National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-02-06 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
NUMB. 29 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, February 6, 1793.
[Total No. 133.]
[Correspondence between Mr. ADDISON and Mr. CLYMER; continued from our last.]
Copy of a letter from Mr. CLYMER to Mr. ADDISON.
Pittsburg, Sept. 28, 1792.
SIR, I ARRIVED here some days ago, under the authority of the President of the United States, charged with several objects, all arising out of the opposition of some of the western counties to the revenue laws of the United States, and to the authority of government—One of these is, "To enquire carefully concerning the persons who are represented to have menaced Capt. Faulkner, (of Washington) and those who appeared in arms for the purpose of obstructing the law. To obtain evidence as precise as possible, as well to identify the persons, as to ascertain their language and conduct. To take for this purpose depositions of as many respectable characters, as may be knowing to the circumstances, and to engage one or two of the best informed to come to this city, (Philadelphia). Every necessary measure with regard to bearing the expence, and compensating for the time of those who may come, must be taken." These are the terms of my first instructions on this head; but by an additional instruction received this day, the designation of the witnesses is changed, and they are to be at Yorktown some days previous to the 11th of October, when the circuit federal court will begin its session.
It has been represented to me as much too hazardous to attend to this business in person: It is therefore, that I request you will execute this part of my commission, and transmit the depositions to me at this place. The persons who have been pointed out to me as acquainted with these transactions, are Messrs. John Hoge, James Ross, John Dodd, — Purviance, Gabriel Blackeney, John Hughes, Hugh Wilson. You will call on all or any of them as you shall think proper.
Since the disorders referred to above, others I understand have since taken place in Washington; the assembling of armed bodies, with design to intercept or interrupt the Inspector of Revenue, or other officers, in its execution. These you will please to include in your enquiries.
I am, &c. GEO. CLYMER.
Mr. ADDISON to Mr. CLYMER.
Washington, Sept. 29, 1792
SIR,
YOUR letter of yesterday from Pittsburgh states to me, that among other objects of your journey to this country, one is to take depositions on purpose to ascertain the persons who in various ways have obstructed the revenue laws of the United States, and the circumstances of this obstruction, and have those depositions and some of the best informed witnesses sent to Yorktown before the 11th of October, when the circuit federal court will begin its session; that you have been induced to fear it is much too hazardous for you to attend to this business in person, and therefore request that I will execute this part of your commission, and transmit the depositions to you at Pittsburgh.
I am convinced, Sir, that your information or suspicions of personal danger from coming to this place, and executing your commission yourself, have no real foundation. For your coming here is not to set up an office of inspection in this country, and fix on the distillers the penalties of the excise law, and it is against this that the passions of the people are directed. If, however, any thing I can say should fail to give you confidence, several gentlemen of this town and county, members of the last Pittsburgh committee, will be in Pittsburgh in a few days, in whose company I think you will have little doubt you may come in safety, and who, I am confident, will pledge their word for your security. If after all this you should believe there is danger in the business, you must believe it owing to some very deep-rooted resentment in the minds of the people, and that the object of this resentment is not the person, but the thing. Do you believe that your person can be liable to danger from any inhabitant in this country, except in so far, as your presence here affects their interests or opposes their opinions? or can you believe that any respectability of person or character will save a man from dislike, if his office or employment
obstructs the interest or opinion of those among whom he is? Ask General Nevill. If therefore it be true (and you cannot doubt it) that it is the measure, and not the man, that the people hate, is it proper for you, who have accepted this commission from the President of the United States, to devolve the execution of it on one to whom it is not directed, and in whom no confidence is placed by it? Or is it proper, if the measure be odious in this corner of the country, to require the exercise of it from an inhabitant of this corner every day, exposed to the passions of the people in it, and who, from the nature of another office with which he is honoured, ought, if possible, to possess the affection, the esteem, and the confidence of his fellow citizens? And is it not more reasonable, if the measure be necessary, that it should be effected by a man not resident here, in whom the confidence of this people is not necessary, and to whom their opinions of him is of no immediate concern? I am persuaded, you did not see those things in the light which I do.
But I have other reasons for declining this commission. It is my fixed opinion, that the judicial system of the United States is impracticable, unless it is intended to sacrifice it to the essential principles of the liberty of the citizens and the just authority of the State courts. As a citizen and as a judicial officer of Pennsylvania, it is my duty to preserve both. As you state, therefore, that the object of this enquiry is to found a prosecution in the federal courts, if even I were sure that you had authority to delegate your power, (of which I doubt) and that it was my duty to execute this delegated authority (which is not hinted) I should do it with reluctance; because I think it serving a measure unfavourable to liberty and the just authority of the state courts. As it is, I shall certainly not be a volunteer in it—I consider the laws of Congress as at least as much the rules of judgment in the state courts, as the respective state laws, and the citizens as much punishable in the state courts for their infraction. I have taken, and shall continue to take, all such measures as appear to me proper to bring to justice in the proper courts of Pennsylvania, those people of whose violence it is the object of your mission to enquire.—But this is all that is to be expected of me until I am convinced that it is my duty to do more.
I am, &c. &c. ALEX. ADDISON. [To be Continued.]
Continuation of Mr. Boudinot's Speech in the House of Representatives, on Monday January 14, on the petitions of the officers of the late army for further compensation.
IN August 1782, a Memorial from the State of Pennsylvania, called loudly on Congress for fresh exertions towards the settlement of all accounts, and making provision for the paying off the public debt. It is supposed the army took the hint, and in December following, a deputation of field officers, with a strong memorial on behalf of the army, waited on Congress. The substance of their request was, 1st. some present pay—2d. a settlement of their accounts and security for their balances—3dly. a commutation of their half pay for life; as they found that the measure was odious to their fellow citizens, and would prevent the happy intercourse they expected on their return to private life. The present pay and settlement of accounts were immediately provided for, and as to security for the balances, Congress resolved, "as to what relates to the providing of security for what shall be found due on such settlement, that the troops of the United States, in common with all the creditors of the same, have an undoubted right to expect such security, and that Congress will make every effort in their power to obtain from the respective states substantial funds adequate to the object, &c. &c." As to the commutation, it was urged on the part of the army, that five or six years full pay was but a reasonable sum to make good their sufferings, not only on account of the deficiency of their pay, but also on other accounts, and that it would be more agreeable to their fellow citizens, than that they should be pensioners for life.—Mr B. mentioned this from his memory, which he said was confirmed by the journals of Congress of February 1783, when a
resolution proposed, was prefaced in this manner: "Whereas in consequence of the faithful services of officers of the army of the U. S. and of their great sufferings, not only on account of the deficiency of their pay, but on other accounts, Congress have, by divers resolutions, promised them half pay, &c. &c. The want of money having been raised as an objection against this measure, the officers contended, that they expected nothing more than certificates for their balances, in the same manner as other creditors of the United States had received. Congress finally determined to grant their request; but to prevent the army from alienating their certificates at an under rate, and thereby affecting the public credit, it was proposed that they should not be made transferable. As soon as the delegation from the army were made acquainted with this, they spurned at the idea, and justly asked if they were not freemen—if the balances were not their own property; whether they had not the same right to dispose of their property as they pleased, with every other citizen? They therefore insisted to be put on a footing with every other creditor who had received certificates. The reasoning was too forcible to be answered with propriety, and therefore Congress on the 23d of March 1783, resolved, "That such officers &c. shall be entitled to receive the amount of five years full pay in money or securities on interest at 6 per cent. per annum, as Congress shall find most convenient, instead of the half pay promised for life; the said securities to be such as shall be given to other creditors of the United States, provided it is at the option of the laws of the respective States to accept or refuse the same." "That with regard to the retiring officers, the commutation, if accepted by them, shall be in lieu of whatever may be now due, as well as what might hereafter become due. &c. &c." This commutation amounted to 4,500 dollars to a colonel, and 2,400 dollars to a captain.
