The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-17 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. VIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 17th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
No. II.
Does any material difference exist among the People from dissimilar or opposing interests?
Having in my preceding remarks, as I conceive, shown that no threatening difference is produced by the variance of early habit, by the use of different languages, or the reception of different religious tenets, I think it may be made to appear, with equal clearness, that no such difference exists from dissimilar or opposing interests.
A variety of interests undoubtedly exists; but these, so far from being inimical to each other, are in truth so united and interwoven, that one would probably fall without the support of the other. The great divisions of society are into agriculturalists, mechanics and merchants. These divisions are not the result of any arbitrary power exercised by the government, whereby the labor of the citizen is forced into an unnatural channel; but they are the offspring of that necessity or convenience, which arises from the various wants and desires of individuals. The welfare of either is as dependent upon the prosperity of the other two, as upon its own.
This is so clear that words need not be multiplied to illustrate it.
But it is contended that certain districts of country are almost entirely agricultural; that other districts are commercial; and a third manufacturing; and that the well-being of each requires a system of laws essentially different.
But the first part of the position is in itself untrue. There are no districts in the union so exclusively either commercial, agricultural or manufacturing, as to be removed from a close association of interests and participation of benefits with the other classes of citizens.
The people of New England manufacture to a greater extent than any other parts of the United States; still there are in those states more farmers than mechanics and a considerable body of merchants.
The commerce of the middle states is more extensive than that of the other portions of the empire, yet no part of the union exceeds this in the actual productions of the soil, and mechanics are here numerous and respectable.
The southern states rely most upon natural productions. Yet their trade is in rapid progress, and manufactures are constantly, though gradually gaining ground.
In short, take the whole civilized world, and you can scarcely find a body of people of any great extent, in which the arts that contribute to human welfare are so equally distributed. We raise more than we consume, we import and export not only for ourselves but for others, and we manufacture a large portion of the articles we want.
Fortunately for the exertions of human industry we have no monopolies established and fortified by the government. Every man is free to invest his labour, his property, and his ingenuity in such enterprise as his judgment suggests. From this state of things the most beneficial of all competitions takes place. The same advantages being open to all, the same reward attends equal ingenuity, labor and wealth. Men, who embark in any plan, see their way clear. They are not opposed in the exercise of their natural rights by the favor or the frowns of misapplied power.
But should we in direct subversion of these facts, grant that different parts of the union are peculiarly fitted for particular and exclusive employment, yet it will not follow that any essential difference of interest will necessarily exist. The merchant, no less than the farmer and the mechanic, requires a government with powers competent to protect, without invading the rights of the citizen; he requires laws which leave enterprize to follow its own direction; he requires of course a freedom from oppressive taxation; he requires harmony at home, and peace with all the world. Keeping clear of a spirit of monopoly, it is impossible to name any one rational wish of the merchant, that will not apply, with equal precision, to the farmer and the mechanic.
Where then is the alleged difference; that difference which is to convulse the union; whose seeds are so profusely and widely scattered that civil war, with its accumulated horrors, rises in bloody array to the affrighted imagination! It is all a chimaera . It exists only in the chaos of disorderly intellect, or the recesses of corrupt hearts. It is believed by ignorance, and fed by depravity. The mole discerns not the chain that holds together the varying grades of being, nor does the man whose mind is unenlightened, perceive the mutual and inevitable ties that unite together different classes of men. His ignorance escapes in murmurs, which are eagerly seized by designing men, and embodied into clamor; and the cry of separation, convulsion and civil war is raised to repress a free expression of opinions.
Let then this great truth be proclaimed — THE PEOPLE ARE AGREED.
TIMOLEON.
SPEECH,
Of JOHN JAY, Governor of the state of New-York, at the meeting of the Legislature, November 4, 1800.
Gentlemen of the Senate and Assembly,
The great importance of the business which, at stated periods fixed by law, requires your convening at this early season, having heretofore been considered and experienced, it cannot be necessary to enumerate the various considerations, which entitle it to serious attention. Connected with this is another topic, which needs only to be mentioned, to excite reflections which on such occasions, will always be seasonable and proper. It is natural that the election of a first magistrate for the nation, should divide patriots into parties: while not intemperate, few public inconveniences result from them. But history informs us, that when such parties, being nearly balanced, become highly inflamed, they often endanger not only the tranquility, but also the political existence of republics. It is wise to profit by the experience of others. Our governments are yet in a course of experiment; and care should be taken that it be not interrupted by those tendencies to innovation, which certain passions, when two fervent, sometimes produce.
Since the last adjournment few circumstances have occurred of such a nature, as to require being recommended to your particular notice. Providence still continues to bless our country with prosperity; and nothing remains for us, but to enjoy it with gratitude and moderation, and in our several stations to endeavour to preserve and advance the welfare of the state. To this end, prudence directs us frequently to review our public affairs, and to correct and amend whatever may appear from experience to be susceptible of material improvement.
On such a review it will probably be found, that among the different classes of public expenditures, there are some which demand more order & economy. I allude particularly to the expences of the counties and towns, and to the manner in which they are at present incurred, liquidated, and conducted. It is said, and I fear with too much truth, that in a majority of the counties, these expences very far exceed the amount of their respective proportions of the state tax. This would not continue to be the case, in so great a degree, if the accounts against them were as carefully and scrupulously admitted and audited, as those against the state; and if they were controlled and ordered with equal notoriety, independence, and responsibility. The present manner of transacting these affairs is certainly defective, and the interest of the inhabitants requires that it should be revised and amended; and the more so, as certain boards of supervisors have, as I am informed, not hesitated in some instances to treat the statutes of the state with unquovocal disobedience.
