Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-07-14 00:00:00

Captain John Rogers
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 27, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 14, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 131.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
(Omitted in our last for want of room.) Extract of a letter from Massachusetts, June 30.
“YOU will doubtless be informed, if you do not see the News Papers from this quarter, that the demon of discord is exceedingly busy at this time; the proceedings of our National Legislature, being faulted by many impatient persons, gives occasion to a few candidates for public notice, to traduce the general government in a way that indicates what sort of materials the scribblers are composed of.—My reliance is on the firmness, disinterestedness and patriotism of a majority of Congress. When I was at New-York, similar remarks to those published in the papers, were often made by persons whom I found either unfriendly to the government, or destitute of a proper idea of a free constitution.—I remember particularly being one day in the gallery, a member rose at the close of a debate which had been continued through the whole forenoon, and made a speech of about 10 minutes length—I thought very much to the purpose; but a man who far next me, appeared to be in a perfect agony of impatience—and expressed himself in such a manner as convinced me that if he could have had his will, the member would have been precluded from offering his sentiments on the subject.—I just observed, “that in a free assembly every member had a right to give his opinion; and if controuled as to the time, or mode of speaking, there was an end to all freedom of debate.” I tell some of my uneasy friends that “patience must have its perfect work”—that however, there is one way of shortening the sessions of Congress, and preventing long speeches, which the people can adopt, and but one—and that is to change the government from a free republic to a despotism—but would this be an alteration for the better? The Legislature of the United States is composed of characters, selected from the people with as much coolness, and freedom from party influence, as any that will perhaps ever be chosen. According to all the observations that I have been able to make here, from the printed accounts, or from being an eye-witness, there is an evident solicitude to promote the general interest of the Union—but every man knows, who knows any thing, that it is in the power of one or two individuals in a free assembly, to protract and embarrass their proceedings—it is also to be considered that Congress have as it were but a “choice of difficulties”—and their situation is different perhaps from that of any Legislature that ever existed before. A session in the political history of America, even of a year, is but a point of time, and if the result of Congressional deliberations at this important period, should be a judicious system of finance, whatever may be the present sentiment, posterity will bestow a just tribute of applause on their decisions.
We regret very much that it is thought necessary to bring forward the subject of residence again—and some people talk very strangely; however, it begins to be considered that this and every other question can be introduced at the pleasure of one or two members, and much more so at the instance of a whole State; and therefore to say that such things shall not be, is to say, we will not submit to a free government. I wish the business was once fairly settled, that all contest on the subject may be at an end. I have often reflected on the observation of a gentleman who had had long experience of human nature, in public life—“the new Constitution,” said he, appears to be agreeable in theory—the people are greatly elated at the prospect which presents itself to their imagination—but a Constitution is one thing, and the administration of it is another; those who will be elected into public office will have a trying time—and it will be well if the Constitution is not made to share the blame with the administration, of all the real or imaginary evils that weakness, credulity or wickedness may conjure up.”—I observed in reply, that all that could be done was to wait the event—acknowledging at the same time—“that it was yet to be determined, whether any given number of the human race could be found, who possessed wisdom and self denial adequate to supporting a government of their own instituting.”
A N E C D O T E.
IT being told ANTIGONUS, in order to intimidate him as he marched to the field of battle, that the enemy would shoot such volleys of arrows, as would intercept the light of the Sun:—“I am glad of it,” replied he, “for it being very hot, we shall then fight in the shade.”
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, JULY 6.
Sketch of the Debate, in Committee of the whole, on the RESIDENCE BILL.
MR. SHERMAN: As this bill respects the permanent residence of the government, which is an important subject—it ought to be a matter of enquiry, Whether the place proposed is the real centre of population and territory or not. He thought that it was too far southward. He moved therefore: that the Potowmac should be struck out, and a district to include the town of Baltimore, be inserted.
Mr. Burke seconded this motion.
Mr. Lee desired the gentleman to inform the committee where he meant the temporary residence should be, provided this motion should obtain.
Mr. Sherman said, he had no objection to making Philadelphia the temporary residence, as soon as it was convenient.—He then mentioned several particulars which would render it inconvenient to go there at present.
Mr. Huntington said, that the only reason for removing, which he had ever heard, is, that this place is not so central. If there is any force in the reasoning, he wished not to go to a place less central. He adverted to the mode of conveyance to this place, generally adopted by members to get to the seat of government. He supposed that the present centre was so near where between Philadelphia and Baltimore; but the place contemplated is very much removed from the centre, more than 300 miles West. With respect to centrality, he said that it is not an idea which predominates in regard to any other country, of which he knew any thing respecting the geography—other and various important considerations operated in fixing the seat of government.
Mr. White observed, that if this house was alone to be consulted, on the principle of accommodation, Baltimore might answer—but when it is considered that this bill originated in the other house, who have an equal voice with us in determining the question—and in which this place has been repeatedly rejected, it is evident, that if the clause is struck out, the bill will be lost. He then controverted the calculations of the gentleman last speaking, and stated the difference of travel between the Southern and Northern distances, which he made to be 48 to 1; but he said that so far as respected himself, he should make no difficulty on that account; but the accommodation of the Citizens who may have business at the seat of Government is a consideration of very great importance—with respect to the eccentric situation of the seat of Government in other countries; this arose from the mere whims of the sovereigns of those Kingdoms; but modern policy has obliged the people of European countries, (I refer particularly to Great Britain) to fix the seat of government, near the centre of trade—it is the commercial importance of the city of London, which makes it the seat of government—and what is the consequence? London and Westminster, though they united send only 6 members to parliament, have a greater influence on the measures of government, than the whole empire besides. This is a situation in which we do not wish ever to see this country placed.—He concluded by observing, that if this amendment is agreed to, the bill will be lost, and we shall be without either a temporary or permanent residence.
Mr. Lee, after a few introductory observations entered into a consideration of the relative interests of the southern, middle and northern States. He interspersed a variety of reflections, tending to conciliate and blend those different interests—and to disseminate the sentiments of union and concord. He alluded particularly to the great object of funding the debts of the United States—the seat of government will concentrate the public paper—hence he inferred the necessity of a situation from whence all parts of the Union, may be equally benefitted—From these considerations he deduced the necessity of placing
the government in a central situation. He observed that while the present position continued to be the seat of government, the agriculture of the States to the eastward is invigorated and encouraged, while that to the southward is languishing and expiring. He then shewed the fatal tendency of this preponderating encouragement to those parts of the country, already considered as the strongest parts of the Union—and from the natural operation of these principles, he inferred, that the interest of the Southern States must be eventually swallowed up. The decision of the Senate, said he, affords a most favorable opportunity to manifest that magnanimity of soul, which shall embrace, upon an extensive liberal system, the best interest of the great whole.—This cannot be done while the present unequal situation of the seat of the government of the United States, continues.—Nations have their passions as well as individuals. He drew an alarming picture of the consequences to be apprehended from distunon, ambition and rivalry.—He then gave a pleasing sketch of the happy effects to be derived from a national, generous, and equal attention to the southern and northern interests. Will gentlemen said he blast this prospect by rejecting the bill? I trust they will not.
