Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-02-11 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 83, of Vol. III.]
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1792.
[Whole No. 291.]
CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THURSDAY, JANUARY 26, 1792.
IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE.
On the Bill providing for the Defence of the Frontiers.
Question under consideration,
A MOTION to strike out the second section of the bill, which contemplates the raising of three additional regiments of infantry, and a squadron of light dragoons, amounting in all to three thousand and forty men, exclusive of commissioned officers.
In favor of the motion, and against the proposed augmentation of the military establishment, it was urged,
That the Indian war, in which the United States are at present involved, was, in its origin, as unjustly undertaken, as it has since been unwisely and unsuccessfully conducted;—that depredations had been committed by the whites, as well as by the Indians; and the whites were most probably the aggressors, as they frequently made encroachments on the Indian lands, whereas the Indians shewed no inclination to obtain possession of our territory, or even to make temporary invasions until urged to it by a sense of their wrongs: a proof of this unencroaching disposition on their part, plainly appeared in their conduct, after the victory they lately obtained over our troops; for, when, flushed with success, they might have swept the country before them, and penetrated as far as Pittsburgh, they contented themselves with the advantage they had gained over their invaders, and did not attempt to invade our territories in return, although there was no where at hand a sufficient force to check their career.
The mode of treating the Indians in general, was reprobated as unwise and impolitic; the Indians are with difficulty to be reduced by the sword, but may easily be gained by justice and moderation: and although their cruelties are alleged as reasons for a different conduct, and the sufferings of the white people pathetically deplored, these narratives, (it was said) are at best but exparte evidence;—we hear nothing of the sufferings of the Indians: but if Complanter's speech were read, it would set the matter in a very different point of view, and furnish a complete answer to all the charges of their accusers.
Peace (it was said) may be obtained from the Indian tribes, at a much less expense than would be necessary for the support of the war:—to persevere in hostilities, would be wasting the public money to a very bad purpose indeed; for supposing our arms crown'd with victory, what are the advantages we may expect to reap from our success?—we can only gain possession of their lands—a possession, that must long continue unproductive of the smallest benefit, as we already possess land sufficient; more, in fact, than we will be able to cultivate for a whole century to come.
Instead of being ambitious to extend our boundaries, it would answer a much better national purpose rather to check the roving disposition of the frontier settlers, and prevent them from too suddenly extending themselves to the western waters: if kept closer together, and more nearly connected with the old settlements, they would be more useful to the community at large, and would not so frequently involve us in unnecessary and expensive wars with the Indians: but if permitted to rove at pleasure, they will keep the nation embroiled in perpetual warfare, as long as the Indians have a single acre of ground to rest upon.
If the citizens of the United States were recalled within their proper boundaries, there they might, for years to come, cultivate the soil in peace, neither invaded, nor invading. As the country progresses in population, and our limits are found too narrow, it will then be soon enough to contemplate a gradual extension of our frontier: but in the mean time, it is an idle profusion of blood and treasure, to carry war beyond our present line of forts: it is only exposing our arms to disgrace, betraying our own weakness, and lessening the public confidence in the general government, to send forth armies to be butchered in the forests, whilst we suffer the British to keep possession of the posts within our territory.
As long as Britain is suffered to retain those posts, we can never hope to succeed against the Indians; nor ought we to trace our late misfortune to any other source than her still holding them in her possession: were they in our hands, the Indians could not carry on their operations against us with the same degree of vigor as they now do; for it is from those forts that they obtain their supplies of arms and ammunition, with which they can be, at all times, plentifully furnished, as long as things continue on their present footing.
Until those posts are in our possession, it will be vain to send our armies into the wilderness. A body of five thousand men, sent out against the Indians, under the present circumstances, would be as effectually defeated as the smaller ones have already been: in those wilds, our troops have no friend at hand, to furnish them with supplies, or to give them intelligence of the approach and operations of the enemy; whereas the Indians, receiving both aid and information from their friendly neighbors, can pre-concert their plans, and chuse, according to their own convenience, the place and the hour of attack, as they did before.
It was here observed by an honorable gentleman on the other side of the question, that we ought undoubtedly to get possession of those posts; and that we might have long since obtained it, if we had only laid a seasonable embargo on all the British shipping in our ports; though he doubted, whether it would at present be worth while to take such a step, as the English have lost so great a portion of our carrying trade, in consequence of the additional tonnage laid on their vessels.
In favour of the motion, it was further urged, that supposing even the war to have been originally undertaken with justice on our side—supposing also, that the national honor and interest called for a continuance of hostilities; yet, as it was by no means either necessary or prudent to invade the Indian territory, as this had been attempted in two successive campaigns, and the event had, in both instances, been such, as to afford no very flattering prospect from a third expedition of the same kind: it was thought much more advisable to content ourselves with defending the frontier;
and this might be done, without making so great an augmentation in the military establishment.
The only use of regular troops on the frontier, is to garrison the forts, and to have a standing force in the neighbourhood, to form a station, to which the militia may resort either for protection or supplies: but as to active service, the frontier militia and rangers were pronounced to be by far preferable to the regular troops, as being more expert woodsmen, and better habituated to the Indian mode of fighting. To defend the forts, a small number of regulars would be sufficient; the present establishment of two regiments would, if completed, be amply adequate to the purpose; and when assisted by such forces as might at all times be collected on the frontier, would be able to repel every inroad of the enemy.
Experience has proved, that the sudden and desultory attacks of the frontier militia and rangers, are ever attended with better success than the methodical operations of a regular force; the former are better calculated for expedition and surprise, making unexpected sallies, scouring the country in small bodies, harassing the Indians, and intercepting their straggling parties, by whom their motions are unobserved; whereas, when a body of regulars take the field, encumbered with baggage and heavy artillery, the unavoidable slowness of their movements affords the enemy an opportunity of watching all their operations, collecting their whole force, and skulking in the woods around them, till they can seize the favorable moment to strike a sudden blow, which they generally do with success, but which they could never attempt, if exposed every hour to the unforeseen attacks of our woodsmen, who would keep their attention constantly engaged in all quarters, and thus prevent them from uniting in large bodies.
