Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-05-26 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 13, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 117.]
THE TABLET.—No. CXVII.
“Laughing is a proof, neither of wisdom or folly.”
THE editor, desirous to pay attention to the efforts of his young correspondents, does not scruple to publish the following essay, which was sent him by ARISTIDES. Some alterations in the stile might have been made, which, in the opinion of the editor, would have added to the elegance of it. But as every author chuses to write in his own way, we communicate the sentiments of ARISTIDES just as he expressed them.
FOR THE TABLET.
NUMEROUS passions have residence in the human breast, and happy for mankind it would be if some of the more violent could be restrained from so often breaking loose.—A very considerable variety however is manifest in their operations upon individuals.—Whether this arises from a different method of education—some peculiarity of structure in the internal and more delicate organs of our frame—or whether the cause of this difference is to be sought for in the mental faculties, are questions I shall not pretend to determine. Possibly it might be found that under an accurate investigation this seemingly great diversity would vanish, or at any rate be considerably diminished—and something similar to what we find in regard to colours take place; in which the proper mixture of a few original ones, that almost boundless variety is produced.
I shall not attempt to trace the different passions to their source, and endeavor to discover those few original ones which may exist according to this last hypothesis—but for the present shall confine myself to a few observations upon the risible faculty or passion for laughter.—In this there is something peculiarly extraordinary and to me unaccountable—because it is excited by causes directly contrary to each other, viz. actions or transactions which are modestly decent, and those which are really contemptible and exceedingly absurd—which perhaps would justify an assertion that it is not always indicative of pleasing sensations—yet in chusing a partner for the nuptial bands, or those of friendship, a cheerful is preferred to a gloomy countenance—the reason for which is obvious, they are generally supposed to communicate somewhat of the same cast to our minds. It is true the opposite passion partakes also in some measure of this seemingly two fold nature, there being tears of joy as well as of sorrow—still there appears to me a manifest contrast—as joyous tears are not only less common but also of very short continuance—lasting only while the tenderness of heart is overcome by an unexpected effusion of satisfaction, which is entirely evaporated when the mind is a little composed, and recollection returns.—In the other case peals of laughter are repeatedly excited and continued, not only by witty sayings but actions very contemptible—How often do we see this passion raised by little calamitous incidents, such as a fall into a mud puddle, a fright or the like?—Is not the invention put to its utmost stretch in schools to devise tricks which when they succeed raise the loudest roars? But what seems strange we cannot perceive the least difference in the feelings when the laugh is excited, whether it be by wit or witticisms, drollery or nonsense.
To admit this might not be relished by those who possess this so much celebrated and frequently desired faculty—if the effects are the same, which must be the case, allowing the communicated satisfaction to be equal, it is reducing the two characters of wit and drollery pretty nearly to the same level, though they are generally estimated differently.—We find most people pleased with a joke, and you may discover many anxiously treasuring up every little incident which they imagine will excite merriment in the circle of their associates—It is surely commendable to pass at least part of our hours of recreation in innocent mirth, and to take some pains to entertain the company with humorous anecdotes and sallies of wit, whether of our own invention or acquired from reading or experience. This is mentioned as one of the circumstances which tended to endear the company and enhance the conversation of our late illustrious and much esteemed Franklin.
According to the foregoing remarks he is the most desirable companion who has the best knack of raising a laugh—for I do not conceive that the design of the most facetious extends beyond the
accomplishment of this, nor do all the repositories of wit obtain more, if it be conceded that every laugh produces a similarity of feeling—and this may be boldly asserted according to one of the rules of philosophising so fully established, by which we are taught to expect similar effects from similar causes, and undoubtedly we may with still more confidence look for it from the same cause; yet however desirous persons may be to excite, still immoderate laughter gives a character for levity—and the word ridiculous is applied to express the idea of the conduct of those whose actions are far from being unexceptionable.—When it is considered how frequently we are compelled contrary to our inclination or rather intention to laugh we cannot help wondering how we should be pleased with absurdity and nonsense; it must be some peculiar oddity which conferring a momentary pleasure is not able to encounter a serious retrospection.
ARISTIDES.
On the GOVERNMENT of our PASSIONS.
I. SAY, Love, for what good end design'd Wert thou to mortals given? Was it to fix on earth the mind? Or raise the heart to Heav'n?
II. Deluded oft we still pursue The fleeting bliss we sought, As children chase the bird in view, That's never to be caught.
III. O! who shall teach me to sustain A more than manly part, To go thro' life, nor suffer pain Not joy to touch my heart?
IV. Thou, blest indifference, be my guide, I court thy gentle reign; When Passion turns my steps aside, Still call me back again.
V. Teach me to see, thro' Beauty's art, How oft its trappings hide A base, a lewd, a treacherous heart, With thousand ills beside.
VI. Nor let my gen'rous soul give way, Too much to serve my friends; Let reason still control their sway, And shew were duty ends.
VII. If to my lot a wife should fall, May Friendship be our love: The passion that is transport all Does seldom lasting prove.
VIII. If lasting, 'tis too great for peace, The pleasure's so profuse; The heart can never be at ease Which has too much to lose.
IX. Calm let me estimate this life, Which I must leave behind, Nor let fond passions raise a strife, To discompose my mind.
X. When Nature calls, may I steal by, As rising from a feast; I've had my fill of life, and why Should I disturb the rest?
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
No. VII.
The Senate's thanks, the Gazette's pompous tale, With force resistless, o'er the brave prevail. This power has praise, that Virtue scarce can warm Till fame supplies the universal charm.
