Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-27 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. C.]
SATURDAY, MARCH, 27, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.—No. C.
“Fortune maintains a kind of rivalry with wisdom.”
TO discover precisely the causes of the different degrees of success which attend the affairs of men, is beyond the reach of human sagacity. There is such a blend of good fortune and good management requisite to maintain a prosperous course in life, that it is impossible to determine to which of them, a man is principally to ascribe his prosperity. A great part of what is usually called good luck, among men, is nothing more than the effect of measures dictated by a sound judgment; and a great part of what is denominated bad luck is merely the result of folly or neglect. The few extraordinary instances, where men are suddenly elevated or depressed by a contingency which their agency did not controul, should neither cherish the hopes of the foolish and indolent, nor damp those of the prudent and industrious.
A prize in a lottery, or the death of a rich friend may throw a worthless fellow into affluence; but such a circumstance furnishes no argument that Providence usually bestows its blessings, where they are not deserved. Nor, on the other hand, where the substance of a diligent man is accidentally destroyed by fire or tempest, can it be inferred that diligence is not ordained in the constitution of nature, as the common road to wealth and distinction. Extraordinary events do not authorise general hopes or fears. There are in the natural world appearances which sometimes work against the usual course of things, but they never defeat the general tendency of the established laws of nature. In the moral world likewise we often behold occurrences that seem to contradict the idea that Providence regulates the affairs of men by a well-ordered economy, that depends for its success, principally on human agency.
That kind of rivalry which fortune maintains with wisdom, should operate upon men so as to stimulate their efforts, and improve their circumspection. The lucky contingencies which render the progress of some persons so smooth and prosperous are owing more than is commonly supposed to just calculations, and persevering application. It is true, that many circumstances occur where the effect of personal agency is not visible; but still there may be some remote connection between causes that appear hidden, and those that are obvious. The chain of events is connected in such a manner, that we can never know exactly the power that binds or separates the links. We can however distinguish enough to satisfy a reasonable mind, that in the ordinary run of affairs, happiness is united with virtue; and interest is promoted by an attention to duty.
From the Virginia Independent Chronicle.
To NEW-ENGLAND, NEW-YORK, PENNSYLVANIA and CAROLINA.
DEAR SISTERS, I HAVE seen your familiar epistle, and really thought it must be the production of some enemy to the whole family. Under these impressions, I expected to see you all in an uproar, calling on the printer for the author. I conceived that your own credit, as well as the reputation of the family, required it; but by your silence you have convinced me that it is your own. Ah sisters! however treacherous your memories are, the world recollects when your cries of murder, rape, starve, reverberated from pole to pole, and it is with a bleeding heart I recollect what numbers of my sons fell in your defence. What can my dear sisters mean? Why am I twitted in the teeth with many of my farms being untenanted, that I boast of the largeness of my purse, and such envious, malicious raving, as shews what termgants my sisters are. I can tell them that so many of my farms would not have been untenanted if great numbers of my sons had not fallen in their defence. And as for my being in debt, it is a proof that I have had credit; little thanks are due to those who never had credit that they owe nothing. But I suppose my sisters think they have cured all by their great condescension in allowing some merit to my son George. To be sure they shall have credit for that, but I can tell them that my sons Dickey, Bill and James, too, are not to be brow-beaten or frightened by any of their blustering boys. I once thought that some of you my dear sisters, were very religious; but methinks you seem disposed to convince the world that it is otherwise. Your levity, your wit and freedom with omnipotence is big with impiety. It is blasphemous, and would have exposed strict civilized heathens to capital punishment. What do my sis-
ters want? They have shared my bread with me when they were in want. I have given up a most important and valuable part of my farm for the benefit of the whole family. Has any of my sons begged favors and courted exalted places and high employments? Where is it that the aching heart is throbbing for sounding titles? And where does the sentiment of well-born originate? Where is the thirst for the distinction of birth and blood, which has made tyrants and oppressors of a few, while the multitude drag ignominious chains? Look at home, my dear sisters, before you upbraid me. You may if you please, make a comparison between the best of your sons and mine during the conflict, when all our farms were proscribed. And you may, if you please, add to my disgrace, by publishing a true state of the expenditure from each of our purses to pay the public debt, and to support the copartnership, this, as things are now organized, is easily done, and this will fairly shew whether a local, partial, and parsimonious spirit did not govern in the clamor upon the proposed tax upon m*****s.
Ah, sisters! my sons are in a great measure proscribed from a right to take any of the lands which I threw into the common stock. You will retort that my sons will not come because they must not bring their negroes.—Ay sisters! this is against the copartnership—the interest of the company requires that the land should be free at least to all the parties—but while my sons are kept from the market, your sons may perhaps purchase cheaper, and you have the choice of land more in your power. What allow the iniquitous the abominable slave trade to be carried on under the law of the land in some places, and proscribe others from a right to bring their property with them, when perhaps the intention and design that many would have in going there would be to enable them to emancipate their poor slaves with propriety.—So it is urged that a poor ignorant slave who has not learned to provide for himself, and is totally ignorant of the arts which a designing world will impose upon him, is in a better condition under the care of a good master than he is like to be in on his own account.
VIRGINIA.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, MARCH 9.
THE proposition for assuming the State debts being under consideration.
Mr. SHERMAN. As the Secretary has given us the necessary information respecting the provision for payment of interest on the State debts—the assumption it is to be presumed will be agreeable to the States in general; having them all placed on one footing, and one system of revenue pervading the union—the resources will be brought forward with more justice and equality, with more certainty and effect, than on any other plan—and the belief that this measure will be agreeable to the people is strengthened by the idea that the States are averse to excises—without which no provision can be made (except dry taxes) to pay the State creditors their interest; the subject has been fully discussed and I think that we are now prepared for a decision, and I cannot but hope that we shall adopt the proposition before the committee.
