Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-02-09 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 82, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1791.
[Whole No. 186.]
LONDON, December 3.
By a letter from Bonavista, dated the 22d of July, 1790, we are informed that the Messrs. Braithwaites, with their small ships company, have had a very severe engagement with five pirate vessels, who came to oppose them in recovering the property lost in the Hartwell East-Indiaman.
The force of the pirates consisted of two schooners, mounting ten guns each; three sloops, mounting five guns each, and one cohorn: that of the English, was the sloop Endeavor, of 37 tons burthen, mounting 2 six pounders, 2 two pounders, and 1 cohorn, besides small arms, and the crew consisted of nine seamen and Messrs. Braithwaites.
After a close action of two glasses, the pirates sheered off different courses, and were pursued for two hours: but the Endeavor having been long at sea, was very foul, and could not come up with them.
The English vessel received sundry shot thro' her sides and sails, and the tiller rope was shot away; but we are happy to add, that none of the crew were either killed or wounded.
It has been frequently asserted by political writers, that the favorite Minister of William III. was the first who planned out a scheme of a National Funded Debt, in order to carry on the Continental wars in Flanders against Louis XIV. in conjunction with the Austrians and Dutch, to secure the allegiance of the people. The example was followed immediately after by several other States. From the late investigation, however, of the French Assembly, we find, that their public debt commenced so early as the reign of Francis I. which has been accumulating ever since. That Prince involved his country in very expensive wars, and was himself taken prisoner at the famous battle of Pavia in Italy, and kept in that situation for a considerable time, at the Court of Charles V. Emperor of Germany and King of Spain.
Sir John Sinclair calculates, that the money annually paid by the people of Great-Britain for public purposes (including the poor rates) amounts to the amazing sum of 23,725,359l. and the supplies expended since the Revolution have been upwards of a thousand millions sterling, in the comparatively short period of one hundred years.
The British trade has arrived at that acme of extent, beyond which it appears impossible almost to strain it. How long such an enviable state of superiority can, in the nature of human occurrences, exist, it may be rash to calculate; British manufactures, however, begin now to be established in other countries, and it is found that the taxes in Great-Britain amount to four pence in the shilling on labour. There are to be added to this the jealousy of other powers in Europe of their trade, the disinclination to renew treaties of commerce, and that concealed resentment which operates when compelled to do so—all those circumstances (arguing from long experience) seem like latent seeds of destruction or diminution of a commerce which is at present the most flourishing in the universe.
In the year 1739, Capt. Jenkins was commander of one of those vessels which had been boarded by the Spanish Guarda Costas. This ship was rummaged on pretence of searching for contraband commodities; but finding nothing that might justify their search, they insulted Jenkins in the most abusive language, they tore off one of his ears, wounded him in several places, and tortured him with the most shocking cruelties; they ordered him to carry his ear to the King, and to tell him that they would serve him in the same manner if they had the opportunity. The bold seaman was examined at the bar of the House of Commons. When his ear was produced, he was interrogated by a Member, what he thought when he was in the hands of those barbarians? to which he replied, that he recommended his soul to God, and his cause to his country. This noble reply, the sight of his ear, his detail of his sufferings, and the indignities offered to the Sovereign, threw the House into a flame; this brave man's wrongs filled the Members of the opposition with indignation, and on the 10th of July, 1739, orders were given for making reprisals on the Spaniards.
It is said, that the National Assembly of France is now preparing to examine the foundations of the edifice, which it has been so long and so industriously employed in erecting. From the number of architects who have had the management
of the building, it is expected that the following requisites will be wanting: Unity of design, exact symmetry, elegance ornamenting strength, and durability of materials.
From the discordance of the builders, and the confusion of tongues which have so frequently been observed in the raising of this fabric, the enemies of the architects have presumed to call it Babel .
The Grecian and Roman models they have despised; the modern improvements they have disregarded; their stile is entirely novel, and their materials soft and crumbling morsels for the tooth of time.
His Holiness the Pope is the very reverse of some of his predecessors. Some of them made nothing of trampling on crowns and on the heads which wore them; he, on the contrary, suffers crowned heads to smite him on one cheek, expecting to be struck on the other.
Instead of fulminating curses against rebellious subjects, he kindly admonishes them; invites them, most tenderly and affectionately, to return to their duty, and, in the true simplicity of childish innocence, weeps bitterly over their transgressions.
The golden age is again returning, Primitive simplicity will triumph over pride, ambition and bigotry; and the Pope of Rome will, in a short time, be elected and consecrated by his flock; between whom and himself the same amiable relation will be established, as exists between a shepherd and his sheep.
The church lands in France find a better sale than could have been expected, as from the comparative low price at which they are disposed of, there are plenty of bidders for them. The Dutch have been considerable purchasers.
Anecdote of Lord CHATHAM.
SOME years after this Nobleman's resignation of all his employments, a petition was sent from the city to his Majesty, humbly requesting an immediate dismissal of several of his Ministers.—The reply as might reasonably be supposed, to so audacious a solicitation, consisted in a plain negative.—The petitioners were told, that their demand was an imputation against the Royal abilities and penetration, as if he wanted sagacity to perceive when he was faithfully and ably served.—In the ensuing session of Parliament the Earl of Chatham made a motion, that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, requesting that he would be graciously pleased to discover to the House the person under whose influence he had returned such a reply to so loyal a part of his subjects.—But, says his Lordship, "This motion of mine will certainly be negatived.—I can anticipate rejection in the aspects of ministers.—How then shall I come at the information I contend for? Was it you?—or you?" ( addressing himself to those most liable to suspicion ) "Will nobody reply?—Let me then see if countenances will betray.—The face has been known to be the index of criminality."—He then directed his eye of fire to every Minister in the assembly, and fixing it with all its collected force at last upon a great Law Lord*, exclaimed, "Ah! methinks I see Felix tremble !"—It is said, that such was the irresistible effect of the united power of this statesman's person, manner, and eloquence, that even one of the greatest men that ever adorned Great-Britain, was on this occasion daunted into a temporary fear, by this bold, though vague imputation.
*Lord Mansfield.
FROM THE (HARTFORD) AMERICAN MERCURY.
