Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-06-18 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 15, of Vol. III.]
SATURDAY, JUNE 18, 1791.
[Whole No. 223.]
TRANSLATED For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
A DISCOURSE OF STEPHEN BOETIUS, Concerning voluntary Servitude: Or the Anti-One.
(Continued from No. 12 of this Gazette.)
LOOK at the Venetians, an handful of people, living so freely that the meanest among them would not be a King; and all so born and educated, that they know no other ambition than that of taking the most pains, and having the greatest care to maintain their liberty: thus taught and formed, in and from the cradle, they would not accept all the other felicities of the whole earth, in exchange for the smallest point of their freedom. Let him who has seen these personages go from thence to the territories of him whom we call the Grand Seignor, and see there people who could not be born but to serve him, and who to maintain him abandon their own lives. Would a man who has seen both these sorts of people think that they both had the same natural qualities; or rather would he not think that coming out of a city of men he had entered into a park of be-asts? Lycurgus, the Legislator of Sparta, having brought up two puppies from the same litter, brothers suckled with the same milk, fattened one in the kitchen, and used the other to run about the forests at the sound of the trumpet and the hunting horn—wishing to show the people of Lacedemon that men are such as their education makes them, placed his two dogs in the market-place, and between them a soup and an hare—one of them ran to the dish, and the other after his game: nevertheless, said Lycurgus, they are brothers. And he, with his laws and his policy, educated so well the Lacedemonians, that every one of them would have rather suffered a thousand deaths than recognize any other master than the law and the King.
I take a pleasure in reflecting on a saying of the favorites of Xerxes, the great King of Persia, touching the Spartans. When Xerxes made his preparations of a great army to conquer Greece, he sent his Ambassadors through the Greek cities to demand earth and water—this was the customary summons of the Persians to cities to surrender—but he sent not to Sparta nor to Athens; because that of those which Darius his father had sent to these cities to make a similar demand, the Spartans and Athenians had thrown some into the ditches, and others they had compelled to leap into wells, saying to them, that they might there take boldly both of earth and water to carry to their Prince. These people could not bear that by the smallest word their liberty should be attempted. For this conduct, however, the Spartans knew that they had incurred the resentment of the gods themselves, especially of Talthibius, the god of Ambassadors. They resolved to send to Xerxes to appease them, two of their citizens, to present themselves to him, that he might do with them as he pleased, and revenge himself on them for the two Ambassadors which the Spartans had killed for his father. Two Spartans, one named Sperthes and the other Bulis, offered themselves voluntarily to go and make this reparation. They went, and on their way arrived at the palace of a Persian, who was named Hydarnes, who was Lieutenant of the King in all the cities of Asia which are on the coast of the sea. He received them very honorably, and after several observations, following one another, he asked them why they refused the friendship of the King? "Believe me, Spartans, (says he) the King knows how to honor those who are worthy: consider, if you belonged to him, and he were to know you, there is neither of you who would not be the commander of some city of Greece."—"In this, Hydarnes, (said the Lacedemonians) you are not capable of advising us; because, although you know the nature of the good which you promise us, having had experience of it, yet you know nothing of that which we enjoy. You have experienced the favour of your King, but you know nothing of liberty, what is its relish and how sweet it is: but if you had tasted it, you would advise us to defend it, not only with the lance and the sword, but with teeth and nails." The Spartan alone said what ought to have been said—But certainly both the Persian and Spartan spoke according as they had been educated; for it was impossible that the Persian should regret liberty, having never had it—or that the Lacedemonian should endure subjection, having tasted freedom.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
O D E, TO BIRTHA.
WITH every changement of the varying mind New feelings animate the mortal frame; And new sensations of the body, claim A soul to equal sympathy inclined.
See Malice on the face imprint A dimpled smile, the down-drawn lip that strains, Half bend the brow, and place the eye askaint, And shrink, with expectation, all the veins. See pale Consumption o'er the sager's foul Spread idiot weakness, infantine distres, Raife with false hope, with faithless joy controul, With fancied, groundless agony deprefs.
While with invigorating health we tread, And Youth, with dewy fingers, binds Her crown of roses round the head, Borne on the winged winds, Imagination strays. Wherever Nature's hand her charms displays— Be it to see "the rich-hair'd Youth of Morn" Impearl the fragrance-breathing thorn; To see the milt wind slowly o'er the hill; Or hear, from unseen bank, loud burft the gurgling rill; Or Zephyr ruffle fweet the woods among Whose thickets fwell with melody and fong; To hear the voice of Industry refound; The ploughman whistling o'er the loamy ridge; The fhepherd's tinkling bell that talks around; And hoofs loud rattling o'er the village bridge; Or torrents foaming down the mountain's breaft;— There doth imagination love to ref.
But when the fallow hand of Sickness spreads Wan defolation o'er the human face, No more imagination loves to trace The fportive beauties of the laughing meads. But the drear cavern, and the darkfome dell, The wild faint-gleaming with the meteor's light, The distant watch-tower's hollow-founding bell, And tempefts brooding o'er the inclement night; Blue, fulphur-breathing, flames, from church-yard paths that rife, Dim, fhadowy forms, that dance before the fight, The quick-departing flafh, that wraps the fies, And horror's fcream, the melancholy foul delight.
When deep difeafe-hangs heavy on the mind, Such fym pathetic grief the body feels, That he but half reftores, who only heals The woe with which the anguifh'd fpirit pined; For health muft give new vigor to the frame Ere foft Contentment can the bofom claim. So, if the hand of agony diftref The fuffering body with diftracting pain, No earthly medicine can fo well fuf tain, No coftly cordial can fo truly blefs, As the calm foul, to providence refign'd— The fteady funfhine of the immortal mind.
