Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-08-29 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XL.]
SATURDAY, AUGUST 29, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XL.
"An ill disposed citizen can do no great harm, except in an ill disposed city."
MOST of the good or evil which happens in society is ascribed to the agency of very few individuals. From this cause partial and inadequate remedies are applied for the removal of disorders which are general and permanent. In any community where enormous vices, or abandoned characters exist, it argues some radical defect of institutions.
The natural indolence of the human mind makes men contented with a slight and superficial view of things. It therefore happens that a few characters are apt to be marked out, as the only instruments of the happiness or misery of which the world participates.
If the bulk of the inhabitants are inspired with good principles, and formed into good habits, they may be almost certain of prosperity. The means are commensurate to the end. Those very people however may select some conspicuous individuals as objects of adoration, and idolize them as the authors of those blessings, which result from the well ordered conduct of the society at large. On the other hand, in a very loose, depraved state of morals, the most eminent talents and uncorrupted integrity of a few men, may not be sufficient to save a country from destruction; and they may be charged with want of wisdom or virtue, for not warding off evils, which inevitably flowed from such general depravity. To imitate and applaud such distinguished virtues has a good effect, whether they are crowned with the popular approbation or not. By overacting the good qualities of any individuals, it stimulates others to practise similar virtues, and aim at similar attainments.
The weakness of heaping too profuse encomiums upon illustrious talents and patriotism, is not so inconvenient as a mistake of a contrary nature. Great inconvenience may attend the extremes of a censorious temper. It may single out particular men as victims to popular resentment, and doom them a sacrifice for evils which happen through the general depravity of the times. An ingenious writer, observing upon the complaints of a factious selfish people against their men in office, draws a comparison between them and some Carthaginian armies: Who being at once cowardly and insolent, ran away at the sight of an enemy, and then crucified their Generals for not gaining the victory.
Few men have either disposition or talents to attend to a minute investigation of causes. When error or calamity prevails, it is a much easier solution of the matter to charge them upon some faults of individuals than to search out a cause in the general temper and conduct of the mass of the people. Men feel a certain pride in being free, and look upon their privileges too important to lie still and unexercised. They wish to give frequent demonstrations that they are not ignorant of what they possess. The more busy, active spirits feel an impatience to display their rights, and suppose they can only shew a commendable care and vigilance over the liberties of the community, in proportion as they reprobate the conduct of men in administration.
The liberty of a country cannot be destroyed by the blunders or by the intrigues of small combinations. No people can lose their freedom while they deserve to possess it. The occasional mistakes of a few men produce no permanent disasters. While the principles exist which made a people free, they cannot be duped or forced into slavery: When those principles are lost, the people may retain the name of freedom, but they are in reality slaves. "In the reign of James the second, Great Britain was free, though a despotic prince was on the throne: At the time when Cæsar fell, Rome was still enslaved though the tyrant was no more."
I will close this number with an extract from a sensible author. It is designed to illustrate the idea that the duration and prosperity of states depend on general and permanent causes.
"Our manners depend upon our notions and opinions; and our opinions and notions are the result of education. There need not examples from history to prove that the well-being of a state depends upon the education of their youth. There cannot be a good and wise community made up of foolish and vicious individuals; and individuals cannot be made wise or good, but by education."
"In all well regulated states the two principal points in view in the education of youth ought to be; first to make them good men, good members of the universal society of mankind; and in the next place, to frame their minds in such a
manner, as to make them most useful to that society to which they belong; and to shape their talents in such a way as will render them most serviceable to the support of that government under which they were born, and upon the strength and vigor of which, the well-being of every individual must in some measure depend. If neither of these points are provided for in our system, I cannot see how we are to expect good men or good subjects. Nay the contrary must in general be the consequence; for the mind of man being active will necessarily find itself employment. If our youth are not trained up in the right way, they will probably go wrong; if they are not taught to do good, they will be likely to commit evil."
AMERICAN SUGAR.
IN the Pennsylvania Gazette of the 22d of October, there is a receipt for making sugar from the sap of the maple tree, from whence I conclude it is deemed a matter of some importance, both to the country and those who have a great many of those trees on their land. I therefore think it would be adviseable for two or three people in a neighbourhood, where there is a sufficient number of trees, to engage a person who understands boiling sugar, to boil a season for them. He should be under obligation to instruct his employers, or such persons as they should think proper, how to do the business; by this means, a greater knowledge in the art of boiling might be acquired, than by the best treatise that could be wrote on the subject; but as it is probable that few, if any, of the inhabitants of those parts where the trees grow, would go to the expence of employing a man to boil for them, I shall make some observations on making sugar from the sap of the maple, that may possibly be useful to such as engage in this business.
If the sap is drawn into wooden vessels, care should be taken that they are made of such wood as will not give the liquor a bad taste. Some maple sugar has a disagreeable taste, occasioned, as I have been informed, by the sap having been put into trays made of white walnut. If the moulds are made of wood, they also should be made of some kind of tree that will give no taste. The greatest part of the maple sugar I have seen has too small a grain; which is owing to two causes, one is, the makers do not use lime or ley, or any thing to make it granulate; the other is, that they boil the sugar too much. The quantity of lime necessary to answer the purpose I cannot exactly ascertain, but I suppose a heaped spoonful of slacked lime would be sufficient for about six gallons of sap. A judicious person, after a few trials, would be able to fix what would be the due proportion. It may however be proper to mention, that if the quantity of lime is too small, the sugar will not be sufficiently grained; if too much, it will give the sugar a reddish cast. I have observed, that the sugar should not be boiled so much as is the common practice. That which runs from one sixth of its weight in molasses in 24 hours after it is put to drain, I think has been boiled properly; perhaps in three or four weeks afterwards, it will run the like quantity of molasses, making the whole of the running about one third of the weight of the green sugar. It is most probable that those who have been accustomed to high boiling, in order to get as much sugar as possible from the first process, will not approve of this method, but perhaps may be better reconciled to it, when they are informed, that if they boil this molasses or sirup with strong lime-water, one third of the latter to two thirds of molasses, there is reason to expect it will make good sugar, although not equal to the first fort.