Mr. Bland said he had long been convinced that the proposition before the committee involved a question of the utmost importance to the peace, honor and tranquility of the United States. It is the gordian knot of indissoluble union, every plea of justice, policy and equity loudly call upon us to adopt the measure—and whether we do or not at the present time, certain it is, the time will come when we must do it. The State creditors have an equal claim with those of the union—but if their demands are not attended to, it they should be left without any provision for the interest on their securities—that speculation which has been so much reprobated by this house, will come in upon us like a flood—the State securities will be depreciated to the lowest ebb, and the creditors reduced to total despair of ever obtaining justice from their country. He thought that every possible degree of attention had been paid to the subject—that it had been thoroughly investigated, and he hoped the committee would now come to a decision, the affirmative of the proposition should receive his hearty concurrence.
Mr. Page was opposed to the proposition, as it involved the necessity of direct taxes and excises—these he was afraid would serve to revive the ancient jealousies of the States; those jealousies appeared to be subsiding and dying away; but this measure will have a direct tendency to revive them—besides it will confirm the predictions of the enemies of the constitution, when they asserted that the general government tended to a consolidation, and would eventually swallow up the State governments—he added many other remarks and wished that the proposition might be passed over.
Mr. Bland rose to reply to some observations which had fallen from his Hon. colleague—he was surprised to find any gentleman so squeamish at this time of day on the subject of direct taxes—before the adoption of the constitution this squeamishness might have been proper; but since the ratification, all observations of that kind appeared to be entirely out of season. It appeared to him from the first that the adoption of the constitution would necessarily absorb all the efficient revenue of the United States.
This being the case, in what situation will you leave the creditors of the State governments? He then adverted to the particular merits of the State creditors, and said that the State debts were in fact the debts of the United States—he replied to sundry observations of Mr. Jackson who had informed the house that Georgia had called in its securities and sunk them, and said that the gentleman's account of the state which attended the securities of the State of Georgia, was directly in favor of the assumption—for it
evidently shewed that the creditors of the States could not depend on receiving justice at the hands of the State legislatures; on the whole, he observed that he had waited to hear arguments in opposition to the measure which should carry conviction to his own mind—hitherto he had not heard any such arguments, and therefore he should consider himself fully justified, on the principles he before advanced, in voting for the assumption.
Mr. Page made some observations in reply to Mr. Bland, and observed that the observations he had offered were not the result of squeamishness, they were founded on facts and experience, which he thought fully justified the apprehensions he had expressed.
Mr. Scott rose and said, that he was well aware that adopting the proposition would operate in favor of some States, to the certain prejudice of others; and it would be well if a day of retribution could be fixed, that might equalize the business; but he could not look forward to that day—he feared it would never arrive; yet, under the impression that it was a great national effort, and that the State debts were incurred in the common cause of the union, he would vote for the proposition.
Mr. Lee was opposed to the proposition, and for the following reasons. He said he did not see the necessity of insisting upon the assumption of these debts at the present moment. He had no doubt of the justice and policy of the measure, if it could be effected on equal and just principles, but if the assumption was not made on such principles, it would operate in such a manner as to countenance oppression, and disturb the public harmony. It is well known, Mr. Speaker, said he, that the exertions of the several states have been very unequal, and it is as well known that our present resources are also unequal to the public demand: Sir, we must extend our resources to make provision for the present debt of the union; we must extend them still further if we assume the state debts; and whatever system of taxation may be proposed, it will require two or three years to bring it into any thing like an effectual operation. He thought the most eligible mode of proceeding, would be, to adjust the accounts first, and after such adjustment to pledge the faith of the union that they would assume the state debts after the general account was liquidated and settled. He wished to know, he said, whether any inconvenience could arise from pursuing a line of conduct so rational in itself? Gentlemen had asserted, and he saw no reason to doubt their assertion, that these accounts might be settled in the course of two years, in which opinion the respectable officer coincided, who was the author of the proposition; do gentlemen expect, continued he, that the necessary resources can be provided in a less time than two years, there could be no one of information that could entertain the idea. If then, the accounts could be settled within the time that should be allowed for the provision of the resources upon which these debts were to be funded, he asked, whether it would not be more prudent, as well as more likely to give general satisfaction, to make a provisional adoption, or pledging the faith of the government to assume the debts at the expiration of two years. He should therefore vote against the original proposition, which, if negatived, he would then move a resolution in substance to what he had expressed.
Mr. Vining. After the very full and able discussion, which this important question has received, it is with diffidence and reluctance that I venture, especially after my long but unavoidable absence from the house, to obtrude myself at this time on the committee. When I reflect, however, that this absence has been employed in pursuit of the best information which could tend to guide and assist my judgment, I feel some relief from my embarrassment. In viewing this subject as an abstract question of finance, and merely relative to the individual states, I confess I behold it as in some degree operating injustice, and, in its effects, unequal; but when I consider it in a more national point of view, as diffusive of general advantages, and favorable to, perhaps the permanency as well as the interest of the union; I am compelled to yield small local regards to a more enlarged and extensive policy. But, continued he, in estimating those local sacrifices I would endeavor to compare the value of the object together with the certainty of attaining it, with the consideration which is as an equivalent offered. In the present case some sacrifices are to be made at the altar of accommodation and general convenience. By the state which I have the honor to represent, those sacrifices will in proportion, be very great. She has not only provided for the interest of her particular debt, but has made considerable progress towards the payment of its principal. This places her in a peculiar situation; and, unless some modification should be ultimately made, it might be considered as somewhat oppressive and unjust. But as for this modification, as far as it regards this peculiar case, I shall wait with a firm reliance on the justice and accommodating spirit of the house, until the bill shall be introduced; when, I trust, such provision will be made as will comport with the true interests of the United States. I confess, Sir, in the contemplation of this subject so many difficulties appear on every hand, that I yet feel myself at a loss how to determine, or to what sources to apply for safe information. I find the public mind influenced by so many and in such opposite directions; that I find it difficult, if not impracticable, to furnish myself with any guide from thence which can either solve my doubts or lead me to a satisfactory conclusion. The opinions of intelligent individuals are equally various and fluctuating: Thus situated I feel as if I were on a precipice surrounded with imminent dangers, and where a single false step might prove forever fatal.
