The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-19 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. IX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 19th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
No. III.
My preceding remarks have tended to shew that no material or alarming division subsists among the People of the United States. Their modes of thinking and of acting have been exhibited as calculated to unite and not divide them; and their various interests appear to furnish the strongest additional ties of union.
If the People of the United States are not divided, whence flows that spirit of hostility that rages throughout the union?
The answer to this question will at once remove all difficulty by pointing out the quarter from whence the violence of party spirit issues.
No governments have hitherto been framed so strong, and no nation has hitherto been sufficiently wise, to prevent men of turbulent ambition, or interested motives, from making an attempt to absorb into themselves an undue portion of power. They have availed themselves, with unceasing vigilance, of every occasion to deceive the people, where the people have been depositors of power. By false pretensions to patriotism, by indirectly extolling themselves, by directly calumniating their opponents, they have too often triumphed in their designs. When it is further considered that these men are generally wealthy, and that their wealth is for the most part active and circulating, their means of influence are seen to be considerably enlarged.
But no sooner have these men obtained the power they sought, than their ambition, flushed with their early triumphs over the unsuspicious virtue of the people, has pointed out the path to more elevated prospects. Thus taking one bold step after another, they have pursued their own interests to the total dereliction of the interests of the people, of which by the people they were constituted the guardians.
I will not say that in all these cases corrupt motives have led to the acquisition and the abuse of power. For there is a wonderful deception in the exercise of authority. Few men are tyrants in their own opinion. Still, on this account, the tyranny is not the less oppressive. The historian represents Nero to have been a humane man , the horror inspired by his name supercedes all necessity of comment upon his character as emperor.
Be the motives, therefore, what they may, our judgment will not suffer us to entertain a doubt of the invariable existence of such a description of men in all times, and under every form of government; but particularly under that form which partakes of the representative character; wherein the people are frequently appealed to, and called upon to exercise the right of suffrage.
Now, the great body of the people may be alarmed either by the actual abuse of power, or by the attempts of influential men, not actually invested with power, to deprive them of their rights. Both these cases appear to exist in the United States. While men in office have extended the limits of their trusts, have broken down the rigid and salutary barriers erected to defend the several departments of the government against mutual invasion, and have without violating the letter of the constitution, in effect subverted its spirit , which is decidedly republican, by pursuing schemes of policy promotive of monarchic results, by extending our diplomatic relations, by uniting us with foreign nations inimical to the enjoyment of equal rights, by raising useless standing armies, and of consequence imposing heavy burthens; while these measures have been the fruits of official labors, men in private life, of high consideration for talents, have avowed their unequivocal preference of monarchic plans of government over those which are republican, have enforced the necessity of resorting to the use of those means, which under the plausible pretext of imparting energy to the government, have uniformly rendered it despotic, have with arrogant effrontery ridiculed every thing that is republican and have endeavored by unceasing detraction to ruin in the public opinion every individual of republican principles.
Here then is the great cause of alarm. It does not proceed from any extensive, deep rooted division among the people ; but it proceeds from the well founded conviction of the people that attempts are making that are conducted with vigor and art, to change the nature of their political institutions, to divest them of many of their dearest rights, and in the end to enslave them. For the people of this country are too enlightened not to see the ultimate issue of encroachment after encroachment. Warned by the experience of other nations, they know that real security can only be attained by the unrelaxed assertion of their sentiments, and the unrestrained exercise of their rights. They know that if they slumber, their enemy, ever awake, may aim a deadly blow at their happiness. They know that it is easier to prevent an evil than to overcome it. They know that their strength is invincible if applied early and in the constitutional channel; whereas long accumulated abuses ever produce despotism or convulsion, the evils of both of which are incalculable, the issue uncertain.
But it cannot be inferred from this state of things, that the PEOPLE are divided . The energetic assertion of their rights, the commanding attitude of their remonstrance is the clearest proof of their union. They may differ, they do differ in their opinions of men; but in principle they go together.
Let not, then, the turbulence of ambition build its lofty battlements upon the conviction that the people, by being divided, may be subdued. Terrible will such a conviction, carried into practice, prove to its assertor. It may be at once a monument of his folly and his crime.
TIMOLEON.
The following is copied from a Hagerstown (Maryland) paper, of the 6th November.
Extract of a letter from John Langdon, Esq. Senator in Congress from New Hampshire, to Samuel Ringgold, Esq. of this county.
"Portsmouth, October 19, 1800."
"DEAR SIR,"
"Your agreeable favor of the 4th instant has this moment come to hand; I am greatly rejoiced to see Gentlemen of property and influence coming forward at this eventful moment, in the common cause of our country; I have no doubt we shall yet be saved."
"I am now packing my baggage, shall set out in the stage to-morrow morning for the city of Washington; hope to be in Baltimore the beginning of next month—this prevents my answering your letter fully as I could wish, having only one moment to spare."
"In the conversation held between Mr. Adams, Mr. Taylor, and myself, Mr. Adams certainly expressed himself as (as far as my memory serves me) in the very words mentioned in your letter, viz. That he hoped or expected to see the day when Mr. Taylor and his friend Mr. Giles would be convinced, that the people of America would not be happy without an hereditary Chief Magistrate and Senate—Or at least during life."
"Believe me sincerely"
"Your obedient servant,"
"JOHN LANGDON."
"Samuel Ringgold, Esq."
"Hager's Town, Maryland."
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
LONDON, October 3.
It is with much concern we announce that the intelligence we gave two days ago of a pestilential disease having broken out in Spain is confirmed.
We are grieved in being obliged to announce also, that there are some fears of a similar disease being on board a packet just arrived at Falmouth, with a mail from Jamaica. The letters, &c. are to be fumigated before sending to London.
October 1.
