The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-01-25 00:00:00

the violence of party spirit be both of them away, the President, in officer high in honor, high in the public confidence, charged with weighty concerns, responsible to his own regulation, and to the world, stands ready to arrest their too impetuous course. This is our system. It makes no mad appeal to every mob in the country. It appeals to the sober sense of men selected from their fellow-citizens for their talents, for their virtue—of men in advanced life, and of matured judgment. It appeals to their understanding, to their integrity, to their honor, to their love of fame, to their sense of shame. If all these checks should prove insufficient, and alas! such is the condition of human nature, that I fear they will not always be sufficient—the constitution has given us one more. It has given us an independent judiciary. We have been told, that the executive authority carries your laws into execution. But let us not be the dupes of sound. The executive magistrate commands indeed your fleets and armies; and duties, imposts, excises, and all other taxes, are collected, and all expenditures are made by officers whom he has appointed. So far indeed he executes your laws. But these his acts apply not often to individual concerns. In those cases so important to the peace and happiness of society, the execution of your laws is confided to your judges. And therefore are they rendered independent. Before then that you violate that independence—Pauline—there are state sovereignties, as well as the sovereignty of the general government. These are cases—too many cases—in which the interest of one is not considered as the interest of the other. Should these conflicts in the judiciary be gone, the question is no longer of law but of force. This is a state of things which no honest and wise man can view without horror.
Suppose, in the omnipotence of your legislative authority, you trench upon the rights of your fellow-citizens, by passing an unconstitutional law: If the Judiciary Department preserve its vigor it will stop you short. Instead of a resort to arms there will be a happier appeal to argument. Suppose a case still more impressive. The President is at the head of your armies. Let one of his generals, flushed with victory, and proud in command, presume to trample on the rights of your most insignificant citizen. Indignant of the wrong, he will demand the protection of your tribunals, and late in the shadow of their wings will laugh his oppressor to scorn.
Having now, I believe, examined all the arguments adduced to the expediency of this motion, and which fairly stated reduce themselves at last to these two things. Restore the antient system, and save the additional expence: Beside, I close, what I have to say on this ground, I hope I shall be pardoned for saying one or two words about the expence. I hope also that notwithstanding the epithets which may be applied to my arithmetic, I shall be pardoned for using that which I learnt at school. It may have deceived me when it taught me that two and two make four. But though it should now be branded with opprobrious terms, I must still believe that two and two do still make four.—Gentlemen of newer theories, and of higher attainments, while they smile at my inferiority must bear with my infirmities, and take me as I am.
In all this great system of saving; in all this ostentatious economy, this rage of reform, how happens it that the eagle eye has not yet been turned to the Mint? That no one piercing glance has been able to behold the expenditures of that Department? I am far from wishing to overturn it. Though it be not of great necessity, nor even of substantial importance, though it be but a splendid trappings of your government; yet as it may by impressing on your current coin the emblems of your sovereignty, have some tendency to encourage a national spirit and to foster the national pride; I am willing to contribute my share to its support. Yes, Sir, I would foster the national pride. I cannot indeed approve of national vanity, nor feed it with vile adulation. But I would gladly cherish the lofty sentiment of national pride. I would wish my countrymen to feel like Romans, to be as proud as Englishmen, and going still farther, I would wish them to veil their pride in the well-bred modesty of French politeness. But can this establishment, the mere decoration of your political edifice, can it be compared with the massy columns on which rest your peace and safety? Shall the striking of a few half-pence be put into a parallel with the distribution of justice? I find, Sir, from the estimates on your table, that the salaries of the officers of your mint amount to 10,500 dollars, and that the expences are estimated at 10,900; making 21,500 dollars.
And if the actual expenditure of the last year, exclusive of salaries amounted to Dolls. 25,154 44 Add the salaries, 10,600 We have a total of, 35,754 44
A sum which exceeds the salary of these sixteen judges.
I find further, that during the last
year they have coined cents and half cents to the amount of 10,473 dollar and 29 cents. Thus their copper coinage falls a little short of what it costs us for their salaries. We have however from this establishment about a million cents, one to each family in America. A little emblematic medal, so to hang over their chimney pieces; and this is all their compensation for all that expence. Yet not a word has been said about the mint, while the Judges whose services are much greater, and of so much more importance to the community, are to be struck off at a blow, in order to save an expence which, compared with the object, is pitiful. What conclusion then are we to draw from this predilection?
I will not pretend to assign to gentlemen, the motives by which they may be influenced; but if I should permit myself to make the enquiry, the style of so many observations, and more especially the manner, the warmth, the irritability, which have been exhibited on this occasion, would lead to a solution of the problem. I had the honor, Sir, when I addressed you the other day to observe, that I believed the universe could not afford a spectacle more sublime than the view of a powerful state kneeling at the altar of justice, and sacrificing there her passion and her pride. That I once fostered the hope of beholding that spectacle of magnanimity in America. And now what a world of figures has the gentleman from Virginia formed on his apprehension of that remark. I never expressed any thing like exultation at the idea of a State ignominiously dragged in triumph at the heels of your judges. But permit me to say, the gentleman's exquisite sensibility on that subject, his alarm and apprehension, all shew his strong attachment to state authority. Far be it from me, however, to charge the gentleman with improper motives. I know that his emotions arise from one of those imperfections on our nature, which we cannot remedy. They are excited by causes which have naturally made him hostile to this constitution, though his duty compels him reluctantly to support it. I hope, however, that those gentlemen, who entertain different sentiments, and who are less irritable on the score of state dignity, will think it essential to preserve a constitution, without which the independent existence of the States themselves will be but of short duration.
This, Sir, leads me to the second object I had proposed. I shall therefore pray your indulgence, while I consider how far this measure is constitutional. I have not been able to discover the expediency, but will now for argument sake admit it; and here, I cannot but express my deep regret for the situation of an honorable member from North-Carolina. Tied fast as he is, by his functions, arguments, however forcible, can never be effectual. I ought, therefore, to wish for his sake, that his mind may not be convinced by any thing I shall say; for hard indeed would be his condition, to be bound by the contrariant obligations of an order and an oath. I cannot, however, but express my profound respect for the talents of those who gave him his instructions, and who sitting at a distance, without hearing the arguments, could better understand the subject than the senator on this floor after full discussion.
The honorable member from Virginia has repeated the distinction, before taken, between the supreme and the inferior tribunals; he has insisted on the distinction between the words shall and may ; has inferred from that distinction, that the judges of the inferior courts are subjects of legislative discretion, and has contended that the word may includes all power respecting the subject to which it is applied, consequently to raise up and to put down, to create and to destroy. I must entreat your patience, Sir, while I go more into this subject than I ever supposed would be necessary. By the article, so often quoted, it is declared "that the judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme court and in such inferior courts, as the congress may from time to time establish." I beg leave to recal your attention to what I have already said of these inferior courts. That the original jurisdiction of various subjects being given exclusively to them, it became the bounden duty of congress, to establish such courts. I will not repeat the argument already used on that subject. But I will ask those, who urge the distinction between the supreme court and the inferior tribunals, whether a law was not previously necessary before the supreme court could be organized. They reply that the constitution lays, there shall be a supreme court, and therefore the congress are commanded to organize it, while the rest is left to their discretion. This, Sir, is not the fact. The constitution says, the judicial power shall be vested in one supreme court, and in inferior courts. The legislature can therefore only organize one supreme court, but they may establish as many inferior courts as they shall think proper. The designation made of them by the constitution is, such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish. But why, say gentlemen, fix precisely one supreme court, and leave the
rest to legislative discretion? The answer is simple. It result from the nature of things, from the exigent and probable state of our country. There was no difficulty in deciding, that one and only one supreme court should be proper or necessary, to which should lie appeals from inferior tribunals. Not so as to these. The United States were advancing in rapid progression. Their population of three millions was soon to become five, then ten, afterwards twenty millions. This was well known as far as the future can become an object of human comprehension. In this encrease of numbers, with a still greater encrease of wealth, with the extension of our commerce & the progress of the arts, it was evident that although a great many tribunals would become necessary, it was impossible to determine either on the precise number or the most convenient form. The convention did not pretend to this prescience; but, had they possessed it, would it have been proper to have established then all the tribunals necessary for all future times? Would it have been wise to have planted courts among the Chickasaws, the Choctaws, the Cherokees, the Tultecoras, and God knows how many more, because at some future day the regions over which they roamed might be cultivated by policed men? Was it not proper, wise, necessary to leave in the discretion of congress, the number and the kind of courts which they might find it proper to establish for the purpose designated by the constitution. This simple statement of facts; facts of public notoriety, is alone a sufficient comment on and explication of the word on which gentlemen have so much relied. The convention in framing, the people in adopting this compact, lay the judicial power shall extend to many cases, the original cognizance whereof shall be by the inferior courts; but it is neither necessary, nor even possible, now to determine their number or their form; that essential power therefore, shall vest in such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time, in the progression of time and according to the indication of circumstances, establish. Not provide, ordain, or determine , but establish . Not a mere temporary provision, but an establishment . If after this it had said in general terms, that judges should hold their offices during good behaviour, could a doubt have existed on the interpretation of this act, under all its attending circumstances, that the judges of the inferior courts were intended, as well as those of the supreme court? But did the framers of the constitution stop there? Is there then nothing more? Did they risque on these grammatical niceties the fate of America? Did they rest here the most important branch of our government? Little important, indeed, as to foreign danger; but infinitely valuable to our domestic peace and to personal protection against the oppression of our rulers. No. Lest a doubt should be raised, they have carefully connected the judges of both courts in the same sentence; they have said "the judges both of the supreme and inferior courts ," thus coupling them inseparably together. You may cut the bands, but you can never untie them. With salutary caution they devised this clause, to arrest the overbearing temper which they knew belonged to legislative bodies. They do not say the judges simply, but the judges of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour. They say therefore to the legislature, you may judge of the propriety, the utility, the necessity of organizing these courts; but when established , you have done your duty. Anticipating the course of passion in future times, they say to the legislature, you shall not disgrace yourselves by exhibiting the indecent spectacle of judges established by one legislature removed by another. We will save you also from yourselves. We say these judges shall hold their offices; and surely, Sir, to pretend that they can hold their office after the office is destroyed, is contemptible.
The framers of this constitution had seen much, read much, and deeply reflected. They knew by experience the violence of popular bodies, and let it be remembered that since that day many of the states, taught by experience, have found it necessary to change their forms of government to avoid the effects of that violence. The convention contemplated the very act you now attempt. They knew also the jealousy and the power of the states; and they established for your and for their protection, this most important department. I beg gentleman to hear & to remember what I say. It is this department alone, and it is the independence alone of this department, which can save you from civil war. Yes, Sir, adopt the language of gentlemen, say with them, by the act to which you are urged, "if we cannot remove the judges we can destroy them." Establish thus the dependence of the judiciary department. Who will resort to them for protection against you? Who will confide in, who will be bound by their decrees? Are we then to resort to the ultimate reason of Kings! Are our arguments to fly from the mouths of our cannon?
We are told that we may violate our constitution, because similar constitutions have been violated elsewhere. Two states have been cited to that effect, Maryland
and Virginia. The hon. gentleman from Virginia tells us that when this happened in the state he belongs to, no complaint was made by the judges. I will not enquire into that fact, although I have the protest of the judges now lying before me. Judges eminent for their talents, renowned for their learning, respectable for their virtue. I will not enquire what constitutions have been violated. I will not ask either when or where this dangerous practice began, or has been followed. I will admit the fact. What does it prove? Does it prove that because they have violated, we also may violate? Does it not prove directly the contrary? Is it not the strongest reason on earth for preserving the independence of our tribunals? If it be true that they have with strong hand seized their courts, and bent them to their will, ought we not to give them a fair chance for justice in our courts, or must the suffering citizen be deprived of all protection?
The gentleman from Virginia has called our attention to certain cases which he considers as forming necessary exceptions to the principles for which we contend. Permit me to say that necessity is a bad law; and frequently proves too much; and let the gentleman recollect that arguments which prove too much prove nothing.
He has instanced a case where it may be proper to appoint commissioners for a limited time to settle some particular description of controversies. Undoubtedly it is always in the power of Congress to form a board of commissioners for particular purposes. He asks are these inferior courts, and must they also exist forever? I answer that the nature of their offices must depend on the law by which they are created; if called to exercise the judicial functions designated by the constitution they must have an existence conformable to its injunctions.
Again he has instanced the Mississippi Territory, claimed by, and which may be surrendered to the state of Georgia, and a part of the union which may be conquered by a foreign enemy. And he asks triumphantly are our inferior courts to remain after our jurisdiction is gone? This case rests upon a principle so simple that I am surprised the hon. member did not perceive the answer in the very moment when he made the objection. Is it by our act that a country is taken from us by a foreign enemy? Is it by our consent that our jurisdiction is lost? I had the honor, in speaking the other day, expressly and for the most obvious reasons, to except the case of conquest. As well might we contend for the government of a town swallowed up by an earthquake.
General Mason explained—He had supposed the case of territory conquered and afterwards ceded to the conqueror, or some other territory ceded in lieu of it.
Mr. Morris.—The case is precisely the same. Until after the peace the conquest is not complete. Every body knows that until the cession by treaty, the original owner has the potestary right to a territory taken from him.—Beyond all question where Congress are compelled to cede the territory, the judges can no longer exist unless the new sovereign confers the office. Over such a territory the authority of the constitution ceases, and of course the rights which it confers.
It is said, the judicial institution is intended for the benefit of the people, and not of the judge; and it is complained of, that in speaking of the office, we say it is his office. Undoubtedly the institution is for the benefit of the people. But the question remains how will it be rendered most beneficial? Is it by making the judge independent, by making it his office, or is it by placing him in a state of abject dependence, so that the office shall be his to-day and belong to another to-morrow? Let the gentleman hear the words of the constitution; it speaks of their offices, consequently as applied to a single judge of his office, to be exercised by him for the benefit of the people of America, to which exercise his independence is as necessary as his office.
The gentleman from Virginia has on this occasion likened the judge to a bridge, and to various other objects; but I hope for his pardon, if while I admire the lofty flights of his eloquence, I abstain from noticing observations which I conceive to be utterly irrelevant.
The same hon. member has not only given us his history of the supreme court, but has told us of the manner in which they do business, and expressed his fears that having little else to do, they will do mischief.—We are not competent, Sir, to examine, nor ought we to prejudge, their conduct. I am persuaded that they will do their duty, and presume they will have the decency to believe that we do our duty. In so far as they may be busied with the great mischief of checking the legislative or executive departments in any wanton invasion of our rights, I shall rejoice in that mischief.—I hope indeed they will not be so busied, because I hope we shall give them no cause. But also I hope they will keep an eagle eye upon us lest we should. It was partly for this purpose they were established, and I trust that when properly called on, they will dare to act. I know this doctrine is unpleasant. I know it is more popular to appeal to public opinion, that equivocal, transient being, which exists no where and every where. But if ever the occa-
sion calls for it, I trust that the supreme court will not neglect doing the great mischief of saving this constitution, which can be done much better by their deliberations, than by resorting to what are called revolutionary measures.
The hon. member from North-Carolina, fore-past by the delicate situation in which he is placed, thinks he has discovered a new argument in favor of the vote which he is instructed to give. As far as I can enter into his ideas, and trace their progress, he seems to have adumbrated the position which was to be proved, and then searched through the constitution, not to discover whether the legislature have the right contended for, but whether, admitting them to possess it, there may not be something which might comport with that idea. I shall state the honorable member's argument, as I understand it, and if mistaken pray to be corrected. He read to us that clause which relates to impeachment, and comparing it with that which fixes the tenure of judicial office, has observed that this clause must relate solely to a removal by the executive power whose right to remove though not indeed any where mentioned in the constitution, has been admitted in a practice founded on legislative construction.
That as the tenure of the office is during good behaviour , and as the clause relating impeachment, does not specify misbehaviour , there is evidently a cause of removal, which cannot be reached by impeachment, and of course (the executive not being permitted to remove) the right must necessarily devolve on the legislature. Is this the honorable member's argument? If it be, the reply is very simple. Misbehaviour is not a term known in our law. The idea is expressed by the word misdemeanor ; which word is in the clause quoted respecting impeachments. Taking therefore the two together, and speaking plain old English, the constitution says: "The judges shall hold their offices so long as they shall demean themselves well , but if they shall misdemean , if they shall on impeachment be convicted of misdemeanor , they shall be removed. Thus, Sir, the honorable member will find that the one clause is just as broad as the other. He will see, therefore, that the legislature can assume no right from the deficiency of either, and will find that this clause which he relied on goes, if rightly understood, to the confirmation of our doctrine.
Is there a member of this house, who can lay his hand on his heart and say that confidently with the plain words of our constitution, we have a right to repeal this law? I believe not. And if we undertake to continue this constitution to our purposes, and say that public opinion is to be our judge, there is an end to all constitutions. To what will not this dangerous doctrine lead? Should it to day be the popular will to destroy the first magistrate, you can destroy him. And should he to-morrow be able to conciliate to him the popular will, and lead them to wish for your destruction, it is easily effected. Adopt this principle, and the whim of the moment will not only be the law, but the constitution of our country.
The gentleman from Virginia has mentioned a great nation brought to the feet of one of her servants. But why is he in that situation? Is it not because popular opinion was called on to decide every thing, until those, who wore bayonets, decided for all the rest. Our situation is peculiar. At present our national compact can prevent a state from acting hostily towards the general interests. But let this compact be destroyed and each state becomes instantaneously vested with absolute sovereignty.—Is there no instance of a similar situation to be found in history? Look at the states of Greece. They were once in a condition not unlike to that in which we should then stand. They treated the recommendations of their Amphictyonic Council (which was more a meeting of ambassadors than a legislative assembly) as we did the resolutions of the old congress. Are we wise? So were they.—Are we valiant? They also were brave. Have we one common language, and are we united under one head? In this also there is a strong resemblance. But by their divisions, they became at first victims of the ambition of Philip, and were at length swallowed up in the Roman empire. Are we to form an exception to the general principles of human nature, and to all the examples of history? And are the maxims of experience to become false, when applied to our fate?
Some, indeed, flatter themselves, that our destiny will be like that of Rome. Such indeed it might be if we had the same wife, but vile, aristocracy under whose guidance they became the masters of the world. But we have not that strong aristocratic arm, which can seize a wretched citizen, scourged almost to death by a remorseless creditor, turn him into the ranks, and bid him as a soldier bear our Eagle in triumph round the globe. I hope to God we shall never have such an abominable institution. But what, I ask, will be the situation of these States (organized as they now are) if by the dissolution of our national compact they be left to themselves? What is the probable result? We shall either be the victims of foreign intrigue, and

split into factions, fall under the domination of a foreign power, or else after the misery and torment of civil war, become the subjects of an usurping military despot. What but this compact! What but this specific part of it, can save us from ruin? The judicial power; that fortress of the constitution, is now to be overturned. Yes, with honest Ajax I would not only throw a shield before it, I would build around it a wall of brass. But I am too weak to defend the rampart against the host of affidavits. I must call to my assistance their good sense, their patriotism, and their virtue. Do not gentlemen, suffer the rage of passion to drive reason from her seat. If this law be indeed bad, let us join to remedy the defects. Has it been passed in a manner which wounded your pride, or roused your resentment? Have, I conjure you, the magnanimity to pardon that offence. I entreat, I implore you, to sacrifice those angry passions to the interests of our country. Pour out this pride of opinion on the altar of patriotism. Let it be an expiatory libation for the woe of America. Do not, for God's sake, do not suffer that pride to plunge us all into the abyss of ruin. Indeed, indeed, it will be but of little avail, whether one opinion or the other be right or wrong—it will bear no wounds, it will pay no debts, it will rebuild no ravaged towns—Do not rely on that popular will, which has brought us frail beings into political existence? That opinion is but a changeable thing. It will soon change. This very measure will change it. You will be deceived. Do not I believe you, in reliance on a foundation so frail, commit the dignity, the harmony, the existence of our nation to the wild wind. Trust not your treasure to the waves. Throw not your compass and your charts into the ocean. Do not believe that its billows will waft you into port. Indeed, indeed you will be deceived. Oh, cast not away this only anchor of our safety. I have seen its progress. I know the difficulties through which it was obtained. I stand in the presence of Almighty God, and of the world. I declare to you, that if you lose this charter, never I believe you will get another. We are now perhaps arrived at the parting point. Here, even here, we stand on the brink of fate. Pause—Pause—For heaven's sake pause!
[Mr. Breckenridge's Speech in our next.]
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC SALE, At the Union Tavern in George-Town, at 5 o'clock in the evening on the fourth Thursday, viz. 23th of January next, THE brick house formerly occupied as a Tavern by Mr. Semmes, on a credit of six, nine, and twelve months. Negotiable notes, with approved endorsements, payable at the bank of Columbia or Alexandria, to be given at the time of sale. An unquestionable title will be made, and the papers laid before the purchasers. Any person desirous of purchasing this very desirable and valuable property at private sale in the mean time, may know the terms by applying to either of the subscribers. PHILIP B. KEY, WILLIAM THORNTON. Dec. 23, 1801. eptf
In a few days Will be Published And for sale at Mr. Duane's Book Store, a pamphlet, entitled "Reflections on Government, Philosophy, and Education," CONTAINING also some remarks on female education, preparatory to a series of essays explanatory of the course of instruction adopted in the Stevensburg Academy. By JAMES OGILVIE, Instructor of youth in the Stevensburg Academy. Jan. 13, 1801. eptf
Mrs. PICK, Takes the liberty to inform the ladies of George-Town and City of Washington, and its vicinity, that she has this day opened at Mr. Kirtz's, opposite the Union Tavern, an elegant assortment of MILLINERY, consisting of, Velvet bonnets, caps, shawls, embroidery, dresses, handkerchiefs, artificial flowers, plumes, trimmings both gold and silver, bangle spangles, locks, muffs, belts and tassels, straw bonnets, calimere shawls and bonnets, gold and silver thread, wigs and frizes, perfume of all kinds, &c. &c. and other articles too numerous to mention; which she will sell on moderate terms. Dec. 23. eptf
Mrs. Smith & Mrs. Wiley, RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the public, that they have removed their boarding School to the three story brick house, nearly opposite to the bank, where they are prepared to take boarders and day scholars.—Every attention will be paid to the manners, morals and improvement of their pupils.—Approved masters attend the school to instruct the young ladies in those branches which Mrs. Smith and Mr. Wiley do not teach. Geo. Town, Jan. 23. 1aw3g
The Subscriber RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from George-Town to the Mountain Inn, near Rhode's City Tavern. Where he is furnished with a good boiler, carriage horse, and it being for eighteen horses, and every thing in his line to render the accommodation of travellers agreeable.—The strictest attention will be paid by CHARLES ROGERS. N. B. Ten or fifteen gentlemen can get board and lodging on moderate terms. Dec. 23. eptf
WASHINGTON CITY. MONDAY, JANUARY 23, 1802.
It will be seen in Mr. Tracy's speech on the proposed repeal of the judiciary law, as published in our paper of Monday last, that he alleges the following errors in the statement of the suits decided and depending in the circuit courts referred to in the President's message.
"Let us look at this 'exact' statement. In the recapitulation, 19th page of document 8, there appears to have been instituted 8276 suits, and pending when this court went into operation, 1539. But on further inspection, it will be found that Maryland is entirely omitted, this omission is unaccountable, since the means of knowledge were so near at hand. 119 causes undecided in Tennessee: 134 in North-Carolina, and 331 in Virginia, are omitted; making in the whole an error of 5 or 600 causes. In addition to this the number of suits in New-York are not stated correctly by the statement of the attorney when he made the return, and not one is carried out as pending in the recapitulation; and the return of Massachusetts is incorrect on its face; so that nothing more than conjecture can be derived from this 'exact' statement. The President is usually more correct, and how this peremptory language in the message, comports with the documents, every man can see for himself. I am not disposed to attribute it to a personal error to any man, much less to the executive; but in point of use the statement amounts to nothing, we may just as well imagine without it as with it, how many suits were pending, at the institution of the new courts."
On a recurrence to the statement in question, we are able to find but one of these charges which is not explained and refuted by the document itself; the exception is of that which relates to Massachusetts; and here the substance of the error consists (as we have been informed upon enquiry) in the causes decided being stated at 283 instead of 282, and the aggregate of all the causes at 320 instead of 323. The variation being thus minute requires no farther notice; evidently as the principal purpose for which the document has been used is unaffected by it, inasmuch as the number of causes which were depending [viz. 41] is correctly stated.
Maryland is indeed not carried out in the recapitulation for a reason which is stated in the document, viz. A part of the return having been mislaid; but it is added that the clerk was requested to supply the defect. This omission is therefore not unaccountable, but actually accounted for.
The next suggestion is that 119 undecided causes in Tennessee are omitted.—This number of causes it will be seen had been left undecided in the district court (which has been abolished) and were by law to have been adjourned to the circuit court for E. Tennessee. But the document states that court not to have been holden, and the probability of the causes having been by mistake adjourned to the circuit court for W. Tennessee instead of that for E. Tennessee. This probability amounts almost to a certainty when we consider that between the passing of the judiciary act on the 13th of February last; or rather the time of its being first known in W. Tennessee, and the meeting of the circuit court on the 20th of April following, so many as 77 original suits could not have been brought into the before organized court for W. Tennessee. Proceeding therefore upon this idea, the aggregate of causes stated for Tennessee is composed of all that were brought in the district court added to those which were brought in the circuit court for W. Tennessee; whilst those stated as depending are deducted only from the latter.
With respect to the omissions charged to have been made in reference to the courts for Virginia and North-Carolina, the imputation will be refuted by a bare reference to the very page of the document quoted by Mr. Tracy, whereby it will appear that what is stated to be omitted is actually and visibly contained in it.
As the charge against the correctness of the return for New-York is general, it cannot be repelled. Of the omission to carry out any undecided causes for this district, the reason is given in the document on the page referred to in the recapitulation, viz. Extract of a letter from the Attorney of the District of New-York to the Secretary of state, dated, 28th June, 1801. "As to the causes now pending, it is impossible to procure an official return that will perfectly ascertain their number; for many suits, especially those instituted for the recovery of debts, are settled on the return of the writ: But as this settlement does not appear on the minutes, we can only judge of the probability of their being still pending, from subsequent proceedings, at the ensuing term. Now as no private suits were entered at the last term, and no further steps have been taken in any of those instituted at a preceding term, it
may safely be concluded that there is no common law cause now depending in the Circuit Court of the United States for this District, except a few of the fifteen you will find entered at the last term, which are on revenue bonds, and usually prosecuted in the District court; particular circumstances having induced me in these instances to proceed in the Circuit Court."
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FRIDAY, Jan. 22, 1802. The committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill for repealing the act of the 13th February 1801, for new organizing the Judiciary of the United States. The act is a short one; and is confined to a repeal of the above act, and a restoration to the courts under the old system of the business by it confided to them. It was read the first time, and ordered to be printed.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.
FRIDAY, January 22, 1802. The committee of claims reported on the memorial of William Kity, that his compensation as chief judge of the court of Columbia, is in their opinion adequate, and recommend that he be permitted to withdraw his memorial. The House took up the report, and agreed to it.
A bill for the protection of American commerce and seamen in the Mediterranean and adjoining seas, was read a third time, and passed without a division. This bill authorises the President to equip the national vessels against Tripolitan corsairs—to seize and capture Tripolitan vessels—and to authorise their capture by private American vessels.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the bill for altering the act to lay and collect a direct tax. Motion to strike out 1st section, which takes away the right of redeeming within two years land sold for taxes. Agreed to strike out said section.
The committee then rose, and asked leave to sit again, which was refused; and then the bill was recommitted for amendment to the committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. RUTLEDGE moved that the committee of Ways and Means be instructed to enquire into the expediency of reducing the duties on brown sugar, coffee, and bohea tea. This motion produced a debate which occupied the remainder of the sitting, during which the previous question was moved.
Those who supported the reference were, Messrs. Rutledge, Dana, Griswold, Byard, Goddard, Dennis, and T. Morris.
Those who opposed it were, Messrs. S. Smith, Claiborne, Smilie, Southard, Giles, Elmer, Nicholson, and Davis.
In support of the motion, it was said that as the prosperous situation of the country justified a reduction of the taxes, it became important to select, as fit objects of reduction, those impositions which were the most unequal and oppressive; that of this nature were the duties on brown sugar, bohea tea, and coffee, which were exorbitantly high; that the duty on sugar amounted to 50 per ct. on its value; that on tea was as high; and that on coffee to 40 per cent.; that these duties fell with peculiar severity upon the poor; that they were specific duties, predicated on war prices, which would undoubtedly fall, and with the declension of which the duties should also fall; that a reduction of these duties would be the only means of preserving the proportion between them, and the duties laid ad valorem; that it was proper that these considerations should be submitted to the committee of Ways and Means; who, having thus the whole subject of revenue before them, would be enabled to determine the most proper articles on which a reduction of duties can be made, whether relative to the internal revenue, or our external trade.
Those who opposed the reference declined entering into a discussion of the merits of the motion, which they declared premature and useless. The House had already referred the whole business of revenue internal as well as external to the committee of Ways and Means; to prove which the following extract from the journal was read.
"Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be directed to report whether any and what alterations are necessary in the laws imposing duties on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the U. States."
"Resolved, That said resolution be referred to the committee of ways and means."
To make such a reference could only tend to embarrass the operations of the committee of ways and means. When the report of that committee was made, it would be seasonable to offer any proposition, whose merits would then be duly weighed. Such propositions as the present only tended to retard business. Its object was to defeat a repeal of the internal taxes, it ought to be resisted; as those taxes, from their oppressive operation, ought to be first removed. They
ought to be removed from their odious character; they were enormously expensive in the collection, and they were grounded on a system of espionage hateful to a free people; under them, instead of every man's house being his castle, it was thrown open to any revenue officer; and their effect was to swell executive patronage, by creating a host of officers who took their political tone from those on whom they were dependent, and diffused their sentiments throughout the nation.
On the previous question being taken, as follows: "Shall the main question be put?" It was carried in the negative—Yeas 45—Nays 49.
The new Dutch minister of finance is a man who must prove very agreeable to the swinish multitude, if the orthography of his name in some of the French papers be correct—"Mynheer Hogs-trough-ten."
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
The House of Delegates, on yesterday resolved, that it is not expedient at present, to adopt the Maryland resolutions for amending the Federal Constitution. And that the mode of choosing Representatives to Congress proposed by the states of Maryland and North Carolina, ought to be adopted, so far as it requires the elections to be by districts; but that it ought not to be binding on the states to retain one arrangement of districts for the space of ten years.
Norfolk, January 15.
Capt. Taylor, in the Eucharis, from Havre-de-Grace, informs, that the first division of the fleet destined for the Cape, sailed from Brest on the 2d of November; the second division was to sail from Havre-de-Grace on the 29th November, they amounted to forty sail, including ships of war and transports—the whole number of troops to be sent to St. Domingo was laid to be 50,000 men.
CHARLES VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Belt superfine cloths, Calimeres, Swansdown, Toylenets, Velveteens, Fancy Cords, Coatings, Flannels, &c. N.B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice—Washington City, New Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801. eptf
JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT-MAKER, (From Philadelphia) New-Jersey Avenue near the Capitol. JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS wanted—Also two apprentices. Dec. 7. eptf
To Rent, And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, North front of the President's House, CONTAINING TWO Parlours and four Bed-rooms, with a Garden, &c. It is convenient to the Public offices, and may be had furnished or unfurnished, with or without board, on reasonable terms, to an agreeable tenant. Enquire of the Printer, or on the premises. Also, Wanted Employment, For a YOUNG MAN, who would engage as an assistant in a store, having kept one of his own, of course accustomed to it. Would act as Steward and Superintend a plantation, or the like—would make himself useful in any situation.—Enquire of the Printer hereof November 25. 3tawtf
JOHN GOULDING, Broker and Commission Merchant, RESPECTFULLY offers his services to his friends, to the friends of his friends and to the public. He proposes to do business in this line, for the sale, purchase and transfer of real and personal property of every description; the barter and exchange of lots, houses, &c. for merchandise, and vice versa.
He has just received and for sale, madeira, port, Lisbon, claret and Malaga wine, shrub, brandy, gin, and cherry bounces, grapes, raisins, currants, figs, almonds, capers, olives, anchovies, citron, Coaks, &c. Philadelphia porter, loaf sugar, and slices of all sizes, particularly Ladies morocco, kid and spangled shoes. All which are for sale on reasonable terms, for cash, flour or tobacco; and again begs leave to solicit his friends, the friends of his friends and the public, to give him an opportunity, by partaking of their favors, to gratify them, in more respects than one. George-Town, next the } Post Office Dec. 18, 1801. } eptm
NOTICE.
THIS is to give notice, That the subscriber has obtained from the orphans' court of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of James Robinson, late of the county of Washington deceased, all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the first day of June next; they may otherwise be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 24th day of December in the year 1801. LEWIN TALBURTT, Administrator. December 28, 1801. eptf
[By Authority.]
RESOLUTION
Authorizing the Secretary of State to furnish the Members of both Houses with the laws of the Sixth Congress.
RESOLVED, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of State be directed to cause to be furnished to each Member of the two Houses of Congress a copy of the laws of the sixth Congress.
NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. AARON BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, Jan. 21, 1802. TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
Valuable property for Sale.
ON Tuesday the 23d of February next, will be offered to sale to the highest bidder, at Tunnicliff's Tavern at 4 o'clock in the evening, a two story BRICK HOUSE, with 2 rooms and a passage on each floor; situate on Lot No. 10, in square 723, in the City of Washington, on East Capitol street. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, by SAMUEL TYLER. Jan. 25, 1801. 1aw45
Washington City, District of Columbia. }
THE 3d day George Jacobs brought before me, a light bay MARE as a stray. She is about 14 hands high, blind of the near eye, black mane, tail, and legs, about 9 years old; and without any white except some saddle marks. Given under my hand and seal this 18th January 1802. WILLIAM THORNTON. Jan. 20, 1802. eptf
Charlotte Hall School, SCHOOL will open on the 8th day of January next. The trustees at their quarterly meeting, held on the 30th of November, having taken into consideration the great increase of the School, and thinking that the moral conduct, and improvement of the pupils might be best promoted by the residence of the principal in the family, have induced him to undertake this duty; therefore the Rev. GEORGE RALPH, with proper assistants, will receive boarders, at Charlotte Hall, on the terms heretofore established, by the trustees, viz. Board, lodging, and washing, 27 10 0 Or, by furnishing bedding, 25 per annum. The payments, as usual, will be expected to be made quarterly, and in advance. Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg. Cool Springs, Dec. 28, 1801. 2aw4w
FOR SALE.
A superb Carriole with plated Harness. ALSO a pair of young, handsome and fleet PONIES, and a capital saddle horse, who never was in harness. Enquire of the Printer. Dec. 18. eptf
For Sale, Or To Let, on Ground Rent for ever, FIFTY LOTS, SITUATE between the President's House and Capitol—The titles to which is indisputable. ISAAC POLOCK. Dec. 16. eptf
For 6000 dolls. 60 cts.
AT EASY PAYMENTS.
The subscriber offers for sale a Tract of land on Aquia Creek, in the county of Stafford, containing about 500 acres, two fifths of which is woodland, lying chiefly on the water. This tract possesses the following improvements and advantages—A two story Framed dwelling house and the usual out-houses; orchards of apples, peaches, pears, cherries &c. a falling garden neatly laid out, several springs of excellent water, and a well at the door. The dwelling house is situated on an eminence commanding a most delightful and extensive prospect of the Potomac (from whence it is distant about two miles) for thirty or forty miles; and of the Aquia from its confluence with that river to the head of tide water at Woodstock—a prospect perhaps equalled by few in the U. States. The tract abounds with valuable quantities of free stone of every quality. Some of them contiguous to deep water, and nearer the Potomac than any that are now in operation on said Creek. For one acre, containing a free stone quarry three miles further from the Potomac, the proprietor has refused 3000 guineas; and eleven acres adjoining the said acre, were sold for 6000 dollars. There are also two valuable matches, several fishing shores for rock, shad and herring, and plenty of wild fowl in season. It is believed by good judges, that the timber on the land, and fire wood, if cut ready for market, would command a greater sum than is asked for the whole premises. Wood may be conveyed to the City of Washington with a fair wind in two tides, the distance being not more than 40 or 45 miles. This land, supposing the timber to be entirely taken off, would in the course of seven or eight years start up thick with cedar, locust and pine. It would be a great acquisition to a grazier, the soil being admirably adapted to the culture of grass.—Apply to the subscriber near Aquia. V. PEYTON. Jan. 15, 1802. 1w2m
Lodgings,
EQUALLY decent and one third cheaper than any in the city, separate rooms and best attendance to be had at Greenleaf's Point, where Judge Symmes now lodges. Good stabling is also furnished, by SAWILL SPEAKE. Washington, Jan. 20, 1802. eptf

PROPOSALS,
For carrying the MAILS of the UNITED STATES on the following Post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office, in Washington City, until the 30th day of January next, inclusive.
 31. From Richmond by Hanover-town, Elliott and Dunkirk, to Pappahannock, once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 2 P M and arrive at Pappahannock on Thursday by 6 P M. Leave Pappahannock every Tuesday at 6 A M and arrive at Richmond on Wednesday by 10 A M.  32. From Richmond by Hopkinstown, Cuckoo, New Canton, Buckingham c. h. Bent Creek, Lynchburg, New London, and Liberty, to Pincastle, once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 2 P M, arrive at Pincastle on Thursday by 9 A M and arrive at Pincastle the next Saturday by 6 P M. Returning —Leave Pincastle every Saturday at 10 P M, arrive at Powhatan c. h. on Tuesday by 3 P M. Leave it at 4 P M and arrive at Richmond the next Wednesday by 10 A M.  33. From Liberty by Rockymount to Martinsville or Henry c. h. once a week. Leave Liberty every Monday at 6 A M and arrive at Martinsville on Tuesday at 11 A M. Returning —Leave Martinsville every Tuesday by 1 P M, and arrive at Liberty on Wednesday by 7 P M.  34. From Powhatan c. h. by Cumberland c. h. Farmville, Prince Edward c. h. Charlotte c. h. and Halifax c. h. once a week. Leave Powhatan c. h. every Thursday at 10 A M and arrive at Halifax c. h. the next Saturday by 4 P M. Returning —Leave Halifax c. h. every Saturday at 8 P M and arrive at Powhatan c. h. the next Tuesday by 3 P M.  35. From Halifax c. h. by Pittsylvania c. h. Henry c. h. Patrick c. h. and Germanton to Salem N. C. once in two weeks. Leave Halifax every other Monday at 6 A M and arrive at Salem the next Friday by 6 P M. Returning —Leave Salem every other Tuesday at 6 A M and arrive at Halifax c. h. the next Saturday by 6 P M.  36. From Harrisville by Hicksford to Halifax N. C. twice a week. Leave Harrisville every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 A M and arrive at Halifax by 6 P M. Returning —Leave Halifax Tuesday and Friday at 5 A M and arrive at Harrisville by 6 P M.  37. From Smithfield by Jerusalem, the Crooks Keys, Goldsboro, Brattonwick c. h. Geebsbridge, St. Tamany's and Mecklenburg c. h. to Marshallville, and thence by Christianville, Lunenburg c. h. Edenton, Goldsboro—Hicksford, the Crooks Keys and Jerusalem, to Smithfield, once a week. Leave Smithfield every Thursday at 10 A M and arrive at Goldsboro on Saturday by 10 A M. Leave Goldsboro, at half past 10 A M and arrive at Mecklenburg c. h. on Sunday noon, and return to Smithfield on Wednesday by 7 P M.  38. From Norfolk Va. by Kempville, Va. N. W. River Bridge, Va. Tulls Creek, Indiantown, Jonesburg, Elizabeth City, Nixonton, and Hertford, to Edenton, once a week. Leave Norfolk every Friday at 3 P M and arrive at Edenton the next Tuesday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Edenton every Tuesday at 2 P M and arrive at Norfolk by 10 A M.  39. From Suffolk, Va. by Edenton, Plymouth, and Washington, to Newbern, twice a week. Leave Suffolk every Monday and Friday at 1 P M, arrive at Edenton on Tuesday and Saturday at 1 P M. Leave Edenton at 2 P M and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Sunday by 6 A M. Leave Plymouth at half past 6 A M and arrive at Washington by 6 P M. Leave Washington at 7 M P and arrive at Newbern on Thursday and Monday by 4 P M. Returning —Leave Newbern every Friday and Tuesday at 5 A M and arrive at Washington by 5 P M. Leave Washington by 6 P M, arrive at Plymouth on Saturday and Wednesday by 4 P M. Leave Plymouth at half past 4 P M and arrive at Edenton on Sunday & Thursday by 9 A M. Leave Edenton at half past 9 A M and arrive at Suffolk on Monday and Friday at 9 A M.  40. From Halifax by Northampton c. h. Princeton, Murfreesboro', Winton, Coleraine, Pitch Landing and Windsor, to Edenton, once a week. Leave Halifax every Monday at 7 A M and arrive at Edenton on Wednesday by 1 P M. Leave Edenton every Wednesday at 4 P M and arrive at Halifax on Saturday by 10 A M.  41. From Halifax by Scotland, Hogdon, Williamson and Daily, to Plymouth once a week. Leave Halifax every Monday at 2 P M, and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Halifax the next Monday by 10 A M.  42. From Halifax to Tarboro' once a week. Leave Tarboro' every Saturday at 6 P M, and arrive at Halifax on Monday by 6 A M. Leave Halifax every Monday at 9 A M, and arrive at Tarboro' by 4 P M.  43. From Halifax by Jonesville, Warrenton, Williamboro' and Oxford, to Hillsboro' once a week. Leave Halifax every Sunday at 10 A M, arrive at Warrenton by 7 P M. Leave Warrenton on Monday at 5 A M, and arrive at Hillsboro' on Tuesday by 3 P M. Returning —Leave Hillsboro' every Thursday at 9 A M, and arrive at Halifax on Saturday by 6 A M.  44. From Louisburg by Nash c. h. Tarboro' and Greenville, to Wallingford once a week. Leave Louisburg Saturday at 8 P M, arrive at Tarboro' on Monday by 4 P M. Leave Tarboro' at 5 P M, and arrive at Wallingford on Tuesday by 7 P M. Returning —Leave Wallingford every Wednesday at 8 A M, arrive at Tarboro' on Thursday by 9 A M, and arrive at Wallingford on Friday by 5 P M.  45. From Raleigh by Smithfield, Waynesboro, Green c. h. and Kinston, to Newbern once a week. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday at 8 A M, and arrive at Newbern on Friday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Newbern every Friday at 2 P M, and arrive at Raleigh on Monday by 5 P M.  46. From Raleigh by Haywoodboro', Chatham c. h. Guape Hill, Hillsboro', Orange c. h. Martinville, Salem and Lexington, to Salisbury once a week. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday at 5 A M, arrive at Hillsboro' on Tuesday by 7 P M. Leave Hillsboro' on Wednesday by 4 A M, and arrive at Salem on Thursday by 3 P M. Leave Salem at 4 P M, and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Salisbury every Friday at 2 P M, arrive at Salem on Saturday by 8 A M. Leave Salem at 9 A M, arrive at Hillsboro' on Sunday by 7 P M. Leave Hillsboro' on Monday at 3 A M, and arrive at Raleigh by 4 P M.  47. From Hillsboro' by Mount Tizah, Person c. h. Leesburg, Calwell c. h. Lenox Castle and Rockingham c. h. to Germanton once a week. Leave Hillsboro' every Wednesday at 6 A M, and arrive at Germanton the next Friday by 6 P M. Returning —Leave Germanton every Sunday at 6 A M, and arrive at Hillsboro' the next Tuesday by 6 P M.  48. From Salem by Bethania, Mount Airy, Grayson c. h. and Austinville, to Englishville, once a week. Leave Salem every Saturday at 9 A M, arrive at Englishville on Monday 2 P M. Returning —Leave Englishville on Tuesday 10 A M, and arrive at Salem on Thursday by 3 P M.  49. From Salem by Bethania, Huntville, Rockford, Wilkes and Morganton, to Rutherfordton once a week. Leave Salem every Saturday at noon, and arrive at Rutherfordton the next Tuesday by 7 P M. Returning —Leave Rutherfordton every Wednesday at 7 A M, and arrive at Salem the next Saturday by 9 A M.  50. From Salisbury by Statesville, Charlotte and Lancaster, S. C. to Camden, S. C. and from thence by Lancaster, Charlotte and Catawba c. h. to Salisbury once a week. Leave Salisbury every Friday at 2 P M, and arrive at Camden the next Monday by 7 P M. Returning —Leave Camden every Tuesday at 6 A M, and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by 10 A M.  51. From Newbern by Trenton and Richland, to Wilmington once a week. Leave Newbern every Tuesday at 5 A M, and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Newbern on Monday at 4 P M.  52. From Fayetteville by Elizabethtown to Wilmington, and from thence by South Washington, Sarecto and Sampson c. h. to Fayetteville once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Monday at 4 P M, and arrive at Wilmington on Wednesday by 7 P M. Returning —Leave Wilmington every Thursday at noon, and arrive at Fayetteville on Saturday by 8 P M.  53. From Fayetteville by Anderfville to Wilmington once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Friday at 6 A M, and arrive at Wilmington on Saturday by 6 P M. Returning —Leave Wilmington every Monday at 7 A M, and arrive at Fayetteville on Tuesday by 7 P M.  54. From Fayetteville by Moore c. h. Garthage and Randolph c. h. to Salisbury, and from thence by Tindallville, Anson c. h. and Richmond c. h. to Fayetteville once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 8 A M, and arrive at Salisbury the next Friday by 10 A M. Leave Salisbury every Friday at 2 P M, and arrive at Fayetteville the next Monday by 7 P M.  55. From Lumberton by Elizabethtown to Anderfville once a week. Leave Anderfville every Thursday by 5 A M, and arrive at Lumberton by 5 P M. Returning —Leave Lumberton every Friday by 6 A M, and arrive at Anderfville by 7 P M.  56. From Orfville, T. by Powell's valley, T. Richmond and Jessamine c. h. to Lexington once a week. Leave Orfville every Friday at 2 P M, arrive at Richmond the next Monday by noon, and at Lexington by 6 P M. Returning —Leave Lexington every Tuesday by 6 A M, arrive at Richmond by noon, and at Orfville, T. the next Friday by 10 A M.  57. From Orfville by Knoxville by 
 Kingston or South-Well-Point, Fort Blount, Dixons Springs and Craigfont to Nashville once a week. Leave Orfville every Friday at 2 P M, and arrive at Knoxville on Saturday by 1 P M. Leave Knoxville on Sunday by 6 A M, and arrive at Nashville on Friday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Nashville every Friday at 2 P M, arrive at Knoxville the next Wednesday by 7 P M. Leave Knoxville on Thursday by 11 A M, and arrive at Orfville on Friday by 10 A M.  58. From Sullivan c. h. by Jonesboro, Greenville, Cheeks Cross-roads and Danbridge to Knoxville once a week. Leave Sullivan c. h. every Thursday noon and arrive at Knoxville the next Monday by 5 A M. Leave Knoxville every Monday at 9 A M, and arrive at Sullivan c. h. on Thursday by 10 A M.  59. From Columbia by Winnsboro, Chester c. h. York c. h. Pinckneyville, Union c. h. Spartanburg, Greenville c. h. Pickenville, Laurens c. h. Reedy, Shoal river and Newburg c. h. to Columbia once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday, at 9 A M, arrive at York c. h. on Wednesday by 8 A M. Leave York c. h. at 9 A M, arrive at Pickenville the next Thursday by 4 P M. Leave Pickenville at 5 P M, and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by 6 P M.  60. From Columbia by Orangeburg to Charleston once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 10 A M, and arrive at Charleston on Thursday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Charleston every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by noon.  61. From Edgefield c. h. by Southampton, Cambridge, Abbeville c. h. and Pendleton c. h. to Pickenville once a week. Leave Edgefield c. h. every Wednesday at 10 A M, and arrive at Pickenville on Friday by 6 P M. Returning —Leave Pickenville every Saturday at 8 A M, and arrive at Edgefield c. h. the next Monday by 4 P M.  62. From Augusta G. by the Upper runs, Steele Creek, Lower runs and Black Swamp to Coolahatchie once a week. Leave Coolahatchie every Wednesday at 8 A M, and arrive at Augusta on Thursday at 5 P M. Returning —Leave Augusta every Friday at 8 A M, and arrive at Coolahatchie on Saturday by 6 P M.  63. From Augusta by Little River, Lincoln c. h. Peterburg, Elberton, Franklin c. h. and Gilbert to Clarkboro, once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 3 A M, and arrive at Clarkboro the next Thursday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Clarkboro every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 7 P M.  64. From Augusta by Columbia c. h. Washington, Greensboro, Richardsonville, Sparta, Georgetown and Warrenton to Louisville once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 2 P M, and arrive at Louisville the next Thursday by 5 P M. Leave Louisville every Friday at 6 A M, and arrive at Augusta on Monday by 10 A M. 
 65. From Augusta by Little River, Lincoln c. h. Peterburg, Elberton, Franklin c. h. and Gilbert to Clarkboro, once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 3 A M, and arrive at Clarkboro the next Thursday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Clarkboro every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 7 P M.  66. From Augusta by Columbia c. h. Washington, Greensboro, Richardsonville, Sparta, Georgetown and Warrenton to Louisville once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 2 P M, and arrive at Louisville the next Thursday by 5 P M. Leave Louisville every Friday at 6 A M, and arrive at Augusta on Monday by 10 A M. 
 67. From Augusta by Little River, Lincoln c. h. Peterburg, Elberton, Franklin c. h. and Gilbert to Clarkboro, once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 3 A M, and arrive at Clarkboro the next Thursday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Clarkboro every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 7 P M.  68. From Augusta by Columbia c. h. Washington, Greensboro, Richardsonville, Sparta, Georgetown and Warrenton to Louisville once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 2 P M, and arrive at Louisville the next Thursday by 5 P M. Leave Louisville every Friday at 6 A M, and arrive at Augusta on Monday by 10 A M. 
 69. From Augusta by Little River, Lincoln c. h. Peterburg, Elberton, Franklin c. h. and Gilbert to Clarkboro, once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 3 A M, and arrive at Clarkboro the next Thursday by 10 A M. Returning —Leave Clarkboro every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 7 P M.  70. From Augusta by Columbia c. h. Washington, Greensboro, Richardsonville, Sparta, Georgetown and Warrenton to Louisville once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 2 P M, and arrive at Louisville the next Thursday by 5 P M. Leave Louisville every Friday at 6 A M, and arrive at Augusta on Monday by 10 A M. 
LIST OF LETTERS,
Remaining in the Post Office, Washington City, on the 1st January 1802.
 A. Thomas G. Addison.  B. Lieut. Lewis C. Bailey, 2, Joseph Boone, David Brown, James Burnside, Mary Retton, Parker Bowen, junr. John Buchanan, Thomas Boys, Hetta Bankson, Richard Bainhoute, David Bates, William Bayley, capt. Lloyd Beall, John Brown, Edward P. Ball, Ignatius Boone.  C. Dabney Carr, 2, James Clarke, 2, John Coles, Chancy Camp, hon. William Cushing, Chace Grofe, Michael Clarke, David Chiles, Charles Collins, James Campbell, Joseph Coffleton, Dr. Crocker, Commissioner of the navy loan, Lieut. Richard Chandler, care of Caleb Swan, Lieut. Howell Cobb, Gabriel Christie.  D. John Dawson, Messrs. Duncan & Ray, Cato Duy, 2, Lucy Deaton, Philip Delany.  E. Nathan Edmondson, Robert Eagan, Joseph Evans, Eli Elston.  F. Robert Flinn, 5, Joseph Field, 2, James Frazier, 2, Zephaniah Farrell, Robert Flanagan, Gabriel Ford, Fidilia Frond, (care of William Vidler) Samuel B. Fagan, or Joseph Swiles, Michael Forman, (care of Mr. Garboos) Philip Fitzhugh.  G. Samuel Gothard, Jacob Grofe, Bennett Green.  H. Walter Hellen, 3, Richard Hutchinson, William Howard, Upton Hobbs, William Hall, capt. Charles Hyde, John Hall.  I. Capt. James Johnston, Joseph Jeffries, Sarah Jacques.  K. Peregrine Knotts, William Keele, John and William Kennedy, John L. Keais, Mrs. John Kane, Alex. Kelly.  L. Capt. John Legatt, E. W. Laicht, Nicholas Long, Joseph Levy, Townsend Lamport, (care of Messrs. Sharpe & Smith) Samuel Llewellyn, Messrs. William and John Lee, Capt. C. Lyman.  M. Charles Minifree, Cormac M'Nancy, James M'Nenon, Richard M'Clure, Elizabeth M'Coey, Capt. M'Keel, (care of Messrs. Gibbs and Rofs.)  N. Samuel Nicholson, John Neilson, 2, Edward Neufville, Thomas Niles, Lewis Nicholas.  O. Alexander Offutt.  P. Richard Peters, junr. John H. Purviance, Capt. Pratt, Winflow Parke, junr. J. A. Pearson, Charles P. Polk, Daniel Patterson.  R. Samuel Ringgold, Samuel Relf, John Rodgers, Robert Ritchie, John Richards, Benjamin Rhodes, John H. O. Rideout, John Read, John Rofs, William Rofs.  S. Peleg Sanford, 2, Thomas S. Stephens, 2, Mr. Spalding, Erickson Hale Stone, John C. Scott, James Shandy, John W. Smoot, Margaret H. Scott, John Stickney, Matthew Shaw, James Stevens, William Slater, 2.  T. John Tayloe, 2, Emily Thompson, Thomas Tracey, Francis L. Taney, James Taylor, Jane Isabella Thompson, William Thorn, Capt. John Thompson, Mrs. Tidyman, 2, Dr. Philip Tidyman, Thomas Truxton.  W. Eli Whitney, 2, maj. Jonathan Williams, 2, Almon Wading, Miss F. Williams, Amos Wilkinson, Mrs. S. Wrangge, Hugh Wilson, Capt. W. H. Washington, Richard W. West, Thomas White, (care of Mr. Dickwith) Mr. Wilde, Basil Wood, William Wright.  Y. Patrick Yznardy, Jacob Zimmer. 
ROBERT CHERRY,
Near the Sugar House, New-Jersey Avenue, has just received (in addition to his former stock) per the Sloop Harmony, captain Elwood, from Philadelphia. A GENERAL assortment of groceries and liquors, viz Pennington's loaf and lump sugar, Havana white, Jamaica and St. Croix brown do. hyson, young hyson, hyson skin,ouchong, and bohea teas, coffee, pepper, alspice, nutmegs, and cloves; hair powder, plain and scented, box and keg raisins, mould and dipp candles, white and brown soap, Drexel's best mustard, shad, mackerel, and herring in barrels, dried codfish, &c. Cognac brandy, Holland gin, Jamaica and Antigua rum, Madeira and Lisbon wine, with other articles, all of a good quality. Also a trunk of swansdown, glass in boxes, 12 by 10 and 8 by 6, which he will sell low for cash, or barter for first quality tobacco. The above articles have been laid in at a falling market, and shall sell the same at very reduced prices for cash. He returns his sincere thanks to his friends and the public, for the encouragement he has already met with since his residence here, and hopes for a continuance of their favours, which will be thankfully acknowledged. January 9, 1802.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR,
SOLICITS a continuation of that generous encouragement which he has experienced from the Ladies and Gentlemen of this City and its vicinity. Having procured an elegant assortment of cloths, calimeres, swansdowns, &c. and engaged workmen of superior talents, His unremitting attention shall be given to merit patronage. Capitol Hill, next house east of Mrs. Finch's boarding house, and Pennsylvania Avenue between the President's square and Seven Buildings. Dec. 7, 1801.
Marshal's Sale.
Notice is hereby given, that by virtue of a Writ of Venditioni Exponas issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for the county of Washington, to me directed, John Ashley and Henry Pratt, against the lands and Tenements of Robert Morris, will be exposed to Public Sale, To the highest bidder, for cash, at Rhode's Hotel, on the third day of February next, all the said Morris's title in and to lot No 2, in square No. 706, in the City of Washington. Sale to take place at 11 o'clock, A. M. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Jan. 13, 1802.
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, for ready money at Juncliff's tavern in the City of Washington, on MONDAY the eighth day of February next, the following squares and lots, or so much thereof as will satisfy the decree afore-mentioned, viz. Squares 351 352 353, lots 1 2 3 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100. The sale will commence at 12 o'clock, and will continue from day to day until the whole of this property or so much thereof as will comply with the requisites of the aforementioned decree. PHILIP T. BAKER, Trustee. Jan. 5, 1802.
Mr. SPRIGG,
THE owner of LEBEO was not desirous, after the races at the City, to run a gaited Mr. Taylor's horse LEVIATHAN, he would have thought it ungenerous to have made such a proposition. But as Mr. Taylor has decided in the public prints that he can be accommodated for his own sum, "being less than 1500 dollars." Mr. Sprigg will run with him over the City Course, on the 13th day of May next, for 2,000 dollars, the four mile heat, agreeably to the rules of racing. As major Foreman, the owner of Ranger, wishes an opportunity of contending with Lebo and Leviathan, he can never have a better one than at the same time and place; but if that should not be convenient, Mr. Sprigg will run Lebo against Ranger on the first Monday in June, over the Governor's Town Course, the four mile heats, for 3,000 dollars, or for any sum between that and 2,000, as major Foreman may think proper. Jan. 15, 1802.
FOR SALE.
THE subscriber is authorised to sell a tract of land containing four hundred acres, lying in Prince George county, on Oxon Run, adjoining the district of Columbia, and about two miles from the City of Washington, with a good road to that part of the Eastern Branch over which a bridge is to be built. This land is healthy and abounds with springs of excellent water. There are between twenty and thirty acres of meadow ground, with a fine stream through it, which may be prepared for timber at a small expense, and at least two hundred acres in wood and timber. The wood itself will more than pay for the land. The cleared land, except a small part indeed, is of an excellent quality, and has on it a large tobacco house, and several houses suitable for the accommodation of labourers. This land has on it some elegant situations for country seats, commanding a view of the river and the city. If this land be not sold at private sale, before the 10th day of March next (and if it be, timely notice will be given) it will on that day, if fair, if not, the 11th fair day thereafter be held to the highest bidder on the premises. The greater part of the purchase money will be required down; a credit of three months will be given on the balance, the purchaser securing the punctual payment of the balance at the expiration of that time. Persons disposed to make a private purchase, may know the terms by application to Wm. Cooke, of Baltimore Town, of Mr. James F. Leitch of Manassas, Virginia, Mr. John Addison at Leesburg, near the City of Washington, or to the subscriber in the city of Washington. PHILIP B. BAKER, Attorney for J. Addison. Jan. 17, 1802.
GEORGE BROWN,
Has received at his store opposite to the house lately occupied by capt. Burch, New-Jersey Avenue. A handsome Assortment of DRY GOODS, Suitable to the present season.—Earthen Queens, and Glass Ware—Also Groceries and Liquors, Among which are the following articles—Loaf and brown sugars, tea, coffee, pepper, mustard, nutmegs, box raisins, figs, salt shell almonds, oranges, lemons, cranberries, Holland gin, and spirits, &c. The above goods are laid in on such terms as will enable him to sell low for cash. He keeps a regular supply of the best superfine flour from the back country. Dec. 23, 1801.