In this dilemma, continued Mr. Vining, all that is left me, is fairly to balance; as far as my mind is able to embrace them, the inconveniencies with the advantages on both sides, and from the result to form the best determination in my power. I believe, that on principles of strict and rigid justice the assumption of the state debts would be inadmissible; but there are cases in politics, as well as in jurisprudence, where the summum jus would be summa injuria ; and there are instances also in politics where partial evil may be considered as universal good, and, if there ever was a case of this kind, perhaps it is exhibited in the one now before the committee. I am also convinced, that a very considerable part of the debt which we are about to assume, has been in many instances improvidently, in some, unjustly incurred. The union has been charged with expences, the benefit of which has been solely appropriated to individual states; and I sensibly feel, Sir, that considerable disadvantages must necessarily arise to the meritorious and complying parts of the union to the benefit of those which have not been so forward. It is also a painful anticipation to me, that by this measure a direct taxation may be ultimately superinduced, in order to enable us to fulfil the engagement we now undertake; but I look upon this as a speculative point, and place it at all events, at a very distant period, and even should our apprehensions upon this subject be realized, I find great consolation from the facility of payment which such an increased circulation will immediately produce, and from a policy which I sincerely believe will contribute to the harmony of the union.
Upon the whole, Sir, as far as an unfinished consideration of this important subject will allow me to go—from the general and extensive influence and affection which will immediately arise from

the great augmentation of the number of friends to the government-cemented by the tie of interest-from the uniformity of regulation, which will pervade your revenue system-from a contemplation, also, of the state debts, and the fair claim arising from thence to a general funding principle, I shall give to the resolution my concurrence.
Thus have I disclosed to the committee some of the leading ideas which have influenced my determination. The nature, the novelty, and the importance of the object led me to consider it upon a large and national scale. My sentiments were in this view submitted to the committee. I have launched my barque on the federal ocean, and will endeavour to steer her appointed course-and should she arrive at her destined port, with her invaluable cargo safe and unhurt, I shall not regret that in her voyage through these unexplored depths, she may have lost some small share of her rigging, which may be considered as a cheap purchase for the safety of the whole.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 10.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for making provision for the support of the public credit. The first alternative in the 5th proposition, was read with the amendment proposed by Mr. Boudinot, viz.
To receive a certificate drawing an interest of 6 per cent per annum, payable in 10 years for the other 2/3 of the debt, which certificate shall be received as specie, in payment for the lands in the western territory.
Mr. Sherman observed, that if the alternative proposed by the Secretary, is adopted, one third part of the debt, principal and interest, will be extinguished; but the amendment contemplates an increase of the debt, for one third at an interest will in the course of 10 years amount to an enormous sum. He adverted to the several alternatives, and supposed that among the number every description of creditors will be satisfied. If the alternative should be adopted, he should move to strike out the 20 cents per acre-to leave the price a blank in order to wait for the report of the Secretary on the subject of the western territory.
Mr. Boudinot repeated his objection to the proposal of bringing such a quantity of lands to market.
Mr. Fitzsimons said he had wished the gentleman would have withdrawn his motion for striking out the western territory. He observed that the alternative proposed by the gentleman would place the creditors in a much worse situation than they would stand upon the plan of the report; the proposition of the Secretary does not involve any compulsion-if the creditors chuse to take the land, they can do it, if not, they may receive their 4 per cent, and wait for the residue till the resources of the country are adequate to paying them. He said that the 2/3 of the debt placed in the situation the gentleman proposes, will amount to upwards of 40 millions in ten years-certificates issued on this plan will induce a system of speculation beyond all idea that any person can form.
Mr. Boudinot still supported his motion and expatiated on the consequences which would result from the adoption of the alternative.
Mr. Hartley. I wish not to throw unnecessary embarrassments in the way of the original motion to which the amendment under consideration is offered. But some difficulties have suggested themselves to my mind. I could with they were obviated.
If the truth is as some gentlemen say, who advocate the resolution without the amendment, that the western lands are sufficient to redeem one third of the debt, why not pledge them for the redemption, and place them under the direction of officers appointed by government to sell or dispose of them-and administer the property instead of individuals-and let the money arising therefrom be applied to discharge the public debt?
I fear that the creditor who subscribes to the redeemable fund agreeably to the resolution, immediately puts one third of his debt in jeopardy; or at least he can consider it but of small value.
Few men would act for themselves and take up lands-and fewer cases would bear the expence of an agency.
From the complexion of the report it appears that a reduction of interest is intended.
For as the redeemable alternative or proposition is rather exceptionable for the reasons which have been given, the creditors will be obliged to subscribe to the irredeemable funds, and they will experience a loss of near five per cent. for the supposed compensation will go but a little way.
Possibly government may be charged with duplicity.
The original holder, the bona fide purchaser, may perhaps have some reason to complain-fix per cent. was promised, but one third is reduced.
I am also apprehensive that other bad consequences may follow the reduction of the interest.
Interest here is at six per cent. and not a sufficient quantity of money to be loaned at that to supply the demand; the people will not wish to hold securities which produce so small an interest as four per cent.
In Europe money can be borrowed at three per cent.
Europeans will examine our funds and purchase our securities at low rates. The revenues of America will be carried to foreign countries. We may in truth become the tributaries of foreign citizens to a great extent; to the great injury of the agriculture, manufactures and commerce of the United States.
Those difficulties have struck me. I think with the gentleman from Jersey, that the western lands should be pledged for the redemption of one third of the debt, and officers should be appointed to dispose of them-and that certificates, such as are mentioned in the amendment, or somewhat similar, should be received in payment.
