National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-04-19 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, APRIL 19, 1792.
NUMB. 50.
Mr. MERCER'S Speech on the PUBLIC DEBT.
ON Wednesday, March 28, the House of Representatives being in committee of the whole, on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Public Debt,—and the following resolution (proposed by Mr. Fitzsimons) being under consideration,—viz.
Resolved, That the term, for receiving on loan that part of the domestic debt of the United States which yet remains unsubscribed, be extended to the first day of next , on the same terms, as was provided by the act making provision for the public debt of the United States ;”
Mr. Mercer rose, and offered a proposition to the committee to the following effect:—That the unsubscribed debt of the United States should be admitted to subscription on the following principles.—“That subscribers should be entitled to stock of the United States for their principal debt, bearing an interest quarterly at the rate of five per cent. per annum, and for the interest due thereon to the time of subscription stock, bearing an interest payable quarterly at the rate of three per cent. per annum, until redeemed ;” which being seconded by Mr. Parker, Mr. Mercer proceeded to observe, That the resolution of the Hon. Member of Pennsylvania now before the committee, and to which this was offered as an amendment, involved two questions, which, however united in form and blended in discussion, certainly required, by the just order of deliberation, a separate vote.
The first question was, whether we should now propose a subscription on loan of the unsubscribed debt of the United States ? and then the second would be, whether we should pursue principles originating in speculative theory, and on experiment abandoned equally by bold projectors and blind admirers ?—such as those of the present funding system.
The House was now free to act for the benefit of the United States. The holders had not come in by the time limited in the first proposal for subscription. They remained now creditors of the United States on the terms of the original contract, and if the United States proposed a new contract, they were at liberty to offer such as a full consideration of the subject, and the benefits of experience now recommended.
The chief merit or demerit of the proposition before the committee, rested on the leading features of the old system. The funding a debt or transferring by way of mortgage to a particular class of persons, whether citizens or foreigners, the public resources, was in its simplest form a momentous measure, but when complicated by principles unalterable and irrevocable by ourselves or posterity, it assumed an awful aspect.
Such principles had hitherto been adopted in a great measure without enquiry, and swallowed without hesitation, but they included all that was dear to society. They should be now developed, and the American mind thoroughly informed on the prominent features at least, the irredeemable quality, and the deferred stock.
Called upon to act, a mind in which nature had implanted the seeds of justice, would first well examine the right, and then cautiously consider the policy.
That Congress have the right at all of mortgaging the revenues of the union, or laying a tax irrepealable or unalterable by a future Congress, is at least questionable. In speaking of a right, I mean what can or cannot be rightfully done. I exclude all idea of force, violence, or breach of public faith. On a question of right, these considerations are withdrawn. If they can rightfully do it, they rightfully bind a next
Congress:—who cannot, if they ought not, either alter or annul the obligation. But if this right does exist, that it does not extend to the admission of the principles of this resolution: That a deferred stock and an irredeemable quality are in violation of natural right, and of the constitution of the United States, can I think be easily demonstrated.
Our natural reason, independent of the written constitution, will tell us, that a legislative body, deriving authority from the same source, and under the same grant, must continue equal in power thro' every period of its existence.—Different sessions have equal rights.—If a preceding session could make laws which a subsequent session could not repeal, the legislative power would be gradually abridged by the exercise, and eventually annihilated. The power of repeal is the renewing principle essential to its existence; and altho' the mutability of human affairs may not require, and convenience may have suggested the rule that it should not be exercised during the same session, yet this rule does not destroy the right it still is frequently, and always will be exercised whenever occasion shall require it. But this right of repeal has never been doubted as applying to a subsequent session, except in the singular case of mortgaging revenues or laying an irrepealable tax. As this is the most important of all legislative powers, and that which in fact includes all others, it demands serious attention. The existence of a nation depends on the possession of resources. These have their natural limits, beyond which they cannot be extended. A legislative power of anticipating the public resources, or transferring the revenue, has no limits defined or prescribed until it arrives at the physical inability to raise more supply. They who anticipate are the judges of the exigencies of the state, and the extent of the funds required. But as exigencies will happen hereafter as well as now, and as government will always have the natural right of subsisting itself, and providing for future exigencies, as they arrive, they will find the necessity, and with it the natural right of reversing the system ultimately, and of repealing the mortgages already made, to the extent that the necessity in their judgment may require. The right existing to undo what was done, decides this question, that nothing can have been rightfully done by the preceding legislature, which the succeeding legislature cannot as rightfully undo.
A power then of mortgaging the public revenue or laying an irrepealable tax, being repugnant to natural reason, will, I trust, not be found in the letter of the constitution of the United States, and will appear utterly inconsistent with its spirit.
Generally speaking, the legislative power is conferred on the Congress of the United States; each succeeding session being equally the Congress of the United States with the preceding, must derive equal rights from a grant confined and limited to no particular session.
And in no particular part of the constitution is any such power expressed or implied: It is not in the power of laying taxes; because this is laying taxes without repeal, and there is no such additional clause in the constitution. The power of laying taxes is granted in the same manner as all the other specified powers: if they can exercise this rightfully without a power of repeal or modification, they may exercise all the powers in the same manner; they are all given in the same terms; this will not, I suppose, be contended for.
Is such a power included in the power paying the debts of the united States? I apprehend not—If Congress had the money, they might pay the debts, no doubt; but if they have not, and are o-
bliged to resort to taxes to raise the money—as it is physically impossible to raise by their authority all the money, without interfering with the rights of a future Congress—all that is incumbent on them to do, is to raise as much as they can,—and then the unperformed obligation descending upon the succeeding legislature with equal force, constitutes the true and only real principles of public credit in a free government; for no theory will admit the position, nor will practice support the idea that the principles of morality and the force of public faith, will be confined to one session:—Reason and experience shew it, that these principles will aid a future legislature as well as ourselves—they then will do as we have done, contrive to pay as much as they can.—On this credit—a credit founded on the terms of the constitution—the United States are empowered to borrow money; the constitution has admitted as of notoriety—well understood by the money-lenders. The same power was given to the old Congress, to borrow money on the credit of the United States—they confessedly had no power of mortgaging the resources of the government, and laying an irrepealable tax—for they notoriously had no power of laying a tax at all. Yet they borrowed money abroad, before we could be considered as a nation, in the midst of a war, that shook the credit of an old established and opulent adversary; and they sustained a credit at home, which, however productive of individual losses, carried us triumphantly through a contest that cost our enemies one hundred and ten millions sterling.
It may be said they contracted a debt that we are now called on to pay—Admitted, and that it is a sacred debt,—but the original holders, who have certainly as much claim to the exertions of government as any subsequent purchasers, trusted to the old constitution without this power, and the 6th article of the new constitution places this debt precisely on the same footing as it was before, so that there can be no such claim on the original contract.
But it may be further said, that they have made a new contract, since the adoption and on the faith of the new government. Then let them shew under what part of that constitution, either in letter or spirit, they can expect this mortgage, this irrepealable tax, in their favour. Having thus examined the letter let us advert to the spirit.
