Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-08-31 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 131 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, AUGUST 31, 1793.
[Whole No. 453.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
No. II.
THE doctrine which has been examined, is pregnant with inferences and consequences against which no ramparts in the constitution could defend the public liberty, or scarcely the forms of Republican government. Were it once established that the powers of war and treaty are in their nature executive; that so far as they are not by strict construction transferred to the legislature, they actually belong to the executive; that of course all powers not less executive in their nature than those powers, if not granted to the legislature may be claimed by the executive: if granted, are to be taken strictly , with a residuary right in the executive; or as will hereafter appear, perhaps claimed as a concurrent right by the executive; and no citizen could any longer guess at the character of the government under which he lives; the most penetrating jurist would be unable to scan the extent of constructive prerogative.
Having referred to the lecture of the reader deductions which the author having omitted might not chuse to own, I proceed to the examination of one, with which that liberty cannot be taken.
"However true it may be (says he) that the right of the legislature to declare war includes the right of judging whether the legislature be under obligations to make war or not, it will not follow that the executive is in any case excluded from a similar right of judging in the execution of its own functions."
A material error of the writer in this application of his doctrine lies in his shrinking from its regular consequences. Had he stuck to his principle in its full extent, and reasoned from it without restraint, he would only have had to defend himself against his opponents. By yielding the great point, that the right to declare war, tho' to be taken strictly , includes the right to judge whether the nation be under obligation to make war or not, he is compelled to defend his argument not only against others but against himself also. Observe how he struggles in his own toils.
He had before admitted that the right to declare war is vested in the legislature. He here admits that the right to declare war includes the right to judge whether the United States be obliged to declare war or not. Can the inference be avoided, that the executive instead of having a similar right to judge, is as much excluded from the right to judge as from the right to declare?
If the right to declare war be an exception out of the general grant to the executive power; every thing included in the right must be included in the exception; and being included in the exception, is excluded from the grant.
He cannot disentangle himself by considering the right of the executive to judge as concurrent with that of the legislature. For if the executive have a concurrent right to judge, and the right to judge be included in (it is in fact the very essence of) the right to declare, he must go on and say that the executive has a concurrent right also to declare. And then what will he do with his other admission, that the power to declare is an exception out of the executive power.
Perhaps an attempt may be made to creep out of the difficulty through the words "in the execution of its functions." Here again he must equally fail.
Whatever difficulties may arise in defining the executive authority in particular cases, there can be none in deciding on an authority clearly placed by the constitution in another department. In this case the constitution has decided what shall not be deemed an executive authority; tho' it may not have clearly decided in every case what shall be so deemed. The declaring of war is expressly made a legislative function. The judging of the obligations to make war, is admitted to be included as a legislative function. Whenever then a question occurs whether war shall be declared, or whether public stipulations require it, the question necessarily belongs to the department to which those functions belong—And no other department can be in the execution of its proper functions, if it should undertake to decide such a question.
There can be no refuge against this conclusion, but in the pretext of a concurrent right in both departments to judge of the obligations to declare war, and this must be intended by the writer when he says, "it will not follow that the executive is excluded in any case from a similar right of judging &c."
As this is the ground on which the ultimate defence is to be made, and which must either be maintained, or the works erected on it, demolished; it will be proper to give its strength a fair trial.
It has been seen that the idea of a concurrent right is at variance with other ideas advanced or admitted by the writer. Laying aside for the present that consideration, it seems impossible to avoid concluding that if the executive has a concurrent right with the legislature to judge of obligations to declare war, and the right to judge be essentially included in the right to declare, it must have the same right to de-
clare as it has to judge; & by another analogy, the same right to judge of other causes of war, as of the particular cause found in a public stipulation. So that whenever the executive in the course of its functions shall meet with these cases, it must either infer an equal authority in all, or acknowledge its want of authority in any.
If any doubt can remain, or rather if any doubt could ever have arisen, which side of the debate ought to be embraced, it can be with those only who overlook or reject some of the most obvious and essential truths in political science.
The power to judge of the causes of war as involved in the power to declare war, is expressly vested where all other legislative powers are vested, that is, in the Congress of the United States. It is consequently determined by the constitution to be a legislative power . Now omitting the enquiry here in what respects a compound power may be partly legislative, and partly executive, and accordingly vested partly in the one, and partly in the other department, or partly in both; a remark on another occasion is equally conclusive on this, that the same power, cannot belong in the whole, to both departments, or be properly so vested as to operate separately in each . Still more evident is it, that the same specific function or act , cannot possibly belong to the two departments and be separately exercisable by each.
Legislative power may be concurrently vested in different legislative bodies. Executive powers may be concurrently vested in different executive magistrates. In legislative acts the executive may have a participation, as in the qualified negative on the laws. In executive acts, the legislature, or at least a branch of it, may participate, as in the appointment to offices. Arrangements of this sort are familiar in theory, as well as in practice. But an independent exercise of an executive act , by the legislature alone, or of a legislative act , by the executive alone, one or other of which must happen in every case where the same act is exercisable by each, and the latter of which would happen in the case urged by the writer, is contrary to one of the first and best maxims of a well organized government, and ought never to be founded in a forced construction, much less in opposition to a fair one. Instances, it is true, may be discovered among ourselves where this maxim, has not been faithfully pursued; but being generally acknowledged to be errors, they confirm, rather than impeach the truth and value of the maxim.
It may happen also that different independent departments, the legislative and executive, for example, may in the exercise of their functions, interpret the constitution differently, and thence lay claim each to the same power. This difference of opinion is an inconvenience not entirely to be avoided. It results from what may be called, if it be thought fit, a concurrent right to expound the constitution. But this species of concurrence is obviously and radically different from that in question. The former supposes the constitution to have given the power to one department only; and the doubt to be to which it has been given. The latter supposes it to belong to both; and that it may be exercised by either or both, according to the course of exigencies.
A concurrent authority in two independent departments to perform the same function with respect to the same thing, would be as awkward in practice, as it is unnatural in theory.
If the legislature and executive have both a right to judge of the obligations to make war or not, it must sometimes happen, though not at present, that they will judge differently. The executive may proceed to consider the question to-day, may determine that the United States are not bound to take part in a war, and in the execution of its functions proclaim that determination to all the world. To-morrow, the legislature may follow in the consideration of the same subject, may determine that the obligations impose war on the United States, and in the execution of its functions, enter into a constitutional declaration, expressly contradicting the constitutional proclamation.
In what light does this present the constitution to the people who established it? In what light would it present to the world, a nation, thus speaking, thro' two different organs, equally constitutional and authentic, two opposite languages, on the same subject and under the same existing circumstances?
But it is not with the legislative rights alone that this doctrine interferes. The rights of the judiciary may be equally invaded. For it is clear that if a right declared by the constitution to be legislative, and actually vested by it in the legislature, leaves, notwithstanding, a similar right in the executive whenever a case for exercising it occurs, in the course of its functions; a right declared to be judiciary and vested in that department may, on the same principle, be assumed and exercised by the executive in the course of its functions; and it is evident that occasions and pretences for the latter interference may be as frequent as for the former. So again the judiciary department may find equal occasions in the execution of its functions, for usurping the authorities of the executive: and the
legislature for stepping into the jurisdiction of both. And thus all the powers of government, of which a partition is so carefully made among the several branches, would be thrown into absolute hotchpot, and exposed to a general scramble.
