Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-11-04 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LIX.]
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LIX.
"In free countries, it is a branch of liberty, claimed by the middling and lowest classes of the people, to be as wicked and profligate as their superiors."
THE subject introduced in my last number has some remote connection with that, which is now brought into discussion. It has been remarked that economy, as a general virtue, has more utility in promoting the interest of individuals, than mere sagacity in acquiring property. But though this quality contributes to the prosperity of all men, it is more essentially requisite with persons in low circumstances, and who have small advantages for making them better.
It is not my intention to indulge undistinguishing censure against the extravagance or vices of the times; or to examine how far the luxury of individuals may be considered as a public benefit or injury. Perhaps no investigation can bring the matter to any definite point. Waving therefore the consideration of the influence of profligate, expensive manners upon the public prosperity, I will only shew that such excesses counteract the happiness and success of individuals.
It is very certain that no gratification can afford a pleasure, that will not be more than balanced by the pains of debt and embarrassment. Whether it is simply the love of pleasure, or an ambition to make a figure in polite life, that tempts people to live beyond their income, they are bad calculators of happiness, who thus involve themselves. A very considerable part of the wretchedness and disgrace, into which some families are plunged, is occasioned by their taking too high a tone in their expences. Had they pitched upon a style of living one grade lower, they would have gained more real satisfaction and respect, and would not so often lose their character and estate. There is a great proportion of the misery, that inflicts society, derived from this unfortunate source. This ardor to imitate superiors creates a general confusion and miscalculation; it seduces people into a habit of progressing too fast in their expences, and straining too hard upon their income.
Perhaps it will be urged that the community gain to o much advantage by the luxury of individuals to attempt any restraints upon it. Far am I from supposing that any legal interference, pointed directly to this object, will produce any reformation. It is more than probable that such a remedy will prove worse than the disorder itself. But I am not yet willing to believe that this evil is totally incurable. If attempts were made, in the education of children, to render a prudent mode of living reputable, and to instill into their minds an aversion to contract debts, there would be less temptation to spend faster than they earned. There is a peculiar relaxation in the present practice of educating children, with respect to their habits of expence. It is an evil, in some measure, rising out of the nature of a free government, and therefore it is of the more importance to guard against it, in the early periods of life.
In the United States, there are many causes to elevate the hopes of men, whether they are pursuing objects of avarice or ambition. The idea of assuming a more important stand in society is impressed on the minds of people, from their very infancy. They expect, at some future day, to move in a sphere higher than they do at present. The fascinating influence of such a hope draws some people into an anticipation of the property which they hereafter intend to acquire. By this means, many persons, in every grade of life, spend too profusely, and involve themselves in debt and perplexity. In short they have been left to believe that there is less disgrace in losing their punctuality, than in retrenching their expences. Nothing can effectually restrain these mischiefs but a more rigid attention to the habits and opinions of youth on the interesting points of economy and self-denial.
BOSTON, October 28, 1789.
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR, IT is with singular pleasure that we, the President and Fellows of Harvard University in Cambridge, embrace the opportunity, which your most acceptable visit to this part of the country gives us, of paying our respects to the First Magistrate of the United States.
It afforded us the highest satisfaction, to find this large and respectable Nation unanimous, in placing at the head of the new Government, the firm and disinterested Patriot—the illustrious and intrepid Soldier, who, during her struggles in the cause of liberty, braving every difficulty and danger in the field, under the smiles of a kind Providence, led her armies to victory and triumph, and finally established her freedom and independence. Nor were we less gratified, when we found, that the person whose military skill and exertions had been so happily succeeded, actuated by the same spirit of patriotism, did not decline the arduous and toilsome office, but listening to the
voice of his country, left the tranquil scenes of private life, to secure those national blessings, we were in the utmost danger of losing. We were fully persuaded, that the man, who during so great a length of time, and in the most trying circumstances, had been accepted by the multitude of his brethren, would, in this new station, enjoy their entire confidence, and ensure their highest esteem: Nor have we been disappointed.
Permit us, Sir, to congratulate you on the happy establishment of the government of the Union, on the patriotism and wisdom, which have marked its public transactions, and the very general approbation, which the people have given to its measures.
At the same time, Sir, being fully sensible, that you are strongly impressed with the necessity of religion, virtue and solid learning, for supporting freedom and good government, and fixing the happiness of the People upon a firm and permanent basis, we beg leave to recommend to your favorable notice, the University entrusted to our care, which was early founded for promoting these important ends.
When you took the command of the troops of your country, you saw the University in a state of depression—its members dispersed—its literary treasures removed—and the Muses fled from the din of arms, then heard within its walls. Happily restored, in the course of a few months, by your glorious successes, to its former privileges, and to a state of tranquility, it received its returning members, and our youth have since pursued, without interruption, their literary courses, and fitted themselves for usefulness in Church and State. The public rooms, which you formerly saw empty, are now replenished with the necessary means of improving the human mind in literature and science, and every thing within the walls wears the aspect of peace, so necessary to the cultivation of the liberal arts.
While we exert ourselves in our corporate capacity, to promote the great objects of this institution, we rest assured of your protection and patronage.
We with you, Sir, the aid and support of Heaven, while you are discharging the duties of your most important station. May your success, in promoting the best interests of the nation, be equal to your highest wishes! And after you shall have long rejoiced in the prosperity and glory of your country, may you receive the approbation of Him, who ruleth among the Nations!
JOSEPH WILLARD, President of the University. October 27, 1789.
To the PRESIDENT and FELLOWS of HARVARD UNIVERSITY in Cambridge.
GENTLEMEN, REQUESTING you to accept my sincere thanks for the Address with which you have thought proper to honor me, I intreat you to be persuaded of the respectful and affectionate consideration with which I receive it.
Elected by the suffrages of a too partial country to the eminent and arduous situation, which I now hold, it is peculiarly flattering to find an approbation of my conduct in the judgment of men, whose reverend characters must sanction the opinions they are pleased to express.
Unacquainted with the expression of sentiments which I do not feel, you will do me justice by believing confidently in my disposition to promote the interest of science and true religion.
It gives me sincere satisfaction to learn the flourishing state of your literary republic—assured of its efficiency in the past events of our political system, and of its further influence on those means which make the best support of good government, I rejoice that a direction of its measures is lodged with men, whose approved knowledge, integrity and patriotism, give an unquestionable assurance of their success.
That the Muses may long enjoy a tranquil residence within the walls of your University; and that you, Gentlemen, may be happy in contemplating the progress of improvement through the various branches of your important departments, are among the most pleasing of my wishes and expectations. GEORGE WASHINGTON. Boston, October 27, 1789.
