National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-07-03 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 71 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, July 3, 1793.
[Total NUMB. 175.]
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MR. FRENEAU,
I am certain, that your valuable paper has a number of inveterate enemies; whose most desirable object would be to cramp the liberties of the people within the narrow bounds of an obsequious assent to every act which has the seal of the GREAT affixed to it. It is no matter of wonder that they cry out so loudly against the freedom of the press; for it is by it they receive the severest lashes, and which may force them to bellow out. Your paper is an enemy to despots, villains and knaves. consequently, they are your adversaries. By inserting the following you will declare war against another class of our foes; and I most sincerely hope, that your Gazette will, sooner or later, discover the whole brood, and put them to a disgraceful flight.
Yours, &c. S. R.
STRUCK with the truth of that remark which teaches us to arrange our actions and principles in such a manner as that all will prove consistent, and no particular one will disagree with its attendants, I was led to compare my own actions with the principles which I had always imbibed and, through the comparison, I found that few of my actions preserved that desirable consistency. On the contrary, I discovered through the general train of my actions one at variance with the other; and the whole of them, at war with my principles. I was happy to find however, that in one important transaction of my life I approached near the rectitude of my breast. In this point, most of my fellow citizens have ignorantly strayed, and acted in a manner, which, in my opinion, reflects disgrace on all the principles of equality which they profess to hold sacred. In short, Sir, what I allude to, is nothing less than the late very charitable donation of the citizens towards the building of an African Church. I make not the least doubt, but that on their making contributions towards this end, they acted from the most christian impulse. But it must still be acknowledged, that in this, their charitable action, they have disclaimed the benign principles which a Benezet and a Wilberforce have laboured to vindicate; and which, they themselves but lately approved.
By whom was this generous building first proposed? Was it by a friend to mankind? Was it suggested by a republican? Or was it not first proposed by men who blend the worst aristocratical principles with the purest religious sentiments? They led the way to charitable citizens to make liberal contributions, pleading the specious motive of alleviating the miseries of the blacks, and of placing them on a more equal footing; but I fear, instead of this, it will be followed by disastrous consequences to the people of the United States.
It cannot be denied, that the most virtuous men among us might be entangled by the intrigues and chicane of the most vicious. This is sufficiently evinced by the foregoing instances; and I am of the opinion, that had not the proposition just mentioned, been so shortly followed by its encouragement, it would, at this time, be unthought of. And instead of this latter partition we should now see a negro presbyterian or a negro episcopalian, as heartily welcome to a seat in St. Asaph's or Christ's as the whitest among us.
I am so far from admitting the least portion of virtue to be in this public act, that I firmly believe it to be a sin against the Christian religion and the Almighty. Do the christians among us believe there are two roads to heaven, one for the white, the other, the black? would not the same elements received in the sacrament by a black man prove as effectual to the salvation or damnation of a white one? and yet our modest and humane gentry, refuse to mingle their praises with the sincere effusions of some whose greatest misfortune is, to differ in colour! imagining, as I suppose, that their devotions will not ascend with such sweet favors, if alloyed by the praises of a negro.
But, even acknowledging what has just been hinted, to be distant from the design of the original proposers, I say, that the thing itself is dangerous to, and incompatible with, the equality we now struggle to establish. I believe (tho' some may contradict it) that our constitution recognizes the rights of negroes. The states and the people abolish slavery, and declare all to have equal rights. If this be the
case, to cramp them under illegal restrictions, is as alarming to us, as a meditated attack on our own liberties. They are classed among the citizens, they have, a right to all the privileges of citizens; and to the same protection from government. But alas, our peace and happiness was not to rest long undisturbed. The wolves have broke down our barriers, & are now devouring the flock. The roaring lion, religious as well as civil, tears asunder the ties which formerly united the citizens of the United States. An aristocratical junta formed to butcher our liberty are allowed to form and execute the most wretched schemes. And we, if we are not on our guard, must shortly be hurried to misery & every wretchedness: & rendered obedient to a set who now are bold enough to bar the gates of heaven to all who are not of the ROYAL BLOOD.
June 24th 1791.
A TRUE AMERICAN.
EXTRACT
[From the FAYETTEVILLE GAZETTE.]
FROM just sentiments on the rights of nature and society have the philosophers of France, by their united and incessant labours, for the last forty years, dispelled the magic charms which tyranny established for nearly fifteen centuries, assisted and nourished by the lunacy of the Roman church that kept the inhabitants of this great nation in chains, and ignorant of their unalterable rights. These chains are not only pleasing to royalty, but are of aristocratical birth, and their ratio is the divine rights of kings, passive obedience, & non-resistance: but thanks to the supreme governor of the human race, who has vouchsafed to smile on the efforts of regenerated France, however lamentable and contrary to common sense and reason, this heterogeneous nonsense could not be eradicated by the just and general voice of severe complaint and bitter sufferings—but the blood of these men, to whom mankind are highly indebted, must be offered at the shrine of despotism.
In England, where they boast of having more liberty than their neighbours, and of being better informed, we find a SIDNEY perished on the scaffold; and that luminary of knowledge and rectitude of foul, the great JOHN LOCKE, was expelled from a university for endeavouring to serve his fellow men. The superior happiness which a federal republic has over an arbitrary monarchy, will ever find the narrow and malignant politics of despotism endeavouring to disturb its peace. From the administration of the British in 1763, to the present epocha, AMERICA has experienced the want of justice, humanity, and that liberality of sentiment, which that enemy to the rights of man, Mr. Burke, declares, "only belongs to Britons." From this oppression of the court of Britain, and additional strength of the crown, it is presumed, the report we have is too true that nearly one million sterling has been sent to these United States, for such purposes as would lead to undermine and destroy our happy constitution, to blacken the cause of France, our only ally, our best friend—this is founded on the following reasons.
The treaty of Paris, in 1763, has been fulfilled by the United States, with sacred truth; while the British court has refused to comply with the most important articles. The Western posts and fur trade, which belong solely to America, are enjoyed by Britain. The former costs for guards against the depredations of savages, by our military establishment, nearly one million of dollars per annum; besides the horred losses of our innocent brethren whose value no price can estimate, as freemen. The fur trade is worth to Britain, two million of dollars annually, and in the hands of these states would be more beneficial than that enormous sum. The exports from the provinces of upper and lower Canada, confirm this truth.
Our commerce is much fettered by Britain, we are wholly restrained from the islands—she has injured us with the republic of Holland, insulted our flag, and many of her actions on the high seas, are little short of piracy. Among her abuses we reckon the sending immense quantities of merchandise to these states, with British factors, who by establishments all over our country, participate of every privilege which the nation enjoys—circulate BOOKS and publications vilifying the republic of France,
the cause of liberty and a republican government; drinking toasts on set days, offensive to the natives of the soil. In the respectable state of Maryland, some steps have been taken to prevent this growing evil.—JONATHAN PLAIN, an inoffensive character, brought one of the before-mentioned books to town, a few days since; it had for a frontispiece, badly executed, Tom. Paine, the celebrated author of 'Common Sense' hanging with the 'Rights of Man' in one hand, and a bundle of aliases, or paper money, in the other.
