The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-09-02 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. CXXXI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2d, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
No. V.
THE next power, whose constitutional exercise by Congress is contested, is, that of placing at the mercy of the Executive, as far as relates to banishment, all unnaturalised foreigners; of which the Alien law is alleged to be an instance.
On this subject, various remonstrances were presented to Congress in the year 1799, alleging the Alien law to be unconstitutional, and praying for its repeal. These remonstrances were referred to a committee of the House of Representatives, who made a report, exhibiting arguments in favor of the constitutionality of the law. The amount of these arguments were:
1. The unqualified declaration, "That the asylum given by a nation to foreigners, is mere matter of favour, resolvable at the public will."
2. That "the right of removing aliens is an incident to the power of war and peace."
3. In reply to an objection against the constitutionality of the law, from its depriving aliens of a trial by jury, it is said, "that the constitution was made for citizens, not for aliens, who of consequence have no rights under it, but remain in the country, and enjoy the benefit of the laws, not as matter of right, but merely as matter of favor and permission, which favor and permission may be withdrawn, whenever the government charged with the general welfare shall judge their further continuance dangerous."
Those who considered the Alien law as unconstitutional, supported their opinion on these grounds:
"1st. Because such powers being, neither among the specific powers granted by the constitution to the general government, nor necessary to carry into effect any of those specific powers, is, both by incontestible deduction, and by the 12th amendment reserved to the individual states. 2d. Because even supposing such power to be by implication comprehended amongst those granted to the general government, its exercise is for the present expressly prohibited to that government by the section which provides that the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808, and 3dly, because aliens are supposed to come under the general description of persons to whom by the constitution the right of a trial of all crimes by jury is secured.
4thly. Because, if supposing the power to inhere in the general government, the act of Congress had in an unconstitutional manner, and contrary to the whole spirit of the constitution, given to the President a discretion, more partaking of legislative than of executive complexion. For it placed the reputation, and in a great degree the property of a large class of inhabitants at the mercy of one man, who, by severity to his enemies, and by partiality to his friends, might, while he protected the latter in the asylum they had sought, sacrifice the former by abandoning them to all the hardships of exile. Under this power, however little exercised, it was contended that the President would be enabled to render subservient to his political purposes, the whole body of foreigners, and thereby, if his views were unworthy, enlist them, from the sentiments of fear or gratitude, in their promotion. It was contended that such a power never could have been intended to have been given to government to be exercised in such a way, as it was opposed to the best established and fundamental principles of a republican government.
Those who may desire full information on this subject, will find it in the debates of the House of Representatives on the passage of the act, and on the various motions made to repeal it; and especially in the report of the Virginia Assembly, drawn up by Mr. Madison.
What precedes, clearly establishes the contradictory construction given on this subject, to the constitution; and of course, in correspondence with the previous train of reasoning, establishes the propriety of making the constitution speak a more definite and unequivocal language. If such a power, so exercised, be a proper one to be bestowed, let it be done in words which no man can mistake; and if it be such a power as ought not to be bestowed, or if bestowed, proper to be restricted in its exercise, let it be either absolutely forbidden, or cautiously limited.
In the opinion of those who advocate the constitutionality of the power, and the policy of its exercise in certain cases, it is certainly important that in whatsoever hands the enactment and execution of laws are placed, the existence of such a power should be acknowledged and undisputed; while, in the opinion of those who deny its constitutionality, it is equally important to restrain by positive injunction, those abuses and violations of the constitution, which they believe have been already incurred.
SOLON.
The following article is extracted from an Eastern Print, decidedly federal in its complexion. It is evidently written by a political friend of Mr. Adams, and a political enemy of Mr. Jefferson. Though the enmity of the author to Mr. Jefferson may, and actually does, discolour and pervert his sentiments, it may fairly be inferred that his partiality to Mr. Adams would restrain him from ascribing to him opinions or declarations, which he had either not made, or which, in the estimation of the writer, it would not have been commendable in him to have made. From this declaration of Mr. Adams, the republicans are justified in repeating, what they have hitherto said, that he and his friends are inimical to the constitution, and that, inasmuch as they are of opinion "that in times of commotion and violence (which are the times that most require a good Constitution) it would be broken as easily as a whale would go through a net," they are the men who would subvert it, and that its true and efficient support is derived alone from their opponents, the republicans.
"As the Constitution of the U. States is now in its infancy, and in a state of experiment and probation, it is well that a change of system in the administration of it has taken place, that the people may learn what it is able to bear. President Adams said, that the Constitution was calculated only for a virtuous people, and a state of tranquility; but that in times of commotion and violence, it would be broken as easily as a whale would go through a net. President Jefferson, in his inaugural speech, says, "I believe this on the contrary, the strongest government on earth." This difference of opinion in the two Presidents naturally accounts for the difference of their measures. Mr. Adams, apprehensive of its weakness, thought it prudent to preserve a state of tranquility, and to guide the constitution with a steady hand; while Mr. Jefferson is willing to launch it "upon a tempestuous sea," and trust to its own strength to safely ride out the storm. When it has been tried both in a tempest and a calm, we shall then have some opportunity of judging both of its excellencies and its defects; and should it finally turn out (as its present operation seems to indicate) that it is a government of men rather than of laws, the people will be sadly deceived in their hopes and expectations; for they intended a government of laws and not of men."
VARDEN & CARPENTER, TAYLORS,
Gratefully acknowledge the favors of the public, whilst carrying on business opposite Mr. Stille's Tavern, and inform, that they have removed to the next house east of Mr. Tunnicliff's Hotel, where gentlemen and ladies will be served in a style of fashion and elegance which it has ever been, and ever will be, their study to execute, and they presume, equal to the most populous cities in the Union.
Regimental and Ladies Habits made in the neatest manner.
May 15, 1801.
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The Schooners Dolphin & Kitty, now lying at Mr. Young's Wharf will constantly take freights every three weeks from this to Annapolis or Baltimore. For terms apply to BRO. HAWN and BOYS. Washington July 15, 1801.
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
Monday, June 19.
FINANCE.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he had purposely abstained from any comments upon the resolutions brought forward by Mr. Tierney, or upon those he had submitted, till they had been a sufficient time in the possession of every member. He had already admitted the statements contained in the resolutions brought forward by the Hon. Gentleman to be perfectly accurate, and founded fairly and candidly upon the papers before the house. Having stated that there was no arithmetical difference between him and the hon. Gentleman, it might not be amiss to observe, that the same materials might be so put together as to produce different impressions. He did not know that this observation was applicable to the several resolutions. In fact, his chief objection to those of the Hon. Gentleman was, that they did not go far enough to enable the House to form a comprehensive judgment upon them.