THE PROMPTER.
Every one to his notion.
MOST certainly; and the Prompter to his notion of course. If a man is a little odd in his way , as we vulgarly phrase it, or what the French call outré , his friends say he is a notional creature , or full of notions . And where is the man or woman living, that is not full of notions ? Even Congress have their notions. One of the most distinguished spouters in that honorable body will insist upon it that the Speaker of the House of Representatives is next in rank to the President. This man is certainly a notional creature ; but every one to his notion. Others have contended warmly that their residence ought to be fixed in the woods about Connegocheque; but it is best to remove thither by little and little . Is not this a notion?
The legislature of Massachusetts, some years ago, took it into their heads to kill the profession of Law by a queer act; but the attempt failed, people would still go to lawyers, and lawyers would live, while people would employ them. But the General Court was full of notions . Let lawyers multiply till a famine of business comes upon them, and then they will die like Egyptian frogs.
A neighbour of mine, who is a full grown man , asserts that the surface of the ocean is higher than the land, and that by a constant miraculous restraint of the Almighty, the water is kept from overflowing the earth. His opinion is founded on those words of scripture, the bounds are set . This man is full of notions . Don't laugh at my neighbour, gentle reader; for I'll bet ten to one, that in some other particular, thou art just as notional thyself.
Love is the most notional passion; not excepting ambition and superstition. I once knew a woman, who had a very amiable daughter, declare it was monstrous indelicate for a young lady to love a man . She might love an elegant house, a carriage and even money; but to love a man's person was shocking. But every one to her notion.
When I was a young man, I knew an attorney who was attached to what is called family ; that is, whose family, by good luck, had stripped off their woollen shirts and checked aprons, just one generation before, and kept them off, till their companions who had associated with them in their woollen dress, were mostly dead. The attorney had not wore linen shirts so long by ten years as this family ; and yet had the assurance to fall in love with one of the daughters. The man however did not meet with cold looks from the daughter—but the parents walked a tip-toe at the affront offered their family . The daughter was notional as well as the parents—they intended to have their notion , but she had her's —and a very good notion it was, for a more happy couple does not exist.
But the queerest of all notions is, that parents will not permit a daughter, no not even a son, to love for themselves. I know a widow with a family of likely daughters, who insists upon it that her daughters do not know how to love for themselves—the therefore means to love for them. She is a queer woman, and a notional creature ; but every one to his notion.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Jan. 21.
THE bill laying duties on distilled spirits, under consideration.
Mr. Jackson proposed an amendment, by adding a clause to prevent Inspectors, or any officers under them, from interfering, either directly, or indirectly, in elections, further than giving their own votes, on penalty of forfeiting their offices.—This being seconded—
Mr. Sherman said he should propose an addition to the amendment, and that was to extend the prohibition to every other person whatever: He supposed that to practise the arts of electioneering would be as criminal in persons in general, as in the officers of the revenue; but if any provision is necessary in the case, he thought it might be made in some other bill.
Mr. Livermore approved the motion: These officers said he, will hold their places under the government—and from the duties assigned them, will acquire such a knowledge of persons and characters, as will give them great advantages, and enable them to influence in elections to a great degree: He thought the proposition important, and merited the attention of the house.
Mr. Vining observed, that the motion went to disfranchise a great number of citizens of the rights of suffrage: It appeared to him also, to be unconstitutional, as it will deprive them of speaking and writing their minds—a right, of which no law can divest them: He offered some observations on the eligibility of the duty now com-

templated, in preference to direct taxes—and then urged the ill policy of rendering the law odious, by fixing a stigma on the officers appointed to execute it.
Mr. Jackson replied to the observations against his motion: He said the experience of Great-Britain shewed the propriety of the prohibition. He read a section from a law passed in the reign of William and Mary, on this subject. A law was found necessary in that country to prevent the interference of the excise officers in elections, though the excise law then in existence, was only for 10 years, and that now before us is a perpetual law—for it is to exist, till the whole of the State debts are rubbed off. He denied that it was a disfranchisement of the citizens; they will have the same right to vote at elections as other citizens; it only goes to defining an offence, which may be of pernicious consequence; did I consider it in that light, said he, as depriving the citizens of the rights of suffrage, I would be the last in this house to vote for it. He adverted particularly to the dangerous influence that some future Presidents would acquire, by virtue of the power which he will possess of removing these officers. He read some clauses from the British excise law, to shew its resemblance to the law now under consideration; he added some strictures on the bill, and regretted that it had not been recommitted; but to render it less odious and mischievous he strongly urged the necessity of the section he had proposed.
Mr. Benson said there appeared to him to be an absurdity to say a man shall forfeit an office, which he holds during pleasure.
Mr. Gerry objected to the motion, because he thought it did not go far enough—it ought to extend to all other revenue officers. He gave a short account of the nature of civil government; no form said he is stationary, they are always verging either to democracy and anarchy, or to aristocracy and despotism; from hence he drew an influence favorable to a provision which should tend to abate and lessen the influence of the executive power in certain cases.
Mr. Ames objected to the motion, he said the circumstances of this country and Great-Britain, were not similar: That country is without a constitution—the United States are blessed with one, which defines the rights of electors and the elected—rights of which they cannot be deprived; the law which the gentleman referred to, was not passed till the abuses it was intended to remedy had arisen to an enormous height; if ever there should be a necessity for a similar law, which he by no means expected, it will then be time enough to make the regulation—but this clause will muzzle the mouths of freemen, and take away the use of their reason.
Mr. Bloodworth replied to Mr. Ames; he observed that corruptions had taken place; elections have been influenced, and human nature being the same, the same evils are to be expected; he thought it would be best to prevent the evil if possible by enacting a law in season, and not wait till the mischief is done.
Mr. Seney was in favor of the clause, he tho' it would be a salutary provision, and no infringement of the rights of the people, as it would be optional to accept the officers or not, with this restriction.
Mr. Stone was in favor of the motion—he observed that it was a painful consideration that a number of citizens should be disfranchised, and deprived of their reason and speech, but this is a dilemma said he, to which we are reduced by means of this excise law; we must either deprive the excise officers of this privilege of interfering or give up the freedom of elections.