The preliminaries of peace signed at Paris, which we published in our yesterday's paper, present a subject of difficult discussion. We do not find in them those abstruse and mad pretensions which some of our contemporaries thought proper a few days ago, on the authority of their, no doubt, well accredited correspondents, to ascribe to the French government, while at the same time we do not see much of that moderation which can entitle the chief consul to credit for the sincerity of his pacific intentions. The treaty of Campo Formio is generally laid down as the basis of negotiation. The leading article in this treaty was the cession to France of all the territory on the left bank of the Rhine, formerly belonging to the Emperor, and other princes, in consideration of Venice, with its terra-firma, being annexed to the States of the House of Austria. It was provided, however, by the secret articles, that some of the fortresses on the right bank, such as Kehl, Ehrenbreitstein, &c. should be garrisoned by the troops of the Republic. The conditions held forth in the present preliminaries are so far more favourable to Austria, as they stipulate that these places of strength, instead of being retained by France, shall be razed; and the integrity of the Germanic body is violated to less extent, as, instead of throwing the arch-bishopric of Salzburg with part of Bavaria, into the scale of indemnities, a make weight is to be found in Italy, equal in importance to what would have been derived from these quarters. Little doubt can be entertained that the States of Venice are no inadequate equivalent for Austrian Flanders; that is to say, upon a fair exchange. The revenues arising out of the Low Countries never were sufficient to defray the expense of maintaining them while they were held of Austria; and though they were a powerful barrier against France, for the western states of the empire, they rather diminished than added to the strength of the hereditary dominions. Venice, on the other hand, from its position, perfects the unity of the Imperial territory, and constitutes Austria a naval power. But it ought to be considered that here there was no fair exchange. There was only a compensation for a loss, and in order that the compensation should be equal to the loss, it required to be double the amount of it.—France, in extending her boundary to the Rhine, acquired a new tract of country. In adjusting the political balance, therefore, France should have given up something she possessed before; whereas, in granting Venice to the Emperor, (which, by the bye, she had no right to grant, and he had no right to take) she merely gave a compensation for what she took from him, without bringing her own acquisition into the account, which between rival powers ought always to be considered in adjusting their mutual interests.
It is not impossible that Ferrara & Mantua might be the equivalent meant in the preliminaries to be set against the Arch-bishopric of Salzburg—which, by giving the emperor the strong line of the Mincio for a boundary, would have rounded his territory, and established for him a strong footing in Italy.
Still, however, France would gain more upon the whole than Austria, because, tho' Austria might have an equivalent for her loss she would have no compensation for the aggrandizement of her rival.
Considering the interests of the emperor as combined with those of England, the allies would lose in a duplicate proportion. Venice was no object of dread either to the one or the other. When united with Austria, it adds but little, if any thing at all, to the weight of England in the political scale of Europe: whereas France, at all times the rival of this country as well as of Austria, by the cession of Belgium, obtains not only a great addition to her internal strength, but becomes the master of an extended line of coast, threatening to our insular security. Even the navy of England, invincible as it is, may be eluded by a force collected on any part of a coast stretching from Bayonne to the Weser.
Whether under all the circumstances of the case, it be prudent on the part of the cabinet of Vienna to refuse to ratify the pre-
liminaries of peace which have been already signed, is a very different question. The laws of necessity are far removed from the calculations of cost and reflecting policy. When an appeal is made to arms, the statesman is superceded in his office, and the fate of a battle often decides in a day what all the skill of diplomacy could not have brought to issue in a month. The position of the Austrian army is at this moment so extremely critical, that many people regard it as little less than madness for the emperor to stake his very existence upon the event of a battle, which if unsuccessful, throws him entirely at the mercy of his enemies, after forfeiting all claims upon their generosity: and which, if successful (which there is rational ground to hope), will not put him in a situation to enforce higher demands upon France, than those which France is willing at this moment to satisfy.
With respect to the conduct and views of the Chief Consul, we must confess, that to us they appear to be directed neither by wisdom nor moderation. It is as much the interest of France as of the other powers to have peace. The prospect of conquest is dazzling; the enjoyment of peace is sweet; and can he imagine, though the fortune of war may now be in his power for the moment, to impose farther terms upon his adversary, and to incircle France with new acquired provinces, that any peace, not founded upon justice, and which does not satisfy the fair claim of the different powers of Europe, can last? He ought maturely to weigh the maxim of Carnot, that in no case it is good policy to reduce an enemy to despair. Its reactions are often dreadful!
In the preliminaries little is said respecting Italy. Whether it was meant that the king of Sardinia should be restored we know not. It is probable that the fate of the states of Italy was to be reserved as a subject of negotiation. Even the ambition of Buonaparte, could not look for dominion beyond the Alps. Had he come forward, however with an avowal of his intentions to restore the dethroned Sovereign of Piedmont, he certainly would have given stronger vouchers for his moderation than any he has yet produced.
RIOT AT NOTTINGHAM
Extract of a letter dated Sept. 1.
"In consequence of the advance in the price of wheat, (which has arisen not from any actual scarcity, but the late rain preventing the farmers from bringing their grain to market,) a rash and misguided mob collected together last night, and began their depredations by assailing the windows of the principal bakers, breaking open their doors, and absolutely scalding all the bread and flour they could find. The mob commenced their depredations about 8 o'clock; and the present worthy Chief Magistrate, conceiving they would not proceed to extremities, forbore to call out the soldiery until eleven, by which time the whole town was in alarm, and serious injury had been sustained by the bakers, to whom no blame can be attributed. At length the soldiers arrived from the barracks, headed by the Mayor, and immediately the rioters dispersed; but it was only to resume their depredations in another quarter of the town. They proceeded to the banks of the river Trent, where they found several barges laden with wheat, many sacks of which they seized and divided among the women and children, who took home their booty in every direction. They afterwards assailed one of the ware-houses, the property of a baker, where a quantity of fine flour was deposited; this they scattered about, and a considerable portion of it was absolutely trampled under foot. The dragoons by this time made their appearance, and hostility again subsided. Some of the ringleaders were taken into custody, but afterwards rescued by the mob. The town is now in a state of confusion—the market-place crowded with rioters, whom the presence of the soldiery only awakes. The magistrates, actuated by the most humane motives, are doing every thing in their power to quell the disturbances.—The volun-

teers have not yet been called out. The poor are in the utmost distress, and cannot, even for money, obtain flour;—something effectual must be done to relieve them.
