National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-04-16 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, APRIL 16, 1792.
NUMB. 49.
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
SIR, SHOULD any individual attempt to call in question the right to representation in the people of the lower district of Georgia, if such a query did not spring from despotic principles, it would only be termed ignorance in the extreme; but it being universally and indubitably granted that the people of the lower district of the state of Georgia have a right to representation, to by virtue of that right, two persons are individually presented to them as candidates for election. The people convened gave in their votes, but some time after Congress declares one of these two candidates to be unduly elected: now let us see what will follow. The people have a right to representation; two candidates only offer, one of which they have a right, and one of which they are to choose; but Congress declares that the votes of one of these two candidates are illegally given in, therefore the other must be the person legally elected: the people having a right to representation, consequently one of these two candidates must be constitutionally possessed of the right of representing by choice of the people. If not, the people's right to representation is totally subverted—If any gentlemen will shew, that Gen. Jackson's right to a seat in Congress is not a right, founded on a right of the people of the lower district of Georgia to representation, it will be a grand discovery; it will be a short way to aristocracy, which has been hitherto unexplored on this side the Atlantic.
Can the citizens of the United States be so blinded by federalism, as not to perceive the dangerous tendency of such a precedent? certainly not.
But the constitution says, each House shall be the judge of the election returns, & qualifications of its own members, and therefore that the House of Representatives might the more strictly and properly act in the capacity of a court of judicature, while in its Legislative authority, entered into resolutions which were to be to them laws to guide and direct them, so that in the course of the approaching trial they might not confound the legislative with the judicial authority. Yet, was it ever known in a court of judicature in a case of right and wrong that the plaintiff by producing incontestable evidences to prove the illegality of the defendant's claim, did not thereby establish his own right? And what do we next behold? Congress acting in the character of three distinct persons. If any gentleman will deny it, then must he allow that the proceedings of Congress in the case of Generals Wayne and Jackson to be more aristocratical, and more arbitrary than ever the British Parliament was in the case of Wilkes and Luttrell; yet the British Parliament too well knew the right to representation in the Freeholders of Middlesex county to seclude both the candidates, which would too glaringly cut off their right to representation, and thereby alarm the whole nation, but that they might get the man (for no other they could get) whose principles they knew would more uniformly harmonize with their own, they magnified the objections made against Wilkes, his principles being then obnoxious to their measures; and perhaps some have very justly apprehended that a similar motive was an actuating principle in the precluding General Jackson from a seat here.
By aggravating the objections made against Wilkes, they endeavoured thereby to have some pretext, however trifling, to palliate their arbitrary proceedings in hauling in a man over the heads of the people whose principles they abhorred: but the case as to the candidates here, is not applicable, for General Jackson has evidently proved the illegality of General Wayne's election,
and Congress has as evidently confirmed the validity of his testimony. But Congress goes farther than the British Parliament, by declaring, that neither of the candidates have a right to a seat with them, and so by the word of their power cuts off the right to representation in the lower district of Georgia: yet how it comes they are both secluded, and the lower district remains unrepresented, I'll leave to the political philosopher to account for. Should any gentleman endeavour to confute what has been here said, we will proceed to the first, and see how far Congress has acted in the character of three distinct persons, and thereby stepped beyond the limits of the constitution.
They in their judicial capacity passed judgment on General Wayne's election by declaring its invalidity, yet the idea of seven eighths of the people annexed to such a declaration, was, that by Congress' declaring the illegality of the one, it established the right of the other, a right existing, and that only between the two candidates; but the wisest are liable to mistake, and the people felt their disappointment.
In all cases coming before a court of judicature there must be at least four persons concerned; a plaintiff, defendant, testimony, and judge: And now, in the proceedings of Congress against the validity of General Jackson's election, whom do we behold as plaintiff? why, Congress—whom do we see as testimony? why Congress—and who the judge? why who but Congress? But, the constitution says, Each House shall be the judge of the election, &c. Yes truly: yet in that article the constitution never said nor never meant to invest in Congress a power to enter into judgment against the election of any candidate without some allegation being first made to them by a citizen of the United States. But who petitioned against the validity of General Jackson's election? why none, and might not Congress by the same authority with which they precluded General Jackson expel a member from Massachusetts, Virginia, or Pennsylvania; nay, even the whole minority might be expelled!
Awake! arise! ye Freemen of Georgia; ye citizens of the United States; for it equally concerns you all; and learn, that you may teach your children to despise and shun the man or set of men who would wish to propagate the pernicious principles which are taught in the school of British aristocracy: aristocracy, an hydra which is ever grasping to devour the defenceless poor man's rights. ANTHEO.
April 9.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT for finishing the Light-House on Baldhead at the mouth of Cape Fear river in the State of North-Carolina.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury, under the direction of the President of the United States, be authorized, as soon as may be to cause to be finished in such manner as shall appear advisable, the light-house hitherto begun under the authority of the state of North-Carolina, on Baldhead at the mouth of Cape Fear river in the said state: And that a sum, not exceeding four thousand dollars, be appropriated for the same, out of any monies heretofore appropriated, which may remain unexpended, after satisfying the purpose for which they were appropriated, or out of any other
monies, which may be in the Treasury, not subject to any prior appropriation.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, April the second 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, April 10.
A bill respecting Consuls and Vice-Consuls was read a third time, with the amendments, passed, and returned to the Senate.
An engrossed bill, to extend the time heretofore granted for the payment of the duties on certain teas, imported into the United States, after the 3d of March 1791, was read a third time, and passed.
An engrossed bill, for apportioning representatives among the several states, according to the first enumeration, was read a third time, passed (yeas 28; nays 17) and sent to the Senate for their concurrence;—and
In about an hour after, Mr. Secretary Otis notified the House, that the Senate had passed the said bill.
Mr. Otis delivered a second message, informing that the senate had concurred in the amendments, proposed by the House, to the bill for altering the time for holding the circuit courts in certain districts of the United States,—and to the bill concerning Consuls and Vice Consuls.
Mr. Seney reported a bill to direct the settlement of a certain claim of the state of Maryland, which was twice read.
Mr. Speaker signed the following enrolled bills, viz.
A bill fixing the compensations of the door-keepers of Congress.
A bill supplementary to the act for the establishment and support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers.
A bill to erect a light house on Montock Point, in the state of New-York—and
A bill to ascertain the bounds of a tract of land, purchased by J. C. Symmes.
In committee of the whole, a bill to indemnify the estate of Major General N. Greene, was considered and amended.
Being reported with the amendments, and further amended in the House, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. Yeas 37, Nays 23.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Baldwin, Barnwell, Benfon, S. Bourne B. Bourne, Findley, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Giles, Gordon, Gregg, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Huger, Key, Kittera, Laurence, Learned, Lee, Livermore, Madison, Mercer, Muhlenberg Murray, Page, Parker, Sedgwick, Sheredine, W. Smith, Sterrett, Thatcher, Venable, Vining, Wadsworth, Willis—37
NAYS—Messrs. Aihe, Boudinot, Brown, Clark, Goodhue, Grove, Hillhouse, Jacobs, Kitchell, Macon, Moore, Niles, Schoonmaker, Seney, J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sumppter, Tredwell, Ward, White, Williamson—23.