Mr. Boudinot alledged his priority to this business, having been in Congress at the time, and of course one of the parties to the contract. He also observed very particularly on this measure, originating with the army, and especially the negotiable property of the certificates: that in this transaction all former demands were involved, and the express stipulation of the army, and the assent of Congress was, not to pay a specific sum in specie; but to give such securities for the balances as should be given to the other creditors of the United States. Here then was no difference between creditors, all were put on a footing, and every citizen who had made advances for the government, or had fought her battles, were considered equally entitled to the attention of government. From this time, the demands of the army put on the face of a settled debt, and requisitions were made to the different states for a fund, on which to found a certainty of payment at least of the interest from year to year; all the states but one having made the necessary arrangements, the plan was frustrated, but many of the individual states made provision for, and did actually pay the interest of 6 per cent for several years—notwithstanding these partial payments, the public credit suffered much, and among other causes, the great number of these negotiable securities brought to market, was not the least. The distresses of some, the different objects of pursuits of others which required capitals; the debts of others which called for payment as soon as the war was over, and the fears of others for the fate of the government, all conspired to bring on a general bankruptcy. These securities fell from 6s 8d. to 2s 6d. in the pound, and transfers were as common as any other merchandise. The public fears and the universal complaint of creditors finally brought about a change of the government, and the new constitution was formed; in which two material articles applied to all creditors—one that the new government was to be liable for the debts of the old;—and another, that all the contracts should be carried into effect agreeably to the terms of them. The old Congress had so far complied with their engagements as to give the securities required by the contract, and to apply to the individual states for the funds promised. The new government at the earnest request of her creditors, turned an early attention to the public debt. She found the contracts were with the original creditor, bearer, or assignee.—The holder was equally a party to the con-
tract, and demanded the whole debt, without regard to the sum paid for it to the original holder; on the other hand many contended for the right of the first creditor as an equitable demand to the surplus (or at least a part of it) after paying the principal and interest of the sum for which it was transferred. To this it was answered, that Congress could not consider themselves as a court of law or equity to determine these claims. They were bound to A. B. or bearer, or his assignee. The holder of the evidence of the public debt, could alone, in law or equity, give a discharge of the debt. That it would be unconstitutional to destroy the contract of the parties, when made bona fide , and it was agreed that fraud could vitiate every contract, for which the courts of justice were adequate—therefore it was, that all discrimination was refused, first as a matter without the jurisdiction of Congress; secondly, as a matter unjust on the principle of a fair contract, made on the risk to be run; and lastly, as impracticable in its very nature. In consequence of this, propositions were made to the holders of the public securities, on the principles of the funding system; the substance of which were, that as the government in its infancy could not embrace a discharge of the debts, or indeed a payment of full interest, without risking the public credit as herefore, and by this means again exposing the creditor to loss; it was therefore advisable to new modify the debt, so that the creditor should give up 3 per cent. upon the interest, and 2 per cent. on the principal for 10 years, for which he should receive an equivalent in the following manner:—It was a very reasonable conjecture, in case the new government succeeded, and public credit was restored, that interest would fall in 5 years to 5 per cent. and in 10 years to 4 per cent.—in which case Congress might, by new loans, at that rate of interest, pay off the whole national debt; but on the present plan, she would secure to the holder full 4 per cent. on the principal for 10 years, and afterwards 6 per cent for a certain number of years on terms, with three per cent on the interest, let the common rate of interest be what it might. This was accepted by the creditor as a reasonable equivalent, and the debt was subscribed.
(The remainder in our next.)
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
PARIS, Nov. 16.
The character of the National Assembly of France, under which the public spirit made such a rapid progress, and the nation marched with giant strides towards a republican system, will be differently estimated, according to the diversity of passions, interests and opinions. Royalty will consider it as an assembly of men, constant enemies to its idol, and who since their first sitting to the moment of their separation have tacitly undermined the throne, which they seemed to respect with constitutional attention. Anarchy will represent it as a collection of timid or corrupted deputies, who sacrificed the people to the court, and liberty to the constitution. Pure, but enlightened patriotism, which weighs neither circumstances nor characters, will consider it as a wavering assembly, destitute of principles: an assembly which has in turns attacked the court and servilely submitted to it; shaken the constitution and endeavoured to maintain it; and sometimes favoured, and sometimes checked the progress of the public spirit. But the patriot philosopher, the true republican, who appreciates efforts according to circumstances, and judges effects according to the means employed to produce them, will compare what the National Assembly has done, with what it might have done; and without palliating its faults, or veiling its errors, will declare, that it has deserved well of its country, because it had need of a second revolution to overthrow a treacherous court; it was it that excited, formed, and brought to maturity that revolution—In short, when posterity shall review the proceedings of this assembly, it will behold—not that it has overturned a constitutional church, built on the ruins of national worship; that it has established divorce; that it has destroyed the odious distinction which prevailed between the white man and his brown or black fellow-citizen; that it ordered the property of the emigrants to be sold in small lots, and

commons to be divided; that it pulled down the aristocratic barrier between Frenchman and Frenchman, by the title of active citizen; that it has sworn to hate and combat kings and royalty; that it declared with courage, and supported with firmness a war against the house of Austria, the cruel enemy of the liberty of Europe, and the scourge of mankind; and lastly, that hard pressed between despotism attempting to recover its strength, and anarchy which wished to succeed, it has restored entire, and even considerably augmented the deposit of national liberty.
In France declaring war against the combined powers, there seems to have been a powerful consideration among the advocates of that measure, which was not felt by the opposite party. To convince all Frenchmen of the perfidy of the court, it was necessary to put it to a great trial, and this trial was the war against Austria. France has been saved only by exposing the treachery of the court. Without a war, neither La Fayette, nor Louis, would have been completely unmasked; without a war, France would not have been a republic; and it is even doubtful whether it would have existed twenty years.
