National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-11-10 00:00:00

National Gazette
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1791.
NUMB. 4.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE. The interest of the NORTHERN and SOUTHERN STATES forever inseparable.
IT seems to have been the design of nature in her formation and distribution of that part of North America, known by the name of the United States, that a mutual dependence should take place between the northern and southern inhabitants. The New-England states, naturally narrow, and their lands in general not very fertile or productive, will ever be under the necessity of keeping a vast number of their people on the watery element; of this number the fishermen will occupy a considerable share. The exportation of the manufactures and commodities of those four states will engage another part; but a large surplus must in a short time, I may even say, would be absolutely out of employ at this instant, were it not for the carrying trade of the southern states, by which I would be understood the states from Maryland to Georgia, both inclusive.
An intimate union, founded upon the broad basis of the carrying trade, may continue durable as time, and the present constitution of things. That it will ever be the interest of the southern states to become their own carriers, does not appear. Necessity alone obliges men to live upon the ocean, and so little does that necessity exist in the Carolinas, that there is at this time not more than one or two masters of vessels belonging to America, who are natives of those states, and absolutely no common seamen.
Where mutual interest is the cement of the people, an empire bids fair to be lasting and happy. Where there are jealousies and rivalships the tie of ancient friendship soon becomes feeble, and ambition presently finds means to establish small independencies, ruinous to the people, and finally rendering them contemptible to larger and better consolidated governments.
To strengthen the habits of intercourse and connexion between the northern and southern extremities of the American government, nothing seems to be more wanting than a capital situated in the centre, which shall be the great resort and emporium of the world, to which the inhabitants of the immense western regions shall find an easy access; where the N. England-man, the Georgian, or the Carolinian shall consider themselves alike at home; where the productions of all will be in demand; and which shall be the grand mart of European and Asiatic commerce. Nov. 8.
Thoughts on the Theory of Government, as applicable to the new Constitution of France.
[Translated from Le Logographe, Journal National, Aug. 28.]
THE constitution of France holds forth to the nation, Liberty, Property, and, lastly, Security:—And these inestimable blessings are still further secured to us by the spirit of that system upon which the constitution is founded.
There has been much dispute on the nature of the government, which the constitution has given us. It is monarchical (say some)—It is, in reality, republican , say others. They, who have no idea but of these two species of government, pretend that it is mixed , or partakes equally of the republican and monarchical forms.—But, in reality, the government which France is now upon the point of establishing, appears rather to participate equally of three modes of domination: and, in fact, there are but three original elementary kinds of government in the world:
The monarchical , the abuse of which leads to despotism—
The aristocratical , the abuse of which tends to oligarchy , or when the various powers of government are in the hands of a few: and, lastly, the democratic form of government, the abuse of which is called anarchy .
If we examine accurately, we shall find, throughout the world, that the above three kinds of domination (viz. supreme power in the hands of one man, of many, or of all) are, in practice, either wholly separate, or jumbled together. But abuses inevitably grow into them all, when there is not a certain specific principle to qualify them; or when the mere blending of them into one mass is considered as a sufficient check to the abuses of each, simply considered.
The great problem, then, to be resolved, is, whether, in creating a constitution, it be possible so to combine and melt down the three simple modes of government, that from the whole there shall result a perfect harmonious system; as from the assemblage of certain original sounds, proceeds a perfect harmony, in music.
This is precisely what our legislators have done: they have divided and subdivided the sovereign power really residing in the people; but yet in such a manner, as to leave it complete in practice.
It is a truth, generally known, that a single agent is requisite for a prompt execution of the laws; and that the laws themselves (to be good and salutary) should be the result of the discussions and reflections of a small number of enlightened men; the choice of which men will be the more or less valuable in proportion as it arises from the votes of a greater or smaller number of citizens, who shall have freely concurred in the appointments.
Upon these principles, we shall see every department of public business delegated to him who is most equal to its duties. It will lie upon the whole body of the people to choose their legislators; the legislators will constitute the national assembly of France (elected by the public voice) which will form exactly that kind of elective aristocracy, proposed by Rousseau, and which he held up as the most perfect system of government.—Added to these, is an hereditary throne, occupied by a special agent, the supreme head of the nation, who holding the reins of regal power under the responsibility of his ministers, will ensure the most rapid and perfect execution of the laws of the empire.
Such a system of government leaves nothing further in expectation. It is able in itself completely to maintain the legislative and executive branches in a perfect equilibrium. This alone embraces that assemblage of various powers, the aggregate of which is nothing else than national sovereignty put in action .
