Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-10-24 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 60: HIGH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 42, of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1792.
[Whole No. 364.]
FROM THE AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
No. III.
Continued from the Gazette of the 13th inst.
Mr. DUNLAP,
THE dispensation of the clerkship of foreign correspondence upon Mr. Freneau is the next circumstance, in the political conduct of Mr. Jefferson, which has given offence to the American. Upon this point the full force of his genius appears to have been collected, his passions roused, and his imagination to have displayed an unusual degree of brilliancy. The appointment of this gentleman to that station has been deemed an act of such enormity, that, like the original sin of our first parents, it could never be expiated. Deductions too, equally strange and wonderful, have been drawn from it. The imputation of a mere breach of duty in this respect, was a charge too mild and lenient for the supposed enormity of the crime. The humble sphere of the office, with any detriment which might possibly arise from an injudicious appointment in it, was a scale too limited for his capacious mind, and was accordingly immediately lauded over by an adventurous and fallacious pen. In the fervor of his zeal, I presume, for the "public welfare," it has been relied on, even as a proof of his hostility to the government itself. Happily however the tribunal to whom the appeal has been made, will be neither so fanciful nor indignant. Those malign and unfriendly passions, which prey on the mind of the writer, are entirely personal, and may be traced to personal motives. But it is not my desire at present, in pursuit of those doughty combatants, to make incursions into the enemy's territory. Foreign conquest is not the object of this essay. Those idolators of monarchy, friends of the imperial cause, whether they defend it by questionable speculation, or more open and explicit avowals of their faith, may for a time rest in repose. A more humble purpose, a mere domestic defence of the personal rights, the vindication of the well-earned fame of a virtuous citizen, against impertinent and malicious slander, is the sole object of the present undertaking.
The propriety of every act, in public as well as private life, must be scanned by some known and fixed principles. If it stands the test of these, the agent will, in proportion to its relative importance, merit well of his country; and on the contrary, if by this measure it should be found defective, he will in the degree be entitled to reprehension. These are in general so plain and obvious, and especially in relation to the duties of the several departments of our government, that when any act of a public servant shall be announced, if facts are likewise submitted, the unperverted common sense of every citizen may immediately arrange it in the scale to which it belongs.
This dispensation to office, tho' among the most important, is likewise among the most simple of public duties. One solitary principle governs every case: "That the man appointed to an office shall be irreproachable in point of morality and in other respects, well qualified to discharge its duties with credit to himself and advantage to his country." The most ordinary capacity may comprehend the principle, and know what should be done. Talents of the more elevated kind are only requisite to enable those trustees of this portion of the public confidence, in the range of faculties, judiciously to distinguish between men, and to select those best suited for the stations to which they shall be destined. To apply, in short, the most expedient means for the attainment of given ends. If appointments, from the highest to the lowest grade, will bear the test of enquiry by this criterion, those who confer them may rest contented: they have nothing to apprehend from the reproach of their own consciences, or the censure of the public.
To fill with propriety the humble station in question, but few qualifications appear to be necessary, and these to be comprised in the following particulars: "that he be a citizen of some one of these States, and acquainted with foreign languages." That he should be a citizen, and if not a native, a resident for a term of sufficient duration to assure a superior attachment to this, over every other country, seems absolutely necessary; for whatever belongs to the department of State, in which affairs with foreign nations are transacted, may pass through his hands: and that he should possess a knowledge of foreign languages, must be equally so; for otherwise he would receive a
compensation which, being able to render service for it. Limited, however, as the scale of necessary qualification may be, yet candor must admit that it is difficult to find them united in the same person; for it is a fact which cannot be controverted, that there are but few Americans, in any rank or circumstances of life, who possess an extensive knowledge of foreign languages. A strict adherence, then, to the first requisite must, from necessity, diminish the required proficiency in the latter.
Another circumstance of material weight, must still contribute to reduce the sphere of selection, to a much narrower scale. The compensation of 250 dollars per annum, will invite no respectable character from a distant State, to abandon a lucrative profession, or the comfortable ease of private life. Nor will it induce, especially when the comparative grade of office is contemplated, any person to accept it, even in the city in which the Congress may chance to reside, to whose ordinary subsistence it would not yield a considerable aid. In short, it must be manifest, that there can be no choice in the appointment, and if a suitable person should be found, it must be rather the effect of accident, than warranted by circumstances.
For this office, I have been informed, Mr. Freneau presented the following well authenticated claim. A native of one of the middle States, he had been liberally educated at Princeton. To an accurate knowledge and refined taste in the English language, he had added a similar acquirement of the French; the nation with whom we have the most intimate connexion, and whose language has become, in a great measure throughout Europe, the general medium of political negotiation. That through life his morals were without blemish, and his conduct in the course of the revolution, though variously occupied, that of a sound, wise and a republican. Perhaps his sufferings, having been taken a prisoner in the late war, and confined for a considerable time in the ship Jersey, that noted receptacle for unfortunate American captives, may have excited some additional sympathy in his favor. Such, however, I have understood, were his professions, and whether they were not sufficient to have recommended him to an higher station, the public will determine.
To what trait in his character, what defect in his qualifications, does the American object? To his occupation?—and if so, to occupations generally, or to this in particular? The low rate, or grade of compensation, it has been already shown, precluded the hope of obtaining a man out of business. And to that of the press in particular, what well-founded objection can be opposed? Is it less honorable, less beneficial to mankind than all others? and does the American come forward to traduce and lessen it in the estimation of the public? Vain and unworthy effort! For whilst its services shall be remembered in raising man from a low and degraded state of barbarism to the high improvement of his talents, in the perfection of the arts and sciences, which forms the proud boast of modern times, every attempt of this kind must be reprobated.
Whether he had already set up a press, or was about to do it (for the American may have it either way) it being the supplemental aid in support of his family, to enable him to undertake the duties of this clerkship, wherein does the difference consist? If in the former instance it would have been proper, why less so in the latter? Unless it can be shown, that the effort to establish a press, should in all cases be discouraged, or discouraged when attempted by a man of his character—a whig and republican? Would it not be hard on men of merit in his line, and highly detrimental to the public, if the door of preferment should be shut against them, and the friendly countenance of the most respectable and virtuous of their countrymen, inhibited?
The conduct of the press itself, is, in every respect, a distinct thing, and for which Mr. Jefferson can be no way accountable. Like the professions of law or medicine, the emoluments belong to the proprietor; and for his agency therein, he alone is answerable. If an impartial vehicle of useful information, it will be respected; and if otherwise, it will fail; but in this, the Secretary can be no further interested, than any other republican. This, and every other press, in a free country, is, or should be open to him and others to publish their sentiments in. To say that this was more so, would impute to it what others would deny, as reproachful to them. It would, in fact, derogate from the merit of the very impartial, and respectable channel, through which I now furnish these comments. That he has, however, in any instance availed himself of it, in the communication of his sentiments to the public, has not been shown, and is disproved, so far as he knew any thing about it, by the oath of the Printer.
