National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-01-26 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
Vol. I.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 26, 1792.
NUMB. 26.
READ IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON MONDAY LAST.  Treasury Department, January 23, 1792.
SIR. I HAVE the honor to send herewith a Report, pursuant to the order of the House of Representatives of the 19th instant, and to be with perfect respect, Sir,
Your most obedient and humble servant, ALEXANDER HAMILTON,
The Speaker of the House of Representatives.
The Secretary of the Treasury, in obedience to the order of the House of Representatives of the 19th inst. respectfully makes the following
R E P O R T.
AT the close of the year 1790, there was a considerable surplus of revenue beyond the objects of expenditure which had required a provision to that period; which surplus, by an act of the 12th of August, in that year, was appropriated to the reduction of the public debt.
The statement (A) herewith submitted, will shew, in one view, all the sums, which according to the establishments heretofore made, and corresponding appropriations, have required and will require to be defrayed, from the beginning of the year 1791, to the end of the year 1792, amounting together to seven millions and eighty-two thousand one hundred and ninety-seven dollars, and seventy-four cents.
The statement (B) will also shew, in one view, the net product of all the public revenues for the same period, according to the best calculation and estimate which can now be formed of it, amounting to seven millions and twenty-nine thousand seven hundred and fifty-five dollars, and twenty-six cents.
The statement (C) exhibits a summary of the total annual expenditure of the United States, in conformity to existing establishments, amounting to three millions six hundred and eighty-eight thousand and forty-three dollars, fifty cents.
The statement (B) includes a view of the probable product during the year 1792, of the existing revenues of the United States, amounting to three millions seven hundred thousand dollars.
From these statements will result substantially the information which is desired by the House of Representatives, as far as it is now in the power of the Secretary to give it.
One or two matters however, may be proper to be added, with a view to greater accuracy.
There are certain instances, in which the estimates for appropriations have exceeded and will exceed the sums actually expended. Hence, the apparent excess of the expenditure as exhibited in the statement (A) beyond the product of the revenue, as shown in the statement (B) will probably not be found real. But the amount of these surplusses, or over-estimates, is not stated, because it is not, and in some cases, cannot now be ascertained, and it is likely to be very considerable; and because also if it should do more than counter-balance the excess alluded to, it will be safest to set off the surplus against those contingent demands which from time to time occur.
No deduction has been made from the annual interest, on account of the debt purchased. This has proceeded from a supposition that it will be deemed expedient by the legislature, to appropriate inviolably the interest of any part of the debt which shall be at any time extinguished, towards the extinction of the remainder. This point will be more particularly submitted in a report on the subject of the public debt.
All which is humbly submitted.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
Treasury Department, Jan. 23d, 1792.
(A)
STATEMENT of EXPENDITURES, made and to be made, pursuant to appropriations heretofore made, in conformity to the existing establishments of the United States, from the beginning of the year 1791 to the end of the year 1792, viz.
   AMOUNT of monies appropriated by an act of the 11th of February, 1791, making appropriations for the support of government during the year 1791, and for other purposes, Dols. Cts.     Sum appropriated by an act of the 3d of March, 1791, towards effecting a recognition of the treaty with the emperor of Morocco, 740,232 60   Sum appropriated by an act of the same date, for raising another regiment, and making a further provision for the protection of the frontiers, 20,000   Amount of monies appropriated by an act of the 23d of December last past, making provision, among other things, for the support of government, for the year 1792, 312,686 20   Sum to be advanced pursuant to the act making provision for defraying the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, 1,059,222 81   Amount of one year's interest on the public debt, foreign and domestic, during the year 1791, 2,172,141 61   Amount of one year's interest on the public debt, foreign and domestic (including that of the respective states assumed) during the year 1792, 2,060,861 40   Total expenditures to the end of the year 1792, 4,910,056 13   Dollars 7,082,197 74  
Treasury Department, January 23, 1792.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
(B)
ESTIMATE of the nett product of the PUBLIC REVENUES, during the years 1791 and 1792.
   Import Duties for 1791. Dols. Cts.     Quarter ending the 31st March 314,881 11   Quarter ending the 30th of June 1,345,303 49   Quarter ending the 30th of September 919,570 66   Quarter ending the 31st of December 600,000  
   Total nett products for 1791, of imports 3,179,755 26   Duties on homemade spirits, from the 1st of July to the last of December 150,000   Total nett revenue, 1791 3,329,755 26   Duties on imports for the year 1792, estimated at (D) 3,300,000   Duties on homemade spirits for the same year, estimated at (E) 400,000   Total nett revenue for the years 1791 and 1792, 7,029,755 26  
NOTES.
(A) The produce of these three quarters may be considered as ascertained. Though returns have not been received from all the ports for the entire period; yet so many have been received (including the principal ports) as to have admitted of a calculation with regard to the rest, not liable to material error. The produce for the year 1790, has served as a guide, in respect to the ports from which returns have not been received.
(B) The sum here stated, is altogether upon estimate: the time which has elapsed since the end of the quarter not admitting of the proper documents. It exceeds the produce of the same quarter, for the preceding year, fifty-five thousand seven hundred and seventy-three dollars and nineteen cents. If the ratio of increase of any preceding quarter, during the year 1791, had been applied to this quarter, the sum would have been considerably greater. But it is believed, that this would not furnish a just rule. It is understood that the importations for the last quarter of 1790, were much increased to avoid the additional duties which were to take place on the first day of the year 1791. And though the additional duty on distilled spirits, might at first view be expected to add to the product for the quarter in question, yet it is far from certain, that this was the effect of it. Extraordinary exertions were made to import distilled spirits prior to July, when the additional duty took effect, which may be supposed to have lessened the quantity afterwards—to as to leave it a question whether this article was more or less productive in that quarter, than in the same quarter of the former year. Making allowance for these circumstances, it does not appear probable, that the last quarter of 1791, will exceed the last quarter of 1790, in so great a proportion, as any of the preceding corresponding quarters.
(C) This sum is materially short of the originally estimated product, but from the returns hitherto received, it does not appear likely to be greater. This is owing partly to a decreased distillation of spirits from foreign materials in consequence of a sudden rise in the price of molasses, and partly to the obstacles which have retarded the complete execution of the law.
(D) The sum here estimated, cannot, in the nature of the thing, be accurate. It includes a compromise of opposite considerations. First, it contemplates an additional sum for the additional duty on imported spirits, which will be fully operative during the present year. Secondly, it contemplates the possibility that the disturbances in Hispaniola may tend to diminish the supply of several articles which are objects of considerable duties, and may proportionably diminish the revenue. Hence about one-third of the probable increase of the duties on spirits is added to the produce of the year 1791, and the aggregate is taken as the produce of the year 1792, abating two-thirds of that increase as an equivalent for other deficiencies.
