Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-05-29 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 104 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, MAY 29, 1793.
[Whole No. 426.]
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
THOUGHTS ON THE STATE OF AMERICAN INDIANS. (Continued from No. 99. of this Gazette.)
No. VIII.
ANOTHER important step to be taken in bringing the aborigines of this country to civilized manners, is the permanent establishment of marriage between a single pair. The practice of polygamy—the informality of the marriage contract—and the frequent and causeless separations which take place among them, call for a reform. Polygamy is condemned by nature—the proportion which exists between the two sexes—the actual experience of its inefficacy to promote population, and the jealousy, distrust and inhumanity it creates, prove it incompatible with the interests of society or morals.
The formalities at the commencement of the contract, are so few and unimportant, as leave no durable impression of the obligations it confers—and the frequent divorces and renewed marriages, lessen domestic harmony, weaken parental affection, and retard the multiplication of the species. The institution of marriage, is one of the foundation principles of civil society. It at once raises the female sex from that state of degradation in which savage nations have confined them, to the rank and influence to which by the equal laws of nature they are entitled—and gives them that ascendancy over the public opinion and manners, which they are peculiarly fitted to maintain. The delicacy of their constitutions, the exquisite sensibility of their passions, the softness of their manners, and the attractions of love, are calculated to temper the fierce passions, and humanize the coarser feelings of the men. The estimation of women is in effect a distinguishing mark of growing refinement.
Marriage also lays the most solid foundation for domestic happiness and the increase of population. A community of goods—a participation of joy and sorrow—mutual interest in each others reputation—the habit of reciprocal attentions and kindnesses, and the equal and interesting care of the offspring, strengthen the attachment of the parents, sweeten the ties which unite them, and add new delights to all the scenes of domestic intercourse. Marriage further ensures the care of both the parents to support and educate their children, and to train them to some employment by which they may be able to obtain their own subsistence, and contribute to the wealth and strength of the community.
It is in the narrow circle of domestic society that good members of the community are formed. There the principles of order, subordination and industry, are first acquired, and youth trained for the duties of manhood.
In the means employed by ancient legislators to introduce the institution of marriage, to render it honorable, and to prevent the violation of it, we trace the high esteem in which they held it.
The more effectually to destroy the promiscuous and temporary connexion which generally prevails between the sexes in rude and savage nations, and to introduce the custom of a permanent union between a single pair—they incorporated the form of marriage with the ceremonies of religion, and sanctioned it by the authority of the laws.
They also availed themselves of those customs to which accident or necessity had given birth, and by blending them with their institutions, facilitated their reception, and augmented the public veneration for modesty and decorum. In later times, the same principles have been adopted for the same purpose. Thus the man always solicits. The ceremony is performed by a person invested with authority, in the presence of the relations and friends of the parties, attended with some act of religion. So highly was the conjugal union esteemed among the ancient Greeks, that above two centuries elapsed before widows durst marry again, and the surprise of antiquity has transmitted us the name of the woman who first entered on a second marriage—celibacy was disgraceful, and barrenness was deemed a great misfortune.
Children born in lawful wedlock were an honor and an ornament to their parents, and gave them rank and distinction among their fellow citizens.
In Rome marriage was encouraged by annexing particular privileges to it. Those who had the most children, ceteris paribus , were always preferred. Thus the consul who had the most numerous offspring, received the ensigns of office first, and had the choice of the provinces. The senator, in like circumstances, had his name written first in the catalogue, and the privilege of delivering his opinion first in the senate. Such were looner capable of office, and were exempted from such as were troublesome.
* Cæsar, chap. 12.
† Ibidem History of North America, p. 63.
‡ Cæsar, chap. 12. Colden, History of the Five Nations.
§ Coquet, vol. 1. p. 52.
¶ Montesquieu, vol. 11. p. 123.
The severe laws of almost all nations against conjugal infidelity discover to us the respect they entertained for modesty, and the care they employed to preserve the public veneration for it—among the Egyptians, Grecians, Romans, Hindoos, Germans, and Peruvians—the crime of adultery was punished with extreme rigor.
Thus by establishing a permanent union between a single pair—by obtaining the public sentiment in favor of it—by enacting laws to prevent the violation of the contract and by strengthening the natural guards to modesty, ancient legislators brought their people from promiscuous love to a lawful and honorable connection, and rendered it a powerful instrument in improving their manners and in bringing them to a relish for civil society.
Let these precautions which have succeeded in other nations be taken to establish marriages among our American Indians—let the ceremony be public and solemn—let it be honorable and desirable—make it the interest of the parents to have a numerous offspring, let those who excel in this respect be entitled to superior distinction and let modesty be guarded by the public sentiment and the authority of law.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
IN justification of the French revolution which promises to be productive of so much good to mankind, though unhappily attended with some very disagreeable appendages in bringing it about, permit me to recapitulate, some observations I have met with in the course of my reading on the civil war of Great Britain in the last century.
“The English have, by more historians than one, been much reproached for entering so readily into a civil war against their sovereign, and the same reflections have been made against other nations, that have been actuated by the same spirit: It may not theefore be amiss to enquire into the propriety of this opinion and draw a slight parallel between the value of Liberty, and the unhappy effects which must necessarily attend the alteration of it, by violent means—If the latter are found to outweigh the former, those who have made such remarks are doubtless in the right, and have proved sufficiently that a nation when she finds her liberties attacked, had better resign them all at once, and by that means escape the horrors of a civil war.
But if coolness is pardonable in answering such a proposition, let us ask a plain question without the least heat—What on earth is so valuable as freedom? Can any sacrifices too great be made for the preservation of that, without which nothing is any longer of value; without which all possession, even of the common rights of nature, the enjoyment of health, family, fortune and every thing most dear to the human mind is totally precarious! Can any one hesitate a moment in answering this query? A florid description of the horrors of a civil war, may be the answer. But why are these effects called horrors? Surely because they are destructive of those very connections and possessions, the security of which fly on the approach of arbitrary power. Can a civil war be the ruin of any thing, which despotism will spare? Are not domestic convulsions temporary, and the loss of liberty perpetual? May not the security of every thing valuable to mankind, be rendered permanent by a resolute defence of liberty? Is any thing gained by its loss? where then, in the name of common sense, can be found an argument sufficient to level the comparison.
