Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-12-01 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, MARKET-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 62, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 1, 1790.
[Whole No. 166.]
[THE Observations of General du Portail on the importance of the Union of these States, discover an intimate acquaintance with the principles of human nature, and those incidents which affect, and on which the happiness and freedom of a country sometimes depend—considering the period at which they were wrote, they evince the sagacity and penetration of the author, and a very superior understanding; in this view they will arrest the serious attention of every friend to our country.]
THE following extract is rendered highly interesting at this moment, when a disposition unfavorable to an efficient general government has been recently manifested. The paper from which it is selected, was written, during the late war, by General DU PORTAIL, a French officer in the service of the United States. Had this country remained under the old confederation, it is plain that his conjectures and apprehensions would have been long since deplorably realised; and altho a larger portion of energy, than was at that time contemplated by any among us, has been since infused, by the people themselves, into the National Constitution, an unhappy example has been lately exhibited of those "efforts to render the authority of Congress nugatory and its decrees ineffectual," which he predicted.
"THE happiness and tranquillity of the United States of America (says this judicious Frenchman) we may say their very existence, seems to depend entirely on their union. If that ceases, we perceive no longer what they may become, there is no longer any thing to be said about them—there is no longer any plan whatever to be formed."
"We must then in every speculation which concerns them, suppose the Union, and every projected establishment ought to have in view these two things—first to maintain and consolidate the Union; secondly, to draw from it all possible advantages."
"Some say that by putting many means in the hands of Congress, by giving that body much authority, it will be tempted, to enterprise against the liberties of the particular states; and to support this opinion they go rummaging among the histories of individuals and bodies who have attained to the subversion of the government and to the possession of absolute power. But if they would examine the thing with attention, they would soon see, that these pretended examples are not real ones, because the cases are not similar. For my own part, far from believing it possible that Congress should usurp too much power, I believe it easy to demonstrate with the highest evidence, that whatever power the confederation may at first give Congress, (provided the formation of Congress be the same) that body can never preserve during a length of time, that portion which will be necessary for the general good of the United States. As this is not the place to discuss that matter, I will only offer in support of my opinion, a single reason; which, however, I believe will appear sufficient to every man who knows the human heart and the motives which actuate it."
"I say that (like what happens to individuals) each state, altho sensible of the advantage of the Union, of the necessity of a general government, and therefore of parting with a portion of their independence to enjoy the rest in tranquillity, will as soon as that Union is formed, that general government established, be jealous of it, try to elude its authority, and look upon every act of that just authority, as an attack on its liberty. It will even be to the ambitions of every state, a sure means of making their court to their fellow-citizens, and gaining popularity to reach them to chicane the demand of the general government, and to throw as much as they can upon the other states, of that portion of the common burthens which they ought to bear."
"There will then be an effort continued and perpetual of all the states to render the authority of Congress nugatory, and to render its decrees ineffectual. Now I ask what means has Congress to defend itself against this incessant attack? If the members who compose it were for life, established in the place where they reside, it might be supposed that there would grow among them a Spirit of Corps which would oppose that of each state, and hold it in check. But this is not the case, the members of Congress are only such, transiently, they are strangers to their place of residence, surrounded with people jealous of them, which therefore they cannot seduce. It must also be observed, that each of them is after all, only the
Delegate of a state, that he is only sent to execute its order and follow its views, a departure from which would soon occasion his recall; that he has, besides his fortune, his family, the ultimate object of his ambition, all his greatest interests in his state, and far from apprehending that he will not be conducted by these interests, it is to be feared that he will not be able sufficiently to strip himself of them, it is to be feared that each member of Congress will never be effectually more than the Delegate, the Man of such or such a state, and never the Man of the United States, as nevertheless ought to be the case for the general good."
"A body composed in such a manner, can then never have the force and energy which would be necessary to preserve the authority which should be given to it; and it must be expected to see it diminish every day, till the inconveniences which result from it become considerable, and the states thus recalled to found principles by experience, shall restore things to order, an operation which must be performed from time to time, so long as the Union shall last."
"There may then be given to Congress, without danger, more power, even than the general good of the United States might exact, because the power might be naturally soon reduced; but at least there must be given to it as much as is absolutely necessary to maintain the Union, and to make each state profit equally of its advantages."
   Exports from the District of Columbia—Hundred, from 1st July to 30th Sept. 1790. To Total Quantity. Total Value.   Ireland. England. Scotland. Holland. Spain.     Com. Indian 2400 lb. 678 bus. 2400 lbs.   Grain, etc. 23 tons 2400 lbs. 23 tons   Iron, Pig 1200 lb. 1200 lbs. 1200 lbs.   Snuff 200 lb. 200 lb. 200 lb.   Root, Snake 274 lb. 274 lb. 274 lb.   Skins, Deer 475 lbs. 475 lbs. 475 lbs.   Tobacco 1566 lbs. 1566 lbs. 1566 lbs.   Hhd. Staves 3142 3142 3142   Barrel Ditto 2142 2142 2142   Pipe Ditto 4500 4500 4500   Hhd. Heading 5600 5600 5600   Handspikes 3 doz. 3 doz. 3 doz.   Anchor Stocks 8 doz. 8 doz. 8 doz.   Cas 16 16 16   Total value, 156,951 11  
REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
It is frequent to hear the word quantity used for number, and increase for multiply. Thus people say great quantities of shingles; and cattle or horses are increased. These phrases are inaccurate. Quantity and increase refer to a thing in bulk; number and multiply, to separate individuals. A single tree, or horse increases by growth; but when individuals are added, they are said to multiply. We say with propriety quantities of grain, of salt, of timber, because we speak of articles in bulk, not separable into individual things: but we should say, numbers of shingles, of slaves, &c. where the articles are usually separable. The Irish frequently mistake in using these words. They say, great quantities of men; and I have often heard them use the phrase, a great deal of gentlemen.