It was further observed by some gentlemen, who even admitted the propriety of invading the Indian territory, that to effect this with success, it was by no means necessary to make such an increase in the military establishment, as that contemplated in the bill: the miscarriage of the former expeditions could not (they said) be alleged as a sufficient reason: for it is well known, that the former establishment was far from being complete: the regulars, intended for the service of the last campaign, were to have been above two thousand two hundred; the President was besides empowered to raise two thousand five hundred levies in addition to the regulars; and these would together have constituted an army of about four thousand seven hundred men: had such a body been employed, we might reasonably have expected much better success against the Indians, whose numbers were so far inferior, the whole force of the Wabash tribes not amounting to above eleven or twelve hundred warriors, who never could keep the field for any length of time, but must be soon obliged to disperse, without venturing an attack upon an army of such superior strength.
Instead of this, our army consisted of only about twelve hundred men, and of these not above four or five hundred were regular troops: besides, had even this force been sufficient if employed in season, the delays, that had taken place in the execution of the plan, would alone have been sufficient to defeat the intended purpose. During the winter, the law was passed for raising the additional troops to carry on the war with greater vigor; the whole summer was spent in the business, and the few men that we did enlist, were not raised till late in the fall: collected at length at the head of the Ohio, they fruitlessly loitered away their time, till they finally erected a monument to our eternal disgrace and infamy.
Whatever troops are to be employed, ought to be raised with diligence and dispatch, if we wish to avoid a similar miscarriage in our next attempt: the army ought not to enter the Indian country, till their whole force is complete—difficulties however and delay, equal to those of last year, may be expected in enlisting the men and we shall have the officers in pay a considerable time, without any soldiers: perhaps the former pay of the troops was too low; and proper effective men were unwilling to accept of it; if so, let it be raised; let the men be well clothed and fed; and they will more readily engage in the service; probably also the term of three years was an objection with many; who would otherwise have joined our standard: if enlisted only for six months, the ranks will be sooner filled; and this ought to have considerable weight with those who advocate the augmentation of the military establishment, as they cannot but know, that if we set about enlisting the number of men contemplated in the bill, and in the manner there prescribed, they cannot be raised time enough to render any service in the next campaign.
The information, contained in the report on the table, was not, it was said, to be implicitly relied on: that report was made by a man, who had not personally visited the frontier: others, who had been on the spot, were of opinion, that if 2000 levies had been raised last year, they would have been sufficient not only for the defence of the frontier, but even for any offensive operations, that might have been thought necessary: such troops, collected in the vicinity are more competent to the undertaking, than the troops now in contemplation: no complaint had been made of their conduct; whenever they were tried, they behaved as well as the regulars, and in the action under General St. Clair, they gave equal proofs of their valor.
It was farther urged, that the frontier militia are not only equal, but infinitely superior to any regular troops whatever, for the defence of the borders, and that they are in fact, the only force that can be effectually employed in expeditions against the hostile Indians, whose mode of fighting is familiar to them, and does not strike them with that degree of terror, with which it inspires those men who enlist on the regular establishment:—these latter being collected in the heart of populous cities, where the face of an Indian is seldom seen, hardly know, whether the Indian and his horse are not the same animal: and when they approach the enemy, at the very first shout, even before he is in view, they are terrified at the idea of savage barbarity, which they have ever been taught to reflect on with horror; and being incapable of resistance, they commit their safety to flight. To prove the superiority of the militia, gentlemen need only contrast the dispatch and success of the expedition conducted by General Scott, with the delays, disgrace and mortification which attended that under General St. Clair, and consider the difference of the expence on those two occasions.
The expence of such an army as the bill contemplates, is an object well worthy of serious consideration, especially at the present moment, when there is scarcely a dollar in the treasury. Gentlemen would also do well to advert to the progress of this business, and consider where they were likely to stop, if they went on at the present rate:—at first, only a single regiment had been raised, and the expence was about 100,000 dollars; a second was afterwards added, which swelled the expence to about 300,000; and now a standing force of 5168 men is contemplated, at an annual expence of above a million and a quarter. Can this be justified in the present state of our finances, when it is well known
that the Secretary of the Treasury, having been requested by the members from a particular State, to build a light-house on a part of their coast, declined the undertaking, and alledged the want of funds, as the reason?
Our resources however might be made to answer for the support of such a force as that, which was intended for the service of the preceding year, and there would be little complaint or dissatisfaction among the people: very few murmurs were heard against the former establishment: but such a one as is now contemplated, will be thought extravagant, will breed discontent among the citizens of the United States, and perhaps afford our neighbors in Canada an opportunity to take advantage of our divided situation, and involve us in a war more dangerous than the former which separated us from Great-Britain.
Apprehensions (it is said) are entertained, that the object contemplated in raising those additional troops, is not so much to punish and coerce the Indians, as to have a standing regular force equal to what the British have on this continent. This is said to amount to about six thousand men, including those in Canada: but it is to be remarked, that the British nation has not above one thousand men within the limits of the United States; and yet with this handful of troops, they not only keep the Indians in awe, but even, in opposition to the wishes of the United States, retain possession of those posts, which should have been ceded to us pursuant to the terms of the treaty:—why then is it necessary, for the purpose of establishing posts and garrisoning them, to increase the standing force to so large a number, as that contemplated in the clause under consideration?—During our late arduous struggle for liberty, when we had to cope with the most powerful nation under heaven, the commander in chief had never at any one time above ten thousand men, under his own immediate command; and if with so small a force, we were able to effect so glorious a revolution, there can be no necessity of going such lengths at present, for the sake of establishing a military character—it is a strange policy indeed, to raise five or six thousand men, to oppose a handful of Indian banditti, whose utmost amount does not, from the documents on the table, appear to exceed twelve hundred.
We are preparing to squander away money by millions: and no one, except those who are in the secrets of the cabinet, knows for what reason the war has been thus carried on for 3 years:—but what funds are to defray the increased expense of maintaining such a force as is now contemplated?—The excise is both unpopular and unproductive:—the impost duties have been raised as high as is consistent with prudence:—to increase them would be but to open a door for smuggling, and thus diminish their productiveness: and if those sources of revenue fail, if our finances be thus exhausted in unnecessary wars we shall be unable to satisfy the public creditors, unless recourse be had to new taxes, the consequence of which may, with just reason, be deplored; whereas, if we but keep our expences within bounds, if we nurse our finances, we shall be respectable among the nations of the earth, nor will any nation dare to insult us, or be able to do it with impunity.
