Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-10-28 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LVII.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
PLAN Of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES. (A NATIONAL PAPER.)
Published at the SEAT of the NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. CONTAINING,
 I. EARLY and authentic Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS—its LAWS, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS, communicated so as to form a HISTORY of the TRANSACTIONS of the NATIONAL LEGISLATURE.  II. IMPARTIAL SKETCHES of the DEBATES of CONGRESS.  III. ESSAYS on the great subjects of Government; also upon the national and local Rights of the AMERICAN CITIZENS, as founded upon the National or State Constitutions; also upon every other Subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion.  IV. A SERIES of PARAGRAPHS, calculated to catch the "LIVING MANNERS AS THEY RISE," and to point the public attention to Objects that have an important reference to domestic, social and public happiness.  V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions—religious and moral Objects—Improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY—their foreign Treaties, Alliances, Connections, &c.  VI. Every species of INTELLIGENCE, which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political INTERESTS of the AMERICAN NATION.  VII. A CHAIN of DOMESTIC OCCURRENCES.  VIII. A SERIES of FOREIGN ARTICLES of INTELLIGENCE.  X. The STATE of the FUNDS—Courses of Exchange—Prices Current, &c. 
CONDITIONS.
 I. Published every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY.  II. The price to Subscribers (exclusive of postage) THREE DOLLARS per annum.  III. The first semi-annual payment to be made in three months from the time of subscribing, and future payments to be made every six months.  SUBSCRIPTIONS Will be received in all the capital towns upon the Continent; also at No. 9, Maiden-Lane, near the Oswego-Market, New-York.
To the PUBLIC.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLIC CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Mediums of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, and are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however, various the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all GOOD MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, established upon NATIONAL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRINCIPLES—which shall take up the promised Articles, upon a COMPETENT PLAN, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with public approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this Publication is determined to leave no avenue of information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of Persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the public's humble servant, THE EDITOR.
POSTSCRIPT.
SIX Months have now elapsed since this paper was ushered into existence—how far the spirit of the plan has been exhibited, and adhered to, is not for the Editor to say.—A generous and candid public has awarded its approbation, by a subscription which is said to be more extensive than usual on similar occasions.—An acknowledgement of the favor is therefore due from the publisher.—The expence attending an undertaking of this kind is always great; in the present instance, it has not been counterbalanced by any of the customary receipts on account of advertisements—the object being an extensive circulation, the Editor conceiving that their insertion would have counteracted that part of his plan, has never admitted any. This consideration if it was necessary to be suggested, would point out the importance of punctuality on the part of the subscribers—it appears to have been very generally attended to, as the payments have been unusually prompt.
It is necessary to observe that the number of names which have honored the subscription, is not sufficient to defray the expence of the publication, and to afford the Editor a competent support, on a supposition that the whole should be collected.—Additional subscriptions are therefore solicited; and when it is considered, that the paper is new in its construction; contains intelligence of the most interesting nature; abounds with more originality than any other periodical publication; and, viewed as a miscellany, is cheaper than any magazine, register, &c. it can not be doubted but that it will receive an adequate patronage.
In the present number, the publication of the Journals of the Senate is commenced. As there is no gallery to the Senate Chamber, all that can be known of the proceedings of that Most Honorable branch of the National Legislature, is from their Journals; in this view of the subject, it is supposed they will be interesting to the public. The price of the Laws and the Journals of the two Houses only, which will be given in the course of one year, amounts to more than the subscription.
The Editor is determined to prosecute the publication, upon its original principles: He hopes to make it more interesting, by the communications of his ingenious correspondents: He solicits the aid of every friend to science, freedom and government: And such speculations as bear a friendly aspect to the peace, honor and prosperity of our rising nation, will be received with gratitude by the public's humble servant JOHN FENNO.
New-York, October 14, 1789.
WANTED, to complete Files of this paper, numbers 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, and 48: Six pence each will be paid for either of those numbers at the office of the Editor. October 24.
THE TABLET.—No. LVII.
"The instinct of sovereignty in our nature, and the waywardness of infants which is the consequence of it, discover themselves with the least glimmering of understanding; and those children, which are most stubborn and obstinate; and none are more unruly or fonder of following their own will, than those that are least capable of governing themselves."
I HAVE, in more than one of my speculations, offered remarks much of the same nature with those contained in this number. The subject, in my apprehension of it, is an interesting one. Wherever we turn our eyes, we behold striking demonstrations, that all men are in nature tyrants. It is so universal and instinctive a propensity, as justly to be denominated one of the strongest characteristics of human nature. If I am enquired of, why I endeavor to enforce so evident a truth, I will inform the reader, that it is not so much to fix the doctrine itself, as to deduce some useful inferences.
Men are perpetually calling government a necessary evil. The epithet is not fairly applied. Government is instituted as a remedy against an unavoidable evil, which exists in the natural constitution of man. It is true the remedy does not always produce the full effect intended; but it is only because the evil is too deeply fixed to admit of a cure. Government must not therefore itself be called an evil, merely because there are some evils, which it has not power to remove. If society is oppressed with tyranny, or agitated with sedition, it only shews that the lusts and passions of men are not altogether restrained by civil institutions. Men are acting agreeably to the impulse of their nature. The government under which such mischiefs happen is not capable of controlling entirely the excesses to which men are naturally prone. The enormities however would be far greater, were they not subject to some restraint, by the operation of the government. We are too fond of paying compliments to human nature, and therefore transfer the blame from ourselves to causes where it should not be fixed.
