Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-13 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. XCVI.]
SATURDAY, MARCH, 13, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
A FEW suggestions on the all important subject of funding the public debt, which are dictated by a regard to the future welfare and happiness of this country, will I hope meet with a liberal interpretation from a view of the motives which induce them. The late revolution in the government of these States considered in an abstract light was undoubtedly an event of great magnitude and consequence; yet upon the active operation of the powers vested by the new constitution in the great legislature of the union, will depend all those civil blessings which an enlightened and well informed people are capable of enjoying. To the defalcation of public promises in this country for many years past, and consequent want of private confidence, may be mostly attributed the evils we long suffered, even to the lowest ebb of national degradation; while the general sense entertained of the cause of those evils which was discoverable in the exertions made to procure their remedy by the new organization of our political system, seemed to evidence to a candid world, that the defection existed rather in the head than the heart, and that we wanted only to become acquainted with the means of relief to practice upon them; it is yet to be hoped that this just expectation will not fail to become realized in the determination of government relating to the funding system; and the more especially, when we reflect that a failure now, will be proportionably disadvantageous, as the steps hitherto taken have enhanced the public anticipation and confidence. Having made these general observations, I come to take a view of that part of the Secretary's report that relates to the assumption of the State debts, and which appears to be a measure recommended by every motive of sound policy, evident expediency, and substantial justice. I have never been able to discern any real difference between the two kinds of debt, continental and State; I mean so far as either were contracted in the prosecution of the late war, and to answer the public exigencies; I believe on examination, the chief distinction will be found merely adventitious, and to exist only in form nor even so far in form, as to impair the obligation which the united government is under to provide for their discharge, or equal place in the funding plan; they are both the price of our independence, and present national consequence, and must be both guaranteed by the sceptre of justice—that it is expedient they should be thrown into one general mass, will appear from the consideration, that the several States have relinquished to the government of the union the means by which they would be enabled to make a separate provision for their payment—for though they may possess a concurrent power of laying excise, &c. yet the confusion which would result from the exercise of that power to such a degree is sufficiently obvious, to illustrate the inexpediency of its adoption, to avoid the great injuries arising to the interest of individuals, as well as to the efficacy of public measures by such complex systems of finance, and diverse modes of taxation, may be viewed as one of the efficient causes of the late change in our government. The policy of establishing one uniform system of finance through the union, must obtrude itself on the mind as the natural dictate of common sense and observation; and warranted by the happy experience of many other nations; it will have a great tendency to lessen those speculations in the funds, which in discussing the subject of discrimination were so strongly urged as being of public detriment—for although negotiations in the public funds will be ever found to exist, yet the degree will be determined by the measures which government shall adopt for the support of public credit—this once well established, will be equally known by all, and private necessity, rather than a difference of public faith, will in future cause the alienation of public paper much below its nominal value; by the assumption of the State debts the sinews of government will be placed in a situation best calculated for our future support and protection, and draw in that direction from which their greatest strength will result, while the danger of a division will be much diminished—but let me ask the question, should one class of public creditors be now deserted, upon what grounds can government place its expectations of future support from individuals, in cases of need? And that such cases will exist cannot be doubted.—The discussion of the subject treated of in this paper naturally draws forth the most latent feelings of the human breast—has to combat with deep rooted prejudices, State politics, personal envy, ambition and avarice—while it involves in its consequences and dependencies, objects of as much importance as perhaps may ever arrest the attention of government.—It is therefore not to be wondered, that in an assembly of freemen, it should be a long time debated, thoroughly investigated, and fully examined in every shape and complexion it is capable of assuming; nor is it less to be doubted that the result will be conformable to those principles of genuine patriotism and liberal policy, which have so often marked the American public transactions, and on which depends the future credit of these United States, the respectability of our national government, and perhaps our political existence.
AMERICANUS.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 24, 1790.
IN committee of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.—Mr. BENSON in the chair.—The assumption of the State Debts under consideration.
Mr. STONE, after an introduction of some length, observed, that the measure of assuming the State Debts is contrary to the Constitution. It may be used as a mean to bribe a State into measures to answer particular purposes. He opposed it as tending to annihilate the State governments.
The assumption of the State debts was not contemplated in the Constitution, the powers of the Constitution are defined; but the assumption of the Debts of the States will be an accumulation of power in the hands of the general government—powers not supposed to be vested in it.
He observed, that this business would probably terminate in the abolition of the State governments, as being altogether superfluous.
The amount of the present aggregate of the State Debts being unknown, may operate unequally and very unjustly—especially when it is considered that many of the charges are for unauthorized services, the amount of which is involved in total uncertainty, so that it is a perfect hazard whether justice is done or not. He adverted to the exertions of Maryland and Virginia during the war; and observed, that he thought with a gentleman from Virginia, that when the precise exertions, services, and sacrifices of the several States are fully known, the present apparent disparity in their merits and expences will be found to be much less than it has been supposed.
He replied to the observation that the State creditors would be sacrificed if they were not provided for by Congress. He observed, that they might do them strict justice, if the funds which the
States have had to pay their interest from, is left to them, and they will not be wanted for the Continent except on the idea of funding these debts. He urged the advantages which would result to the States, and to the creditors from the particular States raising the revenue themselves, and this he asserted would be done with great ease and certainty.
Mr. BURKE was in favor of the assumption. He adverted to the state of the debt of South Carolina, and observed, that since the impost was assumed by the Continent, it will be utterly impossible for her to pay the interest of 500,000 dollars, her State debt. With respect to the weakening or annihilating the State governments, if this was likely to be the case, it is too late to object as the Constitution is already established, and it is our duty to plant it in the soil as firmly and as favorably to the liberties of the people as possible. He observed that on honest and just principles he must vote for the proposition.
Mr. SEDGWICK said he rose with great diffidence and considerable reluctance, to express his opinion, on this important subject, a subject on the just determination of which depended, in his opinion, the future happiness and welfare of this country.—That his reluctance was founded in a consciousness that many gentlemen, considered Massachusetts, as having, a very particular interest in the decision. But as other gentlemen had witnessed to the sentiments, circumstances and interests, of the states they represented, he should presume to follow their example; and the rather, because by pursuing this course, there would be exhibited to the view and contemplation of the committee, a pretty just picture of the state, as related to the present subject of deliberation.
Mr. Sedgwick declared that he had been long and intimately acquainted with the people of Massachusetts, that he believed that in no age or country, had ever existed a people, more disposed to submit to good government, nor more confirmed in virtuous and industrious habits. That he had suffered the inexpressible pain, of seeing this people, in arms against their own government. A government administered by men annually chosen by themselves. That the cause of this insurrection was the oppression under which the citizens groaned, from the imposition of taxes, to satisfy the public creditors of a debt incurred merely for national purposes. That this debt was created with the utmost economy. That the government in the imposition of taxes, was influenced by the most virtuous motives of making compensation, to that meritorious class of citizens, on whose exertions and services, the liberties of this country had depended, in an hour of danger. That from our circumstances, and the nature of our government, the state legislatures, by whom these debts were contracted, were in fact, and ought now to be considered, as the national agents, that therefore the creditors of the states, had a claim on the honor and justice of Congress, which would be violated, if their demands should remain unprovided for.
