Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-11-17 00:00:00

[-641-] Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, MARKET-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 58, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1790.
[Whole No. 162.]
The Tablet. No. 149.
[General subject of the two last numbers continued, and further illustrated.]
"Whether luxury should be denominated a public good or evil, depends very much on the situation of the people among whom it prevails."
MANY persons, who have the prosperity of their country seriously at heart, seem to be agitated with a strong degree of anxiety, at the approach of that luxury which flows from a flourishing commerce. The men who cherish this patriotic concern suffer their imaginations to pry into future events, and to realize it, with horror, as a certainty, that when wealth and luxury have arrived at an high pitch, the liberties of their country will be overwhelmed and lost forever. If we enquire of one of these desponding patriots, why he anticipates so melancholy a catastrophe, he will gravely tell us that the spirit and even the forms of the antient republics fell a sacrifice to the effects of overgrown luxury. When riches become enormous, he will ask, are not the principles of the people vitiated, and their fortitude destroyed; and how easily will they yield up the precious blessings of freedom to the magic delusions of pleasure? Why then, he will reply, should not opulence and luxury produce the same effects in our age and country; and why should not our liberties meet a like disaster with those of antiquity? These questions and many others of similar import crowd themselves upon the inquisitive and anxious patriot, while his contemplations are turned into the channel of political speculation. The point upon which he will most incessantly harp, is that antient liberty was extinguished by licentious manners. This will be his favorite theme; and this will sharpen the edge of all his declamation. It is of no small importance therefore that every man, who is conversant in public affairs, should possess a fixed, a determinate opinion on these subjects; whether antient liberty did fall a sacrifice to wealth and luxury; and if it did, whether modern liberty is in danger of a similar fate.
The real source of mistake and delusion in this matter lies in the difference of character and circumstances, between the present and antient times. Cases are compared which, in many essential respects, are not parallel. And by falling into an error of this stamp, the whole subject takes an improper complexion. A improper complexion. A small degree of investigation will convince us, that the licentious manners of Rome, for example, were so very different from what now prevail, that their vices and misfortunes afford no just criterion, by which to estimate our own. To illustrate the truth of this position nothing further is requisite, than a comparative view of the characters, which may respectively be ascribed to us, and them. Before I run off these sketches, however, I will offer a few reflections to the reader, that I may thus elucidate the propriety, and explain the purpose, of the examples which may be introduced.
It deserves to be noticed, that it is not the quantity of wealth a nation possesses, so much as their modes of acquiring it, that lead to the extremes of pernicious luxury. A fierce, martial people who make sudden acquisitions of riches, by plunderers, have no suitable ideas of their use or value. They act consistently with themselves in squandering their money in folly and extravagance; and in such a manner as will most effectually destroy every appearance of virtue and decorum. From a people thus circumstanced, nothing is to be expected, but that their morals and privileges will be swept away, beyond the power of recovery. But how very different a picture do we behold, when we turn our eyes upon the conduct of a nation, which has accumulated wealth by the flow and regular steps of commerce and honest industry! Such a community will unavoidably form habits of order and economy, which make them averse to such a riotous sort of profligacy, as a plundering army delights in; and which deserves to be called by a far worse name than luxury. That nation which depends on the industry and ingenuity of its inhabitants, for its wealth and importance, acts upon a system that will regulate and take care of itself. It contains inherently those principles which will give it as much safety and duration, as can attend the institutions of man. For it should be remarked, that men habituated to an industrious occupation, learn also to be frugal; and they will of course shun
that excess of licentiousness, which characterised the downfall of the antient republics. The wealthy part of a community, grown rich by arts and industry, will assume some splendor in their expenses, but it will still be managed with purity of taste, and decency of manners. It will be subjected to such restraints as are not incompatible with the character of a free and virtuous community. Perhaps the arts of elegance and utility, rising up, as the fruits of industry and enterprise among a people, render the state of society not only more eligible, but encrease the probability of preserving the most rational sort of civil liberty. A populous community cannot employ its hands, so safely, or so beneficially in any other way, as by diversifying their labors, in agriculture, commerce, arts and manufactures. But such a distribution of industry will create many private fortunes, and probably some degree of public prosperity. This is the stage of affairs, when the vigilant patriot sees danger approaching. We will in the next number endeavor to show him that his fears and suspicions assume too high a tone, and that the character of the people under the antient republics exposed them to evils, which we cannot but escape.
(The subject to be continued.)
REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
IT is frequent for people to say, the facts stated are true . This is no more than to say, the facts are facts . Can facts be otherwise than true? The expression should be thus varied, the things stated are facts : Or what is told is fact ,
The use of the word interest for estate or property is perhaps peculiar to New-England. We say a man of interest , for a man of estate or property. I do not find this meaning annexed to the word in good English writers. In Great Britain a man of interest is a man of influence or respectability ; as one has a great interest at court . We say also with propriety, it is for a man's interest ; that is, something is a benefit or advantage to him, either in point of property or reputation, and we say one man is interested in another's concerns. But the use of the word for the estate or property itself is local and not well established.
It is common to hear the phrase bad economy , instead of want of economy or bad management ; and one enjoys a bad state of health . But it would be difficult to say how economy can be bad , or how a person can enjoy indisposition . Economy when carried to excess takes the name of parsimony or avarice .
It has been disputed whether we should use the word contemporary or cotemporary : But a single experiment as to the ease of pronunciation, will decide for cotemporary in all cases.
Many people mistake in using ingenious for ingenuous . It would be well therefore to remark that ingenious signifies skilful in inventing or imitating , as an ingenious artist : But ingenuous means frank, sincere, open hearted .
Our well meaning and very civil people who have little education, use the third person instead of the second, in addressing those whom they respect: How does the Colonel do? How is uncle? Does the squire know any thing of the matter? This is a very awkward mode of speaking to a man. How do you do, sir. How do you do, col. This mode of address should be used to all ranks of men; it is equally respectful and more polite.
The use of Miss for Mistress in this country is a gross impropriety, and occasions an inconvenience in conversation. The word mistress [or madam to an old lady] should always be applied to a married lady, and miss to one who has never been married. The application of Miss to a married woman is very inconvenient, for scarcely a day passes without my hearing Miss so used, that I do not know whether it is meant for the mother or the daughter. Amer. Mercury.
From WEBSTER'S DISSERTATIONS on the ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
OF MODERN CORRUPTIONS in the ENGLISH PRONUNCIATION.
(CONTINUED.)
