Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-10-06 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 37, of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1792.
[Whole No. 359.]
Grand Family Bible.
PROPOSALS
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An ELEGANT EDITION of the SACRED SCRIPTURES Of the OLD and NEW TESTAMENTS, with the APOCRYPHA, On a very large and beautiful new Type, and super fine Paper.
THE great importance of the Holy Scriptures, interesting to every individual; the divine excellence of its doctrines and precepts, and the beauty and sublimity of its passages, have so long made it a capital object of attention, as to preclude occasion or opportunity for eulogium.
The piety or enterprize of individuals has presented this invaluable book to the public in a variety of forms; in some editions it has been highly embellished with superb engravings, which have greatly enhanced its price; in others it has been accompanied with voluminous commentaries, which necessarily encreased the size; while a variety of plain cheap copies have generally diffused the knowledge of the Scripture, and made the purchase easy to every class.
Without wishing in the smallest degree to lessen the merits of the various editions, whether plain or ornamented, which the public are already in possession of, it is pertinent to remark, that very many readers of taste and judgment have expressed a wish for a Family Bible unencumbered with additions. There still appears room for another edition on a beautiful new type, superior in size and elegance to any bible that has yet been printed in the English language, and which, leaving the adventitious circumstances of ornament or comment, may exhibit the Oracles of God in their native simplicity.
SPECIMEN OF THE TYPE.
3 ¶ And God said, Let there be light: and there was light.
With respectful submission to the judgment and candour of the public, the following proposals are offered:
 I. The work shall be printed with the greatest fidelity and attention to correctness both in the text and marginal references, on a super fine Paper made on purpose, with an elegant new Type cast for the work of the size of the above Specimen.  II. The work will be comprised in twenty numbers, making two elegant volumes in Folio; to be furnished to subscribers at one dollar each number. To prevent any complaints of want of punctuality, no part of the work will be delivered unless paid for.  III. The first number, containing sixty folio pages, elegantly printed, will be furnished on the first Saturday of July next, when subscribers are to pay the price of the first and second numbers, and the price of one number to be always in advance till the work is completed. The subsequent numbers to be published regularly on the first Saturday of each succeeding month, till the whole is finished. 
Subscriptions will be received in Philadelphia by the Publishers, THOMAS DOBSON, No. 41, North Second-Street, and JOHN PARKER, No. 259, North Second-Street; and by all the Booksellers: in Charleston, by William P. Young; Richmond, by Archibald Currie; Baltimore, by James Rice; Wilmington, by Peter Brynberg; New-York, by Thomas Allen; New-Haven, by Isaac Beers; Providence, (R. I.) by William Wilkinson; Salem, by Thomas Cushing; Boston, by David West, Benjamin Guild, and Thomas & Andrews.
Treasury Department,
August 20th, 1792.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 19th day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1793, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, and the Port of West-Point, in the State of New-York.
The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the following articles, viz.  One pound of bread or flour,  One pound of beef, or \frac{3}{4} of a pound of pork,  Half a pint of rum, brandy or whisky,  One quart of salt,  Two quarts of vinegar,  Two pounds of soap,  One pound of candles.  } per 100 rations.
The proposals may be made for both of the above-mentioned Posts, or separately, for Springfield and West-Point.
George-Town.
A Number of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in City of WASHINGTON, will be offered for sale by the Commissioners, on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid.
JOHN MCGANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners.
June 2, 1792.
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The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA.
JUNE 28, 1792.
PURSUANT to the last Will and Testament of the late Rev. ALEXANDER WILLIAMSON, deceased, will be exposed to Public Sale on Thursday, the 11th of October next, at GEORGETOWN, on a credit of three years, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to bear interest from the date—That valuable Seat of Land, in Montgomery county, called HAYES; the late dwelling plantation of the deceased, containing between six and seven hundred acres, the greatest part of which is rich, heavy timbered land, extremely well watered, and capable of affording a very considerable quantity of fine meadow. — Situated about 6 miles from the Federal City, and the same distance from George-Town, in a genteel neighbourhood, and a remarkable healthy part of the country.
The improvements are, a very elegant two story Brick Dwelling House, (with four rooms and a passage, or entry, on a floor) and the necessary out-houses.
HENRY TOWNSEND, BENJ. STODDERT, THOMAS JOHNS, } Executors.
TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA.
JULY 6, 1792.
THE Subscriber offers for Sale, a Mill-Seat on Rock Creek, deemed by those who have examined it, equal to any in the United States. The Mill-House may be placed within one quarter of a mile of the river Potomac, half a mile from the market house in Georgetown, and one mile from the President's square, in the city of Washington—on tide water, navigable for vessels of several hundred tons burthen. — The stream is sufficient, the year round, to turn four pair of stones, and the fall may be made from 25 to 30 feet. It is unnecessary to dwell on the advantages of such a situation.
The purchaser may be accommodated with a few hundred acres of land adjoining the Mill-Seat, if that should be an object.
(enqm 14 Jul) B. STODDERT.
PLANS
OF THE City of Washington,
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
War Department,
August 6, 1792.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March 1792, and which will become due on the 5th day of September 1792, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the States respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
 1st. The certificate given by the State, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is actually entitled.  2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form: 
A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of _____ in the state of _____ and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the State to be recited) That he served _____ (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the _____ and county of _____ and has resided there for the last _____ years, previous to which he resided in _____
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:
I, A. B., of _____ county of _____ state of _____ do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of _____ my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of _____ my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and ending the fifth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two. Signed and sealed in the presence of
Witnesse.
Acknowledged before me, Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim.
By command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers, for the space of two months.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR.
AN ALPHABETICAL LIST of the Duties payable on all Goods, Wares and Merchandise imported into the United States; exhibiting the Rates payable on those imported in Ships or Vessels of the United States, and in Foreign Ships or Vessels; including the additional Duties to which the respective Articles are liable.
ALSO,
A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold— graduated according to Law—Blank Manifests— And Blanks for the various Powers of Attorney necessary in transacting Business at the Treasury or at the Bank of the United States.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
SEPTEMBER 25, 1792.
MR. FENNO, Having been favored with the rough copy of the inclosed CHARGE, delivered by Judge SINNICKSON, to the GRAND JURY, at the last Court of Quarter Sessions in the County of Salem, New-Jersey—I have sent it to you for publication, should you think the sentiments contained in it worthy a place in your useful paper.
A SUBSCRIBER.
GENTLEMEN OF THE GRAND JURY,
WHILST the greater part of mankind are labouring under the pressure of despotic governments, it is the peculiar felicity of Americans to live under establishments, which have for their basis the voice of the people, and for object, the public welfare;—where the genius of the laws is mild and beneficial, and which possess one of the best institutions ever yet devised for bringing offenders to justice, without endangering the security of the innocent.
A Grand Jury, composed of the most discreet and respectable citizens taken at stated periods from the body of a country, in order to enquire into and present the offenders against the laws, is an institution admirably calculated to promote order and good government. It is an institution which, from the nature of the appointment, must possess the best knowledge of the people's behaviour, whilst it is bound by the sanctions of civil and religious obligation diligently and impartially to discharge its duty.
In the distribution of the functions of criminal administration in our government, a most important part of that great duty has been assigned to you, gentlemen. To you has been exclusively committed the duty of criminating the offenders against the laws, and of impeaching them at the bar of public justice. To you, indeed, it may be said, has in a great measure been committed the peace of the country, and the custody of the public morals.—In vain will the civil magistrate bind over or commit for offences, unless those offences are by you enquired into and presented. And in vain shall we look for public order or private happiness; national prosperity or individual safety, under the most perfect constitutions, the best governments, and the wisest laws, unless they are carefully and uprightly administered, and generally respected and obeyed by the people.—Virtuous citizens will regard the laws with attention, and obey them from a sense of duty; but the fear of disgrace and punishment only, can compel those of an opposite character to respect them.
