The New-York journal, and weekly register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1787-11-08 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register.
NUMB. 45, of VOL. XLI.]
THURSDAY, November 8, 1787.
[Total NUMB. 2140.]
HERE TRUTH UNLICENSED' REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—E'EN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE! Thompson's Liberty.
NEW-YORK: Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
PUBLIC NOTICE is hereby given, that by virtue of a writ to me directed, issued out of the court of chancery for this state, I shall expose to sale, at Public Vendue, on the fourteenth day of December next, at the merchants Coffee-house in the city of New-York, between the hours of twelve and two of the same day, two DWELLING HOUSES and a LOT OF GROUND, situate in the dock-ward of the said city, on the north side of Duke-street, bounded on the south by the said street, on the west by a house and lot, now or formerly belonging to Thomas Randall, on the east by a house and lot, now or formerly belonging to James McCarney, and on the north by a street called Slick-street; containing in breadth, on the south end, twenty-two feet eight inches, and on the north end sixteen feet, all wood measure.—Given under my hand, this twenty-ninth day of October, in the year of our LORD one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven. 39 44 M. WILLETT, Sheriff.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of AARON KING, an insolvent debtor, that they show cause, if any they have, before Benjamin Blagge, Esq. alderman of the city of New-York, and one of the judges of the mayor's court of the said city, by the 15th day of October, 1787, why an assignment of the estate of the said Aaron King should not be made, and he discharged, pursuant to a law of this state, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th day of April, 1786.
BENJAMIN BLAGGE, Alderman.
Dated this 24th day of Oct. 1787. 39 41
By Order of the Hon. RICHARD MORRIS, Esq. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York:
NOTICE is hereby given, by the petitioning creditors of Cornelius Hasbrouck, an insolvent debtor, to all his creditors, to show cause to the said Chief Justice, at his chambers, situated in Nassau-street, in the city of New-York, on Tuesday the twenty-second day of November next, why an assignment of the said debtor's estate should not be made, and the said debtor discharged, according to the form of an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th of April, 1786. CORNELIUS HASBROUCK.
Dated this 24th day of Oct. 1787. 39 41
IF WILLIAM BRADY (who some years ago resided in Pennsylvania, or New-Jersey, as a travelling merchant or pedlar, and was in this city in the year 1775, and is supposed to have resided in the above states, or the state of New-York) be now living, the administrators of Jacob Cooper, deceased, late of the city of Philadelphia, would be glad to hear from him.
JAMES HARTLEY,
One of the Administrators.
Philadelphia, Oct. 20, 1787. 39—41
FOR SALE,
A likely Negro GIRL, ABOUT fifteen years old, a good COOK, and understands all kinds of house-work.—Sold only for want of employment. Jersey money, of the late emission, will be taken in payment.—For particulars enquire of the Printer. New-York, November 1, 1787. 39—41
At a Court of Probates of the State of New-York, held at the Probate-Office, in the City of New-York, on the twenty-fourth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T,
The Honorable PETER OGILVIE, Esq. Judge of the said Court.
WHEREAS Epenetus Smith, administrator of Isaac Ketcham, late of Huntington, in the county of Suffolk, yeoman, deceased, hath by his petition, presented to the said judge, set forth, that the said Isaac Ketcham, was at the time of his death seized of a real estate within this state, that the petitioner had made a just and true account of the personal estate and debts of the said Isaac Ketcham, as far as he had been able to discover the same; and that thereby it appeared that the personal estate of his said intestate was insufficient to pay his debts, and therefore requested the aid of the said judge in the premises, according to the directions of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of creditors against heirs, devisees, executors, and administrators, and for proving wills respecting real estates;" and the said petitioner hath delivered to the said judge the account in the said petition mentioned; hereupon it is ordered by the said judge, that all persons interested in the estate of the said Isaac Ketcham, do appear before the judge of the said court of Probates, at the Probate-Office, in the city of New-York, on the fourteenth day of December next, to show cause, if any they have, why so much of the real estate whereof the said Isaac Ketcham died seized should not be sold, as will be sufficient to pay his debts. 38—41 PETER OGILVIE.
Five Dollars Reward.
STOLEN, on the night of the third instant, out of the house of the subscriber, the following articles, viz. one purple silk gown, two white mouselin ditto, two pair of sheets; one old suit of blue and white curtains; and sundry caps, handkerchiefs, and ruffles. The above reward will be given for the thief and goods, by GARRET RAPALJE.
New-York, Oct. 10, 1787. 36—41
By Order of the Hon. JOHN HULBERT, Esq. one of the Judges of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas for the County of Suffolk.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of JOB HALSEY, of Southampton, to appear before the said judge (if they think proper) at his house in said Southampton, on Thursday the 15th of November next, at one o'clock in the afternoon, to show cause, if any they have, why an assignment of the estate of the said Job Halsey should not be made, and he thereupon discharged, pursuant to an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th of April, 1786.
Southampton, Oct. 6, 1787. 38—40
Edward Topping, Samuel H. Rose, Isaac Hildreath, James White, Jonah Rogers, Levy Halsey, Stephen Cook.
By Order of the Hon. RICHARD MORRIS, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York:
NOTICE is hereby given, by the petitioning creditors of Robert Carskadon, an insolvent debtor, to all his creditors, to show cause to the said Chief Justice, at his chamber, situated in Nassau-street, in the city of New-York, on Thursday the twenty-second day of November next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon of the same day, why an assignment of the said debtor's estate should not be made, and the said debtor discharged, according to the form of an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th April, 1786.
ROBERT CARSKADON.
Dated this 22nd day of Oct. 1787. 38—40
TO BE SOLD,
And Possession given the First of April next, a very Valuable, well improved, and agreeably situated
F A R M,
Nine Mil: East of Fishkill Landing, BOUNDED by the farm late of Col. John Brinckerhoff, deceased, and two streams of water, the Fishkill and Sprout-Creeks, in an agreeable and healthy neighbourhood, and a fertile pleasant country. There is on the premises a good dwelling house, barn stables, grainery, &c. A good bearing orchard, and other fruit trees.—The farm contains three hundred and fifty-three acres, a great proportion of which is meadow land; it produces, at present, eighty tons of hay yearly, and there remains yet as much more which may be cleared into meadow. The woodland is conveniently situated, and much of it may be converted into timber. Part of the purchase money to be paid on possession being given, and the remainder in easy payments. For terms and further particulars enquire of Sebring and Van Wyck, corner of the Albany-Pier, New-York, or of the subscriber at Fishkill. THEODORUS VAN WYCK. New-York, Oct. 25, 1787. 38—45
At a Court of Chancery, held at the Chancellor's Chambers, in the City of New-York, the tenth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T,
The Hon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Chancellor.
IN CHANCERY. FORASMUCH as it appears to this court, that a bill has been filed therein, by Dirck Lefferts, and Gerard G. Beekman, Complainants, against James Afle, Defendant, mortgagees, against James Afle, mortgagee, to obtain a decree for the sale of certain premises therein mentioned, to have been mortgaged by the said defendant, James Afle, to the said Dirck Lefferts, and Gerard G. Beekman; whereupon process of subpoena to appear and answer hath been duly issued and returned; and that the said James Afle, hath not entered his appearance in this suit, as according to the rules of this court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said proceedings had been duly served; and an affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this court, that the said defendant, James Afle, hath withdrawn out of this state, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process which issued on the filing of the bill of complaint in this cause; wherefore it is ordered, on motion of Mr. Ogilvie, of counsel for the complainants, that the said James Afle appear to the said bill on the eleventh day of April next, and in default thereof, that the complainants said bill be taken pro confesso, so far as it concerns him the said James Afle, to the end, that a decree may be made for a sale of the said premises, or such part thereof as to this court shall appear just and right; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order, within twenty days from the date hereof, be inserted in, at least, two of the public newspapers printed in this state, for the space of eight weeks successively. Extract from the Minutes, 37—45 W. COCK, Register.
S H R U B,
Of the very best Quality, by the Hoghead, Barrel, or smaller Quantity,
F O R S A L E,
by Charles Tillinghaft,
At his House, nearly opposite the New-Market, in Cherry-street.
October 3, 1787. 35—41
At a Court of Chancery, held at the Chancellor's Chambers, in the City of New-York, the tenth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T,
The Hon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Chancellor.
IN CHANCERY. FORASMUCH as it appears to this court, that a bill has been filed therein by Dirck Lefferts, Complainant, vs. Stephen Tuttle, and Philip Van Rensselaer, Defendants, mortgagees, against Stephen Tuttle and Philip Van Rensselaer, to obtain a decree for the sale of certain premises therein mentioned to have been mortgaged by the said defendant, Stephen Tuttle, to the said Dirck Lefferts; whereupon process of subpoena to appear, and answer, hath been duly issued and returned, and that the said Stephen Tuttle hath not entered his appearance in this suit, as according to the rules of this court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said process had been duly served on him the said Stephen Tuttle; and an affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this court, that the said defendant, Stephen Tuttle, has withdrawn himself out of this state, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process, which issued on the filing of the said bill of complaint in this cause; wherefore it is ordered, on motion of Mr. Ogilvie, of counsel for the complainant, that the said Stephen Tuttle appear to the said bill on the eleventh day of April next, and in default thereof, that the complainant's said bill be taken pro confesso, so far as it concerns him the said Stephen Tuttle, to the end, that a decree may be made for a sale of the said premises, or such part thereof as to this court shall appear just and right; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order, within twenty days from the date hereof, be inserted in, at least, two of the public newspapers printed in this state, for the space of eight weeks successively. Extract from the Minutes, 37—45 W. COCK, Register.