The objection on the point of influence, if the characters in question were capable of it, appears to me so light and contemptible, in relation to this appointment, as scarcely to merit any farther notice. For the discharge of du-
* I have understood he was recommended by several of his fellow-collegiates:—men of high reputation, and who were interested in his welfare.
ties absolutely necessary, and well defined, the place was created by law, and a salary annexed to it. If the person appointed performs those duties, what other claim can the principal have on him? Is he not entitled, in such event, as well to the approbation of the head of the department, as to the legal compensation? Decreased, indeed, would the condition of a free man be, if to the acceptance of an office of this kind, was enjoined, not only the performance of its public duties, but likewise a low subservience, in those domestic concerns, to the will of a superior upon which his welfare, happiness and fame depended. Those circumstances which characterize an influence of this kind, bear a different aspect. It can exist only in those cases, where there is no intervening office, no stable ground, on which the independent mind may rest secure;—in those cases where the employment itself is occasional, and the person to be employed, and the compensation for the service, discretionary. If such a case does exist, 'tis not my wish to make the application; for the sake of public decorum, of common decency, I could have wished there had been no foundation for the allusion.
The negotiation, by which this worthy character is stated to have been brought into this subaltern office, has been described with great pomp and solemnity. A gentleman for whose public and private virtue—for whose talents and very eminent services to his country, and particularly for whose disinterested and republican patriotism, the good people of these States have long entertained the most exalted esteem, has been represented as the negotiator; and for the purpose of subverting the government which he contributed to essentially to establish. Can the public mind, when these slanderous imputations are passed in review, withhold from their author, the contempt and abhorrence, which are deservedly his due?
The reader is requested to make the following correction in Mr. Jefferson's first Letter: In line eighth, instead of "revenue from" read "recurrence to."
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE votaries of Mr. Jefferson, whose devotion to their idol kindles at every form, in which he deigns to present himself, have produced matter of panegyric from his opposition to the measures of the government. 'Tis according to them, the sublimest pitch of virtue in him, not only to have extra-officially embarrassed plans, originating with his colleagues, in the course of their progress, but to have continued his opposition to them, after they had been considered and enacted by the legislature, with such modifications as appeared to them proper, and had been approved by the chief magistrate. Such conduct, it seems, marks "a firm and virtuous independence of character." If any proof were wanting of that strange inversion of the ideas of decorum, propriety and order, which characterizes a certain party, this making a theme of encomium of what is truly a demonstration of a caballing, self-sufficient and refractory temper, would afford it.
In order to shew that the epithets have been misapplied, I shall endeavor to state what course a firm and virtuous independence of character, guided by a just and necessary sense of decorum, would dictate to a man in the station of Mr. Jefferson.
This has been rendered more particularly requisite, by the formal discussion of the point, which appears to be the object of a continuation of a defence of that gentleman in the American Daily Advertiser of the 10th inst.
The position must be reprobated that a man who had accepted an office in the executive department, should be held to throw the weight of his character into the scale, to support a measure, which in his conscience he disapproved, and in his station had opposed.—Or that the members of the administration should form together a close and secret combination, into whose measures the profane eye of the public should in no instance pry. But there is a very obvious medium between aiding or countenancing, and intriguing and machinating against a measure; between opposing it in the discharge of an official duty, or volunteering an opposition to it in the discharge of no duty; between entering into a close and secret combination with the other members of an administration, and being the active leader of an opposition to its measures.
portant considerations. The success of every government—its capacity to combine the exertion of public strength with the preservation of personal right and private security, qualities which define the perfection of a government, must always naturally depend on the energy of the executive department. This energy, again, must materially depend on the union and mutual deference, which subsist between the members of that department; and the conformity of their conduct with the views of the executive chief.
Difference of opinion between men engaged in any common pursuit, is a natural appendage of human nature. When only exerted in the discharge of a duty, with delicacy and temper, among liberal and sensible men, it can create no animosity; but when it produces officious interferences, dictated by no call of duty—when it volunteers a display of itself in a quarter, where there is no responsibility, to the obstruction and embarrassment of one who is charged with an immediate and direct responsibility—it must necessarily beget ill humour and discord between the parties.
Applied to the members of the executive administration of any government, it must necessarily tend to occasion, more or less, distracted councils, to foster factions in the community, and practically to weaken the government.
Moreover the heads of the several executive departments are justly to be viewed as auxiliaries to the executive chief. Opposition to any measure of his, by either of those heads of departments, except in the shape of frank, firm, and independent advice to himself, is evidently contrary to the relations which subsist between the parties. And it cannot well be controverted that a measure becomes his, so as to involve the duty of acquiescence on the part of the members of his administration, as well by its having received his sanction in the form of a law, as by its having previously received his approbation.
In the theory of our government, the chief magistrate is himself responsible for the exercise of every power vested in him by the constitution. One of the powers entrusted to him, is that of objecting to bills which have passed the two houses of Congress. This supposes the duty of objecting, when he is of opinion, that the object of any bill is either unconstitutional or pernicious. The approbation of a bill implies, that he does not think it either the one or the other. And this is a necessary consequence of his being for this opinion. The measure becomes his by adoption. Nor could he escape a portion of the blame, which should finally attach itself to a bad measure, to which he had given his consent.
I am prepared for some declamation against the principles which have been laid down. Some plausible flourishes have already been indulged. And it is to be expected, that the public ear will be still further assailed with the commonplace topics, that so readily present themselves, and are so dexterously retailed by the traffickers in popular prejudice. But it need never be feared to submit a solid truth to the deliberate and final opinion of an enlightened and sober people.
What! (it will probably be asked) is a man to sacrifice his conscience and his judgment to an office? Is he to be a dumb spectator of measures which he deems subversive of the rights or interests of his fellow-citizens? Is he to postpone to the frivolous rules of a false complaisance, or the arbitrary dictates of a tyrannical decorum, the higher duty, which he owes to the community?
I answer, No! he is to do none of these things. If he cannot coalesce with those, with whom he is associated, as far as the rules of official decorum, propriety & obligation may require, without abandoning what he conceives to be the true interest of the community, let him place himself in a situation in which he will experience no collision of opposite duties. Let him not cling to the honor or emolument of an office whichever it may be that attracts him, and content himself with defending the injured rights of the people by obscure or indirect means. Let him renounce a situation which is a clog upon his patriotism; tell the people that he could no longer continue in it without forfeiting his duty to them, and that he had quit it to be more at liberty to afford them his best services.
