The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-04-13 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON CITY. PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. LXX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, APRIL 13th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
REVIEW of "A MANUAL OF PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, for the use of the Senate of the United States—By THOMAS JEFFERSON. Printed at Washington, by Samuel H. Smith, 1801.
IT has long been an object of solid importance to have a work on Parliamentary Practice, which, while it comprised all the essential rules of procedure, avoided the tedious and abstruse details of European performances of a similar nature. The value of such a work must have been apparent to every citizen whom curiosity or duty has led to be present at the discussion of interesting topics before large deliberative assemblies. The respectability of such bodies, and indeed their aptitude to the prompt and fair transaction of business, are found to depend essentially on the correctness and observance of proper rules. These rules should be impartial, concise, and easy of apprehension. To lay them down with precision, requires perspicuity of arrangement, simplicity of diction, and the talent to condense and generalise.—We do not hesitate to say that the author of this performance has successfully combined these necessary qualifications.
About to leave the Senate of the United States, in presiding over whose deliberations, his deportment had been so manly, modest and enlightened, as to receive even from his political opponents, the palm of praise, it occurred to him that no more valuable legacy could be bestowed than a production, many of the materials of which had been collected from, and all of which applied to, its proceedings. Such a work may not be calculated to clothe with radiance the statesman or patriot, or to increase by sudden accessions of fame, the weight of his popularity; but it establishes with the reflecting class of the community the more substantial claims derived from the performance of a useful act.
The work, though nominally for the use of the Senate, will be found alike applicable to the Federal House of Representatives, and the deliberative assemblies under the state governments.
The following prefatory remarks will enable the reader to form an idea of the leading features of the work:
"The Constitution of the U. S. establishing a legislature for the Union under certain forms, authorises each branch of it to determine the rules of its own proceedings. The Senate have accordingly formed some rules for its own government: but these going only to few cases, they have referred to the decision of their President, without debate and without appeal, all questions of order arising either under their own rules, or, where they have provided none. This places under the discretion of the President a very extensive field of decision, and one which irregularly exercised, would have a powerful effect on the proceedings and determinations of the house. The President must feel weightily and seriously this confidence in his discretion; and the necessity of recurring, for its government, to some known system of rules, that he may neither leave himself free to inulge caprice or passion, nor open to the imputation of them. But to what system of rules is he to recur, as supplementary to those of the Senate? To this there can be but one answer; to the system of regulations adopted for the government of some one of the parliamentary bodies within these states, or of that which has served as a prototype to most of them. This last is the model which we have all studied; while we are little acquainted with the modifications of it in our several states. It is deposited too in publications possessed by many and open to all. Its rules are probably as wisely constructed for governing the debates of a deliberative body, and obtaining its true sense, as any which can become known to us; and the acquaintance of the Senate hitherto under the references to them, has given them the sanction of their approbation.
"Considering therefore the law of proceedings in the Senate as composed of the precepts of the constitution, the regulations of the Senate, and where these are silent, of the rules of Parliament, I have
here endeavoured to collect and digest so much of these as is called for in ordinary practice collating the Parliamentary with the Senatorial rules, both where they agree and where they vary. I have done this, as well to have them at hand for my own government, as to deposit with the Senate the Standard by which I judge and am willing to be judged. I could not doubt the necessity of quoting the sources of my information; among which Mr. Hatfel's most valuable book is pre-eminent; but as he has only treated some general heads, I have been obliged to recur to other authorities in support of a number of common rules of practice to which his plan did not descend. Sometimes each authority cited supports the whole passage. Sometimes the authority goes only to a part of the text, the residue being inferred from known rules and principles. For some of the most familiar forms no written authority is, or can be quoted; no writer having supposed it necessary to repeat what all were presumed to know. The statement of these must rest on their notoriety.
"I am aware that authorities can often be produced in opposition to the rules which I lay down as parliamentary. An attention to dates will generally remove their weight. The proceedings of parliament in antient times, and for a long while, were crude, multiform and embarrassing. They have been however constantly advancing towards uniformity and accuracy; and have now attained a degree of aptitude to their object, beyond which little is to be desired or expected.
"Yet I am far from the presumption of believing that I may not have mistaken the parliamentary practice in some cases; and especially in those minor forms, which being practised daily, are supposed to be known to every body, and therefore have not been committed to writing. Our resources, in this quarter of the globe, for obtaining information on that part of the subject, are not perfect. But I have begun a sketch, which those who come after me will successfully correct and fill up, till a code of rules shall be formed for the use of the Senate, the effects of which may be accuracy in business, economy of time, order, uniformity, and impartiality."
The work is divided into sections, each of which contains the rules applicable to the point of order of which it treats; and under each section are stated the directions of the constitution, the rules of the Senate, and the usage of Parliament. Connected with these is an occasional elucidation of interesting points by the observations of the author.
The section on TREATIES is quoted, as well because it shews the manner in which the work is executed, as because it involves considerations of great moment.
"The President of the United States has power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur. Constn. U. S. II. 2.
"Resolved that all confidential communications, made by the president of the United States to the Senate, shall be, by the members thereof, kept inviolably secret; and that all treaties, which may hereafter be laid before the Senate shall also be kept secret, until the Senate shall by their resolution, take off the injunction of secrecy. Dec. 28, 1800.
"Treaties are legislative acts. A treaty is a law of the land. It differs from other laws only as it must have the consent of a foreign nation, being but a contract with respect to that nation. In all countries, I believe, except England, treaties are made by the legislative power: and therefore also, if they touch the laws of the land they must be approved by parliament. Ware v. Hylton, 3 Dallas rep. 273. It is acknowledged, for instance, that the king of Great Britain cannot by a treaty make a citizen of an alien. Vattel, B. 1 c. 19. Sec. 214. An act of parliament was necessary to validate the American treaty of 1783. And abundant examples of such acts can be cited. In the case of the treaty of Utrecht in 1712, the commercial articles required the concurrence of parliament. But a bill brought in for that pur-
pose was rejected. France, the other contracting party, suffered these articles, in practice, to be not insisted on, and adhered to the rest of the treaty. 4 Rullec's Hist. Mod. Europe 457. 2 Smollet, 242. 246.
"By the constitution of the United States this department of legislation is confided to two branches only of the ordinary legislature; the president originating, and the Senate having a negative. To what subjects this power extends, has not been defined in detail by the constitution; nor are we entirely agreed among ourselves. 1. It is admitted that it must concern the foreign nation party to the contract, or it would be a mere nullity, res inter alios acta. 2. By the general power to make treaties, the constitution must have intended to comprehend only those subjects which are usually regulated by treaty, and cannot be otherwise regulated. 3. It must have meant to except out of these the rights reserved to the states; for surely the President and Senate cannot do by treaty what the whole government is interdicted from doing in any way. 4. And also to except those subjects of legislation in which it gave a participation to the house of Representatives. This last exception is denied by some on the ground that it would leave very little matter for the treaty power to work on. The less the better say others. The constitution thought it wise to restrain the Executive and Senate from entangling and embroiling our affairs with those of Europe. Besides, as the negotiations are carried on by the Executive alone, the subjecting to the ratification of the Representatives such articles as are within their participation is no more inconvenient than to the Senate. But the ground of this exception is denied as unfounded. For examine, e. g. the treaty of commerce with France, and it will be found that out of 31 articles, there are not more than two or three of them which would not still remain as subjects of treaties, untouched by these exceptions. "Treaties being declared, equally with the laws of the United States, to be the supreme law of the land, it is understood that an act of the legislature alone can declare them infringed and rescinded. This was accordingly the process adopted in the case of France in 1798.
