National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-07-13 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 74 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, July 13, 1793.
[Total NUMB. 178.]
AFRICAN CHURCH.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
CITIZEN FRENEAU.
WHEN a person ventures to submit his opinions, and sentiments, to a discerning public, it is at least expected that he has a tolerable acquaintance with the subject upon which he writes: if he writes without information, his productions, of whatever nature they may be, tend only to mislead the public mind, without answering any beneficial purpose whatever.
The truth of this remark appeared to me very evident, on the perusal of a piece in your paper of Wednesday the 3d inst. [No. 175.] signed "A True American."
The writer either intentionally, or perhaps (which is a more charitable supposition) ignorantly misstates, and misrepresents every thing relating to the subject on which he treats, and launches forth into the sea of declamation, without previously securing the pilot of Truth, as the guide of his voyage;—a precaution, the neglect of which, shews a great want of skill in our over-adventurous navigator, & the adoption of which, would indubitably have prevented the fatal shipwreck, which, I think it will appear, he has suffered. I have no intention of entering into a prolix controversy with the gentleman, and therefore a few observations, in order to remove any impressions, which his piece may have made on the minds of those of my fellow citizens who have read it, shall suffice; after which I shall bid adieu to the author and the subject.
The opinion of "The True American," fairly deducible from the whole of his essay, appears to be this; that a certain aristocratic junto in this city, combining together for the purpose of excluding the Blacks from a participation of public worship in conjunction with themselves set on foot the African church, as the most complete means of obtaining this end, and that in consequence of this establishment the Africans and their descendants are obliged to confine themselves to this church, or neglect the public worship of the Deity altogether—the piece must certainly mean this, or nothing at all, and if this be the meaning of it, I assert that it is false and groundless, and that it either originates, as I have hinted before, in downright ignorance, or what is worse, a malevolent design to disturb the peace of society, and under the specious cloak of democratic zeal, suppress an institution founded for the most benevolent purposes.
If he is really actuated by the motives he pretends, I would merely mention, that the cry of Mad Dog! when too indiscriminately used, loses its terrors, and that he does not act up to his principles, in declaring on (at most) a very trifling danger, while real evils remain unnoticed. He cannot be accounted a skillful physician, who spends his time and his medicine in curing a trifling scratch upon a safe part of the body of his patient, while a mortal disease preys unheeded on his vitals.
Permit me as a disinterested citizen to present you with what I have understood to be the true state of the facts relating to the African Church.
The Blacks, it is well known, had been for a considerable time thought unworthy the benefits of education and learning, and it is equally known that in Philadelphia the prejudice that secured the too ready adoption of this mistaken opinion is now worn off, that liberal establishments have been founded for the education of negro children, and that many who are now arrived at years of maturity have witnessed the benefits to be derived from these institutions. It however has always happened that the situation of these persons, whether freemen or slaves, does not permit them to extend their researches in science to so great a length as the more fortunate whites—They found themselves, therefore, not susceptible of those advantages in our congregations, that they would derive from the admonitions of a person of their own colour, who might deliver more simple truths, and less refined disquisitions, than they had generally heard from the clergymen, to whose discourses they had attended—this idea, together with a desire of establishing a church government of their own, which would secure a happy religious intercourse between each other and between the congregation, and their pastors, induced them to apply to the generosity of their white brethren for assistance, towards building a church of their own—They formed a set of principles on the basis of the christian
religion, which for their simplicity and truth, may vie with those of any other sect whatever. To this creed all who are admitted, are supposed to subscribe, but with respect to those who do not think proper to adopt them, there is no rule, either among any of the pre-existing sects, of which they have been members, or in the system of rules which the Africans have agreed to, which obliges them to quit the former or to join the latter.
It appears then that the plea which "the True American" so warmly opposes, originated with the negroes themselves and that the actions of their benevolent fellow citizens (who are now stigmatised with the opprobrious epithet of an aristocratic junto) were only to second and assist them, in the pursuit of the objects, which they themselves first contemplated.
But I suppose we shall be told here, that with whomever it may have originated, it tends to make distinctions inconsistent with republicanism. It is said that an argument that proves too much proves nothing at all; of this nature is the reasoning of the True American. Would it not, if admitted, prove the impropriety of different sects of Christians dissenting from each other in their modes and places of worship? would it not prove that it is favouring aristocratic distinctions, for a quaker to worship in a different manner, and in a separate place, from a Roman Catholic, or Presbyterian, from an Episcopalian? Has any one of the religious congregations in this city declared that as soon as the building of the Blacks is finished, they are to be no longer admitted to a seat with themselves? Will any Christian minister refuse baptism to a negro child, provided its parents think proper to remain connected with his congregation? No: the same charity will be exercised towards the Blacks, they have heretofore experienced from their white brethren in Philadelphia, and those who do not think proper to conform to the adoption of the principles, or the observance of the plan of church government, which the African church has established, may still continue with the sects to which they respectively belong.
Let me conclude with a word of advice to the "True American." If he writes for the purpose of informing the minds of his fellow citizens, let him remember, that calumny against well intentioned individuals, and vile misrepresentations of facts, are not the proper modes of accomplishing so desirable a purpose. If he is merely seized with the cacoethes scribendi , altho' it is not to be discouraged, let him employ his pen on better subjects and in the cause of truth. If he wishes to suppress the "rank weeds of aristocracy" let him turn his attention to the soil where they have taken root. I cannot help thinking that it smells of aristocracy on his part, so warmly to oppose a measure, pursued with zeal by the very persons themselves, whose cause he seems to vindicate, and intended for their benefit alone. He will do well to remember that in places where slavery exists, in its highest vigour, such institutions, as the one I am speaking of, are either disallowed or discouraged, and that it was left for the enlightened citizens of Philadelphia to acknowledge that the negroes were not unworthy, or incapable, of conducting a religious establishment according to their own ideas, and opinions—Lastly, I would request him to read over attentively the address of the representatives of the African church and the tenets which they profess to hold—I am sure if he is possessed of candour, the noble characteristic of a genuine republican, he will own that he has been mistaken in the opinion which he has so unadvisedly formed, and so hastily submitted to the public view—I most sincerely hope, that he may, at a future day, not only see the benefits realized which I anticipate, but that he may likewise be convinced it will operate more effectually than any step heretofore taken to the abolishing of the infernal practice of enslaving our fellow creatures, merely because they differ from us in colour.
A FRIEND TO TRUTH.
July 8th, 1793.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
AS the present is a period when opinions should be collected; as a citizen, I conceive myself called upon to submit my sentiments on every point, which, it is probable, will hereafter be decided upon by the people. The present situation of the
United States, is, to be sure, extremely critical. On one hand we have a solemn treaty to fulfil, which teems with noble and generous obligations. On the other, we are jealously watched lest we should leap the boundaries of our duty. If we neglect the fulfilment of the former, our national credit, our all that is valuable, will be blasted with ignominy, and we will declare ourselves enemies to the extension of liberty. If we are impartially friendly to all the powers, we prefer dissimulation and meanness to gratitude: we will prove ourselves friends to despots and foes to freedom. This is our alternative: let reason, justice, and policy dictate our choice.
