Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-01-21 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 77, of Vol. III.]
SATURDAY, JANUARY 21, 1792.
[Whole No. 285.]
LONDON, November 1.
The following paper has been circulated at Paris, and stands precisely on the same authority as the other publications of the same nature.
The Protest of the Princes of the House of Bourbon, against the acceptance of the Constitution.
IT is in vain that an unfortunate monarch, always captive, though free in appearance, has consented to the ruin of his faithful subjects—to the ruin of the Monarchy—by accepting a pretended Constitution of the Empire; it is in vain that he has signed his own degradation; his sanction which the King has given in fact to a monstrous code, is really no sanction in right . And who can be persuaded of the legality of such an assent, while every thing proclaims the contrary?
“Can a Prince, left alone amidst usurpers, surrounded with the wrecks of his own throne, encompassed by fears and menaces, beset by intrigue, have freedom of choice? And without freedom of choice, is not every consent null?
“Freedom consists in being able to chuse without danger, and without fear; it cannot exist without this condition, and consent is null, when refusal would hazard the safety and property of him who gives it. If the King had refused to accept the constitution, he would have been deprived of the crown; so had the usurping Assembly decreed. And in rejecting with disdain a degraded crown, when presented by a seditious Assembly, was the King master of the choice of his asylum? and would he not have exposed his person, and all that was still more dear to him, to outrage, and his faithful subjects to proscription, to murder, and to conflagration?
“Without doubt, had Louis XVI. entertained the hope of dying at least with glory, if his blood could have saved France, the inheritor of the virtues of Henry IV. would have displayed his courage. Forced to obtain his inheritance by conquest, he would, like him, have been the victor and the father of his subjects; and, like him, would have compelled them to become happy. But what can courage do without support! Henry had an army; while Louis, alone, betrayed, abandoned, captive in the hands of his enemies, without troops, without auxiliaries, forced even to regret the happy obscurity of the meanest of his subjects, in the midst of an importunate crowd, who served rather to besiege than defend him, found not even one friend to share his sorrows, and wipe away his tears.
“The King then could form no other determination than that which he adopted, without hazarding the loss of his crown, and perhaps of his life. His degradation, and even his death, would have been an useless sacrifice to honor; it would have caused France long and fruitless remorse, but could not have saved it.
“The King then was not free; his sanction is therefore null: and in this case to disobey illusory orders, is to give the strongest and most courageous proof of obedience and fidelity: it is to serve the real Monarch, it is to serve God and our country.
“Scarcely could this pretended assent be credited, if the King had proclaimed it amidst his family, surrounded with his ancient and faithful servants, with all his military household, in fine, with all the splendor of his former power. Then the royal assent, though the occasion of so much ruin, would nevertheless have been recognized as just, at least reputed free; then we might have condemned the error of the Prince, but should not have wept over his chains; then the fact would have been incontestible, we could only have disputed the right.
“In fact, even if the King had enjoyed full possession of his liberty, would he have had the right to sanction laws contrary to the fundamental laws of the kingdom? Could he, from a mistaken generosity, and in the expectation of a deceitful calm, have sacrificed, along with himself, his family, his successors, the true happiness of the people, generations present and to come? Could he give a valid approbation to the pretended Constitution, which had occasioned so many misfortunes? Possessor for life of the throne which he received from his ancestors, could the King, in alienating his primordial rights, destroy the constitutive basis on which it is founded? Born Defender of the Religion of the State, could he consent to what tends to its ruin, and abandon its ministers to wretchedness and dis-
grace? Bound to administer justice to his subjects, could he renounce the function, essentially royal, of causing it to be administered by tribunals legally constituted, and of superintending himself the administration? Protector of the rights of all the orders, and of the possessions of individuals; could he sanction the invasion of the one, and the violation of the other? Father of the People, could he abandon them to disorder and anarchy? In fine, could he highly approve what reason and justice condemn, and eternize the misfortunes of France?
“And what is this Constitution, which they pretend to give us, except a monster destructive of laws human and divine; a work of offence and iniquity; null, from the vice of the convocation of the members of the Assembly, styling themselves Constitutive; null from the combination of the Deliberating Body, a combination subversive of the first basis of the State, the distinction of orders; null from the principles which it establishes, since they overturn the throne and the altar, and tend to replunge men into barbarism by appearing to bring them back to nature; null from its consequences, dreadful consequences, of which experience already presents a too faithful catalogue in the disorder of the finances, in the scarcity of money, in the stagnation of commerce, in the want of discipline among the troops, in the inactivity of the tribunals, the silence of the laws, the tyranny of the factious, and the oppression of the rich; in one word, the triumph of licentiousness over true liberty?
“It would be useless to accumulate reasoning; truth is too striking; and facts already speak so loudly, that the consequence cannot be denied, without a species of self-deception. The King then had no right to sanction such a Constitution, of which his sanction, already null by the defect of freedom, is null likewise by the defect of right.
“Ah! when victorious over the Gauls the first Franks assembled in the Champ-de-Mars, raised Pharamond on the shield; when their warlike voices exclaimed—“Reign over us, and let your descendants reign over our children,”—they were far from foreseeing, that at the end of fourteen ages a generation would come, whose madness would destroy the work of wisdom and of valour! When Philip the Fair, reviving the rights of the people, that had been disregarded under indolent Monarchs, summoned to the States General the Deputies of the Third Estate, and placed them along with the Peers of his realm, he did not suspect that one day this ungrateful order would overturn the two others, would deck ambitious Tribunes with the spoils of Supreme Power, and leave only the phantom of a King on the throne of Charlemagne.
“No, it shall not be so: no, the French Monarchy shall not perish. And since motives which it is impossible for us to perceive, but which can originate only from the violence and constraint which, by being disguised, are only more cruel, force Louis XVI. to subscribe an acceptance which his heart rejects, which his own interest and that of his people condemn, and which his duty as King expressly prohibits;
“We protest in the face of the whole world, and in the most solemn manner, against this illusory act, and all that may follow from it. We have shown that it is null of itself, null by defect of liberty, null from the radical vice of all the operations of the usurping Assembly, which not being an Assembly of the States General, is nothing. We are supported by the rights of the whole nation, in rejecting decrees diametrically opposite to their wishes, expressed by the unanimous tenor of instructions to their Representatives; and we disavow, on behalf of the nation, those treacherous mandatories, who, in violating their orders, and departing from the mission entrusted to them, ceased to be its Representatives. We will maintain what is evident, that having acted contrary to their title, they have acted without power, and what they could not legally do cannot be validly accepted.
