National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-12-19 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 15 of VOL. II.] WEDNESDAY, December 19, 1792. [Total No. 119.]
The following address from the society of Quakers for Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, and part of Maryland and Virginia, was read in Congress on the 19th of November.
To the President, Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States.
The address of the people called Quakers.
IT was the exhortation of the Apostle Paul, that supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving thanks, be made for all men; for kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all goodness and honesty, for this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour," conformable whereto, our minds have been brought into a religious concern, that the rulers of this land may pursue such measures as may tend to the promotion of the peace and happiness of the people.
We are sensible that the Lord's judgments are in our land, and being deeply affected at the distressed situation of the frontier inhabitants, we desire a solid and careful enquiry may be made into the cause; and are firmly persuaded that if the counsel and direction of the Holy Spirit is waited for and followed, the divine blessing will crown the labours of those who uprightly engage in the work of peace.
The disposition which has appeared in the government to promote pacific measures with the Indians, hath we believe been generally acceptable; and as it is consistent with our religious principles, so it has been our uniform care to admonish and caution our members against settling on lands which have not been purchased of the original owner; and as far as our influence extends, we mean to maintain this our ancient testimony inviolate, which from experience has been found effectual to the preservation of peace with the natives, who, with great hospitality, cherished and assisted our forefathers in their early settlement of this country.
We feel cautious not to move out of our proper line, but being interested in the welfare of this country, and convinced of the expedience of further endeavours being used to encourage the Indians to come forward with a full representation and statement of their grievances, and that every just cause of uneasiness in their minds may be fully investigated and removed: we apprehend it our duty again to address you on this affecting and important occasion; under a belief that nothing short of strict justice will ever be a basis of solid and lasting peace.
We respectfully submit these things to your serious consideration; earnestly desiring that through the influence of divine wisdom in your councils, you may be made instrumental to prevent the further effusion of human blood, and that the inhabitants may long enjoy the blessing of a righteous government.
Signed in and on behalf of a meeting appointed to represent our religious society in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, and part of Maryland and Virginia, held in Philadelphia the 17th day of the 11th month 1792.
Here follows a list of the signers' names.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
EVERY good citizen of a government really, and not nominally republican, will not only carefully avoid countenancing monarchical innovations of a more serious nature, but even those apparent trifles, which at first view might be thought innocent and harmless. Birth-day-odes may in monarchies be proper enough, where the people have, from their infancy, been taught to look upon the monarch to be every thing, and themselves
little or nothing; but in a republican government, plain, pure, and severely simple, these productions when addressed to individuals in office, ought to be considered as fraught with the most dangerous consequences to the interests of social man, and fatal in their tendency, as being productive of monarchical ideas and propensities in the people, and therefore to be discouraged as much as possible by the friends of rational and equal liberty.
It is certain (at least if I may depend upon the information of a young gentleman of my acquaintance) that four or five of these productions are already upon the anvil (some of them hammering out into pindaric) to commemorate a certain day not very far distant; and which, it is said, are to make their appearance in a certain pompous gazette, well recollected upon several similar occasions to have been all on a foam with high-toned productions of the same nature; without the authors of such pieces knowing or caring whether these things were acceptable or not to the venerable character, to whom meant to be applied—or, perhaps, without once reflecting or enquiring, whether the pieces alluded to would not altogether be odious, detestable, and disgusting.
Persons catching at every occasion to offer the incense of adulation ought always to be suspected of sinister design; and that some favourite point to carry, not admiration of the person or his character, is their real motive for offering it. Pity, that every one would not pay due respect to the dignity of human nature in his own person!—there would then be neither slaves nor tyrants—It would be well, also, if the people of all nations would remember, and practice the advice given in the play called the School for Scandal, by one of the characters—"I tell you what, Charles—this is a d-d strange world, and be assured, and you will one day confess, that the fewer people we lavish excessive praises on, the better."
G. G.
From the AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER of last Monday.
MR. DUNLAP,
IN reading over the law of the National Legislature, suspending, for the term of two years, the operation of the limitation laws passed by the Congress of 1785, and 1787, I find a most pitiful, shameful and notorious violation of the most solemn and interesting contracts and engagements ever entered into by any government on earth; upon the performance of which, on the part of the patriot contractees, the establishment and existence of that very government solely depended, and which it is conceded, on every hand, by the late as well as the present government, that they faithfully and successfully performed; and that they have been almost the only sufferers by the revolution, no one, I trust, will be so lost to a sense of justice and truth as to deny.
After acknowledging the justice, and admitting the propriety of liquidating and adjusting the fair and equitable claims on the public, which have not been settled, and decreeing in express and unequivocal terms, "that every officer, (of course officers of every denomination are clearly understood) soldier, artificer, sailor, and marine, having claims for personal services rendered to the United States, in the military or naval departments, who shall exhibit the same for liquidation at the Treasury of the United States, at any time during the aforesaid term, shall be entitled to an adjustment, and an allowance thereof, on the same principles, as if the same had been exhibited within the terms prescribed by the aforesaid limitations." Here then, after this much laboured clause, vaunting of justice, utters in the following unjust, inconsistent, and undignified provi-
so: "That nothing therein shall be construed to extend to claims for rations or subsistence-money." I ask were rations & subsistence-money not a part of the public contract, as well as the immediate pay? Were these not given in lieu of greater pay? And is this not the case with all armies of whatsoever nation, even our own present army not an exception? Where these are not supplied, an equivalent in money is allowed by all nations we are acquainted with. And why, then, in the name of common sense, should not that part of the late public contract be as honorably discharged as any other? Glaring inconsistency! Is it not disgraceful, and does it not throw the most dishonorable reflections on our government, to violate a solemn contract, a sacred engagement, for so trifling a pittance, which in private life would be spurned and hissed at? Besides, it is a daring infringement of the constitution (the only barrier we have for our rights and liberties) as well as a violation of the public contract. For the present government was adopted with the sole view of establishing justice; and a clause thereof secures and confirms to every citizen his right, and expressly declares, that—"all debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of the same, shall be as valid against the United States under the present Constitution as under the Confederation."
