The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-26 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 26th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
On the Election of Electors.
The committees of conference, appointed by the house of Representatives and the Senate, not having agreed on any terms of accommodation, the committee of the House of Representatives on the 18th inst. made the following REPORT.—
That impressed with the importance of the object of the conference, as well as with the necessity for a prompt decision, your Committee embraced the earliest moment to enter into a discussion with the Committee of the Senate; endeavouring by a frank, temperate, and conciliatory example, to obtain a candid disclosure of the principles, on which the amendments to the bill were founded; and of the ultimate views and dispositions of the Senate, in relation to an equitable compromise of the difference, which had, unfortunately, arisen between the two houses.
That although expressions indicating a predetermination to adhere inexorably, to the amendments of the Senate, escaped at the very opening of the conference, from some individuals, it is just to acknowledge, that in their official capacity, the Committee of the Senate declared a readiness to hear any arguments, and to receive and consider any propositions, which could be offered on behalf of the House of Representatives; but they uniformly declined to support by reasoning the amendment to the bill, or to make any overture, on their part, as a basis for accommodation.
That, under these circumstances, your committee represented the magnitude of the question before the conferees; its influence upon the character of the Union. They urged the sacred obligation by which each member of the Legislature was bound to support the Constitution of the United States; and they referred to the Constitutional injunction, that each State shall appoint Electors, in the manner which the Legislature may direct, prescribing a duty, which the legislature could not refuse or neglect to perform.
That receiving no answer to these observations, your committee proceeded to state that the house of representatives was actuated by a just sense of the duty enjoined upon the legislature, and by a fair deference for the opinions of the senate; that therefore, the present conference had been requested by you; and that your committee conformably to the dispositions and views which you had manifested on the occasion, were prepared to make every reasonable concession to the dispositions and views of the senate.
That considering the preservation of the principle of a joint vote, as the only absolute exception from the discretion of your committee, they derived great satisfaction from remarking that while on your part, that mode of proceeding was deemed a matter of constitutional obligation, it did not appear on the part of the senate to be deemed irregular or illegal. Hence it was presumed that if the object of the amendments to the bill could be attained by other means, there would be no hesitation in yielding to the conscientious scruples of the house of representatives, what was, in their view, a principle; though in the view of the senate it was regarded only as a form.
That on this basis your committee predicted the propositions, which they presented to the committee of the senate in the terms contained in the annexed paper marked (A;) stipulating for the appointment of electors by a joint vote, but conceding that the appointment should be so regulated as to give to each branch of the legislature the choice of a portion of the number to be appointed. On this apportionment, however, your committee did not deem it expedient, in the first instance, to express their sentiments; but left the proper blank for the insertion of such numbers as should be settled after an investigation of the subject.
That your committee received from the committee of the Senate, an answer to their proposition, expressed in the terms contained in the annexed paper marked (B)—That the answer while it verbally objects to the stipulation of a joint vote, evidently makes the objection in a way, that did not preclude the hope of surmounting it; and while there remained a hope of accommodation, your committee were anxious to indulge and realize it.
That accordingly without departing from the stipulation for a joint vote, the annexed reply marked (C,) was presented to the committee of the Senate, in which to obviate their principal obstacle, it was unequivocally declared "that the apportionment of the number of electors, to the two branches of the Legislature, was considered as a fair subject for free discussion, and mutual concession, to the whole extent of the number to be appointed." The Senate, as well as the House of Representatives, must recognize in this declaration, the earnest wish of your committee to rescind the state from the disgrace that threatened, and to restore to the Legislature the harmony which has been interrupted.
For, whoever shall candidly consider the nature of the subject; the precedents that have been established in Pennsylvania; in other states of the union; the comparative number of the two Houses; or the general sentiments of the people, expressed through the medium of elections, cannot fail to perceive, that the claim of the House of Representatives might justly have been placed on higher ground; while the strict operation of a joint vote, would inevitably exclude the Senate from any participation in the choice of electors.
That notwithstanding these reiterated propositions (at once sincere and liberal) your committee are finally doomed to be the reluctant medium of announcing to you, and to the public, the peremptory dissent of the committee of the Senate, as expressed in the annexed paper (D,) and the consequent failure of every conciliatory effort. It only remains therefore, to fulfil the duty that has been assigned to your committee, by submitting the following resolution to the House:
Resolved. —That the House of Representatives do not recede from their vote of non-concurrence in the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill entitled "An act to direct on behalf of this state, the manner of appointing electors of a President and Vice President of the United States."
(A)
PROPOSITIONS
On behalf of the committee of conference of the House of Representatives, to form the basis of a free conference on the Electoral Bill.
1. That the choice of electors shall be made by a joint vote of the two branches of the legislature, but the above shall be so regulated as to give each branch a portion of the number chosen.
2. That before the joint meeting each branch shall nominate a number of persons, equal to the whole number of electors to be chosen; and at the joint meeting each member of the two branches shall vote for fifteen electors.
3. That the senate recede from their amendments to the bill; and that the bill be so amended in the house of representatives as to conform to the first and second propositions.
(B)
The committee of conference on the part of the senate, delivered to the conferees on the part of the house of representatives upon the proposition on Monday evening 17th November.
The committee of conference on the part of the senate, have considered the propositions of the committee of the house of representatives, to which the following exceptions occur.
The first cannot be admitted, because it is destroying the principle on which the amendments of the senate are founded, viz. preserving to the several branches of the legislature their constitutional rights.
This exception resting against the principle therein contained, it is unnecessary to notice the other propositions, as they otherwise will be rejected; but if the principle were conceded, the second proposition is not sufficiently explicit, the number to be taken from each branch of the legislature not being inferred. On the whole the committee does not discover that any advantage can result from changing the principle.