It is time however for the writer himself to be heard, in defence of his text. His comment is in the words following:
"If the legislature have a right to make war on the one hand, it is on the other the duty of the executive to preserve peace, till war is declared; and in fulfilling that duty, it must necessarily possess a right of judging what is the nature of the obligations which the treaties of the country impose on the government; and when in pursuance of this right it has concluded that there is nothing inconsistent with a state of neutrality, it becomes both its province and its duty to enforce the laws incident to that state of the nation. The executive is charged with the execution of all laws, the laws of nations, as well as the municipal law which recognizes and adopts those laws. It is consequently bound, by faithfully executing the laws of neutrality, when that is the state of the nation, to avoid giving a cause of war to foreign powers."
To do full justice to this master piece of logic, the reader must have the patience to follow it step by step.
If the legislature have a right to make war on the one hand, it is on the other, the duty of the executive to preserve peace till war is declared.
It will be observed that here is an explicit and peremptory assertion, that it is the duty of the executive to preserve peace, till war is declared.
And in fulfilling that duty it must necessarily possess a right of judging what is the nature of the obligations which the treaties of the country impose on the government: That is to say, in fulfilling the duty to preserve peace, it must necessarily possess the right to judge whether peace ought to be preserved; in other words whether its duty should be performed. Can words express a flatter contradiction? It is self evident that the duty in this case is so far from necessarily implying the right, that it necessarily excludes it.
And when in pursuance of this right it has concluded that there is nothing in them [obligations] inconsistent with a state of neutrality, it becomes both its province and its duty to enforce the laws incident to that state of the nation.
And what if it should conclude that there is something inconsistent? Is it or is it not the province and duty of the executive to enforce the same laws? Say it is not, you cancel the duty to obey.
Take this sentence in connection with the preceding and the contradictions are multiplied. Take it by itself, and it makes the right to judge and conclude whether war be obligatory, absolute, and operative; and the duty to preserve peace, subordinate and conditional.
It will have been remarked by the attentive reader that the term peace in the first clause has been silently exchanged in the present one, for the term neutrality . Nothing however is gained by shifting the terms. Neutrality means peace, with an allusion to the circumstance of other nations being at war. The term has no reference to the existence or non-existence of treaties or alliances between the nation at peace and the nations at war. The laws incident to a state of neutrality, are the laws incident to a state of peace, with such circumstantial modifications only as are required by the new relation of the nations at war: Until war therefore be duly authorised by the United States they are as actually neutral when other nations are at war, as they are at peace, (if such a distinction in the terms is to be kept up) when other nations are not at war. The existence of eventual engagements which can only take effect on the declaration of the legislature, cannot, without that declaration, change the actual state of the country, any more in the eye of the executive than in the eye of the judiciary department. The laws to be the guide of both, remain the same to each, and the same to both.
Nor would more be gained by allowing the writer to define than to shift the term neutrality . For suppose, if you please, the existence of obligations to join in war to be inconsistent with neutrality, the question returns upon him, what laws are to be enforced by the executive until effect shall be given to those obligations by the declaration of the legislature? Are they to be the laws incident to those obligations, that is incident to war? However strongly the doctrines or deductions of the writer may tend to this point, it will not be avowed. Are the laws to be enforced by the executive, then, in such a state of things, to be the same as if no such obligations existed? Admit this, which you must admit if you reject the other alternative, and the argument lands precisely where it embarked—in the position, that it is the absolute duty of the executive in all cases to preserve peace till war is declared, not that it is "to become the province and duty of the executive" after it has concluded that there is nothing in those obligations inconsistent with a state of peace and neutrality. The right to judge and conclude therefore so solemnly maintained in the text is lost in the comment.
We shall see whether it can be reinstated by what follows—
The executive is charged with the execution of all laws, the laws of nations as well as the municipal law which recognizes and adopts those laws. It is consequently bound, by faithfully executing the laws of neutrality when that is the state of the nation, to avoid giving cause of war to foreign powers.
The first sentence is a truth, but nothing to the point in question. The last is partly true in its proper meaning, but totally untrue in the meaning of the writer. That the executive is bound faithfully to execute the laws of neutrality, whilst those laws continue unaltered by the competent authority, is true; but not for the reason here given, to wit, to avoid giving cause of war to foreign powers. It is bound to the faithful execution of these as of all other laws internal and external, by the nature of its trust and the sanction of its oath, even if turbulent citizens should consider its so doing as a cause of war at home, or unfriendly nations should consider its so doing, as a cause of war abroad. The duty of the executive to preserve external peace, can no more suspend the force of external laws, than its duty to preserve internal peace can suspend the force of municipal laws.
It is certain that a faithful execution of the laws of neutrality may tend as much in some cases, to incur war from one quarter, as in others to avoid war from other quarters. The executive must nevertheless execute the laws of neutrality whilst in force, and leave it to the legislature to decide whether they ought to be altered or not. The executive has no other discretion than to convene and give information to the legislature on occasions that may demand it; and whilst this discretion is duly exercised the trust of the executive is satisfied, and that department is not responsible for the consequences. It could not be made responsible for them without vesting it with the legislative as well as with the executive trust.
These remarks are obvious and conclusive, on the supposition that the expression "laws of neutrality" means simply what the words import, and what alone they can mean, to give force or colour to the inference of the writer from his own premises. As the inference itself however in its proper meaning, does not approach towards his avowed object, which is to work out a prerogative for the executive to judge, in common with the legislature, whether there be cause of war or not in a public obligation, it is to be presumed that "in faithfully executing the laws of neutrality" an exercise of that prerogative was meant to be included. On this supposition the inference, as will have been seen, does not result from his own premises, and has been already so amply discussed, and, it is conceived, so clearly disproved, that not a word more can be necessary on this branch of his argument. HELVIDIUS.
From the AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
MR. DUNLAP,
TWO Letters have just made their appearance respecting the threatened appeal from the President of the United States to the people, one from Mr. Genet to the President—Another in answer to that from the Secretary of State.
It is understood, that these letters have come to the public eye, through the channel of Mr. Genet.
What he could have meant by the promulgation, is truly a matter of curious speculation.
Did he intend by it to have it believed, that he had not made the declaration which is ascribed to him?
If this was his object, he has totally failed in it. His letter contains no direct denial of his having made such a declaration; though by an affected circumlocution, he endeavors to have the air of doing so—And his appeal to the President is artfully confined to the question, "whether he had ever intimated to him an intention to appeal to the People?"—He may never have expressed such a threat to the President—and yet he may have done it more exceptionally to others. Indeed it has not been asserted, that it was addressed immediately to the President—The contrary has been a matter of notoriety from the beginning.
What answer does the Secretary of State on behalf of the President give to his enquiry?
One certainly the reverse of confirming what Mr. Genet endeavors to have believed. The President declines giving evidence against the declaration imputed to Mr. Genet—with this reason for it, that whether made to him or others was perhaps immaterial; a clear indication of his belief that it was made to some body. Whoever knows the circumspection and delicacy, which are characteristic of the President, will conclude, without hesitation, that he would neither have entertained nor intimated such a belief without sufficient ground for it.
