Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-07-03 00:00:00

Capt. John Rogers
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 24, of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1790.
[WHOLE NO. 128.]
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. ADDRESS of the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY to the PEOPLE of FRANCE. FEBRUARY 11th, 1790. (CONTINUED.)
WE have destroyed the Executive power—No: Say the Ministerial power: It was this which destroyed, and frequently degraded the Executive power.—We have more particularly employed it by conducting it to the true source of its power, THE POWER OF THE PEOPLE. It is at present destitute of strength—against the Constitution and the Law: This is true; but in their favor, it will be more powerful than ever.
The people have armed themselves:—Yes, in their own defence: They had need so to do. But, mischiefs happen in consequence of it, in several places. Can the National Assembly be reproached for them? Can the disasters complained of, be imputed to it, which it has wished to prevent and check by the whole strength of its decrees, and which will undoubtedly cease under the future indissoluble union of the two powers, and the irresistible strength of the whole national force.
We have exceeded our powers: The answer is simple. We were indispitably sent to form a Constitution; this was the wish, this was the want of all France. Was it possible then to create this Constitution—to form one altho' imperfect, from the constitutional decrees, without the plenitude of the powers which we have exercised? Say rather, without the National Assembly, France was lost—without the principle, which submits every thing to the plurality of free suffrages, it is impossible to conceive of a National Assembly; it is impossible to conceive, we do not say a Constitution, but even the hope of irrevocably destroying the least abuse—this principle, is eternally true—it has been acknowledged throughout all France. It has appeared in a thousand ways in these numerous addresses of adhesion, which in every direction—the crowd of libels, which reproached us with having exceeded our powers. These addresses, these congratulations, these homages, these patriotic oaths—what confirmation of the power, which they with to contest with us!
People of France! Such are the reproaches, made against your representatives, in that crowd of culpable writings, which affect the tone of the citizen's complaint. Vainly do they flatter themselves to discourage us:—Our courage redoubles:—It will not be long before you perceive the effects. The Assembly is about giving you a Military Constitution, which by composing an army of citizen-soldiers, will unite the valor which defends the country, and the civic virtues which protect, without alarming it. It will shortly present you with a system of Impost, which will promote agriculture and industry, which will in short respect the freedom of commerce—a system which, being simple, clear and easily conceived, by all those who pay, will determine what they owe, and will render easy the knowledge so necessary for the employment of the public revenues—and will lay open to every Frenchman the true state of the finances, till now an obscure labyrinth, where the eye could not pursue the traces of the treasury of the State.
Very shortly, a citizen-clergy, removed alike from poverty and riches, an example at once to both rich and poor, excusing the injurious expressions of a transient delirium, will inspire a true confidence, pure and universal, which will neither attract that envy which inflames, nor that pity which humiliates—will cherish religion—will increase its happy influence by the mildness and most intimate connections between the people and the pastors—and will no longer afford the sight which the patriotism of the Clergy itself, has more than once reprobated in this Assembly, of opulent idleness, and unrewarded industry.
Very shortly, a system of criminal and penal laws, dictated by reason, justice and humanity, will show, even in the person of the victim of the law, the respect due to the quality of man, without which respect we have no pretension to speak of morals. A code of civil laws, entrusted to Judges appointed by your suffrages, and rendering justice gratuitously, will soon make all those laws disappear, which were obscure, complicated and contradictory, whose incoherence and number, appeared to leave, even an upright Judge, the right of calling his will, his mistakes, and sometimes his ignorance, justice—but even at this
moment you religiously obey these very laws, because you know, that respect for laws unrevoked, is the distinctive marks of a true citizen.
In short, we will terminate our labors by a code of instructions, and national education, which will place the Constitution under the protection of succeeding generations, and by leading civic instruction, through all the degrees of representation, we shall transmit, thro' every class of society, the knowledge necessary for the happiness of each of those classes, as well as for that of the whole society. (To be continued.)
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, MAY 25.
Mr. GERRY's motion on the assumption of the State debts, which was inserted in this paper of the 26th, under consideration. Mr. AMES:
(CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.) THERE is another view of the subject to be taken. It is allowed that the people pay duties in proportion as they consume dutied articles. The consumption in the several States is nearly according to the numbers of the people. It will be as fair in this, as in the former calculation, to take the number of representatives as our rule to compute the proportions which the several States contribute by the consumption of articles charged with duties. The impost of New-Hampshire and Massachusetts collected within the period from August to December, and added together, was nearly 120,000 dollars. Allow the former three parts in eleven, according to her representation, and it will appear that her citizens paid thirty-two thousand seven hundred dollars of the whole sum. Less than 8,000 dollars were collected within the State. In case the debts should not be assumed, but should be provided for by State duties and excises, according to these principles, the citizens of New-Hampshire would have to pay 5,000 dollars a month, or at the rate of 25,000 from August to December into the treasury of Massachusetts. Connecticut in like manner, would pay within an equal period 54,000 dollars, and Jersey, if reckoned with New-York, would have to pay about 60,000 dollars, and with Pennsylvania still more. In a whole year, this tribute which one State would exact from another would amount to very large sums. North-Carolina is a non importing State, and in common with the others beforementioned, would have to pay for the debt of its neighbours and then to provide for its own. Is there any justice or cause of discord and violence charged, or even imagined, against the assumption equal to this? And yet we hear it said, let us leave the States to pay their debts for themselves.
Perhaps we shall never be fully agreed as to what is policy; on great questions when the judgment should be cool, the passions most frequently interpose and disturb its decisions, and this is most likely to happen where public men are zealously faithful to their trust.