The only object would appear to respect the number to be appointed by each branch and the sentiments of the committee have already been unequivocally expressed on that point.
Repeated conferences having already been had on the subject, the committee on the part of the senate cannot consider the propositions made by the committee on the part of the house of representatives as framing the basis of a free conference on the electoral bill, but rather as a conclusive opinion.
This opinion having been opposed to their sentiments, the committee of the senate cannot agree to recommend to that body to recede from their amendments.
(C)
The committee of the house of representatives in reply to the exceptions which are offered by the committee of the senate to their propositions, observe—
1. That it has been admitted in debate by the minority in the house of representatives, it is understood to have been argued by the majority in debate in the senate, and it is not denied by the committee of conference on behalf of the senate, that an appointment of electors by a joint vote of both branches of the legislature, would be a constitutional mode of proceeding.
2. That the majority of the house of representatives are conscientiously of opinion, that the electors can only be constitutionally appointed by a joint vote of both branches of the legislature.
3. That, therefore, in acceding to a joint vote the senate will only waive, what is in their opinion a matter of form: but in departing from it, the house of representatives would sacrifice, what is in their opinion, a matter of principle.
4. That on an occasion so critical and important, involving not only the respect that is due to the sacred obligation by which the legislature is bound to support the constitution of the union, but the very existence of the union itself, it is presumed, that a disposition will be felt and manifested on both sides of the conference, to produce a conciliatory, and satisfactory result.
5. That under this impression, the conferees on behalf of the house of representatives, have before declared, and now repeat, that they cannot consent to advise a surrender of the principle of a joint vote; but that they are willing to receive and consider a proposition for apportioning the number of electors between the two houses, in such manner as shall not violate the constitutional right of the senate.
6. That the senate having in their amendments proposed the appointment of seven electors to the senate, and eight electors to the house of representatives; the conferees on behalf of the House of Representatives are prepared to receive and consider the reasons of the conferees on behalf of the senate, for making that appointment, and at the same time, will candidly offer the reasons which occur in opposition to it.
7. That as it is obvious that the only difference which exists between the two houses, is the apportionment of the number of electors, the conferees on behalf of the House of Representatives declare, that any reasonable proposition in that respect will be adopted by them, to rescind the state from the disgrace and odium arising from a dereliction of her federal obligations; and that, they trust, the candor of the conferees on behalf of the senate, will prevent their making any but a reasonable proposition on the occasion.
8. That, upon the whole, the conferees on behalf of the House of Representatives ultimately declare, that they cannot, conscientiously, recede from the principle of a joint vote; but that they consider the appointment of the electors, to the whole extent of the number to be appointed, as a fair
subject for free discussion, and mutual concession.
(D.)
The committee of conference on the part of the Senate have considered the second propositions of the committee of the House of Representatives, in which they do not discover any thing important, to which the former reply of the committee does not furnish an answer.
The committee of the Senate have already given their opinion on the appointment of the electors, and to enter now into a detail of the reasons on which that is founded would be useless to those who have already heard them, and not practicable in the time given to reply. The committee considers the propositions of the committee of the House of Representatives, as leading to uncertainty and difficulty on a point which (for the honor of the state) ought speedily to be settled. The mode proposed in the amendments, alike with that desired by the committee of the House of Representatives, furnishes the opportunity of a discussion as to the appointment of the electors. Upon the whole, this committee impressed with the justness of the principle which dictated the amendments of the Senate, and feeling themselves conscientiously bound to support them, cannot agree to relinquish the ground which they have taken.
The report being read, a question was taken on the resolution, with which it closes, viz. "Resolved, That the House of Representatives do not recede from their vote of non-concurrence in the amendments proposed by the Senate," and was carried by a large majority.
Mr. Penrose then read a new bill in his place, containing the principle of a joint vote, but so modified that the Senate should nominate 15 electors and the House of Representatives the like number; that, on Friday next (after such nomination and a mutual notification thereof) the members of the two houses should meet together and choose fifteen—5 whereof to be out of the Senate's nomination and 10 of the nomination of the House of Representatives. This bill was made the order of the day for the afternoon—the usual rules being dispensed with.
At four o'clock the house met, and, the first section being under consideration, Mr. Mitchell, from Cumberland, rose, and declared his opposition to it.
The question was taken on the bill, and lost, 30 ayes, 36 nays.
On the 19th inst. the bill, lost the day before in the House of Representatives was revived by a motion to reconsider, made by Messrs. Huston and Moore, two of the Members who were in the majority yesterday. The reason assigned by the mover, Mr. Huston, was, that the vote had been hastily taken, and the bill not fully understood by all the members; several not having voted either for or against it. The question, being then put, was carried in the affirmative; and, the first section being before the house, a postponement was moved by Mr. Boileau, in order that the bill might be printed for the use of the members, which was also carried in the affirmative, and the house, after acting on some other business, adjourned until the afternoon.
When the house met, in the afternoon, the bill was read a second time, and (a few small amendments, no way affecting the principle of it, being made) ordered to be transcribed for a third reading.
On the 20th inst. the bill, proposed by Mr. Penrose, passed the House of Representatives, and was sent to the Senate for concurrence.
The Senate amended it, by prescribing that previously to the election of electors, each house should nominate eight persons, after which the two houses should meet together, and choose by joint vote fifteen electors, each member voting for 15 persons out of the nominations previously made, and the 15 persons having the greatest number of votes being the duly chosen electors.
Thus amended the bill passed the Senate on the 20th inst. Ayes 13, Nays 11.

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 26th, 1800.
The following Address was agreed to in SENATE yesterday.
TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
SIR, Impressed with the important truth, that the hearts of Rulers and People are in the hand of the Almighty, the Senate of the United States most cordially join in your invocations for appropriate blessings upon the Governors and People of this union.
While we congratulate ourselves on the convention of the Legislature at the permanent seat of government; and ardently hope that permanence and stability may be communicated as well to the government itself, as to its seat; our minds are irresistibly led to deplore the death of him who bore so honourable and efficient a part in the establishment of both. Great indeed would have been our gratification, if his sum of earthly happiness had been completed, by seeing the government thus peaceably convened at this place:—But we derive consolation from a belief that the moment in which we were destined to experience the loss we deplore, was fixed by that Being whose counsels cannot err; and from a hope, that since in this seat of government which bears his name, his earthly remains will be deposited, the Members of Congress, and all who inhabit the city, with these memorials before them, will retain his virtues in lively recollection, and make his patriotism, morals, and piety, models for imitation.—And permit us to add, Sir, that it is not among the least of our consolations, that you, who have been his companion and friend, from the dawning of our national existence, and trained in the same school of exertion to effect our independence, are still preserved, by a gracious Providence, in health and activity, to exercise the functions of Chief Magistrate.
The question whether the local powers over the district of Columbia, vested by the Constitution in the Congress of the United States, shall be immediately exercised, is of great importance, and in deliberating upon it, we shall naturally be led to weigh the attending circumstances and every probable consequence of the measures which may be prepared.
The several subjects for Legislative consideration, contained in your speech to both Houses of Congress, shall receive from the Senate all the attention, which they can give, when contemplating those objects both in respect to their national importance, and the additional weight that is given them by your recommendation.
We deprecate with you, Sir, all spirit of innovation from whatever quarter it may arise, which may impair the sacred bond that cements the different parts of this Empire; and we trust, that under the protection of Divine Providence, the wisdom and virtue of the citizens of the United States will deliver our national compact unimpaired to a grateful posterity.
From past experience, it is impossible for the Senate of the United States to doubt of your zealous co-operation with the Legislature in every effort to promote the general happiness and tranquility of the union.
Accept, Sir, our warmest wishes for your health and happiness.
LAST EVENING the First Dancing Assembly for the season was held at Mr. Stille's. The Company consisting of above one hundred ladies and gentlemen, among the latter of whom were several public characters, and members of the federal legislature, assembled at an early hour. The exhibition was flattering to the expanding prospects of Washington; and the universal spirit of good humor and gaiety which prevailed is the truest evidence of the amicable sentiments which characterize, in an eminent degree, the citizens of the metropolis.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of high respectability in New-York, dated Nov. 20, 1800.
"In Rhode Island we still expect all the votes."
We have seen a letter, of a late date, from a gentleman in London, possessed of the most correct information, who says, that, in his opinion, the prospect of accommodation between this country and England, in relation to the 6th article of the British Treaty, is at an end, and that he fears the differences between the contracting parties will not be soon terminated.
J. RUTLEDGE, is re-elected a member of the House of Representatives by a majority of 274 votes, J. Rutledge had 784 votes, and C. J. Colcock 510 votes.
The following persons have been elected Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, for the state of Virginia—viz.
 George Wythe, of the City of Richmond.  William Newlum, of Princess Anne.  Edmund Pendleton, sen. of Caroline.  William H. Cabell, of Amherst.  James Madison, jun. of Orange.  John Page, of Gloucester.  Thomas Newton, jun. of Norfolk borough.  Carter B. Harrison, of Prince George.  General Joseph Jones, of Dinwiddie.  William B. Giles, of Amelia.  Greed Taylor of Cumberland.  Thomas Reed, sen. of Charlotte.  George Penn, of Patrick.  Walter Jones, of Northumberland.  Richard Brent of Prince William.  William Ellzey, of Loudoun.  Andrew Moore, of Rockbridge.  Gen. John Brown of Hardy.  Gen. Jon Preston of Montgomery.  Hugh Holmes, of Frederick.  Archibald Stuart of Augusta. 
On the 17th inst. the Legislature of NORTH CAROLINA convened at Raleigh.
In the Senate two candidates were proposed as speaker, viz. Mr. Joseph Reddick, and Mr. Carney. On balloting, it appeared that the former gentleman was elected, by 32 votes against 17.
Mr. Cabarras was elected speaker of the commons. There were three candidates, viz. Messrs. Cabarras, Moore and Benton. The votes stood thus at the second ballot; for Mr. Cabarras 64, for Mr. J. Moore 32, for Mr. Benton 13.
The following persons are chosen Electors of President and Vice-President for the State of North Carolina, viz.
 Edenton District, John Hamilton;  Newbern do. Bryan Whitfield;  Northampton, Thomas Wynns;  Halifax, Gideon Alston;  Raleigh, Joseph Taylor;  Hillsborough, Absalom Tatom;  Rockingham, Joseph Winston;  Morgan, William Tate;  Edgcombe, Nathan Mayo;  Wilmington, Thomas Brown;  Fayetteville, William Martin;  Salisbury, Spruce Macay. 
The eight first named were supported by the friends of Mr. Jefferson, and the four last by those of Mr. Adams.
The following are returns for Electors, at the late election:
   In Newbern District.   Whitfield. Shephard.     Craven county. 301 331   Jones, 87 142   Carteret, 14 147   Lenoir, 237 122   Wayne, 413 22   Johnston, 92 168   1134 932  
   In Morgan District.   Tate. Henderson.     Burke county, 427 122   Lincoln, 11 240   Rutherford, 361 60   Duncombe, 155 26   Wilkes, 357 35   Ashe, 52 00   1374 484  
   In Salisbury District.   Macay. Stockes.     Rowan county, 643 563   Mecklenburg, 274 292   Cabarrus, 139 101   Montgomery 277 54   1333 1010  
We learn from Wilmington (Del.) that on Thursday morning, about 4 o'clock, a slight shock of an earthquake was felt in that town.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon, dated 4th of October, 1800.
