National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-02-02 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1792.
NUMB. 28.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THOUGHTS on the present Indian War.
By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE, of Pittsburg.
BEING occasionally in this city, I feel myself impelled to give my sentiments on this subject—and I give my name in order to obtain confidence, because it is to be presumed that a man will not lightly avow what he has not weighed, and in which he has not confidence himself.
I am struck, seeing in the Gazettes, extracts of letters that were never written, and paragraphs penned from ignorance or mistake of facts. Having resided some years in the western country, and being interested, I have thought much on the subject—and though I may not know more than the most ignorant man there, yet I am persuaded that I know more than the wisest man that has never been there.
The writers of extracts, and the paragraphists, in the first place, endeavor to affect the public mind by holding up the original right of these aborigines to the soil . It is a right of which I have never thought with much respect. It is like the claim of the children; it is mine, for I first saw it—or what that of the Buffalo might be, it is mine for I have first run over it. I consider the earth as given to man in common, and each should use his share, so as not to exclude others and should be restricted to that mode of using it which is most favorable to the support of the greatest numbers, and consequently productive of the greatest sum of happiness, that is, the cultivation of the soil. I pay little regard, therefore, to any right which is not founded in agricultural occupancy .
But supposing these natives to have had an absolute and exclusive right, is it not destroyed by a supervenient right on our part in consequence of our treaty with Great Britain? During the war with that power, were not these natives the subsidiaries of the king of England; were they not, in his hand, as the tomahawk and scalping knife was in theirs? Was not the territory in question ceded by the superior power? Shall we treat with the principal, and make concessions in lieu of this concession—and shall we again treat with the subordinate, and purchase a treaty and concede to them also? By so doing there is nothing to be had, for it has been done. What has appeared in the paper of the other day, from the Secretary at War, has superseded me in stating and illustrating this.
But as to treaties with these Indians, under present circumstances, I can have no confidence in them—Why—Do not savages observe treaties?—No longer than the principle of fear operates; being indolent, and more disposed to acquire by seizing than by earning . But under present circumstances , all treaty with them must be nugatory. While Canada was in possession of the French, were not these Indians hostile to us, and regardless of all treaties, because it was not the interest of that nation that they should be at peace with us, when it was in their power to irritate them to a war. Are we not at this time in the same situation with respect to the Indians, and the British in possession of Canada? Hence it is that it was expedient, and has been found practicable to establish treaties with the Creeks, or other nations remote from the British province. But with these Indians, treaties cannot be established, or if established, would not be observed.
Whether the British government has an eye to the territory ceded, I shall not say—I rather think not: but certainly it has an eye to the Indian trade, and on this account supports the savages. I shall not say that this is done directly by the governor of Canada, or the commandant at Detroit, but certainly through the medium of the Indian agents, and with the knowledge and approbation of the ministry at home. Why else are the posts on the lakes not surrendered, when all pretence of the treaty not being fulfilled on our part is taken away? How have the Indians, north of the lakes, been excited, and brought to the Miami village to engage in the war?—certainly, not by the Shawanese or Wabash Indians, but by the voice of the British agents who had stores at Detroit to supply them; two stores called the king's with ammunition, cloathing, and provisions.—How have so large a body of Indians as met our army in the late engagement, been supported but by provisions from the king's stores? They have been supplied from a king's store at what are called the Rapids, about sixty miles from the Miami towns. Would Canadian volunteers or militia march to aid these Indians, and not the government solicit or enjoin it? That volunteers did turn out, as our phrase is, I know, though not to what amount they may have been in battle.
It is not a war, therefore, with Indians merely; it is a war with the British king, under cover. Have we felt the jaw of the lion, and shall we be still lashed with his tail?
With respect to the mode of war , still to be pursued: what? Precisely that which was adopted and pursued the last campaign, but the means different. More men and higher pay; because
this will procure better men. A greater proportion of light-infantry; or rifle corps would be advisable. But the system already adopted, and in part executed, I approve. The establishment of forts in the country, and planting ourselves in the face of the British province, and convincing those Indians that a greater than the British, whom they venerate, are now there.
It is suggested by paragraphists, that an incur-sive war of small parties with a premium for scalps, fighting the Indians in their own way, would be best. It might indeed, harass them but from the circumstances stated, could produce no substantial and lasting effect. It is also contended that an incur-sive war of larger bodies, in the manner of the Kentucky volunteers last year, would avail. I say not. I never considered the Kentucky expedition under Wilkinson or Scott as more than a flourish; honorable to those who went, but little serviceable to those at home. Indians are seldom surprised, or if in part, the whole object is the killing a warrior or two, and the carrying off women and children; an incumbrance more than a spoil.
There are those who advocate what is called a defensive war, by posts on the frontiers, and ranging companies. I say, the best defence is offence. Instead of warding off blows, give one. If you could surround the frontier with a rank and file of men, like the wall of China, and take care that these should never sleep, you might expect something. But, posts and ranging companies are but a help and no effectual defence. It is but watching beaks of prey, who come against our folds, instead of penetrating the forests where they haunt, and extirpating the race.
With respect to the mode of war, I am confident the establishing ourselves in the face of Canada will alone be effectual; but, with respect to the route, would suggest, whether by the way of lake Erie would not have been advisable: that is, by establishing a garrison at Presqu'isle and building armed vessels on the lakes, to transport troops and convey provisions; again, a post on the west of the lake, and from thence the progress to the Miami Towns. At least, whether as things now stand that route ought not to be embraced. I have not the smallest doubt, but that unless effective arrangements are made for the securing of the lands , in the face of the Six Nations, and so as to speedily to strike them, they will avow themselves; for, I aver that except a few chiefs, they are in disposition hostile, and nothing but the principle of fear restrains them at this moment.
A garrison at Presqu'isle would secure their neutrality, or perhaps engage them to act in our favour.—It is thrown out by the paragraphists, few of whom I take to be out of this city, that the possession and security of the western territory ought not to be an object with these states; we have, it seems, soil enough .—Be it so—I enquire only what are the best means of protecting the settlements on this side of the rivers?—I say, the only means is by reaching the source of hostility, and taking the commanding ground of posts to the westward.
But is not the government bound to give peaceable possession of the western soil to those to whom they have sold, and to their officers and soldiers to whom they have made grants? Shall every thing be done to support credit in making a liberal provision for the public debt; even though this has brought a great evil, fortunes rising like exhalations from the earth, by other means than common industry; and shall the public disregard their faith pledged in the cases above mentioned?—All who with the preservation of our confederacy ought to feel an alarm at any ideas of dereliction of the claims and rights of a part of the community. The consequences may be fatal to all who have any hopes from government, or any interest in it.
It may be said, that taking the lands lakes, building armed vessels, and occupying posts in the neighbourhood of Niagara and Detroit, may involve us in a war with Britain.
Of that there is no danger. If our merchant men are in the power of the British navy, theirs are in the power of our privateers; and they get more by our imports from them in peace, than by the captures they could make in war; and the province of Canada and the fur-trade of the west, is a flake which they have to lose.
If the world has been astonished at our rising, if they have seen the meridian beams of our splendor in establishing public credit , let them not regret our meanness and want of spirit in suffering the out-guards of our country, the frontier settlements, to be cut to pieces by the axe of the savage, when the probability is, I think, certainly , that it is put into their hands by our late invertebrate, but, discomfited enemy.
I beg the public to excuse these things, written hastily; and let them have their weight with every humane and good man, which the reason of them may support. I say, humane; because I am persuaded humanity is not on the side of the savages, but on our side. They have been the aggressors. They are not to be appeased. They
refuse all treaty, or respect none. They cannot, for it is not the will of those by whom they are compelled.
It is said, the British government cannot possibly countenance these people, for the commandant at Detroit are humane to our prisoners, and actually purchase them at a great price from the savages. No doubt—it is but a little matter to redeem a captive, but a great matter to have our armies defeated, and excluded from the country.