I AM sensible that some writers of novels and plays have ridiculed the common pronunciation of creator and natur , by introducing these and similar words into low characters, spelling them creater , nater : And the supporters of the court pronunciation alleged, that in the vulgar practice of speaking, the letter e is sounded and not u : So extremely ignorant are they of the nature of sounds and the true powers of the English letters. The fact is, we are so far from pronouncing e in the common pronunciation of natur , creator , &c. that e is always sounded like short u , in the unaccented syllables of over , sober , baxter , and
other similar words. Nay, most of the vowels, in such syllables, found like i or u short.* Liar , elder , factor are pronounced liur , eldur , factur , and this, is the true sound of u in creator , nature , rapture , legislature , &c.
I would just observe further, that this pretended diphthong iu was formerly expressed by ew and eu , or perhaps by eo , and was considered as different from the sound of u . In modern times, we have, in many words, blended the sound of u with that of ew , or rather use them promiscuously. It is indifferent, as to the pronunciation, whether we write fuel or feuel . And yet in this word, as also in new , brew , &c. we do not hear the sound of e , except among the Virginians, who affect to pronounce it distinctly, ne-ew , ne-oa , fe-oa . This affectation is not of modern date, for Wallis mentions it in his time and reprobates it, "Eu, ew, eau, sonanter per e clarum et w ; ut in neuter , few , beauty . Quiddam tamen accutus efferunt, ac si scriberentur new ter , few , beauty . At prior pronunciatio rectior est."—Gram. Ling. Ang.
Here this author allows these combinations to have the sound of yu or iu ; but disapproves of that refinement which some affect, in giving the e or i short its distinct sound.
The true sound of the English u , is neither ew , with the distinct sound of e and oo ; nor is it oo ; but it is that sound which every unlettered person utters in pronouncing solitude , rude , threw , and which cannot easily be mistaken. So difficult is it to avoid the true sound of u , that I have never found a man, even among the ardent admirers of the stage pronunciation, who does not retain the vulgar sound, in more than half the words of this class which he uses. There is such a propensity in men to be regular in the construction and use of language, that they are often obliged, by the customs of the age, to struggle against their inclination, in order to be wrong, and still find it impossible to be uniform in their errors.
The other reason given to vindicate the polite pronunciation, is euphony . But I must say, with Kenrick,† I cannot discover the euphony; on the contrary, the pronunciation is to me both disagreeable and difficult. It is certainly more difficult to pronounce two consonants than one: Ch , or, which is the same thing, tsh , is a more difficult sound than t ; and dzh , or j , more difficult than d . Any accurate ear may discover the difference in a single word, as in natur , nachur . But when two or three words meet, in which we have either of these compound sounds, the difficulty becomes very obvious; as the natural features of individuals . The difficulty is increased, when two of these churs and jurs occur in the same word. Who can pronounce these words, "at this junctshur it was conjestshured "—or "the act passed in a thsumultshuous legislatshur ," without a pause, or an extreme exertion of the lungs? If this is euphony to an English ear, I know not what sounds in language can be disagreeable. To me it is barbarously harsh and unharmious.
But supposing the pronunciation to be relished by ears accustomed to it (for custom will familiarize any thing) will the pleasure which individuals experience, balance the ill effects of creating a multitude of irregularities? Is not the number of anomalies in our language already sufficient, without an arbitrary addition of many hundreds? Is not the difference between our written and spoken language already sufficiently wide, without changing the sounds of a number of consonants?
If we attend to the irregularities which have been long established in our language, we shall find most of them in the Saxon branch. The Roman tongue was almost perfectly regular, and perhaps its orthography and pronunciation were perfectly correspondent. But it is the peculiar misfortune of the fashionable practice of pronouncing d , t , and s , before u , that it destroys the analogy and regularity of the Roman branch of our language; for those consonants are not changed in many words of Saxon original. Before this affectation prevailed, we could boast of a regular orthography in a large branch of our language; but now the only class of words, which had preserved a regular construction, are attacked, and the correspondence between the spelling and pronunciation, destroyed, by those who ought to have been the first to oppose the innovation.‡
Should this practice be extended to all words, where d , t and s precede u , as it must before it can be consistent or defensible, it would introduce more anomalies into our tongue, than were before established, both in the orthography and construction. What a perverted taste, and what a singular ambition must those men possess, who, in the day light of civilization and science, and in the short period of an age, can go farther in demolishing the analogies of an elegant language, than their unlettered ancestors proceeded in centuries, amidst the accidents of a savage life, and the shocks of numerous invasions! (To be continued.)
* As observes, that "in unaccented, short and insignificant syllables, the sounds of the five vowels are nearly coincident. It must be a nice ear that can distinguish the difference of sound in the concluding syllable of the following words, altar , alter , manor , murmur , satyr ."—Gram. Diff. pref. to Dic. p. 1.
† For my part I cannot discover the euphony; and tho' the contrary mode be reprobated, as vulgar, by certain mighty fine Speakers, I think it more conformable to the general scheme of English pronunciation; for tho' in order to make the word but two syllables, ti and te may be required to be converted into ch , or the i and e into y , when the preceding syllable is marked with the acute accent as in question , minion , courteous , and the like; there seems to be little reason, when the grave accent precedes the t , as in nature , creature , for converting the t into ch ; and not much more for joining the t to the first syllable and introducing the y before the second, as nat-yure. Why the t when followed by neither i nor e , is to take the form of ch , I cannot conceive: It is, in my opinion, a species of affectation that should be discountenanced.—Kenrick Rhet. Gram. page 32. Dic.
‡ Well might Mr. Sheridan assert, that "Such indeed is the state of our written language, that the darkest hieroglyphics, or most difficult cyphers which the art of man has hitherto invented, were not better calculated to conceal the sentiments of those who used them, from all who had not the key, than the state of our spelling is to conceal the true pronunciation of our words, from all, except a few well educated natives. Rhet. Gram. p. 22. Dic. But if these well educated natives would pronounce words as they ought, one half the language at least would be regular. The Latin derivatives are mostly regular to the educated and uneducated of America; and it is to be hoped that the modern hieroglyphical obscurity will forever be confined to a few well educated natives in Great-Britain."
THE HARVEST.
THROUGHOUT the United States, the latter as well as the former, has rewarded the toil of the husbandman with a rich abundance, both for man and beast. POMONA has not been less profuse of her favors than CERES of her's; and the great plenty of that federal beverage, Cyder , will, we hope, by rendering the use of that antisederal liquid, Rum , less excusable, make it less common. [Columbian Centinel.]

MUSIC,
EXTRACT FROM A POEM WRITTEN IN BALTIMORE.
HOW sweet is music to the social mind, That narrow, fordid notions cannot blind! What pleasing agitations warm the soul That yields delighted to its kind control! It ev'ry noblest sentiment inspires; And fans the purest sympathetic fires; Arrests the ruthless foul in mad career, And makes th' assassin shed compassion's tear: More wondrous, true, than melting rocks away, It softens stony hearts of human clay! A more melodious voice for love supplies; And breathes his wishes in the softest sighs.
