of evidence was found that could afford the least foundation for the report, or cast any suspicion on the old gentleman: on the contrary, the passengers and crew speak favorably of his hospitality.
Extract of a letter from Cooper's-Town, State of New-York, to his friend in this city, dated June 30.
"I have again resumed the pen, to acquaint you with some of our northern occurrences; the first of which, or that which seems more particularly to engross our attention at this time, is our new courts of justice, which were held in this place for the county of Otsego, on the 21st inst. The honorable William Cooper, first judge on the bench, from whence he delivered a decent and spirited charge to a very respectable grand jury—the court-house having been previously inaugurated, by a sensible and well adapted prayer from the Rev. John Christopher Hartwick—the following gentlemen were then admitted counsellors and attorneys, viz. Christopher P. Yates, Amaziah Rust, John I. Morgan, George Metcalfe, James Cochran, Abraham Tenbroeck, Andrew Wimple, Anthony Marvine, and Jacob G. Ponda, Esq's. all men of respectability, and (the two first excepted) young adventurers like myself.—The court was conducted with the utmost regularity and decorum, and but few indictments found. We were favored with the company of Mr. Rutherford, one of the senators of the United States, who was on a visit to his friends in this county, and like most other strangers, seemed pleased with the situation of our town, which, I assure you, is become quite a genteel place."
Philadelphia, August 3.
Monday being the anniversary of the birth-day of his Excellency the Governor of this Commonwealth, the same was announced by the appearance of a detachment of militia. At one o'clock a federal salute of 15 guns was fired by Capt. Fisher's company of Artillery—after which, the Governor received visits of personal respect from the citizens.
Same day the Supreme Court of the United States assembled at the new City-Hall—present,
HON. JOHN JAY, Chief Justice. HON. W. CUSHING, } J. WILSON, } Associate Judges. J. BLAIR, and } J. IREDELL, }
JOHN TUCKER, Esq. having resigned as Clerk of this Court, SAMUEL BAYARD, Esq. of this city, was appointed, and took the necessary oaths.
JOHN D. COXE, Esq. was admitted and sworn a Counsellor of the Court. After several motions respecting suits depending, were made, the Court adjourned to yesterday.
The latest British accounts at Cadiz, on the 9th June, mention, that the impress service was going on with vigour, and no certainty of any accommodation likely to take place between the Russians and the Porte; but every thing looked like widening the breach between Britain and Russia.
The ship Chapman, Captain Garbut, is arrived at Portland, Casco Bay, from Plymouth, England, and brings accounts, that the prospect of a war with Russia has very much abated, and is esteemed a very unpopular measure; that a large fleet of merchantmen had sailed for the Baltic before he came away,—and that no American vessels were at Plymouth at the time of his sailing.—(A more direct account than that from Cadiz.)
We hear from Londonderry, that the bridge built over Lough Foyle, or Londonderry river, by Mr. Cox, of Bolton, is completely finished, to the satisfaction of the people there, and is thought to be a very capital piece of architecture, comprehending thirty-four piers. The workmen who went from America with Mr. Cox, he has taken passages for, in order to send them home again. Mr. Cox's son remains in Ireland, and has undertaken to raise the ship Happy Return, formerly commanded by Captain Ewing, which was cast away last winter on the Strand off Magilligan.
In the ship Anne, Capt. A. Miller, arrived here on Sunday last, from Londonderry, came 363 passengers, all in perfect health.
The following was signed by the passengers who came in the Anne, from Londonderry:
"We the undernamed passengers on board the ship Anne, from Londonderry to Philadelphia, commanded by Capt. Miller, jun. do return him our sincere and hearty thanks for his kind and humane treatment of us, and the care he took to render the passage agreeable to us."
Abstract of the Census of North-Carolina, as taken by the Marshal of that District.
  Heads of families, 52,989   Free white males, of 16 years and upwards, including heads of families, 69,988   Free white males under 16 years, 77,506   Free white females, including heads of families, 140,710   All other free persons, 4,975   Slaves, 100,572   Total, 393,754 
The people of Delaware State are taking measures to assemble a Convention for the purpose of revising and amending their State Constitution.
The inhabitants of the Wea, or Ouittanon, and Kickapoo towns, upon the river Wabash, which were the object of General Scott's expedition, were among the most vindictive race of savages inhabiting the western regions.
They have not only constantly refused the pacific invitations of the United States, but they have carried on the most successful and cruel depredations on the defenceless frontiers.
It is to be hoped the punishment which has overtaken them, the humane treatment of their prisoners, and the mild offers of the general government still held forth to them, and within their reach, will incline them, and all their neighbours, to peace.
But, should they still persist in their hostilities, they will probably be removed from their situation on the Wabash, if not utterly extirpated; for the general government will not suffer the innocent women and children of the frontiers to be sacrificed to indian barbarity, with impunity.