That it had been objected to the assumption, that it would tend to produce a consolidation of the powers of government, by a destruction of the popularity and energy of the state governments. In answer to this, it was observed, that no member of the committee, would entertain the anti-national idea, of the continuance of the present, inequality of burdens in the several states.—That all men of intelligence contemplated an adjustment of the claims of the individual states, as a thing indispensable to the preservation of our national union. That whenever that desirable object was obtained, the state debts, which were the claims of the individual states, must be annihilated, that therefore the evil contemplated, if it was such, must eventually take place.
Mr. Sedgwick observed, however, that he had never been a proselyte to the doctrine, that the state debts were a necessary engine to the existence of the energy or popularity of the state governments. That in his mind it was a strange and unfounded assertion, that the possession of the affectionate regard of the people, by a government, depended on the necessity of imposing grievous burdens. That it was true, that the state governments were in the possession and exercise of almost all those powers by which government was endeared to man. They afforded protection and gave security to life, liberty and property; punished offences injurious to society; and gave to individuals a redress for the injuries they suffered. They operated, therefore, only in acts of beneficence, except in the imposition of taxes, which had very absurdly been considered, as the foundation of their importance and popularity.
Mr. Sedgwick then observed that the discussion of the proposition before the committee, necessarily involved two questions.
1st, Is Congress by the principles of the constitution, authorized to assume the state debts.
2d, Supposing the power to exist, does prudence, policy and justice dictate the proposed measure?
With regard to the first of these questions, he said, it should be observed; that Congress by the constitution is authorized, to levy money in all instances; where in their opinion, the expenditure shall be for the "general welfare;" an answer therefore, to the second of these questions, would determine on the first; for if prudence, policy and justice, dictated the assumption of the state debts, it must be for the general welfare that they should be assumed.
"Let it then be enquired" said Mr. Sedgwick for what purposes were these debts contracted? The true answer is known to all, to secure the peace, liberty and independence of the United States. Can it want demonstration, that an expence incurred for a joint benefit, should be a general charge on all, in proportion to their respective abilities? By the principles of our constitution, the inequality arising from our former situation, which is already so feverely felt, and from the continuance of which, such enormous mischiefs are to be apprehended, is strictly guarded against, and this alteration is justly considered as one of the most important improvements in our national system. If this equality of burden, in a common cause, and for the support of a joint interest, is equitable, and that it is to my mind is self evident; will it not unquestionably follow, that the proposition now under consideration should be adopted?
To this Mr. Sedgwick observed, it might be objected that by the settlement of the accounts, of the individual states, with the United States, the purposes he wished would be obtained.
To this he answered, that the assumption of the State debts would facilitate the settlement of those accounts; and indeed remove almost all the obstacles, in the execution of that arduous business. For although a State, after the assumption takes place, may be in such circumstances as to have no particular benefit, resulting from an ultimate adjustment of the accounts, yet it can have no strong motive to oppose it. But that independent of the assumption, there are so many difficulties to be surmounted, as to render the event, if not wholly impracticable, at least highly improbable. He remarked, that as yet no ratio was provided for the apportionment of the expences of the war; to obtain this, one of two modes might be adopted, either 1st, an arbitrary determination by the legislature, or 2d, by a like determination by commissioners, who should be appointed, with plenary powers for that purpose.—He considered this determination arbitrary,
because there were no constitutional data, from which the ratio should be formed—that whether the one or the other mode should eventually be elected, it was against every calculation of probability, that it would afford universal satisfaction, 'here then had' in the commencement of this business will exist a cause of disaffection, whereas the tranquil accomplishment of it, will require the most cordial good will and confidence among all the parties concerned. But suppose the ratio provided, and suppose further, the debts and credits of the several States ascertained, the insurmountable obstacle then occurs, how shall those balances be adjusted? Here three modes of administering justice for the extraordinary exertions of particular States are to be considered, 1st, by an assumption in a manner similar to the one now proposed—2d, by some kind of compulsion to be administered to the delinquent States, and 3d, by a voluntary contribution to the States most in advance, either by the general government or by the individual States which were comparatively in arrear?
He observed that he conceived it must be obvious, from a contemplation of the subject that if the assumption was ever to take place now was the proper time. That he believed no gentleman would seriously contemplate the execution of justice on any visionary schemes of compulsion—if then, said he we are to abandon the proposition now before the committee for an assumption; if we cannot expect by compulsion to do what justice so loudly demands, it is of the utmost importance, deliberately and candidly to consider, whether we can reasonably expect the event we ought to wish from voluntary contribution.
From our own experience, and that of others, could we even guess what measures would be adopted by a government, under any given circumstances? In the successful struggle of the United Netherlands against the tyranny of the Spanish monarch the necessary supplies had been very unequally furnished by the several States; those States which made the most extraordinary exertions, had never been able to obtain any just compensation.
Mr. Sedgwick observed, that the unfortunate transaction, which was denominated the Penobscot expedition , had been repeatedly mentioned. That therefore, he would take the liberty to declare, as his opinion, that from that circumstance alone, a strong argument was afforded, in favor of the proposition under consideration. He would not at present, be understood in expressing the sentiments of his constituents on this subject; to declare his own. Language to the following import was, however, the language of the well informed in the State he represented. We have already experienced what just dependence may be placed, on national engagements, when a performance depends alone on a cool and inoperative sense of honor or duty. The citizens of Massachusetts have during the war by an unparallelled exertion, and spirit of enterprise, created a navy, which was necessary, for the protection of her commerce, and her extended sea coast. This navy, in a single day was demolished, in an unsuccessful attempt; to repel an invasion of her territory, by the public enemy. Yet altho the payment of such expences, was expressly provided for, by the terms on which we were then united, every application for justice, hath been hitherto ineffectual.
On the other hand, there were not wanting, perhaps in each of the states, respectable and influential men, who considered this claim of Massachusetts as not only an unfounded, but an audacious demand. That this demand would ultimately be either allowed or rejected; if the latter, it would operate in that State, as a cause against voluntary contribution: If the former, it would tend to produce the same effect, perhaps in every other State.
Mr. Sedgwick further observed that the extra expence of Massachusetts in raising men for the general defence, and what she and her citizens had lost by the old money, was equal to all the debt she now owes; that other States too had pretensions which appeared to them to be equally well-founded. Supposing, he said, "that in the ultimate settlement, justice shall be done to all, will not the prejudices, resulting from self-interest, and the expectations created by them, be disappointed? Have not the citizens of America been taught to believe, and do they not in fact suppose, that the States to which they belong, are in advance, greatly beyond their respective proportions? Can it be imagined, that perfect confidence will exist, and the public mind remain in a state of tranquility; when its ardent hopes and expectations shall be disappointed? Will not a general belief, unfavorable to the honor and integrity of the government prevail? And can it be believed that the energy of our government, or its existence; to any valuable purpose, can remain, under the operation of jealousy and distrust?"
Mr. Sedgwick declared that he did verily believe, that an honest, an equitable settlement submitted to and discharged, would operate greatly in favor of Massachusetts, and he supposed other gentlemen had the same opinion of the States to which they belonged; but when it was remembered, that the accounts must be settled by men interested, as belonging to some of the States, he believed should their ultimate decision be certainly right—should it even be dictated by the spirit of inspiration, the energy of the same spirit, would be necessary to induce a submission, and acquiescence thro' the United States.—Now then, he concluded, was the time, with that magnanimity and spirit of concession, which would be so honorable to ourselves, and beneficial to our country, forever to banish the causes of jealousy and distrust.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that on this occasion it would well become the committee, to reflect, on the causes which had produced a difference in the relative magnitude of the State debts; they were
1st. A difference of exertion.
