Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-06-19 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 20, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, JUNE 19, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 124.]
THE TABLET.—No. CXXIV.
"A legislature oftener has occasion to guide the public opinion, than to be guided by it."
I HAVE observed that there is a general disposition in legislators to consult and follow what they call the public opinion. Whether this regard to the public voice proceeds from a wish to gain popularity, or from a real desire to promote the public welfare, is not material to the purpose of this essay. It must be presumed that legislators act with as much purity of intentions as other men, and that the tendency rather than the motives of their conduct should be made a subject of examination. The frequent reference to the public opinion, in legislative assemblies, seems to pre-suppose two things; one is, that the popular sentiment is fixed, and can be definitely ascertained; and the other, that it ought to be deemed proper and obligatory upon the legislature. Both these conclusions however should be adopted under some restrictions. As I have before touched upon this subject, in the 7th and 8th numbers of my speculations, I shall be the less diffuse on this occasion.
That the public opinion cannot be distinguished by unequivocal marks, may be inferred from its being quoted by persons, who, in the same debate, are advocating opposite sides of the question. It is certain both cannot be perfectly in the right; and yet neither seems able to prove that the other is absolutely in the wrong. From this circumstance, I conclude that the public opinion is often too indefinite to be admitted as a rule of conduct. If indeed we are to gather the public opinion by obtaining that of every individual in the community, it would be not only fluctuating, but contradictory. It would amount to nothing. Men, living in different districts of the community, or pursuing different occupations, cannot be supposed to have an exact similarity of opinions and feelings. Were the various classes of people to be respectively consulted, so far as to render their advice obligatory, they would recommend such a contrariety of measures, as would lead to confusion, and terminate in the dissolution of civil society. To avoid the perplexity of putting into operation such clashing views, a legislature is formed; whose duty it is to represent those various districts and occupations. Such a representative body should bring together all the interesting facts that relate to their constituents, and from an aggregate view of their circumstances, adopt such expedients as will equalize the advantages and burdens of government. In this manner the sharp points of local interests and wishes may be worn off, and a system of laws enacted, that will in the greatest degree embrace the general interest and convenience. The legislature therefore have only to consult the public welfare, and their laws will generally create a common consent in their favor, though there pre-existed no general sentiment relative to the affair; or even though there did pre-exist a general sentiment contrary to the tenor of such laws.
There is scarce an individual who ascends from a private into a public situation, but will find he had entertained ideas respecting legislation that were erroneous and partial. Most men will have the candor to confess, that their most pertinent opinions, in public matters, have been the result of experience. And however they were disposed to gratify the wishes, and promote the interest of every class of their constituents, they are still constrained to believe that the public good is a very different thing from the views and prejudices of individuals. There are some occasions where the public opinion will be steady and uniform, and where it must and will control the legislature. In my next number I will enter into some exemplification of the subject.
Extract from a late Proclamation of the Governor of Vermont, appointing a day of fasting and prayer.
THAT the Supreme Governor of the Universe would remove every obstacle out of the way of the reception of this State into the Federal Union—that he would bless the United States of America—succeed their councils at home, and negotiations abroad—preserve and strengthen their Union, bless their allies, and render the connection formed with them mutually beneficial—that he would grant wisdom and council to their legislative, executive, and judiciary departments, and that he would prolong and render eminently useful the life of the President of the United States of America.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
AT THE SECOND SESSION:
Began and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
AN ACT for giving Effect to the several Acts therein mentioned, in respect to the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the several and respective duties specified and laid in and by the act, intitled, "An act for laying a duty on goods, wares and merchandizes imported into the United States," and in and by the act, intitled, "An act imposing duties on tonnage," shall be paid and collected upon all goods, wares and merchandizes, which after the expiration of five days from the passing of this act, shall be imported into the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations from any foreign port or place, and upon the tonnage of all ships and vessels which after the said day shall be entered within the said State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, subject to the exceptions, qualifications, allowances and abatements in the said acts contained or expressed, which acts shall be deemed to have the like force and operation within the said State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, as elsewhere within the United States.
And be it further enacted, That for the due collection of the said duties, there shall be in the said State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, two districts, to wit, the district of Newport, and the district of Providence. The district of Newport shall comprehend all the waters, shores, bays, harbors, creeks and inlets, from the West line of the said State all along the sea-coast, and northward up the Narragansett Bay as far as the most easterly part of Kinnimicut point at high water mark; and shall include the several towns, harbors and landing places at Westerly, Charlestown, South-Kingstown, North-Kingstown, East-Greenwich, and all that part of the town of Warwick Southward of the latitude of said Kinnimicut-point; and also the towns, harbors and landing places of Barrington, Warren, Bristol, Tiverton, Little-Compton, and all the towns, harbors and landing places of the island of Rhode Island, Kinnimicut, Prudence, New-Shoreham, and every other island and place within the said State Southward of the latitude of the said Kinnimicut-point. The district of Providence shall comprehend all the waters, shores, bays, harbors, creeks and inlets within the said State Northward of the latitude of said Kinnimicut-point. The town of Newport shall be sole port of entry in the said district of Newport, and a collector, naval-officer and surveyor shall be appointed to reside at the said town of Newport; and North-Kingstown, East-Greenwich, Barrington, Warren, Bristol, and Pawcatuck river in Westerly, shall be ports of delivery only, and a surveyor shall be appointed to reside at each of the ports of North-Kingstown, East-Greenwich, Warren, Bristol and Pawcatuck river, and the surveyor to reside at Warren shall be surveyor for the port of Barrington. The town of Providence shall be the sole port of entry in the said district of Providence, and Pawtuxet in the same district shall be a port of delivery only; and a collector, naval-officer and surveyor shall be appointed to reside at Providence, and a surveyor shall be appointed to reside at Pawtuxet.
And be it further enacted, That all the regulations, provisions, exceptions, allowances, compensations, directions, authorities, penalties, forfeitures and other matters whatsoever contained or expressed in the act, intitled, "An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares and merchandizes imported into the United States," and not locally inapplicable, shall have the like force and effect within the said State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, for the collection of the said duties, as elsewhere within the United States, and as if the same were repeated and re-enacted in this present act. Provided always, and be it declared, That the thirty-ninth section of the said act, and the third section of an act, intitled, "An act to suspend part of an act, intitled, "An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares and merchandizes imported into the United States, and for other purposes," did, by virtue of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States by the said State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, cease to operate in respect to the same.
