Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-01-19 00:00:00

[—709—]  Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 76, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 19, 1791.
[Whole No. 180.]
ADDRESS
Of the Inhabitants of TRENTON, To His Excellency WILLIAM PATERSON, Esq. GOVERNOR of New-Jersey,
THE early, decided, and persevering patriot, whose councils and exertions have eminently contributed to establish the peace, liberty and safety of the public, deserves every distinction which a sensible and grateful people can bestow. Such services, and such principles, have placed you, Sir, in the highest seat of government, without hesitation or dissent; and New-Jersey no longer feels the wound which she has received by the death of a LIVINGSTON, when a PATERSON supplies his place.
The inhabitants of Trenton, and the vicinity, equally sensible of your merits, and equally grateful for your past services, with the rest of their fellow-citizens, would do injustice to their own feelings, were they to suppress the satisfaction and approbation they feel upon so happy and unanimous a choice of a Chief Magistrate.
We should think ourselves particularly favored, if it might be consistent with your Excellency's private interest and choice, to honor this place with your residence; if not so fortunate, we shall be anxious to make every transient stay agreeable.
With well-founded assurance that your future conduct, like your past, will merit and perpetuate the love and confidence of the inhabitants of New-Jersey, we pray for you, all personal and domestic felicity here, well knowing that hereafter a sure reward awaits the benefactors of mankind.
In behalf of the Inhabitants,
ISAAC SMITH, Chairman.
Trenton, Nov. 24, 1790.
GENTLEMEN,
I SCARCELY know in what manner to make my acknowledgments for your polite and affectionate address. Language fails me—I cannot describe the emotions of gratitude and respect, which rise in my breast—but believe me, gentlemen, I feel—my heart sensibly feels upon the occasion.
The attention and hospitality, which, as a private individual, I have experienced from the inhabitants of Trenton, and its vicinity, I shall ever retain in grateful memory; and I have no doubt that whenever inclination may lead, or the duties of office may call there—or whether my stay be as a resident, or as a guest, I shall meet with a cordial reception, and be treated with every mark of civility and politeness.
That my conduct in the different offices, which I have had the honor to fill, has met with the approbation of a free and enlightened people, gives me unfeigned pleasure; and it is my fervent wish, that I may in future demean myself in such a manner as to cherish and increase this favorable opinion. My interest as a citizen conspires with my duty as a ruler to advance the growth and prosperity of this State, and to promote the welfare and glory of the Union at large. In this sentiment I am sure of meeting with your hearty concurrence, and that of every good and wise man in the State. As Freemen, we have but one common object; as Citizens of the United States, our interests and our rights are now the same. That narrow system of local politics, which, for a time, distracted our counsels, disturbed our repose, and tarnished our glory, is gradually disappearing, under the benign influence and diffusive operation of the new government: Our political horizon extends and brightens—As a people we are united and happy at home—and as a nation respected abroad.—May New-Jersey sustain her rank in the political scale of the Union!—To realize this wish, ought to be our aim—our study—and our pride. May the ardour of patriotism be kindled into an active and noble emulation—and may we, in our respective stations—and within the sphere of our influence, vie with each other, who shall contribute most to the welfare and aggrandizement of our common country! In this generous contention, all the social virtues will be called into exercise—all the high-toned passions will be enlisted on the side of duty, and whatever is amiable in character, or sublime in action, will rise to view, and warm and animate the portrait of an American citizen. Thus may we act—and after a life, full of beneficence and years, may you be translated to that happy world, where the patriot, and friend of mankind, will receive a sure and lasting reward.
WILLIAM PATERSON.
S U M M A R Y
Of the Estimates referred to in the Secretary of the Treasury's Report to Congress of the 6th instant.
No. I. Respecting the CIVIL LIST.
  Executive and Judicial Departments.   Compensation to the President, Chief Justice and his five Associates-Judges of the several districts, and Attorney General, Dolls. Cts.   Legislative Department. 72,000   Compensation to the Members of Congress, and their Secretary, Clerks, Chaplains, Messengers, Serjeant at Arms, and Door-Keepers, estimating the attendance of the whole number for six months, 113,400   Treasury Department.   Compensation to the Secretary, his Assistant, Clerks, Messenger and Office-Keeper, 8,200   Comptroller and his Clerks, 8,800   Treasurer, his Clerks, Messenger and Office-Keeper, 4,200   Auditor, and his Clerks, 10,600   Register, and his Clerks, 11,550   Two Office-Keepers and Messengers for the Comptroller's, Auditor's and Register's offices, 400   Loan-Officers of the several Districts, 13,250 57,000   Department of State.   Compensation to the Secretary, his Clerks, Office-Keeper and Messenger, 6,250   Department of War.   Compensation to the Secretary, Clerks, Paymaster, Commissioner, Messenger and Office-Keeper, Commissioners for settling accounts between the United States and individual States. 6,500   Compensation to the Commissioners, their Clerks, Messenger and Office-Keeper, 11,550   Government of Western Territory.   Compensation to the Governors, Secretaries, Judges, &c. of the two Districts, 10,000   Grant to Baron Steuben.   His annual allowance, 2,500   Pensions granted by the late Government, 2,767 73   Incidental and contingent expenses relative to the Civil List.   Under this head are included fire wood, stationery, printing work, and all other contingent expenses of the two Houses of Congress, and the other departments, 17,308 80   Total in Dollars, 299,276 53 
No. II. Contains an Estimate of expenses of the Civil List Establishment, for the year 1791, arising from the following objects, viz.
Deficiency in an appropriation heretofore made for building and equipping ten cutters, a sum for building a large boat for each cutter, pay and rations to the Masters and mariners of the same, &c.; for expenses, towards the safe keeping and prosecution of persons committed for offences against the United States; for the support, maintenance and repairs of light-houses, beacons, piers, stakes and buoys; for converting the beacon of Georgia into a light-house; for printing the several descriptions of treasury and loan-office certificates prepared in pursuance of an act making provision for the public debt; for making 300 reams at 3 3/4 dollars per ream; printing 200 reams, at 15 dollars per ream; pay of two superintendents of the paper mill; pay of four superintendents of the press; binding 2000 books, at 50-100cts each; for a clerk employed in the treasury department, for receiving the certificates from the superintendents, and transmitting them to the several loan-offices, and attending to other parts of this business; for devices and contingent expenses; for expenses which will attend surveying the tract of the Miami company, and running the lines of division of the tracts of the Ohio and Sciota companies, agreeably to a resolve of 14th August, 1790; for the purchase of hydrometers for the use of the officers of the customs and inspectors of the revenue:
Amounting together to Dollars, 50,756 7
No. III. An Estimate of Money requisite for the Department of War, for the year 1791.
