Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-09-19 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 32, of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1792.
[Whole No. 354.]
FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE.
No. II.
OBSERVATIONS on the Letters of "A FARMER," Addressed to the Yeomanry of the United States.
AN idea has been circulated, that Congress have granted exemptions, privileges and bounties to the New-Jersey Society for promoting useful manufactures, and parts of the letters of "THE FARMER" tend to confirm that mistake. The freemen of the United States will find, however, on the strictest examination, that no vote, resolution or act, of the federal legislature, has been passed concerning that company, and of course that no bounty, privilege, exemption or other advantage has been given by Congress to them, their workmen or their property, of any sort or kind. They are indispensably liable to the impost, tonnage, duty on distilled spirits, and every other revenue of the United States, present or future, in like manner and in equal proportion with any other citizen or owner of property. They have no direct or indirect advantage under the acts of Congress, but what every citizen has, who inclines to pursue the branches they may carry on. It is therefore an high duty to the people to undeceive them in a matter, which might give them discontentment with a government, under which they are tasting a degree of prosperity never before enjoyed by them, or any other nation.
The whole of the advantages enjoyed by the New-Jersey manufacturing company are under a law of that State. This act has exempted their workmen from military duty, except in cases of invasion or imminent danger; but this will not avail them in the smallest degree, because it exempts only from calls under the laws of the State, which are now annulled by the militia act of Congress. From militia duty they are not nor can they be exempted by the legislature of New-Jersey; and the law of the United States requires the same militia services, duties, fines, &c. from each of the New-Jersey Society and its workmen, as from any other citizen or manufacturer.
The company have powers relative to canals and inland navigation, similar to those of the Susquehannah and Schuylkill canal companies, in Pennsylvania, and the Hudson and Mohawk river companies, in New-York. Corporations for inland navigation exist also in New-England, Maryland, Virginia, North and South-Carolina, though it should seem that "THE FARMER'S" objections to this kind of association is such, that it is doubtful whether he would consent to a corporation for making a turnpike road, or an inland navigation, or a religious society or a public school. The yeomanry of the United States, however, it is presumed have no such fanciful objections to these common and necessary means of obtaining such desirable and useful objects. We have city, town, and borough corporations in Pennsylvania, and in all the States, with civil powers to preserve the peace and order of the society, and the health of the people, and to facilitate the settlement of accounts and debts in places where there is usually some dealing and trade. Burlington, Amboy, Elizabeth-town and Brunswick, in New-Jersey, being so incorporated, the legislature of that State appear to have thought it no great favor to provide for the establishment of the district which should become the principal seat of the manufactory in the same manner, but probably deemed it, as it really appears, highly expedient. It seems to be very wise to have a well regulated police in a place where there will be many strangers. The assembly of New-Jersey have exhibited a cautious delicacy, worthy of the legislators of a free and intelligent people, in expressly providing, that the place or district shall not become incorporated, if a majority of the taxable inhabitants thereof shall signify to the Governor their dissent from, or disapprobation of the incorporation—So that if, on mature deliberation, they do not like the powers of the incorporation, or if they are, on general principles, against any sort of incorporation, they have ample power to prevent it. This, fellow citizens, is the law which "THE FARMER" tells you "grants to a few wealthy men the exclusive jurisdiction of six miles square, and a variety of unconstitutional privileges." It is not a few wealthy men, but all the taxable inhabitants, who are to be incorporated, and nearly all of the principal owners of the stock of the company actually reside in other townships, counties and States, and a few in foreign countries; and not being "inhabitants" cannot be members of the territorial corporation, which is to possess the civil powers. Besides it really is not true, that they are to have "exclusive" jurisdiction, for they are as much under the control of the legislature, the Governor, and the judiciary of the State and of the government of the United States, as any other city or corporate town, or any county or village in New-Jersey. It is not necessary to comment upon the indecorum and abuse for art, design, criminality, folly, and breach of duty, which "THE FARMER" bestows upon the government of New-Jersey, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the company, in the very page wherein he thus amply mistakes and misrepresents their proceedings. He speaks of danger from a capital stock of £. 140,000 sterling in the hands of a great number of persons, when there are and
have been these thirty years several individuals in the United States, who are each worth as great a sum. This stock is owned by manufacturers from abroad, who are employed by the company, by farmers, merchants, lawyers, physicians, women, minors, landed men, and monied men, members of the general government, officers of the State of New-Jersey, citizens of various States, and foreigners resident here and in other countries. Can it be expected, that combinations and devices dangerous to liberty or honest industry can take place in so mixed a society or can it be supposed, that such perversions of the countenance of a State will be permitted to exist a single month.
The legislature of New-Jersey have exempted the workmen from their State poll-taxes, upon their persons and occupations; but it is not likely that such exemption will be of any value, because poll taxes are so generally disapproved that they are always made very light in this country, and are seldom or never imposed on any but single men, and taxes on occupations are a very trivial part of the resources of any State, and the exemption will be of little avail, because Congress will lay the principal taxes and they have not given any exemption. The great taxes of all known countries are consumption duties, custom-house duties and the land tax. All these the workmen will have to pay, whether laid by the State or by the United States. But as the finances of New-Jersey are in a very good situation and daily improving, and it is a State of great economy in its public expenses, its legislature will have very little occasion to collect money from the people. The federal customs, duties and taxes are those which the citizens of New-Jersey will principally have to pay, and the workmen, raw materials, manufactures, lands and tenements of the workmen and of the company will be as liable to those customs, duties and taxes as if the exemption had not been made by the State. For it is plain that a State act cannot exempt from taxes of any kind due to the general government.
[To be concluded in our next.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
IT is true that men have degenerated from what the ancients were. But one is led to believe, from the resemblance of temper and conduct discovered among certain writers against our government, that the Athenian blood is not yet all run out.
The best republics of ancient times were ruined by the ambition of men who studied the most refined arts, and practised the vilest means to keep the multitude restless and inflamed. Men possessing the powers of oratory to govern the assemblies of the people, were jealous of their own authority. They hated those whom genius made their competitors, and merit and virtue their superiors. Impatient for honors and employments, of which they were unworthy, they assumed the office of censors on those who possessed them. Not having nor being entitled to gain the public confidence, they made it their incessant care to destroy it where it was placed. By arts, always odious, but always formidable, they inflamed intestine dissensions; they disseminated suspicious and frightful tales through the state. They had against them, indeed, the severity of the laws, and the contempt of all good men: but in their favor they had the pretext of public good, so often made an instrument in the hands of ambition and party enmity; and they had also, what was of still more avail to obtain their ends, their effrontery and their insolence. No city had more glory than Athens—no citizens enjoyed less tranquility—none had wiser laws or less regarded them—none produced more great men or better citizens: yet none murdered more reputations, or spoilt more of the blood of heroes than Athens. O city! not less renowned for tumult than for genius, while we weep and wonder over thy ruins, may we learn this instruction, that even wise and equal laws, unless strictly and steadily enforced, incite factions to a fiercer animosity, and arm them with more deadly weapons. B.
Foreign Affairs.
TREVES, July 15.