Much has been said, (with propriety too) respecting the President's late sovereign edit . So much, that it is now rendered almost unnecessary to enlarge upon it. But, as I have suggested, this is the time to estimate opinions .
In giving my opinion on a matter of this nature I would willingly escape the opprobrium of both parties. But it is so very difficult to steer in the current of popular opinion with success, that in the outset, I despair of my fortune; and am sensible of the danger my barque is liable to in such a violent torrent. But partly convinced that candour still retains its sovereignty in the United States, and that free opinion is the main spring of republicanism, I flatter myself, that the following attempt to conciliate the jarring voices of the citizens, will be, if not effectual, the forerunner of one, that will convince us all of the purity of the President's pacific intentions.
In my opinion, the dispute should have terminated on the appearance of the President's explanation contained in his answer to the citizens of Salem. But by the bye, I am far from thinking him justifiable in issuing a proclamation which would require a separate explanation, or which would even admit of any dispute on the application of any words contained in it. Laws, or any mandate, or letter of advice from the head of a people, should be construed in plain and intelligible terms. They should never be so ambiguous as to admit of misconstruction or evasion: and as sure as it is the case, however just, wise, and politic the thing may be, it is certain never to operate effectually.
Wishing always to preserve the due respect for our first magistrate, I must nevertheless acknowledge that his use of several words is strange, new, and unprecedented; and I can assure him, that his uncommon use of these words, was the only source from which the subsequent torrent of invective sprung. He surely knew very well, that the people of the United States felt with gratitude, their obligations to France; and that they watched for an opportunity to make a generous return. He knew that as soon as Great Britain declared herself at war with France, Americans would recur to their treaties and establish a partial neutrality : yet, notwithstanding this consciousness, he has neglected any mention of our treaties. I will not say he wished to impose a proclamation on us which might be construed as the whim of every one thought proper; but I must confess, his late explanation, has made a similar impression on my mind. Yet on the whole, since our judgments are to be guided more by the intention than the actions of him we judge, I can safely believe, he did not intend to advise us to a neglect of our contracts: and this I hope will shortly be the opinion of all, and the President will be re-possessed of the esteem of every citizen.
I must here observe, that I cannot think the President overreached his duty in declaring us in a state of neutrality, consistent with our treaties ; because it is his duty to preserve the peace, and, until a declaration of war by Congress, the states are at peace, and he had a right to declare them so.
I cannot conclude, without addressing myself to the delicate feelings of the "Friend to Peace" and "Pacificus", who have "almost been persuaded" to be cowards, and consequently enemies to war: for, should I neglect this, the gentlemen would certainly think I had overlooked a consideration, which, through modesty, they have withheld from the public; but which in private, has been given to us for our land-mark. And to you, dear gentlemen, be, in endeavouring to shield your traf-
* It is well known, that the authors of these pieces, in endeavouring to pacify certain persons, have threatened to withdraw their assistance, provided we should enter into a war. !!
ter, smart with the darts aimed at him, what shall I say? If I say you are wise, your good sense will declare me a flatterer. If I swear you are friends to the United States, your friendship for me will cease—My prudence prompts me to speak the truth, and though my affection for you is unequalled, I cannot, for my soul, be base enough to applaud your vices. For, first, you know there are three ways of becoming a partaker in the guilt of the crime of another: first, by being the occasion of it. Secondly, by giving our consent to it, previous to its commission.—And lastly, by approving of it after it is committed.—Reflect on the last and consider how singular your situation is. For the President, upon consideration, has felt a conviction of his error, and to atone for it, has given us his illucidation. But a faithful dog will always bark for his master, whether he is praiseworthy or censurable, in hopes of obtaining a juicy bone. Little did you expect when you attempted to evince your attachment to his excellency, that Veritas and Mercator would put you to so shameful a flight. But alas, first, fair-play was not shown, they had the rising ground, and struck you while you were down. Take confidence, however, you have the despots of Europe at your back; and until kings are exterminated, and royal blood is annihilated, your excellence will be honourable and happy.
TAPHNA.
July 7th 1793.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU.
I HAVE been one of the most fortunate adventurers in the lottery of politics, and yet I do not enjoy the happiness I anticipated. My case is this. Not possessed of great wealth, and craving an immensity, I set out in the government with a resolution to make a fortune. My whole soul was devoted to that object. Money was never out of my thoughts by day, and I dreamt of it by night. I boggled at no servility, no drudgery, public or private, that might forward my design. With the smiles of fortune and the help of friends, I succeeded beyond my hopes. Previous to the introduction of the funding system, I got hold of a clue that in the labyrinths of that business was worth to me no less than forty thousand dollars. The Assumption was near making me as rich as Croesus; never were better plans laid, or executed by abler members of the craft: but our profits were sadly frittered down by some untoward accidents. Perhaps I may be induced, some day or other, to entertain the public with the curious history of them. My share of the enterprize added, notwithstanding, five and twenty thousand dollars to my stock in speculation. When the bank came on, you may be sure I did not fail to play my part both behind and before the scenes. For certain reasons, I do not now say how much I made by well timed operations, in the exclusive six per cents , afterwards in the inclusive three per cents , & then in that notable and delectable commodity, scrip . It is equally endless to descend into some subsequent transactions , still connected with the bank, which time may explain. Suffice it to say, in one word, that I am now what I resolved to be—rich; & yet, as I observed above, I am not happy. Don't imagine, however, that my disappointment proceeds from any remorse at the ways and means whereby I have accomplished my purpose. Thanks to my stars, I feel nothing of that kind, having cast off all such vulgar prejudices as fast as I got acquainted with the world, and rose to a higher sphere in it.—No, sir, my wretchedness flows from quite another source. I fear, from what has got abroad, and the uses made of it, that all of us who have been so prudent in our public stations as to take care of the main charge, are to be eternally kept in hot, or more properly speaking, in boiling water, by a set of low wretches, who had not the same sense or spirit to do as we did, and endeavour now to set themselves off in the eyes of the people by painting our little liberties in money matters, in all the horrible colours their malicious patriotism can invent. They have raised as great a hue and cry against us as if we had been guilty of robbery or murder, whereas the worst that could be charged on us is only breach of trust, or fraud.