O then, my BIRTHA! from the fceenes Where gloomy Contemplation loves to dwell, From mufing Melancholy's cell, Your wounded fpirit call, To where eternal love the foul ferenes, And Heaven's own finger's "dreft the dreary ball." Read and reflect, reflect and read; Make it your constant ftudy and employ, The grand, affecting, folemn, truths to heed, Which wake, of pious hearts, the moral joy. Thefe as you ftudy, torn from dreary views, New blifs fhall animate your foul, New ftrength your body brace; With fweet delight the fancy trace The lighter paths of moral dues, And fceen contentment light the mental pole. By foft degrees, the fceenes which former days On your imagination pictured fair, Shall rife, bedeck'd with joy-reviving rays, And from your bofom chafe the monfter Care. Then Happinefs, with powerful arm, Shall wreft his poignard from Difeafe, And from the features that were born to pleafe, Scatter, of telon Sickness, far the fallow charm: Again fhall bid health fparkle from your eye; In every ftep-bid laughing pleafure dance; Young Love the dimpling cheek with fmiles enhance; And Youth, in glory burfting from the fky, With Beauty's rich, inimitable grace, Throw her celeftial rofes o'er your face.
E L L A.
L O N D O N.
MIRABEAU.
By his will, has left all his Papers relative to legislation and politics, to M. Cabania, his physician and friend.
His writings on the revolution, and all his minutes of intended motions and speeches, he has left to M. de la Marck. And he begs M. Fouchet, his colleague, to take from his library any books he likes, to the amount of four thousand eight-hundred livres.
He acquires M: Lamourette, Bishop of Lyons, and a Madame Lojay, of every thing they owe him.
Finally he desires he may be interred by the side of his father and uncle, at Argenteuil, where he had ordered a chapel and mausoleum to be built.
The last article will be superceded by the National Assembly's last decree.
FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS MAGAZINE.
Some account of the Cotton and Wool-CARD MANUFACTORIES, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
THE various manufactories of this Commonwealth, finish upwards of 10,000 dozen pair of cotton and wool cards yearly; two thirds of these are exported to the several States; they average at the price of five dollars and an half per dozen, and produce 53,000 dollars. Four fifths of the whole, are made in the town of Boston. One house alone produces 6000 dozen per annum: This gives employment to at least 1600 women and children, who stick them: If to them, we add the great number of persons, who are busied in manufacturing 30,000 sheep skins; those who make 8 millions of tacks; others engaged in the wood work; and the hands employed in cutting wire, and completing the cards, this manufacture may be allowed to furnish the principal means of subsistence to 2,500 people.
About 150 casks of wire at 25l. per cask, are imported annually, which is all that depends on a foreign source. There is a hope, that even this trivial import will shortly cease, as some ingenious mechanics have in contemplation a work of this kind.
The importation of tacks, which at the commencement of these works, was common, is now nearly abolished. The tack-smiths, within 20 miles of the capital, furnish sufficient for home consumption, and export a great quantity abroad.
The manufactory of Mr. Giles Richards, and company, is reputed the largest in the Commonwealth. Their improvements in cutting wire, have excited the attention of judicious Europeans; and models of two of their principal machines, were lately purchased by an English gentleman for nearly 100l. sterling.
These gentlemen are daily profiting by new and happy inventions, which diminish the toil of labour, expedite work, and lessen the price of cards. The present year they have completed machines for cutting of boards, which form both the concave and convex parts, to great perfection, at a very few strokes. A lath is also invented for turning the handles either oval or flat, or round with great ease and facility. At present the works are in such perfection, that 8 men can turn out 50 dozen per day; and should they laudably progress, in various improvements for two or three years to come, as they have done for the same period past, their manufactory may justly challenge the known world, to equal them in goodness or dispatch in their work. His Excellency the President of the United States was pleased to honor the company with a visit; and expressed himself highly satisfied with their ingenuity.—To his best wishes for their prosperity, we can but add our own—and doubt not, but they will be finally patronized by an intelligent community, as meriting public encouragement, superadded to private emolument. Z. Y.
FROM THE HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE.
MR. PRINTER, Please to insert the following, if you think it merits a place in your paper.
TO THE PROMPTER.
SIR, I HAVE waited a considerable time, hoping you or some of your correspondents would take notice of an evil, very common; but as none have touched upon it as yet, I beg leave to lay the matter before you, and wish your opinion upon it.—There are many farmers within the small circle of my acquaintance, who raise barely grain sufficient to bread their families from year to year; yet these men will run to the merchant and retailer, and because they can be trusted until fall, and then pay in grain, they will take up twice as much gauze, cambric, lace, &c. and three times as much rum as they want. When fall comes (and it will come once a year) a great part of their grain must go to pay up the merchant's and retailer's bills; and by March or April they are rambling about to buy bread for their families, and very often go to traders they have dealt with, and must give twenty-five or thirty per cent. higher than what they sold for, and must pay the money too. Now, Mr. Prompter, I want to know whether these men work it right; or whether, as Dr. Franklin says, they do not pay very dear for their whistle? J. K.

From the POUGHKEEPSIE (State of New-York) JOURNAL.
Mr. POWER, I send you a copy of a letter I have lately received from one of my correspondents abroad—If you will give it a place in your paper, you will oblige A Customer.
May 21, 1791.
DEAR SIR,
I HAVE just now received your's of the 10th instant. I thank you for your remarks on the work you have lately read. It appears to answer in your mind the recommendations I gave of it in a former letter. Nothing gives me more pleasure in my time of life, than to be imparting the little fruits of my knowledge and experience to the generation that is coming after me.—Tho' I have but a few moments leisure, I shall endeavor, tho' imperfectly, to comply with your request, and give you my thoughts on the writings of Mr. Adams, the Vice-President, on which you tell me you are about to enter.
As you are on a course of political studies, which I hope may hereafter render you a useful, and above all, an honest patriot, I would have you always bear it in mind, that you cannot imbibe too deep an acquaintance, nor cultivate too high an attachment to the general and local constitutions of the United States.
