National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-03-22 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, MARCH 22, 1792.
NUMB. 42.
Treasury Department, March 16, 1792.
THE Secretary of the Treasury, pursuant to a Resolution of the House of Representatives of the 8th instant, directing the said Secretary to report to the House his opinion of the best mode of raising the additional supplies requisite for the ensuing year, respectfully submits the following
REPORT.
THE sum which is estimated to be necessary for carrying into effect the purposes of the act for making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States beyond the provision made by the act making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1792 is, - Dollars 675,950.8
The returns which have been received at the Treasury subsequent to the Secretary's report of the 23d of January last, among which are those of some principal ports, afford satisfactory ground of assurance, that the quarter ending the last of December was considerably more productive than it was supposed likely to prove; authorizing a reliance that the revenues to the end of the year 1791 will yield a surplus of 150,000 dollars—which may be applied in part of the sum of 675,950 dollars and eight cents above stated to be necessary.
Provision remains to be made for the residue of this sum, namely, 525,950 Dollars and 8 cents.
Three expedients occur to the option of the government for providing this sum.
One, to dispose of the interest, to which the United States are entitled in the Bank of the United States. This, at the present market price of Bank stock, would yield a clear gain to the government much more than adequate to the sum required.
Another, to borrow the money upon an establishment of funds, either merely commensurate with the interest to be paid, or affording a surplus which will discharge the principal by installments within a short term.
The third is to raise the amount by taxes.
The first of these three expedients appears to the Secretary altogether inadvisable.
First.—It is his present opinion, that it will be found, in various respects, permanently the interest of the United States to retain the interest to which they are entitled in the Bank. But
Secondly.—If this opinion should not be well founded, it would be improvident to dispose of it at the present juncture—since upon a comprehensive view of the subject, it can hardly admit of a doubt, that its future value, at a period not very distant, will be considerably greater than its present—while the government will enjoy the benefit of whatever dividends shall be declared in the interval. And
Thirdly.—Whether it shall be deemed proper to retain or dispose of this interest, the most useful application of the proceeds will be as a fund for extinguishing the public debt. A necessity of applying it to any different object, if it should be found to exist, would be matter of serious regret.
The second expedient would, in the judgment of the Secretary, be preferable to the first.
For this the following reason, if there were no other, is presumed to be conclusive:—namely, that the probable increase of the value of the stock may itself be estimated as a considerable, if not a sufficient fund, for the repayment of the sum which might be borrowed.
If the measure of a loan should be thought eligible, it is submitted as most advisable to accompany it with a provision, sufficient not only to pay the interest, but to discharge the principal
within a short period. This will, at least, mitigate the inconvenience of making an addition to the public debt.
But the result of mature reflection is, in the mind of the Secretary, a strong conviction, that the last of the three expedients, which have been mentioned, is to be preferred to either of the other two.
Nothing can more interest the national credit and prosperity, than a constant and systematic attention to husband all the means previously possessed for extinguishing the present debt, and to avoid, as much as possible, the incurring of any new debt.
Necessity alone therefore can justify the application of any of the public property, other than the annual revenues, to the current service, or the temporary and casual exigencies of the country—or the contracting of an additional debt, by loans, to provide for those exigencies.
Great emergencies indeed might exist in which loans would be indispensable. But the occasions which will justify them must be truly of that description.
The present is not of such a nature. The sum to be provided is not of magnitude enough to furnish the plea of necessity.
Taxes are never welcome to a community. They seldom fail to excite uneasy sensations more or less extensive; hence a too strong propensity, in the governments of nations, to anticipate and mortgage the resources of posterity, rather than encounter the inconveniences of a present increase of taxes.
But this policy, when not dictated by very peculiar circumstances, is of the worst kind. Its obvious tendency is, by enhancing the permanent burdens of the people, to produce lasting distress, and its natural issue is in national bankruptcy.
It will be happy, if the councils of this country, sanctioned by the voice of an enlightened community, shall be able to pursue a different course.
Yielding to this impression, the Secretary proceeds to state for the consideration of the House the objects, which have occurred to him as most proper to be resorted to, for raising the requisite sum by taxes.
From the most careful view, which he is able to take of all the circumstances, that at the present juncture naturally enter into consideration, he is led to conclude, that the most eligible mode, in which the necessary provision can at this time be made, is by some additional duties on imported articles.
This conclusion is made with reluctance, for reasons which were noticed upon a former occasion, and from the reflection, that frequent and unexpected alterations in the rates of duties, on the objects of trade, by inducing uncertainty in mercantile speculations and calculations, are really injurious to commerce and hurtful to the interests of those who carry it on.
The stability of the duties to be paid by the merchants, is in fact of more consequence to them than their quantum; if within reasonable bounds.
It were therefore much to have been wished, that so early a resort to new demands on that class of citizens could have been avoided, and especially that they could have been deferred, until a general tariff could have been maturely digested, upon principles which might, with propriety render it essentially stationary.
But while there are these motives to regret, there are others of a consoling tendency; some of which indicate, that an augmentation of duties, at the present juncture, may have the effect of lessening some public evils, and producing some public benefits.
It is a pleasing fact, if the information of the Secretary be not very erroneous—that the improved state of the
credit of this country enables our merchants to procure the supplies, which they import from abroad, upon much more cheap, and advantageous terms than heretofore; a circumstance which must alleviate to them the pressure of somewhat higher rates of duty; and may contribute at the same time to reconcile them to burthens, which being connected with an efficacious discharge of the duty of the government, are of a nature to give solidity and permanency to the advantages they enjoy under it.
It is certain, also, that a spirit of manufacturing prevails at this time, in a greater degree, than it has done at any antecedent period; and as far as an increase of duties shall tend to second and aid this spirit, they will serve to promote essentially the industry, the wealth, the strength, the independence and the substantial prosperity of the country.
The returns for a year, ending with the 30th of September last, an abstract of which is in preparation to be communicated to the Legislature, evince a much increased importation, during that year, greater far than can be referred to a naturally increasing demand, from the progress of population, and announce a probability of a more than proportional increase of consumption;
there being no appearance of an extraordinary abundance of goods in the market. If happily an extension of the duties shall operate as a restraint upon excessive consumption, it will be a salutary mean of preserving the community from future embarrassment, public and private. But if this should not be the case, it is at least prudent in the government, to extract from it the resources necessary for current exigencies, rather than postpone the burthen to a period, when that very circumstance may cause it to be more grievously felt.
These different considerations unite with others, which will suggest themselves, to induce, in the present state of things, a preference of taxes on imported articles to any other mode of raising the sum required.
It is therefore respectfully submitted, That the existing duties on the articles hereafter enumerated, be repealed, and that in place of them the following be laid—viz.
W I N E S.