Now, Sir, it is not hard, cruel hard, thus to have the golden cup of our felicity dashed with poison, with gall, before we could

apply it to our lips; thus to taste not a moment of comfort or repose on the summit of our wishes, where we have arrived thro' many dark, foul, and crooked ways! — For my part, I am ready to die of vexation. What makes our condition the more intolerable is, that all our attempts to extricate ourselves have but multiplied our perplexities, and swelled the triumphant joy of our unrelenting enemies. We have sworn that we are all as innocent as babes, as pure as angels. Not a soul will believe us. We have worn out every abusive epithet in the language, on the republican faction that makes this barbarous war on our quiet; all to no other purpose than that of disgracing poor Feno's Gazette, ruining its distant circulation from the seat of government, and finally obliging him to throw himself on the mercy of the British and tory interest in Philadelphia to preserve a grub street existence in the evening of his days. This is but a bad return for his deadleries in our service. We have spared no pains, left untried no artifice to blend our fate with the cause of the government, by solemnly assuring the people that the attacks on us are all levelled at the government, which is to be assassinated through our sides. Judge of our mortification on when we hear one reader observing, "that the government is to be distinguished from the administration: this endeavour to confound them has a very suspicious appearance;" — "the best way (says another) to preserve the government against danger is to purge it of abuses." — A third, archly sneering, exclaims "modest fellows these, indeed, to be brading others with disaffection to our free government, when 'tis no secret that they are itching for a king, and nobility, and are leagued in their hearts and their hopes with the crowned despots who are drenching millions of innocent people in blood in revenge for the death of one guilty monarch; who have sworn eternal war against the republic of France, and will never be at ease till liberty is banished from the face of the earth."
Such, Mr. Freneau, is the miserable plight and condition in which we find ourselves, and such the gloomy prospect that is before us. Before we abandon ourselves to final despair, it has been judged proper, after due and deliberate consultation, to make one effort more for our relief. You will perhaps be surprised to learn, but it is not the less true, that you — yes, you — Philip Freneau, Editor of the National Gazette, strange as it may appear, have become the pivot on which our only surviving hopes now turn. Permit me to explain myself. First and foremost, it is well known, and to none better than yourself, that our misfortunes are in a very high degree to be charged to the freedom of your press. It has been a torch that has kindled the rage of the people against us, by enlightening their reason. This consideration it was, that occasioned the ill-fated attack on your paper last year, which like all our other blundering schemes, had effects diametrically opposite to the intention. It recommended and extended the circulation of your paper, brought into full lustre the character of a person whose name is as odious to us as republicanism itself, and confirmed the suspicion, too prevalent before, against the views of our party. I have promised this confession, Sir, to the end that the candor of it may obtain your forgiveness of the past, and satisfy you entirely of the sincerity and good faith with which I address myself to you in relation to the future.
I now proceed, without further preface or apology, to submit to you in explicit terms, that in as much as you have been very instrumental in ruining our cause, and can therefore best contribute to retrieve it, the following arrangement & compact shall be understood to be in force, and shall be carried into effect as soon as circumstances will permit. On your part you are to consider yourself as forever turned over from the republican or patriotic interest, which you have hitherto supported, into the party which is labouring to undermine our present free constitution, to break our connection with the republic of France, to bring about an intimate union with the monarchy of Great Britain, & finally to introduce, by the aid of her example, her influence, her money, and, if requisite, her arms, a government of king, lords, and commons; and you are to vary and change the contents, complexion, tenor, and tendency of the National Gazette so as to promote this happy revolution in the public affairs of the United States as expeditiously and efficaciously as may be. Our expectations from you herein cannot be better conveyed than by referring you to the Gazette of the United States, published by John Feno, and observing that yours is to inculcate the like anti-republican doctrines, exhibit the like misrepresentations of facts, and propagate the like calumnies as have distinguished his famous miscellany. At the same time that we doubt not your sprightly, inventive genius will easily avoid the dullness, repetitions, and mar-plot blunders which have in a great measure defeated his laudable intentions and zeal.
In return for these great and momentous services, you are to receive the following compensations, satisfaction, and advantages
over and above such contingent profits and perquisites as you may derive from the use and management of your press. First you will be admitted to discounts at the bank, to such amount, at such times, and with such renewals, as you may chuse, all which will be covered under the most perfect secrecy. 2. You will be let into such secrets respecting the rise and fall of Bank stock as, with the aid of your discounting privilege, will soon enable you to become a member of the bank and a partner in its profits. 3. As supplies of cash flow into your pockets thro' these channels, you will be enabled to make further progress to wealth, by means of certain optical helps for discovering the approaching ebb and flood of the six per cents, the three per cents, and the deferred debt, which are hid from profane eyes. 4. You shall share handsomely with the Editor of the Gazette of the United States in the emoluments he draws from the patronage of the several departments of the government, which prefer his monarchical and Anglican press for all their printing business and official publications. There will doubtless be many other little douceurs and gratifications slipping into your hands from time to time, but as they are not meant to be included in the contract, but rather to be merited by your special zeal and exertions, they are not here enumerated.
These terms, you must allow, Sir, are fair and generous; and consequently whether they be accepted or rejected, no offence we hope will be taken at them. — None, you may be sure, is intended. We proceed upon the maxim borrowed from the only wise and well balanced government in the world, and very little belied by our own experience, that every man has his price. We have concluded, therefore that you have yours. If any other modification of that we offer would make it more palatable, it can easily be settled. — We well know the importance to some stomachs, of form and disguise in the doses administered. Particular persons would spit a naked bribe back into your face, who would swallow it, without a quidem, when put into the shape of an accommodation, and honeyed over with professions of friendship. But this is always a mark of weakness. As the world grows more enlightened, unmeaning distinction lose their force with men of sense and judgment. I flatter myself therefore, that the proposed arrangement, if in substance approved, will not be impeded by any vulgar or pusillanimous scruples, on your part, and that a speedy as well as a favourable answer will be transmitted to, Sir,
Your respectful
and well disposed servant TANTALUS.
P. S. I omitted to mention, that as poetical fame may, possibly, have more charm for you than money, all the critics who have been so furiously biting, or if you please, barking at you, stand ready on your complying with the above proposal, not only to recant every word they have said against you, but to make proclamation to all the world, either in prose or verse, as may be desired, that Apollo has presented you with his own lyre, that the voice of the muses is in every note you sing, that you dwell on the very pinnacle of Parnassus, and that when you are disposed to make an excursion on Pegasus there is not a single poet, ancient or modern, who is fit to hold the stirrup to you. I can give you this assurance on the best authority, as having it from a quarter that can tell much better what those worthy gentlemen will do, than they can themselves.
July 10, 1793.
T.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
A WRITER in Mr. Brown's Federal Gazette of Wednesday, who subscribes himself X. Y. has taken the liberty of pouring forth the most unqualified, unjustifiable, and illiberal abuse, that can be well conceived to flow from the pen of any rational being, and that, without the most distant shadow of provocation, against M. Genet, representative of the French nation, now residing amongst us. When I reflect upon the principles of the author of that illiberal piece, signed X. Y. I find myself much at a loss what to think of him, or to what to ascribe his versatility. A few weeks ago, upon the arrival of M. Genet in our city, no tongue was more clamorous, no tongue more voluble in praise of the French, their minister, and the glorious cause in which they are engaged, than him whom I have grounds to suppose the author of that production. To what then, in the name of astonishment, is to be attributed his apostasy, turbulence, and inconsistency? The public will judge, for they, in part, know the man.