"It has been the usage for the executive, when it communicates a treaty to the Senate for their ratification, to communicate also the correspondence of negotiators. This having been omitted in the case of the Prussian treaty, was asked by a vote of the house of Feb. 12, 1800, and was obtained. And in Dec. 1800, the convention of that year between the U. States and France, with the report of the negotiations by the envoys, but not their instructions, being laid before the Senate, the instructions were asked for and communicated by the President.
"The mode of voting on questions of ratification is by nominal call.
"Resolved, as a standing rule, that whenever a treaty shall be laid before the Senate for ratification, it shall be read a first time for information only; when no motion to reject, ratify or modify the whole or any part shall be received.
"That its second reading shall be for consideration, and on a subsequent day, when it shall be taken up as in a committee of the whole, and every one shall be free to move a question on any particular article in this form, "Will the Senate advise and consent to the ratification of this article?" or to propose amendments thereto, either by inserting or by leaving out words, in which last case the question shall be, "Shall the words stand part of the article?" And in every of the said cases, the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senators shall be requisite to decide affirmatively. And, when, through the whole, the proceedings shall be stated to the house, and questions be again severally put thereon for confirmation, or new ones proposed requiring in like manner a concurrence of two-thirds for whatever is retained or inserted.
"That the votes so confirmed shall, by the house, or a committee thereof, be reduced into the form of a ratification with or without modifications, as may have been
decided, and shall be proposed on a subsequent day, when every one shall again be free to move amendments, either by inserting or leaving out words; in which last case the question shall be, "Shall the words stand part of the resolution;" And in both cases the concurrence of two-thirds shall be requisite to carry the affirmative; as well as on the final question to advise and consent to the ratification in the form agreed to.—Rule of Jan. 6, 1801.
"Resolved that when any question may have been decided by the Senate in which two-thirds of the members present are necessary to carry the affirmative, any member who voted on that side which prevailed in the question, may be at liberty to move for a reconsideration: and a motion for reconsideration shall be decided by a majority of votes.—Rule of Feb. 3, 1801"
The following is an English Review of a treatise lately written in Germany on the following subject.
What important advantages in individual and social Happiness may be expected in the following Century?
This is a question which will be answered very differently by almost every person to whom it is proposed. The sanguine prognosticate immense improvements in the state of humanity; the melancholy forebode dreadful disasters; the pious man looks forward to the fall of superstition; the infidel threatens us with the decay of Christianity. The question is here treated with great judgement. The author, reflecting on the past, sees good grounds for hoping that the next generation will come into the world with considerable advantages, and that it may lay the basis for improving the species in health, form, and morals; and the reasons here given are sufficient to dispel the clouds from the brows of the melancholy, though they by no means countenance the bold schemes entertained by many sanguine visionaries.
It is supposed that the ensuing century will see mankind improved in bodily health and strength; for it will not entertain the false notions of the present century respecting the mode of treating children, and the disregard to temperance and chastity. Mothers will nurse their children; the custom of leaving the limbs of the infant at liberty will be universally adopted; as it grows older, it will be gradually accustomed to the use of cold water, to a slender diet, to labour, to an endurance of the changes of the weather, and as Latin and Greek will confer less distinction, to an improvement of its mind in the knowledge of its own language and useful science. Marriage will be holden in the highest honour; domestic happiness will be promoted; parents will receive pleasure from the society of their children, and will not stand in need of cards and gaming to drive away ennui. They will find it a greater amusement to instruct their offspring in religion, morality, and good manners, and in the art of cheerfully enjoying a life founded in wisdom. The masters of our great schools will perhaps be surprised at our author's strong recommendation of singing, as he would have it introduced in every place of education. Indeed he discusses the necessity of cheerfulness in youth with such propriety, that we are inclined to agree with him in recommending the opening and closing of every day by a chorus, which should, above all things, keep the voice within its natural key. Reading is another exercise which he strongly recommends; and this is neglected in an extraordinary degree in our great schools. The boys, being accustomed to read what they do not understand, can scarcely take up a newspaper without altering the tone of their voice and laying an improper emphasis on most words. This is peculiarly observable in the manner of performing religious service in church, and in the sermons of the clergy of all denominations.
The freedom of the press is to be another great advantage of the ensuing cen-

tary; but its present situation is not very flattering to our author's expectations.
'To all (he says) who live in the higher or middle ranks, the means of useful instruction will never fail, if the rulers of each country should, without permitting licentiousness, encourage an enlarged and salutary freedom of the press. The melancholy events of our times have occasioned its limitation. Should its freedom be more abridged, we may justly entertain doubts of the progress of humanity; but I hope that the friends of Virtue in the higher ranks will be anxious to demonstrate to every administration the true influence of the freedom of the press. This freedom is the support of the throne; and, far from having an influence in promoting the French revolution, it is certain that without some freedom of the press, France would have been sooner formed into a republic. Before printing was invented, there were revolutions and republics in the world. The pen of a writer is incapable of moving a community which feels its situation to be supportable: on the contrary, it can only restrain the hands of the people, and prevent their indignation from rising to such a height as to break through all social order. Where the freedom of the press does not exist, the sovereign cannot hear the wishes of his subjects, receive their complaints, or discover the oppression which, probably against his will, is weighing them down; hence they who despise and oppress the people become haughty, and console themselves in the obscurity in which they wander.'
That the next generation will attain to a higher degree of moral perfection is a consolatory doctrine; and it may be a spur to us to remove, as quickly as possible, our own failings.
Our mode of life has erroneously introduced an artificial luxury into the articles of first necessity, and multiplied our real wants by innumerable arts. A feeble education has rendered the present world so weak, that in spite of all the remonstrances of reason, it cannot soon tear away the bands of servitude. Virtue is at present too enlarged for man, if it disturbs him in any enjoyment of luxury or effeminate repose. Perhaps he willingly gives his money to a suffering brother; but strenuous exertion, the rejection of an artificial want, of the endurance of personal inconvenience for the sake of another, are too great sacrifices to be expected from him. The contemptible custom of satisfying every desire, and the imitation of every new fashion, hurry our youth, and not rarely our manhood, or even old age, into the grossest vices. The weakness of our contemporaries in this point is not to be described. Reason and conscience may excite an alarm; but it is only to lament feelingly over that weakness which, to satisfy our sensuality and luxury, drives us into the bosom of vice.