The deficiencies he had remarked in them he endeavoured to supply. He would agree with him in his statement of the amount of the funded debts prior and subsequent to the war; but at the same time he claimed the right of making a comparison as to the means this country had of providing for its increased debt now and at the period of the conclusion of the American war. It would be recollected, that in 1785 the national debt was unattended with that consolatory circumstance of a provision having been made for its discharge. Since that period the wisdom of Parliament had adopted the system of a sinking fund, applicable to the reduction of the debt of the country, the effects of which had been most advantageous. In 1786 the Sinking Fund for the reduction of that debt was the 238th part of it; at present it bore a proportion of a 73d part of the amount of the funded debt. Satisfactory as this was, he was ready to confess, that unless accompanied by other circumstances, he should not deem it of himself sufficient to justify his view of the financial prosperity of the country; but he felt himself justified in asserting, that its means and opulence had been increasing every year of the present war. That which afforded him the most satisfactory reflection upon the increased prosperity of the country was the comparative state of its Exports and imports. When to this he added that which must present itself to the knowledge of every member, the vast increase of cultivation, and every symptom of growing wealth and prosperity, he thought he had sufficiently proved, that its means were more than adequate to its burthens. He then adverted to the resolution relative to the probable Peace Establishment, in the material statements respecting which he admitted he agreed with the Hon. Gentleman. He then referred to the operation of the Income Tax, observing, that it was a measure on which he reflected with satisfaction. But for the operation of the Income Tax, he contended, that it would scarcely have been possible to have borrowed money at all for the service of the country. Every man must shudder to think of the price that must have been paid for the means of carrying on the war; he believed, if the funding system had been persevered in, the country would have been paying an interest equal to the amount of the Income Tax: the debt which would have been created by persisting in the funding system, would not have been extinguished in forty years; but by means of the Income Tax, the country was burdened with a sum no longer in its amount, and with the advantage, that it would be paid off in a fourth of the time. It was he confessed, a material objection urged against the Income Tax, that commercial persons did not pay in proportion with the rest of the country. Whether this was so he knew not; but he knew that the House and the country would be obliged to any one who would advise a mode of compelling them to pay a just proportion, consistent with those principles necessary to be observed in a commercial
country. He would, however, ask whether any other mode had ever been adopted, by which commercial persons contributed so largely as by the Income Tax? It had the recommendation of drawing more from those persons than any other system; and when he considered the state of the funds at the time it was adopted, compared with their present amount, and increased facility of borrowing money on mortgages, an advantage of great importance to commerce — he must congratulate the country upon a plan which had been productive of such advantages. He concluded by observing, that he should move the previous question upon Mr. Tierney's resolutions; and then move, that the House should agree to those he had presented.
Mr. Tierney saw no reason why the Right hon. Gentleman should have exaggerated the finances of the country as he had done; but he could easily conceive why the late chancellor of the Exchequer had done so; he had done it to shew the prosperity of his administration. He thought he had been doing the right hon. gentleman an act of kindness, in pointing out to him the difficulties with which he had to contend; but, after the declaration he had made, he must suppose him to have undertaken the management of the finances of the country, and, after examining them, to have satisfied himself that they were in a flourishing condition, or at least required only economy. Here Mr. Tierney enumerated the several parts of the resolutions in which they differed from each other, and referred to the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the exports and imports had more than kept pace with the burdens of the country. On this point he had but one observation to make; that was, that the burdens incurred were permanent, and the means to meet them were temporary and would finish with the war. He put it to the house whether it could be expected that the imports and exports should continue the same as at present, when Europe was tranquil; when France was enabled to apply its capital to commerce; and Holland, whose spirit of commercial enterprise equalled our own, was enabled to combine with France in promoting it: It had been frequently urged, that our colonial acquisitions during the war had been one of the means of increasing the resources of the country; but would any one say that Great Britain would retain those colonial acquisitions in the event of a peace? Not only was it unlikely that France would not consent to our keeping them; and if she should consent, it would perhaps not be the interest of this country to keep them. With regard to the tax on income, he believed that one of the greatest evils of that tax was, its having enabled the late ministers to carry on the war; that solid system of finance had unsettled the solidity of the minister's seat; he never could understand how the operation of the Income Tax could relieve the funding system, in fact it had done no such thing; it was true it had relieved the late chancellor of the exchequer from the necessity of laying new taxes. If he felt an unwillingness to exaggerate the resources of the country, he did not despond; he believed the finances might be brought round, but great privations must be submitted to by the country in order to retrieve them. He concluded by moving his first resolution.
The chancellor of the exchequer said the hon. gentleman had admitted that we should not despond. This was precisely his idea; with steadiness, fortitude, and prudence, all our difficulties might be surmounted. Every branch of expenditure would indeed require great attention. He owned he could not look at the finances without seriousness, but he also confessed that the more minutely he examined them, the greater was his confidence. With respect to the Income Tax, he had only rejoiced in its adoption, under the peculiar circumstances of the times, but did not pledge himself to its particular term of duration.
Mr. Windham regretted the necessity which he felt himself under to rise, in consequence of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney) having introduced some observations on a subject not immediately before the

house, and on which it was material to guard the public mind from entertaining an erroneous idea. The part of the hon. gentleman's speech which he alluded to was that where he spoke of the probable surrender of some of our colonial possessions in the event of a conclusion of peace. He noticed that the country would be probably called upon to make such concessions, but he did not notice that any correspondent sacrifices were to be made on the part of France. He saw no reason in mode of argument that this or that possession should be given up to the enemy, because great exertions had not been necessary to obtain it. The principle on which he understood a treaty should proceed was prudence, the probable degree of concession that might be expected from the enemy, and what might be necessary to future security. He should therefore enter his protest against the principle which had been started, and decline any further discussion of it. Were he to go into it, he should ask, why should France, with a great accession of power, not known since the time of the Romans, have still more conceded to her? This, indeed, would be an odd application of the text "of him that has much, much will be expected." If that assemblage of kingdoms called France had then such territorial possessions as no country ever possessed with safety to other states, why was Britain to cherish it with colonial possessions, and supply commercial advantages?
Mr. Tierney said he had avoided every thing that could produce such a discussion. What he stated was, that there was no person, who, if he had the means, would insist upon keeping that mass of colonies, the continued possession of which would make Britain the object of the envy and jealousy of the rest of the world. He had said also, that if we had the power of retaining them, the enemy would not consent to it. These were his sentiments; but it seemed that the right honorable gentleman who found fault with them, had, in his abundant finery, forgot that the late administration, of which he formed a part, proposed in the negotiation at Lisle, to give up every thing except the Cape and Trincomalee. He should be glad to know how long since the right hon. gentleman had received these new lights; or, if he had not changed his opinion, how he could reconcile his present principles with the sincerity of the offer made at Lisle.
Mr. Windham said, his individual sincerity was nothing to the purpose. The sincerity of the majority of the government that made the offer was the question, and that, he believed, could be supported. He should not, however, go into detail, but he had no difficulty in saying that there were many points on which he had differed from his colleagues.
Mr. Whitbread expressed his surprise that the right hon. gentleman should continue to have acted so long with an administration, the conduct of which he had disapproved.
The question was then put and negatived on Mr. Tierney's resolutions; and those of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were agreed to.
On the motion of Mr. Robson, the account of the loan advanced to the Emperor was ordered to be printed. Adjourned.
