Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-10-21 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LV.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
PLAN of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
(A NATIONAL PAPER.)
Published at the SEAT of the NATIONAL GOVERNMENT, CONTAINING,
 I. EARLY and authentic Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS—its LAWS, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS, communicated so as to form an HISTORY of the TRANSACTIONS of the NATIONAL LEGISLATURE.  II. IMPARTIAL SKETCHES of the DEBATES of CONGRESS.  III. ESSAYS on the great subjects of Government; also upon the national and local Rights of the AMERICAN CITIZENS, as founded upon the National or State Constitutions; also upon every other Subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion.  IV. A SERIES of PARAGRAPHS, calculated to catch the "LIVING MANNERS AS THEY RISE," and to point the public attention to Objects that have an important reference to domestic, social and public happiness.  V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions—religious and moral Objects—Improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY—their foreign Treaties, Alliances, Connections, &c.  VI. Every species of INTELLIGENCE, which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political INTERESTS of the AMERICAN NATION.  VII. A CHAIN of DOMESTIC OCCURRENCES.  VIII. A SERIES of FOREIGN ARTICLES of INTELLIGENCE.  X. The STATE of the FUNDS—Courses of Exchange—Prices Current, &c. 
CONDITIONS.
 I. Published every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY.  II. The price to Subscribers (exclusive of postage) THREE DOLLARS pr. annum.  III. The first semi-annual payment to be made in three months from the time of subscribing, and future payments to be made every six months. 
SUBSCRIPTIONS
Will be received in all the capital towns upon the Continent; also at No. 9, Maiden-Lane, near the Olwego-Market, New-York.
To the PUBLIC.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLIC CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Mediums of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however, VARIOUS the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all good MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, established upon NATIONAL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRINCIPLES—which shall take up the premised Articles, upon a COMPETENT PLAN, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with public approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this Publication is determined to leave no avenue of information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of Persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the public's humble servant, THE EDITOR.
POSTSCRIPT.
SIX Months have now elapsed since this paper was ushered into existence—how far the spirit of the plan has been exhibited, and adhered to, is not for the Editor to say.—A generous and candid public has awarded its approbation, by a subscription which is said to be more extensive than usual on similar occasions.—An acknowledgement of the favor is therefore due from the publisher.—The expence attending an undertaking of this kind is always great; in the present instance, it has not been counterbalanced by any of the customary receipts on account of advertisements—the object being an extensive circulation, the Editor conceiving that their insertion would have counteracted that part of his plan, has never admitted any. This consideration if it was necessary to be suggested, would point out the importance of punctuality on the part of the subscribers—it appears to have been very generally attended to, as the payments have been unusually prompt.
It is necessary to observe that the number of names which have honored the subscription, is not sufficient to defray the expence of the publication, and to afford the Editor a competent support, on a supposition that the whole should be collected.—Additional subscriptions are therefore solicited; and when it is considered, that the paper is new in its construction; contains intelligence of the most interesting nature; abounds with more originality than any other periodical publication; and, viewed as a miscellany, is cheaper than any magazine, register, &c. it can not be doubted but that it will receive an adequate patronage.
In the present number, the publication of the Journals of the Senate is commenced. As there is no gallery to the Senate Chamber, all that can be known of the proceedings of that Most Honorable branch of the National Legislature, is from their Journals; in this view of the subject, it is supposed they will be interesting to the public. The price of the Laws and the Journals of the two Houses only, which will be given in the course of one year, amounts to more than the subscription.
The Editor is determined to prosecute the publication, upon its original principles: He hopes to make it more interesting, by the communications of his ingenious correspondents: He solicits the aid of every friend to science, freedom and government: And such speculations as bear a friendly aspect to the peace, honor and prosperity of our rising nation, will be received with gratitude by the public's humble servant JOHN FENNO.
NEW-YORK, October 14, 1789.
THE TABLET.—No. LV.
"When human creatures once submit to government, and are used to live under the restraint of laws, it is incredible how many useful cautions and self-denials they will learn to practise by experience, and imitation."
THERE prevails an opinion, even among sensible politicians, that men are only obedient to government from compulsion. If fear of punishment, say they, is removed, there will no longer be any obedience to the laws. Whether this consequence would follow to such a degree, that, upon the removal of penal laws, government would be dissolved, need not be brought into discussion. Certain however it is, that many useful, virtuous citizens pass through life, without ever feeling any emotions of such a fear. Their obedience therefore is to be ascribed to other causes. Perhaps habit constitutes the most powerful one. Men are accustomed to perform duties without a repetition of the motives which first stimulated them; and they learn to sustain burdens and sacrifices without opposition or complaint. Obedience resulting from such causes has a preference over that, which is produced by penalties. It costs the government less, and is a demonstration that the people love and regard the laws.
In a well regulated community it will be found that the orderly conduct of the citizens becomes a matter of general consent. It is understood and expected among the inhabitants, that certain rules of decorum with respect to behaviour, and a steady, peaceable observance of the laws should be deemed requisite in obtaining weight and popularity of character. When a government has been long established, such regulations will introduce themselves as a matter of course, and will contribute to relieve the magistrate from many painful acts of duty. But in the first organization of government, the friends of good order and virtue should discover a peculiar degree of care and vigilance. Otherwise the people will early form habits of disobedience to the laws, and disrespect for the magistrates. I have before discussed points something like these, in the 13th and 14th numbers of my speculations, which were principally confined to the subject of smuggling. In those essays I dwelt largely upon the advantage of associations, and pointed out how far they would prove efficacious in giving the revenue laws a favorable introduction.
