Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-02-02 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 80, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1791.
[Whole No. 184.]
The TABLET. No. 153.
(GENERAL SUBJECT CONTINUED AND CONCLUDED)
"The people of this country are employed in such a way as forms a character most compatible with the enjoyment of civil liberty."
THAT a person should think favorably of himself and his situation, conduces very much to his acting with propriety and spirit. The same remark may be applied to his political, no less than to his personal transactions. It is of importance that a man, in order to be a steady patriot, and a valuable citizen, should view the government under which he lives, with as much confidence and respect as it deserves. If his sentiments be strongly tinged with prejudices and suspicions, for which there is no real foundation, all his efforts to preserve the government will be cold or petulant; and he can never derive pleasure by anticipating the prosperity of his country, so long as he does not believe it is in a fair way to prosper . To have opinions well established, and feelings well disposed with regard to public affairs, one should not listen too much to the insinuations of men who are prone to predict evil, and impose censure, whenever they make public measures the theme of their conversation. There is a happiness as well as a utility in having our opinions and feelings so justly accommodated to the state of things, that we may cherish no silly or needless anxieties about future contingencies. With this idea in view, I have employed the six preceding essays in a series of remarks upon the causes that operate to secure the freedom, and promote the prosperity of our happy country. It has been my intention to illustrate, that these desirable objects rested on such a basis, as could not be destroyed or shaken by casualties similar to those, which had overthrown the ancient republics. As the remarks and reasonings have not been reduced to any regular system, but have been communicated in a desultory manner, there is a propriety in my bringing them into a summary view, before I close the subject.
First of all, however, it is incumbent on me to remark, that when I am speaking of the government of this country, I have no specific reference either to the national or State authorities. I view them altogether as forming one complete government. The duty as well as the best interests of the citizens are concerned, in having each legislature confining its attention to the object, for which they are now severally instituted.
But to proceed.—It has been a leading idea in the discussion of the present subject; that, as the character and circumstances of the people of the United States do not resemble those of any other nation, either ancient or modern, we cannot fairly make their case a precedent for our own. The occupations of men have such a powerful influence upon their moral character, that we have only to know how the people of any country are employed, to ascertain the probability, whether they will be most inclined to a sober and virtuous, or to a vicious and disorderly conduct. We must always look to the character of individuals, as an essential point to be regarded in estimating the chances that may affect the welfare of the community. It cannot, indeed, too often be repeated, that the state of society, more than the form of government, should be contemplated, in all our hopes and fears, with respect to that propitious combination of law and liberty which qualifies the excesses of both. And, as the inhabitants of the United States have those employments and consequently those characteristics which form a good state of society, may we not safely infer, that we may escape those disasters, to which the ancient republics were exposed, only because they had those employments and consequently those characteristics which form a bad state of society?
Other remarks also have been made, to explain away the fears some people may entertain, lest our encreasing wealth and luxury should prove destructive to our morals and freedom. The dissolute manners of ancient times, though presented to our imagination under their worst aspect, should not inspire us with terror, or check our pursuits of avarice and industry. We gain our property, as a people, by slow and imperceptible degrees, and form such habits in the course of the acquisition, as will guard us against a desire for those absurd and barbarous recrea-
tions, and that capricious extravagance, into which those nations unavoidably plunged, who amassed wealth with rapidity and rapine. The ancient, warlike republics gained extensive conquests, and possessed immense stores of riches, before they had learned to estimate their value, or control their application. It could not but be expected therefore, that degeneracy and ruin would be their fate. That kind of luxury which attends the gradual prosperity of an industrious people operates as a forcible spring to industry, and creates that elasticity in society, which gives motion to the most useful, and virtuous operations. Refinement does not necessarily imply vice, nor destroy liberty. Upon the whole, as we do not acquire property in such modes as the ancients did; and as their wealth became pernicious only by the modes in which it was acquired, our apprehensions may be at rest on this point.
But I have further suggested, that probably few individuals in this country, can ever accumulate enormous riches. The reason assigned for this conjecture is, that the business of this country is distributed among so many hands, that immense gains will not fall to the share of any great portion of adventurers.
The task of legislation must lose much of its irksomeness when it is employed upon citizens who are so occupied, that they may be safely left to their own discretion in the management of their own affairs. There is nothing to be feared on the part of the government, from the prosperity of individuals, thus situated. The people of this country can discern too well what promotes the public interest, and are too willing to embrace wise measures, to rest long satisfied with frivolous, defective institutions, or to shew a temper of resistance to those that are judicious, liberal and efficient. The slight sketches that have been offered in this and some preceding essays, upon the character and situation of this country, may lead the speculative mind into a train of reflections, and draw from him new and important light upon a subject which cannot be too much contemplated.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Extract of a letter to a Member of Congress, dated January 14, 1791.
ONE of the effects of our present government is the forming connections and improving social intercourse among those who were before strangers to each other. Had it not been for our political union, I might never have had any other relation to you, than what came by the way of Adam; but now I have the honor to call Mr. — my representative, and truly so, because the man of my choice. Viewing me in this relation, you will not deem it impertinent if I drop a few words on a subject which has much exercised my thoughts; though perhaps what I may say cannot suggest to you one new idea.
"I perceive that the Quakers are again coming forward with their petitions and memorials. They profess to be a peaceful, gentle, inoffensive kind of people, enemies to all strife and contention; but whoever is acquainted with their true history, or has been intimately conversant among them for 20 years, of which 7 were years of war and revolution in government, must know that they have no better claims to the character which they assume, than any other equal number of mankind, taken at large; their peculiarities often render them troublesome to government, and they have more complaints to make about their sufferings than any other denomination of people. The reason of this cannot perhaps be given in better words than those of an honest Chief Justice of the Delaware counties, and a gentleman of their own religious persuasion: "To admit the usefulness of civil government to mankind, and yet to advance the position that all manner of force and self defence is unlawful, is a system full of inconsistency and big with absurdity and nonsense."