FROM THE WESTERN STAR, A NEWSPAPER, published at Stockbridge, (Massachusetts) by Mr. L. ANDREWS.
THE BERKSHIRE SENTIMENTALIST.
No. — I.
THE mutual prejudices, which have subsisted between nations, societies and individuals, furnish matter for much speculation to a sentimental observer. Such prejudices have prevailed in different degrees and from a variety of causes; but a historical survey of mankind, from the earliest ages down to the present time; affords sufficient reason to believe, that their most frequent cause is a rivalry for some pre-eminence. Other circumstances may add fuel to the fire, or fan it into a hotter flame: but a spirit of inordinate emulation commonly kindles the first spark.
The Jews and Samaritans had no intercourse, because they respectively claimed the honour of a place, where they believed the God of Heaven ought to be exclusively worshipped. The Athenians and Spartans were competitors for superior influence among the States of Greece. Hence frequent bickerings ensued. Hence a permanent hatred between the two cities grew to such rancour, that it at length broke out in the destructive Peloponnesian war; and, in its progress, alternately deluged both Athens and Sparta in blood, the same truth is exemplified in the history of the rival Commonwealths of Rome and Carthage. Nothing but a national ambition to gain the ascendancy and rule the world gave birth to the three Punic wars. That passion, could never be extinguished, but by the final subjection of one of the contending nations. The struggle was maintained with the utmost exertions on both sides, till Carthage sunk beneath the weight of the Roman arms, and was so completely annihilated, that her place has hardly been discovered by travellers.
Modern Europe likewise has verified this observation in innumerable instances. The King of Prussia and the Arch Duke of Austria are the most considerable powers in the Germanic Body. They have for many years been the only potent candidates for an Imperial election. This accounts for that cordial hatred between them, which by the wars it has occasioned, has sacked their most populous cities, ravaged their finest provinces, and repeatedly fertilised the plains of Silesia with Prussian and Austrian blood. A competition for the glory of holding the balance of power in Europe has for ages embittered the English and French towards each other. As soon as their children learn to lisp, they are taught to call their neighbors, on the other side of the channel, their enemies. Thus they grow up in the habitual belief that their enmity is natural. The consequence is baneful to their happiness. For, without dispute, this deadly antipathy has been the secret motive of most, if not all, of their many bloody wars. I grant that their interests have sometimes clashed, and consequently been productive of animosities. But, where national interest has slain its thousands, national pride has slain its tens of thousands.
If we leave ancient times and foreign nations, and come home to our age and country, we shall find the same principle operating in the United States. The great division into Northern and Southern Factions in our general government, is perhaps occasioned less by any real difference in their interests, or any incompatibility of claims, than by a secret struggle for pre-eminence.
Perhaps this matter may be more clearly understood, if we attend to smaller portions of community, where the whole may be more easily viewed at once. Turn then to particular states. Examine single towns; and consider what are the sources of their dissensions. They who live in the extremes often envy their more fortunate townsmen, whose situation is nearer the centre. The inhabitants of a hill, perhaps and those of a neighboring plain are formed into distinct parties and regularly trained up to opposition. The members of one school district or one religious society are hostile to those of another. Such are the distinctions, which excite a rivalry in almost every town, and year after year disturb the harmony of the inhabitants. An interference of rights or conveniences undoubtedly aggravates these prejudices, which are first generated by pride and emulation.
A similar opposition, for the same reasons, divides a State, between the sea coast and country; or as they are denominated, the commercial and agricultural interests. Indeed this opposition between those who live on the sea-coast, and those who are scattered over the interior parts, is not confined to the limits of any one State in particular. It runs through the Union, from Maine to Georgia; though it is most visible in the Southern States; because there the coast is chiefly inhabited by the posterity of the first English adventurers; whereas the back countries are principally peopled by recent emigrations from the north. This last circumstance confirms my assertion, that it is pride rather than interest, which forms the division. We may also see the same operation in parts of the Union, where more particular and adventitious circumstances conspire to produce a temporary effect. The Western counties of Massachusetts were originally planted by perhaps nearly an equal number of settlers from the old counties of the Province, and from Connecticut. And I appeal to those, whose memories can reach back to the distance of thirty or forty years, to say if those two classes of settlers were not in many towns enlisted under the banners of two rival parties. It is true, this cause of contention is wearing away, and these parties begin to be swallowed up in other distinctions. Yet such a spirit still continues to operate with all its force, between the primitive Dutch and the New-England emigrants in the Northern and Western counties of New-York.
To what source, but a kind of rivalry, can we trace the prejudices which every observing traveller knows are entertained by the citizens of one state against their neighbors in another? A
difference in education, customs and governments, is readily granted, may create a diversity of opinions, and elevate some of the human race, in the scale of importance, above the rest. Thus it is the boast of New-England, that her yeomanry are more enlightened, as well as more virtuous, than the commonality of any other state or nation. Probably this opinion is founded in truth: For the same remark is made by impartial strangers. Here then is a reason, tho' not a justifiable one, for that prejudice, with which the people of these states view the subjects of every other part of the world. Yet why do the citizens of one New-England state so partially prefer their own manners, laws, character, and policy; and so blindly condemn those of another state, in all particulars where they differ; while an indifferent judge perhaps would estimate them, tho' not all alike, yet nearly equal in point of merit? Why, I ask, but from a spirit of rivalry? What, but such a spirit, could produce so much bitterness, as has often prevailed among different denominations of christians? From the same cause, the several professions are partial to themselves, and prejudiced against each other. Every man of observation must acknowledge there is a general professional emulation; at the same time the individuals of any one profession, being more immediate competitors for the same objects, are consequently actuated in a much higher degree, by an individual rivalry.
Rival candidates for the same office, or rival lovers of the same fair one, may shake hands when they meet, and protest a mutual esteem; but selfish nature impels them, tho' against their reason, and perhaps even contrary to their wishes, to indulge a secret prejudice at heart. Too often their feelings are so impatient of control, as to spur them on to open resentment, if not to personal abuse.
Examples of rivalry are endless. Those, which are here ad-duced, are, I trust, sufficient both to illustrate and prove the sentiments asserted in this essay. It is easy to discern how rivalry thus prejudices the human mind; since self is the idol, before which we all, more or less, fall down and worship, and we naturally associate the idea of self with that of our property, families, friends, profession, society or nation. To point out the means, by which the mischievous effects of prejudice may be prevented, would be a more arduous, but a more useful undertaking.
FROM THE WILMINGTON GAZETTE,
Published at Wilmington, by FREDERICK CRAIG and Co.
