Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-12-25 00:00:00

Thomai
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, MARKET-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 69, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1790.
[Whole No. 175.]
The TABLET.—No. 152.
[General subject continued.]
“The commerce of this country is so diffused and blended with other objects of attention, that we may escape those vices which prevail among a people purely commercial.”
THERE is hardly a circumstance more favorable to the real safety and prosperity of the United States, than the difficulty any particular class of citizens must find in gaining influence or wealth to the exclusion of other classes. Men employed in commerce and speculation will always command most of the active property, in any country where commerce and enterprise are encouraged and respected. But in this country, the leading men are and will be composed of such a blend of characters that the mercantile interest can never maintain more than a proper share of weight in the public deliberations. All professions and descriptions of people will be so far noticed that their voice will be neither unheard or disregarded. This blend of character prevents the inhabitants of this country from wearing those marks of nationality which constitute a strong, decided national character. It likewise affords a security against the intrigues of powerful combinations, as well as against the effects of rapid and enormous wealth. There seems to be no denomination of men who can combine so much strength as to defeat those measures which may be dictated by the general sentiments of the community.
I have made the preceding remarks to counteract the force of an objection that is sometimes raised against giving encouragement to men engaged in commercial pursuits: It is often suggested that the wealth such men will acquire must give them a disproportionate share of influence in the operations of the government, and introduce maxims and manners, hostile to public liberty. As these points have been, in some measure, contemplated in three or four of my late speculations, I proceed to place the subject in a new and different light. There is no reason to apprehend that commerce will again produce such rapid or extensive wealth to individual men, or to trading cities, as have been experienced in former times.
Too many nations are now acquainted and concerned with commerce to render the gains of any particular community sudden or enormous. In England and Holland, it is true, there is a vast superiority over other nations not less inclined to pursue, and not worse situated to attain commercial advantages. But the immense trading stocks acquired in those countries before their neighbors had conceived a spirit of enterprise has prevented the objects of commerce from flowing in their most natural channels. This inequality however will shortly be corrected, and probably no such disproportion will again prevail. The same observation may in some degree be applied to individuals. The distribution of commerce will throw it into so many hands as to create such a competition as will not only lessen the profit of business, but divide it among such a number of persons that few or none can reap immoderate gains.
When the trade of the world was confined to a few narrow districts, some enterprising communities acquired riches so rapidly as to fall into the extremes either of avarice or prodigality. Though habits of accumulating wealth generally make men avaricious, yet sudden gains sometimes have a contrary effect. However, in either of these cases, the consequence of such riches has a pernicious aspect upon society. For a community that is prodigal or covetous, will alike disregard those institutions which are best calculated to promote science, virtue and freedom. Situated as we are in the United States, we shall derive most of the benefits of commerce, without being exposed to many of its inconveniencies. It is not probable the inhabitants of this country will ever be debased by that servile avarice which characterizes a people purely commercial; nor, on the other hand, will any particular trading town gain such a pre-eminence over others as to fall into that prodigality which results from rapid acquisitions of property. Our merchants intermingle so much with other classes of citizens, that they are ambitious of other distinctions besides those of superior riches. Of course they assume a respectable stile of living, and cultivate
a taste for the more refined pleasures of society: By these means they wear off the sharp points of their professional vices, and become a generous and patriotic, as well as a wealthy and industrious part of the community. The commercial, agricultural and manufacturing interests are blended in such a manner, in this country, that they must rise and fall together. No branch of them can be injured by the prosperity of the others. All jealousies therefore between them are premature and ill-grounded. Should the subject be once more resumed, it will bring into a summary view the leading ideas contained in several of my last speculations.
PLAN OF A NATIONAL BANK,
As laid before the House of Representatives of the United States by the Secretary of the Treasury, the 13th instant.
I. THE capital stock of the bank shall not exceed ten millions of dollars, divided into twenty-five thousand shares, each share being four hundred dollars; to raise which sum, subscriptions shall be opened on the first Monday of April next, and shall continue open until the whole shall be subscribed. Bodies politic as well as individuals may subscribe.
II. The amount of each share shall be payable, one fourth in gold and silver coin, and three-fourths in that part of the public debt, which according to the loan proposed by the act making provision for the debt of the United States, shall bear an accruing interest at the time of payment of six per centum per annum.
III. The respective sums subscribed shall be payable in four equal parts, as well specie as debt, in succession, and at the distance of six calendar months from each other: the first payment to be made at the time of subscription. If there shall be a fair share in any subsequent payment, the party failing shall lose the benefit of any dividend which may have accrued prior to the time for making such payment, and during the delay of the same.
IV. The subscribers to the bank and their successors shall be incorporated, and shall so continue until the final redemption of that part of its stock which shall consist of the public debt.
V. The capacity of the corporation to hold real and personal estate shall be limited to fifteen millions of dollars, including the amount of its capital or original stock. The lands and tenements which it shall be permitted to hold, shall be only such as shall be requisite for the immediate accommodation of the institution; and such as shall have been bona fide mortgaged to it by way of security, or conveyed to it in satisfaction of debts previously contracted, in the usual course of its dealings, or purchased at sales upon judgments which shall have been obtained for such debts.
VI. The totality of the debts of the company, whether by bond, bill, note, or other contract (credits for deposits excepted) shall never exceed the amount of its capital stock. In case of excess, the directors, under whose administration it shall happen, shall be liable for it in their private or separate capacities. Those who may have dissented may excuse themselves from this responsibility by immediately giving notice of the fact and their dissent, to the President of the United States, and to the stock-holders, at a general meeting to be called by the president of the bank at their request.
VII. The company may sell or demise its lands and tenements; or may sell the whole or any part of the public debt, whereof its stock shall consist; but shall trade in nothing, except bills of exchange, gold and silver bullion, or in the sale of goods pledged for money lent: nor shall take more than at the rate of six per centum per annum, upon its loans or discounts.
VIII. No loan shall be made by the bank, for the use, or on account of the government of the United States, or of either of them to an amount exceeding fifty thousand dollars, or of any foreign prince or state; unless previously authorized by a law of the United States.
IX. The stock of the bank shall be transferable according to such rules as shall be instituted by the company on that behalf.
