National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-10-24 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, October 24, 1792.
NUMB. 103.
MR. FRENEAU,
A CORRESPONDENT requests you to insert the inclosed from the Independent Gazetteer, of Sept. 15.—
To the Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of Agriculture and domestic Manufactures.
GENTLEMEN,
HAVING cultivated FLAX with considerable profit and advantage, I wish to recommend it as an object meriting greater attention from our Farmers.
The use of flax is as necessary in our clothing, as wheat in our nourishment—our soil and climate are as well adapted to raise the one as the other. Why then should we remain under obligations to distant foreign nations for this valuable article? It is suggested that it is cheaper to purchase imported linen than to raise flax, and manufacture for ourselves. I always entertained doubts of the truth of this opinion, and am now convinced from the experience of several years that it is totally without foundation.
Some good husbandmen object to flax, because they say it exhausts the soil more than any other crop: I have not found this to be the case; during the last summer I cultivated flax and potatoes in the same field; each crop had an equal quantity of manure; on gathering an excellent crop of flax in July, the ground was immediately plowed, and sowed with turnips; produce, one hundred bushels of good turnips per acre; on removing the crops of potatoes and turnips, about the middle of October, the ground was put into wheat: the wheat on the flax and turnip ground this harvest was fully equal, if not superior, to the wheat on the potatoe ground.
Another objection to flax is, that it is a very uncertain crop: on good ground, under proper cultivation, no crop will better answer the expectation of the farmer. Flax will grow and flower on any soil, but it requires a rich loam or clay to bring it to perfection for the use of the farmer. The Irish, who for many years have had great experience in the cultivation of this valuable plant, generally raised it in ground manured and planted with potatoes the preceding year. They sow on the such ground three and four bushels of the best Riga or American seed to the acre. May not the fineness of the Irish flax be owing to this thick sowing, rather than to their flax being pulled before it is ripe? It is said the Flemings never pull the flax intended for their fine cambrics and linen until the seed is ripe. The quality of the flax may also depend very much on the future operations of rotting, breaking, and hackling.
In America, flax is for the most part rotted, by being laid thin on a grass field: The time required in this operation depends on the dryness or wetness, heat or cold of the season: Flax is judged to be sufficiently rotted when its bark is a little blistered towards the extremity of the plant, and when it parts easily from the reed, which at this time becomes very brittle: but no written description can possibly convey a knowledge of this point at all equal to that which is acquired by experience. I have exposed flax in the months of August, September, and October, and have always found that it rotted in August the best; and am informed, by farmers of experience, that the injury which the flax is laid to receive by the heat of the midsummer sun, is by no means equal to the benefit it receives by being quickly matured.
When the flax is exposed in a variety of weather in a cold season, the putrefaction necessary to loosen and destroy the cohesion of the fibres of the flax from the reed, is so tedious as frequently to injure the fibres themselves. Mills have been erected for breaking of flax, but the success attending them hath never warranted their general use; recourse is still had to the Dutch hand-brake. I have seen a foot
machine for swinging or scutching, by which one man can scutch fifty weight per day: this is double the quantity that can be performed by one person by hand in the same time. The labour and expence of dressing flax is without doubt the greatest objection to its cultivation; but in these points Europeans have no advantage over us, as they, in every instance, are subject to the same difficulties.
Flax is certainly one of those necessary articles which we should cultivate in sufficient quantity to enable us to supply ourselves with every kind of linen, because our country is as well calculated for it as any other. Whatever other nations, on account of climate or situation, can raise and sell cheaper than we can do, and are willing to exchange for the produce of our farms, or industry, let us import from abroad. This is the basis of just policy, true economy, and genuine liberty.
I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, Your's, &c. GEO. LOGAN.
Read before the Society, Sept. 3. 1792
[From the Gazette of the United States, of October 20]
MR. FENNO, I REQUEST you to inform the "Citizen of Philadelphia," through your Gazette, that he has made some very material errors and misrepresentations, in his statement, which appeared in your paper of the 10th of October.
To the duty on spirits distilled within the United States he objects, because the nature of its collection requires an authority in the excise officer, to enter the domains of every individual; to inspect his private business and concerns; and even search his most retired apartments, bed rooms and closets.—Now, sir, as we naturally look for the extent of that authority in the act of Congress, let the "Citizen of Philadelphia" point out the special clause of the act where this extensive power is given—and if he is well minded, let him also recur to the provisions that have been made against the abuse of any official power.
The "Citizen of Philadelphia," has been told, as he informs us, the collection of the excise costs at present about 12 per cent. I am told that according to positive regulations, it cannot exceed 7 1/2 per cent. I have also been informed, there is a prospect that the proceeds of this branch of the national revenue, if it shall go fairly into operation, will amount to more than has been calculated upon, and that of course it will fully answer the end for which it was intended. It appears then that our Citizen and myself, are as yet equally in the dark with regard to this tax. Would it therefore not be prudent to submit the issue of it to a fair trial?
The "Citizen of Philadelphia" will permit me to take notice of another misrepresentation he has made. In his plain statement of fact, which he offers in the face of all the world, and challenges every body to controvert, he asserts, that the public faith was pledged in the most solemn manner, to the original public creditors. Does he not know that the securities of the United States were made payable to the first holder, or his assignee? And for what reason? Undoubtedly to enable the proprietor to make use of his property, by selling it for what it would fetch; and that the purchaser might at the same time be safe in his bargain. Thus the public faith was no more pledged to the first holder, but to his assignee. And can it now in justice be violated?—It was altogether upon this principle that Congress proceeded in the funding system; and whoever has attended to the debates of Congress on the discrimination business—whosoever is not actuated by sinister views, must be fully convinced, that in rejecting all discrimination, Congress acted upon the broad basis of public justice, as becomes a national legislature.
Hence the idea is insulting to common sense, that the original creditors should be charged with the certificates they have received, at about 2/6 in the pound, and the balance paid in good money. How is it to be ascertained who sold out, and who did not? After a certificate has changed hands fifty, a hundred times; passed through the progressive prices from 2/6 to 10/ in the pound; in what manner is the account to be adjusted? Or does our Citizen mean that the government should pay the supposed loss of 17/6 in the pound, upon the whole mass of the original debt? If he can provide for an adequate revenue by a bare impost upon luxuries, a la bonne heure, let reparation be made to those citizens who suffered by the public deficiency. The author of such a scheme would be highly deserving of public praise. But the fact is, it is an exhausted fund, and we are under no obligation to the "Citizen of Philadelphia" for his discovery, it having long since been a maxim in finance to lay high taxes upon luxurious articles, even long before his sixth essay was published. Metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede, verum est.
AMERICANUS.
October 15, 1792.
FOREIGN NEWS.
[Extracts from French Papers.]
PARIS, Aug. 13.