Our author remarks, "though there may not be a doubt that the body of the people will well to the cause of France, in by no means follows, that the licentious or imperious conduct of their servants will be encouraged or tolerated."
But, Sir, can you adduce a single instance in which the minister of France has acted licentiously or imperiously, or where he has deviated a jot from that manly rectitude, and dignity of character and conduct, which mark at once both the gentleman and friend to humanity, circumstances
which do equal honor to himself, and the discernment of that nation who sent him? — I believe not.
You sometimes talk of the liberty of the press, & a citizen's right of publishing his sentiments with decency. To the dignity and utility of the former I believe you to be an entire stranger; but as to the knowledge of the latter, namely, decency in publishing your sentiments, no man, I presume, who knows you, will be so rash as to accuse you of any such thing.
Towards the close of your first paragraph, you tell us, "that neither the people nor their rulers are disposed to wink at intolence." — Rulers of the people of America! — The American people, Sir, rule themselves, and, where a government, I keens, is merely representative, the word in your European sense of it is wholly misapplied. But, Sir, when you take up your pen again, it will be expected you prove your charge of intolence.
In another place you remark, that you think it "not uncharitable to conclude that those, who thus endeavor to impose mistaken ideas on the mind of the minister, are either young and ill-advised emigrants, or firebrands employed for the detestable purpose of kindling the flame of war in the bosom of the country which protect them."
Guardian of peace, order, and decency, all hail! Champion of integrity, to thee we bend the knee. Forsooth, then, the English of the above is, "The French have sent here a Man, ignorant of his duty, liable to be led astray by young, ill disposed, indiscreet emigrants." Such is the opinion of Mr. X. Y. (alias A. B.) — foolish minister — ruined nation!
But, Sir, why use emigrant as a term of reproach? Are you the descendant of a Kickapoo, and on this account claim priority and exclusive privileges! Although you be lineally descended from tawny royalty, I would not, believe me, even were I an emigrant, yield to you! The hint ought to be treasured up, that "desperate fortunes" will generally be the portion of desperate men.
I will now, Sir, for the present, take my leave of you, but not before I inform you, that in a little time you shall be presented with a faithful mirror, which shall exhibit you, not only to yourself, but to the whole world in your true colours and stature, such as you yourself have prepared and sketched. I'll speak of you as you are: nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice.
PAULUS.
July 11.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
A New Political Creed — for the use of all whom it may concern.
WHOEVER would live peaceably in Philadelphia, above all things it is necessary that he hold the federal faith — and the federal faith is this, that there are two governing powers in this country, both equal, and yet one superior: which faith except every one keep unadulterated without doubt he shall be abused everlastingly.
The Briton is superior to the American, and the American is inferior to the Briton, and yet they are equal, and the Briton shall govern the American.
The Briton, while here, is commanded to obey the American, and yet the American ought to obey the Briton.
And yet they ought not both to be obedient, but only one to be obedient. For there is one dominion nominal of the American, and another dominion real of the Briton.
And yet there are not two dominions, but only one dominion.
For, like as we are compelled by the British Constitution Book to acknowledge, that subjects must submit themselves to their monarchs, and be obedient to them in all things:
So are we forbid by our federal executive to say, that we are at all influenced by our treaty with France, or to pay regard to what it enforceeth.
The American was created for the Briton, and the Briton for the American.
And yet the American shall be a slave to the Briton, and the Briton the tyrant of the American.
And Britons are of three denominations, and yet only of one soul, nature, and subsistence.
The Irishman, of infinite impudence. The Scotchman, of cunning most inscrutable:
And the Englishman, of impertinence altogether insupportable:
The only true and honorable gentlemen of this our blessed country.
He therefore that would live in quiet must thus think of the Briton and the American.
It is furthermore necessary that every good American should believe in the infallibility of the executive, when its proclamations are re-echoed by Britons.
For the true faith is, that we believe and confess that the government is fallible and infallible.
Fallible in its republican nature, and infallible in its monarchical tendency, erring in its state individuality and asserting in its federal complexity.
So that tho' it be both fallible and infallible, yet it is not twain, but one government only, as having consolidated all state dominion, in order to rule with sway uncontrouled.
This is the true federal faith, which except a man believe and practice faithfully, beyond all doubt he shall be cursed perpetually.
PHILADELPHIA.
SATURDAY, July 13.
Governor Hancock, by proclamation dated Boston July 2d. has recognized A. C. Du Plaine, vice consul from the republic of France to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
The following is a list of vessels belonging to the United States sent into St. Kitts by English privateers. Barque Commerce, Watts, of George town — Brig Dipatch, Marshal, of Bolton, brig Peter Augustus, Robinson, Philadelphia — Schooner Harriot, Brooks, Alexandria, Sloop Poly, C. & M. R. Island — Sloop — Knuch, Newbury port Sloop — N. York — Brig — Lawrence, ditto besides many others whose names our informant could not recollect.
Capt. Odlin, arrived here this week from St. Eustatia, informs that on the 8th of June last, he was chased by a privateer schooner of six guns and about twenty five men, fitted out at St. Kitts; but his vessel being a fast sailer, he kept on till he came to anchor in the road and under the Fort of St. Eustatia, when he was boarded by the privateer, the officer of which presented a pistol at Capt. Odlin's breast and threatened to take his life if he did not get under sail and go out. Capt. Odlin refused, and told him to execute his threat if he dared; mentioning at the same time that the papers could be produced to satisfy him as to the property and cargo. The officer offered some further threats. A complaint of this treatment was made to the governor of St. Eustatia, who treated it very lightly.
The last accounts from France are very favourable to the cause of the republic. — In addition to the victory over the Duke of York, in which his loss was 1200 men, killed and disabled, there had also been an engagement between the French and Spanish forces, near Bayonne, in which the Spanish met with a severe repulse and were driven back to St. John de Luz, which is on the frontier. In their retreat being stopped by a river, great numbers perished in attempting to swim it. The French returned to Bayonne, in and near which they have a powerful army. In France there was plenty of every species of provisions, and in general at moderate prices. Every impartial stranger, that had an opportunity of seeing, represented the idea of foreign conquest as absolutely impossible. The English vessels of war had received orders to stop all American vessels carrying provisions to France; several had been seized in consequence, and carried into their ports. Six hundred thousand men had enlisted in the middle departments of France in one month, and three millions could be raised, if necessary, of able and determined men. The prospects of their this year's crops were very favourable, and more ground under cultivation than at any former period under the monarchy.