I shall now give some DIRECTIONS FOR THE MAKING OF MAPLE SUGAR.
Let all the sap that has been collected in one day be boiled the day following, lest it should ferment, in which case the sugar will be less in quantity and worse in quality. To carry on the business to the greatest advantage, there should be at least three kettles of different dimensions; perhaps such as would contain 50, 60, and 70 gallons, would be large enough to make the trial with. These kettles should be fixed in a row, the smallest at one end, the middle-sized next, and the largest at the other end. When there is a quantity of sap collected, put as much in the largest kettle as can be conveniently boiled in it, then throw in as much lime or ley as may be deemed necessary to make the liquor granulate, keep a moderate fire for some time, and as the scum rises take it off with a skimmer; after the liquor is pretty clear increase the fire and boil it briskly till so much is evaporated as that which re-
mains may be boiled in the middle kettle; * into which it must be strained through a blanket; under this kettle keep a good fire, and take off the scum as it rises. As soon as the liquor is taken from the large and put into the middle kettle, fresh sap must be put into the former and treated as before directed, and so on till all the sap is boiled. When the liquor is sufficiently evaporated in the middle kettle, to admit its being boiled in the smallest, it must be put into the last, where it must be boiled until it gets to a proper consistency to make sugar. When the liquor is taken from the middle kettle into the smallest, the former must be supplied as before directed from the largest, and the largest with fresh sap. The liquor in the smallest kettle must be boiled briskly until it gets pretty thick, when the fire should be lessened to prevent its burning,—when the liquor rises in the kettle, a piece of butter or fat, the bigness of a hazelnut, may be thrown in; if this quantity does not make it boil flat, more should be added until it answers the purpose, and this must be repeated as often as the liquor rises. When it is boiled enough, which may be known from the manner of its roping between the thumb and finger, it must be put into a cooler or tub, when the small kettle must be supplied with liquor from the middle sized one, that with more from the largest, and that with fresh sap as is before directed. When one third of the sap that has been collected is boiled and put into the cooler, it must be stirred about briskly with a stirring stick (which may be made like a small paddle) until it grains, when it may be left (if the business has been well done) until another third of the liquor has been boiled and put into the cooler, it must then be moved about with the stirring stick until the whole is well mixed; when it must be put into moulds, earthen would be best, but wooden moulds may be made to answer the purpose, by nailing or pinning four boards together, so shaped as to make the mould one inch diameter at bottom, and ten or twelve inches at top; the length may be two feet or two feet and a half,—these moulds must be closely stopped at the small ends with old coarse linen or some such thing, and set up with something to stay them; the sugar must then be taken from the cooler and poured into the moulds—next morning the stoppers must be taken out and the moulds put on troughs or some vessel to drain their molasses.—In the evening the loaves must be pierced at the small ends, to make them run their sirup freely—this may be done by driving a wooden pin (shaped like a marling-spike) three or four inches up the loaf; after which they must be left to drain their molasses, which will be done in a longer or shorter time according as the sugar has been boiled.
No part of the business requires greater attention than granulating or graining the sugar in the cooler, and afterwards frequently observing the state it is in. If too thick, it may be remedied by boiling the remaining liquor lower than that which was boiled before: If too thin, by stirring the cooler again, and boiling the remainder of the liquor higher or more.
A SUGAR BOILER.
Philadelphia, August 21, 1789.
* Some liquor should be left in the large kettle, if an iron one, otherwise there would be danger of its splitting upon putting in cold liquor.
† Dip a stick into the liquor, apply the thumb to it, and take part of what adheres to the stick, then draw it two or three times between the thumb and finger.
ANECDOOTE OF RICHARD III.
From the Northern Tour of the Rev'd W. GILPIN. IN the town of Leicester, the house is still shewn where Richard passed the night before the battle of Bosworth; and there is a story of him, still preserved in the Corporation Records, which illustrates the caution and darkness of that Prince's character. It was his custom to carry, among the baggage of his camp, a cumbersome wooden bed, which he pretended was the only bed he could sleep on. Here he contrived a secret receptacle for his treasure, which lay concealed under a weight of timber. After the fatal day on which Richard fell, the Earl of Richmond entered Leicester with his victorious troops—the friends of Richard were pillaged; but the bed was neglected by every plunderer, as useless lumber. The owner of the house afterwards discovering the hoard, became suddenly rich, without any visible cause. He bought lands, and at length arrived at the dignity of being Mayor of Leicester. Many years afterwards his widow, who had been left in great affluence, was murdered for her wealth by a servant maid, who had been privy to the affair; and at the trial of this woman and her accomplices, the whole transaction came to light.

CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, AUGUST 24, 1789.
RESOLVED, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two thirds of both houses deeming it necessary, that the following articles be proposed to the several states, as amendments to the constitution of the United States; all, or any of which articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said legislatures, to be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the said constitution.
ARTICLES in addition to, and amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress and ratified by the legislatures of the several States, pursuant to the 5th article of the original constitution.
ARTICLE 1. After the first enumeration required by the first article of the constitution, there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall amount to one hundred, after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall not be less than one hundred representatives, nor less than one representative for every forty thousand persons, until the number of representatives shall amount to two hundred, after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall not be less than two hundred representatives, nor less than one representative for every fifty thousand persons.
ART. 2. No law varying the compensation to the members of Congress shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have intervened.
