Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-01-02 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXVI.]
SATURDAY JANUARY 2, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
For the Tablet see third page.
THE GUEST. — No. X.
Conscience, the burthen of the soul, Whether the action's right or wrong.
AN enlightened Conscience is the vicegerent of Heaven in the soul of man: It sits in judgment upon all our actions—and from its decisions there is no appeal. It applauds our conduct when regulated by just principles; and condemns every deviation from the paths of rectitude: It supports the mind under sufferings in a righteous cause; and plants a dagger in our bosom amidst the applauses which we are conscious we do not merit. Conscience is however a term of very equivocal import, applied to those principles either religious or political, upon which different ideas are entertained by mankind. Religious opinions, in an especial manner, have made sad work with the infallibility of Conscience: It has converted it into a convenient engine to compass the purposes of superstition, enthusiasm and ambition—and men have been plundered, butchered, and burned at the stake, "for Conscience sake." 'Tis education that gives, in a great measure, the tincture to Conscience: The follower of Mahomet feels no compunction at the violation of laws, with the observance of which, the catholic thinks the enjoyments of Heaven are inseparably connected: One thinks that to eat flesh in lent, is a damnable sin; the other anticipates the joys of paradise in the pleasures of his seraglio. The mind that is overshadowed with the glooms of enthusiasm, feels its conscience wounded, when it beholds a cheerful countenance, and a disposition which realizes that "to enjoy, is to obey." To wear a hat, or to pull it off, is a question of conscience with some—and to defend that life and property, which men enter into society more fully to protect, and more effectually to enjoy, is a stumbling stone, and a rock of offence to those who never refused to participate the peace and security, purchased by the blood and treasure of their neighbors. Conscience works wonders—it has transformed many a blockhead into a pulpit orator, who, to get rid of the curse, "in the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat bread," pretends conscience, when he forsakes his honest calling, and becomes a rambling retailer of raving nonsense—a blind leader of the blind."
As to a political conscience, we have not heard much about it, since the explosion of passive obedience , and the right divine . At the beginning of the revolution, some artful tories played a few tunes upon this string—but the people were too penetrating not to see thro' their jesuitism, and they soon relinquished the hope of raising a schism in the consciences of our countrymen—for they found that no article of faith in their political creed, was more firmly established than this, that
"Resistance to Tyrants, is obedience to God."
Some make conscience of relieving the distressed—but the miser's conscience has a reverse direction—his conscience will overflow in good wishes, "be ye warmed, and be ye clothed,"—but to bestow any part of his wealth to realize the text, is utterly against his conscience—and under the pretence of providing for his own household, lest he should be called an infidel, he monopolizes the bounties of providence, and becomes a curse to the world "for conscience sake."
How important to our peace and tranquility then is a good conscience !—With respect to the eternal principles of right and wrong , every rational being has an unerring monitor within—but opinions usurp the most arbitrary dominion over the human mind. Happy the youth whose understanding is early conducted into the paths of virtue, philosophy, and science—who escapes the tincture of enthusiasm, and the fetters of prejudice—who can give a scope to his judgment, and draw his maxims from the fountains of truth, experience, and right reason—to such a mind, the universe is harmony—benevolence is its element—and the Deity a delightful source of hope and contemplation—from which alone can result a "conscience void of offence."
ANECDOSE.
HENRY IV. King of France, thus expressed himself to the fair Gabrielle, "My beauteous love, two hours after the arrival of this courier, you will see a cavalier who loves you much. They call him King of France and Navarre, which are certainly honorable, though very painful titles. That of being your subject is infinitely more delightful. All three together are good; and let what will happen, I have resolved never to yield them to any one."
THE OBSERVER.
No. XI.
Further remarks on a land tax.
THE writer of this paper, tho' unknown even to suspicion, and distant from fame, wishes to be thought an honest man. Such subjects as he is considering, are apt to excite a suspicion that some evil is designed; these suspicions may be fomented by the litigious, but with the body of mankind, their origin is from a generous love of freedom, and a determination to vindicate their honest acquirements.
After so many delusions, and ill concerted policies, the Americans would be stupid indeed, did they not watch every proposition of measures as it rises. Next to personal liberty, the preservation of property is the most sacred object which can be affected by government, and taxation is the great instrument by which government acts on the properties of the people. The proposal of a land tax is a weighty subject, and a firm conviction that it is the most direct way of emancipating you from a system, which you can never reduce to calculation, is the reason of my doing it. A citizen is unsafely situated, when the demands made on him by government, cannot be reduced to previous estimation—but can you do this under your several State systems? You cannot determine from year to year the manner, nor the proportion, nor the articles in which you are to be taxed—You choose assemblymen once or twice a year, and from a long habit, they consider it as justifiable to make sudden alterations—they impose new sums, of which you have no intelligence but by the warrant of a tax gatherer—thus circumstanced, no previous estimate of what you must pay can be made—this I consider as an evil, not of the gentlemen who serve you, but of the system you are pursuing.—Warrants go out from the State Treasurer against certain districts for certain sums; subordinate officers make the tax bills against individuals; the law gives them a rule; but not one in ten of the people can tell whether this rule be honestly followed: If the multitude of your tax gatherers are not strictly honest, there will be some over charges, and if discovered, it is easy to call them mistakes. It wounds the feelings of a good subject to wrangle, either with his law givers or collectors, and the thing passes. A simple charge on all lands, can be previously estimated—the planter knows the number of his improved acres, this once ascertained answers forever, he foresees and provides for the exact demand, and there is no possibility of fraud.
I already hear it objected; the proposal is partial, for improved lands are of unequal value, and some one acre may be worth half a dozen others.
The same objection lies with greater force against your present system—The tax you now pay on lands supposes them of equal value, only discriminating the kind of cultivation. Your polls are equally assessed; one of these may be sagacious, healthy and rich, and very profitable to the man who carries it; while another is void of all discernment, sickly, poor and an expensive bill to the owner—your cattle are equally taxed; when it is known some one beast, either for sale or improvement, may be worth ten others in the flock—and this is the case with every article in your taxable estate as it now stands.