“ Riots nearly similar have also broken out at Mansfield, and in the whole neighbourhood round Nottingham. This measure has caused, we hope but a momentary stagnation, amongst the manufactories. The working people are parading the streets.
Ten o'clock at night.
“ The continued appearance of insurrection in the suburbs has obliged the Mayor to call out the volunteer corps, both cavalry and infantry: they are now parading the town; and some stationed in various situations on the banks of the Trent, are endeavouring to disperse the rioters, who are there numerously assembled. The magistrates are apprehensive that coercive measures, blended with consequences at which humanity shudders, must at length be resorted to.”
Extract of another letter Sept. 2, 3 o'clock.
“ It is very painful for us to state that the public discontent is still violent, and that there is not even a prospect of the riot subsiding.—The yeomanry cavalry, and the infantry belonging to the town, have been on duty all this day, and great part of yesterday; but the poor inhabitants, who alone are discontented, absolutely defy them, and even the women interrupt them by hisses, and other modes of abuse. About 14 persons have been secured, and are now in Nottingham jail. The women are the principal aggressors, and they are permitted to remain at liberty. This morning about 1 o'clock, a large party attacked a baker's shop near Sutton's the bookseller.—They ransacked the shop of all the flour they could find, which they exhibited to the persons present as containing chalk, alum, and other poisonous substances. A troop of the blues, however, at length arrived; and, after the greatest exertions, succeeded in dispersing the mob. The blues have been unremittingly on duty three days and two nights without rest; and they must continue to parade the streets until reinforcements shall arrive.—Many of the shops are shut up at mid-day, and a real panic pervades the minds of the opulent. The rioters at Mansfield have been overawed, and that place is now quiet; but they are so numerous in Nottingham, and the want of bread to general amongst the poor, that unless something be done to relieve them, the consternation must continue.
“ This morning, about twelve o'clock, the flag was hoisted on the top of St. Mary's steeple, and a messenger sent to Sir Thomas Perkins (father of Lord Radcliffe,) to request he would immediately dispatch his troop of horse from Bunny, a village in the neighbourhood; they arrived about an hour ago, and are now parading the town.
“ The vengeance of the rioters is directed entirely against the bakers, millers, and farmers; they attribute the present scarcity to forestallers, monopolisers, and regraters. Business is entirely at a stand. All the weavers have joined the crowd.
“ Five o'clock. This moment between 20 and 30 of the rioters have been lodged in the county prison; they arrived in an open waggon under an escort from the village of Arnold, about four miles from Nottingham, and all belong to the extensive manufactory of Messrs. Davidson and Hawkesley. Many of them are fine young fellows, and appear under twenty years of age; the women would have gladly effected a rescue, but were overpowered by the soldiery. There was a serious conflict before these prisoners could be secured, and the Bunny yeomanry were obliged to fire on them; one is dreadfully wounded with a ball in the neck, and another had his arm shattered.”
NEUTRAL VESSELS.
From a late London Paper.
We stated to our readers some time ago the principles upon which the new council of prizes at Paris proceeded with respect to neutral vessels, and we gave the decision at length upon the American ship Pigou , which was ordered to be restored with costs. That decision shewed, that a greater degree of system had been established, and that the loose and frequently unjust principles upon which the directory acted with respect to captures of neutral ships, were meant to be abandoned. The following is the decision of the council on another case, that of the Statira :
The Statira , captain Seaward, an American ship, had been captured by the English vessel, and recaptured by the French privateer the Hazard .
The first point which the commissary considers is, the effect which the Statira having been in the possession of the English ought to have.
He observes, that if the vessel captured and recovered had been French, and recaptured by a national vessel, there would have been nothing due to the recaptor, because this is only the exercise of that protection which the state owes to all its subjects in all circumstances. If it had been recovered by a privateer, the French regulation gives the property of the vessel to the recaptor, on account of the risk and danger of privateering. It might be an act of generosity to restore the vessel to the original owner, but it is not of right that it should.
In the next place, he considers the case of a neutral recaptured from an enemy. If really neutral, he says the vessel must be released. The ground of this higher degree of favour for a neutral he states to be, that the French vessel must have been lost in the country. But it is not certain that the neutral captured by an enemy may not be released by the admiralty courts of the enemy. The mere capture does not vest the property immediately in the captor, so as to make it transferable to the recaptor. The commissary considers the property not vested in the captor till sentence of condemnation.
We believe this is much milder, and more favourable for neutrals than our practice. The being a certain time in the enemy's custody, or intra Maenia , transfers the property to the captor. This was held in the late well known case of the Spanish prize , captured by the French, and recaptured by the English. It is to be observed, however, that a principal of reciprocity is pursued, and that we give the same indulgence to the neutral which they would have given us in a similar case.
Having proved that the Statira was not liable to confiscation, on the ground of her being in the hands of an enemy, the commissary considers whether her cargo was ground of confiscation.
Upon this point he considers two questions, 1st, whether in point of law, the character of the vessel, neutral or not, should be determined by the nature of the cargo? 2d, whether the cargo consisted of contraband?
He then reviews all the laws upon this head. He shews that till the decree of the 29th Nivose, (year 6.) the regulation states, that his majesty prohibits all privateers to stop and bring into the ports of the kingdom the ships of neutral powers, even though coming from or bound to the ports of the enemy, with the exception of those carrying bread to general amongst the poor, that ing supplies to places blockaded, invested, or besieged. With regard to the ships of neutral states laden with contraband commodities for the enemy, they may be stopped and confiscated, but the vessel and the residue of their cargo shall be restored, unless the said contraband commodities constitute three fourths of the value of the cargo, in which case the ship and cargo shall be wholly confiscated. His majesty however reserves the right of revoking the privileges above granted, if the enemy do not grant a reciprocal indulgence in the course of six months from the date hereof.”