Did Mr. Genet intend by his communication to remove all doubt from the public mind, about the reality of a serious misunderstanding—

ing between him and the government, and the want of respect in his demeanor towards it?
If these were his objects, his success has been complete.
His letter informs us in direct terms, that he has complained to the President of the principles adopted by him—has remonstrated to him against the decisions resulting from them—has declared to him that far from manifesting a regard for the generous, friendly, and disinterested conduct of France, he had by his interpretation of the treaties between the two countries, sacrificed her interests to those of her enemies—that his conduct did not appear to correspond with the views of the people of America, or with their desire to observe with fidelity their public engagements, or with their regard for the cause of liberty.
From this sample of the language used by Mr. Genet to the government, as avowed by himself, under circumstances which certainly did not lead him to exaggerate his own improprieties, it is easy to discern what has been the true complexion of his deportment. It is easy to perceive, that it was more like that of an Eastern Bahaw to his slaves, than like that of the Minister of one, to the government of another sovereign and independent nation. It appears, that instead of endeavoring to convince the President of the supposed error of his construction—he has preferred the title of complaint, remonstrance and unhandsome imputation. Want of regard to France, and a sacrifice of her interests to those of her enemies are petulantly charged; and Mr. Genet, willing to become the instructor of the government, undertakes to lesson the President about the views, the desires, and the regards of the people.
After all this, he has the modesty to call upon the President to attest "that a difference in political sentiments has never betrayed him to forget what was due to the character and reputation of the President."
What is the answer to this?—None.—A profound and expressive silence gives an unequivocal negative to the assertion.
The people of the United States can now be at no loss to determine, that they have been insulted and affronted by this foreign Agent, in the person of their Chief Magistrate.
NO JACOBIN.
Foreign Intelligence.
Wednesday arrived the ship Adriana, Captain Robertson, from Liverpool. By this vessel English newspapers are received to the 6th of July, which contain the following Intelligence.
FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE.
OSTEND, June 16.
INTELLIGENCE has been received here, that the Dutch forces quartered at Menin, and a part of those at Ipres, had received orders to march, on the 11th inst. at midnight, in two columns, with a view to surround a body of French troops in the neighbourhood of Vervick; That the column under the command of the Prince of Waldeck attacked one of the enemies batteries, and were on the point of carrying it, when the Prince was dangerously wounded in the breast & thigh, & they were thrown into confusion & retreated. This corps being soon afterwards supported by the arrival of the column from Ipres, under the command of Prince Frederick of Orange, renewed the attack, and took possession of Vervick. The Dutch have lost on this occasion between 50 and 60 men killed, among whom are five officers. The loss on the part of the French is supposed to amount to 400 men killed, and upwards of 100 taken prisoners, besides several pieces of cannon.
The Prince of Waldeck died yesterday of his wounds.
The transports from England arrived here this morning without any accident, and are safely moored in this harbour.
This day's Gazette contains an order from his Majesty in Council to prolong the bounty for seamen and landmen unto the 1st August next.
His Majesty's most gracious SPEECH to both Houses of Parliament,
ON FRIDAY, JUNE 21, 1793.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
THE firmness, wisdom, and public spirit by which your conduct has been eminently distinguished on the many important occasions which have arisen during the present session, demand my peculiar acknowledgments.
Your firm determination to support the established constitution, and the zealous and general concurrence in that sentiment, which my subjects have so strongly and seasonably manifested, could not fail to check every attempt to disturb the internal repose of these kingdoms; and you will, I doubt not, in your several counties, encourage the continuance of the same vigilant attention to that important object.
The rapid and signal successes which in an early period of the campaign have attended the operations of the combined armies; the respectable and powerful force which you have enabled me to employ by sea and land, and the measures which I have concerted with other powers for the effectual prosecution of the war, afford the best prospect of a happy issue to the important contest in which we are engaged; It is only by perseverance in vigorous exertions, and by endeavoring to improve the advantages already acquired, that we can hope to obtain the great end to which my views are uniformly directed, the restoration of peace on such terms as may be consistent with our permanent security, and with the general tranquillity of Europe.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
I return you my particular thanks for the cheerfulness and dispatch with which you have granted the necessary supplies, & I am happy to reflect that you have enabled me liberally to provide for the exigencies of the public service in a manner so little burthensome to my people.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
The arrangements which you have formed for the government of the territories in India, and for the regulation of our commerce with that part of the world, will, I doubt not, secure and augment the important benefits which we have already derived from those valuable possessions. It has been impossible for me to see without concern the embarrassment which has lately arisen in the state of commercial credit, but the steps which you have taken to prevent the progress of that evil, appear already to have been productive of very salutary consequences; and while they have afforded a striking instance of your attention to the interests of my people, their effect has furnished additional reason to believe that the distress which has been felt proceeded from a concurrence of temporary causes, and not from any diminution of the real wealth, or any failure in the permanent resources of the country.
I have much satisfaction in reflecting on the effectual protection which I have been enabled to afford to the trade of my subjects since the breaking out of the war—I am at the same time persuaded that if our commercial interests had unavoidably been affected to a more considerable extent, it would not have been forgotten that we are contending for our future security, and for the permanent preservation of advantages the most striking and the most valuable which any nation has ever, by the blessing of Providence, been permitted to enjoy.
Then the Lord Chancellor, by his Majesty's command, said:
My Lords and Gentlemen,
It is his Majesty's royal will and pleasure, that this parliament be prorogued to Tuesday the thirteenth day of August next, to be then here holden; and this parliament is accordingly prorogued to Tuesday the thirteenth day of August next.
TURIN, June 15.
Intelligence has been received here, that on the 10th inst. a body of about 10,000 French troops attempted to dislodge the advanced posts of the Sardinian army at Raus and Authion in the county of Nice, commanded by the Generals Baron Colli and Baron Dellea, and, after an engagement which lasted near 8 hours, without interruption, were repulsed on all sides, and driven into the valleys, with the loss of about 800 men killed, and 1500 wounded, besides a number taken prisoners. The loss on the part of the Sardinians amounts to between 40 and 50 killed, and about 200 wounded.
OSTEND, June 28.
The Austrians have been unfortunately beaten at Arlon; they lost about 1500 men, their baggage and magazines. Letters from Paris mention, that the rebel army had been defeated by Gen. Biron, with the loss of 7,000 men, all their baggage and artillery. I do not vouch for the truth of this report, but I know that it comes from Paris. If Valenciennes be decently defended, it may hold out a month longer. As yet the besiegers have not opened any battery nearer than 300 yards; but they talk of beginning another parallel—a third.—Some people report, that the King of Prussia's army on the Rhine is so reduced, that were it not for the Austrians who are with them, they would be obliged to abandon the neighbourhood of Mayence.
PARIS, June 19.
SITTINGS of the JACOBINS.
Thursday, June 20.