It must not be imagined, that previous to the formation of any body of people into a state of society, or before the constitution of that society was finally established, that every individual possessed within himself some small share of that sovereignty or plenitude of power, which the great social bodies are wont to exercise. Such a species of sovereignty does not simply consist in the right of governing one's self, it likewise includes the right of governing others. Now, this last right, previous to the casual formation of society, belonged to no one. The species of sovereignty that is founded in the social compact, cannot be considered a separate, particular right; or a private possession of individuals; on the contrary, it is general property, indivisible and common, no part of which did exist before the existence of society itself, and which the people associated cannot claim or exercise, but in common.
From an inattention to these ideas, it has frequently happened, that a small number of individuals, are frequently styled in their petitions, members of the sovereign ; and that others have wished to annihilate the unity of a monarchical head in the constitution, in order that the two other powers might perfectly balance each other.
The misunderstanding of these principles has been one great cause of various governments, erected, in appearance, on the most solid foundations, falling into confusion and ruin.
Unfortunately, they neglected to establish this power of supremacy, in one person, as a part of their constitution, and infringed that great law of nature, which has ordained that the three branches of government should exist together, to make a complete whole. Wherever this omission has been suffered, it has been the constant effort of the people to restore it; and if England has preserved a more perfect constitution than other nations, it is because she has espoused at all times this great elementary principle of government.
Let us never admit any alterations, if we can possibly prevent them, into this first act of our renovated government [ the constitutional code ] which is founded upon the will of twenty-five millions of people. Let this precious treasure be transmitted from generation to generation in all its purity, and may it descend, with the blessings of the people to our latest posterity! They will have reason to honor the memory of those men of genius and knowledge, who have established the rights of a great nation, upon the most benevolent laws, and who by their wisdom and moderation have prevented that effusion of human blood, which a blind, stupid love of country has hitherto encouraged among the different nations of the world.
Signed, LOUIS LEBEBURE, Member of the Council General of the district of Paris. Paris, August 28, 1791.
To our Subscribers. [The constitutional code, above referred to, shall be published in this paper, as soon as authentic accounts arrive of its acceptance by the King.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, Nov. 7.
Several other members appeared and took their seats, viz. William Findley, from Pennsylvania; John Baptist Ashe, from North-Carolina; and Abraham Baldwin, from Georgia.
The speaker laid before the house a letter from the secretary of the treasury, with an estimate of certain sums necessary to be appropriated for various objects therein specified, including the service of the year 1792.—Read, and referred to Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Baldwin, and Mr. Ashe.
A message was then received from the senate, as follows:
Mr. Speaker—The senate have passed the bill, intitled, "An act granting further time for making return of the enumeration of the inhabitants in the district of South-Carolina," with several amendments, to which they desire the concurrence of the house.
The house having proceeded to consider the said amendments proposed, concurred with the senate therein.
Mr. Bourne, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Smith, of Vermont, were appointed a committee for inrolled bills, on the part of the house.
On the part of the senate, Mr. Rutherford was appointed one of the said committee.
The house then proceeded to consider the report of the secretary at war, on the petition of John Torrey, when, after some debate, it was ordered that the said petition and report be committed to a committee of the whole house to-morrow.
The reports of the secretary at war, on the petitions of John Younglove, and of the inhabitants of Albany, Washington, and Saratoga counties (state of New-York) were called up, and the following resolution moved thereupon—That
the prayer of the petition of said inhabitants (in opposition to the petition of John Younglove) for the repeal of so much of the act of Congress, relative to granting pensions to disabled officers and soldiers, as grants a pension to John Younglove, cannot be complied with.—On motion, the further consideration of said petition was postponed.
The speaker laid before the house, a report from the commissioners appointed by the act making provision for the reduction of the public debt, stating the amount of the purchases which have been made thereof; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
The house proceeded to consider the report of the secretary at war on the petition of Joseph Tucker, Thomas Hollis Condé, Robert Williams, and Samuel Armstrong, (agents appointed by the state of Massachusetts to the several regiments to which they belonged) made to the second session of the first Congress; whereupon the following resolution was taken, "That so much of the said report as is contained in the words following be agreed to: "That the case is so circumstanced that the petitioners cannot obtain any further allowances, unless the legislature of Massachusetts should think proper to grant the same."
Adjourned.
TUESDAY, November 8.
Another member, Andrew Gregg, from Pennsylvania, appeared and took his seat.
A petition of James Muckelroy, was read, praying to receive certain arrears of pay due to him for services, while a soldier in the army of the United States, during the late war.