Such is the course which would be indicated by a firm and virtuous independence of character. Such the course that would be pursued by a man attentive to unite the sense of delicacy with the sense of duty—in earnest about the pernicious tendency of public measures, and more solicitous to act the disinterested friend of the people, than the interested ambitious and intriguing head of a party.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHILE heaven's propitious pours its blessings down, Stafons serene, and skies without a frown; While Nature with a rich profusion yields, And loads with grain the richly ripen'd fields; While Commerce waits us with her swelling sail, Earth's choicest products on each favoring gale; While laws protect what industry acquires, And reason only limits our desires; While enterprise has boundless scope to range, What madness 'tis to with that time may change! Yet some there are, whose souls with envy burn, And all this scene to clouds and darkens turn! C.

Foreign Affairs.
PARIS, August 13. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. PERMANENT SITTING. President—M. Merlin.
THE Assembly issued articles of impeachment against M. D'Ambancourt, Secretary at War, for not having, agreeably to a decree, sent the Swiss Guards from the capital.
The deliberations were interrupted several hours—many of the members left the hall, in order to take a little rest.
AUGUST 11.
The House resumed the debates.
On M. Breard's motion, the Assembly decreed, that the new municipality should inform the legislative body, of the state of the capital, every hour. The municipal officers were authorized to adopt what measures they might think most expedient for restoring peace and good order.
A national guard came to the bar: he declared, it was urged to send troops to the Thuilleries, in order to put a stop to the depredations committed in every apartment of the Palace. He added, that several persons had been taken in the act of pillaging, and the people had punished them with death!
Another petitioner shewed the necessity of carrying away the dead bodies scattered over the Palace-garden.
A moment after, a commissary informed the House that there were several carts at the Palace-gate to carry away the dead.
The rector of Nanterre, a municipal officer of that district, announced, that several Swiss had been taken into custody, they were disguised.—They said, they were day laborers, but their foreign dialect betrayed them. A crowd soon gathered round the guard room; their heads were called for: the municipal officers, he added, were exerting their best endeavors to appease the people's rage; but that their efforts were directed in vain.
Several citizens came to the bar and laid down a great number of valuable articles saved from the wreck of the Palace.
They were received with just applause on their honesty, without being at all surprised at it.
The commissaries of the commons of Paris were invited to the bar; they gave the following account of the state of the capital: The ferment is less violent, though still terrible; —The members of the commons have superseded all the justices of the peace in the different sections: the general assembly of the sections are now invested with that authority. No body can go out of Paris.—The commander in chief of the national guards and the commissaries have taken the proper steps to imprison the Swiss, who are now confined in the different guard rooms.
A national guard came to the bar, followed by a great number of citizens: he declared, that the Swiss soldiers who were in the guard room of the Feuillants were not guilty; he said, that they had not, nor would not fire on the people, and that they had discharged their muskets in the air, as a proof of their good and friendly intentions: the petitioner added, that 3000 persons had been witnesses to what he advanced.
The people in the galleries did not think the Swiss innocent; they exclaimed, "Cela est faux!"
The petitioner answered, that several members of the assembly, could and would vouch for the veracity of his assertions.
The assembly commended the generosity of the volunteer, who refused the subject.—He said, he would go and endeavor to calm the people, by proving the innocence of the few Swiss then in confinement. He asked the people in the galleries to accompany him; a vast number complied. A few minutes after they returned, and brought about 20 Swiss to the bar. The spokesman protested they were innocent; and that they had nothing more at heart, than to bind themselves, in the most solemn manner, to the brave sans culottes.—(Those were the expressions, which were much applauded.)
The Swiss promised they would at all times behave like worthy citizens. M. Chabot knew that all the Swiss were not guilty. He moved that they should be committed to the Abbaye prison, until judgment were passed on them. M. Chabot thought it necessary to inform the assembly, that those Swiss had impeached the conduct of their staff officers.
The legislative body decreed, that they should be committed to prison, and that some members of the assembly should accompany them.
The Swiss were leaving the hall when M. Sauterre, the commander in chief of the National Guards appeared at the bar. He gave the assembly notice of his promotion; and communicated the measures he had adopted for insuring the public tranquility. He said, he had summoned the citizens to their respective guard rooms; that he had established several patrols through the town. M. Sauterre's generous conduct received merited applause.
A great noise was heard about the Assembly-Hall.
M. Duhem thought it would be necessary to detain the Swiss a little longer.
The motion was seconded by M. Mailli. He was of opinion that the people would not suffer them to pass unmolested.
The assembly decreed that the Swiss should remain in the hall.
M. La Croix moved, that a court-martial should be appointed in the course of the day to judge the Swiss officers and soldiers.—Decreed unanimously.
M. Claviere, called back to administration, took the oath of office; he promised to cause the laws of equality and liberty to be executed to the best of his abilities; and to expire, if necessary, at his post, rather than be a perjured villain.
M. Roland, Secretary for the Home Department, took the same oath. M. Page, the Naval-Secretary echoed the same sentiments of patriotism.
M. Danton, keeper of the seals, contracted the same engagement; and seeing the Swiss under the safe-guard of the National Assembly, and in the temple of the law, he promised to protect them from danger, until a court-martial should condemn or acquit them.
The President gave notice to the assembly, that the people thought the Swiss were all guilty, and that they feared the legislative body would declare them innocent.
The national assembly appointed commissioners to harangue the people; and read the decree in virtue of which, the Swiss were to be judged immediately.
The section of Quatre Nation deputed a commissary, to inform the house that a Swiss-porter had been murdered in Rue Tarranne.
The assembly decreed, that the municipality of Paris should get on horseback, and proclaim all the recent decrees of the national assembly.
TOURNAI, August 15. This morning the enemy, with about 600 infantry and 400 cavalry, advanced towards the castle of Merlin, where one of our advanced posts, commanded by Lieut. Zaboisky, was stationed. The Lieutenant with the small number of Chasseurs under his order, was, after a most gallant resistance, forced to retreat. Towards day-break, the surrounding pickets gathered together, with a view to charge the enemy, whom they obliged to evacuate Merlin.
In their retreat we killed two of their officers, 32 men, and 27 made prisoners. Among the latter there was a rebel captain of the party of Bethune Charost, and a private belonging to the same legion, who were immediately shot.
Not a single man of ours was either killed or missed.
Whilst the French general Dumonier attempted this attack upon Tournai, he detached another column of 150 men, to attack the post of Bittermont, in the Forest of Reux.
In this attack the French were equally unsuccessful, ten of their men were taken prisoners, and we only lost one chasseur, who had advanced too far against the enemy, and was made prisoner.