  Madeira of quality of London particular, - per gallon, 56   Ditto London market per ditto 49   Other Madeira wine per ditto 40   Sherry - - per ditto 33   St. Lucar - - per ditto 30   Lisbon - - - per ditto 25   Oporto - - - per ditto 25   Teneriffe and Fayall per ditto 20   All other wines 40 per centum ad valorem. 
S P I R I T S.
  Those distilled wholly or chiefly from grain   Of the first class of proof per ditto 28   Of the second per ditto 29   Of the third ditto per ditto 31   Of the fourth ditto per ditto 34   Of the fifth ditto per ditto 40   Of the sixth ditto per ditto 50 
OTHER DISTILLED SPIRITS.
  Of the second class of proof and under per gallon, 24   Of the third ditto per ditto 27   Of the fourth ditto per ditto 31   Of the fifth ditto per ditto 37   Of the sixth ditto per ditto 45   Beer, ale and porter per gallon 8   Steel - - per cwt. 100   Nails - - per lb. 2   Cocoa - - per ditto 2   Chocolate - - per ditto 3   Playing-cards per pack 25   Shoes and slippers of silk - - - 20 
  Shoes and slippers of stained or coloured leather (other than black) for men and women 10   Ditto ditto for children - 7   All other shoes and slippers (for men and women) clogs and goloshes 10   All other shoes and slippers for children 7 
ARTICLES AD VALOREM.
  China wares 15 per centum ad valorem.   Looking glass, window and other glass, and all manufactures of glass, black quart bottles excepted   Muskets   Pistols   Swords, cutlasses, hangers, and other fire and side arms   Starch   Hair powder   Wafers   Glue   Cast, slit and rolled iron, and generally all manufactures of iron, steel, tin, pewter, copper, brass, or of which either of these metals is the article of chief value (not being otherwise particularly enumerated)   Cabinet wares 10 per cent ad valorem.   Leather tanned and tawed, and all manufactures of leather, or of which leather is the article of chief value (not being otherwise particularly enumerated)   Medicinal drugs, except those commonly used in dying   Hats, caps, and bonnets of every sort   Gloves and mittens   Stockings   Millenary ready made   Artificial flowers, feathers and other ornaments for womens' head dresses   Fans   Dolls, dressed and undressed   Toys   Buttons of every kind 10 per cent ad valorem.   Carpets and carpeting, mats and floor cloths   Sail cloth   Sheathing and cartridge paper   All powders, pastes, balls, balsams, ointments, oils, waters, washes, tinctures, essences, liquors or other preparation or composition, commonly called sweet-scents, odours, perfumes, or cosmetics   All dentifrice, powders, tinctures, preparations or compositions whatsoever for the teeth or gums   Printed books, except those specially imported for a college, academy or other public or incorporated seminary of learning or institution, which shall be wholly exempted from duty 
The foregoing duties to be permanently established, and to be appropriated in the first place to the payment of the interest of the public debt; in the second, to such other grants and appropriations as have been heretofore made; and in the third, to the purposes of the act for making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States.
An addition of two and an half per cent. ad valorem, to be made to the duty on all goods heretofore rated at five per centum ad valorem.
This addition to be temporary, and accordingly to be so established as that it shall not continue longer, than till the present Indian war shall terminate, and the expenses of carrying it on shall have been defrayed, which will of course include the reimbursement of any sums, that may have been borrowed by way of anticipation of the product of the duties.
It is represented that the present duty on salt operates unequally from the considerable difference in weight in (See last page.)

PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, March 17.
Mr. Speaker laid before the House a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, on the petition of the trustees of Wilmington college, and a report from the attorney-general, on the petition of A. Jackson—which were read and ordered to lie on the table—as also another from the Secretary of the Treasury, in obedience to a resolution, passed on the 8th instant, directing him to report to the house the Ways and Means , by which, in his opinion, the additional sums necessary for the public service, ought to be raised.
A motion, laid on the table by Mr. Williamson, on the 6th inst, being called up and agreed to, a committee was pursuant thereto appointed, to bring in a bill to amend the impost law, so far as to permit the landing of salt at certain warehouses belonging to the fisheries, and to provide for an allowance of a drawback of the duties on salt used on provisions exported.
The House then took up for consideration the amendments proposed by the Senate to the re-presentation bill.
The first amendment, by which the Senate propose, without any fixed ratio applicable to the respective number of inhabitants in each of the several states, to increase the representation from 112 members (the number settled by the house, at the ratio of one for every thirty thousand) to 120, by the addition of one member to each of the following states, viz. N. Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, N. Jersey, Delaware, N. Carolina, and S. Carolina—was productive of a warm debate, in which a dissolution of the government was talked of as an event in no very distant perspective, in case the House should, in compliance with the views of the Senate, adopt a mode of apportionment, so arbitrary, and so directly tending to destroy the individuality of the states, and to swallow them all up in a general consolidation.
The question being finally taken on concurring with the Senate, passed in the negative—Yeas 30—Nays 31.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clarke, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Hartly, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittera, Laurence, Learned, Livermore, Niles, Schoonmaker, Sedgwick, J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Sylvester, Thatcher, Tredwell, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward.
NAYS—Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Barnwell, Brown, Findley, Giles, Gregg, Griffith, Groves, Heister, Hillhouse, Huger, Key, Lee, Macon, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Seney, W. Smith, Sterret, Sturges, Sumpter, Tucker, Venable, White, Williamson, Willis.
The other amendments being also disagreed to—Mr. W. Smith moved for the appointment of a committee, to confer with such committee as the Senate might appoint, to consider said amendments. The motion being agreed to, Messrs. Madison, Findley, Baldwin, Hillhouse, and W. Smith, were appointed for that purpose.
A motion was laid on the table for the appointment of a committee, to bring in a bill, to confirm the award of the referees between the United States and Comfort Sands and others.
MONDAY, March 19.
Among a variety of private petitions, which were presented and read, was one from Capt. John M'Pheron, setting forth, that he has discovered an infallible method of ascertaining the longitude to a degree of precision far beyond Mr. Churchman's pretensions; and requesting Congress, for the purpose of enabling him to prove his theory by experiments, will send him out, in the character of a gentleman, on a voyage to France, with proper recommendations to their good ally the king of the French—Ordered to lie on the table.
The petition of Cornelius Cooper, of New-York, praying for a repeal of so much of the impost law, as relates to bristles, and the imposition of an additional duty on the importation of trunks and brushes—was referred to the committee of the whole house on the report from the Secretary of the Treasury on manufactures.
