National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-08-11 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
SATURDAY, August 11, 1792.
NUMB. 82.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE. T HE question relating to a constitutional exclusion of the ministers of religion from civil offices is a very serious one, as it affects a respectable and venerable order of citizens, and still more important as it involves certain fundamental principles of government.
The American constitutions have taken different sides of the question; even those of latest date, and therefore the most full of fullest and clearest information, are in opposition to each other thereupon. Those who argue for the disqualification of the clergy, say 1st. That religious duties afford sufficient employment and are of a nature not to assort with the bustle of political scenes, and therefore the ministers of the altar should not only live by the altar, but remain at the altar. 2dly. that if eligible to public offices, their influence over the people will give them an undue advantage over other candidates, and by degrees throw all power into their hands, which would be neither prudent nor safe. 3dly. That when they enjoy particular emoluments or exemptions under the law, it is but right and just that these should be balanced by particular legal disqualifications and disadvantages; otherwise this class of citizens would not be on a level with the rest. Now the first argument cannot be allowed the least weight in the question. It may be very proper for the consideration both of the pastor and the flock, but is a matter to be decided by them alone. The second argument falls under a similar observation. If the people are pleased to send the man who instructs them in their religious duties, to manage their other concerns also, and he is willing to undertake the service, on what principle can either be disfranchised of their common right? on no principle whatever that would not authorize a like disqualification of any other profession, or calling in life, till the right of chusing and being chosen should be narrowed down to a rank aristocracy. The third argument has weight, but instead of being turned against the right of such disqualifications, it lies against the wrong of such exemptions. Those who enjoy peculiar privileges under the law, may fairly be subjected by the law to peculiar disabilities. And as it would be an injury to them to impose the latter without the former; so to grant them the former without the latter, would be equally an injury to all others. When it is considered that religion is not an object of political regulation, and that the rights of conscience are from the nature thereof as well as by most of the Declarations of Rights, excepted out of the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate, too much care cannot be taken to keep government and religion separate & distinct. And it seems not to have been duly considered, by the constitutions which impose these civil disqualifications, and which probably did not mean to violate their principle of religious liberty, that they pave the way therefor as much by beginning with the disqualifications as if they had begun on the other side with particular favours and exemptions. For there is the same interference of the civil power on account of religion, in the one case as in the other; and on which ever side the government interferes, its interference on the other side follows of course. Justice pleads for it. Privileges authorise disabilities, and disabilities lead to privileges; till at length the ministers of religion are established into a political order in the state, the magistrate is clothed with complete jurisdiction over it; and religion is turned into a mere engine of civil government. Let the ministers of religion then be considered by civil society merely as members of civil society. Let them claim no privilege not common to all other citizens; and let other citizens impose no burden whatever not common to themselves. This is the only just and safe way in which this question can be decided.
Philad. Aug. 8.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE. O F all the various passions or propensities of man, Ambition is the least wanted, and the most pernicious in a republic to the interests of the people. In the ancient republics, characters of this sort, when elevated into stations that afforded opportunities of doing mischief, were watched with an eye of the strictest scrutiny, and when found consulting the purposes of their personal interests, rather than the public good, were soon brought to their senses by dismissal from office, and sometimes banishment. There is a certain description of men who cannot exist without a scheme in their heads, and when considerable abilities are joined to an intriguing disposition, the vigilance of the public eye ought to be re-doubled to prevent the consequences, which are usually fatal. Mankind, by which is meant ninety-nine parts out of one hundred of mankind, are ever inclined to live at peace and cultivate a good understanding with each other. The remaining small part are turbulent, scheming, maliciously cunning, plotters of mischief, and the real authors, advisers, and perpetrators of wars, treasons, and those other violences which have in all ages, more or less disgraced the annals of man.
America may be a free, may be a superlatively happy country—She may be such as long as time endures, if ambitious characters are restrained within the bounds of moderation, and so controuled by the public that their ambition may turn to the good, and not to the ruin of their fellow citizens. It is not necessary, however, even in a republic, that an ambitious man should be laid under the necessity of dying with his ambition in his belly. Such an one when he is prohibited from exerting it to a bad purpose in a political line, will naturally turn his ambitious views to the discovery of the longitude, the construction of steam-engines, balloons, or other such contrivances, the invention or improvement of which naturally conducts people, at least, to some of the inferior niches in the temple of immortality.
A. B.
Aug. 7. 1792.
Circular letter from the Committee of Correspondence in this city, for collecting information through the state, relative to persons qualified for Representatives in Congress, and electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States.
SIR, BY the inclosed copy of the minutes of the proceedings of a general meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, you will perceive, that the citizens are desirous to obtain information, "of the sense of the people in the different parts of the state respecting the characters proper to be nominated as Representatives in Congress, and electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States; and that they have committed to us, the task of endeavouring to collect the materials, on which their judgment and choice, in this important business, may be fairly, independently, and satisfactorily exercised.
We are solicitous, Sir, to discharge so honourable and so sacred a trust, with diligence and impartiality; and, relying upon the assistance of every virtuous and candid freeman, we believe it practicable to accomplish the object of our appointment without exciting suspicion, or meriting reproach.
The purpose of our appointment, indeed you will readily observe, is merely ministerial, with a view to collect necessary information. We are not delegated to deliberate upon the subject of the election; to admit, or to reject, the names of the candidates; to declare the sense of the people; or to frame a ticket: all that we are authorized to do (all that we have undertaken, or mean to do, on the present occasion) is to obtain a list of the various
characters, whom the citizens of every denomination, and in every part of the state, deem to be qualified for Representatives in Congress, and electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States: and to submit this list, without the influence of a selection, or a comment, to the deliberate consideration, and unbiased suffrages of the people.
It is proper, however, at the same time, to add, that no anonymous communications will be noticed.
Permit us then, Sir, to request, that you will, as expeditiously as you can, communicate, by a letter addressed to the Hon. Thomas McKean, Esq. Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, the names of the persons (particularly of those in your neighbourhood) who, according to your own opinion, and the opinions of the inhabitant of the county in which you reside, ought to be preferred at the ensuing election of thirteen Representatives in Congress, and fifteen electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States.
We are, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servants, Thomas McKean, James Hutchinson, A. I. Dallas, John Barclay, Hilary Baker, Jared Ingersoll.
To _____, of the county of _____. Philad. Aug. 3, 1792.
Extract of a letter from Manchester, England, May 16.