X. The affairs of the bank shall be under the management of twenty-five directors, one of whom shall be the president. And there shall be on the first Monday of January, in each year, a choice of directors, by plurality of suffrages of the stock-holders, to serve for a year. The directors at their first meeting after each election, shall choose one of their number as president.
XI. The number of votes to which each stock-holder shall be entitled, shall be according to the number of shares he shall hold, in the proportions following; that is to say, For one share, and not more than two shares, one vote: For every two shares above two, and not exceeding ten, one vote: For every four shares above ten, and not exceeding thirty, one vote: For every six shares above thirty, and not exceeding sixty, one vote: For every eight shares above sixty, and not exceeding one hundred, one vote: and for every ten shares above one hundred, one vote: But no person, copartnership, or body politic, shall be entitled to a greater number than thirty votes. And after the first election, no share or shares shall confer a right of suffrage, which shall not have been held three calendar months previous to the day of election. Stockholders actually resident within the United States, and none other, may vote in elections by proxy.
XII. Not more than three-fourths of the directors in office, exclusive of the president, shall be eligible for the next succeeding year. But the director who shall be president at the time of an election, may always be re-elected.
XIII. None but a stockholder, being a citizen of the United States, shall be eligible as a director.
XIV. Any number of stockholders not less than sixty, who together shall be proprietors of two hundred shares, or upwards, shall have power at any time to call a general meeting of the stockholders, for purposes relative to the institution; giving at least six weeks notice in two public gazettes of the place where the bank is kept, and specifying in such notice the object of the meeting.
XV. In case of the death, resignation, absence from the United States, or removal of a director by the stockholders, his place may be filled by a new choice for the remainder of the year.
XVI. No director shall be entitled to any emolument, unless the same shall have been allowed by the stockholders at a general meeting. The stockholders shall make such compensation to the president, for his extraordinary attendance at the bank, as shall appear to them reasonable.
XVII. Not less than seven directors shall constitute a board for the transaction of business.
XVIII. Every cashier, or treasurer, before he enters on the duties of his office, shall be required to give bond, with two or more sureties, to the satisfaction of the directors, in a sum not less than twenty thousand dollars, with condition for his good behaviour.
XIX. Half yearly dividends shall be made of so much of the profits of the bank, as shall appear to the directors advisable. And once in every three years the directors shall lay before the stockholders, at a general meeting, for their information, an exact and particular statement of the debts, which shall have remained unpaid, after the expiration of the original credit, for a period of treble the term of that credit, and of the surplus of profit, if any, after deducting losses and dividends.
XX. The bills and notes of the bank originally made payable, or which shall have become payable on demand, in gold and silver coin, shall be receivable in all payments to the United States.
XXI. The officer at the head of the treasury department of the United States, shall be furnished from time to time, as often as he may require, not exceeding once a week, with statements of the amount of the capital stock of the bank, and of the debts due to the same, of the monies deposited therein, of the notes in circulation, and of the cash in hand; and shall have a right to inspect such general accounts in the books of the bank, as shall relate to the said statements; provided that this shall not be construed to imply a right of inspecting the account of any private individual or individuals, with the bank.
XXII. No similar institution shall be established by any future act of the United States, during the continuance of the one hereby proposed to be established.
XXIII. It shall be lawful for the directors of the bank to establish offices, where soever they shall think fit, within the United States, for the purposes of discount and deposit only, and upon the same terms, and in the same manner, as shall be practised at the bank, and to commit the management of the said offices, and the making of the said discounts, either to agents specially appointed by them, or to such persons as may be chosen by the stockholders residing at the place where any such office shall be, under such agreements, and subject to such regulations as they shall deem proper; not being contrary to law, or to the constitution of the bank.
XXIV. And lastly. The President of the United States shall be authorised to cause a subscription to be made to the stock of the said company, on behalf of the United States, to an amount not exceeding two millions of dollars, to be paid out of the monies which shall be borrowed by virtue of either of the acts, the one entitled, “An act making provision for the debt of the United States,” and the other entitled, “An act making provision for the reduction of the public debt; borrowing of the bank an equal sum, to be applied to the purposes for which the said monies shall have been procured, reimbursable in ten years by equal annual instalments; or at any time sooner, or in any greater proportions, that the government may think fit.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Sketch of the Debates on the MILITIA BILL.
MONDAY, Dec. 20, 1790.
The 3d section under consideration.
MR. FITZSIMONS moved an amendment, by which the light infantry, or riflemen, one company of artillery, and one troop of horse, should be selected from the militia, without reference to any particular age. He said the clause which enacts that these companies shall be composed of persons from 18 to 25 years of age, would operate against several particular interests, especially mechanicks and manufacturers.
Mr. Madison remarked that by the bill, all persons between the ages of 18 and 25, were to serve in those companies—it was not confined to artificers alone. The agricultural interest had as much cause to complain. But the intention, of making the youth perform double duty, was that they might speedily be taught the military art, and be enabled to defend their country, if her situation called for their aid.
Mr. Jackson was opposed to it: He said that from 18 to 21 was found to be the best age to make soldiers of. After that period men become engaged in the concerns of life—get married, have children, enter into business, &c. It would not bear harder on the manufacturers and mechanicks than on the farmers—and as the seaports have generally more at stake, it seems to follow that the obligation is stronger on them to turn out in the militia.
Mr. Heister was in favor of the motion.
Mr. Fitzsimons said he was misunderstood: He did not mean that persons from 18 to 25 should be excused from military duty: His wish was that such persons should not be particularly pointed out for this duty.
Mr. Lawrance was in favor of the motion: He observed that it was not age alone that was to be considered in forming light infantry or artillery companies: There are other considerations, as size, agility, &c. He thought the motion a good one.

Mr. Ames was also in favor of the motion: He thought confining the selections for those companies to the particular period mentioned, would deprive us of the services of many of the soldiers of the late continental army, whose knowledge and experience would be highly useful. He suggested difficulties which would result from collecting the persons of the above age, from different parts of the country, in order to forming them into such companies.
Mr. Sturges observed, that he thought a simple regulation, that all the militia should be called out so many times a year would be sufficient: This general plan would leave the several independent corps as they now are—and these particular companies would be selected as heretofore.
Mr. Partridge was opposed to the amendment. The object of the bill being to discipline the militia, it seemed to follow of course, that persons of an age, the most likely to learn, should not be excepted.