During the course of these observations, an honorable gentleman asked, whether this was a day set apart for rhetorical flourishes, as the galleries were open, and he saw the short-hand writers stationed at their different posts?
At an early stage of the debate, an honorable gentleman had suggested, that, instead of passing a law for raising all events the additional regiments, which, for his part, he did not think necessary, the house (if they finally determined the present establishment to be insufficient) would perhaps do better to appropriate a certain sum of money, to enable the executive to call in such additional aid, as circumstances may require.
To this it was objected, that it is the duty of the representatives of the people in all appropriations of the public money, to make them for certain specific purposes;—to act otherwise on the present occasion, would be setting a precedent, that might, in its consequences, prove highly injurious: for, although the greatest confidence may safely be reposed in the virtue and integrity of him who now fills the presidential chair, it is impossible to foresee what use may hereafter be made of the precedent by his successors, or how far it may be carried.
Against the motion for striking out, and in favor of the proposed augmentation of the military establishment, it was urged,
That as to the justice of war carried on against the Indian tribes, that was a question which could not admit of a doubt in the mind of any man, who would allow that self preservation and indispensable necessity are sufficient causes to justify a nation in taking up arms:—if the present war be not in every respect justifiable, then there never was, nor ever will be a just war: it was originally undertaken, and since carried on, not for the sake of conquest, but to defend our fellow-citizens, our friends, our dearest connexions, who are daily exposed, in the frontier settlements, to all the rage of savage barbarity, to which they, with their wives and children, must soon fall victims, unless we speedily fly to their assistance:—and although there are some people, who utterly deny the justice of any war whatever, this doctrine, however fine in theory, will hardly ever obtain in practice: for, it is to be imagined, that any set of men are of such a passive disposition, as calmly to look on, whilst their friends and relations are butchered before their eyes, and to refuse giving them every assistance in their power?
The murders and depredations, which have, for years past, been repeatedly committed by the savages, loudly call for redress:—from various documents of unquestionable authority, now in the hands of the Secretary at War, signed and attested by the executive and legislature of Kentucky, by the district judge, and the captains of the militia, it appears, that from the year 1783 to 1790, there have been, of the inhabitants of that district, or of emigrants on their way thither, no less than fifteen hundred persons either massacred by the savages, or dragged into captivity; two thousand horses taken away; and other property plundered or destroyed, to the amount of fifty thousand dollars; and there is good reason to suppose, that on the other frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, the number of persons murdered or taken prisoners, during the abovementioned period, would furnish a list of one thousand or fifteen hundred more.
The white people, it is true, have sometimes committed depredations on the Indians: but the instances have been rare [the honorable gentleman who spoke, did not recollect above one or two] of their making unjust attacks upon the savages, nor did they on those occasions commence hostilities against them, till exasperated by the strongest provocations, that could possibly stimulate the human heart: this circumstance may be justly allowed as some palliation of the offence:—even in these instances, however, a few individuals only were concerned; and when the affair came to the knowledge of the State, ample reparation was made

to the injured party:—the general government too had shown an equal disposition to do justice to the Indian tribes; witness the affair of the Cherokees: for as soon as Congress had heard their complaints of an encroachment made on them by some of the people from the frontier of the Carolina, immediate orders were issued for obliging the intruders to evacuate the Indian territory.
But notwithstanding the disposition that prevails as well in the legislatures of those States whose frontiers are most exposed, as in the general government, to cultivate peace and amity with the neighboring Indians, that desirable object is become utterly unattainable in the present posture of affairs:—The frontier Indians have killed a number of whites; the whites, in their turn have made retaliation: both parties are in the highest degree exasperated against each other, and likely to continue so, in spite of every endeavor that can be made to effect a reconciliation: with minds thus irritated, it is vain to hope for peace, as long as they continue in each other's neighborhood; it is therefore necessary to form a strong barrier, to keep them asunder, unless indeed the advocates for a cessation of hostilities would oblige the frontier settlers to abandon their lands:—but by what new-invented rule of right, should the inhabitants of Kentucky, and the other frontier settlers be laid under a greater obligation, than any other citizens of the United States, to relinquish a property legally acquired by fair purchase?—were it even proposed to pacify the savages, by purchasing the lands anew, such a measure would answer no other purpose, than that of procuring a temporary peace, which would soon again be interrupted by a war, that would reproduce the necessity of again having recourse to the same expedient: we should have to purchase the lands again and again without end; by thus squandering the public money year after year, we should only swell the national debt to an amount, that we cannot possibly foresee:—better at once to make a vigorous effort, to act in a manner becoming the national dignity, and to maintain our ground by war, since we cannot obtain a durable or an honorable peace.
Attempts have at various times been made to effect treaties of peace with the Indian tribes, with whom we are now at war:—and although these efforts have constantly proved ineffectual, they yet show that neither the United States, nor the state of Virginia, were backward, on their part to adopt conciliatory measures, and to do away that animosity which had commenced on the part of the savages at an early period of the late war with Britain, and had continued to break out at intervals ever since. In the years 1783, 84, 85, 87, 88, and 90, offers of peace were made to them: on the last mentioned occasion, when a treaty was proposed at the Miami village, the Indians at first refused to treat: they next required thirty days to deliberate—and in the interim, the inhabitants of Kentucky were expressly prohibited by the President of the United States, to carry on any offensive operations against them; yet notwithstanding this forbearance on the part of the whites, no less than 120 persons were killed or captured by the savages, and several prisoners roasted alive, during that short period, at the expiration of which, the Indians refused to give any answer at all.
On another occasion, the Indians, not content with rejecting our offers of peace, proceeded even so far as to insult us, by telling us, we have lands within the British posts, and asking us, why we did not go and take possession of them?—Will it be said, that we are unable to do it?—Is this language to be used within the United States? No! we are able, abundantly able to do it, whenever we please: and if we would but retrench our expenses in some instances, which might well admit of a reduction, our ability would still increase: our finances are not quite so insufficient as some gentlemen seem to imagine, nor so easily deranged—we are still able to prove that the boasted efficiency of the general government is something more than an empty name—we can yet raise both men and money sufficient to defend the nation from either injury or insult.