2d. A difference resulting from the avails derived to particular States from confiscated property, and territorial acquisitions.
With regard to the first, it would not be urged as a reason against an assumption, because it was a strong, and an unanswerable argument in its favor, for no one would venture to assert, that the States which had exhibited, the highest evidence of patriotism should suffer beyond their neighbors, who had less painfully struggled for freedom.
With regard to the other cause of difference, confiscated property, Mr. Sedgwick requested gentlemen to reflect upon the influence it would have on voluntary contribution, in instances where it might have produced considerable effects. On principles of justice said he, will gentlemen, whose States have derived a benefit from this source, permit me to enquire into the origin of their right? Against whom did the citizen of New-York offend; who adhered to the public enemy? Undoubtedly against united America: If by such conduct he justly forfeited his property; to whom should the benefit of that forfeiture accrue? To the general government which possessed the rights of treaty, of peace and of war; yet New-York who in the instance supposed, received the whole advantage, neither commenced, prosecuted nor concluded the war, nor had the power to do either.
Again with regard to territorial acquisitions, he asked "by whose exertions, were those acquisitions made? By those of the individual States? No, but by the national force, and under national direction." He added, that although the property thus acquired, being in pursuance of the existing compact, should be held sacred, yet he wished gentlemen seriously to reflect, whether it was in human nature, voluntarily to contribute, to perpetuate an inequality arising from those sources?—On the whole he concluded, that independent of the assumption, there was no reason

to expect a liquidation of the demands of the States, and without the latter, he should despair of a continuance of the national union.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that there was another very important light in which the subject might be viewed, viz. the probable consequence which would flow from the mode or modes which might be adopted, for the discharge of the state debts. If laid he, they are left on the shoulders of the state legislatures, the citizens will be very unequally burdened, to discharge demands which they will reasonably consider as unjust. This will create or continue invidious distinctions between states and their citizens. It will further promote a spirit of emigration among the states, which suffer the most, which will encrease the load, on those who shall remain behind, and finally, render it intolerable.
There was, he further observed, ar. evil yet unmentioned of a nature infinitely more malignant and dangerous—that principle of hostility, which from this state of things, would be unavoidable, between the national and state governments; for it was easy to foresee that the sources of revenue, over which the two kinds of government, had a concurrent contract, would be seized on by each, to the oppression of the people and the discouragement of industry. That hence would ensue a war of legislation, aided on each side, by partizans made active, by the powerful incentives of self interest; for there would exist an obvious opposition of interest, between the national and the State creditors. That in such a state of confusion, the interest of both would probably be injured, and the very being of the government brought into danger.
The States, for their own sakes, would put their debts on a footing as respectable as possible: To do this, they must have recourse to direct taxes, and to duties of excise. The former would be found inadequate to the purpose, and carried to any considerable degree, would be oppressive, unpopular, and might be dangerous. If excises were tried, the advantages of commerce would be rendered very unequal in different States: Hence would arise a motive for transferring mercantile capitals from one State to another. And he asked, whether in this way there was any reasonable foundation to hope that we should become or continue a nation?
Mr. Sedgwick further observed, that he supposed no one would imagine that by the adoption of a national government, any additional ability, in regard to the collection of taxes, was given to those of the States: That it would be unnecessary to remind gentlemen in how disgraceful a situation the securities of States now were—constantly fluctuating, and shrinking from the grasp of the public creditor, they afforded only a profit and employment, to an army of speculators, roaming from town to town and from village to village, purchasing of the needy holder, in the moment of disappointment, when the market was low and selling again when it rises.
On the other hand said Mr. Sedgwick "the advantages of the opposite policy are manifest and certain.—It will make this government the centre of the wishes and affections, of the property of the country—and enable the government riches, to repay for these advantages, in the encouragement it will afford, to industry and to every useful improvement and occupation.—It will terminate in the suppression of direct taxes.—It will abolish invidious distinctions between States and their citizens.—It will fix the value of the State securities and bring them into operation as a circulating medium.—It will give opportunity to the States to attend to the improvement of their internal police, and will more than any other measure I have contemplated constitute us in fact a nation, a great, flourishing and happy people."
He concluded by observing, that should any number of the States fund their debts, which at this very time was attempting by some, the difficulties in the attainment of this desirable object would be greatly encreased.
THURSDAY, FEB. 25.
In committee of the whole. The assumption of the State Debts still under consideration.
Mr. WHITE said he felt himself rather in a disagreeable situation, when he rose to oppose a proposition which was countenanced by so many respectable patrons. He thought the original proposition on the table would however be less exceptionable by the adoption of the amendment proposed by his colleague (Mr. Madison) because it would remove some of the difficulties that otherwise would result from it.
In stating his objections, he remarked, that if he understood the meaning and force of the proposition, it would have this effect, that the States who have made exertions, and nearly paid the whole of the proportion of their federal debt, should, notwithstanding, contribute to the payment of the delinquencies of others; this appeared to him to be unjust. To have a right view of the matter, none of the States could properly be considered as creditors of the Union, unless they had contributed in a greater degree than was required of them, in proportion to their wealth and number of citizens. To illustrate this argument, he would suppose that the proportion of the expense for Massachusetts and Virginia should each be 10,000,000, then if Massachusetts shall advance 15,000,000 she would be a creditor for 5,000,000, whereas if Virginia should have advanced no more than the 10,000,000, than she would have paid no more than her just proportion, and could have no demand on the Union. Again, if she had advanced no more than 8,000,000 she would justly owe 2,000,000, which Congress could not assume to pay without injury to the other. He therefore thought it just, that whatever sum might appear on the liquidation of the account to have been advanced by a State beyond its equal proportion, that that should be assumed by the Union, and no other. He had also an objection to the amendment, by which a door was to be opened for all claims; this might induce the States to bring forward claims whereby the public debt might be unduly increased. For the States generally thinking themselves creditors, it would create a jealousy, and there would be a general searching for and admitting of claims; to the great injury of the Union. This inconvenience he thought would result.
Other inconveniences might proceed from this circumstance; in some of the States the creditors might refuse to accept the proposal: He thought this would be the case in Virginia, because in that State their debts were well funded at 6 pr. cent. and the interest regularly paid; supposing this event to take place, what would be the consequence? the State of Virginia would have to levy taxes to pay this interest, and at the same time contribute to pay that of other States; difficulties might arise on this ground, that to him appeared serious.
It appeared to be the intention of the House to fund all the debt, and to make no arrangement for the discharge thereof; this he could not approve of. Perpetuating a public debt, he did not conceive advantageous to any country.
Gentlemen seemed dazzled with the splendor of Great Britain, supposing her prosperity is owing to her debts; but the reverse is the case—it was her peculiar circumstances which enabled her to support her debts—that her wealth and power were owing to the spirit and industry of her inhabitants—to her natural advantages of soil, climate, and situation, and to the great security of property under a free constitution; that however, were he an Englishman, he would tremble for the event: Sure he was, that at a period not very remote, the nation must sink under the weight of the debt, or it must be wiped out with a sponge to the ruin of thousands.
The same consequence might follow the perpetuation of the debt in these States; though the period might be more remote. If the States were left to themselves they would pursue measures to extinguish the debts; this was an object desirable to accomplish.