  Stated annual Expenses.   Pay of the troops, 74,916   Subsistence of the troops, 59,787   Forage, 1,032   Cloathing for the troops, 23,772 80   Quarter-master's department, 25,000   Hospital department, 1,635 20   Four extra surgeons' mates, 4,732 80   Ordnance department, 6,303 66   Contingencies of war department, 5,000   Extra Expenses.   Expedition of General Harmar, 100,000   Annual allowance to invalids, 87,463 60   Monies due for former services, 556 48 
Amounting to Dollars, 398,199 54
No. IV. General Estimate for the Services of the ensuing year.
  Civil List, as per No. 1, 299,276 53   Additional Expenses, as per No. 2, 50,756 7   War Department, as per No. 3, 390,199 54   Total Dollars, 740,232 14 
FROM THE NEW-YORK DAILY ADVERTISER.
AN ABSURDITY!
THERE has not a more curious circumstance happened, within the compass of my recollection than the late resolution of the Legislature of North-Carolina, on the subject of their state debt. This affair, in whatever light it may be viewed, exposes such an absurdity as admits neither of explanation, nor apology. The state, it seems, propose to come forward with such certificates as have been paid into their Treasury, and
subscribe them to be assumed by the United States. The law of Congress for assuming the state debts, at first view, renders any such resolve a nullity. It cannot be thrown into any shape, in which it will not contradict and destroy itself. Let me ask what Congress have undertaken to do? The answer is; they have undertaken to assume the state debts. But when a state has paid any certificates and got them into the Treasury, there no longer exists a debt relative to such redeemed certificates. A debt cannot exist without two parties; a debtor and creditor. When a debt is once paid, both those relations are destroyed and the debt is of course annihilated. The assumption law, in such case, has nothing to operate upon; because, the subject of that law, is debts; and the agents who are to receive the payment, are creditors. Now when the debt has once been discharged, there is no longer a debtor, and consequently there can be no creditor, since one cannot exist without the other. A debt is a thing which does not admit of a resuscitation. Its payment, by the person who owed it, is its final destruction. I will put a case.
A issues a number of notes payable to different persons; and before he has discharged them all. B undertakes the payment of such demands as may lie against A.—It is obvious, without any arguments, that the engagement is not meant to extend to those notes which A had himself discharged and taken up. This plain reason may be assigned for it, that when the note reverts into the hands of the giver, the demand vanishes, and can never assume a new existence. I once more repeat, that it is a contradiction in terms, to say that an assumption of debts can be applied where there is no debt.
In what character will a state come forward with its own notes? If it comes forward as a debtor, the assumption law can take cognizance of creditors only. If on the other hand, the state calls itself a creditor, it is cast out from the benefit of the assumption, because the state in being a creditor ceases to be a debtor, and therefore there can be no debt for the assumption to take hold of. But it will be said, the state may appear in the capacity both of creditor and debtor. This is impossible in the nature of things. Because, debtor and creditor are counterparts of such a kind, that when they meet in the same person, they destroy each other and stand for nothing.
CONSISTENCY.
Jan. II.
Sacred to the Memory of the late Alderman BLAGGE, of the City of New-York.
BLAGGE! thou art gone; nor hast thou left behind A juster being, or a nobler mind.
For honor and for probity renown'd,
In thee the Patriot and the Sage were found.
By moderation tempering rigid law,
Thou knew'st the poor to cheer, the rich to awe.
New-York beheld thy steady, gen'rous plan,
And all the world should bless the friend of man.
Patron of commerce from thy youthful years,
No Tradesman left thy doors dissolv'd in tears.
Favour from thee th' industrious poor receiv'd,
Their wants, when known, were generously reliev'd.
Religion reign'd in thy capacious heart,
And heavenly charity perform'd her part.
In private life each duty well discharg'd;
Strengthen'd thy efforts, and thy soul enlarg'd;
The parent's, husband's worth, by thee display'd,
A bright example to the world convey'd.
To thee, since talents, piety, were given,
Earth's ornament may hope reward from Heav'n.
N E W B E R N, (N. C.) December 23.
The Legislature of this State, during their last session made the following appointments.
His Excellency ALEXANDER MARTIN, Esq. Governor. The Honorable SPRUCE M'COY, Esq. one of the Judges of the Superior Courts. JOHN HAYWOOD, Esq. Solicitor-General.
ANECDOTES.
A COXCOMB asked a stuttering barber's boy, in New-Haven—did you ever shave a monkey? No Sir, said he, but if you will set down I will t-t-try.
A FLOURISHING Coxcomb the other day came into a Shoemaker's shop to try on a pair of boots. "These are too short for the Ton" said he, "they should be long enough to cover up the Calf compleatly." "Then" said the shoemaker "They must be about five feet ten inches."

MR. FENNO,
The Secretary of State, in his Report on the subject of establishing a uniformity in the weights, measures and coins of the United States, has given us an ample testimony of his scientific abilities, and from a series of public conduct, a proof, that refined science, and republican virtue, are not incompatible.
The idea of using the Pendulum as a universal standard for measure, is not new; but the public is principally indebted to the Secretary for the general application of it, and making it likewise the basis of both weights, and cubical, or solid mensuration.
In order to make a universal standard for any purpose, it will be found necessary to have recourse to some unalterable principle for that purpose. The Secretary has chosen Gravity, which produces nearly the same effects, over every part of our globe: From which circumstance this important conclusion results, viz. that two persons, in different parts of the world, will each, by the application of pendulous bars to their clocks, or regulators, of such a length as to produce seconds, constitute the standard Yard of the Secretary; and so nearly of a length, that they may be indiscriminately used for all common purposes; but where great exactness is necessary, it will be requisite to reduce the Pendulum to the standard of some particular latitude. This Rod, or Pendulum, the Secretary divides into five equal parts, called feet, these feet into ten equal parts, called inches, these inches into ten equal parts, called lines, and lastly, these lines into ten equal parts, called points. The Standard when thus graduated is compleat. The foot, or one fifth part of this rod, gives the cubical dimensions of the capacity of the Bushel, which becomes the Standard, or Radix, out of which all the other cubical measures of capacity take their rise. The inch of this rod, gives the cubical dimensions of the capacity of a vessel, the weight of which capacity, or cubic inch of rain-water, constitutes the ounce; which becomes the standard of Weights. The money-unit, or dollar, with the alloy already established by the United States, will be equal to the weight of the ounce, or cubic inch of rain-water.