Good Government is to the body politic, what discipline is to individuals—in a state of nature, the materials of which members of civilized society may be formed, are unconnected with those numerous inveterate prejudices, and false ideas of happiness, which are inseparably attendant on a voluptuous and vicious state of civilization,—a government therefore which will probably be competent to forming the social habits and manners of men in a savage state, should be simple in its construction, and plain in all its applications to their exigencies. But when a Constitution of Government is contemplated for a people who have long been in a civilized situation, whose affairs are become involved and perplexed—whose habits and manners are corrupted and dissipated, who entertain false ideas of character—are impatient of all restraint, and confound liberty with licentiousness—whose taste is vitiated, whose emulation is guided by a vain ambition, and a fondness for distinctions founded on false principles, the work of government becomes arduous and difficult in the highest degree—in such a state of things all ideas of discipline will be spurned at till the diseases of the public mind become inveterate—a system of government which shall answer any salutary purpose in such circumstances, must possess a tone of energy and efficiency, which mankind will very seldom submit to voluntarily—and this I take to be the origin of Tyranny—for society cannot exist without government, either free or arbitrary.—History and experience unitedly proclaim that discipline alone can preserve freedom—a discipline which is the genuine effect of a firm government; for we may just as reasonably expect that a total neglect of school discipline will produce a wife, virtuous and intrepid rising generation, as that a relaxed system of things which suffers every man to do whatever is right in his own eyes, will produce virtuous citizens, and perpetuate freedom.
SKETCH OF MR. HASTINGS'S TRIAL.
Monday the 23d of May, the trial of Mr. Hastings recommenced in Westminster Hall.
Mr. St. John opened the fourth article of the charge relative to contracts, agencies, and exorbitant allowances, corruptly and illegally given to various persons.—Mr. St. John summed up the loss to the company by these acts, forming a total of 584,381.1. This charge was enforced by the manager, by a very clear and elegant opening of the facts on which it was founded.
Mr. Hastings, as soon as Mr. St. John had concluded, addressed the court with an uncommon solemnity—he complained that he was compelled to hear the most virulent language without being allowed to offer a reply;—his trial had lasted four years, and he was convinced in his own mind, that it would never have an end—The charges by creation or demise affecting the identity of his judges, were not less than 60,—he could not but feel it an hardship to be tried by one generation, and have judgment passed by another. He concluded his speech, by praying that the court may continue the session from day to day, until he may be heard in his defence, and the trial be brought to a final decision.
To this speech Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox separately replied, with pointed severity—the former charged him with reverting his situation, and dictating to his judges the manner in which they were to proceed, and when the process was approaching to its end, when guilt was driven to its last retreat, and the lash of justice was about to fall on its proper object, the culprit made an appeal to compassion, and exclaimed "that his trial would never have an end."—Mr. Hastings complained that he had been charged with crimes of an atrocious nature!—certainly he had been so charged—it was the atrocious detail of tortures and murders that drew forth the Commons of England to this accusation—Mr. Fox observed in reply to the complaint of virulent language, that in charging high crimes and misdemeanors, he felt it his duty to use the proper and corresponding language;—the grievance of not being allowed to answer, was the result of Mr. Hastings' own conduct—the managers had proposed that the prisoner should have been heard on each of the charges at its conclusion; their Lordships had decided against that mode—but their Lordships would not have resisted that plan of proceeding, if the prisoner had given his consent, he could not therefore complain of that which was the result of his own choice.
Sir James St. Clair Erskine then proceeded to adduce a great variety of documentary evidence in support of the charge; and at six o'clock the court adjourned to Wednesday.
CORRESPONDENTS.
MR. FENNO.
YOU will oblige at least one of your constant readers, by remarking in your next paper, that your resolution of avoiding religious controversies was unfortunately formed too late; and that on the present occasion, it would have been acting with more equity, not to have given place in your paper to the "Circular Letter," which gave occasion for the "Remarks" of HUMANUS. Philad. July 28, 1791.
In reply to the above, the Editor would observe, that there is a certain degree of respect due to associated bodies, which individuals cannot claim with propriety—on this principle the "Circular Letter" was published. The insertion of a public address, from any associated denomination whatever, we do not consider as deviating from a determination long since announced, that we mean to avoid religious controversies.
We have received "AURELIAN," but request to be excused from publishing it—some alterations might be suggested, which we are not authorized to make.
From PELOSI'S MARINE LIST.
ARRIVALS at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
Brig Anna, Franklin, Bristol Mercury, Gardiner, St. Croix Sloop Merrimack, Williams, Salem
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
  FUNDED DEBT.   6 pr. Cents 205 20/6 pr. £. 102 1/2 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 12 3/4 12 1/2 65 1/2 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 12 1/2 13 1/2 65 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 10 1/2 10 3/4 97 1/2 do.   Indents 12 1/2 13 1/2 65 do.   N. and S. Carolina debts, 14 1/2 15 1/2.   Bank Subscriptions, 62 to 65 Dollars. 
The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.