"Yesterday a most extraordinary and ridiculous affair happened in this town, and so truly laughable that I cannot help relating it:
"Our friends, Dr. and Mrs. Thomasfon, arrived here on Saturday from York, and on Monday they were invited to dine at Mr. R. Walker's. (with whom they have long been in habits of intimacy,) to meet his brother and a few other friends. The Doctor having a blue and buff coat and waistcoat, and somewhat more than usual preparation having been made for his reception, it was quickly whispered in the neighbourhood that the celebrated Mr. Thomas Paine was arrived at Mr. Walker's, which caused a considerable hubbub in the town, and some of the friends of our worthy ministry collected together, & informed some of the placid and virtuous mob , that the notorious Tom Paine was at Walker's, in St. Mary's, Church-yard, and that the d—d villain had drove his chariot, in spite of all resistance, over the sacred and consecrated ashes of the dead, as he was desirous of trampling under foot the king and constitution of every well governed State in Europe.
"This business alarmed the neighbourhood, and the Doctor's carriage was surrounded with these raggamuffins, who threatened to break the vehicle to pieces. Mrs. T. was dreadfully alarmed, and the Doctor with much firmness assured them he was not the person they apprehended, nor had he the smallest knowledge of Mr. Paine. After some altercation the mob dispersed, not without much doubting it was really Mr. Paine who had deceived them.
"The Doctor's coachman, an honest Yorkshireman, being ignorant of driving round the church-yard walls, had inadvertently drove across it, the gate having been accidentally left open."
From the S. C. Gazette, printed at Columbia—Camden, July 5, 1792.
The anniversary of our independence was welcomed with the usual demonstrations of joy by our citizens. The Camden company of light horse and the militia of the village and its vicinity, assembled in the morning. After having performed
their respective evolutions, they marched to the remains of a British fort, where some pieces of ordnance had been erected the American colours were flying, and fifteen rounds were fired in honour of our glorious emancipation—striking contrast to what might have been seen on the same spot twelve years ago! A well served dinner was prepared at the state house, at which a very numerous and respectable company was present.
The following toasts (each accompanied with a discharge from the cannon) were drank after dinner:
1. The President of the United States. 2. The ever memorable Fourth of July 1776. 3. The Federal constitution. 4. The Governor of the State. 5. The virtuous Whig Ladies of South-Carolina. Their noble patriotism, and generous fortitude, in the cause of freedom, in the years 1780 and 1781, excite our admiration, and entitle them to our lasting esteem. 6. The memory of General Greene, and the brave victims to liberty wherever slain under his banners in this state. May the recollection of their services be dear to us! 7. The memory of Colonel Kershaw, the worthy founder and patron of Camden. May we ever find a citizen of equal benevolence and disinterested public spirit. 8. Agriculture, the best blessing of a people—may it flourish in our country.— 9. The blessings of a good government, society and a social life. 10. The commercial interests of America. 11. Camden—May wisdom direct, and virtue always appear in her proceedings— 12. The French nation. Success to its reformation—may all arbitrary governments experience like changes. 13. The rights of man. May they be understood and respected.
[FROM NEW-YORK.]
At a general muster of the Militia of Richmond county, (Staten-Island) on Saturday the 28th July.
When, after having performed the different manœuvres much to the satisfaction of all present, the officers of the county, both civil and military, who attended on that occasion, adjourned to dinner at the house of Mr. Stephen Cubberly, at the Rose and Crown, when the utmost harmony prevailed. After dinner the following toasts were given and unanimously drank.
1. George Clinton, governor of the state of New-York—three cheers. 2. The seven firm and patriotic canvassers—three cheers. 3. The friends of liberty and good order throughout the state. 4. The Militia of Staten Island. 5. A due subordination to all civil and military officers throughout the state. 6. May peace and harmony ever prevail among the officers of Richmond county. 7. May the enemies of George Clinton be convinced of their errors. 8. May the wisdom of the statesman and the bravery of the soldier be ever united in the governor of the state—three cheers. 9. A true Clintonian commandant of Richmond county. 10. May the friends of Governor Clinton be ever ready to support the constitution and laws of the state. 11. May the Staten-Island militia be ready, whenever called upon, to support order and good government. 12. Pierre Van Cortlandt, lieut. governor of the state of New-York. 13. May the governors of every state rule with justice and equity, as George Clinton has done—three cheers. 14. Long life and prosperity to George Clinton. 15. The Governor and all his friends.

[The following ADDRESS to the FREEMEN of Pennsylvania, appeared in the General Advertiser of last Thursday.]
Fellow-Citizens,—The present moment is important, and seems to have involved in it, consequences, which, perhaps, we do not anticipate—You are to decide whether you will exercise a free and unbiased judgment at the ensuing election for Federal Representatives, or whether a confederation of Leaders shall determine your most momentous concerns. We are the creatures of habit and therefore of precedent, and we ought seriously and deliberately to examine a principle which the force of custom may make difficult to amend or abolish. The question before you is, in my opinion, of the simplest kind: it is, whether you will judge for yourselves, or allow others to judge for you! A congregation of men to frame a ticket, sanctioned by you, is in fact a body of electors, clothed with your authority. Are you incapable of judging for yourselves, that you must hazard a transfer of your most important rights? Is the essential right of suffrage so laborious to you, that you with the Herculean task transmitted to a few—If you confess yourselves too ignorant or too indolent to exercise your minds on this subject what a misfortune that you did not apply a constitutional remedy for this evil, at the organization of your government! Mighty as is the task, you would have found many who would, cheerfully, have saved you the trouble.
Would you be willing to transfer the right of managing your fortunes to other hands? Every citizen has a fee simple in government, and he is less at liberty to transfer or bargain for his fee, than he is at liberty to trifle with his estate or squander it away to the prejudice of his children; for industry may make amends for the want of patrimony, but nothing short of a civil convolution can restore departed rights.—As long as we have laws we shall have a tribunal to resort to against injustice; but where is the tribunal that shall restore your lost privileges?
Be not deceived by the cry of Antifederalism; it is a hackneyed sound calculated to delude and alarm you—Men and not measures are the object, and to make some men members of Congress, who probably, without some deep address would never be approved by the people, you are courted by the flattering names of Farmers, traders, manufacturers, and mechanics.—Why this discrimination? are these different degrees of citizenship? The title of Citizen applies to every free man, it is his birthright, and let his avocation in life be whatever it may, he ought to assert his right, and glory in the character of Citizen —Men who are thus fond of discrimination, are equally fond of debating the characters, which they wish to use as ladders to ascend to political eminence.—If we have any thing to dread, it is the efforts of such men to hurry us on to the most detestable of all tyrannies, the tyranny of aristocracy.