No kind of property has a greater equality than the soil of the earth, the acres, naturally more productive are few, and superior cultivation is the chief thing which gives them an advantage. Taxing high cultivation, in most instances, is but taxing the industry which one man has greater than another; and in this view of the subject, comes nearer to injustice.
Improvements in the art of husbandry have made different kinds of soil much nearer in value and profit, than they were half a century past—vast extents of earth, lately supposed of no value, by cropping them suitably are made productive, and daily improvements in husbandry, increases their equality: but if after all, there be any soil so poor it will not pay a small tax, it ought to be dismissed from cultivation and planted with trees, to prevent that scarcity of timber and wood, which will soon become an intolerable evil to the poor, in the ancient parts of this country.
To do fractional justice in a matter of this nature is impossible. That system is the best, which comes nearest to perfect justice, is most intelligible to the people, and may be executed with smallest expence. Suppose the comparative value of your lands were to be appraised—to do justice the appraisement must be frequently repeated, and the expence will more than balance the gain. I dread a system loaded with a prodigious number of subordinate officers—if you pay them a small
sum, their numbers will make an immense amount; if you do not pay them, they will by some artifice pay themselves from the hard earnings of the people—and when public measures pass through an infinitude of managers, you cannot make them responsible, and the citizens under the appearance of protection are pillaged at discretion. Remember the late war! It was the humor of the people to multiply managers—you had public officers thro' subordinate grades, innumerable as the leaves of summer, down to captains of a dozen oxen, flourishing with the national cockade in their hats—with all this apparatus, your armies suffered every distress thro' want of the provisions then rotting in store. An absolute monarch is politic in increasing the number of inferior officers, for the additional expence creates an influence by which he governs the people; but a republic needs not this policy. A republican government must be grounded on economy, on the affections and confidence of the people, on general knowledge and happiness; and it ought therefore to avoid a scheme of measures, that is either intricate or expensive.
Another objection to the land tax, as proposed, will be this—that the inhabitants in the great towns escape the payment of a sum proportioned to their ability.
The objection appears with weight—let it be candidly considered. The men of honesty and honor, will not wish to avoid their part of the burthen, whether town or country be his residence. Where a tax on lands the only means of a national revenue, the proposal might work injustice—but by the joint operation of a national impost, excise and land tax, the objection will be obviated. Suppose two persons of equal interest, one a citizen in some great town, the other a planter in the country—the nature of a city life will lead to the greater consumption of such articles as are charged with impost and excise, so that the city inhabitant pays double or treble the sum paid by the other.
The inhabitants of a great town must purchase all their food and cloathing; and it is not a love of luxury, but necessity that obliges them to do this; by which means they consume a four fold share of taxable articles—and duties on commerce must always have this effect—for every man pays in the proportion that he consumes the dutied articles. The wealth of great towns is generally overrated—they present you with a few instances of great riches, and a thousand of extreme indigence and wretchedness. Were the property of large cities to be equalized among their inhabitants, a share would not be more than an average with the country inhabitants. The parade of business, the show of mercantile property, much of which is owned in the back country, and collected for sale—the luxury and idleness of a few, with the general hilarity among a concourse of people, are circumstances, when he beholds them, which lead the unacquainted planter to suppose, that the people in great cities might pay a proportion, much greater than they do, without intolerable wretchedness. On this stating of facts, let a land tax be brought into joint operation with a national impost and excise. I think the objection is obviated.
EUROPE.
LONDON, Nov. 2.
IT is to the honor as well as to the good fortune of this country, that the bank of England never since its first foundation stopped payment for one day, or even used the least subterfuge in payment, but upon one occasion; and that was one day during the rebellion of 1745; from a scarcity of specie, they paid that day only in silver, which from the increased quantity of time used in counting, &c. necessarily checked a run which might have been fatal to public credit. The next day, what from the sums of money sent by merchants and bankers, every thing went on at the bank as usual.
Extract of a letter from Brunsfels, Oct. 19.
This city has narrowly escaped from becoming an awful monument of civil discord and popular despair. A conspiracy has just been detected to undermine and blow up the houses of Dalton and Tranfmandorff (the Launay and Bertheir of the Netherlands) and the guardhouse; seizing the arsenal, and one of the gates, and admitting a body of exiles into the city. The conspirators were not those who had either spirit or vigor for martial enterprise, for the nobles and the youth had been exiled. But the contagious sentiment of general indignation had reached that portion of society which is the least accessible to it.
The unwarlike character of the priesthood, the peaceful habits of commercial opulence, the seclusion and feebleness of cloistered females, were animated and armed by the public despair. A quantity of powder and combustible materials had been introduced into a vault, where the treasure has been usually deposited. The key of this vault had been furnished by the Emperor's banker, who is fled. The town engineer had been employed in undermining the devoted houses; arms and ammunition were buried in the gardens of some of the conspirators, and coin hid in the cells of the nuns, in many convents. But they were betrayed by their indiscreet and confident exultation.
The vigilance of the ministerial spies, who have been so numerous as to poison all social intercourse, discovered the design. The first person apprehended was the preceptor of the children of the Duc d'Urs. In the chamber of that ill fated young man were found plans for taking off the minister and General, manifestos to be scattered among the people, and other papers alluding to designs which it is believed the Government are not very anxious to

divulge. That he is in possession of the most important secrets, we may conclude from the earnestness with which, after his arrestment, the Duchess d'Uff solicited on her knees an interview of four minutes with him; but she could not obtain her request. The officer on guard was inexorable.
On the following day twenty persons were arrested, among whom were the celebrated Linguet Trifco, the Deputy Town Engineer, two Canons of the church of St. Gudule, and M. Berman, a reputable merchant, in whose garden were discovered 1000 cartridges, with two musket balls to each. The Town Engineer himself, Mr. W——, the Banker, and several other persons of consequence have escaped. The consternation and dismay surpass description. The Enlivemens proceed hourly, and every man seems to expect, with silent despair, the mandate that is to immure him, and the military hand that is to conduct him to his dungeon. Meanwhile the wontonness of oppression proceeds with rapid strides in the country. In consequence of the supposed partiality of the Abbots for the Patriots, the Emperor has published an edict, sequestrating all the abbeys of Brabant, and appointing civil officers to them for the administration of their revenue. These administrations, each of them attended by 100 grenadiers and 100 dragoons, have entered on their office, and the famished savages of Croatia and Slavonia revel in the enjoyment of all the delicious wines that ministered to the luxury of the Flemish monks.
