Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-06-29 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 113 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, JUNE 29, 1793.
[Whole No. 435.]
LAW CASE.
Robert Findley, jun. and others, } Libel filed. Ship William.
Sketch of the Pleadings in this important case, continued.
JUNE 15.
MR. INGERSOL for the captors, first endeavored to shew, that the violation of one part of the treaty, by proceeding in this case would annul the whole. To this effect he cited 4. Vat. Sec. 26. He could not reconcile the proceedings of the Executive in arresting the prize and detaining her, with the express words of our treaty of amity and commerce with France. Even if the property was wrested from our hands the Court would not have a right to declare the prize illegal.
From the Universal Dictionary, page 112 he read the words of part of a treaty between France and the United Netherlands, in substance nearly the same as the 7th art. of our treaty with France, and also page 234, part of another treaty, containing similar provisions. Is it not incumbent upon the counsel on the part of the libellants (he alled) to shew cases wherein a construction has been put upon the provisions in these treaties, similar to that contended for. If none can be adduced, the cause surely cannot be supported.
He cited Lee 77, 78, 81, 220, and 211, to shew that it is the duty of him who is neutral, not to interfere in determining the question of prize or no prize. 3. Grotius, chap. 9, sec. 16.—says, It is said , that when the capture is made on neutral ground it forms an exception; but Burlamaque combats this opinion. Bynk. 191, 194 says, it would be unfair that a court should have power to restore without the power to condemn. In the case now before the Court, it is not contended that there is power to condemn. A faithful observance of treaties, he remarked, is the best method of attaining respect and preserving peace. A capture on neutral ground is an offence to the neutral power; but it belongs to the Executive only to obtain redress by means of negotiation; the Executive is the only organ of government by which we communicate with foreign nations.
Mr. Rawle had cited 3. Vat. sec. 132, to shew that if a power at war attacked an enemy on neutral territory, a wrong is done to the neutral country; this he admitted; but he insisted the Executive alone is competent to demand reparation.
Many observations had been made by Mr. Rawle, on the extent at sea of our territorial claim. He differed as to the extent of that claim and conceived it more confined than it was endeavored to be laid down by that gentleman.—1. Vat. p. 116, says, that the dominion of a state is as far as is necessary for its safety; if the facts stated in the libel were compared with this rule, he conceived, that no just ground of complaint could be formed by us. Our treaty with France, the Netherlands, and Sweden, are indefinite on this head,—“ near the coast ,” is the expression. The indefinite nature of the question rendered it a much fitter subject for negotiation than for a legal decision.
He turned to the Encyclopaedia, article Gunney, to shew, that a 24 pounder will not throw a ball to the distance of quite three miles.
Judge Peters called the attention of the counsel to the point, before the court, viz. whether, if the capture was made on neutral territory, then can the court take cognizance.
The question, Mr. Ingersol said, is a question of prize and no prize, the very question expressly precluded by treaty. From 16 Vinr. 600 it appears plainly, that to give jurisdiction to a neutral court of admiralty, it must appear, that the countries to which the captors and captured belong are at peace with each other. He cited Moloy 14, 15, to the same point.
2 Snowe 232. In this case the answer given by the Court was, if you think yourself aggrieved, apply to the King in council. Justice Jay's argument was cited to shew that this case had better be decided in a judicial court. It was enough to answer that the framers of the treaty never contemplated a decision of this kind in case of disagreement.
2 Code des Prises 877 had been referred to. The case there recited and that before the Court are very dissimilar. The Fosters were Merchants established at Bourdeaux; France was at peace with the United States; their vessel was taken by an American frigate; the Court of Admiralty could condemn as well as return.
Magens 487. The court of that country to whom the captors belong determine the question of prize or no prize, and there cannot be any other equitable mode of trial. Grotius 601, was also quoted as containing a case or opinion in point.
Mr. Sergeant on the same side. Vattel states the great jealousy that exists between belligerent powers relative to the
conduct of neutral nations, which should be consequently very cautious how they, in any manner interfere in their quarrels. A neutral nation should consider both parties as right. Prizes become the property of the sovereign, in a degree, who gave the commission to the captors; they are not to be meddling with; but our treaty with France is explicit on that head.
2 Vat. Sec. 346 to 349, lays down, that a nation has no right to judge between an individual and a sovereign State. Sec. 210 to the same point nearly; a neutral nation has no right to set itself up as judge between belligerent powers unless by the agreement of both parties. 4. Inst. lays down, as in 1st Vin. 600 that before a case of capture can be brought before a neutral admiralty court it must be shewn, that the sovereign of the country where the cause is instituted be at peace with the countries where the parties belong and that those countries are also at peace with each other.
Lee expressly says that in case of insults offered to a neutral nation, satisfaction must be demanded by the executive and the business settled by negotiation. If it was admitted that admiralty courts could interfere in cases like the present, privateers, circumstances as the Citizen Genet is supposed to be, would, with their captures, ever keep out of the jurisdiction of those courts, and then the executive must at last be resorted to. One powerful reason why the executive should settle differences arising from a violation of a neutral territory is, that having the public force at their command, they can make those neutral rights more respected.
The counsel on the other side appear to suppose that a republic possesses fewer of the rights of sovereignty because their executive is not so energetic as that in absolute governments; but Montesquieu says well, that in every sovereign State there exists the same quantum of power,—power complete for self preservation and the vindication of wrongs.
He adduced a recent case in point: An English merchantman at the Falkland Isles, which are claimed by no nation and looked upon as common property, was stopped by a Spanish sloop of war, her rudder blocked and falls taken. The English, through their executive agent demanded and obtained concessions and reparations of damages.
Shall the Captain of a British merchantman, he asked, be the guardian of our rights, or rather shall not we undertake the task of vindicating them without his interference?
Suppose we should go into the merits of this case and find that the capture is a good one, the court however could not condemn it.
The case from Bynkershoek, he conceived by no means in point; neither that from the Code des Prises, as had been stated by his colleague.
Upon the whole, he recapitulated, that a neutral court of admiralty cannot judge between belligerent powers. That if there is a violation of territory, the court of admiralty cannot obtain redress, but that it must be left to the executive; that there is no instance of a court at law, vindicating the rights of neutrality; that the injured party must apply to the sovereign; and if we are injured we must settle the business by negotiation.
Mr. DuPontccean, before the court adjourned, wished to call their attention to an observation made by Bynkershoek, of a difference between deliberately taking a vessel in a neutral port, or capturing her within the neutral territory in the heat of pursuit.
Adjourned to the afternoon.
[Mr. Lewis's argument in our next.] FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
Messrs. HANSON & BOND, I send you a copy of the letter directed by the Club of French Patriots of this Town to their friend Capt. FERREY, commanding the privateer Sans Culotte . By publishing it in your useful and patriotic Gazette, you will oblige your servant and brother Republican, CHERUI.
By order of the Committee, June 14, 1793. N. B. The answer will be translated for your next.
TRANSLATION Of an Address directed by the Club of the French Patriots of Alexandria, to their friend Captain FERREY, commanding the French Schooner Sans Culotte , and presented by Citizen CHERUI, at Baltimore.