Man must be made an artificial being before it can be safe living with him. This inculcates the necessity of education. Ignorance is the foundation of most of the political calamities which ever overwhelmed the world. I do not mean that ignorant men have done the mischief. They have only suffered it to be done. Wicked and artful men, which are always to be found in all situations of society, can give scope to their inclinations, where the people are untaught in moral duties and civil privileges. Unless men are ignorant and unenlightened, no monstrous mischief can take place; and in this view, ignorance may be said to be the foundation of all political evil. There can be no danger of losing liberty where the people have knowledge. A wise community guards itself equally against tyrants and incendiaries; and it likewise guards individuals against the oppressions which they are, by nature, prone to exercise over one another. In such a situation the positive blessings of government are apparent; because civilized, well-informed men are capable of being well-governed. In a worse state of society, men are a greater evil to each other, and therefore they call the government an evil, by way of compliment to themselves.
It is of importance that mankind become sensible of this truth; that bad men can never have a good government, and that men always will be bad, till laws and education make them good. Nothing places the advantages of good laws and institutions in a stronger point of light, than that they are capable of encreasing the desire to possess property, at the same time that they create an abhorrence to acquire it unjustly. In a state of nature, the desires of a man are few, and it is well they are so; for few as they are, he often commits terrible outrages to gratify them. In a state, any degree civilized, it is true the appetites of a man are more keen, and the objects of his wishes more numerous, and they safely may be so; for he will seldom dare or desire to lay violent or unjust hands on the property of another, for the sake of encreasing his own. And yet there are many people who are incessantly stigmatizing government with odious epithets. If men will look into the subject, and trace effects to their proper source, they will know better by what names to call things.
FRENCH INSCRIPTION
TO the French Almanack for the year 1787, is a Frontispiece representing France seated on the Throne of Royalty, and Taking by the hand the Genius of America, with the following expressive motto:
Homage des Americaines à la France, sous la regne de Louis XVI. Pacificatour des deux Mondes!
MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER V.
AMSTERDAM, Oct. 9, 1780.
SIR,
THE fifth enquiry is, "Whether a voluntary revolt of any one or more of the States in the American Confederation is to be apprehended: And if one or more were to revolt, whether the others would not be able to defend themselves?"
This is a very judicious and material question. I conceive that the answer to it is easy and decisive. There is not the least danger of a voluntary revolt of any one State in the Union. It is difficult to prove a negative, however; and still more difficult to prove a future negative. Let us, however, consider the subject a little.
Which State is the most likely to revolt, or submit? Is it the most ancient colony, as Virginia, or the Massachusetts? Is it the most numerous and powerful, as Virginia, Massachusetts, or Pennsylvania? I believe nobody will say, that any one of these great States will take the lead in a revolt, or a voluntary submission.
Will it be the smallest and weakest States, that will be most likely to give up voluntarily? In order to satisfy ourselves of this, let us consider what has happened; and by the knowledge of what has passed, we may judge of what is to come.
The three smallest States are Rhode-Island, Georgia, and Delaware.
The English have plainly had it in view to bring one of these States to a submission, and have accordingly directed very great forces against them.
Let us begin with Rhode-Island. In the latter end of the year 1776, General Howe sent a large army of near seven thousand men, by sea, under a strong convoy of men of war, detached by Lord Howe, to take possession of Newport, the capital of Rhode-Island. Newport stands upon an island, and was neither fortified nor garrisoned sufficiently to defend itself against so powerful a fleet and army, and therefore the English made themselves masters of the place. But what advantage did they derive from it? Did the colony of Rhode-Island, small as it is, submit? So far from it, that they were rendered the more eager to resist; and an army was assembled at Providence, which confined the English to the prison of Rhode-Island, until the fall of the year 1779, when they were obliged to evacuate it, and our army entered it in triumph.
The next little State which the English attempted was Delaware. This State consists of three counties only, situated upon the river Delaware, below Philadelphia, and is most exposed to the English men of war of any of the States, because they are open to invasion not only upon the ocean, but all along the river Delaware. It contains not more than thirty thousand souls. When the English got possession of Philadelphia, and had the command of the whole navigation of the Delaware, these people were more in the power of the English than any part of America ever was, and the English generals, admirals, commanders, and all the tories, used all their arts to seduce this little State; but they could not succeed; they never could get the appearance of a government erected under the King's authority. The people continued their delegation in Congress, and continued to elect their Governors, Senate, and Assemblies, under their new constitution, and to furnish their quota to the continental army, and their proportion to the militia, until the English were obliged to evacuate Philadelphia. There are besides, in this little State, from various causes, more tories, in proportion, than in any other. And as this State stood immovable, I think we have no reason to fear a voluntary submission of any other.
The next small State that was attempted was Georgia. This State is situated at the southern extremity of all, and at such a distance from all the rest, and such difficulties of communication, being above an hundred miles from Charleston, in South-Carolina, that it was impossible for the neighbouring States to afford them any assistance. The English invaded this little State, and took the Capital, Savanna, and have held it to this day: But this acquisition has not been followed by any submission of the province; on the contrary, they continue their delegates in Congress, and their new officers of government. This province, moreover, was more immediately the child of England than any other; the settlement of it cost England more than all the rest, from whence one might expect they would have more friends here than any where.
New-Jersey is one of the middling-sized States;—New-Jersey had a large British army in Philadelphia, which is on one side of them, and another in New-York, which is the other side, and

the British army has marched quite through it; and the English have used every policy of flattery, of terror, and severity, but all in vain, and worse than in vain; all has conspired to make the people of New-Jersey some of the most brave and skilful to resist them.
New-York, before the commencement of hostilities, was supposed to be the most luke warm of the middle States, in the opposition to the designs of the English. The English armies have invaded it from Canada and from the ocean, and have long been in possession of three islands, New-York Island, Long-Island, and Staten-Island; yet the rest of that Province has stood immovable, through all the varieties of the fortune of war, for four years, and increases in zeal and unanimity every year.