"A specimen of this inconsistency I think we have in a memorial to Congress just now published, by the yearly meeting at Philadelphia. In one part they tell you, that they are "more solicitous to promote the dominion of the prince
of peace than to escape sufferings, because strife and contention are forbidden." In another, that they are "conscientiously bound to refuse payment of every sum required in lieu of personal service however laudable the purpose to which the money is applied." Now if they are bound to refuse payment, is not this the same as to say that they are bound in conscience to escape sufferings, and to live in continual strife and contention with government?
"That they should be indulged in their notion which they say they conscientiously hold, of the unlawfulness of war, and consequently exempted from personal service, is a dictate both of morality and of policy; but that they should be excused from a compensation for personal service is not warranted by either; not by morality because it takes away from them the power of giving the only substantial proof of the sincerity of their religious scruples; nor by policy, because it gives them an advantage over all other religious denominations, none of which are known in the constitution. Should they obtain the exemption which they are seeking, the natural consequence will be an increase of their party, for every cowardly or disaffected citizen, every one who from any principle whatever has an aversion to serving in the militia, and contributing to the support of government, may plead, "I am a Quaker," and if you admit of a certificate from their monthly meetings as an evidence of the validity of his plea, you will put it into their power to diminish your forces and your resources at their pleasure. Besides, will not this amount to a legal establishment quo ad hoc of the Quaker form of religion, when no other form is even acknowledged by law to exist in the United States?"
PROVIDENCE, January 20.
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia.
The militia system is before the House of Representatives—they have been employed upon it sometime. A New-England legislature would have probably finished it in less time than has already been taken up—but let it be considered; the people of New England have been accustomed to militia regulations from the earliest settlement of the country—this has not been the case in so extensive a degree in the Southern states. No object of legislation is of greater importance, or attended with greater difficulties.—The ideas of the people in the Northern and Southern parts of the union differ on many matters.—but they are every day more and more assimilating in their manners, in their dispositions, and are continually strengthening in their attachment to the common good of our country.—Our Northern friends must not therefore be too impatient, or think that we are spending our time and their money fruitlessly.—Let them consider what great things have been done—what a prosperous situation our country is in—how our credit is rising at home and abroad, and let them hope for still better things when the new government has its full operation in the execution of those great national Arrangements which cannot at once be established, but which Congress are industriously employed in promoting.—The Senate are now employed in framing a bill for the establishment of a National Bank.—It is probable that it will in general be conformed to the plan recommended by the Secretary of the Treasury, who has been very assiduous in this business, and who most deservedly has the confidence and esteem of the nation.—His indefatigableness in building up the national government is unparalleled in our country. From the time that he signed the constitution in 1787 to this day he has not ceased on all occasions to labour incessantly in its support. The two volumes of the federalist written by him, and the plan of Finance and national arrangements which he has proposed, shew him to possess a great and comprehensive mind, capable of foreseeing consequences.
"The establishment of a national mint, and coinage seems to be wished for by the legislature and the nation at large, and I cannot but hope that we shall, before many months are elapsed, have an American coinage, of gold, silver and copper. A plan is now preparing for that purpose, and is in considerable forwardness."
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL LOTTERY.
The Managers of the STATE LOTTERY assure the public, that the first Class of the Semi-annual Lottery will positively commence drawing on the day appointed, viz. the 17th of March next. As the Managers have in their several Monthly Lotteries commenced drawing at the hour assigned, so they are determined to be equally as punctual in this.
* See the address of SAMUEL CHEW, Chief Justice of Delaware, to a grand jury, in the year 1741, reprinted in AITKEN'S Pennsylvania Magazine, for August, 1775, page 346, wherein the arguments of ROBERT BARCLAY against war, are examined and refuted.

FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
Agreeable to the hint in No. 74 of your Gazette, I send you the following, which may enable your readers to form some ideas on
THE PRESENT STATE OF THE AMERICAN NATION.
POPULATION of the United States,
Table with population data: Whites, 3,300,000; Blacks, 700,000; Representatives to the general government, 65; Number of souls to each representative, 61,538; Number of males between 16 and 60, 1,775,000; Number of persons exempted from militia service, about 100,000; Number of fighting men from 18 to 45, about 600,000; Gross amount of duties, impost and taxes, collected in the year 1790.
Each soul pays 1 dollar.—Each male between 16 and 60, pays 4 dollars.
The amount to be collected in the present year will be greater, because provision must be made for paying the interest on the national debt.—The whole gross amount that will be necessary, may be computed at 6,000,000 dollars;—out of which the United States may have a sinking fund, which, in addition to the Western lands, may reduce the debt, in a period of time not very long, to a trifle. Each soul will then pay 1/3 dollar. Each man, between 16 and 60, would pay 6 dollars; but when it is considered that the revenue of the United States is chiefly collected by duties on consumption, and that the rich consume more than the poor, it is probable that the poorer class of citizens will not pay half a dollar a year.
The debt of the United States divides itself into foreign and domestic.
The foreign debt, the interest of which is payable in Europe, including the last 2,000,000 loan, may be computed at 12,000,000
This part of the debt is liable to augmentation, as there is power to borrow 12,000,000 to discharge arrearages of interest, and to effect some changes in the debt, beneficial to the Union.
The domestic debt may be as follows—on the idea of the whole being subscribed—
Table with domestic debt data: 6 per cents, bearing interest from 1st January, 1791, about 19,000,000; 6 per cents, bearing interest from 1st January, 1792, 10,000,000; 6 per cents, bearing interest from 1st January, 1801, 13,000,000; 3 per cents, bearing interest from 1st January, 1791, 14,000,000; 3 per cents, bearing interest from 1st January, 1792, 7,000,000.
Interest to be provided in 1791. On foreign debt, with necessary charges, 600,000
* This number, in all probability, at the next general election, will be increased to one hundred.
Table with annual expenses: For the general government, 800,000; To pay foreign and domestic interest, about 3,000,000; For a sinking fund, about 200,000; Total 4,000,000.
Table with state government expenses: Annual expence of civil list in each state; interest on debt not assumed; improvements in inland navigation and roads; poor rates; city taxes; contributions to clergy, and public buildings, 2,000,000; 6,000,000.