Every free constitution made for the use of man, infers that the various necessities and unforeseen events which characterise human affairs forbid the irrepealable quality of laws. By our constitution, and that of every government that really contemplates the rights of freemen, the grant and distribution of taxes, or the public contributions, is confined to the representatives of the people—When I speak of the representatives of the people, I do not speak according to the new fashioned doctrines of the day, that the executive and senate are representatives of the people,—they only represent the people in my idea, whom the people themselves deputise to represent them; If persons elected by the people elect others, they are not the representatives of the people—they may be representatives of the representatives of the people, which is a very different thing in form and effect. The power of laying taxes the burthen of which must fall on the great mass of the industrious poor, who feel every deduction from the fruits of their labour as a diminution of the sources of life, should rest with those immediate representatives, over whom these persons have a constant controul, to whom they are responsible, and whom they may frequently remove—but if one weak or corrupt set of representatives, could, by an imprudent or wicked act, transfer
all the attainable resources of society in such a manner that a future set of representatives could have no power over them without the concurrence of the executive and senate—then all this principle of the constitution is utterly evaded.
But it may be said, exigencies of state will arise; wars may happen, when it will not be possible to raise the necessary supplies within the year. What is to be inferred from this? Only that we must anticipate and borrow. This power is certainly given to the new government, and was to the old: It is not denied: but it has been explained. Is it contended that we cannot borrow with pledging particular resources or laying irrepealable taxes?—Surely no; because we have certainly borrowed without, still do it, and all nations do it; and unless this can be proved, no right can be inferred; for a right not expressly given, is only to be inferred from necessity. If it should be said that we cannot borrow on such good terms, this quits the ground of right, & dwindles into a question of expediency and convenience, on which I shall observe; but for the present, it is to be remarked, that exigencies and wars may happen hereafter, and at all times as well as now, and at any other time; and on these principles will be found as sound arguments for the right of repeal and revocation as of anticipation.
Funding systems and anticipations have endeared public debts to all administrations, because they get into their hands and disposition (and make them to account when you can) all the attainable resources of society, without the necessity of frequently applying to the representatives of the people who have usually accompanied their supplies to government, with an enquiry into its errors, and a rectification of its abuses, which are sometimes very inconvenient things to administrations.
The right has, I believe, ever been defended on this principle: It has been urged that a nation is a body politic and corporate, and never dies; and has, therefore, a right to contract, and bind itself by its contracts. The principle, although not founded in analogy, may be true to a degree, and merits examination. Society, by law, may dispose of wealth to individuals upon specified terms, and create fictitious personages, and powers with specified rights—This is a modification of the creature of society, by the creative hand of the constitution; but we should be unsupported by any principle, if we were to apply these qualities to the constitution which is the creator; and which acknowledges no superior but God, the natural laws which he imprinted in the mind of man, and the power of the people who made it, and by express compact, defined its qualities, powers, and attributes: from neither of which sources, can we derive the qualities thus contended for; but even to admit the analogy; every society, I believe, that has created this legal fiction of a corporate body, have found by experience, that usufructuaries are so unmindful of those that are to come after them, that they have generally, if not universally, limited their alienations, and mortgages of their revenues, to the space of 21 years; after which, the obligation of the contract ceases.
In fine, should we admit, which is really a questionable point, that a majority of society, or the present generation of adult age (capable of contracting) could, by themselves, personally, or by their representatives constitutionally bind themselves by contract, and mortgage their industry; so that a future assemblage of the same persons, or their representatives could not rightfully avoid the obligation, but would remain bound: yet, as it is a slender and equivocal right, it should at least be exercised with some
(See last Page.)

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, April 16.
A memorial from the trustees of the first Presbyterian congregation of Elizabeth-town, in the state of New-Jersey, was read and ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Gerry presented a report from the select committee, to whom was referred the memorial of Signor Ceracchi, relative to the national monument.
On motion of Mr. Goodhue, a committee of five was appointed to examine the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, relative to compensations for the revenue officers, and to report a bill or bills on the subject.
Mr. Secretary Lear, by order of the President of the United States, delivered the following communications,
New-York, April 10, 1792.
SIR,
As we could not, in our opinion, convey the enclosed extracts from the minutes of the circuit court now sitting here, to the Congress of the United States, in so respectful and proper a manner as through the President, we take the liberty to transmit them to you, and to request the favour of you to communicate them to that honorable body.
We have the honor to be, with perfect respect,
Sir,
your most obedient servants,
Signed { John Jay. Wm. Cushing. James Duane.
The President of the United States.
At a stated circuit court of the United States, held for the district of New-York, at the city of New-York, on Thursday the fifth day of April, one thousand seven hundred and ninety two, at ten o'clock Ante Meridiem.
Present.
The hon. John Jay, Esq. Chief Justice of the United States;
The hon. W. Cushing, Esq. one of the associate Justices of the Supreme court of the United States;
The hon. James Duane, Esq. Judge of the district of New-York.
The court proceeded to take into consideration the following act of the Congress of the United States, viz :
"An act to provide for the settlement of the claims of widows and orphans barred by the limitations heretofore established, and to regulate the claims to invalid pensions."
(Here follows the act verbatim)
The court were thereupon unanimously of opinion and agreed,
That by the constitution of the United States, the government thereof is divided into three distinct and independent branches; and that it is the duty of each to abstain from, and to oppose encroachments on either;
That neither the Legislative nor the executive branches, can constitutionally assign to the judicial any duties but such as are properly judicial and to be performed in a judicial manner;
That the duties assigned to the circuit courts by this act, are not of that description; and that the act itself does not appear to contemplate them as such, in as much as it subjects the decisions of these courts, made pursuant to those duties, first to the consideration and suspension of the Secretary at war, and then to the revision of the legislature: Whereas, by the constitution, neither the Secretary at war, nor any other executive officer, nor even the legislature, are authorized to sit as a court of errors, on the judicial acts or opinions of this court.
As therefore the business, assigned to this court by the act, is not judicial, nor directed to be performed judicially; the act can only be considered as appointing commissioners for the purposes mentioned in it, by official instead of personal descriptions;
That the judges of this court regard themselves as being the commissioners designated by the act, and therefore as being at liberty to accept or to decline their office;
That as the objects of this act are exceedingly benevolent, and do real honor to the humanity and justice of Congress; and as the judges desire to manifest on all proper occasions, and in every proper manner, their high respect for the national legislature they will execute this act in the capacity of commissioners;
That, as the Legislature have a right to extend the session of this court for any term which they may think proper by law to assign, the term of 5 days, as directed by this act, ought to be punctually observed:—
That the judges of this court will, as usual, during the session thereof, adjourn the court from day to day, or other short periods, as circumstances may render proper; and that they will regularly, between the adjournments, proceed, as commission-
ers, to execute the business of this act, in the same court-room or chamber.
A true extract from the minutes.
(Signed) Robert Troup, clerk.