But I am not much surprised at historians disliking the age wherein public liberty is asserted; the reign of Charles the first cannot figure like that of an Anne, wherein the actions of a Marlborough are recited—nor like that of a Louis XIV. wherein the monarch is the grand Hero. But where a people are struggling for their liberty—where the legislative power is constantly involved in disputes with an ill desigining executive, the historic page is by no means brilliant. The nation's jealousy and stubbornness may have some bad consequences in the opinion of courtiers—the reign may not be shining, but perplexed and crabbed, filled with the circle of endless disputes, and all the jarring difference of patriotism and power, party and corruption, accusation and defence, with a long string of suspicions and fears, which make a wretched figure in history—in such a situation even the public foreign affairs will suffer. Paltry considerations! Let them: The people however are securing their Liberty; and they had better preserve that, with such fancied disgrace, than lose it triumphing in the midst of glory.
I am persuaded that a free nation, had better be continually involved in disgusting disputes between courtiers and patriots, in all the minutiae of discontent, and jealous of the power of government, be aiming ever at fixing new bounds to ambition, and raising fresh obstacles to despotic designs:—better far let their annals be despised in future ages, as a collection of disgusting quarrels and rash vio-
lences, than have them shine with the glorious but diabolic details, which enliven and adorn the page of an historian.—The conquests of an Alexander—the slaughtered millions of a Cæsar—the daring rashness of a Charles; and the victorious career of a Frederick;—These are the tales of wonder which glow in splendid colours beneath the pencil of an admiring recorder; these are the wretches who fill the world with carnage—trample on the liberties of mankind—break thus all the ties of nature, and leave their names foremost on the list of Fame.—Is this fame? Is fame the reward of these military heroes, who to use an excellent expression of Rosseau,—are good for nothing but to knock one another on the head—what a potsher is made about this fame! This shining phantom which glitters on the ruins of humanity! The inestimable worth of liberty is not to be put in competition with these alone, but with civil wars themselves and every domestic convulsion that can disturb a free people: No horrors are too great to hazard for the enjoyment of this greatest of all earthly blessings. Take the long run of several ages, and it will be found that public freedom has seldom been secured but by means of domestic war; England has more than once been a pregnant instance of this. To the courage of worthy patriots, exerted in the field against the sway of tyranny, is that freedom owing, which we now enjoy and is the envy of nine tenths of Europe. It is to the convulsions which shook England in the middle of the last century, that succeeding ages owe their liberty. Tho' the wars, it is true, were very terrible (though not half so much so, as a modern campaign) but had they been fifty times more so, would a brave nation hesitate to hazard all, to overturn the effects of arbitrary power? No, paint the terrors of domestic war in the most striking colours; the terrors of despotism will be more terrible still; infinitely are all imaginable horrors of that kind to be preferred to the deadly tranquillity which broods over a nation of slaves—before that state of stupid serenity, corruption and negligence which fascinates a nation's courage, and with all the silence of certainty forges the chains of despotism itself.” CIVIS.
Address of the German Republican Society of Philadelphia, to M. GENET, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Republic of France to the United States.
Citizen Genet, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Republic of France to the United States of America.
SIR,
THE German Republican Society of Philadelphia, congratulate you as the Representative of the people of France, on your safe arrival in this city: We welcome you, with heart-felt joy, to this Land of Liberty, which your generous and gallant nation contributed to make happy. We feel the liveliest sympathy for the distresses of our republican brethren, who are combating the fell hosts of tyrants, in defence of their own natural rights, and the rights of mankind; and deplore, that a nation, from whom we are descended, should be among the first in the conspiracy against Liberty. We see, with pain and horror, the confederation of all European despots against Freedom—their united efforts to supersede the general will of France: but though foes encompass her brave sons, we trust, the army, nerved by Liberty, will be invincible, and that the millennium of political happiness, is opening its prospects upon them. The combinations of the sovereignty of the people, are the only security for general liberty and happiness; and we flatter ourselves, these will be at length so well understood, as to fix the Rights of Man upon an immovable basis, and that the French nation will give an example to the European world, of rulers and ruled having but one object and one will—THE GOOD OF THEIR COUNTRY.
With our best wishes for the perpetual union and freedom of our respective republics, and for your full enjoyment of every blessing which can serve the glorious cause in which you are embarked,
We are, With sentiments of republican affection, Your friends, By order of the Society, HENRY KAMMERER, Pres. MICHAEL LEIB, } Secretaries. ANDREW GEYER, } Philadelphia, May 17. 1793.
TO WHICH HE RETURNED THE FOLLOWING ANSWER:
The German Republican Society of Philadelphia.
CITIZENS,
I HAVE had the satisfaction of spending several years of my life among the people of Germany, and during my stay with them, knew how to esteem and respect those individuals, whom the absurd prejudices of birth, and the disgraceful habits of slavery, had not entirely estranged from humanity. It was ever my opinion, that this great nation would
enthusiastically rouse itself to vindicate and maintain with invincible firmness, the sacred flame of liberty, as soon as it could free itself from the encumbrances of its monstrous constitution:—That desirable event has not yet, however, taken place. The hosts of despots that have possessed themselves of the sovereignty of the German people, still continue to rivet their chains upon them: I am convinced, however, my opinion is well founded notwithstanding, and that Germany will be FREE.
The republican sentiments that animate the hearts of all those I have had the opportunity of seeing beyond the limits of their own unfortunate country, are a convincing proof to me, that this will be the case; and under such a view of things, so important to the sincere friends of humanity, I cannot express how much your address has excited my sensibility.
I shall make your sentiments known to my fellow-citizens, and have no doubt they will receive, with the most lively marks of satisfaction, the good wishes you have expressed for the success of their arms and the extension of their principles.
GENET.