CITIZEN CAPTAIN, THE French Patriots, your friends, of Alexandria, incited by love for their country, and actuated by respect for those of their brothers who are its defenders, of whatever denomination, have charged Citizen CHERUI to acquaint you with the esteem they have conceived for your invincible courage. Well done! Captain continue to rid the world of the blood enemies: to liberty; purge the sea of those fierce pirates, who once boasted to possess their empire. Let them know that, as we were equal to them at a time when we
smarted under the rod of tyranny, now, free republicans, we will be their superiors. What a joy it is to fight in such a cause! and how deeply you seem to be convinced of this truth! For, give us leave to observe to you, Captain, that at the rate at which you go on, you would soon convert GEORGE himself, to freedom. The newspapers every day mention your exploits; and a few meetings like the one you had with the Joseph, Fanny, &c. would be more than sufficient to convince the vile soldiers of despotism, that the cause of liberty is the best. These men are deaf to any arguments but those of cannon. Be assured therefore, Captain, we look upon you as one of the best missionaries the National Convention has sent to these shores.
If you do not persuade, you defeat them.—Your mode is equal to any other. Slaves disregard whoever do not conquer them. In vain you would reason with them; they think themselves born to serve; they fear, as foes, those who offer to be their deliverers; an unaccountable distrust is the lot of the ignorant. We have displayed the rights of man through the channel of our National Assemblies. The universe first wondered at our boldness, but soon after, they admired our wisdom. None but tyrants have t'embled; they were afraid that liberty, the basis of our new system of government, should extend its shade as far as their desolated lands; then they commanded their subjects to take arms, & those wretches, like vile slaves, have run to the field of battle. Who are those they are going to murder?—Their benefactors. What will be the consequence of the conquest for which they are so eager? Universal slavery. And can we look upon such men as our brothers? No, Captain, they do not even deserve our pity.
Arm again, and go to fight them; do not be afraid of wanting men. There is not a true Frenchman who is not determined to give up his life rather than to see the cause of his country deserted. If our brethren who inhabit our mother country, are not sufficient, we are ready to unite ourselves from the four parts of the world, to form an immovable phalanx, which nothing but one common death shall annihilate, or a complete victory dissolve.
With the greatest respect for your courage, and with particular esteem, we are, Sir, your friends, the French Patriots of Alexandria,
Cherui, D. F. DuPontccean, Nebion, John Daranne, Conde, Robert Dubois, John Badin, Lemoiné, John Petit, Beloy.
P. S. We think it our duty to mention to you the kind and fraternal reception your prize, the John , met with in this harbour from our generous allies. They manifested the joy they felt for our success by a salute of cannon, which we answered; and with the more delight, as we were persuaded of the sincerity of their hearts. It is the characteristic of Freemen to be friends.
SALEM, (Mass.) June 18.
ADDRESS OF THE TOWN OF SALEM, To GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States of America.
SIR, FULLY and deeply impressed with the wisdom, propriety and policy of the measure which you have lately adopted in issuing your proclamation, wherein it is declared, that the duty and interest of the United States require, that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct, friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers therein mentioned; and contemplating with heartfelt sorrow the calamities and distress of mankind invariably accompanying and necessarily incident to a state of war; and at the same time viewing, with the most pleasing and grateful emotions, the happy and flourishing situation of these states, under the present excellent constitution, in the administration of which so much is due to your integrity, impartiality and wisdom, ever watchful to promote the true interests of the citizens thereof:
We the Freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Salem in Massachusetts, legally and duly met in town meeting, cannot refrain from thus unanimously expressing to you the pleasure and satisfaction which we received on seeing that Proclamation; and are induced to take the earliest opportunity of assuring you of our fixed and determined resolution of strictly complying with
its object, and discountenancing and discouraging the attempts of all persons who, regardless of their duty, and willing to injure the true interest of these states, shall act in any manner contrary to the injunctions therein contained.
And permit us further to add, that from our knowledge of the sentiments of our fellow citizens in this part of our common country, we have no doubt that the watchfulness and paternal care of the Supreme Magistrate of the United States, aided and assisted by the exertions of the peaceable and good citizens thereof, will effectually prevent the smallest deviations from the strictest neutrality; will restore, preserve and keep our infant Republic in the cheering and fostering bosom of peace; and make and continue us the friends and brothers of the great family of mankind.
May 31st, 1793.
THE ANSWER.
To the Freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Salem, in Massachusetts.
GENTLEMEN,
PLACED in the situation I am by the free voice of my fellow citizens, it becomes a duty, pleasing as it is strong, to pursue such measures as appear best calculated to promote their true interests.—Under this impression I issued the late proclamation, declaring the neutrality of the United States in the present contest between France and other European Powers.—In making this declaration, I was persuaded that I spoke the wishes of my countrymen, without violating any political or moral obligation.—And the evidences of satisfaction which have been exhibited on this occasion, as well as the assurances of good Citizens to use their influence in preserving the peace and prosperity of our infant Republic, afford a new proof of that liberal and enlightened sentiment which has been so often and so honorably manifested by them on great occasions.
G. WASHINGTON.
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, May 7.
From Tuesday's LONDON GAZETTE.
Tournay, May 3.
ON the 1st inst. the French attacked the advanced posts of the left wing of the combined army, but were repulsed in all their attempts. On the same morning the French also attacked the advanced posts on the centre, but were there likewise repulsed: They suffered in these several engagements a considerable loss both of men and cannon.
We have this day received letters from Brussels, dated the 3d inst. in the afternoon, one of them inclosing the following letter, that moment come to hand, dated
“Mons, May 1.”
“We have taken by assault the mountain of Ausin, 1 league distant from Valenciennes, which was strongly fortified with cannon, and intercepted the communication of the four roads. We have taken several prisoners, and we are assured 40 or 50 pieces of cannon. However this may be, it is certain that we have possession of the mountain: so that we can keep a check of the camp of Famars, and get possession of Valenciennes with more facility.” Extract of a letter from Dozer, May 5.
“The Capt. of the Packet from Ostend, just arrived, reports that a messenger arrived at Ostend from the armies yesterday afternoon, who brought an account of an action in

which the French had sustained a considerable loss. The Duke of York was engaged in it, but particulars are not stated.
The whole capture of the Spanish Galleon, or Register Ship, was on Saturday last adjudged to the captors, and the Spanish ambassador has assented to it, after a minute investigation of the subject. Lord Hood will be entitled to a share, as commander in chief of the fleet which made the capture; and it is said that his proportion alone will amount to 60,000. sterling.
Lord Hood, as commander in chief of the Mediterranean fleet, comes in for a 16th of this prize, whatever it may turn out to be, and all other captures made by ships under his orders, which must nett his lordship a very capital fortune.
In consequence of the cargo of the rich re-captured Spanish ship being allowed by the government as an entire prize, a troop of light horse was dispatched from London on Monday last to Portsmouth, to escort this immense wealth directly to town.
The French Convention have voted to their minister at war the enormous sum of 52,800,000 livres; about 2,300,000. to provide subsistence for the armies.