Hence it is necessary for the welfare of society, and for the effectual protection of its members in the peaceable enjoyment of their rights, that offenders should be brought to justice: and however painful the performance of this duty may be to the feelings of human nature, yet when it is considered as being inseparably connected with social peace and order, the performance becomes an indispensable duty . For there is no truth more clearly established by experience than this—that crimes and misdemeanors will multiply in a state in proportion to the chance of impunity. And whenever it shall happen that Grand Jurors, ceasing to be the vigilant censors of the behaviour of the citizens, and regardless of the obligations of duty, shall neglect or refuse to present the offenders against the laws, this admirable institution, the boast of political wisdom and the pride of Americans, instead of answering the valuable ends for which it was designed, will become a cover under which the unprincipled and villainous part of mankind may disturb the order and peace of society, and commit depredations on the rights of their fellow citizens with perfect security.
It being then necessary that examples should be made of offenders, in order to deter others from the commission of crimes—to the end that such examples may be useful, it is essential that all proceedings against persons accused or suspected, should be attended with the reflection, that they may be innocent, and that careful and dispassionate enquiry should ever precede the rigors which justice exacts, and which are the unavoidable consequences of conviction. Warm, partial, and precipitate prosecutions, are a disgrace to any administration; and they never fail to excite in the public mind partiality and compassion for the accused, and disgust at the severity of government. But, on the contrary, when the proceedings against offenders are temperate and decent; when convictions are the result of impartial trials, held in a manner consistent with the dignity of public justice, the virtuous feelings of men will ever be found on the side of government; and however they may commiserate the unhappy lot of suffering offenders, their compassion will ever be mixed with a due degree of indignation.
Happy, thrice happy Americans! your's is a government of laws—laws made by your own consent, expressed by your representatives in the legislature.—Laws which never abridge the natural rights of man, but in order to enlarge and more effectually to secure the civil rights of the citizen—and protected by which every orderly member of society may rest in perfect security under his own vine and under his own fig tree, and none shall be found to make him afraid. And however some may complain of the inequality of conditions resulting from the laws of property; it
is plain that without laws to regulate it, property cannot exist and the world must become an uncultivated common. And it is evident from the conduct of the poorest member of society, that he values the blessings resulting from social order and cultivated humanity, far, far, beyond those which are to be found amongst the lawless and untamed savages of the wilderness.
But gentlemen it is never to be forgotten that public and private virtue are the sole foundations upon which a government like ours can rest with security, and that its duration can only be commensurate with the prevalence of those virtues. And in order to cultivate and cherish these vital principles of freedom, let each individual constantly bear in mind, that he is one of the links which connects the great chain of a social community, and that he has duties of a public as well as of a private nature assigned to him, for the faithful performance of which he stands accountable to God and his country. And that between the duties of such as fill the various departments of public administration, and of those who tread the private walks of life, there are relations and connections which never can be safely dissolved, and that the performance of them mutually aid and are aided by each other. Let him remember, that the laws are the ligaments of society—the ties which connect mankind together in their social capacity—the rules which the people themselves have established for the regulation of their civil conduct;—that courts of justice are the organs by which the laws are administered, and that the executive magistrates are the instruments, to whom the people themselves have committed the duty of carrying into effectual execution the decrees of those courts of justice. And especially let each individual remember, that in a republic like ours; in order to give authority to the laws, energy to the public and dignity to freedom, it is essential that the public countenance and support, whenever it may be necessary, should attend the civil magistrate in the lawful execution of his duty. And that on the contrary to behold amongst a free people, the open and repeated transgressions of their own laws, without notice or censure, to behold the civil magistrate resisted and insulted, vainly calling on the people to aid him in the execution of laws, is a melancholy spectacle of ignorance and depravity, and it requires not the gift of prophecy to foresee, that without more knowledge and more virtue, such a people cannot long remain free: or in the language of Montesquieu, "when in a popular government the laws are suspended, as this only can happen from the corruption of the republic, the state is certainly undone."
Most of you having served as grand jurors, and being consequently acquainted with the duties of your office, renders it unnecessary for me to minutely enter into particular—permit me only generally to observe that all capital crimes whatsoever, as well as those of an inferior nature, such as misprisions, contempt, disturbances of the peace, nuisances, and all other offences of a public evil example against the common law, may be indicted; and it seems to be a general ground, that wherever a statute commands any matter to be done, as the repair of highways and bridges; or prohibits any thing as an offence against the public order, economy or morals, as gambling, horse racing, tippling and other disorderly houses, whether licenced or not—I say it seems to be a general ground that an offender against such statute, may be indicted for his contempt of the law.
FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE.
No. III.
OBSERVATIONS on the Letters of "A FARMER," Addressed to the Yeomanry of the United States.
(CONCLUDED.)
IN regard to the funding system, the state of the matter is briefly this. Immediately before the adoption of the federal constitution, the United States were jointly or severally indebted to their creditors in the amount of about 74 millions of dollars. Of this sum twelve millions were foreign debt, principally due to or guaranteed by France. One of the objects of the funding system was, to discharge this debt by new loans, upon an interest not less favorable, and if possible, more advantageous. "THE FARMER" appears to be too warm a friend to the emancipation of France, to disapprove of this grateful, just and honorable part of the funding system, which, however, has been overlooked by him and others, in their dissertations against it. The domestic debt, which amounted to 62,000,000 dollars, in principal and interest, including the assumed debt, was at an interest of about six and one ninth per centum, which on 42,000,000 of the principal of the federal and assumed debts, gives the sum of 2,566,000 dollars. As the resources of the country were not adequate to the discharge of the interest, being about twenty millions of dollars, it was plain, that public credit could not be restored but by loans to pay off that interest, which, if effected at the lowest rate of those made in Europe (four per cent.) with the customary charges, would add 800,000 dollars to the interest, and would increase the public burdens to the annual sum of 3,366,000 dollars, exclusive of the foreign debt. No other mode was left, but to reduce the capital, either all of

the creditors, or of the purchasing creditors, which idea had been rejected in the practice of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and several other States, forming a large majority of the whole people, or an attempt to re-loan with some advantages, which would induce the consent of the creditors to a reduction of the interest. The latter mode has been tried successfully, and the interest will thereby be reduced to about four and one half per cent. including the full value of the deferred debt, making the annual sum of 2,793,000 dollars. Thus it appears that a saving has been made of 576,000 dollars per annum. It is moreover to be remembered, that the United States have always owed the same sum, whether the debt was depreciated or not, and that they ought therefore to have shown the same regard for the terms of the original contracts, which the old Congress, and the Federal States, to the amount of a large majority, had actually done, and which Pennsylvania (the "FARMER's" own State) and Maryland have since done, by giving more to the creditors (without discrimination too) than Congress have done. It is not to be forgotten that Congress do not lose one single dollar, as they do not pay more than the contract, but, they have induced the creditors to accept less—that the "FARMER's" own State gave six per cent. interest to a large number of the identical creditors, who now agree to take four and a half per cent. of Congress, and that Virginia pays her creditors a greater interest on her remaining State debt, without discrimination—that all the foreign world applaud and admire, as wise and efficient, the measures of the general government to restore public credit—that the credit of the Union is much better than that of any one State, as is manifest from this fact, that the unassisted debt of every State is less valuable than the debts of Congress—that the "FARMER's" State enjoys a very large part of the profits from the rise of the debt, by holding continental certificates, to an immense amount, procured for lands, at six shillings per acre, &c. which they now offer for one shilling in specie—that they are exonerated from all their debts, by several sales of their public securities, to the amount, in a single instance, of near a million of dollars—and it should be particularly, very particularly remembered, that the original creditors have not suffered from the raising the debt by Congress, but from the neglect of the States to pay the interest, or their refusal to enable the old confederation to do it, before the establishment of the present efficient government. If the States had not depreciated the debt by such omissions and refusals, the speculators and gamblers, which the "FARMER" mentions, would not have made their profits, nor would they ever have existed. They have manifestly been created by, and grown out of, the discordant and inadequate financial operations of the States, which, by depreciating the debt, opened a door for speculation and gambling. Had they sustained the debt at its just and intrinsic value, by paying only the interest and declaring the principal inviolable, the original creditor would not have had cause to complain, nor would the purchaser have had an opportunity to speculate in the property of the soldier, the widow, the orphan, and the patriotic lender in the hour of public need. These are solid, unquestionable truths, and will not be denied, nor can they be disproved. The general government, on account of an honest performance of old contracts, ought not be charged with consequences which are only ascribable to the want of justice, or the want of ability, or the want of order and system in the State governments, during the time of the confederation. The difficult part, a just provision, has been executed by the existing national government, and it is entitled to all the merit of being an efficient instrument of public justice, honor and prosperity. The impartial foreign world consider the conduct of the federal legislature in this honorable light at the present moment.