(E) The same disturbances in Hispaniola may be expected to diminish the product of the duties on homemade spirits, by considerably reducing the supply of molasses; which added to the obstacles already alluded to (and which it will require yet some time completely to surmount) cannot fail to render the real product of these duties, in the course of the present year, materially less than the estimated product. Accordingly an abatement of about one-third is made in the present estimate.
Treasury Department, January 23d, 1792.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
(C)
ESTIMATE of ANNUAL EXPENDITURE, on the ground of existing establishments, viz.
   FOR the support of the civil establishments of government, including 40,000 dollars for foreign affairs, Dols. Cts.     Stated expenditure of the War Department, including 25,000 dollars for Indian affairs, 368,653 56   Pensions to Invalids, 382,731 61   87,463 60   838,848 77   Interest on the public debt, foreign and domestic, including the amount of the state debts assumed, 2,849,194 73   Total annual expenditure, 3,688,043 50  
Treasury department, January 23, 1792.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
AUTHENTIC.
(Never before printed.)
COPIES OF THE LAWS
Passed in the TERRITORY of the UNITED STATES, North-west of the River OHIO, By the Governor and Justices thereof, Agreeably to the Ordinance of Congress of July 13, 1787, and made out from the Original Records in the Office of the Secretary for the said Territory.
A LAW respecting Crimes and punishments. Passed September, 6th. 1788.
VI.
(Continued.)
MANSLAUGHTER.
IF any person or persons shall wilfully kill or slay another person without malice aforethought, he, she, or they,
so offending, shall be deemed guilty of manslaughter, and upon conviction thereof, shall be punished as at the common law hath heretofore been used and accustomed: Provided nevertheless, that if any person in the just and necessary defence of his own life, or the life of any other person, shall kill or slay another person attempting to rob or murder in the field or highway or to break into a dwelling house, if he cannot with safety to himself, otherwise take the felon or assailant or bring him to justice he shall be holden guiltless.
ARSON.
If any person or persons, shall wilfully and maliciously burn or cause to be burnt, or shall be wilfully and maliciously aiding and assisting in burning

any dwelling house or other building thereunto adjoining he she or they so offending shall be deemed guilty of arson, and upon conviction thereof shall be whipped not exceeding thirty nine stripes, put in the pillory and there be continued not exceeding the space of two hours; confined in gaol not exceeding the space of three years, and forfeit all his, her or their estate real and personal to this territory; out of which estate if sufficient shall be paid to the party injured his full damages: And in case death should ensue from such burning, the offender or offenders upon conviction thereof shall suffer the pains of death.
BURGLARY.
If any person or persons shall in the night season break open and enter any dwelling house, shop, store or vessel in which any person or persons dwell or reside with a view and intention of stealing and purloining therefrom, he, she or they so offending shall be deemed guilty of burglary, and upon conviction thereof shall be whipped not exceeding thirty nine stripes and find sureties for good behaviour for a term not exceeding three years, and upon default of sureties shall be committed to gaol for a term not exceeding three years, or until sentence be performed.
If the person or persons so breaking and entering any dwelling house, shop, store or vessel as aforesaid, shall actually steal and purloin therefrom, he she or they so offending upon conviction thereof shall moreover be fined in treble the value of the articles stolen, one third of such fine to be to the territory, and the other two thirds to the party injured. If the person or persons so breaking and entering any dwelling house, shop, store or vessel as aforesaid shall commit, or attempt to commit any personal abuse, force or violence, or shall be so armed with any dangerous weapon or weapons as clearly to indicate a violent intention, he, she, or they so offending upon conviction thereof shall moreover forfeit all his her or their estate, real and personal to this territory, out of which the party injured shall be recompensed as aforesaid, and the offender shall also be committed to any gaol in the territory for a term not exceeding forty years.
And if the death of any innocent person should ensue from the breaking and entering any dwelling house, shop, store or vessel as aforesaid in any of the instances aforesaid, the person or persons so breaking and entering shall be deemed guilty of wilful murder; and all persons aiding and assisting in breaking and entering any dwelling house, shop, store or vessel as aforesaid, or in any of the crimes consequent thereupon, as before pointed out, shall be deemed principals.
ROBBERY.
If any person or persons shall unlawfully and forcibly take from the person of another in the field or highway any money, goods or chattels, he she or they so offending shall be deemed guilty of robbery and upon conviction thereof shall suffer as in the first instance of burglary.
Whoever shall commit such robbery with personal abuse or violence, or be armed at the time with any dangerous weapon or weapons so as clearly to indicate an intention of violence, he she or they so offending, upon conviction thereof shall moreover suffer as in the second instance of burglary.
And in case any person or persons robbing or attempting to rob as aforesaid, shall kill or slay any person or persons defending him her or themselves, or others, or his, her, or their property against such robber or robbers, or person or persons attempting to rob, or in pursuing and endeavouring to apprehend and secure such person or persons so robbing or attempting to rob, he, she or they so offending shall be deemed guilty of wilful murder. And all aiders and abettors in any robbery as aforesaid, and in any of the crimes consequent thereupon as before pointed out, shall be deemed principals.
(To be continued.)
This day is Published and for sale by
THOMAS LANG,
No. 21, Church alley; An Essay on
COMMERCE and LUXURY.
Re-printed from the London edition—Price 1/6.
L O N D O N, Nov. 4.
Report of the Committee of the REVOLUTION SOCIETY, Nov. 4, 1791.
Gentlemen,
DIRECTED by the constitution of this society, your committee have now the honor of reporting to you their proceedings since the last anniversary.
Your committee have diligently attended to the interest of the society, founded, in their opinion, on the principles of irresistible truth. They have formed sub-committees, in order to facilitate, and prepare for publication, the valuable correspondence subsisting between this society and the nation which has made so glorious an exertion in favor of the unalienable rights of man.
Your committee would have rejoiced to present that correspondence to you this day, but the arrangement of it requires too much time. Your committee, however, come forward with exultation to congratulate you on the completion of the labors of the late virtuous national assembly of France; and will here briefly recite the names of those patriotic societies, both in that country and our own, who have honored this society with their correspondence.
Since the last report, those of France are as follows:
The assembly of commons of Paris, the societies at Auxerre, Arras, Brest, Bordeaux, Bayonne, Clermont, Serrand, Cognac, Grenoble, Hieres, Havre, Langon, Lisieux, Limoges, Mar seilles, Marrenes, Nismes, Paris (Young Friends) Rouen, Saintes, St. Servan, Thoulouze (Young Friends) Tours, Versailles, Valence.
Those in England are:
Cambridge, Manchester, Norwich, and Taunton.
All the letters from France express in the strongest manner, "affection for the English, and enthusiasm for liberty."—The following extracts from three of them, will give some idea of the bold, manly, and amiable sentiments which run through the whole.