Brussels Gazette Extraordinary.
May 2d.
The French came to attack us yesterday in force. They were at first repulsed from St. Sauve. There is reason to believe that their intention was to turn the left wing of our army.
It was determined to make the second line march by Sebourg, Conchies, and Presles. Conchies has been burnt; the enemy were beaten and pursued as far as Famars.
Four divisions of Braco drove them from Saten, and took from them 6 cannon, with their horses.
About 1 P. M. the firing ceased, but it began again in the right wing of the army about 3, and was still continued at seven.
The corps under Gen. Clairfayt are still in pursuit of the enemy. Our loss is estimated at almost 200 men. Our chasseurs suffered greatly and would have been dispersed, had it not been for the support of the cavalry.
The French have lost a number of men. Besides 13 ammunition waggons, we have taken from them 8 pieces of cannon, of which 4 are four pounders, 2 eight pounders, and one a 12 pounder, together with a 14 pound howitzer.
We wait for more circumstantial details of this affair.
A very important action took place on the 1st inst. between a part of the combined armies and the French.—On the morning of the 1st, the French advanced a considerable body of troops against the corps of Prussians under General Knobelsdorf, occupying the post of Maulde, and likewise against the body of Austrians occupying the important post before Conde. The relief of that place was evidently the object of the French. They meant by advancing against the Prussian General, and the advanced corps of the Prince of Saxe Cobourg's army, to keep them in check, while they made their chief attack upon the Austrians, under cover of a large wood of which the French were in possession. They commenced their attack at five in the morning, and between that and the evening made four different attacks, the last of which, the most vigorous, commenced at three, and was not over till between six and seven in the evening. The Austrians stood all the different attacks with the utmost bravery and firmness. The greatest part of them were engaged with musketry in the wood. General Knobelsdorf detached several corps from his post to their assistance, which he could do with greater safety, as he was supported by two battalions of British from Tourney. The French were at length completely repulsed, and several pieces of cannon were taken.
The loss was considerable on both sides. The French were greatly superior in numbers. They retreated
in confusion to Famars. It was supposed that the consequence of this victory on the part of the allies must be attended with the fall of Conde.
The Paris letters received yesterday are dated the 30th ult. They state that the city was perfectly tranquil, and that nothing new had occurred. The triumph of the Jacobins on the acquittal of Marat was unbounded. In Brissot's journal this acquittal is mentioned as the ruin of France.
The French are said, from very good authority to have ten sail of the line at sea.
Accounts have been received from Jersey, of the date of the 29th ult. It appears that on the 23d, a French fleet, under convoy of three frigates of considerable force, stood very close in with the island, which occasioned the alarm guns to be fired, and the beacons to be lighted. The French, however, towards the evening stood away, without attempting any descent. One or two of the French ships stood so close in, as to fire on some of the batteries on shore.
Arrived at Plymouth the Niger frigate, of 32 guns, commanded by Capt. Kertz.—It is said she had been cruising off Brest, and brings intelligence that there are in Brest water 25 sail of men of war, besides frigates and sloops.
Conde still holds out, but the garrison is reported to be in such distress for provisions, that it must soon fall. All the heavy artillery and ammunition will be before Mentz by the 5th of May. From that city, the inhabitants, to the amount of 15,000, have been expelled by the French, to prevent a famine. The garrison has still some supply of corn left, and a little horse flesh, but no eggs nor vegetables. It is provided with wine, which is drunk abundantly by the French, who pull to pieces the old houses for fire-wood. There is no longer any hope of the capitulation of Mentz. An attempt has been made to inundate the French mines near the city.
It is reported, that the Commissaries from the National Convention have ordered all the English merchants residing at Dunkirk, to quit that town in less than 24 hours from the 1st instant.
Private letters received at Brussels from Nantz, inform that that city has surrendered to the victorious arms of the counter-revolutionists. The same letters announce, that Philip Egalite was carried back to Paris; those who were carrying him to Marseilles, being afraid of meeting the Marseillese upon the road.
The Empress of Russia has taken possession of a considerable part of Poland. She has attempted a justification of her conduct, which has much the same truth and justice to recommend it as the King of Prussia's reasons for seizing on Dantzic.
The King of Poland was given to understand by the Russian Minister, that unless he attended the confederation at Grodno, Prince Louis of Wirtemberg, would be appointed by the Imperial court to succeed him on the throne.
Russia, after having divided Poland, we now see dictating to Sweden. What may she not be expected to do, as soon as the affairs of France are settled to the satisfaction of the combined powers?
Intelligence is in town from Paris of so late a date as the 27th ultimo, when all remained in sullen tranquillity.—The report respecting the state of the granaries was, that they contained a sufficient supply of corn for a fortnight. The royal family were safe and in health.
Recruiting for the armies continued in the capital; but in the provinces it every where met with opposition.
Some situations of consequence on the frontiers, towards Spain, are said to have fallen into the hands of that power.
The combined armies, we do not understand, have made any progress since the last accounts received—neither have we heard any thing more of the meditated attack upon Dunkirk.
It appears to be the determinati-
on of France in the ensuing campaign to act entirely on the defensive; thus firmly occupied, it is generally considered, that they will be enabled to exhaust the patience of all their enemies.
By a gentleman arrived in the Eliza, Blynn, at Penzance, from Nantes, from which place she sailed on the 10th inst. we have the following important particulars:—The Royalists were in great force, which was augmenting every day. They were in possession of the whole south bank of the Loire, and part of the north; different actions had taken place with various success; but the Royalists were in possession of Machecoul and the Isle of Hoedic, near Bellisle, and were so daring as to approach the very gates of Nantes in small parties of 20 or 30. They were headed by Gaston, a bold, determined, enterprising man.
The present commercial distress certainly does not proceed from any diminution of the actual capital of the country, but merely from the circumstances of the sudden check given to the circulation of Paper. This is an evil which will find a certain remedy in time, and mean while the Minister with true patriotism, does every thing he can to alleviate it.
At the present moment of alarm and distress amongst the mercantile and manufacturing communities, the Minister, with that vigilant attention to the trading interests of the country which has uniformly marked his administration, has expressed a wish to adopt some plan that may stop the evil now existing, and give fresh energy to public credit.
We daily hear of new stoppages among persons, many of whom have ever been considered as men of large real property; on a very minute and fair enquiry into the truth of this supposition, we have the best reason to believe the fact is so; and that a very large proportion of mercantile houses, which have been lately obliged to suspend their payments, is still solvent, and well able to pay every demand in the course of time. At Manchester, Liverpool, and other large trading towns, particularly at the former, this fact is well authenticated; but the failures at the country banks have stopped the circulation of money so suddenly, that present engagements have not been able to be fulfilled.
FRANCE. NATIONAL CONVENTION.
APRIL 15.
The Convention were about to proceed to a discussion on the petition of the 48 sections of Paris, against 22 members of the Convention, when one of the Secretaries read a letter from the commissioners on the Northern frontiers, stating, that the French troops had been obliged to fall back on the glacis of Valenciennes. They ascribed this check to the treachery of the 10th regiment of foot chasseurs, posted in the advanced guard, who deserted on the commencement of the action. Letter from General DAMPIERRE.