The amendments, proposed by the Senate to the militia bill, (thirty one in number) were taken into consideration, and all agreed to, except the last, which was thought of too serious a nature to be adopted without mature deliberation, and was under discussion, when the
House adjourned.—It is, to add, at the end of the bill, the two following sections:
'And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States is hereby authorized to call out the militia, or such part thereof as the exigence may in his opinion require, to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions. And when militia are employed in the service of the United States, they shall receive the same pay and allowances as are now made to the troops in service.'
'And be it further enacted, That if any officer or private soldier of the militia, being ordered into the service of the United States pursuant to the powers herein given, shall refuse obedience to such orders, he shall forfeit, to the use of the United States, a sum not exceeding the amount of one year's pay of such officer or soldier respectively, as herein established. And the militia, while in the service of the United States, shall be subject to the rules and articles of war: Provided, That the Courts Martial, by whom they shall be subject to be tried, shall be composed entirely of militia officers, of the same state with the offenders.'
WEDNESDAY, April 11.
The memorial of T. Fielder, inventor of an apparatus to facilitate navigation, praying the aid of Congress to carry his project into execution, was read and ordered to lie on the table; as was also a memorial from the commissioners of the city and county of Philadelphia, respecting compensation for the use of the city jail, heretofore ceded to Congress;—and a memorial from the merchants of New-York, remonstrating against the proposed augmentation of the impost duties.
A memorial from the inhabitants of the towns of Cincinnati, and Columbia, on the little Miami, was referred to a select committee.
A memorial was read, from Signor Giuseppe Ceracchi (the artist, who executed the bust that stands over Mr. Speaker's chair) setting forth that he is ready to enter upon the execution of a design for the national monument, which he some time ago laid before Congress. Referred, together with his former memorial, to Messrs. Gerry, Benfon, Lee, Murray and Tucker.
Presented by the committee of enrolment and signed by Mr. Speaker, the Representation bill, and the bill for altering the times for holding the Circuit Courts in certain districts of the United States.
Mr. Secretary Otis delivered a message notifying the House, that the Senate had concurred in passing the bill to indemnify the trustees of Wilmington academy.
Mr. Fitzsimons, from the committee appointed, reported a bill for raising a further sum of money, for the protection of the frontiers; which was twice read, & referred to a committee of the whole, on Friday next. [This bill is to carry into effect the Resolutions, reported by the committee of the whole on Ways and Means, and adopted by the House on Saturday last; and besides, contains sundry regulations, not contained in the said resolutions.]
An engrossed bill to indemnify the estate of the late Major General N. Greene, was read a third time, and after a debate of some length, passed—yeas 33—nays 24.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Baldwin, Barnwell, Benfon, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Findley, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Giles, Gregg, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Key, Kittera, Laurence, Learned, Lee, Livermore, Madison, Mercer, Muhlenberg, Murray, Page, Parker, W. Smith, Sterrett, Thatcher, Venable, Vining, Wadsworth, Willis—33.

Nays—Messrs. Ashe, Boudinot, Brown, Clark, Goodhue, Gordon, Grove, Hillhouse, Jacobs, Kitchell, Macon, Moore, Niles, Schoonmaker, Seney J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sump- ter, Venable, White, Williamson—24.
The House proceeded to the further con- sideration of the two additional sections proposed by the Senate to the Militia Bill.
The unlimited power which this amend- ment would confer on the President, of calling out the citizens of the United States, and subjecting them to Martial Law, was the ground of a warm opposition, which was supported to a late hour, when the House adjourned without taking the question.
THURSDAY April 12.
The memorial of John Gibbons, treasurer of the state of Georgia, was referred to the Secretary of War, to examine, and report.
Two enrolled bills, viz. A bill, concerning consuls and vice con- suls,—and
A Bill to compensate the trustees of the public grammar school of Wilmington in the state of Delaware,—were signed by Mr. Speaker, and presented to the Presi- dent of the United States for his approba- tion, together with a bill to alter the times for holding the circuit courts in certain districts of the United States, and the re- presentation bill.
Mr. Secretary Lear delivered a message, notifying the House, that the President had approved and signed an act to ascertain the bounds of a tract of land purchased by J. C. Symmes.
A bill from the Senate, for regulating processes in the courts of the United States, &c. was (together with the amendments thereto, reported by the select committee) referred to a committee of the whole, and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
The House resumed the consideration of the two additional sections proposed by the Senate to the militia bill, vesting the Presi- dent with a perpetual and unlimited pow- er to call out the militia at pleasure, and subject them to martial law, &c. &c.
The subject was again warmly debated : and among other arguments in favour of concurring with the Senate, it was said, that, in case, for instance, of an insurrec- tion in the city of Philadelphia, it might perhaps be expedient for the executive to lead an army of Jersey militia across the Delaware, to quell it ; and the conduct of some people in the back parts of Pennsylva- nia, (who, it was said, refused to pay cer- tain taxes, and had insulted some of the officers of government) was mentioned as a proof of the necessity of using compulsory means to enforce obedience to the laws of the union. It was said on the other hand, that nothing could have a stronger tend- ency to create jealousies and disunion between the states, than to empower the President thus to make the militia of one state the in- struments to be employed in subduing the citizens of another ; and that the powers which the Senate meant to confer on him by this amendment, would be considerably greater, than are possessed by the King of England. &c. &c.
Mr. Kittera moved the following a- mendment :
“Provided nevertheless that they [the militia] shall not be obliged to march be- yond the limits of the United States ; nor shall any person, enrolled in the militia as aforesaid, be compelled to serve therein more than two months in six : and that this authority be continued in the Presi- dent of the United States, for one year from the passing of this law.”
A division being called for, three separate questions were taken on the several clauses of this proviso ; and all passed in the neg- ative,—several gentlemen voting against it, who declared that they would vote in the affirmative, if there was any probability that the Senate’s amendment would be a- greed to.
Mr. Fitzsimons then moved the follow- ing amendment :
“Provided always, and be it further en- acted, that the powers herein given to the President of the United States, for calling out the militia, be and continue in force till the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.
Some gentlemen thinking this motion out of order, Mr. Speaker declared it to be in order ; and on an appeal to the House, and the question being taken, the decision of the chair was confirmed.
The question being then taken on Mr. Fitzsimons’s proposition, passed in the af- firmative yeas, 37, nays, 20.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Ben- son, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clark, Fitzsimons, Gilman, Goodhue, Gregg, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Hillhouse, Huger, Kitchell, Kittera, Laurence, Learned, Lee, Madison, Moore, Muhlen- berg, Murray, Niles, Seney, Sheredine, J. Smith, Sterrett, Sylvester, Thatcher, Tredwell, Tucker, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward—37.
NAYS—Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Gerry, Giles, Grove, Key, Livermore, Macon, Mercer, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, I.
Smith, W. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sump- ter, Venable, White, Willis,—20.