At a Court of Chancery, held at the Chancellor's Chambers, in the City of New-York, the tenth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T,
The Hon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Chancellor.
IN CHANCERY. FORASMUCH as it appears to this court, that a bill has been filed therein by Dirck Lefferts, and Gerard G. Beekman, Complainants, vs. Andrew Liddle, and Jonathan Filer, Defendants, mortgagees, against Andrew Liddle, and Jonathan Filer, to obtain a decree for the sale of certain premises therein mentioned to have been mortgaged by the said Andrew Liddle, to the said Dirck Lefferts and Gerard G. Beekman, whereupon process of subpoena to appear, and answer, hath been duly issued and returned, and that the said defendant, Andrew Liddle, hath not entered his appearance in this suit, as according to the rules of this court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said process had been duly served on him, the said Andrew Liddle; and an affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this court, that the said defendant, Andrew Liddle, hath withdrawn himself out of this state, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process, which issued on the filing of the bill of complaint in this cause; wherefore it is ordered, on motion of Mr. Ogilvie, of counsel for the complainants, that the said Andrew Liddle appear to the said bill on the eleventh day of April next, and in default thereof, that the complainant's said bill be taken pro confesso, so far as it concerns him the said Andrew Liddle, to the end, that a decree may be made for the sale of the said premises, or such part thereof as to this court shall appear just and right; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order, within twenty days from the date hereof, be inserted in, at least, two of the public newspapers printed in this state, for the space of eight weeks successively. Extract from the Minutes, 37—45 W. COCK, Register.
Just imported from AMSTERDAM, And FOR SALE,
By Jacob Le Roy, & Sons,
No. 52, Queen-street, opposite Chapple-street,
RUSSIA DUCK, Hard and soft Waffle- Russia Sheatings, Irons, Oznaburghs and Skates, Ticklenburghs, Iron Pots and Kettles, Writing-Paper, Dutch Gin in cases, Pepper in large and Ditto in chests, of forty small bales, gallons, Copper Tea-Kettles, Powder in quarter-casks, Rivetted Spouts, A quantity of coarse Frying-Pans, long and Salt. short handles. Oct. 18, 1787. 37—40
THE public are respectfully informed, that the Northern Line of Stages, from the date hereof, and during the winter season, will start from Mr. David O'Brien's, No. 138, Water-street, near Peck-slip, on Mondays and Thursdays, and from Lewis's tavern, in Albany, on the same days, precisely at four o'clock in the morning.—The stages will be three days in performing their tour, during the fall and winter seasons. In order to render the journey of those who please to favor the proprietors with their custom, as agreeable as possible—the price will be four-pence per mile, per passenger, each of whom will be allowed fourteen pounds of baggage.
At a Court of Chancery, held at the Chancellor's Chambers, in the City of New-York, the tenth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T,
The Hon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Chancellor.
IN CHANCERY. FORASMUCH as it appears to this court, that a bill has been filed therein by Dirck Lefferts, Complainant, vs. Abel Jennings, George Wakeman, Daniel Campbell, and others, Defendants, mortgagees, against Abel Jennings, George Wakeman, Daniel Campbell, and others, to obtain a decree for the sale of certain premises therein mentioned to have been mortgaged by the defendants, Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, to the said Dirck Lefferts, whereupon process of subpoena to appear, and answer, hath been duly issued and returned; and that the said Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, have not entered their appearance in this suit, as according to the rules of this court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said process had been duly served; and an affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this court, that the said defendants, Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, have withdrawn themselves out of this state, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process, which issued on the filing of the bill of complaint in this cause; wherefore it is ordered, on motion of Mr. Ogilvie, of counsel for the complainant, that the said Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, appear to the said bill on the eleventh day of April next, and in default thereof, that the complainant's said bill be taken pro confesso, so far as it concerns them the said Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, to the end, that a decree may be made for a sale of the said premises, or such part thereof as to this court shall appear just and right; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order, within twenty days from the date hereof, be inserted in, at least, two of the public newspapers printed in the state of New-York, for the space of eight weeks successively. Extract from the Minutes, 37—45 W. COCK, Register.
New-York Air Furnace.
PETER T. CURTENIUS, & Co.
HAVE repaired the New-York Air Furnace, and have procured the best workmen, together with the necessary apparatus to carry on the Manufacture of Cast Iron in the completest and best manner.
Castings made in an Air Furnace, are allowed by all who are acquainted with the nature of Foundries, to be better than what is made in a Blast Furnace; because, in an Air Furnace the ware is made out of the softest and best Pig Metal, and, by its being melted a second time, the scoria, or dross, is expelled, and nothing but the pure Metal remains. In a blast Furnace, the Castings are made out of the first smelting of the crude Ore, and are more or less mixed with dross, which subjects the ware to be rough and spongy, and often full of cold shuts: the difference, in short, is nearly the same as that between refined and Bloomery Iron.—The ware they have made is allowed, by good judges to be as light, as smooth, and as good as any imported from Europe. This consideration alone, of the ware being as good as the foreign, is a sufficient inducement for an American, to give the preference to the manufactures of his own country; but a more powerful argument for the purchaser to give it a preference is, that it can be afforded (and will be sold) cheaper than the imported ware, all foreign castings being subject to a duty of six per cent. on importation.
The WARE, manufactured at this FURNACE, consists of the following Articles, viz.
POTS and Kettles of various sizes, from one to fifteen gallons, Tea Kettles, Pye Pans, Skillets, Griddles, Pot-Asp Kettles and Coolers, Whaling Kettles, Boilers for tallow-chandlers and sugar-works, Stoves for sugar-bakers, Mill-Cases, Cast Bars for sugar-works and distilleries, Rollers and Shears for slitting-mills, Hearth and Jamb Plates, cast agreeable to any pattern that may be sent; Close Stoves for workshops, Franklin Stoves nearly decorated with carved work, Bath Stove-Grates elegantly ornamented with carvings, Chimney-Backs, Ships Caboules of the new construction, with bake ovens in them, in which the same fire that roasts and boils the meat, bakes the bread, Mill Rounds and Gudgeons, Saw-Mill Cranks, Calcining Plates for making pearl-ashes, Cast Iron Screws for fulling and paper-mills, Fullers Plates cast to any size that may be wanted, Sash-Weights, Forge-Hammers and Anvils, Plow-Plates, Half-Hundreds, Quarters, Fourteen and seven Pound Weights, Carr, Wagon, Coach, Pheton, Chair, and Sulkey Boxes, &c. &c.
N. B. Persons who want any Backs or other Ware, cast agreeable to particular patterns, will please to send their patterns and orders to the FURNACE, near Mr. Atlee's Brewery, or leave them at the house of Peter T. Curtenius, No. 48, Great Dork-street, near the Exchange. New-York, October 18, 1787. 37—42

To the CITIZENS of the STATE of NEW-YORK.
ADMITTING, however, that the vast extent of America, together with the various other reasons which I offered you in my last number, against the practicability of the just exercise of the new government are insufficient to convince you; still it is an undeniable truth, that its several parts are either possessed of principles, which you have heretofore considered as ruinous, and that others are omitted which you have established as fundamental to your political security, and must in their operation, I will venture to assert—fetter your tongues and minds, enchain your bodies, and ultimately extinguish all that is great and noble in man.
In pursuance of my plan, I shall begin with observations on the executive branch of this new system; and though it is not the first in order, as arranged therein, yet being the chiss , is perhaps entitled by the rules of rank to the first consideration. The executive power as described in the 2d article, consists of a president and vice-president, who are to hold their offices during the term of four years; the same article has marked the manner and time of their election, and established the qualifications of the president; it also provides against the removal, death, or inability of the president and vice-president—regulates the salary of the president, delineates his duties and powers; and lastly, declares the causes for which the president and vice-president shall be removed from office.
Notwithstanding the great learning and abilities of the gentlemen who composed the convention, it may be here remarked with deference, that the construction of the first paragraph of the first section of the second article, is vague and inexplicit, and leaves the mind in doubt, as to the election of a president and vice-president, after the expiration of the election for the first term of four years—in every other case, the election of these great officers is expressly provided for; but there is no explicit provision for their election in case of the expiration of their offices, subsequent to the election which is to set this political machine in motion—no certain and express terms as in your state constitution, that flatly state in every four years, and as often as these offices shall become vacant, by expiration or otherwise, as therein expressed, an election shall be held as follows, &c.—this inexplicitness perhaps may lead to an establishment for life.