A message from the President of the United States was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, notifying the House, that he had this day approved and signed, "An act declaring the consent of Congress to a certain act of the state of Maryland, and to continue for a longer time, an act declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of the states of Maryland, Georgia, and Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations," as far as the same respects the states of Georgia and Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
A message from the Senate, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, notifying the House, that they had agreed to the proposed conference on the subject of the disagreeing amendments of both houses, to the representative bill, and had, on their part, appointed managers; also, that they insisted on tenets , and had receded from others of their amendments to the bill for the relief of certain widows, orphans, invalids, and other persons; and also that they had passed a bill for the erection of a light-house on Montauk-Point in the state of New-York, to which they requested the concurrence of the House.
Mr. Otis delivered a second message, notifying that the Senate had, with amendments, passed a bill (sent to them from the House) pro-
viding for the settlement of the claims of persons under particular circumstances, barred by the limitations heretofore established.
The order of the day of the Georgia election being called for,
Mr. W. Smith withdrew the motion he had made on Friday last, for transmitting to the executive of Georgia a copy of the resolution respecting Gen. Wayne's election:—and in lieu thereof, proposed one to the following effect:
"Resolved, That the seat of Anthony Wayne, as a member of this house is, and the same is hereby declared to be vacant.—Ordered that the Speaker do transmit a copy of the preceding resolution, and of this order, to the executive of the state of Georgia, to the end, that the said executive may issue writs of election to fill the said vacancy."
Mr. Giles (with the consent of Mr. Smith, who waved his motion for the purpose) moved the following resolution:—
"Resolved That the petitioner, James Jackson, is entitled to a seat in this House, as a member for the lower district of the state of Georgia; and that the right of petitioning against the election of the said J. Jackson, be reserved to all persons, at any time during the term for which he was elected."
A lengthy debate took place, respecting the right of the House to pronounce a decision on Gen. Jackson's election;—and how far the illegality of one part of an election may operate to the invalidation of the whole.
Without taking the question, the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, March 20.
A bill received yesterday from the Senate, for the erection of a light-house on Montauk-Point, in the state of New-York, was twice read, referred to a committee of the whole, and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
The amendments, proposed by the Senate to the bill providing for the settlement of the claims of persons under particular circumstances, barred by the limitations heretofore established—were agreed to, as were also their amendments to the bill for the relief of certain widows, orphans, invalids, and other persons.
A message from the President of the United States was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, stating a deficiency of officers in the military, of the rank of Brigadier-General, and suggesting the propriety of making provision for an encrease of the number.
The order of the day, on the Georgia election, being called for, the following motion was taken up:
"Resolved, that the petitioner, J. Jackson, is entitled to a seat in this House; and that the right of petitioning against the election of said J. Jackson, be reserved to all persons, at any time, during the term for which he may have been elected."
The subject was debated until a late hour, when the House, without coming to a decision, adjourned.
[From the Pittsburg Gazette of the 16th inst.]
ON THE INDIAN RIGHT OF SOIL.
By PHILO BRACKENRIDGE.
ON what is it founded? Having had a foot first on the continent?—Then one Indian might claim the whole—spend his winter in the torrid zone—his summer in one or other of the frigid, and spring and fall in the temperate.—That would be unreasonable. Will two Indians have this right? There must be more than that. Two tribes? It would be too much to take up the whole continent with two tribes. How many must there be to give the right? Just as many as there are. If there were one less, would they have the right? Yes. Two less? Yes. How many might there be less, and the right exist? I cannot tell—nor no one else. There must be some fixed principle on which all right depends. Under the great law of nature, it is a right to as much as is necessary for our subsistence. By pasturage or hunting? No; by agriculture. Because in this way of life most can subsist at the same time.
But men by the municipal laws of society hold more than an equal quantity. What has this to do with the great out-wheel of natural law, which gives the earth to man in common. The municipal law binds as citizens; the law of nations as societies; but the law of nature as men. Say, as the number of inhabitants upon the earth is to its extent, so the right of each individual to his share. God gives a man no more when he dies than space to lie down upon, and how, more in life than to enjoy reasonably? Let the appeal be made to him. Great Spirit; says the Indian, here is a white man that wants some of my land. How much have you? Ten miles square. The tenth of that may serve.—To hunt upon? No; but to plant corn, raise hogs, and live like a man. But did not you give me all this? I have given none of you more than another. There is the earth, and the dividing of a sea or river makes no partition. It is true I do not permit the inhabitants of Jupiter or other planets to come down to your earth; but have placed a law of nature to hinder it. But on the same planet, I know nothing of what is called the right of the natives, beyond at most a right of preference to choose their ground, or to hold that which they already cultivate.
Will the United States permit emigrants to settle on the lands west of the Ohio within their boundaries? Not without purchasing. Why? Because they have been at an expence in combating the false claim of the savages, and ought to be paid for it.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
BRUTUS, No. III.
ON THE FUNDING SYSTEM.
WITH regard to the second enumerated evil arising from the funding system, to wit, Its tendency to combine the monied interest: Let us advert to the national bank, one of its spurious offsprings, and we shall perceive that it was intended by its author to combine the monied interest, particularly the public creditors, into one body, to act in concert and ensure success to the fiscal arrangements of the Treasury department; while its enormous capital, its materials, and the various branches which in time may spread from it, conspire to prove that it is well calculated to anwer the ends of its institution—and to convince the observing, that it is a part of the same systematic plan of which the funding system is the ground work, that has been formed with so much pains, to increase the influence of the treasury, and the energy of the government. Already we have seen seats in both branches of the legislature filled by the stockholders and directors of this powerful company; already, also, we have seen lucrative offices filled by members of that very legislature by which they were created! And will it still be said there is no danger from ministerial schemes, when we not only see that they have a tendency to raise up partisans, by substituting motives of private interest in the room of public good; but even to steal their influence into the House of Representatives, the sacred repository of all the rights and prerogatives of the people.
As under the funding system we have seen an imaginary capital, of fifty million dollars raised upon the mortgaged resources of the country, and thrown into the possession of wealthy speculators; so by this banking system, we have seen these public creditors, erected into a body politic, with exclusive privileges: nothing is now wanting but to see this assumed power of incorporating extended from public creditors, to manufacturers and merchants, properly backed with the other assumed powers of bestowing bounties & exemptions; and the desires of the most bitter enemies to the little remaining importance of the state governments, will be compleatly gratified: for they will see a consolidated energetic government supported by public creditors, speculators, members of these several companies, and others receiving bounties and exemptions, rising upon the ruins of our free republics: they will also see the people of the United States, who have hitherto been governed by maxims and principles laid down in their several constitutions, and bills of rights; and by measures originating from the people and founded on their interests; ruled by a complicated system of government, made up of delegated and constructive powers, unguarded by a bill of rights, and by schemes not originating from the people, but from the numerous partisans, enjoying bounties, and belonging to these respective companies. Thus an alliance will be formed, between the government, and these wealthy public creditors and companies, of its own creating, cemented by reciprocal advantages; these receiving favours from the government, and the government, in return, their united support, in all its abuses: an alliance which will derive all its advantages from the wrongs of the people, and, like the ancient alliance of church and state, derive its strength and wealth, by oppressing the weak and the poor. These are not visionary fears, but apprehensions, justified by the same effects produced from the same causes in other countries; particularly in England, from whence all these schemes are imported: justified also by the conduct of the late ever memorable national assembly, who while they were yet smarting under their former oppressions, and while they were recognizing the rights of the people, declared in their bill of rights "There is no longer for any individual or any part of the nation, any privilege or exception to the common right of all Frenchmen; there is no longer wardenships or corporations of professions, arts, or crafts."