The deputies from the department of Jura accused the administrators who, on the 4th of May, resolved to send deputies to Bourges. "Our administration," said the orator, "has raised some cavalry, consisting of the late Nobles, and all suspected persons whom the commissioners had ordered to be arrested. It has also raised a battalion of 800 men, as badly organized, and in which the rich have been preferred to the Sans Culottes. It ordered the following inscription to be put on the colours, "War to Anarchists!" So that our department is completely in a state of counter-revolution, and supported by an armed force. This is not all; the department declared that it acknowledged no longer the convention. The comonality of Dole could not forbear its cries of indignation, and the department has resolved to send an armed force to deprive Dole of its cannon and provisions. Dole will resist, and thus a civil war will break out."
FRIDAY, June 21.
The society decreed, that there should be sent, during the sitting, commissioners to the committee of Public Safety, to invite it to drive away all ex-nobles from civil and military places, and not to employ them in future.
Rouffillon required, that they should be exported to French Guyenne, and also all the Priests.
MUNICIPALITY of PARIS.
Wednesday, June 19.
A citizen of Havre read a paper, from which it appeared that aristocracy prevails in that city, "Twenty thousand signatures (said he) if necessary, will prove what I have asserted."
The council named commissioners to examine before the committee of Public Safety, the accusation which had been made against the administrators of the department de la Seine-Inférieure.
Chaumet read a letter from de la Chevardiere, commissioner at la Vendée, dated from Tours the 15th instant. He announced, that the rebels had evacuated Chinon the same day on which they had taken it, and that they marched against Angers; but by the arrival of the volunteers, and the courage of the army, it was hoped that they might soon be conquered. He added, that the rebels spared nobody; neither patriots nor aristocrats; to be rich, is with them to be a Jacobin. He demanded arms,
cannon, and camp equipage. (Referred to the commission of arms)
The Procurer of the commonality declared, that twenty-seven sections had adhered to the petition of the section of Pikes, which demanded a report of the decree for establishing a revolutionary army in Paris. In consequence of the sense of the majority, the council named commissioners to carry this address to the convention.
Chaumet represented to the council the dangers which surrounded the republic, and which threatened the city of Paris in particular: he named many departments that had declared themselves against the revolution of the 31st of May. Taking a review of the rebel army, he was alarmed at the progress it might make, if the most vigorous measures were not taken. He proposed the formation of a camp, which might be a nursery of warriors, a kind of a second line army, to protect Paris against the hostilities of the enemies of their country. He wished to submit this idea, by an address, to the Convention.
Thursday, June 20.
The administrators of Police moved, that the prisoners of war detained in the Abbey be removed to the temple, into the apartment formerly occupied by Louis Capet. (The Council passed to the order of the day.)
The council general resolved, that the Electors, the Jacobins, all the popular societies, and constituted authorities, do, on Sunday next, repair in a body to the Convention, to return the members thanks for having completed the constitution; and proceed afterwards to the Field of Federation, to swear to maintain Liberty, Equality, &c.
Friday, June 21.
Hebert read a letter, dated Moulin, the 19th of June, which announced that Brissot was about to be conducted to Paris under a good and safe guard: that there had been stopt in a town a person named Maskarena, a carrier of letters of credit upon Lyons, where he had friends, furnished with a false passport fabricated at Vernueil, and a partisan of Brissot; that he was spreading Brissotin letters in that department, that the flame began in the district of Gana; and that a lame man, named Colin, had also been arrested.
The council decreed, that the deputation which was to take place on Sunday, should meet at nine, in the morning, on the square of the Mason Commune; from whence it should proceed, preceded by the statue of Liberty, to the Convention, and from the Convention to the Champ de Mars. It moreover decreed, that this re-union should be in arms, and that the Convention should be invited as soon as possible, to submit the constitution for the acceptance of the departments.
A deputation of the society of female republican citizens requested to be admitted into the train.
Addresses from Clermont Ferrand, Chalons-sur-Saone, Macon, from the department of Herault, of Ingeriville, and the republican society of Nevers, brought testimonies of their adherence to the party of the mountain.
LONDON, June 18.
On Saturday morning, General Dumourier arrived in town from Flanders, and soon after, had a long conference with Mr. Rose, at his house in Palace-yard, Westminster.
JUNE 20.
The ex-general Dumourier yesterday sailed in the packet from Dover, which carried over the foreign mail to Ostend. During his short stay here, he had notice of several challenges; one gentleman painted the guillotine on a letter, and left it at Dumourier's lodgings, with his address enclosed, and others had declared they would spit in his face wherever they met him.
M. Dumourier during his short stay here, went to the bank, and transferred a small part of the very large sum of money standing in his name in our funds.
The allied troops before Valenciennes amount to 85,000 men. The artillery is the most formidable that ever was collected against any one place.
The Emperor of Germany is about to pay a visit to the army in Flanders.
JULY 2.
The Swallow, Captain Brooks, 26 days passage from Gibraltar, is arrived at Falmouth, with dispatches from admiral Crosby. She brings the pleasing intelligence of his majesty's ship Egmont having re-taken a Spanish galleon, one of the richest ever taken; and captured the French frigate, who took the galleon several days before. The French frigate is one of the new construction, mounts 42 guns, quite new, and the galleon was all the prize he had taken.
Valenciennes.—By the last accounts received in London, the town was totally destroyed by the combined forces, about a 150 cannon, having been incessantly firing upon it, for two days and nights.
The frequent effusion of innocent blood begins to operate powerfully upon the feelings of the lower descriptions of Parisians; and should the Revolutionary Tribunal soon exhibit such another scene of cruelty as was presented to the public a few days since, when twelve innocent persons lost their heads by the murderous guillotine, there is every reason to believe that the sanguinary reign of Marat will meet with a speedy end. Many of these victims excited the deepest interest from their youth, and the women particularly so, by their beauty and heroism! They made application to the Convention for a respite; but Thuriot, that worthy brother of Marat in iniquity over-ruled their request. They all suffered death about 12 o'clock on the 18th.
The fortitude of the Demoiselle Therese Moelleau, a young lady of the most exquisite beauty and mental endowments was univer-
sally admired. The blood-thirsty Jacobins who initiated the last moments of this unfortunate young lady and her fellow sufferers were answered by her, that their turn would soon come! They refused to receive the sacrament from the hands of the constitutional priests; and seeing the fatal instrument made the air resound with the cries of God save the King.
Mr. Thomas Paine has now lost all his character and popularity in France. His name is inserted in the minutes of the Convention among the other suspected Members. His fulsome flattery of the King and Queen of France and his cruel and illiberal reflections against Lord George Gordon, in "The Rights of Man," first induced Gregoire and Robert Spire to suspect him of being secretly pensioned; and his late conduct in the Convention, by attaching himself to the party of Pétion and Brissot has confirmed his disgrace. Hence followed the late resolutions of his constituents, the Deputies of the six Sections of the town of Arras, to adhere to the decrees passed since 31st of May, and their declaration that "Thomas Paine has lost their confidence."
JULY 4.
Dumourier was still at Ostend on Saturday last, anxiously awaiting his fate, the messengers he had dispatched to Brussels not having then returned.
Advices from Paris, dated the 26th ult. state that the new constitution was concluded that day, and decreed amidst the loudest applause.
M. Egalite is still a prisoner at Marseille, where he is more closely confined than ever—even his domestics being denied access to him.