EXTRACTS,
Written in 1790.—Translated from the French.
IN the human body it is the combination of the organs which form the Constitution—the head dictates laws and the other members execute. It is essential that the head which represents the legislative and judicial powers, should be calm and deliberate in its decrees, and that the arm, representing the executive power, should have promptitude and force.
MONTESQUEU, having first established the distinction of the three powers, proved that they existed in every form of government, whether Democracy or Monarchy, Despotism or Aristocracy, in like manner as the primitive colours exist and are found in every ray of the Sun. Such is the leading idea of this great man. But he has not said with a sufficient clearness, in treating on the different kinds of government, that a pure democracy as well as an absolute despotism did not and cannot exist on earth—that they are two creatures of our imagination, two conceptions of the mind, two models of which all the governments in the world bear some resemblance—for there is in fact no state where the people at once govern always by themselves without representation; nor is there any empire on the globe where the will of an individual governs without controul. Whence it follows, that as all possible governments, float between pure democracy and absolute despotism, as between two extremes to which they more or less approach, there is not and never will be in the world but Aristocracies , that is to say, mixed governments. This name is properly given to the government of those States where a permanent senate governs all without ever consulting the people. Such is Venice which is also called a Republic; it is a pure aristocracy in this sense, that the three powers are in the hands of the nobles. That state in which the will of an individual is most frequently a law, and decides on the life or death of the subject, is called a despotic state. Such is the Turkish empire. But it is not true that the Sultan is absolute master; his power finds limits at every step he advances, and he is obliged to respect them. This empire then is between aristocracy and despotism, but inclines towards the latter. In fine, the state where the people choose their magistrates for a fixed period, and often assemble to exercise the sovereignty, is a democracy, and is called a republic; such were Athens and Rome, and such are the United States of America. The government of these states is between an aristocracy and

democracy, but incline towards the latter. Pure democracy and absolute despotism are the two primitive colours, the shades of which prevail more or less in every kind of government.
THE Sovereignty is in the People. This, doubtless, is true; but it is in an implied manner, that is to say, that the people never shall exercise it but to appoint their representatives, and in a monarchy, that the king shall always be the first magistrate. Thus, although it be in fact true, that every thing comes from the earth, it is still necessary to subdue it by labor and culture, as we subject the people by the authority and by the laws. The sovereignty is in the people as fruit is in the fields, in an abstract manner. It is necessary that the fruit passes by the tree which produces it, and the public authority by the sceptre which exercises it. Columb. Centinel.
Foreign Intelligence.
STOCKHOLM, March 15.
THE Empress of Russia is said to have required of our court, no further intercourse, direct or indirect, with France.
The Duke Regent has given orders to equip a fleet of twelve ships of the line and four frigates, to serve as a convoy to the merchantmen during the present war. His Royal Highness is determined to observe the strictest neutrality; but these peaceable sentiments are not quite agreeable to the Russian court.
The Abbe de Verninac is expected here as Ambassador from the French National Convention.
A few days ago Count Horn, President of the College of War, died here, in the 72d year of his age.
LONDON, March 30.
Abridgement of the State of Politics for this week.
It is an observation of Lord Bacon's, that "the best things of nature, when corrupted, become the worst—Corruptio optimi fit pessima." There is not a more noble or more animating passion that fires the human breast than the love of liberty. But even this passion, when it bursts the barriers of reason, and lays prostrate every other consideration, degenerates into a torrent of licentiousness, bold and irresistible in proportion to the vigour of that erect sentiment of which it is an unfortunate perversion, which sweeps before it the gradual and leisurely monuments of humanity, refinement, and political and civil government, and restores and threatens the reign of anarchy, commonly followed by that of despotic power. The truth of Lord Verulam's position with respect to things moral and political, is fatally verified by the present disastrous state of France.
A moderate and not unreasonable share of liberty was offered to the French nation by the late excellent King: a greater was assumed, without opposition on the part of the monarch, by the first National Assembly, without due consideration of all the mutual dependencies of the French monarchy, and how strong a head and hand it required to keep together so vast and so complicated a fabric. The political insignificance of the king, unsupported as he was by an intermediary power between the throne and the general assembly, was quickly followed by tumult and not a little bloodshed. The second National Assembly assumed more liberty, and blood began to flow a-pace. This democracy, according to a very just though nice discrimination, was soon changed into a Laocracy. The mob of Paris gave law to the Assembly and the nation. Horrors and massacres were multiplied, and are still increased. Insurrections begin to appear at Bourdeaux, Lyons, and other places in France, in opposition to the sudden and ill-digested government of the usurpers. Civil war is kindled in the interior, while the world, combined in arms, presses on the frontiers of France. The miseries of that unhappy kingdom
verge fast to the extremity of political distress, that knows no consolation save only this, that it cannot be lasting; and contemplates the alternative of quick recovery or speedy dissolution.
But the ills of this dismal state of affairs are not confined to one country or one age—Liberty is wounded by her votaries ran mad—the cause of justice and freedom is hurt by the injustice of those who only assume her name, and whose moral conduct, unrestained by moral principle, coincides exactly with brutal appetite and physical necessity.
FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE, APRIL 9.
HAGUE, April 3.
INTELLIGENCE has been received from Gen. Clairfayt, dated at Tournay the 2d instant, advising that General Dumourier had that morning sent to him as prisoners, M. Bourdonville, M. Camus, and other Commissioners who had been authorised by the National Convention to apprehend him, and conduct him to their bar; and that, in a letter which he at the same time wrote to Gen. Clairfayt, he declared his intention to march the next morning with his army for Paris.
April 6. The re-surrender of Breda, has completed the rapid deliverance of Holland from the threatened tyranny of French fraternity. How far the events of this short war may have subdued the spirit of democracy, cannot at present be ascertained. Parties still run high, and both sides speculate at this moment pretty freely on the consequences which may flow from the punishment, or mercy that may be administered to the Dutch revolted now taken in arms. The Princess of Orange, through the whole of the present conflict, has judiciously declined appearing too forward in the military councils. Lord Auckland, as British minister, has conciliated the general respect of the confederate powers, by the wise and decided measures he proposed, and which he has had the address to carry rapidly into effect, maugre the wonted system of Dutch deliberation! Gen. Boetzlaar and his lovely daughters have been received at court with every possible mark of esteem. The Saxe Gotha regiment, the principal gallant defenders of Williamstadt, have marched into this garrison on royal duty.