Religious toleration will become general: the rulers of each country will be employed in preventing scarcity and famine: attention will be paid to the poor, not merely to relieve them from immediate ruin, but to supply them with the means of making a provision for themselves: soldiers will understand that they are paid to protect the nation from every enemy, and every insult on an unarmed citizen will be considered as disgraceful to the man who wears the sword: justice will be established; the laws will be intelligible to all persons; cheerfulness will universally prevail; in short, the dreams of the golden age will begin to be realised. These may be the phantasmes of a dreamer; but, if our author dreams only, he dreams pleasantly.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
Commissioners Office, 5th March, 1801. BY virtue of an act of Assembly of the State of Maryland, entitled "a further supplement to the act concerning the Territory of Columbia and City of Washington" the commissioners will expose to sale on Tuesday the 12th day of May next, at Mr. Rhodes's Tavern, in the said city, the following lots, to wit, Lot No. 2 in square No 47, lots no 4 5 15 16 20 and 21 in sq no 184, lots no 3 6 15 16 20 in sq no 198, lots no 3 4 14 15 in sq no 218, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in sq no 249, lots no 10 in sq no 280, lot no 3 5 6 7 9 10 12 13 14 in sq no 317, lot no 10 in sq no 319, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 343, lots no 2 3 4 5 6 in sq no 344, lots no 10 11 12 in sq no 345, lots no 1 2 3 4 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq 374, lots no 1 4 5 8 9 12 in sq no 404, lots no 3 4 5 6 7 9 in sq no 405, lots no 2 3 6 7 10 11 in sq no 427, lots no 2 3 4 5 6 in sq no 428, lots no 1 2 3 4 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 454, lots no 5 6 7 17 18 19 in sq no 455, lots no 7 8 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq no 534, lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 in sq no 535, lot no 20 in sq no 583, lot no 15 in sq no 587, lot no 2 in sq no 643, lot no 2 in sq fourth of sq
no 825, lots no 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 826, lot no 2 in sq 10 997, lots no 3 and 4 in sq fourth of 1019, lots no 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in sq no 1020, lot no 2 in sq no 1021, lot no 1 in sq no 1022, lots no 1 2 3 11 12 13 14 in sq no 1023, lots no 5 and 6 in sq no 1024, lots no 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 and 11 in sq no 1045, lots no 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 in sq no 1046, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq no 1047, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 24 in sq no 1048, lots no 1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 in sq no 1049, lot no 9 in sq no 792, lot no 11 12 14 15 16 in sq no 799, lots no 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 847, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 849, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 in sq no 877, lots no 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 in sq no 878, lots no 25 26 27 28 31 32 in sq no 1048, lots no 1 and 3 in sq no 1065, lots no 1 5 6 in sq north east of sq no 1065, lot no 1 in sq no 1066, lots no 1 and 3 in sq no 11, lots no 2 3 7 8 9 10 12 13 in sq no 158, lots no 1 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 161, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 in sq no 247, lots no 1 2 3 4 10 11 in sq no 452, lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 in sq no 453, lot no 1 in sq south of sq no 463, lots no 3 4 5 6 in sq no 492, lots no 5 9 and 10 in sq no 493, lots no 4 5 6 in square no 494, lots no 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 28 in square no 517, lots no 2 4 6 8 in sq no 518, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 529, lots no 20 and 21 in sq no 533, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in square no 537, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq no 538, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 in sq no 565, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq no 567, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 in sq no 568, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in sq no 569, lots no 2 4 6 in sq no 570, lot no 2 in sq no 572, lots no 2 and 3 in sq no 577, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 in sq no 581, lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 584, lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 in sq no 642, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq east of sq no 642, lots no 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 in sq south of sq no 643, lots no 2 3 4 6 in sq no 644, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 645, lots no 1 2 and 17 in sq no 1000, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 24 25 26 34 35 36 in sq no 1043, lots no 2 3 4 14 15 16 17 18 in sq no 1066, lots no 10 11 13 14 15 in sq no 1067, lots no 1 2 3 4 11 12 13 in sq no 1078, lots no 1 and 2 in sq south of sq no 1091, lots no 1 2 9 10 11 12 in sq no 1092, lots no 1 2 3 4 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 1105, lots no 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 in sq no 1116, lot no 9 in sq no 1117, lots no 5 6 7 8 in sq no 1123, lots no 5 6 7 8 in sq no 113, lot no 3 in sq no 1140 and lot no 4 in sq no 1149.
The terms of sale are sixty, ninety and one hundred and twenty days for all sums under 1000 dollars, and nine months credit for all sums amounting to one thousand dollars or upwards. It is expected purchases may be made to greater advantage at the ensuing sale than heretofore; because, at former sales a competition took place among persons who held liens on the property sold. The commissioners have also at their disposal upwards of 4000 lots which have never been sold.
The public sale to commence at Ten o'clock, in the forenoon, and to continue on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays in each week, till all are sold. The purchasers will be required to give notes, endorsed to the satisfaction of the commissioners, and negotiable at any of the banks in Baltimore, George Town or Alexandria. Should any purchaser fail, at the expiration of the week in which such sale is made to pass his note with an approved endorser or endorsers, the sale will be declared void, and the lot or lots resold without further notice—and such purchaser shall be excluded as a bidder during the sale.
Wm. THORNTON, } Commissioners. ALEX. WHITE. } To LET. THE HOUSE opposite the GREAT HOTEL, now occupied by Kid, Elliot & Co.—For terms apply at said House. March 23, 1801. tw6w.
LOTS. IN different eligible situations in the City for Sale or Lease on ground rent.—Likewise, 100 Casks inspected Rhode Island LIME. A number of Quarter and half and Casks of MADEIRA WINE, of a superior quality, by JOHN S. ICKNEY At his building opposite Rhodes Tavern President's Square. Washington, March 2, 1801. sop tf
LOTS FOR SALE, In the City of WASHINGTON. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for many nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard. WILLIAM PROUP. City of Washington, December 12, 1800. N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
Nail Manufactory, ALL kinds of Cut Nails for Sale by Wholesale and Retail at the Factory on F Street and at the Hardware Store of the Subscriber, where persons building and all others wishing to purchase may be supplied with any quantity at the most reasonable rates. JOHN JACK. Washington Feb. 4, 1801.
FOR SALE. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale, four hundred ACRES of Valuable Land upon the Eastern Branch, opposite the City of Washington. It is bounded by the Water, from opposite the Navy Yard, nearly up to Dyer's Ferry; and extends back across that range of hills, South east of the City where are several elegant situations, for Building, as any in its vicinity. Two hundred and fifty Acres at least are covered with wood and Timber; which independent of every expence, will in the judgment of judicious persons, yield to a purchaser, fifty per cent more than the proprietor will ask for the land. The soil upon the water, is a rich sandy loam of course excellent for early vegetables of every kind, clover &c. As all doubt respecting the continuance of the Government at Washington, is surely now removed from the mind of the most incredulous, the subscriber is induced to offer this property for sale, in the expectation, that it must attract the attention of those who have money, and who wish to vest it in such a manner, as will produce an handsome interest for the present without risk, and the chance of a great rise in value, as the City increases in Population and wealth. A fourth, a third, a half, or the whole may be purchased upon easy terms by applying to ANTHONY ADDISON, At BARNABY, three miles from Dyer's Ferry. Washington, April 6, 1801. tm.