Table with revenue sources: Impost, including the additional duties and tonnage, 3,200,000; Excise, or duty on rum and other spirits imported, or distilled within the United States, 800,000; Total 4,000,000.
Tax on carriages, Tax on Slaves, Tax on horses, cattle, sheep, and other animals, Tax on monies at interest, Tax on professions and stock in trade, Tax on houses and town lots, Tax on land, Tax on law proceedings, Tax on collateral legacies. And the States may devise many others, if some one or other of these do not suit their purpose. One advantage may arise from this divided mode of taxation, viz. an equalizing of the burthens of all the people of the State; for if the system of taxation adopted by the general government should fall partially on any description of persons, the state legislature may collect the necessary revenue for state purposes, from those on whom the general revenue does not fall.
Table with debt data: Domestic debt, 10,000,000 6 pr. cents. 1,440,000; 14,000,000 3 pr. cents. 420,000; Total 2,160,000; Foreign debt, 29,000,000 6 pr. cents. 1,740,000; 21,000,000 3 pr. cents. 630,000; Total annual interest until 1801, 2,970,000.
Some part of the domestic debt has been discharged in the course of the last year, perhaps as much as 300,000 dollars, the annual interest of which, and the interest on all other sums which may be hereafter discharged, becomes an augmentation to the sinking fund.
The whole debt of the United States is about 75,000,000
What the debts due by the several States will be, after the assumption, is difficult to say, but at most cannot exceed 10,000,000
The whole territory of the United States, is 1,000,000 square miles.
That part which is granted to individuals, or which the United States, or particular States, have a right to grant, may be computed at five hundred thousand square miles, or 320,000,000 acres—which is 80 acres to each soul.
On the idea that the land is bound to pay the whole debt, every square acre is mortgaged for about 14 cents; but if only that part which is already in possession of the United States, and several States, be taken into view, then every square acre will be mortgaged for about 28 cents, and admitting that every acre of land, on an average, is worth five dollars, it will then be pledged for only one eighteenth part of its value.
If we look among the European governments for such as are nearest in extent to our own, we shall find France and Germany, together with Spain, nearly equal to our present territory in possession; but when we contemplate the whole extent of our territory, we shall find it nearly equal to France, the Netherlands, Germany, Poland, Switzerland, Spain, Great Britain and Ireland, Italy, Portugal, and Turkey in Europe.
It is said that the debt of Great-Britain is nearly equal to one half the value of the whole property of the people—whether in land, cash, ships, stock on lands, produce, manufactures, plate, jewels, furniture, or the royal navy and implements of war.
Table with value of several heads: Cash of the United States, 1,500,000,000; Merchant ships of the United States, including coasters, 20,000,000; Stock on the lands, and necessary implements of husbandry, boats, waggons and geers, 5,000,000; Value of produce and manufactures exported and for home consumption, 65,000,000; Plate, jewels and furniture, 5,000,000; 700,000 slaves may be valued at 75,000,000; Total 1,680,000,000.
Beside which is the right of pre-emption to the land in possession of the Indians, and the vessels and warlike stores belonging to the United States and the several States.
Say the debt of the United States and the several States, foreign and domestic, is 85,000,000, then the proportion between the value of the whole property and the debt will be about twenty to one, and the ability of the people of the United States to pay their debt, is ten times greater than that of the people of Great-Britain.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Jan. 14.
IN committee of the whole on the bill to determine the time when the electors of President and Vice-President shall be chosen, and when they shall meet and give in their votes.
Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
A motion by Mr. Smith, (S.C.) to strike out a clause in the first section, which referred to vacancies happening from special contingencies, after a short discussion was disagreed to.
Mr. Benson, who was of the committee which reported the bill, then stated the reasons which influenced the committee in the arrangement of
the times of choosing the electors, and their giving in their votes.
Mr. Sedgwick said he supposed, that the design of the provision on this subject in the constitution, was to prevent, as far as possible, the practices of corruption and intrigue in the business of election: To effect this salutary object, he thought it necessary that the time of choosing electors should be fixed, and that as short a period as possible should be suffered to elapse, between the time of choosing, and the time when the electors should give in their votes; the bill, said he, proposes eight weeks—he thought that too long a period.
Mr. Benson observed that the term of eight weeks was thought not more than sufficient to accommodate the circumstances of some of the States—a shorter period might have suited others—but the idea of uniformity, rendered it necessary to fix on a particular period.
Mr. Goodhue objected to assigning one particular day for all the States, as, he observed, the modes of election in the several States are different: In some the electors are chosen immediately by the people at large; in others they are chosen by the state legislatures; this will render it extremely difficult to comply with the law, if they are to be chosen on one and the same day throughout the Union.
Mr. Carroll said, that it appeared to him necessary in the first place, to determine who shall choose the electors: For his part he was fully convinced, that this power is exclusively vested in the people by the Constitution.
Mr. Jackson observed, that the difficulties mentioned by the gentleman from Massachusetts, would accrue from fixing on a particular day in the State of Georgia; there the electors are chosen by the legislature, which meets at a particular season of the year: This clause will render too sessions necessary, which would be exceedingly inconvenient: He moved therefore that the clause which appoints a particular day when the electors shall be chosen, should be struck out, and that the time when they shall meet and give in their votes should only be designated: This motion was seconded.
Mr. Giles said that he conceived but one mode of choosing electors was contemplated by the constitution; the state legislatures he thought ought not to choose them—they ought to be chosen by the people. He adverted to the Constitution—the words are, "That each State shall choose, &c." This plainly implies that the legislatures are not authorised to exercise that power themselves: Congress has a power to say when they shall be chosen—this imposes a necessity for one mode, and that the mode should be uniform, and be by the people; for the legislatures, from the different circumstances of the States must meet at different periods: He wished this point to be settled—He thought the people ought to choose the electors.
Mr. Jackson contended that the power was left discretionary with the state legislatures.
Mr. Goodhue said, this was plainly the case, by the express words of the constitution.
Mr. Ames moved that the clause should be amended, so as to include the words of the constitution "in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct."
This was seconded by Mr. Stone.
Mr. Livermore was also in favor of the motion.