The Federalist , tho' written in haste, and on the spur of the occasion, is, as I have observed to you before, one of the best publications on the former. It is full of correct method, sound sense, and luminous principles of liberty from beginning to end; and I have no doubt but the commentary will be coeval in point of time with the text. But the writings of Mr. Adams, must be read with some grains of allowance . There is a great deal of learning, and a great number of useful and wise principles of government brought into view; but it appears to me that he is attached to aristocratical and monarchical principles. My belief is founded on an attentive examination of his writings. This great master of politics is frequently, and pretty directly, inculcating a scepticism as to the goodness of republican governments, and a belief of the utility of hereditary monarchy, in terms which cannot but excite in the breast of those who are attached to the one, and who despise the other, a painful regret, and a lively indignation. I wish to make a firm stand against such pernicious tenets. They are as directly in the face of our institutions and manners, as they are repugnant to our feelings and happiness. Besides, it is against moral fitness, no less than political duty, to be constantly infusing distrust and diffidence as to the constitution of our country. An unshaken confidence, a reverential attachment to our established systems, ought rather to be the lesson of the schools.
In vol. 1. letter 20, of his Defence of the American Constitutions , he observes, "The Americans have not made their first magistrate hereditary, nor their senators: here they differ from the English constitution, and with great propriety: Land is so equally divided among the people, that they would not endure an hereditary King and Nobility; or at least, if created, they would be entirely subservient to the Commons, in whom nineteen twentieths of the property would reside.—In future ages, if the States become great nations, rich, powerful, and luxurious, their own feelings and good sense will dictate to them what to do; they may make transitions to a nearer resemblance of the British constitution, by a fresh convention, without the smallest interruption to liberty. But they will never become necessary until great quantities of property get into few hands."
Here Mr. Adams speaks of hereditary monarchy and aristocracy as not advisable in this country as yet—we are not quite ripe for them, because of the too great equality of property. Hereafter the natural progress of things will render them necessary, and they may exist without the smallest interruption to liberty .
If this change should be thought proper, Mr. Adams informs us, we have an Aristocracy already formed for our purpose, by the kind hand of nature.—In letter 25 of the same vol. he observes, "There are sources of inequality in every society, and in Massachusetts as well as in others.—1. Inequality of Wealth. 2. Of birth. 3. of merits. And, 4. All these advantages of birth, fortune, and fame united. These sources of inequality can never be altered by any people, because they are founded in the constitution of nature. This natural aristocracy among mankind, is a body of men which contains the greatest collection of virtues and abilities in a free government."
Fame and fortune may be, and frequently are hereditary; but this is the first time I ever heard a grave philosopher pronounce virtue and abilities to be so.
In the 3d volume of his Defence , and which contains a very ingenious and useful criticism on Mr. Needham's Theory of a Common-wealth , he observes (letter 6.) that, "We have adopted in America one idea of Needham's, in making a succession in our Senate and Governors. It is still, however, problematical, whether this succession will be the grand preservative against corruption, or the grand inlet to it. There is room to hope, and grounds to fear. The experiment is made, and it will have fair play. If corruption breaks in, a remedy must be provided; and what that remedy must be, is well known to every man that thinks." "In what manner annual elections of Governors and Senators will operate in America, remains to be ascertained. It should always be remarked, that this is not the first experiment that ever was made in the world, of elections to great offices of State: How they have hitherto operated in every great nation, and what has been their end, is very well known. Mankind have universally discovered that chance was preferable to a corrupt choice, and have trusted Providence rather than themselves. Thank Heaven! Americans understand calling conventions; and if the time should come, as it is very possible it may, when hereditary descent shall become a less evil than annual fraud and violence, such a convention may still prevent the first magistrate from becoming absolute as well as hereditary." "This hazardous experiment we have tried; and if elections are soberly made, it may answer well—if not, the people must again have recourse to conventions, and find a remedy."
The prevailing bent of Mr. Adams, in favor of hereditary government, seems to have acquired new force, as he proceeded in his writings. In his 1st vol. we have observed, he speaks of it as a thing desirable only at some future period, and not suited to our present condition. Here he declares himself much more emphatically in its favor—considers elective governments as of hazardous experiment, and of doubtful issue; and in a strain of exultation and devotion thanks Heaven that Americans can assume with ease an hereditary monarchy.
Mr. Adams has lately obliged the public with a number of periodical pieces, entitled, Discourses on Davila , and which, like all his other writings, discover extensive learning and superior capacity, and are calculated like his former volumes, to point out the necessity of a balanced government. These discourses, however, are constantly interrupted with his remarks on the natural love for family, and distinctions, and property, and rank, and that aristocracy and monarchy have their foundation in the original constitution of our nature. In No. 12 he observes, "But it shall be left to the contemplation of our state physicians to discover the causes and the remedy or that fever whereof our power is sick. One question shall be respectfully insinuated, whether equal laws, the result only of balanced government, can ever be obtained and preferred, without some signs or other of distinction and degree ." In No. 15, after many arguments on the inextinguishable passion for titles and distinctions, he breaks out into the following apostrophe:—"Americans! rejoice that from experience you have learned wisdom; and instead of whimsical and fantastic projects, you have adopted a promising essay towards a well ordered government ."
Mr. Adams has now begun, a discourse on Stephen Boetius , which will probably be the same thing as a second edition of his commentary on Needham.
It would be easy for me to proceed with quotations of a similar import; but I trust I have already sufficiently proved the truth of my assertion, and the justness of my belief in the beginning of this letter, that Mr. Adams was attached to monarchical and aristocratical principles. In saying this, I have no desire, if I had the power, to derogate from the general reputation of his works: I only with that the false doctrines they contain may be separated from the salutary counsels with which they are allied. His writings have profoundly developed, and placed in all its variety of attitude to the world, one excellent truth , long before known, recognized, and adopted by his countrymen in their political systems, and that is, the necessity of a division of the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers, in order to control the former into three independent parts, and a partition of the spirit of rivalry inherent in the mind of man. But his writings have also inculcated, cherished, and propagated one abominable heresy , and that is, that hereditary monarchy and aristocracy are compatible with permanent freedom, and probably essential to a wise, happy, and perfectly balanced constitution.