The Level is thought too great in this country—it is harsh and unpleasant to some of our fancied great men to be saluted by the same title, that every vulgar creature is constitutionally entitled to—What, shall the mechanic, shall the labourer, have equal weight in the political scale with a man who is worth a thousand or more pounds a year! This is the rub—and to obviate this, you are to delegate the right and the power of judging for yourselves to those who are more capable and more deserving!
We want no Ticket Mongers : let every citizen exercise his own judgment, and we shall have a good representation—intrigue, favoritism, cabal and party will then be at rest. A free and unbiased choice will do more credit to Pennsylvania, will give her more consequence in the union, and will throw a greater share of real abilities and worth into her scale, than all the contrivances of a conference.
S I D N E Y.
L O N D O N.
Extracts from foreign papers, from May 26, to June 9.
NOTE.
Presented by Count deKeller, the Prussian minister, to their high mightinesses the States General, dated April 24, 1792. The ties of confidence and friendship, projected for some years, as well at Berlin as Vienna, have been formally cemented by a defensive treaty of alliance, signed
at Berlin, on the 27th of February, and ratified a short time before the decease of the Emperor.
The King of Prussia, desirous not to retard the communication of this treaty to your high mightinesses, has authorised the undersigned, his Envoy Extraordinary, and minister Plenipotentiary, to deliver to you a copy of the said treaty, which he has this day the honour to present to you.
The stipulations it contains having for their aim the general tranquillity of Europe, as well as the repose and happiness of individuals, his majesty believes them to be perfectly applicable, without the smallest inconvenience, to the position and interests of the United Provinces.
The King of Hungary and Bohemia, on his part disposing himself, high and mighty lords, to invite you to concur in this alliance and to propose to you defensive engagements similar to those of the aforesaid treaty, the friendship and intimate relations which already unite the court of Prussia with the republic, engage his Prussian majesty to advise your high mightinesses of the overtures his apostolic majesty is about to make to you—The king cannot, at the same time, forbear the testimony of the satisfaction he feels, on observing the republic adopt the same principles which have determined his Majesty's alliance with the house of Austria.—Wishing that your High Mightinesses may see, in the same point of view, the utility and advantages which will result from the alliances, the king will felicitate himself on the power of contributing, as far as may be depended on his majesty, to the success of a negotiation, which cannot fail to conduce to the good of the Republic, and the satisfaction of all the powers interested.
HAGUE, LE COMTE DE KELLER.
April 27. 1792.
Brussels June 5. On the 2d inst. a Declaration was published here, in the name of the king of Hungary, permitting all French vessels not loaded with warlike stores, to enter freely the port of Ostend. This permission is to continue so long as the French nation shall suffer the vessels belonging to the king to carry on their commerce unmolested.
Frankfort , May 25. It is reported that the Prussian army, on its march, has received orders to halt, on account of news being received that 60,000 Russians have entered Poland.
London , May 26. Yesterday presented an extraordinary and an awful scene upon the stock-exchange. The speculations of the minister, which have lost three millions and an annuity of 170,000 £ . to the public, have been fatal also to his followers. The brokers, jobbers and dealers in the funds, who had confidence in the irrational speculations of the minister, and who thinking it impossible that a person with his means of forming a sound judgment could have foregone the opportunity of saving so large a sum for the nation, without solid hopes of a substantial rise, acted on this flattering hope, which involved them to their utter ruin. No fewer than eight persons of extensive speculations have fallen victims to their confidence, and the sum of which the stock-exchange is plundered by their failure is near two hundred thousand pounds.
In the beginning of the day a letter was received from a respectable house, intimating that this misfortune, which they had brought upon themselves by trusting to the false hopes thus held out, could not be retrieved—That they gave up to their creditors all that they possessed, and that before this letter could reach the exchange, one of the Partners would be no more. We forbear, from compassion to the unhappy relatives, to mention the name.
We trust that this scene will act as an admonition both to ministers and speculators—to the one how they hold forth uncertain hopes, and to the other how they believe them. [ And yet we fear the lesson will be useless. ] There is a blind and stupid proneness to believe in the market, upon which the minister may work at his will. Stunned by this blow, they require only two days to recover their breath, and they will stand up again to any bull that may be let loose upon them.
Breslau , May 10. The anniversary of the Polish revolution was celebrated on the 3d. at Warsaw, not only with all the unanimity and patriotism with which the new constitution was founded. The joy was the greater upon this occasion, from the prospect of the Court of Vienna and Berlin having agreed to maintain the in-
dependence of Poland, and the free form of government they have given themselves. It is expected that the ministerial notification of these engagements will be shortly made to the different powers. It is thought that a messenger, who arrived on the 18th at Berlin from Vienna, brought dispatches relative to that resolution as the next day Prince Reuss, Ambassador from the king of Hungary, sent a courier to Russia; and the Court sent one to London, and another to Petersburg.
PHILADELPHIA.
AUGUST 11, 1792.
The great, leading, master error in the conduct of the National Government (says a correspondent) has been the ill-judged and unjust idea of making the government flattering and lucrative to a particular interest, without regard to general considerations of equal and sound policy. It seems to have been the understanding of our rulers, that government could not safely lean on the broad support of the people at large, and that the state governments were foreign authorities, not fellow-servants of the same people, and consequently that the state governments were to be plucked of their agency and influence in all cases possible, and that a particular set of men were to be buoyed up by such means as would bind them by the strong link of interested motives to an implicit and active devotedness to the government.—The favorite interest made choice of for this ill-judged narrow project, was a monied interest, which, as an army of influence in the service and pay of the government, might bear down all obstacles arising out of popular interests and opinions, and thereby open the way for the government to whatever object it might drive at. This view of the case is a sort of key to the whole history and scheme of the federal legislation. It opens the secrets of the funding system, which did not move on the solid bottom of public faith or enlarged justice; but was trimmed and modified to suit the particular case of the great jobbers in certificates. Hence, the scheme of the bank so modified as to put millions, say four, five, or six, into the pockets of the paper or monied men, beyond any plea or pretext of legal claim or equitable pretension. So also, the consolidation of all debts the government could lay its hands upon, and the making the same irredeemable and perpetual as far as could be done: So again, the laying out the people's money, paid out of their laborious earnings, so as not to lighten their burdens the most possible, but in such manner as to benefit that particular favorite monied interest which the government had enlisted into its support.—In furtherance of the false erroneous and false system, every measure almost has tended to huddle up the great mass of public paper into as few hands as might be, according to the observation of a deep and famous politician, that a large sum of money in a few hands or one hand, gives far more weight and influence than the same sum dispersed among many, where they could not so easily run parallel to one another by reason of their number, and many of them having other interests to check their monied feelings, and warp them off from the course of the main body. If the whole annual revenue of three or four millions were to get into three or four, or even thirty or forty hands, what could stand against such an influence; and the rule of proportion holds on any other scale or supposition. What the final ultimate object in all the wrong measures pursued, may have been, time will, no doubt, best unravel.—But one thing has struck the notice of disinterested observers, namely, that the monied interest is universally thought to be, as a body, (whatever exceptions there may be) the least republican in their sentiments, manners and opinions, of any interest among us; and that the men most known to favour hereditary government, are the men who most cares the monied interest as the pillar and staff of power; so that there has been a kind of alliance and fellow-feeling between them in most public measures, and doubtless, for ends approved by both. All this, however, is totally wrong: for our government being built up by the people, and for the people, and being deemed an equal republican government, its administration ought to be of the same character; the features of the offspring ought to carry the likeness of the parent, or it must be stigmatized as a bastard policy by all sincere, honest republicans.