HOSTILITIES will not take place till after the publication of the manifesto of the confederated powers. These are the principal articles of that important act—1st. The Powers declare that they do not design to make war against the King nor the French people, still less to dictate laws to them; and that they are only armed against those who, after having overthrown the empire, threaten the general safety of all Europe together.—2dly. That they enter into France only to facilitate to the King the free exercise of his lawful authority, and the means of concerting with the French nation the measures which circumstances, and the return of tran-
quility make necessary.—3dly. They render the bodies in authority responsible for all attempts which might be committed in the spirit of fanaticism or otherwise against the Royal Family, or the persons prescribed by the seditious.
PARIS, July 16.
On the Federation day a circumstance took place while the King was at the Military School, which is known to very few but those present. About 1200 national grenadiers, who formed the escort of the royal family to and from the Thuilleries, being assembled in the court of the military school, one of them addressing his brother soldiers, told them there was a probability that some evil minded persons might make an attempt upon the King, he invited them all to swear mutually to defend their King till the last moment; the suggestion operated like the electric spark, they all to a man knelt down, and with their hands uplifted, called to heaven to witness their oath; to which they even added, that in case of any future danger, they should all repair to the palace as the common rendezvous, and make a rampart of their bodies before their sovereign.—The officer of the guard informed the King of this transaction; his majesty descended from the saloon to the court yard; the tears stood in his eyes; he could say no more than, "My children! My brave comrades!" He passed along the ranks shaking hands with the foremost men. An expressive silence terminated this affecting scene!
The grenadiers kept their word: when the King joined the National Assembly, to ascend the altar, they formed a line three deep on each side, and, contrary to order, even ascended the altar with the King; in vain the federists and pikemen attempted to enter their ranks, claiming equally the same honor of approaching their hereditary representative; their only answer was, "the King is confined to our care; you cannot pass; a second, but ineffectual, attempt was made to force the guard, and to ascend the altar; they continued firm, and never quitted the King until they had left him safe in the Thuilleries.
I must mention to you another fact; during the reading of the oath, the King kept his usual tone of voice, but when he came towards the end, he fixed his eyes on M. Pétion, and raising his voice, spoke these words, so as to be heard at an immense distance, "Je Jure de faire respecter la Loi*." The cries of Vive la Nation—Vive le Roi, were on the instant, and indiscriminately, uttered by every spectator.
* I swear to make the law respected.
OSTEND, August 3.
MANIFESTO, published at Brussels the 28th July, 1792, given by the DUKE of BRUNSWICK, Commander in Chief of the Austrian and Prussian Armies.
THEIR Majesties the Emperor and King of Prussia, having confided to me the command of the combined armies which they have caused to be assembled on the frontiers of France; I have resolved to announce to the inhabitants of that kingdom, the motives that have induced these two sovereigns to this step, and the principles by which they are governed therein.
After having arbitrarily suppressed the rights and pretensions of the German Princes in Alsace and Lorraine, and overset all interior order and good government; exercised against the sacred person of the King and his august family, innumerable injuries and violences, continued from day to day, and constantly renewed. Those who have usurped the reins of government have, at length, filled up the measure of their iniquities in causing
an unjust war to be declared against his Imperial Majesty, and in attacking his provinces, situated in the Low Countries. Some of the possessions of the Germanic empire have been involved in this invasion, and others have escaped, only by submitting to the imperious menaces of the predominating faction, and of its emissaries.
His Majesty the King of Prussia, uniting with his Imperial Majesty, by the ties of a strict and defensive alliance, as well as in his quality of preponderating member of the Germanick body, has not been able to refuse marching to the succour of his ally, and co-estates; and it is in both these qualities, that he takes upon himself the defence of that monarch and of Germany.
To these two interests is united another equally important and which the two sovereigns have much at heart—that of causing the anarchy existing in the interior of France to cease, to stay the assaults made upon the throne and the altar; to re-establish the legal authority; to restore to the king the liberty and safety of which he has been deprived, and to place him in a situation to exercise the legitimate authority that of right belongs to him.
Convinced that the sound part of the nation abhors the excesses of a faction that subdues it, and that the greater number of the inhabitants wait with impatience the moment of auxiliary aid openly to declare themselves against their odious oppressors, his majesty the emperor, and his majesty the king of Prussia, call upon and invite them to return without delay to the paths of reason, of justice, of order, and of peace.—With these views the undersigned general and commander in chief of the two armies declares as follows.
1st. That, led into this war by irresistible motives, the two courts propose to themselves no other objects than the good of France, without intending to enrich themselves by means of their conquests.
2d. That they do not intend to intermeddle in the interior affairs of France, but mean only to deliver the king, the queen, and the royal family from their captivity, and to procure to his most christian majesty the necessary security that the king may be enabled without danger or obstacle to call together such convocation or assembly as he may think proper, to assist in preserving that happiness to his subjects, which he has promised them, and to which he will contribute all that may depend upon him.
3d. The combined armies will protect all cities, burghs, villages, persons, and possessions, that shall submit to the king, and they will instantaneously contribute to the restoring of order, and a good police throughout all France.
4th. The National Guard are called upon provisionally, to watch over the tranquility of the country, to the safety of the persons and effects of all French citizens, until the arrival of the troops of their imperial and royal majesties, or until it shall be otherwise ordered under pain of being held personally responsible—On the other hand, such of the national guards as shall have fought against the troops of the allied courts, and shall be taken arms in hand, shall be treated as enemies, and punished as rebels to their king and as disturbers of the public peace.
5th. That the general officers, subalterns and soldiers of the troops of the French line are equally called upon to return to their ancient fealty, and instantly to submit to the king their lawful sovereign.
6th. That the members of the departments, the districts and munici-

palities and held equally responsible on their heads, and with all their goods and chattels for all crimes, fires, murders or atrocious acts, that they may not have used all their endeavors to prevent within their jurisdiction: they are further held provisionally to continue their functions until his Most Christian Majesty shall be placed at full liberty to provide ultimately, or at least until in his name other steps shall be taken in the interval.
7th. The inhabitants of all cities, boroughs and villages that shall dare to defend themselves against the armies of their Imperial and Royal Majesties, or to fire upon them either in the open field or from any windows, doors, or openings of their houses, shall be immediately punished according to the rigour of the martial law, and their houses shall be demolished or burned; on the contrary, all inhabitants of the said cities, burghs, or villages, who shall hasten to submit to the king, by opening their doors to the troops of their majesties, shall be instantly placed under their protection, their persons and effects shall remain under the safeguard of the laws, and care shall be taken to provide for the security of all and each one of them.
8th. The city of Paris and all its inhabitants without distinction, are held to submit immediately, and without delay, to the King; to set the King at full and entire liberty; and to assure to him as well as to the Royal Family, that inviolability and respect which subjects owe to their sovereign by all the laws of nature and of nations. Their Imperial and Royal Majesties render personally responsible of all events upon their heads, and to be tried in a summary military way, without the least hope of pardon, all members of the National Assembly, the department, the district, the municipality, and the National guard of Paris, justices of the peace, and all others to whom it may belong. Their said Majesties declaring, on the faith and word of an Emperor and a King, that if the castle of the Thuilleries is either forced or insulted; that if the least violence—the least outrage be offered to his majesty, the queen, or the royal family—if immediate measures be not taken for their safety, their preservation, and their liberty, that they will take an exemplary and ever memorable vengeance by delivering over the city of Paris to military execution and a total subversion, while the guilty revolvers are receiving the punishment they will have merited.