Future times, disinterested in the convulsive movements of the present day, and entertaining a temperate sense of liberty, will no doubt be curious to examine by what gradations such a nation as France changed her system of despotism for the supremacy of laws. It may be said that France has become free without fighting for liberty: she has vindicated herself into peace and tranquility, after having utterly destroyed the tyrannical institutions that had prevailed for more than 800 years. What a prospect does she exhibit to the despots of the universe! Her example will infallibly work a reformation in the politics of every nation on the globe, and place the French at the head of the benefactors of the human kind.
The Prussian nation, for a century past, has been little better than a compact army. No other power has had an equal weight, in the political balance of Europe, with great guns and bayonets. Prussia has compelled all other powers to copy her example and to keep up well disciplined armies. Through her means Europe, even in times of peace, has been overrun with soldiers; and it is principally owing to them that France has, in a manner, lost the character of a butchering nation, being supplanted by these traders in human blood.
The son of lord Chatham (Mr. Pitt) is the mortal enemy of France. He had a hand in fomenting our early divisions; and there is not a doubt that he has been an active instrument in endeavouring to detach our West-India colonies. He and his friends have also tried to alienate the affections of Spain, and break the alliance between us. His plans were so well laid, that at one time we were upon the point of abandoning Spain forever. In short, the war we are now engaged in, may be imputed to the English, and the English only, their government, and their emissaries. A French alliance with England is a political monster. She is, and always has been our rival; and did we not stand in the way, she would be absolute mistress of the sea. Abstracted from us, she is the only rich and industrious nation, the only one enlightened and free. History is full of her quarrels with France, and if she hesitates a moment to attack us, it is only to defer it to a more favorable time, when she can do it with less danger to herself.
The effects of the revolution upon the manners of France—It has been observed that it was scarcely worth while to make a wise constitution for such a people as the French. That levity, which has always disgraced the national character, it was thought, would soon destroy the most promising hopes. The truth is, the Frenchman was always light and trifling, because having nothing to do with affairs of legislation, the natural animation of his soul was compelled to evaporate in the impertinent sallies of imagination, chit-chat with women, and romantic extravagance. But this was all for want of the solid food of the mind. Frivolity will now vanish before that habit of reflexion which is naturally generated by affairs of consequence. We shall lose somewhat of our amiable qualifications, but the fruits will be substituted for the flowers: philosophy has opened all eyes; truth has only to show herself to be embraced; prejudices disappear, and reason, which has scattered and dissipated a thousand idle phantoms, revives the empire of liberty.
LIBERTY was conquered in France, by France universally arming herself against it. It can now only be supported by the complete humiliation of regal power; a humiliation which shall convince the world that the French, as a nation, are worthy of the place to which they have apired in the rank of rational being. If our armies are unsuccessful in their first attempts, we have to fear the junction of several other courts with those already united against us, who are now watching our motions in silence; we will not even except those wretched, beggarly princes, those despicable apes of royalty, whose territories are not visible upon the chart of the world, but whose mercenary slaves may be brought forward to imite the sick lion, and prove to the world that such wretches exist. In every great revolution of nature, millions of strange animals start into existence; the case is the same in the convulsions of nations: nature is never more vigorous, never more fertile in heroes than in revolutions like this of France, where every passion of the human heart is thrown into fermentation, and where every spring of the machine of government tends in its operations to a single point, to counteract the attempts of enemies from without, and traitors within, and thus render every thing subservient to the public will. Hitherto, all was slavery, and man was nothing; now every one sustains the two-fold duty of soldier and citizen: freemen and Frenchmen are synonymous terms; and under that character they will oppose every enemy; they will swear, like the Spartans of old, to return from battle either with their shields or upon their shields; to perish under the auspices of the three-coloured flag, or return conquerors, to receive the palms that their grateful country awards them.
London and Liverpool newspapers are received to the 30th of August from which the following articles are extracted.
LONDON, Aug. 28
All the custom-house cutters at Portsmouth were yesterday put under the command of admiral Lord Hood, and several other dispositions made, which are never adopted but for the purposes of a general impress of seamen.
Whether these steps indicate an intention in our court to take an active part in the continental disputes, or whether they are merely precautionary measures to enable us to act as circumstances and sound policy may afterwards dictate, a little time will probably determine.
It is confessed in Paris that the advanced guard of the main army at Fontenoy has sustained an attack by the Austrians, in which 400 men fell on the side of the French, though the enemy was repulsed.
The Duke of Brunswick was at Luzemberg for a few hours on the 14th of this month. On the fifteenth came the King of Prussia on horse back, whom the governor received at the entrance of the town, and accompanied with great form to all the remarkable parts of the

fortress. After taking some refreshment, he returned on the same day to the camp at Montfort.
Extract of a letter brought by the Dutch mail yesterday.
"The general M. de la Fayette, and twelve officers of rank, who were making the best of their way to Holland, were stopped near Liege, and taken prisoners by the Liegeois legion; the general claimed the right of nations, being on neutral ground, but he was given to understand that he must submit to the right of arms, and he was made prisoner with all his followers."
P A R I S, August 13.
Address transmitted to the Jacobin club by the merchants of Beauclair, 29th July.
"Legislators! Trade brings us together at this present moment; but every kind of interest has made room for patriotism. Every man, worthy of bearing the title of French citizen, should sacrifice his very existence to it. You proclaimed the State in danger. We immediately asked one another, how it was possible that 25 millions of freemen could entertain an idea of being conquered, while a thousand of satellites, led on by an Asiatic despot, fled before 300 free Spartans?"
"You say we are in danger. Well! who has brought us to the present crisis, a crisis that exposes our liberty? representatives, you cannot be at a loss to know the executive power is the cause of all the evils we labour under. Had the constituent assembly been well persuaded that despots were incorrigible; they would have known that neither the English nor the Romans would have succeeded in throwing off the yoke of oppression, if the former had not changed the reigning dynasty, and had not the latter banished Tarquin for ever from his vicious court. It was in vain that the Tarquins at Rome, and Stuarts in London swore to their fellow citizens that they would respect public liberty. No Briton, no Roman believed a syllable of it; and the Romans, still more severe, punished with death the least correspondence with such traitors."
"And yet the constituent assembly could have forgiven Louis XVI. a king who is become an execration of all freemen, on account of his guilty flight. Louis XVI. who by an act of the most horrid dissimulation, excelled in baseness the most abhorred despot."
"The constituent assembly believed the perfidious man was sincere; they thought they might confine his rage, by loading him with wealth and prerogatives; the very tygers lick the hand that caresses and feeds them—there was no reason, then for despairing to tame the monster we allude to with favours! such was the fatal prejudice that hurried the constituent assembly into the senseless laws they enacted, laws injurious to liberty, injurious to the holy rights of man."