It is now too late to enquire, whether the war was originally undertaken on the principles of justice, or not:—we are actually involved in it, and cannot recede, without exposing numbers of innocent persons to be butchered by the enemy: for, though we should determine to discontinue the war, can it be said that the savages will also agree to a cessation of hostilities?—it is well known that they are averse to peace; and even the warmest advocate of pacific measures must therefore allow that the war is a war of necessity, and must be supported: we cannot, without impeachment both to our justice and our humanity, abandon our fellow citizens on the frontier to the rage of their savage enemies: and although the excise may be somewhat unpopular, although money may still be wanted, what is the excise? what is money when put in competition with the lives of our friends and brethren?
A sufficient force must be raised for their defence: and the only question now to be considered is, what that force shall be: experience has proved, that the force employed in the last campaign, was inadequate: it is true the establishment was not complete: but who will venture to assert, that, if it had been complete, it would have been sufficient for the intended purpose? Are gentlemen, who assert this, so well acquainted with the circumstances of the enemy, as to be able to give an accurate statement of the amount of their forces on the frontier? There are higher opinions in favor of an augmentation of the army, than can be adduced against it—opinions, given by men of judgment and experience, who have themselves been on the spot, and are well acquainted with the situation of affairs in that quarter:—these gentlemen, who must be allowed to be competent judges, are decidedly of opinion, that the present establishment, though completed to the last man, will not furnish an adequate force to carry on the war with effect; and that it will be a hopeless attempt to open another campaign, with less than about five thousand regular troops, the number contemplated in the bill.
Nor ought that number to be deemed extravagant, under an idea, that we have only a contemptible handful of banditti to contend with: their numbers were, last year, from authentic documents, stated at about 1200 warriors, from 23 different tribes:—such was the opposition then contemplated,—but it is impossible to ascertain what accessions of strength they have since received, or even what force they had engaged in the late unfortunate action; as the very men, who were in the engagement, do not pretend to form any just or accurate estimate of the number of their assailants: but there is good reason to suppose, that they had previously entered into an association with various tribes, that have not as yet come within our knowledge: the bows and arrows, used against our troops, on that occasion, afford a convincing proof, that they had foes to encounter from distant nations, as yet unacquainted with the use of fire arms—nor does the account of the bows and arrows depend, for its authenticity, on newspaper evidence alone; gentlemen of unquestionable veracity, who were personally engaged in the action, have declared, that they had themselves noticed the arrows flying.
When we consider the warlike disposition of the Indians in general, and the alacrity, with which the victors are ever sure to be joined by numerous allies, we have every reason to expect a much more formidable opposition in the next campaign:—it is well known, that the savages place all their glory in deeds of war; and that, among them, a young man cannot make his appearance in company, till he has signalized his valor by some martial achievement:—when, to this powerful incentive, a new stimulus is added by the trophies obtained in the late action, it is presumable that numbers will crowd to their standard; and it strongly behoves us to prepare in time for a much more vigorous effort, than any we have as yet made against them.
The objections drawn from the increased expense, must entirely vanish from before the eyes of any man, who looks forward to the consequences of one more unsuccessful campaign:—such a disaster would eventually involve the nation in much greater expense, than that which is now made the ground of opposition:—better therefore at once to make a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the matter to a final issue, than to continue gradually draining the treasury, by dragging on the war, and renewing hostilities from year to year.
If we wish to bring the war to a speedy and a happy conclusion, and to secure a permanent peace to the inhabitants on the frontier, we must employ such troops, and adopt such measures, as appear best calculated to ensure success:—if we delay our determination, until the force of the enemy be ascertained, we can make no provision at all: for the nature and circumstances of the case preclude us from the very possibility of obtaining a knowledge of their strength and numbers:—but are we, mean while, to remain inactive and irresolute, and make no efforts to repel their intended attacks? No! Whatever their numbers may be, prudence calls aloud for provision of some kind: and if experience is to have any weight with us, the example of the French and of the British points out the true mode of securing our frontier, and rendering it invulnerable to an Indian foe: let us occupy posts in the vicinity of the enemy; let them be properly garrisoned, and well, provided; and the business is done.
These will afford an opportunity of trading with the friendly tribes, and will prevent all intercourse between the whites and the Indians, except under proper regulations: should hostilities be meditated by any tribes who are not in amity with us, early intelligence of their movements, can be obtained: their marauding parties may be either beaten off on their approach, or intercepted on their return:—opportunities
may be taken of separately attacking the hostile tribes: their old men, their squaws, their children, will be exposed a great part of the year, whilst the others are out hunting:—in short, if fear, hope, interest, can be supposed to have any influence on the Indians, this mode of defence must be allowed to be preferable to any other, as giving the fullest scope to the operation of all those motives.
A different mode has been long pursued in Virginia, and adopted by the inhabitants of Kentucky; but its success has not been such, as to offer any inducement to the general government to follow the same plan:—Rangers have there been employed for a number of years, to scour the frontiers; and those rangers, too, were expert woodsmen, perfectly inured to the Indian mode of warfare: yet notwithstanding their utmost vigilance, the savages still found means to commit all the murders and depredations already enumerated:—'tis true, however, that a frontier militia man, trained up in the woods, may be, in many respects, preferable to a regular soldier, who has not the same knowledge of the country, and of the mode of fighting:—but with equal experience (and proper men, possessed of that experience, may be enlisted on the establishment) regular troops will be found infinitely superior to any militia upon earth.
Every man who has ever seen militia in the field, cannot but know, that a very trifling disaster, or a slight cause of discontent, is sufficient to make them disband, and forget all subordination, so far as even to neglect the means of self defence;—whereas regular troops, under proper discipline, and acting with greater steadiness and concert, are much more to be depended on, especially when the object of attack is distant, and great fatigue is to be undergone. The militia, in whatever mode they may be called out, will hardly furnish men of the proper description:—if large pay be offered, the temptation will equally prevail upon those who are unfit for the service as it will upon good effective men:—besides, some of the states have no militia laws; and even in those states which have such laws, they are gone into disuse: no dependance can therefore be placed on militia, under any laws now existing:—there is, indeed, a general militia law now before the house: but if it ever passes, it certainly cannot be passed in due season to answer the purpose of providing for the immediate defence of the frontier—regular troops must be raised, or nothing effectual can be done:—and if to avoid the expense we refuse the only aid that may prove of any real service, we render ourselves responsible for the consequences of this parsimonious policy, which may be attended with the ruin and destruction of our fellow citizens in the western country.