It is remarked by Montesquieu, in treating of republics, that in all magistracies, the greatness of the power must be compensated by the brevity of the duration; and that a longer time than a year, would be dangerous. It is therefore obvious to the least intelligent mind, to account why, great power in the hands of a magistrate, and that power connected, with a considerable duration, may be dangerous to the liberties of a republic—the deposit of vast trusts in the hands of a single magistrate, enables him in their exercise, to create a numerous train of dependents—this tempts his ambition , which in a republican magistrate is also remarked, to be pernicious and the duration of his office for any considerable time favours his views, gives him the means and time to perfect and execute his designs— he therefore fancies that he may be great and glorious by oppressing his fellow citizens, and raising himself to permanent grandeur on the ruins of his country. —And here it may be necessary to compare the vast and important powers of the president, together with his continuance in office with the foregoing doctrine—his eminent magisterial situation will attach many adherents to him, and he will be surrounded by expectants and courtiers—his power of nomination and influence on all appointments—the strong holds in each state compiled within his superintendence, and garrisoned by troops under his direction—his control over the army, militia, and navy—the unrestrained power of granting pardons for treason, which may be used to screen from punishment, those whom he had secretly instigated to commit the crime, and thereby prevent a discovery of his own guilt—his duration in office for four years: these, and various other principles evidently prove the truth of the position—that if the president is possessed of ambition, he has power and time sufficient to ruin his country.
Though the president, during the sitting of the legislature, is assisted by the senate, yet he is without a constitutional council in their recess—he will therefore be unsupported by proper information and advice, and will generally be directed by minions and favorites, or a council of state will grow out of the principal officers of the great departments, the most dangerous council in a free country.
The ten miles square, which is to become the seat of government, will of course be the place of residence for the president and the great officers of state—the same observations of a great man will apply to the court of a president possessing the powers of a monarch, that is observed of that of a monarch— ambition with idleness—baseness with pride—the thirst of riches without labour—aversion to truth—flattery—treason—perfidy—violation of engagements—contempt of civil duties—hope from the magnitudes of weakness; but above all, the perpetual ridicule of virtue —these, he remarks, are the characteristics by which the courts in all ages have been distinguished.
The language and the manners of this court will be what distinguishes them from the rest of the community, not what assimilates them to it, and in being remarked for a behaviour that shows they are not meanly born , and in adulation to people of fortune and power.
The establishment of a vice president is as unnecessary as it is dangerous. This officer, for want of other employment, is made president of the senate, thereby blending the executive and legislative powers, besides always giving to some one state, from which he is to come, an unjust pre-eminence.
It is a maxim in republics, that the representative of the people should be of their immediate choice; but by the manner in which the president is chosen he arrives to this office at the fourth or fifth hand, nor does the highest votes, in the way he is elected, determine the choice—for it is only necessary that he should be taken from the highest of five, who may have a plurality of votes.
Compare your past opinions and sentiments with the present proposed establishment, and you will find, that if you adopt it, that it will lead you into
a system which you heretofore reprobated as odious. Every American whig, not long since, bore his emphatic testimony against a monarchical government, though limited, because of the dangerous inequality that it created among citizens as relative to their rights and property; and wherein does this president, invested with his powers and prerogatives, essentially differ from the king of Great-Britain (save as to name, the creation of nobility and some immaterial incidents, the offspring of absurdity and locality) the direct prerogatives of the president, as springing from his political character, are among the following:—It is necessary, in order to distinguish him from the rest of the community, and enable him to keep, and maintain his court, that the compensation for his services; or in other words, his revenue should be such as to enable him to appear with the splendor of a prince; he has the power of receiving ambassadors from, and a great influence on their appointments to foreign courts; as also to make treaties, leagues, and alliances with foreign states, assisted by the senate, which when made, become the supreme law of the land; he is a constituent part of the legislative power; for every bill which shall pass the house of representatives and senate, is to be presented to him for approbation; if he approves, of it, he is to sign it, if he disapproves, he is to return it with objections, which in many cases will amount to a complete negative; and in this view he will have a great share in the power of making peace, coining money, &c. and all the various objects of legislation, expressed or implied in this Constitution: for though it may be asserted that the king of Great-Britain has the express power of making peace or war, yet he never thinks it prudent to do without the advice of his parliament from whom he is to derive his support, and therefore these powers, in both president and king, are substantially the same: he is the generalissimo of the nation, and of course, has the command & controul of the army, navy and militia; he is the general conservator of the peace of the union—he may pardon all offences, except in cases of impeachment, and the principal fountain of all offices & employments. Will not the exercise of these powers therefore tend either to the establishment of a vile and arbitrary aristocracy, or monarchy? The safety of the people in a republic depends on the share or proportion they have in the government; but experience ought to teach you, that when a man is at the head of an elective government invested with great powers, and interested in his re-election, in what circle appointments will be made; by which means an imperfect aristocracy bordering on monarchy may be established.
You must, however, my countrymen, beware, that the advocates of this new system do not deceive you, by a fallacious resemblance between it and your own state government, which you so much prize; and if you examine, you will perceive that the chief magistrate of this state, is your immediate choice, controuled and checked by a just and full representation of the people, divested of the prerogative of influencing war and peace, making treaties, receiving and sending embassies, and commanding standing armies and navies, which belong to the power of the confederation, and will be convinced that this government is no more like a true picture of your own, than an Angel of darkness resembles an Angel of light.
CATO.
For the NEW-YORK JOURNAL, &c.
MR. GREENLEAF,
I HAVE read with a degree of attention several publications which have lately appeared in favour of the new Constitution; and as far as I am able to discern—the arguments (if they can be so termed) of most weight, which are urged in its favour may be reduced to the two following:
1st. That the men who formed it, were wise and experienced; that they were an illustrious band of patriots, and had the happiness of their country at heart; that they were four months deliberating on the subject, and therefore, it must be a perfect system.
2d. That if the system be not received, this country will be without any government, and of consequence, will be reduced to a state of anarchy and confusion, and involved in bloodshed and carnage; and in the end, a government will be imposed upon us, not the result of reason and reflection, but of force and usurpation.
As I do not find that either Cato or the Centinel, Brutus, or the Old Whig, or any other writer against this constitution, have undertaken a particular refutation of this new species of reasoning, I take the liberty of offering to the public, through the channel of your paper, the few following animadversions on the subject; and the rather, because I have discovered, that some of my fellow citizens have been imposed upon by it.
With respect to the first, it will be readily perceived, that it precludes all investigation of the merits of the proposed constitution, and leads to an adoption of the plan, without enquiring whether it be good or bad. For if we are to infer the perfection of this system from the characters and abilities of the men who formed it, we may as well determine to accept it without any enquiry as with.—A number of persons in this as well as the other states, have, upon this principle, determined to submit to it without even reading or knowing its contents.
But supposing the premises from which this conclusion is drawn, to be just, it then becomes essential, in order to give validity to the argument, to enquire into the characters of those who composed this body, that we may determine whether we can be justified in placing such unbounded confidence in them.
It is an invidious task, to call in question the characters of individuals, especially of such as are placed in illustrious stations. But when we are required implicitly to submit our opinions to those of others, from a consideration that they are so wise and good as not to be liable to err, and that too in an affair which involves in it the happiness of ourselves and our posterity; every honest man will justify a decent investigation of characters in plain language.
It is readily admitted, that many individuals who composed this body, were men of the first talents and integrity in the union. It is at the same time, well known to every man, who is but moderately acquainted with the characters of the members, that many of them are possessed of high aristocratic ideas, and the most sovereign contempt of the common people; that not a few were strongly disposed in favour of monarchy; that there were some of no small talents and of great influence, of consummate cunning, and masters of intrigue, whom
the war found poor, or in embarrassed circumstances, and left with princely fortunes, acquired in public employment, who are at this day to account for many thousands of public money; that there were others who were young, ardent, and ambitious, who wished for a government corresponding with their feelings, while they were destitute of that experience which is the surest guide in political researches; that there were not a few who were gaping for posts of honour and emolument; these we find exulting in the idea of a change, which will divert places of honour, influence and emolument, into a different channel, where the confidence of the people, will not be necessary to their acquirement. It is not to be wondered at, that an assembly thus composed should produce a system liable to well founded objections, and which will require very essential alterations. We are told by one of themselves [Mr. Wilson of Philadelphia] the plan was master of accommodation; and it is not unreasonable to suppose, that in this accommodation, principles might be introduced which would render the liberties of the people very insecure.
I confess I think it of no importance, what are the characters of the framers of this government, and therefore should not have called them in question, if they had not been so often urged in print, and in conversation, in its favour. It ought to rest on its own intrinsic merit. If it is good, it is capable of being vindicated; if it is bad, it ought not to be supported. It is degrading to a freeman, and humiliating to a rational one, to pin his faith on the sleeve of any man, or body of men, in an affair of such momentous importance.
In answer to the second argument, I deny that we are in immediate danger of anarchy and commotions. Nothing but the passions of wicked and ambitious men, will put us in the least danger on this head: those who are anxious to precipitate a measure, will always tell us that the present is the critical moment; now is the time, the crisis is arrived, and the present minute must be seized. Tyrants have always made use of this plea; but nothing in our circumstances can justify it.