From Mar seilles—"Englishmen, you are our elders, in the character of patriots. We have admired you for a century—for a century have we envied your happiness. Weighed down by the fetters of despotism, our lethargy was but as a sleep. The hour of our liberty is come, To-day we are men. We are worthy of you."
Englishmen! Frenchmen! Friends to the revolution and to the liberty of nations! let us be emulous in exerting the efforts of reason and genius, to establish over the whole surface of the habitable globe, the imprescriptible rights of man, and the rights of the legitimate sovereigns of the people."
From Brest—"The association of free nations becomes the dread of tyrants, and the signal of their inevitable fall. Your principles and ours propagate themselves—This sacred fire, in spite of the obstacles opposed to it silently spreads, and will produce, from pole to pole an explosion as terrible, as fatal to tyrants. Already our neighbours strive against despotism—If they are not already ripe for liberty, at least they feel the weight of their chains, and that is the first step towards it—The happiness which is preparing for us will give them new energy; and if we may trust to our presentiments and our wishes, all Europe will soon become brethren.—No, gentlemen!—Free Frenchmen no longer fear that generous Englishmen are endeavoring to destroy the glorious work of our constitution. You know too well, brave Islanders! the inestimable value of liberty, and your interests are now become common with our own. There are none but slaves who will engage in the conspiracies of despots—and what will avail the efforts of that senseless herd against men, whose motto is—to live free or die."
From the society of Young Friends at Paris—"May an amiable philanthropy, the triumph of that philosophy, of which you are the worthy apostles, succeed to the painful sensation of factious enmity, with the true cause of which the people of neither country were ever acquainted. And may our two nations, united by a kind disposition to love each other, and by that liberty which at last is common to us both, present to the whole world an impenetrable phalanx, against which the combined efforts of all the despots on earth will be exerted in vain. Gentlemen, you have
been called by a new name—"The Society of Revolutions"—You will not disown it; for you will never cease to desire them till revolutions shall be unnecessary; until freedom and happiness, the common right of all men, shall be in the possession of all."
Your committee also congratulate you on the revolution in Poland; on the progress which that country has made towards general liberty.
Gentlemen, your committee recollected, with a peculiar degree of satisfaction, that this society stood singly forward, firm and unshaken, as friends to the liberties of mankind, at a time when the glorious struggle in France seemed doubtful even to its best and bravest asserters.—In that important moment, you became a bright example to the rest of your countrymen, by unanimously adopting a motion of congratulation to that truly illustrious assembly, in the infancy and peril of their labors.—But while we rejoice in this pleasing retrospect, we cannot but very sensibly feel the irreparable loss which this society, this country, and the world have suffered by the death of the late Dr. Price, to whose worth no language can do sufficient justice. He was, indeed the Apostle of liberty, whose name will be recorded in the hearts of mankind, when not a trace of the existence of his calumniators shall remain.
Gentlemen, your committee look back with triumph to the glorious exertions in the year 1688. The principles then recognized and established are yours. They are the principles upon which you now act, on which, and as friends to your country, and mankind, you will continue to act, till political knowledge and the love of liberty, shall be so general, that the prostitution of the public press to the united purposes and corrupting wealth of the worst men in this country and the wretched fugitives from France, shall be no longer able to excite the ignorant fury of a misguided mob against the best, or rather the only friends of their rights and happiness.
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Jan. 23.
A petition was read, from Patrick Collins, praying compensation for services in the army, during the war—referred to the Secretary at War.—Also, a petition from Abraham Supplee, praying compensation for supplies furnished by himself and brother, to the army, during the war. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Lear, his Secretary, notifying that the President did this day approve and sign an act for extending the time limited for settling the accounts of the United States with the individual states—A written message was also delivered by Mr. Lear, from the President, as follows:
United States, Jan. 23. 1792.
Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives.
Having received from the Governor of Virginia a letter inclosing a resolution of the general assembly of that state, and a report of a committee of the House of Delegates, respecting certain lands located by the officers and soldiers of the Virginia line under the laws of that state, and since ceded by the Chickasaw Indians. I lay some copies of the same before you, together with a report of the Secretary of State on this subject.
G. WASHINGTON
The President's letter and the papers accompanying the same, were referred to the committee appointed on the third day of November last, to examine on the matter therein contained.
A letter was laid before the House from the Comptroller of the Treasury, covering an account of extra expences incurred by the late commissioners for treating of peace with the Creek Indians, which was read and ordered to lie on the table.
The House then, in committee of the whole, resumed the consideration of the
report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Catharine Greene, widow of the late major-general Greene. A motion having been made to indemnify the estate of the late major-general Greene for certain contracts by him entered into for obtaining supplies for the use of the army under his command.—After some debate on this subject, the question for indemnification was taken and lost, and upon motion it was ordered that the committee be discharged from further proceeding on the said report.
Mr. Bourne then laid on the table a resolution, for referring the Secretary's report together with Mrs. Greene's petition, and the vouchers accompanying it, to a select committee, with instruction to enquire into the facts which rendered it necessary for general Greene to become security to Banks and Co. and the nature, circumstances, and amount of the original debt, and the obligations entered into by general Greene for payment thereof; with an account of the monies or collateral security received by the obligees, or by general Greene in his life time, or his representatives since his death, in part thereof; and the eventual loss which his estate will sustain in consequence of the said securities; and after examining all the circumstances, and such further evidence as may be offered relative to the transaction, to report their opinion thereon to the House.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, covering his report, and sundry statements respecting the finances of the United States, made pursuant to an order of the House on Thursday last.—Read and ordered to lie on the table.
Upon motion, it was ordered that the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on manufactures be committed to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
The House proceeded to consider the report of the select committee on the message from the President respecting a letter from the Attorney-General—which being agreed to, a committee was appointed to bring in a bill in conformity to the same.
TUESDAY, Jan. 24.
Several petitions were read, praying compensations for services rendered, &c which were referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, select committees, &c.
A bill was reported from the committee appointed, relative to the office of the Attorney-General of the United States: which was read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole House on Friday next.
The House then, in committee of the whole, took into consideration the report of a select committee respecting an apportionment of the representation among the people of the several states.—The report is as follows: "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that a bill ought to be prepared for apportioning representatives among the several states according to the first enumeration; and making provision for a second enumeration, and for an apportionment of representatives thereon, to compose the House of Representatives after the third day of March, 1797."
The following amendment was proposed to the report: "And that no greater ratio be reported than thirty thousand inhabitants for every representative."—which resolution and amendment were, after some debate, agreed to, and the committee reported accordingly.
A motion was then made, by Mr Dayton, to amend the report of the committee of the whole by striking out all that followed the words "first enumeration"—upon which the question being taken, it passed in the negative—yeas 22, nays 36.
The question was next taken on striking out the amendment, relative to the ratio of representation, which passed in the affirmative; yeas 33, nays 26.
A committee was then appointed to bring in a bill in conformity to the report, as amended.