DUMOURIER'S FLIGHT.
BRUSSELS, April 2.
Letter from his Excellency General Clairfayt, to Monsieur Comte Staremberg, Imperial Minister at the Hague, dated Tournay, March 31.
"I lose not a moment in communicating to your Excellency what Dumourier has just written to me, when he sent to our camp eight or nine prisoners, this morning; four of whom, with General Bourdonville, he says, were specially commissioned by the National Convention to arrest and conduct him a prisoner to their bar; and, on any resistance on the part of Dumourier, to have him assassinated on the road. "But," adds the writer, "I have been before-hand with them, in securing those commissioners and their deputies as my prisoners." These he has sent under a strong escort to the Prince de Cobourg, after having put seals to all their papers, &c.
"M. Dumourier transmitted me at the same time a list of the prisoners, and concludes by saying, "that he was that instant about to move with the trusty part of his army, in order to destroy those who may further oppose themselves to the public good of France, and to give to that distracted kingdom permanent peace and tranquillity.
"I have the honor to be, &c. &c.
"CLAIRFAYT."
COLOGNE, April 2.
We are this instant informed, that Custine having marched from Mentz, on the 1st inst. to retake Copenheim, the two wings of the Prussian army cut off his retreat, and he was entirely surrounded with all his army, and it was supposed he could not escape.
Every thing is ready for the bombardment of Mentz and Cassel, and if the garrisons do not surrender they will be entirely destroyed.
BERGEN-OP-ZOOM, April 4.
Intelligence has been received from the Prince de Saxe Cobourg's head quarters at Mons, that an armistice had been a-
greed upon between his serene highness and general Dumourier, the latter having previously consented to evacuate the Austrian Netherlands and Dutch Brabant—That general Dumourier set out on the 2d inst. on his march to Paris—That his serene highness had put his troops into close cantonments, keeping them in immediate readiness to act—That the king of Prussia had crossed the Rhine at Buchera, attacked the French at Bingen, Creutzenach and Altheim, took general Neuwinger, 50 officers, 200 non-commissioned officers and privates, 15 cannon and a military chest, and had formed the blockade of Mayence;—That general Wurmser, with a Prussian corps, was immediately to pass the Rhine at Mannheim, and act on the left of the king—That Worms and Oppenheim were evacuated, and that the enemy had retreated from those places towards Landau. These operations happened between the 27th of March and the 1st of April.
PARIS, April 3.
At length you are in possession of the proceedings of the convention since the time that all communication has been stopped between the two countries. I likewise send you some account of the proceedings of the Jacobin Club, and the Commune, which at this crisis are of considerable importance. The clubs, you will see, now exercise both the legislative and executive functions of government, and while they dictate to the deliberations of the Convention, issue their mandates with all the imperiousness of constituted authority. These I accompany with some little details, which will more clearly show you the state of facts, and the spirit which prevails in this capital.
By some, Dumourier is accused as a traitor, and as having acted all along with views hostile to his country. By others, his conduct is justified upon the ground of necessity, and represented as the only resource which his present situation allowed. He has been publicly threatened with assassination. In the club of Cordeliers, it was resolved on the 26th March that he and the other commanders of the army should be brought to Paris in order to be tried; "and if," cried some of those present, "they escape the tribunal, they shall not escape us."
In consequence of an order of the committee of superintendence, all the papers of Roland have been sealed up. He is accused of being concerned in the confederacy with Dumourier.
Orders of arrest are issued against Mesdames Sillery, Egalite, Lady Fitzgerald; against Valence, Egalite the younger, Montjoye, and others, who are officers under the command of Dumourier.
Danton, the other day, used in the convention, a simile certainly by no means inapplicable to the present state of the French Legislation. "A great Revolution, said he, is like a metal which boils in a furnace; the statue of Liberty is not yet founded; if you do not know how to manage the furnace, the metal will boil over and burn you."
The Commissioners of public safety have announced to the convention the discovery at Chantilly, of the most valuable effects of the Prince of Conde.—They have already sent to Paris 2208 marks of gold and silver. They state too that they have found there a vast number of letters, among which were some from the late King, the Queen, Madame Elizabeth, Neckar, Calonne, Dubarry, &c. and the secret motives of the expences of the Red Book, and various articles relative to the Revolution. As it was supposed that much more remained to be discovered, two commissioners were ordered by the convention to proceed to Chantilly. Having reached the place of their destination, they wrote that they had discovered various secret openings in the walls of the palace, in which were new made muskets and ammunition, papers, and two boxes of jewels. They demanded powers to search the houses and papers of various persons suspected of concealing effects of the late Prince of Conde. New commissioners and new powers were sent to them, with particular instructions to preserve the Cabinet of Natural History.
The confusion which reigns here can more easily be conceived than described. We seem to have returned to a state of complete and political chaos. All is tumult and disorder. In this situation, force alone can decide, and disentangle the jarring elements. Those however, who foresee a speedy conclusion to the
present state of distraction, will perhaps be mistaken. That order will spring from confusion, and some regular form of government succeed to the present anarchy, is indeed to be hoped, but not speedily to be looked for. In proportion to the violence with which distraction now rages must be the time it will require to subside. Before the government can be regenerated, and the numerous crimes committed at the different periods of the Revolution done away, it must be purified by much blood. Even suppose the war should be brought to a more speedy conclusion than is at present probable, it will be difficult to determine in what mode things can be settled. There is such a collision of passions, prejudices and interests that it must be long before any settled order of things can take place. What means indeed will be found to reconcile the wishes and adjust the claims of the different parties, it is impossible to foresee.