Nail Manufactory,
ALL kinds of Cut Nails for Sale by Whole Sale and Retail at the Factory on F Street, and at the Hardware Store of the Subscriber, where persons building and all others wishing to purchase may be supplied with any quantity at the most reasonable rates.
JOHN JACK Washington Feb. 4, 1801.
NOTICE.
THE following slaves have been committed to the gaol of Washington county, viz. SOLOMON JOHNSTON—Five feet 10 inches high, 33 years of age, has on a pair of nankeen trowsers and a coarse shirt; says he belongs to captain Johnston of the city of Baltimore.
JOHN PAINE—Five feet 8 or 9 inches high, 26 or 27 years of age, has on a blue coat much worn, a pair of light coloured corduroy breeches, and an old hat, says he belongs to col. Martin Pickett of Fauquier Court House, Virginia.
MARK alias THOMAS GORDON—Five feet 9 inches high, 40 years of age, has on a pair of old trowsers, and an old shirt and a new felt hat; says he belongs to David Allison of Falmouth, Virginia.
BEN COLE—Five feet 8 or 9 inches high, 22 years of age, has on a striped gingham coat, overalls of the same, and white dimity jacket; says he is a free man, and that he came from Fells Point in the city of Baltimore, where he resides.
The owners of the above Runaways are desired to come and take them away, otherwise they will be sold as the law directs, to discharge their prison expences.
DANIEL C. BRENT. Marshal of the District of Columbia Washington, August 14, 1801. zawtf
Latest Foreign Intelligence.
Received at Boston, by Capt. Ward, from Liverpool, with London papers to July 15th.—by Capt. Tyler, from Lisbon, which place he left July 12th.—and by the Belvidere, from Liverpool, arrived at New-York, with London papers to July 12th.
LONDON, June 29. The following extract of a letter from Egypt is authentic:
" Aboikir, May 8. "I was yesterday at Rosetta; the state of the place bears incontestible proofs of the poverty of the supplies and resources of the enemy."
"The Mamelukes, to the number 5000, act in conjunction with the British army, which receives from all directions the most abundant supplies. I have seen one of Menou's proclamations on the subject, in which he has threatened to burn every village of which a single inhabitant should carry provision to the English camp."
"Menou, probably alarmed by the extent of the desertions and the increasing discontent of his followers, lately sent a flag of truce, declaring that the French were desirous to evacuate Egypt on the following conditions:—"
"1st. That they shall be permitted to return to France with the honors of war, in the vessels remaining in Alexandria, or these proving inadequate to their proper accommodation, the English to furnish such further transports as should be wanting."
"2d. That they be allowed to take with them their arms, baggage, cannon, &c."
"The English general replied that if the French evacuated Egypt, they should be conducted to France with all the honors of war in English cartels, but that the demands of the Republican general, in regard to arms, stores, &c. were wholly inadmissible."
"We learn from the deserters, that Menou communicated to the army the failure of this overture, and sought to inflame their resentment by the most impassioned declamation; he reproved his troops for want of their accustomed constancy, and expressed his indignation and wonder that an army which had given chains to Italy, and dictated peace to Austria almost beneath the walls of its capital, the flower of the French nation could suffer itself to be beaten by the laches Anglois (the cowardly English). The soldiers are as much astonished as the general at their defeat, but they have profited better by their experience, and learned to respect their enemy."
"Through the same channel we learn, that the loss of the Republicans in the battle of the 21st of March, comprised 2400 killed and wounded, and 500 made prisoners."
The peace between Spain, France and Portugal, was ratified on the 10th ult.—The king and queen of Spain were preparing to leave their capital on the 18th of the same month, on their way to Lisbon, in order to pay a visit to their daughter, the Princess of Brazil, no doubt to congratulate her on the glorious peace which has paved the way back again for the re-union of the two crowns under the protection of the great nation, which is to send Louis Bonaparte, as it is said, to receive their joint homage on the occasion.
Twenty thousand Spanish and 10,000 French troops are to garrison the fortified towns in Portugal. Some territory in Portugal is also to be ceded to Spain.
French and American Treaty.
LONDON, July 12. We understand that the First Consul of France refuses to ratify the Treaty with the American states, unless the American government shall agree to it without modification. Apprehensions are entertained that the French will renew their depredations on the commerce of the United States.—Mr. Dawson, who is at Paris, was to apply to the French government to suspend measures of this nature until the matter should be re-considered by the American Senate, or some other amicable mode of settling matters could be adopted.
The angry and decisive tenor of the note presented by the American minister to our Cabinet, at the moment of their being involved in a contest with the Northern Powers, clearly shews the line of politics which the new government of the United States would adopt if their inclinations were not restrained by their fears. The condemnation which is the subject of complaint, took place on the 26th of October, and was announced in the American papers early in November. Six months were suffered to elapse without its being made the object of amicable discussion; but so soon as the
Northern Confederacy assumed a tone and consistency which threatened our maritime and consequent political existence, this charge is resorted to as the occasion of offence; and expressed in terms not consistent with our accustomed notions of the intercourse of friendly states.
The First Consul has suffered for a long time from a rheumatism contracted in the army. Citizen Corvisart, his physician, has thought the season favourable to attempt to free him from it. He has applied blisters to the breast and arms successively. This treatment, the effect of which has been very favourable, has prevented the First Consul from coming to the last parade and giving the usual audience to ambassadors this day. He has not ceased a single day to do business with the Consuls and Ministers, and held this morning a Council General of Finance, which takes place the 6th of every month, and at which all the Ministers and the Director General of the Public Treasury attend. C. Corvisart thinks that the First Consul will be able, without inconvenience to his health, to attend next quintidi, at the fete of the 14th of July.
[Paris pap.]
LONDON, July 13.
Capt. Blake, of the Dispatch cutter, arrived in town on Saturday afternoon, with dispatches from Lord St. Helens, as satisfactory as they are important. On the 17th of last month a convention was signed at Petersburg, between Lord St. Helens and Count Panin, by which all the differences between the two countries were amicably terminated. The other two maritime courts of the North have been invited to accede to this convention, which they will doubtless do. This news was justly considered by Lord Hawkesbury of such moment, that his lordship, late as it was in the evening, communicated it to the Lord Mayor.
It is unnecessary to make any observations on the very beneficial consequences of this event. The removal of the causes which produced the war in the Baltic, the re-establishment of our commerce in the North in its greatest extent, and the return of more than twenty-five ships of the line, at the moment when our enemy affects to meditate the invasion of our island, are advantages too great and too obvious to render it necessary for us to enlarge upon them, or to enter into any view of the other effects that may follow this happy event, which throws no little splendor on the new administration.
LONDON, July 14.