Hence from this universal standard, (which is nearly as fixed as Gravity,) all kinds of Measures, Weights and Coins, may be regulated in the most harmonious manner. In forming the standard for this plan, there is nothing left to caprice and whim, which circumstance alone must banish discordance, and entitle it to a decided preference over all the various regulations now in use.
Philadelphia, January 17, 1791. E.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
IT is a republican principle that the majority shall govern: In all communities this majority is composed of the middling and poorer classes of the people; these classes, united, are superior to all opposition; and whenever they are set in motion, to pursue an object on just principles, the general good is invariably promoted—their prosperity always includes that of the other class, the rich and independent. I presume it will be granted, that the education of the children of every rank in society, is a consideration of the first importance, and ought to be an object of attention to every man whose bosom glows with a spark of philanthropy, or good citizenship. The affluent are so sensible of the advantages of learning, that they never neglect a suitable provision for their own offspring; but this charity, which begins at home, is never extended but in a partial manner. I believe it will be found that no competent provision for an universal diffusion of the means of education ever was or can be made, but at the instance of those who constitute what is denominated the mass of the people. On the middling and lower classes then this business devolves, and they are fully competent to the undertaking. Uniting their strength, and exerting their force, they may accomplish the desirable object. If the PEOPLE say that a law shall be made obliging every town, consisting of a given number of inhabitants, to support a school or schools, in which the children of every householder shall have a right to be instructed, it shall be done.—Or if the citizens of any corporation unite in so laudable a design as to provide for the establishment of public schools at the expence of the whole community, every individual of which to be benefited by the institution, if they chuse, what is there to hinder the plan from being carried into execution? As I said before, this must be done by the middling class of people—in the country, by the yeomanry, the labourers and farmers—in the sea-ports, by the mechanics, the artists and inferior traders: These are immediately interested—the rich more remotely, tho' essentially; but the affluent having it in their power to provide for their own, it is only from necessity, and by being out-voted by the majority that they will ever be brought to contribute to the support of such competent institutions, which they can do without. We hear much about Charity-Schools—they are mere illusions by which the poor are diverted from a proper attention to their interest; they never were competent to the exigencies of the poor in any country. If by united exertions the free citizens of this country can provide for themselves, I hope they will never depend on charity.
I conclude the present remarks by a quotation from an ingenious and animated address to the citizens of Delaware, which appeared in the Delaware Gazette of 8th inst.
"It is too notorious to need formal proof, that in those parts of our own and other countries, where public schools, and places of liberal education, are numerous, encouraged, and amply supported, there without many exceptions, flourish improvements in society, and the arts of life, and every thing contributing to national happiness and prosperity; there government is spirited and energetick; there wealth and eminence rise with equal and rapid strides; there is most permanency and tranquility. The reason is plain—Every rank
and order of citizens, in the mechanical as well as the liberal professions, are men of information, discernment and reflection; capable not only of managing their business in such a manner as to procure themselves affluence and ease, but of making and communicating such interesting discoveries and inventions, as shall be of extensive utility. Thus may the artist contribute his mite, with as much success as the more splendid character, towards encreasing the wealth and glory of his country."
A MECHANIC.
MR. FENNO,
As you published the Resolutions of North Carolina in their immature state, it will be proper to do it correctly. The Resolutions finally passed, are as follows. Yours, B. C.
NORTH CAROLINA.
In General Assembly, December 14, 1790.
WHEREAS, the secrecy of the Senate of the United States, the alarming measures of the late session of Congress, and the silence observed by the Senators from this state, in not corresponding with the legislative or executive thereof, strongly impresses this general assembly with the necessity of declaring their sentiments thereon.
Resolved, that the Senators representing this state in the Congress of the United States be, and they are hereby directed, to use their constant and unremitted exertions to have the doors of the Senate of the United States kept open, that the public may have access to hear the debates of the Senate, when in its legislative or judicial capacity.
Resolved, that when in Congress they be directed to correspond regularly and constantly with the Legislature, but during the recess thereof with the executive.
Resolved, that they use their endeavours to have such of the journals as are not of a secret nature printed, and transmitted by post or other wise to the executive, regularly, during each session of Congress.
Resolved, that the Senators of this state use their utmost endeavours to effect economy in the expenditure of the public monies, and to decrease the enormous salaries given to the public officers and others, who, however much they may be deserving of the public gratitude or liberality for the eminence of past or present services, ought only to be compensated agreeable to republican economy.
Resolved, that they strenuously oppose every excise and direct taxation law, should any be attempted in Congress.
Resolved, that the Senators from this state be, and they are hereby strenuously enjoined, to exert themselves to effect an alteration in the present rout of the mail, or to establish another general post through the interior parts of this state, by way of Halifax, Warrington, Hillsborough, Salisbury, and Charlotte, so as to give that satisfaction which is not now experienced, but which is essential in such a government as that under which we now exist.
And whereas, from the present distribution of the federal judiciary, the inhabitants of this state do not receive the benefits intended them by Congress: Therefore resolved, that our Senators be directed to have the district and circuit courts appointed at two places in this state, to make it convenient to the citizens.
Resolved, that his excellency the governor be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to Samuel Johnston and Benjamin Hawkins, Esquires, the Senators representing this state in the Congress of the United States, and another copy to the legislature of each state.
W. LENOIR, S. S.
S. CABARRUS, S. H. C.
A copy from the journal of the house of Commons. J. HUNT, Clk.
PITTSBURGH, Dec. 25.
Extract of a letter from Lieut. Ebenezer Frothingham, of the 1st U. S. Regiment, to a brother officer, dated Fort Pitt, 23d June last.
"I had determined to write to you very particularly from this place, but you will excuse me when you know the grief and pain of heart I now feel. I arrived the day before yesterday; Mr. Ernest informed me that he had the evening before received a packet of letters for me from home; my heart gladdened in expectation of hearing from my wife and friends; but O! the astonishment of my soul, when on opening my letters I found my dear wife was no more: My fairest, my brightest prospects on this side eternity are blasted in the very bud; she died suddenly, only five days illness; went off in a fainting fit without a groan. The most comfortable assurance she passed to her Saviour's arms, is my only consolation in this my hour of grief and woe: why was she removed so soon, even whilst my fond heart was anticipating the help and advantage I should receive from her virtue and piety? But should I complain, when she is such an infinite gainer? Yet I feel as though my loss was irreparable. May my soul be well prepared
to go and soon to join her spirit above, where sin and sorrow are known no more.