When the importance of this incorporating power is considered, and that the constitution is totally silent on the subject; and when we are considering the extensive manner in which it was exercised at the creation of the national bank; the mind is again instinctively carried back to that period of time, when the government issuing from the recesses, in which it was framed, suddenly called the attention of the people to consider it, and is led to compare the professions of certain exalted characters at that time with their practice since. And here without alluding personally to any individual, let it be remembered, that in answer to every objection made to the vague terms in which it was couched, and to the want of a bill of rights, the reiterated answer was, No powers can be exercised but those expressly granted, because they remain with the respective states. Yet in the short space of two years, in the very first legislature, and while their hackneyed arguments to such forcible objections, were still vibrating on our ears,
these men came forward in contradiction to their own avowed sentiments, and the terms of the constitution, and exercised the assumed power of creating banks and incorporating public creditors. Should the people by inattention seem to sanction the conduct of men whose professions to obtain one end, so flagrantly contradicted their practice to obtain another, the great tie which connects the people to the representative body will be broken; and representation, which has been justly considered as the best security and foundation of liberty, will be rendered nugatory.
BRUTUS.
Philadelphia, March 19, 1792.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
FASHION.
AN humble address has been lately presented to the Prince of Wales by the BUCKLE MANUFACTURERS of Birmingham, Walsall, Wolverhampton, and their environs, stating that the BUCKLE TRADE gives employment to more than TWENTY THOUSAND persons, numbers of whom, in consequence of the prevailing fashion of SHOESTRINGS & SLIPPERS, are at present without employ, almost destitute of bread, and exposed to the horrors of want at the most inclement season; that to the manufactures of BUCKLES and BUTTONS, Birmingham owes its important figure on the map of England; that it is to no purpose to address FASHION herself, she being void of feeling and deaf to argument, but fortunately accustomed to listen to his voice, and to obey his commands: and finally, IMPLOREING his Royal Highness to consider the deplorable condition of their trade, which is in danger of being ruined by the mutability of fashion , and to give that direction to the public taste , which will insure the lasting gratitude of the petitioners.
Several important reflections are suggested by this address.
I. The most precarious of all occupations which give bread to the industrious, are those depending on mere fashion, which generally changes so suddenly, and often so considerably, as to throw whole bodies of people out of employment.
II. Of all occupations those are the least desirable in a free state, which produce the most servile dependence of one class of citizens on another class. This dependence must increase as the mutuality of wants is diminished. Where the wants on one side are the absolute necessaries; and on the other are neither absolute necessaries, nor result from the habitual economy of life, but are the mere caprices of fancy, the evil is in its extreme; or if not,
III. The extremity of the evil must be in the case before us, where the absolute necessaries depend on the caprices of fancy, and the caprice of a single fancy directs the fashion of the community. Here the dependence sinks to the lowest point of servility. We see a proof of it in the spirit of the address. Twenty thousand persons are to get or go without their bread, as a wanton youth, may fancy to wear his shoes with or without straps, or to fasten his straps with strings or with buckles. Can any despotism be more cruel than a situation, in which the existence of thousands depends on one will, and that will on the most slight and fickle of all motives, a mere whim of the imagination.
IV. What a contrast is here to the independent situation and manly sentiments of American citizens, who live on their own soil, or whose labour is necessary to its cultivation, or who were occupied in supplying wants, which being founded in solid utility, in comfortable accommodation, or in settled habits, produce a reciprocity of dependence, at once ensuring subsistence, and inspiring a dignified sense of social rights.
V. The condition of those who receive employment and bread from the precarious source of fashion and superfluity, is a lesson to nations, as well as to individuals. In proportion as a nation consists of that description of citizens, and depends on external commerce, it is dependent on the consumption and caprice of other nations. If the laws of propriety did not forbid, the manufacturers of Birmingham, Walsall, and Wolverhampton, had as real an interest in supplicating the arbiters of fashion in America, as the patron they have addressed. The dependence in the case of nations is even greater than among individuals of the same nation: for besides the mutability of fashion which is the same in both, the mutability of policy is another source of danger in the former.
March 20.
From the DELAWARE GAZETTE, of the 17th inst.
IT must afford great pleasure to the friends of American manufactures, to see the rapid improvements which have, within these few years, been made in machinery, within the United States; and too much praise cannot be given to those individuals, who, notwithstanding the numerous obstacles which present themselves against new inventions , in a young country by steady perseverance, complete valuable machines.

At the head of this list, stands a Citizen of the Delaware state, Mr. Oliver Evans; this excellent mechanic, did in the time of the late war, invent and complete a machine for forming card teeth, which makes 1500 complete teeth in one minute, and with great accuracy. As Mr. Evans had not capital sufficient to set up an extensive card factory; and as he did not wish that his invention should benefit individuals only, he applied to some of the leading members in the assembly of the State of Pennsylvania, and proposed establishing, in that State, under the patronage of the Legislature, a card and wire factory, which would draw the wire, and when it was fine enough, make it into teeth for the cards in less time and trouble, with his machine, than to wind the wire in the usual hanks, and lay it aside. They however did not think proper to give him any encouragement, and he sold the secret to individuals.
The principles of this machine are now in use in the United States, and the proprietors of it are enabled to excel Europe in the manufacture of cards.
When we consider the state of this country, the innumerable quantity of never failing streams with which it is supplied, it must be obvious, that by a proper attention to labour saving machines we may obviate the great objection made to manufacturing in this country, the high price of labour.
Who could have thought ten years ago, that it was possible to construct a mill, that after the wheat was emptied from the deck of a ship, or the tail of a waggon, into a spout, it should immediately ascend to the upper floor, and from thence to pass through all the cleaning machines into the hopper for grinding, and as fast as ground to ascend again to the meal loft, and there be spread, cooled, and gathered again into the bolting hopper, and bolted, and that part which requires to be bolted to pass from one side of the house to the other, in a horizontal direction, and there ascend again, and a quantity of bran be completely mixed with it, and the whole bolted over, and all this without the assistance of manual labour? Such a mill, ten years ago, would have been ranked with the perpetual motion, or philosophers stone, as the dreams of a visionary projector; but we have lived to see it constructed; and are at a loss which most to admire, the extent of the improvement, or the simplicity, and if I may so express myself, the harmony with which it is applied.