In regard to the establishment of banks, if that were a crime or a public injury, it might be fairly asked who set the example? The state of which "THE FARMER," from the place of publication, is presumed to be a citizen. The power of issuing paper was unlimited in the charter granted by that State, but is carefully guarded by the act of Congress establishing the bank of the United States. Other State legislatures have been guilty of the crime of establishing banks. But it is become too plain that Congress may not do, without censure, the same things, which are unnoticed or applauded when done by a State. With respect to the opportunity, which "THE FARMER" alleges is given to a few men to acquire what he calls "rapid" fortunes, it is impossible to give a rational answer to it, because it is not possible to ascertain his meaning. His presumptive meaning rests upon the same principle as his ideas about the public debt, and, on a fair estimate and summing up of the account, would really amount to this, that seeing that former measures, or neglects, or disorders in the States, or in the old confederation had occasioned a depreciation of the public securities, or certificates, and several other large portions or descriptions of property, the general government ought to be held responsible for all the past evils resulting from such injuries to the original owners of those properties, if they should by wise and honest measures restore them to their natural and proper value, though such restoration should not cost the people of the United States one dollar more than their old government had solemnly promised in their behalf to pay.
The last charge in "THE FARMER's" impeachment is, that the United States have enacted an excise law, which provides for the collection of a lower excise (by near two-pence per gallon) from the people of Pennsylvania than they were obliged to pay by a law of their own State when the federal constitution was adopted, and at the very moment when the act of Congress was passed. It may be fairly asked in regard to "THE FARMER" did he ever petition the legislature of Pennsylvania to repeal their excise act laying the above higher duty, or (if he has ever been a member of the legislature of
the State) why did he not move in his place for a repeal of the State excise law, which has existed many, very many years. But Congress might surely have presumed, that no part of the people of a State, which had an equal excise, would be very severe in their censures upon them for following an example laying an excise upon spirits, which was set by themselves. The federal legislature could not but presume, that, when the people of the United States vested them, in express terms, with the power of raising money by excise, they might innocently exercise that power. They knew too, that Massachusetts and Connecticut had set examples of the same kind, and that those two States and Pennsylvania contain within one sixth of a full moiety of the free people of the United States. It was also well known, that there were not more than four or five free governments upon the face of the earth, and that each of them collected money by excise. The objections to them in England were examined, and were found to be two: 1st, that trial by jury was infringed, and therefore Congress provided that jury trials should be had in all cases under their excise law, and 2dly, it was objected that the dwelling or mansion house of the citizen might be searched without formal information, at any hour of the night—Congress therefore provided, that no house which was really reserved exclusively as a dwelling, should be entered at the pleasure of an excise officer, and only after formal information before a civil magistrate, upon oath, and then only in the day time and in company with a civil officer, and that the excise officers should be confined in their own searches to the day time also, and to the places, which were previously declared to be intended for the use of storing or making distilled spirits. If a person does not perceive the difference between the British excise law and that of the United States in these two great and essential particulars, it really must be from want of that sober attention and dispassionate consideration, with which the laws of the free country in the world ought to be read and examined by every reflecting, worthy, well-intentioned citizen.
In the 11th page "THE FARMER," amidst numerous expressions of concern for equality of advantages, and for the poorer citizens, undertakes to make the following assertion, "that the rich necessarily in all countries administer government, for they alone (says he) have skill and leisure for its functions!" That part of the yeomanry of the United States, who are not wealthy, need no comment upon a declaration, that those of them who are not "rich" really are inadequate to the duties of government from want of the requisite knowledge. Though it might be asked here, whether the "FARMER" can be the friend of the people, I will rather do that writer the justice to believe, that he really did not mean all he says in the above passage, but at the same time it is to be hoped, that it will encrease the weighty arguments which reflection will suggest to men of understanding, not to place their faith upon "THE FARMER's LETTERS."
A FREEMAN.
Foreign Affairs.
WARSAW, July 15.
THE new constitution, the termination of which we have long apprehended, is at length at an end. On Sunday night, the Russian Minister delivered the final answer of his Imperial Mistress, to the King, in which she declares her determination of re-establishing the ancient constitution, and of supporting to the utmost of her power, the confederation of Targo vicz.
The rapid advance of the Russian troops, and the determined language of her Imperial Majesty, left King Stanislaus no alternative; he, therefore, on the following morning, assembled the nobles, communicated to them the Empress's determinations, and at the same time recommended, to prevent the further effusions of blood and dismemberment of the kingdom, to submit to a temporary inconvenience, to revoke the constitution settled on the 3d of May, 1791, to restore the ancient form of government, and to submit the arbitration of the differences between the people of Poland and the Empress, to the three rebel Counts Potocki, Rzeivuski, and Branicki—and proposed, in compliance with a requisition from the Empress, that Prince Poniatowski should be recalled, and Count Branicki invested with the command of the army, when the Assembly was by no means unanimous in the adoption of these sentiments.
A strong party, of which M. Malachowski, Marshal of the Diet—Prince Sapicha, Marshal of Lithuania—M. Potocki, jun.—and M. Soltick, were at the head, opposed the pacific propositions of his majesty, and declared, that the king having deserted the constitution, the constitution without the king, should repel the ambitious and oppressive views of all its enemies, or sinking, should bury themselves in its ruins.
Eighteen thousand Austrians form a cordon on the frontiers of Galicia,
30,000 Prussians are stationed on the frontiers of Silesia; who, as the Empress in her letter declared, were ready to enforce her requisitions.
All Lithuania opposes the restoration of the old form of government, and the people throughout the kingdom are so much attached to the new constitution, that should the Empress carry the point, a general insurrection will undoubtedly take place, and a civil war must be the consequence.
MANHEIM, August 2.
Last night the Austrian army, under Prince Van Hohenloe, which was posted at Schweitzengen, began their march. The Marquis de Bouille arrived the day before. The infantry passed the Rhine Ketsch, and the horse crossed over the bridge near this city. This army, which is 25,000 strong, will encamp in the neighborhood of Spiers and Philipsburg, in order to be nearer the Elsas, as the French have an army of 40,000 men at Germersheim, near Landau.
Darmstadt, near Manheim, Aug. 3.
I write from the general quarters of Prince de Conde. Our corps of French emigrants amounts to 6,000, and we are marching to Landau. By Sunday we shall be before the gates. The body of Austrians of Schweitzengen is 22,000 strong, and is within three leagues of it, within the French territory. We are assured that the emigrants which garrison the place are well affected, and that offers have been made to the Prince de Conde to deliver up the town. This instant a messenger is arrived, and it is said orders will be given for our immediate departure, tho' we have marched already upwards of 8 leagues during the heat of this sultry day. The Prussians have entered France by Deux Ponts; the Prince of Bourbon on the side of Flanders, and the Comte d'Artois by Luxembourg. For two nights I have not slept, and I long to indulge myself with a little clean straw, which chance has thrown in my way.