"I am sorry to inform you, that the
plague still continues to rage at Cadiz with great violence; and the whole province of Andalusia seems to be more or less affected with it. Every precaution is taken by this government, and it has even ordered all vessels coming from the port of Algeciras to perform the rigorous quarantine of 40 days.
The last post brings the following return of the state of the disorder. 25,000 fled in different directions, 40,000 slightly affected and cured, 7,000 dead, 4'000 very ill—little or no hopes of recovery.
76,000 Total inhabitants.
Extract of a letter from a respectable mercantile house in Liverpool, to their correspondents in Philadelphia, dated LIVERPOOL, October 3.
"The harvest is nearly finished in most parts of the kingdom, but the reports with respect to its probable produce are so various and contradictory, that it is difficult to collect the wished for information. We are of opinion that wheat will prove a good medium crop; barley and oats are estimated below an average crop, and both seem likely to be dear. This remark also applies to potatoes, although very large quantities of them were planted; and the scarcity of herbage, induced by the late long continuance of dry weather, has rendered the prices of meat, butter and hay uncommonly high. The exaggerated accounts of the probable abundance of the crops, together with the large supplies of imported wheat and flour, had induced very confident expectations that the prices of provisions in general would decline considerably; but the disappointment in this respect, and especially amongst the lower classes, has occasioned great discontent, and a considerable disposition to riot has manifested itself in different parts of the kingdom. We hope this has now generally subsided, and the urgent necessity of appeasing the popular discontent seems likely to occasion for a while at least, more plentiful supplies in the market, and at reduced prices. How long this may continue appears uncertain, and we think it will probably require the interference of the Legislature to adopt some measures which may have a permanent tendency either to reduce the prices of provisions, or enable the labouring poor to purchase more adequate supplies of them. Upon the whole, we see little reason to expect that the necessaries of life will be reduced to their former rates soon. With respect to the specific prices which provisions, especially wheat and flour, may obtain, it appears to us impossible to form an accurate opinion; but it is highly probable there will be a demand for considerable supplies of both.
"The King, with the advice of the Privy Council has allowed the importation of wheat, rye, barley, oats, indian corn, flour, meal, bread, biscuit, rice, callevances, beef, pork, &c. without the payment of any duty, until the expiration of 40 days after the commencement of the next session of Parliament. The warrantee to the Importer, by the British Parliament, of prices equal to 100s. per Winchester Quarter for wheat, or per sack of 280lbs. for flour, and 35s. per cwt. for rice, subject to certain regulations, expires the 1st of next month and it will remain for the next meeting of Parliament to consider whether some similar measures may not be expedient for insuring to this country an adequate supply.
"The result of the late negotiations with respect to peace, is now hourly expected, but what the issue will prove is at present unknown, although a subject of great and general anxiety."
Though the following production was penned some time since, we publish it now under a persuasion that our readers will peruse it with pleasure. It is the offspring of a few of MR. LAW's leisure moments.
AN OCCASIONAL PROLOGUE,
Spoken by MR. WIGNELL,
On opening the Theatre at the CITY of WASHINGTON, in the Great Hotel.
Thank heaven! ten tedious anxious years are past, And here we've altogether met at last; The Grecian States, ambitious to destroy, Took the same time to level cloud capt. Troy.
Their Hero, by subverting, sought his praie, Our Patriot's nobler glory was to raise. Let other nations look to Greece and Rome, Columbia's bright examples are at home: Whate'er is great or good we find in one— All virtues join'd to form a WASHINGTON. Heaven partial seem'd, occasions to dispense, Pleased to unfold his great preeminence. Exulting thought! Why thus appear distrest! But ah! you feel the most, who knew him best.
Mourn not—but thankful that his life was spared
So long, enjoy the blessings he prepared. As planetary systems roll on high, Rul'd by the almighty's law of harmony, These States in ceaseless unity shall roll, Sway'd by the plans of his inspir'd soul.
To night we'll make you weep by mimic play,
For tears are tributes which delight must pay:
Expand your tuckers, ye sigh swelling Fair; Unfurl your fans, your handkerchiefs prepare:
Catch the soft moments, ye enamour'd beauties, Arrest the tear drop trembling as it flows.
Sweet sensibility the soul endears, And beauty sheds a lustre most in tears.
This grand Hotel, for epicures design'd, Now makes provision only for the mind;
For you each night, two courses nice we cater,
And for your wants, the "Prompter" calls not "Waiter."
A bad exchange you'll say—solids for air; Who's he that whispers? It is City Fair.
Sir, your a poet, and delight forsooth, Rather to deal in fiction than in truth.
Those ruddy cheeks evince the air is fine, And those fat sides shew on the best you dine.
Well faith, we've form'd a tolerable stage; Here's room for comic glee or tragic rage:
But there [pointing to pit and box] the city populates so quick,
I fear you've flow'd yourselves away too thick!
Ladies, you smile, as if the crowding pleas'd, Sure your fine frames tremble to be squeez'd.
Tho' now our corps rather too thin appears, This central spot must draw forth volunteers;
If power's their wish, to monarchies we'll raise them—
If fame—'twere ample sure, for you to praise them.
If death and glory—here they may be slain, And what is better, "rise to fight again."
Their country's service to a generous mind, That first incentive, true, they cannot find.
And yet we act no despicable part, Who gladden life and meliorate the heart.
The floods of late, which drown'd you many a horse,*
Have caus'd to us a much severer loss—
Our groves, our temples, gone beyond repair,
The gorgeous palaces it did not spare;
The storm has swept our canvas almost bare.