Valenciennes, April 13.
The enemy attacked our advanced posts at this place in different points; they were, however, repulsed with considerable loss. In the advanced guard which I commanded we had much the advantage. I have resumed the camp of Famars. I cannot bestow too high praises on the courage and ardor of the soldiers. I can assure you, that in a little time the army will recover that superiority which it lost only by the treachery of those who commanded it.
(Signed) DAMPIERRE.
Barrere read a manifesto drawn up by Condorcet, respecting the insult offered to the national representation, in the persons of the four commissioners arrested by Dumourier.
APRIL 17.
Mauce and Garrande Coulon communicated some letters written to them by the commissioners Camus and Bancal; which stated that they were well; that they had been allowed pens, ink, and paper, and that they were conducted to Maestricht by easy journeys.
United States.
NEW-YORK, June 25.
Copy of a letter from a gentleman in Wilmington, North-Carolina, to the printer of the Daily Advertiser, June 16.
On Thursday last was brought into this port, an English sloop called the Providence, from Montego-Bay, James Robertson, master, a prize to the French privateer Le Vainqueur de la Bastille, Francois Henri Hervieux, commander—since when the privateer herself has arrived.
It appears that the Vainqueur de la Bastille, late the Hector of Philadelphia, was purchased in Charleston by Capt. Hervieux, an officer in the French navy, who having, through the medium of the Consul of the French Republic residing in Charleston, procured a commission for his vessel, armed her, and having caused the American papers belonging to the Hector to be deposited at the Custom House in Charleston, sailed on a cruise.
That between Cape Fear and Cape Roman, at the distance of 4 or 12 leagues from land, he fell in with the Providence, which he captured after having chased her some time.
Since Captain Hervieux's arrival, it having been rumoured that a certain Gideon Olmstead, formerly the owner of the Hector, had acted as an officer on board the French privateer, at the time of the capture of the sloop, although an American citizen, two magistrates of the county, in pursuance (as they supposed) of the proclamation of the President of the United States, thought proper to issue their warrant for apprehending said Olmstead—and, upon examination, conceived the evidence to be of a nature, and his case and situation, such as deferred to be submitted to the cognizance of the Federal Judiciary. They accordingly caused Mr. Olmstead to enter into a recognizance in the sum of 2000. for his appearance at the next district court, to be held for the district of North-Carolina, on the first Monday in July next.
Captain Hervieux is acknowledged to have treated his prisoners with unusual generosity, nor have they since their arrival in the harbor, been at all restrained of their liberty.
The Captain of the British sloop taking advantage of this indulgence, availed himself of the countenance and support he has received in this town, and by advice of counsel, has instituted an action of trespass against the commander of the privateer and Mr. Olmstead, in the sum of 2000. upon pretence that the capture was illegal.
Vexatious as is this suit, it will certainly be productive of the most serious inconvenience to Captain Hervieux, who is still in the custody of the sheriff, and will probably discourage that liberality in others which has prompted his conduct in this circumstance—since, far from releasing their prisoners in speedy humanity, caution will teach the French cruisers in future, the necessity of confining, at least, their English captives till they reach the territories of the French republic, or until the chance of war shall bring them relief and liberty.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Mr. FENNO,
As attempts are making very dangerous to the peace, and it is to be feared not very friendly to the constitution of the United States—it becomes the duty of those who with well to both to endeavor to prevent their success.
The objections, which have been raised against the proclamation of neutrality lately issued by the President, have been urged in a spirit of acrimony and invective, which demonstrates that more was in view than merely a free discussion of an important public measure; that the discussion covers a design of weakening the confidence of the people in the author of the measure, in order to remove or lessen a powerful obstacle to the success of an opposition to the government, which however it may change its form, according to circumstances, seems still to be adhered to and pursued with persevering industry.
This reflection adds to the motives connected with the measure itself to recommend endeavors, by proper explanations, to place it in a just light. Such explanations at least cannot but be satisfactory to those who may not have leisure or opportunity for pursuing themselves an investigation of the subject, and who may wish to perceive, that the policy of the government is not inconsistent with its obligations or its honor.
The objections in question fall under four heads:
 1. That the proclamation was without authority.  2. That it was contrary to our treaties with France.  3. That it was contrary to the gratitude, which is due from this to that country, for the succours rendered us in our own revolution.  4. That it was out of time and unnecessary. 
In order to judge of the solidity of the first of these objections, it is necessary to examine, what is the nature and design of a proclamation of neutrality.
The true nature and design of such an act is—to make known to the powers at war and to the citizens of the country, whose government does the act, that such country is in the condition of a nation at peace with the belligerent parties, and under no obligations of treaty, to become an associate in the war with either of them—that this being its situation, its intention is to observe a conduct conformable with it, and to perform towards each the duties of neutrality; and as a consequence

of this state of things, to give warning to all within its jurisdiction to abstain from acts that shall contravene those duties, under the penalties which the laws of the land (of which the law of nations is a part) annexes to acts of contravention.
This, and no more is conceived to be the true import of a proclamation of neutrality. It does not imply, that the nation which makes the declaration will forbear to perform to any of the warring powers, any stipulations in treaties which can be performed, without rendering it an associate or party in the war. It therefore does not imply in our case, that the United States will not make those distinctions, between the present belligerent powers, which are stipulated in the seventh and twenty-second articles of our treaty with France; because these distinctions are not incompatible with a state of neutrality: they will in no shape render the United States an associate or party in the war. This must be evident, when it is considered, that even to furnish determinate succours of a certain number of ships or troops, to a power at war, in consequence of antecedent treaties having no particular reference to the existing war , is not inconsistent with neutrality; a position well established by the doctrines of writers, and the practice of nations.*
But no special aids, succours, or favors having relation to war, not positively and precisely stipulated by some treaty of the above description, can be afforded to either party, without a breach of neutrality.
In stating that the proclamation of neutrality does not imply the non-performance of any stipulations of treaties, which are not of a nature to make the nation an associate or party in the war, it is conceded, that an execution of the clause of guarantee contained in the eleventh article of our treaty of alliance with France would be contrary to the sense and spirit of the proclamation; because it would engage us with our whole force as an associate , or auxiliary in the war; it would be much more than the case of a definite limited succour, previously ascertained.
It follows, that the proclamation is virtually a manifestation of the sense of the government, that the United States are, under the circumstances of the case, not bound to execute the clause of guarantee.
If this be a just view of the force and import of the proclamation, it will remain to see, whether the President in issuing it acted within his proper sphere, or stepped beyond the bounds of his constitutional authority and duty.
It will not be disputed that the management of the affairs of this country with foreign nations, is confided to the government of the United States.
It can as little be disputed, that a proclamation of neutrality, when a nation is at liberty to keep out of a war in which other nations are engaged, and means to do so, is a usual and a proper measure. Its main object and effect are to prevent the nation being immediately responsible for acts done by its citizens, without the privity or connivance of the government in contravention of the principles of neutrality. †
An object of this of the greatest importance to a country, whose true interest lies in the preservation of peace.