"My dear sir, do not place your happiness on calculations in this world, where grief and disappointment await us. May your hope and mine be beyond the reach of all transitory things."
Lieutenant Frothingham being on the late expedition against the Indians, was killed in battle; his friend thought proper to publish the above extract, in order to shew the great piety and Christian dependance of Mr. Frothingham, and how fearless he must have met death.
JANUARY 1.
The arrival of Mr. Robins at this place from Sandusky, and the accounts brought by him of the disposition of the Indians, is rather unfavorable. It appears that they are determined early in the spring to turn out for war, and commit depredations on the frontiers; that they are greatly elevated with the issue of the late campaign, and (when speaking of it) say they are more than men. It may be necessary for the inhabitants on the frontiers to keep a watchful eye, although there may be no great danger, as a report of this kind never loses by frequent repeating; and we flatter ourselves their attention will be called to a more distant quarter, in order to protect themselves.
The navigation of the Ohio has been closed this sometime, so that all communication, by that channel, is for the present stopped between this country and Kentucky.
HARTFORD, Jan. 10.
Some of the public creditors in Pennsylvania, have presented Congress with a petition, the stile of which, in imitation of Gibbon, is most sublimely and elegantly obscure, but the design of which is to induce Congress to alter the funding system and give six per cent. interest on the whole public debt at once. They call themselves the patriotic victims of the war; when in truth three fourths of them are speculators, who have purchased most of the public paper for less than half its value.
They begin their tedious address with charging the Secretary of the Treasury with inconsistency, in recognizing the justice of their claims in the utmost latitude, in the beginning of his report, and then recommending a plan of funding the debt at less than was originally promised. They proceed to charge Congress with having lost the disposition to do justice, altho' they had acquired the power. After some common place remarks on the moral and political obligation of contracts and the importance of public credit, they enumerate the many promises made to the creditors by Congress under the confederation, and then charge the present legislature of the Union, with having clandestinely obtained an unreasonable concession from the creditors, and with having infringed the original contract and destroyed its principles. They charge the Congress indirectly with being callous to their merits and sufferings, and tarnishing the glories of America with broken contracts and violated faith. They declare the old Congress to have been a wise and virtuous body, who practised right, as far as they were able; but the present act for making provision for the public debt, they say, is an unexampled instance of the public faith, a striking contrast to the illustrious example of the old Congress, and a dangerous infringement of the fundamental laws of justice. In short, the whole petition is but a round about way of telling Congress they are a nest of scoundrels.
CHARLESTON, December 11.
John Boydell, Esq. late Alderman of Cheap Ward, was elected lord Mayor of London, on the 29th September.
EDINBURGH, September 30.
Thursday last arrived at Greenock, the Peggy, Captain Marquis, from Leghorn, on board of which came passenger, Charles Colville, a native of Arbroath, from Algiers, from whom we have received the following information:—In July, 1785, the ship Dolphin, O'Bryen, master, belonging to Philadelphia, was captured by an Algerine xebec, and the crew, consisting of 15 men, carried into slavery, four of whom belong to Scotland, viz. the above Charles Colville, John Robertson, son of John Robertson, cooper in Glasgow, George Smith, of Portay, and William Paterson of Aberdeen. The three last still remain in slavery, and six of the rest were cut off by the plague about two years ago, at which time above 800 christian slaves shared the same fate. Colville obtained his liberty, upon his friends paying 350l. as a ransom, part of which was obtained by a contribution set on foot by that ornament of mankind, George Dempster, Esq. of Dunnichen, who negotiated the whole business with Charles Logie, Esq. the British consul at Algiers, as appears from the pass granted Colville from that gentleman. He left Algiers, in July last, and has brought letters from the above mentioned persons to their friends.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Jan. 11.
In committee of the whole, on the bill repealing after the last day of next the laying duties on distilled spirits, &c. and imposing others in their stead.
THE 13th section was read, which respects the duty on spirits distilled from materials the growth or produce of the country.
Mr. Jackson moved that this section should be struck out. He observed that this he conceived to be the stage of the bill in which a stand ought to be made by its opposers; this clause respects the produce of the country—and here the friends of American manufactures and produce ought to make their exertions to defeat the bill. He then read a particular estimate, by which he said it appears that the proposed provision was entirely unnecessary. He then offered some general observations on the bill: Direct taxation, said he, has been objected to—this power is as fully recognized in the constitution as the right of laying excises—those therefore who are opposed to the latter, have as good a right to offer their objections as those opposed to the former. The Secretary says we ought to leave direct taxes as a resource for a future emergency; but is it not better to have two resources than one? The im-

post duties must increase, and a sufficient revenue for every purpose from that source, is to be expected. Why then should we lay this odious tax? He concluded by saying he should lay his estimate before the house.
Mr. Wadsworth said he had also made some calculations which he should submit to the house: In these he had taken pains to be as accurate as possible. He then read his estimate, by which it appeared that the probable amount of the impost would be diminished even below the sum stated by the Secretary of the Treasury. The tonnage he said would be diminished, owing to the change in the present situation of Europe, and the cessation of the demand for grain.
The importation of molasses and sugar must be lessened as the articles are not to be had. Great part of the European importations for the past year have been made on speculation, and are not to be again expected—and there will be, said he, a very great decrease in the amount of the revenue on wines.
He adverted to the Western Expedition, and observed, a greater sum than what has been mentioned will be wanted on that account—and the pension list, he feared, would be increased, rather than diminished: On the whole he thought there was no danger of a great excess in the revenue. The duty on domestic spirits he considered as proper—it is a duty that will be submitted to by the people—and even a direct tax would be paid without murmuring, if the necessity was made apparent.
Mr. Jackson replied to Mr. Wadsworth—he controverted the estimate offered by that gentleman and then entered into a recapitulation of his arguments against the bill, and urged the postponement of it to the next session.
Mr. Stone observed that the house had at last got into a mode of considering the subject, which ought to have been attended to at first.