ART. 3. Congress shall make no law establishing religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, nor shall the rights of conscience be infringed.
ART. 4. The freedom of speech, and of the press, and the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and consult for their common good, and to apply to the government for a redress of grievances, shall not be infringed.
ART. 5. A well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, being the best security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed, but no one religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, shall be compelled to render military service in person.
ART. 6. No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
ART. 7. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
ART. 8. No person shall be subject, except in case of impeachment, to more than one trial or one punishment for the same offence, nor shall be compelled in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law, nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.
ART. 9. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.
ART. 10. The trial of all crimes (except in cases of impeachment, and in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger) shall be by an impartial jury of the vicinage, with the requisite of unanimity for conviction; the right of challenge and other accustomed requisites; and no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment by a grand jury; but if a crime be committed in a place in the possession of an enemy, or in which an insurrection may prevail, the indictment and trial may by law be authorized in some other place within the same state.
ART. 11. No appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States shall be allowed, where the value in controversy shall not amount to one thousand dollars; nor shall any fact triable by a jury according to the course of the common law, be otherwise re-examinable, than according to the rules of common law.
ART. 12. In suits at common law, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved.
ART. 13. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
ART. 14. No state shall infringe the right of trial by jury in criminal cases, nor the rights of conscience, nor the freedom of speech, or of the press.
ART. 15. The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
ART. 16. The powers delegated by the constitution to the government of the United States, shall be exercised as therein appropriated, so that the legislative shall never exercise the powers vested in the executive or judicial; nor the executive the powers vested in the legislative or judicial; nor the judicial the powers vested in the legislative or executive.
ART. 17. The powers not delegated by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively.
Ordered, that the Clerk of this house do carry to the senate a fair and engrossed copy of the said proposed articles of amendment, and desire their concurrence. Extract from the Journals, JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26, 1789.
A PETITION from Joseph Wheaton, Serjeant at arms, praying the appointment of a committee, to examine certain scandalous reports propagated respecting him; was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Petitions were severally received from James M c Lane, and Joseph Reed; invalids in the service of the United States, praying provision to be made for them.
Mr. GOODHUE presented the report of a committee, on the memorial of the merchants of Dumfries, Alexandria, George-town, &c. which was ordered to lie on the table.
In Committee of the whole, on the bill to provide for the safe keeping of the acts, records, and great seal of the United States, &c.
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.
Mr. SEDGWICK moved to insert a clause enjoining the payment of all fees to be received in the department of secretary of state, into the treasury: This motion was negatived.
The clause for establishing fees for searching the records was struck out of the bill.
Mr. SEDGWICK said, since the motion for paying the fees into the treasury is negatived, I hope the whole clause respecting them will be expunged.—I am opposed to increasing the emoluments of an office in this way: I hope we shall never establish such a precedent in this government. This indirect mode of taxing the people is liable to a variety of objections.—It will be increasing the income of an office to an amount which excludes all calculation.—Every public officer should receive a competent allowance for his services—this officer will be very respectable, and very responsible; and ought therefore to be handsomely supported by a known salary; and I trust the sum intended will be generous—I hope therefore that all clauses respecting fees will be struck out: Not that I wish the idea of deriving an advantage from them to the public, should be abandoned: We ought to turn our attention to every source from whence money can be directed into the public treasury, without burthening the people—this I consider as one from whence considerable sums may be drawn with ease and facility—it is a custom the people have been used to, and in which they will continue cheerfully to acquiesce; more especially when they consider that the small sums they are called upon to pay for receiving the evidences of their appointment to an office perhaps for life, are appropriated to public uses: I mean therefore to renew the proposition, when the bill comes before the house; when I hope that upon more mature contemplation of the subject, it will be adopted. He then moved that the clause should be struck out, which was seconded.
Mr. FITZSIMONS opposed striking out the words. These fees are to be received for extra services—services which must be paid for in this or some other mode, since the house has not thought proper to establish another department.
Mr. STONE made a distinction in the services to be performed by the secretary of state: The services he is to render the public as secretary, he is to receive an adequate compensation for by a salary: For other services, which by law he is to do for individuals, he ought to be paid for, by those individuals; and for this reason I confided, said he, the fees proper.
Mr. GERRY was in favour of striking out the clause.
Mr. HARTLEY. I hope Sir, the clause will not be struck out; we are told that the public is not to be put to any additional expence on account of annexing these duties to this office; and for this reason the proposition for a new department has been repeatedly rejected.
It is evident that an additional number of clerks for the discharge of the business will be necessary, how are they to be paid?—The public is not to be burthened—I hope we shall retain the clause.
Mr. LAURANCE observed, that if individuals have a right to apply for, and be furnished with copies of papers; it is but reasonable that they should pay for such copies. If they apply on account of the public, the public ought to be charged with the expence: If the application is for their own private advantage, they certainly ought to pay for employing the servants of the public; otherwise it will be unequal. There will be but
few applications comparatively speaking; but those may engross a great proportion of the time, for which the public is charged.
Mr. SHERMAN observed, as the officer is to receive a salary for his whole services, and to which every individual in the community contributes, it would give more general satisfaction if this should be the whole emolument. We shall, I expect, set the salaries so high as will cause some uneasiness; and if in addition, we add fees to increase the income, I believe it will create universal dissatisfaction.
Mr. LIVERMORE observed that it is a very general custom for officers intrusted with public papers, to receive fees for giving copies, and other services of this kind, in addition to their salaries. If we do not make some such regulation, we shall have every person applying upon the most trifling occasion, who would find employment for more than 100 clerks
The fees received may be sufficient to pay for the additional duties annexed to this department. I am not in favour of high fees—a small consideration will be sufficient.