Although our present system of taxation is far preferable to the preceding one, yet time will doubtless discover imperfections in it. The reprehensible inequalities in assessments have already been observed and complained of. Injustice, when committed under forms and authority of laws,
is always particularly painful and disgusting, and excites emotions which are not friendly to government. I am persuaded that the result of your deliberations on this subject will confirm the public confidence in the wisdom and rectitude of the legislature. Few circumstances are more essential to the duration of civil liberty, and the well being of a free people, than that the departments and officers of their government do, on the one hand, exercise on proper occasions all the powers and authorities constitutionally committed to them. Notwithstanding the delicacy of the subject, I think it my duty to submit to your candid and dispassionate consideration, whether the power which has been exercised by the legislature, to control the lawful operation of wills and descents in individual cases, by private acts, is not liable to such well founded objections, as that it should not in future be permitted to acquire further claims to assent and acquiescence on the ground of precedent. That I may be clearly understood, permit me to remark.
That the right lawfully to acquire, inherit and hold, as well as lawfully and freely to grant, devise and dispose of land or other property, is included among those which the constitution intended to secure to every citizen. That valuable civil privileges are, by the constitution, conferred exclusively on that class of citizens who are freeholders, and which privileges they lose when they cease to have lands of a certain value. That the constitution has ordained and declared, "that no member of this state shall be disfranchised, or deprived of any of the rights or privileges secured to the subjects of this state by the law of the land and the judgment of his peers." That although this provision was doubtless intended more immediately for the security of citizens charged with offences, yet that it necessarily, and with still greater force, applies to citizens to whom no offences are imputed.
That by "the law of the land" is to be understood the public, general and constitutional laws of the state, equally and impartially affecting all persons and cases under similar circumstances, and to be administered and applied to those persons and cases, in the ordinary course of judicial proceeding; and consequently not a mere private act, confined in its object and operation to a particular case, and directly applied to that single case, and to the individuals interested in it, without the intervention of any judicial inquiries or proceedings whatsoever. I am not unmindful of the undoubted authority of the legislature to grant exclusive privileges, for public purposes, to corporations, in restraint of the rights of others; and to take land from individuals, for public uses, on paying the value of it. But there have been instances, and one of recent date, where, by private acts, passed expressly for the purpose, infant freeholders have been divested of certain of their lands, and trustees appointed to sell them for their supposed benefit; whereby the nature of their property has been changed, and their civil rights as freeholders of those lands extinguished. Although these private acts were passed from the best motives, and with intent to serve, not to injure those infants, yet how such interference with private property can consist with the constitution, or with the principles on which the Judicial department was instituted, or with the security of property, or with the inestimable privileges which every citizen has and ought to have, of freely and lawfully disposing of his land by his will or by voluntarily leaving it to descend according to law, are enquiries which really appear to me to be exceedingly interesting.
On further reviewing the state of public affairs, it will be found, that experience has hitherto evinced the propriety of placing all religious denominations on an equal footing; but the statute enabling them to incorporate, and to make contracts with legal means sufficiently competent for executing those contracts with convenience and facility. The importance of this subject is strongly expressed in the preamble of
that statute. It declares it to be "the duty of all wise, free, and virtuous governments to countenance and encourage virtue and religion, and remove every let or impediment to growth and prosperity of the people, and to enable every denomination to provide for the decent and honourable support of divine worship, agreeable to the dictates of conscience and judgement." I therefore submit to your consideration the expediency of enabling them to cause the sums made payable by such contracts to be assessed on the members of their respective corporations, in proportion to their taxable estates, as rated in the legal assessments, and to have the same levied, and (after the usual deduction for charges) paid to them by the public collectors.
There is another subject which in my opinion is worthy of consideration. When our constitution was formed, the rule established by it for regulating the future number of Senators and Representatives was founded on reasons which subsequent events and circumstances have materially altered. According to this rule, the number will continue to increase, and will become not only inconvenient, but unnecessarily expensive; for although a seat in the Legislature, is a place of honour, and not of profit, yet the expences, however strictly regulated by this principle, will nevertheless far exceed the limits prescribed by prudence and the public good. I therefore think proper to suggest, whether provision should not be made by law for electing a Convention, for the sole and exclusive purpose of ordaining what shall be the number of Senators and Representatives at future periods; and of fixing the limits which it shall at no time hereafter exceed.
Your deliberations, Gentlemen, will doubtless extend to several objects, respecting which it will be proper for me to communicate to you official information. Care shall be taken that this be done in season; & I assure you, that nothing on my part shall be omitted, to render this session beneficial to the state, and agreeable to yourselves.
JOHN JAY.
Extract from the REPLY of the House of Representatives of VERMONT to the Governor's Address.
Fully apprized of the singular importance given to the present session of the Legislature, by the consideration that a Senator in Congress, and Electors of President and Vice-President of the U. States are now to be appointed, we shall employ all our patriotism in the parts we are called to take in this important transaction, and we sincerely pray that the persons chosen may execute the important trust reposed in them, with wisdom and fidelity. "It is," indeed, as you were pleased to express it, "sincerely to be hoped that the importance of the crisis, may induce the Electors, when chosen, to unite their votes on men who are attached to their country and who are friends to order and good government." We can hardly conceive of an event more devoutly to be deprecated than the election for President of the United States, of a man destitute of the sentiments of an Independent American , or influenced, in his administration, by a predilection for foreign principles, or for the government of any foreign nation. In this view, the United States have been greatly blessed in a Washington and in an Adams . The first, removed by the all-wise disposition of Heaven, has left us to weep, in concert with our common country; the latter, by a late very important measure, has, uninfluenced either by the intrigue of violence or foreign party, exhibited the most decisive evidence, that he is exclusively an American . While our local situation recommends a neutral position, with respect to the contending nations of the world, we with our country always to extend equal privileges to them all, while her best uninterrupted exertions shall be directed to the happiness of her own family.
Fully persuaded, as we are, that no principles other than those of morality and religion, can be relied on to confine the

passions, views and pursuits of men within the bounds of reason, duty, integrity & good government, we wish to see them more supported by the laws of this state, and encouraged by the examples of every character. Every age, every country, every state of human things, proclaims to us the importance of moral and christian principles, but none more audibly, than the late, and present state of Europe, where the licentiousness of the subject conspires, with the ambition of the ruler, to prostrate morality, degrade christianity, and eradicate human feelings from the heart. Although sad experience too clearly evinces that learning, if not subjected to these principles, is too apt to be made subservient to the very worst of purposes yet when under the direction of christian principles, it is incalculably ornamental and useful to man. In this view we feel the importance of cherishing literature, and the superior importance of cultivating those principles which alone can give it a proper direction.
