The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-12-24 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XXIV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 24th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
No. I.
ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.
The result of the votes of the Electors for a President and Vice-President have been so far ascertained as to render it certain that both Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr will have a majority of all the votes. At present, excluding the states of Kentucky and Tennessee, they stand thus:
 For Thomas Jefferson 65  Aaron Burr 66  John Adams 65  C. C. Pinckney 64 
There is no doubt that Mr. Jefferson will obtain all the votes in Kentucky and Tennessee, which will give him in the whole 73 votes; and it seems most probable that Mr. Burr will have the same number.
In this event, the choice of a President from the two will devolve upon the House of Representatives.
The Constitution Art. II. Sec. I. directs that
"The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for President; and if no person have a majority, then, from the five highest on the list, the said House shall, in like manner, choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote: a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors, shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them, by ballot, the Vice-President."
And the act of Congress passed March 1, 1792, directs.
"That Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday in February, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, and on the second Wednesday in February succeeding every meeting of the electors; and the said certificates, or so many of them as shall have been received, shall then be opened, the votes counted, and the persons who shall fill the offices of President and Vice-President ascertained and declared, agreeably to the constitution."
From these provisions of the constitution and the act of Congress it results that on the second Wednesday in February the votes of the Electors are to be counted, and that in case there be two candidates possessed of the same number of votes, both having a majority of all the electoral votes, the House of Representatives shall elect one of them as President. In this act the house is to vote by states, and the concurrence of a majority of all the states, that is of nine states, is required to constitute the Election.
If the voice of the people of America be at all regarded, Mr. Jefferson will be preferred to Mr. Burr; for it is a fact not questioned by any man, that the people and legislatures who chose the electors, as well as the electors themselves, that voted for Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr, without the least variance in opinion, voted either mediately or directly for Mr. Jefferson as President; and for Mr. Burr as Vice-President. Their voting for both arose, not from any desire to place them on the same footing, but from the necessity, arising from the constitution, of voting for two persons indiscriminately, without avowing a preference for either.
But, unfortunately, our councils as well
as our citizens are divided in political opinions; and this division, not confined to the calm and rational expression of varying sentiments and honest efforts to effect certain desirable objects, strikes deep into personal feeling, producing an attachment to one man, which no change of circumstances can shake, and a hatred of another which no occurrences can soften.
Hence we find some men even in our federal councils, if their professions be sincere, disposed to elevate Mr. Burr to the presidency to the depression or exclusion of Mr. Jefferson.
I can scarcely believe that a single member of the House of Representatives sincerely means, in the contemplated event, to give his vote in this way. My respect for the official character of a representative of the people, which ought to unite dignity with wisdom, and constantly to be impressed with the importance of consulting the public wishes, when clearly expressed, induces me to reject a belief, which I cannot entertain, but at the expence of his personal honor and political integrity.
I hope that the suggestion is merely the playful ebullition of a sportive fancy, and not the effect of deliberate design.
The subject, however, is so interesting in itself, and may be attended with consequences so very important, that, considering the preference of Mr. Burr to Mr. Jefferson as barely possible, it becomes an object well worthy of consideration, inasmuch as there may be some individuals, who, amidst the inbred paroxisms of party, are not disposed to go those gloomy lengths which nothing but a desperate spirit can lead to; men, who if informed of the views that prompt, and the consequences likely to follow such a step, would at once refuse an unworthy participation with those with whom they have usually co-operated.
For the illustration of the subject I will in the first place assign the motives which may be presumed to dictate such a measure; and in the second place enumerate the effects likely to flow from it.
1. It cannot be supposed, however unlimited our candour, that a preference of Mr. Burr can arise from any sincere conviction of the superiority either of his talents or virtues to those of Mr. Jefferson.
Without drawing any invidious distinction between the intellectual and moral qualities of these two gentlemen, which truth could not justify, it may be affirmed that the private as well as public integrity of Mr. Jefferson are as untarnished as those of Mr. Burr, while the superior age, and the more extended field of political observation and action of the former justify an entire reliance in the general sentiment that ascribes to Mr. Jefferson the larger portion of information and experience.
If this be not the true motive, is it to be discovered, 2. In the belief that Mr. Burr will more effectually than Mr. Jefferson conciliate the varying views of all descriptions of men.
This belief presupposes two descriptions of men, republican and federal. Now, the whole succession of political events shews that Mr. Jefferson is pre-eminently the favourite of the former. His popularity with them has remained undiminished from the period when he penned the declaration of independence to the present day; and has accompanied him through all the successive offices of dignity and usefulness which he has intermediately filled.
It would, then, be monstrously absurd to pretend that the rejection of Mr. Jefferson from the Presidency would tend to conciliate the republicans of the United States, whom the late election has demonstrated to be the major part of America.
Can such a preference conciliate the federalists? I can discern but two ways in which such an effect can be produced. In the first way the effect would be produced by the conscious triumph of the federalists over their opponents, which in reality would be over the people themselves, by the satisfaction they felt in rendering abortive a decided expression of the public will, and by losing all previous resentment in the joy of their success.
But does not such a supposition amount
to a libel upon the federalists? Does it not imply a total disregard to principle (for the argument does not suppose that Mr. Burr is less a republican than Mr. Jefferson) does it not extend still farther, and consider the federalists, not as transported from the sober convictions of reason by a lively, however mistaken, enthusiasm for some great man, but as carried from their settled purpose by a vindictive personal hatred?
The second way in which such an effect could be produced would be by the expected direstion by Mr. Burr of his republican sentiments; of those very sentiments which had placed him in a situation that enabled his opponents to elevate him to unexpected power.