On Saturday next, in pursuance of a previous resolve passed at a respectable meeting of the inhabitants of Montgomery county, in the state of Pennsylvania, meetings are to be held at the several townships in that county, in order to choose two persons from each township for the purpose of appointing a committee of four persons to meet delegates from the several counties of this state at Lancaster, on the 20th of September, to fix upon proper persons to represent this state in Congress, for the ensuing two years, and also upon fit persons for electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States.
There appear several intimations in foreign papers that the combination against France will be considerably weakened by a great part of the strength of the Prussian army being diverted towards Poland, to counter-act the pretensions of the Empress of Russia to re-establish the old form of government in that country. It seems certain however, that part of the Prussian army has marched, with that of Austria, against France. "They will amount together, to near 140,000 men, who are to move in five divisions. From the length of their march it was deemed impossible for them to begin the campaign effectually till towards the end of July."—The same papers mention the Prussian and Russian Ambassadors at Paris being on the eve of their departure.
The military policy of General Fayette seems in every respect to be copied from the conduct of the American FABIUS at the beginning of the war with Great-Britain. By skirmishes with the enemy on the frontiers he will teach his soldiers the absolute necessity of discipline, and will give them the habit of war, without venturing a decisive action with troops, who have been taught from their infancy to look upon themselves as mere machines, and are as absolutely such, in the military line, as the cannon and mortars that attend them.
In England there appears to be a contest between the court party and the people, whether a reform in their government, shall or shall not take place. The immense influence of the crown, tho' unable so far to blind the people as to make a union with the continental powers against France a popular measure, yet it is feared, can so far operate upon certain springs as in a great degree to defeat the purposes of the reforming societies throughout the kingdom.
Emigration from the Netherlands, &c. &c.
At no period since the first discovery of America, has the spirit of emigration been so general, as it is at present.—Instead of servants by indenture, sent out from Great-Britain, Ireland and Germany, we find several respectable families from all these countries coming daily into our ports, with an intention of establishing factories, and little colonies in our frontier towns and back settlements.
A vessel that arrived at one of our northern ports, a few days ago, brought near 500, and another 750 passengers, many of whom were of the class above mentioned. These people have given it as their opinion, that no less than ten thousand would emigrate this fall from one port in Ireland, if an opportunity should offer on board American vessels, which in general are preferred to those of their own country. It is also confidently asserted by late information received in different parts of the continent, that upwards of four thousand mechanics, merchants, gentlemen, and nobles, from the Pays Bas or Netherlands, and who, with respect to the present contest there, meant to be altogether neuter, and wishing on that account, though in vain, to steer clear of the storms, they for some time past saw gathering in their political horizon, came to a resolution of quitting their native country forever—and to seek that peace and happiness, in a foreign clime, which hath been denied, both to them and their ancestors, for above three hundred years—the Low Countries, as they are called, having been always made the theatre of war upon the continent of Europe. Some time ago, 200 of these people, who had invested part of their money in the Dutch funds, met with considerable opposition from different parties who suspected their intention; but, under pretence of their being factious persons, who wished to join some of the belligerent powers, inimical to their interest, prevailed on the directors of the bank to impede their design as much as possible. Those who had money in the English funds were more successful, for although it is well known that they proposed coming to America and settling here, no stumbling block was thrown in their way; and they are now ready to embark by the first vessels that sail either from Holland or England to the number of 4000 upon a moderate calculation—with cash and other valuable effects, estimated at six hundred thousand pounds of this currency.—Their ports of destination between Philadelphia and Alexandria, and the Federal City, or some of its neighbouring towns, supposed to be their object for a permanent residence.
Extract of a letter from a Presbyterian Minister in England, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated May 8, 1792.
I have often and long talked of going to America. I have been thinking much of it of late, there being many things on this side of the water to alienate my affections from my native country. Had I no family I should not think of moving; but I am thoroughly persuaded America is a country greatly preferable for a numerous family like mine. The load of our public taxes is enormous, and provisions of all sorts so very dear, that young people find it very difficult to settle in life and support a family,—which is one of the greatest evils that can happen a society.
Many of us are on the tip-toe to go,—particularly people in the farming line. It is almost impossible to obtain a farm that is

worth having. I am confident if some persons of reputation were to go over and obtain a comfortable settlement, numbers would soon follow. If a farm is likely to be vacant here, numbers are eagerly catching at it. Indeed we are very much in one another's way: There are more people of every trade, in almost every town in the kingdom, than can get business to support them.
The Birmingham riots have raised such a spirit of bigotry against Dissenters, that we can hardly be said to be safe. Our representation in parliament is so very partial, the system of government so corrupt, the reigning family so extravagant, public and parochial taxes such a grievous burden, that I expect, in the course of a few years, especially if trade should fail, or we should have another war, considering how high party spirit runs, we shall be altogether by the ears.
Your early marriages in America, shew that a livelihood is not difficult to be obtained. Here, thinking young men are often afraid to marry,—and very well they may: The expence of housekeeping is become enormous, and thousands of the labouring poor cannot get food and raiment, though ever so sober and frugal.
Your countryman Thomas Paine, and a Mr. Barlow, are printing political pamphlets, which are well adapted to diffuse a knowledge of the rights of man, and individuals are enlightened by them; but the nation in general are so fond of their established church, and their old government, that no alteration is likely to take place at present, and whenever it does, it will probably be as it was in America, by a civil war."
