The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-04-01 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. LXV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 18, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. HISTORY OF THE LAST SESSION OF CONGRESS.
By the structure of our republican government, the supreme power of legislation is vested in Congress. It was unquestionably intended, however different may have been the practice, that all rules of action additional to those prescribed by the Constitution, should be declared by Congress; that the Executive branch should be confined exclusively to the ministerial office of giving effect to such rules, and the judiciary, to the application of them to individual controverted cases.
From this view of the distribution of powers made by the Constitution, it results that Congress is the depositary of the highest confidence; and that on their enlightened and virtuous discharge of duty, depend the dearest interests of society. In proportion to the good which a correct discharge of duty may accomplish, is the evil which an abuse of it may create. The great restraint against the abuse of power, and the great stay of its just exercise, is the candid expression of the public will. It need not to be concealed that on the constant exhibition of this will, whoever may be the organ of power, we are to rely for the perfection and perpetuity of our liberties, as unrestrained by it, it is the uniform tendency of power to degenerate into abuse.
These remarks are intended to impress on the public, the propriety of a vigilant attention to the conduct of their immediate representatives. And as that conduct is more apt to be distinctly seen, and correctly understood by taking a view of all the measures of a session, in the relation of a part to the whole, than by a detached contemplation of each particular act; it is proposed to review the proceedings of the late session, and to offer the reflections that shall incidentally arise therefrom. The enquiry will be made with as large a portion of regard to the personal feelings of the members of the legislature as a respect for the great interests of society will permit.
The session nominally commenced on the 17th of November; but the two houses did not form quorums until the 21st.
On the ensuing day the President (Mr. Adams,) addressed the two houses in a speech, which, in many respects, seemed the harbinger of concord. It congratulated the people of the United States on the assembling of Congress at their permanent seat, connected wherewith, it expressed a neat and comprehensive eulogium upon the man whose name it bore, and attracted the attention of the legislature to its government. It stated the discharge, in compliance with law, of the temporary army. It recommended a revision of the judiciary system. It stated the final ratification of a treaty of amity and commerce with Prussia. It stated the non-removal of the difficulties which had suspended the execution of the 6th article of the British treaty. It stated a hope that an accommodation would be effected with France; but declared that it would be committing a dangerous imprudence to abandon measures of self-defence; passed a strong eulogium on the navy, and impliedly recommended its extension, as well as further progress in erecting fortifications and manufacturing arms. It stated the product of the revenue for the last year to have exceeded that of any antecedent equal period; and pronounced such a result an evidence of the wisdom of the measures which had been pursued. After a declaration of these sentiments, it concluded with a congratulation on the contrasted happiness of the United States, compared with other nations, which should convince us that "we ought to fortify and cling to those institutions, which have been the source of such real felicity, and resist with unabating perseverance the progress of those dangerous innovations, which may diminish their influence."
As a composition, the speech was correct in its language; and it did not me-
rit the encomium of uncommon elegance, neither did it betray coarseness or intemperance.
As it had been the tendency of Mr. Adams's administration to aggrandize the general government, no one was surprised at the recommendation of measures calculated to preserve, if not to extend, our military resources. Some individuals, who had not forgotten the previous intemperance of the President, were surprised at the moderate style in which these measures were now recommended. For this change, however, they found a satisfactory solution in the unequivocal change which had taken place in the public mind.
No one sentiment, contained in the speech, merited more unqualified reprehension, than the condemnation of what was denominated dangerous innovation. The words, in which this sentiment was conveyed, were so guarded, that literally received they only stated an acknowledged truth. But their spirit was to discountenance, under the reproachful term of innovation, those changes in tenets, in practice, and in political institutions, without a recurrence to which republican governments, losing their original character, degenerate into instruments of oppression or anarchy.
This Speech received from the Senate a reply, which embodied into more palpable political form the various sentiments communicated in it, and which expressed assurances of the most unreserved approbation and confidence.
The reply of the House of Representatives surpassed in energy even that of the Senate. It not only approved the acts and opinions of the President; but amplified them, and with the praise of particular mention and measures, mingled the language of denunciation against opposite men and measures; and to the recent acts of the government in relation to foreign powers it ascribed our present peace and all the happiness that attended it.
Mr. NICHOLAS, in a few words, proposed the Reply as containing political matter calculated to produce discord and division, and concluded by requiring the Yeas and Nays; which were taken and the Reply carried by a majority of only 4 votes.
On presenting the Reply, a number of members withheld their personal attendance.
On the 21st of November Mr. Nicholas offered to the House of Representatives two amendments to the Constitution of the United States, respecting the choice of electors of a President, and members of the House of Representatives.
The first prescribed the election of electors by citizens authorized to vote for the most numerous branch of the state legislature in each state in districts, which should be equal to the number of electors to which each state is entitled.
The second prescribed the election of members of the House of Representatives in the same manner.
The proposition were referred without debate to a committee of five, 3 of whom were federal, and 2 republican.
Towards the close of the session a report was made, which entered at length into a discussion of the necessity and expediency of the proposed amendments. It stated the various modes of election pursued in different states as justified by the latitude of expression used in the Constitution; expressed a full confidence in the ultimate adoption by the states, without any constitutional coercion, of that mode which, from experience, should be ascertained to be the most correct organ of the public will; and concluded with a resolution that it was inexpedient to sanction the proposed amendments.
Though this report was not acted upon by the House, the sentiments it contained, proceeding from those who belonged to the majority of the house, precluded the prospect of an agreement to the alteration of the Constitution, so as to supercede the recurrence of those unfortunate contests which had recently arisen in many of the states.
It had been hoped that the necessity of adopting some uniform plan had become apparent to all; as the only effectual cure that could be applied to the disposition of party in each state to shape the mode of election to its own partial purposes; as the most successful mode of restoring harmony on these interesting points; as the most likely way of obtaining the full and impartial voice of the people; and as calculated in point of time, being proposed at the distance of four years from the ensuing Presidential Election, to operate with the greatest fairness and freedom from the imputation of party motive.
These considerations, however, imperious as they appear to us, and alike applicable to all parties, who are in pursuit of the general welfare, were overruled, and a blind regard to the Constitution made the apology for their rejection.
On the 24th of November Mr. Wolcott addressed to the House of Representatives a letter intimating his intention to resign on the 1st of January ensuing the office of Secretary of the Treasury; and inviting an investigation into his official conduct. The letter was referred to a committee of 7 members; of whom 4 were federal, and 3 republican.
In January following a report was made; wherein a general view was taken of the treasury department, at the commencement as well as termination of Mr. Wolcott's official duties; from which the committee considered the conduct of Mr. Wolcott to have been upright and intelligent. They pronounced the official arrangements to have been formed with great wisdom; and the duties of the department to have been performed with commendable fidelity. To which effect they submitted a resolution to the house.