The following is an extract of a letter written by an Englishman, serving in the army under Gen. Kellerman, to his friends at home: "As I have lived for some time among the soldiers of the French armies, I can speak with some certainty of their opinions. The officers of the higher rank are republicans from principle; how the rest procured their knowledge, I know not, but most probably in the manner I shall presently explain. The fact, however, is, that from what I have seen, and from all the information I can procure, the army is, in the strictest sense of the word, republican. And altho' Mr. Burke has amused himself with their civic festivals, and their occasional relaxations from military discipline, he will find, should any day as favorable as the 20th of September arrive, more willing obedience and more vigorous action, than he will meet with in the best disciplined troops of the most military despot. A French soldier knows why he fights—a Prussian cannot conjecture; and it is amusing to behold the transports of those who have no ties of kindred in their own country, when they hear of the advantages that attend them in this, and pray to be retained in the French service. It was a stroke of policy to hold out to the soldiers of the enemy the differences in their respective situations, with those of the French. Surely no man consults his interest who can prefer three sous a day and 20 coûps de baton (strokes of a cudgel) to three times the pay and upwards, and where no such military exercise, of canes and cudgels, is allowed. Where this is known, it has had all the effect that could be wished—it wants only to be generally known to humble all the tyrants of Europe. If it be asked, why, contrary to all military maxims, soldiers are suffered to be instructed and to reason?—the answer is, that knowledge and the love of liberty make men better citizens, and consequently better defenders of the rights of men: but if you speak of the automata, (men-machines) of despotism, Mr. Burke certainly is in the right—it is better that they be ignorant, and consequently slaves. With men thus instructed in the rights of men, you will soon see republican generals drive before them those enslaved herds of human beings which tyrants drag into their service; and having now (what Archimedes wanted) something firm to stand upon , (the knowledge of the rights of men) depend upon it, the whole world will shortly be moved ."
Africa has in all ages been renowned for the cruelty and savage ferocity of its despotic tyrants; a convincing proof that brutal ignorance and despotism in all times and countries go together. The former accounts received are now fully confirmed, that that part of Africa lying between the rivers Gambia and Senegal, has experienced in the same month with France, a revolution which still continues, and "which makes the different kings of those countries to be no longer kings." Weary with oppression and tyranny, and, above all, the poor negroes having at last discovered that their kings were mutually setting the different nations at war merely for the sake of making prisoners, to be sold to the European plantations in the West-Indies, they revolted, cut a vast number of their petty sovereigns to pieces, and, in some sort, established something like popular governments.
Vienna, Oct. 27. It is now decided that the war against France is to be continued next year. The provinces, however, are not to be taxed. The hereditary states of the empire have engaged to supply the Emperor with 40,000 recruits, which are to be begun to be levied in November.
London, Nov. 14. The battle fought between the French and Austrians, before Mons, was one of the most bloody, and well fought in history. The event of this battle will probably end in the conquest of the whole province of Brabant. The Austrian government has most to fear from the spirit of insurrection that prevails throughout the Netherlands—as it has been long known to be a certain fact, that the inhabitants waited only for the invasion of
the French to throw off their submission to the house of Austria.
Horne Tooke would certainly have been elected to a seat in the French National Convention, with his friend Mr. Paine, only that the French have an utter aversion to a priest, and citizen Tooke is still in holy orders, tho' his hair is tied, his hat cocked, and his coat brown.
M. Gregoire was elected President of the National Convention on the 16th of November—Gen. Dumourier's letter to the National Convention, was read on the same day. It is dated Brussels, Nov. 14, and relates that previous to the surrender of that place, he had a battle of six hours against an equal force. Many fell on both sides, but the invincible spirit of liberty, with the immense superiority of the republican artillery, carried all before it. He entered Brussels triumphant; and no sooner had he arrived than 1500 deserters came over to him—"It is my determination (says Dumourier) to finish the destruction of the Austrian army." General Valence has taken Charleroy, a strong town in the province of Namur, in the Austrian Netherlands—Gen. Labourdonnaye announced in a letter to the Convention, dated Nov. 16, that he expected to take possession of Antwerp next day. The enemies forces had already filed off from that quarter, expecting an attack, and a considerable part of their baggage had been taken—the same general had sent a battalion to take possession of Bruges and Ostend—a French army of thirty thousand men were to march on the 1st of December from Perpignan to Toulon, to guard that part of the south coast of the republic, and in case of any hostile disposition on the part of Spain, to enter Catalonia, penetrate to Madrid, and exterminate the tyranny of priests and kings in that country—Two millions of assignats were redeemed and burned at Paris on Nov. 18th—The French emigrants were sneaking home in abundance, to throw themselves upon the mercy of their country.
After the retreat of the remains of the Austrian army from Thionville, one of the officers received a letter from a lady of his acquaintance at Vienna, requesting to be informed, how it was possible, that any fortification could be attacked all night long without surrendering!
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
REMARKS ON THE INDIAN WAR.
[Continued from No. 130.]
WHEN I subscribed my last, I designed to point out the way, to civilize the Indians, without which, no lasting peace can be expected; but a second thought rendered it previously necessary to make some remarks on STANDING ARMIES.
If any thing could induce me to bear arms against bad laws, it would be to oppose a standing army in time of peace. There could be no object in such measures, but to enforce bad laws, for good ones can never be offensive to a republic. This remark I thought necessary, lest some people might think me friendly to standing armies; or that I was pleased with war. No man abhors it more than myself, but of two evils, I choose the least. I could relate some Indian murders, marked with savage barbarity, that would affect an adamant heart, and would excite the most pacific disposition to seek redress; but this at present I forbear, as I do not wish to open old wounds, but to prevent fresh ones.
There is one mistake, which seems prevalent respecting the use of a standing army—it is frequently mentioned that they are to cover the frontiers. I presume the men who mention this, are strangers to the geography of the country, or else they make little use of common sense: for once, it may not be amiss to bring the river Ohio nearer. We will suppose the Delaware to be Ohio, and Pennsylvania to be the Western Territory. Suppose a fort built at Easton, at the forks of Delaware, another where Philadelphia stands; another at New Castle. These forts are to cover all the state of Jersey. We will suppose Congress sitting at New-York—a debate is introduced respecting the distribution of the army, to cover the frontiers. The geography being well known, a member arises & asserts that it is an absurdity to talk of covering all the state of Jersey from the incursions of the Indians by these forts, for the chasms are so great, that they may pass and re-pass without any possibility of intercepting them. This is a plain representation of the distribution of the army at Ohio. One fort is at Venango, another at Pittsburgh; another at Muskingum; another between the Miami's; another at the Falls: Shall these forts cover more than six hundred miles?—ha! ha! ha! &c. This is as good an answer as such folly deserves. It is surprising that men of sense can please themselves with idle fancies. Such measures as these can be of no use except to create disquietude in the minds of the good people of the United States. Our business is to obtain peace with the Indians, upon a rational foundation; and there is no other way eligible but to fix a standing army near Detroit, and there to remain as long as necessary; and no longer. I am persuaded that all other
plans will be as useless as to keep the army in Philadelphia.