The inquiry then is, What department of the government of the United States is the proper one to make a declaration of neutrality in the cases in which the engagements of the nation permit, and its interests require such a declaration.
A correct and well informed mind will discern at once, that it can belong neither to the legislative, nor judicial department, and of course must belong to the executive.
The legislative department is not the organ of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations. It is charged neither with making , nor interpreting treaties. It is therefore not naturally that organ of the government, which is to pronounce the existing condition of the nation, with regard to foreign powers, or to admonish the citizens of their obligations and duties as founded upon that condition of things; still less is it charged with enforcing the execution and observance of those obligations and those duties.
It is equally obvious, that the act in question is foreign to the judiciary department of the government. The province of that department is to decide litigations in particular cases. It is indeed charged with the interpretation of treaties, but it exercises this function only in the litigated cases, that is where contending parties bring before it a specific controversy. It has no concern with pronouncing upon the external political relations of treaties between government and government. This position is too plain to need being insisted upon.
It must then of necessity belong to the executive department to exercise the function in question, when a proper case for the exercise of it occurs.
It appears to be connected with that department in various capacities—As the organ of intercourse between the nation and foreign nations—as the interpreter of the national treaties in those cases in which the judiciary is not competent, that is, in the cases between government and government—as that power which is charged with the execution of the laws, of which treaties form a part—as that power which is charged with the command and application of the public force.
This view of the subject is so natural and obvious, so analogous to general theory and practice, that no doubt can be entertained of its justness, unless such doubt can be deduced from particular provisions of the constitution of the United States.
* See Vattel, Book III. Ch. 6. Sec. 101. † See Vattel Book III. Chap. 7. Sec. 113.
Let us see then if cause for such doubt is to be found in that constitution.
The second article of the constitution of the United States, section first, establishes this general proposition, that "the executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America."
The same article in a succeeding section proceeds to delineate particular cases of executive power. It declares among other things, that the President shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States; that he shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties; that it shall be his duty to receive ambassadors and other public ministers, and to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.
It would not conflict with the rules of sound construction to consider this enumeration of particular authorities as derogating from the more comprehensive grant contained in the general clause, further than as it may be coupled with express restrictions or qualifications; as in regard to the co-operation of the Senate in the appointment of officers and the making of treaties; which are qualifications of the general executive powers of appointing officers and making treaties: because the difficulty of a complete and perfect specification of all the cases of executive authority, would naturally dictate the use of general terms, and would render it improbable that a specification of certain particulars was designed as a substitute for those terms, when antecedently used. The different mode of expression employed in the constitution in regard to the two powers, the legislative and the executive, serves to confirm this inference. In the article which grants the legislative powers of the government, the expressions are, "All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the United States." In that which grants the executive power, the expressions are, as already quoted, "The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America."
The enumeration ought rather therefore to be considered as intended by way of greater caution, to specify and regulate the principal articles implied in the definition of executive power: leaving the rest to flow from the general grant of that power, interpreted in conformity to other parts of the constitution, and to the principles of free government.
The general doctrine of our constitution then is, that the executive power of the Nation is vested in the President; subject only to the exceptions and qualifications which are expressed in the instrument.
Two of these have been already noticed—the participation of the Senate in the appointment of officers, and the making of treaties. A third remains to be mentioned—the right of the legislature "to declare war & grant letters of marque and reprisal."
With these exceptions the executive power of the Union is completely lodged in the President. This mode of constituting the constitution has indeed been recognized by Congress in formal acts, upon full consideration and debate. The power of removal from office is an important instance. And since upon general principles, for reasons already given, the issuing of a proclamation of neutrality is merely an executive act; since also the general executive power of the Union is vested in the President, the conclusion is, that the step which has been taken by him, is liable to no just exception on the score of authority.
It may be observed that this inference would be just, if the power of declaring war had not been vested in the legislature, but that this power naturally includes the right of judging, whether the nation is under obligations to make war or not.
The answer to this is, that however true it may be, that the right of the legislature to declare war, includes the right of judging whether the nation be under obligations to make war or not, it will not follow, that the executive is in any case excluded from a similar right of judgment in the execution of its own functions.
If the legislature have a right to make war on the one hand, it is, on the other, the duty of the executive to preserve peace till war is declared; and in fulfilling that duty, it must necessarily possess a right of judging what is the nature of the obligations which the treaties of the country impose on the government; and when in pursuance of this right it has concluded, that there is nothing in them inconsistent with a state of neutrality, it becomes both its province and its duty to enforce the laws incident to that state of the nation. The executive is charged with the execution of all laws, the laws of nations as well as the municipal law, which recognizes and adopts those laws. It is consequently bound, by faithfully executing the laws of neutrality, when that is the state of the nation, to avoid giving a cause of war to foreign powers.
This is the direct and proper end of the proclamation of neutrality—It declares to the United States their situation with regard to the powers at war, and makes known to the community, that the laws incident to that situation will be enforced. In doing this, it conforms to an established usage of nations, the operation of which, as before remarked, is to obviate a responsibility on the part of the whole society, for secret and unknown violations of the rights of any of the warring parties by its citizens.
Those who object to the proclamation will readily admit, that it is the right and duty of the executive to judge of, or to interpret, those articles of our treaties which give to France particular privileges, in order to the enforcement of those privileges: But the necessary consequence of this is, that the executive must judge what are the proper bounds of those privileges—what rights are given to other nations by our treaties with them—what rights the law of nature and nations gives and our treaties permit, in respect to those nations with whom we have no treaties; in fine, what are the reciprocal rights and obligations of the United States, and of all and each of the powers at war.
The right of the executive to receive ambassadors and other public ministers, may serve to illustrate the relative duties of the executive and legislative departments. This right includes that of judging, in the case of a revolution of
government in a foreign country, whether the new rulers are competent organs of the national will, and ought to be recognized or not: And where a treaty antecedently exists between the United States and such nation, that right involves the power of giving operation, or not, to such treaty. For until the new government is acknowledged, the treaties between the nations, as far at least as regards public rights, are of course suspended.
This power of determining virtually in the case supposed upon the operation of national treaties, as a consequence of the power to receive ambassadors and other public ministers, is an important instance of the right of the executive to decide the obligations of the nation with regard to foreign nations. To apply it to the case of France, if there had been a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive between the United States and that country, the unqualified acknowledgment of the new government would have put the United States in a condition to become an associate in the war in which France was engaged—and would have laid the legislature under an obligation, if required, and there was otherwise no valid excuse, of exercising its power of declaring war.
This serves as an example of the right of the executive, in certain cases, to determine the condition of the nation, though it may consequently affect the proper or improper exercise of the power of the legislature to declare war. The executive indeed cannot control the exercise of that power further than by its exercise of its general right of objecting to all acts of the legislature; liable to being overruled by two-thirds of both houses of Congress. The legislature is free to perform its own duties according to its own sense of them; though the executive in the exercise of its constitutional powers, may establish an antecedent state of things, which ought to weigh in the legislative decisions.
From the division of the executive power, there results, in reference to it, a concurrent authority in the distributed cases.
