Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-03-28 00:00:00

Freight Wanted.
FOR BREMEN. The Hamburg Brig HENRIETTA, Peter P. Schmidt, Master, NOW lying at Jeffs and R. Walts wharf...
PRATT & KINTZING.
No. 95, North Water-street. Who have JUST RECEIVED, and FOR SALE, 12 bales Ticklenburgs and Oznabrigs...
For NEW-YORK.
The Ship SARAH, Captain COOPER. FREIGHT will be taken on very low terms, if offered immediately. JOHN VAUGHAN.
For NEW-YORK.
The fine new full sailing Schooner CONCORD, Stephen Cahoon, master; Will take freight on very moderate terms...
For Sale.
THE SLOOP HARRIOT, NOW lying at Russel's Wharf—Burthen 77 ton—three years old, built of the best materials...
For Boston.
The Ship COMMERCE, Richard Waifcoat, Master. To sail in a few days. Any freight that may offer, will be taken on very moderate terms...
FOR SALE.
THE BRIG West Indian, Philadelphia built, live oak and cedar, is coppered, sheathed and bolted, 3 years old...
For Hamburg.
THE SHIP DOMINICK TERRY, John Fleming, Master. Having great part of her cargo engaged, For freight apply to Jesse & Robert Waln.
NICKLIN & GRIFFITH.
At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf—HAVE FOR SALE, 48 hhd. of Jamaica Rum, Madeira Wine in pipes and hhd. etc.
And at New-York, on board the
Ship DIANA, from Liverpool, expected round as soon as the navigation is open, Fine Liverpool Salt, Coals, Spanish Brown, Venetian Red, etc.
Ship DIANA,
For Sale or Charter. A L S O, Brig AMAZON.
For Sale or Charter,
The Snow GOOD HOPE Will carry about 1200 barrels, and is ready to take in a cargo. For terms apply to Pragers & Co. No. 15, South Second-street.
This Day will be Landed,
At Morris's wharf, just above the Drawbridge, from on board the brig Eliza, capt. Vaughan, from Malaga—Fresh Fruits, Wine and Brandy.
PETER KUHN.
The above Brig for sale if immediately applied for; she is a remarkable fast sailing vessel, having made her passage to and from Malaga in little more than 60 days.
For Sale, or Charter.
The remarkable fast sailing SHIP SPY, Sheathed with bell metal Copper, having been a Packet of the English East-India Company...
COPPER.
4,000 lbs. of Sheathing Copper, and a small assortment of strong Copper, in sheets and bottom, suitable for ships, brewing and other purposes...
A Bargain.
A quantity of Window Glass FOR SALE, of different sizes, at a very large discount from the sterling cost. If this Glass is not disposed of before the 5th of April, it will be shipped from this port.
THE PARTNERSHIP OF
WELLS & MORRIS, HAVING expired on the 11th February last, all persons having demands against the said Partnership, are requested to furnish their accounts for settlement...
NOTICE.
THREE Certificates of Six Per Cent. Deferred Debt of the United States of the following description, viz—No. 10033, 10034, and 10035, for 5000 dollars each...
Waddington & Harwood.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
THE Store occupied on account of the United States, back of No. 71, North Water-street was on the night of the 19th instant (March) broken open...
Nine pieces Stroud, viz.
Table with 2 columns: Quantity, Description. 2374 20 3/4 yds. } Blue stroud single cord. 2378 20 3/4 } 2379 20 3/4 } 2380 20 3/4 } 2381 20 3/4 } 2382 20 } Two cord. 2383 20 3/4 } 2384 20 } 2385 20 3/4 }
The above reward is offered, for the discovery of the perpetrators of this robbery, so that they be apprehended, and made amenable to justice...
FOR SALE, AT
WM. YOUNG'S Book Store,
No. 52, Second street, the corner of Chestnut street. REPORT of the Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, appointed to prepare and report Articles of Impeachment against WILLIAM BLOUNT, a Senator of the United States...
The Gazette.
PHILADELPHIA,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, March 28.
Philadelphia, March 24th 1798.
To the PEOPLE of the UNITED STATES.
MY COUNTRYMEN,
The season of indifference is past—there is no longer security in a state of in-action—If once deluded by the hope that the justice of France, and a recollection of former friendships would finally triumph and reconcile our countries; we must now turn from the delusive light and prepare for an inevitable consequence.
But my countrymen, your dear bought independence must not lose a single title of its privileges;
But not on every occasion evinced your gratitude and shown an attachment to the revolution? did not President Washington in a speech to Mr. Adet declare his warmest wishes for their success...
And even after this catalogue of indignities the door of conciliation is not shut;
But she was not content with these proofs of attachment to her cause; the only ones which America in her situation could with justice to her own citizens interest and honor give.
I believe, my fellow-citizens, that the conduct of France towards this country has chiefly arisen from the misrepresentations of some Americans here;
But there are some men with minds so debased and hearts so callous to the ties of nature and calls of patriotism I firmly believe and it is against such I wish to warn you.
Banish, my friends, from your confidence those designing hypocrites who delight in painting the power and wisdom of France and your own weaknesses;
Was not the administration of the illustrious Washington, who so justly possessed your confidence and affection, branded by these artful men as arbitrary and unconstitutional?
Depend upon it the moment is now when every individual must rally round the constitution;
Printed by order of the House of Representatives December 20.
will rise above the malice of your foes and bid defiance to their power.
EUGENIUS.
For the Gazette of the United States.
MR. FENNO,
The enclosed paper exhibits so curious a specimen of the logic and politics of the Democrats—franco—back—back—party in the Legislature of Georgia (to use the expression of the great high priest of revolution and sedition in the United States) that I cannot forbear requesting you to publish it for the amusement of your readers.
A SUBSCRIBER.
LEGISLATURE OF GEORGIA.
In the House of Representatives,
Thursday 21st February, 1798.
The committee on the state of the republic,
have examined maturely the communications of the late governor, and are of opinion that the part of that communication which relates to the running of the temporary lines, demands the immediate attention of the legislature.
Among the many reasons which might be given for a postponement of the measure alluded to,
one of which is, that by the 4th article of the United States constitution, it is declared, that nothing in that constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state; and by the 9th article it is declared, that no state shall be deprived of territory for the use of the United States.
But it therefore resolved, that his excellency the governor be requested forthwith to recall the commissioners and that a copy of this report together with this resolution, be transmitted to the senators and representatives of this state in the congress of the United States;
Extracts from the minutes.
JAS. M. SIMMONS, Clerk.
In Sen. 10, 11 Feb. 1798.
Read and concurred in.
WILL. ROBERTSON, Sps.
From a Trenton Paper.
Mr. Day,
I am an old Man; like an old Man permit me to tell a tale—I recollect a dispute which happened when I was a boy between two very worthy men, who lived in my neigh-

borhood, & whom I shall for distinction sake call George and Lewis.
It happened that George had been for sometime engaged in a lawsuit with one of his neighbors, whom I shall call John, and who possessed a grist mill; this John was a proud and haughty man, and frequently overturned carts going to and from other people's mills in the neighborhood; he now alleged, that agreeably to the title deeds by which George held his lands, he and his tenants were obliged to bring all their grain to his mill to be ground; this George denied, saying he had good right to carry his grain to what mill he pleased; on this they joined issue, and to law they went; but John, being a man of great influence, and having the long-purse, was likely to bear very hard upon his antagonist; whereupon George applied to his neighbor Lewis, who was likewise a man of riches and influence, to assist him—Lewis, for sometime hesitated, but at length he began to reason thus:—This same neighbor John is becoming too powerful, if he should succeed in this suit, he may take it in his head to compel others to go to his mill likewise, and by this means mine, maybe left idle; now if I should lead George money to enable him to go on with his suit, and assist him with my interest, and he should gain his cause, he cannot in gratitude go to any other mill but mine thereafter; I will assist him. He accordingly lent George a considerable sum of money—with this supply, and with the assistance of Lewis's interest at court, George soon after obtained a determination in his favor.—From this time George and Lewis became warm friends; they were as one hand and glove with each other; they likewise entered into an agreement to render each other every act of kindness in their power, and that the carts of either party loaded with grain should not be injured or obstructed by the other party on the high road, whether the grain with which they were loaded was the produce of their own or any other neighboring farms, or going to or coming from what mill or market they pleased.
In process of time a dispute arose between John & Lewis, about the property of their respective farms; the dispute became warm; at length they determined to decide it by law; the expenses of the law ran high, and the disputants were obliged to sell their grain to pay the fees; this they imprudently did, till they both found their families on the brink of starvation; they then both applied to George for grain, who permitted his tenants to carry what they had to spare to John's mill if they thought proper—but knowing he was indebted to Lewis, and being grateful for former favors, he made extraordinary exertions to furnish supplies for his family, and not only assisted him in procuring grain, but set himself to work, collected money and repaid Lewis his debt even before it became due; this money Lewis was permitted to lay out in grain and carry to his mill in George's carts—at this John took umbrage and his tenants with his permission frequently overturned George's carts when he found them carrying grain to Lewis's mill—Of this George complained, and sent one of his servants to John to remonstrate against it: John alleged that the carts which had been overturned were loaded with grain belonging to Lewis with whom he was at law, that he had therefore a right according to the laws of the country a right which he would never give up, to overturn carts loaded with Lewis's grain wherever he met them. He said further that if George could make it appear that his servants had overturned any carts which were loaded with George's own grain he would immediately pay for it, on this they agreed.