Should our rulers persist in their present mode of operation against the Indians, they may spend one million of dollars in vain, and worse than in vain, for another blunder may throw the nation into such a rage, that no man can tell the consequences. We should lose no time, in collecting all our force on Lake Erie: But should we be so unhappy as to have a number of faint-hearted men in Congress, who would harangue them in long speeches, to alarm their fears about a war with England; with firmness of mind such men ought to be expelled Congress as cowards or traitors, and disqualified to represent the United States.
I have already said, England is in no capacity to engage in war with us—She will have work enough at home. The spirit of freedom is in every part of the kingdom. Ireland will soon be a republic—The whole world is kindling into a flame to remove despotism, and erase it from the foundation. But should our measures produce war with England, what reason have we to be afraid of them or any other nation? This supposed event should not deter our operations a single hour; for if they war with us, they cannot oppose France—and England must know, when the republic of France is established, king-craft is at an end in Europe. Should England be unwise enough to draw her sword against us, there would be an end to the kingdom.
If we wish ever to put an end to the war, now is the very time, because neither England nor Spain can oppose us—their own affairs being so very critical, and no plan promises this desired object, but that now recommended; for this will place us in the heart of the Indian country, without any danger of a defeat by the way. There has been much said in Congress about militia being preferable to a regular army in fighting Indians—I am somewhat different in sentiments to the gentlemen on both sides of the question. In our present situation, militia is a mere vision of fancy, and regular troops a dead weight, if the operations should be directed as in time past. On the plan proposed, we shall never be obliged to fight, only when we please—On the plan hitherto proposed, we have been obliged to fight when and where our enemies pleased—the consequence has been shameful defeats; and it is probable this may be the case again. Should the Indians see themselves unable to beat us, they would never fight, so that the old plan will issue in doing nothing, or worse than nothing: but should our operations be changed, we shall be in no danger of a defeat, and perhaps never fight, and obtain peace. I do not mean, when we are seated near Detroit, that we should immediately march out into the country to fight Indians. No—we should take our time to make excursions, and never make them, but when our enemies are least prepared to oppose them. Hitherto our operations have been wrong, for we have given them notice of our intentions, and time to collect all their force, in a season when game is good, and they can supply themselves with provisions. Our excursions should be sudden, early in the spring, and then in vain would they try to escape our force: we may take whole towns prisoners, with loss of few lives. It may be necessary to make a shew of an invasion from the quarter of Kentucky, but the Lake is the main object.
I have given my sentiments freely—I am no party man—I wish all men well—My motive of writing is pure philanthropy—I hope the time is coming when "Nations shall learn war no more."
DAVID JONES. Philadelphia County, Jan. 31.
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
By giving this a place in your Paper you will oblige a Subscriber, and AN AMERICAN. New-Jersey, Feb. 4, 1793.
THE Daily Advertiser of Saturday the 2d inst. contained a letter from Monsieur Le Brun, of France, addressed to Congress, relative to arrearages due the heirs of Capt. Le Brun, late of Gen. Armand's legion, as well as pay due other officers of the French nation, who served with reputation in the armies of the United States in the late war against Great-Britain.
Every American who reads that letter, and possesses a proper pride and regard for justice, must blush at the inattention and ingratitude of his country towards those gallant and generous officers, who left their native soil when they enjoyed peace and ease, and embarked for this then land of blood and slaughter, to assist, protect and defend us from the tyranny of arbitrary aristocrats—Such were the men by whose aid America obtained a glorious peace, and became a free and independent republic; and who, to our extreme disgrace, are the subject of the importunate and affecting letter from Monsieur Le Brun, requesting and imploring the government of the United States to relieve the distresses and wants of those more than patriots, and their families, by a discharge of the pittance stipulated to be paid them in Paris, as specified by their respective certificates. I confess not to know much of the state of the public
creditors, or the application of the monies received from the revenues and loans obtained by the general government; nor do I believe any three men in the administration, have a competent knowledge of the subject: but I was led to suppose that Congress had made provision for the payment of the claims of those meritorious officers, out of the sums of money borrowed in Holland, &c. Why it has not been done, is not only wonderful, but disgraceful. Is it that the same sacrifice should be made by these original creditors, as was made here by the companions of their toils; our own officers and soldiers, who from necessity sold their certificates for one tenth of their value? perhaps at this moment, from the same causes and reverse of fortune, the claims of those officers of France are selling, or have been sold, at one half or one fourth of their nominal value, to some avaricious Jew, broker, or speculator, whilst we can see such characters here drawing from our funds, a full interest in actual specie on their 6 and 3 per cents, for debts purchased by them at 2s. 6d. in the pound from original creditors.
For shame ye people of America—Ye legislators—ye presidents—ye secretaries—ye foreign ministers—and all ye other departments who may be, or have been blameable in this business; is it thus you treat your real friends and allies; whose blood and treasure was ready to be offered at any moment for your safety, when you were beset by Vandals, mercenaries, and beasts of prey, in the shape of men?
"Name it not in Gath, speak not of it in the streets of Askelan."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Feb. 1.
The letter received yesterday from the Senate, containing a representation from M. le Brun, at Coutances in France, in behalf of the heirs of a French officer, who served in the armies of the United States, complaining that his annual compensation has not been received for several years past, was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The amended bill from the Senate, for regulating the value of foreign coins, &c. was agreed to by the house.
After reading and referring a petition, the amendments to the bill for promoting the useful arts, were taken into consideration—Several amendments were made and agreed to, particularly one, restricting the benefits of the patent-law to citizens of the United States, in order to prevent foreigners from obtaining patents in this country for inventions for which patents have already been obtained in Europe—The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The house then, in committee of the whole, took up the amendments of the Senate to the bill for regulating claims to invalid pensions—after some discussion, and agreeing to two amendments, the committee rose and reported accordingly: which report the house adopted.
A petition was read, from James Montgomery, captain of the revenue cutter, stationed in the Bay of Delaware, praying increase of pay for himself and crew—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A petition was read, from the manufacturers of cordage, twine, &c. of Philadelphia, praying additional duties to be laid on the importation of those articles—referred to the select committee on the R. I. (Providence) petition of a similar nature.
MONDAY, Feb. 4.
Several petitions having been read, and referred—The engrossed bill for promoting the useful arts was read, and sent to the Senate for concurrence—By this bill, the fee for a patent is fixed at 30 dollars—for every copy sheet of 100 words 20 cents—for every copy of a drawing, 2 dollars.
Mr. Smith, then, moved for appointing a committee to confer with a committee from the Senate on fixing a mode of counting the ballots for President and Vice-President on Wednesday the 13th inst.—Also, for appointing a committee to bring in a bill to specify their salaries from March 4, 1793.
A report of the Secretary of the Treasury was read on the petition of A. C. Hanson, praying compensation for traveling expenses as judge, in behalf of the United States for settling a disputed claim between the states of South-Carolina and Georgia—Mr. Mercer offered a resolution, in substance, that he be allowed six dollars per day—referred to a select committee.