The brig Boone, Brown, of New York, bound from Port au Prince to Philadelphia was stopped and plundered on the 1st of June last by the British privateer Joseph and Mary, Capt. David Harris, of Kingston — then made a prize of and ordered for Jamaica; retaken on the 4th by a French 74 and carried to the Cape, from whence she sailed with the fleet on the 24th, after being released by the 74; and arrived here last Tuesday. The American Schooner Cleopatra is arrived here from Corunna — The day she left it, fell in with an English ship from Liverpool, from the captain of which they received much usage without the least provocation. — On the 20th she fell in with an other English ship who not only treated them with the basest language and brutality, but dragged the supercargo on board, and while there plundered the Schooner of her live stock, wines, and various other articles. The ship's name was covered over with painted canvas, to prevent being known.
Other abuses without number are daily committed on the subjects of the United States, at sea, by British vessels.
On Tuesday last arrived at Baltimore 22 sail of vessels, part of the fleet from Cape Francois, with a great number of passengers. These are only scattered vessels; from a fleet of 130 sail said to be bound to Baltimore with 5000 passengers on board. The merchants and inhabitants of Baltimore are taking measures for the relief of these people, who are mostly reduced from affluence to a state of the most distressing indigence. Tho', as men, it may be the duty of the American public to relieve these strangers, yet it is certain that their distresses may be principally attributed to that aristocracy of colour, which more or less, prevails throughout the West Indies, and embracing the narrow spirit of the old French nobility, has always refused even a moderate share of equal po-

Political privileges with the mulattoes of the various descriptions, who have yet on many occasions shown themselves worthy of being acknowledged the sons of free men. The French patriotic Society of Philadelphia have already raised 1500 dollars by subscription, which is hourly increasing, to be applied to the benefit of such as may arrive here.
The accounts of Martinique being taken by a British fleet, prove false; that island was still in the hands of the republic on the 24th of June, and every probability of it continuing so. All American vessels going in and coming out of Martinique were seized by British privateers. Admiral Gardner had given up the idea of besieging the island, and departed. This it is said was owing to a declaration of the aristocratic party in the island, that if it once surrendered to the English they would give no quarter to man, woman or children, of the republican inhabitants—As ye mete, it shall be measured unto you.
[Further particulars of the troubles at Cape Francois, from Baltimore papers.]
Yesterday (July 4) arrived in this port, the Schooner Barbara, capt. Joseph White, in 11 days from Cape Francois, who informs, that 3 days before he sailed, the Cape was set on fire, which had destroyed the principal part of the town, and he thinks could not be stopped until the whole was consumed. The cause of this disaster was, the new commissary of the Cape breaking general Galbaud, for misconduct, and ordering him for France, and then issuing orders, that all officers and seamen should be on board of their vessels by 9 o'clock in the evening. The seamen exasperated at these orders, rose, with gen. Galbaud at their head, and went up to the government house, where the commissary quartered, in order to know the cause of these orders. When they appeared near it, they were fired on by the negroes and mulattoes, on which an engagement commenced, and continued from the 20th to the 23d ult. during which the negroes spared neither men, women or children. Women and others, who had hid themselves in their dwelling houses, in order for protection, on the fire reaching them were seen leaping from the second story, and on their being taken up, as nothing seemed too inhuman for these desperadoes, were immediately thrown into the flames.
On the 23d, the seamen, after a bloody conflict, were forced to abandon the island, when all the inhabitants fled, some without saving an individual article, except what they had on their backs—But two merchants were able to save their books.—Capt. Barney, of this port, who was at the Cape when the conflict began, went on shore with some of his men, and saved a considerable sum of money, belonging to Mr. Dutilh.—Capt. White sailed with a fleet, which consisted of 250 sail.
Capt. White parted with 100 sail of the above vessels off Moghana, bound to different ports. Philadelphia, New York, Boston, &c. These vessels are entirely destitute of their papers, as is also our informant, having sailed unexpectedly.
Capt. White spoke the Schooner capt. Hall, on Thursday last, bound for this port, who informed him, that the English had made an attack on Martinique, in which the French had gained considerable advantage.
By a French gentleman, who came passenger with capt. White, we have the following statement.—
The mariners in the harbor of the Cape, being provoked with the insults which the free mulattoes cast to them, entered the city the 20th of June, at 40 minutes after 3 o'clock in the evening; the mariners were 2,500 in number. The mulattoes, fearful of being overcome, retired to the prison of the city, named Jeole, and released more than 1200 negro and mulatto prisoners, chiefly taken among the insurgents, and a great part of whom had been in irons more than six months; the same free mulattoes armed immediately the negro slaves of the city, who at the same instant fired upon all the white people they met; the fire arms blazed all the night. The 21st a great number of the brigands of the plain entered the city by a principal post (la Fosse) of which the free mulattoes were in possession. The negroes set fire, the same evening, to the house of la Fosse, in the street called Consell; the same brigands forced into different houses, beat up the whites who were there concealed, and conducted them to the barracks, where they kept them prisoners; the brigands pillaged the same houses, and carried their plunder out of the city, through the Fosse. The 23d the engagements were more obstinate, and more considerable. They say, that this same evening, all the whites who had been sheltered in the barracks, where they had been conducted, were unmercifully murdered by order of the chiefs of the brigands; neither women or children were spared; several parts of the city were laid in ashes; the same day a number of whites, who ran towards the harbor to escape the ferocity of the insurgents, were killed. The whites were equally weakened by the brigands, and the fires were general; the conflagration began at day break, and continued till night."
The fourth of July was celebrated at Havre-de-Grace, in Maryland, in a style truly republican. Mr. Samuel Smith, merchant, of that place, gave an entertainment in honour of the day, to which he invited all the citizens of the town, without exception.
The company, which assembled at his house in consequence of this invitation, consisted of near an hundred men, women and children.—Guns were fired, toasts were drunk, in which our French friends were not forgotten—age, youth and childhood mixed in the sportive dance upon the green, and the festive scene concluded with a procession through the town by this happy little society, preceded by the cap of liberty, and music.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Connecticut to his friend in this city dated May 26, 1793.
"I respect the French, I glory in the revolution which they have accomplished, I consider their cause as the cause of human nature, of the world, of God; I think they killed Louis the XVI. without law; but I am glad he is dead, and I wish it were possible, by one thrust of the, exterminating sword to extirpate every king, and every sign of royalty throughout the world; with the sole exception of the great, good and unfortunate Stanislaus of Poland. The general sentiment of this state, and of New England, is in favour of France; and the general belief is, that the French will triumph."