(To be continued)
FOR SALE, A Valuable Tract of LAND,
LYING in part on the main Richmond road, a mile from the Rappahannock River, four Miles below Frederickburg, (in a healthy and most agreeable neighbourhood,) containing about five hundred and thirty three ACRES well watered, upon the said Tract there are about two hundred and fifty acres of Wood Land, the greater part of which is equal if not superior in quality to any high lands, yet uncleared in Spotsylvania; here are upon it a dwelling-house, necessary out houses, a very large barn, and a most valuable Mill seat, with a mill-house already built, capable of Manufacturing. Twenty thousand bushels of wheat annually, after being put in perfect repair. There is also upon it about sixty Acres of first rate meadow land, part of which is already reclaimed and has produced very heavy crops of Timothy Hay. The above Land is bounded by the lands of Gen. A. Spotswood, Messrs. Wm. Herndon, Mann Page, Francis Taliaferro, and the Tract the subscriber at present lives on. Any further description I deem unnecessary as those who may be disposed to purchase will of course view the land. Upon said tract there are about one hundred and thirty Bushels of Wheat sown, the greater part of which look well and promising.
The said tract of land will be sold by the subscriber at private or public sale, three fourths of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale, and the balance in twelve months, bearing interest from the date, the purchaser giving bond with approved security. If not sold by private sale, by the first Monday in May next, it will then be sold on the premises on that day if fair, if not the next day to the highest bidder. The land in the mean time will be shown to any person who may wish to purchase by Messrs. Francis Taliaferro, James Tatt, Wm. Darnaby and the subscriber.
LAURENCE BROOKE.
March 18, 1801.
tM
Robert Greenhow.
Merchant in Williamsburg, Virginia.
BEING desirous to withdraw in a great measure from the further pursuit of Business, offers for sale the whole of his well known General and Valuable Assortment of Merchandise amounting probable at their prime cost, to Eight or Ten Thousand pounds sterling, of which an idea may be formed by referring to a printed list deposited in this office. Not wishing to divide the Stock applications by letters post paid will be received as to the purchase of the whole of it. Feb. 2, 1801. tAp
DEBATE In British House of Commons on an Address to the King.
Mr. GREY rose. He confessed that his feelings, when he came down to the house, not from any unmanly despondency, but from doubts whether, under the present state of affairs, any alleviation of the public calamities was to be expected, were not of a very encouraging nature. Those feelings had not been relieved, either by the speech from the chair, or from the mover and seconder of the address. His confidence deserted him when he saw no hope of change in that ruinous policy which had brought misfortune and disgrace upon the country unparalleled in history. His confidence was still more lessened, when he was told to look up to those persons who were actuated by the same dispositions which had first induced them to adopt the system that had brought the country to its present calamitous situation. He had seen, year after year, the failure of his hopes, and the increase of his fears, under the auspices of those whose measures he was still desired to confide in. Under such circumstances his expectations could not be very flattering. He agreed with the hon. gentleman who had preceded him, that it would be better to avoid entering into any debate upon subjects not before the house. Respecting the subject of the Union between the two kingdoms, the allusion to which formed so prominent a feature in his majesty's speech, he should have been content to have passed it over, but that he feared an improper inference might be drawn from his silence; lest it should be supposed that he who had uniformly opposed that measure while its expediency was under discussion, had now acknowledged his former errors and retracted his sentiments, he was compelled shortly to advert to the subject. The hon. gentleman who had moved the address had stated, that the subject of the Union was not now before the House; he admitted it, and he had not the least intention of provoking any hostile debate; but this he must say, that if it were intended to be a Legislative Union founded upon principles of reciprocal freedom and advantage, such a one might be beneficial to both countries; he was well assured no union between the two countries could be permanent that was not founded on the principles of the settlement in the year 1782. He had seen nothing in the present Union that could justify the idea of its having that settlement for its basis, but, on the contrary, a system entirely subversive of it. The present tranquility of Ireland had been assumed as an argument to justify the Union? Was such an assumption just? Were the people of Ireland quiet, affectionate, and contented towards this country? Had the Government been able to relax any part of that system of coercion by which the people of Ireland had been prevented the unrestrained expression of their opinions? Was it in contemplation, even at this time, to repeal those measures which had been adopted with regard to that country? If the severe laws which applied to the people of Ireland had been repealed, and it could have been stated they were living happy under the same system by which the people of this country were governed, those facts might have been urged in proof of the good effects produced by the Union. When he reflected upon the situation of Ireland before the Union, while it was in contemplation, and at the present moment, he thought that it was premature, upon so short a trial, for any one to argue conclusively that its apparent tranquility was attributable to the Union. This was all he should say respecting the subject first referred to in his Majesty's Speech, concurring with the hon. gentleman in wishing the house rather to look forward to what may happen, than back to what has, and expressing a sincere hope, that the opinion he had formed of the Union between the two countries might prove mistaken, and the measure be productive of good effects. He should certainly have had more confidence in the advantages to be derived

from it, had he heard in his majesty's speech such a recommendation as he expected. He was convinced that the adoption of liberal policy with regard to Ireland was the only means of strengthening her union with this country. That policy ought to consist in nothing less than admitting her subject without distinction to a full participation in the advantages of the British Constitution. Nothing less, he was assured, would produce the effect expected from the Union but admitting the Irish Catholics without exception to the unrestrained enjoyment of all the privileges of the people of this country. This was all he meant to say. The next subject was that which formed part of his majesty's speech, and had been adverted to by both the hon. gentlemen, namely, the melancholy situation in which the country was placed by the events of the war upon the continent, and the probability of our being engaged in a contest with all the powers of Europe. Both the hon. gentlemen, adopting the language of his majesty's speech, had attributed the difference between his majesty and the Northern Powers to the unjust interference of the Emperor of Russia. His opinion might be wrong, but certainly it differed materially from the one they had expressed. He readily admitted that the Emperor had been guilty of an act of great injustice in detaining the property and ships of his majesty's subjects. It was an insult for which this country owed it to its own dignity and character to demand satisfaction; though it was far from his intention to justify such conduct, yet it might be necessary to examine a little into the subject, and see whether in consequence of treaties entered into between this country and the Emperor of Russia, for the infraction of which that Monarch had a right to complain, there was not something for which his majesty's minister were censurable. He could not, for his part, consider his majesty's ministers wholly free from blame, nor could he conceive it at all likely the Emperor of Russia would wantonly have violated his engagements and treaties with this country, had there not been some ground of complaint given him by his majesty's ministers.