THE result of the preceding discourses is, that avarice and ambition, vanity and pride, jealousy and envy, hatred and revenge, as well as the love of knowledge and desire of fame are very often nothing more than various modifications of that desire of the attention, consideration and congratulations of our fellow men, which is the great spring of social activity. That all men compare themselves with others; especially those with whom they most frequently converse; those, who, by their employments or amusements, professions or offices, present themselves most frequently, at the same time to the view and thoughts of that public, little or great, to which every man is known. That emulations and rivalries naturally, and necessarily are excited by such comparisons; that the most heroic actions in war, the sublimest virtues in peace, and the most useful industry in agriculture, arts, manufactures and commerce, proceed from such emulations, on the one hand, and jealousies, envy, enmity, hatred, revenge, quarrels, factions, seditions and wars, on the other. The final cause of this constitution of things is easy to discover. Nature has ordained it, as a constant incentive to activity and industry, that, to acquire the attention and complacency, the approbation and admiration of their fellows, men might be urged to constant ex-
ertions of beneficence. By this destination of their natures, men of all sorts, even those who have the least of reason, virtue or benevolence, are chained down to an incessant servitude to their fellow-creatures, labouring without intermission to produce something which shall contribute to the comfort, convenience, pleasure, profit or utility of some or other of the species, they are really thus constituted by their own vanity, slaves to mankind. Slaves, I say again: for what a folly is it? On a selfish system, what are the thoughts, passions and sentiments of mankind to us? What is fame? A fancied life, in others breath. What is it to us, what shall be said of us, after we are dead? Or in Asia, Africa, or Europe, while we live? There is no greater possible or imaginable delusion: yet the impulse is irresistible. The language of nature to man in his constitution is this, “I have given you reason, conscience, and benevolence: and therefore made you accountable for your actions, and capable of virtue in which you will find your highest felicity. But I have not confided wholly in your laudable improvement of these divine gifts. To them I have superadded a passion in your bosoms, for the notice and regard of your fellow mortals, which if you perversely violate your duty and wholly neglect the part assigned you, in the system of the world and the society of mankind shall torture you, from the cradle to the grave.”
(To be continued.)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MAY 10.
On the proposition to increase the duty of Tonnage, on foreign bottoms.
MR. SMITH, [S. C.] moved to strike out the first clause of the report, which proposed to raise the tonnage on foreign built vessels to a dollar per ton, and gave several reasons in support of the motion. The measure he considered impolitic because it was injurious to the primary interests of the United States, its agriculture, and unequal in its operation; because it would be severely felt by some states, while it would be advantageous to others; it ought to be viewed either as a matter of revenue or as a bounty; if the former, it should be collected with an impartial hand from each state according to its just proportion; if the latter, it should be paid out of the Treasury, and not raised on particular states. South-Carolina would pay 30,000 dollars, while Massachusetts paid only 8000, and Georgia would pay 14,000 when New-Hampshire paid only 1200. This was requiring the southern states to make too great a sacrifice, and was imposing enormous burthens on them for the exclusive benefit of the eastern states; it was taxing South-Carolina and Georgia to give bounties to Massachusetts and New-Hampshire. Massachusetts having shipping of her own would export her commodities at the rate of six cents per ton, while the southern states whose produce was of a bulky nature must pay 100 cents: In addition to this advantage, Massachusetts would receive the same freight for her shipping as would be paid to foreigners, and as this encreased tonnage would immediately encrease the freight, Massachusetts would receive for her shipping a higher freight than she does now; she would therefore derive numerous advantages from the proposition, while some other states would be exceedingly injured by it. South-Carolina he said, was obliged to employ foreign shipping to carry off full one half of her crop; this encreased tonnage would either make her pay an encreased freight, or would diminish the quantity of foreign shipping on which she depended; in the one case it would operate as a tax on exports, which was against the constitution; in the other it would check the exportation of its produce, and thereby materially affect the agriculture of the country which was its principal resource. He was aware he should be told that this was the way to encrease the American shipping and to rescue the exporting states from their dependance on foreigners. Such an event was not likely to take place without a convulsion; commerce was not easily forced from a channel in which it had long run; in the attempt those states must suffer and they were not at present in a condition to bear it: Embarrassed with their debts, public and private, from which nothing could extricate them but a facility of exporting their productions, they were not in a humour to make experiments; this was one of a dangerous nature;

it was encountering an immediate and certain evil for a remote and uncertain benefit; The navigating states had already obtained from Congress considerable favors more than either the manufacturing or the agricultural states had received; their vessels paid only 6 cents while foreigners paid 50; even when sold to foreigners they paid only 30 cents; they had a monopoly of the coasting trade and the East India trade, and goods imported in American bottoms were entitled to a discount of 10 per cent on the duties. They had by nature every advantage in ship building; they could build for nearly one half the sum it would cost in Europe, they had all the materials for building and equipping at hand, and yet they were not satisfied but were pressing for further benefits; at least they should wait to learn the effect of the laws passed last session on this subject; there were no documents to shew whether those laws had increased the American shipping or to what amount, they had not been in operation above nine months, and it was an extraordinary proceeding to double the foreign tonnage without any other ground than a petition from some merchants in Portsmouth. If after the inquiry should be made, it should appear that notwithstanding every thing which Congress had done for securing to the United States the carrying trade, our own shipping had not increased in the proportion expected, it might reasonably be inferred that other circumstances than those to which it was attributed, occasioned such ill success, and that increasing the foreign tonnage would not remedy the evil; if on the other hand it should be ascertained that the measures of last session had produced the desired effect, then any further restrictions on foreign shipping would be unnecessary. Whatever was the result, it would operate against the proposed increase.
If the fact however really was as the petition stated, that no advantages had accrued to their shipping from the measures of the last session, he was impressed with a strong conviction that their shipping labored under disabilities not within the power of Congress to remove. It was not improbable that our merchants in general, either had not sufficient capital to engage seriously in the carrying trade, or were not disposed to encounter the hazard of that species of commerce. A merchant at Boston who should propose to be concerned in the carrying trade between Charleston and Amsterdam, must have capitals and connections at both those places: His property being thus divided, would be exposed to greater risks than if it were all at Boston under his immediate controul; at least he would feel more satisfaction in this case, and any trifling loss might induce him to relinquish such extensive concerns, and to contract his capital to a smaller sphere: This might be one reason why our citizens were cautious of embarking in the carrying trade; another might be assigned; some of the exporting states were accustomed to particular commercial habits adapted to their local circumstances and their immediate convenience; they were supplied at proper seasons with such commodities as were suited to their wants, and the nation which supplied them, not only allowed us an extensive credit, but received our produce in exchange; the vessels which brought the necessary supplies, were ready to take away our productions, and the merchant who sold the former would naturally employ his own vessels to export the latter. The only mode of supplanting these foreign merchants is to imitate their conduct; without it, said Mr. Smith it is in vain to load their shipping with enormous duties; such a step will only distress us and depreciate our produce, without securing the carrying trade to the Eastern states. The true policy of the United States was to encourage its agriculture and facilitate the exportation of its products—this measure would have a different tendency. Union at home and peace with all the world should be our motto, because they would ensure prosperity to this country; but the proposition if carried into operation, would occasion dilution at home, and might induce a retaliation by foreign powers, and involve us in hostilities. The states which would suffer by this restriction on foreign shipping, of which they stood so much in need, would consider it as unjust and calculated to promote the interests of other states at their expence: In this point of view, he disapproved highly of the measure, for it did not hold out to the different states that equal protection to which by the constitution they were entitled. At any rate the proposed increase was premature and they had not sufficient information to warrant so very enormous an addition to the foreign tonnage.