The question was then taken on the first of the additional sections, thus amend- ed :—and passed in the negative—yeas, 24, nays, 37.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Ben- son, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Findley, Fitz- simons, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Gregg, Hartley, Hillhouse, Kittera, Laurence, Learned, J. Smith, W. Smith, Sylvester, Thatcher, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward—24.
NAYS—Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bou- dinot, Brown, Clark, Gerry, Giles, Grif- fin, Grove, Heister, Huger, Key, Kitchell, Lee, Livermore, Macon, Madison, Mer- cer, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Niles, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Seney, She- redine, I. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sump- ter, Tredwell, Tucker, Venable, White, Wil- liamson, Willis—37.
The other of the additional sections was negatived almost unanimously.
A committee was then appointed (on motion of Mr. Gerry) to prepare a bill or bills for calling forth the militia, when ne- cessary, to execute the laws of the union, to suppress insurrections, and repel inva- sions.
Some gentlemen wished, that (until the business entrusted to this committee, should be in some degree of forwardness) the militia bill should be detained in the House, and no message sent to the Senate, to notify them of the proceedings and de- cision on their proposed amendments.
No order however was given on the subject ; and the business was left to take its ordinary course.
A bill to direct the settlement of a cer- tain claim of the state of Maryland, was taken up by a committee of the whole House, who, after some time spent in de- bate, rose and reported progress.
FRIDAY, April 13.
A message from the Senate, by Mr. Secretary Otis, informed the House, that the President of the United States had notified the Senate that he had approved and signed the following Acts :
An act supplemental to the act for the es- tablishment and support of light houses, beacons and buoys—An act for fixing the compensations of the door keepers of both Houses of Congress—And an act for building a light house on Montock point, in the state of New-York.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury respecting alterations in the excise law. Mr. Seney in the chair.
Mr. Fitzsimons laid on the table sundry resolu- tions for modifying the law—these resolutions were read by the chairman—a motion for the committee to rise in order to referring them to a select committee for the purpose of reporting a bill, occasioned some debate, and was at length negatived—the committee then proceeded in the discussion of the resolutions, and agreed to the same with sundry amendments—which were reported to the House—A motion was then made and carried, that these resolutions should be printed for the use of the members.
A message was received from the Presi- dent of the United States by Mr. Secretary Lear, transmitting to the House the copy of a communication from the minister Pleni- potentiary of Great-Britain to the Secreta- ry of State, relative to the commerce of the two countries.
Several letters that passed between the Secretary of State and the British Minister, respecting a determination on the part of the British government, to carry their na- vigation act into execution, were read—the result was an explanation on the part of the British Minister, by which it appears that the prohibition of American vessels from en- tering the ports of Guernsey and Jersey, is alone contemplated by his government.
The Secretary also informed the House, that the bill to compensate the trustees of the public grammar school, and academy of Wilmington, for damages sustained during the late war, had received the President’s approbation and signature.
A petition of William Heyburn, an inva- lid, was read—stating that an application made by him to the Circuit Court of the United States, agreeable to a late law, had been rejected by the court; and praying relief.
Mr. Boudinot informed the House that the court considered the law lately passed for the relief of invalid pensioners, so far as it respects the Judges, as unconstitutional—and therefore refused to execute it.
On motion of Mr. W. Smith, after con- siderable debate, a committee of five was appointed to enquire into the state of facts set forth in the petition of William Hey- burn, and to report to the House.
Adjourned till Monday.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE. On the originating REVENUE BILLS by the Secretary.
[In continuation from our last.] IT is also asserted that members, or even select committees, convinced of their want of capacity, will have recourse to the Secretary for information and assistance, and that it is better to bring that informa- tion and assistance into the House openly for the equal benefit of all the members, than to have it introduced in the way of private influence. This argument is also
delusory. If the Secretary’s reporting sys- tems and essays, would prevent private in- fluence, it would at least be one recom- mendation : but so far from this, it gives a much greater inducement and facility to private influence. The minister will nat- urally form a union of views and senti- ments with some influential members, who will understand his systems previous to their being reported, and be prepared to support them ; hence some local interests will be comparatively oppressed or overlooked more than others, to secure the support of a party on the floor. The minister’s char- acter being at stake, he and his friends will make greater exertions ; from such a source we may expect to hear of bargains, combi- nations, deception, and all the arts of a crooked and mysterious policy. Therefore the influential power of originating systems and transmitting arguments, is much the more objectionable because of that private influence, and even corruption to which it is an efficient stimulus.
Though from the infancy of our govern- ment when this practice of originating re- venue bills was introduced, we may reason- ably conclude that the novelty of our situa- tion and the urgency of our affairs dictated the measure, yet we know from the expe- rience of all governments, that it is not ne- cessary to open avenues for corruption, nor make apologies for indolence and inatten- tion in public bodies. It is too soon to in- dulge a suspicion respecting our virtue, and yet, young as our government is, there are not wanting those who suspect that from the superior knowledge some persons had of the funding system, while in embryo, enormous and uncaudal speculations were made : it is also suggested, that an encrease of the debt of the union, and the most ob- noxious of all taxes, could never have suc- ceeded, if it had not been for the influence arising from other causes. But public cre- ditors, too many of whom get their wealth without useful industry, complain, that if the Secretary doth not continue to origi- nate the fiscal arrangements, they would go into confusion, the credit of the United States would fail, that we would reduce the Secretary of the Treasury to a mere commissioner of the revenue, and that he would not be responsible for the measures, &c. This is also proving too much, if it proves any thing.
That information of the actual state of things, respecting the execution and effi- ciency of the laws, is to be derived through executive officers, is admitted ; but if the arrangement of the revenue laws and the credit of the United States depends upon the minister’s power to originate the sys- tems and settle the principles, it depends on a slender thread indeed ; certainly he can- not originate revenue systems without the permission of the House ; therefore they can with the same ease reject this mode of bringing them forward, as they can reject his systems when reported. With respect to reducing or degrading the Secretary, it merits no answer ; the Secretary’s office was instituted for the use of the government, and not the government for the use of the Secretary’s office.
This method was introduced in the infancy of the government by a representation now known to be very unequal. The very general odium that even the appearance of ministerial influence has among the mass of the citizens, will certainly produce a rejec- tion of that mode of doing business, as soon as an impartial representation takes the floor, if not sooner—therefore it would be wiser for the public creditors to put their confidence in Congress, and support the respectability thereof among the people, than pin their dependence upon the influ- ence of a minister. I expect there will al- ways be found wisdom and justice enough in Congress to provide honestly for the dis- charge of her debts ; but less extravagance and folly among the public creditors would render them more respectable. They cer- tainly have a common interest with the community, with this they ought to have been contented, and not to have erected or sought after separate and distinct monied institutions, interests and influence. If the revenue laws being originated by the Se- cretary occasions them to be such as they would not otherwise be, or disposes mem- bers to vote for them that otherwise would not, an undue ministerial influence is in- troduced. If the systems and arguments reported by the Secretary are not calcula- ted to influence the proceedings of the House, they are of no use. If they are cal- culated for this purpose, they ought not to be permitted.
But there is another circumstance attends this mode of conducting business which is highly objectionable, if not unconstitutional—I mean not only the references of the ways and means, to the minister, but also the petitions of the citizens. That claims of a judicial nature should be referred to a suitable officer, in order to have the facts if stated and arranged, is perhaps not impro- per, as public bodies are not well calcula- ted for personal investigations. But that the most important public business or the memorials or remonstrances of the citizens respecting the principles or operations of general laws should be sent for any shorter or longer time out of the power of the
House to which they are directed, is impro- per and disgusting to the citizens. How came the Representatives to have a right to put the proper subjects of legislative deli- beration out of their power, perhaps for months together ? The Legislature are the constitutional judges of the time of doing business, as well as the subjects, and it is they only that are responsible with respect to time, as well as principles.
I will select one dangerous effect this practice might produce, if ever we should have an artful minister ; he might keep the most important business back till the end of a session, when the members being anx- ious to go home, would not have leisure for serious and critical investigation—This may be thought an undue reflection, but I will submit it to all experienced members of public bodies, if it is not justified by the ex- perience of almost every adjournment, and if the circumstance of a law being passed at the end of a session, is not frequently men- tioned as an apology for its defects. The danger of this is encreased by the minister always having it in his power to combine his views with that of some influential mem- bers of the Legislature.
That a Secretary who is possessed of ta- lents, pays constant attention to the business of finance, and has the materials for calcu- lation and estimates among his hands, should digest revenue systems with greater facility and theoretic ingenuity, I will readily grant ; having but one will to accommodate, must contribute to this. But that he will digest a system more suitable to the interests and will of the people, I deny. He does not, from his situation or manner of life, par- take of the same interests with the mass of the people ; he has not a practical know- ledge of their circumstances, and therefore is an imperfect judge of their will. He is under the necessity of receiving information from the particular class among which he moves, or from the under officers who are the creatures of his own appointment, and who, if the law which they execute is an obnoxious one, will be of the dregs of the people or hated by them ; and such as these have been the friends of oppression in all countries.
Perhaps the excellence and success of the present funding law may be adduced in proof of the wisdom of ministerial revenue systems. For my own part, I think the funding system much the worse for the ar- tificial refinement for which it is eminent. Certainly since the original obligation was not adhered to, the interest might have been uniformly lowered, or a part of the principal rejected in such a manner as to have been of equal advantage to the credi- tors, and as light upon the revenues as the present complex system. It is certainly founded on theory rather than a knowledge of the circumstances of the United States. Surely no body but the minister and those interested in, or dazzled with speculations, think that preventing the debt from being paid, otherwise than in small and distant in- stallments, gave it a value equal to one third of the annual interest. What person, who is possessed of 1000l. in certificates, upon the interest of which he designs to support himself or family, will think the irredeemable quality a sufficient equivalent for being obliged to live upon 40l. a year instead of 60l. I am not here deciding whether the public were able to provide 6 per cent on all the principal of the debt, or whether since the contract was not com- plied with, the most meritorious ought not to have been first or best served ; these en- quuries are now too late—but I believe the irredeemable quality and variety of parts only give them a capacity of being a fitter subject for speculating combinations, which sometimes buoy them up to a fictitious va- lue ; & whenever the artificial bubble bursts, they sink to the level of their real value a- gain, & instead of supplying the place of mo- ney, as they might have done under a more simple arrangement, they give greater de- mand for it and raise the rate of interest. There can be no doubt but that Congress might have done equal justice to their credi- tors without such ministerial refinements, and much less injury to the state of society.
One further observation, and I shall con- clude at this time.—It is already observed that the Secretary of the Treasury is an officer appointed by and dependent on the pleasure of the President ; his sole business is of an executive nature, and it is a fun- damental principle in government, that the legislative and executive powers should be kept distinct and separate—therefore dele- gating the power of propounding princi- ples, originating systems, and bringing ar- guments officially before the House, is con- trary to the principles of a free govern- ment. It is unreasonable to entrust any person with a power of dictating to the le- gislature the rules by which he himself shall be governed, or the principles of those laws which it is his duty to execute—Certainly if the House of Representatives are incap- able of originating revenue bills, and must employ an officer for that purpose, it ought to be a person chosen by, and dependent on that House. If the constitution will not permit this, much less can it permit an ex- ecutive officer to be employed.
SIDNEY. April 12.

PHILADELPHIA.
APRIL 16, 1792.
A loan has recently been made in Amsterdam, for the United States, of six millions of Florins, at five per cent—another has since been made in Antwerp, of three millions, at four and one half per cent.
On Tuesday last the Legislature of Pennsylvania finished their session, when the Senate adjourned to the first Tuesday of December next, and the House of Representatives, without fixing upon any particular day.
We hear that General Anthony Wayne is appointed commander in chief of the army intended for the westward; and that Col. Morgan, of Virginia, General Brooks of Massachusetts, General Wilkinson, of Kentucky, and Col. Willett, of New-York, will be appointed Brigadier Generals.
Sir John Temple, British Consul for the United States of America, on the 9th inst. notified all merchants and others concerned in commerce in this country, that in future the clause in the British navigation act, prohibiting productions of foreign countries to be imported into certain parts of the dominions of the King of Great-Britain, except in British bottoms, is to be strictly enforced against all those who shall be found trading contrary to the tenor of the said act.
Mr. Samuel Green, of New-York, has invented and taken a patent for a machine, that safely conducts persons and effects from houses when on fire. This machine, a model of which is advertised to be seen, it is said, will deliver ten people, or effects in proportion, from any height, every minute, with the greatest safety.
On the 26th of November last a Court Martial was held at Fort Washington, by order of Major General St. Clair, for the trial of Major Hamtramck, charged with "unofficerly and unsoldierly behaviour, in shamefully retreating from, or for fear of the enemy, on the fourth of this month—also, for scandalous behaviour in endeavoring to prevent a guard from going with provisions to relieve Fort Jefferson"—To these charges the Major plead not guilty —after a full and fair trial before a court martial, the court gave it as their opinion that "the several charges exhibited against Major Hamtramck are not supported, and therefore do acquit him with honour.—The prosecution was at the instance of Col. Darke.
Several companies of militia have marched from Pittsburg, to cover the western Frontiers of this state: By the latest accounts, there has been no discovery of Indians in those parts, except at or near Wheeling, 150 miles below Pittsburg, from whence they had stolen four or five horses.
Landholders in Hampshire are cautioned, in one of their late papers, to be on their guard against swarms of southern speculators who have been lately attempting to make large purchases of uncultivated lands in that state. The harvest of paper speculation being over, it is thought these nimble gentlemen are now turning their attention to landed property.
The two following paragraphs are from a New-York paper of last Thursday: "Electioneering discussions seem to totally absorb the attention of our citizens, that they take no notice of the progressive accumulation of burdens which the general government is imposing on our commerce. An augmentation of the present rates of duty, as proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, must inevitably tend to oppress the mercantile, and with it every other class of interests in this country. That the present system of impost is pressed beyond its natural bounds, must be obvious to every person engaged in commerce—that it far exceeds any commercial impositions by the states, previous to the ratification of the federal constitution, is indubitable."
"Experiments have been made in various parts of this country to erect and support manufactories of certain fabrics—with what success let the present situation of the greater part declare. Strenuous efforts were made to raise one in the city of New-York; but notwithstanding every endeavor of the reputable characters who patronized and supported it in its infancy, it has been gradually declining, & is now almost extinct. The same result may be predicted with respect to that proposed to be established in New-Jersey. The notoriously embarrassed situation of its pecuniary funds, as far as they have been collected, and of the man (Col. Duer) with whom the project ostensibly originated, are strong indications that the period of its ultimate dissolution is not very remote."
The speculating tribe in this city (says a New-York paper) are sunk into the abyss of inextricable confusion, yet seem to be insensible of the dreadful labyrinth in which they are entangled—insteed, however, of exerting themselves to preserve some kind of manly character, they are endeavoring
to lower themselves still more by descending to the mean level of fish-women and common street boxers!
A correspondent remarks, that the late decision of the Judges of the United States, in the circuit court of Pennsylvania, declaring an act of the present session of Congress unconstitutional , must be matter of high gratification to every republican and friend of liberty: since it affures the people of ample protection to their constitutional rights and privileges, against any attempt of legislative or executive oppression. And whilst we view the exercise of this noble prerogative of the judges in the hands of such able, wise and independent men, as compose the present judiciary of the United States; it affords a just hope that, not only future encroachments will be prevented, but also, that any existing law of Congress, which may be supposed to trench upon the constitutional rights of individuals, or of states, will, at convenient seasons, undergo a revision: particularly that for establishing a National Bank; which being an incorporation and exclusive charter of privileges, violative, as it is conceived, of the independent rights and sovereignty of the states, is deemed by many of the enlightened citizens of America, to be repugnant to the spirit, meaning and letter of the Constitution, and is regarded as a mere state engine of ministerial contrivance; on the pretence to aid fiscal operations, but in reality, to introduce placemen, pensioners, corruption, venality and intrigue into Congress: of the happy effects of which, let those, who see, speak.
Capt. Howell, of the ship Sampson, on his passage from this port to China, picked up a wreck in the Chinese seas with fourteen natives of that country thereon, being all that remained out of sixty-nine that were on board the vessel when the disaster happened to them. Those saved by the Sampson had been thirty days upon the wreck when the ship fell in with them, having subsisted all that time on boobies and barnacles, with the pittance of fresh water that was supplied from the clouds.—Two of these persons died of joy soon after being taken on board: the rest were landed safe at Macao, in China.
On the 11th of March, the insurgent French negroes rose at Leogan, (west end of Hispaniola) marched into the town, and set it on fire; but fortunately it was extinguished with the loss of only 3 or 4 houses. An attack then commenced, when the negroes were beat off with the loss of about 1500 men, and of the whites and mulattoes about 500. The negroes burned many plantations on the plains, likewise on the night of the 16th several large fires were seen about four miles from Port-au-Prince, and the inhabitants were daily afraid of the mulattoes taking the town.
A letter appears in a Halifax paper from Bowles, the pretended Indian chief, dated N. Providence Aug. 31, 1791. In this letter he gives a pompous account of the attention paid to him by Lord Dunmore (Governor of the Bahama Islands) while there; and mentions a project in contemplation, to build a new town (or seat of government for an independent state) at the Forks of the Apalachicola, a river running through part of Florida, from the Gulf of Mexico.
On the 1st. instant a boat in crossing Christiana creek (near Wilmington, Delaware) unfortunately overset; when through the inattention of a Mr. Crawley, the conductor, the boat overset and filled with water. Mr. Crawley was drowned, as were also four young ladies (the Miss Pattersons) who were all sitters.
Letters from England mention, that besides the Sierra Leona company, another is forming for effecting a settlement in a district of country called Bullam, on the river Gambia, in Africa. All free negroes that choose it are to be sent thither at the expence of the company, with the means of procuring a livelihood.—If these attempts, and others which are projecting, should succeed, the gradual civilization of Africa may be hoped for, which will eventually put an end to the slave trade.
A dispute took place, some months since off the Cape of Good Hope, between a French, and an English frigate, called the Thames. The Frenchman had several of his men killed and wounded by a broad-side received from the English vessel—Further particulars are not come to hand.
Extract of a letter from New-York, April 10.
"Many melancholy reflections would arise in the breast of an honest man, who should now take a view of the city of New York, and compare its present situation with what it was ten months ago. Industry was then prevalent—honest labour was encouraged, and this city was universally allowed to be the most flourishing, in a commercial view, on the continent. A few designing men have strangely altered the channel of business; the unguarded have been led into visionary schemes of amassing immense fortunes in a moment; the harpies of avarice and lucre have beguiled the ear of credulity, and have not been ashamed to rake the kennels of stews and brothels to filch the wretched wages of iniquity from the miserable Rahabs of the day! wretches who were heaping up immense fortunes from the necessities of the unfortunate, by privately lending money at
the enormous interest of 60, 70, and 100 per cent (and even beyond this) not satisfied with such unconscionable gain, but thirsting with the avidity of Tantalus for still more, must needs engage in speculating schemes, to add to their vastly accumulated principal through another channel!—Is it not surprising that one swindler, of no estate, with the assistance of a few unprincipled emissaries, have (in partnership,) plundered not only this city, but a considerable part of the United States, of their circulating cash? To avoid the payment of his debts, and procure safety for his life, this Arch-Swindler has shut himself up within the walls of a prison, and laughs at the public calamity; while the blood-sucking Brokers in his employ are still hovering round us, like Milton's devils, pimping, footling us, and promising redress, without any intention either in him or them, of ever performing.—But the day approaches when delays and proposals will not circulate instead of payment, and when even a removal to the dominions of the tyrant of India, will not protect certain characters from the merited vengeance of an enraged and defrauded public."
Extract of a letter from Savannah of the 14th of March.
"I have the pleasure to inform you, that there is a prospect of the Indian line being shortly run, and of our continuing in peace with the Creeks this summer. A person from the Rock Landing has just been with me, and says that Mr. Gillivray, with a number of Indians, was expected there this day, determined to comply with that part of the treaty. My last letters from that place also speak of it as certain."
The Pittsburgh Gazette of the 7th instant, mentions, that at a small station between Belpree and Belville, on the west side of the Ohio, the Indians had killed the wife and three children of Mr. D. Brown; who, being at a distance from the house, with his son, both made their escape. The scalp of the woman was only taken—Thirty miles lower down, the house of a Mr. M'Callough was burnt by the Indians two or three days before; the frontier inhabitants had every reason to think that these were only the beginning of their troubles for the present season.— Cornplanter's people having been suspected of these and other outrages, that chief had written a letter to exculpate himself and them, as follows:
"My people having been charged with committing depredations on the frontier inhabitants near Pittsburgh, I hereby contradict the assertion as it is entirely without foundation, and pledge myself to those inhabitants that they may rest perfectly secure from any danger from the Senecas residing on the Alleghany waters, and that my people have been and still are friendly to the United States."
CORNPLANTER."
COMMUNICATIONS.