It is well worth observing, that Mr. Adams has undergone, since his residence in Europe, a very great change in his political principles. In 1776, while he was a member of Congress, he wrote a letter to Mr. Wythe, of Virginia, and which has been recently published. In that letter he says, "There is no good government but what is republican—that the only valuable part of the British constitution is so—that the legislature should be divided into two branches, and the executive should have a negative on both; but that the executive, as well as both branches of the legislative, ought to be annually elective, there not being in the whole circle of the sciences a maxim more infallible than this, Where annual elections end, there tyranny begins . These great men, in this respect, should be once a year,
Like bubbles on the sea of matter borne, They rise, they break, and to that sea return."
This will teach them the great political virtues of humility, patience, and moderation, without which every man in power becomes a ravenous beast of prey."
Mr. Adams ought to shew us whether human nature has altered since the year 1776; and what there is at this day, more than there was at that day, to prevent a man who holds his seat by hereditary right, or (as Mr. Burke says the King of England holds his crown) in contempt of the people, and who is not responsible for his conduct , from becoming a ravenous beast of prey: Whereas, the great leading maxim is all his writing is, that mankind are just as imperfect now as formerly—in America as in Europe—in this century as in ten centuries ago. But it is the fate of Mr. Adams, in many places, to be as inconsistent with himself, as some of his doctrines are inconsistent with the genius of his country.
The English government is that perfect model to which all his observations are directed. "It is (says he) the most stupendous fabric of human invention, both for the adjustment of the balance, and the prevention of its vibrations." But the furious wars between the two Roses—the constant tyranny of the Tudors—the constant tyranny and convulsions under the Stuarts—the two rebellions against the house of Hanover, are rather bad precedents in favor of hereditary succession. At present there is not indeed the avowed oppression of former times. But the constitutional tyranny (if I may so express myself) of the hereditary part, has changed its colour, not its nature—it has laid aside its fierce visage, and assumed the livery of Venus and the Graces. Henry the 8th was a despot, with the iron rod of prerogative—George the 3d is a despot also, with the courtly sceptre of corruption. I sincerely believe the English administration to be as much under the influence of corruption, as that of any government in Europe. The House of Commons, chosen once in seven years, is a mere mockery of representation. The English nation would have, if justice was done them, their Commons fairly chosen by upwards of 400,000 electors—and yet a ninth part of the English representation is chosen by 364 votes, and a majority of the representation by 5723 electors, most of whom have no property. The House of Commons, thus wretchedly constituted, has not been able (as we might well suppose) to preserve its equipoise in the system, and has submitted itself implicitly to the corrupt influence of the hereditary department. Nothing but the independence of their judicial, and the pride and honor of their judges, preserves the remains of their liberties. The Roman civilians and judges in like manner preserved their integrity and good sense long after Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian, had infested their government with the most accursed of all tyrannies. Mr. Hume, some years ago, predicted (and he predicted right) that the tide of power in England was running to the monarchical side, and that absolute monarchy was the true euthanasia of the British constitution.—This government, however, is held up to us as a model of wisdom and imitation.
Mr. Adams has devoted the labor of years to point out the evils to which free governments are incident, and to warn mankind against them. I thank him for his learned labors. But I wish he would also warn us against the dangers of the opposite coast, to which he is steering our political vessel; and together with his commentaries on Machiavel, Needham, and Stephen Boetius—would also give us his commentaries on the reign of Tiberius, as delineated by the masterly hand of Tacitus.
His writings have certainly the tendency (whatever may be his intention) to make people weary of republican government, and to sigh for the monarchy of England. To inculcate the doctrine, that men are not fit to chuse their own rulers—that frequent elections are dangerous—that distinctions, not of virtue and talents, but of birth and fortune, are essential to the order of government—that riches and family should be the titles to preferment, and poverty the object of contempt. Such doctrines I deem heresies in American politics. I am, dear fir,
Your's sincerely,
"To Mr. _____"
FROM THE (BOSTON) COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
MR. RUSSELL.
THE late revolution in France , has opened an extensive field of speculation to the philosopher and to the politician. An event so astonishing and unexpected in its nature, and so important in its consequences, naturally arrested the peculiar attention of the whole civilized world. The friends of liberty and of man, have seen with pleasure, the temples of despotism, levelled with the ground, and the genius of freedom, rising suddenly, in his collected and irresistible strength, and snapping in an instant all the cords with which for centuries he had been bound. Upon the downfal of the arbitrary system of government in France , there appears to have been but one sentiment, and that, a sentiment of exultation; but while the friends of humanity have rejoiced at the emancipation of so many millions of their fellow-creatures, they have waited with an anxious expectation to see upon what foundations they would attempt to establish their newly acquired liberty. The pro-
ceedings of their Representative Assembly, have been contemplated in very different points of view, by men of names equally illustrious, and of characters equally favorable to the cause of liberty. Among the publications which have appeared upon the subject, two pamphlets founded upon very different principles, appear to have been received with the greatest avidity, and seem calculated to leave the deepest impression. The one, written by Mr. BURKE , which is one continued invective upon almost all the proceedings of the National Assembly since the revolution, and which passes a severe and indiscriminating censure upon almost all their transactions: The other, the production of Mr. PAINE , containing a defence of the Assembly, and approving every thing they have done with applause as undistinguishing as is the censure of Mr. BURKE .—We are told, that the copy from which an edition of this work was reprinted at Philadelphia , was furnished by the Secretary of State, and was accompanied by a letter from which the following extract has been published in most of our newspapers. "I am extremely pleased to find, "that it is to be reprinted here, and that something is at length to be publicly said, against "the political heresies which have sprung up among us. I have no doubt our citizens will "rally a second time round the standard of "Common Sense."
I confess, fir, I am somewhat at a loss to determine, what this very respectable gentleman means by political heresies . Does he consider this pamphlet of Mr. PAINE 's as the canonical book of political scripture? As containing the true doctrine of popular infallibility, from which it would be heretical to depart in one single point. The expressions indeed imply more; they seem like the Arabian prophet to call upon all true believers in the Islam of democracy, to draw their swords, and in the fervour of their devotion to compel all their countrymen to cry out, "There is but one Goddess of Liberty, and Common Sense is her prophet."