We now touch on a new era of a revolution which has been continually varying its form, and giving rise to fresh changes; a revolution which has astonished ordinary observers, by the novelty, magnitude, and rapid succession of events; which has filled with horror the friends of humanity, by the crimes which it has produced, and the evils with which it threatens humanity; and which has opened a new field of curiosity and speculation to the Philosopher, while it baffles every effort of reasoning and conjecture.
SITTING of the JACOBINS.
March 29.
Robespierre inveighed bitterly against a decree passed on the morning sitting against those who might instigate to murder and pillage. He requested that that part of the convention, which did not wish for the public good, might be unmasked, and that they should be deprived of the power of doing hurt. "Let, said he, the faithful departments be invited to proceed against those who are unfaithful, in order to crush them. Strike at length; strike all traitors, and respect only the national representatives."
March 31.
Marat. —"The dangers which threaten our country are at their height, and the moment has arrived when the courage of Republicans ought to be displayed.—The treacheries of our generals are no longer a mystery. My predictions are accomplished. But we have opened our eyes too late. A messenger has been dispatched to Dumourier, and I will warrant that by this time he has emigrated. Bourdonville has set out to seize all the papers which may tend to convict himself, and perhaps to try to march against Paris with Dumourier.
Danton in a speech of some length, recapitulated his former services, in having prevented the ministry, of which he was a member, from leaving Paris in September last. He knew Dumourier to be unprincipled and ambitious; but he knew his military talents, and wished to give his country the benefit of them. But Dumourier conceived the project of conquering the Netherlands and Holland, & making himself their Protector. All his actions were infected by this idea; and if he did not annihilate the Prussians in the camp of La Lune, it was because he wished to reserve himself an asylum in case of defeat, in the states of Frederick William. His retreat from Belgium was rather the fault of his inferior officers than his own. Miranda was a fool or a traitor. When Dumourier returned from Holland to Belgium he was quite dejected. The failure of his visionary projects reduced him almost to a state of insanity. He retained nothing of a Republican but his military ardour, and fought every 2 leagues. "But, continued the speaker, let us leave this raving general, and think only of saving the Republic. France is far from having lost her force. Under Louis XIV. she combated all Europe, with resources far inferior. But where are those resources? It is for the Jacobins to find them. It is not enough to have levied an army of 300,000 men; we must raise a central army to defend Paris, and succour all the rest. Let the Jacobins call upon all good citizens, and select those who are the most capable to defend their country, and we shall soon have a formidable army. The factious talk of dissolving the convention; I cannot bear the idea of dissolution. Let those who have shown themselves too pusillanimous to join their names to those whose glory will descend to posterity, withdraw from it. Let us engage the people to speak,

and we shall purge the convention of those who are uncapable of saving the Republic. Those only who have killed a King, are worthy of representing Republicans. Marat.—Dumourier is the creature of a wicked faction. He was at first their pupil, and now he is their protector. I suspect the Commissioners Camus and Treillard. Such men ought not to give us a report on our situation in Belgium. I request that Danton will tear aside the veil before the Tribune of the Convention."
Danton—"I engage to comply with that request."
Marat—Act with energy and courage. Behave like a true Republican. Do as I shall do. If the enemy enter France, I shall draw my poinard and fall upon the traitors. [Here Marat, drawing a dagger from his bosom, brandished it in his hand.] I am determined to die, rather than bend the knee. The despair of liberty will give me death. I propose that a considerable number of such arms shall be manufactured and given to all citizens of known patriotism, who are not acquainted with military evolutions. Let us set on foot a subscription for this purpose. I myself shall make the first sacrifice to it." This was adopted, and the subscription agreed to.
St. Just—"I denounce Bournonville as a traitor."
April 1.
Roberspierre made a long speech on the conduct of Dumourier, and mentioned the dangers to which Liberty was exposed; but which, however, he observed, would appear more glorious after the severe proofs to which it had been put.— "Some speak of giving you a king, said he, but it is not known that the fairest hands which bind your brows were plucked from the grave of the last of the Capets? and certainly no one will tear from you the mark of triumph, but with your lives." He concluded with moving, that all the members of the family of Capet, as well as the ci-devant nobles and priests, should be expelled. Adopted.
LONDON, April 9.
It was reported on Monday, that admiral Gardner, had taken thirty sail of French West-Indiemen. The report was received yesterday, with the substitution of admiral Gill for admiral Gardner.
The capitulation of Gertruydenberg was signed on the 2d inst. The garrison to march out with the honours of war, to carry their provisions, horses, &c.
Captain Manly, of the Syren frigate, failed from Helvoetsluys on Monday morning. He brings advice, that the French were totally driven from every part of the United Provinces; in consequence of which all the British troops were proceeding with rapid marches through Brabant to join the Prince of Saxe Cobourg; and that no naval aid being necessary on the coast of Holland, he had withdrawn all his majesty's ships from thence; the gun boats had been all previously laid up in the arsenal of Rotterdam before he left his ship.
All the letters brought by the Dutch and Flanders mails yesterday confirm the accounts of the declaration of General Dumourier in favor of monarchy, and his being on his march to Paris to support the re-establishment of a regal government in France. The same letters mention other defeats of the French before Mentz and at Nizza. In short, the late universal defeat of the French seems, if possible, more rapid than their former successes; and the decided part taken by their commander in chief, added to the vigorous proceedings of the Counter-Revolutionists in France, appear more likely to be the means of re-establishing a permanent form of government in that country.
General Dumourier certainly marched on the 3d for Paris, with the avowed intention of restoring the Monarchy of France. He was joined on his march by numbers of people, who, shocked with the iniquitous murder of Louis the Sixteenth, were now happy in an opportunity of declaring their sentiments.
Previous to Dumourier's quitting Lisle, he put a white cockade into his hat, and all the army followed his example, as fast as ribbons could be procured for them. We understand that the white flag is flying on the tower of the garrison at Lisle, in which Dumourier left a garrison on whom he could depend.
By every intelligence received from France, it appears that the general body of the people on the sea coasts adjacent to Flanders, are unanimous for having a King.