Mr. Giles said, that gentlemen did not appear to take a comprehensive view of the bill: One object of which is to establish a military school. In order to this the bill proposes that persons should commence their military course at an early age. If such persons are called upon oftener than those of more than 25 years, it does not follow that it is unequal—their military knowledge must be supposed to be less. He obviated the objection of the gentleman from New-York, by saying that as military knowledge is necessary for all, it follows, that young persons of every size may be trained in one or other of these companies.
Mr. Fitzsimons still supported his motion, and said the difficulty started by the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Ames] arising from local circumstances, had not been obviated.
Mr. Boudinot said the difficulty, on account of manufacturers, had not escaped the committee; but it could not be avoided without destroying a principal feature of the bill. He said the objection might however be in some measure lessened, by altering the clause from 18 to 20.
The question being taken, it passed in the affirmative.
Mr. Smith's (S. C.) proviso, respecting independent corps, was read: It provided that companies in the respective States, incorporated by the Legislatures, should not be disbanded or included in the militia, but retain their former station.
Mr. Giles said he was disposed to think this proviso more extensive than gentlemen imagine: It may in its operation exempt all the companies in the United States. The expression is so general, and indefinite, that it may not answer the purpose intended, as those companies are known by different denominations—while it may be productive of great difficulties from its want of precision.
Mr. Ames gave an account of the several independent companies in Massachusetts, particularly that known by the name of the Ancient and Honourable Artillery—a company which possessed funds, and had for many years been in possession of a charter from government: It had been considered as a military school for a long time—it is composed of Generals, Colonels, and inferior officers, and other respectable persons. This, with other independent companies, rendered essential services in the time of the insurrection in that state; and they prove, by their example, a stimulus to the militia—they have incurred great expenses to equip themselves, and it is supposed merit the privileges and distinctions they have long enjoyed.
Mr. Sturges observed that the proviso was defective, as it does not point out the duties which these companies ought to perform.
Mr. Huntington said these companies were, he believed, under the orders of the regimental colonels; at least that was the case in some of the States.
Mr. Seney moved, that as there were independent companies who are not incorporated, it would be proper to strike out the words incorporated by the acts of the several States . He said, if this proviso should pass without his amendment, it would give exclusive privileges to particular companies who happen to be incorporated—while the same privileges will not be extended to other companies, equally meritorious, who do not happen to be incorporated.
Mr. Smith's (S. C.) motion being put, was negatived.
The section which provides that the militia shall turn out four times a year in companies, Mr. Hartley objected to. He said it would be too frequent. He did not consider the militia as a military school—and such frequent assemblings of the people had a tendency to dissipate the manners of the people, especially youth. He moved that the clause should be altered, so that companies and battalions should be obliged to turn out only twice a year.
Mr. Wadsworth suggested an alteration in the amendment, that the clause should be altered to read once a year in battalion, and four times in companies.
Mr. Gilman moved another amendment, that
the militia should turn out in companies three times, and once in battalion.
Mr. Jackson regretted that one principle of the bill was struck out, respecting light-infantry companies. He did not suppose (that though we are obliged to have some standing troops) we were to depend upon them. He should regret the time when this country would depend on a standing army. He enlarged on the importance of disciplining the militia: This, said he, is consistent with the strictest principles of republicanism. He believed the preservation of liberty very much depended on a good militia: He thought four times a year would not be too burdensome, and he was pretty sure it was little enough to answer any essential purpose.
Mr. Sherman was in favour of four times in companies at least, and in battalion as might be found convenient.
Mr. Wadsworth observed, that less than four times would answer no purpose at all. Indeed, it is said, nothing is to be expected; if that is the case, let us give up all thoughts of a militia-bill—but what then becomes of your national defence?
Mr. Hartley's motion was lost.
Mr. Sherman moved that the clause be amended, to read, that regiments turn out once a year—Carried.
On motion of Mr. Wadsworth, the times of rendezvousing in regiments and companies is to be regulated by the officer commanding the brigade.
The clause which provides for a Commissary of Military Stores for each State, Mr. Parker moved should be struck out. He said the several States are competent to taking care of their own military property.—This motion was agreed to.
Mr. Wadsworth moved that the Adjutant Gen. should have the rank of Brigadier, instead of Lieut. Col. as proposed by the bill.
Mr. Sherman observed, that according to the last regulations of the army, no staff officer was to have any rank.
Mr. Wadsworth replied, that the regulation which the gentleman had mentioned, respected staff officers only who never have any command—but an officer of such importance as the Adjutant General, on whom so much depended, and who might be invested with a very important command, he conceived ought to rank higher than a Lieut. Col.—This motion was adopted.
Adjourned.
TUESDAY, Dec. 21.
Militia Bill still under consideration.
The 9th, 10th and 11 sections were read.
Mr. Bloodworth said, that in his opinion the house had entered too much into the minutiae of the business, and in a great measure were about depriving the states of the power granted to them by the constitution. The general government ought only to organize the militia, and direct the mode of discipline. The militia, he observed, was only under the direction of the general government when called out in the actual service of the United States; the different states had the appointment of officers and the right of training them: but owing to the many particulars attended to in the bill, he could see but little room left to the states for the exercise of their power. He thought that endeavouring to establish a perfect uniformity in fines, would render that part of the system very defective; as the same fine might be justly complained of as heavy in one part of the country, and at the same time be considered so trifling in another part as to render it ineffectual; he therefore wished that this part of the business be left to the states to perform. He moved for striking out a number of clauses, containing several of the particulars he objected to,—not carried.
The 12th, 13th and 14th sections were read. The two first passed without alteration; the third was struck out.
Mr. Madison said, he conceived it would be necessary to pass a law, authorising the President of the United States to call out the militia, as the constitution only says, that he shall be commander in chief of the militia when in the service of the United States, without giving him the power of ordering it out.
Mr. Fitzsimons wished a clause inserted in the bill, granting the President that power.
Mr. Boudinot conceived it was not the intention of the constitution that he should be possessed of such a power. It could only be granted to him by a special act of Congress.
Mr. Smith read a law passed last session, and still in force, giving him that authority.
The 16th section (providing penalties for those not performing militia duty, and pointing out exemptions) being read,
Mr. Sherman moved to have it struck out. It was, he said, an absolute poll tax, and not levied according to the number of inhabitants, which was in violation of the constitution.