Thankful to Heaven for the blessings we have enjoyed under the administration of a Washington and an Adams, we devoutly implore the same wisdom, goodness and power to direct our elections, and our government; and to banish from us forever, calumny and detraction.
Whether the pacific measures of our General Government towards France, shall, or shall not be crowned with success, be assured, Sir, we shall still continue at our posts, around the standard of our country; and ardently hope that she, uninfluenced by favor on one hand, or hatred on the other, will always extend equal privileges to every nation on Earth.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 17th, 1800.
The LEGISLATURE OF THE UNITED STATES meet this day. As they are the grand depositary of National confidence, to whom are entrusted powers, on the correct exercise of which the public felicity greatly depends, it is natural that a general solicitude should accompany their deliberations. Possessing the power of preserving peace or declaring war, of increasing, diminishing or modifying taxes, the welfare of the community, on points of the deepest and most extensive interest, cannot fail to be as much promoted by an enlightened, as it would be injured by a contracted policy.
Never perhaps did a session of Congress commence under auspices more flattering than those which exist at present.
The unfortunate differences which have too long subsisted between the American and French Republics are at length brought to a close; and though the precise terms of accommodation are not known, yet there is every reason to believe that they are such as will fully revive the connections of amity, which heretofore subsisted between the two nations, without affording any other foreign power a rational pretext for dissatisfaction. No one imagines that the American envoys, either from the force of reason or the bias of prejudice, will have conferred any advantages on France not dictated by a scrupulous adherence to principles of reciprocity. The sentiments, they are known to possess, are a sufficient pledge of their correct conduct in this respect.
The preservation of peace is so unequivocally the policy of republics, and so peculiarly the policy of this country, that every enlightened friend to its prosperity, will rejoice at an honourable termination of disputes that hazarded its tranquility at home, and disturbed its relations abroad.
The American people are not averse to war, because they fear to try their strength with any foe that menaces their rights. In the infancy of their national existence, their prowess has extorted applause from an admiring world. Nor can a doubt be entertained, but that, should the scene of war again be unfolded, the same energy and resources that established, would sustain our independence. But they deprecate war as one of the greatest curses inflicted upon mankind, because its causes are generally frivolous, and its effects too often subversive of national honor and individual felicity. Informed by the results of experience that it has generally rendered nations depraved and governments despotic, they view it as the standing instrument of tyranny and oppression. Viewing it as such, they are right to be jealous of their rulers, and by an unslumbering vigilance to restrain that spirit of encroachment which ambition perpetually prompts.
Among the immediate benefits, which may be expected to flow from the altered
state of our affairs, is a repeal of those laws, whose only apology was to be found in the warlike attitude of the country. With the removal of this, may we not entertain well founded confidence in the revocation of all probability withheld from our Country a crowd of ingenious mechanics, wealthy merchants, and well informed individuals, while it has proved no restraint upon the vicious and disorderly members of society. For the former description of men possesses an independence of spirit that disdains to place themselves under the controul of one man; whereas the latter, guided by depraved motives, and influenced by mercenary views, discern no evil in intellectual degradation and servile submission.
Taxes, under every kind of government, are a necessary evil. Under a republic, the rulers of which are honest and wise, they almost cease to be evils. Imposed on principles of equality, and devoted to objects of national importance, they are seldom oppressive, and still seldom the objects of popular discontent. And to the honor of the American people, it may be affirmed that the wants of their government have invariably been supplied with liberality and promptness.
It should, however, ever be impressed upon the minds of the representatives of a free people, that the public impositions should never rise above the real wants of the government, as created by the posture of its affairs. For the same spirit, that gives with cheerfulness whatever is needed for national purposes, is habituated to resist every imposition that is unnecessary.
Guided by these considerations, two roads may be pursued by our representatives; one consisting in a diminution of the existing mass of taxation, the other in preserving the taxes as they are, and applying the surplus to a deduction of the national debt. Whichever alternative may be pursued, but little doubt can be entertained of the cheerful acquiescence of the people.
But should unfortunately a different spirit dictate the measures of our national councils, and should a system of defence and warlike preparation be pursued, when the cause in which it originated is removed, we may expect much dissatisfaction and regret.
Nothing can be more clearly expressed by the late elections, from one extreme of the union to the other, than the hostility of the public mind to war with any nation, unless forced upon us by dire necessity. The perseverance of the government in measures occasioned solely by a particular crisis, will not fail to be viewed with jealousy, and will be calculated to produce alarm, after this marked manifestation of the national sentiment.
It is sincerely to be hoped that these motives will overcome any existing prejudices in favour of an extension of our military arrangements, and that a regard to harmony will supersede ill-founded predilections.
Objects of lesser magnitude, though in themselves of considerable interest, will probably occupy the legislature.
The judiciary bill, postponed last session, will again come before the House of Representatives, as will the most advisable system to adopt in relation to the government of the territory of Columbia.
The present crisis in human affairs is deeply momentous. The European world presents the almost uniform spectacle of governments oppressing their subjects, or subjects rising in arms against their governments. Human life, for the protection of which governments were formed, is every where sacrificed to the lawlessness of ambition and the avarice of wealth. The consequences are dreadful. The slave, awakened from the sleep of ages, renews his strength, and before his extended arm despotisms tremble.
It becomes the American government to profit from the lessons afforded by other nations.
Rising into national existence on the pure principles of republicanism, our government needs only to be guided by those principles in all their measures, to be beloved by their country, and applauded by the world. Pursuing the plain path of justice with respect to foreign nations, and diffusing among our citizens the blessings of equal rights and impartial laws, a spirit of harmony, of candour, and of liberality will be created, calculated to heal the wounds of party violence and personal detraction.
TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA, November 14th, 1800.