On the right of our army, the French General had likewise ordered 250 men to advance. They approached Little Tournai with a view to plunder and set fire to it, but were repulsed by our Tyrolean chasseurs. In their precipitate retreat, they fired twice on our troops, but Captain Baron Celli, pursued them so closely as to kill three of their men on the cause-way of Waterloo.
SPIRE, August 11. The Austrians began to bombard Landau on the 8th inst. about four o'clock in the morning.
The Marquis Bouille has joined the Imperial army.
MANHEIM, August 4. Last night, about eight o'clock, a detachment of Austrian horse attacked the French cavalry near Eßingen, and drove them back with great loss, under the cannon of Landau.
The skirmishes between the two armies are frequent, and from the superior discipline of the Imperial and Prussian troops, victory generally crowns their arms.
Prussian Head Quarters at Contz, in the environs of Treves, Aug. 6.
Yesterday, the 5th inst. the army entered the camp. The van-guard, under the command of Prince Hohenlohe, has encamped between Graven-mach and Tavern.
The king's quarters are in the Monastery of the Carthusians, and those of the Duke of Brunswick at Contz. Hostilities are immediately to be commenced, but at present both parties are nearly inactive.
The French patriots at Landau have sent an address to all the Jacobin clubs in France, in which they declare their resolution to perish in the ruins of the fortress rather than to surrender.
The garrison consists now of ten thousand men.
LONDON, August 28. All the custom-house cutters at Portsmouth were yesterday put under the command of Admiral Lord Hood, and several other dispositions made, which are never adopted but for the purposes of a general impress of seamen.
Whether these steps indicate an intention in our court to take an active part in the continental disputes, or whether they are merely precautionary measures to enable us to act as circumstances and sound policy may afterwards dictate, a little time will probably determine.
It is confessed in Paris that the advanced guard of the main army at Fontoy has sustained an attack by the Austrians, in which 400 men fell on the side of the French, though the enemy was repulsed.
The Duke of Brunswick was at Luxembourg for a few hours on the 14th of this month. On the 15th came the King of Prussia on horse back, whom the governor received at the entrance of the town, and accompanied with great form to all the remarkable parts of the fortress. After taking some refreshment, he returned on the same day to the camp at Montfort.
Extract of a letter brought by the Dutch mail yesterday.
The general M. de la Fayette, and 12 officers of rank, who were making the best of their way to Holland, were stopped near Liege, and taken prisoners by the Liegéois legion; the general claimed the right of nations, being on neutral ground, but he was given to understand that he must submit to the right of arms, and he was made prisoner with all his followers."
FRANCE. Translation of a note transmitted from the British court to the provisional Council.
In the absence of Lord Grenville, Mr. Dundas declares that his Britannic Majesty is afflicted with the deepest grief for the events which have lately taken place at Paris, both on account of the interest which he takes in every thing, which concerns their most Christian Majesties, and of his desire to see the kingdom of France tranquil and happy. As it appears that the exercise of the executive power has been withdrawn from the hands of the king, his Britannic Majesty is of opinion that his
ambassador has no occasion for remaining any longer at Paris, this step being proper to manifest his intention of remaining neutral as to what concerns the internal government of France. He is commissioned to express his Britannic Majesty's solicitude and anxiety for the fate of their most Christian Majesties. He expects that their persons will be protected from every kind of violence; the commission of which would excite universal indignation throughout Europe."
Copy of a letter from M. la Fayette, to the Municipality of Sedan, dated August 13.
"Commissioners of the National Assembly are to arrive, to preach an unconstitutional doctrine to the army. It is evident to every unprejudiced man, that on the 10th of August, the epoch of the king's suspension, the national assembly had been violated; and the members who have accepted of such a mission, can be only the chiefs or the instruments of the faction, that has thus enslaved the national assembly and the king."
"In the terms of the law relative to the state of war, and on my sole and personal responsibility, I call upon the municipality of Sedan to detain the persons calling themselves commissioners from the national assembly, and to put them in safe custody, under the guard of a superior officer, who equally on my sole and personal responsibility, shall execute this order, which he cannot refuse to do, without being immediately brought to answer before a council of war."
"I must also call upon the constituted authorities of departments, by virtue of the same laws, to approve of these measures; and I shall make the same requisition to the tribunal of the district of Sedan, and to the different departments in which are stationed the troops committed to me."
"This letter, deposited at the municipality, will serve as a voucher to shew that neither the community of Sedan, nor the national guard, whom the law puts under my command, nor the troops of the army volunteers, and troops of the line, and particularly M. Sicard, Colonel of the 43d regiment, whom I appoint to this mission, nor the administrative and judicial bodies who may concur in arresting the commissioners, are subject to any responsibility, and that it is I, who faithful to my oaths, to the principles of the declaration of rights, to the constitution, which the sovereign will of the nation has decreed,—that it is I alone who call for, as I have a right to do, all the measures that may give undeniable proofs of resistance of oppression, the first duty of free minds."
(Signed) "LA FAYETTE." Copy of a letter from M. la Fayette to the municipal officers at Sedan dated Bouillon, August 19.
"Gentlemen, "If the last drop of my blood could serve the community of Sedan, it has a right to the sacrifice, and this would cost me less than that which I now make, but at the moment when I foresee, by reasons that will not escape you, that my presence with you would tend only in a few days to bring you into danger, I ought to spare the city of Sedan the misfortunes of which I should be the cause, and I think the best means of serving it is by removing from it a man whom all the enemies of liberty have proscribed, who will never bow to any despotism, and who, penetrated with grief at being no longer able at present to be useful to his country, feels consolation only in the vows he puts up, that the sacred cause of liberty and equality, whose holy name is profaned, if that be possible, by the crimes of a faction, may not at least be held long in subjection, and in the oath which he renews before a community truly patriotic, to be faithful to the principles that have animated his whole life."
(Signed) "LA FAYETTE."
PARIS, August 23. "You will find by a letter from M. Servan, that in the night between the 19th and 20th, M. la Fayette went over to the enemy. The manner is differently related. It is said that he was made prisoner while reconnoitring—by others, that he is gone to

Holland, in order to pass over into England; but with more probability of truth, that under the pretence of opening the gates of Sedan to the Commissioners of the National Assembly, he and seventeen of his Etat Majors, among whom were M. Alexander Lameth, M. Beauharnois, and M. Gouvon, the brother of the general that fell so gloriously, took the opportunity of throwing themselves into the hands of one of the advanced posts of the enemy, and by which they were made prisoners of war. There certainly was no other way by which he could save his life against the decree of the Assembly, which initiated every one to hunt him down.
"We have this day accounts that the commissioners have suspended M. Luckner. This feeble old man, whose Germanic thirst of money would make him yield to every possible condition, however sordid, the commissioners, upon enquiry, did not choose to entrust with the fate of France."