Mr. Burke said it was contrary to the interest of the militia to establish so many exemptions as had been provided. He gave notice, that when the report came before the house, he would move for their reduction, and give his reasons fully.
It was contrary to the constitution, he also observed, to lay a tax upon certain classes of citizens; it was not consonant with the principles of justice to make those conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms pay for not acting against the voice of their conscience. This, he said, was called the land of liberty, in it, we boasted, that no one suffered on account of his conscientious scruples—and yet we are going to make a respectable class of citizens pay for a right to a free exercise of their religious principles: It was contrary to the constitution—it was contrary to that sound policy which ought to direct the house in establishing the militia.
Mr. Jackson said he certainly should oppose the principle started by the gentleman last up. Who was to know, he asked, what persons were really conscientiously scrupulous? There was no tribunal erected to make them swear to their scruples. If the principle was adopted, he conceived, very few would be found, if their own word was to be taken, not conscientiously scrupulous. There are, he said, other sects, besides the society of Quakers, averse to bearing arms. If the principle was adopted of requiring no compensation from the exempted, it was laying the axe to the root of the militia, and, in his opinion, the bill might as well be postponed altogether. He did not chuse to enter into the subject fully at this time: He would wait until the bill came before the house.
The 17th section (providing inspectors of the militia) was read.
Mr. Seney said, Maryland he thought should have two inspectors, instead of one, as provided by the section: That state, he observed, was divided by a wide and sometimes dangerous bay, which could not at all times be crossed. Two inspectors were agreed to for Maryland, one to reside on the eastern, the other on the western shore.
Mr. Lawrance saw an impropriety in providing the same allowance for all the inspectors, without regard to the quantum of duty to be performed. The duty, he observed, of an inspector in the State of Rhode-Island, could not be near so great as that of the inspector in the State of New-York. He moved that their different salaries be fixed and specified in the bill.
It was agreed; and the blanks left to be filled with such sums as shall be deemed proper, when the house shall take that part of the bill into consideration.
Mr. Sherman was of opinion that some of the duties, by this section to devolve on inspectors, ought to be left to the states to exercise. Their duty should be confined to superintending the exercise and manœuvres.
Mr. Bloodworth was averse to appointing an officer to be directed by state laws. He should be appointed, said he, by the state.
Mr. Wadsworth said, in his opinion, he ought to be a continental officer, and conduct himself in his office in conformity to the laws passed by the States.
Mr. Smith moved that that clause which leaves the appointment of this officer to the president be struck out, and that it only be specified that such an officer shall be appointed.
Mr. Boudinot considered this officer as appointed to assist the President: It was necessary that the commander in chief should be acquainted with the state of the militia, throughout the continent; it was impossible for him to gather this information without assistance, the officer was appointed for that purpose, he should be considered as a continental officer, and as such was to be paid by the general government.
Mr. Smith said, if his motion prevailed of having this officer appointed by the states he would also move that his salary be paid by them. He was to all intents and purposes, a militia officer, and as such was in the appointment of the States.
Mr. Lawrance wished the clause struck out, and the power of the duty of inspector left to the adjutant general: In New-York this is the case.
Mr. Boudinot said, he thought the duty too great, and the salary such an officer would require more than the states would consent to give, the officer would not be appointed, and the President could not receive the necessary information. The inspector was not a militia officer; but appointed to collect the information the President should want, for the benefit of the union.
Mr. Fitzsimons gave it as his opinion, that the officer should be under the appointment of the President.
Mr. Sherman said, there appeared to be a distrust of this inspector, unless appointed by the President; he thought there could be no just foundation for entertaining this opinion, if he should be appointed by the states. He was certainly appointed for the good of the union; but if the several states did pay his salary, the expence would in the end devolve on the United States.
It was agreed to leave the appointment to the states.
Mr. Stone moved that the clause giving to inspectors the rank of lieut. col. be struck out. He observed, that since the appointment of those officers was left to the states, the house could not with propriety fix the rank.

Mr. Wadsworth hoped it would not be struck out. He observed, that as the house had the power of organizing the militia, and were about determining that there should be inspectors, they could with the same propriety say what rank those inspectors should hold. He was as much averse as any man to granting unnecessary titles; but where great trust was reposed, and severe duty required, there rank should also follow. These inspectors were placed in a very important station, which they could not properly fill without the weight of some military rank.
Mr. Stone withdrew his motion.
Mr. Bloodworth moved that the rank of brigadier should be given to them,—agreed.
Mr. Benson moved for an additional clause to the bill, for granting to the President of the United States, the power of calling out the militia into the service of the United States, &c. to repel invasions or suppress insurrections.
Mr. Sherman observed that the proposed clause was not explicit enough. The general government by the constitution had not the power of calling out the militia to suppress insurrections in the states, without the special request of the states.
Mr. Bloodworth hoped the additional section would not be adopted, it would be he said, a dangerous provision.
Mr. Benson agreed to withdraw his motion for the present, to bring it before the house when the principles of the bill came to be discussed by them.
The committee rose, reported the bill with sundry amendments. The speaker resumed the chair.
Mr. Fitzsimons proposed giving the bill with the amendments to a special committee to report thereon.
Mr. Madison said it would be improper to refer it to a committee, without first agreeing to the principles of the bill.
Mr. Livermore was also against leaving it to a committee. The principles of the bill were by no means settled. Three-fourths of it he looked upon as useless. The house he conceived, had no business to enter minutely into particulars of the business, further than was warranted by the constitution.
The report of the committee was ordered to lie on the table. (Adjourned.)
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 22.
Mr. Lee presented a petition from S. Summers, an assistant-quartermaster, who had received no compensation for his services last war. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A message was received from the Senate, informing that they had appointed Mr. Foster, a committee on their part, for the purpose of examining enrolled bills, to which they requested the concurrence of this house; and the appointment of a committee on their part: Ordered, that Mr. Floyd, and Mr. Muhlenberg be a committee on the part of the house, for the purpose aforesaid.
The bill for the establishment of an uniform militia, with the amendments as reported by the committee, were taken up in the house: Some of the amendments were retained; some modified and amended, others rejected. Not having gone through the bill, the house adjourned.
THURSDAY, Dec. 23.