"The die is cast, representatives, we can consider Louis XVI. but as the most criminal and the most dangerous of our enemies."
"Who has tormented, who still excites trouble?—Louis.—Who is the cause of anarchy in France?—The executive power, Louis."
"Who has countenanced, who still countenances all the refractory priests; all those who might rebel against the general will? Louis the child of executive power."
"Who has assisted the rebel French, those monsters who are coming to fight against their country and their relatives?"
"Who has armed the tyrants of Europe against a free and peaceable nation? Louis, the executive power."
"We desire you to dethrone the traitor. Open the volume of the law, and pass sentence. Strike him, and you save your country—Then, only then, we shall have neither unjust nor base judges, no Cromwells, no Arnolds in our army."
Translation of a note transmitted from the British court to the provisional council.
"In the absence of Lord Grenville, Mr. Dundas declares that his Britannic majesty is afflicted with the deepest grief for the events which have lately taken place at Paris, both on account of the interest which he takes in every thing, which concerns their most christian majesties, and of his desire to see the kingdom of France tranquil and happy. As it appears that the exercise of the executive power has been withdrawn from the hands of the king, his Britannic majesty is of opinion that his ambassador has no occasion for remaining any longer at Paris, this step being proper to manifest his intention of remaining neutral as to what concerns the internal government of France. He is commissioned to express his Britannic majesty's solicitude and anxiety for the fate of their most christian majesties. He expects that their persons will be protected from every kind of violence; the commission of which would excite universal indignation throughout Europe."
Aug. 23 "You will find by a letter from M. Servan, that in the night between the 19th and 20th, M. de la Fayette went over to the enemy. The manner is differently related. It is said that he was made prisoner while reconnoitring; by others, that he is gone to Holland, in order to pass over to England; but with more probability of truth, that under the pre-
tence of opening the gates of Sedan to the commissioners of the national assembly, he and seventeen of his adjutants, among whom were M. Alexander, Lameth, M. Beauharnais, and M. Gouvon, the brother of the general that fell so gloriously, took the opportunity of throwing themselves into the hands of one of the advanced posts of the enemy, and by which they were made prisoners of war. There certainly was no other way by which he could save his life against the decree of the Assembly; which intigated every one to hunt him down."
"We have this day accounts that the commissioners have suspended M. Luckner. This feeble old man, whose Germanic thirst of money would make him yield to every possible condition, however forsooth, the commissioners, upon enquiry, did not chuse to entrust with the fate of France."
"You will see that M. Montmorin was taken at the house of a washerwoman in the Faubourg St. Antoine. His examination at the bar of the assembly was very interesting. His dexterity in replying to the members was admirable. He said, the letters found in the Thuilleries were not addressed to him. He had no apartments in the palace. There was another Montmorin, Governor of Fontainbleau, and to him possibly these letters might have been directed. On searching him several doses of opium were found in his pockets; but so perfect was his address, that it is tho' they will not find ground for accusation in his conduct."
The destitution of M. Luckner, and M. Dillon, has followed the flight of M. de la Fayette. The mareschal has of late begun to think his power somewhat independent of the legislative body, and M. Dillon's first letter, after the 10th instant, certainly indicated an intention to support the king against the national assembly, if any struggle could have been maintained between them. M. Kellermann has the command of M. Luckner's army.
The three commissioners lately imprisoned at Sedan, are now released.
The king and queen continue in the apartments of the temple, and from some mysterious conduct of themselves and servants, have, for these few days, engaged a considerable share of the public attention. Their security is accordingly to be further provided for by the erection of a wall on the outside of the fosse now digging round their garden, and only those persons are to attend them, who are appointed by the municipality for that purpose.
The king appears to be by no means affected by this or any other circumstance; amuses himself tranquilly by walking in the long alleys of the garden, and observes the workmen, who are singing patriotic songs, whether he is there or not. Sometimes he is seen in one of the balconies fronting the garden, with a book in one hand and a small glass in the other, his hair not dressed, but rolled up on the sides and tied close. No person, except the domestics, can speak to him, but in the presence of a municipal officer.
The queen is considerably altered in figure, and declined in beauty of countenance. The king is distinguished as before for excellence of appetite.
When the royal family enter the garden, every other person leaves it, except one municipal officer. On Friday se'nnight the queen was offended that this officer walked evenly with her party, tho' at a considerable distance. "I have not agreed upon this (said she) with M. Manuel." The officer apologized—"I could not walk behind, madam, for that is the place of a lackey; before you I would not walk—there seemed to be no other line for me." The queen then went to the prince royal, who was playing with a ball; madame Elizabeth, after some hasty expressions, joined madame Lamballe; the king with much indifference, continued his walk.
Aug. 24.—All violences here have ceased, and the operations of the constituted authorities are daily encreasing in vigor, distinctness and popularity. Except a petition, offered to the national assembly from the community of Paris for directing all the departments of the kingdom to take new nominations, and, in some measure new duties, there seems to be no question, upon which the populace think they have anything to require from the legislature. The assembly passed to the order of the day upon this petition, and seem to have excited no discontent by the measure.
Now that the people have confidence in the executive power, there are no longer appeals to the assembly by armed or rumultuous bodies, and the meetings in the Palais Royal begin to decline. The populace, except the federes , are returning to their employments, and the latter will soon be disposed of in the camps of Soissons and Paris.
All the superior persons of the king's household have been examined before commissioners from the community. Nothing new transpired from the examinations of madame Lamballe and the other ladies.—Hue, the king's second valet de chambre, related, that his majesty held a council at five o'clock, on the morning of the 10th, at which all the ministers and several of the municipal officers assisted. From thence he went to review the troops in the garden, who all shouted vive le roi , except the cannoniers. The latter shouted vive la nation .
The aunts of Louis XVI. now at Rome, are discovered to have had a pension from him ever since their departure. The Pope's
affection for the royal persons will, doubtless, prevent their suffering any inconvenience by the cessation of it.
Spire, Aug. 11. The Austrians began to bombard Landau on the 8th inst. about 4 o'clock in the morning.
The Marquis Bouille has joined the Imperial army.
Manheim, Aug. 4. Last night, about 8 o'clock, a detachment of Austrian horse attacked the French cavalry near Eßington, and drove them back with great loss, under the cannon of Landau.
The skirmishes between the two armies are frequent, and from the superior discipline of the Imperial and Prussian troops victory generally crowns their arms.
Prussian head-quarters, at Contz, in the environs of Treves, Aug. 6.
Yesterday, the 5th inst. the army entered the camp. The van-guard, under the command of Prince Hohenlohe, lies encamped between Gravenmach and Tavern.
The king's quarters are in the monastery of the Carthusians, and those of the duke of Brunswick at Contz. Hostilities are immediately to be commenced, but at present both parties are nearly inactive.