He knew that in the manifesto of the Emperor of Russia, published at Petersburg, an allegation was advanced of his majesty's ministers having broken the engagement they had entered into with him, for putting him in possession of Malta. Supposing this to be the case, he was perfectly ready to acquit ministers of any charge that might be brought against them for not carrying such an engagement into execution; but the supposition of such a fact rendered it necessary for the house to go into an inquiry upon the subject: he could hardly think that any such engagement could have been made on the part of ministers, without stipulating for reciprocal services on the part of the Emperor of Russia; and whoever considered the sort of services which he rendered the cause of the allies, and the manner in which he performed them last year, would hold his majesty's ministers absolutely freed from any engagement they might have made to deliver him up Malta. The Emperor had not performed those stipulations on his part by which he was to have purchased that island; but, admitting all this, it was necessary the house should inquire. He must say, if his majesty's ministers were apprised of the character and disposition of that monarch, and were convinced at the same time of the importance of his co-operation, the endeavour to have conciliated him by the cession of an island in the Mediterranean would not have been bad policy. It certainly did appear that the immediate cause of the defection of that ally was his not obtaining from us Malta, or some other island in the Mediterranean sea. True policy might, perhaps, have dictated to ministers a compliance with his wishes. His majesty's ministers had talked repeatedly of the necessity of preserving the balance of Europe, yet all his efforts to preserve that balance had ended in its total ruin and destruction. As it was not in their power to prevent the aggrandizement of France, it was necessary to resort to some other means of preserving the political balance of Europe. It was alone probable that it could be preserved by the introduction of such a power into the Mediterranean as Russia, in order to act as a counterpoise to France. If, therefore, his majesty's ministers could have conciliated the mind, and gratified the wishes of Russia, by the cession of Malta, they might have acted, perhaps, in obedience to the dictates of sound policy. He by no means wished to be understood as palliating the conduct of the Emperor; but he had acted in the most unjustifi-
able manner, and he repeated, this country had a right to full satisfaction. Having stated thus much with regard to the conduct of the Emperor of Russia towards this country, he would next consider that of this country towards the other powers of the north. He would ask, however, justifiable any measure might be, we had adopted respecting Russia, what had Sweden or Denmark done that we should act with hostility towards them? He would not include Prussia at present with the other Northern powers he had mentioned, though he hardly believed ministers would assert they had any doubt of that country's having agreed to the confederacy. He would ask, what had they done more than signed a convention, the object of which was to secure themselves against the vexations which, though neutral powers, they were subject to in time of war. It was not his intention to give a direct opinion on the subject, he only meant to guard the house against adopting as an act of hostility on the part of neutral powers, what was in fact nothing more than an assertion of rights founded upon acknowledged principles. He never should be able to persuade himself that this was an act on the part of neutral nations sufficiently hostile to justify this country in having immediate recourse to war. He had not been able to find, either in the works of persons who had written upon the subject, or in the general laws of nations, or in the treaties and commentaries upon those laws, or in the practice of any of the civilized countries in the world, that such a system as that contended for by his majesty's ministers, ever was claimed on the one hand, or recognized on the other. He had been told that this was so clear and plain a position, that till towards the end of the American war, except in one or two instances, it never had been disputed.
In the last century, in the year 1740, it was claimed by Prussia, and admitted on the part of this country, that free bottoms made free trade. The right of search was resisted in 1762 by the Dutch, and given up, although at a period when from the superior situation of this country, and the strength of its navy and resources, it was not likely such resistance could have been effectual, had not the justice of it been admitted. At the end of the American war there had been established by a convention of the northern powers what was denominated an armed neutrality, upon a basis consistent with the general laws of Europe, and admitted as such, or at least not resisted by this country. What he therefore wished was, that before Gentlemen pledged themselves to the extent of his majesty's speech, they would act wisely to pause and collect some principle to guide them. For himself, he would not, in the adoption of any measure whatsoever, depart from the principles of immutable justice, and he considered that the maritime privileges claimed by Sweden and Denmark, as neutral powers, were founded on those principles. In order to ascertain whether they were so or not, the best way would be to consider whether the claim on our part of interrupting the freedom of their navigation was founded in justice. The longer he had lived, the more he had read and studied the histories of this and other countries, the more he had become convinced that there could be no true policy that was incompatible with the principles of justice; it was acting upon that broad rule that constituted the difference between a honest and enlightened statesman and a mere tricking politician. If he found any measure was decided adverse to the interests of other nations, he should think it his duty to abandon it, however advantageous it might be in a political point of view to his own country. Any possible advantage to be derived from a measure of such a description could not for a moment be put in competition with the disadvantages that must result from the jealousy and enmity of the other nations affected by it. He should be extremely sorry that the maritime ascendancy of this country, for the preservation of which no man was more anxious than himself, should be lessened in the slightest degree; he was perfectly aware of the importance of that ascendancy, and participated to the full extent in that true English spirit which felt a degree of self-exultation in the maritime superiority of the country. But much as the country prided itself upon that superiority, he should be sorry if its maritime power depended on any thing repugnant to the regulations of other nations, or could not be maintained but by making the country odious to its neighbours. He therefore recommended to the house, instead of implicitly admitting the right of this country to exercise such a superiority as ministers contended for, to call upon
those ministers to justify themselves. If it were necessary for a country to justify itself to its neighbours, it was equally so for ministers to justify themselves to their fellow subjects, whose blood and treasure were to be expended in carrying their principles into effect. He could no better express himself upon this occasion than in the words of an honorable member, whom he had frequently heard say, that as a country should never go to war for an unprofitable right, so it should never go to war for a profitable wrong. He should have been glad if it had been shown in what the utility of this privilege, claimed by this country consisted. He admitted the necessity of maintaining the maritime ascendancy of this country, but as it was to be maintained at the price of the blood of the people, it was necessary they should be convinced of the justice of our pretensions, before they did pay such a price for it. Upon these grounds he should have thought it proper for the house to have paused, before it pledged itself to that, which perhaps, upon enquiry, would be found to be an injustice, and by no means an advantage that would justify their consenting to a plunge the country into a war against all Europe; but these were not the only grounds upon which he desired the house to pause. It was possible that a claim might be founded in justice, and highly advantageous to a country to contend for, and yet that certain peculiar circumstances might exist, which might render it necessary and advisable in some degree to relax the claim, or in which some temporary departure from it might be consistent with the truest maxims of policy; or where the danger of asserting it was greater than the disadvantage of waving it. He had no difficulty at the present moment in saying, if, by refraining from the assertion of such a claim, this country could avoid a war, every principle of wise policy would dictate such a sacrifice. He was aware of the answer his majesty's ministers would make. They would say the claim could not be given up at such a time as this, because it would thereby enable those powers to whom it was acceded, to convey to France materials for their navy. The danger of relaxation, even in this point of view, he could not consider equal to that of involving the country in a general war against the powers of Europe. Whoever considered the situation of the French navy at this moment, how deficient it was in every principle of organisation, must be sensible that France, even with such resources as it might receive through the medium of neutral ships, allowed a free trade, could not