There is now in prison at Portsmouth, a young French midshipman, not 15 years of age, who's conduct during the late action between La Nympha and Cleopatra, gave proof of extraordinary courage. Three of the French sailors under his command quitted their gun, two of whom he instantly ran thro' the body, and the third he shot dead with his pistol.
A most unlucky event has happened to the Austrian family, as may be learned from the following article.
Treves, June 16.
Yesterday morning, about 4 o'clock, a detachment of 400 Frenchmen marched against the Austrian post at Faha, Sintz, and Keippling. In this latter place, at the distance of half a league from Faha, they took his imperial highness the Arch Duke Joseph of Austria, with a picquet consisting of five dragoons, prisoners of war.
The article adds, that every effort was made to recover the Arch Duke, but in vain. The French knew the value of their chief prisoner, and hastened with him to the fort of Saar Louis.
The Spaniards have in the Mediterranean 37 ships of the line, carrying 2959 cannon, two corvettes, and 9 brigs.
Pethion, the once great and mighty Cromwell of Paris, whose repeated insults to the unhappy Louis, and whose charming connivance at the atrocities of the 10th of August and 2d of September will never be forgotten, is now a wretched outcast—at one time crying for his life to a mob, and at another escaping through a back window into a friendly ditch.—Is not this something like the vengeance of heaven?
Count de Byland, commandant of the fortress of Breda, when it was attacked by the French, and who, by the hasty surrender of it, not a little contributed to their subsequent success, has been sentenced by the court martial to be conveyed to the parade of Breda, where, in the front of all the garrison, he is to be stripped of all his military decorations, his sword is to be carried to the fortress of Loevestein, a state prison, where he is to be confined for the remainder of his life.
The troops in the pay of the Emperor amount to 225,374 men, exclusive of the artillery, staff, &c. which encreases the number to more than 300,000; to these an addition of 70,000 are to be made.
The dissolution of the national convention was a desperate measure, which must either accelerate the downfall or establish the Republic of France; that the former will be the case, seems to be the opinion of the best informed.
JULY 8.
Yesterday Dr. Mountain, the new bishop of Canada, was consecrated by the archbishop of Canterbury, at Lambeth palace. The bishops of London, St. David's, and Bangor, assisted at the ceremony, and afterwards dined with the archbishop.
The news of the capture of Samur by the royalists no sooner reached Angers, than the constituted authorities fled to Laval, with the archives, treasury-chest of the district, and several pieces of cannon; the citizens immediately formed a new government, and M. Boisselve de la Morouviere was elected mayor of the town; M. Rheille was chosen his deputy; the former, under the ancient government, had often filled the office to which he is now chosen, and the latter is an ex-constituent member of the convention. Their exertions restored complete order; all the state prisoners confined by the Jacobin faction were set at liberty, and the Jacobins fled to Laval, on hearing that M. De Bouchamp at the head of the royalists were approaching, and who arrived in two hours after; no excesses were committed by them. They proceeded to the Cathedral, where Te Deum was chanted, and the ladies all appeared in mourning for Louis XVIth, and waited on the commandant to congratulate his arrival.
Odd Bett.—A wager was offered in March last, of 500 guineas, that Dumourier would never come into this country.—The acceptor of the bet is of opinion he has won in consequence of his late visit.—The decision is left to the jockey club.

PUBLIC CREDIT.
We are happy to be able to announce (in the language of the commercial world) "that things are coming round again very fast." The funds keep rising gradually. The Bank of England, which some time ago was nearly drained of its cash by the bankers in the country drawing their money from London, is now again as full of specie as ever, and the clerks are completely employed in receiving it. As London is the FOUNTAIN HEAD of all trade, this will very shortly spread itself every where, and again replenish the country. On examining into the causes of the late commercial difficulties, perhaps they might be truly summed up in the word—PANIC. The instant general confidence is again restored, and people cease to be longer suspicious of each other—this bubble of panic will burst, and all will be right again.
N A N T E S.
The captain of an English vessel, who was prisoner of war at Morlaix, and who was suffered to return to this country on his parole, arrived on Saturday in an American vessel, and reported at Lloyd's, that on the preceding Saturday, the 29th of June, he saw the Paris gazette Le Moniteur, which announced the city of Nantes to be in the possession of the Royalists.
"When Monsr. de Maleherbes, in reading to the King the list of those who voted for or against his death, testified his astonishment at Manuel's not having voted for his death; the King replied, "that does not surprise me; it is rather Pethion who astonishes me—I will now give you my reasons."
"In the beginning of September, I was seated at this same table, when Messrs. Pethion, Manuel and Kersaint, came to me early in the morning. They told me, that every thing would be lost, unless some obstacle were thrown in the way to prevent the arrival of the King of Prussia at Paris. But that if he should come within ten leagues of the capital, there would be much reason to fear, that the people would massacre me, as well as my whole family; and that they would present our heads to the enemy. That it was in the retreat of the Duke of Brunswick alone that we could hope for safety. That if I could prevail on him to make his troops retire, they, and the Mayor and Procurer of the Commune, would sign, at the bottom of my letter to the King of Prussia, an engagement that our lives should be preserved. I engaged to write the letter, which was dictated by Manuel, at this table, at the bottom of which Pethion, Manuel and Kersaint, signed the engagement of the Commune. I then sent off the letter."
Letters from the camp of the allies near Nice, mention a smart action to have taken place on the heights of Cogola, on the 8th of June, in which the Piedmontese lost about 600 men, and the French between 4 and 5000.—The action was by no means decisive—neither having obliged the French to retire, and an apprehension of being attacked the following day, having induced the Piedmontese to abandon the posts which had been the object of dispute.
A very cheap method has been discovered, of under draining lands, by a farmer in Suffolk, which is found to answer completely in countries where stone or brushwood is scarce. The mode is by twisting straw bands, by means of irons made on purpose, to a size about twice the thickness of those which tie up trusses of straw, and which are laid down in the drain, and will last full as long in this way as wood.
PORTSMOUTH, June 20.
Capture of a French frigate.
This morning arrived at St. Helens, his majesty's frigate La Nympe, of 36 guns, Capt. C. Pellew, with the Cleopatra French frigate, of 42 guns, and 320 men, her prize, which she took after a most gallant contest.
Yesterday forenoon Capt. Pellew fell in with the above frigate off the Start; he immediately ran the La Nympe along side, when the action commenced, which lasted with unabating fury for about 50 minutes, when the Cleopatra's mizenmast and tiller were shot away, which rendering her unmanageable, she fell on board the Nympe.—Capt. Pellew then gave orders to board her, which were instantly executed, and the Frenchmen struck.
The killed and wounded on board the La Nympe, are as follows:
Killed—The Boatswain, 4 Midshipmen, and 20 men.
Wounded—The 2d Lieutenant, Lieutenant Whitaker of the marines, and 25 men.
The Cleopatra had near 100 killed and wounded; among the former was the French captain who fell the first broadside.
The Cleopatra was the frigate that hove in sight when the Venus, Capt. Falkener was engaging the Proserpine, the first and second captains of which were killed.