From a certificate published lately in the Delaware Gazette, signed by Messrs. Shallcross and Stroud, it appears that four men will do all the business of two mills, with the assistance of Mr. Evans's machinery, with as much ease as four men did the business of one mill without it, thereby saving one half the labour. Now if we suppose 2000 mills in the United States, and by this machinery 2 men are saved in each mill, there will be a saving of the labour of 4000 men, at 200 dollars a year each, will be 400,000 dollars saved. We are happy to learn that Mr. Evans is now likely to reap the fruits of his labour; upwards of 100 mills have adopted his improvements, and they are daily increasing in public estimation.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
FROM what has been seen in the public prints, it appears that a diversity of sentiment has taken place between the two Houses of the national legislature, respecting the mode of apportioning Representatives among the several states. As that branch forms the democratic feature in the government, and is that alone in which the equality of representation is attempted, a controversy could not have commenced upon a subject of greater importance to the public. Certain it is there is none upon which, for a variety of reasons, an injury would be so deeply felt, or loudly complained of in the different quarters of the union.' Tis therefore to be hoped it will be soon amicably adjusted, and in such manner as to preserve the true spirit and meaning of the constitution.
The ground upon which this disagreement has taken place, so far as the bill and amendment furnish any evidence, is, whether the representation shall be formed, by some given ratio upon the population of each state, or that of the United States. The House of Representatives contend for the former and the Senate the latter plan. It will be readily perceived, that the two modes vary radically, as must likewise the principles upon which they are founded. A short illustration will, however, demonstrate this more fully.
That of the House of Representatives takes the people of each state, as a separate mass, and divides them by the ratio agreed on, 30,000 for instance, and for every complete sum of such ratio as they shall respectively contain, gives a member: And for the deficiency or fraction that may take place in any state, after counting to them the number of Representatives they become thus entitled, however great it may be, makes no provision. Being less than the ratio which regulates by a common measure, the representation in every state, no right can accrue on it; & to accommodate,
in every instance, however near it might approach, would subvert the rule itself. Upon this plan, what the number of representatives may be, must be eventual; and dependant not only on the ratio, but the amount of the fractions in the several states: for if each should contain a fraction of 29,000, or any higher given sum less than 30,000; there being 15 states, the representation would be reduced by 14 members less than the same population would admit of, under a different arrangement.
That contended for by the Senate applies the ratio to the aggregate population, or whole numbers of all the states, dividing that population by such ratio. This will almost invariably give a greater number of representatives than it would do if applied to that of the states; for it will not happen once in a thousand instances that the numbers of each state would be such as to admit an equal apportionment of those members by the same ratio among all the states. The smallest possible variation might form a difference, and the higher the fraction the greater would it be. It amounts at present to eight, and might have been 14.
Having gained the number of Representatives by this process, it remains in the next instance to find their constituents. How shall this be accomplished? The most obvious course would be, by laying off the union into as many districts, each containing 30,000. This would admit of only one fraction, which might be equalized on the whole. But it will be readily perceived, this is impossible, as one half of a district might be in one state and the other in another; which is expressly forbidden by the whole spirit of the constitution. In short, it must be obvious, upon the slightest observation, that no plan can be executed without regarding them as states, as any that might be formed on a different principle, would constantly interfere with their respective boundaries.
Nor can they be distributed by the same ratio applied to the population of the individual states, for this, as has been already observed, will almost invariably leave a residuum of members, to be disposed of on some other principle. How shall these be apportioned? Among those states having the highest fractions? or for the purpose of regulating the ratio of representation within the states respectively? The former will be the claim of the larger, and the latter of the smaller states; and who shall decide between them? Will not this open wide the door for negotiation, barter, and favoritism, which might tarnish the fame, and destroy all confidence in the public councils?
Thus we find the most invincible obstacles oppose themselves to the execution of either mode. 'Tis the character of the aggregate principle to consider the people of America as a consolidated mass, excluding in that instance the idea of their state capacities. In that character therefore, should the apportionment be made on them. (For it was absurd to say, that they were entitled to an interest in one capacity, which they must receive in another, that as a consolidated people they had a right to a particular representation which could only be extended to them as states. To this mode, however, an insuperable barrier has been opposed. Resort to the state scale has been found equally impracticable, or in adopting the aggregate plan, the other must be abandoned. They never can be instrumental to each other, being in every respect incompatible. But the members must be apportioned by some mode or other—under this necessity, as it is presumed, the amendment or the Senate has adopted the latter, giving the residuary members to those states having the highest fractions. — A future Congress might pursue some other, taking a still more spacious field for discretion, or in other terms, partiality to range on.
The above contains a short analysis of the two plans, in their respective principles, operation, and effect. It remains to examine which has been sanctioned by the constitution of the United States.
LUCIUS.
March 21.
LONDON Jan. 23—Feb. 2.
Military preparations are still going on with a considerable degree of activity in Sweden and Russia as also at Vienna; notwithstanding the Emperor does not seem inclined to favour the French Emigrants.
The French national assembly have laid an embargo upon all vessels in the port of Dunkirk, in consequence of which all the English vessels failed upon the first notice of such embargo.
On the 4th of August Tippoo Saib attacked the town and fortress of Coimbatore, but was obliged to withdraw. He soon after attacked a party of the Mahrattas, in alliance with the English, and defeated them having killed and taken upwards of seven thousand men.
The Swallow packet is arrived from India, and brings news down to September 8th. Lord Cornwallis had after immense loss and fatigue returned to Bangalore, where, when the Swallow came away, Tip-
po Saib had not yet molested him. A detachment of the British army had taken the fort of Ryccattah. General Abercrombie had retreated to Tellicherry; and the Mahrattas continued faithful to the British interest.
On the 16th of January the National Assembly of France decreed, that Louis Stanislas Xavier, Prince of France, had forfeited his right to the sovereignty.
The East India company has sent out 400,000 l. specie to Madras, for continuing the war in India—
A splendid embassy is preparing from this country to the emperor of China. The court of East India directors have voted 20,000 l. for this purpose; and his majesty, it is said, is to add something handsome to make the embassy the more respectable. Lord Macartney has the offer of the embassy.
PHILADELPHIA.
MARCH 22, 1792.
On Tuesday last died, at his lodgings in this city, PETER JAQUETTE, a Sachem of the Oneida Nation, who arrived here a few days since with several other Chiefs of the Six Nations, on business with government. His body was interred yesterday afternoon in one of the church yards in this city, with the honors of war; being attended to the grave by the field officers, and officers of battalions, of artillery, cavalry, and infantry of the city and liberties, and a vast concourse of citizens.