There are two modern innovations made in our language, which demand particular notice, because they are found in good authors. One is the omission of the sign of the possessive case in such expressions, as, "I could not write, on account of the ship sailing suddenly." It ought to be, on account of the ship's sailing. Modern writers, particularly the Scotch, are remarkable for this omission; and our Newspapers are full of such errors. The phrase is not English nor sense; for the s and apostrophe are just as necessary to mark the case, as in any other example where two nouns meet. Writers seem not to know that in our language, we have a peculiar sort of words called participial nouns, which answer the purpose both of a participle and a noun in the same phrase. Thus, I heard of a man's possessing a large estate: In this phrase, possessing is a noun, as it respects the construction with man; but a participle as it respects the subsequent word estate, which it governs. This is a phrase or idiom of our language, as well established as any other; and when a pronoun is used, we never see it mistaken. Thus, we always see it written, "we heard of his possessing an estate," tho', "we heard of he possessing an estate," would be just as good English, as "we heard of a man possessing it." That these remarks are well founded, will appear from the following examples.
"For the possibility of B's dying before A." BLACKS. 2. 170. "The plaintiff cannot take advantage of the plea's amounting to the general issue." STRANGE'S Rep. Vol. 1. 5. "They would be glad to purchase the advantage of the Bishop's being in such a post." LORD CLARENDON'S Letter to Sir Wm. TEMPLE. Works 467. This is good English, and the modern omission of s is a gross error. The other innovation is the change of such phrases as "agreeable to notice, the motion was made;" "previously to this, I received a letter;" into, agreeably to notice, previously to this. One would think the awkwardness of found in the latter phrases would have prevented the use of them; but this will not be sufficient to restrain men, who are unwilling to take the rules of our language as they find them, and disposed to make rules of their own. The truth is, it is a rule of our tongue, as well established as any principle in it, though grammarians have not generally discovered it, that adjectives, pronouns, and relatives may agree with or refer to whole sentences, or members of sentences. This is not only an idiom, but one of the most frequent, in the language. Thus, the word that, sometimes called a conjunction, is always a relative, or adjective. Thus, when we say that man went, that refers to a single name, man; but in this phrase, "I heard that he went," that refers to the affirmation in the words he went, and agrees with it as a member of the sentence. This is more obvious by changing the order of the words, "he went, I heard that;" ask the question, what did I hear? he went, that is what I heard. These remarks hold with respect to that in all other situations. In the same manner, are used agreeable, previous, prior, antecedent, according, &c. "He wrote, agreeable to promise" or "according to promise." What was agreeable to promise? the affirmation in the words, he wrote, or the act of writing. The adjective in this case refers to the members of a sentence, a complete detached affirmation, or fact stated; and the change of the word into an adverb, agreeably to promise, or accordingly to promise, turns the phrase into nonsense.
ROME, July 30.
THE conduct of the people of Avignon to obtain their liberty, very seriously affects our court. Disgusted with the inutility of negotiation to bring back the people to obedience, it has at length determined to solicit the intervention of different powers. The brief which is as follows his holiness has dispatched to his Nuncio at Paris.
"The maxims of independence, and an unrestrained liberty, propagated by the enemies of religion, sovereignty, and public tranquillity have induced the inhabitants of the town of Avignon to commit the most enormous outrages, and to despise themselves by the most execrable perfidy. This people, which has lived so many ages under the mild and happy dominion of the Holy See, has been imprudently led away by the bold and artful practices of some designing persons, who amidst tumults and anarchy, have at length produced an open rebellion."
"To prevent all cause of complaint, the Holy See has in vain displayed its benevolence towards those subjects, of whose disaffection it complains, by occasionally furnishing them, from its own sources, with plenty of grain; by lightening their expences; by facilitating the administration of justice, and by inviting them paternally to make known the defects and abuses which might have crept into their legislation, in order to their being reformed."
"All these cases, all these effects of condescension of a generous Pontiff, far from exciting any gratitude, have only served to render these unhappy men more rebellious, and more insolent. Every day has produced new crimes and new excesses."
"After having overturned from the foundation, the ancient system of the municipality and the tribunals, seduced the militia, usurped the rights of the throne and the altar, insulted the Holy Father and the ministers, published writings injurious to the supreme power, and violated even with contempt every thing sacred and profane, they have at length attained the aim of their infamous designs, by imbruing their hands on the 12th and 13th of June last, in the blood of their fellow-citizens, by forcing M. Gassou, Vice Legate, to leave the city and territory of Avignon by pulling down the arms of the reigning pontiff, their only sovereign, and tumultuously substituting for them those of his most Christian Majesty, whose known equity, religion and respect for the Holy See, fully convinces that court, that, far from favoring so criminal a procedure, he would not suffer it to pass with impunity."
"Such, in a few words is the account of the insurrection of the revolvers of Avignon, of which the cardinal secretary of state, by order of the Holy Father, has the honor to inform you, to the end, that you would be pleased to communicate the same to the court where you reside: and it is in the full persuasion that it will take a part suitable to the importance of an event, which is the common cause of all sovereigns, and to the particular friendship which it has ever professed towards the sacred person of his holiness."

L O N D O N, September 23—28.
THE Trelawney Planter, Capt. MacDonald sailed on the 26th of July from Jamaica, and in the Gulf of Florida, while in company with the Louisa, Steele, fell in with a fleet of Spanish ships, of which three were register ships, under convoy of two line of battle ships, and three frigates. A gun was fired for Capt. MacDonald to hoist out his boat, and come on board the Spanish Commodore, which he did not comply with, stating that his ship was indifferently manned, and his boats were leaky: but it being late in the evening, he informed the Commodore that he would remain in company all night. The Commodore on this sent his own boat, and Capt. MacDonald was carried on board the Spanish man of war.
As soon as he came on board, he was ordered into a most cruel species of confinement, practised on board Spanish ships, and called the Bilboes. He was stretched along on his back, between two planks of wood, and a third piece of wood stretched across the chest—his face exposed to a vertical sun, and in this posture he lay for sixteen hours, and must have fallen a victim to the torture and the heat, but for the humanity of some of the crew, who occasionally eased his torture, and gave him room to turn.