For this deficiency we'll soon atone—
Would you could build as fast with brick and stone.
At first behold us with indulgent eye, And soon with zeal we'll every want supply.
Thus to this city all things will acquire, That fancy can suggest, or heart desire,
The guillotine, the sword, the cannon's roar,
Drive arts and science to this peaceful shore;
If various tongues from building could disable,
Your houses would of course be stopp'd like Babel:
Dutch, Irish, Germans, French, ALZ lither fice,
To enjoy the sweets of Liberty.
With your permission—hark, I'm call'd away—
That bell cuts short the best I had to say.
Accept the will I pray you for the deed,
For this on all occasions we must plead—
By your indulgence only we succeed.
* Alluding to casualties by the overflowing of creeks, and to damage sustained by Stage Scenery.
Public Sale of Lots, IN WASHINGTON CITY.
WILL be sold at public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the 10th day of December next, at William Tunnell's Hotel, ONE HUNDRED LOTS, situated eastward of the Capitol and near to the Eastern Branch ferry. The terms will be one half cash and the other half at 60 days on notes negotiable at the bank of Columbia satisfactorily endorsed.
An indisputable title will be given by
GEORGE WALKER.
Washington, November 26.

PARIS, Sept. 21.
The remains of Turenne were removed on the fifth Complementary Day, with great solemnity, to the Dome des Invalides. At two in the afternoon the Minister of the Interior, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, proceeded to the Museum of French monuments, accompanied by an astonishing number of General Officers. The body which had remained there since the middle of the seventeenth century, was delivered into their hands by Citizen Lenoire, keeper of the Museum, together with the sword which the illustrious warrior carried in his hand when he was killed, and the fatal bullet which occasioned his death. After a splendid speech had been delivered by Lenoire, to which a suitable reply was made by the Minister of the Interior, the procession marched on to the Invalides, and was received by the worn out veterans with the greatest enthusiasm. The Minister of War, such an exquisite judge of military merit, delivered an elegant panegyric, and the body of Turenne was then deposited in the monument which contained it at Denis. The ceremony concluded by a grand display of martial music, which drew tears from all the spectators, and excited in them a desire to imitate the example of this illustrious commander.
ANNAPOLIS, November 20.
On Wednesday the 12th instant, a commencement for conferring degrees in St. John's college, was held in the college hall, before a very large & respectable audience, consisting of the honorable the legislature of the state, and the gentlemen and ladies of the city.
The vice principal opened the business of the day with a solemn prayer to the Supreme Being, after which the candidates proceeded with the public exercises in the following manner:
 1. A latin salutatory oration, by Mr. Richard Brown, of Virginia.  2. An oration on the character of a good citizen, by Mr. C. Stone, of Maryland.  3. An oration on the modern philosophy, by Mr. Walter Fernandes, of Maryland.  4. An oration on the advantages to be derived from the study of history, by Mr. James Boyle, of Maryland.  5. An oration on ridicule, as the test of truth, by Mr. John Sanders, of Maryland.  6. An oration on party spirit, by Mr. Philip Thomas of Maryland. 
The degree of bachelor of arts was then conferred by the principal on Messrs. Richard Brown, Robert C. Stone, Walter Fernandes, James Boyle, John Sanders, Philip Thomas, and Thomas Rogers—Messrs. James S. Grant and Thomas Dorsey, who were prevented from attending the commencement with their class, were also admitted to the same degree.
At the same time, Messrs. Charles Alexander, Thomas Chase, John B. Ducket, John C. Herbert, John J. Tschudy, Richard Harwood, William Cooke, Robert H. Goldsborough, Francis Key, Daniel Murray, John Shaw and C. Whiting, alumni of St. John's college, were admitted to the degree of master of arts.
7. Valedictory oration by Mr. Thomas Rogers, of Maryland.
The principal then closed the business of the commencement with a short address to the graduates respecting their future conduct in life, and concluded by commending them to the care of the Almighty Governor of the Universe.
CONRAD & M C MUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage.
City of Washington, Nov. 24; 1800.
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690.
A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles.
Iron pots, frying pans, chafing dishes, Brats, iron and Japand Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, wackers and Bread baskets, flat irons, wired up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and cross butt Saws, 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end.
HENRY INGLE
November 24th, 1800.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Nov. 25, 1800.
Mr. GRISWOLD reported the sketch of an address to the President in reply to his speech to both houses of Congress, which was referred to a committee of the whole house, made the order of the day for tomorrow, and ordered to be printed for the use of the members.
Mr. NICHOLSON moved a resolution making permanent provision for the compensation of the delegate from the territory North-West of the Ohio, and extending to him the privilege of franking letters, which was agreed to, and referred to a committee of three to bring in a bill.
Mr. OTIS observed that a letter had been received from the Secretary of the Treasury announcing his intention to resign at the termination of the present year, on which the house had taken no order. Holding a high and responsible office, it appeared the wish of the Secretary, before he retired into private life, to court an examination into the manner in which he had discharged the duties by law assigned him. In his opinion, the highest reward, which a faithful discharge of duty could receive, was the approbation of those whose province it was to superintend the management of the public treasure; and believing, as he did, that the Secretary of the Treasury had discharged his official duties with ability and integrity, he was persuaded, that on enquiry, the house would not hesitate to say so. He wished the letter to be referred at present to a select committee, and promised in the course of a few days to offer to the house such instructions as might guide them in the inquiry which they might deem advisable to make. He forbore to state what those instructions would be, as he had not yet made up his mind on the subject. He concluded with moving a reference to a select committee.