On the 17th inst, arrived at New-York the ship Britannia, Capt. Martin, in 32 days from Greenock. This ship brings London news as late as the 6th of February; for the most material of which see our London head.
"We are (says the New-Brunswick Gazette) in a great measure deprived of all newspaper intelligence. A bag of papers has been known to remain in a post-office between the two cities of New-York and Philadelphia, for several days—the reason why? Because the mail-coach had not room for them. Papers sent from either of the above cities seldom come to hand with us till four or five days after they are printed."
From a Correspondent.
IN the freest countries there are among different classes of citizens, degrees of attachment to republican government on one side, and of aversion to monarchy on another. Even in the United States the remark is verified in the deliberations of public bodies, in the dissertations of the press, and in the language of promiscuous conversations. Whatever may be the cause, the fact cannot be disputed.
This difference of sentiment among us betrays itself in no way more distinctly than in the comments on public measures, which may affect the relative importance established by the constitution between the federal government and the state governments. It is natural for one class of politicians to contemplate a degradation of the latter without much alarm, because its tendency to monarchy excites little aversion. It is not less natural for another class to be alarmed at a spirit of usurpation in the former, because they dread its fatal influence on the republicanism to which they are attached.
"A FRIEND TO THE UNION," if monarchical in his bias, must be expected to express himself on these subjects in a language very different from what is used by a Republican friend to the union.
If such an one wishes, however, to be thought a friend to truth, as well as to the union, he should not so grossly forget it as to assert "that Congress is not even accused of having exceeded its powers."
If he wishes to be thought a friend to liberty, he should not blend with the unwarrantable refusal of state legislatures to take the prescribed oath, the exercise of their unquestionable right, as constituents of the federal Senate, to express their sentiments on subjects of federal legislation.
If he wishes to be thought a man of prudence he ought not to refer the United States to the example of France in breaking down the provincial governments and consolidating the whole nation into one body.
"The enlightened citizens of this country, the great body of whom are unquestionably republican, will recollect that France contains about one hundred millions of acres only, with not more than twenty-five millions of people, whilst the United States contain about six hundred millions of acres, with a capacity for more than an hundred millions of people, and they will reflect in the midst of their joy over the French revolution, that if France, as a consolidated government is under the necessity of retaining a King at the annual charge of more than four millions of dollars, as well as at the peril of the liberty they have gained; the United States under a consolidated system, must soon be obliged to receive an hereditary government at perhaps a still greater expence, and with the certain loss of the liberty they have purchased with so much precious treasure, and still more precious blood.
Extract of a letter from St. George's (Bermuda) dated February 2.
"A proposition was made some time since for erecting a light house on the North Rock, three leagues northward of the main
land of these islands, in lat. 32. 25. The project is practicable, and would be extremely advantageous to the European and American trade in general. Of late the design seems to have dropped, perhaps from some of those narrow motives which always sacrifice public good to private emolument. We are much in the situation of an inn-holder on a rough road; the more carriages that break down, the better for him, as he is sure to be the gainer."
A copy of letter from the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Cambridge, March 5th, 1792.
SIR, YOUR late communications were presented to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences the 29th ultimo. and I am directed to return you the thanks of the Academy for the same. With regard to the truth of your theory, and the probability of determining longitude from the variation of the needle, the Academy can at present express no sentiment. But I have the pleasure to assure you that the society is pleased with your application of the subject, and highly approves your very laudable design of improving magnetic observations. Convinced of the importance of ascertaining with accuracy the magnetic variations in different parts of the globe, the Academy wishes you success in your proposed voyage, and that it may contribute towards perfecting a discovery highly useful to mankind. With sentiments of due respect.
I am Sir, Your obedient humble servant ELIPHALET PEARSON, Corresponding Secretary. JOHN CHURCHMAN, Esq.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock type, Price. Six per cents, per £. 20/9. Three per cents, - - 12/. Deferred six per cents, - - 12/6. Final Settlements - - 18/. Indents - - - 11/9. Bank stock 1-2 shares, 70—per cent. advance.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following apartments, to wit.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Details. A conference room, Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each. A room for the Representatives, A lobby or antichamber to the latter. A Senate room of 1200 square feet area. An antichamber or lobby to the left. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS.
This Day are published, S E R M O N S,
Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. Sold by T. DOBSON, R. CAMPBELL, & M. CAREY. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]

A U T H E N T I C.
SCHEDULE of the whole Number of INHABITANTS within the District of K E N T U C K Y.
humbly submitted Names of the Counties and Towns within the district aforesaid.
   Free white males of 16 years and upwards, including heads of families. Free white males under 16 years. Free white females, including heads of families. All other free persons. Slaves. Total.     Fayette County 3241 3878 6738 30 3689 17576   Nelson 2456 2746 4644 34 1219 11099   Woodford 1767 1929 3267 27 2220 9210   Bourbon 1645 2035 3249 908 7837   Mercer 1411 1515 2691 7 1317 6941   Lincoln 1375 1441 2630 8 1094 6548   Jefferson 1008 997 1680 4 876 4565   Madison 1231 1421 2383 737 5772   Mason 431 676 952 208 2267   Lexington, in Fayette County 276 203 290 2 63 834   Washington, in Mason County 163 95 183 21 462   Beards Town, in Nelson County 52 49 85 1 29 216   Louisville, in Jefferson County 49 44 79 1 27 200   Danville, in Mercer County 49 28 51 22 150   Totals 15154 17057 28922 114 12430 73677  
SAMUEL M'DOWELL, Jun. Marshal for the Kentucky District.
proportion to quantity of different kinds of salt, a bushel weighing from about 56 to upwards of 80 wt. It would have an equalizing effect if the bushel were defined by weight; and if 56 pounds were taken as the standard, a valuable accession to the revenue would result.
This regulation is therefore submitted as a resource upon the present occasion. The rate of duty to remain as it is.
It will be a reasonable accommodation to trade, if it is made a part of this arrangement, to extend the credit for the duty on salt to a longer term. It is an article which from the circumstances of its importation, frequently lies on hand for a considerable time; and in relation to the fisheries, is usually sold upon a credit of several months.
Some remarks may be proper in regard to the proposed duties.
Those on spirits and wines may appear high. They are doubtless considerable. But there are precedents elsewhere of much higher duties on the same articles. And it is certainly in every view justifiable to make a free use of them for the purposes of revenue.
Wines, generally speaking, are the luxury of classes of the community who can afford to pay a considerable duty upon them.
It has appeared advisable to adhere to the idea of a specific duty per quantity on all the species of wines in most common consumption in the country, and those most susceptible of precise designation, as affording greatest certainty to the revenue. And to adopt a general ad valorem rate for other kinds, proportioned to the specific duties. This rate is 40 per cent.
