National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-11-24 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 8 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, November 24, 1792.
[Total No. 112.]
From the American Daily Advertiser.
IN my last I urged it as a sufficient reason why the public suffrage should be withheld from Mr. Adams, at the ensuing election for the office of Vice President, that he was the known and avowed friend to a government of king, lords & commons, and had, since the adoption of the present one, endeavoured by his writings to inculcate this pernicious doctrine upon the minds of his countrymen, thereby impairing the foundation on which it rests. And altho' I cannot suppose that any person acquainted with his writings, will undertake to vindicate him against this high charge, yet it neither suits the importance nor the propriety of the enquiry, that any doubt on the subject should, at the present moment, arrest the public mind. His defence of the American constitutions, and discourses upon Davila, the documents referred to, tho' for some time past in print, may not have been generally perused. To place, therefore, the merits of this charge upon their true ground, I shall now furnish from those publications, such brief extracts, as will, I presume, sufficiently demonstrate its truth.
In Vol. 1,—page 8, of the preface we find the following passage: "Without three orders, and an effectual balance between them, in every American constitution, it must be destined to frequent unavoidable revolutions; if they are delayed a few years, they must come in time.—The United States are large and populous nations, in comparison of the Grecian commonwealths, or even the Swiss Cantons; and are growing every day more disproportionate, and therefore less capable of being held together by simple governments. Countries that encrease in population so rapidly as the states of America did, even during such an impoverishing and destructive war as the last was, are not to be bound together by silken threads; lions, young or old, will not be bound by cobwebs. It would be better for America, it is nevertheless agreed, to ring all the changes with the whole set of bells, and go through all the revolutions of the Grecian states rather than establish an absolute monarchy among them, notwithstanding all the great and real improvements made in that kind of government."
Again, page 22. "If Cicero and Tacitus could revisit the earth, and learn that the English nation had reduced the great idea to practice, and brought it nearly to perfection, by giving each division a power to defend itself by a negative; they had found it the most solid & durable government, as well as the most free."
Again, page 25. "What is the ingredient which in England has preserved the democratical authority? The balance, and that only."
In page 116. "The sources of inequality, which are common to every people, and can never be altered by any, because they are founded in the constitution of nature: this natural aristocracy among mankind has been dilated on, because it is a fact essential to be considered in the institution of a government. It is a body of men which contains the greatest collection of virtues and abilities in a free government: is the brightest ornament and glory of the nation; and may always be made the greatest blessing of society, if it be judiciously managed in the constitution."
And in the next page, "There is but one expedient yet discovered to avail the society of all the benefits from this body of men, which they are capable of affording, and at the same time to prevent them from undermining or invading the public liberty, and that is to throw them all or at least the most remarkable of them, into one assembly together in the legislature; to keep all the executive power entirely out of their hands as a body;
to create a first magistrate over them, invested with the whole executive authority; to make them dependent on that executive magistrate for all public executive employments; to give that first magistrate a negative on the legislature, by which he may defend himself & the people from all their enterprizes in the legislature; and to erect on the other side of them an impregnable barrier against them in a house of commons, fairly, fully, and adequately representing the people, who shall have the power of negating all their attempts at encroachments in the legislature, and of withholding both from them and the crown, all supplies by which they may be paid for their services in executive offices, or even the public service carried on to the detriment of the nation."
Page 224. "From this example (speaking of the Roman empire) as from all others, it appears that there can be no government of laws without a balance; and that there can be no balance without three orders, and that even three orders can never balance each other; unless each in its department, is independent and absolute."
Vol. 3,—page 296. The Americans have agreed with this writer in the sentiment, "that it is but reason that the people should see that none be interested, in the supreme authority, but persons of their own election, and such as must, in a short time, return again into the same condition with themselves." This hazardous experiment they have tried; and if elections are soberly made, it may answer very well; but if parties, factions, drunkenness, bribes, armies and delirium, come in, as they always have done sooner or later, to embroil and decide every thing, the people must again have recourse to conventions, & find a remedy. Neither philosophy nor policy has yet discovered any other cure than by prolonging the duration of the first magistrate and senators.—
The evil may be lessened & postponed by elections for longer periods of years, till they become for life; and if this is not found an adequate remedy, there will remain no other but to make them hereditary. The delicacy or the dread of unpopularity, that should induce any man to conceal this important truth, from the full view and contemplation of the people, would be a weakness, if not a vice. As to reaping the same benefit or burthen, by the laws enacted, that befalls the rest of the people," this will be secured, whether the first magistrate and senate be elective or hereditary, as long as the people are an integral part of the legislature; can be bound by no laws to which they have not consented; and can be subjected to no tax which they have not agreed to lay."
Page 367. The people are the fountain and original of the power of kings and lords, governors and senates, as well as the house of commons, or assembly of representatives; and if the people are sufficiently enlightened to see all the dangers that surround them, they will always be represented by a distinct personage, to manage the whole executive power; a distinct senate to be guardians of property, against levellers for the purpose of plunder, to be a repository of the national tradition of public maxims, customs, and manners; and to be controulers in turn, both of kings and their ministers on one side, and representatives of the people on the other; when either discover a disposition to do wrong; and a distinct house of representatives, to be the guardians of the public purse, and to protect the people in their turn, against both kings & nobles. A science certainly comprehends all the principles in nature which belong to the subject. The principles in nature which relate to government, cannot all be known, without a knowledge of the history of mankind.
The English constitution is the only one which has considered and provided for all cases, that are known to have generally, indeed to have always, happened, in the progress of every nation; it is, therefore the only scientific government.
June 2 1790.
No. eight, on the discourses on Davila. "There is a voice within us, which seems to intimate, that real merit should govern the world; and that men ought to be respected only in proportion to their talents, virtues and services, but the question always has been, how can this arrangement be accomplished? how shall the men of merit be discovered? how shall the proportions of merit be ascertained and graduated? who shall be the judge? when the government of a great nation is in question, shall the whole nation choose? shall the whole nation vote for senators? thirty millions of votes, for example, to each senator in France? It is obvious that this would be a lottery of millions of blanks to one prize, and that the chance of having wisdom and integrity in a senator by hereditary descent, would be far better, &c."
July 7, 1790, No. 12.
Speaking of rivalries of different kinds in society, and especially in America, he adds "what is the natural remedy against the inconveniences and dangers of these rivalries? whether a well balanced constitution, such as that our union purports to be, ought not to be cordially supported till its defects, if it has any, can be corrected, by every good citizen, as our only hope of peace and ark of safety: but it shall be left to the contemplations of our state physicians to discover the causes and the remedy of that "fever whereof our power is sick." One question only shall be respectfully insinuated: whether equal laws, the result only of a balanced government, can ever be obtained and preserved without some signs or other of distinction and degree?
