Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-05-16 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. X.
From WEDNESDAY, MAY 13, to SATURDAY, MAY 16, 1789.
PRICE SIX PENCE.
A SKETCH of the POLITICAL STATE of AMERICA.
NUMBER VIII.
THE arrangement of the great constitutional powers of Government, viz. the legislative, judicial, and executive, into three distinct and separate bodies, differently constituted, and independent of each other, forms the best security against encroachments upon either, or the abuse of the power appertaining to each, which human ingenuity has yet devised; as the opposing interests of the several branches tend to produce that balance and equilibrium between the whole, which affords a great palladium to the liberties of the people, and forms a government of laws in contradistinction to a government of men.
In proceeding to examine the present National System, by the criterion just established, we shall find as near a conformity to it, as the circumstances and relative situation of the governments priorly existing, seemed to admit of; though perhaps not so completely conformable, as might have been wished: One branch of the Legislature is composed of men chosen directly by the people, and at stated periods, which are as near to each other as is compatible with the real interests of the people; for a shorter period than two years, would not have afforded sufficient time to become acquainted with those points, in which these interests consisted: The proportion of the Representatives to the people are adequate to the purposes of their institution, and at the same time free from the inconveniencies and indecision peculiar to multitudinous assemblies; they (very properly) hold the purse-strings of the nation, which it is natural to suppose they will never unloose, but for the benefit of the people, in which consists their greatest security; as the want of money to support it must ever bar the progress of any combination, hostile to their rights; and as a further security against oppressive systems of taxation, we have the opposing interests of those who levy them, being themselves subject to the burthen equally with the rest of the community.
We now proceed to some general reflections on the other branch of the Legislature, which we find to be chosen indirectly by the people, thro' the medium of each particular government, and intended to support distinctly, that corporate power of their constituents, which is the essence of this confederated Republic, or confederation of Republics, and which affords the reason of an equal representation from all. While this body is peculiarly calculated to preserve these essential distinctions, it has a tendency to check the progress of any party-projects, and to temper that zeal and passion in the other branch, which too often bears sway in popular assemblies, while their riper years, and more mature judgment, give the people a right to expect the most beneficial consequences from their concurrent power. The advantages to be derived from their duration in office, for forming treaties, &c. need no comment.
Upon the joint wisdom of the two branches of the Legislature, will the Judicial power be established to be perfectly independent of either, after being thus constituted, which independence must arise from the tenure of the offices "during good behavior," and such salaries as will give them ease, and prevent the chance of corruption; and perhaps in no case can abstract and uncontrolled power, be lodged with more security to liberty and the rights of the people—the experience of several States in the union will strongly support this position.
We come now to the executive branch of power, the formation of which proves the difficulties that attended its establishment, and which under all circumstances, is thought to be the most eligible that could have been adopted. The objections which now attend it, consist in the want of a proper responsibility in the first Magistrate (owing to the partition of his powers with the Senate) which is peculiarly attainable in an elective Magistrate, and affords the most effective security against the abuse of power; while here we also find the same men legislators and executors of the laws, which in some cases may prevent their impartial administration; but the present position of the executive, as corresponding with the general ideas of those who planned it, may be deemed the most expedient; and while that great man fills the executive power of this government, to attempt half whose eulogium the ablest panegyrist must blush, and against whom the tongue of calumny has never dared to circulate a whisper, Justice will have her commanding power, and the various interests of the community be directed and guarded by an equal hand. If any future alterations of the government should be found necessary, we invoke the smiles of Heaven on the attempt.
The great objects to be attended to by this government, as Revenue, Agriculture, Manufactures, and Commerce —future principles of Taxation, Public Debts, Public Faith, or Credit, unlocated Lands, Naval and Military Strength, &c. &c. will be attended to in the form heretofore pursued, or by a special publication.
AMERICANUS.
STYLE FOR THE PRESIDENT.
[If the following Speculation, taken from the "DAILY ADVERTISER" of Thursday last, did not merit a re-publication from the importance of the subject it refers to, yet its beauties as a Composition, would be a sufficient apology for its appearance in the Gazette of the United States; but its eligibility on both accounts is strikingly apparent.]
To the PRINTER.
SIR,
A committee of Congress are appointed to report on the style in which the Legislature are to address THE PRESIDENT of the United States: That something in addition to the word President is proper, may be inferred from the practice of all nations, the most civilized, and the most barbarous, from the conduct of these States, towards their own officers, and from the declarations of those who by their sex or station, are placed out of the vortex of politics, and speak only from their feelings: By these the title of Excellency is considered as too little for so dignified a subject, and for want of a better term, the word Highness is substituted. This too is exceptionable, as conveying no definite meaning; and as it has hitherto been applied to the little Princes of Europe, cannot be expressive of the rank of the first magistrate of a free people. Why should not the style be commensurate to his station? If he is the first magistrate, why should any other appellation be sought in the court calendars of Europe, or the sublime bombast of the east; GEORGE WASHINGTON, SUPREME MAGISTRATE, AND PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, is surely not harsher than the various titles assumed by the executive powers of other nations; nor will Your Magistracy, or Your Supremacy, and Your Highness, when once the ear is familiarized to the sound.
The ideas these terms convey, are not only better adapted to the subject, but are infinitely more elevated, since in this first application, they will borrow all the lustre of the man to whom they are solely appropriated, and to every hearer they will be synonymous with BRAVERY, DIGNITY, PATRIOTISM, VIRTUE, WISDOM, WASHINGTON; and when the tears of a grateful people shall bedew the grave of their beloved Chief, these titles, endeared and dignified by their first wearer, will reflect lustre on his successor. A. L.
"WILMINGTON, MAY 9, 1789.
An ADDRESS of the Delaware Society for promoting domestic Manufactures, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, President-General of the United States.
WE the members of the Delaware Society for promoting domestic manufactures, beg leave to present your Excellency with our warmest congratulations on your appointment to the presidency of the United States.
Deeply penetrated with the most indelible sentiments of gratitude for your former inestimable services, we participate the lively effusions of joy so universally communicated by your consenting to accept the high trust to which you have been so honorably elected.
We are sensible that the establishment of a general government, in which freedom and energy are so happily blended, is an object of the highest consequence, and will require the restoration of that confidence in the administration of public affairs, which the general opinion of your disinterested virtue, moderation and other eminent qualities alone can inspire.
As your excellency has been pleased to relinquish the enjoyment of a dignified retirement, and in compliance with the ardent solicitations of a numerous and grateful people, once more to afford us the benefit of your sage direction and illustrious example, we contemplate with peculiar satisfaction the credit and renown our new government will acquire, even in distant nations, by its commencement under the glorious auspices of your distinguished abilities and celebrated name.