The Committees of arrangement, for celebrating the approaching Sessions of Congress in the City of Washington, have adopted a plan of procession, which they recommend being formed in front of the Little Hotel, for the purpose of accompanying
the President of the United States to the Capitol, on the day he meets Congress to deliver his speech. The plan is calculated to embrace all classes and descriptions of persons who may attend. It is requested of those who chuse to join the procession in their Corporate, Official, Military, Professional, or Mechanical capacity, to meet at ten o'clock, A. M. when they will receive from the Marshals of the day, the necessary information as to the rank or station severally assigned by the order of arrangement adopted. After the procession a respectful, and appropriate address, or communication from the INHABITANTS OF THE TERRITORY, to Congress, is contemplated.
Gabrial Duval, Mr. Gilpin, and Dr. Moore, all republicans, and Messrs Deakins and Murdock, federalists, are chosen Electors for the state of Maryland.
Monday last was the day appointed for the choice of a governor of Maryland, every member of the senate attended and all but one of the house of Delegates. Benjamin Ogle was unanimously re-elected.
Mr. Ridout has been chosen a member of the Council in the room of Mr. Wilmore resigned, by a majority of three.
The Senate have proposed to choose the Federal Senator this session by joint vote; but the house of Delegates have rejected the proposition.
An estimate of the state debt of Maryland, made up to the first of November 1800, leaves a balance of £129,272,136 current money, and also 643,074 dollars 81 cents in the stock of the U. States, to the credit of the state of Maryland.
   The different species of stock are   Dolls. Cts.     Six per cent 188,789 6   Deferred 123,650 30   Three per cent 330,635 45   642,074 81  
Election for Electors. In Baltimore city the votes were for Gabriel Duval 1497 J. T. Chafe 439 Majority for G. Duval. 1058
Washington county. Kershner 820 Williams 644
The most authentic information from S. Carolina states, that a majority of 15 on the side of the republicans exists in the Legislature of that State.
Mr. Sumpter, Gen. Butler, and Mr. Moore, all republicans, are elected members of the House of Representatives for South Carolina.
A bill for choosing Electors of a President by joint vote passed the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania on Monday last. The votes were 56 in favour of the bill, and 20 against it. Mr. Hopkins, a federal member from Lancaster County, voted for it.
Correct information received from Boston, states that Dr. EUSTIS, the republican candidate for Congress, is elected, on a return from all the districts, by a majority of 400.
Returns have been received from 36 counties in Virginia of the votes given for electors in that state, from which it appears that the republican ticket has 11,412 votes, and the federal ticket 2,007 votes.
The General Assembly of R. Island finished their session on Saturday the first inst. and adjourned to meet at East Greenwich on the third Monday of February next.
The Legislature of the state of New Jersey, passed, on the seventh instant, "An act directing the time and mode of electing Representatives, in the House of Representatives of the United States, for that state."
This act directs the election to be held on the fourth Monday of the present month, and requires each elector to have a written ticket containing the names of five persons proposed as candidates to represent the state of New Jersey in the House of Representatives of the United States, for the term of two years from the fourth day of March next. And in case of a vacancy, by death or resignation, in the representation of that state, such vacancy, shall, in like manner, be filled by the suffrages of the Electors of the whole state.
The Election for Electors takes place in RHODE ISLAND on Wednesday next. The choice is to be made by the people in a
general ticket. The federal ticket is composed of Governor Green, George Champlin, Edward Manton, and Oliver Davis. The republican ticket is composed of Governor Fenner, Benjamin Johnson, James Helm, and Constant Taber.
The Governor of Vermont has recommended, by proclamation, the observance of the 4th day of December as a day of public thanksgiving.
Massachusetts Election.
Boston, Nov. 4.
Yesterday the elections for the seventh Congress took place in the several districts throughout the commonwealth of Massachusetts. The candidates are already well known.
   First Middle District.   Quincy. Ulis.     Boston 1959 1819   Dorchester 69 156   Roxbury 63 196   Newton 77 35   Brooklyn 26 45   Dedham 39 152   E. Sudbury 27 60   Weston 97 18   2357 2482  
The returns from several towns composing the first district, have not yet been received.
Newburyport, Nov. 4.
FEDERAL REPRESENTATIVE.
   Fourth Middle District.   Cutler. Kittredge.     Newburyport 280 54   Newbury 74 10   Bradford 66 1   Havenhill 119 46   Ipswich 172 54   711 165  
POPULATION OF GREAT BRITAIN.
On this interesting subject much ignorance has hitherto prevailed. The useful and patriotic researches of the Agricultural Society have however made much progress in ascertaining the fact, and have already established the gratifying position, that the population of the country exceeds at least two millions any estimate heretofore.
The following table is in some instances formed from actual enumeration, and in others from estimates of births, or houses, &c. and includes cities, towns, &c.
   Counties. Inhabitants. Acres cultivated. Proportion to inhabitant.     Berks 115,000 436,430 3 3-4th ac.   Derby 185,000 700,640 5 8-10 do.   Durham 80,000 610,000 8th do.   Stafford 250,000 780,800 3 4-10 do.   Hereford 90,000 781,440 8 7-10 do.   Lancashire 425,000 1,129,600 2 6-10 do.   Kent 200,000 893,600 4 1-2 do.   Norfolk 220,000 1,094,400 5 do.   Essex 320,000 1,240,000 4 do.   Cambridge 33,000 443,300 5 3-10 do.   Rutland 20,000 105,000 5 2-10 do.   Huntingdon 50,000 240,000 5 do.   Northamp. 167,600 582,400 3 1-2 do.   Hants 200,000 1,212,000 6 do.   West York 400,000 1,568,000 4 do.   Devon 400,000 1,600,000 4 do.   Somerset 350,000 1,000,000 3 do.   Dorset 89,000 775,000 8 7-10 do.   3,674,600 15,994,100 4 3-10 do.   Middlesex 618,000 179,200 one Acre to 3 6-10th Inhabitants.  
The cultivated land in England exceeds thirty nine millions of acres, which at the foregoing rate of 4 3-10th acres to each person, makes the total number of inhabitants 8,960,141, to which adding 643,833, the excess of Middlesex, beyond the above proportion, gives a population of 9,603,974, exclusive of sailors, soldiers, and the inhabitants of the British Islands.