The son of Louis XVI. has been proclaimed King of the French at Lisle, Valenciennes, and Douay.
It was understood in the Austrian army, that all offensive measures against France were to be suspended during the execution of Dumourier's plan—a proof that the Prince of Saxe Cobourg is well assured of his sincerity.
It is said that the city of Nantes is taken possession of by the insurgents of Brittany.
On Sunday last the 7th inst. a Congress was to be held at Antwerp, consisting of the following personages, viz. The Prince of Orange, the Prince of Saxe Cobourg, his Royal Highness the Duke of York, Prince Frederick of Brunswick, Lord Auckland, and the Ministers of the other powers actually at war with France. The object of this Congress must evidently have reference to the late unexpected events, and probably to concert the plan of future operations.
By a French paper of the 2d. it appears that the Spaniards have entered France in two places near Audaye
Brussels Gazette Extraordinary.
"Advises are received that General Dumourier would this day set off with the army for the interior of France, in order to restore peace and tranquility to the kingdom.
"We believe that we shall give pleasure to our readers, in giving them the list of the prisoners of war, sent over by Dumourier.
List of Prisoners.
"Bournonville, General of the army and minister at war; Memoire, captain of hussars, aid-du-camp of the Minister; Ville-neuve, Secretary Commissioner of the War-Office; Camus, member of the Convention, Mamarque, Quinetre, and Henry Bancau, ditto—Faucard, Secretary to the Commissioners.
United States.
CHARLESTON, (S. C.) May 10.
Yesterday evening a gentleman arrived here from Augusta, in Georgia, who informs us, that six of the Creek towns, with a number of Cherokees, had declared war against the United States, and were actually marching under the command of Bowles and Galphin, to attack the frontiers.
An Augusta paper contains the following intelligence: AUGUSTA, May 4.
"We have it now in our power, from the best authority, to give the following melancholy particulars to the public, attending the murder of the family on the Oconee river, on the 22d ultimo.
The Indians, 37 in number, came to the house of a Mr. Richard Thresher, and fired upon and killed Mr. Thresher, two children and a negro woman; Mrs. Thresher to avoid, if possible, the fate with which she was threatened, fled, with an infant of about 5 or 6 weeks old in her arms, and leaped into the river—the Indians pursued, shot her through each thigh and right breast, stabbed her in the left breast with a knife, cut her left arm nearly off, and then scalped her. In this horrid situation she remained until the neighbours could assemble in sufficient numbers to cross the river and pursue the Indians. As the first canoe was crossing she had strength enough to call for assistance, they went, found her hanging by a bush in water nearly up to the chin, her infant at the bottom of the river a few yards from her—she lived nearly 24 hours, and when informed by her physician that it was impossible for her to survive much longer, she with a fortitude, that is rarely to be met with, called her friends around her, and in a calm but pathetic manner, gave her hand to each one, wishing them a better fate than had befallen herself and family; and when after her speech failed, as neighbours were constantly coming in, she continued to give her hand, until about five minutes before she resigned her breath, which was without a groan.
Mrs. Thresher was about 25 years of age, of a respectable family, an elegant person, and possessed an uncommon education.
On Thursday the 24th ult. two men were killed in Franklin, 40 horses carried off; and since the accounts published in our last, all the inhabitants on the frontiers have retreated into forts, without arms or ammunition. At one meeting of near 40 persons, they could only muster five old muskets: to heighten the horror of their condition, the Indians were momentarily expected.
As similar murders are daily committed, it called upon the spirit of 800 gallant fellows, who marched last week against the savages, determined to revenge the cruelties perpetrated on the infant, the mother, and the defenceless.
NEW BERN, (N. C.) May 11.
Died, at his seat in Aulson county, on the 20th ult. the honorable Samuel Spencer, L. L. D. and one of the Judges of the Superior Court of this State.
"His honor's health had been declining for above two years, but he performed the last Circuit, three months since; and we understand, intended to have left home in a few days for this town, where the Superior Court is now sitting, had it not been for the following unfortunate accident, which, it is thought, hastened his death:—He was sitting in his piazza with a red cap on his head, when a large cock turkey passing, the Judge being sleepy, began to nod; the turkey mistaking the nodding and the red cap for a challenge, made so violent and unexpected an attack on his honor, that he threw him out of his chair on the floor; and before he could get any assistance, so beat and bruised him, that he died within a few days after."
Fayetteville Gazette.
ALBANY, May 16.
Last week, the hon. Benjamin Lincoln, one of the commissioners for treating with the western Indians, with a number of Quaker and other gentlemen in his suite, left this city, on his way (by Oswego and Niagara) to the Miami Village, where the treaty is shortly to be held. From Schenectady, he proceeded by water, with 8 large batteaus which had been provided for that purpose, and for transporting stores, baggage, &c.
NEW-YORK, May 25. In the Sun, of the 10th April, which is the latest paper received, the following paragraph appears:
"It is rumored, that Dumourier having found reason to suspect the sincerity of a great part of his army, in the promises they had given to support him in his plan of marching to Paris, and placing young Louis on the throne, had left his army at the head of a regiment of cavalry, and gone to the Austrian army. We give this merely as a report; we may, however, add, that no official intelligence of any such event has been received."
Philadelphia, May 29.
Letter of Citizens Polverel and Sonthonax, Commissioners of the French Republic to the Windward Islands, to the Citizen Minister Genet.
Port-au-Prince, May 8th, 1793. Second year of the French Republic.
"We feel how essential it is, that the United States, infested as they are by emigrants from St. Domingo, should learn the truth of events thro' the agents of the Republic.
"From the month of January last a new coalition formed between the chiefs of the Royalists and those of the Rebels, excited for some time past by the English government, menaced the interests of the metropolis.
Their activity was such, that if our presence in the western province had been delayed another month, it would have been extremely difficult to remedy the evil.