What benefit has arisen to the yeomanry of these states, who are its best defence, from the operation of the funding system? our immense taxes are drawn from ourselves instead of our import being confined to British manufactures; and in proportion as we get indebted to British factors, we injure our feelings as freemen—we are satisfied that they never did or will love our government; the very idea of it makes them sick.
Without a revival of the glorious spirit of 1775, we have every thing to apprehend from the indefatigable pains of that crafty Premier Wm. PITTS, the mortal enemy of France and America. Should the former be compelled to submit to her enemies, our independence will be endangered.
From the intercourse which, to the great misfortune of the United States, we continue with Britain, it is evident that we experience many sorrows and afflictions—to a mind not callous, her conduct with France must appear reprehensible and infamous. The crimes which are laid to Frenchmen arise from the efforts of anti-republicans and lovers of monarchy, with all that immense number of dependants who live on the hard earned labors of the poor in Europe; who, ground almost to powder, look up to France and America, as the last refuge or abode for the oppressed.
Whether France will establish her republican government, or be crushed by despots, it does not affect or invalidate the justice of her attempt—if the United States had cause to complain of the oppression of Britain, and to struggle for the attainment of their independence, France has equally the same, and more severe sufferings have marked her heretofore better fate. It may be easily seen that there are few of the European powers but with her ruin. Living in servile habits of submission to their masters, it requires a long residence with freemen to be cured of those habits which custom has made almost superior to the laws of nature. Qualifying laws, properly administered, would not be offensive to emigrants from a monarchy to a republic; but they would if they left their old prejudices behind them, which we know to be difficult: allowing them to be lovers of our government, such laws would be agreeable, as they would disdain to hanker after the leeks and roast beef of their former unpleasant country.
Our revolution must have perished, it could not have stood the shocks of its declared and internal enemies, if some great and illustrious characters had not bid defiance to every difficulty—the lust of the eye, the pride of life, the glare of pomp and shew they despised; inflexibly just to the cause of liberty and uncontaminated with aristocratical principles and European feelings; they completed their cause by a glorious triumph.
O! Genius of our nation! Celestial Goddess of liberty! we invoke thy auspices! Thou Mother of Patriots, and beneficent protector of Republicans! Deign to look on us with complacency, we are thy children. O! ghosts of Warren, Montgomery, Mercer and Nash, blessed shades, arise! and by vision awake us out of our lethargy! may we learn this political truth, "by uniting we stand, and dividing shall fall,"—That our true happiness is founded on republican honesty and firmness only."
[EXTRACT from the Boston INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE.]
"The reputation of the British manufacturers is now reduced to the humiliating disgraceful necessity of depending on the casual assistance derived from the loan of a new emission of exchequer bills! can anything be more laughable, than to see the office of exchequer turned into a pawn brokers shop—A receptacle for four months, for the various manufactures of the nation. The scene must become truly comic, to observe the officers of the exchequer, and possibly the prime minister at their
head, examining the various articles of deposit. The officers of finance becoming inspectors of the several packages from Birmingham, Sheffield, and Manchester; scrutinizing with the most critical attention, penknives, shoe-buckles, and sleeve-buttons, lest some sharper from the stock exchange, should attempt to throw upon their hands, at 50 per cent. discount, a number of second-hand articles, purchased on Tower hill, or, elsewhere, at 90 per cent. discount!
Alas! Mr. Premier, is this the result of your financiering boasting? Is this your sinking fund, reserved to discharge annually a million of the national debt? Is this the prosperity you have so long gaconaded about, while opening your ministerial budget? Were the resources of your exchequer bills so ample as to encourage you to commence war against France, or did you suppose you could carry on this contest with bales of cotton velvets from Manchester, or cutteaux from Sheffield? Do you expect to man your fleet with a bouquet of tobacco boxes and jackknives; or entice your honest jack tars to enter into your service for posy garters to leave their sweetheart's during their absence? Are your veteran troops to receive their monthly wages in your 4 months exchequer bills, or do you propose that they should receive them in the various articles of your deposits? Should the latter be the case, your regiments instead of attending to the manœuvres of soldiery, would be practicing the deception of pedlars.
Though it may seem ungenerous to ridicule the misfortunes of individuals or a government, yet when they bring on their troubles by their own folly, it may serve to restore them to a sense of their duty, and check an arrogance which possibly they have assumed in the days of their prosperity—No nation ever appeared in a more degrading situation than (Great) Britain, at the present moment. Her citizens so universally harassed in their pecuniary concerns, as to throw themselves on the mercy of government, for a temporary loan of four months; and the government totally unable to help them, other wise than by turning their public officers into pawn brokers, to receive deposits at the rate of 50 per cent. discount.
Let us conceive, for a moment, the distresses of the nation at the expiration of the four months. Where is the probability of the money being paid at the time limited? Amid such a general wreck of property, where is the fund to arise from to redeem the deposits? Where then is the advantage to accrue from the loan? Rather will not four months introduce greater distress among individuals, than they are in at present; having neither money to discharge their notes, and their property being subject to be sold at auction, to answer the demands of the exchequer. The man that has received 4000 loan, has goods in the public stores, to the amount of 8000: picture then the situation of such a vast body of debtors, assembled at the public sales, to behold their property sacrificed to answer the purposes of government—to observe their several manufactures distributed among pawn brokers, speculating usurers, &c. at 50 per cent. below their value. Let us conceive of the feelings and situation of the heads of manufactures, while surrounded with "460 thousand men, women and children," who are discharged from their employments, in consequence of former failures.
It is needless to dwell on these circumstances, as they can be more easily conceived than expressed. But to add to the public distress, follow the minister into the house of commons, and hear the pitiful tale of woe there related.—The nation universally convulsed in consequence of the merchants and manufacturers becoming bankrupts.—The demands of government calling for the most immediate compliance; the resources of the nation almost entirely stagnated. Amid this complication of misfortunes, hear him stammering out with a tremulous voice, that a war is just commenced, to be carried on by loans, at 8 per cent.
This being the real state of GREAT Britain, let the comparison be made between her and France.—Do we find any circumstances so alarming in the latter? Quite the reverse; for notwithstanding their expenses, we have not found in the national convention a single suggestion, that their finances are in the least degree deranged or impaired; but they can now emit to the West Indies a large supply of specie.

Why France is not distressed in consequence of the war, is evident, they are not now at so much expence, as when under a monarchy. The reduction of the civil list, is more than sufficient to carry on the war. Madame Capet would spend more money in intrigue, than would maintain an army for twelve months. The resources of the nation are now applied for the defence of the country, which were before squandered away among the royal family, nobility, priests, and favorites. This one circumstance substantiates the success of the nation in maintaining their republic.
England still keeps up its civil list, and a "ROYAL BUCK" continues to sport away millions at a horse race, &c. This particular stamps ruin, bankruptcy, and disgrace on all their measures.
Ye servile tools of royalty, and sycophants of despotism, while contemplating these facts, shrink into your original littleness, and hide your diminished heads!
And you, political calculator, say how the "Balance" stands now.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To the CITIZENS of the United States, and those of N. York in particular.