The heads of the executive departments, I am told, have also undertaken to put a construction upon the suspension law, I believe, never contemplated by Congress, viz. that it does not extend to the officers and servants of the late military hospitals for personal service rendered the United States: That because military hospitals are not expressly mentioned, and only army and navy, or military and naval departments (as if military hospitals were not a part of these establishments) they came not within the provision of the act. Whereas the intention of Congress in passing the suspension law, appears to me, was to extend indiscriminate relief to all the late servants of the public, for personal service rendered the United States during the war, in whatsoever capacity, that were precluded by the limitations of the late Congress. If otherwise, I have no doubt, Congress, from a sense of duty, will immediately remedy the defect, in order to prevent their valuable time being spent in reading the petitions from individuals of the late military hospital, whose cases may come under the operation of the limitations heretofore established. This circumstance leads me to remark, that our laws ought to be framed in the plainest and most intelligible language, devoid of any manner of ambiguity in order to prevent misconstruction. Sound understandings, from motives of policy, as well as utility, need only to be informed to correct errors and mistakes. A discerning public will not rest satisfied under erroneous constructions or inequitable laws, nor tamely submit to an infringement of their rights. However small the pittance, it may hereafter be pleaded as a precedent, and from smaller, pass to matters of greater importance in the rights of American citizens.
We have reserved to ourselves the right of thinking speaking and writing upon the proceedings of the servants of the people; and we will exercise this, our natural as well as our political right, freely whenever just occasions offer.
A. B. C.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
[Continued from our Paper of the 12th inst.]
IT is said that few nations are capable of preserving their freedom; and this is generally attributed to a lack of knowledge and information in the people: But if
ignorance is so universally destructive of liberty, does it not afford us an indisputable, though melancholy proof, of the universal depravity of the rulers of mankind; for if rulers were honest, and would make the peace, interests, and prosperity of the people the sole end and aim of their conduct, they would lead them, however ignorant, to freedom and happiness; and we should not see the great bulk of mankind reduced to misery and wretchedness to support the idle pomp and pageantry of courts, so absurdly called the dignity of government.
The wretched condition of the people in almost every part of the globe, is a convincing proof, that there exists in every country, a kind of natural aristocracy, haughty, aspiring, ambitious, enemies to freedom, scorning the idea of Equality, looking down upon the people as an inferior order of beings, and improving every opportunity, per fas et nefas, to exalt themselves above their fellow citizens.
Against the arts and designs of these misanthropists or conspirators against the freedom and happiness of mankind, the people must have the knowledge and wisdom to guard and defend themselves, or they cannot preserve their liberties.
Let us not suffer ourselves to be led away by the dangerous delusion, that we have no such characters amongst us; lest we give occasion for taking up over the people of this country, the pathetic lamentation made by heaven over the Jews of old; "O! my people, they which lead thee, cause thee to err, and destroy the way of thy paths." For do not our daily publications teem with productions, tending to lead us into the most dangerous errors? Have not many of those very characters, who so lately joined us, in opposing and expelling a foreign tyranny, which stood equally in the way of our happiness, and their own ambition, been for some time disseminating principles and pursuing measures destructive of the former and promotive of the latter?
When we obtained peace and the acknowledgment of our independence from Great-Britain, our contest for liberty was but half over, it still remained to be determined which should enjoy the fruits of the victory, the people, or their leaders; that is, whether the revolution should confer freedom and happiness upon all, or only contribute to the power and aggrandizement of the few.
Hence it is by no means wise or safe to trust men merely for what they have been, during the late revolution; but we must determine their characters by what they have been since that period, and what they now are. Many were with us during the war, who are not for us now. The times are changed, and we are changed with them, and tho' it may be difficult, yet I trust it is not impossible to distinguish these changelings from the honest friends of freedom; many symptoms by which they may be known may be collected from that excellent piece in the National Gazette of the 12th inst. intitled "Forerunners of monarchy and aristocracy in the United States," to which I will venture to add one, which I think will not lead into any mistakes of characters, which is, that he who endeavours to deceive the people in points on which it is of importance for them to be well informed, cannot be their friend: and here I will once more take the liberty to introduce a gentleman of the above description, I mean the writer in Mr. Bache's Advertiser of the 4th inst. who signs himself Otsugo. This writer after endeavouring to persuade us that an avowed advocate for monarchy, may be more safely trusted in the administration of the government of the United States, than one who has uniformly advocated the republican system, goes on in his second paragraph and says "Though the chief magistrate of an important state in the union, he (meaning

Governor Clinton) has stood forth the avowed advocate of hostile opposition to that government which he has sworn to support," and to the like purpose he says in his last paragraph, "shall he whose constant endeavours, are directed to overthrow our excellent constitution, who threatened to draw his sword in opposition to it, be chosen to fill the second office under it?" Here I confess I am at a loss for a suitable answer, our language does not afford words sufficiently severe to rebuke him with the asperity he deserves, nor black enough to paint such conduct in a public writer. Good God! Tantumne animo humano vitium? Exsistit such venom in a human heart? Is it possible that such groundless calumny, such assassination of character, should proceed from a pen which sets out with so much pretended tenderness for character, as to accuse Mr. Adams's opponents of calumny, merely for quoting his own acknowledged sentiments against him? Is it possible that we can be mistaken in marking this man as an enemy to our freedom, who has thus attempted to deceive us by positive falsehood in an affair which he admits is of much importance to our country? I shall now endeavour to shew, though it is hard to prove a negative, that this is one of those many fallacies, which have been invented, and propagated against that good man, by the virtuous partisans of Aristocracy, who in their great zeal and hurry to enlighten our understandings, and thereby enable us to support our liberty, often forget that any regard is due either to truth or decency .
So far has Governor Clinton been from ever avowing a hostile opposition to the government of the United States, that he was perhaps the first man in the United States, who publicly avowed his determination to support it; which I am informed he did in a solemn, public manner before a whole people assembled, in their representatives, at the moment of its adoption. This is a fact, which can be incontrovertibly proved. Mr. Hamilton, or Mr. Jay, if requested, I believe, could either of them certify the truth of it.
And I call upon Mr. Otsego or any one else, to make it appear that Governor Clinton ever threatened, either before or since the adoption of the constitution, to draw his sword in opposition to it. And I am fully persuaded, that since its adoption, his most ingenious enemies would be puzzled to point out any part of his conduct, which can be called unfriendly to it. And so far in my opinion ought we to be from considering him as an enemy to the constitution, that we ought, as we wish to perpetuate the blessings of freedom in our country, and to secure our posterity from that misery and wretchedness, under which man is made to groan in every other part of the world, by the luxury, the pride and the oppression of their rulers, to pray to God, that the government of the United States, may ever be administered by just such enemies to it as Governor Clinton is.
I shall make but one more remark at this time, which is, that those who endeavour, either by a dissimulation of their own or a misrepresentation of the characters of others, to deceive the people at elections, are, and ought to be considered, as more dangerous enemies to their liberties, than those who are in open arms against them. (To be continued.)
