Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-08-14 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 126 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1793.
[Whole No. 448.]
Chief Justice JAY's opinion, on the question— whether a State be liable to be sued by a private citizen of another State?
[CONTINUED.]
WILL it be said, that the fifty odd thousand citizens in Delaware being associated under a State government, stand in a rank so superior to the forty odd thousand of Philadelphia, associated under their charter, that although it may become the latter to meet an individual on an equal footing in a Court of justice, yet that such a procedure would not compare with the dignity of the former?—In this land of equal liberty, shall forty odd thousand in one place be compellable to do justice, and yet fifty odd thousand in another place be privileged to do justice only as they may think proper?—Such objections would not correspond with the equal rights we claim—with the equality we profess to admire and maintain, and with that popular sovereignty in which every citizen partakes—Grant that the Governor of Delaware holds an office of superior rank to the Mayor of Philadelphia—they are both nevertheless the officers of the people; and however more exalted the one may be than the other, yet in the opinion of those who dislike aristocracy, that circumstance cannot be a good reason for impeding the course of justice.
If there be any such incompatibility as is pretended, whence does it arise? in what does it consist?
There is at least one strong undeniable fact against this incompatibility—and that is this—any one State in the union may sue another State, in this court—that is—all the people of one State may sue all the people of another State. It is plain then, that a State may be sued, and hence it is plain, follows, that suability and State sovereignty are not incompatible.
As one state may sue another state in this court, it is plain that no degradation to a state is thought to accompany her appearance in this court—it is not therefore to an appearance in this court that the objection points—To what does it point? it points to an appearance at the suit of one or more citizens.
But why it should be more incompatible, that all the people of a state should be sued by one citizen, than by one hundred thousand, I cannot perceive—the process in both cases being alike—the judgments alike—and the consequences of the judgments alike. Nor can I observe any greater inconveniences in the one case than in the other, except what may arise from the feelings of those who may regard a lesser number in an inferior light.
But if any reliance be made on this inferiority as an objection, at least one half of its force is done away by this fact, viz. that it is conceded that a State may appear in this court as plaintiff against a single citizen as defendant; and the truth is, that the State of Georgia is at this moment prosecuting an action in this court against two citizens of South-Carolina.
The only remnant of objection therefore that remains is, that the state is not bound to appear and answer as a defendant at the suit of an individual; but why it is unreasonable that she should be so bound, is hard to conjecture—That rule is said to be a bad one, which does not work both ways—the citizens of Georgia are content with a right of suing citizens of other states; but are not content that citizens of other States should have a right to sue them.
Let us now proceed to enquire whether Georgia has not, by being a party to the national compact, consented to be suable by individual citizens of another state.
This inquiry naturally leads our attention, (1) To the design of the Constitution: (2) To the letter and express declaration in it.
Prior to the date of the Constitution, the people had not any national tribunal to which they could resort for justice—The distribution of justice was then confined to state judiciaries, in whose institution and organization the people of the other States had no participation, and over whom they had not the least controul. There was then no general court of appellate jurisdiction, by whom the errors of state courts, affecting either the nation at large or the citizens of any other state, could be revised and corrected. Each state was obliged to acquiesce in the measure of justice which another state might yield to her, or to her citizens; and that even in cases where State considerations were not always favorable to the most exact measure—there was danger that from this source animosities would in time result; and as the transition from animosities to hostilities was frequent in the history of independent states, a common tribunal for the termination of controversies became desirable, from motives both of justice and of policy.
Prior also to that period, the United States had, by taking a place among the nations of the earth, become amenable to the laws of nations; and it was their interest as well as their duty to provide, that those laws should be respected and obeyed—In their national
character and capacity, the United States were responsible to foreign nations for the conduct of each state, and of the citizens of each state, relative to the laws of nations, and the performance of treaties; and there the inexpediency of referring all such questions to state courts, and particularly to the courts of delinquent states, became apparent. While all the states were bound to protect each, and the citizens of each, it was highly proper and reasonable, that they should be in capacity, not only to cause justice to be done to each, and the citizens of each; but also to cause justice to be done by each, and the citizens of each; and that, not by violence and force, but in a stable, sedate, and regular course of judicial procedure.
These were among the evils against which it was proper for the nation, that is, the people of all the United States, to provide by a national judiciary, to be instituted by the whole nation, and to be responsible to the whole nation.
Let us now turn to the constitution. The people therein declare, that their design in establishing it, comprehended six objects.
 (1) To form a more perfect union.  (2) To establish justice.  (3) To ensure domestic tranquility.  (4) To provide for the common defence.  (5) To promote the general welfare.  (6) To secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity. 
It would be pleasing and useful to consider and trace the relations which each of these objects bears to the others; and to show that they collectively comprise every thing requisite, with the blessing of Divine Providence, to render a people prosperous and happy—On the present occasion such disquisitions would be unseasonable, because foreign to the subject immediately under consideration.
It may be asked, what is the precise sense and latitude in which the words “to establish justice,” as here used, are to be understood? The answer to this question will result from the provisions made in the Constitution on this head. They are specified in the 2d. sect. of the 3d. article, where it is ordained, that the judicial power of the United States shall extend to ten descriptions of cases, viz.
 (1) To all cases arising under this Constitution—Because the meaning, construction and operation of a compact ought always to be ascertained by all the parties, or by authority derived from them all; and not by one of the parties, or by authority derived only from one of them.  (2) To all cases arising under the laws of the United States—Because as such laws constitutionally made, are obligatory on each state, the measure of obligation and obedience ought not to be decided and fixed by the party from whom they are due, but by a tribunal deriving authority from both the parties.  (3) To all cases arising under treaties made by their authority—Because, as treaties are compacts made by, and obligatory on, the whole nation, their operation ought not to be affected or regulated by the local laws or courts of a part of the nation.  (4) To all cases affecting ambassadors, or other public ministers and consuls—Because, as these are officers of foreign nations, whom this nation are bound to protect and treat according to the laws of nations, cases affecting them ought only to be cognizable by national authority.  (5) To all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction—Because, as the seas are the joint property of nations, whose rights and privileges relative thereto, are regulated by the law of nations and treaties, such cases necessarily belong to national jurisdiction.  (6) To controversies to which the United States shall be party—Because in cases in which the whole people are interested, it would not be equal or wise to let any one state decide and measure out the justice due to the others.  (7) To controversies between two or more states—Because domestic tranquility requires, that the contentions of states should be peaceably terminated by a common judicatory; and, because, in a free country justice ought not to depend on the will of either of the litigants.  (8) To controversies between a state and citizens of another state—Because in case a state (that is all the citizens of it) has demands against some citizens of another state, it is better that she should prosecute their demands in a national court, than in a court of the state to which those citizens belong—the danger of irritation and criminations arising from apprehensions and suspicions of partiality, being thereby obviated. Because, in cases where some citizens of one state have demands against all the citizens of another state, the cause of liberty and the rights of men forbid, that the latter should be the sole judges of the justice due to the latter; and true republican government requires that free and equal citizens should have free, fair, and equal justice.  (9) To controversies between citizens of the same state, claiming lands under grants 
of different states—Because, as the rights of the two states to grant the land, are drawn into question, neither of the two states ought to decide the controversy.
