National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-10-31 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. I of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, October 31, 1792.
[Total No. 105.]
Exposition of the motives on which the French National Assembly have proclaimed the Convocation of a National Convention, and pronounced the suspension of the executive power in the hands of the king.
[Continued from our last and concluded.]
A DECLARATION of the General of the enemy, which doomed to death all freemen, and promised to cowards and traitors his disgraceful protection, could not but add to these suspicions. In it the enemy of France seemed to attend to nothing but the defence of the king of the French. Twenty six millions of men were nothing in his estimation, in comparison of a privileged family; their blood must wet the earth to avenge the slightest insult; and the king, instead of expressing his indignation against a manifesto intended to take from him the confidence of the people, seemed to oppose to it, and that reluctantly, a cold and timid disavowal.
Who then can be astonished that distrust in the supreme head of the executive power should inspire citizens with the desire of no longer seeing the forces intended for the common defence at the disposition of a king, in whose name France was attacked, and the care of maintaining her internal tranquility, confided to him, whose interests were the pretexts of all her troubles? To these motives, common to all France, were joined others, particular to the inhabitants of Paris. They saw the families of the conspirators at Coblenz, forming the habitual society of the king and his family. Writers paid by the civil list, endeavoured by base calumnies to render the Parisians odious or suspected in the eyes of the rest of France. Attempts were made to sow division between the poor citizens and the rich; the national guard was agitated by perfidious manœuvres, in order to form in it a party of royalists. In fine, the enemies of liberty seemed to be divided between Paris and Coblenz, and their audacity increased with their number.
The constitution enjoined the king to give notice of imminent hostilities to the national assembly; and long solicitations were necessary to obtain from the ministry the tardy information of the march of the Prussian troops. The constitution pronounced abdication against the king if he did not, by some formal act, declare his opposition to enterprises undertaken in his name against the nation; and the emigrant princes had opened public loans in the king's name, had hired foreign troops in his name, had levied French regiments in his name, had formed a military household for him out of France; and these facts were known for more than six months before the king, whose public declarations, whose remonstrances with foreign powers might have hindered the success of these measures, had discharged the duties imposed upon him by the constitution.
It was on motives thus powerful that numerous petitions, sent from a great number of the departments, the wish of several sections of Paris, followed by the general expression of the wish of the whole commons, solicited the forfeiture of the king, or the suspension of the royal power, and the national assembly could no longer shrink from the examination of this grand question.
It was their duty not to decide but after a mature and well-considered examination, after a solemn discussion, after having heard and weighed all opinions. But the patience of the people was exhausted; all at once, they appeared united as one man in the same will; they marched towards the place of the king's residence, and the king came to seek an asylum in the assembly of the representatives of the people, whose seat he knew that the fraternal union of the inhabitants of Paris, with the citizens of the departments, would always render an asylum inviolable and sacred.
National guards had been charged with defending the residence which the king had abandoned, but with them Swiss soldiers were stationed. The people had long seen with painful surprize, Swiss battalions sharing the guard of the king, although the constitution did not allow him to have a foreign guard. It had long been easy to foresee that this direct violation of the law, which by its nature constantly obtruded itself on every eye, would sooner or later occasion great misfortunes. The national assembly had neglected nothing to prevent them. Reports, discussions, motions made by individual members and referred to committees, had apprised the king several months before of the necessity of dismissing from about his person men, whom every where else the French always regarded as friends and brothers, but whom they could not see retained about a constitutional king, in direct contradiction to the constitution, without suspecting that they had become the instruments of the enemies of their liberty.
A decree had ordered their removal: their commander, supported by the ministry, demanded changes in the decree: the national assembly consented to those changes. A part of the soldiers was to remain near Paris, but without doing any duty that might renew disquiets; and it was contrary to the sense of the national assembly, contrary to the law, that on the 10th of August they were employed on a service, from which every motive of humanity and of prudence ought to have kept them away, they received orders to fire on the armed citizens, at the instant when the latter were inviting them to peace—when unequivocal signs of fraternity announced that peace was going to be accepted—at the instant when a deputation of the national assembly was seen advancing in the midst of arms, to speed the words of peace and conciliation, and to prevent carnage. Then nothing could stop the vengeance of the people, who had thus proof of a new act of treachery, at the very moment they were coming to complain of those of which they had long been the victims.
In the midst of these disasters, the national assembly, afflicted but calm, took the oath to maintain equality and liberty, or to die at their post, they took the oath to save France, and they fought for the means.
They saw but one, which was that of recurring to the will supreme of the people, and inviting them to exercise immediately their unalienable right of sovereignty, which the constitution has recognized, and which it could not subject to any retribution. The public interest required that the people should manifest their will by the sense of a national convention, formed of representatives invested by them with unlimited powers; it required no less that the members of this convention should be elected in each department in a uniform manner, and according to a regular mode. But the national assembly could not restrain the powers of the sovereign people, from whom alone the members of that assembly hold all the powers they possess. They were bound to confine themselves to conjuring the people, in the name of their country, to follow the simple regulation traced out for them. In these, the forms instituted for elections were respected, because the establishment of new forms, even supposing them to have been better, would have been a source of delay, perhaps of division. They preserved in them none of the conditions of eligibility, none of the limitations of the right of electing or being elected, established by the former laws; because these laws, which are so many restrictions on the right of sovereignty, are not applicable to a national convention; in which this right ought to be exercised with complete independence. The distinction of active citizens appears not in these regulations,
because it is also a restriction of the law. The only conditions required are those which nature has prescribed, such as the necessity of being connected, by a fixed residence, with the territory, for which the right of citizenship is exercised, of having attained the age at which men are held by the laws of the nation of which they make a part, to be in a condition to exercise their personal rights; finally, of having preserved absolute independence of will.
But to assemble new representatives of the people required time; and altho' the national assembly have made as short as possible the periods of the operations which the convention made necessary; although they accelerated the period at which they must cease to bear the burden of the public weal, in such a manner as to avoid the least suspicion of ambitious views; the term of 40 days would still have exposed the country to great misfortunes, and the people to dangerous commotions, if to the king had been left the exercise of the powers conferred upon him by the constitution; and the suspension of these powers appeared to the representative of the people, the only means of saving France and liberty.
In pronouncing this necessary suspension, the assembly have not exceeded their powers. The constitution authorizes them to pronounce it in the case of the absence of the king, when the term at which this absence incurs a legal abdication is not yet arrived, that is to say, in the case in which there is not yet ground for a definitive resolution, but in which a provisional act of rigour is evidently necessary, which it would be absurd to leave the power in hands, which could no longer make a free and beneficial use of it. In the present instance, then, these conditions are as evidently united as in the case provided for by the constitution, and in conducting ourselves by the principle which the constitution has pointed out, we have obeyed it—far from having infringed it contrary to our oaths.
The constitution foresaw, that all accumulation of powers was dangerous, and might change into tyrants of the people, those who ought to be only their representatives; but it judged also, that his danger supposed a long exercise of this extraordinary power, and the term of two months is that which is fixed for all cases in which it permits this union of powers, which in all other cases it has so rigorously prescribed.