The House took into consideration the amendments proposed by the committee of the whole House to the bill respecting claims to half pay and invalid pensions, to which several amendments being made, the House adjourned without having gone through the bill.

PITTSBURGH, January 7. Extract of a letter from a person at Fort Franklin to his correspondent in this place, dated December, 29. 1791. "I arrived at this place after a disagreeable and fatiguing journey of six days. Immediately after my arrival we received very alarming news from the Cornplanter, that the western Indians were coming to cut off both him and us—the event of this, God only knows. By accounts from Indians we hear that 800 Canadians were in the action against our people the 4th of November last, and that 100 Indians were killed, and 400 wounded at that time."
Fort Washington, Nov. 27, 1791.
My dear Sir, I have the pleasure to make for you, agreeably to your desire, the following extract from general orders, and am, your humble and obedient servant.
W. SARGEANT.
Major HAMTRAMCK,
Head Quarters, Fort Washington, Nov. 27. 1791. Officer of the day, &c.
At the General Court Martial, whereof Major Clark is President.
Major Hamtramck, commandant of the 1st United States Regiment, was tried upon the following charges exhibited against him by Lieut. Colonel Darke of the Levies.
Unofficerly and unsoldierly behaviour in shamefully retreating from or for fear of the enemy on the 4th instant: Also, for scandalous behaviour in endeavouring to prevent a guard from going with provisions to relieve Fort Jefferson.
The court are of opinion that the charges exhibited against Major Hamtramck are not supported, and do acquit him with honor, which the General approves, and directs that he may be immediately released from arrest and hold himself in readiness for command for Vincennes.
The court martial is dissolved, WINTHROP SARGEANT, Adjutant General.
BOSTON, January 11.
Of the Corps Diplomatique , in Portugal, none support a more elegant style than Col. HUMPHREYS, the Resident from the United States—and in his attention to his countrymen none can exceed him. All his domestics are Americans—his state-coach was made at Philadelphia, and is drawn by four beautiful American horses. His Excellency, we understand, is shortly to be married to an accomplished young lady, of Lisbon—possessed of an immense fortune. "The fair reward the brave."
NEW-YORK, Jan. 21.
At a meeting of a number of Merchants and Traders of the city of New-York, at Corre's Hotel on Thursday, January 19, 1792, for the purpose of deliberating on the propriety of forming a NEW BANK in the said city.
Mr. ISAAC CLASON, in the chair.
The following plan was resolved on to be submitted to the public:
That a Bank be established by the name and style of the President, Directors and Company of the MERCHANTS BANK of New York.
That the capital stock of said Bank, shall not exceed one million of dollars, divided into twenty-five hundred shares of 400 dollars each.
That one hundred shares be reserved for subscription by this state, provided the legislature cause it to be made within fifteen months from the first day of February next, but in case such subscription shall not be made within the time limited, the Stockholders may make such disposition of said shares as they shall think fit.
That no person, Copartnership or body politic shall subscribe for more than ten shares for the space of five days, from the time of opening the subscription, after which time any number of shares may be subscribed for, not exceeding twenty.
That the first payment to be made, shall be two hundred dollars for each share, the other payments to complete a share to be made in such manner and proportion as the Directors shall require, giving the Stockholders at least twenty days notice.
That in order to give greater stability to this institution, no transfer or assignment of stock shall be made for the space of twelve calendar months from the date of subscription, except in cases of death or insolvency.
That as soon as twelve hundred shares are subscribed, a meeting shall be called of the subscribers, when a committee shall be appointed to frame a constitution for the Bank.
That a general meeting of the merchants and traders is requested at Corre's Hotel on Saturday evening the 21st inst. at 6 o'clock, to determine on the propriety of the foregoing plan.
January 23.
At a meeting of the supporters to the establishment of a Merchants Bank, at Corre's Hotel, on Saturday evening last.
Mr. Isaac Clason in the chair.
A motion was made and carried unanimously, to appoint a committee to wait on the committees of the State and Million Banks, to signify the inception of this Bank. That it is their will to
join the co-operations of the other Banks, in a petition to the Legislature for establishment.
During the absence of the committee, Mr. Clason vacated the chair, and on their return to report, Mr. Jacob Hallet was called on to fill the chair, when the committee reported as follows:
That the committee of the State and Million Banks approved a consolidation of the interests of all parties to effect the establishment of another Bank (so much required) in this city, and for that purpose recommended them to petition the legislature for the same as they were about to do, praying the legislature to pass a law for such purpose, under such restrictions as they in their wisdom shall judge fit.
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 26, 1792.
The following APPOINTMENTS are by authority. William Carmichael and William Short, esquires, are appointed Commissioners on the part of the United States, for negotiating a treaty or convention relative to the navigation of the Mississippi, with such commissioners as are or may be authorized thereto by his Catholic majesty.
We hear from New-York, that a Tonine Coffee-House is proposed to be established in that city. The committee appointed to superintend the business of the institution have given notice, that they will pay a premium of ten guineas to the person who shall deliver in, before the 20th day of February ensuing, the best plan for the building they propose to have erected, and a premium of five guineas for the second best plan. The edifice is to be four stories high, and to occupy a space of fifty feet by seventy, being the corner of Wall and Water-Streets.
A coal-mine has been discovered on the Lehigh in the county of Northampton, state of Pennsylvania. The coal yet found is small, but there is every reason to believe that by searching deeper it will be found larger; the quality is good. If this natural advantage is improved it will be a prodigious resource to this city, and cheapen the article of fuel, which now from the labor of transportation bears a high price. The Lehigh is a branch of the Delaware. The Trenton falls being rendered navigable, the transportation of coal from this mine will be cheap and easy.
The managers, and other officers of the Pennsylvania hospital in this city, have petitioned the legislature of this state for pecuniary aid to complete the said hospital on its original plan, and enable them to make it as extensively useful as the nature of such an institution demands.—It may be proper to add that the design of the benevolent founders of this hospital (in 1752) has been to fully answered, notwithstanding various calamitous interruptions, as to have been the cause of admitting (till May 1791) eight thousand two hundred and seventy-nine sick and indigent persons, out of which one thousand one hundred and four have died in the hospital, and five thousand two hundred and fifty-nine, have been discharged cured.
It appears from London papers that Lord Dorchester, (better known in the United States under the appellation of Sir Guy Carleton) late governor of Canada, did not leave that province with the entire good wishes of the people. About the time of his departure, a number of the citizens of Quebec were convened under pretence of public business, but, in fact, to draw up a complimentary address to the governor, and wish him a good voyage. Several of the persons present, previous to presenting an address, proposed a discussion of the governor's merits and his title to any return of thanks. This, however, was opposed, and the question being taken for an address or not, it was carried by a bare majority. The opposition was principally made by the mercantile body, who in their reasons for dissent, complain of many abuses under his Lordship's administration, particularly his having kept up a line of distinction between the English and Canadian French, and his almost total neglect of the mercantile interests of the province. The address, it is said, was mostly signed by placemen, pensioners, expectants, and hangers on from England, 'who have little or no interest in the general prosperity of the province.'