Mr. Sedgwick took his seat this day. Mr. Lawrence presented an address from the representatives of the society of the people called Quakers, in the state of New-York and Western parts of New-England, praying exemptions from bearing arms, or being subjected to penalties, on account of their religious scruples; which was read.
On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, the petition of John Churchman was read a second time, and referred to a committee, consisting of Mr. Huntington, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Heister.
On motion of Mr. Lawrence, ordered, That the clerk of this house be directed to communicate to the Senate, copies of the reports of the secretary of state, respecting coins, weights and measures; also the report of the secretary of the treasury, submitting a plan for the establishment of a national bank.
Mr. Fitzsimons gave notice that he should move for leave to bring in a bill respecting the freight of goods on board merchant ships or vessels.
A message was received from the President of the United States with a copy of a report from the secretary of the government northwest of the Ohio, respecting the lands in the western territory, with sundry papers accompanying the same; also a copy of the secretary of state's report on the same subject: Which were read, and ordered to be communicated to the senate.
On motion of Mr. Sherman the house proceeded in the further consideration of the amendments agreed to in committee of the whole, on the militia bill, and made some further progress therein.
Mr. Floyd of the committee on enrolled bills, reported the bill supplementary to an act, making provision for the debts of the United States; which the committee had examined, and found duly enrolled.—The Speaker signed the same.
FRIDAY, Dec. 24.
Mr. Moore presented the petition of Thomas Nelson, in behalf of the executors of sundry mariners, who perished on board the frigate Randolph, which was blown up in an engagement the last war.
A committee was appointed to bring in a bill to determine how far the owners of ships or vessels shall be liable to the freighters of goods on board thereof.
Mr. Burke gave notice that on Monday next he should move for leave to bring in a bill to alter the time of the meeting of Congress.
The house then proceeded in the consideration of the amendments proposed by the committee of the whole, to the militia bill; the amendments were adopted by the house with some amendments.
The amendment proposed by Mr. Madison, to exempt persons conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms from militia duty, was after a long debate disagreed to—on the principle of the particular states being competent to making the exemptions in general.
The bill was then recommitted to the following committee; Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Giles, and Mr. Tucker. Adjourned.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
DECEMBER 23. 1790.
RESOLVED, That it would be inexpedient to alter the system for funding the public debt established during the last session of Congress, and that the petition of Thomas M c Kean and others, filing
themselves a committee of the public creditors of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, cannot be granted.
The yeas and nays being required upon the above resolution were as follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. Basset, Butler, Dalton, Dickinson, Ellsworth, Elmer, Few, Foster, Hawkins, Johnson, Izard, King, Langdon, Maclay, Read, Schuyler, Stanton, Strong, Johnston, Wingate.
NAY.—Mr. Morris.
Report of the Commissioners appointed for the reduction of the debt of the United States.
The Vice-President of the United States, the Chief Justice of the United States, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Attorney-General of the United States, report to Congress, That pursuant to the act making provision for the reduction of the public debt, they, on the 26th of August, 1790, convened in the city of New-York, and entered on the exercise of the trust reposed in them;—that conformably to their resolution, approved by the President of the United States on the 28th of the same month, they have commenced the purchase, through the agency of Samuel Meredith, which on the 26th day of November last, amounted to the sum of 278,687 dollars, 30 cents, registered debt of the United States, for which there have been paid 150,239 dollars, 25 cents in specie, as will more particularly appear by a return of the same Samuel Meredith, confirmed by an authenticated copy of his account settled at the treasury of the United States, and prayed to be received as part of this report, in which are specified the places where, the times when, and the persons of whom the said purchases have been made.
Signed, by order of the board,
JOHN ADAMS.
LONDON, Oct. 16.
Original Communications from Paris.
THE last dispatches from England have relieved the Spanish Ambassador here from some of his fears. He did not expect the British Ministry would continue a negotiation which he has long known would end in a rupture between his Court and that of St. James's, provided the Spanish party in the north could gain certain points, which now seem likely to be carried in favor of his Catholic Majesty.
The Parisian militia complain of the King's residence at St. Cloud. As the weather becomes bad, the service cannot be agreeable to men accustomed to ease. His majesty says he is sorry they should have the least cause of dissatisfaction; but, as he never required their services, he does not think himself obliged to take any steps to remove the cause of their murmurs. His present intention is to spend the winter in the country.
There is about to be erected, a high National court in France, for the express cognizance of the offences comprehended under the terms, Leze Nation. Before this court the members of that Parliament and the procureur are to be impeached, and proceeded against as guilty of rebellion and contumacy.
The assembly decrees further, that the king be supplicated to secure the persons of the offenders to answer when summoned before this criminal court.
Sentence has been passed upon the persons concerned in the late disturbances at Florence; 21 of the principal of them are condemned to the galleys for fifteen years, 60 are banished from the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, 100 have been ordered to remain in confinement, and hope for pardon.
The disturbances at Florence have been entirely quieted by the appearance of the Austrian troops.
KINGSTON, (Jamaica) Nov. 8.
How melancholy must be the reflections of a citizen of the world, when he surveys the present state of Europe; every nation of which seems only to have existence for the horrid purpose of making war upon its neighbour; and such is the baneful system of government now too generally adopted, that even a benevolent Monarch, who loves his people, and wishes well to all degrees of human nature, cannot, with safety, withhold himself from uniting in the sanguinary contests, in some shape or other, altho' his feelings as a man, and his principles as a christian, impel him to prefer social peace to the shameful triumphs of bloody ambition.
In future ages, when the force of local attachments shall have ceased to operate against the interests of truth, Mr. Pitt's conduct as a Premier, will be undoubtedly the theme of much admiration. In the whole round of British Statesmen, from the days of the sagacious Lord Burleigh to the present moment, no man has had more serious difficulties to encounter than him. Some cases have presented themselves, of the utmost moment to our prosperity as a people, and to his honor as a man; yet has he so warily guided the vessel of government through the tempests of the times, that in no single instance can his enemies charge him with the want of foreknowledge, or the want of having a due regard for the privileges of the community, or the dignity of his sovereign.
NEW-YORK, Dec. 20.
The President of the society of the Cincinnati of this state having heard of the death of Major Wyllys and Capt. Frothingham, requests that mourning crape for the space of twenty-one days, be worn by the members of the society, in testimony of the high respect they entertain of the merit of their deceased brothers.
By Order, WILLIAM W. MORRIS, Sec'y.