The national assembly, far from extending this term, has reduced it to forty days only; and far from exceeding the period fixed by law on the plea of necessity, they have brought themselves within the narrowest limits.
When the power of sanctioning the laws is suspended, the constitution has pronounced, that the decrees of the legislative body shall have of themselves the character and authority of laws; and since he, to whom the constitution gave the choice of ministers, could no longer exercise his functions, it was necessary that a new law should put the choice into other hands. The assembly conferred the right on themselves, because this right could not be given but to electors who belonged to the whole nation, and because they alone have that character at present. But they were careful to avoid giving ground for the suspicion that, in conferring this power on themselves, they sought to gratify ambitious personal views; they decreed, that each of them should pronounce his choice in presence of the national representation, in presence of the numerous citizens who attend their sittings. They took care that each of their own body should have his colleagues for his judges, the public for a witness, and should answer for his choice to the whole nation.
Frenchmen, let us unite all our forces against the foreign tyranny which dares to threaten with its vengeance twenty-six millions of freemen. Within six weeks a power, which every citizen acknowledges, will pronounce on our division: woe to the man who listening, during this short interval, to personal sentiments, shall not devote himself wholly to the common defence, who shall not see, that at the moment when the sovereign will of the people is, about to speak, we have no enemies but the conspirators of Pilsnitz, and their accomplices.
It is in the midst of a foreign war, at the moment when numerous armies are preparing for a formidable invasion, that we call upon the citizens to discuss in a peaceable assembly the rights of liberty. That which would have appeared rash among any other people, seemed to us not above the courage and the patriotism of the French; and undoubtedly we shall not have the misfortune of finding ourselves deceived in judging you worthy to forget every other interest, but that of liberty, of sacrificing every other sentiment to the love of our country.
Citizens, it is for you to judge, if your representatives have exercised for your good the powers you have confided to them, if they have acted according to your wishes, in making a use of their powers, which neither they, nor you could foresee to be necessary. For us, we have discharged our duty in seizing with courage on the only means of preserving liberty that occurred to our consideration. Ready to die for it, at the post in which you have placed us, we shall carry with us, at least, on quitting that post, the consolation of having maintained it faithfully.
Whatever judgment our contemporaries or posterity may pass upon us, we shall not have to dread that of our consciences; to whatever danger we may be exposed, the happiness will remain to us of having spared the torrents of French blood, which a conduct more weak would have made to flow: we shall be spared remorse at least; nor shall we have to reproach ourselves with having seen a means of saving our country, and not having dared to embrace it.
(Signed) GUADET, President. GOUJON, G. ROMME, MARANS, CRESTIN, ARENA LECOINTRE PUIRAVAUX, Secretaries.
Paris Aug. 20.
Mr. FRENEAU,
AMERICANUS (in your Gazette of the 24th inst.) thinks he has found some errors, which he has stigmatized misrepresentations in my statement of October 10. He sets out with calling on me to point out the clause of the act which gives the excise officer an authority to enter on the domains of individuals and search them, &c. I answer—
1. That I argued from the nature of the subject, not from any statute relating to it; and of course he has no right to call on me for a statute which I have no where referred to or laid any thing about; but
2d. Notwithstanding this, I am willing to comply with his call, and refer him to an act of Congress of March 3, 1791, sect. 32—the words and meaning of which are very express in case of concealments “in any place whatever.”—The officers of inspection and others are authorized “to enter into all and every such place or places,” &c. and all the provisions (which are to be found in the section just quoted, and in sundry other clauses of our laws) against the abuse of this odious insulting power of the excise officer; all these provisions I say clearly prove and support the actual existence of that power, while at the same time they alleviate but very little of the asperities of its execution.
If I must meet an excise officer at my door with his plenary powers to enter and search every part of my house, I conceive that the warrant in his pocket or the con-

stable at his heels, would afford very little lenient composure to my harrowed feelings; indeed I would rather the excise officer would come alone than with his constable; if I must receive insult, I would rather take it from one than from more; from few than from many.
I know very well that such high powers, in cases of high necessity must exist in every government, but I strongly object to their being made common or being ever introduced without such high necessity as alone can make them admissible.
He next complains of my objection to the excise, grounded on the great expense of collecting it. The immense number of officers and implements which must be provided and scattered over every part of the Union, must unavoidably create a very enormous expense, the actual amount of which, must in its nature be a matter of conjectural calculation, till a statement of facts can be made.—Some people in their calculations, or guesses, if you please, have estimated the annual expense of collection of the excise at 45,000 dollars, and the gross amount of the tax at 400,000 dollars, which makes the expense of collection 12 1/2 per cent. on the nett proceeds of it, and I believe this calculation very moderate, because Congress in their act of May 8, 1792, limited the whole allowance for this service, so that it shall not exceed 70,000 dollars for the time being, i. e. till a future law shall be made to alter it. In the same act it is stated, that the allowances to officers, together with the incidental expenses of collecting the duties shall not exceed 7 1/2 per cent. of the total product of the duties, which is something more than 8 per cent. on the nett proceeds; but I conceive this is not designed to include all the expenses of the excise; if this was the case, it would not amount to half the sum which is provided and appropriated by Congress to that service—but when a statement of facts can be made, I shall be very well satisfied to find this expense of collection reduced lower than is expected, for I never yet feared an approaching calamity but I was very glad to find when it came, that it proved not quite so bad as I apprehended.
But what has all this to do with "misrepresentations," which Americanus charges on me—I heard a calculation was made of 12 per cent. for collecting the excise; I told it as I heard it; I made no misrepresentation of it, and I am not accountable for the truth of it, nor have I any more right to be called on to verify that, than a thousand other calculations on public measures, which are made every day through all the states; and 'tis happy that our people are disposed to examine and calculate, for were it not so, our government would soon lose its principal checks, and we should have but a feeble barrier left against a very speedy tyranny.
3. Americanus goes on to another charge of misrepresentation, viz. my assertion that the public faith was pledged in the most solemn manner to the original public creditors—and pray was not this the plain fact? or have I misrepresented in the least? But he says there was a subsequent plighting of the public faith to the assignees or holders of the certificates, which must not be violated.
1. I ask, was payment ever made to the original creditors, according to the plighted faith of the public to them? You must say, No! they never received any thing but depreciated paper, worth, say, one tenth of the sum due to them.
2. I ask, were the original creditors ever party to the certificates? You must answer, No! the certificates were not thought of when the contract was made by the first authority of the nation with the public creditors—the certificates were fabricated and imposed on them long after, and without their free consent. When a certificate was offered to them, it was that, or nothing. Such an imposition in any individual, would be deemed by every body impudent injustice, as well as shameless meanness: and can you call the same thing in a nation, an empire, public justice and national honor? Or can you think such a forced trick can be deemed either payment to those creditors, or a discharge of the nation, from their promise, or faith solemnly plighted?