“We protest for the King, and in his name, against only what can bear its false impression. His voice being stifled by oppression, we will be its necessary organs; and we express his real sentiments as they exist in the oath of his accession to the throne, as they have appeared in the actions of his whole life, as they have been displayed in the Declaration which he made at
the first moment that he believed himself free. He neither can nor ought to have any other, and his will exists only in those acts where it breathes freely.
“We protest for the People, who, in their delirium, cannot perceive how destructive this phantom of a new Constitution, which is made to dazzle their eyes, and before which they are vainly made to swear, must become to them. When these people neither knowing their lawful Chief, nor their dearest interests, suffer themselves to be misguided to their destruction; when blinded by deceitful promises, they see not those who excite them to destroy the pledges of their own security, the supporters of their repose, the principles of their subsistence, and all the ties of their civil association; it becomes necessary to claim for them the re-establishment of all these; it becomes necessary to save them from their frenzy.
“We protest for the religion of our fathers, which is attacked in its dogmas and worship, as well as its Ministers; and in order to supply the Monarch's want of power at present to discharge in his own person his duties as eldest son of the Church, we assume in his name the defence of its rights; we oppose those invasions of its property which tend to degrade it; we rise with indignation against acts which menace the kingdom with the horrors of schism; and we loudly profess our unalterable attachment to the Ecclesiastical Rules admitted in the States, the observance of which he has sworn to maintain.
“We protest for the fundamental maxims of the Monarchy, from which the King is not permitted to depart; which the nation itself has declared to be inviolable; and which would be totally reversed by the decrees which abolish Royalty itself; by suppressing all the intermediate ranks; by those which deprive Monarchy of the functions most essential to Monarchical government.
“In fine, we protest in the presence of the Supreme Being, and in the name of Eternal Justice, for all Orders of the State, and for all Frenchmen.
“This Protest, signed along with us by all the Princes of the Blood who are connected with us, is common to all the House of Bourbon, on whom their eventual rights to the crown impose the duty of defending the august deposit.
(Signed) LOUIS-STANISLAUS-XAVIER, CHARLES-PHILIPPE, L. JOSEPH DE BOURBON, LOUIS-HENRI JOS. DE BOURBON, L. A. H. DE BOURBON.”
Coblentz, October 8, 1791.
A messenger arrived in town on Wednesday with dispatches from Constantinople, Warsaw, Vienna and Berlin, containing the treaty of peace with the Turks, signed by all the powers concerned.
Letters from Stockholm mention, that in consequence of the report becoming public there, that the King intended to assist the French refugee princes, in re-establishing them and their arbitrary power in France, several of the Swedish regiments have declared they will not act, and it is thought such will become the general declaration of the army.
The King of Sweden's acquiescence to his Most Christian Majesty's acceptance of the Crown, with the limitations prescribed by the National Assembly, takes off one of the most active enemies to the new Constitution.
The Court of Saxony likewise, reckoned amongst the most inveterate foes to the Revolutionists, according to the last accounts from the Continent, has acknowledged the new Constitution, and accepted of the Ambassador sent with it.
With regard to Great-Britain, little remarkable has occurred during the present vacation of parliament, either to arouse the attention of the people, or excite the curiosity of the politician. The late armament, like the baseless fabric of a vision, has now almost vanished; the greater part of the ships are paid off; and the seamen being discharged, such of them as prefer vice and idleness to industry and labour, will seek a livelihood by rapine and plunder. The expences of this armament, which must be considerable, will no doubt form a topic of discussion in the course of next session; the abolition of the slave-trade will, in all probability, be also revived; but

among other objects which may engage the attention of the legislative body, we sincerely hope that a worthy and respectable member will not forget his plan for checking the progress of Female Prostitution—an evil which, in this country, and particularly in the metropolis, has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished. Though this evil cannot be abolished, it may, however, be lessened. The establishment of a proper police, vigilant magistrates, active officers, and suitable punishment inflicted upon those who offend, will undoubtedly contribute to promote so desirable an object, and be of the utmost benefit to society.
The arms of Great-Britain continue prosperous in India. But it would be rash, after the public dispatch of Lord Cornwallis, to predict sudden or unobstructed success. We therefore wait the event with the solicitude and anxiety of good citizens.
The marriage of the Duke of York with the Princess Frederica of Prussia, has taken place sooner than we expected. This alliance is highly creditable to the Duke, and honorable to the nation. The union of the young Prince of Orange with another branch of the same family, renders the connection still more desirable. The Duchess of York, if fame speaks truth, possesses every amiable quality that can adorn her sex.—At Berlin her character is held in high estimation. Her Royal Highness, it is to be hoped, will become the model of female imitation; and her example may banish from the higher circles those modish follies which at present prevail, & which, if not criminal, are certainly ridiculous, and engage too much of their leisure and attention.
A printed paper has been distributed at Stockholm, one of which the King found under his seat, and of which the following is a copy:
“The Swedish nation will not go to war against the French nation:—The law only permits our assembly to make an offensive war; thy oath obliges thee only to lead thy troops for the service of the nation; and it is only in this service that we will fight against who ever offers to offend or transgress the laws, and are in any wise deficient in discharging their duty.”
By the Nancy, Captain Anderson, arrived yesterday in the river, from Rouen, in Normandy, we are acquainted, that the utmost rejoicings were observed in that city, so long celebrated for its exertions in the cause of freedom, on the day which the intelligence arrived of the French King's acceptance of the Constitution. Captain Anderson adds, that the people of that country seem so attached to the late changes, that if he may judge of all France by the people of Rouen, all the powers of Europe united, will not be able to make them change their political creed.
The price of bread in Paris still continues to rise, and it is feared may interrupt the public tranquillity. It is attributed to the failure of the crops through the southern provinces of France. In the north the harvest was good.