In looking over what I have written, there is no sentiment that I would retrench; but add one more, viz. Why dread the expense of an effective and lasting armament for the purposes suggested? The moment we take command of the savages, instead of leaving them to Britain, the fur-trade of the immense world of the well will repay us creating a trade to the sea-coast part of which at present they have no idea.—I say, take command of the Indians; the only way to which, is to place ourselves upon an equal ground with our rivals, and impress the savages with an opinion that we are at least an equal power. All treaty with them until they are humbled and reduced is absurd; and even then to be considered as of duration no longer than while the external pressure of apprehended force, keeps them down.
After some time the interests of trade may conciliate and bind them, and we may have it in our power to make a proper use of these people. Philad. Jan. 31, 1792.
AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An Act making Appropriations for the Support of Government for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of REPRESENTATIVES of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and the support of the civil list of the United States, including the incidental and contingent expenses of the several departments and offices thereof, there shall be appropriated a sum of money not exceeding three hundred and twenty-nine thousand, six hundred and fifty three dollars, and fifty-six cents: that is to say,
For the compensations granted by law to the President of the United States, the Vice-President, Chief Justice, Associate Judges, and Attorney-General, fifty-three thousand dollars.
For the like compensations to the District Judges, nineteen thousand eight hundred dollars.
For the like compensations to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, and the officers and attendants of the two Houses, estimated on a session of six months continuance, and including the travelling expenses of the members, one hundred and twenty-nine thousand, seven hundred and thirty dollars.
For the like compensations to the Secretary and officers of the several departments of the Treasury of the United States, including clerks and attendants, and the salaries of the respective loan-officers, sixty thousand three hundred dollars.
For the like compensations to the department of War, six thousand three hundred dollars.
For the like compensations to the department of War, nine thousand six hundred dollars.
For the like compensations to the members of the Board of Commissioners, for the settlement of the accounts between the United States and the individual states, including clerks and attendants, thirteen thousand one hundred dollars.
For the like compensations to the Governors, Judges, and other officers of the Western Territory of the United States, including contingencies, eleven thousand dollars.
For the payment of the annual grant to Baron Steuben, pursuant to an act of Congress, two thousand five hundred dollars.
For the payment of sundry pensions, granted by the late government, two thousand seven hundred and sixty-seven dollars, and seventy three cents.
For defraying all other incidental and contingent expenses of the civil list establishment, including firewood, stationery,
together with the printing work, and all other contingent expenses of the two Houses of Congress, rent and office expenses of the three several departments, namely, Treasury, State, War, and of the general Board of Commissioners, twenty-one thousand five hundred and fifty five dollars, and eighty-three cents.
And be it further enacted, That the compensation to the door-keepers of the two Houses, for services which have been heretofore rendered or may be rendered in the recess of Congress for the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and certified by the President of the Senate or Speaker of the House of Representatives, in manner required by law, for like services during sessions, shall be discharged out of the money herein before appropriated for the contingent expenses of the two Houses of Congress.
And be it further enacted, That for discharging certain liquidated claims upon the United States, for making good deficiencies in former appropriations for the support of the civil list establishment, and for aiding the fund appropriated for the payment of certain officers of the courts, jurors and witnesses, and for the establishment of ten cutters, there shall be appropriated a sum of money not exceeding one hundred and ninety-seven thousand, one hundred and nineteen dollars, and forty-nine cents; that is to say,
For discharging a balance due on a liquidated claim of his most Christian Majesty against the United States, for supplies during the late war, nine thousand and twenty dollars, and sixty-eight cents.
For payment of the principal and interest on a liquidated claim of Oliver Pollock, late commercial agent of the United States, at New-Orleans, for supplies of cloathing, arms and military stores, during the late war, one hundred and eight thousand, six hundred and five dollars, and two cents: Provided, That the said monies be not paid to the said Oliver Pollock, without the consent of the agents of the court of Spain.
For making good deficiencies in the last appropriations for the compensations to sundry officers of the civil list establishment, five thousand four hundred and seventy-one dollars.
For defraying sundry authorized expenses to the commissioners of loans in the several states, twenty-one thousand dollars.
For defraying a balance of certain liquidated and contingent expenses in the treasury-department, two thousand eight hundred dollars.
For defraying the additional expense of the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, nineteen thousand seven hundred and seventy-two dollars and seventy-nine cents.
For making good a deficiency in former appropriations, to discharge the expenses to clerks, jurors and witnesses in the courts of the United States, five thousand dollars.
For the maintenance and repair of lighthouses, beacons, piers, stakes and buoys, sixteen thousand dollars.
For the expense of keeping prisoners committed under the authority of the United States, four thousand dollars.
For the expense of clerks and books in arranging the public securities, two thousand four hundred and fifty dollars.
For the purchase of hydrometers for the use of the officers in the execution of the laws of revenue, one thousand dollars.
For the farther expense of building and equipping ten cutters, two thousand dollars.
And be it further enacted, That for the support of the military establishment of the United States, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, the payment of the annual allowances to the invalid pensioners of the United States, for defraying all expenses incident to the Indian department, and for defraying the expenses incurred in the defensive protection of the frontiers against the Indians, during the years one thousand seven hundred and ninety, and one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, by virtue of the authority vested in the President of the United States, by the acts relative to the military establishment, passed the twenty-ninth of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and the thirtieth of April, one thousand seven hundred and ninety, and for which, no appropriations have been made, there shall be appropriated a sum of money, not exceeding five hundred and thirty-two thousand, four hundred and forty-nine dollars, seventy-six cents, and two thirds of a cent; that is to say,

For the pay of the troops, one hundred and two thousand, six hundred and eighty-six dollars.
For subsistence, one hundred and nineteen thousand, six hundred and eighty-eight dollars, and ninety-seven cents.
For cloathing, forty-eight thousand dollars.
For forage, four thousand one hundred and fifty-two dollars.
For the hospital-department, six thousand dollars.
For the quarter-master's department, fifty thousand dollars.
For the ordnance department, seven thousand two hundred and four dollars and sixty-four cents.
For the contingent expenses of the war department, including maps, hire of expenses, allowances to officers for extra-expenses, printing, loss of stores of all kinds, advertising and apprehending deserters, twenty thousand dollars.
For the discharge of certain sums due for pay and subsistence of sundry officers of the late army, and for pay of the late Maryland line, for which no appropriations have been made, ten thousand four hundred and ninety dollars, and thirty-six cents.
For the payment of the annual allowances to invalid pensioners, eighty-seven thousand four hundred and sixty-three dollars, sixty cents and two thirds of a cent.
For defraying all expenses incident to the Indian department, authorized by law, thirty-nine thousand four hundred and twenty-four dollars, and seventy-one cents.
For defraying the expenses incurred in the defensive protection of the frontiers, as before recited, thirty-seven thousand, three hundred and thirty-nine dollars, and forty-eight cents.
And be it further enacted, That the several appropriations, herein before made, shall be paid and discharged out of the funds following, to wit; first, out of the sum of six hundred thousand dollars, which by the act, intituled "An act making provision for the debt of the United States," is reserved, yearly, for the support of the government of the United States, and their common defence; and secondly, out of such surplus as shall have accrued to the end of the present year, upon the revenues heretofore established, over and above the sums necessary for the payment of interest on the public debt during the same year, and for satisfying other prior appropriations.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved December twenty-third, 1791.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE. UNIVERSAL PEACE.
AMONG the various reforms which have been offered to the world, the projects for universal peace have done the greatest honor to the hearts, though they seem to have done very little to the heads of their authors. Rousseau, the most distinguished of these philanthropists, has recommended a confederation of sovereigns, under a council of deputies, for the double purpose of arbitrating external controversies among nations, and of guaranteeing their respective governments against internal revolutions. He was aware, neither of the impossibility of executing his pacific plan among governments which feel so many allurements to war, nor, what is more extraordinary, of the tendency of his plan to perpetuate arbitrary power wherever it existed; and, by extinguishing the hope of one day seeing an end of oppression, to cut off the only source of consolation remaining to the oppressed.