On Sunday evening arrived at New-York, the sloop Sarah and Lucretia, capt. M'Call, from Barbadoes, after a passage of 16 days; he informs that he met a capt. Welsh at Barbadoes, (who brought a cargo of tea from China) who told him that on his passage he spoke with a ship belonging to the East-India Company, in the Bay of Bengal, the captain of which informed him, (capt. Welsh) that Tippoo Saib had ceded one half his territories to Lord Cornwallis, and three millions of money sterling; one million to the Company, one million to Lord Cornwallis, and the officers under his command, and the other million to the assisting powers. Capt. M'Call says he also read the same in the Barbadoes papers before he failed; and that Tippoo had left 2 of his sons hostages for the due performance of his agreement.
The brig Bailli de Suffrein, which was taken up at sea some time ago, with only a woman on board, and brought into Norfolk, Virginia, has had her case tried in the Virginia court of admiralty. The brig and cargo were valued at three thousand pounds, one third of which was adjudged to the captain and crew that picked her up.
Two brigantines are on their way from Old Spain to South-America; their object is said to be a complete survey of the whole extensive coast of South-America, more particularly those parts subject to the jurisdiction of Spain.
The strict enforcement of the decree of the National Assembly, confirming the Mulattoes of the islands in their privileges, seems to be the only practicable method of restoring peace & good order to those islands. By the latest information the adoption and enforcing of the decree in Hispaniola has nearly destroyed the confederacy between the mulattoes & the insurgent negroes. In Martinico it has produced the happiest effects, and as soon as it arrived the free men of colour gave themselves up to the Colonial Assembly, and swore to remain inviolably attached.
Heads of Intelligence from foreign Papers.
Notwithstanding the supposed neutrality of the Prince of Hesse Cassel, he has joined the confederacy against France, and has marched his army towards the Rhine.—The small army of French emigrants was still at Coblence the latter end of May, together with the Noblesse, who had recently assembled in that city to appoint Monsieur regent of France, in the place of Louis the sixteenth, issue a manifesto, and then begin the attack upon France, to be supported by the combined armies.—Every late account from Europe represents the French emigrants as in the highest spirits, and making no doubt but they would return to their homes and possessions the ensuing autumn.—Several hints are given that a defensive warfare would be adopted by the National Assembly: this, however, does not seem to comport with their declaration of war, which would imply offensive operations: the emigrants do not, it is said, scruple to assert openly that the declaration of war was carried by their secret friends in the assembly.—The American funds had fluctuated in a very uncommon degree in London, within the last 6 months. Those who speculated in them in the first instance had made immense sums, and so high was the public opinion in their favour, that the 6 per cents were run up to 150; this fictitious value, however, did not last long, and the sudden fall is said to have been one cause of the failures in New-York: On the 7th of June they were down at twelve shillings, producing an interest of five per cent.—Letters from Valenciennes to per-
sons in Paris had confirmed the news of General Rochambeau's resignation: that Marshal Luckner's plan of offensive war had been renounced by the other Generals, and that of Rochambeau (the defensive) adopted.—Other accounts say that "Generals Rochambeau, Luckner, and Fayette were to determine on the 10th of May, the plan of the campaign, and whether the war for the present season should be offensive or defensive. As their decision was to be kept a profound secret, it is not likely that the real plan could yet have been known when the last accounts left France.—Although the court of Spain does not entirely abandon the French emigrants, having granted pensions and a maintenance to several of them, yet it does not appear that that court is at all friendly to their hopes of a counter-revolution. "We shall not (say the Spaniards) be drawn to enter into the league formed against France, even in a pecuniary sense."—The Hessian troops which form a cordon towards the Rhine, are fifteen thousand in number; they are upon a war establishment. It is scarcely any longer doubted, but that this army will join the Prussian and Austrian forces. The Landgrave of Hesse hopes, no doubt, by this mark of compliance to fill the ninth electorate now vacant.—Tranquility being perfectly restored at Paris, the Assembly declared itself (on the 31st, of May) no longer permanent.—On the 3d. of May the Swedish criminals, the supposed associates of Ankerstrom in the assassination of the king of Sweden, sent in their defence: the sentences had not been all published; but John d'Englestrom, the royal Secretary, and Nordel, the territorial judge, were condemned to live on bread and water four days, to lose their places, and the first to be degraded from the rank of nobility.—A letter from Paris to a correspondent in London, dated May 21, says, "it is all over, with the national Assembly: the emigrants, 20,000 strong, all officers and gentlemen, with the Prussians Austrians, and Sardinians, who will, on the 20th of next month, compose a junction of 180,000, (in all 200,000) having nothing but the lightest artillery, will march directly to Paris, passing by every other place. Two whole regiments of cavalry have just deserted from the French army.—M. D'Aranda, the new Spanish minister, finds a very active party using their efforts to remove him. His pacific system, with respect to France, they insinuate, is a proof that he approves of the new constitution, which humbled the clergy and discarded the monks; and a strong presumption that he wishes to do the same in Spain.—The people of the Netherlands are no doubt ripe for a revolt from the Austrian domination, but if a defensive system is finally adopted by France, they will not dare to attempt any thing, as their country will be the seat of the Austrian armies, as well as those of the allied powers—at Exeter, in England, on June the 4th (the King's birth day) "much liquor was given away to the people in that part of the city called the Island. In the evening a bon fire was kindled there, and Paine's Rights of Man , a work of Dr. Priestley's and Kenrick's sermon on the 4th of November, were with great solemnity committed to the flames, amidst the acclamations of several hundred spectators. The two former gentlemen were afterwards burnt in effigy. The ceremony of conflagration was preceded by reading the first words of his Majesty's Proclamation, "Whereas many seditious writings have been published of late, &c."
Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this city, dated Columbia, Kentucky, June 19.  "The Indians from time to time steal our horses—I am clearly of opinion that since the first settlement they have stolen horses to the amount of upwards of 3000. that is from Columbia alone and its vicinity.  "They now and then kill some of our citizens and scalp them, or carry them into a horrid captivity. The latter end of April they killed within three miles of Columbia a Mr. James Nevil, a lieut. in our militia—a young man of great worth; they nearly skinned his head all over in taking off his scalp. The loss of this valuable member of society was greatly regretted, and was a very severe blow to his afflicted mother, who had but a few months before followed her husband to the grave; and was left with several small children, leaning and depending in a great measure on this her dear son. He was brought in and buried with great decency. The Rev. John Smith preached a funeral sermon on the occasion. A Mr. Ball was killed or taken prisoner at the same time; he has not since been heard of. A Mr. Orcut who was in company received two wounds, but got in and is nearly recovered. About the first of May some men were killed at Dunlap's station—and within a few weeks two men were killed on the road between Cincinnati and Lexington. Three ambassadors are sent to the different Indian nations, to negotiate a peace,—a Mr. Gerard, an inhabitant of Columbia to the Shawanese—Major Trueman to the Delawares—and Col. Hardin to the Wiandots (as I am informed.) We have as yet no news from them, and grow uneasy on their account.  "The Indians who are prisoners at Fort-Washington, behave as I am told with great
fortitude and propriety; and are industrious in their way, when they can get any thing to do, and seem anxious to procure wampum. The Indian Queen is well—a week or two ago Major Trueman asked her acceptance of a guinea, which she seemed not to know the value of; but being informed it would procure her so much wampum, she accepted it with becoming gratitude; since which, their greatest artists have busily been employed in making a belt of the most brilliant kind; after they had finished this, they took a Doctor Brown who is in the medical department, a man of great humanity and goodness of heart, who on all occasions had sympathized with them in their captivity; and with all the ceremonies of Royalty crowned him King of their nation: after the coronation the Queen approached and paid him all that homage due to his Majesty, her rightful sovereign; after which all the rest in due order approached and paid their obeisance. They had procured for him all the kingly robes in their power, and dressed him in the grand belt of wampum they had made."
A Virginia paper; among other western intelligence, has the following paragraph. "Capt. Butler (brother to the unfortunate General of that name) has returned to Cumberland from Detroit; he was assured by the British commander at the post, that the report lately circulating of the general being still living and a prisoner with the Indians, was not only without foundation, but related to him the following melancholy particulars of his death:—Soon after the retreat of our army, on the 4th of November last, from the bloody plains of Miami, the well noted and as infamous Simon Girtie, came up to the general, who was then sitting: he knew him and spoke to him; the general suffering under the most excruciating pain from his wounds, desired Girtie to put an end to his misery; but he declining to give the fatal stroke, turned and whispered to an Indian standing by, that the person he had just been speaking to, was the commander of the defeated army; upon which the Indian immediately sunk his toma-hawk into his head, and he expired. A number of Indians then surrounded and scalped him; but what is most shocking to relate, they opened his body, took out his heart, cut it in as many pieces as there were tribes in the action, and divided it among them.—thus died the Brave General BUTLER."
The same paper further informs "that 1500 Indians were lately in council at the Maumee towns—that they were determined on war—that two commissioners, Messrs. Brugh and Freeman, who went with a flag to endeavour to treat with them on terms of peace, had been murdered by them—and that another flag which went to a distant quarter, not having been heard of, it was supposed met a similar fate."
"When we see in particular papers , an indiscriminate attempt to justify every measure pursued by individuals, whether smuggled, or otherwise, into the federal government, it is not difficult to know the reason why the term "staunch republican" is disgusting to the Editors of such papers.—For, the "staunch republican," neither courting the smiles, nor fearing the frowns of men in power , is too apt to find fault that our revenue is wasted in extravagant salaries , as well as pensioners living on the earnings of the people: he is for breaking up that slough of the revenue , the war department: and is for dismissing men from their employment, when he finds that instead of promoting the public interest, they are involving the country in blood, for their own private emolument." [ Bost. Indep. Chron. ]
At a meeting of the inhabitants in Dutchess county, New-York, on the 4th inst. the following Resolves, among several others, were unanimously passed:
"Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, George Clinton, Esq. is, by the constitution and laws of this state, Governor thereof; and that Pierre Van Cortlandt, Esq. is by the same authority Lieutenant-Governor of the same; and that it is the indispensable duty of every citizen peaceably to acquiesce in their administration, during the time for which they have been elected.
"Resolved, That to call a convention at this time, under the pretence of altering what may be thought defective in the constitution, or of redressing supposed grievances, will, in the opinion of this meeting, in the present state of men's minds, be dangerous to the happiness and welfare of all orders of men in the state, and we greatly fear, ruinous to the republican principles of the government.
And whereas, Associations are forming in various parts of this state, whose avowed object is no way attainable, but by a revolution in the government. Therefore,
"Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, it is the great duty of every citizen, and more especially the magistrates who are more particularly interested with the public peace, to discountenance such dangerous associations."
It was also resolved, "That a meeting be called on the 27th of August, to take into consideration, the present state of public affairs, and that it be recommended to the inhabitants of the several towns, as
it may be inconvenient for them to attend generally, to appoint a committee for that purpose."
"A number of those (says a New-York paper) who before were called strong Federalists , are now the supporters of Governor Clinton. They have long beheld, with admiration, the character and conduct of a man whose patriotism and justice has been so conspicuous in all his actions. The superseding him, as has been attempted, would have been a great injury to the United States, in depriving the judicial bench of a great luminary of the law. A certain party, however, did not mean that Mr. J—— should long remain governor of New-York, had he succeeded—A young man , who has the merit of being the richest inhabitant of the United States, would have probably filled the office on Mr. J——s advancement to a higher station ."
An error is discovered by the Marine Surveyor of the Admiralty, in the latitude of the islands of Scilly. The true latitude of the light house on St. Agnes is found to be 49 deg. 53 min. 47 sec. north, and that of Pednathius Head, 49 deg. 52. min. 2 sec. north.
[The following is from an English paper; a satirical Squib at the Ministers, &c. for their easy credulity relative to the capture of Seringapatam, Tippoo's capital.]
I CANNOT express how delighted I am, To hear we have taken Seringapatam.
The CHANCELLOR look'd like a frolick-some Ram, To hear we had taken Seringapatam:
DUNDAS fled from bottle, from chicken, and ham, To Windsor to tell of Seringapatam.
WILL PITT ate a cake with some raspberry jam, When told we had taken Seringapatam.
The WISE INDIA HOUSE wrote a letter to cram The news down our throats of Seringapatam.
The PRINCE gave a nod to his porter, BIG SAM, "You hear we have taken Seringapatam."
We are happy to find in this victory sham , Not an Englishman fell at Seringapatam.
The VESTAL it seems had arriv'd in the CAM, With news of the taking Seringapatam.
The mighty TIPPOO, from a battering-ram, Got a shot in the thigh at Seringapatam.
John Bull to his consort said, "Hark ye, dear Ma'am, Cornwallis has taken Seringapatam!"
Pagodas and cannon, beef, mutton, & lamb, Were found in the streets of Seringapatam,
Lord CORNWALLIS bestow'd on each soldier a dram, For his gallant attack of Seringapatam.
