National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-09-21 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU; (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 94 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, September 21, 1793.
[Total NUMB. 198.]
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
No. 1.
REMARKS ON THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION ENJOINING NEUTRALITY.
THE Proclamation of the President declaring the neutrality of these States, in the present European war, has occasioned much conversation throughout America, and will no doubt attract the attention of the belligerent powers. Great public acts merit the notice of those whom they concern: by foreign nations they will be scanned with freedom: at home they should at least be well understood. The following observations therefore are intended briefly to discuss the propriety of this measure of the chief magistrate.
For this purpose it will be necessary, in the first instance, to mark with precision the design of the Proclamation; and this must be collected principally from the instrument itself. When its true import shall be settled, the subsequent analysis will be short. If perspicuity is the object, there are but few points arising in it, and these by no means of extensive scope.
Before, however, I proceed to a more critical examination of its contents, I think proper to observe, that it must be deemed either an ordinary act of the executive, founded on the existing state of things, and intended as a warning to our citizens to avoid a departure from it; or an independent one growing out of the powers of that department, and in relation to particular occurrences, declaring what the future conduct of these States shall be. In the former view, the President must be considered as only the vindicator or executor of the law as it now is. In the latter, as the author of the law. It must be viewed in one or other of these lights: it either produces some effect, or it does not, and in either case is attributable to the source, and admits only of the construction hereby given.
From the most correct and dispassionate view that I have been able to take of it, I am inclined to think it belongs to the latter head. The following passages in the first and second paragraphs seem to be very explicit to that effect. "Whereas it appears that a state of war exists between, &c. and the duty and interest of the United States require, that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers. I have therefore thought fit, by these presents to declare the disposition of the United States to observe the conduct aforesaid towards those powers respectively, &c." The terms adopt and pursue , in the first paragraph, argue an unsettled state of things, and that something yet remains to be done before their course is shaped: that in relation to a particular object, no arrangement has been made: no plan formed: and that of course one is yet to be adopted. And those in the second, "I have therefore thought fit, by these presents to declare the disposition of the United States, to observe the conduct aforesaid, towards those powers respectively, &c." seem to be regularly founded on the premises contained in the first. A plan or system of conduct is hereby formed and designated. The course which, in his opinion, the duty and interest of the United States require us to adopt and pursue is hereby adopted, and in consequence the pursuit and observance enjoined on the people of America, under the severest penalties.
These terms are in fact too strong and explicit to leave any doubt of the design of the Proclamation; for I cannot conceive what others would have been used, if in reality the sole direction of these States, in relation to that controversy, had been vested in the executive. Nor can it be presumed that the President, if he had not supposed that he possessed the power, and intended this as an exercise of it, would have used a style which countenanced the idea. He well knows that acts of this kind, if allowed, however unauthorized, soon grow into precedent. And he estimates too highly the equal balance of the government, and the security of the public rights, to impair by a vicious one, through the means of executive influence, those of the legislature, already unhappily tottering under the pressure of many causes, from its true equilibrium.
Other considerations, though extraneous to the act, yet connected with the transaction, demonstrate still further the propriety of this construction. The President here-
by declares the disposition of the United States, relative to that controversy. From what authority did he make the declaration? There exists, it is true, a competent power in the government for that purpose. It must be vested either in the legislative, or executive, or jointly in both. But the former had expressed no sentiment on the subject, and its sense could only be known by its own acts. That the legislature had not declared otherwise, when the point had never been submitted to their consideration, nor brought by any incident before them, would be no warrant to infer that such was their disposition . The common and negative state of things was no ground for an affirmative conclusion. The act in either view should be an affirmative one, or drawn from an affirmative proposition negatived. And if to the legislature the power belonged, and any emergency called for the decision, that body should have been convened, and every circumstance necessary to a sound decision laid before it.
Upon the idea that the legislature possessed the power in question, and the Proclamation was intended in the view above suggested, the conduct of the chief magistrate would be deemed not only unworthy of him, but highly reprehensible. To take for granted, and to proclaim as the absolute disposition and final arrangement of his country, and upon the most important concerns , what was never decided, nor even discussed by the proper authority; to withhold from that authority, and during a long adjournment, although conditionally subjected to his call, those considerations which made some decision necessary; and to regulate in the interim, those great political movements, if not in direct opposition to the sense of the community, yet certainly by an usurpation of its powers, would be acts too daring and outrageous to be borne by an independent and free people. They surely are not attributable to the present chief magistrate of the United States!
The replies given by the President to the several addresses presented him on this head, is another source from which some light may be thrown on this subject. Proceedings of this kind, it is true, are generally to be considered more, as official ceremonies, than as official acts. Yet, where the address is founded on an official act, the reply so far as it extends, may be fairly deemed explanatory of the act itself, as well as of the motives which led to it. With this view the whole should be examined by the inquisitive and impartial reader. It will be found that they all breathe the same sentiment, or at least form no departure from it. For for sake of brevity however, I shall content myself by referring to the first, being that which was rendered to the merchants of Philadelphia. It contains the following paragraph—"Fully persuaded that the happiness and best interests of the people of the United States will be promoted by observing a strict neutrality in the present contest among the powers of Europe—it gives me pleasure to learn that the mensure which I have taken to declare to the world their disposition on this head, has given general satisfaction to the citizens of Pennsylvania." We find here precisely the same sentiments already expressed in the Proclamation, with the same tone of authority, and apparent latitude and exercise of discretion.
Whether then we regard the contents of the proclamation itself, or those other considerations connected with it, we are led to conclude, that the President conceived himself constitutionally authorized to control the political conduct of these states, in relation to the present European war; and actually intended his proclamation as an exercise of that power, thereby declaring their neutrality therein. And under this construction I shall next proceed to examine the propriety of the act in question.
WARREN.
From the RICHMOND CHRONICLE.