He then entered into the merits of the question.—The States of Delaware, Philadelphia, Maryland and Virginia, which contribute more than one half to the revenue, and which have the only rival claim to the permanent seat of government are satisfied with the arrangement in the bill: That Philadelphia said he, is the nearest centre of the present wealth and population of the United States, the gentlemen of New-York themselves will confess; the Potowmac will become the nearest centre for a permanent residence probably by the period proposed—to oppose this therefore will be acting from merely local motives.
The gentleman moves to insert Baltimore—Mr. Lee insisted that Baltimore is as far south as the place proposed—besides being exposed by its frontier position on the sea; we are not confined said he to a particular spot on the Potowmac; we may fix on a place as far north as the gentleman from Connecticut wishes; I consider the motion therefore calculated to destroy the bill, and ought to be opposed by every one who is in favor of a Southern situation.
This State has no pretensions to the permanent residence—it is true the citizens of this place have put themselves to great expence to accommodate the government, and are entitled to much praise for their exertions—but he wished to take up the subject on national ground, and to have it decided on principles which apply to the best interests of the whole. He then referred to a map of the Potowmac and the adjacent country which lay on the table, and which had been sent from the executive of the State of Virginia—he referred also to other papers and documents.
Mr. Burke said he wished that the whole business of the temporary and permanent residence might now be settled.—He exculpated the members, who are in favor of Baltimore from all design to defeat the present bill. He referred to some observations which had been made on the conduct of the members of the States, south of Virginia, and said that they had consulted the interest of the whole. One reason why he was in favor of the motion was because he preferred Baltimore to Conocogeeque. He thought a populous city better than building a palace in the woods. Another reason was that there was no political necessity existed for removing the Government from New York to Philadelphia. He said that the measure would excite the most turbulent passions in the minds of the citizens. It is unjust to the people of the city to remove from this place said he, till the expence they have incurred is repaid them. It is a breach of honesty and of justice. It is injustice to the state? To the whole nation. He entered into a consideration of their sacrifices and services. He thought it a very extraordinary measure indeed. It is calculated said he to arrest the funding system—and to throw every thing into confusion. If the bill is passed in its present form, Congress will never leave Philadelphia; for the commissioners to be appointed will incur no penalty for a neglect of doing their duty—this is a most essential defect, said he, in the bill, and there are other defects in it. He spoke in handsome terms of the State of Pennsylvania—he said he had as high an

union of that State, as any man whatever, but he was afraid of their influence; and that state was the last in which he would ever consent the permanent seat of government should be. He then adverted to the influence of the members from that State, who by their political management had, he said, raised a storm in the United States.
Here Mr. Burke was called to order—after a short interruption he proceeded, and said a quaker state was a bad neighbourhood for the South-Carolinians—here he adverted to the quaker business last winter. He objected to Philadelphia also, on account of there being no gallery in the house proposed for the accommodation of Congress—an open gallery he considered as a very important check to the Legislature.
Mr. Lawrance.—The gentleman from Virginia has observed that the object of the amendment is to defeat the bill—he has also mentioned the States which are most particularly interested in the question. Mr. Lawrance said the State of New-York might have been considered. He wished the motion might succeed, because he thought that it would conduce to the peace of the Union. He objected to the place proposed for the permanent residence; by the bill it is conceded that the place is not, at present , a suitable position—by what magic can it be made to appear it will be more proper at the end of ten years?—What reason can be given why those parts of the Union should not populate, which are at a distance from the Potowmac, in proportion to those parts in the vicinity of that place. I presume none can be assigned! Why then is a period of ten years to elapse, previous to going there? The reason is plain—the people would not now consent to have the government dragged to so remote a part of the United States.—He then adverted to the funding business, and other important matters which remain to be decided on, and very strongly intimated that these questions were to be determined agreeable to the fate of this bill.
He shewed from a variety of particulars, that Philadelphia would become the permanent residence.
He then adverted particularly to the several parts of the bill.—The first was respecting the place where it is proposed to erect the public buildings; he said they could not be erected within the time mentioned, and shewed the various difficulties which would attend the whole business. He then stated the advantages of Baltimore, and said that that place would have obtained in Senate, if the Maryland Senators would have voted for it. He concluded by observing, that as no necessity exists for removing the temporary residence, he hoped that Congress would set down contented where they are.
Mr. Bloodworth observed, that as the funding bill, had been alluded to, he could wish that the objection from that quarter might be taken out of the way, he moved that the committee should rise, in order to take up the Ways and Means.
Mr. Smith, (M.) introduced an address from the inhabitants of Baltimore, to the Members and Senators from that State, which was read. This contained an account of the number of houses and inhabitants of that town, &c. also, the accommodations already made, and the provision to be made to compleat every necessary arrangement.
Mr. Carroll mentioned to the committee that there was a memorial of the inhabitants of George-Town, on Potowmac, on the table—which he had presented some days since; and submitted it to the house whether it would be proper to read it.—It was read.
Mr. Lee moved that certain papers received from the executive of Virginia, should be read—which was done.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) called for the reading of a report of a committee appointed by the old Congress, to view the banks of the Potowmac—which was done.
Mr. Stone.—All we seem to differ about, is whether Baltimore or Potowmac shall be the seat of the government; and if this was all, the delegates of that State might fold their arms and set down contented—but the state of Maryland has been placed in the situation of Tantalus. He then stated how the gentleman had formerly, finally voted, who now appear in favor of Baltimore—had the bill come down from the Senate with Baltimore inserted, instead of Potowmac, he should have had no difficulty in determining how to act—but he conceived that if the amendment now proposed should take place, nothing would be done—and the business will be left in a very inauspicious state—from this and other considerations, he was resolved not to be drawn off from his present determination, by any motion, amendment, or modification of the bill whatever.—With respect to himself, he had no election between the town of Baltimore and the Potowmac; yet as a Marylander, he would, if he saw a prospect of success, vote for the town of Baltimore; but as it respected the United States, he should vote for Potowmac—and on this idea he was willing to make some sacrifices. He considered the subject as one of the most painful and disagreeable that could be agitated, and he wished to have the business finally and unalterably fixed.
Mr. Sney also considered this as an unhappy question to come before the house at this time. The state of Maryland was as much divided on the subject as the United States appeared to be; a great rivalry subsists between the Potowmac and Susquehannah rivers; and he doubted not but that when the question was ultimately decided, it would be either on the one or the other of those rivers. He agreed with Mr. Lee, that Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia were the only states who could make any reasonable pretensions to be the seat of government—but a majority of voices from these States had been against the Potowmac. Pennsylvania and Maryland he observed, had given the preference to the Susquehannah. Mr. Sney then noticed some transactions of the legislature of Maryland, which he said clearly evinced their determination to support the pretensions of the Susquehannah. Maryland certainly had an equal right with Pennsylvania and Virginia, to have her interests consulted.
The interests of Maryland, it appeared, were now to be sacrificed to those two adjoining States. And however flattering it may seem, to Maryland, to fix the seat of government on her side of the Potowmac, the real advantages were in a great measure nugatory, as it would be but a very small portion of that State that could reap any benefit therefrom—the real advantages would undoubtedly result to Pennsylvania and Virginia.—It appeared somewhat extraordinary to him, that gentlemen should be willing to confine the residence to a particular spot, previous to their removing to a permanent residence. Why is it necessary to fix upon Philadelphia for ten years?—Surely this is putting the government in a very ineligible situation, for it is by no means improbable that many serious and important occurrences might render a removal highly expedient perhaps unavoidable. Besides, after the government shall have remained ten years in Philadelphia, the probability of quitting it for the Potowmac, appeared to be very slight indeed. For though it was understood by the bill that the offices were to be removed to the Potowmac, yet if a majority in either house were opposed to going there, Congress would remain at Philadelphia, and they would be obliged to repeal the bill from necessity.
Mr. Scot said he should not notice many things which had been offered on the subject, he would only observe, that from the town of Baltimore there is no water conveyance to the interior country—but from the proposed place on the Potowmac, there are 200 miles navigation directly into the heart of the country—Nor is Baltimore more northerly than the position contemplated.—A connection with the Western country is of the utmost consequence to the peace and union of the United States, let the gentlemen from the sea coast say what they will.
Mr. Madison: In order to decide this question rightly, we ought to compare the advantages and disadvantages of the two places as they relate to the good of the United States. Now, I will defy any gentleman, however sanguine he may be with respect to Baltimore, to point out any substantial advantage that is not common to the Potowmac—and I defy them to disprove, that there are not several important advantages belonging to the Potowmac, which do not appertain to Baltimore. The committee have had ample information with respect to the northern and southern positions of the two places. In point of salubrity of air, without disparaging the pretensions of Baltimore, the Potowmac is at least equally favored in that respect. In regard to centrality of situation, Potowmac has undoubtedly the advantage—in respect to security from invasion, I aver the Potowmac has the advantage also—with relation to the western country there is not a shadow of comparison. If we should go as far South as Baltimore, why not an equal distance south west to the Potowmac?—Those who are acquainted with the country on the Potowmac, and that in the neighborhood of Baltimore, do not hesitate to give the preference to the Potowmac. It is true that Baltimore has respectable resources—her rapid growth is a clear proof of it—but look at the resources of the Potowmac—the great range of rich country that borders on it, and see if there are not advantages that must in a short time produce a commercial town. Sir, a period might be named, not exceeding ten years, within which the town of Baltimore obtained the greater part of its increase and consequence; a period of ten years will produce the same effects on the Potowmac because the same causes exist; and when superadded to this the residence of government shall be there, there can be no doubt but that there will be every accommodation that can be desired.
It is said that before the ten years expire a repeal of the act may take place, and thus Congress be kept at Philadelphia. But what more can we do than pass a law for the purpose? It is not in our power to guard against a repeal—our acts are not like those of the Medes and Persians, unalterable. A repeal is a thing against which no provision can be made. If that is an objection, it holds good against any law that can be passed.
If those states that may have a superiority in Congress at a future day, will pay no respect to the acts of their predecessors or to the public good, there is no power to compel them.
But, I flatter myself that some respect will be paid to the public interest, and to the plighted faith of the government. As to centrality, the best evidence we have at this time in favor of the Potowmac, is the different travel of the members; and this, Sir, proves incontestibly that the proposed place on the Potowmac is near the centre. If any arguments could be brought against it, it is its being too far to the northward. For the mileage south of the Potowmac is 12782 miles, to the north of it 12422. If to this Rhode-Island be added, it will not be more than equal. If the bill once passes, I am not under any apprehensions of a repeal; but if danger of a repeal does exist; it is of that kind against which we cannot guard. Sir, we should calculate on accepting the bill as it now stands; we ought not to risk it by making any amendment. We have it now in our power, to procure a southern position. The opportunity may not again speedily present itself. We know the various and jealous interests that exist on this subject. We should hazard nothing. If Potowmac is struck out, are you sure of getting Baltimore? May no other places be proposed? Instead of Baltimore is it not probable we may have Susquehannah inserted, perhaps the Delaware? Make any amendment, Sir, and the bill will go back to the Senate. Are we sure that it will come back into our possession again? By amending, we give up a certainty for an uncertainty. In my opinion, we shall act wisely, if we accept the bill as it now stands, and I beg leave to press it on gentlemen not to consent to any alteration lest it be wholly defeated, and the prospect of obtaining a southern position vanish for ever.
Mr. Gerry said he rose with greater reluctance on this, than he ever did on any former occasion; and it is because it appears pretty evident the advocates of the bill are sure of a majority, and are determined not to change their minds let what arguments will be offered on the subject—the business of establishing the permanent residence is contrary to the sentiments of a majority of the members of this House—and of the Senate as they have both negatived a bill for this purpose the present session; it is to be regretted that it has ever been brought forward, for it is very evident that it has had a very pernicious influence on the great business of funding the public debt. He then mentioned the former removals of Congress, which had never been complained of—as the public business was never neglected:—He said that if the present bill is carried into execution, a very great uneasiness will ensue—for the measures of Congress, and not their residence are the objects of concern to the people—Those States who think that they shall be injured, it can not be expected will acquiesce; he then gave an account of the process of this measure the last session. The travel, said he, has been mentioned—This he said could not be considered as an argument in favor of the bill, for the expence is not paid by particular States—it comes out of the common treasury. He asserted that the accessibility to New York is better than that to the Potowmac.—He contended the risk by land is greater than that by water. He stated the advantages that the southern members derived from coming to the northward, while on the other hand is there, said he, any thing to balance the risk and difficulties which the northern members must encounter in such a southern situation. He said it was highly unreasonable to fix the seat of government in such a position as to have nine States out of thirteen, to the northward of the place.—He adverted to the sacrifices which the northern States are ready to make in being willing to go so far south as Baltimore. He contended that the explicit consent of the eastern States ought to be obtained before they are dragged still further south. He ridiculed the idea of fixing the government at Conocogeque. He did not think there was any serious intention of ever going to this Indian place. He considered the whole business as a mere manœuvre. Baltimore holds out the only prospect of a permanent seat of government.—He recapitulated the account which before had been given. From this he adverted to the general expectation of the public with respect to the government's tarrying here till the permanent seat was established—He particularized the expences that had been incurred by the citizens, and for which they merited great honor.—He said it had been promised to New-York, that this place should be the temporary residence of Congress, and on this engagement they came into an unconditional adoption of the constitution—Should this bill pass, what can it be denominated but a delusion, a deception, sanctioned by Congress itself. He remarked on the several observations offered by Mr. Madison, Mr. Lee, Mr. Stone, and Mr. Scott.
Mr. Vining.—When I find arguments made use of to inflame the minds of gentlemen against the members of this house, I think it my duty to notice such observations: Attempts are made to hold up, in an odious point of light, the members of

TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUZAC.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
CONTINUED.
PARIS ACCOUNTS.—March 8.
THE National Assembly this day took up the subject of the islands of Martinico and St. Domingo, and after lengthy debate, decided upon the principles of instructions for the colonies, which were committed to M. Barnave and others, to draw up.
The term of the second presidency of the Abbe Montesquieu, having expired on Saturday the 13th, Mr. Rabaud de St. Etienne, a Protestant Minister of Nimes, and one of the Representatives from that city, was chosen President. He had precisely one half of the whole number of votes 646 in his favor, the other half being divided between several competitors. On taking the chair on Monday the 15th, he addressed the Assembly in the following words.
GENTLEMEN, I DO not attempt to express the respectful gratitude with which I am affected on taking the seat to which your kindness has this day elevated me. I acknowledge my incapacity to fill it, and seeing with surprise the motives which led you to honor me with your choice, I can only remark, gentlemen, one of those grand lessons which you are disposed to give to your co-temporaries.
In the session of the 17th March, the mission of a Belgic Envoy to France was considered, and it was resolved not to acknowledge him. The principle reason which appears to have led the Assembly to this determination, is, that in the present Constitution of the Belgic Congress, which calls itself the sovereign, and which has constituted itself without taking the opinion of the different orders of the people, neither the real seat of the sovereignty, nor the expression of the national will, is acknowledged.
The speech of M. St. Etienne, the 7th of March, on the subject of M. Neckar's memorial respecting the finances, was received, with the most expressive marks of approbation—the following is an extract from that part which was more particularly applauded.
"Bankruptcy, gentlemen, is impossible. I repeat it, it is impossible, if the National Assembly continues its labors for some months to come: it is inevitable, if the Assembly separates; and in these few words I leave you and the people of France every thing to think."
Bankruptcy is impossible, because the resources of this Empire are prodigious. The money which is now hid and buried will return into circulation, whenever you shall have dispelled that panic terror which has prevailed. Your revenue from ground rents is immense, vastly superior to the revenue arising from personal industry, you possess the impositions which were heretofore privileged, you have futurity before you, centuries, liberty, agriculture supported, industry delivered from chains, and every thing which a good constitution can promise.
Bankruptcy! it is impossible, because you are not obliged to pay the capital of your debt, because a great part of this capital intentionally extinguishes itself, because the amount of your debt is only equal to six or seven years of your ordinary revenue. What! can a neighbouring State, whose capital of debt surpasses the whole value of the kingdom, if the kingdom were let to sale, can this country be unalarmed! What do I say, gentlemen? This country flourishes and peoples, beyond every other people; and we, because we owe two hundred and forty millions per annum; because we are indebted six or seven years of our revenues; because a momentary panic has locked up our cash; because in the capital, specie and paper are not actually equivalent, shall we despair of the country, and conceive that the State is lost! Shall we debate France so low, as to think she must perish, because the gold and silver with which it abounds, is for an instant shut up!
Bankruptcy is impossible, gentlemen, because the people of France, must not, nor cannot perish; because a bankruptcy can only serve the purposes of a small number of atrocious souls, who are ready to rejoice at the prospect of ruin; because it would be fatal to the King, to the State, to the person who lives upon his interest, to the person who takes up money at interest, to every creditor whatever, to the capital, to the provinces, and even to the selfish man, the avaricious and the timid who heap up and lock up their gold. It is impossible, because at the moment of perishing, if we must perish, you would see a croud of good citizens, with which this city abounds, accumulating offers and sacrifices, and running to the altar of their country, to effect by one moment's courage, every thing that may now be accomplished by continued prudence. You have seen the sacrifices they know how to make. Do you doubt they would not press forward to concur by their generosity, to imitate the examples which two districts have already set them, to follow the lessons which the wise patriotism of the Commons dictates to them?
(To be continued.)
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. XIV.
'Tis with our judgments as our watches none Go just alike, yet each believes his own.
ALL the miracles enumerated in our last number, must be performed in France, before all distinctions can be annihilated, and distinctions in abundance would be found, after all, for French gentlemen, in the history of England, Holland, Spain, Germany, Italy, America, and all other countries on the globe.
The wisdom of nations has remarked the universal consideration paid to wealth; and that the passion of avarice, excited by it, produced treachery, cowardice, and a selfish unsoial meanness, but had no tendency to produce those virtues of patience, courage, fortitude, honor, or patriotism, which the service of the public required in their citizens, in peace and war.
The wisdom of nations has observed, that the general attention paid to birth, produced a different kind of sentiments; those of a pride in the maxims and principles in religion, morals and government, as well as in the talents and virtues which first produced illustration to ancestors.
As the pride of wealth produced nothing but meanness of sentiment, and a sordid scramble for money; and the pride of birth produced some degree of emulation in knowledge and virtue; the wisdom of nations has endeavored to employ one prejudice to counteract another; the prejudice in favor of birth, to moderate, correct, and restrain the prejudice in favor of wealth.
The National Assembly of France is too enlightened a body to overlook the enquiry, What effect on the moral character of the nation would be produced, by destroying, if that were possible, all attention to families, and setting all the passions on the pursuit of gain. Whether universal venality, and an incorrigible corruption in elections would not be the necessary consequence. It may be relied on, however, that the intentions of that august and magnanimous assembly, are misunderstood and misrepresented. Time will develop their designs, will shew them to be more judicious
than to attempt impossibilities so obvious, as that of the abolition of all distinctions.
ALPHONSUS the tenth, the astronomical king of Castile, has been accused of impiety, for saying, that "if, at the time of the creation, he had been called to the councils of the divinity, he could have given some useful advice, concerning the motions of the stars." It is not probable, that any thing was intended by him, more than an humorous sarcasm, or a sneer of contempt, at the Ptolemaic system, a projection of which he had before him. But if the National Assembly should have seriously in contemplation, and should resolve in earnest the total abolition of all distinctions and orders, it would be much more difficult to vindicate them from an accusation of impiety. God, in the constitution of nature, has ordained that every man shall have a disposition to emulation, as well as imitation, and consequently a passion for distinction; and that all men shall not have equal means and opportunities of gratifying it. Shall we believe the National Assembly capable of resolving that no man shall have any desire of distinction; or that all men shall have equal means of gratifying it? Or that no man shall have any means of gratifying it? What would this be better than saying, "if we had been called to the councils of the celestials, we could have given better advice in the constitution of human nature?" If nature, and that assembly, should be thus at variance, which however is not credible, the world would soon see, which is the most powerful.
(To be continued.)
THE TABLET.—No. CXXXI.
"It is the course of events which has given a certain bent to the actions and thoughts of men."
SHOULD a man who lived a thousand years ago enter again the theatre of life, he would not readily believe he had found the same class of beings who formerly inhabited the globe. The human mind is so wrought upon by external causes, that not only our opinions of virtue and vice, but of happiness and misery undergo great alterations. Our regard to duty may remain sincere, and our love of pleasure may continue ardent, while the modes of gratifying the one, and performing the other may become essentially different. There never has been a period, when men did not, at least in profession, annex ideas of praise to virtuous actions; and of blame, to vicious ones, and yet it is very common for men even of the same vicinity to have violent disputes on various subjects of moral obligation. The difference does not exist so much in the principles each professes to act upon as in the mode, and in the cases to which they are to be applied: The dispute generally relates to the facts upon which the principle is exercised. Two men may vehemently applaud patriotism, and in the sincerity of their hearts, they may both engage in the practice of it. But their actions may be as different, as though they had purposely set out, to display an opposition of principles. Morality is founded in the natural reason of things; and is said to be the same in all ages and places. Yet a difference in education, in the district where a man lives, or the company he keeps, may entirely change his views of moral duty, while he feels and acknowledges the full force of the principles. The fact is, the principle exists in man himself and can never be extinguished. It may be darkened by superstition; it may be relaxed by pleasure, but let a man be enlightened or reformed and his moral sense will regain its natural tone. Good men do not disagree about the strength of the obligation to perform their duty; but they are not agreed in the particular actions that may be denominated good.
"Perhaps, with one stroke of his ax, a Tartar may dash in pieces the statue of VOLTAIRE, which Pigalle was not able to finish in ten years." The Barbarian is acting according to his sense of duty; and there may be no more real malignity in his motives, than exists on many occasions where no mischief is executed. Actions become qualified with the name of good or bad, not so much from the principles which give rise to them, as from the habits and turns of thinking and feeling of the several descriptions of people by whom they are examined. There are certain acts which are very generally esteemed virtuous, while there are others about which men entertain various opinions. Those circumstances which invariably are attended with utility in all situations of society, will be usually approved and honored with virtuous appellations. But when the utility is not obviously seen, when it often varies, and depends on particular cases, there will be no uniform sentiment about the degree of merit which is to be ascribed to particular actions.
NEW-YORK, JULY 14, 1790.
FROM BOSTON.
Accounts from Martinique inform, that the Patriots had attacked the Fort, killed Count Dumas; and that the men of war were cannonading St. Pierres to cover the landing of fresh troops. Accounts from St. Eustatia say, that the Spaniards had captured an English East-India-Man.
Monday last a committee of the Senate, appointed the 2d inst. brought in a report on the Assumption, which contains the following:
RESOLVED, That a loan be proposed, to the amount of twenty-one million of dollars, and that subscriptions to the said loan be received at the same times and places, by the same persons, and upon the same terms as in respect to the loan which may be proposed concerning the domestic debt of the United States, subject to the exceptions and qualifications hereafter mentioned. And that the sums which shall be subscribed to the said loan, shall be payable prior to the first day of January last, were issued by the respective States, as acknowledgments or evidences of debts by them respectively owing, and which shall appear by oath or affirmation, (as the case may be) to have been the property of an individual or individuals, or body-politic, other than a State, on the said first day of January last. Provided, that no greater sum shall be received in the certificates of any State, than as follows—That is to say,
 In those of New-Hampshire, - - - - - 300,000  In those of Massachusetts, - - - - - 4,000,000  In those of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, - - - - - 200,000  In those of Connecticut, - - - - - 1,600,000  In those of New York, - - - - - 1,200,000  In those of New Jersey, - - - - - 800,000  In those of Pennsylvania, - - - - - 2,200,000  In those of Delaware, - - - - - 200,000  In those of Maryland, - - - - - 800,000  In those of Virginia, - - - - - 3,200,000  In those of North-Carolina, - - - - - 2,200,000  In those of South-Carolina, - - - - - 4,000,000  In those of Georgia, - - - - - 300,000   21,000,000 
The information in a late paper, (which was received from a gentleman who passed through this city on his way to the southward) that the petition to the legislature of Massachusetts for leave to erect a Theatre in Boston, had been rejected, was premature. A decision on that petition is referred to the next session.
One of the Toasts of the Cincinnati in Boston on the 5th inst. was, May Congress so regulate their conduct on earth, as to secure them a PERMANENT RESIDENCE IN HEAVEN.
MARRIED.—The 5th inst. Dr. JOHN R. B. RODGERS, of this city, to Miss SUSAN KEARNY, daughter of Rivaud Kearny, Esq. of Amboy, New-Jersey.
ERRATUM.—To Mr. Gerry's motion in our last on the Residency, for striking out the words "Three Commissioners," should have been added "in order to insert the "President of the United States."
The managers give notice that agreeable to an order of the corporation the drawing of the New-York City Lottery, will positively commence on the first Monday in August.
Pennsylvania. Sir, it is a fact, which your journals will justify, that the members from Pennsylvania voted the last session against Philadelphia. I trust that none of those observations will have the least influence on the mind of one single individual. We are sent here to do the public business, and I trust that our constituents, have not sent men that are to be deterred from doing their duty by such insidious insinuations, such ill-founded suggestions of deceiving and deluding the citizens of this place.
Mr. Vining added some more strictures on Mr. Gerry's observations, and then entered largely into the merits of the question. He supported the bill on general principles, and noticed the several objections that had been made by different members—He imputed the embarrassments of the public business to the assumption, and not to the subject of residence.
Mr. Clymer made a few remarks on the observations of Mr. Burke, which were not distinctly heard by the Editor.
The committee rose and reported progress.
SATURDAY JULY 10.
The house took into consideration the amendments proposed by the Senate to the following bills—viz. The bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes—The bill to provide for the regulation and government of seamen, in the merchants' service—And the bill to establish the Post-Office, and Post-Roads in the United States. To some of the amendments the house agreed—and disagreed to others—so that none of the bills were completed. The first amendment to the Post-Office bill, by which the Senate proposed that the establishment of cross roads should be left to the Post-Master-General, under direction of the President of the United States, was rejected—the discussion of the other amendments took up the time till the adjournment.
MONDAY, JULY 12.
Sundry petitions were read and committed.
A petition from the Clerks in the offices of the Commissioners on Accounts, and the Pay-Master-General, praying to be put on a footing in respect to their salaries, with the Clerks in the Departments of the Secretary of State, Secretary at War, and Secretary of the Treasury, was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
An amendment of the Senate to the bill to regulate trade & intercourse with the Indian tribes, by which they propose that the 4th section should be struck out, was taken into consideration—this section appropriates 10000 dollars, to be applied in purchasing necessaries, and presents, under the direction of the President of the United States, for the Indians.
This amendment was disagreed to.
In committee of the whole—on the bill to regulate the collection of the duties on goods, wares and merchandise, imported into the United States, and the tonnage on ships and vessels. The discussion of this bill employed the committee till near the time of adjournment.—Sundry amendments were agreed to, and ordered to be reported to the House tomorrow.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the house that they recede from their amendment to the bill for the regulation and government of seamen in the Merchants' service, to which the house had disagreed—and that they adhere to their amendment to the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes. They also insist on their amendments to the Post-Office bill, and request a conference on the subject.
Mr. Gilman informed the house that the joint committee had examined two enrolled bills, and found them correct: The bill to establish the temporary and permanent seat of the government of the United States—And the bill, making further provision for the invalid pensioners of the United States.
TUESDAY, JULY 13.
A report of the Secretary of State on coins, weights and measures was communicated by the speaker, and on motion of Mr. Sedgwick ordered to be printed for the use of the House.
A committee, consisting of Messrs. Gerry, Steele, Hartley, Vining and Burke, was appointed, to confer with the committee of the Senate, on the disagreement of the two houses in respect to the post-office bill.
The Senate having insisted on their amendment to the bill, "to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes"—it was moved that the House should recede from their disagreement. This motion after some debate was negatived—27 to 24.
A committee consisting of Messrs. Madison, Sedgwick, and Moore, was appointed to confer with the Senate on the subject of disagreement.
Mr. Fitzsimons reported a bill making further provision for the debts of the United States, which was read the first time.
Mr. Smith moved for leave to bring in a bill respecting the cession of Light-Houses, &c. to the United States—motion laid on the table.
The House took into consideration the amendments to the new collection law; the principal part of which was accepted; other amendments were agreed to, and the bill being gone through with, it was ordered that it be engrossed for a third reading on Tuesday next.
The amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill providing for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States were next taken up.
The first amendment was to strike out the two additional commissions proposed by the bill; Mr. Fossler proposed that the House should concur with the Senate; this motion occasioned a debate, and was finally rejected.—The House then adjourned.

N E W Y O R K, July 1790.
The following Bill has been reported by a committee appointed for the purpose; after being read in the House, it was ordered to be printed—and it is understood that it shall be laid over to the next session, in order that the public sentiment may be obtained on the subject.
A BILL more effectually to provide for the national defence, by establishing a uniform Militia throughout the United States.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the militia of the United States shall consist of each and every free able-bodied male citizen of the respective States, resident therein, who are or shall be of the age of eighteen years, and under the age of fifty years (except as herein after excepted) who shall severally and respectively be enrolled by the captain or commanding officer of the company within whose bounds such citizens shall reside, and that within months after passing of this act: And it shall at all times hereafter be the duty of every such captain or commanding officer of a company, to enrol every such citizen as aforesaid, and also those who shall from time to time arrive at the age of eighteen years, or being of the age of eighteen years and under the age of fifty years (except as before excepted) shall come to reside within his bounds; and shall without delay notify such citizen of the said enrolment by a proper non-commissioned officer of the company, by whom such notice may be proved—That every citizen so enrolled and notified, shall within months thereafter, provide himself with a good musket or firelock of a bore not smaller than seventeen balls to the pound, a sufficient bayonet and belt, a pouch with a box therein to contain not less than twenty-four cartridges to contain a proper quantity of powder and ball, two spare flints and a knapsack; and shall appear so armed, accoutred and provided, when called out to exercise or into service as is herein after directed, except that when called out on company days to exercise only, he may appear without a knapsack—That the commissioned officers shall severally be armed with a sword or hanger, and esponton.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted , That the Vice-President of the United States, the members of Congress, with their several officers and servants attending either House; the officers, judicial and executive, of the general government; the Lieutenant-Governor and executive council of the respective States; the members of the legislatures of the respective States, with their officers and servants attending their several houses; all judicial and executive officers of each State; all persons conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms; all ministers of religion, actually having the charge of a church or congregation; all principals, professors, and other teachers of, together with the students in universities, colleges and academies; every school master actually having the charge of a school; all post-officers and stage drivers, who are employed in the care and conveyance of the mail of the post-office of the United States; one miller to every grist-mill; all commissioned officers who heretofore served in the continental army, and all mariners actually engaged in the sea service of any citizen or merchant within the United States, together with such other persons who may be excepted by any law hereafter to be passed by the legislature of any particular State, shall be, and are hereby excepted out of this act, and exempted from militia duty, notwithstanding their being above the age of eighteen, and under the age of fifty years.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted , That the governor, or commander in chief of the militia of the respective States for the time being, shall within one year from the passing of this act, by general orders, arrange the whole militia under his command into divisions as nearly equal as conveniently may be, and those divisions into brigades, regiments, battalions and companies—That each division, brigade and regiment in the State, shall be numbered at the formation thereof, and a record made of such numbers in the adjutant-general's office in the State; and when in the field or in service in the State, each division, brigade and regiment shall respectively take rank according to their numbers, reckoning the first or lowest number highest in rank—That each brigade, if practicable, shall consist of at least four regiments; each regiment of at least two battalions; each battalion of five companies if practicable; and each company of sixty-four men—That the said militia shall be officered by the respective States as follows: To each division, one major-general, and two aids de camp with the rank of majors; to each brigade, one brigadier general, with one brigade inspector, to serve also as a brigade major, with the rank of major; to each regiment one lieutenant-colonel commandant and to each battalion one major; to each company, one captain, one lieutenant, one ensign, four sergeants, four corporals, one drummer, and one fifer or bugle horn; that to each regiment there shall be a regimental staff, to consist of one adjutant, and one quartermaster, to rank as lieutenants, one pay-master, one surgeon and one surgeon's mate, one sergeant-major, one drum major and one fifer major.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted , That in order to promote military knowledge among the citizens of the United States in their youth, and for the purpose of furnishing the means of immediate defence in case of invasion or insurrection, the citizens of the United States forming the militia thereof as aforesaid, and who shall be of the age of eighteen years, and under the age of twenty-five years, shall be separately enrolled by the captain or other commanding officer of the company, and officered by the State, and formed into distinct companies by themselves in like manner as is herein before directed, which companies shall form the light infantry or riflemen of each battalion or regiment—That to each brigade there shall be at least one company of artillery, and one troop of horse. The officers of each company of artillery shall consist of one captain, two lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, six gunners, six bombardiers, one drummer and one fifer. The officers to be armed with a sword or hanger, a fuzee, bayonet and belt, with a cartridge box to contain twelve cartridges; and each private or matross shall furnish himself at his own expence with all the equipments of a private in the infantry, until proper ordnance and field artillery is provided. The officers of each troop of horse shall consist of one captain, two lieutenants, one cornet, four sergeants, four corporals, one saddler, one farrier and one trumpeter. The commissioned officers to furnish themselves, at their own expence, with good horses, of at least fourteen hands high, and to be armed with a sword and pair of pistols, the holsters of which to be coered with bear skin caps. Each dragoon to furnish himself, at his own expence, with a serviceable horse, at least fourteen hands high, a good saddle, bridle, housing, holsters, and a breast plate and crupper, a pair of boots and spurs, a pair of pistols, a sabre, and a cartouch box to contain twelve cartridges for pistols. That each company of artillery and troop of horse shall be formed of volunteers from the brigade, at the discretion of the commander in chief of the State, not exceeding one company of each to a regiment, nor more in number than one eleventh part of the infantry, and shall be uniformly clothed in regiments to be furnished at their own expence, the colour and fashion of which to be determined by the brigadier commanding the brigade to which they belong.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted , That each battalion and regiment shall be provided with State and regimental colours, at the expence of the field officers, and each company with a drum and fife at the expence of the commissioned officers of the company, until they can be reimbursed by the fines and forfeitures herein-after mentioned.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted , That each company of the militia of the United States, who shall form the light infantry or rifle companies, the artillery and troops of horse as aforesaid, shall rendezvous four times in every year, in companies, for the purpose of training, disciplining and improving in martial exer-
cises; and twice in every year in regiment or battalion, as the commanding officer of the brigade shall direct: And all other companies of said militia shall rendezvous twice in every year, in companies, and twice in every year in regiment or battalion, as aforesaid. The times and places of rendezvous to be appointed by the laws of each State, or the commander in chief thereof, in such manner that the field and staff officers may have an opportunity of attending the several companies exercising in detail, in order to introduce uniformity in the manoeuvres and discipline of the regiment. (To be continued.)
P A R I S, April 16.
This city has not experienced a more violent agitation since the revolution, than it has done for the last three or four days. Religious motives have been one assigned reason for the tumults—but the more just cause has been, a confederacy among the members of the clergy and some others, to overturn the decrees of the National Assembly of the second of November last, alienating the lands of the clergy to pay off the debts of the nation.
On the 13th at night, the police having received information that a very numerous meeting was secretly held at the Capuchin Convent, which was rather suspicious, a guard was instantly dispatched thither, where, among others, were found, the archbishop of Toulouse, the bishop of Nanci, the Abbe Mauri, Mess. d'Espremenil, Cazalet, and about two hundred more members of the National Assembly. Several resolutions have been passed among them, That in case the decree for alienating the Church Lands from their ancient possessors was finally carried into execution, they would set the kingdom into confusion by the writings that should be dispersed abroad. Several other long resolutions passed which are not yet public.
On the 14th inst. several of these members went to the Assembly with firearms concealed under their clothes. The clergy had, on the preceding day, got over about one hundred and seventy-one members to their views, and they entertained the strongest hope, that what with this acquisition of numbers, with threats, declamation and clamour, they would be able to carry their point. At no sitting since the revolution, has there been a battle so hardly contested, or conducted with such intrepidity. All the higher and many of the inferior clergy, jumped into the trenches to defend the bastions and ramparts of the church, but in vain—after four days struggle, they were conquered by a great majority as will appear by the succeeding account of the final determination of the assembly, by which the nation is irrevocably confirmed in its right to the ecclesiastical lands.
Previous to this question being introduced to the assembly, the clergy had been extremely assiduous in circulating incendiary letters throughout their dioceses.
The agitation which their meeting at the Capuchin Convent, and the alarm which the violent debates in the National Assembly had produced, had caused the marquis de la Fayette and M. Bailly to place a treble guard about the Thuilleries, to resist the mob. A member complained of this in the debate, but it proved extremely fortunate, for several members would otherwise have been sacrificed in getting away. As it was, several were very roughly handled.
A large concourse of people had assembled early on the 14th, at the avenues of the National Assembly to hear the debate. On the members coming away, some were applauded, others were hooted—The Viscount de Mirabeau being hissed, he drew his sword, which so incensed the mob, that he would have been murdered, had it not been for the assistance of the guards, who conducted him and M. Cazalet to the Jacobite convent, where climbing over the walls they escaped.
The Abbe Mauri got off undiscovered from the assembly; but being met in the evening, the mob assailed him, when he drew a pair of pistols from under his coat, but seeing himself in danger of being overpowered, he ran into a house and shut the door. The guard soon came to his assistance. M. de Noailles, though a great enemy to the Abbe's politics, living near to the place flew to his rescue. M. Mounier did the same, and both joined in offering him their hotel for his protection, which he accepted of.
The King, though a friend to the Abbe Mauri, has thought it prudent to desire that neither he nor the Viscount de Mirabeau may visit him at the Thuilleries, as his majesty is fearful of some popular disturbance.
April 27.—Fifty patriots of St. Claude have formed themselves into a society, and bound themselves by a solemn oath, to disclose to the proper officers of the municipality, civil and criminal, every plot or design against the public liberty. If this glorious example be followed by other cities and towns in the kingdom, all attempts to effect a counter revolution will be fruitless.
THE Creditors of Col. ELISHA SHELTON, of Salisbury, are hereby notified, That the Subscribers being appointed Trustees of said SHELTON's estate, will attend to the business of their appointment on the first Monday of August next, at the house of JACOBUS DAVIS in said Salisbury, agreeable to the Act of Assembly.—The interest of the creditors requires their general attendance.
HEZEKIAH FITCH, JOHN BIRD, } Trustees. Salisbury, (Connecticut), June 28, 1789.
[EDINBURGH, MARCH, 1790]
PROSPECTUS OF AN INTENDED NEW PERIODICAL WORK, TO BE CALLED
THE BEE,
OR, UNIVERSAL LITERARY INTELLIGENCER,
To be published weekly:
AND TO CONTAIN,
Besides Original Miscellaneous Letters on Literature and the Belles Lettres,
EARLY accounts of new discoveries in science and useful arts; an occasional review of valuable publications at home and abroad; extracts from foreign journals, academic dissertations, and domestic performances of merit; biographical anecdotes and memoirs of eminent persons; notices of the heroic achievements of ancient and honorable families; observations on the topography and natural history of Britain and other countries; disquisitions concerning civil history, and the progress of the human mind; poetical essays and translations; debates and distinguished speeches in parliament, and in the political assemblies of other states; remarkable laws and interesting decisions in courts of justice; a concise chronicle of recent events; and a complete list of new publications in Britain, with the prices.
THE WHOLE BEING CALCULATED
To furnish an instructive amusement for the present hour, and to transmit to posterity a faithful picture of the acquirements, modes of thinking, prevailing habits, and chief pursuits of men, in Europe at least, during the period that this work shall continue to be published.
BY
JAMES ANDERSON, LLD.
F.R.S. F.S.A. S.
Honorary Member of the Society of Arts, Agriculture, &c. at Bath, of the Philosophical, and of the Agricultural Societies in Manchester, and of the Academy of Arts, Sciences, and Belles Lettres, Dijon, Author of several performances.
Intendes animum studiis et rebus honestis.
Hok.
CONDITIONS.
I. THIS Work will be published in Numbers , weekly; each Number, for foreign parts, to contain three sheets, (48 pages) small octavo.
II. Nine Numbers will complete a Volume, and six Volumes a year; two intercalary Numbers being incorporated with the others, to keep the Publication regular.
III. It will be printed on three kinds of paper, to suit the taste of different classes of purchasers, viz. coarse, common, and fine writing paper.
IV. Subscriptions will be taken in by the Volume only; and no separate Numbers will be sold.
V. The price will be, for the coarse paper per Volume , 25. 6d. for the common 35. 3d. and for the fine paper 45. when sent by post to any port in Great Britain.
SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THIS WORK,
Are received by the Editor, (post paid) at the Printing House of Mundell and Son , Edinburgh, by Archibald McAusland and Co. Greenock; Corrie, Gladstones and Bradshaw , Liverpool; Amis, Helicar and Son , Bristol; and, Mr. McCulloch , Optician, No. 38, Minories, London.
THE amplification of this Prospectus is contained in seven pages of quarto demy, closely printed on a small type.—The address to the public is an ingenious, philosophical and animated performance; sketching the outlines of the Editor's extensive design—which address concludes thus—
“COMMUNICATIONS for this work may be written in the English, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, German, Dutch, Danish, Swedish or Russian languages, or in Latin, as best suits the ease of correspondents; though, for obvious reasons, they will be more acceptable in the English than any other language.
“A particular time cannot be fixed for the commencement of this publication; as many necessary arrangements must first be taken, which may require a longer time than is expected, to adjust. The editor is indeed too anxious to have the work well done, to think of commencing it prematurely. Those at a distance, however, who incline to encourage it, should lose no time in forwarding their orders, as it is probable it may be commenced by the time that a return from them can be obtained.
“In the first, or some early number of this work, will begin, original memoirs and authentic anecdotes of the late ingenious Dr. William Cullen, the respected preceptor and much esteemed patron and friend of the editor, accompanied with a portrait, which no pains shall be spared to render as exact a likeness as possible, of that truly great and worthy man. As few copies will be thrown off at any time more than are subscribed for, those who wish to be possessed of this work, will please to send their orders soon.”
Then follows an address to foreign correspondents—and a series of enquiries on almost every subject that science comprehends; to which he solicits answers from every quarter of the globe. He suggests an attention to economy in regard to the conveyance of parcels, and mentions British Consuls, Ambassadors, and other public characters abroad, as mediums through which he may probably be favored in this particular; and concludes with the following information—
“As the editor has already begun a correspondence, or has the near prospect of doing so, with some distinguished literary characters, academicians and journalists, in France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Geneva, Savoy, Switzerland, different parts of Germany, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Russia, Poland, Prussia, Canada, the United States of America, Bengal, Madras, and all the other British settlements in India, China, Batavia, the Cape of Good Hope, the British and French Islands in the West Indies, and is also flattered with the hope of being able to open a direct correspondence with some of the Spanish and Portuguese settlements in America, with some of the states of Africa where trade with Britain is allowed, and even with Turkey, should the present war come soon to a conclusion; into all these places this miscellany in that case will find its way. By this means information may be readily conveyed from any of these places to all the others; so that he hopes in a short time this work will be singularly well entitled to the name of The Universal Literary Intelligencer.”
No plan of a similar work that has come under our observation, appears to be calculated on more philanthropic, useful and comprehensive principles; and, we most sincerely wish Doctor Anderson success in his undertaking. A republication of this article may merit attention from the friends of literature and of mankind.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market,
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage-Office, City Tavern. Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.