We are conscious of our unspeakable obligation to Providence for the preservation of your invaluable life to a period so important, and our most fervent wishes will be unceasing that your excellency may long preside in the councils of America, with uninterrupted harmony and the superior delight of promoting the happiness and prosperity of a rising empire.
Being fully convinced of your Excellency's indulgent attention to whatever is designed to be of public utility, we flatter ourselves, the society who have the honor to present this address, having associated under an engagement to clothe themselves in complete suits of domestic manufactures, and encourage every branch of the same in America, will meet your Excellency's approbation, and be favorably considered as an additional instance of the federal and patriotic sentiments of the citizens of Delaware.
In behalf of the Society, THOMAS MAY, VICE-PRESIDENT.
To the Delaware Society for promoting Domestic Manufactures.
GENTLEMEN,
I return you my sincere thanks for your congratulations and good wishes on my appointment to the presidency of the United States.
Convinced that the happy effects which may be derived from our government, must depend, in a considerable degree, on the determination of the people to support the person entrusted with
the administration, I shall rejoice to find that my acceptance has met with their approbation.
The promotion of domestic manufactures, will, in my conception, be among the first consequences which may naturally be expected to result from an energetic government.—For myself, having equal regard for the prosperity of the farming, trading, and manufacturing interests, I will only observe, that I cannot conceive the extension of the latter (so far as it may afford employment to a great number of hands which would be otherwise idle) can be detrimental to the former. On the contrary, the concurrence of virtuous individuals, and the combination of economical societies to rely as much as possible on the resources of our own country, may be productive of great national advantages, by establishing the habits of industry and economy. The objects, therefore, of your institution are, in my opinion, highly commendable; and you will permit me to add, gentlemen, that I propose to demonstrate the sincerity of my opinion, on this subject, by the uniformity of my practice, in giving a decided preference to the produce and fabrics of America, whenever it may be done without involving unreasonable expenses, or very great inconveniences.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
NATIONAL EXAMPLE.
A correspondent informs us that at the late court held for Chester-county, the grand jury, from principles of patriotism, confined themselves to FEDERAL liquors, so that their expenses during the sitting of the court for two days, amounted only to six shillings each man; whereas former grand juries used to spend from 18 to 22s. 6d.—An example highly worthy of imitation!
HINTS TO MANUFACTURERS.
THE practice of beginning works on a large and expensive plan is attended with two very great evils. It prevents prudent people and people of small stocks, engaging in them. It renders such works very hazardous adventures, for all new works are liable to losses from want of experience in the owners and workmen; and an error committed in large works may prove fatal to a moderate capital, which would scarcely be perceived in similar works on a small plan. In works not well understood, the losses which arise from doing the business in a less perfect manner on a small scale, are small compared with those which attend committing errors in works on a large scale; and in all new works errors will be made. In this country where the value of money is high, it is almost impossible any profit should be a compensation for having so large sums out as must be put into the expensive projects. Most new works have been begun too large in this country. If we built a Sifting Mill, it was made sufficient to sit as much Iron in a week as would sell in half a year. If we built a Glass House, it was at the expence of thousands, and calculated to cover all that part of the country with glass, which was not covered by the house. The history of Potash works in New-England ought to be a lesson to every manufacturing projector.—The first potash work in this country is said to have been erected at, or near what is now called Belchertown in Massachusetts. The proprietor began with building an enormous great House, somewhat like a large New-England Meeting-House, this building he furnished with as many large tubs full bound with strong Iron hoops as could be conveniently placed round the inside of the house, each tub so high and large that a person might as well clean the Augean stable as clean it out, from these his ley was to be drawn. In the mean time people were employed to cut out and burn the wood of the surrounding forests to supply ashes, which indeed were procured in considerable quantities, but as is usual in such attempts not proportioned to the expence. By the time his ashes were ready he had built in the centre of his house, four furnaces, the fires of which were made to meet at a point in one chimney which was to carry up the Smoke, with an idea that he could make a more intense heat by the meeting of the fires of four furnaces than by any single furnace. The intention was, that the strong ley should be made to run in small streams from the surrounding vats into the place where the fires of his four furnaces met, which were to form so intense a heat as to constantly evaporate all the moisture and let the dry salts fall into a bed or pan which was provided below to receive them. These furnaces being duly dried and made hot, the fires were urged, and the ley suffered to run in small streams to the place where it was to be evaporated, but the instant the ley came into this violent heat the chimney blew up, and every thing near it suffered by the explosion. This taught the proprietor that he must boil his ley, and for that purpose he procured pans and went on to make more potash which was sent to market, but what with expences altogether disproportioned to the business, and what with the errors he made in prosecuting the project, the man broke and his potash works went to ruin.
After this some gentlemen from Scotland set up the works in Suffield in Connecticut, they brought out from Scotland every utensil even to the tubs and erected a work some what in the Meeting house style, but being men of business and prudence they continued their works perhaps without great loss, or great profit. From that time to this the projects for making potash have become less and less expensive, till now some of the most profitable potash works we have, were erected at less than twenty dollars expence exclusive of the Iron Kettles.
Begin manufacturing projects with small works and add what by experience is found necessary.
L O N D O N, March 5.
This morning some dispatches were received from Gibraltar, which were brought over in a brig arrived at one of the western ports. A few letters were also brought over, which contain advices that the Emperor of Morocco is fitting out his whole naval force; and that provision vessels are sailing almost daily for Constantinople to the relief of the Turks, who do not find their supplies out of Asia so regular as formerly.
It is thought that Joseph will overturn the third estate, or commons of Brabant, which persists in refusing him any supplies. The two first estates have been summoned on particular business, and it is supposed that this is the object of their convocation. This assembly is sworn to the most scrupulous silence.
May 9. The King of Sweden has published an Ordinance, ordering four fast days to be held during the present year. The critical situation of affairs has induced his Majesty to judge it necessary. It concludes with the following words, deserving of being handed down to posterity,

for their dignity of sentiment, and patriotic worth:
"May a pure and sincere affection for our country, strengthen those ties of friendship, which bind us to you, and you with one another! fleeting is this short, terrestrial and laborious life; and with it vanishes that inequality of rank, which Providence has placed between you and us".
March 10. On Tuesday a most brilliant illumination was set up at Kew by the command of her Majesty. It was a most superb picture, representing a figure of Esculapius presenting a medallion of the King to Britain, by the desire of Providence, who was seated on the clouds, accompanied by boys representing the arts and sciences, &c. the work of Rebecca.