During this time, an officer and fifteen men boarded the Trelawney Planter, and rummaged the cargo, and overhauled every part of the ship. After they had made their report, he was dismissed without any explanation of, or apology for, this outrage. He found, that tho' every thing had been put in disorder, nothing had been carried away. He made regular minutes of this gross and scandalous insult, committed on the flag of England, which, on his arrival in town on Monday last, he transmitted to the Secretary of State, for the information of his Majesty's Ministers.
The Captain was yesterday examined by Mr. Pitt and a committee of the Privy Council; when he confirmed the narrative he had previously transmitted to the Secretary of State, in every particular—He was questioned very minutely as to the course in which he was steering—the latitude, and his precise words in answer to the first summons he received to go on board the Spanish Commodore.
He was ordered to attend the Privy Council again this morning, and to bring along with him a gentleman, who was his passenger, and his first mate. Captain MacDonald is a gentleman of unimpeached veracity—a Lieutenant in the Royal Navy, and who is known and highly respected by several Admirals in the service.
The public indignation at this insult offered to the British flag is very great, and may possibly cause a very speedy termination to be put to the negotiations concerning Nootka Sound. "Are English seamen, engaged in the fair commerce of their country, to be abused in their persons and property, and the British flag to be insulted with impunity?" Is the general exclamation.—Many Naval Gentlemen, however, take a different view of the affair, and assert, that the Captain's refusal to go on board a Spanish ship of war, when required so to do, warranted the treatment which he experienced, as the request was, in every respect, agreeable to the established practice.
Nothing further has transpired respecting the contents of the dispatches brought by the last messenger from Madrid; but we can assert from very good authority, that they do not by any means decide the dispute between the two courts, indeed, the silence of the Gazette is sufficient, without any comment on our part.
Government have chartered two large store-ships, which are fitting out at Deptford, and are to carry guns the same as in war time; they are to carry over the next convicts to Botany Bay, and to sail before Christmas.
Four Dutch men of War, belonging to Vice Admiral Kingsbergen's squadron, which had lately come to anchor in the Texel, sailed again on Thursday last; but their destination is a profound secret.
Accounts are received at the island of Jersey, by boats from St. Maloes, Granville, and Cherbourg, that 700 sailors were sent last week from the latter to Brest, to be put on board French men of war: 200 men are to be sent from St. Maloes, this week, and a number from Granville. These accounts further say, seamen are pouring daily from all quarters to Brest, where the greatest expedition is making to fit out the ships ordered by the nation.
The Cortes, to which the King of Spain proposes submitting the present critical situation of affairs, is a meeting of the Grandees, and high officers of the State. The term Cortes signifies Courts.
However improbable it may appear to some, that the Spaniards should treat Capt. MacDonald as has been represented, the case is not new. In 1739, they cut off the ears of a Capt. Jenkins, and afterwards repented of it in a long and ruinous war with this country.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE.
THE afflicting recital of the dreadful affair at Nancy, gave rise to many warm eulogiums on the
conduct of M. de Bouillie; and at last the following decree, suggested by M. Mirabeau, was passed:—
"The National Assembly decrees, That the directory of the department de la Meurthe, and the Municipalities of Nanci and Luneville, shall be thanked for their zeal.
"That the National Guards, who accompanied M. de Bouillie to Nanci, shall be thanked for the patriotism and civic bravery which they displayed in the re-establishment of order at Nanci.
"That M. de Silly shall be thanked for the heroic manner which he exposed himself.
"That the Nation shall provide for the widows and children of those who have nobly fallen in the execution of the decrees of the National Assembly.
"That the General, and the Regular troops which he commanded, shall be applauded for having nobly done their duty; and that the commissaries appointed shall go immediately to Nanci to take the necessary steps to maintain peace in that town, and to obtain exact information of those facts which may insure punishment to the guilty, of whatever rank."
Sept. 4 The President read a letter of resignation from M. Necker to the National Assembly, in which he pleads the want of health, and the uneasiness of a wife equally virtuous and dear to him, as the motives which have determined him to withdraw wholly to the asylum which he had quitted to devote himself to the service of the state. The National Assembly has demanded an account of the receipt and expenditure of the public treasure, from the 1st May, 1789, to the 1st of May, 1790. "I have," he says, "brought it up to the 21st of July." And he believes it may be already known if there exists in it any article of expence by which he may be liable to blame. If there should, he offers and leaves in guarantee his house in Paris, his house in the country, and his property in the Royal Treasury, which has long amounted to 2,400,000 livres; and he requests only to draw out 400,000 livres, which the state of his affairs on leaving Paris renders necessary. The remainder he commits to the custody of the Nation. He concludes his letter in these words:
"The envy and injustice which I have experienced, suggested to me the idea of the guarantee which I now offer; but when I compare these with my conduct in the administration of the finances, I cannot help adding it to the singularities which have distinguished my life.
"I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) "NECKER."
While this letter was reading, a profound silence prevailed in the Assembly, and the resignation of M. Necker was received as a matter perfectly indifferent.
Sept. 17. M. Nourissart presented a report of the committee of Finances, relative to a dreadful fire which has consumed a great part of the city of Limoges to ashes. By this unfortunate event, 800 families have lost their all, and are consequently reduced to the lowest ebb of distress. The Minister of Finances was directed to send 60,000 livres for the relief of the sufferers.
September 18. A petition was read from the Municipality of Versailles, stating, that, the town of Versailles was threatened with an armed banditti of above 2000 men, who hovered in the park of Versailles under pretence of hunting, but in fact subsisted by plunder. The Assembly ordered the matter to be taken into immediate consideration by the Committee on Feudal rights and Domains.
A report was made of a very extraordinary nature. An order had been given by the executive power for fitting out at the port of Brest, with all expedition, the ship Le Ferme. She was accordingly prepared, and on the point of sailing, when she was, to the surprise of the whole fleet, stopped by the Municipality of Brest, without their assigning the least reason for this extraordinary conduct. How they will excuse this piece of Quixotism it is not easy to conceive.