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN, Dec. 6.
The subscriptions lately obtained from individuals in this town and its vicinity, to be applied towards erecting the Federal Buildings, under certain conditions, amount to upwards of TWENTY THOUSAND DOLLARS.
GEORGE-TOWN, Dec. 18.
His excellency ALEXANDER MARTIN, Esq. is re-elected Governor of the State of North-Carolina for the ensuing year.
BOSTON, December 15. IMPORTANT INFORMATION.
We have it from good authority, that OIL is admitted in England in American Bottoms, which is one of the many advantages, that may accrue to this country, from a war between England and Spain. We give this information that those who plough the ocean to obtain Oil, may reap the advantage, as it is probable, the alien duty may be taken off likewise.
Philadelphia, Dec. 25.
Extract of a letter from Boston, Dec. 11.
"We are anxiously waiting to see the President's Speech, and the opening and aspect of the present session of Congress—if wisdom guides the helm, our national prospects will be bright and glorious! far beyond common calculation. I think the establishment of a national bank, under wise regulations, may be productive of vast benefits; by taking the funded stock in the bank for security; The nation may pay the interest of the debt, with the interest received for the loan of bank notes, so that in fact, the one may so balance the other as to cost the nation nothing to pay her interest; and nearly all her revenue may be applied to pay off the principle of her debt. If this calculation be right, what an eligible situation our public debt must be in! I have just glanced an eye over the address of the Pennsylvania creditors, proposed for further consideration, in order to petition Congress. I am not ripe in opinion to form any conjectures what effect it may produce; or what attention ought to be paid to it. The funding system was not formed agreeable to my ideas of justice, but it may be dangerous to alter it: It requires much greater wisdom to mend a bad system, than to make a good one."
One great object of the Constitution in providing for a national militia in the United States, most undoubtedly was, to preserve some proportional equality in the strength of the several parts of the Union—but except a supervising power should be exercised by the general government, it is evident that particular states may, and will make such regulations in their militia, as will create in those states the most attentive a force, that may be paramount to that of their neighbours; and an agreement of several states in such a plan of discipline, would produce a military power that would give law to the Union. This power exists in the respective states, till it shall be assumed by Congress agreeable to the constitution. Experience has proved, that left at large in the hands of the several states, a rival military spirit has been generated, which has produced the greatest disparity between the militia of different states—a division of the power to regulate the militia, reduces the defence of the United States to a nullity—What will be the consequence? The general government is left without a resource in any emergency, except in a standing army; so that the result is this—Whether the general government shall so arrange the militia as to have a force of this description, at its command, or whether it must have recourse to a standing army? for a government without the sword as well as the purse, is but the skeleton of a government.
By the report of a committee of the Legislature of Maryland on the Assumption of the State Debts, it is recommended to the State Creditors to subscribe to the Loan of the United States, and the State to make up the deficiency on the 6 per cent. interest, which will be occasioned thereby.
APPOINTMENTS.
The President of the United States by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, has been pleased to make the following appointments:
WOODBURY LANGDON of the State of New-Hampshire, to be one of the Commissioners for settling the accounts between the United States and individual States, in place of John Taylor Gilman, who has resigned his appointment.
And WILLIAM GARDINER, Commissioner of Loans in the State of New-Hampshire, in place of Nathaniel Gilman who has declined his appointment.
"A Friend to Commerce" in our next.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17/9. 18/ pr. £. or 90 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 9/3 9/6. or 47 1/2 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 8/9. 9/. 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 15/9. 16/. 80 do.   Indents 9/3 9/6. 47 1/2 do.   State debts 9/6 10/. 50 do.  
New Line of Stages.
THE Subscriber has established a line of STAGES from Hartford to Boston, by way of Norwich and Providence, which will run thro' twice a week during the Winter Season, and three times a week during the Summer Season.
Good Carriages, Horses, and careful Drivers are provided. Passengers pay three Pence per Mile, and are allowed 14 pound Baggage each.—Extra Baggage pays at the rate of three Pence per Mile for every 150 wt. As the Mail is to go in these Stages for the year 1791, fixed hours for starting from the respective Stage Houses is absolutely necessary—from which there can be no deviation. Norwich, Dec. 14, 1790.
The Stage for the Eastward leaves Hartford—Mondays and Thursdays, Norwich—Tuesdays and Fridays, Providence—Wednesdays and Saturdays, For the Westward, leaves Boston—Mondays and Thursdays, Providence—Tuesdays and Fridays, Norwich—Wednesdays and Saturdays. 69—1w3m JESSE BROWN.
Wanted, a good Cook,
Either Man or Woman — Enquire at No. 209, Second-Street, opposite the New-Market.

(CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.)
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
December 13, 1790.
In obedience to the Order of the House of Representatives of the Ninth day of August last, requiring the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and report, on this day, such further provision as may, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the public credit—the said Secretary
Respectfully Reports,
THE expediency of improving the resource of distilled spirits, as an article of revenue, to the greatest practicable extent, had been noticed upon another occasion. Various considerations might be added to those, then adduced, to evince it. But they are too obvious to justify the detail. There is scarcely an attitude in which the object can present itself, which does not invite, by all the inducements of sound policy and public good, to take a strong and effectual hold of it.
The manner of doing it, or in other words, the mode of collection, appears to be the only point about which a difficulty or question can arise. If that suggested be liable to just objections, the united information and wisdom of the legislative body ensure the substitution of a more perfect plan.
The Secretary, however, begs leave to remark, that there appear to him two leading principles; one or the other of which must necessarily characterize whatever plan may be adopted. One of them makes the security of the revenue to depend chiefly on the vigilance of the public officers; the other rests it, essentially, on the integrity of the individual, interested to avoid the payment of it.
The first is the basis of a plan submitted by the Secretary; the last has pervaded most, if not all the systems which have been hitherto practised upon, in different parts of the United States. The oaths of the dealers have been almost the only security for their compliance with the laws.
It cannot be too much lamented, that these have been found an inadequate dependence. But experience has, on every trial, manifested them to be such. Taxes or duties, relying for their collection on that security, wholly, or almost wholly, are uniformly unproductive: And they cannot fail to be unequal, as long as men continue to be discriminated by unequal portions of rectitude. The most conscientious will pay most; the least conscientious, least.
The impulse of interest, always sufficiently great, acts with peculiar force in matters of this kind; in respect to which a loose mode of thinking is too apt to prevail. The want of a habit of appreciating properly the nature of the public rights, renders that impulse, in such cases, too frequently an overmatch for the sense of obligation; and the evasions, which are perceived or suspected to be practised by some, prompt others to imitation, by the powerful motive of self-defence. They infer, that they must follow the example, or be unable to maintain an advantageous competition in the business; an alternative very perplexing to all but men of exact probity, who are thereby rendered in a great measure victims to a principle of legislation, which does not sufficiently accord with the bias of human nature. And thus the laws become sources of discouragement and loss to honest industry, and of profit and advantage to perjury and fraud.
It is a truth that cannot be kept too constantly in view, that all revenue laws, which are so constructed as to involve a lax and defective execution, are instruments of oppression to the most meritorious part of those on whom they immediately operate, and of additional burthens on the community at large.
The last effect is produced in two ways. The deficiencies in the funds (which, in the main, afford only partial exemptions) must be supplied from other taxes: And the charges of collection, which, in most cases, are nearly the same, whether a tax or duty yield much or little, occasion an accumulation of the ultimate expense of furnishing a given sum to the treasury.
Another, and a very serious evil, chargeable on the system opposed to that proposed, is, that it leads to frequent and familiar violations of oaths; which by loosening one of the strongest bonds of society, and weakening one of the principal securities to life and property, offends not less against the maxims of good government and sound policy, than against those of religion and morality.
It may not be improper further to remark, that the two great objections to the class of duties denominated excises, are inapplicable to the plan suggested. These objections are—First, the summary jurisdiction confided to the officers of excise; in derogation from the course of the common law, and the right of trial by jury: And secondly, the general power vested in the same officers of visiting and searching indiscriminately the houses, stores and other buildings of the dealers in excised articles. But by the plan proposed, the officers to be employed are to be clothed with no such summary jurisdiction, and their discretionary power of visiting and searching it to be restricted to those places, which the dealers themselves shall designate by public insignia or marks, as the depositories of the articles on which the duties are to be laid. Hence it is one of the recommendations of the plan, that it is not liable to those objections.
Duties of the kind proposed are not novel in the United States; as has been intimated in another place. They have existed to a considerable extent, under several of the state governments, particularly in Massachusetts, Connecticut and Pennsylvania. In Connecticut, a state exemplary for its attachment to popular principles, not only all ardent spirits, but foreign articles of consumption, generally, have been the subjects of an excise, or inland duty.
If the supposition, that duties of this kind are attended with greater expense in the collection than taxes on land, should seem an argument for preferring the latter, it may be observed, that the fact ought not too readily to be taken for granted. The state of things in England is sometimes referred to as an example on this point. But there the smallness of the expense in the collection of the land tax, is to be ascribed to the peculiar modification of it; which proceeding without new assessments, according to a fixed standard long since adjusted, totally disregards the comparative value of lands and the variations in their value. The consequence of this is an inequality, so palpable and extreme, as would be likely to be ill relished by the landholders of the United States. If in pursuit of greater equality, accurate periodical valuations or assessments are to afford a rule, it may well be doubted whether the expense of a land-tax will not always exceed that of the kind of duties proposed.
The ingenious, but fallacious hypothesis, that all taxes on consumption fall finally, with accumulated weight, on land, is now too generally and too satisfactorily exploded, to require to be combated here. It has, become an acknowledged truth, that in the operation of those taxes, every species of capital and industry contribute their proportion to the revenue; and consequently, that as far as they can be made substitutes for taxes on lands, they serve to exempt them from an undue share of the public burthen.
(To be continued.)
This day is published,
By Carey, Stewart, and Co.
No. 22, IN FRONT-STREET.
THE FIRST AMERICAN EDITION OF THE
DOWAY TRANSLATION OF THE
VULGATE BIBLE,
Containing 900 Pages in Quarto. Price Six Dollars.)
Subscribers are requested to send for their Books.
Nov. 29.
Philadelphia Dispensary.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEN we first undertook the management of this Institution, the success thereof was doubtful, even amongst its most zealous well-wishers; the novelty and extent of the undertaking were held up as insuperable objections to the accomplishment of the plan. It was likewise supposed that the mode of supporting it, by voluntary contributions, would be another obstacle of great weight; but after near five year's experience, we are happy to remark, that none of these objections appear to have been fully founded; during this time, the number of our distressed fellow-citizens, who have experienced the care and benefits of this charity, amounts to seven thousand six hundred and thirteen. This we conceive to be the only certain test of its utility; and as those who contribute their money to the support of public institutions ought to be frequently informed of the mode of applying it, as well as of the good effects of their charity, we have been in the practice of publishing an annual account of the receipts and expenditures of monies, the number of patients admitted, &c.
Account of Patients admitted, &c. &c.
The number of Patients who have been under the care of the Dispensary, from Dec. 1, 1789, to Dec. 1, 1790, is
  Remaining under care from last year, 96 1892   Admitted, 1796   Of whom the number Cured is 1578   Dead 63   Relieved 111   Discharged disorderly 23   Removed to the Hospital and house of Employment 23   Remaining under care 94 1892 
Account of Receipts and Expenditures,
  Received from Contributors £.459 11 2   Expenditures.   House expenses and Medicines £.243 19 10½   House rent 50 0 0   Apothecary's Salary 100 0 0   Printing and Stationary 7 17 8   Collecting Subscriptions 10 9 1½   £.412 6 8   Balalance due the Treasurer since last year, 24 14 4   Balalance in the Treasurer's hands 22 10 2   £.459 11 2 
Although the expenses of this Institution, have, by the strictest economy, been hitherto defrayed by the annual contributions, which are its only support; yet as many of these contributions are frequently discontinued by death, or other causes, we must continue to request the charitable assistance of the humane and benevolent, who are informed, that Subscription Books are kept, as usual, at the Dispensary, in Chestnut-Street, and at Mr. John Clifford's, the Treasurer's, in Front near Arch-Street, where their Subscriptions will be thankfully received.
The Contributors to the Dispensary are informed, that an election for Managers for the ensuing year will be held at the Dispensary, on Monday the Third Day of January next, between the hours of Three and Five in the Afternoon.
The votes of the Ladies will be received by proxy.
