Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-01-06 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXVII.]
WEDNESDAY JANUARY 6, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXVII.
"An ignorant people cannot long preserve freedom."
HOW then are savages free? They are so by nature. The liberty of a savage, and that of a civilized man are essentially different. Civil liberty implies both restraint and protection; but a savage is neither protected nor restrained. Where there is no government at all, men are literally free; but from a want of law, they cannot enjoy their freedom. Where there is a despotic government, the people, though they are politically slaves, are not in a worse condition, than savages who remain as free as nature formed them.
There cannot, strictly speaking, be any rational freedom, without fixed laws. There can be no such laws, where there is no civilization. As an ignorant people cannot be called civilized, they will not have the protection of law, and therefore should not be deemed free.
In tracing the decline of States, we are presented with a melancholly picture of human weakness. The splendor and pageantry of courts, the opulence and artifice of a few individuals, in an arbitrary government, dazzle the ignorant multitude, and create a glare of civilization, while the mass of the people are too unenlightened to be called civilized. No nation deserves such an appellation, where knowledge and property are confined to a few hands; any more than that deserves to be called a learned nation, in which a few individuals have made eminent attainments in science. The prevailing cast of character, among the people at large, is what should constitute the national character.
As an ignorant people must either be slaves or barbarians, we conclude that a well-informed people can be neither. The most conspicuous advantage of diffusive knowledge through the community is, that it puts the citizens on their guard against the blunders of the weak, and the intrigues of the artful. It must be owned, that ambition and avarice prevail in an enlightened society, as well as in a barbarous one. But where the people have so much knowledge that they can fairly estimate characters and measures, they will not easily be duped by false professions, nor intimidated by bold menaces. They will bear what ought to be borne, notwithstanding clamorous men may try to blow up sedition; and such people likewise will resist what ought to be resisted, notwithstanding arbitrary rulers may charge them with rebellion. The public opinion will be just and respectable. It will controul, not so much the execution, as the formation of the laws.
If the people of any country are generally uninformed, they cannot act in concert. They will judge differently of men and measures, and there will be no method of producing a union of sentiment. A bitter spirit of party will inevitably attend such a situation, and public liberty will expire in the rage of faction. This disaster can never happen in a community where there is general information. The attempts of turbulent, or intriguing men will be comprehended, and their views defeated, before any dangerous effects are produced.
EUROPE.
VIENNA, October 8.
AN officer, dispatched by Field Marshal Prince Potemkin, on the 16th of Sept. has brought intelligence to the Russian Ambassador here, that the vanguard of the army commanded by Lieut. Gen. Prince of Anhalt-Bernburg, had attacked and entirely defeated a body of Turkish Causcan a short distance from Bender. The Turks were under the command of Hassan Pacha, who commanded as Seraskier near Rahaja-Mohiso, in the last campaign. The Pacha, with several officers of distinction, and upwards of 100 men, were made prisoners, and about 700 left dead on the field. The enemy's camp, and three pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the victors.
The same officer also brought a confirmation of the news of the victory obtained by Prince Repnin, a few days before, near Todak, in Bessarabia, over Gazze, Hassan Pacha, late High Admiral, and now Seraskier, who was attacked and defeated in such a manner as to be obliged to abandon his camp, with his cannon, to the conquerors, and to retreat, with the rest of his troops, towards Ismail.
A courier who returned some days ago from the army of Marshal de Saxe-Cobourg, brought the news of the Russians having taken the port of Akierman on the Black Sea, and made 1500 prisoners there.
FRANCE.
PARIS, Oct. 23.
MR. NECKER'S STATUE.
ON its being known, that this statue was ordered by the city of Paris, the Sculptor to the King, sent the following letter
To the ASSEMBLY of the REPRESENTATIVES of the Town of PARIS.
"GENTLEMEN, YOU add to all that you have done for the happiness and glory of your country, in decreeing a Bust to the most deserving Minister of France. You have ordained, that this bust shall be placed where you are daily and nightly occupied in attempting to promote the happiness of your fellow-citizens. Permit an artist, full of respect and gratitude for your patriotic virtues, to claim the honor of assisting you by making the bust of M. NECKER. M. Houdon has already had the honor of making those of WASHINGTON and of that young HERO, the friend of WASHINGTON, destined to be the defender of liberty in the two worlds. M. Houdon demands only a piece of marble; and he shall feel sufficiently recompensed if the Commons permit him to dedicate his poor talents to the celebration of a great man, and of those who have acquitted their duty to the public, in decreeing M. NECKER an honor, which no Minister, before him, ever received from the town of Paris.
(Signed) M. HOUDON."
This address has been successful, and the wishes of M. Houdon are accomplished.
PATRIOTIC DONATIONS.
List of the names of those who sent the greatest quantity of silver to the French Mint.
   * Marks.     The King, in gold 230 3   Ditto, in silver, 9442 2   The Queen, ditto, 3607 3   Monsieur, ditto, 2401 0   The King's Aunt, ditto, 1334 7   Madame, ditto, 1315 2   The Queen, a second time, ditto 1445 5   Cout Montmorin, ditto, 1236 7   Duchess, a Notary, ditto, 610 7   Marshal de Contades, ditto, 522 2   Vandenyver, a Banker, ditto, 546 1   Duke de Noailles, ditto, 545 6   Count de la Luzerne, ditto, 528 4   Marquis de la Talur, ditto, 477 3   Prince de Beauveau, ditto, 469 1   M. Necker, ditto, 448 5   Count d'Estaing, ditto, 441 2   Marquis de la Fayette, ditto, 418 2   Count de St. Priest, ditto, 407 4   Mole, a President, ditto, 385 2   Keeper of the Seals, ditto, 376 1   De Parfcoal, ditto, 296 5   Marshal de Segur, 258 2   Countess de Maurepas, ditto, 143 7  
* The value of a Mark, in silver, is about 9 dollars.