But it is otherwise with our sense of justice; our pity, our gratitude, our resentments may mislead us; but of all the operations of the moral sense the most precise and infallible is our sense of justice. The heart acts as interpreter and guides us to certainty—Injury or wrong is the opposite of justice. I appeal to that moral sense, to that law written upon the heart, and confidently ask, whether you can impose this burden upon the States and call it equality? Whether you can reject the claims of their creditors and call it justice?—As to the policy of the assumption. To object a great measure will be liable to; but, in a question of policy, we are commonly obliged to disregard little things for the sake of great ones—nor can complete proof be given of the affirmative; for, when it is asserted that bad consequences will ensue, time only can fully prove that they will not. I neither expect nor pretend to overcome every doubt when I undertake to show that it is more safe and prudent to assume than not to assume the State debts. When we speak of policy what is meant by the term? A measure is said to be against wise policy when it tends to prevent good, or to produce evil—it respects either the government or the citizens: as it respects government will the assumption diminish its power or embarrass the exercise of it? Or as it regards the people, will it produce evil and not good?
This measure can neither encroach nor diminish the power of government; for the power to be exercised is expressly given it by the constitution. Will it embarrass the exercise of power? The contrary is true—it removes impediments which will be in its way if not assumed. Experience has taught us, to our cost, how very pernicious those obstacles are. The systems of State revenues before the constitution was formed, had crushed industry, and almost ruined trade, from State to State.
Will its tendency be to evil rather than to common benefit? This, it is true, is a vague as well as complex question; but its great objects are to establish justice—to produce equality of burdens and benefits—an uniform revenue system—to secure public credit by removing every example of bad faith, and to prevent all interference between the national and State governments, and the dangerous usurpation of the one upon the other, which would be the consequence.
How can it be said that policy is against the measure if its tendency be such? Much has been said about consolidation. Certainly it cannot be usurpation for Congress to pay the debts which were contracted either by itself, or, at its own request, by the States. The State governments are said to be in danger of a consolidation: that however, is not the only, probably not the greatest, danger they have to risk; disunion is still more formidable; nothing can shelter the small States from the great ones but union; nor would any single State be safe against the combination of several States. All would be exposed to foreign foes.—If you make the State governments strong by taking strength from the union, they become exposed exactly in the degree that you do it. For the principle
of union ought to be strong in proportion to the strength of the members. In a compound ratio, therefore, you make the national government too weak to combine the whole together, and you expose governments and citizens to the caprice of accidents and to the fury of passions, which will confound laws, liberty and government.
It is true, a body of valuable citizens will be attached to the government; all good citizens should love the government, and they will do it if government should deserve their love.
Revenue powers are given to Congress without reserve. To say that it is dangerous and improper to exercise them is a charge against the constitution.
There are but three points of view to consider the State governments in. Either as rivals for power—as watchmen—or as legislators within the State. To call them rivals, would be an avowal of the principle of disunion, or rather of positive force, which is absurd.
I do not know that either the State or national constitutions have given them the office to watch this government.—The people are to watch us all, and I with they always may. But if the State governments are still called watchmen, that office may be performed as well, perhaps better, without than with the encumbrance of their debts.
It is equally difficult to see how it can impair the rights of internal legislation. The assumption and an uniform plan of revenue will take away not only all pretext but every motive for encroachment upon them. If, by the non-assumption, an interference is produced, their danger will be the more imminent. For if they prevail in the conflict, they will be ruined by disunion. If they fail, they will be swallowed up in the consolidation. I wish, among other reasons, to have the assumption take place, because I think it will give us the best security that our government will be administered as it was made, without suffering or making encroachments.
I hasten to notice some objections: A public debt is called an evil and the assumption is charged with tending to increase and perpetuate it. I am not disposed to dispute about words, tho' I believe the debt as a bond of union will compensate the burden of providing for it. But I cannot admit that it is a greater evil to owe a debt than to wipe it off without paying it—and if the whole debt is to be paid, in all events, the assumption makes no increase, nay, if the modification first proposed should be made, the capital will be diminished near thirteen millions by this measure. It is said to be easier to pay 80 millions by leaving the State debts to be paid by the States and paying the other debt ourselves, than to form the whole into one debt.
By this division of the debt, if there is any force in the objection, we can pay more, or we shall pay what may be collected more easily. First, let us see whether this is true as to what the States will have to provide for. As it respects South-Carolina, the contrary is confessedly true. So far is it from being a more easy way of paying, that they cannot pay at all. If Massachusetts can pay her interest, it will be with extreme difficulty. One gentleman observed that her efforts had raised a rebellion. It is certain that they have not succeeded. The progress of State papers in most of the States has been some proof of their incapacity to make effectual provision.
The State debts are to be paid, or they are not—If by leaving them upon the States, they will be lost to the creditors that cannot be supposed to be the more convenient mode of paying part of 80 millions which is intended by the argument. Besides the shock to public credit, it would be a loss of so much property. The disaster would probably be more felt than some of the greatest physical evils, such as inundation or blasting the earth for a time with barrenness. If then the debts are to be paid, by what means? The gentleman from Virginia, has strongly reprobated excises. The States cannot touch the impost, what remains? Direct taxes only. This source will be soon exhausted. The land tax of England is not more than a sixth part of its income. They have carried it as far as they think prudent. Why should not labor and stock contribute as well as land? For these give their chief value to its products. It cannot be expected that the debt will be safe to rest upon a land tax—it is not even mortgaged at all in England. If our entire funds are barely sufficient, nearly a single fund, and that not the best will be inadequate. It is a better one in England than in America—For the wild land makes it impossible to impose very heavy taxes upon the old settlements, the oppressed people will fly beyond the reach of collectors. It is besides much more easy to procure the money in England than in America. Land taxes are not only insufficient but liable to other objections—Land is to be taxed according to quantity or value. If the former, it will not produce much. If according to value, then you must resort to arbitrary assessments, more obnoxious than excises. Every farmer almost can attest the force of this objection. The expence too in England is little—but in this country it is otherwise. Taxes on land have cost as much to collect as excises. In one of the States, I am told that the collection has been estimated at 30 per cent. Experience too has proved that the States, cannot pay their debts by direct taxes. It has been pushed to the utmost extent and found insufficient.