This might perhaps be offered as a separate alternative-I am for the principle-and as the idea for a separate alternative is not fully seconded, I shall, as at present informed, vote for the amendment-though I shall always hold myself open to conviction.
THURSDAY, MARCH 11.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for making provision for the support of the public credit-the following proposition was read, viz.
To have the whole sum funded at an annuity, or yearly interest of four per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum on account both of principal and interest; and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands, as in the preceding case.
The motion to reject the proposition was discussed.
Mr. Sherman. This proposition is to fund the debt at 4 per cent. and if the evidences of the debt are to go out of the country, I should be in favor of having as much of it funded at that rate as possible. He thought the proposition a favorable one in this view, and he was against striking out.
Mr. Sedgwick. The irredeemable quality of this proposition appears to be the chief objection in the minds of gentlemen-since it appears conceded on all hands, that a strict literal compliance with the precise terms of the original contract at the present moment cannot be made, and a modification of it is the necessary result-it becomes a subject of enquiry how we shall best meet the ideas and acquaintance of the creditors, and conciliate the approbation of our constituents. In this view, holding out different alternatives appears to be a proper measure, and among those alternatives the principle of irredeemability seems to offer itself, as a means of acquiring the concurrence of a particular class of creditors-others will prefer other modes of funding their demands-hence the advantage, propriety and justice of holding out various propositions; and as he was fully persuaded that the public opinion would concur in every decision which appears to be the result of calm deliberation and a thorough investigation of the State of our country and the circumstances of our constituents, he doubted not that 99 out of 100, of the public creditors would subscribe to the loan; the principle is not strictly irredeemable-it provides for a gradual extinction of the debt, and within a period
which will be as short as any person can contemplate, as within the probable capacity of the country to do it.
Mr. Fitzsimons after premising that the several propositions appeared to depend on each other; said, with respect to irredeemability, he had his doubts.
He did not think that this idea would meet the approbation of the people; on the other hand, they generally conceived that a public debt was a great public disadvantage, and would be for getting rid of the burthen as soon as possible, the habitual mode of reflecting on this subject is opposed to a perpetual debt; I confess I have my difficulties respecting this principle; I could wish that the period could be shortened, so that the eventual extinction should take place as soon as the abilities of the people would admit of it.
Mr. Madison was in favor of reducing the number of the alternatives, a simple, unembarrassed system is to be preferred.
Mr. Sneyd also objected to the adoption of the several propositions as in the report; it would render the funding system complex, and introduce such a series of calculations, as to convert the whole into an intricate science, which would be above the comprehension of persons in general; and being made an object by particular persons would give them great advantages in speculating in the funds; for these reasons he hoped the proposition would be struck out.
Mr. Sherman observed that if the whole debt was in the hands of the citizens of the United States he should think it unnecessary to introduce the irredeemable principle into the system; but as between 4 and 5 millions are in the hands of foreigners, and it is as necessary that that part should be funded as well as the rest, to induce them to reload at 4 per cent. and to accommodate some part of the plan to their ideas, he thought as this part of the system would not operate to the injury of the United States he was in favor of its adoption. He thought it best that the debt should be kept in the United States as much as possible: he considered it an unfavorable circumstance to have it in the hands of foreigners; but as they were in possession of such a proportion he was for making the best terms that we could.
Mr. Page reproposed different propositions; he was in favor of a simple plain system, commensurate to the apprehension of men of plain, common understandings. He contrasted the different species of paper with different forts of coin, and shewed there was no similarity.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 24.
Sundry petitions were read, and laid on the table.
The Secretary for the Department of War laid before the House sundry reports on memorials and petitions from officers of the late army, which had been referred to him.
Hon. J. B. Alhe, member from the State of North Carolina, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat this day.
The House receded from their amendment to the amendment proposed by the Senate to the Appropriation bill, and concurred with the Senate.
The amendment proposed by the Senate to the bill, providing for the remission of fines, forfeitures, and penalties in certain cases, was read, and taken into consideration.
This amendment provides, that judgment on forfeitures incurred in particular cases above a certain sum, should be ultimately referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of State, and the Attorney General of the United States: With a proviso granting full relief in cases of seizure in future not justly founded.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) stated some objections to this amendment. Mr. Livermore, was also opposed to it, as changing the principal of the bill altogether, and introducing an entire new act, very different from that passed by the house.
Mr. Sherman observed, that it was true the proposition of the Senate materially altered the bill; still he thought it a real amendment: It will lengthen the process; but it will eventually procure strict Justice, and tend more effectually to secure the revenue, and guard against impositions.
Mr. Goodhue objected to the proposition, and observed, that so far from affording any relief, as contemplated in the bill, we should be just as well off without any bill at all. He instanced the case of a person who should happen to incur, unintentionally, a penalty in the State of Georgia; he must send to the seat of government to obtain a decision on his case-meantime from the perishable nature of his cargo as may happen, his property at all events is sacrificed-He hoped the amendment would not be acceded to. Mr. Jackson was opposed to it on similar principles, and observed that he should prefer that the judge of the district court should be empowered to give a final determination; he considered the judge as competent as the officers of State at the seat of government-and in a more responsible situation.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) spoke largely on the subject-and in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Gerry objected to the proposition as unconstitutional-as the appointing the heads of departments as judges in this case, is to all intents and purposes establishing a board of commissioners with judiciary powers; and is an indirect, and not very delicate attack on the power of the President and the Senate of the United States.
Mr. Sedgwick was opposed to the former part of the amendment, but wished that the latter part might be adopted. He differed from Mr. Gerry by observing that he conceived there was propriety in referring matters of this nature to officers already appointed.
Mr. Sherman proposed a committee of conference. Mr. Burke was in favor of the motion.