FOR SALE, OR RENT! TWO Brick dwelling houses, situated on the Pennsylvania-avenue near the President's house; one containing two handsome parlours and passages on the first floor, four lodging rooms, including garret, all private kitchen and cellar; the whole will be completely finished in a few days: the yard's front palisaded and set with trees; the walks to the street paved or gravelled, which will render the same as comfortable a situation as any in this City for a private family, and will be sold for less than any gentleman can have the same built for. A family of negroes, will be taken in part payment, or Lots will be exchanged for Slaves. For particulars enquire on the Premises of OWEN ROBERTS. March 11, 1801. tf
TO BE SOLD, On Thursday the 23d day of April next, in the town of Bladensburgh, at public Sale, between 20 and 30 valuable slaves, A GREAT variety of household furniture, such as beds and bedding, mahogany and walnut beds, mahogany and walnut tables, and chest of drawers, mahogany, walnut, and Windsor chairs, an elegant and extensive set of table China, several elegant looking glasses, and much other household and kitchen furniture, several very good saddle horses, two carts with harness complete, and four excellent milch cows. Also a number of improved and unimproved lots in the said town of Bladensburgh. The sale to commence at eleven o'clock and continue from day to day until the whole is sold. The terms of sale, for all sums below 20 dollars, cash, and for all sums above twenty dollars, a credit of six months, except it be for real property, upon which twelve months will be given, the purchaser giving bond with approved security. WM. STEUART. N. B. One of the above negro men is an excellent taylor having been regularly taught and has kept a shop for these two years.
FOR SALE, The complete frames for two buildings, ONE 44 feet by 24 feet, two stories, the other 28 by 16; both of best white oak and prepared in the best manner, being intended for the use of the owner. Poplar feather-edged plank. Sufficient to complete, may be had with them. Enquire of the printer. April 10. tf
JOHN GARDNER, TAYLOR. GRATEFUL for the past favors, begs leave to inform his Friends and the Public, that he still carries on the Tailoring business at his residence in F Street, nearly opposite Rhodes's Hotel, City of Washington. He will keep on hand a constant supply of Cloths, Kerseymeres, Nankeens and every other article in the business of the best quality and at the cheapest prices. He trusts his experience and steady attention to Business, will secure to him the Public patronage. Washington City, ? April 1. tf
FOR SALE OR RENT, Two elegant brick Houses, 40 by 20 feet, SITUATE on King and Columbia Streets Alexandria, as well calculated for the grocery and flour business as any in the city; also two large stores adjoining the above houses, 25 feet front, by 36 feet deep, and I will likewise lease or sell, 7 or 8 valuable lots on King and Patrick-Street, subject to a small ground rent. Possession will be given of one of the houses immediately, and the other in 30 days. Any person wishing to purchase, one fourth of the purchase money will be required in hand, one fourth in 3 months, and the balance in 12 months, by paying interest and giving a security on the property. I will also sell or rent, Two new two-story Brick Houses, 25 feet front by 36 feet deep, situated near Pennsylvania Avenue, on the corner of E and B Streets, between the great Hotel and the President's house. The situation for private families or stores, is equal, if not preferable, it being at present in the most populous part of the City. Possession will be given of one of the houses on the first day of next May, and the other on the first day of June following—One fourth part of the purchase money will be required in hand, one fourth in 90 days, and the balance will be taken either in negroes, dry goods or groceries. The negroes at their valuation, and the goods at the wholesale prices.
I will also sell, Six or eight thousand acres valuable Kentucky land. The terms of payment will be required as above mentioned. The subscriber intends carrying on the brick-laying and plastering business extensively, and will keep a constant supply of bricks and lime for sale, he will also undertake to furnish all materials to any person disposed to build in the City, on the most reasonable terms for cash. Application to be made to Francis Peyton, Esq. for the property in Alexandria, or to N. VOSS. City of Washington, April 3, 1801. 2M
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. WHEREAS, by the first Article of the Terms and Conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th day of October 1791, for regulating the Materials and manner of Buildings and Improvements on the lots in the CITY OF WASHINGTON, it is provided, "that the outer and party walls of all Houses in the said City, shall be built of brick or stone"—And by the third Article of the same Terms and Conditions, it is declared, "that the wall of no House shall be higher than forty feet to the Roof in any part of the City, nor shall any be lower than thirty five feet in any of the Assignments."—And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the Settlement in the City of Mechanics and others, whose circumstances did not admit of erecting Houses authorised by the said Regulations; for which cause, the President of the United States, by a Writing under his Hand, bearing date the twenty fifth day of June 1796, suspended the operation of the said Articles, until the first Monday of December 1800—and the beneficial effects arising from such suspension having been experienced, it is deemed proper to revive the same. WHEREFORE, I THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, do declare, that the operation of the first and third Articles, above recited, shall be, and the same is hereby suspended until the first Day of January 1802, and that all the Houses which shall be erected in the said City of Washington, previous to the said first Day of January 1802, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected, except that no wooden House shall be erected within twenty four feet of any brick or stone House. Given under my hand this 11th Day of March, 1801. (Signed) TH. JEFFERSON. 2 w 6 w.
BUILDERS. WILLIAM LOVERING, of George-Town, and WILLIAM DYER, of the City of Washington, having commenced partnership in the Architectural and Carpenter line of business, which they are determined to carry on with ability, integrity and dispatch, hope for the patronage of their friends and the public. Having a number of the best workmen now employed, are ready to execute any orders which they are determined shall be done in the best workman like manner for those who will please to favor them with their commands. Orders directed to W. LOVERING, Garet near the Union Tavern, George Town, or to W. DYER, 1 Street, North of the new War Office, City of Washington, will be punctually attended to. N. B. WM. LOVERING has been in the practice of drawing for and superintending great part of the Buildings in the City of Washington and its Vicinity. Washington, April 1. tf

WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, APRIL 13, 1801.
OFFICIAL.
Extract of a letter from the American Consul at Cowes, dated 11th September 1800, to the SECRETARY of STATE.
"Considerable trouble, loss of time and expense has arisen to American ships laden with tobacco, coming to anchor out of the limits of this port, contrary to the express tenor of the tobacco act. An instance of this happened only last week in the case of the American brig Stillman, with tobacco, coming to anchor off Portsmouth, where she was seized in her way to London. I submit to you, whether it will not be proper to make known through the United States, that all ships, laden in whole or in part with tobacco, intending to stop at a port in the channel, should, after passing Falmouth, proceed to the port of Cowes, being the only other tobacco port in the channel, and not come to anchor until their arrival in Cowes Road, excepting through unavoidable necessity, which it will be incumbent on the master to make out, if called on. The commissioners of the customs have hitherto, on representation, liberated such ships as have been seized in my district, but the act being expressly contravened by such conduct, the law may be enforced, and loss of ship and goods be the consequence."
