National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-04-03 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
NUMB. 45 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, April 3, 1793.
[Total No. 149.]
Additional Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, Relative to the Loans negotiated under the Acts of the 4th and 12th of August, 1790.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, February 19, 1793.
SIR,
THE last letter, which I had the honor to address to the House of Representatives, contained a pretty full exposition of the conduct and views of this department, in regard to the foreign loans. There remain, however, some incidental topics, which it may not be expedient to pass over in silence.
In order to carry the attention of the house immediately to a just application of the remarks which will be submitted, it is necessary to premise—that it is known to have been suggested, that the proceeds of the foreign bill drawn for to this country, had no object of public utility—answered none—and were calculated merely to indulge a spirit of favoritism towards the bank of the United States.
It has already been shown, clearly I trust, that but for the instrumentality of the parts of the loan drawn for prior to April 1792, amounting nearly to one half of the whole sum, the purchases of the debt which were made to that time, could not have been made; and that these purchases, besides being the object designated by law, for the application of the fund, were productive of positive and important advantages.
How far the operation could have been influenced by motives of favor to the bank of the United States, the following facts will fill more completely decide.
The bank did not begin its operations till the 12th of December 1791.
The banks of North-America and New-York were the agents of the treasury for the sale of the bills in question. They sold them, collected, and, with the exception which will be presently stated, disbursed the proceeds.
The receipts on account of those bills, began in March 1791, and concluded in March 1792.
On the 31st of December 1791, as the Treasurer's account before the House will shew, the public cash was deposited as follows—
  In the Bank of the United States 133,000   In the Bank of North America 471,972. 28   In the Bank of New-York 224,677. 35   In the Bank of Massachusetts 65,578. 22   In the Bank of Maryland 50,665. 29   In the Bank of Providence 7,969. 61   Making together, Dollars 953,862. 75 
There were then also some monies in the banks of North-America and New-York, in the course of receipt, which had not been passed over to the Treasurer; but all the public monies of whatever kind, in the bank of the United States, are included in the above sum of 133,000 dollars, which had arisen from the duties on imports and tonnage.
It appears then, that on the 31st of December 1791, no transfer for the benefit of the bank of the United States had been made; and that the deposits of the government there (exclusive of the proceeds of the bills remaining in the two banks of North-America and New-York) amounted to little more than 1-4th of the deposits in the bank of North-America, and little more than 1-2 of those in the bank of New-York.
As late as the 1st of February, the state banks continued to share with the bank of the United States a large proportion of the public deposits. The state of the treasury then was as follows, viz.
  In the Bank of the United States 456,273. 90   In the Bank of North America 151,516. 32   In the Bank of New-York 128,708. 21   In the Bank of Massachusetts 71,215. 55   In the Bank of Maryland 49,583. 25   In the Bank of Providence 7,969. 61   Making together, Dollars, 865,271. 84 
A concentration of the public deposits in the bank of the United States was a measure which grew out of the relation between that establishment and the government. Yet instead of hastening it through favour, it was resolved to let it have a gradual course; so as to consult in a due degree, the convenience of the other banks; and to effect it rather by letting the public disbursements fall upon the monies in those banks than by direct transfer.
But a state of things took place in the month of February, between the banks of the United States and North-America, which rendered a more expeditious transfer than was meditated, for the mutual convenience of the two institutions.
The effect of this was, that the state of the Treasury on the 1st of March, stood as follows.
  In the Bank of the United States 692,959. 6   Bank of Massachusetts 31,769. 5   Bank of New-York 32,352. 52   Bank of North-America 31,515. 74   Bank of Providence 8,404. 94   Bank of Maryland 34,752. 85   Making together, Dollars 831,754. 16 
But at this time, there was in the bank of New-York, from the proceeds of the foreign bills, 121,984 dollars and 71 cents, not transferred to the account of the Treasurer.
This accumulation, however, in the bank of the United States, was of very short duration.
On the 1st of April ensuing, the state of the public cash was as follows.
  In the Bank of the United States 353,643. 64   Bank of New-York 254,930. 41   Bank of North-America 31,515. 74   Bank of Massachusetts 37,712. 58   Bank of Providence 7,150. 65   Bank of Maryland 60,410. 32   Making together, Dollars 751,377. 34 
A similar state of things lasted to the 1st of June, comparatively more disadvantageous to the bank of the United States. The receipts of public revenue continued to go into the bank of New-York till the 1st of April, 1792, when a branch of the bank of the United States began to operate in that city—which is the reason of the sum in the bank of New-York bearing so near a proportion to that of the United States, and so far exceeding the bank of North-America. By this time also, the balance of the proceeds of foreign bills had been passed to the account of the Treasurer; yet had remaining in deposit in the bank of New-York.
These views of the state of the public cash are conformable to the Treasurer's statement of half monthly balances, accompanying my letter of the 14th instant No. V.
The same statement will shew, that a proportion of the public deposits has continued since the 1st of April 1792 in the state banks; in those of North-America and New-York down to the end of the period, which that statement embraces.
From these details the following inferences are deducible.
That as far as any advantages may have accrued from the deposits on account of the foreign bills drawn prior to April 1792, they accrued substantially to the banks of North-America and New-York, not to the bank of the United States or to its branches. That in transferring the pecuniary concerns of the government from the pre-existing banks to that of the United States and its dependencies, a cautious regard has been paid to the convenience of the former institutions, and the reverse of a policy unduly solicitous for the accommodation of the bank of the United States has prevailed. Indeed so much has this been the case, that it might be proved, if it were proper to enter into the proof, that a criticism has been brought upon the conduct of the department, as consulting less the accommodation of the last mentioned institution, than was due to its relation to the government and to the services expected from it.
But further examination will demonstrate another point; which is, that none of the establishments in question have received any accommodations, which were not in perfect coincidence with the public interest, and in the due and proper course of events.
This examination will be directed towards two objects, one, the state of the Treasury, at the commencement of each
quarter, during the years 1791 and 1792, the other, the state of the market, in regard to the prices of stock, during the same years.
These periods are selected, because they afford the truest criterion of the state of the Treasury, from time to time, being those at which the principal public payments are made; and for which it is necessary to be prepared by intermediate accumulations.
The state of the Treasury at the periods in question, was as follows:
   In the year 1791.     January 1. Dols. 569,886. 55   March 1. - 373,434. 53   June 1. - 533,638. 24   October 1. - 662,233. 99   In the year 1792.   January 1. - 953,862. 75   April 1. - 751,377. 34   July 1. - 623,133. 61   October 1. - 420,914. 51   1793, January 1. - 783,212. 37  
This appears from the statements No. IV and V, forwarded with my last letter. The state of the stock market, during the several quarters of the same years, was as follows—
   First quarter of 1791.     Six per cents from 16/9 to 17/6   Three per cents from 8/6 to 9/4   Deferred from 8/6 to 9/4   Second quarter of 1791.   Six per cents from 17/9 to 17/9   Three per cents from 9/ to 10/   Deferred from 8/11 to 9/4   Third quarter of 1791.   Six per cents from 17/10 to 21/3   Three per cents from 9/9 to 12/5   Deferred from 9/9 to 12/10  
As early as the 6th of August, the six per cents had a temporary rise to 21/; but by the 16th they had fallen to 20/; on the 20th they had risen to 20/6, and were sometimes above that rate, but never lower during the rest of the quarter.