On an average of twenty nine years, there is within the bills of mortality, an annual decrease of interments to the number of 3130; the averaged number of baptisms is 18,704; of burials 19,826, but it is computed that there are more than a thousand births a year, where the children are either not christened or not registered.
On the Duty of Governments to diffuse Information among the People, by VATEL.
Experience shews, that a people may be unhappy in the midst of all the earthly en-

joyments, and in the possession of the greatest riches. Whatever may contribute to make men enjoy a true and solid felicity, is a second object that deserves the most serious attention of the government. Happiness is the centre to which all the duties of a man and a people tend; and this is the great end of the law of nature. The desire of happiness is the powerful spring that puts all men in motion: felicity is the end they all have in view, and it ought to be the grand object of the public desire (Pre- lim. || 5.) It is then those who form this public desire, or those who represent them, and are the conductors of the nation, who are to labor after its felicity, to watch continually over it, and to advance it to the utmost of their power.
To succeed in this, it is necessary to instruct the people to seek felicity where it is to be found, and to teach them the means of obtaining it. The sovereign cannot then take too much pains, in instructing and enlightening his people, and in forming them to useful knowledge and wise discipline. Let them leave a hatred of the sciences to the despotic tyrants of the East: they are afraid of having their people instructed, because they would rule over slaves. But though they are obeyed with the most abject submission, they frequently experience the effects of disobedience and a revolt. A just and wise prince feels no apprehensions from the light of knowledge, and knows that it is always of advantage to a good government. As men of learning are convinced that liberty is the natural inheritance of mankind, so they are more fully sensible than others, how necessary, and of what advantage it is, that this liberty should be subject to a lawful authority: incapable of being slaves, they are faithful subjects.
The first impressions made on the mind are of the utmost importance during the whole life. In the tender years of infancy and youth we easily receive the seeds of good and evil. Hence the education of youth is one of the most important affairs that deserves the attention of the government. It ought not to be entirely left to fathers; for the most certain way of forming good citizens, is to found useful establishments for public education, to provide able masters, to give them wise directions, and to take such mild and wise measures, that the citizens will not neglect to take advantage of them. How admirable was the education of the Romans, in the flourishing ages of that republic, and how admirably was it calculated to form great men! The young men put themselves under the patronage of some illustrious person; they waited upon him in his house, accompanied him wherever he went, and equally improved by his instructions and example: their very sports and amusements were exercises proper to form soldiers. We see the same at Sparta, and this was one of the wise institutions of the incomparable Lycurgus. That legislator and philosopher entered into the particulars of the good education of youth, being persuaded that, on that depended the prosperity and glory of his republic.
Who can doubt that a sovereign, and even a whole nation, ought to encourage the arts and sciences? Without mentioning the many useful inventions that strike the eye of every one, literature and the polite arts enlighten the mind, and soften the manners. If study does not always inspire the love of virtue, it is because it sometimes, and even too often, unhappily meets with a very bad and vicious heart. The nation and its conductors ought then to protect men of learning and great artists: and to encourage them to improve their talents by honors and rewards. Let the friends of barbarism declaim against the sciences and polite arts; without hoping to answer their vain reasonings, let us content ourselves with appealing to experience. Let us compare England, France, Holland, and several towns of Switzerland and Germany, to the many regions given up to ignorance, and see if we can there find more honest men and good citizens. It would be a gross error to oppose against us the example Sparta, and that of ancient Rome. They, it is true, neglected curious speculations, literature, and the arts of mere luxury: but the solid sciences and customs, morality, civil law, politics and war, were there cultivated, especially at Rome, with more care than among us.
People, at present, generally enough acknowledge the use of literature and the polite arts, and the necessity of encouraging them. The immortal Peter I. thought without their assistance he could not entirely civilize Russia, and render it flourishing. In England learning and abilities lead to honor and riches. Newton was honored, protected, and rewarded while living, and after his death his tomb was placed among those of kings. France also in this respect,
deserves particular praise, and owes to the munificence of its kings, several establishments that are no less useful than glorious: the Royal Academy of Science diffuses on every side the light of knowledge, and the desire of instruction. Louis XV. furnished the means of sending to search, under the equator, and the polar circle, for a proof of an important truth; and we know now what was before believed, on the faith of Newton's calculations. Happy would that be, if the too general taste of the age did not make the people neglect solid knowledge, to give themselves up to that which is merely amusing, and if those who fear the light, did not succeed in darkening the blaze of science!
I speak of the liberty of publishing philosophical works; which is the soul of the republic of letters. What can genius produce when cramped by fear? Can the greatest man that ever lived enlighten many of his fellow citizens, if he sees himself always exposed as a butt to ignorant and bigoted wranglers; if he is obliged to be continually on his guard, to avoid being accused by those who draw consequences of indirectly attacking the received opinions? I know that this liberty has its just bounds; that a wise government ought to have an eye to the press, and not suffer such works to be published as are scandalous, contrary to morality, the form of government and the established religion. But yet great care should be taken not to extinguish a light that may afford the state the richest advantages. Few men know how to keep a just medium, and the office of literary censor ought to be entrusted to none but those who are equally wise and learned. Why should they search in a book for that which it appears the author had no design of placing there; and when a writer is wholly employed about and only speaks of Philosophy, ought a malicious adversary to be listened to, who would set him at variance with religion? So far from disturbing a philosopher on account of his opinions, the magistrate ought to chastise those who publicly charge him with impiety when in his writings he shews respect to the religion of the state. The Romans seem to have been formed to give examples to the universe: that wise people carefully maintained the worship and religious ceremonies established by law, and left the field open to the speculations of the philosophers. Cicero, a senator, consul and augur, ridicules superstition, attacks it, and demolishes it in his writings; and in this he endeavored to promote his own happiness, and that of his fellow citizens: but he observes "that to destroy superstition is not to abolish religion; for a wicked man, says he, will respect the institutions and religious ceremonies of his ancestors. The beauty of the world, and the admirable order of the stars are sufficient to make us acknowledge the existence of an eternal and all-perfect being, who merits the veneration of the human race." And in his Dialogues on the nature of the Gods, he introduces Cotta the academic, who was high-priest, attacking with great freedom the opinions of the stoics, declaring that he should always be ready to defend the established religion from which he found the republic had received great advantages; that neither the learned nor the ignorant should make him abandon it; he then says to his adversary, "there are my thoughts both as Pontifex and as Cotta. But do thou, as a philosopher ought to, prove to me the truth of the religion he would have me embrace, while I ought in this respect to believe my ancestors, even without proof."