But as to this second promise or faith plighted to the speculators or bearers of certificates, which Americanus talks a bout, if such a thing ever really existed, (which I deny) it must follow that as far as the demands of the speculators extend,
there must have been two promises or faiths plighted for the same debt, and the same money, which he thinks can't both be paid, and I think so too, and of course one of them is to be preferred, and the other sacrificed.
This naturally leads us to consider the original merits, earnings, and valuable considerations, on which the two promises were at first grounded; and to prefer that which appears to have the best original foundation, and to reject the other, the original basis of which (to say no worse) was but a delusive vision.
To apply all this to the present case:— 1. The promise or public faith plighted to the original creditors, was grounded on their most acknowledged merits and earnings, granted for supplies and services rendered by them to our country in extreme distress—to whose virtue and efforts we are indebted for all the money we now enjoy, yea, for the very walls of the house in which we have sat deliberating whether we would pay them or not.
2. The promise made to the speculators (if any was made) was grounded on no original merits, earnings or valuable consideration paid or rendered to any body, or so much as held up or pretended by them. They first wriggled themselves into the obsoleteness of a public act, and by the most shameless sophistry which ever insulted the understanding of a nation, set up a claim to wages which they never earned, to hire, when they had not laboured, and to rewards without any pretensions to the virtues and merits to which they were due.
I leave the reader to make his election which of these two faiths or promises he will prefer, and only stop to declare that I offer these things in the face of the world, as matters of public notoriety, and challenge any American, who has either conscience of right or feelings of humanity, to deny an iota of them, or to differ from me in the sentiments of his own heart, if he can.
I suppose it will be objected to all this, that the thing is done and cannot be mended—This is, indeed, an old plea, and a pretty good clincher for runawayatches; but I don't think it will apply to the present case—it will be said that the speculators are in possession, they are strong and numerous, and it will be difficult to oust them; but truth and right are stronger than they. I know they have got hold of great sums of our public money, under the name of interest, which I suppose they will keep: for I don't expect that refunding will ever make a part of our funding system. But the great capital is unpaid, and still remains in the bank and in the nation, and may be disposed of yet as national honor, faith and right shall require. But as things go on, this great capital will not rest with us long, but will soon be drained from the extreme parts into the great cities, and from thence will take its departure for Europe, never to return.
We have indeed one comfort left; that as long as our fields supply corn and flax, and our flocks and herds yield butter, cheese, milk, meat and wool, we cannot starve or want clothes.
On the whole matter, let what difficulties soever lie in our way, I pray God that the doleful cruel adage— Let the stricken deer go mourn —may never be the motto of our Union.
A CITIZEN OF PHILADELPHIA. Oct. 26. 1792.
FOREIGN NEWS.
L O N D O N, Aug. 20—31
The French, by burning the pedigrees of their nobility, have destroyed many beautiful specimens of art, that would have produced a larger sum than those who proposed this measure were perhaps aware of. Many of the genealogies were illuminated with drawings exquisitely finished, highly coloured, and superbly ornamented with burnished gold.
The revolution in France, counteracted by a confederacy of potentates, and so alarming to mankind, forms an era in civil history, intimately connected with the future destiny of the world. Give stability to this revolution, and the other governments will emerge into freedom, and public felicity become progressive among nations. Subvert this revolution by the interference of foreign powers with the arrangements of interior government, all nations must tremble, despotism will triumph, and the world move retrograde for ages. In future, then, the anniversary of so great an event, so interesting to the feelings of
humanity, ought to be celebrated in every region of the world, by every people who are virtuous enough to be free.
In all the characters of Tippoo Saib, with which the public have been favoured, his zeal for religion has been wholly omitted. It is however well known, that he considers himself as one of the legitimate successors of Mahomet, adds that of the prophet to the catalogue of his titles, and makes converts to the muslim faith by the orthodox modes of persecution, imprisonment, mutilation, and death.
France, we are told, has been brought by the revolution from the highest pitch of national prosperity to the lowest abyss of political confusion. What was the state of France before the revolution? an overgrown clergy, a disaffected army, an exhausted treasury, a public expenditure, for which all the expedients of three successive ministers could not provide; a populace reduced to despair by the enormous weight of taxes, and in danger of starving for want of bread. Such was the state of things which the sycophants of power represent as the highest pitch of national prosperity. From such grinding prosperity, may heaven shield the people of this country.
Abstract of late French intelligence.
Paris, Aug. 20. "Several of the ladies of the court have been arrested and sent to prison for conveying notes, libels, and other treasonable effusions against liberty, to the king and queen since their confinement in the tower of the temple. Seven of those ladies were summoned before the general council of the commons on the 18th, but refusing to give any, except vague answers, they were put under arrest, and transferred to prison. When the queen was informed of this event, she wept bitterly for them all, particularly mademoiselle de Lamballe, her constant companion in the days of royalty.
M. de Biron in order to encourage desertion among the enemy's troops, sent them the translation of the decree, which is so well calculated to allure them to the standard of liberty, on account of the singular advantages it holds out to them—The decree is conveyed into the allied camps in bottles of strong Nantz brandy, a powerfull bait for a northern soldier!
On Thursday the special tribunal, established by the law of the 17th of August, passed sentence on Louis David Connet, alias d' Anglemont.—After a trial of 39 hours by a jury of his own countrymen, he was convicted of debauching the allegiance of several Frenchmen, and condemned to die in expiation of his crime.
When judgment was pronounced, M. Offelin, President, thus addressed the culprit:—"Condemned by a severe, though just law—go bravely to death: your life and sincere repentance are all that your country requires of you!"
During the trial, the prisoner at the bar urged very powerful and some subtil arguments in his defence. He appeared with elegance, ease, & spoke in classical language; but his fortitude abandoned him, when his doom was pronounced. He was executed at half after ten at night, on the square of the Carrouzel, by light of torches.—Gen. Arthur Dillon has been accused of disaffection to the national assembly cause, and of being the accomplice of M. de la Fayette; and has been declared by the assembly unworthy of a further public confidence—All suspended general officers, and superannuated officers are forbid being within ten leagues of any of the French armies; and to be removed 20 leagues from the frontiers. A report has been made to the national assembly on the Swiss contract of 1764, by which the Cantons were to furnish near 14000 auxiliary troops to France; and declaring that the Swiss regiment ought to be no longer in French pay, and that the aforesaid treaty be considered as void.—The Jacobin society in Paris have drawn up an address to the national assembly, on the following heads, proposing 1st, to establish a progressive value in the paper currency from the most considerable to the lowest sum. 2. To lay a duty on all notes, payable to order.