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
FRANCE, October 1.
Letter from the commissioners sent to Chalons, dated St. Menehould, Sept. 30, at nine in the evening; addressed to the National Convention:—"In our last letter we gave you an account of our arrival at the army of General Dumourier, and of the effect produced on it by a notification of the wise decrees which you have already passed. We now announce to you that we have just received intelligence, that the king of Prussia has raised the camp which he had about a league from us; from the position in which it was, General Dumourier fore saw, that the enemy could not long keep their position in the midst of the desert plains of Champagne, and without having any communication through which they could receive convoys but towards Grand Pre.
Some days ago General Dumourier dispatched General Buernonville with a body of 13,000 men, to intercept this communication, and that general, distinguished for his activity, zeal and ability, succeeded in getting possession of several considerable convoys. He likewise took more than 100 prisoners, who arrived successively in the course of the day. All accounts agree in certifying the extreme distress to which the army of the enemy is reduced; and General Dumourier formed a very just idea of their situation, when he informed you that they could not remain long in it.
"It can scarcely be believed that experienced generals should have penetrated into the deserts of Champagne, had they not entertained a vain hope that they should be seconded in their operations by a criminal correspondence with the malcontents; but the memorable day of the 10th has proved, that the French, while they com-
bat for liberty, will perish rather than consent to any capitulation. The general, daily informed of details which proved their distress, properly judged that by preserving their situation, they would destroy the effect of any movements which they might attempt. This army, so formidable, is reduced one half by its sick whom they were obliged to send away to Grand Pre. It is well known that there is a general hospital in that town, in which there is more than 8000. Had General Dumourier abandoned his position and advanced towards Chalons or Rheims, they would infallibly have taken advantage of his movement, not to attack us but to pass through the defile, and to establish cantonments for the purpose of passing the winter in one of the most fertile countries. His constant perseverance has obliged them, last night, to make a movement entirely contrary to that which he expected.
"They have quitted their post, and the communication between Chalons and St. Menehould is now re-established, which gives the French army 15 hours for the arrival of convoys and provisions. Ardour and satisfaction prevail among our troops, and our situation was never so advantageous as at present. The first movement which the enemy made indicates that they wish to retire through the defile of Grand Pre, the only passage which remains to them.
"We shall not enter into any details respecting the future plans of General Dumourier, but we think it our duty to inform you, that the utmost confidence ought to be reposed in him; that the people of Paris need be in no uneasiness, and that we hope in our next to give you still more satisfactory intelligence. People ought not, however, to exult in that success which the fate of war may reverse; but we are able at present to give hopes, which result from the certain distress of our enemy, and the diseases by which they are weakened; from the excellent condition of our troops, and from the ardor which they shew to combat those tyrants, who wish to impose laws upon them, as well as from the confidence which they have in their General.
(Signed)
"CARRA. "SELLERY. "BRIEUR."
"P. S.—It was by mistake that we dated our last on the 30th: the true date was the 29th, at seven in the morning. This moment we have received a letter from General Buernonville, announcing that since yesterday he has taken 200 prisoners, 24 waggons loaded with cloaths for the troops, 800 horses, and five emigrants of the king's household. By a second note we are informed that he has killed 27 hussars with a Prussian commander. The National Convention will learn these details with satisfaction."
A copy of the letter from General Dumourier to the king of Prussia was then read. In this letter the general informed his Prussian majesty, that the manifestos of the Duke of Brunswick had been treated with sovereign contempt by the whole French nation, and that it was not by threats that a free people could be conquered. He then represented to him the advantages which would result to both nations by an alliance of which they were both worthy, and requested him in the name of his own glory and interest, and in those of his army, to abandon the despicable cause of the emigrants.
The reading of this letter was frequently interrupted by applause.
The Minister for foreign affairs transmitted to the Convention a list of those ambassadors and envoys who had taken the new oath. The ambassador at the court of Denmark had not only refused to take it, but had written to Louis Stanislaus Xavier that he would receive no orders but from him, whom he considered as the only lawful king of France.
A letter from the Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the National Convention.
Paris, October 1.
"Citizen President—I announced to the National Convention that overtures for a negotiation had been made in the name of the king of Prussia to General Dumourier. I mentioned at the same time the decision of the executive power, which ordered the Generals not to listen to the proposals until the armies of despots had first evacuated the land of liberty. The proposals of the king of Prussia were however remarkable, as they contained a precise acknowledgment of the national authority, and of the quality of representative of the nation in external relations which had been attached formerly to the political existence of the constitutional king. Another acknowledgment, no less remarkable, was, that the ancient order of things, destroyed by the will of the nation since 1789, was contrary to the happiness of the people.
"Such an unexpected acknowledgment, spontaneously made, without any previous negotiation, might incline us to think that the enemies armies are in the greatest distress. There are, however, other motives equally pressing, which make them think of peace. A kind of truce was agreed upon. Gen. Dumourier took advantage
of it, to collect, and properly dispose, the different bodies which were to be joined to his army. He made in quietness, and with silence, all those movements which were necessary to give him a superiority, by his situation, and to confine the enemy in theirs. While he was thus preparing for his military plans, frequent communications, that could not but be advantageous to liberty, were established between the two armies. General Dumourier embraced this opportunity of exchanging prisoners of war. The cartel agreed upon with the Prussian Generals was formed according to the laws decreed by the National Assembly. The emigrant prisoners were not included in it, and the Duke of Brunswick did not even persist in a remonstrance, which he had made in their favor.
"A conference on this occasion took place between the Duke of Brunswick, Count de Luchesini, minister of the king of Prussia, and lieutenant-colonel adjutant general Thouvenot, who was charged with conducting the exchange of prisoners. In this conference, the Duke of Brunswick expressed himself almost in the following terms:
"Our nations are not formed to be enemies: might not some means be devised for accommodating matters in an amicable manner? We are in your country—it is desolated by the inevitable misfortunes of war; we know that we have no right to prevent a nation from giving itself laws, and from tracing out its internal government—we do not wish it—we are only interested for the fate of the king. Assure us, that a place will be assigned to him, in the new order of things, under any denomination whatever, and his majesty, the king of Prussia, will return to his own states, and become your ally."
"The moderation of this language, from a man who signed the manifestos already published, and to which the contempt of the French nation has done ample justice, must appear surprising.
