Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1794-01-07 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States
E V E N I N G A N D A D V E
[No. 22 of Vol. V.]
TUESDAY, January 7, 1799
CHARLESTON, (S. C.) Dec. 10. Citizens Markland & M'Iver,
WHEN an individual receives an injury from a set of men, whether those men are acting under the cloak of office or not, the peace and happiness of that individual is disturbed, and his good name, more commonly, suffers in the opinion of the people at large, than that it should be defended. But when the individual is attacked by a powerful body, his liberty taken from him, and his actions, nay, his thoughts, are scrutinized, under specious pretences of public safety, it is then no longer a private injury; it becomes one of a public nature. Citizens, it is from the policy that, through the channel of your paper, I seek to produce to my fellow citizens, not of this state only, but of the whole United States, a relation of an arbitrary act, which although seemingly aimed at me, yet strikes at the very basis of the political liberty of my country. In giving this relation, "I shall nothing extenuate—nor set down aught in malice."
On Saturday night the 7th instant, I was accosted in my yard by a person who came in at my gate, with the usual compliment of—How do you do, Sir, I supposed him an acquaintance, and when he came near enough to the light to be distinguished, I recognized the person of col. Wade Hampton; close at his heels followed two other men; these, with the colonel, I invited to walk in; they entered and sat down. Mr. Hampton, prefaced his business by saying, that he imagined I must know what he came upon. I declared my ignorance. He continued his preface, by saying, he presumed I must have heard the opinions and surmises which have been made on my going up the country some few weeks back. I replied, that those reports which he alluded to had reached my ears while in the country, and precipitated my return to Charleston, to face my enemies. He then produced his commission, which was a bench warrant, signed by Thomas Waties, and E. H. Bay, (two of the associate judges) to take my body in custody, for attempting to levy troops from among the citizens of this state, and under commissions of the French republic. This warrant was grounded on a representation of a committee who were appointed by the house of representatives now sitting at Columbia, setting forth, "That divers persons, citizens of this state, have wickedly attempted, under a foreign authority, to levy an armed force within this state, without the permission and contrary to the express prohibition of the government of the United States." This warrant acted against my body only. I submitted it was clothed with the authority of those whom the people had chosen to execute the laws; and however innocent I might be, it was the part of a good citizen to submit. The sequel, however, proved that more was intended, and the taking of my body was the most trifling part. Col. Hampton, after executing his duty as sheriff, produced another species of power, in the character of special messenger to the house of representatives: this was a search warrant, signed by Robert Anderson, as chairman of a committee appointed by the house, and composed of Robert Anderson, Henry Wm. DeSaussure, John Rutledge, jun. capt. Butler, John Drayton, Timothy Ford, and James Green Hunt, which declares and sets forth, "That William Tate, Stephen Drayton, John Hambleton, Robert Tate, Jacob Roberts Brown, and Richard Speake, have severally been concerned and employed in enrolling the citizens of this state, and exciting them to arm themselves in the service of the French republic; and to march out of this state, under officers appointed and commissioned by the minister plenipotentiary of the French republic, and that the said W. T. S. D. &c. pos-
sess certain informations of and in the premises, as well as divers papers or records, relative thereto, which are necessary and proper to be obtained and brought before the committee, in order to enable them more fully to discharge the trust and duty committed to them, as aforesaid, &c." Consequently, col. W. Hampton was not only authorized to take the above persons into custody, but immediately, notwithstanding excuses, neglects or refusals, to compel them to appear before the committee at Columbia. And moreover, to search for all papers, records, memorandums or writings in anywise relating to, or touching the premises, which may be in the custody of the said S. D. W. T. &c. (and repeats) "and all papers so found, forthwith, together with the persons aforesaid, to bring before the said committee, at the place aforesaid." Concluding with requiring and enjoining all citizens of this state, upon being thereunto required, to be aiding and assisting—as they shall answer the contrary at their peril.
Citizens of America, after perusing the above, attend to the following:
The warrant from the committee, declaring that divers persons are levying troops, or an armed force, in this state, without permission, and contrary to the government, of the United States, and thereby declaring it to be illegal, is acting under the proclamation of the President of the United States, dated the 10th of April, 1793, enjoining the citizens of these states to observe an exact neutrality respecting the belligerent powers. The 3d section of the 2d article of the constitution defines the power of the President, respecting extraordinary occasions, and such measures as are expedient to be taken, in which the law of the land has been enacted, he may recommend; but it does not empower him to create a new law, however expedient it may be. In the 3d section, the 1st article, declares what treason against the United States shall consist of, i. e. the levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. The 2d clause of the 6th article declares, that this constitution and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land. The 6th clause in the amendment to the constitution declares, the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated: and warrants shall issue but on probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the places to be searched, and the persons and things to be seized.
The immediate following clause, viz. the 7th, declares, that no person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment by a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in the time of war or public danger.
The constitution of the United States is the law of the land, and on attentively perusing it, I cannot find a clause which, in a most distant manner, can be construed, even by the formidable host of lawyers who compose the committee, so as to make it treason in any American's entering into the service of the French republic, while that people are not engaged in a war against America: for the 3d section and the 1st article clearly, without a possibility of the words being explained away, or extorted to any other meaning, says, "Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort!"
The warrant by which I have been treated as a slave has not accused me of
; many of the d in a state of ere sent to sup- the people in he also inform- from the coa- timore, dated belonging to has arrived The Eagle hip Sampson, he same house, with frigate.
attempting to levy war against the United States. It is an act of adhering to them on board his ship, and various acts committed at the citizens, and excite themselves in the service of the French Republic, and to march out of this state, in order to assist the French Republic, by the minister of the French Republic. Does this act constitute treason? or can it be construed into a crime? By the law of the land it cannot; but by the proclamation of the President it may—that is, in the eyes of those who think there is infallibility in others as well as the Pope. But let us refer to the federal constitution, and see the power placed in the hands of the President. We will begin with the solemn oath which he takes on entering into office—"I do solemnly swear, that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the United States." This is the oath of office: he must preserve, protect and defend, but he cannot add to or alter a title of the constitution; and although, without pretending to omniscience or infallibility, he may discover defects in the constitution yet in this case he can only recommend to the consideration of Congress, such measures as he may judge necessary and expedient—except in extraordinary occasions, and then his power is extended so far as to convene both houses, or either of them.
If, then, no article of the law of the land prohibits my joining the armies of France, I was at liberty to do so, notwithstanding the proclamation of the President: for he had no power to restrain my political liberty. But when power is so far misused, as, upon the slightest grounds, to attack the freedom and the life and property of the citizens, it is full time to examine the government we live under; as a freeman I will do it, and as a just man I will neither lessen nor misrepresent.
I am accused, among others, of being concerned in levying and arming the citizens to march out of the state, and to enter the service of the French Republic; and the accusation has been supported with the oath of one: it goes on with declaring that the armament, under myself, is intended against some of the Spanish islands belonging to the King of Spain—No mention of levying war against this state, or any other of the union.
I have said that col. Hampton took my body into custody, under the bench warrant on Saturday the 7th inst. and when he was to act under the committee's warrant, his humanity prompted him to propose my sending for an intimate and confidential friend, who should search my papers for treasonable correspondence. I declined at first, but on the colonel's saying it would be, in every stage of the business, more satisfactory to him, I proposed capt. T. Hall, and accordingly one of the persons attending the sheriff went in search of him, and soon came about 11 o'clock at night, after a search took place, where my papers lay exposed, or where drawers, trunks and boxes were found which were not secured by locks. A man long in public service, and who, while his country was invaded by British tyranny, in consequence of the rank he held in the army of these United States, independent of correspondencies a private life for forty years back, could not but be in possession of many peers. The hour of two o'clock in the morning came; the progress made was but small. I saw the difficulty attending the business, and endeavored to return the civility and politeness with which the sheriff acted, by proposing seals to be placed on the locks and drawers of my desk, and pledging my honor that I would not in anywise give information to any one, or secrete any papers, and that a bed should be prepared for the sheriff, that when day-
The yeas and nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present. Those who voted in the affirmative are, Theodoros Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, John Beatty, Thos. Blount, Thos. P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Abraham Clarke, Isaac Coles, Wm. Johnson Dawson, Henry Dearborn, Geo. Dent, Wm. Findley, W. B. Giles, Christ. Greenup, Andrew Gregg, Wm. Barry Grove, Carter B. Harrison, John Heath, Dani. Heister, Wm. Irvine, Richd. B. Lee, Matthew Locke, Nathn. Macon, James Madison, Joseph McDowell, Alex. Meigs, Wm. Montgomery.
light returned the search should be continued; giving my parole not to quit the chamber for the remainder of the night. This being agreed to, Mr. Hall, as clerk of the session, placed the official seal on the desk and drawers, and at two o'clock left my house and self in the possession and care of the sheriff. At ten o'clock Sunday morning capt. Hall resumed the search. Having gone through the whole of my papers which were not secured by locks, he then broke the seals he had placed on my desk, and demanded my keys: these I peremptorily refused to deliver, observing that, if they conceived it to be in the execution of their office, they might force my locks, but I was determined not to produce a key.—Accordingly my locks were forced, my papers examined with the eye of scrutiny, and not a paper nor a sentence could be found that could tend to support the charge which had occasioned this want of attack upon the privileges and immunities of a citizen.
I have already set forth in the words of the bench warrant, and, in those of the warrant from the committee of the house, the charges which were laid against me. I have scrupulously examined the law of the land, and the law of this state, and have, together with my accusations, placed them before my fellow citizens, to judge. In the constitution of this state, the 2d clause of the 9th art. declares, that "No freeman of the state shall be taken, or imprisoned, or disseised of his freehold, liberties or privileges, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any manner destroyed, or deprived of his life, liberty or property, but by the judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land." Upon the evidence of one man, who has not declared how he became possessed of the evidence, and treated with all the rigour and persecutions under the most arbitrary government. Upon the evidence of the laws of the land, and the past as of this state, the act impugning treasonable, is not mentioned into a crime that cannot be construed made crime, because no existing amounted it one. But allowing a President's to misprision, by admission of law, proclamation to have been the law was in establishing crime to come at the silent, yet the necessary to condemn evidence which such, that nothing the aggressor, of a despot was without of the thing.
hereafter attempt to call Shall aid of liberty, when neither American locks, or other security, characterstfore held sacred, can pro- how citizen from the rigorous search tesar-chamber warrant? Suppose, for moment, I was seen at the head of one thousand, or even ten thousand men, all citizens, and all equally free to go where they pleased, as I supposed myself to be at one time, and that we were just stepping out of the limits of this state. progressing to a country, no matter whether in or out of the limits of the United States: could it be construed against the laws of this country, when the preamble to every constitution passed in America declares that all men are free? I am not free to commit murder; I am not free to make depredations upon any individual of the United States: but certainly I am free to quit these states when I please to go where I please, or I am more a slave to tyranny now, than I was twenty years ago.
If then this political freedom is possessed by the citizens of America, and it has been declared to be their inherent right by the general voice of the people, what assumption of power must it be, when a set of individuals shall attempt to invade or in any shape diminish that right. Americans, it becomes your cause more immediately than mine; every indignity which I have been made to suffer, I have

says, "no person shall be convicted of any criminal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law." Was not the searching for papers in my possession tantamount, had any been found agreeably to the hopes of my persecutors, to making me become a witness against myself? My countrymen, my friends, who have with me been instrumental in bringing about our revolution, apply to yourselves the conduct which has been adopted in this matter. From the arbitrary will of George III. of Great Britain, we have no longer a pride in exulting to be free, if the most sacred ties of the union can thus be violated and trampled upon.
I address myself now to my country at large. I do it upon the principle of a citizen (of a great republic which is just freed from the shackles of despotism) who has experienced an attack upon his privileges. It is thereby plainly, that there still remains something despotic either in the general government, or in characters composing the executive part thereof. In either case, if my observations are just, a remedy is necessary; if they are wrong, or the explanations extorted, I love my country too well not to submit cheerfully to conviction; but on the contrary, I pledge myself not to give up tamely a point which to me appears big with consequence respecting the future happiness of America.
S. DRAYTON.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, Jan. 6. 1794.
committee of the whole on the bill relating and better supporting the establishment of the United States.
one objected to the addition of state in the title—moved to amend and insert two.
Mr. [blank] supported the motion; he to induce the United States, meanest in fightlist who have an interest they must battle of the Country were generally the means of living the persons employed in price—that found their salary the public offices support—and were silent for their the legislature for any petitioning pay—and it is evidence of their mean to support an army unless we principles from those professional encouragement must be given to enter into the service.
Mr. Clark said he was opposed motion—he thought that gentlemen not considered the pay of the army according to its real value; there are other things to be taken into consideration, besides the pay and cloathing—the whole compensation they now receive, with the proposed addition of one dollar, would be found sufficient.
Mr. Boudinot said it was a mistake, that laborers, and good laborers, could not be obtained for the wages and allowance of the soldiers. He knew of good laborers actually employed at and under the rate of their actual compensation.
Mr. Scot said that it was in vain to expect men to enlist for the present pay—he knew of no laborers in his part of the Country, that could be procured for the allowance now made to the soldiers—men, who could eat and drink, and sleep safe, and securely at home, and get from 70 to 80 dollars a year for their labor, would hardly be induced to risk their lives for the pay and allowance of a soldier!
Mr. Findley offered some remarks on the propriety of raising the value of the rations.
Mr. J. Wadsworth said it had been ascertained on a former occasion, that taking into consideration the value of the cloathing, rating it at 20 dollars per ann.
er with the month—that the compensation averaged price in Pennsylvania to the actual state of goodness of men—he composed of as good were ever employed in United States. They used by good judges. aining the pay as to l, industrious laborers, erred, he considered it, are principally composed of men—persons d by regular pursuits; occasions the substantial citizens, do not the force of any coun-
and he should vote against and he was opposed to any establishment, yet, as circumstances situated, he was in favor of completing the number of troops originally intended by the act.
He observed that there were no complaints brought forward from the soldiers—some complaints had been mentioned from the officers, but these remained to be enquired into—he tho't that one dollar addition would answer the purpose effectually—if the three dollars per month had been sufficient to raise three quarters of the men required, one dollar more, making four dollars a month, would raise the other quarter. He added some remarks on the enormous expence which would attend the enhancement of the pay in case the United States were called on to make a great addition to their military force.
Mr. Boudinot added some observations on the subject. He supposed it might be eligible to make some addition to the cloathing and rations.
Mr. Montgomery said he could not understand, how gentlemen calculated in estimating the pay of the soldiers as being equal to that of laborers—according to his calculations it was inferior.
He said the militia called out to act with the regular troops, are never satisfied with the continental pay.
Mr. Scot said he hoped that five dollars would be agreed to—this encouragement would probably induce a sufficient number of the militia now in the neighborhood of the army to enlist; that he observed consisted principally of as friendly, active youths, as any in the United States.
Mr. Hunter said that the state of South Carolina gave their militia on the frontiers eighteen pence sterling a day, and he conceived that it was in vain to expect to raise men at the reduced wages proposed he was sure it never could be done in the southern States.
Mr. Beatty said he was in favor of the motion for an increase of the pay—but he stated a modification of the business in relation to some compensation at the end of the service; he said he should bring forward a motion in the course of the discussion.
Mr. Smiley enlarged on the ideas he at first suggested respecting the importance of committing the defence of the country to substantial citizens, men interested in its prosperity.
Mr. Irvine added some remarks, in which he concurred substantially in the ideas of Mr. Beatty, and reprobated in severe terms the profligate and drunken characters of many of the recruits in service.
Mr. S. Smith, after stating that the wage price of labor in Maryland, is forty dollars a year—moved to conciliate motions to shew the extreme ill policy in enhancing the pay at the present time; when a variety of circumstances tended to embarrass the recruiting service—the war in Europe obstructed the emigration of laborers from that country—laborers therefore were scarce, and consequently recruits for the army were not so easily procured as heretofore—but this state of things does not warrant adopting a permanent principle in the enhancement of the wages of the soldiers.
He was in favor of the idea suggested by the gentleman from New Jersey, of granting 100 acres of land at the expiration of the service. Mr. Smith was opposed to the motion of 2 dollars, and in favor of the addition proposed in the bill.
Mr. Wadsworth added some remarks on the observations which had been made respecting the purging the army of dissolute and intemperate soldiers. He considered such ideas as futile. To expect that an army should consist only of sober industrious men, without vices—we might
just as well expect that an army might be composed of clergymen.
The motion for striking out one and inserting two dollars, was negatived.
Mr. Clark moved an addition to the rations of 4 ounces of bread or flour, and 4 ounces of meat.
Mr. Parker said he was one of the committee on the bill, he heard of no complaint on account of the rations; he presumed they were sufficient, unless it was proposed to fat them like pullets or ducks till they became so unwieldy that they could not run away or desert—he saw no advantage in the proposed augmentation; besides he said it would only increase the temptation of the savages to attempt cutting off convoys, as had already been the case; he said that one half the army is now employed in transporting provisions to the other.
Mr. Findley said in opposition to Mr. Parker, that he had heard of more complaints on account of the scarcity of provisions than on account of the wages; that the men had frequently been reduced to great straits for the want of supplies—to such straits as that one of them had informed him, the sweetest morsel he had ever eaten was a piece of roasted cow hide; he said it was unjust and ungenerous, he would not say wicked, to expect that men in the service of their country should suffer for the want of a full supply of necessary food. He did not anticipate the disadvantages that the gentleman from Virginia did; he did not think there was any danger of the men's growing too fat.
Mr. Smiley added several remarks corroborative of those of Mr. Findley; he remarked that a man in the wilderness required more food than one in the more settled parts of the country.
Mr. Hartley moved to strike out the quantities and leave the amount of the addition blank.
Mr. Clark consented to this alteration in his motion.
Mr. Hartley then added some observations to shew the necessity, propriety, and justice of adding to the cloathing as well as the rations; he said that four dollars a month, with some addition of the kind he mentioned, would make the soldiers comfortable.
Mr. Wadsworth said he was opposed to raising the rations to a greater quantity than would amount to the necessities of life. He adverted to the rations allowed to the late continental army, which had been found sufficient.
Mr. B. Bourne said that it appeared to him that more information was wanting to enable the committee to decide with propriety; he could wish that the motion should lay on the table till that information was obtained.
Mr. Findley, to shew that the rations had not been sufficient, and that complaints had been made, referred to the communications made at the last session of Congress during the investigation into General St. Clair's expedition.
Mr. Giles also added some information to the same point, received by the select committee on that business.
It was then moved to amend the motion by striking the article "meat."
This motion occasioned some further debate, but before a vote was taken, Mr. Clark withdrew his motion.
Mr. Irvine then moved an amendment the substance of which was that each soldier at the end of the service should be entitled to 100 acres of land.
Mr. Findley supported the amendment—he considered it as a wise provision, which would induce the soldiers to settle in that country, and prevent many at the end of the war from returning to the thick settled parts, and the cities on the sea coast, and become for want of employment, robbers and house breakers.
Mr. S. Smith said the principle of the motion he considered excellent—it would produce a more rapid settlement of the frontiers, and experience has proved that the only effectual plan of repressing the incursions of the savages is by pushing the settlements into their country.
Mr. Dearborn objected to this mode of rewarding the soldiers; he preferred that of giving a sum of money at the end of the service, sufficient to enable the men to purchase a number of acres of land at their option in any part of the United States. He stated a variety of difficulties that had formerly attended the plan of giving land to the soldiers, and shewed that it had not answered the purpose.
Mr. Beatty and Mr. Boudinot offered several objections to the motion, the former gentleman preferred the idea of Mr. Dearborn.
Mr. Boudinot said the motion must be amended, if the principle is adopted, before it will be proper to agree to it.
Mr. Scott observed that the present Indian war was a war of conquest, and it was in vain ever to expect peace on our frontiers till the Indians were expelled from that country. He then adverted to the progress of the settlement of the frontiers—it had been effected by driving off the Indians and establishing posts; in this way the settlement at Pittsburg was made, and unless you establish a chain of posts all around the frontiers, and garrison them, and thus keep the settlers in a state of security, there is no better mode that can be devised to secure them than by encouraging the army to settle there.
Mr. Boudinot objected fully to the motion, he said it was pursuing a system which in his opinion had occasioned all our trouble on the frontiers.
Mr. Findley supported the motion, he considered the troubles on the frontiers as originating in a deviation from former practice or principles.
The motion was finally rejected.
to the Printer of the Gazette of the United States.
Enclosed I send you the translation of a piece published in this city last spring; as it seems well suited to preface the account of the treasonable practices in South-Carolina, and the resolves of the Democratic Club in Kentucky. I do not recollect that it has appeared before the public in an English dress. D.
From the Radical , a French paper published in this city.
The Jacobin society, whose maternal tenderness embraces all the inhabitants of the globe, has extended her benevolent care to the planters of Louisiana; a people so ignorant and stupid as to prefer peace, and prosperity under their present government to the noble gratification of cutting one another's throats, in order to establish among them the blessed system of equality which prevails in the French Islands.—With this view, she hath caused the following address to be circulated among them, by Apostles whom she hath commissioned and sent abroad to teach all nations.
LIBERTY AND EQUALITY.
The free French to their brethren in Louisiana.
The 2d year of the French Republic.
The day is at hand, when tyranny shall vanish from the face of the earth. France emancipated, and settled in a republican form of government; having vindicated the rights of man by many signal victories over her numerous enemies, is not content with enjoying the benefits of her success alone; but proclaims to all nations that she is ready with a powerful assistance to second the efforts of those who wish to follow her virtuous example.—Frenchmen of Louisiana, you yet love your mother country; the attachment is born with you; and the people of France are not ignorant of your sentiments. With indignation do they view, in you, the victims of ancient despotism—and they have power sufficient to avenge your cause. A perjured king, his deceitful ministry, his base and haughty courtiers, who had enriched themselves by the sweat and blood of an oppressed people, have all been punished for their wicked deeds. The French, their patience exhausted, and their passions enraged by a series of injustice, under which they had so long groaned, at length rose against their oppressors; and have scattered them as dust is scattered before an impetuous wind.—Your time is come; O ye inhabitants of Louisiana!—be instructed by their great example. It is high time you were no longer the slaves of Spain, to whom you have been so infamously sold;—it is high time you were no longer, as brute beasts, at the disposal of men, who have it in their power, by a single mandate, to rob you of all that is estimable; your liberty, and property.—The Spanish government has usurped all others in the atrocity, as well as stupidity of her domination. With a name execrated over all the continent of America, hath she not marked all her steps by deeds of barbarity?—Hath she not under the hypocritic mask of religion ordered or permitted the massacre of more than 20 millions of men?—Hath she not, to glut her insatiable avarice depopulated, impoverish- ed, degraded whole tribes of the natives?— and hath she not oppressed, and doth she

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says, "no person shall be convicted of any criminal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law." Was not the searching for papers in my possession tantamount, had any been found agreeably to the hopes of my persecutors, to making me become a witness against myself? My countrymen, my friends, who have with me been instrumental in bringing about our revolution, apply to yourselves the conduct which has been adopted in this matter. From the arbitrary will of George III. of Great Britain, we have no longer a pride in exulting to be free, if the most sacred ties of the union can thus be violated and trampled upon.
I address myself now to my country at large. I do it upon the principle of a citizen (of a great republic which is just freed from the shackles of despotism) who has experienced an attack upon his privileges. It shews thereby plainly, that there still remains something defective either in our general government, or in characters composing the executive part thereof. In either case, if my observations are just, a remedy is necessary; if they are wrong, or the explanations extorted, I love my country too well not to submit cheerfully to conviction; but on the contrary, I pledge myself not to give up tamely a point which to me appears big with consequence respecting the future happiness of America.
S. DRAYTON.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday Jan. 6. 1794.
committee of the whole on the bill relating and better securing the establishment of the United
one be objected to the addition of strike an inadequate—he moved to Mr. and insert two.
observed, supported the motion; he to induce the United States, mean-elt in fight with those who have an inter-they must battle of the Country were generally the means of living the persons employed in price—that found their salary the public offices support—and were silent for their the legislature for any petitioning pay—and it is evidence of their mean to support an army unless we ples from those proffered encouragements must be given to enter into the service.
Mr. Clark said he was opposed motion—he thought that gentlemen not considered the pay of the army according to its real value; there are things to be taken into consideration, sides the pay and cloathing—the whole compensation they now receive, with the proposed addition of one dollar, would be found sufficient.
Mr. Boudinot said it was a mistake, that laborers, and good laborers, could not be obtained for the wages and allowance of the soldiers. He knew of good laborers actually employed at and under the rate of their actual compensation.
Mr. Scot said that it was in vain to expect men to enlist for the present pay—he knew of no laborers in his part of the Country, that could be procured for the allowance now made to the soldiers—men, who could eat and drink, and sleep safe, and securely at home, and get from 70 to 80 dollars a year for their labor, would hardly be induced to risk their lives for the pay and allowance of a soldier!
Mr. Findley offered some remarks on the propriety of raising the value of the rations.
Mr. J. Wadsworth said it had been ascertained on a former occasion, that taking into consideration the value of the cloathing, rating it at 20 dollars per ann.
A New P JUST PL And to R. AI No. 22, TRANSACTION RICAN PH SO
with the month- that the compensa- averaged price to Pennsylvania. goodness of men—he composed of as good ever employed in They Held at Philadelphia by good judges. Knowledge, Vol. 1, p. 100. The subject, industrious laborers, as above directed, he considered it, be had, complete in its principal compo- sition.
He observed that there were no complaints brought forward from the soldiers—some complaints had been mentioned from the officers, but these remained to be enquired into—he thought that one dollar addition would answer the purpose effectually—if the three dollars per month had been sufficient to raise three quarters of the men required, one dollar more, making four dollars a month, would raise the other quarter. He added some remarks on the enormous expence which would attend the enhancement of the pay in case the United States were called on to make a great addition to their military force.
Mr. Boudinot added some observations on the subject, he supposed it might be eligible to make some addition to the cloathing and rations.
Mr. Montgomery said he could not understand, how gentlemen calculated in estimating the pay of the soldiers as being equal to that of laborers—according to his calculations it was inferior.
He said the militia called out to act with the regular troops, are never satisfied with the continental pay.
Mr. Scot said he hoped that five dollars would be agreed to—this encouragement would probably induce a sufficient number of the militia now in the neighborhood of the army to enlist; that he observed consisted principally of as fresh, active youths, as any in the United States.
Mr. Hunter said that the state of South Carolina gave their militia on the frontiers eighteen pence sterling a day, and he conceived that it was in vain to expect to raise men at the reduced wages proposed—he was sure it never could be done in the southern States.
Mr. Beatty said he was in favor of the motion for an increase of the pay—but he stated a modification of the business in relation to some compensation at the end of the service; he said he should bring forward a motion in the course of the discussion.
Mr. Smiley enlarged on the ideas he at first suggested respecting the importance of committing the defence of the country to substantial citizens, men interested in its prosperity.
Mr. Irvine added some remarks, in which he concurred substantially in the ideas of Mr. Beatty, and reprobated in severe terms the profligate and drunken characters of many of the recruits in service.
Mr. S. Smith, after stating that the wage price of labor in Maryland, is for eight dollars a year—added that it was in vain to expect to raise men at the present wages; when a variety of circumstances tended to embarrass the recruiting service—the war in Europe obstructed the emigration of laborers from that country—laborers therefore were scarce, and consequently recruits for the army were not so easily procured as heretofore—but this state of things does not warrant adopting a permanent principle in the enhancement of the wages of the soldiers.
He was in favor of the idea suggested by the gentleman from New-Jersey, of granting 100 acres of land at the expiration of the service. Mr. Smith was opposed to the motion of 2 dollars, and in favor of the addition proposed in the bill.
Mr. Wadsworth added some remarks on the observations which had been made respecting the purging the army of dissolute and intemperate soldiers. He considered such ideas as futile. To expect that an army should consist only of sober industrious men, without vices—we might
just as well expect that an army might be composed of clergymen.
The motion for striking out one and inserting two dollars, was negatived.
Mr. Clark moved an addition to the rations of 4 ounces of bread or flour, and 4 ounces of meat.
Mr. Parker said he was one of the committee on the bill, he heard of no complaint on account of the rations: he presumed they were sufficient, unless it was proposed to fat them like pullets or ducks till they became so unwieldy that they could not run away or desert—he saw no advantage in the proposed augmentation; besides he said it would only increase the temptation of the savages to attempt cutting off convoys, as had already been the case; he said that one half the army is now employed in transporting provisions to the other.
Mr. Findley said in opposition to Mr. Parker, that he had heard of more complaints on account of the scarcity of provisions than on account of the wages: that the men had frequently been reduced to great straits for the want of supplies—to such straits as that one of them had informed him, the sweetest morsel he had ever eaten was a piece of roasted cow hide; he said it was unjust and ungenerous, he would not say wicked, to expect that men in the service of their country should suffer for the want of a full supply of necessary food. He did not anticipate the disadvantages that the gentleman from Virginia did; he did not think there was any danger of the men's growing too fat.
Mr. Smiley added several remarks corroborative of those of Mr. Findley; he remarked that a man in the wilderness required more food than one in the more settled parts of the country.
Mr. Hartley moved to strike the quantities and leave the amount of the addition blank.
Mr. Clark consented to this alteration in his motion.
Mr. Hartley then added some observations to show the necessity, propriety, and justice of adding to the cloathing as well as the rations; he said that four dollars a month, with some addition of the kind he mentioned, would make the soldiers comfortable.
Mr. Wadsworth said he was opposed to raising the rations to a greater quantity than would amount to the necessaries of life. He adverted to the rations allowed to the late continental army, which had been found sufficient.
Mr. B. Bourne said that it appeared to him that more information was wanting to enable the committee to decide with propriety; he could wish that the motion should lay on the table till that information was obtained.
Mr. Findley, to show that the rations had not been sufficient, and that complaints had been made, referred to the communications made at the last session of Congress during the investigation into General St. Clair's expedition.
Mr. Giles also laid some information to the same point, received by the select committee on that business.
It was then moved to amend the motion by striking the article "meat."
This motion occasioned some further debate, but before a vote was taken, Mr. Clark withdrew his motion.
Mr. Irvine then moved an amendment, the substance of which was that each soldier at the end of the service should be entitled to 100 acres of land.
Mr. Findley supported the amendment—he considered it as a wise provision, which would induce the soldiers to settle in that country, and prevent many at the end of the war from returning to the thick settled parts, and the cities on the sea coast, and become for want of employment, robbers and house breakers.
Mr. S. Smith said the principle of the motion he considered excellent—it would produce a more rapid settlement of the frontiers, and experience has proved that the only effectual plan of repressing the incursions of the savages is by pushing the settlements into their country.
Mr. Dearborn objected to this mode of rewarding the soldiers; he preferred that of giving a sum of money at the end of the service, sufficient to enable the men to purchase a number of acres of land at their option in any part of the United States. He stated a variety of difficulties that had formerly attended the plan of giving land to the soldiers, and shewed that it had not answered the purpose.
Mr. Beatty and Mr. Boudinot offered several objections to the motion, the former gentleman preferred the idea of Mr. Dearborn.
Mr. Boudinot said the motion must be amended, if the principle is adopted, because it will be proper to agree to it.
Mr. Scott observed that the present Indian war was a war of conquest, and it was in vain ever to expect peace on our frontiers till the Indians were expelled from that country. He then adverted to the progress of the settlement of the frontiers—it had been effected by driving off the Indians and establishing posts; in this way the settlement at Pittsburg was made, and unless you establish a chain of posts all around the frontiers, and garrison them, and thus keep the settlers in a state of security, there is no better mode that can be devised to secure them than by encouraging the army to settle there.
Mr. Boudinot objected fully to the motion, he said it was pursuing a system which in his opinion had occasioned all our trouble on the frontiers.
Mr. Findley supported the motion, he considered the troubles on the frontiers as originating in a deviation from former practice or principles.
The motion was finally rejected.
To the Printer of the Gazette of the United States.
Inclosed I send you the translation of a notice published in this city last spring; as it seems well suited to preface the account of the treasonable practices in South-Carolina, and the resolutions of the Democratic Club in Kentucky. I do not recollect that it has appeared before the public in an English dress. D.
From the Radateur, a French paper published in this city.
The Jacobin society, whose maternal tenderness embraces all the inhabitants of the globe, has extended her benevolent care to the planters of Louisiana; a people so ignorant and stupid as to prefer peace, and prosperity under their present government to the noble gratification of cutting one another's throats, in order to establish among them the blessed system of equality which prevails in the French Islands. With this view, she hath caused the following address to be circulated among them, by Apostles whom she hath commissioned and sent abroad to teach all nations.
LIBERTY AND EQUALITY. The free French to their brethren in Louisiana. The 2d year of the French Republic.
The day is at hand, when tyranny shall vanish from the face of the earth. France emancipated, and settled in a republican form of government; having vindicated the rights of man by many signal victories over her numerous enemies, is not content with enjoying the benefits of her success alone; but proclaims to all nations that she is ready with a powerful assistance to second the efforts of those who wish to follow her virtuous example.—Frenchmen of Louisiana, you yet love your mother country; the attachment is born with you; and the people of France are not ignorant of your sentiments. With indignation do they view, in you, the victims of ancient despotism—and they have power sufficient to avenge your cause. A perjured king, his deceitful ministry, his base and haughty courtiers, who had enriched themselves by the sweat and blood of an oppressed people, have all been punished for their wicked deeds. The French, their patience exhausted, and their passions enraged by a series of injustice, under which they had so long groaned, at length rose against their oppressors; and have scattered them as dust is scattered before an impetuous wind.—Your time is come; O ye inhabitants of Louisiana!—be instructed by their great example. It is high time you were no longer the slaves of Spain, to whom you have been so infamously sold;—it is high time you were no longer, as brute beasts, at the disposal of men, who have it in their power, by a single mandate, to rob you of all that is estimable; your liberty, and property.—The Spanish government has usurped all others in the atrocity, as well as stupidity of her domination. With a name execrated over all the continent of America, hath she not marked all her steps by deeds of barbarity?—Hath she not under the hypocritic mask of religion ordered or permitted the massacre of more than 20 millions of men?—Hath she not, to glut her insatiable avarice depopulated, impoverish- ed, degraded whole tribes of the natives?—and hath she not oppressed, and doth she

without ceasing, oppresses you by her exertions?
And what hath been the effect of all this enormous wickedness? Infinitude, disgrace and misery in Europe; wretched slavery, and death to thousands in America, have distinguished the Spanish tyranny. When savages intend to gather the fruits of a tree, they cut it down.—Behold a dreadful emblem of despotism!—Tyrants, in short care little for the condition of the people under them. Every thing must be sacrificed to their gratification; all must bow to their will.—Frenchmen of Louisiana! the oppressions you have endured have too fully confirmed these truths in your experience; and your sufferings have doubtless imprinted in your breasts the glorious resolution of revenge.
Compare your own conditions with those of your friends, your neighbors the free Americans. Look on the state of Kentucky; a country deprived of a sea port; unreasonably subjected to shackles which restrain her commerce; yet by the single influence of a free government growing with a rapidity, which prefaces her future greatness, and already impresses terror on the court of Spain.
Attend to this last circumstance; it unravels the secret of despotism, and unveils its abominable policy.—Men were made to love one another; to unite; to be happy; and so they would be, if those who call themselves the images of God on earth, if kings did not seek to divide them, and to oppose their happiness.
The population of Kentucky is the work of a few years. Your colony, better situated, but deprived of the blessings of liberty, is decreasing every day.—When the free citizens of America by persevering industry have improved their lands, they are assured of enjoying the produce of their exertions: all that you possess depends on the caprice of a viceroy, almost ever unjust, avaricious and vindictive.—Contemplate the evils which your own resolution alone can remove;—by courage and energy you may in an instant change your conditions: but wretched indeed will it be, if you fail to make the attempt; for the name of a Frenchman, already become odious to kings, and the creatures of kings, will eventually make your chains more heavy, and expose you to new vexations.—You glow with indignation; and feel within you the ambition of deferring the glorious appellation of free men: but the fear of misarrying, the dread of not being supported, depresses your zeal. Know then that your brethren of France, after having successfully attacked the Spanish dominions in Europe, will soon appear on your coast with a naval force; that the republicans of the Western Country who are ready to fall down the rivers Ohio and Mississippi, in conjunction with a powerful body of your brethren will fly to your assistance, under the auspicious standard of Gallia and liberty;—and that our united efforts cannot fail to secure success to the undertaking.—Step forward, therefore, Louisianians; manifest to the world that slavery hath not debased your souls; but that you still retain the valour, the spirit, and intrepidity of your forefathers; and that you are not unworthy of independence and freedom.
It is not to our government, but to the glorious dominion of liberty that we desire to unite you. When emancipated, you may form a constitution for yourselves; which constitution will be supported by France, as long as your imbecility shall make it necessary.—Moreover you may enter into a triple compact with her, and the neighboring States of North-America, by a confederation which may be happily calculated to advance the political and commercial interests of each.—It is clear that your parent country will derive great advantages from so beneficial a change; and it is as clear your glory will not be equalled but by the felicity which you and your posterity will receive from the revolution.
Banish imbecility! away with fear! courage, firmness; causa .
"Audaces fortuna juvat." A very happy motto; which, with a small strain of construction may be rendered in English, "Daring villainy is too often prosperous."
UNITED STATES.
GEORGE-TOWN, Jan. 1st, 1794.
By the 44th and last day of drawing 34,000 tickets are drawn, and the grand prizes still in the wheel—which has gained 66,000 dollars.
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 7.
At a meeting of the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States, held last evening at the City Hall, the following Gentlemen were elected Directors of that institution for the year 1794, viz.
Thomas Willing, Joseph Ball, Robert Smith, Matthew McConnel, Joseph Anthony, John M. Nesbitt, Samuel Breck, Jeremiah Parker, Isaac Wharton, William Bradford, James C. Fisher, Thomas Ewing, William Bingham, Jacob Downing, Archibald McCall, Israel Whelen, Matthew Clarkson—PHILADELPHIA.
Herman Le Roy, John Lawrance, Richard Harison, John Delafield, Matthew Clarkson, Abijah Hammond—NEW YORK.
David Sears—BOSTON. Henry Nichols—BALTIMORE.
At an election held yesterday for officers of the Delaware and Schuylkill Canal Company, and of the Schuylkill and Susquehannah Canal Company, the following gentlemen were chosen:—
DELAWARE AND SCHUYLKILL CANAL. Robert Morris, President. Managers.
David Rittenhouse, John Nicholson, William Smith, D. D. Walter Stewart, Standish Ford, Robert Hare, Benjamin R. Morgan, William Bingham, Joseph Ball, Samuel Breck, Charles Biddle, Jeremiah Parker.
Tench Francis, Treasurer. William Moore Smith, Secretary. SUSQUEHANNAH AND SCHUYLKILL CANAL.
Robert Morris, President. Managers.
John Nicholson, Walter Stewart, John Steinmetz, Standish Ford, William Smith, D. D. Joseph Ball, William Bingham, Samuel Breck, Charles Biddle, Charles Baleske, Thomas M. Willing, Samuel Meigs.
Tench Francis, Treasurer. Timothy Matlack, Secretary.
The following articles are copied from the General Advertiser of this morning.
It must appear surprising that the late arrival at Baltimore from Havre should not have furnished the public with some intelligence. The Baltimore papers communicate none, and those here who expected to receive information by that vessel have been disappointed. The vessel left Havre about the middle of October, and this much is known, that the complexion of French affairs was then very favorable; an perhaps this may be one reason why we are not in possession of details, as the city of Havre is well known to be not well affected to the ruling party. Substance of a letter from Havre-de-Grace.
October 16,
The who nation is determined to receive laws from no foreign power. All persons suspected of aristocracy are taken up. Ninet members have been expelled the convention, being suspected of royalism.
The exportation of all articles of first necessity is prohibited. Silks, glass, &c. are to be exported.
The Spanish forces have been beaten in every quarter; and the king of Sardinia is likely soon to be left without a kingdom.
The whole energy of the Republic is directed against England, and preparations are making for a descent, for which one hundred thousand men are intended, and merchant vessels in a state of requisition. 10 millions have been placed in the hands the minister of marine for the construction of boats carrying each four 24 pounders to cover the landing of the troops.
Toulon is blocked by 70,000 men, and expected to surrender.
The troubles of Vendee draw to an end.
We have it from very good authority, that a peace is on the tapis, between all the belligerent powers of Europe, except France, Austria and Spain.
A gentleman, on whose authority full dependence may be placed arrived in this city from Jamaica, via New-York, informs, that when he left Spanish-town a British packet had arrived there. The intelligence brought by this vessel was ordered to be kept a profound secret from the governed, but the captain told our informant that the affairs of France were in
a most flourishing situation; many of the principal towns in England in a state of effervescence, that troops were sent to suppress the spirit, but joined the people in the cry of no war! Prussia, he also informed, had actually withdrawn from the coalition.
Extract of a letter from Baltimore, dated the 2d inst.
The schooner Eagle, belonging to Messrs. Hollins and Barney, has arrived here from Port-au-Prince. The Eagle sailed in company with the ship Sampson, Capt. Barney, belonging to the same house, and saw her captured by a British frigate. She is now probably sent to Jamaica. It is reported Capt. Barney had on board his ship, a very valuable cargo, estimated at not less than 300,000 dollars, and various are the conjectures with respect to his probable fate. It is no doubt fresh in your memory that he retook his vessel from an English crew the last summer, in consequence of which he armed for self-defence in a second voyage undertaken principally to recover and bring home the proceeds of the cargo of the first voyage.
It is reported that the next British mail for the United States, may be expected in a Frigate.
FROM CORRESPONDENTS.
What blessed times some persons are anticipating from the assumption of the powers of government by detached bodies of the people! All the confusion, vexation, and expense attendant on a division, and subdivision of the powers of government, which were experienced in the days of our affliction, are not sufficient to deter the busy and restless sons of anarchy from attempting to bring us back to those scenes of humiliation and distress, from which the new Constitution has so wonderfully extricated us.
But the days of infatuation are passed—and disappointment will attend the plans of those who would disturb our union, and blast the reputation of our country.
What have I to lose?—says Catiline—Another war may set me on my legs.
A correspondent queries, whether the paragraph which appeared in a morning paper of Monday—pointing out certain reasons for the resignation of Mr. Jefferson, was wrote by a friend or an enemy of the gentleman's reputation?—This correspondent further asks, whether Mr. Jefferson did not announce a determination to resign previous to the discussion of certain subjects, which it is shrewdly suspected the paragraph alluded to?—and whether it was not in the power of the Secretary, to have resigned immediately on his discovering, (if such a discovery was even before made) that "his influence was but trifling" in the councils of the Executive?
In the House of Representatives of the United States, Thursday the 2d of January 1794.
THE house proceeded to consider the resolutions, reported yesterday from the committee of the whole house, on the confidential communications from the President, respecting the measures which have been pursued for obtaining a recognition of the treaty between the United States and Morocco, and for the ransom of prisoners, and establishment of peace with the Algerines—whereupon
The first and second of the said resolutions being severally twice read at the clerk's table, were, on the question put thereupon, agreed to by the house, as follows:
Resolved , that a sum not exceeding dollars, be appropriated, in addition to the provision heretofore made, to defray any expense which may be incurred in relation to the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.
Resolved , that a naval force, adequate to the protection of the United States against the Algerine Corsairs, ought to be provided.
The third resolution being read in the words following:
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to report to this House, the naval force necessary for the purposes aforesaid, together with an estimate of the expenses.
A motion was made and seconded, to amend the same, by adding to the end thereof, the words, "and the ways and means for defraying the same."
And the question being put thereupon, it was resolved in the affirmative, Yeas 46—Nays 44.
The yeas and nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present.
Those who voted in the affirmative are, Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, John Beatty, Thos. Blount, Thos. P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Abraham Clarke, Isaac Coles, Wm. Johnson Dawson, Henry Dearborn, Geo. Dent, Wm. Findley, W. B. Giles, Christ. Greenup, Andrew Gregg, Wm. Barry Grove, Carter B. Harrison, John Heath, Danl. Heister, Wm. Irvine, Richd. B. Lee, Matthew Locke, Nathl. Macon, James Madison, Joseph McDowell, Alex. McLean, Wm. Montgomery, And. Moore, Joseph Neville, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Alexander D. Orr, Josiah Parker, And. Pickett, Francis Preston, Robt. Rutherford, John S. Sherburne, John Smilie, Israel Smith, Thos. Tredwell, Philip Van Cortlandt, Abraham Venable, Francis Walker, Benj. Williams, Paine Wingate, and Richard Winn.
Those who voted in the Negative—are Fisher Ames, James Armstrong, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Doun, Lambert Cadwallader, David Cobb, Peleg Coffin, Joshua Coit, Jonathan Dayton, Samuel Dexter, Thomas Fitzsimons, Uriah Forrest, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, Nicholas Gilman, Henry Glen, Benjamin Goodhue, Samuel Griffin, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, Samuel Holden, John W. Kittera, Amasa Learned, William Lyman, Francis Malbone, Peter Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, Nathaniel Niles, Thomas Scott, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, Thomas Sprigg, Zephaniah Swift, Silas Talbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Jonathan Trumbull, John E. Van Alen, Peter Van Gaasbeek, Peleg Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Artemas Ward, and John Watts.
And then the main question being put, that the house do agree to the said resolution, amended to read as follows:
"Resolved , That a committee be appointed to report to this house, the naval force necessary for the purposes aforesaid, together with an estimate of the expense, and the ways and means for defraying the same."
It was resolved in the affirmative. Ordered, That Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. J. Wadsworth, Mr. Forrest, Mr. Malbone, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Parker, Mr. Macon, and Mr. Winn, be appointed a committee, pursuant to the last resolution.
Extract from the Journal, JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk. NEW YORK, Jan. 6.
A gentleman, veracity, who arrived here yesterday from Nantz, which place he left the 24 October, informs that the patriots had taken possession of Lyons; and the Cambray had surrendered to the enemy. He also asserts that there was no possibility of peace.
Strictures on a paragraph, respecting the truce with Algiers, and other favors—together with the minutes of this day's proceedings of the House of Representatives are omitted till to-morrow for want of room.
Algerine Robbers.
To-morrow afternoon, at four o'clock, will be published, By MATHEW CAREY, No. 118. MARKET-STREET. (Price a quarter dollar)
An historical and geographical account of ALGIERS;
Embellished with a Map, comprehending Morocco, Fez, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, Madera, and Canary Islands, Majorca, Minorca, Sicily and Sardinia.
Said CAREY has lately published, A Map of the Seat of War in France—of the Netherlands—of Vermont—and of the Tennessee Government.
Jan. 7
CASTELLI,
Italian Stay and Habit-Maker,
ENCOURAGED by several Ladies of Philadelphia, now in New York, has removed from thence to this city, in Coeur-de-Lion, No. 35 north side of Mulberry Street, between Front and Second; where all kinds of Stays are made—as Italian shape, French corner, English, Silk turn, Riding, Sucking stays, &c. Also, Ladies' Habits, Surcouts, Gowns, and all kinds of dresses for balls, completed in the newest and most elegant fashion.
Any ladies in New York and Charleston, who may wish to employ him, and will be pleased to send their measures shall have their work finished with the utmost neatness and dispatch.
N. B. Said Castelli has an assortment of ready made stays to sell.
Jan. 7.

George Bringhurst, COACH-MAKER,
In Mulberry (Arch) between Fourth and Fifth Streets, adjoining the Episcopal burying-ground.
TAKES this opportunity of returning his grateful thanks to his former employers, and requesting their future favors, as well as those of the public in general.
He continues to make and repair at the shortest notice, all kinds of pleasure carriages, such as coaches, chariots, phaetons with and without crane necks, coaches, chaises, kittereens, wind-for sulkeys and chairs, and harness of every description, in the neatest and newest fashion now prevailing in the United States.
And as he has a quantity of the best seasoned wood by him, and capital workmen, he has not the least doubt but he will be able to give satisfaction to those who please to employ him.
He has for sale, several carriages almost finished, such as coaches, an Italian wind-for chain, hung on steel springs, a light phaeton for one or two horses, and a sulkey with a falling top.
Carriages sold on Commission.
Philadelphia, Jan. 6, 1794. mw&3m
Bank of the United States.
January 6th, 1794.
NOTICE is hereby given, that there will be paid at the Bank, after the sixteenth instant, to the Stockholders or their representatives, duly authorized fifteen dollars a share for each share, being the dividend declared for the last six months.
By Order, JOHN REAN. Cashier.
To the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States.
Gentlemen, ENDING its incumbrance to continue any longer in the direction, it requires you to honor the other person with your choice at the ensuing Election, in the room of Y. U. most obedient Servant, WILLIAM SMITH. Chefnut-street, Jan. 4th. 1794.
Excellent CLARET, In hogsheads and in cases of 50 bottles each. A few cases Champagne Wine; MADEIRA, In pipes, hogsheads and quarter casks, FOR SALE BY JOHN VAUGHAN, No. 111, South Front-Street. Jan. 3, 1794. dtf
NOTICE.
BEING desirous of losing various commercial concerns, and all powers heretofore granted relative to the same should be revoked, and public notice of given, to prevent any possible mistake; I, the subscriber, do hereby make known to all whom it may concern, that all powers and letters of attorney of every nature and extent, granted by me to any person or persons, prior to the 1st day of July last, to act for me or in my name in America, are revoked and made void.
JAMES GREENLEAF. New-York, Jan. 1. 1794. dtw
NORRIS-COURT, Back of the New Library, between Chestnut and Walnut Streets.
George Rutter,
RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he continues carrying on the business of Sign and Fire-Bucket Painting, Likewise, JAPANNED PLATES, for doors or window-shutters, done in the most elegant manner, and with dispatch.
Orders from the country will be thankfully received, and duly attended to. December 30. dtf
E. OSWALD,
No. 156, Market-Street, South,
AT the request of a number of friends, proposes publishing The INDEPENDENT GAZETTEER , twice a week, viz. Wednesdays and Saturdays—to commence in January next, if sufficient encouragement offers.
It will be published on Paper and Types equal to its present appearance. The subscription 3 3/4 dollars per ann.
Advertisements not exceeding a square, will be inserted 4 times for 1 dollar—every continuance one fifth of a dollar. Those exceeding a square, in the same proportion.
MONEY borrowed or loaned, accounts stated or collected, employers suited with domestics, house rooms, boarding and lodging rented, let or procured—soldier's, mariner's, or militia men's pay, lands and claims on the public; shares in the banks, in the canals, and the turnpike road: certificates granted by the public, and the old and late paper monies; notes of hand, bills, bonds and mortgages, with or without deposit—Bought, sold, or negotiated at No. 8, in South Sixth Street, below Market-street by FRANCIS WHITE, Who transacts business in the public offices for country people and others, by virtue of a power of attorney, or by personal application. December 11.
Just Imported, From LONDON, DUBLIN and GLASGOW, And now opening for sale, by MATHEW CAREY, At No. 118, Market Street, A Large and Valuable
COLLECTION OF BOOKS,
Among which are the following: NEW Annual Register for 1792
European Magazine for the first six months of 1793
Gibbon's decline and fall of the Roman Empire Memoirs of the Manchester Society, 3 vols. Priestly on matter and spirit
on christianity
Ditney's life of Dr. Jortin
Kingville's ancient geography
D'Auoirs of Guy Joli
Memoir, a collection of essays
Various Prussian works
Calm observer—by Mackintosh
Russell's ancient and modern Europe
Langhorne's Plutarch
Elegant extracts, superbly gilt
Elegant extracts of natural history
Saunders and Brillon's voyage
Rochon's voyage to Madagascar
Townsend's travels in Spain
Tasso's Jerusalem delivered
Smellie's translation of Buffon
Berwick's history of quadrupeds
Buffon abridged
History of birds
Phillips's history of inland navigation
Homer's rational recreations
History of France, in 3 vols.
Curiosities of literature, 3 vols.
Whitaker's defence of queen Mary
Sheridan's dictionary, 2 vols.
Dow's history of Hindostan
Sketches of the Hindoos
Key to polite literature.
Imlay's description of Kentucky
Present state of Nova-Scotia
Present state of Hudson's Bay
Preston on masonry
Lavater on physiognomy, abridged
Zimmerman's survey
Murphy's life of Dr. Johnson
Necker on executive power
Kisses of Secundus
Gallery of portraits
Volney's ruins of empires
Travels
Vaillant's travels, with superb engravings
Downman's infancy
Adair's history of American Indians
Benington on materialism and immaterialism
Berchold's advice to patriotic travellers
Builder's magazine
Complete farmer
Chandon's life of Voltaire
De Non's travels
Franklin's life and works
Grozier's description of China
Murphy's translation of Tacitus
Godwin on political justice
Gazetteer of France, 3 vols.
Helvetius on man
Kaimes's sketches of the history of man
Liberal opinions, or the history of Benignus
Mawe's gardener's dictionary
Noble's memoirs of the Cromwell family
Playhouse dictionary
Reveries of solitude
Smith's theory of moral sentiments
Stackhouse's history of the bible
Watson's life of Philip II. & III.
Wonders of nature and art, 6 vols.
Wanley's wonders of the little world, called man
Wallis on the prevention of diseases
Moore's journal in France
Travels into Denmark, Russia, Poland, &c.
Cox's travels into Switzerland
Rabat's history of the French revolution
Life of Lord Chatham
Mallet's northern antiquities
Motherby's medical dictionary
Grigg's advice to females
Hamilton's outlines of the practice of midwifery
Manning's practice of physic
Clegborn's diseases of minors
Innes on the muscles
Pott's works
Fourcroy's chemistry
Armstrong on diseases of children
Quincy's dispensatory
Edinburgh dispensatory
Lewis's dispensatory
Ryan on the asthma
Robertson's treatise on fevers
Lees botany
Leake on the viscera
Leake on diseases of women
Nicholson's chemistry
Gardiner on the animal economy
A New Publication.
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be sold by R. AITKEN, No. 22, Market Street
TRANSACTIONS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.
Held at Philadelphia, for promoting Useful Knowledge, Vol. 3. Price 20/ in boards
The subscribers are requested to call as above directed for the 3d vol. where may be had, complete sets uniformly printed.
Contents of Vol. 3d.
1. An essay on those enquiries in Natural Philosophy, which at present are most beneficial to the United States of North America. Dr. Nicholas Collin.
2. Conjectures concerning the formation of the earth, &c. Dr. B. Franklin.
3. A new and curious theory of Light and Heat. Dr. B. Franklin.
4. Description of the process to be observed in making large sheets of paper in the Chinese manner, with one finetooth surface. Dr. B. Franklin.
5. Queries and conjectures relative to Magnetism, and the theory of the Earth. Dr. B. Franklin.
6. Explanation of a singular phenomenon, first observed by Dr. Franklin, and not satisfactorily accounted for. Mr. R. Patterson.
7. An account of an Earthy Substance found near the falls of Niagara and vulgarly called the Spray of the Falls; together with some remarks on the Falls. Robert M'Causlin, M. D.
8. Observations on the probabilities of the duration of Human Life, and the progress of population, in the United States of America. William Barton, Esq.
9. A letter containing observations made at Lake Erie, on that singular phenomenon, by seamen termed looming. Andrew Elliot Esq.
10. An Account of the Sugar Maple-Tree of the United States, and of the methods of obtaining Sugar from it, together with observations upon the advantages both public and private of this Sugar. Benjamin Ruff, M. D.
11. Memoir on the use of the Thermometer in discovering Banks, Soundings, &c. Jonathan Williams, Esq.
12. An Account of the most effectual means of preventing the deleterious consequences of the bite of the Crotalus Horridus, or Rattle Snake. Benjamin Smith Barton, M. D.
13. Magnetic Observations, made at the University of Cambridge, (Massachusetts.) D. S. Williams.
14. Accurate determination of the right ascension and declination of Bootes, and the Pole Star. Andrew Elliot, Esq.
15. Account of several Houses in Philadelphia, struck with Lightning, on June 27th, 1789. David Rittenhouse, Esq.
16. An Account of the effect of a stroke of Lightning on a House furnished with two Conductors. David Rittenhouse, and Francis Hopkinson, Esqrs.
17. Experiments and Observations on Evaporation in cold Air. C. Spear, M. D.
18. Postscript to Mr. Bartol's Letter, to Dr. Rittenhouse, of the 17, March, 1791. Mr. R. Patterson.
19. New Notation of Music. Mr. R. Patterson.
20. Observations on the Theory of Water Mills, &c. W. Waring.
21. Astronomical Observations David Rittenhouse.
22. A letter relative to a method of finding the sum of the several powers of the Sines, &c. David Rittenhouse, Esq.
23. Index Florae Lancastriensis Henrico Muhlenberg, D. D.
24. Investigation of the power of Dr. Barker's Mill, as improved by James Watt, with a description of the mill. W. Waring.
25. A Thermometrical Journal of the temperature of the Atmosphere and Season a voyage to and from Oporto, with explanatory observations thereon. Jonathan Williams, Esq.
26. First memoir of observations on the ant denominated Cryptogamick. M. De Beauvoir.
27. A letter, containing observations on the ancient works of Art, the Native Inhabitants, &c. of the Western Country. Major Jonathan H. Major Jonathan H.
28. An account of some of the principles employed by the North American Indians. Extracted by the late Mr. Hugh Mar.
29. An account of the beneficial effects the Cassia Chamærista in recruiting worn out lands, and in enriching such as are naturally poor; together with a botanical description of the plant. James Greenway of Virginia.
30. An account of a hill on the borders of North Carolina, supposed to have been a volcano, in a letter from a Continental officer, to Dr. J. Greenway, Virginia.
31. An Account of a poisonous plant, growing spontaneously in the southern part of Virginia. Extracted from a paper by Dr. James Greenway, Virginia.
32. Description of a Machine for measuring ship's way. Francis Hopkinson, Esq.
33. An Inquiry into the question, whether the Apis Mellifica, or true Honey-Bee, is a native of America. Benjamin Smith Barton, M. D.
34. An Account of a Comet. David Rittenhouse, Esq.
35. CADMUS or a Treatise on the Elements of Written Language, illustrating, by a Philosophical division of Speech, the power of each character, thereby mutually fixing the Orthography and Orthoepy. With an Essay on the mode of teaching the Deaf, or Sudo
and consequently Dumb, to speak, by Wm. Thornton, M. D. Honored with the Magellanic Gold Medal, by the Philosophical Society, in December, 1792.—N. B. Cadmus is printed in a fine 8. vol. and sold by the Publisher hereof.
34. Observations on the Theory of Water Mills. W. Waring.
35. An Improvement on Metallic Conductors or Lightning rods. Mr. Robert Patterson.
Honored with the Magellanic Premium, by an Award of the Society in December 1792.
36. An easy and expeditious method of dissipating the noxious Vapour commonly found in Wells and other subterraneous places. Ebenezer Robinson, Esq.
37. A method of draining Ponds in level grounds. Jesse Higgins.
38. Observations on the severity of the winter, 1779, 1780. Rev. Matthew Wilson.
39. A Description of a new Standard for Weights and Measures; in a letter from Mr. John Cooke, of Tipperary in Ireland.
40. Description of a SPRING-BLOCK, designed to assist a Vessel in sailing. Francis Hopkinson, Esq. Honored with the Magellanic Gold Medal, by an Award of the Society in December 1790.
December 20. end2w.
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