"An army obtained by the Governor in chief, Lafalle, encamped at a league's distance from Port-au-Prince, on the 9th of April. We were in the harbor with a 74 gun ship and two frigates. The gates were shut and admittance refused to the armies of the Republic; furnaces were erected in the forts to heat the balls that were to be fired on our vessels. Having information of the declaration of war with England, we could not temporize. We summoned the Municipality to receive the army, the general and us. The rebels refused. Having used every lenient means, promised safety and liberty to the friends of the Republic, granted a delay of 24 hours upon the request of some deputies from the town—a delay which was misused in endeavoring to corrupt the crew, we gave orders to the ship and frigates to fire on the forts. This was the 12th of April, at six in the morning; our fire was answered by bombs and red hot shot.
"The contest lasted six hours, and only ceased when we succeeded in silencing the fire from the town. On the 13th we received a deputation, who asked another delay to give the good citizens time to assemble. We granted it with pleasure, and we received at the same time the women and children who were flying from the town.
"Next day the general was quietly received at the head of his army. We landed and ordered a number of rebels to be arrested. The principal chiefs, Borel at their head, had flown. The fire from the town only killed us two men—the loss of the rebels amounts to 30 at most; but what is remarkable is, that our shot seemed to single out the most turbulent among them; such as Borel's nephew, and 3 or 4 public assassins, known throughout the island.
"This day every thing is perfectly quiet, and we hope that internal peace will continue, notwithstanding the machinations and agitations of the enemies of France.
"Tell Free Americans, and the Friends of the Republic, that the colony has at length found severe executors of the laws; that we have put to flight the enemies of France—enemies so much the more dangerous, as under the mask of the National Colours, they made war upon their mother country with its own weapons. Tell them, that these pretended patriots, Borel still at their head, have just given a last proof of their attachment to the interests of the mother country, by flying to Jamaica, and throwing themselves into the arms of the English."
The ship Grange, some time ago captured in the Bay of Delaware, by the French frigate l'Embulcade, has been restored to the owners.
By the ship Amiable, Capt. Paul, arrived here last Monday from St. Vincents, we learn that Admiral Gardner, with six sail of the line, arrived before Martinique the 11th inst. No land forces were on board the ships, it being supposed the island would surrender on the appearance of an English fleet—but as General Rochambeau commanded the troops at Martinique, there was no doubt of a vigorous resistance.
Elbridge Gerry, Esq. late member of Congress from Massachusetts, is elected Senator in the Legislature of that State.
Extract of a letter dated at New-York, last Sunday morning.
"The ship Alexander is this morning arrived from Savannah and brings accounts that the Creek Indians, to the number of 5 or 600 had made a descent upon the people of Georgia; and were within 35 miles of Savannah."
The following striking passage is copied from a letter written on the present state of affairs in Europe:
"I have ceased to place reliance on any earthly thing, and remain an astonished spectator of the folly of nations and madmen of many Kings. Where these things will end, God only knows. Many kingdoms in Europe are shaken to their very foundation. Those which purify themselves may stand; those that do not, must fall; and in their train, luxury, tyranny, and oppression of every kind; for they carry the seeds of destruction in themselves."
Died, yesterday morning, Mrs. — House, who for several years has kept a respectable boarding house in this city.
Department of State,
TO WIT,
I HEREBY Certify all whom it may Concern, that I have received an Official Communication of the Form adopted for Letters of Marque by the French Republic, of which Form the following is a Translation. Given under my Hand and Seal of Office, this 24th day of May, 1793.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Liberty—Equality—
THE Provisional Executive Council of the French Republic, permits, by these presents
to arm and fit out for war, a called the burthen tons, or thereabouts, actually belonging to the Port of — with such number of guns, bullets, quantity of powder, lead and other warlike stores and provisions as he shall judge necessary to defend himself against pirates, robbers, rovers, and generally against all the enemies of the French Republic, in what place soever he may meet with them, to take and conduct them prisoners, with their ships, arms and other matters of which they may be possessed; Provided by the said that he govern himself according to the marine regulations and ordinances of the representatives of the French People, particularly the fourth article of the Decree of January 31, respecting the number of men necessary to make up his crew, and to cause these present Letters of Marque to be registered in the Bureau des Clases at the place from which he shall sail, and to deposit there a list, signed and certified by himself, with the names, sur-names, age place of birth and abode of the people of his crew, and upon his return to make report before an officer employed in the administration of the Clases, of whatever may have happened during his voyage. The Provisional Executive Council requests all people, friends and allies of the French Republic and their agents, to render to the said every assistance, the free passing and re-passing in their ports, with his said vessel and the prizes he may have made, hereby granting the same permission in similar cases. It is recommended and enjoined to the commanders of public vessels to suffer the said to pass freely with his vessel, and those he may have taken from the enemy, and to render him every favour and assistance.
These presents not to be in force but for months only, reckoning from the date of their being recorded.
In faith whereof, the Provisional Executive Council of the Republic has caused these Letters to be signed by the Minister of Marine, and the Seal of the Republic to be thereto affixed.
Given at Paris, the day of one thousand seven hundred and and year of the French Republic. (Signed)
MON Y.
By the Minister of Marine, (Signed)
COTTRAN.
(Seal.) Except this no Form is valid.
A letter from Breff (via Cape-Francois) to a gentleman in this city, dated the 6th April, says that great internal commotions prevail in France, and that the city of Nantes was besieged by an army of forty thousand insurgents.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
Ship Hope, Swain, New-Bedford Amiable, Paul, Liverpool & St. Vincents Brig Newton, Decosta, St. Croix John, Briggs, Rhode-Island Sch'r. Ann, Swett, Marblehead Neptune, Cheesman, Boston Sloop Richmond, M'Connell, Richmond William Lais, Lisle, Beaufort, N. C. Lucy, Brown, Georgia Defiance, Wallace, N. Carolina Kingfisher, Howard, Bermuda Snow St. Thomi, Grazer, Madeira
PRICE OF STOCKS.
6 per Cents, 18/ 3 per Cents, 10/ Deferred, 10/4 Full shares Bank U. S. 8 to 10 per cent. adv.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THIS Number of the GAZETTE completes a year since the commencement of the 4th volume—As the Editor proposes to enlarge the publication at the time of the next meeting of Congress, the present volume will be continued till that period, and the papers published in the interim, numbered and paged accordingly.