Mis D'Olive, so famous in the history of the necklace, by her candid evidence which cleared the Cardinal, died lately at Fontenay near Paris in the greatest distress, after having been deserted by a fellow of the name of Beauvais, whom she had married. The child of which she was delivered in the Bastille is still alive.
The friends of the Duke of Orleans now say, the Queen charged him with being at the head of a party inimical to the reigning Monarch; and that his Highness immediately went to his Majesty, and besought him to give him some honourable mission to England, that his departure might not have the appearance of a flight; and that he might prove by his absence, until the new constitution was further advanced, his attachment to the public weal.
Marshal Laudohn is a Pole by birth, though he has long been in the Austrian service. He has acquired as much popularity in the army, by the judicious promotions made in consequence of his success, as he has gained throughout the Emperor's dominions by the success of his arms.
The new French Administration is reported to be as follows, and the Members are all from among the National Assembly.
M. de Mirabeau, Minister for Paris.
Bishop of Autun, Minister of Finance.
Marquis de Ségur, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Duc de Rochefoucault, Keeper of the Seals.
NOVEMBER 10.
Cherbourg, at present, is in great commotion, and not a day passes without some express from the National Assembly with orders how to act. The works, notwithstanding, are carried on with the same indefatigable industry; and the inspecting boats lately made a strict survey of the road, to learn if any sand had gathered since the making of the wall, when they found it all as sound as before the works were begun.
An order is passed, for all Nobles and persons of landed property to appear at Paris, within a limited time, on pain of confiscation of all their property for the use of the nation.
The attempts to assemble the States of the provinces, according to the ancient form, seems to have been an expiring effort of the clergy and aristocratic party, whom common danger has united in a common cause, without the consent, approbation, or concurrence of the people. It has not succeeded in any one instance. The meeting of the States of Dauphiny, who were summoned by the Commission Intermediaire , to meet on the 2d inst. is put off, by the same authority, to the 14th of December. Before that time the National Assembly will, probably, have completed the organization of the primary and intermediate assemblies; and the cities, towns, and other corporations of Dauphiny, and all the other provinces will prefer a general, uniform, and equal plan of representation to the old aristocratic constitution of the States.
Letters from Quimper, in Brittany, dated October 26th, say, that all the cities of that province are sending detachments of National militia to Tregnier and Lannion, to prevent the effects of the Bishop's incendiary mandate, and to act, if necessary, against him and his adherents. The letters add, that the number of troops then on their march, was computed at between twenty and thirty thousand.
On the first of this month the districts of Paris sent deputies to the Hotel de Ville , to enquire into the state of the provision of the city. The members of the community appointed to preside over this department returned for answer, that abundance was every day encreasing; that before the fifteenth instant, Paris would have a supply in hand of more than 40,000 sacks of flour; that the magazines already began to fill; and that the subsistence of the capital was completely secured for the winter.
Letters are also said to have been received from Philadelphia, that the harvest in the United States has been so abundant in general, that the same quantity of corn which before cost from 35 to 40 livres, may now be had for seven; and that the Americans were ready to supply the European markets: "See," say the Parisians, "how Heaven favors those countries in which the rights of men are known and respected."
Extract of a letter from Geneva, October 28.
You wish for some news from this country. Well, I'll tell you some: Every part of Switzerland, and Geneva above all, swarms with French Nobility; Marshal de Castries is hourly expected at Copen, a country seat of M. Neckar, his friend, who lends it to him as a safe retreat; the Archbishop of Paris is at Chamberry, with M. Baretin, the late Keeper of the Seals; the Princess of Conti will spend the winter there. M. de Lally Tolendal is at Neufchâtel, preparing a manifesto that will astonish all Europe; M. Mounier, to save his neck from the reverbere (lamp-iron) of Ver-
failles, has fled into Savoy. (This intelligence I had from an Aid de Camp of M. de Durfort, Commandant at Grenoble.) M. de Lally and the Princess of Henin are to pay a visit to the Marshal at Copen, and the former will certainly meet, and have a conference, somewhere with M. Mounier, on state affairs. A subscription has been opened here by the Geneva bankers in favor of France. Six hundred thousand livres (250,000l.) have been already subscribed; it is like a drop of oil thrown into the sea to calm a storm. The magistrates of this republic have forbidden the manufacturing of starch or hair powder, and suppressed all biscuits and pastry works. The petit-maitres and gluttons do not murmur. No baker is permitted to make white bread; the brown loaf has been raised from 4 sous to 6, and yet no reverberes ever came to our minds. This certainly proclaims the praise of a free nation at the expence of another, that talk very much of liberty, and are perhaps not ripe for it, since they are unwilling to make the sacrifices liberty requires, and seem to mistake licentiousness for liberty, in the same manner that a monk, thrown, on a sudden, into the world, would take debauchery for gallantry. Adieu. I am, without ceremony, as a true republican, your's, &c.
NOVEMBER 14.
Extract of a letter from Paris, Nov. 4.
The news we receive from Brabant announce another action near Ternout. Between two and three thousand patriots have perished. Count d'Anhalt Saxe, brother to the Empress of Russia, is killed*. The troops refused to fire a second time. The Prince of Ligne, and the Count de la March, both officers, in the French service, are gone to join the patriots. M. de Trauttmansdorff, the burner of villages, has placed fifty guards at the Dowagers of Amberg's hotel, and as many at that of Malines, and at the Capuchin's convent.
* He was a volunteer in the Bender Regiment, and once Captain of Hussars.
The Russians are now masters of the mouth and of both sides the Dniester, and when the accounts came away, were going to turn the blockade of Bender into a regular siege. This town, it is tho't, cannot hold out long, as all communication with it, both by land and by the Black Sea, is now entirely cut off.
The messenger who brought this news to Vienna carried with him some links of chains, in which the Grand Vizier intended to have bound the Austrian troops, whom he hoped to have made prisoners of war. A great many waggons were loaded with these shocking chains, which fell into the hands of the Prince de Coubourg after his victory at Marhessie on the 22d of September.