A message was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, informing the House that the President of the United States had notified the Senate of, his having approved and signed an act for altering the times for holding the circuit courts in certain districts of the United States,—and an act concerning consuls and vice consuls.
A message by Mr. Secretary Lear, informed the House, that the President had approved and signed an act for an apportionment of Representatives among the several states, according to the first enumeration.
Pursuant to the order of the day, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, (Mr. B. Bourne in the chair) and proceeded to consider a bill (from the Senate) "for regulating processes in the courts of the United States, and providing compensations for the officers of the said courts, and for jurors and witnesses," together with the amendments thereto reported by a select committee.
After some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported progress, and the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, April 17.
A bill to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions, was read twice, and committed for Thursday next.
The committee on the memorial of J. Ceracchi, brought in a report, in which, after reciting a resolution of the Congress under the late confederation, for erecting an Equestrian Statue to the memory of General Washington—the report says,
That the honor and dignity of government require a speedy execution of the above resolution—and nominates the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Secretary of War, to superintend the business—laid on the table.
Two reports from the Secretary of the Treasury were read—the first stating the exports of the several States—the other respecting additional appropriations for the services of the current year; the last report was referred to a select committee, with instructions to report a bill—report to be printed in the interim.
A third report was read from the Secretary on the memorial of the marine society of Boston, respecting a marine hospital—also on a memorial on the same subject from Virginia: Referred to a select committee consisting of Mr. Ames, Mr. Sterrett, and Mr. Parker—
A report from the Secretary on a number of petitions was also read.
A petition from W. & J. Symmes, owners of the ship Brothers, cast away on her voyage from New-York to Philadelphia, praying to be discharged from a bond given to the collector of New-York for the duties on the cargo of said ship—read and referred to a select committee.
A petition from — in behalf of himself and other French emigrants, settlers at Gallipolis—praying a right of exemption to a tract of land on the Mississippi, near the French settlement of Illinois, on paying compensation for the same; read and referred to a committee of five.
In committee of the whole on the bill for raising a further sum of money for the protection of the frontiers.—Mr. B. Bourne in the chair.
The committee proceeded in the discussion as far as the 6th section; and made some amendments; they then rose and reported progress.
A message by Mr. Secretary Otis, informed the House that the Senate
Have passed an act, authorizing the grant and conveyance of a certain tract of land to the Ohio company of associates, with an amendment. Adjourned.
The following communications, from the President of the United States, were read in the House of Representatives on Friday last.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives,
I Have thought it proper to lay before you, a communication of the 11th inst. from the minister plenipotentiary of Great Britain, to the secretary of state, relative to the commerce of the two countries; together with their explanatory correspondence, and the secretary of state's letter to me on the subject.
GEO. WASHINGTON,
April 13, 1792.
Philadelphia, April 13, 1792.
SIR,
I have the honor to lay before you a communication from Mr. Hammond, minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, covering a clause of a statute of that country relative to its commerce with this; and notifying a determination to carry it into execution henceforward.—Conceiving that the determination announced could not be really meant as extensively as the words import, I asked and received an explanation from the minister, as expressed in the letter and answer herein enclosed; and, on consideration of all circumstances, I cannot but concur in the opinion expressed by him, that its sole
object is to exclude foreign vessels from the islands of Jersey and Guernsey.
The want of proportion between the motives expressed and the measure, its magnitude and consequences, total silence as to the proclamation on which the intercourse between the two countries has hitherto hung, and of which, in this broad sense, it would be a revocation, and the recent manifestations of the disposition of that government, to concur with this in mutual offices of friendship and good will, support his construction.
The minister moreover assured me verbally, that he would immediately write to his court for an explanation, and in the mean time is of opinion, that the usual intercourse of commerce between the two countries (Jersey and Guernsey excepted) need not be suspended.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most profound respect and attachment, sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, TH. JEFFERSON.
The President of the United States.
Philadelphia, April 11, 1792.
SIR,
I Have received by a circular dispatch from my court, directions to inform this government, that, considerable inconveniences having arisen from the importation of tobacco in foreign vessels into the ports of his majesty's dominions, contrary to the act of the 12th Charles 2. chap. 18. sect. 3. (commonly called the navigation act) it has been determined in future strictly to enforce this clause, of which I take the liberty of enclosing to you a copy; and I have the honor to be, with perfect esteem and respect, sir,
Your most obedient humble servant. (Signed) GEO. HAMMOND.
Mr. Jefferson.
12 Car. 2. Chap. 18. Sect. 3.
AND it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no goods or commodities whatsoever, of the growth, production, or manufacture of Africa, Asia, or America, or of any part thereof, which are described or laid down in the usual maps or charts of those places, be imported into England, Ireland or Wales, islands of Guernsey and Jersey, or town of Berwick upon Tweed, in any other ship or ships, vessel or vessels, whatsoever, but in such as do truly and without fraud, belong only to the people of England or Ireland; Dominion of Wales, or town of Berwick upon Tweed, or of the lands, islands, plantations or territories in Asia, Africa or America, to his majesty belonging, as the proprietors and right owners thereof, and whereof the master and three-fourths at least of the mariners are English, under the penalty of the forfeiture of all such goods and commodities, and of the ship or vessel in which they were imported, with all her guns, tackle, furniture, ammunition and apparel, one moiety to his majesty, his heirs and successors, and the other moiety to him or them who shall seize, inform, or sue for the same, in any court of record, by bill, information, plaint or other action, wherein no essoin, protection, or wager of law shall be allowed.
Philadelphia, April 12, 1792.
SIR,
I Am this moment favored with the letter you did me the honor of writing yesterday, covering the extract of a British statute forbidding the admission of foreign vessels into any ports of the British dominions, with goods or commodities of the growth, production, or manufacture of America.
The effect of this appears to me so extensive, as to induce a doubt whether I understand rightly the determination to enforce it, which you notify, and to oblige me to ask of you. whether we are to consider it as so far a revocation of the proclamation of your government, regulating the commerce between the two countries, and that henceforth no articles of the growth, production, or manufacture of the United States, are to be received in the ports of Great-Britain, or Ireland, in vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States?
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, TH. JEFFERSON.
The minister plenipotentiary of Great-Britain.
Philadelphia, April 12, 1792.
SIR,
IN answer to your letter of this day, I have the honor of observing, that I have no other instructions upon the subject of my communications, than such as are contained in the circular dispatch, of which I stated the purport in my letter dated yesterday. I have, however, no difficulty in assuring you, that the result of my personal conviction is, that the determination of his majesty's government to enforce the clause of the act of navigation (a copy of which I transmitted to you) with respect to the importation of commodities in foreign vessels, has originated in consequence of the many frauds that have taken place in the importation of tobacco into his majesty's dominions, in foreign vessels, and is not intended to militate against the proclamation, or order of the king in council, regulating the commercial intercourse between Great-Britain and the United States, which I have every reason to believe still exists in full force, as I have not had the most distant intimation of its being revoked.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and consideration, sir,
Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) GEO. HAMMOND.
Mr. Jefferson.