be able, for a considerable time at least, to render the navy effectual against this country. When he reflected upon the state of their navy at present, closely blockaded up in their ports, in consequence of that active system of maritime operations for which those at the head of the naval department deserved the highest credit; when he considered this, he could not suppose that granting the privilege of unrestrained trade could be materially available by the French. Even supposing the navy of this country, instead of holding that pre-eminent rank it d d was possessed and unable to keep the French ports in a constant state of blockade, what then? Permitting the ships of neutrals to enter them, without search, would not give them seamen, with which to man their ships, though it might give them what was called naval and warlike stores. The raising a navy to a condition to be dreaded, from the ruined situation of that of France, was not the work of one, two, or three years, but it must be the result of patience and long experience on the part of the seamen. What on the contrary, was the consequence of entering into the war with the powers of the north? By that means we should be giving ships to France ready manned, and fit for immediate service, by coalescing with that country powers such as Russia, Sweden and Denmark. By such a mistaken policy on our part, we should be enabling France (to use a military term) to outflank us on both extremities of the empire of the Mediterranean, from Archangel to the Tagus, from the Tagus to the Gulf of Venice. In no part whatever of the Mediterranean sea would there be a single spot where a British fleet in case of accident could put in; he would not even except Naples, Portugal, or Turkey, for he was persuaded that in a few years those places would be at the disposal of the enemy. It was evident, therefore, how far the disadvantages in one case overbalanced the advantages in the other. Would it be possible for our navy, powerful as it was, to guard our trade over such an immense extent of coast? When he recollected how extremely difficult it had been to guard Ireland from the invasion of the enemy, he could not but be sensible how ne-
cessary it would be to hold ourselves still more upon our guard against a surprise, to which that country was now exposed from North to South. The disadvantages in military and naval point of view, he had shown to be great, then how did it stand with regard to trade? When it was considered what an immense trade this country had to keep up, it could not but be admitted that any thing that threatened it must be attended with the worst consequences. When it was considered that the powers against whom we were rushing into a war could shut us out from the markets of Europe, it must be evident that however we might be able to distress the trade of the enemy ours would suffer in a still greater degree.
There was another circumstance entitled to the most serious consideration. Parliament had sat last session, and of course would sit this, for the purpose of relieving the scarcity under which the country laboured from the high price of bread. One of the measures adopted, though not with such effect as had been expected, was that of importation of corn from foreign parts. When it was recollected what a quantity came from the Baltic, and that by entering into a war, that source would be dried up, surely it was not too much to ask the House not to sanction such war, without previous enquiry, or consent rashly to throw away that, which they had held out as one of the most effectual modes of affording relief to the country. However great the danger may be, yet, it may be said, if the country is attacked in that which constitutes its national pride, it is necessary to resent it. This led him, in the next place, to consider whether it could have been avoided. If he were not misinformed, it was to be attributed in a great measure, to the memorable note sent to Mr. Hales, and, if his information were right, that violent conduct on the part of Ministers, had been followed up by those more violent acts which had produced that crisis now so much lamented. The discussion of the question of the right of search neutral ships at this time might have been avoided altogether, by sending instructions to our cruisers. True policy required that Ministers should have avoided the claim of that privilege, which even our own commanders of ships doubted whether they had a right to exercise. He believed that Commodore Lawford, in the case of the Swedish convoy, knew too little how to act, that he waited for special instructions. Instead of provoking the discussion, it should have been the policy of Ministers to have by all means avoided it; in support of this argument he read a report of a speech of the late Lord Chatham's by Earl Camden, in which that Statesman observed, that however necessary it was to cut off all supplies from enemies, yet that all cause of complaint on the part of neutrals ought to be avoided; such was the doctrine of Lord Chatham; but in the present case it was said there was no possibility of avoiding the dispute. To try the truth of that assertion, the House should see what the Convention entered into was. All they were told was, that it was signed upon the principles of the one in the year 1780; and yet, in consequence of it, orders were given to detain the ships of the Danes and Swedes, and seize them also upon the high seas; in short, to commit an open act of war. He wished to know whether this convention was sufficient to justify a declaration of war? In 1780, the same kind of declaration had been made, and yet it had not produced a war. It was at a period when the Right hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer had first come into Parliament, animated with youth and patriotism, yet he never heard that he had made it a ground of objection to Lord North that he did not go to war on account of that convention. During the Rockingham Administration a proposition was made to Holland not to make peace, but to consent to the armed neutrality. Another administration succeeded, and never thought of censuring the previous administration. On the contrary, at the conclusion of peace, all mention of the armed neutrality was omitted. It was not opposed by us, but the claim was suspended. Soon after the peace, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had acceded to the power he had held ever since. One of the greatest acts of his administration was the commercial treaty with France, and the principles of the armed neutrality were carried into effect by it. It was therefore to be wished, that after a principle had been established and not opposed, some enquiry should take place before the assumption of it should be stated as the pretence for a declaration of war. In the treaty with

Russia in 1793, this country had confirmed that of 1766, which had confirmed that of 1734, and by that we granted to Russia leave to carry all goods, except contraband and warlike stores, and did not include naval stores. This had been sanctioned in 1793. So far from considering it as an act of hostility it was sanctioned. To this there was an answer which might be collected from the King's speech, that this convention being signed with two other powers, assumed a different character; he however contended, that the mere signing of convention by a belligerent power with one or two neutrals, did not justify an hostile attack upon such neutrals. He proceeded to observe, that there were circumstances in the internal situation of this country, that ought to have inculcated on his Majesty's Ministers a desire of pursuing a system of moderation, and avoiding hostility. Though he could not avoid disapproving of the manner in which they had acted, yet he could not go the length of absolutely condemning them; all he desired was for the house to examine into, in order to appreciate the value of the claim, and if it should be found essential to our national interest to engage in a contest for the sake of it, then he should afford every assistance in his power. But this, the duty of the House called on it to do, and the more so when it was considered the country had for eight years carried on a war, the conduct of which had been entrusted to such men as his Majesty's Ministers. What had been gained by reposing confidence in them, and trusting to their promises? Were those to be still trusted who had gone to war for the sake of Holland, and afterwards given it up? Who had aggrandized France, and left her in possession of the countries she had incorporated into her own? Ministers had done this, and yet they had the calous audacity to demand the House still to reposes confidence. France had now arrived at the very acme of success. Now that it had acquired more than ever it could have expected to have obtained under the mad ambition of Louis XIV. what security was there, if the House again confided in the Ministers who had so often deceived it by their promises, that after new disasters we should not be reduced to the necessity of offering to abandon the claim we were now making, though the offer might be ineffectual for the attainment of peace. Let the House therefore enquire—let it pause. It was bound to endeavour to discover what means those who last year had been our friends had been converted to enemies—and how such a miraculous change had been produced. What must have been the policy of Ministers, who had excited the jealousies and fears of our allies, and made them our enemies? That the confederacy existed was admitted; the question then was, did Ministers foresee it? If they did, if they had warning of it, why did they neglect the overtures of Buonaparte? And if they were not aware of it, what pretensions had they to that foresight for which they wished the House to