Hence in the case stated, though treaties can only be made by the President and Senate, their activity may be continued or suspended by the President alone.
No objection has been made to the President's having acknowledged the Republic of France, by the reception of its minister, without having consulted the Senate; though that body is connected with him in the making of treaties, and though the consequence of his act of reception is to give operation to the treaties heretofore made with that country. But he is censured for having declared the United States to be in a state of peace and neutrality with regard to the powers at war; because the right of changing that state and declaring war belongs to the legislature.
It deserves to be remarked, that as the participation of the Senate in the making of treaties, and the power of the legislature to declare war, are exceptions out of the general "executive power" vested in the President, they are to be construed strictly, and ought to be extended no further than is essential to their execution.
While therefore the legislature can alone declare war, can alone actually transfer the nation from a state of peace to a state of war—it belongs to the "executive power" to do whatever else the laws of nations, co-operating with the treaties of the country, enjoin in the intercourse of the United States with foreign powers.
In this distribution of powers, the wisdom of our constitution is manifested. It is the province and duty of the executive to preserve to the nation the blessings of peace. The legislature alone can interrupt those blessings, by placing the nation in a state of war.
But though it has been thought advisable to vindicate the authority of the executive on this broad and comprehensive ground, it was not absolutely necessary to do so. That clause of the constitution which makes it his duty to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed," might alone have been relied upon, and this simple process of argument pursued.
The President is the constitutional executor of the laws. Our treaties and the laws of nations form a part of the law of the land. He who is to execute the laws, must first judge for himself of their meaning. In order to the observance of that conduct which the laws of nations, combined with our treaties, prescribed to this country, in reference to the present war in Europe, it was necessary for the President to judge for himself, whether there was any thing in our treaties incompatible with an adherence to neutrality. Having judged that there was not, he had a right, and if in his opinion the interests of the nation required it, it was his duty as executor of the laws, to proclaim the neutrality of the nation, to exhort all persons to observe it, and to warn them of the penalties which would attend its non-observance.
The proclamation has been represented as enacting some new law. This is a view of it entirely erroneous. It only proclaims a fact with regard to the existing state of the nation, informs the citizens of what the laws previously established require of them in that state, and warns them that these laws will be put in execution against the infractors of them.
PACIFICUS.
Philadelphia, June 29.
Abstract of further European News.
Seven thousand English troops have arrived at Ostend—It is expected that Dunkirk will be attacked—The extent of territory which his Majesty the King of Prussia has acquired in Poland, is estimated at 1000 square leagues; with a population of twelve or thirteen hundred thousand souls—The Polish Noblemen at Vienna are set out to pay homage to the Empress and the King of Prussia—It is reported that the French ministry are taking measures to detach Great-Britain from the general combination of powers—A Spanish ship, the N. S. de la Concepcion, from Vera Cruz, taken by the French privateer Dumonier, is retaken by the Achilles privateer of Weymouth, and carried into Baltimore, in Ireland—this is another Register Ship, which was taken in company with that re-captured by the Phaeton Frigate—The bank of England
discounted in one day, bills to the amount of twelve hundred thousand pounds—The Anti-Catholic convention have voted an address of thanks to the King, acknowledging their gratitude for his generous recommendation, by which they have received substantial benefits from the wisdom and liberality of Parliament—also an address to the Lord Lieutenant—they also voted 2500l. for a pedestal statue of the King, and donations toundry of their friends—After exhorting their brethren to join in every constitutional mode of promoting a Parliamentary reform, they concluded by declaring that they now look upon themselves as freemen—and then dissolved the convention.
The Custom House Revenues (says an Irish paper) of the port of London have fallen in the month ending the 25th April, fifty per cent! The communication between France and Ostend was wholly stopped the 5th May. The French in their late attack on the Austrian lines made great Havoc in the Prince de Ligne's Regiment. The English and Hanoverian troops under the command of the Duke of York it appears have been in some of the late engagements with the French.—A number of valuable captures have lately been made by the French privateers from the English and Dutch. On a motion for receiving a petition from the town of Birmingham respecting a Parliamentary reform, Mr. Pitt was in the majority for receiving the same.
The partitioning of Poland by the Empress and King of Prussia is a measure that meets with general execration.
The Snow Pallas, Capt. Avery, arrived at New-York last Monday afternoon, from London. Advices by this vessel are to the 9th of May.
The May Packet is also arrived at New-York, from Falmouth, but brings no intelligence later than has been already published.
The Ship Laurens of Charleston, South-Carolina, bound to London, was taken by a French privateer and carried into Havre-de-Grace, on suspicion of having British property on board. The case of this vessel having been investigated by the Court of Commerce at Havre, it was decreed that the ship should be restored to her Captain and owners—and the owners and Captain of the privateer was condemned to pay all damages.
Governor Moultrie of South-Carolina, has issued a proclamation, prohibiting all vessels from the windward Islands from immediately proceeding to the city of Charleston, or until they have been previously examined; this order is in consequence of information received that a pestilential disease has lately been prevalent in Grenada and other West-India islands to windward.
Preparations are making in almost all parts of the United States for a splendid celebration of the great American Anniversary, the 4th July—
Hail the day! its triumphs tell, Then the pow'r of Despots fell— Raise to Seraphs the lay, This is Freedom's Holiday!
The militia guard which had been put on board the prize Ship William, was on Tuesday last removed, and the vessel delivered up to the captors—the President of the United States having, it is said, previously decided the question relative to her capture.
A French merchant ship, mounting 4 cannon, 4 swivels and a blunderbuss, is arrived at Baltimore, after having beat off an English privateer loop mounting 10 or 12 guns.
By recent information from the Southward, it appears that only four towns of the Creek nation are hostile to the United States. In the demolition of these towns, the Creek Chiefs say they are ready to co-operate with the whites.
The old American Company of Comedians, are arrived in town from New-York, we hear, the Theatre is to be opened the beginning of next week.
Extract of a letter from a Captain of a vessel at Falmouth, dated April 28.
"There is a very hot press here but not a man taken from any of the American vessels."
An India paper of the 29th Dec. printed at Calcutta—contains a melancholy account of the fate of Mr. Munro—only son of Sir Hector Munro—who lost his life by a Tyger.—Mr. Munro and some others had landed on Cox's Island to divert themselves with shooting deer—having fatigued themselves, at half past 3. P. M. they sat down on the edge of a jungle or thicket, to eat some cold meat—when a royal Tyger sprung from them from the bushes, seized Mr. Munro, who happened to be sitting down, by the head, and ran off with him as easily as a dog would with a kitten.—Three shot were fired which wounded the beast, who dropped his prey, but so horribly mangled that he died in great agonies 24 hours after. The Tyger was supposed to be 9 feet long and about 4 1/2 feet high.
By an Act of Congress, passed at the last session, the Gold Coins of England and Portugal, are to pass at the same rate as at present, after the first of July—that is, 89 cents the penny-weight. But the Gold Coins of France and Spain, and the dominions of Spain, will from that period pass at the rate of 87 cents the penny-weight.
Married, at Shirley, Virginia, his Excellency HENRY LEE, to Miss ANN CARTER, daughter of CHARLES CARTER, Esq.