GENERAL POST-OFFICE,
Philadelphia, May 27, 1793.
500 Dollars Reward.
WHEREAS a certain THOMAS SLOSS GANTT, has lately made his escape from Baltimore County Gaol, to which he was committed under a charge of having robbed the Eastern Mail, on the 28th day of January last. Notice is hereby given, that a reward of five hundred dollars will be paid at this Office, to any person or persons who shall apprehend the said Thomas Sloss Gantt, and deliver him into the custody of the keeper of the said Gaol, or into the custody of either of the Marshals within the United States, so that the said Thomas Sloss Gantt may be effectually secured, and forth coming to answer the above mentioned charge.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, Post-Master General.
The following is a description of the above-named THOMAS SLOSS GANTT: He is about six feet high, straight and well made, has light coloured hair, tied behind, fair complexion and has a down look when spoken to.

PRICE CURRENT.
BY QUANTITY.—DOLLARS 100 CENTS each.
PHILADELPHIA, May 29.
Table with columns for item name, Dls., Cts., and Dls. Cts. listing various goods like Anchors, Alum, Athes, Arrack, Brandy, etc.
Table with columns for item name, Dls., Cts., and Dls. Cts. listing various goods like Oil, Sweet, Train, Whale, Porter, etc.
By THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARKOLL, Esquires, COMMISSIONERS appointed by Government to prepare the Public Buildings, &c. within the City of Washington...
Table for 'A LOTTERY FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY' listing prizes and amounts.
By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers, and yet the federal City will gain its object thereby...
Tickets may be had of Col. Wm. Dickens, City Treasurer of Washington; Thayer & Bartlet, of Charleston, South-Carolina; Gideon Denison, Savannah; Messrs. James West & Co. Baltimore; Mr. Peter Gilman, Boston; and at such other places as will be hereafter published.
BE IT REMEMBERD, That on the thirteenth day of March, in the seventeenth year of the Independence of the United States of America, Thomas Dobson, of the said District, hath deposited in this Office, the Title of a Book, the Right whereof he claims as Proprietor, in the words following, to wit: 'An Enquiry how far the Punishment of Death is necessary in Pennsylvania. With Notes and Illustrations. By William Bradford, Esq.'
POST-ROAD TO THE GENESEE COUNTRY. THE public are hereby informed, that the Post-Road from Philadelphia to Reading, is continued to Sunbury and Northumberland; thence up the West Branch of the Susquehanna as far as Licomming; thence to the Painted Post (in New-York State, near the forks of the Tioga) thence to Bath (a town laid out on the Cohoesian Branch of the Tioga) thence to Williamsburg, at the forks of Genesee River.
City of Washington.
JANUARY 7th. 1793. A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners, on the 17th day of September next...
Albany Glass-House.
The Proprietors of the Glass-Manufactory, under the Firm of M'CLALLEN, M'GREGOR and Co. BEG leave to inform the public, that they have now brought their WINDOW-GLASS to such perfection, as will be found, on comparison, to be equal, in quality, to the best London Crown Glass.
City of Washington.
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
By Thomas Dobson, Book-seller, at the Stone-House, in Second Street, PHILADELPHIA, VOLUME VIII. OF ENCYCLOPEDIA: OR, A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, AND MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE.
THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS are digested into the Form of Distinct, TREATISES OR SYSTEMS: THIS VOLUME CONTAINS An Account of the Cap: of Good Hope, Grafting, Universal Grammar, Crafts, Greece, Greenland, Guam, Guinea, Gunnery, Happiness, Harmony, Heat, Hepatic-Air, Heraldry, Hindostan, Hippopotamus, History, New-Holland, Horse, Horsemanship, Hotentots, Hunting, Husbandry, Hydrometer, with a great variety of Biographical and Miscellaneous Articles. Embellished with sixteen Copperplates.
THE work is printing on a superfine paper, and new types, (cast for the purpose) which will be occasionally renewed before they contract a worn appearance. The work is furnished in boards, in volumes or half-volumes, as subscribers chuse; the price of the whole volumes, five dollars each, of the half-volumes two dollars and two-thirds of a dollar each. Ten dollars to be paid on subscribing, the volumes or half-volumes finished to be paid for when delivered, the price of one volume to be paid in advance, and the price of each succeeding volume to be paid on delivering the volume preceding it. No part of the work will be delivered unless paid for. In the course of the publication will be delivered about five hundred copperplates elegantly engraved in Philadelphia: which by far exceed in number those given in any other scientific dictionary. At the close of the publication will be delivered an elegant frontispiece, the dedication, preface, and proper title pages for the different volumes. It is expected the work will be comprised in about eighteen volumes in quarto. As several gentlemen who have honored this undertaking with early subscriptions, have only received a small part of the work, they are earnestly requested to complete their sets, as far as published, immediately, while the publisher still has it in his power to supply them with the parts which have not been furnished. As the subscription will very possibly be closed by the first of July next, the publisher cannot undertake to complete sets after that period; and those who wish to become possessors of this truly valuable and important work, will please apply before the expiration of that time, that they may not be disappointed. The very heavy expense necessarily incurred in carrying on this work, makes it indispensably requisite for the publisher to adhere more strictly than he has done to the original condition, of delivering the volumes only on being paid for them. The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 16, Wall-street, NEW-YORK. THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE & SALE OF STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch. Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to. LEONARD BLEECKER. (t.f.)
Just published, By THOMAS DOBSON, At the Stone House, No. 41, South Second-Street,
A CASE, Decided in the SUPREME COURT of the UNITED STATES, in which is discussed the Question, WHETHER A STATE IS LIABLE TO BE SUED BY A PRIVATE CITIZEN OF ANOTHER STATE? Price Half a Dollar. Wanted to complete files of this Gazette numbers 79 and 80—Six pence each will be paid by the Editor for a few of those numbers.