give them credit? He was satisfied as to what had been the sentiment of the court of Stockholm by the officer who commanded the Swedish convoy having been condemned to die for not having made a braver defence. He knew also the king of Prussia always contended for the principle that free bottoms made free goods. Was not Prussia a part of the confederacy? Why not declare war against Prussia? The reason was, because Ministers knew Prussia was strong, and that Sweden and Denmark were weak and defenceless. If they should pretend they did not foresee what would happen, he should like to ask whether there could have existed a doubt as to the probability of what would happen? If so, then, why did they refuse a separate peace? He maintained there were no existing circumstances under which Ministers could justify their conduct. He thought it incumbent on them to show that they had acted not only right in refusing to negotiate, but that the interests of this country and of Austria required the overtures of the enemy should be rejected. In consequence of such rejection Austria had lost all, at least all that enabled a country to hold a pre-eminent rank among surrounding nations. He feared he might now exclaim with truth, Austriæ olim bello floruisse audimus . There was a mighty blank in the map of Austria; perhaps that country might be a party to the Convention with the powers of the North. We had urged her to renew the war with France at a time when we must have known she was unable to contend with that power, and we had refused to negotiate, when she was vigorous on the frontiers of France. Surely such inconsistencies on the part of the Ministers who had committed them, demanded that the House should not longer confide in them without enquiry.
But we are now ready to treat for peace when France should shew a pacific disposition; with France, restored in her credit, recruited in her strength, flushed with victory, surrounded by allies and threatening us with invasion. Such was the situation of a country which refused peace on account of the annexation of Belgium. He would, therefore, with to ask whether that statement was not sufficient to impole enquiry, and whether it could be necessary to urge a word more in support of his recommendation? There was one point, however, he meant the internal situation of the country, to which it was impossible to avoid advertting. We were now engaged with France under every possible circumstance of danger—under circumstances which left us her only remaining foe, and gave us reason to apprehend every thing from her power, her activity, and her enmity. It was impossible, therefore at such a crisis, not to look to our internal defence and security. Scarcely had four years elapsed since ministers called for extraordinary exertions to meet the threat of menaced invasion. Those extraordinary exertions were made; a great force was raised. Where was that force now? What was become of it? That force, like every thing else entrusted to ministers, was dissipated and destroyed by their improvidence and folly. Part perished in the swamps of Holland, part suffocated and died in the holds of ships, and part, after expeditions which were a disgrace to the country, after coasting along from Brest to Vigo, from Vigo to Cadiz, from Cadiz into the Mediterranean, was now exposed to the burning suns of Egypt. What then had this force, thus raised, and for the purpose of internal security, produced? Nothing but disaster abroad. The national honour had suffered, our arms were tarnished, and our brave soldiers were not allowed to bleed for the advantage of their country, or to console themselves in death that they sacrificed their lives in the advancement of its power and glory. But the right hon. gentleman, in answer to these charges, would no doubt say "our successes are most brilliant, I am callous to conviction." Forsooth, he acknowledged, was a good quality, but he was no advocate for that species of fortitude which could contemplate the misery of families, the loss of thousands of lives, internal distress and national disgrace, without feeling remorse or compunction from the consciousness of being the cause. Into the whole conduct of the war, but particularly into the expeditions of last Summer, he trusted ample enquiry would be made. Among these it was impossible not to be forcibly struck with the expedition to Egypt; in the case of which, by refusing to sanction the treaty of our ally for its evacuation, we had violated every rule and principle of the law of nations, and thus forced into the continued possession of the enemy. On this subject an enquiry had been already proposed, and he hoped would be proposed again and again; for if ministers had sent orders to refuse the ratification of that treaty, and, without such order, there was no way of accounting for its not being ratified, they were guilty not only of im-policy, but of a breach of faith, and were answerable for all the blood that was since shed in that quarter of the world. He hoped, therefore, that this Session would not prove a session of compliment, but that due enquiry should be made into the cause of evils of so great importance. His own strength, and he feared, the patience of the house, were now exhausted; he should therefore only allude to one point more, he meant the distress of the country, arising from the scarcity of provisions. The causes of that calamity being of a very complicated nature, and requiring great deliberation, he submitted whether a general committee would not be more eligible than that adopted last session, with the reservation of a secret committee, for the consideration of the question, of how far the war may be connected with the evil, or contributed to it? There were many other topics on which he might dwell, but he should now only briefly allude to them. If we looked to our expeditions, we saw nothing but dishonour and disgrace; if we looked to the state of public credit, paper was now under an actual depreciation; if we looked to Europe, we saw instead of the allies, a confederacy against us; if to the state of the country, a debt unexampled in the history of the world, and a people suffering under a scarcity little short of absolute famine. This was our real situation; nor did he state these to discourage or dismay. Sure he was that the best mode to pursue would not be to shut our eyes to the danger, but to appreciate its magnitude
and extent, and the means of which we were possessed to meet it. It was, no doubt, very great; but, with proper vigilance, and a prudent use of our resources, he did not despair of the Commonweath. Economy, he hoped would enable the country to retrieve the effects of improvidence. Our credit, though injured, was not destroyed, and the spirit of England, though long dormant, was not extinguished. Under proper guidance, therefore, he hoped it would revive, and the country be yet restored to its former strength and splendor. To effect this change, the first step was to return to the true standard of British principle. That was the source of our happiness, the source from whence it flowed, and to which we must revert whenever we should lose it. To such a spirit he would look first for a peace, and then to the blessings which always attended a great nation exerting itself with industry and directed with sound and prudent policy. But to effect this change, no time is to be lost. They had given ministers men, money, implicit confidence. Every thing that they could ask or desire had been freely and cheerfully given. He had already enumerated the consequences, and would not fatigue the house with a detail. He would only ask, whether it were right to pursue the same ruinous system, and hesitate to return to those principles which alone could check the fatal career we were now running. If the fault were owing to the reliance which gentlemen had placed on the wisdom & conduct of ministers, they had experience enough to be fully sensible of it. They must have been convinced in their hearts, at their homes, and at their firesides, that they have supported what was wrong in that House. Could they then continue to support a system in public which in their hearts and judgment they privately despised and disapproved? We were told by an enlightened statesman, once a distinguished member of that House, that the minority spoke the sense of the majority of the nation. Few were inclined to dispute that statesman's knowledge of that House; and indeed ministers themselves had confirmed his opinion in this instance, by the account which they gave of the negotiations at Lisle and Paris. If then Ministers were duly sensible of the consequences which have flowed from their misconduct, they would reject the system which they had hitherto acted upon, and make the public good the rule of their conduct. The Hon. Gentleman who seconded the address, has spoken confidently of the success of our navy. None could think more highly of the valor, skill, and enterprise of the British navy, or admit its superiority more readily than himself. He admitted that through it we might obtain new colonies; he would allow that we might gain possession of even the mines of Peru; but still, however splendid our acquisitions abroad, without a change of system, we must sink under its pressure at home. For this reason, therefore, he deprecated its consequences, so confidently predicted from the superiority of our navy, however specious and splendid. Mr. Grey then proceeded to move the following amendment:
And that this House will proceed with all dispatch to make such inquiry into the general state of the nation, but more especially into our relations with foreign powers, as may enable us to offer to his majesty such advice as we may think most conducive to the honor of his crown, and to the general interests of his dominions.