Mr. Vining controverted the oft repeated observation, that there was an analogy between the two countries, Great-Britain and America. He urged an acceleration of the bill—delays he thought did not produce conviction, they only serve to enflame; he hoped the clause would not be agreed to, nor the bill recommitted.
Mr. Lawrance said he was sorry that there were so many impediments thrown in the way of this bill—he could wish that the clause might be deferred—and made the subject of a separate discussion—he objected to it as not extensive enough—it ought to include all the officers of the government; at present he should wave any further remarks, but hoped the motion would not be agreed to at this time—but wished that the bill might be finished.
Mr. Sedgwick opposed the motion, he said the natural tendency would be to render the law odious—to deprive the government of the services of the best men in our country:—let me ask gentlemen said he, if they, or any of their hon. connections, would accept of an appointment under this law, with such an exceptionable clause in it? He observed on the total difference in the circumstances of this country, from those of Great-Britain; and asked, shall we transplant the corrupt maxims of that country to this? I hope we shall not.
Mr. Gerry replied to the several objections which had been offered against the motion: It will be too late, said he, when the evil takes place,
to apply the remedy: The President will then have it in his power to influence the elections in such manner as to procure a legislature that would not consent to a law for applying a remedy.
Mr. Ames reprobad the motion in very pointed terms, as impolitic in respect to the law—as repugnant to the Constitution, and as degrading to human nature; besides, he observed, that it was nugatory in itself, because it goes to deprive the citizens of an unalienable right, which you cannot take from them, nor can they divest themselves of.
Mr. Jackson made a short reply to Mr. Ames: He observed, that he had always supposed that the English nation possessed a Constitution—and that the violation of the freedom of elections was the greatest infringement on that constitution.
Mr. Sherman observed that this motion went to create a positive offence; he said he could not conceive any reason why this offence should be chargable on one description of officers only—he thought it ought to go through, and include every class—He replied to the several objections arising from the influence of the President—and observed that fixing such a stigma would oblige the President to appoint mean and ordinary characters, characters fit to make tools of—for persons of credit, and respectability will not accept of appointments under such a disqualification.—The question was determined in the negative—the ayes and noes being as follows:
AYES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke, Floyd, Gerry, Grout, Hathorne, Heister, Jackson, Livermore, Matthews, Moore, Parker, Rensselaer, Seney, Sylvester, Stone, Tucker, White.—21.
NOES.
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Bourne, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Foster, Gale, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Giles, Hartley, Huntington, Lawrance, Lee, Leonard, Madison, Muhlenberg, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Sevier, Sherman, Sinnickson, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Steele, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, Williamson Wynkoop.—37.
SATURDAY, Feb. 5.
The petition of James Norris, late lieutenant in Col. Proctor's regiment, was read and referred to the Secretary at War.
Mr. Lawrence presented the memorial and petition of Abraham Skinner late commissary of prisoners, praying repayment of monies advanced, and compensation for services, which was read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Also the petition of Isaac Vincent, praying the benefit of a pension, was read and referred to the Secretary at War.
A committee was appointed to bring in a bill to continue in force an act, entitled, an act to regulate process in the federal courts, and Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Sturges, and Mr. Contee, appointed.
On motion of Mr. Lawrance the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for establishing a mint, was ordered to be communicated to the Senate.
Agreeable to the order of the day, the bill, to incorporate the subscribers to the bank of the United States, was again taken up, and on the question for passing the bill, a debate ensued and continued until the adjournment.
MONDAY, Feb. 7.
A letter from the Secretary of State, inclosing a report upon the memorial of Andrew Brown, of the city of Philadelphia, printer, was read and laid on the table.
The report is as follows:
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the memorial of Andrew Brown, printer, of Philadelphia, has had the same under his consideration, and thereupon makes the following
REPORT,
The memorialist states that he has in contemplation to publish a correct edition of the laws, treaties, and resolutions of the United States, and prays that such measures may be adopted for giving a public authentication to his work, as may ensure its reception throughout the United States.
The Secretary of state observes, that there exists, at present but a single edition of the Laws of the United States, to wit, the one printed by Childs and Swaine: that this edition is authentic, the proof-sheets thereof having been carefully collated by sworn clerks, with the original rolls in his office, and rendered literally conformable therewith. That the first volume of this edition can now rarely be found, the copies originally printed being mostly disposed of.
That it is desirable that copies of the Laws should be so multiplied throughout the states, and in such cheap forms, as that every citizen of the United States may be able to procure them. That it is important also, that such publications be rendered authentic, by a collation of the proof-sheets with the original rolls, by sworn clerks, when they are printed at the seat of government, or in its neighborhood, and by a collation of the whole work when printed at a distance,
and a certified correction of its typographical errors annexed to each volume.
That this, however, if done at the public expence, would occasion an inconvenient augmentation of the number of clerks, as the act of collation requires the presence of three clerks, one to hold the roll, a second a printed copy already authenticated, and the third the proof-sheet.
That it would be more reasonable that persons of confidence should be employed, at the expence of the Editor, to be named and sworn as clerks, for the special occasion.
That, in this way, he is of opinion it will be advantageous to the public to permit that the Laws to be printed by the memorialist, be collated with, and corrected by the original rolls, and that a certificate thereof, by the Secretary of State, be annexed to the Edition.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
February 5th, 1791.
Mr. Leonard presented the memorial of the merchants of New-Bedford, in the state of Massachusetts, praying the establishment of a post-road from Boston, to that place.
Mr. White, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill to amend an act, entitled an act, to promote the progress of useful arts, which was read the first time.
On motion of Mr. Heister, the memorial of a number of public creditors, who are holders of loan-office certificates received for loans of paper money was referred to a select committee of five; Messrs Sherman, Gerry, Heister, Benson and Gale.
Agreeable to the order of the day, the bill to incorporate the subscribers to the Bank of the United States, was again taken up in the house, and on the question shall this bill pass, the debates on the constitutionality of the bill were renewed, and continued until an adjournment was called for.
Adjourned until 10 o'clock to-morrow.
TUESDAY, Feb. 8.
The committee on enrolled bills reported the act declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the State of Maryland, as duly enrolled.