The commencement of the action between the Nympe and Cleopatra, was the most noble and awful that the naval history of the world ever recorded. The French captain ordered his ship to be manned, and coming forward on the gangway, pulled off his hat, and called out, "Vive la Nation!" when the ship's company gave three cheers. Capt. Pellew in like manner, ordered his men from quarters to the strouds, and gave 3 cheers to "Long live king George the third!" and his putting on his hat again was the signal for action, one of the most desperate ever fought. The greatest part of the time the two ships were yard-arm and yard-arm, and so close on board, that at least the Nympe's people on the tops actually went from their own yards to those of the Cleopatra, and cut the people from their quarters.
Philadelphia, Aug. 31.
Abstract of further European Intelligence.
The Spanish fleet is gone to bombard Nice—a Russian fleet with 12,000 soldiers which had been near Stockholm was to sail for the Mediterranean to co-operate with the British army—Gorras and Buzot have escaped from Paris—two of the proscribed members of the Convention—Brissot also made his escape, but it is said was taken at Moulines, and was under an escort carrying to Paris. Lyons has banished the Commissioners of the Convention—that city with many others, threaten to send an army to Paris. The insurgents, it was said in the Convention, make no distinction between aristocrats and patriots—but consider all the rich as Jacobins; but other accounts say they conduct with great humanity. The Corsican flag was flying on all the fortresses of that Island, except the city of Bastia, where the republican flag was still displayed.—Paoli it is said has revolted from the Convention. The camp of the allies before Valenciennes extends nine miles—numbers of persons in that city have been guillotined for having expressed a wish to surrender the city—there is plenty of provisions there for men, but none for horses.—There has been a great commotion at Brussels said to be instigated by Jacobin Emiliaries—it was not quelled till many lives were lost. A riot is said to have happened at Naples, on account of the dearness of bread.
A severe action has been fought between the Iris, an English frigate, and the Medee a French; the former had seven killed and 23 wounded—the loss of her foremast prevented her pursuing her advantage and the Medee escaped. The King of Spain has positively prohibited all trade and intercourse with France. An article under the Paris head of June 17, represents the late victory of Ganton as decisive of the fate of the Convention, and probably of the present form of government; his army is stated at 150,000 men. General Paoli has attacked the French troops at St. Florent. On the 23d June a member of the Convention said that two armies were on their march to Nantes—one of 30,000 and another of 50,000 men. Biron, who commands the Convention army, it was said was checked in his operations for want of bread—That there were 62,000 well armed men in the patriot army, to oppose the Royalists—It was decreed that the TOCSIN should be sounded in the Departments near Nantes.—The English paragraphists say that Ganton having been joined by a considerable portion of Santerre's army that had been sent against him, was on his march to Paris—It appears that after the capture of Saumur there was no strong hold between the Royalists and Paris. It is said that the King of Sardinia has marched an army over the Alps—being encouraged by the revolutionary spirit in the Southern provinces of France. General Custine it is said has been arrested and sent to the bar of the Convention as a Traitor to his country; 8,000 men from Custine's army have been detached to resist the insurgents in Britanny. The French State prisoners, Bourdonville, Camus, &c. still continue in the German fortress of Ehrenbreitstein.—Gen. Santerre in a letter to the Convention says, that in addition to innumerable enemies from within and without, they have a new one to contend with, and that is Desertion. The roads he says are covered with defectors from their armies.
Lord Maccartney's reception at Pekin, is said to be certain, an answer to that effect having been received at Canton from the Emperor. It does not appear that the trial of M. Egalite had been completed at the date of the last accounts—though there are reports of his having been put to death.—Mr. Paine it appears is among those members of the Convention who are said to have lost the confidence of the people; he has long been expected in this country—but it appears according to the English papers, that the Convention have taken measures to prevent his departure. Gen. Biron it is said has an army of 12,000 men with which he covers Nantes.—Custine arrived at Paris the 26th June—The Convention was occupied on the 26th and 27th in deliberating upon the fate of the imprisoned members. The Prince de Conti, of the House of Bourbon has delivered in a plain and unequivocal defence, in answer to all his accusations, by a statement of his benevolent and innocent life.
On the 17th June, Mr. Fox after a lengthy speech, made a motion in the House of Commons on the subject of the war—the substance was to present an address to the King, requesting that he would take the speediest, and most effectual steps towards a general pacification, or at least as far as Great-Britain is concerned.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Pitt, opposed the motion—he made an animated speech on the occasion—and on the question being put, the motion was negatived.—Ayes 47, Noes 187—Majority 140.
A subsidy treaty has been concluded with the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, for 8000 men, to be paid, if wanted by Great-Britain.
On the 7th July, Dr. Mountain, the new bishop of Canada was consecrated by the archbishop of Canterbury, at Lambeth palace.
Abstracts of State Papers.
Additional instructions to commanders of ships of war and privateers, from the British Executive, dated June 8, 1793, direct—1st. All vessels loaded wholly or in part with flour, corn or meal, are to be prevented from entering any port of France, or places occupied
by the armies of France; such vessels are to be sent to such English ports as may be convenient, and purchased on behalf of the British government, and the freight allowed.
2d. All vessels, whatever may be their cargoes, that are found attempting to enter any blockaded port of France, are to be seized and sent in for condemnation.
3d. That in case any port be declared blockaded by the King, the British ships of war and privateers are to warn vessels which appear destined to such port, not to proceed; but they are not to molest them afterwards, unless it shall appear that they have continued their course with design to enter the blockaded port.
Convention between Russia and Great-Britain.
A Convention between his Britannic Majesty and the Empress of Russia, signed at London, March 25th, 1793, states—That in consequence of the unjust and injurious aggression of the persons exercising the government in France, by laying an embargo on all the British and Russian ships which were in the ports of that country, and this aggression followed by a declaration of war—the King of Great-Britain and the Empress of Russia, have thought proper to concert together on the means of opposing a barrier to the danger which threatens all Europe, in consequence of such principles, views and conduct. The first article which follows this preamble, states, that they will exert all their endeavors for succouring and assisting each other in the course of the present war.—Secondly. For this end, they engage to employ their respective forces in carrying on the just and necessary war in which they are engaged against France; and they reciprocally engage not to lay down their arms but by common consent, without having obtained the restitution of all the conquests that France may have made upon either, or upon such other of the powers, friends or allies, to whom they shall see proper to extend this guarantee by common consent.
The 2d article provides for shutting all their ports against France.
The 4th, provides for preventing any powers not implicated in the war, from giving directly or indirectly, in consequence of their neutrality, any protection whatever to the commerce or property of France.
The fifth article refers to a renewal of the Commercial Treaty of 1766, between Russia and Great-Britain.—Sixth. The ratifications to be exchanged within 3 months.
This Convention is followed by another, signed the same day, for resuming and reviving, in all its force and activity, the Commercial Treaty of 1766.
Circular Letter of the Emperor.
A circular letter of the Emperor of Germany, addressed to all the circles of the empire, appears in the English papers. The object of this is to counteract the operation of French principles—to prevent associations, clubs, municipalities, &c. as tending to insurrections and innovations; to prevent the immigration of suspected Frenchmen into any part of the empire—to prohibit supplying the enemy with any warlike stores—excepting however the branches of commerce which are not specified in the letters of inhibition.—It enjoins that none of the States shall ever dare to refuse the obligations prescribed to them by the laws and welfare of the mother country, under the pretence of neutrality, or by any other evasion, grounded on private interests and on principles of politics, which clash with the engagements they have contracted with their co States.—This letter is dated at Vienna, May 12, 1793.