PHILADELPHIA.
April 19, 1792.
We hear that DAVID RITTENHOUSE, Esq. is appointed Director of the MINT of the United States.
A late letter from Charleston mentions that the want of shipping to carry off the rice and other produce from that and other parts of Carolina, had been the occasion of rice falling to nine shillings sterling per 100lb. and tobacco to twelve—The shipping had mostly failed by the middle of March, so as to leave the port of Charleston scarcely without a vessel; a circumstance very uncommon at that time of the year.
Extract of a letter from Monongahela, 15 miles from Pittsburgh, dated April 9.
"We are all in tolerable peace and quiet here, altho' there are some rumours of disturbance in the wilderness, a woman and several children killed, down the Ohio, some scattered houses burnt by straggling Indians, &c. On the 1st day of this month some Indians made their appearance near Wheeling, and took a woman and two boys prisoners. They were pursued, but to no purpose: it is feared they killed the woman and one of the boys. The other has since returned to the settlement, with the loss of his scalp, and a bad cut on the throat, which however missed the windpipe.—The Indian war has much injured the boat-building business at present, but am in hopes the army will make up, in some measure, that loss.—This goes by Mr. —, who came about a year ago to this country to settle. Unhappily, he some time since met with a certain person named Mr. Hardwork, with whom he has had a falling out; and in consequence thereof, returns rather in disgust."
It is a truth beyond contradiction, that the manufacture of paper must soon decline in this state, unless the generality of people can be induced by some means or other, to preserve their rags. The great complaint at all the paper-mills is want of rags; the failure of the necessary supply of which must soon raise the price of home-manufactured printing paper so much as to cause a renewal of the importation of this very necessary article from France, Holland, and Great Britain.
Gen. William Hull, an officer of the Massachusetts line of the late army, now in this city, has been commissioned by the officers of that line, to present their memorial to Congress on the subject of a further compensation for themselves and the soldiers who served during the war. Finding this memorial cannot be attended to by Congress during the present session, he has addressed a circular letter to the officers of the lines of other states, urging the necessity of their coming forward at the beginning of the next session and petitioning for the payment of that debt from the public to them, which actually existed at the time when the funding system was adopted.—This demand, however, is confined, in the memorial mentioned, to those who enlisted in the year 1777 for three years, or during the war; other classes of the army being considered as already fully compensated.—This class, officers and soldiers, received certificates in payment, and returned home in an embarrassed situation, being soon after obliged, thro' necessity, to part with their certificates for the price that was going.—From the provision made by the present government, the purchasers received an immense advantage—part of the debt, however, originally due, was saved by the public,—the two per cent for ten years on the principal of the whole debt, and half the interest which had accumulated; which remnant is still in the hands of the public, and will no more than discharge the original debt.
We hear from Ireland, that the bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics in that island, lately presented to the Irish House of Commons, has been thrown out by a great majority.
Accounts from New-York say, that the failures in that city may be fairly stated at three millions of dollars.—The city is in a languishing condition—vessels laying at the wharves without any one to receive their cargoes—the speculators either in jail, ruminating over bushels of loose papers, locked up in garrets, or fled into remote and desolate parts of Jersey!—Verily, brethren, ye ought to have foreseen these things and avoided them.
A pilot boat has lately been dispatched to Great Britain, from N. York, it is said, with an immense quantity of six per cent Certificates. If she has luck, they will come to a good market: as Virgil says,
Quo non speculantia pectora cogis, Auri sacra Fames!
Letters from England mention that Mr. Wignell, the comedian from this city, is assailed with crowds of the tag-rag and bob-tail of the theatrical houses in London. All ambitious to strut upon the republican stage of America, since they have heard of the new theatre in Philadelphia.
Late letters from the westward inform

that the Kentucky side of the Ohio river, in those parts, is infested with multitudes of Indians—this greatly alarmed the inhabitants, many of whom had moved off, and others were preparing to follow; the beginning of March, 14 persons were killed by the Indians on that part of the frontier.—Maj. Butler had arrived at Winchester from Fort Washington in a weak and decrepid state, owing to the wounds he received on the 4th of November—This gallant officer has since arrived at his farm, near Carlisle.
Thomas Sim Lee, Esquire, is appointed governor of the state of Maryland, in the room of governor Plater, deceased.
On the 14th instant, Mr. Seton, cashier of the Bank of New-York, purchased stock to a considerable amount—Six per cents at twenty shillings, three ditto at twelve, and deferred debt at twelve and six—private sales the same day at 19/6—10/6.
It is fortunate (says a Daily paper) for this country, that plentiful orders for English goods preceded the late fall of paper, which has so deeply affected private credit. If the crisis had occurred rather sooner, cash only would have obtained in Britain what credit may now have procured.
All the late accounts from India agree that the utmost vigour of the British force in India was to be exerted the next campaign against Tippoo Saib. It is reduced to a certainty that the views of the English are to extirpate this prince, and rid themselves of an enemy who is the main obstacle to their complete conquest of that part of India. Persons of cool judgment, however, in India, have given it as their opinion that this tyrant (as he is called by the British) will not be an easy conquest. He is at the head of an immense army, is a great general and politician, bred to war from the cradle, and perfectly acquainted with European military discipline; and is besides at home, fighting for life and empire.
A late London paper has the following paragraph: "There is such a general advance on all sorts of goods, that it is thought the less of them is sent to America, the less blame will the merchants and factors experience; and if the Americans were to suspend their commissions for one season by unanimous consent, it would be the means of bringing our workmen into their proper stations; at present they are without controul, every factor daily attending the manufactures, and ready to snatch the work whether finished or not."
The King of Sweden, after receiving the King of France's notification of his acceptance of the constitution, was so dilatory in making a reply, that the French envoy, tired out with the tedious procedure of his Swedish Majesty, departed without it. On the 19th of December, however, a Courier was despatched with the answer, and certain other communications to be made to other European courts, as well as to the French Princes. It is certain that Russia acts, in this matter, in concert with Sweden, there being a constant correspondence kept up, and messengers continually on the road between Stockholm and St. Petersburg. [Leyd. Gaz.]
The regency of Algiers have fixed their price of peace with Sweden at forty thousand ducats—Mr Skoldebrand, intended Swedish consul for that state, is now about setting out to negotiate a peace with those Barbarians. [Leyd. Gaz.]
Letters from Mayenne, inform that the elector has notified the Prince of Conde in the most pressing manner to quit his dominions, with the emigrants.—The vigorous proceedings of the National Assembly and the declaration of the King of France have reduced the French princes to so very critical a situation, that they have sent to ask the answers of different courts on what they may expect. [Leyd. Gaz.]
Petitions have been handed in to the British House of Commons, from almost every county in England, for the abolition of the African slave trade.
During nearly the whole month of January last successive shocks of earthquakes were felt at Paul's Bay, and other parts of Canada in that vicinity.—The shocks seemed to proceed east and west—Houses, churches, and many buildings of inferior consequence have been either thrown down, or considerably damaged. Old observers in Canada say, that earthquakes, more or less violent, return in that part of the country every twenty-five years.