Their imperial and royal majesties on the contrary promise to the inhabitants of the city of Paris, that they will use their good offices with his most Christian majesty, to obtain pardon of all wrongs and errors that may have been heretofore done, and to take the most rigorous measures to ensure their persons and effects, if they immediately and exactly obey the present injunction.
Finally their Majesties being unable to acknowledge any laws as existing in France except such as shall emanate from the King, enjoying a perfect liberty, they protest beforehand against the authenticity of any declarations which may be made in the name of his most Christian majesty, as long as his sacred person, that of the queen, and the royal family shall not be really in safety.—In consequence their imperial and royal majesties invite and earnestly solicit his most Christian Majesty to name a city in his kingdom the most near to the frontiers into which he may be pleased to retire with his Queen and family under a strong and sufficient escort which shall be sent for that purpose, in order that his most christian majesty may call together the ministers and counsellors he may think proper; or collect such convocation or assembly as may appear best to him, to provide for the restoration of good order by the regular interior administration of his kingdom.
In a word, I do further declare and engage myself in my own name, and in my quality above mentioned, to occasion to be every where observed by the troops entrusted to my command, a good and exact discipline, promising to treat with mildness and moderation all well intentioned subjects that may appear peaceable and
submissive, and to apply force only against such as shall be guilty of resistance or ill will.
It is for these reasons that I require and exhort all inhabitants of the kingdom in the strongest and most earnest manner, not to oppose the march and operations of the troops that I command, but rather to allow them free passage and all such good will and assistance as circumstances may require.
Given at my Head Quarters, at Coblenz, the 25th July, 1792. CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, Duke of Brunswick Lunenburgh
Business in Paris, we hear, was entirely at a stand;—all the shops and stores were shut—and upwards of two hundred thousand citizens of that city were under arms, determined to defend themselves and their liberties, to the last extremity. Every department was furnished in the best manner with cannon, &c.
As Capt. Tingey has not heard of any misfortune befalling the Marquis de la Fayette, we may conclude, that valiant patriot soldier is safe at the head of his army.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
TO ARISTIDES.
THE "AMERICAN" to confirm the inference resulting from the official connexion between the Secretary of State and the Editor of the National Gazette, appeals to a conformity of the political principles and views of that officer with those which are sedulously inculcated in that Gazette. If this conformity exists, it certainly affords a strong presumption, in aid of direct facts, of the operation of his influence on the complexion of that paper.
The circumstances of conformity alleged, fall under two heads; one, That the Secretary of State was in the origin opposed to that Constitution, which it is the evident object of the National Gazette to discredit: the other, That he has been, and is opposed to those measures which it is the unremitted, and it may be said the avowed endeavor of that paper to censure and subvert.
In contradiction to the first suggestion, Aristides cites an authority, which the American appears to have relied upon in support of his assertion; the speech of Mr. Pendleton in the convention of Virginia. Let an analysis of this speech shew whether it supports or contradicts the assertion.
Mr. Pendleton represents a certain letter of Mr. Jefferson as containing these particulars—a strong wish that the first nine conventions may accept the new constitution because it would secure the good it contains, which is great and important. 2d. A wish that the four latest which ever they should be, might refuse to accede to it till amendments were secured. 3d. A caution to take care that no objection to the form of the government should produce a schism in the union; which Mr. Jefferson admits to be an incurable evil.
From this it appears, that, though Mr. Jefferson was of opinion, that the constitution contained "great and important good", and was desirous that the first nine deliberating States should consent to it for the sake of preserving the existence of the union; yet he had strong objections to the constitution; so strong that he was willing to risk an ultimate dismemberment in an experiment to obtain the alterations which he deemed necessary.
If the four last deliberating States (particularly if they had happened to be States in geographical contiguity, which was very possible) had refused to ratify the constitution, what might not have been the consequence? Who knows whether the assenting States would have been willing to have been coerced into the amendments which the non-assenting States might have been disposed to dictate? Calculating the intrigues and machinations which were to have been expected to stand in the way, who can say, if even two thirds of both houses of Congress should have been found willing to propose, that three fourths of the legislatures, or conventions, in three fourths of the States would have been brought to adopt the required amendments?
Could any thing but objections to the constitution of the most serious kind have justified the hazarding an eventual schism in the union, in so great a degree as would have attended an adherence to the advice given by Mr. Jefferson? Can there be any perversion of truth in affirming, that the person who entertained those objections was opposed to the constitution?
The opposition which was experienced in every part of the United States, acknowledged the necessity and utility of the union; and, generally speaking, that the constitution contained many valuable features; contending only that it wanted some essential alterations to render it upon the whole a safe and a good government.
It may be satisfactory to review what was said in the same convention of Virginia by some other members on the subject of the letter in question.
Mr. Henry (p. 109 of the debates) replies thus to Mr. Pendleton.—"The honorable gentleman has endeavored to explain the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, our common friend, into an advice to adopt this new government. He wishes nine States to adopt, and that four States may be found somewhere to reject it.—Now, Sir, I say, if we pursue his advice, what are we to do? To prefer form to substance? For give me leave to ask, what is the substantial part of his counsel? It is, Sir, that four States should reject.—They tell us, that from the most authentic accounts, New-Hampshire will adopt it. Where then will four States be found to reject, if we
adopt it? If we do, the counsel of this worthy and enlightened countryman of our's will be thrown away, &c."—Whether this gentleman argued sincerely from his impression of the true import of the letter, or made an attempt "to pervert Mr. Jefferson's sentiments," as Aristides affirms, must be reserved to his own consciousness, and to the candid construction of an impartial public.
Mr. Madison, in reply to Mr. Henry (p. 122 of the same debates) expresses himself thus—"The honorable member, in order to influence our decision, has mentioned the opinion of a citizen, who is an ornament to this state. When the name of this distinguished character was introduced, I was much surprised. Is it come to this then, that we are not to follow our own reason?—Is it proper to adduce the opinions of respectable men, not within these walls? If the opinion of an important character were to weigh on this occasion, could we not adduce a character equally great on our side? Are we who (in the honorable gentleman's opinion) are not to be guided by an erring world, now to submit to the opinion of a citizen beyond the Atlantic? I believe that were that gentleman now on this floor, he would be for the adoption of this constitution. I with his name had never been mentioned—I wish every thing spoken here relative to his opinion, may be suppressed, if our debates should be published. I know that the delicacy of his feelings will be wounded, when he will see in print what has, and may be said concerning him on this occasion. I am in some measure acquainted with his sentiments on this subject. It is not right for me to unfold what he has informed me. But I will venture to assert that the clause now discussed is not objected to by Mr. Jefferson. He approves of it, because it enables the government to carry on its operations, &c."
It is observable that Mr. Madison neither advocates the accuracy of Mr. Pendleton's comment, nor denies the justness of that of Mr. Henry.—His solicitude appears to be to destroy the influence of what he impliedly admits to be the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, to press out of sight the authority of that opinion, and to get rid of the subject as fast as possible. He confesses a knowledge of Mr. Jefferson's sentiments, but prudently avoids disclosure; wrapping the matter in mysterious reserve; and leaving the public to this day to conjecture what was the precise import of the sentiments communicated. Enough however is seen to justify the conclusion, that if the spirit of Mr. Jefferson's advice had prevailed with the convention, and full credence had been given to the expected adoption by New-Hampshire—Virginia, North-Carolina, New-York and Rhode-Island would have temporarily thrown themselves out of the Union. And whether in that event, they would have been at this day reunited to it, or whether there would be now any union at all is happily a speculation which need only be pursued to derive the pleasing reflection, that the danger was wisely avoided.