In times of public distress, sumptuary laws were imposed in Rome, and even the fair sex were prohibited from wearing costly ornaments. A Censor was always appointed at such times, who was invested with the highest restraining authority. The elder Cato strove to restrain the luxury of the times, but corruption and an influx of foreign wealth and plunder, in a great measure prevented his endeavors. When the State was in distress, all ranks and denominations of people exerted their utmost endeavors to relieve it, by public subscriptions, and giving in their jewels, plate and rings to the treasury, as the French are doing at present. The distress of that republic arose not from debt, the funded system not being then practised, but from the calamities of war, as when the city was taken by the Gauls, or during the war with the Carthaginians, when Hannibal commanded. The Emperors, however, lavished their public treasures, which the Consuls dared not to do, and then the coffers were filled with confiscations and wanton cruelties.
SUNDAY, Oct. 26.
If we may judge from the quiet of the capital, the Martial Law has already had so good an effect, as not only to have dispersed the large bands of rioters, but to make people a little more cautious in giving their opinions publicly, and fomenting disturbances.
The King and Queen with great tenderness, sent the Duke de Liancourt to condole with the poor widow of the Baker, and offer her a present of 6000 livres, to enable her to carry on her business, and that if this sum was not sufficient, she should have more.
Their majesties remain at the Thuilleries, as before, they stir out but little, the King now and
then takes a walk in the Gardens but the Queen is never seen out of the Palace.
The last letters from Stockholm bring an account of an action having happened at Avolax, in Finland, on the 9th ult. between the corps under general Stodingk, and a body of Russians. In the first onset the Russians made themselves masters of the two batteries belonging to the Swedes; but they afterwards not only retook them but drove the Russians off, who lost 100 in killed, 40 wounded and prisoners; among the latter, are 5 officers. The Swedes loss is 13 killed and wounded; amongst the latter are two captains. One subaltern officer, and two of their artillery were taken prisoners.
The National Assembly of France have resolved, in opposition to the motion of M. de Mirabeau, that no member of the National Assembly shall hold any place in the administration, during the present session.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
OCTOBER 2.
The archbishop of Aix made an offer to the nation, in the name of the clergy, of the greatest supply that ever was voted at one time, by any body of men to any state, on condition that the clergy should not be dispossessed of the church lands. He offered to raise on the security of the church lands a supply of thirteen million sterling, which the clergy were willing to sacrifice to the public. Exclusive of this temporary aid, he offered to charge the church lands in perpetuity with the payment of two millions of livres per month, or one million sterling a year. This tempting offer was rejected by the National Assembly; and the resolution was passed, which, if carried into effect, will be the greatest blow ever given to the power of the clergy, whom it will render dependant upon the state, after having been so long a terror to it.
OCTOBER 6.
M. de Mirabeau, in a long speech on the scarcity of money, and the discredit of the public funds, endeavoured to point out the causes from which they had originated, and the mischievous consequences which they had produced. To the discredit of the public funds, the great reputation of M. Necker had very materially contributed; for the public seeing a Minister of such talents obliged to have recourse to the expedient of suspending payments at the Caisse d'Escompte, immediately concluded that all other resources were lost. Hence, every man, who got possession of specie, either hid it in his strong box, or sent it out of the country, to be invested in foreign funds. From the scarcity of specie, and the discredit of paper currency, had arisen, in a great measure, the scarcity of corn; because the farmer chose rather to keep his corn, than to sell for bills with which he could not pay his servants. As a means of alleviating this latter evil, he suggested an expedient, which, though distant, might nevertheless be highly beneficial. "We have," said he, "advanced considerable sums to rescue the Americans from slavery, and we have cemented the edifice of their liberty with our blood. They have grain in abundance; and are bound by every tie of justice, every sentiment of generosity, to pay in provisions the interest, and at least part of the principal, of their debt to us." He came next to speak of the want of a proper understanding between the Assembly and the King's Ministers. "In this last memorial," said he, "they renounce a responsibility, to which they give an absurd and disrespectful interpretation. They are not bound to answer for events; but they are bound to prove they have employed the means which the Assembly has entrusted to them. They complain that they have no regular and direct correspondence with us. Let us call them to sit among us. Hence their evasions, their mistakes, their equivocations, will be instantly detected. At present, we are obliged to confer with them by means of our committees. But out of the Assembly, a member is no more than a private individual, from whom it is easy for a minister to escape. In what place can they combat with less advantage, than in an assembly where all kind of knowledge are united? To this union of the legislative and executive powers, is the fate of the empire, perhaps, attached." He concluded by moving.
"That his Majesty be requested to send immediately, trusty and able persons to the United States to insist on the payment in corn of the capital and interest of the debt due to France.
"That the Committee of Finance shall prepare with all possible speed a plan for a National Bank, to give security to the public creditors, stability to national credit, and gradually diminish the public debt.
"That the King's Ministers be invited to sit

and advise in the National Assembly, without voting, till the constitution shall have fixed rules to be followed in that respect."
Several members objected to the last resolution, as dangerous to liberty, observing, that the Parliament of England had never been corrupted but by Ministers. Others maintained, that admitting Ministers to advise, but not to vote, would be a bulwark to liberty; that being questioned on the business of their respective departments, without previous communication, they would be obliged to answer without reserve; and that it would be extremely difficult for a weak or wicked minister to deceive the vigilance of the National Assembly. Both parties admitted the importance of establishing a national bank—but they were by no means agreed on the resources to be expected from American faith, or American granaries.
The first and second articles were adjourned till Friday next, and the third till next day.
The Duke de Bouillon has offered 332,484 livres to the nation, as the fourth part of his annual income.
PARIS, October 18.
It is difficult for any one who has the feeling and consideration of a man to observe without real distress, the wonderful indifference with which the people here turn to the events of last week, at no time, and at this less than any, have they seemed to have a full sense of the importance of the points they have gained, or even a common one of the bloody scenes they have thought it necessary to act over in their attainment. They have long been unused to great exertions, or any real concern about state affairs. By a retrograde sort of politics every one has been dead, but to the business of throwing up his own fence, while the common chorus has been the grandeur and glory of their rulers. It must be a new-born and pure generation, a generation whose views are directed to important objects, that will give the body of the French nation a just idea of their liberties, and of what the birth right of man is really worth. They now feel themselves capable of being agitated, and whether it be the formation of an assembly, their own danger, the imprisonment of a King, or a list of murders, they catch at it to feed their wonder with, and throw it aside the instant the novelty is off.