The Corrupter's speech was again mentioned, and called for: but, as it had been confidentially communicated by the President, an objection was made to having it read, without clearing the galleries;—whereupon,
An honorable member arose, and mentioned his having read it in one of the public newspapers in the state of New-Jersey.
To this it was answered, that if any gentleman had the newspaper to produce, the speech might be publicly read from that:—otherwise, altho' it might be very proper that the speech itself should be read, yet, as it had been confidentially received from the executive, there would be a manifest trespass on propriety and decorum, in having it read with open galleries:—it was therefore wished, that the galleries might be cleared.
The parliamentary etiquette requiring that this should be done by the house, and not by a committee, the committee rose for the purpose; and,
The Speaker having resumed the chair, the motion for clearing the galleries, was renewed.
An objection was here started, by an honorable gentleman in favor of the augmentation, who said, that, as some gentlemen had spoken on the popular side of the question, whilst the galleries had been open, it was unfair to preclude those of opposite sentiments from an opportunity of answering their arguments in the same public manner, and proving to the people the justice, and necessity of the war.
The motion, however, was persisted in, and the galleries were cleared.
[The speakers in this day's debate, were Messrs. Wayne, Goodhue, Boudinot, Livermore, Steele, Parker, Bourne (Rhode-Island) White and Moore—Mr. White and Mr. Moore opposed the motion; they were in favor of the augmentation proposed in the bill—The other gentlemen were in favor of striking out the clause.]
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 8.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War, enclosing copies of the official communications which have taken place between him and the governor of the state of Virginia, respecting the temporary defence of the frontier of that commonwealth.

A message from the President of the United States, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, together with a statement of certain articles of expense, which have occurred in the department of foreign affairs, and for which no provision is made by law. [The expense alluded to, was incurred for the relief of a number of American sailors, impressed in England to serve on board the British navy.] The message and accompanying papers were referred to a select committee, to examine and report.
A bill for apportioning representatives among the several states, according to the first enumeration; and making provision for a second enumeration, and an apportionment of representatives thereon, to compose the house of representatives after the 3d day of March, 1797—was read a second time, ordered to be printed, and referred to a committee of the whole house on Monday next.
The committee, to whom was referred the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Comfort Sands and others, made a report, which was read and ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. W. Smith laid on the table a resolution, that the Secretary of State be directed to lay before the house copies of such laws as have been adopted and published by the governor and judges of the territory north west of the Ohio.
Mr. Gerry gave notice, that, if the post-office bill is, by the approbation of the President, passed into a law in its present form, he will move for bringing in a bill, to amend it, by reducing the postage of newspapers.
The committee, appointed for that purpose, reported a bill, providing for the settlement of the claims of persons under particular circumstances, barred by the limitations heretofore established; which was twice read, ordered to be printed, and referred to a committee of the whole house on Wednesday next.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the fishery bill, and having gone through, and amended it, rose and reported it with the amendments, which the house immediately took into consideration, and adopted. The bill was then further amended, and the house adjourned.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 9.
The bill for the encouragement of the bank and other cod-fisheries, and for the regulation and government of the fishermen employed therein, was read a third time, and passed—Yeas 38, Nays 21.
YEAS.
Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Benson, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clark, Dayton, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Gregg, Griffin, Hartley, Hillhouse, Huger, Kittera, Lawrance, Learned, Lee, Livermore, Madison, Muhlenberg, Niles, Schoonmaker, J. Smith, I. Smith, W. Smith, Sterrett, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatcher, Treadwell, Vining, Wadsworth, Wayne—38.
NAYS.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Giles, Grove, Heister, Key, Macon, Mercer, Moore, Murray, Page, Parker, Seney, Steele, Sumpter, Tucker, Venable, White, Williamson, Wyllis—21.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. W. Smith in the chair—on a bill (received from the Senate) relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President.
The ninth section was struck out, in which the President of the Senate pro tempore was designated to act as President, in case of vacancies in both of the above mentioned offices.
A motion was then made to add a new section to the bill, appointing the senior Associate Judge as the person to fill the vacancy. A motion was made to amend this proposition, by substituting the Secretary of State, instead of the senior Associate Judge. A short debate ensued, after which, the committee rose without taking the question, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Lawrance presented a petition from the tanners and curriers of the city of New-York, praying relief from the hardships they labor under, in consequence of the exportation of tanner's bark. Referred to the same committee to whom a similar petition was referred yesterday.
Mr. S. Bourne, from the committee of enrolment, presented to The Speaker the post-office bill duly enrolled; who signed the same.
Adjourned.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 10.
Sundry petitions were read and referred to the heads of departments.
Mr. Muhlenberg presented a petition from the tanners of Philadelphia, similar to the petitions from the tanners of New-Jersey and New-York; a motion to refer this petition to the committee on the two last petitions, occasioned some debate—the motion was agreed to.
On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, the petition of C. and C. Marshal was referred to the committee of the whole house on the subject of manufactures.
Mr. Wayne moved the following resolution in substance: That the sitting member for the lower district of Georgia, and James Jackson, the petitioner against the validity of the election of said member—should be furnished respectively on application, with copies of such depositions and documents relative to said election, as may be received by the Speaker; this resolution was agreed to.
The resolution, that the Secretary of State lay before the house copies of the acts and resolves, passed by the Governor and Judiciary of the Western Territory—was agreed to.
In committee of the whole on the bill relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, &c.
Mr. Benson's motion to insert the Senior Associate Judge , as the officer to fill the vacancy in the office of President and Vice-President, was negatived.
Mr. Giles's motion to insert the Secretary of State , was then discussed, and, after some debate, adopted—28 to 21.
The committee rose and reported the bill, with the amendments, to the House, which took the same into consideration: The first amendment was to strike out the 9th section, which provided that the President of the Senate pro tempore, should act as President in case of vacancy—this amendment was agreed to—ayes 32—noes 24.
The substitute which provides that the vacancy shall be filled by the Secretary of State for the time being, was also adopted—33 members rising in the affirmative.
Several amendments in addition were proposed—some of which were disagreed to—One moved by Mr. Hillhouse, to determine the number of electors, was discussed till an adjournment was called for, and no decision took place.
A message from the Senate informed the House that they have agreed to their amendments to the fishery bill.
Adjourned till Monday.
BOSTON, January 28.
