Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-11-25 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 60, of Vol. III.]
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 1791.
[Whole No. 268.]
PHILADELPHIA, November 23.
ORDINANCE AND BYE-LAWS, FOR THE REGULATION OF THE BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
At a general meeting of the STOCKHOLDERS of the BANK of the UNITED STATES, held at the City-Hall in Philadelphia, on Monday evening, October 31, 1791, agreeably to adjournment—
MR. BINGHAM, from the Committee appointed at the last meeting to report such Bye-Laws, Ordinances and Regulations, as shall seem necessary and convenient for the government of the Corporation, made report—and the same being taken into consideration, after debate, the Stockholders agreed to the following Ordinance:
SECTION I.
THE Charter of Incorporation granted to the Bank of the United States, amongst other rights, privileges and abilities therein conveyed, having empowered the Stockholders, at general meetings, legally convened, to make, ordain, establish and put in execution, such Bye-Laws, Ordinances and Regulations, as shall seem necessary and convenient for the government of the said Corporation:—Be it ordained, by the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of the United States,
SECTION II.
That the Bank shall be opened for the transaction of business every day in the year (Sundays, Christmas-day, and the fourth of July, excepted) during such hours as the Board of Directors shall deem advisable.
SECTION III.
That the books and accounts of the Bank shall be kept in Dollars and Cents, and shall be regularly balanced on the first Mondays in January and July in each year, when the half-yearly dividends shall be declared, and published in at least four of the public newspapers.
SECTION IV.
That the Bank shall take charge of the cash of all those who chuse to place it there (free of expence) and shall keep it subject to their order, payable at sight—and shall receive deposits of ingots of gold, bars of silver, wrought plate, or other valuable articles of small bulk, in the same manner, and return them on demand of the depositor.
SECTION V.
That the Bank shall receive and pay all specie coins, according to the rates and value that have been, or shall hereafter be established by Congress.
SECTION VI.
That until offices of discount and deposit shall be established, there shall be at least two discount days in every week, when meetings of the Board of Directors shall be assembled. Discounts shall be made at a rate not exceeding six per cent. per annum, on notes or bills of exchange that have not more than sixty days to run, and with at least two responsible names, and under such modifications as the Board of Directors, in their discretion, shall deem satisfactory and expedient.
SECTION VII.
That the President shall have power to convene the Directors on special occasions, and with the approbation of the Board of Directors, to affix the seal of the Corporation to all conveyances or other instruments, and sign the same in behalf of the Corporation—The said seal shall always remain in the custody and safe keeping of the President.
SECTION VIII.
That a Committee of the Board, consisting of at least three members, to be elected monthly by ballot, shall visit the vaults in which the cash and other effects shall be deposited, at least once in every month, and make an inventory of the same, to be compared with the books, in order to ascertain whether they perfectly agree therewith.
SECTION IX.
That no notes of the Bank shall be struck or signed, or Bank paper made, but by the direction of the Board.
SECTION X.
That in case the Board of Directors shall at any time make a dividend exceeding the profits of the Bank, and thereby diminish the capital stock, the members assenting thereto shall be liable in their several individual capacities for the amount of the surplus so divided.
SECTION XI.
That the Board of Directors shall, previous to the first day of December in every year, call a general meeting of the Stockholders to be assembled within three days after each annual election.
SECTION XII.
That the Board of Directors are hereby empowered to demand and receive from the Commissioners appointed to superintend the subscription to the capital stock of the Bank, all monies which have been paid to the said Commissioners on account of the first specie payment, together with the original book of subscription.
SECTION XIII.
That the Board of Directors are hereby authorized to ascertain and determine in what manner the remaining portions of the capital stock, due on the shares subscribed, consisting of specie and public debt, shall be paid and received. And they are hereby further authorized and empowered to receive into their possession, the certificates of said public debt, and demand and receive by their President, or in such other manner as they shall think proper, the interest that shall accrue and become due upon the same, and to give receipts therefor in behalf of the said Corporation.
SECTION XIV.
That the Board of Directors are hereby authorised and empowered to fix and establish requisite safe and convenient forms for transferring Bank Stock, for receiving half yearly dividends, for conveying a right to proxies to represent Stockholders, at any general meeting after the second Monday of January next, for the certificates of capital Stock of the Bank, for the circulating and post notes of the Bank, and for the oath or affirmation of the officers of the Bank previous to their entering on the execution of their respective duties.
SECTION XV.
That the Board of Directors are hereby authorised and empowered to establish a common seal with suitable devices—to ascertain and mark out the various duties and employments of the officers, clerks and servants of the Bank, and to direct them accordingly—as well as to determine the amount of securities they shall respectively give for the faithful discharge of their duties—to assign to the President such additional functions as are not already designated by law—and to re-issue or renew at their discretion the notes in circulation.
SECTION XVI.
That the Directors shall have power to make loans to the government of the United States, or of any State, to such extent and on such terms as they shall deem expedient, not contrary to law, provided that a Board consisting of not less than a majority of the whole number of Directors, shall be necessary to decide in all such cases.
SECTION XVII.
That the Board of Directors are hereby authorised to lease or hire, for a term not exceeding two years such suitable buildings as the administration of the affairs of the Bank may require.
SECTION XVIII.
That in case it shall happen that an election of Directors shall not be made at a meeting of the Stockholders for that purpose on the first Monday of January next, and on said day in each succeeding year, it shall be lawful for the Stockholders to adjourn said meeting to any future day within five days from said first Monday of January, and at said adjournment to make complete and finish said election.
SECTION XIX.
That the Board of Directors are hereby empowered to form and establish all other rules and regulations that they may deem necessary for the interior management of the Bank.
On motion, Resolved, That it is the opinion of the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States that the President and Directors should turn their immediate attention to the establishment of offices of discount and deposit at such places in the United States as the interest and safety of the institution will admit.
On motion, Resolved, That Mr. Edward Fox be requested to act as Secretary to the Stockholders meeting, and that he procure a book, and record therein the acts and proceedings of the Stockholders and keep the same in his possession until their next meeting.—Adjourned, sine die .