Among the various demonstrations of joy on Tuesday evening, nothing more forcibly spoke the loyalty of the subject than the illumination of the King's-bench prison, where each long mourning captive wip'd the tear of anguish, and parted with his last penny to speak his gratitude to Heaven for the restoration of the King; a butt of porter was given among the prisoners, and loyal toasts were cheerfully quaffed, and in the evening several well executed transparencies made a pleasing appearance.
St. Paul's Cathedral is certainly to be illuminated the evening the King attends it: It will be done by contract, and will cost 2000 guineas.
Extract of a letter from Copenhagen, March 3.
"An attempt has been made here to burn the Russian fleet by an incendiary, one Capt. O'Brien, from Ostend, whose ship lying amongst them, fast in the ice, it had been planned to set on fire,—that a general conflagration might ensue.—Providentially it has been discovered in time: for, if it had succeeded, half the town would have been blown up by the large quantity of gun powder on board the Russian men of war. He had been bribed by a Swedish emissary, and was to have received a reward of 4000l. sterling. O'Brien is arrested, and is to take his trial; but the villain who planned this horrid plot is unfortunately escaped."
Yesterday upwards of 250 volumes of East India transactions, in manuscript, were brought from the India house to Westminster-hall, preparative to the commencement of the trial of Mr. Hastings. Each of these books contains from 1500 to 3000 pages.
The slave trade, and the test act, are again to be agitated in the course of this session.
The Herald of yesterday, though it loudly proclaims the preceding day, that the King was incapable of holding the scepter, and still as bad as he was in the height of his disorder, has thought proper to discontinue that REBELLIOUS theme, and give the lie to its own assertions.
MARCH 11. That best and most difficult of all titles, a Patriot Minister, may now be fairly given to Mr. Pitt. Who ever so ably, or so nobly stood forward to rescue a country from desperation?
MARCH 12. We are desired to mention, by way of caution, that the judges have given it as their opinion, it is TREASON to assert either orally or in print, that the King's mind is deranged, or that he is not in a capacity to act as Sovereign of the British empire.
The Heralds were burned on Tuesday at New-Lloyd's and Will's Coffee houses at the Change, for the treasonable matter it contained on Saturday last; and the apology on Tuesday needs no further comment, and they ought to be burned by Jack Ketch, they speak for themselves. We could have told the public, before they announced it, that the Printer, fearing the just resentment of government, intended to visit Ireland, and Saturday's paper was his finale.
March 16. Admiral Sir Charles Douglass fell down dead, in a fit of apoplexy, as he was entering the assembly-room at Edinburgh, a few days since. The purpose of his journey to Scotland, was to take leave of his friends previous to his departure for Halifax station in America; to which the Lords of the admiralty had appointed him.
The preparations in Prussia proceed with great alacrity. The Empress is unwilling to step forward and give a positive answer to the demands of the Polish Diet, until she is become mistress of Bender, and the emperor is in possession of Belgrade. Every advice seems to assure us, that she is playing a very deep game.
The Russians are sending large sums of money to Constantinople, which they have found by past experience to be the most certain way of securing a favorable peace with the Turkish ministry.
The Spanish, Prussian, and other foreign ambassadors, who had the honor of an audience with His Majesty, on Wednesday last, speak in the most confirmed manner of his Majesty's happy recovery. He took up the subject matter of their last audiences with the clearest recollection, and discussed foreign affairs with such precision and familiarity as if he had not had the interruption from illness.
On Tuesday se'nnight about midnight, or the next morning about one o'clock, the ship London, of London, Capt. Alexander Curling, a lieutenant in his Majesty's navy, from Charleston,
with rice, tobacco, indigo, and some specie, was totally lost on the westernmost rocks of Scilly, and immediately went to pieces. The Capt. thirteen hands, with Mrs. Riely, a widow, a passenger, and a native of Ramsgate, all perished. Joseph Turtle, carpenter, only saved.
The celebrated Marquis de Conflans, died suddenly on Tuesday the 26th ult. while he was washing his hands.
Some short time prior to the Emperor's declaration against the Turks, the flower of his army, to the amount of 40,000 men, were reviewed by His Imperial Majesty, and General Laudun, near Vienna.
After the line had been passed with the usual forms, &c. the troops were divided for a sham fight; one half commanded by the Emperor, the other by Gen. Laudun. The armies had but just separated, before the old veteran Laudun, with the eyes of Argus, discovered, and secured the advantage of some high ground from which he had a perfect view of the Emperor's movements: The general instantly gave the command of this advantageous spot to an able officer; while he, with a detachment of his army, filed off, and took post under cover of a woody hill.
The firing had not continued an hour before the Emperor, who lay detached from his main body, was surrounded by Laudun's party, when the old General, riding up to the Emperor, with much gallantry said, "he could not believe, but that his Majesty had designed him the honor of taking him prisoner;" upon which the Emperor replied with much good humour—"That the circumstance had fully proved that he was but a young soldier; but he had some consolation left, in knowing that he was not the only crowned head, who had bowed to the superior abilities of the first General in the world."
Our correspondent at Versailles sent us the subsequent article, dated Feb. 27, received in London this morning: The King is shut up every morning to run over the numberless publications which appear; and no doubt he sees with pleasure, how the French support and respect him. They report him to have made the following speech: "All things considered, I think the Liberty of the Press produces more truths than lies; and must therefore, notwithstanding many evils, be protected to favor the good that results from it."
Her Majesty of France, who through the course of our Most Gracious Sovereign's late illness, has sympathised with his royal consort with a feeling which did honor even to the dignity of her high station, proposes to give a grand gala at court, the moment the official accounts arrive there of his recovery; all the foreign Ambassadors, with the principal of the French, and all the English nobility now residing in Paris, are invited.
PHILADELPHIA, May 13.
WAR IN THE EAST INDIES.
Extract of a letter from Madras, dated Sept. 28.
"Since writing the foregoing, I have to inform you, that hostilities are once more commenced between the English and Tippoo Saib, (the late Hyder Ally's son) who, from the time the English first settled upon the coast, to this day, has been their most inveterate enemy, having always declared them the ravagers of the country. He is allowed to be the greatest military genius of the East, and commands the greatest army of any of the eastern Princes. During the late Carnatic war, the English had every thing to fear from so formidable an enemy. Hyder himself could command an army of 200,000 men, while his son at the head of a numerous army, over-run the whole Carnatic, and burst like a torrent upon their enemies, taking some of the most capital places. The great pains which Hyder always took to train his son up to avenge his country's wrongs, does him honor. That Prince has always declared his predilection for the French. Since our arrival, a detachment has been sent to the northward, to reinforce the English in that quarter. A battle since has taken place, and two battalions of the Company's troops have been entirely cut off, the English have however, some advantage on their side, as they have taken two of Tippoo Saib's forts."