Last night we received Paris Journals of the 10th inst. They throw no light whatever on a very serious dispute said to have taken place between Buonaparte and Moreau, with respect to the disposal and application of the contributions levied by the French army in Germany. The latter has published a letter, in which he enters into a refutation of the charges brought against him by the agents of the government, and vindicates himself from the imputation of embezzlement and peculation. We have received a printed copy of this letter, which has made much noise at Paris, tho' none of the Journals have had the temerity to reprint it. It confirms the intelligence of the state of the French finances. The embarrassments felt so severely in April, were asserted by the official Journal to have been occasioned in a great degree by the heavy expenses of the army of the Rhine; an expense which it was no doubt concluded the public would cheerfully bear, since it procured a continental peace. But Moreau felt his character attacked by this assertion and published the letter alluded to, by which it appears, his army, during the whole of his triumphant campaign, did not cost France a livre. Moreau's letter is an unquestionable evidence of his having had a slight misunderstanding with the French government, but he conducts himself with moderation; his letter is written with much modesty, and he encourages none of the parties who intrigue in politics. Neither did the army of Italy cost France any expense worthy of notice (except the introductory expenses of the army of Reserve) during the campaign, France not only conquered, but existed on the resources of her enemies, and it is probable that the return upon her of the army of the Rhine, the maintenance of the armies and fleets at Brest, Rochefort, &c. have exhausted the Treasury, and produced the embarrassments, a remedy for which, violent means have been resorted to. The Chief Consul, conscious that the best support of his armies and power must be derived from foreign countries, anticipated the plunder of Portugal, as one of the most favourable resources of finance, and perhaps he will still have it.
The preparations for invading this coun-
try continue with vigor; and some people suppose that Carnot's visit to Belgium is to give spirit and consistency to the plan. We have already observed that the enemy's principal efforts seem to be made in this quarter, as if the embarkation were to be from the Dutch and Flemish ports, when it is to be attempted.—The settlement of the Northern disputes leaves so very powerful divisions of our navy applicable to the defence of our coasts, that there is no ground to apprehend that the enemy will be able to elude their vigilance.
Private accounts from good authority from Paris assert, that Buonaparte has refused to ratify the Treaty with America, unless the 2d article of it, (which waves the consideration of indemnities for American ships captured and detained by French ships) and the 3d, (which stipulates the restoration of vessels of state taken by either party) are admitted as part of the Treaty. Both these articles were rejected by the American Congress.
TORBAY, (Eng.) July 11.
Sailed the Argo of 54 guns, Carrysfort, of 28, Falcon of 18, and five transports, having the 15th regiment, and a detachment of artillery on board, with flat bottomed boats, destination unknown; supposed to be for the Brazils.
PARIS, (14 Messidor) July 2.
The government has purchased for the museum of national history the library of the late Mr. Lheritier, the celebrated botanist, who was last year assassinated at the door of his house.
We learn from good authority, says the Clef du Cabinet , No. 1620, that the emperor has made a formal declaration at Paris, "That it is impossible for him to execute the plan of indemnities for the secularizations, which had been agreed upon between the republic and himself; and that he would leave the affair to the republic, if it would take the trouble upon itself."
The last letters from Vienna, on the contrary, assure us that the plan of indemnities and secularizations has already been communicated to Mr. Hugel, Imperial commissary near the diet of the empire; and that it will be submitted in a few days to the deliberations of the diet.
Letters from Germany and Italy agree in saying, that the actual negotiations which are carrying on between the first consul and the holy father, have principally for their object to put an end to the schism of the French clergy. "We expect," they add, "to see realised the vow which Benedict XIII. (and not Benedict XIV. as was mentioned this morning) expressed to the father of Montfaucon: "Less Gallic liberty and less ultra-montane pretensions, and we will put things on their proper levels." It must be acknowledged that these Gallic Liberties , and these ultra-montane pretensions , are expressed in an ancient manner which we did not expect to see revived at the present day.
The First Consul has authorized the establishment of a Bureau of Foreign Legislation; it is to be under the direction of the Minister of Justice, and is to collect, translate, and class in order all the civil, criminal, commercial, maritime, military, and police laws, existing at present in the different countries of Europe.
RATISBON, June 21.
The most profound silence is observed on the subject of the indemnifications; but the negotiations are not the less active.—Some politicians conceive that this calm covers and precedes a final and definitive resolution. The great powers are never in the wrong!
VIENNA, June 12.
The following is a more circumstantial account of the taking of Rhamanie, as received in a letter from Constantinople.
"According to accounts from Egypt, of the date of the 12th of May, the Captain Pacha had taken, with his corps, an advantageous position near the fortress of Rhamanie; and on the 9th summoned the garrison, which consisted of about 2,000 men, to surrender; but this the commandant refused. The captain Pacha therefore resolved, without losing time by a formal siege, to attempt to carry the place by storm, for which the necessary requisites were prepared with incredible dispatch. The assault was made on the 10th; the enemy made an obstinate defence, and the loss was very considerable on both sides; but as soon as the French perceived that they were engaged with a force much superior in numbers, and that the Captain Pacha was in possession of an important pass which led to the fortress, they hoisted the white flag, and surrendered at discretion. While the Captain Pacha, however, was drawing off his troops

From further hostilities, and making preparations to take possession of the place, the greater part of the garrison found means to make their escape, and retired to Cairo, so that, besides killed and wounded, not more than 200 were made prisoners. The Turks, however, took a great quantity of artillery, ammunition, and provisions.
The Captain Pacha, on learning the retreat of the French to Cairo, immediately advanced against that city, where the Grand Vizier, as it fortunately occurred, had arrived at the same time on the opposite side.
It is now expected that Cairo will fall before Alexandria; though the garrison of the latter place, when the Courier came away, had offered to capitulate, but on conditions which were refused by General Hutchinson.
The Note has been published here, which M. Kalitscheff gave into the French Government relative to the Kings of Naples and Sardinia, to procure for those monarchs the re-possession and security of their dominions; but to which, on the part of France, no answer was returned. The Note of M. Kalitscheff is dated the 26th of April, and in it, it is observed, that the re-establishment of a good understanding between Russia and France, must depend, as a principal condition, on the securing of the integrity of the possessions of the king of Naples, and the restoration of the king of Sardinia;—therefore the treaty of Foligno, and every concession extorted from the king of Naples by force of arms, could not be acknowledged. It was hoped that, according to the assurances of the First Consul, the time was now arrived, when we might calmly consider future consequences, and when the system of devastation of the late Directory should cease. The Minister Talleyrand was requested to make known the sentiments of the First Consul on these subjects. As no answer, however, was returned, a second note was given in by M. Kalitscheff, in which the same subject was resumed.
MESSINA, (Sicily) May 27.
Yesterday four sail of French line of battle ships, two frigates, and three smaller vessels, passed the Straights from Toulon, bound to Brindisi (in the Adriatic) to join three Neapolitan frigates given by treaty to the French. After being joined by four other ships of the line, the whole are destined to the Levant. They will have on board 12,000 soldiers, intended, no doubt, to succour India.
TALLEYRAND.
A ministerial paper says, that the disgrace of Talleyrand Perigord is not only serious and definitive, but the cause of it was his having concealed from Bonaparte some parts of Lord Hawkesbury's correspondence. It is not probable that Talleyrand would venture to commit such a fraud with such a man as Bonaparte. Besides, if the minister of foreign affairs is dismissed, how happens it that a person of his own appointment, one of his own clerks, is his temporary successor.
DUTCH FLEET.