The law of the 29th Nivose, (year 6,) overturned all this system and enacted that the state of ships in regard to their being neutral or hostile, should be determined by their cargo; that accordingly every vessel found at sea, laden in whole or in part with commodities coming from England, or its possessions, should be declared good prize, whoever might be owners of their articles and commodities.
The severity of this regulation the commissary condemns, but as the Statira was captured while it was in force, the captor was entitled to have the capture tried by the law in force at the time.
He examines next how the regulation applies, premising his opinion that such regulations are improperly styled laws and they are essentially variable pro temporibus et causis ; that they should always be tempered by wisdom and equity. He adverts to the words in whole or in part. By the whole, he says, ought to be understood a great part, according to the judicial maxim purum pro nihilo habetur . Upon this principle then he is of opinion that a ship ought not to be subject to confiscation even under the law of the 29th Nivose, unless such a part of the cargo comes under the description of what is there made contraband, as ought to excite a presumption of fraud against all the rest. What part should be so, is not capable of definition, but should be left to the enlightened equity and sound discretion of the judge.
The Statira had on board sixty barrels of turpentine and forty barrels of pitch. The captor contended that these were contraband; the captured said, that by treaty of 1778 with the Americans, the were not enumerated as contraband.
But the commissary shews, that the A-
mericans by the treaty were bound to admit the French, to all the advantages of the most favorite nations; that having in a subsequent treaty with England, made pitch contraband, with respect to the latter, necessarily it became contraband with regard to France.
The learned commissary, however, thinks that even upon the principle of the law of the 24th Nivose, the quantity of pitch was too small to justify confiscation.
In the next place the captor alledged, that 2911 pieces of Campeachy wood, part cargo of the Statira , was the produce of English possessions.
This point however had not been regularly ascertained, as the report on the subject was made without the captured being called as a party.
The commissary states, however, strong circumstances of suspicion on this head. The captured had not appealed against the confiscation of the cargo. The point came under the consideration of the court on the appeal of the captor, who wanted to get both ship and cargo.
The commissary therefore saw no reason for condemning the ship, which was clearly neutral; but on account of the suspicions against the character of the cargo, he thought no indemnification whatever was due to the captured.
Judgment was pronounced accordingly. The piratical decree of the 29th Nivose (year 6,) mentioned above with so much severity by Portalis, has been repealed, and things have been placed upon the footing of the regulation of 1778; that is, the French are to treat neutrals in regard to contraband in the same way in which they are treated by us, they will not allow the Americans to carry into England a commodity which the English would seize as contraband going into the ports of France.
SALEM, Nov. 7.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Gardoqui, to a merchant in this town dated
BILBOA, Oct. 8.
“ By the letters from Paris, we learn that your commissioners have gone away, after settling matters amicably with the French: and that the French Government only wait the ratification of the treaty by your Government, in order to open their ports to the Americans.”
BOSTON, Nov. 6.
The following note was received in town yesterday.
MARBLEHEAD, Nov. 5.
“ Last evening arrived capt. Swain, in 22 days from Bilboa: He informs, that our commissioners to France had settled their business, with the French government—were to dine with the chief Conful on the 2d October, and leave Paris for Havre the next day.
“ N. HOOPER.”
This intelligence is corroborated by capt. Young, arrived here yesterday from Lisbon; He states, that twelve days after leaving Lisbon, he fell in near the Grand Banks, with capt. Trevet, of the brig Mentor , who failed in company with him from Lisbon, and was informed that the day previous capt. Trevet spoke a ship from London for Philadelphia, the captain of which reported that he left London Oct. 14, and that intelligence had been received there of a treaty having been made between France and America: and that the Commissioners had departed for the United States.
Capt. Young further advises, that intelligence had been received at Lisbon, of Commissioners having gone from England for France.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman at Bilboa, to his friend in Marblehead, dated Oct. 7, 1800.
“ The report here is, that the American commissioners are to leave Paris on the 8th inst. (to-morrow) on their return home, and that they have agreed upon a principle of reconciliation—if so, it is probable they have made some arrangements or the payment of debts due from the French government and French citizens, to the citizens of the United States.”
By the Betsey , captain Barker, arrived at Marblehead, with Hamburg papers to the 20th September, we have a confirmation that Russia has abandoned her hostile preparations against the English, in consequence of the accommodation between the latter and Denmark. An article from Vienna, of the 10th of September, announces that if a definitive peace as not concluded, an alliance between the two great northern nations would take place, that Russia would expedite an army
of 130,000 men to Wolhynia & Lithuania, On the other hand Prussia is to lend another army to Bohemia if the French attempt to enter that kingdom. Bost. Cent.
Extract of a letter from capt. John Rust, of Salem, dated Paris, Oct. 1, 1800.
“ My affairs are nearly in the same situation as when I last wrote you, except that the Tribunal of Prizes have no more to do with American property. As the treaty is compleated, we expect all to be saved, but three weeks since the risk was great, for of 20 American vessels they condemned 13. Thank God, there is no risk at present, on those vessels which have not been tried, as the treaty is signed to-day—and all American property, not condemned, is to be given up—but it will take sometime to prepare for our departure.”
NEW YORK.
The British packet has arrived at Halifax in 18 days from Falmouth—the news contained in a Halifax paper of the first of November, received by this vessel, is similar to that by the America; it mentions the treaty between the United States and France, concluded on the 27th of September, at midnight.—The signing of preliminaries of peace by the Emperor.—The conquest of Luneville, to which Joseph Buonaparte is the French deputy, assisted by General Clarke.—The surrender of Malta, &c.—and states that the British and French have not yet concluded on a naval armistice; but the conferences on that subject continue.
It is said that the French army for the invasion of Portugal, is on its march.
The embargo on English vessels is taken off in Russia.
Lord Keith with 15,000 troops is gone either to Naples or Egypt.
A British minister has had some particular conference with the court of Sweden, in consequence of the preparations for war by the latter.
The Halifax captain reports that an English squadron have cut 7 sail of the line out of L'Orient Roads.
FROM LISBON.