ARRIVED at the PORT OF PHILADELPHIA, Ship Fame, Blunt, New-Hampshire Brig Houlbrooke, Hughes, Gibraltar Charlotte, Pride, Liverpool Schr. Recovery, Fortescue, Trinidad Two Siders, Poff, New-Providence Alexandria, Norris, Cape-Francisco Sloop Freedom, Cooper, St. Croix
PRICE OF STOCKS.
6 per Cents, 27 3/4 3 per Cents, 9 1/2 Deferred, 10 1/2 Full shares Bank U. S. 5 per cent. sqt.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 26, 1793. NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusive, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereinafter mentioned, viz.
 1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Carlisle, in the State of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-town & Carlisle.  2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek.  3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls.  4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning.  5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cuyahoga, and at the said Head Navigation.  6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga, and at the said mouth.  7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and up the said river to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cuyahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth.  8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto.  9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids.  10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town.  11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton.  12. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson.  13. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action.  14. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages.  15. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth.  16. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake.  17. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cuyahoga.  18. At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle.  19. At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadagheque Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadagheque Lake, and thence down the Alleghany river to Fort Franklin.  20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf.  21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh.  22. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.  23. At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.  24. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox.  25. At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Ouittanon, and at Ouittanon.  26. At any place or places from Ouittanon, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River.  27. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Village.  28. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively.  29. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville.  30. And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof. 
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.
One pound of bread or flour, } One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, } One quart of salt, } Two quarts of vinegar, } per 100 rations. Two pounds of soap, } One pound of candles, }
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depositions of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years.
The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.
Hercule De Sercey, From Legane, Island of St. Domingo, MAKES and sells all sorts of Mugs, Jocks, Porringers, Cups, Stew-Pans, Lamps, &c. in Tin, plain or japanned—He also mends old tin work. As he works cheap, he hopes for the public encouragement. No. 23, Race-Street, near Front-Street. June 22.
HERCULE DE SERCEY, DE Legane, Isle de St. Dominique, travaille en fer Blanc, de toute sorte de manieres a commande et a bon marche. A Philadelphia, ce 22 Juin, 1793. No. 23, Race-Street, pres Front-Street.
FOR SALE, BY MATHEW CAREY, At his Store, No. 118, Market-Street, PHILADELPHIA.
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January, 1787, to its termination in December, 1792, in twelve volumes, price, neatly bound and lettered, nineteen dollars and one fifth.
The opinion of the President of the United States, respecting this work, is as follows: “I believe the American Museum has met with extensive, I may say, with universal approbation from competent judges; for I am of opinion, that the work is not only eminently calculated to disseminate political, agricultural, philosophical, and other valuable information; but that it has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety. If to these important objects be superadded the more immediate design of rescuing public documents from oblivion—I will venture to pronounce, as my sentiment, THAT A MORE USEFUL LITERARY PLAN HAS NEVER BEEN UNDERTAKEN IN AMERICA, OF ONE MORE DESERVING OF PUBLIC ENCOURAGEMENT.” June 5.
JUST PUBLISHED, By Thomas Dobson, Bookseller, at the Stone-House, in Second Street, PHILADELPHIA, VOLUME IX, OF ENCYCLOPEDIA: OR A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, AND MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE, On a Plan entirely new: BY WHICH
THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS are digested into the Form of Distinct, TREATISES OR SYSTEMS: THIS VOLUME CONTAINS
HYDROSTATICS, Hygrometer, History of Japan, Leland, Jerusalem, Jews, India, Inlets, Insurance, Ireland, Italy, Kamtschatka, Knighthood, Language, Law, Legerdemain, with a great variety of Biographical and Miscellaneous Articles.—Illustrated with thirty-one elegant Copperplates.
CONDITIONS.
 I. The work is printing on a superfine paper, and new types, (cast for the purpose) which will be occasionally renewed before they contract a worn appearance.  II. The work is furnished in boards, in volumes or half-volumes, as subscribers chuse; the price of the whole volumes, five dollars each, of the half-volumes two dollars and two-thirds of a dollar each. Ten dollars to be paid on subscribing, the volumes or half-volumes finished to be paid for when delivered, the price of one volume to be paid in advance, and the price of each succeeding volume to be paid on delivering the volume preceding it. No part of the work will be delivered unless paid for.  III. In the course of the publication will be delivered about five hundred copperplates elegantly engraved in Philadelphia; which by far exceed in number those given in any other scientific dictionary. At the close of the publication will be delivered an elegant frontispiece, the dedication, preface, and proper title pages for the different volumes.  It is expected the work will be comprised in about eighteen volumes in quarto. The subscription will continue open on the above terms till the first day of September next, to give opportunity to those who are not yet subscribers, to come forward. Those who have subscribed, and got only a small part of the work, are requested to complete their sets, as far as published, as soon as possible, as after the first of next September, by which time the tenth volume is expected to be ready, the publisher will not consider himself bound to make up those sets which are not completed up to that period. Philadelphia, June 19, 1793.
Albany Glass-House.
The Proprietors of the Glass-Manufactory, under the Firm of
M C CLALLEN, M C GREGOR and Co. BEG leave to inform the public, that they have now brought their WINDOW-GLASS to such perfection, as will be found, on comparison, to be equal, in quality, to the best London Crown Glass.
Having fixed their prices at a lower rate than imported Glass, they are induced to believe, that importations of this article will be discontinued, in proportion as their works are extended.—They propose to enlarge the scale of this business, and as the success of it will depend on the patriotic support of the public, they beg leave to solicit their friendly patronage in the pursuit of a branch which will interest every lover of AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.
All orders for WINDOW-GLASS, of any size, will be received at the Store of RHODES and MACGREGOR, No. 234, Queen-Street, New-York, and at the Glass Warehouse, No. 48, Market-Street, Albany, which will be punctually attended to.
WANTED, six smart active LADS, not exceeding 16 years of age, to be inducted as Apprentices, and regularly instructed in the various branches of Glass-Making. Also, three Window-Glass Makers, to whom great encouragement will be given. May 1, 1793. epi2w
THE MEMBERS OF THE INSURANCE COMPANY OF NORTH AMERICA, Are desired to take Notice, THAT the Constitution requires Payment of One Dollar on each Share, on the Second Monday (the 8th Day) of July next, on Penalty of Forfeiture of the Money already paid.
Such Stockholders as have not made their second Instalment, are informed, that Payment will be received at the Company's Office, No. 119, South Front-Street, either on or before the said Day, as they may find it most convenient. EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. June 8. 1793. epi8j.
FOR SALE, 1360 Acres of excellent FARMING or TOBACCO LANDS,
LYING in the county of Amberst, in the State of Virginia, on one of the principal branches of James-River, within six miles of the latter, from whence it is navigable for boats of ten or twelve tons burthen.