If such an expectation is entertained, I do not hesitate to affirm it no less visionary than immoral. The integrity and nice sense of honor, which have been the inviolable attendants on Mr. Burr, are to those who know him evidences, that require no additional proof, of his immutable adherence to principle.
But, if such an expectation does exist, is it one that, if realised, would tend to conciliate the great body of the federalists? Let it be granted that some men of that description have so lively a regard for certain political ends, that they are totally indifferent as to the means, can it be believed that this is the case with the mass of those that support them? Would not such an immoral act open the eyes of their constituents, and portray in vivid colours the depravity of their representatives? Could a rational confidence be continued to be reposed in them? Would not every honest man of the party, however he might be pleased with the end, despise the means and those who used them?—Undoubtedly this would be the case; and so far from producing conciliation, it would strengthen and extend division.
If then these motives cannot be ascribed to the leaders of the federal party, if they deserve, on the contrary, to be attributed only to men at once deprived of their reason and their virtue, where can we find any adequate motives, such as we can suppose rational men likely to feel, for such a procedure?
3. There are but two remaining reasons, which bear the least semblance of plausibility; the one is a personal dislike to Mr. Jefferson amounting to frenzy, which is calculated to precipitate its unfortunate victim by every act of despair into greater embarrassment. If this motive actuate any man, I can discern no cure for it. The patient must be considered as diseased beyond the power of moral remedy. For as the hatred entertained by him has arisen without even a shadow of cause furnished by Mr. Jefferson, it will be impossible to change, I will not say the state of his mind, but the state of his feelings by any train of reasoning.
Such an individual may derive some anticipated gratification from the hope that a preference of Mr. Burr would be a source of mortification to Mr. Jefferson. But the hope would be delusive. It is not to rank or power that Mr. Jefferson owes either his reputation or his happiness. The first is secured by the services he has rendered his country, and the last is confirmed by a heart rich in the purity of its intentions, and a mind always engaged in the cultivation and extension of its powers.
4. The genuine motive of such an act, if it be designed, is probably this: The republicans have triumphed. The people are on their side. While this remains the case, the federal party, hitherto the sole depositaries of power, must give way to their rivals. Though compelled to surrender their power for a time, their unceasing effort will be to regain it. The greatest obstacle, perhaps that could be opposed to such a hope, would be the elevation of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency. They know that there is not a man in America so highly respected and so affectionately beloved by the people. They know that no man, from the simplicity of his manners, the genuine republicanism of his principles, the mildness of his disposition, and the universal philanthropy of his heart, is to be found among us, more likely to strengthen the attachment of the people to
the pure principles of liberty and peace. These traits of character present dreadful barriers either to seduction or opposition. Directed against such a character, what can they do? They can only brighten his integrity, strengthen his firmness, and endear him still more to the people. He, then, above all other men, is to be feared. Let us then, they exclaim, at every hazard, keep him from the Presidency. This being resolved on, there remains but one alternative. Mr. Burr must be our man. Perhaps through inexperience he may take some imprudent step. We will dart upon him; and the dagger of political assassination shall put an end to his official existence. At all events whatever his talents and his virtue, we will call them follies and vices. The people will be more likely to believe what we affirm of him, not being so well acquainted with his talents, as with those of Mr. Jefferson.
Short sighted policy! visionary dream! my next number, in exhibiting the consequences of such an attempt, will shew that even the profound statesman becomes a child in intellect, when he abandons the paths of truth.
ARISTIDES.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
CONSIDERATIONS
On the Government of the TERRITORY of COLUMBIA.
No. I.
The report of the committee of the House of Representatives on this subject must give alarm and distress to every person interested in the fate of the city of Washington; and the district of territory in which it is situated. This report does not appear to meet the spirit of the constitution; nor is it calculated to satisfy the mind of the general politician, or the expectations of those who are locally affected.
The member of the house who took a lead in this transaction, and who called it into public notice during the last session; who was then appointed on the committee to whom it was referred; whose attention was devoted to it during the recess, and who was again appointed on the committee to whom it was referred at this session; might have been expected to have digested something more consonant to the public wishes. After all this labor and parade, what has been the result? A plan, by which the Territory of Columbia is to be governed by two different systems of legislation and jurisprudence; by which the seat of local government for one half of it is to be on the Chesapeake, and the other on James river; by which its taxation, productive at present, and incalculable in future, is to be diverted from its own bosom, and placed at the disposal of strangers of different interests; by which the metropolis of the United States is to be an obscure village, in the corner of Prince George's county, in the state of Maryland; by which the administration of justice for its citizens is transacted at Upper Marlborough and Annapolis; and its industrious and time-saving artisans are compelled to waste their time & substance in serving as jurors, & attending as witnesses, at places most remote from their residence, and difficult and expensive to travel to.
If it is expected that any City could thrive in these circumstances, then it is proper to abandon in our transactions all calculations of human wisdom and foresight; and to trust every thing to supernatural agency. The City of Washington possesses immense advantages; but its advantages are not great enough to scotch under so absurd an administration of government.
What is still more singular, the bill reported by the committee contains a provision not only for two different systems of government in the same territory, but provides also that those two systems shall be different in each part of the Territory from the rest of the state to which it is annexed. The legislatures of Virginia and Maryland

every year make some alterations in their laws; but these alterations are not to affect the parts of the state within the Territory of Columbia; for the laws of each state are to continue in force, in their respective parts, as they existed on the first Monday of December 1800. It must be obvious to every person, acquainted with either state, that in less than three years, the execution of these laws would become impracticable in either part. To complete the climax the President of the United States, the most distinguished officer of the nation, is called upon to appoint all the executive and judicial officers of each state within the Territory; and these officers, who are acting under the laws of Virginia and Maryland, and are responsible to the government of each state for the execution of their trust, are to look for their appointments to the federal government. It is probable that neither state would permit its officers to stand in this situation; and it is certain that all prosecution and punishment for improper conduct in such officers would be nugatory, and the protection of the citizens must be confided to the virtue and clemency of the executive.