One of these chains weighed two quintals and a half, and was 14 feet long, and was calculated to bind five prisoners.
As the Grand Vizier expected to make the whole of the Prince's forces prisoners of war, some judgement may be formed of the number of those chains, as well as of the waggons which carried them. The Emperor gave orders that these horrid trophies should be placed in the arsenal, there to remain as monuments not only of the savage cruelty of the Turks, but also of their shameful defeat.
Three regiments have received orders to march to the Netherlands, two of them are horse, namely, Coubourg's and Keiser's light dragoons.
Accounts were received at Vienna from Jassy, in Moldavia, that the Austrians had again defeated the Turks near Brailow, taken 30 pieces of cannon from them and made themselves masters of that town.
Vaslau was taken without a shot.
Marshal Laudohn intends, before he puts his army into winter quarters, to penetrate further into Servia, in three different directions: one by Zwornick and Ufilzai, another by Nysla, and the third by Orsova.
Widdin is to be bombarded; and 18 battalions of foot, and all the light horse, had been actually sent on that service.
The Marshal gave a magnificent entertainment to the late Governor of Belgrade and his principal officers, before they were sent away to a Turkish fortress.
It is reported that the Marshal asked the Pacha what could have been his reason for surrendering, in so short a time, a fortress of so much importance, that was so amply provided with stores and ammunition, and might, in the opinion of all the Austrian officers, have stood out at least a week longer.
Osman replied, "My soldiers refused to stand by me. They skulked into the casemates when your dreadful fire opened from all your batteries. I could not, thus abandoned, withstand alone, your formidable attacks."
"But, said Marshal Laudohn, what will the Porte say on the occasion? In a Government such as yours, do you think that allowance will be made for the necessity imposed upon you by the desertion of your troops, to surrender the fortress?—Do you think your life in danger?"
"All the Officers in the garrison," replied Osman, "pressed me to capitulate; and all have
signed the minutes of capitulation. Upon this circumstance I chiefly depend for my personal safety."
The total loss of the Imperialists, from the day they crossed the Save, to the day they took Belgrade, amounted to no more than 289 serjeants and rank and file killed, and 732 wounded; and 11 officers killed, and 27 wounded.
The military chest at Belgrade, when the place surrendered, was totally empty. It was thought the Pacha had divided the money among his officers.
Osman Pacha is about forty years of age: he speaks Italian extremely well; in his haram there were only four women.
A short account of Brabant, and upon what principle the Brabancons, at present, make resistance to the Emperor.
The province of Brabant is distinguished by two divisions—first what is called Dutch Brabant , the second Austrian Brabant .
The chief towns of the first are Boisteduc, Breda, Bergenopzoom, Maestricht, Grave, Lillo, Steenbergen—of the second, Brussells, Louvain, Vilvorden, and Lawden.
Antwerp and Malines are provinces independent of Brabant, though surrounded by it, and subject to the House of Austria.
The seventeen provinces, of which Brabant forms a part, were, long after the decline of the Roman empire, governed by their own Princes, till swallowed up by the House of Burgundy; from thence they passed to Spain, and from Spain, those which are now called Austrian Netherlands , are considered as a circle of the empire, and contribute their share to the imposts of the empire, but not subject to its judicatures; for though the Archducal House, as being Sovereign of the whole, is the directing and summoning Prince, the Constitution enjoins an Assembly, or Parliament, for each province, consisting of the Clergy, Nobility, and Deputies, who meet at Brussells, and who are convened to make laws for the general good of the whole.
Conceiving those privileges trampled upon by the late decrees of the Emperor, and, perhaps, feeling the general spirit of Continental politics at present in their favour, the inhabitants of the different towns have armed and make resistance, the event of which time only can determine.
NOVEMBER, 17.
By the Dutch and Flanders mail which arrived on Saturday morning, we have the following important news from Cleves:
That the King of Prussia has sent orders to Lieutenant General de Schliffen, Governor of Wesel, to march with a considerable body of forces to appease the troubles at Leige, they are to be joined by others belonging to the Bishop of Munster and the Duke of Juliers, in their titles as co-directors of the empires.
Extract of a letter from Brussells, October 27.
The Rubicon is at length passed! The armed refugees of Brabant, dispersed in proclamations and annihilated in gazettes, entered this province on the Dutch frontier, to the number, it is said, of near forty thousand men, on the 23d inst. The following day, after some skirmishes, in which only a few lives were lost, they made themselves masters of Lillo, the key of Brabant on that side, and advanced towards Antwerp. In the night of the 24th, they possessed themselves of an hostage, for the security of their friends in Brussells. M. de Crumpiper, Chancellor of Brabant, one of the most active among the agents of their sovereign, was surprised at his country seat on the banks of the Scheld, by a detachment of about 300 men, and conveyed to the head-quarters of the patriots. They gave immediate notice to the Austrian officer that they would retaliate on his person any severities exercised on their imprisoned friends.
This manœuvre gave occasion to the following one on the part of the government:—Count Lannoy, and three more noblemen of the most ancient and opulent families in the province, had, in obedience to the injunctions, and on the faith of the promises contained in the Emperor's last proclamation, returned to this capital from their voluntary exile. They were yesterday apprehended as hostages for the safety of the Chancellor.
General Dalton has just issued the following proclamation:
Whereas, several villages have hoisted the Standard of revolt, their inhabitants have been found in arms, and every thing drawn up in military order; and as it is essentially proper to make the rebels return to their duty of submission to their legal sovereign, we notify, that notwithstanding our repugnance to shed human blood, and to render unhappy innocent people who may be found amongst the guilty, we shall nevertheless be reduced to the disagreeable necessity of setting fire to all such villages as shall hoist the Standard of revolt, or where any of the inhabitants shall have shown themselves friends to it, by making resistance to his Majesty's troops.
In the general search made here for arms, even the dignity of foreign Ministers was not spared. The houses of the French, Dutch, and English Envoys were searched. The first of these mini-

sters sent a copy of the order to search his house to the National Assembly.
PARIS, November 6.
Some of the Convents of Nuns have thanked the National Assembly for their decree, forbidding any vows to be taken. There are other Convents, however, who will not be so well pleased with the decree in question; however, taken in a general point of view, it must be approved of.