A universal and perpetual peace, it is to be feared, is in the catalogue of events, which will never exist but in the imaginations of visionary philosophers, or in the breasts of benevolent enthusiasts. It is still however true, that war contains so much folly, as well as wickedness, that much is to be hoped from the progress of reason; and if any thing is to be hoped, every thing ought to be tried.
Wars may be divided into two classes; one flowing from the mere will of the government, the other according with the will of the society itself.
Those of the first class can no otherwise be prevented than by such a reformation of the government, as may identify its will with the will of the society. The project of Rousseau, was, consequently, as preposterous as it was impotent. Instead of beginning with an external application, and even precluding internal remedies, he ought to have commenced with, and chiefly relied on the latter prescription.
He should have said, whilst war is to depend on those whose ambition, whose revenge, whose avidity, or whose caprice may contradict the sentiment of the community, and yet be uncontrouled by it; whilst war is to be declared by those who are to spend the public money, not by those who are to pay it; by those who are to direct the public forces, not by those who are to support
them: by those whose power is to be raised, not by those whose chains may be riveted like the government of which it is the offspring. As the first step towards a cure, the government itself must be regenerated. Its will must be made subordinate to, or rather the same with, the will of the community.
Had Rousseau lived to see the constitutions of the United States and of France, his judgment might have escaped the censure to which his project has exposed it.
The other class of wars, corresponding with the public will, are less susceptible of remedy. There are antidotes, nevertheless, which may not be without their efficacy. As wars of the first class were to be prevented by subjecting the will of the government to the will of the society, those of the second, can only be controuled by subjecting the will of the society to the reason of the society; by establishing permanent and constitutional maxims of conduct, which may prevail over occasional impressions, and inconsiderate pursuits.
Here our republican philosopher might have proposed as a model to lawyers, that war should not only be declared by the authority of the people, whose toils and treasures are to support its burdens, instead of the government which is to reap its fruits: but that each generation should be made to bear the burden of its own wars, instead of carrying them on, at the expence of other generations. And to give the fullest energy to his plan, he might have added, that each generation should not only bear its own burdens, but that the taxes composing them, should include a due proportion of such as by their direct operation keep the people awake, along with those, which being wrapped up in other payments, may leave them asleep, to misapplications of their money.
To the objection, if started, that where the benefits of war descend to succeeding generations, the burdens ought also to descend, he might have answered; that the exceptions could not be easily made; that, if attempted, they must be made by one only of the parties interested; that in the alternative of sacrificing exceptions to general rules, or of converting exceptions into general rules, the former is the lesser evil; that the expense of necessary wars, will never exceed the resources of an entire generation; that, in fine, the objection vanishes before the fact, that in every nation which has drawn on posterity for the support of its wars, the accumulated interest of its perpetual debts, has soon become more than a sufficient principal, for all its exigencies.
Were a nation to impose such restraints on itself, avarice would be sure to calculate the expenses of ambition; in the equipoise of these passions, reason would be sure to decide for the public good; and an ample reward would accrue to the state, first, from the avoidance of all its wars of folly, secondly, from the vigor of its unwasted resources for wars of necessity and defence. Were all nations to follow the example, the reward would be doubled to each; and the temple of Janus might be shut, never to be opened more.
Had Rousseau lived to see the rapid progress of reason and reformation, which the present day exhibits, the philanthropy which dictated his project would find a rich enjoyment in the scene before him. And after tracing the past frequency of wars to a will in the government independent of the will of the people; to the practice by each generation of taxing the principal of its debts on future generations; and to the facility with which each generation is seduced into assumptions of the interest, by the deceptive species of taxes which pay it; he would contemplate, in a reform of every government subjecting its will to that of the people, in a subjection of each generation to the payment of its own debts, and in a substitution of a more palpable, in place of an imperceptible mode of paying them, the only hope of UNIVERSAL AND PERPETUAL PEACE.
Philadelphia, January 31, 1792.
PHILADELPHIA. CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Jan. 30.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary at War, accompanied with copies of the official communications between the executive of the United States and the Governor of Pennsylvania, upon the subject of the temporary defensive protection of the frontiers of aid state.—Read, and ordered to lie on the table.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis, informing the House that the Senate have passed the bill "for establishing the post-office and post-roads within the United States," with several amendments, to which the concurrence of the House is desired.
The House then in committee of the whole took into consideration the bill for making further and more effectual provi-
sion for the protection of the frontiers of the United States. After some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported amendments, which being read, some were agreed to and others disagreed to.—A motion was made further to amend the bill by striking out the second section, viz. "That there shall be raised three additional regiments of infantry, each of which, exclusively of the commissioned officers, shall consist of nine hundred and twelve non-commissioned officers, privates and musicians"—which was negatived—Yeas 18. Nays 34. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, Jan. 31.
Mr. Speaker laid before the House a report from the Secretary at War, on the petitions of sundry persons who were beyond the sea at the expiration of the time prescribed by the limitation act, for the adjustment of claims against the United States. The report (which is in favor of the petitioners) was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
The House then resumed the consideration of the bill making more effectual provision for the protection of the frontier; whereupon the gallery was ordered to be cleared.
WEDNESDAY, February 1.
The committee, to whom was referred the memorial of John Churchman, made a report, which was read and ordered to lie on the table.—[The report states, that Mr. Churchman is entitled to the applause of the enlightened world, and to the encouragement and support of his country; that, as a greater and more accurate knowledge of the variation of the magnetic needle would answer many valuable purposes, encouragement ought to be given to such persons as contribute towards perfecting that desirable knowledge; and that Congress may with propriety patronize such a person as Mr. Churchman, and grant him such aid as may be necessary to enable him to prosecute his laudable enquiries to good effect. The committee, however, submit to the House the propriety of making such a grant at the present time: but recommend an increase in the penalties for copying charts, maps, &c.]
An engrossed bill, making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the Frontiers, was taken up for a third reading, and to have the blanks filled up: whereupon the galleries were cleared.
PHILADELPHIA, FEBRUARY 2, 1792.
The following is a return of the quantity of grain brought (by water) into the port of Philadelphia, during the year 1791: viz. 402, 720 1-4 bushels of wheat—3,111 3-4 of rye—Indian corn 621,074—oats, 13,301—barley, 39,551 1-2—peas and beans 22,581—Total, 1,102,339 1-2 bushels.
We hear from Albany that wheat of prime quality is sold there at 6 shillings (N. York currency,) and Indian corn, three shillings, per bushel in exchange for goods.
It never was the wish of any governmental body that the subjects of their government should be too well informed—an opinion having prevailed in the world from the earliest ages that the ignorance of the governed contributed most to the peace, long continuance, and well being of an empire. This principle we see enforced in its full extent in the southeastern parts of Europe, where the light of knowledge is excluded with the press. If the press itself cannot be prohibited in some other countries, and has taken too deep a root to be easily shaken, the only means left the patrons of political ignorance to accomplish their purpose is, to limit as much as possible the effusions of the press. It rests then with the people themselves, who are the fountain of government, to demand the free circulation of political information, and to open those avenues of intelligence which every government finds its account in obstructing.
On Monday next the Supreme Court of the United States will meet at the new Court House in this city, when it is expected, the important question will be agitated and settled—Whether a State can be compelled to appear and answer to a Process issuing from that Court?
A considerable shock of an earthquake was felt at Quebec on the 6th of December last. At Paul's Bay were distinctly felt twenty-nine shocks.