Mr. Sheerjashub Bourne, from the joint committee of enrolment, reported, that the bill for granting further time for returning the South-Carolina census had been examined by the committee, and the same had been found to be truly enrolled; upon which the bill was signed by the Speaker, and then sent to the President, from whom a message was afterwards received, notifying the House that he had approved and signed the same.
A petition of Josias Clapham was read, praying the renewal of certain loan office certificates and indents, the property of the petitioner, which were destroyed by fire.—Referred to the committee for directing the mode for renewing lost or destroyed debts of the United States.
A petition of John Sinkler, praying to be allowed to fund certain certificates of indents, being the duplicates of certain original certificates of indents, the property of the petitioner, destroyed by fire.
The house, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the secretary at war, on the petition of John Torrey, laying claim, as administrator, to the half-pay compensation of Joseph Torrey, formerly an officer in the service of the United States, who died without leaving a widow or children; the secretary having reported that he is not entitled thereto.—Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.
After some debate, the question was taken on agreeing to the secretary's report, and passed in the affirmative. The committee then rose and reported, which report was adopted by the house.—Resolved, that the secretary's report be agreed to, and that therefore the prayer of the petition cannot be granted.
[Adjourned.]
WEDNESDAY, November 9.
William Vans Murray from Maryland, and Thomas Sumpter from South-Carolina, appeared and took their seats.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the governor of Maryland, inclosing an appointment of John Francis

Mercer as representative in Congress in the room of William Pinkney, who has resigned that appointment.—Referred to the standing committee of elections.
The petitions of Joseph Stout, and Charles Croxall, were read, praying compensation for services rendered in the army of the United States, during the late war.—Referred to the Secretary at War.
Mr. Sedgwick made a motion, that the committee who were appointed to bring in a bill directing the mode in which the evidences of the debt of the United States which have been lost or destroyed may be received, be discharged from considering so much thereof as relates to lost certificates.—The question being taken thereon, was negatived.
Mr. White moved, that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to provide for the settlement of unliquidated claims against the United States.—Motion laid on the table.
Mr. Sedgwick from the committee appointed, for the purpose, reported a bill directing the mode in which the evidences of the debt of the United States, which have been lost or destroyed, may be renewed; which was read the first time.
Ordered, That the committee of the whole house be discharged from the further consideration of the amendments to the constitution proposed the third of March last, and that the same be referred to Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Hillhouse, Mr. Benion, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Smith (S. C.) and Mr. Steele.
Mr. Vining, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Giles, Mr. Lawrance, and Mr. Gerry were appointed a committee to prepare a bill to establish a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States.
Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Lee, and Mr. Sheredine, were appointed a committee to bring in a bill to regulate pilots and provide for the superintendence of the light-houses, and the beacons, buoys, and public piers, in the bay and river of Delaware, and the bay of Chesapeake, with the rivers emptying into the same.
The House proceeded to the farther consideration of the report of the Secretary at War on the petition of John Younglove, whereupon, resolved, that the prayer of the petition of sundry inhabitants of the counties of Albany and Washington, in the state of New-York, for a repeal of so much of the act of Congress, entitled, "An act for the relief of disabled soldiers and seamen, lately in the service of the United States, and of certain other persons," as relates to the pension of John Younglove, cannot be granted.
The orders of the day were further postponed till to-morrow.
Adjourned.
[The following ideas on Republican Governments are translated from a late French paper.]
It is only by slow degrees that empires advance to maturity; whereas, their fall is sudden and precipitate. For fear of something like this being the lot of France, let us turn a deaf ear to those innovators, who in opposition to the decrees of the National Assembly, are continually preaching up to us the superior excellence of republican government.
If France lay inclosed in a valley, surrounded by lofty and impassable mountains, and accessible only by one entrance, so as to have but one spot of territory to defend; in that case, perhaps, a republican form might be the most suitable to her circumstances; but other means are necessary to govern twenty-five millions of men, in a country every where open to the incursions of strangers, and comprizing within itself every species of corruption. A country habituated to luxury, where wealth is unequally divided, is very different from one where the equality of the citizens is founded upon the equality of fortunes.
England and Ireland might become republics without experiencing the same dangers as we should, because, notwithstanding the unequal participation of property among the inhabitants of these countries, they do not lie exposed, like France, to foreign invasion and sudden eruptions. The people, too, having preserved and enjoyed their liberties for a long time, have acquired such a habit of good order, that the constitu-
tions of both these islands might assume a republican form, without any considerable shock, from such a revolution. In fact, the English and Irish house of commons have to this day preserved the republican spirit, notwithstanding their supposed tendency to aristocracy.