The Frigates President, Philadelphia, and Essex are ordered to rendezvous in Hampton roads by the 20th instant. We understand that they will then proceed on a cruise to the Mediterranean; and not, as has been stated in several prints, proceed with convoys to the West Indies.
The United States sloop of war Portsmouth is ordered to be dismantled of her war-like stores at Norfolk, and from thence she is ordered to proceed to Baltimore, where she will be sold at public sale, of which due notice will be given.
Representatives of Congress elected for Maryland.
GENERAL SAMUEL SMITH, without opposition.
JOSEPH H. NICHOLSON, without opposition.
JOHN ARCHER, by 881 votes, to 29 votes given to JOHN CARLISLE.
RICHARD SPRIGG, in the room of JOHN C. THOMAS.
GENERAL HEISTER.
MR. PLATER.
MR. CAMPBELL.
The five first named are republican, the two last federal.
On the arrival of JOHN LANGDON in Portsmouth, he was received with the liveliest emotions of joy. A large body of respectable citizens met him at Greenland, the bells rang, and he entered the town under a federal salute of artillery.
Mr. BEERS, lately appointed attorney of the United States for the district of Albany, declined that appointment immediately on his being officially advised of it. N. York paper.
The Chevalier De Frere, formerly ambassador from Portugal to the United States, is appointed Prime Minister of the Court of Lisbon.
The Mail from Huntingdon to Philadelphia has been robbed, and a large sum in bank notes taken out. Among the notes were two of 500 dollars, and several of smaller denomination.
The second report from the committee of the house of commons proposes, that 12,000l. be given as premiums among proprietors and occupiers of land, for the greatest number of acres cultivated with potatoes, on ground which had not been used as potatoe or hop ground or yielded any arable crop during the last seven years; that 13,000l. be given, in England and Wales, and 3,000l. in Scotland, to the cottagers, for the greatest quantity of potatoes raised on ground in their own possession; and that 3000l. be granted to the board of agriculture, for the purpose of granting honorary premiums to such owners or occupiers of land, as shall, this year, allot the greatest quantities of land among cottagers, to be planted with potatoes, in portions of not more than three fourths nor less than one-fourth of a rod.
A general report of the committee at Lloyd's Coffee-house, for the relief of the industrious poor in the cities of London and Westminster, &c. has been just published. From thence it appears, that 148,000 persons were relieved last year, one-third of whom must otherwise have sunk into extreme indigence, or fallen a burden upon their respective parishes. The whole expence was borne by the subscriptions of about twenty corporate and public bodies, and from 10,000 to 11,000 benevolent individuals, among whom the quakers are eminently conspicuous.
On the 21st of February, in the British House of Commons, Mr. Wilberforce Bird stated, in his remarks on a petition from the inhabitants of Foshill, near Coventry, complaining of the increase of poor-rates, that in the town which was composed of 641 houses, only 86 were then inhabited! the paupers amounted to 1300 persons—and that unless relief was granted the parish would be destroyed.
The petition from Leeds, in favor of peace was to be delivered to Mr. Wilberforce this morning, to be presented by him to his Majesty. It attributes the present scarcity and distressed state of their manufactures to the ruinous war, and is signed by upwards of twenty thousand persons, among whom are the most considerable merchants, manufacturers, mill-owners, &c. of the place; and we understand that similar petitions will shortly be presented from most of the manufacturing towns in the neighbourhood. [Lond. pap.]
MARRIED, On Tuesday evening, by the Rev. S. E. Baich, Mr. B. ENGLISH, one of the proprietors of the Museum, to Miss SALLY THRELKELD, both of George Town.
BOSTON, April 3.
LATEST NEWS.
Last evening arrived, ship Packet, from Liverpool, and brought London papers to March 4. The following is a very hasty summary of the intelligence they contain:
The former information of the protecting bounties on American flour is confirmed, with the addition, that on flour cleared out from America after the 25th March, the protecting prices are to be reduced to 68s. fine; 70s. superfine, per bbl. of 196 lbs. and are to continue so on all flour that may arrive in England before the 1st of October next.
We do not find that Mr. Pitt had left his office at the latest date.
Under the Paris head it is mentioned, that Spain had declared war against Portugal.
NEW-YORK, April 7.
Capt. Thurlon, who arrived here yesterday in 21 days from Curacao, informs, that the day before he failed, the English had detained all Danish and Swedish vessels in that port, which vessels were all hauled up at Lagoon, the place where the English men of war were stationed. There were in port eleven Danish and one Swedish vessel.
By the sch'r Heroine, Captain Brown, in 17 days from St. Croix, we learn, that just before he failed, three Danish ships, three schooners and a sloop were cut out of that harbour by the British; and that there were, when the Heroine failed, three English sloops of war cruising off that port, on board of which were a number of troops; and it was hourly expected they would besiege the place.
LONDON, March 2.
Important intelligence was yesterday received in town from America. The opposition of the Senate to the treaty concluded between the United States and the French Republic, has not been confined to the two articles, which, as we have already seen, have received the disapprobation of that political body. A great number of members wished to add to it, two articles, by the first of which it was stipulated that the United States should not be bound to any thing contrary to any other existing Treaty between them and any other power; and, by the second, that the treaty in discussion should not, as the article agreed upon at Paris stipulates, be unlimited in its duration, but should continue for two years after a general peace. The first of these articles was that which was most essential to our interests in this affair, and the adoption of it would have been sufficient to defeat the political cunning which had manifested itself in the conclusion of the treaty of Paris. The termination of the debate was, however, still more favoura-
ble to this country. The treaty was approved by a majority of 16 against 14; but this has been its death blow, the Constitution requires to its ratification a majority of two thirds of the voters, and as this was not the case in the present instance, the treaty is rendered null and void.
This event must be considered as matter for general congratulation, and particularly so in the circumstances in which we now stand. As Mr. Pitt predicted, whatever may happen, one nation will remain firm in her neutrality, whose principal means of existence is commerce, which will be the active agent of that of England, and will circulate the produce of our industry among those very people, who, though they reject it, cannot do without it.
Found—A Bank Note, of considerable value, by the servant of JOSIAS M. SPEAKE. April 13, 1801. 3t
FOR SALE OR RENT, A three story Brick House, On square 881, near the Navy Yard. For terms apply to JOSEPH WHEAT, on the premises, or to the subscriber. NOTLEY MADDOX. April 13, 1801. 3t
The subscriber will exchange a number of LOTS in the City of Washington for a TRACT of LAND, not too distant from a market. The lots are situate on or near the Eastern Branch, and will be exchanged on liberal terms. ALEXANDER YOUNG. City of Washington, April 13, 1801. tf
Com ad & M Mumm HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stable room sufficient for 60 horses—they hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800. tf
A PREMIUM of 100 dollars will be given to any Person who will exhibit the best Plan of BARRACKS, for the Marines, sufficient to hold 500 men, with their officers, and of a House for the commandant. The Plan must be so drawn as to be capable of being hereafter enlarged, and must be so arranged as to suit the dimensions of the lot, which has an East and West front of 615 feet, and a North and South front of 250. The plans must be all lodged at the Navy Office before 1st May. April 3, 1801.