I think, therefore, there is not a possibility, that any one of the Thirteen States should ever voluntarily revolt or submit.
The efforts and exertions of General Howe, in New-York, Long-Island, Staten-Island, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, to obtain recruits; the vast expence that he put his pay-master to in appointing new corps of officers, even general officers: the pains they took to enlist men, among all the stragglers of those countries, and among many thousands of prisoners which they then had in their hands;—all these measures obtaining but three thousand six hundred men, and very few of these Americans, according to General Howe's own account, shews, I think, to a demonstration, that no voluntary revolt or submission is ever to be apprehended.
But even supposing Rhode-Island should submit, what could this small colony of fifty thousand souls do, in the midst of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New-Hampshire?
Supposing Delaware, thirty thousand souls, should submit, what influence could it have upon the great States of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, among which it lies?
If Georgia, at the extremity of all, should submit, what influence could this little society of thirty thousand souls have upon the two Carolinas and Virginia? The colonies are at such vast distances from one another, and the country is so fortified every where, by rivers, mountains, and forests, that the conquest or submission of one part has no influence upon the rest.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. CALKOEN.
EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
L O N D O N, August 12.
The Britons of France, in whose country the city of Nantz lies, appear wisely to be as careful of the rights of the Crown, as they are of the rights of the People; and to be as ready to support the former, as they are determined to maintain the latter.
Carefully avoiding the wild chimeras of modern reformers, who would either abolish monarchy totally, or leave it a mere empty name, they think the prerogatives of the Crown not only compatible with the liberties of the people, but absolutely necessary to the preservation of those liberties.
They also take care, lest certain revolutionists should suffer themselves to be carried away by notions of ambition, that they abhor the idea of taking the crown from him who at present wears it, or from those upon whom the inheritance of it is entailed by law.
A short extract from the Nantz address will clearly shew both their wisdom and their spirit:—
“The city of Nantz having had the advantage of being one of the first in the kingdom, to raise its voice to claim and assert the unalienable rights of the people, feels itself bound to manifest, in the most striking manner, its attachment to the privileges which the National Assembly has so nobly and so courageously asserted.
“It therefore eagerly embraces this opportunity to declare, that it adopts, and will most steadfastly adhere to, not only your resolution of the 17th of June, but to all those that followed it.
“That the interest of the people of this country is inseparable from that of their Sovereign, and that they never will be able to shake off the yoke under which they have so long groaned, but by giving the greatest vigour to the executive power, the citizens of Nantz swear upon the Altar of their Country, in the presence of the dreadful and common Judge both of Kings and Subjects, that they will maintain the Royal Authority belonging to the Crown, and will resist, to the utmost of their power, the attempts of those who may be daring enough to wish to divide it with any body of men whatever.
“Full of gratitude to a long line of Kings, who strove to break the chains made for man in ages of barbarism, and to restore him to the dignity of his nature—
“Penetrated with the most profound respect for the virtues of the beneficent Prince who has restored to France her National Assemblies and who feels that the rights of the Crown, and the rights and property of the subject, stand upon one and the same foundation—the Citizens of Nantz instruct their Representatives to proclaim the re-
spectful homage of their inviolable loyalty and fidelity to the Family upon the Throne, and their love for the Patriot King whom God has given them.
“They raise their hands to Heaven, and thus solemnly swear, that they are ready to sacrifice their fortunes, and to spill even the last drop of their blood, to maintain the scepter in the House of Bourbon.
“In the same manner, they solemnly swear, that they are ready to make the same sacrifices to support the resolutions of your august Assembly, and to defend the liberty of the French Nation, whose greatest enemies have been the enemies of Kings.
“They call for vengeance on the heads of those who are wicked enough to calumniate a loyal nation, and a faithful people.
“The Citizens of Nantz think it a sacred duty to pay homage to the zeal, the understanding, and patriotism of the National Assembly.
“Should attempts be made to lay snares round you, or to stagger you either by terror of menaces, or the seduction of intrigue, look behind you, and you will see twenty-five millions of people, with their eyes fixed upon you, and waiting in silence to hear from you what is to be their lot, and that of their posterity.
“At this sight, your courage rising to the dignity of the august character, no less sacred than that of the priesthood, with which your Country has invested you, you will slight all menaces and seduction in contemplating the majesty of the first People in the Universe.
“You will think then only of the blessings that will attend you when you return individually among your fellow citizens, to proclaim their recovered liberty, and the beneficent acts of a beloved Sovereign, who cannot long be deceived.—
“Who, emulous of the glory of Louis XII, and of his own renowned ancestor Henry IV. and wishing to tread their steps, feels the true greatness of a Monarch is to reign over a free people.
“In a word, who knows that the law, that emanation of Divine Wisdom, ought to be respected by Sovereigns themselves, if they know their own interests.”
As the late insurrections in France very naturally occupy all conversation, this short sketch of the Royal Family of that Kingdom may not be unacceptable to the generality of the public:
Louis XVI is now about thirty-three years of age; he ascended the throne of his grand-father about seventeen, and shortly afterwards married a sister of the present Emperor of Germany.
When he was first married, he was thin to a degree of particular observation; but being naturally of a mild, quiescent temper, and indulging in the pleasures of the table, he is now, perhaps one of the fattest men in his dominions.
To counteract this in some degree, he rises early, and almost daily takes the diversion of the chase; but from dinner till bed-time indulges, with the intervention of hardly any other business than the signing dispatches, &c.
He has had four children, two of whom are dead. His present family consists of the Dauphin, a child of about six years old, and a princess.