"Lieutenant Colonel Thouvenot replied, "that the will of the French republic would not yield to any foreign influence, and that the representatives of the nation, to whom the valuable deposit of its honor and glory was particularly entrusted, would continually persist in maintaining decrees which had been functioned by general opinion."
"The Duke of Brunswick terminated the conference, by saying that he would transmit to Gen. Dumourier a memorial on the subject. This memorial is a third manifesto, worthy in every thing of the two former. Gen. Dumourier received it with indignation, in which we share, and which must also be excited in the National Convention, and in all France.
"It was immediately announced that the truce was broken, and letters from the General, written in a stile suited to a man honored with the noble employment of conducting Frenchmen to liberty, procured an answer from the king of Prussia's aide-de-camp, stating, that the intentions of the king and of the Duke of Brunswick had been misunderstood; that a new conference was demanded; and that the royal and imperial armies would not be the first to break the truce. Gen. Dumourier refused to consent to any new conference, or any delay in the operations of the campaign, unless the memorial of the Duke of Brunswick should be first annulled.—Such is the actual state of things! What passed during that circumstance, will shew the French nation in that respectable point of view which belongs to it. All our proceedings have been marked with candor and firmness. We have abandoned stratagem and weakness to our enemies, and all Europe must perceive in our conduct, a people, who set a just value on peace, but who are not afraid of war.
(Signed)
"LEBRUN."
After reading the above detail, M. Brissot then read the memorial of the Duke of Brunswick, which runs in a similar strain with his two former manifestos. The reading of it was frequently interrupted with murmurs, and when that part was read, which insists on the restoration of Louis XVI. to the royal dignity, the Assembly burst into a fit of laughter.—M. Brissot requested the silence of pity.
PARIS, October 3.
As it becomes every day more difficult to guard the prisoners in the Temple, on account of the measures which they concert together, and as the responsibility of the council-general of the commons, renders it necessary for them to prevent them from escaping, they have passed the following decrees:
 I. That Louis and Antoinette shall be confined apart.  II. That each prisoner shall have a separate apartment.  III. That their valet-de-chambre shall be arrested.  IV. That the citizen Hebert shall be added to the five commissioners already appointed.  V. The commissioners are authorized to put in force the decree of September 29, and to deprive them of their silver plate and table equipage; and, in a word, to take such steps as they may think proper, to preserve these hostages of the conspiracy 
of tyrants combined against the liberty of the republic.
The king of Spain has lately published an ordinance, strictly forbidding the circulation in his kingdom of all books speaking of the revolution of France; as well as fans, ribbons, handkerchiefs, &c. that may contain any allusion to it.
Proclamation of a Council of War, held at Lisle, the 12th of September, 1792, at noon, the first year of French liberty.
"Citizens!—Our enemies, despairing to take the fortress by the rules of art, menace you in order to obtain that end, by a bombardment. Citizens! be calm; remember your oaths; be assured, that government will indemnify you for your losses, and our enemies will prove, that it is without success they attack a free people.
By order of the Council of War, POISSONIER, Sec'ry.
BOSTON, Dec. 6
A Captain from the port of New-London lately shipped through mistake a female, disguised in the habit of a tar, who performed the duties of a fresh water sailor in an admirable manner, so as to preclude a discovery of her sex till she actually arrived in the West-Indies.—While Congress are about establishing a new act for the more effectual purpose of encouraging American seamen; this heroine has lent her aid to the brave sons of Neptune, by proposing the introduction of her sex, as a means of excluding a great number of British jacks, who are, to the great detriment of our commerce, constantly employed in the American trade.
In the last Chronicle , we had the honor of communicating to the enlightened free-men of Massachusetts, and to our fellow-citizens in general, the opinion we had formed of the fallacy of the disagreeable rumours, so carefully and industriously circulated in England and America, of the supposed misfortunes of our Gallic friends, and illustrious coadjutors in the glorious cause of freedom. In this, we offer (and it is with great pleasure we can do it) a full confirmation, not only of the agreeable intelligence contained in our last; but of a prospect being opened, at least of an entire evacuation of France, by the invading armies, and a consequent establishment of a free and happy constitution to that gallant and generous people. That this may be the event, may God almighty grant!
In addition to the Paris accounts, we can assure our readers, on the authority of Captain Woodrope, an intelligent observer, who came passenger in the vessel from L'unkirk, and who is abundantly capable of knowing, from his long residence in that place, that every thing was calm and tranquil there, and indeed in every part of France, since the commotions of the 4th of September, in Paris. Assignats (their paper money) appreciating—commerce protected—and the flags of all nations flying in that harbor, without even excepting the Austrian. All persons seem to have but one spirit, and are united in pursuit of one object—the expulsion or capture of the Germans.—That the National Convention consist of men cool and determined in the cause of liberty. In fine, that every thing wore the happiest face when he left France, which was about the sixth of October.
A correspondent assures us, that the Massachusetts Charitable Society, at their quarterly meeting last Monday evening, unanimously voted a blanket for each prisoner now confined in Boston gaol, and as much fuel as will be necessary to keep them comfortable during the clemency of the season.
We are informed, that at a late meeting of the agricultural society , in this town, a very considerable sum of money was subscribed, for establishing a fund to defray the expense of premiums and bounties which may be voted by the society. The hon. T. Russell, on this occasion, subscribed one thousand dollars. An instance of patriotism we deem highly worthy recording.
A correspondent cannot but remark, how "circumstances alter cases." Those who are now lamenting the hard lot of the Secretary at War, that he cannot be heard viva voce before Congress, were highly supporting certain dignified characters when the heroic MORGAN, was denied a trial on the spot, where he could produce substantial evidence of the truths he asserted, and was ordered hundreds of miles into the wilderness for the purpose. Let not then the Secretary at War complain of "exparte evidence."
Perhaps nothing can be more pernicious, than an obsequious disposition to a blind commendation, of the measures of any government: It is enquiry, criticism, and scrutiny, which inform, instruct and improve. The action of laws upon public opinion, and the re-action of that opinion upon government, is the criterion, by which to judge of the wisdom, the policy, or the folly of political measures: Whilst a due attention is paid to these correspondent reflections, of the government upon the people, and of the people upon the government, the public confidence will be inspired, and increased, and the knowledge of legislation enlarged and improved.

HARTFORD, Dec. 10.
On Wednesday last the Electors for this state, of President and Vice-President of the United States, met at the court-house in Middletown, and unanimously voted for George Washington, Esq. President, and John Adams, Esq. Vice-President.
We are informed that some of the electors of this state, received letters from New-York, recommending Gov. Clinton as a proper man for Vice-President. The writers of those letters, and all their adherents, may be assured, that this and every other attempt to influence the people of this state in their elections, will excite no small degree of resentment. The factions of New-York had better keep their invidious influence , their cabals and their corruption, among themselves, and not attempt to spread them among the quiet and independent electors and freemen of Connecticut. Any attempt of this kind deserves severe reprobation; but an attempt to persuade our electors to vote for Governor Clinton, a man of moderate political talents, and a steady active enemy to the constitution of the United States, is a very open affront to the citizens of this state—A man too who is at the head of a party in New-York—and it is a sacred truth, that the leaders of popular factions are all tyrants at heart . Governor Clinton is infinitely more aristocratical in his principles than Mr. Adams—at the same time, his political talents and information, weighed in the balance with those of Mr. Adams, are lighter than a feather. For shame, ye tools of power! keep your tyrant among yourselves, and do not obtrude him into a situation, where he may disturb the peace of the union.
A customer wishes to be informed of whom that "little faction of wrongheads," is composed, mentioned by a correspondent in your last Monday's paper, to have "raised us in three years time from a wretched state of discord, and refoued our national character from infamy." If your correspondent will be good enough to answer this enquiry, he will render every friend to his country, essential service, for they wish to direct their gratitude to objects deserving it.
ALBANY, Dec. 3.
Judge Hosner of Ontario county, arrived in this city on Saturday last, from the Genesee country, and has been so obliging as to communicate to us the important and highly interesting intelligence of a truce having been concluded between the hostile Indians and the United States, on which we take the liberty of felicitating our countrymen.
He says, the chiefs of the Six Nations, deputed and commissioned by the President of the United States on a mission to the hostile tribes, assembled in council at the Miami village, are returned home, having happily succeeded in bringing about a cessation of arms between the said Indians and the United States—to continue till the spring of 1793; and that in the interim, they are ready and willing to enter into negotiations with commissioners, on the part of Congress, for bringing about and establishing a firm and lasting peace with the United States.
The said chiefs add, that the Indians at the council, contrary to their most sanguine expectations, received them with a great deal of cordiality, sitting them their elder brothers, and treating them as such in the most courtly and friendly manner; and that they paid every possible degree of respect and attention to the talks which were delivered them from the President of the United States.
The above information was received in the Genesee settlement (as might well be expected) with the highest degree of satisfaction; and it has already given a new spring to the spirit of improvement, as well as to all kinds of business in that new and flourishing part of the union.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Dec. 14.
A report was read from the committee appointed to propose amendments to the act passed last session, imposing certain duties on the judges of the circuit courts, respecting the relief of invalids. The report was in favor of those amendments, and of striking out those sections of the law, which some of the judges had objected to executing; instead of which the report contemplates the appointment of commissioners to carry into effect the general purposes of the act.—This report was referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday the 31st instant.
A letter was read from the Secretary at War, containing lists of invalid pensioners returned to the war office as invalids by the judges of the circuit courts, with the particulars of their several cases—Referred to a committee of the whole on the 31st instant—as were also two other reports from the Secretary at War on the same subject.
The report on the petition of the inhabitants of Post St. Vincennes, praying ex-
emption from the expence of re-surveying their lands, was received from the committee in favor of the petitioners—Read and laid on the table.
The House took into consideration the amendments of the senate to the bill providing for the registering and recording ships or vessels. The first, second, and third amendments were agreed to; the 4th ( to guard effectually against collusion in regard to American vessels ) was, after some debate, negatived.
A message was received from the Senate with a bill for adding to and altering the act for extending the time allowed for settling the accounts between the United States and individual states—Read, and laid on the table.
On motion made for the House to go into committee on the confidential message from the President, the doors were shut.
MONDAY, Dec. 17.
The bill from the Senate, for extension of the limited time for settling accounts between the individual states and the United States, was read a second time, and referred to a committee of the whole House on the seventh of January next.
The report of the committee, in favor of the petition of Simeon Fair, who had lost an eye in the service of the United States, was referred to a committee of the whole, to-morrow.—The House then went into committee of the whole, on the report of the committee to whom had been referred the memorial and petition of the executors of Edward Carnes, together with the Secretary of the Treasury's report thereon.—After some debate, the petition was agreed to, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill for the purposes therein mentioned.
PHILADELPHIA.
DECEMBER 19.
By a letter received in town yesterday from Gen. Wilkinson (dated Fort Hamilton, Nov. 6,) we are informed that Major Adair had on the same day a smart engagement with a body of savages, supposed to be double his number, near Fort St. Clair. After a sharp contest for 2 hours, he kept his ground, tho' the enemy carried off the greater part of his horses during the action. Capt. Hale was among the slain—Madison wounded slightly—Matthew English, Isaac Jett, Joseph Clinton, John Williams, and Robert Bowling, are the others killed—wounded 5—Captain Adair commanded a company of 100 mounted volunteers, from Kentucky, appointed to escort provisions from Fort Washington for the supply of Fort-Jefferson. Two Indians were killed, and many others carried off during the battle.
We should have noticed in our last, that no sooner had the news arrived on Friday afternoon of the retreat of the despotic forces of Prussia and Austria from the French frontier, than the bells of this city were set a ringing in testimony of the sincere and heart-felt joy of the citizens on this grand occasion, and of the part they take in an event that contributes in no small degree to emancipate the French from the projected tyranny of combined Europe.
On Wednesday the 12th inst. John Taylor, Esquire, appointed by the legislature of Virginia one of the members of the Senate of the United States for that state, in the place of Richard H. Lee, resigned, took his seat in the house.
A letter from France, dated October 5, to a gentleman in Newport, R. Island, has the following paragraph:—"It is this day reported, that the king of Prussia offers to treat with us and return home; but no terms will be accepted until he leaves the kingdom."
"Our readers will observe (says a London paper of October 6) from the details of the National Convention, that instead of General Dumourier's army having been forced to lay down their arms, or having met with any thing like a disaster, that of the Duke of Brunswick is now retreating, with circumstances rather like a flight than any thing else."
The commissioners for building the President's House, in this city, have reported that the expenditures already made (exclusive of the purchase of the lot) amount to £8,827 11 6, besides several bills unpaid, for the discharge of which they expect the balance of the sum appropriated (11,000) will be sufficient to complete the edifice, and for its appendages £10,000 more are required.
A letter from a gentleman in the western army mentions, that no expedition will be carried on against the Indians during the present winter—that discipline is at the height of severity—desertion punished with immediate death after conviction, and the whip not spared for the smallest crimes.
A petition from the inhabitants of the county of Dauphin, in this state, has been laid before the general assembly, complaining of illegal proceedings at the late election—It is to be taken up for consideration this day.
TO BE DISPOSED OF,
The prophecies and opinions of the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, not only with respect to the French revolution, and its probable consequences, but also with regard to a Reform of the Representation of the People of England, in the Commons House of Parliament.
To save trouble, one farthing or a Holland doit , will be the money required.
N. B.—All the political consequence of the said Right Honorable Edmund Burke , will be thrown into the bargain.
[Lond. paper.]
A critical view of Parties in relation to the contest between Mr. Adams and Governor Clinton .
The Party for Mr. Adams consisted of, 1. A certain description and combination well known to be attached to a government of king, lords, and commons—The activity and constancy of this corps may be counted on in all future cases.
2. Federalists, governed more by party names and prejudices, than by a regard to the principles of the constitution itself, as the test of its real friends and adversaries—This class must daily decrease, as reason gets the better of passion and error.
3. Republicans uninformed of Mr. A.'s political principles, or the necessity of arresting their progress in the government—This class must in like manner decrease, as a knowledge of public characters and public affairs is diffused.
4. Eastern citizens who have listened to false suggestions that the opposition to Mr. A. was an opposition against New-England, and originated in a local fashion, or enmity of the southern states. Time and truth must ere long shew that the sincere friends of equal liberty and republican government have every where the same views and interests, and thereby discomfit the manoeuvres practiced to divide and govern them.
5. Such as allowed a respect for the private character of Mr. A. and a sympathy with his personal situation to over-rule their objections to his political principles and inclinations.
The party for Gov. Clinton consisted of, 1. Those who opposed the constitution without previous amendments, and retain their attachment to Gov. C. as a powerful member of the anti-federal party. As the occasion of this party-distinction passes into oblivion, this motive of attachment will cease, but the republican ground of preference will continue.
2. Friends of the constitution, who espoused it as a republican one—who wish it to be administered as a republican one—who try political principles by the standard of the constitution, not by party names or connexions, who see the progress of monarchical and aristocratical principles and vices; and dreading and hating the effects of these as the worst of political evils, naturally side with republicans of all parties and all places, in preference to anti-republicans of any place or party.
3. Those who belong to the party of which Gov. C. is the head in his particular state. A. Z.
Dec. 16.
Present View of FRANCE and her Combined Enemies.
FROM Bourbon's brow the crown remov'd Low in the dust is laid,
And parted, now, from all she lov'd Maria's beauties fade:
What shall relieve her sad distress, What power recall that former state,
When drinking deep the drafts of bliss She smil'd—and look'd so sweet!—
With aching heart and haggard eye She views the palace, towering high,
Where once were pass'd her joyous days, And nations stood, in wild amazement,
Louis! to see you eat! The gaudy vision to restore
Shall fate its laws repeal, And cruel despots rise once more
To plan a new Bastille? Shall "from their sheathes ten thousand blades
In glittering vengeance start," To cut up beef, and slice off heads,
Taking their monarch's part?— Ah no!—the fates this hope refuse,
Louis, they send you no such news— Nor Conde fierce, nor Frederick stout,
Nor Catherine brings this work about, Nor Brunswick's warlike art.
Valour, at length, by freedom led The rights of man restores,
And Gallia, now from tyrants freed, Her Jacobin adores!
* See Mr. Burke's book on the French Revolution. † Thuillier.
ON EQUAL RIGHTS their fabric plant
Storms idly round it rave, Nor longer breathes in Gallic land
A monarch or a slave. At distance far, and self-remov'd
From all he own'd, and all he lov'd, See—turn'd his back on freedom's blaze
In foreign lands the apostate strays, Th' aristocratic knave.
Enroll'd with these, but close immut'd, The gallant chief † is found,
Whom once admiring crowds ador'd, Thro' either world renown'd:
Here, bold in arms and firm in heart He help'd to win our cause;
Yet could not from a tyrant part, But turn'd to embrace his laws.—
Ah! hadst thou staid in fair Auvergne And Truth from Paine ‡ vouchsaf'd to learn;
There happy, honor'd, and retir'd, Bob bemispheres had still admir'd,
Still crown'd you with applause! See, doom'd to feast on famish'd seeds,
The rude Hungarians fly; Brunswick with drooping courage leads
Death's dismal family: In horrid groups, o'er hosts of dead,
Their madness they bemoan, No friendly hand to give them bread,
No Thionville their own; The Gaul enrag'd as they retire
Aims at each head his stream of fire— What hosts of Frederick's reeking crew
Dying, must bid the world adieu, To dogs their flesh be thrown!
Escap'd from death, a mangled train In scatter'd bands retreat
Where bounding on Silesia's plain The despot holds his seat—
With feeble step I see them go The heavy news to tell
Where Oder's lazy waters flow Or glides the swift Moselle:
Where Rhine his various journey moves Thro' settled lands or savage groves,
Or where the vast Danubian flood (So often ting'd by Austrian blood)
Foams with th' autumnal swell. But shall they not some tidings bear
Of freedom's sacred flame, And shall not fetter'd millions hear
The long abandon'd name?— Thro' ages past, their spirits broke,
I see them spurn old laws, Indignant burst the Austrian yoke
And clip the Eagle's claws: From shore to shore, from sea to sea
They aim to set the wretched free, And driving from the servile court
Each royal knave—they help support THE DEMOCRATIC CAUSE.
O FRANCE! the world to thee must owe A debt they ne'er can pay:
The rights of man you bid them know, And kindle reason's day.
COLUMBIA, in your friendship blest, Your gallant deeds shall hail,
On the same ground our fortunes rest, Must flourish or must fail:
But should all Europe's slaves combine Against a cause so fair as thine,
And Asia aid a league so base, Defeat would every plan disgrace,
AND LIBERTY PREVAIL!
Dec. 18.
‡ M. de la Fayette, now confined in the castle of Spandau, in Prussia—His estates lay in the rich country of Auvergne, and are now confiscated to the nation.
§ See Mr. Paine's dedication of his second Part of the Rights of Man, to M. de la Fayette.
THE person who borrowed a SILVER WATCH last August from a person near this city with the letters M. T. (initials of the owner's name) in cypher, on the outside case, the number 4452, is desired to return it to the printer of this paper, or he will be advertised in a manner that will be disgraceful to himself.
at. 2aw
WANTS EMPLOYMENT.
Either in a Dry-good or Grocery store— A young man that is acquainted with both; and can be well recommended— Enquire of the Printer.

To the Editor of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SIR, YOU will oblige many of your correspondents, and subscribers, as well as the admirers of classical productions throughout the world, by re-printing the elegant Latin Verses, which appeared in your Gazette, of Wednesday the 8th of December, on the Pyramid of Stars.—Be pleased to prefix the note by which it was introduced to you, signed A. B. and subjoin the inclosed translation; which you will find is as literal as the idioms of the two languages, and the restriction of metre and rhyme will permit it to be.
I am your friend, Dec. 14. P. I.
MF. FRENEAU, THE state of Kentucky having increased the number of the emblematic stars, and afforded an opportunity of arranging them in a new form—I send you the following trifle on the subject. The National Motto, which I wished to include, will furnish a sufficient apology for writing in Latin. Yours, &c. A. B. Philad. Dec. 10.
* * * * *
“Barbara Pyramidum fiteat miracula Memphis,” Heu male servili marmora structa manu! Libera jam, ruptis, Atlantias ora, catenis, Jactat opus Phario marmore nobilius. Namque Columbiadæ, facti monumenta parantes, Vulgarem sperunt sumere materiam: Magnanimi æelum scandunt; peritæque saxa Quod vincat, celsa de Jovis arce petunt. Audax inde cohors stellis E Pluribus Unum Ardua Pyramidos tollit ad æstra caput. Ergo, Tempus edax, quamvis durissima sævo Saxa domas morfu, nil ibi juris habes. Dumque polo solitis cognata nitoribus ardent Sidera, fulgebit Pyramis illa suis.
[Translation of the foregoing.]
“HER Pyramids no more let Memphis boast, Those wonders of the world, in ours are lost.” Ah! monument of earthly matter made, By servile hands unskilful at the trade! Her chains broke off, the free Atlantic coast May nobler works than Pharian marble boast: Columbia's sons in memory of the event, About to raise a lasting monument; scorning to use such vulgar earthly stuff, Bold scale the heavens and mount the spangl'd roof, Of Jove's high citadel, and thence bring down Materials, which outlast the mould'ring stone. The daring band erect a Pyramid Of stars composed, whose lofty head is hid, In the high heavens, on which, devouring Time! Thy cruel tooth, that gnaws the rocks to lime, Makes no impression: and while round the pole, The kindred stars their usual splendors roll; This Pyramid of stars shall shine as bright With native splendor and unborrowed light.
Translation of PERE DUCHENE'S Observations on the assassination of the King of Sweden—Written before the Deposition of the King of the French.
“I am far from approving assassinations; the word is enough to make my soul shudder; but he who exposes himself to the horrors of being assassinated, by abusing royal power, by signalizing his days by new and repeated outrages against humanity, justice, and reason, is he not culpable? He who places himself above the laws, and looks on them as mere insignificant bawbles; he who is above their reach, and reigns by numberless injustices, is he not exposed to meet death amidst his pleasures? The assassination of a king is certainly horrid, and I confess I cannot think on that atrocity without horror! But are there many of those pretended sovereigns, who have not to reproach themselves with having sacrificed, unjustly, and to their private vengeance, poor wretched victims, whom no person feels for? a poor individual perishes innocently on the scaffold, or, chained for life, is thrown into a dungeon! Well, that affects no person! He is an insignificant being! he dies with ignominy, or in torments—he is forgotten!!! The daily cruelties committed by the excessive ambition of kings, are yet the causes of their being carried in triumph, covered with laurels: It seems as if incense was only to be bestowed on crimes; and those odious atrocities are called marvellous exploits! O! Shame of humanity!
“How many victims are sacrificed in unjust and extravagant battles? Who conducts to the slaughter so many thousands of poor devils in good health, and who could double the population of empires in a short time? Who orders them to be massacred with muskets, sabres, or cannon? Kings.”
“Who, since the creation of the world, deluged the whole earth with blood, and each year multiplied assassinations, treacheries, and the most revolting horrors?—Kings.”
“Who built dungeons and filled them with unfortunate wretches, who had committed no other crime than revealing the truth? Kings. In fine, who supported proud opulence in its numberless crimes; protected the guilty favorites because they had access to the steps of the throne; and sacrificed others, whom only misery and woe rendered criminal? Kings.”
“People, subdue them to reason, oblige them to obey the laws, and you will not have to complain of them any more; you will not see again the horrible tragedy of kings assassinated by ferocious hands led by revenge, and armed by despair! They themselves will be happier, because those who may surround them will no more abuse their power, and provoke the execration of the world against them.”
“The time is not far off, when all nations will imitate the French: The Rights of Man will be known round the world: By degrees, justice and laws will remain the only sovereigns on earth: Nations will at last enjoy happiness—see none but contented men—and never again see assassins.”
From the FAYETTEVILLE GAZETTE, of the 4th December.
BEING in company, a few days since, the conversation was on the troubles which the French are involved in.—The conduct of PETION, the great republican and mayor of Paris, was loaded with every execrable epithet. This naturally led me to ask what that great man had done. The reply was, he has been the most active agent to dethrone the king, and by that event the Germans, emigrants, &c. under the Duke of Brunswick, were with rapidity advancing to Paris. This, if fact, is a sad story, and even in this day of more general liberality in politics and religion, in the opinion of Britons, to lift a hand against the Lord's anointed, is a crime of the blackest dye.—I endeavored to defend the conduct of the mayor, but I found the stream against me: One of the company whom I formerly respected, observed, that it was better for a nation to submit to the arbitrary mandates of kings, nobles and priests, than hazard the risque and troubles which ensue on all revolutions of government. This doctrine, although relished by a major part of the company, I conceive to be dangerous, and such as every American should spurn at. The French are a brave and magnanimous nation, and every principle of gratitude and honor, call on us to be interested in their establishing a free and federal government, the great wish and object of the mayor of Paris, assisted by his zealous friends, the Jacobins, who will rise superior to the “times which try mens' souls;” and like the immortal patriots of America, who never calculated the power, wealth and trouble in contending with G. Britain, but keeping the great object ever in view, in prosperity and adversity, steadily persevered: Such I apprehend to be the characters of the National Assembly, the mayor and Jacobins.—Convinced that the affections of Lewis XVI. his court, the noblesse, and clergy, are corrupt, depraved and treacherous—that under a constitution and form of government, which made him the greatest prince in Europe, and enabled his court to be the first in rank and splendor, still they beheld the dreadful effects of arbitrary principles, inviting a few miscreants, rebels and traitors to a country which gave them birth, to invade the kingdom; assisting with the bounty of munificence, of a great nation, the major part of the immense sums which they had allotted to his support and grandeur, in paying those murderers, and, aided by the Austrians, Prussians, &c. who are with fire and sword, carrying on the war of desolation and death, in the finest country on earth, destroying the helpless, aged and infirm—warring against a nation who never offended them—who, agreeable to the laws of God and nature are only defending themselves, and who, faith-
ful to their treaties, have in our days been prodigal of their blood and treasure, to serve their allies in their days of distress. These blood-hounds at their gates, behold the character of Louis XVI. the aristocrats, both laity and clergy—deaf to the ties of humanity—the voice of the people, which is the voice of God—to repel these rapacious invaders—to defend their country, their wives and children; we behold them laying plots of the deepest kind to murder, poison, and assassinate the national assembly, the mayor and Jacobins, in whom are included those characters whom the people look up to as their friends and political saviours. In this hellish design they are defeated. PETION appears the great and good man— indefatigable in his station—at the head of the largest city in Europe—furnishing supplies to the vast number of recruits, which are hourly going on to their armies, and with the Jacobins, subscribing large sums for the support of the war. While the wretched Louis, sunk in effeminacy and flesh, remains in the temple, a spectator of these events, which successful to freedom and happiness, fix his character with those tyrants of old, Philip II. the House of Stuart, and his great predecessor, Louis XIV. That these United States may long enjoy the blessings of a mild and equal government of laws made by themselves; and that no characters from the island of Great-Britain may obtain posts of profit, honor or consequence, but such as have fully proved their political faith to be agreeable to our excellent constitution, is the ardent hope of
EQUALITY.
Sketch of the present situation of Vermont.
THE rapid settlement and growing importance of Vermont, is one of the most singular instances of the benefit and value of abilities, enterprize and industry, by which a wilderness may be made a fruitful field; and where towns and villages—where churches, schools, and colleges—where polished manners and well regulated society, may be exchanged for the dark haunts of savage beasts and savage men; from darkness to light in religion—from the gloom of ignorance to the bright cheering sun-shine of knowledge.
Not thirty years ago, the territory of Vermont was an uncultivated wild—a field for speculation and land-jobbing, among the royal governments of New-York and New-Hampshire. She is now delivered from the contention of those imperious masters, and filled with inhabitants, whose abilities, enterprize, and patriotism, are not equalled by any state in the Union. Her inhabitants are composed of men who disdained to be poor, and confined to the small division of a little patrimonial inheritance. They have emigrated with their wives and children and become independent farmers and country gentlemen—Respectable as rulers and legislators—respectable in wealth and members. In every quarter of it, the traveller meets men and women of the best character and education, living in a most respectable stile, acquainted with their own country, encouraging industry, and assisting in building places of public worship, and planting schools.
Wheat and cattle, the staple of Vermont, are annually sent in large quantities into the other states and the British provinces, having a large surplus besides the supplying their inhabitants and new settlers.
Mad was that policy, which wished to sever Vermont from New-Hampshire.—History will record and posterity laugh at the leaders of the latter who resisted the application of the former when she requested to be united with them as one state.—But happy was the decision for the prosperity of that hardy, resolute, and respectable territory. A magistrate, representative, or citizen, in Vermont, is equally venerable with a similar officer in any other state. They govern a wise, judicious, virtuous and wealthy yeomanry, who enjoy a liberty as pure as the air they breathe, which is not exceeded on this globe. Health reigns—and cheerfulness and vigor, those greatest of earthly treasures, are the result of their happy climate, happy government, and the noble spirit of its inhabitants.
This is not the fanciful rhapsody of one who indulges imagination—a visit into the region will show all to be facts.
G E O G R A P H Y.
Mathew Carey.
Respectfully submits to the Citizens of the United States, the following PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An AMERICAN EDITION of Guthrie's Geography IMPROVED.
I. It shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper. II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper. III. Besides the maps in the British edition, this work will contain maps of as many of the United States as can be readily procured, executed by the best engravers in the United States. IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.—No advance required. V. The work will be put to press as soon as 200 copies are subscribed for. VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid. VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.
Perhaps there is no science more entertaining and useful than geography. It reveals the discoveries of travellers—the remarkable curiosities of all countries, in nature and art—the situation of provinces, cities, towns villages, rivers, and mountains—in fine, the history, manners, customs, laws, forces, revenues, and government of different nations.
It is an old observation, that “there is not a son or daughter of Adam, but has some concern with geography,” and that a knowledge of this science is indispensable towards the study of history with advantage or satisfaction. Indeed a man unacquainted with it, cannot discourse on the most common newspaper topic of the day without betraying his ignorance.
So much for geography generally. With respect to the present plan, let it suffice to remark, that Guthrie's Geography has been long acknowledged to be the best in the English language; however, the account of America in it has, from obvious reasons, been very erroneous and defective. The errors of former editions will be corrected, and the defects supplied, by gentlemen of abilities, who have engaged to superintend this undertaking, and to avail themselves of all the information that can be procured, to render it the most complete edition extant.
The Printer earnestly solicits the support of his fellow citizens throughout the United States: and as no deposit is required, and every subscriber will be at liberty to withdraw his name, if, on trial, he should disapprove of the work, he hopes the friends of science, and of American arts and manufactures will cheerfully and early patronize this useful work, the greatest and most expensive, probably, ever yet attempted in America, in the typographical line, the Encyclopædia excepted. Phila. Nov. 9th. 1792.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, Nov. 20th, 1792.
THE stockholders of the bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the bye-laws the stockholders of the said bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Thursday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors. JOHN KEAN, Cashier. t. J. S.
Soon will be published THE SYSTEM OF Short-Hand,
Used by Mr. Lloyd, in taking down the Debates of Congress.
A SYSTEM so easy, that any man, of ordinary capacity, may clearly comprehend it in half an hour, and soon practice it, in its fullest extent, without any further instruction, than what will be conveyed in a few pages,—the whole ART being comprised in eighteen simple characters, without any of those perplexing, arbitrary marks, with which the learners of other systems are obliged to burden their memory, and embarrass their practice.
Price, to Subscribers, One Dollar:—to Non-Subscribers, a Dollar and half. Subscriptions received by Messrs. Rice. Booksellers, Market-street, and by JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-street. Half a Dollar to be paid at the time of subscribing.
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