As early as the 23rd of July, the three per cents had reached 12/, and were sometimes higher, but never lower during the rest of the quarter.
On the 23rd of July, the deferred also reached 12/, and afterwards rose to 12/6.
   Fourth quarter of 1791.     Six per cents from 20/4 to 22/4   Three per cents from 12/2 to 13/8   Deferred from 11/8 to 13/6  
The prices were lowest in the early, and highest in the latter part of the quarter. During the whole of the month of December, the deferred was at 12/8 and upwards; the greatest part of the time at 13/.
   First quarter of 1792.     Six per cents from 21/ to 25/   Three per cents from 12/6 to 15/   Deferred from 12/ to 15/  
The low prices were in the last ten days of March.
   Second quarter of 1792.     Six per cents from 20/ to 22/6   Three per cents from 12/ to 17/9   Deferred from 11/6 to 13/4  
   Third quarter of 1792.     Six per cents from 21/ to 22/3   Three per cents from 12/4 to 13/6   Deferred from 12/3 to 13/7  
   Fourth quarter of 1792.     Six per cents from 20/2 to 21/9   Three per cents from 12/3 to 13/6   Deferred from 11/10 to 13/6  
In October the deferred was at the highest. The lowest prices were in the month of December. This view of the subject is derived from a statement of prices pursuant to actual purchases and sales, furnished by a dealer of this city, respectable for his intelligence and probity, combined with the accounts from time to time published in the Gazette of the United States. The papers marked A and B, are transmitted for the more particular information of the House on this head.
The market prices of stock no doubt varied at other places, as some may have been higher, at others lower. At Philadelphia too, 'tis believed, that small sums were obtained at particular periods from necessitous individuals, below the prices in the statement.
But there is good ground of reliance that it is substantially a just representation of the state of the stock market, during the periods to which it refers.
The state of the Treasury from the 1st of January to the 1st of October, 1791,
may be said to have been at its proper level, exhibiting none or an inconsiderable excess beyond the sum which has been mentioned as necessary to be there, and concerning which a further explanation has been promised, and will be given in the course of this letter. The public purchases in August and September, 1791, amounted to 346,749 dollars and 99 cents.
In the last quarter of the year, 1791, beginning with the month of November, and the first quarter of the year 1792, there appears to have been an excess of some magnitude in the Treasury, being from about 250,000, to about 450,000 dollars. Taking the first quarter of 1792 as the truest criterion; (which it certainly was, because at the expiration of that quarter the payment of interest on the assumed debt began and was to be provided for) the real excess ought to be considered as 250,000 dollars; with the addition of about 80,000 dollars then in the bank of North-America, from the proceeds of Amsterdam bills, beyond the advances of the Bank for the public service; which had not been passed into the Treasurer's account. It is proper to remark that the course of importations occasions large receipts in the latter part of each year, which circumstance contributed to the accumulation in question.
From the last of November to about the 21st of March, an investment of the excess on hand in purchases was impracticable.
To enable the House to understand what is meant by saying that purchases were impracticable during that period, it is necessary to add, that the prices of stock exceeded the limits which the commissioners of the sinking fund had prescribed to themselves. Indeed a large proportion of the time those prices were manifestly artificial, and such as predicted a great fall not far distant. The delay incurred was accordingly well compensated by the prices at which investments were afterwards made.
From the 21st of March to the 25th of April, purchases were effected to the extent of 244,688 dollars and 31 cents, in specie; within 80 or 90,000 dollars of what could have been spared, consistently with the rule which has been mentioned, as proper to regulate the arrangements of the Treasury.
But two circumstances operated against a further investment—a sudden rise of prices and a state of temporary disorder in the two principal mercantile scenes of the country (occasioned by the excessive speculations that had preceded) which admonished the treasury to be cautious in its disbursements.
It results from the foregoing view of the subject, that as far as any extraordinary sum may appear to have remained unemployed in the banks a longer term than was desirable, it proceeded essentially from a state of things, which did not permit its employment; and is in no degree attributable to that spirit of favoritism towards those establishments or any of them, which has been imagined as the solution of appearances, not rightly understood, and much overrated.
The only question, then, of which the matter is susceptible, is this—Was not the state of things, that did take place, to have been foreseen; so as to have influenced the drawing for a proportionably less sum?
This question may safely be answered in the negative.
The bills, the proceeds of which contributed to constitute the excess, which remained unemployed during the two quarters, were drawn in May 1791. In that month the highest prices of stock were 17/2 for six per cents, 9/2 for three per cents, and 9/3 for deferred.
No reasonable anticipation at this juncture, of the progressive rise of stock could have carried it in so short a time to the height which it attained, or beyond the limits within which purchases were deemed advantageous. The rapid and extraordinary rise, which did ensue, was in fact artificial and violent; such as no discreet calculation of probabilities could have presupposed. It therefore cannot impeach the prudence or expediency of having made provision, on a different supposition, for an extension of purchases.
The proceeds of the bills which were drawn subsequent to May, only began to be collected about the beginning of February, and continued in collection till the 29th of March. On the second of February the sum received amounted to no more than 13,431 dollars and 33 cents.
[To be continued]

To the EDITOR of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
"Have we laws, or have we no laws? If we have laws, and they are not observed, to what end were the laws made?"
Speech of a Wiseacre in the British House of Commons.
SIR,
THE extraordinary fertility and other natural advantages of the North Western Territory are not unfrequently the subject of conversation. I feel a strong desire to visit that country, and my neighbours are extremely anxious to join me. The hostile disposition of the barbarians had, indeed, excited some disagreeable apprehensions; but these soon yielded to the conviction of bettering our fortunes; and of leaving our children in circumstances independent, if not affluent. We know, besides, that the present warfare must have its period—perhaps at no great distance; and that a right application of the means which government possesses, will always command a peace. So far have we reasoned away certain difficulties which appeared to oppose the projected enterprise. But there is yet a consideration remaining, of all others the most interesting, inasmuch as it affects that which is nearest a freeman's heart, and without which life is but a worthless gift—I allude to the government as administered in the country of my future hopes. Thither I mean to take with me not only my property, but my liberty also; And hence, some farther or more explicit information than I at present possess, appears to be previously necessary, towards the removal of some scruples that haunt my imagination. I am persuaded, Sir, you will neither blame my great caution, nor refuse a place in your useful gazette, to ten or a dozen queries that have information alone for their object.