All the letters from Holland agree in stating, that the Batavian fleet, commanded by admiral de Winter, has received orders to sail at the first signal. It is expected, in consequence, that the two divisions fitted out at the Texel and at the Meuse will not delay to effect their junction, the English squadron under admiral Dickson being too weak to prevent that operation, whenever the Dutch shall resolve to attempt it. It is believed at the Hague, that the departure of general Angereau for Paris has for its object to concert measures with the French government on this point.
NEW BOOKS.
JUST received by the sloop Highland, capt. Hani, from Philadelphia, and now opening at the store of Rapine, Conrad and Co. corner of South B street and New Jersey, Avenue; a very handsome assortment of books, amongst which are, De Valcourt, by Mrs. Bennett, author of Welch Heiress, Beggar Girl, &c. &c. Nocturnal Visit, 2 vols. by Maria Regina Roche, author of the Children of the Abbey, &c. The Girl of the Mountains, 2 vols. by Mrs. Parsons, author of "Women as they are." Rash Vows; or the effects of enthusiasm, by Madame de Genlis. The Farmer's Boy, a rural poem, by Robert Broomfield. The life of Catharine the Second, Empress of Russia, 3 vols. Dawin's physiologia; or the philosophy of agriculture and gardening. Also a general assortment of law books, and miscellaneous history, stationery, writing and wrapping paper, &c. &c. all which they will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. N. B. Bookbinding in all its branches, with penmanship and dispatch. Washington, May 15,
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1801.
(CIRCULAR.)
To THOMAS APPLETON, Esq. Consul for the United States, Leghorn. Quarantine, at Leghorn, June 2, 1801.
SIR, AS I find several of my fellow citizens in this port, who seem determined to sail, notwithstanding their being informed of war being declared by the Basha of Tripoli against the United States, I conceived it my duty to inform them, through your office, of the actual force of that regency, which was ready to sail on the 24th ult. and of the consequences attending the capture of any of them.
1. Should any of our fellow citizens be unfortunately captured, they will be kept as hostages, in order to force our government to comply with terms wholly incompatible with the honor and interest of the United States, and which I am of opinion our government will reject with disdain. 2. If, on the contrary, our fellow citizens should defeat them, and sink two or three of their cruisers, they will render an essential service to their country, as we shall be enabled thereby to conclude a peace with Tripoli, upon our own terms; and the other regencies will probably be intimidated in some measure from breaking with us.
3. The Basha of Tripoli has promised all the honor he has, that he will not capture any of our vessels until the expiration of forty days, to commence from the 14th of May. But I am persuaded that if his squadron falls in with any of our vessels, even before that period expires, that he will capture them; and if they are valuable, they certainly will be condemned. Nevertheless I recommend our countrymen to act upon the defensive only, until the expiration of said period; but should the Tripolitans fire the first gun, to exert themselves to the utmost, in order to inspire those people with a high idea of American intrepidity, and to realise the idea which I have already inspired them with, that Americans were a superior race of men to the Neapolitans, and that they would never take any of our property, without its being disputed to the utmost.
4. The actual force of Tripoli ready to sail on the 24th May was—1. The Admiral, or American built vessel, coppered, deep waisted, yellow sides, with a white streak, muzzles of the guns red, looks paltry, green stern, with flowers festooned above the windows, painted white, and a white woman's head, heavy rigging, and looks at a distance like a Spaniard. She is commanded by Peter Lisle, alias Murad Raize, an English renegado, mounts 18 nine pounders on her main deck, six 4's on her quarter deck, two bow chases, and two stern chases, which are placed in such a manner that the rafter is cut down very low, and is a good mark to know the vessel by; she is manned with 200 men, and carries 28 guns. 2. A Swedish built bark ship, which is fitting out at Malta, and is to carry 150 men, and 20 six pounders. 3. A Swedish built brig, which is fitted up in a hurry, and carries 14 four pounders, and 120 men, has a great sheer aft, and has the Jo-hanness von Barth painted above her cabin windows, and a white woman's head. 4. Two polarers, mere shells of 18 guns each—one of which is black, the other yellow sides, and a Bermudian poop, painted red; their guns are four pounders all, and carry 100 men each. 5. Two quarter gallies, built at Malta, the one rowing 28 oars, the other 24, carry four guns each, and from 70 to 100 men each, are calculated to keep under your stern, and rake you in a calm—in a fresh breeze are of no service, may easily be shewn by having extraordinary large lattray sails.
The whole force of Tripoli consists of seven sail of vessels, carrying 106 fours, sixes and nines, and 840 men, very badly equipped. They have more vessels, but have not people enough to man them; their mode of attack is first to fire a broadside, and then to set up a great shout, in order to intimidate their enemy—they then board you, if you let them, with as many men as they can, armed with pistols, large and small knives, and probably a few with blunderbusses. If you beat them off once, they seldom risk a second encounter, and three well directed broad-sides will insure you a complete victory. The capture or sinking their admiral is of such great importance, that it will not only insure us a permanent peace upon our own terms, but will probably effect a revolution in Tripoli favorable to our interest, in the whole of
the Barbary states; from viewing the importance of the object meant to be secured, should a battle ensue, I am persuaded that every worthy son of Columbia will exert himself to the utmost of his ability, and will submit to death rather than to slavery, the continuance of which probably may be many years, which God, in the infinity of his mercy, forbid.
I request Mr. Appleton to furnish the masters of all the American vessels in port with a copy of this letter, to make it circular to all the ports in the Mediterranean, Lisbon, London, and Hamburg, and to transmit a copy thereof to the department of state.
(Signed) JAMES L. CATHCART. P. S. The admiral is a reputed coward; seldom goes near a vessel that looks warm; a few wooden guns, top waist, and quarter cloaths, would be of service; and in case of action, boarding nettings ought not to be neglected.
The republican ticket for members of Convention for the City of New-York, has been carried without opposition.
Verbal accounts from Charleston to the 21st ult. state, that four or five persons die there daily, with a fever, which generally carries off the patient in a few days.
We have seen a letter from Charleston of the 20th, which mentions, that the city is very healthy, except to strangers. [N. Y. Pap.]
Charleston, August 19.
Yesterday Keating L. Simons, Esq. the federal candidate, was elected a member of the house of representatives of this state, in the place of D. A. Hall, Esq. appointed a judge in the federal court. Mr. Simon had 467 votes—colonel Joseph Alston 433—Majority of 34 for Mr. Simons.
From the Baltimore Telegraph.
VERBAL INFORMATION.