Let us add experience to these examples and authorities. Never did a philosopher occasion disturbances in the state, or in religions: they make no noise among the people, and never offend the weak, unless malice or intemperate zeal forces them to discover the pretended venom. He troubles the state and puts religion in danger, who endeavors to place the opinions of a great man, in opposition to the doctrines and worship established by law.
It is not enough to instruct the nation; it is still more necessary, in order to conduct it to happiness, to inspire the love of virtue, and the abhorrence of vice. Those who have searched deeply into morality, are convinced that virtue is the only path that leads to true felicity; so that its maxims contain nothing less than the art of living happily; and he must be very ignorant of politics, who does not know that a virtuous nation will be more capable than any other of forming a state that is at once happy, tranquil, flourishing, solid, respected by its neighbors, and formidable to its enemies. The interest of the prince must then concur with his duty, and the dictates of his conscience, to engage him to watch attentively over an affair of such importance. Let him employ all his authority in order to encourage virtue, and sup-
press vice; let him for this purpose form public establishments; and to the same end direct his own conduct, his example, and the distribution of favors, posts, and dignities. Let him carry his attention even to the private life of the citizens, and banish from the state what is proper only to corrupt the manners of the people. It is the business of politics to teach him all the means he ought to use in obtaining this desirable end; to shew him those he should prefer, and those he ought to avoid, on account of the dangers that might be made of them. We shall here only observe, in general, that vice may be suppressed by chastisements, but that mild and gentle methods can only raise men to the dignity of virtue: it may be inspired but it cannot be commanded."
Notice is hereby given that I have applied to the general Assembly of Maryland for an Act of Insolvency.
PATRICK SIM.
Nov. 7, 1800.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE.
RAPINE, CONRAD, & CO.
Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store, Letters from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States.
Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity, Arts and Sciences, Classics. School books, Novels. Romances. Biography, &c. &c. —With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium, demy, and foolscap writing paper, thick and thin quill, blue & common wrapping paper, best Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink, black lead pencils, parchment, playing cards, blank books, &c. &c. All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices.
Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders.
Nov. 17th, 1800.
JOHN BARNES,
FROM PHILADELPHIA,
Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of
Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz.
Imperial, Large Hyson, Young Hyson, Hysonkin, Souchong and Bohea.
SPICES.
Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Four bags fresh Almonds.
LIQUORS.
Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port, Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spirits, and Holland Gin.
COFFEE,
Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Eats and trimmings.
He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 30 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes.
English and American playing cards, Pasteboard per gross, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 7-3 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece.
Nov. 14th, 1800.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE,
Lot No. 9, in Square 122.
THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on F. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street. —An indispensable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber 4 door ways east of the Little Hotel.
JOHN KEARNEY.
N. B. I will also sell Lot No. 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 24, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property.
I. K.
November 17, 1800.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR Apprehending and securing in any Goal, so that the Subscriber gets him again A NEGRO MAN named NACE, ran away some time in the month of October, aged Thirty years, about five feet high, light complexion, wears his hair queued, a well set trunkey fellow. I have cause to believe he is in the City of Washington. It is unnecessary to describe his Clothing as he will have it in his power to change them. I will give TWENTY DOLLARS if ten miles from home, THIRTY DOLLARS if twenty miles, and the above reward if a greater distance.
ZACHARIAH SOTHORON.
Charles County near Benedict, October 31.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, NOV. 17th.
This being the day fixed by law for the meeting of Congress, Forty four members assembled in the Capitol, viz.
Messrs Foster, Freeman, Shephard, Reed, Varnum, Sedgwick, Wadsworth, Silas Lee, Williams, Bishop, John C. Smith, Davenport, John Smith, Cortland, Platt, Glen, Thompson, Baily, Lieb, Thomas, Heister, Brown, Muhlenberg, Woods, Smilie, Dent, Bear, Craik, Christie, John C. Thomas, Nicholson, Powel, Page, Nicholas, Dawson, New, Jackson, Holmes, Macon, Stanford, Allston, Sumter, Hunger, W. C. C. Claiborne.
The SPEAKER observed that it had heretofore been the invariable practice of the House to admit new members to take their seats previously to being sworn, though the Constitution directed directly the reverse. As there was a new member present, he suggested the propriety of administering the oath to him before he took his seat.
Mr. MACON thought such a step premature. He was of opinion that no inconvenience would arise from delaying to administer the oath until a house was formed, and he thought great caution should attend an innovation opposed to all precedent.
Mr. NICHOLAS asked, whether it had heretofore been usual in the case of a new house to swear the members before the choice of a speaker.
Mr. SPEAKER, replied that it had not. Mr. NICHOLAS said that though on first thoughts, he was favorable to administering the oath at the present time, yet this precedent inclined him to think such a step improper.
The Speaker waved the question. The members present not being sufficient to form a quorum, the Speaker adjourned the body till tomorrow.
SENATE.
Thirteen members appeared, viz. Messrs Anderson, Baldwin, Brown, Chipman, Cooke, Foster, Hillhouse, Howard, Langdon, Livermore, Schureman, Tracy, Wells.
But not forming a quorum adjourned till tomorrow.
In N. Carolina, Absalom Tatom, Gideon Allston, Joseph Taylor and Judge McCoy, are chosen Electors. The three first are republican, and the last federal.
The following is a correct statement of the Electors chosen in Maryland, viz.
REPUBLICAN.
Mr. Moore, G. Duvall, J. Gilpin, P. Spencer.
FEDERAL.
Mr. Murdoch, Mr. Dickins, Mr. Flouden, J. Doane.
Alleghany and Washington form one district, Caroline and Dorchester another. No certain accounts are received from either.