July 21, 1790.
Americans! rejoice, that from experience, you have learned wisdom: and instead of whimsical and fantastical projects you have adopted a promising essay towards a well ordered government, instead of following any foreign examples to return to the legislation of confusion, contemplate the means of restoring decency, honesty and order in society by preserving and contemplating, if any thing should be found necessary to complete, the balance of your government.
November 30, 1790. No. 23.
"We see in this instance, that the triple balance is so established by providence in the constitution of nature, that order without it, can never be brought out of anarchy and confusion. The laws therefore should establish this equilibrium as the dictate of nature; and the ordinance of providence."
By the foregoing passages, and many others which are omitted for the sake of brevity; indeed by the just and sound construction of both performances, 'tis obviously the doctrine of this gentleman, that a government of king, lords, and commons, is that only, under which mankind can enjoy, with certainty or duration, any degree of freedom & happiness. That even the experiment of a more popular one, or one depending essentially, on the suffrage of the people, however, wise the modification or distribution of its powers, is hazardous, and that the sooner we become convinced of its folly, and adopt the great standard which he admires, the sooner we shall attain to perfection. The people appear throughout, to be the sole object of his terror; from them, unless excluded from all influence upon the executive, and restrained to one third portion of the legislature only, balanced in the other two, by an independent and hereditary king, and order of nobility, he seems to appre-
hend all those calamities, which an uncurbed licentiousness can inflict upon society. The most turbulent ages of the world, the most calamitous æras of antient and modern nations, have been resorted to, for documents to color the odious picture, and to demonstrate that mankind cannot govern themselves. But to the outrageous abuse of power, in the hands of a few, he shews the most benevolent indulgence, and whilst the dread of popular authority haunts his mind, he labours for language, to express his horror of it, he speaks of the higher orders of government, of a king and nobility, in terms of reverence and veneration, scarcely ever used by any other writer.
There is however one other trait in the character of these tracts which merits attention. Mr. Adams has heretofore been represented as exemplary for his candour, and the frank exposition of his political sentiments upon all occasions. Freely as I have censured his doctrines, as pernicious to his country, and highly reprehensible for a person in his station, it would give me pleasure if I could subscribe to this opinion of his candour. But altho' I am persuaded, an impartial criticism of his work will lead every other person to the conclusion I have formed, yet it is a fact which must strike the mind of the most inattentive observer, that in many passages, he has appeared to shrink from the ground he had fairly taken, and even to contradict what he had already said. Aware of the precipice on which he stood, he trembled at the prospect which menaced before him!*
In my last I stated it as a proposition which could not be contested, for it could be easily demonstrated, that the only dangers to which we were exposed in the operation of the government were those which threatened the existence of the republican system itself. If this idea is well founded; if it is even probable, should not the good people of these states guard themselves against it by every possible and wise precaution? should they not in any event, exclude from their councils, those who entertain sentiments so radically hostile to their government, and to those principles of equality upon which it is founded?
LUCIUS.
* The English reviewers sum up the true character of his defence of the American constitutions in the words following: "the great and leading idea which runs through the ingenious and learned work of Mr. Adams is, that a mixture of the three powers, the regal, the aristocratical and the democratical, properly balanced, composes the most perfect form of government and secures the greatest degree of happiness to the greatest number of individuals."
[From the New-York Diary of last Wednesday.]
THE manufactory now erecting at the Falls of Passaick has of late become more the object of conversation than for a considerable time past. The opinions of people, as to the probability of its succeeding, are extremely discordant.—Some do not hesitate to pronounce it a visionary project, engendered in the perverted brains of calculating speculators, and of a piece with all their other abortive schemes. Others are more sanguine, and assert, that to narrow minded sceptics alone it can appear doubtful, as to the issue. The former class of theorists ground their opinion, on past experience, and the present unpromising aspect of its affairs. They say, this manufactory originated in a hope of extending the sphere of speculation. That those who appeared its strongest advocates, whatever their avowed intentions may have been, meant nothing more than to possess themselves

of a great number of shares, raise them to an extravagant price, fell out, and after realizing a handsome fortune, care very little if the whole system went to the devil—They advance a variety of reasons as to the improbability of ultimately effecting the ostensible object, if even its patrons were sincere; and some, not despicable for want of sagacity, seem to be seriously impressed with an idea that our worthy minister at the head of the finances advocated this plan, in hopes that by its eventual establishment he might, with more plausibility, propose an augmentation of the present astonishing rates of impost, under the colorable pretext of encouraging domestic manufactures. If any one objects that insinuations of this nature are unwarranted and discountenanced by the whole tenor of the Secretary's conduct, they refer him to the elaborate report on the subject of manufactures, presented to Congress at the last session, the greater part of which is expressly and avowedly directed to obviate objections to any schemes of this nature on the ground of prematurity. A political inuendo of this sort will triumphantly enquire, how stands public opinion? At what price is the manufacturing scrip at market? This can be the only sure barometrical criterion by which to ascertain the fluctuations of popular confidence or suspicion. They will tell you that shares, the original deposit on which was twenty five dollars, had once risen to upwards of fifty, but are now sunk to eight or ten dollars; that this depression must be owing to an opinion by no means favourable:—that the generality of people, who anticipate the future from experience of the past, although desirous of commercial independence, conceive we are not yet ripe for objects of such magnitude;—that this city, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, have seen very promising experiments result in utter abortion;—and although the Secretary, by an effort of ingenious sophistry, has endeavoured to demonstrate the reverse, the price of labour in this country is such, and the impossibility of engaging and retaining an adequate number of experienced and faithful artisans, is so evident that to believe the contrary argues either an implicit credulity, or a blind unreasonable acquiescence in the proposals of fanatical theorists. From a comprehensive survey of the whole matter, it is inferred, that however patriotic the ostensible and visible parts of this plan may appear, it is a truth but too lamentably probable, that the great, the ultimate end, in originating and patronizing it, as far as official and financial co-operation extends, was to facilitate additional impositions upon our foreign commerce. This opinion, whether well or ill founded, has no very happy tendency in attaching the affections of our citizens to the government. Those who with success to federal measures, imagine they perceived a deep source of danger in the impolitic extension of our impost laws. They apprehend that by grasping at all, we shall risk the loss of all;—and indeed, considering the extreme delicacy of a republican government,—grounded on the dippery basis of opinion,—our rulers should be peculiarly cautious to prevent, by avoiding oppression, the ruin of our hopes of political happiness. These are some of the sentiments which pervade a considerable class of the community;—whether well or ill founded, they are at least specious, and will be either refuted or sanctioned by the event. D.
FOREIGN ADVICES.
London, Sept. 21. The only port in China, to which the India company's ships are permitted to trade, is Canton, in nearly the southernmost part of China. It is well known that the tea, their great article of commerce, grows chiefly in the northern and mountainous parts of that vast empire: so that the India company, besides the adulterations the tea may suffer on the way, are subject to the advanced price which must naturally arise from carrying an article some thousand miles, from that part of the country where it grows, to Canton, where it is shipped for England. And, added to this, our woolen manufactures, which are in high repute, and chiefly adapted for the northern parts of China, by being obliged to be landed at Canton, are subjected to the damage and expence of an astonishing length of inland carriage, so as almost on many articles, to amount to a prohibition. The intent of Lord Macartney's embassy is, if possible, to obtain permission from the Emperor for our ships to trade directly to some port in the northern parts of the empire, where the tea can be had on the spot where it grows, and where our woolen manufactures would find a ready market from millions of people.
Lord Macartney is further directed, if possible, to obtain leave to make a settlement on a small island on the coast, where we may establish a factory for the company's agents, without their laboring under the extreme inconveniences they are at present subject to at Canton.
It is supposed, however, that the Chinese will hardly grant the latter part of this request. The first and great object it is like-
ly they may, as self-interest invites them to it.
His lordship amongst other presents, carries eight field-pieces accompanied by an officer and 20 artillerymen to work them. There is likewise an officer and 20 infantry soldiers, with ten dismounted light-horsemen; the whole to be commanded by major Benson, and to form a guard for lord Macartney.
It is supposed it will be two years and a half before he returns.
Dr. Priestly has declined sitting in the French national convention, though he has been chosen for three places.
Antwerp, Sept. 14. The people in these provinces are in general far from viewing with satisfaction the progress of the Austrian arms in the French dominions. At Bruges, in particular, clubs are held, where the nobility and their adherents are openly turned into derision, and bets offered that the enemy will not arrive at Paris in two months!
Flocks of disconsolate French priests flying they know not where, from the daggers of their irritated countrymen, are daily pouring by every avenue into the Austrian provinces, which are already overrun with their brethren. The abbeys and monasteries on the road afford them a temporary refuge, while the general rendezvous is appointed at Brussels, where they will be acquainted with their further destination.
The French refugees at Brussels caused a solemn mass to be celebrated a few days ago, with a requiem for the souls of their countrymen, assassinated at Paris on the night of the third of September.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
PRO and CON.
Arguments against the re election of Mr. Adams:
FIRST. The federal constitution and the spirit of the people are republican. Mr. Adams is for a government of King, Lords, and Commons
Second Since the constitution was adopted—Since his election and oath to support it, his writings have laboriously endeavoured to discount his constituents with republican governments, and prepare their minds for a government of King, Lords, and Commons
Third. In his latest writings he has declared the federal constitution to be but a promising essay towards a well ordered government, by which, the whole scope of his writings, since he visited the courts of Europe, shew that he means a government of King, Lords, and Commons.
These objections, more particularly at the present juncture, when the spirit of monarchy is every where waging open or secret war on the spirit of freedom, must sink deep in the mind of every true American. That they are founded in truth is well known to all who have read the several publications of Mr. Adams, on the subject of government. The quotations from these works in the excellent pieces signed LUCIUS have demonstrated from Mr. Adams's own mouth that he is a decided adversary to republican government; and if the constitution is to be deemed the criterion of federalism, that he is more of a real operative antifederalist, than any citizen of the United States, out of the party attached to the same monarchical tenets.
Arguments for the re election of Mr. Adams.
First. The name of Adams has been subscribed along with the name of Washington, to the laws of the Union; a circumstance of more real weight with an enlightened people, than any little difference between the republican principles of the one, and the monarchical principles of the other.
Second If he is not re-elected it may be owing partly to votes in Virginia, who having the good fortune to furnish the citizen elected by all the states for President, ought to have no voice in the election of a citizen of some other state for Vice President
Third. If he is not re elected it may be owing partly also to the votes of North-Carolina and South-Carolina. Now it has been very clearly as well as very kindly shewn by the best friends to the dignity and magnanimity of those states, that they ought to vote against their own republican opinions, lest they should be falsely and impudently taxed with conforming to the opinions of other states.
Fourth If he is not re elected, it will betray what every man who considers the federal constitution as a promising essay towards a higher government, ought most carefully to smother, namely, that the peo-
ple are in their hearts attached to free republican government, and cannot be brought by any art or management whatever to give a direct or indirect countenance to the slavish principles of monarchy and aristocracy.
These arguments in favor of Mr. Adams are deduced from several late strictures in the newspapers, and particularly from a very curious publication signed MARCUS. They will doubtless have all the influence they merit on the suffrages which are to decide the competition for the Vice-Presidency of the United States.
Nov. 23. MUTIUS.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Nov. 20.
A motion was made by Mr. Murray for appointing a committee to prepare and bring in a bill, supplementary to the militia law, passed at the last session—After some debate this motion was lost. Mr. Murray then moved that a committee should be appointed to report a bill for repealing so much of the first section of the militia law, as relates to arming the militia—Laid on the table.
The following resolution, in substance, was made, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Joseph Henderson—Resolved, that there be allowed to Joseph Henderson the annual sum of _____ for his services as naval pay-master to the navy-board, for the eastern department, from Aug. 5, 1778, to _____ 1782. This resolution, with the Secretary's report, was referred to a committee of the whole house to morrow.
After referring a petition, a memorial was read from Wm. Constable and Co. merchants, New-York, respecting a cargo of teas imported from China, and again exported to France, where they were entered and landed; but owing to the neglect of the captain and mate, in not returning their affidavits, the collector at New-York objected to refunding the duties—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
After reading two petitions, the house went into committee of the whole on the President's speech—when the consideration of the resolution submitted to the house yesterday by Mr. Fitzsimons, was renewed. Further debate was had on striking out the latter part, viz. "that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report a plan for redeeming so much of the public debt, as by law the government has a right to redeem." On the question to agree to this motion, it was negatived 31 to 25—Several amendments were then proposed, but rejected, and the resolution proposed by Mr. Fitzsimons finally carried—The paragraph of the President's speech relating to the loan of the bank of the United States being read, Mr. Dayton proposed the following resolution—"That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report a plan for re-imbursing the loan of the bank of the United States, agreeably to the 11th section of the law for incorporating that company."—Agreed to.
The house having gone through with the President's speech, the committee rose and reported the resolution they had come to thereon, which were laid on the table for further consideration.—Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 21.
Mr. Murray renewed his motion for the appointment of a committee to prepare and bring in a bill for a repeal of the first section, or that part of the militia law which relates to arming the militia—This motion occasioned some debate; after which the question being put, it was decided in the negative—yeas 6—nays 50.
Two petitions were read and referred—a third from the dealers in oil paint in Philadelphia, respecting the duties on dry colours and those ground in oil, praying that measures may be adopted for encouraging the manufacturing the latter, by an additional duty on imported colours ground in oil—Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Boudinot renewed his motion for establishing a complete system of bankrupt laws for the United States. This motion was carried, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill accordingly.
The several resolutions reported yesterday by the committee on the President's speech were taken up—the first, which relates to a provision for the widows of such persons as were killed by the Indians while under the protection of a flag of truce, was agreed to—as likewise the second, for supporting an intercourse with foreign nations—the third, relative to the reduction of the public debt, occasioned some debate on a motion to strike out that part which contemplates a reference to the Secretary of the Treasury—on calling the yeas and nays on this question, there appeared 25 for and 32 against it. The question was then put on the resolution, as reported, and agreed to—The whole of the resolves being agreed to, the house adjourned.
PHILADELPHIA.
NOVEMBER 24.
We are informed from good authority (says a Vermont paper) that about two months past the Indians at Niagara received from the British commissary sixty thousand rations of provisions.
It is mentioned in a letter of a late date from Charleston (S. C.) that the last accounts from the Indian nations in the neighbourhood of that state are favorable, and that it is not probable there will be any trouble from that quarter, during the ensuing winter.
On the 8th inst. the Governor of Massachusetts addressed the two houses of the legislature of that state, met in assembly at the town of Concord. Among other objects contemplated in this speech, is the discountenancing Theatrical exhibitions, which have lately been openly held and resorted to in Boston under the appellation of "Moral Lectures."
The selectmen of Boston have notified the citizens and others that the capital is at length rid of the small-pox, except only three or four in a hospital, who were to be discharged in a few days.
Upon a careful review of every article of European intelligence, yet received, it does not appear that the Duke of Brunswick, at the head of his army, can ever reach Paris. Should he, however, arrive there, his total defeat will be the more certain. He need not promise to himself in Paris, even the fortune of Burgoyne at Saratoga: his life must atone for his temerity, and his army, in all human probability, will fall by the sword.
Many persons are at a loss for the meaning of the word Jacobin, as applied to a celebrated republican society in France; and not a few execrate them, upon a supposition of their being some way related to the old English Jacobites, from the similarity of name. The following explanation will be sufficient:—This society (which takes its name from the accidental circumstance of meeting in a church, formerly belonging to a convent of Jacobine Monks) stands at the head of, and is closely connected with, about 40,000 societies of a similar nature, dispersed over every part of the nation. All public and constitutional questions are here debated in the fullest, the most free, and open manner. When a measure of public importance is taken into consideration, a motion is first made on the subject; it is then referred to a committee, and their report is immediately transmitted to all other societies, who in the like manner take the affair into consideration, and transmit their resolutions thereupon to the society at Paris. If the majority of opinions are in favor of the measure, it is then proposed to the National Assembly as proper to be sanctioned by a decree, and the representatives of the people give it a final and solemn discussion."
The Pittsburgh resolutions, relative to the excise, are much resented at the town of Stockbridge, in Massachusetts. "These resolutions (says the paper printed at that place) cannot fail to excite the indignation of every honest well wisher to the dignity, peace, happiness and prosperity of our country. Some late publications have flattered many of the inhabitants of the Western Territory to be the refuge of the European world—for the honor of America, we hope the statement is founded on fact.—Surely no class of a people who have fought and bled, who have waded through difficulties and dangers to attain to their present enviable situation, could be guilty of so daring, unjustifiable, and unreasonable an attempt against the laws of the Union. If a vagrant herd, who have sought refuge in the bosom of our country, think the present a season to controul the authority of government, because the savages of the wilderness are hostily disposed towards the Union, time may, and undoubtedly will, convince them of their mistake. The great body of the citizens of America venerate the constitution, and approve of the laws; nor will they tamely suffer an unjust infringement of them. The strong arm of the nation is yet competent and willing to second the operations of legally exercised power, and to chastise the insolent temerity of a vile combination of individuals, who have dared to insult the majesty of a free and independent people."
A party of Indians consisting of 197 Cherokees, 83 Creeks, and 300 Shawanese, the latter end of October attacked Buchanan's station (in the territory south of the Ohio) the whole commanded by John Watts, a half-breed Indian. They were repulsed with considerable loss. Watts was shot through both thighs, and it was thought could not recover; a Shawanese warrior, or Creek chief, and many others were killed—Several of the leaders in this attack were signers of the treaty of Holston, and had upon many previous occasions shewn themselves firmly attached to the United States—The only way to account for their sudden change of sentiment, is their late visit to the Spanish governor of Pensacola, from whom they received presents, and it is said, were inclined to break with the United States.

The Governor of Massachusetts, in his address to the house of representatives, has submitted to the consideration of the legislature of that state, the propriety of the commonwealth becoming interested in the Union Bank; on the principle, that if advantages are to be derived from institutions of this nature, a participation of them by the state will be for the interest of all the citizens; and because, as it is of great importance to the community to have a proper regulation of the artificial medium, current within it, the public safety will be the better guarded by having the bank more under the eye of the legislative power."
A statement has been published, in a late paper, of the different Indian tribes and nations from the lakes of Canada to the Gulph of Mexico. According to that statement, there exist on that space, and along the western side of the Mississippi, fifty two nations; the total amount of the men belonging to which (fit for bearing arms) is fifty-eight thousand, nine hundred, and thirty; of which there may be about thirty-five thousand warriors.
A number of French people are now forming a settlement and building a town, on or near the Chenango river, in the north-western parts of the state of New-York. The Chenango river falls into lake Ontario. It is said, one hundred houses are to be built the ensuing season.
There are now in the press at New-York, and in a few days to be published by Mr. Thomas Allen, No. 12, Queen-Street, in that city, Memoirs of the life of the late General CHARLES LEE, Esquire, Lieutenant Colonel of the British 44th regiment—Colonel in the Portuguese service—Major-General, and Aid-du-camp to the king of Poland, and second in command in the service of the United States of America during the revolution: To which will be added, his Political and Military Essays; also letters to and from many distinguished characters, both in Europe and America.
The following persons are declared by the governor of this state, (by proclamation) duly elected as Electors for President and Vice-President of the United States—William Henry, Joseph Heister, Thomas M'Kean, Henry Miller, John Wilkins, junior, Robert Coleman, Thomas Bull, Cornelius Coxe, Robert Johnston, John Boyd, David Stewart, George Latimer, Hugh Lloyd, James Morris, and Robert Hare.
Captain Paul, in the ship Amiable, on his passage from Charleston to this port, a few days since, fell in with the wreck of a ship from the West-Indies for France, from which he took the captain and crew, and brought them to this city, with a quantity of indigo, part of the ship's cargo.
Extract of a letter from Boston, dated Nov. 13.
"It is observable that all high-flying federalists are mightily for a Theatre in this town, which is as vehemently opposed by the moderate men, and if I am not very wrong in my opinion will be ultimately discountenanced by the legislature. It has always been the policy of aristocracy to encourage public shews, and such like follies, to divert the people's minds from politics and government affairs; and this is one great cause of a Theatre being opposed here. By God's help, we hope to continue steadfast in watching all public proceedings, notwithstanding the temptation to turn aside, and will not be led astray by the songs of Syrens. To make the pill go down the better, plays have been introduced among us under the specious title of Moral Lectures; thereby infringing upon the duties of the clergy, and, as far as can be done, substituting the play-house for the church, and collecting from giddy and deluded people the reward due to the latter. It was not without reason, that our reverend friend— lately exclaimed (upon hearing of their crowded houses) "Forty years have I been preaching morality, and could never all that time make more than a scanty living by my labours, and here are a set of fellows who can pick up hundreds of dollars in an evening from "moral lectures," that in reality have no more morality in them than my walking-stick!"—Another trick of these moral lecturers, is, to offer benefit-nights for the poor, and for the children of the clergy; thinking thereby to get the law repealed against theatrical entertainments. Whatever they may think, few people here, even the poorest would wish to have their children supported by the earnings of the stage."
The following is the substance of remarks made by Mr. Baldwin in the House of Representatives, on Tuesday Nov. 20, on the subject of referring to the Secretary of the Treasury to report a plan "for redeeming so much of the public debt as by law the government has a right to redeem."
"THIS mode of calling for plans from the heads of departments, he feared, would lead further than the house would wish to go. It was too common, he said, when a certain object was to be attained, to avoid a defeat, which a direct attack might produce, and wind round, in order to make its attainment more certain, by gradual approaches. By one motion, made on doubtful ground, supported by arguments apply-
ing to its particular nature, keeping out of view the doubtful nature of its tendency, one step, by the success of this first motion, is made over the true line;—another motion follows,—backed by the first as a precedent, and a further encroachment is effected,—till, when it becomes evident, by such gradual encroachments, that dangerous ground is reached;—but then, to excuse a further trespass—precedents innumerable, the general nature of which (before kept out of sight) now become a strong argument against receding.
Gentlemen wished light and information, it was also his wish to obtain it from every proper source. It had been made the duty of the executive departments to give information to the legislature but this information should relate merely, in his opinion, to statements of facts and details of business,—the legislature, with the information acquired, should frame the law.
He wished it explicitly, and finally determined, how far the legislative business should be solely transacted by the legislature, and how much might be referred to executive departments. He conceived there was a solid difference of opinion, on this point, in the house, as well as out of doors. Some conceived, that the more affairs of society were thrown into the hands of individuals, the greater was the security against error. Others, on the other hand, were of opinion, that clashing interests in large bodies kept them more free from partial and improper bias.
Such a latitude was given to the expressions in the law establishing the treasury department, as to give room (he did not mean to criminate that department) for the introduction of new systems and laws not expected by the legislature.
When a motion for referring to the Secretary of the Treasury the petition of the public creditors was made to report a plan, but little idea was entertained, he said, that such a law as the funding would be the result, or that the excise system would have been the consequence.
The excise system was framed in a very different manner, he remarked:—first principles were adverted to—information was collected from all parts with great labour. Had the treasury department been established then, this information might have been procured with less trouble: but this once collected, the legislature made use of it, and framed a law, the formation of which has not been looked upon as bad.
He then dwelt on the distinction between receiving information on which to form a law, and receiving a plan of the law ready formed. He warmly opposed this mode of receiving information, as it was called from the Secretary. Gentlemen had said, that we might reject what was proposed; but there was a great difference between a legislative power and a revisionary power;—a very great difference, as contemplated in the constitution—a difference between originating and possessing, only the right of a negative.
The house had as much power, he remarked, over the proceedings of the senate, as over the plan of a law reported by the Secretary. There is but this difference between them, that the plans of the Secretary are well supported by argument.
He stated the difficulty of mending a defective part in a complicated system, without endangering the uniformity of the whole. It was less difficult to put together the parts from collected materials, and to amend a plan before matured.
His objections to calling for matured plans from the heads of departments had grown stronger since he first entertained them. He held as a principal maxim in governments, that the legislative, judicial and executive powers should be as distinct as possible. The propriety of this distinction was founded, in his opinion, in good sense. It was dangerous to entrust those who had a prospect of deriving some advantage in the execution of a law to have any hand in framing it. It was as improper for the executive to meddle in the business of legislation, as for the legislature to attend to the execution of laws.
His high sense, he said, of the importance of keeping the executive and legislative separate had had great weight on his mind in objecting the other day, to bring an executive officer to answer interrogatories in the house. Such a precedent, he feared, might prove a dangerous one and lead to an interference of the legislature in more important points.
He owned that in some instances the different departments of government must necessarily, in some degree, be blended; but, he insisted, they should be kept separate as much as possible. Gentlemen, on another occasion intimated, that the barrier between them was chiefly theoretical, was a paper barrier. If it was a necessary barrier, he hoped it would be as effectual as if it was a mound.
Experience was strongly in favor, he said, of the principles he advocated. The house had tried both modes of originating laws. That system, which was originated in the house, in the sense in which he understood the expression, had set well on the feelings of the people. Their interests, wishes, were represented, their fears and joys understood by those who originated it. This was not the case, as other laws had been originated; one person, however
great his information and abilities, could not be expected to be acquainted with the interests of every part of so extensive a country. If this mode had not been adopted in originating the excise law, and the other pursued, he thought it might have been rendered more consonant to the feelings of the people.
His constituents, he contended, had a right to have their feelings represented, and if he found it impracticable to make their voices heard, and sentiments understood with effect in the house, he should consider it his duty to try another mode of forwarding their interests. He would go, he said, to where system originated, there he would thrust in what information an acquaintance with his constituents put him in possession of, and demand it as a right that their feelings should be consulted.
Information he knew, and he supposed it would be mentioned is received from different quarters at the treasury, by private letters and private conversations. These often conveyed false information, to his knowledge, and persons who had given it from the quarter from which it came would not readily have owned it among their neighbors, who might consider that their legal representatives were the only true sources from which information, concerning their wants or desires, should be derived."
To the Editor of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SIR, THE subjects now under consideration of the committee of Congress in regard to the late expedition, are of too much importance to the citizens at large, and to the honor of the United States, to require any apology for a free man's requesting you to publish the inclosed queries relating thereto. Matters of this nature ought not to be smothered, but full investigation made without favor, affection, or malice. No information or hints, for this purpose, should be rejected, merely because they are anonymous, and more especially when they relate to facts placed within the power of the committee to investigate. A committee might reject an anonymous paper handed in to them when they would be induced to respect it if conveyed through the public eye: for freemen will scrutinize the conduct of their servants, when facts are laid before them.
I am, sir, your humble servant, J. S.
IT is respectfully requested of the Committee of Congress on the late western expedition, to satisfy themselves and the public (now they have an opportunity of information) respecting the following particulars, viz.
First. Did the Commander in Chief cultivate a good understanding with the second in command, and with the other principal officers? or did he not? It is generally asserted that he did not.
Second. The Commander in Chief in his letter from Fort-Washington, Nov. 9, informed the Secretary at War, that he was, or supposed himself to be, on St. Mary's river, about fifteen miles from the Miami village, when he was defeated. It is now asserted that he was three or four times that distance; far too much westward from his object, and on the waters of Wabache. It is wished to have this circumstance cleared up, for the committee have not noticed it in their report.
Third. It appears from the Commander in Chief's letters, that at this place, (supposed to be fifteen miles from the Miami towns) he had resolved to throw up a slight work in which to deposit the men's knapsacks, &c. and to have moved on as lightly accoutred as possible, those fifteen miles, in order to attack the town.
On the presumption that the army was 40, 50, or 60 miles, instead of 15, from the Miami towns, it is asked what would have been the consequences had the enemy permitted his Excellency to have marched that 15 miles, lightly accoutred as he proposed, or even twice the distance?
Fourth. Did the Commander in Chief ever call a council of officers for their advice in this respect, or in regard to any transaction whatsoever on the campaign? It is asserted he did not.
Fifth. The committee, in their report, state, that in their opinion, the Commander in Chief was not at liberty to let the army move on without him, or to this effect, notwithstanding his extreme infirmities, and that (with extreme pain to himself) he was carried on a litter: It is asked what can excuse such an order to the Commander in Chief? Would it be improper to make this order from the War-Office public; for it appears to be one great cause of the defeat?
Sixth. It has been asserted that the Commander in Chief knew that there were no provisions on the road between Fort Washington and his encampment, at the time he detached the first regiment, and weakened his army thereby, in a most essential manner: It is asserted that he had official information to this effect from Col. Hodgden, the quarter-master-general—for it seems that all the flour expected, did arrive with Capt. Benham, at the encampment of the army, on the very day,
and at the very hour Major Hamtramck marched the first regiment off. These matters are too important not to be minutely enquired into, after this information; and more especially as the committee of Congress have stated in their report that "the 11th regiment was detached to cover a convoy of provisions expected to arrive."
It is said that Col. Hodgden, Major Thomas Butler, Major Gaither, and many others can satisfy the committee on these heads.
Seventh. It has been asserted by every officer in conversation with their fellow-citizens, when asked, and it is said it has been given in testimony to the committee, that the Commander in Chief had neither reconnoitered around the ground he ordered the army to encamp upon where the defeat happened, either before or after encamping there:
Did he or did he not so reconnoitre?
Eighth. It is asserted that the second in command, remonstrated to the Commander in Chief against the route he was pursuing; and declared to him that he would lose, or lead the army into the Leather-wood Swamps, on the Wabash river, far westward of his true route to the Miami town; and yet the Commander in Chief persisted: Have the committee any such information?
Ninth. It is asserted that General Harmar marched his army in October and November 1790 from Fort Washington to the Miami towns, destroyed those towns, and returned with his army to Fort Washington in 33 days: and that he had as large an army, and as great a number of horses to support, with forage as at a late season of the year, as Gen. St. Clair had: and that his arrangements were so just as never to have experienced want of provisions or forage. It is also asserted that the distance from Fort Washington by Gen. Harmar's well known and easy route, was no more than 170 miles: Indeed this he mentions in his own journal: and it is now asserted to be proved, that the distance by Gen. St. Clair's difficult and before unexplored route is 160 miles, in advancing 98 miles of which he was 50 days. Are these assertions founded in truth, or are they not?
Tenth. The committee in their report state "That on the 31st of October, about 60 militia deserted in a body, and the first regiment was detached with a view to cover a convoy of provisions which was expected, and which, it was supposed, was in danger from the deserted militia."
It is since asserted that the convoy of provisions, alluded to, had actually arrived in camp at the time of the first regiment's marching, & this the commander in chief's own journal seems to prove in these words—"November 1st Benham arriv'd last night." It is also said, the first regiment marched but a little before sun down, and proceeded only two or three miles that night. Are these things so? or are they not? They are worthy attention; for a regiment so long, and so well disciplined in the western service, and so well officered, was very capable of having turned the fate of the day!
Eleventh. The committee report that, "the whole order of march appears to have been judicious, and the ground for action well chosen." It is asserted that the first was prescribed by the second in command in the absence of the Commander in Chief, whose order of march was impracticable; and that the Commander in Chief on his return, never altered it. Was it, or was it not so? And as to the second, it never was pretended that the ground of encampment was chosen by the Commander in Chief, or by any body but the enemy, as "the ground for action." It is said by Major Butler, that Capt. Powers and other officers, that the Commander in Chief had frequently insisted on the army's encamping on very bad grounds, long before it reached the place of action; but from the prudence of particular officers the Commander in Chief was dragged on to good grounds.—Was it, or was it not so?
Twelfth. The report states, that in the opinion of the committee "the failure of the late expedition can in no respect be imputed to the conduct of the Commander in Chief: And that during the action it furnished strong testimonies of his coolness and intrepidity."
It is asserted that it has been given in testimony, by the three or four surviving officers next in command, that the Commander in Chief never reconnoitered the grounds around the encampment; that he was surprised by the enemy; and that he gave no one order during the engagement, except for a retreat, nor made a single manoeuvre of any one part of the army to support the other: It is wished to draw the attention of the committee to these circumstances, if true. The king of Prussia in his memoirs says, "I know an officer who was on the ground where the king of England stood (during the battle of Dettingen) at the head of his Hanoverian battalion, with his left foot behind his right, his sword in his hand, and his arm extended, nearly in the same attitude as a fencing master would put himself when he was preparing to make a lunge in quarrel. He gave marks of bravery, but no orders that related to the battle."
PRICE OF STOCKS:
  Six per cents. 21 3/4   Three per cents. 12 3/4   Deferred. 13 3/4   N. Bank stock 42 

Some particulars relative to the Manufactures, Productions, &c. of several interior parts of the United States. Extracted from the correspondence of a gentleman that formerly removed to those parts of the country.
THE business of sugar making is mostly managed by women and boys; the men generally having nothing more to do with it than to tap the trees, prepare the sheds, and different apparatus. So that our agricultural employments are very little obstructed by this business which produces so important an article for domestic uses. The perfection to which we have brought our sugars has induced many people in the upper parts of the states of New York and Pennsylvania to make a business of it during the season of the juice running; and considerable quantities have been sent to the markets of Philadelphia & New York, not inferior to the best clayed, French, and Spanish sugars.
The salt springs which have been found in the fine state of Kentucky, under proper management, would be sufficient to produce salt for all the inhabitants which the western country could support. There are at least twelve of those springs between Great Sandy and Cumberland; the principal of which are the upper and lower blue licks, on Licking creek; one on the Great Bone creek; one on Drimmon's lick creek, about a mile and a half from the mouth of the Kentucky; and Bullit's lick, on Salt river, 20 miles from the rapids of the Ohio. This spring is the first that was worked in the country. The first efforts in this business were also imperfect, which, however proceeded more from poverty than ignorance. The great principle by which the saline particles are chrysalized, is universally known to be by the evaporation of the humid; and the greater the superficial surface of that evaporation, the more rapidly the chrysalids will form. But the first settlers could not procure salt pans, and were obliged to use as a substitute the pots and kettles which they had brought out for domestic purposes.
Such was the commencement of making salt in this country; which, from its scarcity and high price, in some measure discouraged the settlement of the country. However, the great improvements since that era have done away all those fears, and salt is now manufactured in plenty, and sold tolerably cheap.
The water is by no means so strong as sea water. It requires nearly four hundred gallons to make one bushel of salt, which is more by one half than would be wanted of sea water to produce that quantity.
The water is not collected immediately from the spring. An area of from five to ten acres round those springs is found to be impregnated with this mineral, so that by digging wells in any part of that space salt water is discovered. From this circumstance I am of opinion, that by digging pits a body of earth would be found strongly impregnated with salt, from which the saline particles might be more easily separated than from water; and it is certain, that if the water receives its particles of salt, from the earth which it passes through, such earth must contain a large proportion of salt, otherwise the strength of the water would not be so considerable. However, it will require some time to determine this matter, as the infancy of our country will not permit us to speculate too largely in experiments which would be attended with heavy expences, were they not to prove successful.
Salt springs have been found in every part of the western country which has been well explored, and I have no doubt that time will prove that every part of it is well supplied with them. The manner by which they are mostly found in uninhabited places is, by the large buffalo roads which lead to them. Whenever the ramification of those roads begins to con-centre, it is almost an infallible sign that a salt lick is near. Those animals resorting to them throughout the temperate part of the year for the benefit of the salt, make large roads, which leading from the lick, branch different ways into the country.
We have various other minerals, such as iron (which is the most useful) copper, lead, sulphur, nitre, &c. &c. Iron ore is found in great plenty upon the northern branches of Licking creek, and likewise upon the waters of the Great Kanawha. There is another between the Cumberland
and Tennessee rivers which is said to be very valuable, and its ore is more pure than any other which has been discovered in America. But the lead mine on the Mississippi must prove inexhaustible. It extends from the mouth of Rock river more than 100 miles upwards. Besides these there are several others, some of which lie on the Spanish side of the Mississippi, and have been used for years past; copper mines have been discovered in several places, but the mine on the Wabash is, perhaps, the richest vein of native copper in the bowels of the whole earth; and no doubt will render all the others of little or no value. Sulphur is found in several places in abundance; and nitre is made from earth which is collected from caves and other places to which the wet has not penetrated. The making this salt, in this country, is so common, that many of the settlers manufacture their own gunpowder. This earth is discovered in greater plenty on the waters of Green river than it is in any other part of Kentucky; but perhaps still farther southward it will be found in greater plenty. However, it is so common in every part of the country that it might be made a considerable article of exportation. I have heard of the black lead mines upon the head waters of the Kentucky, but I have not been able to procure any certain information respecting them. But I should conceive that there can be little doubt that, when the country, and particularly the mountainous parts of it, are well explored, all the useful minerals will be found in abundance.
I have already mentioned the coal mines in the upper parts of the Ohio country; besides which there are great quantities of coal upon the upper branches of the Mississippi. It is particularly favorable that this mineral lies at the heads of our larger rivers, as it can be sent down with the greatest facility; and it is very certain that the great body of it which the Ohio country alone contains, is equal to answer all the purposes for which it may be wanted throughout this extensive empire.
Though the champaign part of this country has no stone on its surface, yet every where limestone is found from six to fifteen feet below it. Most of the bottoms of our rivulets and streams are paved with this stone. It is very easily calcined, when it becomes excellent lime. It is also convenient for building, by reason of its peculiar smoothness, and the ease with which it may be worked into any form. Besides this stone, which is the most common, every other kind of stone is found which is either useful or ornamental, such as flint, grindstone, and millstones of a very good quality, which have been reckoned equal to French burrs. There is the greatest plenty of marble upon the banks of the Kentucky, particularly at Leesburg. I have not seen any which has been polished; but judges in that business give us the most flattering ideas of its quality.
Clay is very common in every part of this country which is proper for bricks; and there is a superior kind on the Beech fork of Salt river, which no doubt might be manufactured into good porcelain. Carver has mentioned a clay of this sort which he saw above St. Anthony's falls. Marle, chalk, gypsum, and ochres, are found in various parts.
Mr Jefferson has described the medicinal, inflammable, bituminous, and other springs, very accurately; and as there have been no discoveries or light thrown upon the subject since he wrote, I shall refer you to his book for a particular account of them. Indeed, his account of the natural history of this country is generally to be depended upon, so that it is scarcely possible to make any improvement upon it, until farther discoveries shall have arisen: I therefore confine myself to such objects as he has not taken notice of, and to such as have presented themselves since he wrote, occasionally making some observations and animadversions upon his opinions and information.
I have observed that the climate of this country is various. But, as climate is frequently different in the same parallels of latitude, I will endeavour to give you some idea of the difference between the climate on the upper parts of the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, of Kentucky and Virginia, and of Cumberland and North-Carolina, which lie in nearly the same parallels one with another.
It is well known that the climate upon
the Atlantic coast of America is in the extreme of heat and cold, and that it is more variable than when it was first settled by Europeans; but the winters are milder. The extremes proceed no doubt from the immense continent, which lies to the northwest, and which is intersected with fresh water lakes. The rarified air of the torrid zone rushing in currents through the upper regions to the Arctic circle, leaves a vacancy for the cold air, which, in supplying its place, causes those frequent chills or variations in the spring and autumn, and alternate frost, rain, and mild weather in winter which are so common in the middle parts of that country. The cold is more steady to the north of Hudson's river; but the power of the sun to the south of 41, by counteracting the influence of the northern winds, occasions those sudden changes from heat to cold. Opening the country has greatly tended already to lessen the cold, by consequence of the greater power of the sun upon the earth; and a general cultivation, by producing a warmer atmosphere, through which the north wind passes, must tend to moderate the climate generally on the Atlantic sea.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
   NOVEMBER, 1792.   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather.     Tuesday, 13. 7 29. 9 35 W. Fair.   2 29. 82 50 S.W. do   Wednesday, 14. 7 29. 8 40 N.W. Fair.   2 29. 87 53 N.W. do   Thursday, 15. 7 30. 1 36 W. Fair.   2 30. 05 53 S.W. do   Friday, 16. 7 29. 76 48 W.S.W. Cloudy   2 29. 8 57 S.W. Fair.   Saturday, 17. 7 30. 04 39 N.W. Fair.   2 30. 0 55 N.W. do   Sunday, 18. 7 29. 9 46 S.S.W. Cloudy   2 29. 8 60 W.S.W. do   Monday, 19. 7 29. 76 55 calm. Cloudy   2 29. 9 61 N.E. Rain.  
KID, and Co.
PERFUMERS, &c.
Have just imported in the PIGOU, and other late arrivals from Europe, and now open for Sale, at their store, No. 222, in Market above Sixth-street,
A general assortment of the following G O O D S, viz.
 LADIES' and Gentlemen's japanned dressing cases complete, of all sorts  Gentlemen's shaving cases, powder bags, boxes and powder puffs of all sorts  Tortoiseshell, ivory, and horn combs, of all kinds  Tooth brushes, dragon roots and tooth powder  All kinds of the best cloaths brushes  Ladies' tortoiseshell sliders for the hair  Best Windsor soap, all kinds of wash balls  Powder masks and court plaster  Silk purses and gloves tops  All kinds of razors, warranted  Pocket, pen, and sporting knives  Scissors of all kinds  Pinching, curling and spring irons  A general assortment of pocket-books, ladies' thread-cases and etwes  Best English, Cheshire, and Gloucester cheeses  Wax, wax candles, and sealing-wax  Message cards of all kinds  All kinds of hair powder  English, French, and other pomatums  Lambouret, Cassini and muslinet waistcoat patterns. 
An elegant assortment of Ready made Millinery,
Consisting of full dress, Caps, Hats, and Bonnets.
 Fine chip hats  Black and coloured beaver hats, best quality  An assortment of the most fashionable ribbons  And beads for trimmings and other ornaments. 
Have likewise received a fresh supply of MILK of ROSES.
They beg leave to inform the ladies, that they continue to make all kinds of ornamental false hair upon an entire new method, and of so light and easy a construction, that they look better than when a lady is dressed by the most expert hair dresser.
 An assortment of elegant cut Steel Watch Chains, Seals, Watch Keys, &c. with a variety of their goods, too tedious to enumerate.  November 10. 4w. 2awf. 
Manufactured and for Sale,
At No. 11, North Sixth-street, Fashionable Round Top and Flat BUTTONS,
Warranted superior to any imported of equal price.
Country Store-keepers supplied either in small or large quantities, By
S. POST & Co. N.B. Conkhel Buttons, Buckles, &c. Oct. 17. 2awtf
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo either full or half bound--N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar,
G E O G R A P H Y.
Mathew Carey.
Respectfully submitted to the Citizens of the United States, the following PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An AMERICAN EDITION of Guthrie's Geography IMPROVED.
 I. IT shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.  II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.  III. Beside the maps in the British editions, this work will contain maps of as many of the United States as can be readily procured, executed by the best engravers in the United States.  IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery. (No advance required.)  V. The work will be put to press as soon as 700 copies are subscribed for.  VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.  VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking. 
Perhaps there is no science more entertaining and useful than geography. It reveals the discoveries of travellers--the remarkable curiosities of all countries, in nature and art--the situation of provinces, cities, towns, villages, rivers, and mountains--in fine, the history, manners, customs, laws, forces, revenues, and government of different nations.
It is an old observation, that "there is not a son or daughter of Adam, but has some concern with geography," and that a knowledge of this science is indispensable towards the study of history with advantage or satisfaction. Indeed a man unacquainted with it, cannot discourse on the most common newspaper topic of the day without betraying his ignorance.
So much for geography generally. With respect to the present plan, let it suffice to remark, that Guthrie's Geography has been long acknowledged to be the best in the English language; however, the account of America in it has, from obvious reasons, been very erroneous and defective. The errors of former editions will be corrected, and the defects supplied, by gentlemen of abilities, who have engaged to superintend this undertaking, and to avail themselves of all the information that can be procured, to render it the most complete edition extant.
The Printer earnestly solicits the support of his fellow citizens throughout the United States: and as no deposit is required, and every subscriber will be at liberty to withdraw his name, if, on trial, he should disapprove of the work, he hopes the friends of science, and of American arts and manufactures will cheerfully and early patronize this useful work, the greatest and most expensive, probably, ever yet attempted in America, in the typographical line, the Encyclopaedia excepted.
Phila. Nov. 9th. 1792. 1awtf
CHARLES BITTERS,
No. 120, South Market, near Fourth Street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured by Lot Merkel,
 A large and general assortment of Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings,  Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices. 
Nov. 24. 2awtf
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, Nov 20th. 1792. THE stockholders of the bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the bye-laws the stockholders of the said bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Thursday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors.. JOHN KEAN, Cashier. t. J. 5.
W A N T E D,
A Journeyman Book-binder, To go to Carlisle.--
A PERSON who is capable of performing the Binding and Lettering, will receive good wages. The particulars to be ascertained by LEWIS WEISS, Esquire, Arch-street, 159, Philadelphia. Nov. 13. 4t, raw
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAIN
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.