The State of Virginia he knew had extinguished more than 2,000,000 of dollars of her public debt. But Virginia was not alone, there were other States he believed, that had also effected a considerable diminution of their debts.
It had been urged, he said, as an argument in favor of the measure, that unless these debts were assumed, that some of the States would be induced to lay excises, and thereby put it out of the
power of the government to raise money from that source; but the excise and the impost would not do; no adequate provision for the payment of the interest could be drawn from these sources. The Secretary had proposed to raise the duty on various articles; but his calculations did not reach a provision for the State debts; he had only contemplated those of the Union. How then was the State debts to be provided for? Would Congress levy a land tax? As to raising the impost, it was a measure he dreaded; as the duties now stood he believed there were no attempts to evade them by smuggling. But if they were raised, the reverse would take place; and if the people once became habituated to smuggling, it would be impossible at any future day to reform them, even by lowering of the duties. With respect to direct taxes, he wished the committee to consider how that would be relished throughout the Union: He thought it would be contrary to the general sense of the people. When they accepted the Constitution, it is true they knew it contained a power to levy taxes; but it was not expected that this power would be exercised in the present situation of the country. It would lessen the influence of the States: They would be reduced a degree lower than they should be, while at the same time the general government would be elevated on their ruin. This would be unjust and impolitic. The freedom and happiness of America depended as essentially on the State governments as the general government—perhaps more so. It was an interference between a State and its citizens; and attaching them to the general government without the consent of the State.
It had been said by a gentleman from New-York that it was easier for one body to draw forth the resources of the community than for a distinct number of legislatures—this was true; but he asked if it would be administered on the principles of freedom and independence. Congress may be properly the supreme council, but not the supreme legislature of the United States. Their legislative powers were circumscribed and confined to particular objects. Because it might be more convenient, it did not follow that Congress should for that reason exercise such authority.
It had been urged as a reason for the assumption of these debts, that the continental securities had in general been purchased at low rates, and had centered principally in populous cities—and that the people would not be satisfied to pay taxes for them, and have their money continually drawn into these cities—unless the State debts were adopted, whereby the taxes would go back again into the remote parts of the country.
He said he was sensible that the people would very ill brook the payment of taxes when they saw the amount flow into the hands of a few individuals. That he had mentioned this in a former debate, and which would have been remedied had a mode which he thought equitable to render them dissatisfied been adopted. But the measure was over-ruled;—the present he thought unjust and therefore could not agree to it.
It had been said that the legislature of South-Carolina had declined making provision for her creditors, in expectation that Congress would assume her debts—he did not doubt the intelligence—but how the legislature of a State could conceive that Congress would assume to pay her debts was to him extraordinary—sure he was that Congress had never expressed such an idea, and he hoped that things had not yet taken that turn, that whatever was devised in the cabinet, should be agreed to in the legislature—No regard therefore ought to be paid to what South-Carolina had done.
But a gentleman from Massachusetts supposed that it would not lessen the influence of the State governments, that, on the contrary, it would be an advantage to them.—That it was an old doctrine, out of debt, out of danger.—But the measure did not place the States out of debt—they were still to pay it—the means of payment being only put into other hands.—Sir, said he, if I was indebted on an open account, and I remain in possession of my estate, and was able to pay it, would it be any advantage to me to give my creditors a mortgage on my land, and put him into immediate possession of the profits of my estate. Is the case not applicable—we do not propose to pay the debts of the States but with their property. Is this conferring any favor? Surely not.
He would propose, in order to bring the matter to a point, that the assumption of the State debts should be confined to such parts only as appeared to be a surplusage, that any State shall have advanced beyond its just and equal proportion of the expenses incurred in the defence of the common rights of America. This surplusage to be ascertained on a liquidation of the account.
Mr. Lawrance observed, that it appeared to him that the result of the plan proposed by the Secretary would be exactly what the gentleman had in view.—He stated a particular example to show that the operation would produce the same effect.
He therefore thought the last amendment unnecessary; but the amendment proposed yesterday he acquiesced in, he supposed it would meet the approbation of gentlemen in all parts of the union.—He answered the objection respecting the importance of the States retaining their debts, that the legislatures of them may meet and have something to do, in providing for the payment of those debts—he did not believe that it was considered by the people as necessary to the importance of the States, that their legislatures should meet merely for this purpose.—He answered other objections respecting the interference with the State governments—the funds he had no doubt would prove fully adequate to all the purposes for which the Secretary had designated them without any necessity for direct taxes, those he trusted would be left to the States for the support of their particular governments. He concluded by observing that the more he contemplated the measure, the more he was convinced of its propriety, its justice, and its economy—he doubted not that every part of the union would cheerfully acquiesce in every measure that appeared to be necessary to be adopted to promote the general interest.
Mr. Moore.—Mr. Chairman, said he, I cannot understand the proposition now on your table, in the same light in which the gentleman left up has stated it; nor can I think its effects will be the same with that which my colleague has now offered. If I understand the different propositions—by the first, every citizen in the United States may bring forward his certificate, and loan it to the United States; on which he is intitled to an interest; his claim is to be assumed and funded. The amendment proposes, that, after an adjustment of all the claims of the States, has been made, that Congress will assume the payment to each State, whatever she may appear to have paid, on a final settlement, more than her just share or proportion; but leave it to the States to pay their respective citizens, their claims, in whatever mode they please. In the one case, Congress only assume the balances due; in the other they assume the whole debt. Sir, I think we have not sufficiently ascertained the amount of the debt; this ought first to be done, before we assume the payment. The Secretary has stated to us the supposed amount; I make no doubt he has obtained every possible information on the subject. But even suppose him to be in possession of the amount of the settled claims in all the different States, it would not ascertain it with sufficient certainty. It is proposed that the acts limiting the settlement of claims, should be repealed; that further time should be given to claimants to come forward. Gentlemen appear impressed with the justice of this proposition. To what extent are they likely to be increased? If gentlemen will only consider the number of petitions that have been presented to Congress, by claimants whose claims appear to be just, they will be satisfied, that when the bar to settlements is removed, many new claims will be brought forward, and the debt will be increased far beyond the present statement. Sir, before we assume the payment, we ought to know that our resources are co-extensive with the demand, under every possible diminution that can in the nature of things take place. Should we now assume them, and our means be inadequate to the end, I know not of any procedure that could more effectually ruin the credit of the United States.—But my principal objection to the original proposition is, that we shall be obliged to lay a direct tax. What are the resources the Secretary intends proposing? They ought first to be brought to view. I remember well
when the impost bill was before us, we were told by gentlemen well informed on that subject, that if we increased the duties, it would defeat our purpose; that it would promote smuggling; that on so extensive a sea coast, where we have so many harbors, it would be impossible to prevent it, if we raised duties so high as to make it the interest of the merchant to smuggle. We were likewise told, that laying the duties too high would prevent the consumption, and tend to defeat the revenue. Gentlemen then brought forward every subject they could think of, as proper, on which to lay a duty. I conceive that if we assume the entire debt, no additional duty adequate to the payment of the interest of the whole debt, can now be laid; we must lay direct taxes.