Captain Young, arrived from Lisbon, in 21 days, acquaints us, That the Portuguese still entertain strong apprehensions of an invasion by the French through Spain.—A large Spanish army upon the frontiers of Portugal, which it was feared would co-operate; but the Spaniards have been lately laid under an obligation by their neighbours who have protected several valuable Spanish vessels to Lisbon; That the British expedition fleet under J. Pultney were at Gibraltar; and it was supposed would proceed to Portugal if that nation should require assistance;—That it was generally believed the French would endeavour to hold possession of Egypt; and that Kleber has fallen a victim to his determination to evacuate that country, against the advice of the officer who has succeeded him;—That the British cruisers have lately sent several American vessels into Lisbon, and among them a brig belonging to Mr. Kimball of Boston.
Captain Klebry, from Malaga, and who passed Cape St. Vincent, only 19 days before his arrival, informs, that a large English fleet from Gibraltar passed up the Straights about the time he came out.
[Boston Paper.]
SONG
ON THE MEETING OF CONGRESS AT WASHINGTON CITY.
HAIL! hail! thou bright auspicious day, Which ne'er by us can be forgot, Let every freeman homage pay To the attractive CENTRAL SPOT.
Great Constantine a corner chose, We all have learnt Rome's fatal lot, And Peterburgh shall soon disclose, 'Tis wrong to leave the CENTRAL SPOT.
Our Washington's expanded mind, (Whose name's exempt from ev'ry blot) The States in unity to bind, Directed to the CENTRAL SPOT.
Then let us firm, united be, Scorning each foe's distracting plot, The manly Sons of Liberty Will always love the CENTRAL SPOT.
Notice is hereby given that I have applied to the general Assembly of Maryland for an Act of Insolvency.
PATRICK SIM.
Nov. 7, 1800.

WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 19th, 1800.
On Tuesday the 11th inst. the Governor's council was chosen, by a joint ballot of the two branches of the general Assembly. The following is a statement of the votes for the different candidates.
FEDERAL.
 Thomas Buchanan, 54  Arthur Shaaf, 52  James Thomas, 49  John Davidson, 48  Samuel Ridout, 48 
REPUBLICANS.
 Wm. Kelty, 45  Allen B. Duckett, 44  Francis Diggs, 42  John Scott, 40  Dr. R. Gheeslin, 40 
In our last we stated that Maryland had elected four republican and four federal Electors. We have since received information from the remaining districts. Mr. Kerchner, a republican, is elected by a Majority of 19; and Mr. Lynchcomb also a republican, is elected. The entire votes of Maryland will, therefore, be 6 republican, and four federal.
Proceedings of PENNSYLVANIA Legislature on the choice of Electors of a President.
On Monday, the 10th inst. a bill directing an election of electors to take place on the 15th inst. by the joint vote of both houses, passed the House of Representatives by a majority of 34; there being for the bill 55, and 21 against it.
On the 12th inst. the Senate rejected the bill directing a joint vote by a majority of two; there being for the bill 11, and against it 13.
Mr. Gurney then presented a new bill, prescribing that eight of the Electors should be chosen by the House of Representatives, and seven by the Senate, which passed by a majority of two, the votes being the same as those on the rejection of the bill from the House of Representatives.
It is said that the new bill has been rejected by the House of Representatives.
JAMES THOMPSON CALENDER has applied to one of the Judges of the General Court of Virginia to be released from confinement under the Sedition law by habeas corpus; to which application answer has been made that it is improbable that any relief can be granted under the authority of the General Court of Virginia.
Returns received from forty one counties of Virginia give the republican ticket of electors 12,571 votes, and the federal ticket 2,293.
Concurring accounts from South Carolina, entitled to high credit, state that there is a decided majority of republicans in the new Legislature of that state, and that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr will obtain all the electoral votes of that state.
The best accounts from North Carolina of the elections of electors are, that—Messrs. Whitefield, Winn, Winston, Alston, Taylor, Tatom, Hamilton, republicans—and Messrs. McCoy, Martin, Mayo, federalists, are elected.
No correct accounts are yet received from Morganton and Wilmington, which choose two electors.
The Assembly of New-York have elected the following Council of appointment—De Witt Clinton, Ambrose Spencer, Robert Roseboom, and John Saunders, chosen by a majority of 29 votes.
The Legislature of Massachusetts were to meet yesterday at Boston, for the purpose of appointing electors of a President and Vice President of United States.
Massachusetts elections for members of the House of Representatives U. S. viz.
Dr. William Eustis, republican, elected; and Nathan Read and Menassah Cutler, federal, elected.
In the first Southern District L. Williams had 130 votes from three towns.
Eight towns, in a district, not designated by name, give Mr. Bishop, the republican candidate, 783 votes, Mr. May 237 votes, Mr. Bullock 148 votes, and 33 scattering votes.
In the Second Middle District 14 towns out of 34 give Mr. Varnum, the republi-
lican candidate 1007 votes, and Mr. Bigelow 437 votes.
In the Fourth Western district 14 towns out of 28 give Mr. Upham, the federal candidate 836 votes, and Mr. Lincoln, the republican candidate, 825 votes.
Yesterday about 2 o'clock P. M. a fire broke out in Alexandria, Virginia, which consumed six frame buildings.
Arrived here on Monday last, Robert Liston, minister of Great Britain.
NEW-YORK, November 12.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Bennington, Vermont, to his correspondent in this city, dated November 3.
"The choice of electors of President and Vice-President for this state is just decided. The appointment consists of Elijah Dewey, Jonathan Hunt, general Chamberlain, and Roswell Hopkins, all decidedly federal."
Extraordinary effects of fear.