A letter was read from the Secretary of the Treasury, inclosing a statement referring to the last of the resolutions brought forward by Mr. Giles relative to the deficiencies and sums of public money not accounted for—200 copies ordered to be printed.
The bill from the Senate respecting fugitives from justice, and servants from their masters, was then taken up, one amendment made and agreed to, and the bill laid over for a third reading.

PHILADELPHIA.
FEBRUARY 6.
"There is a letter in town, received yesterday by a French gentleman from Marseilles, which mentions that the city of Rome has surrendered to the army of the French, commanded by General Afselin; he advanced so rapidly, that his Holiness could not effectuate his escape, and has been taken prisoner. Particular details of this new conquest are not expressed, but we hope to be able soon to give full information about it, having the strongest grounds to think that this very interesting intelligence, will be authenticated in a few days. The same letter mentions also that Holland has acknowledged the sovereignty of the Republic of France—and that the king of Prussia himself is ready to follow the example."
The following items of intelligence are said to have come to hand by the French Packet, lately arrived at New-York:—When General Dumourier took Brussels, he also became master of 4000 Austrian military prisoners, and was joined by 1500 deserters—the King of Prussia had acknowledged the independence of the French republic—and all the Papal territory of Italy was in a fair way of sharing the fate of Savoy, &c. N. B. The French Packet left L'Orient the first of December.
Five hundred dollars reward are offered by several merchants of Baltimore, to any person or persons, who will secure the person that robbed the Eastern mail some days since.
On the 27th and 28th of December they had the greatest fall of snow about Augusta, in Georgia, ever seen there by the oldest inhabitants. It was one foot deep on the level, and was between three and four days in washing. There were some spots of it yet remaining on New-Year's day, in places covered from the sun.
The Agricultural Society of New-York, have ordered a number of plough shares to be made of cast-iron, it having been suggested that these are by far more durable than the common sort made of wrought iron.
A fishery for porpoises is now established at the east end of Long-Island. Besides the oil, the skins of these animals are found to be most excellent for boot legs, and upper shoe-leather.
"By a gentleman of respectability, from Whites-Town, we have received the important information, that His Serene Highness, his Majesty of Upper Canada, has been graciously pleased, to open a free passage into the territories of the United States, by Oswego into Ontario, it is said for the purpose of facilitating the passage of settlers from the United States into his Majesty's dominions."
"The despots of the present day appear to be advancing with rapid strides, blindfold to their own destruction. Five hundred New-England families, scattered throughout the settlements of Canada, and disseminating their republican ideas, would of itself be productive of the independence of Canada, in a few years, admitting no other cause existed."
"For this eighteen months past it has been predicted, that the success of France would give us the Western Posts: Present appearances fully justify the calculation.—The success of France will inevitably produce a revolution in England—and a revolution in England will inevitably give us the Posts—Ca-ira."
[Albany Register.]
SUDDEN DEATH AT BOSTON.
Died, (at Olympia) after a few weeks of existence, the offspring of an aristocratical Genius, LE COURIER DEL'UNIVERS. The short time of its life was spent in a continual fit of the Liberty-phobia, a disorder very uncommon in this country. The remains are to be entombed with his ancestors, at Guadaloupe.—Requiescat in pace.
[Boston Ind. Chron.]
On Monday last the Senate of the United States negatived the bill (sent from the House of Representatives on Monday January 28th for concurrence) for the assumption of the balances of the state debts, 17 to 11.
A member of the old American Company of Comedians, in a late dispute with one of the managers at New-York, declared himself "a Democrat;" and that "he was determined to reverence no man a whit the more for being arrayed in regal robes."—When we see gentlemen of the flock and bustin throwing aside, and professing a total disregard for the gewgaws of royalty, we may fairly conclude the whole farce to be nearly at an end.
M. Roland, the French minister for the home department, being asked his opinion on the propriety of using the term Citizen, in the familiar addresses of the subjects of their republic to each other, proposed to substitute the appellation of Fellow-Citizen, as expressive of more perfect equality. He then observed, that too many exceptions are necessary to be made, for either one or the other of these appellations ever to
come into very general use—for instance (said he) you cannot, nor ought not to call a slave fellow-citizen—nor those who have not resided among us for a certain period—nor him who by suffering an ignominious punishment has forfeited his right to citizenship—nor madmen; any more than numerous other characters that might be named—whose crimes, principles, morals, and conduct, render them unworthy of the name—he therefore chooses using the old insignificant term of Mr. rather than profaning the truly honourable term Citizen, by applying it (as frequently must be done, if used,) to undeserving characters.
There has been recently published at Paris, a new work, entitled, The Geography of France , according to the new mode of divisions, departments, &c. with the natural history of each, and the political history of the revolution in that country.
The following list of the artillery captured by the French at Mons, appears in a Paris paper—97 brass cannon, 19 brass mortars, 14 bed-mortars—107 iron cannon—bullets of different sizes innumerable, and at the most moderate computation upwards of 300,000—5000 bombs—1437 fire arms, in the best order—tents, swords, sabres and pistols by thousands.
The last accounts from Guadaloupe say, that M. Rochambeau was daily expected from leeward with considerable land and sea forces to reinstate good order in that island and Martinico. A fleet was also hourly looked for from France, to assist in effecting the same object—The aristocrats were flying from both islands, in all directions.
"It is evident (says a Boston paper) from every statement, that millions are expended on the disgraceful business of destroying our Indian brethren of the western territory, to acquire lands we have no right to, and to settle "Villes," merely to gratify ambitious individuals, to have their names enrolled as the Lords of the Manor . Altho' Mr. Steele's motion for reducing the war establishment was lost, yet that patriot has this consolation, that if his motion were to be decided upon by the people, he would have nearly an unanimous vote in his favour."
Thursday, the 24th of January, was celebrated in Boston as a day of festivity, to commemorate the successes of the French nation in establishing a government of Law and equal liberty , and not of men . The dawn of the day was ushered in by a salute of cannon—at 11 o'clock A. M. an OX, devoted as an offering on the occasion (having been roasted entire on the preceding night) was prepared for exhibition—a vast procession was then formed, of citizens of various denominations, preceding the Ox, which weighed one thousand weight, elevated about 20 feet on a car drawn by 15 elegant horses, and ornamented with ribbons, the republican flag of France, that of the United States, &c.—800 loaves of bread followed in a cart drawn by 6 horses, decorated—a hoghead of punch also drawn by 6 horses, with each horse a conductor dressed in white.—After various other ceremonies, the entertainment began, continued with a flow of good humour, and when it was over, the remains of the bread were sent to the jail.—In the afternoon another procession took place, which concluded with an elegant entertainment at which 300 persons partook, the lieut. governor S. Adams acting as President; a variety of toasts were drunk on this occasion, of which we shall only mention one—"The Republic of France," May this rising luminary increase in splendour, until not a star of monarchy shall be visible in the political hemisphere!"—13 guns—Processions and entertainments were also made in Charlestown on the same day and occasion.