We are informed that at 4 o'clock on Monday morning the mercury in a very accurate thermometer Farenheit's scale, in this city stood at five degrees below 0.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Augusta county, Virginia, to the editor, Jan. 7.
"The first dawn of a spirit of improvement in this part of the country, is a proposition that has been recently made to establish a society for the improvement of agriculture. Certain it is, that there is abundance of room among us in these parts for improvements of that nature. Could we become possessed of the plan of the organization of the Pennsylvania agricultural society, and a brief account of the improvements or discoveries that have been made in consequence thereof, it would be of immense advantage to us in our proposed undertaking. Please to make enquiry on this subject, and if you transmit me any information of this kind you will be entitled to the thanks of, &c."
Extract of a letter from Pittsburg, Jan. 18.
"It is one of the happy consequences of uncivilized warfare, that a savage enemy cannot, for want of supplies, repeat the stroke they have once given, or take advantage of victories which fortune may have thrown in their way. Had they found themselves in a situation to take
the full advantage of their late success, we have every reason to think that this post must have been abandoned before the present time. At present our apprehensions begin a little to abate, tho' we are not yet entirely free from fears of an attack, as the hostile Indians have, no doubt, circumstantial accounts of our defenceless state. At present the Western Territory lies, in a manner, desolate, and what people are left, extremely disheartened—Governing, there, I do assure you, is by no means an eligible thing, and may be compared to the whimsical government of Sancho in the island of Barataria, nothing but alarm and disorder—or, in the sentiment addressed to Gen. Oglethorpe upon the first settlement of Georgia, it is
"—Like Death, to foreign O'er silent subjects and a desert plain." "Prudence seems to determine that the Ohio should be our boundary for some time to come; at least, if we go beyond that, let the settlers have an army stationed at different strong posts to defend them, and into which they might occasionally retreat."
Extract of a letter from N. York, Jan. 24.
"From the large quantities of lee that have been brought into this city for the fortnight last past, one would be inclined to suspect it was meant for an article of commerce next summer, if not of speculation. Numerous and mighty are the advantages of consolidation; and it is to be hoped those who speculate in the icy funds, may not be altogether disappointed in their views."
Extract of a letter from Boston, Jan. 15.
"A gentleman who arrived in town last evening from Portland, informed me, that just before he set out from that place, a vessel arrived there from the West-Indies; the captain of which spoke, within a few days sail of Hispaniola, a French squadron, a ship of the line and three frigates, which had on board count Dillon, and seven thousand troops, destined for Cape Francois, to quell the insurrection of the negroes." [U. S. Gaz.]
Extract of a letter from Barcelona, Oct. 8, 1791, to a respectable house in this city.
"Our last to you was under the 17th of August ult. and being since deprived of any of your esteemed favors, we have only to acquaint you of the present state of our grain market. Wheat from abroad will be in demand until our next crop, and your best quality will command R. V. n. 52 per quarter on board, equal to 19s. 6d. Pennsylvania currency, for two Winchester bushels."
"But as there has been a plentiful crop in Great-Britain, and permission granted there for exportation of grain, which together with the general peace effected in the North, that will facilitate the remittances of considerable quantities of that article from the Baltic; and will, together with the supplies from America, no doubt, occasion a considerable fall in this market. This advice is for your government."
"Since our said last advices, our wines and brandies have advanced 40 per cent. owing to our vintage not having produced more than one half the quantity of last year, and that the demands from all parts are very great."
At a meeting of the governor and directors of the Society, for the establishing useful manufactures held at the city of New-Brunswick, the 20th Jan. 1792. The following resolutions were entered into:
1st. RESOLVED, That the rivers Delaware, Raritan and Pasaick afford eligible positions for fixing the principal seat of the town and manufactures of the society.
2d. Resolved, That six members be chosen by ballot, who, with the concurrence of the governor, shall be authorized to fix the position of the principal seat of the manufactures of this society, and to enter into and conclude such contracts and engagements, either for the purchase of lands or for other purposes, relative to this subject, as they shall find most conducive to the interest of the society, keeping in view the necessity of obtaining a quantity of lands not intersected with private possessions, sufficient for the establishment of the town and factories of the society.
3d. That the faith of this society be pledged for fulfilling the engagements entered into, in behalf of the society, in pursuance of the foregoing resolutions.
The board proceeded to ballot for the committee, and the ballots being taken the following gentlemen were chosen, viz.
Alexander M'Comb, Thomas Lowry, John Dewhurst, Benjamin Walker, Archibald Mercer, Elisha Boudinot.
A true extract from the minutes.
ELISHA BOUDINOT, Sec'y pro tempore.
Translations from the Leyden Gazette, &c. October 28.
PARIS, October 21.
So neglectful have the criminal courts of justice been during the early stages of the Revolution, and such hosts of thieves and pilferers have been attracted to this capital by the prospect of national anarchy, that all our jails are crowded with incredible numbers of those abandoned characters. So long ago as last January the courts were behind hand in no less than twelve hundred criminal processes. Most of those are now finished, but, in the mean time, others have accumulated in a vast abundance.
BRUSSELS, Octo. 24. A new schism is gathering strength between the Imperial government and the states of Brabant. The latter obstinately refuse to recognize the sovereign council of Brabant on their present establishment. On the 17th
of this month the Duke of Brabant, the Empress's Regent in the low countries caused sentence of contumacy to be pronounced against the Brabanters, with a retort to certain resolutions passed by them in May last, in which they call the Emperor's jurisdiction over them, illegal. The Duke, with the accustomed formality, tore the resolutions in pieces, the day before yesterday, in the sovereign council chamber, amidst the shouts and applause of a great number of persons assembled on the occasion.
October 25. On the 18th, sentence was executed upon those persons who traitorously surrendered the Citadel of d'Anvers, in 1790. Major General de Gavaux and his accomplices, Col. Solares, Captain du Hamel, and others were condemned to be hanged; but having previously made their escape, the Sieur Gavaux was executed in Effigy, and Labels containing the names of the others were nailed to the gallows. Captain Sack, of the artillery, was carried to the place of execution, degraded of his commission, declared infamous, carried to the fortress in lions, and condemned to four years close imprisonment. Others have been punished in proportion to their criminality.
From the Connecticut Courant. Serious Hints on a very serious Subject.
THE Indian war is very unpopular. Why? Say the Friends of the war, because it has been unsuccessful. No, this is not the reason. It is because, ill-success has called the attention of people to the subject.
What excuse have we for waging war with the Indians? Why this: the savage fellows make war on our frontier settlements, and kill and scalp the whites. Then establish forts and garrisons on the Ohio, and a sufficient number of chosen light troops to scour the borders of the rivers, and keep the straggling Indians at a distance. Cannot this be done? But this is all that can be done. We must make peace with them or kill them—But we can do neither. It lies with them to say whether they make peace or not; and in order to kill them, we must first catch them. We must set traps for them, or put salt on their tails.
But why send large bodies of men after Indians; and let them know a year before hand what is to be done? Why send cannon into the woods after Indians? The Indians learn war from us, why not we learn of them? Why not fight them in their own way, with small parties, in the bushes, by surprise, when a handful are to be found alone? Why alarm them, and give them time to collect warriors from Lake Superior?
But is the land where we go in quest of Indians, ours? Is the Indian title extinguished, bonafide, in good conscience? If not, what right have we on the ground? But the Indians will not keep their own limits—they trespass and murder our people on their own ground. Then contract our frontiers as much as possible—send force enough to defend them—and if our people trespass on Indian property, let them be scalped.—But we want to make sale of the western lands to sink our debts. We do not. We do not want a foot of land. We have more vacant land, within safe limits, than will be settled these thirty years: and if there was not a savage on this side the Mississippi, Congress would do wrong to open a Land-Office for the sale of the lands in controversy.
Let Pennsylvania, New-York, and Kentucky be first settled—well peopled—and the land farther west will be valuable. The population in those states is rapid—a few years will see a body of men in the neighborhood of these fields of blood which will be able to cope with all the Indians on this side the Mississippi; and when that force is near, the Indians will recede gradually and leave the land or sell it willingly, without bloodshed. Let offensive operations cease. They are calculated for land jobbers merely—they are fatally ruinous, without a public object.
But if money must be expended to kill Indians, offer to the whites and friendly Indians a large bounty upon Indian scalps; five, nay ten dollars a scalp. We shall soon see that country clear of savages. Start not at this proposal, as dishonorable. It is not dishonorable. If war must be carried on, by us, it is the most proper way of doing it, for it is the Indian way—and the laws of war urge for retaliation. It is shocking, it is monstrous to send solid columns of men into the woods, to stand as marks to be shot at by an enemy in the grass. Offer bounties for scalps, and prompt the avarice of men, in a war where no glory is to be obtained. Until the mode of war is changed, our men do not fight on equal terms.
Besides, a different mode of war will be less expensive. Have we money to throw away? It should be considered, that while our public expenditures are increasing, our revenues are failing. The duties on spirits have diminished the consumption in this part of the country to a most obvious degree; while the disturbances in the Islands check the importation, so that the revenue must in all probability fall far short of calculation.—How then is the Indian war to be supported? Perhaps—by hiring soldiers for—one dollar a month.—All which is humbly submitted to wiser heads.
PRICE OF STOCK.
Funded Debt.
Six per cents, for cash, - 25/7. Three per cents, - - - 15/4. Deferred six per cents, - - - 15/7.
Unfunded Debt.
Final settlements, - - - 22/6. Indents due previous to 1788, 14/. Six per cents, p. & d. in April 26/5. Bank Stock 1-2 Shares 112, per cent. advance. — at sixty days - 114-115 — at four months, - 121. Full shares at four months 72.

PALEMON to LAVINIA†.
A MIDST these shades, and heart depressing glooms What comfort shall I give—what can I say! Come here, and sit with me—let's talk of tombs, For this, Lavinia, is a cloudy day.
Say, do I wake?—or are my woes a dream; If so—dread vision! waft me far away; Remove me quick from this sky-glancing stream That glides, unconscious, to the Indian bay.
Alcander!—ah—what tears for thee must flow— What doom awaits the wretch that murder'd thee! May never flower in his curs'd garden blow, May never fruit adorn his hated tree!
May that fine spark, which Nature lent to man, Reason! be thou extinguish'd in his brain, Sudden his doom, contracted be his span, Ne'er to exist, or rise from dust again.
May no kind genius save his step from harms, Where'er he fails, may tempests rend the sea; May never maiden yield to him her charms, Nor prattling infant hang upon his knee!
The pensive priest accosts me with a sigh: With movement slow, in sable robes he came; But why so sad, philosopher,—ah, why, Since from the tomb alone—all bliss we claim?
Retire, retire from this disastrous shore; Dark is the sun when woes like these dismay— I quit my groves, and view with joy no more, The fragrant orange, and the flowret gay!
† Occasioned by a melancholy event mentioned in the history of Louisiana. O'Reilly, governor of the Spanish territories in those parts, discovering a number of citizens engaged in a conspiracy to deliver up the province to the French, invited forty of them to dinner; who having dined, were instantly ordered to be banged in sight of the whole town of New-Orleans. The above lines are founded on this tragical event, and may be supposed to have been written by a person nearly connected in family and friendship with one of the unfortunate sufferers. G. D.
The Protest of the Princes of the House of Bourbon, against the Acceptance of the Constitution.
"IT is in vain that an unfortunate monarch, always captive, though free in appearance, has consented to the ruin of his faithful subjects—to the ruin of the monarchy—by accepting a pretended constitution of the empire; it is in vain that he has signed his own degradation; this sanction which the king has given in fact to a monstrous code, is really no sanction in right. And who can be persuaded of the legality of such an assent, while every thing proclaims the contrary?
"Can a prince, left alone amidst usurpers, surrounded with the wrecks of his own throne, encompassed by fears and menaces, beset by intrigue, have freedom of choice; is not every consent null?
"Freedom consists in being able to chuse without danger, and without fear; it cannot exist without this condition, and consent is null, when refusal would hazard the safety and property of him who gives it. If the king had refused to accept the constitution, he would have been deprived of the crown; so had the usurping assembly decreed. And in rejecting with disdain a degraded crown, and presented by a seditious assembly, was the king master of the choice of his asylum? and would he not have exposed his person, and all that was still more dear to him, to outrage, and his faithful subjects to proscription, to murder, and to conflagration?
"Without doubt, had Louis XVI. entertained the hope of dying at least with glory, if his blood could have saved France, the inheritor of the virtues of Henry IV. would have displayed his courage. Forced to obtain his inheritance by conquest, he would, like him, have been the victor and the father of his subjects; and, like him, would have compelled them to become happy. But what can courage do without support! Henry had an army; while Louis, alone, betrayed, abandoned, captive in the hands of his enemies, without auxiliaries, forced even to regret the happy obscurity of the meanest of his subjects, in the midst of an importunate crowd, who served rather to besiege than defend him, found not even one friend to share his sorrows, and wipe away his tears.
"The king then could form no other determination than that which he adopted, without hazarding the loss of his crown, and perhaps of his life. His degradation, and even his death, would have been an useless sacrifice to honour; it would have caused France long and fruitless remorse, but could not have saved it.
"The king then was not free; his sanction is therefore null: and in this case to disobey illusory orders, is to give the strongest and most courageous proof of obedience and fidelity; it is to serve the real monarch, it is to serve God and our country.
