Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-05-10 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1767.]
PHILADELPHIA: THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 10, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
MESSAGE
Of the President of the United States, To both Houses of Congress, May 4th, 1798.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. I now transmit to congress copies of all the communications, from our envoys extraordinary, received since their arrival in Paris, excepting those before presented by me to both houses.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, May 4th, 1798.
(No. 6.)
Paris, February 7th, 1798.
Dear Sir,
WE transmit to you in this inclosure our last letter to the minister of foreign relations; though dated the 17th ult. it was not, on account of the time taken to translate so long a letter, delivered till the 31st. In our communications here, although we have, agreeably to your instructions, written in our own language, we at the same time have taken the precaution, left our meaning should be misrepresented or misunderstood, to accompany them with an accurate translation. We have not yet received any answer to this communication, and should no notice be taken of it in a few days, we shall apply in a more explicit manner for our passports.
The councils have passed the decree mentioned in No. 5. as having been recommended by the directory to capture and condemn all neutral vessels laden in part or in whole with the manufactures or productions of England or its possessions. We inclose you the official copy of the report on that subject, a d shall represent to this government the injustice and injury which it must inevitably occasion us.
We have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient humble servants, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, J. Marshall, E. Gerry. Col. Pickering, Secretary of the United States.
To THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.
Citizen Minister,
THE undersigned envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary from the United States of America to the French republic, have been hitherto restrained by the expectation of entering on the objects of their mission in the forms usual among nations, from addressing to the executive directory, through you, those explanations and reclamations with which they are charged by the government they represent. If this expectation is to be relinquished, yet the unfeigned wish of the United States to restore that harmony between the two republics, which they have so unremittingly sought to preserve, renders it the duty of the undersigned to lay before the government of France, however informal the communication may be deemed, some considerations, in addition to those already submitted, relative to the subsisting differences between the two nations.
Openly and repeatedly have France and America interchanged unequivocal testimonials of reciprocal regard. These testimonials were given by the United States, with all the ardor and sincerity of youth. It is still believed that on the part of France they were likewise the offspring of real esteem. They were considered on the other side of the Atlantic as evidencing a mature friendship to be as durable as the republics themselves. Unhappily the scene is changed; and America looks around in vain for the ally or the friend. The contrast both of language and of conduct which the present avowed exhibits to a portion of the past, has been repeatedly attributed by France, to a disposition alleged to exist in the government of the United States, unfriendly to this republic, and partial towards its enemies.
That government, astonished as a reproach so unfounded in fact, so contradicted by its declarations and its conduct, could scarcely consider this charge as serious, and has ever cherished the hope, that a candid review of its conduct founded on the documents, and aided by the arguments with which the executive directory has been furnished would have refuted it from the injudicious suspicion. This hope seems not to have been realized. The undersigned, therefore, deem it proper to precede their application for that justice which they claim from France, by an effort to remove the cause, which is alleged to have produced the injuries of which they complain. With this view, they pray the attention of the executive directory to a serious and candid re-consideration of the leading measures adopted by the government of the United States, and they persuade themselves, that however various and multiplied the channels may be through which mis-information concerning the dispositions of that government, may have been received, yet this re-consideration must remove unfounded prejudices and entirely exculpate the American nation from an accusation it knows to be unfounded, and believes to be supported by no single fact.
When that war which has been waged with such unparalleled fury, which in its vast vicissitudes of fortune, has alternately threatened the very existence of the contending parties, but which, in its progress,
has surrounded France with such splendor, and added still more to her glory over her territory, when that war first involved those nations with whom the United States were in habits of friendly intercourse, it became incumbent on their government to examine their situation, their connections and their duties. America found herself at peace with all of the belligerent powers. She was connected with some of them by treaties of amity and commerce, and with France by a treaty of alliance also. These several treaties were considered with the most serious attention, and with a sincere wish to determine by fair construction the obligations which they really imposed. The result of this enquiry, was a full conviction, that her engagements by no means bound her to take part in the war, but left her so far the mistress of her own conduct as to be at perfect liberty to observe a system of real neutrality. It is deemed unnecessary to analyze those treaties in order to support the propriety of this decision, because it is not recollected ever to have been questioned and is believed not to admit of doubt.
Being bound by no duty to enter into the war, the government of the United States conceived itself bound by duties the most sacred to abstain from it. Contemplating man, even in a different society, as the friend of man, a state of peace, though unstimulated by treaty, was considered as imposing obligations not to be wantonly violated.
These obligations created by the laws of nature, were in some instances strengthened by solemn existing engagements, of which good faith required a religious observance.
To a sense of moral right, other considerations of the greatest magnitude were added, which so bade the government of the United States to plunge them unnecessarily into the miseries of the bloody conflict then commencing. The great nations of Europe either impelled by ambition, or by existing or supposed political interests, peculiar to themselves, have consumed more than a third of the present century in wars. Whatever causes may have produced so afflicting an evil, they cannot be supposed to have been entirely extinguished, and humanity can scarcely indulge the hope, that the temper or condition of man is so altered as to exempt the next century from the ills of the past. Strong fortifications, powerful navies, immense armies, the accumulated wealth of ages and a full population, enable the nations of Europe to support those wars in which they are induced to engage, by motives which they deem adequate, and by interests inclusively their own. In all respects different is the situation of the United States; possessed of an extensive unsettled territory, on which bountiful nature has bestowed with a lavish hand all the capacities for future legitimate greatness, they indulge no thirst for conquest, no ambition for the extension of their limits. Encircled by no dangerous powers they neither fear, nor are jealous of their neighbours, and are not on that account obliged to arm for their own safety. Separated from Europe by a vast and friendly ocean, they are but remotely, if at all, affected by those interests, which agitate and influence this portion of the globe. Thus circumstanced, they have no motive for a voluntary war. On the contrary, the most powerful considerations urge them to avoid it. An extensive and undefended commerce, peculiarly necessary to a nation which does not manufacture for itself, which is, and for a long time to come, will be almost exclusively agricultural, would have been its immediate and certain victim. The surplus produce of their labour must have perished on their hands, and that increase of population so essential to a young country, must, with their prosperity, have sustained a serious check. Their exertions too would not have been considerable, unless the war had been transferred to their own bosoms.
Great as are the means and resources of the United States, for self-defence, 'tis only in self-defence that those resources can be completely displayed. Neither the genius of the nation, nor the state of its finances, admit of calling its citizens from the plough, but to defend their own liberty and their own firesides. How criminal must have been that government which could have plunged its constituents in a war, to which they were neither impelled by duty nor solicited by interest; in which they committed so much to hazard; in which they must suffer, in order to act efficiently, and could only display their energy too in repelling invasion! But motives still more powerful than the calamities of the moment, have influenced the government of the United States.
It was perhaps impossible to have engaged voluntarily in the existing conflict, without launching into the almost boundless ocean of European politics, without contracting habits of national conduct, and forming close political connections which must have compromised the future peace of the nation, and have involved it in all the future quarrels of Europe. A long train of armies, debts and taxes, checking the growth, diminishing the happiness, and perhaps endangering the liberty of the United States, must have followed the adoption of such a system. And for what purpose should it have been adopted? For what purpose should America thus burden herself with the conflicts of Europe? Not to comply with any engagements she has formed, not to promote her own views, her own
objects, her own happiness, or her own safety, but to move as a Satellite around some greater Planet, whose law, the most necessary to obey. In addition to these weighty considerations, it was believed that France would derive more benefit from the neutrality of America, than from her becoming a party in the war.
The determination then of the government of the United States to preserve that neutral station in which the war found them, far from manifesting a partiality for the enemies of France, was only a measure of justice to itself and to others, and did not even derogate from that predilection for this republic, which it has so repeatedly expressed and displayed. Having avowed this determination, sacrosanct motives of honor and of duty commanded its faithful observance. It is not a principle which remains now to be settled, that a fraudulent neutrality is no neutrality at all; and that the nation which would be admitted to its privileges must also perform the duties it enjoins. Had the government of the United States, declaring itself neutral, indulged its partialities by granting favours unstimulated by treaty, to one of the belligerent powers, which it refused to another, it could no longer have claimed the immunities of a situation of which the obligations were forgotten, it would have become a party to the war, as certainly as if war had been openly and formally declared, and it would have added to the madness of wantonly engaging in such a hazardous conflict, the dishonor of infidious and fraudulent conduct; it would have attained circuitously an object which it could not plainly avow, or directly pursue, and would have tricked the people of the United States into a war, which it could not venture openly to declare.
It was matter of real delight to the government and people of America, to be informed that France did not wish to interrupt the peace they enjoyed.
The undersigned have been induced to rest upon this first necessary and decisive step taken by their government, altho' its propriety may not be controverted, from a conviction, that if the right of the United States, to observe a fair and honest neutrality be established, the general charges of an unfriendly disposition, made against them by France, must be relinquished, because the facts, by which those charges are supported, will be found to have grown inevitably out of that situation.
This measure was accompanied by another which, in repelling so astonishing a charge as partiality for the enemies of France, deserves to be noticed. Soon after the government of the United States had notified to its citizens the duties which its neutrality enjoined, Mr. Genet, the first minister from this Republic, arrived at Philadelphia: altho' his conduct had been such as to give cause for serious alarm, altho' before he was even acknowledged as a minister, or had reached the authority which could inspect his credentials, he had assumed the functions of the government to which he was deputed. Yet the government resolved to see in him only the Representative of a Republic to which it was sincerely attached, gave him the same warm and cordial reception which he had experienced from its citizens, without a single exception from Charleston to Philadelphia. The then situation of France deserves to be remembered.
While the recollection adds, citizen minister, to the glory with which your nation is encircled, it establishes the sincerity of the United States.
The most formidable combination the world had ever seen, threatened the extermination of this Republic. Austria, Germany, Prussia, Britain, Spain, Holland and Sardinia were in arms against France, and Russia was leagued in the coalition. Nor was this all. The Republic, distracted by internal divisions, contained numerous enemies within its own bosom, and a considerable portion of its proper force was arrayed against itself. In such a state of things, the most sanguine might fear, and the most ardent hesitate. Confident in their strength and relying on success, the coalesced powers sought to arm in their cause the residue of the world, and deemed it criminal to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Republic. The nations of Europe, even those who had not entered into the contest, were either of themselves unwilling to acknowledge this sovereignty, or were deterred by fear from doing so. Had the partialities of America been against France, this example would have been followed. According to the rules of ordinary calculation, the measure would have been safe, and consequently a government feeling the attachments now so justly attributed to that of the United States, would have indicated those attachments by its adoption. Far from pursuing such a system the United States, unawed by the strength of the coalition, received with open arms the minister of this Republic, acknowledged with enthusiasm the government which had deputed him, overlooked his extraordinary attacks on their sovereignty and manifested a cordial friendship for his Nation and a sincere wish for its success.