French accounts from Bourdeaux [via Salem] inform that their minister of the marine had been called on for a state of the navy, and to report in what space of time forty sail of the line could be got ready for sea—paper money had depreciated 40 per cent—a war with the German powers was expected to take place—specie disappearing, and commerce in a languishing condition.
Abundance of riots and insurrections have taken place at Dunkirk, in France, in consequence of a rise in the price of bread corn, owing to the depreciation of the National paper money, and consequent scarcity of cash. Several of the rioters have
been killed by the military, more wounded, and a considerable number seized and thrown into jail—all was quiet when the last accounts came away.
Dr. Wolcot (the celebrated Peter Pindar, in poetry) is under a prosecution at the court of King's Bench, in London, at the suit of Lord Londale, for publishing a libellous poem against his lordship. In that poem, Pindar in instructing Mr. Opie, a celebrated painter, how to draw the picture of the devil, had recommended him to take the countenance of Lord Londale.
European accounts as late as the 27th of February are come to hand; the most material intelligence till that date is as follows:—Eight millions, two hundred thousand pounds sterling, of the capital of the national debt of Great Britain, has been paid off since 1783.—Great alarms of war and invasion were spread through France, supposed to be chiefly owing to emigrations from the emigrants: a good understanding did not prevail between the National Assembly and the new Minister of War; the officers of the regiment de Soissonois, except five, had deserted their flag: the Emperor of Germany had declared the French emigrants under his protection, and remitted them two millions of roubles, &c. [English papers are our only authority for these particulars relative to France.]
Advices from Cape Francois as late as March 24, say that two thousand troops arrived there from France the day previous to that date. A few days before, the national troops had an engagement with the blacks, in which six hundred of the latter were killed, including two white generals. More troops were daily looked for.
A Mr. Pugilisti advertises, in a New-York paper, to teach the art of boxing, kicking, horse-whipping, and playing at short cudgels. By this it would seem there is much ill humour abroad in that city.
[The following contains a more particular account, than in our last, of the refusal of the Judges of the circuit court to take cognizance of the case of William Heyburn, an invalid officer]
A memorial was presented from an invalid officer, setting forth that he had applied to the Judges of the circuit court in this city, to be put on the pension list pursuant to a late law of Congress; and that the court having refused to take cognizance of his case, he was obliged to apply to Congress for relief.
The sitting judges were Messrs. Wilson, Blair, and Peters; and from an account which Mr. Boudinot gave in his place, it appeared that the court thought the examination of invalids a very extraordinary duty to be imposed on the judges:—and looked on the law, which imposes that duty, as an unconstitutional one, inasmuch as it directs the Secretary of War to state the mistakes of the judges to Congress for their revision; they could not therefore accede to a regulation tending to render the judiciary subject to the legislative and executive powers, which from a regard for liberty and the constitution, ought to be kept carefully distinct; it being a primary principle of the utmost importance, that no decision of the judiciary department should, under any pretext, be brought in revision before either the legislative or executive departments of the government, neither of which have in any instance a revolutionary authority over the judicial proceedings of the courts of justice.
Another objection, on the part of the judges, was, that whereas there are laws now in force, prescribing a day, beyond which the courts shall not sit, this new law declares that the court shall sit five days for the purpose of hearing claims, whether they be offered or not; and leaves nothing to the discretion and integrity of the judges, to sit as long as they have public business to do.
This being the first instance, in which a court of justice had declared a law of Congress to be unconstitutional, the novelty of the case produced a variety of opinions with respect to the measures to be taken on the occasion. At length a committee of five was appointed to enquire into the facts contained in the memorial, and to report thereon.
During the course of the debate, it was mentioned, that the judges of the circuit court in the state of N. York had consented to examine invalids pursuant to the law in question, but on this principle: Congress, they thought, have a right in appointing commissioners for any special purpose, to designate the persons, as well by any official titles with which they are vested, as by their proper names. Wherefore although they would not, in their judicial capacity, undertake the examination of invalids, yet, as commissioners, they devoted each day an hour to the business, after the adjournment of the court.
Mr. Murray urged the necessity of passing a law to point out some regular mode, in which the judges of the courts of the United States shall give official notice of their refusal to act under any law of Congress, on the ground of unconstitutionality.
No regular motion however was made on the subject, which lies over for future consideration.
A plan has been issued in Charleston (S. C.) for establishing a Tontine Bank in that city; which has been agreed to at a numerous and respectable meeting of the inhabitants.—The capital stock of this Bank is not to exceed 150,000 dollars, to be divided into 3750 shares, each share being 40 dollars, payable in gold or silver only—four dollars being to be paid at the time of subscribing—sixteen dollars on the 15th of July next, and 20 dollars on the 15th of Jan. 1793—The subscription was to be opened on the 9th instant.
Some persons, both in their writings and conversation, seem mightily anxious for the reputation of our government.—Certain it is, foreigners must entertain a very contemptible idea of it, when they see that scurrility and blackguardism are the chief weapons used in its defence.
A stale trick (says a correspondent) is attempted to be played off upon us by certain high flying writers of the day—because the abuses of the federal government are treated with some freedom of animadversion by those who wish to see a pure republican system preserved in this country, certain persons would have it that the government itself is attacked in all its principles. Flattering any government, even the most rigidly virtuous, seems to be lost labour. It can effect no good purpose whatever—Governments are a sort of things that will in every country always take care of themselves; whereas, the people, without the strictest vigilance, are in all countries soon cheated out of their liberty.
Several persons have affected to doubt of the authenticity of the paragraph, some time since published here, relative to the Speaker of the Irish House of Commons having been insulted, in consequence of an order to clear the galleries: The following may be depended on as an authentic statement of the fact: On the 25th of January, while the House were sitting, a number of collegians having crowded into the lobby, were ordered to be turned out by the Speaker; and a party of police was employed for that purpose; these, after a smart struggle, dillodged the young gentlemen, who being joined in the street by a reinforcement of persons casually assembled, broke all the globes in the front of the parliament house, and would have demolished the Speaker's carriage, but for the dextrous retreat of his coachman, who with difficulty drove off. They then proceeded to the Speaker's house, where they broke his windows, and then dispersed.
THE RIGHTS OF IRISHMEN, a patriotic newspaper, printed at Dublin by J. and W. P. CAREY, has the following paragraph—"An era approaches, glorious and important to Ireland, and more decisive than ever of her freedom and unequivocal INDEPENDENCE. The eyes of Irishmen are no longer blinded by the film of a fatal prejudice, which for time immemorial prevented them from seeing into the dark and cruel policy of their oppressors: they no longer esteem as patriots the little orators of an ARISTOCRACY, labouring for the purposes of a party—yet overlooking the sufferings of three millions of their oppressed countrymen; nor will they consider as the voice of an independent kingdom, the disgraceful decision of a majority in any assembly under the corrupt influence of a junto, studiously misrepresenting a loyal people to their sovereign."