He adverted to the drawback stated by the gentleman from Pennsylvania; but he desired to know why this sum, which amounts to upwards of 10,000 dollars, is not mentioned by the Secretary of the Treasury: He considered the sum stated by the Secretary for the year '89, as the neat produce of the revenue—and he believed, that would be found to be the sum. With respect to the decrease in the importations, this had been the cry for seven years back: He believed this would continue to be the case, tho' the importations, he was well satisfied, would continue to increase—and this would be owing to our increasing population.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania has noticed the probable decrease in the importation of teas, wines, &c. but takes no notice of the increase in the importation of other articles. He said gentlemen had called our attention to the Mediterranean and Indian Expeditions; but neither of these subjects are now before the committee. If these subjects are to be considered, let us go into a committee on them, and see what is necessary to be done. At present we are devising ways and means to pay the interest of the State debts—and with respect to this object, he conceived the revenue to be derived from the present establishments, will be sufficient for that and all the other exigencies of government, till the year 1793.—It is now said, that the Excise will be sufficient for all the demands of government; but he suspected, that he should hear something on the subject of Tonnage before the end of the session.
(To be continued.)
MONDAY, Jan. 17.
Mr. Gale took his seat this day.
On motion of Mr. Livermore, the memorial of Andrew Brown was referred to the Secretary of State.
The petition of George Glentworth, was read and referred to the Secretary at war.
The petition of Brigadier General Donald Campbell, praying compensation for services, was read—a motion to refer this petition was negatived.
Sundry other petitions were read and referred.
Mr. Tucker gave notice, that to morrow he should move for leave to bring in a bill that a committee may be appointed to join a committee of the Senate, to consider and report a time for the next meeting of Congress.
Agreeable to the order of the day, the House proceeded to consider the amendments proposed by the committee of the whole, to the bill, repealing after the last day of next, the duties heretofore laid on distilled spirits and laying others in their stead—these amendments were agreed to by the House.
It was moved by Mr. Jackson to strike out the thirteenth section, and the Yeas and Nays on the question being taken, it passed in the negative, Ayes 16. Noes 36—the Ayes and Noes being as follows:
YEAS.
  Messrs Baldwin,  Messrs P. Muhlenberg,    Bloodworth,  Parker,    Brown,  Scott,    Burke,  Sevier,    Heather,  Steele,    Jackson,  Stone,    Mathews,  Tucker,    Moore,  Williamson,  
NAYS.
  Messrs Ames,  Messrs Madison,    Benson,  Partridge,    Boudinot,  Van Rensselaer,    Bourne,  Schureman,    Cadwallader,  Sedgwick,    Clymer,  Seney,    Fitzsimons,  Sherman,    Floyd,  Sylvester,    Foster,  Smickson,    Gilman,  Smith, (M.)    Goodhue,  Smith, (S.C.)    Griffin,  Sturges,    Grout,  Thatcher,    Giles,  Trumbull,    Lawrence,  Vining,    Lee,  Wadsworth,    Leonard,  White,    Livermore,  Wynkoop.  
Sundry other amendments were proposed, but postponed until to morrow.
A message was received from the President of the United States, with sundry papers, which have not been read.
Adjourned.
TUESDAY, Jan. 18.
The papers communicated to the house yesterday, by the President of the United States were read—which are, a statement of the expenditures made out of the sum of 10000 dollars, appropriated for contingencies the last session—A letter from the Governor of Virginia; inclosing sundry resolutions of the legislature of that state, respecting the lands North-West of the Ohio granted by an act of Congress to the officers and soldiers of that state—A petition from the officers therein referred to—and a letter from the Governor of Maryland, enclosing an act of the legislature of that state, empowering the wardens of the port of Baltimore, to collect the duty therein mentioned.
A letter was read from the Secretary of State, enclosing a supplement to his report on the subjects of coins, weights; and measures.
Sundry memorials and petitions were read and referred.
Mr. Goodhue made the following motion, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to the house whether any, and what further provision is necessary to be made for the respective officers employed in the collection of the revenue—which was agreed to.
A committee, consisting of Messrs. Seney, Smith (M.) and Mr. Mathews was appointed to report a bill declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the state of Maryland therein mentioned.
Mr. Huntington laid the following motion on the table, that a committee should be appointed to bring in a bill providing for the settlement of the accounts of John Lamb Esq. late agent at the court of Algiers.
The additional amendments proposed to the new revenue bill were taken into consideration, and after a considerable debate were all disagreed to: an amendment proposed by Mr. Gerry was not decided upon when an adjournment was called for, and took place.
Philadelphia, Jan. 19.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of distinction in London, to a gentleman in this city, dated Nov. 6, 1790.
"I have looked attentively over the proceedings of Congress, which you have sent me, and with pleasure observe, that they are marked with wisdom and moderation: The trade and navigation bill, or something like it, I am of opinion ought to pass."
"I cannot see why American vessels should be restrained from a due proportion of the carrying business: If the pusillanimous disposition, and disregard to the interests of commerce of the European powers, has induced them to submit to the Navigation Laws of this country, it is no reason that America should do the same; and the policy the latter seems now to be pursuing, I think will at length oblige Great Britain to enter into a commercial negotiation, to settle these matters, on a fair and equal foundation; for it is certainly the interest of both countries, to do so."
"The news of the Peace with Spain has occasioned a rise in the Stocks here from 4 to 5 1/2 pr. cent. A sloop of war was despatched yesterday from Portsmouth, in pursuit of Admiral Cornwallis's fleet, which failed lately, supposed for the West-Indies, to bring it back."
Extract of a letter from Boston, December 28, 1790.
"The Secretary's Report of the plan of a National Bank appears to be calculated for good national purposes, and, if adopted, will completely establish the credit of the United States. I think HAMILTON will rise to fame as a Financier. He has a fine field, and if Congress support him, as I think they will, (policy and experience being incontestibly in favor of the idea, and I may justly add, the public opinion too,) he will become a star of the first magnitude in our political hemisphere, and a luminary to the world."
"The great rise in the funds is beyond all calculation, and is extremely auspicious to the national government. If the present session of Congress is wisely employed, it will unalterably fix the established government, and make it illustrious."
"There is yet a small game to be played by some characters in the state-governments, who will attempt to sow the seeds of disaffection between the state-legislatures, and the general government; but their efforts will be ineffectual. The people are tired of these state empiricks, whose politics for seven years past have been retrograde to the public prosperity."
"We hear that one million and half dollars of the continental securities have been funded by the Loan-Officer of this State."
"On the 10th December one and half million had been funded in Massachusetts, and it is supposed that about two and half millions have been funded by this time; a very considerable proportion of the State debts is also subscribed; the non-subscribers who have taken out new certificates, are as the drop to the bucket."
"While the supreme executives of the several states are congratulating the people of their charge, on the peace and prosperity they enjoy; and the flattering prospects which their commerce, arts, and agriculture exhibit—the auspicious effects of the general government, is forcibly realized in all these pleasing events—for the happiness of the people is immediately connected with a righteous and patriotic administration of the particular governments; yet to the prevailing influence of the general government—do the people principally ascribe the happy contrast in their situation, compared with what it was a few years ago."
The convention between Great-Britain and Spain was signed the 28th October, at the palace of St. Laurence, Madrid—the ratifications to be exchanged in six weeks.
The Delaware is now so free from Ice, that great numbers of vessels put to sea from this city yesterday.
The state of New-York is found by the late census to contain 324, 127 inhabitants.
A correspondent observes that one of the most extraordinary solecisms in modern politics, is, the proposition that apprentices, and minors, should be debarred from the privilege of bearing arms, in the defence of their country.
Should the legislature of the United States, accede to this proposition, the consequences are justly to be dreaded by every friend to an efficient militia.
Our young men are the vital spring of the national defence—and without them the protection of the country must devolve on a standing army—that bane of freedom.
As our young men are in general inspired with high ideas of personal independence, and a glowing ardour to defend their country—it cannot be expected that they will quietly submit to a deprivation of the great privilege of acquiring the art military, by being immured in workshops, while their fathers and masters are exhibiting their military talents in the field.
It is expected that the attempt to debar the flower of our country, the rising hopes of these States, from an opportunity to perfect themselves in that most noble acquisition, the science of military defence, will produce a remonstrance to "THE POWERS THAT BE," on the part of those immediately concerned. If perfection in the mechanic arts depends on being kept ignorant of military discipline, this perfection will be dearly purchased. It is the glory of our country that the whole volume of nature and art is open to the study of every freeborn American.
Extract of a letter from Petersburg, to the Editor, dated Jan. 7. "As Congress have had it in contemplation to lay a small postage on newspapers, I have thought it necessary to acquaint you, that if this should take place, that your subscribers here will probably withdraw their subscriptions; not from any wish of injuring you, or your paper, because they seem to give it a preference; but the idea of a postage on newspapers, however trifling, seems to alarm them."
"For my part, I do not pretend to much knowledge in politics, or in the policy of this measure; but it appears to me very extraordinary, that our political rulers should, so early, attempt to draw a revenue from a source, that they ought, in my humble opinion, to contribute to the support of—or at least to promote the circulation of newspapers with as much facility as possible."
"Periodical publications in this country (indeed in every country) have heretofore been found extremely beneficial—and are more particularly so at this period, when every one is anxious to be informed of the proceedings of Congress; and should any measures be adopted to deprive the people of that information, there is no knowing what might be the consequence—for when the people are in the dark as to what is going forward at the head of affairs, they are apt to make enquiries, begin to grow suspicious—and designing men might take advantage of their ignorance, and lead them to believe what might prove dangerous to the peace of society."
"But I need not dwell on this subject, because these are circumstances that must be apparent to every one. All I can say is, that so long as the people are well informed of the measures of Congress, they will remain perfectly satisfied, as they will then judge for themselves, from facts, and not be abused by misrepresentations; but should any measures be entered into to check the circulation of newspapers, the only source thro' which they can be informed, I will venture to say their measures will be rendered very unpopular."
"I feel myself interested in the free circulation of well-conducted periodical publications, because I am so sensible of the great benefit our country derives from them—and I hope nothing will ever be adopted to debar the people of this great source of political information."
AMINADAB to JOSEPH, tho' a very good composition, yet, being a reiteration of the ideas of Joseph, the Editor postpones publishing it.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
  FUNDED DEBT.   6 pr. Cents 16/10. 17 1/2 pr. £. 85 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 8/9. 43 3/4 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9/. 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 15/6. 76 3/4 do.   Indents 8/9. 43 3/4 do.   N. and S. Carolina, debts, 11/. 11/6. 57 1/2 do. 
THE Copartnership of HEWES and ANTHONY having expired the gift ultimo, they requests those, who have any demands, to exhibit their accounts and receive their money; and those who are indebted, are desired to make speedy payment, to either of the Subscribers, at their Compting-House, No. 5, Chestnut-Street-Wharf. JOSIAH HEWES, JOSEPH ANTHONY.
Philadelphia, Jan. 15, 1791.
N. B. They have yet on hand, and for SALE, at their STORE abovementioned,
HYSON, Souchong, and Bohea TEAS, Three cases Caffa, Pimento in bags, Martinico Coffee, Muscovado Sugar, A few Cases old Batavia Arrack, One cask of Durham Mustard, New England Rum in hogsheads and barrels, A quantity of prime Boston Beef, Spermaceti, right whale and tanners' Oil, Best pickled Mackerel, 6 by 8—7 by 9—8 by 10—9 by 11—and 10 by 12 Window Glass, A quantity of excellent carrot Tobacco, And an elegant CHANDELIER. (22w6w.)

TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
December 13, 1790.
In obedience to the order of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the 9th Day of August last, requiring the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to prepare and report, on this Day, such further Provision as may, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the PUBLIC CREDIT —the said Secretary further
RESPECTFULLY REPORTS,
(CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.)
BANKS are among the best expedients for lowering the rate of interest in a country; but to have this effect, their capitals must be completely equal to all the demands of business, and such as will tend to remove the idea, that the accommodations they afford, are in any degree favors; an idea very apt to accompany the parsimonious dispensations of contracted funds. In this, as in every other case, the plenty of the commodity ought to beget a moderation of the price.
The want of a principle of rotation, in the constitution of the bank of North-America, is another argument for a variation of the establishment. Scarcely one of the reasons which militate against this principle in the constitution of a country, is applicable to that of a bank; while there are strong reasons in favor of it, in relation to the one, which no doubt apply to the other. The knowledge to be derived from experience is the only circumstance common to both, which pleads against rotation in the directing officers of a bank.
But the objects of the government of a nation, and those of the government of a bank, are so widely different, as greatly to weaken the force of that consideration, in reference to the latter. Almost every important case of legislation requires, towards a right decision, a general and accurate acquaintance with the affairs of the State; and habits of thinking seldom acquired, but from a familiarity of public concerns. The administration of a bank, on the contrary, is regulated by a few simple fixed maxims, the application of which is not difficult to any man of judgment, especially if instructed in the principles of trade. It is in general a constant succession of the same details.
But though this be the case, the idea of the advantages of experience is not to be slighted. Room ought to be left for the regular transmission of official information. And for this purpose, the head of the direction ought to be excepted from the principle of rotation. With this exception, and with the aid of the information of the subordinate officers, there can be no danger of any ill effects from want of experience, or knowledge; especially as the periodical exclusion ought not to reach the whole of the directors at one time.
The argument in favor of the principle of rotation is this, that by lessening the danger of combinations among the directors, to make the institution subservient to party views, or to the accommodation, preferably, of any particular set of men, it will render the public confidence more firm, stable and unqualified.
When it is considered, that the directors of a bank are not elected by the great body of the community, in which a diversity of views will naturally prevail, at different conjunctures, but by a small and select class of men, among whom it is far more easy to cultivate a steady adherence to the same persons and objects; and that those directors have it in their power so immediately to conciliate, by obliging the most influential of this class, it is easy to perceive, that without the principle of rotation, changes in that body can rarely happen, but as a concession which they may themselves think it expedient to make to public opinion.
The continual administration of an institution of this kind, by the same persons, will never fail, with or without cause, from their conduct, to excite distrust and discontent. The necessary secrecy of their transactions, gives unlimited scope to imagination to infer that something is, or may be wrong. And this inevitable mystery is a solid reason for inserting in the constitution of a bank the necessity of a change of men. As neither the mass of the parties interested, nor the public in general, can be permitted to be witnesses of the interior management of the directors, it is reasonable that both should have that check upon their conduct, and that security against the prevalence of a partial or pernicious system, which will be produced by the certainty of periodical changes. Such too is the delicacy of the credit of a bank, that every thing which can fortify confidence and repel suspicion, without injuring its operations, ought carefully to be sought after in its formation.
A further consideration in favour of a change, is the improper rule, by which the right of voting for directors is regulated in the plan, upon which the bank of North-America was originally constituted, namely, a vote for each share, and the want of a rule in the last charter; unless the silence of it, on that point, may signify that every stockholder is to have an equal and single vote, which would be a rule in a different extreme, not less erroneous. It is of importance that a rule should be established on this head, as it is one of those things which ought not to be left to discretion; and it is consequently of equal importance, that the rule should be a proper one.
A vote for each share, renders a combination between a few principal stockholders, to monopolize the power and benefits of the bank, too easy. An equal vote to each stockholder, however great or small his interest in the institution, allows not that degree of weight to large stockholders, which it is reasonable they should have, and which perhaps their security and that of the bank require. A prudent mean is to be preferred. A conviction of this has produced a bye-law of the corporation of the bank of North-America, which evidently aims at such a mean. But a reflection arises here, that a like majority with that which enacted this law, may at any moment repeal it.
The last inducement which shall be mentioned, is the want of precautions to guard against a foreign influence insinuating itself into the direction of the bank. It seems scarcely reconcileable with a due caution, to permit that any but citizens should be eligible, as directors of a national bank, or that non-resident foreigners should be able to influence the appointment of directors, by the votes of their proxies. In the event, however, of an incorporation of the bank of North-America, in the plan, it may be necessary to qualify this principle, so as to leave the right of foreigners, who now hold shares of its stock, unimpaired; but without the power of transmitting the privilege in question, to foreign aliens.
It is to be considered, that such a bank is not a mere matter of private property, but a political machine of the greatest importance to the state.
There are other variations from the constitution of the bank of North-America, not of inconsiderable moment, which appear desirable, but which are not of magnitude enough to claim a preliminary discussion. These will be seen in the plan which will be submitted in the sequel.
If the objections which have been stated, to the constitution of the bank of North-America, are admitted to be well founded, they will nevertheless not derogate from the merit of the main design, or of the services which that bank has rendered, or of the benefits which it has produced. The creation of such an institution, at the time it took place, was a measure dictated by wisdom. Its utility has been amply evinced by its fruits—American independence owes much to it—and it is very conceivable, that reasons of the moment may have rendered those features in it inexpedient, which a revision, with a permanent view, suggests as desirable.
The order of the subject leads next to an inquiry into the principles upon which a national bank ought to be organized.
The situation of the United States naturally inspires a wish, that
the form of the institution could admit of a plurality of branches. But various considerations discourage from pursuing this idea. The complexity of such a plan would be apt to inspire doubts, which might deter from adventuring in it. And the practicability of a safe and orderly administration, though not to be abandoned as desperate, cannot be made so manifest in perspective, as to promise the removal of those doubts, or to justify the government in adopting the idea as an original experiment. The most that would seem advisable, on this point, is to insert a provision, which may lead to it hereafter; if experience shall more clearly demonstrate its utility, and satisfy those who may have the direction, that it may be adopted with safety. It is certain, that it would have some advantages, both peculiar and important. Besides more general accommodation, it would lessen the danger of a run upon the bank.
The argument against it is, that each branch must be under a distinct, though subordinate direction, to which a considerable latitude of discretion must of necessity be entrusted. And as the property of the whole institution would be liable for the engagements of each part, that and its credit will be at stake, upon the prudence of the directors of every part. The mismanagement of either branch might hazard serious disorder in the whole.
Another wish, dictated by the particular situation of the country, is, that the bank could be so constituted as to be made an immediate instrument of loans to the proprietors of land; but this wish also yields to the difficulty of accomplishing it. Land is alone an unfit fund for a bank circulation. If the notes issued upon it were not to be payable in coin, on demand, or at a short date, this would amount to nothing more than a repetition of the paper emissions, which are now exploded by the general voice. If the notes are to be payable in coin, the land must first be converted into it by sale, or mortgage. The difficulty of effecting the latter, is the very thing which begets the desire of finding another resource, and the former would not be practicable on a sudden emergency, but with sacrifices which would make the cure worse than the disease. Neither is the idea of constituting the fund partly of coin and partly of land, free from impediments. These two species of property do not, for the most part, unite in the same hands. Will the monied man consent to enter into a partnership with the landholder, by which the latter will share in the profits which will be made by the money of the former? The money, it is evident, will be the agent or efficient cause of the profits—the land can only be regarded as an additional security. It is not difficult to foresee, that an union, on such terms, will not readily be formed. If the landholders are to procure the money by the sale or mortgage of a part of their lands, this they can as well do, when the stock consists wholly of money, as if it were to be compounded of money and land.
(To be continued.)
PROPOSALS,
By JOHN TRUMBULL, For Publishing by Subscription,
TWO PRINTS,
From original Pictures painted by himself; One representing the DEATH of General WARREN, at the Battle of Bunker's-Hill.
The other, the DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, in the Attack of Quebec.
IN the battle of Bunker's-Hill, the following Portraits are introduced—
  American.  British.    Major General WARREN,  Gen. Sir WILLIAM HOWE,    PUTNAM.  Sir HENRY CLINTON,     Lieut. Col. JOHN SMALL,     Major PITCAIRN, and     Lieut. PITCAIRN.   In the Attack of Quebec, are seen— General MONTGOMERY, Colonel THOMPSON, Major MACPHERSON, and Capt. CHEESMAN.
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
The prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, Three Guineas for each print; one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed.
SUBSCRIPTIONS are received in this city by Joseph Anthony, jun. Goldsmith and Jeweller, No. 76, Market-Street.
These prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American Revolution.
No period of the history of man, is more interesting than that in which we have lived. The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must ever remain dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations; and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. History will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which it is written must be understood—the language of painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expence, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success:—That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor; and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec , are—
 * THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,  * BATTLE AT TRENTON,  * BATTLE OF PRINCETOWN,  SURRENDER of General BURGOYNE,  TREATY WITH FRANCE,  BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS,  * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN,  TREATY OF PEACE,  EVACUATION of NEW-YORK,  RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON,  THE ARCH at TRENTON,  INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. 
Each picture will contain portraits of the principal characters who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with stars, are considerably advanced; and the prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers.
IMPERIAL, HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
TEAS;
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, and SPICES, &c.
Of the first Quality—by Retail, No. 17,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market-Streets.
HENRY KUHL,
At No. 143, Second-Street, near Race-Street,
By advice of his friends in New-York and Philadelphia, has opened an office for the purpose of buying and selling, on commission, the different species of Stock, and of liquidated and unliquidated paper in the market.
He will obtain such Certificates as are required by the funding law, for those who have unliquidated Securities; and transfer Stock from and to the Treasury and the Offices of the Commissioners of Loans, on moderate terms.
Having for several years past been employed in the Treasury of the United States, he is well acquainted with its operations and forms; and flatters himself that on that score he has a decided advantage in transacting business here. He is fully impressed with the truth of the adage that "dispatch is the soul of business," and will always make the interest of his employers an object of the first importance.
Philadelphia, December 29th, 1790.
EBENEZER HAZARD and JONAS ADDOMS have entered into partnership, and opened an OFFICE, at No. 173, in Market-Street, a few doors above Fourth-Street, where, under the Firm of
HAZARD and ADDOMS,
They purchase and sell all kinds of CERTIFICATES—PAPER MONEY, and BANK STOCK.
N. B. Transfers made at the Public Offices, and Business in general transacted on Commission. December 29.
AMERICAN CLOTHS.
SUPERFINE and ELASTICS, CONGRESS BROWN, LONDON SMOKE, LEAD DRAB, BLUE and OTHER fashionable Colours,
Manufactured at Hartford, (State of Connecticut,) just received, and are now offered for Sale, at the
CHEAP STORE, No. 38,
North Third Street,
At which Store are also opening a large and general assortment of EUROPEAN and INDIA GOODS.
  CLOTHS,  ELEGANT Vest Patterns—    Linens,  adapted to the season,    Cambrics,  Silk, Cotton, and Worsted    Painted, sprigged, tambour-  Hose,    ed book, and jaconet Muslins,  Corduroys,    Chintzes,  Velveteens, and Royal Ribs,    Cottons and Calicoes,  Best Buck, Beaver, and White    Silks,  Kidd Gloves,  
A Variety of STUFFS.
And many other Articles, too numerous to insert in an Advertisement; all of which are now selling by Wholesale and Retail, on so low terms, as to make them an object to the purchasers.
N. B. A few Barrels of MACKAREL, and Nova-Scotia HERRINGS. Philadelphia, Jan. 12, 1791.
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 1, 1791.
THE partnership of JOHN DUNLAP and DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE having expired this day, DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE proposes to publish a Newspaper, entitled
The Mail,
and
New Daily Advertiser.
(To be continued every Evening, Sundays excepted.)
THE MAIL shall be printed with an elegant new Type, procured for this particular purpose, on Paper, equal in size and quality to any of the Newspapers of Europe or America—And the Subscriber engages that no Means shall be spared to render the MAIL and NEW DAILY ADVERTISER in other respects worthy of the Public Patronage, which he now respectfully solicits.
The Price of the MAIL will be Eight Dollars pr. annum, to be paid at the end of the Year: And Advertisements will be received on such moderate Terms as to prove satisfactory to those who may be pleased to favor the Printer with their Commands in that line.
The MAIL will be published at the House No. 2, Lower Third Street (now occupied by Mr. J. D. Blanchard, who will shortly remove to the adjoining House, No. 4,) and at present SUBSCRIPTIONS are thankfully received at No. 48, Market-Street, by D. C. CLAYPOOLE.
To the Merchants, Traders, Foreigners, and the Public in general.
GENTLEMEN,
AGREABLY to the plan which the Subscriber submitted to the public consideration, and under the most flattering assurance of public patronage, he takes the liberty of announcing, that
THE MERCHANTS,
and
EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE,
is now opened at the corner of Market and Water-Streets, for the accommodation of the Merchants, Traders, and other Citizens of Philadelphia.
The Subscriber deems it unnecessary to repeat the declarations of his sincere intention to prosecute his undertaking with the most respectful assiduity: But he cannot forbear making a public acknowledgment of his gratitude, for the encouragement he has already experienced; nor suppress his invariable wish, that those gentlemen who may honor his Coffee-House with their presence, will communicate such articles of intelligence received from their correspondents as they shall think proper, and in preference, will upon every occasion, point out the defects of his plan, or favor him with hints for improving its execution.
The Subscriber will prepare entertainments, either at noon, or in the evening, for select parties, upon the shortest notice, and on the most reasonable terms. He can accommodate two or three Gentlemen with lodgings; and proposes at two o'clock on each day, when the public business of the Coffee-Room is over, to provide a cheap, but good and plentiful ordinary, for such guests as shall please to honor him with their company.
I am, Gentlemen,
Your most obedient and humble Servant,
THE Subscribers for this paper, in the city of New-York, are respectfully informed, that the charge of the papers proving inconvenient to Mr. Wetmore, at the Post-Office, the Editor has engaged Mr. Samuel Campbell, Book-seller, Hanover-Square, to receive them and superintend their delivery—by whom Subscriptions and arrearages will be received.
Subscribers for Mrs. Warren's Poems, are requested to call on the Editor for their books.
The price of this paper is 3 dollars per annum.