To understand more accurately what the American meant in asserting that Mr. Jefferson had been opposed to the constitution, let him be compared with himself. In his first paper he expresses himself thus—"While the constitution of the United States was depending before the people of this country for their consideration and decision, Mr. Jefferson being in France was opposed to it, in some of its most important features, and wrote his objections to some of his friends in Virginia. He at first went so far as to discountenance its adoption: though he afterwards recommended it on the ground of expediency in certain contingencies."
From this, it is evident, that so far from denying, he has even admitted, that Mr. Jefferson, at one stage of the business, recommended the adoption of the constitution to his fellow citizens, but upon a contingency. And this is literally the fact, as established by the letter quoted in the debates of the convention. The advice is to adopt if nine states had not previously adopted; to reject, if that number of states had previously adopted. This is clearly to adopt, or not, upon a contingency. Thus the authority appealed to by Aristides confirms the latter part of the American's assertion, without contradicting the former part of it.
Aristides has not denied, nor do I believe he will deny—That Mr. Jefferson in his early communications discountenanced the adoption of the constitution in its primitive form. I know the source of the American's information. It is equally authentic and friendly to Mr. Jefferson. Allowing for the bare possibility of misapprehension, it exactly accords with the statement which has been made of it. If the fact shall be denied, the source of information will be indicated, under due guards for the delicacy of the proceeding.
This will serve, either to confirm, or, in case of misconception, to correct.
I add that some of Mr. Jefferson's objections to the constitution have not been removed by the amendments which have been proposed.—Part of his objections went to the structure of particular parts of the government.
As to the second fact with which the American corroborates the charge of Mr. Jefferson's participation in the views of the National Gazette, it is in a degree conceded by Aristides. He confesses, nay he even boasts Mr. Jefferson's abhorrence of some of the leading principles of Mr. Hamilton's fiscal administration—that is, the leading principles of those measures which have provided for the public debt and restored public credit.
It would have been well, if Aristides had told us what those leading principles are, which are the objects of so much abhorrence to Mr. Jefferson.
The leading principles of Mr. Hamilton's fiscal administration have been—that the public debt ought to be provided for, in favor of those who, according to the express terms of the contract, were the true legal proprietors of it; that it ought to be provided for, in other respects, according to the terms of the contract, except so far as deviations from it should be assented to by the creditors, upon the condition
of a fair equivalent—that it ought to be funded on ascertainable revenues, pledged for the payment of interest, and the gradual redemption of principal—that the debts of the several states ought to be comprized in the provision, on the same terms with that of the United States—that to render this great operation practicable, to avoid the oppression of trade and industry, and facilitate loans to the government in cases of emergency, it was necessary to institute a national bank—that indirect taxes were in the actual circumstances of the country, the most eligible means of revenue; and that direct taxes ought to be avoided as much and as long as possible.
I aver, from competent opportunities of knowing Mr. Jefferson's ideas, that he has been hostile to all these positions, except, perhaps, the last; and that even in regard to that, his maxims would oblige the government in practice speedily to resort to direct taxes.
I aver, moreover, that Mr. Jefferson's opposition to the administration of the government, has not been confined to the measures connected with the treasury department; but has extended, to use the words of the American, "to almost all the important measures of the government." The exceptions to the generality of both the preceding assertions, I am content to rest on a designation by Mr. Jefferson, or by any person, who shall speak from a knowledge of his sentiments of those principles of the fiscal department, or of those measures of the government of any importance which he does approve. I insist only that the designation be precise and explicit, and come with such marks of authenticity, as are adapted to the nature of an anonymous discussion.
To give an idea of the accuracy with which Aristides discloses Mr. Jefferson's opinions, I shall cite one of his phrases with a short observation. He asserts that a suggestion against Mr. Jefferson, which he states, is made on no better foundation than his being opposed to some of the principles of the funding system, of the national bank, and of certain other measures of the Secretary of the Treasury. It is matter of general notoriety, and unquestionable certainty, that Mr. Jefferson has been opposed to the national bank in toto, to its constitutionality, and to its expediency. With what propriety is it then said that he has been opposed only to "some of the principles of that institution."
I proceed now to state the exact tenor of the advice which Mr. Jefferson gave to Congress respecting the transfer of the debt due to France to a company of Hollanders. After mentioning an offer which had been made by such a company for the purchase of the debt, he concludes with these extraordinary expressions—"If there is a danger of the public payments not being punctual, I submit whether it may not be better, that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a Court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breaths of a private company."
The above is an extract which was made from the letter in Feb. 1787. The date of it was not noted, but the original being on the files of the department of State, will ascertain that and all other particulars relating to its contents.—The genuineness of the foregoing extract may be depended upon.
This letter was the subject of a report from the board of treasury in Feb. 1787. That board treated the idea of the transfer proposed as both unjust and impolitic: unjust, because the nation would contract an engagement which there was no well grounded prospect of fulfilling; impolitic, because a failure in the payment of interest, on the debt transferred (which was inevitable) would justly blast all hopes of credit with the citizens of the United Netherlands, in future pressing exigencies of the Union: And gave it as their opinion, that it would be advisable for Congress, without delay, to instruct their Minister at the Court of France, to forbear giving his sanction to any such transfer.—
Congress agreeing in the ideas of the board, caused an instruction to that effect to be sent to Mr. Jefferson*. Here then was a solemn act of government condemning the principle as unjust and impolitic.
If the sentiment contained in the extract which has been recited, can be vindicated from the imputation of political profligacy—then it is necessary to unlearn all the ancient notions of justice, and to substitute some new-fashioned scheme of morality in their stead.
Here is no complicated problem which sophistry may entangle or obscure. Here is a plain question of moral feeling. A government is encouraged on the express condition of not having a prospect of making a due provision for a debt which it owes, to concur in a transfer of that debt from a nation well able to bear the inconveniences of failure or delay, to individuals, whose total ruin might have been the consequence of it; and that upon the interest consideration of having need of the good-will of the creditor-nation, and, with the dishonorable motive, as is clearly implied, of having more to apprehend from the discontents of that nation, than from those of disappointed and betrayed individuals. Let every honest and impartial mind, consulting its own spontaneous emotions, pronounce for itself upon the rectitude of such a suggestion. Let every sober and independent member of the community decide whether it is likely to be a misfortune to the country, that the maxims of the officer at the head of its treasury department are materially variant from those of the author of that suggestion.
And let Aristides prove, if he can, that Mr. Jefferson gave advice "expressly contrary to that which has been ascribed to him." Amidst the excentric ramblings of this political comet, its station in another revolution, will not prove, that its appearance was not, at one time, at the place which has been assigned for it.
The American, it ought to be confessed, has in this instance drawn larger than the life. This
* What is here said with regard to Congress, is from a recollection of more than five years standing, and so far liable to error, though none is apprehended to exist. The secret journals in the possession of the department of State, if there is one, may correct it.

he has done by blending with the fact, the sudden, though natural comments of an honest indignation. But the original itself, in its true size and shape, without the help of the least exaggeration, is to the moral eye a deformed and hideous monster.