The argument which has been urged by the gentleman from Virginia against excises, seems to exclude this mode of revenue; without it the State debts cannot be provided for. The United States will be compelled to resort to it. It is absolutely necessary for drawing forth the resources of the country. As every man consumes, every man will contribute, including foreigners and transient people. Imposts cannot be carried far without defeating the collection. Duties on imported spirits would increase the use of home made spirits, which cannot be reached without an excise. All taxes are in some degree unequal but excises probably as little so as any. The rates are fixed, and very little is left to imposition and caprice. Besides every consumer taxes himself.
If then Congress should not lay excises, the best resource of revenue will be lost. I am persuaded public credit cannot be supported without them. It seems to be a measure of equal necessity that the States should impose them. But the States cannot do it with convenience, or much effect, for they cannot make them general. They will vary in the States, and hold out temptations to an infinity of frauds. The States are restrained from regulating foreign trade, or that from State to State—with such vast frontier lines to watch, and their powers on the importation and passage of goods by land so much restrained, and their laws obstructed and controverted by the laws of the union, much of the collection will be defeated. The excise in Massachusetts and Connecticut, it is supposed, has not produced 10/ in the pound of what it might be made to yield. I do not pretend that there is less wisdom in the States, but they labour under almost insurmountable difficulties—It is doubtful whether they will be able to collect much, and if they should, the burden of these rival laws has been found nearly equal to another tax.

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 30.
Besides one State will tax another. The consumers will go to the most convenient market. So that the attempt to make each State pay its own debt will be defeated, and the payments will fall as unequal as if the assumption should take place and the accounts not be settled. New-Hampshire, Connecticut, Jersey and North-Carolina would pay almost wholly into the treasuries of the neighbor States. The non-importing States will be obliged also to impose direct taxes to pay their creditors, so that their citizens will be doubly taxed. If State excises then yield so little and are so unequal, where are the mysterious, State resources, which are inaccessible to Congress? If they are not of an incommunicable nature, we can judge better by hearing the subjects of taxation named. It ought to appear that such ex. it, and that Congress could not draw them forth.
If you reject excises, you cannot have an adequate revenue, and if the States have also excises, the revenue will be impoverished and hazarded. For if an article can pay both duties there is a loss to get but one, it might as well be collected throughout the United States, as in one State, and if it cannot pay both, one or both treasuries will suffer for the loss. Besides you incur a double expense of collection.
What revenues are left you if the excise is rejected? With such a slender sum you cannot offer new terms. The modification of the entire debt as first proposed makes a saving in the capital of almost thirteen millions. The debt to be assumed is about twenty-four. The interest on the difference, or on the real increase of debt by assuming is less than 500,000 dollars yearly.
We depend upon two principles for the security of the revenues. One is that the trading people will not be disposed to offend, and the other is that all others will be inclined to watch and expose them if they should. Never was so popular a revenue system. But the violence to the just demands of the creditors, depriving them of the money they have been used to receive, and creating in the states an interest to have your collection fail, in order to make the state funds effectual, will produce a most disastrous change. It is setting men's interests as well as opinions against you. Nor will the landed interest have a different sentiment—For they will be murmuring under the load of direct taxes, and the more the state revenues can be improved by lessening the national, the less they will have to bear.
What reason is there, then, for asserting that more money can be obtained and more easily, by several systems than by one? This bold assertion which the sense of America would refute, if its experience had not done it already, is not true of imposts. I have endeavoured to expose its fallacy with regard to state excises—They produce much evil and little money. Direct taxes, insufficient as they are, can be imposed by Congress to any amount, which ought to be required as well as by the States, and I do not know that they would be more obnoxious. It is true just complaint is made of their unequal operation, and I trust that congress will not be under the necessity to call for them. What advantages for taxation do the states possess over Congress? We ought not to admit that any such exist till the reasons and facts are made known to us—which has not yet been done.
Without adequate funds, the states cannot propose to their creditors a modification of the debt. By the constitution, they are restrained from passing laws to impair contracts. The burden will rest upon the states if not assumed, at six per cent. for without funds the creditors will not consent to take less; it assumed, upon Congress at four; is this the more easy way of paying part of 80 millions? It makes a difference of several millions against the public.
If we commit an error by not assuming, it will be an expensive one. Have we funds so abundant and safe, that we may divide and mangle with impunity? But we are told that probably there will be an assumption at the next session, and that it is improper to pass a decision at the present, especially as immediate provision is not to be made, and as delay will reconcile men's minds to the measure. This is plausible, but at least it is yielding the great point as to the principle.
If the business should be referred to the next session, with intent then to assume, the states will not impose taxes and frame funding systems for half a year. In the mean time, this state of their paper will make it the subject of the most pernicious speculation. It will be engrossed for a trifle by foreigners, and at the same time aggravate the scarcity of money by employing what there is, in purchases. In this state of suspense and loss will the public mind become tranquil? Will it unite the two sorts of creditors? But tho' you delay the interest on the state debts to 1792, you pass the revenue laws as soon as possible. By delay you will lose the revenue which may accumulate prior to that time—Suppose a million and an half obtained before the payment of interest shall begin, that sum will secure the interest against any probable deficiency of the duties for two or three years. Will not the public, will not the creditors of every description, derive advantage from an immediate assumption and establishment of duties, and from the proposed delay of paying interest?
It is an unusual thing for a gentleman in a public assembly to assert, that four fifths of the people are of his way of thinking. This however, has been done. It is not strange for persons to mistake their own opinion for that of the public. These fond prepossessions may be received instead of evidence; but they cannot weigh much against evidence. My information may have been less diligently sought, and less carefully examined than that gentleman's; but I have compared it with what has been gathered by my friends, and I declare that I believe four fifths of the wise and worthy men, in a very wide extent of country, look with strong disapprobation upon the injustice, and with anxious terror upon the impolicy of rejecting the state debts.