The distinction has proceeded from the difficulty of a precise enumeration of all the other kinds of wine, which are and may be imported, and of such an adjustment of specific rates, as will bear some reasonable proportion to the value of the article. The present lowest rate of duty on wines amounts to 200 and 300 per cent. on the value of certain kinds; which may be considered as equivalent to a prohibition.
While therefore ideas of proportion will be better consulted than heretofore, by the proposed arrangement, it is probable, that the revenue will be benefited, rather than injured, by a reduction of the duties on low priced wines.
The considerations which render ardent spirits a proper object of high duties, have been repeatedly dwelt upon. It may be added, that it is a familiar and a just remark, that the peculiarly low price of ardent spirits in this country is a great source of intemperance.
To bring the price of the article more nearly to a level with the price of it in other markets by an increase of duty, while it will contribute to the advancement of the revenue, cannot but prove in other respects a public benefit. The rates proposed will be still moderate compared with examples in other countries; and the article is of a nature to enable the importer, without difficulty, to transfer the duty to the consumer.
A discrimination is suggested in respect to duties on spirits distilled from grain. To this, there have been two inducements—One, that the difference in the duty is conformable to the difference between the cost of the grain spirits usually imported, and that of West-India rum.—Another, that it is in a particular manner the interest of the United States to favor the distillation of its own grain, in competition with foreign spirits from the same material.—In the second division of spirits, the first class of proof is dropped, because none of it comes from the West-Indies; and because any other spirits usually imported, which may be of so low a proof are higher priced, even than some of the higher proofs of West-India spirits.—The dropping of that class of proof therefore in this case is favorable to the revenue, and favorable to equality.
Several of the other specific duties which are proposed, besides the inducements to them as items of revenue, are strongly recommended by considerations which have been stated in the report of the Secretary on the subject of manufactures. The same report states inducements to a 15 per cent. duty on some of the articles, which are mentioned, as proper to be comprized under that rate.
With regard to China and Glass, there are two weighty reasons for a comparatively high duty upon them. The use of them is very limited, except by the wealthier classes. And both their bulk and liability to damage in transportation are great securities against evasions of the revenue. It will however merit consideration, whether, for the accommodation of importers, a longer term of credit ought not to be allowed on these articles.
A duty of two cents per pound on cocoa is less in proportion to value, than the present duty on coffee.—As an extensive article of consumption, it is a productive one of revenue.
The duty on playing cards can give rise to no question except as to the practicability of a safe collection. In order to this it will be proper to superadd certain precautions, which will readily occur in regulating the details of a bill for the purpose.—A similar attention will be requisite in regard to the duties on wines. The employment of marks and certificates may advantageously be extended to this article.
The rate of ten per centum ad valorem it is hoped will not be deemed immoderate in relation to the articles to which it is proposed to apply it.—It is difficult to assign rules for what ought to be considered as a just standard.—But after the best consideration, which the Secretary has been able to bestow upon it, he cannot discover, that any real inconvenience is likely permanently to result from the extension of that rate to the cases proposed.
The addition of 2 1-2 per cent to the duty on the mass of articles now rated at 5, will constitute an important, though not an excessive augmentation.—Nevertheless, it is proposed, that it shall be only temporary—and there is reasonable ground of expectation, that the cause for having recourse to it will not be of very long continuance.
It will not have escaped the observation of the House, that the duties which were suggested in the Secretary's report, on that subject, as encouragements to manufactures, are for the most part included among the objects of this report.
It may tend to avoid future embarrassment, if such abolitions and drawbacks, as shall be deemed expedient, with a view to promoting manufactures, shall accompany the establishment and appropriation of whatever further duties may be laid, for the object in contemplation.
And it may be found convenient to qualify the appropriation of the surplus which is to be applied to that object, so as to let in such other appropriations during the session as occurrences may suggest.
An estimate of the additional revenue which may be expected from the proposed duties is subjoined.
It will occur to the House, that the credit allowed for the duties will require an anticipation of their product by a temporary loan, for which provision in the law will be requisite.
All which is humbly submitted. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
ESTIMATE of probable additional Revenue from the proposed Duties.
   Madeira Wine, 300,000 gallons average increase 12 cents per gallon, 36,000   Other Wines 700,000 gallons, average increase 3 cents per gallon, 21,000   Distilled Spirits 3,600,000 gallons, average increase, allowing for proposed deduction from the duties on domestic spirits, 2 cents, 72,000   Salt, from the equalizing regulation proposed, will probably yield 1-6 more, or 2 cents per bushel on 2,000,000 bushels, 40,000   Malt liquors, 200,000 gallons, at 2 1-2 cents, 5,000   Nails and Spikes, 1,800,000 lb. at 1 cent, 18,000   Cocoa, 800,000 lb. at 1 cent, 8,000   Playing cards, 20,000, at 15 cents, 3,000   Other enumerated articles ad valorem, at 15 per cent. 10,000   Increased duty on articles rated permanently at 10 per cent ad valorem, computed at two millions of dollars in value at 3 per cent. 60,000   Temporary addition of 2 1-2 per cent on the articles now rated at 5, computed on 10,000,000 of dollars, 250,000   Dollars, 523,500  
REMARKABLE ANTIQUITIES in interior America. [From the manuscript of a late Traveller.]
BESIDES those ruins in the Illinois and Wabash countries, which have been often mentioned, there are others no less remarkable many hundreds of miles farther west, and particularly in the country about the great falls of the Mississippi. As we approach these falls, commonly called St. Anthony's, we frequently meet with pyramids of earth, from thirty to seventy, and even eighty feet in height. These are, most probably, the tombs of the ancient kings and chiefs of this part of America, though there are others which I am inclined to believe were erected in consequence of some signal victory, and, possibly, to cover the bones and carcasses of the slain. In digging horizontally into several of these pyramids, a little above the base, we generally found a stratum of white substance, something like moist lime, and glutinous withal, extending in all probability several yards within, or perhaps nearly the whole length of the diametrical line. I had every reason to believe this consolidated chalky substance to be the remains of skeletons buried, perhaps two hundred centuries ago, and converted by time and the operation of the elements into their present state.
Many tokens remain, on both sides of the Mississippi, of that country being in ancient ages as well cultivated and as thickly inhabited as the country on the Danube or the Rhine; which fully proves that the literati have been too hasty in denominating America a new world, or an original present to the Europeans from the hands of rude nature.
A copper mine was opened some years since, farther down the Mississippi, and, to the great surprise of the laborers, a large collection of mining tools were found several fathoms below the superficies of the earth. Another person, in digging for a well, discovered a furnace of brick-work five fathoms below the present surface; and in this furnace were found a quantity of coals and fire-brands, which, for aught we know, might have been kindled in the days of Moses or Lycurgus.