Mr. Lawrence entered into a general consideration of the subject of fines and forfeitures. These he observed were originally designed as guards to the safe and effectual collection of the revenue; and in this view they ought to be as nearly inevitable as is any ways consistent with mercy to individuals, and justice to the public at large. The contemplation of a mitigation of these fines and forfeitures ought to be managed with a great deal of circumspection-that such difficulties may be thrown in the way of getting rid of those forfeitures, as may prevent careless and incautious violations of the law; he added many more observations-and concluded by saying that he could with the last part of the proposition should be adopted, but with respect to the former, he had not so fully digested the subject as to be able at the present time, to give his opinion-he wished therefore that the bill might lay on the table for a few days.
Mr. Huntington said he had always been opposed to the bill, as absurd and improper-for if a law is necessary in the present case to mitigate fines, &c. incurred for breaches of the revenue law, we shall act inconsistently with ourselves, if we do not pass laws to abate punishments in other cases. He believed no parallel can be produced in any country of laws similar to the one proposed-it is referring matters of judicial determination to a chancellor unknown to the constitution. He wished therefore that the bill might be suffered to lie on the table-never more to be taken up-if a committee of conference is appointed, he had no doubt this would be the issue of the business.
On the question being taken-the amendment of the Senate was disagreed to.
A committee of conference was then appointed, consisting of Mr. Ames, Mr. Huntington and Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Sedgwick moved that a committee be appointed to consider and report what provision shall be made for the support of the officers of the supreme judicial court.
The motion was ordered to be laid on the table.
Mr. Lee moved for leave to bring in a bill further to suspend the operation of part of the collection and tonnage laws-the motion was laid on the table.
On motion of Mr. Lawrence, the engrossed bill making provision for persons employed in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations was recommitted to a select committee. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, MARCH 25.
Sundry petitions were read. Mr. Gilman of the committee of enrolment, brought in the bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1790, and the bill for establishing an uniform rule of naturalization, enrolled-which had been examined by the committee, and found correct; the speaker then signed the same.
A motion was then made that the house should go into a committee of the whole on the bill respecting the South Western frontiers. Some objection was made to the immediate adoption of the motion-as interesting and important intelligence was daily expected from Governor Sinclair.
The motion being put was carried in the affirmative-and the galleries were thereupon shut.
FRIDAY, MARCH 26.
Mr. Livermore presented a petition from the inhabitants of Portsmouth, (N. H.) respecting certain duties on tonnage; and also praying that the district court may be holden in that place only.
In committee of the whole House.-Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
The bill to prevent the exportation of goods, not duly inspected according to the laws of the several States, was taken into consideration.
Mr. Livermore objected to the bill, as an unconstitutional interference on the part of Congress with the powers of the respective States. The Constitution, said he, has expressly referred to the several States the power of making their own inspection laws, and the power of executing them is inseparably connected: Those laws will doubtless be executed without an interference on our part.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) observed, that the object of the bill is to make it the duty of the collectors to attend to the execution of the State Inspection Laws, it having formerly been the duty of the State Collectors: Since the appointments were made by the United States, the officers did not conceive themselves bound to pay particular attention to those laws.
Several other gentlemen spoke on the subject, and the great importance of such laws, and their punctilious execution were enlarged on.
The Committee finally agreed to some amendments, which were adopted by the House; and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next.
In committee of the whole on the bill for accepting the cession made by the State of North Carolina of certain lands therein described.
In the preamble to the bill, the words "THE HONORABLE," were prefixed to the names of the Senators from North Carolina.
Mr. Page moved that those words should be struck out. He observed that however honorable the gentlemen might be, and he was ready to acknowledge they were truly so; yet agreeable to the usage of the House, he conceived there was an impropriety in giving any titles. He hoped never to see the time when a legislative sanction should be given to such distinctions. If a permanent aristocracy was ever established among us, it would be thro' this medium: Such titles have been productive of infinite mischief in other countries: They are anti-republican, and as such cannot be conferred with any propriety by this House.
Mr. Sedgwick observed, that if the Hon. gentleman was ready to acknowledge the Senators from the State of North-Carolina were truly honorable characters, he could see no mischief or impropriety in saying so; it comports with the usage of the several States; but, he considered it as a matter of trifling consequence, and hoped the committee would not spend time in altering the subject.
Mr. Page made some reply to Mr. Sedgwick, and the vote being taken, it passed in the affirmative by a great majority, and the words were struck out.
A condition in the act of cession, relative to the emancipation of slaves--that Congress should not (as in the act for the government of the western territory) provide for their freedom--occasioned some debate; an amendment was proposed and debated-but not adopted.
The committee reported the bill with the above amendment only--which was agreed to by the House.
Mr. Gilman of the committee of enrolment, informed the House--that the appropriation and naturalization bills were presented to the President of the United States for his approbation, the 25th instant. Adjourned to Monday.
The committee of the whole house, to whom was referred the report of the committee on the memorial of the people called Quakers, and of the Pennsylvania and New-York societies for promoting the abolition of slavery, agreed to the following--which was entered on the journals:
That the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808.
That Congress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves or in the treatment of them within any of the States, it remaining with the several States alone, to provide any regulation therein, which humanity and true policy may require.
That Congress have authority to refrain the citizens of the United States from carrying on the African trade for the purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by proper regulations for their humane treatment, during the passage of slaves imported by the citizens, into the said States admitting such importation.
ANNAPOLIS, March 18.
The following is the Address of the General Assembly of Maryland to the President of the United States.
WE, the general assembly of Maryland, avail ourselves of the first occasion afforded us, since your election to the office of President of the United States, of expressing to you our gratitude for accepting that truly honorable, yet arduous station; and of mingling our congratulations with those of our country on this auspicious event.
With pleasure we anticipate the blessings which these states will derive from the firmness and wisdom of your administration. The past proofs of your respect for the rights of your fellow-citizens, amidst the din of arms and rage of war, are a sure pledge that these rights will be equally respected and cherished by you in peace.