Public Sale of LOTS, IN WASHINGTON CITY, WILL be Sold at Public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Friday the 1st day of May next, at William Tunnicliff's Hotel. Two Hundred Lots, situate between the Capitol and near to the Eastern Branch Ferry—the terms will be one half Cash and the other half at 60 days on Notes negotiable at the Bank of Columbia satisfactorily endorsed. An indisputable title will be given by GEORGE WALKER, Washington, March 2, 1801. tMoy1
NAILS. ALL Kinds of Hammered and Cut Nails, and Brads, Sold at my store in this place, between the President's house and the Six buildings, at the following prices for Cash only. Hammered Nails and Brads. By cwt. or 100 lb. by retail under 56. 200 Nails 12 1-2 d. per lb 13 1-2 d per lb. 120 do 13 13 3-4 10 do 13 3-4 14 1-2 8 do 15 15 1-2 Deck and Spike Nails, 11 1-2 Cut Nails and Brads. 200 Nails 9 1-2 10 1-2 10 do 10 11 8 do 11 12 6 do 12 13 4 do 13 1-2 14 3 do 14 1-2 15 SAMUEL MINTIRE. Washington, Feb. 6, 1801. tf
CHEAP LUMBER FOR SALE, By the Subscriber, on reasonable terms, either by large or small quantities, at his Lumber Yards, the north end of Lamberton, and at the old Sturgeon Pond, above Richards's wharf, A QUANTITY OF ASSORTED LUMBER, viz. One and 1-4 inch, 1-8, and 1 do. Yellow pine heart boards—1 inch pannel, 1-4 do. for floors, 1 do. common, white pine do—2 do. 7 1-4 and 2 1-2 do planks, 1 do. 1-8, and 2-8 do. boards, black walnut—2 do. plank, 1 do. 1-2 do. pannel boards, bedstead-fetts, poplar the whole of the above are well seasoned and fit for use—Clear heart pine, and sap pine white oak, and bilhead, hemlock and white pine scantling, assorted—best kind three feet cedar shingles, dressed and undressed, do. twoc feet
white pine do; do. 1-8 inch cypress do—Sedar rails—Also, white pine sawed rails—shiplap and plastering laths, best kind; white oak waggon timber—sap pine planks sap pine one inch boards, 3-4 cedar, best kind, 3-4 white pine, 3-4 sap pine, seasoned weather boards—A quantity of handsome chestnut railings, sawed 1 x 3 inches and from 4 to 16 feet long, for garden fence, &c. A quantity of chestnut oak posts, dressed and undressed; a quantity of cherry boards, a quantity of large white oak joice, a quantity of chestnut posts—5000 feet of neat beech scantling for tool stocks—5000 feet of Hickamore scantling for oedheads; 2 inch white oak plank; 1 inch white oak boards, 3-4 do. do. do.—25,000 feet superior cherry boards and plank, 3,000 do. very clear 2 inch white pine plank, 3,000 do. handsome beater wood bedsteadetts seasoned, 100,000 prime North Carolina shingles, a quantity of ash plank, 150 tons plaster Paris, warranted, 3,000 bushels best Virginia pit coal, 200 bushel cicans house sand.
The subscriber intends, establishing a Lumber Yard at the Federal City of Washington, which he will keep regularly supplied as above—Any quantities may be agreed for by contract, deliverable as the purchaser may wish, provided that the place of delivery may be comeatable by water with a navigable vessel—Any quantity that may be ordered for shipping abroad, shall be supplied with punctuality and dispatch, agreeable to order.
Gentlemen who are or may be building—as well as carpenters who may be under or may enter into contracts to build and furnish the materials, will find it well worth their attention to apply as above—Applications may be made by letter (post paid) or otherwise, to the subscriber, or left with Wm. and Anthony M. Buckley, or Benj. W. Morris and Co. merchants, Philadelphia.
Also for Sale or to Let, A large commodious Dwelling House, with out buildings complete, and from three to seven acres of land—Two small do. with lots thereto—Also, a fin. H. Store near the river—All laying in the village of Lamberton. NATHAN COMBS. N. B. A Screw Jack to let, that raises from 10 to 40 tons by hand—a constant supply of plaster and Smith's Virginia coal. Lamberton, New Jersey, (on Del.) January 12, 1801. twtf
FOR SALE, A Valuable Tract of LAND, LYING in part on the main Richmond road, a mile from the Rappahannock River, four Miles below Fredericksburg, (in a healthy and most agreeable neighbourhood,) containing about five hundred and thirty three ACRES well watered upon the said Tract there are about two hundred and fifty acres of Wood Land, the greater part of which is equal if not superior in quality to any high lands, yet uncultivated in Spottsylvania. There are upon it a dwelling-house, necessary out houses, a very large barn, and a most valuable Mill seat, with a mill-house already built, capable of Manufacturing Twenty thousand bushels of wheat annually, after being put in perfect repair. There is also upon it about sixty Acres of first rate meadow land, part of which is already reclaimed and has produced very heavy crops of Timothy Hay. The above Land is bounded by the lands of Gen. A. Spottswood, Messrs. Wm. Herndon, Mann Page, Francis Taliaferro, and the Tract the subscriber at present lives on. Any further description I deem unnecessary as those who may be disposed to purchase will of course view the land. Upon said tract there are about one hundred and thirty Bushels of Wheat sown, the greater part of which look well and promising. The said tract of land will be sold by the subscriber at private or public sale, three fourths of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale and the balance in twelve months, bearing interest from the date, the purchaser giving bond with approved security. If not sold by private sale, by the first Monday in May next, it will then be sold on the premises on that day if fair, if not the next day to the highest bidder. The land in the mean time will be shown to any person who may wish to purchase by Messrs Francis Taliaferro, James Tate, Wm. Darnaby and the subscriber. LAURENCE BROOKE. March 18, 1801. tM
To be sold to the highest bidder, at Montgomery Court-house Maryland, on Monday the 6th April next, and terms made known on said day. THE following Tracts of Land adjoining, well adapted to farming and planting with a sufficiency of wood land, in a beautiful and healthy part of the Country, 4 miles from the above named Court House, and 13 from the City of Washington. One called Barnhill containing 20574 Acres, on which is a framed dwelling house 24 by 16 feet, with two brick chimneys, a Barn 60 by 24 feet, shingled roof, & Shedd all round, a Kitchen and other convenient houses—Apple and Peach Orchards. 10 or 12 Acres of Meadow, is well set with Timothy, and more can be made. The other Wickham's goodville, containing 2711-2 Acres, on which is a Framed Dwelling House, 20 by 16 feet, Kitchen, stone milk House 12 feet square—Tobacco and other houses, 12 or 15 Acres of Meadow well set in Timothy, and 70 Acres more can be made. A never failing stream runs through laid land, so that the meadows may be watered with ease. Also on the first day of May next, will be offered at Mr. Tunnicliff's Tavern; one, the most Westerly of the Old Six buildings in the City of Washington, now occupied by Mr. John Coyle. Montgomery County, } 17th March, 1801. } HONORE MARTIN. tM

I.