Question 1. Perceiving that the Territorial Secretary exercises multifarious powers, and speaks in the first person plural,* (as some monarchs are wont to do)—are we not to consider this dignified mode of expression as emanating not from his single person or capacity alone, but from the dual, the triple, the quadruple, the quintuple, or the sextuple capacity of that compound officer, who thus may be one, and moreover not one, but six, five, four, three, or two persons; and yet neither of two, nor three, nor four, nor five, nor six capacities; but one simple capacity? I am told that he occasionally exercises the powers of the governor. (and ex-officio, those of a legislator and Indian superintendent) holds the office of Secretary of the Territory; and is a general justice of the peace,† and was lately adjutant-general of the army, into the bargain!!!
Q. 2. Does this heterogeneous blend of appointments, this encreasing mass of emoluments, comport with the genius of a free government: or, is it compatible with the public interests?—Is it countenanced by the ordinance of Congress, which forms the constitution of that territory; or by the constitution of the United States, which recognizes principles of another nature?†
Q. 3. By what rule or law can the jurisdiction of a justice of the peace be extended beyond his proper county? Can a governor create a power unknown to the laws?
Q. 4. Is the writ of Habeas Corpus held sacred in the North Western government? Or, may it not be resisted by the Chief Executive, as has been the case: or, suspended by the person exercising his powers, as has been threatened?
Q. 5. Are the person and property of the citizen protected by the laws? Or, may not the governor, as commander in chief, without troubling the civil authority (as has been the case) put a citizen under the care of a file of musketeers, employ another file to burn down his house; and then banish this citizen-prisoner, his wife, and sucking infant, from the territory for ever, on pain of suffering 12 months imprisonment in the guard-house, if caught claiming again the rights of citizenship, never
* Vide Gazette of the United States of March 30th, for the copy of a commission attempted by Mr. Secretary Sargent to be imposed on the judges of the county court of common pleas; and into which he had foisted the words "during our pleasure." The judges treated this attempt as it deserved. The whole transaction is there stated. The commission alluded to, being now before the public has become fair game, and may be considered a masterpiece in the art of imperial composition.—I question whether Francis or Catharine could shew any thing like it.
† By a commission from the Governor, Mr Secretary Sargent is authorized (or rather commissioned) to act as a justice of the peace in every county throughout the territory!—I have lately been informed that this same Secretary expects, on the promise of his good friend the Governor, another appointment; viz. Territorial Treasurer.
‡ We have again seen something like this, in the appointment of Rufus Putnam, Esq. (junior judge of the territory) to the commissions of a brigadier in the army, and of a commissioner for Indian affairs. An individual holding so many offices, must neglect some of them, or impose their duties upon others, perhaps without any of the emoluments.
forfeited, or the protection of the law, always open to the oppressed?
Q. 6. May not the commanding officer of the troops, (especially if he happen to be governor also) lay claim to the houses and improvements of the citizens, by a proclamation declaring them needful to some neighbouring garrison; and thereby put the inhabitants under the law martial—thus magically transforming freemen into slaves, and despoiling them of property, in defiance of the laws of the land?
Q. 7. Does it lie with the person exercising pro-tempore the executive authority, to usurp the power and privileges of the legislature, by a proclamation declaring laws to be in force long before the period assigned for their purposes, by that legislature? Is not this a high misdemeanor? Or is it only an effervescence d'un esprit fort?
Q. 8. Does the Ohio possess the virtues of Lethe, so as to destroy all recollection of former rights in those who drink its waters on the western bank? Or is it the act of crossing from the east to the west bank, that converts a free American into a territorial slave? By the way, does not the constitution of that territory expressly decide against every species of slavery?
Q. 9. How does it happen, that the person exercising the governor's authority, pro tempore, has presumed to profer a new and different commission to the judges of a county court, when the former remains in force? And why does he command the court "to be styled" so and so, when his superior the LAW, which institutes such court, had already ordered by what style it should be known?
Q. 10. If all or any of the foregoing practices have actually taken place, unsanctioned as they must be by any legitimate authority, might we not by a generous construction and a tender regard for a puissant executive, accept them "as farther proofs of the goodness of heart" * in him whose omnipotent fiat called them into birth?
In hopes that some correspondent may have the goodness to furnish answers to the foregoing questions, I subscribe myself (what I am not.)
A JANIZARY.
New-Jersey, April 1, 1793.
* Vide the President's answer to one of General St. Clair's letters published in the Philadelphia prints, while a Committee of Congress were in the act of investigating the causes of the failure of the late expedition under that General.
From the PETERSBURGH INTELLIGENCER, of March 13.
"WHILE revolutions, insurrections and armaments, have become the favourite pursuit of the European world, it behoves the citizens of our happy country, assiduously to cultivate the various arts of peace—while kingdoms and states are torn by faction, and rushing to speedy ruin, by their own intestine broils and dissensions, let it be our object to avoid the rocks on which they have gone to wreck.
As a lover of my country, I cannot conceal the chagrin I experience, in reflecting on the baneful influence, of some of those public institutions, which we are told naturally result out of our confederation: And, I hope to be indulged in making some animadversions; to which liberty every citizen is entitled, upon the principle of that equal right, which our government ensures.
My present intention is not to descend on all the reprehensible measures of this infant government—I shall pass in silence over the Funding System—that first-born and favorite child of a parent high in office; which, however exceptionable in itself, seems not with such glaring evil, as an institution which immediately followed—in whose operations are involved, the interest of every individual of this extensive empire—I mean the National Bank; this, is a subject, of no small importance to the people; especially when we take into consideration all its various consequences.
The fruit of this poisonous plant hath already arrived to a partial maturity—the taste enables us to form a decision. Our merchants and planters already begin to feel, with anguish, the disadvantage of this pernicious institution, and experience the great Madison's prediction in its fullest force; "that it would have an immediate tendency to banish gold and silver from public view." If it stopped here, inconveniency would be the only detriment which the community sustains; but it is a well known fact, that it hath been the means already of draining the states of a great portion of their circulating medium, by enabling the wealthy merchant, who resides within the sphere of its influence, and consequently hath it in his power to avail himself of the advantages of his credit, to amass vast quantities of specie, which hath actually been shipped off to India and elsewhere:—What do we receive in return for this substantial coin, but gewgaws and superfluous articles of luxury? and what does it avail the industrious citizen, altho' the capitals of our merchants are increased, if the necessaries of life are enhanced in proportion? Turn the eye to New-York and Philadelphia, and the fact speaks for itself.
I am sensible that the advocates in favour of banks, assert, that they are calculated to promote commercial intercourse, and to facilitate the collection of the revenue; but does the fact correspond with the theory? Do they reflect that the situation of this country is different from any in Europe? In old commercial and manufacturing countries, banks may be a ready means of facilitating the intercourse between merchant and merchant; but it does not thence follow, that in an agricultural country like this, the same system is beneficial. Among trading people a certain promptitude in all transactions, is necessary and practicable; but will any one say, that in a country where the means of payment are obtained from the earth but once a year, it is possible to introduce the same system of punctuality. The institution of the national bank may facilitate the collection of the revenue; but while other methods may be devised to accomplish this desirable object, I can never assent to a system for a partial convenience only, which affects a whole people in its hurtful consequences—while it is left to the judgment (perhaps to the caprice) of a public officer, or collector, to give a currency to the notes of this or that particular bank, or branches of a bank, by refusing the notes of others, as payment—I cannot but view the whole business as calculated to favor too much the projects of particular speculators. It is too intricate, and too partial in its operations for the general system of a great country; and the necessity which will be urged as a plea for this partiality, is of itself a sufficient evidence that the system is not that extensively useful institution, which it has been heretofore represented.