The Queen is nearly about the King's age, has much majesty and vivacity in her port, and is on the whole reckoned one of the finest women in France.
Monsieur, the King's next brother, is nearly as fat as the Sovereign, and was in the beginning of the present troubles rather a favorite with the people.
The Count d'Artois, the King's second brother, is a tall, well-moulded, elegant figure, with much vivacity and decision in his character. He rendered himself unpopular in the first meeting of the Notables, and seems to have increased that unpopularity to a degree of proscription.
The Court party has for several years back been called the Queen's, aided by the Count d'Artois: these two were said to have the most prevailing influence on the King in all his measures.
SEPTEMBER 3. It excites our wonder when we consider that among two Uncles and three Royal Brothers, there is not one of them whose prudence or economy circumscribes his expences within his Princely income: The world seems at present to be in a very ticklish humour.—They should contemplate seriously on the uncertainty of human events, from the examples at present before them in France, and view with trembling eyes the immense debt this Kingdom groans under:—To feed the hypochondriac, and not at all to check the high spirit of unthinking Demigods.
Letter from the Ministers appointed by the King, to M. le Chapelliere President of the National Assembly.
“Sir,—Called by the King to his Council, we are anxious to disclose our sentiments to the National Assembly.
“The marks of attention with which we have been honored from the happy moment of our union, and, above all, our fidelity to the principles of the National Assembly, and our respectful confidence in them, are motives the most sure of giving us courage.
“We cannot for a moment forget, that in order to fulfil truly the intentions of the King
we ought ever to have present to our thoughts the great truth, which the National Assembly has pronounced, and which can never be repeated in vain, “that the power and happiness of the King cannot be maintained with dignity, nor established with durability, unless they have for their foundation the good and liberty of the people.
“Condescend Mr. President, to be our interpreter to the Assembly, and offer them, in our name, our sincere protestation, that we will not exercise any public function that shall not do us honor by its principle, and that we shall firmly and steadily govern ourselves by this maxim. We are, with respect, Mr. President, your very humble and obedient servants.
J. G. ARCH. DE VIENNE, J. M. ARCH. DE BOURDEAUX, LA TOUR DU PIN.”
INTELLIGENCE BY THE LAST MAIL.
KINGSTON (JAMAICA) August 19.
Extract of a letter from Ebenezer, in the state of Georgia, dated June 25, 1789.
“We have still our dreads about us from the copper-coloured sovereign. What our hopes lead us to expect one day, is frustrated the next. The keen part of this community adjudge him artful, political, and rather delusive, but not totally destitute of virtue and magnanimity. Indeed, he seems to expect peace on his own terms: therefore, God only knows when it will be confirmed, unless Congress take the business on themselves.
“The seat of the present disturbances answers now as a rendezvous for European adventurers—therefore, the monarch will be never at a loss for white chieftains of some denomination. They have lately ushered in a new Principal at the head of their renowned tribe of horse, by birth an Irishman—a substitute for one Thompson, an Englishman, who once headed this detachment, and we believe not undeliberately the favorite of the rising genius, except in the case of being suspected of an atrocious crime, that of adultery with one of their squaws of the first consequence, which reduced him to the necessity of decamping and leaving his property, or else lose his life. The present is a man further advanced in years, has been much longer in the country and of good military talents. Different accounts confirm him a perfect tyrant, unawed by compassion, continually embrowning his hands in the blood of the innocent, for the ill-gotten plunder.”
HALIFAX, OCTOBER 13.
We are desired by Authority to publish for the information of Masters of Vessels coming into this harbor, that the Block-house on the Citadel-Hill, which was a conspicuous object, is now removed, on account of its ruinous condition. The flag and signal Staff still remains, and may be seen from Sea as usual.
The Hulk also of the large ship sometime since stranded, at the back of Thrum Cape, was beat to pieces in the late storm.
NEW BURY-PORT, OCTOBER 21.
In the course of a few days THE ILLUSTRIOUS PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES is expected to visit this town; the inhabitants of which will undoubtedly feel the most exquisite pleasure from such an event, and testify the same, by shewing their DELIVERER every mark of respect in their power.
BOSTON, OCTOBER 20.
As it must eventually tend to promote the happiness and glory of the King, and the freedom and felicity of the nation, we cannot but wish, as the first operations of the National Assembly of France have been marked with the same features—that the French Nation may be as happy in establishing a Constitution as their allies the United States of America have been, who now enjoy the complete operation of a system of government which has astonished Europe—drawn from its most celebrated Civilians the highest encomiums, and is calculated to promote not only the happiness, honor, and glory of the Union—but essentially to promote the Rights of Mankind.
The Hall of the elegant edifice known by the name of Faneuil-Hall—was previous to the war, ornamented with the portraits of several dignified personages which were either destroyed or taken away by the British, in the time of the siege;—one of them was the full length of GEORGE II, King of Great Britain, which was placed before the middle window at the west end of the Hall.
Would it not be a lively and expressive testimonial of our regard and veneration for the illustrious personage, who is momentarily expected to honor this town with his presence—for the town to request their committee to prepare an address, to express a desire that the President of the United States, would be pleased to permit our ingenious townman and respected portrait painter (Mr. Johnson) to wait on him for the purpose of taking an exact and full length portrait to be put in the same place where the portrait of the King of Great Britain formerly was; which would add a rich brilliancy to the Hall, and give pleasure to every real friend of America.
OF THE PRESIDENT.
OCT. 21. Preparations are making at Marlborough, for lodging THE PRESIDENT, and the escort which will attend him, on Friday next, so that he may be expected in this town on Saturday.