Arguments need not be multiplied to shew that these arrangements can be but temporary; and that a radical alteration must take place. If a permanent system cannot now be devised, it is futile to make any such law as that reported. The act of cession of each state provides for the continuance of their laws until Congress directs otherwise; and this situation is better than that proposed in the first section of the bill; because an unreasonable partiality for the laws, as they exist on the first Monday of December 1800, is not manifested; & the laws of the state will be uniformly exercised, as long as the inter-regnum continues. The present situation is also preferable to the change contemplated in the second section of the Bill. It is a matter of little importance who appoints the subordinate executive and judicial officers, within the fractions of the two states. If they are in the execution of the laws of the respective states, it is certainly most proper that they should derive their appointments from the same source, with similar officers in the other parts of the state.
The third section of the Bill is but a consequence of the two preceding; and stands or falls with them. The mind is therefore enabled to judge whether any such law is proper to be passed. If it is intended for permanency, it is the most unhappy system that could have been devised; and must in fact defeat its own execution; If it is to be but temporary; it is not plain that the existing situation of affairs is far preferable to either of the changes effected by the Bill?
Having made these observations, which were prompted by the appearance of this Bill in the public prints, it would appear improper not to go further; and to suggest something on a subject, which is so important, and which has been so little considered.
It is indeed much to be lamented, that in the collision and agitation which have attended the Presidential election, there has not been found in the public councils a mind sufficiently calm to elevate itself above the storm; and to devote some attention to the interests of the respectable body of people, comprehended in the Territory of Columbia, and in the City of Washington in particular.
It is due to the magnitude of a subject, which affects the metropolis of so great an empire; it is due to the honor of the illustrious man whose name it bears; it is due to the happiness of the thousands who will constitute its population; that a firm, regular permanent and steady system of government worthy of the councils of an enlightened republican people; who have made the most sublime, and the most successful essays in the science of free government; and whose unexampled prosperity has been not more the result of natural advantages, than of the pre-eminent wisdom of their public deliberations.
Conceiving that such a system is indispensably necessary; that a change of government is always attended with inconveniences; that it is far better to meet those inconveniences originally, and in the first instance, than to protract them; that every day after a system is put into operation, affords opportunities of ameliorating it; that every day of procrastination increases the embarrassment, and that the public judgment is as competent now to discuss this subject as it ever can be, I shall proceed to submit to the public some considerations on it; trusting that it will not be deemed improper, in a private individual, who is deeply interested, to offer his opinion on a subject which has been neglected by public men; and that his sentiments, if they do not meet with appro-
bation, will at least be received with candor.
EPAMINONDAS. City of Washington, December 20th, 1800.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY DEC. 23.
The motion made on Friday by Mr. Davis, to refer to the committee to whom had been referred a memorial of the House of Representatives of the Mississippi Territory on the official conduct of Governor Sargent, the following resolution; (concluding a specification of unconstitutional laws enacted by the governor in conjunction with the judges, and of sundry oppressive acts committed by him) viz. "Resolved that the laws passed by the Governor and Judges of the Mississippi Territory, and the petition of Cato West and others, heretofore presented to the house, together with all the documents relative thereto, be transmitted to the President of the United States," was taken up and on the question of reference.
Mr. Griswold said the whole subject, of which the resolutions now offered formed a part, was already referred to a committee. The charges laid in the resolutions were serious. To refer them would be to give an indirect sanction to their truth, and he thought any such sanction highly improper until they are proved. The committee already appointed had full power to investigate all the facts that existed. The result of their investigation would be reported, & it would then be time enough to express an opinion on the propositions now offered. These same resolutions had been offered to the house the last session, and had then been rejected. Mr. Griswold hoped the same course would now be pursued.
Mr. Davis said he had always thought that a committee, to ascertain facts, and to shape business for that house, proceeded from a knowledge, that a committee consisting of a few members could with more facility, gain a knowledge of those facts than the house in its collective capacity could do. He could, therefore, see no good cause for withholding the resolutions from the select committee, who were appointed to consider the remonstrance from the Legislature of the Mississippi Territory. His resolutions contained facts, and he was ready to support them, from the documents before him. It would be criminal in the house to withhold from the committee any facts it was in their power to furnish. If this resolution contains misstatements, let the gentleman from Connecticut show them, and he would readily join in expunging them, so as only to let pure facts go to the committee. He wished no imposition; he wanted only a fair examination into the conduct of Winthrop Sargent, governor of the Mississippi Territory, whose administration had been marked with so much restlessness and discontent; and he believed justly. At the last session of Congress some alleviation was intended to be offered to the distresses of this oppressed people; but their governor had defeated the object by omitting to give notice of the election, as he ought to have done.
He was enjoined by the laws of last session, to give notice of the election, and to appoint a judge or judges to attend it; he had omitted to do so, and had refused to issue a writ of election (doubting for the first time his power). This conduct had drawn from their legislature a remonstrance which required the further interposition of congress, to enable them to organize their body. This remonstrance makes a general allusion to the unconstitutional laws made by the governor and judges; the resolution particularises those laws, and will bring them in a precise manner before the committee. If gentlemen doubted the accuracy of the resolution, he would convince those, who were not opposed to conviction, that it was correct. [Here Mr. Davis read several of the laws made by the Governor and Judges of the Mississippi Territory, and some clauses of the Federal Constitution to prove that the laws were unconstitutional.] Here then are abundant proofs of unconstitutional and oppressive laws, under which the people of that territory labor, and of which they complain; and will this house afford no relief, from a tyrant, who has trampled on their rights with a tiger's stride, and plucked
from them by varacious and disgraceful laws, their hard earnings?