Does not the economy of this country, the arrangements and interests of its inhabitants, contradict the bare supposition of this system's being eventually productive of general good? I hope the citizens of this part of the state, will discover its absurdity, before they enter upon the futile attempt of introducing similar institutions among ourselves. I have neither leisure nor inclination, to enter into the minutiae of the banking system—I can only regret that the community in general, are too easily led into a scheme which contemplators for its object the interest, only, of a certain description of men—and those perhaps not the most useful members of society."
[From the same paper, of March 22—]
"BEING actuated by the same laudable motives which induced me in my last, to contribute my mite toward the promotion of the public weal, I have again ventured to come forward; under the impression that those observations become more and more applicable to the exigency of the present times.
In my last I exposed a superficial view only of those evils with which the institution of the national bank is fraught. Is it necessary to observe that this system is calculated for the purpose of enabling the stock-holders to monopolize the whole of the importation business? That to this source may be traced the present scarcity of money, and the low rate of exchange? That the contention which exists between the national and state banks, operate to the ruin of many industrious individuals in the trading towns? These things are too obvious to escape the transient view of the most common observer.
It is with no small degree of reluctance; indeed nothing but the regard which I feel for the interest of my fellow citizens, could induce me to probe this sore to the bottom, and point out where the evil lies. Obsta principiis , is a maxim perhaps, not less important in state affairs, than in the healing art. It has become not only the interest, but the duty of every individual of this society, to check the growing evils which have already acquired too much strength and vigour.
That a number of the members, of the most august assembly in the American world, are deeply interested in the concerns of this nefarious institution, is a fact too notorious to be denied. With what rapid and indecent strides does corruption, intrigue and venality advance itself into the very center of this honorable body! We contemplate these iniquities in ancient and wealthy governments with less horror, because we have been accustomed to see depravity of mind keep equal pace with the augmentation of riches, and grandeur of a people: But the honest mind recoils at the idea of our surfeiting in vices already, a country whose inhabitants could boast of their wealth, luxury and degeneracy of manners, before even the existence of a western world was known.
Why should we conceal the causes, which conspire to counteract the noble efforts lately made by a disinterested and patriotic member of the house, from Virginia, to correct the abuses which had crept into an important department of state? What, but the undue influence which, interest gives, could have secured that disgraceful majority, which appeared in this case? We are not surprised to see the patriotic Fox in the minority of the British house of Commons, in the late question respecting war or peace. The minister is supplied abundantly with the means of securing
to himself a majority; but in this infant & indigent country, it will be a matter of astonishment to the whole world, how the Secretary of the Treasury could effect his purpose. Will any one doubt that it reflects more honour on Mr. Fox, to be found in the minority of a venal house, than in the majority. The application here reflects the highest honor, in my opinion, on the gentleman alluded to above. We have occasion to felicitate ourselves at the idea of being represented by one who hath kept himself uncontaminated by the stock-jobbing trade, in the midst of temptation by one who possesses patriotic intrepidity enough to oppose himself, for the good of his country, to the united torrent of intrigue, interest and corruption. And we can also rejoice, that such worthy exertions met with such worthy support—although unsuccessful, he yielded with the virtuous Madison. If the mere assertion of a gentleman from the eastward, branding the investigation with the epithets of unprofitable and frivolous, were to have weight, the risque of personal degradation would be incurred, by all those who shall hereafter step forth in the glorious attempt of defending the injured rights of that community, who has reposed confidence in one of her virtuous sons.
Can any subject be of so much moment to a free people, as the proper administration of their government—as the exact execution of its laws? Can their representatives devote their time to any purpose so profitable and important, (if they mean faithfully to serve the interest of the people) as enquiring into the conduct of their public officers? Better is it that "the alarm should be founded" hundreds of times without foundation, than that one offender against the sacred privileges of the nation, should escape unpunished. It is to such watchful guardians only, that a great people should depute their concerns, and Virginia will in some future day have cause to rejoice in the patriotic ardour of her sons. An intelligent and enlightened people are not to be frightened by sounds, and will not have cause for despondency because the interests of a few speculators are injured.
I should be sorry to find that our excellent constitution was falling short of the expectations of its first framers—this great and elegant fabric confers immortal credit on its founders. It is to be lamented that so many evils have in so short a space of time crept in; however they are all to be attributed to deviations from the first principles—I shall ever venerate and honor these fathers of our country. It is with pleasure, I find the most celebrated among them, have uniformly opposed the introduction of schemes which are neither necessary, nor authorized by the original spirit of the new government; and every one must reflect, that no specious pretext can extenuate the crime of such innovations, because the bare precedent, when once admitted, portends in its consequences, nothing less than sapping the very foundation of that precious liberty, which America earned by the effusion of her best blood, in the hard fought field. I would not be thought to bear any personal animosity toward the officer placed at the head of the treasury—his exertions appear to have been devoted to the supposed interests of this country; but with all his great talents, we have reason to apprehend that deviations have taken place, and systems been introduced, which are fraught with impending evils to the nation; and therefore, while we can see and feel their ill effects, let us not blindly acquiesce in our own wrong."
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
Thursday, the 28th of February, 1793.
ON a motion made and seconded, that the house do come to the following RESOLUTIONS:
Resolved, That it is essential to the due administration of the government of the United States, that laws, making specific appropriations of monies, should be strictly observed by the administrator of the finances thereof.
Resolved, That the violation of a law, making appropriations of monies, is a violation of that article of the constitution of the United States, which requires, that no monies shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury has violated the law passed the 4th of August 1790, making appropriations of certain monies authorized to be borrowed by the same law, in the following particulars, to wit—
1st. By applying a certain portion of the principal borrowed, to the payment of the interest falling due upon that principal, which was not authorized by that, or any other law.
2dly. By drawing part of the same monies into the United States, without the instructions of the President of the United States.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury has deviated from the instructions given by the President of the United States, in executing the authorities for making

loans, under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August, 1790.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury has omitted to discharge an essential duty of his office, in failing to give Congress official information, in due time, of the monies drawn by him, from Europe, into the United States; which drawing commenced December 1790, and continued till January 1793, and of the causes of making such drafts.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury, has, without the instructions of the President of the United States, drawn more monies, borrowed in Holland, into the United States, than the President of the United States was authorized to draw, under the act of the 12th of August 1790, which act appropriated two millions of dollars only, when borrowed, to the purchase of the public debt; and that he has omitted to discharge an essential duty of his office, in failing to give official information to the Commissioners for purchasing the public debt, of the various sums drawn, from time to time, suggested by him to have been intended for the purchase of the public debt.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury did not consult the public interest, in negotiating a loan with the Bank of the United States, and drawing therefrom four hundred thousand dollars, at five per centum per annum, when a greater sum of public money was deposited in various banks, at the respective periods of making the respective drafts.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury has been guilty of an indecorum to this house, in undertaking to judge of its motives in calling for information, which was demandable of him, from the constitution of his office, and in failing to give all the necessary information within his knowledge, relatively to the subjects of reference made to him, of the 19th of January 1792, and of the 22d of November 1792, during the present session.
Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be transmitted to the President of the United States.
Ordered, That the first, second, and last of the resolutions contained in the said motion, do lie on the table.
Ordered, That the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth resolutions contained in the said motion, be committed to a committee of the whole house immediately.
The house, accordingly, resolved itself into the said committee, and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Muhlenberg reported, that the committee had, according to order, had the said resolutions under consideration, and made some progress therein.
Resolved, That this house will, to-morrow again resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, on the said resolutions.
FRIDAY, the 1st of March, 1793.
The house, according to the order of the day, again resolved itself into a committee of the whole house, on the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth resolutions contained in the motion of yesterday, respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Muhlenberg reported that the committee had, according to order, again had the said resolutions under consideration, and made a farther progress therein.
Resolved, That this house will, to day, again resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, on the said resolutions.
Seven o'clock P. M. Friday the 1st of March.
The house, according to the order of the day, again resolved itself into a committee of the whole house, on the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth resolutions contained in the motion of Thursday last, respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Muhlenberg reported, that the committee had, according to order, again had the said resolutions under consideration, and directed him to report to the House their disagreement to the same.
The House proceeded to consider the said resolutions and report: whereupon
A motion was made, and the question being put, That the House do agree with the Committee of the whole House, in their disagreement to the third resolution, in the words following:
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury has violated the law passed the fourth of August 1790, making appropriations of certain monies authorized to be borrowed by the same law, in the following particulars, to wit—
1st. By applying a certain portion of the principal borrowed, to the payment of the interest falling due upon that principal, which was not authorized by that, or any other law.
2dly. By drawing part of the same monies into the United States, without the instructions of the President of the United States.
It was resolved in the affirmative—Yeas 40—Nays 12.
The yeas and nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present.
Those who voted in the affirmative, are, Fisher Ames, Robert Barnwell, Egbert Benson, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas Fitzsimons, Elbridge Gerry, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, Christopher Greenup, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Philip Key, Aaron Kitchell, John Lawrence, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, George Leonard, Samuel Livermore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, Nathaniel Niles, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Israel Smith, William Smith, John Steele, Samuel Sterret, Jonathan Sturges, George Thatcher, Thomas Tudor Tucker, Artemas Ward, Hugh Williamson and Francis Willis.
Those who voted in the negative, are, John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, William Findley, William B. Giles, Andrew Gregg, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, John Francis Mercer, Andrew Moore, Alexander D. Orr, John Page, and Josiah Parker.
[The remainder in our next.]
PHILADELPHIA.
APRIL 3.
The President of the United States, left this city on Tuesday the 26th ultimo—to visit his estate at Mount Vernon in Virginia.—We are informed that he took a northern route, for the purpose of viewing the progress of the canals, which have been lately undertaken in this state, to unite the waters of Delaware, Schuylkill and Susquehanna. The President will return in the course of the month of May next.
The following is a complete return of Representatives in Congress from the state of N. Carolina, named in the numerical order of ten districts—Col. Joseph McDowell, Gen. Matthew Lock, Col. Joseph Winston, Gen. Alexander Mebane, Nathaniel Macon, Esq.—Col. James Gillespie, William Barry Grove, Esq. William Johnston, Dawson Esq.—Col. Thomas Blount, Col. Benjamin Williams.
The following gentlemen are elected Representatives in Congress from the state of Virginia—James Madison, William B. Giles, Samuel Griffin, Josiah Parker, John Page, Andrew Moore, Abraham Venable, Richard B. Lee, Robert Rutherford, Carter B. Harrison, John Nicholas, Anthony New, John Heath, George Hancock, Francis Walker, Francis Preston, Matthew Clay. There are two other districts in Virginia from which no returns are yet received.
By a letter from Jamaica, addressed to the printer of the New-York Daily Gazette, it appears that a most cruel murder took place on board the ship Wasp (of Bristol) a day or two before her arrival at Montego Bay from the coast of Africa. It appears there was a combination on board encouraged by the captain, Robert Jones, against the unfortunate sufferer, Thomas Hedges, doctor of the ship, which ended in forcing him overboard after having beaten him with hand spikes, &c. put out one his eyes, and used him otherwise in a most inhuman manner.—What is remarkable, altho' a number of the crew were discharged at Montego Bay, not a single item of the murder transpired till after the ship had cleared out and sailed. The whole was then discovered and sworn to by one of the crew, in consequence of which a light sloop was dispatched after the ship, as the captain had given out that it was his intention to touch at the Grand Caymanas on his passage home to Bristol—N.B. The ship arrived at Montego Bay the 20th of January and sailed the 23d of February.
Extract of a letter from the westward.
"I know not whether the appearance of reform in England and Scotland are to be considered as favourable to liberty. I should have liked better to find Mr. Pitt continue in the pride of his power till the people themselves burst their shackles. I fear if the reform is to come from government it will be like the amendments of the federal constitution—a tub to the whale. It may be otherwise, and will doubtless be a more peaceable way, but it is still building on a bad foundation.
"I like the spirit from which the present fashionable address of citizen proceeds: but, like a new cut in cloaths, I cannot help thinking there is a little affectation in it. This feeling a little time will remove, especially as the appellation is of an endearing nature—I should like better to have the name only. As you know fashions take some time to arrive here from the metropolis, I must take a little time to reconcile myself to it; and get others here to keep me in countenance." For this once you will therefore excuse me, and not think me an aristocrat if on the outside I retain the former appellation.
English advices as late as the 10th of February, mention nothing of a declaration of war, either on the part of the French or England.
The Schoener President left St. Eustatius on the 12th ult. and Martinique the 10th. The Captain informs, that intelligence had reached those islands of the execution of the unfortunate Louis; but nothing further was known as to the fate of his family. War, it was expected, would soon break out, but no accounts of its being actually declared had been received.
The following particulars relative to the death of Louis XVth are from a St. Eustatius paper of March 8th.
On Sunday night he visited his family for the last time, and after spending some time with them he returned to his own apartment and supped as usual; he slept tolerably well that night, and arose about 7 o'clock on Monday morning, when after some time spent in private devotion with his confessor, he informed the officer he was ready; the carriage being sent for, he, with his confessor and the officer appointed to attend him, went in, and proceeded to the place of execution, guarded by a party of the National Guards? when they arrived there he ascended the scaffold with great firmness; as soon as he got up the executioner cut off his hair, at which he shewed some emotion, but soon recovering himself he advanced to the front of the scaffold where he addressed the populace in the following manner:
FRENCHMEN,
I die innocent; it is from the scaffold in the presence of Almighty God I tell you so. I forgive my enemies and hope
Here a confused cry of GRACE GRACE was heard from the people around the scaffold; on which he was stopped and hurried to the block, where his head was severed from his body at one stroke; the executioner carried it twice round the scaffold, and then, with the body, it was thrown into a basket and conveyed to Magdalen where a grave was prepared with some quick lime in it.