GREAT GEORGE look'd as sapient as old Abraham, When he heard we had taken Seringapatam.
The Stocks were forc'd up five per cent. by the flam , Of our troops having taken Seringapatam.
Now the people of England most heartily damn, The Wonderful News from Seringapatam.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  6 Per cents - - 29/   3 Per cents - - 12/9.   Deferred - - 13/.   Shares Bank of United States, 50   do. North-America, 30   do. New-York, 25   do. Maryland, 10   do. Massachusetts, 20   do. Rhode-Island, 9   Susquehannah and Schuylkill canal, 100   Delaware and Schuylkill canal, 14   Lancaster and Philadelphia turnpike, 40 
INFORMATION.
THE Administration of the French colony of St. Domingo, continuing to draw bills upon me, though advised more than two months ago to suspend drawing; I am under the necessity, in order to avoid exposing the credit of France, of informing the public, that from the date of this advertisement, I will not accept nor pay any of those bills beyond No. 138, of the 17th of July.
In case the government of France should make provision and give orders for the payment of the bills of the said Administration, I shall make it known immediately.
The Consul-General of France, Antoine R. C. M. De La Forest.
N. B. It is expected that the editors of the newspapers will give circulation thro' the United States to an advertisement so particularly interesting to trade.

A CURIOUS DIALOGUE.
[Occasioned by Emblematic Devices on a certain Travelling-Coach.]
ONE Sabbath-day-morning, said Samuel to Sue, "I've thought—and I've thought—that a Title would do—"
Believe me, my dear it is sweeter than syrup
To taste of a Title, as cook'd up in Europe—
"Your ladyship" here, and "your ladyship,"
there,
"Sir knight," and "your grace," and "your
lordship, the Mayor!"
"But here we are nothing but vulgar all over
And the wife of a cobbler scarce thinks you a-
bove her:
What a country this is
Where madam and miss
Is the highest salute by each low-minded cur
And I—even I—am but Miser and Sir!
"Your equal-right-gentry, I ne'er could abide—
That all are born equal, by me is denied,
And Barlow and Paine
Shall preach it in vain:
Look even at brutes, and you'll see it confest
That some are intended to manage the rest—
Yon dog of the manger, how stately he struts,
You may know he is great by the loom of his
guts;
Not a better-born whelp ever snapp'd at his foes,
All he wants, is a glass to be stuck on his nose,
And then, my dear Sue
Betwixt "me and you"
He would look like the gem'man, whose name I
forget,
Who lives in a castle, and never pays debt."
"My dear [answer'd Susan] 'tis said, in reproach,
That you climb like a bee, when you get in a
coach;
Now, your nobles that sprung from the nobles of
old,
Your knights, and your earls, and your barons so
bold
From nature inherit so handsome an air
They are noblemen born, at first glance we may
swear,—
But you that have cobbled, and I that have spun,
'Tis wrong for our noddles on titles to run:
Moreover, you know
That to make a fine show
Your people of note
Of arms get a coat—
A boot, or a shoe,
Wou'd but sneakingly do.
A would certainly prove our nobility new."
"No matter—(said Samuel) a coach shall be
bought—
Tho' puppies may chatter, I care not a groat—
Around it a score of devices shall shine
And mottoes, and emblems—to prove it is mine:
Fair Liberty's cap
And a star and a strap,
A dagger that somewhat resembles an awl,
A pump-skin-fac'd godless, turn'd out from a stall;
All these shall be there—
How people will stare!
And Envy herself, that our Title would blast,
Shall smile at the motto—THE FIRST SHALL
BE LAST."
* Primus qui fuit, nunc ultimus. Aug. 3.
L O N D O N, May 25.
SOCIETY for CONSTITUTIONAL INFORMATION.
May 18, 1792.
At a meeting held this day, the following letter was received, addressed to the Chairman of this Society:
"SIR, London, May 18, 1792: The honourable patronage which the society for constitutional information has repeatedly given to the works entitled Rights of Man, renders it incumbent on me, to communicate to them whatever relates to the progress of those works."
"A great number of letters from various parts of the country have come to me, expressing an earnest desire, that the first and second part of The Rights of Man could be rendered more generally useful, by printing them in a cheaper manner than they have hitherto been; as those requests were from persons to whom the purchase at the present price was inconvenient, I took the proper means for complying with their request."
"I am since informed, that the ministry intends bringing a prosecution; and as a nation (as well the poor as the rich) has a right to know what any works are, that are made the subject of a prosecution; the getting out a cheap edition is, I conceive, rendered more necessary than before, as a means towards supporting that right; and I have the pleasure of informing, the society, that I am proceeding with the work."
I am, Sir, with great respect, "Your obedient humble servant, THOMAS PAINE."
The society took into consideration the contents of the aforesaid letter, and came to the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the thanks of this society be given to Mr. Thomas Paine, for the communication he has made, and for the patriotic disinterestedness manifested therein.
Resolved, That this society will contribute its utmost aid towards supporting the rights of the nation, and the freedom of the press, and him who has so essentially and successfully contributed to both.
Resolved, That the right of investigating principles and systems of government is one of those rights, and that the works of any author which cannot be refuted by reason, cannot, on the principles of good government, or of common sense, be made the subject of prosecution.
Resolved, That the excessive taxes which this country pays, being now seventeen millions annually, give an additional motive for the exercise of this right; and render it at the same time a more immediate duty the nation owes to itself, to enter upon and promote all such investigations.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the rumour of the above-mentioned
prosecution; and to report thereon to the society at its next meeting.
Resolved, That a copy of Mr. Paine's letter, together with these resolutions, be transmitted to all the associated societies in town and country, and that this society do congratulate them on the firm as well as orderly spirit and tranquil perseverance manifested in all their proceedings; and exhort them to a steady continuance therein.
The following sentiments appear in the Address of the above Society to the Jacobins [or friends of the Constitution at Paris]
"YOURS is not among the least of the revolutions which time is unfolding to an astonished world, that two nations, nursed by some wretched craft in reciprocal hatred, should so suddenly break their common odious chain, and rush into amity. The principle that can produce such an effect, is the offspring of no earthly court; and whilst it exhibits to us the expensive iniquity of former politics, it enables us, with bold felicity, to say—We have done with them."
"In contemplating the political condition of nations, we cannot conceive a more diabolical system of government, than that which has hitherto been generally practised over the world. To feed the avarice, and gratify the wickedness of ambition, the fraternity of the human race has been destroyed; as if the several nations had been created by rival gods. Man has not considered man as the work of one creator."
"The political institutions under which he has lived, have been counter to whatever religion he professed. Instead of that universal benevolence which the morality of every known religion declares, he has been politically bred to consider his species as his natural enemy, and to describe virtues and vices by a geographical chart. These principles we now declare are not peculiar to the society that addresses you. They are extending themselves, with accumulating force, through every part of our country, and derive strength from an union of causes which no other principles admit."
"The religious friend of man, of every denomination, records them as his own; they animate the lover of liberty; and they cherish the heart of the poor, now bending under an oppression of taxes, by a prospect of relief."
"We have against us only that same enemy which is the enemy of justice in all countries, a herd of courtiers fattening on the spoil of the public."
"It would have given an additional triumph to our congratulations, if the equal rights of man (which are the foundation of your declaration of rights) had been recognized by the governments around you and tranquility established in all: But if despotism be still reserved to exhibit, by conspiracy and combination, a farther example of infamy to future ages; the power that disposes of events, best knows the means of making that example finally beneficial to his creatures."
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second instalment for the payment of shares in the stock of this society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second instalment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month's interest on 20 13-100 dollars—on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brunswick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs.—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk.
July 24. tf.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
And for Sale at the Printing-Office, No. 209, Market-Street, and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in Second-Street, Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar,
ADVICE
TO THE PRIVILEGED ORDERS, in the SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE, Resulting from the necessity and propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government. BY JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
George Town, June 2, 1792. A NUMBER of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in the city of Washington, will be offered for sale, by the Commissioners on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners. July 25.
*** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York Price 5/7 1-2.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine second and elastic cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices, VIZ.
 Best Superfine navy blue 34/.  Ditto. ditto. Scarlet 36/.  Common colours superfine 32/.  Elastic stripes 9/.  London buff and white cassimers 15/6.  Ditto, coloured do. 15/.  Yorkshire do. do. 13/6.  Striped toiletens 14/.  Ratinetts 3/.  Striped Nankens : 3/4.  A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low  Fancy buttons and trimmings do.  London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24/. 
The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers, by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD.
Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling-house together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment.
A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14. 2aw.tf.
To be published by Subscription, THE AMERICAN REMEMBRANCER, OR PROCEEDINGS OF THE Old Congress,
From their first Meeting in September 1774, to their final dissolution in March 1789, COMPRISING at full length, every important resolution, order, address, declaration, &c. contained in the thirteen volumes of their journals—a concise summary of the less interesting parts,—an alphabetical list of appointments, promotions and resignations—a collective view of the public expenditures, &c. &c.—the whole intended to serve as a satisfactory substitute for the original journals, which are now out of print, and of which the entire substance, unincumbered with official formalities and repetitions, will here be given in about one fourth of their present bulk, accompanied with one complete general Index: To which will be added, a copious and valuable collection of original
State Papers,
from the Records and Files of Congress, CONTAINING (either verbatim, or in abstract, as the cases may severally require) such interesting pieces referred to in the journals, as may with propriety be permitted to be made public, viz. Letters from the different officers employed in the public service during the late war—intercepted letters of the enemy—communications from governors, state legislatures, conventions, and committees—dispatches from agents and commissioners—instructions—reports of committees of Congress; and various other authentic documents, tending to throw a light on the important events, to which America owes her present independence.
In the course of the work, will be introduced, in their proper places, such parts of the
Secret Journals,
as no longer require secrecy.
As soon as 500 copies are subscribed for, the work will be put to press, to be delivered to subscribers, in numbers of 304 octavo pages each, at ONE DOLLAR, in blue boards. The Subscription money will not be required for the first Number, until the publication is begun; and on the delivery of each number, half a dollar will be expected in advance for the succeeding one. To non-subscribers, the price will be raised.
SUBSCRIPTIONS will be received by the principal booksellers throughout the Union, and by the Editor. JOHN CAREY. No. 26, Pear-Street, Philadelphia.
BOOKS,
Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement in January 1787, to December 1791, in ten vols. Price, nearly bound and lettered, sixteen dollars.
This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.
2. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Marchmont's of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6/6.
3. Smith's History of New-York. from its first settlement to the year 1732. To which is annexed, a description of the country, with a short account of the inhabitants, their religious and political state.
and the constitution of the courts of justice—Price a dollar and a quarter.
4. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L.L.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69. p. 628.) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful."
5. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, containing select productions of the most eminent British and American poets. Price four shillings of a dol.
6. Blair's Sermons, containing the whole of the three volumes of the British edition, in two. Price two dollars.
7. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four shillings of a dollar.
8. Examination of the observations of Lord Shelburne's on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five eighths of a dollar.
9. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five eighths of a dollar.
10. M'Fingal, an epic poem, a new edition in 12mo. Price three eighths of a dollar.
11. American Jest Book, in two parts, with two very neat engravings. Price bound, three shillings of a dollar.
12. Garden of the Soul, by Bishop Chalenor. Price, bound plain, half a dollar, in calf and lettered three quarters of a dollar, plain 1-2dol.
13. The Douay Translation of the vulgate Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2—plain, six dollars.
Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again. May 17. 6m.12.w.
NEW-YORK & PHILADELPHIA STAGES
Via Bordentown and Burlington, And SHREWSBURY & PHILADELPHIA STAGE, Via Bordentown.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia land and water Stages beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of passengers, they have thought proper to remove the different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-street, from whence, on the first day of July next, and afterwards, a convenient packet-boat will start for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordentown or Burlington, each place to be taken alternately. Fare for passengers from Philadelphia to New-York 15s.—For Goods per cwt. 6s.
VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, DAVID WILLIAMSON,
Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia Stages, by the route of Bordentown.
JACOB MYERS, AMOS HUTCHIN, NICHOLAS SCHENK, Proprietors of the line of N. York and Philadelphia Stages, by the route of Burlington.
The Shrewsbury Stage will leave Philadelphia in the months of July and September, on every Sunday and Wednesday, and return on every Tuesday and Friday. In the month of August, it will leave Philadelphia on every Sunday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday and Saturday.
VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, DANIEL LOT, Proprietors of the Shrewsbury and Philad. Stage. Bordentown, June 25, 1792.
For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to M'KEAN & VAN EMBURGH, at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-Street; by whom orders for the purchase of all kinds of grain, flax, or other country produce, are punctually attended to.
For freight or passage to Lambert or Trenton, also apply as above. Philadelphia, June 27. law t
PUBLIC REPORTS
FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS, Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several Members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAIN, the publishers, No. 209, Market Street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States. May 24.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.