The French patriots at Landau have sent an address to the Jacobine clubs in France, in which they declare their resolution to perish in the ruins of the fortress rather than to surrender.
The garrison consists now of 10,000 men.
Stockholm, August 3. It has been notified by a circular letter to all the provinces of Sweden that petitioners to the king shall not, in future, kneel down, as subjection of this kind belongs only to the supreme Being, and when observed towards men, is quite unworthy the dignity of a free nation, and of human nature.
Several of the prints lately aristocratic have begun to appear under new titles, and the populace offer them no interruption. The Gazette Universelle is become the Gazette National de France , and has the words " liberte, egalite , in the title.
At the temple, the works for the security and for the accommodation of the royal family proceed with equal vigour. No persons even of the household are now admitted without tickets from the community, and each service has a colour, by which its tickets are distinguished. All the king's servants are in future to be appointed by the community.
The gates of St. Dennis and St. Martin are to be pulled down, for their offences in bearing the emblems of royalty. There has just arrived from Chantilly, a cargo of statues, beginning with that of the constable Montmorency, which are to be melted into cannon.
Four French lines are now inscribed over the door of the maison de la commune , signifying as follows:
"Obey the people; respect their decrees: there were citizens before there were masters. The people after being, for a long time abused by kings, grew weary of the sceptre, and broke it on the 10th of August, in the fourth year of liberty, and the first of equality."
M. Montmorin, the late minister, will probably escape, another person of that name having been found to own the papers imputed to him. The latter M. Montmorin, formerly governor of Fontainbleau, is now in the Abbaye.
The death of M. D'Avenhoul, a member of the national assembly, has been notified by M. Thuriot. It appears that he was upon the point of leaving the kingdom, when some peasants met him and asked to see his passport. He had none, and, in an endeavor to force his way, his servant was shot. M. D'Avenhoul, being then within a mile and an half of the Austrian frontiers, ran towards it; some other peasants met him, and, just as they began to question him, he fired a pistol through his head.
Of this wound he did not die, till about an hour afterwards, in which time he had been removed to a neighbouring village.
Great numbers of deserters continue to arrive at Valenciennes.
M. Lebrun, the minister for foreign affairs, presented to the national assembly a view of the present situation of France, with respect to foreign powers. It stated that Sweden had already declared its intention of not entering into the league of powers against France, and manifested a desire of forming a commercial connexion with that country. Several Swedish officers likewise, had requested permission to serve in the armies of France, and to fight in defence of liberty.
Russia had never disguised her hostile intentions, but for some time she could do nothing but threaten.
The southern powers were in the same situation.
The German empire had testified its repugnance to take up arms against France, excepting some princes, who might be considered in a state of hostility.
Holland and England always promised a perfect neutrality. The Dutch ambassador still remained in Paris, that of England was recalled; but the note which communicated this order to him, did not exhibit any hostile intentions. The English ministry only observed to him, "that the executive power having been taken from the hands of the king, his credentials were no longer valid, and that, consequently, he ought to leave the country." In short, his Britannic majesty continues to entertain the same sentiments of perfect neutrality, but he is of opinion that he does not infringe this neutrality, by claiming every safety for Louis XVI. and his family. He testifies, that he expects to see these personages sheltered from every violence, the commission of which he adds, would not fail to excite universal indignation.
The republic of Venice, by a resolution of the 24th of July, have forbid French vessels from entering the Gulph of Venice during their present troubles. The above resolution was notified to the French ambassador, adding, that it was taken in order to observe the strictest neutrality.
PHILADELPHIA.
OCTOBER 24.
The public are informed, in the New York Journal of the 20th inst. that the name of Governor Clinton was annexed by mistake to the circular letter of the officers of the line of the late army, residing in the state of New-York [See National Gazette, of Oct. 10] "As Gov. Clinton has publicly renounced all claims on the United States for his military services, there would have been a manifest impropriety in his signing that letter. At the meeting mentioned, in it, the Governor was not present, but his name was added to the committee from a well founded confidence in his disposition to co-operate in any measures, consistent with his station, to procure justice to the officers and soldiers of an army with whom he so long and so honorably served."
A letter from a respectable house at Nantz, dated Aug. 18, has the following paragraph:
"The late disturbances in Paris will likely be much exaggerated on your side of the water, as all the incidents of the revolution have been here. Thank God, we continue to enjoy perfect tranquility, and, united as we are, we hope to maintain it."
"Those of your merchants who have not been credulous on the idle stories made them of the situation of this kingdom, and who have sent us their vessels, have made much money, say 30 to 50 per cent. and more."
The ship Kitty, that arrived here on Sunday last from Liverpool, brings news to the 30th of August. The intelligence brought by this vessel may be summed up as follows: The English were fitting out a fleet, and on the eve of pressing, with a view, it was supposed, to the motions of Russia. M. de la Fayette had been retaken at Liege, and re-conducted to Paris under a strong escort. He had not reached the city at the date of the last accounts. The British cabinet in a note to the French executive council and national assembly, mentioning the recall of their minister, expresses a determination to preserve a strict neutrality as to the internal government of France. The deposition of the king is the reason they give for the recall of their minister—The duke of Brunswick had entered France, but not made much progress.
A general election in the county of Otsego, state of New-York, has lately been held, at ten different places in said county, when a committee was elected, to join deputies from other counties, to solicit redress of the representatives of the people for the outrage committed by the majority of canvassers, in the late decision for governor, &c.
Yesterday the legislature of New-Jersey assembled at Trenton, agreeably to law.
Extract of a letter from a citizen of Cincinnati, Sept. 9. 1792.
"The day before yesterday general Wilkinson returned to this place, from a visit to the out post, and an extensive excursion to general St. Clair's field of slaughter, and around the head waters of the Big Mia-

mi—I am informed that he has discovered two pieces of the brass ordnance lost on the fourth of November; that he explored the country in front of the field of battle, within eight miles of the old Miami village, which turns out to be sixty miles from the field: He has also explored the country to the east of general St. Clair's trace; from whence it appeared that the governor bore much too far to the westward. We are told the general passed through several extensive encampments occupied by the savages about the month of May on the head waters of the Miami, but that he was not able to discover any part of these murderers; indeed it is probable, that was not his object, as he does, I am informed, still consider himself restrained from offensive operations.
It is a melancholy consideration, that the plan for civilizing being given over, the extirpation of the Indian tribes seems now the great object in view on the part of the enlightened citizens of these states. But what is their great crime?—Love of country, an attachment to their original manners, and a determined spirit to defend the soil upon which they were planted by the hand of nature.—It is hoped the time is not far distant when the idea of destroying them for their property will be held disgraceful, when the peaceful calm spirit of philosophy shall pervade their territory, instead of the feverish delirium of fanaticism and mystery. It is by convincing the reason only, that these rude sketches of nature's workmanship can be transformed into man; but as long as it is considered a more eligible matter to kill them, and beir their lands , than reform them, no doubt the present spirit of animosity will be kept up:
On minds that thus untaught, thus darkling stray To pour the radiant beams of cheerful day; To point where nature the great outline draws, Where truth severe gives sanction to her laws; To explain their being's date, its aim, and end, And to immortal life their hopes to extend, More blest the task!