Scarcely were the first ceremonies of his reception over, when Mr. Genet displayed a disposition to usurp and exercise, within the United States, the choicest and most important duties and powers of sovereignty. He claimed the privileges of arming and embodying the citizens of America within their own territory, to carry on from thence expeditions against nations with whom they were at peace, of fitting out and equipping
within their limits privateers, to cruise on a commerce destined for their ports, of exercising within their jurisdiction, an independent judiciary, and of arraigning their government at the bar of the people. The undersigned will not ask in what manner France would have treated any foreign minister who should have dared to so conduct himself towards this republic? But in what manner would the American government have treated such a minister, if the representative of a nation it viewed with coldness, or even indifference? In what manner would it have treated him, had he been the representative of any other nation than France? No man acquainted with that government can doubt how these enquiries ought to be answered. From the minister of France alone could this extraordinary conduct be borne with temper. To have continued to have borne it, without perceiving and feeling its extreme impropriety, would have been to have merited the contempt as well of France as of the other powers of the earth. The government of the United States did feel it; but far from transferring to his nation that resentment, which such conduct could not fail to excite, it distinguished strongly between the government and its minister, and the representations it made were in the language of a friend afflicted but not irritated by the injuries it complained of. The recall of that minister was received with universal joy, as a confirmation that his whole system of conduct was attributable only to himself; and not even the publication of his private instructions could persuade the American government to ascribe any part of it to this republic.
At the same time the exertions of the United States to pay up the arrearages of their debt to France, which had been unavoidably permitted to accumulate, to make disinterested and liberal advances to the sufferers of St. Domingo, thrown suddenly upon them without provisions or money, whose recommendation was that they were Frenchmen and unfortunate, the perseverance with which they apologized for and ascribed any occasional injuries they sustained to the force of circumstances, the interest which they continued openly to take in all the fortunes of this republic, manifested partialities of a very different sort from those which have been so unjustly attributed to them.
At this period too, a great principle was brought into discussion, the dispassionate consideration of which is essential to the fair estimate of the charges made by France against the government of the United States. The property of French citizens was taken by British cruisers and ships of war, out of American bottoms, and the American government submitted to the practice. The propriety of submitting to it depends entirely on the naked right of the captors, under the existing circumstances of the case, to exercise such a power. The circumstances were these. In the treaty of commerce made between France and the United States in February 1778, it was stipulated in substance, that neither party should take out of the vessels of the other, the goods of its enemy, but that the character of the bottom should be imparted to its cargo. With England the United States had made no stipulation on the subject.
It follows then that the rights of England, being neither diminished or encroached by compact, remained precisely in their natural state, and were to be ascertained by some pre-existing acknowledged principle.
This principle is to be searched for in the law of nations. That law forms, independent of compact, a rule of action by which the sovereignties of the civilized world consent to be governed. It prescribes what one nation may do without giving just cause of war, and what, of consequence, another may & ought to permit, without being considered as having sacrificed its honour, its dignity or independence.
What then is the doctrine of the law of nations on this subject? Do neutral bottoms of right, independent of particular compact protect hostile goods? The question is to be considered on its own right, uninfluenced by the wishes or the interests of a neutral or belligerent power.
It is a general rule that war gives to a belligerent power a right to seize and confiscate the goods of his enemy. However humanity may deplore the application of this principle, there is perhaps no one to which man has more universally assented, or to which jurists have more uniformly agreed. Its theory and its practice have unhappily been maintained in all ages. This right then may be exercised on the goods of an enemy wherever found, unless opposed by some superior right. It yields by common consent to the superior right of a neutral nation to protect, by virtue of its sovereignty, the goods of either of the belligerent powers found within its jurisdiction. But can this right of protection, admitted to be possessed by every government within its own limits in virtue of its absolute sovereignty, be communicated to a vessel navigating the high seas?
It is supposed that it cannot be so communicated; because the ocean being common to all nations no absolute sovereignty can be acquired in it; the rights of all are equal, and must necessarily check, limit and restrain each other. The superior right therefore of absolute sovereignty to protect all property within its own territory, ceases to be superior when the property is no longer within its own territory, and may be encountered by the opposing acknowledged right of a belligerent power to seize
and confiscate the goods of his enemy. If the belligerent permits the neutral to attempt, without hazard to himself, thus to serve and aid his enemy, yet he does not relinquish the right of attacking that attempt whenever it shall be in his power to defeat it. Thus it is admitted that an armed vessel may stop and search at sea a neutral bottom, and may take out goods, which are contraband of war, without giving cause of offence, or being supposed in any degree to infringe neutral rights. But this practice could not be permitted within the rivers, harbors or other places of a neutral, where its sovereignty was complete. It follows then that the full right of affording protection to all property whatever, within its own territory, which is inherent in every government, is not transferred to a vessel navigating the high seas. The right of a belligerent over the goods of his enemy within his reach, is as complete as his right over contraband of war, and it seems a position not easy to be refuted, that a situation that will not protect the one, will not protect the other. A neutral bottom then does not of right, in cases where no compact exists, protect from his enemy the goods of a belligerent power.
To this reasoning, the practice of nations has conformed, and the common understanding of mankind seems to have assented. Vattel, B. 3. Sect. 115, says positively, "that effects belonging to an enemy, found on board a neutral ship are liable by the rights of war."
Vattel is believed to be supported by the most approved writers on the same subject. It is deemed unnecessary to multiply citations to this point; because France herself is supposed to have decided it. In her maritime ordinance of the year 1744, which is considered as having been in force in 1778, enemy goods in neutral bottoms, generally, are declared liable to seizure and confiscation. From the operation of this rule are excepted the vessels of Denmark and the United Provinces, to whom special treaties secured the exception. In the ordinance of the 26th July, 1778, the first article of which is considered as forbidding the cruisers of France to stop and bring into port neutral vessels, having on board the goods of an enemy, a power is reserved to revoke the privilege granted to neutrals by that article, if the enemy should not grant the same privilege within six months from the publication of that regulation. This clearly indicates a conviction that the exemption from capture of the goods of an enemy, which should be found on board the vessel of a neutral power, not having stipulated such exemption by treaty, was a privilege granted by the ordinance and that the mere revocation of the ordinance would abolish the privilege, and restore the ancient rule. It will not be contended that France continued in a long course of practice and of legislation opposed to her own opinion of the law of nations. It must then be considered as the opinion of France, that under the law neutral bottoms afford no protection to the goods of an enemy. This principle thus admitted to have been established is supposed by some to have been changed by the armed neutrality. A new law of nations, it is contended, was introduced, by that confederation. But who were the parties to that confederation, and what was its object? The northern maritime powers united to protect by force, in their own bottoms, during the then existing war, the goods of either and of all the belligerent powers. The compact in its own nature was confined with respect to its object and its duration. It did not purport to change nor could it change permanently and universally the rights of nations not becoming parties to it. It did indeed hold forth the promise of future more permanent and more general engagements for the same object, but such engagements were never formed. How then can this temporary and partial convention be considered as altering radically and generally, principles which have been universally adopted, and in the modifications of which all have an interest? Would France herself admit that a combination, such as that which constituted the armed neutrality, may rightfully change the law of nations, and establish a new code of universal obligation? It is believed that no nation on earth would more peremptorily oppose such an invasion of its sovereignty.
There seems then to be no solid ground for maintaining, that the general law of nations has been at all varied by the armed neutrality. It remains to enquire whether the treaties, between France and the United States, pledge either nation to assert and establish the principle that free bottoms make free goods.
The treaty of amity and commerce, concluded on the 6th February 1778, stipulates reciprocally for the right of trading with and protecting the goods of the enemy of either party in the vessels of the other, and in turn surrenders its own goods found in the vessels of an enemy, but it contains no clause imposing on either party the duty of extending the principle or of supporting its application to other nations. The stipulations of that treaty are negative as well as affirmative. They specify as well the disabilities intended to be created and the duties to be rendered as the privileges designed to be granted. Had it been intended that either nation should have been bound to maintain this principle in its intercourse with others, or should have been in any degree incapacitated from prosecuting freely that intercourse, without the previous admission of the principle, a stipulation to that effect would have been made. No such stipulation having been made, the parties cannot be presumed to have intended it. Indeed it would have been madmen in the United States, under their actual circumstances, to have formed such an agreement. There being no express stipulation to this effect, it cannot be supposed to have been implied. Nations forming a solemn compact which ought to regulate their conduct towards each other, which is to be resorted to for the standard of adjusting their differences, do not cave to implication such delicate and important points. Indeed if a great principle not mentioned is permitted to be implied, the object of a written agreement, which is itself to evidence all the obligation it creates, is totally defeated. But who is to make the implication, and to what extent is implication to be allowed? It is very easy to perceive, that the doctrine of implying in contracts stipulations never formed, would destroy all certainty of construction, and open a boundless field of controversy to the contracting parties.
It results from the very nature of a contract which affects the rights of the parties, but not

of others, and from the admission of a general rule of action, binding independent of compacts, which may be changed by consent, but is only changed so far as that consent is actually given, that a treaty between any two nations must leave to all others those rights which the law of nations acknowledges; and must leave each of the contracting parties subject to the operation of those rights. For the truth of this position, believed to be so clear in itself, and which it is supposed the history of all Europe will illustrate, the ordinance of 1744 already quoted is considered as furnishing an unequivocal authority.
The desire of establishing universally the principle that neutral bottoms shall make neutral goods, is perhaps felt by no nation on earth, more strongly than by the United States. Perhaps no nation is more deeply interested in its establishment. It is an object they keep in view and if not forced by violence to abandon, they will pursue in such manner as their own judgment may dictate as being best calculated to attain it; but the wish to establish a principle is essentially different from a determination that it is already established. The interests of the United States could not fail to produce the wish, their duty forbid them to indulge it, when deciding on a mere right. However solicitous America might be to pursue all proper means, tending to obtain for this principle the assent of all or any of the maritime powers of Europe, she never conceived the idea of obtaining that assent by force.
The United States will only arm to defend their own rights, neither their policy nor their interests permit them to arm, in order to compel a surrender of the rights of others. These and other considerations, which have been submitted to the government of France, produced on the part of the United States, a decision, that their bottoms could not of right protect the goods of a belligerent power from an enemy not bound to respect the principle. This decision was founded on the most perfect conviction that it was enjoined by the law of nations, and that good faith, respect for truth, and for the duties of an upright and honest judgment, rendered it indispensable. This conviction remains unshaken. If these arguments, which will appear conclusive to the American government, have not the same operation on the judgment of France, they must at least be sufficient to evince the sincerity with which that government has acted, and to prove that its conduct, in this respect, was produced by a sense of duty, and not by any partiality for a nation against which it was, at that time, considerably irritated by other causes.
The undesignated, citizen minister, relied too implicitly on your candor and discernment to apprehend that you will estimate improperly the motives which on this essential point have influenced and guided the United States. The early decision of the American government on this subject was immediately openly avowed, and amply supported by Mr. Jefferson, then secretary of state, in his letter to Mr. Genet, dated the 24th July, 1793; and in his letter to Morris dated 16th August in the same year. The arguments which those letters contain, were supposed to have satisfied the government of France, since its ministers in the United States no longer controverted the principle they supported. Indeed those arguments appeared too conclusive to permit a doubt concerning the success which would attend them.
In August 1794, when Mr. Monroe, the then minister of the United States to this republic, was received into the bosom of the convention, France obviously did not consider the acknowledgment of this established principle of the law of nations, as indicating a partiality towards her enemy. The language used on the occasion could only have been used to the minister of a nation whose friendship was valued and whose conduct had evinced the sincerity of its professions. It was then declared "that the sweetest, the frankest fraternity united in effect the two republics," and that "their union would be forever indissoluble." These declarations made long after America had avowed its neutrality, and had avowed its acquiescence under the principle that a belligerent power, unresisted by the belligerent treaty, may of right take out of the bottoms of a neutral, the goods of its enemy, demonstrate that neither that neutrality nor that acquiescence induced the want of a proper regard for France. The government of the United States still cherishes the hope, that this true and fair estimate then made of its conduct, may be soon resumed by a nation whose friendship it has assiduously and unremittingly cultivated, by all those means which good faith and justice could permit it to use.
After the discussion of this interesting question was supposed to have been closed, and France was believed to have been entirely content with that system in which the United States found themselves bound to persevere. Some complaints were made, against the principles adopted by the government, but against the application of those principles to particular cases supposed not to come within them. The neutrality of the United States could not permit prize to be made of those vessels belonging to nations with whom they were at peace, within their jurisdiction, or by privateers fitted out in their own ports. Regulations to this effect were necessarily made, and to enforce the observance of those regulations was a duty not to be dispensed with. The right of one of the belligerent powers, to obtain the release of a vessel captured under such circumstances was as sacred as the right of the captor of a vessel taken on the high seas and which according to the usages of war was lawful prize. The United States were bound to respect the rights of both. To do so, it was necessary to examine the facts; for which purpose, a tribunal, in which both parties might be fairly heard, was unavoidable. Some complaints were made of particular vexations, and each complaint has heretofore been particularly attended to. It is believed to be unnecessary to review these several cases, because the underlined are entirely persuaded that explanations already given must have been completely satisfactory. Should any one of them be still considered as furnishing subject for complaint, the undersigned will proceed to its investigation, with the most sincere desire to attain truth, and to redress the wrong, if any has been committed.
During this period, the causes of complaint against France, on the part of the United States, were by no means inconsiderable. Their commerce was not exempt from depredations, believed to be entirely unwarrantable, made upon it by the Cruisers of this Republic.
On the 9th May 1793, the national convention passed a decree relative to the commerce of neutrals, the first article of which is in these words, "The French ships of War and private vessels may stop and bring into the ports of the republic such neutral vessels as are loaded, in whole or in part, either with provisions belonging to neutrals, and destined for enemy ports, or with merchandise belonging to enemy ports." In consequence of the remonstrances of the American minister, the convention on the 23d May, declared "that the vessels of the United States are not comprised in the regulations of the decree of the 9th May." On the 28th of the same month the convention repealed the decree of the 23d—On the 1st July they re-established it. On the 27th July it was again repealed. Under the decree of the 9th May, the vessels of the United States were captured, brought into the ports of France, and their cargoes disposed of. Could this decree,
citizen minister, be regarded otherwise than as infringing the laws of nations, the rights of neutrals, and the particular engagements subsisting between France and the United States? When on the 8th June in the same year, the British government issued a similar order, its injustice produced a ferment throughout America indicating strong dispositions immediately to oppose its execution by force. The letter of Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at London, dated the 7th September 1793 and remonstrating against the order of the 9th June, contains so much fullness of sentiment and strength of argument, as to have been quoted by your predecessor, in his letter to Mr. Monroe of the 9th March 1796.
It cannot escape you citizen minister, that the arguments of Mr. Jefferson, concerning the order of the 8th June, apply conclusively to the decree of the 9th May, and that to them are to be added those arguments which are to be drawn from the necessity of being absolutely compelled, without any alternative, to part with the cargoes in France, and those also which are drawn from the duties imposed by an express and solemn treaty.
Nothing can demonstrate more conclusively the real temper of the United States, than the difference between the reception given to the decree of the convention of the 9th May, and that which was given to the order of the British cabinet of the 27th June.
A large number of American vessels too were for a long time detained at Bourdeaux, very much to the injury of the owners, without assigning a motive for such detention, or putting it in the power of the government to conjecture the cause of a measure which so deeply affected the interest of their fellow citizens—These and other embarrassments were experienced, but they could not diminish the attachment of the United States to France. In the midst of them, prayers were offered up, through the whole extent of the American continent, for the success of this Republic. The government feeling the same sentiment, displayed it, at least as far as was compatible with the decent deportment required from a nation not a party in the war, and professing neutrality. Such would not have been the conduct of a government and people, in secret unfriendly to France.
Very strong and just resentments were at that time inspired by the hostile conduct of Britain. The instructions of June 1793, whereby American vessels laden with provisions for France, were brought into the ports of Britain, there to be sold such cargoes, or to give security to sell them in other ports in amity with England, and the still more offensive order of November the 6th, in the same year, whereby vessels laden with the produce of a French colony were ordered to be brought in for adjudication, added to the three pre-existing causes of mutual irritation, had produced such a state of things as to render it obvious that the injuries complained of by America must be entirely done away, or that war was the inevitable consequence.
This state of things was not so altered by the order of the 8th of January 1794, revoking that of the 6th of November 1793, as to promise a different result. But as a nation preferring peace to war will ever make a peaceful demand of reparation for injuries sustained before that reparation is sought by the sword, and as the policy of America has ever been, "to pursue peace with unremitting zeal before the last resource which has so often been the scourge of nations, and could not fail to check the advanced prosperity of the United States was contemplated," an envoy extraordinary was deputed to his Britannic Majesty. "Carrying with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of his Country, it was expected that he would vindicate its rights with firmness and cultivate peace with sincerity."
Truly desirous as the American government were of preserving peace with Britain, its determination was unalterable, not to preserve it, nor to receive compensation for injuries sustained, nor security against their future commission, at the expense of the smallest of its engagements to France. Explicit and positive instructions to this effect were given to Mr. Jay, and those instructions were freely communicated to the minister of this republic then at Philadelphia. The negotiation of the American envoy terminated in a treaty in many respects desirable to the United States.
But however desirable its objects might be, the government of the United States would not have hesitated to reject them had they been accompanied with any stipulation violating or weakening its engagements to France. But it has been able to discern no such stipulation. The twenty-fifth article of that treaty guards the rights of this republic by the following clause. "Nothing in this treaty contained shall, however, be construed to operate contrary to former and existing public treaties with other sovereigns or states." The treaty with France being "a former and existing public treaty," and it being thus provided that nothing contained in the treaty with Britain "should be construed or operate contrary to it," the government of the United States did not apprehend that the treaty with Britain could be considered as effecting its relations to France. But such was its attention to its ally that the instrument was previously to its ratification submitted to the consideration of the minister of this republic, who was invited to communicate freely to the government of the United States, such observations upon it as he might judge proper. Mr. Adet in a letter addressed to Mr. Randolph, dated 12th Messidor 3d year of the French Republic (30th June 1795) expresses his sense of this procedure in the following words. "This frank measure is to me a sure guaranty of the friendship of the American government towards France, and of the fidelity with which it always marks its conduct towards a faithful ally. He then stated those reflections to which the reading of the treaty had given birth. The articles which relate to enemy goods in neutral bottoms, are mentioned without a comment. He contended that the list of contraband was swelled, and that the 23d, 24th and 25th articles of the treaty with Britain ceded to that power advantages inconsistent with the previous cessions to France. This letter was answered by Mr. Randolph on the 6th of July following, who proves that no article was enumerated in the list of contraband, in the treaty between the United States and Britain, which was not of that description previous to its formation, and independent of it, noticed briefly the subject of enemy goods in neutral bottoms, and demonstrated that the objections of Mr. Adet to the
23d, 24th and 25th articles were entirely founded on a misconstruction of them. This misconstruction was so apparent, that Britain has never claimed it nor would the American government ever have admitted it. The letter of Mr. Randolph closes the subject of enemy contraband and of enemy property taken out of neutral bottoms, with a paragraph to which citizen minister your attention is solicited. "Hitherto however (says he) I have spoken upon principles of right. Upon any other principles, and more especially upon those of hardship and injury to a friend, it shall be a topic of the negotiation now opening between us. With the temper which will pervade the whole; I cannot doubt, that some modification may be devised, and it may be separated from the general treaty so as not to be delayed by it."
It was then apparent that the government of the United States, actuated by that friendship which transcends the line of strict obligation, was willing, gratuitously to release her ally from those stipulations of a former treaty, which in the course of events were deemed to operate unfavorably to her. This readiness to concede marked that friendship the more strongly, as the situations in which the two nations found themselves could not have been unforeseen but was the very situation for which the article provides. The answer of Mr. Randolph concludes with requesting an opportunity to remove any remaining doubts, should there be such, by further explanation: no remaining doubts were stated, and therefore as well for its contents the letter was believed to be entirely satisfactory to Mr. Adet, and it was hoped that this government as well as that of America would consider the treaty with Britain as an accommodation desirable by the United States and not disadvantageous to France.
It is not easy to express the chagrined felt by the American Government on learning that in this treaty the United States were supposed to have "knowingly and evidently sacrificed their connection with this republic and the most essential and least contested prerogatives of neutrality." With the firmness of conscious integrity the United States aver that they have never knowingly sacrificed or impaired their connection with this republic nor the prerogatives of neutrality, but that they have, according to their best judgment, invariably sought to preserve both.
The undersigned will endeavour faithfully to state the impressions of the government they represent on this interesting subject. The objections made to this treaty by your predecessor in office in his Note to Mr. Monroe, dated 19th of Ventose 4th year of the French Republic one and indivisible (9th March '96) are:
1st. That the United States, besides having departed from the principles established by the armed neutrality given to England to the detriment of their first allies, the most striking mark of an unbounded condescension, by abandoning the limits given to contraband by the law of nations, by their treaties with all other nations and even by those of England with the greater part of the maritime powers.
2d. That they have consented to extend the denomination of contraband even to provisions. Instead of pointing out particularly as all treaties do, the cases of the effective blockade of a place, as alone forming an exception to the freedom of this article they have tacitly acknowledged the pretensions raised by England to create blockades in the colonies and even in France by the force of a bare proclamation.
Mr. Adet in his letter to Mr. Pickering, dated 25th Brumaire 5th year of the French Republic one and indivisible (15th Nov. 1796) has repeated the same objection, and has been pleased also to superadd some observations relative to the formation of such a treaty generally, and the circumstances attending its negotiation, in terms not to have been expected by the first and almost [only] voluntary friend of the Republic.
These having been the only specific objections officially made to the Treaty with Britain by the Government of France either in Paris, or in Philadelphia, are necessarily supposed to be the only objections which have occurred.
They have often been discussed on the part of the United States, but that discussion will be renewed, because, although the undersigned may be unable to suggest any argument not heretofore urged, they cannot resist the hope that a more attentive reconsideration of those arguments may give them a success which has not yet attended them.
The first objection may be supposed to consist of two parts. 1st. the abandonment of the principle that neutral bottoms make neutral goods, an objection rather insinuated than expressed, and 2dly the addition to the catalogue of contraband.
1st. On the first part of the objection, it is observable that the statements of the late minister of exterior relations, and of Mr. Adet, seem to admit, but certainly do not controvert the position, that previous to the formation of the armed neutrality, a belligerent power could rightfully take out of the bottoms of a neutral the goods of its enemy. This position is believed to be uncontroversial, some of the arguments in support of it having been already detailed, and it is deemed unnecessary to repeat or to add to them. To this principle of the armed neutrality with a departure from which, the United States seem to be impliedly charged, the note of M. De la Croix does not assign any obligation whatever; nor does it appear to consider it as having been engrafted by that confederation on the law of nations. On this point Mr. Adet has not been more explicit. He seems to have been content with vague insinuations, and not to have been willing to commit himself by a direct statement that in consequence of the armed neutrality the law of nations on this subject is changed. The undersigned are
unwilling to combat at length a proposition not positively advanced, which they deem so clearly indefensible, and will therefore refer to the brief observation already made respecting it.
It may not however be improper here to notice that in February 1778, when the treaty between France and the United States was entered into, the armed neutrality had not been formed; of consequence the state of things, on which the treaty operated, was regulated by the law of nations, as it clearly existed previous to the formation of the armed neutrality. It is supposed to be admitted, that according to that state of things, neutral bottoms could afford no protection to the goods of an enemy. The stipulation then of the article of that treaty was understood at the time, by the contracting parties, to form an exception to a general rule; which would retain its obligation in all cases where it was not changed—If then the contracting parties had designed to impose on each other the necessity of extending this exception to other nations, so as to convert it into a general rule, they would have expressed this intention in their contract; not having expressed it they must be considered as intending, that this exception should form an rule as between themselves, while the general rule should govern as with other nations who had not consented to change it.
It is also worthy of observation that when this treaty was made the United States were at war, and France at peace with Britain. In this state of things which might have continued, had not war been declared or hostilities commenced by England, the bottoms of France would have protected from American cruisers, English property, while they would not have protected from British cruisers American property. This was the necessary result of that state of things under which the treaty was formed; America had consented to it; and neither could or would have complained.
It is also to be noticed that before the negotiation with England had commenced, the government of the United States had openly avowed that opinion on this subject, which its best judgment dictated. This opinion perfectly unconnected with that negotiation, was known by all to form and regulate the basis of its conduct. The letters from Mr. Jefferson already quoted had stated to the world the perfect conviction of the United States, that by the law of nations a belligerent power, not restrained by particular treaty, might rightfully take out of the bottoms of a neutral the goods of its enemy, as well as their determination that they could not and ought not to oppose the exercise of this right. The right having been clearly and unavoidably admitted, and the determination to acquiesce under its exercise having been avowed openly, Mr. Jay could only solicit its surrender. Had no treaty been formed, or had that treaty omitted to mention the principle, the right would still have existed, would still have been acknowledged, and would still have been exercised. The treaty does not, in fact or in expression, cede a new privilege, it regulates an exercise of one before existing and before acknowledged to exist. The harsh means of exercising this right which are given by the law of nations, are modified and softened by the treaty, and this is the only effect which the article on this subject has produced: it was the only motive and it was a sufficient motive for introducing it.
(To be continued.)
A few Copies Of the DISPATCHES from the American Envoys at Paris, communicated to Congress in the President's Message of the 3d inst. may be had at this Office.
Military Colours, PAINTED ON SILK—by GEORGE RUTTER & Co. Portrait and Ornamental Painters, IN a style which will endure the hardships of the weather without injury, and which for neatness and exactitude of colouring cannot be surpassed in this city.
FLAGS AND DRUMS Furnished with dispatch, on the most moderate terms.
Portraits, Ornamental Paintings, Signs, fire-buckets, &c. accomplished in that superb style of modern elegance, which Mr. Rutter pledges himself from 30 years experience in this city will meet the entire approbation of his friends and the public.
In the Military Line, A variety of specimens may be seen at their Painting Room, Norris's Court, back of the New Library.
NOTICE.
HAVING observed an advertisement of C. Gullager, in terms derogatory of our professional abilities, we have to request the public not to be imposed upon by foreign artists; but to decide upon the merits of each by a comparison of the work executed by both, as it is a mode almost universally adopted by them to invalidate the talents of established artists, with a view of deceiving the public, and engrossing that business which their professional knowledge in no wise entitles them to. Well knowing that public opinion must govern, we flatter ourselves that the work executed by us will convince them of our great superiority over Mr. Gullager in every branch of portrait and ornamental painting, and shew the necessity of judging for themselves.
N. B. In future no attention will be paid to self-flattering advertisements of Mr. G. Any person wishing a supply of FLAGS and DRUMS will please apply to GEORGE RUTTER and Co. Norris's Court, or Henry Frailey, Germantown.
ROBERT FIELD, MINIATURE PAINTER, Has removed to No. 106, Walnut Street, between Fourth and Fifth Streets.
A Good Cook—also a Man Servant who understands House work. None but of good character need apply—Enquire at this office.
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN NIXON & Co. A quantity of very excellent LOGWOOD NOW LANDING AT THEIR WHARF. may 10. Furnished Chambers—To Let. THOSE Gentlemen, Members of Congress and others, wishing to engage for the next session of Congress, Chambers, furnished in a modern style, and in a very pleasant and central part of the city, may hear of them by applying at the office of this Gazette. cciv may 10.
HEAD ACHE. PERSONS afflicted with the Head Ache, proceeding from whatever cause, will find instant relief in the application of Dr. Church's Anodyne Essence, In Rheumatic, Nervous and Bilious Head Aches, it has not its equal. It not only alleviates that tormenting pain, but removes it almost instantaneously. The Head Ache occasioned by hard drinking, and any local pains in any other part of the body or extremities, are by its application effectually removed. CASES OF CURE. To Dr. CHURCH.
Dear Sir, I have been subject to a very severe Head Ache for several years, which sometimes used to afflict me to such a violent degree, as to disable me from attending my duty as Draftsman of the Tower, for several days together. I have had the advice of several eminent Physicians in this city, and in Wales, and have tried several other remedies recommended to me without effect. Being one day extremely indolent with the Head Ache as usual, I sent for you, when you recommended your Anodyne Essence to me, which I applied, and which removed the pain, as soon as I applied it. I frequently repeated the use of it, and am happy to inform you, I have had no return of it. I am, Dear Sir, Your obedient Servant, JOHN BARNES.
Drawing Room, Tower of London, May 9, 1795. From the Morning Advertiser, March 26 1795.
Another gentleman in his Majesty's service in the Tower of London, has been extremely afflicted with the Head Ache for some years, and sometimes to so violent a degree, as to prevent him from attending the duties of his office; at one of which times, he sent for some of Dr. Church's Anodyne Essence, which he applied, and which removed the pain instantaneously; and he is happy in affirming, that he has had no return of the pain since.
The above gentleman, whose name and address may be known at the place of sale, will testify the above, to any candid enquirer. CHURCH'S ANODYNE ESSENCE, is prepared and sold (only) by the Inventor and Proprietor, DR. JAMES CHURCH, At his Medicine Store, No. 1, South Third Street, Philadelphia.
WHERE MAY ALSO BE HAD. Church's Cough Drops, a medicine unequalled by any other in the world, for the cure of Coughs, Asthmas and Consumptions. Also, his Coral Respiratory Balsam, for Nervous Disorders, Inward Weaknesses, Debilitated Constitutions, and Disorders incident to Young Girls and Women at certain periods of life; celebrated Eye Salve, for all diseases of the Eyes; Vegetable Lotion, for the cure of Freckles, Sunburns, Pimples, and all Eruptions of the Face and Skin, Shingles, and the Prickly Heat; Valatilis Tincture, an immediate cure for that excruciating pain the Tooth Ache; Scotch Ointment, for the cure of the Itch, in four hours, with a particle of mercury, or any pernicious ingredients; and Antiphlogistic Elixir, for the cure of all kinds of Fevers. may 10. 22w3w
Military Colours. AT C. GULLAGER'S
Portrait and Ornamental Painting Rooms, No. 50, South Fourth, next to Chestnut Street, opposite the Friends' Meeting.
PAINTING on silks for Military and other ornamental purposes (in a manner peculiar to himself) durable, not to be injured by the weather, which for elegance of design, truth and beauty of colouring, neatness and masterly execution, has not been equalled by George Rutter and Co.
FLAGS and DRUMS Furnished with all possible dispatch, on the most reasonable terms.
Ornamental Painting, Signs, Fire Buckets, &c. executed in a style (not that superb style of modern elegance peculiar to G. R.) but in a workman like manner, peculiar to an artist master of his profession.
M. GULLAGER, from a number of year's experience in Europe and this country, flatters himself that professional talents, punctuality, and reasonable demands, will meet the entire approbation of those gentlemen who will please to call at his Painting Rooms. $6w may 5.
NOTICE.
P. S. Gentlemen in town and country, wishing for a supply of Colours and Drums, painted in a masterly manner, will no doubt feel themselves obliged for the kind caution given by George Rutter and Co. not to trust self-flattering advertisements, but examine the work executed by both parties. One view will satisfy them where the superiority lies—save the spoiling of good silks by George Rutter's pencil—and discover the requisites for the contracting talents of Henry Frailey, at Germantown. may 10.
For Sale, The cargo of the brig American from Laguira, consisting of Caraccas Cocoa. Henry Philips, No. 112, South Fourth Street. april 23
Forty Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY, on the 7th of April, a Negro Man, named Glofgow, perhaps he may pass by the name of Glofgow Lee, or may change his name; he is about thirty one years of age, nearly six feet high, has a scar in the upper part of his underlip, a small part being bitten out between the middle and the corner of his mouth (I believe on the right side), his left hand has been very sore, and was so at the time he ran away, by being burnt some time past: he is a stout, strong fellow, and has been employed at a saw mill a few years: he went away in company with a negro woman of Mr. John Lingoe, of this county. It is supposed they are gone into Delaware State. Any person that secures said Negro Man in any gaol, that the subscriber shall get him again, shall receive the above reward. ESME BAILL. State of Maryland, Somerset County, april 10. } may 4—4w
Grais Lots to let.
THREE contiguous Lots of Ground, containing something more than an acre, situated in Carpenter Street, between Third and Fourth Street, southward; to rent separately or together, for the year or longer. They are in good order and generally produced hay for fifteen years past. Upon one lot is a frame dwelling house, a garden, well of water, and hay stable. For further information, enquire at No. 12, North Third Street. april 25. codiw

The Gazette. PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY EVENING, May 10.
On Tuesday in the House of Representatives of the United States, the report on the subject of aliens was taken up, and after agreeing to add the following words to the third resolution, viz. "whomsoever which the United States there shall exist a state of declared war," it was agreed to, and referred to the select committee to report a bill accordingly. The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the report of a select committee on the bill from the Senate to authorize the President of the United States to raise a provisional army. This committee recommended the following amendments, viz. The number of men to be raised is proposed to be reduced from twenty to ten thousand, and instead of giving the President power to raise the army, "whomsoever he shall judge the public safety requires the measure," that they shall be raised "in the event of a declaration of war against the United States, or of actual invasion of their territory by a foreign power, or of imminent danger of such invasion, discovered in his opinion to exist." They also recommend five additional sections to the bill; the first for authorizing the President, from time to time, as he shall think it necessary, to call out in rotation, such portions of the militia now held in requisition, not exceeding 30,000 men, as he shall think proper, to be trained and disciplined, and to be considered as in actual service, for a term not exceeding...
The foregoing address, having been transmitted by the mail, and presented to the President of the United States, on behalf of the students of Rhode-Island college at their request, by Mr. Foster, a member of the National Senate, from the state of Rhode-Island, the President, on Saturday last, was pleased to return the following ANSWER To the Students of Rhode-Island College. Gentlemen, This address, following so soon after those demonstrations of confidence, respect and affection, which I received from you, my amiable young friends, at your university, the last year, has tenderly affected my sensibility. The solicitude you manifest for the welfare of your country, well becomes you, who have long to live, and as I hope, and believe have illustrious parts to act, in the naval, military, civil and religious institutions of society. While I share, in your regrets for the ill-success of my efforts to accommodate difficulties, my heart sympathizes in your generous indignation, at the unworthy returns we have received, and with you, I trust, that no disgraceful demands will ever be complied with. America in general, and your part of it in particular though ever averse to war, have always been familiar with it, because from the first plantation of the country, they never could avoid it, for any long course of years. The fifteen years of peace, which have been enjoyed, since the year 1782, is the longest period of tranquility, perhaps which we have ever enjoyed. The longer the peace, the greater aversion of the citizens to war, as many republicans of Europe have fatally experienced; in this consideration, you may perhaps find some consolation, if war cannot be avoided without a sacrifice of honor. Your unfeigned approbation of my public conduct is as honorable to me, as your fixed determination, never to survive your national independence is glorious to yourselves. In return for your kind wishes, I sincerely pray that you and your university, may flourish forever in the happy fruits of liberty, literature, science, morals and religion. JOHN ADAMS. Philadelphia, May 5th, 1798.
Yesterday being the day appointed for the national fast, the same was observed in this city with a decency and solemnity never before exhibited on a similar occasion. The churches were crowded, and business suspended. The stores and shops were almost universally shut—and to the honor of the French citizens, it was remarked, that not one of those occupied by them was opened—After the solemnities of the day were ended towards evening, a number of persons said to be butchers' boys, made their appearance at the state house garden with French cockades in their hats—Some disturbance ensued, but several of them being taken up and committed to jail—order was restored, and tranquility reigned through the night. The young men of Baltimore were to meet last evening, after divine service, for the purposes that similar meetings have been held in this city and New-York. "One spirit animates the whole."
From the Columbian Centinel. The St. Albans of 64 guns, and the Endymion Frigate compose the first convoy for the American trade, and are to proceed to New-York. His excellency John Q. Adams has, we learn, been cordially received at the court of Berlin. Providence, April 24th, 1798. Address from the students of Rhode-Island college, to the President of the United States. Sir, Your late communication to congress, from our Envoys to the French Republic, excites in our breasts the liveliest solicitude, for the welfare of our country. We regret that your efforts amicably to accommodate the difficulties, in which we are at present involved, have not been attended with that success which a confidence in your administration induced us to expect. With indignation we learn the humiliating conditions demanded of us, by France, and trust they will never be complied with, while a drop of the American blood remains unshed. During our late glorious struggle, for independence, this feat of literature bore a distinguished part, in the common calamities of our country. Her mouldering walls even now evince the cause in which she suffered. Sufficiently have we, already, experienced the evils of war;—sufficiently strong are the inducements, which lead us to desire peace; yet to us nothing can be more humiliating than to sacrifice our liberties, to avert the former, or preserve the latter. Sooner will we confederate with the great mass of our citizens, in the public cause, rally around the standard of liberty, resolved to live free, or, perish by one noble effort, in the cause of violated liberty. At a period, when such principles are avowed as threaten destruction to liberty,
religion and the repose of all nations, when the American character is debased and degraded, by false and calumnious insinuations; we hope we shall not be considered as deviating from propriety, by expressing our unfeigned approbation of your public conduct, and our fixed determination never to survive our national independence. Accept, Sir, the most ardent desires of the students of this seminary, for the prosperity of the United States and their united prayers for your health and happiness. Conrade Webb, Andrew Dexter, jun., Lucius Cary, James Talmadge, jr., James Thompson, Lemuel Le Baron, jr. Committee on behalf of the students of Rhode-Island College.
We understand that the plan adopted for the trial of prisoners now accused of treason is as follows: A special commission, composed of Mr. justice Buller, and Mr. justice Heath Mr. justice Lawrence, will be opened at Maidstone, about the 26th instant, for the purpose of finding the indictments, and arranging the prisoners. The commission will then be adjourned for the time necessary to give the accused copies of their indictments &c. and the trials may be expected to come on about the 6th or 7th of April. It is remarkable that the insult offered to the Spanish monarch, by citizen Truguet, the French minister at Madrid, is precisely the same as that of which the Spanish ambassador at this court complained so heavily, when waiting on lord Grenville one morning he found his lordship preparing to take a morning ride.
RESURRECTIONMEN. Yesterday a numerous crowd assembled in Tottenham Court Road opposite the Burrying Ground, from which so many bodies have been stolen. The sexton's house had been previously locked up, and a notice posted on the door, that he and the grave-diggers were discharged and gone away.—This had the desired effect of appeasing the people, who were probably met for the purpose of sacrificing these two suspected persons to their fury; and the day passed without any disturbance. Of the nine persons first discovered in five sacks, one was a woman who had died of a dropsy, so weighty, and the sack in which the body was contained so rotten, that it is impossible it could have been thrown over the wall without burling, from whence it is suspected it was conveyed through the doorway by some person in possession of the keys. Exclusive of these, the number missing on Wednesday night was 29, which added to those that have been missed in yesterday's search by the laborers, who did not leave off their search until late in the evening, make the whole number taken away amount to forty. This day the search was renewed again, and we understand the inside of the tabernacle is to undergo a minute investigation. From the enquiry that has already taken place, it appears this practice has been of many years standing; bodies interred five years ago are missing, and therefore it is impossible to ascertain how many have been stolen. The majority of the coffins plundered belonged to children and persons not full grown, and many conjectures are formed of the uses to which they were applied. The sexton supported his family very gently, and exclusive of his house in town, had a place in the country, without any known means, except the emolument of his situation. There were lights placed in the church-yard, and a watch stationed there all last night. Part of the keepers of St. James's the Green and Hyde Parks, yesterday subscribed at the bank 241. 10s. for the defence of their country. The Two Friends, Morell, from Hambro' to Virginia; the Camilla, an English vessel; the Sally, an American vessel; Flore Mondego, Dourado, from Barbary to Lisbon; N. S. de Rosario, from ditto to ditto; and the Patriot, from Barcelona to Hambro' have been taken, retaken and carried into Lisbon. FALMOUTH, March 13. Arrived La Victoire, Chasse Maree, from Bourdeaux for Brest, sent in by the Argo Luggar. She is part of a fleet; and it is reported that Sir J. B. Warren's squadron have taken ten sail more of them, and destroyed the frigate which conveyed them. PORTSMOUTH, March 15. This morning arrived his majesty's ship Vanguard from the Downs, with the Walpole and Good Hope, outward-bound East-India ships under her convoy. The former brought up at Spithead, the latter at the Motherbank. The Triumph, of 74 guns, captain Effingham, this day went out of the harbor, completely re-fitted. VOLUNTEER CORPS. The Youth of North and South Mulberry Wards, who are desirous of forming themselves into a Uniform Volunteer Corps are requested to meet on Friday evening, 11th inst. at the House of J. Hardy, Swan Tavern, North Third Street. May 8. A Country Seat. TO BE LET for the summer season or by the year, the greater part of a large House, in a high, healthy situation, above the eight mile stone, on the Germantown-road (occupied only by a newly married couple)—with stabling and convenience for keeping a carriage. For further particulars, enquire of CASPAR W. HAINES, in Germantown, or the subscriber, on the premises. HEZEKIAH HUNTSMAN. may 1. 22w3w IMPORTED, In the Brig BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, from Bourdeaux, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, Clare in casks White wine in half casks Sweet oil of a superior quality in boxes and baskets Linnelle Sauterne Macsary, and Medoc Wines in Casks. Thomas Murgatroyd, No. 11, Walnut Street. WHO HAS ON HAND, Bourdeaux Brandy in pipes Initialed to Irish market Medoc, and Sauterne } Wines in casks. drawback Sherry wine in pipes and quarter casks Rancio in bags Two trunks of Umbrellas, and About 4000 bottles Liverpool Salt, march 29 mw&f&f
By our Falmouth letters we have the satisfaction of learning, that the squadron under the command of Sir John B. Warren, have fallen in with a convoy bound from Bordeaux to Brest, and, according to the report brought by one of the prizes arrived at Falmouth, had taken several sail and the frigate that conveyed them. Yesterday morning at eight o'clock, two of his majesty's messengers, attended by two police officers, went to the house of Mr. Evans, in Plough court, Fetter lane, and apprehended Benjamin Binns the brother of John Binns now confined in the tower, and Alexander Galloway, formerly secretary to the corresponding society.—They were taken in bed, the officers having burst open the door of the apartment in which they slept. Binns, whose papers were likewise seized, had only arrived in town four days since from Ireland, where he received information of the officers being in search of him, in less than 48 hours after his brother and the other prisoners were committed to the tower. Galloway had a lodging at Pinalic, but having spent the evening with Binns, in company with Mrs. Evans, he agreed to stay the night, not being apprehensive the officers would again visit Mr. Evans's house. At nine o'clock in the evening the members of the privy council met at the duke of Portland's office, when Mr. Evans was brought up, in order to be admitted to bail but the two persons who attended for the purpose of entering into a recognizance for his appearance, not being approved of, he was remanded in to custody. The council then proceeded to the examination of Binns and Galloway; the former was discharged at eleven o'clock. Galloway was next interrogated by the council, and he was afterwards committed to custody of Mr. Hooper, one of the king's messengers, for further examination.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES. NEW SONG. Rouse Sons of brave Forefathers, their spirits blush with fame, Dilub'd they frown upon us—for we forget their fame. Grasp, grasp your warlike weapons, equip for arm'd debate, Arouse, arouse, arouse, arouse, and rally round the State. That seat of Commerce, Carthage, by earth's proud masters Rome Thro' force or fraud, or faction receiv'd her dreadful doom, Of faction, fraud, or violence, employ'd by furious Gaul, Beware, beware, beware, beware, or we like Carthage fall. Domestic dire divisions engender'd fell debate, And Cautioners aided to subjugate the State; But wiser we Americans unite in heart and hand, Uniter, unite, unite to guard our threaten'd land. Rich Venice, deck'd in beauty—her siren songs forsook, Submitting all to Frenchmen is blotted from the world; But ere we bend to Foreigners of any hostile shade, We'll try the arms, the arms, the arms, our father's try'd before. They brought fair Freedom hither, soon Independence came, New scenes of social pleasure fresh blossom'd in the frame. The precious fruits of patriot toil, no power on earth should touch Outrights, our rights, our rights, our rights, had ever mortals touch? Route Sons of brave forefathers, their spirits blush with flame, Dilub'd they frown upon us—for we forget their fame. Grasp, grasp your warlike weapons, equip for arm'd debate, Arouse, arouse, arouse, arouse, and rally round the State. Lives there another people, how proud to e'er their source, The acts of whole forefathers display a brighter course Who sought, prevail'd, gave Liberty secured by laws most just! Resist, resist, resist the race that bids us bite the dust. In vain our prede. efforts have erod'd the western waves, In vain they bled for freedom if we must now be slaves. It parcel'd out like Polesanders to barbarous force a prey— We'll die, we'll die, we'll die, we'll die, but never break the day. Cheer high Mount Vernon's Hero, our strength in war's alarms, Led forth by such Commanders, again we'll rise in arms. The soul of mighty Washington with unquenched glory high, Against oppo, oppo, oppo, live free, or bravely die! Loud cheer the steady Statesmen, Chief Rulers of our choice, In him ourselves we honour—thout with united voice Health to firm, virtuous ADAMS, like him, disdain to yield. Our rights, our rights, our rights, our rights at sea or in the field. Route Sons of brave forefathers, their spirits blush with flame, Dilub'd they frown upon us—for we forget their fame. Grasp, grasp your warlike weapons equip for arm'd debate, Arouse, arouse, arouse, arouse and rally round the State.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FRIDAY, APRIL 27. ON motion of Mr. W. C. CLAIBORNE, the house went into a committee of the whole on the bill directing the payment of a detachment of Militia for services performed in the year 1794, under the command of Major General O'ne. The bill was reported without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow. A bill from the Senate for the relief of the legal representatives of Samuel Lapley deceased, was twice read and referred to the committee of claims. Mr. HARPER said, he wished to lay a resolution upon the table on a subject which every day appeared more striking and improper. He alluded to a very alarming abandonment of duty by the members of this house. He hoped this charge would not be considered as too harsh against members who were now leaving the public business at this important crisis, when very considerable arrangements remain to be made, particularly on the subject of Finance. He need not inform the house that there was now little more than a quorum of members present; and if the present practice continued longer, the public business would be to do, and there would be no Congress to do it. In order to put a stop to this evil, he proposed the following resolution: "Resolved that no member of this house, during the remainder of the session, shall have leave of absence, except in case of sickness." Ordered to lie upon the table. The bill making appropriations for the support of the Military Establishment for the year 1798, was read the third time; when Mr. GALLATIN moved a recommittal of the bill, in order to correct a mistake which had arisen from the War Department having made a subtraction twice over, which was carried. The house went into a committee on the subject; the error was corrected, and the bill was re-engrossed, and passed. On motion of Mr. LIVINGSTON, the report of the committee of commerce and manufactures on the petition of the merchants and wharfholders of Charleston, respecting the privilege of weighing goods on their wharves, which they were deprived of by a late law of the United States. The report was unfavourable, and after some opposition by Mr. Pinckney, it was concurred in. The bill for newly organizing the Militia being the order of the day, Mr. OTIS again moved to discharge the committee of the whole from the further consideration of this bill, which was negatived, there being only 22 votes for it. Mr. RUTLEDGE then moved to postpone the consideration of this bill until Monday week, in order to give time for a decision upon the bill authorizing a Provisional Army. This motion was negatived, there being only 20 votes for it. The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the Militia bill, and made some further progress therein. The committee rose and had leave to sit again. Mr. BALDWIN, from the committee appointed to enquire into the authenticity of a letter of General Clarke's of Georgia, which appears in the documents relative to the conspiracy of William Blount, intimating that an attempt had been made to engage General Clark in favour of the British in an attack against the French and Spaniards, reported certain answers to interrogatories which had been put to General Clark, in which he acknowledged the letter to be his, and states that a person of the name of William Carrick, who called himself a British captain, offered him a salary of 10,000. from the Bri-
lith Government as a salary, if he would engage in the British service against the French and Spaniards; and that after he had refused the proposal, he asked him if any sum would induce him to join in the service proposed, which being answered in the negative, the said Carrick extorted from him a promise that he would not disclose this proposal. The general states that he knows of no other proposal made to any other person. This report was ordered to be printed. Mr. S. SMITH reported a bill for continuing in force the first section of an act respecting Revenue Cutters, which was committed for Monday. The Senate, by message, informed the house that they persisted in their amendments to the bill respecting the compensation of clerks; and that they had passed a bill to authorize the President to purchase or build a number of small vessels, to be employed as Gallies, or otherwise. Mr. A. POSTER asked and obtained leave of absence (though not without opposition) for his colleague Mr. Sprague, for the remainder of the session. The house went again into a committee of the whole on the bill for newly organizing, arming and disciplining the Militia of the United States; when after considerable discussion, Mr. DAYTON (the Speaker) moved the committee to rise, in order that it might be discharged from a farther consideration of this bill, as there appeared no evident a disposition against going into an amelioration of the militia system at present; and however salutary the proposed regulations might be in a state of tranquility, he did not think it would be proper, under the present circumstances of the country to derange the whole militia system to so great a degree, as would be occasioned by a change of officers, and of men from one company to another. Until the present states of things, therefore, had either blown over or exhausted itself, he thought it would be best to suffer the militia to remain on its present footing. The committee rose accordingly, was discharged, and the bill was re-committed. Adjourned till Monday. BALTIMORE, May 4. French Policy. The Directory have sent a small force to St. Domingo, under Redouville, who promises, as Santhonax did, honour and justice in all future engagements; but not a word is said about former ones. It is easy to see in this the fear of the Directory, lest they should lose what they yet possess of the above island, for they are well aware, impeded by the hostile conduct of France, from the supplies and trade of this country, they will delare themselves free and independent, and trade with whom they please—That they may speedily do this is the sincere wish of every American. United States, Pennsylvania District. IN pursuance of a writ to me directed from the Honorable Richard Peters, Esq. Judge of the District Court of the United States, in and for the Pennsylvania District, will be exposed to public sale at the Merchants' Coffee-House in the City of Philadelphia on Wednesday the 16th May instant, at 12 o'clock at noon. The Brigantine called the CHARLOTTE, With all and singular her tackle apparel and furniture, as they now are—The said Brigantine having been condemned to pay the mariners wages &c. WILLIAM NICHOLS, Marshall. Marshall's Office, May 10, 1798. N. B. The inventory may be seen at my office. MILITARY ACADEMY. The Public are most respectfully informed, that a Military Academy is opened in the Northern Liberties in the house formerly belonging to John Maters, Esq. between the Germantown and Frankford roads, North Second street continued By JOHN BARBER, Late of the 6th British regiment of Foot and assistant Engineer to the Army acting in the West-Indies. Where gentlemen will be taught the manual Exercise and made completely acquainted with all the duties of officers, non-commissioned officers and privates soldiers in camp, garrison and Quarters; the forms of regimental and field returns, detachments, rosters &c. &c. also the art of drawing plans, sections and geometrical elevations, the elements of tactics, gunnery and fortification.—A subscription list is left at the bar of the City-Tavern, where the terms and the outlines of the proposed regulations may be seen. The situation is extremely well adapted to the undertaking and eight acres of ground are set apart for the purpose. N. B. Gentlemen from the Country boarded in the house if required. may 10. diwzawtm Notice is hereby Given, THAT application has been made in the Bank of the United States, for the renewal of the following five Certificates of Bank Stock, lost by the capture of the British Packet, Countess of Leicester—viz. No. 3704, containing 5 shares } Issued to Henry Ca. 3703 5 do. } to J. S. Nephew & Co 732 1 do. issued to Edwards and Co. 3188 5 do. issued (in lieu of 6509 to 6513) to Samuel and Henry Vaddington. 2928 4 do. issued to Phyn, Ellice and Inglis. All persons concerned are therefore called upon to show cause why new Certificates should not be issued agreeably to the said application. april 14. eo6w Imported in the ship Phoenix, Richard Grice, master, from Amsterdam, A quantity of Linseed Oil, and Two cases low priced Linen Checks For sale by George Pennock. april 19. cotf BRANDY. The Cargo of the Danish Brig Concord, FROM CETTE, Will commence landing this day, at Smith's Wharf. 200 pipes and 200 hhd } Choice Brandy 160 do. 18 do. Provence white Wine, in pipes Hazelnuts and Filberts, in f cks A few Almonds, Raisins, &c. For Sale by Peter Bligh. WHO ALSO OFFERS FOR SALE, 200,000 lbs. Java Coffee, in sacks Old Batavia Arrack, in pipes Macs and Cloves, in boxes 120 hds. Jamaica Sugar 50 do. do. Rum Port Wine, in pipes, hds. and qr. casks Madeira, London particular, in pipes, very superior april 18. daw cot17m

WILL BE SOLD, On Thursday next at 7 o'clock in the Evening at the Merchants Coffee-House.  THE SLOOP HARRIOT.  Now lying at Messrs. Willings & Francis's Wharf huthen 75 tons, three years old, well found and calculated for a Coaler.  CONNELLY, & Co. Auctioneers. may 8
For Sale, or Charter. THE SHIP LIBERTY, LAYING at Vine Street Wharf— burthen per register two hundred and eighty-two tons. This vessel has been about eighteen months in Holland, and lately returned from a voyage to Holland. She is a prime fair, can be armed with less disadvantage to her flag than any vessel in this port and may be let at a moderate expense. Apply to JOHN SEVERN, Landenberger's Wharf. may 5
JUST ARRIVED, In the brig Gayoso, capt. Bingham, from St. Martins  A quantity of SALT, of an excellent quality A few gross Porter Bottles, new And twenty cases Vinegar And the said BRIG, Also, FOR SALE, Enquire of Jehu Hollingsworth & Co. No. 22, Little Water Street, South. april 20.
FOR SALE. 195 boxes white } Havannah Sugar 107 do. brown } 200 Hides Will be landed to-morrow, at Willings and Francis's wharf, from on board the brig Active, William Williams, master.  Also, The said Brig for sale, And may take in immediately after discharged. Apply to Jehu Hollingsworth & Co. march 30.
FOR HAMBURGH, THE SHIP DOMINICK TERRY, John Fleming, Master. Having great part of her cargo engaged—For freight apply to Jesse & Robert Waln. February 26
FOR SALE, A House and 12 elegant Building Lots in Germantown. On Monday the 14th instant at 30 o'clock P. M. will be sold by public auction on the premises.  The first House in the village of Germantown situated on the right hand side of the Road leading from Philadelphia. Also 12 building lots adjoining the same; each containing 50 feet on front on the Germantown road, and extending 400 feet on depth.  N. B. A plan of the above lots may be seen previous to the day of sale by applying to FOOMAN & Co. Auctioneers. May 7.
VIRGINIA TOBACCO. WALKER & KENNEDY, No. 73, South Front-street. HAVE FOR SALE, 50 Hogsheads Virginia Tobacco, of Frederick- burg and Falmouth Inspections. 50 Hogsheads ditto of Richmond inspection. may 8.
Horses on Sale. Several valuable Horses to be Sold, Which are perfectly well broke for either Ladies or Gentlemen; trials of them are allowed. Apply to T. SWANN, at his Riding School Market-street, which is open every day for the purpose of teaching the art of Horsemanship, and the breaking and training of Horses. may 4.
Alex. J. Miller & James Davis, Having entered into partnership under the firm of Alexander J. Miller & Co. INFORM their friends in town and country, that they have opened a Wholesale Dry Good Store, at No. 64, South Front Street, Philadelphia; where they now have, and intend keeping a general assortment of India, German, Irish, French and British Manufactures for sale, on advantageous terms for cash or a short credit. February 19
JUST RECEIVED, FROM FORT-AU-PRINCE, And FOR SALE, by the SUBSCRIBERS, 110 hds. Coffee 46 tierces do. 100 barrels do. 100 bags do. 110 hogsheads of Muscovado Sugar 80 barrels do. 40 hogsheads of Molasses 4 bales of Cotton 2 hogsheads of Cocoa WILLINGS & FRANCIS, Penn-street. march 12.
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBERS, No. 21, Penn-street, The Cargo of the Ship Ganges, John Green, commander, from Bengal. Coffees of various qualities and prices, Bastas, of various qualities and prices, Coffees Sanas Humhums Blue Cloth Chints and Calicoes Mamoodys Ginghams Maharagonges Guzzenas Gurras Pinascoes Salgetches Gillie Romals Mock Pulicats 200 tons SUGAR 90,000 lb. PEPPER. Willings & Francis.
The Piece Goods Of the Ganges are now open to sale at that accommodous place the north west corner of Market and Fourth-streets. Also—A few Bales of Madras Ilks. of elegant patterns and best colours. February 8.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, MARCH 1, 1798.  PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, IN pursuance of the Act of Congress passed on the sixth day of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act laying duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper," and the Act passed on the sixteenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act to postpone for a limited time the commencement of the duties imposed by the Act entitled "An Act laying Duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper," that from and after the first day of July ensuing, the several Stamped Duties hereinafter enumerated, will be levied and collected throughout the United States.
For every skin or piece of Vellum or Parchment, or sheet or piece of Paper, upon which shall be written or printed any or either of the instruments or writings following—to wit:     Any Certificate of Naturalization, 5 Cts. Mls.     Any Licence to practice, or Certificate of the admission, enrolment or registry of any Counsellor, Solicitor, Attorney, Advocate or Proctor, in any Court of the United States, 10   Provided, that a Certificate in any one of the Courts of the United States for one of the said Offices, shall so far as relates to the payment of the duty aforesaid, be a sufficient admission in all the Courts of the United States, for each and every of the said offices. 4   Any Grant or Letters Patent, under the seal or authority of the United States (except for lands granted for military services) 2   Any exemplification or certified copy of any such grant or letters patent, (ex- cept for lands granted for military services) 1   Any Charter-Party, Bill of Exchange, or Respondentia Bond, 25   Any Receipt or discharge for or on account of any Legacy left by any Will or o- ther testamentary instrument, or for any share or part of a personal estate di- vided by force of any statute of distributions, other than to the Wife, Chil- dren or Grand Children of the person deceased, the amount whereof shall be above the value of Fifty Dollars, and shall not exceed the value of One Hun- dred Dollars, 50   When the amount thereof shall exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars and shall not exceed five hundred Dollars, 1   And for every further sum of Five Hundred Dollars, the additional sum of any Policy of Insurance or instrument in nature thereof, on any ship, vessel or goods insured from one district to another in the United States. 25   From the United States to any foreign port or place, when the sum for which Insurance is made shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 1   When the sum insured shall exceed five hundred dollars, 50   Any Exemplification, of what nature soever, that shall pass the seal of any Court, other than such as it may be the duty of the Clerk of such Court to furnish for the use of the United States or some particular State, 50   Any Bond, bill single or penal, foreign or inland bill of exchange, promissory note or other note, other than any recognizance, bill, bond, or other oblig- ation or contract, made to or with the United States or any state, or for their use respectively, 10   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 25   If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 50   If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 75   And if above one thousand dollars, 1   Provided, that if any bonds or notes shall be payable at or within sixty days, such bonds or notes shall be subject to only two fifth parts of the duty aforesaid—viz.   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 4   If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 10   If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 20   If above one thousand dollars, 30   Any Notes issued by the banks now established, or that may hereafter be estab- lished within the United States, other than the notes of such of the said Banks as shall agree to an annual composition, of one per centum on the annual di- vidends made by such Banks, to their Stockholders respectively, according to the following scale, 10   On all notes not exceeding fifty dollars, for each dollar, 50   On all notes above fifty dollars, and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 1   On all notes above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 2   On all notes above five hundred dollars, 3   Any Protest or other Notarial act, 25   Any Letter of Attorney, except for an invalid pension, or to obtain or sell War- rants for Land granted by the United States as bounty for military services performed in the late war, 25   Any Certificate or Debenture for drawback of Customs or duties, for less than five hundred dollars, 1   For five hundred dollars and not exceeding two thousand dollars, 2   For more than two thousand dollars, 3   Any note or bill of lading for goods or merchandise to be exported, 10   If from one district to another district of the United States, not being in the same State, 25   If from the United States to any foreign port or place, 50   Any Inventory or Catalogue of any furniture, goods or effects, made in any case required by law, (except in cases of goods and chattels distrained for rent or taxes, and goods taken in virtue of any legal process by any officer.) 10   Any Certificate of a Share in any Insurance Company, or a Share in the Bank of the United States, or of any State or other Bank, 25   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 10   If above one hundred dollars, 25   If under twenty dollars, at the rate of ten cents for one hundred dollars.    The duties aforesaid will be collected and received by the Supervisors, Inspectors and other Officers of Inspection, in the several Districts, Surveys and Divisions of the United States, and by such other persons as shall from time to time be specially appointed and employed by the Supervisors of Districts for that purpose.
The Supervisors of the several Districts will, prior to the first day of July ensuing, and as soon as may be practicable, mark or stamp, without fee or reward, any quantities or parcels of Vellum, Parch- ment or Paper, with any of the rates of duties before enumerated, on payment of the said duties; or if stamped Vellum, parchment and paper may at the option of the Citizens of the United States, be ob- tained at the rates prescribed by law, by application to any Supervisor, Inspector, Officer of Inspection, or other person appointed for the distribution of Stamps, by the Supervisors of Districts.  GIVEN under my Hand, at Philadelphia the day and year abovenoted.  OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
JAMES HUMPHREYS, BEING encouraged by a number of gentlemen in the mercantile line, to undertake the pub- lishing of a Price Current in this city, and they having engaged to give him every assistance in their power to render it accurate and useful, PROPOSES TO PRINT BY SUBSCRIPTION, The Philadelphia Price Current, And Market Day Advertiser. To be published every Wednesday and Saturday morning, on the following conditions. It will be printed on four pages quarto. It will contain the Prices Current (wholesale) at Phila- delphia, with the duties on each article—The Prices Current at Boston, New-York, Charleston, and other parts of the United States, with the Prices Current at London, the West Indies and else- where as often as they can be had accurate and to be relied on. The rates of insurance—the price of stocks—course of exchange, &c. &c. Likewise a regular account of entries, inward and outward —with such marine and other intelligence as shall be thought useful and important—and the remainder of the paper will be appropriated to advertise- ments.
The price to subscribers within the city and li- berties, to whom it will be delivered at their houses, will be Four Dollars per annum—Two dollars at the expiration of a month from its publication, and the remainder at the end of the year. Sub- scribers at a greater distance will have it sent them agreeable to their directions—to pay two dollars at the time of subscribing, and the remainder at the end of the year.  The publication shall commence as soon as a suf- ficient number have subscribed to pay the expense of conducting it.  It is from the advice and to gratify the wish of a number of mercantile gentlemen that the printer proposes publishing this Price Current in a quarto size in preference to any other. And it is proposed to embrace the Prices Current with such other matter as may be most material to the mercantile in the first two pages—approaching the other two to such matters as may be more immediately do- mestic, and to advertisements.  Subscriptions are received by said Humphreys, at his Printing Office, No. 74, North Third-street, and Mr. Z. Poulton, jun. at his office in Chestnut- street, and at the Philadelphia Library. Philadelphia, April 14.
FOR SALE, A CONVENIENT well built secondhand Light Wagon, hung on Jacks with glass and blinds in the doors, with or without harness.— Enquire of Peter Unterhouche, Arch, below Sixth street, or the subscriber in Germantown. CASPAR W. MATNES. april 2
FOR SALE, A Wagon, hung on Jacks with glass and blinds in the doors, with or without harness.— Enquire of Peter Unterhouche, Arch, below Sixth street, or the subscriber in Germantown. CASPAR W. MATNES. april 2
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 30th. 1798.  Public Notice is hereby given, THAT by an act of Congress passed on the 19th day of March, 1798, the following a additions and amendments have been made to the act passed on the 6th day of July 1797, entitled "An act laying duties on stamped vel- lum, parchment and paper."
The stamp duties on debentures or certifi- cates for the drawback of Customs or duties on Imports are repealed.  II. A discount at the rate of seven and one-half per Centum, will be allowed by the Supervisors or Inspectors respectively, to any persons other than Officers of the Revenue, who may pur- chase at one time or procure to be stamped, any quantities of Vellum, Parchment or Paper, upon which the duties shall amount to Ten Dol- lars or upwards.  III. Stamped Paper, will be provided, and sold at the rates prescribed by law, without any addi- tional charge or expense on account of the price of Paper; but for stamped Parchment or Vellum, an additional price will be demanded at the rate of Fifty Cents for each skin of Parch- ment, or two Hundred Cents for each skin of Vellum of medium size, which may be furnish- ed at the expense of the United States and pro- portionally for any lesser quantity.  GIVEN under my hand, at Philadelphia, the day and year abovenoted.  OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
WANTED. APPROVED BILLS on Amsterdam—for which cash will be given at the rate of thirty seven cents per guilder. Enquire of the Cashier of the Bank of the United States. april 23.
LANDING, From on board the ship Elizabeth, captain Paillie, from Batavia.  And FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 400,000 wt. Java COFFEE 300 cimitars SUGAR, of a superior quality  A quantity of SAPAN WOOD JOHN MILLER, JUN. april 17.
THOMAS & JOSHUA FISHER, HAVE FOR SALE, At No. 5, Dock-street, near the Drawbridge, China ware, mankee dining sets, tea and coffee cups and saucers Nankeens, black satins and tessies Pungent cloths, choppah romals, and bandannoes China and English umbrellas. Together with a general assortment of European Goods—among which are Scots thread in boxes Gd. Sd. rod. rod. and 2nd. nails Shot—T. Crowley steel, Spanish brown and white lead English feathers 44 to 50 inches  Also, 112 barrels of kiln dried indian corn meal.  A commodious Store in Dock-street, No. 7, to be let, three stories high, suitable for any business. enquire of march 31.
SALT PETRE. One hundred kegs of refined Salt Petre, For Sale by the Subscribers. James C. & Samuel W. Fisher, No. 13, Arch Street. march 31.
JOSEPH RICARDO, OF this City, Merchant, has assigned his pro- perty for the benefit of his Creditors, to James C. Fisher, Samuel W. Fisher, and Thomas Wilson. All persons who have demands are re- quested to furnish their accounts without delay— and those indebted to make immediate payment to the Subscribers, acting Assignees. James C. & Samuel W. Fisher, No. 13, Arch Street. march 31.
Canal Lottery---No. II. WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Seven Dollars, at Wm. BLACKBURN's Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second-street— Tickets in the Schuylkill Bridge Lottery, at Ten Dollars, where check books are kept for register- ing and examining in these, the City of Washing- ton, No. II. and Patterson Lotteries, and informa- tion where tickets may be had in most of the Lotte- ries authorized by law in any of the States of the Union.  N. B. The business of a Broker, in buying and selling all kinds of Public Stock and Securities, discounting Bills and Notes of Hand, sale of Lands, Houses, &c. &c. will be attended to, by WM. BLACKBURN. November 11.
JUST RECEIVED. And for sale by W. Young, corner of Second and Chestnut-street, M. Carey 118. High-street T. Dobbin, 44 South Second-street, and the Bookellers generally.  (Price 5-8ths of a Dollar.) BEACON HILL, A Local Poem, historic and descriptive By a Lady of Boston.
ANALYSIS OF BOOK. Allusion to the surrounding Prospects—Invocation to the River and Sylvan Deities—to the Historic Muse—Fiction discarded—Dedication to Wash- ington—The Action opens at the Retreat of the Columbian from Bunker's Hill—General Howe —The Memory of his Brother—Death of War- ren—Perfidion of Fortune, and Fame— Washington at Mount Vernon—called to the chief Command—Formation of the Columbian Camp at Cambridge—Natural, moral, or poli- tical History of the several States—Their com- manding Officers—Siege of Boston—Its Suffer- ings—Negotiation for the safe Retreat of the British Army—Its Departure—Appointment of Congress—Declaration of Independence—Char- acter of the Columbian Soldiers—The Poet's prophetic Apostrophe to the Progress of Free- dom throughout the World, march 30.
To be Let, (And possession given on the 1st of May) A genteel three story brick House, 22 feet front, and 20 feet deep, with back buildings and stables, at present in the tenure of Major Jack- son. Enquire at 183 South Third street. april 2.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, (Price 25 Cents) Reflections on Monroe's View OF THE CONDUCT OF THE EXECUTIVE, As published in the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, Under the signature of SCIPIO, In which the Commercial Warfare of France is traced to the French Faction in this Country, as its Source, and the Motives of Opposition, &c.
The following Certificates of FUNDED DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES STANDING on the Books of the Treasury, were S forwarded for London by the ship William Penn, Captain Josiah, which has been captured, and the Certificates supposed to be lost, viz : 3164. 82. Deferred debt, in the name of Rev. Edward Giddy, of Thredren, in Cornwall, Great Britain, dated June 2, 1797. Certificate No. 10,072. 8021. 85. Six per Cent. Stock, in the name of Edward Horne, of Baysmount, Hants, Great Britain, dated May 30, 1797. No. 15,196. 3620. 50. Deferred Debt, in the name of Wil- iam Manning, of Ormsby, in the county of Nor- folk, in England, dated July 19, 1797. No. 10,199. 2083. 73. Three per Cent. Stock, in the name of Jannet Mathew, of Upper Seymour street, London, Widow, dated October 31, 1797. No. 11,820.  For the renewal of the above Certificates, ap- plication is intended to be made at the said office of the Treasury of the United States, and all per- sons concerned are desired to take notice.  ALSO—IN THE SAME VESSEL, Fifteen shares Stock of the Bank of the United States, in the name of William Manning of Ormsby, county of Norfolk, England, viz. Three Certificates for five shares each, dated January 1, 1799. No. 25982, 25983, 25984.  For the renewal of which application is meant to be made to the said Bank of the United States,— and all persons concerned therein are desired to take notice.  JN. VAUGHAN. Philadelphia, may 4.
The following Certificates of Shares IN the North American Land Company, standing on the Books of said Company in the name of Daniel Lifter, of Hackney, in the county of Mid- dlesex, England—viz. No. 2151, representing 13066 to 13105, ten shares—No. 2150—13066 to 13075, ten shares—No. 2149—13056 to 13065, ten shares—No. 2148—11590 to 11618, ten shares —No. 2147—11471 to 11480—Amounting to Forty Shares, were forwarded for London by the ship William Penn, which having been captured, said certificates are supposed to be lost; for the re- newal of which, application will be made to the Board of the said company.  Daniel Neal Lifter. may 1
ROSS & SIMSON, HAVE FOR SALE, 22 bales superior Madras blue Cloths Carolina Indigo, first quality A few bales Batias, Coffees, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON Bengal SUGAR, in bags and boxes Jamaica and } RUM Bengal } april 20.
LANDING, From on board the Ship SALLY, from Calcutta, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 1600 bags prime Sugar, 800 do. Ginger 30 bales low priced piece Goods. John Miller, Jun. march 3
TO BE SOLD, 40,939 acres of Land. IN Greene County, Commonwealth of Pennsylv- ania, on the waters of Elk and Wheeling Creeks and Ten Mile Run.  These Lands are fertile and well timbered, and abound in Coal; they were sold ten years ago for five shillings per acre; patented early in 1787, ex- cept 3200 acres, which were patented in 1792, ex- cept of them were surveyed in 1783. The tract is between the Ohio and Monongahela, very con- venient to water carriage, about 19 miles from the town of Washington, from 14 to 16 from the village of Greensburgh and Wheeling.  On payment of one fourth of the purchase money, a reasonable credit will be given for the residue. Enquire of the Printer. april 21.
TO BE SOLD, 26,780 acres of Land, IN the State of New York, between the northern bounds of Pennsylvania and the Susquehanna now, or late in the townships of Hamden and Warren and county of Warren.  These Lands, from their quality and situation, are a very desirable object for any man who means to invest his money to advantage.  On payment of one third of the purchase money, a reasonable credit will be given for the residue. Enquire of the Printer. april 21.
Salisbury Estate. THE Subscriber, proposing to contract his busi- ness, offers this Estate for sale, on moderate terms. On it are one Bath and three Air Furnaces, a complete Boring Machine, and a very good grist Mill, with two pair of stones, also a good Forge, all in perfect repair, and all the Water Works connected with these various branches. The Air Furnaces were lately built for the purpose of casting Cannon for this State. There are about two thousand acres of Land, one half of which is under wood, the other very fine arable Land, producing the best Hay and Fodder. The Cannon lately manufactured there, fully prove the excellency of the metal, which is superior to any in this country, and probably, equal to any in the world; for not one of forty-nine guns lately made, although some of the 24 were bored into 32 pounders, have failed on proving. The situation is very eligible; particularly for this branch of manufacture, and a place of arms lying in the state of Connecticut, and only 90 miles from several land- ings on the Hudson's river, and having every advan- tage that can result from a plenty of water issuing from a large natural pond, very near the Furnace, and which may be converted into a variety of other useful purposes. The purchaser can be accommod- ated with all the back and front, and have possession on or before the first of January next, and payment may be made in the meantime for going into Ballim- mediately thereafter, for every part will be delivered in good order, with some coal, Ore, &c. &c. For terms, apply to Mr. Joseph Anthony, in Philadel- phia; David Brooks, Esq. one of the Representatives in Congress for this State; Mr. David Waterman, on the premises, or to the proprietor in New-York. WILLIAM NELSON. Dec. 1.
For Sale, BY THE SUBSCRIBER, NO 10, CHESTNUT STREET, 14 Casks of Carolina Indigo, which will be sold on reasonable terms on a short credit. Robert Henderson. april 2.
Notice—Agreeably to charter, Is hereby given to the members of "the corporation for the relief of poor and distressed widows and children of Presbyterian ministers," that a meeting of said corporation is to be held on the 18th day of May next, at 4 o'clock P. M. in the Second Presbyterian church in the city of Philadelphia, for the dispatch of all such business as may then be brought before the board. ASHBEL GREEN, Secretary of the Corporation. April 7.