The blood which flowed from Louis XVI was gathered up, by some in paper, and by others in white handkerchiefs, and this was done by persons who had not the air of attaching a political superstition to it—two young men of good appearance were particularly noticed—one of them who was a foreigner and had the appearance of an Englishman, gave 15 livres to a child and requested it to sleep a very handsome white handkerchief in the tracks of blood that remained—the other young man seemed to have much at heart the obtaining the ribband which tied the queue, and some of the hair of Louis, for which he paid a Louis d'Or.
The national convention consists of 740 members, 737 of whom were present at the last debate respecting the king, and upon its being put to the vote whether he should suffer death, six hundred and ninety three gave their voices in the affirmative; and one of this number was Phillipe Egalite, the ci-devant Duke of Orleans, and cousin german of the King.
The King made three requests to the National Convention after his condemnation namely, that he should be allowed a fight of his family for the purpose of taking a final adieu; that he should be buried in the Cathedral church of Sens, by the side of his fathers; and a respite of his sentence for three days, in order to prepare himself for eternity—The first was granted—the two last were rejected.
Extract of a letter from Columbia, Western Territory, to a gentleman in this city.
"As young as this place is, there is a remarkable thirst and taste for learning in it. We have already an Academy here, under the joint care of two gentlemen of abilities, in which the English, Latin, and Greek language, the Mathematics, and various branches of the arts and sciences are taught. Perhaps you will think it incredible, when I assure you that in this academy, at the aforesaid different branches of learning, there are already sixty scholars. There is another Latin and Greek school at Cincinnati, six miles below this.—Thus does the wilderness begin to blossom as a rose."
Extract of a letter from the Western Territory dated Feb. 7, 1793, to a gentleman in this city.
"I have taken the liberty to enclose you the copy of a commission from the honorable Winthrop Sargent, Secretary of the territory of the United States, northwest of the river Ohio, now vested with all the powers of the Governor, to the persons therein named, with their resignations.—As it is a matter nearly connected with the liberty of the citizens of the United States, I should be glad you would procure them a place in one of the public papers."
By the honorable Winthrop Sargent, Secretary in and for the territory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, and now vested with all the powers of the governor and commander in chief thereof.
(Territorial Seal) To all persons who shall see these presents, Greeting:
KNOW YE, That we have authorized and empowered William Goforth, William Wells, William M'Millin, John S. Gano, and Aaron Cadwell, Esquires, judges of the county court of common pleas, for the county of Hamilton, during our pleasure: and do by these presents authorize and empower the said William Goforth, William Wells, William M'Millin, John S. Gano, and Aaron Cadwell, or a majority of them, to hold and keep a court of record in the said county, to be styled the county court of common pleas—and therein to hold pleas of alizes, fieri facias, replevins, and hear and determine all manner of pleas, actions, suits and causes of a civil nature, real, personal and mixed, according to the constitution and laws of the territory.
IN testimony whereof we have caused our public seal to be hereunto affixed. Witness, Winthrop Sargent, Esq. Secretary, representing the governor and commander in chief.
Dated at Cincinnati, the 5th of February, Anno Domini one thousand seven hundred and ninety three, and of the independence of the United States of America the seventeenth.
(Signed) WINTHROP SARGENT.
Territory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, { Cincinnati Feb. 5 1793 Hamilton county.
To the honorable Winthrop Sargent, Esq. first executive officer of the aforesaid territory.
SIR, IT is known to your honor that in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine, his excellency Arthur St. Clair, was pleased to honor his with a commission for holding a court of common pleas in the county aforesaid—which commission we chose to accept, and have acted under the same from that time to the present moment—during which time we are not sensible of any lack whereby it became forfeited, or that it expired.
We are again honoured with your commission for holding the same court; in which the names of John S. Gano, and Aaron Cadwell, Esqrs. are included.
We should be exceedingly well suited in their appointment, would they accept, could it be done on principles compatible with the general interest of the community.
We, on our part, are not fond of innovations, and are averse to multiplying oaths.—Were we to act under the late commission, in concert with the above named gentlemen, we must submit to a repetition of the oath of allegiance and of office, without any apparent necessity.
But for a moment admitting it was necessary that we should be re-appointed to that office, we could not stoop to the indignity of holding offices, the tenor of which is during pleasure. We could not so far betray the rights of our fellow citizens, as to set a precedent which might subject the important trust of judges of the common pleas to the whim or caprice of any one individual.
We have not yet forgotten, that this was matter of complaint against the administration of the Colonial government, at the commencement of the late glorious contest with G. Britain.
In the articles of independence, ratified on the memorable 4th of July, 1776, we find the following clause inserted—"He has made judges dependent on his will alone," for the tenure of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries.
That judges should be independent of the executive, is expressly guarded by the constitution of the general government, and is a right we never can relinquish. In acquiescence with the aforesaid gentlemen, we here send you enclosed that commission which your honour has been pleased to offer to their and our acceptance; we consider ourselves bound by and qualified to act under the former, and shall demean ourselves accordingly.
Sir, with great regard your most obedient, and very humble servants, WILLIAM GOFORTH. WILLIAM WELLS. WILLIAM M'MILLIN.
John S. Gano and Aaron Cadwell, Esqrs. made similar resignations at the same time.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock Type, Price. Includes Six Per Cents (18/5), Three Per Cents (10/6), Deferred (11/4), Bank of the United States (16 pr. c.), B. N. America (12 do.).
WAS LOST,
YESTERDAY on the York road, betwixt Philadelphia and the Crooked-Billet, a BOND, from Isaac Lewis, to the subscriber, for the sum of two hundred pounds, payable the first of April 1793.—Any person finding the same, and delivering it to John Moore, Esq. Jenkintown, William M'Call, Abingdon, Thomas Hough, at the Crooked-Billet, or to the subscriber, shall be handsomely rewarded.
JOSEPH HART. April 2, 1793.

Mr. BRISOT's Speech in the National Assembly of France, on August 8, 1792, in support of the accusation of M. de la Fayette.
[From the following speech the reader will be enabled to take a comprehensive view of the grounds and reasons for the national proscription of this officer.]
THE famous Lord Mansfield said to the jury, who sat upon the trial between the Duke of Cumberland, the king's brother, and Lord Grosvenor: "Gentlemen, suppose in the present case that you have to judge between A. and B; forget the prince; see only the individual and the fact."