A paragraphist in the Gazette of the United States, whose remarks have been copied into some of the public prints, would gravely persuade us, that those, who write against the measures of government, are no more than 'a dozen persons!' It is well he is candid enough to allow there are even twelve honest men in America, who still preach up found doctrine. But it is asked, whether the apostles of the contrary doctrine amount to half that number?—From the dull sameness of the style, it may be presumed, that small indeed is the number of those worthy gentlemen, who employ their leaden pens in eking out those drowsy fulsome panegyrics upon government, which every body now begins to smoke, and the high-fliers themselves can hardly read without a sneer.
If the excise law has not promoted temperance, it has prevented fraud. Doleful complaints are made of its operation in this way; and the manufacture of Gin, to the eastward, must soon go to pot, unless Congress kindly interfere: for it seems the purchasers of that article in other parts of the union are not now so easily imposed on, as heretofore; but can, by the brands on the casks and cases, at once detect home-brewed stingo , when offered to them as foreign Geneva. The Secretary of the Treasury however, has, with his usual ingenuity, devised a plan to relieve distillers from the hardships they suffer in consequence of being thus branded: and accordingly, in his elaborate report on the Excise, he recommends to Congress to foreen them from detection, by ordering the same brands to be affixed to foreign spirits as to those of domestic manufacture. But it is to be hoped the southern members will not consent to have their constituents cheated and poisoned, for the benefit of a few distillers.
OJIKHETA, the INDIAN.
IT was mentioned in the National Gazette of March 26, that the Indian Peter Jaquette or [ Olesquette ] alias, Ojikheta one of the Oneida Indian chiefs, who lately died, and was buried in this city, had been complimented with the former of those names by the Marquis de la Fayette, with whom he went to France, and continued several years. It is certain that there have been instances of many Europeans giving a name, peculiar to their own country, to savages adopted and befriended by them; as likewise is the custom among some of the Indian nations, with regard to foreigners living with them or under
their protection. In the present instance, however, the person who suggested that idea seems to have laboured under a mistake, as will appear from the following extract of a letter to the Editor, dated Christiana Ferry , March 30, 1792.
"In your paper of the 26th we saw an account of the death of an Indian chief of the Oneida nation, known by the name of Peter Jaquette , who was buried with great pomp in your City on the 21st inst.—We are inquisitive to know how said Indian came by his name, as it is not likely that the Marquis de la Fayette would (if he had named him) called him by any other name than that of his own family, which is entirely different from the one in question, as we well know, having had the honour to bear commissions with him in the late war. If you will give us leave, we will mention a more probable reason how this Indian came by the name of Peter Jaquette . Please to take notice, that one of us served in the British army in the former French war, and was well acquainted with many of the chiefs of the Oneida nation, then under the direction of Sir William Johnson; and as the Indians made it a custom to call their children after military officers, we suppose he became entitled to the name of Peter Jaquette , by that means. At any rate, we would be much obliged to the person that could ascertain from whom he really received the said name, as we have travelled many miles within the United States, and never have heard of any who had a right to it except our own family."
Peter Jaquet, Capt. in the old French war. Peter Jaquet, Maj. Del. Reg. in the late war. Peter Jaquet, Ensign Delaw. Reg. Levies."
THE committee of Congress to whom the petitions of sundry tanners in New-York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania, were committed, beg leave to report,
THAT having examined into the facts mentioned in the said petitions, the following appeared to your committee to be satisfactorily established.
That the manufacturing of leather, is a very extensive and important branch of the manufactures of the United States.
That the different kinds of bark, are essential raw materials in this manufacture.
That the average price of bark for some years past, has been from three, to four and an half dollars per cord.
That a patent has lately been granted by the government of Great-Britain, to an individual for the importation of bark, into that kingdom, where it is used both in dying and tanning.
That the patentee has employed agents in the different states, to purchase and prepare bark for exportation.
That the average price given for bark by these agents, when shaved, is stated to be from ten to thirteen dollars per cord.
That great complaints are made by the tanners, that this rise in price, will greatly injure, if not prevent, the manufacture of leather in the United States.
On a careful examination into the state of this business, your committee are of opinion, that the subject is of high national importance, and worthy the attention of Congress; but as the demand for bark is a circumstance of very considerable importance to the landed interest of the U. States, as well as that of the manufacturers of leather, and your treasury (from the proper reports of the year, not having yet come in) is unable to furnish proper and sufficient documents herein, so as to enable your committee to form a decisive judgment on the whole subject; viewed in all its consequences, they are of opinion, that the subject-matter of the petitions referred to them, should lay over to the next session of Congress; and in the mean time, your committee beg leave to recommend the following resolution, as the only present measure, necessary to be adopted.
Resolved, That from and after the day of next, the following additional duties shall be laid:
On all saddles and leather tanned or tawed, two and a half per centum ad valorem, except such as is, or shall, be otherwise rated.
On every pair of boots, ten cents. On every pair of shoes, slippers, or goloshes, made of silk, stuff, or leather, five cents.
Reported the 23d of February.
   PRICE OF STOCKS.     Six per cents, per £. - 20/   Three ditto - 11/6 to 12/   Deferred six ditto - 12/ 12/6   Final settlements, &c. - 15/ 16   Indents - 11/3   Half shares Bank Stock 25 per cent advance.  
Mackintosh's Defence.
This day is published, by William Young, Bookseller, No. 52, Second-street, the corner of Cheyney-street, price 2-3ds of a dollar in boards,
A DEFENCE
OF THE
French Revolution.
And its ENGLISH ADMIRERS, against the accusations of the Right Honorable Edmund Burke; including some strictures on the late production of Mons. De Calonne—
By JAMES MACKINTOSH.
N. B.—Ditto with the French Constitution, as accepted by the King, 13th September 1791. Price in boards 3-4ths dollar.
April 13.

The following letters passed between the President of the United States, and Major-General St. Clair, on the subject of the latter resigning his command of the army.
Philadelphia, March 26, 1792.
SIR, I BEG leave to offer you my unfeigned thanks for the honor conferred upon me, by the appointment to the command of the army of the United States the last campaign. Though that campaign was unfortunate, I am not conscious that any thing within my power, to have produced a more happy issue, was neglected. As I was prompted to accept that command by no motives of either ambition or interest, but by a fervent wish to be of service to my country, and a belief, perhaps too fondly entertained, that I could be so - That I am led to decline it in future, proceeds neither from disgust nor disappointment.
Having been much afflicted with sickness during nearly the whole of the campaign, though I flatter myself the public interests did not suffer by it, and though my health is now tolerably restored, my constitution has received a very severe shock, and I might not again be able to go thro' the weight of business which necessarily follows the command of an army.
Altho', sir, I am myself persuaded that every thing was done, in the course of the last campaign, that could be done on my part, fully to answer the public expectation, yet it is denied by some, doubted by many, and known to but few out of the army. A wish to rectify the public opinion, and a duty that I conceive I owe to myself, induces me to request that an inquiry into my conduct may be instituted: when that is over, I may hope to be permitted to resign the commission of Major-General, which I now hold. Should the result of the inquiry be that, in any instance, the duties of my station were neglected, or that I did not improve every hour and every opportunity to the best advantage, or that the operations of the army, after it was in a condition to operate, were delayed one moment in consequence of my illness, I shall patiently submit to the merited censure.