THOUGHTS on the subject of Ships foundering at Sea, with directions how to prevent that fatal disaster in many cases.
IN reading Dr. Franklin's letters I found he had treated very ingeniously on this subject, but I think he did not give as full directions as perhaps he would have done, had he been particularly treating of that subject alone; and as many never see said letters who may perhaps happen on a newspaper that may contain this, therefore I have thought it not amiss to add some thoughts of my own to those of Franklin, and offer them to the public. Let us first consider the principle on which the ship floats on the water, which is simply this, that air is lighter than water; thus if you fill any vessel such as a cask full of air and make it tight, it will float on the top of the water, and carry with it a weight exactly equal to the difference of the weight of air in the cask, and the same cask full of water, deducting for the weight of the cask itself. Thus a ship will carry just as much weight as the difference between the weight of the air contained in said ship below the surface of the water, and the weight of so much water, deducting the weight of the ship and ballast. A captain understanding well this principle, and perceiving his ship at sea to spring a leak, in a desperate manner so as to gain fast on his pumps, should, in the first place, shut all his casks full of any liquid, that he can get at in the lower tiers, and fast as they empty, or the water encroaches so that they will empty no more, plugh them tight again, and throw overboard only such things as will of themselves sink, carefully retaining every thing that will float on the water, for they may at last save the ship.
If the case still seems desperate, empty every cask that can be made light, and put them in the hold and contrive to force them under water, and keep them there by props from the deck, this will still lessen the pressure, and the water will come in slower as it rises higher in the hold, and covers more of the empty casks. Every wooden thing that can any way be spared, must be put in the hold and forced under water by props not by weight, for this would destroy the effect, and even in case of great extremity, cut down the masts and cut them small, with every thing above, and force them in the hold, cabin and scuttles, or any where so that they can be kept under water. The salt provisions, water, &c. that will be necessary to be kept for use, should be first of all brought upon deck, and last of all be put into the hold or any where else, so that they will be immersed in the water and can be got at for use. I am of the opinion that few ships that put to sea would sink, after every thing being done as above directed, although half her bottom was beat out. Would it not be well done if some able hand were to collect all the best observations on this subject; and directions how to proceed in desperate cases, and those directions printed and pasted up in several places in every ship that puts to sea, that every man on board may know how to proceed; this would prevent that consternation and confusion which takes place in these cases for want of knowledge. Let not the mariner despair in such cases, at seeing the water gain very fast on his pump; but consider as the vessel fills the pressure lessens, and the water comes in slower, and the pumps will discharge it much faster as it will not be so far to hoist as at the beginning. This is certainly a subject worthy the attention of the wise and great, if we consider how much property and many lives are lost for want of such knowledge. If these hints should be the means of stirring a more able hand to take up the subject, and to the saving of any, it will reward the writer.
New-Castle county, October 16.
FOREIGN ABSTRACT.
PORTSMOUTH, (N. H.) October 30.
European accounts received by the Charlotte, (in addition to what we have published) state: That the assassin of Count Florida Blanca, was publicly executed at Madrid, on the 18th of August, by having his right hand cut off, and then hanged: The Count made the strongest solicitations to the King to pardon him, but without effect: That private letters from Paris inform, that the King would not accept of the resignation of M. Neckar, who went down to St. Cloud on purpose to deliver up his authority. He was still at the palace on Sunday night, (the 5th Sept.) and promised his Majesty, that at any rate he should present to the National Assembly, a plan for the liquidation of the national debt, without forcing on the public one hundred millions sterling of circulating paper, which the stock-jobbing party in the assembly were anxious to have issued: That M. d'Orleans, if he was ever attached to any party, has lately quitted it, and is now a warm advocate for the King; and that all his efforts will, in future, be directed to remove M. de la Fayette, from the command of the National Militia. That party prevails so much in France, that it is become nearly impossible to distinguish on which side truth and justice lie: That the coronation of the Emperor is fixed for the 4th October, at Frankfort, being the same day on which, in the year 1743, the Emperor Francis was crowned. (This ceremony is expected to exceed in pomp and splendour any thing of the like kind. There will be displayed in parade 800 quintals of silver plate, the golden service of 36 crowns, the famous chrysal cup which cost near 30,000 florins, with its foot, formed of a precious agate, and the large diamond, which serves as a button to the hat, weighing 60 carats, which was preserved in the treasury of Florence. They are also coining in the mint of Vienna, 20,000 ducats in comme-
moration of the coronation. 2000 large gold medals, 6000 small ones, 5000 large silver medals, 12,000 of a middling size, and 15000 small ones, all to be distributed at Frankfort.) That the Empress of Russia, exasperated against the English, has concluded a hasty alliance with Sweden; in order, as it is said, to hurt the former by aiding the Spaniards—That from this pacification with her most troublesome enemy a new league is talked of to arise between Russia, and Spain and France, as a counterbalance to the tripartite alliance between England, Prussia and Holland.—That the King of Sweden is offended that he was not more powerfully supported by the British Court in his critical situation at Wyburgh; and it is the opinion of politicians, that the honest and brave Swede will unite with the Northern Heroine in defensive operations, &c.—
BOSTON, Nov. 3.
Austria and Turkey have settled a peace—Prussia was the mediator. [At the head of 100,000 men.] The Emperor gives up to the Grand Seignior, Oczakow, and that grave of almost millions, Belgrade, &c.—The King of Prussia, receives from the Turks, ten millions of dollars for his interference; but he is to assist Austria in bringing back to their allegiance to the Emperor, the revolted province of Brabant—on condition that its real grievances are redressed.
DOMESTIC ABSTRACT.
It was objected to the Federal Constitution, during its discussion, that no check of rotation was provided in it. The people have, in the last month, shown the objection to be ill founded: For such rotations as they have thought proper to make, have been made in the constitutional manner.
In Pennsylvania, a new Constitution has been established—and the government under it organized. This constitution is said to be the "perfection of excellence." President MIFFLIN is elected Governor, by an immense majority.
The Western Posts, those barriers of the United States, are still retained by the British; and, we are told, have lately been strengthened by additional fortifications and troops. That at Niagara, in particular. The half-pay officers therein have been put on the full pay establishment; and there appears not the smallest prospect, that Great-Britain will ever peaceably relinquish those strong holds which nature, and treaties made "in the name of the most holy and undivided Trinity," have given to the United States.
Our fertile country wanted nothing to complete its happiness but an energetic, general government—that government, praised be heaven, is now established: And the people feeling its beneficial effects, have exhibited their warm and unequivocal attachment thereto, in their late election of decidedly independent federal men. May their attachment still continue to strengthen, and in the language of that celebrated historian, Doctor RAMSAY—"May the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, who has raised us to independence, and given us a place among the nations of the earth, make the American revolution an era in the history of the world remarkable for the progressive increase of human happiness."