Just as the Maryland left Havre forty five gun boats failed for Dieppe, their appearance was extremely interesting and beautiful, each carried a 24 pounder on the bow, and a 6 pounder on the stern: they have three masts besides a great number of rowers on each side, they are decked forward, and aft, but in the centre, are open, with an awning covering—below is room for two horses, and each carries 100 soldiers, independent of the boat's crew. The English cruising vessels cannot prevent those boats from sailing close along shore, to the general rendezvous at Dieppe, Bolongne, Calais and Gravelines, at which places nearly 1000 gun boats were collected or collecting; at several times five, six, sometimes ten boats had failed from Havre together, and had arrived safe at the ports above mentioned. The intention of Buonaparte (as said to be declared by himself) is to embark 100,000 men on these boats, which cannot in a calm night be prevented from crossing the Channel, and then invading England; whilst inferior bodies attempt to co-operate from the harbour of Brest, St. Maloes, &c. such were the plans spoken of by intelligent people at Havre, when the Maryland failed, in case war continued, and such were the movements of the gun boats, which in some measure corresponded with these declarations: here we entertain (and with justice) such enlarged ideas of British naval strength, that we are taught to laugh at all views of invading England, as merely speculative; but to such a man as Buonaparte, elevated by a greater portion of success than any other general the world has yet seen; nothing appears impossible; he knows that the distance between the above ports and England is short. He expects that his troops having landed, every thing will give way before them; and he knows that in a calm the largest fleet is perfectly unable to prevent their passing across the channel in a few hours: It is said that he calculates upon the loss of 50,000 men in the attempt, but that he speaks confidently of the final result, being glorious to the arms of France.
District of Columbia, Washington County, ss.
BROUGHT before me this day, as a stray and trespassed horse, by John B. Kerbey, a stout made forrel horse, rising fifteen hands high, about ten or twelve years old, shod all round, a star in his forehead, a small white spot on his off shoulder, and branded with an S on his near shoulder. BENJAMIN MORE, Justice Peace. September 2, 1801. The owner of the above horse is desired to prove his property, pay expenses, and take him away. JOHN B. KERBEY.
FOR SALE,
LOTS IN DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE CITY;
To Rent—A House and Lot, pleasantly situated for a genteel family—Enquire of ROBERT F. W. PEACOCK, Attorney at law and Conveyancer.
Near the corner of F and 14th street west, City of Washington, Sept. 2, 1801. } 3t
By virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias, issued out of Washington County Court, in the District of Columbia, to me directed, will be offered
FOR SALE,
To the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 22d instant, at William Tunnicliff's Hotel, in the City of Washington, all George Walker's right to the following lots in the said city, to wit:
Lots No. 4 and 5, in sq. No. 1019.
Lots No. 1, in sq. No. 1044.
Lots No. 3, 4, 5, 6, 11, 12, 13, 14 in sq. No. 963.
All the said Walker's interest in sq. No. 966—Lots No. 5 and 6, in sq. No. 896—Lot 4, in sq. No. 837—And lots No. 2, 15, 16, in sq. No. 836; or so many thereof as may be sufficient to satisfy a debt due to Overton Carr, for the use of Henry Roger. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. Terms of sale cash.
DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal.
Washington City, Sept. 2, 1801. 2awtf
IN CHANCERY, August 31, 1801.
James Ray, Thomas Law, James Piercy, and others. THE object of the complainant's bill among other things, is, to procure a title to the following lots in the City of Washington, to wit: Number one,
in square numbered seven hundred and forty-four, being the south half part of the said square, containing sixty-three thousand four hundred and forty square feet of land; whereon a sugar house is erected, and the whole of the square known and distinguished on the plat of said city, by the name of square south of square seven hundred and forty-four; or to obtain out of the said property, payment for the amount of a mortgage given by the said James Piercy to the complainant. The bill among other things states that the said James Piercy, on the fifteenth day of May, in the year one thousand eight hundred, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand nine hundred and eighty-four dollars, seventy three cents, in six per cent stock; twelve thousand, six hundred and sixty-four dollars, and ninety-one cents, of three per cent. stock; and the further sum of seven thousand, four hundred and ninety-two dollars, and thirty-six cents, in six per cent deferred stock, did mortgage to the complainant the aforesaid lots of ground and premises. It also states, that the said James Piercy hath fled from the state of Maryland, and gone to parts unknown.
It is thereupon, on the motion of the complainant, adjudged and ordered, That the complainant cause a copy of this order to be inserted three weeks successively in a Washington newspaper or papers before the fifteenth day of September next, to the end that the said James Piercy may have notice of the complainant's application to this court, and of the substance and object of his bill, and may be warned to appear in this court on or before the fifteenth day of January next, either in person or by his solicitor, to show cause, if any he hath, why the prayer of the said complainant should not be granted.
True copy—esse, SAM. H. HOWARD, Reg. Cur. Can. Sept. 2. e p. 3t. M. qt.
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of Washington. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard.
WILLIAM PROUF.
City of Washington. December 12, 1800 tf N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kilm of Bricks, and some Cord wood.
W. P.
Conrad & M c Munn
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stable lease sufficient for 60 horses—They hope to merit public patronage.
City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800. tf
Land for Sale.
On the 28th day of September next, will be sold at Public Auction, at Mr. Stille's Hotel, in the City of Washington, (if not sold before at private sale)
Two Tracts of Land, lying on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, and within the district of Columbia—containing together ninety-two acres. On each of these tracts is a quantity of good ash wood, within a few yards of the river, and the greater part, if not the whole, of said land, at a moderate expence, may be made excellent meadow. There is on one of the tracts an eligible situation for a dwelling-house, with about four acres of excellent upland suitable for a garden. Sale to commence at three o'clock, when the conditions will be made known. Information may be had from the subscriber at the Navy-yard.
GEORGE FRANK,
On the premises, or of THOMAS HERTY, Conveyancer City of Washington. July 20, 1801. 6w

[We publish the following Extract from a late London print, to exhibit the unaccommodating temper of some portion of the English nation to peace. The eloquence of the writer would grace a better cause.]
THE DANGERS OF PEACE WITH BONAPARTE.
The following extract is taken from Reflections on the State of Society, lately published by Mr. Bowles. We beg leave to recommend it to the perusal of all those, who, to obtain what they imagine would be a temporary good, would will to see their Sovereign make Peace with the Usurper of France.