The ADDRESS of the INHABITANTS of the TOWN of BOSTON, to THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
SIR, WE beg leave to express our happiness in the honor you confer upon us by your visit to this capital.
We are happy in the opportunity of again making our personal acknowledgments to a character, to which, on every principle, we are so deeply indebted.
Every motive of esteem, duty and affection have conspired to form in our minds the strongest attachment that the freest people can feel to the most deserving citizen.
As men, we have long since considered you, under God, as the great and glorious Avenger of
the violated rights of humanity—As citizens we have observed with peculiar satisfaction, that you have invariably respected those liberties, which you have so successfully defended: And as inhabitants of a great commercial town, we attribute the security we enjoy, to the singular merit and success of those measures, in the progress of the war, which you had the honor to conduct.
It cannot but afford you the highest pleasure, when you compare our present situation with the signal distresses to which we were exposed during the period in which this town was in the possession of an exasperated enemy. Indignant at the multiplied restraints of hostile domination, we sought an asylum among our friends and connections in the country, and cheerfully abandoned our property and possessions in the common cause of America—that we were so soon happily reinstated, may be justly imputed to the wisdom of those arrangements which compelled our invaders in their retreat, to adopt a less destructive policy than that, which on other occasions, they so wantonly practised.
In every trying vicissitude we have remarked the conspicuous and unaffected piety of your heart, and the wisdom and moderation of your counsels.
We have seen you relinquish the ease and independence of private fortune to lead in the untried dangers of a war, at the risque of your life and reputation. With pleasure we have viewed you retiring in victory, and exhibiting a new example of patriotic virtue to an admiring world; and we now feel a still higher satisfaction at your having once more sacrificed the sweets of domestic retirement in obedience to the united voice of your countrymen.
These, Sir, are the sentiments and reflections which naturally occur on an attentive consideration of your past conduct. To the future we look for those virtues which adorn the man, and mark the wise and accomplished Legislator. We anticipate from your discernment the happy union of liberty and law, lenity and vigor, mercy and justice: The enlightened policy of a mind calm amidst the influence of power, and uncorrupted by the fascinating allurements of avarice or ambition.
With these impressions the preservation of your life through the varied scenes in which you have been engaged, demands our grateful acknowledgements to the beneficent disposer of human events.
It is one of the first wishes of our hearts, that you may be as happy in your present elevated station, as you have been distinguished in your military character, and it is our fervent prayer to the Almighty Ruler of the universe, that the invisible hand which led the citizens of America through the dangers and calamities of war, may still guard and protect you as an ornament to human nature, and a blessing to your country.
To the INHABITANTS of the Town of BOSTON.
GENTLEMEN, THE obligations which your goodness has imposed upon me, demand my grateful, and receive my sincere acknowledgments. Your esteem does me honor, and your affection communicates the truest pleasure—by endeavoring to deserve, I will indulge the hope of retaining them.
Over rating my services, you have ascribed consequences to them, in which it would be injustice to deny a participation to the virtue and firmness of my fellow citizens of this respectable town, and Commonwealth.
If the exercise of my military commission has contributed to vindicate the rights of humanity, and to secure the freedom and happiness of my country, the purpose for which it was assumed has been completed, and I am amply rewarded.—If in the prosecution of my civil duties, I shall be so fortunate as to meet the wishes of my fellow citizens, and to promote the advantages of our common interests, I shall not regret the sacrifice, which you are pleased to mention in terms so obliging.
The numerous sensations of heartfelt satisfaction, which a review of past scenes affords to my mind, in a comparison with the present happy hour, are far beyond my powers of utterance to express.
I rejoice with you, my fellow citizens, in every circumstance that declares your prosperity—and I do so, most cordially, because you have well deserved to be happy.
Your love of liberty—your respect for the laws—your habits of industry—and your practice of the moral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims to national and individual happiness—and they will, I trust, be firmly and lastingly established.
Your wishes for my personal felicity impress a deep and affectionate gratitude—and your prayer to the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, in my behalf, calls forth my fervent supplication, to that gracious and beneficent Being, for every blessing on your temporal pursuits, and for the perfection of your happiness hereafter.
G. WASHINGTON. Boston, October 27, 1789.

THE TOUR.
WORCESTER, (Massachusetts) Oct. 29.
NO EVENT, since the peace, hath given more general satisfaction to the inhabitants of the States of Connecticut, Massachusetts, and N. Hampshire, than the Visit proposed by THE PRESIDENT of the United States:—We may truly say that the people delight to honor him.—In every place thro which he hath passed, people of all ranks, ages and sexes have testified their joy on having an opportunity to behold the political Saviour of their country:—Neither time nor room will permit us to give the particulars of the respect paid to him in the several places thro which he passed.
Information being received on Thursday evening that THE PRESIDENT would be in town the next morning, a number of respectable citizens, about forty, paraded before sunrise, on horseback, and went as far as Leicester line to welcome him, and escorted him into town.—The Worcester Company of Artillery, commanded by Maj. Treadwell, were already assembled—on notice being given of his approach, five cannon were fired, for the five New-England States—three for the three in the Union—one for Vermont, which will speedily be admitted—and one as a call to Rhode-Island to be ready before it be too late. When the President arrived in sight of the meeting-house, eleven cannon were fired—he viewed with attention the artillery company as he passed—and expressed to the inhabitants his sense of the honor done him.—He stopped at the United States Arms, and breakfasted, and then proceeded on his journey.—To gratify the inhabitants he politely passed through town on horseback, dressed in a brown suit—and pleasure glowed in every countenance.—Eleven cannon were again fired.—The gentlemen of the town escorted him a few miles, and then took their leave.
At the line in Marlborough he was met by Capt. Rice's company of horse, well mounted, and in complete uniform—they escorted him to Capt. Williams' tavern, where he was met by the Marshal of this district, and where he dined—and from thence to Capt. Flagg's in Weston, where he lodged, and breakfasted—when Capt. Fuller's company of horse met him, and escorted him to Cambridge.—He was saluted by the Watertown artillery as he passed. He stopped about an hour at the seat he formerly occupied, when Commander in Chief of the American army. General Brooks had mustered and paraded on Cambridge Common about 1000 of the neighboring militia, all in complete uniform and equipment.—They saluted the President, who was on horseback, as he passed them. His Excellency the Governor's health would not permit him to go abroad—and he was consequently deprived of partaking in the pleasure of the day.—His Honor the Lieutenant governor, the Hon. Council, Gov. Bowdoin, &c. from Boston, escorted by Col. Tyler's corps of horse, met him at Cambridge. The Lieutenant governor, Council, &c. &c. accompanied by the Marshal and High Sheriff, with a party of horse, escorted him to Boston.