3. To forbid the circulation of gold or silver coin, but to encrase the copper and bell metal currency. 4. To work the gold and silver mines belonging to the nation, in order to keep up the balance of trade with foreign countries. 5. To charge a committee to examine the political rights of women. 6. To repeal the decrees that confirm and guarantee the royal loans. 7. Totally to suppress all expenditures for secret services, as a disgrace to a free people who should be candid, open, and without disguise. 8. To suppress every species of operation in finances for the national treasury. The address concluded with an improved assertion, "that the trade with the two Indies, and the possession of the colonies were infinitely more detrimental than useful to the French nation. The king is not in such deep despair as some may imagine; for notwithstanding the vigilance of those who guard him, he carries on a correspondence, and he is still called his majesty; the letters are handed to him in different ways sometimes in an almond wash ball, sometimes in the fold of a shirt, sometimes in a balloon cake, which a municipal officer buys for the prince royal; there have been above twenty letters in-
tercepted in that manner; all which goes to prove that the Royalists, who hitherto have been tyrants, are now become servants, who sleep with one eye open, watching for the favorable instant to rush upon us. We must, therefore, be resolute and circumspect, and not suffer ourselves to be led into the snares laid, otherwise we shall soon be on new fetters, heavier than those we have so lately thrown off."
[From the Leyden Gazette of Aug. 10.] Extract from a Report, made to the National Assembly on the disposition of several powers towards France.
Extraordinary efforts have been made to re-animate the patriotism of the French, and raise an impassable barrier against the attacks of her enemies. Countenanced and aided by the princes of Germany, they have now fixed themselves on the frontiers. The French armies were disquieted at these prospects, and would more than once have opposed their progress, had they not been nicely scrupulous in regard to violating the dependent territory of the empire. But it is time to put an end to this inactivity, and no longer to suffer the enemy to occupy posts, and establish garrisons and camps in a country whose neutrality is openly violated by the enemies of France. By renouncing conquest and offensive war, France assured Europe that her system was pacific. By this step it was, doubtless, the intention of the assembly to put an end to the mischiefs that had so long desolated Europe, to destroy those jealousies and that reciprocal hatred which it has ever been the policy of governments to excite among nations, to make them the instruments of their ambition or their avarice. But such doctrine as this, founded upon justice, and alike acknowledged by humanity and general interest, was not to the relish of sanguinary despots. Hardly were the rights of man mentioned, when those who held them in chains from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, united themselves against France only for having declared, that she had no right to usurp the territory of her neighbours, nor to declare war in any case except for lawful defence. At this declaration Austria was instantly roused, and put on foot her battalions; she threatened that she would dictate laws, and even prescribed the mode of despotism under which France was to groan. All France cried for vengeance, at this outrage upon the national independence, and declared war, which the enemy had, in fact, previously declared by their hostile arrangements. This act accelerated the discovery of a thousand secret conspiracies, which in time would have proved fatal to the general liberty. By a strange revolution in politics the successor of the great Frederic declared in favour of our enemies, and the master of Silesia is at this moment among the allies of the house of Austria. The Germanic body, whose independence is naturally guaranteed by France, which can alone save it from the never-dying ambition of Austria, has seen with satisfaction the league formed to destroy the free government of France. Already the hostile armies have inundated their territory, and under cover of neutrality, they are not alarmed at the encampments, the magazines, and other military arrangements of the foes of the French. The time, however, will come, when these powers as well as some others who are now blind to their true interests, will see their mistake in supposing the downfall of French liberty will be to their advantage. The present northern league has nothing less in view than the enslaving all Europe, and on whatever side it is examined, discovers a menacing aspect. The prelude to the execution of this system is the sacrificing the independence of Poland. Even the liberty of Germany is destroyed by the change that has taken place in the politics of Prussia. France is now doomed to all the horrors of civil war, and subjected to the swords of foreign invaders, who expect she must yield to the torrent that is preparing to overwhelm her; and when reduced to an abject state of submission, that she will then be at the direction of her new protectors. The political balance being then overturned, the fate of several other powers will be in their hands, and by the aid of their numerous soldiery, loaded with spoil and fattened with slaughter, all usurpations whatever will become easy to them. It belongs, then, to France to preserve mankind from this dreadful scourge, to awaken the world to a view of its situation, to rouse into action those degraded souls who shamefully inattentive, or basely perfidious, can see with indifference the destruction of the infant germ of liberty upon this earth. A brave nation, and wisely governed, are the providence of this world; and the French alone, in opposing the common enemies of the human race, will have the glory to re-establish that political harmony which shall preserve Europe from universal servitude. Whatever may be the number, whatever the strength of our enemies, it can hardly be possible that such a nation as France can sink in the contest that is before her. An immense people, that feel their strength and dignity, re-united by a sense of mutual interest, and under their own laws; protected by a powerful army, and possessing fortresses impregnable to attack—placed in a country which

by the contiguity and happy correspondence of its parts, exhibits a solid mass of power, can never fall a prey to the kings that are combined against them. It must be considered that they, as well as we, are subjected to the uncertainty of events, to the inevitable expenditures of war, beyond all calculation; and having an enemy to fight, animated with every noble sentiment of liberty, it is evident that the least shock must overturn this powerful confederacy, and change their purposes; since a firm and lasting alliance cannot take place between powers merely ambitious, who support the cause of injustice. The true French have no desertions to fear. The dangers of their country will encourage her children. We have contracted an immense debt with the whole world—the pledging ourselves to establish and put in practice the rights of man upon the earth. Liberty, fertile in virtues and talents, will enable us to pay it to the last farthing. Our enemies have conceived great hopes from the little dissensions that have happened among us; and from thence they argue the dissolution of our government—No!—we well understand, that in the actual condition of things, a change in our political institutions would necessarily be attended with an inter regnum of laws, the suspension of authority, licentiousness, and disorder. But our vigilance shall preserve liberty without destroying it; the power of doing mischief shall be taken away from traitors; and with the growing stability of government, we shall deprive the ambitious of every chance of profiting by the perpetual changes and revolutions of empires; and by uniting energy of action with sagacity of understanding, we shall crown our revolution with success and glory.
PHILADELPHIA.
OCTOBER 31.
The following gentlemen are chosen by the freemen of Connecticut to represent them in the next Congress: Jonathan Trumbull, James Hilihouse, Jonathan Sturges, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Amasa Learned, Benjamin Huntington, and Stephen Mix Mitchell, Esqrs.
Information is received from Amsterdam, that an additional duty has taken place, in Holland, of one half per cent ad valorem on all goods exported from thence to the United States of America; and one per cent on all goods imported into said Netherlands from the United States.
The Creek Indians have lately received two vessel loads of presents from the United States, which were landed at Coldrain on the river St. Mary's. The presents consist of ploughs, hoes, and other implements of husbandry. Another vessel, laden as above, was daily expected at the same place; where the Creeks were to meet the commissioners, receive the presents, and ratify the treaty. The running of the frontier line was to be left entirely to the commissioners.
The following list of the votes for members of Congress for the state of Pennsylvania, is taken from the official returns, except the counties of Berks and Dauphin, authentic returns from which are not yet received: Findley 33,558. Muhlenberg 32,341. Heister 32,147. Irwin 30,968. Kittera 29,835. Hartley 28,443. P. Muhlenberg 27,784. Fitzsimons 17,997. Gregg 17,312. Armstrong 17,312. Montgomery 17,019. Smilie 16,754. Scott 16,657. Sitgreaves 15,589. Sergeant 15,096. Barclay 14,953. Thomson 14,874. Bingham 14,482. Wynakoop 14,348.