The arrival of the assembly, and the departure of his Grace the Duke of Orleans are the objects of this speculation. On the latter subject the public mind has not yet come to any determination, though every thing that probability or absurdity can offer has been attended to, and the absurdities have bid as fair to get the majority, as fair suggestion. One half hour formed a French cockade party in Hampshire, where the presence of the Duke was indispensable—another voted his Grace was gone over to invite his British Majesty to a dinner and conference with the King of the French in the Thuilleries Palace—and a third loaded him with business of the first political nature. His Grace's enemies only spread the idea of his departure being necessary—and it is an idea which is less and less attended to every moment.
Perhaps one occasion of putting a stop to the retreat of so many of the Members has been a resolution agreed to by the electors at Chateau Thierry, declaring every member that forsook the Assembly, without the leave of his constituents, a traitor, base, and an enemy to the nation. The Assembly came the same day to a resolution against more leave being given but on very urgent occasions, and that in cases of illness no unlimited passport should be granted till the member's place was supplied by another.
The Hotel de Ville has this evening issued a proclamation in the name of the Mayor, informing the public of the arrival of the Assembly, &c. recommending peace and good order to the citizens—declaring the inviolability of the representatives of the nation, and pronouncing every sort of disrespectful behavior to any one of them, no less than treason to the nation itself, and an attack upon it, through those it had chosen to maintain its rights, secure its happiness, and defend its liberties.
LONDON, October 14.
The public will be surprised to hear, that such is the energy of British trade, that the London market supplies Russia with furs!
The solution of the paradox is, that the northern Chinese have been hitherto supplied with American furs by the Russian caravans; at what an enormous expense may be easily conceived.
It is now trying whether a trade may not be drove from Canton to the northern parts of China, by which we may supply them with the article directly, and make our Chinese trade so much less disadvantageous.
The fur trade, in all its progress, is wonderful.
The American collector is frequently out twenty months among the Indians.
His circuit among the snows and woods, tangled at once with ice and fur, is not less than 2000 miles; in all which journey he never sees a white face, nor tastes the comfort of human converse by day, or a bed at night.
Oct. 19. The chief advantage that has result-
ed to Europe from exploring the distant regions of another hemisphere, has been, the introduction of some of the most useful plants and fruits that are cultivated. Cherries were brought from Pontus by Lucullus, and planted first at Rome. The pear, the peach, the apricot, and the quince, were respectively brought from Epirus, Carthage, Armenia, and Syria; they were first transplanted in Italy, and afterwards disseminated by the Romans, through the northern and western parts of Europe, then under their dominion. The tree may be still alive, in China, that afforded the seeds from which the first sweet (China) oranges were reared in Portugal.
Among ourselves, in the beginning of the 16th century, we had neither sallads, cabbages, turnips, carrots, nor any of those roots that constitute the principal part of the food of the poor. Hops, pippins, and pale gooseberries, were introduced into these kingdoms about the middle of the same century, and the cauliflower plant was not known for a considerable time afterwards, though now it is to be found in no other part of the globe in equal perfection.
From the discovery of America, one of the most important advantages we derived, perhaps, was the introduction of the potatoe—a root by far the most useful of all others we have among us, and which, though it now forms almost the only food of the poor, was, little more than a century ago, confined to the gardens of the curious, and presented as a rarity.
Oct. 28. Not less than 200,000 families are said to have quitted France on account of her present distracted state; and as the exiles in general were those possessed of the greatest property, they are calculated to have drained the nation of fifty millions of money.
Count Lally-Tollendal, generally esteemed one of the best informed, as well as best principled members of the National Assembly, having withdrawn himself from that body, is a proof that he now considers the acquisition of that liberty to his country, with which he had flattered himself, as a forlorn hope—or that, if acquired at all, it will be in such a degree, and by such means, as not to be worth the purchase.
Count Lally-Tollendal, M. Mounier, the late President of the National Assembly, with the Princess de Henin, and two or three other persons of distinction in company, directed their route towards Germany.
The Count de Mirabeau, who is a kind of French John Wilkes, is admired for talents, not much depended on for the sincerity of his zeal in favour of public liberty. To distinguish their abilities, to gratify their vanity, to brow-beat their superiors, and to mortify their enemies, are powerful motives with most public characters, while the credulous admiration of an undiscerning multitude exalts them into reputation for firmness, benevolence, and patriotism.
ROSEAU, October 10.
By accounts from Martinique, we learn, that the disturbances which we mentioned in one of our late papers, are so far from being abated, that they seem daily to gain additional force.—Our readers may remember, we left the French general in our last accounts, at Fort Royal, to bring over part of the military to his side, against the people; we have since obtained the following particulars, which will form no bad sequel to that account.
It seems he began with the subalterns, several of whom took a certain oath of attachment which he administered unto them; but when he came to the major, that officer declined;—saying, he had already engaged himself on the side of the people. Incensed at his reply, he reviled him in very opprobrious terms, in which he was not sparing of that epithet, so offensive to a Frenchman's ear, with which we will not defile our paper— fout-e , and informed him that he would send him his conge; which the other replied he was most heartily disposed to receive from him—our accounts say that he laid the cane upon the refractory major.
Frustrated in his attempts upon the infantry, he made his next application to the regiment of artillery—but with as little success. These informed him, that themselves and culverins were stationed there for the protection of the people, and for them only should be used.
Driven to the last shift, his distress suggested the sorry expedient of having recourse to the people of colour, who there form a considerable corps. By a small dose of flattery these people, so readily to be caught by a little seeming attention, promised to stand by him: and did so as long as they usually stand firm to any thing; that is, till their fears for their own persons became an object of more weighty concern—they then abandoned him.
The humiliating familiarities to which he descended to this motley rabble, was truly disgusting. He embraced them, called them his Infans and cher Amis , and practised all the dirty condescensions, which those only who are conversant in the praiseworthy art of cajoling can form any conception of.