The Governor of that Territory receives annually a salary of 2000 Dollars for his services, and each of the Judges a salary of 800 dollars pr. Annum. This was supposed by the law a competent compensation; their acceptance of those offices for that sum acknowledges it to be enough; still you find laws here that give the Governor a fee of Eight Dollars on tavern Licences, &c. As well might the President of the U. States claim fees for giving Patents or any other writing to which he affixes his name. The Judges of this Territory, who conjointly with the Governor made the Laws, have taken care of themselves—Hear their table of fees, giving to themselves fees for certain services rendered by them in their Judicial capacity. And is not this a shameful abuse of the Legislative power they are vested with. [Here Mr. D. read the table of fees] Congress cannot raise their own wages; the Constitution has wisely forbid it, yet Winthrop Sargent and the Judges give themselves what fees they please, without regarding the Spirit of the Constitution. If this resolution accompanies the remonstrance of the Legislature of the Mississippi Territory, the committee will be able to judge whether the Governor withheld the writ of Election from a fear of exceeding his power; or whether he did it to prevent the organization of the Legislature; for had the Legislature been formed, those very Laws by which he and the Judges satiate their avarice, would have been repealed.
The gentleman from Connecticut says that the resolution contains direct charges against a man high in office, and this house ought not to sanction them until they are proved. I trust I have proved them by a reference to the laws now before me, and if they are not proved, let the gentleman take the laws and shew wherein I am incorrect; and so much as is found defective, let him expunge. The gentleman says, that despotism is charged against the governor. Why, said Mr. D. what stronger proof of tyranny or despotism can you ask, then to see a man set no bounds to his conduct, and who breaks through the limits set for him by the supreme laws of the Land.
It is true this resolution was offered by me at the last session, but it was not rejected as the gentleman supposes, it was not acted upon; but if the gentleman from Connecticut, and other gentlemen on this floor, after seeing that Winthrop Sargent has openly violated the constitution of the United States, consider him a fit object to rally round; if after they see he has violated the ordinance designed for the government of that territory, they consider him a fit object for them to cling to; if after seeing the shameful abuse of legislative power vested in his hands; and his disgraceful avarice; if after seeing and hearing all this, they consider that he has acted consistently with federal principles, and is entitled to federal support, they will unite, and stifle this resolution here, and never let the committee see it—it may be that this resolution will be lost to day—perhaps it would be to-morrow; but the time is approaching, when the conduct of a public officer will not be veiled in this manner—The sun of federalism is nearly set—not three months, and it sets forever.
If this resolution contained any thing new or strange there would be some excuse for the objections made to a reference; but its having been presented during the last session must have imprinted the facts charged in it on the minds of every member present—besides this, those complaints have been made from the first hour Winthrop Sargent came into office, and have been heard from one extremity of the continent to the other. It is a fact well known, that at the time this man was appointed governor of the Mississippi Territory, he was hated and despised by the people of the Western country. His pride, his insolence, and tyrannical disposition, had rendered his name odious to the Western country. In this the gentleman who represents the N. W. Territory, and who was nearer the theatre of his actions than I was, can bear me witness—Still he was appointed. We felt indignant at the promotion of such a character by our government; but we have guardedly repressed our resentment.
The object, however, for which this man was set over us, has not been accomplished. His mission has failed. Though we felt the just indignation of freemen, we had more wit in our resentment than to commit any extravagant acts that would authorise "The Chief who now commands," to tend "a Heaven born band" among us—We were apprised of the disposition; we were apprised that an excuse was all that
was wanted. But the reign of terror is almost at an end. If you want to conciliate the affections of the Western people, and to bring them over to your administration, refer this resolution—if you do this, they will suppose that the complaints of their fellow-citizens are heard and attended to, and that there is a hope of speedy redress; but if you reject it the reverse will be the effect.
You have no idea, said Mr. Davis, of the mischief this man has done in the Western Country; particularly in the Mississippi Territory. His conduct has reared a powerful opposition to your administration, which will grow with our growth and increase with our strength, unless you remedy the evils that oppress our suffering fellow citizens. His conduct has alienated the affections of the Western people, from your Government; and this effect it will have while our fellow citizens are suffered to complain unheard, and the conduct of their oppressor is justified. Ask a well informed man from this Territory, or from almost any part of the Western Country, why are you opposed to the administration of the Government?—He will tell you in a moment,—I know, that Winthrop Sargent, Governor of the Mississippi Territory, has openly violated the Constitution of the United States in sundry instances. I know he has outrageously violated the ordinance of that Territory. I think he has shamefully exercised the Legislative Power put in his hands, by making it a cloak under which he has exacted the most exorbitant fees from the people to gratify his avarice.—I know he has never received even a rebuke from the Chief Magistrate for all this.—I consider Winthrop Sargent but a small vein of a great body; I am acquainted with the pulsations of that vein; I know it beats towards aristocracy; I know it swells with tyranny and despotism; I consider the great body that feeds this small vein as also contaminated.—This will be the answer you will receive; and this will eternally be the language you will hear from those people, until you release them from the tyrannical bondage under which they are laid by the oppressions of their federal government.
Mr. Otis was averse the last session, when this subject was before the house, to commit himself by a vote without possessing an accurate knowledge of the circumstances attending it. The same want of information under which he then laboured he still felt. Casting his eyes over the resolutions just read he discovered that they contained two serious declarations; the first that laws hostile to the happiness and prosperity of the citizens of the Mississippi territory, and at variance with the Constitution, had been enacted; the second, that these laws had been passed under malignant intentions.