It is not the same with France, she having made a sudden transition from the most rigorous oppression to the most absolute freedom, without any intermediate marked gradations to prepare the French for imbibing a true republican spirit.
PARIS, August 30.
The meeting of the English Parliament is prorogued to the third of November. The King, in the Court Gazette of the 20th has revoked the order offering a bounty for volunteer seamen in the fleet; which was to have been in force till August 31st. but was rendered void on the 20th; the day the revocation was published.
It is much doubted whether the pacific intentions of the British Court are sincere; not in regard to the Russians (for there is an end to that business) but towards some neighbours that the British Ministry view with rather an unfriendly eye. Every thing, in short, announces hostile attempts upon their old natural enemy on this side of the channel; of whose present apparent weakness the Minister wishes to take advantage. There are suspicions that the fleet will not be entirely laid up, but kept in some sort of readiness, in case of some favourable event, to reap the fruits of court intrigue that have been carrying on some time with a deal of art as well as patience. Ever since the nation has been acquainted with the result of the negotiations with Russia, all the ministerial papers are constantly trumpeting into the ears of the public, the distressed situation of France. The ORACLE, in particular, after having laid a quantum sufficit of incense under the nose of Mr. Pitt, by formally returning him thanks for restoring the peace of Europe, and stopping short, with a dash of his pen, the Russian army that were marching to lay Constantinople in ashes, gravely remarks, that "the period is now arrived, for the powers of Europe to form a union against France." The London Gazette is a little more modest—That paper hints to us, that the fleet, instead of laying still, might as well be employed "in redressing the affairs of France." In fact, the generality of their pamphlets and public papers make the same apologies for the convention of Petersburg, and contain nearly the same insinuations against this country. The few opposition papers that are still in existence, reprobate severely the measures of Mr. Pitt, but at the same time very feebly plead the cause of the French nation. We observe, with pain, that the English in general, cannot forget the American revolution; the remembrance of which keeps alive a secret hatred against the French; as if that revolution, which has proved of such immense benefit to mankind, and so glorious to the Americans themselves, did not originate in the Court of St. James's and from a corrupted majority in the British House of Commons, rather than from any intrigues of the Court of Versailles. The French Ministers, under the old government, it is well known, acted independent of and even in despite of the will of the people; and if they assisted the Americans, it was, perhaps, because they could not forget the speeches of the implacable Earl of Chatham, with whom the Delenda Carthago was always a favorite sentiment when applicable to the annihilation of France.
LONDON, September 4.
Every true Englishman ought to despise the conduct of the Oxford graduates, in their fulsome piece of adulation sent to Mr. Burke, for his endeavoring to support church government at a time when the ill effects of it are absolutely become proverbial. Gentlemen of education, and who pretend to be the lights of the world, ought not to appear in vindication of the plurality of livings and thereby starving the poor curates, who are the chief laborers. If this is the part they mean to act, they can hardly be considered farthing candles. If our church policy is such, that the state would tumble to pieces by the least al-
teration of it, let us hear the thesis defended by argument manfully, and not skulk behind the stale and degraded term, innovation. The glorious reformation which has been effected in this kingdom, would have never existed in Britain had our reformers been all Burkites, or had they boggled at the word innovation. The time, however, at least in other countries, seems to be approaching, when justice and equity must take place of intrigue and election influence.
In relation to the above, the following letter from Temelwaer (a town of Hungary on the Turkish frontier) may be worth notice, especially as it seems to include the idea that, enlightened as we suppose ourselves in England, a rude and barbarous people must still throw further light to enable us to comply with the dictates of common honesty and common justice. "The Congress assembled here (says the letter) among many other useful institutions worthy the adoption of all civilized nations, have decreed, that an equalization of the revenues of the church shall take place, and that the bishops shall be obliged to pay a certain proportion of their wealth, towards the decent maintenance of the inferior clergy, who have hitherto performed the duties of their profession in penury and rags, while the lazy, the indolent, and rapacious prelates, their superiors, have been wallowing in luxury."
Until lately, it was the glory of the English nation to defend itself, and only act offensively, when injured or insulted: our recent conduct of a contrary nature, in respect to Russia, it is to be feared, has alienated the hearts of that nation from us. During two centuries our trade with Russia has been an object of peculiar national solicitude, but by the proceedings of the season just past, it would seem that the minister no longer thinks the Russian trade an object worth preserving. By his strange perversion of ideas we are transferring the trade of Russia into the hands of the French, and that of Thorne and Dantzic into the hands of the Prussian despot. As to hostilities with Russia, the prospect of any thing of that kind is now over; but, as every rational or considerate man expected, we have to encounter a most alarming bill of charges.—No matter! John Bull will cheerfully pawn his last shirt, to receive from the newspapers the gratifying intelligence of a formidable fleet putting to sea to display his power—he little cares to whom, or for what.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THE ORATOR OF THE WOODS.