August 7.
The French General Kellerman, who commands the army near Landau, has drawn up his forces within the lines of Wissemburg. The Imperial army is encamped between Germersheim and Spiers, and General Erbach is before Landau with 10,000 men. It is said to be the plan of General Prince Hohenlohe to drive General Kellerman out of the lines, in which case Landau must fall; 6,000 men defend Landau, and when a detachment of 12,000 Prussians, who are expected by the 11th, arrive, we expect a decisive stroke.
PARIS, August 15.
As the passions of men begin to subside, we are enabled to collect more accurately the particulars of the late tumult. To procure arms the populace broke open the gates of the Arsenal, and several of the buildings near the Thuilleries were set on fire. The mirrors, and part of the furniture in the Palace were destroyed; but those who attempted to carry away any thing privately were punished with instant death. Many of the citizens, by way of triumph, carried the bloody clothes of the Swiss on the points of their lances. Amidst these scenes of horror, the women shewed no signs of that sensibility natural to their sex, and many of them mixed boldly among the mob. Towards 8 o'clock the light of the flames, the approach of night, and the sight of many dead bodies, particularly those of the Swiss exposed quite naked, exhibited a spectacle awful and horrid beyond description. The mob in their fury seemed determined to destroy every vestige of Royalty; the statues of all the kings were overthrown; not even excepting that of the great Prince Henry IV. At the throwing down that of Louis XV several people were killed, and others very much hurt. Every signboard, which had the King's head, was destroyed; and the Section of Marseilles have resolved to petition the Assembly, that the words "The King," on the buttons of the National Guards, be erased, to give place to those of "Liberty! Equality!" During the general confusion, M. Pétion's father, a venerable old man, was carried about in triumph by the citizens, who congratulated him on
having given birth to him whom they styled their real friend.—The Citizens killed at the Castle have been interred with military honors.—Paris was illuminated last night, and every thing remains quiet at present.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY,
AUGUST 12.
The fifteen Southern departments of France have opened a subscription of three millions of livres, to be distributed in rewards for taking the lives of the principal persons concerned in the league against the French, which are offered in these sums.
 For the Emperor 400,000  The King of Prussia 400,000  The Duke of Brunswick 400,000  Stanislaus Xavier Monsieur 300,000  Charles Philippe D'Artois 300,000  Louis Joseph Conde 200,000  Louis Henri Joseph Bourbon 200,000  Bouille l'Infame 200,000  Lambesc 100,000  Broglie 100,000  Mirabeau Tonneau 100,000  Calonne 3,000 
What remains, to be employed in rewards to those who may assist in destroying any other principal partisan in the league.
M. Robertspierre came to the bar, at the head of a deputation from the section of the Place Vendome. He informed them, that on the ruins of the proud pedestal of the tyrant Louis XIV. they had erected a pyramid in honor of the citizens who had perished in fighting for liberty. The six criminal tribunals of Paris came and took the new oath of liberty and equality.
A servant belonging to M. la Fayette found means to leave Paris on the night of the 10th, and to proceed directly to the place where the General was encamped. He has since returned to Paris, and has deplored before the municipality, that the army, which at first was in great commotion, had unanimously determined to support the Assembly.
LONDON, August 12.
By the official dispatches received yesterday from the British Minister, at the court of Lisbon, we learn, that the Portuguese have joined the league against France.
The scattered remains of the Regicide Ankerstrom, were on the 23d ult. stolen from the different places where they were exposed
AUGUST 16.
Whitehall, Wednesday Morning,
August 15.
"Mr. Aust presents his compliments to Mr. Taylor, Master of Lloyd's Coffee House, and acquaints him, agreeably to his request, that a messenger arrived this morning from Paris, with the news of a commotion on Friday, in which the mob killed the greatest part of the Swiss Guards, who defended the Thuilleries, as also several persons of distinction, amongst whom was M. Clermont Tounerre, and destroyed the furniture of the Palace, and all the out buildings adjoining. At the beginning of the tumult, the King, the Queen, and the Royal Family escaped across the garden to the National Assembly, in a room adjoining to which they continued on Sunday, when the messenger set out. On Friday the Assembly decreed, that the Executive Power was withdrawn from the King, and that, for the present, government should be entrusted to Ministers of their nomination. That the King should be lodged in some place of safety, and the Civil List no longer continued. That the primary Assemblies should be convened for the 26th inst. in order to appoint a National Convention to meet at Paris on the 20th of September, to decide ultimately upon the forfeiture of the Crown, and the mode of establishing an executive power."
It is reported, that in addition to the Royal Family, the National Assembly mean to reserve in their hands the wives, children and relatives of the emigrants as hostages, on whom they may retaliate any violences committed by the Duke of Brunswick, or any part of the combined armies. There is, therefore, too much ground to dread that this contest will be marked with all the sanguinary hue of civil war.
Letters from France mention, that M. de Florida Blanca died of the flux on his journey to the Castle, where he had been ordered to be confined.

S A L E M, September 25.
Mr. Brown, of New Hampshire, of whom it was lately published that he was killed in a brick-yard by a gang of Indians, after having slain two of them in the struggle, declares in an advertisement of the 6th instant, that he "YET LIVES." "That there were Indians lurking in the neighbouring woods at the time when the report was current, I believe (he says) is a matter of truth; and possibly myself may have been their object; but of this we have no certainty: that they did not deprive me of life, is a positive fact."
LYNN MANUFACTURE. —Mr. Benjamin Johnson, of Lynn, has shipped, this year, to the first of Aug. twenty thousand six hundred and four pair of SHOES, made by his workmen—averaged at 4s. 10d. which makes £4979 : 6 : 0 ; the stock is estimated at one half. Besides these, Mr. Johnson has sold large numbers in the vicinity.—To such industrious men is our country indebted for its prosperity.
HARTFORD, October 1.
Last Tuesday the Circuit Court for the district of Connecticut commenced their session in this city.—Present, the honorable Judges Wilson, Iredell and Law. His honor Judge Wilson addressed an elegant and pertinent Charge to the Grand Jury, in which he expatiated, with great force and beauty of language, upon the excellence of the institution of juries, as well as upon the particular duties of grand-juries. We are happy, however, in announcing to the public, the dismission of the grand-jury, without a single presentment.
We are equally happy in mentioning to the public that two of the Judges have, notwithstanding some objections, consented to act as Commissioners in executing the Pension Law. Their candor and indulgence in proceeding to the laborious task of examining the claims of the numerous applicants for pensions, a task which, in their opinion, their duty does not require them to undertake, do great honor to their humanity and compassion.
TRENTON, (N.J.) Oct. 3.
Yesterday the Circuit Court of the United States for the Middle District met in this town. The Hon. Chief Justice Jay being prevented by sickness from attending, the Hon. Judge Cushing delivered an elegant address to a respectable grand-jury.—When some causes being noted for trial, the court proceeded to business.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
THE REPUBLICAN.