In this place, from which we now address you, our predecessors lately saw the affecting scene of their patriot chief resigning his military command, having fully accomplished its glorious ends.
The lapse of a few years having proved the inadequacy of the late confederacy to the attainment of its objects, it affords subject of the most pleasing reflection, that in the change which became necessary to the safety and welfare of the people of America, the President of the United States should be the same person to whom they were indebted for a long series of the most important, glorious and disinterested services.
This people have unanimously called upon you to preside over their common councils, under a

well founded hope, that having asserted their independence by your skill in war, your wisdom and firmness in peace will avert the dangers of civil discord, and establish their union on so firm a basis that it will endure to the latest ages.
We reflect on these things with gratitude, and that for you the singular happiness was reserved of being twice the saviour of your country.
May that kind Providence, whose protection you have frequently experienced in the midst of many and great dangers, direct your measures, and long preserve a life, in the preservation of which such numbers feel themselves so deeply interested.
JOHN SMITH, President of the Senate. GEORGE DENT, Speaker of the House of Delegates.
THE ANSWER.
To the General Assembly of Maryland. GENTLEMEN,
I RECEIVE, with the liveliest emotions of satisfaction, your expressions of gratitude for my having accepted the office of President of the United States, and your congratulations on that event.
From the enlightened policy of the legislature of the union, in conjunction with the patriotic measures of the state assemblies, I anticipate the blessings in reserve for these United States; and so far as my administration may be conducive to their attainment, I dare pledge myself to co-operate with those distinguished bodies, by constantly respecting and cherishing the rights of my fellow citizens.
Your mention of the place from whence you address me, awakens a succession of uncommon reflections.—In noticing the eventful period, since the resignation of my military command, I trace, with infinite gratitude, the agency of a Providence, which induced the people of America to substitute in place of an inadequate confederacy, a general government, eminently calculated to secure the safety and welfare of their country.
The good dispositions of this people, and their increasing attachment to a government of their own institution, with the aid of wisdom and firmness in their common councils, afford a well founded hope, that the danger of civil discord may be averted, and the union established on so solid a basis that it may endure to the latest ages.
When I reflect on the critical situation to which this country has been more than once reduced, I feel a kind of exultation in the character of my countrymen, who have rescued it from the threatened ruin by their virtue, fortitude, intelligence and unanimity.
I thank you for the favourable sentiments which you are pleased to express of my public conduct, and for the affectionate interest which you have the goodness to take in the success of my measures, and the preservation of my health. I pray for the divine Benedictions on you, gentlemen, and on your State.
G. WASHINGTON.
Address of the Town of Alexandria, to the honorable Thomas Jefferson, Esquire. Alexandria, 11th March, 1790.
SIR, YOU have returned to your native country. Permit us, the inhabitants of Alexandria, to join with the rest of our fellow-citizens in the warmest congratulations to you on that happy event. As a commercial town, we feel ourselves particularly indebted to you for the indulgencies which your enlightened representations to the Court of France have secured to our trade. You have freed commerce from its shackles and destroyed the first essay made in this country towards establishing a monopoly. But we assure you that these events, though more recent, are not more deeply impressed on our minds, than the whole tenor of your conduct, when we were struggling in the sacred Cause of Freedom. A sense of the benefits we have already derived from your talents and virtue, in the various offices you have filled, induces us to entertain the most auspicious hopes from your arrival at this crisis, when a Constitution, newly adopted, and which is to decide the fate of republican forms of Government, is commencing its operation; and when subjects of the highest importance to the Union, must necessarily be discussed. That you, Sir, in every walk of life, may meet with the reward of your meritorious services, and fulfil the high expectations of a free and republican people, is our sincere wish.
In behalf of the citizens of Alexandria, WILLIAM HUNTER, jun. Mayor. Thomas Jefferson, Esquire.
Alexandria, March 11, 1790.
SIR, ACCEPT my sincere thanks, for yourself and the worthy citizens of Alexandria, for their kind congratulations on my return to my native country.
I am happy to learn that they have felt benefit from the encouragements to commerce which have been given by an allied Nation. But truth and candor oblige me, at the same time, to de-
clare you are indebted for those encouragements solely to the friendly disposition of that Nation, which has shewn itself ready on every occasion to adopt all arrangements which might strengthen our ties of mutual interest and friendship.
Convinced that the republican is the only form of Government which is not eternally at open or secret war with the rights of mankind, my prayers and efforts shall be cordially contributed to the support of that we have so happily established.—It is, indeed, an animating thought that, while we are securing the rights of ourselves and our posterity, we are pointing out the way to struggling Nations, who wish, like us, to emerge from their tyrannies also. Heaven help their struggles, and lead them, as it has done us, triumphantly through them!
Accept, Sir, for yourself and the Citizens of Alexandria, the homage of my thanks for their civilities, and the assurance of those sentiments of respect and attachment, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble Servant,
THOMAS JEFFERSON. WILLIAM HUNTER, jun. Esq. Mayor of Alexandria.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
F A B L E.
WHEN honest HODGE to JANUS came, His neighbor's Hogs and Sheep to blame; Who, tho' his fence was good and found, Found means to break into his ground; JANUS, with sapient nod and speech, Declar'd that Law could mend the breach; "That plain as nose on human face," Great damages were in the case— Quoth HODGE, I'm glad your tho'ts are mine, Your's are the breaching Sheep and Swine— Hold! cries the lawyer in a fright! If so—the case is alt'd quite. Thus in political affairs, Each mortal for the Public cares— Taxes on taxes may be laid, If only by our neighbors paid. But tax my own peculiar calling, Lord! what a raving, rout and bawling— You'd think the very State was falling.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE.