ATTEST, THOMAS WILLING, Chairman. EDWARD FOX, Secretary to the meeting of Stockholders.
Mr. FENNO will oblige some of his Jersey friends and customers, if he publishes, as soon as he finds it convenient, the following hand bill, printed at Brunswick a few days ago.
Copy of a letter from a gentleman in New-Jersey, to his friend in the Legislature of that State, now sitting at Trenton.
MIDDLESEX COUNTY, Nov. 10, 1791.
SIR,
I RECEIVED your letter dated the 4th inst. and am to acknowledge the favor you did me in your candid relation of the demands of the gentlemen who mean to establish manufactories in this State, and as I know you wish to be informed of the sentiments of some of your constituents, I think it a duty I owe to my fellow-citizens, to give you my opinion on these matters, referred by them to our Legislature, and I will endeavor to give it in the best manner my time and small abilities will admit, being conscious they are far from being adequate to the subject which I trust will be clearly and honestly discussed by the superior genius of the gentlemen of our Legislature.
Charters are generally restricted in England and in this country, binding the incorporate bodies to certain specified articles—but if these gentlemen have it in their option, generally to profess any mechanical business they think proper, they will bear down by their large capital, all the mechanical branches of the same species in the United States; this in time will have a very fatal effect on the revenues of the public; as the mechanics are at present a very valuable and large part of the community, and raise large sums in the import and government taxes, which, when
they are crushed, must fall on the landed interest: But let us turn our eyes to the kingdom of France, and we will see the most enlightened philosophers, statesmen and patriots, perhaps that ever graced the universe, who are truly the guardians of the rights of man: That by their united study for more than two years, have, by their constitution, utterly and forever abolished all incorporate bodies whatsoever, as being injurious to the public weal.
Lottery, is a species of gaming that wise men have written against and have laid it down, as having a fatal tendency on the morals of the community, and that they should not be granted, but on the greatest emergencies to the public at large. It locks up for a time the circulating cash, stagnates trade, prevents just debts being paid, and is hurtful to the families of the poor adventurers.
That cutting Canals, to facilitate navigation, is a most noble invention and ought to be prosecuted wherever there is a prospect of its answering the end of cheapening transportation; but if any such matter is contemplated, why should it not be the property of the United States, or of the State of New-Jersey? to which those gentlemen apply for unbounded right to cut canals where they please. Suppose they were empowered to cut a canal from Sand-pink to the head of South river or to the Millstone, and open an inland navigation from Philadelphia to New-York, which is thought practicable; would not this destroy hundreds of acres of good meadow on the Sand-pink? by cutting a canal of twenty feet wide for miles together, would it not ruin many of our worthy fellow-citizens without proper compensation? Its course might necessarily go from there through several good farms, orchards, gardens, &c. and all this to be under the sanction of a law, made for the purpose of individuals, who want to aggrandize their posterity by a perpetual toll, and after this State had granted them a lottery to raise thirty thousand pounds on the public. This request really appears to me laughable, as they must suppose our Legislative body to be extremely goodnatured.
Suppose their stock to be a million and a half of dollars, which I have been informed, by the rapid and large subscriptions it is likely to amount to, which by their request may be used in any lucrative branch of manufacture if they are not restricted: This sum is perhaps greater than the united capital of all the mechanics in America, which, by being divided into many thousands of small sums, in the hands of honest, industrious men, for the subsistence of their families, enables them to pay their taxes cheerfully and consume great quantities of dutiable articles; but these gentlemen come forward with their aggregate stock and modestly ask an exemption from all taxes. O heaven! can the human mind be so blinded and callous through avarice!
Many of the mechanics suffered great losses in the late war, paid heavy taxes and served faithfully in the militia, and have been obliged, through necessity, to sell their hard earned certificates for half a crown in the pound, to some of the very men who now come forward with them at more than twenty shillings. Among these I would include the brave continental soldier, who is now returned to his trade for a scanty subsistence. I would ask why they suffered every species of misery to establish the present government, but to enjoy an equal share of its privileges and immunities with their fellow citizens, which they will not do, if at any time a part of the community are exempted from taxes, in the same branches of manufacture they follow and they are taxed. If such a law should be made in any State, I think it would have a tendency to shake the pillar thereof to its centre.
I wish not Sir, to be understood that I am against reasonable encouragement being given to the company: I think under proper restraint they may be very useful to the community in general and ought to be encouraged, as far as reason and good policy may admit. CLITUS.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO, Observing in your paper of Nov. 2, a speculation signed Respondent, permit a subscriber also to assume a logical signature; and indulge him in inserting the following observations of an Opponent.