THE NATIONAL MONITOR.
No. XXXII.
When the Almighty form'd the Spheres, To rule the ever circling years, His wisdom in the wondrous plan, Design'd the happiness of man; And Time, while he his track pursues, Unfolds th' Almighty's glorious views.
THE number ten forms a series of years which include as many remarkable incidents in the history of mankind, as any that can be mentioned. From the years 1760 to 1770, to go no further back, the inhabitants of North America experienced the most important changes in their situation, sentiments, manners, and views. Thro' their unparellelled exertions, the war in America was brought to a glorious termination: From that moment we felt our consequence in the scale of empire—and our views became enlarged; arrived to maturity, our dependence on Great-Britain became a very problematical event.
In 1770, we were on the eve of dissolving our connection with the mother country; from that time til 75, how rapidly events crowded upon each other, to bring the important crisis. Many supposed we were ripe at that date for the revolution; but some wise, and penetrating patriots, whose names need not now be mentioned, repressed the ardor of too sanguine dispositions, till the people were fully prepared, and the infatuation of our enemies was complete—The mine was then sprung—and our Independence was established—so that in 1780, nothing short of omnipotence could have carried us back to our former situation.
From 1780, to 1790, the retrospect gives a period that amazes, astonishes, and almost confounds us in the contemplation—What victories! what triumphs! what exultation! what utopian schemes! what embarrassments! what alarms! what fluctuations of councils! what imbecility! what fears for the sacred ark of liberty, amidst the dread of anarchy, the prostration of law and government, and the unrighteous and shameful expedients of tender laws, and that curse of all morals and national character, paper money! But that arm, which is omnipotent to save, roused us from our low state of degradation, and awakening as from a delirium, America once more rose to her wonted magnanimity. The three last years she has done more to establish her character, than in all her exertions in the darkest moments of her conflict—great in the hour, when greatness is adorned with its brightest lustre, she hath established her fame and happiness on the immortal pillars of laws and government; realizing that she sought for a shadow, unless her acquisitions of liberty and independence were secured by the barrier of a just and free Constitution: With astonishing unanimity she hath adopted a system, that, if the people continue wise, will perpetuate their felicity to the final consummation of all things.
We are now arrived to the beginning of the last ten years, in the eighteenth century—and taking our calculations from past experience, how pregnant does the womb of Time appear. The concentration of the wisdom of our country hath conducted the States into the path of honor and safety—a glorious reward awaits her toils and labors—the road is narrow at the outset, but widens as we advance—the timid, the doubtful may hesitate, perplex, and draw back, but the intrepid patriots will persevere, till the salvation of their country is perfected.
With grateful hearts then, let us adore that providence which, after giving us the victory over our enemies, hath at length enabled us to triumph over ourselves—and in the words of our beloved President in his speech to the National Legislature, let us offer our "fervent supplications to that almighty being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge."
Ten years in the age of a country may be as one to the age of man: In the period between this and 1800, may our country progress in Empire, true greatness and glory, and her liberties be secured beyond the reach of anarchy and despotism; and from her example, may the whole race of mankind be led to vindicate the dignity of human nature, and establish UNIVERSAL FREEDOM.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ALLEGORY.
BETWEEN two wealthy neighbors lived a poor man, who had nothing but his industry to depend upon. He was much indebted to ALBINUS, the proudest of his neighbors, who finding that his circumstances did not allow him to pay, threatened to take away his house, and to throw him into prison. GALLICUS, the other neighbor, partly from natural benevolence, and partly from a jealous disposition towards ALBINUS, who was then considered as unfriendly to the whole world, undertook the defence of the poor man COLUMBELLUS, and spent his health and part of his treasure to save him. Now the good man began to thrive, and to form even some connection with proud ALBINUS, who finding that something might be got from him cajoled him on every occasion; but the exertions of GALLICUS in his favor had been too great, and the times growing bad, GALLICUS saw himself obliged to make great alterations in his family, and reduce his expences, which occasioned a great uproar amongst his numerous servants, some of which ran away with bloody heads into the house of ALBINUS, where they misrepresented every transaction of their former master. The poor man, forgetting his obligations to GALLICUS, gave a currency to these falsehoods, and posted up all the scurrilous language of ALBINUS, and the discontented servants of his friend and benefactor. When GALLICUS was informed of this he was more grieved at the behavior of his presumed friend, COLUMBELLUS, than at that of ALBINUS.
And who is this ungrateful Man?—Read the newspapers of America on the revolution of France and—blush if you have a soul.
BENEVOLENCE.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ODE,
FOR THE NEW YEAR.
HAIL the NEW YEAR! Farewell blest Eighty Nine! Long shall thy numbers, in our annals shine, O'er ev'ry year that's past, blest year indeed, That saw our rights secur'd, and Europe freed, At least the work's begun—Ninety shall see It almost finish'd; Europe almost free. May Frenchmen use their power, to late retrieval, In humbling pride, and righting the aggriev'd; May prudence teach them not to go too far, Norwhelm their country in the woes of war.
Blest EIGHTY NINE, that saw our glorious Chief, Rouse from repose, and fly to our relief, Fly to cement that Union which he wrought, By wisdom fix, the pile for which he fought.
Blest EIGHTY NINE, that gave him to our sight, More lov'd, more honour'd, gloriously bright, Long may his influence o'er our States extend, Our much lov'd brother, father, chief and friend, And when by age, and nature's hand bow'd down, Time's silver honors, (freedom's only crown,) Play o'er his brow, then may he flow decay, Blest with health's smile, on each succeeding day, Till life's worn fountains, gradually cease, And pray'rs of millions waft his soul to peace.
THE TABLET.
No. LXXVI.
"If a man often changes his friends, I suspect he is deficient either in candor or discernment."
WHEN we hear men complain of the fickleness or insincerity of their friends we should not readily participate in their reproaches. Few men possess the art of maintaining a friendship through any great vicissitude of circumstances. In a state of prosperity we are apt to demand from our friends, more attention and respect, than we deserve: In a state of adversity we are prone to expect more relief and patronage from others, than they are disposed to communicate. Thus it happens, that in almost any situation, we are liable to make complaints, where there is no real foundation.