On the truth of these declarations Mr. Otis was not prepared to decide. He required that information, which the committee already appointed would be most likely to furnish. If the gentleman from Kentucky had moved the appointment of a committee, either to enquire into the expediency of repealing those laws that were complained of, or to report facts whereon an impeachment could be grounded, he would have pursued the usual course; but when he commits a speech to writing (for by no other name could he designate the string of resolutions which he had moved) discriminating in terms of harshness the conduct of a public officer, he considered him as proposing an unprecedented step. As well might he move to refer what had fallen from him in debate this day.
In his opinion Mr. Otis said, the subject, desired by the gentleman from Kentucky could be accomplished with much greater propriety in the usual way, than in that now proposed.
But the gentleman asks, if the charges are true that are contained in the resolutions, why not pass them; If false why not expunge them? How said Mr. Otis are these charges proved? He confided in the veracity of the gentleman; and was persuaded that he would not say what he did not himself believe; but his belief could not impart to other gentlemen the same strength of conviction with himself.
If the people of this territory are really oppressed, if they groan under the pressure of tyrannical and unconstitutional laws, let those laws be examined, and repealed. But when he found a gentleman coming from the neighbourhood of the territory, actuated by personal and local considerations, and animated by a zeal that dictated sentiments, which in cooler moments the gentleman himself would not approve, he could not avoid hesitating in taking his opinions as the guide of his vote.
This, Sir, said Mr. Otis, is not a question of federalism or anti-federalism. If the sun of federalism, as the gentleman from Kentucky asserts, be set; if the ad-

ministration be changed; may not such a measure as this strike back upon its authors, and produce a change in the tide of events—If the sun of federalism be set, would it not be unkind in us, the very day after it, to suffer the gentlemen to injure themselves by such an act?
I hope, continued Mr. Otis, that the sun of federalism is not set. If it really be set, I hope that the satellite which that gentleman inhabits will not soon experience the want of its animating and protecting influence. I believe it is not set, and ardently hope that that quarter of the union, as well as all the rest, will long continue to feel its vivifying effects.
It might be proper to repeal the obnoxious laws, without branding with corrupt motives those who enacted them. Mr. Otis concluded with declaring that in the accomplishment of this purpose, if examination and enquiry warranted it, as well as in every proper step to gratify the citizens of the Mississippi territory, he would heartily concur.
(To be continued.)
TUESDAY, Dec. 23, 1800.
The bill for the erection of a Mausoleum to GEORGE WASHINGTON was again before the House; when after a debate, protracted beyond the usual hour of adjournment, the question was taken by yeas and nays on the engrossment of the bill for a third reading, and carried Yeas 43—Nays 40.
The bill does not decide the dimensions or the position of the Mausoleum; but appropriates 200,000 Dollars for its erection.
The debate was, in some parts of it, desultory, tedious, and uninteresting; and in others, forcible, and spirited. In particular the eloquence of Mr. Harper and Mr. Randolph was lofty and impressive; in the collision of opinion, the ordinary rules of decorum were prostrated; and language, indignant and sarcastic, impeaching personal motive, was reciprocated with keen severity.
(Debate in our next.)
The House then adjourned to this day week.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 24.
Accounts from TENNESSEE state that the votes of the Electors are as follows: For Thomas Jefferson 3 Aaron Burr 3
By the proclamation of the governor of South Carolina, it appears that Thomas Lowndes, John Rutledge, Benjamin Huger, Thomas Sumter, William Butler and Thomas Moore, are elected members of the House of Representatives for that state in the ensuing Congress.
RETURN OF VOTES, For President and Vice-President of the United States.
   Adams. Pinckney Jefferson Burr Scattering     New-Hampshire 6 6   Massachusetts 16 16   Rhode-Island 4 3 1   Connecticut 9 9   Vermont 4 4   New-York 12 12   New-Jersey 7 7   Pennsylvania 7 7 8 8   Delaware 3 3   Maryland 5 5 5 5   Virginia 21 21   Kentucky   Tennessee 3 3   North Carolina 4 4 8 8   South Carolina 8 8   Georgia 4 4   65 64 69 69 1  
La Fayette is spoken of in the Hamburg papers as minister from the French Republic to the United States.
An embargo, imagined likely to be of but short duration, has been laid on all the French vessels in Bordeaux.
Accounts from Gibraltar, as late as Nov. 4, state that the French had taken possession of LEAGORN on the 16th of October;
and that a large fleet of transports, &c. was at Gibraltar with 20,000 troops on board; 12,000, it is said, were destined to Egypt, and 8,000 to Lisbon.
The American Consul at Cowes has given official notice, That American vessels with tobacco, intending to stop, at any Port in the British Channel, must make either Falmouth or Cowes that port, or they will be exposed to seizure.
Extract of a letter from an officer on board the George Washington frigate, captain Bainbridge, dated at Algiers, October 14, 1800.
"I am sorry to inform you, that we are to set sail from hence to-morrow, for Constantinople, which will of course detain us from our country at least nine months. —We are going to carry presents from the Dey of Algiers to the Grand Seigneur. We are to take with us 20 gentlemen, two negro Turks, 60 Turkish women, 2 lions, 2 tigers, 4 horses, 200 sheep, besides jewels and money. The Dey insisted on our going; and we had only to choose between compliance and slavery. They have hoisted the red flag at our maintop gallant-mast head."
It is said that our Consul had to enter into a security on the part of the United States of 800,000 dollars, for the safe delivery at Constantinople, of the cargo of the George Washington.
SALEM, December 11.
Late from Algiers and Gibraltar.