The country is in profound peace, and we are not threatened by invasion from any quarter: the governments of the respective states are in the full exercise of their powers; and the lives, the liberty, and property of individuals are protected: all present exigencies are answered by them. It is true, the regulation of trade and a competent provision for the payment of the interest of the public debt is wanting; but no immediate commotion will arise from these; time may be taken for calm discussion and deliberate conclusions. Individuals are just recovering from the losses and embarrassments sustained by the late war: industry and frugality are taking their station, and banking from the community, idleness and prodigality. Individuals are lessening their private debts, and several millions of the public debt is discharged by the sale of the western territory. There is no reason, therefore, why we should precipitately and rashly adopt a system, which is imperfect or insecure; we may securely deliberate and propose amendments and alterations. I know it is said we cannot change for the worse; but if we act the part of wise men, we shall take care that we change for the better: It will be labour lost, if after all our pains we are in no better circumstances than we were before.
If any tumults arise, they will be justly chargeable on those artful and ambitious men, who are determined to cram this government down the throats of the people, before they have time deliberately to examine it. All the measures of the leaders of this faction have tended to this point. In Congress they attempted to obtain a resolution to approve the constitution, without going into an examination of it. In Pennsylvania, the chiefs of the party, who themselves were of the convention, that framed this system, within a few days after it dissolved, and before Congress had considered it, ingeniously brought forward a motion in their general assembly for recommending a convention; when a number of respectable men of that legislature, withdrew from the house, refusing to sanction with their presence, a measure so flagrantly improper, they procured a mob to carry a sufficient number of them by force to the house, to enable them to proceed on the business.
In Boston, the printers have refused to print against this plan, and have been countenanced in it. In Connecticut, papers have been handed about for the people to sign, to support it, and the names of those who declined signing it, have been taken down in what was called, a black list, to intimidate them into a compliance, and this before the people had time to read and understand the meaning of the constitution. Many of the members of the convention, who were charged with other public business, have abandoned their duty, and hastened to their states to precipitate an adoption of the measure. The most unwearied pains has been taken, to persuade the legislatures to recommend conventions to be elected to meet at early periods, before an opportunity could be had to examine the constitution proposed; every art has been used to exasperate the people against those, who made objections to the plan. They have been told that the opposition is chiefly made by state officers, who expect to lose their places by the change, though the propagators of this falshood, know, that very few of the state offices will be vacated by the new constitution, and are well apprized, that should it take place, it will give birth to a vast number of more lucrative and permanent appointments, which its principal advocates in every state are warmly in the pursuit of. Is it not extraordinary, that those men who are predicting, that a rejection of this constitution will lead to every evil, which anarchy and confusion can produce, should at the same moment embrace and pursue with unabating industry, every measure in their power, to rouse the passions, and thereby preclude calm and dispassionate enquiry. It would be wise in them, however, to reflect in season that should public commotion take place, they will not only be answerable for the consequences, and the blood that may be shed, but that on such an event, it is more than probable the people will discern the advocates for their liberties, from those who are aiming to enslave them, and that each will receive their just deserts.
BRUTUS, junior.
For the NEW-YORK JOURNAL, &c.
NUMBER II.
To JAMES WILSON, Esq.
SIR,
I HAVE proved, fir, that not only some power is given in the constitution to restrain, and even
to subject the press, but that it is a power totally unlimited; and may certainly annihilate the freedom of the press, and convert it from being the palladium of liberty to become an engine of imposition and tyranny. It is an easy step from restraining the press to making it place the worst actions of government in so favorable a light, that we may groan under tyranny and oppression without knowing from whence it comes.
But you comfort us by saying, "there is no reason to suspect so popular a privilege will be neglected." The wolf, in the fable, said as much to the sheep, when he was persuading them to trust him as their protector, and to dismiss their guardian dogs. Do you indeed suppose, Mr. Wilson, that if the people give up their privileges to these new rulers they will render them back again to the people? Indeed, fir, you should not trifle upon a question so serious—You would not have us to suspect any ill. If we throw away suspicion—to be sure, the thing will go smoothly enough, and we shall desire to continue a free, respectable, and happy people. Suspicion shackles rulers and prevents good government. All great and honest politicians, like yourself , have reprobated it. Lord Mansfield is a great authority against it, and has often treated it as the worst of libels. But such men as Milton, Sidney, Locke, Montesquieu, and Trenchard, have thought it essential to the preservation of liberty against the artful and persevering encroachments of those with whom power is trusted. You will pardon me, fir, if I pay some respect to these opinions, and with that the freedom of the press may be previously secured as a constitutional and unalienable right , and not left to the precarious care of popular privileges which may or may not influence our new rulers. You are fond of, and happy at, quaint expressions of this kind in your observation—that a formal declaration would have done harm, by implying, that some degree of power was given when we undertook to define its extent. This thought has really a brilliancy in it of the first water. But permit me, fir, to ask, why any saving clause was admitted into this constitution, when you tell us, every thing is reserved that is not expressly given? Why is it said in sec. 9th, "The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress, prior to the year, 1808." There is no power expressly given to the Congress to prohibit migrations and importations. By your doctrine then they could have none, and it was, according to your own position, nugatory to declare they should not do it. Which are we to believe, fir,—you or the constitution? The text, or the comment. If the former, we must be persuaded, that in the contemplation of the framers of the constitution implied powers were given, otherwise the exception would have been an absurdity. If we listen to you, we must affirm it to be a distinctive characteristic of the constitution, that—"what is not expressly given is reserved." Such are the inconsistencies into which men over ingenious, like yourself, are betrayed in advocating a bad cause. Perhaps four months mere consideration of the subject, would have rendered you more guarded.
I come now to the consideration of the trial by jury in civil cases. And here you have, indeed, made use of your professional knowledge.—But you did not tell the people that your profession was always to advocate one side of a question—to place it in the most favorable, though false, light—to rail where you could not reason—to pervert where you could not refute—and to practice every fallacy on your hearers—to mislead the understanding and pervert judgment. In right of this professional practice, you make a refutable objection of your own, and then triumphantly refute it. The objection you impute to your opponents is—the trial by jury is abolished in civil cases. This you call a disingenuous form —and truly it is very much so on your part and of your own fabrication. The objection in its true form is, that—trial by jury is not secured in civil cases. To this objection, you could not possibly give an answer; you therefore ingeniously coined one to which you could make a plausible reply. We expected, and we had a right to expect, that such an inestimable privilege as this would have been secured—that it would not have been left dependent on the arbitrary exposition of future judges, who, when it may suit the arbitrary views of the ruling powers will explain it away at pleasure. We may expect Trefilian, Jeffreys's, and Mansfield's here, and if they should not be native with us, they may possibly be imported.
But, if taken even on your own ground it is not so clearly tenable. In point of legal construction, the trial by jury does seem to be taken away in civil cases. It is a law maxim, that the expression of one part is an exclusion of the other. In legal construction therefore, the reservation of trial by jury in criminal, is an exclusion of it in civil cases. Why else should it be mentioned at all? Either it followed of course in both cases, or it depended on being stipulated. If the first, then the stipulation was nugatory—if the latter, then it was in part given up. Therefore, either we must suppose the Convention did a nugatory thing; or that by the express mention of jury in criminal, they meant to exclude it in civil cases. And that they did intend to exclude it, seems the more probable, as in the appeal they have taken special care to render the trial by jury of no effect, by expressly making the court judges both of law and fact. And though this is subjected to the future regulation of Congress, yet it would be absurd to suppose, that the regulation meant its annihilation. We must therefore conclude, that in appeals the trial by jury is expressly taken away, and in original process it is by legal implication taken away in all civil cases.
Here then I must repeat—that you ought to have stated fairly to the people, that the trial by jury was not secured; that they might know what, it was they were to consent to; and if knowing it, they consented, the blame could not fall on you. Before they decide, however, I will take leave to lay before them the opinion of that great and revered Judge Lord Camden, whose authority is, I hope, at least equal to that of Mr. Wilson.—"There is, says he, scarce any matter of challenge allowed to the judge, but several to the jurors, and many of them may be removed without any reason alleged. This seems to promise as much impartiality as human nature will admit, and absolute perfection is not attainable, I am afraid, either in judge or jury or any thing else. The trial by our country, is in my opinion, the great bulwark of freedom, and for certain, the admiration of all foreign nations."

reign writers and nations. The last writer of any distinguished note, upon the principles of government, the celebrated Montesquieu, is in raptures with this peculiar perfection in the English policy. From juries running riot, if I may say so, and acting wildly at particular seasons, I cannot conclude, like some Scottish Doctors of our law and constitutions, that their power should be lessened. This would, to use the words of the wise, learned, and intrepid Lord Chief Justice Vaughan, be a strange newfangled conclusion, after a trial so celebrated for so many hundreds of years."
Such are the opinions of Lord Camden and Vaughan, and multitudes of the first names, both English and other foreigners might be cited, who bestow unbounded approbation on this best of all human modes for protecting life, liberty, and property.
I own then, it alarms me, when I see these Doctors of our constitutions cutting in twain this sacred shield of public liberty and justice. Surely my countrymen will think a little before they resign this strong hold of freedom. Our state constitutions have held it sacred in all its parts. They have anxiously secured it. But that these may not shield it from the intended destruction in the new constitution, it is therein as anxiously provided, that "this constitution, and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof; or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme laws of the land; and the judges in every state, shall be bound thereby; any thing in the constitution and laws of any state, to the contrary notwithstanding."
Thus this new system, with one sweeping clause, bears down every constitution in the union, and establishes its arbitrary doctrines, supreme and paramount to all the bills and declarations of rights, in which we vainly put our trust, and on which were based the security of our often declared, unalienable liberties. But I trust the whole people of this country, will unite, in crying out, as did our sturdy ancestors of old— Nolumus leges angliae mutari .—We will not part with our birthright.
CINCINNATUS.
For the NEW-YORK JOURNAL, &c.
MR. GREENLEAF,
HAVING observed in your paper of the 25th ult. that a writer under the signature of A Slave , has pointed out a number of advantages or blessings, which, he says, will result from an adoption of the new government, proposed by the Convention:—I have taken the liberty to request, that you will give the following a place in your next paper, it being an enumeration of a few of the curtes which will be entailed on the people of America, by this preposterous and newfangled system, if they are ever so infatuated as to receive it.
1st. A standing army, that bane to freedom, and support of tyrants, and their pampered minions; by which almost all the nations of Europe and Asia, have been enslaved.
2d. An arbitrary capitation or poll tax, by which the poor, in general, will pay more than the rich, as they have, commonly, more children, than their wealthy dissipated neighbours.
3d. A suppression of trial by a jury of your peers, in all civil cases, and even in criminal cases, the loss of the trial in the vicinage, where the fact and the credibility of your witnesses are known, and where you can command their attendance without insupportable expence, or inconveniences.
4th. Men of all ranks and conditions, subject to have their houses searched by officers, acting under the sanction of general warrants, their private papers seized, and themselves dragged to prison, under various pretences, whenever the fear of their lordly masters shall suggest, that they are plotting mischief against their arbitrary conduct.
5th. Excise laws established, by which our bed chambers will be subjected to be searched by brutal tools of power, under pretence, that they contain contraband or smuggled merchandise, and the most delicate part of our families, liable to every species of rude or indecent treatment, without the least prospect, or shadow of redress, from those by whom they are commissioned.
6th. The Liberty of the Press (that grand palladium of our liberties) totally suppressed, with a view to prevent a communication of sentiment throughout the states. This restraint is designedly intended to give our new masters an opportunity to rivet our fetters the more effectually.
7th. A swarm of greedy officers appointed, such as are not known at present in the United States, who will riot and fatten on the spoils of the people, and eat up their substance.
8th. The militia of New-Hampshire, or Massachusetts, dragged to Georgia or South-Carolina, to assist in quelling an insurrection of Negroes in those states; and those of Georgia, to another distant quarter, to subdue their fellow citizens, who dare to rise against the despotism of government.
9th. The citizens of the state of New-Hampshire or Georgia, obliged to attend a trial (on an appeal) at the seat of government, which will, probably, be at the distance of at least five hundred miles from the residence of one of the parties, by which means, the expence of suits will become so enormous as to render justice unattainable but by the rich.
10th. The states perpetually involved in the wars of Europe, to gratify the ambitious views of their ambitious rulers, by which the country will be continually drained of its men and money.
11th. The citizens constantly subjected to the insults of military collectors, who will, by the magnetism of that most powerful of all attractives, the bayonet, extract from their pockets (without their consent) the exorbitant taxes imposed on them by their haughty lords and masters, for the purpose of keeping them under, and breaking their spirits, to prevent revolt.
12th. Monopolies in trade, granted to the favourites of government, by which the spirit of adventure will be destroyed, and the citizens subjected to the extortion of those companies who will have an exclusive right, to engross the different branches of commerce.
13th. An odious and detestable stamp act, imposing duties on every instrument of writing, used in the courts of law and equity, by which the avenues to justice will, in a great measure, be barred,
* The Abbe Mably, one of the most sensible writers on government says, that the most despotic monarch in any nation whatever, if he had as many troops as the ability of the nation could support, would not long hold the reins of government; if the press was not shackled to prevent political disquisition.
as it will enhance the expences on a suit, and deter men from pursuing the means requisite to obtain their right.—Stamp duties also, imposed on every commercial instrument of writing,—on literary productions, and particularly, on news papers, which of course, will be a great discouragement to trade; an obnoxious and useful knowledge in arts, sciences, agriculture, and manufactures, and a prevention of political information throughout the states. Add to the above enumeration, the severest and most intolerable of all curses—that of being enslaved by men of our own creation (as to power) and for whose aggrandizement, many of us have fought and bled. Men who will, perhaps, construe our most innocent remarks and animadversions on their conduct, treason , misprision of treason, or high crimes and misdemeanors, which may be punished with unusual severity; we shall then be in a most forlorn and hopeless situation indeed.
A SON OF LIBERTY.
Orange-County, November 4, 1787.
New-York, November 8.
A GENTLEMAN from North-Carolina assures us that the citizens of that state are almost unanimously in favour of the new constitution, but that, notwithstanding what has been said respecting the conduct of Governor Randolph and Mr. Mason, there is great reason to expect Virginia will be one of the dissenting states on that important question.
A letter from an American gentleman in London, dated July 17, 1787, to his correspondent in Richmond, Virginia, says:—"The additional duty on British ships, &c. laid by the last General Assembly of Virginia, is in my opinion, a wise measure, but would be much more so, if it was general throughout the United States. It has raised the value of American ships here, and they carry out most of the goods this season. It will also probably have the effect of inducing this haughty nation to condescend so far as to negotiate a treaty of commerce with us."
On the 24th ult. the general court of Massachusetts passed a resolution for calling a Convention for the purpose of considering the newly proposed plan of Federal Government. This Convention is to meet at Boston on the second Wednesday in January next.
On the 31st ult. his Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Esq. re-elected President, and the Hon. Peter Mullenburg, Esq. elected Vice-President of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
The Rev. Charles Inglis, D. D. Bishop of Nova-Scotia, &c. arrived at Halifax from London on the 15th ult.
Extract of a letter from General Cooke, at Mulberry Grove, state of Franklin, to Major Elholm at Augusta, dated August 28, 1787.
"Col. Tipton, the other day appeared with a party of about 50 men, of such as he could raise under pretence of redressing a quarrel that had arisen between our sheriff and the sheriff of North-Carolina, though their principal view was to put themselves in possession of our records. This conduct produced a most rapid report, that they had made a prisoner of his Excellency to carry him to North-Carolina, which caused 200 volunteers to repair immediately to the house of Col. Tipton before they became sensible of the mistake; and it was only through the influence of his Excellency that the opposite party did not fall a sacrifice to our Franks. During this time, a body of about 1500 veterans embodied themselves in order to rescue their Governor (as they thought) out of the hands of the North-Carolinians, and bring him back to the mountains—an instance that proves our citizens to have too noble a spirit to yield to slavery, or to relinquish national insult."
MARRIED,—lately, in this city, Mr. JOHN HODGES, merchant, of Antigua, to Mrs. LYDIA POLLARD, daughter of PHILIP AUDUBERT, Esq. of this city.
Whenever a public body, says a correspondent, acts from malicious passion, they commonly bring on themselves shame and contempt.
It is therefore a great pity that the honorable Congress instead of bestowing a medal on P—l J—s did not confer on him a medal in the form of a shield, as he might have made use of it to save his face from receiving the mark which his enemies sometimes bestow, in order to distinguish their contempt for him, and also to hide his face in delivering the recommendations of Congress to the king of France in his favor. W I T N E S S.
I BEG that the public would condescend to observe, that Mr. Paul Jones wants to bring to a decision, by news papers, an affair of honor with me, which might have been terminated, as promised, in Holland, in the year 1779, had he been willing; and had he not, to avoid it then, impeached me with the fallacious charges he has mentioned:—that they may consider his advantages and artful way of writing against a man born a foreigner, not conversant with the language, candid, and unacquainted with the laws, by which he may be entrapped for some unwary expressions:—that he is not ignorant of my numberless enemies:—that I have in that description, as may appear by the first part of my memorial, his Excellency Benjamin Franklin, and, of course, his party; and, by the second part, the Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq.; and likewise his party; whose partisans, of both sides, make the major part of the gentlemen in office in America:—that I wrote a memorial, dated March 25th, 1780, to the Hon. Congress, in which I complained highly of the treatment I had received, in the offices of the Superintendent of Finances, and in that of Mr. Milligan; and though by influence against me, the report of the Committee, who examined, it was rejected, I have some reasons to think that these gentlemen bear me no good will:—that the Hon. Rufus King, Esq.; who was chairman of a Committee to report on my memorial, dated the 31st July, 1786, to Congress, told me several times in private that my claims were just; but if I would claim the interest of the sums owing to me, for pay, subsistence and advanced money, only from the time I was out of service, he would himself make the report, and the other gentlemen of the Committee would assent to it; it would undoubtedly pass in Congress, and I would receive, according to my claim, all in ready money; nevertheless, after I
had consented to the great sacrifice of the said interest, for all the time I was in service, he told me I could not be paid several sums in ready money, but in certificates, though the same sums were granted and acknowledged to be at my credit on account current (which means, I am sensible, to be paid me when I would call for it) by an official letter of the Superintendent of Finances corroborated by a resolve of Congress on the 6th March, 1782, which approved the steps the Superintendent of Finance had taken, with respect to my accounts; he deducted likewise a year and a half interest on the gratuity promised me for bringing a cargo of ammunition to America. I begged of him as a favour to be admitted before the committee, where being, he wanted to put advanced money in Europe to be paid in certificates, particularly the balance of my expences above the sums I had received to bear them, when ordered to remain in Paris by his Excellency Benjamin Franklin; but the other gentlemen thought and agreed it should be paid in ready money; but Mr. King took a paper and wrote the report whilst the other gentlemen went to Congress, which report gave ground to a Resolve the 2d June, 1785, by which a law made, by a resolve in the year 1783, to pay officers (in other cases than mine) in certificates, retroacted and annihilated two resolves, favourable to my undeniable demands, passed in 1778 and 1781; by which the amount of my whole pay, and above, being 1814 dollars (allowed as said before, to be paid me in ready money) should be paid in certificates, and which I must totally lose, having no hope of redress, as I have since repeated my claim unsuccessfully, and am unwilling to assent to such change in the payment:—that Mr. Paul Jones, by influence, had been sent to Europe (without my knowledge) and kept and enjoyed, since two years, twelve thousand hard dollars of our prize money which he received there; and though he then remitted the remnant of it to the American Minister in France, by the influence of my enemies here, and particularly in the Treasury Board, I, on the contrary, although I have claimed my share of that money of that Hon. Board, and represented to them that my share was distinct from the rest of the crew, it being two nineteenths of that money, I have never received a farthing of it, and I do not know whether, by the preponderance of those enemies, I shall ever receive any; which case makes me shorter of money than Mr. Jones, to bear the expences of the press:—that, by the by-words of my enemies in all the companies I am not known to, which is the greatest part keeping within a small circle of a few friends, I must have all disadvantages.
I have made these observations, amongst a great many others, to keep the honest, whole approbation only I wish for, upon their guard; I may say, on the whole, if the comparison of rational beings and brutes can be admitted, that I have been as unmercifully used by my enemies, as a country dog is when in town, helpless in the middle of a multitude of the city ones, by whom at least he is torn to pieces. P. L A N D A I S.
New-York, 1st Nov. 1787.
AS there is a letter, in yesterday's Daily Advertiser, of Mr. Milligan, about what happened the 26th ult. between me and Mr. Paul Jones, I beg as a favour and as a justice, of Mr. Viner Van Zandt, to be so kind as to have his declaration, which he made loudly of his own accord in presence of a great many gentlemen, in the Coffee-House, on the 30th ult. printed in this paper, at my own cost; as these news-papers will circulate, and go in this and foreign countries. I would take it as a further act of his kindness and justice to give me in writing, certified by him, said declaration. P. L A N D A I S.
New-York, Nov. 2, 1787.
State of Massachusetts-Bay.
In the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight.
An Act for naturalizing Peter Landais, Esq. WHEREAS Peter Landais, Esq. late of St. Maloes, in the Kingdom of France, has left his native country, and has generously and gallantly taken a part with the friends of America, in opposition to the cruel efforts of Great-Britain, to subjugate the inhabitants of these United States to its tyrannical authority: And whereas it is just to reward such persons, who have thus voluntarily taken a part in our defence, and expedient to encourage such well-disposed foreigners to join themselves to us:
Be it enacted by the Council and House of Representatives in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, that, upon taking and subscribing the oath of allegiance, appointed by an Act made in the year of our Lord, 1777, entitled, "An Act for prescribing and establishing an oath of fidelity and allegiance," by the said Peter Landais, he the said Peter Landais shall, from the time of taking and subscribing the said oath before any two of the members of the Council of this state, be deemed, adjudged and taken to be a natural subject of this state, to all intents, constructions and purposes, as if he the said Peter Landais had been born within this state, and had continued and dwelt therein from the time of his birth, and been here abiding on the fourth day of July, in the year of our Lord 1776, and had at that time, and ever since, taken a part with and been aiding the inhabitants of this state in defence of their liberties.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if the said Peter Landais shall take and subscribe the oath aforesaid, before any two of the Council of this state, the persons, before whom he shall take and subscribe the said oath, shall make return thereof to the Secretary, who shall record the same in a book to be kept among the public records of this state, for the purpose of recording the names of such foreigners, as shall be hereafter naturalized by acts of this state.
In the House of Representatives, October 13th, 1778.
This bill having been read three several times, passed to be enacted.
Sent up for concurrence. John Pickering, Speaker.
In Council, Oct. 14th, 1778.
This bill having had two several readings, passed to be enacted.
John Avery, Dep. Sec. Consented to by the major part of the Council. True Copy.
Attest, John Avery, Dep. Sec.
PETER LANDAIS commander of the continental frigate Alliance, do acknowledge that the United States of America, to be free independent and sovereign states, and declare that the people thereof owe no allegiance to George the third, king of Great-Britain; and I renounce, refuse, and abjure any allegiance to him, and I do swear, that I will to the utmost of my power, support, maintain and defend the said United States against the said king George the third, his heirs and successors, and his and their abettors, assistants and adherents; and will serve the said United States, in the office of commander, as above, which I now hold, with fidelity, according to the best of my skill and understanding.—So help me God. P. LANDAIS. State of Massachusetts-Bay, Suffolk, July 3d, 1778.
Then Mr. Landais personally appeared and took the above oath, by him subscribed.
JOSEPH GREENLEAF, Justice of the Peace.
I HAVE had the copy of the act of my naturalization printed above, in order to justify my claiming, as I do claim, hereby the protection, not only as a man of honour, but also as an American, consistently to the said act, of the impartial public, if they judge any future complaints just; as I am satisfied that I have proved, by my conduct's justifying memorial, that I served you, Americans, as Captain of the Heureux; and after as Captain of the United States Frigate Alliance, sedulously and successfully towards making this a separate, distinguished and glorious nation of Freemen; now being one of the number, whilst the free press offers me the only resource to show that I desire and will maintain a Freeman's right, I am going to expose to your judgment, in future news-papers, acts of at least aristocratical oppression, which have been exercised against me: I have a great many artful and powerful enemies; but great is the truth, and might above all things, and candidness will always please the honest, which will be my only part, if I can be intelligible enough to be understood. P. L A N D A I S.
New-York, November 6, 1787.
The REPUBLICAN No. II. is again unavoidably omitted for want of room.
NOTICE is hereby given, pursuant to an act, entitled, "An act for the relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 13th day of April, 1786; that we, John Marsden Pintard, Alexander Robertson, and Leonard M. Cutting, have been duly appointed trustees for all the creditors of William Bolts, James De Gabbiani, John Adam Wagner, and John Roffetti, debtors, residing out of the state of New-York, to wit, at Trieste, in Germany: and we do, pursuant to the directions of the said act, hereby require all persons indebted to the said William Bolts, James De Gabbiani, John Adam Wagner, and John Roffetti, by the first day of December next ensuing the date hereof, to pay all such sum or sums of money, or other debt, duty or thing, which they owe to the said debtors, and deliver all effects of such debtors, which he, she, or they may have in his, her, or their hands, power, or custody, to us the said trustees. And we the said trustees, do hereby also, pursuant to the act aforesaid, desire all the creditors of the said William Bolts, James De Gabbiani, John Adam Wagner, and John Roffetti, by the said first day of December next, to deliver to us the said trustees, or any one or more of us, their respective accounts and demands against the said debtors.—Dated the 2d day of November, 1787. J. M. PINTARD, ALEXANDER ROBERTSON, L. M. CUTTING.
AT THE TANNERY, Near the Fresh-Water Pond.
MAY be had of the subscriber a quantity of excellent SOLE and UPPER LEATHER, tanned in the English mode, equal to any manufactured in America. He proposes, for country dealers, to supply on terms that will enable them to make large profits;—for city consumption, such as will establish the Shoe Manufacturers, and procure them a run of custom for ships use, as good in quality, as that imported from England, and at a much less price.
Cash, Bark, raw Hides or Calve Skins taken in exchange. ISAAC COULTHARD.
N. B. A Currier, Master of his Business, is wanted immediately.—Apply as above. New-York, Oct. 8, 1787.
PRIZE-MONEY.
Of the Squadron under John Paul Jones, Esquire, NOTICE is hereby given to those officers and men of the Frigates Alliance and Bon homme Richard, who are entitled to a share in the prizes taken by the squadron under the command of John Paul Jones, Esq. that a division has been made of the proceeds of such prizes as were sold in France, and that the shares will be paid to the respective claimants, or their legal representatives, on their producing, at this office, sufficient proof that they are the persons, or are empowered by the persons actually entitled to the shares they respectively claim.
Benjamin Walker, Commissioner. Office of accounts, Marine department, New-York, Nov. 1, 1787.
Just received, and to be SOLD, at T. Greenleaf's Printing-Office.
And by Mr. Hodge, and T. Allen, Book-sellers, in Queen-street, and at Mr. Loudon's, Printing-Office, Water-street.
OBSERVATIONS, leading to a fair Examination of the Government proposed by the late CONVENTION, and to several essential and necessary Alterations in it.—In a number of Letters from the Federal Farmer to the Republican.
For St. THOMAS, The Schooner, POLLY, ADAM TODD, MASTER,
WILL sail in twelve days. For freight or passage apply to Smith and Wyckoff, or the master on board at Couslabe, Rucker, and Co's. wharf. New-York, October 31, 1787. 39—40

POET'S CORNER.
On the shocking Account of a Child's rising in a Swamp, near its Parents Dwelling.
DEAR offspring of a pure conjugal rite, With care they search the intricate forest thro'; At once you're hidden from your parents sight, And left us in a fruitless search to rove.
The pitying neighbours with all haste attend, With care they search the intricate forest thro'; 'Till Sol below the horizon descends, And leaves them in a mist of falling dew.
Next morn the sun o'er-topt the hoary hills, And shew'd the shrubs with bright reflecting drops: The child is found beside a murm'ring rill, His pulse beats low, and now his breathing stops.
With weeping eyes, the childless couple view'd The cold remains of all the former joy; While tears gush'd forth from every eye a flood, And even made the hardest heart to sigh.
A. MEN.
John Siemon,
No. 76, William-Street, next Door to Mr. Samuel Gilford's,
MANUFACTURER, and has for SALE, A large and general Assortment of
MUFFS and TIPPETS,
Consisting of MARTIN, and Martin Throat, real, and mock Ermin; American and Russia Squirrel; real black Gennet; red Fox; Russia Hair; and ground Squirrel.
LIKES WISE, A complete Assortment of Fine Trimmings and Edgings, for Ladies Cloaks, riding Dresses, &c. Cloak Linings, Great-Coats, lined with Furr, for Gentlemen, Caps, Gloves, &c. &c.
The above Articles he is now selling on the most reasonable Terms, for Cash, or Short Credit.
Directions will be given how to preserve the Furr during the Summer Season. New-York, October 23, 1787. 38—
FLAX-SEED,
STORED, Cleaned, Purchased, and Sold, at HARTELL and WOODWARD'S Flax-Seed Store, lately occupied by Mr. JACOB SARLY, last by Mr. Naff, between Van Zandt's and Murray's Wharves. 38—
Craigie, Wainwright, & Co. DRUGGISTS,
No. 37, Wall-Street, Corner of Hanover-Square, Have imported in the last Ships from Europe, A General Assortment of
DRUGS, MEDICINE, and SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, which they will dispose of on very reasonable terms, for Cash, Bees-Wax, Snake-Root, Pot or Pearl-Aloes.
The following are Part of their Assortment; Genuine red Peruvian Bark, Peruvian Bark, Camphor, Calomel, Antimony, Cream of Tartar, Flower of Sulphur, Tartar Emetic, Ippacacuanha, Jalap, Rhubarb, Glauber Salts, Opium, Spanish Flies, Manna, Aloes, Aqua Fortis, Borax, Gentian Root, Flowers of Lavender, Flowers of Camomile, Senna, &c.
Surgeons Instruments. Pocket Instruments, Dissecting Knives, Crooked Needles, Teeth Instruments, Lancets, Mortars, and Pestles, Spatulas and Bolus Knives, Amputating Instruments.
At the same place may be had, a great variety of Genuine PATENT MEDICINE. Practitioners and Country Store-keepers may depend upon being well supplied at the above Store.
Medicine chests for shipping, plantations, or iron works, with directions suited to the disorders of the country, are made up on the lowest terms.
SALT-PETRE,
Very low, by the hundred, to be had at the above STORE. 37—
New-York RUM,
Of excellent Flavour and good Proof, FOR SALE, By Charles Tillinghaft, At the DISTILLERY, near the New-Market, in Cherry-street, and nearest to the Ship-Yards. October 3, 1787. 35—
The CO-PARTNERSHIP of BREBNER and BROWN, New-York, and JAMES BREBNER and Comp. Kinderhook, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All those who have any demands against either of the co-partners are requested to send in their accounts for settlement, and those who are indebted to the above company will please to call and settle the same, otherwise they will be put into the hands of an attorney for collection.
JAMES BREBNER, ANDREW BROWN. New-York, 4th Sept. 1787. 31—
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to PETER BERRIAN, of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Peter Berrian, their accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said Peter Berrian, previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to PETER BERRIAN, or to JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—49
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to THOMAS WHITE, of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Thomas White, their accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said Thomas White, previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to Thomas White, or to JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—49
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to JAMES MYER, jun. of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the aforesaid James Myer, jun. their accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said James Myer, jun. previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to the subscriber. JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—49
IN CHANCERY. Michael Price and Jacob Dennis, Executors of the last will and testament of Edward Price, deceased, complainants vs. Catharine Everitt, Thomas Everitt, Richard Everitt, Abraham Albertis, and Jane his wife, and Hannah Post, defendants. PURSUANT to a decree of the honorable court of chancery for the said state, made the fifteenth day of August 1787, will be sold at the house of Adolph Waldron, situate in Brooklyn, and in King's county, on Long-Island, on Saturday the tenth day of November next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon of the same day, all that certain LOT OF GROUND, and premises thereto belonging, situate lying and being at Brooklyn Ferry, butted and bounded as follows, to wit: beginning on the south west corner of a certain rock, and from said rock with a south easterly line along a fence, the corner part of said fence eighty-two feet and an half, and from thence with a north west line along the fence and barn, with a straight line to the slaughter-house, now or late of Israel Horsfield, at a place marked H. S. and from said mark south westerly along the said slaughter-house two feet, and from said place with a north west line to a certain stone seventy feet, all English measure, and from thence with a south easterly line into the hill to the place where it first began; bounded south west, south east, and north easterly, by the land now or late of said Israel Horsfield, and north westerly by the river, as the said premises are mentioned and described in the bill of complaint of the said complainants. Conveyances for the above premises will be executed by the subscriber, and delivered to the purchaser on the payment of the purchase money. JAMES M. HUGHES, Master in Chancery. 33—40
WHEREAS Nicholas Bayard, Esq. of the city of New-York, by his certain indenture of lease, under his hand and seal, duly executed, bearing date the sixteenth day of September, in the ninth year of the independence of the United States of America, and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, for the consideration therein mentioned, did demise and to farm let unto John Casing, all those three LOTS OF GROUND, No. 279, 280, and 281, situate in the outward, at the corner of Moll-street, and Bayard-street, to have and to hold the said three Lots unto the said John Casing, for and during and until the end and term of twenty-one years from thence next ensuing: and whereas the said John Casing had erected on said three Lots of Ground a dwelling house; and whereas the said John Casing, on the twenty-eighth day of February, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, by indenture of mortgage, did convey unto John Egberts, of the said city of New-York, house-carpenter, all the beforementioned Lots, No. 279, 280, and 281, with the buildings thereon erected, to hold for and during the residue and remainder of the said term of twenty-one years then to come, and, unexpired, to secure the payment of fifty pounds, with the lawful interest: NOTICE is hereby given, that in pursuance of an act of the governor, council, and general assembly of the late colony of New-York, passed the nineteenth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, entitled, "An act for the more effectual registering of mortgages, and for securing the purchases of mortgaged estates," the residue and remainder of the term of years yet to come, and unexpired, of, and in the said three Lots of Ground, with the buildings thereon erected, will be SOLD at PUBLIC VENDUE, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the twenty-fifth day of February next. The sale to begin at twelve o'clock. The condition of sale will be made known at the time of the vendue, and a deed executed to the purchaser or purchasers, subject to the proviso, in the said act, in favor of other mortgages, judgments at law, and decrees in equity, prior to the said sale. JOHN EGBERTS.
FOR the Encouragement of the PAPER MANUFACTURES in America, the Printer hereof pays CASH, and the highest Price, for LINEN, and COTTON and LINEN, RAGS.
State of New-York, Court of Admiralty. Charles March, Timothy Penny, Abraham P. Mendes, John Thompson, Gad Wells, and others, Libellants. vs. Sundry goods, Wares and Merchandize, saved out of a vessel having no person on board, by John Shannon and others, and claimed by Gibbon Bourke, John Donnan and the said John Shannon and others, and claimed in part by Daniel McCormick for Hyem Cohen, and by William Cock for Richard Hall.
