Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-04-25 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. IV. From WEDNESDAY APRIL 22, to SATURDAY, APRIL 25, 1789. PRICE SIX PENCE.
ORIGINAL.
SKETCH of the POLITICAL STATE of AMERICA.
WHEN a writer ventures to expose his sentiments to the public eye, upon subjects which are not in their nature of local or partial import, but in which the interest of the great whole is involved, he not only avoids the force of invective and party spleen, but is happy in reflecting that the good of the publick forms the main object of his pursuit, and feels himself entitled to candour, though he may have no just claim to applause.
At this all important moment, when America, from a state verging upon anarchy and confusion, can boast the possession of a government, adequate to every purpose of society—a government, not the offspring of violence, but the effect of calm and mature deliberation—and established upon the good sense of the community.—It may not be amiss to contemplate those principles and causes which led to this surprizing revolution—and turn the mind to a view of those great national objects, which must form the basis of her future greatness.
So various and complicated are the causes, and so intricate those springs which naturally tend to effect the publick mind, and produce revolutions in the political situation of a people, it may be found necessary to revert to that period, when we first dared an opposition to the power of Great-Britain: Which, while it affords a train of incidents, with their corresponding effects, in succession, at the same time forms an apology for America in not having sooner agreed to those general regulations, which would have enabled her more fully and substantially to have realized those blessings, which the attainment of her Independence naturally presented. I shall not however attempt a review of those principles which first gave rise to the late contest with Great-Britain, and finally produced our separation—as they have been repeatedly stated, and accurately defined by men of abilities much superior to mine in such a disquisition—and who have been constant actors through the whole great scene: Of principles, the effects of which have been felt in their full force by every virtuous inhabitant of America, and led to exertions unparalleled in history: Suffice it to say, that after suffering every insult and injury which tyranny and despotism could alone invent, America, in that ever memorable epoch, the 4th of July, 1786, found it necessary, with a solemn appeal to Heaven for the propriety of her conduct and the justness of her cause, to renounce all allegiance to, and dissolve all political connection with that parent country, whose tender mercies were cruelties, and surrounding nations at once subscribed to her plea of justification, which was founded on that universal political maxim, that as protection and allegiance are reciprocal, when a government ceases to afford the one, it becomes the indispensable duty of the people governed, to renounce the other.—In addition to this cause of their assent, we can also attribute a growing jealousy among the nations of Europe of the power of Great-Britain, while holding such extensive territory in this Western world, which her insolent behaviour, on every occasion, served not a little to confirm.
A native spirit of liberty, and love of freedom, supported by a sense of common danger, gave union to the councils of America, and success to her arms. During the contest, and after an arduous conflict of ten years, the haughty pride of Britain was caused to bow at the shrine of Justice, and these States, early in the year 1783, were recognized by her as free, sovereign and independent.
AMERICANUS.
(To be continued.)
AGRICULTURE.
MR. FENNO,
AS many people in this State as well as other parts of the Union, are preparing land for the growing of Hemp the ensuing season; you will please to republish Mr. READ's (of Mashachussetts) useful observations on the culture of that article. Your's, A. B.
The PROGRESS of raising HEMP, and fitting it for USE, communicated to the committee of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences for promoting Agriculture by John Read, Esq. of Roxbury, and published at their request.
THE soil I chuse for raising Hemp, is a light rich mould, as free from stone, gravel and clay as possible; care is taken to have the soil thoroughly manured, and once ploughed in the fall of the year, if other business will admit; in the spring it is ploughed two or three times more, and as often harrowed with an iron toothed harrow, in order to separate the particles of earth, and leave them as light as possible; then a light
brush harrow is drawn by one horse over the ground, by which means it is levelled so as to receive the seed equally, after which it is marked out for sowing in the same manner that barley and oats are generally sown, calculating (if the soil is very good) at three bushels to an acre, if but middling good, at two and an half bushels to an acre. The seed is always harrowed in immediately after sowing, with a fine iron toothed harrow, and nothing is suffered to pass over it afterwards, left by treading or otherwise it might be injured.
The seed must be of the last year's growth, and will be benefited by lying in the cellar a few weeks previous to its being sown. In general I sow my seed about the middle of May (being governed by the season) a little sooner or later will do; my hemp is commonly fit to pull by the 8th or 10th of August, which is known by the male hemp turning whitish just at the time when the farina passes off; this is easily discovered by its smoking when agitated by the wind or jarred with a stick.
When the hemp is pulled, it is spread on the ground where it grew, about an inch thick, and what that will not receive is carried off to other ground, and after laying two or three days turned with a pole about six feet long; then receiving one or two days more sun, it is bound into bundles of about 15 or 18 inches in circumference, and immediately housed from wet until convenient time offers to put it into water for rotting, which is done as soon as other business will admit. There being a small stream of water that runs through my farm, I have erected a dam which enables me to flow a pond about five or six feet high, wherein the hemp is laid (much in the same manner that flax is laid for rotting) and after covering it with straw to keep it clean,* the plank and stones being placed thereon, the dam gate is shut down, and the hemp being over flowed, remains until it is properly rotted, which is done in six or seven days, if put in as soon as the latter end of August or beginning of September, the weather being generally warm at that season of the year; if put into water the latter end of September, or the beginning of October, I have let it lay twelve days; if the latter end of October or beginning of November, twenty days, unless the weather has been uncommonly warm for the season, in that case I have found it necessary to be removed sooner, but have made it a point of attending to the heat or cold of the weather, as when the water is warm, the hemp will get a proper rot much sooner than when it is otherwise.
My practice has been to draw the water from the hemp 24 hours before the taking it up, leaving the weight thereon in order that it may be well drained, as in that case it is much better handled: Then it is removed to a dry piece of ground and spread about two inches thick, and after remaining a week or ten days in that situation is turned, and in eight or ten days after, it is taken up, tied in bundles and removed into the barn, where it remains until I have leisure time to break and swing it out; when barn room cannot be spared I have placed it up against a rail fence, running the top ends between the two uppermost rails, letting it remain there until proper time for breaking; for which purpose I have always found clear cold weather to be the best.
My hemp is broke and swingled much in the same manner that flax is done, excepting that the first breaking is done in a coarse break, the teeth or flats being nearly four inches apart, then a common flax break answers well, and being carefully swingled is fit for use.
My practice for raising seed hath been to set apart in the field some of my best grown hemp for that purpose, pulling up the male and female hemp for about 18 inches in width, so that a man may pass through; leaving the other in beds about six feet in width, in order that two men, (one on each side) may reach in their hands and pull up all the male, without injuring the seed bearing hemp.
This process is performed when the general pulling is done in August; the female hemp must stand until the seed is fully ripe, which is known by its turning brown; in wet weather I have been obliged to let it stand until the middle of October before it was fit to pull; after which it must be tied in bundles like other hemp, and carefully set up against a fence to dry, or in that is not convenient it may be laid on the ground, and after one or two days sun, beat out in the same manner that flax seed is beat out, striking lightly; then expose the other side to the sun one or two days, after which give it a thorough beating and spread the seed with all the leaves, &c. in a dry place for some days, then thresh it with a light flail or rub it by hand, either way until the seed is all out, and
* It is to be observed that a muddy bottom will require straw previous to the hemp being laid thereon.
after winnowing but it into a dry place for sowing the next year.
The seed bearing hemp, requires a few days longer to rot than the other, owing to the thickness of the bark or hurle, and the greater quantity of glutinous substance occasioned by its long standing.
I have always preferred old manure to new, more especially in horse or cow dung, but new, will do, and it is much the better to have it ploughed in, in the fall.
With respect to the quantity of hemp, raised on an acre of ground, it varies from six to twelve hundred weight, much depending on the quality of the soil and the manner of preparing it.
The expense of cultivating, &c. an acre of hemp, is not at present in my power to ascertain, great part of the business being done at leisure, and when the time could best be spared; I would just observe, that I can raise two or three acres yearly on my small farm, without interfering much with my other business.†
The present price of hemp, together with the bounty by the State, to encourage the culture of this useful plant, amounts to about 220 dollars per ton, which bid fair to establish its growth here, and I am fully satisfied, from my own experience, that at the present day no branch of agriculture (where land is found suitable) can be carried on to so great advantage as that of raising hemp, and I have no doubt that our farmers will soon be convinced of the truth of this observation. It having been found by experience, both in Europe and America, that hemp may be grown on the same ground for twenty or thirty years in succession, without lessening the crop or impoverishing the soil; this also will have its weight.
The last year I tried the experiment of raising hemp on a piece of diked marsh, the salt water having been kept off better than one year; after being ditched, I had a small part near the upland carefully dug and manured with old dung mixed with sand, the hemp grew to full height, and proved to be of the best kind; this encouragement has occasioned my preparing a larger piece for further trial the next season, when I mean to make several experiments on the cultivation and clearing of hemp, and if any advantage shall accrue therefrom, I shall do myself the honor of communicating it to the committee as early as possible.
† A man that understands the breaking and swingling hemp well, will clean from 40 to 50 wt. per day.
NEW-YORK.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
SKETCH of the DEBATES upon the ARTICLE of TONNAGE.
TUESDAY, APRIL 21, 1789.
THE proposed duty of 6 cents, pr. ton, on vessels built in the United States, and belonging to the citizens thereof, was objected to by several members: It was urged, that it would tend to the discouraging ship building, that it was like taxing the implements of husbandry, and was an improper article of taxation. To these objections, it was replied, that the design of this tax was not for the purpose of revenue; but to defray the expenses of light-houses, and incidental charges of commerce; erecting hospitals for disabled seamen, &c. for which purposes, a tax of the kind now proposed was the most convenient and natural revenue.
Upon the paragraph which related to vessels owned by the subjects of foreign powers in alliance with the United States—many observations occurred upon Mr. Goodhue's proposing a duty of sixty cents per ton: This tonnage, the gentleman observed, according to a calculation he had made, would amount to about five per cent. on the freight of vessels of 200 tons.
Mr. BOUDINOT proposed thirty cents per ton. Mr. GOODHUE observed, that the duty on foreign ships was rendered necessary, in consequence of the heavy burthens American bottoms were liable to in foreign ports—that therefore, the duty to be laid, ought to bear some proportion to those impositions. Thirty cents, he conceived, would not establish the preference, in favour of our own shipping.
Mr. LAWRENCE was opposed to sixty cents, as much too high, considering the present state of our shipping, which the gentleman said, was insufficient for the exportation of our produce; this would be found so heavy a duty, as to discourage the shipments of our produce; which it was well known would not bear a duty in foreign markets; it would operate as a tax on ourselves; for freight in foreign vessels would be enhanced to an intolerable degree; which would embarrass, or prevent exportations, to the discouragement of agriculture and industry of every kind. Mr. Lawrence concluded, by seconding the motion for thirty cents.
Mr. HARTLEY proposed 33 1/3 cents. Mr. GOODHUE said, that he was against a duty that would be so high, as to operate to the discouragement of exporting our own produce; but he thought, that five per cent. was as little as could be mentioned, to give American vessels proper encouragement.
Mr. FITZSIMONS observed, that it had been the policy of maritime, and commercial nations, to encourage their own shipping; and to give it, if possible, a decided superiority, over that of their neighbors and rivals—Hence the propriety of our giving our own navigation peculiar advantage; and there was no doubt but in time, our own ships might and would carry our own produce to market, at a lower freight, than any foreigners could—for many obvious reasons: But in the present scarcity of vessels, he did not conceive it good policy, to discourage foreigners from coming to our ports. The shipping at present employed in transporting the produce of the United States to market, was two thirds foreign property—It would require time to bring our shipping upon a par with foreign shipping; but a decided preference to American bottoms, would induce the merchants to increase the amount of their capitals, in

navigation, till in time, a superiority would be obvious and felt— The gentleman observed, that the objection to a tonnage duty, as having a natural tendency to discourage the exportation of our produce, did not apply—For the most valuable of our exports, could not be obtained from any other quarter—Tobacco, rice and lumber could not be produced in sufficient quantities any where else—The West-Indies could not be supplied from any other part of the world.
Mr. TUCKER was opposed to the duty of sixty cents—It would bear extremely hard upon some parts of the Union, and operate as a bounty to others, without any advantage to the public—This duty would be eventually paid by a few particular States: Some of the States had more shipping than was necessary for their own particular employ—others, who shipped the greatest quantity of bulky articles, were deficient in ships: The burthen would therefore fall on those States—For the tax on foreign vessels, would prove a bounty on American, and cause them to enhance their freight: He moved for twenty cents per ton; which he supposed, would be a sufficient encouragement to the building of ships, in the United States.
Mr. BENSON queried as to the policy of a discrimination between those powers, in alliance with the United States and those who were not?
Mr. BURKE was opposed to a duty of 60 cents. Mr. SHERMAN observed, that the object of these duties was to place the American vessels, upon a superior footing to foreign vessels—he feared that object would not be effected; as foreign nations, had it at their option, still to increase the duties on our ships, in proportion to the taxes we might impose.
Mr. MADISON was candid; there existed good reasons for a discrimination; but doubted the eligibility of suddenly establishing a very great difference; as our shipping, from every document, appeared at present, to be insufficient: He was in favor of a discrimination, because it coincided with the publick sentiment upon the subject: Policy and justice dictated it: France had recently relaxed her commercial system in our favor: American built vessels, could now be sold in France, subject to a duty of only 5 per cent. In Great Britain, no American built vessel can be sold, nor repaired, nor were British vessels allowed to be repaired in the United States. From accounts it appeared, that the shipping of our allies, employed in the American trade, bore no proportion to that of the British; he was therefore, in favor of giving some advantages to those nations in alliance with us, that they might enjoy their due proportion of our trade, and to transfer it from Great Britain, who now enjoyed more than her proportion. Besides, Great Britain had but her most valuable posts in the West-Indies against us; while British ships brought the produce of the whole world to the American market. For these, and many other reasons, the gentleman thought, that a discrimination should take place: He therefore proposed, an amendment, specifying a particular period, for the commencing of the tonnage duty, to prevent some of the consequences apprehended from monopoly by some gentlemen, &c.
Mr. TUCKER again rose in opposition to Mr. Goodhue's proposition; he observed that, if 60 cents were laid on ships of powers in treaty with us, and a higher duty on the shipping of those who were not, the tax would operate intolerably, upon the southern governments.
Mr. GOODHUE coincided in opinion with Mr. Madison, in his proposition for an amendment to the resolution.
Mr. FITZSIMONS objected to the amendment; freight he observed, was not higher in Virginia, since they had laid a dollar per ton, duty than it had been before that duty was imposed; the advantages resulting from any particular business, had an obvious tendency to diminish the profits; this would apply to freight; It would equalize itself in a very short time.
Mr. LAWRENCE considered the principle of self interest, as the great motive that ought to govern us; we had derived no special advantage from nations in alliance with us, in a commercial view: The publick sentiment was not universally in favor of a discrimination; this State had not made any; they conceived good policy did not suggest the measure; France had given us some advantages, but had resumed them again; our oil was now prohibited: It is a serious inquiry whether we do not counteract our own interest, by destroying a rivalry among foreigners for the carrying trade: We are under no obligations to give one nation a preference over another; and therefore, the gentleman concluded, by wishing that we might be governed in the present case, by a regard to that principle, which influences all commercial countries, self interest: He was decidedly opposed to discrimination.
Mr. MADISON: A free and liberal commerce is my wish; restrictions on trade, I am averse to; and I regret that we are under any necessity to impose shackles on our navigation; but, Sir, the policy of other nations, does not leave us an election: Interest does not always regulate itself, to the best purposes. Hence the propriety and policy of the interference of commercial regulations; of giving bounties, and laying restrictions: The immense quantities of American produce, consumed in Europe, contrasted with the returns from every part, except Great Britain, plainly pointed out the great disproportion, which she enjoyed of our trade. It has been asked, what evidence exists that the States were in favor of a discrimination? To this it might be replied, that the legislative acts of several States proved the sentiment, Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania had made a very material difference, and distinctions, I believe, were also made in other states.
Mr. BALDWIN, of Georgia, observed, that he thought the fullest evidence that the sense of the people of the United States was in favour of a discrimination, was apparent in the existence of that house. The commercial embarrassments and distresses of the country gave rise to the meeting of delegates at Annapolis. That Convention found it impracticable to effect their object—and it terminated in assembling a New Convention, which gave birth to another revolution. It was he said a prevailing sentiment through the continent, that such a discrimination should be made.
Mr. FITZSIMONS then made a variety of observations in favour of a moderate encouragement to the navigation of this country. Upon which Mr. GOODHUE withdrew his motion for 60 cents. The question on 33 1/3 cents was lost—and that for 30 obtained.
The duty of 50 cents on vessels belonging to the subjects of States not in alliance with us, was then voted. The committee then rose, and the chairman reported the following Resolution.
RESOLVED, as the opinion of this committee, that the following duties ought to be laid on goods, wares and merchandise, imported into the United States, to wit.
   In Cents.    On all distilled Spirits of Jamaica proof, - - - 15  On all distilled Liquors of inferior proof, - - - 12  On Molasses, - - - 6  On Madeira Wine, - - - 23 1/3  On all other Wines, - - - 20  On every gallon of Beer, Ale, or Porter, imported in casks, - 8  On all Beer, Ale, or Porter, imported in bottles, pr. doz. n. 24  On Malt, pr. bushel, - - - 10  On Barley, pr. bushel, - - - 6  On Lime pr. bushel, - - - 100  On brown Sugars, pr. lb. - - - 1  On leaf Sugars, pr. lb. - - - 3  On all other Sugars, pr. lb. - - - 1 1/2  On Coffee, pr. lb. - - - 2 1/2  On Cocoa, pr. lb. - - - 1  On all Candles of Tallow, pr. lb. - - - 2  On all Candles of Wax, or Spermaceti, pr. lb. - - - 6  On Cheeses, pr. lb. - - - 4  On Soap, pr. lb. - - - 2  On Boots, pr. pair, - - - 50  On all Shoes, Slippers, or Galtshoes, made of leather, pr. pair, 10  On all Shoes, or Slippers, made of silk or stuff, pr. pair, 10  On Cables, for every cwt. - - - 50  On tarred Cordage, for every 112 lb. - - - 50  On untarred Cordage, and Yarn, for every 112 lb. - - - 60  
  On Twine, or pack Thread, for every 112 lb. - - - 100  On Hemp, pr. cwt. - - - 50  On all Steel, unwrought, for every 112 lb. - - - 56  On all Nails, and Spikes, pr. lb. - - - 1  On Salt, pr. bushel, - - - 6  On manufactured Tobacco, pr. lb. - - - 6  On Snuff, pr. lb. - - - 10  On every dozen Wool Cards, - - - 50  On every bushel of Coal, - - - 3  On salted Mackerel, Shad and Salmon, per barrel 75  On dried Fish, pr. quintal, - - - 50  On all Teas, imported from China, or India, in ships built in the United States, and belonging to a citizen or citizens thereof, as follows:  On bohea Tea, pr. lb. - - - 6  On all souchong, and other black Teas, pr. lb. - - - 10  On all other green Tea, pr. lb. - - - 20  On all other Teas, pr. lb. - - - 10  On all Teas imported from any other country, or from India or China, in ships which are not the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, as follows:  On bohea Tea, pr. lb. - - - 8  On all souchong, or other black Teas, pr. lb. - - - 15  On superior green Tea, pr. lb. - - - 30  On all other green Tea, pr. lb. - - - 18  On all Window and other Glass, 10 pr. cent. ad valorem.  On all blank Books, - - -  On all writing, printing, or wrapping Paper, and on all Pasteboard, - - -  On all Cabinet Wares, - - -  On all Buttons of metal, - - -  On all Saddles, - - -  On all Gloves of leather, - - -  On all Hats of beaver, fur, wool, or a mixture of either, -  On all Millinery, - - -  On all Castings of Iron, and upon flit or rolled iron, -  On all Leather, tanned or tawed, and on all manufacture of leather, except such as shall be otherwise rated, - - -  On Canes, walking Sticks, and Whips, - - -  On cloathing ready made, - - -  On gold, silver, and plated Ware, and on Jewellery and Paste Work, - - -  On Anchors, - - -  And on all wrought tin Ware, - - -  On every Coach, charriot, or other four wheel Carriage, and on every Chaise, Solo, or other two wheel Carriage, 15 per cent. ad valorem.  
On all other articles, five per cent. on their value at the time and place of importation, except as follows: Tin in pigs, Tin Plates, Lead, Pewter, Brass, Copper in plates, Wool, Dying Woods, and Dying Drugs, (other than Indigo) raw Hides, Beaver and all other Furs, and Deer Skins.
That all the duties paid or secured to be paid upon goods imported, shall be returned or discharged upon such of the said goods as shall within months be exported to any country without the limits of the United States, except so much as shall be necessary to defray the expense that may have accrued by the entry and safe keeping thereof.
That there ought moreover to be levied on all vessels entered or cleared in the United States, the duties following, to wit:
On all vessels built within the United States, and belonging wholly to citizens thereof, at the rate of six cents per ton.
On all vessels not built within the United States, but belonging wholly to citizens thereof, at the rate of six cents per ton.
On all vessels belonging wholly to the subjects of powers with whom the United States have formed treaties; or partly to the subjects of such power, and partly to the citizens of the said States, at the rate of thirty cents per ton.
On all vessels belonging wholly or in part to subjects of other powers, at the rate of fifty cents per ton.
Provided, That no vessel built in the United States, and belonging to a citizen or citizens thereof, whilst employed in the coasting trade, or in the fisheries, shall pay tonnage more than once in any one year; nor shall any ship or vessel built within the United States, pay tonnage on her first voyage.
The Speaker resumed the chair, and the question on the report of the committee being postponed for further consideration, the House adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 22.
Agreeably to the order of the day, the house went into a committee on the bill for prescribing the form and manner of taking the oath required by the sixth article of the Constitution.
Some debate was held on the subject, which was supported by Mr. LEE, Mr. MADISON, Mr. STURGES, Mr. WHITE, Mr. SHERMAN, Mr. BALDWIN, BURKE, Mr. SILVESTER, Mr. SMITH, and Mr. SENEY.
Having gone through and amended the same, the committee rose and reported; and the consideration of the report being postponed, the House adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 23, 1789.
The House met agreeably to adjournment.
The committee appointed to confer with the committee of the Senate upon the modes or forms to be observed in sending papers, bills and messages to either house, reported—consideration of which was postponed.
Upon motion of Mr. White, referring to the arrival of the President, the House adjourned till to-morrow.
FRIDAY, APRIL 24.
The report of the committee read yesterday, was taken up and discussed. Some gentlemen conceived, that certain parts of it held up a distinction between the Senate and the House of Representatives, unfavourable to the dignity of the latter—two Members being required by it to carry a message from the House to the Senate, while the Secretary was to be the Messenger from the Senate to the House. A considerable debate ensued upon a motion for recommitting this Report.
On one side of the question it was observed, That a distinction was proper, and did not imply a comparison: That the Constitution favoured this distinction; the House was the most numerous body, and the propriety of a larger number on the part of the house was sanctioned by custom, used upon all occasions; that the real dignity of the House depended upon supporting the constitutional distinctions of each branch of the Legislature; that many advantages might result from two Members being on such committees, as it would conduce to preventing mistakes: that the Senate had a right to determine their own mode; that it was evident, by an attention to the report, that the Senate did not mean to arrogate consequence to themselves; but designed that the forms proposed should be reciprocally respectful.
On the other side it was contended, That the Senate evidently assumed a superiority: That it was necessary to guard the earliest movements to aristocracy: That the mode proposed was complex and burdensome: That one Member was adequate to all the purposes of carrying a Message: That the Constitution held out no distinctions: The House was fully equal to the Senate, and in some particulars, were possessed of powers that the Senate do not enjoy: as the originating Money Bills, &c.
The Report was finally recommitted. Mr. SHERMAN moved, that the House now receive the report of the committee providing the mode for taking the Oath agreeably to the Constitution. This motion passed in the negative.
Mr. GALE, of Maryland, moved, that the enacting stile of the Senate and House of Representatives, of the United States, be amended, by substituting 'the Congress of the United States', as being more agreeable to the Constitution. This was objected to by several Members; but the vote being called for, the enacting clause was repealed; but without fixing upon a substitute.
It was then moved, that the Report of the Committee of the whole House, in their Resolution upon the subject of Revenue be taken into consideration. The Report being read, the article of distilled spirits, Jamaica proof, came first in order.
Mr. BOUDINOT observed upon the sum annexed to this article of 15 cents pr. gallon, that he thought it too high; would produce smuggling, and defeat the purposes of government. The duty also proposed on Madeira Wine, according to a calculation he had made on a cargo of 200 pipes, would amount to 2600 or 3000. a sum which gentlemen must be sensible would prove a most powerful stimulus to smuggling. To collect so heavy duties, there must be a great number of revenue officers, who must be very vigilant too, and the collection would render them odious, and government unpopular. As an evidence of the bad policy of excessive or high duties, he beg'd to recite an instance: Molasses a few years since in this port, was liable to a duty of 6 pence pr. gallon: The consequence was, that nothing was collected; but when the duty was reduced to 1 penny, pr. gallon, a large sum was realized in the Treasury. He would therefore move that 3 cents be struck off from the sum proposed.
Mr. MADISON spoke in favour of the sum proposed. Rum, he observed, if any article, ought to bear an high duty. It was agreeable to the general ideas of the people; and though he was sensible that smuggling was the general consequence of excessive exactions upon trade, yet the sum proposed was not so high, he believed, as to produce that effect to any considerable degree. He hoped to see a difference in the conduct of merchants, from the opinion now thrown out, and that they would combine to support the laws. He hoped to see the time when it would become infamous to defraud the Revenue, injure the fair trader, and pour contempt upon government.
Mr. JACKSON, of Georgia, was in favour of a diminution of the duty. He observed that it would produce all the evils which had been mentioned: More especially in the State he had the honour to represent, which abounded in creeks and inlets, exceedingly favourable to the smuggling business.
Mr. WADSWORTH, of Connecticut, was opposed to so high a duty: He thought 12 cents too much, and would propose striking off one half the original sum. There was not money in the hands of the merchants, sufficient to pay such duties.
Mr. FITZSIMONS asked, whether gentlemen had made a calculation of the amount of the duties proposed, for it ought to be considered, whether they were too much or not, before a reduction was made: For his part he did not think they would be found to exceed the sum required. Gentlemen had observed "that there was not money sufficient to pay these duties: If that was the case, the duties might be collected in some other way. As to the practicability of collections, that was merely matter of opinion. The bill upon this part of the system, would best explain that part of the business. There were very large cargoes of wine imported: It was easy to find a mode to adjust the payment of duties; time must be given. As to the smuggling to the southward referred to by gentlemen, it was counteracted by a variety of considerations. He was opposed to a diminution.
At this stage of the debate, the Speaker received a message from the Senate, the purport of which was, that they had appointed three members to join a committee of the House, to consider what title, or title, or whether any, other than what the constitution contains, should be given to the President and Vice President, also to determine upon the time and place, to administer the oath to the PRESIDENT, and by whom. After some debate, a committee, consisting of Mr. Benfon, Mr. Carroll, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Madison and Mr. Ames, was appointed. The subject of the duty on spirits was then renewed.
Mr. LAWRENCE observed, that gentlemen appeared to have two objects in view; to be effected by a high duty on rum; but if revenue was one, high duties operated against them; if the reformation of the people, smuggling was acknowledged to be an unfavourable to morals: But on the contrary, had a powerful tendency to corrupt them: That no reliance could be placed, but upon the efficacy of the laws, in the collection of the duties: He thought twenty cents too high; but if no gentleman proposed less he should vote for that sum.
Mr. TUCKER thought twelve cents much too high; he therefore moved, that seven cents be struck off from the original sum: High duties had a tendency to reduce smuggling to a system, which would greatly add to the evil, and render the cure extremely difficult: Besides it held out powerful temptations to the officers of the revenue to swerve from their duty, and become corrupt.
Mr. MADISON observed, that he was not convinced, by all that had been said, that 15 cents were too much: The people expected, that this article would pay a higher sum, than had been collected from it: A duty of one-sixth of a dollar had been laid by one of the States, an evidence, that the proposed duty was within their ideas. Corruption of morals had been mentioned as the consequence of smuggling; but it should be remembered that other things had a similar influence: Injustice and fraud, had a powerful tendency, and this would be the necessary consequence of a deficient revenue; no substitute had been proposed for the defalcation this essential diminution would occasion: And it must be observed, that smaller articles would be smuggled with much greater facility: and if we abandon the idea of realizing a considerable sum from obvious and bulky goods, such as rum, &c. there would a great deficiency ensue. We ought to suppose that the people will be actuated by better motives, than to risk their fame, their honor and justice by evading the duties: For his part he expected a different conduct from the good sense of his countrymen; and the united exertions of the great body of merchants to support the laws.
Mr. FITZSIMONS observed, that as there appeared a division of sentiment upon the subject, he would propose an adjournment: The House accordingly adjourned.
Erratum—In our last Debates, for Mr. Jackson, (Virginia)—read Mr. Jackson, (Georgia.)
EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
DUBLIN, DECEMBER 23.
THE frost at Paris was so intense a fortnight ago, that the Seine, which is 18 or 20 feet deep in that city, where the tide never flows, was so frozen in 24 hours, as to admit bearing multitudes, who formed a kind of fair on the river. But on the third day a sudden thaw separated the ice, and 14 men, 6 women, and a few children, from 5 to 10 years old, were irrecoverable lost. The rest, amounting to about 10,000, between the two bridges, made a shift to scramble to shore, but not without many broken limbs and fore bones.
LONDON.
Mr. Pitt has been most absurdly charged by the opposition writers, with a desire to disturb the harmony of the royal family, and to divide a mother from a son. Such an intention, if it could really be proved, would certainly render Mr. Pitt an object of abhorrence with a people, whose characteristic liberality it universally admitted. But these men should distinguish between the unpleasant consequences of a system calculated for great national advantage, and the secret dispositions of its authors. Mr. Pitt may see with extreme regret that his measures unluckily tend to interrupt domestic tranquility, yet, in the wide and general aim to accomplish an important object, finds it necessary to disregard a consideration so amiable in private life, in the superior sense

THE TABLET.
NUMBER IV.
"It is of importance that men at the helm of affairs should know how and when to touch the different springs of the human mind."
THE love of one's country, like other attachments, is an involuntary sentiment. It results more from habit than reflection; and may be denominated a passion rather than a principle. It can be produced in the minds of all men by education. Men never love their country as a matter of duty, merely because it is their country; but they are attached to it from feeling, because it coincides more with their prejudices, than any other country, they have seen. From this cause, a person can no more reason himself into a love of his country, than into a love of any other object. A luxurious man cannot love that, which interferes with his pleasures. An avaricious man cannot love that, which counteracts his interest. Of course, neither of these characters can have any affection for a government, which proceeds from the maxim, that wealth or dissipation are a publick injury. They will both however be quiet citizens while the government lets them alone. The first only wishes not to be disturbed in his pleasures; and the last to be allowed to pursue his business. The most profligate man in the world may love his country as well as the best man, provided the character of his country is accommodated to his taste and views. Any man, whose object is publick fame, and who believes he cannot acquire this, but by a strict attention to the publick good, will always be a patriot. Ardour of temper, controuled by a sound judgement, proves in such an instance, a safe substitute for a good heart.
From the preceding sketch, some important reflections may be produced. It will intimate to legislators that the plan of education should be moulded according to the spirit of the government. It proves likewise, that countries, whose political character and circumstances are different, should not adopt similar systems of education. But the most important idea it suggests, is, that a nation, composed of inhabitants, who are not generally natives of the country, should look for some other tie to secure the fidelity, and obtain the exertions of its citizens, besides patriotism. One of the best securities against insurrections, in a country of such diversified inhabitants is a national domestic debt. This binds most effectually the interest of monied men, in promoting the prosperity of the government; and is perhaps an equivalent for publick spirit. Patriotism, commonly so called, is not apt to be the virtue of just and liberal minds. That quality, which usually bears this name, very soon degenerates into a desire to support a particular party. There are however some individuals, who have such an elevation of soul, as to rise superior to the influence of faction, and are patriots from principle. They never will depart from a rectitude of conduct, in any cause or country; they undertake to serve. This greatness of mind falls to the lot of few, and does not prevent the necessity of guarding against men of a different cast. Men, who bear the character of men of the world, must be managed some other way, than by appealing to their sense of publick duty, to induce them to promote the publick good. A discerning Legislator will soon determine, in what manner the human mind is to be wrought upon, to render it subservient to the views of government.
FOREIGN ARTICLES.
LONDON, DECEMBER 22.
WHILST the balance of affairs remains in suspense, the mind of the multitude are divided on the subject of war or peace. War with all the world, says an old English proverb, and peace with Spain. War, says the British seaman, who wishes to fill his pocket with spoil, for the honour of old England. War, says the arrogant London politician, that we may assert the glory of the flag. War, says the Antigallican, to smother our domestick feuds, and humble the pride and power of our natural and perfidious enemies, the French. Peace, says the merchant, who has got a surfeit of privateering, that we may ship goods in our own bottoms, save freight and insurance, and deal securely with all the world. Peace, says the humane timid, that we may avoid shedding our fellow-christian's blood, and spare our own. War, says the yellow admiral, and half-pay captain, that more vessels may be put in commission. War, says the fat provision-broker, and slaughter-butchers, that we may play the double game of victualing British fleets and garrisons, whilst we omit not sending rich cargoes of beef and butter to a certain latitude, where the enemy's privateers will be sure to find them. Thus are mankind divided; and though the welfare and honour of the kingdom be the pretext for their various wishes, personal ease, or an interest, which many prefer to it, are the ruling motives.
From the Analytical Review, or New Literary Journal, published in London, for Nov. 1788.
ART. XXII. Remarks on the proposed plan of federal government, addressed to the citizens of the United
States of America, and particularly to the people of Maryland. By Aristides. Annapolis, printed by Frederick Green, printer to the state, small 8vo. 32 p. 1788.
IN an important crisis, Aristides addresses his countrymen, particularly the citizens of Maryland, on the great subject of legislation and government. He recommends the Constitution proposed by the Convention, viz. an elective President, Senate, and an House of Representatives, by very sensible arguments, and a species of eloquence that flows from sincerity of intention.
This treatise is written in a careless, and somewhat slovenly manner, with regard to stile and composition; but it contains a great deal of sound political observation.
As the subject of the remarks is in the highest degree interesting, we shall take occasion here to add to the observations of our ingenious author one of our own, which we submit to the consideration of American politicians. After the independence of the United States of the Netherlands was recognized by the Spaniards in the twelve year's truce, 1609, the individual states began to pay very little regard to the decrees of the States-General; and even particular towns and lordships seemed desirous of maintaining entire independence on the states of the province within which they were situated. The Dutch government, which had greatly relaxed, and was even threatened with dissolution, recovered its tone through the dangers with which the United Provinces were threatened by the war of thirty years in Germany, which was terminated by the peace of Westphalia. After this, dissensions prevailed uniformly among the Dutch, or were composed, according as they dreaded or were secured against their ambitious neighbours. But the American States have no neighbours by whom they can ever be in danger of being made a conquest. The points of similitude and dissimilitude between the American and Dutch provinces, furnish a curious subject of reflection and conjecture.
ABORIGINES OF AMERICA—
OF their bravery and address in war they have given us multiplied proofs. No people in the world have higher notions of military honour than the Indians. The fortitude, the calmness, and even exultation which they manifest while under the extremest torture, is in part owing to their savage insensibility, but more to their exalted ideas of military glory, and their rude notions of future happiness, which they believe they shall forfeit by the least manifestation of fear, or uneasiness, under their sufferings. They are sincere in their friendships, but bitter and determined in their resentments, and often pursue their enemies several hundred miles through the woods, surmounting every difficulty, in order to be revenged. In their publick councils they observe the greatest decorum. In the foremost rank sit the old men, who are the counsellors, then the warriors, and next the women and children. As they keep no records, it is the business of the women to notice every thing that passes, to imprint it on their memories, and tell it to their children. They are, in short, the records of the council; and with surprising exactness, preserve the stipulation of treaties entered into a hundred years back. Their kindness and hospitality is scarcely equalled by any civilized nation. Their politeness in conversation is even carried to excess, since it does not allow them to contradict any thing that is asserted in their presence. In short there appears to be much truth in Dr. Franklin's observation, "We call them savages, because their manners differ from ours, which we think the perfection of civility; they think the same of theirs." Morse's Geograph.
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. I.
Virtue exalteth a nation; but vice is a reproach to any people. SOLOMON.
TIS from experience that we reason best"—And what is the result of this experience? Consult the pages of antiquity—the records of the times which were of old—those, that the inexorable hand of fate has not consigned to eternal oblivion—their faithful details bear uninterrupted testimony to the truth of the wise man's observation.—Where are the monuments of ancient grandeur—reared by the infidel hand of despotism? Where are the splendid displays of Assyrian pomp, in gardens and aqueducts? The spacious theatres, mausoleums, obelisks and fountains of Rome in her "meridian splendour?" Where, all the systems of government which were to render immortal the republics of ancient Greece; of Carthage; and her proud and successful rival? Time hath brushed them away—and vice hath scarcely left a vestige behind.
Let scepticism rack its invention to find out other causes for the decline of States and Empires, more congenial to its wishes, more soothing to its pride, and more accordant with its principles.—Happy are the people who read their fate , in their character ; and by an humble acknowledgement of entire dependence on the Supreme Governor of the Universe, and a proper attention to a publick acknowledgment of his Providence—the practice of justice, moderation, and benevolence, establish the only solid and lasting basis of national glory and felicity.
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To the PUBLICK.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLICK CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Mediums of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, and are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however VARIOUS the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all GOOD MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
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