And be it further enacted, That the act intitled, "An act for registering and clearing vessels, regulating the coasting trade, and for other purposes," shall, after the expiration of five days from the passing of this act, have the like force and operation within the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, as elsewhere within the United States, and as if the several clauses thereof were repeated and re-enacted in this present act.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States.
and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JUNE THE FOURTEENTH, 1790.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
(TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
A N E C D O T E.
THE poor old Man who quitted his native hills, and from the summit of MOUNT JURA, undertook a journey to Versailles, to behold and return thanks to the National Assembly for the vote which had freed him and his poor countrymen from the feudal yoke, died lately at Paris, at the prodigious age of 121 years.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MAY 25.
Mr. GERRY's motion on the assumption of the State debts, which was inserted in this paper of the 26th, under consideration.
MR. SHERMAN.—The question now under consideration is, whether the State debts that have been contracted for the benefit of the Union shall be assumed by the United States. This is an essential part of the system reported by the Secretary of the Treasury for funding the National debt. The substance of the arguments in favor of the assumption are.
1. That the debts were contracted on behalf and for the benefit of the United States, and therefore justice requires that they should be assumed.
2. That some states have taken upon themselves greater sums than others, and beyond their just proportions or abilities to pay.
3. That the funds out of which these debts ought to be paid, are by the constitution put under the direction of the federal government, and this has been done by the authority of the people, since the debts were contracted, and for the express purpose of paying the debts of the United States, of which these are a part, and therefore ought to follow the funds.
4. That the imposts and excises, so far as excises may be necessary, can be best managed under one direction.
5. That equal justice ought to be done to all the creditors, but this cannot be done by the individual states, some of them being unable to make the necessary provision, they being burthened beyond their quota, and deprived of their former revenues.
6. That the measure is founded in good policy, as well as justice as it will promote harmony among the different classes of creditors, and among the several states, and attach them to the government, and facilitate its operations.
I shall now take notice of some of the principal objections.
1. It is said that the accounts of the several states with the United States ought to be settled. I agree that no payment ought to be made to the states until their accounts are settled. But that ought not to effect the rights of individuals, who have liquidated claims for services or supplies rendered for the benefit of the Union, whether the contract was made with a member, or an officer of the United States. It is not in the power of these creditors to compel a settlement, nor ought their claims to be postponed or affected for want of such settlement, but such of the securities as may be the property of a state are on a different footing.
2. It is objected that when the states took the debts on themselves, they expected to pay them. This cannot be admitted without some explanation—by the confederation all charges of war, &c. incurred for the common defence and general welfare were to be paid out of a common Treasury, which was to be supplied by the several states, paying in their respective quotas, and a final adjustment of the accounts was to be made; and the individual states expected that all the sources of revenue would remain in their hands, out of which they expected to pay their quotas of all the debts and expenses of the Union: But by a revolution in government, the revenues are put under the power of the federal government, for the express purpose of paying the debts, so that the mode of payment is materially altered, and the obligation transferred from the individual states to the United States.
3. It is objected that this is a new project—and not mentioned in the constitution. The novelty of it is no just objection against adopting it—if the measure be just. It was mentioned in the general convention—but it was not thought necessary or proper to insert it in the constitution, for Congress would have sufficient power to adopt it if they should judge it expedient.
4. It is said that the states most urgent for this measure are not incapacitated by adopting the new constitution for paying their debts.
Ans. The states most burthened with debts, and the only ones who expected to have sums greater than their quotas assumed, are Massachusetts and South-Carolina, and these depended chiefly on impost, of which they are now wholly deprived.
Connecticut does not wish, or expect to have more of her debt assumed, than her just quota of the whole sum to be assumed, so that no other state will bear any greater burthen on her account. The debt of New-Hampshire will not amount to half the sum of her quota, of the debts proposed to be assumed, but she has been in favor of the measure on principles of justice and national policy.
But a very fallacious argument has been advanced respecting the ratio in which some states contribute to the common funds by way of impost: And it comes with a very ill grace from the gentleman who advanced it, because it is so fully refuted by the report of a committee of the late Congress, of which committee, he was a member. It appears on the journal of the 29th April 1783, page 203, whereby it is shewn that the several states contribute by a general impost, in portion to the number of their inhabitants, whether the articles are imported, and the duties paid, in the state in which they are consumed or not, as the tax is ultimately paid by the consumers—(Here a part of the journal was read.)
5. It is objected that it will be difficult to discriminate the state debts contracted for the Union, from their other debts: But what necessity is there for such a discrimination, if only certain sums are assumed, and the states charged with them, the whole will be adjusted among the states on the settlement of their accounts; besides their debts for other purposes are inconsiderable.
6. Objection, if only part of the state debts be assumed, equal justice will not be done to all the creditors.
Answer, The small sums that will remain of the debts of any of the states can, and doubtless will be, as well provided for by the respective states, as those assumed, will by the United States.
It is proposed to assume the whole of the debts, of the states of New-Hampshire, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia and Georgia, and the small sums that will remain of the debts, of Massachusetts, Connecticut, North-Carolina and South-Carolina, can easily be provided for by those States.
7. It has been objected that Virginia has made great exertions in complying with the specie requisitions of Congress, and in sinking a considerable part of the principle of her debts, since the peace, and therefore it would be inequitable to increase her burthen by assuming the debts of other States which have not made like exertions.
The answer is, that it is not proposed to lay any additional burthen on that State. The amount of the State debts to be assumed will not exceed 23 millions of dollars; the debt of Virginia to be assumed amounts to 3,681,000 dollars, which is something more than that State's quota of the whole sum to be assumed, in proportion to its number of Representatives, so that the interest of Virginia would be no otherwise affected by the assumption than by transferring its debt, from its particular fund to the common funds. It is also proposed, to assume of the debts of Connecticut and North-Carolina, the just amount of their respective quotas of the whole sum proposed to be assumed.

8. It is objected, that the debts of Georgia are not on interest. 9. If any thing to the purpose can be inferred from this objection, it is in favor of the assumption; for, if the debts are just, they ought immediately to be paid, or put on interest. 9. It is objected, that the debt of the United States will be increased by the assumption of the State debts, as to make direct taxes or excises necessary to be laid by Congress, which would be odious to the people.