The effect of this conduct was, as might be expected—insolence. One of this banditti presumed to strike a grenadier.—This incensed both the military and the people;—the consequence was, their doughty leader was laid hold of, who his trusty leaders left to his fate. He was put into confinement, and had the pleasure of beholding from the window of his prison, him whom he had inspired with the innocent temerity to strike a white, suspended on a gibbet.
The inhabitants of St. Pierre then assembled to confer on the measures to be taken on this occasion, when ten deputies were chosen to bring the deposed commander to that part of the island for trial, and twelve judges were chosen to preside at that, to him, very important trial.
Thus stood matters at Martinico on Thursday last: at which time a rumour prevailed that the Marquis de Bouillee had suffered death by the extraordinary and ingenious method of being put between two planks and severed in pieces by a cross-cut saw.
Oct. 14. Thirty-six of the rebellious slaves have been sent to Fort Royal for execution. Their principal ringleaders were a mulatee and a mulatto, one of whom had modestly pitched upon the place of intendant, had they succeeded; and had cast his eye upon one of the most celebrated belles of that island, as the partner of his exaltation.
Of these banditti two were broke on the wheel, ten racked, fourteen hanged, and ten condemned to the galleys for life.—Some of them were so daring as to declare at the place of execution, that the whites need not yet think themselves secure, for that there was not a man of colour left behind, but had sworn to carry their views into effect.
RICHMOND, December 16.
Yesterday, the District Court of the United States for the District of Virginia, was opened in the Capitol in this city, where the Hon. Cyrus Griffin (formerly as Judge of the Court of Appeals for the Continent, and late President of Congress) presided as Judge, being first duly qualified. William Marshall, Esq. was appointed Clerk, pro tem. James Innes, Jermain Baker, William Du Val, and John Marshall, Esquires, were admitted as Counsel in said Court:—After which, there being no business depending, the Court adjourned to the third Tuesday in March, to be holden in the city of Williamsburg.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE GUEST. No. XI.
While modes exotic rule the nation, In dress, in speech, and education; Tho' millions shout our rising fame, Our boasted Freedom's but a name!
IN contemplating our situation as an independent Empire, there are some ideas that obtrude themselves on the mind, which greatly disgust every real friend to the dignity and best interests of our country—among others may be reckoned a propensity, not only to imitate very closely, but to carry to the greatest excess too many of the absurd customs and fashions of Europe. While our country at large is nobly disentangling herself from former prejudices, and endeavoring to form a character of her own—while simple, reasonable, and practical institutions are springing up in various parts of the Union, which tend to nationalize the people of these States, FASHION still connects us with the "house of bondage," by a chain that appears extremely hard to be broken: A servile imitation of British modes of dress is symptomatic of weakness, and a want of due reverence for ourselves; but this is an evil of very inferior concern, compared to imitations of their modes of speech, and plans of education.
In the principal towns on this continent the American language is spoken by the uneducated natives, with a purity unrivaled—and if our own pronunciation can be preserved in its original excellence, it will draw a line of distinction between us and foreigners, especially the modern Britons, who are making rapid strides towards a pronunciation, which will ere long give them a language to be understood only by themselves. It is therefore to be wished that the capricious alterations, the grating, hissing, scratching sounds of novel reformers, may not obtain among us.
But the most absurd of all our imitations of foreigners, is that of educating our children, especially the females, agreeable to the forms of a modern English boarding school. It is not only absurd, but exceedingly cruel to their children, for even the most wealthy of our citizens, to have their daughters taught the polite accomplishments of music, dancing, painting, French, embroidery, &c. while useful and substantial acquirements are neglected. The former, so far from proving a defence and support when adversity comes, are often the sources of misfortune and indigence. These accomplishments, experience verifies, are merely superficial, and may consist with a total absence of all those intellectual improvements, which constitute the most valuable traits in the female character: In this view they may be compared to the external ornaments of a building, which is destitute of every internal accommodation. A man would discover less wisdom in purchasing an estate by report, than he would in chusing a wife by the dazzle of such unsubstantial qualifications.
The following incident is founded on facts: "For God's sake, a penny, to save a wretch from starving!"—said a poor, meagre, ragged female, at 11 o'clock at night: Curiosity and compassion induced an enquiry. What was the result? The once accomplished MELISSA, who shone, the first star, in the most brilliant circles but a few years since, thro' a series of misfortunes, which stripped her family of its estate, is now a houseless, friendless child of want. She was early initiated in every accomplishment of the bon ton —but the hour of adversity was not contemplated, and consequently not provided for. "O, Sir, said she, if I had been taught to handle the distaff, and my mind had been impressed with early sentiments of humility, and the importance of industrious habits, when the dream of dissipation was over, I should not have fallen a prey to the arts of seduction, and now experience the vanity of my once boasted education. Hapless MELISSA, may thy example impress the maxims of wisdom and benevolence on the minds of the affluent, and teach them to unite the useful with the ornamental, in the education of their children, since riches are an uncertain inheritance."

UNITED STATES.
CHARLESTON, December 21.
Extract of a letter from Columbia.
AFTER leaving Charleston we jogged on cheerfully enough, considering the prospect before us. As you will naturally suppose, we passed through a variety of scenes, some of them sufficiently melancholy and dreary; others enlivened by the appearance of well cultivated farms and good buildings—it was not easy however to forget the places we had so lately left—for
Who to dull forgetfulness a prey, That pleasing lovely CHARLESTON e'er resign'd; Left the sweet prospect of its shores and sea, Nor cast one longing lingering look behind?"
I need say nothing worse of Columbia, than that it is in its infancy; but it is easy to see that a year or two will make it a very handsome and populous village, and half a century a considerable town. We are situated in the center of a fine plentiful country, inhabited by a hospitable and industrious set of people. Buildings are every day erecting: a Printing Office is nearly established; aye, and we shall have gilded spires too after a while, notwithstanding the sneers of certain gentlemen, who had better be sheeting home their topsails—In short, we shall do well enough—In the mean time, if you are not steel proof to all the feelings of compassion and humanity, I pray you to send us some oysters."
Building is carried on rapidly in the town of Columbia. A letter received from thence says, that a stable which will accommodate forty horses, was raised and nearly covered in one day.