WORCESTER, November 4.
On Saturday evening last, the noted Burroughs, who has been employed by the people of Charlton, as a schoolmaster, nearly all the time since he was released from the castle, was committed to the goal in this town, for attempting a rape on several of his scholars.—Is it not time for parents, and others, who have so important a charge committed to them as the education of children, to be more careful who they employ as teachers?—Can it any longer be thought a matter of trifling concern, that the education of those who are soon to take the lead, both in church and state, and on whom the future welfare of our country so essentially depends, should be entrusted to persons of openly abandoned characters?
NEW-YORK, November 12.
Between the 10th instant, and the 10th of December an exchange of the Beacons, boats &c. stationed on the shoals in the bay of Delaware, is to take place. The order is to be as follows: The 1st exchanged will be the beacon of the cross ledge, in place of which will be laid a buoy with a staff and small black flag. The next will be the beacon of the Brandywine, in place of which will be laid a buoy and small white flag. The beacon of the brown, being the first leading mark of the bay, will remain till the tenth of December, unless a severe season should compel a speedier removal—when removed a plain buoy will be anchored in its place. The large buoys on the middle, and fourteen feet bank are already exchanged and smaller ones put in their stead. That on the middle is furnished with a staff and cross.
AN EXTRACT.
The inventions of language, of arms, of writing, printing, and engraving, have been the principal means of extending the influence of man, and of his acquiring the dominion of the earth. By these acts men transmit the improvements, the inventions, and acquisitions of one age to another. By these arts the dispositions of men are softened, their manners become more and more civilized, humanity is gradually extended and refined, and the grosser animosities yield to external politeness and decorum, at least

if the feelings themselves be not blunted. How far this progress of science, and the peaceful arts of life, by the accumulation of ages, may proceed, it is impossible to determine. But the time it is to be hoped, is not very remote, when the fiercer contentions of nations will cease, when selfishness and venality, which at present seem to be inseparable from commercial states, will give way to generosity of temper, and uprightness of conduct.
ALBANY, Nov. 4.
The legislature of Vermont have resolved to pay to the state of New-York, THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS, agreeable to the 11th proposition contained in the declaration of the commissioners of this state, appointed to declare the consent of the legislature thereof.
The legislature have also resolved, that a convention be called for taking into consideration the constitution of the United States—the members to be elected in December, and the convention to meet the first week in January. The legislature have adjourned, to meet again on the first Thursday in January; for the purpose (we suppose) of choosing senators, and affixing the time and manner of electing representatives to Congress.
SALEME, Nov. 2.
Tickets in the MARBLEHEAD LOTTERY have lately met with a rapid sale: THREE THOUSAND were sold in Boston in the course of last week.—This does not indicate a scarcity of cash.
GEORGE-TOWN, Nov. 10.
We hear that the President of the United States, has ordered three plans on different parts of the Patowmack, to be laid out—Nothing certain respecting the fixed seat of the Federal Government has as yet transpired.
Anecdote of General PUTNAM.
AFTER one of the skirmishes, in which the Americans had been successful, an English officer was left most dangerously wounded on the field of action; and when the victorious party came up, they were embarrassed to know how they should remove him, in such a mangled state, to some town where he might have the assistance he required.
Putnam, who had been bred a carpenter, immediately threw off his regimentals, and having a hatchet accidentally at hand, cut down several saplings, which he grooved together, having no way of fastening them, and thus made a kind of cradle, in which the wounded officer was conveyed with the greatest possible ease, to a neighbouring town, where he recovered under the care of a surgeon.
When Putnam heard of his recovery, and that it was owing to his humane care, without which he must have bled to death in the removal, he said, Then I glory more in having been bred a Carpenter, than I should do if I had been born a Prince!
Philadelphia, Nov. 17.
We are informed that the following RESOLUTION has lately passed in the Assembly of the State of Virginia, by a majority of seventy-eight, to fifty-one—viz.—RESOLVED, That it is the opinion of this committee, that so much of the act of Congress entitled “An act making provision for the debt of the United States,” as assumes the payment of the State debts, is repugnant to the constitution of the United States, as it goes to the exercise of a power not expressly granted to the general government.
The State of Vermont has passed an Act for calling a Convention, to deliberate upon, and agree to, the Constitution of the United States. The members are to be chosen the first Tuesday of December; and the Convention is to meet on the first Thursday of January next, at Bennington.
Munday last the Honorable HENRY KNOX, Esq. Secretary at War, and his Lady, arrived in town from New-York.
The Hon. JOHN BROWN, Esq. is re-elected member of the House of Representatives of the United States for the Kentucky district, Virginia.
According to the latest advices from England; all is going wrong in France:—this may be the case, but we have so often been amused by fictitious accounts from the English papers, that prudence will certainly suspend a full credence to the present—but the delays in completing the revolution may lead us to fear, that the sentiment of the immortal SHAKESPEARE has not been duly attended to by the National Assembly—viz:
There is a tide in the affairs of men, Which taken at the flood leads on to fortune; Omitted, all the voyage of their life Is bound in shallows, and in miseries. On such a full sea th' Assembly were afloat: And had they took the current when it serv'd, Their liberties had been secur'd forever.
The late Resolution of the Assembly of Virginia, on the funding law, is a subject of speculation to every man who feels interested in the tranquillity of the general government, and that of the United States. This business wears at least an enigmatical complexion; for while the gentlemen who form the delegation to Congress from that State, have their conduct in voting for the funding system impliedly approved of, by their constituents, in being re-elected, a majority of their state representatives appear in opposition to the law.
“’Tis time to sheathe the sword and spare mankind.”
From whence come wars and fightings (says the inspired penman)—Come they not hence, even of your lusts? Of all the sources of discord and bloodshed in the family of mankind, without doubt the most productive are the pride, ambi-
tion and avarice of individuals: These are the parents of civil feuds and dissensions, which destroy the peace and happiness of particular communities: The arts of unprincipled demagogues render government odious and intolerable: Their oppressions invite the interposition of foreign nations, who never fail to pay themselves by establishing a despotism of their own, over those they pretend to succour. The United States have perhaps more to fear from the pride and machinations of particular characters, than even the ancient Romans had; and it is well known, that among these, the most horrid civil wars were fomented by factious popular men, who finally overturned the constitution and liberties of their country; but altho very powerful causes of faction may exist in the United States, yet we possess, it is to be hoped, one very effectual antidote against the evil, which no other people ever possessed, in an equal degree, and that is, the universal diffusion of knowledge among our citizens. This will enable them to discriminate characters; and, weighing them in the balance of reason and judgment, such conclusions may be drawn, as will make the public peace, and the tranquillity of the government, preponderate against the plausible pretences of those, who, actuated by selfish unprincipled motives, would involve our affairs in confusion and infamy.
Of the numerous States and Empires of the world which have preceded the United States—(the thought is solemn) not one, whose records are preserved, was so happy as to understand the things on which the perpetuity of their peace and prosperity depended: They had their rise, progress, and decay: Hence it has been argued, that this is the invariable establishment of nature with respect to political, as it is with bodies natural. It remains therefore for the United States to exhibit a new example on the theatre of the globe: There are innumerable circumstances in our situation, which render it original; but whether the present Constitution has a principle of immortality in it—or whether that principle is yet to be infused, remains to be determined.
What a spring to the genius, and inventive faculties of the human mind has the new government proved! The citizens of the United States have long since asserted and proved their claim to the appellations of active, brave, and enterprising! What quarter of the globe has been unexplored by their mariners! What dangers have been un-uncountered! And what avenues to wealth and honor have been unexplored! It remained for the influence of a national government to unfold their inventive powers: The number of original machines, and inventions, calculated to diminish labor—and to promote the mechanic arts which have been recently produced are truly astonishing: Models of these have been deposited in the Office of the Secretary of State, accounts of which may be laid before the public in some future paper.
In contemplating the present situation of this country, how pleasing—how delightful are the ideas that rush on the philanthropic mind!—A most happy union cements the States—and every day adds to the brightness of the chain which unites them: While the true interests of the individual States are continually unfolding, their mutual dependence is felt and recognized: Local prejudices are subsiding, and in a short time, if events are left to their natural operation, one spirit will pervade and animate the whole, nor leave a vestige of selfish state-policy behind, that shall be incompatible with the general good. The remembrance of the errors of former years is nearly lost in that honest and magnanimous policy which has distinguished the councils of the general government: Foreign nations impute those errors to their just cause—the want of a constitution; and at the present moment, bestow a full tribute of applause on the wisdom which devised, and the patriotism which adopted the present energetic, free system of government. This is evinced by their returning confidence in our public faith: They deposit their property in our funds, and with promptitude subscribe to our loans. At the present moment perhaps no government on earth could avail itself of the wealth of foreign nations with greater facility than that of the United States—and so long as we support this government, and retain an honorable rank in the estimation of the judicious, and honest part of mankind, the treasures of the globe will be as the bank of this country.
It may therefore be said with justice that the United States are at length in the possession of those great objects for which so much blood and treasure were expended, PEACE, LIBERTY, and SAFETY: The preservation of these, depends on the tranquillity of the federal government; nor is it easy to conceive that so long as this government is administered on its genuine principles, any man, or body of men, will be able by secret cabals, or open hostility, to shake the attachment of the people to it: It is not hazarding too much to say that the people realize that the government is a creature of their own; that it rests on their suffrages; that it has produced a most happy alteration in their circumstances; and that
on its continuance and quiet administration, all their hopes of prosperity are suspended.
Conclusion of Gov. Chittenden's speech to the legislature of Vermont, on accepting his appointment.
“Therefore with a firm reliance on receiving that kind aid and support from the council and house of representatives, that the nature of my office requires, I shall accept the office to which I am elected, and am ready to take the qualifications pointed out by the constitution; and I pray God to grant me wisdom to conduct agreeable to his will, and then, I trust, it will be for the best good of his and my people.”
The philosophers of Europe have long been in the habit of considering the Americans as an inferior order of beings. Even the philosophical Raynal has expressed such an idea. The numerous improvements in mechanics, agriculture, philosophy and politics, which have been made by Americans, are sufficient to refute this position. Every day produces some improvement in agriculture and the useful arts. Let it be remembered, that the great promoter of electrical knowledge was an American. America has shewn the world the first instance of a perfect government, in which perfect liberty and energy are combined. Even in the fine arts she has proved the talents of her sons. Some of the first painters in Europe are natives of this land. Trumbull has brought the genius of painting into his own country. Barlow and Dwight have shewn that we are capable of aspiring to excellence in the higher poetry, whilst the author of M’Fingal boldly rivals even the immortal Butler in the comic style. These are mentioned only as examples. Many others have shewn great abilities. But their merits are well known, not only to their countrymen, but also foreigners.
(Gen. Advertiser.)
LONDON.
WILLIAM HARDMAN the Smith had three sons, Tom Ned, and George. George who was the youngest, he put apprentice to a taylor; the two elder were otherwise provided for: He had by some means the opportunity of sending them to school upon a foundation, and afterwards to the University. Will thought that this opportunity to give his boys good learning, was not to be missed: “Learning,” he said, “was a portion which the D-v-l could not wrong, them of; and when had done what he “ought for them, they must do for themselves.”
As he had not the same power to procure them livings, when they had finished their studies, they came to London. They were both scholars; but Tom was a genius, and Ned was a dunce; Ned became usher in a school at the yearly salary of twenty pounds and Tom soon distinguished himself as an author: He wrote many pieces of great excellence; but his reward was sometimes withheld by caprice, and sometimes intercepted by envy. He passed his time in penury and labour; and his mind was abstracted in the recollection of sentiment, and perplexed in the arrangement of his ideas and the choice of expression.
George in the mean time became a master in his trade, kept ten men constantly at work upon the board, drank his beer out of a silver tankard and boasted, that he might be as well to pass in a few years as many of those for whom he made laced clothes, and who thought themselves his betters. Ned wished earnestly that he could change stations with George; but Tom in the pride of his heart disdained them both; and declared, that he would rather perish upon a hulk with cold and hunger, than steal through life in obscurity, and be forgotten when he was dead,
PLAN OF THE NEW OPERA-HOUSE—LONDON.
THE ground plan, two acres! The entrances to be five; doors for departure, seventeen; the whole building brick, stone and iron; the floors arched with stone, and the stair cases stone; boxes 208, 6 feet by 8, and 7 feet high; each box has a retiring room behind it, 12 by 17 feet; pit, 24 rows, to hold 700 persons; first gallery 400, second gallery 300. The shape of the theatre oval; 5 floors of boxes, 41 on each floor; 6th floor is to be the gallery. The stage measures 90 feet by 80. Coffee-room in three compartments, domed, covering a space of 112 feet by 32; the supper-room of same dimensions; concert-room behind the stage, an oval, 84 by 42 feet. The estimate of the expence, 1,150,000. The sum paid for the purchase of the Leicester house estate, where the Opera-House is to be erected, was 1,30,000.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 14f. pr. £. or 70 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 7 1/2—7 3/4 or 36 1/2 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 5 9/10—6f. 30 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 12 3/4—12 1/2 62 1/2 do.   Indents 7 1/2—7 3/4 36 1/2 do.   State debts 8 1/2—8 3/4 41 1/4 do.  