Little notice has been taken of an argument for the assumption, which, if just, is entitled to a great deal; I mean that which has been urged to show that it will strengthen the government. The answer given is, that, instead of pecuniary influence, new powers are wanting to the constitution. This is not denying the argument, but asserting a proposition, which, if false, is to be disregarded, and if true, is not inconsistent with the point in question. So far from denying, it seems to admit the utility of the assumption, and asserts the utility of some other thing. Which other thing he has not explained, and if he had, it is probably unattainable, nor will its attainment, be it what it may, be prevented by the assumption.—But before we ask for new powers on paper, let us exercise those which are actually vested in Congress. What will new powers avail us, if we suffer the constitution to become a dead letter? What has dropped from the gentleman in regard to this point, amounts to an important concession. Little topics of objection sink to nothing, when it is allowed that the assumption will strengthen the government. Is the principle of union too strong? Do not all good men desire to make it perfect? What nation has more to hope from union, or to fear from disunion? Shall we make the union less strong than the people have intended to make it, by adopting the constitution? And do not all agree, that the assumption is not a neutral measure? If its adoption will give strength to the union, its rejection will have the contrary effect.
I have thought of this government with the fondest enthusiasm. I have considered it as tending to mend the condition of mankind, and to perpetuate the blessings of liberty.—At this late period of the debate, it is hardly possible for gentlemen to exercise impartiality. It will be an act of virtue, of magnanimous self command to do more—to place themselves for a moment in the situation of the advocates of the assumption, and to see with their eyes. They love their country, and mean to serve it; and I am sure they would shrink from the spectre of its misery which haunts us; they would not consent to undo the constitution in practice, to realize the evils which were only apprehended under the confederation, and which were prevented by the total want of power in Congress. With this principle, however, it will be found that power enough is given to create division, and to make it fatal: It will beggar the government, and bind it in chains.
A MESSAGE was received from the President of the United States, with the copy of an Act of the Legislature of the State of Rhode-Island, for ratifying certain articles of amendment to the Constitution of the United States.
Mr. Williamson presented a Memorial from Dr. Thomas Ruston, in behalf of the directors of a Cotton Manufactory in the State of Pennsylvania.
In Committee of the whole on the bill concerning the trade and navigation of the United States.
Mr. Madison entered into a discussion of the principles on which the trade and navigation of the United States ought to be regulated—the idea of discrimination in respect to foreigners, as proposed in the bill originally, having been disagreed to, however just and reasonable he thought that distinction to be, he said, as there appeared to be a majority against it, he should wave any further arguments on the subject, and would suggest the principle of reciprocity as an idea which would meet the general approbation of the Committee. He adduced several particulars to show that this reciprocity does not exist in our trade and intercourse with Great Britain; while our shipping is excluded from many of her ports, and admitted into others under such restrictions as are nearly tantamount to a prohibition—their shipping is freely admitted into all the ports, harbors and bays of the United States.
He then read two propositions in the following words, which he proposed should be added as clauses to the bill, viz.—
And be it further enacted , That in all cases where vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States may be prohibited from bringing any articles from any foreign port or place, by laws or regulations of the sovereign thereof, into any port or place within the United States, the vessels belonging wholly or in part to the subjects of such sovereign, shall after the day of prohibition, be prohibited from bringing like articles into the United States, on pain of being seized and forfeited to their use. And the masters or owners of all foreign vessels clearing from any port of the United States, with any articles the growth, produce or manufacture thereof, shall give bond with sufficient security, that no part of the said articles shall be delivered at any port or place to which vessels belonging to citizens of the United States may not be permitted to transport like articles from the United States.
And be it further enacted , That in all cases where vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, may be prohibited by the laws or regulations of that foreign country, from carrying thereto articles not the growth, produce or manufacture of the United States, the vessels belonging wholly or in part to the subjects, citizens or inhabitants of such country, shall, after the day of and during the continuance of such prohibition, be prohibited in like manner from bringing any articles not the growth, produce or manufacture of such country, into the United States, on pain of being seized and forfeited to their use.
These propositions being considered as very interesting and important in their consequences, it was moved that the committee should rise, that the members might take time to consider them.
The motion for the committee's rising was opposed.
Mr. Wadsworth asked what reason could be assigned for the committee's rising?—for his part he was ready to meet the propositions—he believed he should vote for them—He considered them as calculated to try the strength of the committee—it is coming to the point—it is proposing a very bold measure indeed; but if it is thought we can stand the shock, I should have no objection to try it. I hope the committee will proceed to discuss the propositions.
Mr. Vining observed that he had no objection to taking up the subject—but as gentlemen appear desirous of taking time to consider the propositions he was in favor of the committee's rising—With respect to the "boldness" of the measure, he was at a loss to find the propriety of the epithet—for his part, he considered it as a measure of firmness—and as such highly becoming the national legislature of this country to adopt.
Mr. Sherman observed, that he saw nothing that favor'd of boldness in the propositions—they appeared him to be natural, and nothing more than a proper assertion of the equal rights of this country—It is merely meeting with counter regulations, the regulations of other countries, that are hostile to our interests—this we have a right undoubtedly to do. I hope the committee will not rise, but discuss the subject, that the merits of the propositions may be fully known.
Mr. Goodhue spoke generally in favor of the propositions, and against the committee's rising.
Mr. Jackon was in favor of the committee's rising—the propositions he considered as very extraordinary indeed—and if they should be adopted, they will annihilate, in a great measure, the
trade of Georgia, to the West-Indies, and he believed of North Carolina too, notwithstanding what the gentleman from that State has said in the course of debate on this subject.—He thought it extraordinary that the gentleman from Virginia should come forward with one exceptional proposition after another—the gentleman having lost one favorite proposition, so tenacious is he of his object, that he now brings forward another, in my opinion, said he, full as exceptional.
The question being taken was carried in the affirmative—the committee rose, and reported the propositions, which are to be taken into consideration to-morrow.
The house then went into committee on the WAYS and MEANS for paying the interest on the public debt. Some time was spent in the consideration of the plan reported by Mr. Fitzsimons, but the committee did not come to any decision.
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, JULY 1.
The petition of John Fitch, of Philadelphia, relative to steam as applied to the purposes of navigation, was read.
Mr. Boudinot of the committee appointed for that purpose reported a bill to provide for the national defence.