On Monday evening, according to adjournment, met at the coffee house a number of merchants of this city, to take measures into consideration for preventing the sailing of the French armed brig Little Democrat. A committee was appointed to wait on the governor, to inform him, from proofs in their power, that the said brig was armed here on a cruise against some of the powers now at war with France, and requesting her detention, as being fitted out contrary to the proclamation of the President of the United States. The governor and heads of departments assured the committee of every exertion in their power, and the secretary of state informed that the brig would not sail till the return of the President from Mount Vernon, who was looked for on Wednesday the 10th.
The meeting then unanimously agreed, to set on foot, amongst the citizens at large, whose families and property appeared to be menaced, a subscription, to raise 6000 dollars, through the medium of the banks, to be placed in the governor's hands, for the defence of the port; under an expectation, that the legislature at their next session, would provide for the reimbursement.
A little reflection on the melancholy events which have lately drenched in blood the streets of Cape Francois, will give rise to much uneasiness for the fate of the convoyed fleet which left that place on the 24th ult.
If a review is taken of general Galbaud's conduct, it must appear inexcusable: How could a recourse to arms possibly terminate his difference with the commissioners?—What motive could have actuated a man in blowing up the flame of a civil war, when a personal injury only was the pretext? An appeal to the sovereign power of the French nation was the only possible means of terminating the dispute. Can general Galbaud, covered with the blood of thousands of the colonists, now make that appeal? No; he cannot be able even to find an excuse for his conduct, if brought before the tribunal of the nation. It is therefore not improbable, that he should, in imitation of Dumourier's conduct, rise his influence to deliver as much of the fleet as in his power, into the hands of the enemies of the republic, and his influence with the armed part of the fleet appears unfortunately great, if their union in favouring his views against the Cape are adverted to. [Gen. Adv.]
Extract of a letter from Baltimore, dated July 8.
"On the 4th inst. the anniversary of Independence was celebrated here with every demonstration of Joy. Heart-felt satisfaction was depicted on every countenance, and the alacrity of all to honour the DAY that raised them to the rank of freemen, presented a spectacle truly august; compared with which the tinsel frippery of a venal court, and the hired adulation of a king's birth day (a month ago) dwindle below pigmy stature into nothing—and leave the disgusted mind to contemplate something.—It is remarkable that among the different companies that celebrated the festival of Independence here, there was only one that, in their toasts, mentioned the Congress, although all of them made honorable mention of the Congress of 1776. This must undoubtedly have been an oversight; but, their silence was emphatical expression."
Among the toasts drank in this city on the 4th of July, was the following: the 11th in order, by one of the officers of the 11th regiment of militia of Philadelphia assembled to celebrate the day, viz. "The Militia of Pennsylvania; may the legislature at their next session so alter and amend the militia act as to make it respectable."
On Thursday last the President of the United States returned to this city, from Virginia.
It is not a hazarded conjecture, remarks a correspondent, to say that the ill treatment our vessels have uniformly met with from British privateers, is in consequence of instructions from their court. The combined powers, after making sure of Dumourier in Holland, using him as a tool to disorganize the army, in his retreat assisting the rebels in Brittany at the same time, and then, while their armies were in full force on the Frontier of France, causing Dumourier openly to second their efforts, thought that the cause of liberty in France must sink under the pressure of so many discouraging circumstances. They have not yet learnt to estimate the energy of a whole people rising to recover their rights; but may ere long be made wiser by experience. However, under this impression, at this decisive (as they conceived it) period, orders left Madrid, our correspondent conjectures, to the Spanish agents here to vex us in one quarter, while British privateers were directed to insult and plunder us on the high seas. It is not difficult to see from all this that we are deeply concerned in the noble struggle of the French, and if so, to what will the tame forbearing disposition hitherto manifested by our executive lead? Disgrace, Slavery and Ruin.
The Schooner Friendship in 14 days from St. Thomas informs, that a Danish frigate had brought in there an English privateer for insulting the Danish flag, and for firing at the fort in St. Croix.
[From a correspondent.] The following extract of a letter has lately appeared in one or two of the Daily Prints of this city.—
Extract of a letter from Kingston (Jamaica) 14th June, to a gentleman in this city.
"I have my fears that some act that may be deemed partial, or the imprudence of some wrong-headed people with you, (for I know there are such) may involve you in the war, which I pray God avert! You may be assured that all denominations of people under the British government, view every act of yours with a scrutinizing eye, and pretences are not wanting to catch at paragraphs, and put the worst construction on them: this tends to inflame the minds of the people credulous to believe, and ready to receive every impression unfavourable to America. Your printers and writers should be circumspect, and the government rigid in its neutrality, which only can make you flourish."
"Was there ever a more glaring instance of characteristic impertinence than the preceding!—THEY view us with a scrutinizing eye! and do not their national ships and privateers most insolently scrutinize every American vessel they fall in with, returning from the French West-Indies, or elsewhere; plundering the property, pillaging the cargoes, and insulting the masters and crews under pretence of carrying French property, or with no pretence at all?—But, as formerly they made war on us for not tamely suffering ourselves to be taxed in all cases whatsoever by usurpation of their parliament, they now menace to make war upon us for inserting paragraphs in our papers! Rely upon it, Messieurs Jamaica men, every true American printer and editor will always do their duty; and as they once largely contributed to the humiliation and chastisement of the tools and bullies of a tyrant, they are again ready to offer their services, whenever occasion demands.]
Several communications, received yesterday, will appear in our next. A Customer at Poughkeepsie will be so good as to transmit No. 415 of the Poughkeepsie Journal (which the Editor cannot procure here) and his request shall be complied with.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
The Marseilles Hymn. Attempted in English.
ARISE ye gen'rous youth of France And mark the glory of this day; 'Gainst us the tyrant-throng advance. And high the bloody flag display. [twice.] Our fields ferocious hirelings dare, And savage howlings rend the sky, They come! and from your arms they tear The prattling babes who bleeding die! To arms ye brave band, In firm battalions rise, March on, march on, Lest blood disguise Your own native land; We march, we march, Lest blood disguise Our own native land.
What wouldst thou herd of conjur'd kings Vile slaves and traitors, ghastly throng! For whom the chain ignoble brings The bondage we have suffered long? [twice] In vengeance, French, let every breast With swelving transport ceaseless burn, Faire freedom teaches to detest The slavery they bid return. To arms &c.
What! would these proud outlandish Toes Be legislators in our land? What! would these hireling crowds oppose And lay in dust our warlike band! twice Great God! shall then th'enslaving rod Subject us to our former state? Shall a vile Despot's sovereign nod Decide at will our abject fate! To arms
Our warriors now the glory share, By them you fall, by them succeed; Spare then, the wretched victims spare, We arm to die or make you bleed. twice But lo! these sanguinary Lords Joyous exert their savage pow'r, These bloody tyrants lift their swords; And their own country's peace devour. To arms &c.
Tremble proud tyrants, traitors blush, Quick, quick resign the victors' plume, The arm of justice, rais'd to crush, Descends and you must meet your doom. (twice.)