The Assembly passed a decree, importing that it is a fundamental part of the French Constitution, that no Municipal or Administrative body shall take upon them to oppose the departure of a ship of war; and that the King be addressed to cause this decree to be published at all the seaports of the kingdom.
A report was brought up from the Committee of Finances and Domains, relative to the commotions in the park of Versailles, and a decree was passed in substance, That the Municipality of Versailles, the Mayor of Paris and the commandant of the National Guards of Paris, should use their utmost endeavours to disperse this band of robbers; and that twelve Members should wait on his Majesty, to entreat him to take measures for the attainment of the same end.
Extract from the address of the people of Rouen to the National Assembly, against the assignats, or notes, Sept. 3.
"True it is, indeed, that notes of 24 livres will circulate without difficulty from the richest man in the kingdom, down to the humble artisans, labourers and manufacturers; but when once they have got among this latter class of peo-
ple, who are the most numerous, and at the same time the most useful in the community, they will instantly produce discontent, murmurs and perhaps insurrections: and who can tell to what length the artist or laborer will go, when he finds he cannot procure with his note, without absolutely sacrificing it, the smallest share of the commonest necessaries of life?—Upon this plan the nation is to be given up to be ruined by holders of capital, and to be distressed by a few men of wealth—Persons of this description, will have it in their power to discharge the heaviest debts with the most trifling considerations—and the people alone, for a succession of years will have to bear a loss, inseparable from the exchange of the small notes.
"The lower class are not deeply skilled in accounts; and every day, every moment of their lives, they will be at the mercy of these stock-jobbing patriots, who being no longer in a situation to plunder the public treasury, are now preparing to direct their engines against the simple and honest ploughman, and the poor and industrious artisan, who from inexperience, will inevitably fall a prey to their treachery and perfidious ways of dealing.
"This can admit of no dispute, that the more the notes are reduced, and subdivided into smaller denominations, the more they will circulate among a numerous class of useful citizens, who are the main support of agriculture and commerce; and of consequence, in proportion to the number of them that you render discontented, so many more enemies do you make to the revolution from among these very people, who with good usage would be its principal succour and support.
"The service of the army, the marine, the charitable houses; none of these can be supported without money. Hitherto the subsidy, the twentieths, and the poll-tax have been submitted to, because these taxes were received in quarter parts, and the quotas of few people amounted to more than 200 livres, and consequently in this case might be paid off with notes. But, the moment you have decreed the circulation of assignats (or notes) of 100, 50, and 24 livres it is evident that seven-eighths of the above taxes will be paid off in paper, and what possible resource will there, in that case, be left for government?
"There is but one method to discharge the public demands, and which will answer every beneficial purpose of the assignats, without their inconveniences.—This is to pay off immediately the whole sum wanted, in notes from the financier's office, or national acknowledgments, which shall bear an interest of five per cent. and to be received equally with gold and silver in paying the national dues.
"By such a measure, we shall put into the hands of the public creditors, property that can be transferred, and at least equal in value to what may be termed the domain or patrimony of the nation."
AUGUSTA, October 30.
A report prevails here that brigadier general McGillivray has been sent to some of the Spanish mines. It is said that Mr. Secretary Howard waited on the general on his arrival in the St. Mary, with compliments from the governor of East-Florida, and intimating his earnest desire of seeing the new brigadier, and hence it is concluded that this visit terminated in introducing the general to the supposed place of his present residence. Various are the conjectures occasioned by this report; some maintain that a war with Spain is inevitable, and that the dignity of the United States, and the magnanimity of the Secretary at war can never brook the insult—whilst others insist that it is a meritorious act of the Spaniards, in punishing the American general as a defected Spanish colonel.
CHARLESTON, November 9.
Yesterday the following gentlemen were publicly proclaimed representatives to Congress for the state of South-Carolina.
WILLIAM SMITH for Charleston district; ROBERT BARNWELL, for the united districts of Beaufort and Orangeburgh; DANIEL HUGER, for the united districts of Georgetown and Cheraws; THOMAS SUMTER, for the district of Camden: and THOMAS TUDOR TUCKER, for the district of Ninety Six.
A gentleman from the interior part of this state, assures us, that the crops are generally more abundant than usual, which circumstance affords the pleasing prospect of giving the honest farmer relief in present difficulties, and adding to his future views of happiness.
Died at Georgetown, on the first instant, Dr. BEDFORD WILLIAMS, late a surgeon in the continental army—a gentleman whose merit and abilities in the line of his profession, placed him high in the esteem of a very numerous acquaintance—he was an affectionate husband, a tender parent, and a generous friend. On the day following ALEXANDER KEITH, Esq; of the same place.
A HINT TO FARMERS. WHEAT.
WHEN this valuable grain has attained its full plumpness, and begins to shew its ripening color, it should be reaped and laid a few days with the ears a little elevated, to harden before it is bound up, and afterwards stand at least a week or ten days in shock, which will be the means of its proving sweeter, weighing heavier, and yielding a much greater proportion of flour, and less of bran, than when it is suffered to stand on the ground till the ears become inverted, and the corn parched and shrivelled; but this is far from being the whole of the evil, for the straw, when cut in a dry and brittle state, is not so valuable for thatch, fodder, or litter, as it is when cut in a greener state; and when a brisk wind happens, there is frequently a loss sustained of one third of the crop.
ANECDOLE of Dr. JOHNSON.
THE settled aversion Dr. Johnson felt towards an infidel, he expressed to all ranks, and at all times, without the smallest reserve. For tho' on common occasions he paid great deference to birth or title, yet his regard for truth and virtue never gave way to meaner considerations. We talk'd of a dead wit one evening, and somebody praised him:—"Let us never," said he, "praise talents so ill employed, Sir. We foul our mouths by commending such infidels." Allow him the lumieres at least, intreated one of the company:—"I do allow him, Sir," replied Johnson, "just enough to light him to Hell."

Philadelphia, Dec. 1.
Saturday last the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, his LADY and Family, arrived in this city from Virginia.