The motion for striking out the fees was negatived. The committee then proceeded to discuss the remainder of the bill; which being finished, the committee rose and the chairman reported the same as amended.
The house immediately took the report into consideration.
Mr. SEDGWICK renewed his motion for providing that the fees should be paid into the treasury, which was again negatived.—The amendments being agreed to, it was ordered that the bill be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. SECRETARY LEAR, with the resolve of both houses, for completing the survey ordered by the late Congress; to which the approbation and signature of the President is affixed.
Mr. SECRETARY OTIS brought down from the senate, a bill providing for the registering vessels, and to regulate the coasting trade; in which they have concurred, with amendments.
These amendments were taken into consideration, but the time did not admit of going through with them this day. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, AUGUST 27.
The committee appointed for the purpose, reported that they had examined the enrolled bill for establishing the treasury department, and found the same correct.
It was moved and seconded that the speaker sign the same, who accordingly affixed his signature thereto.
The engrossed bill to provide for the safe keeping of the acts, records and great seal of United States, and for other purposes was read a third time and passed to be enacted.
The amendments of the senate to the coasting bill were then taken into consideration—and agreed to with some small variations. The senate have reduced the fees in this bill; among others—for
  Every register from 3 to 2 Dollars.   Subsequent ditto 2 to 1 and 50 cents.   Certificate of enrolment 1 to 50 ditto.   Licence to trade or carry on the whale or bank fisheries for one year, 1 to 50 ditto.   Every bond for licence to trade, 10 ditto. 
Mr. VINING presented to the house an act of the state of Delaware, offering the United States the jurisdiction over ten miles square, in any part of that state. should Congress make choice thereof for the permanent residence of the federal government—which was read and laid on the table.
Mr. HEISTER presented to the house a representation of the inhabitants of the borough of Reading in Pennsylvania, stating the advantageous situation of that place, and their wishes to have it made choice of, as the place of the permanent residence of the federal government—which was read and laid on the table.
A similar representation from the inhabitants of Germantown, and the inhabitants of Carlisle, both in the state of Pennsylvania, and the act of the state of Pennsylvania, ceding the jurisdiction of ten miles square to the United States, were read, and laid on the table.
Mr. GERRY presented a supplementary report to the estimate of the necessary supplies for the year 1789,—read and referred to the committee of ways and means.
Mr. SMITH (S. C.) of the committee appointed for the purpose, brought in a bill providing for the establishing hospitals for disabled seamen, and for the regulation of harbours—which was read the first time.
This bill states that hospitals be established and maintained in such sea port towns in the United States as the President shall direct, by a deduction from the wages of seamen, which captains and commanders of vessels shall pay to the officers of the customs at each entry of their vessels.
Mr. SCOTT, agreeable to notice, moved a resolution to the following effect: That a place

ought to be fixed for the permanent residence of the General Government, as near the centre of population, wealth, and extent of territory as is consistent with the convenience of the Atlantic navigation, having also due regard to the western territory. He then moved to make this the order of the day for Thursday next.
Mr. SHERMAN objected—he observed that the house has as much important business before them, as they can possibly dispatch without entering on this. Neither is the government in possession of resources at present for the establishment of a federal town. He therefore moved that the second Monday in December next be assigned for taking this matter into consideration.
Mr. HARTLEY. I hope, Sir, the motion will prevail. Gentlemen who live near New-York may perhaps be satisfied to postpone this subject for ten or a dozen years: But justice to the inhabitants of this city requires that it should be soon settled. They are going into large expenses for erecting a palace for the President, and for other objects; if the presumption, on which this project is founded, is not well grounded, it is just and proper that they should be undeceived. A regard for their interests therefore requires that we should let them know what they are to depend upon.—He also observed that some attention ought to be paid to the petitions of the people respecting a permanent seat.
Mr. BURKE suggested that it will be doing great injustice to the southern states to fix on so early a day in the next session, as it is not probable that the members from those states will be then present.
Mr. FITZSIMONS said the present is the most proper time to determine this business. There is now a pretty full representation; It is not probable that at any future time, there will be so great a number collected, certainly not at any period in a winter session. It is true there is much important business before Congress: But what more important than the subject proposed. It is a question about which people are much agitated. As to the expence, that is an after consideration. The present object is only to fix on the place.—Whether the removal is to be made this year or next is a distinct business.
Mr. SHERMAN said, that he moved the second Monday in December, merely to accommodate the gentlemen who are pressing. It is evident that we all have too little time this season. If the gentleman from South-Carolina thinks it too early a day for the southern members, I am willing to agree to a more distant time.
In addition to the arguments for deferring this matter, there is another important consideration. The Union is not yet complete. North-Carolina and Rhode-Island have not yet a voice—It is supposed it will not be long before those states will become members of the Union.
Mr. SMITH (S. C.) moved, that the first Monday in January next, should be assigned for the taking up this subject—He was opposed to going into it at present, and enumerated several reasons to shew that the other business could not be put off. The judiciary bill is pressing, and has been the order of the day for several weeks. The funding of the public debt is also important, and is earnestly expected. It is of little consequence, he said, where the duty which the house owe to their constituents is executed, provided it is done, and done to their satisfaction.
Mr. SCOTT observed, that a principle of the Union in which we are bound is the principle of reciprocal and equal justice.—The question now before the house is a grand link in the chain of the federal system. The peace of the United States depends as much on this as on any other question which can come before Congress. An adoption of some such measure is a piece of justice due to the extremities of the continent. It being therefore a point with them, and a point of justice too, I cannot conceive how any gentleman, who has the good of the country at heart can oppose it.
The resolution holds out this general idea, that the federal government ought to be fixed at that place which is most central with respect to population and territory, having an equal regard to the Atlantic and western part of the union. No man in the western country ever wished anything further than that when the central line between the northern and southern extremities was fixed, Congress should establish their seat as far back on this line, as the convenience of maritime commerce would allow.