The bill to amend the act to promote the progress of useful arts, was read the second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house: Ordered that one hundred copies be printed.
The Memorial of the Marine Society of Boston, on motion of Mr. Gerry, was referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, to report thereon, at the next session.
Mr. Tucker, of the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill for determining the next meeting of Congress—which was read the first and second time, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow: A blank is left in the Bill for the day.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis, their Secretary, informing the house, that they have passed the bill making appropriations for the support of government, for the year 1791—and for other purposes.
The Bank Bill was further discussed—Mr. Vining and Mr. Gerry spoke in its favour, and Mr. Madison against it: He concluded his speech by moving the previous question, which the speaker put in the following words—shall the main question be now put? The ayes and noes being demanded, there were 35 in the affirmative, and 20 in the negative.
On the question, shall this bill pass? the ayes and noes were as follows:
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Bourne, Cadwallader, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrance, Leonard, Livermore, P. Muhlenburg, Partridge, Ransselaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Seney, Sevier, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Steele, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, Wynkoop—39.
NOES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke, Carroll, Contee, Gale, Grout, Giles, Jackson, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Parker, Stone, Tucker, White, Williamson—20.
Sundry petitions were read and referred, and then the House Adjourned till 10 o'clock to-morrow.
ALBANY, Jan. 26.
A correspondent of this city observes, that the late choice of Aaron Burr, Esq. to fill the office of Senator of the United States, is a most pointed insult on the citizens of the northern part of this state. If a rotation be deemed proper, we have no objection, but we conceive it, in the highest degree, illiberal and unjust, that a second Senator should be taken, out of the southern district, to fill the vacancy of one from the northward: and the more so, as the advantage was evidently taken of our not having that number of representatives which, it appears by the late census, we are entitled to. This transaction will, however, serve to open our eyes to our true interest, induce us to drop all party distinctions, and firmly to unite in the general support of our rights and privileges in representation, as well as on every other public question, by which the honor and advantage of this quarter of the state may be affected.

BOSTON, January 27. AMERICAN ACADEMY.
Yesterday at ten o'clock, A. M. the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, held their statute meeting in the Hall of the Massachusetts Bank, and at twelve, proceeded to the Meeting-House, in Brattle-Square, where a well adapted Oration was pronounced by the Hon. John Lowell, Esq. one of the members, on the death of the Hon. JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq. their late President. After the Oration, a collection was made for the benefit of Messrs. Jennings and Wheeler, who were unfortunately wounded in discharging the military honors at the interment of the Hon. Mr. Bowdoin.
The following is a list of the arrivals at this port from foreign ports, from January 1st, 1790, to January 1, 1791—60 ships, 7 snows, 159 brigs, 170 schooners, and 59 sloops, total 455. The foregoing are exclusive of those vessels which are employed in the coasting-trade of the United States, and which are supposed to amount to near twelve hundred sail.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
AT THE THIRD SESSION,
Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, on Monday the sixth of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT declaring the consent of Congress, that a new State be formed within the jurisdiction of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and admitted into this Union, by the name of the STATE OF KENTUCKY.
WHEREAS the legislature of the Commonwealth of Virginia, by an act entitled, "An act concerning the erection of the district of Kentucky into an independent State," passed the eighteenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, have consented, that the district of Kentucky, within the jurisdiction of the said Commonwealth, and according to its actual boundaries at the time of passing the act aforesaid, should be formed into a new State: And whereas a convention of delegates, chosen by the people of the said district of Kentucky, have petitioned Congress to consent, that, on the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, the said district should be formed into a new State, and received into the union, by the name of "the State of Kentucky."
Be it enacted by the SENATE and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the United States of America in Congress assembled, and it is hereby enacted and declared, That the Congress doth consent, that the said district of Kentucky, within the jurisdiction of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and according to its actual boundaries, on the eighteenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, shall, upon the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, be formed into a new State, separate from, and independent of, the said Commonwealth of Virginia.
And be it further enacted and declared, That upon the aforesaid first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, the said new State, by the name and title of the State of Kentucky, shall be received and admitted into this Union, as a new and entire member of the United States of America.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, FEBRUARY THE FOURTH, 1791. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
THE Bill depending before Congress for establishing a National Bank, is certainly constitutional—for the State Governments being by the Constitution divested of the power of making money, either of paper, or gold and silver, it plainly follows, that as a circulating medium is necessary, Congress alone is competent to creating this medium. It is said that authors and inventors alone, are by the Constitution entitled to exclusive privileges; but the establishment of a National Bank, it is said, connects with it exclusive privileges: This discovery however seems not to extend to State Banks—no exclusive rights being mentioned as appertaining to them! Perhaps it is not considered as contravening the Constitution, for the particular States to incorporate companies with the most extensive privileges, as these privileges are confined to the State! So is the circulation of the Bank Paper of every particular State; it can scarcely be passed out of the cities in which the Banks are fixed—consequently can never answer, in any considerable degree, the purposes of money—and as to a general currency, it can not have that quality attached to it, without a manifest violation of the Constitution—which says, that no State shall issue paper money. It is said that the States are in the habit of granting Charters; we presume that Congress will not abridge this power in the States: But it is to be remembered, that the Constitution, and the laws enacted pursuant thereto, are paramount to all state legislation—and if a State should incorporate for purposes to operate beyond the limits of their particular jurisdiction, the act would be null and void—nor could Congress consistently delegate a power for such a purpose.
Every general regulation may interfere for a season with the interest of some individuals; but if this inconvenience should be sufficient to prevent the operations
of the general government, the business of legislation must stand still.
The Institution of a National Bank has reference to the public at large: Circumstances may connect with the original establishment some advantages in relation to the place where the bank may be situated; but to suspend the institution till no objection of this kind exists, is to postpone a question of the greatest importance to be immediately decided, sine die.
C I V I S.
THE TALE OF THE COW.
From the NEW-YORK MAGAZINE, for JANUARY, 1791.
FAIR-FAC'D brown cow, fed on clover most dainty, A buxom young jade as you'll meet with in twenty, Had lately broke loose from her walks on the Hudson, And ran away bellowing to live the wild woods on— Was caught in a trap on the banks of the Delaware, And coop'd in a stable before she was well aware. The proud snuffy Dons of the ANCIENT DOMINION, Had helped to catch her—but were of opinion "That shortly her stall must be some where south-westward." By George! this was fix'd, while she graz'd to the eastward. But hear now the fly, plotting sons of old Penn— "The cow's in our stable—there she must remain. Talk now of agreements, and bargains your fill, Our scheme is affected—the grist's at our mill."  High words were exchang'd, and much Billinggate flung, Each claiming the cow, for the love of her d—g. By-standers took part, as their int'rests were in it— Some join'd the dominion—some favour'd the Pennite. The Dons grew enrag'd at the thoughts of being jockied, And swore by Patowmack—they'd not be thus mocked! Then seizing the cow,—(for the Dons all fear scorns) Attempted to drag her along—by the horns. The Pennites, conceited, elate and imp'rous, Could hardly believe that their rivals were serious; But soon being alarm'd, lest the Dons should prevail, All clasp'd the cow's rump—and held fast by her tail— And swore by the city, white men should turn stable, Before the cow stir'd one foot's length from their stable. The croud gathering round them, loud hooping and laughing, Huzzad for both ends of the cow—with much scoffing. But thoughtful spectators express'd with sad faces, Their fears that the cow would be soon torn in pieces. While parties run violent—(poor cow I bewail her) Some cursing the horned, and some the vile tailer, The Vans of the Hudson, unwilling to bilk her, Laid by their long pipes, and sat all down to milk her.  A NEW-YORK FARMER.
Philadelphia, Feb. 9.
WHAT is a state assembly but the collected wisdom of a state? and what is more proper than for wisdom, especially so much of it, to give advice? and what has the Pennsylvania assembly done but to give advice to Congress? A second reason to vindicate their advice is, that the advisers have had experience of the excise; but Congress has not. When the assembly maintain by their vote that an excise is subversive of liberty, we see that both wisdom and experience confirm what they assert. Pennsylvania then has lost its liberty—for it has had, and still has, an excise law in force—which, of course, has subverted the liberty of the state: It has lasted so long, that most of the people were born in slavery. It is not known how the marshal will return the number of slaves; but it may be a question, whether the people born under a slavish excise law, will be allowed representatives, except in the proportion of 3 to 5, according to the constitution. It seems unaccountable that the assembly and people are going on as if they were ignorant of their slavish condition. The event, it seems, has happened here, which was foretold in another state. While the assembly was discussing some question, which was explained by several able men, a member from the country rose with some warmth, and declared that those men were glossing the affair over so as to deceive them. If the bill should pass, said he, we shall be the most miserable undone people in the world, and know nothing of it.
Why should not the Representatives of Pennsylvania, in the state legislature, lend a hand to dispatch the business of Congress? They are near neighbours, and they cannot but have observed that the latter has a great deal to do, and but little time to do it in. Many hands make light work. The new government, which is often compared to a building, is not yet finished: It is a benevolent practice for the neighbours to fall too and help a new beginner: They kindly work at the frame, and assist at the raising and covering of it. Congress has but just set up the trade of making laws in this place, and no doubt will feel encouraged to continue it here, where, without losing one of its customers, it is so easy to get journeymen. If the kind folks, who are so forward to lend assistance, should find their own affairs at sixes and sevens, in consequence of their transacting the business of Congress, the least that Congress, if it has honor and gratitude, can do, is to postpone its own work, and assist its benefactor. What a pleasant thing to see those who were expected to be rivals, engaged so lovingly about the same business. One would think that the amiable temper of the friends in this Quaker city had mellowed the wrangling spirits of the two governments. The time seems to be coming when the lion and the lamb shall lie down together: When that shall happen, it is to be supposed that the lion will not go without a supper. Such friendship for Congress seems to have occasioned the late doings of the Pennsylvania assembly.
by. Jealousy, that quarrelsome fault-finding Devil, shall be cast out and bound in chains—he has stood too long pimping at the ear of government, and whispering malignant suspicions of its best friends.
It will do one's heart good to live 1 or 2 hundred years longer, and see with what good nature the world's business will be done: In France, they are going to spoil the old trade of making war: Nations are not going to be quarrelsome and ambitious any more: They will talk any dispute over, or they will make a prize question of the matter, or leave it to some academy to settle:—The red coats will be strip'd off the soldier's backs—and as red is out of fashion at present, the cloth will be torn into strips, to be worn for the cure of sore throats; gun powder will be used only to kill rice birds, canvas backs, &c.; and cannon balls will be kept to grind mustard seed: And what delight it will give to see the state governments so much the champions of the federal constitution, as to take all unpleasant work off the hands of Congress, least it should make that body unpopular: What may we not expect from this generous national spirit in future? In its very beginning we have seen Congress and the assembly engaged at the same time debating the excise: May we not then expect to see the Assembly take up a new funding act, or militia law, for the Union—and Congress, scorning to be outdone in generosity by its neighbor, form a committee of the whole house to discuss the regulations of the state judiciary, or the best means of maintaining schools for the poor. Besides the generosity of this mutual aid, there is a great deal of reason for it: When a man undertakes to do what is none of his business, he cannot be accused of selfishness—A looker on sees the fault of the play better than he who holds the cards—we may expect more wisdom therefore: Further, it belongs properly to government to set the example of this love of others, more than ourselves, by doing their business for them—for if a private person was to pretend to do it before it gets into fashion, he would get his head broke.
A correspondent observes, that the establishment of a National Bank, being by some thought necessary, to enable the general government to carry the Act for establishing the permanent seat of government on the Patowmack, into execution, it is exceedingly difficult to account for the opposition to the bank bill, on the part of those who are interested in favor of the removal to the southward: In this view of the subject, the friends to the bank system give the most unequivocal proof of their disposition to support the public faith, as pledged by the residence bill.
On Monday last the Supreme Court of the United States was opened in this city, before their Honors the Chief Justice of the United States, and William Cushing, James Iredell, and James Wilson, Esqrs. Associate Judges.