Say, Aristides! did the character to whom you are so partial, imitate, in this case, the sublime virtue of that venerable Athenian, whose name you have assumed—did he dissuade his countrymen from adopting a proposition, because tho' nothing could be more advantageous, nothing could be more unjust? Did he not rather advise them to do what was both disadvantageous and unjust? May he not, as a public man, discard all apprehension of obloquy, for being the superlatively just?
P.S. Some additional observations are reserved for another paper.
Philadelphia, Sept. 19.
THE LATEST INTELLIGENCE FROM FRANCE.
Friday last the ship Ohio, Capt. Kemp, arrived at New-York in 30 days from Bristol. By this vessel London papers are received to the 11th August. We have room only for an abstract of the interesting information they contain.
August 1. The President of the National Assembly informed that body that he had received by post the declaration issued in the name of the Duke of Brunswick.—The Assembly decreed by acclamation, "That if the laws of war are not strictly observed, in regard to all Frenchmen taken with arms in their hands, all the officers belonging to the enemy, who may be made prisoners, shall experience a similar treatment, whatever may be their rank, titles or distinctions."
A letter was sent by the King to the Assembly, relative to the Manifesto—in which he says that it exhibits nothing that can be considered as a proof of its authenticity. He calls on the nation to be united—and professes in the warmest terms his determination to support the Constitution, Independence and Liberty of France.—This letter being read in the Assembly, a motion was made that it should be printed and sent to the 83 departments. On this motion, the previous question was called.—"M. Izard, having with difficulty obtained a hearing, said that the King's letter contained only a heap of fallhoods." The proposal of printing the letter was rejected.
August 4. The Envoys of the Commonality of Paris, with M. Pétion at their head, appeared at the bar, and M. Pétion demanded in the name of the 48 sections, that the King should be excluded from the Throne, and that the management of affairs during the interregnum, should be entrusted to responsible Ministers, until the election of a new King in a National Convention.—M. Pétion said the King has always shewn himself an enemy to the people, an enemy to the laws, and an enemy to France. This excited a violent agitation in the Assembly. Several members desired to be heard, but the tumult rendered it impossible, and the President put an end to the sitting without any vote being come to upon it.
The Assembly have passed a decree, in which such temptations are thrown out to induce the Austrians and Prussians to desert their colours, as it is thought will desolate their armies as soon as they pitch their tents in France.—The Duke of Brunswick was expected to march on or before the 4th of August.—A letter from Paris, dated 4th Aug. in an English paper, has this passage—"I will not say that in this fever of republicanism, the King may not be declared to have forfeited his crown; but I am sure that republicanism will not endure for a week. I hope, however, that they will avoid the dreadful evil of suspending the King, as I am sure the same effect would disband their army." Such was the state of things on the 4th August.
About the 28th July the Austrians made an attack on the French army at Mandé—the French advance Guard consisting of 6000 men was attacked by 10,000; the Austrians yielded the field—they lost 200 men, and great part of their baggage—and had it not been for the treachery of two Colonels who deserted, the victory of the French would have been complete. M. La Fayette was well, at the head of his army the 28th July.
M. Luckner in a letter to the National Assembly, has expressly denied that he ever accused M. La Fayette of an intention to march against Paris. M. La Fayette in another letter says, that such an accusation "is not true."
M. Montequiou, commander of one of the French armies on the Frontiers, has resigned.—M. Luckner, while at Paris, gave a most degrading account of the grand armies of France in respect to their numbers and equipments.—The King of Denmark being invited by the Kings of Hungary and Prussia to join the confederacy against France, has declined to accept of the invitation. Among other observations in his answer, he says, "Denmark has acknowledged, as well as the deceased Emperor of the King of Prussia, the constitution of France, since Louis XVIth. has solemnly avowed it."—The celebrated Paul Jones, it is said, died in the utmost poverty—it has been conjectured that this was owing to his favoring the anti-revolution party in Paris.
The New-Brunswick Gazette says, notwithstanding the many discouraging accounts so frequently published from the Westward, the recruiting business goes on very well. It is conjectured by some that peace will overtake us sooner than many imagine.
In the ship Amelia, Hill, from London, arrived John Penn, Esq. and his Lady; Andrew Allen, Esq. with his four daughters and three sons; together with the domestics of both families, making 24 passengers.
The Dalhousie Packet from England brought a Diploma from the University of Edinburgh, conferring the Degree of Doctor of Laws on the Hon. JOHN JAY, Chief Justice of the United States.
A correspondent observes, that he conceives it would be highly becoming in the people of the United States, to join as with one voice, in a day of thanksgiving to the Supreme Being, for the mercies he has so abundantly bestowed on them, of peace and general prosperity; and to implore, that he may avert the evils which are meditated by the Despots of Europe, against their fellow men, of the French and Polish nations, and that these Despots and all mankind, may be convinced in due time, of their folly and wickedness.
SHIP NEWS.
Table with 3 columns: Ship Name, Destination, Date. Includes entries for Ship Harmony (Osman, London), Sophia (Kerr, Bristol), Bacchus (Vanneman, Oporto), Citizen (Gardiner, Cadiz), General Washington (Davis, Dublin), Amelia (Hill, London), Baring (Tingey, Calcutta and Ostend), Harriet (Ellison, Londonderry), Sulphur (Atkins, Havre-de-Grace), Glasgow (Williams, Glasgow), Brig Minton (Parker, St. Vincents), Cremona (Barras, Antigua).
In the Ship General Washington, came passengers, Mr. Knox, Consul of the United States, for Dublin, &c. Messrs. Holmes, Preston, Ricketts, McLaughlin, Anderson, and twenty-five others.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 3 columns: Stock Type, Price, Notes. Includes entries for 6 per Cents (22 1/2 Int. off.), 3 per Cents (13 3/4 Int. off.), Deferred (13 3/4 per cent. prem.), Full shares Bank U. S. (49 per cent. prem.), 1/2 shares (60).
Various interesting selections and communications are unavoidably omitted.
THE SUBSCRIBERS to the Universal Tontine
Are informed, that a general meeting is to be held at the State-House in this city, on Saturday the 3rd day of November next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. agreeably to the sixth article of their association.
By order of the Agents, EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. Philadelphia, Sept. 15, 1792. (cpts3N)
General Post-Office.
PROPOSALS will be received at this Office until the fifteenth day of November next, exclusively, for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads, from the first day of January next, until the first day of June, 1794.
1. From Wilcasset to Portland in the district of Maine: The mail to leave Wilcasset every Tuesday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portland the next day by one in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Portland every Thursday by six in the morning, and arrive at Wilcasset the next day by one in the afternoon.
2. From Portland to Portsmouth: The mail to leave Portland every Monday and Thursday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday at one in the afternoon, and arrive at Portland on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening.
3. From Portsmouth to Boston: From November first to May first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening:—Returning, to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon:—And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Boston the same days by six in the evening:—Returning, to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by six in the evening.
In MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT and NEW-YORK.
4. From Boston, by Worcester, Springfield, Hartford, Middletown, and New-Haven, to New-York: From November first to May first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon; and arrive at New-York every Saturday and Wednesday (the sixth day from its departure) by ten in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Saturday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon:—And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by three o'clock in the morning, and arrive at New-York every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday (the fourth day from its departure) by eleven in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave New-York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK, NEW-JERSEY and PENNSYLVANIA.