"You will see that M. Montmorin was taken at the house of a washerwoman in the Fauxbourg St. Antoine. His examination at the bar of the assembly was very interesting. His dexterity in repelling the members was admirable. He said, the letters found in the Thuilleries were not addressed to him. He had no apartments in the Palace. There was another Montmorin, governor of Pontainbleau, and to him possibly these letters might be directed. On searching him several doses of opium were found in his pockets; but so perfect was his address, that it is thought they will not find ground for accusation in his conduct."
The suspension of M. Luckner and M. Dillon, has followed the flight of M. de la Fayette. The Maréchal has of late begun to think his power somewhat independent of the legislative body, and M. Dillon's first letter, after the 10th inst. certainly indicated an intention to support the King against the National Assembly, if any struggle could be maintained between them. M. Kellerman has the command of M. Luckner's army. The three commissioners lately imprisoned at Sedan, are now released.
LEXINGTON (Kentucky) Sept. 13.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Fort Washington, dated Sept. 7.
"I arrived here last evening, and this instant Gen. Wilkinson arrived; he has been to the battle ground and found two pieces of cannon that were lost on the unfortunate fourth of November last. Last night a party of Indians came to Fort-Hamilton and took off about sixty horses of the Contractors; Capt. Barbee with 60 men is in pursuit of them, and I make no doubt will overtake them."
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MUCH has been lately said and written about the Secretary of States' political versatility; I don't know much about his politics, but having some time ago read his book, entitled Notes on Virginia, wherein is an elaborate attempt to prove that the negroes are an inferior race of animals, I was not a little surprised at a letter to a certain Benjamin Banneker, a black man, lately published, in which he says, "that nature has given to his black brethren talents equal to those of other colours, and that the appearance of a want of them is owing merely to the degraded condition of them in their existence both in Africa and America." The passages to which I allude in his book (and which evince considerable versatility in his philosophical opinions) are so diametrically opposed to this sentiment that for the sake of those who may not have it, I will transcribe them. Mr. Jefferson, I understand, had formed a curious project of emancipating the slaves of Virginia and then shipping them all to some other country; in page 252 of his book, he says, "it will probably be asked, why not retain and incorporate the blacks into the State?" he answers, "deep rooted prejudices entertained by the whites, ten thousand recollections by the blacks of the injuries they have sustained, new provocations, the real distinctions which nature has made, and many other circumstances which will divide us into parties and produce convulsions which will never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race. To these objections which are political, may be added others which are physical and moral. The first difference which strikes us is that of colour, whether the black of the negro resides in the reticular membrane between the skin and scarf skin, or in the scarf skin itself, whether it proceeds from the colour of the blood, or the colour of the bile, or from that of some other secretion, the difference is fixed in nature and is as real as its seat and cause were better known to us. And is this difference of no importance? Is it not the foundation of a greater and a real share of beauty in the two races? Are not the fine mixtures of red and white, the expressions of every passion by greater or less suffusions of colour in the one, preferable to that eternal mon-
otony, which reigns in the countenances, that immovable veil of black which covers all the emotions of the other race? Add to these, flowing hair, a more elegant symmetry of form, their own judgement in favour of the whites, declared by their preference of them as uniformly as is the preference of the Oram-Otan for the black women over those of his own species. The circumstance of superior beauty is thought worthy attention in the propagation of our horses, dogs and other domestic animals; why not in that of man? Besides those of colour figure and hair, there are other physical distinctions proving a difference of race; they have less hair on the face and body; they secrete less by the kidneys, and more by the glands of the skin, which gives them a very strong and disagreeable odour. They are more tolerant of heat, and less so of cold, than the whites; perhaps owing to a difference of structure in the pulmonary apparatus; they are more ardent after their female; their griefs are transient; in general their existence appears to participate more of sensation than reflection. They are in reason much inferior to the whites, as I think one could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations of Euclid; in imagination they are dull, tasteless and anomalous. Many have been brought up to the handicraft arts; some have been liberally educated, and all (in America) have lived in countries where the arts and sciences are cultivated to a considerable degree, and have had before their eyes samples of the best works from abroad. The Indians, with no advantages of this kind, will often carve figures on their pipes, not destitute of design and merit; they will crayon out an animal, a plant, or a country, so as to prove the existence of a germ in their minds, which only wants cultivation. They astonish you with strokes of the most sublime oratory, such as prove their reason and sentiment strong, their imagination glowing and elevated; but never yet could I find that a black had uttered a thought above the level of plain narration, never see even an elementary trait of painting or sculpture. Love is the peculiar character of the poet. Their love is ardent, but it kindles the senses only, not the imagination. Religion indeed has produced a Phillis Wheatley, but it could not produce a poet; the compositions published under her name, are below the dignity of criticism. The promptings of the soul, however, to merit in his composition. Tho' we admit him to the first place among those of his own colour, who have presented themselves to the public judgment, yet when we compare him with the writers of the race among whom he lived, and particularly with the epistolary class in which he has taken his own stand, we are compelled to enroll him at the bottom of the column. This criticism supposes the letters published under his name to be genuine, and to have received amendment from no other hand, points which would not be of easy investigation. [The same may perhaps be said of Benjamin Banneker's almanac & letter.] The improvement of blacks in body and mind, in the first instance, of their mixture with the whites, has been observed by every one, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of their condition of life. Among the Romans, their slaves were often their rarest articles; they excelled too in science, inasmuch as to be amply employed as tutors to their master's children; Ennius, Terence and Phaedrus, were slaves; but they were of the race of whites. It is not their condition then, but nature which has produced the distinction."
It is not against experience to suppose that different species of the same genus, or varieties of the same species, may possess different qualifications. Without a lover of natural history then, one who views the gradations in all the races of animals with the eye of philosophy, excuse an effort to keep those in the department of man as distinct as nature has formed them: this unfortunate difference of colour, and perhaps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the emancipation of these people. Many of their advocates, while they wish to vindicate the liberty of human nature, are anxious also to preserve its dignity and beauty. Some of these, embarrassed by the question, "What further is to be done with them?" join themselves in opposition with those who are actuated by sordid avarice only. Among the Romans, emancipation required but one effort. The slave, when made free, might mix with, without staining the blood of his master; but with us, a second is necessary, unknown to history; when freed, he is to be removed beyond the reach of mixture."
How does this sentiment accord with the following wish, expressed in the Secretary of State's letter to Benjamin the negro? "I can add with truth that no body wishes more ardently to see a good system commenced for raising the condition both of their body and mind to what it ought to be, as fast as the imbecility of their present existence, and other circumstances which cannot be neglected, will admit."