The bill further to provide for the payment of the invalid pensioners of the U. S. was read the third time and passed.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing that he had given his assent to three acts, which originated in the House: An Act providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations; An Act, for the relief of Nathaniel Twining, and an Act to satisfy the claims of John McCord against the United States.
A message from the Senate informed the House that they had passed the bill extending the enumeration law to the State of Rhode-Island.
The report of the committee on the memorial of Thomas Barclay was read—the substance of which is, that the sum of 3333 1/3 dollars be allowed the Memorialist in full for his services during the time he was employed by the United States, exclusive of necessary expenses. A motion for re-committing the report occasioned some debate, but was carried in the affirmative.
In committee of the whole on the WAYS and MEANS to discharge the interest of the debt of the United States, the resolutions of the select committee were agreed to—these are, 1st. to encrease the impost one third—and the duties on the following enumerated articles to the sum annexed to each—
  Distilled Spirits— 15. Cents pr. gallon.   Madeira Wine— 32.   Other Wines— 18 3/4.   Molasses— 3 3/4.   Bohea Tea— 10. Cents pr. lb.   Souchong and other black Teas, 18. 1-6.   Hyson— 32.   Other Green Teas— 20 3/4.   Coffee— 4.   Brown Sugar— 1 1/2.   Loaf ditto— 5.   All other do.— 2 1/2.   Pepper— 7. 4-100.   Pimento— 4 1/2.   Nutmegs— 6 3/4.   Mace— 25.   Cinnamon— 20.   Cloves— 12 1/2.   Cassia— 10. 
2. Resolved, That after the _____ day of _____ the discount of ten per cent. of the duties on goods, wares and merchandise, imported in ships or vessels, the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, be discontinued, and that an addition of ten per cent. be made to the duties on goods, wares, or merchandise, imported in any other ship or vessel.
Ordered, That these Resolutions lie on the table till to-morrow.
Adjourned.
FRIDAY, JULY 2.
The report of the committee of the whole house on the ways and means to discharge the interest on the debt of the United States was taken up, and agreed to without amendment.
Mr. Stone moved to insert the article salt at an additional duty of 2 cents per bushel—this occasioned a lengthy debate; the motion was negatived.
A committee consisting of Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Sherman and Mr. Tucker, was appointed to bring in a bill agreeable to the report.
A message was received from the Senate, with a bill, determining the temporary and permanent residence of Congress—the substance of which is, that the temporary residence shall be at Philadelphia from the commencement of the next session in December, till the year 1800; and from that period, the permanent residence to be on the Potowmac. This bill was read the first and second time—ordered to be printed, and referred to the committee of the whole house on Tuesday next.
The report of the Committee on the Fees, &c. to the Consuls of the United States, was taken into consideration. The first clause of the report authorized Consuls and Vice Consuls to receive fees similar to those established by law in the places for which they are appointed; and where no such fees are established, they were to be allowed _____ dollars on the entry and clearance of every American vessel of 100 tons and under—and _____ dollars on every such vessel of 100 tons and upwards. This clause, on motion of Mr. Fitzsimons was struck out. The other parts of the report, which allows them to receive _____ dollars for copies of certificates and other documents, also to own American vessels, &c. were agreed to. It was then voted that the bill be re-committed—and the Committee instructed to consider and report what further provision should be made for Consuls and Vice-Consuls.
Mr. Benson had leave of absence for a fortnight.
Adjourned till Monday 10 o'Clock.

In the sketch of debates on the report of the Conferencees (for accommo- rating the differences between the Senate and the House) on Friday, 25th ult. mention was made of an objection to the report, on the principle that the committee had exceeded their commission: but in answer to this it was urged, that the committee were appointed for the purpose of accommo- rating the differences mentioned: that the Senate were desirous of increas- ing the salaries of the ministers, and of granting them an outfit, or of giving to the President a general power to apply the money appropriated by the bill, as he may think proper—that the last proposition being rejected by the House, it only remained to accommodate the dispute by increasing the salaries, or by granting an outfit; or to determine that the bill should be lost—The committee on the part of the House, as well as of the Senate, thought the bill too important to be rejected, and therefore agreed to give to the President authority to grant such an outfit, not exceeding one year's salary, as he should think proper—that should this principle be adopted, the augmentation of the sum would follow of course; because the House when they fixed it at 30,000 dollars, provided for two ministers plenipo- tentiary, and two charges des affaires, and if the sum should not be increas- ed there would be no accommodation; for to grant the outfits, the Presi- dent must lessen the number of ministers, all of whom, the Secretary of State informed the conferencees would probably be requisite; that the sum altho' appropriated, would not be applied by the President unless it should be necessary; and that this concession on the part of the House is at this time necessary, as some negotiations with foreign nations are indispensa- ble and the bill is limited to two years.
ERRATUM—In Mr. Sherman's speech, published in this paper of the 19th ult. last line, before the word observations, insert further
THE TABLET.—No. CXXVIII.
"Nature is more powerful than fancy, and the most artful fictions must give way to truth."
It may look like a contradiction in terms, to say that a man must strive hard to act with sim- plicity. Art is perhaps never used to better effect than in concealing art, except when it is used to counteract it. The force of simplicity is so great, that whoever adheres to it, will be deemed wor- thy of imitation; but still he cannot easily be imitated. Those who take delight in viewing subjects by the fair rays of truth, and to make their actions correspond with the dictates of un- mingled propriety, must engage in a perpetual conflict with prejudice, fancy, and falsehood.— There are coxcombs in all professions; men who pretend to something more than they deserve; men who only can derive consequence by giving a specious coloring to the garb of affectation.— There are quacks in all arts, who are supposed to possess knowledge in things which they do not understand. Such coxcombs and quacks will en- deavor to establish false rules of propriety, which must be detected and opposed by all, who prefer real knowledge to boasted pretensions; and who delight in the pure images of nature, more than the capricious fictions of art.
