The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-24 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 24th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 24th, 1800.
On Saturday at 12 o'clock,
The PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES met both houses of Congress in the Senate Chamber, and delivered the following SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
Immediately after the adjournment of Congress, at their last session in Philadelphia, I gave directions, in compliance with the laws for the removal of the public offices, records and property. These directions have been executed and the public officers have since resided and conducted the ordinary business of the government in this place.
I congratulate the people of the United States on the assembling of Congress at the permanent seat of their government, and I congratulate you, gentlemen, on the prospect of a residence not to be changed. Although there is cause to apprehend that accommodations are not now so complete, as might be wished, yet there is great reason to believe, that this inconvenience will cease with the present session.
It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble for the first time in this solemn temple, without looking up to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his blessing. May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness. In this city may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy & self-government, which adorned the great character, whose name it bears, be forever held in veneration. Here and throughout our country, may simple manners, pure morals and true religion flourish forever.
It is with you, gentlemen, to consider whether the local powers over the district of Columbia, vested by the Constitution in the Congress of the United States, shall be immediately exercised. If in your opinion this important trust ought now to be executed, you cannot fail while performing it, to take into view the future probable situation of the territory, for the happiness of which you are about to provide. You will consider it as the Capital of a Great Nation, advancing with unexampled rapidity in Arts, in Commerce, in Wealth, and in Population, and possessing within itself those energies and resources, which, if not thrown away or lamentably misdirected, secure to it a long course of prosperity and self-government.
In compliance with a law of the last Session of Congress, the officers and soldiers of the temporary army have been discharged. It affords real pleasure to recollect the honorable testimony they gave, of the patriotic motives, which brought them into the service of their country, by the readiness and regularity, with which they returned to the station of private citizens.
It is in every point of view of such primary importance, to carry the laws into prompt and faithful execution, and to render that part of the administration of justice, which the constitution and laws devolve on the federal courts, as convenient to the people, as may consist with their present circumstances, that I cannot omit once more to recommend to your serious consideration, the judiciary system of the United States. No subject is more interesting than this to the public happiness, and to none can those improvements, which may have been suggested by experience, be more beneficially applied.
A Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the king of Prussia has been concluded and ratified. The ratifications have been exchanged, and I have directed the Treaty to be promulgated by proclamation.
The difficulties, which suspended the execution of the 6th article of our Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation with
Great-Britain, have not yet been removed. The negotiation on this subject is still pending. As it must be for the interest and honor of both nations to adjust this difference with good faith, I indulge confidently the expectation, that the sincere endeavors of the government of the United States to bring it to an amicable termination, will not be disappointed.
The envoys extraordinary, and ministers plenipotentiary from the United States to France were received by the First Consul with the respect due to their character, and three persons with equal powers were appointed to treat with them. Although at the date of the last official intelligence, the negotiation had not terminated, yet it is to be hoped that our efforts to effect an accommodation will at length meet with a success proportioned to the sincerity with which they have been so often repeated.
While our best endeavours for the preservation of harmony with all nations, will continue to be used, the experience of the world, our own experience admonish us of the insecurity of trusting too confidently to their success. We cannot without committing a dangerous imprudence, abandon those measures of self protection, which are adapted to our situation, and to which, notwithstanding our pacific policy, the violence and injustice of others may again compel us to resort. While our vast extent of sea coast, the commercial and agricultural habits of our people, the great capital they will continue to trust on the ocean, suggest the system of defence, which will be most beneficial to ourselves,—our distance from Europe and our resources for maritime strength will enable us to employ it with effect. Seasonable and systematic arrangements, so far as our resources will justify, for a Navy adapted to defensive war, and which may, in case of necessity, be quickly brought into use, seem to be as much recommended by a wise and true economy, as by a just regard for our future tranquility, for the safety of our shores, and for the protection of our property, committed to the ocean. The present navy of the U. S. called suddenly into existence, by a great national exigency, has raised us in our own esteem, and by the protection afforded to our commerce, has effected, to the extent of our expectations, the objects for which it was created.
In connection with a navy, ought to be contemplated the fortification of some of our principal seaports and harbours. A variety of considerations which will readily suggest themselves, urge an attention to this measure of precaution. To give security to our principal ports, considerable sums have already been expended; but the works remain incomplete. It is for Congress to determine whether additional appropriations shall be made, in order to render competent to the intended purposes the fortifications which have been commenced.
The manufacture of arms within the United States still invites the attention of the national legislature. At a considerable expense to the public, this manufactory has been brought to such a state of maturity, as, with continued encouragement, will supersede the necessity of future importations from foreign countries.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations, necessary for the ensuing year together with an account of the public revenue and expenditures, to a late period, to be laid before you. I observe with much satisfaction, that the product of the revenue, during the present year, has been more considerable than during any former equal period. This result affords conclusive evidence, of the great resources of this country and of the wisdom and efficiency of the measures which have been adopted by Congress, for the protection of Commerce and preservation of public credit.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
As one of the grand community of nations, our attention is irresistibly drawn to the important scenes which surround us. If
they have exhibited an uncommon portion of calamity, it is the province of humanity to deplore and of wisdom to avoid the causes which may have produced it. If turning our eyes homeward we find reason to rejoice at the prospect which presents itself; if we perceive the interior of our country prosperous, free and happy; if all enjoy in safety under the protection of laws emanating only from the general will, the fruits of their own labour, we ought to fortify and cling to those institutions, which have been the source of such real felicity, and resist with unabating perseverance, the progress of those dangerous innovations, which may diminish their influence.
To your patriotism, gentlemen, has been confided the honourable duty of guarding the public interests, and while the past is to your Country, a sure pledge that it will be faithfully discharged, permit me to assure you, that your labours to promote the general happiness, will receive from me the most zealous co-operation.
JOHN ADAMS.
Extract of a letter received by the Editor from his correspondent at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, Nov. 17, at night.
"The Committees of the two Houses have had frequent conferences without having come to any harmonious conclusion. I have just seen the reply of the Committee of the Senate to the propositions made by the Committee of the House of Representatives. They conclude with saying 'we cannot agree to recommend to the Senate to recede from their amendments.'"
Answer of the House of Assembly, of the State of New-York, to the Speech of his Excellency the Governor.
To His Excellency JOHN JAY, Esq. Governor of the State of New-York.
SIR, We are sensibly impressed with the importance of the business that has occasioned the convening the legislature at this time; and we shall steadily pursue that temperate line of conduct which is equally removed from a dangerous spirit of innovation and a lavish adherence to customary forms.
We contemplate with high satisfaction the growing prosperity of our country, and acknowledge with gratitude the distinguishing favors of Providence towards us.
The different classes of public expenditures which demand more order and economy, shall receive due attention. The extraordinary expenses of the counties and towns under the manner in which they are at present incurred, liquidated and conducted, evince that the system is defective and required legislative interference.
But notwithstanding any defect, we lament that instances have occurred where the boards of supervisors have disregarded statutes constitutionally enacted; and we trust that your excellency on whom the constitution has enjoined the important duty of seeing that the laws are faithfully executed, has taken effectual measures to bring all such offenders to exemplary punishment.
The amelioration of the present system of taxation will command our attention; and we hope by our deliberations thereon to confirm the public confidence reposed in the legislature.
Being firmly impressed with a belief that it is essential to the duration of civil liberty and the well being of a free people, that the several departments, and officers of the government do on all occasions strictly observe the constitutional powers committed to them, your communication relative to the interference of the legislature, in individual cases, by private acts to controul the lawful operations of wills and descent, requires our candid consideration.
That it is the duty of every free and virtuous government to countenance and encourage morality and religion, is a truth
which cannot be denied, yet how far legislative interference in aid of divine worship contributes to the advancement of true religion, is a question which merits the most deliberate and serious reflection.
The inconveniences anticipated from certain parts of our constitution, claim our attention.
Such further communications, fir, as you shall think proper to make to us, shall receive our mature deliberations. And keeping constantly in view the true interest of our constituents, we shall cheerfully co-operate with your excellency in every measure calculated to advance this important end, and nothing on our part shall be wanting to promote the utmost harmony.
By order of the assembly,
SAMUEL OSGOOD, Speaker.
Assembly-chamber, Nov. 8, 1800.
The Governor's reply.
GENTLEMEN,
IT gives me pleasure to be assured that the several matters recommended to your consideration, will receive the attention due to their importance; nor am I less gratified by your suggesting, that disobedience to the laws should meet with exemplary punishment. Experience shews that a patriotic disposition in the legislature to encourage and support the executive in fulfilling that duty, is not unimportant to the unimpaired administration of justice and the maintenance of good order.
Nothing certainly can more conduce to secure to the state the benefits resulting from co-operation and harmony between the departments of the government, than that the true interests of our constituents be constantly kept in view: this sentiment cannot be too strongly impressed on our minds, nor too uniformly animate our endeavors to promote the peace and prosperity of our country.
JOHN JAY.
The respectful answer of the Senate of the state of New-York, to the speech of John Jay, Esq. Governor of the said state.
Impressed with considerations, arising from consequences connected with the election of a first magistrate of the U. States, we are sensible of its importance; and we trust that the business will be conducted with that temper and moderation which become the representatives of a free and enlightened people, and that no difference of sentiment, springing from this or any other source, will tend to interrupt the public tranquility, or in the most remote degree affect the political existence of the nation.
With a proper sense of gratitude, for the continuance of the blessings of Providence, to our happy country, our duty co-incident with inclination, will prompt us to adopt such measures as may conduce to preserve and advance the welfare of the state; and in pursuing this end will lead us to concur in such improvements in our public affairs as may be expedient.
With this object in view, we receive with attention the suggestions of your excellency respecting county expenditures; the imperfections in our present system of taxation; the interference by acts of the legislature, in controlling the legal operation of will and descents; the statute enabling religious societies to become corporations as it relates to the adequate support of ministers of the gospel; and the propriety of a provision for restricting the number of Senators and Representatives.
We reciprocate the assurances offered by your excellency, and consider the general tenor of your administration as the firmest pledge, for your co-operation in measures, which will render the session beneficial to the state and agreeable to ourselves.
By order of the Senate,
STEPHEN VAN RANSELAER, Presid. Senate chamber, Nov. 18, 1800.
To which the Governor was pleased to make the following reply.
GENTLEMEN,
Accept my thanks for this address,—when I consider the political fluctuations which distress so many other countries, I become impressed with a strong sense of the import-

ance of stability in our councils; It is an agreeable circumstance that the constitution of the state has not been disregarded by this object, and that the great and respectable body of citizens whom you represent, and to whom it is particularly interesting, have much to expect from your steadfast attention and adherence to it.
Whether my administration merits the approbation with which you have frequently honored it, is not for me to say—but I cannot omit this occasion of observing, that I shall carry with me into private life, the pleasure of recollecting the marks of confidence I have received from my fellow citizens, and also the pleasure of reflecting that I have served them faithfully—My best wishes for the happiness of our country will not cease or abate, and the most fervent of those wishes will be, that the high degree of liberty and prosperity we enjoy under our present governments, may be so used and enjoyed as not to incur the displeasure of the Great Sovereign of nations, who remembers, though men too often forget, that liberty and prosperity are his gift and bounty.
JOHN JAY.
PENNSYLVANIA.
The following abstract of the majorities on the late election for the members of both the Houses of our Legislature, will exhibit a clear test of the regard in which the voice of the majority hath been held on the recent questions in the senate.
SENATE.
Federal Majority.
Table with 2 columns: District/County, Majority. Rows include Lancaster district (347), Senator, composed of the city of Philadelphia, county, do. and Delaware, (1709), Counties of Bucks, Montgomery and Chester, (1279), York and Adams, (320), Washington, Allegheny, & Greene, (2200), Northumberland, Mifflin, Lycoming & Luzerne, (1000), Berks and Dauphin, (5200).
11,699 Deduct Lancaster 347
Total Senatorial Majority 11,352
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Federal Majorities.
Table with 2 columns: City/County, Majority. Rows include City of Philadelphia (59), Chester (150), Lancaster (347), Luzerne (198), Huntingdon (138), Delaware (198), Somerset (310), Adams (1627).
Republican Majorities.
Table with 2 columns: County, Majority. Rows include County of Philadelphia (1750), Bucks (536), York (620), Cumberland (730), Berks (2796), Northampton and Wayne (2599), Bedford (230), Northumberland county (2600), Westmoreland (1174), Washington (1416), Fayette (305), Franklin (150), Montgomery (805), Dauphin (1800), Allegheny (1059), Mifflin (1142), Lycoming (8), Greene (259).
Majority for Republicans, in the House of Representatives 19,857 Deduct Federal Majority 1,627
Clear Major. for Republicans, in the House of Representatives 18,230 Add the Senate 11,352
Total Republican Majority on the late Election. 29,582
In a London paper of the 29th September last, we find, the following advertisement.
Penna Duplex. By his majesty's Royal Letters patent, the newly invented machine for writing with two pens producing at the same instant, two originals, according to the common mode of writing is offered to the Commercial, political, legal and literary world, as well as to all persons desirous of preserving authentic records of their correspondence, statements, compositions. &c. &c.
This invention, which is reduced to a practice both easy and free from every defect has been fashioned by the patronage of some of the most distinguished characters in the kingdom and of several foreign ambassadors.
Many persons who have been obliged to have recourse to the copying or rather pressing machine, have experienced the most complete satisfaction in the use of the double writer. The trouble and inconvenience attending the former, are totally superseded by the latter, which is so justly formed that there can be no mistake in its use, and constructed with such mechanical exactness and solidity, as to preclude the necessity of all repair. By this machine, on the merits of which alone the patentee rests his pretensions to general encouragement, the merchant and trader, those concerned in the various departments of the public service, gentlemen of almost every description in the law, and all persons engaged in an extensive and important correspondence, will be enabled not only to save the great trouble and expence but also to avoid the possibility of incorrectness to which the best copyists are too frequently liable.
The double writers will be found peculiarly useful in copying Drawings; and to Gentlemen who travel, it must be more valuable in point of accuracy and secrecy than the most able and confidential amanuensis. The execution of the Machine is so exactly minute, as to render it impossible to discover the slightest difference in a hair stroke, or in the marks of punctuation. The space occupied by the machine is very trifling, as it is contained in a small sized portable writing desk.
Manufactured & sold only by J. H. Farthing No. 43, Cornhill, London, Pocket book maker, and Portable Writing desk manufacturer, Wholesale, and for exportation.
FEDERAL MEETING.
The honourable, the legislature of New Jersey, having, on the seventh inst. enacted a law, whereby, on the 23d and 24th days of December next, an election is to take place throughout the state, for choosing five persons as representatives in the seventh congress of the United States, to commence on the 4th day of March next ensuing; and it being deemed of the highest importance at this time, to the support of the federal government, that such characters should be proposed, as may, by their talents, integrity and principles, secure the combined suffrage of the friends of government throughout the state. For this purpose a large and respectable meeting of persons, from every county in the state, was holden at the State House in Trenton this day, who having proceeded to appoint the Hon. Isaac Smith, as chairman, and Gen. John Beatty secretary of the meeting, did, after the maturest consideration, come to the following resolves:
1st. That, in the opinion of this meeting, it will be most conducive to the interest of the federal government, and the real good of the people of New Jersey, to promote the election of Aaron Ogden, William Coxe, jun. James H. Imlay, Franklin Davenport and Peter De Vroom, as their representatives in the next congress.
2d. That in coming to this resolution, the members of this meeting have acted upon the most disinterested principles, relinquished all local and private preferences, and proceeding upon a large and extensive view of the situation of the state, and its relative political aspects, have recommended those characters as most likely to combine the efforts of the friends of order and justice, and to ensure representatives, respectable for their talents and integrity.
3d. That as essential to the success of the federal ticket, this meeting earnestly recommends to their fellow citizens activity and zeal; and feeling that there is but one common interest, and relinquishing private and local considerations, they would unite in one common effort to secure, at this important crisis, a representation in the next congress, truly attached to those measures of the general government, which have hitherto preserved the peace of the country, its prosperity and glory.
4th. That for the purpose of carrying into effect the above intentions, this meeting further recommends to the several counties, to take early measures for the support of the Federal Ticket, by conveying information and taking the necessary steps to counteract such false and fraudulent impositions as the enemies of the Federal government practised at the late elections for members of the state legislature, but happily without success.
5th. That John Outwater, of Bergen; Eliza Boudinot, of Essex; John Neilson, of Middlesex; John Lloyd, of Monmouth; Frederick Frelinghuysen, of Somerset; George Anderson, of Burlington; Thomas
Hesson, of Gloucester; William Wallace, of Salem; Samuel Ogden, of Cumberland; Parsons Leaming, of Cape-May; Isaac Smith, of Hunterdon; William Campfield, of Morris; Peter Sharp, of Sussex; be requested to prepare and publish an address to the citizens of New-Jersey, recommending to their attention these resolutions, and suggesting such reasons as they may think calculated to impress on their minds the necessity of supporting the objects of this meeting.
Ordered, That the proceedings of this meeting, signed by the chairman, and attested by the secretary, be published in all the newspapers of this state.
ISAAC SMITH, Chairman. JOHN BEATTY, Secretary, November 13, 1800.
MIDDLEBURY, VERMONT.
The legislature of this state have passed an act incorporating an University at Middlebury, under the superintendence of Mr. Jeremiah Atwater, who is appointed President. The students, to manifest their satisfaction on the occasion, had the college, on the succeeding evening, illuminated. Various obstacles have obstructed the efforts heretofore made for the promotion of a college in this state, and persons, desirous of a public education, have been under the necessity of seeking for it abroad, at an increased expence. Willing to be free from this inconvenience, and feeling the honor of the state concerned in having a literary institution within our government, the friends of literature in Vermont have long wished to see some attempt made, which should appear more likely than any heretofore made, to prove successful in the attainment of this desirable object. The institution at Middlebury, originating under these circumstances, and appearing every way to meet the wishes of enlightened and liberal men through the state, has been honored with the patronage of the legislature; although in its infancy, it is already on a respectable footing, and is endowed with a handsome library and apparatus. The number of students from this and the neighbouring states and Canada, is daily increasing, and the institution bids fair to become eminently useful to Vermont.
LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
On the 11th instant, the two houses formed, and on the next day the Governor addressed them in the following
SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, AS the welfare and prosperity of a nation essentially depend on the character of their Magistrate, and the wisdom with which their government is administered; the object of your present session must be highly interesting, not only to our Constituents, but to the whole people of the United States. The time approaches, when, by their Constitution and Law, the Election of their President and Vice-President must be completed; and you are now assembled to take the measures that are previously necessary on the part of this commonwealth, to accomplish that important purpose. You will endeavour to select those who are to give the ultimate suffrages of the state, from the best informed Citizens, and the friends of order and good government.
May that wise and gracious Providence, which has hitherto guided and sustained the American People, preside in your deliberations, and direct the result of them.
Although I have the pleasure to observe, that tranquility generally prevails through the Commonwealth, yet it is my duty to state to you, that by letters and affidavits which the Secretary will lay before you, it appears that since the last session of the General Court, a number of persons in the County of Hancock have in a violent manner obstructed the business of surveying land in that County by firing upon and dangerously wounding a Surveyor and Chairmen, who were employed in that service.
The necessity of suppressing disorders of such fatal tendency is obvious:—indeed the persons guilty of these outrages, were concealed or in disguise, but they are supposed to have been actuated by a spirit of resistance to the law, which would be increased and emboldened by an appearance of unconcernedness on the part of the government to restrain or punish it.
From the reports of several of the Major generals, I am happy in being able to inform you, that the militia of this commonwealth are in a state of unusual improvement;—a large proportion of them are completely equipped and uniformed, and in the course of the late reviews, their disci-
pline and subordination reflected honour on the officers and soldiers, and entitled them to peculiar commendation. With a militia thus trained and animated with ardour thro' the union, America will not hesitate to assert her national rights, and be enabled to defend them when they are invaded.
I presume you will not be willing to protract a session at this unusual season of the year, by attending to business that may conveniently be postponed to the time when you will meet for the ordinary purposes of legislation.
CALEB STRONG.
Boston, Nov. 12, 1800.
NEW-YORK, Nov. 19.
A gentleman of respectability arrived in town yesterday from Newport, by water which place he left on Monday. He informs us that on Sunday last, he saw a gentleman at Newport who had left Boston the day before. This gentleman informed him that the United States ship Boston, Captain Little, had arrived at that port, with a French Sloop of war of 28 guns, which he had captured off the West-Indies, after an engagement of four hours. The Boston had 10 men killed, and about 20 wounded. The loss on the part of the French was not mentioned. Our informant adds, that he has no doubt of this intelligence, as the gentleman from whom he had it, saw both vessels come into Boston.
A LETTER,
ON WIT.
By Lord Lyttleton.
"Your string of modern wits is not worth a beadman's rosary. The era of wit is past. There are not half a score of men in the kingdom who deserve that title; and the rising world give no hope of its restoration. The tree that bears such fruit is blasted. Do me the favour, I beseech you, to distinguish between a man of wit, and one who makes you laugh. The repetition of an old tale, a grimace, a blunder, the act of laughter in another, or even a serious look may cause that muscular convulsion: but wit is not levelled so much at the muscles as at the heart; and the latter will sometimes smile when there is not a single wrinkle upon the cheek. How it could ever enter into your head to think Chafe Price a wit, puzzles and perplexes me. He has no more pretensions to it than he has to grace. He is a good humoured jolly buffoon, that writes a bawdy song, and sings it; says things that nobody but himself would choose to say, and does things that nobody besides would choose to do. Believe me, that Chafe's fort is politics; not public, but private politics; the science of which he understands better, and practices with more success, than any man in Great-Britain. He is never without a point in view, or a game to play; and he never sings a song, or tells a snappy tale without some design. Mere amusement to himself or others is not Mr. Price's plan: his humour has been a good fortune to him; and he will contrive, I doubt not, to make it last as long as himself. Do you think, when Bolingbroke, Swift, Arbuthnot, Pope, &c. were assembled together, that the conversation of such a bright constellation of men was like the ribaldry of Mr. Price. Their wit did not consist in roaring a bawdy catch, &c; it was the "feast of reason and the flow of soul." The flashes of imagination adorned and gave brilliancy to the high discourse: wisdom was enlightened, and not wounded, by their wit; and, among them, the herd of laughter-loving fools would not have found a single grain to console them.—If I were to sing one of Mr. Price's ballads, or to repeat one of his stories, you would receive, I fear, but little pleasure from the exhibition, because I could not give them the accompaniments of noise and grimace, which form their principal merit: and perhaps, besides my deficiency in acting my part, I might produce the entertainment an hour too soon. But wit may be repeated by any one, at any time, and, I believe, in almost any language, with satisfaction and success: time may drown it in oblivion, but cannot alter its nature: as long as it is remembered, it will please; while the facetious exhibitions of a boon companion will scarce survive his funeral.—But to proceed in your catalogue.
Lord C——'s wit, as well as that of his friend, lies in his heels; and is so powerfully exerted in producing entre-chats, as to be languid to every other purpose. A few school-boy rhymes confer not the laurel of wit; and it was a great proof of an opposite character, in this nobleman, to give his compositions to the world. He may understand French and Italian, and perhaps speak both those languages tolerably well: it is probable also that he may

not have forgot every thing he learned at school; but indeed, indeed, my friend he is no wit.
Charles Fox is highly gifted; his talents are of a very superior nature; and, in my opinion, Fitzpatrick is scarcely behind him; in the article of colloquial merit, he is at least his equal; but they neither of them possess that attic character which, while it corrects, gives strength to imagination; and, while it governs, gives dignity to wit. The late earl of Bath and Mr. Charles Townsend were blessed with no inconsiderable share of it; and it is an intemperate vivacity of genius which confounds it in Mr. Edmund Burke. But the man who is in the most perfect possession of it, has figured in so high a line of public life, as to prevent the attention of mankind from leaving his greater qualities to consider his private and domestic character: I mean Lord Chatham, whose familiar conversation is only to be excelled by his public eloquence. Perhaps Lord Mansfield was born, if I may use the expression, with every attic disposition; but the shackles of a law-education and profession, and some other circumstances which I need not mention, have formalized, and in some degree repressed, the brilliance of his genius. With respect to this great man, I cannot but pathetically apostrophize with Pope.
"How sweet an Ovid was in Murray loft!" George Selwyn is very superior to Chase Price, but very inferior to Charles Townsend; against whom, however, he used, as I am told, continually to get the laugh: but this proves nothing: for good humoured George Bodens would have gained the prize from them both in the article of creating laughter. I may be wrong perhaps, but it has ever appeared to me that Mr. Selwyn's faculty of repartee is mechanical, and arises more from habit than from genius. It would be a miserable business indeed, if a man, who had been playing upon words for so many years, should not have attained the faculty of commanding them at his pleasure.
B—— converses with elegance; L—— is an excellent critic; and others of the same class may be found who are well qualified to be members of a literary club, but no farther. Garrick is himself upon the stage, and an actor every where else. Foote is a mimic every where; excellent, delightful, on the theatre and in private society; but still a mimic. No one can take more pains than Mrs. M.—— to be surrounded with men of wit: she bribes, she pensions, she flatters, gives excellent dinners; is herself a very sensible woman, and of very pleasing manners; not young indeed, but that is out of the question; and, in spite of all these encouragements, which, one would think, might make wits spring out of the ground, the conversations of her house are too often critical and pedantic, something between the dulness and the pertness of learning. They are perfectly chaste, and generally instructive; but a cool and quiet observer would sometimes laugh to see how difficult a matter it is for la belle President to give colour and life to her literary circles. It surprises me that you should leave Windham out of your list, who (observe my prophecy) will become one of the ablest men and shining characters that the latter part of this age will produce. I hazard little in such a presentiment; for his talents, judgement, and attainments, will verify it.
The gibe, and jests that are wont to set the table in a roar, promote the cheerful purposes of convivial society; but they have nothing to do with that attic conversation which is the highest enjoyment of the human intellect. Wit, believe me, is almost extinct; and I will tell you, among other reasons, why I think so: because no one seems to have any idea of what wit is, or who deserves the title of it. To think little, talk of every thing, and doubt of nothing; to use only the external parts of the soul, and cultivate the surface, as it were, of the judgement; to be happy in expression, to have an agreeable fancy, an easy and refined conversation, and to be able to please without acquiring esteem; to be born with the equivocal talent of a ready apprehension, and on that account to think one's self above reflection; to fly from object to object, without gaining a perfect knowledge of any; to gather hastily all the flowers, and never allow the fruit time to arrive at maturity; and all these collected together, form a faint picture of what the generality of people, in this age, are pleased to honour with the name of wit.
You must not be angry with me for this long letter; but rather be thankful that it is so short, considering the subject you threw before me, and the desire I have to set you a thinking on a subject of which you
seem to have formed very wrong notions. I again repeat, that true wit is expiring, and great talents also. My words are prophetic, and a few years will determine the matter. It would not be a difficulty to prove the why and the wherefore; but of all subjects, these half metaphysical ones are the most unpleasant to Your's, &c.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 24th, 1800.
CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The following are the amendments to the constitution of the United States proposed by Mr. Nicholas on Friday, which were referred to Messrs. Nicholas, Harper, Macon, Griswold and Evans.
Previously to reading them, Mr. Nicholas noticed the propositions submitted by him during the last session, and the extraordinary provisions made in a bill received from the Senate, and stated the improbability of his voting for his own propositions, in case they had been called up by the house.
RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States, two thirds of both houses concurring, that the following articles be proposed to the legislatures of the U. States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States.
1. That after the third day of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, the choice of Electors of President and Vice-President, shall be made by dividing each state into a number of districts, equal to the number of Electors to be chosen in such state, and by the persons in each of those districts who shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the legislature of such state choosing one Elector in the manner which the legislature thereof shall prescribe.
2. That the election of representatives to serve after the third day of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, shall be by dividing each state into a number of districts equal to the number of representatives to which such state shall be entitled, and by the people within each of those districts who shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the legislature of such state choosing one representative in the manner which the legislature thereof shall prescribe.
On FRIDAY the House authorised their door keeper to employ an additional assistant, and to hire two horses; to enable him to do which they allowed him twenty eight dollars per week during the session and for twenty days after its close.
On SATURDAY, after attending the delivery of the President's Speech in the Senate chamber, returned to their own chamber, when the speech was again read, and referred to a Committee of the whole house, Mr. HARPER in the chair.
The Committee, having taken the speech into consideration, made report that a respectful answer should be presented to the President, with the assurance that an attention would be paid by the house to the several important matters submitted to them. The house agreed to the report, and Messrs. Griswold, Nicholas, Macon, Craik, and Henderson, were appointed a committee to prepare the address.
MONDAY, Nov. 24, 1800.
The SPEAKER read a letter from OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury, stating, that with the approbation of the President, he had determined to resign his office at the close of the year; and inviting, if the house deemed it fit, an investigation into his official conduct.
IN SENATE, Nov. 22.
Messrs. Tracey, Morris, and Baldwin were appointed a Committee to prepare an answer to the President's speech.
A Trenton paper of the 18th instant states the total federal majority in the state of New Jersey to have been about 3,500 in the late elections for representatives in Assembly.
Accounts have been received from North Carolina, which state the 12th elector chosen for that state to be republican.
The Rutland (Vermont) paper says the snow fell four inches deep in that place on Thursday evening the 23d ult.
John Bacon and Phanuel Bishop, both republicans are elected members of the House of Representatives of the United States for Massachusetts. The Boston paper states the probability that General Dearborne, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Cutts, also republican, are elected.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, failed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexpected delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the Inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this privilege, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indelicate ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to HIM, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of professions, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be FORELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subscribed to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good semi paper, and with a new type
2d. The annual subscription shall be FIVE DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and SIX DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.
3d. All Letters to be post paid.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or exasperate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare.
this, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
October 31st, 1800.
The Managers of the Washington DANCING ASSEMBLIES inform the Subscribers that the first Assembly will be held at MR. STILLE'S HOTEL, on Tuesday Evening next 25th Instant half after 5 o'clock.
CONRAD & MUMUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. LAW, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue leading from thence to the Eastern branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses. They hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
JUST IMPORTED.
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690.
A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chassing dishes, Brads, irons and Japanned Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, sad irons, wired up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks. Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and crosscut Saws, 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY I. GLE.
November 24th, 1800.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE.
RAPINE, CONRAD, & CO. Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store Letters from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States.
Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity, Arts and Sciences, Classics, School books, Novels, Romances Biography, &c. &c. With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium, demy, and foolscap writing paper, thick and thin post, blue & common wrapping paper, best Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink, black lead pencils, parchment, claying cards, blank books, &c. &c. All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices.
Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders. Nov. 17th, 1800.
JOHN BARNES,
FROM PHILADELPHIA,
Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz.
Imperial, Large Hyson, Young Hyson, Hysonkin, Souchong and Bohea. SPICES.
Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Four bags fresh Almonds. LIQUORS.
Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port, Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spirits, and Holland Gin. COFFEE.
Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London FATS and trimmings.
He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes.
English and American playing cards, Pasteboard per gross, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 7-8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece.
Nov. 14th, 1800.

Remarks on the PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.
Though there be little in the President's speech calculated to excite surprise, there are particular sentiments expressed, and facts communicated that merit more than ordinary notice.
Sentiments, however trivial in themselves, when avowed by the chief magistrate, become interesting to the people, inasmuch as they may be considered as forming the rule by which executive acts will be guided.
The contrasted view taken of this country with the nations of Europe is unquestionably correct, so far as it ascribes to our political institutions more beneficial effects than to those of European states. But when, still having in view the situation of Europe, it is added, that we ought to "resist with unabating perseverance the progress of those dangerous innovations, which may diminish their influence;" meaning the influence of our political institutions, it is but too evident that the President wishes to impress upon the representatives of the people, and through them upon the people themselves, an opinion that the reforms which have recently taken place in Europe are dangerous innovations, and calculated to destroy the happiness of the old world, and destructive of our happiness, if imitated by us.
Whereas the truth is that all the happiness which we enjoy, the national independence we sustain, our fortunate exemption from war, our freedom from oppressive taxes, our enjoyment of equal rights, all flow from that spirit of innovation which a degenerate state of society required in this country, and which a still more degenerate state of society requires in Europe.
A new Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the king of Prussia is announced.
Men, who view the true interests of republican governments to consist in their separation from other nations, and who, in regarding the course of political events, have invariably seen demonstrated the evil tendency of all treaties but those of peace, will on principle consider any other kind of treaty as dangerous to our peace, and subversive of our best policy. A Treaty of Commerce with Prussia! Whence the necessity of such a measure? Where is the trade which it regulates to be found? Search will be ineffectual. Republican jealousy will probably consider the Treaty as misnamed; and view it as designed, not so much to regulate trade, as, under the cloak of that object, to promote an intimate political union between the governments of the United States and Prussia. The same jealousy that ascribes the treaty to these views will not hesitate to condemn it, as calculated to embroil the United States, by the probable permanent residence of a minister plenipotentiary at the court of Berlin, in those unceasing scenes of intrigue and hostility, of which it has been the perpetual theatre. If Great Britain be excepted, there is not a potentate, who has with deeper stratagem divided the nations of Europe, and by dividing them aggrandized himself.
The recommendation of an extended navy, and additional fortifications, however these measures may be condemned by the friends of peace with all mankind, is so closely interwoven with the political principles of the President, and has been so frequently repeated, that it probably will be passed over by most readers without much regard.
The guarded caution, observed by the President in his statement of the present situation of our negotiation with France and England, merits the notice of the reader. Nearly the same expressions are made use of in relation to both nations. They imply a want of information that would justify the expression of even an expectation that amounts to any thing conclusive. The expectation and the hope entertained are hypothetical, and derive their existence altogether from the common interest of the governments at variance with us, and from the sincere efforts of our government to accommodate the existing differences. But little light, therefore, is thrown on the subject, which it did not previously possess.
Among those topics of felicitous recitation, there is one in which all men may unite the prosperous state of our revenues. This is an advantage, at the present period of great importance; and we may confidently hope that, unless some unforeseen crisis should occur in the affairs of our country, the people will continue to be exempted from any additional burthens, and the public debt be rapidly diminished.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
On the general hostility between most Governments and men of science.
It is not unworthy of notice that in all countries and in all times the friends of
science have been the friends of freedom. By freedom I do not mean a spirit of licentious anarchy; much less do I mean a spirit of jealousy of any exercise of power by the people. It is necessary, in order to be understood in these days of party fraud, accurately to define our ideas. The word freedom is dear to the great body of the people. Wherever it leads they are resolved to follow. Hence a number of men inimical to it, discern the necessity of deceiving by fraud, instead of conquering by force. They therefore tell the people that freedom does not consist in the right of the citizen to choose his rulers, and to express openly his sentiments on their conduct; but that it consists solely in man's adherence to principles of moral rectitude; and that as these are best understood by a few men of uncommon natural or acquired talent, they should be the depositaries of power. Nay, they go farther, and affirm that they will be the depositaries of power, let the people act as they please.
This is not my idea of freedom. Were I called upon to describe despotism I would use the language of such men.
Those men only are free who either themselves, or by their representatives, make the laws by which they are governed. To preserve their freedom it is necessary that the right of suffrage should be extended, that elections should be frequent, that the different powers of government should be judiciously distributed, and that the right of discussing the tendency of public measures by speech or writing should be held sacred.
This is the freedom which has invariably been maintained by men of science. In this Country, two of our most illustrious citizens, and certainly our most profound philosophers, were of this opinion. Franklin lived to the age of 80, and Rittenhouse passed that of sixty; and neither of them were known to waver in their judgment or to alter the course of their actions.
The greatest men, whom France has produced, have been disciples of Freedom. Such were Bayle, Montesquieu, Fenelon, Roussseau, Voltaire, Turgot, Condorcet, names consecrated by science.
Among the men of science reared by England, none have surpassed Locke, Milton, Sydney, and Harrington. I forbear to name living authors.
It is moreover notorious that almost every man of science in England is a republican in heart. They are called by the sycophants of party, philosophers , by way of derision; as though this word were capable of degradation, and of being converted into a term of opprobrium.
One of the most extraordinary productions of the English Press, which has recently appeared, is the Pursuits of Literature. It is not remarkable either for the splendour of its fancy, the precision of its facts, or the force of its logic. But it is remarkable for the indiscriminating calumny it pours upon almost every living author of reputation. If we except a few clergymen of handsome theological attainments, and one or two poets of pleasing talents, all the rest are represented as devoid of genius, as embarked on an ocean of iniquity, as in short, going about, seeking whom they may devour. And why? The reiterated ground of detraction is their republicanism, their levelling principles, or in other words, their attachment to freedom. The acknowledgement necessarily implied in this satire is full, clear, and decisive to this effect.
Were there no other evidence of the imperfect organization of most governments, the perpetual opposition kept up between them and men of science would of itself demonstrate its existence. Whence does this opposition arise? It is because the cultivation of science is inimical to the happiness of mankind? Are those men, whose minds are almost exclusively engaged in acquiring knowledge, and applying it to practical purposes, interested in disturbing the repose of their neighbours, in robbing them of their property, or in setting fire to their houses? Are not, on the contrary, these very men lovers of tranquility; and do they not through life make the greatest sacrifices in order to obtain and that to preserve it. Is it then possible that these men delight in confusion and in disturbing the peace of the world?
No, it is not possible. The objects they seek are the peace, the order and the happiness of mankind. The means by which they endeavour to gain their ends, are reason, persuasion and truth. They disclaim altogether the use of the sword. It is their belief, and they believe truly, that the constant application of force debases the mind, corrupts the heart, and annihilates all energy of character. And when these are gone they know that every ingredient of happiness is lost.
As the general happiness is the object kept by them constantly in view, it is certainly true that when they see this happiness subverted or opposed by the imperfect or corrupt state of political institutions they point out the sources of error and vice that lurk in those institutions and recommend a change in them promotive of the general good. Here then we discover the ground of jealousy, ill will, and persecution, which accompany the philosophers of all countries.
Most of the governments that exist are ill adapted to the existing state of the governed. Formed by an accidental association of circumstances, in a remote antiquity, when the science of government was little understood, they are in general the offspring of folly or fraud, sometimes of both united. Their most pernicious feature is the establishment of bodies of men, invested with power and endowed with wealth, who do not derive either from their virtues or talents, but generally hold them without any pretensions to the one or the other.
Men of this description feel conscious of the little title they possess to the confidence, the love, or the respect of their slaves. That title, small as it is, they know to be dependent upon their ignorance. It is their unceasing object, therefore, to darken their minds on all political subjects, and of course to discountenance all moral investigation. With them it is a boasted maxim that age renders every institution venerable, and that the more remote its antiquity, the greater is its claim to respect.
This is a mere cob-web. Men possessed of moderate information discern its tenuity, and know that by touching it, it will be destroyed. Hence the necessity of exciting the prejudices of ignorance and enlisting them on the side of governments.
CHINA.
The policy of the Chinese government, which circumscribes, and jealously restricts as much as possible, all communication with the interior, limits our expectations of novelty from that quarter within very narrow bounds; but confined as our present communications are, the following anecdotes may be acceptable to a curious reader.
The new emperor Kaking, has commenced his reign with many acts of popularity. He has taken a more than usual active share in the different departments of government, and manifested a regard for justice which by all accounts has given universal satisfaction. In this respect he has deviated from the universal custom, which enjoins to the new emperor and his family a mourning, and total abstinence from the exercise of his public functions, for two years; and has only complied with the usage in this respect so as to confine himself to Pekin and its environs, and to forbid the exhibition of any plays or public entertainments, excepting for religious purposes. He did not, it seems, succeed to his new dignity without some apprehensions from the intrigues of his predecessor's prime minister, whose intentions to usurp the throne he appears to have strongly suspected. He had the address, however, to fill all the principal offices and posts, both at the capital and in the provinces, before he manifested his sentiments. He then degraded and imprisoned the object of his jealousy; and seized his wealth, which in bullion and other property in land and securities of different descriptions, is said to have amounted, at the lowest computation, to eighty millions of taels (near twenty seven millions of pounds sterling,) besides four pecus (upwards of 530 lbs. weight) of pearls, among which there were said to be upwards of fifty of the largest in the world. A subject of his rank, possessed of such enormous resources, was certainly no mean rival to the heir apparent in so venal a government as that of China is represented. Charges of mal-administration were exhibited against him; but they are said to be comparatively trivial, and that the emperor, deeming it incompatible with his dignity to avow his jealousy, resorted to these charges as a pretext for taking off a man whom he had predetermined to destroy. A silken cord was accordingly sent to the discarded minister, as a polite intimation of an alternative whereby he had his choice of suicide or public execution. He preferred the former, and hanged himself. A rebellion which has existed in some of the provinces for many years past, was not entirely crushed, but was partly subdued, and on the whole much less alarming to government than it had been for some years before.
THE HAPPY COTTAGER.
MADRIGAL.
In a cottage I live, and the cot of content, Where a few little rooms for ambu'n tow low, re furnish'd as plain as a patriarch's tent, With all for convenience but nothing for show. Like Robinson Crusoe's both peaceful and pleasant, By industry stor'd like the hive of a bee; And the peer who looks down with contempt on a peasant, Can ne'er be look'd up to with envy by me. And when from the brow of a neighboring hill, On the regions of smoke I with pity look down, While the murmuring stream and the clack of the mill, I prefer to the murmurs and clack of the town.
As blithe as in youth, when I danc'd on the green, I disdain to repine at my locks growing grey; Thus the autumn of life, like the spring tide serene, Makes approaching December as cheerful as May.
lie down with the lamb, and rise with the lark; So I keep both disease and the doctor at bay: For I feel on my pillow no thorns in the dark; Which reflection might raise from the weeds of the day.
And though bigots each night to elude Heaven's wrath, To their bead roll of saints and their wooden gods pray, Superstition I court not for daggers of lath, In my sleep to drive demons and goblins away.
Yet let me not selfishly boast of my lot, Nor to self let the comforts of life be confin'd; For how fordid the pleasures must be of that lot, Who, to share them with others no pleasure can find.
For my friend I've a board, I've a bottle and bed; And ten times more welcome that friend if he's poor, And a stranger when wanting a slice of my bread, May I starve if without it he goes from my door!
Nor think while fanatics and bigots I scour, Superstition despise, and hypocrisy loorn, That of hollow'd religion I harbour a doubt, Or believe that to die like a dog I was born.
Though in faith I'm no saint, I've a heart full of hope, And for charity's sake I'd believe nay worth foe; And enjoying the blessings of life in full scope, I'll still bless the mountain from whence they all flow.
Thus while a mad world is involv'd in mad broils. For a few leagues of land or an arm of the sea, And ambition climbs high, and pain penury toils, For what but appears a mere phantom to me,
Through life let me steer with an even clear hand, And a heart uncorrupted with grandeur or gold, And at last quit my birth, when this life's at an stand, For a birth which can neither be bought nor be sold.
STRAYED OR STOLEN A BLACK MARE With a white streak down her face, with a bunchy Mane and tail. No other particular mark that I know. About thirteen hands high, about twelve years old, very heavy made and in good order, FOUR DOLLARS reward and all reasonable charges paid if left either with the Subscriber, or at JAMES TIMMONS Liberty street Baltimore,
By JAMES USHER, Greenleaf's Point.
Washington City, Nov. 10, 1800.
Notice is hereby given that I have applied to the general Assembly of Maryland for an Act of Insolvency.
PATRICK SIM.
Nov. 7, 1800.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE,
Lot No. 9, in Square 122.
THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on P. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street.—An indisputable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel.
JOHN KEARNEY.
N. B. I will also sell Lot No. 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 22, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property.
November 17, 1800.
I. K.