Mr. Madison said, a question arose here, which was, whether the power of Congress extends to determining the manner of choosing, by virtue of possessing the power of determining the time of their being chosen;—he was however disposed to think that the best idea was that suggested by the gentleman from Massachusetts.
Mr. Sedgwick said, he was in favor of the motion of the gentleman from Georgia—and in this view of the subject—he was opposed to the opinion of the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Giles] as interfering with the legislative rights of the several states.
Mr. Tucker was opposed to the idea of a particular interference of the general Government, in respect to the time, and mode of choosing the electors—He wished therefore that the motion for striking out the words, should obtain; if that was done he should move a clause to this purport, that the electors shall be constitutionally chosen.
Mr. Lawrance was in favor of leaving the time of choosing to the several state legislatures—a general regulation could not be agreed upon, which would not involve the difficulty that gentleman appeared solicitous to guard against, and that was the opportunity which would necessarily be given for caballing—in consequence of the great extent of some states, and the confined limits of others—it appears therefore said he, absolutely necessary to leave the time of choosing to the state legislatures, and this will put it in their power to reduce the interval between choosing and voting, in such manner as circumstances may dictate, to prevent the inconveniences contemplated.
Mr. Giles said, he believed he had been misunderstood, he did not mean to invade the rights of the state legislatures—so far from that, he was

averse from every measure which had a tendency to that point—he then enlarged on the ideas he before suggested—he had no objection to the mode of expression proposed by the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Ames,] but still contended that uniformity pointed out the necessity of one day's being fixed on—this he supposed might be done in perfect consistency with the clause in the constitution.
Mr. Sney was in favor of striking out the words.
Mr. Sherman shewed from the Constitution that Congress possess the power of appointing the time of chusing the electors, and the time when they should meet to give in their votes: He was in favor of Congress exercising this power in order to guard against all intrigue, and this he conceived was agreeable to the people, for in none of the conventions was an amendment of this article ever moved for.
Mr. Vining was against striking out the words, he thought that uniformity was an essential object to a free and independent election—with that uniformity, the equal rights of the citizens is inseparably connected.—The manner of chusing may be left with the legislatures; but the time of chusing and voting said he, should be determined by Congress.
Mr. Lawrance shewed that the operation of this principle of uniformity, would be to produce the very evil apprehended. Should the time come, when the states are reduced to a size more proportionate to each other, this uniformity may be introduced.
Mr. Williamson was in favor of striking out the words as proposed Mr. Jackson.
The vote being taken, the words were struck out: so that the time of chusing electors is left by the bill with the state legislatures.
The next clause respects the time when the votes shall be counted:
Some of the members supposed that the votes should be counted by the old Congress.
Mr. Benfon said if the votes should be counted by the new Congress, they may be counted by men chosen with a special reference to influence finally in the election—no alteration was made in this clause.
The discussion of the bill being finished, the committee rose and reported the same, with the amendments, agreed to—which being taken into consideration, they were adopted by the house, and laid on the table. Adjourned.
MONDAY, Jan. 31.
Mr. Contee from Maryland took his seat this day.
An engrossed bill declaring the consent of Congress to a certain act of the state of Maryland, was read the third time and passed—to continue in force one year.
Mr. Lawrance from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill making appropriations for the year 1791.
Mr. Floyd, from the joint committee on enrolled bills, reported that they had examined the bill, entitled an act admitting the state of Kentucky into the federal union, and found the same to be duly enrolled; the speaker then signed the bill.
Mr. Sturges presented the petition of Colonel Thomas Hobb, of the state of Connecticut. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A motion being made to go into a committee of the whole on the bank bill as the order of the day—the same was objected to—it was contended that the militia bill was of more immediate importance, when the necessity of making speedy provision for the relief and protection of the Frontiers was taken into view.—In answer it was said that a committee was nearly ready to report on this subject, and that more speedy and effectual relief to the inhabitants of the Frontiers was contemplated, than could possibly be derived from the militia bill.
The objections to the motion were overruled, by the question's being determined in its favor, thirty-five Members rising in the affirmative.—The house accordingly in committee of the whole took the Bank Bill into consideration.
Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
The bill was read in paragraphs; and no amendments being offered, the Chairman reported it to the house, who voted that it should be read the third time to-morrow.
Mr. Boudinot moved the following Resolution: That during the residue of the present session, no debate should be admitted on the question for taking up the order of the day. Laid on the table.
In committee of the whole on the Post-Office Bill.
The committee discussed the first and second sections; and then rose and reported progress. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, Feb. 1.
The Appropriation Bill for the year 1791, was read the second time, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The Bank Bill was read the third time: A motion by Mr. Smith, [S. C.] for a re-commitment, occasioned a debate, which continued till near 3 o'clock; and was finally determined in the negative. The Ayes and Noes being as follows.
AYES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Bourne, Brown, Burke, Carroll, Contee, Gale, Grout, Giles, Jackson, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Parker, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Stone, Tucker, White, Williamson.—23.
NOES.
Messrs. Ames, Benfon, Boudinot, Cadwallader, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Partridge, R. M'Call, Schureman, Scott, Sney, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Steele, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, Wynkoop.—34.
Mr. Ames of the committee on Indian Affairs, informed the Speaker, that a report was ready to be laid before the house—on which the doors of the gallery were ordered to be shut.
Philadelphia, Feb. 2.
SOME people have thought it a great affair to prove, that the States are free and independent. The word sovereign is not worth contending about—but those who use it, certainly mean to secure the state governments from the controuling power of Congress: The state legislatures are to account for their use of power to the people from whom they derive it, and not to Congress.—
If Congress should meddle with them, they would make a sad outcry of invaded rights, of insulted sovereignty, &c. and why should they not? inasmuch as they could say to Congress, you meddle with what is none of your business.
Brother Antifed. take the thing by the other handle: Is not Congress a sovereign legislature, whose power is derived from the people? If the several assemblies should meddle with Congress, what would you say?—O! that is quite another affair, you answer: Then I find your argument will not work both ways.