Not long since, at a spot on the shore of the Ohio, where the bank had been washed by the undermining of the water, a stone dropped out, of the hardest kind of black marble, about seven pounds in weight, having twelve equal surfaces, each surface being mathematically equilateral and equiangular five-sided figures;—this does not appear to be a lusus naturae , but a work of exquisite art, the offspring of human ingenuity. Near the falls of the Mississippi, there is a salt spring in the bed of the river, which has been enclosed with stone work of unknown antiquity, to keep out the fresh water. In times of freshes, however, the river overflows the stone work and mixes with the brine, so that it does not afford salt to the savages hereabouts till the river is considerably fallen.
In several places, circular fortifications have been discovered in the same country: these are constantly enclosed with deep ditches, and fenced with a breast-work.—From these, and many other similar remains of antiquity, one would be inclined to think the world much older than it has been commonly imagined. Aristotle affirmed it to be eternal; and no arguments have ever been brought to confute him. Several tribes on the western side of the great river abovementioned date their national existence for more than twenty thousand moons back, and the Indians of the eastern world go immensely farther into the depths of time, tho' both relate many events of these distant periods that are evidently mixed with fable. March 17, 1792.
LONDON Jan. 10.
British goods are at this time finding a sale in situations remote and little thought of, where they are recommended by their quality and cheapness. Col. Bentham, an English officer of distinguished character, in the Russian service, who commands a regiment stationed on the confines of Siberia, was some months ago on an excursion among the Kirgis Tartars, a race of people who dwell in tents, and inhabit the vast country to the north of Indostan. From this gentleman we learn, that the Kirgis Tartars are clad in our Manchester velvets; their upper garment is a kind of mantle or cloak of this material. The chiefs wear crimson, the common people generally black. The Tartars are circuitously furnished with British goods by the Russians, who transport them down the river Volga, to Astracan, from whence they cross the Caspian sea, and traverse the continent of Asia, where they are disposed of in barter among the Tartarian tribes to the confines of the great wall that bounds the empire of China.
The enormous price of sugar has given rise to a report that application is to be made to the East-India company to enquire whether sugar could not be imported from the East-Indies. We have been informed by gentlemen well acquainted with the subject, that the sugar cane can be cultivated in the East-Indies to any extent with half the labor, and at less than one fourth of the expense, of a West-India plantation, and that without employing a single slave.
Translations from French papers.
Paris, Dec. 5.—The king lately ordered a comedy, called The Governess , to be played at the national theatre. His choice was the more remarkable, as this piece affords little or no allusion to the times. The following verse was, however, greatly applauded by the audience.— Je ne veux d'esclave, & je ne veux pas l'être. —I will neither be a slave myself, nor have slaves for my subjects.
December 8.—Those who are born under the new constitution of France will have reason to congratulate themselves on their happy lot, and venerate the memory of those men who have brought it into action. Liberty had retired beyond the ocean, had hid herself in savage wastes, and amongst the solitudes of inaccessible mountains. The virtue of the nation, concentrated in the immortal ASSEMBLIES, has re-established her upon her throne. Let us henceforward consult the BOOK OF NATURE, and every link of the chain of feudal tyranny shall be broken. The study of this truly sacred book shall lead us to the pure and uncorrupted adoration of the Deity—Commerce shall now be made free, as well as agriculture, industry, and thought, itself. The exertions of the first assemblies of the nation have been so mighty, that their successors may almost say, what was said of Philip by his son Alexander, they have left us nothing to conquer .—They will, however, be the guardians of the constitution; the patrons of public good order, and will forever banish the monster anarchy. In whatever nation a revolt is made against slavery, this great truth, discovered by philosophy will instantly apply, that the strength of tyrants entirely lies in the patience of the people .
Extract of a letter from Rome, Nov. 30.—His holiness the pope has found his dominions so embarrassed in difficulty, and the prospects of the church are so beclouded, that his anxiety on this occasion has not a little affected his health. Nothing seems to have disturbed him more than the revolt of the Cardinal Lomenie, which is an event unprecedented in history, and seems to omen evil to the cause of religion. Recently his holiness delivered a discourse to the Consistory, full of pathos, and expatiating largely upon the melancholy state of the church, and the daily declension of her influence and authority.—There are some here, who do not scruple to say publicly, that the corruptions and deceptions of the church ought not to be longer endured, and that the religious traffic, long practised here, is scandalous.—Others pretend that the reformation which took place two hundred years ago, ought to have been imitated long since in Italy. Certain reformers, (say they) were no better men than the generality of Popes and Cardinals, but were so cunning as to feign that the
scandalous prostitution of religion in Italy must soon work its ruin; they thought it most prudent therefore, to retire behind the curtain, and, by protesting against the more glaring acts of religious phrensy or folly, still keep up, by their successors, a dominion over the minds of men by an appearance of mortification, sanctified reserve, and impenetrable mystery.
Paris, Dec. 25.—While some consider the French constitutional code a model of perfection in the political line, others decry it as being full of faults and imperfections. Perhaps neither of these parties have considered, that every legislator, since the beginning of the world, has always found it necessary to accommodate his system to the habits, the education, and even the prejudices of the people, if he meant to establish it upon a sure foundation. It is by gradual advances only that mankind will ever advance to any thing like perfection in their legal systems, and he who attempts it upon any other plan, will always be held a visionary in politics.—Prejudice and education have taught the populace of every nation to admire its own constitution. It is the fate of ours to be constantly compared, and where it deviates, to be blamed. The republican, Payne, wished us to copy the American code and form of government.—He did not advert to the difference of the two nations for whom a system was to be formed—the one, as it were, being the innocent children of nature; the other rendered, corrupt and vicious by the tyranny and oppression of fourteen or fifteen centuries.
District of Pennsylvania, to wit: BE it remembered, That on the fourteenth day of February, in the sixteenth year of the independence of the United States of America, H. H. BRACKENRIDGE, of the said district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a Book, the right whereof the claims as author, in the words following, to wit: MODERN CHIVALRY, containing the adventures of Captain JOHN FARRAGO, and TEAGUE O'REGAN, his servant; volume first—By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE. Quicquid agunt homines, nostri, farrago Libelli. —Juvenal.—In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned." SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
TEN POUNDS REWARD.
RAN away, a Negro lad about seventeen years old, who left the subscriber sometime in August last. He goes by the name of LEVEN; is of a yellowish colour, and about five feet high. He is supposed to have gone to the Delaware state. Any person bringing the said negro to the subscriber, shall be entitled to the above reward; and any person giving such information as will enable the owner to recover him again, shall be entitled to one half the above sum, which will be paid by THOMAS MILES. Feb. 14, 1792. 5t. 1 a.w
This day is Published and for sale by THOMAS LANG, No. 21, Church alley; An Essay on COMMERCE and LUXURY.
Re-printed from the London edition—Price 1/6
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.