I have always understood, fir, that the citizens of these States, were possessed of a full and entire freedom of opinion upon all subjects civil as well as religious; they have not yet established any infallible criterion of orthodoxy, either in church or state: Their principles in theory and their habits in practice, are equally averse to that slavery of the mind, which adopts without examination any sentiment that has the sanction of a venerable name. " Nullius in verba jurare magistri " is their favorite maxim; and the only political tenet, which they would stigmatize with the name of heresy, would be that which should attempt to impose an opinion upon their understandings, upon the single principle of authority.
I believe also, fir, that the citizens of America are not at present disposed to rally round the standard of any man. In the full possession and enjoyment of all the freedom, for which they have gone through so arduous a conflict, they will not for the poor purpose of extinguishing a few supposed political heresies, return to the horrors of a civil contest, from which they could reap no possible benefit, and which would probably terminate in the loss of that liberty, for which they have been so liberal of their treasure and of their blood.
If however, Mr. PAINE is to be adopted as the holy father of our political faith, and this pamphlet is to be considered as his Papal bull of infallible virtue, let us at least examine what it contains. Before we determine to join the standard let us inquire what are the articles of war, to which our General requires our submission.—It is the glorious characteristic of truth, at once to invite and bid defiance to investigation. If any opinions which have sprung up among us, have really led us astray from the standard of truth , let us return to it, at the call of Mr. PAINE , or of any other man, who can shew us our errors. But fir, if upon examination, even this testament of orthodoxy, shall be found to contain many spurious texts, false in their principles and delusive in their inferences, we may be permitted, notwithstanding our reverence for the author, at least to expunge the apocryphal doctrine, and to confine our faith to the genuine tenets of real political inspiration.—It is my intention to submit to the public a few observations which have occurred to me upon the perusal of this pamphlet, which has so clear and valid a title to the public attention.—But I must here observe, that I wish to avoid every appearance of disrespect, either to the real parent of this production, or to the gentleman who has stood its sponsor in this country. Both these gentlemen are entitled to the gratitude of their countrymen; the latter still renders them important services, in a very dignified station. He is a friend to free inquiry upon every subject, and he will not be displeased to see the sentiments which he has made his own, by a public adoption, canvassed with as much freedom as is consistent with the reverence due to his character. PUBLICOLA.

FROM THE CONNECTICUT COURANT.
Messrs. HUDSON & GOODWIN,
IT may not be improper to inform the public, that many of the extracts in the late papers respecting Indian affairs, are misrepresentations. Capt. Armstrong who is reported to have been attacked in coming up the Ohio, was, at the time specified, in Philadelphia. Fort Pitt was not destroyed the 10th of May, although an express arrived at Philadelphia by the 20th of April with the intelligence. The story of Mr. Stewart Wilkins has very little foundation, and indeed very few of the reports circulated have any, and such as have grounds are much exaggerated. That the Indians are disposed to commit depredations and distress the inhabitants of the frontiers, is beyond doubt; and that the dignity of the Union requires a force to be sent to protect and defend the frontiers, and to teach the savages that the United States have power as well as mercy, is equally plain; but that such frightful depredations are committing, is not true—the reports are calculated to terrify, and circulated to prevent emigration to that country—they tend to impede the wishes of government in giving protection to that part of the Union, and to discourage the young and enterprising from entering into the service of their country, and exploring the most beautiful as well as fertile part of the United States, where not only a rational curiosity will be gratified, but a knowledge acquired which will richly compensate them in the future prospects of life.
SPANISH DECREE RESPECTING FLOUR.
DON ANTOINE JOSEF DE POSADA, public writer for our Lord the King in all his dominions, and private secretary to the Land and Marine Royal Tribunal of the Consulate of this city of Seville and of the people of its Archbishopric, &c.
Certifies, that Senior Don Diego de Gardoqui, Director General of the Customs of India, has communicated to Senior Don Juez de Arrivadas, of this city, the Royal Ordinance following, to wit :
IN order to promote the commerce of flour to America, and at the same time that our colonies are sufficiently supplied with that article a recourse for it to foreigners under a plea of scarcity, may be prevented—His Majesty taking into consideration the advice given on this subject by the Consulate of Santander, that foreign flour is now shipped to the Caraccas without being subject to the decree of the 28th Feb. 1789, and also to conciliate the interests of commerce with the progress of our manufactures, his Majesty has resolved and determined, and now commands that all foreign flour that may be embarked either for Caraccas, the islands, or the kingdoms of Santa Fe, shall be subject to a new duty proportioned to the price of the Spanish flour, in the following form and manner, to wit :
   When the price per barrel is the extraordinary duty shall be     Rv. 140 or 7 hard dollars Rv. 40 or 2 dollars   145 or 7 1/2 ditto 35 or 1 3/4 ditto   150 or 7 1/2 ditto 30 or 1 1/2 ditto   155 or 7 1/2 ditto 25 or 1 1/4 ditto   160 or 8 ditto 20 or 1 ditto   165 or 8 1/2 ditto 15 or 3/4 ditto   170 or 8 1/2 ditto 10 or 1/2 ditto  
When no Spanish flour shall be at market, the price shall be fixed by the cost of 175 lb. (which is fixed as the weight of a barrel of foreign flour) used for internal consumption, the amount of the duty shall be divided by way of premium among shippers of national or Spanish flour.
Of this I inform you by order of his Majesty, communicated to me by his Excellency Senor Don Pedro de Lerena, in order that you may make it known to the merchants in the mode accustomed. God preserve your life for many years.
Madrid, the 27th of Jan. 1791.
(Signed) DIEGO DE GARDOQUI.
Some Account of STEPHEN BOETIUS.
STEPHEN BOETIUS lived in the reign of Charles IX. King of France—he was one of the King's Counsellors in the Court of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, and the cotemporary and friend of Montaigne. Between these two characters such an intimacy and confidence subsisted, that, as Montaigne himself says, "There are but few such to be read of;"—and further, there never was a better citizen, more affectionate to the quiet of his country, nor more an enemy to the troubles and seditions of his time.