(10) To controversies between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects—Because, as every nation is responsible for the conduct of its citizens towards other nations; all questions touching the justice due to foreign nations or people, ought to be ascertained by, and depend on national authority.
Even this cursory view of the judicial powers of the United States, leaves the mind strongly impressed with the importance of them to the preservation of the tranquility, the equal sovereignty, and the equal rights of the people.
(To be continued.)
From the (New-York) DAILY ADVERTISER.
Messrs. CHILDS & SWAINZ,
I HAVE been informed, that at the meeting in the Fields, on Thursday last, respecting the propriety of addressing Citizen Genet, I was proposed as one of a committee for that purpose—and that it was opposed by some one present, that I was opposed to the measure.
The part which I have pursued, in the most public and unequivocal manner, and the attachment I have manifested in various ways for the French Republic, has rendered it necessary that some reasons should be assigned for a conduct so apparently inconsistent with former professions.
It may not be amiss to premise, that some weeks ago, I very earnestly originated with another person, and promoted, means for an address to be then presented to the minister of France. It being deemed premature by a number of friends (tho' very much against my opinion) I formed that address for myself, which has been presented to public view—and tho' I am persuaded the affection of Americans to the cause of that new and great Republic, is not in the smallest degree diminished; yet circumstances have lately occurred, which might render it at least highly problematical how far we can be justified in duty to ourselves, in the way of address, to express our gratulations, thro' the Minister, to his constituents—I therefore, at least, would have been glad of a postponement.
My reasons were the following; they were presented for the time to me; and for the honor of my fellow-citizens, I believe if they had had the same impressions of their authenticity, nine tenths of those who met in the Fields, would have embraced the same opinion:
 First—Mr. Genet has declared, that if the President of the United States of America pursued measures agreeably to his construction of treaties, he (Mr. Genet) would appeal to the people. This, or the substance thereof, is contained in one of his memorials to the President, or was verbally reported upon an official communication. Had he said, he would appeal to the constituted authorities of his own country, for advice and direction, he would have acted consistently; and like a man who knew the proper extent of his power and duty; but to threaten the first Magistrate of an independent republic, that if he did not conform to the pleasure of a French Missionary, he would appeal to the people, that is, would incite them to insurrection, riot and treason, is a species of arrogance and indignity to that Magistrate, and thro' him to the whole government, and every free American, which could never have been expected, towards a people who have manifested the most zealous and decided partiality to the nation he represents. Mr. Genet, tho' heretofore he was the subject of a despotic monarchy, ought by this time to have at least learnt, that in a country where there is no tyrant, but the known laws of the land, the PEOPLE, as such, have no judiciary, legislative, or executive powers to exercise, but thro' the medium of their respective representatives, in their several departments. By the Laws and Constitution of our country, all the powers of government have been confided to those representatives—they virtually constitute, and are the people, by representation, freely and legally conferred—they are the only organs of the law, known to us by the constitution; to them alone, in their different stations, appertains the exclusive right of making, of interpreting and of executing the laws when requisite. Foreign Ambassadors will find, most assuredly, that Americans are a sedate, orderly, reflecting kind of men—too sensible to be long imposed upon by the intrigues of English, or Frenchmen, and too spirited to suffer their dignity and sovereignty to be invaded by strangers, in their commerce with the Guardians of our Liberty and Honor. If a French or English Ambassador, charge d'Affaires or Consul, may say to Us, or our Magistrate, this is the construction you must put upon your treaty, or law, and shall observe the same accordingly , or I will appeal to the people—then (independent of the audacity of the thing, which is the same, whether right or wrong in his opinion) we have no further use for President, Congress, Governors or Constitution; we immediately become the vassals of foreign usurpers. No, my fellow citizens, so long as we acknowledge there does exist a Constitution, and that under it we have an organized government, we the people, independent of that constitution and government, have in our individual capacities, no acts of sovereignty remaining, but those of thinking, speaking, petitioning and remonstrating—a sovereignty which I hope we shall forever retain inviolate. If our magistrates 
betray their trust, we have by our own free will, already established tribunals, adequate to their removal, or punishment. If our laws are in themselves deficient, we have prescribed the mode, by which they shall be amended, explained, or annulled—and if the constitution itself, is imperfect, we have, by its, declared, the mode by which it shall be corrected. God forbid that to this happy, free, and enlightened community, we, or our posterity, should ever see the day, that a mob, especially under the auspices of any foreign influence, or connivance, should assume the reigns of government, and declare in that form, to their public trustees, and the continent, what shall be the law of the land.
Secondly. It is reported, that the French Ambassador, when applied to by the Governor of Pennsylvania to deliver up, or order from on board one of the armed vessels of France in the Delaware, certain citizens of that state, who had entered into the service of the Republic, the Ambassador refused to do—that he talked of the privateer defending force by force—and even boasted, that he soon expected the arrival of a fleet by which he would assert his right and oppose force to force. I have however the charity (the premises notwithstanding) to believe this cannot all be true. But upon what principle but that of contumely for our action, and the government of it, could he refuse a request from the Governor, so reasonable and necessary on our part, as a people, who regard their public peace, and the faith of treaties.
Thirdly. There have been two publications, in Philadelphia, one in English the other in French verse, vilifying in the most impertinent and opprobrious manner, not only persons in the highest departments of state, but even Washington, the brave, and virtuous father and saviour of our country. The first of these pieces, the printer was forced to acknowledge, was written by Mr. Genet's Secretary. The latter is imputed to him, as being in French verse, at which he is said to hold a dexterous pen. Can there be an American whose soul is not filled with holy abhorrence, and gratitude at the remembrance of the deeds and conduct of General Washington? Yes—To the disgrace of human nature, there are even Americans, who fling the conviction of confidence—who wishing to destroy the federal government, and with it our present tranquility and happiness, for the chance of plunder in the wreck; dark, concealed, treacherous men, who hoping to gratify their inordinate ambition, to raise their disappointed expectations, and repair their ruined fortunes, who ride in their coaches, and hold thousands in bondage, unable and unwilling to pay their British debts, to the amount of a million sterling. I say there are such who dare, impiously dare, for those reasons, to profane the reputation of that soldier and patriot, whose name is revered by all the world. But language must want expression for our cruelty, supineness, or cowardice, if at home we tamely suffer the majority of the nation to be insulted by the interference of foreigners in our internal politics, and the wanton abuse of our public officers.
Americans idolize the cause of the French—they consider it the cause of mankind—as their own cause, and that of their posterity, for ages to come. They would fight, they would die to support the independence of the Gallican Republic, when convinced it is necessary. They will ever pay a due respect to the servants of France, and all other nations, whilst they behave with propriety. These things have been fully evinced. But Americans pay more homage to their own country, and to their own ministers, than to those of any other nation; and if ever the competition arises, which is our favorite man, they will certainly, adopting the language of the poet, say,
“GENET and WASHINGTON, how they found! A feather, and ten thousand pound—”
Fourthly. It is also said, that Mr. Genet has attached himself in a particular manner to the known enemies of the federal government; to the revilers of the President, and of almost every public functionary of high rank in it, and that his general conduct has been such as to render it suspicious that he really wishes by management with a certain set of men to support the standard of party in our already too much divided land. If these imputations are founded in truth, and I have sufficient evidence to satisfy my mind that they are all literally or substantially so, then if Mr. Genet regards the true interests of his country, if he has declared the fact when he said the Republic did not desire us to engage in the war, but only to manifest our good will, &c. If he wishes to avoid the retaliation of his indignities offered to our government, he will in the most public manner alter his past line of conduct, or return to his fellow citizens in France, for a substitute who may better understand the objects of his embassy, and have a juster sense of the real American character.
That “peace may be within thy walls, O Jerusalem,” is the sincere prayer of your well meaning Citizen
WM. WILLCOCKS.
New-York, August 2, 1793.
Strictures on the foregoing, from Loudon's Diary.
BY the Constitution, the executive powers of the United States are vested in a President, and he alone is authorised to receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; in this particular, he is the exclusive conductor of the nation; and in this particular, the sovereignty of the nation resides in him alone. The President, by virtue of this power, has received Citizen Genet as Ambassador, and still recognizes him as such.

and as long as he continues to be, it is highly unbecoming in any individual to say as much as has been said on the subject: it is true, the liberty of the press and free speech is essential to free government, but this does not mean that a citizen has a right to say and publish what he pleases, without rendering himself responsible, at least in the opinion of the citizens.
In the first place, as long as the President continues to receive the Ambassador, the citizens ought cheerfully to receive and respect him as such; if not, they transgress the law of nations, by insulting him, and in him, the state which he represents. He is in quality of Ambassador, highly privileged and a dignified person, and as long as he continues to be fully acknowledged as such by our Chief Executives, we are in duty bound as good citizens, to treat him with all the respect due to his rank; whenever we neglect this, and begin individually to determine, who we shall or shall not receive and treat as Ambassadors, our government is at an end.
Some time since, rather than that Citizen Genet should go unaddressed by the citizens of New-York, he took it in a pompous manner on himself, to pay even that compliment to him while at Philadelphia; and now again is opposed to any being presented, even on his arrival in this city; this shows that he was premature, and wanting in prudence in his first conduct, as well as the vanity and folly of the man.
In the next place, Mr. Wilcocks declares that Citizen Genet has insulted the President: How has he insulted the knowledge of this fact? Has the organ of the nation employed him as a trumpeter to proclaim it abroad? I presume it to be unfounded, and in declaring so, he passes an unwarrantable reflection on the President, by propagating an idea that he has insulted the government of the United States to be insulted: It Citizen Genet has insulted him, it must have been in his official capacity, and through him passes on the nation. Is Mr. Wilcocks to judge of this? Or is it the province of the President? For myself I hesitate not to decide - no fellow citizen, throwing aside constitutional right, can you hesitate one moment to decide in your own minds, which of the two persons in point of wisdom, prudence, dignity, resolution, firmness and patriotism, is the best qualified to judge on the subject of Citizen Genet's conduct, as Ambassador? Our former President, who has for these eighteen years past devoted the whole of his time to the liberty and independence of his country, and that with the highest approbation from his fellow citizens, or William Wilcocks.
NEW YORK, August 8.
YESTERDAY arrived in this city, about half past twelve o'clock, Citizen GENET, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Republic of France, to the United States of America. He was received at the Battery by a Committee of forty gentlemen appointed for that purpose, at which time a federal salute was fired; he was then accompanied to the Tontine Coffee-House amidst the acclamations of a vast concourse of citizens, when the following address was read by Doctor Pitt Smith, one of the members of the Committee.
CITIZEN,
WE are deputed by and have the honor to address you in the name of the Republicans of this Metropolis. Informed of your arrival in our country, we have been long earnestly wishing to receive you as the Representative of a nation struggling in the glorious cause of freedom and humanity - of a nation animated by sentiments too congenial with our own, not to excite the warmest sympathy of friendship and exultation.
It is true we feel the distresses of our country; we lament the blood of patriot heroes, and the misery entailed on the innocent by the obstinacy of pride and the cruelty of ambition - But liberty is too invaluable not to be purchased at any price; and we are not to damp the joy inspired on this occasion by recalling to the mind, what our own liberties have cost us, or the immense sacrifices made by your countrymen on the altar of freedom.
We confidently trust, that under the guidance of a benign although unseen arm, the political circumstances of mankind are rapidly ameliorating and improving. That the Republic of France is made a most distinguished instrument in this great, this godlike work, and we should do violence to our feelings were we not to seize an occasion like the present to manifest to the world, how much we are interested in the dawn of universal happiness, in the triumph of liberty, and its certain consequence the peace and prosperity of nations.
Thro' the timely aid of France, these United States have been bro't to the full enjoyment of the blessings of civil liberty. - The services of your countrymen in the hour of our distress, were essential, and were cheerfully rendered, and though despotis may absurdly claim the merit of them, we know better to
whom the sentiment of gratitude is to be directed; and we arduously wish that sentiment to remain indelibly impressed on the hearts of our remotest posterity. - We recognize, in the defenders of their own the defender of our rights; and in the patriots of France, the benefactors of America.
We this day, tender to you our heart, and through you to your nation our warm and undiguisied affections - Be assured, Sir, we are both ready and willing to render you every service and assistance consistent with our reciprocal welfare and with the duty we owe our country - nay more, exultingly would we thus sacrifice a liberal portion of our dearest interests, could there result on your behalf an adequate advantage.
The voice of our government has, through its executive declared the neutrality of these United States as relative to all acts of hostility - We regard that sacred voice with attention - But no one is a stranger to the part all good men take in your revolution. As the question relates to sentiment and principle there is no neutrality - The virtuous and the wise through all ranks of society are enlisted with you. It is vice, ignorance and cowardice that alone oppose the empire of truth and independence, or shrink from the common cause of nature - Firm and steady friends you will ever find in the Republican sons of Columbia, whose most earnest prayer to the great Arbiter of nations is, and will be, that the liberty of both countries may remain incorruptible and immortal; that the world may see in their example and felicity the path of social improvement and the inestimable prize of virtuous exertions.
Permit us, worthy citizen, to express to you our high esteem for your person and character, our sincerest wishes in general for your personal happiness and prosperity, and in particular, that you may long fulfil the duties of your exalted station so as to merit the approbation of your own heart and to secure the plaudit of your constituents.
JAMES NICHOLSON, Chairman. WHITE MATLACK, Secretary.
CITIZEN GENET, Minister Plenipotentiary of the French Republic,
To the REPUBLICANS of New-York.
FROM the first moment of my arrival on this continent, I wished for an opportunity to pay a visit to our Republican brethren of New-York; and greet them with the embrace of fraternal affection. Important and urgent business has prevented me from executing sooner this my favorite design; but it now fills me with the greatest joy that I am at last enabled to find myself in the midst of you.
Your address, fraught with the most genuine principles of Republicanism, and with that lively sensibility which kindred feelings only can excite in the citizens of one nation towards those of another, has filled my heart with the tenderest emotions and with sensations too strong for utterance.
I shall transmit to my countrymen these generous effusions of your friendship, and let me assure you that every sentiment that it contains will meet on their part with the most cordial reciprocity.
On this joyful occasion, recollection ought not indeed to be tortured with the remembrance of past sufferings, but a Frenchman, at this critical juncture, cannot help animating his hopes with the example of the long and severe trials of the citizens of New-York, and of their glorious triumphs.
May you enjoy long, very long the precious fruits of that triumph; may the peace, the glory, and the Independence of the United States, last as long as the soil on which you tread. These are not only my individual wishes, but they are also the wishes of the country I have the honor to represent, and she has expressed them to you in the most unequivocal manner.
In the midst of her distresses, while you are the only ally to whom she is entitled to look for assistance, she has preferred enjoying the spectacle of your prosperity, and calling on you to partake of all the riches of her commerce, to involving you with her in a common danger. Still she has not ceased relying on your friendship, and on all the aids which you yourselves might think in your power to afford. Still she expects from you a faithful and a punctual observance of those treaties which she has entered into with you in the hour of your danger, and of which she has fulfilled her part in a manner worthy of herself.
In this respect, I cannot interpret otherwise that you have done the declaration of your government. They must know that the strict performance of treaties is the best and safest policy, they must know that good faith alone, can insure respectability to a nation; that a pusillanimous conduct provokes insolence, and brings upon a country, those very dangers which it weakly means to avert.
There is indeed but too much reason to fear that you are involved in the general conspiracy of tyrants against liberty. They never will, they never can forgive you, for having been the first to proclaim the rights of man. But you will force them to respect you, by pursuing with firmness the only path which is consistent with your national honor and dignity.
The cause of France is the cause of all mankind, and no nation is more deeply interested than you are in its success. Whatever fate awaits her you are ultimately to share. But the cause of liberty is great and it shall prevail.
And if France under a despotic yoke has been able so successfully to assert your rights, they can never again be endangered while she is at liberty, to exert in your support, that powerful arm which now defies the combined efforts of a whole world.
Accept my most grateful thanks, for your kind wishes for my personal happiness. May France, may America, may the citizens of New-York, be happy, and your wish shall be fulfilled.
GENET.
Foreign Intelligence.
FRANCE. NATIONAL CONVENTION, MAY 30.
BARRERE read the following dispatches, which give an account of the progress of the Royalists:
Letter from the commandant of the west division of the army of reserve, to the administrators of the department of Marine and Loire.
"St. George's, May 24.
"Upon receiving yesterday evening the alarming news, that the rebels were attempting to pass the Loire near Chalon, I instantly ordered the general to be beat, and collecting as many troops as I could, left St. George's at ten o'clock at night, and advanced towards Port Girault, at the head of the national guards, and a detachment of cavalry. Before I set out, I dispatched express to the commandants of Laleu, La Pellsoniere, Saveniers, and Lapointe, with orders to beat the general immediately, and send out numerous and frequent patrols on the right and left of the banks in order to guard the whole extent of the posts with all possible attention. I dispatched the Gendarmes to go the rounds, and see again to the execution of those orders. Myself, and the national guards, under my command, remained watching under arms from ten o'clock last night to five in the morning, when we returned to St. George's. I kept all the while patrols incessantly going on all sides where they could be of use. The rebels have indeed effected nothing as yet, but they are in force from Rochefort to St. Florent, and seem to meditate fresh attempts upon that line.
"Four o'Clock.
"I have just beat the general again, and shall proceed with my national guards to secure the weakest
and most threatened posts. In the interim, I conjure you, citizen administrators, to take every necessary measure to hasten the reinforcements of which we stand in such great need; I have just heard from the commander of Saveniers, that the rebels have appeared on the side of Rochefort with 200 horse, and have fired several volleys over the barges.
(Signed) "GAUVELLIER."
Letter from Citizen Gourden, commandant of the Isle of Chalonnes, to Citizen Gauvellier,
"From the Island of Chalonnes, May 24.
"CITIZEN,
We have passed the night in tranquility, but to-day I sent seven men, vineyard laborers, to obtain intelligence; the banditti told them, that they gave them the whole day to consider which side they would take; on their return they informed us, that their grand army arrived yesterday and this night, at St. Laurent, so numerous, that all the roads were crowded with them; that they have 14 pieces of cannon, and that to-morrow they intend to commence the attack.
(Signed) "GOURDEN."
Letter from the Commissaries to the army of Rochelles.
"May 27.
"We have received intelligence of a complete defeat. Having learned that the enemies were about to attack Chaberguery, we ordered the army to fall back to Fontenai. At half past one the enemies presented themselves in the plain. Their columns were formidable. Already they began to waver; their defeat would have been complete, if the national gendarmes had charged them according to orders. But these men, instead of fighting, fled, beating down our infantry without the possibility of being rallied. Our artillery being no longer supported, soon disbanded, and fell back by different ways, as far as the high road from Fontenai and Niort. A great part of our artillery was taken, and the safety of the rest was only owing to the courage of General D'Ayl, and the chief of the staff, Neuvion, who with five dragoons repeatedly charged the enemy's cavalry. Eight hundred men retired to Niort; but there they have sworn rather to die, than to capitulate."
LONDON, June 8.
Citizen Isnard has denounced Mr. Pitt to the French Convention, as the Colleague of the persons who create disputes in the galleries there. He is not exactly sure, that Mr. Pitt has been in Paris incog. to promote the business, but he knows that the agitators are hired by him. The next accounts will certainly relate, that the Convention have ordered Mr. Pitt into arrest!
The people of Paris were, however, thought so likely to be acted upon by this hideous nonsense, that the accusation was seriously ordered to be placarded in all the streets, and Citizen Isnard sat down amidst the applauses of the Assembly.
Some English gentlemen, lately arrived from France, report, that there is a general disclination in the people of that country to suffering foreign powers to interfere in the formation of their government; but leaving them to this liberty, that there is every appearance of anxiety for peace; that as the English ministry appeared to them the principal authors of the war, an appeal had been drawn up to the English people, expressive of a desire of peace, which the gentlemen refused taking over, for fear it might give offence to government.
The India company have closed with the offer of the proprietors of their own stock, for an addition of one million to their capital, by way of loan. The subscription is taken at 200 per cent. which will furnish 2,000,000. in ready money, and leave the subscribers a bonus of from 6 to 7 per cent. This is little more than half the profit which Mr. Pitt's loan afforded, and yet we do not hear that there was any competition. But so good a thing as the minister's loan, for the life and fortune, more cannot be expected

twice in a year. They comfort themselves in the prospect of the war's continuing, and thank God that there is a good time coming.
PORTSMOUTH, June 6. On the 1st instant, the Boyne took a French ship privateer, of 40 guns, and 160 men, a fine new vessel, just off the Rocks, and out 14 days from St. Maloes; had been unsuccessful until that moment, when she captured the Enterprize, a valuably ship from Calcutta bound to Ostend, the cargo supposed to be chiefly English property. The Enterprize was under American colours.
United States.
KNOXVILLE, July 13. In consequence of the depredations committed by Indians, in Wears cove, a number of the inhabitants, alarmed by these enormities, assembled together to consult for their common safety, to condole with each other on their sufferings, and to lament the too long neglect of succour from the general government of the United States, when they concluded to follow the trail of these daring barbarians, and discover from what source their miseries originated. About 60 men met, chose their officers, placed Col. Samuel Wear at their head (which was given up by Lieutenant Henderson, who had the command of a party of men in that neighborhood, by order of the government) and with a determination to check these villains, marched to the mountains, where they discovered several trails, winding various ways, which at last terminated in one plain, beaten path, leading to Tallasee, a town situate in the mountains, boasted of by Indians, as inaccessible to the white people. Near this town they overtook a number of Indians on the north bank of the Tennessee, when a heavy fire began on both sides; but the Indians soon leaped into the river, on which the whites ran to the bank, killed fifteen fellows, and took four squaws prisoners, which they have brought in with them, and with to exchange for the property taken from them. During the engagement on the north, a sharp fire was kept up by the Indians from the south side of the river. It is to be regretted that a squaw was by accident killed in the water.
We are happy to add, that not a man belonging to this scout was hurt. And it is to be remembered that government had limited offensive operations to the north bank of the Tennessee.
BOSTON, August 1.
Whilst the heaven descended principles of benevolence are stimulating our fellow citizens of the southern States, to the most laudable exertions for the relief of the unhappy exiles from Cape Francois, and extending the hand of succour to every description of the distressed; we are happy to acquaint the world, that this town, ever foremost in those acts which dignify and adorn human nature, has anticipated the wants of these children of distress, and a very liberal subscription is now making for their immediate relief, should they seek an asylum in this metropolis. The eye of omniscience must view with peculiar benignity, the offerings made on the altar of disinterested benevolence and charity.
SERIOUS QUESTIONS.
If the citizens of the United States should permit the privateers of the French republic to lie in ambush in their ports, and sally out at pleasure to way-lay the vessels we have before invited to our shores, to purchase the product of our soil. From whence are the benefits which we were led to expect from our successful struggle in war, the attainment of our independence, and our commercial treaties with the powers of Europe to be derived? If the United States are to surrender their commercial connexions with Britain, Ireland, Russia, Prussia, Spain, Portugal, Holland and Savoy, do they
expect to find a market for their produce in France—subjected as it must be to the reprisals of the cruisers armed against her? If an answer can be given to these questions, let the partisans for war (for such are our declaimers, for the observance of treaties, notwithstanding their disguise) give them, and satisfy the manufacturer, merchant, and the farmer, who deprecate the horrors of war.
NEW-YORK, August 9.
A correspondent informs us, that all the British ports in the West-Indies are open for American vessels to carry all kinds of provisions there. Salt provisions particularly are much wanted, and prices very high—Beef from 6 to 7l. sterling per barrel—Pork 8 and 9l. ditto per ditto. The very high price is supposed to be occasioned by the great supply sent to the European powers in alliance with England against France, as the Irish salt provisions were usually sent to the British West-India islands; they are sent to these powers. So much for the English joining the European powers against France.
Philadelphia, Aug. 14.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Cadiz, to his brother in New-York dated June 23, received by the brig Sisters, Capt. Sheffield, arrived there the 9th instant.
"There is a hot war with the Spaniards and French. We had accounts from Malaga of a battle being fought between the French and Spaniards; the French have defeated them with the loss of about two thousand men, and the Spaniards lost upwards of six thousand men.
"The French have got the straits blockaded up at Malaga, with a very strong fleet—Last week Admiral Hood stopped here with 28 sail of the line. Six of them came in and anchored: There has been several of their officers on board of us.—They seem to speak very unfavorable of their expedition. Their ships in general are very indifferently manned. "They are to be joined by twenty sail of the line of Spaniards, which are lying here now; there are four ships of 126 guns, they are just waiting for orders, so I expect there will be warm work shortly."
On Wednesday last, the master, mate, and two of the sailors belonging to an American vessel, just arrived from St. Domingo, were apprehended, on a charge of having been actually concerned with the New-Province privateer's men, in plundering the unfortunate French passengers who had taken sanctuary in the vessel, and expected the protection, as far as it was natural to give it, during the passage to Philadelphia. Some of those have been committed to jail, and will be treated as the law directs. The proofs against them were principally confined to the discovery of Gold Watches, and other property, belonging to the passengers, which were detected in their chests.
In a Richmond, Virginia paper, of the 5th instant, it is asserted that the Senate of the State of Massachusetts passed a Resolution on the 20th June, to instruct the Senators of that State in Congress.—The truth is, no such Resolution has passed the Senate of Massachusetts. The Resolution alluded to was reported by a joint Committee of both Houses—it passed in the House—but not in the Senate—and was finally referred to the next session.
Capt. Sheffield, from Madeira, informs, on the 4th May, War was declared by the French against Portugal. In June a Portuguese Schooner was taken by the French, but retaken by the English and carried to Madeira, where she was delivered up to the owners, salvage being paid; in consequence the Portuguese have seized in port, & sent a French Indian to Madeira, valued at 72,000l. sterling. A frigate has been at Madeira, says she spoke off Cape-Finister, 10 ships of war, 11 frigates, 6 sloops of war and 2 cutters, on their way to join the combined fleet in the Mediterranean.
The Commerce, a French ship of near 400 tons from the Mauritius (East-Indies) bound to Toulon, about two months ago, spoke an American ship near the latitude of Madeira, from whom he received information of France being at war with England, Spain and Holland, but not with Portugal, in consequence of which, he put into Porto Santo, one of the Madeiras; the Deputy Governor immediately secured the ship, and sent the Captain and 3 passengers in a boat, to the Governor at Madeira, who treated them with civility, and as they testified warmly their disapprobation of the present distracted state of the French nation, admitted them to parole.—Soldiers were immediately dispatched, and
the day the Morning Star failed, brought their prize safe into Madeira; her cargo is sugar, coffee, indigo, pimento, mullins and raw cotton. Its value near two hundred thousand pounds currency; the Commerce had parted with another more valuable ship which the Portuguese were in daily hope would take sanctuary in Madeira. People of every description there, are inveterate enemies against the French, particularly on account of the late lamented death of the King.
Friday last, a boy on board the brig Anne, outward bound from this port to Jamaica, took a loaded pistol in his hand in the cabin, and was showing some flourishes with it to another boy who was with him, when, unfortunately, the pistol went off, in a direction very shocking—the ball went through the boy's head who held it, from under one of his ears obliquely to the top of his head on the opposite side, which soon terminated his existence.
One Nelson, a British subject, was tarred and feathered at Savannah, on the 14th July, for entering on board a privateer fitted out at that place with a French Commission—A Doctor Putnam, it is said, narrowly escaped the same fate, being strongly suspected of being concerned in fixing out said privateer.
We are happy to have it in our power to announce the late arrival at Plymouth, in England, of Mr. Robert Williams, of this town, who was supposed to have been one of the unfortunate company of the ship Commerce, that perished in the deserts of Arabia. The particulars of his preservation must be interesting to the public—if we can obtain them for publication, they shall readily be communicated. Col. Centinel.
At Jonesborough, in the South-Western Territory of the United States, on the 4th inst. in commemoration of American Independence, amongst many truly patriotic toasts, the following was given:— A speedy and just punishment of the Murderers of Louis the XVI.  Virg. Paper.
Proceedings of the Citizens of New-York, in relation to the National Neutrality.
PERHAPS no society ever manifested a more decided opinion in respect to any question, than that exhibited yesterday in front of Trinity Church, on the subject of the President's Proclamation—Citizens of all parties, and every class were present; their unexampled unanimity it is hoped will discourage the few, the very few, turbulent men among us, and cannot fail to instruct foreigners, that however we may disagree in our local politics, we stand united and firm, in our decision to maintain our neutrality, and to support and defend the President of the United States, in the free and unquestionable exercise of the authorities committed to him by our excellent constitution.
The meeting, not exceeded in number or respectability on any former occasion, were assembled in a calm and manly speech, by Mr. Troup, and the following resolutions were separately and unanimously adopted: NICHOLAS CRUGER in the chair.
Resolved, That the late Proclamation of the President of the United States, recommending a conduct friendly and impartial towards all the powers at war, was in our opinion a wise and well timed measure of his administration, and merits our warmest approbation.
Resolved, That in our opinion, the Governor of this State is well entitled to the acknowledgments of his fellow citizens, for his prompt and decided support of the system of neutrality and peace, enjoined by the proclamation.
Resolved, That the interest and duty of all good citizens conspire to unite them on the present occasion, in supporting the magistrates of our country, in their exertions to maintain peace, and to avoid the calamities of war.
Resolved, That while we cheerfully co-operate in the fulfilment of the treaties of the United States, we will cautiously avoid every measure, which may be liable to interrupt the neutrality and peace of our country.
Resolved, That in our opinion, it is repugnant to the laws of the land, and injurious to the best interests of our country, for any citizen to enter on board of, or be concerned in fitting out any privateer, or letter of marque, to cruise against any nation at peace with these States; and that the friends of order and good government, are bound to discountenance, and by all lawful means to prevent the same.
Resolved, That the Chairman of this meeting, be requested to transmit copies of the preceding resolutions, signed by him, to the President of the United States, and to the Governor of this State, respectively.
By order of the Meeting, NICHOLAS CRUGER, Chairman.
New-York, August 8.
We are desired to inform the public, that the assertion in the National Gazette of Saturday last—that a copy right has been made of the pamphlet containing the opinions of the judges on the question respecting the feasibility of a State in the supreme court of the United States, by a citizen of another state, is totally unfounded.—Of the truth of this declaration, any person may be satisfied by applying to Mr. Dobson, the printer of said pamphlet.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  6 per Cents, 18 3/4   8 per Cents, 20 1/2   Deferred, 10 9   Full shares Bank U. S. 4 per cent. adv. 
COMMUNICATIONS.
The American public is to be congratulated on the late expression of the general sentiments of the people, in respect to some points essentially connected with the public tranquility. The anticipations of the friends of harmony and union, are no more than realized—for the confidence is well grounded, which calculates on the sober and solid principles of the citizens of the United States.
There is no opinion which for the time it has been maturing, has taken deeper root than this—that the integrity of the United States is essential to their independence. Involve and convolve the interests of this country with those of any European government—or let the idea be once imbibed by our citizens, that their liberties and independence depend on any transatlantic power, and what will be the consequence?—We should soon lose all energy of character—that decent national pride which is the result of a manly independence, would be sunk in a conscious meanness of spirit, the never failing attendant of personal and national incompetency and dependance.
How little of a national spirit do they possess, who are continually pouring out their abuse against other countries. The national reflections which disgrace many of the newspapers of this country, discover the petulance of the writers, which to be sure is of no importance in itself—but so far as these revilers are supposed to speak the general opinion, so far their productions are a nuisance, and reflect the highest disgrace on our country.
What a glorious opportunity for a display of magnanimous generosity on the part of the English, the late horrid scenes of the Cape have afforded.—Had the several Governors of the Islands given orders that the privateers should not add to the dreadful misfortunes of the emigrants, by robbing them of what they had saved from fire and sword, it would have raised their characters as men to the pinnacle of human excellence, and reflected unfeigned glory on that of the nation; There is one door yet open to retrieve the mistake—and that is by compelling the robbers to refund their ill gotten gain.—Then the justice of the British nation requires should be done.—Men that take advantage of such misfortunes, are as bad as the wretches of Jamaica, who plundered while the earth was quaking and sinking under them.
SHIP NEWS.
  ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.   Brig Diana, Mason, Oporto   Mary & Joseph, Schaboff, Cape Francois   Peggy, Darby, Martinique   Schr. Maria, Hill, Boston   Industry, Lewis, Aux Cayes   Sloop Confidence, D. Lane, Georgia   Samuel, Satterfield, Charleston 
SEAT of WAR.