Accounts were some time since published of the infamous murder of Mr. Hogeboom, sheriff of Albany county, New-York, by one or more cowardly assassins, who waylaid and shot him on the road. The last papers from the northward, mention the death of his widow, Mrs. Sarah Hogeboom, on the 16th ult. as an undoubted consequence of the cruel fate of her husband.
On the 17th ult. a very extraordinary circumstance arrested the attention of the Legislature of Massachusetts Bay. A petition was presented by a woman, praying compensation for services rendered as a private soldier in the army of the United
States during the late war. It seems she had served three years and had received an honorable discharge at the conclusion of the war. She had enlisted as a male, had sustained an irreproachable character, and, from all appearances (says a Boston paper) will receive a compensation adequate to her services and honorable to the government.
On Monday last died, in this city in the 43d. year of his age, Mr. PETER MARKOE, a Gentleman well known in the American literary world for his eminent poetical abilities. He was a native of the Danish island of St. Croix, in the West-Indies, but had resided for many years in Philadelphia.
In a late paper appears the dying speech, confession, &c. of William Cunningham, who, according to these documents, was executed in London the 10th of August, 1791. "When the American war commenced (says he) I was appointed Provost Marshal to the Royal army, which placed me in a situation to wreak my vengeance on the Americans, many of whom I murdered with and without orders from government. During the time we were in New-York, there were more than two thousand prisoners starved in the different churches, by stopping their rations, which I sold.—There were also two hundred & seventy-five American prisoners and obnoxious persons executed, out of all which number there were only about one dozen public executions, which chiefly consisted of British and Hessian deserters. The mode for private execution was thus conducted: a guard was dispatched from the provost, about half after twelve at night, to Barrack-Street, and the neighbourhood of the upper Barracks, to order the people to shut their window shutters and put out their lights, forbidding them at the same time, not to look out of their windows or doors on pain of death; after which the unfortunate prisoners were conducted gagged just behind the upper barracks, and hung without ceremony, and there buried by the black pioneer of the provost."—The crime for which Cunningham is said to have suffered was forging a draft on the Board of Ordnance for three hundred pounds Sterling.
According to the form of the new constitution of Canada as passed into an Act by the Parliament of Britain and sanctioned by the King, the number of members of the legislative councils is limited as follows: Seven for Upper Canada, and fifteen for Lower Canada, the legislative councillor's heirs to succeed in rotation, if worthy. The number of members to compose the Houses of Assembly in the two provinces, are 16 for Upper Canada, and 50 for Lower Canada, the province to be divided by proclamation. Voters eligible who have rented a house of 10l. per annum one year. The proclamation with respect to the division of the province, to be prior to the 1st of January, 1792. The executive councils are likewise to call the legislative councils and houses of assembly before the expiration of the said year 1792.
The Bishop of Nova-Scotia governs the Clergy in these provinces, who are to be allowed as tythes one seventh of all grants of lands.
At a stated meeting of the American Philosophical Society, January 20th, the following gentlemen, Foreign and American, were duly elected members:
Count Paul Andreani (member of several literary societies) of Milan, Italy.
Rodolph Valltravers, Esq. F.R.S. Hamburg.
Anthony Fothergill, M.D. of Bath, England.
Anthony Renatus Charles Mathurin de la Forest, vice-consul general of France, to the United States.
M. Joseph Ceracchi, of the city of Rome.
Paliot de Beauvois, de la Societe des Sciences & Arts du Cap Francois; and, correspondent de L'Academie des Sciences de Paris.
John Rouelle, M.D.
Mr. Richard P. Barton, of Mount Airy, Dinwiddie county, Virginia.
Doctor David Jackson, of Philadelphia.
Doctor William Smith, ditto.
Nicholas B. Waters, M.D. ditto.
Extract from the minutes, SAMUEL MAGAW, Sec'try.
Letters from Portugal say, that the measures resolved upon by the Supreme Council to preserve the Empire from the principles now prevailing in France, are observed with the greatest rigor. It is not only prohibited to read French newspapers, pamphlets, &c. but any even upon similar matters, or the least partial interference, whether for or against the National Assembly, is treated as a crime. Several persons, both foreigners and natives, have been seized for transgressing those laws. The French Ambassador has lately desired the Court to deliver up a Frenchman of quality, whom he knew to have been seized for speaking his thoughts with too much freedom. The Court desired the Ambassador to rescue the victim from the hands of any jurisdiction where he should find him. The strictest and most diligent search has been made on the part of the Ambassador; but he being unable to find the ill-fated object any where, matters must rest as they are. Orders have

been sent to the frontiers, and to all the harbors of the kingdom, to suffer no strangers to enter the country, nor go on shore, without his having been previously examined; and some strangers must, in similar cases, obtain a special permission from the Court. The Portuguese troops are to hold themselves in a state of complete readiness. It is reported, that the Court of Madrid has requested an army of 12,000 auxiliaries from the Queen, to which her Majesty is said to have answered, that the present crisis of the affairs of the kingdom render it dangerous to send off any troops, whose presence was more than ever necessary to maintain peace: her Majesty, however, was ready, in case the cabinet of Madrid should require, to send subsidies in money to defray the expences of raising and maintaining 12,000 men. All the civil departments have received orders speedily to collect all standing debts, to furnish the Royal Treasury with sufficient sums for any emergency. [London paper.]
The following wholesome advice was, in a late New-York paper, given to persons intending to establish or be concerned in Banks .—In the first place you are advised to "look over the state of your accounts, and see really how you stand after all your just demands are paid, and a sufficient sum taken to carry on the business you are in and acquainted with; keep a sufficient stock for this purpose, and employ it with care and industry; it will be more productive to you in this line, than any other, because its what you are well acquainted with, and of course must succeed in. If after you have taken a fair state of your finances, and find you have more money than you want for carrying on your trade, no better mode than put it into a Bank, where your property is safe, and can borrow it back when you stand in want of it, with a good grace. But to put money into a Bank with an intention to borrow it back when you cannot spare it, is a great folly; to put yourself and friend to the trouble of endorsing your notes to borrow back your own money, when you might have kept it in your own hands, and been supplied occasionally at the Bank with a Loan when you stood in need of it. At this time people seem to be full of speculation, and dream of getting rich in that line, & without either care or industry to jump into a fortune at once.—Banking has been profitable to the citizens of New-York. Should the Bank of New-York, and the Branch Bank of the United States, now to be opened in this city, not be able to accommodate the citizens who are borrowers, and can pay again, using the money to advantage; if so, then there is room and occasion for another Bank. But if the Bank of New-York, and the Branch Bank are able to discount all the good paper offered by the citizens, certainly another Bank is needless, and will not be productive to the stockholders; and the citizens should think deliberately about a business of so great importance before they begin: The mode in which the Million Bank has been conducted, I hope will be a lesson to the citizens how to set about another with more mature deliberation, that the fabric may stand and prove useful."
Translations from French papers. BRUSSELS, October 21.
The white cockade and regimental uniform of the French Emigrants is rather in disgrace among us of late. They are forbidden by government either to assemble or perform their exercises, even without arms; and have been notified that they are to consider themselves upon the footing of strangers, who are admitted to reside amongst us upon the terms of general hospitality, and not as refugees to meditate hostile designs against a neighbouring power, our good ally the French nation. This very day, orders have been issued to station three grenadiers upon the flag of the play-house for comedy, to preserve order amidst a host of French emigrants, and prevent the audience from the insults of those bluffering bravoes.
The supreme council of Brabant have pronounced a sentence, replete with firmness, and even rigour, against the refractory states. It is supposed a private answer has been received from the Emperor, authorizing the council to begin, with this act, the hostilities which are to be expected between them and the States.
LISLE, October 20.