All, all are soldiers now in France, And should we fall, new legions rise, Our youth to join the fight advance And learn all danger to despise To arms &c
With joy we will assume the trust When down dead hills our fathers roll, Then shall we find their sacred dust Will animate th'aspiring soul. (twice.) Lest zealous to survive our fires Than share the death we all contemn, Their sons a glorious pride inspires T'avenge their wrongs or follow them. To arms &c.
Oh! "sacred love of country" aid Our vengeful arms, our footsteps guide, And Liberty! celestial maid, Adhere to thy defenders' side. twice. When victory our tents shall leave To spread the joyous tidings round, Thy triumph and our fame shall give Our enemies their lasting wound. To arms
Our native soil and social love Together limit our desires, Then ever let our souls improve The glow which virtues will inspire. twice By union shall our pow'rs increase, Our tyrant foes shall hug their chain; And then the happy French shall cease To chant the harsh incongruous strain, To arms &c.
A L A.
July 12.
NOTIFICATION.
LETTERS remaining in the Post-Office at Easton, Pennsylvania. "One for Mr. Michael Bohl, in Weisenberg township, Northampton county. "Three for Mrs. Elizabeth Cochran, Craig's Settlement, Northampton county. "One for Mr. Michael M Donell, bricklayer, Easton, Pennsylvania. F. SPERING, Postmaster. Easton, July 1, 1793.
Just Published
By JOHNSTON and JUSTICE, No. 41, Chestnut-Street, and may be had at No. 209, Market-Street. Price one and four pence half penny,
Travels through America,
A Poem—by MICHAEL FORREST.
CONTENTS: VOYAGE from Ireland to Newfoundland—Description of Newfoundland—Voyage from Newfoundland to Boston—Addres to Columbia, to the Bostonians, and to Bunker's Hill—Voyage from Boston to Baltimore—Observations on passing Brandywine, going to Philadelphia—A view of a youth, swimming in the river Schuylkill and sporting on its margin—Description of Philadelphia—A fraternal scene—A moral deduced from the fraternal scene—Battle of the Kegs in Philadelphia—Sailing from Philadelphia to Bordentown in a stage boat—Philosophical contemplation with respect to human happiness—View of Burlington and Bristol—A delicate view of a young lady bathing in a sylvan pool—Rolanda in the grove, a rural scene—Moral from the distress of Rolanda—Address to Rolanda's Inconstant swain—The approach of Winter—A Winter Storm—The approach of Spring—A view of the solar system on a fine summer night—Rural observations—Battle of Trenton—Praise of General Washington—Daphne and Stephen, a rural scene—Voyage to Charleston, South-Carolina—Description of Charleston and the Ladies of Carolina—Visits to a Carolina Lady—Siege of Charleston—Address to Fortune—Verses addressed to a young Gentleman at the Charleston College-Academy—A specimen of unlimited sublime poetry—Man shall be free, a new son.
Wants a Place,
A SINGLE MAN, who writes a good hand and understands Accounts. He would engage as bar-keeper at any decent tavern, or could make himself very useful in the more common duties of a counting house. He would wait on a single gentleman, travelling, or otherwise. He can procure good recommendations for diligence, sobriety and honesty, in the line of any business he may engage in.—Enquire at the office of the National Gazette, No. 209, Market-Street.

New Pennsylvania MILITIA LAW.
[Continued from our last.]
Section VI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the militia shall be officered as follows: To each division one Major General, and two Aids de Camp, with the rank of Major; to each brigade one Brigadier General, with one Brigade Inspector, to serve also as Brigade Major, with rank of a Major; to each regiment, one Lieutenant Colonel Commandant, and to each battalion, one Major; to each company of infantry, (including light infantry and grenadiers) one Captain, one Lieutenant, one Ensign, four Sergeants, four Corporals, one Clerk one Drummer, and one fifer or bugler: that there shall be a regimental staff, to consist of one Adjutant and one Quarter-Master, to rank as Lieutenants; one Pay Master, one Surgeon and one Surgeon's Mate, one Sergeant Major, one Drum Major, and one Fife Major; there shall be to each company of artillery, one Captain, two Lieutenants, four Sergeants, four Corporals, six Gunners, six Bombardiers, one Drummer, and one Fifer, and to each troop of Horse, there shall be one Captain, two Lieutenants, one Cornet, four Sergeants, four Corporals, one Sapper, one Farrier and one Trumpeter; there shall be an Adjutant General appointed for the whole Militia.
Section VII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the Adjutant General, Majors General, Brigadiers General, and Brigade Inspectors, shall be appointed and commissioned by the Governor; the division and brigade Officers to be residing within their respective division and brigade bounds; that the Majors General shall appoint their own Aids-de-Camp, out of the line of Captains or Subalterns; that the field officers of each regiment shall appoint their respective regimental staff: that the Lieutenant Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigns, shall be elected in form and manner hereinafter mentioned and provided for: that all commissioned Officers shall be commissioned for seven years, and shall take rank according to the date of their commissions, and when two of the same grade, bear an equal date, then their rank shall be determined by lot, to be drawn by them before the commanding Officer of the brigade, regiment, battalion, company, or detachment.
Section VIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the duty of the Adjutant General, shall be to distribute all orders from the Governor, as Commander in Chief of the Militia of the state, to the several corps: to attend all public reviews, when the Governor shall review the Militia; to obey all orders from him, relating to the carrying into execution, and perfecting the system of military discipline, established by this act, to furnish blank forms of the different returns that may be required, and to explain the principles, on which they should be made to receive, from the several Officers of the different corps throughout the state, returns of the Militia under their command; reporting the actual situation of their arms, accoutrements and ammunition, their delinquencies, and every other thing which relates to the general advancement of good order and discipline; all which the several Officers of the divisions, brigades, regiments and battalions, are hereby required to make, in such manner as the governor shall direct; so that the said Adjutant General may be furnished there-with; from all which returns, he shall make a general return, of all the Militia of the state, and lay the same before the Governor, and a duplicate thereof, before the President of the United States: that the said Adjutant General, before he enters upon the exercise of the duties of his office, shall give bond with two or more sufficient sureties, in the penalty of five thousand dollars, conditioned for the due and faithful performance of the said duties, and shall, in full compensation for his services, receive a yearly salary of eight hundred dollars.