I shall address you, gentlemen, in the same style. The General whom you have to judge occupies an eminent post, enjoys a high reputation, has many friends; on the other hand, his enemies are numerous; violent accusations are preferred against him. You are the representatives of the people, and on the present occasion, a jury of accusation, and consequently ought to be impartial. Hatred and favour ought alike to be strangers to your breasts. Hate the crime, but forget the man; hate the crime, punish the man; but first take care to verify the crime with the most scrupulous exactness. This is the duty of every one, and I am going to fulfill mine religiously. Two motives prompt me to this: the remembrance of a former friendship, and the dangers of my country. Amongst all the misfortunes attending on revolutions, there cannot be a greater than that of being obliged to condemn an old friend. I experience it to-day. I have seen Mr. La Fayette attached to the most rigid principles: I cherished him then; I hoped he would display all his efforts in their defence: a thousand times have I conjured him to do it! An infernal coalition has poisoned his mind, and robbed him of his principles, and with them his glory. I have endeavoured, with other friends, to save him from their machinations; he has rejected all my counsels, and I renounce his friendship: he is no longer any thing to me.—The inflexibility I recommend to you, and which ought to be the characteristic of a jury of accusation, I shall myself observe. Is it in the moment when the enemy is upon our frontiers, when our country is in danger, that we ought, that we can, give way to trifling passions, to spiteful retaliations? Dishonor to the wretch who sees nothing in this cause but an enemy to punish, but a party to ridicule! to those who, substituting declamation to argument, and panegyric to the fair and honest means of justification, would possess you with their selfish principles, when the question before you, is at once to revenge and to save the constitution!
How desirable would it be, if we could defer our domestic quarrels 'till our foreign enemies were defeated! But the fatal letter of the 16th of June has been the apple of discord thrown into this assembly; it has been the signal of an intestine war, which it will be difficult to extinguish, because it has awakened animosities that a true patriotism had laid asleep. The authors, the counsellors of this letter, these are the authors of our dissensions, of which the effects are not to be calculated. These are the real enemies of Mr. La Fayette as well as of the National Assembly; and yet these are they who now demand a judgment, and with an arrogance too against which generosity revolts, but which cannot influence the dictates of justice.—Yes, gentlemen, we ought to judge, but without passion; we have nothing to consult but the facts and the law.
What is the crime of Mr. La Fayette? I shall not accuse him of being in concert with the Austrians: I cannot, however, deny myself one reflection. If a General had secretly planned the disgrace of the French armies & the success of the Austrians, what line of conduct would he have pursued? He would have taken good care not to enter Brabant, though it offered every circumstance proper to facilitate an invasion, and though it was guarded but by a handful of troops; he would have attempted nothing, but have staid in his intrenchments; he would, at most, have extended his operations to a few pitiful skirmishes, and would have placed a camp in his front, undefended, and an easy prey to the enemy; he would have continued this camp in spite of the remonstrances of an experienced General; he would have suffered his advanced-guard to engage; he would then have exaggerated the strength of the enemy, though far inferior to that of his own; he would have inveighed against the Brabaneons, because they were such fools as not to revolt before they had any hopes of protection. He would have seconded but feebly, the generals his colleagues; he would have counselled them to abandon the offensive system, and with it their conquests; he would have led his troops a useless dance expressly to fatigue them, and to expose our frontiers the while to the ravages of the enemy. He would have quitted his army in the hour of danger under the most frivolous pretences; he would have gone into cantonments at the moment when he ought to present to the enemy a formidable camp; in a word, he would have employed in camp-manceuvres, useless marches, intrigues and petitions, the precautions part of the campaign, in order to give the reinforcements of the enemy time to arrive.—This, gentlemen, would have been the conduct of a general, if his only aim had been to favour the Austrians. Compare then this picture with the brilliant exploits of Mr. La Fayette, before which Mr. Bureau-Pusy pretends to prostrate himself; for he is not such a novice as to be an idolater in good earnest. I do not affirm that the General was in concert with the Austrians, for, it seems, nothing short of written proof will suffice, and I have none. But you who require these proofs, confess, at least, that the friend of the Austrians could not have acted otherwise. Confess that here has been the most profound incapacity or the blackest perfidy.
experienced General; he would have suffered his advanced-guard to engage; he would then have exaggerated the strength of the enemy, though far inferior to that of his own; he would have inveighed against the Brabaneons, because they were such fools as not to revolt before they had any hopes of protection. He would have seconded but feebly, the generals his colleagues; he would have counselled them to abandon the offensive system, and with it their conquests; he would have led his troops a useless dance expressly to fatigue them, and to expose our frontiers the while to the ravages of the enemy. He would have quitted his army in the hour of danger under the most frivolous pretences; he would have gone into cantonments at the moment when he ought to present to the enemy a formidable camp; in a word, he would have employed in camp-manceuvres, useless marches, intrigues and petitions, the precautions part of the campaign, in order to give the reinforcements of the enemy time to arrive.—This, gentlemen, would have been the conduct of a general, if his only aim had been to favour the Austrians. Compare then this picture with the brilliant exploits of Mr. La Fayette, before which Mr. Bureau-Pusy pretends to prostrate himself; for he is not such a novice as to be an idolater in good earnest. I do not affirm that the General was in concert with the Austrians, for, it seems, nothing short of written proof will suffice, and I have none. But you who require these proofs, confess, at least, that the friend of the Austrians could not have acted otherwise. Confess that here has been the most profound incapacity or the blackest perfidy.
In the year 1756, a court-martial declared that Admiral Byng had neglected his duty, and in consequence of that declaration he was sentenced to death, according to the English military code, which punishes with death the General who shall neglect his duty, whether it be by negligence, cowardice, or perfidy. This law may perhaps be too rigorous for the commonalty of men; WASHINGTON, however, would not have refused to be judged by it; and if it were to decide the fate of his disciple he would soon be no more. But, gentlemen, it is not under this point of view that I shall examine the misdemeanors of Mr. La Fayette; they are not military faults that I accuse of, but political crimes, wicked attempts against our constitution and our liberty.
I accuse him of having made an ill use of his authority, and of the forces the nation had committed to his charge; of having exposed the safety of the state, and of violating the constitution.
Certainly no one will say that these things are not crimes; for besides, the articles of the constitution on this subject, if you open the penal code, part I. sect 2. you will there read, "Every conspiracy to hinder, by force, the deliberations of the legislative authorities, shall be punished with death."
Another: "Every conspiracy tending to trouble the public tranquility, by a civil war, in arming the citizens against one another, or against any of the legal authorities, shall be punished with death."
Again: "Every public officer who by the abuse of his authority, shall, under any pretence whatever, engage the citizens to disobey any legal authority, shall be punished with six years imprisonment."