To whoever may be appointed my successor, I shall be happy, sir, to give every light and information my situation, as General of the army, or as Governor of the Western Territory, put in my power to obtain, and to evince to you, sir, and to the world, that the confidence you were pleased you were pleased to repose in me, was not misplaced.
With every sentiment of gratitude, of respect, and, allow me to add, of affection, I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. The President of the United States.
United States, March 28th, 1792.
SIR, YOUR knowledge of the country North-west of the Ohio, and of the resources for an army in its vicinity, added to a full confidence in my military character, founded on mature experience, induced my nomination of you to the command of the troops on the frontiers.
Your desire of rectifying any errors of the public opinion, relatively to your conduct, by an investigation of a court of enquiry, is highly laudable, and would be readily complied with were the measure practicable. But a total deficiency of officers, in actual service, of competent rank to form a legal court, for that purpose, precludes the power of gratifying your wishes on the occasion.
The intimation of your readiness to afford your successor all the information of which you are capable, altho' unnecessary for my personal conviction, must be regarded as an additional evidence of the goodness of your heart, and of your attachment to your country.
I am, Sir, With esteem and regard, Your most obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON. Major-General Arthur St. Clair.
Philadelphia, March 31st, 1792.
SIR, I HAVE had the honor to receive your letter of the 28th instant. While I lament that circumstances prevent an investigation into my conduct, by a court of enquiry, I cannot but acquiesce in the reasons you have assigned why it cannot take place; and I beg leave to present my thanks for the desire to have gratified me, had it been practicable, which you have been pleased to manifest.
In my letter of the 26th, I expressed an intention of retiring from the army, when the enquiry should be over. The only reason I had for wishing to retain my commission until that time was, that if any misconduct should appear in the course of the enquiry, I might be amenable to a court martial, which a resignation would have precluded. The House of Representatives, sir, have directed an enquiry into the causes of the failure of the last campaign to be made by a committee of their own body: the same reason that influenced me when a court of enquiry was contemplated, operates now with equal force, and therefore, it may be proper that I should still retain my commission; but, as it will soon be requisite that some person should be at the head of the army, who is to continue to command it, it is necessary, sir, that I should inform you explicitly, which I now do, of my fixed resolution to resign the moment the enquiry is finished, should no fault be found, that any embarrassment which may exist, with respect to providing a successor for me, may be removed.
Be pleased, sir, to observe that my sole object is to give effect to public justice, in the usual way by a court-martial, should it appear that, in any manner whatsoever, the misfortunes of the last campaign can be attributed to me; and it is the proper, and I believe the only tribunal, where military crimes and misconduct can be enquired into and punished; or where an officer's reputation, infinitely dearer than life, can be vindicated. Should the public service, however, require that another officer of the same rank with me be ap-
pointed immediately, I am ready to make the resignation forthwith, notwithstanding that it may seem to proceed, and at a distance will be supposed to have arisen, from a sense that the volume of calumny and defamation, invented by malice, which is daily pouring from the press into the public ear, has too much foundation for me to meet it, - that I shrink from the consequences, and chuse to shelter myself in a private station: - I am ready, sir, upon this occasion, as I have been upon all others, to sacrifice every private and personal feeling and consideration to the public good.
I have the honor to be, sir, Your most obedient servant, ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. The President of the United States.
United States, April 4, 1792.
SIR, I HAVE read and duly considered your letter of the 31st ultimo. The reasons you offer for retaining your commission, until an opportunity should be presented, if necessary, of investigating your conduct in every mode prescribed by law, would be conclusive with me, under any other circumstances than the present.
But the establishment of the troops allows only of one Major-General. You have manifested your intention of retiring, and the essential interests of the public require that your successor should be immediately appointed, in order to repair to the frontiers.
As the House of Representatives have been pleased to institute an enquiry into the causes of the failure of the late expedition, I should hope an opportunity would thereby be afforded you of explaining your conduct, in a manner satisfactory to the public and yourself.
I am, Sir, With esteem and regard, Your most obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON. Major-General Arthur St. Clair.
Philadelphia, April 7, 1792.
SIR, I HAVE had the honor to receive your letter of the 4th instant. Although I was very desirous, sir, to hold the commission of major-general until the enquiry by the committee of the House of Representatives should be over, for the reasons I assigned, and which you are pleased to think have some weight, - yet the necessity of the officer being appointed who is to command the troops, in order to his repairing to the frontiers, is certainly pressing, and ought to silence with me every wish of a mere personal nature: I do, therefore, sir, now formally resign the appointment of major-general.
I have never, sir, entertained a doubt that an enquiry into the causes of the failure of the late expedition, whether directed particularly to my conduct, or to that connected with other causes that may have operated in whatever way it might be conducted, would not prove honorable to me, and satisfactory to the public, as far as I was concerned with it; but setting, as I do, a due value upon the public opinion, and desirous not to lose that place in the esteem of the virtuous and intelligent of my fellow-citizens which I have long held, you will not wonder that, under existing circumstances, a degree of anxiety, not only that there should be an enquiry, but that every thing capable of being misconstrued, should be avoided on my part. I will own to you, sir, that the desire of honest fame has ever been the strongest passion in my breast; I have thought that I had merited it, - and it is all that I have to compensate for the sacrifice of a very independent situation, and the best years of my life devoted to the public service, and the faithful application of my talents, such as they were, in every situation in which I have been placed, with a zeal bordering upon enthusiasm. I trust, sir, I shall still enjoy it, while those who have attempted to disturb it, will be forgotten, or remembered with indignation, - and in their bosoms, if they have feeling, sensations may arise something similar to what Milton has described to have seized upon Satan when he discovered our first parents in Paradise.
With every sentiment of respect and duty, I have the honor to be, sir, Your most obedient servant, ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. The President of the United States.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE scurrilous publication in the Federal Gazette of this day, addressed to me, under the signature of John Morgan, Ensign in the first U.S. regiment, merits no attention, and will meet with none from me: but I think proper to declare, that the papers signed a Spectator, were not written by me - that I do not know the author - nor ever saw or heard of them until I met with them in the Federal Gazette.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. Philadelphia, April 9, 1792.
RAN away on Wednesday night last, a Negro Man, about twenty-three years old, had on a light-coloured short coat: took with him a pair of leather breeches and a pair of green stuff do. a beaver hat half worn, narrow brim and deep crown; a pair of boots; striped cotton and silk stockings; he is slim made - reads and writes a legible hand - has, I am informed, procured a pass and a certificate of his being a freeman. It is probable he will endeavor to get on board some vessel, either at this place or New-York. He has a small fore under his chin, occasioned by cutting out a wen. I will give Ten Dollars reward for securing him, if in this city; Twenty Dollars if taken in New-York, or any other place of the same distance, and pay all reasonable expenses.
ANDREW MOORE, Spruce-street, No. 112. Philadelphia, March 9, 1792.