A gentleman yesterday observed, that a revenue might be collected by Congress with more convenience than the States, at less expence, and more effectually. I think we cannot lay a direct tax in a manner so convenient to the citizens, at so small an expence; or that the collection will be so effectual. Sir, I am of opinion that the immediate representatives of the people in their States, can lay a tax which the people can more conveniently pay: They can accommodate not only the subjects of taxation, but the time of payment, more to the convenience of the citizens; they are better informed of their circumstances, and their representation is more equal, than in this body. Sir, I will not undertake to say it is unconstitutional; but I know it is contrary to the light in which the constitution was contemplated when it was adopted. The words of the Constitution are, That Congress shall have power to impose duties, excise, and direct taxes, to pay the debts of the United States. I believe Congress, from the first forming of the confederation, held up a distinction between debts of the United States, and State debts.
I have not had recourse to the journals of Congress so as to be certain that this distinction has been uniformly made; but instances come within my knowledge which prove it. In the requisitions to the States the distinction is made. The State of Virginia from her indiscriminate mode of adjusting state and continental claims, has been refused a settlement of her claims against the United States, and commissioners are appointed to ascertain her claims against the United States.
Sir, I think the framers of the constitution contemplated the payment of the debts of the United States only. But from our assuming the State debts, they become debts of the United States, and we are to pay them.
I remember well when the constitution was under discussion in the convention of Virginia; the power of imposing a direct tax was warmly opposed: The advocates for its adoption, stated that requisitions were found to be ineffectual—that occasions might happen in which such a power would be necessary—that it never would be exercised but in case of necessity; but we are about to attempt it when no such necessity exists. If that convention had supposed it would have been attempted at so early a day, I think they would not yet have adopted the constitution.
Mr. Chairman, gentlemen complain that their citizens are oppressed with taxes: They say that from their extraordinary exertions during the war, they have incurred a debt far exceeding their just proportion. I think the amendment proposed by my colleague, (Mr. White,) will do them ample justice—whatever sum they have paid over and above their just proportion, Congress will pay. Leave the payment of their just proportion to themselves; this is all that justice requires. In the mean time the proposition will not restrain us from availing ourselves of every resource in our power, and if there should be a balance in our Treasury, after paying the debts we have already assumed, we may apply it to the payment of the debts of the States.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 10.
The committee to whom was referred the petition of Gifford Dally bro't in a report which was read, agreed to, and referred to the committee of appropriations.
The petition of William Bedlow was read the second time—It was moved that it be referred to the Post-Master-General.
This was objected to, as establishing a bad precedent; it was said this is not the only instance where public money has been made use of, in consequence of which officers in this department have become delinquent—Congress cannot interfere in the present case but in a due course of law—and if relief is now granted, the applications will be numerous; the course of justice will be diverted from its regular channel, and every public creditor will think himself ill used if he should not be indulged with a suspension of the public demand against him; such indulgences it was further said, had produced very pernicious effects in some of the States.
In favor of the petitioner it was said that he had been unexpectedly dismissed from office, and that he was liable to pay a very extra rent in consequence of engaging a house in a central situation to accommodate the public, in the discharge of the duties of his office, and that it appeared reasonable that he should have relief in this instance.
The motion for a reference to the Post-Master-General, was negatived.
It was then moved that it be referred to a special committee, which passed in the affirmative; and Mr. Benson, Mr. Fitzsimons, and Mr. Ames were appointed.
The report of the secretary of the department of war, on the petition of Colonel John Ely, was read the second time; this report was in favor of granting the prayer of the petition; which was for compensation for services rendered the prisoners on Long-Island, in the capacity of surgeon.—It was moved that the report should be accepted—This was objected to, it was said by Mr. Livermore, that he did not conceive that the petitioner was entitled to pay in the double capacity of a surgeon and colonel. He received his pay as an officer in the line of the army, during his captivity—if he had a profession which he could exercise at that time, he was in a better situation than many of his fellow prisoners; and probably did exercise it to his private emolument, among the people on the Island: If he had not been a prisoner, he could not have exercised the profession of a physician and a colonel at the same time, and draw pay in both capacities. It would be establishing a precedent for others to apply; and in all probability, every surgeon who wore a commission, that happened to be taken prisoner, will set up a similar demand—he was disposed to

reimburse the petitioner for any actual expenses he had been at on account of medicines, but was opposed to an acceptance of the report in its present form.
Mr. Huntington supported the motion for an acceptance, he observed that the petitioner by virtue of his being a colonel, was under no obligation to exercise the office of a physician, and therefore his being a colonel did not render his demand less valid and just—that it would be establishing a very bad precedent indeed, if an officer should not be compensated for services of this kind—Mr. Huntington gave a short account of the services performed by the petitioner, from which it appeared that his labors had been incessant, and rendered in the most interesting circumstances, of which abundant proof was contained in the papers that accompanied the petition.
Mr. Matthews and Mr. Burke spoke of the very important services performed by the petitioner—and said that no claim could be better founded.
The question on the motion passed in the affirmative, and the report was referred to Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Matthews, and Mr. Burke—who are instructed to report a bill or bills pursuant thereto.
The blanks in the bill to promote the progress of useful arts were filled up and the bill passed.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—for making provision for the support of the public credit.
The proposition, viz. To have two thirds funded at an annuity or yearly interest of six per cent. redeemable at the pleasure of the government, by payment of the principal, and to receive the other third in lands in the western territory, at the rate of 20 cents per acre—was read.
It was moved by Mr. Boudinot—that the clause respecting the western territory should be struck out—and proposed the following amendment in lieu thereof—and to receive for the other third a certificate drawing an interest of 6 per cent. per annum, payable in ten years—which certificate shall be received as specie in payment for lands in the western territory.
This amendment after some debate was negatived and the question on the proposition being put, it passed in the affirmative.
The next proposition or alternative being read, the principle of irredeemability contained in it was objected to—and producing a considerable debate, precluded a decision before the committee rose.
THURSDAY, MARCH 11.
Several petitions were presented and read.
In committee of the whole on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for making provision for the support of the public credit.
The following proposition was read, viz.—To have the whole sum funded at an annuity, or yearly interest, of 4 per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars pr. annum, on account both of principal and interest; and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands, as in the preceding case.
The debate this day turned principally on the irredeemable quality proposed in this alternative. After a lengthy discussion the proposition was negatived.
The next proposition was then read, and further debate ensued. The committee rose without coming to a decision on a motion made by Mr. Jackson to strike out what relates to irredeemability in this alternative.
A second memorial from George Scriba, respecting a purchase of lands in the Western Territory, was read.
Mr. Trumbull brought in a bill for making compensation to Col. John Ely, for his services, as a Surgeon to the late army of the United States—which was read.
Mr. Wadsworth had leave of absence for fourteen days. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, MARCH 12.
The bill for granting compensation to colonel John Ely, was read the second time, and referred to the committee of the whole house, to be taken into consideration this day fortnight.
Several petitions were read and referred.
Mr. Bland observed that private memorials and petitions have encreased so much, that very shortly the attention of every individual member of the house will be taken up in the investigation of the facts set forth in those petitions, to the great interruption of the business of the nation.
He therefore moved the following resolutions in substance.
 1st. That all memorials and petitions for claims presented to the house, be referred to the heads of departments to report thereon.  2d. That the committees to whom memorials and petitions have been referred, be discharged from any further attention to the same, and that they be referred as above.—Laid on the table.  In committee of the whole on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for making provision for the support of the public credit. The third proposition or alternative was read viz.