While happy millions grateful bend the knee, To that Almighty Power that made them free; Their ardent prayers, prevailing, shall ascend, For Freedom's Guardian and the World's best Friend.
Extract of a letter from England, dated Sept. 15, and received by the Packet.
"Our harvest has hitherto been very fine, and Wheat has fallen considerably. The importation to Great-Britain will soon cease; but it may be wanted in France, where public disturbances may probably produce scarcity."
"The clouds appear to be gathering, and I am fearful that the liberties of Frenchmen will not be secured without much bloodshed. The sons of liberty have been, in my opinion, much over-seen in attacking the power both of the Church and of the Nobles, by which they have obliged these to join in one common cause; and these two formidable bodies will undoubtedly use every secret artifice and open endeavor to recover their ascendancy, and crush the democracy. A letter to the Marquis de la Fayette, sent last July twelve-month, proposed two houses of parliament—a house of representatives for the commonalty, and a representative body of nobles chosen out of the whole body by the votes of the respective individuals, which would have prevented the making of Nobles by the Sovereign, and sending them to the house of Lords to answer particular purposes, as has been too often done in this kingdom. It was urged also to leave the Sovereign in possession of as much power as could be enjoyed consistent with general liberty. In a populous nation, whether titled or not, there will be aristocrats, no less than democrats; and I am fully of your Vice-President's mind, that these must be balanced by the interposing hand of some single sovereign executive power, in order to preserve universal freedom."
It is still uncertain whether War or Peace will be the portion of Great Britain and Spain for another year: If war, it originates from the attempts of the British adventurers to exclude the Americans from trading with the Indians bordering on the Pacific ocean, by forming a settlement at Nootka Sound; which settlement excited the apprehensions of the Spaniards, and so an attack. The purchasing provisions, &c. for a twelve-month to come for supplying the navy, may be only a finesse of the British ministry to obtain better terms in the accommodation, by putting on the appearance of resoluteness to go to war; for the provisions can be re-sold at far less loss than the advantages gained by the finesse will compensate for; but the policy of the United States, I hope, will be Peace, and Trade with all the world."
Extract of a letter from London, dated October 5.
"The public opinion is very much divided as to the event of the present negotiation with Spain. A messenger has just arrived from that Court, and report says, that one of the propositions sent there, has not been acceded to. I have good reason to believe, that Mr. Fitzherbert has sent for fresh powers. Opposition are endeavoring to make some use of Capt. M c Donald's testimony, by inflaming the people. The parliament being on the eve of meeting, the speech from the throne will afford a better opportunity of judging of the intentions of ministry, than any of the reports in circulation. I think it beyond a doubt, that they will avoid a war if possible: But John Bull will not readily forgive the expence he has been put to without some fighting."
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman in Paris to his friend in this City, dated Sept. 23.
"I shall remain here about a month longer, where I employ myself studying politics in the two great schools of this city, the club 89 and the Jacobins. I likewise associate as much as possible with the aristocrats: But I do not intend to say a word to you upon this subject until my return to London, and have had time to shake off the tumult of passion with which all parties here are overpowered. I cannot help, however, mentioning to you a most singular circumstance, and which has given me a good deal of pain. There is now the same passion for paper money in this country which once subsisted in America; a large party has proposed to issue at once two milliards, that is two thousand millions of livres, the supposed value of the property of the clergy, and pay at once a full half of the whole debt of the State; and it is most likely that they will succeed in a great measure, by procuring an emission to a very great extent, although they are vigorously opposed by many of very sound judgment, with all the force of reason drawn from principles and experience. They will not even take warning by their own experience; they have already issued 300 millions of this paper, which is sold publicly at 8 per cent. discount. It is surprising it has kept up so well—Judge what the consequence will be of two milliards. It is per-
fectly clear to me that it will ruin every manufacturer in the kingdom, and those alone will profit by it who are now ruined with debt. I have purchased since I came here, chiefly for your use, the Proces Verbal de L'Assemblée Nationale, with the Deereis et Debats, in 33 vols. octavo. I think it will be a treat to most of your American friends, who are fond of politics. Our friends—and Abbé—, in spite of all their philosophy, are as much smitten with the paper money disease as the most violent amongst them. They do not perceive that only a certain quantity of money can circulate in a country in proportion to the commerce of that country, without sinking in value. Where that surplus is gold and silver, it can be exported; but paper money made a tender for gold and silver, is at once violating all the private contracts of the kingdom. This paper money must remain in France, and exceeding greatly what is necessary for the circulation, must sink in value in the hands of the public creditors, and in the hands of every person who keeps it a few days. It must put an end to all future confidence in private transactions, and consequently to the whole commerce and manufactures of the kingdom where credit is given. The manufacturers will therefore want employment, and starve, which will create more confusion than was ever created by the want of corn, or the manœuvres of the aristocrats."
"P. S. The National Assembly has this moment voted 1200 millions of assignats, paper money. (30th Sept.)"
By the British Packet arrived at New-York, London papers are received to the 6th of October. From them we learn, that
An engagement between the Austrians and Brabanters ended with great loss (8000 men) to the latter. Congress appears far from being discouraged by this check, and are determined to support their cause to the last extremity. This account is dated Brussels October 1.
The war between Spain and the Barbary States has begun by the cannonading of Tangiers, in the beginning of September.
After much warm debate in the National Assembly, on the 27th of Sept. and much confusion on the succeeding day, it was decreed 513 to 427,
That the debt immediately due from the state, as well as that of the late clergy, shall be paid in the order hereafter to be regulated in Assignats current, without interest. There shall not be more than 12,000 millions of livres in Assignats in circulation at the same time, including the 400 millions already decreed. The Assignats, as they shall be returned into the Treasury, shall be burnt, and a new emission of them shall not be made without a decree from the National Assembly, and this shall always be made on condition that they do not exceed the value of the national domains, nor be above twelve hundred millions at the same time."
Tho' hostilities are not yet actually declared against Spain, there can be no impropriety in terming that country our enemy. Hostile dispositions is now avowed on both sides, and it waits but for the word of command to produce immediate action.
The Empress of Russia seems disposed to make peace with the Turks on very liberal terms. She offers to give up her conquests made from them during the present war, except Oczakow.
Great confusion in the French navy. The criminal proceedings of the Chatelet of Paris, on a denunciation of what happened at Versailles on the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, are published at last, by order of the National Assembly, and are the general topic of conversation.
In a late action with the Emperor's troops, the Patriots of Brabant, under the command of Mr. VANDERNOOT were entirely defeated, with the loss of 8000 men—5000 of which were drowned in the Meuse.
Mons. BOUILLE, and the Count ROCHAMBEAU, are appointed by the National Assembly, to the command of the troops on the Frontiers of France!
It appears by recent accounts from England, that the friends of universal liberty in that kingdom, on the principles of genuine philanthropy, gave early intimations to the leading influential characters in the National Assembly, that their levelling measures would prove unpropitious in the result; it seems, however, that their hints were unavailing—for levelling is an innocent amusement, compared to the paper money expedient; of all the sources of confusion that ever existed, this is the greatest. It effectually turns the world upside down, and by ruining the best part of the community, it creates fortunes for bankrupts and unprincipled characters of every description. The powers of darkness could not have aimed a more fatal stroke at the liberties of France.
Extract of a letter from New-York, to a gentleman in Vermont, dated October 30.
"You cannot but be sensible that candor has graced the conduct of this state in its late negotiation with you: I am glad to find your legislature have ratified our conditions. The sum 9000. (lawful money) is but a trifle, if it terminates contention, and establishes amity between neighboring states. Many among us (especially members of the law) argued, that ten cents per acre would not have amounted to half the sum: but when we reflect what a scene of contention it might have opened, and how expensive determinations at law would have been, the ruin of numbers seems to have been contained in the latter, while scarce the idea of difficulty is involved in the former. Those who are of an antifederal
turn both among you and us, will start objections to your accession to the union: among other matters, the payment of a quota of the public debt may be held up as a bugbear: but when any man of common capacity, reflects on the exertions made and making to discharge these demands; when he takes into view the growing state of our commerce, and consequent encrease of the public revenue by impost and excise, the result of the reflection must be, that direct taxation can never arise from present debts, and through the mean of indirect taxation you already pay your full proportion towards supporting the federal government.—I affirmed that you paid your full proportion—you indirectly pay much more while deprived of the benefits of representation. The prevalent wish here, is perpetual union between New-York and Vermont, and a just proportion of Northern influence in Congress."
"Perhaps it may not be amiss, to remark, that the tranquility of the union is an evidence of the goodness of the federal constitution. How soon after its adoption does the animosities of the most antifederal states subside to peace. May providence conduct you to the union, and happiness be the result." (Vermont Gaz.)
Among other important articles of Congressional deliberation at the ensuing session, MANUFACTURES and the FISHERIES, will claim a distinguished attention.—These important subjects having been specially referred to the consideration of the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Secretary of State, to report thereon.
While we contemplate the present inauspicious aspect of public affairs in France, we cannot but feelingly regret that the line of policy which has been pursued by the National Assembly, has placed the success of the revolution and the full triumph of freedom, in a very critical situation.
On Tuesday last the Legislature of New-Jersey appointed the Hon. Philemon Dickinson and the Hon. John Rutherford, jun. Senators for that State in Congress—the first to supply the place of Governor Paterson—the other to take his seat after the expiration of Mr. Elmer's time.
The 7th Anniversary of the Evacuation of the city of New-York by the British army, was celebrated last week by the citizens, with the usual demonstrations of joy.
Married at New-York, the Hon. JOHN VINING, member of the House of Representatives of the United States, to Miss SETON, daughter of William Seton, Esq. of that city.
BOSTON, November 20.
The provinces of Nova-Scotia and New-Brunswick, cost the crown of Britain above 40,000 dollars per annum, besides the army and navy expenses. Like the Indian's gun, "they cost more than they come to."
We are happy to mention, as an instance of agricultural prosperity, that the HOPS raised in the town of Wilmington (Essex) this year, have produced the sum of Twelve Thousand Dollars—at market.
NEW-YORK, November 25.
The county of Berkshire, being the westernmost county of Massachusetts, bordering on New-York, is found to contain, by the late census, 29,890 whites; 323 other free persons; slaves NONA—total 30,223 souls. The males exceed the females 963. Of the males, those under 16, exceed those of 16 and upwards, 431.
LATEST ARRIVALS AT THIS PORT.
 Ship Flora, Losh, Liverpool.  William, Wood, Peterburg (Russia.)  Snow Fanny, Wetherill, Bristol.  Brig Live-Oak, Irwin, Jamaica.  Fair Hebe, Feinour, Fayal.  Betsy, White, Cape-Francois, 28 days.  Hetty, Drinker, Charleston, 14.  Nancy, Driges, —.  Sophia, Webb, Port-au-Prince.  Schooner Partnership, Jarvis, Sinnepuxent.  Sally, Marcham, Lynn.  Delaware, Knox, Virginia. 
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 14/— pr. £. or 70 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 7 1/4—7 1/2 or 37 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 6 3/8 33 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 12 3/8—12 1/2 63 3/4 do.   Indents 7 3/4—7 1/2 37 do.   State debts 8 3/4—8 1/2 42 do.  
A STATED Meeting of the HIBERNIAN SOCIETY for the relief of Irish Emigrants, will be held at Six o'Clock, on Monday evening next, the 6th of December, at Mr. PATRICK BANE's Tavern, Front-Street. Signed by Order, MATTHEW CAREY, Sec'y. Nov. 29.
COLLEGE OF PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 1st, 1790.
LAW LECTURES.
THE Hon. Judge WILSON, PROFESSOR of LAWS in the College and Academy of Philadelphia, will deliver his Introductory Lecture in the public HALL, on Wednesday the 15th of this Month, at 5 o'Clock in the Evening. Those Gentlemen who propose to attend the Lectures are requested to signify their intentions soon, that the necessary Preparations may be made for their accommodation. By Order of the Faculty of the College, WILLIAM ROGERS, Secretary.