Mr. Sherman observed that the resolutions had in view two objects; one to encourage the carrying trade, the other to encourage ship building. To give due encouragement to the American carrying trade, he thought it would be expedient to lay the same impositions on foreigners coming into the ports of the United States, as were laid on citizens of the United States going into foreign ports. Encouraging the carrying trade, in his opinion, would operate as an encouragement to ship building, because owning American-built ships should be an object to foreigners who traded with the United States, since thereby they would make a considerable saving in the tonnage; the resolutions proposing to add no additional tonnage on American built ships, tho' owned by foreigners.—He thought that tonnage would not operate so unequally as the gentleman from South-Carolina had imagined. Should its operation be unfavorable to any particular State for the present, yet the general benefit of it would soon pervade the whole, and like water would find its own level.
Mr. Goodhue made some remarks on the importance of the carrying trade, and said that the decline of that business was owing to the restrictions imposed by foreigners on the shipping of the United States. In his opinion, therefore, it was necessary to meet them in this respect upon an equal footing, and place the shipping of the United States in the same situation as theirs. Beyond this he did not wish to go. Considering the ability of our country to build ships, he thought that branch of business ought to be encouraged, as it was a point that in a very essential manner, concerned our nearest interests.
Mr. Williamson said, the question was of importance. He did not think it proper that one part of the community should be burthened for the benefit of the other. Suppose a particular State should pay 8 or 10,000 dollars a year extraordinary for the public good, it would most certainly be proper to adopt some method of refunding the sum paid over and above its proportion, and then the burthen would be equalized. With respect to the policy of encouraging American vessels he viewed the matter in a different light from what the gentleman from Carolina did. When he mentioned the encouragement of American shipping, he confessed his ideas did not extend to a navy. He thought that period still very remote when we should be able to contend with the European powers on the watery element. He hoped, he said, Americans would never so far lose sight of their own interest as to burthen themselves with the expence of a navy; considering our situation, rather let us endeavour to make the most of the produce of our country. The farmer who earns his bread by the sweat of his brow, if his industry procures him more than he wants for his own support, he ought to have markets to go to, and every possible opportunity shown in his way of making the most of his property. By permitting foreigners to carry our produce for us in order to pay for the fine goods they furnish us, we have to raise more from the soil by one third than if we carried it ourselves. The exports from some states consist of bulky articles; and the transportation of lumber to the West-Indies in foreign bottoms consumes 50 per cent. of the cargo. It is usual for a man to fill a vessel lumber, and then give one half for the carrying of the other: so that one half of the property goes out of the country never to return. In particular, too, with regard to tobacco: The value of a hogshead was about 25 dollars, the freight to Europe 8 dollars, so that the freight was very near 33 1/3 per cent.
He mentioned these particulars, he said, to shew the disadvantage of suffering foreigners to be the carriers of our produce. Mr. Williamson then read a statement of the annual exports of North-Carolina, and the shipping employed in carrying off the same. When it was considered what a prodigious proportion of our produce went irrecoverably into the hands of foreigners by their be-
ing our carriers, it was highly necessary to take some measures to counteract such abuse. And he hoped the citizens of the United States would one day or other be the sole carriers of their own produce. For it was to the carrying trade that nations owed their wealth and consequence, and experience had shewn that he that carried the produce finally became the owner of it. The gentleman from South-Carolina (Mr. Smith) had said, that the operation of the present tonnage act had either tended to encrease the shipping, or it had not—if it had increased it, then enough was done; if it had not, then the failure was owing to some other cause, and the raising of the tonnage would not effect the desired purpose.—To this he begged leave to reply, that the tonnage might be compared to a great weight; it was either moved or not, if it was moved and not lifted, then there was only more strength wanted; if it was not moved, then it became necessary to have recourse to the mechanical powers of pulleys, levers, &c.
Mr. Smith then observed, that if gentlemen went upon the principle of increasing the tonnage after they had set it in motion, that they might perhaps go to the length of 2 or 3 dollars. The gentleman had compared it to a weight, when we had got the lever under it, all we had to do was to lift. But it appeared to him that we had no lever under the weight, and that we are striving to raise it without one, and may continue striving till we break our backs. If a person should take a dose of medicine, he asked whether it would not be proper to wait till he saw whether it operated or not, before he should take another? The fact was Congress had not time to see the operation of their measures: But a few months had elapsed since the tonnage act had begun to be in force. The proposed resolutions put him in mind of a sick man, who was informed by his physician that if he could take half a pint of medicine every day for six months, that it would restore him to his health. The man then reasoned thus: Half a pint a day of this potion will make me well in six months; but a pint per day for three months is equal to half a pint for six months—Ergo, a pint a day for three months will cure me!
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MAY 24, 1790.
THE bill for the relief of Thomas Jenkins, and Co. and the bill for establishing the Judicial Courts of the United States in the State of North Carolina, were read a third time, and passed the House.
The amendments proposed by the Senate to the resolutions respecting the arrears of pay due to officers and soldiers of the Virginia and North-Carolina lines of the late army, were taken into consideration.