Answer, The assumption of the State debts is a part of the plan reported by the Secretary of the Treasury. He does not propose direct taxes, nor excises, further than those that have already been adopted by the house—and I think some reliance ought to be had on the opinion of the officer whom government have placed at the head of the department of finance.
The whole of the debts must be paid by the citizens of the United States; they do now exist, and government is under obligation to do justice to all the creditors. The people have put all the sources of revenue in the power of Congress, for that purpose, and will doubtless be satisfied with their administration of them. The resources of the nation will be abundantly sufficient, if prudently managed, to pay the annual interest of the debt, and gradually to discharge the principal within a reasonable time. The Western territory if properly disposed of, will sink a considerable part of the national debt. It was observed that excises are the most expensive taxes to collect, but Dr. Smith, on the wealth of nations, says, that in Britain the collection of excises costs at the rate of but 5 per cent. but that imposts cost at the rate of 10 per cent. this is according to my best recollection. I have not the book now before me.
10. It is objected, that the securities will probably center in large towns, or get into the hands of foreigners.—I think it is probable that the securities, will center in the hands of such citizens in the several States, as shall chuse to live on the interest of their capital; and in the hands of corporate bodies instituted to promote science and other useful purposes; but the securities will not get out of the possession of the original owners without their consent, nor (if well funded) will they be induced to part with them for less than their just value, and it is reasonable that they should be left at liberty to dispose of their own property.
11. It is objected, that funds are not to be provided for the State debts this session, and we do not know what may be the opinions of our successors. Answer, The provision is proposed to be made by the present Congress at their next session.
12. Objection, the house are divided in sentiment, and it will be safer to negative the proposition, than to adopt it by a small majority.—It appears to me that the greatest safety will be on the other side, there is no dispute about the justice of the claims of the creditors, the only point in dispute is, which would be the most expedient mode of payment, and which would be most agreeable to the public opinion. My reasons for supposing that it will be safer to adopt the measure by a small majority than to negative it, is, because people are more influenced by their feelings, than by speculative reasonings, or nice calculations. If the debts are assumed, what inconveniences will the people feel from it? and, if they reason upon it, they will find that no injustice will ultimately take place, but all will be set right by a liquidation of the accounts. But if the state debts are not assumed and the creditors are not provided for by the states, or if the states are subjected to heavy direct taxes in making the provision, these evils will be severely felt; and must create uneasiness and complaints which may prove very prejudicial to the administration of government.
13. It is said that "several of the legislatures have lately been in session and have not applied to Congress or instructed their representatives to obtain an assumption of the state debts."
I think their opinions cannot be inferred from their silence on the subject.—In matters that concern only the particular interest of a state, the state may properly instruct their representatives, who in such case would act only as agents for the state; but in matters which concern the Union in general, such interference might be of dangerous tendency, for all the members ought to be at perfect liberty to act their best and unbiased judgment, upon public measures, according to the light and information that may be obtained by a public discussion of them in the house which may not be known to the legislatures of the particular states. I have endeavored briefly to give the reasons which have induced me to be in favor of this measure, and to obviate the objections that have been made to it, which I submit to the opinion of the committee, without troubling them with any observations
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE. Published by STEPHEN LUZAC.
[The translations from the Leyden Gazette which were commenced in this paper some weeks past, are again resumed. Although the dates are old, the Editor considers the authenticity of that paper of such importance, as to merit the insertion of its contents, which will serve to check European accounts that are published in this country, received through other channels. A succession of intelligence derived from this source, will be constantly kept up, as regularly as the papers come to hand, and the established veracity and reputation of the Leyden Gazette will warrant perfect dependance to be placed on any intelligence it may contain.]
LEYDEN, Feb. 19, 1790.
ACCOUNTS from Hungary of the 26th of January, inform that general meetings have been held in the several counties—that at a meeting of the nobility of the county of Presburg, Count Charles Palfy d'Erdody, chancellor of the kingdom, was present. That certain resolutions were read at a second meeting held at a former, which were confirmed and sent by an express to the Emperor. That universal joy prevailed throughout the kingdom, from a report that the Emperor was about reconstituting Hungary in all its ancient privileges and usages. Of the 22 articles containing the subjects of grief which the Hungarians required to be redressed, his Majesty consented to 19. Excepting only 3, which are, toleration in religion, the care of the national studies, and the right of judging between the chiefs of the kingdom and the other subjects. Consequently the use of the German language which the Hungarians opposed so much, will no longer be necessary in the tribunals and public acts, and Latin will again be resumed. The crown will be restored to the custody of the nation, and the coronation is to take place as soon as possible. What is of still greater importance, the register for taxing lands, according to the new system which the Emperor wished to introduce throughout his states, is absolutely given up with respect to Hungary.
The foregoing accounts are confirmed by a letter from Vienna, of the 29th of January, which
moreover mentions, that the German Provinces are in expectation of being restored to their former Constitution and privileges.
PROGRESS OF THE BRABANT REVOLUTION. By a letter from Brussels of the 14th of February, it appears that a misunderstanding prevails among the leaders of the revolutionists. The Duke d'Ursel, president of the war department, had resigned, assigning his bad state of health as a reason—A writing was handed about, setting forth other reasons for his retiring, particularly that he did not choose to serve with Baron Schonfeld, a prussian general, who had been taken into pay by Congress, with the rank of lieut. general, and to command the foreign troops in their service; which measure he conceived contrary to the interest of his country, and countenanced by a Congress subservient to the committee of Breda, of which Mr. Van der Noot was the chief agent. The Duke contradicted this writing, but in terms which still implied a dissatisfaction with public measures. At the intercession of the five companies of Brussel's volunteers he has resumed his post. To remove the distrust, he has been informed of the grand secret, till that time unknown, of connections formed with foreign courts—these connections are not generally approved of, and it would appear that Mr. Van der Noot's interest is on the decline.