IN contemplating the present posture of affairs in the Eastern Hemisphere, a variety of contending ideas obtrude on the mind: The result will be a comparison between the progress of light, wisdom, and freedom in the old world and the new. In Russia we behold vast armies marched from one end of that immense empire to the other, for the purpose of adding to the extent of its territory, and the eclat of the Russian arms—when the country already in possession, is not one half populated—and the caprices of ambition, but a few years since thinned the land of millions of the people. Would an enlightened, free people, be thus subservient to the views of ambition?
It is more than a century since PETER THE GREAT, begun the work of civilization; and yet, the rays of freedom can scarcely be said to gleam on a country, where the whole body of the people are the property of the crown. But the splendors of victory; the charms of triumph; and the eulogium on Princes, Generals, and Heroes, (the illusions of fancy) are found to counterbalance all the positive miseries of war and despotism. The prayer of every benevolent mind must be, may light arise in such Egyptian darkness.
In Sweden we behold a Monarch, whose character, so far as it unfolds itself, impresses the mind with favorable sentiments of his wisdom and magnanimity—till we are not furnished with such documents as enable us to form a competent judgment of the reasons which have induced the war with Russia.
Opinions on this point are various—some applaud—others condemn. Some recent accounts, indicate, however, that the war is not altogether popular: Certain extraordinary privileges have been lately granted to the inferior orders of the people—and every measure appears to be taken to keep up the spirit of hostility against the Russians.
Sweden was once free—but now it seems, the Monarch can divest one order of citizens of their ancient privileges, and bestow them on another, and still retain his popularity. Can the flame of freedom be said to illumine such a country?
The commotions in the Austrian Netherlands are a novel and solemn spectacle. It is quite a new thing under the sun to behold the sons of the 'Cowl and the Cord' harnessing on the habiliments of war, and fighting under the standard of freedom. The Emperor laying (as they term it) sacrilegious hands on the endowments of Monasteries and Nunneries, and abrogating certain exclusive privileges, which they had long possessed, gave the first alarm to the people.
(To be continued.)
EULOGIUM ON MR. PITTS.
FROM THE STAR. (LONDON.)
MR. PITTS has been called, not fligatized , for it is no reproach till his abilities shall be tried in war—the Minister of Peace. He has shewn himself the redeemer of his country, sinking under the mismanagement of a corrupt war-administration; and by his spirit on the late armament, he has secured alliances which will render us, by degrees, a tower of strength; and has given a proof of what we are to expect on a future emergency.
And how was this great political desideratum brought about? With an astonishing address and generalship, at the expense of less than half a million, whilst a former atrociously degenerated minister more than doubled our debt, with the sole consequence of a dismemberment of our American provinces, lost through neglect, corruption, and the stupidity, obstinacy, and want of foresight of our councils at home, at which he presided ex officio .
NEW-YORK, MARCH 27, 1790.
Extract of a letter from Derby, Connecticut, March 18.
The proposed duty on salt is contemplated with great disgust, the exportation of provisions is become a very important article of commerce; I yearly pack up 300 barrels; the salt amounts to a considerable sum—an enhanced duty will make my beef and pork meet the market at more than a shilling additional price—now, though the business is profitable, yet this duty will entirely break it up; our cattle upon a thousand hills will be a useless burthen on the earth; our pastures will be untanned, our calves must be all killed—and in short all the graziers, butchers, packers, coopers and shippers of provisions will be ruined by this enhanced duty on salt.—There are other articles which might be noticed—shall only mention snuff; my wife takes a great deal, much to my comfort you may be sure—the lays if it is made dearer by a new duty, noses may as well go out of fashion.
Extract of a letter from St. Eustatia, dated Feb. 19.
"This minute a part of the hill of this place gave way, and buried a number of the inhabitants of the lower town in the ruins. The number that fell victims in this unhappy catastrophe is not yet ascertained."
The brig Minerva, Worth, from this port for Hudson, took fire on the 24th inst. near Fort Lee, and was nearly consumed.
The new Church lately built in Broadway on the site of the old Trinity Church, was on Thursday last solemnly consecrated and dedicated to the service of God, by the Right Reverend Father in God, SAMUEL, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the State of New York—assisted by the several gentlemen of the clergy belonging to the Church. A great number of people were assembled on this occasion. The President of the United States, together with the Rev. Clergy of the different denominations in this city, and many other persons of distinction were present. An excellent sermon, adapted to the occasion, was delivered by the Rev. Dr. BEACH.
Thursday last a vote was passed in the House of Assembly of this State, declaring vacant the seat of the Hon. RUFUS KING, Esq. who, since his election into the Legislature, has been elected a Senator for this State in the Congress of the United States.
The poor mechanics and labourers of Europe, are turning their thoughts to the United States as an asylum from all the oppression of despotism, poverty and wretchedness. At present many obstacles are thrown in the way of emigration—but except their condition is meliorated by adopting a more humane and liberal policy on the part of their oppressors, necessity will surmount every impediment, and emigrations to this land of freedom, will in a great measure depopulate the old world.
"Westward the Ball of Empire rolls."
Measures founded in wisdom, should be tenaciously adhered to—it is very easy to find faults, but extremely difficult to devise adequate remedies. On matters of finance and revenue, there are perhaps fewer competent judges than on any subject whatever—and yet there is none, on which superficial characters are more apt to decide with confidence. Propositions for new taxes are always fruitful topics of declamation—and the public are not unfrequently abused with the complaints of persons who pretending a regard to the general welfare, excite discontents among the people, to defeat measures calculated to promote the public good, merely because they imagine their private interest will be injured.
FIRMNESS in a minister appears to be an indispensable requisite to ensure success.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW YORK.
 Brig Somerset, Hunt, Turks-Island.  Brig Ann, Donaldson, Amsterdam.  Brig Rebecca, Little, St. Thomas.  Brig Robert, Douglass, Kingston.  Brig Queen of the North, Durand, Cape Francois.  Schooner Rebecca, Swaine, Newbern, (N. C.)  Schooner Lively, Major, Turk's-Island.  Schooner Charming Sally, Howat, Norfolk.  Sloop Hudson Packet, Coffin, Gaudaloupe.  Sloop Sally, Griffin, St. Martin's.  Sloop Lady Haley, Tillinghast, Charleston. 