Mr. Lawrance informed the house that the speculations in this business had not originated in New-York—that he had been informed the whole amount, purchased by persons here, is about 2600 dollars—that the speculations in Virginia and North-Carolina, had taken place previous to the appropriation, and to a much greater amount.—He mentioned these facts, he said, to do away the aspersions, which in the course of discussing this business, had been thrown out against this city. He was of opinion, that it would be best to disagree to the amendments, and let the resolution lie for further consideration.
Mr. Williamson said he hoped the house would agree to the amendments, as in case of non-concurrence the resolutions would be lost—and he was firmly persuaded that it is necessary that some thing should be done.
Mr. Bloodworth made some observations in reply to Mr. Lawrance.
Mr. Ames observed, that as there appears to be a contradiction in respect to facts, and as the resolution had been opposed on certain principles, which had not been controverted, he wished the amendments should lie for the present, and made a motion accordingly.
Mr. Vining opposed the motion.
Mr. Sedgwick supported it.
The vote being taken the motion was lost.—The amendments were then agreed to.
In Committee of the whole on the funding bill. 9th Section under consideration.
This appropriates so much of the revenue from Impost and Tonnage, as may be necessary to pay the interest on the domestic debt of the United States, agreeable to the principles of the bill.
Mr. Gerry observed, that the provision for the non-subscribers, by the bill, does not include interest, as in the case of subscribers. He moved an amendment to make such provision. He observed that this clause as it now stands, conveys the idea of compulsion, to a much greater degree, than without it—whereas the only difference which has been contemplated is, a priority in payments.
It was observed by some gentlemen, that the bill did virtually make this provision.
The motion being put, was negatived.
Mr. Boudinot then moved that the clause should be made definite, by expressing the word "principal," agreeable to the sense of the committee as now declared.
Mr. Sherman moved an amendment to this amendment, to provide for issuing a Certificate for interest, to the end of the year 1791, to non subscribers. These motions, after a short discussion, were withdrawn.
Mr. Heister moved an amendment respecting the non-subscribing creditors, by which they should receive their interest "from and" during the year 1791. This was objected to as establishing a permanent fund for paying the interest to non-subscribers, at 6 pr cent. which is giving them advantages over the subscribers—whereas it is not contemplated by the bill to fund the demands of the non subscribers—they are to be provided for by annual grants.—Some debate ensued on this motion. The question being put was negatived.
Section 12, respects the appointment of commissioners in the several States.
Mr. Steele moved that the section should be amended, by adding the words—to reside at — This motion was lost.
Mr. Williamson moved, that the clause which empowers the Secretary of the Treasury to appoint the requisite number of Clerks to each Commissioner should be struck out.—This was carried in the affirmative.
The committee went through the bill, as far as the 12th section, and made several small amendments. At the end of the twelfth section,
Mr. Gerry said, he rose to make a motion, which was to insert a clause for the assumption of the State debts. Sir, (said he) when this question was before under consideration, a gentleman from Virginia urged a variety of arguments against it, but as he did not come forward with his arguments till near the time of adjournment, there was no opportunity of replying to them. Sir, his arguments appeared to a number of gentlemen to be unfounded, and to require not only investigation but contradiction. Since that time the house have called for documents from the Secretary of the Treasury, from the Secretary at War, and the Commissioners for settling the public accounts. It is reasonable to suppose that the arguments for assumption would derive new force from these papers, if any additional force was wanting. As far as concerns myself, however, I wish not to enter into a discussion of the individual exertions of the States, if it can possibly be avoided. In my view, every state has obtained an ample share of honor, in the public cause, with which they ought to be satisfied—nor is it my wish to reflect more honor on one State than another. This, however he thought might probably be the effect of an investigation of the papers, although he hoped the necessity of such an investigation would be prevented by an acquiescence of the committee in a motion which he would make, and which was founded upon principles of conciliation. Should it be attended with such consequences as these, it would indeed be a happy circumstance—and in that expectation he begged leave to submit it to the consideration of the committee.
It is not at all my wish, however, (continued Mr. Gerry) that the committee should decide hastily on my proposition—it shall be moved, and then lay on the table to afford gentlemen an opportunity of examining it, and making up their minds thereupon.
Mr. Gerry then read the following as his motion:
AND WHEREAS a provision for the debts of the respective states, by the United States would be greatly conducive to an orderly, economical and efficient arrangement of the public finances; would tend to an equal distribution of burdens among the citizens of the several states; would promote more general justice to the different classes of public creditors; and would serve to give additional stability to public credit: And whereas the said debts, having been essentially contracted in the prosecution of the late war, it is just that such provision should be made.
Be it therefore further enacted, That a loan be also proposed to the amount of the said debts, and that subscriptions to the said loan be received at the same time and places, by the same persons, upon the same terms, and with the same options to the subscribers, as in respect to the loan above proposed, concerning the domestic debt of the United States, subject to the exceptions and qualifications hereafter declared.
And be it further enacted, That the sums which shall be subscribed to the said loan, shall be payable in the principal and interest of the certificates, which, prior to the day of last, were issued by the respective states, as acknowledgments or evidences of debt by them respectively owing; and which shall appear by oath, or in regard to a known Quaker, by affirmation, to have been the property of an individual, or individuals, or body politic, other than a state, on the said day of last. Provided,
That no greater sum shall be received, in the certificates of any state, than as follows, that is to say,
 In those of New-Hampshire,  In those of Massachusetts,  In those of Connecticut,  In those of New-York,  In those of New-Jersey,  In those of Pennsylvania,  In those of Delaware,  In those of Maryland,  In those of Virginia,  In those of North-Carolina,  In those of South-Carolina,  In those of Georgia, 
And provided, That no such certificate shall be received, which from the tenor thereof or from any public record, act or document, shall appear, or can be ascertained to have been issued for any purpose other than compensations and expenditures for services or supplies towards the prosecution of the late war, and the defence of the United States, or of some part thereof during the same.
And be it further enacted, That the interest upon the certificates which shall be received in payment of the sums subscribed towards the said loan, shall be computed to the last day of the year 1791, inclusively, and that the interest upon the stock which shall be created by virtue of the said loan, shall commence or begin to accrue upon the first day of the year 1792, and shall be payable quarterly at the same times, and in like manner as the interest on the stock to be created by virtue of the said loan in the domestic debt of the United States. Provided, always, that the interest on one third of the respective sums which may be subscribed according to the last of the three options or alternatives upon which subscriptions may be made as aforesaid, shall commence or begin to accrue until the first day of the year 1799.
And be it further enacted, that if the whole of the sum allowed to be subscribed in the debt or certificates of any state as aforesaid, shall not be subscribed within the time for that purpose limited, such state shall be entitled to receive, and shall receive from the United States, at the rate of four per centum per annum, upon so much of the said sum, as shall not have been so subscribed, in trust for the non subscribing creditors of such state, to be paid in like manner as the interest on the stock which may be created by virtue of the said loan, and to continue until there shall be a settlement of accounts between the United States and the individual states, and in case a balance shall then appear in favor of such state, until provision shall be made for the said balance.

But as certain states have respectively issued their own certificates in exchange for those of the United States, whereby it might happen that interest might be twice payable on the same sums.
Be it therefore further enacted, That the payment of interest, whether to states or to individuals, in respect to the debt of any state, by which such exchange shall have been made, shall be suspended until it shall appear to the satisfaction of the— that certificates issued for that purpose, by such state have been re-exchanged or redeemed, or until those which shall not have been re-exchanged or redeemed, shall be surrendered to the United States.
And be it further enacted, That the faith of the United States be, and the same is hereby pledged to make provision, before the 3d of March, 1791, for payment of interest on the amount of the stock arising from subscriptions to the said loan, upon the like principle with the provision herein before expressed, touching the loan to be made in the said domestic debt of the United States; and also for the payment of the said four per centum per annum on so much of the said debts of the respective states, as shall remain unsubscribed to the said loan.
And be it further enacted, That so much of the debt of each state as shall be subscribed to the said loan, shall be a charge against such state in account with the United States.
And be it further enacted, That the commissioners to be appointed as aforesaid, shall have the like powers and authorities, and shall perform the like services and duties in respect to the said last mentioned loan, as in respect to the one first above proposed, relatively to the said domestic debt of the United States.
Mr. Lee said, he had hoped that the advocates of this measure would have suffered the committee to have proceeded in the business before them, without interrupting it by attempting to unite this subject with another, which has been repeatedly declared to be different in its construction. He thought it would have an inauspicious aspect on the public counsels—would delay, if not entirely defeat, an object of the greatest importance, and on which the public expectation is exceedingly engaged—It will revive all those recriminations, and invidious distinctions, which have already created so many disagreeable sensations.—He hoped the gentlemen would not urge the conjoining a business which is in its nature so distinct. He therefore moved that the Committee should rise, and report the bill. He should not, he said, object to the bringing in a particular bill upon the subject: The proposed amendment is lengthy and complex, said he, it will require a lengthy discussion, and can with more advantage be attended to, when taken up as a separate object.
Mr. Sherman observed, that the design of this amendment is to make provision for a class of citizens equally meritorious with any others in the United States—should the bill pass without providing for them, some of the States will be wholly unable to do it, and others of them cannot without burdening the people with very oppressive taxes—it will be leaving the State creditors in a totally destitute situation. He did not wish that the committee should immediately take the proposition into consideration—he was in favor of its laying on the table, that the committee might take time to reflect upon it.
Mr. Sedgwick made some observations similar to those offered by Mr. Sherman.
Mr. Fitzsimons said he was in favor of the Assumption, as much as any man whatever—still he thought it best to finish the bill now before the committee, and make the assumption the object of a particular bill by itself. He thought this would be a saving of time, and that those who advocated the connecting it with the present bill, would find that the greatest difficulties would attend prosecuting it in that connection.
Mr. Ames observed, that as many observations had been made on the propriety of taking up this subject in connection with the present bill. He thought it necessary that some notice should be taken of them.
He observed, that the present opportunity appeared to be the only one, of taking up this business—for if the bill now before the committee shall be completed, without including the assumption, it will then be objected that the funding system is finished; and drawing near the close of the session, it is very improbable that anything will be done.
Adverting to the report of the Secretary, he observed, that it is evident the Secretary considers the assumption as an essential part of his plan. For his part he could form no idea of a system without it—Gentlemen have been repeatedly called upon to explain their ideas on the subject; they have not done it; they have not pointed out the funds they mean to appropriate to their object. They have not told us what part of the funds appropriated by the states they mean to invade. The idea of bringing in a separate bill he considered as absurd. It was forming two funding systems—making two businesses out of one—and increasing the perplexities of each—rendering that complex and intricate, which might be simplified and made perfectly easy and intelligible.
Mr. Fitzsimons and Mr. Hartley made some observations in reply to Mr. Ames—and objected to connecting the assumption with the present bill.
Mr. Parker after observing that if the proposition now offered by Mr. Gerry, is added to the bill he should be for rejecting it altogether—moved that the committee should rise and report progress. This motion being agreed to, the Committee rose; but before the chairman could make report, Mr. Gale moved in the House that he should report particularly how far the committee had proceeded in the bill—and that the committee should be discharged from any further consideration of the same.
Mr. Page seconded this motion: He observed that the committee had discharged their commission, which was to provide for the public debt—the last section of the bill had no necessary connection with the preceding parts. He objected to Mr. Gerry's propositions, as informal, as tending to obstruct the passage of the funding bill, &c.
Some discussion took place respecting the propriety of instructing the committee in the House, to report differently from the sense of the motion made in committee—which was, that the committee should rise, report progress, and ask leave to set again.
Mr. Boudinot, in particular, enlarged on the impropriety of precluding the advocates of the assumption from replying to the observations of the gentleman from the southward, who spoke the last on the subject—He said the idea of preventing a free and full discussion, is not consistent with candor, fair-dealing, and the rules of the House. The debate was continued with ardor on both sides. In opposition to the committee's sitting again, it was said the assumption has been twice rejected—that it has a tendency to excite heats and animosities—that it will be protracting the public business, and in the issue, occasion a loss of the funding system altogether.—In favor of the committee's sitting again it was said that the observations of gentlemen, opposed to the Assumption, had gone out into the world unanswered, and unrepented to—that in consequence of the very extraordinary and unfounded assertions made by a gentleman from Virginia, papers had been called for, which contained statements that the advocates for the assumption mean to make use of: The business of assumption has received a different determination at different times—the friends of the measure may bring forward such arguments in its support as may convince a majority of its propriety and expediency.
Mr. Gale having withdrawn his motion—it was determined that the committee have leave to set again. Adjourner.
TUESDAY, MAY 25.
In committee of the whole house on the funding bill. Mr. Sney in the chair.
Mr. Gerry's proposition for the assumption of the State debts was read—This proposition was advocated by Mr. Sherman, Mr. Boudinot and Mr. Ames—who severally entered into a full discussion of the subject of assumption, and replied particularly to the observations of Mr. Madison.
No member rising immediately after Mr. Ames, and the chairman being about to put the question, Mr. Sedgwick after premising a few observations respecting the probability that some other gentlemen would wish to express their minds on the subject—in order to allow them an opportunity to do it, moved that the committee should rise. Mr. Gale moved an amendment to this motion, by adding that the chairman should report, "that the committee have gone through the discussion of the 12 first sections of the bill, and that they be discharged from any further consideration thereof." This amendment occasioned considerable debate—an appeal was made to the chair whether it was in order; the chairman gave it as his opinion that it was; an appeal from the judgment of the chairman was made to the committee, who confirmed the declaration—32 members rising in favor of the affirmative; some further debate ensued on the idea which had been suggested of taking up the business of assumption in a separate bill—Mr. Smith (S. C.) moved an amendment to the amendment proposed by Mr. Gale—which was to strike out what relates to discharging the committee—this motion the chairman declared was not in order.—The question being put on Mr. Gale's amendment, it was carried in the affirmative.
The committee then rose, and the chairman reported "that they had gone through the discussion of the twelve first sections of the bill making provision for the public debt of the United States." The question whether the committee should be discharged was prevented from being taken, by an adjournment's being called for—Adjourner till 10 o'clock to-morrow.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
DR. FRANKLIN.
COLUMBIA weep! Thy studious age is dead, Who taught to turn the Thunder from thy head; The Sage, to whom Heav'n gave the envied lot, To live belov'd, and ne'er to be forgot; Tho' oft remember'd, still as often blest, For toils endur'd that thou in peace might rest.
Nor shall the philosophic Sage alone, Blest FRANKLIN's name for light on Science thrown; The humble housewife will his mem'ry love, Who cur'd her chimney by his useful Stove: Not to the splendid was his thoughts confin'd; All arts are great that benefit mankind. His wide, his deep researches, lift the soul, And teach weak man all nature to controul: Nor lets his Maxims form for lowly life, The thrifty husband, and the frugal wife. Earth, Fire, Water, Air, confes'd his power— Nor could TIME steal from FRANKLIN one half hour; But forc'd by INDUSTRY, his tribute brought, And still each moment for his honor wrought; Crown'd him at last with never-fading fame, Then, forc'd by Fate—remov'd him whence he came. D.
STOCKBRIDGE, May 17, 1790.
THAT Liberty is essential to happiness, that without it, LIFE LOSES ITS RELISH, AND BECOMES INSIPID, the wisdom of the wise must impel them to acknowledge. So mistaken however have been the true principles of this most inestimable blessing, that in aiming to obtain it, many have plunged into a worse state of slavery than that from which a fortuitous concurrence of events (as they conceived) have released them.—Perhaps history furnishes not a single instance of a people, for any length of time, continuing to enjoy the blessings of freedom, under the administration of a government composed of but one
branch. Experience has evinced, both in the old and new world, the benefits derived from a government composed of three branches, with proper checks upon each other.—In all governments, distinctions, in some degree, will exist, and the idea of PERFECT EQUALITY must, with every judicious and candid mind, be viewed as chimerical, except mankind revert back to a state of nature. Merit claims a distinction; nor would any law, which the utmost stretch of human ingenuity could fabricate, prevent popular respect from being paid to characters whose talents and exertions had promoted in an eminent degree the public weal. It has been customary in despotick governments, however, frequently to establish distinctions upon no other basis than regal favour, and these have been very improperly made hereditary. This has been the case in France, the National Assembly of which are about to abolish ALL distinctions, orders, and privileges, at one stroke, (if credit may be given to late foreign intelligence.) This will be deemed by many rather too precipitate a stroke at this period of their affairs, and indeed, unwise at any period; for, as we have before hinted, distinctions must always exist in every government. Were the National Assembly of France to abolish such distinctions among them as are hereditary, and by degrees go on to eradicate other evils engendered by despotism, the probability would be in favour of their establishing a government calculated to support and defend the just rights of human nature. But, as at this early stage of their progress, they have seized on the possessions and property of the clergy, (to the amount it is said of 400 millions livres) who are a numerous and powerful body—as they have in fact taken all power from the King, and transferred it to a single assembly—as they are about to abolish all orders, distinctions and privileges, it is very much to be doubted whether the sunshine of peace will long continue to illumine their hemisphere, notwithstanding European accounts mention that affairs at present wear a peaceable aspect. The King, it is evident, makes a virtue of necessity, and his party is not inconsiderable, though doubtless they find it most wise at present apparently to concur in sentiment with a majority of the National Assembly. When this Assembly shall rise, we are of opinion a new scene will open to the view of the world, very different from that which the body of the French nation expect. It is sincerely hoped, however, that this opinion is founded in error, and that a constitution of government will yet be formed to secure the freedom and happiness of France.
NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, MAY 26.
By European accounts it appears that the courts of Spain and Portugal are exceedingly solicitous to prevent the contagion of the French influenza from spreading among their subjects. Their efforts will however prove in vain—they may as well try to exclude the light of the Sun. The rays of knowledge have pervaded the former of those kingdoms. The arts and sciences within a few years have been encouraged in Spain. Several valuable publications in history, laws and philosophy have appeared.—Knowledge unsets the human mind—the sweets of property are but half enjoyed, while in secure—these reflections are inseparably connected with every encouragement that arts and manufactures receive. The Clergy of those countries appear to be the dernier resort of despotism, but the time is fast approaching when the meridian splendor of truth & right reason shall dissipate the dark mists of error—when those, long bound in the prison house of blind bigotry; shall spring to "light, liberty, and life."
Extra of a letter from Liverpool, to a Gentleman in Kingston Jamaica.
"Mr. Wilberforce has mustered all his forces for another attack on the trade; they are very sanguine, and go again for a total abolition. The Presbyterians are in commotion about the theft act. The minister will have enough to do this session. I have been told that if these two points are carried, an attempt will be made to equalize the Clergy, and to pluck them a little; nay, they even go so far as to say, there is a wish to annihilate the whole bench of Bishops."
"I cannot say whether this be from a spirit of liberty or not, but there is some deep laid scheme amongst the Presbyterians, assisted by their brethren of America, to distress this country, if possible, to the aggrandizement of their own."
The holy flame of liberty is kindling in Britain—it is laughable to hear British letter writers charging Americans with fomenting distresses in their country—they have only to cross the channel for the example which has affected their citizens.
On Saturday last happened a very melancholly accident in this city. A daughter of Captain Hamilton, in Crown Street, an amiable girl of near sixteen years of age, went with her brother in her arms (an infant of two years old) into the steeple of the New Dutch Church, within a small distance of her father's dwelling house. Unfortunately, when she had ascended as high as the fourth story, and inadvertently treading upon some loose boards, they gave way, and both came to the pavement jarringly bruised, and the girl with part of her skull beaten in. The latter died instantly, the infant survived about three quarters of an hour.
We hear it was moved in the Senate of the United States on Monday last that when Congress adjourn, they adjourn to the City of Philadelphia. The President of the United States is so far recovered that he rode out in his carriage on Monday last.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Brig Princess Ann, Richardson Leghorn, 77 days. Schooner Three Sisters, Marschalk, Curacao 21 days. Royal Captain, Houltou Grenada, 22 days. Experiment, Goram Port au Prince, 17 days. Sloop Ranger, Allin, St. Croix, 13 days. Polly, Dodds, Charleston, 8 days. Dauphin, Mills, Bohama, 13 days.

DUBLIN, March 18.
YESTERDAY, his Excell. the Earl of Westmoreland, went in state to the House of Peers, and gave the Royal assent to the following bills, viz. The great money bill, the mutiny bill, the hawkers and pedlars bill, the coffee bill, the bill for the advancement of trade, the malt bill, the sugar bill, the linen-trade bill, the French treaty bill, the stamp duty-bill, the tobacco-trade bill, the bill to amend the law relative to registering freeholders, and the bill relative to the guardianship of Roman Catholic children. His Excellency was accompanied in the state carriage by the Marquis of Waterford, and the Earl of Drogheda.
The Right Hon. the Speaker of the House of Commons made the following excellent speech yesterday at the bar of the House of Peers, on presenting the bills above mentioned.
"May it please your Excellency, Every year's experience since 1785 has shown the wisdom of the principle which the Commons then established, of preventing the accumulation of the national debt. Under the influence of that principle, public credit has risen so high as to admit of an increase to the sinking fund by a considerable diminution in the interest of the public debt. Private credit too has felt its salutary effects, and the advanced state of both has given vigour to industry, and a steady aid to mercantile exertions."
"We now see our commerce extended to a degree unknown in any former time; our agriculture increased even beyond the most sanguine expectation, and our linen manufacture risen largely in its value. Such is the present prosperous situation of this country; and we behold it with more satisfaction, because it has not arisen from temporary or accidental circumstances, but has proceeded in a steady and regular course, from a wise system uniformly adhered to, from a confidence of the nation in a continuance of that system, from the security given to private property against the violence of outrage, and above all, from that content and peaceable submission to the laws without which no kingdom, however blessed in constitution, climate, soil, or situation, can be rich, powerful, or happy."
L O N D O N, March 28.
FRENCH COMMERCE.
The Committee of Agriculture and commerce in France have proposed to the National Assembly the following Decree relative to the privileges of the East India Company, which was ordered to be printed.
The National Assembly, considering that the liberty of the sea is the universal tie of nations; that shackles on commerce tend to check genius, and throw a damp upon industry; that the system of monopoly, while it gives strength to a small part of the body politic, leaves the greatest part torpid and inert; decree as follows;
I. The exclusive privileges of commerce to India and China, granted to a company by the Arrests of Council of the 14th of April 1785, and the 27th of September 1786, are hereby revoked.
II. From henceforth every Citizen of France shall have free liberty to trade to India, China, and all other places, contained in the exclusive privileges of the company, without the necessity of any passport or permission, provided always the Ordinances and Edicts of the Admiralty be attended to.
III. All vessels employed in trading to India, China, and other countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope, shall, by a pass, certify their return at Port L'Orient.
IV. All commodities of the growth of India and China shall be liable to a tax of five per cent. ad valorem; and those of the growth of the Isles of France and Bourbon, to a tax of four per cent.
V. The India Company shall be exempted from such tax on all commodities and merchandize lying in the Company's warehouse at L'Orient; and also on those merchandizes imported from India on the account of the Company.
PROTECTION OF THE MEDITERRANEAN.
Extract of a letter from Madrid, March 3.
"The King our Sovereign, after having in vain remonstrated with the French Councils without success, has made a resolution to take upon himself the preserving the free and independent navigation of the Mediterranean seas for the year 1790 at least, and has for this purpose ordered, besides the ships from Malaga and Barcelona, four men of war to be equiped immediately at Cartagena, which is to compose a third detached squadron of observation, for protecting the sea coast, traders, &c. The deranged state of the French government has a wonderful effect in the cabinet of this country."
ANECDOSE.
In instructing the Dauphin to read, the declaration of the rights of man has lately been employed. A few days ago the King asked him, whether he recollected any thing he had gone over? "Yes, (said he,) father, I understand, by what I have read, that men are equal, and that every Frenchman is a man as well as myself."
This is very true, said the King. "Then (replied the Dauphin,) how is it that I hear the contrary asserted by such and such people," naming several of the dignified clergy, dukes, counts, &c. "I prithee, father, order that in future they may be taught to read in the declaration of the rights of man."
HALIFAX, April 22.
Yesterday the House of Assembly met according to their adjournment. His Majesty's Council sent down the appropriation bill with sundry amendments. The House conceiving they had no right to amend a money bill, threw it under the table, and proceeded to form a new bill, with sundry alterations—which being also sent up for the concurrence of the Council, was soon sent down with amendments. The House then chose a committee to confer with a committee of the Council on the subject, from which conference it appeared that the Council were determined to abide by their amendments of the bill; and the House appearing equally determined to abide by their bill without any alteration—the bill; was again sent up to the Council for their concurrence. After some time had elapsed, his excellency the Lieutenant Governor came to the Council Chamber, and sent a message to the House requiring their attendance. The House accordingly attended, and the speaker read and presented to his excellency the 7th articles of impeachment against the Justices of his Majesty's Supreme Court, which the House had framed out of 10 of the articles of charge that were originally brought before them.
His Excellency then gave his assent to all the bills which had been agreed to by both Houses, except the bill for limiting the duration of the assembly to 7 years. The reason assigned by his Excellency for refusing his assent to the latter bill was its being contrary to his instructions. After which his Excellency was pleased to prorogue the general Assembly to the 15th of July next—Previous to the House being called up to the Council chamber they had made choice of Isaac Wilkins & Elisha Lawrence Esq's, to go to England, and also prepared instructions for them.
Extract of a letter from Quebec, Feb. 1790.
"The polls we consider as the key to the fur trade—from which trade Great-Britain derives her principal revenue in this province; though it is not always equally productive.—This object is greatly coveted by the people of the States; but whenever it shall fall into their hands, they will be very much disappointed—for a spirit of rivalry will lead adventurers into such schemes if competition, and out bidding of each other, as will eventually ruin the trade—and as to any advantage it would be to their government, I can conceive of none.—Our merchants under the strictest regulations that our government can impose, are often sufferers by their speculations in this business. With respect to relinquishing the polls I see no symptom of it."
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Includes items like Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, St. Croix, Country, Molasses, Brandy, Geneva, etc. Prices are listed in dollars and cents.
EDUCATION.
THE remote situation of Clinton Academy has prevented the merits of its institution from being ushered into public view, while other Seminaries, not more productive, have received the well deserved approbation of the public, from the just applause of the literati, who have condescended to examine them. It cannot therefore, be amiss to acquaint the uninformed that—the building for this Academy was erected in 1784, by a number of private gentlemen in East Hampton, on Long-Island.
That it was done for the purpose of promoting good learning in the neighbourhood—and of extending the blessings of education, so far as application for them should be made. In the year 1788, this Academy received a charter of incorporation, and in January 1788, it was placed on the honorable establishment of a branch of the university. A considerable number of young gentlemen have begun their classical studies here, and already completed them, in different colleges; a considerable number are now in college, and many more have finished a valuable education at this seminary. The departments for miscellaneous education have been more generally improved. In these, great numbers have received some benefit, and more than a few have advanced to brilliant acquirements.
These departments being, for the present, committed to the management of the Subscriber, he is determined to recommend them to the Public by that good order and proficiency of the Scholars, which undeniably declare the merits of the Institution. He considers Tuition as an essential part of his employment; but, to gain the voluntary attention of his Pupils he deems still more important.
He will teach those who come only to be taught, and, he will avail himself of every possible advantage to form the minds of those who are sent to be made Men, as well as Scholars. He is particularly sensible of the necessity of good discipline, and is determined, at all events, to establish and support it; but, is equally determined to renounce corporal punishments, as an expedient for this purpose, being fully convinced that the ingenious mind is best influenced by persuasive motives; and that the most refractory has some latent sense of honor and propriety, which being called forth and properly directed, will better regulate the conduct than any corporal punishment which a Governor can inflict.
Every branch of common education will be taught in these departments, with the addition of the French language; and the Pupils will be carried to such degrees of perfection, in what they are required to learn, as their time and genius will admit.
Particular attention is given to the religious improvement of the Scholars, by the Principal, the Rev. Mr. BUER, who daily performs public prayers in the Academy, and gives every Saturday, a lecture in Theology.
The classical department, though lately vacated, by the removal of an eminent Instructor, will be seasonably supplied by a gentleman suitably qualified for the place; and those who apply for classical instruction, will be regularly attended to, at the usual rate of thirty-two shillings per quarter.
The price for full tuition, at public and private hours, in the English Academic department, is twenty-six shillings per quarter, exclusive of vacations. There are appointed two vacations in a year—each, three weeks, and they are to commence the first week in April, and the first week in September. For the common School, viz. six hours in a day,—only fourteen shillings. Each scholar who writes, pays threepence per quarter for his ink, and one shilling per quarter for the use of books with which the miscellaneous departments are completely furnished.
Good boarding, inclusive of washing, &c. may be had from eight to ten shillings per week; so that a scholar being properly clothed, and furnished with suitable utensils for his business; his whole expenses for a year, provided he is absent during the vacations, may be defrayed with twenty-two pounds; or from that to twenty-eight, accordingly as it is chosen that he should be taught or accommodated.
East Hampton, is well known to be a pleasant part of the Island, and remarkably healthy. The conveyance by water to and from New-York are regular and frequent; a constant intercourse is preserved with various parts of the continent, and the remoteness of its situation is more than counterbalanced by the tranquillity of the place, and its conveniences for study. The late generous notice of the legislature of the state, in their valuable donation to the seminaries of learning, will undoubtedly add much to the usefulness of this Academy.
The Subscriber will devote his time, and utmost attention to the business of Education here, during the present season, being With great respect, To the Promoters of Education, Their most obedient, And most humble Servant, WILLIAM PAYNE.
By Permission of the Principal. East Hampton, May 5, 1790.
CONTINENTAL
AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET.
A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 3, QUEEN-STREET, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muffsins 8-4 6-4 5-4, HUMHUMS, Jacketon do, Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cuffs, Chintzes, Seersuckers, Ginghams, Boglepores.
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
A large impression of this paper having been struck off from the commencement of the second vol. April 14.—Those who incline to become subscribers from that period, may be furnished with the numbers compleat.