And further, to assure his majesty that if, owing to any unjust and unreasonable pretensions on the part of the enemy, peace cannot be obtained on such grounds as are consistent with our security, if the differences which appear unhappily to have arisen between his majesty and the Northern powers are of a nature which press for immediate decision; if the representation which his majesty has directed to be made to the Court of St. Petersburg, in consequence of the outrages committed against the flags, property, and persons of his majesty's subjects, should not be effectual in obtaining such reparation as the nature of the case shall require; and if the impossibility of any equitable adjustment shall render a new and more extended war inevitable, we will give his majesty every support which the means of the country can afford, in the full hope and confidence, that his majesty's paternal care for the welfare of his people will induce him to take such measures as shall henceforward prevent a calamitous waste of their remaining strength and resources, by improvident and ineffectual projects, or by general negligence and profusion, and shall secure a wise and vigorous administration of their affairs, unexampled difficulties in which they are involved.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 1, 1801.
This morning the PRESIDENT of the United States left this City for Monticello.
Our statement, in our last Intelligencer, respecting the discharge of the duties of the Navy Department by General Smith, was incorrect.
General Dearborn has undertaken the discharge of those duties, Mr. Stoddert having resigned.
We commence, in this day's Intelligencer, "The history of the last Session of Congress," which will be continued in several papers. A statement, enumerating the various interesting objects which have during each session engaged the legislative body, and condensing the arguments advanced for as well as against them, with remarks elucidating their nature and tendency, is undoubtedly a great desideratum.
In what degree the present attempt shall be executed with fidelity and skill must be submitted to the decision of the reader.
An unfortunate affray has taken place at Norfolk, between the American Sailors and those belonging to the French frigate the Semillante. The particulars we have yet heard are too vague to publish; but we believe that no doubt can be entertained of considerable bodily injury having been done to many of the sailors, and of the lives of several sailors on each side having been lost. The cause of the quarrel is not yet distinctly understood.
We have excluded a number of miscellaneous articles, in order to give entire the speech of Mr. GREY in the British House of Commons, which involves a discussion of points deeply interesting to this country as well as to most of the states of Europe; and exhibits an animated picture of the present state, and political prospects of England.
The Rev. McCormick respectfully informs his Parishioners, that they may expect divine service on Friday next, at 11 o'clock.
April 1, 1801.
AT a meeting of a number of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of F Street North, at Mr. Rhodes's Hotel on the 26th inst. agreeable to Advertisement, it was unanimously agreed that Capt. James Hoban, Mr. John Kearney, and Capt. Cloworthy Stephenson, be appointed a Committee to procure Subscriptions for carrying into execution the improvement of said Street.
It was also resolved that as soon as the sum of 400 Dollars is subscribed, that a Meeting be called at the Little Hotel to appoint a Treasurer and Manager to carry the above laudable undertaking into effect.
Washington City, April 1, 1801.
JOHN GARDNER, SAILOR.
GRATEFUL for the past favors, best leave to inform his Friends and the Public, that he still carries on the Tailoring business at his residence on F Street, nearly opposite Rhodes's Hotel, City of Washington. He will keep on hand a constant supply of Cloths, Kerseymires, Nankeens and every other article in the business of the best quality and at the cheapest prices.
He trusts, his experience and steady attention to business, will secure to him the Public patronage.
Washington City, } April 1
BUILDERS. WILLIAM LOVERING, of George Town, and WILLIAM DYER, of the City of Washington, having commenced partnership in the Architectural and Carpenter line of business, which they are determined to carry on with assiduity, integrity and dispatch, hope for the patronage of their friends and the public.
Having a number of the best workmen now employed, are ready to execute all orders which are determined shall be done in the best workmanlike manner, for those who will please to favor them with their commands.
Orders directed to W. LOVERING, Gay Street near the Union Tavern, George Town, or to W. DYER, 1 Street, North of the new War Office, City of Washington, will be punctually attended to.
N. B. Wm. LOVERING has been in the practice of drawing for and superintending great part of the Buildings in the City of Washington and its Vicinity.
Washington, April 1.

REVIEW
Of St. Leon: A Tale of the sixteenth Century. By William Godwin, In 4 vols.
12mo.
(Concluded from our last.)
He was afterwards apprehended and imprisoned on suspicion of having murdered the stranger. He offered a bribe to a negro turnkey, that he might be enabled to escape: but the man rejected the offer. He then bribed the keeper of the prison, and was at length suffered to retire with the negro, on whom the keeper intended to throw the blame. He now journeyed to the environs of Pisa, where, by the indifference of his African attendant, who made mention of his alchemical operations, he was exposed to the brutal outrages of an Italian mob. His villa was destroyed, and the negro murdered. Retiring into Spain, he was rendered unhappy by the death of his wife, whom, on a sepulchral stone, he styled 'the preserver of her family in poverty and ruin, the victim of her disconsolate and repentant husband's unhallowed wealth.' In compliance with a hint from Marguerite, he resolved to separate himself from his three daughters, that he might not be to them 'a source of corroding misery and affliction.'
'God of mercy and benevolence! is it possible that this scene should be regarded as thy triumph, and the execution destined to follow, as a sacrifice acceptable in thy sight? If these papers of mine are ever produced to light, may it not happen that they shall first be read by a distant posterity, who will refuse to believe that their fathers were ever mad enough to subject each other to so horrible a treatment, merely because they were unable to adopt each other's opinions? Oh, no! human affairs, like the waves of the ocean, are merely in a state of ebb and flow: "there is nothing new under the sun:" two centuries perhaps after Philip the Second shall be gathered to his ancestors [he died in 1598], men shall learn over again to persecute each other for conscience; other anabaptists or levellers shall furnish pretexts for new persecutions; other inquisitors shall arise in the most enlightened tracts of Europe: and professors from their chair, sheltering their intolerance under the great names of Aristotle and Cicero, shall instruct their scholars, that a heterodox doctrine is the work of crimes, and that the philanthropy and purity of heart in which it is maintained, only render its defenders the more worthy to be extirpated.'
In a sudden confusion which arose among the crowd, he took an opportunity of escaping; and he afterwards, in the disguise of an Armenian, went to France to visit his daughters. He found that one of them had fallen a victim to love, in consequence of the death of a suitor, whose father had prevented him from espousing the young lady, on account of the supposed dishonor of such an union, as St. Leon was a fugitive, and as some mysterious circumstances attended the present maintenance of the daughters. To the survivors he did not make himself known, but pretended that he was the executor of the last will of their father, who died in the East. He remained near them, he says, 'long enough to see them consoled, and himself forgotten.'—Self-importance of man,' he feelingly adds, 'upon how slight a basis do thy gigantic erections repose!'
Our adventurer at length resolved to exert himself on a grand scale. He made his appearance in Hungary, then the theatre of war, and endeavoured, by a liberal use of his wealth, to re-establish industry, and restore comfort to the inhabitants. Speaking of the effect of his philanthropic exertions, and of the applause which the relieved community bestowed upon him, he says,
'Here it may be thought I had ascended to that sphere which it was fit the possessor of the philosopher's stone should fill, and reap the rewards to which a man thus endowed ought to be forward to entitle
himself. Nor will I affirm that I was insensible to the gratifications of my present situation. Though I sought to escape from the applause that pursued me, yet there is something in the nature of the human mind that makes it impossible for us to bear it without complaisance. It was not however a boisterous and obtrusive acclamation that satisfied me. A certain inwrought modesty of nature made me listen to noisy commendations with a sentiment of shame. They seemed to be more than any thing I had done could deserve; or they seemed to be in a tone from which the delicacy of a virtuous mind shrinks back displeased. They were so obsequious as to take from me the power of hearing the sweetest verdict of my own conscience. No; it was the unbidden tears that glistened in the eye of my beneficiaries; the tongue that faltered beneath the essays of gratitude; the overwhelmed heart that had no power to express itself; the hand of the parent that was stretched out to his children, and humbly said, "These things that I felt within as the balm of my life, and the ambrosia of heaven." He was not, however, happy in this situation. He felt himself destitute of the joys of confidential equality.
'Regaled with this animated praise, I was not content; I wanted a friend. I was alone amidst the innumerable multitudes of those I had blessed. I knew no cordiality; I could repose no confidence; I could find no equal. I was like a God, who dispenses his bounties profusely through twenty climates, but who at the same time sits separate, elevated and alone, in the highest heaven. The reader may, if he pleases, despise me for the confession; but I felt that I was not formed for the happiness of a God.'
Though he was at one time styled 'the saviour of Hungary,' he was, when he husbanded his resources, reviled as a monopolist, and loaded with obloquy. He now courted, by bribes, the protection of the pacha of Buda, and solicited the friendship of Bethlem Gabor, the bold leader of a gallant band, whom he represents as a determined misanthrope. By this extraordinary man he was treated with ingratitude, and closely imprisoned. Escaping from his subterranean place of confinement, he met with Charles his son, who was then an officer in the Austrian service. He was gratified with a favourable reception from the young warrior, and became his companion and friend. As his son was attached to a lady who was destitute of fortune, he formed the scheme of providing her with a dowry, which, he pretended, was the bequest of one of her relatives. But, by appearing to be too familiar with this lady, he gave great disgust to her lover; and, when Charles found that he was the person who had promoted the Turkish cause in Hungary, and that he was a dealer in the black art, a challenge ensued, which St. Leon professed to accept, but which he did not answer. He hastily retired from the scene; and Charles was united to the object of his choice.
Thus ends the remarkable tale of St. Leon. We relinquish the perusal of the work with sensations of melancholy, on reflecting that a person who is represented as master of the philosopher's stone and the elixir vitae, should render himself more unhappy, amidst the use of those splendid advantages, than he would have been without them. Such a view of the subject, however, may not be useless, as it may serve to repress the idle desire of those visionary blessings.
We are pleased with the character of Marguerite, who is described as an amiable and prudent matron, and a woman of sense and judgment. An interesting picture is also given of her family; and the domestic scenes are well sketched. The acceleration of her death by grief for the loss of her husband's confidence, certainly heightens the effect of the tale; and the separation and estrangement of the son from the father, are subservient to a similar purpose: but the story, we think, might have been rendered equally interesting without such a poignant aggravation of the distress of St. Leon. The character of Bethlem Gabor is drawn with a bold pencil; but we are sorry to observe a violation of history and chronology in the account of his death, and of various circumstances connected with his life. Even in a novel, attention ought to be paid to these points, when historical characters are introduced. The reflections interspersed are frequently just and sometimes new: the style, though not always correct, is spirited; and the composition is, in general, worthy of praise.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