By a return published in the "Augusta Chronicle" of the 6th inst. it appears that Abraham Baldwin and Thomas P. Carnes, Esqrs. are elected members of the House of Representatives of the United States for that state.
"Capt. Bliss of the ship Roebuck, sailed from Bristol the 1st of September, and arrived here last Saturday evening. When he left Bristol, the latest accounts from France, mentioned the escape of the Marquis de la Fayette with thirteen of his officers, through the Austrian Netherlands, and that they were taken and carried into Namur. This information was not contradicted by any other account up to the first of September. The idea of the marquis having arrived in England was not credited.
Mr. Rickett's Circus, in Market-street, near the Centre-Square, is now completed, and will, we hear, be very soon opened for the entertainment of the public, and for the instruction of ladies and gentlemen desirous of acquiring the elegant accomplishment of horsemanship. The Circus is fitted up in a commodious style, so as to be capable of containing a large company of spectators, and it is to be presumed the citizens of this metropolis will experience considerable gratification from this new field of rational amusement.
Thursday, 11th, sailed from Pittsburgh, under the command of Major Rudolph, a detachment of part of two troops of dismounted horsemen, and infantry. We understand the horsemen are to proceed to Kentucky to train the horses purchased there by Mr. Belli, the deputy quarter-
master-general. The infantry are to be stationed at Gallipolis.
Messieurs Wignell and Reinagle have published proposals in Boston for erecting a theatre in that capital on a similar plan to the new one now finishing in this city. A pamphlet, on the subject of a theatre, is shortly to be published in Boston, entitled, "An estimate of the effects of the stage on the manners of a people, and the possibility of its being rendered a source of national wealth." It is said the state representatives and clergy are to be complimented individually with a copy of this performance.
The dissension that has been so much talked of in France appears to have arisen wholly from the schemes and artifices of the royalists and retainers to despotism, actuated by the king and his family. Since the suspension of the monarch, and his confinement, the most authentic accounts represent the nation as UNITED against all its enemies. Should this really be the case, when the amazing strength of the nation is considered, it is evident it will be at their own option to adopt what form of government they see fit. The number of persons capable of bearing arms, in France, is six millions, seven hundred thousand, whereas the whole combined force that can be brought to act against them cannot exceed two hundred and fifty thousand.
Letters from St. Kitts mention the arrival of six French transports at that island, with troops, who had not been suffered to land at Martinico, having been driven off by the royal party. The troops were landed at St. Kitts, and the six vessels violently taken out of the harbour by an armed force from Martinico—four other transports of the same squadron, under convoy of a frigate, had gone to leeward, supposed for Cape Francois.
Accounts from Paris are received as late as the 4th of September, and from London to the 10th. The heads of the most material intelligence are as follows: The Duke of Brunswick had taken Longwy, a strong town on the French frontier, containing a few hundred troops: according to others there were in it a garrison of 2636 men, 38 pieces of cannon, and 415,000 wt. of powder. The duke then advanced towards Verdun, and on the 30th of August summoned that place to surrender; but it was determined by the council to hold out to the last extremity—upon receiving this news at Paris, a decree was passed to the following effect—"that the barriers be shut; all horses seized for military service; all suspected persons to be disarmed, and all citizens to hold themselves in readiness to march at the first notice; and that 60,000 men be immediately raised for the defence of the country." These 60,000 men were almost immediately raised, but upon a suggestion that it would be dangerous for such a body to leave Paris while so many aristocrats and counter-revolutionists remained, it was proposed to disarm and put them to death. Upon this 130 priests were instantly massacred, who had been confined in the convent of the Carmelites: The people in the Abbey were next put to death, with many persons in other places—on the 3rd of September 80 more priests were killed—About 12 o'clock on the 3rd the tumult ceased, by which time 4000 (some say 7000) had lost their lives—during all these violences the king and his family remained undisturbed, as well as the offices of every public department. By this time news had arrived that Verdun was taken—No other irruption into France had been made by the Duke of Brunswick; the army of M. Biron kept the Prince de Hohenloe in awe. M. Dumourier covered the north—10,000 men were under Gen. Kellerman; and 15,000 watched the motions of the Duke of Brunswick—a decree had passed, seizing the possessions of the Austrian clergy in France—Luckner was re-inflated Generalissimo of the three French frontier armies.
[From the Pittsburg Gazette]
What has produced the present war with the Indians? Is it not the claim of the United States to the country west of the Ohio? Cede this, and we have peace. Shall it be said, that the object of the forces raised is the protection of these settlements?—The fact is, if at the treaty of Fort M'Intosh in the year 1784, the commissioners had said, we relinquish all claim beyond our former purchase, and are satisfied with the Ohio as a boundary, we should have had no war.
The contrary was the language—it was said, that territory is ours; we claim it by conquest and you must give it up, allowing you only a small corner as a hunting ground and settlement, and a few goods as a bounty, not as a price.
Surveys and settlements under the United States, of this territory, has been an infringement of the claim, and has provoked the Indians, and has engaged them in continual war. The older settlements have been the victims of this claim of the public. Shall it then be said, that it is to protect the western country that the army is on foot? Let the Congress instantly announce to the Indians a relinquishment of claim to this territory, and we shall ask no troops to protect us, we shall have no trouble. But the Congress claim it; and have made, and wish to make sales; and the frontier's must
bear the incursions of the savages provoked on account of this; they must be harassed with militia service; taken from the labour of their farms at time, unseasonable; and yet be told to contribute nothing towards the expense of a war, which is thus brought on them by the public. What? because they do not submit to an exaction; when by submitting to it, they would pay more than ten times the proportion of the revenue.
We have seen the President's proclamation, which is all right; and he has seen ours; which is, that we will neither eat nor drink without an excise officer. Let the President do his duty, and we will do ours. It is his to enforce; and it is ours to defeat. We hope to have no difference on the occasion, but each to carry his point if he can. We flatter ourselves the power of opinion is stronger than the laws; and when a tax is unequal, unjust, unpopular, oppressive, in a free government, it cannot exit long, or be carried into complete effect.
[We are requested to insert the following supplemental note to the "Defence of Mr. Jefferson's political character," &c. in our paper of October 13.]