When Lewis heard they had agreed, he was highly displeased, he said George was ungrateful, after the services he had rendered him to enter into an agreement with any man with whom he was at law, and that as George had agreed that John had a right to overturn any carts he should meet with on the highway loaded with Lewis's grain, so he would take the same liberty with John's grain, notwithstanding his agreement to the contrary; he accordingly ordered his servants to overturn every cart belonging to George they met with if loaded with John's grain, and it so happened that Lewis's servants in the height of their zeal charged almost every cart they met with being loaded with John's grain, and thereupon overlet them. Furthermore Lewis forbade George to send his grain to John's mill, or to permit his tenants to carry theirs; of this George's tenants complained bitterly, for it so happened that it was more convenient to carry the grain from a considerable part of George's estate to John's than to Lewis's mill—But George forbade his servants to prevent the servants of Lewis from overletting their carts, saying, Lewis is a good man, I will send messengers to him and remonstrate to him against the injury he is doing me. I have not been ungrateful to him: I supplied him with grain in the time of his necessities; I repaid him the money I borrowed from him even before it came due, that he might be enabled to prosecute his lawsuit, and even furnished him with carts to carry his grain, to the offence of my neighbor John, who quarrelled with me on that account, and even now I have not entered into any agreement with John to his injury—If I must not only not carry my grain to any mill but that of Lewis, but not be allowed to buy a horse from, or make any other bargain with any of my neighbors but such as Lewis pleases, I am indeed in a worse situation than before I entered into the contest with John, and had better never have engaged in that lawsuit at all—whereupon George sent messengers to Lewis, to confer with him on these things and to renew their friendship, but when they came Lewis indeed permitted them to enter his house, but turned his back upon them and refused to see them, neither would he hear them, or speak to them at all, but declared publicly in their hearing that he would order his servants to overturn every
cart they should meet with going either to or from John's mill, or in which any meal should be found which had been ground at John's mill let it belong to whom it might—On hearing this account George saw that he was in evil plight, and his tenants were very wroth, however he deliberated with himself calmly, and said if I go to law with Lewis, the expenses will be great and my tenants may be very much injured before a determination can be had, though justice would undoubtedly be in my favor; I will not go to law with him hastily, he is my friend, he has been injured by John and is irritated, a little time may alter his sentiments, I will permit my servants to defend themselves, and to prevent his servants from overturning my carts, but I will not go to law with him immediately; when his passion is abated and he has time to recollect himself, I will then argue with him calmly, and I am confident he will hear to reason—By this prudent determination a lawsuit with all its concomitant evils was avoided—After some time the passion of Lewis subsided, he reasoned calmly and determined wily—He said with himself, I have been too hasty and betrayed too much passion in my treatment of George, he hath shown more prudence than I have done, I have injured him and will make him reparation. If any of my friends feel themselves in a similar situation with George, I have told this story for their consideration, let them profit by his example. SENEX.
From the Columbian Centinel. The PURSE STRINGS.—No. IV, Or an EXAMINATION of the late ALARMING attempts in CONGRESS, to CONCENTRATE all power in the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FELLOW CITIZENS! I endeavoured to convince the public in my last, by a great variety of argument that the right to carry on our intercourse with foreign nations was vested in the President, and I conceive that none but disorganizers and jacobins will refuse their assent to my second proposition, "That the House of Representatives has no right to interfere with, direct, manage or check this power of the President nor to examine into the expediency of its exercise, (except for the purpose of impeachment.)"
The possession of a right necessarily implies the exclusion of interfering rights or claims. The delegation of a power absolutely, and without any limitation, more especially a power which requires discretion, involves in it an uncontrolled right to exercise it. Thus, the three great branches of our government, have each of them respectively certain absolute powers, and neither of the others has a right to control or interfere with them. The judges of the Supreme Court have as much right to enact a law, as the Legislature to make a judicial decision; and the executive might as justifiably lay and levy a revenue without the consent of the Legislature, as the latter can interfere between the President and foreign nations. Artful encroachments on any of the powers exclusively vested in any particular branches of the government, are more dangerous than open usurpations—They are at first small, and pass unobserved; they then acquire the authority of precedent, and array themselves in the posture of rights—Of this nature are those constructions which give to one branch the power to check and control whatever they may deem the improper exercise of power in the other.
For illustration, Suppose a President, conceiving that a tax was oppressive in its operation, should recommend to the Legislature to suspend it; that they should refuse, and that he should assume the power to direct the officers not to collect it? What would be the language of jacobin eloquence upon such an encroachment? Would not every "patriotic" throat be stretched to its loudest tone, and every seditious firebrand be fulminated against the tyrant who had been guilty of the outrage? And is this a more decided, daring or direct violation of the constitution, than the late inquiry in the House of Representatives, into the necessity of the propriety, & even the honesty of the executive appointments? But the "patriots" will answer, that the House does not claim the power to recall, or even lessen the number of diplomatic agents, and that the cases put by me are not therefore analogous. It is true—I plead guilty—they only claim the privilege of staring them.
This idea naturally leads me to the consideration of my third proposition, which is, that the power to appropriate money does not imply or include, the right to infringe any existing engagements made in pursuance of standing laws. Appropriation, either in strict or liberal construction, signifies only the power to designate the particular funds out of which a debt of the government shall be discharged.
This is the clear and obvious meaning of the constitution when it provides that no money shall be drawn from the Treasury unless by appropriations made by law—and such has heretofore been the construction of Congress in making all appropriation acts, which have been simple designations of the funds , out of which existing debts of the government were to be paid. It is no more than the order of a merchant to his banker directing what particular money he should apply to the discharge of a particular engagement. In this act the merchant has no choice as to the payment of the debt, his election and discretion determined when he made the contract, and in like manner the discretion of Congress is exercised when they fix the salary or make an engagement with an individual, but the moment such grant has passed, all discretion is at an end. The power to refuse to appropriate money for the payment of ambassadors—judges, surveyors, or other officers, whose salaries are fixed by law, is no greater than the power of a President or chief Justice to refuse to do their duty; nor is the refusal more just
than the demand of the highwayman of that wealth of which he thinks he can make a better use than the traveller whom he plundered. It is in short, a violation of the constitution, under the pretence of discretion. It is a pretext which has covered tyranny in all ages and which will continue to support it so long as it is admitted.
The fourth and fifth propositions stated in my last number are necessary and inevitable inferences; they are obvious and logical corollaries from the above principles. Either the three branches have no power to pass a law, or else each of them is bound by it after it has passed. Jacobin metaphysics may prove that a treaty is a perfect contract and yet not binding; that a law is obligatory and yet may be violated at pleasure; that a man may be free, and yet can be arrested, turned out of office, banished or guillotined without trial or criminality. But New-England common sense will exercise the right to doubt these political bulls—they will hesitate before they swallow the enigmatical paradoxes , and while they are undecided they will adhere to the constitution of their country. LIVY.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY—MARCH 23. The House being in a Committee of the Whole on the bill providing the means of intercourse with Foreign Nations, and Mr. Nicholas's amendment being under consideration:
Mr. REED spoke as follows: The subject before the committee I believe is perhaps generally considered as nearly or quite exhausted. Nothing very new or important is further expected: however, resolving, so far as is possible, to avoid repeating those arguments and observations, which have already, in the opinion of some, been too often repeated, I feel disposed to make a few remarks. The object of the amendment under consideration, as I understand it, is to control, or restrain the operations of the Executive Department, with respect to ministers appointed to officiate at foreign courts: and, this restraint of executive power, is to be effected by reducing the sum, or by appropriating a less sum than hath been heretofore appropriated for that purpose. The gentleman who brought forward this amendment, and they who have joined with him in the support of it, do not pretend to accuse the President of having violated his constitutional trust, nor have they adduced any proof to show that the character of persons appointed to the office of ambassadors is such, or the number so great, as really to endanger the constitution, or the rights and liberties of our country. The pretence is, a fear, or apprehension of abuse in future; which in my estimation, is very far from being a reason, sufficient to justify the measure in contemplation. Certainly the President is exclusively authorized by the constitution to nominate consuls and ambassadors and with the advice and consent of the Senate, has an exclusive power to appoint them. What reason have we to think that this duty has not been, or will not be discharged faithfully and properly? What reason have we to imagine, that if the superintendency and direction of this business, were taken into our hands, it would then be transacted with more fidelity, with more propriety and safety to our constituents? Have we more information upon this subject; are we more capable of judging rightly with respect to the number, the character and grade of foreign ministers? Or is there a greater degree of responsibility and integrity attached to our station, than to the executive department? These things will not be pretended. I am ready to acknowledge myself deficient in point of suitable information upon this subject; nevertheless, it does appear to me reasonable to suppose, considering the present peculiar state of Europe, our relations and connections with the European nations, that the number of ambassadors employed abroad, is not too large, nor their grade too high, to manage well the difficult and interesting affairs of our national intercourse.