On Tuesday arrived at this port, the ship Brutus, William Brown, commander in 32 days from Gibraltar, and 40 from Algiers. Captain Brown informs, that the United States frigate George Washington, captain Bainbridge, failed for Constantinople on the 19th of October; having on board the Algerine General of Marine and suite, with presents, &c. for the Grand Seigneur. The Dey of Algiers, by force, compelled captain Bainbridge to perform this service, and threatened, in case of refusal, War to the United States, and slavery to the Officers and Crew of the George Washington. The Dey also insisted, that the ship Brutus, captain Brown, should unload, and go to the Isle of Rhodes, for a cargo of Turks—no pay or freight to be allowed—but the voyage to be considered as a favour granted by the United States. Through the influence of the American Consul, Mr. O'Brien, and the ship's being private property, and having a perishable cargo on board, she was excused from this service. Captain Brown embraced this favourable moment, fearing a further requisition and quitted Algiers, on the 25th of October. Captain Brown brought dispatches to the secretary of state containing the particulars of this extraordinary affair.—Mr. O'Brien, the Consul, and Captain Bainbridge, had remonstrated, but were obliged to comply, to prevent a more serious difficulty. Two days out from Algiers, Captain Brown was brought to by the British brig Carmelia; the lieutenant of which informed—that she was bound for Egypt, with dispatches from Lord Keith; and that his Lordship, with the fleet and transports under the command, was destined for Egypt. On arriving at Gibraltar, no one was permitted to land from the Brutus, because he was from the Barbary coast—but an American, a resident there, came along side, and informed—that the French marched into Leghorn on the 10th of October, agreeably to a stipulation in the Treaty with the Emperor—that the inhabitants were much exasperated at the measure, and that it had excited considerable commotion, in that unfortunate city.—The day the Brutus arrived at Gibraltar, an American ship owned by Murray and Mumford, of New-York, failed, and was captured by some Spanish Gun boats, in a few hours—she had previously been boarded by the same Boats, and cautioned against entering Gibraltar, it being declared in a state of blockade by his Catholic Majesty—the however did enter and sell her cargo of Flour—she was carried to Algiers, and would probably be condemned. The Gentleman also informed, that the Plague at Cadiz continued its ravages, and that it had spread into the interior of Spain; that it was at Malaga; and that in consequence the English at Gibraltar were very strict in their quarantine regulations.—The next day Cap. B. took advantage of the Convoy of two frigates, which had under their protection 52 transports, most of them full of troops, bound for Lisbon—before they got through the
Gut, a westerly wind spring up, which obliged the whole fleet to put into the Bay of Tutean, on the Barbary Coast—found there, seven sail of the line, and 45 transports with more troops. Next day was joined by Lord Keith, with four more sail of the Line, and a number of Frigates. The fleet all that day and night were busily employed in watering, not being able to procure a supply at Gibraltar, owing to the dry season. Next day failed with part of the fleet for Lisbon, leaving Lord Keith with the residue, and almost all the troops, at Tutean Bay—from whence it was conjectured he was to sail for Egypt. Capt. Brown left the fleet that night.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, failed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexecuted delay.
THE Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the Inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this contest, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion on of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indelicate ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to HIM, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROFESSIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be purely American. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subscribed to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
 1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good cement paper, and with a new type.  2d. The annual subscription shall be FIVE DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington and SIX DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.  3d. All Letters to be post paid. 
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the
Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER which shall wound national or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. This, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
October 31st, 1800.
The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER is this day presented to the Public. It is the first Paper printed in WASHINGTON; and from the vicinity of the Editor to the Capitol, the seat of the public bodies, he expects to be enabled to furnish the earliest and most correct notices of their deliberations. The crisis of national affairs is deeply interesting, whether contemplated in relation to our internal or external situation. Fully impressed with the sacred duties of the press in such times, and sensible how much good or mischief may be effected by the virtuous or vicious application of the power with which public opinion has invested it, truth and truth only, shall be the guide of the Editor. In many instances he will doubtless be deceived. But in all instances a consciousness of error will be followed by a candid annunciation of it.
The design of the National Intelligencer is to diffuse correct information through the whole extent of the union. From the whole extent, therefore, of the union, it must derive the patronage that shall sustain it; and every friend to its plan is invited to promote it, by making known its nature and character to his fellow citizens in his neighbourhood.
For this sole purpose, not in the unworthy spirit of solicitation, it is intended to forward a few of the early numbers to citizens of respectability in the several states, who are requested to use their good offices, if they consider the Paper worthy encouragement.
Oct. 31st. 1800.
THE SUBSCRIBER OFFERS FOR SALE, THE FOLLOWING VALUABLE PROPERTY.
In George Town & the City of Washington. Viz.
A BRICK HOUSE & LOT near the Union tavern; the terms of payment as follows, one half cash, the balance in 6 and 9 months, the purchaser giving notes with approved indorsers.
—ALSO—
A number of Lots unimproved; one lot adjoining the above, 47 feet front, 120 back; one lot on the causeway, near Mr. Joseph Peck's building, 26 feet front by 125 back; one fourth of the square in Thomas Beall's addition to George Town, on an elegant eminence, it being part of that square improved by Mr. William Smith; also, a lot in said addition, it being at the diagonal corner from the place of residence of Joseph Nourse, Esq. one lot in the City of Washington, square 164, fronting North R. street 66 feet 4 inches by 80 feet 10 inches on Connecticut Avenue, containing 8295 square feet, with a spring of excellent water running through said lot.
All the above property will be disposed of on the most reasonable terms, and indisputable titles will be given on the purchase money being paid.
JONATHAN JACKSON, November 12, 1800.
STRAYED or STOLEN A BLACK MARE with a white streak down her face, with a bunchy Mane and tail. No other particular marks that I know. About thirteen hands high, about twelve years old, very heavy made and in good order, FOUR DOLLARS reward and all reasonable charges paid if left either with the subscriber, or at JAMES TAMMONS Liberty street Baltimore,
By JAMES USHER, Greenleaf's Point. Washington City, Nov. 10, 1800.