His discourse concerning voluntary servitude, was published soon after the massacre of Paris, and the slaughter of the Protestants throughout most of the provinces of France, although wrote several years before. If any thing could have whetted the author's file with keener darts against tyranny, to what a height of indignation would that detestable and execrable scene have raised the virtuous spirit of this young man? But as the same causes must ever produce the same effects, he knew the nature of tyranny to be such, that there is nothing so monstrous and wicked but what it is capable of perpetrating; and perhaps might not have been surprised at so prodigious an event, but might have looked upon it as a very natural consequence from those principles upon which tyranny is founded.—Boetius died at the age of 32, leaving a most excellent character to support and cherish his memory.
PORTSMOUTH (N. H. June 4.
Accounts from Genoa, of Feb. 18, mention the appointment of Mr. RAVARA, as Consul to the United States. He is to reside at Philadelphia.
In the National Assembly of France, nothing has occurred more deserving of notice than a letter from the friends of the constitution at Marseilles, dated the 13th of March.
To the number of 2000 they offer themselves to march to the frontiers, and by their valour repel the invaders of the Liberties of France—Not unappositely they allude to the following anecdote :
"The Phocians, our ancestors, say they, in landing upon these shores, cast a bar of iron into the water, swearing never to return to despotism and their country, until that bar should swim out. It is still in our Gulph, and WE again swear never to return to slavery, until it floats upon the surface."
BOSTON, June 7.
On Sunday morning, the Right Rev. Bishop Carroll preached an elegant and candid sermon at the Catholic Chapel, in School-street. His Excellency the Governor and Lady, the Hon. Thomas Russell and Lady, and the Hon. Edward Cutts, were among a crowded and very respectable audience—who appeared highly gratified by the charity, the benevolence, the piety which graced the discourse of the Right Rev. Preacher.
PROVIDENCE, June 9.
At the annual town-meeting held here on Monday last, a petition was presented, praying that a sufficient number of Schoolmasters be appointed to instruct all the children in town, and that their salaries be paid out of the town-treasury.—The petition was read, and the consideration thereof referred to the adjournment on Monday next—and the school committee were requested to report at that meeting, rules and regulations for the government of such schools, &c. From the almost unanimous approbation this important measure received from all quarters, we anticipate, with the greatest pleasure and satisfaction, the happy consequences which may be reasonably expected to result from an establishment which will do honor to the town—be of infinite service to the rising generation, and must interest every humane mind in its final success. We cannot close this article without saying, what we deem but just should be generally known, that a number of the most opulent gentlemen in town, who will pay largely on this establishment, have interested themselves warmly in its favor.
Sunday last arrived at her moorings in the river, the India ship General Washington, Captain Donnison, of this port, with a valuable cargo of the productions and manufactures of the East, from Canton, last from St. Eustatia; she made her passage from Canton to St. Eustatia in 114 days, and in 10 days from the last mentioned port home.
A correspondent from Johnston informs, That last week, two small parties, with their guns, went out a Bird-Hunting—and from Monday till Thursday killed as follows:—One party 5030 birds and 690 squirrels—the other, 4228 birds and 670 squirrels.
MIDDLETOWN, June 11.
Yesterday morning arrived in this city, the Hon. Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, and the Hon. Mr. Madison, Representative in Congress from the State of Virginia. We are told they are from Lake George, &c. on their route to the southward.
BALTIMORE, June, 14.
BANK OF MARYLAND.
We are informed that the Directors of the Bank of Maryland have, since the receipt of their Second Payment, commenced discounting at Forty-five days sight.—It is with pleasure we remark that this Bank, although in its infancy, seems to possess the fullest confidence of the public.—Its paper is received here in preference to specie, and is rapidly gaining the countenance and protection of the trading people to the Southward and Westward.—We also learn, that it is received in the Bank of North-America as specie, and that the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, has directed the Collectors of the Revenue to receive its paper in all payments, to exchange specie for it, and to make the Bank of Maryland the place of deposit for all the public monies collected in this state.
The plan on which the Bank of Maryland is formed, and founded, has met with the approbation of some of the first Statesmen and Merchants in Europe and America; and while it reflects high credit on its public-spirited founders and liberal patrons, it must afford great satisfaction to every friend to this useful and important institution, to observe its rapid progress, and to see it thus early in possession of the confidence of so sagacious a Minister as the Secretary of our National Treasury.
Philadelphia, June 18.
The President of the United States arrived at Augusta, in Georgia, the 18th of May—where he was received with every possible demonstration of pleasure and respect. On the 21st, he crossed the bridge on his return to his seat at Mount Vernon, at which place he is arrived, and may be expected at the Seat of Government in a few days.
The Pittsburgh paper of June 4, says—"We hear from the town of Washington, that a man arrived there on Monday last, and brought the following intelligence, viz. That some spies who were out from a station on Short Creek, had come in and informed that they had discovered some Indians—immediately a party of 27 men, under the command of Lieut. Bulkirk, crossed the river, and soon came upon the trail, and Lieut. Bulkirk, with three of his men, being a little advanced before the rest, were fired on, by which Lieut. Bulkirk was killed, and the three men wounded. The Indians immediately run, and were fired on by the rest of the men, who pursued them about two miles. It is supposed some of the Indians were wounded, as blood was discovered where they were fired upon. This party consisted of 14, and this affair happened on Sunday afternoon last."
The foregoing is all the account of Indian depredations brought by the mail from Pittsburgh this week—we doubt not that many recent accounts, like those mentioned in the article from the Hartford paper, will turn out to be either premature or greatly exaggerated. A very formidable force is now on the march to protect the frontiers, and bring the Savages to reason, or punishment.
The present war in India will probably be scrutinized—this is said in a late London paper—but threats, of various complexions, for several years past, which appear to strike at the Minister, have served only to fix him more strongly as Premier.
Is it an argument in favor or against a publication that the author should be prosecuted?
Something has been said about a prosecution of the author of the pamphlet entitled "Rights of Man." Should that take place, if the principles of the author are right and just—except all sense of freedom is extinct in the English nation—a jury will never be found who will convict the writer; and if the principles should receive such a sanction, it will not be long before the people of England would adopt the language of Mr. Paine, and say, that "German Electors make German Kings"—and then in the words of scripture, say, "To your tents, O Israel."