A light-house is now building on Cape Fear, which it is expected will be finished in about eight months. A new one is shortly to be erected on Cape Henry, in Virginia, upon a foundation laid for that purpose more than twenty years ago, and since covered with sands. Another is designed for Cape May, in New-Jersey; and it is said that a light house is soon to be placed in the beacon on Tybee-Island.
The new King of Spain was lately proclaimed at St. Augustine, with the usual formalities of that nation—Money was distributed to the populace, the town was brilliantly illuminated, and festivals, balls and masquerades, crowned their rejoicings for a succession of evenings.
BALTIMORE, December 29.
Extract of a letter from a Master of a Vessel to his Owner in this Town, dated Port Louis, Isle of France, July 16, 1789.
"I arrived here on the 10th of June, after a Passage of 124 Days. The Day before Capt. Coffin, in a Brig, from Salem, arrived, after 154 days passage, and proceeded on his voyage.—Capt. Frazier, in the Ship Adventure, from Boston, arrived this Day, and proceeded on his Voyage.—Likewise arrived here, one Ship and two Brigs from Salem, commanded by Captains Folger Murphy, and Lambert."
PHILADELPHIA, December 29.
The General Assembly of North-Carolina, which met at Fayetteville, the 2d ult. have taken into consideration the state of their public revenue, the amount and nature of the public debt; and have called upon the several officers in their government to account for all the public monies, and other matters which have been entrusted to their care. The question for fixing the seat of government in Wake county, as recommended by the Convention, which met at Hillsborough, in July 1788, was lost in the House of Commons, by a majority of 10.
His Excellency Samuel Johnston, Esq. is re-elected Governor of that state.
Lately departed this life in North-Carolina, the Hon. Richard Caswell, a gentleman who has uniformly distinguished himself as a firm friend to the liberties of his country. He was a Member of the first Congress in 1775, and has been appointed to the office of Governor of that state. He was many years in succession a Member of the Legislature, and ever ranked among the first of patriots and best of men. His body was interred with all the honor due to so distinguished a character; and the General Assembly of that state go into mourning one month.
The following is the produce of 35 acres of ground, 14 acres of which is ploughed ground, farmed by William Johnson, at Frankford mill.
 170 1/2 Bushels Barley,  139 Ditto Rye,  56 Ditto Wheat,  256 1/2 Ditto Buckwheat,  180 Ditto Indian Corn,  50 Tons Hay,  20 Ditto Pumpkins,  250 Bushels Potatoes,  100 Ditto Turnips,  1/2 Acre Flax. 
EXETER, December 19.
Tuesday last, the first Federal Court of this state, was opened at the court-house in this town before the Hon. Judge Sullivan. After administering the necessary oaths to the respective officers, &c. there being no business laid before them, they adjourned according to law.
PROVIDENCE, December 12.
The Convention of North-Carolina having, by a large Majority, adopted the Constitution of the United States, let us ardently hope, says a Correspondent, that each individual Member of our Legislature, at their Session in January, will come prepared to consider the momentous Subject divested of every unworthy local Prejudice, or Party Attachment. "To err is human." Let us suppose it possible that we may have erred—let but Reason resume her Empire, and the great work must be accomplished. Agriculture will then flourish—Arts, manufactures and commerce, revive—the prostrated honor of this State be restored, and we shall become a united people, under a government which has for its basis wisdom and virtue, and for its object the happiness of all.
The bugbear of high salaries, remarks another correspondent, may be successfully played off to alarm weak minds; but men of reflection and information well know, that the revenue collected from one of the large commercial States will be nearly if not fully sufficient to defray the whole civil list of the Union.
THE NATIONAL MONITOR.
No. XXXIII.
"JEALOUSY of others is an index to our own conduct or disposition."
JEALOUSY is called a republican virtue: Grant that it is.—Is it not notorious that under the guise of this virtue, there often lurks the most base and unworthy species of low suspicion: Suspicion, that at one period of our affairs, so unhinged the public mind, and so lessened all confidence even in our best patriots, that it was next to a miracle we were saved from anarchy, and the fatal consequences that always result from a want of that honesty, which an overweening jealousy takes it for granted never does exist. Indiscriminate suspicion is the parent of those very evils, it pretends to detect, and expose to the public indignation; for so long as society exists, delegated power is the necessary consequence. And if men do not receive appropriation for their integrity, the temptation to deviate from the paths of honor and honesty, is greatly increased: A generous confidence confirms the servants of the public in just sentiments—while a mean suspicion, factions, in their own minds, the knavery of knaves. There is a much better safeguard to the liberties of the people pointed out in our excellent Constitution than jealousy, and that is the eligibility of every citizen, of every rank, to every office of honor or profit in the United States. Besides the spring to laudable ambition, which is so intimately connected with this truly republican idea, every citizen is hereby formed into a Centinel, or Watchman, over the administration of our political concerns—and every patriotic, and personal consideration is excited to detect, point out, and expose to public censure, the malversation of men in office: Having such an effectual security for the fidelity of characters in power, insinuations, or open and explicit declamations against government, so far as they are founded on mere suspicion, must be considered as the ebullitions of envy, or a malignancy of disposition.
The rectitude of those who have invariably supported the Constitution of the United States, is abundantly verified in all their conduct subsequent to the organization of the system. Opposition has been starved; and even envy itself, that immortal enemy to human happiness, has scarcely lifted her repinings; here and there some of her blotches have foiled the press, but the disapprobation of the people has immediately checked the inflammation, and the immature productions have died as soon as born.
The people of the United States in contemplating their present situation, and contrasting it with that of the whole world besides, must observe with gratitude to Heaven, their superior advantages; and while they feel that they are free, secure, independent and happy, those restless, turbulent characters who would disturb the tranquility of the States, by depreciating their government, or its administration—who by fomenting schisms, distrusts and JEALOUSIES, would throw us back into that humiliating, degrading and distressful state we have so recently extricated ourselves from, must and will be considered as inveterate enemies to the United States. There are many things in government, about which wise and good men will disagree; however, the abandoned and unprincipled only will ever advocate measures of confusion, when they miss carrying a favorite point.—This criterion of conduct is an unfailing index to ascertain characters. It is happy for our country that cold water has been thrown upon the few instances of inveterate antiparallelism that have occurred.
