Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-11-25 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXV.]
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 25, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
PLAN OF THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
(A NATIONAL PAPER.)
Published at the SEAT of the NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.
CONTAINING, I. EARLY and authentic Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS—its LAWS, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS, communicated so as to form an HISTORY of the TRANSACTIONS of the NATIONAL LEGISLATURE.
II. IMPARTIAL SKETCHES of the DEBATES of CONGRESS.
III. ESSAYS on the great subjects of Government; also upon the national and local Rights of the AMERICAN CITIZENS, as founded upon the National or State Constitutions; also upon every other Subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion.
IV. A SERIES of PARAGRAPHS, calculated to catch the "LIVING MANNERS AS THEY RISE," and to point the public attention to Objects that have an important reference to domestic, social and public happiness.
V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions—religious and moral Objects—Improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY—their foreign Treaties, Alliances, Connections, &c.
VI. Every Species of INTELLIGENCE, which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political INTERESTS of the AMERICAN NATION.
VII. A CHAIN of DOMESTIC OCCURRENCES.
VIII. A SERIES of FOREIGN ARTICLES of INTELLIGENCE.
IX. The STATE of the FUNDS—Courses of Exchange—Prices Current, &c.
CONDITIONS.
I. Published every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY.
II.
The price to Subscribers (exclusive of postage) THREE DOLLARS pr. annum.
III.
The first semi-annual payment to be made in three months from the time of subscribing, and future payments to be made every six months.
SUBSCRIPTIONS.
Will be received in all the capital towns upon the Continent; also at No. 9, Maiden-Lane, near the Oswego-Market, New-York.
To the PUBLIC.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLIC CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Mediums of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, and are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however, VARIOUS the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all good MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, established upon NATIONAL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRINCIPLES—which shall take up the premised Articles, upon a COMPETENT PLAN; it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with public approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this Publication is determined to leave no avenue of information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of Persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the public's humble servant, THE EDITOR.
POSTSCRIPT.
SEVEN Months have now elapsed since this paper was ushered into existence—how far the spirit of the plan has been exhibited, and adhered to, is not for the Editor to say.—A generous and candid public has awarded its approbation, by a subscription which is said to be more extensive than usual on similar occasions.—An acknowledgement of the favor is therefore due from the publisher.—The expence attending an undertaking of this kind is always great; in the present instance, it has not been counterbalanced by any of the customary receipts on account of advertisements—the object being an extensive circulation, the Editor conceiving that their insertion would have counteracted that part of his plan, has never admitted any. This consideration if it was necessary to be suggested, would point out the importance of punctuality on the part of the subscribers—it appears to have been very generally attended to, as the payments have been unusually prompt.
It is necessary to observe that the number of names which have honored the subscription, is not sufficient to defray the expence of the publication, and to afford the Editor a competent support, on a supposition that the whole should be collected.—Additional subscriptions are therefore solicited; and when it is considered, that the paper is new in its construction; contains intelligence of the most interesting nature; abounds with more originality than any other periodical publication; and, viewed as a miscellany, is cheaper than any magazine, register, &c. it can not be doubted but that it will receive an adequate patronage.
The Editor is determined to prosecute the publication, upon its original principles: He hopes to make it more interesting, by the communications of his ingenious correspondents: He solicits the aid of every friend to science, freedom and government: And such speculations, as bear a friendly aspect to the peace, honor and prosperity of our rising nation, will be received with gratitude by the public's humble servant, JOHN FENNO.
NEW-YORK, Nov. 14, 1789.
EXTRACT
THE tempest of the soul, like that of the elements, can endure but for a season. Time smooths the furrows of misfortune: for hope disvelled of a darling object, like a bird deprived of one friendly spray, flies to another; and looks forward to new sources of enjoyment—Happy temperament of Human nature, that like the yielding stalk, bends to the rough blasts of misfortune, and again resumes its wonted station, prepared for new incidents, to complete the varied, chequered scene.—So true are the words of inspiration, Sorrow may continue for a night, but joy cometh in the morning.
THE TABLET.—No. LXV.
"Among the learned, there are some persons of art and address, that can mind their studies without neglecting the world."
MEN who devote their lives to the pursuit of literature are apt to contract habits of spleen and petulance. The effect of steady contemplation is to exhaust the spirits, and create an indifference for those pleasures and amusements, with which the bulk of mankind are captivated. It is to be regretted that learned men should fall into such an error; because it is not only detrimental to their own happiness, but abates the satisfaction and advantage, that their attainments would otherwise afford to other people.
The fascinating influence of literature, unless counteracted by a diversified intercourse with society, almost unavoidably produces pedantry of manners. There is perhaps no effectual remedy against this inconvenience. It will be said, that men must either lay aside their literary pursuits, or they must submit to the habits that grow out of a life of study and contemplation. This idea however should not be too implicitly adopted.—The importance of a cheerful deportment, and engaging manners is so great and conspicuous, that it is worth while to examine, whether they are not more compatible, than usually happens, with characters who are distinguished for science and reflection. The fault lies principally with those who have the management of youth, at the period when they commence their studies. It is supposed essential, by way of exciting emulation, that the students should speak in a different dialect from other people, and assume a style of behavior peculiar to themselves. This practice, in a little time, begets a pride of character, which it is difficult afterwards to wear off. Those lads, who on retiring from their studies, enter into commercial or other pursuits that carry them into a variety of company, may get the better of the faults of their education, and learn to feel and act like other people. But those, who take a profession that requires a continuance in their researches after science, may retain the pride and formality acquired at an academy, through every subsequent period of life. After a few years sedentary employment, they lose their relish for exercise and for scenes of mirth and pleasantry, and before they are aware of it, fall a prey to sullen, melancholy spirits.