On Thursday afternoon came before the House of Representatives, the report of the committee on the law for preventing stage plays, and other theatrical entertainments—"That it was not expedient to repeal that law." The report was opposed, in a sensible and judicious speech, by Mr. Tudor; Mr. Gardiner delivered an elaborate and learned essay to prove it consistent with the principles of christianity and good morals, and Dr. Jarvis displayed the blaze of eloquence in a speech, pure, forcible and refinedly ingenious. Yet all this, enforced by observations from other gentlemen, and not opposed by any other speaker, did not produce conviction in the house, who accepted the report by 99 votes out of 143.
Philadelphia, February 11.
The British December Packet arrived at New-York on Tuesday last. Accounts by her, are received to the beginning of December.
Lord Cornwallis writes from India, that he had attacked and totally defeated Tippoo before Seringapatam—but on account of the Monsoons setting in earlier than usual, he found himself obliged to retreat to Bangalore, without making an attempt on Tippoo's capital.
The English and Parisian articles of intelligence, are to the 2d December—They refer principally to the movements of the counter revolutionists—some in a ridiculous way, others more serious. No decisive steps appear to have been taken by the ex-princes.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
The people have seldom cause to fear that accusers of their government will be wanting. The risk is, that a sudden and passionate censure will be passed upon their rulers. The pleasure of the people is often opposed to their interest. Public men are at least apt enough to yield to the love of popularity. The greater danger is that they will want firmness when great things are to be obtained by disregarding little ones. It concerns the people therefore to deal out their censure sparingly; and never till enquiry has first been had. In that case, many men who possess virtue, but want firmness, will dare to serve the public faithfully.
Every thing has its season—There is a kind of fashion in the turn of writing, on political subjects especially, which every warrior of the quill is fond of following. He likes to step to the tune that is playing: when the government was first adopted, they came forward in ranks, keeping time to the music; What a blessed government—what a wise government—the wonder of the world; public credit will be restored—trade protected, we shall be a nation, &c. —then the tune changed again— This government wants amendments—without amendments 'tis a terrible government, a tyranny—lordships will be as thick as taverns, and we
shall get as much intoxicated with them—The amendments, like cold water, will keep us temperate and sober. After the first Congress met, what salaries—what a burden on the country—the public debt will not be paid—the money all goes for salaries—trade is taxed to death—the land is ready to sink under the weight of taxes, which are not laid to pay them—the wheat will blast—the grass will not grow—the ships will not sail—the tide will not rise, because of high salaries. The second session of the first Congress brought a new system of grievances into fashion—Why does Congress hear Quaker petitions, and neglect providing for the public debt?—why is it not funded?—the public creditors are starving—Congress is growing fat in sloth and good pasture—while the time is lost in making and hearing Quaker sermons, for and against slavery. The debt was funded:—outrushed an angry tribe of writers, crying, rogues and cheats—Congress has cut off the just demands of the creditors—4 per cent. instead of 6—and one third of the debt deferred for ten years, without interest. The state governments pursued the idea, and made up the deficiency to their creditors. That topic was worn out, and then the opposite doctrine was taken up:—Congress has given too much—the public creditors are living in luxury—such a flood of wealth will drown us—What will become of all this sea of money?—Industry will turn loungers—economy will keep open doors—virtue itches to take a bribe, and republicanism has lost her voice, and is choking with her own fat. We might have gone on without funding the debt and mortgaging the revenues—we pay too much to the creditors—we might have paid the debt easier—we might have paid it without paying, and have kept our money and our tempers, and have had no taxes—and all this we might have done, and have kept our credit as good as it was.
Now the Indian war seems to have beaten the debt, and the lordships, and the Quakers, and the amendments, as soundly as it has beaten the brave St. Clair, and his army. Nothing but the Indian war—How cruel to kill the Indians—how foolish to send regular armies, which will not kill them. Poor humanity is ready to die of grief, because you take their lands—you seek their lives, and advises to send volunteers to kill them all. It is not strange that a subject should be left as soon as the public is tired of it; but the curiosity is, that one side of it should be taken, and then the other, so that the accusation may never languish. I find by reading the papers, that Congress is always in the wrong—it errs by forbearing to act, as well as by acting:—and if the advice of the complainers is followed, they turn about to the other side, and condemn them for having done it. Is the public opinion unsteady—or are there a few men (a few can make a great noise) who lie in wait, and seize every opportunity, especially public disasters, to make the people hate the government as bitterly as they do themselves?
"Between two stools we are likely to fall to the ground."—The people found the state governments incompetent to the preservation of the Union, or the support and encouragement of their TRADE, AGRICULTURE, & MANUFACTURES; it is a late discovery that the general government is equally incompetent to these objects, particularly in regard to the two last. If we are thus circumstanced, our boasted sovereignty and independence are but empty sounds.
How different have events turned out from the predictions of those who opposed the funding system!—Have any of the Ethiopians changed their skin?—Let recent publications answer—
"All human virtue to its last breath, Finds envy never conquered but by death; The great Alcides, ev'ry labor past, Had yet this monster to subdue at last."
This day the PRESIDENT of the United States enters into the 61st year of his age.
At a meeting of the Directors of the Bank of the United States, on Monday last, the following Gentlemen were chosen Directors for the office of Deposit and Discount in the town of Baltimore:
  Thoroughgood Smith  Stephen Wilson    James West  Nicholas Slubey    James Carey  David Stewart    Adrian Valck  George Gale    Archibald Campbell  James Dall    John Swain  John Holmes, jun.    Christopher Johnston  David Harris, Cashier.  
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.
Friday, Feb. 10, 1792.
The Court met pursuant to adjournment—present The Hon. WILLIAM CUSHING, JAMES WILSON, JOHN BLAIR, JAMES IREDELL, Associate Judges. No business being before the Court, it adjourned till to-morrow 11 o'clock. The Judges appeared on the bench in their robes of office.
** Sundry favors omitted, shall appear in our next.
ERRATUM—In our last, under the Philadelphia head, middle column, for "a small Schooner from Jamaica," read, from Jeremie ; which is a port in Hispaniola.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Subscribers for this Gazette, in the City and State of New-York, or to the Eastward of said State, are requested to pay any arrearage which may be due from them respectively, to Messrs. PROSPER WETMORE & BROTHERS, No. 9, Burling-Slip, New-York.
JOHN FENNO.
Philadelphia, February 11.

PREMIUMS.