ELEGIAICK LINES.
To the Memory of Mrs. ABIGAIL JONES.
BY A LADY.
Al! what avails, that round her polish'd form The modest Graces lent each varied charm!
Bright as the Rose, which sinks beneath the storm, Fair as the gather'd Lilly's silver form,
Great God of Wisdom! On thy just decree, What impious mortal dares to question thee!
(Massachusetts Centinel.)
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
IN your paper, or in some other, I have lately seen strictures, on the funding of the domestic continental debt,
The object of those strictures if I rightly recollect it, amounted to a complaint against the expected ratio of assumption.
He supported his objection by saying that those bills had come to the possession of many of the present holders at the rate of 75, 100, 200, or 500 for one.
And Sir, I imagine that many are sensible that this single ratio of 40 for 1, cannot be considered as forming in any degree, a just and equitable mode of redemption.
But many say, that this mode is highly calculated to mar Public Faith; to injure private property, and deeply to wound some of the earliest and firmest friends to the liberties of America, and to the present Constitution.
These friends to Government were supported in their faith by an order of Congress of July 26th, 1775. "That each Colony pay its respective quota, in four equal annual payments.
But how shall it be prevented is the question. For the mode in particular I shall not pretend to dictate, by saying that a scale having some respect to date, or only respect to the time of possession, duly proved, might prevent the injustice feared—but am bold to say, that the proprietors of some part of those early emissions, while they see such pains taken to prevent injustice, have the fullest confidence that their claims will not be overlooked.
PAUCI SED HONESTI.
GYPSUM, OR PLAISTER OF PARIS.
Experiments by Doctor LOGAN, of Pennsylvania.
EXPERIMENT, No. I.
IN the year 1785, I sowed three acres of a light ifinglass soil, containing a little clay, with barley and clover.
nure. Early in October in 1787, the clover lay was ploughed once about four inches deep, was sowed with rye, and in that rough state was harrowed.
EXPERIMENT, No. II.
In April, 1787, I sowed three acres of potatoe ground (a light loam) with barley and clover.
EXPERIMENT, No. III.
In April 1786, six acres of a poor ifinglass soil, situated on Germantown hill, were sowed with oats,
EXPERIMENT, No. IV.
A field of 15 acres, a light loam, was, in April 1784, sowed with barley and clover;
EXPERIMENT, No. V.
I put a quantity of gypsum three years ago on several small patches of a tough sod;
1st. That there is no difference between the European and American gypsum. 2d. That gypsum acts as an immediate manure to grass, and afterwards in an equal degree to grain. 3d. That one dressing will continue in force several succeeding crops.
To be SOLD,
At PUBLIC AUCTION, on the First Day of APRIL next, (if not disposed of before, at Private Sale.)
THAT pleasant and valuable Place formerly called COLES-FERRY, now by the name of VAN DUZER'S,
For Particulars enquire of JOHN ANDERSON, corner of the Exchange, or CHARLES McLEAN, White Hall, New-York,
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-Slip, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacketon do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cassas, Chintzes, Seerfuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
MARCH 27.—DOLLARS at 8s.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, St. Croix, Country, Molasses, Brandy, Geneva, Do. in cases, Muscovado Sugar, Loaf, Lump, Pepper, Pimento, Coffee, Indigo, Do. French, Rice, Superfine Flour, Common do. Rye do. Indian Meal, Rye, Wheat, Corn (Southern), Do. (Northern), Beef, Pork, Oats, Flax-seed, Ship bread per cwt., Country reined bar-iron, Do. bloomery, Swedes do., Russia do., Pig-iron, German steel, Nails American, Do. do. 6d., Do. do. 8d., Do. do. 10d., Do. do. 12d., Do. do. 20d., Do. do. 24d., Pot ash, Pearl ash, Bees-wax per lb., Mackerel per barr., Herrings, Mahogany, Jamaica per foot, Domineas, do., Honduras, do., Logwood unchipped, Do. chipped, inch white oak plank, inch do., inch white pine plank, inch do., inch pitch pine do., inch do., Pitch pine scantling, Cyprus 2 feet shingles, Do. 22 inch do., Cedar 2 inch do.
By the Visitors and Governors of St. JOHN'S College in the State of Maryland, February 10, 1790.
RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, THAT at the regular quarterly meeting on the second Tuesday in November next, the Visitors and Governors of St. John's College, elect a Principal of the said College;
That at the next quarterly meeting, on the second Tuesday in May next, the board elect a master of writing and arithmetic in said St. John's College;
That Mr. Wallace, Mr. Carroll, of Carrollton, and Mr. Hanson, be a committee to write a letter in behalf of this board, to Doctor Price, Doctor Reece, and Doctor Kippis, of the kingdom of Great-Britain,
That the several Resolves for electing a Principal and master of writing and arithmetic, be published in such newspapers as the said committee shall think proper.
Test,
NICHOLAS BRICE, Sec'y.
The public are requested to take notice that if a proper character in America shall offer, the Visitors are free to appoint him;
Any person desirous of offering himself either as a Principal of St. John's College, or master of writing and arithmetic, will be pleased by writing to inform any one, or the whole of the committee,
The printers of America are requested to insert in their respective newspapers the foregoing Resolves and notifications; and to inform their fellow-citizens, that St. John's College, after a variety of untoward disastrous circumstances, was opened and dedicated in November last;
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
(Price Six Shillings, bound and lettered) And to be sold, by appointment of the Author, by Messrs. BERRY and ROGERS, No. 35, by A. McLEAN, No. 41, (Franklin's Head) Hanover Square, and by the Editor hereof, No. 9, Maiden-Lane,
GEOGRAPHY MADE EASY:
BEING AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY.