National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-06-18 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, June 18, 1792.
NUMB. 67.
On the ADDITIONAL DUTIES on IMPORTS.
THERE never existed a period in which the problematical position, that the limited faculties of the human mind are incapable of attending to many important objects at once, was more literally verified, than at the present era. The electioneering discussions, with which the public papers are continually filled, afford a strong evidence that local politics supersede in comparative importance, considerations of a federal nature. With a dispassionate mind, coolly speculating on remote consequences, the contingencies of a moment, and the success of partial views, must appear objects of inferior magnitude, when placed in competition with measures which are to affect the union; and however oppressive in operation, to be perpetuated. Would it not evince a more sincere attachment to the true principles of equal liberty, if, instead of directing our whole attention to the choice of state officers, we viewed with a jealous eye, and endeavoured to arrest the silent, the gradual, the progressive accumulation of burdens which the general government is imposing on our commerce?
The Secretary of the Treasury, in a late report to Congress, on the subject of ways and means, proposed to augment the present rates of duty, by such additions as must inevitably tend to oppress the mercantile, and with it every other class of interests in the country. That the present system of impost is pressed beyond its natural bounds, must be obvious to every person engaged in commerce; that it far exceeds any commercial impositions by the states, previous to the ratification of the federal constitution, is indubitable; but the necessities of government, the probability that general commercial regulations pervading the confederacy, would have a favourable influence; and a persuasion that no additional duties would be imposed, operated to reconcile the public mind to the increase of public burdens. How this expectation is realized the proposed augmentation abundantly shews.
Whether a possibility exists of extending the present high rates of duty to the degree contemplated by the Secretary, without danger to the revenue, is a question which merits the serious attention of Congress. To ensure obedience, the temptations for evading laws should not be rendered too strong. When duties are moderate there can be little incentive to risk the loss of imported property; when exorbitant, the reverse is evidently true. From suspicions of illicit practices in this particular, for which our extended and indented sea-coast is peculiarly favourable, government has conceived it advisable to employ a number of cutters;—these, altho' expensive, must of necessity be inadequate to the object, when the motives to smuggling are great. To multiply the number would be enhancing the expence, with very little additional security. It would moreover exhibit the odious appearance of tyranny, first to load the citizens with intolerable burdens, and then, under the sanction of law, to harrafs them into submission. Conciliation is necessary in our present federal circumstances. Measures calculated to embitter the minds of an influential class of citizens, can have no favorable effect on the stability of government. Oppression is at all times detestable; but when those who have been the principal agents in erecting a power intended to connect, pervade, and improve the mass of political happiness, become the first, or only victims of its rapacity, the reflection is more exasperating, and may eventually terminate in dangerous excesses.
Spain, by a rapacious spirit of monopoly, and from a determination to render her American possessions as productive as possible, has so injudiciously expanded the system of her revenue laws, and created such a multiplicity of officers to guard and ensure its collection, that instead of promoting, she depresses her resources. A living writer of great merit and erudition, who has made the policy of that country a particular object of research, gives the following facts as the result of his enquiries:
"The commercial regulations of Spain, with respect to her colonies, are too rigid and systematical to be carried into complete execution. The legislature that loads trade with impositions too heavy, or fetters it by restrictions too severe, defeats its own intention; and is only multiplying the inducements to violate its statutes, and proposing an high premium to encourage illicit traffic. The Spaniards, both in Europe and America, being circumscribed in their natural intercourse by the jealousy of the crown, or oppressed by its exactions, have their invention continually on the stretch how to elude its edicts. The vigilance and ingenuity of private interest discover means of effecting this, which public wisdom cannot foresee, nor public authority prevent. This spirit counteracting that of the laws, pervades the commerce of Spain with America in all its branches: and from the highest departments in government descends to the lowest. The very officers employed to check contraband trade are often employed as instruments in carrying it on; and the boards instituted to restrain and punish it, are the channels through which it flows. The king is supposed, by the most intelligent Spanish writers to be defrauded by various artifices, of more than one half of the revenue which he ought to receive from America; and as long as it is the interest of so many persons to screen those artifices from detection, the knowledge of them will never reach the throne." Robertson's Hist. Amer. vol. 3d page 351.
An opinion has been embraced by a few theorists, and urged with all the ardor of conviction, that however great the duty on imported articles may be, it cannot operate partially, because the consumer eventually pays it, and the merchant experiences no more of the burden than his natural share on the commodities used in his own family—This reasoning has, indeed, the specious semblance of truth to support it, but unfortunately, like many other points of abstract speculation, it is contradicted by the practice of every day. It is a truth too notorious to be denied by any man acquainted with the European trade—a truth to which every merchant, from his experimental knowledge will readily subscribe, that in the ultimate adjustment of his profits, it is idle to attempt calculating on a higher advance than was generally and easily obtained prior to the Revolution; if so, the duty is a sacrifice which he cannot recover. In the Federalist, a performance ascribed to Mr. Hamilton, we find this point admitted and explained with great ability and precision:
"Suppose the federal power of taxation were to be confined to duties on imports, it is evident, that the government, for want of being able to command other resources, would frequently be tempted to extend these duties to an injurious excess. There are persons who imagine that this can never be the case; since the higher they are, the more it is alledged they will tend to discourage an extravagant consumption, to produce a favourable balance of trade, and to promote domestic manufactures. But all extremes are pernicious in various ways. Exorbitant duties on imported articles serve to beget a general spirit of smuggling, which is always
prejudicial to the fair trader, and eventually to the revenue itself: they tend to render other classes of the community tributary in an improper degree to the manufacturing classes, to whom they give a premature monopoly of the markets: they sometimes force industry out of its more natural channels into others in which it flows with less advantage,—and in the last place, they oppress the merchant who is often obliged to pay them himself without any retribution from the consumer. When the demand is equal to the quantity of goods at market, the consumer generally pays the duty; but when the markets happen to be overstocked, a great proportion falls upon the merchant, and sometimes not only exhausts his profits, but breaks in upon his capital. It is not always possible to raise the price of a commodity in exact proportion to every additional imposition laid upon it. The merchant, especially in a country of small commercial capital, is often under the necessity of keeping prices down in order to a more expeditious sale."—Vide Federalist No. 35.—Page 212, of vol. I.
That the Secretary has either changed his opinion within a very limited period, or finds himself inclined or compelled to accommodate his sentiments to the capricious suggestions of fancy, will appear from comparing his last report on the most eligible mode of supplying the treasury, with another presented to the congressional House of Representatives on the 17th of December, 1790, in which we find the following judicious observations:
"It need scarcely be observed, that the duties on the great mass of imported articles, have reached a point, which it would not be expedient to exceed. There is satisfactory evidence that they cannot be extended further without contravening the sense of the body of merchants; and though it is not to be admitted as a general rule, that this circumstance ought to conclude against the expediency of a public measure; yet, when due regard is had to the disposition which that enlightened class of citizens has manifested towards the national government—to the alacrity with which they have hitherto seconded its operations—to the accommodating temper with which they look forward to those additional impositions on the objects of trade, which are to commence with the ensuing year; and to the greatness of the innovation which, in this particular, has already taken place in the former state of things; there will be perceived to exist the most solid reasons against lightly passing the bounds which coincide with their impressions of what is reasonable and proper. It would be, in every view, inauspicious to give occasion for a supposition, that trade alone is destined to feel the immediate weight of the hand of government, in every new emergency of the treasury.