The issue of a prosecution, should one take place, would be an index to the public opinion of that pamphlet in England.
All that is said in 40 of the latest English newspapers, down to 17th of April, respecting a prosecution of the author of the "Rights of Man," is contained in the following article :
If the Attorney General should find it necessary to make inquiry of Mr. Paine respecting his late publication, it is not improbable but that the Secretary of the Constitutional Society, may be involved in the legal conversation. Columb. Centinel.
So impressed is the Whig Club of Ireland with the importance of disseminating the principles contained in Mr. Paine's pamphlet, through that kingdom, that they have taken measures to have it printed and sold at the lowest rate, and also detailed in their newspapers. This at least does honor to their liberality, as Burke has always heretofore been in high repute with his countrymen.
At a meeting of the PRESIDENT and FELLOWS of Harvard-College, Jan. 19, 1791.
VOTED, That the thanks of this Corporation be given to Mr. JOHN FENNO, for his present to the Library of this University, of the first volume of his Gazette of the United States , containing the papers of the first year—useful for many ingenious pieces of speculation and important information, and more especially valuable for a public Library, as comprehending the various transactions and laws of the general government, beginning from its organization.
Copy. Attest, JOSEPH WILLARD, President.
No Southern newspapers were received by the Editor yesterday.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17 5/8 17 3/4 pr. £. 88 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 9 5/8 9 3/4 do. 48 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9 1/2 9 3/4 do. 47 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 16 5/8 82 1/2 do.   Indents 9 5/8 47 1/2 do.   N. and S. Carolina debts, 13 3/4 15 5/8.  
TO BE SOLD,
And may be entered on the ensuing Fall,
THAT large, elegant and convenient HOUSE, in which the subscriber now lives, situate in Elizabeth-Town, in the state of New-Jersey, within 16 miles of the city of New-York. It is finished in the very best manner, and peculiarly convenient for a gentleman with a large family. The Lot contains about four acres of land—the Garden is large, well laid out, and stocked with a good assortment of fruit. For further particulars, enquire of WILLIAM BRADFORD, Esq. in Philadelphia, JOHN PINTARD, Esq. in New-York, or the Subscriber on the Premises. June 11, 1791. (1aw3w) ELIAS BOUDINOT.

A FINE CHANCE FOR A YOUNG PRINTER.
FOR SALE,
A Printing Press and Types,
together with the right of publishing a PAPER, in good repute, the subscribers to which are continually increasing...
For further particulars, enquire of JOHN FENNO, at his Office, No. 69, High-Street, between Second and Third-Streets, Philadelphia.
FOR SALE,
TWO THOUSAND ACRES of LAND, in Jefferson County, state of Kentucky, situate 25 miles from Louisville, in a thick settled neighbourhood.
The Proprietor of this tract wishes to dispose of it for Cash, in order to improve other tracts in that neighbourhood, and therefore will sell cheap.
Any gentleman desirous to bargain for the same, may, by application to the Printer, be informed of the price.
N. B. The above tract of land is well known to a number of gentlemen in the state of Virginia, who will if required, certify its value.
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL LOTTERY.
CLASS II.
THE MANAGERS of the STATE-LOTTERY assure the Public, that the second Class of the SEMI-ANNUAL LOTTERY will positively commence drawing on the day appointed, viz. On Thursday the 13th of October next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of.
S C H E M E.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE. 25,000 TICKETS, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
Table with 3 columns: PRIZES, DOLLARS, DOLLARS. It lists various prize amounts and their corresponding dollar values.
8388 Prizes. 125000 16612 Blanks. 25000 Tickets.
TICKETS in the above CLASS may be had of the several MANAGERS, who will pay the prizes on demand; of the TREASURER of the Commonwealth; of JAMES WHITE, at his Book-store, Franklin's Head, Court-street—and at other places, as usual.
BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun. DAVID COBB, SAMUEL COOPER, GEORGE R. MINOT, JOHN KNEELAND, MANAGERS.
Boston, April 14, 1791.
WAR DEPARTMENT,
MAY 30, 1791.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March, 1791, and which will become due on the 4th day of September ensuing, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the States respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form :
A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:
I, A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and ending the fourth day of September of the same year.
Signed and sealed in the presence of Witnesses.
Acknowledged before me,
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim.
By command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers, for the space of two months.
PUBLIC SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, ON COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL Lottery Tickets, CLASS SECOND, to be had at the same place. May 28, 1791.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Subscriber, who served a regular apprenticeship to the business of VENDUE-MASTER, under Mr. GEORGE KELLY, has just opened an OFFICE in the Borough of NORFOLK, Virginia, in a good and convenient House, situated near the County Wharf, where he is in hopes of giving general satisfaction to all those that may be pleased to favor him with their commands. JOHN H. HALL. Norfolk, Virginia, April 21, 1791.
ADVERTISEMENT.
WHEREAS by the death of JOHN GEBBIE, the Partnership of GEBBIE and ELLIS, is dissolved. The subscriber, surviving co-partner and administrator of said deceased, requests all persons who have any demands against their late firm, to send forward their accounts for settlement as soon as convenient; and all those who are indebted to said firm, by bond, note, or book-account, are earnestly requested to discharge the same without delay. CHARLES ELLIS. Burlington, June 7, 1791.
CONTRACT.
For erecting BRIDGES over the HACKINSACK and PASSAICK Rivers, between Powles-Hook and Newark, in the State of New-Jersey.
THE Commissioners appointed by an act of the legislature of the state of New-Jersey, to erect bridges over the Hackinsack and Passaick rivers, having obtained the necessary surveys, are now ready to receive proposals for performing the same; and offer the following conditions for the consideration of such as may be inclined to contract:
The situation of the bridge across the Hackinsack river, will be at one of the following stations, as shall be hereafter determined most eligible.
1st. At the place where the present ferry is established, where the width of the river is 1448 feet. Depth at the eastern shore, 8 feet 8 inches. Do. western shore, 8 11. Greatest depth, 25 4.