THE accounts which we have received from New York, of the insults offered to the officers of the French frigate L'Amirante, and of the contumelious language made use of respecting our gallant ally, by the minions of despotism, who are living on the vitals of our citizens, and receiving the profits of the hard earned money of our soldiers, is not only alarming to the friends of freedom, but a grand insult to the people of America. It must, however, be highly gratifying to the French nation to observe the attachment of our citizens to their former friends, by espousing their cause, and raising the cap of liberty in the Tontine Coffee house, which was the very spot where the previous insult had been offered. I hope that the same spirit will continue, and that the citizens of New York will never see the friends of the United States insulted, and that they will make those British subjects, at present among them, know their places, and be contented if they are allowed to remain among us, without intermeddling in the affairs of our country, or attempting to raise prejudices against the cause of liberty in France.
Their nation is immersed in debt, even the interest of which they are unable to pay; their citizens are the most abject slaves on earth, altho' taught to believe that they are the only people who enjoy true liberty. The nation begins to discover, however, that their liberty is of the same species with that in Turkey, and consequently hate to see any other nation happy while they themselves are enslaved, impoverished, and miserable.
Let them talk as they will, let them boast of their successes, and of the victories they gain over the French, facts speak louder than words: while therefore we see their merchants and bankers failing, and their manufacturers, by thousands, thrown out of employ, who are the great support of the nation, we may form a proper idea of the misery, and of the dreadful state in which they are at present involved. When they will be extricated, God only knows—but let them know their places, while here; and if they do not, let them remember that many of the patriots of 1776 are still alive, and that the sons of others, who have paid the debt of nature, still live, and will make them know and mind their duty who are yet ignorant of it, and neglect to pay the proper respect to a country which they once wished to enslave, but which in despite of them is now free, and able to assert its freedom in the face of the Universe.
AN AMERICAN.
Philad. June 29, 1793.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MR. FRENEAU,
THE inducements which first led men to enter into society were, in my opinion, as various as the individuals who composed it were numerous: In society, after the establishment of order and laws, the timid found protection for their persons and property; the cunning an ample field for the exercise of their cursed schemes; and the daring and fortunate, favourable opportunities of raising themselves to distinction and eminence by enterprize, and the credulity and timidity of their fellow men. The same game we find constantly played, even at the present day, in all civilized countries upon earth, when a fit opportunity offers.
Unassisted merit, it has been remarked, rarely proves, in any age or country, a solid recommendation to man: whereas actions, the most infamous and disgraceful to humanity, have, not unfrequently, raised a vile ruffian to a throne. The scoundrel, who butchered thousands of his fellow creatures, has often been honored with titles and privileges, and his progeny, altho' never so iniquitous and infamous, have been deemed sacred, and denominated emperors or kings, to the no small injury and discouragement of the communities to which they belonged.
It has been a question with the reflecting part of mankind, to what cause is to be ascribed the unqualified respect and veneration generally paid in every community, and in all ages, by the great mass of the people, to men in power, and sometimes even without the least shadow of merit.—Some attribute it to a mixture of ambition and self love, which leads men to venerate that pre-eminence, at which they with one day or other to arrive. Others again affirm, that man is constantly in one of two extremes, either a tyrant or a slave, one of which characters he uniformly exhibits as often as circumstances require, without any regard to mediocrity.—This disposition of the human mind, whether a natural principle, or acquired habit, is dishonorable to man. It links him beneath his fellows, and prepares the way for despotism.
It is the peculiar blessing of republican governments, that no one need be a slave, unless he prefers it to liberty and independence. Here merit and virtue create the only distinctions. The laws make none. Their operation and protection is equally extended to all.
The mind unawed by artificial distinctions, would, we might suppose, turn away with abhorrence, particularly in this country, from the despotism of prejudice and the influence of barbarous customs. But do we find this to be the case? Alas! No. Men will be slaves!
In monarchical governments, where despots and tyrants sometimes find it necessary to issue proclamations, and other arbitrary edicts, the better to enforce their authority, and support their measures, we find their minions and slaves re-echo approbation throughout the extent of their dominions. This may be necessary to support corruption, but how disgraceful to the free states of America, to remark on a late occasion, this degrading custom introduced amongst us. Admitting the expediency and constitutionalality of the late proclamation, has the first magistrate done any more than his duty? Have we any occasion to import the ruinous customs of corrupt governments? Have republicans need of court intrigues, exotic manners, secrecy or sycophancy? Will not simplicity of conduct, rectitude, and integrity, best suit the character of a free people?
T I M O N.
26th June, 1793.
[From a late Paris publication, authorized by the Convention.]
The French have begun the present maritime war with many more advantages than the English. Men, ships, and money are the nerves of war. In respect to these let us compare the situation of England with our own.
In 1791, after a peace of seven years, the public annual expenditures of Great Britain amounted to 17 millions sterling, whereas her receipts did not exceed 16 millions. Before the revolution a million of pounds sterling was equal to 25 millions of our livres, that is to say, 425 millions were necessary in order to govern a nation of about seven millions of men, while the 25 millions of French, in times of peace, pay nothing near the amount of that exorbitant tax. An Englishman pays just three times as much tax as a Frenchman, so that when the nation enters into a war, she has nothing left to mortgage for the loans they are obliged to make to carry on the war, the ordinary expence for support of government in times of peace exceeding by one million sterling their receipts; while France has ready at all times three thousand millions livres worth of national property, as a fund for any extraordinary exigency. And even should this fund be exhausted, the richness of the soil and the industry of the French farmers offer immense, untouched, resources of a kind that have been long ago devoured by the pressing necessities of an English ministry. There is another circumstance strongly marking the present distressed situation of that haughty nation. The armament, ostensibly fitted out against Russia in 1791, cost very near four millions sterling. This sum makes part of a debt of 20 millions of pounds sterling, not redeemed, whilst the ministry, to conceal the wretched state of the nation under colour of its prosperity, extinguishes yearly a million of pounds sterling in the English funds. To sink a million when the annual deficit is nearly equal to a million; when near 20 millions pounds sterling are not yet funded; when, to face their pressing demands they are obliged so far to descend as to draw from the bank of England five hundred thousand pounds sterling, the property of private persons, is a strange work indeed!
England, since she made peace with America, has created nearly three millions of additional taxes per year. If the present war should continue then, it is evident that agriculture, commerce and manufactures, must be so exorbitantly taxed that no one will be found to carry them on. The evil will still increase, from the consideration that the war is directed against a free people, against from 25 to 30 millions of men, who are determined to carry the matter through, or perish in the general wreck of liberty. What must be the expence of England to bear her part in subjugating us, when a war with only three millions of Americans, cost her one thousand millions of livres!—What are the re-
sources of France?—can we compare her population with that of England; upwards of 25 millions of Frenchmen, actuated by the same animating breath, against 7 millions of Englishmen, who with immense difficulty furnish their quota of a few thousand men, over and above those who are annually consumed in the burning climes of the East and West-Indies. Besides these, they have 1,200,000 Scotchmen under their dominion, who are weary of their yoke, and are daily emigrating to the United States, with what wealth they possess. In Ireland, there are three millions, who so far from aiding the foolish ambition of the English court, or assisting to subjugate a free people, are on the contrary doing all in their power to imitate their example, and have now an army of 60,000 well organized and well armed volunteers.