"Without insisting, however, on the great and extraordinary perils which are to be apprehended from the overwhelming influence of the revolution, or from the personal character of Bonaparte, the danger inseparable from the present aggrandizement of France, under any system of government, must be sufficiently obvious to fill with alarm every breather, which feels the smallest solicitude for the liberties and independence of Europe. Can it be necessary to enquire into the internal condition of that most ambitious country, when she not only has extended her dominions to the Alps and the Rhine, which she asserts to be her natural boundaries, but also holds in absolute subjection, under the hypocritical title of independent Republics, immense territories, which are not comprised even within those limits? It is obvious that the balance of power would be destroyed if any one state, and more particularly so potent and ambitious a one, should become so formidable, that no other continental state would be able to encounter her singly. But if France, whether Monarchical or Republican, were to acquire, by a general Peace, a legal title to her present acquisitions, or even to one half of them, what Continental power would dare to look her in the face? What power would venture, by giving her offence, to incur the risk, (which seems to be already the great object of general dread,) of becoming her first victim? Who, particularly after the experience of the last few years, would have any confidence in alliances or confederacies, to preserve the remaining liberties of mankind? If the Statesman of former times; if the Heroes who, during so many centuries, have fought and bled in defence of the balance of power, were able to take a view of what is now passing on the great theatre, on which they acted such brilliant parts, with what astonishment and indignation would they see the Powers of Europe, instead of uniting, with a fixed determination to restore the ancient and tried basis of general security, haggling and truckling to obtain some abatement of the exorbitant pretensions of their common foe! How eagerly would the venerable shades return from such a scene to their enviable state of insensibility and oblivion! Read, O infatuated Powers! the history of the wars which have been waged to prevent any extension of the limits of France—to restrain her from acquiring even a preponderance in the scale of Europe. See the deliberate wisdom of ages establishing it as an immutable principle of European policy, that the Gallic power, in its most circumscribed state, is highly dangerous to the general safety, and that unceasing vigilance is indispensably necessary to guard against the encroaching spirit of Gallic ambition. Say then, will you suffer France, by the very terms of a general peace, to become the Dictator of Europe? Will you formally surrender into her hands the sceptre of universal dominion? Is your love of peace so ardent, and your impatience for it so eager, as to induce you to purchase it at the price of your independence? Or if your spirit be so debased as to submit to any conditions for the sake of repose, are you so besotted, has fear so totally bereaved you of understanding, that you can expect repose to be the fruit of a dastardly concession; at least, so long as you have any left to concede? If you hope, by the magnitude of your sacrifices, to satiate the ambition of your aspiring neighbour, "who enlargeth her desire as Hell, and as death cannot be satisfied, but gathereth unto her all nations, and heapeeth unto her all people"—if you expect by submission to inspire her with a desire for the tranquil enjoyment of her vast possessions—if you think by a compliance with her utmost demands to take from her even the shadow of a pretext for further molestation—suffer yourselves to be instructed by De Witt, whose maxim it was, "that no independent government should yield to another any evident point of reason or equity, and that all such concession, far from preventing War, serve to no other purpose than to provoke fresh claims and insults."
serve to no other purpose than to provoke fresh claims and insults." If there be any truth in this maxim, the sacrifices which you may be disposed to make, in order to obtain peace, will be only the causes of a new war; unless by their enormous extent they should put it out of your power to engage in another contest, and should induce you to submit, without a struggle, to be formally enslaved; and like the Spanish Monarchy, to kiss the chains which your pusillanimity had forged.
"But whatever other powers may do, shall Great Britain crouch at last to the overweening pride and insatiable ambition of France? Shall she renounce the sage and venerable councils to which she is indebted for her greatness, and consent to the destruction of that balance of power which she has so long, so honorably, and so successfully defended? Shall she do this while in the zenith of her glory? When not a foe dares to meet her triumphant flag? When she has completely humbled the rival power of her haughty rival? When she has enchain'd the jacobinical monster which reared his audacious crest against her matchless constitution? When she has made the most distant nations witnesses of her triumphs? When she has crushed the perfidious tyrant of the East, who lent himself as the base instrument of Gallic vengeance against her Indian territories? And when, finally, by a close and well connected union with her sister kingdom, she has, at length, consolidated her before divided strength into one harmonious and mighty empire? Shall she descend from so high and commanding a station, to lay the independence of Europe, as well as her own honor and safety, at the feet of her ancient and implacable enemy, and to seek for ignominious repose in the lap of insecurity and treacherous peace? Before she can be brought thus to blast her laurels and ensnare her ruin, the Jacobins, whom she harbors in her bosom, must triumph over the laws by which they are fast bound, and obtain a complete ascendancy. They must (like the Jacobins of France, who prepared and accomplished the ruin of the Gallic monarchy) overawe her senate, and compel her councils. They must surround her throne, and administer its affairs. Except among these agents of anarchy and destruction, where could a minister be found to sign a treaty which should revoke all ancient treaties, annul the law of nations, renounce the political equilibrium, and recognize the right of France to universal dominion? Can it be thought that a son of the great Chatham would be a party to this deed of infamy? Or would Mr. Fox himself suffer his name to appear in so foul a transaction? In the desperation of hopeless party, the latter may, indeed, endeavour to drive ministers to the adoption of measures which would ensure the speedy downfall of any minister, and in the disgrace of a rival he may find consolation for the ruin of his country; but he would cut off his right hand rather than suffer it to be subscribed to such a peace as that which, in the name of his indignant country, he presumes to demand from his majesty's present ministers. Nay, is there a man in whose veins one drop of British blood, uncontaminated by the virus of Jacobinism, continues still to flow, who would give his consent to such a peace? Is there one who would suffer the venerable genius of Britain to be yoked to the triumphal car of Gallic atheism and anarchy? No, in spite of all the threats of an enraged enemy—in spite of all the clamor of factious demagogues—the people of this country will never submit to the sacrifice of that honor, which they have so long and so gallantly maintained: they will never consent to feed the pride and ambition of their "inveterate and unalterable political enemy;" they will never agree to give up that general security, without which they know that no security can any where exist. Confiding in the justice of their cause, in the firmness and magnanimity of their Sovereign, and above all, in the favor of Providence, which has hitherto been their sure rock of defence, they will still stand in the breach, and contend manfully for the preservation of that great European commonwealth, of which they form a part, and the dissolution of which it is impossible they should long survive. Such are their pretensions—such their objects in the war—such the terms on which alone they will treat for peace."
ANTHONY SAWYER,
LADIES' & GENTLEMEN'S HAIR-DRESSER. RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has opened a shop opposite the Little Hotel, in the City of Washington. Turban wigs of the newest fashion are made for the ladies, gents. &c. He will wait upon any lady with the patterns. Any other business in his line shall be strictly attended to. F Street August 19, 1801. 7m
The subscriber respectfully acquaints the public, that he has removed to the corner of Ninth and B streets, where he continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of Ornaments for Chimney pieces, Door Caps, Frontispieces, Metal Safes, &c. which may also be had at his store No. 51, Barclay street, New-York, and at Mr. Wild's store, Market street, Baltimore. GEORGE ANDREWS.
Who has gold leaf for sale by the package book. May 8, 1801. IV
CIRCULATING LIBRARY.
HUGH SOMERVILLE, Has lately received and is now ready to circulate, a large and valuable collection of NOVELS, History, Romances, Voyages, Travels, &c. which will be lent out to read, by the week, month, quarter, or year, at his store and residence in a frame building, south side of the Pennsylvania Avenue, near the Hotel bridge, and three new brick buildings, and the building now erecting for the city of Washington market-house, where the terms may be known, and attendance given from nine in the morning till one in the afternoon, and from two till four. August 18. 7t.
BOTTLED PORTER.