The steps of the first session of Congress were marked with wisdom, patriotism and independence, and received the general approbation of their constituents.—If any errors were committed they can be rectified; but the recess has demonstrated that the people are satisfied. The approaching session will therefore commence under the highest auspices of public confidence: and while the objects that are to come into public discussion, are confessedly important, complex, and of arduous investigation, our civil Fathers must feel inspired to prosecute their duty upon the principles of the constitution with zeal, promptitude and independency: For they may with the fullest assurance rely on the support of the people in every measure they may adopt, to strengthen the government, extend the commerce, encourage the agriculture, AND RETRIEVE AND ESTABLISH THE CREDIT OF THE UNITED STATES.
NEW-YORK, January 6.
The weather has been so remarkably mild, that there has been scarcely any appearance of frost in the earth this winter—Several persons in the suburbs of this city were yesterday employed in ploughing their grounds.
We hear that his Excellency Governor Johnson is elected a Senator of the United States by the General Assembly of the state of North-Carolina.
Extract of a letter from St. Croix, dated Nov. 25.
"It is very sickly here—the influenza has affected every person on the island, and numbers have been carried off with it, particularly negroes—many estates have lost from fifteen to thirty."
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
 Sunday, Brig William, Harrison, Curracoa.  Brig Pearl, Folger, Cape Francois, 22 days.  Sloop Union, Watson, Philadelphia,  Sloop Anna Bella, Thurston, Montego Bay, 42 days,  Monday, Packet Dashwood, Roberts, Falmouth and Halifax.  Ship Hibernia, — Dublin, 70 days.  Ship Experiment, Hudson, Liverpool, 46 days.  Brig Margaret, Salisbury, Liverpool, 72 days. 
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
I HAVE observed in the two last numbers of your Gazette some strictures on the indiscriminate extracts from English papers, which appear in the American publications; and some person appears to be offended that the scurrilous accounts of transatlantic British scribblers, in speaking of French affairs, should be given to the public here. For my part, I have always felt interested in the success of our allies in their exertions to obtain a free Constitution, and in saying this, I speak the sentiments of every American revolutionist.
The printers through the United States must realize that their interest is connected with publishing the most authentic accounts: However, it is exceedingly difficult for them always to distinguish between those that are fabricated for political purposes, and those that are genuine—and being often in want of materials, the whole mass of incongruities is thrown in.
As the general sentiment of our countrymen is only to be collected from the tenor of paragraphs and speculations, which have reference to the concerns of the United States—it is hardly consistent with candor to suggest that America is justly taxable with ingratitude to her allies, because the printers inadvertently publish British misrepresentations of the affairs of France.—I have been informed that many accounts of inhuman barbarities and murders, published in English papers, have turned out to be entire fabrications. If any persons on this side the water, are possessed of any documents which would serve to expose the falsehood of such accounts—it cannot be doubted but that the printers in general would be glad to print, and the public to read such authentic intelligence. C A N D I D U S.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 6.
Monday the 4th instant was the time to which the Legislature of the United States was adjourned—a number of members of both houses accordingly assembled at Federal Hall, in this city—the seat of the national government—but there not being a quorum they adjourned—Yesterday a sufficient number had not arrived and a further adjournment took place—The members now attending are the following:—
OF THE SENATE.
The PRESIDENT,
 Hon. Mr. Langdon, Hon. Mr. King,  Mr. Wingate, Mr. Izard,  Mr. Strong, Mr. Butler,  Mr. Dalton, Mr. Few,  Mr. Johnson, Mr. Henry.  Mr. Schuyler, 
OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The SPEAKER.
 Hon. Mr. Ames, Hon. Mr. Scott,  Mr. Gilman, Mr. Griffin,  Mr. Foster, Mr. Brown,  Mr. Livermore, Mr. White,  Mr. Gerry, Mr. Coles,  Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Smith, (S.C.)  Mr. Thatcher, Mr. Tucker,  Mr. Partridge, Mr. Burke,  Mr. Sherman, Mr. Huger,  Mr. Benion, Mr. Baldwin,  Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Boudinot,  Mr. P. Muhlenberg, Mr. Grout,  Mr. Seney, Mr. Floyd, 
It has been observed that America in the infancy of its existence as a nation, appears to commence its course with all those masculine movements which distinguish States that have attained to maturity, in points which constitute the essentials of Empire.—Europe marks our progress with an attentive eye; and many of her kingdoms evidently copy our example, and form their regulations upon our experience.—Others again, exercise the severest criticism in examining our political conduct; and in scrutinizing our works of genius, they exert the whole force of their disquisitory powers; every defect is noticed with the most acute severity—plainly indicating that they consider America as a rival, in empire, politics, and science. These reflections afford us ideas that are truly original.—The world hath never before exhibited a parallel to the circumstances in which this young nation finds itself placed—How important then that we should feel the true dignity of the station assigned us by Providence, and support our rank in the scale of nations by all those public acts of honor and fidelity, which are the only basis of the prosperity of states.
We already feel the salutary influences of the new government, in a thousand different directions; and the people anticipate from the present session of our national legislature, the completion of those plans, which shall establish the public credit upon a broad, and durable foundation.
The oldest government upon earth does not appear to be more firmly established than that of the United States. Indeed there is not one that can be named which has so fair pretensions to expect a permanent duration, for the Constitution of these States proceeds from the only legitimate source of power, the consent of the people.—Hence we find, that the people justly consider the acts and doings of the national Legislature, as an amplification of their own power, and support the laws with patriotism and promptitude. What greater encouragement can our political fathers require, to proceed with spirit and confidence in the administration of that Constitution, which they have solemnly pledged themselves to support?

MR. FENNO,
IN tracing the late American war from its origin, we find there was no want of information, which could have been plead as an excuse on the part of that ministry, which precipitated the British nation into measures which have left an everlasting stigma on their councils—The following speech was founded on indisputable facts; and from those, the enlightened patriot drew such inferences as carried irresistible conviction to the mind of all his hearers, many of whom anticipated the fatal consequences that would follow from not giving them due consideration; but a majority were devoted to a junto, whose obstinacy was every thing, but windmill proof.