Ebenezer Hazard,
At No. 128, in Second Street, between Race and Vine Streets, BUYS AND SELLS ALL KINDS OF
PUBLIC SECURITIES.
N. B. Persons having Business to transact at the Public Offices, may be assisted, or have their Business done for them (without the trouble and expence of a personal attendance) on very moderate Terms. November 29.
This Day is published,
By Carey, Stewart, and Co.
No. 22, Front-Street,
THE FIRST AMERICAN EDITION OF THE DOWAY TRANSLATION OF THE
VULGATE BIBLE,
Containing 990 Pages in Quarto. (Price Six Dollars.) Subscribers are requested to send for their Books. Nov. 29.

Discourses on Davila.
No. XXIII.—CONTINUED.
Utrumque regem, sua multitudo contulaverat.
THIS Prince (the King of Navarre,) began gravely to acknowledge that the Hugonots disguised their passions and their interests, under the veil of christian charity, and the cloak of religion. Moreover, he was made to apprehend that the Admiral, with his policy, would persuade all France to believe that the King of Navarre followed blindly his councils. They piqued his jealousy, by representing to him that the Calvinists highly blamed his sloth and indolence, while all their affections and attachments were to the Prince of Conde, whose courage, promptitude, and magnanimity, they never ceased to exalt and celebrate. A last consideration of extreme importance, touched a nerve of exquisite sensibility: The King of France and his brothers were of feeble and delicate complexions, ill constituted, subject to dangerous distempers, and too young to have children. The succession to the crown, regarded him as the first Prince of the blood, and to declare himself the head and protector of the Hugonots, was to place between the throne and him, an impenetrable barrier. To smooth his way the more easily to the throne, he inclined to re-unite himself to the Catholic party, to attract the favor of the Pope and the King of Spain, and to attach to himself the forces of the faction, which was the best united, and the most powerful. He began to distrust the councils of the Queen his wife, blindly devoted to Calvinism, and naturally an enemy of pacific measures. The magnificent promises and persuasive discourses of the legate, and of Marriguez , joined to so many other motives, determined him finally to unite himself with the Constable and the Duke of Guise. They declared loudly in words and by writings, that they were leagued only for the defence of the Catholic religion: but their views were, in reality, much more vast. The King of Navarre abandoned one party, in which he found himself eclipsed by his brother, to attach himself to another, in which they offered him more brilliant hopes. And the Guises entered into this convention, only to re-establish their credit and ancient grandeur.
Such was the union, which taught the French the art of forming leagues and combinations, without the knowledge of their sovereigns. The Hugonots represented it in the most odious colours, and called it the triumvirate. The Queen Jane conceived a lively resentment of this unexpected resolution of her husband. Full of indignation to see him become the most ardent persecutor of her favorite religion, in which she had confirmed him; she resolved to quit the court, and retired into Bearn, with the Prince Henry, and the Princess Catharine, her children, whom she instructed in the reformed religion, declining all further society, and commerce with her husband. The Queen-mother was not less alarmed with a change so sudden and incredible. The triumvirate destroyed all the projects of an equilibrium, which she had founded, on the distrusts and animosities which divided the grandees. She dreaded as much, for the safety of her children, as for her own authority. These reciprocal variations, these combinations of interests, totally opposite to each other, announced clearly enough to her understanding, that this union concealed high hopes, and vast designs. She knew that the Guises had unraveled her artifices, and that burning with ambition, they sought every means of re-entering into the ministry. Moreover, what probability was there, that the King of Navarre would renounce the friendship of his brother, and of his most faithful partisans, to unite with his most cruel enemies, if he had not been assured of great advantages in such a change. She was not ignorant of the empire which is held over human hearts, even the most upright, by ambition and the thirst of ruling. Finally, considering every thing which threatened her, she could not dissemble her own weakness, nor that of her children. Forced by these reflections to trust no longer, either the sincerity of the King of Navarre, nor the demonstrations made by the Catholics, of having no design of making any innovation in the government; a prey to constant terrors, alarms and suspicions, nothing was capable of calming her inquietude. She passed often whole nights, in conference with her confidants, and among others with the Bishop of Valence, and the Chancellor De L'Hopital : Their counsels, and above all, the critical position in which she stood, determined her to form a coalition with the Prince of Conde and the Admiral, to favor their designs, and support herself with their forces, in order to counterbalance, as much as possible, the power of the opposite faction: alledging among other motives, to her Catholic confidants, that God himself permits evil for the sake of good: and since the Hugonots had caused so many disorders, it was but just to make use of them, to cure the distempers which had infected the heart of the state.
(To be continued.)
THE MISTAKEN SHEPHERD.
THE hapless Shepherd of the plain, If his lov'd Daphne frown, Desponding, thinks his suit in vain, Aside his crook is thrown.
His oaten pipe no more is tun'd, His flocks untended stray; He feels too deep the eye-struck wound, And sighs his hours away,
But speed, fond Swain, thy Charmer seek, Who loves thee, and is kind; And only frowns, because you speak Too little of your mind.
IMPERIAL, HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
TEAS;
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, and SPICES, &c.
Of the first Quality—by Retail,
No. 17,
Third-Street, between Chesnut and Market-Streets.
JOHN FRANCIS,
Late of NEW-YORK, respectfully informs the public, that he has opened a
Commodious Boarding House,
No. 53, FOURTH-STREET, one door from Race-Street, WHERE Gentlemen may be accommodated with GENTLE BOARDING AND LODGING, By the Week, Month, or Year, and on the most moderate terms. Phila. Nov. 20, 1790.—[saw.3m.]
At the
INTELLIGENCE-OFFICE,
No. 208, in MARKET, above 6th STREET, South side,
WILL be negotiated all kinds of PAPER-MONEY and
Public Securities,
BUSINESS transacted in public offices in the city, and such Paper-Money and Certificates furnished, as will make payment at the Land Office equal to Gold and Silver.