By the ship Andrew, Capt. Makins, arrived here Thursday from L'Orient, which place the left on the 3d of July, we are informed, that two severe battles had been fought between the army of the Republic, under Gen. Biron, and that of the Insurgents near Nantz, in which the latter were beaten and totally routed, with the loss of 7000 in the first action, and 11,000 in the last.
Capt. Makins says, he was with the officers of the Municipality when the Courier arrived with the intelligence of the defeat of the Royalists.—The actions happened on or about the 28th June.
Paris papers are received by the above arrival to the 29th June. An article under the head of National Convention, states, that information was received of the defeat of the Royalists.
The Concord Frigate sailed from Boston the 24th inst. She was saluted as she passed the Castle, which was returned by the frigate.
Four persons (said to be Americans) were committed to goal, in Boston, last week, being found on board a French privateer fitted out in that town.
A French frigate of 44 guns, is arrived in Patapsco, Maryland, and a brig of 16—also, an English ship, a prize to the above vessels—she was from Jamaica, and bound to New-York. A report prevails that there are a number of sick on board the French frigate and brig, owing to a malignant fever.
Tuesday last the General Assembly of this Commonwealth convened at the State-House, pursuant to adjournment. On Thursday the Governor met both Houses in the Senate Chamber, where he addressed them in a patriotic speech. The two Houses afterwards adjourned till Monday.
The Mayor has forbidden the making of Fires in the Streets—"Offenders will be prosecuted agreeably to the Ordinance."
The ship Ariel, Capt. Decatur, from Bourdeaux to St. Thomas, was carried into Liverpool by a British cruiser.
The Little Democrat, and the Carmagnole, failed from Newcastle on Tuesday morning.
Died, in this city, last Tuesday morning, Mr. Nathan BLODGET, of Virginia, in the 43d year of his age. Mr. BLODGET was a gentleman beloved and respected in life, and his death is greatly lamented.
STAUNTON (Virg.) August 10. By sundry letters from an officer in the Western country, to a gentleman in this town, dated July 2d, 1793, we learn the following.
"That Gen. Wayne with about 2000 men had arrived at Fort Washington on the 7th of May, and more were expected, they encamped on the banks of the Ohio, but were not expected to remain there long. Gen. Wilkinson on the 27th of May was encamped with a few companies of infantry, and one of artillery, at Ludlow's (on Mill Creek) five miles advanced of Fort Washington; he had opened a road from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton (about 27 or 28 miles) 40 feet wide, and cleared of every obstruction. A few days previous to this, Capt. Cushing had been out at Forts Jefferson and St. Clair, picking out the invalids, and all such as were not fit for actual service. These are to go to garrisons and the companies from which they are taken, will be filled up with those from the garrisons fit for immediate service. A large quantity of corn is taken to Fort Jefferson, where it is expected the greater part of the army will soon be. In the beginning of June Col. Strong, with a detachment of 500 men opened a road as wide, and in the like manner as that formed to Fort Jefferson, where they were expected to stay for the purpose of making hay, it was much apprehended this detachment would have been attacked, but there was not the least sign of an enemy: several men lost themselves, and on their return said they were chased by Indians—but it is probable this was all fiction. Every possible preparation was making for a campaign, but it would be some time before the consequence of the treaty would be known, and the necessary orders from the war department could reach the army if war was to be carried on."
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
  Ship Adriana, Robinson, Liverpool   Bacchus, Vanneinan, Oporto   Andrew, M'Kins, L'Orient   Brig Harriot, Holland, Pu back   Commerce, M'Pascle, Boston   Sloop Hope, Husley, Nantucket   Dorothy, Jackson, Virginia 
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  6 per Cents, 18 3/4   3 per Cents, 10 1/4   Deferred, 10 3/4   Full shares Bank U. S. 8 per cent. adv. 
Treasury Department, August 27, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given that proposals will be received until the 15th day of October next, inclusive, by David Henly at Knoxville, in the Territory South West of the Ohio, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
 1. At any place or places from the mouth of the River Tennessee to Ocoechappo or Bear Creek, on the said River inclusively.  2. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville.  3. At any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the southward, westward or northward thereof.  4. At Bledsoe's Lick, or any place or places between the said Lick and Nashville.  5. At any place or places from Bledsoe's Lick to the crossing of Cumberland river, along the new Trace, or at or near the great Salt Lick, and at the said crossing place over Cumberland river.  6. At any place or places along the said trace, from the crossing of Cumberland river to the mouth of Clinch river, and at the said mouth of Clinch river.  7. At any place or places between the said mouth of Clinch and Knoxville, and at Knoxville.  8. At any place or places on the north-western frontiers of Washington and Hamilton districts, in the Territory South of the Ohio, from the mouth of Clinch to the Virginia line.  9. At any place or places on the southern frontiers of the said districts of Washington and Hamilton.  10. At any other place or places in the territory South of the Ohio, not herein mentioned. 
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.    One pound of bread or flour,  } per 100 rations.    One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork,    Half a jill of brandy, rum or whisky,    One quart of salt,    Two quarts of vinegar,    Two pounds of soap,    One pound of candles   
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each fort or other stationary post, which is or may be established for the space of at least three months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemies, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depositions of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
Those who may become proposers are required to transmit without delay to the Secretary of the Treasury duplicates of their proposals.
The proposals will be decided upon at Knoxville aforesaid, where the said David Henly will make known the offer which is accepted, and will conclude the contract.

FROM THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To the person who, under the signature C. wrote against JONATHAN PUNDAR, in last Saturday's Gazette of the United States.
AT Jonathan's veses some puppies will growl, While others attack with a yell and a howl; But know, Mifler C. 'Tis the Mule's decree, That Jonathan's Stanzas shall live and be known, When your's to the bog-house of Pluto are gone.
All jobbers in paper, his lashes shall feel, And sharpers in office shall whimper and squeel: At a flirt of his pen, The lice of big BEN, Shall meet the reward they have long been in search of, While he and his Tories to Beelzebub march off.
From the POTOMAC GUARDIAN.
MR. WILLIS, I CONFESS I can no longer restrain my amazement at the cowardice and base spiritedness of us Americans. What! let the British, a conquered enemy, who heretofore was but a mouthful for us, now insult us— injure us—hang us like Tories! Ah me, Mr. Willis! if my neighbour, Cornelius Water-spout, or my trusty friend Slop-top, were at the helm of affairs, we would have other guests work o'nt—But no odds, some of them are determined to offer their service. Mr. Willis—the nation of Great-Britain—sound it, Sir—Is it more harmonious than the nation of the United States?—The Fleet of Great-Britain—compare it—is it more numerous, or more powerful, than the Fleet of the United States? And as to our armies, experience proves what vast bodies of valiant heroes we can muster. And now, Sir, all true Patriots cry WAR—War with Britain. The necessity and utility of WAR, I shall evince, by a few arguments which cannot be evited.