The term simple is often used as synonymous to weak or silly; and this abates the force of it, when used in its more proper sense, which is to express the real, unmixed character of a thing. Those who attempt to strip a subject of all false ap- pearances, have a great task to perform, but if they accomplish it their labors are well rewarded.— There are few men so attached to error, but they will soon prefer truth, when it is fairly pointed out; there are still many men who prefer their own errors to those of other people. But let them once behold the simplicity of truth, and its charms can hardly be resisted. The greater part of man- kinds are constantly engaged, from habit or pro- fession, in giving a fictitious value and a fictitious character to most of the appearances which are exhibited to the view of the world. How few of the plausible representations, to which our atten- tion is called, will bear to be strictly compared with a state of facts! How many of the elabora- te systems which are perplexing the votaries of science, must vanish into smoke, if the principles on which they are built, were faithfully tried by the standard of truth and reason. For when- ever they are brought in competition, nature will be found more powerful than fiction; nor will the suggestions of caprice and prejudice be listen- ed to, when truth, single and unalloyed, makes its appeal to the heart.
LNODON April 7.
CLEMENTI Paoli, brother to the general of that name, has returned to his native Island of Corsica, after 20 years absence, during which time he was proscribed, and a price set upon his head.
He was received at Bastia with the greatest ho- nors; the whole city was illuminated, and repeat- ed discharges of artillery announced his entry. He was almost immediately elected and proclaim- ed president for life of the patriotic committee es- tablished for maintaining peace and order throughout the Island.
The city of Dublin has lately received a beauti- ful addition to its numerous decorations, in the structure of another fountain; this elegant con- struction is erected opposite the Church, in James's street. It exhibits a pyramid of an altitude ex- ceeding forty feet, and near its summit on the south-east and west side, are tablets with sundi- als; it forms, on the whole, a very grand object.
April 16.
The prospect of this country affords a pleasing contest; our national debt in a train of liquida- tion, money in plenty, our political interest in the scale of Europe high, our commerce rapidly ex- tending, and our population increasing.
As some proofs, out of the many which may be adduced, in favor of the above description, the shipping of this country has been increased since
the American war, above three hundred thousand tons; and in the bare article of cotton, the in- crease has been in the proportion of seven millio- ns to twenty one.
Blanchard, to please the diet at Warsaw, is go- ing to make another aerial voyage, in a balloon eight times larger than the one he ascended with before—the gondola weighs 600 pounds, and is to contain a second person—the first gondola weighed only fifteen.
The love of study, carried to excess, absorbs, like all other passions, a part of our natural af- fections.
Frederick Morel was busily employed in trans- lating Libanius, when he was informed that his wife, who had been some time sick, was very ill, and wished to speak with him. "I have only," said he, "two periods of this chapter to translate, after which I will call and see her."
A second message came to tell him that she was at the point of death. "I have but two words to write" said Morel, "run back to her—I shall be there as soon as you." A moment after, he was told she was dead. "I am sorry for it," said he "she was a worthy woman"—and went on with his work.
MAY 7.
A Mr. Duncombe, to whose abilities the world is greatly indebted, and who is engineer to the in- tended canal forming a junction of the Severn and the Dee, has invented a method of raising boats of any tonnage to the highest summit whatever, and letting down the same without loss of water, with perfect safety, and more expedition than by the common water locks now in use. What is more remarkable, a loaded or unloaded boat may come up, while a loaded one goes down, and the same may be done while an empty one goes down. The whole is performed by an uniform unaccel- erated motion, and is perhaps one of the greatest inventions that ever entered the mind of a man.
The East India company have presented the Ar- menian merchant, at Calcutta, who celebrated his majesty's recovery, by releasing a great number of prisoners confined in the goal there, with the kings picture, set round with diamonds, as a token of their acknowledgments to him for this signal instance of munificence.
Among other curiosities belonging to the old College of Edin- burgh, which is now to be pulled down, is an ancient gate, the top of which is heavy and bulges. There was a prophecy spoken many years since, that this gate would fall upon the most learned man of the University.—It is amazing with what caution the pro- fessors used to avoid going through it!
A mallet in the country has lately taken a dancing master into partnership with him. A witty correspondent said on the occa- sion, the alliance was a very natural one—"for what signifies malt without hops?"
On the evening before a battle, an officer came to the Marshal de TOLRAS, to ask permission to go see his father, who he said was at the point of death, in order that he might pay his last duty to him. "Go," replied the General, who readily guessed the cause, "honor thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long in the land."
BOSTON, June 28.
Saturday last arrived Capt. John Tucker, in the brig Diamond, from Martinique, and St. Eustatius.—He left Martinique the 5th day of June, at which time a report prevailed, that News had just arrived from France, and that all the Ports in the French West-Indies were ordered to be shut against the Americans.
On Capt. Tucker's arrival at St. Eustatius, he saw the Ordinance of France publish'd in the Gazette of that Island, which forbid the admitti- on of our flag in the French Ports.
Extract of a letter from Martinique, June, 3. "This day according to the custom of the French, is a high holiday, and preparation was making accordingly, when a plot was discovered that turned all their mirth. The Mulattos had combined together to murder every white person in the island, but by good fortune it was discover- ed by a Mulatto girl. I have just come from the shore, and oh! my God! such a scene I never saw. Many hung up and stab'd in fifty different places, others shot down dead in the streets, the same as wild beasts, then stab'd and trampled upon. All this I have seen not ten minutes since—every man under arms—No sooner a mulatto is discovered, than he is shot or hung immediately, without any trial."
The mulattoes have confessed that they were to meet in two bodies at the north and south part of the town, then rush in and kill every white inhabitant, and burn the shipping.
The Legislature of New-Hampshire has directed, that on the last Monday of August next, the people of that State, elect their Federal Representatives.
An officer, belonging to one of the English ships taken by the Spaniards on the North-West coast of this continent, arrived here some time since, in the Africa, Capt. MAGEE, from China.