BOSTON, October 28.
WHEN an occasion presents itself, in which the people of the United States can testify to distinguished merit, their respect and esteem—they have never been known to let it pass unimproved.—What then were to be expected from them, when an opportunity offered of personally paying these tributes to a Man, in whose character, whatever is Great and Good—whatever dignifies and adorns human nature, are so happily united? All that a grateful People could pay. And all this has been paid.
In every part of the country thro which our beloved President has passed, the roads have been lined with citizens, to hail him welcome—and the military have escorted him from place to place.—Particularly to relate these grateful testimonials is impossible from their number.
His Excellency the Governor, on the first information of the intention of The President, issued his orders for paying every military honor to the illustrious visitor—gave him a cordial invitation to His Excellency's house—and requested his Honor the Lieutenant governor and the Council to meet him at Cambridge—and accompany him into the capital.
Not less grateful than their fellow countrymen are the citizens of the town of Boston. As soon as a confirmation of THE PRESIDENT's intention was received, a Committee was immediately appointed to draft an Address to be presented to him, in behalf of the town, by the Selectmen—and a considerable number of citizens convened together for the purpose, appointed a Committee of fourteen, to recommend such arrangements for the reception of so illustrious a character, as should be practicable.—This Committee having met, recommended the arrangements which took place—which were approved of in town-meeting, and made the act of the town by the re-appointment of the Committee, to which the Selectmen and another gentleman were joined.
These arrangements being completed—and information having been received, that THE PRES-
SIDENT would enter the town on Saturday, at noon, at 10 o'clock the inhabitants assembled and formed their PROCESSION in the mall—from whence, preceded by the Band of His Most Christian Majesty's squadron—they proceeded to the Fortification—where His Excellency the Governor had previously ordered the several military corps of this metropolis to parade.—On the arrival of the head of the Procession at the entrance of the town, the whole were ordered to halt—to open ranks, and face inwards—which being done, an avenue was formed, which reached from the neck to the State-House, for THE PRESIDENT, &c. to pass thro. At 10 o'clock, The President's approach was announced by federal discharges from Capt. WARNER's artillery at Roxbury—from the Dorchester artillery posted on the celebrated heights of that town—from Capt. JOHNSON's artillery at the entrance of this town—and from Castle William—by a royal salute from the ships of His Most Christian Majesty's squadron,—and by the ringing of all the bells.
After the Selectmen had waited on The President—expressed to him the pleasure the citizens enjoyed on his arrival, and gave a hearty welcome,
THE PROCESSION
Into town was in the following order.
MILITARY.
Commanded by Col. BRADFORD— Independent Light-Infantry—under Major OTIS. Independent Fusiliers—under Capt. Lieut.
LAUGHTON.
Capt. JOHNSON's Artillery. Independent Cadets; under Major SCOLLAY. Music.
THE CIVIL.
SELECT-MEN, and TOWN-CLERK, Deputy Sheriffs, Sheriffs of Suffolk and Middlesex, on horseback.
The COUNCIL, and The LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, in carriages, The Marshal of Massachusetts district.
THE PRESIDENT,
In his military uniform, On an elegant white Horse, attended by Major JACKSON, and Mr. LEAR, his Secretaries.
THE VICE PRESIDENT.
The Hon. Mr. BOWDOIN, and others in two carriages. Committee of Arrangements. Commissary-General, and Treasurer of the State.
Representatives. Overseers of the Poor. Town-Treasurer. Magistrates of the town. Consul of Holland.
Rev. Clergy of this, and other towns. Lawyers and Physicians.
MERCHANTS AND TRADERS.
Preceded by JOHN COFFIN JONES Esq., carrying a flag*. The Device, A quay, with a ship coming in, and another loading. Motto, Generous Commerce binds the Nations by a golden chain.
MARINE SOCIETY.
Preceded by Capt. DUNN, with a flag. The device, A ship passing the Light-House, and a boat going to her. Masters of Vessels. Revenue Officers.
Officers of the late American Army, preceded by Dr. EUSTIS, A Flog with the Union Cockade. Strangers.
Artizans, Tradesmen and Manufacturers, alphabetically arranged.
BAKERS.
Preceded by Mr. John Jenkins, with a flag. Device, Three Wheat Sheaves.
BLACKSMITHS.
Preceded by Mr. Clough, with a flag. Device, The Blacksmith's Arms.
BLOCKMAKERS.
Preceded by Mr. Skillings. Device on the flag, A Lignumvitae tree, with Blocks, Pumplogs and Sheaves.
BOAT-BUILDERS.
Preceded by Mr. T. Hickborn. Device on the flag, A Boat.
CABINET AND CHAIR-MAKERS.
Preceded by Mr. George Bright. Device on the flag, A cabinet and Chairs.
CARD-MAKERS.
Preceded by Mr. Giles Richards. Device on the flag, Seven links, held by seven hands, representing the Company of Card-Makers, with a pair of Cards in the centre. Motto, United to extend the Manufactures of our Country.
CARVERS.
Preceded by Mr. Skillings. Device on their flag, A tree, and a Carver at work. Motto, The Arts flourish under Liberty.
CHAISE AND COACH-MAKERS.
Preceded by Mr. Thomas Bumstead. Device on the flag, The Coachmakers' Arms.
CLOCK AND WATCH-MAKERS.
Preceded by Mr. Peck. Device on the flag, Truth sitting in a cloud, pointing to the sun; and Time underneath pointing to a time-piece shewing the apparent and true time. Motto, TEMPUS RERUM IMPERATOR, Time governeth all things.
COOPERS.
Preceded by Capt. Job Wheelwright. Device on the flag, The Cooper's Arms.
COPPER-SMITHS BRAZIERS, &c.
Preceded by Mr. William Caldwell. Device on the flag, A circle of eleven bells, with blacklead pots, a fill, &c. Motto, Uniform.
CORDWAINERS, &c.
Preceded by Mr. Samuel Bangs. Device on the flag, The Cordwainer's Arms. Motto, Crispin Crispianus.
DISTILLERS.
Preceded by Mr. Thomas Hill. Device on the flag, A Still, with the Distiller's Arms. Motto, Drop as rain, distill as dew.
DUCK-MANUFACTURERS.
Preceded by Mr. Alker. Device on the flag, A Loom, with a man weaving. Motto, Boston Sail-Cloth Manufacturers. The workmen carrying flax, &c. and a specimen of the cloth.