COMMUNICATION.
Never was the word 'impeachment' so hackneyed, as it has been since the spirited sentence passed by our judges on an unconstitutional law. The high-fliers, in and out of Congress, and the very humblest of their humble retainers, talk of nothing but impeachment! impeachment! impeachment! as if forsooth Congress were wrapped up in the cloak of infallibility, which has been torn from the shoulders of the Pope; and that it was damnable heresy and sacrilege to doubt the constitutional orthodoxy of any decision of theirs, once written on calf-skin! But if a Secretary of war can suspend or reverse the decision of the circuit judges, why may not a drill sergeant or a black drummer reverse the decision of a jury? why not abolish at once all our courts, except the court martial? and burn all our laws, except the articles of war? This would be a summary way of doing business; and we would then live as happy as the subjects of the Dey of Algiers, none of whom are ever heard to complain—a second time. But when those impeachment-mongers are asked, how any law is to be declared unconstitutional, they tell us that nothing less than a general convention is adequate to pass sentence on it;—as if a general convention could be assembled with as much ease, as a committee of Stock-Jobbers.—This reminds us of the priest, who wishing to get possession of a fat living, told the parishioners, that if they signed an instrument to entitle him for life to the loaves and fishes, he would give them what weather they pleased, and the elements in their parish should be perfectly under popular government. A convention of the good folks signed the parchment: the priest took possession, and began to 'wax fat' at their expence
while the weather continued favourable. But a storm having broken down their fences, and the parishioners coming to complain, he desired them to call another convention, to determine what weather he should give them. Assembled with some difficulty, one wished for sunshine, another for rain, a third for something else. In short they could agree in nothing, except a thorough conviction, that calling conventions to settle the weather, would answer no other purpose than waste of time, whilst the fly parson laughed at their folly, and still continued to enjoy the loaves and fishes, according to compact.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU,
THERE has lately been presented to Congress a petition for compensation to the officers and soldiers for losses sustained in consequence of the depreciation of certificates. It appears to me they have substantial reasons for urging such a claim. But a question will arise, whether there is ability in government to make good their losses? I fear the debts already acknowledged to exist, in addition to the enormous sums necessary for the support of government, will be more than sufficient to drain the treasury. But it may be urged, that a deficiency in ability to discharge a debt is not a just cause why it should not be acknowledged. On the other hand it may be said, that Congress are not to pay twice—if they pay off the certificates they are legally discharged, and all further claim ceases.—The people who furnish supplies will be very apt to take hold of this, although they may sincerely wish the full amount of their demands had been paid to those who hazarded their lives in defence of this country.—I will just recall the attention of my countrymen to a period when it was contemplated to give general relief to the suffering soldiers—I mean prior to funding the public debt, when a proposition was made by a representative in Congress for discriminating between original holders and purchasers of the public debt—for the exertions he made to bring this about, he well merits, in my opinion, the highest commendation. Had this been carried into execution agreeably to his plan, we should not have heard of complaints against the funding system, as enriching a set of speculators, a great number of whom perhaps merit the appellation of unprincipled harpies. Nor do I believe we should have been received as less praiseworthy by the nations of Europe, by such a procedure, or that our government would have been less respectable at home, or more confidentially reposed in—But the poor are doomed to suffer under every government; for rulers and judges seem more disposed to conform to the letter, than the spirit of constitutions and laws: and as an attorney once observed, when concerned for a poor client against a wealthy overbearing opponent (whose displeasure it was dangerous to incur, even in a just cause) "To him that hath people are prone to give, and from him that hath not, they hesitate not to take away, even that which he seemeth to have."
SAVILLON.
Maryland, March 24, 1792.
An OLD STORY NEW DRESSED.
POOR Joe was long plagu'd by a termagant wife. 'Till death put an end to her quarrels and strife. The friends were invited, to see her snug buried; And to the church-yard, helter-skelter, they hurried.— "Hold, hold, friends! (said Joe) let us move on at leisure: "And not like dull fools, make a toil of a pleasure." April 13. A. B.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock Type, Price. Rows include: Six per cents, per £. 20/; Three ditto 11/6 to 12/; Deferred six ditto 12/ 12/6; Final settlements, &c. 15/- 16; Indents 11/3; Half shares Bank Stock 25 per cent advance.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS April, 1792.
Table with 6 columns: Day, D, H, Bar., Ther., Wind., Weath. Rows include: Monday 9. 7 30. 15 58 S.E. Cloudy; Tuesday 10. 7 30. 0 59 Calm. Cloudy; Wednesday 11. 7 30. 1 49 NN.E. Rain; Thursday 12. 7 30. 1 47 N. Rain; Friday 13. 7 30. 1 43 N.E.E. Cloudy; Saturday 14. 7 29. 75 45 S. Cloudy; Sunday 15. 7 30. 36 W. Fair.

regard to decency and respect to such future assemblage.
For a government at its commencement to contract debts greatly beyond their immediate resources, to dispose of almost the whole of the attainable revenue; in a manner to create, by assuming debts from governments, who were linking them fast, and were altogether opposed to such assumption; and thus opening a door for the revival of liquidated claims, and make it the interest of states to make out as large a debt as possible to get a greater share of the general plunder, is certainly covering the weakness of the right by the boldness of the exercise. And then to say to the such future assemblage, 'that they shall not pay when they are able,' is subjecting them to conditions that none but a lunatic in private life would submit to, and this in direct violation of the constitution which gives to Congress the express power of paying the debts of the United States—Can this power of Congress be abridged or destroyed by any contract with a creditor? Such a principle could never bind; it would not be upheld in a private case; it was arbitrary in adoption; shameful in continuance, and would be criminal perhaps in imitation.
But should we admit that a majority of the present generation may so bind themselves and mortgage their own industry; yet the extent of this power is to be defined. The grand and important question yet remains to be discussed; a question that never has been, and perhaps never will be, fairly met. Can they sell or mortgage the labor and industry of another generation—of posterity? Are they the judges of the extent and conditions? That they cannot, and are not, is as demonstrable as any proposition in Euclid.
The God of nature has given the earth to the living—That he will make our children and our children's children as free as he made us, is what no parent, I trust, will deny. Under the divine impression, the voice of United America, has declared—that we cannot deprive posterity of their natural rights; which, from generation to generation, must continue the same as we came into the world with; we have a right to the fruits of our own industry—they to theirs.
The infringements of this sacred law, I believe more often arise from a want of accuracy and precision of reflection, than a desertion of moral principle.
Were all men born on one day, and died on another, the separate rights of posterity would then be as distinctly visible, as the line that would divide the one generation from another; but although the human race flows like a constant stream, in an uninterrupted course of renewal and decay, the rights of the separate parts are the same in reality, as if they could be readily and easily distinguished in practice.