The sum demanded of Spain, by England, as restitution for the ships taken by the former is 200,000l. sterling.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
 Sloop Maria, Elliot, Charleston, 5 days.  —Cynthia, White, ditto ditto.  —Maria, —, St. Augustine, 6  —Bird, Philadelphia, 5  Union, Watson, ditto ditto.  Schooner, Edward, Thompson, Shelburne, 10  —Thetis, Burkett, Antigua, 15  Ship Brothers, Dougall, Amsterdam, 56  Brig Carolina, Meade, Wilmington [N. C.] 
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
JEU D'ESPRIT.
M UST Congress go?—Corinna cried, "And I not yet fifteen?" "Julia's a Congress man's sweet bride, "So should I, soon have been!" "How old are you?"—"Fourteen last May," "Oh then feel no chagrin, "An even bet, one safe might lay, "They're back ere you're fifteen."
D.
NEW-YORK, JULY 3, 1790. MR. FENNO,
From the English letter in your last paper, it appears evidently, that the people of Great-Bri- tain, from the Merchant to the Minister, foresee- ing the advantages that will accrue to America from a proper attention to, and support of her shipping interest, are determined if possible, to defeat our expectations, and to throw every ob- stacle in the way, to prevent our success.
The deep laid scheme of reducing the freights for a time, till they have annihilated the Ameri- can shipping, is to make the southern States pay dearly in the result for their credulity, and inat- tention to the general welfare of the States of which they are members. The distinction be- tween apprentices and mariners, is palpably de- signed to counteract a most essential mode of raising American seamen; and to prevent our continuing to enjoy that trifling share of the trade to Britain, which we now possess. To these ob- servations may be added the following—That if the carrying trade was secured to American citi- zens, the profits thereon, even at the present low freights, are sufficient to allure monied men to place their cash in shipping—and as a proof that Great-Britain cannot afford to carry our produce on the same terms that America can, if the trade was secured to herself, the following example is adduced as demonstrative.
The Brig —, is allowed to be as strong a vessel as ever entered the Thames, and sails fast —she measures upwards of 300 tons, carries 600 hogheads, and cost £3,253 13s 4d 3/4, Virginia cu- rency—having the advantage of a freight to Eu- rope as soon as fitted, she earned on her first voyage £965 14 11 Sterl.—Her second voyage will prob- ably produce £970 Sterl.—
That will be £1935 14 11 within the year— and if as well employed will be a clear ship in 3 years. A British ship of the same burthen, and as good, would cost at Bristol, Whitehaven, or London, from 13 pounds to 13 guineas, pr. ton, or £5660 4 Virginia currency—14 people, of which 5 may be 'prentices, are sufficient for such a vessel—which can sail on as low terms as any British ship; reckoning the interest and insurance on each, it will be found to take double the time to clear a British ship, that it will to clear an A- merican—and when the latter are built faithful- ly out of young seasoned timber they will last near, or full as long.
Accounts from Cadiz, via Baltimore, inform that the Spaniards have 40 sail of the line, be- sides a large number of frigates equip't for sea— and that a declaration of war was hourly expected.
The anniversary of Independence will be ce- lebrated in this city, on Monday next—by the Cincinnati, the society of St. Tammany, and the uniform military companies. An Oration will be delivered on the occasion, to the Society Cincin- nati, by BROCKHOLST LIVINGSTON, Esq.
To-morrow morning the new Dutch Church in Nassau street, will be opened for divine service. The Rev. Dr. LIVINGSTON will officiate on the occasion.
Wednesday afternoon his Excellency the GOVERNOR accom- panied by the Hon. Ezra L'HOMME DIEU and Richard Varick Esqrs. returned to this city from Fort Stanwix, having, with the other commissioners, completed a treaty with the Onondaga and Cayuga nations of Indians.
INTELLIGENCE FROM BOSTON.
The Hon. GEORGE CABOT is chosen Senator of the United States, by the Legislature of Mas- sachusetts—to take his seat when the time of the Hon. TRISI RAM DALTON expires.
The Legislature of Massachusetts has adjourn- ed.—Certain instructions to their Senators in Congress on Compensations, Salaries and Pen- sions, were reported—and referred to the next session.
The Governor, by the Secretary, informed the Legislature that he had not given his assent to the Act for ceding the Light Houses to the United States—he assigned no reason for this.—The Act is however a Law, by the constitution of that State.
There was a dissonance in opinion between the Governor and the Senate on the subject of Assumption of the State Debts.—The Governor supposed that the consent of the Legislature of the State was necessary—the Senate thought that Congress had a right to assume without such con- sent—The House answered the Governor's speech —the Senate did not.—The collation proposed by the Governor on the Anniversary of Inde- pendence, was not agreed to by the Legislature. Counter orders for a military parade on that oc- casion, have been issued.
"DISCOURSES ON DAVILA," will be continued in our next. "LYCURGUS" is received.

THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE OF SOUTH-CAROLINA.
(CONTINUATION.)
Sec. 8. NO person shall be eligible to a seat in the Senate unless he be a free white man, of the age of thirty years, and hath been a citizen and resident in this state five years previous to his election.
Sec. 9. Immediately after the Senators shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided by lot into two classes.
Sec. 10. Senators and members of the House of Representatives, shall be chosen on the second Monday in October next, and the day following, and on the same days in every second year thereafter, in such manner and at such times as are herein directed.
Sec. 11. Each house shall judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each house shall constitute a quorum to do business;
Sec. 12. Each house shall choose by ballot, its own officers, determine its rules of proceeding, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member, but not a second time for the same cause.
Sec. 13. Each house may punish by imprisonment during its sitting, any person not a member, who shall be guilty of disrespect to the house by any disorderly or contemptuous behaviour in its presence,
Sec. 14. The members of both houses shall be protected in their persons and estates during their attendance on, going to and returning from the legislature, and ten days previous to the sitting, and ten days after the adjournment of the legislature.
Sec. 15. Bills for raising a revenue shall originate in the house of representatives, but may be altered, amended or rejected by the senate.
All other bills may originate in either house, and may be amended, altered or rejected by the other.
Sec. 16. No bill or ordinance shall have the force of law, until it shall have been read three times, and on three several days in each house, has had the great seal affixed to it, and has been signed in the senate house by the president of the senate, and the speaker of the house of representatives.