  Samuel Pleasants William White   Lawrence Seckel Thomas Franklin   Abiel Green Thomas Clifford   Henry Helmuth Samuel Miles   Samuel Powell George Meade   Henry Hill Robert Blackwell. 
December 15, 1790.
MASSACHUSETTS STATE LOTTERY.
THE Managers of the STATE LOTTERY, present the Public with the First Class of the Massachusetts Semi-annual State Lottery, which will commence drawing in the Representatives' Chamber, in Boston, on the Seventeenth of March next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of.
SCHEME.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE.
25,000 Tickets, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
  Prizes. Dollars. is Dollars.   1 of 10000 10000 are 10000   2 of 3000 3000 are 6000   3 of 2000 2000 are 6000   6 of 1000 1000 are 6000   10 of 500 500 are 5000   30 of 200 200 are 6000   80 of 100 100 are 8000   90 of 50 50 are 4500   100 of 40 40 are 4000   120 of 30 30 are 3600   161 of 20 20 are 3220   200 of 10 10 are 2000   7585 of 8 8 are 60680   8388 Prizes. 125000   16612 Blanks. 
25000.
TICKETS may be had of the several Managers, who will pay the Prizes on demand—of the TREASURER of the Commonwealth—of JAMES WHITE, at his Book-Store, Franklin's-Head, Court-Street, and at other places as usual.
  BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun. Managers.   DAVID COBB,   SAMUEL COOPER,   GEORGE R. MINOT,   JOHN KNEELAND, 
Boston, July 28, 1790.
PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 7, 1790.
AS the partnership of JOHN DUNLAP and DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE will expire on the first day of JANUARY, 1791, DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE proposes to publish a Newspaper, entitled
The Mail,
and
New Daily Advertiser.
(To be continued every Evening, Sundays excepted.)
THE MAIL shall be printed with an elegant new Type, procured for this particular purpose, on Paper, equal in size and quality to any of the Newspapers of Europe or America—And the Subscriber engages that no Means shall be spared to render the MAIL and NEW DAILY ADVERTISER in other respects worthy of the Public Patronage, which he now respectfully solicits.
The Price of the MAIL will be Eight Dollars pr. annum, to be paid at the end of the Year: And Advertisements will be received on such moderate Terms as to prove satisfactory to those who may be pleased to favor the Printer with their Commands in that line.
Subscriptions are thankfully received at No. 48, Market-Street, by D. C. CLAYPOOLE.
PROPOSALS, BY JOHN TRUMBULL, FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
TWO PRINTS,
From original Pictures painted by himself;
One representing the DEATH of General WARREN, at the Battle of Bunker's-Hill.
The other, the DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, in the Attack of Quebec.
IN the battle of Bunker's-Hill, the following Portraits are introduced—
  American. British.   Major General WARREN, Gen. Sir WILLIAM HOWE,   PUTNAM. Sir HENRY CLINTON,   Lieut. Col. JOHN SMALL,   Major PITCAIRN, and   Lieut. PITCAIRN.   In the Attack of Quebec.   General MONTGOMERY, Colonel THOMPSON,   Major MACPHERSON, and Capt. CHEESMAN. 
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
The prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, Three Guineas for each print; one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed.
SUBSCRIPTIONS are received in this city by Joseph Anthony, jun. Goldsmith and Jeweller, No. 76, Market-Street.
These prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American Revolution.
No period of the history of man, is more interesting than that in which we have lived. The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must ever remain dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. History will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which it is written must be understood—the language of painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expense, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success: That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself, with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor; and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec, are—
 * THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,  * BATTLE AT TRENTON,  * BATTLE OF PRINCETOWN,  SURRENDER of General BURGOYNE,  TREATY with FRANCE,  BATTLE of EUTAW SPRINGS,  * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN,  TREATY of PEACE,  EVACUATION of NEW-YORK,  RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON,  THE ARCH at TRENTON,  INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. 
Each picture will contain portraits of the principal characters who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with stars, are considerably advanced; and the prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers.
December 14.
To the Merchants, Traders, Foreigners, and the Public in general.
GENTLEMEN, AGREEABLY to the plan which the Subscriber submitted to the public consideration, and under the most flattering assurance of public patronage, he takes the liberty of announcing, that
THE MERCHANTS,
and EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE,
is now opened at the corner of Market and Water-Streets, for the accommodation of the Merchants, Traders, and other Citizens of Philadelphia.
The Subscriber deems it unnecessary to repeat the declarations of his sincere intention to prosecute his undertaking with the most respectful assiduity: But he cannot forbear making a public acknowledgment of his gratitude, for the encouragement he has already experienced; nor suppress his invariable wish, that those gentlemen who may honor his Coffee-House with their presence, will communicate such articles of intelligence received from their correspondents as they shall think proper, and in preference, will upon every occasion, point out the defects of his plan, or favor him with hints for improving its execution.
The Subscriber will prepare entertainments, either at noon, or in the evening, for select parties, upon the shortest notice, and on the most reasonable terms. He can accommodate two or three Gentlemen with lodgings; and proposes at two o'clock on each day, when the public business of the Coffee-Room is over, to provide a cheap, but good and plentiful ordinary, for such guests as shall please to honor him with their company.
I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and humble Servant, VINCENT M. PELOSI.
Dec. 18.
This day is published,
By THOMAS LANG,
No. 21, Church-Alley,
And sold by FRANCIS BAILEY, JOSEPH CRUKSHANK, WILLIAM PRICHARD, and RICE and Co. in Market-Street; and by THOMAS DOBSON, WILLIAM YOUNG, and ROBERT CAMPBELL, in Second-Street, Philadelphia.
Price 12s. 6d. (not half the price of the London edition)
The POEMS of OSSIAN,
THE
SON OF FINGAL.
Translated by JAMES MACPHERSON, Esq.
WHEREAS a certain WILLIAM TUFF, of Salem County, State of New-Jersey, has two nine pound notes of hand, given by Samuel Hollinhead, jun. and by certain information, it appears that my name as a security for the same is added to those notes, unknown to me. I hereby forbid any person or persons from taking any assignment of them from him; for I am determined not to answer those notes, or any assignment of them, as I know nothing of their dealings, nor will I answer for the same.
REUBEN ROBINSON.
Cumberland County, Nov. 30, 1790.