That there is a period at which the majority of adults, capable of contracting, now living, will give place to a majority of adults equally capable, of the succeeding generation, is as certain as the great principle of mortality itself—this period may be ascertained with sufficient precision for every practical purpose; by the recorded bills of mortality—they are admitted in municipal legislation, and constitute its leading and distinguishing traits. By the calculations of Mr. Buffon, it does not extend beyond nineteen years; but to give the present the ultimatum of their pretensions over the future, would not carry it beyond twenty years: the period limited by the English law, after which, even a private debt ceases to exist.
And surely these bounds, which nature has established, afforded ample scope for any reasonable anticipations. Can we figure any exigencies of state, that ought, or can require, from their termination, an anticipation of the resources of government, for a greater length than 20 years; or that a mortgage of the labour of society should be sold by any contract irrepealable for a greater term. Go beyond this, and you seize on the rights of posterity—pass this bound, there is none other that nature or reason can assign—The great mass of the industry and labour of all future generations becomes then yours to the extent, and on what conditions you please to prescribe—no other line can be drawn.
Such a principle is against the laws of God and Man—it inverts the whole order of society—it sweeps away in a torrent every check and safeguard of government, and arms any despot, any administration with means not sanctioned by nature, to bind in chains their fellow-men.
In the first place, it destroys that great principle, which alone was the cause of the war with Great Britain; which cost us the blood of our heroic countrymen, and which involved us in the debt—That taxation and representation should go hand in hand—We have no one quality of the representatives of posterity not elected by them, and not responsible to them.
It establishes a principle that those are to spend, who are not to pay—this lets loose extravagance in defiance of justice from its only natural restraints.
Posterity whom we injure, have no power over us—we are not responsible to them—the order of nature renders the grave an asylum from their vengeance.
It destroys one great check of free legislation—that the legislator should feel, in his own property, the burthen of the tax he lays, and the contract he makes for society.
It avoids that still greater check that the constituents should feel the burthens their representatives impose—the people never act but from feelings; so long, therefore, as their deputies contract for and at the expense of posterity, they act in perfect safety. If they have a right to say they will only pay a part of the debt, they may diminish that part at pleasure, and finally they may say they will pay no part; and this, which, in theory would be considered as an argument from hyperbole, is precisely in practice, the very principle we have adopted, with respect to the deferred stock, and that not sparingly, as it is almost half our debt—Let any man examine the principles of this novelty of finance—and see where it leads to—Administration on this ground, would be perfectly safe in assuming the debt of Great Britain. The honour, if I may abuse the term, of this bold violation of natural law, was reserved for us. The extravagance of veteran corruption
in old exhausted nations has never, as I have heard, hazarded this principle. It appears as a frontispiece, to adorn the annals of an infant republic.
And who will impeach? the people feel nothing—the beings whose rights we thus trample on, will not burst into existence, until we retire from the scene, exercising such powers with rapidity, and to the extent already effected. Any administration might become masters of a mass of corruption—and attracting hardly observation, go on to bribe the present with the means of future generations, to do any thing that gold can tempt the weak, the wicked, and the necessitous to do. All constitutions, all forms of government disappear before such a system of finance.
And what is the defence that ingenious and interested sophistry has yet invented? That as posterity are to partake of the benefit, they should pay part of the price—We have gone a little further with our deferred stock—Or that we pay nothing, but make them pay the whole; but is it not natural justice that they who are to pay should have some hand in the bargain? have they not a natural right to judge whether it is a benefit? and whether it is worth the money? Does any man suppose, that a government that admits such principles, will be really a benefit to posterity, or so considered by them.
The case has indeed been likened to that of an individual in society, who leaves an estate to an heir, burthened with debts—but it can bear no analogy. Society may say to an individual, by its laws, that we will prevent the intrusion of any other occupant into the property you hold, provided you leave it to your son, or to your creditor. This property the individual had no right to but by law—it is a right which society has secured to him, to the labour of others, which by nature he could not pretend to. But different generations of men bear no relation to each other but by the natural law and the terms of the constitution they adopt, and even this last is limited by the former. But in what society upon earth has a contract of an individual ever been upheld, by the municipal tribunals, by which a parent has burthened property with a debt bearing no immediate interest, but to be paid by posterity, or by a contract prohibiting his posterity from paying it off when they are able. I must doubt, whether any courts would countenance such principles.
If one generation has a right to sell the produce of the soil for any extent of years, the next generation must quit it. If a nation was to borrow of foreigners to such extent, which is not only possible, but, I believe was nearly the case in Lewis the XIVth's time, they must break or quit.
But no principle has ever been admitted with respect to an individual, much less an American parent, that he has a right to dispose of the labour of his child. The child may relinquish the property, and then he has his hands free as nature made them, to labour for himself, so there is no injury to natural right. But where one generation sells the industry of another, they cannot get free unless they go into voluntary exile; and even then, by some modern doctrine, the contract will bind, let them go where they will, whilst they continue in the social bond; they must disperse like the Jews, to get rid of it.
The iniquity of the principle will be more clear and striking, when we contemplate that all public revenue or private income, is a contribution mediate or immediate of the labour of the industrious farmer and mechanic. If the rich pay any thing, it is only mediate, a part of what they first received from these classes. They are the drones of society, which, (however essential to its well-being) are fed by the bees. Money is a representation of industry—a representation of that remainder of labour which the poor either can or must spare, after sustaining life. If they only worked to maintain themselves, money would have no value; there could be no public revenue or private income. It follows then, that any transfers of public resources to any persons, citizens or foreigners, is a transfer of such a portion of the labour of the farmer and mechanic, and their posterity—No money-lender would lend one farthing to be paid out of the labour of the rich, to all eternity. It is true that the rich are by such transfers diminished in their comforts and conveniences, by withdrawing from them and giving to others that part of the labour of the industrious and productive classes, which they before enjoyed under contracts and the laws of society; but they are no objects to the money-lender. It is also true, that all public burthens fall, in great measure, on the land, so as to diminish its value and price, as I shall observe, but then to the men who lend to government, lands have no value but from the hands that are to work it.
That country is happy and free, in proportion as its political institutions and public economy leave to the industrious the greater portion of the fruits of their industry. On the contrary, that country is wretched, and its people slaves, whatever they may be called, whose labour and industry, by any mechanism or conduct of society, belongs to others—as this evil proceeds, such country must decline; and when arrived to a certain extent, it must be deserted.
Contemplate a public debt as a mortgage on industry and labour—extend its effects to posterity; exempt ourselves from the burthen, and put it wholly on them, on the principle of the deferred stock; and then say, that they shall not free themselves by payment; and what does it amount to? That a free man, born now, has a right to the labour of a freeman, born twenty or thirty years hence; and that, because he will be then dead and gone, and cannot enjoy it, he may sell it now to a third person, and spend the money—thus truly simplified: Is any American prepared to avow the principle?
[To be continued.]
[The following sentiments, extracted from a late Paris paper, are strikingly expressive of the increasing spirit of republicanism in France.]