The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER is this day presented to the Public. It is the first Paper printed in WASHINGTON; and from the vicinity of the Editor to the Capitol, the seat of the public bodies, he expects to be enabled to furnish the earliest and most correct notices of their deliberations. The crisis of national affairs is deeply interesting, whether contemplated in relation to our internal or external situation. Fully impressed with the sacred duties of the press in such times, and sensible how much good or mischief may be effected by the virtuous or vicious application of the power with which public opinion has invested it, truth and truth only, shall be the guide of the Editor. In many instances he will doubtless be deceived. But in all instances a consciousness of error will be followed by a candid renunciation of it.
The design of the National Intelligencer is to diffuse correct information through the whole extent of the union. From the whole extent, therefore, of the union, it must derive the patronage that shall sustain it; and every friend to its plan is invited to promote it, by making known its nature and character to his fellow citizens in his neighbourhood.
For this sole purpose, not in the unworthy spirit of solicitation, it is intended to forward a few of the early numbers to citizens of respectability in the several states, who are requested to use their good offices, if they consider the Paper worthy encouragement.
Oct. 31st. 1800.

FROM A POEM RECENTLY PUBLISHED IN ENGLAND.
The lawless despot, red with eastern crimes, Th' aspiring monster of AMBITION climbs; From Europe first this fiend like fury sprung, (When war's curs'd serpent nature's bosom stung) Invading strength weak innocence assail'd, And lust of gold o'er ev'ry right prevail'd: Ev'n those who once an honest commerce sought, The dire contagion of ambition caught, Grim war's destructive thunders madly hurl'd, And spread wide desolation through the world. 'What shall we say to that atrocious guilt, Which riots in the blood ambition spilt! What! to that wretch who chews cool murder's cud, Whose pen's a poignard, and whose ink is blood! Who with ingenious guilt compiles his notes, And with one sentence cuts ten thousand throats? Who shall the malice of these fiends restrain? Tears, imprecations, threats and prayers, are vain! But let us hope that happier times are near; War soon shall vanish, peace shall all endear, To ev'ry realm direct her gentle dove, And join all nations in a band of love. Lest are the shrinking views of narrow minds: Expanding sense a lib'ral focus finds; Th' infatuate reign of bigotry is o'er, And superstition sways the world no more. 'O hail, thou blest anticipated day! Gild my young muse with one enlight'ning ray: So shall thy light each intellect refine, Burn in each thought, and glow thro' ev'ry line. Hail, happy dawn! thy glorious sun shall rise, Beam on the dreary night of polar skies; Chase the thick mists of ignorance away, And on the darkest mind emit full day. At thy approach injustice shall retreat, Affronts shall resume her long lost seat, The reign of red-arm'd tyranny be past, Oppression cease, and discord breathe her last: No more shall men with hate their brethren greet No more the slave shall kiss his master's feet; No more with speechless patience couching bear The chains that gall him and the whips that tear; No more the wretch, despondent in his grief, Crawl to a vault, and die without relief. 'O God of boundless mercy! hear this pray'r! Open our hearts, a brother's pains to share; Let not in selfish cares our wishes close, But give us soul to feel for others' woes! So never more mine eyes this sight shall greet, A man left starving in the public street! Was this a time to want for food and clothes, When on his faded cheek the big tear froze? Yet I beheld him strip of his last rags, Stretch'd on a cold, damp vault's uncover'd flags, No gen'rous friend, no kind supporter nigh, "Despis'd, neglected, left alone to die." Ah! who can tell what pow'rs that mind possesses! What flames of lambent genius warm'd his breast! Perhaps a man in ev'ry gift profuse, "Of noble sentiments, exalted views, Of curious observation, deep research; One whose pure observations might have propp'd the church: One on the music of whose fluent tongue Convincing truth and soft persuasion hung; One whose fine sense of delicacy taught Graces beyond the reach of Stanhope's thought; One who could yield to laws their best support, Have polish'd states, and civiliz'd a court." Was there a wretch so lost to honest worth, To deem such fights a spectacle of mirth? There was!—one monster, dead to all remorse! Smail'd o'er the scene, and mock'd the naked corpe. I heard the brute recite his horrid joke; I heard him, and I thought a demon spoke.
*This is a scene which I absolutely witnessed but a few weeks back, nor has it borrowed any circumstance or colour from poetic fictions.
On Religious Toleration in Russia.
"THERE has lately been published by a German divine an account of the state of religious toleration in Russia, which appears to me not only to contain some curious matter of fact, but to afford important matter for reflection also. With your permission I will make both these the subject of a letter.
For three centuries past it has been the practice of the Russian sovereigns to indulge strangers in the free enjoyment of their religious worship; and under the name of strangers appear to have been included those numerous tribes or nations which have been adopted into the Russian empire by submission or conquest. This policy has probably been derived from the Turks and other Eastern Nations; and it has, in later reigns, been enforced by the necessity of inviting strangers in order to carry into effect the great plans of civilization and improvement, which have been transmitted from one sovereign to another. The "Account" in question was drawn up in the time of the late empress Catherine, whose managing spirit reduced this, like every other public concern, into a system. The following are its essential points. All religions are tolerated in Russia. Christian of every denomination, Jew, Mahometan, Pagan, may each worship his God, or Gods, in the way his father has done before him.
Neither is there any thing like a religious test for admission to public offices. The first persons in the civil and military departments are Greek, Roman-catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist, &c. as it may happen. The sovereign's choice is a sufficient qualification; nothing exists to controul it. Yet there is a national church, strongly marked by its privileges, and perfectly secured against that dread of all churches, innovation. In the first place, though the different sectaries may change at pleasure from one church to another, yet the true native Russian must inviolably adhere to the religion in which he is born, the Greek; any change in him is apostasy; and foreign ecclesiastics are forbidden to receive a Russian into their communities. Nay, if a foreigner once conform to the established religion, he is fixed in it for ever. If a foreigner's children, in defect of a minister of his own persuasion, chance to receive baptism from a Greek priest, they must likewise ever remain members of the national church. Moreover, in marriages between a Russian and a foreigner, the offspring, without a very particular dispensation from court, must be brought up in the Greek faith. The marriage ceremony, even of strangers, must always be performed according to the Russian ritual; but this, indeed, imposes no subsequent obligation on the parties, or their children.