“3dly. To have Sixty Six and Two Thirds Dollars funded at a yearly interest of Six per Cent. irredeemable also by any payment exceeding Four and Two thirds Dollars per annum, on account both of principal and interest—and to have at the end of ten years, twenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents, funded at the like interest, and rate of redemption.”
Mr. Lee moved that the whole proposition should be rejected—which occasioned a debate, and the question being taken on the motion, it passed in the negative.
Mr. Jackson’s motion for striking out these words “irredeemable also by any payment exceeding four and two thirds dollars, per annum, on account both of principal and interest,” was then read, and after some further debate, was also negatived.
Mr. Fitzsimons after premising some observations respecting a more rapid extinction of the principal, than is contemplated by the secretary, proposed that four and two-thirds dollars should be struck out, in order to introduce a higher rate of payment per annum.—He mentioned six per cent. on account of principal and interest.
Mr. Madison mentioned a still higher sum.
Four and two-thirds dollars after some debate were struck out, and the proposition with the blank passed over.
The following propositions were rejected, viz.
“4thly. To have an annuity for the remainder of life, upon the contingency of living to a given age, not less distant than ten years, computing interest at 4 per cent.”
“5thly. To have an annuity for the remainder of life, on the contingency of the survivorship of the youngest of two persons, computing interest in this case also at 4 per cent.”
The Committee then rose, and the house adjourned till To-morrow.
N. B. The debate in our last under Tuesday, Feb. 23, should have been introduced by the proposition for the assumption of the State debts.
THE GIFT OF SUBLIMITY.
TO WILLY SHAKESPEARE.
ON the biforked hill, with Fame’s ever-green crown’d, Encircled with azure serene, Whilist the typhs of his fancy play’d wantonly round, Willy Shakespeare enlivn’d the scene. As all thoughtful he sat, keen-ey’d Wisdom drew near, Just sent from the regions above, And, stooping, she whisper’d this truth in his ear, “Thy lays breathe the Spirit of Jove.” To his side came the muse of the bowl and the blade, To hail him great prince of her art; Whilist Comedy near all those dimples display’d, That gave a brisk pulse to the heart. Bright Genius approach’d him with pleasing respect, In her arms a young eagle she bore, To shew, if unshackled by icy neglect, To what wonderful heights she could soar. Recumbent before him, strait dropt the sweet maid, When expanding the wing of her bird, “Take the quill of Sublimity Shakespeare,” she said, “And go fashion the tear-starting word.” To Genius he bow’d as he pluck’d forth the quill; To the breeze were his vestments unfurl’d; Like a Sun-beam with Fancy he fled from the hill, To charm and illumine the world. For the good of mankind he rare precepts convey’d, And his strains had such pow’r o’er the Ear, That whenever he pleas’d from the concourse that stray’d, He could call up the smile or the tear. Old Time knew his worth—with the sigh of esteem, From the earth bid sweet Willy arise; With his Genius he fled, but has left us his theme, Which shall ever be dear to the wife.
THE TABLET.—No. XCVI.
“Why should an actor complain of being called from the Theatre, when he has either finished his part, or can carry it on but badly.”
SHORT as the life of man is represented to be, it is still long enough for him to accomplish all the purposes for which he was created. When the affairs of a person are perpetually involved in hurry and confusion, it betrays a want of system or diligence: But it is no proof he is too circumscribed with respect to time. Had he more time, or had he less to perform, the same difficulty would exist, while he errs in laying his plans, or is dilatory in executing them. The best systems will not succeed, when managed by indolent men; nor will the most active industry turn to much account, where there is a defect of system. It is not the quantity of business any one has to perform that embarrasses him, for nothing can perplex a person of method and activity.
The complaints therefore of the shortness of life are not founded in reason. If a man has lived to the age of three score years and ten, without having accomplished the main objects that deserve attention, no period would be long enough to gratify his expectations. The genius of every person is limited within certain bounds, which are more or less extensive in different men. Those of a narrow comprehension come to their full perfection, before they half run out their existence. Were the life of such people limited to forty years, they should not complain of the shortness of it, because if it were ten times as long, they would make no new attainments. There are other men whose faculties are formed upon a larger scale, and who continue to make improvements till they are sixty years old. But whatever is the period, when the talents cease to be progressive, a man gains no advantage from living, more desirable than he has already gained. If a person, having passed the middle age of life, finds that he has acquired little honor or property, he may generally conclude there is
some deficiency in his capacity or exertions. To such a man length of life will bring no acquisition of character or riches. Why then should we complain of that which is in itself no evil? Had human nature been so constituted, that our faculties did not soon arrive at their most perfect point, great would be the misfortune that our sublunary existence had not a longer duration. Confined however to as small a compass as it is, if we employ our moments with care and diligence, we may finish our career, with joy and reputation.
NEW-YORK, MARCH 13.
A Correspondent says,—“I love short Speakers, who hit the mark with a single ball—One ball thro the heart will as surely kill as a thousand grape shot.”
Extract of a letter from Boston—March 3. “The dispatch with which business is carried on in our House, as we call it, must in a great measure be attributed to the activity and genius of our Speaker, Gen. COBB. His independence, quickness of apprehension and comprehension—his industry and attention are universally applauded: And in turning a question when the vote has been equal, he does it with a promptitude and native firmness, which nothing but a mind directed by right principles could inspire.”
“The papers will inform you how our legislators go on. Altho’ Praifegod Barebones , in his rage of Law-Reform, has let in a flood of impertinences, yet the measures adopted by the Court have been far better than some persons wish to effect elsewhere.”
“The House has expressed its disapprobation of paper taxes—voted the product of the Excise to pay the interest of the State Debt—has raised the salaries of the Superior Judges, &c.—and repealed the Warden Act.”
“There is however much anti-federalism in the house; and **** has brought forward in the senate, a budget of alterations to the federal constitution.—One of which is that the members of Congress, shall depend on the legislatures of the states for their pay, and the quantum of it—blessed effect of individual folly! To suppose that one set of the servants of the people, should make wages for another—and a higher set too! If our legislature should adopt this mea , I hope that Congress will send out an amendment that the pay of the state legislatures, shall be stated by the representatives of the union.”
A joint Committee of both Houses of the Legislature of Massachusetts, have reported the following propositions, as the basis of further amendments to the Constitution of the United States—viz.
First.—That Congress shall not interfere in the regulations of the elections of its Members, except in cases, where the State Legislatures shall neglect, or refuse to make regulations; and that the qualifications of Senators and Representatives, be expressly defined in the Constitution.
Second.—That Congress erect no company with exclusive advantages of commerce.
Third.—That Congress have power to establish a uniform rule of inhabitancy or settlement of the poor of the different States throughout the United States.
Fourth.—That republican forms of Government be established in the districts which are, or shall be ceded to the United States.
Fifth.—That Congress shall by law provide for calling forth the posse comitatus for executing the laws of the United State.
Sixth.—That the general Government exercise no power but what is expressly delegated.
Seventh.—That a part of the internal resources of taxation be appropriated to the United States, and that a part thereof be exclusively reserved to the respective States, with such exceptions, however, and under such limitations as a war and other extraordinary exigencies may require.
Eighth.—That no system for forming the militia be established, and that no establishment of troops in a time of peace, beyond a limited number, be made, if disapproved by a specified number of the State Legislatures, within a limited time after the bills for those purposes shall be laid before them.