It is practicable, I should imagine, to excite an emulation for learning, without running into the errors I have described. There are many instances of men who combine great knowledge in the arts and sciences with a polite address and accommodating manners. This shews that those properties are not, in the nature of things, doomed to a separation. It furnishes likewise a strong presumption, that it is owing to injudicious management that they are so often separated. The Students at an academy or university should be cautioned against affectation in their language or behavior. Pride never assumes a more silly or a more useless shape, than it discovers in the peculiarities of learned men. It sometimes elevates them above an attention to those rules of propriety in common affairs, that are so well calculated to render men happy and agreeable. How common a thing is it, to see men stored with rich treasures of knowledge, who are totally destitute of prudence and common sense! This is often and in a great measure occasioned by false notions imbibed in education. The self-sufficient student believes it sullies his dignity to think upon such subjects, or follow such practices as are in vogue with the great run of mankind. He therefore may be more learned, but he is, in reality, less wise, less happy, and less useful, than those he affects to despise.
IN HOLLAND,
The most flagrant violences are still committed by the favourers of the Stadtholder, on the patriotic party.—The consequences have been murder, and depredations on property: And the common order of people are so infatuated in favour of the House of Orange, that the establishment of a Despotism is an event as much expected, as it will be easy to effect.
IN ENGLAND,
Every thing remains tranquil. The prosperity of this nation appears progressing—its commerce extending—and we hope its liberality and enlarged policy increasing.
THE TURKS,
It is said, in the German papers, have been defeated in two pitched battles, with the loss of several thousands in each: But it is suspected, that these battles have existence only in the Vienna Gazette.
NEW-YORK, November 25. In the SYNOD of the Reformed DUTCH CHURCH in North America.
New-York, October 9, 1789.
"An ADDRESS to the President of the United States of America, was prepared agreeably to the resolution of Synod, and read; which being approved of, it was ordered that the Rev. Professor LIVINGSTON, the Rev. Dr. LINN; the Rev. Mr. KUYPERS, the Rev. Mr. LOUW, DIRCK LEFFERTS, Esq; the Hon. ISAAC ROOSEVELT, Esq; the Hon. RICHARD VARICK, Esq; Mr. HENRY ROOME, and the Hon. JOHN VANDERBILT, Esq; do sign the same, and present it to the President in the name and behalf of the Synod."
The Address, which was delayed, an account of the President's absence, was presented on Thursday last, and is as follows.
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES,
SIR,
THE Synod of the Reformed Dutch Church in North America, embrace the occasion of their annual session, being the first since your appointment, to present you their sincere congratulations, and to join in that great and general joy testified by all descriptions of citizens on your acceptance of the highest office in the nation.
We cannot forbear expressing our gratitude to God for preserving your valuable life amidst so many dangers till this time;—for inspiring you with a large portion of the martial spirit, and forming you also for the milder and more agreeable arts of government and peace;—for endowing you with great virtues, and calling them into exercise by great events;—for distinguishing you with honors, and giving you remarkable prudence and moderation;—and for making your extraordinary talents the more conspicuous, useful, and durable, by superinducing the noble ornament of humility. Your country has, with one voice, attested your excellence by inviting you again to public life, and you have confirmed its judgment by returning to fresh scenes and toils after you had retired to the shade from the burden and heat of a long day.
Among the many signal interpositions of Divine Providence, we remark the late important change in the general government; a change neither effected by accident, nor imposed by force; but adopted in the bosom of peace, after a free and mature deliberation; and in which a people widely extended, and various in their habits, are united beyond the most raised expectations. In these respects the United States of America stand single among all the nations of the earth. Other revolutions may have been more diversified and splendid, but none more honorable to human nature, and none so likely to produce such happy effects. This government being now completely organized, and all its departments filled, we trust that God will give wisdom to its councils, and justice to its administration; and that we shall at length realize those blessings which animated our hopes through a difficult and ruinous war.
To our constant prayers for the welfare of our country, and of the whole human race, we shall esteem it our duty and happiness, to unite our earnest endeavors to promote the pure and undefiled Religion of Christ; for as this secures eternal felicity to men in a future state, so we are persuaded that good Christians will always be good citizens, and that where righteousness prevails among individuals, the nation will be great and happy. Thus while just government protects all in their religious rights, true religion affords to government its surest support.
We implore the Lord God to be your sun and shield. May your administration be prosperous. May the blessings of millions come upon you, and your name be grateful to all posterity. Above all, may you finish your course with joy, be numbered among the redeemed of the Lord, and enter into everlasting rest.
New-York, October 9, 1779.
In the Name and by the Order of the Synod.
JOHN H. LIVINGSTON, WILLIAM LINN, GERADUS A. KUYPERS, PETER LOUW, DIRCK LEFFERTS, ISAAC ROOSEVELT, RICHARD VARICK, HENRY ROOME.
To which Address the President was pleased to return the following Answer,
To the SYNOD of the REFORMED DUTCH CHURCH in NORTH-AMERICA.
GENTLEMEN,
I RECEIVE with a grateful heart your pious and affectionate address; and with truth declare to you that no circumstance of my life has affected me more sensibly, or produced more pleasing emotions than the friendly congratulations and strong as-

ances of support which I have received from my fellow-citizens of all descriptions, upon my election to the Presidency of these United States.
I fear, Gentlemen, your goodness has led you to form too exalted an opinion of my virtues and merits. If such talents as I possess have been called into action by great events, and those events have terminated happily for our country, the glory should be ascribed to the manifest interposition of an over-ruling Providence. My military services have been abundantly recompensed by the flattering approbation of a grateful people; and if a faithful discharge of my civil duties can ensure a like reward, I shall feel myself richly compensated for any personal sacrifice I may have made, by engaging again in public life.
The citizens of the United States of America have given as signal a proof of their wisdom and virtue in framing and adopting a constitution of government without bloodshed or the intervention of force, as they, upon a former occasion, exhibited to the world of their valor, fortitude and perseverance;--and it must be a pleasing circumstance to every friend of good order and social happiness, to find that our new government is gaining strength and respectability among the citizens of this country in proportion as its operations are known and its effects felt.
You, Gentlemen act the part of pious Christians, and good citizens, by your prayers and exertions to preserve that harmony and good will among men, which must be the basis of every political establishment;--and I readily join with you, that "while just Government protects all in their religious rights, true religion affords to government its surest support."