Mr. NICHOLAS had no objection whatever to bestowing on a meritorious officer the approbation of the house, and he was disposed to consider the Secretary of the Treasury as of that character. But he was opposed to the precipitancy of the measure proposed. Even the gentleman, with whom it originated, had not digested in his own mind, the subject, nor had he proposed any specific mode of enquiry. He thought this ought to be done previously to a reference.
Mr. OTIS said, that before he stated the manner in which it would be advisable to make the enquiry, he wished to consult precedents, which he had not had time to do. In the mean time, he thought it best to refer the letter generally. The Secretary had a claim on the earliest attention of the house, in case any inquiry was deemed proper.
Mr. GRISWOLD hoped that an immediate reference would obtain. The Committee, on examining the nature of the subject, may report the proper mode of procedure. If it be understood that, on the retirement of every Secretary of the Treasury from office, an enquiry is to be made into his official conduct, it will operate as a general stimulus to the faithful discharge of duty. As to the nature of the instructions to be given to the committee, it will be time enough to discuss them when offered.
Mr. NICHOLAS would not ask the mover of the reference what mode he meant to pursue, because he had informed the house that he did not know; but he would ask the gentleman, who had just spoken, what his views were, as on the line pursued depended altogether the propriety of the measure. Until the objects of inquiry were declared, and the mode of procedure designated, he was averse to taking any steps. For on these essentially depended the eligibility of the measure. It was notorious that the duties of the Secretary of the Treasury were so extensive and complicated, that a general inquiry into them all would not be in the power of a large deliberative body. And unless the greatest care were taken, the proposed examination might result in a disregard of those points which required attention, and a notice of those which required no investigation at all. Thus under the name of an enquiry, nothing but the form of an investigation would be effected.
General Lee thought it would be an act of injustice to the character of the Secretary, and an act of injustice to the country at large, to withhold an agreement to the proposition made by the gentleman from Massachusetts. It was known to the whole world that the most fictitious charges had refounded from one end of the union to
the other. Believing them to be groundless, in his opinion the honor of the country called for an investigation. If the charges should be sustained, the Secretary ought to receive the censure of the house; but if they should be demonstrated to be false, we owed him our approbation. While he considered him as combining ability, integrity, and honour, he would give him his support; and he would do all in his power to wipe off the suspicions which, in some minds, had attached to his character.
The question was then taken on a reference, and carried in the affirmative, and a committee of seven appointed.
The House then went into a Committee of the whole on the state of the Union, Mr. Morris in the chair. The President's speech being read by paragraphs, a motion was made to refer a particular part thereof to a committee, and was carried; but on the suggestion of Mr. Otis that it was unusual to act on the several parts of the speech, before agreeing to an answer, the committee rose.
The House being resumed, GEN. LEE, after some prefatory remarks, moved the appointment of a committee to report such measures as it may be proper to adopt to carry into effect the resolutions passed last session commemorative of the political services of George Washington, to report by bill or otherwise.
Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. THOMAS presented an Address to the House, from the citizens of Columbia, congratulating them on the removal of the seat of government to Washington. Referred to a select committee.
Mr. JACKSON, moved the appointment of a Committee to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to the post office bill, to report by bill or otherwise.
Ordered to lie on the table.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 26
The house went into a Committee of the whole on the reported Reply to the President's Speech, Mr. Parker in the chair, which, after being read by paragraphs, was reported to the House without amendments, and agreed to Ayes 36—Nees 32; and a committee appointed to wait on the President, to know when and where he would receive the Answer.
Before the house adjourned the committee reported that they had waited upon the President, who replied that he would receive their Answer to-morrow at 12 o'clock at THIS HOUSE.
This morning the Senate waited upon the President with their Address.
Extract of a letter from COL. WADE HAMPTON of South Carolina, to COL. HOLMES in Virginia, dated Columbia Nov. 11, 1800.
"The Federalists in Charleston have made extraordinary exertions lately in favor of GEN. PINCKNEY, and have turned their views to every part of the State. Major Butler and his two Colleagues (because they are Republicans) have by a manœuvre been shut out: The change is not so alarming as to Numbers, but I think there will be a want of nerve to resist the pretensions of Gen. Pinckney: Mr. Jefferson will have Every Vote here, but there is great danger that Gen. Pinckney will also."
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, sailed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexecuted delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no safer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the Inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusing on of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or in-
timidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indelicate ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to man, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROPOSITIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subscribed to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
1 st . The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good cambric paper, and with a new type.
2 d . The annual subscription shall be Five DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and Six DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.
3 d . All Letters to be post paid.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having, conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by distilling unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. This, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy; with dignity, and with spirit.
October 31st, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
FIVE or Six gentlemen can be accommodated with Genteel Board and Lodging, in a good and comfortable House, on New-Jersey Avenue, at Mr. Law's former residence. Also good Stabling wherein twenty horses can be accommodated by,
SAMUEL BOOTES.
Nov. 26th, 1800.
4t.
A GENTLEMAN with a small family wishes to get Lodgings, either in Georgetown, or the City, during the Session of Congress.
Apply at this Office, or to Mr. Claxton, Door keeper of the House of Representatives.
Nov. 26.
3t.

ANSWER
Of the Senate of Pennsylvania, To the Address of the Governor.
To THOMAS M C KEAN, Governor of the Commonwealth of Penn- sylvania.
The Senate, sensible of the importance of your communication to both houses of the Legislature, have given it the most early attention.
The circumstance of no mode of electing electors of President and Vice-President of the United States being yet prescribed, is a subject of general regret.
We feel the influence of those occurrences which admonish us to rally round the constitution of our country, and permit us to add, the constitution of our particular state: we shall carefully advert to their respective provisions in all our deliberations on the important subject of choosing electors, and we confidently hope that the result will consist with the former, without infringing the political balance of the latter.
The day of election being so near at hand as to preclude our constituents from an immediate participation in the choice of electors, we shall endeavor to devise such a mode as, that while it conforms to the constitution, shall promise all the satisfaction to our fellow citizens that the emergency of present circumstances will possibly admit. Thus shall we become exonerated from responsibility, as far as depends on the Senate of this important state, to preserve its merited place in the great scale of the Union.
To which the Governor returned the following reply.
To the Senate of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN,
It gives me great satisfaction to find that you concur in my opinion on the importance of the occasion, on which the legislature has been convened; and be assured that I regret with you, the limited period that remains for deliberation and decision.
A variety of considerations occur, however, to justify the time that has been selected for an interposition of the executive authority. It will be observed, that the Legislature has a power over its own adjournments; and if you, gentlemen, had thought during the last session, that another meeting of the same General Assembly would probably furnish the means to reconcile the jarring opinions of the two houses, a proposition for that purpose would, I am persuaded, have been introduced. But the power which the constitution vests in the Executive Magistrate to convene the Legislature, points particularly to those emergencies which may occur during a recess, upon which the legislature has had no opportunity to deliberate; and with respect to which, without his interposition, the season for deliberation would be lost.
From the silence of both houses on this point, therefore, I naturally inferred, that to assemble the same members again would be an abortive, as well as an expensive experiment; and I am sorry to add, that the transactions of the present session have only served to confirm the idea which I had formed. Though the nature of the question is changed, the inflexibility of opinion remains. The difference between a general and district election, while those modes of appointing electors could be contemplated, generated a contest with the same motives which now agitate the legislature, on the difference between appointing by a joint vote of its branches, or by assigning a portion of the number of electors to the separate choice of each branch. If then an adherence to your new plans, threatens to disfranchise the state, when you must act, or surrender the power of acting, what hope could have been indulged of a more auspicious disposition, upon an earlier call of the Legislature? The existing majority of the Senate (consisting of all the remaining members who composed the majority of the last session) have not declared that, in that case, they would have yielded, any more than in the present case, to the opinion of the House of Representatives; and, taking the issue of the recent elections as a criterion, I can perceive no just reason to presume, that, after consulting our constituents, the House of Representatives could have yielded to the opinion of the Senate.
Hence, I think it is obvious, Gentlemen, that the Executive authority was interposed, to convene the legislature, at the only time, which presented a prospect of success—and all the preparatory steps were taken, previously to the general election, without any possible influence from the event of that constitutional appeal to the
sentiments of the people. But, with you, after all, it remains to fix, in the course of a few days, the character of Pennsylvania, as a member of the confederation. In the name of our constituents, for the sake of ourselves, and our posterity, I implore you to consider well the consequences of your decision. Indulge not a predilection for forms, a spirit of innovation to the hazard of the peace, the happiness, and the stability of the union; but conforming to the precedents that have been judiciously established, to the public sentiment that has been universally expressed, deserve and receive the plaudits of your country.
THO. M C KEAN.
Lancaster, 18th Nov. 1800.
ALBANY.
At a numerous meeting of citizens from various parts of the state, held in the City of Albany, on the 8th day of November, 1800.
RICHARD HATFIELD, Chairman.
The following Address was agreed to, and a committee appointed to present the same:
Albany, 8th Nov. 1800.
SIR,
At a large and respectable meeting of citizens from various parts of the state now assembled, I am instructed to address your excellency on their behalf and to state that strongly impressed with the conviction that the same uniform propriety of conduct, zeal and assiduity to promote the public weal and interest of your country, which have so eminently distinguished you in your various public functions before the administration of the government of this state was conferred to you, have unremittingly been exerted during your administration, they feel themselves impelled by a wish for the felicity of their fellow citizens and a sense of gratitude to you, to entreat you once more to suffer yourself to be held up as a candidate for the chair of government, assuring you, Sir, that their best exertions will be extended to procure the accomplishment of their wishes; which they are persuaded, are in coincidence with all such of their fellow citizens, who duly appreciate the important results of a wise, impartial and virtuous chief magistrate of the state. With these, and every other sentiment of esteem and respect,
I am, Sir,
Your excellency's obedient servant. RICHARD HATFIELD, Chairman. His Excellency JOHN JAY, Esq.
The committee reported that they had waited on his excellency the governor, who expressed his grateful sentiments for the attentions of the meeting; and stated his long determination to retire to private life; and that from engagements he was unable and immediately to return a written answer to the application and address.
The following answer to the foregoing address was afterwards received:
Albany, 8th November, 1800.
SIR,
Being engaged with company this evening, when the committee appointed by the respectable meeting of citizens from various parts of the state, of which you was chairman, presented me their address, I could only return them a verbal answer. But it appears to me proper to answer it in writing, as well to evince my respect, as that my sentiments on the subject may be the better ascertained.
In the sincerity of the assurance with which they honor me, I have perfect confidence; they have heretofore been verified by uniform manifestations of esteem and attachment, which I shall always remember with grateful sensibility.
The period is now nearly arrived, at which I have for many years intended to retire from the cares of public life, and for which I have been for more than two years preparing. Not perceiving, after mature consideration, that any duties require me to postpone it, I shall retire accordingly; but I shall retain and cherish the warmest affection for my country, as well as the esteem which I entertain for many, and the good will which I bear to all my fellow citizens.
On this occasion, various reflections croud into my mind, but I doubt the utility, under existing circumstances, of expressing them. Time and experience will correct many errors which ought not to have been introduced into public opinion. What the price of that experience may be, cannot be foreseen. They who are convinced that our constitutions ought to be maintained inviolate, and that the rights of persons and of property cannot be preserved with-
out government constituted with power, and administered with determination to secure them, will steadfastly oppose whatever may have a contrary tendency.