This government was framed to bind the parts of the Union tightly together: In order to have unity of councils, the Constitution vested certain powers in Congress: But several of the States are stirring, giving counsel, and directing the affairs of the nation: If all should be listened to, the federal edifice would go on like another Babel.
With the powers given in the Constitution, the opposers thought one Congress dangerous. In this regard, things turn out worse than they apprehended—for half a dozen Congresses have already begun to act: There is the Congress in N. Carolina, and the Congress in Virginia, and the Congress in Pennsylvania—and they will all be doing. A plain man, that cannot see far into things, is terrified by the number of Congresses, and because he is told their power has no bounds. When Virginia or Pennsylvania acts Congress, a man, who is counted wittily cunning, remarked, that there is no check upon them—for, said he, they have no power to do any thing which will not hold out to do every thing.
We must not let Congress swallow up the state governments, says an honest antifederalist, my neighbor, because, says he, Congress cannot govern us well: They will not know what special laws we want to have made: At least as well, said I in reply, as one State can govern all. Virginia has members in Congress—it is therefore more proper for Congress to govern Virginia, than for Virginia, or any other State, to govern the Union. On this a bye-stander demanded sneeringly, Which has most reason to be satisfied, the state assemblies, with the fullness and clearness of the information upon which they have decided on the measures of the Union, or we, the citizens of other States, with the modesty, prudence, and national spirit of their resolutions? My antifederal neighbor and I had nothing to say to this: I do not know which side of the question he meant to take up; but he proceeded to say—
Better times certainly are coming—when the state assemblies give themselves the trouble to act beyond the bounds of their jurisdictions, and indeed of their territory, surely the passions will have no part to play in their doings. When one body consents to do another's business, we may expect more impartiality on one side than gratitude on the other:—Ah perverse human nature! Neither Congress, nor the people of the other States, will ever thank Virginia or Pennsylvania for all the trouble they have given themselves: Let the reflection on their virtuous motives of action, make up what is wanting in the reward. Indeed, if the people should chuse any of them to Congress, they had better let that reflection alone, because they would be rewarded without it.
The opinion of the State, expressed by the members, is nothing in the judgment of some people—but when expressed by the assembly is an oracle. One state came very loath into the Union, because the amendments were not made the condition of their acceding to the Constitution: Congress afterwards agreed to sundry amendments, and proposed them to the States. The State alluded to rejected one of its own precious articles.—What regard is due to the opinion of an assembly, if it should mistake the opinion of the people, or change its own?
We have one government over thirteen: What sort of an administration would it be, if every one of the thirteen should insist upon governing a thirteenth part, and be allowed to do it? Tho' these are not scripture times, yet, if that should happen, we may live to see the tower of Babel finished.
People are informed, that it is proper to tell Congress the mind of the State upon the measures before them—and that the assembly is the tongue of the State—and so, they say, it must be suffered to run: That unruly member ought to be kept under prudent restraint. The state has its members in Congress: If the assembly is to speak for the state, what becomes of the duty of those members?—They were chosen to speak for the people: Shall they be silent—or, shall they call themselves the tongue of the State, and speak too. Besides all this, the people may remonstrate to Congress, and use their own tongues. What abundant means of speech to the national government! This superfluity of tongue might be so used, as to overpower the common stock of ears and brains, especially if the assembly should recommend one thing, the members of a State another, and the people themselves, by petition and remonstrance, a third.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in the country to his friend in Philadelphia.
"I am pleased with the spirit of the debate on the part of Mr. Bingham's motion—"that it is inexpedient for this legislature, at present, to enter into any discussion respecting the laying and collecting excises by the government of the United States"—contained in the paper you last sent me.
"I have wondered, nay have been vexed at the imprudence of some Pennsylvanians. Some petition for altering the funding bill—some subscribe for the exemption of certain very important members of society from the militia bill (I mean minors and apprentices) because, if they were all excused, the multer-master would be put to difficulty to find his men. Others spout and bawl against excise. And if some people were indulged in their wishes and attempts, we might soon expect a resolution moved for—"that Congress might go home, as the Pennsylvanians were (in their own opinion) competent to do their business for them." Not a few, with indignation, behold their presumption.
"But it is believed that the Federal Ship will truly find her own course: That she has the head of the Branch at helm, the world acknowledges: That she is in the main well-manned, all the passengers testify: That she sails well, two years experience has proved: That her voyages have been profitable, appears from the credit of her bills.
"The expectations of the owners are by no means allayed from some little appearance of a mutiny on board one of her Tenders—for they say, that the materials of the ship are good—that she was built by the first of the profession—that her sides in particular are strong—that the crew are in good spirits, and well paid—and that they are confident, the Ship will take more than one broad-side, before she will quit seas, in which she has an indubitable commission to navigate."
BOSTON DUCK MANUFACTORY.
Quantities of this Duck have already been sold at Philadelphia and Baltimore—where it is in high estimation—which must be the case, when its principles are considered—It is made from Flax, the raw material of our own soil—which has not suffered from that fermentation which must arise from all vegetable substances confined in the hold of a ship, whereby the fibre is greatly weakened. In the Boston Manufactory the whole of the clean flax is worked up—which is separated in foreign parts, into eight different sorts, the finest of which they never permit to be worked into their sail-cloth, but reserve for the finer linen manufactories. Another peculiar excellence of the Boston Duck, is, that it is not subject to mildew, as all foreign Duck is—this is owing to the difference of the sizings made use of in the several manufactories—In the Boston Manufactory, it is made from animal substances—in Europe from vegetable.
Last Saturday the Senate of the legislature of this Commonwealth non-concurred the Resolutions sent on the 22d inst. from the House of Representatives; which resolutions were intended to express the disapprobation of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, with respect to the Excise Bill, now before Congress; and were passed in the form of instructions to the Senators from Pennsylvania in Congress, by a very considerable majority.
Hon. THOMAS JOHNSON and DANIEL CARROLL, Esqrs, of Maryland, and Dr. — STEWART, of Alexandria, in Virginia, are the Commissioners appointed by the President of the United States, for running the lines of Experiment defining the territory on the Potowmac to be located as the permanent seat of the government of the United States.