M. VICTOR VERGNETTE, lieutenant-colonel of the first regiment of cavalry, on the day of his desertion from the French army on the northern frontiers, wrote a letter to the officers of his regiment, in which he accounts for the motives of his conduct. It is observable that M. Vergnette does not, like some other commissioned defectors, bring the want of subordination in his regiment, as the reason of his desertion. On the contrary he does them the greatest justice in this respect. He declares, "that it is with great regret he detaches himself from a regiment, whose reputation has been untarnished amidst so many difficulties, disasters and vexatious treasons. He adds that nothing but the crisis to which matters are now brought could have tempted him to separate from his brave phalanx: at present, however, continues he, all that is left me to do is to re-unite myself to the powers of Europe (who have armed for the express purpose of restoring order) and to the ancient nobility of France, who, as having been accustomed for so many ages to sacrifice both life and fortune to the prosperity of their country, would prefer perishing honorably with their arms in their hands, to the mortification they must otherwise undergo in seeing ingratitude and treason go unpunished." The following manner he justifies himself for carrying off with him the white standard of the regiment:—
"The white standard of the kingdom having been entrusted to my care, it was doubtless my duty to preserve it unfulfilled; and I, as your officer, gave you an example of obedience, in submitting to the execrable ceremony of substituting with impure hands, in its place the despicable rag of three colours, because then there was yet room to hope for a reform. I can at present no other way atone for this fault than by restoring their standard to the French nobility; before whom, in all ages, it has traced out the way to glory. The demagogues, who prefer the three-coloured clout ( new flag of France ) will be little sensible of their loss, and the less so, as they will never be hereafter admitted to trample upon the ancient standard of the kings of France."—As to the 16,800 livres which he took out of the treasury chest, he assures the regiment, that nothing could have determined him to an action of this nature, but the desire of relieving the necessities of such of the officers as should think proper to quit the new-fangled government, and adhere to the ancient nobility—he afterwards adds, that the money shall remain untouched, and paid to no one except by order of the princes, to whom he holds himself bound to give an account of his proceedings.
[The following is the answer of the officers of M. Vergnette's regiment.]
"Actuated with sentiments of honour, even towards a traitor, we have endeavored to justify you in the base dereliction of the cause of freedom and virtue. The only excuse, however, that we can frame for your flight, is the native baseness of your spirit. Vain indeed is your pitiful attempt to seduce the officers of your late regiment—little do you know of them, if you imagine they are capable of corruption. They de-pise you too much, and entertain too horrid an idea of your infamous treason, to tread in the steps of one of the most perfidious of the human race. Hitherto we had been deceived by that hypocritical conduct which you kept up amongst us till the infamy of your character could no longer support it. Honour and our respect for the regulations of military discipline, imposed upon the confidence which we wished to repose in our commanding officer. You have indeed deceived us, and in so doing have proved yourself a traitor, a perjured wretch. You have not only meanly stolen away the precious deposit which was confided to your care, but, more than that, you have assumed the character of a thief in breaking open and plundering the military chest of the regiment.—The loss of the standard of France has indeed struck us with horror. It would be an irreparable loss, if we had not the hope to obtain one of three colours, which the regiment has, by deputation, solicited from the municipality of Lille, and from our respectable generals. Under this new signal for rallying, we will fight, we will pulverize without mercy all traitors, perjured and villainous persons like yourself."
Having thus avowed our sentiments in the face of day, forbear endeavoring to seduce us by your abominable letters, the reading of which fills us with horror. Avail yourself now of your irreproachable conduct ; of your distinguished opinions , under which you shield yourself, to make dupes and new victims. Our patriotism will protect us from the snares laid for the friends of the Constitution and good order by the enemies of both. The regiment whom you so basely attempt to flatter, means always to march in the path of honor, and would have died to have had a commander who could say as much—We return you this our public answer from the public printing press, because we would not deface ourselves so much as to address you directly in a letter.—We shall also print your letter, that the world may be fully acquainted with your cowardice, your hypocrisy, and the wicked perfidy of your character. Deposuit potentes de sede, et exaltavit humiles.
Signed with a long list of names of officers of different ranks.
Stockholm (Sweden) Oct. 4.—It is now confirmed, that his Majesty, having understood that the king of France has, of his own choice, accepted the new French constitutional code, renounces all hostile attempts to effect a counter revolution in that country, and has caused all preparations to be discontinued that had been begun or planned for that purpose.
Frankfort, Oct. 11.—When the king of Prussia heard that the king of France had accepted the constitution, he expressed himself aloud in the following terms: "I now see the peace of Europe placed upon a solid foundation." It is certain, that most of the German potentates are of the same sentiments with the king of Prussia, and do not hesitate to acknowledge their friendly intentions towards the French nation, since Louis
the XVIII, incontestibly had a right to accept whatever conditions the French people chose to offer him.
LONDON, Nov. 15.
As a proof of the growing liberality of the present period, we are happy to mention, that the illiberal custom of carrying the Pope in effigy about our streets on the 5th of November (powder-plot) is beginning to be discouraged. The Lord-Mayor, on the late occasion, issued orders to the city marshals, and their subordinate officers, to apprehend all idle and disorderly persons, who shall, on the 5th of November, go about the streets collecting money for bonfires, or who shall throw squibs, or other fire works, or be guilty of the like dangerous practices.
Legislature of the United States. House of Representatives, Thursday, Jan. 26.
In committee of the whole, on the bill, providing for the defence of the frontiers;—Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.—
Question under consideration.—
A motion to strike out the second section of the bill, which contemplates the raising of three additional regiments of infantry, and a squadron of light dragoons, amounting in all to three thousand and forty men, exclusive of commissioned officers, in addition to the present establishment, which is, by the first section ordered to be completed.
In favor of the motion, and against the proposed augmentation of the military establishment, it was urged.
That the Indian war, in which the United States are at present involved, was, in its origin, as unjustly undertaken, as it has since been unwisely and unsuccessfully conducted:—that depredations had been committed by the whites, as well as by the Indians; and the whites were most probably the aggressors, as they frequently made encroachments on the Indian lands; whereas the Indians showed no inclination to obtain possession of our territory, or even to make temporary invasions, until urged to it by a sense of their wrongs: a proof of this unencroaching disposition on their part plainly appeared in their conduct, after the victory they lately obtained over our troops; for, when flushed with success, they might have swept the country before them, and penetrated as far as Pittsburgh, they contented themselves with the advantage they had gained over their invaders, and did not attempt to invade our territories in return, although there was no where at hand a sufficient force to check their career.
The mode of treating the Indians in general, was reprobated as unwise and impolitic; the Indians are with difficulty to be reduced by the sword, but may easily be gained by justice and moderation: and although their cruelties are alleged as reasons for a different conduct, and the sufferings of the white people pathetically deplored, these narratives, (it was said) are at best but ex parte evidence;—we hear nothing of the sufferings of the Indians:—but if orplanter's speech were read, it would set the matter in a very different point of view, and furnish a complete answer to all the charges of their accusers.
Peace (it was said) may be obtained from the Indian tribes, at a much less expence, than would be necessary for the support of the war:—to persevere in hostilities, would be wasting the public money to a very bad purpose indeed:—for, supposing our arms crowned with victory, what are the advantages we may expect to reap from our success?—we can only gain possession of their land—a possession, that must long continue unproductive of the smallest benefit, as we already possess land sufficient,—more, in fact, than we will be able to cultivate for a whole century to come.
Instead of being ambitious to extend our boundaries, it would answer a much better national purpose, rather to check the roving disposition of the frontier settlers, and prevent them from too suddenly extending themselves to the western waters: if kept closer together, and more nearly connected with the old settlements, they would be more useful to the community at large, and would not so frequently involve us in unnecessary and expensive wars with the Indians: but if permitted to rove at pleasure, they will keep the nation embroiled in perpetual warfare, as long as the Indians have a single acre of ground to rest upon.