It ought not to be expected, that parties will never be intemperate, but over-bearing intemperance, or violence, in individual leaders ought neither to appal nor inflame good citizens. On the contrary, such violations of propriety should be met with temper and moderation, as well as with increased union and firmness.
I declare to you explicitly, that in my opinion we ought to resist innovations, to adhere to our constitutions and governments, to give them a fair trial, and to amend them from time to time, according to the dictates of experience, and not according to the views of demagogues, or to the visions of theorists.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, Sir, Your most obedient servant.
JOHN JAY.
The hon. Richard Hatfield, Esq. Chairman.
ANSWER of the SENATE of Massachusetts to the GOVERNOR'S SPEECH.
May it please your excellency,
It having been generally understood, that the object of the Legislature, in assembling at this season of the year, is the appointment of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, the Senate do not contemplate being engaged in any other business which can conveniently be deferred to another session. And sincerely do we accord with you in the prayer, that our suffrages may be bestowed on the friends of order and good Government, and that the result may promote the best interests of our country.
It is matter of regret, that any of our fellow citizens should be so lost to a sense of their duty and interest, as to set the power of government at defiance, and oppose their individual strength to that of the Community. So far as may depend on us your Excellency may be assured that proper means will be adopted to suppress such pernicious evils.
We are gratified with the information, which your Excellency has communicated with respect to the improved state of our Militia. We feel confident, that so much dependence is to be placed on their discipline, courage and patriotism, that their Country has more to fear from the arts than from the arms of her enemies.
Answer of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts to the Governor.
May it please your excellency,
The House of Representatives concur with your excellency in the sentiment, that the object of their present session is highly interesting, not only to our immediate constituents, but to the whole people of the United States, since the welfare, and prosperity of a nation essentially depend on the character of their magistrates; and the wisdom with which their government is administered. Seriously impressed with this sentiment, it shall be our zealous endeavour to select those who are to give their suffrages in this state, in the ensuing important election from the best informed citizens, and who have afforded proofs of their attachment to order and good government—And may that wise and gracious Providence, which has hitherto directed the counsels, and prospered the exertions of the American people, overrule and direct our deliberations upon this occasion for the public good!
While we learn with satisfaction that tranquility generally prevails throughout the Commonwealth, we receive with regret the painful information, that in one county some misguided and deluded citizens have been guilty of violent infractions of the peace of the Commonwealth, and have manifested a spirit of resistance to the law.
Your excellency, and the good citizens of the State, may be assured, that this House will co-operate in all proper measures to detect and punish all such enormities already committed; and to prevent, as far as possible, the commission of them in future. For they are fully convinced with your excellency, that indifference on the part of the government, will serve to embolden the offenders, and to invite, by a hope of impunity, the repetition of similar outrages.
The unusual improved state of the Militia, which your excellency has noticed, must be highly gratifying to every friend to the rights and dignity of our country; for a militia thus trained, and animated with patriotic and military ardor, America will not hesitate to assert, or be unable to defend her national rights, against any invader.
The important object of a national election having been the sole occasion of the present extraordinary session, and the habits and convenience of the citizens requiring a meeting of the legislature at a later season, we shall endeavor to make the present session as short, and as little burdensome to the people as possible.
BOSTON, Nov. 13.
CHOICE OF ELECTORS.
At half-past eleven o'clock, agreeably to previous assignment, the two Branches of the Legislature met in convention for the choice of Electors of President and Vice President. The Hon. Messrs. Bridge and Bigelow, of the Senate, and Messrs. Montague, Tillinghast and Prescott, of the House, were appointed the Committee to count the votes. When the following gentlemen were chosen by distinct ballot, except the first:
At large—Whole No. of Votes 233. Samuel Phillips, Esq. had 166 votes. Edward H. Robbins, Esq. 210.
First Western District—Whole No. 241. David Rossiter, Esq. 190.
Second Western—Whole No. 240. Ebenezer Hunt, Esq. 191.
Third Western—Whole No. 229. John Hooker, Esq. 162.
Fourth Western—Whole No. 239. Joseph Allen, Esq. 211.
First Southern—Whole No. 240. Walter Spooner, Esq. 197.
Second Southern—Whole No. 229. William Sever, Esq. 200.
Third Southern—Whole No. 227. William Baylies, Esq. 176.
First Middle—Whole No. 233. Thomas Dawes, Esq. 188.
Second Middle—Whole No. 236. Francis Dana, Esq. 148.
Third Middle—Whole No. 229. Samuel Sewall, Esq. 187.
Fourth Middle—Whole No. 221. Theophilus Bradbury, Esq. 162.
First Eastern—Whole No. 232. Samuel Sumner Wilde, Esq. 155.
Second Eastern—Whole No. 227. Lemuel Weeks, Esq. 186.
Third Eastern—Whole No. 222. Andrew P. Fernald, Esq. 222.
   NOVEMBER, 14. Federal Representatives   First Western District. [36 towns.]   Williams. Bacon. Scat.     From 33 towns, 1288 1460 13   Third Eastern District. [24 towns.]   Thatcher. Cutis. Scat.   From 16 towns, 504 393 16   First Southern District. [21 towns.]   Williams. Greene. Scat.   From 13 towns 403 181 103.   Second Southern District. [21 towns.]   Mitchel. Smith. Scat.   From 11 towns, 475 272 379  
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE,
Lot No. 9, in Square 122.
THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on F. Street, and 59 feet and a half inch on 20th Street.—An indisputable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel.
JOHN KEARNEY.
N. B. I will also sell Lot No. 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 24, in Square No. 378, fronting 5, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property.
I. K.
November 17, 1800.