Section IX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall be the duty of the brigade inspectors, to attend the regimental and battalion meetings of the militia composing their several brigades, during the time of their being under arms; to inspect their arms, accoutrements
and accoutrements; to superintend their exercise and manœuvres, and introduce throughout the state, the system of military discipline established by this act, as well as such orders as they shall from time to time receive from the Governor, as Commander in Chief of the Militia; to make returns to the adjutant-general, at least once in every year, and at such stated time or times as the Governor shall direct, of the Militia of the brigade to which he belongs, reporting therein the actual situation of the arms, accoutrements and ammunition of the several corps, and every other thing, which in his judgment may relate to their government, and the general advancement of good order and military discipline; that it shall moreover be the duty of the said brigade inspectors, to superintend the elections of the field officers; to procure and furnish arms, accoutrements, ammunition, drums, fifes, bugle horns, carriages for the transportation of baggage, and other articles that may be wanted for the use of their respective brigades, and to do all and every such other duties as are enjoined upon them by this act, in form and manner therein prescribed, and in full compensation for all their services, each of the said brigade inspectors shall receive the yearly salary of two hundred dollars; and each of the said inspectors, before he enters upon the duties of his office, shall give bond, with one or more sufficient sureties, in the penal sum of one thousand dollars, conditioned for the due and faithful performance of the said duties; and for the faithful accounting for, according to law, and paying of all the monies which shall come to his hands by virtue of this act, when thereunto lawfully required; and each of the said inspectors shall once in every twelve months, make out complete accounts of all the monies received by him, and of his expenditures, and return the same to the adjutant-general, and on failure of accounting as aforesaid, each inspector shall forfeit and pay, for every neglect, the sum of fifty dollars, to be applied as other fines are directed to be applied by this act; and on the death, removal, or resignation of any of the inspectors, such inspector, his executors or administrators, shall, on the reasonable demand, in writing, of his successor in office, or of any other person who shall be appointed by the Governor, to receive the same, deliver up to the said successor, or other person as aforesaid, all and singular the books, duplicates, returns and other papers belonging to, or in use in the said office, and on refusal thereof, he or they, so offending, shall forfeit the sum of one thousand dollars, and the necessary costs of prosecution, to be recovered by the said successor in office, or other person duly authorized as aforesaid, upon indictment, bill, plaint, or information, or by action of debt, in any court of record within this state, to be applied as other military fines are directed to be applied by this act, and in case of a second refusal, such person or persons so refusing, shall suffer as well the said penalty, as the further punishment of six months imprisonment, without bail or main prize, and the judges of the courts where such penalty shall be recovered, shall order the said commitment accordingly.
[To be continued.]
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. Barom., Ther., Wnd., Weather. Data for July 1793, Tuesday through Monday.
PRICE CURRENT.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Hides, Bacon, Beef, Beer, Bees wax, Brandy.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Butter, Cheese, Chocolate, Coal, Codfish, Coffee, Copperas, Cordage, Cotton, Flax, Flour, Ginseng, Grain, Hams, Hemp, Hides, Honey, Indigo, Iron, Irons, Lard, Leather, Molasses, Mustard, Nails, Oil, Pepper, Pimento, Pitch, Porter, Pork, Rice, Rum, Salt, Snakeroot, Snuff, Soap, Starch, Sugar, Lump, Tallow, Tar, Tea, Tobacco.
JUST PUBLISHED.
And to be sold at the respective Book Stores of Joseph Crukshank and Thomas Dobson, and may be had at the Printing office, No. 209, Market-Street. [Price one eighth of a dollar.]
LETTERS,
Addressed to the YEOMANRY of the UNITED STATES: Containing some Observations on Funding and Bank Systems: BY AN AMERICAN FARMER.
A FEW COPIES OF THE
TRANSACTIONS Of the Society instituted in the State of New-York, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANUFACTURES. May be had at this Office. [Price HALF a DOLLAR.]
Just Published,
And to be Sold at the Office of the National Gazette, No. 209, Market-Street, That celebrated little Book, entitled—
SURE AND CERTAIN METHODS of attaining a LONG
HEALTHY LIFE.
Written by LEWIS CORNARO, an Italian Nobleman, When he was near an Hundred Years of Age With a recommendation by the Hon. JOSEPH ADDISON, (Author of the Spectator)
In the following Words: CORNARO was of an infirm constitution till about forty, when by steady persisting in the course of life recommended in this little book, he recovered a perfect state of health, insomuch that at fourscore he published this work. He lived to give a third and fourth edition of it; and having passed his hundredth year, died without pain or agony, like one who falls asleep. The treatise I mention has been taken notice of by several eminent authors, and is written with such a spirit of cheerfulness, religion, and good sense, as are the natural concomitants of temperance and sobriety. The mixture of the old man in it, is rather a recommendation than a discredit to it.
N. B. The London edition has sold for 6/6. This American edition, handsomely bound and lettered, for 3/3 only. I. a. w. v.
FOR SALE,
Thirteen Hundred and Sixty Acres of excellent
FARMING or TOBACCO LANDS,
LYING in the county of Amherst, in the state of Virginia, on one of the principal branches of James River, within six miles of the latter, from where it is navigable for boats of ten or twelve tons burthen. Besides the advantages of these lands, for the farmer or cultivator of tobacco, they are supposed, from a small though successful experiment, made by the late colonel Chiswell, to contain an abundance of metals, which, if not of a precious (as has been even supposed) are certainly of a very valuable kind. The better, however, to ascertain this fact, and ease the purchaser on a safe footing, in so hazardous a business, as all those subterraneous researches, without the utmost certainty of an abundance of the desired ore, is supposed to be, very reasonable and necessary assistance or inducement will be rendered those inclined to make the experiment, as well as every other necessary information given by the Editor of this gazette, in Philadelphia, or
JOHN NICHOLAS, Charlottesville, Virginia
June 8, 1793.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorhees, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety-two—Notice is hereby given to the said Garret Voorhees, that unless he appear and file special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such of his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided.
By order of the Court, April 17. 1792. HOWELL, Clk.
To the PUBLIC.
NOTWITHSTANDING all the endeavors of the aristocratic party to prevent the citizens of the United States from encouraging the Work entitled MAN UNDECEIVED, which I proposed to print by subscription on the 25th February, I feel myself happy in informing ALL true Republicans, that the same will be put without delay to the press, as the subscription has been successfully filled. Such unexpected success I owe to the favor of several zealous friends, who distinguished themselves in the undertaking.
I think it unnecessary to make any remarks at present respecting the work, as the world will soon be enabled to pronounce sentence upon it. I hope therefore, that those whose circumstances are easy, and who hold the generous principle of democracy, will feel sorry for their indifference with regard to subscribing, in as much as the work will confound the enemies of Republicanism. I shall, however, reserve every remark upon the subject for the Appendix to the work.
I have the pleasure to express my public thanks to those benevolent American Printers through the United States, who had the kindness to insert my former advertisement in their newspapers, and I request them to give the present a place, desiring them to send me one of their papers containing it, that I may become acquainted with my friends, and transmit them a copy of the said work as a token of my gratitude.
Those Printers only should take notice of this request who are true republicans, and friends to mankind, a character acquired only in the school of democracy.
JAMES PH. PUGLIA, Late sworn interpreter of the Spanish language. June 12, 1793.
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAIN.
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA