Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-04-21 00:00:00

Capt. John Rogers
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 107.—Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 21, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.—No. CVII.
“Wrong headed blockheads when they help intend, Plague while they serve, and hurt while they befriend.”
I AM of the opinion that people sustain more inconvenience thro the ignorance and folly, than they do thro the malice or treachery of those with whom they are concerned. It is much easier to counterwork the actions of bad men, than of weak ones. Knaves may be restrained by a variety of checks, from doing the mischief which they meditate, and may be punished for the crimes they actually commit. The whole world is, as it were, armed against their enormities. But there can be no effectual precaution against the mismanagement of fools. Their mistakes indicate no perverseness of heart, and can neither deserve punishment or excite resentment. How can we reproach a man when he meant us no harm? How can we guard against his errors, when he has not discernment to escape them himself?
It too often happens, that we impute miscarriages to the bad intentions of those we employ. We do not so readily suspect that men judge or calculate wrong, as that they intend wrong. But the fact is otherwise; and it will be found, upon a critical examination, that error of judgment is the main source of public as well as private disorders. There is hardly a more common character in society than that of a marplot. This sort of people are the more dangerous, as they seldom attempt to do a good turn, which does not terminate in a real disadvantage. Their zeal to serve us makes us accept of their services; and when they have committed one mistake, they are so sorry for it, that we let them run into more blunders to atone for what are past.
A marplot is most vexatious in public transactions; because it then is more in his power to betray stupidity without incurring contempt, and propagate error without risking detection. In public affairs there is a great diversity of opinion; and in questions of a speculative nature, declaimers of folly screen their impotency under professions of patriotism. The appearance of patriotic zeal is too fascinating not to give popularity to the man who discovers it. Thus it happens that weak men, who are a perpetual marplot upon the plans of the prudent and knowing, insinuate themselves into the public confidence. This is an inconvenience that all countries and ages have experienced. There is no possible remedy against it. People will listen to those whom they suppose to be their friends; and it is peculiarly the character of a marplot to be officious in offering his good services. He must be employed because he means well, and he will do hurt, because he has not discernment enough to do good. It would be a fortunate circumstance in the management of public affairs, if mankind looked more to the qualifications of those to whom they committed their concerns. If men have understanding they will seek the public prosperity, because it is their interest to do it; but if they are destitute of capacity they will counteract the public weal, because they can never know in what it consists. A wrong headed man, however honest he may be, cannot be supposed to concert proper measures, since it is obvious that reason and propriety can never assimilate with his character. Whatever he suggests will be tinged with the quality of the fountain, from which it flows. Wise men only can conceive wise institutions.
POLITICIANS.
NO country, perhaps, in the habitable globe, contains so many government AMENDERS and declaimers on the subject of Constitutions, as the United States.—Every man seems to think himself born a Legislator, and is generally so tenacious of his own darling sentiment, that unless it is adopted, he is continually complaining. But this TRUTH, advanced by the SOLOM of our country, ought to be known:—That the experience of the world hath shewn, that a person “may defend the principles of liberty, and the rights of mankind with great abilities, and yet after all, when called upon to propose a plan of Legislation, he may astonish the world with a signal absurdity.”
AGRICULTURE.
THE great and important subject of agriculture, having been recommended to the notice of the national Legislature, by the President of the United States; it will doubtless arrest their attention—and is there any thing of more consequence to the prosperity, wealth and independence of the United States? The present appears to be the crisis when the cultivators of the soil, should receive the tokens of Legislative patronage.—Manufactures are the offspring of agriculture—and must form the basis of all profitable speculation.
PROSPECT OF NORTH-BRITAIN.
By DR. MITCHILL.*
THE Scotch are very proud of their Lock-Lomond. And truly the lake with its contained islands, and neighboring mountains, exhibits a mingled scene of beauty and sublimity. From the summit of the lofty Ben-Lomond, there is the grandest prospect I ever enjoyed. Fortunately, when I was on it the weather was so serene and the atmosphere so free from clouds, that one of my companions who had ascended the mountain more than a dozen times, said he had never had so fair a view of the surrounding objects. Southward the lake with its twenty islands, the village of Luss, the mansions of Camlradon and Bonhill, and beyond Smollet's sumptuous monument beside the river Leven, the town and castle of Dunbarton and the Firth of Clyde appeared beautifully in view; further than these, port Glasgow, Greenock, the islands of Bute and Arran and the Craig of Ailsa, together with a part of Ayre-Shire and the Atlantic Ocean, lay fairly displayed. Westward, beside Lock-Long and Lock-Fyne, several of the Hebrides were visible, and in particular the heights of Isla, the Paps of Jura and the mountains of Mull could be clearly discerned. Northward the stupendous Highlands, extending in the Shires of Perth, Breadalbane and Argyle, away toward Lochaber and Inverness, as far as the eye could comprehend, afforded a sight of rude grandeur and wild sublimity, that delighted beyond description. Eastward, Lock-Ard, Enrick-water, Lock-Law, the city and castle of Stirling, the hills of Fyfe-Shire, the river Forth and the arm of the German Sea were plainly seen; and had there not been a hazy portion of air a little toward the South, it was judged that the castle of Edinburgh, Salbury Craig, the Calton and Pentland hills, and Arthur's seat might have been described.”
* This gentleman is preparing a set of Experiments to try the qualities of the different kinds of timber, and of different preservative varnishes, in resisting the salt-water pipe-worm. His bull has been inscribed with the following verse, composed, as is thought by the Roman NAUTIUS—
Intima Natura vitæ penetratia pandit.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
“Admiration and acquaintance are incompatible.”
I would question the reality of this, for the honor of our species, when taken literally—and I am induced to think it will not hold good as a general truth, even with the necessary exceptions, which in all general rules are admitted. If human nature admits not of perfection, yet it is not so wholly depraved as to exclude both from sentiment and conduct, every thing noble and meritorious. Any thing intrinsically excellent inspires us with admiration—and tho there are comparatively few persons possessing the essentials for this, we are not in consequence justifiable in asserting that none have them. It requires a considerable proportion, no doubt, of amiable qualities to counter-balance the numerous propensities to folly, and the many actions which deserve the epithet of littleness. Still he who admits the above position as sufficiently evident, holds a doctrine extremely self-debasing. For depreciate the supposed excellence only of human nature, and you eventually humble that desire of eminence of which few, very few are wholly divested. Who would make vigorous exertions to acquire what is beyond the sphere of possibility?
Tho I cannot boast of long experience in the ways of the world—yet what I have had is convincing of the contrary. If the greater part of mankind are void of properties that can stand the scrutiny of acquaintance without destroying admiration, yet I firmly believe there is a number bearing a proportional relation to the whole mass of people as that of persons eminent in Arts and Sciences to those unskilled therein. Experimental knowledge is of superior influence in most instances. It can scarcely be questioned that Collegiate acquaintances are of the highest intimacy and give a great opportunity for discovering not only the abilities, but also the amiable qualities of the mind. Perhaps more so than most other situations. The disposition is then formed for communicativeness, being untaught in the ways of deception and unfortuned by disappointment—I have been on intimate acquaintance with some, whose excellence, far from vanishing, was such as to encrease my admiration. This inclines me to believe intimacy the touchstone by which we may distinguish real
from apparent merit. Nor would I apprehend an enquiry after a person possessed of real and intrinsic excellence, equally romantic with researches after the philosopher's stone, or attempts to balloou it to Luna. The inculcation of this doctrine is also destructive of considerable happiness as it tends greatly to lessen the felicity of social connections. A propensity for admiration is implanted in every breast—Who would risk the loss of this by associating intimately with those he regarded? If fully convinced it would destroy or even lessen their reciprocal good opinion?
The married state, particularly when hearts congenial are united, is perhaps the situation where the most complete happiness exists—and mutual love can (I would fain hope) subsist in this State where the closest intimacy must necessarily be formed. What is love, but admiration raised to its highest pitch—and when it arises from real excellence, it can stand the test of acquaintance.
Upon the whole we may safely conclude that the idea in the motto is not strictly true, and that admiration and acquaintance are not incompatible.
Our ideas of excellence are only comparative, originating from what we find in human nature—if it did not exist there, from whence is the idea derived? ARISTIDES.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MARCH 30.
The proposition for assuming the state debts under consideration.
(Mr. BLAND—CONTINUED.)
VIRGINIA had a number of marine officers and sailors which were employed in her state vessels; these had also been put on the list of her public creditors, and had received certificates for pay and depreciation. In short her military debt for continental purposes amounted to three millions three hundred thousand dollars principal, on which she had regularly paid an interest in specie annually of six per cent. This fund arose from arrangements in her revenue, of which she had then the entire possession. Her impost was pledged for the payment of this interest, and was competent thereto; has she not given up to the continent, to the general government this rich source of revenue—and this debt, or others of a like nature is now charged on her lands and negroes. From the commencement of the war, great, nay enormous emigrations have taken place and still continue. Kentucky is said to contain fifty or sixty thousand souls, nine-tenths of which have emigrated from Virginia. It is said, and I believe with truth, that more than one half of Georgia is peopled from Virginia by recent emigrations. The state of Franklin, the cession of which this house has just accepted, has been also chiefly peopled from Virginia, and is said to contain more than twenty thousand people. Large numbers have emigrated to other states, to avoid either being called into service, to obtain lands on easy terms, or to avoid taxation. What is now to be the situation of Virginia? The remaining citizens are to pay (unless the assumption takes place) the whole debt, while she, who has been termed the elder of the states, and not improperly may be termed the mother of those just mentioned, may not unaptly be compared to the pelican, who is represented as feeding her young with her life's blood, i. e. with her citizens. And how are these citizens employed? Why, in Georgia, helping to pay their state debt, and in Kentucky and Franklin, hitherto out of the reach of taxation, or unable to contribute any thing towards this purpose from their own exposed situation, being engaged in their own defence ever since the war with Great-Britain.
Virginia may on this occasion be divided into two parts; independent of Kentucky; that from the sea coast to about the heart of the state, through which the army marched, both friends and enemies, as one part; and that near and beyond the mountains, as another. The first was subject to have their houses and towns burnt by the enemy, their plantations laid waste, and their negroes carried off. 'Tis beyond all doubt, that not less than 7000 of these the best of our laborers were carried off by the enemy, or left their masters; those inhabitants who suffered this loss are also the greatest creditors to the state and the United States, having loaned money, had their property impressed for the use of their armies, or contributed voluntarily to their support. By emigration, vast quantities of vacant land belonging to the emigrants have been brought to market, so that the lands in all parts of the state have fallen perhaps 60 per cent. in value; and these lands thus depreciated, are now loaded with a heavy tax to pay this continental-state debt. The burthen has become almost intolerable, and this burthen is aggravated by the lands being depopulated of their laboring hands, which have been either taken off by the enemy, or by emigration.
I am not surprised (continued Mr. Bland) that Georgia has declared herself against the assumption, or that the members even from Virginia, who came from far west should do so; but I own I am a little surprised that North Carolina should have taken up that opinion, especially as what has been said of Virginia with respect to emigrations applies in a certain degree to her case also. In short, when Virginia contracted her debt she had reason to think her resources were adequate to the payment, but now those resources are gone, she has not only parted with her revenue from impost and tonnage, but she has parted with her immense territory North-West of the Ohio. This sir, is deemed a respectable fund for the discharge of the continental debt. What proportion of this fund will fall to her share as a state? She will partake of it exactly as her citizens are creditors of the United States; and I believe it may be safely asserted, that the military debt which she has taken on herself as a temporary measure recommended by Congress out of the question, her citizens will be found as lenders to the continent or holders of continental securities, not more than upon a par with some of the smallest states in the union. [Mr. Bland here stated the amount of the state debts of Virginia; four-fifths of which if not nine-tenths might justly be placed to the account of the United States.]
Some gentlemen are very desirous to sever the funding of the debt of the United States from that of the states, though both of them have been incurred for the same purposes, viz. the payment

of the army and the common defence against the common enemy; it would be in my opinion like the separating man and wife, or like amputating limbs from the body; I cannot see where the sound part ends, and the gangrene, which is to be cut off, begins.
Mr. Bland hoped he had satisfied his colleagues and the house that his vote on this occasion was not the effect of caprice or singularity, but was founded on principle, both as it related to the general good and the good of the state from whence he came, and that he would be justified in voting that the assumption of the state debts, so far as it went to that incurred during the war for the general defence, should take place. He said he disliked long speeches, and should not have troubled the house on this occasion so long had he not been fully convinced in his own mind and conceived himself called upon from the peculiar predicament he stood in, in differing from all his colleagues in opinion on a matter of so much moment to the union and to the state of Virginia.
Mr. Burke said he had a few observations to offer to the committee, in order to satisfy some gentlemen whose principal objections to the assumption of the state debts were the S. C. frigate and the Penobscot expedition; these two objections remaining to be moved away, it seems, as a sort of rubbish, before we can lay the foundation. When the subject of the state debts was formerly before the committee of the whole, Mr. Burke was sorry he omitted to enter into the history of the transactions relating to the frigate, not thinking that gentlemen would avail themselves of that affair to embarrass the measure of assumption. He begged the indulgence of the committee while he gave a detail of it, as he had no doubt of giving such a satisfactory account as would convince the committee that the motives and reasons of that business flowed from pure patriotic principles, and principles connected with the general interests of the Union. There is not a gentleman on the floor who is a stranger to the feeble situation of our State, when we entered into the war to oppose the British power: We were not only without money, without an army of military stores, but we were few in number, and we were likely to be entangled with our domestics in case the enemy invaded us. When the British fleet and army arrived on our coasts in 1776, so small was our quantity of powder that we could not trust but a very little part of it in Fort-Moutrie, the first post in front of the enemy—a precaution very fortunate to them, for had the garrison had a sufficiency of powder, through that auspicious day, the British ships must have left their bones in the channel. And as to the article of lead, it is a fact which has never been related, that the citizens of Charleston were called on, and did actually furnish the lead used in their window-shutters: such was the desperate situation for want of stores! As to small arms, those of the regular troops were generally indifferent, and the militia were miserably armed. The administration, however, made every effort, in the years 1776 and 1777, and spared no expence to obtain those articles of defence from Europe and the West-Indies: but so guarded and lined were our coasts with British cruizers, that our attempts often proved vain; many vessels with those articles on board were captured, often in sight of the town, and the few escaping had to run the gauntlet through the enemy's fires. In the latter end of 1777 (I think it was) a Mr. Galvan prevailed on our government to employ him to go to France for arms; he went accordingly, charged with this commission, and with produce to purchase them. He returned with those arms. Whether he was imposed on in the contract, or not, we could not tell; but most of them burst in proving them. The whole importation was not, I believe, worth one farthing for substantial use.
In 1778 our circumstances, for want of the means of defending ourselves, were truly wretched, and we had rumours and reason to expect that our situation would again invite the enemy to invade us. The means of procuring military stores and clothing for our standing forces, or for the militia when called out, was an object of such magnitude as to occupy the attention of the patriots of that country, and finally the mind of the legislature, who, taking into consideration the want of all kinds of necessaries requisite for our situation, viewing the unfortunate disappointments met with by our small vessels falling into the hands of the enemy's cruising frigates: our legislature, in that year, resolved upon a bold enterprising attempt to furnish the country with supplies. This attempt was to purchase in Europe, and equip for sea, three frigates, whose united efforts might give us a greater chance of their reaching our coasts in safety. It was an arduous undertaking; but it was such a one as was worthy of gallant men, contending for liberty. And here I have to make one observation respecting the State I belong to—I have not the honor of being a native of it; so that I shall not be charged with vanity or ostentation—Such was the native generosity of that people, that they thought no expence too great; such their gallantry and spirit of enterprise, that though comparatively few in number, yet they deemed no danger or undertaking too arduous for them in the common cause. For the business of the frigates they provided the enormous sum of upwards of 70,000. sterling; and to go to Europe, to make the purchase and take the command of them, they appointed a gentleman, Commodore Gillon, who, besides his being an able seaman, possessed bravery and talents. Indigo was purchased and shipped to France for that purpose; but a misfortune soon presented itself, which proved the source of all the embarrassments which that gentleman had to contend with in Europe, and of all the trouble and expence afterwards attending the frigate South-Carolina.
The vessel in which a great part of the indigo was shipped, was manned with British seamen, picked up as they could be got in our necessity; they mutinied at sea and the vessel and cargo, which they conducted into England, was the reward of their treachery, under British encouragement. Congress, about the commencement of the war, by way of retaliation, gave a similar incentive to British seamen to run away with British West-India ships, into the ports of the Continent, which they often did, and relieved our wants of West-India produce. Destitute of seamen we were obliged to employ men whose perfidiousness was felt by their friends and enemies. I mention it as a specimen of the honest frankness and integrity of British tars, often boasted of.
Commodore Gillon met with every difficulty and embarrassment. It became impracticable for him to execute his commission fully; but well knowing the fervent zeal and expectation of the country he served, respecting the business he came upon, he determined to procure and equip a vessel of force. As he was destitute of the resources sufficient for the purchase, and as the credit of a State, liable to the calamities of a desperate war, must have been at a low ebb, an honorable member now of the Senate (Mr. Izard) being then in Europe, warm with a patriotic zeal to promote the service of his country, advanced his personal credit, which Commodore Gillon also did, for the purchase and equipment of the frigate South-Carolina. Those gentlemen, at that day, not only believed they were taking a measure which would be acceptable to their countrymen, but they thought they were doing what was wise and expedient for the public service, or they never would have embarked their private fortunes in it as they did. The ship putting to sea made several prizes, and so far performed service by distressing the common enemy. At the Havannah she was employed by the Spanish government to cover the expedition against New-Providence, a place which the Commodore his officers and crew were chiefly instrumental in reducing. Any profit arising from those services we are willing to account for.
So the business of that frigate had its source in the generous breaths of our countrymen, in their honest warm fervor, for the liberties and independence of the United States.
In order to put arms into the hands of our citizens, to supply clothing, powder, and other military stores, to put us on a footing with our enemy, should they again invade us, and to redeem us from the miserable defenceless situation we were plunged in at the beginning of 1778.
Mr. Burke added a few other observations, and concluded by apologizing to the committee for having trespassed on their time. He had other things to advance, but would stop for the present,
and reserve himself for another occasion to shew the policy and justice of assuming the state debts.
Mr. Jackson replied to Mr. Bland and Mr. Burke. Although he conceived the subject matter, respecting Georgia, foreign to the point before the committee, yet, as it had been brought forward, he thought himself called on to perform his duty by a reply.
The gentleman (Mr. Bland) had declared Georgia to have sucked the life's blood of Virginia, but that she had not acted as a dutiful child in return. He did not know that Georgia was to do as he was bid; but admitting the force of what the gentleman had advanced, and that Virginia was the mother of Georgia, still Georgia could not be called an undutiful daughter; for the representatives of the State of Georgia were of the same opinion with the body of the representatives of Virginia, on the subject of the assumption of the state debts.
The gentleman had brought forward estimates of debts and the losses of their respective States. If the losses of Georgia were to be compared, those of Virginia, or any other State, would be comparatively small. Not to enumerate others, the losses of the whole crops of rice, indigo, and corn, &c. of that State for the years 1778, 1779, 1780, 1781, and 1782, would far overbalance any estimate which could be produced; and the loss of so many crops was an instance which could not be equalled by any State in the union.
Mr. Jackson then added a few words in reply to Mr. Burke, and concluded by observing that he was still against the assumption, nor did he think the house bound for it; the exertions of the different States has been unequal; the house had only pledged itself for a provision for the debts of the union, and that he hoped would take place. To be continued.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
AMONG the various phenomena which now and then make their appearance, none has ever struck my mind so forcibly as the present political phenomenon which the rejection of the ASSUMPTION exhibits. Could any thing add to the astonishment which it has excited, it would be the very extraordinary reasons, which ostensibly occasioned it.
Had a state demagogue, apprehensive of losing his influence in a state assembly, endeavored to alarm the members with the terrors of a too-powerful Congress, and to persuade them that the public welfare depended upon exalting the state legislatures and depressing the national one, while we pitied the weakness of persons who were biased by such reasoning, we should not be surprised at finding it employed by those whose purposes it answered; but that similar arguments should be adduced in a certain great assembly, by gentlemen specially appointed to administer the national government, selected for that purpose from the mass of the people, and under the obligation of every sacred tie to protect it against every attack which might prevent its operating for the general good, is to me most unaccountable. Are there not in the several States men in abundance whose expectations are confined to a seat in the state legislature, and who for that reason alone will gladly embrace every opportunity of thwarting the measures of the general government? Are there not in every part of the continent enemies to the Constitution who will eagerly grasp at every occurrence which may turn to their advantage? Nay, are there not in the very bosom of this country, men who detest the American people, who sicken at the sight of our growing prosperity, whose breaths will rankle with disappointment, and rage at our glorious independence, and who yet remember that we were once part of the British empire? Is it forgotten that we are encompassed with foes, that Great Britain holds our posts and refuses to deliver them up; that her civil officers are now making encroachments on our frontiers, and violating the rights of jurisdiction of a respectable state; that while we may be involved in hostilities in the North and in the East, in consequence of these proceedings, a very gloomy and lowering atmosphere presents itself to the South, and to the West—is not the situation of Georgia alone sufficient to arouse our attention and excite our alarms? Embroiled with the Creeks in a fierce and vindictive war, not likely to terminate but by the destruction of one or the other people—she is now embroiling herself with her British creditors whose debts she confiscated during the war by a law which had been long obsolete, but which has been recently called into active operation, and should Great Britain consider this an infraction of the treaty, the consequences may be readily anticipated; what then will be the deplorable situation of that unfortunate state? Attacked in the rear by the Creeks, (who it is well known are supported by Spain) her vessels and produce seized in the ports of Great-Britain in retaliation for the confiscation of the debts due to its subjects; She will loudly call on Congress for protection, and protection she will undoubtedly be entitled to: Should Congress withhold it, Georgia must be utterly and completely ruined: Should Congress afford it, we are immediately involved in a war with Great Britain, Spain, and the Creeks. These are serious considerations, and should make some impression on the minds of our civil rulers! What assistance are we to expect from abroad? None: Our allies are not in a condition to afford us any: We must depend on our own strength alone; but what will that avail, disunited as we are, pulling in different directions, and tearing the machine to pieces, instead of drawing it forward! Nor is this all we have to contend with, the situation of Rhode Island, tho' in itself not very alarming, yet, as connected with other circumstances, may well justify disagreeable apprehensions. The enmity of that State will considerably injure the revenue: She will be a nest of smugglers: Her position is admirably calculated to ensure wealth and safety to those who may engage in that profitable speculation, and the precautions which the government may resort to for the protection of the revenue will probably cost a larger sum than will be obtained from them.
Such being then the precariousness of our situation, having ample cause of uneasiness from a view of the North Western posts, the contentions about the Eastern limits, Vermont, the Western country, the Indians in every quarter, and the Creek nation more particularly, Rhode Island, the British and Spanish empires, and the commotions in Georgia, each of which ought alone to cause some anxiety; but all of which combined should excite the greatest apprehensions, and promote the utmost harmony in the government, having nothing to depend on but our own resources, which will be ineffectual without unanimity: Ought we not to execrate those, who under the sanctified garb of liberty are sowing the seeds of dis-union, that we may become a prey to the first invader.
Say, my fellow citizens, is this a time to cripple the national government when all its strength is necessary for our protection? Is this what you expected from those who were delegated to administer it? At a time when a host of surrounding dangers should press the States into the most compact union, would he be your friend who should promote disunion, and anarchy, by warning the States to be jealous of the government, to suspect its motions, to arrest its progress, and to strip it of its strength and resources? Say rather, such a man would be wholly swayed by some little grovelling interest, instead of expanding his mind to embrace the great objects of the federal government: He would be hankering after popularity at home, frightened at the shadow of some state demagogue, and securing another election by gratifying the state prejudices of a few constituents, whose situation disqualified them from foreseeing the miseries attendant on a vote at which their ignorance might induce them to rejoice.
I sincerely hope my fears are imaginary, and that there is not in our councils any person of that description. Should however any such person offer himself to you as a candidate at the approaching election, tell him my fellow citizens, that his mind is too little, his nerves too weak, his ideas too contracted, his views too narrow, to justify your placing him in the great council of the nation; advise him to confine his abilities to the little circle of a corporation, or at furthest to a state assembly, where he may give full scope to his rhetorical powers, and please all his constituents, without doing any injury to the other States: Should he however by the smoothness of his tongue, and the plausibility of his manners overcome your repugnance, or should your vanity be gratified in being represented by a man of brilliant talents, remember that you will be answerable for all the consequences; and be assured, that notwithstanding a man may be possessed of splendid abilities or extraordinary eloquence, yet if he carries into questions contemplate the good of the whole, such a man will be a curse to the people, and his abilities and eloquence will only contribute to make him more dangerous than he otherwise would be.
I have been drawn into these observations by a consideration of the present awful crisis, which threatens the very existence of a government which
was the last refuge of the American patriot, and which has scarcely commenced its career. The violent division in the H. of R. on a great national question, which has been once decided in the affirmative, and once cision are circumstances which must depress the spirits of our friends, while they present a subject of joy to our enemies. Let us however hope much justice, policy, fairness, equity, liberality, and federalism on one side, and so much state interest, partiality and injustice on the other, that the reason, good sense, and virtue of the majority will triumph, and that some plan of accommodation will be devised, which at the same time that it will remove any real objection which might have embarrassed the measure, will restore harmony to the States, and lay the foundation of public credit and national prosperity. A FRIEND TO THE UNION.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
I send you the extract of a letter, which you will publish, containing a more particular and authentic account than has hitherto appeared of the
REVOLUTION IN THE BELGIC STATES.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Brussels, to his correspondent in New-York, dated Dec. 25, 1789.
YOU are sensible Sir that bickerings and disputes have arisen and subsisted for several years between the Belgic provinces and the emperor, which in the year 1787 induced the people to arm and discipline themselves under the title of volunteers; and in one instance they came to blows with the emperor's troops; several people were killed in the grand place in this city, and the patriots were quelled for the moment; their affairs were not ripe.
The beginning of last summer, their leader, Mr. Vandermeersch, and the committee of the provinces assembled in the Barony of Breda, where their deliberations could not be interrupted by the Austrian government, and from this place they corresponded with the patriots in the different provinces. They collected as many men as possible to form an army, but in so secret a manner did they conduct their business, that the government gave no credit to the accounts which were daily circulated through the country, they affected to call them the army in the moon; the army imagined, and however this army in the moon defended and surprised the fort of Lillo, where they found a few cannon and some small arms; the panic of the government was instantly visible, the gates of Brussels were shut, the inhabitants disarmed, 60 persons of the first rank and consequence imprisoned, all clubs and societies prohibited from meeting, and the streets broken up to form barriers and ditches all over the city; the cannon were placed upon the ramparts, and the garrison consisting of more than five thousand men constantly employed in repairing the works, and four thousand men collected from the different posts formed a flying camp, and marched up and down the country, under the command of General Schroeder.
Thus we continued several weeks, till at last Schroeder entered the small town of Tournhout, without having duly examined it, and was attacked from all sides, from the cellars, the windows, the roofs, from mills and from churches by the inhabitants: He lost 600 men and five pieces of cannon, and was himself wounded. He made a shameful retreat or rather flight, and notwithstanding the hurry, so alert were his soldiers at pillage, they plundered several houses, where they massacred the inhabitants men, women and children, to the number of 40, which was nearly all that fell on the side of the patriots.
After this defeat they marched to Ghent and joined the garrison under the command of General D'Arberg, where a terrible scene was exhibited, but as you will see it detailed in the pamphlet, I shall pass it over with only saying I believe that account to be very just, and come to the affair of Brussels, of which I have been a witness.
Whether from a conviction in the government that they were pursuing a wrong mode with the people, or whether it was in consequence of orders from Vienna is not known, but the beginning of this month the gates were set open, the people were informed their arms would be returned upon application, (few however applied) and this was followed by the removal of the barriers and the discharge of the 60 persons who had been confined.
The people were exasperated to madness by the violence of the soldiery, which was neither checked nor punished by Dalton, who commanded them, he had given out that he was provided for a three months siege, and that he was determined to sustain it, and if at last he should be obliged to leave the place, he would yield it to plunder and reduce it to ashes; nothing better could be expected from this savage, who some years ago commanded in Wallachia, where he destroyed the poor wretches without mercy, and hung some hundreds of the first nobility; in one instance thirty at a time upon the same tree, without any form or process; for this and other proofs of his ferocity he was sent here to supersede General Murray who old Kaunitz thought was too mild; but as cowardice is the inseparable companion of cruelty, Mr. Dalton has proved that he possessed the one in as great a degree as the other, as will appear from what I shall add, which you may depend upon being the real truth of the matter: When the government began to relax in their severities, to open the gates, remove the barriers, return the arms and release the prisoners, to publish humiliating placards two or three in a day; the people perceived that they had found their mistake, and were actually afraid of the consequences, and those measures instead of having the effect expected, operated quite differently upon the people, they served to convince them of the weakness and fear of the government, and gave them a proper idea of their own strength, and this added to what they felt before prepared them for the event which was to follow.
It is usual on Thursdays to perform grand mass at the principal church called St. Gudule, and most of the city go there on that day to perform their devotions; it happened the tenth of December was Thursday, and after mass a person took a cockade from his pocket, and putting it upon a stick held it up to the people, they took the hint, it spread like wildfire, and before night not a person was to be seen without one. However every thing remained quiet, Dalton fired his alarm guns, and put his troops under arms, and thus they continued till four o'clock next day, when the people assembled from all quarters to take two pieces of cannon from the main guard, which was on the grand place, this guard consisted of 100 men under the command of a captain and two subs—there are seven streets that come into the grand place, the patriots had by this time collected about two hundred people armed, but without order or command, and at five o'clock the attack commenced, the two pieces of cannon were played alternately at each of those seven streets, not with grape or any thing that is usual, but with rivets, nails, old iron, broken bottles, &c. &c. and the soldiers fired much the same stuff from their muskets, which is proved by the cartridges found in their boxes, many of which I have seen. The firing continued seven hours without a moment's intermission, when Dalton having made a truce with the Baron Vanderhagen (who was called upon during the night by the patriots to command them) for the purpose, sent three hundred men to bring off the guard, which they did about two o'clock in the morning, the firing then ceased and all things were quiet—About 10 o'clock the 11th, Dalton having drawn all his troops together upon the square called the place Royale, proposed to quit the town, provided the Patriots, who were now preparing to attack him, would engage to let him depart in peace, but while his officers were negotiating with Mr. Vanderhagen and the committee, the panic came stronger upon him, and he went off suddenly towards Namur, so that when the officers returned to the place Royale they found it void; and as soon as the troops passed the gate the defections commenced, and before the next night one half of his army were returned to Brussels who were kindly received—Thus ended all the threats of Richard Sans Peur, which name his partisans had given him; the remains of his army about 12,000 men mostly Germans got to Luxembourg but he withdrew

PITTSBURGH, March 27.
As the spring approaches the Indians begin to commit depredations: From good authority we understand, that a few weeks since a small settlement, consisting of between twenty and thirty persons, about fourteen miles on this side Limestone, were entirely cut off, by a party of Indians.
BOSTON, April 10.
SHIP BUILDING.
It is said, that orders have been received here for building several large ships. One merchant we hear, is now in treaty with the Ship Carpenters, for building a vessel of 900 tons. A Merchant in Salem, we learn, is building a vessel of 1100 tons; and in Philadelphia, accounts say, there are now twenty-two ships on the stocks, and all above 240 tons burthen.
NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 21.
Extract of a Letter from the Eastward, dated April 6, 1790
I never considered the national government as being more than half established by the nominal acceptance of the form—to take from our newspapers the metaphor they have used, it was an arch, but to me the key-stone was wanting—the actual exercise of certain powers to the exclusion of the states would be finishing the work—till this takes place I cannot think the country completely safe from the danger of disunion, and consequent anarchy and wretchedness.
I am no holder of public securities of any kind, but I consider the assumption of all our state debts as so essential, that as an individual I would rather pay a four-fold interest thro' the national government, than an half per cent. thro' the medium of the state—because the former may give us protection, the latter cannot. I confess to you however, that I am still indulging myself in the pleasing idea that you will succeed in this point, in the present session—and if you do, I shall think that the government has done every thing its most sanguine friends, and every honest patriot could have wished—if you fail, there certainly is reason to apprehend a long and hard contest with the state governments for power.
A Correspondent says that during the last session of Congress, many persons were uneasy at the slow progress made in public business; more especially in respect to the revenue system—but notwithstanding all the care and attention paid to the subject—some mistakes took place, and provision has been made to remedy them: That more errors did not get incorporated in the system, is more to be wondered at, than that any are found to be corrected, and this cannot be justly attributed to any cause with propriety, but to that slowness in investigation, that caution in decision, and that great attention which was paid to every part of the business; and which could not have been the case without a great expense of time—but this expense is commonly the least, and conduces to economy in the issue.
The important subject of funding has long engaged the attention of the House of Representatives of the union: A greater concern cannot possibly come before them—innumerable difficulties obstruct the progress of the business—the novelty of the work, the diversity of interests and the relative situation of the several states, all conspire to render the task arduous, and point out the propriety of making every decision the result of a calm and patient investigation of truth. In this way a system may be formed which will be found on trial to stand the test.
A correspondent observes, the only way to form a just judgment on the business of assumption is for the assumptionists to place themselves in the situation of the non assumptionists—there can be no doubt that South-Carolina and Massachusetts would in that case be as much opposed to the measure as Virginia, Maryland &c. are.
A correspondent would enquire, whether the controversy respecting the assumption of the state debts is not a controversy between creditors and debtors—or rather between the non assumptionists and the speculators in state paper?—and whether in the first case the plea of the delinquent states can be called a plea of justice with respect to those states which have paid their debts?—or in the latter case, whether it is worth while to risk the tranquility of the union to please the speculators?—which would probably be the case by assuming, unknown millions.