Besides the advantages of these lands, for the farmer or cultivator of tobacco, they are supposed, from a small though successful experiment made by the late Col. Chiswell, to contain an abundance of metals, which, if not of a precious (as has been even supposed) are certainly of a very valuable kind. The better however to ascertain this fact, and place the purchaser on a safe footing, in so hazardous a business, as all those subterraneous researches, without the utmost certainty of an abundance of the desired ore, are supposed to be, every reasonable and necessary assistance or indulgence will be rendered those inclined to make the experiment, as well as every other necessary information given by the printer of this Gazette in Philadelphia, or JOHN NICHOLAS. Charlottesville, Virginia.
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 16, Wall-Street, NEW-YORK. THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE & SALE of STOCKS on COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch. Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to. (t.f.) LEONARD BLEECKER.
NOTICE.
THE STOCKHOLDERS in the SOCIETY for ESTABLISHING USEFUL MANUFACTURES, are requested to take notice, that the fourth and last payment is due, and must be made on or before the 18th day of July next, either to the Cashier of the United States Bank Office of Discount and Deposit at New-York—the Cashier of the Bank of New-York—the Cashier of the Bank of the United States in Philadelphia—or John Bayard, Esq. in the city of New-Brunswick, in the State of New-Jersey.—And that the shares of all persons neglecting to make such payment, and the monies by them previously paid, will then be forfeited for the common benefit of the said Society. That the subscriber is duly authorized to make the requisite indorsements upon the certificates of shares, and that books of transfer are opened at his office in Front-Street. NICHOLAS LOW. New-York, June 12, 1793. (epi13j)
GENERAL POST-OFFICE,
Philadelphia, May 27, 1793.
500 Dollars Reward.
WHEREAS a certain THOMAS SLOSS GANTT, has lately made his escape from Baltimore County Gaol, to which he was committed under a charge of having robbed the Eastern Mail, on the 28th day of January last: Notice is hereby given, that a reward of five hundred dollars will be paid at this Office, to any person or persons who shall apprehend the said Thomas Sloss Gantt, and deliver him into the custody of the keeper of the said Gaol, or into the custody of either of the Marshals within the United States, so that the said Thomas Sloss Gantt may be effectually secured, and forth coming to answer the above mentioned charge. TIMOTHY PICKERING, Post-Master General.
The following is a description of the above-named THOMAS SLOSS GANTT: He is about six feet high, straight and well made, has light coloured hair, tied behind, fair complexion and has a down look when spoken to.
City of Washington.
JANUARY 7th, 1793. A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners, on the 17th day of September next.—One fourth part of the purchase money is to be paid down, the residue at three equal annual payments with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Com'rs.
Extract of an Act of the General Assembly of Maryland, concerning the Territory of Columbia, and the City of Washington.
“Be it enacted, That any foreigner may by deed or will, hereafter to be made, take and hold lands within that part of the said Territory which lies within this State, in the same manner as if he was a citizen of this State; and the same lands may be conveyed by him, and transmitted to and be inherited by his heirs or relations, as if he and they were citizens of this State: Provided, That no foreigner shall, in virtue hereof, be entitled to any further or other privilege of a citizen.” Jan. 19. tf
T I C K E T S In the FEDERAL CITY LOTTERY, May be had at SAMUEL COOPER'S Ferry.
THE EDITOR MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible.—Those persons who have received subscription money on his account are desired to remit the same. The arrearages for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of this extensive publication. Philadelphia, June 26.
CIRCULAR LETTER,
OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Respectfully addressed to every Gentleman of Science in the Continent and Islands of America.
SIR, A SOCIETY has lately been instituted in this State, called the HISTORICAL SOCIETY, the professed design of which is, to collect, preserve and communicate, materials for a complete history of this country, and accounts of all valuable efforts of human ingenuity and industry, from the beginning of its settlement. In pursuance of this plan, they have already amassed a large quantity of books, pamphlets and manuscripts; and are still in search of more: A catalogue of which will be printed for the information of the public.
They have also encouraged the publication of a monthly pamphlet, in which is given the result of their enquiries, into the natural, political and ecclesiastical history of this country. It is requested that you would contribute to its value and importance, by attention to the articles annexed. The Society beg leave to depend on your obliging answer to these heads of inquiry, when leisure and opportunity will permit.
Your letters addressed, free of expense, to the subscriber, will be gratefully received, and duly noticed in the Society's publications; and you will have the satisfaction of contributing to the general stock of knowledge, with which they hope to entertain the public.
In the name, and by order of the Society, JEREMY BELKNAP, Corresponding Secretary. Boston, in Massachusetts, Nov. 1, 1791.
Articles on which the Society requests information.
 1. The time when your town or city was incorporated; its Indian name; when the settlement began; whether it was interrupted, and by what means; to what Colony or County it was first annexed; and if there have been any alterations, what they are, and when made.  2. The exploits, labours and sufferings of the inhabitants in war; particular accounts of devastations, deaths, captivities and redemptions.  3. Divisions of your town or city in parishes and precincts, or the erection of new towns within the former limits.  4. Time of gathering churches of every denomination; names of the several Ministers; the times of their settlement, removal and death; and their age at the time of their death.  5. Biographical anecdotes of persons in your town; or within your knowledge, who have been remarkable for ingenuity, enterprise, literature, or any other valuable accomplishment; an account of their literary productions, and if possible, copies of them.  6. Topographical description of your town or county; and its vicinity; mountains, rivers, ponds, animals, vegetable productions; remarkable falls, caverns, minerals, stones, fossils, pigments, medicinal and poisonous substances, their uses and antidotes.  7. The former and present state of cultivation, and your thoughts on farther improvements, either in respect to agriculture, roads or canals.  8. Monuments and relics of the ancient Indians; number and present state of any remaining Indians among you.  9. Singular instances of longevity and security from the first settlement to the present time.  10. Observations on the weather, diseases, and the influence of the climate, or of particular situations, employments and aliments, especially the effect of spirituous liquors on the human constitution.  11. Accurate bills of mortality, specifying ages and casualties, the proportion of births and deaths, and the increase or decrease of population.  12. Accounts of manufactures and fisheries, and thoughts on the farther improvement of them.  13. Modes of education, private or public; what encouragement is given to schools and colleges, and what is done to advance literature; whether you have a local library, what is the number of books, and of what value.  14. What remarkable events have befallen your state, county, town, or particular families or persons, at any time. 
P.S. The Corresponding Members of this Society are requested to transmit to the Corresponding Secretary, any historical information of which they may be possessed, respecting any part of the American Continent and Islands, together with printed acts and journals of Assemblies and Conventions, whether civil or ecclesiastical. And the Society will gratefully receive from them and from all other persons whatever, any books, pamphlets, manuscripts, maps or plans which may be useful in forming an historical collection—and any natural or artificial productions which may enlarge the Museum. The Library and Museum are deposited in an apartment of Faneuil Hall. Any person desirous of making a search among the books or manuscripts, many have access to them under such regulations, as may be known by applying to any one of the members.
Just published, By THOMAS DOBSON, At the Stone House, No. 41, South Second-Street.
A C A S E,
Decided in the SUPREME COURT of the UNITED STATES, in which is discussed the Question, WHETHER A STATE IS LIABLE TO BE SUED BY A PRIVATE CITIZEN OF ANOTHER STATE? Price Half a Dollar.