"Admitting the general position, that the consumer pays the duty; yet it will not follow that trade may not be essentially distressed and injured by carrying duties on importation to a height which is disproportioned to the mercantile capital of a country. It may not only be the cause of diverting too large a share of it from the exigencies of business; but as the requisite advances to satisfy the duties will, in many, if not in most cases, precede the receipts from the sale of the articles on which they are laid, the consequence will often be sacrifices which the merchant cannot afford to make.
"Appearances do not justify such an estimate of the extent of the mercantile capital of the United States, as to encourage material accumulations on the already considerable rates of the duties on the mass of foreign importation.
"It is presumable, that a still further augmentation would have an influence, the reverse of favourable to the public
credit. The operation would be apt to be regarded as artificial, as destitute of solidity, as presenting a numerical increase; but involving an actual diminution of revenue. The distrust of the efficacy of the present provision might also be accompanied with a doubt of a better substitute hereafter. The inference would not be unnatural that a defect of other means, or an inability to command them, could alone have given birth to so unpromising an effort to draw all from one source.
"A diversification of the nature of the funds is desirable on other accounts. It is clear that less dependence can be placed on one species of funds (and that too liable to the vicissitudes of the continuance or interruption of foreign intercourse) than upon a variety of different funds formed by the union of internal with external objects.
"The inference, from these various and important considerations seems to be, that to attempt to extract from duties on imported articles, the sum necessary to a complete provision for the public debt, would probably be both deceptive and pernicious; incompatible with the interests not less of revenue than of commerce; that resources of a different kind must of necessity be explored; and that the selection of the most fit objects is the only thing which ought to occupy enquiry.
"Besides the establishment of supplementary funds, it is requisite to the support of the public credit, that those established should stand upon a footing which will give all reasonable assurance of their effectual collection."
The conclusion reluctantly admitted by the Secretary, that of all possible expedients for increasing the revenue, a resort to additional duties is the most eligible, seems to be founded partly on the fallacious hypothesis, that foreign commodities are imported on much more "advantageous terms than heretofore"—hence he infers "a circumstance which must alleviate the pressure of some-what higher rates of duty, and must contribute at the same time to reconcile importers to burdens, which being connected with an efficacious discharge of the duty of government, are of a nature to give solidity and permanency to the advantage they enjoy under it."
Translations from the Leyden Gazette, to March 30.
STOCKHOLM, March 13.—M. de Bouille, son to the general of that name, who arrived at Gessle from Coblenz, during the session of the states, is preparing to rejoin the French princes. The king was the first to set the example of recognizing, in them, a sovereign power, and giving them countenance.
The speedy departure of a Russian fleet for the coasts of France, perhaps for the Mediterranean, is no longer a secret; altho' we do not pretend to form all the conjectures that we might, relative to a concert between Sweden and Russia.
BRUSSELS, March 25.—On the 8th instant we received the disagreeable news of the death of Leopold II. In consequence of this, all the true friends of their country in the Belgic provinces are in tears. Prudence and moderation, united, were the characteristics of his reign; and the similarity of his principles to the national character of the Belgic provinces, promised a calm of some duration after the storms we have experienced.
PARIS, March 19.—Various contradictory accounts have from time to time come to hand relative to the disturbances at Arles, Avignon, Carpentras, Aix, and other places about the mouth of the Rhone. It is remarkable that a certain peculiar enthusiasm prevails in all the south of France for the principles of the

Revolution, and on the other hand an opposition equally violent, which cannot but produce a civil war—The commissioners have been able to do nothing, and every thing seems returning to its original state of nature, the strongest party giving law to the weaker, and the democrats marching under arms to reduce the above named cities. From 7 to 8000 Marseillans, besides the national guards at Nîmes, &c. with 18 pieces of artillery, are determined to destroy every remaining hope of their adversaries.
Two deputies from the department of the Mouths of the Rhone, have been presented to the assembly—they report that the inhabitants of Arles, Apt, and Avignon have suffered extremely from the anti-revolutionists, who, under the direction of the priests, have torn up the pavements, destroyed the cannon, and even fired upon the national guard.—Others, however, say that these outrages are more owing to the patriotic clubs and the constitutional priests than any other cause.
In consequence of the representations of these deputies, a question arose in the assembly, whether the counter-revolutionists at Arles, &c. shall be disarmed—upon which the new minister of war informed the assembly that he had taken measures to dispatch into the southern provinces several battalions of troops of the line and national volunteers, and amply sufficient to repress these disturbances.
In the session of the assembly, on the 17th of March, the following observations were addressed to them by M. Lobjoie on the subject of diplomatic agents, resident abroad at foreign courts.—“Under such a constitution as that of regenerated France, it is thought useless, by some, to support any ministers whatever at foreign courts—It were to be wished that all nations, united by the same spirit, might alike embrace peace and justice—but it is to be considered that great political bodies have no affections except those that concern them individually, and till philosophy shall so far have perfected social order as to make sovereigns equal participators therein, I believe it is the interest even of regenerated France, to have an establishment of foreign agents. It is my opinion, notwithstanding, that there is no necessity for that herd of diplomatic officers, authorized by sovereigns at some courts, who can neither do good nor harm—It is high time a reform took place in the organization of the old diplomatic system, especially in regard to titles, which only occasion jealousies among the agents of the public at other courts. At one place there is an ambassador, at another an envoy, here are ministers, there a charge-des-affaires; in some places we have residents, in others consuls, &c.—all different names to signify the same thing.—Instead of all this variety, let us designate our foreign ministers under one simple name, such as Legat , or Messenger of France .—The Romans, whom we need not be ashamed to imitate, no otherwise distinguished those who were the mere passive organs of their supreme will—But how is this new plan of uniformity to be made general through Europe? The answer is easy—Let us dispatch only men with the title of Legates , to other powers, and just as they treat the simple character of these persons, so let us treat their ambassadors, and others under high founding appellations.—When we have only one rank of diplomatic servants, there will naturally arise but one distinction, that of virtue and ability in the execution of the duties of office.—Real talents will by this means be brought forth, and the diplomatic honors no longer disgraced by ridiculous vanity and self-conceit,” &c. This address was ordered to be printed and sent in to the diplomatic committee.
March 24. It is remarkable that the late vacant places in the ministry, for domestic imposts and justice , are all filled from the Jacobine club; and it is a fact that this famed club has given to the king all the confidential ministry he at present has.
March 25. Yesterday a hand-bill was seen pasted up at all the corners of the streets, containing about a dozen questions of the following tenor—“Are they Jacobins who are running after the emoluments of the civil list?—Are they Jacobins that fabricate false assignats?—Is the emperor's party in France supported by the Jacobins?—To all this was one general answer, certainly not —It may be questioned, however, whether the Jacobins, by encouraging licentiousness and disobedience to the laws, have not done more towards a dissolution of the present government, and relapsing it into despotism, than all the efforts of the emigrants and the aristocrats put together.
Brussels, March 25. The death of the emperor, Leopold 2d. is matter of grief to all true friends of their country. Prudence and moderation united, characterized his reign, and the conformity of his principles to the national character of the Belgic provinces, seemed to promise a long calm, after the severe storm with which we have been buffeted.
Leyden, March 29. England has lately
lost two famous men, the ornament and support of the arts—these are Sir J. Reynolds, and Mr. Robert Adams, fellow of the royal society, architect to the king, and member of parliament.
LONDON, April 15. 26.
Fifteen hundred Prussians are ordered to quit the Duchy of Magdeburgh for the banks of the Rhine, where already there are 10,000 stationed.
Eight hundred Artillery horse are arrived at Berlin, a certain mark of immediate War. A like number belonging to the Emperor are in motion, and 7000 Austrians on the 31st ult. took the route of Bavaria.
In the Low countries the Cantonnements are upon the increase hourly, yet the emigrations are terrible.
The elector of Mayence, the Bishop of Spire, and the French Princes are extremely well satisfied with the late determination of the higher powers.
The cabinet of Berlin is reported to have regularly communicated to Vienna all the propositions of M. Segur on the part of France; and it is said that those Courts were thereby only further convinced of the positive danger of the royal person thus in the hands of his Jacobine persecutors.
The king of England has it in contemplation to resign the electorate of Hanover to the Duke of York. This, with the revenues of Osnaburg, and his annuity from Parliament, would enable him to keep a more splendid court than many of his neighbours.
The last accounts from the colony of N. South Wales are of a dreadful nature. The whole settlement were put upon short allowance on account of the extreme scarcity of provisions, and the crops raising at Port-Jackson were of the most unfavorable kind—the most promising not likely to yield three bushels for one sown; and in many parts even the seed was not expected to be returned. In short, the prospect of the whole settlement was deplorable in the extreme.
The speculations on the subject of a continental war are now at an end. The die is certainly cast, and it is to be determined by force. “The last reasoning of kings,” how far the league of sovereigns will be able to subdue the new energies and the new constitution of France.
Mr. Dundas yesterday received dispatches from Lord Gower, mentioning that the king had gone down on Friday last to the Assembly, for the purpose of recommending to that body an immediate declaration of war against the king of Hungary. The crowds, it was said, which were assembled to catch the first tidings of this momentous decision, were so great as to impede the passage of the sovereign to the Assembly, and the ordinary courier came away on Friday evening without intelligence of the final determination.
The latest intelligence received by government at seven o'clock last evening, went no farther than this introductory statement. But from an express received yesterday evening by a French merchant of the first eminence in the city, we are enabled to state in addition, that the king of the French recommended to the Assembly to make an immediate declaration of war in consequence of the answers which he had received from the court of Vienna, from which, conjoined with some hostile movements, it was apparent that the King of Hungary waited but for a favourable opportunity to make war on France.
The king left the assembly, and after some debate it was decreed on the same evening—that war should be immediately declared!
The formal declaration of hostilities was expected to take place on Saturday morning.
While it might be supposed, that under the circumstances of actual war, in which the French are now engaged, they would be glad to unite the abilities of their best generals, and those who have been the warmest friends to the revolution, we find the greatest degradation cast on M. De la Fayette that a rabble could invent. His bust, which was erected at the expense of the nation, for his supposed services to it in the beginning of the revolution, has been torn down by the mob, and ignominiously dragged through the streets of Paris.
Coblentz.—Every countenance here is brightened by the late intelligence from Vienna. An attack upon France is considered as certain, and the arrival of the Prince of Nassau is all that is waited for. How far the forces of the Emigrants are to be co-operant with the Austrian troops they are yet ignorant; the German force upon the frontiers is now become a very mighty army.
THE subscriber begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public in general, that he has removed from Pennington to that noted tavern and ferry stand opposite to Easton, on the Jersey side of the Delaware.—He has provided himself with a good and safe set of ferry-crafts, and purposes keeping the best entertainment for man and horse. Every attention shall be paid to gentlemen travellers and others by the public's most obedient and very humble servant,
THOMAS BULLMAN.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
EXCISE LAW.
THE spirited conduct of some good old whigs of 1775, in destroying the notification of the exciseman in Germantown, as a disgraceful badge of slavery may convince our rulers that a free people will not be amused by financial palliatives. It has been justly observed by an eminent author, that power vegetates with more vigor after gentle prunings. A slender reform amuses and lulls the people, the popular enthusiasm subsides, and the moment of effectual redress is irretrievably lost. Whatever is good ought to be pursued at the time it is attainable—The voice of the people is contemned with impunity when dictated by that lethargy into which nations are lulled by the tranquil course of their ordinary affairs. The ardor of redress perishes in an impotent struggle with those who are interested in perpetuating abuse.—The state of a nation lulled into complacent servitude by petty concessions is far more hopeless than that of those who groan under the most galling yoke of servitude. It is said that in England a mechanic and a manufacturer pays no taxes; it is true, that a direct tax is not taken, but an insidious system of indirect taxation by means of duties, excises, and stamps upon every article necessary for the support of a family. The government fleeces from the poor laborer above seven pounds annually, which amounts to one half of the produce of his labour, and occasions a majority of that class to linger in a miserable state of oppressive labour, and to end their comfortless days in a poor house, supported by public charity. The government of the United States in all things wishing to imitate the corrupt principles of the court of Great-Britain, has commenced the disgraceful career by an excise law, and during the last session of Congress attempted a stamp duty on cards, with a sanctified pretence to discourage gambling!
June 14.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Enemies to the Government!
WE are often told, that the enemies of government alone complain of its measures, and that those enemies are foreign. The legislature of Virginia remonstrated against the Assumption: that of Pennsylvania reprobated the Excise: a grand jury in Georgia presented it, as a public grievance; the journals of Congress abound with petitions and remonstrances against it, from towns, cities, and whole districts: a respectable minority in Congress (the single vote of Gen. Jackson might have frequently made it a majority) have reproached every one of the measures that are complained of; and if Pennsylvania had been represented in the Senate, many of those measures, which were carried only by the casting voice of the Vice-President, would perhaps never have been adopted. Foreigners then are not the only complainants, nor are the complainants few in number.
Supposing however,—an impossibility—that all the complaints, which have appeared in print in every part of the union, were the productions of a single obscure individual;—what then? may not an individual venture to express sentiments sanctioned by the respectable authorities above quoted? Does that, which is truth in the mouths of the many, cease to be truth, when repeated by one? Does the obscurity of the writer cast an obscurity over the truth? must he be mounted on the coffers of the Treasury, the counters of the National Bank, or a speculator's strong-box, before he can obtain a hearing? or if born in a foreign country, must he be re-born in America, before he can dare to speak? Is this republicanism? Is this the equality of rights held forth to foreigners, to invite them to come and settle here? Are they to be silent hewers of wood and drawers of water, not permitted to open their mouths in defence of those rights? When, on reading the Federal Constitution in their native land, they found the faith of the United States pledged for its observance,—when, depending on that faith, they came to settle in America, have they not a right to expect, that promises so solemnly plighted, shall be as religiously performed?—Has this been the case? Has not almost a majority of both houses of Congress often declared the contrary? Does a decided majority alone make any measure constitutional and just? If so, what are we to think of the Representation Bill? A majority of both Houses passed one, which they maintained to be constitutional: a majority of the same persons passed another upon a quite different principle, which I hope they think constitutional too. Were they both constitutional? must not the one or the other have been a violation of the constitution? And if a majority of both Houses have sanctioned a violation of the constitution in one instance, why may they not do it in any other? and whenever they do, has not every individual in the union a right to censure them for violating the faith of the United States so solemnly pledged to every citizen, whether a native or
A FOREIGNER?
Philadelphia, June 15th.
PHILADELPHIA.
JUNE 18, 1792.
Letters from England say, that the French declaration of war has given the greatest satisfaction to all ranks of citizens; and bids fair to reconcile all differences and enable the nation to direct its united force against their common object.
The ground has been lately visited, by the President and managers of the Susquehanna Navigation, that is marked for the Quitapahilla canal. This canal will unite the Schuylkill and Susquehanna at a distance not exceeding four miles and thirty one perches. Every thing is said to be in forwardness for beginning the work.
On the 11th inst. the election for governor was determined in the city of New-York; when GEORGE CLINTON was declared governor, and Pierre Van Cortlandt, lieutenant-governor of the state, by a majority of the canvassers.
The marquis de la Fayette is become considerably obnoxious to the municipality of Paris, who have deliberated on removing his bust from the Hotel de Ville. The conduct of the municipality is, however, reprobated by the national guards, and several sections of Paris.
It is said the queen of Portugal, under the direction of Doctor Willis, is rapidly recovering from her state of insanity.
The present circumstances of continental Europe render (it is said) the situation of Great Britain peculiarly critical at this time, and the minister, it was feared, might be forced in a war directly contrary to his own opinion. “The English funds have already felt a very considerable depression, and threaten to be still lower until the impending cloud disperses.”
Letters from Red-Stone mention that great numbers of people, who had resorted there with a view of going down the Ohio to Kentucky this spring, have been unable to put their design in execution, on account of the danger from Indian depredations.—Most of these are consequently in great distress, scattered about Red-Stone, having expended their little all. Two boats only had attempted to go down the river; both of which were taken, and the people either killed or made prisoners by the savages. Several murders have been committed along the Ohio by the Indians; and the frontier inhabitants, it is said, are generally removing to garrisons for their immediate safety.
The patriotic French song of Ca ira has become extremely fashionable in London. At Drury-Lane theatre it was unfortunately demanded by pit and gallery, instead of God save Great George . The boxes were for the latter. The musicians feigned to be unacquainted with the French tune, and so it passed over. This bold and animating song may be considered as the funeral dirge of tyrants.
All ecclesiastical dresses are abolished in France by a decree of the assembly; the same decree annihilates all religious corporations, such as the Sorbonne, &c. &c. This is a death-stroke to fanaticism, which under certain disguises has always imposed upon the unenlightened part of mankind.
According to letters from Bourdeaux, three hundred thousand men have voluntarily enlisted in France, upon finding there was a deficiency of little more than 10,000 in the line of the army. A million of men, it is said, are preparing to follow their example, if found necessary. It is mentioned in London papers, that so dreadful has been the plague in Egypt that three hundred thousand houses have been depopulated, and shut up by the order of the government. “What is very extraordinary this awful visitation, which carried off nearly half a million of people, lasted but three days.”
The present disturbances in Sweden, we are told, cannot properly be ascribed to any sentiment of Liberty in the nation. On the contrary, it is only the struggle of one tyranny against another. The nobles formerly exercised an unlimited oppressive power, which was overturned by the king (lately fallen a victim to the air-gun of Ingelstrom) who took it into his own hands: and altho' the finances of the country had been involved by his schemes of ambition, to which he was stimulated by the old French government, yet the people have enjoyed more privileges under him, and therefore preferred his despotism to that of the nobles.
On the 25th of April Mr. Dundas's motion that “The English African slave trade should cease on the first of January, 1793, was negatived in the British house of Commons by a majority of 49, out of 267 that voted.
There is a similarity of conduct (says a London paper) in the despotic combinations on the continent, and the government of this country, which cannot escape the notice of the discerning. Austria, Prussia, and Swe-

den appear desirous of provoking France first to declare hostilities: and the late affair in the East-Indies between an English and French frigate, would induce one to believe that England wished France to begin a war.
Extract of a letter from Germantown, June 16. "Since the establishment of the society in this place, for promoting domestic manufactures, considerable progress has been made in the linnen and woollen branches; and a great emulation has been created to make use of American articles of cloathing. The society is now turning its attention to the culture of silk. At the last meeting of the society, the President distributed a quantity of the eggs of the silk worm, and it is expected that an attention to this subject will in a few years contribute to the prosperity of our village. One member of the society has sown twenty bushels of flaxseed this year, the produce of which will be manufactured in the neighbourhood."
It omens well to the cause of freedom, that the Count Florida Blanca's party in Spain are rapidly on the decline. His brother, governor of the council of the Indies is also disgraced, banished into an obscure corner of La Mancha, and deprived of all his pensions. By the last accounts the Abbe d'Heral, agent for the French Princes at Madrid, was also on the point of leaving Spain, the popular current turning fast against him and the cause of the emigrants, &c. Mr Guardoqui is now appointed governor of the council of the Indies.
We were told by several of the Delegates in our state convention, at the time the Federal government was adopted, that Congress dare not under that government, infringe the liberty of the Press: that it was a power inherent in the people, and could not be exercised by the government: that such an act on the part of government, would irritate the nation: that all powers not given up, are reserved: that the freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic governments: that the free circulation of periodical publications, as the only means through which the people can be informed of the proceedings of their rulers, would be carefully attended to. How far these assertions are verified, by the tax on newspapers, which operates in some measure to prohibit the circulation of them, needs not the aid of sophistry to determine: but it is hoped that the supporters of so unparalleled a measure, have it not in view to irritate the nation . [ Virg. Paper. ]
The following prophecy of St. Patrick ( alias Patrick Henry ) taken from the debates of our state convention, may be very aptly applied to our present situation:—"When oppressions take place, our Representatives may tell us, we contended for your interest, but we could not carry our point, because the Representatives from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, &c. were against us." [ Virginia Paper. ]
An Independent Whig is thus described by Mr. Gordon, and the character is worthy of attentive consideration at this period.—"He scorns all implicit faith in the State as well as in the church. The authority of names is nothing to him: he judges all men by their actions and behaviour, and hates a knave of his own party, as much as he despises a fool of another. He consents not that any man or body of men shall do what they please: he claims a right of examining all public measures, and if they deserve it, of censuring them. As he never saw much power possessed without some abuse, he takes upon him to watch those that have it, and to acquit or expose them accordingly as they apply it to the good of their country, or to answer their own crooked purposes."
Some persons cannot read a production even in a newspaper, without a wish to know something of the author: such as, whether he be a foreigner, or home-born, or well-born—is he a dark-complexioned man or a white man—a tall or a short man?—A man of property, or a no-property-man? No pains are spared by some to develop these important points, while arguments remain unanswered. May not such inquisitive persons be justly styled curious impertinents; and would they not do well to adopt the good old motto— mind your own business ?
The oppressive inequality of the Excise Law has been loudly and justly complained of: but those, who uttered the complaints, have been stigmatized as " enemies to the government ," and branded with every odious name, that interested ingenuity could devise. The friends of that law must however prepare to encounter a much more numerous host of new and unexpected opponents. Let them therefore sharpen their pens, dip them deep in gall, and write in the bitterest strain of virulence against that powerful confederacy, who feeling their wrath and indignation roused at the destruction of the southern and western orchards by an eastern excise , have sworn the destruction of all the apple-trees in New-England, and are already carrying their threats into execution; since the papers from Massachusetts dolefully complain, that they [ the canker-worms ] "are
making dreadful ravages among the apple-trees in that state and the State of Connecticut."
Some person in a paper of last week affects to speak very contemptibly of Newpapers. To such it might be recommended, to treat in future, with a little more respect, a species of publication to which the independence, freedom, and government of the United States is under no small obligations. If writers , however, are fond of undervaluing newspapers , what pity that printers should be so very silly as to join in the cry, and abuse the means of their daily bread!
From the language of several Boston papers, the Indian war is far from being popular in Massachusetts. There are few here (say they) who do not execrate the injustice & despotism the impolicy, that have plunged a young country into bloodshed, disgrace and misery, to procure a wild and distant territory; while the Atlantic States are not half inhabited, and millions of acres therein are darkened by the lofty forest, and groaning for hands to cultivate the fertile soil."
The national assembly of France have begun the abolition of corporations, as unfavorable to liberty. In this view its character has been taken from the university of Paris. "The history of this university (says the Leyden Gaz.) is farcical enough. It first assumed the ridiculous title of Elders daughter of the kings of France ; while the corporation styled themselves Elders sons of the church . It was no difficult matter to convince the assembly that it is high time to clip the wings of an institution, whose mode of government and principles did by no means accord with the ideas of liberty and universal tolerance that distinguish the new constitution. For the present, however, the plan of education is not to be changed; although this will undergo a great reformation, in a short time, and the science of men and things be adopted instead of antiquated languages, unintelligible theories, and senseless systems, which it has hitherto been the lot of youth to struggle with—a plan wisely adopted by despotism, which has too often amused mankind hitherto with the shadow of knowledge instead of the substance."
There seems not to have been at any period such a general union of sentiment against the African slave trade, as at present appears in Great Britain. Scarcely a town or village in the whole island but has petitioned for the abolition of this unjust traffic—the petition from Glasgow was signed by upwards of 20,000 people—from Manchester by more than 10,000, and from York about 23,000, and others, it is said, in equal proportions.
The evils arising from lotteries in England, are beginning to claim the legislative consideration of that country. To such a height has this legal mode of gambling advanced among them, that in consequence thereof thousands of individuals have rendered themselves incapable of paying their taxes, during the last year.
A lottery is a taxation Upon all the fools in creation And heaven be prais'd, 'Tis easily rais'd, Credulity's always in fashion: For folly's a fund Will never loose ground While fools are so ripe in the nation."
MANUFACTURES,
IT has never been a question whether manufactures be beneficial to a country where they flourish; and yet to judge from the laboured reasonings to establish this point, it would be supposed that a prohibition or discouragement of this branch of industry among us had been contended for. It is but fair to admit that the difference of opinion turns on the question, "In what degree manufactures ought to be forced, or left free in their growth;" and, as some think, on the question also, "how far manufacturing establishments ought to be made political engines ?" To a candid mind it would seem that there are some, whose ideas on the subject, generally, do not keep pace with the progress of circumstances, in this country, favorable to manufactures. On the other hand, from the extreme zeal and over-done arguments of the partisans of power, it is too much to be suspected that something more is in view than the public interest . They are not so blind as not to see (though they may think others are) that under the pretext of nurturing manufactures, a new field may be opened for favouritism, influence, and monopolies. But what is most of all to be dreaded in this free country is, that if manufactures get too much under the hand of power, it will soon be proclaimed from the house-tops, what is already whispered in corners , that this or that branch is ripe for the exciseman , and that the tax will be the more just, as the government has been at the expense of maturing the subject of it. There is such a propensity to abuses in taxation and money matters, that a free people, whilst they give the firmest support to order and good government, will ever keep in mind, that a reasonable jealousy is a republican virtue ; nor will
they ever be reproached for exercising this virtue, except by such as are open or secret enemies of the liberty which alone can preserve.
[From a Country Correspondent.]
I do not recollect to have read any thing written latterly in favor of periodical publications, pointing out their general utility, and the benefit people like us, living remote from the seat of government, would receive from a constant and regular perusal of newspapers. Perhaps some may think that their utility is so generally known and established that it would only be impertinence and folly to say any thing to induce a more general perusal: but the case is not so; and why should it be thought so when there are, in fact, three fourths of my neighbours who are shamefully ignorant of the proceedings of Congress and other public matters, just as if they were no more interessed in their proceedings than if they were slaves and bondmen; or that their acts did no more concern them than those of the Polish diet, or the divan at Constantinople. For my own part I receive three different papers weekly, and though my plantation is not larger than most of my neighbours, I consider the expense as trifling when the reflexion occurs to me how intimately acquainted I am with the sentiments, the principles, and conduct of the different members that constitute our federal government; and though they are now dispersed over the different states, yet I am not the less acquainted with their political creed, and can very justly conclude whether my fellow citizens to the eastward or southward are faithful republicans, by the virtue, the philanthropy, and republicanism of their representatives. So well had I become acquainted with the political character and conduct of our federal legislators, that, previous to the decision on that question, I named every member, individually, who voted against the admission of general Jackson, and those that were in favor of it.—I could, in like manner, have mentioned the names of the majority who carried the first representation bill, as well as the names of the virtuous minority: and when the equitable and immortal Washington returned it with his objections I could have named over the memorable twenty-seven, who voted for its passing the House in contradiction to the President's judgement and the fundamental principles of republicanism. I have also in strict remembrance the members who have uniformly supported the Excise Law and the Funding System. Nor am I wholly ignorant of the proceedings of the Senate, thanks to the worthy few there who gave us the names of those gentlemen who voted against having their doors opened. But I could not find a certain name in that day's proceedings; which greatly surprised me, from the confidence the majority of this state has long placed in him. I wish his political sun may not have passed its meridian on that day.
Whenever I read a speech of a member of Congress in support of republicanism and the equitable rights of man, respect for and admiration of his principles effectually rivets his name on my memory—Others there are whose principles are taken on trust from their friends;—principles which, in fact, they never possessed; for, when on the floor of Congress, such persons have too frequently proved themselves arant aristocrats—but Congress is the grand political touch-stone which tries every man's principles therein.
In regard to government, many newspapers may justly be said to be the friendly monitors of the public by acquainting them with the purity or baseness of the metal. Certain it is, some who have passed for good, well meaning men, have in a great measure been changed after sitting some months with a certain honorable body. Hence, some of our country doctors are inclined to suppose the Federal Dome may be somewhat infectious—Pity that some of your more learned physicians in Philadelphia would not take the case into serious consideration, and give us their opinion. As the members are now dispersed over the country, it is possible an infection may be communicated by some of them, and before we are aware, the disorder rendered epidemical.
Cumberland County, May 31.
A curious Fact.
"In the time of Julius Cæsar, the Danube used to freeze, and armies marched over it on the ice: but, for centuries past, no ice has been made in that river."
[Gen. Adv.]
Ovid goes a little farther, and tells us, that the sea itself, at the mouth of the Danube, used to freeze: nor does he relate this in one of his sportive poetic moods, but in serious, sober sadness, and attempting to philosophize on the causes of this phenomenon so new to a native of Italy. See Tristia, Lib. 3. Eleg. 10. V. 51. &c. &c.
Another Curious Fact.
At the first discovery of the northern continent of America few or no cod-fish were found to the southward of the banks of Newfoundland and Sable island. About 25 or 30 years ago they were first discovered off Sandy-Hook, in the vicinity of New-York. It has been observed that ever since that time they have gradually become more and more plenty on the fishing grounds off the Netherland, in 6, 7, and 8 fathoms water, and perhaps equally so many miles farther eastward. The present season has afforded an abundance, hitherto unknown in that part. Within these few
years they begin to be found off and about the Cape of Delaware—Bry, tho' in comparatively small quantities—and, it is said, two or three have been caught last year about Chingoteague shoals in lat. 38. on the coast of Maryland. From these facts it would seem that the Cod-fish is gradually progressing southward, and in time, may, perhaps, be caught along the whole extent of coast belonging to the United States. It is observed by coasting vessels that Mackarel are in the same manner, advancing more to the southward than formerly.—We may conclude from hence that the Banks of Newfoundland are the original habitation of the Cod-fish, from whence, on account of their prodigious increase, they are annually pushing out colonies in every direction, where sustenance can possibly be found.
An infinite variety of reports and hearsays are circulated in the late foreign papers relative to the union of powers on the continent against the French revolution. Among these it is mentioned as a certainty that Russia has acceded to the designs of the German potentates, by becoming a member of the alliance. Prussia and Austria are to adopt the same system of measures in respect to each other, and an immense combined army was determined upon, to act the crusaders against French Liberty. By the best accounts, however, little or none of that enthusiasm is to be found among the soldiery that is commonly a forerunner of victory. "They are in their hearts friends to the cause of France, and it was expected would desert in vast numbers the moment they found an opportunity to do so."
By recent information from Kentucky, the Indians continue to kill people on the frontiers of that country. The messenger (Col. Harding) who was sent to the Miami towns to persuade the Indians to treat, was fired upon by them, and was obliged to return without accomplishing the object of his mission. Three of his attendants were killed.
In Poland they have lately adopted a salutary regulation, not to allow their dead in future to be buried within the walls of towns, or in churches, where the smell proceeding from the bodies might either be offensive, or injurious to health; but to have their burying places enclosed at a distance from towns, and in the open air, where no bad effects can possibly arise to the living. [ Land. paper. ]
The canker worm is making great ravages among the apple-trees in some parts of Massachusetts and Connecticut.
Who would have thought (says a N.Y. paper) that the effects of the late misfortunes of many of our citizens would have been so little felt in general, as they are at present? Scarcely any traces of the disasters, except in the speculating line, which happened some time ago, are now to be seen in the commercial sphere. Trade of every kind begins to be carried on as in with spirit and success.—The representations which have been made of the situation of New-York, in consequence of the late speculative failures, have been very much exaggerated and falsified. The shock at the time was severe but of short continuance. Credit is again revived—and prosperity once more approaches in sight.
Some misunderstandings prevail in New-York relative to the late election of governor and lieut. governor. The great question is, whether the votes returned from Otsego county, be legal or illegal—The latter was adjudged by a majority of the canvassers, and is remonstrated against by the friends of Mr. Jay.
On Saturday last died, in this city, Major FULLERTON, Secretary to the Cincinnati of the state of Pennsylvania.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
6 Percents 22 1/2 3 Percents 13 3/4 Deferred 13 3/4 Indents 13 3/4 Final Sett. 18 3/4 1-2 Share Bank U. S. 65 percent adv. Whole Shares ditto 17 do. do.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
June, 1792.
D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather. Monday, 11. 6 29. 9 52 N. E. Rain. 2 29. 9 58 do. do. Tuesday, 12. 6 30. 0 56 N. E. Fair. 2 30. 01 60 do. do. Wednesday, 13. 6 30. 1 54 N. N. E. Cloudy. 2 30. 2 70 E. Fair. Thursday, 14. 6 30. 1 53 E. Misty. 2 30. 1 74 do. Fair. Friday, 15. 6 30. 0 61 S. E. Fair. 2 30. 1 80 do. do. Saturday, 16. 6 30. 05 61 S. W. Fair. 2 30. 07 80 W. Fair. Sunday, 17. 6 30. 02 67 Calm. Misty. 2 30. 06 89 S. W. Fair.

AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT for regulating Processes in the Courts of the United States, and providing compensations for the Officers of the said Courts, and for Jurors and Witnesses.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all writs and processes issuing from the supreme or a circuit court, shall bear test of the chief justice of the supreme court or (if that office shall be vacant) of the associate justice next in precedence; and all writs and processes issuing from a district court, shall bear test of the judge of such court (or if that office shall be vacant) of the clerk thereof, which said writs and processes shall be under the seal of the court from whence they issue, and signed by the clerk thereof. The seals shall be provided at the expense of the United States.
And be it further enacted, That the forms of writs, executions and other process, except their form and the forms and modes of proceeding in suits in those of common law shall be the same as are now used in the said courts respectively in pursuance of the act entitled, "An act to regulate processes in the courts of the United States," in those of equity and in those of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction according to the principles, rules and usages which belong to courts of equity and to courts of admiralty respectively, as contradistinguished from courts of common law; except so far as may have been provided for by the act to establish the judicial courts of the United States, subject however to such alterations and additions as the said courts respectively shall in their discretion deem expedient, or to such regulations as the supreme court of the United States shall think proper from time to time by rule to prescribe to any circuit or district court concerning the same: Provided, That on judgments in any of the cases aforesaid where different kinds of executions are issuable in succession, a capias ad satisfaciendum being one, the plaintiff shall have his election to take out a capias ad satisfaciendum in the first instance.
And be it further enacted, That from and after the passing of this act, the fees and compensations to the several officers and other persons hereafter mentioned, shall be as follows; that is to say, to the marshals of the several districts of the United States, for the service of any writ, warrant, attachment or process in chancery, on each person named in the same, two dollars: for his travel out in serving each writ, warrant, attachment or process aforesaid five cents per mile, to be computed from the place of service to the court where the writ or process shall be returned; and if more persons than one are named therein, the travel shall be computed from the court to the place of service which is most remote, adding thereto the extra travel necessary to serve it on the other: Provided, That the fee for travel where there is one person named in such writ, warrant, attachment or process, shall in no case exceed seven dollars, and when there are more than one, the fee for extra travel shall not exceed one dollar above seven dollars for each person. For each bail bond, fifty cents: for selling goods and vessels condemned, and receiving and paying the money three per cent: for every commitment or discharge of a prisoner, fifty cents. For summoning witnesses, where he does it, each thirty cents: for summoning a grand or petit jury, each three dollars: Provided, That in those states where jurors by the laws of the state are drawn by constables or other officers of corporate towns or places by lot, the marshals shall receive for the use of such constables or officers the fees allowed for summoning jurors: For attending the supreme, circuit or district courts five dollars per day, and at the rate of ten cents per mile for his expenses and time in travelling from the place of his abode to either of the said courts. For levying an execution, and for all other services not herein enumerated, such fees or compensations as are allowed in the supreme court of the state where the services shall be rendered: To the clerk of the supreme court of the United States, ten dollars per day for his attendance in court, and for his other services in discharging the duties of his office, double the fees of the clerk of the supreme court of that state in which the supreme court of the United States shall be held: To the clerk of the district and circuit courts such fees in each state respectively as are allowed in the supreme courts of the same; and five dollars per day for his attendance on any circuit or district court, and at the rate of ten cents per mile for his expenses and time in travelling from the place of his abode to either of the said courts. And in case any clerk of a court of the United States shall in discharging the duties of his office perform any kind of service which is not performed by the clerks of the courts of the state, and for which the laws of the state make no allowance, the court in which such service shall be rendered may allow a reasonable compensation therefor. To each grand and petit juror fifty cents per day for attending in court, and for travelling at the rate of five cents per every mile from their respective places of abode to the place where the court is held, and the like allowance for returning: To witnesses summoned in any of the courts of the United States the same compensations in each state respectively as are allowed in the supreme courts of the same: To the attorney of the United States for the district, such fees in each state respectively as are allowed in the supreme courts of the same, and also the like compensation for travelling as is above allowed to the clerk of the district and circuit courts.
And be it further enacted, That the marshal shall have the custody of all vessels and goods seized by any officer of the revenue, and shall be allowed such compensation therefor as the court may judge reasonable: And there shall be paid to the marshal the amount of the expense for fuel, candles, and other reasonable contingencies that may accrue in holding the courts within his district, and providing the books necessary to record the proceedings thereof: and such amount, as also the compensations aforesaid to the grand and petit jurors, To the witnesses summoned on the part of the United States, to the clerk of the supreme court for his attendance, to the clerks of the district and circuit courts for their travelling and attendance, to the attorney of the district for travelling to court to the marshal for his attendance at court; for summoning grand and petit jurors and witnesses in behalf of any prisoner to be tried for a capital offence; for the maintenance of prisoners confined in jail for any criminal offence, and for the commitment or discharge of such prisoner, and also the legal fees of the clerk, attorney and marshal, in criminal prosecutions, shall be included in the account of the marshal; and the same having been examined and certified by the court or one of the judges of it in which the service shall have been rendered, shall be paid in the usual manner at and the amount thereof paid out of the treasury of the United States, to the marshal, and by him shall be paid over to the persons entitled to the same, and the marshal shall be allowed two and an half per cent on the amount by him so paid over to be charged in his future account.
Approved by the PRESIDENT, May 8th, 1792.
And be it further enacted, That in every prosecution for any fine or forfeiture incurred under any statutes of the United States, if judgment is rendered against the defendant he shall be subject to the payment of costs—and on every conviction for any other offence not capital the court may in their discretion award that the defendant shall pay the costs of prosecution—And if any informer or plaintiff on a penal statute to whose benefit the plaintiff or any part thereof if recovered is directed by law to accrue shall discontinue his suit or prosecution or shall be non suit in the same, or if upon trial a verdict shall pass for the defendant, the court shall award to the defendant his costs, unless such informer or plaintiff be an officer of the United States specially authorized to commence such prosecution, and the court before whom the action or information shall be tried, shall at the trial in open court, certify upon record, that there was reasonable cause for commencing the same, in which case no costs shall be adjudged to the defendant.
And be it further enacted, That the fees and compensations to the several officers and persons herein before mentioned, other than those which are above directed to be paid out of the treasury of the United States, shall be recovered in like manner as the fees of the officers of the states respectively for like services are recovered.
And be it further enacted, That if any officer herein before mentioned, or his deputy, shall by reason or colour of his office wilfully and corruptly demand and receive any greater fees than those allowed by this act, he shall on conviction thereof in any court of the United States, forfeit and pay a fine not exceeding five hundred dollars, or be imprisoned not exceeding six months, at the discretion of the court before whom the conviction shall be.
And be it further enacted, That the act passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, "An act to continue in force for a limited time, an act passed at the first session of Congress, entitled, "An act to regulate processes in the courts of the United States;" and also another act passed at the last session of Congress entitled, "An act providing compensations for the officers of the judicial courts of the United States and for jurors and witnesses and for other purposes," be and the same are hereby repealed.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the clerk of the supreme court of the United States, forthwith to transmit to the clerk of the several circuit courts the form of a writ of error, to be approved by any two of the judges of the supreme court, and it shall be lawful for the clerks of the said circuit courts to issue writs of error agreeably to such forms, as nearly as the case may admit, under the seal of the said circuit courts, returnable to the supreme court, in the same manner as the clerk of the supreme court may issue such writs, in pursuance of the act, intitled "An act to establish the judicial courts of the United States."
And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the clerks of the district and circuit courts, in the absence or in case of the disability of the judges, to take recognizances of special bail, de bene esse, in any action depending in either of the said courts, and also the affidavits of all surveyors relative to their reports, and to administer oaths to all persons identifying papers found on board of vessels or elsewhere, to be used on trials in admiralty causes..
And be it further enacted, That in all suits and actions in any district court of the United States, in which it shall appear that the judge of such court is, any ways, concerned in interest, or has been of counsel for either party, it shall be the duty of such judge on application of either party, to cause the fact to be entered on the minutes of the court, and also to order an authenticated copy thereof, with all the proceedings in such suit or action, to be forthwith certified to the next circuit court of the district, which circuit court shall, thereupon, take cognizance thereof, in the like manner, as if it had been originally commenced in that court, and shall proceed to hear and determine the same accordingly.
And be it further enacted, That all the records and proceedings of the court of appeals heretofore appointed, previous to the adoption of the present constitution, shall be deposited in the office of the clerk of the supreme court of the United States, who is hereby authorized and directed to give copies of all such records and proceedings to any person requiring and paying for the same, in like manner, as copies of the records and other proceedings of the said court are by law directed to be given: which copies shall have like faith and credit, as all other proceedings of the said court.
JUST. IMPORTED. From London, Dublin, and Scotland, A large and general assortment of BOOKS, For sale by ROBERT CAMPBELL, No. 54, South Second-Street.
VINER'S general abridgement of law and equity, alphabetically digested under proper titles with notes and references to the whole; 4 volumes are received. Price to subscribers 4 dollars per vol. neatly bound.
*** This work will be comprised in 24 royal octavo vols. 8 or more of which will be published every year until completed.
Lord Raymond, Douglass, Vesey, Cowper, Strange, Crooke, Ambler, Salkeld, Peere Williams, Durnford and East, Dallas, Comyns, Burrows, Kelyng's and Aitkin's Reports in octavo—Hargrave and Butler's Coke upon Littleton, London and Dublin editions.—Comyn's digest of the laws, 5 vols. Doctor and Student, or dialogues between a Doctor of Divinity and a Student in the laws of England—Enomus or dialogues concerning the laws and constitutions of England. Fofers crown law—Leach's crown law—Gilbert's practice in common pleas—Hinds and Harrisons practice in chancery—New law grammar—Mallory's entries, 2 vols.—Newman's conveyancing, 6 vols.—Williams's do. 2 do.—Highmore on bail—Hatsells precedents in the house of commons—Poweel on contracts—Do. on powers—Reeves's history of the English law—New system of pleading—Sheppard's touchstone—Kyd on Awards—Richardson's common pleas—Travels of Anacharsis the younger, in Greece, during the middle of the 4th century before the christian era, 7 vols. with elegant maps. Cowper's translation of Homer, 2 vols.—Giles's history of Greece, 3 vols.—Gibbon's Roman history, 12 vols.—do. do. complete in 6 vols.—Russells history of modern Europe, 5 vols.—Humes's history of England, 8 vols.—Rollins's ancient history 8 vols. 8 vo. same book 10 vols 12 mo.—Bolwell's life of Dr. Samuel Johnson, with an elegant head.—King of Prussia's works 13 vols.—Bruces travels, 6 vols.—Elegant extracts prose, verse, and epistles—Domestic divinity by Knox—Mosheim's ecclesiastical history, 6 vols.—Soame Jenyn's works, 2 vols.—Tower's life of Frederick the 3d. late King of Prussia, 2 vols.—Shakespeare's dramatic works complete in one vol.—Spallanzani's dissertations, relative to the natural history of animals and vegetables, 2 vols.—The European and literary magazines for the last 6 months of 1791—The universal and gentleman's do. for do.—Lately published Smellies philosophy of natural history, price 2 dollars, neatly bound.
N.B. Country storekeepers may be supplied at the above place with family, common, and pocket Bibles, Testaments, Spelling-books, Watts's Psalms, Hymns, Playing Cards, Quills, Wafers, Sealing-Wax, Writing-Paper, Blank-Books, &c. &c. on the lowest terms. 1aw
HOWELL'S LARGE MAP of PENNSYLVANIA.
This work is engraved in the most elegant style, and will be ready for delivery early this summer. It is 63 inches long and 36 inches wide, and for the most part very full of work (except some small places of which materials were not to be had) and was wholly compiled from actual surveys, acquired at great expense of money, and more than four years labour, and from its manifest public utility, the Legislature has been pleased to grant the proprietor the sum of three hundred pounds.
This map exhibits the County and Township Divisions, and those of the Surveyors Districts in the New-Purchase, Donation and Depreciation Lands; the waters, portages, and the Canal, mountains and valleys, roads, towns, &c. He thanks the Public for their very liberal subscription, and informs them that it is yet kept open. He sells his SMALL MAPS, on canvass, folded and cas'd for pocket carriage, at 10/6, and plain at 8/4.
READING HOWELLS No. 88, North Fifth-Street. June 11. 1aw. 6w.
Philadelphia and Shrewsbury STAGE, By the route of BORDENTOWN.
THE subscribers inform the public, that from and after the third day of June next, (and to continue during the summer season) a boat sets off from the Crooked-Billet wharf, in Philadelphia, on Sundays and Thursdays in the months of June and August; and on Sundays and Wednesdays in the months of July and September, and proceeds to Bordentown.
The next morning comfortable carriages run from Bordentown and Edington, in Shrewsbury; then meet, and exchange passengers at the half-way-house, known by the name of the Burnt Tavern, and return the same day to Bordentown and Edington, aforesaid: And on the days following the boat sets out from Bordentown to Philadelphia.
The proprietors flatter themselves this plan will particularly accommodate those who do not wish to be troubled with their own horses and carriages; and will at the same time afford them an agreeable variety, and make the journey more easy than travelling the whole distance by land.
The Fare from Philadelphia to Edington, for Passengers, - £.0 18 9 Goods per cwt. - 6 Way passengers and way goods, in proportion. The public's most obedient, humble servants JOHN VAN EMBURGH, DANIEL LOTT. May 21st, 1792. 1aw.tf.
*** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York. Price 5/7 1-2.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine second and elastic cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices—
 Best Superfine navy blue 34s.  Ditto. ditto. Scarlet 36s.  Common colours superfine 32s.  Elastic stripes 9s.  London buff and white cassimirs 15/6.  Ditto, coloured do. 15/6.  Yorkshire do. do. 13/6.  Striped toiletts 14s.  Ratinees 38.  Striped Nankeens 3/4.  A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low,  Fancy buttons and trimmings do.  London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24/6. 
The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first Mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers; by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD. No. 3 South Fourth-Street.
Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house, together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment.
A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14, 22w. tf.
PROPOSALS For Printing by Subscription, THE PUBLIC REPORTS FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT of the UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several Members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAIN, the publishers, No. 209, Market Street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States. May 24.
THIS DAY ARE PUBLISHED, [In Octavo—Price 2/6.]
THE LAWS of the UNITED STATES, Passed at the First Session of the Second Congress.
PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.
To which are added the Ratifications of the Amendments to the Constitution, by the several ratifying States; the Armistice between the United States and Great-Britain; and the Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Cherokees, which, with those in the other octavo volume completes all the existing treaties.
Philadelphia, printed by CHILDS & SWAIN, Printers of the Laws of the United States, and sold by them, at their office, No. 209, Market-Street; also by the principal Booksellers in the city.
*** The Laws are sewed in blue paper, and are intended to be bound up with those of the next session, so as to make one volume, comprising all the Laws passed by the Second Congress, when a complete Index will be added for both sessions.
THE LAWS of the Three Sessions of the First Congress, With a complete Index, in one volume octavo, may be had as above. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1792.
CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGE.
THE Eastern-Shore Stage, by way of Chestertown to Baltimore, starts regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-Street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings at 4 o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodness of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route.
JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON, N. B. Light Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.