I DO not mean from time to time, to oppose the Respondent, or perhaps ever again to take notice of his remarks; but at this time, am forcibly impressed with the impropriety of his inferences. The Respondent takes notice of a paragraph published in your Gazette of the 2d inst. wherein the general happiness diffused over the face of the country, is ascribed to the goodness of our constitution, and the laws of the United States; and supposes that the happiness alluded to, is the pleasing appearance which the face of the country assumes. He then asserts, that "during the last summer the face of the country, through a considerable part of it, did wear a most dismal, distressing, and doleful countenance;" and then draws this conclusion, that the constitution or laws must have some dismal defect, upon a supposition that his major is true.—His major I grant is true, ( i. e. ) that "those pleasing appearances" constitute part of the happiness resulting from our constitution and laws—As to his minor, if by a considerable portion of the country, he means the greatest part, it is false; but if he means but a small part, which indeed would be considerable, it may be true; but let him mean which he will, his conclusion is false.—I have been led thus far to take notice of his remarks syllogistically, both from their form and his signature as well as my own.—It must recur immediately to every person in the least acquainted with the historical, as well as political and agricultural state of different nations, that the happiness of the people, the flourishing state, the pleasing appearance and the fruitful productions of the country, abundantly depend upon the liberty of the inhabitants and the wholesomeness of the laws—How many countries are there

under despotic governments, whose soil in itself is the most fertile imaginable, that scarcely produce subsistence for the inhabitants, and intirely owing to the badness of the governments—Where there is no security for property, none are ambitious of acquiring it; the accumulation thereof, is but an inducement to their tyrants to deprive them even of their lives, in order to possess their property—Under these circumstances men are desirous of procuring only so much as shall be barely sufficient for their sustenance—The consequence is plain, the agricultural interest suffers, the ground not half tilled, and the country wearing a miserable appearance—On the contrary, where the citizen enjoys liberty and security for his property, he is desirous of increasing it, and makes the best use of his lands; the country puts on “a gay, pleasant and prosperous appearance,” and that in gradation from a tyrannical government to a free one, in proportion to the goodness of the constitution. These effects of our excellent constitution are visible to every observer, and acknowledged by every friend to the government—All who acknowledge a divine Providence, must own that to be the prime source of both prosperity and adversity; and sometimes, for wise purposes, it is exercised in adverse dispensations; thus we see partial evil in the midst of general good, without destroying the universal influence of second causes—Such may have been the case during the last summer—In the course of Providence a drought prevailed in some places, yet notwithstanding, there was a general appearance of fertility in the country—though grass failed in some places, yet was there a plentiful harvest; nor did that partial evil militate against the benign influence of our government, in its happy effects upon the country at large, nor lead to a conclusion that the government is defective. I am at the same time sorry to find our Respondent casting reflections upon a state, which however a mistaken policy may for a while, have made backward in subscribing to the constitution, yet now is a sister in union with us.
AN OPPONENT.
New-Jersey, November 10, 1791.
CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1791.
IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE.
Debate on the Ratio of Representation.
MR. FINDLEY declared himself to be in favor of one representative for every 30,000 persons.
The opinion of the people, he said, should be the guide of the committee: that opinion, he conceived to be in favor of the ratio he had mentioned.
The representation ought as nearly as possible to express not only the will, but to participate in the wishes and interests of the people—A large representation embraces these interests more fully, and is more competent to giving and receiving information. The objects of legislation are such as come home to the doors, to the feelings of every man; the government ought therefore to secure the confidence of the people by a large representation. The expence he considered as trifling compared to the benefits—and the people expect and are willing to pay for being well governed, and having their liberties secured. An encreased representation, he considered as an additional security against corruption. As to delays occasioned by a numerous body—he observed, that the representatives were chosen to deliberate, and to mature every subject before decision—He instanced the advantages derived from the numerous representations in France and in Ireland—The former had framed a constitution in two years for twenty-six millions of citizens, and provided for securing the liberties of their country—and the latter had proved a successful barrier against the encroachments of the arbitrary power of England. He concluded, by asserting that the voice of the people was in favor of the amendment proposed to the constitution, which would give one representative to every 30,000 persons.
Mr. Giles—This subject, said he, has struck me in two points of view—Whether Congress are not precluded from exercising any discretion on the subject; and whether, if they are not, it is expedient for them to exercise this discretion at this time. The ratio of representation is a constitutional, and not a legislative act. He referred to the constitution, in which it is said that there shall be one representative to every state, and secondly, that until the enumeration, the
number should be as therein appointed to each state—after the enumeration the number is mentioned, below which it shall not be placed—but there is a negative power to increase the ratio—and from this negative power, a positive discretionary power is inferred. But, he observed, that Congress had precluded itself from a right to exercise this discretionary power, by sending out to the several state legislatures, an amendment on this very subject—this amendment he considered in a serious point of view; and had this idea been attended to at the commencement of the discussion, he conceived that it would have prevented the opinion from being brought forward, whether it was expedient that any change in the ratio of the representation should take place—The idea of one to 30,000, he considered as fully settled in the minds of the people; and a change on the part of the government, would indicate a changeable disposition, and a mutability of counsels, which is but another name for weakness.
The sense of the people have been resorted to by gentlemen on both sides of the question—this, if it can be ascertained, is undoubtedly the best guide; and he thought those in favor of one to 30,000 had with great propriety referred to the conventions, and to the acts of Congress itself. But the amendments are said to have been a matter of compromise, and were insincerely acceded to by the majority—but even on this ground he conceived, that the sense of the people was equally at well declared.—He however differed from gentlemen in respect to the motives which produced those amendments—in the state he came from, both federalists and anti-federalists were fully of opinion that further security as to the representation, was requisite.
The numerous representations of the states, whatever inconveniences may attend them, plainly shew the sense of the people on the subject.
He then took a view of the objects of legislation to the state assemblies, and of those of the general government—in the former, he said, above 1000 persons are employed, though their attention is confined to their internal police—Those of the general government on the other hand, are on the great objects of the whole finance of the Union, a sum of more than eighty millions of dollars, &c. &c.
It is said that we shall want abilities—but, said he, I should be sorry if a representation of ten times the present number of this House, should comprize the abilities of a single state.
He assigned different causes from numbers, for the corruption in the British House of Commons—among these were the frequent mortgages of the funds, and the immense appropriations at the disposal of the executive—the mode of their elections, &c. A large number, he observed, is not so easily corrupted as a small body.
An inequality of circumstances, he then observed, produces revolutions in government, from democracy to aristocracy and monarchy. Great wealth produces a desire of distinctions, rank and titles—The revolutions in property in this country, have created a prodigious inequality of circumstances—Government has contributed to this inequality—the Bank of the United States is a most important machine in promoting the objects of this monied interest—this bank will be the most powerful engine to corrupt this House—some of the members are directors of this institution—and it will only be by increasing the representation that an adequate barrier can be opposed to this monied interest. He next adverted to certain ideas which he said had been disseminated through the United States; and here he took occasion to observe, that the legislature ought to express some public disapprobation of these opinions—The strong executive of this government ought to be balanced by a full representation in this House. He hoped the motion to strike out 30,000 would not obtain.
Mr. Boudinot closed the debate of this day, by a few remarks, reinforcing his former observations in favor of an increased ratio.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15.
Mr. PAGE—I can no longer refrain from expressing my sentiments respecting the question before the committee; not only because I wish if possible to remove the error which I think several members, for whom I have the highest respect, have fallen into, but because I feel myself more interested in the question than I ever was in any one I have had to decide on.
Sir, it gave me pain to find those worthy members calculating and coldly applying the rules of arithmetic to a subject beyond the power of numbers to express the degree of its importance to their fellow-citizens. I was distressed, sir, to find that in their honest zeal for securing order, dispatch of business, and dignity in respectability of members in the general legislature, they used arguments which have been applied in other countries to the establishment of insolent aristocracies—in some, tyrannical despotisms—and in others, Kings; those countries which were most on their guard with the semblance of a free government.
Sir, the errors I wish to correct are these: They think that because it is proposed, by a proposed amendment to the Constitution, to authorise them to interfere in the business of ascertaining and fixing the ratio of representation to the population of the States, that Congress ought, without any hesitation, to enter on that business—but I humbly conceive, that Congress, as this is a delicate question in which their own weight and importance must unite with the weight and substantial interest of their constituents, ought to listen to the suggestions of delicacy, and leave its discussion to a disinterested convention of the States. I say it appears to me no small error to quit the plain path of legislation, marked out for us by the Constitution, needlessly to wander into the field of political speculation, respecting its supposed defects.
Let me therefore advise to leave the restriction of the numbers of members of this house to the people, or to some future Congress, which can see more plainly than can now be desired, the evils of a too numerous representation. By so doing, we shall avoid, if not an improper measure, at least a rash step—at least we shall stand clear of a charge of indelicacy, and deprive our enemies of the triumph they expected in the completion of their predictions, that Congress would never propose any amendments to the Constitution but such as would be subservient to their own views and aggrandizement. Let us not give the enemies of our new government cause to exult, and its friends to sigh and mourn. Let us not give our friends occasion to repeat what many have said, that so many of our citizens have been led away by theoretical writers on government, as to render it problematical whether the American States are not at this time as much indebted to the National Assembly for its remains of republican principles, as France was to Congress in 1776, for their first ideas of that liberty which they now enjoy. Let us not, in this moment of general exultation of the friends to the rights of man, take a step which may damp their joy, and lead them to fear that Americans who were foremost in the glorious career of liberty, have stopped short.
But, sir, granting that we were now sitting in full convention, convened for the sole purpose of altering that article of the Constitution which respects the number of representatives, would it not become us to consider rather what was the sense of the members who framed that Constitution, and what was and is the sense of their constituents and our own respecting it, than what may be the result of our enquiries concerning the speculative opinions of writers on the subject of government, or even the real consequences of the most plausible theories reduced to practice in other countries?
But not to take up the precious time of this house with relations of facts to show what was and is the opinion of our fellow-citizens on this interesting subject, I will only state a few arguments which have weight with me as being in themselves evident truths, viz.—Our Constitution being framed by the people, and introduced to us in their name, and Congress being the creatures of their will, spoken into existence by the word of their power for Congress, to lessen their weight, to diminish their importance, and to exclude them from as full a share in their own government, as can be consistent with the nature of it, and indeed from that share which they claim, must be impolitic and dangerous.
But granting that the people wished not a greater share in the general government than is proposed by the amendment, as it is impossible, in a country like the United States, that one man can be sufficiently informed of the opinions, wishes and real interests of thirty-five thousand of his fellow-citizens, and therefore laws might be enacted contrary to the opinions, wishes and interests of the people, in which they might nevertheless acquiesce, sacrificing their interests for the sake of peace and quiet, to the wills of their representatives, one thirty-five thousandth part of their own number—What friend to his country would wish to see such a dangerous influence on the one hand, and such a blind submission on the other? How long could an enlightened people remain in such a state of insensibility and torpor? and what might not be the consequence of their awaking from their lethargy? If not an expensive revolution, an expensive repeal of laws. And here I will remark, that the smallest number of legislators, and they too, well selected for their wisdom and respectability, if unacquainted with their constituents, might pass well framed laws, founded on the wisdom of other countries, and yet find them disagreeable to their constituents, and be under a necessity of repealing them—but this could not be the case if the people had in that legislature a sufficient number of representatives, on whose fidelity, attachment and disinterestedness, they could rely. This, sir, is a truth worthy of our attention—an ignorance of which or inattention thereto, I suspect has been the occasion of much political evil in the world. Happily for France, the people had such a number of representatives in the National Assembly, as could

engage their feeling, inform their judgment, attach their interest, and establish their confidence in their fidelity and disinterestedness—had that number been much smaller, it is probable France would never have been delivered from oppression by their exertions.
I believe the National Assembly have judged about 750 members sufficient to represent their people, which on a supposition that they amount even to 26 millions, will be 1 representative for every 34,000; a larger representation than is proposed by the amendment before us; but, Sir, it is not and cannot be the interest or wish of the people at large to have a small representation in Congress under the present government. We are told however that to avoid expence the people wish it—and that to avoid confusion in this house we should comply with that wish. With respect to the article of expence, I think we may with propriety make use of arithmetical calculations, and to find how much at 6 dollars per day paid to 1 representative it would cost the 30,000 divide 600 cents by 30,000, the number of citizens—and we have 1-50 of a cent per diem, the expence of each citizen, if to be equally divided, amongst them—that is 1 cent for every 50 citizens per diem, or which must be the same thing 1 cent must be paid by each citizen for every 50 days session of their representative in Congress; Sir, I have the consolation to find that if our constitution had 1 representative for every 15, instead of 30,000 they could well afford to pay them, and that if it were even more expensive as to the payment of members, yet the people would most certainly be better satisfied with the laws which they would then have so great a share in framing. The people see that if their interests are not well guarded by a sufficient number of their fellow-citizens, who have a fellow-feeling, a common interest, they may be sacrificed to the ambition of some, or the vanity of others; I trust Sir, that they know too well the high price they have paid for the purchase of their liberties, to be unwilling to pay a few farthings for the only possible means of preserving them. They see now that the monarchical and aristocratical part of government is to be restrained—the former from absolute tyranny, and the latter from an insufferable inolence, by a very numerous body of the representatives of the people alone. Americans know, Sir, that monarchical governments were necessary for the protection of weak ignorant people, against the encroachments of ambitious and ferocious neighbors; and for the preservation of order amongst themselves: that an aristocratical form became convenient to protect them against the oppression of tyranny springing up out of monarchy—that this form was adapted to a small progress in the science of government, and that these two forms properly checked and controuled by the democratical form, is still better suited to a general knowledge of that science; that a representative government such as their own is, every part of which is more or less pervaded by the spirit of representation, cannot by any other means be so perfectly secured, as by their having at least as full a share as they have claimed in the democratical branch of their government.
I know, Sir, that many friends of our constitution, thought that the Convention did not pay a sufficient attention to the interests of their constituents, when they restrained them from having more than one representative for every 30,000 citizens.—I know that there is a report that the people are indebted to their President, even for this share in their government; and I believe, Sir, if this report be true, that whatever has been so justly said of him, as compared to Fabius, to Hannibal, to Alexander, may be forgotten, when this instance of his wisdom, disinterestedness, and attachment to the interests of his fellow citizens, will be more and more known and applauded, and be forever engraved on the hearts of their posterity—Shall we then, Mr. Chairman, the direct representatives of the people, be less attentive to their interest, and that too respecting their share in the deliberations of their own House of Representatives, than the President of their Convention was? I trust not.
I will not pretend to say, however, whether in an assembly where attempts are frequently made, to carry into effect the projects of monarchical or aristocratical jontos, the virtuous struggles of patriotic members, may not produce mob-like disorders; but in an assembly like Congress, where I should suppose no such question can be agitated; none which may not be discussed with temper and decency, such disorder need not be apprehended. I should suppose there would be less danger of animosities and disorderly debates in Congress, amongst 1200 members, than in the British Parliament, if it consisted but of 100.—Where we have all but one and the same great object in view, the happiness of our country, (not the interests of a particular body of men, born with privileges insulting the feelings and the rights of freemen, nor the whims of an individual, born to trample on his fellow creatures) we can have no cause to be dissatisfied with one another.
Surely, Sir, unless these gentlemen suppose the members of Congress void of sense, or of every idea of decency and propriety, they cannot suppose that even 500 members would not be easily restrained within the bounds of order.
Upon the whole, Sir, I conclude that neither an apprehension of expence, nor of disorderly debates, ought to induce this committee to run the risk of being charged with indelicacy, if not, of sacrificing the interests of their constituents. I hope, therefore, that the worthy and ingenious members who, by supporting the amendment, have produced a full discussion of the question, will now join with me, and a great majority, in voting against it.
(To be continued.)
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 21.
The address from the General Assembly of St. Domingo, to the Congress of the United States, was read.
Mr. Williamson presented an affidavit respecting the loss or destruction of sundry certificates, the property of a citizen of North Carolina, which being read, it was moved that it should be referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. The motion being objected to, as informal, the affidavit not being accompanied with a petition, was negatived.
Mr. Wadsworth, of the committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill more effectually to provide for the national defence, by establishing a uniform militia throughout the United States—read the first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house, and made the order of the day for Monday next—to be printed in the interim.
The report of the committee on the petition of James Jackson, was referred to the committee of the whole, and made the order of the day for Thursday next—Report to be printed in the interim.
The report of the committee on the election of John Francis Mercer, was again read.
Mr. Giles observed that the case involved two principles, which he conceived to be of some importance to be fully discussed and decided, previous to an unqualified acceptance of the report—the first was, whether a member had a right to vacate his own seat—and the other was, how far it is in the power of the executive of a particular State, to fill the vacancies which may take place in this house. These considerations, he thought, had essential reference to the privileges of members.
Mr. Seney observed, that he conceived the report was strictly conformable to the rules and precedents of the house, in similar cases—several of which had occurred. With respect to the right of a member to resign, he thought the reverse idea involved an attack on the privileges of the citizens of the United States.
The motion for going to the report, after some further debate, was negatived, and the order to refer it to a committee of the whole house to-morrow.
Mr. Smith (N. H.) presented the petition of Jason Waite—read and referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Boudinot moved that the petition of James Weeks should be referred to the Secretary of War. The petition was again read—the motion for a particular reference to the Secretary of War, was objected to.
Mr. Williamson said the motion ought to be for a general reference. This motion being put, was negatived; and a motion to reject the petition was put and carried.
The petition of J. E. Moore, respecting a number of certificates of public debt, which were destroyed, praying they may be renewed, was read—and with some others of a similar nature, referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The resolution for extending the time limited for settling the accounts between the United States and individual States, was agreed to; and a committee, consisting of Messrs. Dayton, Griffin and Hartley, appointed to report a bill accordingly.
The order of the day—on the bill apportioning the representation of the inhabitants of the United States, according to the first enumeration—Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.
The bill was read by the Clerk.
Mr. Macon moved that the first section be amended, by inserting the word five after the word thousand.
This motion, after some debate, was negatived—as were also motions to insert four and three.
Mr. Benion then moved to strike out the whole of the first section, in order to substitute another which he had prepared.
This motion respected a different modification of the section, still retaining the ratio of one representative to thirty thousand. Further debate ensued, and the committee rose and reported progress.—The house then adjourned.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22.
A letter from the Secretary of State, enclosing a report on the petition of Jacob Isaacs, of Newport, (R.I.) who had prayed for a reward from government, for discovering the art of converting salt water into fresh, by an easy process—This report stated an account of certain processes made by the petitioner in presence of the Secretary of State, to ascertain his pretensions—the result was, that simple distillation, without Mr. Isaacs' discovered mixture, produced as great a quantity of fresh water, as with it.
Mr. Sylvester presented the petition of Reuben Murray and Daniel Schermerhorn—read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Sundry other petitions were read and referred.
Mr. Findley presented a petition of certain inhabitants of the counties of Washington, Allegany, and Westmoreland, respecting the excise law—read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Lawrance reported a bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1792—read the first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house, to be made the order of the day on Wednesday next.