The plague still rages at Constantinople, and still more in the Morea and in Egypt.
The different presents made in Berlin, which the Duke of York distributed on account of his marriage, cost the sum of 35,000 rix dollars.
The American funds are now much sought after, and have risen within the two last months from 92 to 120 per cent. The Dutch have sold out very large sums from our funds, to purchase those of America.
Accounts from Constantinople mention, that every thing was reduced to order in that empire, the rebels in Asia and Africa were entirely subdued.
The Dutch have continued selling out of our funds for some time, especially Bank Stock, so that at the opening of the books last Thursday, more transfers were made than ever were known in one day before. The high rate at which they have sold will give a vast profit to the foreigners; but it is a comfort to see now little the price has been affected; not above two or three per cent. by the prodigious sums sold out. Nothing proves more the internal riches of our country, than this circumstance, that when the foreigners chuse to sell out of our funds, the native stockholders can take on themselves all that comes to market, and as the interest of it will in future be paid to and spent among ourselves, and not remitted abroad, it will operate to keep up the course of exchange in favor of this country.
The French king has, began to appoint the officers of his new household. M. de Brissac is commander in chief of the military department, M. de Harvelly is commander of the infantry, and M de Point l'Abbe of the cavalry.
The Empress of Russia has disbanded the greater part of her Asiatic troops, and distributed among them implements of agriculture.
The Royal Academy of Berlin held their anniversary meeting on the 5th ult. the king's birth-day, when M. de Hertsberg notified, that, amongst several others, the King of Poland had been elected a member of that Academy.
The disturbances which existed in the Canton of Berne, are entirely settled without bloodshed.
This morning John Hopkins, Esq. Lord Mayor elect, was presented to the Lord Chancellor, at his house in Ormond-street, and received the signification of his Majesty's approbation.
The King of Spain has lately made considerable promotions among the officers of his army, and has intimated an intention of raising the pay of his troops. These are very obvious, but only temporary expedients for securing the obedience of troops, between whom and their commanders there is no common interest.
Spain seems to take one lesson from France. In order to effect the Revolution the more surely, France encreased the pay of the soldiers. Spain, to secure their allegiance to Monarchy, has done the same. Thus has the soldier fared well, whether freedom or despotism prevails: but it may be a bad military lesson, to adopt that cause which pays best.
The Resolution of the Emperor are the most fatal strokes that could possibly have been given to the hopes of the refugee princes; for independent of depriving them of all expectations from him, they will throw a damp upon the success of their negotiations elsewhere.
M E N T Z, October 17.
The French emigrants who were here a few days ago, received a message from the Prince of Conde, requesting them to repair to him at Worms; but on their arrival in that city he was not to be found, having set off for Alchaffembourg. By the despair and sadness visible amongst these foreigners, it is imagined that the object for which M. de Conde desired their attendance, was to communicate to them the bad news of the acceptance of the new constitution by his Most Christian Majesty, which destroyed every hope of succour from foreign powers to restore the ancient form of government, and enable them to return to their own country.
CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1791.
The Report of the Committee of the whole House on the Post-Office Bill, was taken into consideration.
The several amendments agreed to by the committee were read. The first section, as amended, after some further amendments, was agreed to—this section details the roads. Second amendment was to authorize the Postmaster-General to form contracts for carrying the mail on cross-roads—agreed. In the eighth section the rates of postage are established by an amendment, the lowest at six cents for a single letter, and the highest twenty-five cents for the greatest distance—agreed.
The substitution of “imprisonment for life,” in lieu of the words “shall suffer death,” for robbing the mail, was objected to by Mr. Hartley, who observed, that for the protection of property, most countries have enacted penal laws.—Those which have been the most sanguinary, have, I think, not been the most successful.—Those of a moderate complexion, have had a better effect, without sporting with the lives of men.
While the English government had its influence in America, the public mind in most of the Provinces was in favor of the former kind. Pennsylvania was among the first exceptions. The Quakers, who first settled Pennsylvania, were moderate in their manners and principles:—their penal code remained till the late revolution. The independence of America has led to great inquiry—and we have ventured to change our laws, and made them less sanguinary—this has happened in a greater or lesser degree in most of the States.
Life is not sported with, and the idea of confinement and repentance strongly prevails. As I have said the other day—we have altered our laws with great success in Pennsylvania.
What protection are we to have to this property?—What danger is it subject to?
The Postmaster-General will doubtless take security from the deputies he appoints, and of those to whom the mail is entrusted.
This is our security—and there is scarcely an instance where a man is punished with death for a mere breach of trust.
Fines and imprisonment will be sufficient to punish the party, and deter others from committing the like offence.
It is not like a robbery upon the person, taking money. There is, in the latter, a complication of offences—Personal security as well as property are involved, and the crime enhanced. Perhaps robbery should be punished with death; but I
think fine and imprisonment sufficient for the crime now under consideration. The public mind would more approve of it than the punishment of death.
Mr. Boudinot agreed in sentiment with Mr. Hartley. He said that extreme punishments often prevented a jury from convicting a criminal.
Mr. Barnwell was of opinion that a crime of so pernicious a nature as robbing the mail, ought to be punished with death.
Mr. Livermore was also in favor of the original clause. He observed that a felon was never so secure as when he was hanged out of the way. In reply to Mr. Hartley's remarks respecting the salutary effects of the new system adopted in Pennsylvania, he said he did not think they were so apparent as had been represented—crimes were still committed, he said, in this city; for that since the meeting of Congress, several attempts had been made to set it on fire. He said that punishments, and capital ones, would always be found necessary.
Mr. Smith (N.H.) observed, that punishments ought to be proportioned to the offences committed; this is not done in the bill—He therefore was under the necessity of voting against the clause, in order to having some modification of it made.
Mr. Hillhouse was in favor of the amendment as reported by the committee.
Mr. Hartley moved an amendment to the amendment, by striking out the words “for life”—this was seconded by Mr. Findley, and supported by Mr. Kittera—who observed, that it was a principle in jurisprudence not to leave too much in the discretion of the judges. This amendment was carried.—On the question to agree to the section as thus amended,
Mr. Baldwin stated sundry particulars to shew that the crimes and punishments referred to in this bill, were on a totally different principle from those mentioned in laws already passed by the Legislature of the United States. He should therefore vote against the amendment.
The question being divided, the first was on striking out the clause, “shall suffer death,”—it passed in the negative—so that the original clause remains.
The twentieth section, respecting franking, Mr. Wadsworth moved should be struck out.
Mr. White observed, that he did not like the clause as it stands; but he was not for abolishing the privilege altogether. He read a clause which very much restricted the business, and which he should prefer to the section in the bill.
Mr. Hillhouse said he had thought favorably of the motion; but on more mature consideration, and after hearing the arguments on the subject from gentlemen in favor of it, he was of opinion it would be best to retain the privilege.
Mr. Wadsworth observed, that finding a great alteration had taken place in the sentiments of gentlemen on the subject, he had been induced to renew the motion.—He observed that the evils resulting from the practice, he had found on enquiry, were much greater than he had supposed; but if the practice is retained, he should greatly prefer the proposition of the gentleman from Virginia. He doubted not that a revenue might be raised from the post-office, and in a way which would be perfectly agreeable to the people, provided abuses were kept out of the department, by franks and other means.
Mr. Sturges replied to Mr. Wadsworth.—He observed that it was not to be considered as a privilege conferred on the members, but intended solely for the benefit of the people; it had not been complained of—was productive of the most salutary consequences—and he did not think the disadvantages counterbalanced the numerous benefits resulting from it. As to the abuses mentioned, he had greater confidence in the honor and integrity both of the present members, and those of any future national legislature, than to suppose they would abuse the privilege. He was in favor of every necessary restriction, but still for retaining the substance of the clause.
Mr. Gerry replied to Mr. Wadsworth.—He observed, in the course of his remarks, that the arguments offered for abolishing the privilege, were the most forcible in favor of retaining it.
Mr. Kittera observed, that though the revenue of the post office might at first be affected, yet he was of opinion that the correspondencies which would arise from those begun by franking, would eventually contribute to an encrease of the revenue.
[The further consideration of the amendments was postponed.]
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 18.
A bill to reimburse certain extra expences of the late commissioners for treating of peace with the Creek Indians, having been read a second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house on Wednesday next, it was (on motion of Mr. Giles) resolved, that the Comptroller of the treasury be directed to lay before the house a copy of the account of the said extra expenses.
A message, from the President of the United States, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, together with the copy of an act of the Legislature

of the state of Vermont, ratifying, in behalf of that state, all the articles of amendment, proposed to the Constitution of the United States.
A report from the committee to whom was referred the President's message, relative to a letter from the Attorney General, was read and laid on the table.
The house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the communications from the President, respecting the Western Frontiers—whereupon the doors were ordered to be shut.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 19.
On motion, a committee was appointed to enquire and report whether any, and what alterations it may be expedient to make, in the organization of the Treasury and War departments.
The house took up the report of the committee of the whole, on the message from the President of the United States, relative to the situation of the western frontiers; on which the doors were shut.
The house being opened, Mr. Fitzsimons moved a resolution to this effect, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the house such information with respect to the finances of the United States, as will enable the legislature to judge whether any additional revenue will be necessary in consequence of the proposed increase of the military establishment, which was agreed to by the house.
The petition of Robert Byers was presented to the house praying compensation for a four horse team lost in the service of the United States, which was read and referred to the Secretary at War. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 20.
Sundry petitions were read, praying, severally, for settlement of accounts, payment of balances, allowance of pensions, compensations, &c.—these were referred to the heads of departments.
Mr. Parker then moved that the consideration of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Catherine Greene, should be resumed, by the committee of the whole—which motion was agreed to—and Mr. Livermore took the chair. The resolutions offered a few days since, by Mr. Wayne, were read, and it being moved that they should be adopted, the subject was further discussed.—The debate continued through the day. The committee rose without taking a vote, and had leave to sit again.
The House then adjourned till Monday next.
NEW-YORK.
Extract of a letter from Princeton, New-Jersey, January 9, 1792.
Amidst the variety of topics which every day brings into conversation, none has engaged the political circles in this town more than the late unfortunate defeat of our western forces under General St. Clair. The event of this expedition was predicted by many respectable characters, whose habits of life have given them opportunities of forming correct opinions on military matters. However eagerly the extirpation of the savages was anticipated by the unreflecting and inexperienced, these initiated veterans saw things in a different light, and their apprehensions, from the raw state of our new-raised troops, as well as their total ignorance of the Indian method of warfare, have been but too literally verified. This second misfortune has shown us that all attempts to reduce the savages must inevitably fail. We are generally of opinion that the money expended in offensive operations—in carrying hostilities to the villages of that fugitive race of people, who emigrate from place to place as convenience directs, would be much more eligibly applied towards the extinction of the heavy load of debt incurred by a just and necessary war—a war to emancipate us from the shackles of that power whose claims of dependency and vassalage were not more inequitable than ours with respect to the Indians of the western territory.
This contest appears unwarrantable as well on the principle of justice as of policy—The first may be instantly decided by recurring to the idea of primary possession, by which the first occupants are considered as legitimate proprietors of the soil, and all attempts to dispossess them must be pronounced indefensible. As to the policy of this territorial war, a variety of unanswerable reasons present themselves. A young empire, just emerging into existence, embarrassed with debts, a federal government, scarcely established, suspended on the slender thread of opinion—shews us the evident necessity of an undivided attention to the arts of peace. However pacific the aspect of the political expanse may now appear, it is not improbable that a perseverance in the present system of public measures with regard to the west, may occasion a considerable ferment, if not disaffection.
The ready, the virtuous, the magnanimous acquiescence of our citizens in the present impositions on commerce, originated in an idea that the monies so raised would be expended frugally and with care.
The Indian war—a war thought unnecessary, inequitable and impolitic, is therefore objectionable, and hence it is inferred that the enormous sums annually expended on so unjustifiable a business, is mere prodigality.
To satisfy the public mind, and to retrieve the declining reputation of our councils, it appears to be indispensably requisite that the military system should be totally reversed; all idea of conquest or expulsion should be rejected as fallacious, and such measures pursued, as may give tranquility to the frontiers, and restore the public confidence. The money now wasted in one year, for raising troops to be butchered in the western forests, would be more than sufficient to quiet the Indian tribes for twenty. You may perhaps think my solicitude too great, and my apprehensions bordering on the chimerical, but I assure you I feel the full force of an honest conviction. I unequivocally assert the necessity of some speedy change in public measures—and do not hesitate to avow it as my decided opinion, that unless an alteration of the present system soon takes place, a partial revolution of a certain office will be the consequence.
Jan. 18. At a Meeting of the Stockholders of the MILLION BANK of New-York, agreeably to the adjournment of yesterday, the following resolutions were agreed to:
Robert Troup, Esq. in the chair.
After producing to the Stockholders the subscriptions made, and the ratio or apportionment to each agreeable to the number of shares subscribed, it was resolved that
For every 30 shares subscribed the ratio should be fixed at three.
For every 20 shares subscribed the ratio should be fixed at two.
For every share subscribed under 20, the ratio should be fixed at one.
A motion was made and carried, that a committee of five should be appointed to draw up a constitution, and the following gentlemen nominated and appointed:
MELANCTON SMITH, BROCKHOLST LIVINGSTON, ROBERT LENOX, ROBERT TROUP and CORNELIUS I. BOGGART,
Who are to present the same on Monday evening next.
A motion was made and carried, to postpone the scrip payments of shares and the election of Directors, till after the Report made by the Committee of the Constitution.
Resolved, that the Stockholders adjourn, to meet again on Monday next, the 3d. instant, at Corre's Hotel, at 5 o'clock P. M.
Yesterday morning a Hand-bill, was distributed through the City, containing Proposals for a Bank of Two Millions.
In consequence of which a number of Citizens attended at the time appointed, and we hear, that upwards of One Thousand Shares were subscribed for.
The trade and business of the Nation, Exceeds all human computation; One bank no longer can suffice, And see in clusters how they rise! To-day, the wealth that ne'er shall be— To-morrow rolls in like a sea! For millions are as quickly made As you can call a spade—a spade— Ho! you that sans all toil and trouble, Would make a fortune—or would double— Read these Directions for a—bubble— Draw all your scattered wits together, And then in Ink-pot dip a feather, Dash off a banking plan—so pretty— And circulate it round the city: Then ope your books at Corre's Hotel, And in a moment what a total! A greedy, grasping group, surround you, And eager to subscribe confound you! This done behold the balloon caper, Transferr'd to twenty reams of paper; Cut into handsome handy flits, And dubb'd the million banking scrips; These, ere the press can give them vent Sir, Shall sell for more than cent. per cent. Sir. Heigh ho!
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM A WORK NOT YET PUBLISHED.
LETTER I.
MADAM, I AM not at all concerned to think that this letter may be less entertaining than some others I intend to send you—I know you will think a kind letter from a friend as good as a diverting one: He that gives you his mirth makes a much less present than he who gives you his heart; and true friends would rather see such thoughts as they communicate only to one another, than what they offer promiscuously to the world. They who can set a right value upon any thing, will prize one tender, well meant word, above all that ever made them laugh in their lives; if I did not think so of you I should never have taken much pains to endeavor to please you by writing or any thing else; wit I am sure I want—at least in the degree I see others have it, for not content with snuffing the candle with their own fingers, they are willing to snuff others with the snuff—but I would be thought to have some qualities that may be (as occasion may require) of more comfort to myself, and of more service to my friends. I would cut off my own head if it had nothing but wit in it, and tear out my own heart, if it had no better dispositions than to love only myself, and ridicule and deceive my neighbors in sport. I know you'll think it an agreeable thing to hear that I have written three whole Cantos of my Persian Tale, the Medead, and that it will appear in a couple or three months in a neat pamphlet.—If it be tolerable, the world may thank you for it, for if I could have seen you every day, and imagined my company could have pleased you as well, I should scarce have thought it worth my while to please the world. How many verses, and tell tale letters (though not like the Bilhop's of *****) could I gladly have left unfinished, had I been permitted to pass those hours more pleasingly. Whatever some may think, fame is a thing I am much less covetous of, than your friendship, for that I hope will last all my life, the other I cannot answer for;—What if they both should grow greater after my death? Alas! like the fame of old Davy the ballad singer, my papers would have few correspondents, fewer readers, and no female friends at all, they would both be of no advantage to me. Think therefore seriously on this, and love me as well as ever you can while I live, and continue in good dispositions. Yours's as usual. [paid for]
Philadelphia, January 21.
Further Intelligence by the latest arrivals from Europe.
The Dey of Algiers has declared war against the King of Sweden—The plague still rages in Constantinople—and in Egypt it has destroyed 200,000 people.
Two rebel Beys have made themselves masters of the Capital of Egypt, and have entirely seized on the government.
The Inhabitants of Aleppo have also revolted against the Turkish government, and obliged the commandant and the troops to evacuate the City.
In consequence of the peace established between Spain and Algiers, the former is to be allowed the privilege of establishing a Company of Spanish Merchants at Oran and at Masalquivir.
The want of Union only, among the disaffected in the Low Countries, or Austrian Netherlands is said to prevent the flames of civil war from breaking out afresh.
On the 16th Oct. the Royal Prison at Madrid was reduced to ashes—the prisoners to the number of 210 were saved from the flames.
Morton Eden, Esq; is appointed British Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Berlin. Charles Mace, is appointed British Agent and Consul at Algiers.
American Emissaries are said to be traversing the Highlands of Scotland for the purpose of seducing the Inhabitants to emigrate to America—which according the English paragraphists always terminates in Misery, and ends often in the Slavery of the deluded emigrant!!
PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH COUNTER-REVOLUTION.
The Marquis de Bouille galloping with a drawn sword in his hand, and a very long pair of spurs at his heels, from capital to capital of the northern kingdoms of the continent, vowing vengeance, and putting much cayen into his soup wherever he stops to dine.
Monsr. Calonne, not galloping, but creeping from court to court in five hundred disguises, and talking to every body he meets by nods and winks.
An hundred thousand men, with large whiskers, from no body knows where, quartered at a little village on the frontiers of France.
The army following the Princes, an excellent army—in officers, if it had but men!
The Marquis de Bouille with a large speaking trumpet, upon the borders of the kingdom, calling the National Assembly names.
All the kings of Europe met in Congress some where or other, dressed in the disguise of the witches in Macbeth, boiling up toil and trouble for Monsr. de la Fayette. Bouille as Hecate.—"Every one shall share of the gains!"
The five Ex Princes writing a protest against the new Constitution upon a very inflammatory paper, manufactured on purpose, with which they mean to steal silly by night, and set fire to Paris—"Vive le Roi!" Finis.
Extract of a letter from Boston, dated Jan. 7, 1792.
The season has been remarkably moderate here, and to this day we have not sufficient snow to make sleighing. It is also a healthful season, and there is less complaint among the people, and less poverty, than we have known for many years. These are great blessings, and demand the highest gratitude to our divine benefactor."
Extract of a letter from the Post-Master at Hartford, to the Editor, dated January 16, 1792.
"Am sorry to inform you, that since my last of the 4th ult. six more bundles of your papers have failed. Our people are quite discouraged; all that I now hold them by, is a promise of punctuality, as soon as the Post-Office Act gets through. Be pleased to stop immediately Mr. —, and Doctor —; also General —, and Colonel —, unless you are sure your files will produce all their missing numbers, which are about 15 each."
The numerous complaints which the Editor has recently received from the Eastward, of the failure of his Gazette, at this interesting season, are occasioned by their being stopped at the Post-Office in New-York.—The Editor having been told that the Post-Master of that city, has informed the Post-Master General that he has not been able to send on any newspapers for several weeks!
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Frederick-Town, to his Friend in Baltimore, dated the 1st instant.
"An Officer, just arrived here, who was in the late dreadful conflict in the western country, speaks of the late Ensign GEORGE CHASE in the most exalted terms—His bravery (amidst many extraordinary instances of heroism) was surpassed by none; He fell some distance in front of his men, the first charge that was made, and, when he could no longer lead, encouraged them to go on, observing that he was wounded but slightly, and would follow immediately—In 10 or 15 minutes he expired, with a serene smiling countenance. Thus fell this gallant promising young gentleman—much loved, admired, and lamented!
"General BUTLER, that great and good man was shot through the breast. He soon after became so feeble as to faint several times—When he was put on horseback, he was so collected as to have the flint of his pistol cocked, and as he sat, supported by some bags of flour, told those who parted with him, that he never expected to go off that ground, but that he would sell himself as dear as he could—He lived dearly beloved by his men, and died as sincerely lamented by those and all others who knew him—His bravery and conduct in the battle has so rivetted the affections of his followers, that his memory will be revered by them as long as they shall possess the power of recollection."
The following is an authentic list of arrivals at the port of New-York from January 1st 1791, to January 1st 1793, viz. 120 ships and bargues, 280 snows and brigs, 1 galliot, 1 polacre, 18 Schooners, 158 sloops—total from foreign ports 718—and 1101 coasters. By comparing the preceding list with that in the Philadelphia papers during the same period, it appears that there is a balance of 151 vessels, from foreign ports, in favor of New-York, and 407 coasters.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
It would be candid in those who mention the great duties which they lay are laid by Congress, to let it appear, that some of the highest of them are not expected to produce any revenue, but are calculated to prevent the home demand for raw articles we can raise and procure by our own industry from being taken away by rival articles, sent hither by foreigners to the injury of our farmers, fishermen, &c. The following duties, which are among the highest, are direct bounties on agriculture, viz. On cheese four cents, malt ten cents, indigo twenty-five cents, hemp fifty-four cents, &c. &c. The following articles are so easily manufactured from native materials, that the duties on them are indirect bounties on agriculture, and the landed interest, viz. Tallow candles two cents, soap two cents, wax candles six cents, malt liquors five cents, cordage 100 to 150 cents, manufactured tobacco, tanned leather, earthen and stone ware, mustard, &c. ten per centum. The duties on coal, iron, lead, &c. are bounties to the landholders, and will yield little revenue. Several other duties are mere protections to manufactures, and do not produce any thing of consequence to the federal chest, such as the duties on shoes and boots, manufactures of copper, spikes, wool cards, paper, gold and silver wares, carriages, wooden furniture, tin wares, &c. &c.
We are told that "the whole country" is laid under a heavy excise. To be sure, if one state or one county pays the excise, "the whole" must, because by our fair and equal constitution no part of the union can be called upon to pay a public contribution but by a law which applies to the whole. As to the "heaviness" of the excise, it will puzzle the most knowing man to mention in what country so light an excise exists, though it will be easy to find an example of one twelve times as heavy abroad.
The United States never sent forth so great a value of produce in any two years, as in 1790 and 1791, nor did the merchants in this country ever in any two years order out and import so great a value of goods as in those two years, nor did they ever own so many tons of shipping, nor were the vessels ever more generally good and handsome; yet it is suggested that "trade is flagging under the impost."
It is the opinion of many judicious persons in different parts of this country, that lands improved and unimproved have advanced in price from 20 to 30 per cent. since the year 1789. City property is every where more advanced. Old branches of business are extended, none have fallen off, new branches are daily appearing in different quarters. These things will yield to men of sober thought satisfactory proof that the general system of Congress is beneficial to the general interests.
If the passions of children are not controuled and regulated by their parents when young, the laws must controul them when they come to be men—there is no other alternative. For that indulgence which too many children are the unhappy subjects of, nurtures vices, which, in riper years, without the restraint of the civil magistrate, would render them the pests of society. In a free country, where the law is supreme, the above remark applies to rich and poor—to the former perhaps with the greatest force.
An EPITHALAMIUM (if possible) in our next.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 24/8 pr. £. 1 3/4 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 15/ 75 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 15/2 77 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett'l. and other Certificates 21/6 107 1/2 do.   Indents 14/6 72 1/2 do.   Bank Stock—half shares 109 per cent premium.   —whole shares 60 per cent.  

The following EPITAPH was written by Mr. S—, of Portsmouth, (N.H.) on his friend J. PARKER, Esq.
LET Pride build marbles, and repeat The honors of the rich and great; More sterling virtues here lie low, Than Titles—Rank, or Riches know— Tho childless dying, yet from high When the last trumpet rends the sky, Unnumber'd Orphans low shall bend, And hail thee father, guardian, friend, Thy numerous charities avow To all the host of Heaven—whilst thou A name more glorious shalt receive, Than daughters, or than sons can give. That plaudit of thy judge—Well done, Receive the unfading heav'nly crown, And shine eternal as the Sun.
PORTSMOUTH, (N.H.) Dec. 28. Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Boston to his friend in this town.
“The rapid and continued rise of real estate is ascribed to the great redundancy of cash, and the efficacy and stability of government. Rents and landed property here have advanced more than forty per cent. within the last six months, and are still rising; as the monied men want employment for the floods of cash that have been lately pouring in upon them. How different is the present situation from that a few years since. Men were then sacrificing their lands for cash—they are now as eagerly vesting their cash in lands. Thus you see, each one will have his day,—at the southward land speculation rages still higher, and the speculators in public paper finding that harvest past, now bend their attention with equal ardor, to speculation in landed property.”
The National Assembly of France have manifested their loyalty in an exemplary manner, and like a set of able Physicians, they have given that to their King, of which all monarchs stand in need, a good Constitution!
PROVIDENCE. January 7.
The amount of duties on goods, wares and merchandise, imported into the district of providence, between the last day of June, 1791, and the 1st day of January, 1792, as secured at the Custom House, is 23,059 Dolls. 86 Cents.
  Amount of ditto on } tonnage of vessels, } 409 87   Total, 23,469 73 
ALBANY, January 9.
Let quakers petition, and speculative characters who glide only on the surface, say what they will on the subject of an Indian warfare, the plain English of the business is, that we can never obtain a permanent peace with these barbarians till we have reduced them to the feet of Congress—The origin and justness of our cause are now totally out of the question.—It is indeed to be severely lamented, that we could not have obtained a peace by fair treaty—but every one who knows any thing of the nature of savages, must know that this desirable event can never be obtained, while they are riding triumphant in the arms of victory.—It will therefore be the policy and interest of Congress, in our own defence to make a decisive effort the ensuing campaign. It is supposed, 6,000 men to begin an early campaign by penetrating into the heart of their country from the Ohio—and half that number to proceed through the interior of this state, either to establish posts on Lake Erie, or to form a junction with the southern army so as to distract the savages between two fires—would be completely competent to every purpose—but it would perhaps be better for America, even to double this force, rather than to linger along two or three year's feeble and undecisive campaigns.
KNOXVILLE, November 19.
About the 10th inst. a company going through the wilderness to Cumberland, was met on the road by a party of Indians. Upon first sight the men (being seven in number) rode off with the utmost precipitation, and left the women (four in number) who were so terrified that they were unable to proceed. The Indians came up, shook hands with them, and told them they should not be hurt, made a fire for them, and caught a stud horse, that one of the company had jumped from, which they tied to a tree. They then went after a small boy who was attempting to make off, and brought him back to the women. Four of the company did not stop till they reached the settlement—the other three returned to the women after some time.
[The above extract is taken from a Gazette, printed at Knoxville on the Holsten, in the Territory of the United States, south of the Ohio; and we have a pleasure in hearing that the women, who had been deserted by their fellow travellers, were indebted for this remarkable proof of friendly attention, to a hunting party of Cherokees; the nation with whom Governor Blount made a treaty last summer.]
Blank Powers to receive the Interest, and for the transfer of the principal of public debt, agreeable to the Rules established in the Treasury Department: Also Blanks for abstracts of Certificates, to be sold by the Editor.
S A L E S
Of the real Estate of JOHN KIDD, late of the Township of Bensalem, in the County of Bucks, Esquire, deceased, pursuant to the Directions of his last Will and Testament.
ON Tuesday the 27th of March next will be exposed to Sale, by way of Public Vendue, on the premises—One exceedingly valuable and highly improved Farm, containing about two hundred and ninety-nine acres, situate on the river Delaware; on which is erected a handsome two-story brick house, with a new piazza in the front, two kitchens, a good barn, stables, hay-house, and other convenient outhouses. A good orchard of the best kind of grafted fruit, now in its prime; a large garden well fenced in, and in good order; and a lhad and herring fishery before the door. This place is remarkably well timbered, has a sufficiency of meadow, a large front on the river, and runs back to the post-road.
One other very valuable Farm, adjoining the above; containing about two hundred and seven acres, the greatest part of which is wood-land. There are on this farm a good house, barn, stables, and other outhouses, with a young thriving orchard of the best grafted fruit, and a lhad and herring fishery. It has long been a well accustomed tavern; and the ferry belonging to it, known by the name of Dunks's, is noted for being well kept and much frequented. Both the above places afford the best prospects on the river, and are remarkably healthy.
One other small Farm, containing about sixty-three acres, situate in the township of Southampton, in the county aforesaid; on which are erected two log-houses. There is a small orchard, and a great sufficiency of wood-land and meadow ground.
One Lot, containing four acres, situate on the great post-road leading from Philadelphia to New-York, and ten miles from the former. On it is a good log dwelling-house, and work-shop adjoining, with a well of excellent water at the door: now in the tenure of the Widow Ward.
Also, at the same time and place, will be sold all the remaining Stock, Household-Furniture, Farming Utensils, and Wheat in the ground.
N. B. The conditions of sale will be, one-third of the purchase money to be paid down, and the remainder in two yearly payments with interest.
(eptm27) JOHN SWIFT, JOHN M. NESBIT, } Executors. SAMUEL BENEZET, }
IMPERIAL HYSOON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
T E A S,
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c.
Of the first quality—by retail,
No. 19,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
A few TICKETS in 3d and last Class of the NEW-JERSEY LOTTERY.
JOHN PINTARD, SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER, PURCHASES and SELLS
PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission, at the following rates:
ON the specie amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent.
On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent.
On remittances, ditto.
Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest.
For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer.
Such persons as may incline to favor the subscriber with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch. His long experience and extensive dealings in the public stocks, together with a well established correspondence throughout the United States, enable him to conduct his operations with peculiar benefit to his employers.
JOHN PINTARD, New-York, No. 57, King-Street.
October 15, 1791.
ANNAPOLIS, January 1, 1792.
At a Meeting of the Visitors and Governors of St. John's College, in the State of Maryland, on Thursday the 10th of November last,
RESOLVED,
THAT this Board, at the quarterly meeting in May next, proceed to elect a Vice-Principal of St. John's College.
That it be the duty of the Principal and Vice-Principal, to teach some of the higher Authors in Latin and Greek, certain parts of the Mathematics, Logic, and Moral and Natural Philosophy; and that the departments of the said Principal and Vice-Principal shall hereafter be ascertained with precision, on considerations of their mutual convenience and respective qualifications.
That the Vice-Principal shall be entitled to receive, for his services, a salary of three hundred and fifty pounds, current money, rating dollars at 7/6 each, to be paid quarterly.
That persons desirous of, and qualified for the appointment of Vice-Principal, be, by public advertisement, requested to make application to Mr. Charles Wallace, Mr. Charles Carroll of Carrollton, and Mr. Alexander Contee Hanson, all of the city of Annapolis.
By order of the Board,
JOHN THOMAS, President.
N. B. The fundamental Laws of St. John's College prohibit all preference on account of religious tenets or opinions.
As the appointment of a Vice-Principal is alone wanted, to complete the plan of this rising seminary, the Board will certainly proceed to the election at the stated time; provided a person qualified, in their judgment, for this important station, can be procured. The personal attendance of the candidates, although not positively required, will be obviously proper.
It may be useful to remark, that the salaries of all the professors and teachers have hitherto been paid with entire punctuality; and that the funds of St. John's College produce a certain annual income, superior to all the appropriations, which have been, or probably will be made.
The Printers of newspapers throughout the United States, are earnestly requested to insert the above resolve and remarks—and to repeat the publication as often as convenience will permit.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR, A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold at the Bank of the United States, shewing the Value of Gold in Dollars and Cents, from One to a Thousand Pennweights—according to the Act of Congress, ascertaining the Standard and Value of Gold.
The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.
ADVERTISEMENT.
BY late arrivals from France, the Editor has received from No. 10 to 31, both inclusive, of a Publication which comes out twice a week in Paris, entitled, "CORRESPONDANCE NATIONALE." From No. 1 to No. 10, have been shipped, but are not yet come to hand. Any person who may incline to subscribe for this work, which appears to be ingenious, impartial and patriotic, may be furnished with the numbers as they arrive by applying to the Editor of this Gazette.
American Lead Manufactor.
STEPHEN AUSTIN, & Co.
HAVE just now opened their LEAD-WAREHOUSE, two doors south of Walnut-Street Wharf, adjoining their New Factory—where they have now made, and ready for sale, a general assortment of SHOT of all sizes, with SHEET and BAR LEAD, the production of the Mines in Virginia. As they have employed a number of experienced English workmen, they warrant it to be equal in quality to any manufactured in Europe, and at a reduced price from the cost of imported.
They also continue to manufacture all the above articles at Richmond, in Virginia. All orders addressed to either of the above Factories, will be thankfully received, and executed on the shortest notice.
N. B. Wanted, industrious, sober, Labouring Men, at the said Mines, where constant employ, good wages, and other encouragements will be given, means of conveyance being provided, and houses for their reception.
For further particulars enquire of Messrs. Moses Austin & Co. at their Factory in Richmond, or as above.
Philadelphia, December 3, 1791.
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, PEAR-STREET,
A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS,
Which may be seen every day, until five o'clock, p. m.
Among them are the following:
Folio. HOMER, Xenophon, Plato, Pindar, Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoret, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Paternus, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thesaurus Ciceronis, Biblia Junii and Tremellii, Bible de Martin, Wells's Maps, Scapula—Phavorini—Martini—Hoffmanni Lexica, Vossii Etymologicum, Antiquit. Eccles. Britannica, &c.
Quarto. Pindar, Cyropaedia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phaedrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Ciceronis op. om. Cæsar, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ars Gram. Cluverii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c.
Octavo et infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poëzæ minores Gr. Isocrates, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Plautus, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Ausonius, Buchanan, Sallust, Curtius, Florus, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hist. Augut. Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars, &c. &c.
Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Booksellers, Market-street, or of JOHN CAREY. (eptf.) October 31.
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
TO BE SOLD,
THAT beautiful and elegant situation on the banks of the Potomack, adjoining the town of Alexandria, whereon the subscriber now resides; about 25 or 30 acres will be sold with the improvements, which are a neat and commodious two story house, completely finished from the cellar to the garret, a kitchen, laundry, meat-house, dairy, two story barn, and ice house, all finished in the best manner, together with several other necessary outhouses, the yard and garden neatly paled, and a skillful gardner now employed in putting it in fine order; the land well enclosed with a post and rail fence; a well, and springs of excellent water—the prospect is equalled by few, and excelled by none in America—its contiguity to Alexandria, the Federal Town, and Georgetown, having a fine and full view of each place, must render it in a few years of great value, being directly in a line of communication from Alexandria to the other two towns. Should a purchaser offer before the 15th of February next, a cheap bargain may be had. An indisputable title, clear of all encumbrances, will be made by the subscriber. I will also sell with this place, 220 Acres of Wood Land, about 3 miles distant, which will suit well to support the above in wood and timber. December 14, 1791. (tf) BALDWIN DADE.
War Department.
JANUARY 2, 1792.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are intitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of September, 1791, and which will become due on the 5th day of March, 1792, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the states respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form:
A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:
I, A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and ending the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two. Signed and sealed in the presence of
Witnesses.
Acknowledged before me,
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim.
By command of the President of the United States. H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
The Printers in the respective states are requested to publish the above in their newspapers, for the space of two months.
The price of this Paper is 2 Dollars per ann. One half to be paid at Subscribing.