Ninth.—That the Judiciary powers of the United States be more explicitly defined, and more accurately distinguished from those of the respective States.
Tenth.—That the Senate shall not possess all the Executive and Judicial Powers now vested in that body.
Eleventh.—That it be left to the several States, to make compensations to their Senators and Representatives respectively, for their services in Congress.
Twelfth.—That the State Legislatures have power to recall when they may think it expedient their Federal Senators, and to send others in their stead—And that the Senators be chosen, all at the same time, and for the term of four years.
ARRIVALS.—NEW YORK.
Thursday. Sloop Rambler, Rogers, Edenton (N. C.) 10 days. Friday. Schooner Hetty, Peebe, Charleston, 21 days, Ship Union Dekay, that was a shore on the East bank, is arrived at this port with the loss of her Rudder and other small damage. Capt. Cook arrived off Georgetown-Bar Feb. 23, and landed his passengers, with the loss of his horse and cargo on deck.

MR. FENNO,
A CITIZEN of the State of Maryland, having been most virulently traduced, and suffered the severest treatment from the press, or rather licentiousness of the press, is induced to request an insertion of the following piece on that important subject in your paper. It was first published with a little variation in Philadelphia, and is the composition of a gentleman, respectable for his humanity and knowledge of the laws of his country. Its appearance at this time, may be of some use, and point out to our Citizens, the true nature of that liberty, which ought not to destroy, but rather protect their good name and civil rights.
There is no one who wishes more success to the efforts of ingenious and industrious men, employed in the printing business than myself; at the same time, I do not conceive that because a printer is in possession of a printing apparatus, he can therefore have an absolute power over the reputation of any of his fellow Citizens in private life; and whenever he pleases, or an ill motive may influence, hold them up, as the objects of scorn to the derision of mankind. This, instead of making the press a blessing, would render it the bane of the community, and justify the dread of every good man. That the printers of this continent may ever use their liberty with honor and dignity, and not as a cloak of maliciousness, is the sincere wish, of, Sir, your obedient servant,
A CITIZEN OF THE STATE OF MARYLAND.
Baltimore, Feb. 23, 1790.
ON THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.
THAT the liberty of the Press ought to be invariably preserved." Declar. Rights, State of Maryland, sect. 38.
THE desire of Liberty is deeply implanted in the breast of every man; however this may be suppressed for a time by the trammels of a slavish education, or the dread of a tyrant, when an opportunity occurs, it will infallibly exert itself. Those who have once experienced the blessings of Liberty, know how to prize them, and have used every means to preserve them. In Athens, popular Oratory, Ostracism, and the satirical performances of their comic authors, were the safeguards of liberty. In Rome, the negative which the people had a right to exercise upon the decrees of the Senate, and the powerful authority of their tribunes in that body, sufficed for a while to retain to the people their Rights. Since the invention of the eminently useful Art of Printing, the Press has become a powerful agent in the cause of liberty. The influence which this possesses over the minds of the people is so well known, that despots have uniformly refused it the privilege of meddling with public affairs. Their mandates are to be treated with silent respect and obedience; but the propriety, or impropriety, of them is never to be matter of discussion. In free governments, the liberty of the Press has been secured either by the fundamental principles of the Constitution, or by subsequent laws. Nothing can more conduce to keep rulers from swerving from their duty, and from assuming unconstitutional powers, than the fear of having their evil deeds exposed to their constituents, through the medium of a Free Press. By this, enlightened and ingenious individuals have ample opportunity afforded them of giving useful hints, upon which the Legislature may afterwards improve.
The proceedings of the different departments of government may be fairly and impartially discussed; and any invasion of our civil and religious rights, may be pointed out, and the alarm sounded, to call forth the People in their defence. If the liberty of the Press were confined to this, it would well deserve the protection of the laws. But alas! Human institutions are too liable to abuse. Even the greatest blessings are too apt to be converted into evils. Civil liberty carried to excess becomes licentiousness and anarchy; religious liberty has been productive of infidelity; and the liberty of the press, THE SOLE OBJECT OF WHICH SHOULD BE THE PRESERVATION OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS RIGHTS, has been prostituted to the purposes of private enmity and spite. Spleenful dispositions have employed it, to vent their malice upon their innocent neighbors; turbulent characters have made a stalking horse of it, from behind which, they have shot their venomous arrows, against the peace of the community. If a man entertains, even an unwarrantable dislike against his neighbour, he lays hold of his foibles, (and who has them not?) to render him odious or ridiculous, in the eyes, of his fellow citizens. If he, however erroneously, conceives an idea that his neighbour is addicted to any notorious vice, he makes use of the freedom, or rather licentiousness of the press, to represent him in the most disgusting colours to the public. Thus the press, which ought to protect the rights and reputation of a citizen, becomes the instrument of his disgrace and ruin.
Are there no means by which this licentiousness may be restrained within due bounds? Undoubtedly there are. The line between liberty and licentiousness may be drawn with accuracy, "liberty," says the French constitution, "consists in doing any thing which is not injurious to another"—Whatever exceeds these bounds, whatever tends to disturb the public tranquility, or destroy the peace of families, whatever blackens the character of individuals, or ruins the reputation of private citizens, let the author of it, give it what name they will, is certainly infamous licentiousness, and should be punished by law as much as burglary, or any other species of felony. Shall laws provide for the safety of the corporeal part of our system, and entirely neglect "that peace of mind which passeth all understanding?"—Shall a poor wretch who deprives
me of a glittering piece of metal, which I can as well do without, be punished with death, or perpetual infamy; and shall he who robs me of my reputation, more valuable than all the silver in the Mines of Peru, go unpunished? The immortal Shakespeare pathetically exclaims,
"Good name in man or woman Is the immediate jewel of the soul; Who steals my purse, steals trash; 'tis something—noting— 'Twas mine, 'tis his, and has been slave to thousands; But he that filches from me my good name, Robs me of that which not enriches him, And makes me poor indeed."
(To be continued.)
PHILADELPHIA, March 3.
A correspondent wishes us to recommend to our country readers the raising of SUMMER Barley, and, if to be got, SUMMER Wheat, this year. The great prices of grain renders it very desirable that our Farmers should seize THIS GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY; and as there is likely to be greater duties upon spirits, rum and wines, Summer Barley is particularly worth attention. Beer and cyder pay no duties, wherefore barley and orchards must be more profitable than in past years. Hops also must be remembered.
Extract of a letter from Havre de Grace, to a gentleman in this city, dated Dec. 23, 1789.
"The ship Pennsylvania, being detained here by contrary winds, will convey you this letter.
"Since my last of the 5th instant the prices of flour are lowered very much; those provisions which a month before were so scarce, are so abundant at present that they seem to arise out of the ground; therefore we thought it proper for your interest and your government to inform you of these revolutions.
"M. Necker wrote us lately that he had given considerable orders on flour in America, but that he, at the same time, had limited the prices of purchase, so that it would not cost our government more than 30s. sterling per barrel, free of expenses, and to be delivered in France. This may serve you as a rule if you make any shipments in that article to France."
BOSTON, March 3.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman who was lately in the Genesee country.
"One curiosity was a Brimstone Spring, which issues from two places about two rods apart, about twenty rods from the bottom of a large hill, where it comes through apertures about five or six inches in diameter, and perfectly round, descending like a swift brook; there is a glade about four rods wide from the springs down to the bottom of the hill, which is quite clear, all the bushes, if ever there were any, are gone, and there is not much soil, it is rather a rock of divers colours, and all the way in or near the water, and on every level spot there is brimstone in some places 10 or 15 inches deep."