The appellation Citizen , having universally taken place in the town of Boston, in respect to the address of the male part of the inhabitants, it appears to be a matter of no small difficulty among them how to feminize the word, so as to have an equally agreeable sound. The word commonly adopted among them is Citess . This has been found fault with by others, who prefer Civess for this plain reason, that Citess means only a city woman in contradistinction to a country woman . Others again see no impropriety in applying the appellation Citizen to either sex, as being a noun of the common gender. Perhaps the matter might be compromised by flying the men cits , and the women citizens .
In the late processions at Boston (we are informed) the ox, was a type of aristocracy : his gaudy decorations represented TITLES , and the animal itself was understood to be sacrificed on the altar of democracy , as a peace offering to liberty and equality.—One of the most pleasing circumstances we have to record on the occasion of this festival, is, that eight of the citizens, animated with the consideration that virtue and liberty are about to revisit this earth, made a contribution to relieve from the gloomy inclosure of a prison, eight of their fellow citizens who were confined for the trifling sum of twelve pounds.
There appeared some impropriety (says a letter from Boston) in demolishing an ox, as the type of aristocracy, when it was well known, there were many scores of aristocrats running at large in the streets, much more culpable than the innocent creature whose life was sacrificed on this festival occasion.
Reflections on the English Revolution of 1688, and on that of France on the 10th of August, 1792. By M. Condorcet.
"THE Revolution of England in 1688, compared with the Revolution of France in 1792, presents in the motives which occasioned them and the principles by which they were directed, a parallel which, notwithstanding the difference of the times, the circumstances and the state of knowledge, proves that the cause of the French is exactly the same as that of the English nation; and, indeed, of all nations, that are or that have conceived the hope of becoming free."
"James II. was the constitutional king, like Louis XVI. It was the national will, notwithstanding the just repugnance of the friends of freedom, by which James succeeded to his brother: The fear of civil discord was superior to that of a Popish king, infatuated with those ideas of absolute authority which had been so fatal to Charles I. Actuated by the same motives, the will of the people seated Louis XVI. on the throne, in despite of the dangers to which freedom must be exposed by his regency for his former power."
"To destroy the rights of the English, James II. employed corrupt judges, and the servile complaisance of partial authorities. He had two councils; the one public, which with reserve aided his projects of usurpation; the other private, which forced him rashly to hasten the establishment of popery and tyranny."
"Louis XVI. in like manner, had two councils; the one moderate, which endeavoured to destroy freedom by the aid of the constitution; the other, more eager, prepared means to deliver up the people to the emigrants, and France to foreign armies."
"Louis XVI. had like wise sought useful allies in the courts of justice, and the directories of departments."
"James II. had protected the parliament, after having deceived it by false promises. Louis XVI. not possessing this dangerous privilege, attained the same end by corrupting the legislative body, and preventing any constant majority from being formed."
"James II. provided a fleet and an army, of which he believed himself the master. Louis XVI. had secretly formed a troop of satellites, who had sold themselves to his cause, and thought himself sure of a powerful support in the national guard and the army."
"James was secretly connected with Louis XIVth whom the English nation regarded as its most dangerous enemy. The Emperor and the King of Prussia, made war on France, in the name and for the support of Louis XVI. and the means of defence, which the nation bestowed with prodigality, were half annihilated by passing through the hands of the King and his ministers."
"Both thought themselves certain of power sufficient to suppress freedom, and both imagined they had deceived the people; instead of which, they did but mutually convince all clear-sighted citizens of the necessity of a new revolution."
"The two nations were not precisely in the same situation. In England the body of the people, discontented, angry, but terrified by the recent recollection of the civil wars, and benumbed by the corrupt reign of Charles II. was disposed to embrace that revolution, which they were incapable to effect. The parliament was not convoked, and the friends of liberty were without a support. Hence it was necessary to call in the Prince of Orange to their aid, who, by a singular concatenation of events, had connected his personal interest with that of the English nation."
"William, who found no opposition on his passage from the English fleet, came at the head of a Dutch army. James was abandoned by his troops, fled, was brought back to London, and left it by order of his son-in-law, who appointed a place to which he was permitted to retire. He escaped a second time, and William did not endeavour to impede his flight."
"In France the people, to whom freedom was a new enjoyment, and the love of equality a real passion, could not, undisturbed, see themselves threatened by plots which they could not discover, but the fearful proofs of which were incessantly before their eyes."
"They addressed their representatives, and were heard; but a great number of these representatives, servilely attached to the letter of the constitution they had sworn to maintain, beheld with a kind of terror those measures which every day became more sensibly necessary, but which required a bolder interpretation of the constitution. The citizens, therefore, imagined themselves obliged to take the power into their own hands."
"The King fled for an asylum to the National Assembly; yet foreign troops, preserved contrary to law, and united to the chiefs and the menials of the conspiracy, fired from the palace of the Thuilleries on the citizens, at the very moment that they
were reciprocally interchanging expressions of peace and good will."
"The palace was forced, the conspirators and their soldiers put to flight, and there then only remained citizens who had but one opinion, and the representatives of those citizens, whose authority was respected, and among whom public confidence, which preceding events had but suspended, might once again find a central point of action."
"Here every circumstance gives the advantage to the French nation." [To be continued.]
[From the Gazette of the United States of February 2.]
WHILE Liberty and Equality, Paine and the Rights of Man, are all the rage at the eastward, we hear with pleasure that our southern brethren are not far behind them; not even a Mr. is admitted to precede a name at the present day—while their sable fellow-creatures are frequently addressed, "Citizen Cæsar," or "Citizen Pompey, clean my boots, &c. &c." This may be well—but to hear the Auctioneer cry, "twenty pounds for Citizen Alexander—who bids more?" seems to be carrying the joke too far in a free country.
A CIT.
MR. FRENEAU.
AS the CIT has, of his own private authority, and without the knowledge or concurrence of his fellow-citizens in any part of the United States, conferred the honor of citizenship on the Pompeys , the Alexanders , &c. who knows but he may be disposed to carry the joke still farther, and dub all those newly created citizens Honorable and Most Honorable ? Indeed such is the present rage for titles, that titles, dear titles must, it seems, exist somewhere or other in this country. And what think you, Mr. Freneau, if we were to borrow a useful hint from the old Spartans, a grave, starched, orderly set of worthies for all the world, like the select-men of Boston, except that the latter do not so openly and avowedly encourage cheating and sharping as the select-men of Sparta did? The Spartans, to inspire their children with an abhorrence of drunkenness from a view of its effects, intoxicated their slaves with wine: on the same plan, let us intoxicate our slaves with titles, and suffer them to strut about, as proud of this cast of frippery, as of their masters' old cloaths. Will this do the business, think you? Will this satisfy the Cit ? I hope it will, and that we shall then have no further complaints of the scarcity of titles. Every simple negro may be stiled honorable ; and the title of most honorable , may be given to the mulattoes, who bear so much nearer a resemblance to the worthy gentlemen that have labored so hard to introduce titular distinctions among us. An excellent coachman or butler has a just claim to the title of excellency ; and that of highness may with equal propriety be given to the highest personage in the whole gang—the overseer! The sable dames being also entitled to their due share of honor, instead of "Lady H—, Lady K—, Lady D—, &c." who shone in print, in the memorable year eighty-nine, a printer henceforward, in describing a Fandango ball, may grace his page with the names of Lady Phillis , Lady Chloe , &c. and instead of informing his readers that Brother Jonathan , Zorobabel , or Praise God , Captain of a New-England cruizer, has kidnapped a score of negroes in the West-Indies—whenever a similar case again occurs, (as probably it often will) he may tell them, that a score of honorable s, most honorable s, excellencies , and highnesses have been kidnapped by Citizen Jonathan or Citizen Praise God . A BROTHER CIT.