Died the 16th instant, at Boston, much lamented, Mr. SAMUEL GILMAN, Merchant, late partner in the house of Blodget and Gilman of that town, and of the house of Blodget and Co. in London.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17/ 17/3. pr. £ 86 3/4 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 8/9 9/. 45 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9/ 9/1 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 15/6 15/9 78 3/4 do.   Indents 8/9 9/ 45 do.   N. and S. Carolina, debts, 11/ 11/6. 57 1/2 do.  
TO BE SOLD,
THE SEAT OF THE LATE GOVERNOR LIVINGSTON,
situate about a mile from Elizabeth-Town, on the public road to Morris Town. The farm contains between 90 and 100 acres of land, 15 or 20 acres of which are wood land; there is also appertaining to the said farm about 19 acres of salt meadow. Particular attention having been paid to the cultivation of fruit; there is on the farm a very large collection of various kinds of the choicest fruit trees, &c. in full bearing; the house is large, convenient, well built and in very good repair.
Enquire of the Printer, for further particulars. New-York, Jan. 1791.
Pennsylvania Hospital, 31 Jan. 1791.
Wanted a GROUND RENT, of
15 or 20 £. pr. annum, well secured. Enquire of JOSIAH HEWES, LAWRENCE SECKEL, OWEN JONES, jun'r.
This day is published,
By Carey, Stewart, and Co.
No. 22, in FRONT-STREET,
The American Museum,
FOR JANUARY, 1791.
[Contents in our next.]

FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO.
The following originally appeared in the Albany Register—but it has been corrected by several alterations, and relates to a subject of general importance, you are requested to re-publish it.
PERHAPS no State in the Union has done such ample justice to the brave men (to whom we are indebted for the blessings of liberty and independence) as this: One million and a half acres of land, most agreeably and advantageously situated, is devoted as a gratuity to the officers and soldiers of the line of this State.
As I have lately explored the principal part of this tract, the intention of this letter is to give you the general outlines of its situation; and then a more circumstantial detail for the particular information of our eastern friends, who are swarming annually to more southern and distant regions, when they have now a glorious field opened in their native latitude, and within a convenient distance of their friends.
This tract is bounded west by the east shore of the Seneca lake, and the Massachusetts lands in the county of Ontario; north by part of Lake Ontario, near Fort Oswego; south by a ridge of mountains laying on the north of the Pennsylvania line; and east by the Tuscarora Creek (which falls nearly into the middle of the Oneida Lake) and that part of Montgomery which has been settling by the New-England people very rapidly since peace.
This pleasant country is divided into twenty-five townships of 60,000 acres each, which are again subdivided into 100 convenient farms, of 600 acres, making in the whole 2,500 farms, which may be now obtained on easy terms at the low price of 1/3 lawful money an acre.
What a glorious opening for emigrants and population!
Having given you the outlines, I shall descend to particulars.
Our party, consisting of six, arrived at Fort Schuyler, formerly Fort Stanwix, 105 miles west of Albany, the 1st of September: Here we divided into two parties (having previously agreed to rendezvous at the Old Ford, north of the Cayuga lake) one party by land, the other by water: I joined the water party, and commenced our expedition by having our bateaux carried across a plain of one mile from Fort Schuyler into Wood Creek, and for the first time I failed on a river in America running West. We found Wood Creek so shallow, for six or seven miles, as not to admit of bateaux navigation, without the assistance of sluices, which are made at convenient distances. From thence to the Old Block-House, at the East end of the Oneida Lake, about eleven miles more, the creek is bolder and convenient navigation, except some obstructions by the falling of trees in the late war, which are not yet entirely removed. We traversed the whole length of the Oneida, thirty miles, keeping the south shore aboard: the bateaux men commonly keep the north shore, but we preferred the south for the benefit of viewing the army lands, beginning at the Tuscarora already mentioned. The Oneida lake and creeks emptying into it, are well stored with all kinds of fresh water fish, particularly salmon and bass—eels, in the Tuscarora, are incredibly large and fine. The next day we reached Fort Brewerton, at the west end of the Oneida; near the fort we entered the Onondago river, continuing a serpentine course west about twenty miles (aided by a brisk current, having the army lands on our left, and vacant lands on our right) till we reached the Three Rivers; at this confluence we left the Onondago, which took its course N.W. emptying into Lake Ontario at Fort Oswego, about twenty-five miles distant; we then ascended the Cayuga stream, stemming against an easy current, and a few gentle rapids.
We passed through the Crofs Lake, and on our left by the mouths of the Salt Lake, the Owasco and another small lake, having the rich army lands on both sides of us. The day following we reached the Old Ford, where we found our land party, who agreed to proceed on to the south end of the Cayuga by land, while we continued our course the whole length of this charming lake by water; which we found nearly 40 miles in length, running about S. E. and from 2 to 4 wide. The first 16 miles on each side lay the Cayuga land, or a tract reserved to them, which is the place of residence of that nation; all the rest, on both sides, is a fine body of army lands, the banks are rather high, but the country in general very level except in the south, where it swells into hills and mountains. The land in many places where we stopped appeared of a rich dark loam, the lands along the streams are generally low and a rich soil, and some sunken lands. On the lakes the shores are rather higher, and generally what is called upland , but equal if not superior to the other. Along the streams the timber runs mostly on button wood, beech and maple; the upland is generally maple, oak, beech and hickory; some of the button wood in particular are of an incredible magnitude. The water in the Cayuga is clear, but shallow; and nothing could exceed the beauty of the country laying in a state of wild nature, except here and there a new settlement, and several old Indian fields and some orchards. At the south end of the Cayuga, we exchanged our bateaux for the horses of our land party, having agreed to fix our next rendezvous at the town of Geneva, at the north end of the Seneca Lake. We traversed the country in a S. W. course, about 15 miles to the south extremity of the Seneca Lake, where we entered Catherine's-Town, formerly an Indian settlement, and all well cleared. Peach trees flourish here—we found them scattered in most of the Indian settlements.