I think the people have a right to demand this. If this principle is admitted the subject cannot involve much debate.
This is a favorable moment to settle the great question which has agitated the mass of the people for several years. We may be assured that Congress at this time possesses all their virtue and innocence, but it is to be feared that will not be the case in future: Congress are now clear of all factions, and as destitute as possible of the spirit of party and local views. In a future day faction may drive the government to fix on some improper place, and one of two events will result from this; either they will be obliged again to remove after expending great sums of money on this
imprudent establishment, or the union will be dissolved.
Mr. LIVERMORE said that the two houses had come to a resolution to adjourn next month.—Many weighty matters are still before the Legislature. How much time a discussion of this subject will require, is uncertain. It may engross a great deal, and there is danger of its producing that animosity and party spirit, which the measure itself proposes to guard against. Let us first finish the organization of government, and the performance of those important duties which the public anxiously expect of us.
I do not understand, said he, that any gentleman is uneasy in his present situation. I have heard no complaints. Congress are well accommodated in this city. There may be other places, to be sure, in which they might find accommodations, but I believe both the citizens of New-York, and the members of the Legislature are mutually satisfied—I have not heard of any memorial from the former requesting us to remove—Many parts of the country indeed seem to be in a fever to have us with them; especially the State of Pennsylvania—Carlisle, Lancaster, York town, German-town, and Reading have sent us abundance of petitions, setting forth their various advantages, and we wish that they may enjoy them. If they are pleasantly situated and have plenty of fish, we are glad to hear it.
I cannot see any reason for postponing all our important matters in order to consider this—If we can dispatch all these matters by next spring, and the roads should be so impassable, that we should not be able to get home, I shall be for taking it up.
He then observed, that the idea of a permanent seat is not itself strictly true. As population increases, and as men of new principles and views take their seats in Congress, this permanent seat may be altered at pleasure—It is certainly wise in congress to be economical—It is always found a very expensive thing to remove.—And the finances of the country are not at present equal to many new expences—A great variety of objects are necessary to be taken into view in fixing the seat of government, besides the mathematical centrality—The healthiness of the situation is a capital circumstances to be attended to.
Mr. SCOTT objected to the cavalier manner in which he thought the gentleman treated the subject.
Mr. JACKSON said the existence of the Union depends on this subject. The place of the seat of government is important in every view. It may be compared to the heart in the human body; it is a center from which the principles of life are carried to the extremities.
It is indifferent to me whether the subject is determined now or next session, but I think it best that the motion should lie on the table.
Mr. STONE observed that this will be a very important business, and it is necessary to be extremely cautious in conducting it. I know of no question which will have such a tendency to produce heats and divisions which arise chiefly from an indiscreet mode of conducting matters of this kind. I am glad to see the temperate spirit with which the house has set out, and I wish it may continue. No question will so fully try the temper of this body as the present.
The question was then taken on Mr. SMITH's motion, and was lost—Ayes 21—Noes 30.
Mr. AMES I would ask, Sir, if the original motion is not inconsistent with the resolution of the house to adjourn on the 22d of September? A committee, said he, has been appointed to report the business of the present session. The committee reported, and so much of that report was accepted, as related to the time of adjournment. It seems to me therefore, that the proposition to take up this subject at the present time, is superfluous. I am confident that it is inconsistent with that determination. It will become necessary therefore to rescind that determination, and whether that will be done or not, must depend on the disposition of the Senate. If they should not concur, the Legislature will be obliged to leave the most important business unfinished.
I cannot suppress some emotions of surprise that gentlemen can bring forward questions which have not for their object the complete organization of the government. The government yet lies prostrate and inanimate, and instead of infusing life into it, and giving it motion, we have been in the first place altering our constitution, and now we are going into a long discussion to determine where we shall sit.
If the gentleman's motion only involved a few abstract propositions, it would still be uncertain how difficult their decision might be. But were I a stranger I should apprehend, from the manner in which the motion has been introduced, that it would be a question agitated with as much acrimony as any whatever.
I have observed that even on the most trifling question it is extremely difficult to obtain unanimity. What then must be the division on a question, which, gentlemen have said, concerns the existence or peace of the union! I believe it will involve as many passions as can reside in the human heart. Every principle of local interest, of pride and honor, and even of patriotism itself are engaged. I am willing to pledge my felt to the gentleman, that if the good of the union requires that the seat of government should be fixed at Pittsburgh, I will vote for it. But I must now vote for postponing the business. It is not enough to determine where the seat of government ought to be, but it is necessary to prepare the public mind to agree with ours in the decision of questions of this magnitude. Our reasons ought to be made public, and they ought to be the reasons of the public.
When I left my constituents, I did not contemplate this business nor have I yet formed my own opinion. When I do, I pledge myself that it shall not spring from local or self principles.
The gentleman has brought forward this subject as a very important one. As such we will consider it. If it were to determine merely the centre of matter, it might be settled in a short time—If we are to represent the oaks and mountains—If the acres of the United States are to be represented, a few days of calculation may determine it.
I am of opinion that the centre of our government should be a centre of convenience and utility, that the heart should be so
placed as to propel the blood to the extremities, with the most equitable and easy motion. I would place the head of the government, where it might guard most effectually the extremities, and protect the weak parts. It is my wish that the territory now subject to the laws of the Union may continue so, and that the government may be so situated as to use its force with the best advantage to ensure the preservation of the Union, and obedience to its laws.
The gentleman from Connecticut has rightly said that the States of North-Carolina and Rhode-Island should have a voice in this business.