It is to be hoped, says a correspondent, that the committee lately appointed to ascertain the debt of the United States, will not forget to report the debts of each State to its citizens. These, it is said, are equal to the whole debt of the United States.
In the year 1850, it will probably be as incredible, that the citizens of the United States (with their present immense resources for manufactures of all kinds) imported their cloathing from a country 3000 miles distant from them, as it now is, that some of the inhabitants of Maryland once imported flour for the use of their tables from the city of London. The books of an eminent merchant, of the last generation in Maryland show, that this was actually the case, and at a time too, when that State was considerably advanced in population and refinement. Europe has in her days of barbarism exhibited similar instances of folly. The Swedes once imported all their vegetables from Holland.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 13, 1789.
Mr. THATCHER presented a petition from the merchants of Portland, in the State of Massachusetts—the prayer of which was, that the proposed duty on molasses, should not be established by law.
The House then formed into a committee of the whole, on the impost bill.
China, earthen, stone ware, looking glasses and brushes, were added to the list of enumerated articles, at 7 1-2 per cent. ad valorem.
Salt petre was added to the articles exempted from impost.
Mr. PARKER introduced a proposition for a clause to be added to the bill, by which an impost of ten dollars should be assessed on every slave imported into the United States.
This occasioned a debate; in opposition, it was said, "that it is a most unequal and partial tax, and peculiarly oppressive to some of the southern States, and is so odious that it will not be submitted to without grievous complaints—it will be considered as a direct tax, which considering the present ideas of the people will be highly impolitic."
In support of the proposed impost it was urged, "That the predominant sentiment of the people is in favour of a tax prohibitory of the importation of slaves. Congress must justify this sentiment, otherwise, it will be considered that we mean tacitly to countenance the slave trade; on the principles of policy and humanity, a heavy duty ought to be imposed—this will conduce to the advantage of those very States that consider their interest so deeply involved in the question—their prosperity being intimately connected with an abolition of slavery—The business is disgraceful and pernicious in a political and moral view, and tends to diminish the relative strength and importance of those States where it most generally obtains."
Mr. PARKER withdrew his motion, in order to introduce a separate bill providing for this tax.
The article of Hemp it was proposed should be struck out of the list; but after some observations the question being taken, it was lost.
A petition of JOHN FITCH, relative to Steam Boats, was presented. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, MAY 14.
A message from the Senate was received, informing the House that they had appointed a committee to join with a committee on their part, for the purpose of determining upon the number of newspapers it will be proper for the members of both Houses to be furnished with at the public expence.
A petition from A. McLEAN, of the city of New-York, Printer, was read, offering his services to Congress in the line of his profession, to perform any part of the printing business for the United States.
Petition of Mr. MORSE was committed.
Petition of the inhabitants of New-Jersey was referred to the committee of elections.
Petition of JOHN FITCH was referred to a special committee.
A memorial from the Distillers of Philadelphia, upon the subject of the proposed duties on foreign Rum and Molasses, was read.—It stated that the duty on Molasses was in their opinion too high, compared with the duty on foreign rum.
In Committee of the whole House,
The Impost Bill was resumed, and having proceeded as far as the clause providing for a drawback on goods re-shipped, on which the Impost had been paid, the blank respecting the time allowed was filled with twelve , and the sum to be retained, from the Impost paid in such case, one pr. cent.
To counter-balance the loss of revenue which would arise from the drawback on Salt, the three following articles, exported to foreign States, were dutied at five cents each.
Dried Fish, pr. quintal.
Pickled Fish, pr. barrel.
Salted Provisions, do.
Drawbacks were proposed on some particular articles, when
Mr. MADISON rose, and made some observations upon the ineligibility of adopting them, and pointed out so fully their pernicious consequences that the motion was withdrawn.
Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, introduced a clause to be added to the Impost Bill, which provided for the allowance of a discount of pr. cent. on all the duties imposed on Goods, Wares, and Merchandize imported in American vessels belonging wholly to citizens, or a citizen of the United States.
Mr. WHITE opposed the addition of this clause, as it would encrease the weight of that discrimination between foreign shipping and American, which already bore sufficiently heavy on the Southern States. He conceived that they had already gone as far as a majority of that House would think proper.

FRIDAY, MAY 15.
Mr. BLAND from the committee appointed on the part of the House, to confer with a committee of the Senate, upon devising an arrangement for the passing and completing bills &c. made a report, which was read.
This report being lengthy and important, it was voted that on Monday next, the House would resolve itself into a committee of the whole, for the purpose of taking it into consideration—Upon motion of Mr. THATCHER, it was ordered, that 100 copies be printed for the inspection of the members.
A committee consisting of Mr. SYLVESTER, Mr. WYNKOOP and Mr. SMITH, of South-Carolina, was appointed to confer with the committee of the Senate, upon the subject of newspapers—The same committee was also authorised to receive proposals from Printers, for performing the public business in that line.
Petitions from JOHN SWAIN and FRANCIS CHILDS, and SAMUEL and JOHN LOUDON, Printers, were read—and referred to the above committee—also the petition of A. McLEAN, read yesterday.
A petition from Lieutenant HINDS, of the corps of Invalids, of Massachusetts, was presented by Mr. PARTRIDGE.
Another petition from the inhabitants of New-Jersey, on the subject of their election of Representatives, for the Congress of the United States, was read, and referred to the committee of elections.
Mr. SHERMAN asked leave of absence for ten days, which was granted.
Mr. BOUDINOT moved that the House should now come to a vote—That on Tuesday next, the House would resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the arrangement of the Executive Department. Which was done.
Mr. WHITE introduced a resolve of the legislature of the State of Virginia, by which a tender is made to Congress of ten miles square, in any part of that State, which they may think proper to choose.
The impost bill as engrossed was then read; but an amendment being moved and seconded, it was after some debate recommitted—The SPEAKER then left the chair, and the House formed into a committee of the whole—the amendment provided for extending the duty on distilled spirits, Jamaica proof, and all other spirits imported from any other country whatever.—This amendment being adopted, the committee rose when the same was accepted by the House, and the bill was passed to be engrossed.
Mr. MADISON then introduced a clause to be added to the bill providing for a limitation to the existence of the act—This brought on a very interesting debate, which continued without coming to any decision, till the adjournment.
NEW-YORK, MAY 16.
Yesterday, agreeably to the Constitution, the Senate of the United States was classed.
The Classes were determined by Lot, and are as follows, viz.
First Class—for Two Years. TRISTRAM DALTON, GEORGE READ, OLIVER ELSWORTH, CHARLES CARROLL, JOHN ELMER, WILLIAM GRAYSON, WILLIAM MACLAY,
Second Class—for Four Years. PAINE WINGATE, RICHARD HENRY LEE, CALEB STRONG, PIERCE BUTLER, WILLIAM PATTERSON, WILLIAM FEW. RICHARD BASSETT,
Third Class—for Four Years. JOHN LANGDON, JOHN HENRY, WILLIAM S. JOHNSON, RALPH IZARD, ROBERT MORRIS, JAMES GUNN.
The mode adopted on this occasion was as follows :
A Committee of the Senate was chosen to divide the whole number into Three Classes.—Three Lots, marked No. 1, No. 2, and No. 3, were put into a Box—a Member from each Class was appointed to draw one of the Lots—and the Lot drawn determined the Rotation of the Class to which such number belonged.
Yesterday Mr. F. P. VAN BERCKEL had an audience of THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in which he delivered his Credentials of RESIDENT from THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES THE STATES GENERAL OF THE UNITED NETHERLANDS, having been introduced by the Hon. JOHN JAY, Secretary of State for the Department of foreign affairs.
Yesterday the VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, the Heads of Departments, the Foreign Ministers, the Judges of the Supreme Court of this State, together with a numerous Circle of Citizens and Foreigners, visited THE PRESIDENT at his House.
Last Thursday evening, His Excellency THE MINISTER OF FRANCE, gave a Ball to THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, which was uncommonly elegant, in respect both to the company and the plan of the entertainment. As a compliment to our alliance with France, there were two sets of Cotillion Dancers in complete uniforms; one set in that of France, and the other in Blue and Buff: The ladies were dressed in white, with Ribbands, Bouquets and Garlands of Flowers, answering to the uniforms of the Gentlemen.—THE VICE-PRESIDENT—many Members of the Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States—THE GOVERNOR of this State—THE GOVERNOR of the Western Territory, and other characters of distinction were present.
A PHILOSOPHIC SCRAP.
THE city of New-York, furnishes a just Epitome of the inhabitants of no inconsiderable part of the globe.—It must be a grateful idea to a liberal mind, to observe such a variety of people collected from different nations; harmonizing in all points that are essential to the happiness and welfare of the whole. The Spirit of toleration, that has always characterised the citizens of this State, the various methods taken to render subsistence easy and certain to the honest and industrious, have operated as a powerful means to draw to a center, people diversified in their attachments, prejudices and manners.—The eye of the curious, may be gratified by tracing the peculiarities of those who came from different countries, so far as to distinguish from what original they sprang; while the eye of philosophy is delighted in observing the accommodating spirit, and liberal views, that are gaining an ascendancy over local feelings and opinions.—Those sharp points of peculiarity, that have rendered the people of different States and nations hurtful or disagreeable to each other are wearing off. At the same time, they retain a sufficient degree of former attachments and customs, to shew that they have not lost all love or pride for their native country, or that they wish to deny from whence they came.
HINT TO THE IMPORTERS.
A correspondent, who observed the citizens on Sunday last leaving the several churches after service, was extremely sorry to find the ladies so incommoded by the rain. This inconvenience was occasioned by the small size of most of the Umbrellas that are at present in use. In several instances he observed, that a considerable part of the hats and bonnets of the ladies were without any shelter against the rain, as the Umbrellas, from their smallness, were insufficient to cover them. It is therefore hoped, that the next importation of umbrellas will be of a larger size. No person who is fond of seeing variety and elegance of taste, can wish to deprive the ladies of so fair an opportunity as they now find in the extensive dimensions of their hats. But it is greatly to be feared, unless some better expedient is fallen upon to secure them against rain than the present umbrellas can afford, that they will be obliged to curtail the one to the size of other.
Mr. SHERMAN, upon the general principle of opposition to drawbacks, and to prevent a diminution of the Revenue, which he apprehended from the proposition should it be adopted, thought that it would be more eligible to enhance the duties on goods imported in foreign vessels.
Mr. SYLVESTER observed, That as these drawbacks will place the Treasury of the United States in a very awkward and uncertain situation, by taking away one hand what is put in with the other, he must be opposed to the measure.
Mr. LAWRENCE was in favor of the clause—He pointed out a number of instances in which it would prove salutary—The discrimination which the State of New-York had made, had produced a very sensible encrease in her shipping.
Mr. WADSWORTH: Port charges, Sir, are against this country all foreign ports: The American shipping pays from 50 to 100 pr. cent. more in those ports than foreigners pay in ours: We certainly, in justice to ourselves, ought to place this matter more on a par; and as the proposition before the House will conduce in some degree to that object, I wish it may be adopted.
Mr. JACKSON: I took it for granted, Sir, that this subject of a discrimination on tonnage, had been sufficiently attended to—I thought Sir, that the interest of the southern governments, had been fully burthened to encourage the northern navigation.—Sir, the situation of Great-Britain and America, are quite different—That nation, situated on a little island, has need of all the encouragement possible to encrease her navy, and extend her commerce—How is it in America?—We Sir, are a nation of farmers, agriculture is the great support of this country, on that we must depend—but Sir, how is it neglected? how is it sacrificed in favour of navigation and manufactures.
This proposition Sir, tends to the lessening of our revenue, and encourages ship-building at that expence, as this drawback is taken directly from it—This, Sir, will operate most unjustly and oppressively, for the revenue paid by the southern States, will be as a bounty to the northern shipping—What Sir, may we not expect—a dry tax will come next—this is a most odious discrimination—Our agriculture and produce, are already sufficiently burthened—a navy is but a secondary consideration in comparison with agriculture—But admitting it to be of ever so great importance, it is already sufficiently encouraged—This will prevent the ships of foreign nations, from coming to our ports—we have not sufficient of our own—What is not to be apprehended? let gentlemen but consider, how the States of Georgia, South and North-Carolina, must be affected and injured—We are willing to give a preference to our brethren to the eastward; but for God's sake do not rest the whole of that encouragement on us—we are but children yet—do not require that we should run before we can walk.—I call upon the justice of this House, that we may not have our essential interest, the agriculture of the southern States, totally sacrificed—I hope Sir, the proposition will not be adopted.
Mr. GERRY observed in answer to Mr. JACKSON, that Great-Britain is justly tenacious of her navigation laws; As to their salutary and extensive operation, she owes the flourishing condition of her agriculture and commerce—navigation gives a spring to agriculture, to industry and manufactures; and the most effectual method to promote the encrease and sale of the southern produce, is to encourage and extend the American shipping.
Mr. BLAND was opposed to the clause, as it would operate demonstratively to the lessening of the revenue—which he endeavored to shew by stating the following instance, as an example, viz. A vessel of 300 tons will pay—say 300 Dollars tonnage—one hundred thousand pounds value in goods, may be imported in a ship of that burthen—the impost on such a cargo at 5 per cent. is £.5000; a drawback of 10 per cent. on the sum is £.500—which will prove a very great deduction from the revenue.
Mr. SMITH (of Maryland) stated a variety of facts, respecting the difference of the impositions on foreign and American vessels in foreign countries.
Mr. LIVERMORE—I was, Sir, in favor of a discrimination between our own shipping, and that of foreign nations, as a wise and just encouragement to our own navigation; but I cannot consent to the proposition before the House, as it would operate very unequally against those parts of the Union who are obliged to import their goods chiefly in foreign bottoms.
Mr. LAWRENCE observed, that notwithstanding it had been said, that the agricultural interest was sacrificed, yet in his opinion, much had been done for its encouragement, as was evident from recurring to the list of dutied articles in the bill:—The proposed clause will encrease our navigation, on which depends in a great measure the encouragement of agriculture: It will operate to decrease the aggregate amount of the duties, which gentlemen contend are too high: It will have a twofold operation, as it will benefit the merchant, while it encourages the ship-building branch: Merchants should be considered as manufacturers—they are eminently so, as contractors and proprietors in ship-building. The loss of revenue apprehended, is inconsiderable, compared with the great, solid and lasting advantages to be derived from the encrease of our navigation and seamen.—I am heartily, Sir, in favor of the proposed clause.
Mr. BOUDINOT—As I came, Sir, from an agricultural State, it will not be thought reasonable, that I should advocate measures that may contravene the farming interest: It has been my opinion from the beginning, that the proposed duties are too high, as they will operate directly reverse from the design in imposing them—they will defeat the object of revenue, by holding out temptations and inducements to smuggling, which all the powers of old and rigorous governments could not prevent.—This idea will naturally lead to the adoption of the proposed clause, for as the subject of revenue is arrived to this advanced period, some plan that will produce a general and sensible diminution of the duties, will be thought more eligible, than to descend to particular articles; this proposition is in point.
I do not therefore with its adoption, merely as an encouragement to navigation, although a very essential point—but as it will in its effects encrease the revenue and promote agriculture and manufactures.
I should not be in favour of the clause, did it appear to me that it would have an unequal operation: the general idea is, that the duties are too high.—This sentiment, I find is entertained by the first mercantile characters—I have taken pains to acquire the most accurate information upon the subject, and from the whole, am firmly persuaded, that a deduction will be in favour of the revenue.
The southern States will be particularly benefited by this clause, as it will hold out the strongest inducements to American shipping to carry the produce from foreign countries to those States, and will greatly encrease our domestic navigation.
This will prevent smuggling, as it will interest the Americans who enjoy the advantage of it, to be vigilant in detecting breaches of the law, and thus they will become watchmen over foreigners, and be guardians of the revenue.—The gentleman added many more observations, and concluded by saying, that he hoped the proposition would be accepted to.
Mr. JACKSON, Mr. TUCKER, Mr. PARKER, Mr. SENEY and Mr. SINNICKSON, severally spoke upon the question; when the vote being taken, it passed in the affirmative—go to 16—The blank was then filled up with 10 per cent.
The committee then rose—and the Speaker having resumed the chair. The several amendments and insertions of the bill were read and excepted: It was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. MADISON of the committee appointed to confer with a committee from the Senate, on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses on the subject of titles, reported, that the committee of the Senate had informed them, that the Senate would for the present, address THE PRESIDENT under the same style and title that the House of Representatives had adopted.
Adjourned.
MR. FENNO,
The following ODE was written and inscribed to General WASHINGTON, a short time after the surrender of York-Town.
THE VISION.
'TWAS in a beauteous verdant shade, Deck'd by the genius of the glade, With Nature's fragrant stores; Where Fairy Elves light trip'd the green— Where Silver Nymphs were often seen To strew the sweetest flowers.
Lethean air from Tempe's vale, Wafted an aromatic gale, And lull'd my soul to rest: I saw, or musing seem'd to see, The future years of Destiny, That brighten'd all the West.
The Muse array'd in heav'nly grace, Call'd up each actor in his place Before my wondering eyes; The magic of the Aonian Maid, The world of Vision wide display'd, And bid the scenes arise.
I saw great FABIUS come in state, I saw the British Lion's fate, The Unicorn's despair; Conven'd in Secrecy's Divan, The Chiefs contriv'd the fav'rite plan, And York-Town clos'd the war.
Nor could the dazzling triumph charm The friends of faction, or its rage disarm— Fierce to divide, to weaken and subvert: I saw the Imps of Discord rise— Intrigue, with little arts, surprise, Delude—alarm—and then the State desert.
My soul grew sick of human things— I took my Harp, and touch'd the strings, Full often set to woe; Conjur'd the gentle Muse to take The power of future knowledge back— No more I wish'd to know.
Rash Mortal stop! She cried with zeal, One secret more I must reveal, That will renew your prime: These storms will work the wish'd for cure; And put the State in health so pure, As to resist old Time.
The free born mind will feel the force, That Justice is the only source Of Laws concise and clear; Their native rights; they will resign To Men, who can those rights define, And every burthen bear.
The SACRED COMPACT, in a band Of brothers, shall unite the land, And Envy's self be dead; The Body one, and one the soul, Virtue shall animate the whole, And FABIUS be the head.
Rous'd from the enthusiastic dream, By the soft murmur of a stream, That glided thro' the meads, I tun'd my lyre to themes refin'd, While Nature's gentle voices join'd, To sing the glorious deeds.
When lo! HIMSELF, the CHIEF rever'd, In native elegance appear'd, And all things smil'd around, Adorn'd with every pleasing art, Enthron'd the Sov'reign of each heart, I saw the HERO crown'd.
New-Jersey, May 1789.
MR. FENNO.
IN answer to the decently-expressed interrogation of an AMERICAN CITIZEN inserted in your last paper, Your former Correspondent begs leave to observe, that from CUSTOM or COURTESY the title of EXCELLENCY is given (he believes in all the Countries of Europe) to AMBASSADORS; and, therefore, he was apprehensive that FOREIGNERS might be induced to consider the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, if denominated by the same appellation, upon a level with a SUBORDINATE PUBLIC OFFICER. Your former Correspondent neither asserted, that "any Officer under the American Government, in the Diplomatic or in any other Line, is entitled to the style or title of Excellency;"—nor is he an Advocate for titles distinct from the descriptive ones conferred by the CONSTITUTION. But as he conceived it would not be practicable to prevent the People of any European Country, where an American Ambassador shall reside, from styling him, as they do all Ambassadors, His EXCELLENCY; the principal object was to obviate a possible confusion of ideas in Foreigners, who might not be extremely capable of discriminating in regard to the relative powers and functions of Persons holding Offices under the American Government.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
THE GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES is devoted to the cause of Truth and the Public Good; and Speculations wrote with propriety, candor, and decency, which have that object, and the general Welfare for their basis, will always meet with a ready insertion.—Our two Correspondents upon the subject of Titles, came within this description, and their favors merit our thanks.
Future Communications from the person who favored us with the beautiful Ode inserted this day, will be gratefully received.
PRICE-CURRENT.
NEW-YORK.
   New-York Currency.     Superfine Flour, - - - - - 44/ per barrel.   Common do. - - - - - 40/   Wheat, - - - - - 8/   Country refined Bar-Iron, - - - - - 30/ per C. wt.   Do. Bloomery, - - - - - 28/   Pig-Iron, - - - - - 9/   Pot-Ash, - - - - - 44/ per ton.   Pearl-Ash, - - - - - 46/   Pimento, - - - - - 1/8. a 1/9. per lb.   Chocolate, - - - - - 12d. a 13d.   Cocoa, - - - - - 70/   Pork Connecticut, - - - - - 72/   Muscovado Sugar, - - - - - 50/ a 70/ per cwt.   Jamaica Spirits, - - - - - 4/6. a 4/9. per gallon.   Windward Island Rum, - - - - - 4/ a 4/2.   Country do. - - - - - 2/7.  
PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   Final Settlements, - - - - - 5/   Indents, - - - - - 3 3/4.  

"Faction may find a man honest, but it seldom leaves him so."
[The two following numbers, respecting party disputes, contain the substance of an epistle addressed to a young friend, who wished to form rules, that might direct his conduct in life, viz.]
NO subject, perhaps, can be considered in more different lights, than that of faction. It may be declaimed against, as the most monstrous evil, that ever convulsed or overturned States. It can be proved to the highest degree of demonstration, to have occasioned more frequently, the total loss of morals in individuals, and to have produced more calamitous effects in society, than any other circumstance that can be named.
On the other hand, we can hardly conceive how a government can exist, with any vigor or reputation, without the forcible influence of party spirit. It is one of the main springs of political motion, whose elastic power gives the most essential wheels of the machine, their force and direction. It has been the prime mover, in originating some of the most celebrated establishments, that are at this day admired for their excellence, or esteemed for their utility. To draw a just comparison between the useful and pernicious consequences, that flow from faction, would be impracticable. We should, after the fairest investigation, remain at a loss in fixing precise limits, so as to determine all the cases, in which the good or evil preponderated.
My view, in entering upon the subject, is to mark out such a plan of conduct, as an honest, judicious individual would be apt to observe, respecting party disputes. And here again it will be difficult to prescribe definite rules. There may, however, be some conclusions, tolerably just and satisfactory. Were a man only to consult his personal tranquility, and the dignity and influence of his character in a general view, he would doubtless refrain from taking any part in the discords and tumults which agitate society.—But there are strong reasons that counteract a disposition to neutrality. Few men are so situated in life, as not to be greatly dependent on a particular set of connections. It is almost impossible, therefore, for any man, to act in every instance, upon principles of strict propriety, independent of circumstances, that are extrinsic from the real merits of the question. By observing a line of conduct totally just and impartial, he would often, but not always, sustain a greater inconvenience, in losing the good will of his particular friends, than he would derive benefit, by being characterized in the general estimation of mankind, as a person of moderation and impartiality. "For those, who continue neutre in any civil dissensions under the denomination of moderate men, who keep aloof and wait quietly, in order to follow the fortune of the prevailing side are generally stigmatized with the opprobious name of time servers, and consequently neither esteemed nor trusted by either party."
In this dilemma, what advice would be proper to give a young adventurer, just entering a career of political life? Shall we warn him against taking any part, in the dissensions of the times? No!—Shall we tell him, to declare himself a decided partizan, in every dispute, that occurs in public affairs? No! It would be requisite to exhibit to his view, the nature of several kinds of controversies, and shew him, in a general way, how far he may safely venture, and where he should come to a stand. In this attempt, we could not, however, fix exact boundaries. Part of his conduct must be governed by his judgment and integrity, in acting, as the occasion may make eligible. For although the extremes, either way, may be so obviously marked out, as to render precise directions practicable; yet as we approach towards that central point, where the lines of right and wrong meet, we cannot always determine beforehand, where one will end, and the other begin. There is a certain space, where the lines so run into each other, that the shades of both are blended. We can only observe, that under a consideration of all circumstances, in this intermediate tract, a person may act, as his convenience may direct. If he commits an error, it will be so immaterial, as will not be very dangerous or dishonorable.
Some questions of so important a nature are agitated, that the community at large are interested in the decision. When the form of government is proposed to be altered; or when systems are to be introduced, that affect every part of a nation, no person should consider himself an indifferent spectator, in the scene. It is the duty of every man to take his side and make known his sentiments. He should not act with duplicity, under the idea of being the friend of all parties. Nor should his conduct be mean and overbearing towards his opponents from a desire of popularity in that party, which he advocates. He should, in no possible instance, deny his principles; but it is neither modest or prudent, in all situations to declare them. In a large company of his antagonists, an unsolicited declaration of his sentiments will have no good effect. It will be more likely to procure enemies than converts.
His deportment should be equally civil, as if they were all of the same way of thinking. In this manner, he avoids the charge of being a time-server, promotes the influence of his party; and as far as that is right, the interest of his country. Before he has chosen his side, it must be presumed, he has deliberately weighed the subject, and that he acts from a conviction of duty; or at any rate, that he does not essentially act contrary to it. His conscience should bear him witness, that he is serving his country as well as his party.
But if the young adventurer, after the most mature examination, feels incompetent to determine, which party has the right of the question, how shall he govern himself? Shall he follow the steps of his most intimate acquaintance, on whose advice he can best rely; and whose friendship he most needs? Perhaps even this will not be altogether attainable, as associates, equally dear to him in private life, have ranged themselves on different sides. He is now in a delicate situation. I pity him with all my heart. Those very friends and associates, who are taking different parts, will, before the dispute is over, become inveterate enemies. The bands of private friendship are seldom sufficient to stand the shock of party animosities. The embarrassed youth, after all, will be obliged to judge for himself. To aid his decisions, in a case, where from inexperience or incapacity, he is at a loss how to determine the merits of the question, he should carefully estimate the characters who are engaged, on the opposite sides. Wherever he finds the most substantial information, and the greatest weight of private reputation, it is a tolerable presumption, that that party is the best and will finally prevail. Men, who have the greatest advantages in gaining information, and the strongest inducements to make an honest application of their knowledge, will, in the general run of affairs, carry their point and establish their cause. But unfortunately even this resource may fail our youthful inquirer. It is not impossible he may find the virtuous and sensible so nearly divided, that he may be utterly at a loss which side has the best support. When the issue of the matter is subject to so much chance and contingency, and truth so difficult to ascertain, a good man will scarce know how to proceed. As a general rule however, I think he had better attach himself to one side or the other, than to remain in a state of neutrality.
Having taken a position, it is to be hoped, our young friend will defend it, with honesty and firmness. It should not be required of him to become a bad man, in order to become a good politician. Has he been accustomed to view certain actions as mean, vicious or inconsistent; let him still view them so. Has he, in times past, felt conscience restraining him, when he was tempted to do wrong; he need not now throw off those restraints. Has he formerly considered veracity, honesty and candor as useful or amiable; I intreat that he would not now neglect or disown them. His personal friends may be selected from either party, and should consist of such characters as are most respectable and worthy, and as best accord with his particular humour. There is an exception to this indulgence, when the matter in dispute is to be decided by arms. In such situation a person should restrain his interview with those opposed to him, until the contest is over. The intercourse of private friendship will subject him to the odium and suspicion of those in concert with him; and will diminish his zeal and exertions in favor of a cause, which by his actions, he supposes to be just.
If I may be allowed to proceed any further, in advising him, I would even exhort him with him, never to place himself at the head of a party. It will infallibly destroy his happiness, and blunt all his feelings of natural rectitude. He will bring every thing to the standard of his party views. No virtue or talents can secure a man against his ill will and persecution, who is on the opposite side. No deformity of character will disqualify those, who are engaged in his interest. If they are wrong in every thing else he will insist upon it, they are right, in that instance. They cease to be knaves or fools, who fly to him for sanctuary. He acquires an habit of making declarations, which he does not believe are true; and engagements, which he does not mean to fulfil.
Notwithstanding I have asserted that, in all disputes which concern the public at large, no man should stand neuter, yet there are often inferior or subordinate parties in the community, which, it may be optional, whether a man joins or not; If he acts prudently he will seldom enter with virulence into such contentions; and if he acts conscientiously, his services will be too cold and circumspect to gain him popularity with any party. In all unimportant alterations, a benevolent man will have a view to reconciliation, rather than victory. Perhaps in some instances, by taking a particular side, and conducting in a mild conciliatory manner, he may reconcile the difference, and bring the parties into a union of measures. Whenever he can do this, it is a most meritorious action. Many disputes are so trivial, that unless a person strongly participates of party spirit, he
cannot feel interested in the event. Every person concerned in them, sustains a greater injury by the loss of general influence in society, than he gains advantages from the friendship of his partisans. It may even be doubted whether those, who are advocating the same cause, do not in reality view him with less respect than if he had let the matter alone. This is a difficult point to decide, and brings the discernment to a critical test. I know very few persons, noted for party contention, that have ever acquired the general confidence and esteem of their fellow men. It is often a very certain method of losing useful influence. Men, from the best of principles, may shun each side of a controversy; not because they seek the favor, or fear the censure of either, but because they despise the actions of both. From the whole, this conclusion may be drawn; that in any great and general question, no inhabitant of the country where it operates should hide his sentiments or deny his party; In any low, or disgraceful contest, no person of a good judgment or a good heart will make himself busy—but in a great variety of disputes, that come within these extremes, a man must act from the impulses of the occasion: He will however more safely err, by joining too few, than too many parties.
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. IV.
"From righteous Laws, life's choicest blessings come," Honor abroad, and Liberty at home."
THE Creator of the Universe, whose works are the effect of perfect wisdom, and boundless benevolence, has stamped his own divinity upon the science of government, by inseparably connecting with it, every social and public blessing.
If we look back to the times of the grossest ignorance and barbarism, we shall find that our species have always been indebted to the rude ideas of government, which spring almost spontaneous in the human mind, for the few enjoyments which fall to the lot of undisciplined nature.
And though mankind, wild and untutored, discover only detached and partial specimens of the effects of laws—Yet without rules and orders, even savages cannot exist.
In forlorn, solitary, wandering independent families of the wilderness—you may trace the progress and influence of government in forming them into tribes, and those again into a Union of different hords under one particular chief—combining for mutual defence, and the more effectually obtaining those objects which require united exertions for their acquisition.
As mankind begin to realize the advantages of government in the surprising difference, it creates between savage and civilized nature, they are naturally led to extend their ideas, and look forward to improvements in this science, with a rational hope of concurring effects.
This consequence is congenial to the enterprising nature of our species—to this principle, under the influence of that wisdom which cannot err, more than to any other cause, may be ascribed the progress of society, the improvement and perfection of laws and government.
That government comprises, confers and insures all the blessings of life, has been the prevailing sentiment of all mankind from the earliest accounts of society.—This has been evinced by thousands of incidents which might be adduced.
As the retreat from every public misfortune—as the reward of every toil, hazard and suffering, to repose on the bosom of their native country, under the auspices of good government, has been the ultimate object of the exertions of patriots, heroes and statesmen.—This sentiment has been so universal, that it may be justly supposed to be inspired into the human mind by its creator—It is an impulse founded on principles, that are perfect in their nature—though perhaps they remain to be fully exemplified. Civilized and polished society, owes its existence to the transforming power of government; for it is a given point that habits, science, and morals are subsequent to laws and salutary regulations.
Previous to the late revolution, the people of America were the happiest on the face of the earth, and would have continued so under the benign influence of loyalty, and a sacred regard to just and equal laws, had not the power of avarice, and the lust of domination disturbed their tranquility and deranged all their plans of happiness.
The late war, however, with all its horrid train of consequences, were but momentary evils—The lenient hand of time would have soon obliterated them, and like mariners escaping a ship-wreck, contemplating the prospect before us—we should have "smiled on the ruins, and enjoyed the storm,"—but there were consequences to be apprehended from the triumph of independence, which were of a more durable and serious nature.—The wise and discerning foresaw them and warned their countrymen—I mean the universal relaxation of the principles of government, which was a more alarming circumstance than all the other effects of the war—because moral evils are more difficult to remove, than natural.—We have been on the verge of ruin, but the force of early prejudices and habits here interposed, and directed our steps to the only retreat from destruction—a firm, a just and efficient government.