His Excellency the Governor, we are informed, has dispatched an express to meet THE PRESIDENT of the United States, in order to know on what road he will travel, and when he will arrive in this town, that those preparations may be made to receive him, which the honor and dignity of the State require.

His Excellency the Governor, we are told, has forwarded to THE PRESIDENT of the United States, a message, offering to that ILLUSTRIOUS CHARACTER, the use of his seat while he shall continue in this town.
The VISCOUNTE DE PONTEVES, we are told, has given orders, if it should be agreeable to the citizens of Boston, that the ACTIVE and SENSIBLE frigates be moored off the end of the Long-Wharf, on the evening of the day when THE PRESIDENT shall arrive, WHICH WILL BE SPLENDIDLY ILLUMINATED WITH ABOVE ONE THOUSAND LANTHORNS EACH.
Major-General BROOKS, we are told, has dispatched one of his Aids-de-Camp, to meet THE PRESIDENT of the United States, and to request him on his arrival at CAMBRIDGE, to review three brigades of the MIDDLESEX Militia, which will be then assembled there. It is said, that this review will exhibit upwards of 1000 men in COMPLETE UNIFORM.
The Committee from the Town's Committee of Arrangements, sat out yesterday, to wait on THE PRESIDENT, to inform him of the plan to be carried into operation, to pay the just tribute of respect to this ILLUSTRIOUS PERSONAGE.
The joy of all ranks of people is extreme, upon the prospect of our beloved President's arrival in this capital. If any title is proper, none would apply so well as that of his being "THE DELIGHT OF HUMAN KIND."
Every measure of respect and attention will be paid by our worthy and amiable Chief Magistrate, which the honor and dignity of the Commonwealth demand, to do the utmost justice to the merit of THE ILLUSTRIOUS and DISTINGUISHED CHARACTER, which is every moment expected.
NEW-YORK.
EXTRACTS.
OF PAYING DEBTS.—Owe no man any thing.
"FASHION should be sacrificed to Justice—discretion, as well as fortitude, is necessary in making this sacrifice.—The desire of being like others is powerful, and should be gratified in things indifferent.—When fashion leads to an expence beyond our income we ought to stop: To be singular, unfocial, and resolute are characters not to be coveted; but still virtue may require that they should be borne: If we cannot otherwise pay what we owe, it is the demand of virtue."
"Some are dragged by fashion into a gay mode of living—while every expence is a reluctant homage to an idol, for which they have no real respect, and in whose rites they find no pleasure. Let us commune with our own hearts.—"
"What is the consequence of being unfashionable? perhaps to be ridiculed and despised—but by whom? chiefly by those whose approbation and friendship no wise man would think an acquisition. But what is the consequence of being unjust? your own heart turns reprover, and condemns you—Poverty comes like an armed man with all its terrors, and without any of its alleviating consolations:—If the appearance of poverty can scarcely be supported—the reality will be intolerable.—"
"Your friends and neighbors may recommend fashionable amusements, dresses, entertainments, &c. but be steady to your purpose—answer them not morosely, nor with anger:—Canvas their advice—their maxims—and seriously reflect on the general issue of gay and fashionable life.—Singularity may be censured—but a compliance with fashion does not ensure an exemption from it—Taste is capricious and censorious."
"The want of fashionable amusements, and rare dainties will not take away the appetite, nor render repose less pleasant: It will not prevent our real friends from visiting us—nor is their welcome less hearty, nor our mutual enjoyments less complete."
"Difference of opinion is, after all, a slight matter.—The management of what we possess is properly our own concern—it is therefore not the opinions, the whims, the fashions of others that we ought to follow—but the real dictates of our own hearts." (To be continued.)
"There is something peculiarly delightful to the mind in tracing such analogies between the natural and moral world, as tend to throw light on many important subjects, and to confirm our faith in the sublime doctrines of our holy religion.—The origin and progressive stages of the butterfly's existence are beautifully illustrative of the nature, changes, and future destiny of man. The butterfly is produced from a caterpillar, which having moved for a season in its lowly narrow sphere, falls in to a state of torpid insensibility. Thus it continues during the gloom of winter; but when the gladsome beam of spring appears, it is re-animated, bursts its confinement, soars aloft, acquires new beauty, power, and vigour. Its scene of action, its enjoyments, its exercises are changed; the substance is retained, but the modification is totally altered: It is at once another, and the same.—Attend then to the demonstrations of annual experience, and say—'Why should it be tho' incredible that God should raise the dead?'"
EXTRACT from the MESSIAH.—A POEM. (By Miss SCOTT.)
HASTEN, GREAT GOD! the long predicted time When JESUS shall be known in every clime; When the red torch of war no more shall burn, Nor feeling hearts o'er slaughter'd millions mourn; And when, malignant scourge of every age, Shall bigot FURY cease its dreadful rage. When ever-smiling CONCORD's golden chain Shall bind each clime through Nature's fair domain; When man his destiny divine shall prove, By all the tender charities of love; When to the child of virtue shall be giv'n, To find ev'n EARTH the blessed porch of HEAV'N!
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 28.
AUTHENTIC INFORMATION.
By Capt. CARPENTER, who arrived here yesterday, in 7 days from Savanna, in Georgia, advices are received, which state that the Commissioners from the United States for negotiating with the Southern Indians have been disappointed in not being able to effect a Treaty. The causes of this failure are not mentioned.
Capt. BURBECK's company which escorted the Commissioners on this occasion, were expected to embark for New-York, on board Capt. SCHEMERHORN, the 20th inst. and may be daily expected.
IT appears by the papers from Boston, that the inhabitants of that town are making the greatest preparation to express their respect to the illustrious President of the United States on his arrival. A grand procession has been determined on, and the several trades have prepared their respective standards for the occasion. At a late Town Meeting the Hon. Judge Sullivan suggested the propriety of erecting a permanent Triumphal Arch at the entrance of the Town to remain a lasting memorial of this pleasing event.