EACH Stranger asks, with fond surprize, Why Damon wastes the fleeting year Where Indian forests round him rise And only rustics come to hear— "His case is hard (they seem to say) Such talents in so poor a way!"
To those that courts and titles please, How dismal is his lot, Beyond the hills, beneath some trees,— To live and be forgot In dull retreats where Nature binds Her masks of clay to vulgar minds.—
While you lament his barren trade, Tell me—In yonder vale Why grows that flower beneath the shade So feeble and so pale?—
Why was she not in gardens plac'd To blush, and please the man of taste?
In lonely wilds, those flowers so fair No curious step allure, And chance, not choice, has plac'd them there, Still charming, though obscure, Where heedless of such sweets, so nigh, The lazy hind goes loitering by.
Philadelphia, Nov. 8
POUGHKEEPSIE, Nov. 3.
A few weeks ago, as some persons were digging for marle, in a swamp on the Wall-Kill, in Ulster county, they came across a bed of large rib bones. They were found six feet under ground, and at the bottom of the strata of marle. Some of the largest of the ribs were accidentally broken with the spade, on the first discovery of them. One of the entire rib bones is now in the possession of a gentleman in this town, and is four feet four inches in length, by measuring on the outside of the curve. It must have been one of the first rib bones of the animal, because the same gentleman who has been on the spot, says, that one of the other ribs which was broken by the spade, was one foot longer than this
This information we communicate as of unquestionable authenticity. Bones of the same marvellous size have been frequently found in various parts of North-America, and of Siberia in Asia, and are usually ascribed to the Mammoth, a stupendous animal whose race must have perished in some remote period of the world, and who has left only those relics of his existence, buried deep in the earth, to excite our surprise and admiration.
UPON MODERN NOVELS.
[From a late London Review.]
WHEN a manufacture has been carried on long enough for the workmen to obtain a general proficiency, the uniformity of the stuffs will render it difficult to decide on the preference of one piece beyond another. From a reason analogous to this, it is, that altho' the greater part of modern novels may exhibit nothing to shock our feelings, neither do they attract any particular attention, either as to materials or execution.
Two of the earliest fabricators of this species of goods, the modern novel, were Daniel de Foe, and Elizabeth Haywood; the success of Pamela may be said to have brought it into fashion; and the progress has not been less rapid than the extention of the use of tea, to which a novel is almost as general an attendant, as the bread and butter.
While we are on this subject, it is also to be noted, that nothing is more common than to find hair powder lodged between the leaves of a novel, which evinces the corresponding attention paid to the inside as well as to the outside of a modern head. When an art becomes general, then is the time for the invention of engines to facilitate the operations, as in the cotton manufacture. Swift's machine for the composition of books, like most other first attempts, has not been found to answer. It was reserved for us to publish a scheme for the easy multiplication of novels, cheap in its execution, and certain in its operation, so long as not only our presses but those of Germany and France, will furnish raw materials to work up; and before they can fail, we may hope to import ample supplies from America. Here, then, we disinterestedly offer it pro bono publico ; and expect the thanks of the whole body of friseurs for our assistance towards relieving them from a multitude of impatient exclamations, and profane oaths.
Receipt for Vamping up Novels.
Go to Middle Row, Holborn, where, since mankind have discovered that their own hair is sufficiently capable of distortion, the sellers of old cast-off wigs have given place to the dealers in cast off books; there, on the bulks, from among the classes of a groat or sixpence per volume, buy an old forgotten novel, the older the better: give new names to the personages and places, reform the dates, modernize such circumstances as may happen to be antiquated, and, if necessary, touch up the style a little with a few of those cant words and phrases that may be in fashion at the time. All this may be done with a pen, in the margin of the printed book, without the trouble of transcribing the whole, unless it is to be carried to a bookseller for sale, for then you must show a manuscript. In either case it may be sent to the printer; for printers, like surgeons and lawyers, are bound to keep the secrets of their employers.
To a publisher there are many advantages attending this mode of proceeding; and the saving of copy money is to be reckoned as the chief. A novel of two or three volumes, that could not be purchased under four or five guineas, may be thus new vamped from an old one by a compositor who dabbles a little with his pen, for perhaps half a guinea; and if the alterations be skillfully performed, they will confound the judgment, so that neither author nor bookseller knowing his own book again, a prosecution for copy-right need not be apprehended. The most that even a reader with a good memory could say, would be, that there is nothing new in it; and though we have expressed ourselves so a hundred times, novels are pouring forth as fast as ever! We are therefore not without suspicions that this our scheme has been anticipated, and is already in practice; for as far as recollection can reach, the characters, situations, plots and catastrophes, are, with very few exceptions, still the same.

REPORT
Of the Committee appointed at a meeting of the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States...
THE charter of incorporation granted to the Bank of the United States, amongst other rights, privileges and abilities therein conveyed...
Section 1. That the Bank shall be open for the transaction of business, every day in the year (Sundays, Christmas-day and the fourth of July excepted)...
Sec. 2. The books and accounts of the Bank shall be kept in dollars and cents, and shall be regularly balanced on the first Mondays in January and July...
Sec. 3. That the Bank shall take charge of the cash of all those who chose to place it there (free of expense) and shall keep it subject to their order...
Sec. 4. That the Bank shall receive and pay all specie coins, according to the rates and value that have been or shall hereafter, be established by Congress.
Sec. 5. That until offices of discount and deposit are established, there shall be at least two discount days in every week, when a meeting of the board of Directors shall be assembled.
Sec. 6. That the President shall have power to convene the directors on special occasions, and with the approbation of the board of Directors, to affix the seal of the corporation to all conveyances or other instruments...
Sec. 7. That a committee of the board, consisting of at least three members to be elected monthly, by ballot, shall visit the vaults, in which the cash and other effects shall be deposited...
Sec. 8. That no notes of the bank shall be struck or signed, or bank paper made, but by direction of the board.
Sec. 9. That in case the board of Directors shall at any time make a greater dividend than the profits of the bank will justify, and thereby diminish the capital stock, the members assenting thereto shall be liable in their several individual capacities for the amount of the surplus so divided.
Sec. 10. That the board of Directors shall, previous to the first day of December in every year, call a general meeting of the Stockholders to be assembled, within three days after each annual election.
Sec. 11. That the board of Directors are hereby empowered to demand and receive from the Commissioners appointed to superintend the subscriptions to the capital stock of the bank, all monies which have been paid to the said commissioners on account of the first specie payment.
Sec. 12. That the board of Directors are hereby authorized to ascertain and determine in what manner the remaining portions of the capital stock, due on the shares subscribed, consisting of specie and public debt, shall be paid and received.
Sec. 13. That the board of Directors are hereby authorized and empowered to fix and establish requisite, safe and convenient forms for transferring bank stock—for receiving half-yearly dividends...
Sec. 14. That the board of Directors are hereby authorized and empowered to establish a common seal, with suitable devices—to ascertain and mark out the various duties and employments of the officers, clerks and servants of the bank; and to direct them accordingly...
Sec. 15. That the directors shall have power to make loans to the government of the United States, or of any state, to such extent and on such terms, as they shall deem expedient...
Sec. 16. That the board of Directors are hereby authorized to purchase a lot of ground, and to erect thereon suitable building, with every necessary accommodation for safety and convenience, which the administration of the affairs of the bank may require.
Sec. 17. That the board of directors are hereby empowered to form and establish all other rules and regulations that they may deem necessary for the interior management of the bank.
MR. FRENEAU.
The following animated composition on MAN, is the production of a young Gentleman, HALLAM ALEXANDER MOORE, who died in January, 1785...
Your very humble serv't.
JOHN CAREY.
NIL MORTALIBUS ARDUUM EST.—Hor.
WILL nought th' attempts of daring Man refrain?
Not the black prospect of the awful deep,
Nor the red lightning wing'd with storm,
In a frail plank see him confide
When not a star affords it's ray,
And take a needle for his guide
Thro' the vast ocean's pathless way.
He, bolder still, the waring surface leaves;
Intruding, visits Nereus' wide domain,
Views the sea-monsters pearly caves,
Realms ne'er disturb'd by noisy waves
But chief o'er earth, he holds resistless sway:
Haughty mountains quit the skies,
Humble vallies tow'ring rise,
Head long rivers change their course,
Lo! ev'n he violates her parent breast,
From her dark bowels tears the ore,
Awakes the mischief from its rest,
Brings out the murderous aliments of death,
Still air remains: he sees the feather'd brood
Cleave its soft bosom with their easy wing,
Hang in the gales, or sport, or seek their food,
Or up to Heav'n on rapid pinions spring.
From low hung earth his views arise;
In his proud flight he flings to go
To visit other clearer skies
And leave the region of the storms below.
See, see his busy mind
Already has combin'd
The powerful acid and the steel *
They war, they toil,
Whirl, foam, fermenting boil
And the whole rage of fierce contention feel.
View from their strait the vapour flee,
It's silken prison the light gaz distend,
The globe impatient to get free
Self-balanc'd, buoyant, leave th' admiring crowds
Thus, wondrous creature, thy all-grasping pow'r
The subject elements obey,
But o'er thyself impends the gloomy hour
From which no force, no art, can save;
* Alluding to the method of procuring inflammable air from chymical mixtures, for the purpose of filling balloons.
From Townshend's Journey through Spain.
Description of Don Antonio Ulloa the Philosophic Historian of South America.
I FOUND him perfectly the philosopher, sensible and well informed, lively in his conversation, free and easy in his manners. Having observed at his door two soldiers mounting guard, I expected some pride of appearance, but I met with nothing like it. This great man, diminutive in stature, remarkably thin and bowed down with age, clad like a peasant, and surrounded by his numerous family of children, with the youngest, about two years old, playing on his knee, was sitting to receive morning visitors, in a room, the dimensions and furniture of which, for a few moments, diverted my attention from himself, the chief object of veneration.
Among the extraneous fossils, he shewed me a variety of sea shells, collected by himself near the summits of the highest mountains in America, come on the surface, but many bedded in the lime-stone rock. When I went to take my leave of him on quitting Cadiz, he presented me with the Natural History of South-America, a work highly deserving to be translated.
LONDON, September 9.
Yesterday the Messenger in waiting was sent off from the Secretary of State's office Whitehall, with letters to the King at Weymouth.
The declaration to the French King, to the Deputation from the National Assembly who presented the Constitutional Act, "that he will not quit Paris," may be considered as a declaration, that he will accept the whole as offered to him without any kind of qualification, but perhaps an expression of his hopes that if there be any thing improper in it, the means which the National Assembly has provided, will be sufficient to correct the impropriety.
On the 3d of January the Nabob of Arcot received a pistol shot from an unknown hand, which carried off one of his fingers, and made its way through his arm. His Son-in-law was shot through the body. These alarming circumstances happened during a review, and are indisputably owing to the army being kept shamefully in arrears.
THE ARMAMENT.
We have shown from authentic documents, that the minister, after putting the country to the expence of an armament, gave up every point for which that armament was equipped, and engaged to propose to the Porte the very same terms of peace the Empress had proposed, before he had put a single ship in commission.
It remains only to be shown, that as the negotiation went on, his character became equally known to both parties: and, that if he had possessed any thing like the information which a Minister ought to possess, he might have saved himself the disgrace of submitting to propose terms of peace to the Porte, which the Porte was ready to accept without deigning to consult him.
That the preliminaries of peace between Russia and the Porte were signed before the result of the negotiations at Petersburg could possibly be known except from a proper estimate of the imbecility of Mr. Pitt, will appear from the following.
Extract of a letter from Prince Repnin to Prince Gallitzin, dated August 1, 1791.
"I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that on the 31st July preliminary articles were signed and exchanged between me and the Grand Vizier at Galatz, precisely on the conditions that have been constantly declared by your Court, viz. That the Dniester shall be the boundary of the two Empires.
"And to give time for the respective Plenipotentiaries to arrange a definitive Treaty between the two Empires, an Armistice of eight months is agreed upon between the two Armies."
N. B. The date of the last memorial, at Petersburg, is July 27.
SR. EUSTATIUS, Oct. 14.
We are informed that by a late order from Spain, the Governor of Porto Rico has been arrested and cast into prison; a complaint from the merchants of his having engrossed the whole trade to that Island is the supposed cause.
PORTLAND, October 21.
In the (British) Literary Magazine for August last, is given an elegant head of Mr. Paine, author of the "Rights of Man" together with anecdotes of him, and an account of his political writings.
BOSTON, October 28.
TONTINE FOREVER.
The value of shares in this does not depend upon puffing, nor upon long speeches, made by present adventurers. If a share be worth 10 more than the cost of it, we shall have new Tontines. Of Bank Scrip this could not have been said with equal certainty; though it is highly probable that after matters are properly fixed, we shall have a new subscription for 24,000 shares.
Plausible reasons can be given by plausible men, wishing such a measure, and you may rest assured, that ere long, we shall have another rage of Bank Scrip. The last was worse to the country than a deluge of all the Western Lands would have been.
But be that as it may, Tontines may be set up in every state, and in every town, and the shares can never be worth more than they cost, and if they are worth so much, what could have been the motives of the projectors of it? was the great object to have a Tontine President, and a Tontine Vice-President, and Tontine Directors, &c. If care is not taken, we shall be tontined out of our money and our liberties. How does all Europe laugh at Presidents of little companies, and the paltry policy of making this western world, full of great men!
'Tis just like voting, that every cent shall pass for a guinea.
By all these new plans, which promise gain without labour, we are sapping the foundation of national diligence, and are making men too great to be useful.
Now, if it be true, that this Tontine is such a blessing, do let it be demonstrated openly. This institution must be a curiosity, which will make one dollar worth two, at the instant of touching a great heap. I address myself to men who have not yet caught the Tontine Fever.
A SALEM TONTINE.
We are told, is now in contemplation, and will probably be opened in the course of a week, on a plan, it is said, that the benefit of it may be enjoyed in one's lifetime.
The public mind in anxious suspence upon the fate of the glorious Constitution of France, which was presented to the king for his acceptance or refusal, on the fifth day of September last, the Printers of public papers ought to be exceedingly cautious, how they misrepresent facts, relative to that important subject.
It has been asserted in several papers, That when Mr. Carnes (the American Consul at Nantz) left France, the king had not accepted the Constitution; thereby holding up an idea, unfavourable to its acceptance. In our paper it has been asserted, that Mr. Carnes left France the 26th of Sept. and the Constitution was not then accepted by the king. These incautious representations give a bad impression on the minds of those Americans, who feel and sympathize with their patriot brethren in France. And they are injudicious, because the truth of the case might easily be obtained. The fact is, Mr. Carnes failed from the Loire, the 16th of September, the left Nantz about the 12th, of that month—and it requires three or four days to obtain intelligence from Paris, so that all which can be said of the news relative to that momentous object, is, That on the 8th or 10th of September, four days after the Constitution was presented to the king, according to the account by Mr. Carnes, the king had not declared his voice, either for or against the Constitution.
ALBANY, October 27.
Five men and a boy have been apprehended and committed to Clavarack goal, charged with having been of the party who killed the sheriff of Columbia, as mentioned in our last. One of them when committed had some of the paint on his hands and face, with which he had been disguised.
The person who shot the sheriff had fled out of the state, with two of the principal accomplices. A reward of one hundred pounds, we are told, is offered for his apprehension, and fifty pounds, for each of the others.
In our Gazette of February 7th last, we noted some irregularity in the election of Federal Senators by the General Assembly of the state of Vermont, in 1790: The gentlemen who were then returned to fill that important office, [not willing to trouble the National Senate with a scrutiny of the business] some time since signified their desire that the legislature should come to another choice—which having been accepted by that honorable body, a new election was held, and the same gentlemen again returned, to wit, Moses Robinson, and Stephen Roe Bradley, Esquires.
NORWICH, October 27.
On the 13th inst. Mr. Samuel Walker, of Brooklyn killed a hog 15 months and 10 days old, which weighed 444lb, after it was dressed.
A few days since the transit of some planet over the sun was very discernible. It is remarkable that the phenomenon has not been noticed by our astronomical characters, although they always make a material point of remarking every thing of the kind, which comes within their calculations.
GOTHEN, Nov. 1
A report, some time current here, has been related variously: the following, however, we are inclined to believe is nearly the truth, viz. That on or about the first of October, the mills of the Honorable Cornelius C. Schoonmaker, Esq. at Shawangunk, were set on fire and consumed, for which he censured several persons—that a short time after, as a person was passing an unfrequented road, in the neighbourhood, he fell in with a man in a thicket of woods, armed with a musket, who enquired of him where Mr. Schoonmaker was, on being answered that he did not know, they passed each other—the unarmed person had not proceeded far, before he began to reflect that the situation and appearance of the man, were mysterious—In short, he was impressed with an idea that some fatal proceedings were in agitation. Under these apprehensions, he concealed his horse, with an intention to return, and place himself in a situation where he might watch the actions of the suspicious character; he accordingly advanced to an uncommon thick group of laurels, where he might lay concealed; on penetrating the cluster, he found a grave newly dug—lungs, and very deep—in consequence of this, he made a secret retreat and had the man apprehended, who, we are informed, has since confessed that he burnt the mills and was, at the time he was secured laying in wait to execute his desperate intentions of murdering Mr. Schoonmaker and depositing his body in the grave mentioned.
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