ON THE COCHINEAL INSECT.
The cochineal, to which we owe our beautiful scarlet and purple colours, has not yet been found any where but in Mexico. It is an insect of the size of a bug. The two sexes are distinct, as in most other animals. The female, fixed upon a point of the plant, almost from the first instant of its birth, remains always attached to it by a kind of trunk, and presents to the eye only an hemispherical crust, which covers all other parts. This covering is changed twice in twenty-five days, and is sprinkled over with a white and thick dust, which is immiscible with water. At this period, which is that of puberty, the male, which is much smaller, and more slightly made, issues out of a farinaceous tube, by means of wings with which he is provided. He flutters over the immovable females, and fixes upon each of them. The same female is thus visited by several males, who perish soon after fecundation. The bulk of the female visibly enlarges, till a drop of liquid, which escapes from under her, shews that eggs, which are in great numbers, will soon make their appearance. The little insects burst their covering at the time of their birth, and soon spread themselves over the plant, to choose a favourable spot to fix upon. They particularly endeavour to shelter themselves from the east wind. Accordingly, the shrub upon which they live, when viewed on that side, appears quite green, while upon the opposite side, which the insects have preferred, it is white.
This shrub, which is known by the name of nopal, or Indian fig, is about five feet high. Its stem is fleshy, large, flattened, downy, a little rough, and covered with clusters of thorns, regularly disposed upon its surface. It branches out very much, and grows narrow, as well as its branches, at every point of ramification: this gives to each portion of the plant thus made narrow, the form of an oval, thick, and thorny leaf. It hath no other leaves but these. Its flowers, scattered over the young stems, are composed of a scaly calix, which supports several petals and stamina. The pistil, surmounted with a single style, and concealed, at the bottom of the calyx, grows along with it into a fruit that is fit for eating; it resembles a fig, and is full of seeds, fixed in a kind of reddish pulp.
There are several species of nopal. Those which have a smooth stem, with a number of thorns placed too close to each other, are not fit for the breeding of the cochineal. These insects thrive well only on that sort which hath few thorns and a downy surface proper to give them a firmer footing. Wind and cold and rain, as well as too much damp, are injurious to the plant.
The mode of lopping the trees is not advantageous. It is better to replant it every six years, by putting several pieces of the stems into cavities of some depth, disposed in a quincunx, or a square, at the distance of six or eight feet from each other. A spot thus planted, and distinguished by the name of Nopalery , is usually no more than one or two acres in extent, seldom three. Each acre produces as much as two quintals of cochineal, and one man is sufficient to cultivate it; he must weed frequently, but with precaution, in order not to disturb the insect, which would not survive if it were displaced. The cultivator must also take care to get rid of the animals that would destroy the plant; the most formidable of which is a caterpillar, which makes its way even through the inside of the plant, and attacks the insect underneath.
Eighteen months after the plantation, the nopal is covered with cochineals: but in order to distribute them more regularly over the whole plant, and to prevent them from their proximity, small nests, made of the outside rind of the cocoa, open to the west, and filled with twelve or fifteen females ready to lay their eggs, are fixed to spines at certain distances. The little ones which come out, fix themselves on the nopal, and attain to their utmost growth in two months, which is the limited duration of their life. They are then gathered, and this operation is renewed every two months from October to May. The crop may be less valuable if it should be mixed with any other kind of cochineal of a lower price, or if there be a great quantity of males, which are in little estimation, because they are less, and that they fall off before the time. This crop is to be gathered some days before the laying of the eggs, either to prevent the loss of the eggs, which are rich in colour, or to hinder the little ones from fixing upon a plant which is already exhausted, and must be left to itself for a few months. Beginning then by the bottom of the plant, the cochineals are successively detached with a knife, and are
made to fall into a basin placed underneath, one of the edges of which being flattened, adapts itself exactly to the plant, which is afterwards cleaned with the same knife, or with a cloth.
Immediately before the rainy season comes on, in order to prevent the total destruction of cochineals, which might be occasioned by the unwholesomeness of the air, the branches of the nopal, loaded with infant insects, are cut off. These branches are laid up in the houses, where they retain their freshness, as all mucilaginous plants do. Here the cochineals thrive during the bad season. As soon as that is passed, they are placed on trees, where the vivifying freshness of the air soon makes them procreate.
The wild cochineal, a different species from the fine or mesteque cochineal, we have been speaking of, but cultivated in the same places, and on the same plant, does not require so much care and precaution; it is a more hardy insect, and bears the injuries of the air better. The crop of it is consequently less variable in the produce, and may be gathered all the year. This insect differs from the other, inasmuch as it is more voracious, less abounding in colour, and enveloped in a kind of cotton, which extends two lines all around it. This species multiplies more readily, spreads further and faster without any assistance; so that a nopalry is soon covered with them. As its produce is more certain, as its price is equivalent to two thirds of that of the finer sort, and as it propagates upon all the species of nopal, it may be cultivated with success, but separately; because if it were placed near the other, it would starve it, and therefore might also be smothered under the down. This species is also found in Peru, upon a very prickly nopal, which is extremely common there.
As soon as the cochineals are gathered, they are plunged into hot water to kill them. There are different ways of drying them. The best is to expose them to the sun for several days, by which means they acquire a red brown colour, which the Spaniards call renergida . The second method is to put them in an oven, where they assume a greyish colour, streaked with veins of purple, which hath given them the name of jaspeada . But the most imperfect, which is what the Indians most generally practise, consists in putting them on plates along with their cakes of maize; in which process they are frequently burnt, and called negra .