The adherents of the revolution are divided into parties, which are differing more and more from each other—the one party consists of those who wish to support what is called the present constitution; that is to say the arrangements by which the Assembly of the three Estates have taken possession of the sovereignty, without the consent of the people, which constitution tends to an oligarchy of the worst kind, a clerical oligarchy. In order to support this system, the states of Brabant resolved to administer an oath of fidelity to the corps called sermans, some of that body took it whilst the greater part refused, requesting that it should be printed, to see whether it was conformable to the interest of the country. This refusal created great debates in the states. Duke d'Arenberg with his brothers, Count de la Marck and Prince Lewis d'Arenberg, together with Duke d'Ursel, are at the head of the other party and possess the confidence of the people, as the illustrious defenders of their rights not only against the efforts of the Austrians, but likewise against the projects of those who without the consent of the nation have seized the exclusive management of affairs.
The divisions and animosities run very high. The Three Estates of Brabant have opened a subscription for the support of their troops, under the direction of the clergy, together with the magistrates of the different cities. The Abbe Tongerloo, one of the principal members of the committee of Breda, has raised a regiment at his own expence, commanded by Major Van der Gracht. Both parties seem disposed to call in foreign aid to their assistance, the popular party looks up to France. To be continued.
The following ADDRESS from the HEBREW CONGREGATION of the City of Savannah, was on Monday presented to the PRESIDENT of the United States, by Mr. Jackson, one of the Representatives of Georgia.
SIR, WE have long been anxious of congratulating you on your appointment by unanimous approbation to the Presidential dignity of this country, and of testifying our unbounded confidence in your integrity and unblemished virtue: Yet, however exalted the station you now fill, it is still not equal to the merit of your heroic services through an arduous and dangerous conflict, which has embosomed you in the hearts of her citizens.
Our eccentric situation added to a diffidence bounded on the most profound respect has thus long prevented our address, yet the delay has realized anticipation, given us an opportunity of presenting our grateful acknowledgments for the benedictions of Heaven through the energy of Federal influence and the equity of your administration.
Your unexampled liberality and extensive philanthropy have dispelled that cloud of bigotry and superstition, which has long as a veil shaded religion—unriveted the fetters of enthusiasm—enfranchised us with all the privileges and immunities of free citizens, and initiated us into the grand mass of legislative mechanism. By example you have taught us to endure the ravages of war with manly fortitude, and to enjoy the blessings of peace, with reverence to the Deity, and benignity and love to our Fellow-Creatures.
May the great author of worlds grant you all happiness—an uninterrupted series of health—addition of years to the number of your days, and a continuance of guardianship to that freedom which under the auspices of Heaven your magnanimity and wisdom have given these States.
LEVI SHEFTAL, President, in behalf of the Hebrew Congregation.
To which the President was pleased to return the following answer. To the HEBREW CONGREGATION of the City of Savannah.
GENTLEMEN, I THANK you, with great sincerity, for your congratulations on my appointment to the office, which I have the honor to hold by the unanimous choice of my fellow-citizens; and especially for the expressions which you are pleased to use in testifying the confidence that is reposed in me by your congregation.
As the delay which has naturally intervened between my election and your address has afforded an opportunity for appreciating the merits of the federal government, and for communicating your sentiments of its administration—I have rather to express my satisfaction than regret at a circumstance, which demonstrates (upon experiment) your attachment to the former, as well as approbation of the latter.
I rejoice that a spirit of liberality and philanthropy is much more prevalent than it formerly was among the enlightened nations of the earth; and that your brethren will benefit thereby in proportion as it shall become still more extensive. Happily the
people of the United States of America have, in many instance exhibited examples worthy of imitation.—The salutary influence of which will doubtless extend much farther, if gratefully enjoying those blessings of peace which (under favor of Heaven) have been obtained by fortitude in war, they shall conduct themselves with reverence to the Deity; and charity towards their fellow-creatures.
May the same wonder-working Deity, who, long since delivering the Hebrews from their Egyptian oppressors, planted them in the promised land—whose providential agency has lately been conspicuous in establishing these United States as an Independent Nation—still continue to water them with the dews of Heaven, and to make the inhabitants of every denomination participate in the temporal and spiritual blessings of that people, whose God is Jehovah. G. WASHINGTON.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 16.
HON. JOHN SEVIER, member from the State of North Carolina, appeared, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the House.
A message was received from the President of the United States, with the ratification of the Constitution of the United States by the State of Rhode Island.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the Post-Office bill.—Sundry amendments were made, and the discussion of the whole finished.—The committee then rose, and reported the same.
The House took the amendments into consideration.
The first amendment respected the particular routes to the various parts of the United States by which the mail is to be carried.—Several alterations were made in two sections, on motion of individual members.
Mr. Sedgwick after observing that it was impossible for every particular member perfectly to understand the reasons on which a variety of alterations had been agreed to.—He instanced the establishment of roads, to several places, which run nearly parallel.—Gentlemen said he, who move for different establishments, may fully understand themselves in the motions they make—but for his own part he confessed, that he could give as good a reason for his negative, as his affirmative, on several that have been adopted.—He therefore moved that the two first clauses should be struck out—and offered a clause as a substitute which was to authorize the Post-Master-General, with the approbation of the President of the United States, to establish the Post Roads from Wiscasset in Massachusetts, to Savanna in Georgia.
This motion was objected to by Mr. Hartley, Mr. Livermore, Mr. White, and Mr. Gerry. It was observed that a similar clause had been rejected by the committee of the whole, when the first bill was before them.—It was further said that it cannot be supposed that the Post-Master-General knows what routes are most eligible better than many of the members—the constitutionality of the motion was doubted. Those in favor of the motion stated the difficulties which would probably arise upon the present plan—if a road is established which is found on trial to be improper, it will be difficult to alter it—and at any rate it cannot be done without an act of the legislature.
In reply to the objection of the unconstitutionality of the motion, it was said the motion goes no farther than delegating a power to an executive officer, consonant to the office which he sustains, instead of the House, attempting to exercise that power, when it does not appear that it can be exercised by them—besides, if the discretionary power is unconstitutional, there are several other parts of the bill which are unconstitutional, for the power of establishing such extra roads as to him may appear necessary, is vested in the Post-Master-General. If the House mean to avoid a great deal of unnecessary business, which will probably come before them in petitions to abolish old roads, and establish new ones, the proposition appears necessary.
The motion was negatived by a great majority.
The amendment of the first and second sections were agreed to. Several new roads were proposed to be added—when Mr. Boudinot observed, that he plainly perceived it would be necessary to vest some discretionary power in the Post-Master-General, relative to this particular object—for he very much apprehended that the roads already agreed to, would render the Post-Office a very great burden on the United States.—These observations were followed by a motion for an adjournment—which took place.