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
SIR, TO drag a private character into public view to expose it to injury or contempt, to draw it from the peaceful, unambitious, and tranquil shades of private life, into the glare of day to hold it up to scorn, is high treason against humanity, and characterizes a savage and an unmanly soul—Every effort to acquire fame or fortune by honorable means is laudable, as every endeavour to build a reputation upon the ruin of another's, marks a little and ignoble mind. When a man is obliged to become his own panegyrist, or in common language, is obliged to be the trumpeter of his own fame, it may be fairly inferred that his worth is known only to himself, and is of little value; for it rarely happens that the light of a man of genuine merit is hid under a bushel—True merit, tho' accompanied by true modesty, is seldom lost for want of gathering; America is not the soil where the valuable plant of science "wastes its sweetness in the desert air"—It requires not a botanical eye to distinguish its gender, its residence, or its class. I have been led to the above reflections by a "extract of a letter from a gentleman in this city to his friend in New-York," published there and republished in your paper. The intention of this letter must be obvious to the least observing eye, and as the writer of it has thrown the gauntlet, it is in the option of any one who feels the desire to take it up; I feel a pride in volunteering it on such an occasion, and entering the lists in defence of injured and insulted merit—I am not ignorant that in so doing I expose myself to much danger by combating with an author; but the justice of my cause will animate and sustain me, and I will boldly meet this Goliath, tho' it be only with a sling. Although I am not a botanist, & cannot distinguish the sexes of plants, (a very important branch of medical knowledge indeed!) it is not difficult to distinguish the sterling bullion of the Professor of the Materia Medica from the tinsel'd dross of the hero of the letter. 'Tis true that the Professor of the Materia Medica does not imagine himself the sun of all medical, as well as every other science, and that all is ignorance which does not immediately emanate from him; but this must be ascribed to his modesty, and might, perhaps, be cured by an attendance on a few of the botanist's lectures, and a proper attention to his general conversation. 'Tis also true that he has not the names of most authors of note by rote, and that he has not derived an intimate knowledge of them from Reviews, &c. but this defect may be remedied by a few lessons from the botanist, whose principal merit consists, not in originality, but in retail and amplification. 'Tis equally true, his humility is such that he allows there are
gentlemen of science and sense here as well as in Europe, and that not all of his brethren of the pulse are errant blockheads; but this excess of diffidence might be overcome by a little of the overflowing from the phial of the botanist's confidence. Reputation is a delicate thing in the hands of the Professor of the Materia Medica; he blights not a fair fame by the poisonous breath of detraction, but like a good christian and a man of feeling he covers the weaknesses, nay, even the vices of his brethren with the mantle of charity. His honest and upright soul, like the sensitive plant, shrinks from the pressure of calumny, dishonor, or inhumanity; he neither boasts of his own merits, nor does he seek to enhance them by detracting from his neighbour's—Well informed in his profession, and entirely competent to the chair which he was appointed to fill, he proclaims not in the high ways or in the bye ways his own skill, or the magnitude of his own information; his tongue is never employed but on some useful subject, and is not like
"Delia's o'er her cup That runs whole ages without winding up." Tho' unable to class the Hessian fly, or repeat the names of several thousand plants, or expatiate with wonderful learning on their generation, he has attended to the utile of medical science, and his lectures on the Materia Medica will convey more real benefit , will contain more solid information , possess more perspicuity and method , and will be delivered with more regularity than the professor of botany, with all his labour, is susceptible of. Will the nomenclature of plants, their sexual distinctions, or the classification of Hessian or any other kind of flies, assist in curing a fever, or mitigating a fit of the stone! Will botany teach the medical virtues of plants, and inform us that jalap is purgative, and that the poppy is an opiate? Will it inform us that bark will cure an intermittent, and that mercury is a specific for syphilis? I trust there is too much good sense among the younger part of the medical faculty to be deluded by sound. The stream of information which will flow from the Professor of the Materia Medica will amply satisfy every rational thirst, will fully compensate students for every trouble and expence, and will furnish an useful source of information to them, when he and his detractor are slumbering in the dust. Oct. 22. MEDICUS.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
ODDS boddikins! Mr. Printer, why all this pother concerning the medical lectures of late? why not save the students of medicine the trouble of travelling three or four hundred miles, especially when it can be done at once, by a single stroke of the pen?
In turning over the old newspapers of this state, I have frequently seen receipts to make epic poems, receipts to write antiseptical essays, but I do not recollect ever to have read a receipt to compose a course of medical lectures. As no gentleman has turned his attention to this subject, and as I look upon myself to be a kind of a medical epicure, I have with the assistance of a friend tossed up the following, which from the excellency of the method, will not fail to procure me the warm approbation of every friend to science.
RECIPE.
1st. If from an ignorance of the English grammar, a certain muddiness of the understanding, or a literal weight of brain, you are not able to compose an introductory lecture, a few pages on the importance of health, transcribed verbatim from Sir William Temple's essay on health and long life, will answer the most sanguine expectations of your numerous auditors. 2d. As the theory of fevers will employ a large portion of your time, and as it would be unfashionable to detail the whims of Dr. Boerhaave, and for the sake of variety, it would be improper to copy from the printed edition of Dr. Cullen, you may retail the twelve manuscript lectures of this celebrated professor. As the book is scarce, and as two thirds of your hearers will not be greatly distinguished for a retentive faculty, you will run little danger of being detected. 3d. As there are some favorite topics in medicine, which engage the attention of the student, as the effects of opium, and as they will be generally, pretty well acquainted with the opinions of Dr. Cullen, you can translate Dr. Bard's inaugural dissertation, which with two or three experiments, and a few words on the irritability of the heart, will have the effect you desire,—If there are any refractory spirits among your colleagues, who teach a different doctrine, or have the presumption to think for themselves, appeal to your experience, which never fails to confound your antagonist, who is content to assail you with the flimsy arguments of reason and knowledge. An appeal to experience, is a knock me down argument; in its effects it is like a twelve pound shot receiv'd between wind and water. 4th. As to the cold bath, you can translate a thesis published at Edinburgh in the year 1767, "de lavatione frigida" to which is annex'd an epistle from Linnæus, which
the ignorant compilers of the Thesaurus Medicus, impertinent coxcombs, as if insensible to its merits, refused to give a place in their celebrated work.
5th. The doctrine of cancers is too dry a subject to interest your hearers, but as your course would not be complete without a few words concerning them, and as the best dissertation, on this subject, has appeared in the German language, you can translate it verbum verbo , which with an extract or two from Guy and Justamond, will give your lecture an air of originality.