Though the cochineal be classed in the animal kingdom, the species of all others the most likely to corrupt, yet it never spoils. Without any other care than merely that of keeping it in a box, it hath been preserved in all its virtue for ages. This valuable production would probably succeed in different parts of Mexico; but hitherto scarce any besides the province of Oaxaca, hath seriously attended to it. The crops have been more plentiful upon a barren soil, which is beneficial to the nopal, than upon a soil naturally fertile; they have experienced less accidents in an agreeable mild exposure, than in places where the heat and cold were more sensibly felt. The Mexicans were acquainted with the cochineal before the destruction of their empire. They made use of it to paint their houses, and to dye their cotton.
Notice is Given
THAT I shall attend at the Eastern Branch Ferry on Monday, the 29th inst. for the purpose of renting the Fishing Landing. If any person should want to rent it, with whom I am not acquainted, security will be required.
JOHN WALLACE, of Wm. December 22, 1800.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
GRATEFULLY acknowledges the numerous favours conferred on him, and informs his friends and the public that he has entered into partnership with CHARLES VARDEN, likewise from Philadelphia, on Capitol Hill, opposite Mr. CARROL's buildings, where, as well as in Pennsylvania Avenue, between the Presidents House and George Town, from their long and extensive experience in Military, Naval and Fancy dresses, and in Ladies habits &c. and from their having procured the best of workmen and materials, the utmost taste and punctuality might be expected.
Two apprentices wanted. Washington, Dec. 22.
TO BE RENTED, For a few months, a Two story brick house with 4 rooms, together with, mahogany chairs, bureau, sofa, bedstead, looking glasses &c. enquire of HENRY INGLE, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill. Who has just received a few Coal Grates in addition his assortment of Hard ware.
H. INGLE. Dec. 2, 1800.
20 Dollars Reward.
RAN away from the Subscriber, living in Frederick County, Virginia, a Mulatto boy named Tom, about twenty years of age, of a sturdy make, about five feet nine inches high, he has no particular mark.—He will endeavour to pass for a free man.—He has a mother, a black woman, slave to Mr. Frederic Conrad, living in the Federal City; where it is conjectured he will harbour. The above reward will be paid on his being brought home, or Ten Dollars if procured in any jail and information given to
A. LINDO. December 22.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
HAVE received by late arrivals, a general assortment of Hard ware and Ironmongery, which they offer for Sale at their Store opposite the Great Hotel. They have also on hand Madeira, Sherry & Lisbon } Wines. Cogniac Brandy. Jamaica Spirits. Holland Gin, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Tea, Coffee, &c. &c. Washington, Dec. 18.
To RENT.
A Commodious Two Story brick dwelling house on square No. 701—the lot is well inclosed and hath every necessary out-house, and is very convenient for a small family—it may be entered on immediately, the terms made known and the premises shown by applying to BENJAMIN MORE. Washington, New Jersey Avenue, December 17, 1800.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR Apprehending and securing in any Goal, so that the Subscriber gets him again. A NEGRO MAN named NACK, ran away some time in the month of October, aged Thirty years, about five feet high, light complexion, wears his hair queued, a well set truncky fellow. I have cause to believe he is in the City of Washington. It is unnecessary to describe his Clothing as he will have it in his power to change them. I will give TWENTY DOLLARS if ten miles from home, THIRTY DOLLARS if twenty miles, and the above reward if a greater distance. ZACHARIAH SOTHORON. Charles County near medi October 8, 1800.
JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT MAKER
FROM PHILADELPHIA. RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Bootees, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d.
TO JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED, a number of Journeymen Shoemakers, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE, Lot No. 9, in Square 122. THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on F. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street.—An indisputable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel. JOHN KEARNEY.
N. B. I will also sell Lot No. 4, in Square No. 421, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 24, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property. I. K.
November 17, 1800.
CONRAD & M C MUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. LAW, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that two Tracts of land belonging to CHARLES GRANDPRÉ lying in the County of Pickering in the Mississippi Territory, and adjoining land belonging to Adam Bingaman are attached by a Foreign attachment at the suit of Joseph Calvet for a debt of 203 dollars 50 cents
JOSEPH CALVET. Nov. 28, 1800.
CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE.
THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the LITTLE HOTEL—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, letters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, seamen's wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms.
Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary. N. B. Hertty's Abridgment of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Hertty's Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered. December 5, 1800.
RAN AWAY
FROM the Subscriber on the 10th inst. Negro FIDELIO, well known about the City, and it is thought he is Lurking about Mrs. Young's where he has a wife. I will give a generous reward for having him put in Jail, and One Dollar for flogging him and bringing him home. All persons are also forewarned from crediting any person on my Account, without an order from under my hand, and also from Harbouring my People, or permitting them to cross the Ferrys without a line from,
JAMES R. DERMOTT. St. Elizabeth, Dec. 15, 1800.
This day is Published and for Sale
BY
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE, Corner of S th & B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A FEW remarks on MR. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President, price 25 cents. The BEGGAR GIRL and her Benefactors 3 Vols by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh heiress, Juvenile indiscretions, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howell. price 3 dollars, neatly bound.
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store on New-Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690. A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials. Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chafing dishes, Brass, iron and Japan Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, fed irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pit and cross cut Saws, 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE. November 24th, 1800.
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of WASHINGTON.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard. WILLIAM PROUT. City of Washington, December 12, 1800.
N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
JOHN BARNES,
FROM PHILADELPHIA, Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of
Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz. Imperial, Large Hyson, Young Hyson, Hysonkin, Souchong and Bohea. SPICES.
Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Four bags fresh Almonds. LIQUORS.
Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port, Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spirits, and Holland Gin. COFFEE.
Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings. He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes.
English and American playing cards, Passeboard per gross, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 7-8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece. Nov. 24th, 1800.