Responsibility is evidently a very important and distinguishing characteristic in a representative government: and it must be obvious to every one, that the President of the United States, in this respect, is placed in a different situation from the House of Representatives. It is perhaps a difficult thing, to render so numerous a body, as the House of Representatives, sufficiently responsible. If a majority or less number of individuals, should at any time be guilty of improper conduct, in their legislative capacity, the blame might be divided among themselves, or possibly be shifted from themselves, to other members; so that the people at large, could not easily ascertain, who the persons really blameable were. Besides, members who belong to the House of Representatives, are chosen by districts, or by the state they represent. The circle which they more immediately represent, and to which they are more particularly responsible, is comparatively small; whereas the President, is chosen by the United States.—He represents the whole union and to the whole union he is accountable and responsible. His responsibility, to God and men, is of the most serious and solemn nature. His obligations to the faithful and proper discharge of duty, are the greatest, and motives the strongest conceivable; and, for my own part, I am unwilling to diminish that responsibility, which is in some sense our national security and safeguard, by controlling or restraining a power, which I am not suspicious has ever been abused.
I am sensible it has been insinuated that our political intercourse is too extensive.—That this intercourse always has, and ever will prove disadvantageous; but, perhaps these suggestions are without sufficient foundation. We might have been subjected to
much greater evils, without, and for the want of this intercourse with foreign nations, than we have suffered in consequence of it. Political as well as commercial intercourse with other nations, may possibly be carried to such excess as to operate disadvantageously: and, when not carried to excess, it may be the means of vicating and of inspiring some individuals and perhaps some particular places, but the community at large, I apprehend will be benefited.
All nations have their improvements and vices, as well as imperfections and vices; a suitable degree of mutual intercourse, would, therefore, be in all probability, of mutual advantage. In this way, we as a nation, may be rendered more respectable abroad: And, I am persuaded, that the more our foreign ministers; and also, the more the people of this country in general, see and know of other nations—of their manners and customs—of the nature and operations of their governments, the more highly they will, eventually esteem and admire their own.
In America, free representative government exists; and, we hope, their excellence will be perpetual. This extensive continent, placed at so great a distance from other continents, and discovered in so late a period of time, is favourable to the cause of liberty; it has proved an asylum for the oppressed and persecuted of other nations: And, from our political as well as commercial intercourse with other nations and governments, they, as well as we, may be essentially improved and benefited.
Gentlemen in favour of the amendment, now before the committee, have urged its importance, and the necessity of its being adopted at this time, in order to check, as they pretend, a very dangerous patronage, arising from the exercise of executive power, in appointing foreign agents and ambassadors. To me, the suspicion appears totally unfounded. I can discover no alarming prospect of this kind. Corruption is not congenial to our government—nor is it requisite to support and render popular any part of its administration. Our state governments preclude the necessity of many appointments; offices are, comparatively, but few, and none of them very lucrative. No person, in or out of office, can reasonably expect to secure any real and lasting popularity, by corrupting others, or by being himself corrupted.
If our government had been founded in usurpation, and upon arbitrary and oppressive principles, then it might have needed a variety of vicious measures for its establishment. Then we might expect that the administrators would address themselves to the passions—to the avarice and the ambition of its subjects. Then every species of artifice and intrigue—political and religious tests, with hereditary and exclusive privileges might be necessary for the support of administration.
But the Constitution and government of the United States, need none of these means for its support. Formed by a free and enlightened people, upon the noble basis of equal rights and privileges, it can only be supported by just and equitable laws, fairly and impartially executed.—The President, in his appointments, cannot be supposed under the influence of favouritism. Every motive will induce him to have a proper regard, not only to abilities and information but also, to real and substantial merit, and integrity of character. I apprehend we have no reason to doubt, but that such men will be appointed by the Executive, to the several offices, as in their honest judgment are best qualified and disposed, to discharge the respective duties, with the greatest propriety, and most general acceptance to the people.
Under these, and similar impressions, the object of the amendment, appears to me, not only unnecessary, but improper, and accordingly contrary to the intention and spirit of the Constitution: We find no violation of constitutional trust, in the executive—no flagrant abuse of power is pretended—no instance of improper conduct, which can, in the least degree justify the measure in contemplation.
The method, which gentlemen, who advocate the amendment, propose, for restraining the exercise of executive power, is by reducing the sum heretofore appropriated for the support of foreign ministers.—In considering this proposition, a constitutional question has been brought into view—different opinions have been advanced and these opinions have been variously expressed. I feel therefore disposed to express my own opinion also, and in my own way on this occasion, with respect to the doctrine of appropriations.
The Constitution says, no appropriation of money shall be made but by law. An appropriation is a law, or act of the Legislature, appropriating a sum of money for some particular purpose. A legislative act, is in its nature, voluntary and deliberate: Every member of the Legislature possesses the right of deliberating and deciding for himself.
It is acknowledged by all that the legislature has, what is termed the physical power of making or of refusing to make appropriations; but in certain cases, and in the present case, some pretend this house has not the mental power to refuse, or to appropriate a less sum than hath been heretofore appropriated for the like purpose. If moral power , is here meant, the right of doing a wrong and improper action, certainly no individual, or body of men, can possess this right, in any case whatsoever. There is no dispute here, and for myself , I believe it would be wrong and highly improper and inexpedient to reduce the sum proposed to be appropriated, according to the object of the amendment. But, if moral power be meant, the right of judging when, and how the physical power ought to be exercised (and I think this must be the
meaning, if it means any thing) this right undoubtedly belongs to the legislature. The constitution has no where said the legislature shall not exercise this power; nor has the constitution said the right of exercising this power shall be vested in any other department of the government.
In this view of the subject, I do consider the constitutional power of appropriating money, as a sacred trust, committed by the people of the United States, to the discretion of the legislative branch of government.—This power, or trust, is not to be wantonly abused and trifled with, but exercised according to the principles of justice and good faith—of sound wisdom and policy. In the exercise of this power, there will sometimes be a difference of opinion among the members of the legislature; but it is to be presumed, that a majority will decide rightly, and legislate with propriety.
I am sensible it may be objected, that this power might be so exercised as to frustrate the most important executive measures, and even stop the wheels of government; it may also be said, that if the senate should refuse to concur with the house of representatives, or the house of representatives refuse to concur with the senate, in making and repealing laws, then there would be an end of legislation, and the wheels of government be entirely stopped. The same unhappy effects would ensue, if the executive department should interfere with the legislative, or refuse to discharge its particular duties.
But these evils are not predicated upon a constitutional existence of power—they are predicated upon a presupposed possible abuse of power. Such abuses I conceive ought not to be thus anticipated. If they ever should arrive, then will be the proper time to correct them: and, in the mean while, each branch of the government should lay aside unreasonable jealousies, and have a suitable confidence in all the other branches. Each department of the government is equally important, and equally dear to the people of the United States; and, their mutual co-operations are necessary to the public welfare.
The President and members of congress are all chosen by the people—The government is theirs, and in their hands, as clay is in the hands of the potter, and we must hope and expect that they will mould and fashion both the legislation and administration, according to the true import and meaning of that most excellent constitution, which they have framed and adopted by mutual consent, and for mutual benefit, and which they still admire and revere, as the only sure palladium of their dearest rights, liberties and privileges.
TUESDAY—MARCH 27. After some private business, which shall appear in a future paper.
The house took up the unfinished business of yesterday, relative to the appropriations for the military establishment; and Mr. Gallatin's motion for striking out 260,000 dollars, for the purpose of intercepting 150,000, for the expenses in the quartermaster's department, coming under consideration, after some observations on the subject, the sum was agreed to be left in blank. The resolutions were referred to the committee of ways and means to bring in a bill accordingly.
Mr. Sewall moved for the order of the day on the bill from the Senate to authorize the President to purchase one or more foundries.
Mr. Baldwin hoped the house would now resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
After a new observation from Mr. Sewall against, and from Mr. Nicholas in favour of going into the business of the union, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on that subject, Mr. Dent in the chair; when the President's message of the 19th instant having been read,
Mr. Sprigg rose and observed, that every subject which came before the committee of the whole, on the state of the union, must necessarily be important; but he believed there never was any more so than that which was presented to them by the message of the President which had been read. Separated as we are from Europe by an immense ocean, it were to be wished that we were equally separated from its political concerns and that we should have to do with them no farther than what relates to commerce. This unhappy, had not been the case, and there now existed painful differences betwixt this country and the French Republic. The message which had just been read was an evidence of this. In this situation of things, it appeared necessary that the house should declare whether this country was to have peace or war. This was a subject in which the best interests of the union were deeply concerned, and he hoped the business would be met fully and fairly. The President had informed the house that the present state of things is changed from what it was when he prohibited the arming of merchant vessels, and that therefore he had withdrawn that prohibition. Whether the order formerly issued by the President for this purpose was in conformity to the spirit or letter of the law, was not of importance now to enquire—the effect had been beneficial, and in the same proportion as the prohibition had been beneficial, would be the evils of withdrawing it. In order to ascertain the sense of the committee upon what measures may be proper to be taken in the present crisis, he should offer the following resolutions to their consideration.
Resolved that it is the opinion of this committee, that under existing circumstances, it is not expedient for the United States to resort to war against the French republic. Resolved, that the provision ought to be made by law for restricting the arming of merchants vessels, except in cases in

which the practice was heretofore permitted
Resolved, &c. that adequate provision shall be made by law for the protection of our sea-coasts, and for the internal defence of the country."