IN conformity to a resolution entered into for the celebration of the victories obtained by the republic of France, "over the combined armies of Austria and Prussia," the officers of the Militia are informed that the festival will take place on Wednesday the 6th of February instant, (this day) being the anniversary of the ALLIANCE with FRANCE; and are requested to meet at the STATE HOUSE, precisely at 2 o'clock, in order to march from thence in procession.
WILLIAM COATES, Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements.
Feb. 2d.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  Six Per Cents 19/   Three Per Cents 10 3/4   Deferred 11/   Bank of the United States 15 p.c. prem. 
Those gentlemen, in different parts of the Union, who hold
SUBSCRIPTION PAPERS FOR THE AMERICAN REMEMBRANCER,
Are requested to make returns of the subscribers' names as soon as convenient—
Messrs. the PRINTERS, also, who have, at my request, published the proposals, will please to send in their respective accounts.
JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-Street, Philadelphia.

Continuation of Mr. STEELE's Speech in the House of Representatives, on Saturday, January 5.—On the reduction of the present Military establishment of the Army.
THE last objection, and the least serious of all, to this motion is the expectation of a treaty in the spring. Mr. Steele said, if he thought the gentleman who threw this difficulty in the way, believed himself that we have any reason to expect a permanent peace from the treaty now proposed, it may deserve an answer. Facts are more to be relied upon than words: from the channel through which these propositions have come—from the whole complexion of their talks, and from the late attack on Major Adair, it may safely be asserted, that no peace can be effected in the spring.
He recapitulated some of the difficulties which this motion had to contend with, and said, that he could mention others, if he was at liberty to do so. Under such circumstances, success is hardly to be expected—but he knew that the merits of the motion deserved it.
He could not sit down, without making one remark upon the calculations and statement of expences in the war department, offered to the committee by Mr. Wadsworth last Wednesday; and though the gentleman then spoke unguardedly of my calculations, I feel too much delicacy to retort. I stated at the commencement of this debate, that in 1792 there were appropriated by law, for the Quarter Master's Department, 50,000 dollars; Mr. Wadsworth stated to have been in that year appropriated by law, 120,000
Difference, 70,000
I have re-examined my statement, compared it with the law, find it was correct; and there is no document in possession of the house to prove, either that his statement is so, or that mine is not so.
Indeed, the inaccuracy of his statement is explained and proved by this single circumstance: In 1792 the law appropriated 50,000 for that department, on an estimate of 2123 non-commissioned officers and privates, and in 1793, which is the most extravagant estimate we have ever had, the Secretary at War only demands for the Quarter-Master's Department, on an establishment of 5120 non-commissioned officers and privates, the sum of 100,000 dollars. Is it reasonable to suppose, that an army of 2000 men, would require more stores than an army of 5000? Or has it been customary for that officer to lessen the demands, as the establishment increased? The appropriation laws, and the Treasury of the United States, can answer this question. The gentleman's statement is inaccurate in more instances than this—but one is enough for my purpose. Having made this appear, Mr. Steele said he would not speak again, nor would he hold himself bound to reply to any observations that might be made, either in regard to his motion or his calculations.
Mr. HILLHOUSE observed, that nothing had been advanced in the whole course of this long debate, but what he had heard mentioned last winter in the house. He was then opposed in principle to a war establishment and he still retained the same opinion; but from the present complexion of affairs, it appeared to him, that he ought to submit, and give up his own opinion to the general sense of the legislature, which at present seemed to be, for persevering in the system already adopted, and which, as it had scarcely had time for a fair trial, he thought, ought not to be arrested, perhaps in the very instant when its efficacy was to be expected. If peace should not be established during the next summer, he would then join with such members as would propose a better system—but as the law provides for exercising the discretionary powers of the executive, it would be best to rely on them—a standing army he said was a thing impossible to be established in the United States whilst the House of Representatives have the power of granting money only for two years at any time; he therefore had no fears on that score. An army existing in time of peace, was the idea he had of a standing army: and not an army embodied for only a year or two: upon the whole, it would be as expensive to disband the present force, and institute another of militia, &c. as it will be to keep up the existing establishment for a little
longer time; it was therefore his advice, to let the matter rest where it was, with the executive for the present. But in case of a peace not being accomplished within a reasonable period, he would join those who would be for a change in the system; and he was clearly of opinion, that a system might easily be adopted, not only to protect our frontiers by repelling the savages, but to exterminate them altogether.
Mr. Murray said at so late a stage of the debate it would be improper to detain the committee; and had he heard one position of the gentleman from North-Carolina attended to by any other, he would have held himself inexcusable in calling the attention of the committee to its refutation; except the calculations entered into by the gentleman from North-Carolina, and answered by those of the gentleman from Connecticut, which were all irrelevant to the point in issue, he had heard but one new position advanced on this subject which had been so amply discussed by every member, for at least three weeks last session. The position to which he alluded was this: that as long as one establishment was kept up in one concentrated point, there the Indians would concentrate, and thence is deduced the conclusion that the great combination of the savages was a consequence of the army which we kept up. On this reasoning much stress had been laid by that gentleman, and by most who had supported his motion; and they agreed that by diminishing our establishment and diffusing our materials of defence, the Indians would be disjoined and cease their combined operations. Nothing he conceived could be more fallacious than any reasoning which mistook effects for causes. He would observe, and the gentleman must admit, that the mode of our defence had been a consequence of the operation of the savages, and not a cause of their combination. The history of Indian warfare from Braddock's defeat up to the year eighty-four, could furnish little matter of instruction on the present situation of things; before that period no cause existed that could forcibly attract the savages to a centre, or give activity or duration to their combinations in great numbers. But since the revolution a cause did exist in the neighbourhood of the present scene of operation, over which we have no controul, and which he had no sort of doubt had produced the effects against which the establishment is to act.—That cause, which it was unnecessary but to allude to, had undoubtedly planned the measures—inspired the hostility—and provided the means of Indian warfare: it had organized a set of tribes hitherto dispersed in their action, or had given a formidable method to those who some years since were without method, and who only kept up a kind of incurvive war, and a running fire along the frontier. In these times the mode of defence was accommodated to the mode of offence; and when no well organized attack was made, less skill and combination of defence were required—But now the policy of another power gives energy and system to the tribes; it concentrates those powers which were dispersed, and gives permanency to what was before temporary and inconstant; our mode of defence opposed system to system; and permanent defence to the appearances of permanent combinations.—Militia woodsmen would do in the old incurvive war, but were unfit for that sort of war that acted against hostilities which were permanent and organized; for these garrisons uniting the allurements of traffic with the respectability of arms were necessary; and woodsmen who could not leave their families for more than a mere excursion of forty days were not proper. While he was up he would remark that whatever had been said of standing armies, though perfectly true, abstractedly taken, did in no point touch on the present question. We are in a state of war, and have an army and must have one; there was no more resemblance between a standing army and an army, as is ours, raised for actual defence, than there is between a camelion and an owl; the one a thing of ill omen, and unnecessary but for works of darkness; the other a creature that took its complexion from the moment. A standing army exists beyond the laws of reasonable necessity; our establishment was dictated by absolute necessity, is limited in numbers and duration, and is in all respects considered but as the engine of protection against the hostile Indians. Those, he observed, who supported the resolution had a great advantage over its
opposers, in the freedom with which they could attack a system which was formed partly from public and partly from confidential information. In defending this system thus openly he felt himself trammelled perpetually by a natural tendency to use those arguments in its support which he had drawn from confidential sources of information last session, while the doors were shut—but felt the propriety of restraining that impulse, and would only call on members to recollect the view the subject had been held in at a time when all the information was a fair source of debate. He hoped that as there certainly now was no prospect of peace in the spring, and as the President had the power to derive every advantage from the employment of expert woodsmen under the law past last session, that the resolution would not be agreed to.