I would not impute unworthy motives to the gentleman who introduced the motion; but I would ask him whether the world at large should not be equally convinced of their purity; whether in justice to himself, the public mind should not be better prepared for the occasion. I am not convinced that our government will so ill cemented and feeble, could stand the shock of such a measure, and therefore I most ardently deprecate the event.
The question for making this business the order of the day for Thursday next, was carried. Adjourned. [DAILY ADV.]
FRIDAY, AUGUST 28.
Mr. FITZSIMONS presented a lengthy memorial from the public creditors of the State of Pennsylvania, which was read and laid on the table.
Mr. TRUMBULL presented a memorial from the commanders of the Packets, which ply between New-York, and Newport and Providence in Rhode-Island, respecting the hardships which they suffer by reason of that State's being considered out of the Union.
A letter from the Governor of South Carolina, addressed to the Speaker, inclosing an account of the exports of that State from December, 1787, to December, 1788, was read.
The report of the committee on the memorials from the merchants of George-town and Alexandria, was taken up, and accepted, and the same committee ordered to bring in a bill for the relief of the memorialists.
In committee of the whole, on the bill for establishing the salaries of the officers in the executive departments, their assistants, and clerks.
  The committee agreed upon the following salaries, viz.   To the the Secretary of the Treasury, 3500 Dollars.   of State, 3000   of the War Department, 3000   To the Comptroller, 2000   Auditor, 1500   Treasurer, 1600   Register, 1250   Governor of the Western Territory, including the emoluments of Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 2500   Assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury, 1500   Chief Clerk to the Department of State, 800   Chief Clerk to the Department of War, 600   Secretary of the Western Territory, 750   Principal Clerk to the Comptroller, 800   Chief Clerk to the Auditor. 600   Three Judges of the Western Territory, 800 dol. each.   To the Clerks which may be employed in the several departments, not to exceed 450 dollars each. 
The committee having gone through the bill, with amendments, the same were reported to the house, and accepted. It was then ordered, that the bill be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The committee appointed for the purpose, brought in a bill to suspend for a time, the operation of a clause in the collection law, agreeably to the report on the memorials from Alexandria, and George-town, which was read the first time.
Mr. CLYMER had leave of absence for a few days—and Mr. STURGES to the end of the session. Adjourned.
Mr. FENNO, Certain interesting representations presented to an Hon. Assembly gave rise to the following, which please to publish. Yours, P. Q.
WHEREAS it is of consequence, Congress should fix its residence— That seat of honor and renown, Yclept long since the "Federal town;" The people of this pleasant borough, From a conviction just and thorough, That there's no other situation, Can equal this in all the nation; Your honors do most humbly pray, To make it your abode for aye.  Nature provideth here so ample, We only can select a sample Of what this blessed place affords, Enough to tempt a House of Lords! Where'er you turn your wond'ring eyes, Ten thousand pleasing prospects rise! The streams meandering thro the vales, "BLUE HILLS," whose height the skies affais; The air salubrious, sweet, and bracing, All fogs, and noxious vapors chasing; And as no mortal man can think, But what you all must eat and drink, Our markets give, ye gods, such meat, As ye, in your own hotels, eat: We've beef, and veal, and lamb, and mutton, As fine as e'er was table put on; And dunghill fowls, wild ducks, and widgeons, And snipes, and geese, and quails, and pigeons; Pheasants, and ortolans, be sure, To please the daintiest epicure. Our Schuylkill gives us fish in plenty, Of sorts we reckon more than twenty— As shad and alwives, pretty pickings, Without a bone your throat to stick in; That Schuylkill, theme of future song, Upon whose waves are borne along Two hundred thousand sacks of wheat, Transported in Musketo fleet— Musketo fleet! yes, here in peace, CONGRESS may sit till time shall cease, Nor ships with horrid broad sides scare 'em, Nor soldier with a gun come near 'em.
At present we've three hundred houses, All fill'd with loving wives and spouses; But timber, shingles, scantling, boards, The neighborhood great store affords; We'll give you stones all vein'd with blue, And thank you when you take them too; But as for bricks, you pay for making, They cost us time and pains in baking; We've carpenters, and masons good, As ever work'd in stone or wood; Artists in every kind of work, To build you houses in a jerk. We've barbers, tailors, and shoe makers, Pye-women, hucksters, brewers, bakers; Taverns in plenty too abound, And here and there a church is found; Besides all these, there are "exteriors," We need not mention our superiors, Both for convenience, and delight, To crown the day, and eke the night: Then come good Sirs, make this your seat Where nature's choicest bounties meet— The public good prompts this petition, From yours with rev'rence and submission.
THE ALPHABET.

THE RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
(CONTINUATION.)