As if, all good governments have found it necessary to their well being, to prevent the introduction of an over proportionate quantity of riches—well knowing that riches introduce luxury, sloth, effeminacy. To engage in war hath been found an excellent expedient to prevent this—now the Americans being amazing wealthy, possessing vast riches, and moreover, being in great danger of falling into the forementioned evils, it becomes highly necessary that they should be impoverished—and that by engaging in WAR—For that this is almost the sole end and proper effect of War, is plain; and yet it is equally plain, that this desirable end will not be accomplished anick enough, by the present Indian War—hence the necessity of WAR with Britain.
The necessity of War may also be argued from the necessity of certain individuals amongst us. Many of our mercantile gentlemen, have been unfortunate in trade: they have contracted debts with British merchants, which they are now unable to pay; but War will pay British debts. Men of courage and enterprising spirit will make rare work among the enemy's merchant ships. They will repair their fortunes—restore the honour of their insulted country—add to this, Sir, that honour, national honour—calls loudly for WAR.
Further, Sir—WAR would lower the present enormous price of grain, by keeping it in the country; the Farmers would be reduced to reason, and we would be equally well served with European goods, considering the great number of Prizes that would be captured, by our men of War and Privateers.
And now, Sir, what is the proper inference from all this?—Why, let us gird our swords on our thighs, and smite our enemies, the British. Let us conquer Canada, and subject Nova-Scotia; like the great RAM in Daniel's, vision let us push Northward and Southward, and Eastward and Westward. We are hampered in our possessions—our population
is too great for our territory. Let our Grand Fleet block up the enemies in port, while hundreds of our privateers cover the ocean, and return safely home, laden with the spoils of our adversaries; and, let us never return our swords into their scabbards, until we have sufficiently humbled the little footy island of Britain; and established the liberty of our great good friends the French—For alas! without us they can do nothing.
I am, Sir, yours, &c. A FIERY DEMOCRATE, ALIAS ARISTOCRATE. Berkley County, &c.
To the Public.
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By Thomas Dobson, Bookseller, at the Stone-House, in Second Street, PHILADELPHIA, VOLUME IX, OF
ENCYCLOPÆDIA: OR, A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, AND MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE, On a Plan entirely new:
BY WHICH THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS are digested into the Form of Dictionaries, TREATISES OR SYSTEMS: THIS VOLUME CONTAINS
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Philadelphia, June 19, 1793.
INSURANCE COMPANY.
PHILADELPHIA, July 1st, 1793. NOTICE is hereby given to the members of the Insurance Company of North America, that the Directors have declared a dividend (to this day) of six per cent on the amount of the first instalment, and of one per cent per month, on the sums paid towards the second and third instalments, calculating from the first day of the month following that in which these payments were made. The Dividend will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives, at the Company's Office, (No. 119, South Front-Street) at any time after the 7th inst.
EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. As the members of this Company are much dispersed throughout the United States, the Printers in the several States are requested to give the above a place in their newspapers.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, By THOMAS DOBSON, At the Stone House, No. 41, South Second-Street, Medical Transactions
OF THE College of Physicians Of Philadelphia: VOLUME I. PART I. Price in boards One Dollar. Also lately published by T. Dobson, DR. UNDERWOOD'S TREATISE On the diseases of Children, with general directions for the management of infants from the birth, adapted both for the use of Medical Practitioners and private Families. TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. Price one dollar neatly bound.
War Department,
August 1st, 1793.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are intitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March last, and which will become due on the 5th of September next, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans, within the States respectively under the usual regulations.
By Command of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. H. KNOX, Secretary at War.
N. B. The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers for the space of two months.
Treasury Department,
August 10, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 14th day of September next inclusive, to furnish by contract the following articles of Cloathing, for the use of the United States, viz.
4,800 Hats, 5,120 Stocks, 5,120 Stock-Clasps, 20,480 Shirts, 5,120 Vests, 5,120 Coats, 9,600 Woollen Overalls, 9,600 Linen ditto, 19,200 pairs of Shoes, 9,600 pairs of Socks, 5,120 Blankets, 320 Caps, 320 pairs of Leather Breeches, 640 pairs of Boots, 320 pairs of Spurs, 640 pairs of Stockings, 1,520 Rifle Shirts.
The cloathing to be delivered at the city of Philadelphia; one fourth part of the whole number of suits on or before the 15th of February, one fourth on or before the 15th of April, and the remaining half on or before the 15th of June, 1794.
The articles must be agreeably to such patterns as shall be directed by the Secretary for the Department of War. Payment will be made as soon as the whole of the articles shall have been delivered. ept 14S.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NEW-JERSEY, } BY virtue of a Writ to me Sussex County. ss. } directed, issued out of the High Court of Chancery of New-Jersey, at the suit of William Shipley against John Ming and others; I shall expose to sale at Public Vendue, on the sixth day of February next, between the hours of Twelve and Five in the Afternoon of the same day, on the Premises, the following described Tract of Land, with its appurtenances, situate in the Township of Oxford and County of Sussex, beginning at a Chestnut Oak Tree, corner of Daniel Cox's land, and standing in the line of a former survey made to Thomas Stevenson, being marked with the letter B. and thence extending along Cox's line (first) south fifty degrees west fifty-five chains and seventy-five links, to a Black-Oak Tree corner of Joseph Shippen's land (second) south nine degrees and fifteen minutes, west ninety chains and sixty-five links to a forked White-Oak Tree, marked with the letters R and B another of the said Shippen's corners (third) thence north eighty degrees, east one hundred and forty-five chains, to a post on the southerly side of Paquagutte-River, being also a corner of John Reading's land (fourth) thence north thirty-nine degrees west, one hundred and thirty-two chains to the place of beginning, containing nine hundred and thirty acres with the usual allowance for roads and high ways—The same Premises are within eight miles of the River Delaware, and there is thereon a convenient Grist Mill with two pair of Stones—a Saw Mill in good repair, with a sufficient stream of water for their use—a Dwelling House, Store House, and several small buildings.
MARK THOMPSON, Sheriff. Dated 22d day of July, 1793.
T I C K E T S
In the FEDERAL CITY LOTTERY, May be had at SAMUEL COOPER's Ferry.
THE EDITOR
MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible.—Those persons who have received subscription money on his account are desired to remit the same. The arrearages for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of this expensive publication. Philadelphia, June 26.
THE Post-Masters and other persons who may collect Subscriptions for the Gazette of the United States, on the terms proposed in the address published in our last, are requested to forward their orders for the papers by the first of November next.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 26, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusive, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Carlisle, in the state of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-town & Carlisle. 2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek. 3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls. 4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning. 5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cuyahoga, and at the said Head Navigation. 6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga, and at the said mouth. 7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and up the said river to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cuyahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth. 8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto. 9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids. 10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town. 11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton. At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair. 12. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson. 13. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action. 14. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages. 15. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth. 16. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake. 17. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cuyahoga. 18. At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle. 19. At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadaghque Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadaghque Lake, and thence down the Alleghany river to Fort Franklin. 20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf. 21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh. 22. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio. 23. At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river. 24. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox. 25. At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Ouittanon, and at Ouittanon. 26. At any place or places from Ouittanon, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River. 27. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Village. 28. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tenessee to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively. 29. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville. 30. And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof. Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, } per 100 rations.
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depredations of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years.
The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.