Probably some ingenious friend may reconcile his apparent inconsistency, with as much plausibility as "Aristide" reconciled the letters about the French debt to the principles of honesty, and he letters about the adoption of the Constitution to an attachment to the federal government. If so, it will give great pleasure to a friend to philosophical as well as political CONSISTENCY.
Philadelphia, Oct. 24.
Abstract of further European Intelligence, by the Ship Kitty, from Liverpool.
PARIS, Aug. 23. The King and Queen continue in the apartments of the temple; some mysterious appearances in their conduct and that of their servants, have led to measures providing for their further security; a wall is to be erected outside of the fosse now digging round their garden. The National Assembly has published an address to the world stating the reasons and causes which have led to the deposition of the King. The new criminal tribunal is incessantly employed in trying the persons arrested on suspicion of a treacherous correspondence with the executive power, previous to the affair of the 10th August; the place de Carrousel the scene of that day's battle is to be the place of execution: A verdict has been given in against M. D'Aigremont, who was beheaded the same night in the above place; the real name of this person was Collinot.
M. de la Fayette having founded the disposition of his army, found them nearly unanimous for supporting the National Assembly; he is fled, accompanied only by his Etat Major.
M. Dumourier succeeds to his command. M. La Fayette's Lady and family are supposed to be at Luxembourg. The Commissioners sent to the several armies to inform them of the deposition of the King, write to the Assembly that they were received with such general respect and affection from the soldiery, as they can not describe; those Commissioners arrested at Sedan, M. Dumourier ordered to be released. M. Biron and Kellerman have the entire confidence of the National Assembly.
All the Swiss regiments lately in the service of France are broke. All the Ambassadors at Paris had demanded passports for the purpose of leaving France. The King having demanded the funds destined for him, it was moved in the Assembly that the money should be given, but not into the hands of the King, who might make use of it to corrupt his guards, and send letters of information to the enemy; it was therefore ordered to be paid into the hands of Commissioners for his use. According to letters published since the deposing of the King, which are said to have been found in the palace, it appears that a plan was concerted and nearly ready for execution, which would have ended in a general massacre of all that opposed the King's power—in which case it is probable many members of the National Assembly would have been sacrificed.—Time will ascertain the truth of these reports.
Capt. Brookhouse, arrived at Salem from Havre-de-Grace, says, that the family of M. de la Fayette embarked privately at Havre-de-Grace for England about the 23d August, and happily got away undiscovered.
Extract of a letter, dated New-York, 18th October, 1792. "Manufactory Script, the second payment made, 21 Dollars."
Extract of a letter from Havre, to a gentleman in Boston, dated August 25. 1792.
"I arrived here from Paris last evening—where I have witnessed the most dreadful scenes of tumult, outrage and civil war. [The writer here details the events of the 10th August, and those which followed, to the imprisonment of the French King,—of whom he writes:—] "The King is now a prisoner; he is to be tried, and if found guilty they mean to Un-King him, and let him go where he pleases—If not, they will allow him a pension to live on, like any private man."
"The Marquis la Fayette, with about 300 of his principal officers, have made their escape by the following stratagem. As soon as the Marquis heard that the King was dethroned, and that Commissioners were on their way to the army, he sent some of his officers to Sedan, to detain them—he then proposed to the army that Paris was in a distressed situation—and wished to know if they would march to its relief; which they refused. He then sent to the officers at Sedan, to send on persons to personate the Commissaries, with a story fabricated for the purpose to the army—and while these pretended Commissaries were negotiating matters with the army, the Marquis and his friends made their escape."
For all of the Returns of votes for Members of Congress for the State of Pennsylvania, excepting the counties of Alleghany and Huntingdon.
 D. Heifer 30878  W. Findley 30797  F. A. Muhlenberg 30565  W. Irvine 29588  J. W. Kittera 28517  T. Hartley 27128  P. Muhlenberg 21279  A. Gregg 16755  T. Fitzsimons 16696  W. Montgomery 16288  T. Scott 16248  J. Smilie 16233  J. Armstrong 15813  J. D. Sergeant 14995  C. Thompson 14874  S. Sitgreaves 14882  H. Wynkoop 14412  J. Barclay 14301  W. Bingham 13954 
COMMUNICATIONS.
After the compleat refutation of the charge which has so frequently been brought against a certain public officer, of his being an advocate for the doctrine that "public debts are public blessings," the reiteration of the assertion on the part of our anarchy-men, discovers a disposition exactly on a level with the old woman's, who being charged not to say another crooked word, cried out— "Rams Horns, if I die for it."
A writer in a Boston paper, speaking of the National Bank, says, the "Directors are principally members of Congress." This is one, among many of the unqualified untruths which support the opposition to the measures of the general government. The fact is, that not one third of the Directors are members of Congress.
The experience of France is a lesson to all mankind; and if they will not improve it to their own advantage, it will be because kingdoms and states are so blind and corrupt, that they are unprepared for, and unworthy of the blessings of free and just government. The arbitrary governments of Europe ought to take solemn warning in due season, and by relinquishing their assumed powers, by which they unjustly dispose of the
lives, liberties and properties of the people, ameliorate the condition of their subjects—and by diminishing their sense of injury, and encreasing their means of enjoyment, attach them to their authority from conviction and sentiment, rather than by the force of power and the terror of arms. Those governments called free, should eradicate existing abuses which have no plea for their continuance, but precedent and the ruit of antiquity—they should accommodate their laws more, and more to promoting the essential interests of the great body of the people—to elevating the poor on the pillars of knowledge and equal rights—to diffusing general light and information among the people—for no government, however just, and much less an oppressive one, can be permanent, that is not founded on the enlightened attachment of the people. In this way alone, can those institutions be preserved which are founded on the immutable principles of human nature—since ignorance, in its paroxysms of frenzy, will level in indiscriminate ruin, the establishments of wisdom and patriotism, as well as the impositions of despotism. An enlightened people can alone appreciate the importance of a government of laws—ignorance is the soil which produces demagogues, parties and uncontrouled aristocracies, and which in the end invariably produce despotism.
The experience of France and of other countries, should inspire the people of the United States with the highest veneration for their own free elective government—and make them more and more solicitous to preserve inviolate the sacred right of suffrage—and here again the immense importance of information and general knowledge among the people, is strikingly apparent—for without these, this inestimable right will be prostituted to party purposes, and to the subversion of the constitution and the public liberty.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. Bedford, October 14, 1792.
SIR, CAPTAIN JOHN STAKE having resigned his commission in the Army of the United States, I send you for publication the following Letters which passed between the Commander in Chief and that Officer on the occasion— And am, Sir, Your unknown friend, W. F.
(COPY.) HEAD QUARTERS. PITTSBURGH, 1st Oct. 1792.
SIR, I received your letter of the 29th ultimo, requesting permission "to resign the Commission you bear in the service of the United States." It is always with concern and regret, that I hear of the intended resignation of an experienced and gallant officer.—I have therefore given you time for reflection, previously to accepting of your resignation, and hope that you have seriously reconsidered this business, and that you will not quit the service of your country at this crisis; but should you continue in the same determination, as when you wrote that letter, I will comply with your request.
You will therefore please to favor me with your final decision, as soon as convenient. Interim, I am Sir, With esteem and respect, Your most obedient, Humble servant, ANTHONY WAYNE. (COPY.)
Dragon Encampment, Oct. 4, 1792.
SIR, NOTHING could have added more to the pain I feel on leaving the army at the present period, than the sentiments contained in your letter to me of the first instant. And was it possible for any thing to sway me from my purpose, it would be your Excellency's kind solicitation.—But my mind is made up, and my arrangements made accordingly, so that I find it impossible for me to recede from my first determination, and I trust Sir, that you will not accuse me of obstinacy, in again soliciting your Excellency's acceptance of my appointment, but attribute it to the delicacy of those feelings which should ever inherit the breast of a soldier.
I am, Sir, With the most perfect esteem, Your obedient, and very Humble servant, JOHN STAKE, C. L. D. 2d Sub. Legion U. S. Army.
SHIP NEWS.
 ARRIVED AT THE PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.  Ship Philadelphia Packet, Rice, Amsterdam  Kitty, Reynolds, Liverpool  Brig Belsey, Russell, ditto  Sophia, Price, C. Francois  Patsy, Fowler, Madeira  Schr. Alice, Needham, Providence 
Price of Stocks as in Gazette of the 17th inst.

LONDON, August 18. MOVEMENTS OF THE AUSTRIAN AND PRUSSIAN ARMIES. ON the 29th of July, the whole Prussian army...
The Austrian army under Prince Hohenlohe, marched from their camp near Mannheim, in the night of the 11th of August.
The Austrian army destined to act against France, in Anterior Austria, and along the Rhine to the Netherlands, consists of 126,470 men.
This army has a train consisting of four hundred pieces of cannon. In passing the Rhine at day-break, on the 2d, they left the baggage behind, which proves that they have some enterprise of moment in contemplation.
Instead of the Spaniards being neutral, they have an army of 20,000 men at Cartago; M. de Garamon and other emigrants at their head. The advanced guard of 3000 has marched for Mont Louis.
The French citizens are flying from every part of the kingdom to the frontiers, and all the departments are exerting themselves with unexampled and unabating zeal.
That of Vosges being required to furnish 6000 National Guards, obeyed the requisition by sending nine thousand men.
In another part of the kingdom, 6000 armed citizens were raised in a few hours, and in six days afterwards arrived at the frontiers.
CHARLESTON, October 5. M. LONGSTREET, of Augusta, has announced to the public, that he has lately completed, in miniature, his newly invented steam engine, calculated for moving all kinds of heavy machinery...
This engine is so constructed and applied to wheels, as to perform from 40 to 45 strokes with each in a minute, without the complication of wheels, cogs or cranks; and all its operations are managed by a single cock.
This machine is so very simple in its construction, that it is immaterial whether the cylinders are wood or metal, nor do I care much of what shape they are: and in the workmanship of all the parts (except the cock) there is very little accuracy required.
I shall only observe in this mere sketch, that, from my own knowledge of the different methods heretofore practised in the application of steam, that none is more simple, nor none whereby the same quantity is more advantageously applied, than on my principles; as I am convinced that the entire friction of a machine, whose cylinders were 16 or 18 inches in diameter, would not exceed two hundred pounds weight, independent of its being applied to any machinery.
I have so ordered and arranged the different parts, that if any one should get out of repair (which by the way they are not very subject to) each can be got at and receive such repairs as they stand in need of, without interrupting the other parts. Such is my confidence with respect to the success of this machine, that I will venture to aver, that for five hundred pounds one may be made and kept in repair four years, that will be capable of grinding 150 bushels of grain per day; or saw 2000 feet of inch boards in the same time; and I would add, if it was not for fear of being accused with a balloon or steam-boat project, how easily I could apply it to boating.
This machine is now finished, and at my house in Augusta, where it can be seen by all those that have any doubts with respect to the authenticity of what I say.
WM. LONGSTREET. The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.
Grand Family Bible.
PROPOSALS FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An ELEGANT EDITION of the SACRED SCRIPTURES Of the OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS, with the APOCRYPHA, On a very large and beautiful new Type, and superior Paper.
THE great importance of the Holy Scriptures, interesting to every individual; the divine excellence of its doctrines and precepts, and the beauty and sublimity of its passages, have to long made it a capital object of attention, as to preclude occasion or opportunity for eulogium.
The piety or enterprize of individuals has presented this invaluable book to the public in a variety of forms; in some editions it has been highly embellished with superb engravings, which have greatly enhanced its price; in others it has been accompanied with voluminous commentaries, which necessarily encumbered the text; while a variety of plain cheap copies have generally diffused the knowledge of the Scripture, and made the purchase easy to every class.
Without wishing in the smallest degree to lessen the merits of the various editions, whether plain or ornamented, which the public are already in possession of, it is desirable to remark, that very many readers of taste and judgment have expressed a wish for a Family Bible unencumbered with additions. There still appears room for another edition on a beautiful new type, superior in size and elegance to any bible that has yet been printed in the English language, and which, leaving the adventitious circumstances of ornament or comment, may exhibit the Oracles of God in their native simplicity.
SPECIMEN OF THE TYPE. 3 ¶ And God said, Let there be light: and there was light.
With respectful submission to the judgment and candour of the public, the following proposals are offered:
I. The work shall be printed with the greatest fidelity and attention to correctness both in the text and marginal references, on a superior Paper made on purpose, with an elegant new Type call for the work of the size of the above Specimen.
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III. The first number, containing sixty folio pages, elightly printed, will be furnished on the first Saturday of July next, when subscribers are to pay the price of the first and second numbers, and the price of one number to be always in advance till the work is completed. The subsequent numbers to be published regularly on the first Saturday of each succeeding month, till the whole is finished.
Subscriptions will be received in Philadelphia by the Publishers, THOMAS DOBSON, No. 41, South Second-street, and JOHN PARKER, No. 259, North Second-street; and by all the Booksellers in Charleston, by William P. Young; Richmond, by Archibald Currie; Baltimore, by James Rice; Wilmington, by Peter Bynberg; New-York, by Thomas Allen; New-Haven, by Isaac Beers; Providence, (R. I.) by William Wilkinson; Salem, by Thomas Cushing; Boston, by David Well, Benjamin Guild, and Thomas & Andrews.