6th. As to the great body of the course, be sure to let it be a second edition of Dr. Cullen ; as this eminent physician has commanded the admiration of his contemporaries, you can give nothing better. Leave all innovation in science to your dull colleagues, laugh at the scientific production of the moderns, as the whims of an overheated imagination; do this, and altho' you shall not acquire the petty character of a man of genius, you will be denominated "a solid fellow," which is as much superior to the former, as legal tender is to depreciated paper. Never publish your opinions to the world; better is it to be infected with the plague, than with a cacethes scribendi , it has been the ruin of many a well disposed man, for it is the touch stone of abilities.
Never alter your opinion, if ever so fully convinced you are in the wrong; it is always the sign of a weak mind; be inflexible, for an old error is better than a new truth.
In company be not communicative; remember the words of Solomon, that a prudent man concealeth his knowledge, and a close mouth is the sign of a wise tongue; take the advice of this wise man, and the expression of Angus Sutherland, when he saw a huge owl painted upon a sign, will be applied to you, "what it loses, said he, in speaking it makes up in thinking."
Above all things, be grave: never mind the opinion of Shaftsbury, who says, gravity is the very essence of imposture, or Rochefoucault, who declares, gravity is a mysterious carriage of the body, invented to cover the defects of the mind; those men knew nothing of mankind and your business is with the great body of the people.
Having collected these materials together, make them into a hash, and serve it up as occasion may require; instead of the insipid taste of a dish of the same ingredients, it will have the exquisite relish of an Olla Podrida , which will not only please the palates of the guests, but reflect infinite honor on the abilities of the cook.
PETER PLAGIARY. October 20, 1792.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MR. FRENEAU, THE publications against Mr. Jefferson since the author has been detected in his base falsehoods and foul designs, are more like the ravings of guilt in despair, than like the reasonings of a man in his sober senses. The pretence of proof is now given up; and rancour, and an awkward silly buffoonery* has been substituted: or, if any attempt towards circumstantial deduction be made, it is remarkable, that it falls back with redoubled weight on the accuser himself. Thus, for example, because Mr. Jefferson thinks public debts no public blessings, and speaks his mind freely against measures framed on that and other pernicious and unwarrantable grounds, it has been falsely inferred that he is an enemy to the government; and because the National Gazette, being a free paper, has printed strictures on such measures, it is further affirmed, with equal malignity, that he instituted the Gazette, and that for the destroying of the government. But, Mr. Freneau, if it is criminal in Mr. Jefferson to disapprove public measures—not with a view to illegal opposition, but to amendment where practicable, and to prevent further mischief where the evil is rivetted on the public, what is to be said of his calumniator whose principles are notoriously and undeniably monarchical, and whose conversations (as unreserved as those of Mr. Jefferson) against republican government, are a constant libel on the constitution hypocritically held up to the public as an object of attachment. Further, if Mr. Jefferson is to be considered as having bribed the editor of the National Gazette, because some of the publications in that paper are consistent with his opinions; or, taking the matter the other way, because the editor receives 250 dollars a year as a fixed salary for certain business in his department; therefore Mr. Jefferson is the patron of your paper and all its publications, then let the following facts speak for themselves:
* The remarks that appeared on Mr. Jefferson's Chair [see a writer signed Scourge, in the Gazette of the United States of September 22] may have more meaning as well as further malice than strikes the first view. It is said that it is the President that uses such a chair: if so, the calumniator surely knows it; and, from what the public was reminded of some time ago, this indirect stroke of ridicule at that venerable personage may be accounted for. The most practised hypocrites will sometimes let the mask fall, or slip aside so as to betray themselves in their true physiognomy.
First, That the Gazette of the United States was set up, as has ever been taken for certain, under an anti-republican patronage.
Secondly, That from the doctrine of titles, and the blessings of a public debt, down through the laboured arguments for hereditary government, and unconstitutional powers, &c. unto the reprobated obfuscation of newspapers, the said Gazette has uniformly and indefatigably laboured to spread the principles and views of the anti-republican junto.
Thirdly, That the said junto, and the calumniator in particular, is known to patronize the editor and his paper, to make it the vehicle of his anonymous effusions, as well as official publications, and to encourage this monarchical press by aids (having the full effect of being dealt out from time to time so as to keep up a constant sense of dependence on favour) with which the paltry salary of 250 dollars is unworthy to be compared.
Must not the calumniator admit, according to his own logic, that the charge falsely brought against Mr. Jefferson, as being an enemy to the constitution, lies in truth against himself as a friend to monarchy; and, further, that the monarchical press he patronizes is the corrupt instrument made use of by the enemies of republican government, to sap the constitution of their country? CAMILLUS. Philad. Oct. 22, 1792.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MR. FRENEAU, HOWEVER the public may detest the motive of the slanderous attack on a high and illustrious character, they must rejoice at the consequence that has issued out of it. It is thus that by the wise and benevolent dispensations of Providence, the malice of a wicked heart is frustrated and retorted by the weakness and folly it produces in the head. The private letters of Mr. Jefferson extorted into public view by a raging envy of his splendid abilities, and a depraved and restless rancour against his republican and virtuous principles, whilst they explain a public character in its true light, constitute a repository of wisdom and true patriotism, that will be highly prized by every independent citizen. In these letters, written as appears at a time and under circumstances when they could speak no language but the genuine unbiaffed language of the soul, we see a mind highly illumined by the science of government, a heart warmly devoted to the liberty of mankind; and a dutiful love to his country, withal, that must kindle an affectionate sympathy in every disinterested breast. In these letters is equally evinced his finere and substantial attachment to the Constitution he has been basely charged with desiring to overturn; keeping always vigilantly in sight, nevertheless, a further provision for the essential rights of his fellow citizens, those rights which the voice of his country was at the very time (tho' at first unknown to him) loudly calling for, and which its act has since carefully secured by the amendatory supplement to the Constitution.—Ye monarchal and aristocratical pretenders to a love for our republican Constitution, hide your diminished heads! ye convicted slanderers of superior merit cover your blushing faces. JUSTICE.
The sixteenth Ode of the second book of Horace's Odes, imitated. Otium divos rogat in petenti, &c. To Pomponius Atticus.
THE sailor, toss'd on stormy seas, Implores his patron god for ease When Luna hides her paler blaze, And stars obscurely dart their rays. For ease the Yankee, fierce in war, His stores of vengeance points afar; For ease the toiling Dutchman sighs, Which gold, nor gems, nor purple buys; No treasur'd heaps from India trade, No doctor's, or the lawyer's aid Can ease the tumults of the mind, Or cares to gilded roofs assign'd. The lot of man he best completes Whose board is crown'd with frugal treats, Whose sleep no fears nor thirst of gain Beneath his homely roof restrain. Why then with wasting cares engage Weak reptiles of so frail an age, Why thus to distant climates run And lands beneath another sun? For tho' to China's climes we roam Ourselves we ne'er can leave at home; Care, swift as deer, as tempests strong Ascends the prow, and sails along. The mind that feels an even state And all the future leaves to fate, In every ill shall pleasure share, As every pleasure has its care. Death early seal'd Montgomery's doom, In youth brave Laurens found a tomb, While Arnold spends in peace and pride The years that heaven to them denied. A host of votes are at your call, A seat—perhaps—in Congress-hall; And vestments dipt in Stygian dye Where'er you go attract the eye. On me, a poor and small domain, With something of the rhyming vein The muse bestow'd; and thare of pride To spurn a scoundrel from my side.

From the Boston INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE.
THE CRISIS, No. III.
Cursor Remarks on the Speculations, antecedent and subsequent to the Funding System—monopoly of the National Bank,—with a proposal to raise a Revenue from the same.
To the Independent Federal ELECTORS.
IT was observed in the last Crisis, that a funding system, rather than a commercial system, had been the principal object attended to by Congress.
It is granted that the public credit of the United States, should be honourably supported; but whether the measures pursued to accomplish this business, have had this salutary tendency cannot be so readily admitted. Our national reputation ought to be reared on the firm basis of public justice; unless it is thus founded, it will soon become like the baleful fabric of a vision. It is not sufficient for this purpose, that a few declamatory paragraphs should appear in our public papers, declaratory of our national honor and dignity; but the reputation and welfare of our country depend altogether, on adopting such measures as will diffuse among the citizens at large, the most equal and permanent blessings.
This principle was never more necessary to be attended to, than in our attempts to maintain our national credit. The situation of this country, with respect to our public debt, was peculiarly circumstanced. The original creditors having for the most part disposed of their notes, a large proportion of them fell into the hands of a particular class of men, residing in different parts of the United States—emphatically called Speculators . By the mode of negotiating their business, they secured to themselves, at a rate vastly below their real value, the evidences of the public debt. In consequence of which, the various emissions of notes, became a species of such extensive speculation, that many persons laid aside every other employment to pursue it. From the number engaged in this occupation, and the methods practiced among them, the public stocks were rendered so precarious , that no citizen, who was engaged in any other business, could ascertain their real value. Thus circumstanced, the notes were under the immediate management of this description of men—and the body of the people lay wholly at their mercy. Agents were employed to explore every crevice of the country—and every art and device were used to dispose of, at the lowest price, the unscrupulous citizen of his property.
This was the real state of our pecuniary affairs before the adoption of the funding system; a fact with which Congress was well acquainted; and therefore ought to have studiously guarded against further evils, by adopting a system framed upon the most simple principles: Instead of which, the system as adopted, being so intricate and perplexing, has given the utmost latitude for the continuance of the greatest impositions.
At the time the funding system was debating in Congress, the whole body of Speculators were collected at the focus of intelligence. Having no other employment, they were constantly hovering round the key-hole of the Cabinet. Being possessed with the minutia of information, they were enabled to pursue the business through all its windings; and being always on the floor of Congress, became acquainted with the sentiments of every member.—Thus circumstanced, they could compute almost to a certainty, the decision of any important question, relative to the subject.
At this interesting period, they were sending their emissaries to instill doubts and perplexities into the minds of the people. The industrious part of the community, not knowing the real state of the business, were easily persuaded to part with their notes. The public roads were thronged with expressies—Assumption and non-assumption were alternately distracting every man's brain, who was not within the vortex of secrecy. The system when published was so perplexing, that neither the merchant, tradesman or manufacturer could fathom it, unless they gave up every other employment to unravel its intricacies. The plough and ax must have been laid aside, to study the science of stock-jobbing. The principles of the system being so vastly mysterious, the widow and soldier were obliged to put themselves into the power of a negotiator, to transact their most simple concerns. In short, the intricacy of the funding system, on one hand, and the mode pursued by this class of people on the other, has thrown the greatest part of the public debt, comparatively, into the hands of a few persons.
The foregoing narration must be allowed by every candid man to be a real state of facts, as it respects the conduct of a certain class of men (with few exceptions) antecedent and subsequent to the adoption of the funding system. The spirit of speculation began however to subside in a small degree, by the notes being contracted within a small circle; but it was again revived, in the establishment of the National Bank . Though this institution may be considered as beneficial in theory, yet its operations were attended with most pernicious, and in some instances, ruinous consequences. Immediately on its establishment, fundry persons who had amassed immense fortunes by their former speculations, repaired to Philadelphia, and in a clandestine manner, "assumed" to themselves the whole number of shares, notwithstanding the provision of Congress to prevent a monopoly. By this ungenerous and illegal measure, hundreds (who had deposited their money in the Massachusetts state bank, agreeably to the request of Mr. Hamilton) were wholly excluded, and became exposed to the most horrid impositions, provided they were desirous to become stockholders. Thousands and tens of thousands of dollars, were, by this monopoly, acquired by a few individuals within the short space of one month.
If this immense property had been obtained upon the fair principles of negotiation, no objection could be made to it; but it cannot but excite the greatest indignation, when it is considered that this acquisition is the result of a most avaricious monopoly, and a notorious violation of the act of Congress. A breach of law of infinitely less magnitude, would subject a merchant to the loss of his vessel and cargo.
The Bank as it now stands, may operate rather as a political machine, than as a system of public and general utility. The directors of the national bank being principally members of Congress, it may become subservient to the purposes of government. The directors of the several branches, being also so largely interested, it is presumed they will be ever ready to assist in such plans as will extend their undue influence. In time therefore, every man in business may become so completely under the controul of this Herculean monied strength, as to be obliged to submit to whatever terms may be imposed on him.
From the foregoing observations, it appears that the bank, however calculated in the first instance for the benefit of the public, has by a monopoly, become almost entirely the property of men (with few exceptions) devoted to the business of speculation. This being the case, it must be considered unjust and unreasonable, that they should by mere art and device, enjoy the immense advantages arising from the institution. No person can point out, why they are intitled to such exclusive privileges, from any benefits government has ever experienced from them, either during the war, or since the peace.
The doctrine of discrimination was advanced in Congress, while the funding system was debating; but on this subject, the speculating interest was so interwoven with the original creditors, it was difficult, and even impossible to separate it. But in the institution of the bank, this speculating interest may be considered as brought to a focus. The stockholders being detached from every other class of citizens, or creditors, it is an easy matter for government to avail themselves of some particular benefits. It is but reasonable, that those who have taken to themselves such exclusive advantages, should be subject to some exclusive taxes. It is therefore proposed, that the duties of import and excise (which bears so hard on the body of the people) should be lessened, and a tax of, at least, three and a half per cent. be laid on all negotiations at the bank—to be appropriated for the discharge of the public debt, and to carry on the Indian war.
Should this measure be adopted by Congress, the stockholders would have no reason to complain, as they would then receive an interest of 6 or 7 per cent. on their capital. And as a further inducement to the measure, when these people feel the operation of duties to carry on the Indian war, it is probable it would soon subside.
It may be thought by some, that such a tax would be unreasonable; but if we consider the subject on fair and equitable principles, I would ask, whether it is not more just, that the stockholders should pay three and a half per cent. out of the profits of their discounts, when in the first instance, the property was unlawfully obtained, and which cost them through a long series of speculation, about 750 in the pound—than that a merchant should pay from five to fifteen per cent. duty on articles which cost him the full amount of twenty shillings? Can it be thought more reasonable to tax a merchant extravagantly, who is employed in a business beneficial, not only to himself, but to the whole community, than a person whose property is confined to vaults and cells, and only permitted to be issued therefrom, for his own particular emolument, to enable him to live in affluence on some neighbouring eminence, upon the labors of the industrious? Is it more reasonable that a merchant should be excessively taxed in his merchandise, on which he can obtain but a trifling profit, than a person whose property has arisen since his first purchase, 3 or 400 per cent? but the unreasonableness of the measure must vanish, when we consider that the revenue of import and excise, is deposited in the branch bank , and the stockholders are enabled to loan to the amount of this sum, and thereby receive an interest of at least 9 per cent. on the identical money paid by the merchant. By this mode, the stockholders are receiving an unwarrantable interest, not only on their own funds, but even the taxes of the merchant become a capital for their private emolument. With their deposits, they may attempt to counteract every other bank within the several states, in order to monopolize their negotiations, as they have already their shares. The various methods used to defeat the late institution of the UNION BANK, is a proof of this observation; though founded upon the most liberal principles, and supported by a numerous class of citizens of every occupation, yet it had to encounter throughout its various stages, a most formidable opposition: But by exertion and perseverance, it is now in operation, and from the largeness of its capital, and the hearty support it receives from "the people", it now stands on a basis too permanent to be ever shaken.
If a tax of three and a half per cent. is in future laid on all negotiations at the branch banks , for the purposes mentioned, the people will say that Congress, in this instance, "work it right."
A REPUBLICAN.
New-Jersey Confiscated Lands.
WHEREAS the first purchaser did not comply with the conditions of sale; this is to give notice that the following tract of land, containing fifty acres and thirty-nine hundredths, situate in Hardyston township, near the road that leads from Elijah Collards, deceased, to Paulinskill, late the property of Oliver De Lancey, will be sold at public vendue.
The sale to begin on Wednesday the 28th day of November next, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon at Sussex courthouse; and besides cash, the following state obligations will be received in payment, to wit,—Officers and soldiers notes given for the depreciation of their pay—notes given to the militia of this state for the arrearages of their pay—certificates liquidated by Silas Condict—and notes given by the Treasurer of this state to persons who had demands against the confiscated estates of New-Jersey.
JOSEPH GASTON, Agent for Sussex county. Oct. 24, 1792. 4w.1aw.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
JUST PUBLISHED
By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence) FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the
Yeomanry of the United States:
CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Wm. Duer Esq. and Mr Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures, by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing-Office, No. 156, Market-street; at No. 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Crukshanks, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S.W. corner of Chestnut and Second-streets. August 21.
NOTICE.
THIS is to forewarn all masters of vessels and others, at their peril, not to take a certain mulatto Boy, named Lewis Boget, formerly of Cayenne, out of this city, he being lawfully bound and apprenticed to me, until 16th Nov. 1793; as I have reason to suspect he is endeavouring to leave this city. JAMES ROBERTSON. October 9. tf
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends, and the public for the many favours he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand, a few fine toned FORTE PIANOS, which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms.
The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons, commissioned to vend them, who for a very trifling compensation recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of European music-shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pay as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N.B. Musical instruments let out by the month or quarter, likewise musical instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES, No. 60, Walnut near Third-street. October 10. 4t
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And for Sale at the Printing-Office, No. 209, Market-Street, and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in Second-Street, Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar,
ADVICE
TO THE PRIVILEGED ORDERS, in the SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE, Resulting from the necessity and propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government.
By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé,—SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Méridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque temps on rendra navigable le Grand Saluda, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans. propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 1awtf
BOOKS,
Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven volumes. Price, neatly bound and lettered, Seventeen dollars and three fifths. This work which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it. 2. Smith's letters to married women, on nursing and the management of children. "We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed." Monthly Review. Vol. 88, Page 101. Price bound five eighths of a dollar. Duncan's elements of logic. three fourths of a dollar. 4. Beauties of Fielding, 50 cents. 5. Beauties of Blair, 50 cents. 6. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Marchioness of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 65c. 7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter. 7. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, LL.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69. p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful." 9. Beauties of Poetry, Price four fifths of a dollar. 10. Blair's Sermons,—Price two dollars. 11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four fifths of a dollar. 12. Examination of the observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five eighths of a dollar. 13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five eighths of a dollar. 14. M'Fingal, Price three eighths of a dollar. 15. American Jett Book, three fifths of a dollar. 16. Garden of the Soul, half a dollar. 17. The Douay Translation of the vulgate Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50s.—plain, six dollars. Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again. May 17. 6m.1a.w.
TAKE NOTICE.
WHEREAS a mulatto man named LUKE, the property of the subscriber living in Accomack county, Virginia, ran away from him on the first day of September last, and was taken up and committed to the gaol of Newcastle county, in the State of Delaware, on the 14th day of September, where he remained until the 4th of this instant, October, when a Mr. Jones, who said he lived in Frederick Town, in the county of Cecil, in Maryland, appeared and produced a Benjamin Ferguson, who made oath that he suspected the said slave to be a freeman, named John Wright, who had failed with the said Ferguson in a schooner belonging to the said Jones, and had committed a burglary on board of her in July last, in consequence of which the said slave was delivered by order of the hon. David Finney, a supreme judge of the said state of Delaware, to the said Jones, to take his trial for the said supposed offence. As I am fully convinced from the description of the said slave, given to me by the gaoler, that he is my property, and that the said Ferguson has mistaken him for Wright, I do hereby direct the said Mr. Jones, and Ferguson, to return the said slave to the place from whence they took him, and to inform me thereof, otherwise I shall proceed according to law. JOHN CROPPER, Jun. Oct. 16th. 1792. 2a.w.3w.
Manufactured and for Sale,
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Warranted superior to any imported of equal price. Country Store-keepers supplied either in small or large quantities, By S. POST & Co. N.B. Conkhel Buttons, Buckles, &c. Oct. 17. 2awtf
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