On this happy occasion all party distinctions have subsided; all ranks are emulous to express their feelings in the most unequivocal, and loyal testimonials of attachment to the DELIVERER OF THEIR COUNTRY, whose approach like the glorious luminary of Heaven, appears to have totally dissipated the fog of antifederalism.
We hear from Rhode-Island that at their late sessions of Assembly, held at Newport, a bill was introduced and passed into a law for collecting a Revenue, said to be nearly similar to that of the United States—the duties payable in solid coin. At the same time they made a new establishment of revenue officers, and formed the State into districts. These proceedings are considered there as an indirect step of the Anties towards a union with their sister States: Most of the new appointed officers have been violent in their opposition to the Federal Government, having made loud complaints that the fees established by Congress were exorbitant and oppressive; but since their appointment their tune is much altered—they begin to think themselves very suitable persons to hold the same posts under the New Government when that State comes into the Union. Notwithstanding they have paper money at command they appear to be very fond of a little hard cash, and collect it with severity from the vessels which bring wood, brick, and fish, into their State, to supply the sea port towns with those articles, making them pay considerable fees in gold and silver.—How can such a description of men have the presumption to think that Congress will continue them in the stations they now hold, when that State shall accede to the general government? Rather may it be supposed that men who have been aiding and supporting an iniquitous system of government in their State, which has defrauded the widow, the fatherless children, and the honest creditor, of their property, will be considered as unsuitable persons to be employed in posts of honor and responsibility under a wise and good government.
A happy revolution of sentiment is observed to have taken place throughout the United States:—Local views, and narrow prejudices are universally reprobated.—A generous, national spirit, pervades the whole Union: Formerly we used to call ourselves Englishmen, Germans, Irishmen, Scotchmen, &c. according to the Country from whence we respectively originated—but now, even the distinctions of States are scarcely heard—and like other Great Nations, who have risen to Fame and Empire, we are proud to be distinguished by the name of the Country we inhabit, AMERICANS—a name that shall ere long be more desired, and confer greater honor, than that of ROMAN ever did.
Some persons have affected to deny that the flame of Liberty which burst out in America, has had any influence in enlightening European nations on this divine subject—but abundant evidence in proof of the fact can be adduced.—Ireland encouraged, and animated by our example, and success, very early began to assert the claims of humanity; and by the efforts of her patriots, has rescued many invaluable rights from the
clutches of tyranny.—It is inconceivable with what avidity the story of the American revolution has been read in France—translations of American publications have been circulated in all parts of that kingdom; and turning the current of study, and speculation into an investigation of the general, legal, and social rights of man, has enabled her men of genius to astonish the world by the result of their researches—the patriots of France, for several years past, have been indefatigable in disseminating political knowledge among the people—every well written treatise has been obtained from England, and America—and no expence spared to have them translated and circulated.—Among other valuable books, the 'DEFENCE OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS' was very early introduced into that kingdom, and contributed not a little to that blaze of freedom, and patriotism, which bids fair to consume the whole system of tyranny—root and branch. America may indulge a laudable pride on this occasion—for the conduct of her illustrious allies is a most glorious eulogium on her own. The world is astonished at the displays of political knowledge, and information—the justness, boldness, and independence of sentiment which characterise the proceedings of the national assembly, and the speeches of many individuals of that truly patriotic and enlightened body of men.—But the foregoing sketch may in some measure account for it: for although in point of genius, and greatness of original conception, the French nation is equal to any under heaven, yet doubtless she has derived immense advantages from her neighbours, and particularly from this country. Like America, France appears to consider that freedom can be safe only under the auspices of a good constitution—to this object her labors tend, may she be so fortunate as to establish one equally free with that, with which Heaven has blessed this highly favoured country.
While the spirit of freedom is diffusing its benign influences over those countries where despotism in its most horrid forms once repressed every noble and generous exertion of the human mind—may America exult that the perils of her conflict in the same arduous cause have terminated so gloriously—may she be wise to secure to herself and posterity the hard earned purchase of a ten years successful struggle "PEACE, LIBERTY, AND SAFETY," under the auspices of a good government—In vain has she fought, and conquered, if her toils are not to have this issue—In vain has she expended blood, and treasure, if when her external enemies are subdued, and driven from her coasts, the restless sons of anarchy, and strife, shall blast her prospects, by fomenting internal dissensions.
It would be a "retrogradal" step indeed, if after we have piloted the political ship into port, we should again commit her to the mercy of the boisterous elements, without sails, rudder or seamen—but this seems to be the object of some of the crew, who because they had lungs to pipe all hands, conceived their nautical abilities equal to the first offices on board, and because the voyage though prosperous has ended without their particular advice, or concurrence, they are for setting every thing afloat again—and pushing off on another expedition.
The English turn every thing into sterling—Not only the Head of the Governor of the Bastile has been shewn in London at so much a sight; but now forsooth they have got the very Bastile itself, with the whole city of Paris—the grand Procession—and the storming of that famous castle, into London, all of which are exhibited on the Stage!
At the Commencement at the University in New-Haven, on the 9th of September, the degree of Master of Arts was conferred on the Hon. MOSES ROBINSON, Chief Justice of the Superior Court in Vermont. The degree of Doctor in Physic, on Dr. CHARLES KILLEY, of Watford, in Hertfordshire, Great-Britain; and on the Hon. DAVID RAMSAY, of Charleston, (S. C.) M. D. in the University of Pennsylvania. The degree of Doctor of Laws, on the Rev. MANASSAH CUTLER, of Ipswich, Massachusetts. The degree of Doctor of Divinity, on the Rev. SAMUEL LOCKWOOD, of Andover, Connecticut.