THURSDAY, JUNE 17.
The ratification of the Constitution of the United States by the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, with the amendments annexed, were read.
The bill to authorise the purchasing of West-Point was read the second and third time—and passed.
Mr. Gilman of the committee to whom was re-committed the bill for the regulation and government of seamen in the Merchants' service, reported that the committee had agreed to sundry amendments to said bill, which he laid on the table.
Mr. Vining presented the memorial of Wm. Piery, which was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.

The bill providing for the settlement of the accounts between the United States and individual States, as amended, was read, and on motion of Mr. Fitzsimons (who observed that the bill as it now stands, was materially altered from the original report) was ordered to be printed, and made the order of the day for Monday next.
The petition of Adam Caldwell, on motion of Mr. Vining, was taken up and referred to a select committee—Mr. Scot, Mr. Sedgwick, and Mr. Vining, were named by the Speaker.
Mr. Gerry, moved the following resolution,—That a committee be appointed to consider and report whether any, and what fees, perquisites, or emoluments, shall be annexed to the office of Consul or Vice-Consul. This was referred to a committee of three members.
The House took up the amendments of the Committee of the whole to the Post-Office bill—some of which were agreed to—others rejected—and several new ones made.—The bill being finished—it was ordered that it be engrossed for a third reading. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, JUNE 18.
On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons the House resumed the consideration of the bill for repealing, after the last day of _____ next the duties heretofore laid on spirits, &c.
The question on the bill was, whether it should be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Stone moved for a recommittal to a select committee, who were to be instructed to report a plan of ways and means, agreeable to a resolution laid on the table a few days since. This motion was negative.
Mr. Fitzsimons proposed a clause enabling the proprietor, importer or consignee, to make a deposit of part of the duties at the time of making entry for the duties in lieu of additional bonds. This was agreed to.
Mr. Parker moved that the bill should be referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, with instructions to report a system of ways and means, exclusive of an excise.—Mr. Parker observed, that he should think himself obliged to vote against the bill in its present form; but if the excise is disposed of, he would give a bill providing the ways and means all the support in his power—this motion was seconded by Mr. Bloodworth, but after some debate was negative.
A motion made by Mr. Gerry for striking out the two sections which provide for laying an excise, occasioned considerable debate, and was finally determined by ayes and noes, as follows:
AYES.
Messrs Burke, Coles, Gerry, Goodhue, Griffin, Groom, Huger, Heister, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Sedgwick, Smith, (S.C.) Steele, Sumpter, Thatcher, Tucker, White.—19.
NOES.
Messrs Ames, Ashe, Baldwin, Benion, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gilman, Hasley, Hathorne, Huntington, Jackson, Lawrence, Leonard, Livermore, Matthews, Renfclaeer, Scot, Sneyd, Sevier, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Stone, Trumbull, Wadsworth, Wynkoop, Williamson.—35.
Majority against striking out 16.
Sundry other amendments were proposed some of which were adopted, others negative; it being late, the question for engrossing was not put, when the House adjourned to Monday 10 o'clock.
NEW-YORK, June 19,
Remarks on the "Defence of the American Constitutions," in a letter to a friend.
I have read the defence of the American Constitutions, and admire the intelligence, sagacity, and firmness, with which it is written.—
At first it appeared to me, that where there was no distinction of rank in the people, there was no necessity of a balance—but the author has proved his point most satisfactorily, and the impracticability of one general assembly—all that remains is to secure that balance everlastingly, which there is much reason to fear and dread being broke.—
In the English Constitution, so beautiful in theory, and which the author so much admires, it is totally lost.—
The representatives do not speak the voice of the people—the crown being hereditary, and the Lords and Bishops its creatures, and considered as the fountain from which all honors flow.—The army and navy at its disposal—and all taxes adding to its power from the increase of collectors. A King so powerful, and from respect, interest, and fear, and the misapplication of texts of scripture to the name and office of a King, there is danger of his being esteemed and venerated as God's-Viceroy—which weakness gaining possession of the minds of the people is rarely got rid of.—
Therefore my only fear is, that when one person is continued for any length of time, by design or collusion, or hereditary with distinguished honors, he will insensibly avail himself of his situation, and preponderate in the balance, and overturning the whole, commence Tyrant.
The circumstance of the Americans' being sprinkled over large tracts of land, may secure them from want, and prevent the contagion of vice and folly—as large cities are destructive of virtue—Yet I doubt much if liberty is not more secure by that means—as upon any sudden attack upon the liberties of the people, the alarm is quickly spread, and conveyed thro numbers, and the resistance would be instantaneous—whereas in the other case, it requires time to be known, more to collect together to communicate sentiments, and unite in a body. Short duration and rotation of power seem the only certain securities—the people having the sword—nine tenths on the side of the people weighs in the balance.—
I am pleased with the idea of the balance of affections and appetites under the monarchy of reason and conscience—the only monarchy which will never deviate from its true principles.—
It appears necessary that every possible means
should be pointed out to secure the balance, and reinstate it, if broken in upon. The English system wants the application of such remedies—it will then, in the language of Thucydides, "be a possession forever."
PARIS, April 12.
THE National guard last night seized on 17 casks of specie, which were conveying from the Royal Treasury for some secret service. Centinels were immediately placed over the seizure, and it is said this practice of transporting specie has been carrying on for some weeks past.
LONDON, April 18.
The charge which General Vander Mersch is accused of by the assembly of the Belgic states is—that forgetting he derived his authority from them, by permitting himself to be chosen generalissimo by the officers under his command, by suffering the deputies sent from Congress to be arrested, and other proceedings, he has brought the country to the brink of destruction, and it was time for them to take every measure to save the nation from the impending ruin; that for the rest he might depend, that as the states had granted him a court martial, he would be heard with equity, impartiality and justice.
Letters from Rome confirm the report that his Holiness the Pope proposes a journey to Paris, for the purpose of personally deprecating the ecclesiastical reforms planned by the National Assembly of France: the Sovereign Pontiff isto be accompanied by a committee of five members of the Sacred College; they are to perform the journey, entirely by land, stopping only for one week or ten days at Florence, until they reach Avignon, where those reverend and illustrious travellers will remain until all the ceremony and etiquette of their reception at Paris shall be settled by the French Ministers and the Commissioners of the National Assembly. So unprecedented and extraordinary a transaction in the French capital, will, no doubt, draw thither an amazing concourse of strangers. The above letters also mention that the king of Spain, on hearing of the Pope's intended expedition to France, offered, that if his Holiness preferred shortening his way by a sea voyage, to send two ships of the line and four frigates to Civitta Vecchia to take him and his suite on board and land them at Marceilles.