HOUSE of COMMONS, March 8, 1775. LONDON.
LORD NORTH'S RESTRAINING BILL.
MR. HARTLEY moved, that the following clause be inserted in the bill, viz.
"Provided always, and be it further enacted, that nothing in this act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to prohibit the importation into any or either of the said colonies or provinces, of fuel, corn, meal, flour, or other victuals brought coastwise from any part of America."
THIS clause, said he, cannot be objected to, even by the most vindictive spirits, against the four provinces of New-England, who are the objects of this bill, as it is extracted from the Boston port bill of last year, the lenity or humanity of which was never so much as pretended, even by its advocates. There cannot be a reason why you should throw away this year, the little share of humanity which you had the last; more especially, as we are come to discover and even to acknowledge, by the votes of the House, that we have proceeded hitherto, in this business with America, with rashness, misjudgment and precipitation. The vote I allude to was passed but a few days since: which says, or pretends to say, that it would have been proper (that is the term) to have proceeded in a way of asking a supply of the Americans, by the constitutional way of requisitions, before proceeding to compulsory or forcible methods. Having confessed ourselves wrong in the foundation, it is but equal justice to our fellow subjects of America to suppose, that those riots and resistances would not have happened, if we had not begun with them confessedly in an unconstitutional way. Surely then, it is not a time to add to the severity of our acts, in proportion as we find, that we have been unjust in the onset, and that they have been less to blame. It is surely but a little matter to ask, that you would not this year be more severe or cruel towards America, who have never been heard on their defence, than you were the last.
Besides, what construction can the town of Boston put upon your present measures, if you refuse the clause now offered? They will be besieged, as in actual war with any foreign enemy. General Gage has fortified the neck which joins Boston to the continent, by which he may intercept provisions; and by this bill you proclaim the same intention by sea. Do you expect, that they will submit to be starved into passive obedience? What resource have they left, but resistance; and, perhaps, to take advantage of the smallness of the numbers of General Gage's troops, before they are reinforced; for this act puts it out of all doubt, that you mean to proceed to all extremities. I have been informed, by those who know best the temper of the Americans, and I hope and believe that they will hold out their patience to the utmost, and that they will not strike the first blow: but what is the difference to them whether you strike the first blow by the musket or the sword, or, to equal effect by famine? The refusal of this clause will be a declaration on your part, that you mean to bring famine upon them, to the utmost of your power, and therefore a warning to them of the mercy which they are to expect at your hands.
As to the bill in general, it has been so ably debated by my friends near me, that I shall only add two remarks: This bill, by destroying the North American fishery, not only destroys that nursery of seamen, but will disable the provinces, under the prohibition, from the means of paying their debts to this country, who therefore will finally be the sufferers; and when the next year comes, and you find this consequence, you will then turn accusers of the North Americans for not paying their debts, and you will add, according to the usual fallacies towards the Americans, that they never intended to pay their debts; and, by the distance of the place, and the fallacy of representations, you will impute those very effects which you have produced yourselves, as the justifying causes of resentment. This is the unjust way in which the Americans have been treated, on all occasions. I myself asked, the other day, why, on a particular occasion
of a slight riot (in the year 1768) of a few hours continuance, four regiments, and a train of artillery, were ordered to Boston? To justify this enormous intervention of the military, I was told in this House, that indeed the riots were trifling, but that the Americans had come to a resolution to arm the country. What then was the real fact, as testified by dates? The fact was, that the resolution to arm was not taken till the troops were seen in the offing. It was the sight of the troops upon so trivial an occasion, that gave them to understand what they were to expect; and, by dates, the fact is verified, that they did not take arms till some months after the troops were ordered, but it was upon their first notice of the troops being to come; the resolution to arm against the worst, was actually debated but a few hours before the troops were landed. So it is that facts are misrepresented in America, and so let me put in my caution now, that the Americans do now actually pay their debts, like honest men, to the utmost of their power, and let me be before-hand with this charge, if when the natural consequences of these measures shall come next year, we should hear any false accusations of the Americans, as combining not to pay their debts.
I shall make but one remark more, but which seems to me to be of the utmost importance to the whole commercial system of England, which is, that the plantation built bottoms are two thirds, or three quarters, or all the bottoms upon which the British merchandise, to every quarter of the globe, is carried on; when we meditate a blow at the American trade, we should recollect at least, that there is this one manufacture (if I may so call it) of shipbuilding, upon the encouragement of which our very existence in this kingdom, as a trading people, depends. However we may think it our interest to suppress the rivalry of the colonies with ourselves, in other manufactures, yet in this trade of ship building they are our most material and substantial support. This revenging blow at the American ship building, will fall most immediately and fatally upon the manufacturers and merchants of every commercial article in the kingdom. For these reasons, I am against the whole principle of the bill now before us; and if we cannot prevail to have the whole rejected, I must humbly move, at least, the admission of the clause which I have just offered to the House.
FROM THE HERALD OF FREEDOM.
MR. FREEMAN,
HAVING observed in the Herald of July 31, a plan for rendering the public debt a public blessing, against which no well founded objections have appeared, that I have seen—some of your correspondents would be glad to see the following scheme of a National Bank at the seat of the general government, in aid of that plan communicated through the channel of your useful paper. It may first be remarked, that the plan proposed is.
1st. That the public creditors be invited to deposit their securities in the public Treasury;—receiving one third of the amount thereof in a paper medium, which shall be receivable on all imposts, excises, and public loans—and a certificate entitling them to the whole amount in 20 years, with interest annually at 5 per cent after 10 years—the paper medium received being equivalent to 10 years interest on the whole sum deposited.
2d. That such of the creditors, as may not choose to receive one third of the deposit in the paper medium, shall be paid their interest annually at 5 per cent, and the principal in 20 years, or sooner, if the situation of public affairs shall admit of it.