Not far from this place, a ridge of the Allegany mountains stretch themselves along, nearly in a N. E. course, at the foot of which, the lands are generally exceedingly luxuriant. About 9 miles from Catherine's-Town there is a branch of the Sulquehanna, called Tyoga river, to which there is a communication, by an excellent level road, between a gap of the mountains.
The Tyoga branch is navigable for bateaux, down the Sulquehanna quite into the Chesapeake. From Catherine's Town we directed our route North, travelling along the pleasant banks on the East side of the Seneca lake; which runs nearly parallel with the Cayuga (from 8 to 10 miles distant) and about 36 miles long. Nothing in America, and I presume in no other country, can exceed the beauty and pleasantness of this happy combination: The country between these lakes is the most enviable that can be conceived; there are no high hills to be seen, but the country is agreeably diversified, swelling into gentle risings and fallings. We found the best of timber and lofty trees, and not much under-wood: The uplands are generally exceedingly good, but we found no large streams, but many small runs of water, owing to the contiguity of the two lakes. About half way down the lake, we came to an old Indian settlement, called Appletown, where we saw the remains of many Indian fields and old orchards, along the Lake, destroyed by Gen. Sullivan in 1779; we then crossed a ferry at the outlet of the Seneca, about 12 miles South West of the Cayuga, and then entered the town of Geneva, formerly known by the name of Canadasego, which from its convenient situation, is already become a considerable village; and about 16 miles South of this place, and on the West side of the same Lake, is also a considerable settlement of an apparent religious sect of people, the followers of Jemima Wilkinson; and many other scattering settlements, as well as between the Cayuga and Seneca Lakes, and along the East shore of the former; besides which, from the most authentic information, there is already a comfortable barrier against the Indians, of upwards of 3000 New-England people, in Ontario county, on the west of this tract.
The waters of the Seneca are deep, and as clear and pure as spring water, with a clear bottom. One remarkable circumstance deserves notice, which is, that the Seneca Lake never freezes over, though the Cayuga does; this may be partly owing to its greater depth, and perhaps its being supplied altogether with spring water.
The decisive enterprise of the Genesee company, has furnished the whole of this tract with a good waggon road, running through
the very heart of it, with good bridges and ferries, from the Mohawk river to Geneva; besides which, the state of New-York is also laying out and opening two other waggon roads, which will be completed in the course of next summer, from the South East corner of those lands, to cross the Sulquehanna river, near the Great Bend, and extending across the Peninsula, between the said river and the Delaware, and to continue into the well improved country in the vicinity of New-Windsor, on the Hudson, by this from the Army Lands to the navigation on the Hudson, by this route, will not exceed 150 miles: The other road, leading from Cat's-Kill landing on the Hudson's river, heading the said Delaware river, and crossing the Sulquehannah at the Oldhouse, will pass through the middle of those lands to the Cayuga-Ferry, or Old-Ford, at the North end of Cayuga Lake. This last road is nearly finished, and will not exceed 120 miles to the aforesaid tract.
Much has been said about the Ohio country, and its noble rivers—doubtless with much justice—but when we consider the immense distance from the Eastern states to the Ohio, and from thence to the sea, we shall find the convenience and practicability of water communication both by the way of Oswego to Montreal, and by Fort-Schuyler to Albany, as well as by the Sulquehanna into Chesapeake, vastly in favor of the country. I have been describing, especially as the whole tract is interspersed by narrow and long lakes, as conveniently disposed as so many canals: From Muskim-gum on the Ohio (the present settlement of the New-England people) to the sea it is at least 1900 miles; whereas, from the beginning of this tract to Albany, it is only 140 miles, including 17 miles land carriage—1 mile at Fort-Schuyler, and 16 from Schenectady to Albany. In addition to which every farm is capable of being converted into a small Jamaica plantation, by making the most of their maple trees; besides which, from the Onondago and Cayuga Salt Springs, a great necessary in life is here obtained in such quantities, that it is judged will be sufficient for the Western part of the United States: The salt is of a superior quality, and has hitherto been made in great quantities, from the spring waters only; but recently the Salt Rock has been discovered near the surface of the earth, on the bank of the Onondago Lake, from which it can be taken, and by an easy water transportation, conveyed almost in every direction and distance; this will and must be considered as a particular advantage to this desirable country; its inhabitants will not be subjected to the trouble and expense in carrying that bulky and necessary article from the Atlantic shore.
The ensuing season I propose to take a more particular view of the described lands, and proceed Westward to Canadague, the county town of Ontario, and from thence to Buffalo Creek; and on my return shall endeavor to give a particular description of the latter extent of country, being the Genesee purchase, as of the former.
From a late London Paper. CASE IN CHANCERY.
The following decision recently took place in the London Court of Chancery.
On the 18th of June, 1761, the honorable Mr. Boyle left by will the sum of 5400l. to be laid out in lands in Yorkshire, out of the rents of which the sum of 90l. was to be paid annually to the college of William and Mary, in New-England, to be applied for the purpose of propagating the christian religion among the Indians in the back settlements in North-America; and likewise a farther sum of 45l. to be paid to the same college, for the support of two missionaries to preach the gospel. The city of London were left trustees, and the management under the trust was, by the will, committed to the care of the bishop of London, and the earl of Burlington, for the time being. The latter being extinct, the whole management fell into the hands of the former.
The present bishop instituted this suit, in which the city, and a great number of other persons were parties, for the single and indeed novel purpose of knowing, whether [as the testator had originally devised the several sums for the use of British Subjects , and the Americans having ceased to be in that situation, since their independence ,] the annuity ought not to revert to this kingdom, or to some other of his majesty's colonies, to be applied to similar purposes. This being the first determination of that nature since the revolution, his lordship decided it with that superior dignity of sentiment that always attends his decrees. Two phrases are sufficient: "All charitable devices are to be held sacred—we cannot rake up the ashes of the dead, in search of latent intentions." The annuities and arrears must be paid, and [upon two or three minutes further consideration] Messrs. Anderson and Gibbs, the agents for the college in New-England, and likewise the city of London must be paid the costs."—A determination so liberal and so just, particularly being the first, cannot fail of being distinguished.