I am inclined to imagine that the people are now so opposed to the fraudulent practice of smuggling, that few individuals will dare risque the attempt. Indeed I should feel a strong degree of security that the revenue would be honestly collected, were not the ports of entry so numerous and scattered as to increase the temptation to the practice, by lessening the difficulty and hazard. Those persons who live in the vicinity of the little ports will do well to reflect that they hold their advantages only in a state of probation. If they discover an honest indignation against every attempt to defraud the revenue, and give equal demonstrations of integrity with the inhabitants of larger ports, it is not improbable they may be long indulged with the present accommodating arrangements. These people would likewise do well to reflect that, it was with difficulty, Congress were prevailed on to consent to the establishment of such various ports of entry, as it was predicted that the product of the revenue would be endangered by the indulgence. If therefore the anticipations of those members, who objected to the plan, should prove true, it will no doubt induce Congress to make alterations in the system less adapted to the general convenience of the citizens. In whatever light the subject is viewed, there results the strongest arguments in favor of watching carefully over the revenue, that it may prove so productive as not to defeat the purpose of the present lenient regulations.
The inhabitants of populous towns are more readily formed into habits of punctuality and honor, than those in smaller places, where credit and character are less essential to prosperity. It therefore happens, that the mean, dishonorable practice of smuggling finds more countenance in small than large ports. But the inhabitants in general, who derive no benefit from the illicit gains, should contemplate well the inconvenience to which they will be exposed, by acquiescing in so pernicious and disgraceful a practice. It promotes the interests of a few unworthy individuals at the expence of the honest, industrious part of the community. For, if the government finds the sources of the revenue, already in operation, inadequate to the public expenditure, new channels of supply must be opened. The people, by conniving at frauds in the collection of the im-
posts, are giving themselves no relief, but are in fact encreasing their own burdens.
Some men have such a false taste in morals as to feel no remorse at practising knavery against the government. There is a seducing kind of fallacy in this idea. The reason it is not generally exploded, and public knaves treated with the same contempt and abhorrence as private, proceeds from the injury not being so striking and apparent. Men do not to readily discern the inconvenience as to complain of the injustice. All kinds of knavery however are a public dishonor and detriment; and all good men should make a common cause in preventing and punishing it in all shapes and degrees.
In the present state of our government, we cannot depend on the penal force of the laws alone. Virtuous citizens should have an understanding with each other, and make it a point of honor and ambition to establish a fair collection of the revenue.
When a just and honorable practice has been a few months or years observed, men will annex ideas of infamy to every act of fraud committed against the public treasury. The prosperity of society depends more than is usually imagined on the honest habits of the people. There is such a connection between different virtues that when one prevails it cherishes and promotes many others. Honesty will prove favorable to economy; and by paying punctually what is demanded, there is less reason to expect an accumulation of demands. Virtuous and discerning men must therefore rejoice to find a spirit of honor and punctuality existing in all transactions relative to the public treasury. Nothing will more effectually contribute to this object, than good examples and a general sentiment of disapprobation against every species of fraud or collusion that is discovered.
LETTERS.
Written in Holland, in the Year M, DCC, LXXX,
By His Excellency
THE VICE-PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
LETTER III.
AMSTERDAM, Oct. 6, 1780.
SIR,
YOUR third proposition is "to shew that America, notwithstanding the war, daily increases in strength and force."
It is an undoubted fact, that America daily increases in strength and force; but it may not be so easy to prove this to the satisfaction of an European, who has never been across the Atlantic; however, some things may be brought into consideration, which may convince if properly attended to.
1. It may be argued from experience of former wars, during all which, the population of that country was so far from being diminished, or even kept at a stand, that it was always found, at the end of a war, that the numbers of people had increased, during the course of it, nearly in the same ratio as in time of peace. Even in the last French war, which lasted from 1755 to 1763 (during which time the American colonies made as great exertions, had in the field as great a number of men, and put themselves to as great an expence, in proportion to the numbers of people, as the United States have done during this war) it was found that the population had increased nearly as fast as in times of peace.
2 If you make enquiry into the circumstances of the different parts of America, at this day, you find all the States pushing their settlements out into the wilderness, upon the frontiers, cutting down the woods, and subduing new lands, with as much eagerness and rapidity as they used to do in former times of war or peace. This spreading of the people, into the wilderness, is a decisive proof of the increasing population.
3. The only certain way of determining the ratio of the increase of population, is by authentic numerations of the people, and regular official returns. This has, I believe, never been done generally in former wars, and has been generally omitted in this. Yet some States have made these returns: The Massachusetts Bay, for example, had a valuation about the year 1773 or 1774, and again the last year, 1779, they had another. In this period of 5 years, that State was found to have increased, both in number of people and value of property, more than it had ever grown before in the same period of time. Now the Massachusetts Bay had a greater number of men employed in the war, both by land and sea, in proportion to the number of her inhabitants, than any other State in the thirteen. She has had more men killed, taken prisoners, and died of sickness, than any other State; yet her growth has been as rapid as ever: From whence it may be fairly argued, that all the other States have grown in the same or a greater proportion.

4. It has been found by calculations, that America has doubled her numbers, even by natural generation alone, upon an average, about once in eighteen years. This war has now lasted near six years; in the course of it, we commonly compute, in America, that we have lost, by sickness, and the sword, and captivity, about five and thirty thousand men. But the number of people have not increased less than fifty thousand souls; which give at least an hundred thousand fighting men. We have not less, probably, than seventy thousand fighting men, in America, more than we had on the day that hostilities were first commenced, on the 19th of April, 1775. There are near twenty thousand fighting men added to the numbers in America every year.—Is this the case with our enemy, Great Britain? Which then can maintain the war the longest?
5. If America increases in numbers, she certainly increases in strength. But her strength increases in other respects: The discipline of her army increases; the skill of her officers increases, by sea and land; her skill in military manufactures, such as those of salt petre, powder, fire arms, cannon, increases; her skill in manufactures of flax and wool, for the first necessity, increases; her manufactures of salt also increase; and all these are augmentations of strength and force to maintain her independence. Further, her commerce increases every year: the number of vessels she has had this year, in the trade to the West-Indies; the number of vessels arrived in Spain, France, Holland and Sweden; shew that her trade is greatly increased this year.
But above all, her activity, skill, bravery, and success in privateering, increase every year; the prizes she has made from the English this year, will defray more than one half of the whole expence of this year's war. I only submit to your consideration a few hints, which will enable you to satisfy yourself, by reflection, how fast the strength and force of America increase.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. GALKOEN.
FURTHER EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
Received by the SANDWICH PACKET.
PARIS, August 26.
THIS day, being the Anniversary of St. Louis and kept as the King's birth day; the National Assembly sent a deputation of 60 members, headed by their President, to compliment his Majesty in the following speech:
"SIRE, The Monarch whose revered name is borne by your Majesty, whose virtues are this day celebrated by religion, was, like you, the friend of his people.
"Like you, Sire, he was friendly to French liberty, he protected it by laws which do honor to our annals, but it was not in his power to be its restorer.
"This glory, reserved for your Majesty, gives you an immortal right to the gratitude and tender veneration of the French.
"Accordingly the names of two Kings shall be forever united, who, in the distance of ages, are approximated by the most signal acts of justice in favor of their people.
"Sire, the National Assembly has suspended its operations for a moment, to satisfy a duty which is dear to it, or rather, it does not deviate from the object of its mission. To speak to its King of the love and fidelity of the French, is a business of truly national interest, it is fulfilling the most ardent of their wishes."
His Majesty made the following answer to the President:
"I receive with sensibility the testimonials of the attachment of the National Assembly; it may always reckon on my confidence and my affection."
The King received the deputation with great affability. The Duke of Orleans was the only Prince of the blood present at the procession. His Highness, with all his family, were at Court to pay their compliments to the King; and the Duchesses of Orleans and Bourbon (the Duke of Orleans's sister) were the only women who entered the King's cabinet.
M. Bailly, in taking his new oath before the King, said, "Sire, I swear to your Majesty to respect, and cause to be respected, your legislative authority; I swear to maintain and protect the rights of the citizens, and do justice to all."
LONDON, August 28.
According to letters of a very recent date from Madrid, his Catholic Majesty has taken the precaution of drawing a line of troops from St. Sebastian to Gironna, which is across the kingdom where it communicates with France. Instructions have also been sent to the dockyards, and every seaport of the kingdom, to be very particular in examining strangers, and obliging such as have not real business to depart the kingdom.
It appears rather extraordinary that no detailed account is yet published of the engagement between the Swedes and Russians on the 26th ult. but every information confirms that it was a drawn battle, no ship being taken or sunk on either side: about 50 men were killed on board the Swedish fleet.
The Swedes are preparing for the assault of Fredericksham both by sea and land. The attack will probably be decisive one way or other. The King is to command in person.
Fredericksham is the capital of Russian Finland, and a garrison of the utmost importance.
In the late running fight between the Swedes and Russians, two frigates of the former power absolutely silenced two sixty-fours of the latter. The Duke of Sudermania, with two other ships, were attacked closely by five of the largest Russian men of war; during which time the Duke made fifteen different signals to the Vice Admiral to attack such ships as were pointed out before the engagement, but the Admiral did not obey the signals, nor fire a single gun: If he had, the Duke avers, that he should most assuredly have been master of at least five Russian men of war.
SEPTEMBER 1.
A gentleman who thought proper to withdraw from Paris, where he has resided some years, reports, that if any foreign auxiliaries should attempt to enter France, it is the determined resolution of the armed citizens of Paris, Versailles, Meudon, St. Cloud, Marolles, Senlis, St. Denis, Pady, and the whole Isle of France, or Province of Paris, to seize the King and Queen, and detain them as hostages, till the foreigners shall return by the way they came, and leave them at liberty to settle their own affairs as they shall think best.
The noble Gallic contest for freedom becomes an interesting object to Britannia's sons—whose generous sentiments are thus happily expressed by Gen. CONWAY.
"And thou'd the Genius of this happy isle, On Gallia's sons at length propitious smile; While in each breast the patriot spirit glows, We'd hail as BROTHERS, whom we've met as FOES; To the same point their generous ardor tends: The friends to FREEDOM must be BRITAIN's friends."
Letters received yesterday from Lyons confirm the late accounts from Avignon, the people there have shaken off the Papal Government, and put themselves under that of France—they say that they are Frenchmen—that is, they desire to be as free as they are, and they are certainly right—no obsolete treaties, by which they have been sold or alienated to the Holy See, should stop them—Men should not be treated as beasts of burthen.
How must the licentiousness of the popular party in France, even as represented by the ministerial prints, dwindle in comparison with a deliberate act of an assembly in that country, when under the yoke of kingly power and priestly artifice! The circumstance alluded to istaken from the Histoire Ecclesiastique des Eglises Reformes au Royaume , in the year 1562; when the following sentence was pronounced by the Parliament of Thoulouse upon Teronde, a Protestant Advocate, though he was not found guilty!
"M. TERONDE,
"The Court does not find you are culpable in the least. However, being very well informed of your inward thoughts, and that you would have been very well pleased if your reprobate sect had gained the victory, they have condemned you to be beheaded, and have confiscated your estate without any exception."
SEPTEMBER 3.
COPY of the DECLARATION of RIGHTS, as finally decreed by the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY of FRANCE.
THURSDAY, August 27.
THE Representatives of the French people, constituted in National Assembly, considering that ignorance, forgetfulness, or contempt of the rights of man are the sole causes of public misfortunes, and the corruption of Governments, have resolved to set forth in a solemn Declaration, the natural, inalienable, and sacred Rights of Man; to the end that this Declaration, being constantly sent to all the Members of the Social Body, may perpetually remind them of their Rights and Duties; that the Acts of the Legislative and Executive Power, being every instant liable to be compared with the object of every political institution, may be more respected by them; and that the claims of the Citizens founded henceforward on simple and incontestible principles, may uniformly turn to the maintenance of the Constitution, and to the happiness of all.
In consequence, the National Assembly acknowledges and declares, in presence of, and under the auspices of the Supreme Legislator, the following Rights of Man and Citizen .
ART. 1. All men are born, and remain free, and equal in rights; social distinctions can only be founded on common utility.
ART. 2. The end of every political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible Rights of Man; these rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression.
ART. 3. The principle of all sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation; no body of men, no individuals can exercise any authority but what emanates expressly from it.
ART. 4. Liberty consists in doing whatever does not injure another; accordingly, the exercise of the natural rights of each man, has no other bounds but those which secure to other members of society the enjoyment of the same rights; these can be determined only by the law.
ART. 5. The law should only prohibit actions injurious to society. Nothing can be prevented but what is prohibited by law; nor can any man be constrained to do what it does not ordain.
ART. 6. The law is the expression of the general will; all the citizens have the right of concurring personally, or by their Representatives, in its formation; it ought to be the same for all, whether it protects or whether it punishes. All the citizens being equal in its eye, are equally admissible to all places, employments and dignities, according to their capacity; and without any other distinction, than that of their virtues and their talents.
ART. 7. No man can be accused, apprehended, or detained, but in cases determined by the law, and according to the forms which it has prescribed. They who solicit, expedite, execute, or cause to be executed, any arbitrary orders, should be punished; but every citizen, summoned or apprehended, by virtue of the law, should instantly obey, and he becomes culpable by resistance.
ART. 8. The law should establish none but punishments strictly and evidently necessary; and no man can be punished but by virtue of a law established and promulgated prior to the offence, and legally applied.
ART. 9. Every man being presumed innocent, until he shall have been pronounced guilty, if it be deemed indispensable to apprehend him, every species of rigour not absolutely necessary for securing his person, should be severely prohibited by law.
ART. 10. No man can be disturbed in his opinions, even religious; provided their manifestation do not trouble the public order established by law.
ART. 11. The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the most precious rights of man. Every citizen, therefore may freely speak, write and print, under condition of being responsible for the abuse of that liberty in cases provided for by law.
ART. 12. The security of the rights of the man and citizen renders a public force necessary; that force then is instituted for the good of all, and not for the particular advantage of those to whom it is confided.
ART. 13. For the maintenance of this public force, and the other expences of Administration, a common contribution is indispensable; this should be apportioned among all the citizens, in proportion to their abilities.
ART. 14. Each citizen has the right, by himself, or his Representatives, to determine the necessity of the noble contribution, freely to consent to it, to attend to its employment, and to fix the quota, the mode of imposition, the collection and duration of the same.
ART. 15. Society has a right to demand an account from every public agent of his administration.
ART. 16. Every society in which the guaranty of their rights is not secured, nor the separation of powers determined, is without a constitution. These are the whole of the articles.
The city of Paris is fifteen miles in circumference, the streets are narrow, the houses high and every floor is inhabited by a different family; so that in proportion to its extent, it is more populous than London.
A correspondent has favoured us with the perusal of a letter which he had received from a friend, one of the National Assembly, at Paris, the son of the unfortunate General Lally, and which says, "I cannot forget the English blood that rolls in my veins, I cannot forget your glorious constitution. To this I adverted, when, on the 2d of the month, I arose, and among other things maintained, that in the earlier periods of the French Monarchy, the most absolute of its Princes were no more than the first citizens, or Members of the Republic, and that the present Government of Great Britain is the image of the Government of Charlemagne.
"If it would ever tend to the true glory and prosperity of any nation, to be subjected to the absolute power of an individual, I would not speak upon this important occasion; but it is palpable, that in such Governments the interest of the Monarch—that is to say, his pleasures, his avarice or his tinsel glory—is promoted by the misery and oppression of his subjects. It is, indeed, pleasant enough to maintain, that the well-being of twenty-four million of souls ought to be equally intrusted to the direction of an individual, in consequence of his being born of a certain man and woman. Absolute power in excellent hands may render a people happy; but such hands are so rare, and there is so little probability of seeing a series of such hands, at the head of my Nation, that the people are authorised to secure their liberties and property by the bulwark of a wise and free constitution, and it is in this that the glory and prosperity of a nation properly consist."
A more true definition of a free Government was never better given in so small a number of words. And this is Comte Lally de Tolendall.
Revolutions in States are the natural consequences of unpopular and oppressive measures, and in those cases, the troops always change to

the side of justice:—it was so in the year 1688 in England—it is so in the year 1789 in France.
The late engagement in the North Sea, lasted from 2 o'clock P. M. until night.
The principal loss on board the Russian fleet was Brigadier Mulofchky who was killed. On board his ship 15 other persons lost their lives and 62 were wounded from three cannon bursting; his ship was on fire no less than four times during the action.
In case an Imperial standard should be raised, which would of course ensue protection to all who repair to it—the Comte d'Artois, the Condes, and all the great personages who are now in a state of proscription, would immediately hasten thither, and the Emperor would find himself surrounded with all the blood royal, and many of the first characters in France.
As we cannot suppose that the French Nobility are serious in yielding up their honors, or that the Clergy are in earnest in giving up their revenues; but firmly believing that they go with the current they cannot stem, and encourage the present enthusiasm for liberty in order to hurry it on to destruction, we have no doubt but that the greater part of the Nobility and Clergy, who now compose the National Assembly, would seek the protecting wings of the Imperial Eagle, leaving Messieurs le Tiers Etat to deliberate on refined systems of Government which they cannot comprehend, and M. le Comte de la Fayette to try what great feats can be performed by the Militia of Paris and Versailles.
M. Neckar's illness has terminated in a Tertian fever, and he is obliged to keep his room. He has already had four attacks, and his physicians expect three more. One of them observed the other day to him, that he only wanted a little repose and he would soon be well. The Minister looking at him stedfastly replied, "You must find some other remedy for the disease, or I never shall be cured."
The King of France has issued an ordinance, "declaring an amnesty in favor of all soldiers, officers, hussars, and dragoons who have deserted their standards without permission since the 1st of June. He allows them the liberty of rejoining their corps, and assures them of an oblivion of all that is past, and their re-establishment in the rank they held at the time of deserting."
The amnesty extends to the 1st of October next. Three of the Swiss Cantons have declared those of their troops traitors, who deserted their colours under Marshall Broglio. Some of them found their way back into Switzerland, but had been refused to be received into any of the Cantonments.
The reform in the Count d'Artois' household is compleated. It is intended even to suppress his Council. The young Princes, his children are expected at Paris every day. Most people seem to wish his Highness likewise to return, for the absence of so many of the blood royal as well as the principal nobility, gives very serious cause of alarm.
It has been said that the apprehension of danger to the person of Louis XVI. alone prevents the Count d'Artois from commencing hostilities. We repeat it, that the Count and his party, for the present, endeavour to accomplish their purpose by indirect methods. The King, by lulling the Patriots into a false security, may more effectually promote the views of their enemies.
The duties laid on the importation of several kinds of goods into the ports of America, are considerably less than into those of the ports of Europe—Thus we find, that Madeira wine is to be charged 25 cents pr. gallon, and as each cent is the hundredth part of a dollar (equal to a half penny, and two twenty fifths each) the duty is therefore but 14. 3s. 6d. pr. ton, though in Ireland it is 35l. and still more in England. Other wines are to pay but 15 cents, or at 8l. 10s. 3d. a ton, which is considerably lower than port, claret, and other wines pay in those countries. Yarn is to be charged 90 cents for a hundred weight, which is not a halfpenny a pound. The elegantly finished sort of shoes but 5d. 2 1/2s a pair, and others 3d. and a small fraction. Earthen ware, pottery, &c. but 10 pr. cent, yet in the treaty between France and England (as also with respect to similar kinds of goods brought over to Ireland from the sister country in crates) the rate is 25. Teas, sugars, spirits, &c. are to pay but a trivial charge in comparison of the duties as rated for them in those countries, with a preference, however, given to those goods imported in their own vessels.—Some materials of manufacture are totally exempted. A trade therefore beyond the Atlantic will be a very desirable circumstance, though rather in manufactured goods than the unwrought materials of industry.
A very curious experiment has been lately tried, that of proving how far an entire copper vessel would answer the purpose of sailing. Mr. Williams, a joint proprietor of the great copper mines, was the projector, and a very numerous party attended the experiment—Lord Mount Edgecombe, Sir Borlafe Warren, &c. It was launched at Deptford, and promises to answer every purpose for which it was designed.
THE ORIGIN OF LAWS.—AN EXTRACT.
THRICÉ happy age, the youthful Poet cries, Ere laws arose, ere tyrants bade them rise; When all were blest to share a common store, And none were proud of wealth, for none were poor; No wars, no tumults vex'd each still domain, No thirst of empire, no desire of gain; No proud great man, nor one who would be great, Drove modest Merit from its proper state; Nor into distant climes would Avarice roam, To fetch delights for Luxury at home; Bound by no ties but those by nature made, Virtue was law, and gifts prevented trade.
Mistaken youth! each nation first was rude, Each man a cheerless son of solitude, To whom no joys of social life were known, Nor felt a care that was not all his own; Or in some languid clime his abject foul Bow'd to a little tyrant's stern controul; A slave, with slaves his monarch's throne he rais'd; And in rude song his ruder idol prais'd; The meaner cares of life were all he knew, Bounded his pleasures, and his withes few; But when by slow degrees the Arts arose, Taught by some conquering friends, who came as foes; When Commerce, rising from the bed of ease, Ran round the land and pointed to the seas; When Emulation, born with jealous eye, And Avarice, lent their spurs to Industry; Then one by one the numerous laws were made, Those to controul, and these to succour trade; To curb the insolence of rude command, To snatch the victim from the Usurer's hand, To awe the bold, to yield the wrong'd redress, And feed the poor with Luxury's excess.
Like some vast flood, unbounded, fierce, and strong, His nature leads ungovern'd man along; Like mighty bulwarks made to stem that tide, The laws are form'd, and plac'd on every side; When e'er it breaks the bounds by them decreed, New statutes rise, and stronger laws succeed; More and more gentle grows the dying stream, More and more strong the rising bulwarks seem; Till, like a miner working sure and slow, Luxury creeps on, and ruins all below; The basis sinks, the ample piles decay, The stately fabric shakes and falls away; Primeval Want and Ignorance come on, But Freedom, sovereign boon of life, is gone.
INTELLIGENCE BY THE LAST MAIL.
PROVIDENCE, October 10.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman lately returned from the Muskingum, to his friend in this town, dated Morris County, (State of New-York,) Oct. 1.
Mr. MATTIS, a surveyor, with his party, were on the 9th of Aug. attacked by the Indians. His party consisted of a corporal, six soldiers, and five New-Englandmen, who were employed in surveying near the Great Kenhawa, about 100 miles down the river from Marietta. Two of the party rising earlier than the others, went to look after their pack-horses—the remainder, eleven in number, after having risen, were sitting on their blankets, when they received an unexpected fire from a party of Indians, not knowing there were any near them. Seven were shot dead on the spot—the remaining three, with Mr. Mattis, and the two who were looking for their horses, made their escape. The unfortunate persons killed were six soldiers, and a New-Englandman by the name of Patchen, from near Boston. Mr. Mattis and the others made their way down the river, where Col. MEIGS, with a party, were also surveying. They found them alarmed, as one of the chain-bearers had discovered two dogs ahead of them in the woods—they immediately discharged their guns, and reloaded, which proved a lucky circumstance, as the Indians, then lying in ambush for them to come on, supposing themselves discovered, went off, first drawing with wet powder, on the bark of a tree, the figure of an Indian tomahawking a man. Col. Meigs, and his party, immediately quitted their employ, and returned safe to Marietta. A party of Shawanese Indians afterwards took a New-Englandman, (Mr. Gardner) prisoner at Wolf Creek; he was employed in cutting timber for a mill now building at that place, eight miles from Marietta, but being an excellent woodman, he had the good fortune to make his escape, after travelling 60 or 70 miles with them.
"These events have damped the inhabitants a little—but I am in hopes no further mischief will ensue from the savages. A description of that fine country, and the great advantages arising from settlements there, it is needless for me to give.—The lands exceeded my expectation."
BOSTON, October 16.
At a time when our ILLUSTRIOUS PRESIDENT intends a visit to this metropolis, a correspondent would urge the propriety of a general illumination, as a testimonial of the joy that will undoubtedly be felt upon the occasion, and would propose a public subscription for the purpose of supplying those persons with candles, whose circumstances will not permit of such an expence, as undoubtedly their feelings, upon this occasion will be equal to any of the first citizens of this Commonwealth.
SHIP NEWS.
Extract of a letter from Peterburgh (Russia) dated July 30.
Last week a Swedish frigate, as she lay at anchor, was taken by a small cutter of 18 guns, the cutter making a warp fast to her ring bolt and hauling along side. Capt. Paul Jones, who was Admiral of the fleet, was taken up on suspicion of a contract with the Swedish fleet and lays in jail to be tried for his life. Capt. Peter Landar, of Salem, arrived the day before we did."
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 21.
That THE PRESIDENT of the United States is justly entitled to the love and respect of his fellow citizens, no person has the effrontery explicitly to deny—because it would be contradicted by the feelings of every friend to the late glorious revolution: But in the view of certain characters—(thank Heaven their number is very small) it is a most unpardonable sin to express those sentiments of attachment and veneration; so publicly, as that the world may know, that America is wise enough to discover who are her best friends, or has gratitude enough to acknowledge her obligations to them.
That the lowest degradation of the human character may take place, independent of TITLES, is evident in the lately cited instance of the King of Ceylon—who, without that appendage to his political station, receives the adulations of his Courtiers in a stile of the lowest and most contemptible idolatry: On the other hand, in the Roman Republic the most pompous titles were conferred on their Magistrates, without producing the least humiliation of spirit among the people. From whence it appears that neither Freedom or Slavery are connected with Titles, any further than their adoption has a favorable, or inauspicious aspect upon the government.
Patriotism is the love of our country, its peace, its prosperity, and glory: It watches with eagle eye, the rights of the people: It is equally concerned for the dignity of the laws: It is peaceable, quiet, and patient—not meanly suspicious, nor weakly credulous: It gives its support to the ministers of justice, and the administrators of the government: It seeks for redress of grievances in the line of the constitution: It abhors treason, traitors, and anarchy; and rejects with abhorrence the machinations of crafty, selfish and unprincipled politicians: men whose object is SELF, to the sacrificing the public interest, safety, and honor. The voice of true patriots is calmness, and conciliation; they delight in works of charity and peace—their plan of conduct is always compatible with the laws of justice, truth, and decency.—They may suffer for righteousness sake, for a season; but time shall eventually unfold their real characters, set their merits in a just point of light; and the people who have been saved by their magnanimity, shall embalm their memory in the bosom of their grateful remembrance.
The people of America when under a royal government were reviled by their task masters as being peculiarly addicted to the practice of evading payment of the kings revenue—tho' this was doubtless a slander as particularly pointed at Americans, for the people of Britain pursue a system of smuggling even under the guns of their guardacostas.—Yet, as it is of so great importance that the fair trader should not be sacrificed; and that the revenue should not be diminished; and there are some persons of so perverse a disposition as to oppose the laws for opposition sake; it is of importance that every proper step should be taken to prevent the pernicious practice.—The association of the merchants in Philadelphia is justly considered as a salutary, and patriotic measure; it reflects the highest honor on their public spirit; and is worthy of imitation by all the great towns and cities on the continent. There was once a time when a glorious spirit of emulation pervaded the States in the defence of our country! Shall we be less virtuous, less emulative to secure the blessings of peace and of good government, the precious rewards of our labors, toils and dangers? This security must arise from furnishing THE MEANS to support the Constitution. The impost system is so universally preferred to all other modes of taxation, that it may be emphatically stiled the PEOPLE'S OWN PLAN; and to violate the revenue laws, will be to insult the MAJESTY OF THE PEOPLE.
It is an old observation—Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof. The mind that is continually brooding o'er ills in futuro, realizes the misery it anticipates, in its present feeling, and lays up a flock on interest; but the influences of a bright hope of happiness in reserve, brightens present affliction, and braces up the mind for future contingencies. It would be well for the gloomy croakers against the new government, and its administration; to refresh their memories by recurring to their past predictions—As every event that has transpired, serves to shew how incompetent they have been, and still are to penetrate into futurity.
If the friends of the new Constitution, had discovered on all occasions, that bitter, and uncharitable spirit; that insolent, and haughty deportment; that vindictive, and revengeful temper, which have marked the conduct and designated the publications of the enemies to the system, America would have just cause to tremble. Men, who upon all occasions brand those who differ from them with the most opprobrious epithets; impute the vilest motives, to characters, honored by the public confidence; and stick at nothing to excite clamors, jealousies and confusion; would, if clothed with power, prove the most execrable tyrants that ever blasted the happiness of mankind.
THE PRESIDENT.
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman in Boston, to the Editor, dated October 16.
"We have a rumour, that Gen. WASHINGTON, our beloved President, intends a visit to this metropolis: And we all hope it is true. Our old men wish, ere they bow their grey hairs to the grave, to see the MAN who has bid their setting sun go down in peace. Those less aged, wish to testify their gratitude to the political saviour of their country, and to redouble those attentions to the Father, which they once paid to his ADOPTED SON*—and our children wish, or their parents for them, to be able to lisp the name of the HERO, who has destroyed, under Heaven, the manacles prepared for them.—The gratulating song of every Being in this metropolis shall bid him welcome—thrice welcome!"
* The Marquis de la FAYETTE.
Extract of a letter from Stratford, October 19.
The PRESIDENT of the United States arrived here on the 17th inst. The independent company of matrosses, under the command of Lieutenant WETMORE, was paraded, and fired a federal salute on the occasion. They afterwards escorted the President on his journey as far as the ferry, who very politely noticed theirs and the citizens respectful attentions.
The VICE PRESIDENT, who arrived here on the 15th, was also received with military honors."
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Monday Sloop Along, Watson, Philadelphia. Three Friends, Sable, Turks-Island. Brig Nancy, Bernard, Cape-Francois. Sloop Dolphin, Burnett, Martinico.

A few THOUGHTS concerning a proper MONEY of ACCOUNT.
BY A GENTLEMAN OF VIRGINIA.
ALTHO, for various reasons, what are called the precious metals be more proper than any other commodity to be the standard...
That a debt, due now, be paid at an equal value, at whatever distant time the payment be made, it seems necessary to adopt a money of account purely imaginary...
In this arrangement of a money account I have made no alteration in that lately chosen by Congress...
On a superficial view, it might seem to be a valid objection to such a plan, that in cases of dispute about the just amount of the payment to be made...
In laying public taxes of any sort, defined by such a measure as is here proposed, it might be convenient to define also, by the same standard, the value of gold and silver...
(The remainder on Saturday.)
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
(Concluded from our last.)
I AM of opinion 'tis quite time to quit this childish miniature of councils, and adopt something up to the full size, and propose some system to our people...
But if you will continue to believe that my high scale of tax will stupify our people with terror on first sight of the dreadful, dreary object, I will seriously ask you if you are acquainted with one individual...
gallon tax on distill'd spirits and wine, a duty equal to the first cost on silks, cambricks, lawns, mufin, laces, jewellery, and so on thro' all the grades of the tax I propose.
I do not know how far our people at large are impressed with a sense of the importance of our union; it is, in my opinion, an object of the utmost weight...
But if this cannot be obtained, I can add no more, I have no conception that the Americans either are or ought to be governed against their consent...
I think it would not be very difficult to make out the detail of particulars necessary to form the plan or system, both of the tax and its collection...
I do not let myself up to propose systems of political union, and plans of revenue, because I think myself the fittest and most capable man to do it...
Any man of a clear head may comprehend his own thoughts, but cannot so well enter into those of another. You might as well set twenty watchmakers to make a watch...
Philadelphia, 24th March, 1783. FINIS.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
ABSTRACT OF JOURNAL OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
TUESDAY, APRIL 7, 1789. The Senate proceeded to elect a Door-keeper, and James Matthews was chosen.
Ordered, That Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Paterson, Mr. Maclay, Mr. Strong, Mr. Lee, Mr. Basset, Mr. Few, and Mr. Wingate, be a committee, to bring in a bill for organizing the Judiciary of the United States.
Ordered, That Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Lee, Mr. Strong, Mr. Maclay, and Mr. Basset, be a committee to prepare a system of rules to govern the two Houses in cases of conference...
Ordered, That the same committee prepare a system of rules for conducting business in the Senate. Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8. The Senate proceeded by ballot to the choice of a Secretary. Samuel Allyne Otis, Esq. was elected.
The respective petitions of Abraham Okece, Cornelius Maxwell, and Abraham Mitchell, praying to be employed as attendants on the Senate, were read, and ordered to lie on the table.
The Senate proceeded to elect a messenger, and Cornelius Maxwell was appointed. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 9. The memorial of John Bryce was read, praying to be employed as Book-binder, &c. to the Senate and House of Representatives.
Ordered, That Mr. Langdon, Mr. Johnson, and Mr. Few, be a committee to make the necessary arrangements for receiving the President; and that they be empowered to confer with any committee of the House of Representatives...
Adjourned to Saturday next. SATURDAY, APRIL 11.
The Senate assembled: Present—From New-Hampshire, Mr. Langdon, and Mr. Wingate—Massachusetts, Mr. Strong—Connecticut, Mr. Johnson, and Mr. Ellsworth—New-Jersey, Mr. Paterson, and Mr. Elmer—Pennsylvania, Mr. Maclay—Delaware, Mr. Basset—Virginia, Mr. Lee—Georgia, Mr. Few. Adjourned until Monday next.
MONDAY, APRIL 13. Present, as on Saturday, except Mr. Paterson, who had leave of absence.
The Hon. Ralph Izard, from the State of South Carolina, the Hon. Charles Carroll, from the State of Maryland, and the Hon. George Read, from the State of Delaware, severally produced their credentials, and took their seats in the Senate.
The report of the Committee appointed the 7th inst. upon a system of rules for conducting business in the Senate, was read, and ordered to lie until to-morrow for consideration.
On motion, Ordered, That a committee of three, on the part of the Senate, be appointed to confer with any committee, on the part of the House of Representatives, instructed to that purpose...
On motion, Ordered, That the committee appointed the 6th inst. to determine the ceremonial proper to be observed on the reception of the President, be empowered to consider what arrangements are necessary for the reception of the Vice President, and to confer with any committee the House may intrust to that purpose.
On motion, Ordered, That Mr. Lee, Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Few, be a committee to consider and report upon the communications made on the 6th inst. from the Mayor, &c. of the city of New-York, tendering to Congress the use of the City-Hall.
On motion, Ordered, That an addition of one from each State not having a member already on the Committee, be added to the Committee of the 7th of April, to bring in a bill for organizing the Judiciary of the United States, and Mr. Carroll, and Mr. Izard, were joined. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, APRIL 14. The Hon. Tristram Dalton, from the State of Massachusetts, appeared, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the Senate.
On the report of the Committee appointed the 13th inst. to take into consideration the letter and communications from the Mayor of the city of New-York.
Ordered, That the following letter be written to the Mayor of the City of New-York, by the President; and that nothing further for the present be done in the business.
NEW-YORK, APRIL 14, 1789.
SIR, THE Senate have considered the letter that you were pleased to address to their House on the 6th inst. and they entertain a proper sense of the respect shown to the General Government of the United States...
That the honor to be, &c. (SIGNED.) THE PRESIDENT of the SENATE.
The Hon. James Duane, Esq. The rules and orders as reported by the Committee were again read, and ordered to lie for consideration.
On motion, a Committee, consisting of Mr. Read, Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Lee, were appointed to consider of the utility of printing the journals weekly, and furnishing the members with copies...
Adjourned. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15.
The Committee appointed the 7th of April, to prepare a system of rules to govern the two Houses in cases of conference, to take into consideration the manner of electing chaplains, and to confer thereon with a Committee of the House of Representatives.
The Committee above mentioned further reported, "That two Chaplains of different denominations be appointed to Congress, for the present session, the Senate to appoint one, and give notice thereof to the House of Representatives...
(To be continued.)
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Began and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
An Act for allowing certain Compensation to the Judges of the Supreme and other Courts and to the Attorney-General of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be allowed to the judges of the supreme and other courts of the United States, the yearly compensations herein after mentioned...
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG. Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER 23, 1789.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN LANE, near the Osogo-Market, NEW-YORK. $3 dol. pr. an.