My neighbour DISCRETUS is now upwards of sixty years old. The scenes of his life have been critical and diversified. He assured me, in a late conversation, that he never lost the friendship of a person which he once possessed; and that he scarce ever was acquainted with a person, who did not become his friend. This is the more extraordi-
nary, as DISCRETUS is not distinguished by any brilliancy of talents, or generosity of conduct. The mediocrity of his abilities raises him above contempt; but are not so eminent as to excite envy. In short, he is a prudent man, who, though he may gain slowly upon the friendship or attachment of his acquaintance, never runs any risque of losing what he does gain. If he has not warmth of spirit to perform great or liberal actions, he has the caution to shun those that are mean and illiberal. His virtues are not carried to such an extreme in any instance as to become a weakness or a vice. He observes the line where the shades of virtue and vice meet, and walks so strait upon it, as always to escape inconvenience or reproach. It is true some men call him a negative kind of character; but this is not material so long as he does nothing positively bad, and avoids censure, in all his actions. He never slanders any person; nor does he ever extol any one to the skies. In his view, all men are worth attending to so far as not to incur their ill will; but none are so meritorious, that he will not treat them with some caution and reserve. By not expecting too much from his friend he is seldom disappointed; and by not promising too much, he is never charged with deception.
ALBANY, December 24.
Col. MAXWELL, who arrived in town last evening, from the county of Ontario, has favored us with the following intelligence—That a wagon road, with bridges over the creeks and rivers, quite to the Genesee river, 119 miles from Oneida, is now completed—the proprietors of the Genesee Company having opened the road from Oneida to Cayuga, 62 miles in extent—That the salt-works are in such forwardness as to afford forty bushels per day—That Mr. Ellicot, on the first of November last, applied to Col. Harris, the commanding officer at Niagara, for permission to pass that fortress, for the purpose of ascertaining the boundaries between the lands of the United States and those purchased by Messrs. Gorham and Phelps, which was refused him; but when Mr. Ellicot had arrived at the Genesee river, he was overtaken by an express from Col. Harris, who had sent him a pass, on which he returned to Niagara, where he received every mark of respectful and polite attention—the Commander having in the mean time received orders on the subject, from Lord Dorchester, to whom application had been made by the President of the United States.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 2.
Members of Congress now in this city: SENATE, President of the Senate.—Mr. Dalton.—Mr. Johnson.—Mr. Schuyler.—Mr. King.—Mr. Izard.—Mr. Butler.—Mr. Langdon.—Mr. Wingate.—Mr. Few.
REPRESENTATIVES, Mr. Gilman.—Mr. Gerry.—Mr. Lawrance.—Mr. Benson.—Mr. Scott.—Mr. Coles.—Mr. Brown.—Mr. Griffin.—Mr. Huger.—Mr. Smith, of South-Carolina.—Mr. White.—Mr. Partridge.—Mr. Tucker.—Mr. Goodhue.—Mr. Thatcher.—Mr. Baldwin.
Mr. Otis, Secretary of the Senate.
Mr. Beckley, Clerk of the House.
The revolutions of time, give birth to the volume of events which forms the general history of mankind. The contemplative mind traces the progress of effects from their causes, and marks the invariable similitude between the series of past and present times where the same principles appear to stamp the predominating features of the age. Empires commence, progress to maturity and then sink into oblivion; and this has been so undeviatingly the course of things, that those who contend that human nature is the same in all periods, have certainly the test of experience on their side. However the United States according to some visionaries, are to exhibit a new example to mankind. From the sublime heights of their political and literary attainments they are to take a comprehensive view of all the defects of humanity in all past ages, and having the passions and weaknesses incident to man under the perfect controul of their reason, they are to perpetuate their happiness and freedom, without the restraints of civil institutions, to the latest period of time. Those however, who view things through a juster medium, think otherwise; and happy for our country, those who form a different estimate of human nature are at the head of our affairs.
Public virtue is commonly a dormant principle till great occasions call it into exercise: Wise legislators therefore calculate their measures to touch the more obvious spring of self interest; and it is happy for mankind, that the particular interest of individuals, and communities when properly pursued always conduces to the advantage of the general interest.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Thursday, Ship Charlotte, Lambert, London, 409 days. Ship Christopher, Smith, St. Vincents. Brig Brownlow, M c Meiker, Dublin, 50 days. Brig Dispatch, Lockhart, Antigua, 30 days. Schooner Wiling Maid, Wallace, Cape Francois. Sloop Hiram, Conklin, Surinam, 48 days. Sloop Friendship, Burnham, Savannah, 15 days. Sloop Liberty, Barker, Charleston, 16 days.

FROM A VIRGINIA PAPER.
To his EXCELLENCY the GOVERNOR of VIRGINIA.
NEW-YORK, SEPT. 28, 1789.
SIR,
WE have long waited in anxious expectations, of having it in our power to transmit effectual Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, and it is with grief that we now send forward propositions inadequate to the purpose of real and substantial Amendments, and so far short of the wishes of our country. By perusing the Journal of the Senate, your Excellency will see, that we did, in vain, bring to view the Amendments proposed by our Convention, and approved by the Legislature. We shall transmit a complete set of the Journals of both Houses of Congress to your address, which with a letter accompanying them, we entreat your Excellency will have the goodness to lay before the Honorable Legislature of the ensuing meeting.
We have the honor, of every sentiment of respect, to be, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient, and very humble servants,
RICHARD HENRY LEE. WILLIAM GRAYSON.
The HONORABLE the SPEAKER of the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES in VIRGINIA.
NEW-YORK, SEPT. 28, 1789.
SIR,
WE have now the honor of enclosing the proposition of Amendments to the Constitution of the United States that has been finally agreed upon by Congress. We can assure you, Sir, that nothing on our part has been omitted, to procure the success of those radical amendments proposed by the Convention, and approved by the Legislature of our Country, which as our constituent we shall always deem it our duty with respect and reverence to obey. The Journal of the Senate herewith transmitted, will at once shew exact and how unfortunate we have been in this business. It is impossible for us not to see the necessary tendency to consolidated empire in the natural operation of the Constitution, if no further amended than as now proposed; and it is equally impossible for us not to be apprehensive for civil liberty, when we know of no instance in the records of history, that a people ruled in freedom when subject to one undivided government, and inhabiting a territory so extensive as that of the United States, and when it seems to us, the nature of man, and of things join to prevent it. The impracticability in such case, of carrying representation on, sufficiently near to the people for procuring their confidence and consequent obedience, compel a resort to fear, resulting from great force and excessive power in government. Confederated republics, where the Federal Hand is not possessed of absorbing power, may permit the existence of freedom, whilst it preserves union, strength, and safety. Such amendments therefore as may secure against the annihilation of the State governments we devoutly wish to see adopted.