Commissioners Office, 5th March, 1801. BY virtue of an act of Assembly of the state of Maryland, entitled "a further supplement to the act concerning the Territory of Columbia and City of Washington" the commissioners will expose to sale on Tuesday the 12th day of May next, at Mr. Rhodes's Tavern, in the said city the following lots, to wit, Lot No. 2 in square No 47, lots no 4 5 15 16 20 and 21 in sq no 184, lots no 5 6 15 16 20 in sq no 198, lots no 3 4 14 15 in sq no 218, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in sq no 249, lot no 10 in sq no 286, lots no 3 5 6 7 9 10 12 13 14 in sq no 317, lot no 10 in sq no 319, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 343, lots no 2 3 4 5 6 in sq no 344, lots no 10 11 12 in sq no 345, lots no 1 2 3 4 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 374, lots no 1 4 5 8 9 12 in sq no 403, lots no 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 404, lots no 2 3 4 6 7 9 in sq no 405, lots no 2 3 6 7 10 11 in sq no 427, lots no 2 3 4 5 6 in sq no 428, lots no 1 2 3 4 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 454, lots no 5 6 7 17 18 19 in sq no 455, lots no 7 8 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq no 534, lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 in sq no 535, lot no 20 in sq no 585, lot no 15 in sq no 587, lot no 2 in sq no 643, lot no 2 in sq no 644, lot no 825, lots no 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 826, lot no 2 in sq no 997, lots no 3 and 4 in sq south of 1019, lots no 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in sq no 1020, lot no 2 in sq no 1021, lot no 1 in sq no 1022, lots no 1 2 3 11 12 13 14 in sq no 1023, lots no 5 and 6 in sq no 1024, lots no 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 and 11 in sq no 1045, lots no 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 in sq no 1046, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq no 1047, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 24 in sq no 1048, lots no 1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 in sq no 1064, lot no 9 in sq no 792, lots no 11 12 14 15 16 in sq no 799, lots no 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 847, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 849, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 in sq no 877, lots no 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 in sq no 878, lots no 25 26 27 28 32 32 in sq no 1048, lots no 1 and 3 in sq no 1065, lots no 1 5 6 in sq north east of sq no 1065, lot no 1 in sq no 1066, lots no 1 and 3 in sq no 11, lots no 2 3 7 8 9 10 12 13 in sq no 1158, lots no 1 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 161, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 in sq no 247, lots no 1 2 3 4 10 11 in sq no 452, lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 in sq no 453, lot no 1 in sq south of sq no 463, lots no 3 4 5 6 in sq no 492, lots no 5 9 and 10 in sq no 493, lots no 4 5 6 in square no 494, lots no 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 28 in square no 517, lots no 2 4 6 8 in sq no 518, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 529, lots no 20 and 21 in sq no 533, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in square no 537, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq no 538, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 in sq no 565, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq no 567, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 in sq no 568, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in sq no 569, lots no 2 4 6 in sq no 570, lot no 2 in sq no 572, lots no 2 and 3 in sq no 577, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 in sq no 581, lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 584, lots no 5 6 7 8 9 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 640, lots no 2 3 4 5 15 16 17 18 20 21 22 in sq no 642, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq east of sq no 642, lots no 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 in sq south of sq no 643, lots no 2 3 4 6 in sq no 644, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 645, lots no 1 2 and 17 in sq no 1000, lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 24 25 26 34 35 36 in sq no 1043, lots no 2 3 4 14 15 16 17 18 in sq no 1066, lots no 10 11 13 14 in sq no 1067, lots no 1 2 3 4 11 12 13 in sq no 1078, lots no 1 and 2 in sq south of sq no 1091, lots no 1 2 9 10 11 12 in sq no 1092, lots no 1 2 3 4 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 1105, lots no 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 in sq no 1116, lot no 9 in sq no 1117, lots no 5 6 7 8 in sq no 1123, lots no 5 6 7 8 in sq no 113, lot no 3 in sq no 1140 and lot no 4 in sq no 1149.
The terms of sale are sixty, ninety and one hundred and twenty days for all sums under 1000 dollars, and nine months credit for all sums amounting to one thousand dollars or upwards. It is expected purchases may be made to greater advantage at the ensuing sale than heretofore; because, at former sales a competition took place among persons who held liens on the property sold.
The commissioners have also at their disposal upwards of 4000 lots which have never been sold.
The public sale to commence at Ten o'clock, in the forenoon, and to continue on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays in each week, till all are sold. The purchasers will be required to give notes, endorsed to the satisfaction of the commissioners, and negotiable at any of the banks in Baltimore, George Town or Alexandria. Should any purchaser fail, at the expiration of the week in which such sale is made to pass his note with an approved endorser or endorsers, the sale will be declared void,
and the lot or lots re-sold without further notice—and such purchaser shall be excluded as a bidder during the sale. Wm. THORNTON, } Commissioners. ALEXR. WHITE. }
FOR SALE, OR RENT. TWO Brick dwelling houses, situated on the Pennsylvania-avenue near the President's house; containing two handsome parlours and passage on the first floor, four lodging rooms, including garret, one private kitchen and cellar; the whole will be completely finished in a few days: the yard front polished and set with trees; the walks to the street paved or gravelled, which will render the same as comfortable a situation as any in this City for a private family, and will be sold for less than any gentleman can have the same built for. A family of negroes, will be taken in part payment, or Lots will be exchanged for Slaves. For particulars enquire on the Premises of OWEN ROBERTS. March 11, 1801.
RAPINE, CONRAD AND CO. BOOKSELLERS & STATIONERS, Corner of South B Street & New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol
HAVE just received, in addition to their former assortment, a choice collection of Books in every department of Literature; amongst which are, Adgar Huntly; or, Memoirs of a Sleep-walker, a new Novel, by the author of Wieland, Ormon, &c. 3 vols. price 3 dollars. Arthur Mervyn; or, Memoirs of the year 1793, vol. 2d price 1 dollar. The Beggar Girl and her Benefactors, by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh Heiress, &c. &c. 3 vols. price 3 dollars. The Children of the Abbey, by Regina Maria Roche, 2 vols. price 2 dollars. Idelgerte, Queen of Norway, from the German of Kotzebue, 2 vols. price one dol. 50 cents. Junius' Letters to the People of England, price 87 cents. The Constitutions of the United States, with all the late amendments to the different Constitutions, price one dollar. Staunton's account of Lord McCartney's Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China, price 3 dollars. The Spectator, 8 vols. Rollin's ancient history, ten vols. Pope's works, 8 vols. Adams' Defence of the Constitution, 3 vols. Jefferson's Notes on the State of Virginia, with the Appendixes, complete. Count Rumford's Essays, 2 vols. Hume's History of England with Smollett's continuation, twelve vols. Millot's Elements of General History, 5 vols. Anderson's British Poets, thirteen vols. royal octavo, elegant. Godwin's Political Justice, 2 vols. Enquirer. Bibles, Testaments, Spelling books, Dictionaries Grammars, &c &c R. C. & Co. Have always on hand a general assortment of School books in the Latin, Greek, and English Classes; with writing letter, and wrapping paper, quills, wafers, wax, ink, powder, copy and cyphering books, &c. &c all which they will sell on the most reasonable terms. March 19, 1801. tf
CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE. THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the Capitol, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the LITTLE HOTEL.—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, ceters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, farmers' wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms. Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary. N. B. Hertys Abridgment of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Hertys Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered December, 1800. twtf
To LETT. THE HOUSE opposite the GREAT HOTEL, now occupied by Kid, Elliot & Co.—For terms apply at said House. March 23, 1801. zw6w
Nail Manufactory, ALL kinds of Cut Nails for Sale by Wholesale and Retail at the Factory on R Street, and at the Hardware Store of the Subscriber, where persons building and all others wishing to purchase may be supplied with any quantity at the most reasonable rates. JOHN JACK Washington Feb. 4, 1801.