For Sale, at M. CAREY's Store, No. 118, Market-street,
A Sheet Map of the
French, Austrian and Dutch Netherlands, in which the progress of the present War may be traced.—Price three eighths of a dollar.
And a Map of the Three Northern Districts of France, divided into Departments.—Price 3/4 of a dollar.
Maps of the United
States:—Any public spirited gentlemen, possessed of materials for correcting and improving the Maps of the several States, will lay M. Carey under very particular obligations, by communicating them. He is in immediate want of some for New Jersey and Delaware; of which States he is now preparing Maps.
Guthrie's Geography:
The subscription for this work will be continued open, at the present rate of twelve dollars, till the first day of November next; after which, it will be raised to fourteen dollars.
August 14. 1792
Treasury Department,
August 10, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 14th day of September next, inclusively, to furnish by contract the following articles of Cloathing, for the use of the United States, viz.
  4,800 Hats, 320 Caps,   5,120 Stock, 320 pairs of Leather Breeches,   5,120 Stock-Clasps, 640 pairs of Boots,   22,480 Shirts, 320 pairs of Spurs,   5,120 Vests, 640 pairs of Stockings,   5,120 Coats, 1,520 Rifle Shirts.   9,600 Woollen Overalls,   9,600 Linen ditto,   19,200 pairs of Shoes,   9,600 pairs of Socks,   5,120 Blankets, 
The cloathing to be delivered at the city of Philadelphia; one fourth part of the whole number of suits on or before the 15th of February, one fourth on or before the 15th of April, and the remaining half on or before the 15th of June, 1794.
The articles must be agreeable to such patterns as shall be directed by the Secretary for the Department of War. Payment will be made as soon as the whole of the articles shall have been delivered. ept 14S.

War Department,
August 31st, 1793.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the funds to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 1st day of March last, and which will become due on the 5th of September next, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans, within the States respectively under the usual regulations.
By Command of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. H. KNOX, Secretary at War.
N. B. The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers for the space of two months.
American Stocks.
THE Resources of the United States of America being, in proportion to their Debt, probably superior to those of any European Government; and they having made ample Provision for the Payment of the Interest of their Stocks, only two Arrangements more seem necessary to make them a very eligible Property to People in this Country; viz.
1st. To make them transferable in London; and, 2d. To provide Means for paying the Interest or Dividends, in London, punctually on a certain Day without Expense.
To accomplish these two Objects, the annexed Declaration is published, and an Office is kept under the Direction of the Trustees, by Mr. Mark Leavenworth, where constant attendance is given, for the Purpose of receiving Stock, and making Transfers.
The Dividends will be received in America by the Trustees, and will be paid quarterly by the LONDON and MIDDLESEX BANK, Stratford-place, London; (as mentioned in the Declaration of the Trustees,) on the First Days of January, April, July, and October, without any Deduction.
It is hoped that these Measures will render making Transfers and receiving Dividends as convenient as at the Bank of England, or any other Place. Persons who wish to purchase American Stocks, or to transfer any other Business in them, by applying personally at the Office, or by Letter to Mr. Leavenworth, will be carefully attended to.
Freeman's-Court, Cornhill, May 16, 1793.
DECLARATION OF TRUST.
WE, GERARD NOEL EDWARDS, SAMUEL SMITH, GEORGE TEMPLER, NATHANIEL MIDDLETON, RICHARD JOHNSON, and JOHN WEDGWOOD, Esquires, Bankers:
At the Request of sundry Persons, have consented and agreed to hold in Trust for them and others, for the Space of Twenty Years, such American Stocks as they shall, from Time to Time, transfer to us. And (Security having been given by us for the Purpose) we engage to receive the Dividends, that may be paid in America, on all such Stock as shall be so transferred to us in Trust, and to pay the same to the several Proprietors, at our Banking-House, in Stratford-place, London, Three Months after we shall have received the same in America, at the Rate of Four Shillings and Six-pence Sterling for each Dollar received, without any Deduction.
For the Purpose of Transferring the said Stock to the Trustees and from Individuals to each other, an Office is opened in Freeman's-Court, Cornhill, where regular Books are kept under our Inspection and Direction. We further declare that we will transfer to any Person or Persons his, her, or their, Stocks when required to do so.
London, May 31st, 1793.
GERARD NOEL EDWARDS. SAMUEL SMITH. GEORGE TEMPLER. NATHANIEL MIDDLETON. RICHARD JOHNSON. JOHN WEDGWOOD.
R U L E S
To be observed in transferring Business with the Insurance Company OF NORTH-AMERICA.
1st. ALL orders for Insurance must be given in writing, signed by the applicant; and as minute a description of the vessel is expected, as the person ordering the insurance can give, respecting her age, built, how found and fitted, and whether double or single decked.
2d. All policies will be ready for delivery in twenty-four hours after the order for insurance is accepted at the office, and the policy must be taken up in ten days.
3d. Notes, with an approved endorser, for all premiums, must be given in ten days, payable as follows:
For American and West-India risks, in three months after the date of the policy. For European risks, in six months. For India and China risks, in 12 months. For risks by the year, in eight months. For risks for six months, in four months. And for risks for any lesser time, in three months.
4th. Losses will be paid in ten days after proof and adjustment; but if the note given for the premium shall not have become due within that time, the amount of it shall, nevertheless, be deducted from the loss to be paid.
The Insurance Company of North-America hereby give notice to all whom it may concern, that, agreeably to the above rules, they are ready to receive all orders for insurance, which may be addressed to them, accompanied with directions to some responsible house in Philadelphia for the payment of the premiums within the time limited.
In case the risks offered shall be approved, the insurance shall be immediately effected; otherwise notice shall be given, either by answer to the person applying, or to his agent, in Philadelphia, as may be ordered.
By order of the Directors, EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y.
July 3.
4W
To the Public.
THE Editor of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, propoſes publishing the Paper under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Price: Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State:—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTISING favors will be gratefully received.
TERMS.
To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next.
The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence.
In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant,
JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of subscription papers, and by the Author, at his house, No. 31, North Fifth-Street.
Philadelphia, July, 1793,
Gold Coins of France and Spain, and Domicils of Spain.
Table with 4 columns: Gold Coins of France and Spain, Domicils of Spain, old Coins of Great Britain and Portugal. It lists values for various coins like Grains and Cents.