In the time of the American war, while the army was encamped at West-point, a party of soldiers discovered an eagle's nest half way down the vast precipice of the rock adjacent to the fort. In order to get at the nest, one of the soldiers was let down by a rope, fastened round his middle and made sure above, with two or three men to guide the rope, and to draw him up when he had executed his design.—When he had descended near to the nest, the eagle came upon him with hideous screams, aiming directly at his head. In this dilemma he had no way to defend himself but by taking out his knife, with which he kept her off, by striking at her every time she came at him. In one of the passes he made at her, he had the misfortune to strike the rope, and cut two of the strands, and the other began to untwist—while his companions above drew him up as fast as possible. In this situation, he expected the rope every moment to part, when he must have fallen from the tremendous height, and been dashed to pieces among the rocks. But, when almost every prospect of life had ceased, he was drawn to the top of the rock, the remaining strand of the rope being nearly reduced to a wisp of tow!—The effect of this sudden and extraordinary instance of fear upon this man was such, that, in the course of twenty-four hours, the hair of his head (from a coal black) was turned as white as the whitest wool. The man was about twenty-five years of age.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, failed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexpected delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no safer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the Inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this constituent, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion on of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequent a PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indecent ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to him, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men Let it, however, be considered, that impartiality does
not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROPOSITIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subscribed to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good paper, and with a new type.
2d. The annual subscription shall be Five DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and Six DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.
3d. All Letters to be post paid.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. This, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
A MEETING
Of the 14th Regiment of the Militia of Maryland, is requested at Mr. Stille's tavern, in the City of Washington, on Friday the 21st inst. at eleven o'clock, in order to appoint an officer to wait on the General Assembly, to obtain amendments to the Militia law.
It is expected that the Commanding Officers in this state will request a meeting of their respective Regiments, to appoint Deputies to meet at Annapolis on Monday the 24th inst. in order to carry the above laudable undertaking into perfect effect.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE,
Lot No. 9, in Square 122.
THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on F. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street.—An indisputable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel.
JOHN KEARNEY.
N. B. I will also sell Lot No. 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 24, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property.
I. K.
November 17, 1800.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, NOV. 18th.
The following members appeared in addition to those enumerated in the proceedings of yesterday, viz.
Messrs. Wm. Cooper, Lucas Elmendorf, Jas. H. Imlay, Franklin Davenport, Robert Waln, Elijah Goodrich, Wm. Edmond, Roger Griswold, Samuel Smith, Henry Lee, Thos. Evans, John Trigg, R. D. Spaight, Jonathan Dickson, Benj. Telliaparo, which amounted in the whole to fifty nine, and constituted a quorum.
John G. Smith, a new member from Connecticut, was sworn.
A committee of elections, consisting of seven members was appointed, pursuant to the standing rules of the house, viz.
Messrs. Dent, L. Williams, Edmond, Mughlenburg, Evans, Dickson, Claiborne.
A committee of commerce and manufactures, consisting of seven members, was appointed, viz.
Messrs. S. Smith, Waln, F. Davenport, Huger, Parker, E. Goodrich, S. Lee.
It was resolved that each member receive three news papers, to be paid for by the house.
WEDNESDAY Nov. 19, 1800.
The Senate not having made a quorum, the House adjourned without transacting any business.
SENATE.
TUESDAY November 18.
In addition to the members stated as present yesterday, Messrs. Mason and D. Fofter appeared.
But there not being a sufficient number to constitute a quorum, the Senate adjourned till tomorrow.
WEDNESDAY November 19.
No additional members appeared, adjourned till to-morrow.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE.
RAPINE, CONRAD, & CO.
Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store Letters from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States.
Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity, Arts and Sciences, Classics, School books, Novels, Romances Biography, &c. &c.—With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium, demy, and foolscap writing paper, thick and thin post, blue & common wrapping paper, best Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink, black lead pencils, parchment, playing cards, blank books, &c. &c. All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices.
Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders. Nov. 17th, 1800.
JOHN BARNES,
FROM PHILADELPHIA,
Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz.
 Imperial, Large Hyson,  Young Hyson, Hysonkin,  Souchong and Bohea. 
SPICES:
 Nutmegs, Mace,  Cinnamon. Cloves,  Four bags fresh Almonds. 
LIQUORS.
 Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port,  Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spi-  rits, and Holland Gin. 
COFFEE,
Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings.
He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes.
English and American playing cards, Pastboard per gross, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 7 8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece. Nov. 14th, 1800.
STRAYED or STOLEN A BLACK MARE with a white Streak down her face, with a bunchy Mane and tail. No other particular marks that I know. About thirteen hands high, about twelve years old, very heavy made and in good order, FOUR DOLLARS reward and all reasonable charges paid if left either with the Subscriber, or at JAMES TIMMONS Liberty Street Baltimore,
By JAMES USHER, Greenleaf's Point.
Washington City, Nov. 10, 1800.

The friends of humanity, who consider war as the greatest foe to human happiness, will deem not unworthy of perusal the following PROJECT FOR A PERPETUAL PEACE, by ROUSSEAU.
As a more noble, useful, and delightful Project never engaged the human mind, than that of establishing a perpetual peace among the contending nations of Europe, never did a writer lay a better claim to the attention of the public than he who points out the means to carry such a design into execution. It is, indeed, very difficult for a man of probity and sensibility, not to be fired with a kind of enthusiasm on such a subject: nay, I am not clear that the very illusions of an heart truly humane, whose warmth makes every thing easily surmountable, are not in this case more eligible than that rigid and forbidding prudence, which finds, in its own indifference and want of public spirit, the chief obstacle to every thing that tends to promote the public good.
I doubt not that many of my readers will be armed with incredulity, to withstand the pleasing temptation of being persuaded; and indeed I sincerely lament their dulness in mistaking obstinacy for wisdom. But I flatter myself, that many an honest mind will sympathise with me in that delightful emotion, with which I take up the pen to treat of a subject so greatly interesting to the world. I am going to take a view, at least in imagination, of mankind united by love and friendship: I am going to take a contemplated prospect of an agreeable and peaceful society of brethren, living in constant harmony, directed by the same maxims, and joint sharers of one common felicity; while, realizing to myself so affecting a picture, the representation of such imaginary happiness will give me the momentary enjoyment of a pleasure actually present.