MONEY borrowed or loaned, and BILLS, BONDS, and NOTES of HAND discounted.
HOUSES, Farms, Lands, and Lots, bought and sold, let or leased, and Houses, Rooms, Boarding and Lodging procured for Strangers, or others.
BOOK-KEEPERS, Clerks, School-Masters, Waiters, Nurses, Seamstresses, Chamber and other Maids, and those of other professions, who come well recommended, may hear of employ; and Employers be supplied, by applying to
FRANCIS WHITE.
Dealer in Paper Money, and Public Securities.
Improvements and Additions to Mr. BOWEN'S
Exhibition of Wax-Work,
Viz.
HIS Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Esq.—A Philadelphian Beauty.—Peace, (an elegant figure) with her Olive Branch.—Plenty, with wreaths of Flowers, basket of Fruit, &c.
TICKETS, at one quarter dollar, may be had at Mr. JAMES BRYSON'S, No. 4, Third, below Market Street; where the exhibition is open from 10 o'clock in the Morning, until 9 every Evening.
N. B. MINIATURE and PORTRAIT PAINTING done at the same place, on reasonable terms. Philadelphia, Oct. 30, 1790.
PURSUANT to a Resolve or act of Congress of the 10th day of May, 1780, relative to the destruction of Loan-Office Certificates by accident; notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that on the 26th of December 1788, the house occupied by WILLIAM HASELTON, of the Delaware State, took fire and was consumed, in which was lodged a number of Loan-Office certificates as pr. list below, all which were destroyed by the said fire: Therefore if any person, hath any objection why the said Certificates should not be renewed, agreeable to the resolves of Congress, they must make them before the expiration of three months, from the date hereof.
Invoice of Loan-Office Certificates destroyed in the house of Wm. Haselton on the above date.
Table with 3 columns: Date, Amount, and To Whom. Rows include: 1788, October 24, 4873 of 500 dollars each favor of JAMES HASELTON; 4874 one of 1480 dollars, ELIZABETH HASELTON, Administratrix of JAMES HASELTON, deceased. Philadelphia, Nov. 26, 1790.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, October 14, 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given, That Proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the 30th day of November next, inclusive, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1791, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, and the Post of West-Point, in the State of New-York.
The Rations to be supplied, are to consist of the following Articles, viz. One pound of Bread or Flour, One pound of Beef, or 3/4 of a pound of Pork, Half a Jill of Rum, Brandy, or Whisky, One quart of Salt, Two quarts of Vinegar, Two pounds of Soap, One pound of Candles, } pr. 100 rations.
Separate Proposals may be made for each place, specifying the lowest price pr. ration.—No credit is required.
SUBSCRIBERS in the City and State of New-York—and to the Eastward as far as Boston, will please to pay their arrearages to Mr. P. Wetmore, at the Post-Office, New-York—who will also receive Subscriptions for the Gazette.
The price of this paper is 3 dolls. pr. ann. and 5d. single number.
PLAN OF THE Gazette of the United States: (A NATIONAL PAPER.)
Published at the Seat of the NATIONAL GOVERNMENT, Comprising
EARLY and authentic accounts of the Proceedings of Congress—Its Laws, Acts, and Resolutions, communicated so as to form an history of the transactions of the national government.
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III. Essays on the great subjects of Government; also upon the local and national rights of the American citizens, as founded upon the national or state Constitutions; and upon every other subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion.
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VI. Every species of Intelligence which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political interests of the American nation.
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To the PUBLIC.
AT this important crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the union of the States—to extend and protect their commerce—to explore and arrange the national funds—to restore and establish the public credit—will require the energies of the patriots and sages of our country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the medium of knowledge and information.
AMERICA, from this period begins her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—the wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the empires, states, and kingdoms, which have had their day upon the great theatre of time, and are now no more, suggest the most important mementos—these, with the rapid series of events, in which our country has been involved, have taught the enlightened citizens of the United States, that freedom and government—liberty and laws, are inseparable.
This conviction led to the adoption of the new constitution; for however various the sentiments, respecting the merits of this system, all good men are agreed in the necessity of an efficient federal government.
A paper, therefore, established upon national, independent, and impartial principles—which shall take up the premised articles, upon a competent plan, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with public approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this publication is determined to leave no avenue of information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the public's humble servant, THE EDITOR. April 15, 1790.
THIS publication commenced with the present government of the United States:—Its principal objects are comprised in the above plan; they have been thus far attended to, according to the best abilities of the Editor—and that they are deemed interesting, has been evinced by the general approbation which the paper has received, and the extensive circulation it has obtained: It shall be the aim of the Editor to keep up the spirit of his plan—every communication conducive to that point, will be gratefully received.—Freedom, Government, Union and Peace constitute the happiness of every country—the United States in a particular manner, have all their present enjoyments, and future hopes, suspended on the preservation of these essential pillars of human felicity: In an ardent wish to promote these great objects, the "Gazette of the United States" originated—to these it has been—and shall be sedulously devoted; and while it continues an impartial vehicle to the public of governmental transactions, and interesting information on the most important subjects of life, the Editor cannot fail of public encouragement.
Agreeable to the original design, the publication is now commenced in Philadelphia, the seat of government for the United States.—The patronage of the citizens of this metropolis is hereby solicited:—Those who may wish to form a judgment of the work, are respectfully informed that the first volume (from April 1789, to April 1790) may be inspected at the house of the Editor, No. 69, Market-Street.
The second volume commenced in April last: The Editor can supply the numbers complete from that period—which contain the laws of the second session of Congress—and the debates and proceedings of the house of Representatives, during four months of the session.
Among the innumerable blessings derived to the people of the United States from the present general government, there is none productive of happier effects than that spirit of UNIVERSAL CITIZENSHIP which has in a great measure eradicated party and local distinctions, and now forms a great national feature in the American character.—The Editor, therefore, with confidence, takes his station in the capital of the United States, being fully persuaded, that in proportion to his merits, he will receive the patronage of the public. JOHN FENNO.