IN the Roman story, some few of their brave patriots and conquerors were men of small fortune, and of so rare a temper of spirit, that they little cared to improve them, or enrich themselves by their public employment. Some, indeed, were buried at the public charge. And perhaps this race is not quite extinct; but the examples are so rare, that he who shall build his frame of government upon a presumption that characters of this stamp will arise in succession, in sufficient numbers to preserve the honor and liberty, and promote the prosperity of his people, will find himself mistaken. "The time will come," said a Roman senator, "when Horatii and Valerii will not be found to forego their private fortunes for the sake of plebeian liberty." His prediction was fulfilled; and a similar prophecy will be accomplished in every nation under heaven. The instances too of this kind, in the Roman history, are all of patricians and senators: We do not find one example of a popular tribune who was so in love with poverty. Cincinnatus was a patrician, a senator of a splendid family and no mean fortune, until his son Cæso was prosecuted, and obliged to fly from his bail. The father had too noble and sublime a spirit to let the bail be ruined, and sold his fortune to pay the forfeiture: When this was done, he had only four or six acres left. But who was it that made him dictator? Not the people, nor the tribunes, but the senate, that very standing power against which our author's whole book is written: By no means by a successive sovereignty of the people's representatives, which our author all along contends for. Had the appointment of a dictator at that time lain with the people, most probably a richer man would have had the preference. He behaved with so much magnanimity, integrity, and wisdom, that he subdued the enemy, and quitted his authority with all willingness, and returned to painful private life. This example is a good argument for a mixed government, and for a senate as an essential part of it; but no argument for a successive sovereignty in the people's representatives. Gracchus, Marius, Sylla, and Cæsar, whose elevation to power was by the people, in opposition to the senate, did not exhibit such moderation and contentment. Our author's other examples of Lucius Tarquin, and Atilius Regulus, by no means prove such disinterested and magnanimous virtue to be ordinary in that state, nor Lucius Paulus Æmilius. Lucius Tarquin, or Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, was not only a patrician and a senator, but of the royal family, and therefore by no means an example to show what the conduct of a general, or other officer or magistrate, will be, who shall be appointed by a majority of the people's successive annual representatives. He was the husband of Lucretia, whose blood had expelled the king. It was in an assembly of the centuries, where the senate were all powerful, that he was appointed consul with Brutus. Valerius was the favorite of the plebeians. Collatia had been given by the king to Ancus Tarquin, because he had no estate; and from thence the family were called Collatini. At the siege of Ardea the frolic commenced between Collatinus and the other young Tarquinius, over wine, which ended in the visit to their wives, which proved at first so honorable to the domestic virtues of Lucretia, and afterward so fatal to her life; it occasioned also the expulsion of kings, and institution of consuls. Brutus and Collatinus were created consuls, but by whom? By the people, it is true, but it was in their assemblies by centuries; so that it was the senate and patricians who decided the vote. If the people in their tribes, or by their successive representatives, had made the election, Collatinus would not have been chosen, but Valerius, who expected it, and had most contributed, next to Brutus, to the revolution. And, by the way, we may observe here, that an aversion to public honors and offices by no means appears in the behavior of the virtuous and popular Valerius. His desire of the office of consul was so ardent, that his disappointment and chagrin induced him, in a sullen ill-humour, to withdraw from the senate and the forum, and renounce public affairs; which so alarmed the people, that they dreaded his reconciliation and coalition with the exiled family. He soon removed this jealousy by taking the oath by which Brutus wanted to bind the senate against kings and kingly government. All the art of the patricians, with Brutus at their head, was now exerted, to intoxicate the people with superstition. Sacrifices and ceremonies were introduced, and the consuls approaching the altar, swore, for themselves, their children, and all posterity, never to recall Tarquin or his sons, or any of his family; that the Romans should never more be governed by kings; that those who should attempt to restore monarchy should be devoted to the infernal gods, and condemned to the most cruel torments: And an abhorrence of royalty became the predominant character of the Romans, to such a degree, that they could never
bear the name of king, even when, under the emperors they admitted much more than the thing in an unlimited despotism. But is the cause of liberty, are the rights of mankind, to stand for ever on no better a foundation than a blind superstition, and a popular prejudice against a word, a mere name? It was really no more in this case: For even Brutus himself intended that the consuls should have all the power of the kings; and it was only against a family and a name that he declared war. If nations and peoples cannot be brought to a more rational way of thinking, and to judge of things, instead of being intoxicated with prejudice and superstition against words, it cannot be expected that truth, virtue, or liberty, will have much chance in the establishment of governments. The monarchical and aristocratical portions of society will for ever understand better how to operate upon the superstition, the prejudices, passions, fancies, and senses of the people, than the democratical, and therefore will for ever worm out liberty, if she has no other resource.
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
(Continued from No. XXXII.)
ANOTHER objection against my mode of taxing, which in my opinion is the greatest by far that can be fairly urged, remains yet to be considered. I once almost concluded not to mention it here, because its hurtful operation is distant, we are in no present danger of its effects and its evils may be prevented or remedied in future time by necessary measures, without requiring our present attention. But I will subjoin it, because I think it best to communicate every quality, effect and tendency of this subject, which my utmost investigation of it has been able to discover, that the publick may take it up or reject it on the fullest reason that I can lay before them. The objection is, that this tax is insensible, and will produce more money than the people are apprized of, and in future time, when our trade and consumptions shall increase, may produce more than the public service will require, and of course tend to public dissipation and corruption. For frugality in a court ever springs from necessity, and a rich treasury naturally makes a prodigal administration, and too often a corrupt one. It may be answered, that it will always be easy to lessen or take the tax off, whenever it shall become necessary. This may be easy, but will be always be dangerous. The imposing it at the close of the war will prevent the fall of the goods taxed, and keep them up partly to the war price, and of course save the merchants who have goods by them from very great loss, and is a good reason for imposing it now; but when it shall be taken off, it will reduce the price of the goods taxed in so sudden a manner, as will be very hurtful to those who have stock on hand, and may ruin very many families. There is another, and perhaps better way of guarding against the evils of the objection. It will be easy to transmit to each state an account of the annual proceeds of the tax, and when the amount shall exceed the annual expenditures, an account of the surplus, together with an estimate of the proportion of each state (according to the established quota of burdens and benefits) may be returned with it, and the said proportion of the surplus may be made subject to the order of each state respectively; and if they judge that they can more safely trust their own economy, than that of the supreme administration, each state may draw its quota out of the general treasury into its own, and there keep it as a deposited fund of public wealth, or dispose of it as they please. Perhaps a fund to defray the internal expenses of each state, might be as easily raised in this way as any other; but I leave a further discussion of the objection and its remedies to the wisdom of future times.