5. Between New-York, (by Newark and Elizabethtown) and Philadelphia, every day in the week, Sunday excepted: The mails to leave New-York at noon, and Philadelphia at one o'clock in the afternoon; and arrive at Philadelphia and New-York respectively, the next day after their departure, by ten in the forenoon; excepting the mails of Saturday, which are to arrive at the same hour on Monday.
In PENNSYLVANIA and MARYLAND.
6. From Philadelphia to Baltimore: The mail to leave Philadelphia every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Baltimore each succeeding day by noon:—Returning, to leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Philadelphia each succeeding day by eleven in the forenoon.
7. From Baltimore to Alexandria: The mail to leave Baltimore every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Alexandria each succeeding day by eight in the morning; Returning, to leave Alexandria every
Monday, Wednesday and Friday by four o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by ten in the forenoon.
In VIRGINIA.
8. From Alexandria to Richmond, Petersburg, Suffolk and Portsmouth: The mail to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at nine o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Richmond every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by six in the evening; at Petersburg, every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at ten in the forenoon; at Suffolk every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by six in the afternoon; and at Portsmouth every Friday, Monday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave Portsmouth the same Friday, Monday and Wednesday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Suffolk the same days by seven in the evening; and at Petersburg the next Monday, Wednesday and Friday by eleven in the forenoon; leave Petersburg the same days at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Richmond the same days by six in the evening:—leave Richmond on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Alexandria the next Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by three in the afternoon.
9. From Richmond, by Williamsburg, York-Town and Hampton, to Norfolk: The mail to leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norfolk on each succeeding day, by five in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Norfolk every Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Richmond each succeeding day, by six in the evening.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
10. From Petersburg, by Halifax, Tarborough and Smithfield, to Fayetteville: The mail to leave Petersburg every Friday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening:—Returning, to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Petersburg the next Friday, by eleven in the forenoon.
In NORTH and SOUTH CAROLINA and GEORGIA.
11. From Fayetteville, by Cheraw Court-House, Camden, Columbia and Cambridge, to Augusta: The mail to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, reach Camden the next day by five in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Saturday by noon:—Returning, to leave Augusta every Thursday, at five in the morning, arrive at Camden the next Sunday by five in the morning, and at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening.
12. From Augusta to Savannah: The mail to leave Augusta every Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Savannah the next Monday morning by ten:—Returning, to leave Savannah every Monday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Wednesday, by five in the afternoon.
13. From Camden to Stateburg: The mail to leave Camden every Thursday by four in the morning, and arrive at Stateburg by eight:—Returning, to leave Stateburg every Saturday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Camden by six.
In MASSACHUSETTS, RHODE-ISLAND and CONNECTICUT.
14. From Boston to Providence: The mail to leave Boston, every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Providence, by five in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Providence every Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Boston, by five in the afternoon.
Persons offering proposals for this contract, are desired also to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Boston and Providence, three times a week, and every day in the week (Sunday excepted) in case a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
15. From Providence, by Norwich, to Hartford: The mail to leave Providence every Tuesday and Friday, by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Hartford on Wednesday and Saturday, by five in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Hartford every Monday and Thursday, at seven in the morning, arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Providence on Tuesday and Friday, by five in the afternoon.
Persons offering proposals for this contract, are also desired to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Providence and Hartford three times a week, if a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
16. From New-London to Newport, thence by Bristol and Warren to Providence, thence by Greenwich to Newport, and from Newport to New-London: The mail to leave New-London every Tuesday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Newport the next day by six in the evening; leave Newport every Friday at eight in the morning, and arrive at Providence the same day by six in the evening; leave Providence on Saturday at eight in the morning, and passing through Greenwich, arrive at Newport the same day by six in the evening; leave Newport the next Monday at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London the next day by ten in the forenoon.
17. From New-Haven to New-London: The mail to leave New-Haven every Monday, at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London every Tuesday by ten in the forenoon:—Returning, to leave New-London every Tuesday at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at New-Haven every Wednesday afternoon by six.
18. From Middletown to New-London: The mail to leave Middletown, from November first to May first, every Thursday morning, and from May to November, every Friday morning, by eight o'clock; and arrive at New-London by six in the evening of the day of its departure:—Returning, to leave New-London each next succeeding day by eight in the morning, and arrive at Middletown by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK.
19. Between the city of New-York (by Kingsbridge, Poughkeepsie, and the city of Hudson) and Albany: The carriers, with the mails, to leave New-York and Albany every Monday and Thursday, by four in the morning, meet, and return to each place on Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the evening.
In PENNSYLVANIA.
20. From Philadelphia, by Lancaster, York-town, Carlisle, Shippensburg, Chambersburg, Bedford and Greencburg to Pittsburgh: The mail to leave Philadelphia every Saturday at noon, and arrive at Pittsburgh the next Friday by noon; remain there not
less than four, nor more than six hours, and return to Philadelphia the following Friday by noon.
In the State of DELAWARE.
21. From Wilmington, by New-Castle, Cantwell Bridge, and Duck Creek, to Dover: The mail to leave Wilmington every Monday afternoon, by five o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Dover by five in the evening of Tuesday:—Returning, to leave Dover every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Wilmington by seven in the evening of the same day.
In DELAWARE and MARYLAND.
22. From Christiana Bridge, by Middletown, Warwick and George-town Cross-Roads, to Chester-town, and thence to Easton: The mail to leave Christiana Bridge every Monday afternoon, by six o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Easton by six in the evening of Tuesday:—Returning, to leave Easton every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Christiana Bridge in the evening of the same day, by eight o'clock.
Persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it from May first to November first, by leaving Philadelphia every Monday at half past nine, A. M. and reaching Easton the next day by four, P. M.—and returning, leave Easton every Wednesday by four, A. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by noon: And perform the same tour, during the other half of the year, between half past nine o'clock of every Monday, and noon of the next Saturday. And also their terms for carrying an additional mail between Philadelphia and Chestertown, leaving Philadelphia every Wednesday and Friday at half past nine, A. M. and returning the fourth day after by noon.
23. From Baltimore to Annapolis: The mail to leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday, at eight in the morning, and arrive at Annapolis the same days by five in the afternoon:—Returning, to leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Saturday by eight in the morning, and arrive at Baltimore the same days by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
24. From Suffolk, by Edenton, Plymouth, Washington and Newbern, to Wilmington: The mail to leave Suffolk every Wednesday at four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next Saturday, by six in the evening:—Returning, to leave Wilmington every Monday by four in the morning, and arrive at Suffolk the next Thursday by six in the evening.
In NORTH-CAROLINA.
25. From Halifax by Blountville, Williamstown, and Daileys, to Plymouth, once in two weeks:—The mail to leave Halifax every other Monday by five o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Plymouth the next day by six in the evening:—Returning, to leave Plymouth the next Thursday by five in the morning, and arrive at Halifax on Friday by five in the evening.
Note 1. If during the continuance of the contracts here proposed, any other times of arrival and departure of the mails should become necessary, to preserve a proper connection with other mails, the contractors are to conform to any arrangement which for that purpose, shall be made by the Post-Master General, such arrangement not lessening the number of hours above allowed for carrying the mails respectively, without their consent.