The first resolution came under debate, to which an amendment was proposed by the Speaker, to strike out the words against the French republic. The debate then turned upon this amendment, and occupied the whole of the sitting, without any question being taken. A sketch of this debate tomorrow.
NEW-YORK, March 24.
Thomas Paine has written a letter to vindicate the Directory for banishing Pichegru and his companions on the 4th of September last; a measure which he acknowledges to have been a violation of the constitution, and to be justified only on the principle of "supreme necessity."
No misfortune in life is more degrading than for a man's passions to survive his powers, and for his career to outlive his reputation. Paine has degenerated in his ability to write, as much as his reputation has been impaired by his principles, and his health, by his vices. His writings exhibit but the skeleton of an author, and servilely to show that the man once existed.
He sets out with affirming of the French government, "That a better organized constitution has never been devised by human wisdom," and "that it is free from all the vices and defects to which other forms of government are more or less subject."
He asserts as a position which is not to be denied, that each of the parts of a government should be in perpetual maturity, and that we should laugh at the idea of a national council composed of children, or idiots, of deaf, dumb, blind or insane persons. Yet this is often the case of an hereditary executive called a king.
Of all this puerile stuff, Tom Paine is welcome to the credit. The ideas are like a thousand others very proper to amuse children and hackneyed lots. In all hereditary governments provision is made for a temporary defect in the powers of the executive; and a nation is usually as well governed and as happy under a regency, as under a king of full age. And we venture to assert that in very few of the monarchies of Europe have the people had occasion to weep over the infirmities of their executive, so often as the miserable oppressed inhabitants of France, over the turbulence, the passions, caprices and vices of their executive.
Theories are idle things; and Tom Paine will never make men believe themselves more happy under the executive of five, who arrest, banish and confiscate persons at pleasure; than they are in a monarchy, where no man can suffer the loss of life, liberty or property, but in pursuance of fixed laws.
In deciding the question whether executive power is best lodged in an individual or a plurality, he says, "an individual will never be anything more than the chief of a party, and none but those of that party will have access to him."
Admitting this in its full extent, what is the preference of an individual who in the chief of a party, or a majority of five, who are chiefs of a party? It is not in unity of number, but in unity of principle and views, that party consists; and this unity will be formed as certainly in a directory of five, as in an individual; nay, it would be as certainly formed, only with more intrigue and corruption, in an executive of five hundred. In the name of common sense, let Tom Paine say, what is the difference in principle, whether an individual leads a party, or whether Barras, Reubel and Lepaux lead a party; and send their colleagues, and all who are not of their party, to South America, without law and by a sovereign act of party?
For shame, Paine. Cease to pester the world, and especially the intelligent Americans, with such nonsense.
The writer goes on to say, that three men in the executive are too few for the variety and quantity of business and that five is the right number. And will the reader believe that this celebrated man, has let himself down so very low, as to justify the choice of five, as the number of the Directory, from the analogy of nature, in giving to the human body five senses, five fingers and five toes!!! This is certainly going beyond Lord Coke, in vindicating the number of apostles and of signs in the zodiac; and in proving that estates never ought to ascend to the ancestors, but always to descend, because, because the bodies descend in the natural world by the power of gravitation. We should have supposed that in the "age of reason," even Paine would have been ashamed of such puerilities!
We shall notice only one other paragraph in this six-penny publication, which is, that which charges Pichegru, Barthelémy & Party, with defeating the negotiations for peace. This is such an abominable falsehood, that no honest man can overlook it.
It is a thing known to all the world, that the proscripted party were the advocates for peace, and urged the accomplishment of it by all the means in their power. Nay, they urged for peace on the basis of justice, that of adhering to the preliminaries signed at Leoben in April; and with England on the basis of equivalents, that would have rendered peace durable. It is a known fact, that Barthelémy urged the sacred obligations of the preliminaries, to preserve the integrity of the German empire, and wished a peace on that principle. On the other hand, the jacobin majority, would not consent to make peace with the emperor on those terms on which the faith of the French government had been pledged by the preliminaries, but insisted on violating those articles, for the purpose of extending their dominion to the Rhine. And this was one great obstacle to the conclusion of peace, which retarded that happy event, until September, when the tyrannical members of the directory combined to get rid of the honest part of their body, that they might carry their points by force. And in this they succeeded—and having rid themselves of all opposition from integrity and the pacific views of good men, the despots are at liberty to pursue their schemes of insulting and domineering over all nations; and of prolonging their despotism by continuing the war.
The Gazette.
PHILADELPHIA,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, March 28
THE PLOT DISCOVERED.
There can no longer be any doubt by whom Puppis Masey was played off the other day in his absurd and debasing resolutions matter to the Legislature of Pennsylvania. Those offered by Citizen Sprigg, to the House of Representatives of the United States, bear the same stamp of disgrace and jacobinism on their front, and have certainly arisen from the ashes of the others. This is one of the shallow projects of the Democrats in both these bodies, to support and comfort each other in the approaching downfall of their Tower of Babel,—the Palace of Democracy. It was hoped that if the State Legislature could have been placed in the front of the battle, the Pennsylvania members in Congress, as well as others of that body, would have advanced to their last struggle with more spirit and confidence. But the Legislature of Pennsylvania did not choose to be the advance guard in a contest of infamy, and the poor Domes in Congress are therefore obliged to push on with their usual auxiliaries, clamor, violence and falsehood supported by impenetrable impudence.
The following resolutions were moved in the Senate of the United States on Monday last; and the first was yesterday negatived 22 to 5.
"Resolved, That it is expedient to lay an embargo, for a limited time, on all ships and vessels owned wholly or in part by the citizens of the United States, other than ships or vessels employed solely in the fisheries or coasting trade; and that these be regulated in their respective voyages, consistent with their safety and a state of neutrality."
"Resolved, That it is expedient to complete the fortifications of the ports and harbours of the United States, and effectually to garrison the same."
"Resolved, That it is expedient to raise a provisional army, to be employed when necessary for internal security and defence."
"Resolved, That it is expedient to provide for supplying any deficiency existing or arising in the arms and military stores of the United States."
"And resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be referred to the committee to whom was referred the President's message of the 19th inst. as instructions to the said committee to prepare and report bills corresponding with the said resolutions, and in the same order in which they stand."
On the resolution for an Embargo, the Yeas and Nays in the Senate of the United States, were as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Bloodworth, Jackson, Marshall, Tazewell—5. NATS—Messrs. Bingham, Brown, Chipman, Clayton, Foster, Goodhue, Greene, Hillhouse, Hobart, Hunter, Langdon, Latimer, Laurence, Lloyd, Martin, Paine, Read, Ross, Sedgwick, Stockton, Tattall, Tracy—22.
Died, on Saturday last, at his lodgings in Forth-street, SAMUEL AINSWORTH, Esq. Member of the House of Representatives from Dublin county. His remains were interred yesterday evening in Arch-Breest grave-yard, attended by the Speakers and members of the Senate and House of Representatives, together with a number of members of Congress and other respectable citizens.
A Gentleman from the Havanna informs that a short time previous to his leaving that place, the following unfortunate accident happened.
A person who dealt in gunpowder, being engaged serving out a quantity of that article to a customer, (it is supposed with a lighted cigar in his mouth, a spark from which must have dropped into the gunpowder of which there was more than 1,000 wt.) the house was blown up in an instant, with every person in it; considerable damage was done to the adjoining buildings, and about twenty persons lost their lives: two young ladies who were riding in a carriage by the house at the moment, the misfortune occurred, were blown into the air, and not a vestige of them, their horses, or carriage, were afterwards to be found.
Friday the 6th of April next is appointed to be observed as a Day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer, throughout the State of Connecticut.
Thursday the 12th April next, is also appointed as a Day of Fasting, &c. throughout the State of N. Hampshire.
COMMUNICATION.
When the late message of the President was first communicated, it was amusing to remark the affected bustle and refinement of certain party at the suppression of the dispatches. They pretended to hunger and thirst after information, thinking that the want of it would furnish a sufficient excuse for opposition to all defensive measures, and they announced their intention of demanding the papers from the Executive, presuming he would persist to withhold them. But how has this clamour subsided since they have discovered that no opposition is contemplated to their making a request for these papers. Do they suspect that the application for them would be successful? Are they fearful that some of the patriotic band will be implicated in a correspondence with
certain of their brother patriots in France, which would seal the ruin of themselves and their party? Are they apprehensive lest such a disclosure should be made of the dark and insidious counsels and projects of the French, and of such a settled scheme to destroy the liberties of this country, as would arouse the indignation and resistance of all America? Do they expect to pre-occupy the public mind with a fear of war, so as to preclude the natural effects of such a disclosure? Deluded men, how are they impelled by the pride of opinion to persevere in a system that will so soon be exploded as inconsistent with our national existence. Either the liberty and independence of America must soon vanish like a vision, or those who persist in their opposition to our government must be rejected by the people and ranked among suspected and dangerous persons. Let them examine the history of this country—let them recollect that the flame of liberty once rekindled will shed upon them "intolerable day," and their names will dwindle into insignificance and obscurity, unless they speedily embrace the present occasion, and swear to join in the defence of their country, "in spite of pride, in erring reason's spite."
To say "we will not resort to arms," is almost as wise as to say when one's house is in flames, that we will not resort to water; it is not quite so wise, because in the last case if one cannot go out of the door, there is sometimes a chance to jump out of the window.
From the Massachusetts Mercury. Extract from a Journal published in Germany, respecting the ever memorable revolution of the 4th September. The events of it are there brought into one view, and will teach every American more and more to prize his country and government. CIVIL.
From one revolution to another, constitutions to constitutions, new laws to new laws—France is arrived at a government which disregards them all; which, after having secured the generals by corruption, the army by its generals, and the Councils by the army, reigns by force under some variable forms of liberty. The people, worn out with long and affliction agitations, appear decided to let the powers, which they have created or appeared to create, dispute among themselves the right of oppressing. The calm, which succeeded the revolution of 18 Fructidor, proves it; the consequences of that memorable day have been such as we might expect from the debasement of the Representatives, the despotism of the Directors, the lassitude of the people, and the apathy of honest men.
Revolutionary Justice, it is true, has sacrificed the life of one person; but this act was the more unjust and barbarous, as the Directors were certain without it of the submission or flight of the unfortunate victims of their vengeance. The crowds of emigrants, who had returned to Paris, seduced by hope or driven by want, is dissipated almost in a moment; expelled from their country a second time, they seek and seek in distant regions compassion and an asylum.
Some feeble assemblies of men in the south of France were dispersed as soon as formed—only one town, Montauban, openly resisted for a month; the Directory ordered some troops thither, and the town submitted without striking a blow. Thus evaporated the effervescence of the South, of which so much has been said; this is all that the resentment of the departments insulted in the persons of their deputies has produced! Their elections have been vacated—their representatives driven from the Councils; they are deprived of their share in the making of the laws which the constitution promised them; yet not only do they suffer themselves to be governed without murmuring, but addressers of congratulation, that partake of cowardice and guilt, are every day presented to a mutilated degraded legislature.
Of the proscripted representatives, but one, Camille Jourdan, has dared to address his constituents upon the tyranny of the Directory; and his protestations meet with derision from the oppressors, and indifference from the oppressed. Those of his colleagues who have not had the fortune like him to escape the proscription,—those men who were little less than the Gods of the day—the Pichegrus, the Villots, the Barthélemy, are ignominiously conducted thro' a hundred leagues of country and through populous towns, and not one attempt is made to deliver them. They are embarked with precipitation for the most savage countries. Those men, who two months since were caressed and enthroned in the opinion of their countrymen, who are every day more and more convinced of the fallacy of the solitary charge alleged against one of them, are forgotten!
But Hoche, who stood condemned by the public voice for having promoted with equal badness and insolence the designs of the Directory against the Representatives of the nation, dies; and although neither in the field of honour, nor in consequence of wounds, as so many generals of the Republic have done whose tombs are unknown, the Directory and Councils decree funeral honors such as none of the great men of the revolution had as yet received; and the Parisians, who are amused or occupied with this new pomp, leave the Champ-de-Manoe filled with admiration of the hero of the festival!
The Directory were not ignorant of the effect produced by those displays of transitory glory upon susceptible minds, of the resources which facility in general afford the masters of a multitude passionately fond of Theatres and shows: therefore they lose no occasion of establishing new ones. The complaint orators of the Directory were eager to propose to the Councils a fete in honour of the day of their victory, and after many fittings spent in idle discussion an annual one was decreed to celebrate its triumph.
What have not the Councils done a month past to second the views, and increase the power of the Directory? The law upon the organization of its guard was inconvenient, and it was modified; that upon the national guards displeased, and a revision was ordered. The Council had deprived it of the right of opening the letters of foreigners, they have restored it! They extended its power of nominating to places vacant in the departmental administrations. The Directory were indignant, at not being able to establish their power, or chastise the brave colonists for their resistance in the Isle of France, and to revenge the sending away of the Commissioners; not less so when the Councils required to know what recompence had been made to vice-admiral Sercey; whose punishment they now demand, and measures adopted to subject, or rather to ruin that colony. Finally, the Directory being offended, more than injured, by the law, which the councils two months previous having passed respecting the motions of the troops deemed necessary for their security, they are now in haste to revoke.
It was necessary also to flatter and reward the army, which had so well seconded the Directory; hence the veil drawn before many crimes; hence the new modes prescribed by military trials.
All the proceedings of the legislative body are in direct opposition to those previous to the 18th Fructidor. The wilest members of the council of ancients had combated a late resolution of the council of five hundred respecting divorces as being insufficient to arrest the dread consequences of the laws heretofore made respecting them; but scarce had the ancients been purified by the late ordeal of the directory, than the same resolution was approved.
A humane law had recalled into the unfortunate colonies the refugees and banished; but a new one has just annulled it. The elections of St. Domingo had been continually rejected; they are now confirmed. What are we to expect from a Senate, where the Laval, and the Southworth, occupy the seats of the Portia, the Trenchon, the Doyen? Without doubt, such laws as those we have enumerated, or as the late on public debt, or propositions like those recently made to the council of five hundred against the nobles.
The law which reimburses in new paper, or to speak more correctly, which sinks 1000 thirds of the public debt. This law had been already decided on in the council of ancients, when many among them opposed it as unjust, unconstitutional and impolitic; when Roissau had the courage to say that the absolute despot could scarce believe such an idea, that it was a plan slyly disguised of the most shameful bankruptcy, that it tended to ruin 300,000 families, in a word that it was worthy only to figure by preeminence in the code of a Gengis-Khan. In fact, it was so viewed even by those who proposed the law, when they justified it by necessity to which reason must yield; when they considered the sums due by the state to its creditors as of merely a variable imaginary value, when they called so many solemn guarantees given to the unfortunate creditors indirect promises. Thus neither truth nor arguments could prevent the ancients from sanctioning the bankruptcy proposed by the five hundred; thus those creditors who were warmly attached to the revolution as soon as they had declared the public debt to be under the "loyalty" of the nation, have fatally learnt what "loyalty" means in the revolutionary style; and that no means are too detestable to be used to strip them of their property and lives.
The propositions against the nobles have already excited in Paris a violent indignation according to the most jacobin journals. It is— who would believe! It is Poulter who is obliged to stop, to oppose the five hundred in these revolutionary measures. The five hundred accustomed to the most tyrannical proceedings, as the convention were formerly to those of Robespierre, have listened to propositions, the idea of which would have alarmed that insightful tyrant; they have ordained the printing and diffusion of them; and it is Poulter who is necessitated to advertise them that they are become too delicate instruments in the hands of their masters; to them and to the directors, he has said, "be assured that the proscriptions en masse will revolt every mind against you; multiply emigrations, make our capitals disappear, enrich foreigners, destroy confidence, commerce, arts and industry, and end with a reaction that shall next destroy you and yours." The last is the only consideration that will interest those to whom Poulter addresses himself; it is the only one that remains to be realized. But will these predictions dissuade from executing a measure evidently dictated by that spirit of rapine, so blended in all revolutionary measures?
PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
ARRIVED, DAYS. Ship America, Jacobs Franquebar 150 Scr. Washington, Siron Newbern 12
BOSTON, March 20. A Mrs. Dexter, lately in prison, convicted of 13 indictments for petit larceny, addressed herself to the humanity of the judges of the superior court, stating that she was 8 months advanced in gravitation, begging their punishment might be postponed, and she allowed to go to the almshouse till the period of her delivery. This was granted. The night after her arrival at the charitable mansion, she delivered herself, not, indeed of anything of the masculine or feminine gender—but of the neuter—She delivered herself of a tab of straw, which she had kept for some time under her clothes, leapt the fences of the almshouse yard, and completely made her escape. Some people conceive the sheriffs have betrayed a want of skill in this affair.
BALTIMORE, March 26.
Yesterday arrived the ship Venus, of this port, capt. Dashiell, in 48 days from Gibraltar; she sailed from Marseilles the 1st July last, & on the 10th of said month was taken by the Spaniards into Alicante, where she remained five months, after his release, blockaded by the French; she sailed from thence the 3rd Dec. and left the ships Sarah of Boston, capt. Hopkins; Maria of Charleston, capt. Kennedy; John & Martha, of Newbernport, Knapp; brig Venus of New-York, capt. Toulon; & Independent of Philadelphia, capt. Robinson, all in the same situation, wanting the proper role d'equippage; on his way down the straits put into Algiers, where he was received with much friendship. The Dey has lost all patience by the unfortunate delay of the frigate expected: Mr. Clark, the American charges des affaires, began to fear it might be attended with disagreeable consequences, as they think of nothing but the American frigate. He sailed from Algiers the 13th December, in company
with five of his fleet, bound for Spain & the Spaniards; their consuls had been sent on board, and were declared before he sailed. The Dey, on the American ship Portland, capt. Ladd, loaded for the Dey: they had just begun to discharge her cargo, which proved very good and satisfactory.
Just before he sailed from Gibraltar, the ship Eagle, of Marblehead, capt. Sweet, was brought in by an English brig, on her way to Marseilles; the seventh day after he left America, lost his bow-sprit, foremast and maintop-mast, with all the sails and rigging belonging thereto, in a severe gale of wind—he was immediately released and proceeded on his voyage the 27th January, not being able to repair his ship, for want of spars and rigging.
NEW-THEATRE.
Mr. BERNARD'S Night.
THIS EVENING, March 28, Will be presented, a Musical Entertainment, called THE ADOPTED CHILD.
End of the first piece. Will be presented, a celebrated Tragedy (of two acts) called
THE PRODIGAL; Or, FATAL EXTRAVAGANCE. [As performed in London, the two last seasons, with unbounded applause.]
Belmour (the Prodigal) Mr. Fennell—Courtney, Mr. Wignell—Bargrave, Mr. Fox. Louisa, Mrs. Mott.
Betw. the acts of the Tragedy, A DRAMATIC VISION; Or, the Court of Thebes. By Mr. Bernard.
After which will be performed, a new Pantomime Ballet, composed by Mr. Byrne, called THE GENEROUS TAXI; Or, A Scene in the West Indies.
Galleon, (with a Hornpipe in character) Mr. Francis—the other principal characters by Mr. Byrne, Mr. Warrell, jun. Mr. Warrell, &c. To which will be added, a Musical Entertainment, called
THE AMERICAN IN LONDON.
Freedom (the American) Mr. Warren—Pample, Mr. Fox—Bruth, Mr. Harwood—1st Servant, Mr. Avery—Barney Boar, Mr. Bernard. Mrs. Manners, Mrs. Warrell—Mrs. Pratt, Mrs. O'Donoghue—Mrs. Freedom, Mrs. Eliza—Mrs. Maria, Mrs. Marshall. Tickets to be had at the usual places, and of Mr. Bernard, corner of Seventh and Chesnut-sts.
On Friday (not acted these three years) the celebrated Tragedy, called the ROMAN FATHER—with Comedy, in two acts. (never acted here) called THE HONEST THIEVES; Or, FAITH, ULIRISHMEN—For the Benefit of Mr. Moreton. Mr. Fennell's Night will be on Monday next.
To be sold at Public Vendue, On SATURDAY, the 31st of March inst. at 11 o'clock, at Chesnut Street wharf, for the benefit of the concerned. Sundries saved from the wreck of the ship John.
5 coils of Cordage 16 boxes Window Glass 2 ditto hollow ditto 45 straw of Tumblers 2 pipes of Holland Gin 102 sheets of Copper 1 barrel of new Copper Nails, No. 169 Half a keg of old ditto 6 pair of lower Shrouds 1 old Sail 5 Cabin Windows, with Glasses 3 ditto with Blinds 7 iron hooped Water Casks 2 Hen Loops 2 new Pumps with copper or brass chambers Pump Gear for ditto 1 Anchor, weight about 2700 lb. 1 ditto, about 1600 28 sheets of Copper About two tons and half of Swedes bar Iron 2 Iron Knees CONNELLY & Co. Auctioneers, march 28.
PROPOSAL,
For Publishing by Subscription,
ENQUIRY
INTO THE
ORIGIN OF EPIDEMIC DISEASES.
The Letters to Dr. Curtis, which I published last autumn, led me to an investigation of the origin and phenomena of pestilential diseases in other countries, as well as in the United States. In the prosecution of the subject, new facts and principles continually opened to my view, and finally determined me to trace back the history of such diseases as far as the records of history extend. For this purpose, I have examined the public libraries in New-York, New-Haven, Cambridge and Boston, with a view to obtain all the material facts which can illustrate the subject; and I have nearly collected all the materials for the proposed work.
The facts alluded will enable me to demonstrate that many of the common ideas respecting pestilential epidemics, are unfounded or extremely incorrect; and this in consequence of medical writers considering an epidemic disease as a detached or isolated phenomenon in a particular country; rather than as connected with other epidemics or other phenomena of nature in various parts of the world. The facts I have collected lead to certain deductions which are surprising to myself, and which will probably be new to many others. Much light will be thrown on this dark and perplexing subject, as well as on our own philosophy.
The proposed work will make a full sized octavo volume; and executed well on fine paper, cannot be afforded at less than two dollars, bound, with the usual allowance to book-sellers. As the compilation will cost not only great labor, but considerable expense, no more copies will be printed than to supply subscribers. The book will be ready for subscribers early in the coming summer, and the holders of proposals will be good enough to return them to No. 42, Pine-street, by the first of May.
Subscriptions received by the book-sellers in New-York, Philadelphia, Albany, New-Haven, Hartford, New-London, Providence, Boston, Baltimore and Charleston.
NOAH WEBSTER, JUN, march 28.
G I N S E N G, SAMUEL HOWELL, NO. 54, CHESNUT STREET.
Wants to purchase good GINSENG, gathered in season, and clear of damage—for which a generous price will be given if delivered any time before the 15th of April, march 21.
Hyson and Young Hyson Tea. A few chests of excellent quality, for sale, corner of Second and Pine streets. Dec 26—cost

PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
In pursuance of the Act of Congress passed on the sixth day of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act laying duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper", and the Act passed on the fifteenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act to postpone for a limited time the commencement of the duties imposed by the Act entitled "An Act laying Duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper", that from and after the first day of July ensuing, the several Stamped Duties hereinafter enumerated, will be levied and collected throughout the United States.
For every skin or piece of Vellum or Parchment, or sheet or piece of Paper, upon which shall be written or printed any or either of the instruments or writings following—to wit:
Table with 4 columns: Instrument Name, Dls, Cts, Mls. Rows include: Any Certificate of Naturalization, Any Licence to practice, or Certificate of the admission, enrolment or registry of any Counsellor, Solicitor, Attorney, Advocate or Proctor, in any Court of the United States, Any Grant or Letters Patent, under the seal or authority of the United States (except for lands granted for military services), Any Charter-Party, Bottomry, or Respondentia Bond, Any Receipt or discharge for or on account of any Legacy left by any Will or other testamentary instrument, or for any share or part of a personal estate divided by force of any statute of distributions, other than to the Wife, Children or Grand Children of the person deceased, the amount whereof shall be above the value of Fifty Dollars, and shall not exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars, When the amount thereof shall exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars and shall not exceed five hundred dollars, And for every further sum of Five Hundred Dollars, the additional sum of Any Policy of Insurance or insurment in nature thereof, on any ship, vessel or goods insured from one United States to another in the United States, From the United States to any foreign port or place, when the sum for which Insurance is made shall not exceed five hundred dollars, When the sum insured shall exceed five hundred dollars, Any Exemption, of what nature soever, that shall pass the seal of any Court, other than such as it may be the duty of the Clerk of such Court to furnish for the use of the United States or some particular State, Any Bond, bill of exchange or draft, or any other instrument, promissory note or other note, other than any recognizance, bill, bond, or other obligation or contract, made to or with the United States or any State, or for their use respectively, If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, And if above one thousand dollars, If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, If above one thousand dollars, Any Notes issued by the banks now established, or that may hereafter be established within the United States, other than the notes of such of the said Banks as shall agree to an annual composition, of one per centum on the annual dividends made by such Banks, to their Stockholders respectively, according to the following scale, On all notes not exceeding fifty dollars, for each dollar, On all notes above fifty dollars, and not exceeding one hundred dollars, On all notes above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, On all notes above five hundred dollars, Any Protest or other Notarial act, Any Letter of Attorney, except for an invalid pension, or to obtain or sell Warrants for Land granted by the United States as bounty for military services performed in the late war, Any Certificate or Debenture for drawback of Customs or duties, for less than five hundred dollars, For five hundred dollars and not exceeding two thousand dollars, For more than two thousand dollars, Any note or bill of lading for goods or merchandise to be exported, If from one district to another district of the United States, not being in the same State, If from the United States to any foreign port or place, Any Inventory or Catalogue of any furniture, goods or effects, made in any case required by law, (except in cases of goods and chattels distrained for rent or taxes, and goods taken in virtue of any legal process by any officer,) Any Certificate of a Share, in any Insurance Company, of a Share in the Bank of the United States, or of any State or other Bank, If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, If above one hundred dollars, If under twenty dollars, at the rate of ten cents for one hundred dollars.
The duties aforesaid will be collected and received by the Supervisors, Inspectors and other Officers of Inspection, in the several Districts, Surveys and Divisions of the United States, and by such other persons as shall from time to time be specially appointed and employed by the Supervisors of Districts for that purpose.
The Supervisors of the several Districts will, prior to the first day of July ensuing, and as soon as may be practicable, mark or stamp, without fee or reward, any quantities or parcels of Vellum, Parchment or Paper, with any of the rates of duties before enumerated, on payment of the said duties; or stamped vellum, parchment and paper may at the option of the Citizens of the United States, be obtained at the rates prescribed by law, by application to any Supervisor, Inspector, Officer of Inspection, or other person appointed for the distribution of Stamps, by the Supervisors of Districts.
GIVEN under my Hand, at Philadelphia the day and year above-mentioned. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
City Commissioner's Office,
January 12th, 1798.
FOR THE INFORMATION OF THE CITIZENS.
The following arrangement is made by the City Commissioners, for cleaning the streets, &c. 1. From the north side of Vine street, to the south side of Mulberry street; to be under the superintendence of Nicholas Hicks. 2. From the south side of Mulberry street, to the south side of Chestnut street, to be under the superintendence of William Moulder. 3. From the south side of Chestnut street to the south side of Spruce street, to be under the superintendence of Joseph Claypoole. 4. From the north side of Spruce street, to the south side of Cedar street, to be under the superintendence of Hugh Roberts. 5. When pumps are out of order south of High street, please apply to Thomas Dixey, at the corner of South and Fifth streets, or Godfrey Gebler, in Fourth, near Chestnut street; and north of High street, to Dixey and Dehaven, in Sassafras street, between Sixth and Seventh streets.
House and Lots, in Bordentown.
TO BE SOLD, a handsome two story House, with the Lot on which it is erected, situated about the middle of the beautiful and healthy Village of Bordentown. The house is forty two feet in front, and in neat order. The lot contains one acre, and is one hundred feet on the main street, and extends with the same breadth to back street. Also, a large Lot, containing nearly four acres, separated from the former by back street. One third only of the purchase money will be required upon executing a deed, and for the remainder, such credit will be given, as the purchaser may chuse. This property will be sold free of all encumbrances, and an indisputable title given.
For further particulars enquire either of Dr. William Burnes, residing in Bordentown, near the premises, who will show the same, or of PETER THOMPSON, Conveyancer, No. 43, Mulberry-street. December 2. 3awtf
Boston Glass Manufactory.
THE citizens of the United States are hereby informed, that the manufacture of Window Glass is now commenced at the Glass House in Boston.
It is needful to say any thing of the excellent quality of the Boston Glass, as it is so well known throughout the United States to be in every respect greatly superior to any ever imported from Europe. It will be cut to any size commonly used; and may be constantly had by applying to Charles F. Kasper, at the Glass House. Orders from the distant States to be addressed to Mr. Samuel Gore, Court-street, Boston. Two or three good Glass makers are wanted at the above works; such as can produce recommendations for good behavior, may be sure of employ, by application to Mr. George L. Lind, at the works. Men without families will be preferred. However unacquainted with the method of making Crown Window Glass, they will meet with the same encouragement. Boston, January 16. 2—2aw6w
New-York, February, 1798.
PROPOSALS BY GEORGE FORMAN,
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A New and Valuable Work, which has been extended only six months—entitled PROOFS of a CONSPIRACY against all the Religions and Governments of EUROPE, carried on in the secret meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and Reading Societies. Collected from good authorities. By JOHN ROBISON, A.M. Professor of Natural Philosophy, and Secretary to the Royal Society of Edinburgh. Nam tua res agitur parvis cum proximus ardet.
THIS work will be put to press as soon as 400 subscribers are obtained, and no money required until the work is completed. It shall be printed with an elegant new type, and on paper of superior quality, which will comprise about 400 pages neat octavo, handsomely bound and illustrated—the price will be one dollar and fifty cents. Those who procure 12 subscribers, and become accountable, shall have a 13th gratis—and the usual allowance to bookellers.
The above work comes from the pen of J. Robison, of Edinburgh, a gentleman in high estimation in the literary world—the facts therein recorded are well substantiated, and the reasoning and arguments thence deduced, while they discover the found judgment and penetration of the writer, are calculated to amuse as well as to instruct. A scene of villainy is developed by the author sufficient to appal the roughest heart. The danger to be apprehended from secret societies is clearly pointed out; the degeneracy of human nature awfully illustrated, and the hazard of every deviation from the straight path of religion and of virtue, incontestably proved both to the politician and the christian by sinbrom and incontrovertible facts. 44 Subscriptions taken in by G. Forman, No. 46, William-street, opposite the Post-Office, and by the respective bookellers in New-York and Philadelphia. February 28.
New-York, January 24, 1798.
PROPOSALS
By Arondt Van Hook, Proprietor of the Reading Room; For Publishing by Subscription, An Appeal to Impartial Posterity, By MADAME ROLAND; Wife of the Minister of the Interior in France. CONDITIONS. These scarce and very valuable Historical Memoirs, (which ran through two London editions in a few months,) will be comprised in 2 vols. octavo, of 400 pages each. They will be printed on fine paper and a new type, and delivered to Subscribers, neatly bound and lettered, at 1 dollar and 50 cents per volume—one third of the Subscription money to be paid on delivery of the first volume—the remainder when the work is complete. To Printers, Bookellers, and others, who acquire Subscriptions, the usual allowance will be made. Subscriptions are taken at the Reading Room, No. 149, Water street—the Printing Office, 149, Pearl-street—and at the different Bookstores in New-York—Also, by William Young, corner of Second and Chestnut street, and the Editor of the Gazette of the United States, Philadelphia. As soon as a sufficient number of Subscribers are obtained; the work will be put to press, and completed with the utmost dispatch. Feb. 20. eod2m
For Sale,
A good situation for a Country SEAT, FOR 18 acres of land on the Old York Road, within sight of Germantown and about five miles from the City, the whole being under good fence, and in excellent order as pasture ground. For further information and terms, apply to JOHN ELLIOTT CARLSON, at his office for the sale of Real Estates, Conveyancing, &c. No. 54, High-street. 2d mo. 26th. 2aw2w
For Sale,
By ELLISTON & JOHN PEROT, No. 41, North Water Street, London particular Madeira Wine, in pipes and quarter casks, 4 years old and fit for immediate use. Inferior do. A few bales Allibad Coffee, Bandanna Handkerchiefs, Sail Canvas, No. 1, to 0 A few bags of Juniper Berries A parcel of Soal Leather, and A few boxes of China. march 3. m&f4w
Wanted,
An active, clean, industrious woman to cook and do the business of the kitchen. Such a one will be allowed good wages, and no other need apply—Enquire of the Printer. February 7. $
Notice is hereby given,
THAT application will be made for the renewal of a Certificate of a Share in the Bank of the United States, Pending in the name of the Subscriber, No. 5024, and dated July 11, 1797—the same having been lost. JOHN GRAHAM. march 5. $6w
TO LET,
And may be entered on immediately, A good dry Store, Three stories high, in an excellent stand for business. Apply to Thomas & Joshua Fisher, No. 5, Dock-street. march 7. $
Wanted to live in the Country,
About five miles from this city, a sober steady Man who understands gardening and the management of a few acres of land, and would not object to attend a couple of horses. Such a one may meet with liberal wages by applying at the office of this Gazette. N. B. None need apply but those of unexceptionable characters. March 13. dts
CUSTOM HOUSE,
District of PENNSYLVANIA, March 6th, 1797. THE MERCHANTS OF PHILADELPHIA, who may have any account or knowledge of the capture or detention of any ship or vessel, cargo, or other property, belonging to citizens of the United States, residing within this district, by or under the authority of foreign nations, since the first day of October, 1792, are particularly requested to give information thereof, to the Collector of the Port of Philadelphia, as soon as may be convenient, specifying the name of the vessel, the captain's name, the number of tons, the estimated value of the vessel, if condemned, the estimated value of her cargo, or other property, which was carried, and by, or under the authority of what nation captured, with such observations as may be thought necessary upon the circumstances of each case, in order that statements thereof may be transmitted to the Secretary of the Treasury, who is required to lay the same before the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. march 7. 1ot
WANTED
A Gardener—A Single Man. None need apply, unless he can bring good recommendations. Enquire at No. 30 Market-street. march 17. $2w
FOR SALE,
By WHARTON & LEWIS, No. 115 South Front Street. A quantity of Tanner's Oil, 4th proof Jamaica Rum, } entitled to 1st and 2d proof Brandy, } drawback. Madeira Wine, Juniper Berries, &c. &c. Feb. 9. eodif
Valuable Property for Sale.
FOR SALE, THAT well known Estate, called SHREWSBURY FARM, formerly the residence of General John Cadwalader, situate on Schuylkill River, in Kent county, Maryland—containing about 1900 acres of prime LAND, upwards of 500 of which are in woods. The Buildings are all excellent, and consist of a handsome Dwelling House, two large Barns with Cow houses, Stables for fifty horses, a spacious treading floor under cover, a granary, two Overseer's houses, two ranges of two story buildings for Negroes (one of them new and of brick), Corn houses, a Smoke house, &c. &c. The whole Estate being nearly surrounded by water, it requires but little fencing, and has a good Shad and Herring fishery. It is conveniently situated for both the Philadelphia and Baltimore markets, with two landings on a navigable river but a short sail from Baltimore. There is a large Peach, and two large Apple Orchards on the premises; also, a variety of excellent fruits of different kinds. The soil is mostly a rich loam—the whole will be sold together, or divided into smaller farms (as may suit the purchaser). The stock on said Farm, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, &c. will also be disposed of. For further particulars apply to George Hastings, on the premises, or to the subscriber, in Philadelphia. ARCHIBALD M'CALL, JUN. February 24. 2aw6w
Bakenridge—for sale
IT consists of 920 acres, almost all of which is a fine rich Meadow, (the residence of the late Earl of Sterling). It may be conveniently divided into five farms, four of which are bounded on the East by the river Potomac. There are on it a number of buildings, forming a square of nearly three acres. The dwelling house is a very convenient one and a small expense would put it in complete repair. The orchard consists of 1500 fine bearing engrafted Apple Trees—and there is on other parts of said tract near 300 other Apple Trees—as also a great variety of other fruits, particularly Cherries of the best and most delicious kinds. Also, a great number of beautiful Exotics and Forest Trees, that add to the beauty and convenience of the place. Its situation is about 18 miles from the town of Newark and Elizabeth: 10 do. from Morris-Town, and 12 from Springfield:—It is wooded and watered. To save trouble, the price is five pound pr. acre in cash, on delivery of the deeds. Please to enquire of T. MCEUEN & Co. No. 78, Chestnut street. February 2. eodif
Canal Lottery---No. II.
WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Seven Dollars, at WM. BLACKBURN'S Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second-street—Tickets in the Schuylkill Bridge Lottery, at Ten Dollars, where check books are kept for registering and examining in these, the City of Washington, No. 11, and Patterson Lotteries, and information where tickets may be had in each of the Lotteries authorized by law in any of the States of the Union. N. B. The business of a BROKER, in buying and selling all kinds of Public Stock and Securities, discounting Bills and Notes of Hand, sale of Lands, Houses, &c. &c. will be duly attended to, by WM. BLACKBURN. November 15. $
THE term of Co-partnership between the subscribers, trading under the firm of John Miller, Jun. and Co. expires this day, and by mutual consent will not be renewed. The debts and concerns of the same will be settled by John Miller, Jun. to whom all those indebted to the partnership are earnestly requested to make payment to, without delay.
JOHN MILLER, Jun. ALEXANDER J. MILLER. February 19. $
LANDING,
From on board the Ship SALLY, from Calcutta, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 1600 bags prime Sugar, 800 do. Ginger, 30 bales low priced piece Goods. John Miller, Jun. march 3. $
FOR SALE, BY
JOHN MILLER, JUN. No. 3, Chestnut-street, A quantity BENGAL GOODS, AMONGST WHICH ARE—
Gurrabs, Mameedies, Baftas, Sannas, Guzzanas, Tanda Coffees, Guzzies, Emeretics, Blue Cloths, Calicoes, Palampoor, Romall Handkerchiefs. Amongst them are a great proportion of the manufactures of Patna.
British Dry Goods,
A. L. S. O. Forty puncheons of high proof Rum. February 19. $
Alex. F. Miller & James Davis, Having entered into partnership under the firm of Alexander J. Miller & Co.
INFORM their friends in town and country, that they have opened a Wholesale Dry Good Store, at No. 64, South Front Street, Philadelphia; where they now have, and intend keeping a general assortment of India, German, Brit. French and British Manufactures for sale, on advantageous terms for cash or a short credit. February 19. $
FOR SALE,
BY THE SUBSCRIBERS, No. 21, Penn-street, The Cargo of the Ship Ganges, John Green, commander, from Bengal, Consisting of
Baftas, of various qualities and prices, Punjum Cloths, Colhas, Guzzey do. Sannas, Charconna Dorea, Humhums, Tonjibs, Blue Cloth, Malmuls, Chintz and Calicoes, Checks, Mameedies, Pajama Hkfs. Mahargonges, Milmul. do. Giaghas, Bandannoes, Guzzanas, Sifterloy, Gurabs, Choppa Romals, Piniscoes, Sooty do. Salpachys, Persians of various col. Molk Pulicats
200 tons SUGAR
90,000 lb. PEPPER. Willings & Francis. The Price Goods
Of the Ganges are now open to sale at that commodious store the north west corner of Market and Fourth-streets. Also—A few Bales of Madras Hkfs. of elegant patterns and best colours. February 8. dts
Fresh Teas.
Just Imported, in the ship Delaware, Captain Cooper, from Canton, And For Sale by, SAMUEL HOWELL, At his Compting House, No. 54, Chestnut-street, AND BY SAM. E. HOWELL, At his Compting House, Crooked billet wharf, Bohea, Souchong, Hylon, Young Hylon, Hylon Skin, and Imperial TEAS. ALSO, China-Ware, assorted; black and coloured Lute-strings and Satins, Nankieens, Cassa, large garden and common Fans, fatin and lute-string Umbrellas, whale-bone Ricks. They have also For Sale, Ell wide Persians, Bandanna Handkerchiefs, French Cambricks and Umbrellas, Sugar in boxes. march 8. $
To-morrow will be Landed,
From on board the brig Benjamin Franklin, capt. Jones, from Bordeaux. Claret of superior quality, viz. MEDOC } of the vintages of 1790 and 1791, LATOUR } in cases
WHITE WINE,
of the vintage of 1790 FOR SALE BY PHILIPS, CRAMOND & Co. march 7. $
JUST RECEIVED,
FROM FORT-AU-PRINCE, And FOR SALE, by the SUBSCRIBERS, 110 hhds. Coffee 46 tierces do. 100 barrels do. 100 bags do. 110 hogheads of Mucovado Sugar 80 barrels of do. 40 hogheads of Molasses 4 bales of Cotton 2 hogheads of Cocoa WILLINGS & FRANCIS, Penn-street. march 12. $
Landing from on board the ship
Tennessee, capt. Smith, from Hamburg, And FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBERS, 325 pieces Quadruples Silesias 400 do. Patillas 100 do. Creas 52 do. do. a la Morlaix 100 do. Dowlas 20 do. red striped Arabias 20 do. blue Guingas 100 dozen bordered Handkerchiefs Eric & Lewis Bollmann, 123, South Third-street. ALSO, ON HAND, A case of printed Mullins and Calicoes march 12. $8t
ROSS & SIMSON,
HAVE FOR SALE, A few bales Baftas, Coffas, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON Bengal SUGAR, in bags and boxes Jamaica, St. Vincents, } RUM. and Bengal 300 casks RICE, and A parcel of ship building RED CEDAR. Oct. 27. $
NOTICE.
ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM FLEETWOOD, of Liverpool, late of Philadelphia, merchant, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly attested; and those who are indebted to the same, are desired to make immediate payment, to GEO. DOBSON, } Administrator No. 25, So. Third-street. January 4. dts
Just Published,
And to be had at the Book-stores of Messrs. DOBSON, CAMPBELL, YOUNG and ORME, in Philadelphia, OBSERVATIONS On the Causes and Cure of Remitting or Bilious Fevers. To which is annexed, AN ABSTRACT of the opinions and practice of different authors; and an APPENDIX, exhibiting interesting facts and reflections relative to the Synochus Intermitens, or Yellow Fever, which has occasioned so much distress and mortality, at different periods, in several of the seaport towns of the United States of America. BY WILLIAM CURRIE, Fellow of the Philadelphia College of Physicians, and Member of the American Philosophical Society. Feb. 11—3m$
For sale or to be let on ground-rent,
A valuable Lot of Ground; SITUATE on the north-east corner of Walnut and Fifth streets, fronting the State-House square. This lot is fifty-one feet front on Walnut street, and one hundred and thirteen feet and an half on Fifth street; there are at present two small two story brick houses, and a number of small tenements thereon. Also, For Sale, Two three story Brick Houses With convenient stores, wharf, &c. situate on Walnut street, between Mulberry and Sassafras Streets, containing in front on Walnut street fifty-four feet, and containing that breadth eastward ninety-five feet, then widening to the south thirteen feet six inches. These houses have the convenience of a public alley adjoining on the north side, and are a very desirable situation for a merchant, flour factor, or others who may have occasion for storage of goods. This property will be sold on very reasonable terms for cash. For further information apply to the printer. July 31. m&wtf
Salisbury Estate.
THE Subscriber, proposing to contract his business, offers this Estate for sale, on moderate terms. On it are one Blast and three Air Furnaces, a complete Boring Machine, and a very good grist Mill, with two pair of stones; also a good Forge, all in perfect repair, as are all the Water Works connected with these various branches. The Air Furnaces were lately built for the purpose of casting Cannon for this State. There are about two thousand acres of Land, one half of which is under wood, the other very fine arable Land, producing the best Hay and Pasture. The Cannon lately manufactured there, fully proves the excellence of the metal, which is superior to any in this country, and, probably, equal to any in the world; for not one of forty-nine guns lately made, although some of the 24 were bored into 32 pounders, have failed on proving. The situation is very eligible, particularly for this branch of manufacture, and a place of arms lying in the State of Connecticut, and only 50 miles from several landings on the Hudson's river, and having every advantage that can result from a plenty of water, differing from a large natural pond, very near the Furnace, and which may be converted into a variety of other useful purposes. The purchaser can be accommodated with all the stock and utensils, and have possession on or before the first of June next, and preparation may be made in the meantime for going into Blast immediately thereafter. For every part, Ore, &c. &c. For terms, apply to Mr. Joseph Anthony, in Philadelphia; David Brooks, Esq., one of the Representatives in Congress for this State; Mr. David Waterman, on the premises, or to the proprietor in New-York. WILLIAM NEILSON. Dec. 1. 3awtf
NOTICE.
A Manufactory of yellow and delft ware, Such as never was in this Country before, has been lately erected at Tiough, Red Bank, Landing, on the East Bank of Hudson's River, State of New York, where any article of various fashions and shapes may be executed, as well as earthen Ware upon a new construction, that gives three fourths of the fuel commonly used in cast iron stoves or ovens; they are besides very wholesome and ornamental, by applying J. MOUCHET, Wanted a skillful hand to attend to the baking and glazing part of the said ware. Generous appointments will be given. Apply as above, or to DAVID BROOKS, Esq., No. 71 South 5th Street. eodw
Wanted, to Hire,
A Large and convenient HOUSE, in or near the centre of the city—for which a generous rent will be given; to be taken for a year, or for more for a longer term. Enquire of the Printer. Oct. 17. eot