LATEST ARRIVALS AT THIS PORT.
   Brig Sufannah, Armstrong, Montego-Bay   Schooner Recovery, Miller, Wilmington, (N.C.)   — Betsey, Allen, Surinam   Sloop Charming-Sally, Lilbridge, Cape-Francois   — Phenix, Shepherd, Virginia   — Industry, Briggs, R. Island   — Brilliant, Waterman   — Union, Taylor.  

Discourses on Davila.
No. XXIII.—CONTINUED.
Utrumque regem, sua multitudo conſalutaverat.
THE regent and the Conſtable, maſters of the perſon and authority of the King, held the balance in the middle. The Conſtable was indeed much oppoſed to Calvinism, and attached to the Catholic religion; nevertheless, his affection for his nephews, and the love of peace, induced him to conſent to make uſe of management in matters of religion, until the King ſhould arrive at his majority. But to corroborate more and more, the authority of the young monarch, though a minor, thoſe who held the reins of government thought proper to conduct him to Reims, where they preſerve with veneration, the Phial which a pigeon brought down from heaven, full of holy oil, with which Clovis was anointed and conſecrated.
During the ceremony of conſecration, there aroſe a new conteſt concerning precedence, between the Princes of the blood and the Duke of Guife. The former pretended that it was due to their birth. The Duke on his ſide demanded it, as firſt peer of France. The council of State decided it in favor of the Duke of Guife, becauſe the preſence of the peers of France, who are twelve in number, ſix eccleſiaſtical and ſix laical, was neceſſary in this ceremony; whereas, the Princes of the blood, who have no function to diſcharge in it, may diſpenſe with their attendance. This light ſpark ſerved to inkindle and embitter more and more, the ſpirits of all parties. The Admiral and Prince of Conde had ſet every machine in motion to draw in the Conſtable to their intereſt: They were powerfully ſeconded by the Marſhal of Montmorenci, his eldeſt ſon, who was ſtrictly connected with them. The Conſtable, always firm in his reſolutions, could not determine to diſhonour his old age, by placing himſelf at the head of a party, nor by leaguering himſelf with thoſe whom he thought new enemies of religion. The Admiral, always fruitfull in reſources and expedients, imagined one at this time, calculated to bring the Conſtable into their views, by ways more indirect. There was then held at Pontoiſe, an aſſembly of ſome deputies of the Provinces, to deliberate upon the means of acquitting the immense debts, which the crown had contracted in the laſt wars. The Marſhal of Montmorenci preſided in it. There were alſo ſome friends of the Admiral. He made uſe of them, to bring upon the carpet, whatever he thought proper. The Colignies and the Prince of Conde, there demanded, by the organ of their confidentſs, that they ſhould oblige all thoſe who had received benefits or gratifications, from the Kings Francis Iſt and Henry IId, to report them to the royal treaſury, pretending, that a calculation being made, without impoſing new burthens, they might extinguish the greateſt part of the debt, which both within and without the kingdom, cruſhed the ſtate and individuals.
Thoſe who had received the greateſt benefactions from the late Kings, were the Guifes, Diana of Valentinois, the Marſhal Saint Andre, and the Conſtable. They were deſirous indeed of humbling the former: but as to the latter, they meant only to inſpire him with fears and jealousies, and to force him to join the party of the Princes; that he might not expoſe himſelf to loſe the fruit of ſo many years of ſervices and toils. The animoſity of faction was ſo lively, that the Colignies were not afraid to excite in their uncle thoſe chagrins, and inquietudes. But this ſtep had the ordinary fortune of designs too ſubtle and too refined. It produced an effect directly contrary to that which was intended. The propoſition amounted to nothing leſs, than to take away from the Conſtable and the Guifes, the greateſt part of their property. Diana, of Valentinois, with whom both parties had formed alliances, began to ſecond the Conſtable, concerning this reſearch, which intereſted them equally. She concerted her plan with art, or a kind of prudence, which is not uncommon in women of her character; her averſion for the Queen, and her fears of loſing all the gains of her trade, made her think that the true means of her ſafety, would be to allure the Conſtable into the party of the Catholic religion, and a cloſer connection with the Guifes. She launched out into inveſtives againſt the Admiral and the Prince of Conde, whom ſhe conſidered as the authors of the propoſition made at the aſſembly at Pontoiſe; ſhe deplored the miſeries of the ſtate, whoſe government, in the hands of a child and a foreign woman, was the inſtrument of pernicious councils, to foment the ambition and gratify the paſſions of certain individuals, to whom were ſacrificed the ſafety and tranquility of the kingdom; into which they introduced, without ſhame, Heresies condemned by the Church, and againſt which the late Kings, with juſt ſeverity, had employed fire and ſword. She added, with the ſame vivacity, and ſincerity, that all France was aſtoniſhed and enraged, to ſee, that a Montmorenci, whoſe houſe had been the firſt of the whole nation to embrace Chriſtianity; that a man, who for ſo long a time had filled the firſt
office in the ſtate, ſhould at preſent allow himſelf to be fascinated by the artifices of a woman; and that, a ſlave to her caprices, and to the imperfect information of the King of Navarre, he conſented to all their enterprizes againſt religion. She remonſtrated to the Conſtable, that having the arms and the power in his hands, he was indiſpenſibly obliged to oppoſe the pernicious designs of government, and to watch ſtill, as he had done ſo many times before, over the conſervation of a tottering throne, and a religion wholly forſaken. She recalled to his recollection that ancient conduct which had procured him ſo much glory, in oppoſing the aggrandizement of ſtrangers. She ſwore him that he would not ſuffer two women, one an Italian, the other of Navarre, to ruin the principal foundations of the French Monarchy, that is to ſay, religion and piety; to remember that the regent was the ſame Catharine, whoſe conduct he had always cenſured, and whoſe character he deteſted; that the Hugonots were thoſe ſame ſectaries, whom he had ſo eagerly perſecuted under Henry IId; that neither the perſons nor the nature of things were changed; that the whole world would believe, that enfeebled by age, he let himſelf be guided, either by the ambition or caprice of others, ſince he appeared ſo different from what he had been. Such was the language of Diana, and who ſo proper as an harlot, to proſtitute religion to the purpoſes of ambition, avarice, and faction. The only wonder is, that theſe diſcourſes of the Dutcheſs, which ſhe took care frequently to repeat, began to make an impreſſion on the Conſtable. Sometimes an indignation againſt his nephews, ſometimes the apprehenſions of loſing his fortune, and ſometimes his hatred againſt Calvinism, ſo diſpoſed him to liſten to the Dutcheſs, that at length her inſinuations, together with thoſe of Magdalen of Savoy, his wife, ſucceeded to detach him from the party of the Queen. This Magdalen ſaw with vexation the unbounded favors granted to the Colignies, which ſhe wiſhed might be conferred on her brother Honore, of Savoy, Marquis of Villars. Thus her jealouſy neglected nothing to ſerve the latter, and to hurt the nephews of her husband. Diana alſo, engaged the Marſhal de Saint Andre to ſecond her in this negotiation. The fear of loſing his fortune, the violent hatred which he conceived againſt the Colignies, and the plauſible pretext of preſerving the Catholic faith, urged him to employ his influence with the Conſtable in favor of the Guifes; who, as ſoon as they were informed of it, omitted neither artifices, ſubmiſſions nor intrigues, to compleat the conqueſt; hoping by this means to re-eſtabliſh their power, or at leaſt to recover a great part of it. The Marſhal of Montmorenci was the only one who could croſs this negotiation. But Diana, his wife, having fallen ſick at Chantilly, he was obliged to leave his father, to attend her. The Guifes, diſembarrasſed of this obſtacle, put the laſt hand to their agreement with the Conſtable, for the preſervation of the Catholic religion and the mutual defence of their fortunes. (To be continued.)
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, October 14, 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given, That Proboſals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treafury, to the 30th day of November next, inclusive, for the ſupply of all Rations which may be required for the uſe of the United States, from the firſt day of January to the thirty-ſirſt day of December 1791, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the State of Maſſachuſetts, and the Poſt of Weſt-Point, in the State of New-York.
The Rations to be ſupplied, are to conſiſt of the following Articles, viz. One pound of Bread or Flour, One pound of Beef, or 3/4 of a pound of Pork, Half a gill of Rum, Brandy, or Whiſky, One quart of Salt, Two quarts of Vinegar, Two pounds of Soap, One pound of Candles, } pr. 100 rations.
Separate Propoſals may be made for each place, ſpecifying the loweſt price pr. ration.—No credit is required.
INTELLIGENCE-OFFICE, WILL be negotiated all kinds of PAPER-MONEY and Public Securities,
BUSINESS tranſacted in public offices in the city, and ſuch Paper-Money and Certificates furniſhed, as will make payment at the Land Office equal to Gold and Silver. MONEY borrowed or loaned, and BILLS, BONDS, and NOTES of HAND diſcounted. HOUSES, Farms, Lands, and Lots, bought and ſold, let or leaſed, and Houſes, Rooms, Boarding and Lodging procured for Strangers, or others. BOOK-KEEPERS, Clerks, School-Maſters, Waiters, Nurſes, Scantreſſes, Chamber and other Maids, and thoſe of other profeſſions, who come well recommended, may hear of employ; and Employers be ſupplied, by applying to FRANCIS WHITE. Dealer in Paper Money, and Public Securities.
SUBSCRIBERS in the City and State of New-York—and to the Eaſtward as far as Boſton, will pleaſe to pay their arrearages to Mr. P. Wetmore, at the Poſt-Office, New-York—who will alſo receive ſubſcriptions for the Gazette.
PLAN OF THE Gazette of the United States: (A NATIONAL PAPER.)
Published at the Seat of the NATIONAL GOVERNMENT, Comprising I. EARLY and authentic accounts of the Proceedings of Congress—Its Laws, Acts, and Resolutions, communicated to as to form an history of the transactions of the national government. II. Impartial Sketches of the Debates of Congress. III. Essays on the great subjects of Government; also upon the local and national rights of the American citizens, as founded upon the national or state Constitutions; and upon every other subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion. IV. A series of Paragraphs, calculated to catch the "living manners as they rise," and to point the public attention to objects that have an important reference to domestic, social and public happiness. V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions; religious and moral objects; improvements in Science, Arts, Education and HUMANITY; their foreign treaties, alliances, connections, &c. VI. Every species of Intelligence which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political interests of the American nation. VII. A chain of Domestic Occurrences. VIII. A series of foreign articles of Intelligence. IX. The state of the Funds; Courses of Exchange; Prices Current.
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To the PUBLIC. AT this important crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the union of the States—to extend and protect their commerce—to explore and arrange the national funds—to restore and establish the public credit—will require the energies of the patriots and sages of our country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the mediums of knowledge and information. AMERICA, from this period begins her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—the wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the empires, states, and kingdoms, which have had their day upon the great theatre of time; and are now no more, suggest the most important mementos—these, with the rapid series of events, in which our country has been involved, have taught the enlightened citizens of the United States, that freedom and government—liberty and laws, are inseparable. This conviction led to the adoption of the new constitution; for however various the sentiments, respecting the merits of this system, all GOOD MEN are agreed in the necessity of an efficient federal government. A paper, therefore, established upon national, independent, and impartial principles—which shall take up the premised articles, upon a competent plan, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with public approbation and patronage. The Editor of this publication is determined to leave no avenue of information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the public's humble servant, THE EDITOR. April 15, 1790.
THIS publication commenced with the present government of the United States:—Its principal objects are comprised in the above plan; they have been thus far attended to, according to the best abilities of the Editor—and that they are deemed interesting, has been evinced by the general approbation which the paper has received, and the extensive circulation it has obtained: It shall be the aim of the Editor to keep up the spirit of his plan—every communication conducive to that point, will be gratefully received.—Freedom, Government, Union and Peace constitute the happiness of every country—the United States in a particular manner, have all their present enjoyments, and future hopes, suspended on the preservation of these essential pillars of human felicity: In an ardent wish to promote these great objects, the "Gazette of the United States" originated—to these it has been—and shall be sedulously devoted; and while it continues an impartial vehicle to the public of governmental transactions, and interesting information on the most important subjects of life, the Editor cannot fail of public encouragement.
Agreeable to the original design, the publication is now commenced in Philadelphia, the seat of government for the United States.—The patronage of the citizens of this metropolis is hereby solicited:—Those who may wish to form a judgment of the work, are respectfully informed that the first volume (from April 1789, to April 1790) may be inspected at the house of the Editor, No. 69, Market-Street.
The second volume commenced in April last: The Editor can supply the numbers complete from that period—which contain the laws of the second session of Congress—and the debates and proceedings of the house of Representatives, during four months of the session.
Among the innumerable blessings derived to the people of the United States from the present general government, there is none productive of happier effects than that spirit of UNIVERSAL CITIZENSHIP which has in a great measure eradicated party and local distinctions, and now forms a great national feature in the American character.—The Editor, therefore, with confidence, takes his station in the capital of the United States, being fully persuaded, that in proportion to his merits, he will receive the patronage of the public. JOHN FENNO.
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