EBENEZER HAZARD and JONAS ADDOMS have entered into partnership, and opened an OFFICE, at No. 173, in Market-Street, a few doors above Fourth-Street, where, under the Firm of
HAZARD and ADDOMS, They purchase and sell all kinds of CERTIFICATES—PAPER MONEY, and BANK STOCK.
N. B. Transfers made at the Public Offices, and Business in general transacted on Commission. December 29.
South-Carolina Lands for Sale,
ABOUT one hundred miles from Charleston, for any kind of Goods. One third part of 63 Tracts of Land, containing 51,900 acres, lying near the rivers of Savannah, Big and Little Salt Coahatches, and the fork of the Edisto: These Lands are a dark, or a copper-coloured soil, in an inhabited part of the State. Also 5 tracts of Land in Ninety-Six district, 4 in Orangeburg district, 6 in Camden, all containing 7,600 acres, all good land, with streams of water running through them. These Lands will be sold so low, that a man may make his fortune in buying them; for the purpose of selling them again, as emigrants are daily arriving there from Europe, to settle.
Duplicate Plots and Grants may be seen, and indisputable titles will be given by the subscriber. FREDERICK KING. Morrisstown, Jan. 1791. (77-6W1W.)
THE Copartnership of HEWES and ANTHONY having expired the gift ultimo, they request those, who have any demands, to exhibit their accounts and receive their money; and those who are indebted, are desired to make speedy payment, to either of the Subscribers, at their Compting-House, No. 5, Chestnut-Street-Wharf. JOSIAH HEWES, JOSEPH ANTHONY. Philadelphia, Jan. 15, 1791.
N. B. They have yet on hand, and for SALE, at their STORE abovementioned,
HYSON, Souchong, and Bohea TEAS, Three cases Cassia, Pimento in bags, Martinico Coffee, Muscovado Sugar, A few Cases old Batavia Arrack, One cask of Durham Mustard. New England Rum in hogheads and barrels, A quantity of prime Boston Beef, Spermaceti, right whale and tanners' Oil, Best pickled Mackerel, 6 by 8—7 by 9—8 by 10—9 by 11—and 10 by 12 Window Glass, A quantity of excellent carrot Tobacco, And an elegant CHANDELLIER. (23W6W.)
AMERICAN CLOTHS.
SUPERFINE and ELASTICS, CONGRESS BROWN, LONDON SMOKE, LEAD, DRAB, BLUE and OTHER fashionable Colours,
Manufactured at Hartford, (State of Connecticut,) just received, and are now offered for Sale, at the
CHEAP STORE, No. 38, North Third Street,
At which Store are also opening a large and general assortment of EUROPEAN and INDIA GOODS.
CLOTHS, Linens, Cambrics, Painted, sprigged, tambour-ed, book, and jaconet Muslins, Chintzes, Cottons and Calicoes, Silks, Sheetings, Table Cloths, of a superior quality, Mullinett, Patent Silk Hose, ELEGANT Vest Patterns—adapted to the season, Silk, Cotton, and Worsted Hose, Corduroys, Velverets, and Royal Rib, Sattinets, Best Buck, Beaver, and White Kidd Gloves, Fine Muslin Cravats, Black Ruffel, Joan's Spinning.
A Variety of STUFFS.
And many other Articles, too numerous to insert in an Advertisement; all of which are now selling by Wholesale and Retail, on low terms, as to make them an object to the purchasers.
N. B. A few Barrels of MACKAREL, and Nova-Scotia HERRINGS. Philadelphia, Jan. 12, 1791.
Forty Dollars Reward.
LOST by the Subscriber, on the 12th day of January 1791, between Penollopion and Freehold, in the county of Monmouth, and State of New-Jersey, the following Certificates, issued by the said State, to sundry Soldiers, for the three-fourth parts of the depreciation of their pay; all of which are signed by John Stevens, jun. Treasurer, and countersigned by James Ewing, Auditor, viz.
Table with 4 columns: No., Dated, Payable to, Amount. It lists various soldiers and the amounts owed to them, such as Powel Allison (£60 8 9), Jacob Long, Oliver Cromwell, James Kinsey, George Long, Annanias Clark, Samuel Dotey, Ephraim Patten, James Coulston, Moses Thompson, Asa Gilderleaves, Michael Lane, James Clark.
Any person who may have found the said Certificates, and will return them to the subscriber, living at Penollopion aforesaid, shall receive the above reward; and in proportion for any part of them which may be returned.
All persons are hereby cautioned against purchasing any of the above Certificates, as payment is stopped at the public offices. If any of them should be offered for sale, the person to whom they are offered is requested to stop the same, and give notice thereof to their humble servant. KENNETH HANKINSON. Monmouth County, New-Jersey, Jan. 15, 1791.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, JANUARY 25, 1791.
THE Public Creditors are reminded that, in order to the proper dispositions for paying the Interest in the several States, it is necessary that the amount to be paid in each should be previously known at the Treasury. And as the expiration of the first quarter is not far distant, it is wished that those who have not yet done it, may be expeditious in making and signifying their election, pursuant to the act making provision for the debt of the United States.
INFORMATION WANTED.
THE Subscriber requests, if any gentleman can give him information of a purchase of Lands made by a Mr. Daniel Richardet, in the year 1781 and 1782, in some part of the United States, he will be so kind as to inform his Brother, by directing a line to him, at the Printer's office. S. RICHARDET. January, 1791.
HENRY KUHL,
At No. 143, Second-Street, near Race-Street, BY advice of his friends in New-York and Philadelphia, has opened an office for the purpose of buying and selling, on commission, the different species of Stock, and of liquidated and antiquated paper in the market.
He will obtain such Certificates as are required by the funding law, for those who have unliquidated Securities; and transfer stock from and to the Treasury and the Offices of the Commissioners of Loans, on moderate terms.
Having for several years past been employed in the Treasury of the United States, he is well acquainted with its operations and forms; and flatters himself that on that score he has a decided advantage in transacting business here. He is fully impressed with the truth of the adage that "dispatch is the soul of business," and will always make the interest of his employers an object of the first importance.
Philadelphia, December 29th, 1790.