If a persevering application to Congress from the States that have desired such amendments, should fail of its object, we are disposed to think, reasoning from causes to effects, that unless a dangerous apathy should invade the public mind, it will not be many years before a constitutional number of Legislatures will be found to demand a Convention for the purpose.
We have sent a complete set of the Journals of each House of Congress, and through the appointed channel will be transmitted the Acts that have passed this session; in these will be seen the nature and extent of the judiciary, the estimated expences of the government, and the means so far adopted for defraying the latter.
We beg, Sir, to be presented with all duty to the Honorable House of Representatives, and to assure you that we are with every sentiment of respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and very humble servants,
RICHARD HENRY LEE. WILLIAM GRAYSON.
In the HOUSE of DELEGATES, Monday the 7th of December, 1789.
RESOLVED, That a committee be appointed to congratulate Thomas Jefferson, Esq. late Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, to the Court of Versailles, on his return to his native country, and to assure him of the esteem which the House of Delegates bear for his character and public services.
And a committee was appointed, of Mr. Henry Lee, Mr. Zane, Mr. Edmund Randolph, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Corbin, Mr. Dawson, Mr. Edward Carrington, Mr. King, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Strother, Mr. William Gabel, jun. and Mr. Nicholas.
Extract from the Journal, Teste, CHARLES HAY, C. H. D.
In the HOUSE of DELEGATES, Wednesday the 9th of December, 1789.
MR. HENRY LEE reported from the committee appointed to congratulate Thomas Jefferson, Esq; late Minister Plenipotentiary from
the United States, to the Court of Versailles, that the committee had accordingly waited upon that Gentleman, with the congratulations of the House, on his return to his native country; to which he had been pleased to return the following answer:
I RECEIVE, with humble gratitude, Gentlemen, the congratulations of the Honorable the House of Delegates on my return; and I beg leave, through you, to present them my thanks and dutiful respects. Could any circumstance heighten my affection to my native country, it would be the indulgence with which they view my feeble efforts to serve it, and the esteem with which they are pleased to honor me. I shall hope to merit a continuance of their goodness, by obeying the impulse of a zeal of which public good is the first object, and public esteem the highest reward.
Permit me, Gentlemen, for a moment, to separate from my general thanks, the special ones I owe to you, the organs of so flattering a communication. Extract from the Journal,
Teste, CHARLES HAY, C. H. D.
FROM THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL.
FOUND on the narrow road to Happiness, a White Leather Pocket Book, with a gold clasp in the shape of a heart, neatly bound with the love of mankind—containing the form of the new Constitution, a proclamation for Thanksgiving, a short Prayer for the restoration of peace to our Allies, Mrs. Washington's portrait, the miniature of America, with many useful observations on economy and industry.—It also contained some prudent inuendoes against the mutability of fashion, the vice of intemperance, and the absurdity of unmeaning compliments. It is supposed said pocket book was dropt for the benefit of the thoughtless croud by the consort of the amiable lady above mentioned.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
ABSTRACT of JOURNAL of the FIRST SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
TUESDAY, August 18.
PROCEEDED in a second reading of the bill, entitled, "An act providing for the expenses which may attend negotiations or treaties with the Indian Tribes, and the appointment of Commissioners for managing the same"
On motion, to strike out "eight dollars," from the clause providing for the compensation to the Commissioners, and insert, "five dollars," in line 8th, it passed in the negative.
On motion, to insert after, "eight dollars per day," "at the discretion of the President," it passed in the negative.
On motion, upon the compensation to the Commissioners, to strike out "eight dollars," and insert "six dollars," It passed in the negative.
Ordered, that the rules of the House be so far dispensed with, as that the said bill shall have a third reading at this time.
On motion, to strike out in line 3d, "forty," and insert "twenty," in order thereby to limit the sum to be expended in negotiating a treaty with the Indian tribes, to twenty thousand dollars instead of forty thousand,
The yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the Senators present, were as follows:
YEAS. Mr. Carroll, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Henry, Mr. Johnson, Mr. King, Langdon, Mr. Read, Mr. Schuyler, Mr. Strong, Mr. Wingate. 12.
NAYS. Mr. Butler, Mr. Few, Mr. Gunn, Mr. Lee, Mr. Mac- lay, Mr. Morris. 7.
So it passed in the Affirmative.
On motion, that it be resolved, That Congress will make provision for the discharging of any expenses that may be incurred by such military arrangements, as the President of the United States may think proper to make, for the purpose of protecting the citizens of Georgia from the depredations of the Creek Indians, should peace not take place with them, or should they, having agreed to a peace, violate the same,—And on motion for the previous question, to wit: "Shall the main question now be put?" It passed in the negative.
And on the question upon the bill, as it was, resolved to concur therein with the amendment.
The Senate proceeded in a third reading of the bill entitled, "An act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States;" and after progress, Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, August 19.
Agreeably to the order of the day, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of a resolve of the House of Representatives, of the 10th of August, providing, "That the Survey directed by Congress, in their act of June the 6th, 1788, be made and returned to the Secretary of the Treasury without delay; and that the President of the United States be requested to appoint a fit person to complete the same, who shall be allowed five dollars per day, whilst actually employed in the said service, with the expenses necessarily attending the execution thereof"—And on motion,
"That the consideration of the resolution be postponed to such time in the next Session of Congress, as that the Legislature of the State of New-York may be afforded an opportunity of interposing their objections," it passed in the negative.
And on the main question,
Resolved, The Senate do concur in the said resolution. A message from the House of Representatives, informing the Senate, that the House had concurred in their amendment proposed to the bill, entitled, "An act providing for the expenses which may attend negotiations or treaties with the Indian tribes, and the appointment of Commissioners for managing the same." Adjourned.