Mr. WILLIAMSON's motion to re-commit the first section of the bill for incorporating the subscribers to the national bank, was mistated in our last: The motion was in the following words, "To commit the first section, for the purpose of altering the time of subscribing, so that the holders of state securities, assumed to be paid by the United States, may be on a footing with the holders of other securities, formerly called national securities."
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17 3/4. 86 3/4 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 9 1/2. 46 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9 1/2. 46 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 16 1/2. 81 do.   Indents 9 1/2. 46 do.   N. and S. Carolina, debts, 12 1/2. 60 do.  
MANUEL NOAH,
BROKER,
No. 91, Race-Street, between Second and Third-Streets, BUYS and SELLS
Continental & State Certificates,
Pennsylvania and Jersey Paper Money, And all kinds of SECURITIES of the United States, or of any particular State.
Philadelphia, Feb. 1790.
IMPERIAL, HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
TEAS;
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, and SPICES, &c.
Of the first Quality—by Retail,
No. 17,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market-Streets.
N. B. A few TICKETS in the New-York Lottery, which is to be drawn the first of April next, for sale.
South-Carolina Lands for Sale,
ABOUT one hundred miles from Charleston, for any kind of Goods. One third part of 63 Tracts of Land, containing 51,900 acres, lying near the rivers of Savannah, Big and Little Salt Cohachees, and the fork of the Edisto: These Lands are a dark, or a copper-coloured soil, in an inhabited part of the State. Also 5 tracts of Land in Ninety-Six district, 4 in Orangeburg district, 6 in Camden, all containing 7,600 acres, all good land, with streams of water running through them. These Lands will be sold so low, that a man may make his fortune in buying them, for the purpose of selling them again, as emigrants are daily arriving there from Europe, to settle.
Duplicate Plots and Grants may be seen, and indisputable titles will be given by the subscriber. FREDERICK KING. Morristown, Jan. 1791. (77—6w1w.)

L I N E S On MAJOR W Y L L Y S, Of the Federal Troops, who fell in a late engagement with the Savages, at the river St. Joseph, in the Western Territory of the U. States. BY A FRIEND.
WHERE the fack'd hamlet darts expiring gleams, Thro' smould'ring clouds, and thy encrimson'd streams WABASH! slow rolling to the western bourne, Thy slaughter'd sons in sullen murmur mourn. There, if e'er chance the traveller shall lead, The blood-drench'd shore with rev'rence let him tread, And mark the spot where oft, at eve unseem, The weeping Genii plant the laurel green, And fancy bids her choicest flow'rets rise, To deck the lonely grave where WYLLYS lies. If polish'd manners, undisguis'd by art, The tenderest passions, and the firmest heart; Where lavish Heaven united every grace, To the mild virtues of the WYLLYS race. If worth, long tried, distinguis'd and approv'd, Could move the tyrant Death, or e'er had mov'd, Thy valiant life had known a longer date, Nor savage yell announce thy hapless fate.
A bard, the meanest of the tuneful throng, Whose idle lyre, has long remain'd unstrung, Who lov'd thee living, and regrets thee dead, Pays this last tribute to thy gentle shade. Th' historic muse, in more exalted verse, May thus to future times thy fate rehearse. From England's gentlest blood, an honor'd name, In virtues, arts and arms, long known to fame, He sprung:—Where Hartford crowns with spiry pride, Her high romantic banks and chrysal tide, His infant sports and happier hours were led, Till Yale's fair laurels, grac'd his youthful head. What time the Briton, to our guileless shore, In proud array, his thund'ring legions bore, When erst Columbia's starry flag unfurl'd, Show'd a new eagle to the wond'ring world, The gallant youth appear'd at freedom's shrine, Drew his yet unstrain'd steel, and join'd the embattl'd line; There in long toils, and dangers tried, he won Th' approving smiles of godlike WASHINGTON. With tarnish'd arms the Britons sought the main, And heaven-born Peace, resum'd her golden reign. The patriot bands reliev'd from martial toil, Return and court the long-neglected soil; Severer cares his warrior arms engage, To guard the Western realm, and quell barbarian rage, And lo! on wild Miami's dusky plain, O'er slaughter'd heaps he leads his victor train, There as the foe in trembling haste retires, In glory's arms the hapless chief expires.
Columbians rise! no more inactive lie, Your slaughter'd friends for speedy vengeance cry: Their mangled cores and yet teeming blood, Their groans yet echoing in the western wood; The matron's piercing shriek, the infant's cries, And yon brown cloud flow rising to the skies, Call to revenge—to arms! to arms repair! Urge home the ruthless brood, and wage eternal war, On those curst miscreants whom no faith can bind, The scourge of God, the terror of mankind; Then let the vengeful bolts of war be hurl'd, And with black myriads crowd the internal world.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. PENNSYLVANIA.
A general rule having been adopted by the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, whereby permission is granted to every member to enter on the journals, the reasons for his vote on a question, when the yeas and nays are called. The following are offered by members of the majority, who voted in favor of the resolutions respecting the excise law, now depending in the Congress.
ALTHOUGH in the great business of legislation, supreme confidence is placed in the representatives by their constituents, and every member is indisputably permitted to form his decisions according to the best of his judgment and information; yet cases may arise, where a representative would wish to assign the reasons for his conduct. Such an occasion is now presented, when a dissent has been delivered to this house, upon a subject of infinite importance to the peace and happiness of the citizens of this commonwealth. On this ground, members of the majority who voted in favor of the resolutions respecting the excise bill, then depending before the house of Representatives in Congress, believe it also their duty to produce the reasons for their vote; and they conceive it not amongst the least of the honors conferred on them, that they are permitted to hand down to posterity this proof of their attachment to the liberties of their country. That, should it be the unfortunate fate of this rising empire to groan under the complicated shackles of European excises, with all their concomitant horrors, it may remain on record, that there were members of the legislature of Pennsylvania who foresaw the evil, and strove to avert it.
We justify our conduct on the following principles: 1st. We contend, that the representatives of Pennsylvania collected in assembly, are capable of forming a judgment of the prevailing opinions of their constituents in every quarter of the State, and we believe, that a very large portion of the people will be opposed to this excise under every possible modification.
2d. Sensible of the importance of stability in federal measures, and that such stability could never be obtained, unless those measures were conformable to the public mind, we thought it our duty in an especial manner, to call the attention of our Senators in Congress, to every part of the bill which should militate against the liberties of the people.
3d. Knowing that the constitution of the United States had given to Congress the right of levying an excise—we have not by our resolutions intimated the most distant idea of denying the exercise of that right, unless it should result from the impossibility of collecting that tax, without attaching to it all those odious powers so intimately blended with it in Europe.
4th. Although the highest confidence is reposed in our representatives in Congress, and although we may revere both their integrity and abilities; yet when we discovered measures in contemplation, which we conceived would eventually sap the foundation of our confederacy, it would be criminal in us to be silent.
5th. If our apprehensions, arising from excise laws, should lead us into the adoption of expressions warm in their complexion, they are far short of those addressed to the inhabitants of Quebec, by the Congress of 1775: a Congress composed of some of the greatest characters that ever met in any nation in the world, and of which the illustrious President of the United States was then an active member. Sentiments formed on principles like these, must ever remain the same. No change of circumstances can vary the nature of things: nor can that which was odious in 1775, become amiable in 1791. We read the sentiment of that day, and
we cherish it in our bosoms, although it may be discarded by others. Say the Congress of 1775, when endeavoring to rouse the inhabitants of Quebec against the government of Great-Britain, they "subjected you to the impositions of excise, the horror of all free States, thus wresting your property from you by the most odious of taxes, and laying open to insolent tax-gatherers, houses, the scenes of domestic peace and comfort, and called the Castles of English Subjects, in the books of the law." Thus countenanced by such illustrious characters, in our abhorrence of this most odious of taxes, and alarmed at the idea of having our castles thrown prostrate on the ground, we spoke with the voice of Freemen, when we beheld the approach of a tax, which had been declared as the horror of all free States. We saw that our houses were to be entered by inspectors at every hour of the day. For our houses and our stores, in this country, are synonymous things. That private mercantile transactions; That the property of the virtuous and industrious citizen was to be sacrificed, left the fraudulent trader should escape—that the arrangement and disposition of our property was to be trammeled in our houses, without even the pretence of a claim demanded on the part of government—that a badge was to be placed over our doors as a disgracing centinel, proclaiming a suspicion that a knave dwelt within, and that a host of officers were to be let loose on the citizens of Pennsylvania, over whom we could have no controul.
As guardians then of their rights, as faithful centinels over the public weal, as men who wished to transmit liberty to our posterity, we called upon our representatives in the Senate of Congress, to watch over the rights of their constituents with a jealous eye, and to defend us against all unwarrantable encroachments of power; further than this our resolutions do not extend, and we boldly deny every charge brought against us as interfering with the general government: we have not even proceeded to instruct our Senators: we have confined ourselves to a respectful "Hope," that our liberties will be attended to: if it is criminal to hope, then are we miserable indeed. But we know our rights, and we know the rights of Congress, and should deem ourselves unworthy of the trust reposed in us, if we neglect to pay every proper attention to both.
6th. Although the constitution in extending the resources of the United States, embraced almost every possible means of extracting a revenue from the people; yet little did we suspect that in a time of profound peace with every foreign nation, when the blessings of liberty were expected to flow through our land, there would be selected from amongst those powers the most odious amongst them, which we conceived could never be called into operation but in the most pressing emergency when every other source should have failed and sunk beneath the public demand.
Lawrence Seckle, Francis Gurney, Richard Wells, William Findley, Jacob Eyerly Jun. Samuel Maclay, Jonathan Hodge, Richard Riley, Anthony Lerch Jun. John Ludwig, John Baird, Joseph Read, Nicholas Lutz, John Mulhall, Jacob Saylor, John Oliver, David Mitchell, Thomas Paul, John Breckbill, Matthew Ritchie, James Allison, John Minor, Abraham Cable, Obadiah Gore, Jacob Milely, Philip Gardner, James Johnson, Thomas Mawhorter, Gabriel Heister, James Finley, Albert Gallatin, John White, Thomas Britton, Isaac Warner, Jacob Erb, James Cunningham.
THE Copartnership of HEWES and ANTHONY having expired the 31st ultimo, they request those, who have any demands, to exhibit their accounts and receive their money; and those who are indebted, are desired to make speedy payment, to either of the Subscribers, at their Compting-House, No. 5, Chestnut-Street.
JOSIAH HEWES, JOSEPH ANTHONY.
Philadelphia, Jan. 15, 1791.
N. B. They have yet on hand, and for SALE, at their STORE abovementioned,
HYSON, Souchong, and Bohea TEAS,
Three cases Caffia, Pimento in bags, Martinico Coffee, Muscovado Sugar, A few Cases old Batavia Arrack, One cask of Durham Mustard, New England Rum in hogsheads and barrels, A quantity of prime Boston Beef, Spermaceti, right whale and tanners' Oil, Best pickled Mackerel, 6 by 8—7 by 9—8 by 10—9 by 11—and 10 by 12 Window Glass, A quantity of excellent carrot Tobacco, And an elegant CHANDELIER. (2aw6w.)
HENRY KUHL,
At No. 143, Second-Street, near Race-Street,
BY advice of his friends in New-York and Philadelphia, has opened an office for the purpose of buying and selling, on commission, the different species of Stock, and of liquidated and unliquidated paper in the market.
He will obtain such Certificates as are required by the funding law, for those who have unliquidated Securities; and transfer stock from and to the Treasury and the Offices of the Commissioners of Loans, on moderate terms.
Having for several years past been employed in the Treasury of the United States, he is well acquainted with its operations and forms; and flatters himself that on that score he has a decided advantage in transacting business here. He is fully impressed with the truth of the adage that "dispatch is the soul of business," and will always make the interest of his employers an object of the first importance.
Philadelphia, December 29th, 1790.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
JANUARY 25, 1791.
THE Public Creditors are reminded that, in order to the proper dispositions for paying the Interest in the several States, it is necessary that the amount to be paid in each should be previously known at the Treasury. And as the expiration of the first quarter is not far distant, it is wished that those who have not yet done it, may be expeditious in making and signifying their election, pursuant to the act making provision for the debt of the United States.
INFORMATION WANTED.
THE Subscriber requests, if any gentleman can give him information of a purchase of Lands made by a Mr. Daniel Richardet, in the year 1781 and 1782, in some part of the United States, he will be so kind as to inform his Brother, by directing a line to him, at the Printer's office. S. RICHARDET. January, 1791.
Pennsylvania Hospital, 31 Jan. 1791.
Wanted a GROUND RENT, of
15 or 20£. pr. annum, well secured. Enquire of JOSIAH HEWES, LAWRENCE SECKLE, OWEN JONES, JUNR.
Forty Dollars Reward.
LOST by the Subscriber, on the 12th day of January 1791, between Penolopon and Freehold, in the county of Monmouth, and State of New-Jersey, the following Certificates, issued by the said State, to sundry Soldiers, for the three-fourth parts of the depreciation of their pay; all of which are signed by John Stevens, jun. Treasurer, and counter-signed by James Ewing, Auditor, viz.
  No. Dated, Payable to Amount.    323 June 26, 1781, Powel Allison, £.60 8 9  399 January 27, do. Jacob Long, 30 16 10 1/2  593 June 29, do. Oliver Cromwell, 60 8 9  664 June 30, do. James Kinsey, 57 12 6  740 July 2, do. George Long, 5 4 4 1/2  860 July 4, do. Ananias Clark, 3 12 4 1/2  938 July 30, do. Samuel Dotey, 135 7 6 1/2  1060 March 20, 1782, Ephraim Patten, 31 13 9  1128 August 8, do. James Coulston, 30 7 10 1/2  1133 August 8, do. Moses Thompson, 150 5 9 1/2  1230 January 27, 1783, Afa Gilderleaves, 63 7 5 1/2  1237 April 9, do. Michael Lane, 61 16 10 1/2  841 July 4, 1781, James Clark, 4 17 10 1/2  
Any person who may have found the said Certificates, and will return them to the subscriber, living at Penolopon aforesaid, shall receive the above reward; and in proportion for any part of them which may be returned.
All persons are hereby cautioned against purchasing any of the above Certificates, as payment is stopped at the public offices. If any of them should be offered for sale, the person to whom they are offered is requested to stop the same, and give notice thereof to their humble servant. KENNETH HANKINSON.
Monmouth County, New-Jersey, Jan. 15, 1791.
TO BE SOLD.
THE SEAT OF THE LATE GOVERNOR LIVINGSTON,
Situate about a mile from Elizabeth-Town, on the public road to Morris Town. The farm contains between 90 and 100 acres of land, 15 or 20 acres of which are wood land; there is also appertaining to the said farm about 19 acres of salt meadow. Particular attention having been paid to the cultivation of fruit; there is on the farm a very large collection of various kinds of the choicest fruit trees, &c. in full bearing; the house is large, convenient, well built and in very good repair.
Enquire of the Printer, for further particulars.
New-York, Jan. 1791.
80 3m
This day is published,
By Carey, Stewart, and Co.
No. 22, in FRONT-STREET,
The American Museum,
FOR JANUARY, 1791.
CONTENTS.
ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
PROSE.
METEOROLOGICAL observations, made in Philadelphia, December 1790 Observations on the weather and diseases in do. Exports from Baltimore, from Oct. 1, 1789, to Oct. 1, 1790 Plan of a Russia voyage Number of fowls in the territory of the united states, north west of the river Ohio, in 1790 "I have seen—and I have not seen." By the late gov. Livingston Series of letters from a gentleman to his friend Observations on gaming Sketch of the nature and causes of diseases—explained upon scientific principles
SELECTED ARTICLES.
PROSE.
Letter from general Varnum to his lady—written a few days before his death Progress to bankruptcy of an honest tradesman Curious thoughts on duelling Extracts from the introductory lecture of the hon. James Wilson, esq. L. L. D. Anecdote of Thomas Paine Anecdote of an American, at a theatre in London Bon mot, respecting the king's evil Bon mot, respecting a musical performer Some account of the shape, manners and customs of the Hottentots Calamitous events entertaining to the mind. By the rev. Joseph Lathrop Essay on appearing what we neither are, nor wish to be Curio, a character. By mrs Bowdler Essay on the influence of religion in civil society. By the rev. Thomas Reeve, A. M. pastor of the presbyterian church at Salem (S. C.) Revolutions of English literature. Translated from the Italian Curious particulars discovered by the microscope On the improvement of worn-out land. By Richard Peters, esq. Expense, culture, and profit of half an acre of hemp. By mr. Curven Expense and product of an acre of hops Mode of destroying canker-worms, and of preventing the blasting of grain. By John Culhing Precautions against fire Mode of purifying tallow, to make candles A singular accident Method of tempering edge-tools, of too brittle a quality Method of checking the too free perspiration of the hands List of the most material articles exported from the state of New-York, in July, August, and September, 1790 Arrivals at the port of New-York, from January 1, 1790, to January 1, 1791 List of the sea-vessels, which arrived in the port of Philadelphia, from January 1, 1790, to January 1, 1791 Account of the patients in the Philadelphia dispensary, from December 1, 1789, to December 1, 1790 Bill of mortality, for the town of Salem, for the year 1790 Extracts from the census of the inhabitants of Massachusetts Census of the inhabitants of the state of New-York Census of the inhabitants of the city and county of New-York Statement of the tonnage of vessels, entered in the united states, from October 1, 1789, to September 30, 1790 Observations on the artifices of animals. From Smellie's philosophy of natural history The negro equalled by few Europeans. Translated from the French Anecdote Charter of Rhode-Island.
POETRY.
Verses, addressed to the trustees of the college and academy of Philadelphia. By the rev. Nathaniel Evans The hermit's vision. By the rev. Thomas Penrose Instructions to a porter. By mr. Bedingfield Verses on the new year Hymn, written for Sunday-schools. By William Hayley, esq. The nest Invitation to the country. By Lefobia Friendship. By the rev. Thomas Penrose Home—an extempore effusion Song, written in Maryland, during the late war. Philadelphia, Feb. 1, 1791.
The price of this paper is 3 dollars per annum.