"IN our opinion all citizens are upon a perfect level with each other, from the first magistrate to the simple individual who only claims the privileges of active citizen. We neither worship nor despise any one, and even our respect is due to the
Laws alone. This is the doctrine we preach, and such ought to be the sentiments of every free man. We are not at all concerned that it contradicts the sentiments of certain writers, whose intentions it is possible may be right. Good order in society demands that we should submit ourselves to all who are entrusted with the execution of the laws—So far submission is proper; but beyond this—nothing. The nation and the law are the only objects of my respect; and as to obedience, I owe it to the trusty servants of the nation and the administrators of the laws.—Let some servile animal, who is proud of his submission to and respect for ranks; let such an one gild over his chains as he pleases; as to us, we so far respect the dignity of man as not even to lift the hat to any of our fellow-creatures, whatever title they may bear. Men in office are almost always inclined to consider themselves as elevated upon the shoulders of those below them; it behoves those therefore who are not in office to seize all occasions to convince them that men are equal, and that scarves, shoulder-knots, and sceptres are, in themselves, nothing. We have all the same claim to the esteem of our brethren, and if they have learned how to be virtuous, that is to say, patriotic, our country and liberty are the source of all other virtues to the citizens; but our respect ought to be reserved for the law; and John James Rousseau has taught us that this is the first of all laws. If any prince or chief demands tokens of personal respect from a man, it is a sign he despises him; because it is evident he does not think him worthy of his esteem, and therefore disgraces him by requiring marks of servile obedience. Far be it from us not to have regard or esteem for a wise magistrate; but this regard, this respect, or this esteem, ought not to be a matter of right, or liable to be demanded—on such occasions the law of duty ought to speak in our hearts—it may be here said, that the acknowledgments of men ought to be paid to real objects, and such as fall under the cognizance of the senses; that the law and country are intellectual beings; but that princes, magistrates, generals, &c. are visible to our eyes, and cannot therefore be honored by internal respect.
Hence, then, it would happen that we must have political as well as moral idols sadded upon us. The Supreme Being, who is invisible, is every day profaned when we bow down before the Golden Calf; and the words country and sovereignty are both misunderstood, when the constituted powers become the object of our worship.
If there be any effectual means in the world to prevent rulers from sooner or later usurping the sovereign authority of the governed, it is a determination in the latter to consider themselves on a level with the former, and to intrude into their ears as often as possible that consuls and licitors are the same thing in a free government.
Some have recently said that respect, though not adoration, is due to rulers—We answer, that there is only a step between respect and adoration. When he who has arrogated the respect of his fellow citizens, has got himself surrounded with pikes and bayonets.—Obedience and submission are due to the depositaries of the public authority; respect to the laws alone. [Gaz. Univ.]
Translations from the Leyden Gazette, Jan. 3—6.
The earthquake at Lisbon, on the 27th of Nov. although not of long continuance, was the cause of horror and consternation to the inhabitants. Since the terrible catastrophe of 1755 so violent a shock has not been experienced. The river Tagus became so agitated that a number of vessels lost their anchors, and suffered considerable other damage.—Other damage was done on shore also, but not a single house demolished.
Dispatches have been received at Paris from the court of Spain, announcing that his Catholic Majesty has given orders to the governor of Spanish St. Domingo to observe the strictest neutrality between the different parties that distract the French part of the island; and to form a line of troops on the frontier, that the disturbances may not pervade the Spanish territory; where if the Spanish blacks should manifest any disposition to join the French revolted negroes, they are immediately to assist by every means in their power to reduce and subdue them.
Great numbers of the Brabanters have been assembling for some time past at the city of Lille, as it would seem, under the auspices of some of the principal of the French emigrants—The municipality of Lille, after developing the cause of their assembling in such numbers, issued a proclamation, requiring every person coming to that capital, to give in his name, occupation, business there, &c. &c. within 24 hours after arrival—All good citizens are also required to take cognizance of them, and report to the municipality any particulars that may occur worthy of notice; and the troops of the line are enjoined to be ready at a moment's notice to quell riots and prevent illegal assemblies.
The enemies of the French revolution have always entertained hopes from the apparent diffusion that has prevailed between the national assembly and executive power. A change, however, has taken place in this respect that omen ill to the emigrants.—The Jacobine, and other clubs of faction have ceased their endeavors to prejudice the nation against the legislature, and a general confidence has now succeeded to those mutual distrusts which were a grief to all true patriots and elevated the hopes of the refugee French beyond the Rhine. Since the coming of M. de Narbonne into the ministry, a better understanding than ever seems to have taken place between the national representatives and the agents of the executive power.
M. Condorcet has proposed to the national assembly to draft the form of "a solemn declaration to all powers, to inform them of the principles and policy of the government of regenerated France." His speech was received with enthusiastic approbation, and was ordered to be presented to the King by a deputation of 24 members, and to be sent to the 83 departments of the kingdom.—The King, upon receiving the deputation, replied to the deputies that "the assembly might rest assured that he would at all times do his utmost to support the dignity of the nation."
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following
apartments, to wit. A conference room } Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each. A room for the Representatives } A lobby or antichamber to the latter. A Senate room of 1200 square feet area. An antichamber or lobby to the last. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
Sales at Auction,
By M C FARRAN & DUNLAP,
At the Merchants' Coffee-house, in New-York, on Wednesday the 25th of April next, at 12 o'clock,
THAT valuable and well known Grift Mill and Farm, late the property of Abraham De Peyster, deceased; near Fish-kill landing, in Dutchess county, seventy miles from this city, upon the Hudson or North river. The mill-house is 32 by 80 feet, has one pair French burr, and one pair Esopus stones, new and of an approved quality; a reeling screen, fanning mill, and a complete set of flour bolts, turning by water, all of which are new and in perfect order; as also every other part of the work, having lately undergone a thorough repair. The stream, a never-failing one, capable of turning in addition to the present, a fullery and saw mill, for which the situation affords proper conveniences, and very advantageous, the waters of the Hudson flowing up to the mill-tail, at which a vessel drawing 6 feet water, may load and unload, and in the best wheat country in the state. The dwelling is large, commodious, and well finished, built of brick and stone, 39 by 50 feet, pleasantly situated within sixty yards of the mill, with a handsome garden in front, and an excellent spring of water, and a new well built Dutch barn; also a small house at a convenient distance from the mill, calculated to accommodate a tradesman. The farm consists of 274 acres, including the mill stream, about 140 acres of which is an excellent grove of growing timber, lying in a body not more than half a mile from the mill, and a good lot of mowing ground, all properly fenced; a small, but good orchard, producing abundance of the best apples, with a number of other fruit trees, dispersed near the house.
This is truly a valuable and advantageously situated property, which renders it an object worthy the attention of a man of business, when it may be extended to any length. One half of the purchase money will be required on delivery of the deeds, (when possession will be given) the other half in one year, with interest, secured by a mortgage on the premises. An indisputable title will be given—for further particulars enquire of Messieurs M c Farran and Dunlap, Peter A. Schenck, New-York; or of Isaac De Peyster, seller, on the premises. New-York, March 31- 2.a.w.
* * * A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Act for laying Duties on Spirits, &c. for sale at this Office.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.