If the citizens of the United States were recalled within their proper boundaries, there they might, for years to come, cultivate the soil in peace, neither invaded nor invading. As the country progresses in population, and our limits are found too narrow, it will then be soon enough to contemplate a gradual extension of our frontier: but in the mean time, it is an idle profusion of blood and treasure, to carry war beyond our present line of forts: it is only exposing our arms to disgrace, betraying our own weakness, and lessening the public confidence in the general government, to send forth armies to be butchered in the forests, whilst we suffer the British to keep possession of posts within our territory.
As long as Britain is suffered to retain those posts, we can never hope to succeed against the Indians; nor ought we to trace our late misfortune to any other source than her still holding them in her possession: were they in our hands, the Indians could not carry on their operations against us with the same degree of vigour as they now do: for it is from those forts that they obtain their supplies of arms and ammunition, with which they can be, at all times, plentifully furnished, as long as things continue on their present footing.
Until those posts are in our possession, it will be vain to send our armies into the wilderness: a
body of five thousand men, sent out against the Indians, under the present circumstances would be as effectually defeated, as the smaller ones have already been: in those wilds, our troops have no friend at hand, to furnish them with supplies, or to give them intelligence of the approach and operations of the enemy; whereas the Indians, receiving both aid and information from their friendly neighbors, can pre-concert their plans, and chuse, according to their own convenience, the place and the hour of attack, as they did before.
It was here observed by an honorable gentleman on the other side of the question, that we ought undoubtedly to get possession of those posts; and that we might have long since obtained them, if we had laid a seasonable embargo on all the British shipping in our ports; though he doubted, whether it would at present be worth while to take such a step, as the English have lost so great a portion of our carrying trade, in consequence of the additional tonnage laid on their vessels.
In favour of the motion, it was further urged, that supposing even the war to have been originally undertaken with justice on our side,—supposing also, that the national honor and interest called for a continuance of hostilities: yet, as it was by no means either necessary or prudent to invade the Indian territory,—as this had been attempted in two successive campaigns, and the event had, in both instances, been such, as to afford no very flattering prospect from a third expedition of the same kind, it was thought much more advisable to content ourselves with defending the frontier; and this might be done, without making so great an augmentation in the military establishment.
The only use of regular troops on the frontier, is to garrison the forts, and to have a standing force in the neighbourhood, to form a station, to which the militia may resort either for protection or supplies: but as to active service, the frontier militia and rangers were pronounced to be by far preferable to the regular troops, as being more expert woodsmen, and better habituated to the Indian mode of fighting. To defend the forts, a small number of regulars would be sufficient; the present establishment of two regiments would, if completed, be amply adequate to the purpose; and when assisted by such forces as might at all times be collected on the frontier, would be able to repel every inroad of the enemy.
Experience has proved, that the sudden and destructive attacks of the frontier militia and rangers are ever attended with better success, than the methodical operations of a regular force; the former are better calculated for expedition and surprise, making unexpected sallies, scouring the country in small bodies, harassing the Indians, and intercepting their straggling parties: by whom their motions are unobserved; whereas, when a body of regulars take the field, encumbered with baggage and heavy artillery, the unavoidable slowness of their movements affords the enemy an opportunity of watching all their operations, collecting their whole force, and skulking in the woods around them, till they can seize the favorable moment to strike a sudden blow, which they generally do with success, but which they could never attempt if exposed every hour to the unforeseen attacks of our woodsmen, who would keep their attention constantly engaged in all quarters, and thus prevent them from uniting in large bodies.
It was further observed by some gentlemen, who even admitted the propriety of invading the Indian territory, that to effect this with success, it was by no means necessary to make such an increase in the military establishment, as that contemplated in the bill: the miscarriage of the former expeditions could not (they said) be alleged as a sufficient reason: for it is well known, that the former establishment was far from being complete: the regulars, intended for the service of the last campaign, were to have been about two thousand two hundred; the President was besides empowered to raise two thousand five hundred levies in addition to the regulars; and these would together have constituted an army of about four thousand seven hundred men: had such a body been employed, we might reasonably have expected much better success against the Indians, whose numbers were so far inferior, the whole force of the Wabash tribes not amounting to above eleven or twelve hundred warriors, who never could keep the field for any length of time, but must be soon obliged to disperse, without venturing an attack upon an army of such superior strength.
Instead of this, our army consisted of only about twelve hundred men; and of these not above four or five hundred were regular troops: besides, had even this force been sufficient if employed in season, the delays, that had taken place in the execution of the plan, would alone have been sufficient to defeat the intended purpose. During the winter, the law was passed for raising the additional troops to carry on the war with greater vigor; the whole summer was spent in the business, and the few men that we did enlist, were not raised until late in the fall: collected at length at the head of the Ohio, they fruitlessly loitered away their time, till they finally erected a monument to our eternal disgrace and infamy.
Whatever troops are to be employed, ought to be raised with diligence and dispatch, if we wish to avoid a similar miscarriage in our next attempt; the army ought not to enter the Indian country, till their whole force is complete:—difficulties however and delay, equal to those of last year, may be again expected in inlisting the men: and we will have the officers in pay a considerable time, without any soldiers: perhaps the former pay of the troops was too low; and proper effective men were unwilling to accept of it; if so, let it be raised; let the men be well clothed and fed, and they will more readily engage in the service: probably also the term of three years was an objection with many, who would otherwise have joined our standard: if enlisted only for six months, the ranks will be sooner filled; and this ought to have considerable weight with those who advocate the augmentation of the military establishment; as they cannot but know, that if we set about enlisting the number of men contemplated in the bill, and in the manner there prescribed, they cannot be raised in time enough to render any service in the next campaign.

The information, contained in the report on the table, was not, it was said, to be implicitly relied on: that report was made by a man, who had not personally visited the frontiers: others, who had been on the spot, were of opinion, that if 2000 levies had been raised last year, they would have been sufficient not only for the defence of the frontier, but even for any offensive operations, that might have been thought necessary: such troops, collected in the vicinity, are more competent to the undertaking, than the troops now in contemplation: no complaint has been made of their conduct; whenever they were tried they behaved as well as the regulars, and in the action under General St. Clair, they gave equal proofs of their valor.
It was farther urged, that the frontier militia are not only equal, but infinitely superior to any regular troops whatever, for the defence of the borders; and that they are in fact, the only force that can be effectually employed in expeditions against the hostile Indians, whose mode of fighting is familiar to them, and does not strike them with that degree of terror, with which it inspires those men who enlist in the regular establishment: these latter, being collected in the heart of populous cities, where the face of an Indian is seldom seen, hardly know, whether the Indian and his horse are not the same animal; and when they approach the enemy, at the very first shout, even before he is in view, they are terrified at the idea of savage barbarity, which they have ever been taught to reflect on with horror; and being incapable of resistance, they commit their safety to flight. To prove the superiority of the militia, gentlemen need only contrast the dispatch and success of the expedition conducted by general Scott, with the delays, disgrace and mortification which attended that under general St. Clair, and consider the difference of the expence on those two occasions.
The expence of such an army as the bill contemplates, is an object well worthy of serious consideration, especially at the present moment, when there is scarcely a dollar in the treasury. Gentlemen would also do well to advert to the progress of this business, and consider where they were likely to stop, if they went on at the present rate: at first, only a single regiment had been raised, and the expence was about 100,000 dollars; a second was afterwards added, which swelled the expence to about 300,000; and now a standing force of 5168 men is contemplated, at an annual expence of above a million and a quarter. Can this be justified in the present state of our finances, when it is well known that the secretary of the treasury, having been requested by the members from a particular state, to build a light-house on a certain part of their coast, declined the undertaking, & alleged the want of funds, as the reason?
Our resources, however, might be made to answer for the support of such a force as that, which was intended for the service of the preceding year; and there would be little complaint or dissatisfaction among the people: very few murmurings were heard against the former establishment: but such a one as is now contemplated, will be thought extravagant, will breed discontent among the citizens of the United States, and perhaps afford our neighbors in Canada an opportunity to take advantage of our divided situation, and involve us in a war more dangerous than the former which separated us from Great-Britain.