But if this my mode of taxing, or any other that may be adopted, should not be sufficient for the public service, I could wish the deficiency might some how be made up at home, without recurring to the ruinous mode of supplies by public loans abroad. I think that every light in which this subject can be viewed, will afford an argument against it. I have known this cogent argument used in favour of foreign loans, viz. We give but five per cent. by the loan. This stupid argument, if it proves any thing, just proves that 'tis every man's interest to borrow money, for 'tis certainly profitable to buy any thing for five pounds which will bring ten; but the natural fact is, the very reverse of this, for if you bring money into a kingdom or family, which is not the proceeds of industry, it will naturally lessen the industry and increase the expenses of it. It has been often observed, that when a person gains any sudden acquisition of wealth by treasure thro' captures at sea, drawing a high prize in a lottery, or any other way not connected with industry, he is rarely known to keep it long, but soon dissipates it. The sensible value of money is lost, when the idea of it becomes disconnected with the labor and pain of earning it, and expenses will naturally increase when there is plenty of wealth to support them. The effect is the same on a nation. Is Spain a whit richer for all the mines of South America. The industry of Holland has
proved a much more sure source of durable wealth. We already find a dangerous excess of luxury growing out of our borrowed money; and industry, especially in procuring supplies of our own wants, great animation. Besides, the aforesaid argument is not grounded on fact; 'tis true I suppose, that we pay but five per cent interest on our foreign loans, but they cost us from fifteen to twenty per cent more to get them home, for that is at least the discount which has been made on the sale of our bills for several years past, and if we bring it over in cash, there is freight and insurance to be paid, which increases the loss. From this it appears, that for every eighty pounds of supplies which we obtain in this way, we must pay at least an hundred pounds, even if we were to pay the principal at the end of the year, and the consuming want of five per cent interest every year after, if the payment is delayed: To all this loss, is to be added, all the expence of negotiating the loans abroad, brokerage on sale of the bills, &c. &c. (To be continued.)
EIGHTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE UNION.
An ACT to provide for the Government of the Territory North-West of the River Ohio.
WHEREAS in order that the ordinance of the United States in Congress assembled, for the government of the territory north-west of the river Ohio may continue to have full effect, it is requisite that certain provisions should be made so as to adapt the same to the present Constitution of the United States;
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That in all cases in which by the said ordinance, any information is to be given, or communication made by the Governor of the said territory to the United States in Congress assembled, or to any of their officers, it shall be the duty of the said Governor to give such information and to make such communication to the President of the United States; and the President shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint all officers which by the said ordinance were to have been appointed by the United States in Congress assembled, and all officers so appointed, shall be commissioned by him; and in all cases where the United States in Congress assembled, might, by the said ordinance, revoke any commission or remove from any office, the President is hereby declared to have the same powers of revocation and removal.
And be it further enacted, That in cases of the death, removal, resignation, or necessary absence of the Governor of the said territory, the Secretary thereof shall be, and he is hereby authorized and required to execute all the powers, and perform all the duties of the Governor, during the vacancy, occasioned by the removal, resignation or necessary absence of the said Governor.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST 7, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
NINTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE UNION.
An ACT providing for the EXPENCES which may attend Negotiations or TREATIES with the INDIAN TRIBES, and the appointment of COMMISSIONERS for managing the same.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That a sum not exceeding twenty thousand dollars, arising from the duties on imports and tonnage, shall be, and the same is hereby appropriated to defray the expence of negotiating and treating with the Indian tribes.
And be it further enacted, That each of the commissioners who may be appointed for managing such negotiations and treaties, shall be entitled to an allowance, exclusive of his expences at the place of treaty, of eight dollars per day during his actual service, to be paid out of the monies so appropriated.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST 20, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
THE NATIONAL MONITOR. No. XVII.
Th' eternal GOD who form'd all human kind, Views the whole species with an equal mind; With HIM there's neither black, nor brown, nor fair, ALL sprang from HIM and ALL his goodly share.
LIBERTY and humanity are closely allied: By the former is meant that security of life, property and the equal rights of nature, which is the result of just and righteous laws: By the latter, the full influence of that divine precept "to do to others as we would be done unto." It is astonishing to reflect how long the most enlightened part of the world; men, who profess to be governed by the sublime principles of the gospel, remained insensible to this natural and divine obligation; in commencing and continuing, for near a century, a species of commerce repugnant to every benevolent and just sentiment: A traffic in their own species. Among the innumerable advantages derived to the world from the revolution of America, may be reckoned this, that it has roused the benevolent feelings of the inhabitants of the eastern hemisphere, and led them to the most honorable and spirited exertions, to vindicate the rights, and redress the accumulated injuries of the natives of Africa.
GREAT-BRITAIN has frequently taken the lead in the most brilliant enterprizes: She now appears with distinguished lustre in asserting the cause of injured humanity, by making rapid progress in the great work of emancipating the wretched race of slaves; the hapless victims of avarice. Her PRINCES, her NOBLES, her PATRIOTS, and WISE MEN, unite in the God like undertaking; and there is no doubt that she will crown her character by completing the business in due season.
FRANCE has caught the sacred flame: Her citizens in their late public assemblies, speak the language of reason and righteousness. Her NECKAR on this subject is inspired.
SPAIN also has long been in the habit of meliorating the letters of slavery; and as she emerges daily into the regions of knowledge and refinement, will naturally be led to imitate her neighbours in their enlightened and generous policy.
AMERICA, by the new constitution, has at a limited period, forever shut the door to this commerce. Mean time the states individually, are prohibiting the traffic. The business every day, in all of them, becomes more and more reprobated; and there is the highest reason to suppose, that it will become completely and universally infamous.
From the foregoing we are led to contemplate the improved state of society, and the increase of the best principles among mankind.
May our country progress in its character, for every virtue that dignifies and adorns the species; till the full effect of the American revolution shall be seen, in the compleat triumph of reason and benevolence among the great, the happy family of mankind.