Such is the plan philosophical despotism has formed for the management of religion in a great empire; and I doubt not there are many who will admire it as an extraordinary effort both of liberality and of good policy. It may seem to unite in the happiest manner the support of a national church with a regard to the rights of conscience in those who have been educated in a different communion; and may be thought equally to guard against the evils of innovation, and those of a forced uniformity. For myself, however, I cannot but consider it as a remarkable instance of the impudence of power—the propensity of mortals elevated by station above their fellow creatures, to assume the prerogative of dictating to them in their most important concerns. The spirit of the preceding regulations is this—"All religions are equal—equally true, or equally false. It is useful to the sovereign to have a prevailing one under his special influence and protection; yet it is not worth while to quarrel with strangers, or deprive the state of their services, for the sake of uniformity. Subjects, however, are to be taught, that the choice of religion does not belong to them but to their master. They are to follow authority in that, as in any other matter of civil regulation; and it would be punishable presumption in them to decide for themselves, as if they had any concern in the conclusion. A person may be of any religion he is commanded to be—he may bring his soul to submit as well as his body; and no duty can be supposed to supercede that of absolute submission to the sovereign. This manner of considering the subject is, in fact, a greater affront to the human understanding, than the power assumed by the Spanish inquisition. The latter founds all its authority upon the supposition that what it maintains is exclusively the truth, and truth of the highest importance to mankind; and it affects to make conviction the basis of that uniformity of belief and practice which it compels. It equally, indeed, with the other denies the right of private judgment; but it is on the plea that the matter has already been judged by the only competent tribunal; and it will not permit reasons of state or local circumstances to sway the decision of points not amenable to civil jurisdiction. The Russian scheme is evidently formed upon political considerations; but it is accommodated only to a nation, the great body of which are stupid barbarians. It proves that despots, with all the free-thinking they may possess, are only half philosophers. They would gladly enjoy all the benefit which can arise from the mental energies of their slaves, without taking off their shackles when acting for themselves. But to reduce the mind to such a state of discipline is beyond their power. It will not be limited in its exertions. It will not expand itself freely upon topics of comparatively small consequence, and pass over those of the greatest. While the native Russians are to be mere beavers of wood, and drawers of water, they may perhaps be made to continue to worship pictures bought at their god shops, and fast and pray just as their priests bid them. But if the noble plan is really pursued of reclaiming a great people from barbarism, and placing them on a level with the most enlightened nations of Europe, they must be allowed at least as much liberty as the
strangers who come to teach them, and not have their religion chosen for them like a footman's livery, or a soldier's regimentals. How mean and barbarous is this policy, as well as every other scheme for restraining free enquiry, compared with the simple dignified plan of leaving religion, like other matters of individual concern, to the care of the individuals themselves, secure that it can never injure the peace of a well regulated state, as long as the state abstains from interpolating in its differences.
SINGULAR ACCOUNT OF LA MAUPIN. FROM BURNET'S HISTORY OF MUSIC.
La Maupin seems to be a most extraordinary personage. "She was equally fond of both sexes, fought and loved like a man, and resisted and fell like a woman. Her adventures are of a very romantic kind. Married to a young husband, who soon was obliged to absent himself from her, to enter on an office he had obtained in Provence, she ran away with a fencing master, of whom she learned the final sword, and became an excellent fencer, which was afterwards an useful qualification to her on several occasions. The lovers first retreated from persecution to Marseilles; but necessity soon obliged them to solicit employment there, at the opera; and, as both had by nature good voices, they were received without difficulty. But soon after this she was seized with a passion for a young person of her own sex, whom she seduced, but the object of her whimsical affection being pursued by her friends, and taken, was thrown into a convent at Avignon, where La Maupin soon followed her; and having presented herself as a novice obtained admission. Some time after, she set fire to the convent, and availing herself of the confusion she had occasioned, carried off her favourite. But being pursued and taken, she was condemned to the flames for contumacy; a sentence, however, which was not executed, as the young Marcellaise was found and restored to her friends.
"She then went to Paris, and made her first appearance on the opera stage in 1695, when she performed the part of Pallas, in Cadmus, with the greatest success. The applause was so violent, that she was obliged, in her car, to take off her casque to salute and thank the public, which redoubled their marks of approbation. From that time her success was uninterrupted. Dumeni, the singer, having affronted her, she put on men's clothes, watched for him in the Place des Victories, and insisted on his drawing his sword and fighting her, which he refusing, she caned him, and took from him his watch and snuff-box. Next day, Dumeni having boasted at the opera-house, that he had defended himself against three men who attempted to rob him, she related the whole story, and produced his watch and snuff-box in proof of her having caned him for his cowardice. Thevenard was nearly treated in the same manner, and had no other way of escaping her chastisement, than by publicly asking her pardon, after hiding himself at the Palais Royal during three weeks. At a ball, given by Monsieur, the brother of Louis XIV. she again put on men's clothes, and having behaved impertinently to a lady, three of her friends, supposing La Maupin to be a man, called her out. She might easily have avoided the combat by discovering her sex, but she instantly drew, and killed them all three. Afterwards returning very coolly to the ball, she told the story to Monsieur, who obtained her pardon.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, sailed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexpected delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword. Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no safer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press. There is truth in the declaration the venerable Congress of 1774, who in their address to the inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffu-
on of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequent promotion of union among them, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indecent ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to him, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrendar his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROPOSITIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subjoined to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good old paper, and with a new type. 2d. The annual subscription shall be FIVE DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and SIX DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid. 3d. All Letters to be post paid.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. This, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
STRAYED or STOLEN A BLACK MARE with a white streak down her face, with a bunchy mane and tail. No other particular marks that I know. About thirteen hands high, about twelve years old, very heavy made and in good order, FOUR DOLLARS reward and all reasonable charges paid if left either with the Subscriber, or at JAMES TIMMONS Liberty street Baltimore,
By JAMES USHER, Greenleaf's Point. Washington City, Nov. 10, 1800.