I could not resist the impulse of devoting a few lines, at the beginning of my performance, to a sentiment with which my heart is replete. Let us now endeavour to reason coolly on the subject. Being resolved to advance nothing which I cannot prove, I think myself authorised to desire the reader to deny nothing which he cannot confute: for I am not so much afraid of those who may argue, as of such as withhold their assent to arguments to which they will nevertheless make no objection.
It requires no very long or close attention to the means of bringing any kind of government to perfection, to perceive many obstacles and embarrassments, which arise less from the nature of the constitution than from its external relations: so that the care, which ought to be devoted to the domestic policy of a state, is necessarily bestowed on securing its dependency; more pains have been taken to enable it to resist other states, than to improve its own government. If the social union were, as pretended, rather the effect of reason than the passions, how could men have been so long in finding out that they have always done either too much or too little for their own happiness; that individuals, being in a social state with regard to their fellow countrymen, and in a state of nature with regard to the rest of the world, they have only prevented civil bloodshed among particulars, to excite national wars, a thousand times more general and destructive; and that by attaching ourselves to the interest of particular persons, we become enemies to our whole species.
If there be any way to remove these fatal contradictions, it is perhaps by a confederative form of government only; which, connecting whole nations by the same ties that unite individuals, may equally subject both the one and the other to the authority of the laws. This mode of government appears, besides, preferable to every other, as it comprehends at once the advantages both of great states and small ones: it is respectable abroad from its power; its laws are vigorously executed; and it is the only form which is adapted equally to restrain the subject, the magistrate, and foreign states.
To behold, the perpetual dissensions, depredations, usurpations, rebellions, wars, and murders, which are constantly ravaging this respectable abode of philosophers, this brilliant asylum of the arts and sciences; to reflect on the sublimity of our conversation and the meanness of our proceedings, on the humanity of our maxims and the cruelty of our actions, on the meekness of our religion and the horror of our persecutions, on a policy so wise in theory and so absurd in practice, on the beneficence of sovereigns and the misery of their people, on governments so mild and wars so destructive; we are at a loss to reconcile these strange contrarieties, while this pretended fraternity of European nations appears to be only a term of ridicule, serving ironically to express their reciprocal animosity.
And yet, in all this, things only take their natural course; every society constituted of laws or magistrates, every union formed or supported by chance, must necessarily degenerate into quarrels and dissensions upon the first change of circumstances. The ancient union of the European nations hath rendered their interests and privileges extremely complicated: they bear against each other in so many points, that the least agitation of any one puts the whole in motion. Their dissensions are also by so much the more fatal as their connections are intimate; while their frequent quarrels are almost as unnatural and cruel as civil wars.
It must be admitted, therefore, that the present relative state of the European powers is a state of war; and that the partial treaties subsisting between some of them, are rather temporary truces, than a state of peace; whether it be owing to those treaties having no other guarantees than the contracting parties, or that their respective rights are never duly ascertained, and the pretensions thence subsisting among powers who acknowledge no superior infallibly prove the source of new wars, as soon as different circumstances empower the pretenders to assert their claims.
To this it may be added, that the law of nations not being universally concerted and established, but having no general principles, and incessantly varying according to time and place, it is full of contradictory maxims, which can never be reconciled but by the right of the strongest: so that the judgment being without a sure guide and always biased in doubtful cases by self-interest, war becomes sometimes inevitable even when both parties may be desirous of acting justly. All that can be done, with the best intentions, therefore, is to decide this kind of disputes by force of arms, or to palliate them by temporary treaties. But no sooner is occasion taken to revive the cause of quarrel, than it takes a new form, and all is complication and confusion: the real grounds of the affair are not to be seen; usurpation passes for right, and weakness for injustice; while, amidst the general disorder, every one finds himself insensibly so far displaced, that, if it were possible to recur to the real and primitive right, there would be few sovereigns in Europe who ought not to refund every thing they possess.
Another source of war, less obvious though not less real, is, that things do not change their form in changing their nature; that states which are hereditary in fact, remain elective in appearance; that there are parliaments or national states in monarchies, and hereditary chiefs in republics; that one power really dependent on another, still preserves the appearance of liberty; that all the subjects of the same sovereign are not governed by the same laws; that the order of succession is different in different provinces of the same state; in fine, that all governments naturally tend to a change, without there being a possibility of preventing it. Such are the general and particular causes which connect us for our ruin, and lead us to describe the charms of social virtue with our hands constantly stained with human gore.
The causes of an evil being once known, the remedy, if any such there be, is sufficiently indicated by the same means. It is plain to every one, that society is formed by a coalition of interests; that every dissention arises from an opposition of interests; that, as a thousand fortuitous events may change and modify both the one and the other, it is necessary that every society should possess a coercive force, to direct and concert the movements of its several members, in order to give their common interests and reciprocal engagements that solidity which they could not separately acquire.
It would otherwise be a great mistake to suppose, that such a state of constraint could ever change, merely from the nature of things, and without the assistance of art. The present system of Europe hath attained precisely that degree of solidity, which may keep it in a perpetual agitation, without ever effectually subverting it: thus, if our misfortunes cannot be increased, they are still less capable of being put an end to; because no great revolution can now ever happen.
Let us inquire now in what manner this great work commenced by fortune, may be completed by reason; and how that free and voluntary society, which unites all the European states, assuming the force and solidity of a body truly political, and may be converted into a real confederacy. It is indubitable that such an establishment, giving to this association its necessary perfection, would remove its abuses, extend its advantages, and compel all parties to concur to the common good. But to this end it is necessary that no considerable power should refuse to enter in-
to the association; that a judiciary tribunal should be established, invested with authority to institute such laws and regulations as all the members are to obey; that this tribunal be invested with a coercive and coactive force to compel each particular state to submit to the result, whether active or restrictive, of the general deliberations; in short, that it be fixed and durable, to prevent the several members from withdrawing themselves from it at pleasure, whenever they conceive their own particular interests incompatible with the general. These are the tokens by which it might be certainly known if the institution were prudent, useful, and impregnable. We come now to extend this supposition, in order to find out by analysis what effects ought to result from such a confederacy; what means are proper to establish it, and what reasonable hope may be formed of its being carried into execution.