2d. At a place more northerly, called Douw's Ferry, where the width of the river is 846 feet. Depth at the eastern shore 19 feet 10 inches. Do. western shore 12 8. Greatest depth, 35 8.
The situation of the bridge across the Passaick river, will be at one of the three following stations, as shall be hereafter determined most eligible.
1st. At the place where the present ferry is established, where the width of the river is 6-6 feet. Depth at the eastern shore 8 feet 6 inches, Do. western shore 9 6. Greatest depth 17 4.
2d. At a place more westerly, called Beef-Point, where the breadth of the river is 799 feet. Depth at the eastern shore 11 feet, Do. western shore 4 5 inches, Greatest depth 13 4.
3d. At a place still more northerly, called Hedden's dock, in the town of Newark, where the width of the river is 526 feet. Depth at the eastern shore 4 feet 5 inches, Do. western shore 10 8. Greatest depth 15 11.
The bridges are to be constructed on the principles of those erected over Charles, Myllick, and Beverly Rivers in the State of Massachusetts, with a draw to admit a free passage for vessels with fixed standing masts, not less than twenty-four feet wide, to be placed in such part of the bridges as shall be determined most convenient for the navigation of the river, with piles or blocks on each side of the entrance of such draw, as shall be judged sufficient to aid vessels in passing through. Also, one lamp on each side of the draw, to be lighted every night from sunset to sunrise, during the continuance of the lease.
The bridges are to be built with such piles, timber, scantling, and plank, as shall render them perfectly substantial and secure in the opinion of the commissioners, and are to be of a sufficient height to protect them against the tides, which rise at ordinary tides from 5 to 6 feet, and at spring tides from 8 to 10 feet. They are to be 31 feet in breadth, viz.
Allowance for carriage way, 20 feet. Do. for foot walks, raised on each side, 4 feet each, 8 feet. Do. for ballustrades, 1 foot each, 2 feet. Do. for hand-rails to do. 6 inches each, 1 foot.—Total, 31 feet. The sides of the bridges to be secured with strong ballustrades, after the manner of the bridge between Boston and Charlestown. The bridges and draws are to be kept in constant repair, and at the expiration of the lease are to be surrendered in good order, agreeably to the act.
The following are the terms which the commissioners are authorized to offer to contractors:
A lease of the exclusive privilege of the bridges for a period not exceeding 99 years, with a total equal to three-fourths of the present rates of ferryage.
From as accurate an estimate as could possibly be obtained, the actual receipts of the ferries for a medium of five years last past, amount to twelve hundred pounds, New-Jersey currency, per annum, three-fourths of that sum will consequently produce an immediate income of 900 pounds per ann. This may fairly be estimated as the smallest profit that can be calculated upon. The advancing population of the United States, the increasing intercourse between the two cities of New-York and Philadelphia, the facility which the construction of these bridges will give to travelling, the early communication thereby offered with the state of New-York, on the western side of the Hudson, are all important circumstances, which must necessarily tend rapidly to accumulate the profits of the bridges. The commissioners are moreover authorized by law to raise four thousand pounds to be applied towards making causeways and laying out proper roads connected with the bridges, and have a lottery now on foot for that purpose. As soon as the places shall be determined on where the bridges are to be fixed, and the contracts for erecting them are executed, the roads and causeways will be immediately undertaken.
Such persons therefore as may be inclined to contract on the above principles, will be pleased to send in their terms sealed, within three months from this date, to WILLIAM MAXWELL, Esq. in New-York, specifying the shortest period of lease for which they will undertake to erect the said bridges, together with proper security for performing the same.
SAMUEL TUTHILL, JOHN NEILSON, ROBERT KEMBLE, WILLIAM MAXWELL, JOHN PINTARD, Commissioners. Newark, State of New-Jersey, April 22, 1791.
All persons concerned will be pleased to take notice that the following advertisement has been varied from that published in our paper of the 23d of March.]
Treasury Department.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the first Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania and Fort Pitt, and at Fort Pitt.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort McIntosh on the River Ohio, and at Fort McIntosh.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort McIntosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami, at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie.
At any place or places, from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami village, before described.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.
At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village.
At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango.
At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf, betwixt Le Beuf and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river.
At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek.
At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively.
At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazous inclusively.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the river Tenesee, to Ocochappo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively.
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a gill of rum, brandy or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, per. 100 rations.
ALSO, That Proposals will be received at the said office until the first Monday in September next, inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the state of Massachusetts, and at the Post of West-Point, in the state of New-York.
The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the same articles as are above mentioned.
ALSO, That proposals will be received at the said office, until the 1st Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January to the 31st day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned.
At the post on the river Saint Mary, at present commanded by Capt. Henry Burbeck.
At the post on the river Altamaha, at present commanded by Capt. John Smith.
At the post on the river Oconee, at present commanded by Capt. Joseph Savage.
At the post on the river Apalachee, at present commanded by Capt. Michael Rudolph.
At any place or places from the Rock Landing on the Oconee, up to the mouth of the main south branch of the said river, from the said mouth up to the source of the said main south branch, and from thence to the Currahee mountain.
At any other place or places within the state of Georgia which may hereafter be occupied as permanent posts by any troops of the United States.
And for rations deliverable on the march to such future posts.
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least two months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the same articles, as are above mentioned.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the dispositions of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
The contracts for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years.
The proposals may be made for the whole of the above posts together, or separately for Springfield, for West-Point, for Yorktown, and the seventeen places following it, and for the posts in Georgia; and they must specify the lowest price per ration, for prompt payment.
The Printers who have published the above advertisement, are requested to reprint it with the alterations.
This day is published, By THOMAS LANG, No. 21, Church-Alley, and sold by all the Booksellers, (Price 3-8 of a Dollar)
The Catechism of Nature;
For the Use of CHILDREN.
By DOCTOR MARTINET, Professor of Philosophy at Zutphen.
TRANSLATED FROM THE DUTCH. "Read NATURE—Nature is a friend to TRUTH."