The immense population of France will be an inexhaustible source of soldiers and sailors, wherever the voice of Liberty demands their services, whether on sea or land. Upwards of 90,000 French sailors at this moment protect the three-coloured flag, while the English court finds it impossible, with the monstrous bounty of eight guineas, to raise the additional requisite of nine thousand sailors only! To fit out, then, any considerable fleet, they must have recourse to their old infamous practice of pressing men, and thereby precipitating their own ruin, in exciting a spirit of insurrection. Let us never forget that the war we are engaged in is unexampled in the annals of Europe: it is the whole nation fighting against the hirelings of despotism, miserably paid, and frequently inimical to the cause they are engaged in; and the source of recruiting will soon be dried up.
[From a French pamphlet, very lately published at Paris.]
An Historical exposition of the motives that led to a rupture between the French republic and the king of Great Britain.
WHEN the French nation made a formal avowal of their political independence and civil liberty, they could not avoid paying some attention to the numerous nations in their neighbourhood. It was a matter of considerable moment to find some, if possible, who by a happy congeniality of opinion might applaud at least, if they could not co-operate in the new social system that was set on foot. Situated, as it were, in the midst of a vast number of nations subject to the yoke of despotism, France perceived the necessity of an alliance, and a free communication of the reciprocal sentiments of a fraternal friendship.
Britain, that island so fortunate for a succession of ages, the abode of philosophy and the arts useful to man—an island, that in the last century displayed so shining an example of its native energy, seemed to hold up to the infant republic of France, men and principles worthy of her esteem. In this view France gave herself up, with a degree of enthusiastic warmth, to the pleasing illusion, that an indissoluble union might take place between two great nations that had for ages been the prey of court perfidy and ministerial ambition.—At this period there were many symptoms of a reciprocal esteem and growing friendship between the two nations (had they been left to themselves) which if attended to would have regenerated the world and ensured a permanent repose to all Europe. There were still in England men of free and liberal spirits who dared to speak their sentiments in their public congratulations of an ASSEMBLY, which at that time was the voice of the French nation—They even formed societies to correspond with their continental brethren, in order to smooth the way to social felicity, and to ensure forever the peace, tranquility, and independence of mankind.
Could any one have foreseen that this accommodating spirit between the two nations would become the principal source of a jealousy and hatred which will eventually cause the shedding of torrents of blood in the four parts of the world! In a mere brotherly correspondence between his subjects and the regenerated citizens of France, George the third perceived nothing but plots and schemes to overturn his throne. Either thro' fear, or the intrigues of an invidious policy, he gained so far upon his subjects as to prevail upon them to stand up in defence of a constitution which had never been infringed except by himself and his predecessors. The liberty of the press, the right of resisting lawless authority, and the peaceable assembling of the people, those sacred privileges of every English citizen, fell a prey to his ambition; and while he abused the confidence of his subjects, he prevailed upon them to become the instruments of their own destruction, and to renounce to the nod of tyranny all that is dear to man.
To prevent the people from perceiving the strides of his usurpations, it became necessary to fix their attention upon the affairs of foreign nations. Their minds were to be employed, and imaginary dangers were to be conjured up in order to conceal real losses. A war with France, it was thought, would answer a threefold purpose. 1st. It would prevent an inter-fering reform, 2d. the creatures and depen-
dents of the court would be immensely increased; and, 3dly. it would prevent any answer being given to the demands of the nation, originating from Pitt's pompous promises, that the enormous debt under which they labour, should be gradually abolished.—Among that mercenary herd of men who are ever willing to subsist upon public calamity, the king and his court soon found adherents, in abundance.—
Constitution was every where the rallying word to the agents of tyranny, while the true friends of liberty and of their country hardly dared to vent their groans under the miseries that were impending. The same pernicious measures which for twelve years together were employed against the free Americans, were again to be resorted to against their allies. The most absurd calumnies, reports the most improbable, were industriously circulated thro' England, to irritate the minds of the people against the pretended plots of a French faction in the kingdom. The sentiments of the popular party in France, were asserted to be in union with this faction; and to complete the absurdity, a dereliction of the Roman Catholic religion was made a charge against us, altho' England herself had dissented from it, and established the most solemn laws of separation from its communion many years before. The denial of the pope's supremacy was also made a charge against us in a country where every person holding the least employment under government must previously abjure it in form; and where all those who are so unfortunate as to believe in the Roman pontiff, or adhere to his creed, are scarcely suffered to enjoy the meanest rights of citizenship.
With such pitiful arguments, however, the English ministry kept the nation in play for near a year, and at length gained so far upon it as to render a war with France a popular object among a great part of the people—a war, which besides the enormous expences it will give birth to, will deprive England of the various commercial advantages she might have enjoyed, provided she had adhered to a strict neutrality.
The commercial treaty of 1766, into which the French ministry had been surprised, and which gave the English nation inexpressible advantages over us, was notwithstanding religiously observed by France altho' after the declaration of our own civil rights we might fairly have protested against that and other political measures tending to our national disadvantage, from the abandoned criminality or ignorance of the old despotic court. Till the moment of the declaration of the present war, the English nation continued to derive immense wealth from this source, and in a manner to rob the French of their own property, which however was not complained of, nor was any remonstrance made against the articles of this ruinous treaty. The balance of trade was invariably against France, and her ready cash flowed into a country which, for a century past has absorbed the wealth and resources of almost every nation that has been connected with her in ties of commerce.
Without attending to the pecuniary losses which were the effect of this treaty, the people of France were flattering themselves with the idea, that this commercial connection would give birth to a fruit friendship with a nation whom they esteemed, because among them had been kept alive, more than in any other nation, the generous character and principles of a free people. It was hoped that an advantageous commerce would gradually extinguish those mutual hates and prejudices, the effects of the political perfidy of ministers; and that for the general welfare of the human race two of the most powerful and best informed nations of Europe would also be the most nearly allied in bonds of friendship.
To gratify his personal resentment, the king (George) has thrown behind him this cheering prospect, and the blood of his subjects must now be split in a cause which is absolutely foreign to any concern of theirs, and he would not have delayed his vengeance so long had it not been that the dark plots of the combined powers on the continent, were in his opinion amply sufficient to crush the liberties of France.
For a long time the French nation concealed the knowledge it really had of the secret tampering of George the 3d by means of his emissaries, with the different courts of Europe. It is with regret that our nation now so far condescends as to mention to contemptible an animal as Calonne; but the political existence which the court of London has bestowed upon him, the endless intrigues which this apostate has been guilty of in the principal courts, his boldness, his activity, the lies and falsehoods he has spread throughout Europe; in short every step and transaction of this infamous man, proclaim him every way fit and proper to be the fit and principal wicked instrument to carry into effect the malevolent designs of George.—It is really honourable to the English nation, that in her whole domain of territory she could not find an object of her own growth, base enough to do what Calonne has done, or submit to the infamous employment he undertook. The most corrupted agent of Louis's abandoned court, proscribed by public opinion, and found it us-

in the eyes of all Europe, was alone adequate to a million of this nature. It was to no purpose that the court of London denied any connexion with, or knowledge of the dark practices of this man, the more criminal, as over and above the mischiefs he had brought upon a great part of Europe, he has plunged into the abyss of misery even those who were inadvertently misled by his imposture. His re-iterated journeys to the various courts of Europe, his conferences with the British minister, his precipitate departure from London, the general light in which the English nation beheld him, all proved him to be the grand agent of the intrigues of their court.
We shall not anticipate here the many causes of complaint which will be brought forward in the official pieces which the national convention has ordered to be published for the inspection of the public eye. They are all placed in exact order of date. Europe and an impartial posterity will be the best judges of the reciprocal conduct of the two nations and their leaders.
PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, July 3.
"The commercial credit of Great-Britain, from the war it is engaged in—the want of sufficient circulating medium; the numerous bankruptcies—and the impediments to the sale of its manufactures, has recently suffered a severe shock. To remedy the evil, an act has passed the British parliament, for the loan of exchequer bills, to the amount of five millions sterling, on the deposit at the exchequer office of goods or other securities. Twenty commissioners are chosen to put the act into execution. The smallest sum to be advanced to any individual, will be 4,000l.—and not more than 50 per cent. will be admitted on manufactured, and 60 on raw materials: From this measure the British government anticipates a cure for an evil, which threatens the kingdom with a serious disaster; and Mr. Fox, the champion of opposition, has said, that although he had no hand in plunging the country into the pernicious war that had occasioned the mischief, he did not wish to be reproached with opposing the remedy, now the mischief had arrived. In consequence of these late failures, and the stagnation of the public credit, upwards of one hundred and sixty thousand men, women and children, formerly employed in the cotton manufactures in Scotland, have been dismissed, and are in great distress. On the accuracy of the above the public may rely." [Boston Cent.]
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London to his correspondent in Philadelphia, dated April 30.
"I am sorry to find that there is a scarcity of money with you; but here, general credit is in a most alarming situation. Within these fifteen days, no less than ninety-six bankrupts have appeared in the gazette: five gazettes contained 123. Mr. Pitt's motion to advance to the merchants four or five millions in exchequer bills, on depositing property to the value of one half more, is literally commencing pawn-broker-general; for to turn those exchequer warrants into hard money, less than 7 per cent. will not be asked. They are to be issued in small sums—say from 20 to 100l.—These are the happy effects of war."
Richmond, in Virginia, (according to a letter from thence) is full of patriots, and no enemy to the French revolution among them dares open his mouth to vent his pestiferous principles. Judges Jay & Iredell had finished the discussion on the payment of old British debts, in favour of the British, so that the treaty of peace being now fully complied with on the part of the Americans, it is expected a demand will be made of the surrender of the western posts, and we shall soon see whether Great-Britain means to violate all faith by the detention of those posts, or to comply with existing treaties.
We hear from Old Spain, that the war with France is far from being a popular step with the nation, any more than an alliance with England. The court and the clergy have lately had recourse to their old trick of begging patriotic gifts from the nation in order to screen themselves from bearing a share of the burthens of the war. But the project has not succeeded as formerly. The people begin evidently to perceive that while kings and priests are what they are among them, the liberties of the people are no more than an empty name.
We expect great troubles here this summer (says a late letter from Strabane, in Ireland); We are threatened with all the horrors of a civil war—"Worse than fierce Aetna's most destructive fires."—The volunteers are all suppressed by the government—seizing their fire arms and ammunition—the ministry have imprisoned the patriotic Oliver Bond, and the Right Hon. Simeon Butler, in Dublin, for taking part with the volunteers—where they are doomed, for wishing well to mankind, to pass six months in a dreary dungeon, and fined in 500l. each.
The Governor of South-Carolina, on the 8th of June, issued a proclamation, prohibiting vessels from Grenada, or any other of the windward West-India islands, coming nearer to the city of Charleston than Fort Johnson, until they have undergone an examination: credible evidence having been received that a pestilential disease is prevalent in those islands. The Master Warden of the port of Philadelphia has issued similar orders, limiting the approach of such vessels to Mud-Island, till a report is made of the condition of their crews, &c. by the health-officer of the port.
Several American vessels have been lately taken by British privateers, and carried into St. Kitts, and other of their windward islands. On Saturday June 22 arrived at Boston the brig Elmina, capt. Paine, from Point Petre, but last from St. Eustatia, which he left the 3d of June. Three days after capt. Paine left Point Petre, he was taken by the British privateer, Betsy and Polly, and carried into St. Kitts, and was there detained for inspection, by court of admiralty, 20 days: when, after depriving him of his passengers (15) their passage-money, and all the property they had on board, with great difficulty he obtained a pass, and was allowed to leave the place. From the treatment his passengers received while he was there, he has reason to think, they afterwards experienced the greatest severity.
Kentucky papers to June 1st, give many melancholy accounts of murders and depredations committed by the Indians on and within the frontiers of Kentucky. Accounts from the territory South of the Ohio, are no less disagreeable with respect to the general conduct of the savages. On the 23d of May two Chickasaws and a Cherokee (unarmed) were fired upon by some persons unknown, in the woods, not 600 paces from governor Blount's house. One of them, John Morris, was mortally wounded, and died soon afterwards. He was interred by order of the governor, with the honours of war.
We have no advices from Europe since our last that contain any thing new or very interesting.—The Duke of Orleans, and the other members of the Bourbon family, had set out from Paris for Marseilles, according to the decree of banishment. His party is entirely ruined, and no adherent of his dared to appear in public—New recruits were daily going off to the armies, well clad and accoutred. Additional fortifications of immense strength were making at Lisle, and every circumstance seemed to announce that the national armies meant to contend every inch of ground with the Austrians.—A camp of fourteen thousand French troops were forming at Cassel, under the command of general Omaran. The Prussians had abandoned Launoy, Tourney, and four or five other places which had surrendered to them through Dumourier's treachery.—Conde, Quesnoy, and Valenciennes, were in a manner blockaded by the enemy, who were bringing all their forces to that part of the frontier. General Dampierre had added 20,000 men to his means of defence, and bloody skirmishes were every day taking place.—It was reported that the Swiss Cantons were immediately to join the confederacy of sovereigns, and to put their forces under the command of Dumourier.—Home affairs in Germany wore a bad aspect.—The Elector of Saxony was under the necessity of requiring an extra subsidy from his states, in order to furnish his contingent of money, which was 800,000 crowns for the present campaign. The tiers-etat had publicly declared that it was impossible for them to support such burthens, even the ordinary taxes being intolerable—The government did not insist, and their resource was, to suspend the annual payment of the sum destined for redeeming the public debts, being 700,000 crowns yearly: the other hundred thousand was furnished by the nobility—in other parts of Germany the expenses of the war were daily rendering the government more and more odious, and it was intimated that if another campaign is to be made against France in 1794, the nobility and the priests must furnish the means, as the cause was theirs only, and not of the people.
[From the N. York DAILY ADVERTISER of last Thursday.]
In consequence of a Notice to the Officers of the late New-York line, to meet the 24th instant (June) to receive the report of Mr. Joseph Brown, their Agent, the following letter was presented, and is published for the information of those who are absent.
To the Officers of the late American Army, in the state of New-York, GENTLEMEN,
FOR your unremunerated services, sacrifices, and sufferings during the late war, you did me the honor last winter of appointing me your agent, to present your memorial to Congress, and solicit your claims—an office I the more readily undertook, believing the justice and dignity of the United States concerned in compensating such acknowledged earnings, and fulfilling their most sacred contracts, that while unpaid, entail disgrace on the go-
vernment, and a stigma on humanity—but with the most poignant grief for the honor of America, I am obliged to say that the demon of ingratitude has recorded the result of your memorial.
If the resources of the United States had been insufficient to make a proper compensation, an apology for the refusal might be admitted; but when we see the public money lavishly bestowed on officers of the civil list, to support the present government, and 1,200,000 dollars annually appropriated in carrying on an unnecessary and fruitless Indian war, such inability cannot be imagined: one twelfth of this sum as an annuity, would be sufficient to sweeten the eve of the lives of those whose morning & noon has been devoted to the service of a country that enjoys peace, liberty and safety.
If you had petitioned for the sums actually due on principles established in the courts of justice, throughout the United States, you had a right to 17/6 in the pound; but when you offered to take up with the savings which government had made out of the army debt, and your claim was denied, and your case without remedy, every honest man blushed at the ingratitude of the Representatives of the United States.
The funding system (or more properly the army confiscation act) pays the possessor of your due bills about 15/ in the pound: the residue is in the hands of government, which nothing but the most unjustifiable detention can keep from you—and on receiving this, it would not amount to more than one third of the sum stipulated for your months wages.
The succeeding Congress will be a more equal representation, and I flatter myself will not suffer the dignity of the United States to be stung with the reproaches of all nations—nor their constituents to be disappointed in having ample and complete justice done.
As you will unquestionably renew your application, permit me to suggest to you an idea on the subject. The President has hitherto been silent, probably he feels hurt that you have never applied to him as your friend and patron to second your application; you probably may think he ought to have done it without, as no man can be more indebted to others than he is to the late army, and no man knows better their sacrifices and sufferings; however be this as it may, address yourselves to him, he will not, he cannot avoid interesting himself for you.
I have the honor to be Your most humble servant. JOSEPH BROWNE.
* The courts have invariably decreed that all payments (without specific agreements) made in paper, shall be estimated at the current and not nominal value of such paper.
The controversy which the ambiguous language of the President's proclamation gave rise to, ought certainly to cease upon his own explanation of it. In his answer to the address from the merchants of Salem, I once more trace the language of Gen. Washington—"In making this declaration (he says) I was persuaded that I spoke the wishes of my countrymen, without violating any political or moral obligation." He does indeed speak their language, & the only one befitting him as their head, when he declares it their duty and interest to observe a neutrality without violating their obligations. In any other language, one can see nothing but the miserable duplicity of a pawnbroker; deriving its hopes from an alliance with foreign factors, and availing itself of the fears of a sordid collection of six per cents. It is not a grateful circumstance to a real lover of his country to see its outset marked by such an influence. I hope the detection, however, of this first effort to disgrace us, will satisfy these people that if they intended an experiment, they have mistaken those upon whom it was to be tried; and if they really designed to sacrifice the national reputation to their private security, or emolument, they deserve a punishment which, until they favour us with a second effort, may be left to their own feelings. It is obvious that three words in the proclamation, would have precluded the necessity of the explanation now given of it, and that it must have been painful to the President to find its meaning called for: He is very little obliged therefore to those who force him forward to make that intelligible, which, it is now clear, he never intended should be left in uncertainty. At all events the American public have now gained a construction, and find their infant republic speaking, at a second effort, that language which becomes it, and which it would have spoken at first, but for the efforts of those who seem creeping into its cradle, with a view to overlay it.
[New-York Daily Adv.]
** Tomorrow completes SEVENTEEN years since the Declaration of Independence in this country. By accounts from different parts of the United States, the day will be very generally celebrated, in commemoration of that extraordinary event, which gave birth to the infant liberties of 3 millions (at this day near 4 millions) of our countrymen, and which seems finally to involve in its consequences a new political order and condition of things a-
mong mankind, infinitely more favourable than at any former period, to the general happiness of the species. It may be here proper to remark that the mere observation of the Day can answer no valuable purpose, if, amidst the hilarity usually manifested on the occasion, it does not recall every intelligent mind to a rational re-examination and conviction of the truth of those great principles upon which our revolution was founded, and which if not duly attended to by every citizen in his whole line of conduct, might, for us, as well have never been called into existence. Let republican patriotism revive, then, and let every individual re-acknowledge those great and benign principles that actuated his countrymen or himself on the FOURTH OF JULY, 1776, in the glorious cause of the rights of human nature, political equality, and a government founded on the authority of the people.
On Friday afternoon last, at half past 6 o'clock, precisely, Mr. Blanchard began to fill his balloon for a parachute experiment. In four minutes it was full and in the air: three minutes elapsed before the parachute detached itself, and it took about one minute to reach the ground.—The whole experiment succeeded completely. The Rotunda was handsomely filled.
Several interesting communications are unavoidably deferred till Saturday.
Anecdote of the famous SIDNEY.
DURING Mr. Sidney's stay in France, one day hunting with the French king, and being mounted on a fine English horse, whose form and spirit caught the king's eye, he received a message that he would oblige the king with his horse, at his own price. He answered, that he did not chuse to part with him. The king was determined to have no denial; & gave orders to tender him the money, or to seize the horse: which being made known to Mr. Sidney, he instantly took a pistol and shot him, saying, "That his horse was born a free creature, had served a free man, and should not be mastered by a king of slaves."
PROBATIONARY ODES of JONATHAN PIN DAR, Esq.
(Continued.) ODE VII. To the WELL-BORN.
Under the type of the Heathen Gods JONATHAN rehearseth the virtues of aristocracy.
Parce, precor, Stimuli:—OVID.
SONS of OLYMPUS, all! I kiss your hands, A stately company, as I'm a sinner! My little Godlings! what are your commands? I hope you do not mean to stay to dinner.
We've no Ambrosia here—plain beef and mutton Your Godships' stomachs will most surely turn: Nor for our whiskey would you give a button; Such home-brew'd nectar you will spurn.
We have no GANYMEDES—no wanton VENUS, Nor ugly cackold VULCAN, for a but; No pimping MERCURY to go between us, Or pick our pockets, or our purses cut.
We have no JUPITERS, with lust unbounded, Our fair ALCMENAS to seduce. No drunken BACCHUS, with his tuns surrounded; No MARS, God wot! can we produce.
We have no PROTEUS*, changing every hour, As with his whim or interest stands, No greedy SATURN to devour, His children in the midwife's hands.
We for your play-mates have no little CUPID To shoot at people when they're off their guard: We mortals, truly, are so stupid To think such treatment were a little hard.
Such fit companions you'll not find, I swear: Then, why the devil, should you tarry here?
Each Enbrio ROMULUS & ALEXANDER, So eager now to fill Fame's hundred trumpets,
Would deem it neither crime nor slander To prove their virtuous mothers' strumpets; If Bastards they will be reputed Of Gods that had their Dads corrupted.
Ye would-be PHAETONS, now so intent To mount and let us in a blaze, Or drive us to the devil and all; Trust me, you'd better be content, For, ere you've try'd it many days, By G— you'll get a fall.
* Jonathan is certainly mistaken—we have a number of them.

St. Domingo Affairs.
[Continued from our last.]
Copy of two Pieces annexed to the letter of J. L. Cotellet, written to Citizen GENEY, ambassador from the French Republic to the United States of America, residing at Philadelphia, dated Chester-town, 9th June, 1793—both pieces having been transmitted to citizen GENEY, together with the letter by J. M. Esnault, on the 13th of the same month. [See our last.]
Extract from the proceedings of the Assembly of the Commune of Cayes in the island of St. Domingo, in the session of the 29th of January, 1793.
A CITIZEN proposed that the assembly should guarantee their personal Liberty to all and every the members of the Commune." This proposition was received and decreed by the general voice and re-iterated shout of the citizens, who without distinction of colour, swore to observe it. Another citizen then addressed himself to the assembly, and informed them, "that several citizens had been taken from their dwellings and confined on board the frigate Saphira, in the road; that others were deprived of their public employments without any previous notice, or a respect to the forms prescribed by law, and that without the regard due to citizenship, the civil commissioner had taken upon himself to enact and authorize the execution of certain tyrannical edicts, not considering that the first and great law of public safety should have discouraged and prevented such abuses; but that nevertheless justice, that guardian deity of an associated people, (and which directs all their public acts, when they have the courage to regulate them by that standard) ought to induce the assembly to a declaration whether it was their opinion that the citizens, then actually suffering under the sentence of the civil commissioners; are guilty of treasonable acts against their country, in a state of rebellion, or in a capacity of molesting the public tranquility—if they should deem that not to be the case, & those citizens were to be considered as petty conspirators, who could not escape the vigilant eye and protecting care of the civil commissioners, then in such case it should be their duty to demand an explanation on the subject, which should carry conviction into the minds of the public, and clear up the motives of conduct that actuated the civil commissioner."
This motion was received, supported, and discussed by a great number of warm speakers, and the subject matter thereof maturely deliberated
"The assembly taking into consideration, that altho' it may not belong to them to deliberate on the extent of the powers and the authority confided to the civil commissioners, yet it is an incontestible truth that they are not to suppose that the spirit of the several laws which have created civil commissioners either in the French departments, or the colonies, for the preservation of peace and public tranquility, or recalling the citizens to those eternal truths which ought in future to form the basis of the French social compact, a strict equality among all members of the community without distinction of colour, and the greatest regard for property and individual liberty—we say, we are not to suppose that the legislature meant to undermine in the least the basis of those truths and principles, which are irrevocable. Still less to infringe that first and unalienable right, recognized by the nation at large, (who have delegated their authority) the right of watching over the execution of the laws.
The assembly considering further, that it is no intrusion upon the authorities or powers of the civil commissioner to request an explanation of the use he has made of them, especially as it is probable that thro' an over-heated zeal he may have interpreted those powers erroneously, & have erred in carrying them into execution, with a severity too, that might have given uneasy sensations even to a civil commissioner, too well fixed in his republican principles, to infringe them inconsiderately; and which has equally afflicted all our citizens, in keeping them in constant fear and dread; a state insupportable to French republicans.
And considering also another principle, common to all legislation, that the letter of the law killeth and the spirit maketh alive, our citizens have reason to believe, that
the powers delegated to the several civil commissioners (how extensive soever we may suppose them, or however positive their authority) do not yet go beyond those generous principles that have established the French Republic, still less to violate that fundamental law, the declaration of the rights of men and citizens in a state of society.
Considering, again, that the natural consequence to be deduced is, that the powers of the civil commissioners, and the instructions they have received, do not give them a discretionary power to inflict upon the citizens such punishments as deprivation of place, arrest, and banishment, which should be restricted to those only who have made a deliberate resistance to the law, and are guilty of treason; and that even with regard to these their conviction must be left to the laws and forms that are the protectors and conservators of the precious rights of man, in a state of society—considering all this, it is plain that citizens suspected of crimes, of treason, or of disobedience to the laws, ought to be denounced to their natural judges, before whom they may claim the justice of the law, or pay the penalty due to their criminality.
Considering, finally, that Citizen Polverel, the civil commissioner, has in the most public manner assented to these principles in declaring that citizen Leon Perigny should remain judge in the colony: DECREED therefore, that an address shall be drawn up and presented, in the name of the commune of Cayes, to the national civil commissioner, by the president and secretaries of this assembly, which in the first place shall express the sincere resentment of the citizens at the prospect of the proscription and banishment of many among them; and accordingly in virtue of this decree it shall be required of him to explain the reasons, on the validity of which he dictated certain laws; and demanding that in future those accused of any crime whatever shall have previous and indiscriminate notice of their accusation, in the form prescribed by law; to the end that all citizens, without distinction, may exert themselves to support an authority which will be always dear to them, as long as it shall regulate itself by those maxims of equity and impartiality, on which it was originally instituted.
(Signed) ROLOIN, President. ESNAULT and COTELLE, Secretaries. [To be continued.]
LANSINGBURG June 26.
A gentleman arrived here yesterday afternoon in just two weeks from Niagara; he informs us that the commissioners of the United States, to the Indian nations at war with us, were then there in waiting to attend the treaty at Sandusky, which had been postponed until the first of July, on account of the Indians being unable to generally attend sooner. Capt. Brandt sat out for Sandusky about the third of May: previous to his departure for that place, in frequent conversations with our informant, who is much in his friendship, he gave as his opinion, that no peace could take place until the Ohio and Muskingum shall have made the division line. Capt. Brandt very sincerely expressed his good wishes towards the United States, and supposed it good policy, to make those rivers the boundary; and should either refuse that article in the treaty, he would take an active part against them.
PRIESTCRAFT IN DANGER.
That the English lords spiritual—the ambassadors of the Prince of Peace—should vote for the war against France, can be accounted for on no other principle than that in the French Revolution, they saw the "craft in danger." But they have reckoned without their host; for one of the British ministers has told the Right Reverend gentlemen, that as soon as the ordinary means of raising supplies were exhausted—and from the then state of the nation, the period did not seem remote—their fat revenues must be looked to as the first resource. We may therefore, speedily expect to hear their loud ejaculations for peace—and the prayers of such pious men must be heard!!!
JUST PUBLISHED,
And to be sold at the respective Book Stores of Joseph Crukshank and Thomas Dobson, and may be had at the Printing office, No. 209, Market-Street. [Price one eighth of a dollar.]
LETTERS,
Addressed to the YEOMANRY of the UNITED STATES: Containing some Observations on Funding and Bank Systems: BY AN AMERICAN FARMER.
FOR PORT AUPRINCE,
The fast sailing Ship
BETSEY,
LED READING, Master: BURTHEN two hundred and fifteen tons: She has been just hove down and is in complete order. Has excellent accommodations for passengers, and will sail by the 15th of July next. For freight or passage apply to the Captain on board, or to Mr. John Dunkin, merchant, No. 105, South Water-Street. June 29.
Pour le Port au Prince,
LE Navire LA BETSEY, Capitaine REED READING, DU PORT de deux cens et quinze tonneaux tres bon voilier; a été fraichement radoubée, et en le meilleur état pour la mer. Le Betsey est bien accommodée à prendre les passagers, et partira sur le quinzième jour du mois de Juillet courant. Ceux qui voudront y passer ou charger à fret s'adresseront à le Capitaine sur le bord, ou à M. JEAN DUNKIN, negociant, No. 105, Rue de l'eau (Water-Street) de Sud. à Philadelphie, le premier de Juillet, 1793.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, BY MATHEW CAREY No. 118, Market-Street, N. VII. Of a NEW SYSTEM OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY. OR, A GEOGRAPHICAL, HISTORICAL, AND COMMERCIAL GRAMMAR; And present State of the Several KINGDOMS OF THE WORLD. CONTAINING
I. The figures, motions, and distances of the planets, according to the Newtonian system and the latest observations. II. A general view of the earth considered as a planet; with several useful geographical definitions and problems. III. The grand division of the globe into lands and water, continents and islands. IV. The situation and extent of empires, kingdoms, states, provinces, and colonies. V. Their climates, air, soil, vegetable productions, metals, minerals, natural curiosities, seas, rivers, bays, capes, promontories, and lakes. VI. The birds and beasts peculiar to each country. VII. Observations on the changes that have been any where observed upon the face of nature since the most early periods of history. VIII. The history and origin of nations; their forms of government, religion, laws, revenues, taxes, naval and military strength. IX. The genius, manners, customs, and habits of the people. X. Their language, learning, arts, sciences, manufactures, and commerce. XI. The chief cities, structures, ruins, and artificial curiosities. XII. The longitude, latitude, bearings, and distances of the principal places from Philadelphia. TO WHICH ARE ADDED. I. A Geographical Index, with the names, and places alphabetically arranged. II. A Table of the Coins of all Nations, and their value in English Money. III. A Chronological Table of remarkable events, from the Creation to the present Time.
By WILLIAM GUTHRIE, Esq. The Astronomical Part by James Ferguson, F.R.S. To which have been added, The late Discoveries of Dr. Herschel, and other eminent Astronomers.
The first American edition, corrected, improved, and greatly enlarged.
The publisher of this work, thankful for the patronage with which he has been honored, submits the present number to the inspection of his fellow-citizens, and lays before them The terms of publication.
I. This geography shall be published in forty-eight weekly numbers, each containing twenty-four pages of letter press. II. In the course of the publication will be delivered the following maps: 1. The world. 2. Europe. 3. Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Finland. 4. Russia. 5. Scotland. 6. England and Wales. 7. Ireland. 8. France. 9. Seven United Provinces. 10. Austrian and French Netherlands. 11. Germany. 12. Switzerland. 13. Poland. 14. Spain and Portugal. 15. Italy. 16. Turkey in Europe. 17. Asia. 18. China. 19. Hindostan. 20. Africa. 21. North America. 22. British America. 23. West-Indies. 24. South America. 25. Planisphere of the earth. *26. Countries round the north pole. *27. Discoveries made by Captains Cooke and Clerke. *28. New-Hampshire. *29. Massachusetts. *30. Connecticut. *31. Rhode-Island. *32. Vermont. *33. New-York. *34. New-Jersey. *35. Pennsylvania and Delaware. *36. Maryland. *37. Virginia. *38. North Carolina. *39. South-Carolina. *40. Georgia. *41. The Sphere. *42. The Copernican system. N. B. All the maps marked with stars are added to this edition, exclusive of those in the last London edition.
That no disappointment may arise from subscribers expecting what the publisher neither promises nor is able to perform, he gives this early & explicit notice, that to some of the States it will be impossible for him to give maps fully accurate, no late surveys having been made; and it is hardly necessary to observe, that it falls not within his plan to go to the expense of surveys. But in every instance, he will avail himself of the best materials extant: and such corrections and additions as his utmost exertions can procure, shall be made. III. The geography of the United States is undertaken by gentlemen of literary abilities, who have engaged to give a more full and satisfactory
account of it than any ever published. It will extend to 250 or 300 pages, although in the British edition, and even in that of 1792, it makes only about 30.
IV. Should the work exceed forty-eight numbers, the surplus will be delivered gratis to the subscribers. V. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery. VI. Such subscribers as do not choose to receive the work in numbers, are to pay three dollars at the time of subscribing.
The printer, anxious to render this work as perfect as the nature of it will allow, most earnestly requests, that such gentlemen throughout the United States, as have it in their power, will furnish him with documents for correcting the past errors in the geography of America, and for furnishing a more complete system of geography than has yet appeared.
The title page, list of subscriber's names, with the account of the Newtonian system, &c. &c. will be given in the 47th and 48th numbers.
N. B. The subscribers, and the public in general are requested to consider the following very material circumstance—The London quarto edition is sold here, for fifteen dollars, although it contains only 25 maps and plates, and of the geography of the United States, as has been observed above, only about 30 pages—whereas, Carey's edition will contain 42 maps and plates, and have two hundred pages of letter press more. And it need not be observed, that the seventeen maps to be added, are of more importance to America by far, than the 25 London ones. The observation will apply with equal force to the letter press additions.
The maps will be published in such order of succession as they are engraved, and directions will be printed for the proper manner of placing them by the bookbinder. May 22.
To the PUBLIC.
NOTWITHSTANDING all the endeavors of the aristocratic party to prevent the citizens of the United States from encouraging the Work entitled MAN UNDECEIVED, which I proposed to print by subscription on the 25th Feb. last, I feel myself happy in informing ALL true Republicans, that the same will be put without delay to the press, as the subscription has been successfully filled. Such unexpected success I owe to the favor of several zealous friends, who distinguished themselves in the undertaking.
I think it unnecessary to make any remarks at present respecting the work, as the world will soon be enabled to pronounce sentence upon it. I hope therefore, that those whose circumstances are easy, and who hold the generous principle of democracy, will feel sorry for their indifference with regard to subscribing, in as much as the work will confound the enemies of Republicanism. I shall, however, reserve every remark upon the subject for the Appendix to the work.
I have the pleasure to express my public thanks to those benevolent American Printers through the United States, who had the kindness to insert my former advertisement in their newspapers, and I request them to give the present a place, desiring them to send me one of their papers containing it, that I may become acquainted with my friends, and transmit them a copy of the said work as a token of my gratitude.
Those Printers only should take notice of this request who are true republicans, and friends to mankind, a character acquired only in the school of democracy.
JAMES PH. PUGLIA, Late sworn interpreter of the Spanish language. June 12, 1793.
I Have claims to about two hundred and fifty thousand acres of LAND in the state of Kentucky, in different parts of that country, some of which I know to be equal to any; all of which I am inclined to dispose of, either by entire sale, or by admitting one, or two partners, to whom the agency on the whole will be committed.
One fourth of the contract will be required in hand, either in cash, merchandise, or such assets as may be converted to active use, the residue may be apportioned in convenient instalments. The purchasers to give security, on the land, or otherwise, as suits them.
Knowing that there is a prejudice against the titles of land in that state, which is more general than just, I am willing to stipulate in the contract, that a discount, or deduction, shall be made, where any land may be lost, by reason of a defective title.
Any person inclining to such a purchase, is requested to write to me by post, in answer to whom, more particular information will be given. HENRY BANKS. Richmond March 20, 1793. 2aw 1d.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New-Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorheis, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety-two—Notice is hereby given to the said Garret Voorheis, that unless he appear and file special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such of his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided.
By order of the Court, April 17. LAW. TY HOWELL, CLERK.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAINE, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.