It is a custom among us, for a kind of general diets to assemble, from time to time, under the appellation of a Congress; to which envoys are solemnly deputed from all the states of Europe, to return back just as they went; for they either meet to say nothing, or to treat of public affairs as if they were private, to deliberate gravely whether the table should be round or square, whether there shall be more or fewer doors to their assembly-room, whether a certain plenipotentiary should sit with his face or his back toward the window, whether another should advance a foot more or less on a visit of ceremony, or on a thousand other points of like importance, ineffectually debated for three centuries past, and undoubtedly well worthy to employ the politicians of the present.
It is possible that the members of some one of these assemblies may be endowed with common sense; it is not even impossible that they may be sincerely disposed to the public good; and by the reasons hereafter to be deduced, it may be conceived, that, after having obviated many difficulties, they may have orders from their respective sovereigns to sign the general confederacy; a summary of which I suppose to be contained in the five following articles.
By the first, the contracting sovereigns should establish between themselves a perpetual and irrevocable alliance; appointing plenipotentiaries to hold a fixed and permanent diet, or congress, at a certain place; in which diet all the differences arising between the contracting parties shall be regulated and decided by way of arbitration.
By the second, the number of sovereigns should be specified whose plenipotentiaries are to have votes in the Congress, with those who should be invited to accede to the treaty; also the order, time, and manner, in which the office of President is to pass from one to another at equal intervals; and, lastly, the respective quota of contributions, and the manner of raising them, to supply the general expenses.
By the third, the confederacy should guarantee to each of its members the possession and government of all the states it at present possesses, as well as the elective or hereditary succession, as it may be established by the fundamental laws of each country. In order also to cut off at once the source of disputes incessantly recurring among them, it should be agreed to make the actual possession and the treaties last concluded, the basis of the mutual rights of the contracting powers; who are to renounce for ever and reciprocally all their prior pretensions, except future successions liable to be contested, and other rights in reversion, which are to be determined by arbitration at the diet, without the parties being ever permitted to do themselves justice by force, or to take up arms against each other, under any pretence whatever.
By the fourth, it should be specified that every ally who shall break the treaty, shall be put under the ban of the empire, and proscribed as a common enemy; that is, if he refuses to comply with the decisions of the diet, makes preparations for war, negotiates treaties repugnant to the confederacy, or takes up arms to resist or attack any of the allies. It should be farther agreed also, by the same articles, that all the contracting parties shall arm themselves to act offensively, jointly, and at the common expence, against every state put under the ban of the empire, until such state shall lay down its arms, and submit to execute the determination of the congress, repair the wrongs, reimburse the expence, and even compensate for making preparations for war contrary to treaty.
And, lastly, by the fifth article, the ple-
nipotentiaries of the European confederacy should always be empowered to form, in the diet, such regulations as shall be judged expedient to procure all possible advantage to the whole of the European Republic, and its several members, in consequence of instructions from their respective courts, and having a majority of votes for the proposition of such regulations, and three-fourths five years after for their final determination. But that no alteration shall ever be made in these five fundamental articles, without the unanimous consent of the whole confederacy.
(To be Continued.)
TO THE LATE
DOCTOR MATHER OF BOSTON,
REV. SIR,
I RECEIVED your kind letter, with your excellent advice to the United States, which I read with great pleasure, and hope it will be duly regarded. Such writings, though they may be lightly passed over by many readers, yet, if they make a deep impression on one active mind in a hundred, the effects may be considerable.
Permit me to mention one little instance which, though it relates to myself, will not be quite uninteresting to you. When I was a boy, I met with a book entitled, "Essays to do good," which I think was written by your father. It had been so little regarded by a former possessor, that several leaves of it were torn out; but the remainder gave me such a turn of thinking, as to have an influence on my conduct through life: for I have always set a greater value on the character of a doer of good, than any other kind of reputation; and if I have been, as you seem to think, a useful citizen, the public owes the advantage of it to that book.
You mention your being in your seventy-eighth year. I am in my seventy-ninth. We are grown old together. It is now more than sixty years since I left Boston; but I remember well both your father and grandfather, having heard them both in the pulpit, and seen them in their houses. The last time I saw your father was in the beginning of 1724, when I visited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania: he received me in his library; and on my taking leave, shewed me a shorter way out of the house, through a narrow passage, which was crossed by a beam over head. We were still talking as I withdrew, he accompanying me behind, and I turning partly towards him, when he said hastily, "Stoop Stoop!" I did not understand him till I felt my head hit against the beam. He was a man who never missed any occasion of giving instruction; and upon this he said to me: "You are young, and have the world before you: stoop as you go through it, and you will miss many hard thumps." This advice, thus beat into my head, has frequently been of use to me; and I often think of it, when I see pride mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying their heads too high.
I long much to see again my native place; and once hoped to lay my bones there. I left it in 1723. I visited it in 1733, 1743, 1753, and 1763; and in 1773 I was in England. In 1775 I had a sight of it, but could not enter, it being in possession of the enemy. I did hope to have been there in 1783, but could not obtain my dismission from this employment here; and now I fear I shall never have that happiness. My best wishes however attend my dear country, "esto perpetua." It is now blessed with an excellent constitution: may it last for ever!
This powerful monarchy* continues its friendship for the United States. It is a friendship of the utmost importance to our security, and should be carefully cultivated. Britain has not yet well digested the loss of its dominions over us; and has still at times some flattering hopes, of recovering it. Accidents may increase those hopes, and encourage dangerous attempts. A breach between us and France would infallibly bring the English again upon our backs: and yet we have some wild beasts among our countrymen, who are endeavouring to weaken that connection.
Let us preserve our reputation, by performing our engagements; our credit by fulfilling our contracts; and our friends by gratitude and kindness; for we know not how soon we may again have occasion for all of them.
B. FRANKLIN. Passy, May 12, 1784.
* France.