No. I. THE enemies of our government insinuate that the bank and the system of public credit tend to raise up great men to the prejudice of that equal liberty which we now enjoy. A certain Gazette seems to have been set up and kept in pay, in order to inculcate that opinion, and to bring the into abhorrence who are pretended to have contrived and supported those insinuations for the purpose. These insinuations spare very few, from the head of the government and its officers, to the members of Congress, and even to the persons holding the property depending on these hated laws. According to this primary intention, we are entertained with such auxiliary scandal as the wit and inuendo of the inventors can supply. We are told twice a week, that public men make money by speculation, the court is fascinated with its own glare and splendor, the corrupt minions of power engross the government, the virtuous old republicans lament the decay of the Spirit of 1775—there is a party silently paving the way for a monarchy. Let any man read the Gazettes with attention, and he will say that if the government and those who administer it be not the worst on earth, they are certainly the very worst treated. It is not easy to suppose that their foul suggestions can, with any truth, be applied to a government new and fresh from the hands of a sober and virtuous people—and this conviction would go far towards refuting the malicious pretence, that the bank and funding acts were made with an intention, and that they really have a tendency, by raising up great men, to impair the equal rights of the citizens.
In every thriving nation the wealth of individuals will augment. The savings of industry will form a fund which will be incessantly on the increase. The employment of this accumulating capital will afford a profit, and this very profit will furnish a new cause of swelling the wealth of the country. No man will say that to prevent great men, we will suffer no rich men among us. But unless you stop the course of industry, so as to prevent its usual earnings, and contrive by law to hinder men from laying up what they chuse to save in their expenses, this capital will swell in time into a great mass. But any attempt to regulate the gaining or spending private property, would ill accord with our notions of a free government, and we are well assured such regulations
could never be carried into effect. The bank and funding system cannot therefore be deemed the source of the political evil which is supposed to lurk in the increase of the wealth of individuals, since the human character will not cease to produce it, so long as separate property is permitted. We shall not readily submit to the rigid laws of Lycurgus, for the sake of banishing gold and silver. Nor is it necessary that a remedy to repugnant to nature, and so flow and difficult of operation, should be applied to cure the ill effects of wealth. The means of education are to be diffused, that the many are incited and qualified to gain riches as well as the few—The power arising from property will be every where balanced by the multitude of the possessors. Our laws too, have provided an effectual means of preventing overgrown fortunes from remaining long undivided. The right of primogeniture is abolished, entails are cut off, and property is divided among the several heirs. A great estate will be soon melted down into the common mass. These considerations seem to remove the grounds of apprehension, which some have entertained of our being on the decline from that just equality of circumstances so well adapted to a republican equality of rights.
Another reflection renders this consolation complete. It is a found remark, that those who hold the land of any country, will hold the power. Every day new divisions of the old farms are making—new settlements are forming: the farmers find a better market for their produce than formerly: their skill in husbandry, their wealth and influence as well as information, are rapidly increasing. This is to be true, that where the mounted interest has gained an ounce weight, the landed interest, so vast and thriving is our country, has gained a pound.
Even if it were true, that the property in the bank, and the funds were created out of nothing, the pretended influence to destroy the equality of our citizens, appears to be insufficient for the purpose. It would be a shallow scheme in politics. For has congress provided that this property shall be entitled to the eldest son; that the present possessor shall not part with it and thereby destroy the tie that is supposed to bind him to the government: just the contrary. The bank bills, public paper and stock, pass as money so rapidly, that no permanent connection can exist between the holders and the government. One would suppose that the Spanish dollars had created among the Americans, a strong attachment to the king of Spain. This however, has not manifested itself in any dangerous degree, at least, our murmurers have not informed us.
But neither the bank nor funding laws, have created a dollar of new property. It is true, the new facility to trade and circulation, produced by those laws, has operated to the advantage of the nation, as certainly as (and more permanently than) an addition of silver and gold. Neither of those systems was first begun in our country by congress. The states had their banks, and had attempted to retrieve public credit before the constitution was adopted.
The enemies of government could not see the same mischiefs in the state banks and state credit. No sooner, however, did congress touch those subjects, no sooner did success follow the passage of those laws, than the soothsayers augured ruin from these acts, unheard of, they said, among republicans, and framed for the purpose of creating lords to oppress the independent landholders.
It is not material to discuss the question, whether this silly story can be credited by those who tell it. To those who think it illy of human nature, as to believe that mischief is always intended whenever it can be done, it will be enough to shew, that the means in question were not well adapted to the pretended design, and therefore, could not have been chosen by men so wise and so wicked, as the gazette supposes the public men of this country to be. The reader will judge how far this has been shewn. In another paper, the author, if he should have leisure, will endeavor to shew from the nature of those laws, as well as from general principles, the utter fallacy of the charges which have been urged against them and their framers.
Philadelphia, Oct. 6.
Succinct account of affairs in Paris, on the 9th, 10th, 11th, 30. of August last.
On the 9th, M. Condorcet in the name of the extraordinary commission, stated to the National Assembly the various considerations connected with the grand question of the King's forfeiture. This consisted principally of enquiries which appeared to be decided by the committee themselves, who say that at any rate the decision of the Assembly, whatever side of the question they adopt, will inflame the passions of the multitude, and the public tranquility will of course be endangered.
M. Pétion appeared at the bar—he said that a rumour having been spread that a plot was formed to carry off the King—the people had assembled at the Thuilleries to prevent it—detachments of the National Guards had been posted at the palace—and he believed the person of the King was therefore in safety. M. Pétion recommended to the Assembly to pursue lenient and persuasive measures with the enraged populace as the most likely to prevent excesses.
The Assembly, considering the present dangerous situation of the capital, decreed, that, till order be restored there shall be a permanent sitting. At midnight the alarm bell sounded in every quarter of the city—the general was beat, and the citizens hurried to arms; soon after, the assembly were informed that M. Pétion was detained in the palace as an hostage for the King's safety.
The assembly ordered that he should appear at the bar—he soon appeared, and reported the measures he had adopted for the public safety—he was applauded—and desired to return to his duty; soon after the hall of the assembly was surrounded by an immense crowd of people, some of whom called out that the court had become the focus of the counter-revolution—and that every law ought to be suspended, and give place to that supreme law; THE SAFETY OF THE PUBLIC.
August 10.—Friday morning—as day light approached, the minister of justice entered the
hall imploring for the King the protection of the Assembly—while the assembly were deliberating upon the most proper measures to be adopted in this awful and alarming crisis; they were informed that the whole of the municipality, excepting M. Pétion, M. Manuel and M. Danton, were superceded in their offices by establishing a new temporary administration by the people, which they denominated a general council of the community.—That M. Santerre was placed at the head of the public force, who was forbid to obey the staff officers, or any authority, but them. The Assembly were again interrupted in their deliberations by news of atrocities committing in different quarters of the city. Some courtiers had been arrested—some of the King's guards, and an Abbe; an alarm was spread—the battalion of Marieilles, and of federates from the different departments began to fill the avenues to the palace and the assembly—demanding vengeance on the traitors they had seized.—The unfortunate victims underwent a mock trial, were convicted, and execution immediately followed; they were put to death in different forms, and their heads carried about on poles. M. Sullan, the Editor of a ministerial paper, and the prince de Poix formerly commander of the body of guards were among the number. About nine o'clock almost every person who could procure arms hurried to the Thuilleries—calling out for the dethronement of the King.—The King attended by the Swiss regiment of guards, with the Queen, his sister and children proceeded to the National Assembly—he placed himself beside the President—but that the Assembly might constitutionally deliberate, he was desired to remove into one of the boxes appropriated to the Editors of newspapers. The assembly then sent 10 commissioners to endeavor to appease the people; in the mean time the detachments of the national guards—citizens armed with pikes—the Marieillese and federates attacked the palace, which was guarded by a body of Swiss; these hard pressed by those who came against them were at length compelled to fire in their own defence, and at first put the mob to flight—but being reinforced they rallied again and commenced a heavy fire on their opponents—the gates at last being opened or forced, an obstinate combat ensued—the Swiss defending themselves with great bravery, and the attack on them being continued with fury—the Swiss were at length obliged to yield to superior force, and almost to a man were butchered—they however sold their lives dear, killing several hundreds of their opponents. Among the victims sacrificed on this occasion besides the Swiss guards and their Colonel, M. d'Affrey, were, the Abbe Bouillon, Messrs. Carle, Mandat and many others. After the mob had got possession of the palace an immense crowd burst into the several apartments; some of whom carried to the Assembly the Queen's jewells, valuable effects, money, and important papers. The furniture, after being inventoried, was taken to the sections, and the papers to the committees of safety.—During this tumult, while the noise of cannon was heard in the assembly, and several shots even entered the windows, the members still continued their deliberations—the Jacobin party exclaiming liberty! equality! and all raising their hands to heaven and swearing they would die to save their country.