Mr. Williamson presented the remonstrance and petition of a yearly meeting of the people called Quakers in the State of North-Carolina, against the duties and penalties of the militia law—read and referred to the committee of the whole House to whom the militia law was referred.
Mr. Lee presented the petition of John Crane, praying the renewal of a lost certificate, read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The petition of sundry surgeons of the late army praying a fair and equitable settlement of their accounts, was read.
In committee of the whole, on the report of the select committee on the election of John Francis Mercer.
It was moved that the report should be accepted—Mr. Giles objected to the motion, and in a speech of considerable length, stated the reasons of his dissent from it—He was replied to by Mr. Smith, (S.C.) Mr. Murray, Mr. Gerry, and Mr. Seney. Mr. Sedgwick suggested some difficulties in the case—The question being called for, Mr. Lee moved that the committee should rise and report progress—this motion obtained, and the committee rose, and asked leave to sit again.
In committee of the whole on the bill apportioning the representation of the inhabitants of the United States.
The committee agreed to sundry amendments to the bill—then rose, and the house adjourned.
Philadelphia, November 23.
Some accounts from England, recently published, inform that Mr. Burke is become so unpopular, that both his friends and the world are deserting him—and even the Ministers treat him with coldness.
Late accounts from France say, that after the first day of October, 1791, no American ships laden with Tobacco were to be admitted to entry in the French ports, except upon condition of coming directly from America with clearances for France.—See the letter in the last page of this paper.
A subscription is to be opened in this city on the first day of next month, for raising a sum of money for the purpose of opening a Canal between the waters of Schuylkill and Susquehanna, to extend from the Quitapahilla to Tulpuhocken.
The Aristocrats in Paris, it is said, were confounded at the King's acceptance of the Constitution—and it is now added, that this event has thrown a universal damp on the spirits of the exiles from that kingdom. The latest European intelligence contains very little information on the subject of a counter-revolution. The prospects of the anti-revolutionists grow fainter and fainter, as the people grow more and more habituated to the walks of freedom.
The account of the arrival of the Countess of Effingham at New-York, is premature.
A proposal has appeared in the Boston papers for publishing in that town a new weekly paper, to be entitled, the AMERICAN APOLLO: some further account of which, shall, by request, appear in our next.
The Hon. GEORGE PLATER is elected Governor of Maryland.
Thursday last a fire broke out in the house of Mr. ROBERT HODGE, bookseller, in New-York—which, notwithstanding the great exertions of the citizens, was nearly consumed. Mr. Hodge's loss is said to be great.
Two instances of alarms by fire have occurred in this city since our last—a small framed house and a stable were destroyed, but the vigilance of the citizens prevented the flames from spreading any further.
We have the pleasure of announcing to the public, the arrival of Brigadier-General Harmer, his lady and family.
A citizen adds—"It must give peculiar pleasure to every real friend to the army to be informed, that this worthy officer (whose services, during the late war as Colonel of a regiment, and since the peace as Commander in Chief in the Western Territory, can never be forgotten while gratitude is considered of any worth amongst us) has again returned to his native place in good health and spirits, where he intends to remain the ensuing winter. And although the shafts of malice have been thrown at him, touching his conduct on a late Indian expedition, yet they have wholly missed their aim—as the General, after many and repeated solicitations for a court-martial, at length obtained a trial, and now stands acquitted of any and every charge alleged against him, with the highest honor to himself and entire satisfaction to his country."
When Congress adopted the State debts, and put them on the same footing as the Continental Debts, because they were incurred for similar objects, peculiar difficulties induced the necessity of confining the assumption within certain limits, which were then known to be short of the actual size of those debts. The opponents to the measure felt their opposition diminished, because they saw the utmost extent of the engagement—its friends acquiesced, because they knew that the establishment of the principle must finally lead to a general assumption. The measure having generally met with a favorable reception from the public, and having evidently been attended with good effects, there is no reason to anticipate much opposition to the completion of so beneficial a system, inasmuch as the existing revenues will probably supply an ample fund for the purpose. The surpluses of these debts must be very inconsiderable, and it would be inconsistent with that enlightened policy which has hitherto marked the proceedings of the national Legislature, to cripple a system which has been so universally applauded, and by a narrow-minded conduct to involve in perpetual confusion the national finances.
Married, last Thursday evening, Mr. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN BACHE, to Miss MARGARET H. MARKOE—both of this city.
Died at New-York, the 18th inst. Dr. CHARLES M c KNIGHT, one of the most eminent Surgeons of that city—perhaps of the United States.
The communication from a friend at Trenton, is very reluctantly, tho' necessarily postponed till Saturday. The poetic effusion "To War" is too incorrect for publication.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 22 1/2 pr. £. 110 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 12 3/4 12 5/8 62 1/2 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 13 3/4 65 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 19 1/2 95 do.   Indents 11 5/8 57 1/2 do.   Bank Subscriptions, 140 to 142 Dollars.  
Bank of the United States.
PHILADELPHIA, November 22, 1791.
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the BANK of the UNITED STATES are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five DIRECTORS will be held at the Bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the second day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And, pursuant to the eleventh section of the Bye-Laws, the Stockholders of the said Bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Tuesday the third day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
Second fundamental Article of Statute of Incorporation.
"Not more than three-fourths of the Directors in office, exclusive of the President, shall be eligible for the next succeeding year. But the Director who shall be President at the time of an election, may always be re-elected." [epit]

FREDERICKSBURG, November 10. Extract of a letter from Messrs. M'Carthy and Brothers, to a merchant in this town, dated Bourdeaux, September 1, 1791.
"In our last we mentioned to you the difficulty some American vessels met with here, because they were not considered as coming direct from America; we have now the pleasure to acquaint you, that the committee of the National Assembly, which we petitioned on the subject, has given directions that our tobaccos should be admitted to entry, for home consumption; and that all American vessels in the same predicament as those we interested ourselves for, that have touched at an out-port for orders, without breaking bulk, or entering there, should likewise be admitted to declare their tobaccos in the same manner, as far as the 1st of next month; after which period, the committee intimates that the conditions of coming direct from America, with clearances for France, must be rigidly adhered to. The commissioners of the revenue have received and given their specific and official orders in consequence; so that we think it would not be prudent to form a speculation upon the supposition of its getting a greater extent, until we see more clearly into the matter, though said limits be not peremptory."
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
Resolved, That the form of the power for voting by proxy at any election, be:
KNOW ALL MEN BY THESE PRESENTS, That of do hereby appoint to be substitute and proxy for and in name and behalf, to vote at any election of a Director or Directors of the Bank of the United States, as fully as might or could were personally present. In witness whereof, have hereunto set hand and seal, this day of in the year
Sealed and delivered in the presence of
That the form of the power for voting by proxy respecting the enacting, repealing or amending Bye-Laws, Ordinances and Regulations, be:
KNOW ALL MEN BY THESE PRESENTS, That of do hereby appoint substitute or proxy, to represent at all meetings of the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States, and in name and behalf, to vote respecting the enacting, repealing or amending such Bye-Laws, Ordinances or Regulations, as may be deemed necessary and convenient for the government of the said Bank. In witness whereof, have hereunto set hand and seal, this day of in the year
Sealed and delivered in the presence of
That the form of the power for selling, assigning and transferring Bank Stock, be:
KNOW ALL MEN BY THESE PRESENTS, That of do hereby constitute and appoint of true and lawful attorney, for and in name and behalf, to sell, assign and transfer unto any person or persons, the whole or any part of share unto belonging in the capital or joint stock of the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of the United States, and for that purpose to make and execute all necessary acts of assignments and transfer, and furthermore one or more persons under to substitute with like full power. In witness whereof, have hereunto set hand and seal, this day of in the year
Sealed and delivered in the presence of
That the form of the power to receive Dividends be:
KNOW ALL MEN BY THESE PRESENTS, That of do hereby constitute and appoint lawful attorney for and in name and behalf, to receive and give receipts for all dividends now due, or which may grow due on share to belonging, in the capital or joint stock of the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of the United States. In witness whereof, have hereunto set hand and seal, this day of in the year
Sealed and delivered in the presence of
HOLY BIBLE.---Royal Quarto.
MR. THOMAS, of Worcester, Massachusetts, most respectfully informs the public, that he has this day completed the Old and New Testaments of his Royal Quarto Edition of the HOLY BIBLE. The Apocrypha and Index, &c. will be finished with all the dispatch the nature of the work will admit.
Such Gentlemen as hold SUBSCRIPTION PAPERS, he begs will return them to him at Worcester, or to him and Company at Boston, by the last day of November next, and as much sooner as they conveniently can.
He is happy to inform the public, that the work has been examined by many gentlemen, clergymen and others, and has met with their highest approbation; both as to the execution of the printing, its correctness, and its cheapness compared with English copies of the same size and quality.
As this very laborious and exceedingly expensive undertaking, is carried on solely at his own cost, he is led to hope that all those who wish to possess a large Family Bible, will so far encourage this laudable undertaking of their countryman, as to add their names to the subscription.
Worcester, Sept. 29, 1791. ISAIAH THOMAS.
GEORGE MEADE
Has for SALE, at his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF, FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old bills of exchange Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, hoghead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old. Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hoghead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter casks of first quality Hyson TEA. He has just received by the Pigeon, Loxley, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, Capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted; a few bales of red and white FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality.
He has also to dispose of, a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will, through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HAND-SPIKES. He is purchasing FLAX-SEED and BEES-WAX, and will give the highest price for them.
N.B. A few hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just received, and to be disposed of.
Philadelphia, November 16, 1791. (cp 6w.)
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, PEAR-STREET,
A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS,
Which may be seen every day, until five o'clock, P. M. Among them are the following:
Folio. HOMER, Xenophon, Plato, Plutarch, Eusebius, Sozomen, Theodoret, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Paterculus, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thesaurus Ciceronis. Biblia Junii and Tremellii, Bible de Martin, Wells's Maps, Scapulae—Phavorini—Martini—Hoffmani Lexica, Vossii Etymologicum, Antiquin. Eccles. Britannica, &c.
Quarto. Pindar, Cyropaedia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phaedrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Ciceronis op. om. Caesar, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ars Gram. Cluverii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c. Octavo et infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poetae minores Gr. Isocrates, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Plautus, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Aulonius, Buchanan, Sallust, Curtius, Florus, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hist. August. Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars, &c. &c.
Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Booksellers, Market-street, or of JOHN CAREY. October 31. (cp 1f.)
Funds of the United States.
ALL kinds of the Public Debt of the Union, bought, sold, or exchanged; Foreign and Inland Bills of Exchange negotiated; Merchandise of all sorts bought and sold on Commission, and all other Business in the line of a Broker, transacted by
WILLIAM CLELAND, At the Office next door to the Custom-House, State-Street, BOSTON. 2m
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97. MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL, AND NEW-HAVEN LOTTERY TICKETS, To be had at the same place.
JOHN PINTARD, SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER,
PURCHASES and SELLS PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission, at the following rates:
ON the specie amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent.
On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent.
On remittances, ditto.
Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest.
For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer.
Such persons as may incline to favor the subscriber with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch. His long experience and extensive dealings in the public stocks, together with a well established correspondence throughout the United States, enable him to conduct his operations with peculiar benefit to his employers.
JOHN PINTARD, New-York, No. 57, King-Street. October 15, 1791.
W. M'DOUGALL'S DANCING SCHOOL,
Is now opened at his School-Room, No. 28, Carter's Alley.
HE returns his sincere thanks for the great encouragement he has experienced these eighteen years; hopes the reputation of his school for decorum and good order, as well as the performance of his scholars, will still ensure him a respectable share of the public favor.
A number of new Cotillions and Country Dances will be taught during the season.
Those who please to honor him with the tuition of their children, may be assured, they will be taught in the most approved style, and that proper attention will be paid to their carriage and manners.