At a late Town-Meeting, in Boston Dr. JARVIS, Dr. EUSTACE, Dr. APPLETON, and Messrs HIGGINSON and DAWES, were chosen to prepare a Congratulatory Address to THE PRESIDENT: Yesterday week, this address was read to the town, and met the approbation of the citizens.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
 Monday, Brig Nancy, —, Virginia. 7 days  Schooner Nautilus, Patterson, Montego-Bay, 26 days.  Sloop Union, —, Norfolk. 7 days.  Tuesday Sloop Phil. Packet, Albertson, Philadelphia, 4 days.  Sloop Nancy, Price, Philadelphia, 4 days.  Sloop Dolphin, Carpenter, Savannah, 7 days.  Brig Friendship, Townsend, Bristol, 57 days.  Sloop Rambler, Deshong, St. Martins, — 
IF JOHN BAYES, who lately lived with a Farmer at Peapack-Neck, near Baltimore, and formerly from Northamptonshire in England, or his son WILLIAM BAYES, who lived with Robert Robertson, tavern-keeper, in Redminster-Township, Pennsylvania, are living and will send an account of themselves, and where they are, or either of them may be found, to SAMUEL ELAM, at Newport, Rhode-Island, they will hear of something to their advantage. Information of the decease of either of those persons, (should such an event have happened) would be esteemed a favor, directed as above. New-York, October 21, 1789.

From the AMERICAN MERCURY.
Published at Hartford, by Mr. ELISHA BACCOCK.
THE OBSERVER.—No. I.
THE value of many civil institutions, cannot be known without a familiar acquaintance with the state of some nation wholly destitute of them. By this means strangers travelling in the United States, often discover excellencies in their political Constitutions, and in the several safe-guards to liberty, which are not noticed by the native inhabitants who have always used them. A Frenchman or a Spaniard educated within the verge of despotic authority, sees with transport a fabric of freedom, and is much more particular in noticing every part, than the American, who accustomed by habit, thinks them the immediate works of nature, and that the fame may be found in all nations—Let Americans thank their God, and admire the wisdom of their ancestors, for the patrimony of civil liberty. A person who means in future to consider himself a citizen of no one nation, but of the world, begs you to know that you are the favored people of the Almighty Father. It is true you are not rich—neither are you poor—there is more poverty and distress in a single city of Europe, than in the whole American dominion. Every honest man may live in a state of competence; and competence to a wise mind is affluence, it is all that human nature can receive. You have no Bastiles or Inquisition—no tyrannizing Nobles: None to support but those who are employed in your service. Your rulers are of your own creation—your persons are sacred so long as you are innocent—and the poor have the same access and remedy in your courts of justice as the rich. Your public debt if it can be funded and preserved among yourselves will be a bond of union, and in this way an advantage.
The public debt, under just and fixed regulations, will be an increase of circulating property, very serviceable to the growth of commerce and manufactures—government cannot be supported without a number of officers, who for the public dignity must be honorably supported; but in the choice of these officers all men of merit may stand as candidates for appointment—You are not confined as in the old nations of Europe to the beggared sons of noble families, to whom lucrative places are generally given as a means of expensive living, which they can obtain in no other way. You have seen the federal appointments to office made with a surprising sagacity and regard to merit, from a class of men who have had the confidence of the people, and are known to possess eminent genius and integrity in the respective departments they fill. Under such direction the wheels of government cannot fail to move safely and for the benefit of the whole—BUT LET THE PUBLIC BE FOREWARNED that the time is now come, in which jealousy will begin to throw out her suspicions. There have been almost innumerable applicants for public offices, many of them men of no genius, and generally of no industry; who wished to live an easy life on public support. All these are disappointed, and will wish to revenge themselves, by insinuations against the designs of government, and the favored persons who manage our great interests. Like an honest people, let us despise every attempt of this nature, until the government hath had time to operate, we shall then know its excellencies, and can remedy its defects if there be any.
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 28, 1789.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, SEPT. 19, 1789.
ESTIMATE of the EXPENDITURE
For the CIVIL LIST of the United States, for the Year 1789.
(CONTINUED.)
In relation to the present government.
Table with 2 columns: Description of expenditure, Dollars. 100ths. Includes items like 'Brought forward', 'To the Clerk of the House of Representatives', 'Additional allowance from the time of his appointment', etc.
Table for Department of the Treasury. Columns: Description, Dollars. 100ths. Includes items like 'Secretary of the Treasury', 'Assistant of the Secretary', 'Three Clerks to do', etc.
Table for Department of War. Columns: Description, Dollars. 100ths. Includes items like 'Secretary of the department', 'Chief Clerk', 'Two Clerks', etc.
Table for the Judicial Department. Columns: Description, Dollars. 100ths. Includes items like 'Computed according to the salaries reported by the committee', 'Chief Justice', 'Five associate Judges', etc.
Table for Total Expenditures for the Civil List. Columns: Description, Dollars. 100ths. Includes items like 'Estimated for two months in the year 1789', 'For incidental and contingent Expenses', etc.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury. Treasury Department, September the 19th, 1789.