TABLES for receiving and paying Gold Coins, calculated by the Officers of the Bank of the United States, agreeable to the new Law—from which the Grain Tables above are extracted—may be had at BENJAMIN JOHNSON'S, High-Street, near Fourth-Street.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NEW-JERSEY. BY virtue of a Writ to me directed, issued out of the High Court of Chancery of New-Jersey, at the suit of William Shipley against John Ming and others; I shall expose to sale, Public Vendue, on the sixth day of February next, between the hours of Twelve and Five in the Afternoon of the same day, on the Premises, the following described Tract of Land, with its appurtenances, situate in the Township of Oxford and County of Sussex, beginning at a Choke-Oak Tree, corner of Daniel Cox's land, and standing in the line of a former survey made to Thomas Stevenson, being marked with the letter B, and thence extending along Cox's line (still) south fifty degrees west fifty-five chains and seventy-five links, to a Black-Oak Tree corner of Joseph Shippen's land (second) south nine degrees and fifteen minutes, west ninety chains and sixty-five links to a forked White-Oak Tree, marked with the letters R and B another of the said Shippen's corners (third) thence north eighty degrees, east one hundred and forty-five chains, to a post on the southerly side of Paquasset-River, being also a corner of John Reading's land (fourth) thence north thirty-nine degrees west, one hundred and thirty-two chains to the place of beginning, containing nine hundred and thirty acres with the usual allowance for roads and high ways—The same Premises are within eight miles of the River Delaware, and there is thereon a convenient Grist Mill with two pair of Stones—a Saw Mill in good repair, with a sufficient stream of water for their use—a Dwelling House, Store House, and several small buildings.
MARK THOMPSON, Sheriff.
Dated 22d day of July, 1793
City of Washington.
JANUARY 7th, 1793.
A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners, on the 17th day of September next.—One fourth part of the purchase money is to be paid down, the residue at three equal annual payments with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid.
JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Com'rs.
Extract of an Act of the General Assembly of Maryland, concerning the Territory of Columbia, and the City of Washington.
"Be it enacted, That any foreigner may by deed or will, hereafter to be made, take and hold lands within that part of the said Territory which lies within this State, in the same manner as if he were a citizen of this State; and the same lands may be conveyed by him, and transmitted to and be inherited by his heirs or relations, as if he and they were citizens of this State: Provided, That no foreigner shall, in virtue hereof, be entitled to any further or other privilege of a citizen."
Jan. 19.
tf
INSURANCE COMPANY.
PHILADELPHIA, July 14, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given to the members of the Insurance Company of North America, that the Directors have declared a dividend (to this day) of six per cent on the amount of the first instalment, and of one per cent per month, on the sums paid towards the second and third instalments, calculating from the first day of the month following that in which these payments were made. The Dividend will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives, at the Company's Office, (No. 119, South Front-Street) at any time after the 7th inst.
EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y.
As the members of this Company are much dispersed throughout the United States, the Printers in the several States are requested to give the above a place in their newspapers.
FOR SALE, BY
MATHEW CAREY,
At his Store, No. 118, Market-Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January, 1787, to its termination in December, 1792, in twelve volumes, price, neatly bound and lettered, nineteen dollars and one fifth.
The opinion of the President of the United States, respecting this work, is as follows:
"I believe the American Museum has met with extensive, I may say, with universal approbation from competent judges; for I am of opinion, that the work is not only eminently calculated to disseminate political, agricultural, philosophical, and other valuable information; but that it has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety. If to these important objects be superadded the more immediate design of rescuing public documents from oblivion—I will venture to pronounce, as my sentiment, THAT A MORE USEFUL LITERARY PLAN HAS NEVER BEEN UNDERTAKEN IN AMERICA, or one more deserving of PUBLIC ENCOURAGEMENT."
June 5.
By THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARROLL, Esquires,
COMMISSIONERS appointed by Government to prepare the Public Buildings, &c., within the City of Washington, for the reception of Congress, and for their permanent residence after the year 1800—
A LOTTERY
FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
30,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, are 350,000 dollars.
LIST OF PRIZES, viz.
Table listing prizes for the lottery, including 1 Superb Hotel, 1 Cash Prize, and various ditto prizes with their respective dollar amounts.
16,737 Prizes Dollars 359,000 33,263 Blanks 50,000
By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers, and yet the federal City will gain its object thereby, in a magnificent building designed both for public and private convenience.
Although some expense must necessarily attend the conducting of the lottery, (which expense will be taken from the principal prize) the Commissioners having agreed to present in return a sufficient quantity of excellent five-stone, together with the best adapted lots for the hotel and for the out-houses, the value of the lottery must be fairly rated at something more than par: In this important instance it will be found, on examination, to exceed all the lotteries that have ever been offered to the Public in this or perhaps in any other country. The keys of the Hotel, when completed, will be delivered to the fortunate possessor of the ticket drawn against its number.—All the other prizes will be paid, without deduction, in one month after the drawing, by the City Treasurer at Washington, or at such Bank or Banks as may be hereafter announced, for the convenience of the fortunate adventurers.
The drawing will commence on Monday the 6th of September next, at the City of Washington.
Tickets may be had of Col. Wm. Dickens, City Treasurer of Washington; Thayer & Bartlet, of Charleston, South-Carolina; Gideon Denison, Savannah; Messrs. James West & Co. Baltimore; Mr. Peter Gilman, Boston; and at such other places as will be hereafter published.
N. B. ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given for the best PLAN of an elegant and convenient HOTEL or INN, with hot and cold Baths, Stables, and other out houses, if presented on or before the 10th of April next; and a preference will be given to the Artist for a Contract, provided he be duly qualified to complete his plan. The ground on which the Hotel and out houses are to be erected, will be a corner lot of about 90 by 200 feet, with a back avenue to the stables, &c. Sections and estimates of the expense will be expected with the elevations, &c. complete; and 50,000 dollars must be regarded by the Architect as the utmost limit in the expense intended for this purpose.
S. BLODGET,
Agent for the affairs of the City.
March, 6, 1793.
THE EDITOR
MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible.—Those persons who have received subscription money on their account are desired to remit the same. The arrearages for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of this expensive publication. Philadelphia, June 26.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 26, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusive, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Carlisle, in the state of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-town & Carlisle. 2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek. 3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls. 4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning. 5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cuyahoga, and at the said Head Navigation. 6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga, and at the said mouth. 7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and up the said river to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cuyahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth. 8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto. 9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids. 10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town. 11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton. 12. At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair. 13. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson. 14. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action. 15. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages. 16. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth. 17. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake. 18. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cuyahoga. 19. At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle. 20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf. 21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh. 22. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio. 23. At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river. 24. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox. 25. At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Ouittanon, and at Ouittanon. 26. At any place or places from Ouittanon, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River. 27. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Villages. 28. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tenessee to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively. 29. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville. 30. And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof. Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, One quart of salt, Mwo quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depositions of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed. The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years. The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.