2. A convenient time not exceeding half an hour, for opening and closing a mail is to be allowed at each Post-Office, at which the time of its arrival and departure is not herein specified.
3. For every half hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, double the sum which the value of one trip shall bear to the value of the whole number of trips to be performed.
4. The mail may be carried on any of the post roads herein described, either in stage waggons or on horses: but when the state of the roads prevents travelling in waggons with the necessary expedition, the mails are to be carried on horses.—Every mail-stage must have in it a box in which the mail is invariably to be carried, under lock and key.
5. News-papers, as well as letters, are to be sent in the mails: and if any contractor would wish to be authorized to carry news-papers, other than those conveyed in the mail (agreeably to the 22d section of the post-office law) he must, in his proposals, state the respective sums for which he will carry the mails with and without the emoluments which may arise from such separate carriage of news-papers.
NEW POST ROADS,
In NEW-YORK, MASSACHUSETTS & VERMONT. An extension of the Post roads having been desired, from Connojarharrieto Whites-town, and thence to Kanandaigua, in the state of New-York; from Stockbridge to Bennington, in the states of Massachusetts and Vermont; and from Rutland to Windsor, and Rutland to Fairhaven, in Vermont: Proposals for carrying mails on those routes, (at the expense of the contractors) will be received at the General Post-Office, until the fifteenth day of November next inclusively.—Persons offering such proposals, must state the days and hours when they will receive and deliver the mails at each place here mentioned, and the length of time (which cannot exceed eight years) for which they will contract.
The contractors, respectively, will have the exclusive privilege of carrying letters and packets on these roads, for hire; and be authorized to receive, to their own use, all the postage which shall arise on letters, packets and newspapers by them carried, at the rates established by law: but must carry, free of postage, such letters and packets as by law are, or shall be declared free.
For every hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in delivering a mail, after the time agreed on, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, one dollar for every ten miles distance, as far as the failure extends.
The persons whom the contractors shall designate for Postmasters, on these routes,—previous to their acting as such, must be approved by the Post-Master General, and take the oaths required by law. They are to agree for their compensations with the contractors, to whom alone they are to account for all the postage they shall receive. The same oaths must be taken by the contractors and their riders who carry the mails.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, POST-MASTER-GENERAL.

PLANS OF THE City of Washington, Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
Certificates Lost. MISSING, Five New-Jersey Certificates, signed by Silas Condit, viz. No. 740 for £. 75 0 0 1978 11 12 9 715 1 0 0 3482 1 4 6 829 0 12 9 The subscriber supposes the above Certificates are stolen. Whoever will discover the Thief, or Certificates, and leave information at the Treasury or Loan-Office in New-Jersey, or in the County Collector's Office at Morris-Town, shall be handsomely rewarded by JOSEPH LEWIS. Morris-Town, New-Jersey, July 12, 1792. (1aw7w)
WHITE WAX MANUFACTORY. THOMAS JAMES, WAX CHANDLER, from London, respectfully informs the public that he has established a Manufactory of the above branch, at the upper end of Mulberry-Street, New-York, where Merchants, Captains of Vessels, Druggists, and Families, may be supplied with excellent and pure White Wax Candles, White Wax in Cakes, Tapers, Wax'd Lamp Wicks, Flambeaux, &c. warranted equal to any made in London, and twenty per cent. cheaper. Orders in this and the adjacent States, received by Mr. JOHN GOODEVE, Bridge-Street, Mr. WILLIAM FROISHER, Fletcher-Street, and at the Manufactory, where samples may be seen. N. B. Bees-Wax taken in payment, or bleached on moderate terms. New-York, July 19, 1792. [ep7w]
Stock Brokers Office, No. 45, Great Dock-Street, NEW-YORK, THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE AND SALE OF STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch. Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to. LEONARD BLECKER. May 2. (t.f.)
Universal Hymn Book. To be Sold by THOMAS DOBSON, and other Booksellers in Philadelphia, A Collection of PSALMS, HYMNS, and SPIRITUAL SONGS; selected from different Authors, and published by Order of the Convention holding the Doctrine of the Salvation of all Men, met in Philadelphia, May 25, 1791. Price of a single book, bound, 3 3/8ths of a Dollar, with good allowance to those who take quantities. August 4. (ep1f.)
NEW-BRUNSWICK Church Lottery. THE peculiar circumstances of a gentleman who had undertaken to dispose of a proportion of the tickets in the New-Brunswick Church Lottery, having, in his opinion, rendered it inconvenient for him further to proceed in the sale thereof, between eleven and twelve hundred tickets are unexpectedly returned to the Rector, Church-Wardens and Vestry-men. This lays the Managers under the necessity of further adjourning the drawing of the Lottery, until the fifteenth day of October next, that they may have time to transmit these tickets to the parts of the State where they are applied for, and receive the returns. As there are but few tickets besides these remaining on hand, all persons who are disposed to promote the pious object of this Lottery, or to take a chance for the prizes therein, are requested to supply themselves by the first of October; and the gentlemen appointed to dispose of them, are desired to return those to the Managers which remain unsold, to answer the applications of some gentlemen in the neighbourhood, who are postponed to this resource for a supply. And notice is hereby given, that the tickets not returned to the Managers by the eighth day of October, will be considered as at the risk of the holders. N. B. ROBERT MORRIS, Esq. of New-Brunswick, is duly chosen one of the Managers of the said Lottery, and has given security and qualified agreeably to law. (ep101)
To be published by Subscription, THE AMERICAN REMEMBRANCER, OR, PROCEEDINGS OF THE Old Congress, From September 1774, to March 1789;— An authentic and original collection of OFFICIAL LETTERS, &c. written during the late war; And EXTRACTS from the SECRET JOURNALS. (For particulars, see Proposals at large.) Subscriptions are received by the principal Booksellers, and by the Editor, JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pearl-Street, Philadelphia.
The INDEX and TITLE-PAGE for the Third Volume of this GAZETTE, are now ready to be delivered to those who intend to bind that Volume. The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
100 Dollars Reward. LOST on Cambridge Common, Massachusetts, on the afternoon of the 18th ult. a Morocco POCKET-BOOK, with a steel clasp, containing a number of valuable papers, among which were the following PUBLIC SECURITIES, viz. Massachusetts State Notes—No. 2.425, dated December 1, 1782, payable to Thomas Greenwood, for £. 23 16s. principal—No. 22.399, dated January 1, 1785, payable to Nathaniel Partridge, for £. 10 10s. principal.—No. —, dated January 1, 1782, (an army note) payable to Timothy Howard, for £. 8 8s. 1d. principal.—No. —, a Note (the number, date, and to whom payable, not known) for £. 3 0s. 3d. principal.—One Indent Certificate for Four Dollars, and a New-Hampshire Certificate for about £. 12 payable to John and Daniel Jenks; also a number of Notes of Hand, one of which was for £. 572 given by Nathaniel Bond to Samuel W. Pomeroy (by whom it was endorsed) dated 1st May, 1792, and payable on the 11th August following; the others were all payable to the Subscriber. The Securities are checked at the different offices from whence they were issued, and the Notes of Hand by the different signers, they can therefore be of no use to any but the owner. The Subscriber hereby offers a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who has found the same, and will return them to him, or leave them with the Printer hereof, and no questions will be asked. ABRAHAM FOSTER. Salem, Massachusetts, August 1, 1792. (ep1f)
TO BE SOLD, (And possession given immediately) A Valuable FARM, PLEASANTLY situated, and well improved, containing 213 acres, whereof 47 are woodland, 30 meadow, and 20 more may be made; the cleared land is under good fence, and is well adapted to grass, and there being so much meadow, a large stock may be raised: it is also natural to wheat, and a proper attention to a well-kept stock, will much improve its quality, and be the most profitable: it has a young orchard of 200 apple-trees, a variety of peach and cherry trees, and a large garden. There are on the premises a handsome two story stone house and kitchen, and an elegant piazza; also, a good barn, with stabling, cow-house, granary, waggon-house, work-shop, and smoke-house. The situation is high, pleasant, and healthy, and affords some very agreeable prospects, and is in a good neighbourhood: it lies on the main road to New-York, about a mile and a half from Princeton, New-Jersey, and 43 from this city. The title was examined and approved by a committee of the Subscriber's counsel. For further particulars apply to the subscriber, at No. 141, South Second-Street, or at No. 81, South Water-Street, Philadelphia. ISAAC SNOWDEN, Jun. N. B. Stock for the farm may be had of the present tenant. Also, to be Sold, and entered immediately, A two-story Brick HOUSE and BAKE-HOUSE, in Arch-Street, No. 23, 16 feet two inches in front, and 102 feet in depth. Apply as above. July 17. (ep1f)
TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA. JUNE 28, 1792. PURSUANT to the last Will and Testament of the late Rev. ALEXANDER WILLIAMSON, deceased, will be exposed to Public Sale on Thursday, the 11th of October next, at GEORGETOWN, on a credit of three years, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to bear interest from the date—That valuable SEAT of Land, in Montgomery county, called HAYES; the late dwelling plantation of the deceased, containing between six and seven hundred acres, the greatest part of which is rich, heavy timbered land, extremely well watered, and capable of affording a very considerable quantity of fine meadow;—Situated about 6 miles from the Federal City, and the same distance from George-Town, in a genteel neighbourhood, and a remarkable healthy part of the country. The improvements are, a very elegant two story Brick Dwelling House, (with four rooms and a passage, or entry, on a floor) and the necessary out-houses. HENRY TOWNSEND, BENJ. STODDERT, } Executors. THOMAS JOHNS, }
TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA. JULY 6, 1792. THE Subscriber offers for Sale, a Mill-Seat on Rock Creek, deemed by those who have examined it, equal to any in the United States. The Mill-House may be placed within one quarter of a mile of the river Potowomac, half a mile from the market house in Georgetown, and one mile from the President's square, in the city of Washington—on a tide water, navigable for vessels of several hundred bushels burthen.—The stream is sufficient, the year round, to turn four pair of stones, and the fall may be made from 25 to 30 feet. It is unnecessary to dwell on the advantages of such a situation. The purchaser may be accommodated with a few hundred acres of land adjoining the Mill-Seat, if that should be an object. (ep3m 14 Jul) B. STODDERT.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR, AN ALPHABETICAL LIST of the Duties payable on all Goods, Wares and Merchandise imported into the United States; exhibiting the Rates payable on those imported in Ships or Vessels of the United States, and in Foreign Ships or Vessels; including the additional Duties to which the respective Articles are liable. ALSO, A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold—graduated according to Law—Blank Manifests—And Blanks for the various Powers of Attorney necessary in transacting Business at the Treasury or at the Bank of the United States.
NEW TEAS. IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at No. 19, Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
Treasury Department, AUGUST 10, 1792. NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the twenty-ninth day of September next inclusive, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1793, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
 1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town & Carlisle, in the state of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, and at Pittsburgh, York-Town and Carlisle.  2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek.  3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls.  4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning.  5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the River Cayahoga, and at the said Head Navigation.  6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said River Cayahoga, and at the said mouth.  7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek to the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayahoga River, and thence down the said River to its mouth.  8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto.  9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto River and the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids or the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids.  10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town.  11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton. At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair.  12. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson.  13. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action.  14. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages.  15. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the Falls of the Miami River, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said Falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth.  16. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami River of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake.  17. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake to the mouth of the River Cayahoga.  18. At any place or places from the mouth of the said River Cayahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle.  19. At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadagheque Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadagheque Lake, and thence down the Allegany River to Fort Franklin.  20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf.  21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh.  22. At any place or places from the Rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash River, and from the mouth of the said Wabash River to the mouth of the River Ohio.  23. At any place or places on the East side of the River Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio River, to the mouth of the Illinois River.  24. At any place or places on the East side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the River Margot inclusively.  25. At any place or places from the said River Margot to the River Yazous inclusively.  26. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash River up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox.  27. At any place or places from Fort Knox, up the said Wabash, to Ouittanon, and at Ouittanon.  28. At any place or places from Ouittanon, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River.  29. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Village.  30. At any place or places from the mouth of the River Tenefce to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said River, inclusively.  31. At any place or places from the mouth of the River Cumberland to Nashville, on the said River, and at Nashville.  32. At any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof. 
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a jill of rum, brandy or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, } per 100 rations. Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, }  The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least three months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the deposition of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed. The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract, will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years. The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.
Treasury Department, AUGUST 20th, 1792. NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 13th day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1793, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, and the Post of West-Point, in the State of New-York. The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a jill of rum, brandy or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, } per 100 rations. Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, }
The proposals may be made for both of the above-mentioned Posts, or separately, for Springfield and West-Point.
Treasury Department, AUGUST, 20th, 1792. NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury until the fourth day of October next inclusive, for the supply of the following articles of Clothing for the Troops in the service of the United States—viz.
   FOR THE INFANTRY AND ARTILLERY.     4608 Hats 18460 Shirts   4608 Coats 7956 Pair of Socks   4608 Vests 4608 Blankets   8668 Woolen Overalls 4608 Stock Claps   9216 Linen Overalls 4608 Stock Buckles   18376 Pair of Shoes        FOR THE CAVALRY.     360 Caps 720 Pair of Stockings   360 Coats 1440 Shirts   360 Vests 360 Blankets   360 Pair of Leather Breeches 360 Stock Claps; also, 720 Pair of Boots 1200 Rifle Shirts, to be 360 Pair of Spurs (made of Russia Sheeting.  
The above Clothing to be delivered either in New-York, Philadelphia or Baltimore, at the option of the contractor or contractors, on or before the 15th day of June, 1793. The proposals may comprise the whole of the before-mentioned Clothing, or any one or more of the component articles; to be furnished agreeably to patterns or specimens, which will be shown at the War Office. Good security will be required for the punctual and faithful performance of the contract. The payment will be on the delivery of the Clothing, or, if necessary, such reasonable advances will be made as the Secretary of the Treasury shall deem expedient.
War Department,
AUGUST 6, 1792. INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March 1792, and which will become due on the 5th day of September 1792, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the States respectively, under the usual regulations, viz. Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the State, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form: A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:
I, A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and ending the fifth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two. Signed and sealed in the presence of Witnesses. Acknowledged before me,
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim. By command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers, for the space of two months.
George-Town. A Number of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in City of WASHINGTON, will be offered for sale by the Commissioners, on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M'GANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners. June 2, 1792. [ep1f]