THE Pennsylvania Society for the encouragement of Manufactures and the useful Arts, taking into their consideration the Premiums proper to be offered for the ensuing year, agreed upon the following:
THE CONDITIONS ARE,
That the specimens on which the premiums shall be claimed, must be the produce or manufacture of Pennsylvania, Jersey, or Delaware, and that they be exhibited to the board on or before the first day of December 1792. That those who may become candidates, will be expected to prepare clear and satisfactory proofs, such as their cases may require; and that the Society reserve to themselves the right to determine, not only the comparative, but the absolute merit of the specimens produced by the different candidates, and of giving or withholding their premiums accordingly.
 1. To such person as shall exhibit the best specimen of Earthenware or Pottery, approaching nearest to Queen's Ware, or, the Nottingham or Delft Ware, of the marketable value of fifty dollars—a Plate of the value of fifty dollars, or an equivalent in money.  2. To such person as shall exhibit the best specimen of Stone Ware, or that kind of Earthen Ware which is glazed with salt, of the marketable value of 50 dollars—a Plate of 50 dollars value, or that sum in specie.  3. To such person as shall exhibit the largest quantity of Wool, not less than 500 lbs. wt. the produce of one farm—a Plate of the value of 50 dollars, or the amount in specie.  4. To such person as shall produce the largest quantity of bleached Wax, fit for candles, or exportation, not less than 500 lbs. wt.—a premium of 50 dollars.  5. To such person as shall produce the greatest quantity of painters' colours, manufactured from materials found in Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, or Delaware—a premium of 50 dollars.  6. To such person as shall make and exhibit the largest number of Smiths' Anvils, not less than 20 of 100 lbs. wt. each, equal in quality to those imported—a premium of 50 dollars.  7. To such person as shall make and exhibit the best specimen of Stoves of cast iron, at least 400 wt. approaching nearest to the quality of Bath Stoves, in smoothness and evenness of the surface, and relief and elegance of the figures—a premium of 80 dollars.  8. For the best specimen produced of small hollow iron Ware, three tons wt. approaching nearest in lightness, elegance, &c. to the imported—a premium of 50 dollars.  9. For the best specimen of Stone or Marble Slabs, not less than 2000 square feet, sawed by machinery, moved by horses or water—a premium of 50 dollars.  10. To the person who shall produce the next greatest quantity of Stone or Marble Slabs, not less than 1000 square feet, sawed by machinery moved by horses or water—a premium of 25 dollars.  11. For the best specimen of Stone or Marble polished by machinery moved by horses or water, not less than 100 square feet—a premium of 50 dollars.  12. For the best specimen of red leather, at least 100 skins, approaching nearest in fineness of colour and dressing to the Morocco leather—a premium of 50 dollars. 
Published by order of the Board, THOMAS M. WILLING, Sec'y. Philadelphia, Dec. 9, 1791.
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA T E A S, REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c. Of the first quality—by retail, No. 19, Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, PEAR-STREET, A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS, Which may be seen every day, until five o'clock, p. m. Among them are the following:
Folio. HOMER, Xenophon, Plato, Plutarch, Eusebius, Sozomen, Theodoret, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Paternus, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thesaurus Ciceronis. Biblia Junii and Tremellii, Bible de Martin, Wells's Maps, Scapulae—Phavorini—Martini—Hoffmanni Lexica, Vossii Etymologicon, Antiquit. Eccles. Britannica, &c. Quarto. Pindar, Cyropaedia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phaedrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Ciceronis op. om. Caesar, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ars Gram. Cluverii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c. Octavo et infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poetae minores Gr. Isocrates, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Plautus, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Antonius, Buchanan, Sallust, Curtius, Florus, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hist. August. Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars, &c. &c. Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Booksellers, Market-street, or of JOHN CAREY. October 31. (cp tf.)
Joseph Anthony, & Son,
HAVE FOR SALE, At their Store, No. 5, on Chestnut-Street Wharf, A FEW puncheons choice old Jamaica Spirits, Grenada, St. Kitts and Nevis Rum, Port-Wine-Prince, Cape-Francois and Surinam Molasses, Coffee, Coton, and Pimento, Hyson and Souchong Tea, of the first quality, Cloves, Cassia, and Boston Chocolate, Spermaceti Candles and strained Oil, Salmon and picked Mackerel, Boston Beef and Burlington Pork, Rulia and Boston Canvas, A few bales excellent Hops, Myrtle Wax Candles, St. Martin's Salt, Madeira Wine, in pipes, hogheads and quarter casks, And a few cases old Batavia Arrack. February 8, 1792. [cp4w]
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
American Lead Manufactor.
STEPHEN AUSTIN, & Co. HAVE just now opened their LEAD-WAREHOUSE, two doors south of Walnut-Street Wharf, adjoining their New Factory—where they have now made, and ready for sale, a general assortment of SHOT of all sizes, with SHEET and BAR LEAD, the production of the Mines in Virginia. As they have employed a number of experienced English workmen, they warrant it to be equal in quality to any manufactured in Europe, and at a reduced price from the cost of imported. They also continue to manufacture all the above articles at Richmond, in Virginia. All orders addressed to either of the above Factories, will be thankfully received, and executed on the shortest notice. N. B. Wanted, industrious, sober, Labouring Men, at the said Mines, where constant employ, good wages, and other encouragements will be given, means of conveyance being provided, and houses for their reception. For further particulars enquire of Messrs. MOSES AUSTIN & Co. at their Factory in Richmond, or as above. Philadelphia, December 3, 1791. tf
JOHN PINTARD,
SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER, PURCHASES and SELLS PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission, at the following rates:
ON the specie amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent. On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent. On remittances, ditto. Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest. For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer. Such persons as may incline to favor the subscriber with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch. His long experience and extensive dealings in the public stocks, together with a well established correspondence throughout the United States, enable him to conduct his operations with peculiar benefit to his employers. JOHN PINTARD, New-York, No. 57, King-Street. October 15, 1791.
A LOTTERY,
TO raise the sum of £ 750 for the purpose of repairing the Protestant Episcopal Church in the city of New-Brunswick, agreeable to an act of the Legislature of the State of New-Jersey, passed November 1791.
   S C H E M E.     1 Prize of 2000 Dollars is 2000   1 1000 1000   2 500 1000   5 200 1000   10 100 1000   30 50 1500   90 20 1800   1675 4 6700   1814 Prizes. 16000   3520 Blanks.    5334 Tickets, at 3 Dollars each, is 16002 Dolls.