THE subscriber wishing to establish himself in the bottling of Porter informs the public in general that he at present has by him for sale at his bottling cellar, corner of Bridge street, opposite the Post Office, Fine Philadelphia Porter, in excellent order—Also, TAUNTON ALE of the first quality, and CIDER in bottles. The public may depend upon always finding a constant supply at the cellar as above—and he is thankful for favours received. R. G. STANLEY. George-Town, August 6. 1801. 7m
CONVEYANCERS OFFICE,
AND OFFICE FOR SALE OF CITY LOTS, On the Pennsylvania Avenue fronting the President's Square, near Rhodes's tavern, City of Washington. THOMAS HERTY has connected with the business of drawing Conveyances of Land Wills, Mortgages, Leases, Bonds, Assignments powers of Attorney, petitions, and every other species of deed or contract in the profession; that of buying, selling and leasing lots and houses in the City, negotiating loans, &c. His long experience as a draftsman, and knowledge of the laws relative thereto—the knowledge which he has acquired by residence of the situation of City Lots, and how their titles have been acquired, or are liable to be affected; together with his impartial and strict regard to the interest of those who may be pleased to employ him, will, he hopes, secure to him a continuance of public patronage. Titles to real property investigated, and opinions given thereon when required. For sale a great variety of Lots, in desirable situations in the City. N. B. At the above office may be had, his Abridgement of the Laws of Maryland, price 6 dollars. Also his Digest of the Laws of the United States, price 3 dollars. As the Laws of Maryland are in full force on this side the Potomack, it behoves settlers to avail themselves of that information which affects their lives, liberties and property. He who is without a knowledge of his "rule of conduct" is like a stranger in his native land. May 4. 2aw4w. 1awa
A GREAT BARGAIN.
I WILL sell or lease for ten years, a valuable Farm, in the county of Culpepper, and state of Virginia, on Flat Run, containing 750 acres—the land is extremely fertile, and yields abundantly in the production of corn, wheat, and tobacco; there are about 100 acres of meadow land, 50 or 60 of which are cleared, and 15 acres well set in Timothy, about 350 acres of the tract are cleared and well inclosed. This land is distant from Fredericksburg about 23 miles, and 55 miles from Alexandria and the City of Washington. There are several valuable merchant mills in the vicinity, one within the distance of a mile, where the Fredericksburg prices are given for all kinds of grain. I will also sell the Reversion of 250 acres of land adjoining the above, on which are erected a number of valuable buildings, among them a large dwelling house of 60 feet by 40, with four rooms on a floor, with fireplaces, and every necessary out houses—A valuable peach and apple orchard. A further description is deemed unnecessary, as any persons desirous of purchasing or leasing, will doubtless wish to view the premises. For terms apply to Robert Brooke Voss, Esq. who lives adjoining the premises, or to the subscriber.
I will also Sell or Rent, Two three story brick houses in Alexandria, completely finished, on King and Columbia street, with sundry valuable property near the same, possession whereof may be had immediately. The situation for the flour and grocery business is equal to any in Alexandria. For terms apply to Henry Thomas Moore, Alexandria, or to the subscriber.
NICHOLAS VOSS.
City of Washington, July 13, 1801. N. B. I wish to hire by the month, or until the 1st day of November, ten or twelve laborers, for whom liberal wages will be given,—Apply to N. Voss, on F street, or W. I. Voss at the Navy-Yard. 2aw4t.
PUBLIC SALE,
By virtue of a decree from the Chancery Court of Maryland, will be exposed to the highest bidder, at Mr. William Rhodes's Tavern, on the eighth day of September next, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon (the same being part of the real estate of Abraham Young, deceased)
A LOT of ground situate in the District of Columbia, adjoining the City of Washington; whereon is erected a two story brick house 32 by 36 feet, unfinished; one small frame house in good repair about 12 by 16, one meat house 12 by 12, and one small log house; subject to the widow's right of dower. A credit of 12 months will be given to the purchaser or purchasers, on giving bond with approved security, on interest. On the ratification of the sale by the chancellor, and on payment of the purchase money, a deed will be made to the person or persons purchasing, conveying all the right, title, interest and estate, belonging to the heirs of Abraham Young deceased. A Plan of the premises will be shown on the day of sale. HENRY WHETCROFT, Trustee. Washington City, August 14, 1801. 7t
The Subscribers
City of Washington, July 24, 1801. HAVING on hand a number of house frames of different dimensions, also, a large quantity of the various kinds of lumber requisite for building, and having made such arrangements as will ensure a constant supply thereof, and enable them to fill the same on very advantageous and moderate terms to the purchasers, hereby give notice, that on application, accompanied by a memorandum or bill of the frames or lumber wanted, they will cause the same to be delivered as soon as may be, at any of the wharves in the city of Washington, George-Town or Alexandria. The circumstances under which the subscribers enter into this business, authorize an assurance that the strictest punctuality in their engagements may be relied on. They are therefore induced to believe, that many persons who are engaged in building, or who may intend to build, will find a great convenience and advantage in making timely application, and being thus supplied with the whole of the lumber necessary for their buildings by the time it may be wanted for use. JOHN CONNER, Somerset County, near Princess Ann, Maryland. THOMAS MUNROE, City of Washington. July 27. 2w4t
LAND FOR SALE.
A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND, LAYING on Mountain Run, in the county of Culpepper, whereon the subscriber now lives, containing 1130 acres and well improved, with buildings for a large and genteel family; orchards, barns, corn houses, &c. a large proportion of meadow land, which is now in grass sufficient to cut 50 or 60 cooowt. of hay annually; 5 or 6 acres of highly improved red clover lots, the first cutting this spring and very luxuriant; the whole of the cleared land in good farming order and in a progressive state of improvement; the tract may with great convenience be divided into two good farms with equal advantages except that of buildings. The buildings on one of them would be small, but might with no great expense be made comfortable for a small family with the necessary buildings now on it, with a very productive garden; convenient to church, court house and three valuable merchant mills two of them within one mile and an half and the other seven and an half miles, immediately on the road leading to Fredericksburg; distant 50 miles from Alexandria and the Federal City; 30 miles from Fredericksburg and Falmouth. As to its health, situation and agreeableness of neighborhood, I am fully persuaded no one will be disappointed in them. Wishing to sell the land to make a more equitable division among my children, and as some of them are young, the payments will be made easy on paying the interest annually; one third or one fourth of the purchase money will be expected on giving possession, which may take place on or about Christmas next, or perhaps sooner if required, with the liberty of seeding this fall. All kinds of stock, plantation utensils, corn, fodder, hay, household and kitchen furniture, except beds, may be had with the plantation: Also a parcel of likely NEGROES in families, who can be well recommended for their honesty, &c. Any person wishing to retire from trade, and set himself in the farming line, will seldom find an opportunity of doing it more to his mind than the present one. One other tract of nearly 700 acres of Land, laying on the river, 4 or 5 miles above Fredericksburg, known by the name of Sutherland's Tract of land, the greatest part of which is now in wood, containing a quantity of valuable timber, and its vicinity to so thriving a town as Fredericksburg, will render it truly valuable; there is a small plantation on it now in cultivation and may be converted into a small grass farm to great advantage. It is needless to say much on its quality or other advantages, presuming any one wishing to purchase, will chuse to satisfy themselves by taking a view of them. The payments for the last tract of land will be one third on giving possession on or about Christmas next, the other two thirds in two equal annual payments. The price of each tract may be known on application to the subscriber, either by letter or otherwise; the price of the latter tract may also be known of Mr. D. Grinnan, of Fredericksburg, or my son, living with Mr. Stone, of Fredericksburg.
R. SLAUGHTER, jun. Culpeper, Virg. August 21. epiat