A general practising for the improvement of the scholars, will be held at the New Rooms, every other Wednesday; when the employers, and strangers of genteel deportment, will be admitted. These practisings will be attended with no expence.
N.B. An EVENING SCHOOL will be opened for grown Gentlemen, as soon as a sufficient number offer.
Philadelphia, September 14, 1791. (t. f.)
Wanted, a good COOK,
To whom genteel wages will be allowed. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. Enquire of the Printer.
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA TEAS, REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c. Of the first quality—by retail, No. 19, Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
TO BE SOLD, And possession given immediately, That pleasantly situated FARM
Whereon the subscriber now lives. IT lies on the road from Princeton to Brunswick, about a mile and a half from the former. It contains 213 acres, whereof 47 are woodland, upwards of 30 meadow, and 20 more may be made. Also a young orchard of 200 apple trees, besides a variety of peach and cherry trees, and a large garden; the whole under good fence. There are on the premises a two story stone house and kitchen, with an elegant piazza, the whole painted and finished. Also, a smoke-house, work-shop, granary, waggon-house; barrack cow-houses, two stories high and 90 feet long, and a good barn, with stabling. From the buildings there are charming views of Princeton, the neighbouring farms, and Monmouth hills. Any person inclining to purchase, may know the terms by applying to the subscriber on the premises, or to ISAAC SNOWDEN, No. 141, South Second-street, Philadelphia.
ISAAC SNOWDEN, Junior. Princeton, October 10, 1791. [cp 2m]
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY, some time in August 1789, a yellow NEGRO MAN, named ABRAHAM, late the property of Nathaniel Wickliff, deceased—about forty-five years of age, about five feet eight or nine inches high, pretty well set, with a large woolly head and large beard, walks with his knees bent, often complains of pains in his feet and ancles—by trade a bricklayer, stone mason and plasterer. He is a very handy fellow as a house-waiter, and is fond of such business. He is a great dissembler, and no doubt pretends he is a freeman. He has been eloped so long that no description of his present clothing can be given. It is supposed that he went to the Northern States, as he often mentioned having friends there.—Twenty Dollars reward will be given to any person that will secure said Negro in any jail, so that the subscriber may get him again; and reasonable charges will be paid—or Thirty Dollars will be given if he is brought to Prince William County, Virginia, to Mr. JOHN KINCHELOE, by CHARLES WICKLIFF, Administrator. October 12, 1791. (rawgw)
Forty Dollars Reward.
LAST night was broke open the Store of the subscriber, at Bordentown, and stolen from the same the following articles, viz. One hair trunk, containing womens' wearing apparel; 1 small box, containing four clocks and one dozen testaments; 1 ditto containing one bottle green cloth coat, one striped vest and breeches, two shirts and a small bag with 36 dollars and 20s. to 30s. Jersey coppers; 1 keg containing a large bible, with other small books; 1 box containing 447 real ostrich feathers, some of them large and elegant, and of different colours; 2 barrels rye meal, branded Stout and Imlay; 1 barrel pork; 1 ream paper, and 1 dozen paste-boards.—Stolen at the same time, a large Batteau, with black fides.
A reward of Twenty Dollars will be given for the security of the above property, so that the owners may have the articles again, or in proportion for part thereof; also a further reward of Twenty Dollars will be given for the security of the perpetrator or perpetrators, so that they may be brought to justice, by JOHN VAN EMBURGH. Bordentown, New-Jersey, Sept. 1, 1791. [cp 1f]
The First and Second Volumes of the HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,
(To which is prefixed an accurate Map of the State) By the Rev. JEREMY BELKNAP, Are ready for Delivery to Subscribers—who may receive their Books on application to HAZARD & ADDOMS, at the Corner of Chestnut and Third Streets.
The above two volumes contain the political history of the State, from its first settlement to the adoption of the present Constitution of the United States;—the third, containing a geographical description of the State, sketches of its natural history, &c. is in the press. ** A few copies of the first two volumes for sale—price 20f. November 5, 1791.
In the Press, and speedily will be published, HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS;
Consisting of STATE PAPERS, and other authentic Documents, tending to elucidate the HISTORY OF AMERICA, and particularly of the UNITED STATES. By EBENEZER HAZARD, A.M.
** The price to Subscribers will be a Dollar for each Number, containing 160 large quarto pages; or Four Dollars and a Quarter for each Volume in Boards; to be paid as follows, viz. the first and second Numbers, or Volumes, to be paid for on delivery of the first; and each subsequent one (except the last) at the time of delivery.
Subscriptions will be received, in this city, by THOMAS DOBSON, and HAZARD & ADDOMS, (who will exhibit specimens of the work) and in other places by the principal Booksellers there. Philadelphia, November 5, 1791.
Lectures on Government & Law.
THE Honorable JAMES WILSON, L.L.D. Professor of Laws in the College and Academy of Philadelphia, proposes to deliver, next Winter, two Courses of Lectures. One Course to begin on the Second Monday, the other on the Second Tuesday of December. WILLIAM ROGERS, Secretary to the Board of Faculty. Philadelphia, October 12, 1791. (ent D)
A Young Gentleman, of American birth and education (being a graduate) would for a liberal compensation engage as Tutor in a family, or take charge of an Academy, to teach the Latin and English Languages. He has had some experience in teaching, and trusts he can exhibit satisfactory recommendations. Any letters upon this subject, post paid, addressed to A—S—, and the care of the Editor hereof, prior to the 25th December, will be punctually attended to. October 22, 1791. [1aw]
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL LOTTERY.
CLASS SECOND. THIS Class will positively commence drawing on Thursday the 24th of November next, at 4 o'clock, P.M. which will be completed with all expedition.—The Managers pledge themselves that no consideration whatever shall induce them to postpone the drawing a moment beyond that time. Boston, October 15, 1791.
Blank Powers to receive the Interest, and for the transfer of the principal of public debt, agreeable to the Rules established in the Treasury Department: Also Blanks for abstracts of Certificates, to be sold by the Editor.