[To be concluded in our next.]
A CAUTION TO THE PUBLIC.
ALL persons are forewarned how they take an assignment upon a bond of £. 112 : 10 (bearing date January 26, 1792, given by MORDECAI and NATHAN HOLT, of the township of Horsham, county of Montgomery, and State of Pennsylvania, unto Isaiah Quimby of the township of Amwell, county of Hunterdon, State of New-Jersey; as the sum specified within said bond has been lawfully tendered to the said Isaiah Quimby on the day it became due; but he having refused to comply with certain stipulations agreed to before incontestable evidences, previous to his receiving said bond, we are now determined to contest the same.
MORDECAI HOLT, NATHAN HOLT.
P. S. Said bond was obtained by illegal means and may probably be contested for reasons not here referred to.
Horsham Township, January 28 1793.
3t.1.aw.
WATCHES.
ROBERT LESLIE, CLOCK and WATCH MAKER, No. 167, Market-Street.
AFTER returning his sincere thanks to his friends, and the public in general, for the great encouragement he has experienced since the commencement of his business in this city, takes this opportunity of informing them that, in consequence of his intention of going to London in April next, he is selling off, at very reduced prices, his stock in trade, consisting of a very large and general assortment of enamelled and plain gold, gilt and silver, capt. and capt and jewelled
WARRANTED WATCHES,
Most of which are of the latest importation and newest fashion,—Also a variety of the highest finished cut steel, and gilt, ladies and gentlemen's Watch Chains, Seals, Keys, and Trinkets, together with a few Gold Chains, Keys and Seals.
Philad. Jan. 16, 1793. et. tf.
SIX-PENCE REWARD.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber, living in Southampton township, Bucks County, on the night of January, a servant lad named THOMAS SMITH, had on a striped cloth coat, old felt hat, and woollen trowsers, whosoever shall apprehend the said lad, and bring him home to his master, shall have the above reward, but no charges paid.
JOSHUA WOOD. Jan. 22.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pair bien peuplé,
SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Méridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour Supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque temps on rendra navigable le Grand Saluda, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles, il ne sera peut-être guères possible de rencontrer pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat on les rendra très commodes.
S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE A THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six.—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29.
Just Published, By H. & P. RICE, No. 50, Market-Street, THE SYSTEM OF
Short-Hand,
Used by Mr. Lloyd, in taking down the DEBATES of CONGRESS.
** REPRESENTATION having been made, that the shortness of the period, limited for the subscription, has deprived many gentlemen at a distance, of an opportunity of lending in their names:—The Editor, in order to accommodate them, and to render this publication more extensively useful, has determined not to raise the price to a dollar and an half (as intended) before the fifteenth of March;—making however a discrimination, in favor of the actual subscribers, by printing their copies on superfine royal writing paper. A few remaining copies of this kind will be delivered to the earliest of the non-subscribing purchasers, at the same price as those on the common printing paper, viz. one dollar, in marbled covers; neatly bound, a French crown. Jan. 25. 4t.
PHILADELPHIA, January 12, 1793.
MATHEW CAREY
Respectfully informs the Citizens of the United States, that the Maps for his intended edition of Guthrie's Geography IMPROVED,
Are now engraving—and as soon as a sufficient number of them are finished, to secure a regular supply during the publication, which will probably be early next Spring, the work will be put to press.
He returns his acknowledgments to the very respectable number of subscribers, who have come forward thus early to patronize this arduous undertaking. He assures them and the public in general, that no pains or expence shall be spared in the execution of the work.
Terms of the Work:
 I. IT shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.  II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.  III. Besides the maps in the British Edition, this work will contain nine or ten American States Maps.  IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.  V. No advance required.  VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.  VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.  ** Subscriptions received in Philadelphia by the intended publisher; in New-York, by all the booksellers; in New-Haven, by M c Beers; in Hartford, by Mr. Patten; in Boston, by Messrs Thomas and Andrews, and by Mr. West; in Baltimore, by Mr. Rice; in Richmond, by Mr. J. Carey; in Charleston, by Mr. W. P. Young, and by sundry other persons throughout the United States. 1awtf
Philadelphia & New-York
STAGES,
BY WAY OF BURLINGTON, BORDENTON, & SOUTH-AMBOY—
WILL start from Samuel Cooper's Ferry, opposite to Philadelphia, every Sunday and Wednesday morning, during the winter season, and arrive at South-Amboy on Monday, and Thursday evenings—where a good boat will be ready to convey Goods and Passengers to New-York.
The Stage boats will leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, so as to meet the Stages from Philadelphia at Amboy, to proceed for Philadelphia next day. All Baggage belonging to passengers to be at their own risk.
All Goods forwarded by the Stages on bill, to be under the particular care of the Proprietors of the Stages; but not warranted against robbery or damage—And all entering, clearing and permits, to be paid by the owners of goods.
Price of a passage from Cooper's ferry to New-York, 18. 9. 2colb. of Goods, to pay the price of a passage. All Way passengers, 3d per mile.
AMOS HUTCHIN, } For Burlington line. NICHOLAS SCHENCK, } For Bordentown line. VAN EMBURGH & M c KEAN, } For Borden and DAVID WILLIAMSON, } ton line, January 16, 1793. [1aw.tew
CHARLES BITTERS, No. 120, South Market, near Fourth-Street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured by Lot Merkel, A large and general assortment of Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices. Nov. 24. 2aw
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAINE,
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.