Apprehensions (it was said) are entertained, that the object contemplated in raising those additional troops, is not so much to punish and coerce the Indians, as to have a regular standing force equal to what the British have on this continent. This is said to amount to about six thousand men, including those in Canada: but it is to be remarked, that the British nation has not above one thousand men within the limits of the United States; and yet with this handful of troops, they not only keep the Indians in awe, but even, in opposition to the wishes of the United States, retain possession of those posts, which should have been ceded to us pursuant to the terms of the treaty: why then is it necessary, for the purpose of establishing posts and garrisoning them, to encrease the standing force to so large a number, as that contemplated in the clause under consideration?---During our late arduous struggle for liberty, when we had to cope with the most powerful nation under heaven, the commander in chief had never at any one time above ten thousand men, under his own immediate command; and if with so small a force, we were able to effect so glorious a revolution, there can be no necessity of going such lengths at present, for the sake of establishing a military character; it is strange policy indeed, to raise five or six thousand men, to oppose a handful of Indian banditti, whose utmost amount, does not, from the documents on the table, appear to exceed twelve hundred.
We are preparing to squander away money by millions: and no one, except those who are in the secrets of the cabinet, knows for what reason the war has been thus carried on for three years: but what funds are to defray the encreased expence of maintaining such a force as is now contemplated? The excise is both unpopular and unproductive: the impost duties have been raised as high as is consistent with prudence: to encrease them would be to open a door for smuggling, and thus diminish their productiveness: and if those sources of revenue fail, if our finances be thus exhausted in unnecessary wars, we will be unable to satisfy the public creditors, unless recourse be had to new taxes, the consequences of which may, with just reason, be deplored; whereas, if we but keep our expenses within bounds, if we nurse our finances, we will be respectable among the nations of the earth, nor will any nation dare to insult us, or be able to do it with impunity.
During the course of these observations, an honorable gentleman asked, whether this was a day set apart for rhetorical flourishes, as the galleries were open, and he saw the short-hand writers stationed at their different posts?
At an early stage of the debate, an honorable gentleman had suggested, that, instead of passing a law for raising at all events the additional regiments, which, for his part, he did not think necessary, the house (if they finally determined the present establishment to be insufficient) would perhaps do better to appropriate a certain sum of money, to enable the executive to call in such additional aid, as circumstances may require.
To this it was objected, that it is the duty of the representatives of the people in all appropriations of the public money, to make them for certain specific purposes; to act otherwise on the present occasion, would be setting a precedent, that might, in its consequences, prove highly injurious: for, although, the greatest confidence may safely be reposed in the virtue and integrity of him who now fills the presidential chair, it is impossible to foresee what use may hereafter be made of the precedent by his successors, or how far it may be carried.
Against the motion for striking out, and in favour of the proposed augmentation of the military establishment, it was urged,
That, as to the justice of the war carried on against the Indian tribes, that was a question which could not admit of a doubt in the mind of any man, who would allow, that self preservation and indispensable necessity are sufficient causes to justify a nation in taking up arms: if the present war be not in every respect justifiable, then there never was, nor ever will be a just war: it was originally undertaken, and since carried on, not for the sake of conquest, but to defend our fellow citizens, our friends, our dearest connexions, who are daily exposed, in the frontier settlements, to all the rage of savage barbarity, to which they, with their wives and children, must soon fall victims, unless we speedily fly to their assistance: and although there are some people, who utterly deny the justice of any war whatever, this doctrine, however fine in theory, will hardly ever obtain in practice: for, is it to be imagined, that any set of men are of such passive disposition, as calmly to look on, whilst their friends and relations are butchered before their eyes, and to refuse giving them every assistance in their power?
The murders and depredations, which have, for years past, been repeatedly committed by the savages, loudly call for redress: from various documents of unquestionable authority, now in the hands of the secretary at war, signed and attested by the executive and legislature of Kentucky, by the district judge, and the captains of the militia, it appears, that, from the year 1783 to 1790, there have been, of the inhabitants of that district, or of emigrants on their way thither, no less than fifteen hundred persons either massacred by the savages, or dragged into captivity: two thousand horses taken away; and other property plundered or destroyed, to the amount of fifty thousand dollars: and there is good reason to suppose, that, on the other frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, the number of persons murdered or taken prisoners, during the above-mentioned period, would furnish a list of one thousand or fifteen hundred more.
The white people, it is true, have sometimes committed depredations on the Indians: but the instances have been rare [the honorable gentleman who spoke, did not recollect above one or two] of their making unjust attacks upon the savages; nor did they on those occasions commence hostilities against them, till exasperated by the strongest provocations, that could possibly stimulate the human heart: this circumstance may be justly allowed as some palliation of the offence: even in these instances, however, a few individuals only were concerned; and when the affair came to the knowledge of the state, ample reparation was made to the injured party: the general government too had shewn an equal disposition to do justice to the Indian tribes; witness the affair of the Cherokees: for as soon as Congress had heard their complaints of an encroachment made on them by some of the people from the frontier of North Carolina, immediate orders were issued for obliging the intruders to evacuate the Indian territory.
But, notwithstanding the disposition that prevails as well in the legislatures of those states whose frontiers are most exposed, as in the general government, to cultivate peace and amity with the neighbouring Indians, that desirable object is become utterly unattainable in the present posture of affairs: The frontier Indians have killed a number of whites; the whites, in their turn, have made retaliation: both parties are in the highest degree exasperated against each other, and likely to continue so, in spite of every endeavor that can be made to effect a reconciliation: with minds thus irritated, it is vain to hope for peace, as long as they continue in each other's neighbourhood; it is therefore necessary to form a strong barrier, to keep them asunder, unless indeed the advocates for a cessation of hostilities would oblige the frontier settlers to abandon their lands: but by what new-invented rule of right, should the inhabitants of Kentucky, and the other frontier settlements, be laid under a greater obligation, than any other citizens of the U. States, to relinquish a property legally acquired by fair purchase? were it even proposed to pacify the savages, by purchasing the lands anew, such a measure would answer no other purpose, than that of procuring a temporary peace, which would soon again be interrupted by a war, that would reproduce the necessity of again having recourse to the same expedient: we would have to purchase the lands again and again without end; and by thus squandering the public money year after year, we would only swell the national debt to an amount, that we cannot possibly foresee: better at once to make a vigorous effort, to act in a manner becoming the national dignity, and to maintain our ground by war, since we cannot obtain a durable or an honorable peace.
Attempts have at various times been made to effect treaties of peace with the Indian tribes, with whom we are now at war: and although their efforts have constantly proved ineffectual, they yet shew, that neither the United States nor the state of Virginia were backward on their part, to adopt conciliatory measures, and to do away that animosity which had commenced on the part of the savages, at an early period of the late war with Britain, and has continued to break out at intervals ever since. In the years 1783, 84, 85, 87, 88, and 90, offers of peace were made to them: on the last mentioned occasion, when a treaty was proposed at the Miami Village, the Indians at first refused to treat: they next required thirty days to deliberate: and in the interim, the inhabitants of Kentucky were expressly prohibited by the President of the United States, to carry on any offensive operations against them: yet, notwithstanding this forbearance on the part of the whites,
no less than one hundred and twenty persons were killed or captured by the savages, and several prisoners roamed alive, during that short period, at the expiration of which, the Indians refused to give any answer at all.
On another occasion, the Indians not content with rejecting our offers of peace, proceeded even so far as to insult us, by telling us, we have lands within the British posts, and asking us, why we did not go and take possession of them? Will it be said, that we are unable to do it? this is a language, to be used within the United States? no! we are able, abundantly, able to do it, whenever we please: and if we would but retrench our expenses in some instances, which might well admit of a reduction, our ability would still encrease: our finances are not quite so insufficient as some gentlemen seem to imagine, nor so easily deranged: we are still able to prove that the boasted efficiency of the general government is something more than a mere empty name: can yet raise both men and money sufficient to defend the nation from either injury or insult.