WHEN the extracts explaining Mr. Jefferson's political principles, respecting the constitution, were sent to the press, with an intimation that the originals should be made accessible, if necessary, it was with reason concluded that no man of candour would entertain any doubt of their authenticity. A writer, under the signature of Catullus, (who, notwithstanding his ridiculous transfer of his authorship, is evidently the original writer under the signature of An American) has been so far wanting in this virtue, as to contradict a rational supposition. To put an end to all possible cavil on this subject, notice is now given, that any gentleman of known honor and delicacy, who shall be named to the Editor of the American Daily Advertiser, shall have an opportunity of examining not only the passages extracted, but the entire contents of the original letters. It fortunately happens, that from the writer's practice of mentioning in every letter the date of the preceding one, it is demonstrated by the letters themselves that they form the whole of this correspondence within the necessary period. The propriety of requiring a witness in this case of the above description accounts for itself. In the freedom of an extensive correspondence with a confidential friend, it could not but happen that many things must be included not only irrelative to the subject in question, but to any other of a public nature, and which tho' unexceptionable in their place, should never leave the depository of private honor. With respect to the letter of July 6, 1788, published in your paper of the 13th instant, this sagacious commentator has been as unlucky, as in all his other inferences from presumptive circumstances. It is neither the letter spoken of by Mr. Pendleton, nor written to the same person. Had the critic, however, been possessed of less sagacity, with the smallest particle of candor, he might easily have reconciled the statement given by Mr. Pendleton with the extract in question. The bill of rights mentioned in the latter might surely be called, either by Mr. Jefferson, in another letter, or by Mr. Pendleton, stating, in his own language, the contents of the one he saw, an enumeration of the amendments wished to be secured. Every particular right secured is, in fact, an amendment, and is so designated in the amending supplement to the constitution. It is painful to waste a moment in explanations which seem to be so unnecessary; yet, as a specimen of the manner in which the attack on an illustrious patriot is conducted, it may not be unworthy of attention.
** The second volume of the National Gazette commencing with this day's publication, the Editor embraces the opportunity briefly to remind his readers and the public that it is his intention to persevere in his original plan of publishing a free paper in this city, open to animadversions of any and every party upon public measures, and influenced and dictated to by NONE. If hitherto, in the prosecution of this very justifiable plan it has been his lot to experience no small share of calumny and misrepresentation from interested or designing characters, who may have apprehended danger to themselves, to their friends, or to the government, from an impartial discussion of questions of public concern, in a free Gazette; it has been his consolation on the other hand, that by a generous subscription the means have been afforded of maintaining in some degree the dignity of a free paper, and convincing the enemies of open and liberal discussion that the press cannot be shackled in these states, while there exists a spark of republican or revolutionary virtue among the people.
Original communications, if decently written, and having any reference to the public welfare, or public information, will be thankfully received and duly inserted, as usual.
A brief history of the proceedings of the House of Representatives, will be faithfully compiled and inserted during the session; with the lists of yeas and nays upon every important question.
Foreign and domestic intelligence will be given without deviating into tedious prolixity, or relating every inconsiderable incident of the day; which would be incompatible with the bounds to which the Gazette is restricted.
The advertising department shall at no time exceed the quantity of one page.—Advertisements, not exceeding a square, for the first insertion fifty cents; for every subsequent insertion 25 cents.
In future one dollar and an half will be expected at the time of subscribing, and the remaining one dollar and an half at the commencement of the following six months.
Subscribers in arrears for the whole or part of the last year's subscription are requested to make payment without delay either to the post-masters in their respective neighbourhoods; to such gentlemen as have interested themselves in collecting subscriptions; or to the Editor by private conveyance. Punctuality in this particular will alone enable the editor to continue the National Gazette upon the plan proposed.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU,
A FURTHER imprudent attempt has been made by FACT (which, owing to accident, I have just seen) to explain away the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury concerning the blessings of a public debt. The best answer to all such sophistical comments, is a careful perusal of the printed reports of that officer, where every candid reader will find the doctrine undeniably maintained, sometimes more explicitly, sometimes more guarded; sometimes in one shape, sometimes in another; that public debts in a certain latitude, and except in particular situations, are public blessings; and that the existing debt is so. This cannot be explained away; and the Secretary's known opinions (and hitherto undenied) should prevent his friends from trying at it.
As to the want of candour in accounting for the apparent inconsistency of the Secretary in other remarks, Truth need only to refer to his un mutilated text; where two remarks of the Secretary are set down, and two solutions given, one referring to one only of the remarks. Fact by a mutilated quotation refers it to the other, and then complains of want of candour. I suppress the epithet that might be applied.
But conduct is called in to explain the real sentiments of the Secretary; but at what time: whilst the public mind was unroused? No. At the last session only, when the public prints were the general conversation, and the walls of Congress proclaimed the alarm excited by the doctrine. It is not improbable that further explanations of a similar nature may now come forward under the existing impressions of the public.
As to the flexibility or inflexibility of the secretary that can avail little. There may be a great inflexibility as to the object, and as great a flexibility as to the means—Right ends are but too commonly pursued by flexible, inconsistent means: but when a wrong one is in view the pursuit thereof usually produces a very Proteus as to the means.
TRUTH.
October 30, 1792.
FOR SALE, A good MILL SEAT, And an excellent stand for a country store, Situate on Millstone-Creek, about seven miles from Hide's Town or Cranberry, on the great road leading from Hide's Town to Haddonfield Court-house, in New Jersey.
THERE are one hundred and sixty-seven acres and an half of good land in the above mentioned tract; a new mill thereon 23 by 40 feet, just built; an excellent stream of water; the mill enjoys a head of water between 6 and 7 feet; has 2 pair of stones, and water sufficient to drive 4 pair; about 25 acres of excellent meadow, and about 20 acres more to be made with great convenience; two good frame dwelling houses thereon, built about 4 years since, with kitchens to both; a barn and stables; excellent water close to the door, and including about 25 acres of excellent wood land. For terms apply to Joseph Journer on the premises, or at Mr. Keen and Van Emburgh's store on their wharf immediately next below Arch-street, to
ROBERT M'KEAN;
Who has for Sale, Five Grants of Land in Franklin county, in the state of Georgia, of 1000 acres each; Situate on Broad River, and taken up 28th June last. One grant in the same county and state, of one thousand acres, dated 25th May, 1790. One of two hundred and eighty-seven acres and an half, in the same county and state, dated 23rd April, 1789, and on Trail Creek; and one grant of two hundred and eighty-seven acres and an half, in the same county and state, on the Oconee River.
Philad. Oct. 31. At e. w.

To the Editor of the National Gazette.