Another correspondent observes, the peace and tranquility which now pervade the United States afford the most favourable opportunity to our civil rulers, for laying the foundations of the government broad and deep.—It may safely be said that there is not a government upon earth so universally acceptable to the people as that of the United States,—Now is the time then to establish our credit, that "Key-Stone of the arch of our political existence."—If the present moment of our salvation is suffered to pass away, unimproved, we have every evil to anticipate, for the time may come when the people "will not bear found doctrine," in politics—and "are there not already many false teachers abroad in the world?"
THE following persons are recommended to the free electors of the city and county of New-York as worthy of their suffrages at the ensuing election, BY MANY ELECTORS.
For Representative to Congress,
JOHN LAWRENCE.
For Senators,
David Gelson, Peter Lefferts, Philip Van Cortlandt, Samuel Jones.
John Watts, William W. Gilbert, Robert Randall, John Campbell, James Waton, Nicholas Cruger, Henry Will, Cornelius J. Bogert, John Pintard.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Brig Liberty, Juerin, Halifax, at Sandy-Hook, 4 days. Sloop Sally, Thomas, St. Johns, (N. B.) 7 days.
himself privately on the road and has not been heard of since.—So precipitate was his flight that he left in the Caisse Militaire two millions of florins in money, in the Tresor Royal three millions, twelve pieces of heavy brass artillery, twenty light pieces, arms and accoutrements for 20 thousand men, cloathing for 30 thousand, and an immense quantity of flour, and other provision, ammunition and forage, altogether, to the amount of about a million sterling; besides this they took a great quantity of the like articles at Ghent, at Malines where was the grand Arsenal, at Mons, at Namur, and at Louvaine, so that they are provided with all that is necessary to cloath and arm sixty thousand men, which they are raising; the province of Flanders has already completed its quota, which is 20,000. Brabant has made much progress, its quota is 17,000, so that the other seven provinces, to wit, Hainault, Luxembourg, Limbourg, Gueldres, Namur, Marquisate of Antwerp, and Malines, have only 23,000 to furnish among them, and such is the population of this country, and so roused are the people by injuries already felt, and by the apprehension of what they must suffer should they once again fall under the dominion of the House of Austria, that they find no difficulty in picking their men. The deserters from the Imperial army (mostly born in the low countries) give great assistance in disciplining and instructing the recruits; they have a General Mr. VANDERMERSCHE who, tho' I do not think him a WASHINGTON, has a good character, and much merit; he is disinterested, cool, cautious, and brave, and about the age of 65 years. He has seen service, and his conduct since he has had the command of the Patriot Army, shews, that he can act either with the vivacity of a Frenchman, or the mill-horse motion of a German.
From this state of their affairs, it should seem there is small prospect of those provinces ever coming again under the Austrian yoke, even should England, Prussia, and Holland not lend them assistance.
But instead of those powers remaining idle spectators, they are expected to declare for them as soon as they are in entire possession of the country, that is to say when they have gained the possession of the Citadel of Antwerp, and the fortresses of Luxembourg, this opinion is very general, from a belief that England and Holland have furnished the money which was necessary for the business, and of which they have had such supplies as to enable them to pay down for every thing they have had, as well as paying their army regularly ten-pence sterling per day.
What commercial advantages will arise to America from this revolution, it is not easy to point out at present, but I think one may expect them to be considerable, the consumption of rice, indigo, tobacco, flaxseed, timber, &c. is very considerable, and their manufactures of coarse woollens and linens, their silks, fats, laces, &c. will be afforded cheaper than from France or England, and consequently a good exchange.
The inhabitants in general look up to America with veneration and respect; they consider her struggle and success as the first cause of the revolution in France, and of the recovery of their own liberty, consequently not only the states but the merchants, manufacturers, &c. in their individual capacities will receive with open arms any proposals which Congress may think proper to make. However I am but poorly qualified to judge what will or will not contribute to the advantage of nations."
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
Please to publish the enclosed beautiful Extract of Dr. PRICE's Revolution Sermon, and oblige yours, S. B.
WHAT an eventful period is this! I am thankful that I have lived to it; and I could almost say "Lord now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." I have lived to see a diffusion of knowledge which has undermined superstition and error—I have lived to see the rights of man better understood than ever; and nations panting for liberty, which seemed to have lost the idea of it. I have lived to see thirty millions of people, indignant, and resolute, spurning at slavery, and demanding liberty with irresistible voice; their King led in triumph, and an arbitrary monarch surrendering himself to his subjects: after sharing in the benefits of one revolution, I have been spared to be a witness to two other revolutions, both glorious. And now methinks I see the ardor for liberty, catching and spreading: a general amendment, beginning in human affairs; the dominion of Kings, changed for the dominion of Laws, and the dominion of Priests giving way to the dominion of reason and conscience.—"Be encouraged all ye friends of freedom, and writers in its defence! The times are auspicious. Your labours have not been in vain. Behold Kingdoms admonished by you, starting from sleep, breaking their fetters, and claiming justice from their oppressors! Behold the light you have struck out after setting America free, reflected to France, and then kindled into a blaze that lays despotism in ashes and warms and illuminates all Europe.—"Tremble all ye oppressors of the world! Take warning all ye supporters of slavish government, and slavish hierarchies! Call no more (absurdly and wickedly) reformation, innovation. You cannot now hold the world in darkness. Struggle no longer against increasing light and liberality. Restore to mankind their rights; and consent to the correction of abuses, before they and you are destroyed together."
SUPPRESSION OF AMBASSADORS, &c.
MANY suppressions have already been made—but there remains a great many more to make, and one of the most considerable is the article of AMBASSADORS, ENVOYS, CONSULS, &c. those decorated spies—those priests of commerce who delight in shackling trade, in order to make themselves important at the expense of THREE MILLIONS yearly.
Consuls may indeed be necessary to a quarrelsome Minister—who strives to extend his influence in every realm, by indirect measures; but a free country, as happily situated as France is, requires not those shameful means to acquire a great degree of prosperity. The French government, for the future, under the inspection of the nation, will not busy itself in crossing the objects of other powers, to occasion quarrels. No—no other intercourse will exist than those of com-
merce and amity; but to preserve these relations, it will not be necessary to keep, at a great expense those DECORATED SPIES. SPIES are the necessary valets of corrupted Ministers.—The Ministers of a free people ought to be pure. SPIES are never necessary but in war—and as the spirit of Liberty diffuses itself among nations—there will be no more wars. Who occasion wars? Ambassadors, and a number of quilldrivers disguised into Consuls, by their intrigues, and concussions. It is always by disseminating the seeds of discord, that they increase their importance.
It has been said, that they are necessary in countries where there are merchants or travellers of their nation. But now that every nation has good and safe laws—and the rights of strangers are every where respected—such a protection is too abusive to continue it any longer.
The above is translated from a French paper entitled, "THE FRENCH PATRIOT."—By M. DE WARVILLE.
LONDON, February 3.