100 Dollars Reward.
LOST on Cambridge Common, Massachusetts, on the afternoon of the 18th ult. a Morocco POCKET-BOOK, with a steel clasp, containing a number of valuable papers, among which were the following PUBLIC SECURITIES, viz. Massachusetts State Notes—No. 2,425, dated December 1, 1782, payable to Thomas Greenwood, for £. 33 16. principal—No. 22,999, dated January 1, 1785, payable to Nathaniel Partridge, for £. 10 10. principal—No. —, dated January 1, 1782, (an army note) payable to Timothy Howland, for £. 8 8. 1d. principal—No. —, a Note (the number, date, and to whom payable, not known) for £. 3 05. 3d. principal—One Indent Certificate for Four Dollars, and a New-Hampshire Certificate for about £. 12 payable to John and Daniel Jenks; also a number of Notes of Hand, one of which was for £. 5 72 given by Nathaniel Howland to Samuel W. Pomeroy (by whom it was endorsed) dated 11th May, 1793, and payable on the 11th August following; the others were all payable to the Subscriber. The Securities are checked at the different officers from whence they were issued, and the Notes of Hand, by the different signers, they can therefore be of no use to any but the owner.
The Subscriber hereby offers a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who has found the same, and will return them to him, or leave them with the Printer hereof, and no questions will be asked.
ABRAHAM FOSTER. Salem, Massachusetts, August 1, 1792. (cpit)
The Editor of this Gazette earnestly requests all those of his Subscribers, whose accounts are of one, two or three years standing, to discharge them as soon as possible.
All persons indebted to collect monies for the paper, to whom payments have been made, would greatly oblige him by transmitting the sums received, and the names of the subscribers who have paid.
While every grateful acknowledgment is due to those whose punctuality has enabled the Editor thus far to continue the publication—he is obliged to observe, that so great is the expense attending its production and so large the amount of arrearages, that unless a considerable part of that amount is speedily realized, it will be impossible for him to continue the Gazette with any reference to a distant and extensive circulation.
The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
To the Public.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends and the public, for the many favors he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand a few fine toned
FORTE PIANOS,
which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms. The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons commissioned to vend them—who, for a very trifling compensation, recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of the European Music-Shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pays as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N. B. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS let out by the month or quarter, likewise Musical Instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES, [4t] No. 67, Walnut, near Third-Street.
JOHN GOULD, HAIR-DRESSER,
INFORMS his friends and the public in general, that he continues to carry on his business as usual, at No. 1, South Third-Street, near Market-Street, and thanks his former customers for the favors he has received.
Said GOULD has for sale, an infallible cure for Weak or Sore Eyes, which on trial, has and will be found to answer the purpose. He has it in vials from one quarter of a dollar to a dollar. Any person trying the above, if not found to answer the character given, the money will be returned. [u]
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at No. 19, Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 45, Great Dock-Street, New-York, THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE AND SALE OF STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to. LEONARD BLECKER. May 2. (t.f.)
PLANS OF THE
City of Washington, Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUIKSHANK.
BOWEN'S EXHIBITION OF Wax-Work & Paintings,
AT the House lately occupied by Mrs. PINE, in Eighth-street, is now ready for the entertainment of the Public. Among a great variety of Paintings, are a number of ITALIAN & FRENCH PIECES, which are new and very pleasing.
NEW WAX FIGURES.
The Exhibition is open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning, until nine in the evening. Admittance HALF A DOLLAR for Ladies and Gentlemen, and half price for Children. Tickets for the season, (not transferable) Two DOLLARS.
For Sale, at the Exhibition Rooms. LIKENESSES OF THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, in Wax. And a variety of Elegant PRINTS in Frames Sept. 21. (cpit)
Universal Tontine
Are informed, that a general meeting is to be held at the State-House in this city, on Saturday the 3d day of November next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. agreeably to the sixth article of their association. By order of the Agents, EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. Philadelphia, Sept. 15, 1792. (p. N 3)
Universal Hymn Book.
To be Sold by THOMAS DOBSON, and other Booksellers in Philadelphia, A Collection of PSALMS, HYMNS, and SPIRITUAL SONGS: selected from different Authors, and published by Order of the Convention holding the Doctrine of the Salvation of all Men, met in Philadelphia, May 25, 1791. Price of a single book, bound, 3-8ths of a Dollar, with good allowance to those who take quantities. August 4.
BOOKS
PRINTED AND SOLD BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven vols.
This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published will be found to contain at least a great variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His Excellency, the President of the United States has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per ann. Gentlemen in the country, who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it. Any of the back numbers may be had in order to complete sets.
2. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children. We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed. Monthly Review, vol. 38, p. 101. Price, bound, 62 cents.
3. Duncan's Elements of Logic—75 cents.
4. Beauties of Fielding—50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair—50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennycuick's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies. Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
8. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen. Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 628) say; "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful." N. B. It is introduced into the University in Philadelphia.
9. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions. Price four-fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, 5 8ths of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar.
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16. Garden of the Soul. Price half a dollar.
17. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2—plain, six dollars.
18. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum. Price a quarter dollar.
19. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar.
20. Christian Economy. Price a fifth of a dollar.
21. History of Charles Grandison, abridged. Price a sixth of a dollar.
22. Poems by Col. Humphreys. Price a third of a dollar.
23. Select Poems, chiefly American. Price a sixth of a dollar.
Said CAREY has for sale, a large assortment of Books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries or to sell again.
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, In the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
A SYSTEM
For the DISCIPLINE of the ARTILLERY in the UNITED STATES of AMERICA;
THE YOUNG ARTILLERIST'S POCKET COMPANION.
IN THREE PARTS.
Part 1. CONTAINING the duty and practice of light field artillery.
Part 2. Containing the theory and practice of artillery; to which will be added, an extract of a Treatise on the origin and principle of Courts-Martial, wrote by an experienced Officer in the line, and who did duty as Judge Advocate in America.
Part 3. Laboratory duty; containing a great variety of directions for composition, and the method of making artificial fire-works, and the formation of ammunition for the different kinds of ordnance.
By WILLIAM STEVENS, Esq. An Officer in the American Artillery through the whole of the late Revolution, and since in the Militia.
CONDITIONS.
This work to be printed on good paper with a handsome type, neatly bound and lettered, in three pocket volumes, containing upwards of one thousand pages; illustrated with a great variety of explanatory plates, executed by able artists.
The price to subscribers, One Dollar each volume; to non-subscribers, One French Crown each volume; and those who subscribe for six sets, shall have a seventh gratis.
This work shall be published as soon as five hundred copies are subscribed for.
Subscription papers will be lodged with the principal Printers and Booksellers in the United States of America.
The INDEX and TITLE-PAGE for the 2d Volume of this GAZETTE, are now ready to be delivered to those who intend to bind that Volume.