WHEREAS Charles March, Timothy Penny, Abraham P. Mendes, John Thompson, Matthew Fergo, John Howard, Gad Wells, Samuel Eells, and Peter Noyes, junior, as passengers, and Malcom Taylor, and Henry Harris, as mariners on board of the brigantine Port-Roseway, have filed a libel in the said court, setting forth that in and with the said brigantine, in a voyage from the island of Jamaica to New-London, in Connecticut, on or about the first day of August, in the year 1784, in the latitude of 23 degrees and 30 minutes north, or thereabouts, they discovered, and went to a vessel with only her foremast standing, and having no living creature on board, and five feet water in her hold; and that they saved and took out of the said brigantine, sundry goods, wares, and merchandise, which were by them brought to the port of New-York, and there sold at public vendue, by order of Gibbon Burke, and John Donnan, of the said city, merchants: And whereas it appears by return of sales of Anthony L. Bleeker, that the said merchandise so saved and brought to the port of New-York, consisted of the following articles, viz. Six hogheads of sugar, the marks & numbers whereof were defaced, one hoghead of sugar marked F. No. 102, one other hoghead of sugar marked WB. No. 185, one other hoghead of sugar, marked F.S. one hoghead of spirits, marked E. [enclosed by a diamond] No. 6, one other hoghead of spirits, marked B. E. No. 4, one other hoghead of spirits, marked B. E. No. 5, one other hoghead of spirits, marked B. R. No. 3, one other hoghead of spirits, marked WB. No. 7, one other hoghead of spirits, marked WB. No. 8, and one other hoghead of spirits, marked WB. No. 9, thirteen bales of cotton wool without mark or number, 1 bale of cotton wool, marked H.C.C. fifteen other bales of cotton wool, the marks & numbers whereof were defaced; four whole bales, four half bales, four broken bales, and four bundles of cotton wool, the marks whereof, if any had been, could not be discovered, a quantity of logwood, and five hundred and fifty-one feet of mahogany. And whereas, by an advertisement formerly published in one of the news papers printed in New-York; the said goods and merchandise were said to have been saved and taken on board of the said brigantine Port-Roseway, on Thursday the 5th day of Aug. 1784. And whereas, Gibbon Bourke and John Donnan, on behalf of John Shannon, master, and Samuel Nesbitt, mate, Malcom Taylor, Martin George, John Harper, Swiney Wilson and Alexander McKensie, mariners, and Richard Hall, owner of the said brigantine Port-Roseway, have filed a claim in the said court, praying a decree for their proportional shares of the net proceeds of the said goods: and whereas, Daniel McCormick, of the city of New-York, merchant, for and on behalf of Hyem Cohen, of the Island of Jamaica, hath filed a claim in the said court, to the monies which have arisen from the sales of the said cotton wool, or part thereof, after the payment of salvage: and whereas William Cock, of the city of New-York, Esq. for and in behalf of Richard Hall, of Shelburne, in Nova-Scotia, as sole owner of the said brigantine Port-Roseway, hath also filed a claim in the said court, praying an allowance for salvage out of the monies arising by the sale of the said goods, wares and merchandise. And whereas, it appears by the depositions of William McKenney and Malcom Taylor, two of the persons on board the brigantine Port-Roseway, at the time the said goods and merchandise were so saved and taken on board; that the defested vessel out of which the said goods were saved, were generally supposed by themselves and others then present, to have been a brigantine; and it further appears by the said depositions, and the deposition of Swiney Wilson, which depositions were severally taken in open court, that the said defested vessel was a stout vessel (perhaps about three hundred tons burthen) had a woman's head, with guard-irons round it, that she had black sides, and yellow mouldings, that she had either three or four ports on each side abaft her chains, that she had a double deck as far as her main-mast, and had deck-beams but no plank on them before her main-mast as part of her lower deck, that she had quarter-barges, but no quarter-galleries, and was plain behind, and that her quarter-deck was raised about three feet above her main-deck. Therefore, pursuant to an order of the said court, public monition and notice is hereby given to all persons interested, or claiming to be interested, in the said goods, wares and merchandise, so saved, or any part thereof, to put in a claim in the said court for the same, within one year and a day, from the day of the date of this monition and notice. Dated the eighth day of October, in the twelfth year of the Independence of the state of New-York, and the year of our Lord, 1787. By order of the court of Admiralty, JONH GRAHAM, Marshal. 36—48
Garret Rapalje,
BEGS leave to inform his friends, and the public in general; that he hath opened a commission store, at his former dwelling-house No. 2, on the east side of the Fly-Market, where he receives, and disposes of all sorts of merchandise, upon commission. He has very convenient cellars, and excellent store room for wet or dry goods, and the utmost attention shall be paid to the interest of those who may be pleased to favour him with their business. He has loan-office certificates to sell; and two negro wenches, which can be well recommended. New-York, October 10, 1787. 36—
FOR SALE, At the STORE of Mr. Barnt Deklyn, No. 39, Maiden-Lane, near the FLY-MARKET, the following GOODS, Which will be SOLD at the most reduced Prices, to wit.
A VARIETY of Cotton Checks, Mantuas and other Spotted and plain Velvets, Sarcenets, Peelongs, and Fans, Modes, Linens, Chintzes, Sheetings, and Oznabrigs, Printed Linens, and Fanny Shawls and Fanny Jacket Patterns, Handkerchiefs, A variety of Plumes, Jeans, Jeanettes, and Ribbands, India Dimities, Fancy Shoe Buckles and Buttons. A quantity of Linen and
With a Variety of other Articles, Which he is determined to SELL low, for Jersey (upon the face of the Bill) New-York, or Pennsylvania PAPER MONEY.
THE PROPRIETORS of the STAGES,
Which ply between New-York and Philadelphia, Inform the PUBLIC, THAT on the first day of May next they will start one line of stages, from Powles-Hook, every afternoon at 4 o'clock, and proceed to Elizabeth-Town, from whence they will start every morning (Sundays excepted) at four o'clock—and from Philadelphia, every morning (Sundays excepted) at three o'clock.
The Mail Line will start from Powles-Hook and Philadelphia, every morning (Sundays excepted) precisely at nine o'clock.—No delay, after the hours appointed, can be admitted.
The Stages start from Michael Dennison's, corner of Arch and Second-streets, Philadelphia.
THE Public are respectfully informed, that no MAIL STAGE starts from Pauls-Hook in the morning—it will in future start at Four o'clock in the afternoon. New-York, November 1. 1787. 39—
Morris-Town and Pauls-Hook STAGE.
ON the 14th inst. the subscriber began to run his Stage-Waggon every Tuesday and Friday, from his house in Morris-Town, to Pauls-Hook, by the way of Newark, starting at five o'clock each morning. The waggon generally arrives at Jacamiah Smith's, Pauls-Hook, about one o'clock of the same day, where it remains until the next morning, nine o'clock, when it returns by the same route, and with all expedition. The FARE for a passenger, with seven pounds of baggage, is ONE DOLLAR, and the same for one hundred and fifty pound weight. The waggon, on its route to Pauls-Hook, stops at Lawrence's tavern, Springfield, where the passengers may breakfast, if they choose; the next stage is at Major Saye's, Newark, from whence they proceed to Pauls-Hook. N. B. Letters, to be sent by the above stage, may be lodged at Capt. Crane's, a few doors above the Ferry-house, in Cortlandt-street, New-York, from whence they shall always be safely conveyed to the stage. All letters carried free. GEORGE OHARA. Morris-Town, August 28, 1787. 30—
STAGE.
THE subscriber informs the public, and his friends in particular, that he now runs the STAGE from this to RYE, which Mr. HALL formerly run; which stage starts from Mr. OSBORN's, at Peck-slip, No. 138, on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, at five o'clock in the morning, and returns on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, at six o'clock in the evening.—As the subscriber has furnished himself with a very convenient new Waggon, and good Horses, for the purpose, he flatters himself, that he shall be able to give those Gentlemen and Ladies, who please to favor him with their custom, universal satisfaction. N. B. The subscriber likewise keeps a very genteel COACH, with a good pair of HORSES, TO LETT; likewise, Horses and Chairs, and Saddle Horses. Any order, left with Mr. Osborn, at Peck-slip, or at his stable, in Cortlandt-street, will be immediately attended to, by the public's most humble servant, OBADIAH WRIGHT. New-York, Sept. 27, 1787. 34—
STAGE.
THE Public are respectfully informed, that the subscriber has agreed with the proprietors of the Boston and Albany stages, to make his house, No. 138, near Peck-slip in Water-street, the Public Stage House. Those gentlemen who wish to take passages in either of the stages, will please to leave their names with the subscriber the evening before the stages departure. The gentlemen passengers are informed, that the subscriber keeps a Boarding and Lodging-House, and that every attention will be paid to those who favor him with their custom.—The stages commence running from my house this day. DAVID OSBORN. New-York, September 5, 1787. 31—
To the Afflicted with WORMS.
LATELY received from the western country, and may be had at No. 21, Beckman-street, an extraordinary and never-failing WORM POWDER.—From long experience it has been found, that three doses of these Powders will effectually destroy the Worms, either in children or grown persons. N.York, Sept. 13, 1787. 32—
LETTERS of INTELLIGENCE—occasional PARAGRAPHS—speculative PIECES—ESSAYS, &c.—are gratefully received at this OFFICE.
For the greater CONVENIENCE and SAFETY of which COMMUNICATIONS, a LETTER-BOX is placed in the Window.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for this PAPER (printed but ONCE a WEEK, at only TWO DOLLARS per Annum) are also received here—and ADVERTISEMENTS, REASONABLY INSERTED.
PRINTING, in all its Variety, performed with NEATNESS and DISPATCH.