*** A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Act for laying Duties on Spirits, &c. for sale at this Office.
This day is published - Price 6/6. By MATHEW CAREY. No. 118, Market-street, near fourth street, The Ladies' Library; Containing
 1. Miss More's Essays  2. Gregory's Legacy  3. Lady Pennington's advice  4. Marchioness of Lambert's advice  5. Swift's Letter to a new married Lady  6. Miss Chapone on Command of temper  7. More's Fables for the Ladies. 
Said CAREY has lately published
 1. M c Fingal, an epic poem, 2/6  2. Blair's Sermons, complete in two vols 15/.  3. Necker's treatise on Religious Opinions, 6/.  4. Examination of Sheffield's Observations, 4/6  5. American Constitutions, 4/6  6. Douay Bible - neat, 6 dol., elegant 50/2  7. Vade Mecum, 1/10 1-2  8. Charles Grandison abridged, 1/3  9. Humphrey's poems, bound 2/6, in blue paper 1/10 1-2  10. American Jest Book, in 2 parts, bound, 4/6  11. Select Poems, 1/3  12. Think Well On't, 1/10 1-2  13. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, 6/  14. Beattie's elements of moral science, 5/7 1-2  15. The Christian Economy, 1/10 1-2. 
*** Sets of the American Museum.
AS several gentlemen in different parts of the United States, have been heretofore disappointed in their applications for complete sets of the American Museum, the printer informs the public, that he is engaged in reprinting the deficient numbers of the work, and has now and will henceforward have a constant supply of sets on hand; such gentlemen, therefore, as please, may be furnished with sets neatly bound, in ten volumes, at sixteen dollars. This work will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays as any ever published in America.
Of said Carey may be had, wholesale and retail, Bibles, Testaments, Spelling-Books, Primers, Quills, Ink-Powder, Writing-Paper of various kinds, Bonnet-Paper, Pocket-Books, Ink-Stands, Message and playing cards, &c. &c. 6/11 10
Sales at Auction,
By M c FARRAN & DUNLAP,
At the Merchants' Coffee-house, in New-York, on Wednesday the 25th of April next, at 12 o'clock,
THAT valuable and well known Grift Mill and Farm, late the property of Abraham De Peyster deceased; near Fish-kill landing, in Dutchess county, seventy miles from this city, upon the Hudson of North river. The mill-house is 32 by 80 feet, has one pair French burrs, and one pair Elopus stones, new and of an approved quality; a reeling screen, fanning mill, and a complete set of flour bolts, turning by water, all of which are new and in perfect order; as also every other part of the work, having lately undergone a thorough repair. The stream, a never failing one, capable of turning in addition to the present, a fullery and saw mill, for which the situation affords proper conveniences, and very advantageous, the waters of the Hudson flowing up to the mill-tail, at which a vessel drawing 6 feet water, may load and unload, and in the best wheat country in the state. The dwelling is large, commodious, and well finished, built of brick and stone, 39 by 50 feet, pleasantly situated within sixty yards of the mill, with a handsome garden in front, and an excellent spring of water, and a new well built Dutch barn; also a small house at a convenient distance from the mill, calculated to accommodate a tradesman. The farm consists of 274 acres, including the mill stream, about 140 acres of which is an excellent grove of growing timber, lying in a body not more than half a mile from the mill, and a good spot of mowing ground, all properly fenced; a small, but good orchard, producing abundance of the best apples, with a number of other fruit trees, dispersed near the house.
This is truly a valuable and advantageously situated property, which renders it an object worthy the attention of a man of business, when it may be extended to any length. One half of the purchase money will be required on delivery of the deeds, (when possession will be given) the other half in one year, with interest, secured by a mortgage on the premise. An indisputable title will be given - for further particulars enquire of Messieurs M c Farran and Dunlap, Peter A. Schenck, New-York; or of Isaac De Peyster, seller, on the premises. New-York, March 31- 2.a.w.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following
apartments, to wit: A conference room } Sufficient to A room for the Re- } accommodate presentatives } 300 persons each. A lobby or antichamber to the latter. A Senate room of 1200 square feet area.
An antichamber or lobby to the left. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away in August 1790 from the publisher, living in Queen Ann's county, eastern shore of Maryland, a country born Negro woman, called GRACE. She is about middle aged, very low of stature, round face, remarkable small feet, for a negro, and has lost several of her fore-teeth. The lapse of time since she has absconded renders it unnecessary to describe her clothing. She is artful and talkative, and I make no doubt has passed for a free woman, and got into Pennsylvania or Delaware states. The above reward shall be paid to any person securing said negro, and giving information thereof to her master, and reasonable charges if brought home. EDWARD HARRIS. Feb. 23. 8w 1aw.
LOTS AND LANDS FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber wishes to sell sundry Lots and Houses in the town of Alexandria, in good situations for business; some of them are unimproved. Also several tracts of Land in the counties of Fairfax and Loudoun; the Fairfax lands are from one and a half to four miles from Alexandria; the Loudoun lands 45 to 50 miles. A credit will be given for a considerable part of the value if required by the purchaser; and as no person will buy without viewing the property, a description is unnecessary. I will also sell several tracts of land on the western waters, in the inhabited part of the country, containing from 300 to 2000 acres each. Those lands will be sold low, either on long credit, or for money, as may best suit the purchaser. I have also a tract of 500 acres of low land in Accomack county, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia; about 50 acres of which are cleared, on the waters of Massango River, navigable for boats through the land. The land is of an excellent quality, and beautifully timbered, with White-Oak and Pine, and lies within 4 miles of a landing that a vessel of 9 to 10 feet water can load at. Mr. Walter Bayne, who lives near the land, will show it to any who may incline to purchase. JOSIAH WATSON. Alexandria, Feb. 20 1792. 6t. 1aw.
WHEREAS a certain GEORGE STILL, who formerly went by the name of George Howard, late of Speedwell iron works, in West-Fersey, absconded on the 4th of April, 1792, and took with him the wife and child of the subscriber; the child being about sixteen months old, and a female. Said George Still is a man of light complexion, with sandy hair, black eyes, marked with the small-pox, about six feet two inches high, and spare in his make. Had on when he went away, a bottle-green coat, ribbed velvet breeches, a spotted waist-coat, mist coloured brownish stockings, shoes rather old, with square plated buckles. He may be seven or eight and thirty years of age. The woman, Mary Hunsinger, wife to the subscriber, is of a fair complexion, with light blue eyes, brown hair, and middling size: had on when she went away a dark spotted calico short-gown, with a striped homespun petticoat, and check apron, with half worn shoes, and a pair of old square silver buckles; she also took with her a new homespun broadcloth cloak, lead coloured, bound with blue silk bindings, the hood lined with pale blue silk, and an old fashioned bat. The child had on a calico frock, and a green bonnet. The woman took more clothes with her, and possibly might change her suit: she also took with her six large silver tea-spoons, marked I. B. M. - Whoever takes up said George Still, with the woman and child, shall have Six Pounds reward, with every reasonable charge, paid by the subscriber; or Three Pounds for the man only; and Three Pounds for the woman and child. I do hereby forewarn all persons not to trust said Mary Hunsinger on my account, as I will pay no debts of her contracting. PETER HUNSINGER. Lower Freehold, Monmouth County. East New-Jersey, April 5, 1792. 1aw. 3t.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.