ABSTRACT of JOURNAL of the FIRST SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
SATURDAY, APRIL 25. An Order of the House of Representatives, for the recommission of a Report upon the mode of communication between the two Houses, to the Committee originally appointed on the part of the House, and directed by the Speaker to the President, was read, and, upon motion, the acceptance of the Report of the Committee of both Houses by the Senate the 23d instant, was reconsidered, and the recommission was agreed to on the part of the Senate.
termine the mode of keeping the Journals, were instructed to consider, "Whether the Minutes be amended so as to record only the acts, as it may be agreed on after the Journal shall be read on the day following." A letter from Charles Thompson, Esq. dated the 24th of April, 1789, directed to the President of the Senate, purporting his having delivered to General Washington the certificate of his being elected President of the United States, was read and ordered to be filed. The Committee appointed to consider of the time, place, and manner in which, and the person by whom the oath prescribed by the Constitution shall be administered to the President of the United States, and to confer with a Committee of the House appointed for that purpose. Report, That the President hath been pleased to signify to them that any time or place which both Houses may think proper to appoint, and any manner which shall appear most eligible to them, will be convenient and acceptable to him—That requisite preparations cannot probably be made before Thursday next—That the President be on that day formally received by both Houses in the Senate Chamber—That the Representatives' Chamber be capable of receiving the greater number of persons, that therefore the President do take the oath in that place, and in the presence of both Houses. That after the formal reception of the President in the Senate Chamber, he be attended by both Houses to the Representatives' Chamber, and that the oath be administered by the Chancellor of the State of New-York. The Committee farther report it as their opinion, that it will be proper that a committee of both Houses be appointed to take order for conducting the business—Read and accepted. Whereupon, Mr. Lee, Mr. Izard, and Mr. Dalton, on the part of the Senate, together with a Committee that may be appointed on the part of the House of Representatives, were empowered to take order for conducting the business. An Order of the House of Representatives concurring in the appointment of a Committee on their part, to confer with a Committee appointed the 24th instant, on the part of the Senate, to consider and report what Style, &c. it will be proper to annex to the Offices of President and of Vice President, was read by which it appeared that Mr. Benion, Mr. Ames, Mr. Madison, Mr. Carroll, and Mr. Sherman, were appointed on the part of the House. Adjourned.
MONDAY, APRIL 27. The Committee appointed to take order for conducting the ceremonial of the formal reception, &c. of the President, Reported, That it appears to them more eligible, that the oath should be administered to the President in the outer gallery adjoining the Senate Chamber than in the Representatives' Chamber, and therefore, submit to the respective Houses the propriety of authorizing their Committee to take order as to the place where the oath shall be administered to the President, the resolution of Saturday, assigning the Representatives' Chamber as the place, notwithstanding—Read and accepted. Resolved, That after the oath shall have been administered to the President, he, attended by the Vice President and the Members of the Senate and House of Representatives, proceed to St. Paul's Chapel, to hear Divine Service, to be performed by the Chaplain of Congress already appointed.—Sent to the House of Representatives for concurrence. A letter of the 25th instant, from the Right Rev. Samuel Provoost, to the Secretary, signifying his acceptance of the appointment of Chaplain to Congress, was read, and ordered to be filed. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, APRIL 28. A letter was received from the Speaker of the House by the President of the Senate, containing the two following enclosures: The Report of a joint Committee upon the ceremonial to be observed in administering the oath, &c. to the President, as accepted in the House of Representatives; and, A Bill, entitled "An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths." The above mentioned report was read, and ordered to lie on the table. The Bill was read the first time, and to-morrow was assigned for a second reading. The Committee appointed to report a mode of communication to be observed between the Senate and House of Representatives, with respect to papers, bills, &c. and to whom the subject was recommitted, having again conferred with the Committee of the House of Representatives, agreed upon a report: which was read and ordered to lie for consideration. Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 29. Proceeded to the second reading of the Bill, entitled "An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths," and after debate, it was committed to Mr. Strong, Mr. Pateron, Mr. Read, Mr. Johnson, and Mr. Henry. A letter from the Speaker of the House of Representatives to the Vice President was read, communicating the concurrence of the House on a report of a joint Committee, on the mode of communicating papers, bills and messages, between the Senate and House of Representatives. Also the concurrence of the House with the Senate on the appointment of a committee, respecting the future disposition of the papers, in the office of the Secretary—and Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Cadwallader, and Mr. Jackson, were joined. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 30. The Report of the Committee on the mode of communication between the Senate and House of Representatives, was taken up, and after debate postponed. Mr. Lee, in behalf of the Committee appointed to take order for conducting the ceremonial of the formal reception, &c. of the President of the United States, having informed the Senate, that the same was adjusted: the House of Representatives were notified, that the Senate were ready to receive them in the Senate Chamber, to attend the President of the United States while taking the oath required by the Constitution.—Whereupon, the House of Representatives, preceded by their Speaker, came into the Senate Chamber, and took the seats assigned them; and the joint Committee, preceded by their Chairman, agreeably to order introduced the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES to the Senate Chamber, where he was received by the VICE PRESIDENT, who conducted him to the Chair; when the Vice President informed him, that "The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States were ready to attend him to take the oath required by the Constitution, and that it would be administered by the Chancellor of the State of New-York." To which the President replied, he was ready to proceed:—And being attended to the gallery in front of the Senate Chamber, by the Vice President and Senators, the Speaker and Representatives, and the other public characters present, the oath was administered.—After which the Chancellor proclaimed, "LONG LIVE GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES." The President having returned to his seat, after a short pause, arose and addressed the Senate and House of Representatives. (For the President's Speech, See our paper of the 2d of May.)
The President, the Vice President, the Senate and House of Representatives, &c. then proceeded to St. Paul's Chapel, where divine service was performed by the Chaplain of Congress, after which the President was reconducted to his house, by the Committee appointed for that purpose. The Vice President and Senate returned to the Senate Chamber, and, Upon motion, Unanimously agreed, That a committee of three should be appointed to prepare an answer to the President's Speech—Mr. Johnson, Mr. Pateron, and Mr. Carroll, were elected. Adjourned.