THE COMMISSIONERS of the NATIONAL DEBT received the report of its liquidation on Saturday last at MR. PITT's, when it appeared that their broker had bought as follows:—
   LAST QUARTER   Capital. Sums paid.     Consols 45,200 35,299 12 6   Reduced 207,300 161,589 12 6   Old S. Sea 70,500 54,646 2 6   New S. Sea 40,500 31,490 10 0   3 per C. 1751 8,700 6,774 2 6   Total. 372,200 289,800 0 0  
   TOTAL AMOUNT.   Capital. Sums paid.     Consols 2,162,550 1,618,761 9 4   Reduced 1,238,300 938,156 7 0   Old S. Sea 913,900 687,513 15 0   New S. Sea 665,300 501,065 16 3   3 per C. 1751 204,800 153,008 2 6   Total 5,184,850 3,898,505 10 1  
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, APRIL 15, 1790.
On the question whether the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for the support of the public credit.—The ayes and noes being demanded, are as follows,
A Y E S
Messrs. Aftle, Baldwin, Brown, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Gale, Griffin, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Jackson, Lawrance, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Van Rensselaer, Scott, Seney, Sinnickson, Smith, (M) Sumpter, Tucker, White, Williamson, Wynkoop. 33.
N O Y S
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Bland, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Burke, Foster, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Huntington, Leonard, Livermore, Partridge, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith, (S. C.) Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth. 23.
MONDAY, APRIL 19.
Hon. John Steele; member from the state of North-Carolina appeared and took his seat this day.
The bill providing for the punishments of certain crimes against the United States, having been returned to the Senate with sundry amendments, and some of those amendments having been amended by the Senate—the House this day concurred with the Senate—which completed the bill preparatory to its enrolment.—
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the memorial of the Baron Steuben was read a second time—this report is lengthy—the reading and discussion employed the attention of the House this day—the result was the adoption of a motion introduced by Mr. Gerry in substance as follows,—That a committee be appointed to report a bill, or resolutions in conformity to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—the committee appointed consists of Mr. Gerry, Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Vining, Mr. Lawrance and Mr. Smith, (S. C.)
Adjourned.
TUESDAY, APRIL 20.
A committee consisting of Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Williamson, Mr. Smith (Maryland) Mr. Schureman and Mr. Sturges, was appointed to ascertain what further measures are necessary to be adopted to effect a speedy settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States—and to report to the House.—
In committee of the whole—on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—for the support of the public credit.—
The proposition to fund two thirds of the debt at 6 per. cent. per. annum—and to receive the other third in lands was read.—
Mr. GERRY after premising, that as the committee were on the ground of non-assumption, they could not with propriety in his opinion, engage to pay 6, 5 or even 4 per cent. on 2/3 of the debt; moved that 6 per cent. be struck out in order to admit a less rate of interest. This motion was supported by Mr. Smith (S. C.) and opposed by Mr. Jackson, Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Madison, and Mr. White; the question being taken, the motion was lost—and the proposition agreed to.
The second alternative, which had been rejected, was now acceded to, viz.
To have the whole sum funded at a yearly interest of 4 per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum on account both of principal and interest; and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest fifteen dollars and eighty cents, funded at the like interest and rate of redemption.—The committee rose and the House adjourned.

The following REPORT was received in the House of Representatives, on the 15th instant, from the SECRETARY OF STATE.
THE Secretary of State to whom was referred by the house of Representatives, the letter of John H. Mitchell, reciting certain proposals for supplying the United States with copper coinage, has had the same under consideration, according to instructions, and begs leave to report thereon as follows:
The person who wishes to undertake the supply of a copper coinage sets forth that the superiority of his apparatus and process for coining, enables him to furnish a coinage, better and cheaper than can be done by any country or person whatever: that his dies are engraved by the first artist in that line in Europe; that his apparatus for striking the edge, at the same blow with the faces, is new and singularly ingenious: that he coins by a press on a new principle, and worked by a fire engine more regularly than can be done by hand; that he will deliver any quantity of coin, of any size and device, of pure unalloyed copper, wrapped in paper, and packed in casks, ready for shipping, at fourteen pence sterling the pound.
The Secretary of State has before been apprised, from other sources of information, of the great improvements made by this undertaker in sundry arts: he is acquainted with the artist who invented the method of striking the edge and both faces of the coin at one blow: he has seen his process and coins, and sent to the former Congress some specimens of them, with certain offers from him before he entered into the service of the present undertaker (which specimens he takes the liberty of now submitting to the inspection of the house, as proofs of the superiority of this method of coinage in gold and silver, as well as copper.)
He is therefore of opinion, that the undertaker, aided by that artist, and by his own excellent machines, is truly in a condition to furnish coin in a state of higher perfection than has ever yet been issued by any nation: that perfection in the engraving is among the great safeguards against counterfeits, because engravers of the first class are few, and elevated, by their rank in their art, far above the base and dangerous business of counterfeiting. That the perfection of coins will indeed disappear, after they are for sometime worn among other pieces, and especially where the figures are rather faintly relieved as on those of this artist; yet their high finishing while new, is not the less a guard against counterfeits; because these if carried to any extent, must be ushered into circulation new also, and consequently may be compared with genuine coins in the same State: that therefore, whenever the United States shall be disposed to have a coin of their own, it will be desirable to aim at this kind of perfection: that this cannot be better effected than by availing themselves, if possible of the services of the undertaker and of this artist, whose excellent methods and machines are said to have abridged, as well as perfected the operations of coinage. These operations, however, and their expense being new and unknown here, he is unable to say whether the price proposed be reasonable or not. He is also uncertain whether, instead of the larger copper coin, the Legislature might not prefer a lighter one of billon, or mixed metal, as is practised with convenience by several other nations, a specimen of which kind of coinage is submitted to their inspection.
But the propositions under consideration, suppose that the work is to be carried on in a foreign country, and that the implements are to remain the property of the undertaker; which conditions, in his opinion, render them inadmissible, for these reasons—
Coinage is peculiarly an attribute of sovereignty; to transfer its exercise into another country, is to submit it to another sovereign.
Its transportation across the ocean, besides the ordinary dangers of the sea, would expose it to acts of piracy by the crews to whom it would be confided, as well as by others apprised of its passage.
In the time of war it would offer to the enterprizes of an enemy, what has been emphatically called the sinews of war.
If the war were with the nation within whose territory the coinage is, the first act of war or reprisal might be to arrest this operation, with the implements and materials, coined and uncoined, to be used at their discretion.
The reputation and principles of the present undertaker are safeguards against the abuses of a coinage carried on in a foreign country, where no checks could be provided by the proper Sovereign, no regulations established, no police, no guard exercised; in short, none of the numerous cautions hitherto thought essential at every mint; but in hands less entitled to confidence, these will become dangers. We may be secured indeed, by proper experiments as to the purity of the coin delivered us according to contract, but we cannot be secured against that which, though less pure, shall be struck in the genuine die, and protected against the vigilance of government till it shall have entered into circulation.
We lose the opportunity of calling in and recoining the clipped money in circulation, or we double our risks by a double transportation.