SIR,
The Professor of Botany has done an honor to a correspondent in your paper, under the signature of Medicus, which he could not have expected from a man of his figure. The courtly language of his 'Calm Observer' seems to give a proof to the assertions of Medicus that 'all is ignorance which does not immediately emanate from him'—But, Sir, I hope the contest will rest here, for the honor of medical science, for the sake of humanity, and in tenderness to the professor's friends; for it appears to me that a prosecution of the allegations any further must terminate in a way highly to his disadvantage—let him derive that profit from an ignorance of his character, which investigation might destroy—I hope Medicus will withhold a multiplicity of facts, which are but too well known in this city, and observe a silence, which in him would be a virtue—The man who provokes a public enquiry into his character ought to be free from reproach, and what demon could have urged the professor to expose himself to public view, is to me a problem insoluble; certain it is that he must have been ignorant of the most essential of all knowledge, the knowledge of himself, or he could not, with an unreflecting temerity, have challenged an enquiry, from which he could neither derive honor or reputation—This is the second attempt that he has made to pass himself upon the public for a man of honor; but it is only a credulous mind that will believe a man to be sincere, who has once been publicly convicted of falsehood—appeals to heaven, or to honor, avail not when circumstances speak conviction strong as proof of holy writ, or when the sacred principle of truth has been often sacrificed on the altar of dishonor. The professor of Botany will pardon the liberty of a few questions, as they may serve, perhaps, to throw some light upon the subject in contest—did the Printer of the Daily Advertiser publish the extract of a letter from the New-York Journal unsolicited? was the Editor of the National Gazette not applied to for republish it? were you not one of the five who were present at the philosophical society when the latus linguae was made, which has been so shamefully perverted to the prejudice of the professor of the materia medica? did he not immediately correct himself? is it not a common thing with you to depreciate the medical reputation of every physician in this city however exalted his character? have you even spared the respectable professor, who laid the foundation of your medical knowledge, and who patronized you both here and abroad? I could continue my interrogations, but as I wish not to torture you too much by putting too many questions at once, I will suspend them till they shall be more necessary; the 'tenderness and affection' of the professor of Botany, as asserted by a worthy and respectable character, for whom I have the highest veneration, is a reflection more severe than any offered by Medicus; the benevolent divine, who estimates the feelings of others by his own, and whose philanthropic soul delights in the happiness of mankind, was unacquainted with the Doctor's 'walks,' or he would not have hazarded such an opinion—with respect to the professor's medical talents I will offer no opinion, lest I should be called a 'bottle-washer,' for it is a physician only, who can judge truly of the abilities of his brother—as a botanist I mean not to arraign him, I will depend upon the foreign professor's opinion, who has confined himself to botany and natural history only—an eminent observer of human nature says that 'men and things have their point of view, from whence they should be viewed' the foreign professor viewed an American object across the Atlantic as a man—but let me forbear—I hope the recording angel will drop a tear upon many of his actions, and blot them out forever. A FRIEND TO TRUTH.
October, 29.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To the Professor of Botany in the Masque of a 'Calm Observer.'
SIR,
MY reply to your calm and finished essay shall not take up much of that precious time, which you can devote to more useful purposes—It would be well for you if the scouring and scouring which you have had would give you half the purity that I have given to bottles—it requires an ingenuity and labour beyond the reach of man to wash an Ethiopian white—the confession of an ignorance of yourself, is the only candid thing which has marked your progress in this dishonorable business—you say that you are 'unacquainted with either of the gentlemen,' and that you are disinterested; pray how came you in possession of the extract from the private note, written by the professor of the materia medica? If you are unacquainted with either of the gentlemen, how do you judge that one is 'worthy of the confidence of the world'? how came you to know that Doctor Barton had 'too much honor to be guilty of so base an act,' as to write the extract of a letter, if you are unacquainted with him? who informed you that a 'private pique' was the cause that Medicus took up the cudgel? really for a 'disinterested and ignorant man' you are won'drous knowing—Fye, Fye Doctor; even a bottle-washer would disdain such flimsy and dishonest artifice—But, Sir, I have only sketched the outlines of your character, and to prove to you that I am not your enemy, I shall forbear finishing the portrait, unless I am provoked to it—my facts are numerous, and tho' exhibited by a bottle washer, they will not be destitute of energy—believe me I do not 'envy' you, neither do I aspire to 'your rank'; it is an eminence, which, I hope, Heaven will keep me from ever ascending—I feel contented with the humble station that you have allotted me; for I find myself placed by you in the same class in which you have placed the most eminent characters in this city—learn modesty and charity Doctor, they will do you as much, if not more, good than botany—cease from detraction and con-
sider the chastisement of Medicus as designed for your benefit; as a lesson of humility
'Which like the toad, ugly and venomous, Wears yet a precious jewel in its head.' OCTO. 29. MEDICUS.
LONDON.
The following comparative statement of the forces of the contending kings , opposed to the numbers which France may bring into the field, is extracted from an essay on that subject, lately published at Paris, by an ingenious geographic writer, M. Frassinat .
"France contains twenty-seven millions of inhabitants."
"The number of male citizens between 16 and 20 years of age, is ten millions; that of its active citizens, and sons of active citizens, 4,300,000, which leaves 5,700,000 inactive citizens."
"The number of persons capable of bearing arms is 6,700,000—2,880,000 of whom are active citizens—3,820,000 inactive."
"The regular army of France consists of 250,000 men."
"If the French, who will defend their liberties, were to decimate themselves, that is, if one in ten capable of bearing arms, marched against the common enemy, France would have an army of 670,000 men."
"The actual forces of the powers coalesced against France are,
Table with 2 columns: Country, Men. Austria 200,000; Prussia 183,000; The contingent of the empire 40,000; Naples 50,000; Sardinia 30,000; Tuscany 6,000; Total 509,000.
"Supposing these powers have occasion to guard their immense territory, of which the extent is 21,562 square German miles, 15 to the degree, and to keep in awe from 38 to 40 millions of people, the inhabitants of this country, who are ready to revolt."
"Supposing that they are obliged to keep at home half only of their troops, it will follow, that all the force which these powers can bring against France, will be 250,000."
"The department of Paris also contains 100,000 active citizens, and 140,000 inactive; among whom are 180,000 men capable of bearing arms, 80,000 active, and 100,000 inactive."
Prices Current at Philadelphia.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Ashes Pot per ton 90 Dols. to 100 d. Alhes Pearl 137 — 140. Bacon flitches per lb. 7 cents. Bacon shoulders — 6 do. Bees wax, per lb. 25 cents to 27. Brandy, Coniac, per gal. 1 dol. 11 c. Brandy, common, 90 c. Butter, in kegs, per lb. 9 c. to 10. Beef, Boston, per barrel 7d to 8d. Country ditto 6d to 7d. Coals, per bushel, 20 c. to 22. Coffee, per lb. 18 to 19 c. Cotton, per lb. 26 c. to 40. Cheese, country, per lb. 8c to 10c. English 19c. Chocolate, per lb. 17c to 18c. Codfish, per cwt. 3d. 50c. Cordage, American, per cwt. 7d 67c. to 8d. Duck, English No. 1. per yd. 28c. 1 cent less for every number — Russia, per bolt 11d. 33c. Dutch tail duck, 18d. to 20d. Sail cloth, Boston No. 1. per yd. 30c. Flaxseed, per bush. 75 to 85c. Flax, per lb. 11 to 12 c. Flour, superfine, per barrel, 5dol. Common 4 dols. 67 c. Burr middlings, best, per bbl. 4 d. Meal Indian 2 dols. 52 c. Rye 2 dols. 40 c. Ship stuff, per cwt, 80 c. to 1 dol. Gin, Holland, per case, 4 dols. 67 c. Ginseng per lb. 20 c. to 24. Grain, barley, per bushel, 73 to 80c. best shelled, per lb. 3 c. Buck-wheat, per bushel, 40 c. Indian corn, 51 c. Oats 35 c. pr. bush. Rye 44c, Wheat 91c. Herring, per barrel 3d. Hoops, hoghead, per M. 15d. Barrel, 7d to 8d. Hams, per lb. 8 c. to 9. Hemp, imported, per ton, 120 dols. to 126 67c. American, per lb. 4 c. to 5. Hides, raw, per lb. 9 c. to 11. Indigo, Carolina, per lb. 1 dol. to 1 dol. 10 c. Iron, bar, per ton, 82 dols. 67 c. Castings, per cwt. 3 dols. 47 c. Nail-rods per ton 96 dols. Pig, per ton, 24 dols. to 26 dols. 67 c. Sheet, per ton, 173 dols 33 c. Leather, fcal, per lb. 14c. to 17c. 20c. Logwood per ton 24d. Lard, hogs, per lb. 10c. to 11. Lead, in bars, per cwt. 7 dols. In pigs, — 5 dols. 33 c. to 5 dols. 67 c. Red, — 6 dols. 40 c. to 6 dols. 67 c. White, — 10 dols. to 10 dols. 67 c. Mackerel, best, per bbl. 8d. Madder, best, per lb. 16c. to 20c. Myrtle wax per lb. 16 c. Molasses, per gal. 44 c. to 50. Nails, 8d. 10d. 12d and 20d. per lb. 10c. Nutmegs, per lb. 7 to 8 dollars. Oil, Linseed, per gallon, 65 to 67 c. Olive, 87c. per case 2d. 50c. Sweet best in baskets, 12 bot. 5d. 30 flasks, in boxes 10d 50c. Spermaceti, per gal. 48c. Train 24c. to 27c. Whale, 22c. to 24c. Pepper, per lb. 30c. Pimento, — 18 c. to 20c. Porter per cask, 5d. 33c. Porter, London, per dozen, 1 dol. 60 c. American, do. 1 d. 4 c. to 1 d. 60 c. Pitch, per barrel, 1 dol. 73 c. to 2 dols. Pork, Burlington, per barrel, 11 dols to 12 d 33c. Lower County, do. 10 dols. Carolina, do. 9 dols.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Raisins, Muscatella, per box 2d. Jar do. per jar 2d. 50c. Sun do. per keg 9d. Rice, per 112 lb. 2 dols. 50c. to 2 dol. 67 c. Rosin, per barrel, 2 dols. 33 c. to 2 dols. 67 c. Rum, Antigua, per gallon, 1 dol. Barbadoes, do. do. 83 c. New-England, &c. 67 c. Jamaica, 1 dol. 7c. Windward Island, 86c. Salmon, per bbl. 6d. 50c. to 7d. Scantlings, heart, per M. 23d. 33c. Sap, 8d. to 8d 67c. Shingles, 18 inch, per M. 2d. 33c. to 2d 67c. 2 feet, 5d 33c. to 6 3 feet, dressed, 13d. to 15d. Salt, (Allum) per bushel, 24 to 27 c. Cadiz, 23 to 24 c. Lisbon, 25 to 27 c. Liverpool, 29 c. Skins, Deer, in hair, per lb. 20 to 30 c. Red, ditto, 26 to 33 c. Snake-Root, per lb. 20 c. to 42. Sugar, Havanna, white, per lb. 17 to 18 c. Brown, per lb. 11 to 12c. Muscovado, per cwt. 13 d. to 15 d. Lump, per lb. 24 c. Loaf, single refined, 26 c. Loaf, double ditto, 36 c. Tallow, refined, per lb. 9 c. Tin, per box 13d. 33c. to 67c. Tar, New-Jersey, 24 gal. to the bbl. 1 dol. Carolina, 32 gal. 1 dol. 33 c. to 1 dol. 67. Turpentine, per barrel, 1 dol. 67 c. to 2 dols. Tea, Hyson, per lb. 93 c. to 1 dol. 28 c. Hyson skin, 53 c. to 67. Souhong, 50c. to 93. Congo, 43 c. to 50. Bohea, 31 c. to 33. Tobacco, James River, best, per cwt. 3 dols. 60 to 3 dols. 73 c. Inferior, 3 dols. 33c. Old, 4 dols. 67 c. Rappahannock, 3 dols. 33 c. Coloured Maryland, 5 d. 33 c. to 8 d. Dark, 2 dols. 40 c. Long leaf, 2 dols. 40 c. Eastern Shore, 2 dols. to 2 dols. 23 c. Carolina, old, 3 dols. 33 c. Carolina, new, 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dols. Wine, Madeira, per pipe, 176 d. to 226 d. 67c. Lisbon, 120 to 126. Teneriffe, per gal. 63. Faya, 52. Port, per pipe, 113 dol. 33 c. Sherry, per gal. 90 c. to 100. 20c.
BOOKS,
Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven volume. Price, neatly bound and lettered, Seventeen dollars and three fifths.
This work which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.
2. Smith's letters to married women, on nursing and the management of children. "We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed." Monthly Review, Vol. 38, Page 101. Price bound five eighths of a dollar. Duncan's elements of logic. three fourths of a dollar.
4. Beauties of Fielding, 50 cents. 5. Beauties of Blair, 50 cents. 6. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Marchmont's of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6/6. 7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
7. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L.L.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69. p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful."
9. Beauties of Poetry, Price four fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons, Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five eighths of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five eighths of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal, Price three eighths of a dollar.
15. American Test Book, three fifths of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul, half a dollar.
17. The Douay Translation of the vulgate Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/6—plain, six dollars.
Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again. May 17. 6m. 12. w.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends, and the public for the many favours he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand, a few fine toned FORTE PIANOS, which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms.
The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons, commissioned to vend them, who for a very trifling compensation recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of European music-shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pay as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N. B. Musical instruments let out by the month or quarter, likewise musical instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES,
No. 60, Walnut near Third-street. October 10. 4t
TAKE NOTICE.
WHEREAS a mulatto man named LUKE, the property of the subscriber living in Accomack county, Virginia, ran away from him on the first day of September last, and was taken up and committed to the gaol of Newcastle county, in the State of Delaware, on the 14th day of September, where he remained until the 4th of this instant, October, when a Mr. Jones, who said he lived in Frederick Town, in the county of Cecil, in Maryland, appeared and produced a Benjamin Ferguson, who made oath that he suspected the said slave to be a freeman, named John Wright, who had failed with the said Ferguson in a schooner belonging to the said Jones, and had committed a burglary on board of her in July last, in consequence of which she said slave was delivered by order of the hon. David Finney, a supreme judge of the said state of Delaware, to the said Jones, to take his trial for the said supposed offence. As I am fully convinced from the description of the said slave, given to me by the gaoler, that he is my property, and that the said Ferguson has mistaken him for Wright, I do hereby direct the said Mr. Jones, and Ferguson, to return the said slave to the place from whence they took him, and to inform me thereof, otherwise I shall proceed according to law.
JOHN CROPPER, Jun.
Oct. 16th. 1792. 2a.w.3w.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé, SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de la Capitale, la Capitale, et conuigues à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour Supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Salude, rivière qui arroise les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille piece de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country, SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-six—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 1awtf
NOTICE.
THIS is to forwarn all masters of vessels and others, at their peril, not to take a certain mulatto Boy, named Lewis Boget, formerly of Cayenne, out of this city, he being lawfully bound and apprenticed to me, until 16th Nov. 1793; as I have reason to suspect he is endeavouring to leave this city. JAMES ROBERTSON. New-York, October 9. tf
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