"Scarcely could this pretended assent be credited, if the king had proclaimed it amidst his family, surrounded with his ancient and faithful servants, with all his military household, in fine, with all the splendor of his former power. Then the royal assent, though the occasion of so much ruin, would nevertheless have been recognized as just, at least reputed free; then we might have condemned the error of the prince, but should not have wept over his chains; then the fact would have been incontestible, we could only have disputed the right.
"In fact, even if the king had enjoyed full possession of his liberty, would he have had the right to sanction laws contrary to the fundamental laws of the kingdom? Could he, from a mistaken generosity, and in the expectation of a deceitful calm, have sacrificed, along with himself, his family, his successors, the true happiness of the people, generations present and to come? Could he give a valid approbation to the pretended constitution, which has occasioned so many misfortunes? Possessor for life of the throne which he received from his ancestors, could the king, in alienating his primordial rights, destroy the constitutional basis on which it is founded? Burn defender of the religion of the state, could he consent to what tends to its ruin, and abandon its ministers to wretchedness and disgrace? bound to administer justice to his subjects, could he renounce the function, es-
sentially royal, of causing it to be administered by tribunals legally constituted, and of superintending himself the administration? Protector of the rights of all the orders, and of the possessions of individuals; could he sanction the invasion of the one, and the violation of the other? Father of his people, could he abandon them to disorder and anarchy? In fine, could he highly approve of what reason and justice condemn, and eternize the misfortunes of France?
"And what is this Constitution, which they pretend to give us, except a monster destructive of laws human and divine; a work of offence and iniquity: null, from the vice of the convocation of the members of the assembly, styling themselves constitutive; null from the combination of the deliberating body, a combination subversive of the first basis of the state, the distinction of orders; null from the principles which it establishes, since they overturn the throne and the altar, and tend to replunge men into barbarism by appearing to bring them back to Nature; null from its consequences, dreadful consequences, of which experience already presents a too faithful catalogue in the disorder of the finances, in the scarcity of money, in the stagnation of commerce, in the want of discipline among the troops, in the inactivity of the tribunals, the silence of the laws, the tyranny of the factious, and the oppression of the rich; in one word, the triumph of licentiousness over true liberty?
"It would be useless to accumulate reasoning; truth is too striking; and facts already speak loudly, that the consequence cannot be denied, without a species of self-deception. The king then had no right to sanction such a constitution, of which his sanction, already null by the defect of freedom, is null likewise by the defect of right.
"Ah! when victorious over the Gauls the first Franks assembled in the Champ-de-Mars, raised Pharamond on the shield; when their warlike voices exclaimed—"Reign over us, and let your descendants reign over our children,"—they were far from foreseeing, that at the end of fourteen ages a generation would come, whose madness would destroy the work of wisdom and of valour! When Philip the Fair, reviving the rights of the people, that had been disregarded under indolent monarchs, summoned to the states general the deputies of the third estate, and placed them along with the peers of his realm, he did not suspect that one day this ungrateful order would overturn the two others, would deck ambitious tribunes with the spoils of supreme power, and leave only the phantom of a king on the throne of Charlemagne.
"No, it shall not be so: no, the French monarchy shall not perish. And since motives which it is impossible for us to perceive, but which can originate only from the violence and constraint which, by being disguised, are only more cruel, force Louis XVI. to subscribe an acceptance which his heart rejects, which his own interest and that of his people condemn, and which his duty as king expressly prohibits:
"We protest in the face of the whole world, and in the most solemn manner, against this illusory act, and all that may follow from it. We have shown that it is null of itself, null by defect of liberty, null from the radical vice of all the operations of the usurping assembly, which not being an assembly of the states general, is nothing. We are supported by the rights of the whole nation, in rejecting decrees diametrically opposite to their wishes, expressed by the unanimous tenor of instructions to their representatives; and we disavow, on behalf of the nation, those treacherous mandatories, who, in violating their orders, and departing from the mission entrusted to them, ceased to be its representatives. We will maintain what is evident, that having acted contrary to their title, they have acted without power, and what they could not legally do, cannot be validly accepted.
"We protest for the king, and in his name, against what can only bear its false impression. His voice being stifled by oppression, we will be its necessary organs; and we express his real sentiments as they exist in the oath of his accession to the throne, as they have appeared in the actions of his whole life, as they have been displayed in the declaration which he made at the first moment that he believed himself free. He neither can nor ought to have any other, and his will exists only in those acts where it breathes freely.
"We protest for the people, who, in their delirium, cannot perceive how destructive this phantom of a new constitution, which is made to dazzle their eyes, and before which they are vainly made to swear, must become to them. When these people, neither knowing their lawful chief, nor their dearest interests, suffer themselves to be misguided to their destruction; when blinded by deceitful promises, they see not those who excite them to destroy the pledges of their own security, the supporters of their repose, the principles of their subsistence, and all the ties of their civil association; it becomes necessary to claim for them the re-establishment of all these; it becomes necessary to save them from their own frenzy.
"We protest for the religion of our fathers, which is attacked in its dogmas and worship, as well as its ministers; and in order to supply the monarch's want of power at present to discharge in his own person his duties as eldest son of the church, we assume in his name the defence of its rights; we oppose those invasions of its property which tend to degrade it; we rise with indignation against acts which menace the kingdom with the horrors of schism; and we loudly profess our unalterable attachment to the ecclesiastical rules admitted in the states, the observance of which he has sworn to maintain.
"We protest for the fundamental maxims of the monarchy, from which the king is not permitted to depart; which the nation itself has declared to be inviolable; and which would be totally reversed by the decrees which abolish royalty itself; by suppressing all the intermediate ranks; by those which deprive monarchy of the functions most essential to monarchical government.
"In fine, we protest in the presence of the Supreme Being, and in the name of eternal justice, for all orders of the state, and for all Frenchmen.
"This protest, signed along with us by all the princes of the blood who are connected with us,
is common to all the house of Bourbon, on whom their eventual rights to the crown impose the duty of defending the august deposit.
(Signed) Louis-Stanislaus-Xavier, Charles-Philippe, L. Joseph de Bourbon, Louis-Henri Jos. de Bourbon, L. A. H. de Bourbon.
Coblentz, October 8, 1791.
From the American Daily Advertiser.
CAIUS, No. 11.
[For CAIUS No. 1. See our paper of the 16th inst.]