We lose in like manner, the resource of coining up our household plate in the instant of great distress.
We lose the means of forming artists to continue the works, when the common accidents of mortality shall have deprived us of those who began them.
In fine, the carrying on the coinage in a foreign country, as far as the Secretary knows, is without example; and general example is weighty authority.
He is therefore of opinion on the whole— That a mint, whenever established, should be established at home: that the superiority, the merit, and means of the undertaker will suggest him as the proper person to be engaged in the establishment and conduct of a mint, on a scale, which, relinquishing nothing in the perfection of the coin, should be duly proportioned to our purposes.
And in the mean while he is of opinion, the present proposals should be declined. THOMAS JEFFERSON.
April 14, 1790.
FRANCE. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
JANUARY 28.
ON Monday, a deputaion from the militia of the district of St. Roch, gave an account at the bar, of the proceedings of the corps towards the uncle and the brother of the two Agasse, condemned to be executed for forging the notes of Caisse D'Escompte.
We have already mentioned that M. Agasse, the uncle, had been elected President of the district, by the generous ardour of his fellow citizens, to eradicate the absurd prejudice which attached the infamy of a capital punishment to the family of the criminal.
The battalion of St. Honore, in which he was enrolled, directed their commander to assure him in the name of the whole body, that they felt his affliction as their own; and that far from considering the crime of his nephews as fixing an indelible stigma on their family, they from that moment adopted their relations as brothers, to whom they vowed friendship, union, assistance, and all the sentiments which their virtue merited, rendered still more interesting by their misfortune.
The Brother they promoted to the rank of Lieutenant of Grenadiers as a mark of their esteem and affection.
To the relation of these particulars, the President replied that they had displayed more firmness and patriotism than the Assembly, in as much as, in correcting erroneous opinions, example was superior to law.
It was lately proposed, that the community of Paris should write circular letters, to request all the Municipalities to unite the several bodies of militia throughout the kingdom, under the command of the Marquis de la Fayette. This proposition the Marquis resisted, with the moderation that has uniformly marked his conduct. "Let us wait," said he, "the decision of the National Assembly respecting the National troops. Destined as they are for the defence of liberty, let us take care that the honor of commanding them affords no resource or pretext for ambition. As for me, when this article of our constitution comes to be agitated, I shall contend, that no citizen ought to command the National militia of more than one department."
The Directors of the Caisse d'Escompte have offered sixty thousand livres to the community of Paris, for the relief of the poor.
We have received no account of any existing or expected commotion in Paris, or in any other part of the kingdom. The reports of commotions, circulated here for some days past, may therefore be considered as entirely destitute of foundation.
The following are the precise words of the National decree in favor of the Jews:
"The National Assembly decrees that the Jews known in France under name of Portugueze, Spanish or Avignon Jews shall continue to enjoy all the rights of active citizens, as soon they shall have qualified themselves in the manner prescribed by the decrees of the Assembly already passed."
This resolution met with great opposition, but was carried by a majority of 360 votes against 225.
JANUARY 31.
On Friday a report was read from the Committee of Finance, proposing the coinage of two millions of marcs of money de BILLON, (copper with a small mixture of silver)—no person to be obliged to receive more than six livres of this money in one payment.
A report was also read from the same Committee, stating the reductions that may be made on the several heads of public expenditure. It stated, that the whole might be reduced from 287 to 193 millions of livres, allowing 84 millions for the expence of the army, and 18 for pensions.
The Assembly entered immediately on the proposed reductions by suppressing the establishments for breeding horses, which cost the public 974,000 livres a year, tended rather to injure than to improve the breed of horses.
On Saturday a decree was passed, ordering the taxes comprehended under the name of impositions direct to be levied for the year 1790, according to the ancient form.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE. &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
ADVERTISEMENT.
BY order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled "an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety. March 31. 1aw3m.
To be SOLD, For CERTIFICATES, Or exchanged for LAND,
TWENTY-TWO acres of ground in the City of New-York, fronting Great George-Street, Bowry-Lane, and Greenwich-Lane. On the premises is a brick dwelling house containing ten rooms; a smaller brick house with four rooms; a house with a brick front with two rooms: In each house is a Kitchen, and under the whole four cellars; a never failing spring is near one of the kitchens; a frame stable and a coach-house with stables. From the dwelling house both the North and the East rivers are plain to the view. Additional improvements have been made this Spring, the ground has been laid out for pleasure as well as for utility; it is provided with variety of orchard and other fruit; part of the land has also been sown with timothy and clover. To be sold for certificates of the national debt, which will be received at the nominal value, Dollars at 8s. Or for good upland, even if covered with wood, provided it is situated on the following rivers, or on creeks as far as navigable, communicating with the same, viz. At the Potowomac above Alexandria, at James River above Richmond, in South-Carolina, about one hundred miles from the sea shore, on Santee Edisto or Ponpon river, or on Savannah river. If not sold at private sale before the 15th of May, it will then on the above terms be disposed of by Public Vendue at the merchants Coffee-House.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. POELNITZ on the premises. New-York April 10, 1790.
PROPOSALS,
BY JOHN TRUMBULL, For publishing by subscription,
TWO PRINTS,
From ORIGINAL PICTURES painted by himself:
REPRESENTING The DEATH of General WARREN, At the Battle of Bunker's-Hill; and The DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, In the Attack of Quebec.
IN the Battle of Bunker's Hill, the following Portraits are introduced, AMERICAN. BRITISH.
Major General Warren, General Sir William Howe, Putnam, Sir Henry Clinton,
Lieut. Col. John Small, Major Pittcairn, and Lieut. Pitcairn.
In the Attack of Quebec, are seen,
General Montgomery, Major Macpherson, Colonel Thompson, Captain Cheesman.
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
THE Prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent Artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, three guineas for each print, one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the Prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed.
Subscriptions are received in America, only by Mr. Trumbull. All subscription receipts will be signed by him, as well as by Mr. Poggi, of London; under whose direction the prints are engraving, and will be published.
These Prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American revolution.
No period of the history of man is more interesting than that in which we have lived.—The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must remain ever dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. Historians will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which they write, must be understood—the language of Painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expence, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation, to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success. That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor, and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec, are
* The DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, * BATTLE AT TRENTON, * BATTLE OF PRINCETON, SURRENDER of General BURGOYNE, TREATY with FRANCE, BATTLE of EUTAW SPRINGS, * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN, TREATY of PEACE, EVACUATION of NEW-YORK, RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON, THE ARCH at TRENTON, INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
Each picture will contain Portraits of the principal characters, who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with Stars, are considerably advanced—and the Prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers. New-York, April 2, 1790.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
S C H E M E.
Table with 3 columns: Prize, Number, Amount. Includes prizes of £3000, 1000, 500, 200, 100, 50, 20, 10, 4. Total 8346 Prizes, 16654 Blanks.
8346 Prizes, 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £50000. 16654 Blanks, Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing, on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacketon do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Caffas, Chintzes, Seersuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.