It is, at the present period, too late to enquire, whether the war was originally undertaken on the principles of justice, or not: we are now actually involved in it, and cannot recede, without exposing numbers of innocent persons to be butchered by the enemy: for, though we should determine to discontinue the war, can it be said that the savages will also agree to a cessation of hostilities? It is well known that they are averse to peace; and even the warmest advocate of pacific measures must therefore allow that the war is a war of necessity, and must be supported: we cannot, without impeachment both to our justice and our humanity, abandon our fellow citizens on the frontier to the rage of their savage enemies: and although the excise may be somewhat unpopular, although money may still be wanted, what is the excise, what is money, when put in competition with the lives of our friends and brethren?
A sufficient force must be raised for their defence: and the only question now to be considered, is, what that force shall be: experience has proved, that the force employed in the last campaign, was inadequate: it is true, the establishment was not complete: but who will venture to assert, that, even if it had been complete, it would have been sufficient for the intended purpose? we are gentlemen, who assert this, so well acquainted with the circumstances of the enemy, as to be able to give an accurate statement of the amount of their forces on the frontier? there are higher opinions in favor of an augmentation of the army, than can be adduced against it, opinions given by men of judgment and experience, who have themselves been on the spot, and are well acquainted with the situation of affairs in that quarter: these gentlemen, who must be allowed to be competent judges, are decidedly of opinion, that the present establishment, though completed to the last man, will not furnish an adequate force to carry on the war with effect; and that it will be a hopeless attempt, to open another campaign, with less than about five thousand regular troops, the number contemplated in the bill.
Nor ought that number to be deemed extravagant, under an idea, that we have only a contemptible handful of banditti to contend with: their numbers were, last year, from authentic documents, stated at about 1200 warriors, from 23 different tribes: such was the opposition then contemplated: But it is impossible to ascertain what accession of strength they have since received, or even what force they had engaged in the late unfortunate action; as the very men, who were in the engagement, do not pretend to form any just or accurate estimate of the number of their assailants: but there is good reason to suppose, that they had previously entered into an association with various tribes, that have not as yet come within our knowledge: the bows and arrows, used against our troops, on that occasion, afford a convincing proof, that they had foes to encounter from distant nations, as yet unacquainted with the use of fire arms: nor does the account of the bows and arrows depend, for its authenticity, on newspaper evidence alone: gentlemen of unquestionable veracity, who were personally engaged in the action, have declared, that they had themselves noticed the arrows flying.
When we consider the warlike disposition of the Indians in general, and the alacrity, with which the victors are ever sure to be joined, by numerous allies, we have every reason to expect a much more formidable opposition in the next campaign: it is well known that the savages place all their glory in deeds of war; and that among them, a young man cannot make his appearance in company, till he has signalized his valour by some martial achievement; when, to this powerful incentive, a new stimulus is added, by the trophies obtained in the late action, it is presumable that numbers will crowd to their standard; and it strongly behoves us to prepare in time for a much more vigorous effort, than any we have as yet made against them.
The objections drawn from the increased expence, must entirely vanish from before the eyes of any man, who looks forward to the consequences of one more unsuccessful campaign: Such a disaster would eventually involve the nation in much greater expense, than that which is now made the ground of opposition: better therefore at once to make a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the matter to a final issue, than to continue gradually draining the treasury, by dragging on the war, and renewing hostilities from year to year.
If we wish to bring the war to a speedy and a happy conclusion, and to secure a permanent peace to the inhabitants on the frontiers, we must employ such troops, and adopt such measures, as appear best calculated to ensure success: if we delay our determination, until the force of the enemy be ascertained, we can make no provision at all: for the nature and circumstances of the case preclude us from the very possibility of obtaining a knowledge of their strength and numbers: but are we, mean while, to remain inactive and irresolute, and make no effort to repel their intended attacks? No! Whatever their numbers may be, prudence calls aloud for provision of some kind; and if experience is to have
any weight with us, the example of the French and of the British, points out the true mode of securing our frontier, and rendering it invulnerable to an Indian foe: let us occupy posts in the vicinity of the enemy; let them be properly garrisoned, and well provided; and the business is done.
These will afford an opportunity of trading with the friendly tribes, and will prevent all intercourse between the whites and the Indians, except under proper regulations: should hostilities be meditated by any tribes who are not in amity with us, early intelligence of their movements can be obtained: their marauding parties may be either beaten off on their approach, or intercepted on their return: opportunities may be taken of separately attacking the hostile tribes: their old men, their squaws, their children, will be exposed a great part of the year, whilst the others are out hunting: in short, if fear, hope, interest, can be supposed to have any influence on the Indians, this mode of defence must be allowed to be preferable to any other, as giving the fullest scope to the operation of all these motives.
A different mode has been long pursued in Virginia, and adopted by the inhabitants of Kentucky; but its success has not been such, as to offer any inducement to the general government to follow the same plan. Rangers have there been employed for a number of years, to scour the frontiers; and those rangers, too, were expert woodmen, perfectly inured to the Indian mode of warfare; yet, notwithstanding their utmost vigilance, the savages still found means to commit all the murders and depredations already enumerated: 'tis true, however, that a frontier militia man, trained up in the woods, may be, in many respects, preferable to a regular soldier, who has not the same knowledge of the country, and of the mode of fighting: but with equal experience (and proper men, possessed of that experience, may be enlisted on the establishment) regular troops will be found infinitely superior to any militia upon earth.
Every man, who has ever seen militia in the field, cannot but know, that a very trifling disaster, or a slight cause of discontent, is sufficient to make them disband, and forget all subordination, so far even as to neglect the means of self defence: whereas regular troops, under proper discipline, and acting with greater steadiness and concert, are much more to be depended on, especially when the object of attack is distant, and great fatigue is to be undergone. The militia, in whatever mode they may be called out, will hardly furnish men of the proper description: if large pay be offered, the temptation will equally prevail upon those who are unfit for the service, as it will upon good effective men: besides, some of the states have no militia laws, and even in those states which have such laws they are gone into disuse: no dependence can therefore be placed on militia, under any laws now existing: there is, indeed, a general militia law now before the house: but if it ever passes, it certainly cannot be passed in due season to answer the purpose of providing for the immediate defence of the frontier: regular troops must be raised, or nothing effectual can be done: and if, to avoid the expence, we refuse the only aid that can prove of any real service, we render ourselves responsible for the consequences of this parsimonious policy, which may be attended with the ruin and destruction of our fellow citizens in the western country.
The Cornplanter's speech was again mentioned, and called for; but, as it had been confidentially communicated by the President, an objection was made to having it read, without clearing the galleries: whereupon,
An honorable member arose, and mentioned his having read it in one of the public newspapers of the state of New-Jersey.
To this it was answered, that if any gentleman had the newspaper to produce, the speech might be publicly read from that: otherwise, although it might be very proper that the speech itself were publicly read, yet, as it had been confidentially received from the executive, there would be a manifest trespass on propriety and decorum, in having it read with open galleries: it was therefore wished, that the galleries might be cleared.
The parliamentary etiquette requiring that this should be done by the house, and not by a committee, the committee rose for the purpose; and, Mr. Speaker having resumed the chair, the motion for clearing the galleries was renewed.
An objection was here started, by an honorable gentleman in favor of the augmentation, who said, that, as some gentlemen had spoken on the popular side of the question, whilst the galleries had been open, it was unfair to preclude those of opposite sentiments from an opportunity of answering their arguments in the same public manner, and proving to the people the justice, and necessity of the war.
The motion, however, was persisted in, and the galleries were cleared.
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Philadelphia, Jan. 30, 1792.
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