From the INDIA GAZETTE.
On Thursday morning last the wife of a native, named Radadoo Ghose, who died at Semlay near Calcutta, ascended the funeral pile of her husband with the usual ceremonies: her resolution was so determined, that previously to the customary preparations for this fatal event, she distributed her fortune, consisting of several thousand rupees, among her family, and the Bramin Priests were not forgot in the distribution. She was also possessed of several houses, and a talook, or farm, which were conveyed to her relations, together with her jewels and furniture, so that the apprehension of poverty could have no influence in this sacrifice of her life.
PROLOGUE,
To the WIDOW OF MALABAR,
Or,
THE TYRANNY OF CUSTOM.
A Tragedy.—Imitated from the French of M. LE MIERRE.
Spoken by Mr. HALLAM.
THE Gallic Muse, this night, prepares our Tale, And shews what rites in other lands prevail; Displays the widow'd fair a sacrifice, And draws compassion's drops from melting eyes. Oh! if your hearts have ever learn'd to feel, Let sweet compassion o'er your bosoms steal; Believe the plot, from eastern story, true, Believe the shores of Malabar ye view! The haughty Bramin, with imperious smile, Propels the fair-one to the fun'ral pile: There—see her mounting, with retorted eyes, And hear, 'midst bursting flames, her dying cries!
Such tragic strains the noblest charms dispense, To purge the passions, and refine the sense: Each virtuous tear confers a new-born grace, And adds fresh beauty to the fairest face.
Oh! born to bless, and meliorate mankind, With manners winning, and with taste refin'd, What wrongs, YE FAIR! your gentle bosoms bore, In each rude age—on ev'ry barb'rous shore! Doom'd the mean vassals of unfeeling Lords, By Western Savages, and Tartar Hords! Through Asian climes, see Custom reason braves, And marks the fairest of their sex for slaves: Hearts form'd for love; but doom'd in vain to glow In prison'd pomp, and weep in splendid woe: Or see their fate in India more severe, The sad companions of a husband's bier!
Not such their doom, where genial science shines, And heav'n-born freedom human souls refines; Where polish'd manners social life improve, And teach us to respect the sex we love; Confirm their claims in equal rights to share, Friends in our bliss, and partners in our care: And hail, ye fair, of ev'ry charm possess'd, Who grace this rising Empire of the West; With better fates, and nobler genius born, Your sex to honor and your land adorn; In this blest age, to share our fond regard, The friends of Heroes and their best reward!
Yet when o'er foreign woes ye shed a tear, And find your bliss by contrast still more dear; With humble joy adore th' Almighty hand, Which fix'd your birth in this auspicious land!
Ye gen'rous Patrons who protect our Stage, Friends to the Arts and Guardians of the Age; To tragic woes now lend the list'ning ear, Attend with candor, with indulgence hear! While we display, in pleading nature's cause, Our best attempts to merit your applause!
HARTFORD, June 7.
The following are among the acts passed at the last session of the Legislature of this State; viz. An act repealing the Excise Laws of this state. An act for ceding to the United States the Light-House at New-London.—A Resolve appointing a Committee to confer with a Committee of the Massachusetts relative to the Fishery.
PORTSMOUTH June 10. Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Antigua to his friend in this town dated May 2.
"WE are in a most shocking condition for want of rain, of which we have had but only a part of one day, since November last, our Canes are all burnt up, some estates on which were made 400 hogheads annually, will not yield more than ten, others none, what will become of us God only knows, if we don't get rain soon no crops this year, Corn 10/6 per bushel, Beans, Pease and Flour are not permitted to come from England. Such London ships as had any of those articles on board were stopped, and the same taken out.
BOSTON, June 12.
There being no choice of President by the people of New-Hampshire, the House of Representatives sent up to the Senate, as Candidates, the Hon. JOSIAH BARTLETT, and JOHN PICKERING, Esq. The Senate made choice of the Hon. JOSIAH BARTLETT, as President of the State of New-Hampshire.
A question was made in the House of Representatives of New-Hampshire, June 3, whether JOHN J. SHERBURNE, Esq. was eligible to a seat, he being an Invalid Pensioner. The Yeas and Nays being required, were Yeas 66, Nay 1.
NEWBERN, May 27.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress to his friend, dated New York, May 6.
"The business of Congress moves with tardy advances, the assumption has taken much time and is not yet fully decided. Our worthy friend Doctor Williamson, has done himself great honor in opposing the measure, and on every occasion merits the confidence of his constituents."
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
SHIP NEWS.
The Congress, a fine new ship, on her second voyage, return into port, got becalmed in a fog.
The Assumption, a ship of the States, in rays, sails shaking in the wind, current ahead.
The Residence, a State ship, ashore on Point Ratification, State of Rhode Island.
The Report, a federal ship, is on the rocks—some of her lighter materials have been beaten off—her bottom, however, remains sound—she will undoubtedly be got off—as every person is now convinced of the goodness of her materials, and the excellence of her workmanship—The Moon-Curser however have been hovering round, expecting that if the crew forsakes her, they shall find pretty pickings, either in the wreck, or floating.
The PUBLIC CREDIT, an old ship, crazy, weather-beaten and leaky—lost sight of her consort—and having narrowly escaped on former occasions, kept astern—She has a good pilot on board, and may be expected to arrive, when
TOM MIZEN.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 19, 1790.
APPOINTMENTS.—By Authority.
EDWARD CHURCH, of Georgia, formerly of Massachusetts, Consul of the United States of America, for the port of Bilboa. THOMAS AULDJO, Vice-Consul for the port of Cowes. The Sieur ETIENNE CATHALAN, Vice-Consul for the port of Marceilles. JOHN PARISH, Vice-Consul for the port of Hamburgh.
Accounts by the Packet state, that a demand had been made by the British Court of the restitution of the vessels taken by the Spaniards at Nootka sound, which had been refused—in consequence of which 38 sail of the line had been commissioned, a hot press had taken place in London, and it was expected that war would be declared against Spain in four or five days after the Packet sail'd.
A letter from Paris of 25 April, says, that all was peace in that kingdom—and all fears of a counter revolution at an end.
Dublin newspapers mention, that "the Royal Academy of Arts and Sciences, in that kingdom, have elected JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq. (late Governor of Massachusetts) to be an honorary Member of that society."
DISCOVERIES in FORT-GEORGE.
During the course of the operations in leveling the works at Fort-George, several articles have been discovered, that probably had been deposited, and have been lain there ever since the first settlement in this city. Among other antique curiosities, are a number of old Dutch tobacco pipes, somewhat different from those in use at the present day, and more clumsily made; also the remains of a brass hilted sword of the fashion of the last century, which in its better days might possibly have made a part of the warlike furniture of some honest Batavian, or might even had the honor to have graced the side of the commandant of Fort Amsterdam*—Besides the above, a few pieces of coin have been found; the most curious is a silver piece about the size and value of a pistareen coined at Groningen in 1605.
In removing the earth where the Chapel formerly stood, a number of bones have been dug up, but the coffins were totally decayed. Three vaults have also been discovered. On opening the first which was within the walls of the Chapel, only the remains of a single coffin were to be seen, which by the plate appears to have been the body of the Right-Honorable Lady Elizabeth Hays, wife of Governor Hunter, who died the 8th of August 1716. This coffin was almost totally decayed.
The second vault contained the remains of four or five coffins, two of which were of lead. One of them contained the remains of the Earl of Bellamont, who died in 1701, Governor of this then Province, as appears from a silver escutcheon chased with the arms of the Coote family of Ireland, being three cootes with wolves as supporters. The other coffin probably contains the remains of his Lady. In the third vault nothing remained but a few bones, the coffins being entirely decayed into dust.
For the satisfaction of the relatives of the deceased, we are authorized to assure them, that the commissioners appointed by the Corporation to superintend the improvements, purpose to collect all the remains of bodies that may be found, and have them decently interred in one of the burial grounds in this city.
* This fort so called when in possession of the Dutch.
† The Chapel was accidentally burnt down in the spring of 1743, owing to some carelessness in soldering a leaden gutter.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Packet Sandwick, Dillon Falmouth 36 days. Brig Havanna, Suter Newry 39 days, with 170 Passengers. —Polly, — Montego Bay, 20 days. —ditto, — North-Carolina 4 days. Sloop Sukey, Trip, St. Eustatia, 22 days. —Betsey, Jones Curacao, 19 days. —Nancy, Dunn, Philadelphia, 7 days. Ship Grace, Capt. Armour, arrived at the Texel, on 24th April. Ship Three Brothers, Capt. Russell, arrived at Falmouth 23d of April.

Wise if a Minister; but if a King, More wise, more just, more learn'd, more every thing.
Do the great seem insensible of the easy price, at which they may acquire the public admiration; or do they seem to imagine, that to them, as to other men, it must be the purchase either of sweat or of blood? By what important accomplishments is the young nobleman instructed to support the dignity of his rank, and to render himself worthy of that superiority over his fellow citizens, to which the virtue of his ancestors, had raised them? Is it by knowledge, by industry, by patience, by self denial, or by virtue of any kind? As all his words, as all his motions are attended to, he learns an habitual regard to every circumstance of ordinary behaviour, and studies to perform all those small duties, with the most exact propriety. As he is conscious how much he is observed, and how much mankind are disposed to favor all his inclinations, he acts, upon the most indifferent occasions, with that freedom and elegance, which the thought of this naturally inspires. His air, his manner, his deportment, all mark that elegant and graceful sense of his own superiority, which those who are born to inferior stations, can hardly ever arrive at: these are the arts by which he proposes to make mankind submit to his authority, and to govern their inclinations according to his own pleasure; and in this he is seldom disappointed. These arts, supported by rank and preeminence, are, upon ordinary occasions, sufficient to govern the world.
But it is not by accomplishments of this kind, that the man of inferior rank must hope to distinguish himself. Politeness is so much the virtue of the great, that it will do little honor to any body but themselves. The coxcomb, who imitates their manner, and affects to be eminent by the superior propriety of his ordinary behaviour, is rewarded with a double share of contempt for his folly and presumption. Why should the man whom nobody thinks it worth while to look at, be very anxious about the manner in which he holds up his head, or disposes of his arms, while he walks through a room? He is occupied surely with a very superfluous attention, and with an attention too that marks a sense of his own importance, which no other mortal can go along with. The most perfect modesty and plainness, joined to as much negligence, as is consistent with the respect due to the company, ought to be the chief characteristics of the behaviour of a private man; if ever he hopes to distinguish himself, it must be by more important virtues. He must acquire dependants to balance the dependants of the great, and he has no other fund to pay them from, but the labor of his body and the activity of his mind. He must cultivate these therefore, he must acquire superior knowledge in his profession, and superior industry in the exercise of it; he must be patient in labor, resolute in danger, and firm in distress. These talents he must bring into view, by the difficulty, importance, and at the same time, good judgment of his undertakings, and by the severe and unrelenting application with which he pursues them. Probity and prudence, generosity and frankness, must characterize his behaviour upon all ordinary occasions; and he must at the same time, be forward to engage in all those situations, in which it requires the greatest talents and virtues to act with propriety, but in which the greatest applause is to be acquired by those who can acquit themselves with honor. With what impatience does the man of spirit and ambition, who is depressed by his situation, look round for some great opportunity to distinguish himself? No circumstances, which can afford this, appear to him undesirable; he even looks forward with satisfaction to the prospect of foreign war, or civil dissention; and with secret transport and delight, sees, through all the confusion and bloodshed which attend them, the probability of all those wished-for occasions presenting themselves, in which he may draw upon himself the attention and admiration of mankind. The man of rank and distinction, on the contrary, whose whole glory consists in the propriety of his ordinary behaviour; who is contented with the humble renown which this can afford him, and has no talents to acquire any other; is unwilling to embarrass himself with what can be attended either with difficulty or distress; to figure at a ball is his great triumph; he has an aversion to all public confusions, not from want of courage, for in that he is seldom defective, but from a consciousness that he possesses none of the virtues which are required in such situations, and that the public attention will certainly be drawn away from him by others: he may be willing to expose himself to some little danger, and to make a campaign, when it happens to be the fashion; but he finds with horror at the thought of
any situation which demands the continual and long exertion of patience, industry, fortitude, and application of thought. These virtues are hardly ever to be met with in men who are born to those high stations. In all governments, accordingly, even in monarchies, the highest offices are generally possessed, and the whole detail of the administration conducted by men, who were educated in the middle and inferior ranks of life, who have been carried forward by their own industry and abilities, though loaded with the jealousy, and opposed by the resentment of all those who were born their superiors, and to whom the great, after having regarded them, first with contempt, and afterwards with envy, are at last contented to truckle with the same abject meanness, with which they desire that the rest of mankind should behave to themselves.
It is the loss of this easy empire over the affections of mankind, which renders the fall from greatness so insupportable. When the family of the King of Macedon was led in triumph by Paulus Æmilius, their misfortunes, made them divide with their conqueror, the attention of the Roman people. The sight of the royal children, whose tender age rendered them insensible of their situation, struck the spectators, amidst the public rejoicings and prosperity, with the tenderest sorrow and compassion. The King appeared next in the procession—and seemed like one confounded and astonished, and bereft of all sentiment, by the greatness of his calamities. His friends and ministers followed after him. As they moved along, they often cast their eyes upon their fallen sovereign, and always burst into tears at the sight—their whole behavior demonstrating that they thought not of their own misfortunes, but were occupied intirely by the superior greatness of his. The generous Romans, on the contrary, beheld him with disdain and indignation, and regarded as unworthy of all compassion the man who could be so mean spirited as to bear to live under such calamities. Yet what did those calamities amount to? He was to spend the remainder of his days, in a state, which of itself should seem worthy of envy; a state of plenty, ease, leisure and security, from which it was impossible for him, even by his own folly, to fall. But he was no longer to be surrounded by that admiring mob of fools, flatterers, and dependants, who had formerly been accustomed to attend all his motions; he was no longer to be gazed upon by multitudes, nor to have it in his power to render himself the object of their respect, their gratitude, their love, and their admiration. The passions of nature were no longer to mould themselves upon his inclinations. This was that insupportable calamity, which bereaved the king of all sentiment; which made his friends forget their own misfortunes, and which the Roman magnanimity could scarce conceive how any man could be so mean spirited as to bear to survive.
To those who have been accustomed to the possession, or even to the hope of public admiration, all other pleasures sicken and decay.
Of such mighty importance does it appear to be, in the imaginations of men, to stand in that situation which sets them most in the view of general sympathy, and attention; and thus place, that great object which divides the wives of aldermen, is the end of half the labours of human life; and is the cause of all the tumult and bustle, all the rapine and injustice, which avarice and ambition have introduced into this world. People of sense, it is said indeed, despise place; that is to say they despise setting at the head of the table, and are indifferent who it is that is pointed out to the company by that frivolous circumstance which the smallest advantage is capable of overbalancing. But rank, distinction, preeminence, no man despises."
EASTON, June 8.
The convention of the Protestant Episcopal church of Maryland, met at this place on the 27th of last month, and after transacting, with the utmost harmony and concord, the important business which came before them, they adjourned on the Monday following to meet at Baltimore-town on Thursday in Whitson-week, 1791. That respectable body, we hear, have ratified the book of common prayer, as established by the general convention held at Philadelphia in September last, which is to come into use, throughout the ten states which have adopted the same, on the first day of next October. We are authorized to say, that the liturgy is considerably improved by the learned and enlightened body who revised it, and there is reason to hope that it will recommend itself to every considerate member of the Episcopal church, and by the blessing of Heaven, promote uniformity of sentiment and worship, and consequently the interests of piety and true religion, among her members throughout this extensive empire.
A large impression of this paper having been struck off from the commencement of the second vol. April 14.—Those who incline to become subscribers from that period, may be furnished with the numbers complete.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
S C H E M E.
   1 PRIZE of £ 3000 £ 3000   2 1000 2000   3 500 1500   10 200 2000   30 150 3000   50 50 2500   120 20 2400   180 10 1800   7950 4 31800  
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £ 50000 16654 Blanks, } Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
Bethlehem Stages.
THE great number of Misses, who from the banks of the Delaware Eastward, even to Boston, are now at the young ladies Academy at Bethlehem, renders some regular, convenient and cheap mode of conveyance between that town and New York necessary. To accommodate parents who have daughters at that flourishing Academy, and others who may wish to visit that pleasing romantic hill, the subscribers are now running stages, which will continue during the summer, between Elizabeth Town Point and Bethlehem. At each of these places a stage will start every Monday and Thursday morning at 5 o'clock, meet at Covenhoven-tavern the same evening, exchange passengers, and the next day return.
Fare of each passenger from Elizabeth Town Point to Bethlehem 3 dollars—way passengers 4d per mile—150lb. of baggage the same as a passenger. Packages and letters will be received and delivered at Mrs. Winant's, White hall, where seats may be taken—carriage of a letter 3d—14lb. of baggage allowed to each passenger.
To accommodate those who may wish to take Bethlehem in their route in journeying between the Eastern and Southern states, a stage will constantly run between Bethlehem and Philadelphia, starting at Bethlehem every Monday morning.
WILLIAM CRANE. FREDERICK BEUTEL.
May 10.
ADVERTISEMENT.
BY order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled "an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety. March 31. 1790.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donald's estate, within this State, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (1.W.1Y.)
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET. A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island Securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
WANTED Immediately, a Man as an Officer, one that is sober and can be well recommended, will meet with encouragement, and find steady employment, by applying to the Subscriber, ARCHER GIFFORD, N. B. None but a sober person, and one well recommended need apply. Newark, May 29, 1790.
To be LET, and possession given immediately, THE HOUSE No. 27, Front Street.—A part of the FURNITURE will be sold, on reasonable terms, to accommodate the Tenant, if required. Apply on the premises. June 12, 1790.
To be Sold, an elegant dwelling house, in every circumstance fitted for a gentleman with a large family, situated in a very pleasant part of Elizabeth Town, New-Jersey.—The lot contains about four acres, on which is a very good garden, and a variety of the best fruit trees. The terms of payment can be made so easy as to suit the purchaser. Enquire of the Subscriber at No. 12, Wall-Street. ELIAS BOUDINOT. June 2, 1790.