O reader! hast thou ever stood to see The holly tree? The eye that contemplates it well perceives Its glossy leaves Ordered by an intelligence so wise As might confound the atheist's sophistries.
II.
Below, a circling fence, its leaves are seen Wrinkled and keen, No grazing cattle thro' their prickly round Can reach to wound, But as they grow where nothing is to fear, Smooth and unarm'd the pointless leaves appear.
III.
I love to view these things with curious eyes And moralize; And in the wisdom of the holly tree Can emblems see Wherewith perchance to make a pleasant rhyme, Such as may profit in the after-time.
IV.
So, tho' abroad perchance I might appear Harsh and austere, To those who in my leisure would intrude Reserved and rude, Gentle at home amid my friends I'd be Like the high leaves upon the holly tree.
V.
And should my youth, as youth is apt to know Some harshness show, All vain affectations I day by day Would wear away, Till the smooth temper of my age should be Like the high leaves upon the holly tree.
VI.
And as when all the summer trees are seen So bright and green, The holly leaves their faded hues display Less bright than they, But when the bare and wintry woods we see What then so cheerful as the holly tree?
VII.
So serious should my youth appear among The thoughtless throng, So would I seem amid the young and gay More grave than they, That in my age as cheerful I might be As the green winter of the holly tree.
STATE PAPER.
LEIPZIG, Feb. 16.
The following is a Copy of the Note transmitted on the 12th Feb. by the Prussian Minister Count Haugwitz to Lord Carysfort, the English ambassador, at Berlin.
"The undersigned, State and Cabinet Minister, has laid before his Prussian Majesty the two Notes which Lord Carysfort, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from his Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland, has done him the honor to transmit to him on the 27th January and 1st of February last.
"The undersigned, having it in commission to return an explicit and circumstantial answer, is under the necessity of informing Lord Carysfort, that his Majesty cannot see, without the utmost grief and concern, the violent and hasty measures to which the Court of London has proceeded against the Northern naval powers. Error alone can have given occasion to the measures, as the assertions in the note of the 27th sufficiently shew. In that it is said that the maritime alliance "has for its object to annul the treaties formerly concluded with England, and to prescribe laws to her with respect to the principles of them; that the neutrality is only a pretext to impose these laws on her by force, and to establish an hostile alliance against her."
"Nothing, however, is farther from the abovementioned negotiation, than the principles here supposed. It is founded in justice and moderation, and the communication of a copy of the convention to such of the belligerent powers as had the justice and patience to wait for the same, will prove this beyond the possibility of a denial.
"When in the beginning of January the Minister of his Britannic Majesty officially proposed to the undersigned the question — "Whether the Northern Courts had actually concluded the confederation which had been reported: and whether Prussia had acceded to it?" — the King conceived that the respect which Sovereigns owe to each other, and the liberty possessed by every independent State to consult its own interests, without rendering an account to any communications relative to himself and his allies, and contented himself with answering, that as he had been, without interfering, the connections which England had entered into without consulting him, he considered himself as entitled to the same confidence: and that if the King of Great Britain thought it his duty to support the rights and interests of his kingdom, his Prussian Majesty considered it as not less his duty to employ every means in the defence of the rights and interests of his subjects.
"This answer might have sufficed a few weeks since; but in the situation in which
affairs now are, the King thinks himself called upon to make an explicit declaration to the Court of London, relative to the spirit of the treaty, which has probably been attacked, because it was not known; and which is far from having the offensive views of which the contracting parties have been arbitrarily accused. They have expressly agreed that their measures shall be neither hostile, nor tend to the detriment of any country, but only have for their object the security of the trade and navigation of their subjects. They have been attentive to adapt their new connections to present circumstances.
"The strict justice of his Majesty the Emperor of Russia has even in the detail proposed modifications which alone might be sufficient to indicate the spirit of the whole. It has since been determined that the treaty shall not be prejudicial to those treaties which had before been concluded with any of the belligerent powers. It was also resolved that this determination should be candidly communicated to these powers, to prove the purity of the motives and views of the contracting parties. But England would not allow them time for this. Had she waited this confidential communication she might have avoided those intemperate measures which threaten to spread still wider the flames of war. She might likewise have received satisfaction from the correspondence with Denmark, if, instead of dwelling on two detached passages copied into the first note of Lord Carysfort, from the note of Count Bernstorf of the 31st December, the Court of London had attended to the solemn declaration that "it could never be for a moment imagined that Denmark entertained any hostile projects against Great Britain, or such as were inconsistent with the maintenance of a good understanding between the two powers: and that the Court of Denmark congratulated itself on having obtained an opportunity to contradict such unfounded reports in the most positive manner.
"This open and explicit declaration accorded with the assurances which the undersigned had more than once given to Lord Carysfort on the same subject; and it is difficult to conceive, how the English Court could conclude, as it afterwards appeared that it did from the note of the Danish Minister, that the Convention of the contracting Powers went to establish new principles of maritime law, which had never been acknowledged by the Tribunals of Europe, and the object of which was hostile to England."
"The conclusion is totally false, and is as little authorized by the answer of the Danish Court as the underved accusation, that it proposed "to excite a hostile confederacy against Great Britain, and with that view was employed in active preparations."
"Never were measures more incontestably merely defensive than those of the Court of Copenhagen; and the spirit of them will be less mistaken when it is recollected what menacing demonstrations that Court experienced on the part of the British Government, in consequence of the affair of the frigate Freya before it adopted those measures.
"The arbitrary conduct of England on this occasion is naturally explained by the lofty pretensions she has so long advanced, and which have been several times renewed in the notes of Lord Carysfort, at the expense of all the maritime and commercial powers. The British government has, in the present, more than in any former war, assumed to itself the sovereignty of the sea, and has arbitrarily formed a maritime code, which it is extremely difficult to reconcile with the true principles of the law of nations; it exercises over friendly and neutral powers a usurped jurisdiction, which it maintains to be just, and endeavors to represent as an indefeasible law sanctioned by the tribunals of Europe.
"Never have the sovereigns of England permitted their subjects to be amenable to this law, in the numerous cases when the abuse of power has transgressed the limits of justice. The neutral powers have made the strongest remonstrances and protestations; but experience has shewn that they are generally without effect. It is not therefore surprising, that after so many and repeated injuries they should have had recourse to a measure which may prevent them in future, and with that view have entered into a well concerted alliance, which may define their rights, and place them in a proper relation to the belligerent powers.
"The maritime alliance, as it has been consolidated, will lead to this salutary object, and the king makes no difficulty to declare to his Britannic majesty, that he has found in it his own principles, that he is ultimately convinced of its necessity and
utility, and that he has formally acceded to the convention which was concluded between the courts of Russia, Denmark and Sweden, on the 16th Dec. last: His majesty is, therefore, among the number of the contracting powers, and as such he is obliged not only to take a direct part in all events which may interest the affair of the neutral states, but is bound to support that convention by such vigorous measures as the course of circumstances may require.