This Lottery is composed of 5334 Tickets, not two Blanks to one Prize, and subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. which is more favorable to adventurers than any Lottery yet offered to the public—and it being of such evident utility, that it cannot be doubted but the undertaking will meet with the most liberal support.
The drawing will commence on the second Monday in April, or sooner if the Tickets are disposed of, in the city of New-Brunswick, under the inspection of Col. John Bayard, President of said city; James Parker, Esq. Mayor of the city of Amboy; and Archibald Mercer, Esq. Deputy Governor of the Manufacturing Society of New-Jersey.
Tickets to be had of the following persons, who are duly appointed Managers, are under oath, and have given security for the faithful performance of their duty.
A list of the fortunate numbers will be published, and the prizes paid immediately after the drawing of the Lottery. JOHN PARKER, PETER KEENON, ANTHONY W. WHITE, } Managers. N. B. Those prizes which are not demanded within six months after the drawing of the Lottery, will be considered as a generous donation to the Church. New-Brunswick, January 20, 1792. [cp 3m]
RUN AWAY from the Subscriber, living in Elsenborough, nearly opposite Reedy-Island, on the night of the 20th of November, 1791, an Apprentice Lad, named JOHN MORRIS; about 16 years of age; took with him a new felt hat, home-spun cloth coat and breeches, corduroy jacket, two pair stockings, two home-spun shirts, two pair shoes, and some summer cloaths. It is supposed he went on board some vessel, as he was seen going in a bateau towards some vessels that were lying at the Piers, near to Reedy-Island.—Whoever takes said apprentice, and returns him to his master again, shall receive Two Dollars reward, by BENJAMIN HOLME.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR, A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold at the Bank of the United States, shewing the Value of Gold in Dollars and Cents, from One to a Thousand Pennyweights—according to the Act of Congress, ascertaining the Standard and Value of Gold.
Dismal Swamp Canal Company.
PROPOSALS for cutting a Canal from the waters of Elizabeth River in Virginia, to those of Pasquotank in North-Carolina, or for conducting the work, will be received until the ninth day of April next, by Robert Andrews, of Williamburg; Thomas Newton, jun. and Daniel Bedinger, of Norfolk, in Virginia; by John Cowper, of Gates County; and Benjamin Jones, of Camden County, in North-Carolina. The length of the Canal will be about sixteen miles; the country through which it will pass, is swampy, free from stones, and covered with heavy wood. The Canal is to be thirty-two feet in width, and eight feet at least in depth, below the surface of the earth, and capable of being navigated in dry seasons, by vessels drawing three feet water. Good security will be required of contractors; and persons making application to be employed as managers, must produce certificates (from characters of respectability) of their qualifications for a business of this kind. By order of the President and Directors, WILLIAM A. BAYLEY, Clerk. Norfolk, January 21, 1792. (cpiga)
S A L E S
Of the real Estate of JOHN KIDD, late of the Township of Bensalem, in the County of Bucks, Esquire, deceased, pursuant to the Directions of his last Will and Testament.
ON Tuesday the 27th of March next will be exposed to Sale, by way of Public Vendue, on the premises—One exceedingly valuable and highly improved Farm, containing about two hundred and ninety-nine acres, situate on the river Delaware; on which is erected a handsome two-story brick house, with a new piazza in the front, two kitchens, a good barn, stables, hay-house, and other convenient outhouses. A good orchard of the best kind of grafted fruit, now in its prime; a large garden well fenced in, and in good order; and a shad and herring fishery before the door. This place is remarkably well timbered, has a sufficiency of meadow, a large front on the river, and runs back to the post-road.
One other very valuable Farm, adjoining the above; containing about two hundred and seven acres, the greatest part of which is wood-land. There are on this farm a good house, barn, stables, and other outhouses, with a young thriving orchard of the best grafted fruit, and a shad and herring fishery. It has long been a well accustomed tavern; and the ferry belonging to it, known by the name of Dunks's, is noted for being well kept and much frequented. Both the above places afford the best prospects on the river, and are remarkably healthy.
One other small Farm, containing about sixty-three acres, situate in the township of Southampton, in the county aforesaid; on which are erected two log-houses. There is a small orchard, and a great sufficiency of wood-land and meadow ground.
One Lot, containing four acres, situate on the great post-road leading from Philadelphia to New-York, and ten miles from the former. On it is a good log dwelling-house, and work-shop adjoining, with a well of excellent water at the door: now in the tenure of the Widow Ward.
Also, at the same time and place, will be sold all the remaining Stock, Household-Furniture, Farming Utensils, and Wheat in the ground.
N. B. The conditions of sale will be, one-third of the purchase money to be paid down, and the remainder in two yearly payments with interest.
JOHN SWIFT, JOHN M. NESBIT, } Executors. SAMUEL BENEZET, } (cpmt27)
TO BE SOLD,
THAT beautiful and elegant situation on the banks of the Potomack, adjoining the town of Alexandria, whereon the subscriber now resides; about 25 or 30 acres will be sold with the improvements, which are a neat and commodious two story house, completely finished from the cellar to the garret, a kitchen, laundry, meat-house, dairy, two story barn, and ice house, all finished in the best manner, together with several other necessary outhouses, the yard and garden neatly paled, and a skillful gardner now employed in putting it in fine order; the land well enclosed with a post and rail fence; a well, and springs of excellent water—the prospect is equalled by few, and excelled by none in America—its contiguity to Alexandria, the Federal Town, and George-Town, having a fine and full view of each place, must render it in a few years of great value, being directly in a line of communication from Alexandria to the other two towns. Should a purchaser offer before the 15th of February next, a cheap bargain may be had. An indisputable title, clear of all incumbrances, will be made by the subscriber. I will also sell with this place, 220 Acres of Wood Land, about 3 miles distant, which will suit well to support the above in wood and timber. December 14, 1791. (tf) BALDWIN DADE.
War Department.
JANUARY 2, 1792. INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of September, 1791, and which will become due on the 5th day of March, 1792, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the states respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form: A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form: I, A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and ending the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two.
Signed and sealed in the presence of } Witnesses. Acknowledged before me,
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim.
By command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
The Printers in the respective states are requested to publish the above in their newspapers, for the space of two months.