Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-06-03 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. XV. From SATURDAY, MAY 30, to WEDNESDAY, JUNE 3, 1789. PRICE SIX PENCE.
THE TABLET.—No. XV.
"The wisest laws often become odious and useless, through the rashness, the vice, or the folly of those who execute them."
THERE is no propensity of the human mind, that is more constantly on the stretch, than a suspicious temper towards those, who take any part in the administration of public affairs. Though this disposition may be indulged to excess, yet its existence constitutes one of the safeguards of public virtue and prosperity. The clamors of restless men, and the vigilance of jealous ones, have no doubt an influence, in restraining public officers from an improper conduct. As men sometimes complain without sufficient reason, their complaints do not furnish a certain standard, for estimating the merit of persons in the different branches of government. There is less probability that instances of real misconduct will escape notice and censure, than that meritorious actions will escape envy and low intrigue. If it is acknowledged that part of the murmurs and uneasiness, that prevail against public men, originates in ignorance, caprice, envy, or in any other unreasonable cause, it would still be no conclusive argument, that public characters should be indifferent, whether their conduct was blamed or praised. It should at least produce this effect; that as they meet with much groundless reproach, they should be careful not to make themselves liable to any reprehension that is well grounded. Many honest and sensible men, who act in dignified stations, are so conscious that they meet with more censure and opposition than they deserve, that they are apt, by way of retaliation, to become petulant and disdainful. Sometimes they carry their feelings of resentment so far, towards unprovoked abuse and injury, that they afford a sufficient cause for the return of that very treatment, which they are retaliating. Disgusted by the meanness, and provoked by the malice and slander of their opposers, they unwarily assimilate themselves, by their mode of revenge, to the characters they profess to reprobate.
It is a question that may naturally be asked—What vices and failings, in the usual run of affairs, are most observable in the officers of government? This question admits not of an answer that is definite, and applicable to all situations. In different stages of civilization, there is a difference in the predominant vices and weaknesses, that attend all descriptions of men. The errors, that are observed in the first periods of a government, often have their origin in an ignorance or neglect of duty. During the late war, the principal losses and damage the public sustained, were owing to inattention and wastefulness. Few instances of deliberate fraud and peculation have happened, compared with the mistakes and omissions that have occurred, merely from the imbecility of the motives, that prompted men to a vigilant and exact performance of the diversified branches of their duty. It was not unusual to observe a store-keeper, who was minutely attentive in securing the property committed to his care, from theft or unauthorized appropriation; and yet who was totally remiss in securing it against the attacks of weather, or in counteracting any inherent causes in such articles to perish from their own tendency.
Once in particular, I recollect to have observed, a Comissary making application to the commanding officer of a department, for a guard of soldiers, to be placed over a magazine of flour. This Comissary expressed an anxiety in the business, that seemed to result from an honest desire to save the public property. He obtained an order for the guard, and placed it, without loss of time, over the magazine. The flour casks were without shelter, and in so bad repair, that a moderate storm of rain would so injure the flour, as to render it totally useless. It happened shortly that some rain fell, and in spite of all the sentinels, the flour was materially damaged, if not ruined. The Comissary could have prevented this damage, with less trouble to himself, than he took to obtain the soldiers; and the United States suffered more by that act of neglect, than they would have done, in six months, by plunder, at that magazine, even though there had not been a sentinel employed the whole time.
But that period is past. A new government is established, and an higher degree of civilization is attained; consequently we must look out for a different class of imperfections and vices. In the formation of the executive part of the constitution there is an admirable stimulus suggested, by encreasing the responsibility of officers, from the manner of their appointment. This will overcome indolence, and make them attentive and circumpect in a complete performance of their duty, that they may gain the approbation of those, who
participate in the same feelings of responsibility. But are no disadvantages introduced by this arrangement? What are the inconveniences of this species of responsibility, and how may they be remedied? Those, who are to be employed in the execution of the laws, will be responsible for their conduct in such a way, as will stimulate their exertions, and restrain their dishonesty; but as they are not accountable to their fellow-citizens, they will feel themselves released from the necessity of a civil, respectful deportment to mankind, and assume a pride and arrogance of manners towards all, who move in a sphere less elevated than their own. Such insolence of behaviour, may naturally be expected to result from the case, and it will be calculated to render the government odious, and to subject the laws to the imputation of being oppressive. I am far, however, from anticipating any sudden evils from this quarter. But as this is to be the vicious part of the character of officers sooner or later, it may be well to endeavour to ward off the evil, to as remote a period as possible. Perhaps no description of men whatever are so blindly ignorant of the true principles of human nature, as the various executive officers in an old-established government. If we critically examine the subject, we shall find that the leading cause why officers in general are so obnoxious to the people, and so many laws complained of as grievous, is, that such officers make it no part of their study to understand the various springs and operations of the human mind.
Every situation in life has virtues and vices peculiar to itself. Officers elected by the people can generally find an easier way of obtaining popularity, than the laborious task of performing their duty. They can promote their purposes better, by flattering the prejudices, than by serving the interest of their constituents. On the other hand, officers appointed by the Supreme Magistrate, can only gain his approbation, by a rigorous execution of duty. In accomplishing this object, they feel no responsibility to society in general, and are apt to neglect those common civilities, which one person usually expects from another; and which if they observed, would render them agreeable, and their office acceptable. In either of these cases, a man of a liberal and virtuous mind avoids the errors, into which, by his situation, he has a tendency to fall. A man well acquainted with the human character, and who possesses honest principles, may always perform his duty with fidelity and honor, and at the same time acquire estimation, for his amiable and civil deportment, from all classes of citizens.
An insolent, overbearing conduct may be compatible with the strictest integrity; but it argues either a weak understanding, or an erroneous education. Though a man of this cast may not himself connive at any frauds against government, yet his manners and conversation are so disgusting, that he raises enemies against the laws, and in that way, very often provokes fraudulent combinations. It is difficult to estimate precisely the evils such characters produce in society; but I believe a considerable part of the discontentment and knavery, that exist in any government, are investigated by the injudicious conduct of public officers. The people associate their ideas, in such a manner, as to imagine that the occasional mismanagement of individuals is a fault necessarily incident to government; and therefore suppose, that an evasion of law is justifiable, no less than opposition and hatred to those who execute the laws.
The present age is a period of experiment and improvement. It is easy for us to trace public disorders to their true sources; but it will be more difficult to apply suitable remedies. It will not be attainable to avoid such inconveniences altogether; but when we know how liable they are to happen, it should induce us to guard against them, as far as may be practicable. For this purpose, it should be one circumstance to be considered in estimating the qualifications of public officers, whether they combine such properties as will lead to an able and faithful discharge of their duty, and at the same time, render their services not odious and contemptible to the people.—It may appear capricious to suggest the idea, but I think it will occur on a little reflection, that no man notoriously unpopular, should ever be employed in any important office. Though I acknowledge, that popularity is often connected with meanness and knavery; yet I have observed, that characters who are extremely obnoxious, are so defective, either in talents or prudence, as to disqualify them from acting in any station, with reputation to themselves or advantage to the community.
Many persons are so ignorant of the principles of human nature, as to imagine, that they can only discover an honesty and firmness of conduct, by a captious temper, and a domineering deportment. It seems not to occur to such people, that
discretion should ever be ranked among the useful qualifications of a public officer. By this means, their virtues, and such good qualities as they really do possess, lose their beneficial influence.
If one were enquired of, whether the propensity of the people to complain of public measures without any cause was greater, than the liability of officers to give actual occasion of offence, it would be difficult to adjust an answer to the question. It is evident, that most of the clamors against public measures, do not proceed from motives that are pure and disinterested; but then, this malignity of motives is heightened by the ill nature and discontentment, which are excited by real mismanagement.
A SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
[Continued from No. XIV.]
A MERE description, or definition, of certain powers to be vested in a constituent body of men, has never yet been found to possess intuitively those effects, which answer the end and aim for which all power was originally delegated; nor has the most diffusive patriotism, operating among any people, towards the aid of Government, yet superceded the want of that encouragement to duty, which arises from the emoluments of office: But all nations have uniformly deemed it necessary to call for a portion of the wealth of their citizens, to establish and support Government in its various executive branches.—This fact being established, the most obvious reflection which presents itself is, how is this necessary support to be obtained with the greatest ease? And so as to bear most equally on the different classes of the people, and the various interests of the community? The varying practices of different nations, make the solution of this question in a degree problematical, and to depend on a combination of circumstances and causes, which it would require a volume to explore, and far exceeds the bounds of my present design.
I conceive the best criterion for us will be, to commence with an investigation of natural principles, and their corresponding effects, which an acquaintance with human nature, will enable us to develope, and as far as a detail of reasoning may be necessary, that we limit our researches to those cases, which apply best to the consequence.—It is to be regretted, that for want of a prior system on this subject, owing to our late unhinged and divided situation, we evidently feel the loss of those accurate data, and that compleat information from the various parts of the Continent, which would subserve the most valuable purposes.—I shall venture a few ideas, on the proper mode of obtaining such information in future, in some subsequent paper.
We now come to speak of the most eligible plan, on which to raise the necessary supplies of Government—and shall here find it expedient to consult the peculiar genius of the American people, and some leading traits of the human character:—There is ever a prevailing jealousy among the mass of a free people, relating to the grants and appropriations of their pecuniary property: It will hence follow, that such a system of taxation should be adopted, as will, in its operation, touch most delicately this tender string; and that the objects, for which any assessments are made, should be regularly published, except in cases of war, &c. where the public good makes secrecy indispensable: Perhaps no people existing ever possessed, in a greater degree, that kind of jealousy above mentioned, than the Americans, and which in some instances, descends to mean suspicions: It will therefore be thought proper in forming the Revenue System, not only to have a regard to the interests which will be immediately affected thereby; but to the peculiar nature and genius of the people to be governed; let the "suaviter in modo" be adopted, but without loosing sight of the "fortiter in re." The liberal, or rather loose principles of government heretofore existing in America, have been, and without the nicest hand in future directions, may continue to be opposed to bringing into action those great resources of national wealth, which are to be found, if explored. The native enterprize of Americans towards the extension of commerce, affords us a fair prospect of collecting an important share of the public revenue from foreign importations, if the tariff is levied with judgment; and perhaps for the present this will be considered the only source of national consequence: Foreign luxuries brought into this country ought to be duly noticed by our impost laws, as common observation and constant experience dictate the policy of taxing the passions of mankind, which may tend to good moral as well as political purposes, and is a species of taxation, which will be more cheerfully sustained, as men but little value any obstacles

while pursuing the gratification of their natural or artificial propensities: From this cause, Britons with all their boasted freedom, consent to bear willingly the greatest burthens. I have been speaking of luxuries, but in general observe, In order that our expectations may not be defeated, a nice distinction ought to be made as to the quantum each specific article imported will probably bear, and that while we suppose our public coffers daily increasing, the fact may not be that a premium is held out by government to defraud the revenue. This has been often the case where exorbitant and ill-judged duties have been laid, calculated upon the mistaken principle, that the consumer eventually bears the burthen, whereas experience teaches us that the original importer is very often in such cases the sufferer, as there are many articles which may not bear the additional price of the duty, and a curtail of the consumption follows, leaving the surplus as a heavy tax in the merchant's hands, the whole duty on which he is bound to discharge; but while a proper caution is observed as to those articles from which we expect to derive an income, there are others we are to consider in a different view; and as they may relate to our manufactures: here it will be found our policy to give every encouragement to the raw materials of foreign growth, and which our country does not afford, which ought to be introduced without burthens, that we may export them afterwards with the additional price of the labor upon them, which is the most beneficial part of commerce, as employing the greatest number of hands—and the cheapness of the raw material will tend to give a preference in competition at foreign markets: Upon like principles every discouragement ought to be placed upon the introduction of foreign wrought articles, which may be manufactured with advantage at home.—Some considerations on this head may come under a future number.
(To be continued.)
Of the CONSTITUTION—and AMENDMENTS to the same.
THE transactions which have taken place in our country, fill every patriotic mind with pleasure; inasmuch as they realize the confidence which had been reposed in the native good sense of the people; that whenever their public affairs get obviously wrong, they would interfere, and set them to rights.—The example of changing a constitution, by assembling the wise men of the States, instead of assembling armies, will be worth as much to the world, as the former examples America has given it.—The constitution which has been the result of our deliberations, is unquestionably, the wisest ever yet presented to men; and the accommodations of interests, which it has adopted, are greatly pleasing to those, who have been anxiously concerned upon this point, having realized how difficult it was to accommodate those interests.
A great concurrence of opinion, however, authorises to say, that this constitution has some defects: It is, perhaps, not one of the least, that the important rights, not placed in security by the frame of the constitution itself, were not explicitly secured by a supplementary declaration. There are rights, which it is useless to surrender to the government; and which, yet, governments have been always fond to invade:—There are the rights of thinking, and publishing our thoughts, by speaking and writing: the rights of free commerce: the right of personal freedom: There are instruments for administering the government, so peculiarly trust-worthy, that we should never leave the legislature at liberty to change them.—The new constitution has secured these in the legislative and executive departments; but not in the judiciary.—It should have established trials by the people themselves, that is to say by jury. There are instruments so dangerous to the rights of the nation, and which place them so totally at the mercy of their governors, that those governors, whether legislative or executive, should be restrained from keeping such instruments on foot, but in well defined cases. Such an instrument is a standing army.
Such a supplement to the constitution, where that is silent, is wanting to secure us in these points. The general voice has legitimated this objection; and though it does not authorise us to consider as a defect, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President, but three States out of eleven having declared against this, it may nevertheless be considered as one, and should the majority change their opinion, as to this point, yet it is devoutly to be wished, that this may remain unaltered, as long as we can avail ourselves of the services of our great leader, whose talents, and whose weight of character, are peculiarly necessary, to get the government so under way, as that it may afterwards be carried on by subordinate characters.
Under the auspices of this constitution, administered with justness, firmness and wisdom, our America must rapidly advance to distinguished eminence, power and prosperity: and the perfecting this constitution, by the addition of such a supplementary declaration as is above suggested, may be the result of the same calm deliberation and greatness of mind, which led to the
ratification of the system—for if this cannot be effected quietly and peaceably, the constitution had better, infinitely better, be left to descend to posterity as it is, than to hazard so invaluable a jewel on the ocean of public discord.
NATIONAL POLITENESS.
EVERY friend of taste and sentimental improvement, must wish to encourage the THEATRE, unless they suppose that it is injurious to the morals of the people, and opposed to the spirit of republicanism.—But still the best friend the theatre can boast, may imagine it is liable to errors; and among these errors, may it not be reckoned one, that an English play should introduce a French character, in such a manner, as to excite derision and contempt? To burlesque and sport with foreign manners, is, in any instance, rather barbarous and unpolitic; but in the case of the English comic writers, it is an unpardonable injustice, committed against their own countrymen. Who can be so little acquainted with the diversified qualifications of the English nation, as not to know that they abound in suitable characters for every description of theatrical exhibitions? Wit, and ridicule, may have a full scope without wandering into other countries for objects.—What excuse can therefore be offered, that their comic writers, should neglect their countrymen, in order to drag the lower orders of Frenchmen on the stage. Such unpoliteness reflects more dishonor on the nation that countenances it, than on that against which the ridicule is levelled: I could with American politeness may bear testimony against such partiality and prejudice.
CIVIS.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, JUNE 1, 1789.
Mr. BLAND asked leave of absence for six weeks, which was granted.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House of their concurring in the report sent up, respecting the receiving bills and messages from The President.
It was then voted, that the Chairman of that Committee, be instructed to acquaint the President with the arrangement upon this subject, adopted by both Houses.
In Committee of the whole.
Mr. TRUMBULL in the Chair.
The bill, regulating the collection of the Revenue, having been assigned for the order of the day, was taken into consideration.
The first paragraph being read, which provided, that "there should be ports of entry," Mr. LEE rose, to enquire into the necessity of establishing ports of entry only.
Mr. MADISON answered the enquiry, by saying, that it will be proper to constitute some ports of entry in situations where it would be productive of unnecessary expense to establish officers to superintend the delivery of cargoes: Long navigable rivers afford great conveniences, for landing goods, as vessels may be proceeding up such rivers to the port of destination: This fraud upon the revenue should be guarded against, by obliging vessels to report their cargoes immediately on entering such rivers.
Mr. WADSWORTH observed, that it would embarrass trade exceedingly to establish ports of entry, that should not at the same time be ports of discharge: He moved to have the article struck out.
Mr. LEE stated to the House the difficulties which had resulted from similar establishments in Virginia; and therefore seconded the motion to postpone the article.
Mr. FITZSIMONS said, that instances no doubt might be mentioned, which would plainly point out the necessity of such a provision as the article referred to; but as there appeared some difficulty in the way of determining upon the proper situations for such ports, he moved, that the article should be passed over for the present; and the next in order taken up: Agreeably it was voted to suspend the consideration of the first article respecting ports of entry.
A message from THE PRESIDENT being announced, the committee rose.
The message was then received—by which the House was informed, that THE PRESIDENT had approved of an act, regulating the time and manner of taking certain oaths, required by the constitution, and now returned the same to the House in which it originated, with his signature.
The Clerk of the House was directed to inform the Senate of the above circumstance.
The chairman of the committee then reported progress in the bill, and asked leave to sit again to-morrow upon the same subject, this passed in the affirmative.
Mr. BENSON gave notice, that immediately after the business now assigned, was completed, he should move for a resolution to the following effect—That it should be recommended to the legislature of the State of Rhode-Island, to call a convention of the people of that State, in
order to adopting and ratifying the federal constitution agreeably to the recommendation of the late Congress. Mr. Benson observed, that the communications which had been received from the executive of Rhode-Island, respecting the proceedings of that State upon the Constitution, had not been noticed by the late Congress, in as much as they had not followed their directions in the mode of deliberating upon the subject.—He supposed, that an interference of Congress in some such way as he proposed, might be proper to ascertain whether any thing decisive had been done by them in the business or not.
Mr. BALDWIN from the committee appointed on Monday last, to form an estimate of the compensation which it may be proper to allow The President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives of the United States, reported, that the sum of twenty thousand dollars per annum, be allowed The President, exclusive of the salaries of Secretaries, Aids and Clerks—That he be allowed to defray the expenses of household furniture, carriages, &c. and for keeping the same in repair.
That five thousand dollars per annum, be allowed to the Vice-President.
That the Speaker of the House of Representatives be allowed twelve dollars per day—and the members of the Senate and House, six dollars each per day; and six dollars for each days travelling expenses, reckoning twenty miles to a day.
This report was laid upon the table.
Mr. SMITH (of South-Carolina) introduced his motion for the appointment of a committee, to bring in a bill for the establishing a permanent system respecting bankruptcy, throughout the United States.—This motion having passed in the affirmative, Mr. Smith, Mr. Lawrence, and Mr. Ames were appointed a committee, accordingly.—Adjourned.
TUESDAY, JUNE 2.
On motion of Mr. PAGE, it was voted unanimously, that those members who had not taken the oath required by the Constitution, should be called on to attend the Speaker, for that purpose—accordingly eighteen members appeared, and had the oath administered to them;—after which the Speaker administered the requisite oath to the Clerk of the House.
Mr. BALDWIN, from the committee appointed to bring in a bill, or bills, pursuant to the resolution for instituting the three subordinate executive departments, reported two bills—One for the arrangement of the War Department—the other for the Department of Foreign Affairs:—These bills provide in substance, for bringing under the direction of these Departments, by orders from the President, those national objects which had come within their cognizance, under the old Confederation.
It was voted, that 100 copies of these bills be struck off, for the accommodation of the members.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole; and resumed the bill for the collection of the revenue.
On motion, it was voted, that the consideration of the two first articles, should be postponed; the third article, which is in these words, viz. "That there shall also be constituted the following ports, which shall be ports both of entry and delivery, to wit:" was taken up—when Mr. LIVERMORE proposed, that
Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, should be one of the ports of entry and delivery, to fill up the blank.
Machias and Portland were next mentioned; upon which many observations were made by different members—chiefly with respect to the number of ports for entry and delivery, which it might be necessary to constitute: The committee appeared to be divided in sentiment; and some gentlemen having observed, that they were not sufficiently prepared to decide what ports would be most suitable in the several States, it was moved, that the committee should rise, and make the further consideration of the bill the order of the day for to-morrow.
The vote on this motion being taken, it passed in the negative.
The Committee then proceeded in filling up the blank, when the following ports were agreed upon, viz.
Portsmouth, in New Hampshire.
  Portland,  Massachusetts.  Connecticut.  State of New York.  New Jersey.   Newburyport,  Gloucester,  Salem,  Marblehead,  Boston,  Plymouth,  Dighton,  New Bedford,  Sherburne, Nantucket,   New London,  New Jersey.   New Haven,  Norwalk,   City of New York,  New Jersey.   Sag Harbour,  Perth Amboy,  Egg Harbour,   Salem,  Pennsylvania.   Philadelphia,   Wilmington, Delaware.      

The Committee then rose, and the Chairman reported progress.
A motion was introduced and adopted, that the committee which had reported the bill for collecting the revenue, should be instructed to prepare a bill, or bills, providing for the registering of vessels, ascertaining their tonnage, regulating pilotage, light-houses, &c.
—Adjourned.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 3, 1789.
ORIGINAL, AUTHENTIC, and RECENT ACCOUNTS from EUROPE.
THESE states—That the change in France is such as we can form no idea of. The frivolities of conversation have given way entirely to politics. Men, women, and children talk nothing else:
That the press groans with daily productions, which in point of boldness, make an Englishman stare, who has hitherto thought himself the boldest of men. A compleat revolution in the government of that country, has, within two years (beginning with the Notables of 1787) been effected, merely by the force of public opinion; and this revolution has not cost a single life:
That the assembly of the States General was to begin the 27th of April, in which the representation of the people will be perfect, but will be alloyed by an equal number of the Clergy and Nobility. The first question they will have to decide will be, Whether they shall vote by orders, or by persons. It is supposed, upon good grounds, that the majority of the Nobles are already disposed to join the Tiers Etat—in deciding that the vote shall be by persons; this is the opinion a-la-mode at present, and mode has acted a wonderful part in the present instance: all the handsome young women, for example, are for the Tiers Etat—and this is an army, more powerful in France, than 200,000 men of the King; add to this, that the court itself is for the Tiers Etat, as the only agent that can call forth resources which have hitherto lain dormant in the hands of the non-contributing orders:
That the King has engaged to relinquish the power of laying, continuing, or appropriating taxes—He has engaged also to call the STATES-GENERAL periodically—to submit Letters de Cachet to legal restriction—to consent to the freedom of the press; and that all this shall be fixed, by a fundamental Constitution, which shall bind his successors:
That a participation in the Legislature will be insisted on—the public mind being so ripened upon all these subjects, that there seems now to be but one opinion: That the Clergy, however, have an opinion of their own, and different from this—also the old men among the Nobles; but their voice is suppressed among the general one of the nation:
That the writings which have been published on this occasion, are some of them very valuable, because unfettered by the prejudices under which the English labor. They give a full scope to reason, and strike out truths as yet unperceived, and unacknowledged in Britain: An Englishman, dozing under a kind of half-reformation, is not excited to think, by such gross absurdities as stare a Frenchman in the face wherever he looks, whether it be towards the throne, or towards the altar.
It appears upon the whole, that France will have as full a portion of liberty dealt out to her as she can bear at present, considering how uninformed the mass of her people is: This circumstance may prevent an immediate establishment of the trial by jury.
The palied state of the executive in England, is a fortunate circumstance for France, as it affords them time to arrange their affairs internally: The consolidation and funding of their debts, will give France a credit which will enable them to do what they please.
It is pretty certain, that the war, for the present year, will be confined to the two Empires and Denmark, against Turkey and Sweden: Prussia may be engaged: The disturbances of Poland may break out into overt acts; but it will be a power divided in itself, and so of no weight. France and England may be ready to take the field next year.
The English papers, and the English ministry say their king is well. He is better; but not well. No malady requires a longer time to ensure a gainst its return, than insanity: Time alone can distinguish accidental insanity from habitual lunacy.
That nation, however, has in its own true stile, run into all the extravagance of expensive rejoicings on this event: How far this spirit has been aided by the reflection, that Mr. PITT, in consequence, is to continue at the head of affairs, may not be difficult to determine; certain it is, no minister was ever more popular—nor held that popularity upon more independent principles.
The Emperor of Germany has made immense preparations for prosecuting the ensuing campaign; but the people are heartily tired of the war, and anxiously waiting for peace, which by recent accounts from Turkey there is reason to expect the Porte is disposed to sue for.
[The HUMOUR of the following, will please those who know the subject; especially as it evinces that wit and good nature are perfectly compatible]
From the INDEPENDENT GAZETTEER.
On the Departure of MICHAEL DENNISON,* (for some years Master of the George Inn, Philadelphia) for England.
HIS bulk encreas'd by ale and venison, Alas! we soon must lose good Dennison. City of Penn! the loss deplore, Although with pain his bulk you bore; And England! haste thy son to hail, Who, after weathering many a gale Eagerly glories to behold, Returns, improv'd in flesh and gold. Ah! had it, Michael! been thy lot, To boast the virtue of a Scot, That land, where thou so great hast grown, Might still have claim'd thee for her own. But England, with pernicious smiles, Those sons, whom once she lost, beguiles, Beckons them slyly to her shore, If worthy to be wafted o'er; And by her loss, alluring strains, Whate'er the lost in war, regains.
Soon as the planks beneath you crack, The market shall be hung with black; Michael! her stores might well content ye; In Britain none boasts greater plenty. The bank shall with the market join, To weep at once thee and thy coin. Thy dollars, rang'd in many a pile, Shall swell the pride of Britain's isle, Whilst England's bank shall limiting greet, The wealth which came from Chesnut-street.
Michael, farewell! Heaven speed thy course; Saint George take with thee, and his horse; But to our hapless city kind, The watchful dragon leave behind. Michael! your wealth and full-spread frame Shall publish Pennsylvania's fame More loudly, than the pens of those, Who long have puff'd in verse or prose. Few in mysterious science deal; But all men either see or feel. Michael, farewell! When in Carlisle, I laugh to think how thou wilt smile At all the dangers thou hast past, Moor'd in safe anchoring ground at last.
* The counterpart in size of a Fellow-Citizen, Mr. S. + Carlisle in Great-Britain.
INSCRIPTION.
There are now laying in the War-Office, waiting the orders of the Heirs of the late General GREENE, two brass FIELD PIECES, six pounders; on each of which is the following Inscription, ornamented with wreaths of flowers, and the arms of the United States, finely executed in relievo—by Mr. Andrew Billings, of Poughkeepsie.
TAKEN from the British army, and presented, By Order of The United States in Congress assembled, to MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE, as a monument of their high sense of the WISDOM—FORTITUDE—and MILITARY TALENTS, which distinguished his Command In the Southern Department; and of The eminent Services, which, amidst complicated Dangers and Difficulties, He performed for HIS COUNTRY, OCTOBER the 18th. 1783.
OF MACHINES AND MANUFACTURES.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in North-Britain, to a gentleman residing in one of the middle States of the Union, dated 9th of February, 1789.
Notwithstanding the immense bankruptcies in Britain last year, yet Britain to my surprise, is in a very flourishing way—Ireland is also rising fast, and never was in a more flourishing condition, owing to her extended and encreasing manufactures, which she has encouraged, not only by bounties, but by heavy protecting duties. The Dublin society give at least £. 25,000 sterl. per annum in premiums and bounties; and the trustees for encouraging fisheries and manufactures in Scotland, distribute about £. 15,000 per annum.
Mills for spinning long and combed wool have been erected at Derby, Glasgow, &c. and go by water—and a mill for spinning flax and hemp by water, is erected at Darlington in the north of England—When this last comes to be general, I don't know what the spinners of linen yarn in Scotland will do.
Cotton and flax mills, &c. are erecting, where there is no water to drive them, they are to go by steam engines. There are just now models of jennies, or little hand machines, to spin 40 or 50 threads at a time of linen yarn, laid before the trustees office. here.—Cloth now can be wove by one man, seven yards wide and an attempt is just now trying to make looms weave by water.
The improvements making in machinery in Britain, for the reduction of labour, are very many. In a country so full of hands, I think must be hurtful at last, but in America such machines would be a great benefit.
Your duties upon imported goods of 2 1/2, 5, and 7 1/2 per cent. are scarcely equal to our custom-house fees.—I am hopeful, however, that your new government will be the means of making you more respected in Britain, where, though you are their very best customer, their papers are continually loading you with opprobrious names, and describing you as in a very miserable situation.
The Sunday schools have been of great benefit in England and Scotland.—The long peace, and no account from the fleet that failed two years ago for Botany Bay, make the number of vagrants, robbers, &c. in Britain very great—The prisons are full.
The foregoing letter proves to the people of the United States the increasing advantages of manufacturing by machines; and at this crisis it will be a great public satisfaction, to hear that the ingenious Mr. Robert Leslie, a native of Maryland, has commenced a museum in Philadelphia, for the purpose of collecting every model, drawing, or description, of any machine, implement, or tool, which is employed in foreign countries, in manufactures or the useful arts. Mr. Leslie has been some years a member of the respectable company of watch and clock makers in this city, and has given several proofs of dexterity and skill, in the curious business of mechanism.
OF TITLES.
[From a CORRESPONDENT.]
It has been observed, that Titles are not necessary to confer power, or importance: This has been verified emphatically in the East-Indies—where a simple Governor-General has proved as great a terror and scourge to the human race, as the Most High, Most Puissant, and Most Omnipotent Son of Mahomet with a hundred titles ever did.
The distinctions of rank among mankind, necessarily include certain Titles, by which those distinctions may be known: These Titles originate in reason, and are confirmed and arranged by laws, by custom, and common consent: They obtain in every country—in every society—whether savage or civilized: From this original propensity, implanted in our natures for some valuable purpose, mankind have been led (as in many other instances) to gross conclusions—and because order and distinction were necessary, they have most absurdly applied Titles, and Epithets of distinction to their fellow worms, which should be appropriated only to Deity.—May we be so wise as to draw a proper line of distinction, and not leave this important subject to chance, to whim, caprice, or accident, to determine it—by which we may incur a similar character with those we justly despise.
If it be true, that "a free people are the most addicted to luxury of any"—how important is it, that Government should make such arrangements, as should abate the fervor of this disposition, by giving the most favourable direction to the independent impulses of the free born mind:—Literary Institutions—Arts—Industry—Commerce, and Agriculture, form the most happy antidotes to excessive luxury.
It were devoutly to be wished, says a correspondent, that in the arrangement of the great Departments of State, more particularly of the Revenue, we may be so fortunate, as to steer clear of those mistakes, which contributed very much to shipwreck the power of Britain in America:—Every person can recollect the hauteur of deportment, and the insolence of office, which marked the whole chain of dependents, especially in the customs, from the commissioner's board down to the humblest quill-driver at the desk.
It is characteristic of ignorance and coxcombism to affect a contemptuous, overbearing, haughty carriage—and although it may pass with impunity for a time, as twenty despise in silence, where one expresses an open resentment; yet it must be considered as a nuisance, to have such characters in office, as bring government into contempt, and prove highly injurious to the public service.
As the majority of mankind discover their disqualifications for office, by exhibiting certain traits of character that are hostile to the public interest, it is difficult to account for many appointments that take place in various departments—for although great talents may be connected with a vicious mind, yet it will invariably happen, that the former cannot compensate for the mischiefs which may prove the result of temptation to the latter. In this case, how critically poised is the interest of the community.
In Massachusetts, His Excellency JOHN HANCOCK, is chosen Governor, His Honor SAMUEL ADAMS, Lieutenant-Governor; and the Honorable DAVID COBB, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
About eighty members of the House and Senate, returned this, were not in the Legislature of Massachusetts last year.
The Honorable THEODORE SEDGWICK, Esq. is elected a member of the House of Representatives of the United States—by this event, the representation from Massachusetts is completed.
The Royal Society of London have lately elected the Honorable JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq. of Boston, a member of their illustrious body, and a Diploma, we are informed, was received by Capt. Scott.
ARRIVALS.
At the Port of New-York.
Saturday. Schooner Little Joseph, Miner. Washington, N.C. Sloop Maria, Elliott, Charleston. 11 days. Sloop Aurora, Cahoon, Rhode-Island. 2 days. Sloop Peggy, Cahoon, Rhode-Island. 2 days. Sunday. Ship Betsey, Faith, Jamaica. Sloop Lively, Tanner, Philadelphia. 3 days. Monday. Sloop Betsey, Burrows, Philadelphia. 12 days. Tuesday. Sloop Betsey, Brooks, Philadelphia. 6 days.
COURSE OF EXCHANGE.
PHILADELPHIA.
Bills exchange, London, 90 days, 70 Ditto, 60 days, 72 1/2 Ditto, 30 days, 74 Amsterdam, 60 days, per guilder, 3 3/4 Ditto, 30 days, 3 3/4 France, 60 days, per 5 livres, 7 1/2 Ditto, 30 days, 7 1/2
CURRENT PRICE OF PUBLIC SECURITIES.
Depreciation funded, and { according to interest due 6 5/8—7 5/8 militia or state debt, { Depreciation unfunded, 6 1/2 New loan, (according to interest due) 4 1/2—5 1/2 Common Land-Office certificates, on par & interest, 5 1/2 Land-Office certificates, for patenting, 7 1/2 State money of 1781, 133 1-3 to 140 for 100 Continental certificates (indented to 31 December 1787) 5 1/2 Indents or Facilities, 3 3/4—4 1/2 Paper money of Pennsylvania 24 per cent discount, 1 1/2 Ditto of Jersey, 33 1-3 to 35 discount.

THE RIGHT GOVERNMENT of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
But we must not rely upon these general observations alone: let us descend to a particular consideration of our author's examples, in every one of which he is very unfortunate. The retirement of Cincinnatus to the country was not his choice, but his necessity: Cæso, his son, had offended the people by an outrageous opposition to their honest struggles for liberty, and had been fined for a crime; the father, rather than let his bondsmen suffer, paid the forfeiture of his recognizance, reduced himself to poverty, and the necessity of retiring to his spade or plough. Did the people intreat and force him back to Rome? No; it was the senate in opposition to the people, who dreaded his high aristocratical principles, his powerful connections, and personal resentments. Nor did he discover the least reluctance to the service ordained him by the senate, but accepted it without hesitation. All this appears in Livy, clearly contradictory to every sentiment of our author.* At another time, when disputes ran so high between the tribunes and the senate, that seditions were apprehended, the senators exerted themselves in the centuries for the election of Cincinnatus, to the great alarm and terror of the people.† Cincinnatus, in short, although his moral character and private life were irreproachable among the plebeians, appears to have owed his appointments to office, not to them, but the Senate; and not for popular qualities, but for aristocratical ones, and the determined opposition of himself and his whole family to the people. He appears to have been forced into service by no party; but to have been as willing, as he was an able, instrument of the senate. In order to see the inaptitude of this example in another point of view, let the question be asked, What would have been the fortune of Cincinnatus, if Nedham's "right constitution" had then been the government of Rome? The answer must be, that he would have lost his election, most probably even in the representative assembly: most certainly he would never have been consul, dictator, or commander of armies, because he was unpopular. This example, then, is no argument in favor of our author, but a strong one against him.
If we recollect the character and actions of Curius, we shall find them equally conclusive in favor of balanced government, and against our author's plan. M. Curius Dentatus, in the year of Rome 462, obtained as consul a double triumph, for forcing the Samnites to sue for peace. This nation, having their country laid waste, sent their principal men as ambassadors, to offer presents to Curius for his credit with the senate, in order to their obtaining favorable terms of peace. They found him sitting on a stool before the fire, in his little house in the country, and eating his dinner out of a wooden dish. They opened their deputation, and offered him the gold and silver. He answered them politely, but refused the presents.† He then added somewhat which at this day does not appear so very polished: "I think it glorious to command the owners of gold, not to possess it myself." And which passion do you think is the worst, the love of gold, or this pride and ambition? His whole estate was seven acres of land, and he said once in assembly, "that a man who was not contented with seven acres of land, was a pernicious citizen." As we pass, it may be proper to remark the difference of times and circumstances. How few in America could escape the censure of pernicious citizens, if Curius's rule were established. Is there one of our yeoman contented with seven acres? How many are discontented with seventy times seven! Examples, then, drawn from times of extreme poverty, and a state of a very narrow territory, should be applied to our circumstances with great discretion. As long as the aristocracy lasted, a few of those rigid characters appeared from time to time in the Roman senate. Cato was one to the last, and went expressly to visit the house of Curius, in the country of the Sabines; was never weary of viewing it, contemplating the virtues of its ancient owner, and desiring warmly to imitate them. But, though declamatory writers might call the conduct of Curius "exatissima Romane frugalitatis norma," it was not the general character, even of the senators, at that time: avarice raged like a fiery furnace in the minds of creditors, most of whom were patricians; and equal avarice and injustice in the minds of plebeians, who, instead of aiming at moderating the laws against debtors, would be content with nothing short of a total abolition of debts. Only two years after this, viz. in 465, so tenacious were the patricians and senators of all
the rigor of their power over debtors, that Veturius, the son of a consul, who had been reduced by poverty to borrow money at an exorbitant interest, was delivered up to his creditor; and that infamous usurer, C. Plotius, exacted from him all the services of a slave, and the senate would grant no relief: and when he attempted to subject his slave to a brutal passion, which the laws did not tolerate, and scourged him with rods because he would not submit, all the punishment which the consuls and senate would impose on Plotius was imprisonment. This anecdote proves, that the indifference to wealth was far from being general, either among patricians or plebeians; and that it was confined to a few patrician families, whose tenaciousness of the maxims and manners of their ancestors proudly transmitted it from age to age. In 477 Curius was consul a second time, when the plague, and a war with Pyrrhus, had lasted so long as to threaten the final ruin of the nation, and obliged the centuries to choose a severe character, not because he was beloved, but because his virtues and abilities alone could save the state. The austere character of the consul was accompanied by corresponding austerities, in this time of calamity, in the censors, who degraded several knights and senators, and among the rest Rufinus, who had been twice consul and once dictator, for extravagance and luxury. Pyrrhus was defeated, and Curius again triumphed: and because a continuance of the war with Pyrrhus was expected, again elected consul, in 478. In 480 he was censor. After all, he was so little beloved, that an accusation was brought against him for having converted the public spoils to his own use; and he was not acquitted till he had sworn that no part of them had entered his house but a wooden bowl, which he used in sacrifice. All these sublime virtues, and magnanimous actions of Curius, make nothing in favor of Nedham. He was a patrician, a senator, and a consul; he had been taught by aristocratical ancestors, formed in an aristocratical school, and was full of aristocratical pride. He does not appear to have been a popular man, either among the senators in general, or the plebeians. Rufinus, his rival, with his plate and luxury, appears to have been more beloved, by his being appointed dictator. Notwithstanding that, the censors, on the prevalence of Curius's party, in a time of distress, were able to disgrace him.
It was in 479 that the senate received an embassy from Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, and sent four of the principal men in Rome, Q. Fabius Gurges, C. Fabius Pictor, Numer. Fabius Pictor, and Q. Ogulnius, ambassadors to Egypt, to return the compliment. Q. Fabius, who was at the head of the embassy, was prince of the senate, and on his return reported their commission to the senate: said that the king had received them in the most obliging and honorable manner: that he had sent them magnificent presents on their arrival, which they had desired him to excuse them from accepting: that at a feast, before they took leave, the king had ordered crowns of gold to be given them, which they placed upon his statues the next day: that on the day of their departure, the king had given them presents far more magnificent than the former, reproaching them, in a most obliging manner, for not having accepted them: these they had accepted, with most profound respect, not to offend the king, but that, on their arrival in Rome, they had deposited them in the public treasury: that Ptolemy had received the alliance of the Roman people with joy. The senate were much pleased, and gave thanks to the ambassadors for having rendered the manners of the Romans venerable to foreigners by their sincere disinterestedness: but decreed, that the rich presents deposited in the treasury should be restored to them, and the people expressed their satisfaction in this decree. These presents were undoubtedly immensely rich; but where was the people's care to make the service a burthen? Thanks of the senate are no burthens; immense presents in gold and silver, voted out of the treasury into the hands of the ambassadors, were no "slender advantages" of profit or pleasure," at a time when the nation was extremely poor, and no individual in it very rich. But, moreover, three of these ambassadors were Fabii, of one of those few simple, frugal, aristocratical families, who neither made advantage of the law in favor of creditors, to make great profits out of the people by exorbitant usury on one hand, nor gave largesses to the people to bribe their affection on the other: so that, although they were respected and esteemed by all, they were not hated nor much beloved by any; and such is the fate of men of such simple manners at this day in all countries. Our author's great mistake lies in his quoting examples from a balanced government, as proofs in favor of a government without a balance. The senate and people were at this time checks on each others avarice: the people were the electors into office, but none, till very lately, could be chosen but patricians; none of the senators, who enriched themselves by plundering the public of lands or goods, or by extravagant usury from the people, could expect their votes to be consuls or other magistrates; and there was no commerce or other means of enriching themselves: all, therefore, who were ambitious of serving in magistracies, were obliged to be
* Plebis concursus ingens fuit: Ted ea, nequaquam, tam lata Quintius vidit; et imperii minium, et virum, in ipso imperio velamentorem rata. Liv. lib. iii. c. 26.
† Summo patrum studio, L. Quintius Cincinnatus, pater Cæso, natus, consul creatus, qui magistratum statim acciperet, percussa erat plebs consulens habuimus, iratum, potentem favere patrum, virtute sua, tribus liberis, &c.
‡ Val. Max. iv. 1. Cic. de Senec. 55. Senec. Epist. v. Cic. pro Placco, 28. Plin. Nat. xviii. 2.
poor. To this constant check and balance between the senate and people, the production of these frugal and simple patrician characters and families appear to be owing. (To be continued.)
AN ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES; particularly showing what supplies of public Revenue may be drawn from Merchandise, without injuring our Trade or burdening our people.
[By a Citizen of Philadelphia in 1783.]
Having lately published a dissertation on that political union and constitution, which is necessary for the preservation and happiness of the Thirteen United States of North-America, I now go on to consider some of the great departments of business, which must fall under the management of the great council of the union, and their officers.
The first thing which naturally offers itself to consideration, is the expence of government; this is a sine qua non of the whole, and all its parts. No kind of administration can be carried on without expence, and the scale or degree of plan and execution must ever be limited by it. Two grand considerations offer themselves here. (1.) The estimate of the expences which government requires; and (2.) Such ways and means of raising sufficient money to defray them, as will be most easy, and least hurtful and oppressive to the subject.
The first is not my present principal object: I shall therefore only observe upon it, that the wants of government, like the wants of nature, are few, and easily supplied; 'tis luxury which incurs the most expence, and drinks up the largest fountains of supply, and what is most to be lamented, the same luxury which drinks up the greatest supplies, does at the same time corrupt the body, enervate its strength, and waste those powers which are designed for use, ornament or delight. The ways and means of supply are the object of my principal attention at present. I will premise a few propositions which appear to me to deserve great consideration here.
I. When a sum of money is wanted, one way of raising it may be much easier than another. This is equally true in states as in individuals. A man must always depend for supply on those articles which he can best spare, or which he can diminish with least inconvenience: He should first sell such articles as he has purposely provided for market; if these are not enough, then such articles of his estate as he can best spare, always sacrificing luxuries first, and necessaries last of all.
II. Any interest or thing whatever, on which the burden of tax is laid, is diminished either in quantity or neat value, e. g. if money is taxed, part of the sum goes to pay the tax; if lands, part of the produce or price goes to pay it; if goods, part of the price which the goods will sell for, goes to pay it, &c.
III. The consumption of any thing, on which the burthen of tax is laid, will always be thereby lessened, because such tax will raise the price of the articles taxed, and fewer people will be able or willing to pay such advance of price, then would purchase, if the price was not raised: And consequently.
IV. The burden of tax ought to be heaviest on such articles, the use and consumption of which are least necessary to the community, and lightest on those articles, the use and consumption of which are most necessary to the community. I think this so plain, that it cannot need any thing said on it either by way of illustration or proof.
V. The staples of any country are both the source and measure of its wealth, and therefore ought to be encouraged and increased as far as possible. No country can enjoy or consume more than they can raise, make or purchase. No country can purchase more than they can pay for; and no country can make payment beyond the amount of the surplus which remains of their staples, after their consumption is subtracted. If they go beyond this, they must run in debt, i. e. eat the calf in the cow's belly, or consume this year the proceeds of the next, which is a direct step to ruin, and must if (continued,) end in destruction.
VI. The great staples of the United States, are our HUSBANDRY, FISHERIES, and MANUFACTURES. Trade comes in as the hand-maid of them all—the servant that tends upon them—the nurse that takes away their redundancies and supplies all their wants. These we may consider as the great sources of our wealth; and our trade, as the great conduit through which it flows. All these we ought in sound policy to guard, encourage and increase as far as possible, and to load them with burdens and embarrassments as little as possible.
THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSEHOLD.
WHEREAS, all Servants and others, employed to procure provisions, or supplies, for the Household, of THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, will be furnished with monies for those purposes. Notice is therefore given, That no accounts, for the payment of which the Public might be considered as responsible, are to be opened with any of them.
SAMUEL FRAUNCES, Steward of the Household.
MAY 4th. 1789.
Complete sets from the beginning, of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, may at any time be obtained by those who chose to subscribe for that publication, at the Editor's Office, No. 9, Maiden-Lane.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the OSWEGO-MARKET, NEW-YORK.