SATURDAY, August 22.
The memorial of John Cox, and others, citizens of the State of New-Jersey and of the State of Pennsylvania, praying that the future Seat of Government might be established on the banks of the Delaware, and proposing a cession of a tract of land ten miles square, was read, and together with a draught of the said tract, was laid on the table for consideration.
MONDAY, August 24.
Proceeded in the executive business before the Senate. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, August 25.
Mr. Maclay, presented a draught of ten miles square, including the borough of Lancaster, with a letter containing a description of the same, from Edward Hand, directed to the Hon. Robert Morris and the Hon. William Maclay; Mr. Maclay likewise nominated Wright's Ferry, on the Susquehannah; York-Town, west of
the Susquehannah; Carlisle, west of the Susquehannah; Harrisburgh, on the Susquehannah; Reading, on the Schuylkill, and Germantown in the neighborhood of Philadelphia, as different places in Pennsylvania, which had been proposed for the permanent seat of government of the United States.
The letter being read, was, together with the draught, ordered to lie for consideration.
(To be continued.)
PROPOSAL, FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, MEMOIRS OF THE BLOOMSGROVE FAMILY.
In a SERIES of LETTERS from a gentleman in New-England to a respectable citizen of Philadelphia.
CONTAINING Sentiments on a MODE of DOMESTIC EDUCATION, suited to the present state of Society, Government and Manners in the United States, and on the Importance and Dignity of the Female Character.
INTERSPERSED WITH A VARIETY of interesting ANECDOTES.
CONDITIONS.
They will be printed on a good paper and type—neatly bound and lettered, in two volumes, 12mo. and delivered to subscribers at three quarters of a dollar per volume.
These Memoirs are dedicated to Mrs. WASHINGTON, by her permission. Having seen the manuscript, and approved the plan, "She heartily wishes that every laudable effort to improve the mode of education in this country may be attended with merited success."
FROM the literary character of the reputed author of the above work, and a table of contents left with the printer hereof, being eighty-three letters on the most interesting subjects of education, life and manners, it is expected these Memoirs will prove a very valuable and interesting performance.
Subscriptions received by the Editor, at his office, and letters (post paid) duly attended to.
ADVERTISEMENT.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE OHIO COMPANY.
WHEREAS, in the opinion of the Agents, it is very much for the interest of the proprietors at large, that all the lands of the purchase should be divided and allotted as immediately as may be—And in order to accommodate them generally, by the option of classing as they may think proper, and drawing their rights or shares (where they may possess more than one) either together in contiguity, or by detaching and annexing them to distinct classes or divisions (at their own election) to give them the greater chance for variety in soil and situation—It is unanimously resolved, That as soon as the exploring committee shall have appropriated the lands for donation settlements, in quantity sufficient for all the proprietors, WINTHROP SARGENT, JOSEPH GILLMAN, and RETURN J. MEIGS, Esquires, who are hereby appointed a committee for that purpose, shall immediately make out, upon a large scale, a complete map or plan of the whole purchase from the best information, which they may be then able to obtain, expressing all the lands of the eight acre, three acre, city lots and commons, one hundred and sixty acre, and donation lots, the reserved lots of Congress, school lots, and lots appropriated for religious purposes—also, the two townships given by Congress for an university, and the towns or situations for towns to be reserved by the company for a future allotment.—That, all the residuary lands shall be, by them, the said committee of three, divided and numbered upon paper, into forty equal grand divisions of twenty-five shares each, as like in quality as may be: That each grand division be divided into five sub-divisions of five shares each, and each sub-division into sections of single shares:—That as soon as the map or plan is completed, the agents will form or class their subscribers (who shall not previously class themselves) by sections or single shares, into sub-divisions of five, and grand divisions of twenty-five, and immediately proceed to drawing by lot for said lands; by grand divisions, sub-divisions and sections: That in all draughts of sub-divisions (into sections) which may be made up of proprietors holding four, three, or two or single shares, it shall be the usage for the greatest proprietor, or holder of the greatest number of shares, to take his lands in contiguity, by lot, either in the southern or northern part of the sub-division, where they shall be numbered from north to south, and in the western or eastern (by lot also) where they may be numbered from west to east; and where sub-divisions may be made up of two proprietors of two shares each, and one of one share, the two greatest proprietors shall receive their sections, by lot, either in the southern or western part of the sub-division. Resolved, That the before named committee, be directed to prepare the names and numbers, and make all the necessary arrangements for the intended draught: That previous to the drawing for this ultimate grand division of lands, there shall be returns of the proprietors, as they may be classed by the agents (or otherwise) lodged in the Secretary's office, and it is recommended in all cases to consult the inclinations and interests of the proprietors in the order of classing.
Resolved, That the agents will give public notice of the time and place of drawing, and that there be two persons no ways interested in the draughts, who shall be sworn to the faithfully drawing out the names and numbers from the boxes, and who alone shall be employed in this business for the draught of grand divisions, sub-divisions, and sections.
Resolved, That the Secretary cause the foregoing resolutions to be published in the newspapers of New-York, and the New-England States; to the end that the proprietors at large may have the option of classing themselves as they may think proper: And they are hereby requested to do, and to express themselves upon this subject, either to their respective agents, or by information in writing addressed to, and to be lodged with the Secretary, at his office in the city of Marietta, previous to the first Monday of March, 1790—Upon which day it is expected the division will take place.
WINTHROP SARGENT, Secretary to the Ohio Company.
Marietta, 3d November, 1789.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Gazette of the United States circulates in every part of the Union—being honored by subscribers in Georgia, South and North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, New-York, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, and District of Maine, Canada, Europe, and the West Indies. This extensive circulation renders it a proper vehicle for ADVERTISEMENTS of a general, commercial, and governmental import:—By the particular desire and advice, therefore, of a number of its patrons, this paper will be open for the reception of advertisements of the above description; which as they will convey intelligence of an interesting nature, the Editor hopes their insertion will meet the approbation of his friends in general. Should the number at any time amount to more than a page in the Gazette, they will be given in a Supplement.
JOHN FENNO.
New-York, Nov. 28, 1789.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. pr. an.]