DREAMS, according to ancient and modern theologians, have generally been ranged under two different classes, the supernatural and natural—the first being the immediate inspiration from heaven, in order to inform mankind of an approaching good, or to admonish them against an approaching evil—the latter being an impression stamped on the minds of men by some object wherein they feel themselves highly interested, either individually, or as members of the community whereof they belong: to which of these causes the follow-
ing dream ought to be attributed, is left to the judgment of the reader:—I dreamt I was once more* in the Federal city in the year 1830, and on my entrance saw the man whom I had seen in the year 1820, who now informed me that he was the guardian genius of America, & immediately directed me to follow him to the palace door of the President, where he would unfold to me the fate of my much beloved America—I obeyed, my mind foreboding some great calamity. Ten years ago, said he, you was astonished at the folly of your countrymen, in allowing such magnificent buildings to be erected, but how much more cause have you now to deplore the frailty of human nature; Observe the superb decorations of the various palaces of the officers of government, and the 6 per cent. gentry, with their equipages and numerous attendance, consisting of fiddlers, dancing and singing masters, cooks and barbers, and then tell me if such imitations of the customs of the European princes, are not sufficient to draw every European vice and folly on the nation? That tall man you saw just now enter the levee room is Mr. IMPLICATION, lord chief justice of the United States; all the officers of the Federal government have the highest respect for him, for when any of them feel inclined to encroach on the rights of the people, they apply to him. It is to him the senate applied in order to keep their doors shut—It is to him the secretary of the treasury applied in order to puzzle himself, and the nation, with his sublime financiering for four years—It is to him that they applied to contrive treaties, to the dishonour of the nation—It is also to him they applied for law to determine the unjust payment of British debts—and it is to him that the Federal government by various assumptions of power, will imperceptibly swallow up the State governments—Therefore, said he, proclaim aloud to the nation, and fear no man, and say that this ten miles square will cause her destruction; for it is the receptacle of every vice and of every folly—the opulent, the ambitious, and designing men are here collected—the standing army, the navy, the arsenal, and magazines, with every other warlike preparation; are all under the control of men, whose uniform conduct betrays an avidity to pre-eminence and lucrative offices, and to procure and preserve which every artifice will be exerted. America wants neither pomp nor show in order to be well governed. It is only necessary among despots to delude the people with baubles.—The energetic manner which he seemed to exclaim with, had such an effect on my organs, that I awoke.
* For the first dream, see National Gazette No. 179.
The following Proclamation was published by Gen. Rochambeau, at Martinique, on the 4th of July last:—It is an address to all the free Citizens of that colony.
CITIZENS, THE French fleet is to arrive here soon, to give the patriots a triumph over the rebellious inhabitants, and the coalesced English. But still we have something to do before the arrival of the civil commissaries; we shall, no doubt, succeed in the execution. All the negroes remain inactive—a great number of slaves have deserted their work, to fly to the diverse camps—they are dispersed over the country; they kindle conflagrations and commit horrid murders and dreadful depredations. It is the duty of all the friends of France to prevent such excesses: the united patriots must put the slaves in mind of their duty, they must render them subservient both to agriculture and their masters. It belongs to the committee of Surveillance to propagate this doctrine—it belongs to the brave National Guards to spread it; and I am positive that the free men of colour, who have fought under my eyes with so much courage, will feel the importance of this useful truth. Let them be well persuaded that the plantations of the emigrants ought to be cultivated with as much care as those of the patriots, since they belong to the republic, and since these very plantations are to pay the expence of this civil war.
In consequence, we order the committee of Surveillance, first to sequester all the plantations and possessions of the emigrants from this colony. 2ndly, To ascertain the quantity of sugars, coffee and other goods or effects that shall be found on said plantations, that nothing may be diverted. 3rdly, To disarm all the slaves who, under the title of "company of workmen," de-
predat the country; reserving to me the right to establish and to take in the pay of the republic a body of free men under the name of "Chasseurs of Martinique," of which I have given the command to citizen Bellegarde, and for which I have chosen officers—4thly, To require assistance from the military commandants, established by us, for the preservation of the said objects, and for the disarming of the slaves, these said commandants shall be answerable for the depredations committed by their troops.—5thly, We also order the diverse committees of Surveillance to take the names of all the armed slaves who have distinguished themselves in this war, that I may free them, first taking with their masters proper measures to indemnify them—and that I may present a list of the others to the civil commissaries, and solicit their liberty.—6thly, We order every armed slave to retire peacefully within eight days after the publication of this proclamation to the plantation of his master, after having deposited his musket into the hands of the officer of the committee of the place where he shall be; and in case of a contravention, he shall be immediately arrested by the national guard of this place; and executed without any other form, if he make any resistance.—7thly, The committees of Surveillance shall give to the said slaves a certificate, in the form presented to them, to attest their good conduct and their docility.—8thly, We forbid all owners of negroes who have aided in this war to inflict on them any punishment whatever, when they shall return to their plantation.—9thly, We order the planters and those charged with the care of the sequestrations, to cause a great quantity of provisions to be raised, to make amends for those furnished by force during the last campaign.
Done at the fort of the Republic, the 4th of July 1793, the 2d year of the French Republic.
ROCHAMBEAU.
Domestic Intelligence.
Newbury-Port, Sept. 7. Yesterday arrived here, brig Margaret, capt. J. Holland, in 8 weeks from Hamburg—Captain Holland spoke with a large fleet of English men of war, in the English channel, on the 22d of July—on the 23d spoke another fleet of English men of war, both bound up the channel, treated him very civilly, as did a number of privateers which he spoke on his passage—On the 27th July, spoke with the ship Morning-Star, William Campbell, master, of and from Philadelphia, bound to Falmouth, about 16 leagues W. of Scilly, all well.—August 18th, spoke a large fleet of English ships from Jamaica, bound to England; under convoy of 5 sail of men of war, one of which boarded him but treated him very civilly.
Boston, Sep. 9. Captain J. Freeman, from Bayonne, in France, but last from St. Andero, where he was carried by a Spanish privateer, and which he left the last of July—informing that the Spaniards do but very little in the war, and do not appear disposed to risk much. While he was at Bayonne, it was expected for 19 days, that the Spaniards were meditating an attack upon that place; but when he came away it was reported, that they were all called off for another expedition.
Baltimore, Sept. 14. This forenoon a detachment of capt. Mackenheimer's company of militia, marched out of town to take possession of a pass on the Philadelphia road in order to stop all persons coming from that city to this town; till they are examined by health officers, and declared free of the malignant fever; or any other dangerous disease which might infect the inhabitants of Baltimore, who were never known at this season of the year to enjoy a better state of health than they do at present.
Yesterday evening the President arrived in this town from Philadelphia, on his way to Mount Vernon.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Rotterdam, to his brother in this town dated June 26.
"The French hold fast; they, a few days past, made a very great slaughter among the Dutch; but in this country your sentiments must be kept secret; for a little disclosure your head is off; so you cannot expect much news to be depended on from the combined armies."
Salem, Sept. 10. Capt. Henderson in the Schooner Polly, arrived since our last

From Nantz, in 30 days; he informs us that he left that city the 14th July, and that for 15 days previous to his departure it was besieged by an army of between 60 and 80,000 royalists or insurgents; that the city was defended by 50,000 national troops, who were aided by the inhabitants; that the general after visiting the different posts, and guarding securely the city, made a sally upon the enemy with 30,000 chosen troops, at 10 in the morning on the 29th June; he met a warm reception from them, and the contest continued the whole day. At dark, the national troops returned, leaving the insurgents, who in the night retreated to their fortification, about nine miles from Nantz. The day after, Henderson sailed, the general marched from the city with 35,000 troops, in order to attack the insurgents in their encampment—he was to be joined with an army of one hundred thousand men from Paris, with a fine field of artillery—and it was generally believed at Nantz, that the 2 armies would utterly destroy that of the rebels. The people in the city had been much alarmed for their fate during the siege, but had recovered their spirits at the defeat of the royalists, and were under no apprehensions of a second attack. It was impossible to ascertain the number killed—upwards of 100,000 men were fighting nearly 10 hours, and the firing was incessant—it was supposed there were nearly 20,000 killed and wounded on both sides. The general would not give a statement of the killed and wounded of the patriots—the latter must have been considerable, as the trumpeters went through the city, requesting the use of the spare beds of the inhabitants for the wounded soldiers, which was immediately complied with.
The insurgents were poorly armed, many of them having nothing but long wooden spears—but they have been insatiable to such a degree by the obstinate priests, their leaders, that they evinced great valour, marching up to the mouths of the patriots' field pieces. Many of the prisoners who were brought in, declared their wish to have died in battle on that day. (St. Peter's) as the priests told them that Saint would deliver up to the slain the keys of heaven, and permit them to march therein! A volunteer artillery officer, who frequently dined with capt. Henderson, informed him that in pursuing the retreating insurgents, for three miles they were obliged to drag their field pieces over the dead bodies of the enemy.
A gentleman in this town has received a letter from his correspondent at Cadiz, informing of the shortness of the crops in Spain, and the great scarcity of grain—flour was 40/ sterling per barrel.
CITIZEN FRENEAU.
I HAVE anxiously considered the nature of the malignant fever, which has for some time raged with so much violence in Philadelphia. It appears to be the putrid yellow fever of the West-Indies, which also occurs in many other countries, during a long continuance of hot weather. The symptoms of the disorder are pain and heaviness in the head, sickness with an inclination to vomit, anxiety and oppression about the region of the heart, a feeble pulse, great prostration of strength, and defect of perspiration.
Whether with some medical authors we consider the redundancy and depravation of the bile, as one of the causes of the disorder, or merely as a symptom; it is generally allowed, that if it is not immediately removed by proper evacuating medicines, it becomes a secondary cause of irritation, and supports the disease.
Some eminent physicians considering this disease as arising wholly from debility, confine their method of cure to cordial, stimulating, and tonic remedies; the cold bath is particularly recommended, and is said to have been effectual in removing the disease in twenty-four hours. This plan was recommended by Francis Pearce of Santa Cruz, fourteen years ago, in a letter to Dr. Lettsom, of London. Had this elegant and easy method of cure been found generally successful, there is no doubt it would by this time have been universally adopted in the islands: on the contrary, we find evacuations in the commencement of this disease are still thought absolutely necessary.
The symptoms and history of the disease point to two indications of cure—
1. To remove congestions in the abdominal vessels. 2. To remove the atonia of the extreme vessels, and promote perspiration.
The disordered state of the stomach and bowels indicates the necessity of having the first passages cleansed by vomits and purgatives. To answer these intentions, the patient on the first appearance of the disease should dissolve three grains of emetic tartar in a pint of water, and take one third every half hour, until the desired effect is produced. As a purge, eight or ten grains of calomel, united with the same quantity of jalap, as recommended by our worthy citizen Dr. Rush, is equal to any. I would rather increase the quantity of the mercury than jalap, because whilst the latter acts merely as a purge, the former has some effect as a general stimulus on the system, and therefore tends to remove glandular obstructions, and to promote secretion in
the smaller vessels. In the present alarming fever, which has increased beyond the power of regular medical assistance, every family should be provided with the above medicines, by the early use of which, the great danger of the disorder may be removed.
A medical gentleman now residing in Philadelphia, who for a number of years had an extensive practice in the island of Jamaica, informs me that it is common in that place for the type of the yellow fever to be changed to that of a remittent on the early and free use of Evacuants. May not the alteration observed in the appearance of the fever in Philadelphia, be attributed to a similar mode of practice now adopted by the physicians, in the place of bark, wine and opium, with which they at first attacked the disease, to obviate the symptoms of debility?
Some physicians object to purgative medicines in this disease, from their taking off the determination from the surface: but this objection applies only to violent drastic medicines, which we by no means recommend. Dr. Huck, who was for some time in the French and Spanish islands in the West Indies, after describing the symptoms of the most malignant fevers, observes—"I have more than once seen this fever with all these symptoms, carried off by bleeding, and exhibiting within a few hours from the first attack of the disease, a medicine which operated pretty briskly both by vomit and stool." In a continued putrid fever, which takes place every year in the island of Java, Bontius says, the evacuation of the first passages is the principal part of the cure.
Dr. Lind, in his Essays, giving directions for the cure of the putrid fevers which attack strangers in warm climates, observes, that the chief object of attention in all such fevers, are the contents of the stomach and intestines.
Our second indication is to remove the atonia of the extreme vessels. This I consider of not less importance than the former, but which is too frequently neglected, to the great danger of the patient.
The perspirable matter and other fluids being confined in the small vessels, for want of power in those vessels to perform their proper functions, soon becomes putrid, therefore a necessity of the immediate application of stimulants, to excite the action of the vessels, by which the fluids contained in them may be discharged, otherwise the putrid matter itself soon becomes a powerful sedative, and produces coma, lethargy, and death. At this fatal stage of the disease, blisters have been universally recommended; but a putrefaction of the fluids contained in the vascular and cellular system having taken place, the application of this valuable medicine is generally attended with no other advantage, than for a short time to rouse the patient from his state of lethargy.
Baglivi, an eminent physician of Rome, highly recommends blistering plaisters, in fevers accompanied with a very low pulse, a coldness in the extreme parts, anxiety, a propensity to sleepy disorders, & other marks of coagulation. Dr. Cullen, when speaking of the cure of the plague, recommends blisters to take off directly the spasm from the surface. Blisters were considered merely as stimulants, and used as such by the Arabians, who first invented them and brought them into use. Considering Cantharides as a general and powerful stimulus, why not make use of this valuable medicine in the first stage of the disease, to remove the atonia of the vessels. This desirable purpose might be effected, and a general perspiration promoted at the same time, by uniting the tincture of Cantharides with an equal quantity of sweet spirit of nitre and antimonial wine, of which mixture fifteen drops might be taken every three hours, beginning early in the disorder: During the use of this remedy, plenty of diluents, tamarind water, and acidulated drinks, should be made use of. After the removal of the fever, and the violent symptoms of the disorder are abated, a nourishing diet, wine, and the cold bath, should be made use of to restore the tone of the system.
I have not mentioned Bleeding in this disorder, because, except in very plethoric habits, I do not think it necessary to the cure. Most authors, as well ancient as modern, generally agree that malignant fevers by no means admit of bleeding—yet Sydenham and Astruc administered it in all cases; and Huxam and Pringle allow it may be performed with advantage under certain circumstances, especially in the beginning. Huxam asserts, that where there is a redundancy of blood, particularly in strong and plethoric habits, it is absolutely necessary, and should be done as early as possible.
As to the doctrine of antidotes, to prevent the contagion, it is as vain as the doctrine of charms. The only method of preventing the operation of the contagion, is to put the body in a state superior to it, by cold bathing, generous but temperate living, and particularly by keeping the body cool and open by the use of laxatives. We find children who are generally in this state, generate less bile, and are less subject to the disease than the young and middle aged in whom the bile abounds.
GEO. LOGAN. Sept. 18, 1793.
Observations on the late instructions to British sea commanders: Addressed to the particular consideration of merchants, farmers, and artisans.
[From The (Boston) Independent Chronicle.]
THE late additional instructions given at St. James's, to the commanders of his majesty's ships of war and privateers, &c. totally destroy the free trade of these states, which we are entitled to as a neutral power. Tho' we are acting strictly within the bounds of neutrality, yet we are reduced almost to as bad a situation, as it respects our commerce, as if we were actually at war. The exportation of the produce of this country, of corn, meal, and flour into any port of France, is absolutely prohibited, and this whole trade is now monopolized by the British.
These enumerated articles are ordered to be sent into the British ports, not to be sold at the open market, for the highest price that can be obtained, but to be purchased on behalf of his majesty's government, and at such rates as certain agents may think fit to give. The master probably to receive his pay in exchequer bills, which may be at a depreciation of 10 per cent.
Let any merchant judge how this will operate on his property, not only from the price of the articles being greatly reduced in the British ports, by the quantity sent in, but from the exclusive right assumed by government, to purchase them without any competitor, at such rates as they may please to allow. It is probable, from this mode, that the American produce will be sold to government, at a much less rate than it cost in America.
But it is answered, "that the masters of such ships, on giving due security, to be approved of by the court of admiralty, are permitted to proceed to the ports of any country in amity with his majesty." This clause is a mere finesse, to give a plausible appearance of generosity and equity to the transaction; for every man must know, that the difficulty will be so great to obtain this "due security," that no master will be able to take any advantage from this apparent indulgence.
The 2d article exposes every American vessel to condemnation, as the commanders of his majesty's ships of war, privateers, &c. are licensed to seize all ships, "WHATEVER BE THEIR CARGOES," that should be found attempting, after a certain period, to enter any blockaded port, and to send the same to England for "CONDEMNATION." By this article, the trade of this country to France is entirely destroyed; as it rests solely with his majesty to declare any port to be blockaded, and all vessels cleared out for such port, "whatever be their cargoes," are subject to condemnation.
The state of the American trade, notwithstanding our neutrality, stands thus: The English West-India islands are by acts of Parliament expressly shut against us—our navigation labouring under every embarrassment and restriction in the English ports—our fur-trade cut off by retaining our frontier posts—and our vessels and cargoes forfeited, should we attempt to carry on any trade whatever, with the only European power that offers to negotiate with us on the terms of reciprocity.
A blessed situation truly! CAMILLUS and PACIFICUS come forward and vindicate the lenity of Britain; continue to blast the French, and vent their spleen against the only nation that seem disposed to befriend us.
Is it agreeable to the modern usage of nations, that neutral vessels, "whatever may be their cargoes," should be sent into the port of one power at war for "CONDEMNATION," for attempting to enter the port of another?—This is a stretch of authority never before practised, and in fact is a wanton display of arrogance, too humiliating to be submitted to by a sovereign nation.
If our trade is so completely deranged, whence are to arise our funds for the payment of our public debt?—A serious consideration this even for PACIFICUS, unless a LAND-TAX is recommended by him to make up the deficiency.
It is probable by the next European ships we shall hear, what ports are declared blockaded by his majesty, and without doubt every port in France will be considered in that predicament; also their West-India islands, provided a British cutter is sent to cruise within certain latitudes, to effect the "indemnity" hinted at by Mr. Fox, in his late speech.
The unfriendly disposition of Britain towards this country, we may expect, will be fully discovered under the sanction of his majesty's late "instructions." Our WEST-INDIA TRADE, FISHERIES, and every other valuable branch of commerce, will ere long fall a sacrifice to the unparalled "USAGE" now adopted by this nation. As they have prohibited the American trade to their West-India islands, they will now endeavour to destroy what we carry on with the French. This effort will be made under the extensive, unlimited plea, of preventing supplies to places declared by his majesty as blockaded.
It is a serious reflection to every citizen of these states, that notwithstanding our neutrality, we are thus exposed to such
gross impositions. A neutral nation can any measure be more unjust than that our vessels and cargoes (whatever they may be) should be subject to "condemnation," should we attempt to send them to any place which his majesty may please to declare blockaded, even though they are articles which the LAWS OF NATIONS never specified or conceived to be contraband?
"WHATEVER MAY BE THEIR CARGOES," are expressions which, like a sponge, strike at one dash our whole navigation with the French nation, and of consequence throw trade altogether under the controul of the British.
Provided this is suffered to be practiced, whence are to arise our commercial advantages as a neutral nation?—So far from being carriers for the powers at war, we are deprived of being our own carriers, unless to such places as the king of Great-Britain, in his great goodness, shall condescend to permit us.
It is hoped that Congress will be soon called together, that the energy of our government, in its legislative capacity, may be exercised, speedily to baffle the destructive measures systematically pursuing by the English to destroy the commerce of these states.—The promotion of our navigation, and the support of our national dignity, being the fundamental principles in the adoption of the Federal Constitution, it is presumed that our political fathers at their next meeting, will enact such restrictive commercial acts, as will effectually retaliate on the arrogant measures of the British, and confine that haughty domineering nation at least within the bounds of decency and moderation.—Merchants!—Farmers!—Artisans! of America—your interests are immediately concerned in this important business.
A CONSISTENT FEDERALIST.
From the RICHMOND and MANCHESTER ADVERTISER, of September 9.
IT has become a question in this country, whether the citizens of Richmond and its vicinity, at their meeting of the 17th inst. were not at least premature, in their censures obliquely thrown against the French Minister.—This measure seems to have taken rise from no better foundation, than the rumour of some insult said to have been offered by the Minister to the President of the United States, evidenced by a certificate of a very singular complexion under the signatures of "John Jay" and "Rufus King" in the following words:—
NEW-YORK.
"CERTAIN late publications render it proper for us to authorise you to inform the public, that a report having reached this city from Philadelphia, that Mr. Genet, the French Minister, said he would appeal to the People from certain decisions of the President; we were asked, on our return from that place, whether he had made such a declaration—we answered THAT HE HAD, and we also mentioned it to others, authorising them to say that we had so informed them."
"JOHN JAY. "RUFUS KING."
These two gentlemen have been so long in the practice of the Carthaginian virtues, as to have become perfect adepts, in all their crooked mysteries, and to the adroitness of their former exploits, this certificate will add one more honourable testimony.
The certificate furnishes neither the time, place, nor circumstances, attending the expression. It is not stated, whether it was the result of some convivial humour; whether the sudden ebullition of the moment, preceded by some palliating circumstance, or whether it was urged in his official communications with the President. If it were used in either of the two first cases, it would not seem to merit that seriousness, which these two gentlemen have annexed to it: If it were used in the latter case, the public would still remain uninformed, in what manner and by whose instrumentality, it has found its way to the public ear.
The executive council of advice usually consists of the secretary of state, the secretary of the treasury, & the attorney-general.—Communications from foreign ministers respecting the affairs of their respective nations, are very properly kept secret. A promulgation of them by any member of this council, would be a gross breach of Presidential confidence. The President's assent alone could furnish a justification for such conduct. It cannot be presumed, if the fact asserted of the minister be true, and done in his official capacity, the President would sanction its promulgation with his assent. Such a measure would not only be an avowal of the inability of the President to protect himself from insult, by means of his constitutional powers; but he would thereby exhibit himself to the world of nations, as the discoverer of a new species of punishment for foreign ministers, to wit, an unqualified surrender of them to the public, to undergo the wanton flagellations of the press. It is thought the President is not envious of the honour of the discovery, and would not feel himself complimented if the public should insist upon ascribing it to him. Hence it would not seem to be fairly ascertained, that the

PHILADELPHIA.
SATURDAY, September 21.
We are informed, from good authority, that the report of the yellow fever being prevalent in Burlington and Princeton, is without foundation: those two places, as well as all others in Jersey, being at present exempt from contagious diseases of every kind.
Abundance of wise caution is taken by the police and people of New-York for preventing the spreading of the yellow fever from this city. The corporation have come to a resolution to prevent all intercourse with Philadelphia: for this purpose armed guards are placed at the different landings, with orders to send back every person going to N. York from this place. No lodging houses are to receive persons from Philadelphia under the severest penalties. Prayers, however, were to be offered up in most of the churches of N. York, that the contagion in Philadelphia may be speedily destroyed or abated—and the ships and vessels performing quarantine below Governor's island, are ordered to wear black flags, as a signal to the market boats not to approach too near them.
The ship Manchester, we hear, has been got off Turtle Gut beach, and is arrived in the Delaware. A letter received by her, dated July 24th, mentions that "the French had entirely defeated the insurgents: it was also the current news in London, that they had totally defeated the combined armies, and repulsed them from before Valenciennes."
On Tuesday, the 27th ult. a large company of respectable citizens assembled at Harris's hotel in Charleston (S. C.) to celebrate the victory of the French frigate l'Ambuscade over the British frigate Boston—in which the old English prejudice, that one Englishman is a match for three Frenchmen, was very successfully contradicted. The company, we hear, dined with great festivity, and the following toasts were drank, viz. 1. Citizen Bombard, and his heroic crew; may Liberty always have such gallant defenders. [3 cheers.] 2. The President of the United States. 3. Citizen Genet, Minister from the Republic of France. 4. General Custine. 5. The memory of General Dampierre, and the heroes of every rank who died in defence of liberty. 6. The United States of America—perpetuity to their alliance with France. [3 cheers.] 7. The National Convention of France: wisdom and unanimity to their councils. 8. The army and navy of France. 9. May Republicanism predominate throughout the world, to the utter destruction of baneful aristocracy! [3 cheers.] 10. May America never forget the services rendered her, in her day of trial. 11. The rights of man. 12. The Republican members of Congress:—a decided majority to their patriotic measures. 13. May Wisdom and Gratitude influence the councils of the United States, in their conduct towards the French Republic. 14. The patriotic jury of Philadelphia, who acquitted Gideon Henfield, and supported the rights of man.
On the 14th instant a detachment of militia were marched out of Baltimore, to take possession of a pass on the Philadelphia road, in order to stop all passengers from hence coming into the town.—At Trenton, it is said, some rigorous orders have been, within a day or two, issued to the same effect: The Secretary of the Treasury, and family (lately recovered from the yellow fever) were stopped in that town on their way to New-York; and have been under the necessity of returning to Pennsylvania.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon, June 4.
"Some of your papers talk of a fleet from this country, which is to join lord Howe, at Portsmouth.—It is true, that there are a few good vessels here, which have been lately, in some measure, prepared for sea; but they are, at present, without stores, and have not half their complement of men. Last week they went over the bar, and had a mock engagement, but soon returned; the bowsprit of one of them was carried away."
"The frigate La Precieuse has left the wharf, and is preparing to sail; it is supposed, on a cruise."
Huts in the environs of this city, now, in many instances, command as high a rent as the best houses in town. A small tenement of two or three small rooms, has let, within three miles of the city, at the rate of upwards of 300l. per annum.
Half of the citizens of Philadelphia (near 30,000) have become inhabitants of the country; as for the federal government it is neither here nor there. Most public offices are shut.
The thinness in the population of the city will have a tendency to accelerate the return of salubrity. The scarcity of our markets is less felt, owing to that circumstance.
The humanity of those men who have voluntarily stepped forth to relieve the suf-
conduct of the minister has been improper in the smallest degree, or, if at all improper, the extent of its impropriety is certainly still unknown to the public. One thing seems to be ascertained beyond presumption, if the minister's conduct deserve the seriousness and importance attached to it; it is, that some one of the executive council has been guilty of a gross infelicity towards the President, in promulgating the fact.—The mind too is naturally led to enquire, how far it comports with the official characters of the Chief Justice, and a Senator of the United States, to become the trumpeters of such intelligence? And a more interesting enquiry to the public is, what motive could have stimulated to strange a conduct? The object indubitably was, to transfer the honest affections of the American people from the cause of France, to the cause of Britain. The operating motive must have been, a preference of Britain, to France, of British to French political principles. Perhaps the chief benefit which will accrue to America, from the great concussion of opinions respecting French affairs, will be the discovery of the real principles and views of political parties "at home."—The opinions of parties respecting external politics, furnish an almost infallible index, to the internal objects of parties. It is as singular, as it is true, that nearly the same division, is now found amongst official characters, respecting French and British politics, which has uniformly existed, respecting the construction of our own constitution & the internal administration of the general government. Those, who have contended for confining the operations of government to the chartered authorities of the constitution, and denied the fanciful doctrine of implication unlimitedly, have uniformly sided with France. Those who have intrepidly overleaped the demarcations of the constitution, generated power from convenience, and despised the solemn obligations of LAWS, have almost unanimously sided with Britain; or to speak in a more courtly stile, the anti-ministerial party have sided with France, the ministerial with Britain.
It may not be unworthy of remark, that Jay and King, who are known to have been amongst the foremost of this latter description of persons, have heretofore affected to despise the opinions of the people, have ridiculed their censorial influence, and have asserted the almost necessary infallibility of the constituted tribunals; at this peculiar juncture, and in this particular question, they are exhibited to the public, the avowed instigators of a popular clamour. Nothing has produced more pain, nothing has excited more alarm to the ministerial party, than the honest affections of the American people almost universally displayed in favour of the French cause. This party cannot help applying the effects of this invincible zeal for REPUBLICANISM, and this virtuous glow of GRATITUDE towards the French nation, to their own internal usurpations and projects; and they read their certain downfall, written in the honest hearts of the American people, the instant the complicated disguise shall be developed, and the people made to comprehend them. This party see the unnatural state of internal affairs, they see a small minority in Congress, speaking the sense and interests of a great majority of the people, and they know (whatever they may pretend) that all their artificial expedients, of perpetual debts, perpetual taxes, of banks, of loans foreign and domestic, &c. &c. &c. will prove but slender barriers, against enemies so formidable as the opinions and interests of the great majority of enlightened people. Hence has arisen the project of an offensive and defensive alliance with Britain. Hence the embraces of Britain are courted by the few, as an asylum against the interests and opinions of the many.
Hence has America been invited to become the modern Carthage of the world—hence has arisen Pacificus, teaching us many new lessons, among the rest, that sophistry and not feeling is the source of gratitude—that all men must study logic before they can be initiated into this intricate science of gratitude—and hence has arisen a popular clamour through some strange instrumentality, to distract the minds of the people, and to arrest the progress of a sympathising fraternity between France and America. It is believed that this attempt will be as unsuccessful as it is weak and wicked, for the people will easily see that the conduct of the French minister forms no quality of the French cause. The conduct of the French minister cannot make that cause wrong and vicious, which originally was good and virtuous. A contrary idea would make men and not principles, the subject of our adoration. Such would be the natural and obvious reasoning in the public mind, admitting the accusation against the minister, in its most exaggerated colours; and we shall rather sympathise with France, in the regret that so good a cause should be committed to such improper hands, than desert the cause, because its own agents have denied it justice. But it is believed that the rumour exists only in the most unmerited and unfounded calumny; for if the minister were found incompetent to the due management of his country's cause, the enemies of that cause would not be the ene-
mies of the minister, and the strongest evidence of his abilities and patriotism is furnished in the infamous solicitude of the British nation to lessen his personal influence in America within the sphere of his nation's concerns. It is presumed to be no secret at this day in the United States, that our financial minister wishes an offensive and defensive alliance with Britain. It may be as little doubted, that the French as well as British minister, is fully apprised of this masterly stroke of punic policy. If it were doubted here, perhaps more than one man could be found in the city of Richmond, who could verify it to the reluctant credence of the most hardened sceptic. But, Americans! here let me pause for the present, without unveiling the whole plot of the horrid tragedy which seems now to be preparing for America, and briefly sketch out some of its principal outlines.
Perpetual debt, and commensurate taxes, form the great ground work of the plot. Its machinery consists of the fanciful genius of implication, resembling the Heathen God Proteus; the manes of Antifederalism, always called in to touch the prejudices of the people; and the restless, unsubstantial spirits of the once substantial state fabrics, feigned to be alive only for the same purpose. &c.
Its incidents are numerous—a contempt of parchment demarcations, and of laws—speculation—corruption—fraud—lies—deceptions, practised upon the people—difference of interests between representatives and constituents—injustice in the distribution of governmental favors, consequent inequalities in wealth—the old jealousies of states made to cover the difference of the interests of individuals, by new naming them the difference of the interests of states, distinctions in names, and contempt for the people—closeted proceedings—lawless applications of public money—and incomprehensible complexity of public accounts, &c. &c. &c.
The scenery for the representation, will be scrip obligations of principal and interest—and the Bank of the United States, which could also furnish an ample and impenetrable curtain, for covering the political sins of the whole world.
The principal characters will be represented by heads of departments, scrip-Members in Congress, Bank Stock Holders, and the scrip-gentry at large, whether foreigners or citizens. The subordinate characters will be played by fools, sycophants and parasites, of all denominations, and all who may be enchanted with the magical sound of 'King,' or intoxicated with the turn of 'balance.' And unless the great majority of virtuous people, consulting their own interests and happiness, should rush in and represent the most active and dignified character in the plot, the fatal catastrophe will exhibit, the crush of LIBERTY—the fall of VIRTUE—and the triumph of DESPOTISM.
Americans! you are indebted to your own activity and intelligence, for the privileges you now enjoy; remember that your assailants are increased in number and in cunning; nothing, therefore, but a proportionate increase of the same activity and intelligence, will long secure you the possession of them.
A UNIFORM FEDERALIST.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THE Fourth of July, being the anniversary of our Independence, Mr. B—t, an honorary member of the society of Cincinnati, was appointed by the officers of the Jersey line, as their Oracle, to deliver an oration on the occasion, which he did, with great eloquence, from the pulpit of the Presbyterian Meeting House in Elizabeth town.
The gentleman displayed his talents in applauding the wisdom of that society, in chusing prudent and godly men to take possession of their rights—for which he received their approbation, Nem. Coni and also their public thanks for his patriotic discourse.
If any man, or society of men, conceive it necessary to worship, or surrender their rights and property to such as they deem godly men, they have a right to do so. But the justice of taking the property of one of a different persuasion I deny. The local situation of New-Jersey, during the late war, compelled many of the inhabitants to render a large proportion of services and supplies, for which they received due bills—and when the new government was adopted, Mr. B—t, and others, not being possessors of such evidence, became patriotic purchasers from the distressed holders, at the price stamped by public voice—and sanctioned by the courts of justice, at 2/6 in the pound.
When payment came in question, they voted 20/ to the purchaser; whereby the soldier, who had painfully earned 20/ was c—d out of 17/6. From these considerations, I can by no means be an apologist to this Heresiarch, or become a pro-lyte to his religion. It is my Creed, "that the labourer is worthy of his hire," and that I am not obliged to consider myself on a footing with the animals, that, the more you beat them, the better they love you.
A SOLDIER. Philadelphia, Sept. 19.
fering poor in this time of general distress, can never be forgotten: their conduct is beyond the reach of encomium.
No circumstance has added more distress to the present calamity, than the disagreement of the physicians about the disease. They at first differed as to the mode of cure; but now it appears they do not yet agree, in determining what is, and what is not the yellow fever. [Gen. Adver.]
Mr. Hatham, one of the old American company of Comedians, and manager of the theatre in this city, has been announced as dead, of the yellow fever, in several New-York papers. Subsequent accounts, however, mention his safe arrival in that city from Philadelphia; and that he is yet in a fair way of acting other characters than that of a ghost.
The ingenious Mr. Blanchard, of this city, has invented a carriage, which runs without the assistance of horses, and goes as fast as the best post chaise.—An automaton in the shape of an eagle, chained to the tongue of the carriage, and guided by the traveler, who holds the reins in his hands, directs it in every respect. This extraordinary carriage, cannot only travel on all roads, but likewise ascends any mountain which is accessible to any common carriage: The distance it may proceed, is unlimited, as there are no springs in the case, that require winding up.
The Lieutenant Governor of the island of Jamaica has issued a Proclamation, forbidding in future all privateers, fitted out in ports under his jurisdiction, "from rising or plundering the passengers or crews of such vessels as may fall into their hands: "Such proceedings being unworthy of BRITONS, and by no means intended to be sanctioned by the Governor's commissions; and belonging only to pirates and robbers; and that he is determined by every means to discountenance and suppress them." [Quere, Whether his honour ought not to have added, that he thinks it a duty incumbent upon his nation to refund certain stolen property to the unfortunate, starving refugees from Hispaniola?]
A waggoner, who a few days since, made his appearance in this city, was advised by a gentleman to take the greatest precaution in visiting the different streets—observing, at the same time, that the infectious disorder had become so alarming, that several had fell dead in the street!—This filled the waggoner with the greatest terror, who, fixing his hand to his nose and mouth, to prevent breathing the malignant air—was making the best of his way from the city, when viewing a gentleman (who unfortunately stepped on the rind of a water-melon) fell upon his back, so frightened the countryman, that quitting his waggon and horses, he took to his heels, and fled with the greatest precipitation, to the no small diversion of many spectators.
Pittsburgh, Sept. 14. Wednesday last Mr. Wilson returned to this place from the mouth of Detroit river, where he had been with the commissioners. The terms offered to the Indians was, the running a new boundary line, including a considerable extent of country more than former treaties had given, paying them more goods than was ever given at any treaty at once, and allowing them a considerable sum, payable in goods, yearly forever. The Indians, however, spurned at this offer, and refused treating on any other terms than establishing the Ohio as their boundary, but answered, if you give to the poor people on our side the river what you have proposed to us, and a little out of the money it will take to conquer us, they will leave the land contentedly. When the message was first sent them, inviting them to the treaty, they talked of the Alleghany mountain as the boundary line between them and us, supposing, that we were so frightened at the defeat of our army; that we would gladly embrace any offer of peace. Mr. Wilson seen one of the Indians, who first took, and two days after killed, a Mr. Carson, mentioned in the papers of the 6th of July last. It was understood that about 1500 Indians were assembled at the Miami.
DIED, yesterday morning, universally regretted, Doct. PENNINGTON, of this city.
STANZAS from PILKINGTON.
WHY, Lycidas, should man be vain, If bounteous heaven has made him great? Why look with insolent disdain On those undeck'd with pomp and state?
The mighty king, the fetter'd slave, The humble, and the haughty die, The poor, the rich, the base, the brave, In dust—without distinction lie.
Go—search the tombs, where monarchs rest, Who once the richest glories wore,— Fled is the grandeur they possess'd, And all their greatness is no more.
So glides the meteor thro' the sky, And sweeps along a gilded train; But when its short-liv'd beauties die, Dissolves to common air again!

Extracts from the Leyden Gazette.
Leyden, June 27. In our last we gave an abridgement of the act of accusation in virtue of which Louis Philippe-Joseph-Egalite, ci-devant duke of Orleans, has been imprisoned at Marceilles...
Interrogatory. What have you to answer to this letter?—Answer. I never received that letter: and Mirabeau neither did nor could have written it: he knew that I had no intention of reigning...
"Sir—Before I address you on matters that most intimately concern you, permit me to express my gratitude and sensibility. Madame — has fully entered into your magnanimous views. She publicly says, that such a prince as you upon the throne, would soon eclipse Marcus Aurelius, Antoninus, and Trajan himself.
"Paris, May 10, 1790." Question. Do you acknowledge this letter to be yours?—Answer. "I recollect very well that Mirabeau, and several of his fellow members came to sup with me at Raincy; but the letter which the Secretary has just read, I know nothing of, any more than the first."
claimed king of France, rest assure that I will remember your services. Kings (it is said) do not know how to love. You shall experience the contrary; for my generosity and gratitude shall know no bounds.
Brussels, June 24. "It was not till the 10th of June, in the morning, that the firing of the combined forces began upon Valenciennes. Hitherto little else than a destructive bombardment has taken place, occasioning many violent conflagrations in the town, which however have been extinguished by the garrison, with the assistance of the citizens.
Peterbourg, May 28. The Princess Louisa Maria Augusta de Bade, intended to be married to the grand Duke Alexander, on the 20th of this month in the court chapel, made her public confession of the truth of the Greek religion, under the name of Elisabeth Alexiewna; and soon after the ceremony of the marriage contract was performed.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS. SEPTEMBER 1793. Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H. Barom. Ther. Wnd. Weather. Rows for Tuesday through Monday.
To be Sold or Let, THAT handsome, well-built three story new house, situate on the east side of South Fourth-Street, near the Indian-Queen, Philadelphia. This situation is valuable, being in a central part of the city, and convenient to the banks and public offices.
And to be Sold, 230 Acres of unimproved land, 18 miles from the thriving town of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. This tract lies in a valley, and is said to be very good farming land. There are one or more mills near the premises.
Besides the above, Two corner lots in the town, of one acre each, are offered for sale, together with about 16 acres of excellent land, half a mile from the town, under the best culture and improvement.
Likewise to be Sold, An estimable farm of 530 acres, in the county of Chester, 39 miles from Philadelphia: 100 acres of which are of the richest bottom. The whole of this land enjoys a kind, strong and fertile soil, is well watered, and admirably adapted to the raising of grain and all kinds of stock.
The title to the several premises are indisputable; and the proprietor will warrant to defend them. The terms of sale, for all or any of the lands, will be made accommodating to the purchasers.
WANTED, IN TWO OR THREE MONTHS, AN APPRENTICE TO A REGULAR APOTHECARY. A Youth not less than fifteen or sixteen years of age, with a suitable education, and good moral character.—For further particulars enquire of the Editor.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE: I HEREBY certify that I have received official communication of a Decree of the National Convention of France, whereof the following is a translation.
Decree of the National Convention of the 23rd of May, which declares that the acts of the United States are not comprehended in the purview of the decree of the 9th of May.
At Private Sale, To be sold a LOT of LAND, IN Tredyffrin township, Chester county, distant from Philadelphia about 18 miles, and from Lancaster road about 3-4ths, containing TWENTY-FIVE ACRES.
TO THE PUBLIC. WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New-Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorheis, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety-two.
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be sold by THOMAS DOBSON, WILLIAM YOUNG, ROBERT CAMPBELL, Messrs. RICE and Co. and JOHN M C CULLOCH, No. 11, North Third-street, AN EXAMINATION of the late proceedings in Congress respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; with Observations, &c. on the application of loans from Holland, negotiated under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August 1790.
** The author requests his readers to correct the following ERRATA in the pamphlet above mentioned.—Page 5. line 11—2d. paragraph, for Coalition read Collision;—Page 25. line 11—2d. paragraph, instead of Bank directors read "Stockholders."
Seat of War. FOR SALE, At M C AREY'S Store, 118, Market-street. A SHEET MAP Of the French, Austrian and Dutch Netherlands, In which the progress of the present War may be traced.
Maps of the UNITED STATES: ANY public-spirited gentlemen, possessed with materials for correcting and improving the maps of the several states, will lay M c Carey under very particular obligations, by communicating them. He is in immediate want of some for New-Jersey and Delaware; of which states, he is now preparing maps.
Guthrie's Geography: THE subscription for this work will be continued open, at the present rate of twelve dollars, till the first day of November next; after which it will be raised to fourteen dollars.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.