It is evident that this must be a beneficial proposal to the creditor—and to enable the public to support it, the following plan of a Bank is offered as one among other means which may be thought of—It is not probable that all the creditors will receive the one third of their deposits in the paper medium, and therefore we are not to conclude that we shall have a paper circulation to the amount of one third of the whole public debt; and when we consider that a paper medium must soon become absolutely necessary, in the business of the Revenue—and that it will be spread over an extensive continent, the resources of which are every day unfolding themselves and increasing, the scheme is thought by many to be a practicable one, and it is the duty of a good citizen to submit to the public consideration, those plans which he, from experience perhaps, feels to be of public benefit.
Plan of forming a NATIONAL BANK—from whence notes may be issued for the payment of interest, or on a deposit of the principal, agreeable to a proposition in the Herald of July 31, last; the notes to be receivable on all the Revenues, and payable on demand at the Bank.
1st. That all the money in the collection offices be ordered to the Bank, after being recoined.
1d. That subscriptions be opened in the several States—in order to attach the monied interests to the National Bank, and so obtain their support,
if an attempt should at any time be made to run upon the Bank—a share to be 500 dollars—100 of which to be paid into the Bank previous to the opening of it—the remainder or any part of it, to be paid within a month of its being demanded—either in gold or silver—or in the bank notes of the United States—the subscribers to be entitled to 5 per cent. per annum on their advances—to one per cent. more when the issues shall be double the deposits—to two per cent. when three times—to three when four fold—and to four per cent. when they shall amount to five times the deposits.
On this plan, the further the issues are extended beyond the deposits, the more it will be for the interests both of the stock-holders and the people; for in proportion as the stock-holders receive an encrease of interest on their advances so in proportion will the people pay less for the use of the money issued.
PROPOSAL, FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, MEMOIRS OF THE BLOOMSGROVE FAMILY.
In a SERIES of LETTERS from a gentleman in New-England to a respectable citizen of Philadelphia.
CONTAINING Sentiments on a MODE of DOMESTIC EDUCATION, suited to the present state of Society, Government and Manners in the United States, and on the Importance and Dignity of the Female Character.
INTERSPERSED WITH A VARIETY of interesting ANECDOTES.
CONDITIONS.
They will be printed on a good paper and type—neatly bound and lettered, in two volumes, 12mo. and delivered to subscribers at three quarters of a dollar per volume.
These Memoirs are dedicated to Mrs. WASHINGTON, by her permission. Having seen the manuscripts, and approved the plan, "She heartily wishes that every laudable effort to improve the mode of education in this country may be attended with merited success."
FROM the literary character of the reputed author of the above work, and a table of contents left with the printer hereof, being eighty-three letters on the most interesting subjects of education, life and manners, it is expected these Memoirs will prove a very valuable and interesting performance.
Subscriptions received by the Editor, at his office, and letters (post-paid) duly attended to.
ADVERTISEMENT.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE OHIO COMPANY.
WHEREAS, in the opinion of the Agents, it is very much for the interest of the proprietors at large, that all the lands of the purchase should be divided and allotted as immediately as may be—And in order to accommodate them generally, by the option of classing as they may think proper, and drawing their rights or shares (where they may possess more than one) either together in contiguity, or by detaching and annexing them to distinct classes or divisions (at their own election) to give them the greater chance for variety in soil and situation—It is unanimously resolved, That as soon as the exploring committee shall have appropriated the lands for donation settlements, in quantity sufficient for all the proprietors, WINTHROP SARGENT, JOSEPH GILLMAN, and RETURN J. MEIGS, Esquires, who are hereby appointed a committee for that purpose, shall immediately make out, upon a large scale, a complete map or plan of the whole purchase from the best information, which they may be then able to obtain, expressing all the lands of the eight acre, three acre, city lots and commons, one hundred and sixty acre, and donation lots, the reserved lots of Congress, school lots, and lots appropriated for religious purposes—also, the two townships given by Congress for an university, and the towns or situations for towns to be reserved by the company for a future allotment.—That, all the residuary lands shall be, by them, the said committee of three, divided and numbered upon paper, into forty equal grand divisions of twenty-five shares each, as like in quality as may be: That each grand division be divided into five sub-divisions of five shares each, and each sub-division into sections of single shares: That as soon as the map or plan is completed, the agents will form or class their subscribers (who shall not previously class themselves) by sections or single shares, into sub-divisions of five, and grand divisions of twenty-five, and immediately proceed to drawing by lot for said lands: by grand divisions, sub-divisions and sections: That in all draughts of sub-divisions (into sections) which may be made up of proprietors, holding four, three, or two and single shares, it shall be the usage for the greatest proprietor, or holder of the greatest number of shares, to take his lands in contiguity, by lot, either in the southern or northern part of the sub-division, where they shall be numbered from north to south, and in the western or eastern (by lot also) where they may be numbered from west to east; and where sub-divisions may be made up of two proprietors of two shares each, and one of one share, the two greatest proprietors shall receive their sections, by lot, either in the southern or western part of the sub-division. Resolved, That the before named committee, be directed to prepare the names and numbers, and make all the necessary arrangements for the intended draught: That previous to the drawing for this ultimate grand division of lands, there shall be returns of the proprietors, as they may be classed by the agents (or otherwise) lodged in the Secretary's office, and it is recommended in all cases to consult the inclinations and interests of the proprietors in the order of classing.
Resolved, That the agents will give public notice of the time and place of drawing, and that there be two persons no ways interested in the draughts, who shall be sworn to the faithfully drawing out the names and numbers from the boxes, and who alone shall be employed in this business for the draught of grand divisions, sub-divisions, and sections.
Resolved, That the Secretary cause the foregoing resolutions to be published in the newspapers of New-York, and the New-England States; to the end that the proprietors at large may have the option of classing themselves as they may think proper: And they are hereby requested to do, and to express themselves upon this subject, either to their respective agents, or by information in writing addressed to, and to be lodged with the Secretary, at his office in the city of Marietta, previous to the first Monday of March, 1790—Upon which day it is expected the division will take place.
WINTHROP SARGENT,
Secretary to the Ohio Company.
Marietta, 3d November, 1789.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY,
A YOUNG LAD, of suitable character, to serve as an Apprentice to the printing Business. Enquire of the Printer.