I am deeply impressed with your good wishes for my present and future happiness; and I beseech the Almighty to take you under his special care. G. WASHINGTON.
ADDRESS of the EXECUTIVE of New-Hampshire to THE PRESIDENT of the United States of AMERICA.
SIR, AMIDST the applause and gratulations of millions, suffer the Executive of New-Hampshire, with grateful hearts to approach you, Sir, and hail you welcome to this northern State--to a government whose metropolis was at an early stage of the late war, by your vigilance and attention saved from destruction; and the whole of which was at an after period rescued from impending ruin, by that valor and prudence which eventually wrought out the salvation of our common country, and gave birth to the American Empire. Deeply impressed with the remembrance of those important events, you will permit us to say, that amongst the vast multitude of your admirers, there is not a people who hold your talents and your virtues in higher veneration than the inhabitants of New-Hampshire. We beg you, Sir, to accept our most cordial thanks for the honor done to this State, by your more than welcome visit at this time. And that you will believe we shall not cease to unite our most fervent prayers, with those of our American brethren, that you may be continued a lasting blessing to our nation, and long, very long, be suffered to rule in peace, over those whom you have protected and defended in war. In behalf of the Council, JOHN SULLIVAN.
PORTSMOUTH, Nov. 3, 1789.
The President was pleased to return the following Answer.
To the Honorable the EXECUTIVE of the State of New-Hampshire.
ALLOW me, Gentlemen, to assure you, that grateful as my heart is for the affectionate regards, which my fellow-citizens have manifested towards me, it has at no time been more sensibly impressed with a consciousness of their goodness, than on the present occasion.
I am truly thankful for your expressions of attachment to my person, and approbation of my conduct--and I reciprocate your good wishes with unfeigned affection.
In exercising the vigilance and attention, with which you are pleased to compliment my military command, I did no more than what inclination prompted, and duty enjoined. In discharging the duties of my civil appointment, I can sincerely promise, that the love of my country will be the ruling influence of my conduct.
The success which has hitherto attended our united efforts, we owe to the gracious interposition of Heaven--and to that interposition let us, gratefully, ascribe the praise of victory, and the blessings of peace.
May the State, in whose councils you worthily preside, be happy under your administration--and may you, Gentlemen, partake of the blessings which your endeavors are intended to bestow.
G. WASHINGTON.
AN ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC, From the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of free Negroes, unlawfully held in bondage.
IT is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the friends of humanity, that in prosecuting the
design of our association, our endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine expectations.
Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of that luminous and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing itself throughout the world; and humbly hoping for the continuance of the divine blessing on our labours, we have ventured to make an important addition to our original plan, and do therefore, earnestly solicit the support and assistance, of all who can feel the tender emotions of sympathy and compassion, or relish the exalted pleasure of beneficence.
Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may sometimes open a source of serious evils.
The unhappy man who has long been treated as a brute animal, too frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human species. The galling chains that bind his body, do also fetter his intellectual faculties, and impair the social affections of the heart. Accustomed to move like a mere machine, by the will of a master, reflection is suspended; he has not the power of choice; and reason and conscience have but little influence over his conduct; because he is chiefly governed by the passion of fear. He is poor and friendless--perhaps worn out by extreme labor, age and disease.
Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to himself, and prejudicial to society.
Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be hoped, will become a branch of our national police; but as far as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that attention is evidently a serious duty, incumbent on us, and which we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and abilities.
To instruct; to advise; to qualify those who have been restored to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty. To promote in them habits of industry; to furnish them with employments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other circumstances; and to procure their children an education calculated for their future situation in life. These are the great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected fellow creatures.
A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution, without considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordinary funds of the society. We hope much from the generosity of enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive any donations or subscriptions for this purpose, which may be made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pemberton, chairman of our committee of correspondence.
Signed by order of the Society. B. FRANKLIN, President. Philadelphia, 9th of November, 1789. (The Plan in our next.)
NEW-YORK, Nov. 25.
Sunday evening last arrived the ship Montgomery, Capt. BUNYAN, from London, after a very short passage; in which came passengers, Col. TRUMBULL, WILLIAM HILLHOUSE, Esq. Mr. DEAS, of S. CAROLINA, and Mr. HYDE and lady.
By the Montgomery, we have accounts of the transactions in France, of a later date than what has come to hand by any former conveyance. These accounts are contradictory to each other; but, in general the following facts may be relied on:
ON the arrival of the regiment de Flanders at Versailles, an entertainment as usual was given by the officers of the Guade de corps &c. to the officers of the regiment de Flanders. After this festivity had continued some time, on the appearance of the King and Queen from the gallery, there was a cry of Vive le Roy et Vive la Reine: on which the officers, and those of the Swiss guards (who were likewise present, as if by a pre-concerted plan) pulled the national cockades from their hats, treading them under their feet; and having black cockades at hand, they were immediately distributed, and supplied the place of the red and blue. An account of this soon reached Paris, and occasioned a general discontent. The people Assembled for two or three days, without any decisive measures, till the fourth day after the transaction at Versailles, when a large body without any head, sat out from Paris for that place, and soon after the Marquis de la Fayette marched at the head of about twenty thousand of the Paris militia. On their arrival at Versailles, they found three regiments drawn up to receive them; but on being ordered to fire, the regiment de Flanders clubbed their firelocks, and went over to the Marquis--the Swiss regiment refused to fire, and stood motionless--and the garde de corps were soon dispersed, flying for shelter to whatever covert they could find. The Marquis immediately waited on the King and Queen, informing them that to satisfy the people, and to avoid worse consequences, they must remove to Paris. They were accordingly on their way; but so great was the crowd, that they were eight hours in going from Versailles to Paris.
The transactions at Versailles appeared to have been intended as a prelude to some more serious efforts on the part of royalty; as it was supposed, and we apprehend justly supposed, that the regiments then under the eye of the King, would not have ventured on such a measure, to insult the national cockade, without the assurance of some powerful support, and even without the consent of their superiors. The equivocation of the King to the application of the National Assembly, requesting his assent to their articles or plan of a constitution, first gave rise to such a farce, which subsequent facts have corroborated.
The National Assembly have resolved to remove likewise to Paris: where it is hoped their deliberations will be conducted with more unanimity and dispatch; for we are sorry to say that there appears in many of the members of that body a disposition to delay, protract and embarrass every measure at a time when the public exigence requires a contrary conduct from every friend to his country. The clergy in particular come under the imputation of duplicity; and it is tho' there must be a few more examples of severity before the abettors of despotism will be induced to relinquish the share of public plunder which has fallen to them. There is a report that there has since been a proscription of a number of these prevaricating gentry; but the truth of this is not sufficiently ascertained.
It is thought that the removal of the King to Paris may be attended with beneficial effects; as it may remove from him evil counsellors, and shew the folly of opposing the general will, and that spirit which asserts the long neglected rights of human nature, against the encroachments of prerogative.
Further advices by Capt. Bunyan state,--That the Turks and Swedes have concluded a Convention in which they reciprocally agree not to listen separately to propositions of peace with their common enemy--That the Prince de Cobourg has gained another Victory over the Turks in conjunction with the Russian General--having on the 22 Sept. defeated the Ottoman Army of 90000 men, under the command of the Grand Vizier--4000 being left dead on the field--the loss of the victors being only 200 killed and wounded!--That another victory had been obtained by Prince Repnin a Russian General--and that the outworks and suburbs of Belgrade had been carried--That the Russian fleet has defeated the Swedish and taken several ships of the line from them--That the Austrian Netherlands intend to throw themselves in to the Arms of France, as soon as the commotions of that kingdom are settled--That the petty Princes of Germany are taking measures to prevent revolutions in their territories--That the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt has fled out of his dominions, and a price is set upon his head--That the Prince Max, brother to the Duke Deux-Ponts has been killed by one of his subjects--That a tumult has lately happened at Lisbon, but was soon appeased without bloodshed--That there has been an insurrection in Corsica--but a complete revolution is not effected--That great numbers of refugees from France had arrived in Spain--That the Spanish Gazettes are prohibited from giving any accounts of French Affairs, &c. &c.
PARIS, Oct. 8. This day their Most Christian Majesties received the foreign Ministers at the Thuilleries, as did Monsieur and Madame at the palace of Luxembourg.
The National Assembly still sits at Versailles, till room is prepared for their reception at the Louvre. On the 5th the King gave his sanction to those articles of the Constitution, and Droits de l'homme, which had been presented to his Majesty by the assembly.
Oct. 12. The King has appointed the Marquis de la Fayette, Commander in Chief of all the troops within a circle of fifteen leagues of the capital. Orders are given for using the utmost severity against the distributors of seditious papers. The Heralds have proclaimed publicly in Paris a prohibition against mobs, and have authorised the military to disperse them.
LONDON, Oct. 17.
In the affray at Versailles, the King's bodyguards behaved very gallantly. About 500 of the Parisian troops and mob were killed, and thirty of the King's guards were cut to pieces. Eighty were carried prisoners to Paris, the rest saved themselves by flight.
This regiment is different from any other, being composed, both privates as well as officers, of persons of the second order of the nobility in France. The heads of those who were slain were carried in triumph to Paris, and shown about the streets on tent poles.
On Wednesday last all the districts of Paris met early in the morning, and orders were given to surround all the avenues of the Thuilleries, which had been only defended the preceding night by a common guard. A thousand troops were immediately ordered on that duty, and all the gates of the palace are further secured by a train of cannon to prevent any surprize or escape.
Wednesday being Court day, their Majesties received the foreign Ministers in the palace. The King looked uncommonly dejected, the Queen

was in tears the whole time, and only talked a little to the Imperial Ambassador. The light was uncommonly gloomy, and the court broke up after a short time.
In the evening the districts of Paris, passed a resolution, that the regiment of the King's body guard should be immediately broken, and never more revived—and that in future, his Majesty should be guarded by citizens instead of soldiers.
During these proceedings at Paris, the National Assembly at Versailles did not transact much business. On Wednesday evening, however, they came to two resolutions, and it was supposed that would be the last day of their sitting there.
The purport of these resolutions were,—That the National Assembly should adjourn to Paris, and, That its meeting should ever be inseparable from the King's place of residence.
One bad consequence produced by the different revolutions that have taken place of late is, that a general mistrust pervades the whole capital.
For the last 24 hours the King has not eaten an ounce of food, and great apprehensions are entertained that his health is in great danger, to say no more.
The following is the Letter which caused the first alarm in the National Assembly.
GENTLEMEN,
"LAWS newly constituted can only be properly judged of, when taken in their general mass;—in such great and important objects, the whole is joined by one common link.
"Nevertheless, I feel it extremely natural, that in a moment when we invite the Nation to come to the succour of the State, by a signal act of confidence and patriotism, we should assure it of its necessity and propriety. Therefore, in the hope that the first articles of the Constitution which you have presented to me, united with the continuation of your labors, will fulfill the expectation of my people, and secure the happiness and prosperity of my kingdom, I acquiesce in these Articles according to your desire, but on this positive condition, from which I never will depart, That the general result of your deliberations shall leave the entire effect of the Executive Power in the hands of the Monarch.
"A general view of my observations shall be laid before you; by which you will be made acquainted, that, in the present order of things, I can neither with efficacy protect the recovery of legal impositions, the free circulation of money and provisions, nor the individual safety of my citizens. I will nevertheless fulfil the essential duties of Royalty; the welfare of my subjects, the public tranquility, and the preservation of good order among society, are dependant on it. It is my, with therefore, that we make it a common cause to remove those obstacles which may obstruct so desirable and salutary an end.
"It remains for me to acquaint you with frankness, that if I give my acquiescence to the various articles of the Constitution which you have laid before me, it is not that they are according to my ideas, a model of perfection; but that I consider it praiseworthy in me not to delay paying attention to the present wishes of the deputies of the nation, and the alarming circumstances which so strongly invite us to restore the public tranquility and confidence among the people.
"I do now explain myself on your declaration of the rights of man and citizens. It contains very excellent maxims proper to guide your deliberations; but principles which are liable to different applications, and even constructions cannot be justly appreciated; nor is it necessary they should be, until the moment when their true sense is fixed by those laws to which they are to serve as a basis. (Signed) LOUIS."
THE OBSERVER.—No. VI.
[The Observations contained in the following come home to the feelings of every citizen of the United States: Every patriotic Editor of a public Paper, will doubtless enrich his Miscellany, by their republication.]
REMARKS ON TAXATION.
THE greatest effects are produced by the most simple causes. A great mind may be distinguished by the simplicity of its conceptions, and the art of managing momentous concerns, by those plain means which others have overlooked. If we examine the history of mankind we shall perceive that the most eminent characters in civil and religious policy, obtained their superiority of reputation by discerning the opportune moment to sweep away complicated systems, the work of those who had been laboriously and minutely wise; and substituting in their place some plain scheme of truth and practice, which the people can understand and see to be for their advantage. In every enlightened country, a majority of the people are willing to do right, or what is the same thing, that which is for their own interest. Intricacy in the measures of government, is a common course of losing the public confidence; and this ought to be the case, as it exposes the subject to tyranny and fraud, without any means of detection. The manner of raising, collecting and applying a national revenue, has generally been esteemed the most difficult part of government, and doubtless more uneasiness hath arisen from this than every other source. This difficulty hath generally been imputed to the avarice of the human heart. It hath been said that the people will necessarily be displeased, with every regulation which requires any contribution of their property to the public; but I cannot yet believe that so much both of the fool and knave is essential to human nature. Honesty is known to be the best policy, and the ruling half of an informed people, setting aside moral obligation, will on this account prefer honesty. Let them be convinced the State is honest in its government, and with the same honesty and cheerfulness, they will contribute their quota of the general expense; but the people can never have this evidence of national integrity with such a confusion of schemes as have filled the United States.
More than four fifths of the citizens through the Union are willing to satisfy every demand of justice. The late revolution of government
is a proof that they have magnanimity sufficient for every event. But in this business a financier who means to lead them, must have a simple and plain system both of raising and applying the revenue. He must have a permanent system—one that will not need new modelling every session of the supreme Legislature. It is allowed on all hands that taxation hath caused uneasiness in most of the States, but it is not from any want of honesty in the people. Some reasons of this uneasiness were mentioned in my last number, and there are others which deserve notice. When the sums to be paid in the progress of the war became considerable, the State Legislatures through almost the whole union, with the best intentions and a real design to favor the people, set themselves to new modelling those modes of taxation, to which they had been respectively used—addition upon addition was made to the tax laws—every year produced something new, which, the next, was probably repealed, for the sake of some alteration supposed to be better. This fluctuating state of the tax laws became a temptation for particular persons to favor themselves; and jealousy has been gradually introduced between respectable classes of citizens, whose property is in difficult situations. The people at large are unable to comprehend the design of such frequent alterations—the whole appears to them like confusion, and a game played between the more knowing ones, to promote their own purposes. A frequent violation of funds or appropriations to particular uses, in the application of revenue hath been another ground of uneasiness. The State must be saved at all events, and there may be exigencies of danger which will warrant such violations; but nothing of this kind can amount to a justification, in one quarter of the instances which have happened. A worthy citizen always wishes for an opportunity to glory in the good faith of his country—national justice is his pride—the want of it wounds his feelings and sinks his ambition—he becomes weary of paying, when the whole system is a chaos, and the application so variable that none are satisfied, and the public do not obtain the reputation even of trying to be just. Another source of uneasiness, and this I think with great reason, is, that part of the public creditors have been wholly neglected, and among those who have received some compensation it hath been on various principles and in different proportions, though all had a right to the same justice. One half of the citizens without receiving any interest on their own securities, have been taxed to pay the interest due to their neighbors, whose notes might run in another name, but had no preference in equity. They submitted to the necessity of the times with a fortitude almost unparalleled, and it must not be any longer expected from them. There is but one remedy for this evil—let the United States assume the whole public debt—it was incurred for them and in equity they ought to see it funded. The principal ought not to be paid if there was public ability, but the interest should be annually satisfied.
This debt will be an advantage to the nation, and to individuals, to government, commerce, agriculture and manufactures. I can foresee it will be enquired how shall this be done, will not so vast an amount sink the people? By many these enquiries are honestly made, and by some merely to terrify. Methodize and simplify your whole treasury department, and the burden on the people will not be one half of what they have annually borne for fifteen years. The United States have now an impost, the savings of this, beyond the support of civil government will amount to a large sum—but other ways and means will doubtless be requisite. In a number of the States there is now an excise, which ought to be banished from all, or extended through the whole—and perhaps the latter will be found necessary. An excise is a tax attended with some difficulty in collection, and if not thoroughly gathered proves a discouragement to the honest, who wish to observe all the regulations of government: but notwithstanding this difficulty, there are some reasons both of policy and equity, which I shall mention in some future number, that may render this mode of revenue expedient. The tax paid by the country planters and farmers, ought to be of one kind, and on the most simple principles, such that every man may know by his own calculation, what will be demanded from him. Among the various expedients of taxation, devised by human ingenuity, a land tax of a certain sum per acre on improved lands, is the most simple and permanent. It admits no altercation concerning the sum to be paid—being placed on stable and immovable property, the dishonest cannot by any fraud escape payment—it favors the poor who have little property, while a poll tax crushes them—It comes on such as have solid wealth—The quantity of improved land bears a nearer proportion to the comparative wealth of individuals in the State, than any other articles which can be reduced to taxation. Another thing which favors this mode of taxation in the United States is, that it may be carried into effect with ease, and in an intelligible manner, through every part of the empire. There will be no need of intermeddling with the different policies of revenue in the several States, which cannot be reduced into a harmonious system.
A very small land tax in addition to the other branches of revenue, would be sufficient, and could it be introduced, by the plainness and simplicity of its operation, would give general content.
MR. FENNO,
If you think the following reflections are adapted to the ensuing public festival, let them appear in the Gazette of the United States.
REFLECTIONS FOR THANKSGIVING DAY.
WHEN we survey the stupendous expanse, so sumptuously furnished with a profusion of planets, and luminaries revolving in appointed courses, and diversifying the seasons; we see a work that is altogether worthy of a God. Again when we descend to the earth, and look abroad upon the infinite productions of nature, upon provisions so amply answering to the wants of every living being, and on objects, and organs so finely fitted to each other—we trace a complicated maze of wisdom, bounty and benevolence!—Thus the natural world furnishes the most glorious subjects to excite our wonder, adoration, praise and thanksgiving.
When we contemplate the dispositions of Divine Providence, as displayed in the various events that diversify the scene of human existence—the rise and fall of empires, states, and kingdoms—the uniform progress of virtue and public honor to the summit of earthly felicity and glory—and on the reverse, the certain termination of vice, and contempt for the sacred principles of public justice, in general and irretrievable ruin and misery—how great are our obligations of gratitude and thanksgiving to the God of Providence who furnishes us with such powerful inducements "to do justly, to love mercy, and walk humbly," as the surest means of lengthening out the public tranquility.
But the moral world furnishes the reflecting mind with the most copious subjects of delightful contemplation! How are the glooms of superstition dissipated before the resplendent rays of enlightened reason and divine revelation! Contrasted with the ages of pagan darkness, the present period of illumination, places the human mind in a situation that affords a prospect of the most sublime attainments: And as knowledge pours its treasures into the soul, the social affections find a rich soil in which to luxuriate. Humanity and charity, acquire a predominant influence, while the malevolent passions are extinguished in the human breast. May we not anticipate the time, when from entertaining just, and liberal ideas of the Deity, mankind shall learn to think more favorably of each other; and the common descendants of the original parent—recognizing the principles of consanguinity and mutual dependence, shall be knit together as members of one great family—say, can gratitude exceed, or praise and thanksgiving be too ardent for such favors? In the United States of America the human mind will have fair play: Priest craft, King craft, and State craft, with every species of imposition on the understanding, are ridiculed and despised. While reason and true religion point out our duty and happiness, in the plain language of common sense.
Our religious and civil institutions are the result of enquiry and experience; and unshackled with the rusty fetters of antique prejudice, we reserve to ourselves the liberty of amending them whenever convenience dictates. In contemplating this our situation every real friend to human happiness and the United States, will feel his bosom expand with gratitude to that Being to whose providence we are specially indebted for every private, social, and public blessing—How laudable, how wise, how indispensable then the duty of THANKSGIVING.
Fully impressed with a sense of our obligations to the Sovereign Arbiter of the Fate of nations, our Civil Fathers have called upon the people of this confederated Republic, to unite with one heart, and one voice, in Thanksgiving and Praise, to "that great and glorious Being, who is the beneficent Author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be: for his kind care and protection of this people previous to their becoming a nation; for the signal and manifold mercies and the favorable interpositions of his providence in the course and conclusion of the late war; for the great degree of union, tranquility and plenty which we have since enjoyed; for the peaceable and rational manner in which we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and happiness; and PARTICULARLY THE NATIONAL ONE NOW LATELY INSTITUTED; for the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed, and the means we have of acquiring useful knowledge; and for all the great and various favors which he hath been pleased to confer upon us"—A duty so rational, and so conducive to public felicity, that a wife Heathen hath said, "The only foundation for national prosperity are, PIETY TOWARDS THE GODS, AND JUSTICE AND CHARITY TO MANKIND." CIVIS.
NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER 25.
We are informed that his Excellency Thomas Jefferson, Esq; and family, embarked at Cowes on board the brig Clermont, belonging to Messrs. Ritson and Bayard, of this city, and sailed for Norfolk in company with the Montgomery, Capt. Bunyan.
There will be Collections raised for the Relief of the Poor in the three first Presbyterian Churches in this city, on the ensuing Thanksgiving Morning—a proper mode of testifying our gratitude to God for the signal mercies we are that day to commemorate.
When Boreas whistles from the North, And sends his icy morsels forth, Turn not the wretched from your door, But feed, and cloath, and warm the poor. For they to life's best purpose live, Who know how blessed 'tis to give. "Thus happiest he whose blissful light," Pursues by CHARITY's fair light, A glorious hope beyond the sky, Where tears are wip'd from every eye.
The Creditors of the State Governments appear to be placed in a very ineligible situation in consequence of the appropriation of the Impost to the purposes of the Union—for it is very evident that if the Excise and Impost united, were not more than adequate to discharging the interest of State securities—the funds now left to the individual governments, must fall greatly short of that object.
The debts of the respective States ought therefore to be placed upon a continental establishment—and as there does not appear to be any other feasible plan of doing justice to this class of creditors, as meritorious as any in the United States, it must be pleasing to every honest citizen to find that the sentiment is becoming very general in various parts of the Union.
Should the creditors of the separate States, be left to the mercy of local systems, and financing committees of State Legislatures, with only the excise to depend upon, it is pretty evident, that while Continental Securities are rapidly appreciating, those of the States will as rapidly verge towards annihilation.

MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER XIII.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 26, 1780.
SIR,
THE thirteenth enquiry is, "Of what resources might America hereafter still make use of?" There are many resources, yet untried, which would certainly be explored, if America should be driven to the necessity of them.
1. Luxury prevails in that young country, notwithstanding all the confident assertions of the English, concerning their distress, to a degree, that retrenching this alone would enable them to carry on the war. There are expences in wheel-carriages, horses, equipage, furniture, dress, and the table, which might be spared, and would amount to enough to carry on the war.
2. The Americans might, and, rather than the English should prevail against them, they would be brought to impose duties upon articles of luxury and convenience, and even of necessity, as has been done by all the nations in Europe. I am not able at present, and upon memory, to entertain you with accurate calculations: but in general it may be said, with certainty, that if as heavy duties were laid upon articles of consumption and importation as are laid in England, or even in Holland, it would produce a revenue sufficient to carry on this war, without borrowing at all. I hope, however, they will never come to this: I am clear they need not. Such systematical and established revenues are dangerous to liberty; which is safe, while the revenue depends upon annual grants of the people, because this secures public economy.
3. If there should be hereafter any accession to the population of America, by migrations from Europe, this will be a fresh resource; because, in that country of agriculture, the ability to raise a revenue will bear a constant proportion to the numbers of people.
4. There are immense tracts of uncultivated lands. These lands are all claimed by particular States: But if these States should cede these claims to the Congress, which they would do in case of necessity, the Congress might sell these lands, and they would become a great resource: Noman can say how great, or how lasting.
5. There is a great deal of plate in America; and if she were driven to extremities, the ladies, I assure you, have patriotism enough to give up their plate to the public, rather than lose their liberties, or run any great hazard of it.
6. There is another resource still. The war may be carried on by means of a fluctuating medium of paper money. The war has been carried on in this manner hitherto: and I firmly believe, if the people could not find a better way, they would agree to call in all the paper, and let it lie as a demand upon the public, to be hereafter equitably paid, according to its fluctuating value, in silver, and emit new bills, to depreciate, and carry on the war in the same way. This, however, would occasion many perplexities, and much unhappiness; It would do injustice to many individuals, and will, and ought to be avoided, if possible.
7. A loan from Europe, however, would be the best resource, as it would necessarily extend our trade, and relieve the people from too great a present burden. Very heavy taxes are hurtful, because they lessen the increase of population, by making the means of subsistence more difficult.
8. There are resources of agriculture, manufactures, and labor, that would produce much, if explored and attempted.
9. The resources of trade and privateering ought to be mentioned again. The real cause of our doing so little hitherto is this: The Congress, in 1774, agreed upon a non-exportation, to begin in 1775. This induced the merchants, in every part of America, to send their ships and sailors to England from whence the most of them never returned. The consequence of which was, that the Americans have been distressed for want of ships and seamen ever since. But the number of both has increased every year, in spite of all that the English have taken and destroyed. The vast number of ships and seamen taken this year, will repair those losses; and no man can say to what extent trade and privateering will be carried the next and succeeding years.
I have the honor to be, &c.
MR. CALKOEN.
LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.
IT is said, "There are crimes not cognizable in Courts of Justice. Are not these fair game?" If they are crimes, let laws be made to punish them. If they do not merit this name, and are only foibles, I still deny the right to attack an individual on account of them. Foibles which do not amount to crimes are the proper objects of Satire and the Drama. But let us "spare the person and expose the vice." Most satirists have fallen into the error of attacking the agent and not the act. This entirely frustrates the end of satire. It should be general, not local. What applies to one only can extend its effects to him alone. But when a vice or folly is depicted in proper colors, the satire will apply equally to all persons who are guilty of it, and its effects be perpetual.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
An ACT making APPROPRIATIONS for the Service of the present YEAR.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there be appropriated for the service of the present year, to be paid out of the monies which arise from the requisitions heretofore made upon the several States, or from the duties on import and tonnage, the following sums, viz. a sum not exceeding two hundred and sixteen thousand dollars for defraying the expences of the civil list, under the late and present government; a sum not exceeding one hundred and thirty-seven thousand dollars for defraying the expences of the department of war; a sum not exceeding one hundred and ninety thousand dollars for discharging warrants issued by the late board of treasury, and remaining unsatisfied; and a sum not exceeding ninety-six thousand dollars for paying the pensions to invalids.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER THE 26th, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT providing for the Payment of the INVALID PENSIONERS of the UNITED STATES.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the military pensions which have been granted and paid by the States respectively, in pursuance of the acts of the United States in Congress assembled, to the invalids who were wounded and disabled during the late war, shall be continued and paid by the United States, from the fourth day of March last, for the space of one year, under such regulations as the President of the United States may direct.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER THE 29th, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
From the VIRGINIA INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE.
ELEGY.
On the Death of Col. JOHN DARBEY, of Northampton county, Virginia.
YES, 'tis a glorious thought! The worthy mind, Matured by wisdom and from vice refin'd, In various scenes of social life approv'd, Oftman the lover, and by God belov'd, Must, sure, divested of its kindred clay, Soar to the regions of empýreal day. Such Darbey shone; to deck whose mournful hearse, The Mule lamenting pays her grateful verse; The Mule, long wont to love, as to revere The Judge impartial and the friend sincere! How has she oft with fixt attention hung On the great truths that grac'd his flowing tongue! Truths that he joy'd with candid warmth to draw Fair from the moral, or the christian law! How oft beheld him glad the friendly scene, Without all cheerful, and all calm within; And, far from mad ambition's noisy strife, Fix the pure blessings of domestic life: How oft, in him, with pleasing wonder view'd A soul, where lawless passions sunk subdu'd; Where virtue still her rightful rules maintain'd, While generous zeal, by bigotry unstain'd, And freedom, that protects with watchful care Man's sacred rights, securely triumph'd there. Sprung from a race, that crown'd with honest praise, By virtuous deeds adorn'd a length of days, For him we hop'd kind temp'rance long would wield Defensive arms, and o'er him spread her shield. Fallacious hopes!—ah! see! the dire disease Comes borne insidious on the tainted breeze. Soon from her seat imperial reason thrown, No more the friend, or son, or comfort, known; The feverous pest victorious winds its way, Till spent, o'erpow'r'd by its resistless sway, Frail nature yields.—O! parent, husband, friend! Must then th'endearing names forever end? Heav'n calls him hence—at all pow'rful call Tho' sighs will spring, and tears unbidden fall, Yet let us upward look ('twill give relief, 'Twill check the torrent of impetuous grief) With mental eyes his radiant course explore, And view him landed on th' ethereal shore; Where envy's storms and factions ne'er molest The native peace that calms the patriot's breast; Where the great Judge determines ev'ry cause, And blesses as he gives the just applause.
NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER, 25, 1789.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, SEPT. 19, 1789.
GENERAL ACCOUNT OF ANTICIPATIONS.
No. II.
A PARTICULAR STATEMENT of WAR-GRANTS drawn by the late Board of Treasury on MICHAEL HILLEGAS, late Treasurer of the United States, which remain unpaid, and were comprised in the Estimate made by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and by him reported to the House of Representatives of the United States.
   Date of Warrants. No. Department, and for what drawn. Dol. gths.     1787. Aug. 12. 744. Richard Butler, Agent for Indian Affairs, for Salary one quarter, ending 30th June last, 250   Nov. 22. 806. Ditto, ditto, ditto, ending 30th September last, 250   Dec. 31. 825. John Woods, in full for his services and expenses attending sundry Chiefs of the Choctaw Nation on a visit to Congress, per Act of the 18th of July last, 500   Cashed forward, 1000  
   Brought forward, 1018. Comfort Sands, Attorney to William Winn, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Southern Department, being for said Winn's salary from the 1st of April to the 29th of August, 1788, 419 66   1789. Nov. 7. 2158. Arthur St. Clair, Esq. Governor of the Western Territory, to be by him applied, agreeably to an Act of Congress of the 27th of October, 1787, 1,864   May 23. 1160. Ditto, being part of the Sum of 20,000 Dollars, appropriated for the extinguishing of Indian claims, per Act of the 2d of July, 1788, 2,000   25. 1161. Ditto, same purpose, 2,068 7   26. 1163. Richard Butler, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, one Quarter's Salary, ending the 14th of October, 1788, 588 32   June 17. 1164. Ditto, for sundry Expenses in the Indian Department, from the 12th of October, 1788, to the 14th of October, 1788, 1,617 68   July 17. 1172. Arthur St. Clair, Governor of the Western Territory, in part of the sum of 20,000 Dollars, appropriated for extinguishing Indian Claims, per Act of the 2d July, 1783, 779 15   Ditto, same purpose, 1,220 75   July 17. 1191. John Cochran, Attorney to James Livingston, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Northern Department, his Salary from the 1st of July, 1788, to 30th of June, 1789, 500  
PENSIONS ANNUITIES and GRANTS.
   1787. Jan. 29. 609. Samuel Hodgdon, Attorney to Doctor John Warren, for the Education of Joseph Warren, eldest son of the late Major-General Warren, deceased, from the 1st of January, to the 30th of June, 1786, per Act, 8th of April, 1777, 288 89   24. 610. Ditto, Attorney to ditto, for the support and Education of the three youngest children of said General Warren, deceased, from the 1st of July, to the 31st of Dec. 1786, per Act of the 1st of July, 1780, 225   Aug. 2. 788. Ditto, Attorney to ditto, for ditto, from the 1st of January, to the 30th of June, 1787, 225   Oct. 16. 785. John Warren, Guardian to the eldest son of the late Gen. Warren, being for the Education of said eldest son, for one year, commencing the 4th of July last, 500   1788. May 22. 1021. Joseph Nourse, Attorney to Colonel Richard Gridley, his Pension from the 1st of July, 1787, to the 30th of June, 1788, per Act of the 2d October last, 444 36   1789. March 10. 911. George Morgan, for the Tuition of Geo. M. White Eyes, from the 1st of Nov. 1786, to the 13th of Sept. 1788, 58   23. 1106. Daniel McCormick, Executor to the Estate of Elizabeth Thompson, deceased, for her Pension from the 1st of July, to the 16th of August, 1788, 12 78   1162. Joseph Bindon, Attorney to Joseph Traversie, for his Pension from 1st of October, 1788, to 31st March, 1789, per Act of the 8th of August, 1782, 60  
CONTINGENCIES of the WAR DEPARTMENT.
   1787. Sept. 13. 751. Henry Knox, Secretary at War, being for the use of the Ordnance Department, 1,600 78   Oct. 6. 765. Doctor Joseph Waldo, being for his Attendance, and Medicines supplied sundry sick Soldiers of Col. Jackson's regiment at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, 252   Dec. 22. 819. James O'Harra, Contractor on the Western Frontiers, on Account of Issues to be made under his Contract, and for Expenditures in the Quartermaster-General's Department, for 28,691 15   1788. March 31. 868. Deduct so much paid, 19,711 15—8,980 00. Henry Knox, Secretary at War, being for the Contingent Expenses of the War Department, 960   April 14. 890. Ditto, being for the purpose of subsisting Recruits, ordered to be raised by the Resolve of Congress, of the 3d of October last, during the Time they are collecting, and on their Route from their respective States to Fort Pitt, 5,500   Ditto. 893. From which deduct so much paid on said Warrants, 3,000—2,500   1789. Feb. 17. 1083. Ditto, being to enable him to discharge the Arrears of Pay due to sundry Store-keepers, and other Officers in the Ordnance Department, for the year 1787, and to defray charges hereafter arising in said Department, 6,000   March 2. 1098. Ditto, being to discharge the Rent of sundry Buildings, occupied by the Public in Virginia, and the Pay of Thomas Holt, Assistant Deputy Commissary of Military Stores, from the 1st of July, 1787, to the 30th of June, 1788, 1,310   April 7. 1128. Robert Watts, Attorney to Stephen Moore, being for the Rent of West-Point, from the 31st of December, 1787, to the 31st of December, 1788, 437 45   May 15. 1149. James Reid, Attorney to Joseph Hubley, late Assistant Deputy-Commissary of prisoners, at the Post of Lancaster, being for his Pay, Rations, and Forage, from the 1st of January, to the 25th of February, 1782, 95 10   June 17. 1173. Ditto, for their Issues at West-Point in January last, 197 2   Aug. 4. 1201. Ditto, for Provisions issued at West-Point, 187   Ditto for same Purpose, 191 3   22,888 18