GLAZIERS AND PLUMBERS.
Preceded by Mr. Caleb Champney. Device on the flag, The Glazier's Arms.
* All the flags in Procession, agreeably to the recommendation of the Committee of Arrangements, were of white silk, of a yard square, with flaves seven feet long, and all very handsomely painted. The artizans' flags were numbered from one to 50.
GOLDSMITHS AND JEWELLERS.
Preceded by Mr. Benjamin Burt. Device on the flag, The Goldsmiths Arms.
HAIR-DRESSERS,
Preceded by Mr. Jonathan Farnham. Device on the flag, A Wig, Razor and Comb. Motto, By Fashions we live.
HATTERS,
Preceded by Capt. Nathaniel Balch. Device on the flag, An Arm supporting a Hat.
HOUSE-CARPENTERS.
Preceded by Mr. William Crafts. Device on the flag, The Carpenter's Arms. Motto, Honor God.
LEATHER-DRESSERS,
Preceded by Mr. Adam Colson. Device on the flag, A Buck and a Glove.
LEMON-DEALERS,
Preceded by Mr. James Wheeling. Device on the flag, Three Lemons with an Orange in the centre, and a Pine-Apple at the top; an Orange and Lime-Tree forming the shield. Motto, Success to Trade.
LIMNERS AND PAINTERS,
Preceded by Col. Major. Device on the flag, The Painters Arms.
MASONS,
Preceded by Major Bell. Device on the flag, The Mason's Arms.
MAST-MAKERS,
Preceded by Mr. Samuel Harris. Device on the flag, A Bousprit, Top and Cap.
MATHEMATICAL INSTRUMENT-MAKERS.
Preceded by Mr. William Hager. Device on the flag, A Quadrant and a compass card. Motto, The Artist's Pride, and Seaman's Guide.
PAPER STAINERS,
Preceded by Mr. Joseph Hovey. Device on the flag, The Paper Stainers Arms. Motto, May the fair daughters of Columbia deck themselves and their walls with our own manufactures.
PEWTERERS,
Preceded by Mr. Thomas Green. Device, The Pewterer's Arms.
PRINTERS AND BOOKBINDERS,
Preceded by Mr. Benjamin Edes. Device on the flag, A Printing Press on one side. Motto, The Art which preserves all arts. Reverse, The Stationers Arms.
RIGGERS,
Preceded by Mr. Wyer. Device on the flag, A ship with her foremast.
ROPE-MAKERS.
Preceded by Mr. William M'Neil. Device on the flag, Queen Catherine, Patroness of Rope-makers, with hemp round her waist; a spinning wheel, with eleven spinners pointing to it, and a coil of cable. Motto, Success to American manufactures.
SADDLERS,
Preceded by Mr. Zachariah Hicks. Device on the flag, Three Pack-Saddles.
SAIL-MAKERS.
Preceded by Capt. Samuel Barret. Device on the flag, A Bench, Tarring of Twine, and Roping a Sail.
SHIPJOINERS,
Preceded by Capt. John Ballard. Device on the flag, The Shipjoiner's Arms.
SHIPWRIGHTS, &c.
Preceded by Deacon Gibbon Sharp. Device on the flag, The Hull of a Ship, and thirteen Stars on a cross.
SUGAR-BOILERS,
Preceded by Mr. Samuel Snelling. Device on the flag, The Sugar-boiler's Arms.
TALLOW-CHANDLERS, &c.
Preceded by Mr. William Frothingham. Device on the flag, Three Doves with Olive Branches in their mouths, and two wax candles. Motto, As shines THE PRESIDENT, So let your lights shine.
TANNERS AND CURRIERS.
Preceded by Mr. Samuel Bais. Device on the flag, The Tanners' Arms.
TAYLORS,
Preceded by Mr. Ballard. Device on the flag, The Taylor's Arms.
TIN-PLATE WORKERS.
Preceded by Mr. Houe. Device on the flag, The Tinman's Arms.
TOBACCONISTS.
Preceded by Mr. M'Kean. Device on the flag, A Hand supporting a Hand of Tobacco, a Roll and a Paper of Tobacco.
TRUCKMEN,
Preceded by Mr. Jeremiah Gore. Device on the flag, Two hogs with a Truck loaded, and a man driving.
WHARFINGERS,
Preceded by Mr. Thomas Moore. Device on the flag, A cart loaded with wood, drawn by three horses. Motto, Wood Wharfingers.
WHEELWRIGHTS,
Preceded by Mr. Jennings. Device on the flag, The Wheelwright's Arms.
SEAMEN,
Under the orders of Captains Job Prince and Allen Hallet, carrying a blue Ensign.
SCHOLARS,
Of the several Schools, under the care of their respective Masters each with a quill.
On the arrival of the front of the Procession at the Old Brick Meeting, the whole halted—and the Military, the Selectmen and Council conducted THE PRESIDENT through the Triumphal Arch erected across the Main-Street, to the Senate Chamber, by the East door of the State House, from whence The President passed through the Representatives' Chamber to
THE COLONNADE (a)
erected for the occasion in the West end of the State-House, composed of six large columns, fifteen feet high, and a ballustrade hung, in front with Persian carpets, on which were wrought thirteen roses. The circle of the colonnade measured forty-four feet, and projected boldly into the Main-Street, so as to exhibit, in a strong light, "THE MAN OF THE PEOPLE." The central West window of the State House was the door through which The President passed to the ballustrade descending from a platform four easy steps to the floor of the gallery, which was furnished with armed chairs, and spread with rich carpets. On this platform was a pedestal, covered with green, supporting the figure of PLENTY, with her Cornucopia and other emblems. On his entrance into this Colonnade, in the midst of admiring thousands, instantly the welkin rang with loud huzzas!—silence ensued—The President grace-
(a) Designed by Hon. Mr. DAWES.

fully bowed to all around—and the select choir of singers, with Mr. REA at their head, immediately sang an ODE*, in
THE TRIUMPHAL ARCH (b) which was adjacent to the Colonnade. This arch is 18 feet high, composed of a center arch 14 feet wide, and one on each side, of 7 feet, with an Ionick pilaster, and proper imports between them. The frieze exhibits 13 stars on a blue ground, and a handsome white dentule cornice is carried to the height of the platform; above is painted a ballustrade of interlaced work, in the center of which is an oval tablet, with the following inscriptions:—On one side, “TO THE MAN WHO UNITES ALL HEARTS”—and on the other,—“TO COLUMBIA’S FAVORITE SON.” At the end adjoining the State-House, is a pannel decorated with a TROPHY, composed of the arms of the United States, of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and our French Allies, crowned with a laurel wreath—over these an inscription, BOSTON RELIEVED MARCH 17, 1776”—as a proof of a grateful remembrance of the services rendered this town by the illustrious President in his military character. Over the center arch, a rich canopy of 20 feet in height was erected, with the American Eagle perched above—the whole forming a spectacle, which, while it captivated the eye of the beholder, added much to the testimonials of the respect of the day.
His Excellency the Vice President, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, Governor Bowdoin, the Council, The President’s Secretaries, the Marshal of Massachusetts District, the High Sheriff of the county of Suffolk, &c. were in the gallery, with The President.
After the Ode was sung, the Procession passed The President, and proceeded into Court Street, where the whole were dismissed.
The military companies then escorted The President to his residence in Court Street, after which they returned into State Street, gave three vollies—and were dismissed.
The number of people collected to see their beloved President, it is almost impossible to compute—The streets were crowded—
You would have thought the very windows mov’d To see him as he pass’d, so many young and old, Thro cemented darts their desiring eyes.
But from the precautions taken, and more from the occasion of their meeting, no one accident happened to mar the pleasure enjoyed on the auspicious day.
ILLUMINATIONS
And fireworks were exhibited in several parts of the town—In State-Street, the Bunch-of-Grapes—the Eastern Coffee-House, HAYT’s and JONES’s Room, &c. made a handsome appearance—and several fire works were set off from the Castle, and from the French ships, which were very beautifully illuminated.
(b) Designed by Mr. C. BULFINCH.
ODE, TO COLUMBIA’S FAVORITE SON.
* Sung on the arrival of The President at the State House.
GREAT WASHINGTON the Hero’s come, Each heart exulting hears the sound, Thousands to their Deliverer throng, And shout him welcome all around! Now in full Chorus join the song, And shout aloud great WASHINGTON.
There view Columbia’s favorite Son, Her Father, Saviour, Friend and Guide! There see th’ immortal Washington! His Country’s Glory, Boast and Pride! Now in full Chorus, &c.
When the impending storm of war, Thick clouds and darkness hid our way, Great WASHINGTON our Polar Star, Arose; and all was light as day! Now in full Chorus, &c.
’Twas on yon plains thy valor rose, And ran like fire from man to man; ’Twas here thou humbled Paria’s foes, And chac’d whole legions to the main! Now in full Chorus, &c.
Thro’ countless dangers, toils, and cares, Our Hero led us safely on: With matchless skill directs the wars, Till Vict’ry cries—the day’s his own! Now in full Chorus, &c.
His country sav’d, the contest o’er, Sweet peace restor’d his toils to crown, The Warrior to his native shore Returns, and tills his fertile ground. Now in full Chorus, &c.
But soon Columbia call’d him forth Again to save her sinking fame, To take the Helm, and by his worth, To make her an immortal name! Now in full Chorus, &c.
Nor yet alone through Paria’s shores, Her fame her mighty trumpet blown; E’en Europe, Afric, Asia, hears, And emulates the deeds she’s done! Now in full Chorus, &c.
[The following Ode was to have been the first Performance, in the Concert of Sacred Music, at the Stone Chapel in Boston.]
ODE, To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, on his arrival at BOSTON.
RECITATIVE.
BEHOLD the man! whom virtues raise The highest in the patriot throng! To him the muse her homage pays, And tunes the gratulatory song.
Illustrious Visitant! design’d By Heaven’s invincible decree, T’ enoble and exalt the mind, And teach a Nation to be free. Welcome, thrice welcome to the spot, Where once thy conq’ring banners wav’d, O never be thy praise forgot, By those thy matchless valour sav’d, Thy glory beams in Eastern skies, See! Europe shares the faced flame— And hosts of patriot heroes rise, To emulate thy glorious name. Labor awhile suspends his toil, His debt of gratitude to pay; And friendship wears a brighter smile; And Music breathes a sweeter lay. May health and joy a wreath entwne, And guard thee thro’ this scene of strife; Till seraphs shall to thee assign, A wreath of everlasting life.
BOSTON, October 28.
Yesterday his Excellency the Governor and Council gave a sumptuous and elegant dinner, at Faneuil-Hall, to The PRESIDENT of the United States—At which were also present, the Vice-President, the Lt. Governor, Council, Hon. Mr. Bowdoin, Judge of the Supreme Court, Officers of his Most Christian Majesty’s Squadron, Foreign Consuls, President of Harvard-College, the Clergy of this town, Civil and Military Officers, and Gentlemen of distinction, to the number of 150. On this occasion the Hall was beautifully ornamented with the several flags, &c. displayed in the late Procession, amounting to 48. We lament that the want of room will not permit us to go into particulars.
Owing to severe indisposition, His Excellency the Governor could not attend the public dinner yesterday.
Yesterday THE PRESIDENT honoured the Stone-Chapel with his presence to hear the Concert of Sacred Music; but on account of the indisposition of several of the first performers, the Music was postponed until Wednesday next. Several pieces were however given, which merited and received applause.
On the arrival of THE PRESIDENT of the United States on Saturday last, the Right Hon. Viscount DE PONTEVES GIEN, and the other officers of his Most Christian Majesty’s Squadron, conducted by the Hon. Consul of France, paid their respects to that illustrious character at his residence in Court-Street.
On Sunday last His Excellency the Governor visited The President, at his residence in Court-Street—which The President returned on Monday.
NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER 4.
Extract of a letter from Boston, October 27.
I am sorry to differ in sentiment with you, respecting the mode we adopted to shew our respects to our illustrious visitant.—It was impressed on every mind that the crowd would be immense—that some plan of order would be absolutely necessary to prevent confusion and accidents—and that as many persons as possible might be accommodated—these considerations, with the recollection of our sensations on the ratification of the Constitution, which produced a Procession, as the liveliest demonstration of the public felicity on that event—but above all, the circumstance of The PRESIDENT’s never having seen an exhibition of the kind, led to the determination.—The effect has been answerable to our wishes:—The multitudes of inhabitants—and people from the country, which thronged the Street, from Roxbury to the State House, nearly three miles, were beyond any collection ever before seen in this quarter:—The papers will give you an idea of the Procession—but the innumerable incidents which transpired, indicative of the curiosity, respect and veneration of the admiring thousands, no pen can do justice to.—Conceive of the feelings of a man suddenly placed in a situation which for a series of years he had ardently wished to realize, as the summit of his expectations, and you will form some faint idea of the sensations of the great Body of our citizens on this occasion, who at first gave no credit to the report that this visit was intended—considering the news too good to be true:—Believe me, Sir, it was a joyful day with us—every heart was affected—and pleasure sat on every countenance—The ladies in a particular manner, were peculiarly gratified—Ranged in every possible situation from whence they could catch a glance of their deliverer, and protector—every eye beamed complacency and delight. No accident happened—the arrangements were judicious, and those appointed to superintend them executed their parts with judgement and propriety. But,
Not crowds admiring, as he mov’d along, The arch triumphal, or the choral song; Nor grand Processions, in whose ensigns wave The highest honours of the free, and brave; Nor all that patriot zeal and genius fir’d, Could fully speak what gratitude inspir’d.
“Shall we say that public spirit has no existence but in the imaginations of moralists and philosophers? far be it—public spirit is VIRTUE in politics, which, tho’ it may be counterfeited,
and pretensions may be made to it by those who are really destitute of it, is yet an active, living principle, bringing forth the most noble fruits.” It is undoubtedly a fact that those who are destitute of PRINCIPLE in politics, are devoid of every moral sentiment.—Hence a MEER politician, who shapes his conduct according to his prospects, and shifts with every wind that blows—who squares his pursuits with those circumstances that may best promote his ambition or avarice, without a supreme regard to the public good, is one of the most detestable animals that prey upon society.
To encourage our dependence on Divine Providence, we are assured by the pen of inspiration, that “while the earth remains, seed-time and harvest, day and night, winter and summer shall not cease,” and to animate our hopes that the blessings of freedom shall be ours, and descend to our posterity, let us reflect on the present spirit of enlightened patriotism that animates the citizens of these States. Behold them coalescing under a wise, a just, and liberal form of Government—A system, which while they contemplate its perfections (as a skilful artist does the happy result of his labors) gratitude expands their bosom to the fountain of all wisdom, who hath inspired them to shelter the ark of their liberties beneath its protecting wings.
Behold their demonstrations of attachment and veneration to the illustrious personages whom their free suffrages have placed at the head of the confederated republic—a circumstance highly evincive of their affection to their public, and personal characters—and of those principles on which the union of the States, and the prosperity of the government are suspended.
Behold the harmony, peace and plenty, with which heaven has blessed our country—the extension of our agriculture, arts, and commerce—the encrease of our schools, and seminaries of learning—diffusing the beams of knowledge far and wide—cementing and brightening our union and prospects, and raising the human mind to degrees of improvement and refinement hitherto unknown.
Behold, under the auspices of good government, extensive plans of Manufactures are formed, and the American genius, in discoveries and inventions bursting upon the world with a lustre that astonishes mankind—while our men of wealth, relieved by the Constitution, from the dread of paper-money, and tender-laws, are dilating their purse strings, throwing their long dormant specie into circulation—extending their commercial enterprizes to every clime, where men are found, or where ships can sail.—Thus, while commerce enlarges the demand for exports, our resources are brought forward—the arm of industry is nerved—the hopes of the farmer and the artizan are animated—and our capacity to annihilate our public debts, is made abundantly apparent—These, among a thousand other ideas, rush upon the mind in contemplating our situation—and so long as “our eyes are upon the faithful of the land,” in electing our civil rulers—so long as we are just to ourselves, and suitably prize the Constitution which is the pledge of every blessing—while the earth remains—“PEACE, LIBERTY and SAFETY” shall be our rich inheritance.
EXTRACTS.
Why does the name of exile grate the ear, and weigh down the heart? why is it dreaded more than death? It is not the allurements of inanimate nature, the excellence of the climate, the richness of the soil, nor the verdure of the fields, which chain down happiness to a narrow spot of earth.—FRIENDS are the ornament, the riches, the attraction of our native land—with them, the wilderness, and the solitary place is made glad; and the desert shall rejoice and blossom as the rose.
Were the laws less severe with respect to debtors; were people less afraid of a jail on failure of payment; there would be less credit, and, consequently less dealing in these commercial states—but if credit were less, would not extravagance lessen also? Should we see such sumptuous tables among people whose circumstances do not warrant them? would such quantities of costly wines be drank; or spirits intoxicate so many persons? Should we see such gorgeous apparel on our belles and beaus, if neither merchant, grocer, mercer, nor taylor would trust?
ANECDOOTE.
The casuists might amuse themselves with settling whether the following action be ranged under the banner of justice or inhumanity. The Editor had a friend, who studied at a celebrated university, and having a strong predilection for anatomy, took great pleasure in attending on dissections. One evening he, with many others, were anxiously attending the commencement of that operation, on the body of a notorious malefactor, who lay stretched out on the table before them: the surgeon, who had been placing it in a proper position, turning to the company, addressed them thus: “I am pretty certain, gentlemen, from the warmth of the subject; and the flexibility of the limbs, that by a proper degree of attention and care, the vital heat would return, and life in consequence take place. But then, when it is considered what a rascal we should again have among us; that he was executed for having murdered a girl who was with child by him, and that were he to be restored to life, he would probably murder somebody else: when these things are coolly considered, I own it is my opinion, that we had better proceed with the dissection.” With these words he plunged the knife into the breast of the carcase, and precluded at once all dread of future assassination or hopes of repentance.
DIED]—On Sunday morning, THOMAS GERRY, the only Son of The Hon. Elbridge Gerry, Esq.

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
(CONTINUED.)
THE people have less means and opportunities for luxury than those pompous standing powers, whether in the hands of one or many. But if the sovereignty were exercised wholly by one popular assembly, they would then have the means and opportunities in their hands as much as the king has in a monarchy, or the senate in an aristocracy or oligarchy; and much more than either the kings or nobles have in the tripartite composition we contend for; because in this the king and nobles have really no means or opportunities of luxury but what are freely given them by the people, whose representatives hold the purse. Accordingly, in the simple democracy, or representative democracy, which our author contends for, it would be found, that the great leaders in the assembly would soon be as luxurious as ever kings or hereditary nobles were, and they would make partisans by admitting associates in a luxury, which they would support at the expence of the minority; and every particle of the executive power would be prostituted, new lucrative officers daily created, and larger appointments annexed to support it: nay, the power of judging would be prostituted to determine causes in favour of friends and against enemies, and the plunder devoted to the luxury. The people would be found as much inclined to vice and vanity as kings or grandees, and would run on to still greater excesses and riot: for kings and nobles are always restrained, in some degree, by fear of the people, and their censures; whereas the people themselves, in the case we put, are not restrained by fear or shame, having all honour and applause at their disposal, as well as force. It does not appear, then, that they are less luxurious; on the contrary they are more luxurious, and necessarily become so, in a simple democracy.
Our author triumphantly concludes, "it is clear the people, that is, their successive representatives" (all authority in one centre, and that centre the nation) "must be the best governors, because the current of succession keeps them the less corrupt and presumptuous." He must have forgot that these successive representatives have all the executive power, and will use it at once for the express purpose of corruption among their constituents, to obtain votes at the next election. Every commission will be given, and new offices created, and fresh fees, salaries, perquisites, and emoluments added, on purpose to corrupt more voters. He must have forgot that the judicial power is in the hands of these representatives, by his own suppositions, and that false accusations of crimes will be sustained to ruin enemies, disputes in civil causes will be decided in favour of friends; in short, the whole criminal law, and the whole civil law concerning lands, houses, goods, and money, will be made subservient to the covetousness, pride, ambition, and ostentation of the dominant party and their chiefs. "The current of succession," instead of keeping them "less corrupt and presumptuous," is the very thing that annually makes them more corrupt and shameless. Instead of being more "free from luxurious courses," they are more irresistibly drawn into them; instead of being "free from oppressive and injurious practices," their parties at elections will force them into them: and all these things they must do to hold up the port and splendor of their tyranny; and if any of them hesitates at any imprudence that his party demands, he alone will be rejected, and another found whose conscience and whose shame are sufficiently subdued. (To be continued.)
MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER VIII.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 16, 1780.
SIR,
The eighth enquiry is, "WHAT ENGLAND PROPERLY OUGHT TO DO, TO FORCE AMERICA TO SUBMISSION, AND PRESERVE HER IN IT? HOW MUCH TIME, MONEY, AND HOW MANY VESSELS WOULD BE WANTED FOR THAT PURPOSE?"
I assure you, Sir, I am as much at a loss to inform you, in this particular, as Lord George Germaine would be. I can fix upon no number of men, nor any sum of money, nor any number of ships, that I think would be sufficient. But most certainly, no number of ships or men which Great Britain now has, or ever can have, nor any sum of money that she will ever be able to command, will be sufficient.
If it were in the power of Great Britain to send an hundred thousand men to America, and they had men of war and transports enough to convey them there in safety, amidst the dangers that await now from French, Spanish, and American men of war, they might possibly get possession of two or three Provinces, and place so many garrisons in various parts, as to prevent the people from exercising the functions of government, under their new constitutions; and they might set up a sham appearance of a civil government under the King: But I do not believe that an hundred thousand men could gain and preserve them the civil government of any three States in the Con-
federation. The States are at such distances from one another; there are such difficulties in passing from one to another by land; and such a multitude of posts are necessary to be garrisoned and provided, in order to command any one Colony; that an army of an hundred thousand men would soon find itself consumed, in getting and keeping possession of one or two States. But it would require the armies of Semiramis to command and preserve them all.
Such is the nature of that country, and such the character of the people, that if the English were to send ever so many ships, and ever so many troops, they never would subdue all the Americans. Numbers, in every State, would fly to the mountains, and beyond the mountains, and there maintain a constant war against the English. In short, the English, if they could conquer America, which they never can, nor any one State in it, it would cost them a standing army of an hundred thousand men to preserve their conquest; for it is in vain for them ever to think of any other government's taking place again under the King of England, but a military government.
As to the number of ships, it must be in proportion to the number of troops: they must have transports enough to carry their troops, and men of war enough to convoy them through their numerous French, Spanish, and American enemies upon the seas.
As to the sums of money, you will easily see, that adding two hundred millions more to the two hundred millions they already owe, would not procure and maintain so many ships and troops.
It is very certain the English can never send any great numbers more of troops to America. The men are not to be had: the money is not to be had: the seamen, and even the transports, are not to be had. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
I give this to Mr. Calkoen as my private opinion concerning the question he asks. As Mr. Calkoen observes, this is a question that had better not be publicly answered: but time will shew the answer here given is right. It would, at present, be thought extravagant, or enthusiasm. Mr. Adams, only requests Mr. Calkoen to look over this letter a few years hence, and then say what his opinion of it is. Victories gained by the English, in taking sea-port towns, or in open field-fighting, will make no difference in my answer to this question. Victories gained by the English, will conquer themselves sooner than the Americans. Fighting will not fail, in the end, to turn to the advantage of America, altho the English may gain an advantage in this or that particular engagement.
ABSTRACT of JOURNAL of the FIRST SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, MAY 4.
Agreeably to the order of the day, the Senate proceeded in the second reading of a bill, entitled "An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths," and to the consideration of the amendments reported by the Committee, which are as follows: In line 1, strike out the words "Congress of the United States," and insert, "Senate and Representatives of the United States of America in Congress Assembled."
At the end of the second paragraph add the words "of the Senate, and insert the following clause, "And be it further enacted, That the members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers of the several States, who have been heretofore chosen or appointed, or who shall be chosen or appointed before the 1st day of August next, and who shall then be in office, shall, within one month thereafter, take the same oath or affirmation, except where they shall have taken it before; which may be administered by any person authorised by the law of the State in which such office shall be holden, to administer oaths. And the members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers of the several States, who shall be chosen or appointed, after the said first day of August, shall, before they proceed to execute the duties of their respective offices, take the foregoing oath or affirmation, which shall be administered by the person or persons, who by the law of the State, shall be authorised to administer the oath of office; and the person or persons so administering the oath hereby required to be taken, shall cause a record or certificate thereof to be made, in the same manner as by the law of the State, he, or they shall be directed to record or certify the oath of office."
In the last paragraph, strike out the words "of the United States of America," in the third and fourth lines, and insert the same words in the fourth line next after the words "as the case may be." And being accepted, Tuesday morning, 11 o'clock, was assigned for the third reading of the bill.
The report of the Committee to whom was referred the motion made the 1st instant, upon the mode of sending messages to, and receiving them from the House of Representatives, was read, and ordered to lie for consideration. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, MAY 5.
Agreeably to the order of the day, the bill, entitled "An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths," was read a third time, and passed the Senate with amendments.
Ordered, That the Secretary carry the aforementioned bill to the House of Representatives, together with the amendments, and address the Speaker in the following words:
SIR, THE Senate have passed a bill, entitled, "An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths," with amendments, to which they desire the concurrence of your House.—
Ordered, That when a bill has passed the Senate, the Secretary shall endorse the final determination thereon, and the day when such final question was taken, previous to its being transmitted to the House of Representatives. Adjourned to Thursday.
THURSDAY, MAY 7.
The Committee, appointed to confer with such Committee as might be appointed on the part of the House of Representatives to report what Style or Titles it will be proper to annex to the Office of President and of Vice President of the United States, if any other than those given in the Constitution, Reported: Which Report was ordered to lie for consideration.
The Report of the Committee upon the motion committed May 1st, was considered, and the first paragraph thereof accepted—Whereupon,
Ordered, that when a messenger shall come from the House of
Representatives to the Senate, and shall be announced by the door-keeper, the messenger or messengers, being a Member or Members of the House, shall be received within the bar, the President rising when the message is by one Member, and the Senate also, when it is by two or more: If the messenger be not a Member of the House, he shall be received at the bar, by the Secretary, and the House papers that he may bring, shall there be received from him by the Secretary, and be by him delivered to the President.
The Committee appointed to prepare an answer to the President's Speech, delivered to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, reported.
(For the Answer of the Senate to the President's Speech see our report of May 20.)
Mr. Beckley, the Clerk of the House of Representatives, delivered a message, purporting, "That the House had concurred with the Senate in the amendments proposed on a bill, entitled "An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths"—and "That the House proposed an amendment, to the third amendment, by inserting after the word "Legislatures in the first place," the words "At the next session of the said Legislatures respectively."
He also brought to the Senate a resolve of the House of Representatives, appointing Mr. Bland, Mr. Trumbull, and Mr. Vining a Committee on the part of the House, to confer with any Committee to be appointed on the part of the Senate, and report "Joint rules to be established between the two Houses, for the enrollment &c. of the acts of Congress, and to confer on the mode of presenting addresses, bills, &c. to the President."—And he withdrew.
The Senate agreed to the amendment proposed by the House of Representatives to the amendment to the afore-mentioned Bill—And appointed Mr. Langdon, Mr. Read, and Mr. Henry, a Committee on their part, for the purpose expressed in the resolve of the House of Representatives received this day; which together with the concurrence of the Senate to the amendment on the amendment to the bill above mentioned, was carried to the House by the Secretary. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, MAY 8.
The Report of the Committee appointed to determine "What Style or Titles it will be proper to annex to the Office of President and Vice President of the United States, if any other than those given in the Constitution"—and, to confer with a Committee of the House of Representatives appointed for that purpose—Was considered and disagreed to.
The question was taken "Whether the President of the United States shall be addressed by the Title of His Excellency?"—and it passed in the negative.
On motion, That a Committee of three be appointed to consider and report under what Title it will be proper for the Senate to address the President of the United States, Ma. Lee, Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Johnson, were elected. Adjourned.
SATURDAY, MAY 9.
Mr. Beckley, the Clerk of the House of Representatives, delivered a message, purporting, That the House had accepted the report of a Committee appointed to consider what Style or Title it will be proper to annex to the Office of President and of Vice President of the United States, if any other than those given in the Constitution. And he withdrew.
Ordered, That Mr. Few, Mr. Maclay and Mr. Strong, be a Committee to view the apartments in the City Hall, and to confer with any Committee that may be appointed by the House of Representatives for that purpose, and report how the same shall be appropriated.
The Committee appointed to consider under what Title it will be proper for the Senate to address the President of the United States, Reported—The consideration of which was postponed until Monday next.
The Secretary was charged with a message to the House of Representatives, with the order of Senate passed the 7th instant, on the mode adopted by the Senate in receiving communications from the House.
Ordered, That Mr. Lee, Mr. Ellsworth and Mr. Johnson be a Committee, to confer with any Committee, to be appointed by the House of Representatives on the difference of opinion now subsisting between the two Houses, respecting the Title of the President of the United States—And on motion for Reconsideration, the instruction to the Committee was agreed to as follows:
"That they consider and report under what Title it will be proper for the President of the United States in future to be addressed, and to confer thereon with such Committee as the House of Representatives may appoint for that purpose."
The Secretary carried to the House of Representatives the appointment of a committee on the part of the Senate to view the rooms of the City Hall, and to confer upon their appropriation.—The Rejection of the Report of the Committee appointed to consider what Style, &c. it will be proper to annex to the Offices of President and of Vice President,—And the appointment of a Committee on the part of the Senate to confer, on a Title under which it will be proper to address the President of the United States. Adjourned.
MONDAY, MAY 11.
Ordered, That the consideration of the Report of the Committee upon "the Title by which it will be proper for the Senate to address the President" be postponed until Tuesday next.
Ordered, That a Committee consist of Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Carroll, and Mr. Few, be appointed to consider and report a mode of carrying into execution the second paragraph, of the third section, of the first article of the Constitution.
The Committee appointed the 19th of April to confer with a Committee of the House of Representatives, upon the future disposition of the papers in the Office of the late Secretary of Congress, made a Report which was ordered to lie until a Committee appointed May 7, to confer with a Committee of the House "On joint rules to be established for the enrollment, &c. of the acts of Congress" should report. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, MAY 12.
Mr. Morris, from the State of Pennsylvania, appeared and took his seat in the Senate.
Mr. Beckley, the Clerk of the House of Representatives, delivered a message, purporting, that the House had concurred in the appointment of a Committee on their part, consisting of Mr. White, Mr. Scott, and Mr. Sturges, to confer, with the Committee appointed on the part of the Senate, May 9th, on the appropriation of the rooms in the City Hall;—Also, that the House had appointed a Committee, consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Page, Mr. Benion, and Mr. Sherman, to confer with any Committee that the Senate shall appoint on the disagreeing votes of the Senate and House of Representatives upon the report of their joint Committee, appointed, to confer what Titles shall be given to the President and to the Vice President of the United States, if any other than those given in the Constitution.—And he withdrew.
Ordered that the Committee appointed the 9th of May to consider "By what Title it will be proper for the Senate to address the President of the United States," be instructed to confer with the Committee of the House of Representatives, agreeably to the proposition in their message of this day.
A motion for the Committee, appointed to address the President, to proceed, was postponed to Thursday next. Adjourned.
IF JOHN BAYES, who lately lived with a Farmer at Pettaugh-Neck, near Baltimore, and formerly from Northamptonshire in England, or his son WILLIAM BAYES, who lived with Robert Robertson, tavern-keeper, in Redminster-Township, Pennsylvania, are living, and will send an account of themselves, and where they are, or either of them will be found, to SAMUEL ELAM, at Newport, Rhode-Island, they will hear of something to their advantage. Information of the decease of either of those persons, (should such an event have happened) would be esteemed a favour, directed as above.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3rd. pr. an.]