POUGHKEEPSIE, February 23.
NATURAL HISTORY.
In Ulster county in the state of New-York, on an island in the Neversink Creek, nearly in the latitude, of 41 30 North, a Mr. Baker in the beginning of the month of March last, having cut down a large hollow beech tree, to his surprise, found the cavity in the tree, nearly filled with the common barn swallows of this country, in quantity (by his estimation) nearly two barrels. They were in a torpid state; but carrying some of those which were not injured by the fall of the tree, near a fire, they were presently re-animated by the warmth, and took the wing with their usual agility.—This may be depended on as a fact.
NEW-LONDON, March 5.
Whoever attempts in the least to defraud the government of whatever has been granted for the public service by the laws, is not only utterly unworthy to receive the smallest benefit from those laws, but is likewise an enemy to his country. The moment he endeavours to cheat the general revenue of those duties which were set apart for the general good, that moment he endeavours to undermine the very basis of the public security; to reduce his fellow subjects to a state of wretchedness and slavery, and do his part to distress his Country.
SPRINGFIELD, March 3.
On Saturday, were conveyed through this town, for New-York, under a strong guard, two brothers by the name of CRANE, who were lately taken up in the county of Worcester for altering, forging and passing notes in imitation of the final settlements, so called: These persons have been so long concerned in the business of counterfeiting paper securities of every kind, both public and private, and have acquired so great a degree of skill and dexterity in it, as to be able to impose very often on the most wary. They have at different times appeared in the different dresses of the gentleman and the beggar, as the occasion might require;—when lately apprehended, they were genteelly dressed, and passed by the name of Smith: They have often defied the arm of authority, boasting of powerful connexions which they were assured would buy them out of trouble;—they have often eluded the strictest search of those who had been injured by them, but are now in a fair way to meet with a due reward for their services.
Wanted by the Editor of this paper, a House that will accommodate a large family, and the printing business—from the first of May next.
MARCH 13.—DOLLARS at 8s.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, St. Croix, Country, Molasses, Brandy, Geneva, Do. in cases, Muscovado Sugar, Loaf, Lump, Pepper, Pimento, Coffee, Indigo, Do. French, Rice, Superfine Flour, Common do., Rye do., Indian Meal, Rye, Wheat, Corn, Do. (Northern), Beef, Pork, Oats, Flax-seed, Ship bread per cwt., Country refined bar-iron, Do. bloomery, Swedes do., Russia do., Pig-iron, German steel, Nails American, Do. do. do., Do. do. do., Do. do. do., Do. do. do., Do. do. do., Pot ash, Pearl ash, Bees-wax per lb., Mackerel per barr., Herrings, Mahogany, Jamaca, per foot, Dominico, do., Honduras, do., Logwood unchipped, Do. chipped, 2 inch white oak plank, 1 inch do., 2 inch white pine plank, 1 1/2 inch do., 1 inch do., 2 inch pitch pine do., 1 1/2 inch do., 1 inch do., Pitch pine scantling, Cyprus 2 feet shingles, Do. 22 inch do., Cedar 2 inch do., Do. 22 inch do., Do. 18 inch do., Butt white oak staves, Pipe do. do., Hoghead do. do., Do. do. heading, Irish barrel do. staves, Hoghead red oak do., Do. French do., Hoghead hoops, White oak square timber per square foot, Red wood, per ton, Fustick, Beaver, per lb., Otter per skin, Grey fox, Martin, Raccoon, Muskrat, Beaver hats, Caster do., Chocolate, Cocoa, Cotton, Tar, Pitch, Turpentine, Tobacco, Do. York, Do. Rappahannock, Do. Maryland, Do. Western-shore, Lead in pigs, Do. bars, Do. Shot, Red lead, White do. dry, White do. in oil, Salt-petre hams, Spermaceti candles, Mould do., Tallow dipt, Soap, Cattle soap, English cheese, Country do., Butter, Hylson tea, Sequin do., Bohea do., Ginseng, Starch Poland, Snuff, Allum salt, water mea-fure, Liverpool do., Madeira wine, pr. pipe, Port, Lisbon, pr. gal., Teneriff, Fyall, Dutch gun-powder, Nail rods, Lintseed oil, Whale do., Spermaceti do., Shake-down hds.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
(Price Six Shillings, bound and lettered)
And to be sold, by appointment of the Author, by Messrs. BERRY and ROGERS, No. 35, by A. M'LEAN, No. 41, (Franklin's Head) Hanover Square, and by the Editor hereof, No. 9, Maiden-Lane.
GEOGRAPHY MADE EASY:
BEING AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY.
CONTAINING,
ASTRONOMICAL Geography: Discovery and General Description of America: General View of the United States: Particular Accounts of the Thirteen United States, in regard to their Boundaries, Extent, Rivers, Lakes, Mountains, Productions, Population, Characters, Government, Trade, Manufactures, Curiosities, History, &c.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
A Geographical Account of the European settlements in America; and of Europe, Asia, and Africa.
Illustrated with eight neat MAPS and CUTS.
Calculated peculiarly for the use of Schools in the United States.
BY JEDIDIAH MORSE, A. M.
Minister of the Congregation in Charlestown, near Boston. Second Edition. Abridged by the Author.
A work which has long been wanted, to accommodate Schools; and for the use of children in families. Geography now claims a very general attention—and that of our country in a particular manner; for in proportion as this is understood it will inspire the rising generation with elevated ideas of their own character, when contemplating the magnificent theatre on which they are to act the parts assigned them: Hence the propriety of the observation—
Let all foreign climes alone, Till you understand your own.
To be SOLD,
At PUBLIC AUCTION, on the First Day of APRIL next, (if not disposed of before, at Private Sale.)
THAT pleasant and valuable Place formerly called COLES-FERRY, now by the name of VAN DUZER'S, on Staten Island, Richmond County, with two good sufficient Pettiaugers for the ferrying business. It is a beautiful situation, and one of the best stands for a Ferry, or Tavern, on Staten-Island, and an excellent Shad and Herring Fishery within 20 yards of the door, Black-Fish, and all other kind of Fish in their season. It is likewise the best and most convenient Ferry to Long-Island, where a number of passengers pass and repass. It lies within two miles of the Point of the Narrows, and between 8 and 9 miles from New-York. There is about 30 acres of excellent good Land, chiefly Meadow, with a very good Wharf, House, Barn and Garden—the whole being in good repair. It will also make a beautiful Country Seat, fit for any gentleman.
For Particulars enquire of JOHN ANDERSON, corner of the Exchange, or CHARLES M'LEAN, White Hall, New-York, or of Messrs BYERS and REILLY, Staten-Island, or of the Subscriber on the premises, where the conditions of sale will be made known.
ABRAHAM VAN DUZER. Staten-Island, March 6, 1790.
To be LET,
And possession given the 1st of April, for one or more years, (two miles and half from this city, on the Greenwich road,)
THAT New TWO STORY HOUSE—four Rooms on a floor; with six fire places; a new Barn, and Well of excellent Water; a young Orchard of Fruit Trees, with 7 1/2 acres of Land, the most part Meadow. For particulars enquire at No. 7, Maiden-Lane. New-York, February 20.