Now, gentlemen, you will find the greatest part of those crimes in the letters and proceedings of Mr. La Fayette.—All the facts have a tendency to the same end. Mr. La Fayette was determined let it cost what it would, to be the Moderator of France. This is his favorite passion, here we find the key to all his conduct; and Mr. Tonne has very ingeniously applied it to the recent as well as to the former events in which the general has been a conspicuous character.—
his explains the history of the 5th and 6th of October, and his persecution of the Orleans faction, to which he alone had given existence: his resignation on the affair of the famous 18th of April and his coalition with men whom he detested: his double dealing upon the king's escape to Varennes, and his appearance amongst the Jacobins, whom he has since persecuted. If at present, gentlemen, Mr. La Fayette wishes their destruction, * So called, because they met at first in a Dominican convent at Paris; the Dominicans being also called Jacobins.
tion, it is not because the Jacobins really appear criminal in his eyes, but because their hundred thousand lights expose too clearly his traitorous projects; but because they will not second his views for the Dictatorship. If he quits his camp, it is because he would rather command at Paris than watch the motions of the Austrians, who besides do not seem to be very seriously at war with him. If he affects so tender a compassion for the king, and such a violent indignation at the events of the 20th of June, it is not because he was so scandalized at the red cap or so passionately fond of kings; but to further his designs, it was necessary he should have the air of being the protector of the king, and have a pretext for drawing his army towards the capital, that he might there act the part of a Dictator.
But, say they, you cannot condemn without a positive law; and there exists no law that condemns a man for endeavouring to become the dictator or the moderator of France. Is a positive law then necessary to punish parricide? and can there be parricide of a blacker dye than that of attempting to crush our liberty for ever by a dictator? but, allowing this law not to exist, at least it will be granted me that it is criminal, 1st, To expose the safety of the state; 2dly, To violate the constitution; 3dly, To attempt, by menaces, to cramp the deliberations of the legislative body; 4thly, To try to debase the legislature; 5thly, To endeavour to excite a civil war.
Well then! Mr. La Fayette has committed all these crimes. Much has already been developed, and I shall not repeat what has been sufficiently dwelt upon. I shall particularly apply myself to the answering of Mr. Dumolard, and in so doing I shall look upon myself as having answered the other orators on that side of the question. I throw entirely aside (and without doubt the Assembly will thank me for it) that part of the pleading of Mr. Dumolard, in which he eternally substitutes to facts, which he has not, thread-bare declamation foreign to the discussion. I shall take no notice of his dissertations on the people, which he respects in the mass, because that mass is no where. I shall take no notice of the abuse he so liberally bestows on the factious, who are wicked enough to regard Mr. La Fayette as the chief of a faction, when he boasts of being the organ of the honest people † and of his army; on the journalists whom he slanders in answering to their calumny. I shall take no notice of his indignation (which every body shares) at the parallel between Cæsar and Mr. La Fayette; of his incredulity (which every one does not share with the civil list) upon the Austrian committee ‡ on his profound theory on the libels which offend him in supposing him to be a man of much professional practice; or of his panegyric on Mr. La Fayette, which speaks him as little acquainted with the American revolution as with that of Rome; for Cæsar has no where boasted of a scratch, nor were the whole of his exploits a prudent retreat. But I shall enter at once into the facts, and the objections.
Mr. Dumolard denies that General La Fayette exposed the safety of the state in quitting his army; but gentlemen, when this army was in the face of the enemy, when it was in continual expectation of an attack, when every instant might offer the general an opportunity of profiting by the errors of the Austrians, when Marshal Luckner was in the same situation, when by assisting him in the taking of two or three more towns the insurrection in Brabant might have been completed: surely to abandon the army at a time like this was a horrid treason. Will Mr. La Fayette say there was nothing to fear? That may be, gentlemen, if the war were not in earnest, but if it were, was there nothing to hope for, nothing to be attempted against the Austrians? Was not every day, every moment precious, before the Austrians were reinforced? For, gentlemen, the twenty five thousand Austrians of Maulde, whom Mr. Bureau-Pusy has told you of, may be very convenient for explaining this inaction; but it would be very difficult to prove their existence.
* Mr. Dumolard was a lawyer.
† The term usually made use of at present in France when one would say, THE MODERATE.
[To be Continued.]
Just come to Hand, from Pittsburgh, and to be Sold by JOHN McCulloch, No. 1, North Third-street. MODERN CHIVALRY: CONTAINING THE Adventures of Capt. F. IARRACO, AND TEAGUE O'REGAN, his servant, VOL. III. BY H. H. BRACKENRIDGE, Esq.
J. McCulloch Has also for Sale. Spratt's 8 vols. Godwin's History of animated Nature, 8 vols. Blackstone's Commentaries, 4 vols. Smith's Wealth of Nations, 3 vols. Moore's Travels, 2 vols. Brydone's Tour, through Sicily and Malta. Montagu's Travels. Rights of Women, by Mary Wollstonecraft. Seneca's Morals. Junius' Letters. Knox's Essays, 2 vols. Peter Pindar, 2 vols. Cullen's Practice of Physic, 3 vols. Humphries' Works. Zimmerman on Solitude. Preceptor, 2 vols. Evelina, 2 vols. Eddystone's Select Sermons. Anderson's Sermons on Faith. The Child's Instructor; being a Speaking Book on a new Plan: By a Teacher in Philadelphia. The Mocking-Bird: a Collection of Songs, a number of which are set to Music. The American Letter-Writer. Fairy Tales, &c. IN THE PRESS, A Collection of Church Music and Anthems; to contain 200 Octavo Pages.
I Have claims to about two hundred and fifty thousand acres of LAND in the state of Kentucky, in different parts of that country, some of which I know to be equal to any; all of which I am inclined to dispose of, either by entire sale, or by admitting one, or two partners, to whom the agency on the whole will be committed. One fourth of the contract will be required in hand, either in cash, merchandise, or such assets as may be converted to active use, the residue may be apportioned in convenient instalments. The purchasers to give security, on the land, or otherwise, as suits them. Knowing that there is a prejudice against the titles of land in that state, which is more general than just, I am willing to stipulate in the contract, that a discount, or deduction, shall be made, where any land may be lost, by reason of a defective title. Any person inclining to such a purchase, is requested to write to me by post, in answer to whom, more particular information will be given. HENRY BANKS. Richmond March 20, 1793. 22 w.f.
PHILADELPHIA, January 12, 1793. MATHEW CAREY Respectfully informs the Citizens of the United States, that the Maps for his intended edition of Guthrie's Geography IMPROVED, Are now engraving—and as soon as a sufficient number of them are finished, to secure a regular supply during the publication, which will probably be early next Spring, the work will be put to press. He returns his acknowledgments to the very respectable number of subscribers, who have come forward thus early to patronize this arduous undertaking. He assures them and the public in general, that no pains or expence shall be spared in the execution of the work. Terms of the Work: I. IT shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper. II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper. Besides the maps in the British Edition, this work will contain nine or ten American States Maps. III. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery. No advance required. IV. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid. V. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed to patrons of the undertaking. * * Subscriptions received in Philadelphia by the intended publisher; in New-York, by all the booksellers; in New-Haven, by Mr. Beers; in Hartford, by Mr. Parton; in Boston, by Messrs. Thomas and Andrews, and by Mr. West; in Baltimore, by Mr. Rice; in Richmond, by Mr. J. Carey; in Charleston, by Mr. W. P. Young, and by sundry other persons throughout the United States. t.f. 22.w.
A FEW COPIES OF THE TRANSACTIONS Of the Society instituted in the State of New-York, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANUFACTURES, May be had at this Office. [Price HALF A DOLLAR.] Jan. 5.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 200, HIGH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.