"The note of Lord Carysfort refers to a subject relative to which his majesty conceives he is not obliged to answer, nor even has a right to form an opinion; disputes exist between the courts of London and Peterburgh, which in no manner have connection with that with which the above-mentioned minister has endeavored to unite them. But inasmuch as the conduct of Prussia has been hitherto guided by the most unexceptionable impartiality, it will be equally guided by a respect for the alliances which are a proof of it. Stipulations which contain in themselves nothing hostile, and which the security of his subjects prescribed to him, bind him to have recourse to all the means which Providence has placed in his power.
"As unpleasant as the extremities are to which England has proceeded, the king entertains no doubt of the possibility of a speedy return to conciliatory and pacific dispositions; and in this respect confident in the sentiments of justice which he has so often had the happiness to experience on other occasions from his Britannic majesty.
"Only by the recal and en ire taking off of the embargo can things be restored to their former state; and England must judge whether she will consent to afford the neutral powers this means of proceeding to the overtures which they are ready to make. But as long as those measures shall continue, which were adopted from hatred to a common principle, and against an alliance no longer to be feared, the hostile determination which must be the consequence will be the necessary result of the treaty, and the undersigned has it in command to declare to the minister of his Britannic majesty, that the king, while he testifies his concern at the circumstances that have occurred, and which he has never occasioned, will fulfil in the most sacred manner, the obligations imposed on him by treaties.
"The undersigned, while he executes this command, has the honor to assure Lord Carysfort of his high esteem.
(Signed) HAUGWITZ. "Berlin, Feb. 12."
LONDON, February 19. The reader need hardly be told, that it can seldom be instantly possible for us in our present situation, to accompany with remarks, intelligence which reaches us on the spur of an hurried moment, of which the details may happen to be as extended as the importance is immense. — When we yesterday received the French official journal, containing a copy of the treaty of Luneville, and some report of the proceedings of the Consulate, and other public bodies, in consequence of that event, our labours were as anxious as they were severe and solemn. We were engaged in collecting evidence of the treason of Mr. Pitt. A treaty which has prepared for the ultimate and not remote extinction of the power of the imperial house of Austria, were itself no trivial proof of the kind of treason we impute to the dismissed minister, and of which the proof shall be in a few days exhibited to the British nation and to all Europe.
Respecting the intelligence by the Paris mails it is to be observed that it has been anticipated in all the material points for months past. Francis could not maintain his cause against the forces of the republic. Every moral, political, and physical advantage was decidedly in favor of his antagonist. From the moment when Buonaparte acquired power to will the resources of France, to will it according to the inspirations of his own great mind, the fall of the House of Austria appeared to us to be inevitable in the train of the victories of the republicans. Whatever the directory lost, he was obviously destined to regain, whether in popularity at home, or in consequence and illustrious fame abroad.
A different opinion was, we know, entertained on this subject. Several deemed his enterprise not free from peril, nor his cause unallied to danger. During the opening scenes, indeed, of his sublime drama, to some the catastrophe seemed enveloped in mystery, and it was not thought certain, at least only by very few, that France could be restored to the high place she had held in the years 1796 and 1797. in the ranks of nations. Suwarrow was not quite subdued, and Paul was not even disposed to friendship. How altered the times at the moment of this writing?
There would be no justice in suppressing
in this place, those emotions of satisfaction which we feel in being enabled to retrace our opinions from stage to stage, authorized and confirmed by the events of the last campaigns of Italy and Germany. Uniformly we held the belief that, the republicans must prevail, whilst other public writers have not been less unfeigned in the support of their creeds, than the winds are in their adherence to single points of the compass. Echoing the nonsense of priests and royalist chiefs, the ministerialists were uniform in nothing but asserting the justness of their well known professions of the overthrow of the republic, and the subversion of the consular government. That prediction once formed the political creed of even the journalists whose opposition to those writers is pretty systematical, changing only with a tale about a challenge of a regency. But it is almost unworthy of us to occupy our time and our columns with such stuff as the ephemeral croaking of ephemeral scribblers!
In this sentence pronounced on those mole-eyed prophets, nothing unjustly severe is to be discovered. They have supported a cause of which they might have easily perceived the iniquity, but being the mere slaves of selfish sordid ambition, they criminally lent the aid of whatever talent they possess to a minister, whose project was the extermination of thirty millions of people and along with them, of freedom throughout the world. We state these things, because we set out from this hour on a political program, in the whole of which our constant aim and end shall be to draw our country back to the affections of the ancient principles of her constitution and liberties, and to hasten a connection, an union of mind and of opinions between that nation and people to extinguish whom our gold has been lavished, our blood spilt, through nine years of a war, the expenses, losses, disgraces, defeats, and disasters of which, to some countries and foreigners, are as yet, and may ever remain, unparalleled in the annals of all history.
In pursuance of this our fully considered purpose, it now belongs to us to take a view of that treaty of peace which already we have shortly noticed. The conditions of the peace are moderate, under the ruling circumstances at the period of its definitive conclusion. Francis was, as it were, dragged into the field to assert with the sword, the preliminaries of Paris, signed by the Comte St. Julien and authorized by the Court of Vienna. Nothing hardly is conceded by the Emperor in the peace at Luneville which had not either been conceded or implied by those preliminaries. The Republic was to retain her boundary of the Rhine; and the house of Austria to be rounded in Territory both in Italy and the Germanic empire. Secularization was a recognized principle; and if the dukes of Tuscany and Modena are not named in the peace of Paris, we find it there stipulated that the Austrians "evacuate the territory of Tuscany." The stipulation anticipates the changes for which subsequent events have so inevitably prepared. It is the right of the conqueror to trace the line of the possessions to be retained by the conquered.
As we observed yesterday, Austria still retains possessions at once ample, compact, and highly susceptible of improvement. All the Venetian islands, not previously otherwise possessed, have been given to the Emperor; he is confirmed in his sovereignty over Venice and Istria, and Dalmatia is secured to his house; he ceases to be powerful in Italy, and hence ceases to command the means of desolating or disturbing Europe with his wars of aggrandizement and despotism; or, as it is so well expressed in the message of the Consuls to the Tribunate—"Austria, and in this consists the pledge of peace—Austria henceforth, separated from France by extensive regions, will no longer entertain the rivalry and those resentments which, for so many ages, have been the torment of these two powers, and produced the calamities of Europe? It might here have been added, "of which however, the far greater portion have been caused in late years by the closet cabinets of Downing-street!"
The declarations of the future independence of the Cisalpine and Ligurian Republics are peculiarly interesting, as they manifest the devotion of the Consular Government to the cause of universal freedom.
We would willingly here proceed in a detailed view of the general policy, as well as some of the special provisions of that treaty, but are precluded for this day, by the state of our preparations, and particularly by the difficulties of that situation hinted at above.