IT was the advice of the celebrated Mirabeau to the people of America, "that if they wished to preserve their liberties, they should avoid European systems of finance, and above all, never to fund their public debt." A caution, which, it should seem, that sagacious observer had collected from the deepest reflection on human affairs, since the history of every nation, on which the experiment has been made, fully proves, that a funded debt never yet decreased, but, on the contrary, always accumulated, and this accumulation was in exact ratio to the oppression of the people and to the degree in which the government receded from the principles of freedom, and advanced towards tyranny and despotism. If it be reflected too, according to the axiom of Publius , "that the exigencies of a nation are at all times equal to its resources," the consequences before stated must be admitted as inevitable, and the system of funding may be regarded as the true secret for rendering public debt (not public credit) immortal. As a source of corruption, too, its consequences are not less apparent: a funded debt necessarily begets a monied interest, distinct from the great body of the people, and whilst either the ordinary or extraordinary exigencies of the nation, place the prospect of a redemption of the principal of the debt as a remote contingency, the support of its artificial credit must be maintained, and those capitalists or holders thereof, who, from this distinct monied interest of the community, never fail to associate and interweave their principles with those of the body politic, whose demand on the people for new resources will be always in proportion to its sympathy with the monied interest, which has been so emphatically stylized by the same Publius , 'the soul of a nation.'
But the expence of the United States is unequivocal to the truth of my positions; and no ingenious sophistry in the elaborate treatises of the financial minister,—no exaggerated and fallacious ideas that the recent revolution in the public credit of the nation, is the effect of the present systems of finance, can destroy the force of those plain and stubborn facts, which prove that the funding system has already produced consequences the most pernicious and alarming. Little doubt can be entertained, that the public faith might have been equally preserved by pursuing the plain and honest policy of discharging the principal of the public debt, as far and as fast as the actual and encreasing resources of the country would permit, and by the punctual payment of the annual interest, leaving it to the free discretion of the biennial legislature, to apply those resources from time to time, according to the real circumstances and ability of the nation, without a recurrence to intricate and complex systems, founded on principles wholly irrelevant to the situation, feelings or interest of the people, and from which it has resulted that the present public debt has been realized, and I may add, perpetuated to an immense amount, far beyond the just and reasonable expectations of the public; has been moreover new modelled, and by the dexterous contrivance of fiscal operations, made to change hands from the possession of the honest and industrious citizen, to that of the designing, artful speculator, to whom it is now secured as a species of real inheritance, by its quality of irredeemability and a mortgage for twenty years of the best funds of the nation. Less is it to be doubted that the great influx of money, and with it the rising credit of our country for the last three years, has been principally occasioned by those necessities of the European nations, which produced a great encreased demand for our produce, and by the operation of the impost, tonnage and excise laws of Congress, which brought into the coffers of the general government, the whole commercial revenue of the United States. On the other hand, the baneful spirit of speculation created by the funding system, which has so shamefully contaminated the morals of the people, and is now infusing its subtle poison into the fountains of government, producing a dereliction of the first principles of the constitution, and the substitution of maxims as novel as they are repugnant and hostile to the liberties of the people, is a truth too serious to be concealed or denied.
Be warned, therefore, my countrymen; and let your attention be turned ere it be too late to prevent the farther progress of the measures to which I have pointed in my late and present address: Expect shortly upon the true Machiavelian principles of the minister, to see a proposition for adding to the present debt of the union by way of farther assumption, ten or fifteen million of dollars more, which, if permitted, will immovably fix the millstone of public debt around your necks, and perpetuate oppression to your remotest generations. Be not deceived: examine and decide for yourselves: let not the voice of faction on the one hand, nor the interested suggestions of men, ministerial sycophants on the other mislead you. Motives are best known to those that feel them: mine will be judged of in the result: false professions belong only to a bad cause. Alike inimical to the views of party or of faction, it is only for the preservation of the republican principles of government on which the constitution is pilared, that I am anxious; and so long as there are in danger of subversion from the insidious policy of any ministerial measures, so long will my endeavours be pointed to warn my countrymen thereof; and by freely exposing the principles and effect of such measures, contribute my mite of information to the public mind. In this view, another occasion will be taken to shew, not only that a systematic attack is commenced against the very existence of republican principles amongst us, by measures which go to convert the body of Con-
gress into placemen and pensioners, and resolve all power into their mere discretion, but moreover that the effect of such an attack if successful, will be to erect a detestable aristocracy or monarchy on the ruins of republicanism and the independence of our country. CAIUS.
† See Secretary Hamilton's report to Congress on funding the public debt, page 19 in which he discovers the secret for rendering public credit immortal.
From a late London Paper.
REVOLUTION.
They who affect to praise the revolution in Poland, while they declaim against the revolution in France, furnish one of the strongest arguments to the advocates of reform in this, and every other country.
The abuses, corruptions, or radical defects of any government may be reformed, without tumult or violation of private property, if firmly and honestly attempted by those who are entrusted with the administration of it, before they become too grievous for the people to bear.
Such was the reform of the government of Poland; and such is the reform which every honest man would recommend.
If the abuses of any government are suffered to accumulate till they become intolerable—if those who are entrusted with the administration appear anxious to perpetuate, instead of correcting them, the people will sooner or later resist, and take the business of reform into their own hands; and the inevitable consequences will be a sudden and violent dissolution of the old system, much public disorder, and much private injury, before another can be established.
Such was the revolution in France, and such were its necessary consequences.
All, therefore, who deprecate such consequences, instead of exclaiming against innovation, and clinging fast to existing abuses, ought to unite with firmness and moderation in the temperate and timely reform of whatever is defective, and a vigilant attention to preserve what is found in their present form of government; for nothing can be more certain, than that the decay of the parts will bring on the dissolution of the whole, and that grievances unredressed will beget resistance.
ROBERT SMOCK, Woollen Draper & Mercer, Has just received by the ship Pigeon, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north east corner of Market and Third streets, Philadelphia, AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF
SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost every colour. Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashionable colours. Superfine cassimers, do. Do. and super elastic striped cloths. Milled drabs and hunters cloths. A variety of fancy waistcoatings, in silk, silk and cotton, silk moleskin, cassimers printed and tamboured, and superfine striped Spanish tollinets. Mens black fattins, fiorentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities. Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, assorted. Satins and mantuas, a beautiful variety. Superfine rattinets, with a large collection of best trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality. Moreens, joans spinning, durants and calimancoes. Hairbines and camblets, &c. 9-8 wide superfine Marceilles quilting with borders. Marceilles bedquilts and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4. Flanders bedbunts and bedtickings. A beautiful variety of chintzes and cottons. An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chintzes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons. Velveteens, velvets, corduroys, thicksets, fancy cords, flockinets, royalribbs, fattinets, hair plushes, &c. &c. Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings. Rose blankets assorted.
ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very general and extensive, consisting of almost every article in his line of business.—Being desirous of giving entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meriting a continuance of those customers, whose favours he has hitherto experienced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
WANTED immediately, a FOUR-NEYMAN BOOK-BINDER, to go to Lancaster. Enquire of Francis Bailey, printer, No. 116, High-Street.
This Day are published, SERMONS, Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York. Sold by T. DOBSON, R. CAMPBELL, & M. CAREY. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.