Sec. 17. No money shall be drawn out of the public treasury, but by the legislative authority of the state.
Sec. 18. The members of the legislature, who shall assemble under this constitution, shall be entitled to receive out of the public treasury, as a compensation for their expenses, a sum not exceeding seven shillings sterling a day, during their attendance on, going to, and returning from the legislature, but the same may be increased or diminished by law, if circumstances shall require, but no alteration shall be made by any legislature to take effect, during the existence of the legislature which shall make such alteration.
Sec. 19. Neither house shall without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.
Sec. 20. No bill or ordinance, which shall have been rejected by either house, shall be brought in again during that sitting, without leave of the house, and notice of six days being previously given.
Sec. 21. No person shall be eligible to a seat in the legislature, whilst he holds any office of profit or trust under this state, the United States or either of them, or under any other power, except officers of the military army, or navy of this state, justices of the peace, or justices of the county courts, while they receive no salaries;
Sec. 22. If any election district, shall neglect to choose a member or members, on the days of election, or if any person chosen a member, of either house, should refuse to qualify and take his seat, or should die, depart the state, or accept of any disqualifying office, a writ of election shall be issued by the president of the senate, or speaker of the house of representatives as the case may be, for the purpose of filling up the vacancy thereby occasioned, for the remainder of the term for which the person so refusing to qualify, dying, departing the state or accepting a disqualifying office, was elected to serve.
Sec. 23. And whereas the ministers of the gospel are by their profession dedicated to the service of God, and the cure of souls, and ought not to be diverted from the great duties of their function, therefore no minister of the gospel, or public preacher of any religious persuasion, whilst he continues in the exercise of his pastoral functions shall be eligible to the office of governor, lieutenant governor, or to a seat in the senate, or house of representatives.
ARTICLE II.
Sec. 1. The executive authority of this state shall be vested in a governor, to be chosen in manner following. As soon as may be after the first meeting of the senate and house of representatives, and at every first meeting of the house of representatives thereafter, when a majority of both houses shall be present, the senate and house of representatives shall, jointly, in the house of representatives, choose, by ballot, a governor, to continue for two years, and until a new election shall be made.
Sec. 2. No person shall be eligible to the office of governor, unless he hath attained the age of thirty years, and hath resided within this state, and been a citizen thereof ten years, and unless he be seized and possessed of a settled estate within the same, in his own right, of the value of fifteen hundred pounds sterling, clear of debt.
No person having served two years as governor, shall be re-eligible to that office, till after the expiration of four years.
No person shall hold the office of governor, and any other office, or commission (except in the militia) either in this state or under any state, or the United States, or any other power, at one and the same time.
(To be continued.)
TRANSLATED
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUZAC.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
CONTINUED.
Extract of a letter from Jassy, Feb. 1.
THE Turkish plenipotentiaries who were recalled, have returned here from Hirsch, accompanied by a Capigi Bashaw and a Chivoux, it is thought that negotiations for a peace will be again resumed.
VIENNA, FEB. 12.
The Primate of Hungary, Prince Esterhazy, with several other grandees of the kingdom, had an interview with the Emperor, to thank him in behalf of their nation, for the restoration of their rights and privileges, agreeable to his Majesty's rescript of the 28th of January.
WARSAW, FEB. 10.
The vacation of the Diet was intended to have been prolonged until the 15th, but the information received from Berlin, have occasioned the opening of the sessions the day before yesterday, being the time appointed. Mr. Malachowski, Marshal of the confederation, has exhorted the states to avail themselves of the favorable disposition of his Prussian Majesty to favor the Republic; and to lose no time in placing the army on the best possible footing.
NAMUR, FEB. 21.
We learn from Treves that General Count d'Alton, formerly commander in chief of the Imperial troops in the Netherlands, who went by order of his master the Emperor, to Luxembourg, to justify his conduct before a commission, died in the former of these towns, the 16th inst. after a few days illness; and that he was buried the next day, with the honor due to his rank.
ACCOUNTS FROM PARIS, FEB. 18.
The President communicated to the Assembly the following letter from the Duke of Orleans, written in London the 13th inst. which was ordered to be printed and inserted in the verbal process.
MR. PRESIDENT,
WHILST absent from the National Assembly, since the permission granted me the 4th of October last*, to fulfil the mission which his Majesty did me the honor to entrust to me, I have since that time been obliged to direct the efforts of the zeal which animates me in favor of the benefit of the nation, and the monarch's glory, to other objects; but I am not the less united in my mind and heart, to the august Assembly, of which I have the honor to be a member:
(Signed) L. PH. I. D'ORLEANS.
By this I execute as far as in my power, the decree passed the 4th inst. by the National Assembly; and I shall think myself happy to have been always united with it in sentiments, as I have been in principles.
I am, with respect, Mr. President, your most humble, and most obedient, servant,
(Signed) L. PH. I. D'ORLEANS.
* This must be wrong dated, the Duke of Orleans having declared his departure for England after the famous 6th of October.
The Bishop of Autun, author of the Address from the National Assembly to the people of France, has received the fruits of the approbation, which his services and zeal for the popular cause have merited, by his being chosen by the Assembly to succeed Mr. Bureau de Pufy, to the President's chair, whose fortnight expired the 14th inst. out of 603 votes, he was elected by 393, 125 of the remainder being for the Abbe Sieyes.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
Table with 3 columns: Prize number, Prize amount in £, Prize amount in £. It lists prizes from 1st to 180th, plus 8346 Prizes and 16654 Blanks.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRIN, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donalds estate, within this state, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (1W.1Y.)
ADVERTISEMENT.
By order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now of late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety. March 31. 1aw3m.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market,
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790. ut.
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET. A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
A large impression of this paper having been struck off from the commencement of the second vol. April 14.—Those who incline to become subscribers from that period, may be furnished with the number complete.
WANTED No. 73 and 83 of this paper—Six pence each will be paid for them by the Editor.