Many members being absent, a call of the house was ordered; this being decreed each member took the following oath: "I swear in the name of the nation, to maintain liberty and equality, or die at my post." They then passed a decree, providing for calling a National Convention, suspending the executive power, the civil list; the six ministers in office to exercise the executive power—the King and royal family to remain under the protection of the legislative body, till the department shall provide apartments for them at Luxembourg—mean time to be under the safeguard of the law, and their defence entrusted to the national guard of Paris; all magistrates, officers and soldiers who shall quit their posts to be declared infamous and traitors to their country.
Saturday, August 11. On motion of M. Brissot, the assembly declared, that the six ministers had lost the confidence of the nation; upon which they decreed, that six others should be chosen in their room, from among themselves; they also chose three commissioners to be sent to each army. A decree of accusation was passed against M. Dobancourt, formerly minister of war, for not having dismissed the King's Swiss guards.
August 14. This morning a letter was read in the assembly from the commissioners sent to the army of the centre, the letter informed that they were received every where on the road with blessings and the most ardent testimonials of patriotism. At Soissons they had calmed the minds of the people, which had been thrown into a ferment by inaccurate accounts of events in the capital. The city of Rheims was illuminated on account of the King's being deposed. A letter written in German, found in the pocket of one of the Swiss guards, was read in the Assembly, and sent to the Court Martial. In this letter the Swiss announced, that in 15 days the Austrians would be in Paris; that his regiment would join them, to exterminate all who might prove unfaithful to the King. He added that their pay had been augmented, and that though provisions were dear, they wanted for nothing.
Among the various reasons assigned for the violent measures of the people of Paris against the King, one is, that he willingly declined sending supplies to the frontiers.
In contemplating the rise, progress and result of measures pursued by the predominating party in Paris, there appears to be a regular chain of events leading to the fatal scene exhibited at the palace of the Thuilleries. The community of Paris had lately suspended the Mayor and M. Mandat; in order to effect a concert of operations, the police of the city was subverted by the sections, and a new system introduced, in which only three members of the preceding body were retained. The national guards on the 20th June, had given strong symptoms of
their attachment to the King.—A new commander was therefore appointed in M. Santerre. Detachments were made from the guards; these, united with the Marieillese and Federates, formed a powerful force, which could be depended on; the command of which devolved on M. Santerre, who was not to obey the existing superior officers. This force thus organized, and which appears to have been done at the exigency of the moment, effected the object which the whole business bears strong appearances of having been deliberately determined on.
M. Mandat who was killed as above mentioned, was Commandant of the National Guard—M. Sullan was Secretary to the Queen; about 20 women who belonged to the Court were drowned, they fled to the bridge and threw themselves over the balustrade. 60 of the Swiss who escaped at the palace were afterwards sacrificed by the populace at the place de Grave. The new Ministry as appointed by the National Assembly are M. Danton, Minister of Justice; M. Le Brun, of foreign affairs—M. Rolland, of the interior, M. Servan of War—M. Monge, of marine—M. Brissot de Claviere, minister of contribution.
Letters said to have been written by the Queen of France have been published; the papers in opposition to the ruling party have been stopped.
On Monday last an election was held at Newark in New-Jersey, for Directors of the National Manufactory for the ensuing year, when the following gentlemen were elected, viz.
John Bayard, James Watson, Matthew Clarkson, Nicholas Low, James Parker, Benjamin Walker, Archibald Mercer, Eliza Boudinot, Abijah Hammond, Cornelius Ray, Herman Le Roy, James Ricketts, and Matthias Williamson.
The following gentlemen are proposed, in the Federal Gazette, as Candidates for Representatives of this City in the Legislature of this Commonwealth, viz.
George Latimer, John Swanwick, Benjamin R. Morgan, Jacob Hiltzheimer, and Henry Kammerer.
Neither the Pittsburgh Gazette, or other papers from the westward, received by yesterday's post contain any thing new.
Last Tuesday, an association of Baptist churches, convened at the Baptist meeting-house in this city; the introductory sermon was preached by the Rev. Doctor ROGERS, after which the Rev. Mr. ISAAC SKILLMAN was chosen moderator, and the Rev. Mr. BURGESS ALLISON, clerk. Their sessions closed last evening.
By a letter from Capt. John Rogers, to Governor Lee, of Virginia, dated August 5, 1792, in the Territory South of the Ohio—it appears that a series of most cruel murders and depredations have been committed on the Frontiers in that quarter; and principally by the Creeks. The number of men women and children killed since January 1, 1792, amounts to 63, and the number of horses stolen to 400. There was a treaty to be held the 6th of August in the district of Mero—600 of the Chickasaws and 110 of the Choctaws had arrived on the ground.
A Tontine is now on foot at Albany—the object of which is the building of a public Coffee House and Exchange in that City.
The statue of Louis XIV, lately thrown down at Paris, had stood 100 years, the 14th July, 1789—the day on which the revolution took place; which prepared the way for its overthrow.
By a return made to his excellency the Governor, there has been exported from this city, during the months of July, August and September, 89,729 barrels of flour, and 2,331 barrels of middlings.
We hear from Wilmington, N. C. that Joshua Lee, whom we mentioned in a late paper to have been committed for the murder of Capt. George Brown of Bladen, was acquitted at the late court, the jury bringing in a verdict of "man slaughter."
On Tuesday, the 24th ult. the annual commencement of Queens College, in Brunswick, New-Jersey, took place; The trustees, teachers, and students, assembled at the College-Hall from whence they proceeded to the Dutch Church, where the preparatory religious and literary exercises being performed; the degree of Master of Arts was conferred on eleven—and that of Bachelor of Arts on six gentlemen.
The degree of Doctor of Medicine was conferred on Nicholas Romayne, M. D. of Edinburgh—Jonas Smith Addams, Henry M. Van Solingen, and Jabez Canfield; the degree of Bachelor in Medicine on Francis Ruitford, John B. Ruitford, and Charles Smith.
A shocking massacre of three Clergymen, who had spent upwards of fourscore years in the exercise of the duties of their functions, recently took place in a village adjacent to Bourdeaux, in France. They were seized by the populace and put to death, with circumstances of barbarity, which outrage every feeling of civilization.
These men were, M. Langoirant, grand vicar, dean and professor of the university; Lepere Pannetier, an aged carmelite friar, and the Abbe du Puy, ancient vicar of St. Michel: they had been looked upon by the inhabitants of the village, as the guardian angels of their safety.
SHIP NEWS.
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PRICE OF STOCKS.
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General Post-Office.
PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 10, 1792.
PROPOSALS will be received at this Office until the fifteenth day of November next, inclusively, for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads, from the first day of January next, until the first day of June, 1794.
In MASSACHUSETTS and NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
1. From Wiscasset to Portland in the district of Maine: The mail to leave Wiscasset every Tuesday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portland the next day by one in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Portland every Thursday by six in the morning, and arrive at Wiscasset the next day by one in the afternoon.
2. From Portland to Portsmouth : The mail to leave Portland every Monday and Thursday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday at one in the afternoon, and arrive at Portland on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening.
3. From Portsmouth to Boston : From November first to May first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon: And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Boston the same days by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by six in the evening.
In MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT and NEW-YORK.
4. From Boston, by Worcester, Springfield, Hartford, Middletown, and New-Haven, to New-York : From November first to May first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon; and arrive at New-York every Saturday and Wednesday (the sixth day from its departure) by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Saturday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon: And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by three o'clock in the morning, and arrive at New-York every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday (the fourth day from its departure) by eleven in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK, NEW-JERSEY and PENNSYLVANIA.
5. Between New-York , (by Newark and Elizabethtown) and Philadelphia , every day in the week, Sunday excepted: The mails to leave New-York at noon, and Philadelphia at one o'clock in the afternoon; and arrive at Philadelphia and New-York respectively, the next day after their departure, by ten in the forenoon; excepting the mails of Saturday, which are to arrive at the same hour on Monday.
In PENNSYLVANIA and MARYLAND.
6. From Philadelphia to Baltimore : The mail to leave Philadelphia every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Baltimore each succeeding day by noon: Returning, to leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Philadelphia each succeeding day by eleven in the forenoon.
7. From Baltimore to Alexandria : The mail to leave Baltimore every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Alexandria each succeeding day by eight in the morning: Returning, to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday by four o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by ten in the forenoon.
In VIRGINIA.
8. From Alexandria to Richmond, Petersburg, Suffolk and Portsmouth : The mail to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at nine o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Richmond every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by six in the evening; at Petersburg, every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at ten in the forenoon; at Suffolk every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by six in the afternoon; and at Portsmouth every Friday, Monday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave Portsmouth the same Friday, Monday and Wednesday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Suffolk the same days by seven in the evening; and at Petersburg the next Monday, Wednesday and Friday by eleven in the forenoon; leave Petersburg the same days at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Richmond the same days by six in the evening: leave Richmond on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Alexandria the next Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by three in the afternoon.
9. From Richmond, by Williamburg, York-Town and Hampton, to Norfolk : The mail to leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norfolk on each succeeding day, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Norfolk every Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Richmond each succeeding day, by six in the evening.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
10. From Petersburg, by Halifax, Tarborough and Smithfield, to Fayetteville : The mail to leave Petersburg every Friday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening: Returning, to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Petersburg the next Friday, by eleven in the forenoon.
In NORTH and SOUTH CAROLINA and GEORGIA.
11. From Fayetteville, by Cheraw Court-House, Camden, Columbia and Cambridge, to Augusta : The mail to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, reach Camden the next day by five in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Saturday by noon: Returning, to leave Augusta every Thursday, at five in the morning, arrive at Camden the next Sunday by
five in the morning, and at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening.
12. From Augusta to Savannah : The mail to leave Augusta every Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Savannah the next Monday morning by ten: Returning, to leave Savannah every Monday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Wednesday, by five in the afternoon.
13. From Camden to Statesburg : The mail to leave Camden every Thursday by four in the morning, and arrive at Statesburg by eight: Returning, to leave Statesburg every Saturday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Camden by six.
In MASSACHUSETTS, RHODE-ISLAND and CONNECTICUT.
14. From Boston to Providence : The mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Providence, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Providence every Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Boston, by five in the afternoon.
Persons offering proposals for this contract, are desired also to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Boston and Providence, three times a week, and every day in the week (Sunday excepted) in a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
15. From Providence, by Norwich, to Hartford : The mail to leave Providence every Tuesday and Friday, by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Hartford on Wednesday and Saturday, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Hartford every Monday and Thursday, at seven in the morning, arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Providence on Tuesday and Friday, by five in the afternoon.
Persons offering proposals for this contract, are also desired to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Providence and Hartford three times a week, if a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
16. From New-London to Newport , thence by Bristol and Warren to Providence , thence by Greenwich to Newport , and from Newport to New-London : The mail to leave New-London every Tuesday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Newport the next day by six in the evening; leave Newport every Friday at eight in the morning, and arrive at Providence the same day by six in the evening; leave Providence on Saturday at eight in the morning, and passing through Greenwich, arrive at Newport the same day by six in the evening; leave Newport the next Monday at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London the next day by ten in the forenoon.
17. From New-Haven to New-London : The mail to leave New-Haven every Monday, at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London every Tuesday by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-London every Tuesday at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at New-Haven every Wednesday afternoon by six.
18. From Middletown to New-London : The mail to leave Middletown, from November first to May first, every Thursday morning, and from May to November, every Friday morning, by eight o'clock; and arrive at New-London by six in the evening of the day of its departure: Returning, to leave New-London each next succeeding day by eight in the morning, and arrive at Middletown by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK.
19. Between the city of New-York (by Kingsbridge, Poughkeepsie, and the city of Hudson ) and Albany : The carriers, with the mails, to leave New-York and Albany every Monday and Thursday, by four in the morning, meet, and return to each place on Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the evening.
In PENNSYLVANIA.
20. From Philadelphia, by Lancaster, York-town, Carlisle, Shippensburg, Chambersburg, Bedford and Greencastle to Pittsburgh : The mail to leave Philadelphia every Saturday at noon, and arrive at Pittsburgh the next Friday by noon; remain there not less than four, nor more than six hours, and return to Philadelphia the following Friday by noon.
In the State of DELAWARE.
21. From Wilmington, by New-Castle, Cantwell's Bridge, and Duck Creek, to Dover : The mail to leave Wilmington every Monday afternoon, by five o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Dover by five in the evening of Tuesday: Returning, to leave Dover every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Wilmington by seven in the evening of the same day.
In DELAWARE and MARYLAND.
22. From Christiana Bridge, by Middletown, Warwick and George-town Cross-Roads, to Chesapeake : The mail to leave Christiana Bridge every Monday afternoon, by six o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Easton by six in the evening of Tuesday: Returning, to leave Easton every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Christiana Bridge in the evening of the same day, by eight o'clock.
Persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it from May first to November first, by leaving Philadelphia every Monday at half past nine, A. M. and reaching Easton the next day by four, P. M.—and returning, leave Easton every Wednesday by four, A. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by noon: And perform the same tour, during the other half of the year, between half past nine o'clock of every Monday, and noon of the next Saturday. And also their terms for carrying an additional mail between Philadelphia and Chestertown, leaving Philadelphia every Wednesday and Friday at half past nine, A. M. and returning the fourth day after by noon.
23. From Baltimore to Annapolis : The mail to leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday, at eight in the morning, and arrive at Annapolis the same days by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Saturday by eight in the morning, and arrive at Baltimore the same days by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
24. From Suffolk, by Edenton, Plymouth, Washington and Newbern, to Wilmington : The mail to leave Suffolk every Wednesday at four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next Saturday, by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Wilmington every Monday by four in the morning, and arrive at Suffolk the next Thursday by six in the evening.
In NORTH-CAROLINA.
25. From Halifax by Blountville, Wallinsstown, and Daileys, to Plymouth , once in two weeks: The mail to leave Halifax every other Monday by five o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Plymouth the next day by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Plymouth the next Thursday by five in the morning, and arrive at Halifax on Friday by five in the evening.
26. From Wilmington to Fayetteville : The mail to leave Wilmington every Sunday, at four in the morning, and arrive the next day at Fayetteville by five in the afternoon: Returning, leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next day by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA.
PROPOSALS will be received at the Post-Office in Richmond , until the 10th day of November next inclusively, for carrying the mail of the United States from Richmond to Staunton ,—from the 15th day of the same month, until the first day of June 1794. The mail to leave Richmond every Monday by six in the morning, and arrive at Staunton the next Wednesday by six in the evening: Returning, leave Staunton every Thursday at ten in the forenoon, and arrive at Richmond the next Saturday by seven in the evening.
The persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it, and leave Richmond every Wednesday at noon, and arrive at Staunton the next Saturday by three in the afternoon: Returning, leave Staunton every Monday at seven, in the morning, and arrive at Richmond the next Wednesday by ten in the forenoon.
Note 1. If during the continuance of the contracts here proposed, any other times of arrival and departure of the mails should become necessary, to preserve a proper connection with other mails, the contractors are to conform to any arrangement which for that purpose shall be made by the Post-Master General, such arrangement not lessening the number of hours above allowed for carrying the mails respectively, without their consent.
2. A convenient time not less than ten minutes, nor exceeding half an hour, for opening and closing a mail is to be allowed at each Post-Office, at which the time of its arrival and departure is not herein specified.
3. For every half hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, double the sum which the value of one trip shall bear to the value of the whole number of trips to be performed.
4. The mail may be carried on any of the post roads herein described, either in stage waggons or on horses: but when the state of the roads prevents travelling in waggons with the necessary expedition, the mails are to be carried on horses.—Every mail-stage must have in it a box in which the mail is invariably to be carried, under lock and key.
5. News-papers, as well as letters, are to be sent in the mails; and if any contractor would wish to be authorized to carry news-papers, other than those conveyed in the mail (agreeably to the 2nd section of the post-office law) he must, in his proposals, state the respective sums for which he will carry the mails with and without the emoluments which may arise from such separate carriage of news-papers.
NEW POST ROADS,
In NEW-YORK, MASSACHUSETTS & VERMONT.
An extension of the Post roads having been desired, from Connersharrie to Whites-town , and thence to Kanandaigua , in the state of New-York; from Stockbridge to Bennington , in the states of Massachusetts and Vermont; and from Rutland to Windsor , and Rutland to Fairhaven , in Vermont: Proposals for carrying mails on those routes, (at the expense of the contractors) will be received at the General Post-Office, until the fifteenth day of November next inclusively.—Persons offering such proposals, must state the days and hours when they will receive and deliver the mails at each place here mentioned, and the length of time (which cannot exceed eight years) for which they will contract.
The contractors, respectively, will have the exclusive privilege of carrying letters and packets on these roads, for hire; and be authorized to receive, to their own use, all the postages which shall arise on letters, packets and newspapers by them carried, at the rates established by law: but must carry, free of postage, such letters and packets as by law are, or shall be declared free.
For every hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in delivering a mail, after the time agreed on, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, one dollar for every ten miles distance, as far as the failure extends.
The persons whom the contractors shall designate for Postmasters, on these routes,—previous to their acting as such, must be approved by the Post-Master General, and take the oaths required by law. They are to agree for their compensations with the contractors, to whom alone they are to account for all the postages they shall receive. The same oaths must be taken by the contractors and their riders who carry the mails.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, POST-MASTER-GENERAL.
THE Editor of this Gazette earnestly requests all those of his Subscribers, whose accounts are of one, two or three years standing, to discharge them as soon as possible.
All persons empowered to collect monies for the paper, to whom payments have been made, would greatly oblige him by transmitting the sums received, and the names of the subscribers who have paid.
While every grateful acknowledgment is due to those whose punctuality has enabled the Editor thus far to continue the publication—he is obliged to observe, that so great is the expense attending its prosecution, and so large the amount of arrearages, that unless a considerable part of that amount is speedily realized, it will be impossible for him to continue the Gazette with any reference to a distant and extensive circulation.
September 29, 1792.
WANTED—TO RENT, From the last of October next, A convenient House, in or near the centre of the City.—Enquire of the Editor.
THE INDEX and TITLE-PAGE for the Third Volume of this GAZETTE, are now ready to be delivered to those who intend to bind that Volume.
Strayed or Stolen,
FROM the subscriber, on the night of the 18th instant, from the inclosure of JOHN CLARK, of Trenton Township, Hunterdon county, New-Jersey, a Chequot Sorrel MARE, about nine years old, fourteen and an half hands high, bald faced, white feet and eyes, a bunch on her left and near side, occasioned by a hurt, small long neck, thin mane, shortish tail, shed all round: Whoever will take up said Mare, and return her either to JOHN CLARK, of Trenton, RICHARD VARIAN, field county, State of Connecticut, shall receive EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD for the Mare only, or FOUR DOLLARS for the Mare only. JAMES TROWBRIDGE. Trenton, (N.J.) Sept. 18, 1792.
NEW-BRUNSWICK Church Lottery.
THE peculiar circumstances of a gentleman who had undertaken to dispose of a proportion of the tickets in the New-Brunswick Church Lottery, having, in his opinion, rendered it inconvenient for him further to proceed in the sale thereof, between eleven and twelve hundred tickets are unexpectedly returned to the Rector, Church-Wardens and Vestry-men. This lays the Managers under the necessity of further adjourning the drawing of the Lottery, until the fifteenth day of October next, that they may have time to transmit these tickets to the parts of the state where they are applied for, and receive the returns. As there are but few tickets besides these remaining on hand, all persons who are disposed to promote the pious object of this Lottery, or to take a chance for the prizes therein, are requested to supply themselves by the first of October; and the gentlemen appointed to dispose of them, are desired to return those to the Managers which then remain unsold, to answer the applications of some gentlemen in the neighbourhood, who are postponed to this resource for a supply.—And notice is hereby given, that the tickets not returned to the Managers by the eighth day of October, will be considered as at the risk of the holders.
N. B. ROBERT MORRIS, Esq. of New-Brunswick, is duly chosen one of the Managers of the said Lottery, and has given security and qualified agreeably to law. (cpf.01)
100 Dollars Reward.
LOST on Cambridge Common, Massachusetts, on the afternoon of the 18th ult. a Morocco POCKET-BOOK, with a steel clasp, containing a number of valuable papers, among which were the following PUBLIC SECURITIES, viz. Massachusetts State Notes—No. 2.425, dated December 1, 1782, payable to Thomas Greenough, for £. 23 16s. principal—No. 22.399, dated January 1, 1785, payable to Nathaniel Partridge, for £. 10 10s. principal—No. —, dated January 1, 1782, (an army note) payable to Timothy Howard, for £. 8 8s. 1d. principal—No. —, a Note (the number, date, and to whom payable, not known) for £. 3 0s. 3d. principal.—One Indent Certificate for four Dollars, and a New-Hampshire Certificate for about £. 12 payable to John and Daniel Jencks; also a number of Notes of Hand, one of which was for £. 572 given by Nathan Bond to Samuel W. Pomeroy (by whom it was endorsed) dated 1st May, 1792, and payable on the 11th August following; the others were all payable to the Subscriber. The Securities are checked at the different offices from whence they were issued, and the Notes of Hand by the different signers, they can therefore be of no use to any but the owner.
The Subscriber hereby offers a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who has found the same, and will return them to him, or leave them with the Printer hereof, and no questions will be asked.
ABRAHAM FOSTER. Salem, Massachusetts, August 1, 1792. (cpf.1)
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 45, Great Dock-Street, New-York. THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE and SALE of STOCKS on COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to.
LEONARD BLEECKER. (f.f.)
Universal Hymn Book.
To be Sold by THOMAS DOBSON, and other Booksellers in Philadelphia. A Collection of PSALMS, HYMNS, and SPIRITUAL SONGS; selected from different Authors, and published by Order of the Convention holding the Doctrine of the Salvation of all Men, met in Philadelphia, May 25, 1791. Price of a single book, bound, 3-8ths of a Dollar, with good allowance to those who take quantities. August 4. (cpf.1)
The SUBSCRIBERS to the
Universal Tontine
Are informed, that a general meeting is to be held at the State-House in this city, on Saturday the 3d day of November next, at 10 o'clock, A.M. agreeably to the sixth article of their association.
By order of the Agents, EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. Philadelphia: Sept. 15, 1792. (cpf.3)
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail; at No. 19, Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets.