Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-07-17 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 28, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, JULY 17, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 132.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. XIV.
(Concluded from our last.)
'Tis with our judgments as our watches—none Go just alike, but each believes his own.
THAT there is already a division, in the National Assembly, like all others, past, present, and to come is most certain. There is an aristocratical party, a democratical party, an armed neutrality, and most probably a monarchical party: besides another division, who must finally prevail, or liberty will be lost; I mean a set of members, who are equal friends to monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, and wish for an equal independent mixture of all three in their constitution. Each of these parties has its chief, and these chiefs are or will be rivals. Religion will be both the object and the pretext of some: liberty, of others: submission and obedience of others: and levelling, downright levelling, of not a few. But the attention, consideration and congratulations of the public, will be the object of all. Situation and office will be aimed at by some of all parties. Contentions and dissensions will arise between these runners in the same race. The natural and usual progress, is, from debate in the assembly to discussions in print: from the search of truth and public utility in both, to sophistry and the spirit of party: evils so greatly dreaded by the ingenious "Citizen of New-Haven," to whom we have now the honor of paying our first respects, hoping that hereafter we may find an opportunity to make him our more particular compliments. From sophistry and party spirit, the transition is quick and easy to falsehood, imposture, and every species of artificial evolution and criminal intrigue. As unbalanced parties of every description, can never tolerate a free enquiry of any kind, when employed against themselves, the licence, and even the most temperate freedom of the press, soon excites resentment and revenge. A writer unpopular with an opposite party because he is too formidable in wit or argument, may first be burnt in effigy: or a printer may have his office assaulted: cuffs and kicks, boxes and cudgels, are heard of, among plebeian statesmen: challenges and single combats among the aristocratic legislators—Riots and seditions at length break men's bones or tear off their skins.—Lives are lost: and when blood is once drawn, men, like other animals, become outrageous: if one party has not a superiority over the other, clear enough to decide every thing at its pleasure, a civil war ensues. When the nation arrives at this period of the progress, every leader, at the head of his votaries, even if you admit him to have the best intentions in the world, will find himself compelled to form them into some military arrangement, both for offence and defence, to build castles and fortify eminences, like the feudal Barons. For aristocratical rivalries and democratical rivalries too, when unbalanced against each other, by some third mediating power, naturally and unfailingly produce a feudal system.—If this should be the course in France, the poor, deluded, and devoted partisans would soon be fond enough of decorating their leaders, with the old titles of dukes, marquises and counts, or doing any thing else, to increase the power of their commander over themselves, to unite their wills and forces for their own safety and defence, or to give him weight with their enemies.
The men of letters in France, are wisely reforming one feudal system: but may they not unwisely, lay the foundation of another? A legislature in one assembly, can have no other termination than in civil dissention, feudal anarchy, or simple monarchy. The best apology which can be made for their fresh attempt of a sovereignty in one assembly, an idea at least as ancient in France as Stephen Boetius , is, that it is only intended to be momentary. If a senate had been proposed, it must have been formed, most probably of Princes of the blood, Cardinals, Archbishops, Dukes and Marquises, and all these together would have obstructed the progress of the reformation in religion and government, and procured an abortion, to the regeneration of France. Pennsylvania established her single assembly in 1776, upon the same principle. An apprehension that the Proprietary and Quaker interests would prevail, to the election of characters disaffected to the American cause, finally preponderated against two legislative councils.
Pennsylvania, and Georgia who followed her example, have found by experience, the necessity of a change: and France, by the same infallible progress of reasoning, will discover the same necessity: happy indeed, if the experiment shall not cost her more dear. That the subject is considered in this light, by the best friends of liberty in Europe, appears by the words of Dr. Price, lately published in this paper: "Had not the aristocratical and clerical orders," says that sage and amiable writer, "have been obliged to throw themselves into one chamber with the commons, no reformation could have taken place, and the regeneration of the kingdom would have been impossible. And in future legislatures, were these two orders to make distinct and independent states, all that has been done would probably be soon undone. Hereafter, perhaps, when the new constitution, as now formed, has acquired strength by time, the National Assembly may find it practicable as well as expedient, to establish by means of a third Estate, such a check, as now takes place in the American government, and is indispensable in the British government."
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUZAC.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
CONTINUED.
PARIS.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE COLONIES, Presented to the National Assembly, in the name of the Committee appointed for that purpose, the 23d March, 1790.
By Mr. BARNAVE, Deputy from Dauphiny.
Printed by order of the National Assembly, at the National Printing Office.
THE National Assembly having, by its decree of the 8th inst. invited all the French colonies to transmit their wishes respecting the Constitution, the administration, the laws, and in general respecting every measure that may conduce to their prosperity, has announced that there should be annexed to its decree, some instructions necessary to attain this in the surest and most expeditious manner.
These instructions ought to have for their object, the formation of assemblies, destined to express the views of the colonies, and some general points which may serve as the basis of their labor.
In order to know the wish of the colonies, it is indispensably necessary to convoke colonial assemblies, as well in those colonies where none as yet exists, as in those where the existing assemblies are not authorised by the confidence of the citizens.
The National Assembly being obliged to trace provisionally a mode for their formation, conceive it necessary to choose the simplest forms, resembling the nearest mode which have been adopted in the colonies where the citizens have freely assembled of themselves—in short the most suitable to Assemblies, whose principal object ought to be to prepare plans of a constitution.
These assemblies will judge for themselves, when preparing the constitution of the colonies, what ought to be in future the composition and mode of convoking colonial assemblies. To prescribe at this time multiplied and complicated regulations on this head, to do any thing more than what is absolutely necessary, would not only be running a risk of committing errors, not only creating difficulties in the execution, but would be altering the spirit of the decree passed in favor of the colonies, by tracing as it were before hand, the constitution they are invited to propose.
With these considerations, the National Assembly are of opinion, that the deputation to the first colonial assemblies, should be direct, and without any intermediate degree of electors.
That it ought to be made by parishes.
That each parish ought to depute, in proportion to the number of active citizens it contains.
That for this convocation, and until the constitution is agreed upon, the qualifications of an active citizen should be, a man of lawful age, and a freeholder, or if not a freeholder, a residence in the parish of two years, and payment of taxes.
The reasons common to all these articles, are the extreme facility of the execution, their resemblance to what has been practiced in those colonies, where the inhabitants of themselves have formed assemblies—in short, the character of a pure, direct and universal representation, which particularly agrees with assemblies, designed to prepare plans of a constitution.
It may be added with respect to direct deputation, that the popular spirit in the colonies is very favorable to it, and that this mode of representation is the only one that nature points out, and which the severity of principles avows, and ought to be rigorously observed wherever it is possible.
As to deputation by parishes, these at this instant are the only political division in the colonies which can conveniently answer the purpose of representation.
As to the representation being proportioned to the number of active citizens, it is the only possible measure that at present offers itself, and which appertains to the principal foundation of the assemblies, which prepare constitutions—for these assemblies exercising a right which essentially belongs to the people, by no means offering a magistracy or an instituted power, but the image and representation of the people themselves, all those who enjoy the right of citizenship are naturally called to it; every one ought to take his place there, were it not for the impossibility resulting from their numbers, or from some other motives. The nomination of deputies is nothing else to these Assemblies, than a reduction which circumstances render necessary, and can consequently only be proportioned to the number of those who, in a natural order ought to have concurred in the deliberation.
It will hereafter be seen what precautions have been taken in order to prevent this form of representation being disadvantageous to the country.
With respect to the conditions provisionally annexed to the qualifications of an active citizen, it may be added to what has been said before, that it is for the general interest of each colony to multiply the number as much as possible, and that the same number exists in each particular parish, since the number of their deputies will be proportioned to that of their active citizens. It appeared, however, that for want of freehold estate, the simple condition of taxation would not be sufficient, and that in colonies where many people reside but for a short time, and without any design of fixing themselves there, the residence of two years appeared indispensably necessary to confer the qualification of an active citizen on a taxable, not a freeholder.
This disposition is one of those which will contribute to protect the country against the predominant influence of the cities.
The proportion of the number of deputies to that of active citizens, cannot be the same in all the colonies. The difference of their population is too considerable, and altho' the best peopled colonies ought to have the most numerous colonial assemblies, it is impossible to establish this proportion to the number of their citizens.
The number of deputies to each colonial assembly ought to be sufficiently large to authorize the confidence of the colony, and that of the mother country; it ought to be sufficiently confined so as not to become too heavy a charge to the people, and that the celerity of operations, which every circumstance renders desirable, may not be retarded.
The National Assembly are of opinion that the colonial assembly of St. Domingo, to which is attached the uninhabited Islands of la Tortue, la Gonave and la Nache, ought to consist of about one hundred and fifty deputies.
It has conceived that this result may be obtained by appointing one deputy for every hundred active citizens, with the following modifications.
The deputation being made in each parish distinctly and separately, justice requires that the least parish should not be unrepresented, and consequently ought to appoint one deputy, even though the number of its citizens should be below one hundred.
With respect to such parishes as shall contain more than one hundred citizens, it has appeared just that the number which shall be found above the complete hundreds, should be entitled to a deputy, even though they should be fifty and less, seeing it is equally near the number where the deputy is fully due, and that where there is no pretensions, the benefit of representation and

THE TABLET.—No. CXXXII.
"There is no quarrelling with a public vice, where the custom of offending takes away the shame of it."
THE sting of reproach can never penetrate deeply, when a man enjoys the consciousness that his neighbours are not less vicious than himself. Perhaps a person seldom has an easier task to perform, than to make terms with his own conscience for any transgression that does not expose him to a loss of property or character. The sharpest pangs of remorse therefore are not usually excited but by a commission of such crimes as are the least common and consequently the most detested. Men generally estimate the malignity of any action, not so much from its inherent nature, as from the degree of indignation it raises in the public mind. As people in the higher walks of life give the tone to public sentiments it will of course happen, that such vices as offer the fewest temptations to them will be considered of the most atrocious class.
I have often listened with surprise to the remonstrances of Clergymen against certain fashionable vices or follies which they were disposed to restrain. Reproof can never take effect where it is equally applicable to a large number of persons. Those who attempt to check the career of established errors, by mere reproach, are acting against the current of human nature. If the sense of shame is stunned, ridicule must lose its edge: If habit has rendered any vice familiar, and general practice has changed its odious appellation, there can be little hope that serious admonition, specially aimed against that vice will abate its prevalence. In such a situation, I should suppose, that a reformation should be attempted in some indirect manner. People may gradually be induced to believe that a different mode of conduct from that they are pursuing may be more eligible, as it may afford them more satisfaction and expose them to less inconvenience. Virtue may be dressed in such colors as by being frequently exhibited will imperceptibly win the heart in its favor. By this means the general disposition to be vicious will abate, and in time the most fashionable vices may take a turn that will moderate their excesses. Public customs cannot be trifled with. They may be changed by art and management; but they cannot suddenly be controuled by laws, or silenced by reproaches.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 7.
Sketch of the Debate, in Committee of the whole, on the RESIDENCE BILL.
MR. BURKE made some remarks on the observations of Mr. Vining, in which he exculpated himself from all design to excite mobs and tumults among the citizens of New-York, as had been insinuated by that gentleman: He declared that he believed the citizens incapable of behaving so much out of character. For himself, he disclaimed every such idea. He further observed, that the delegates from Pennsylvania were fully competent to advocating the interest of their particular State; they had given abundant evidence of their abilities—they therefore did not need the assistance of the gentleman from Delaware.
Mr. Hartley observed that it was the fault of the New-York senators, last year, that they did not vote for a 4 year's residence in their own city, and the permanent one at Germantown, which they could then have carried. He defended himself and his colleagues from any charge of want of generosity, and also defended the character of the Quakers. The gentleman, (Mr. B.) is not acquainted, said he, with the people called Quakers, or their history, or he would entertain different sentiments concerning them.
They under the famous William Penn, settled the former province of Pennsylvania, between the year 1680 and 1690, near the close of the last century—and such was their justice, wisdom, moderation, and good policy, that they gained reputation abroad. Men emigrated from the European world to this land of Freedom. They preserved peace at home, for it was not until the year 1753, when a war, fomented on the borders of another province, that an inhabitant of Pennsylvania was killed by the hands of a savage. They have been always remarkable for their moral laws, for the plainness of their manners, and their benevolence.
Nay should the gentleman go to Philadelphia, he will find that the people called Quakers will treat him as well as any other society.
They merit not the curses which have been so frequently thrown upon them.
Mr. Bloodworth thought that if the New-York senators had acted wrong, yet the people should not be blamed for it. The proposition of Mr. Burke was so reasonable and just, that he said he could not avoid approving of it.
Mr. Lawrence defended the New-York Senators, and explained the reasons of their former conduct, which, when it was known he believed would rather merit the approbation of the people. He then proceeded to remark upon the conduct of New-York, during the war, and since. Her revenues had been thrown into the treasury of the United States, and every succour that could possibly be expected was received from her. Upon the whole, he wished the dispute of residence could be left to the decision of the three northern and three southern states—and he appealed to the house, as politicians and men, for the justice of the case.
Mr. Wadsworth rose next. He was proceeding when he was called to order. After some altercation on the question of order,
Mr. Page spoke to the merits of the question, in which he introduced several conciliatory observations, and then added, As to the place for the permanent residence of Congress, any unprejudiced disinterested man in the world looking over the map of the United States, would put his finger on the district pointed out in the bill, and say, "this is your place sit." As to going to Philadelphia, it is not my wish to go and stay there as proposed in the bill; but I say with my colleague (Mr. Madison) that I consent to go there to get into a more central position, and to be fair to our present situation, the citizens of New-York themselves acknowledge, nay, even the member himself, who has called me to order, acknowledges that it has no pretensions to be the permanent residence, and it must be confessed that in proportion as it is improper for the permanent residence, it must be improper for the temporary residence. The continuance of Congress here, has been acquiesced in by the southern States, merely on the supposition that a removal to the permanent residence would take place sooner if Congress sat here, than at some other place more central. The wise and virtuous citizens of New-York know this, and cannot Sir, I was not apprehensive that the observations made by gentlemen yesterday could excite an improper resentment in their minds; there is not a city in the world, in which I would sooner trust myself, and Congress, than in New-York; for it is superior to any place I know, for the orderly and decent behaviour of its inhabitants: but Sir, when the member behind me (Mr. Burke) who alluded to me, when he was last up, said that they were injured and robbed by Congress, I told him, as a friend, that had I been in the chair I should have called him to order.
I confess I was shocked to hear that gentleman's declarations repeated by a member on the other side of the house, who is re-
that which in the colonies is particularly due to the country, ought to determine in favor of the measure.
It is evident that these two latter dispensations, as well as those which relate to the qualification of an active citizen, are all on the side of the country, and tend to re-establish in their favor the just proportion of influence they ought to enjoy with the town.
(To be continued.)
LONDON, April 10.
A PERSON at Bath was lately found hanging in his bed-chamber. The coroner's inquest from some circumstances of the deceased's state of mind, the day preceding this melancholy event, were rather doubtful how they could, with propriety, bring in a verdict of lunacy, when they were determined by the remark of one of the jury, a taylor, who archly observed, "That the deceased must have been insane, for he had paid him the day before a bill that had been owing only three months."
An easy and effectual way to prevent Slugs getting into Fruit Trees, &c.—If the trees are standards, tie a coarse horse-hair rope about them, about a foot from the ground.
If they are against a wall, nail a narrow slip of coarse horse-hair cloth against the wall, about a foot from the ground—they will never get over it—and if they attempted, it would kill them, as their bellies are soft, and the points of the hair would wound them.
The rise of rent of 1s. pr. acre, would increase the rental of the lands of England in the sum of 1,500,000l.
Exportation of products and manufactures is what brings in wealth to a nation, and is the great advantage of an active trade. All countries in respect of riches may be most accurately judged of by this criterion—their wealth must be in proportion to their exportation. The example of Spain and Portugal may teach us that importation, even of gold and silver, and diamonds, will not enrich a country, since those valuable articles presently become the property of industrious nations, who export products and manufactures.—This branch of trade is what receives the greatest encouragement among commercial nations—particularly by a proper regulation of duties, laying heavy ones on the importation of most commodities, and light ones on the exportation of them, or, in some cases, none at all, and in others, giving bounties to promote it.
It was a usual observation of the celebrated Boyle, that if every artist would but discover what new observations occurred to him in the exercise of his profession, philosophy would thence gain innumerable improvements. It may with equal justice be observed, that if the useful knowledge of every country, however barbarous, was gleaned by a judicious observer, the advantages would be inestimable. Are there not, even in Europe, many useful inventions known or practised but in one place? For instance, the instrument used for cutting down corn in Germany, appears to be much more handy and expeditious than the sickle used in other countries. The cheap and expeditious manner of making vinegar without previous fermentation is known only in a part of France. If such discoveries remain still to be known at home, what funds of knowledge might not be collected in countries yet unexplored, or only passed through by hasty travelling.
MAY 15.
Government is said to have received the following important advice from our Consul at the Court of Spain, viz. that an alliance, offensive and defensive, has just been solemnly ratified between the King of Spain and Sardinia, the Empress of Russia, and the States of Venice, in order to resist by force the present politics of the British and Prussian cabinets.
The insurance from London to the West-Indies is now done at 15 pr. cent.
Extract of a letter from Harwich, May 2.
"On Friday last the noted Paul Jones, lately an Admiral in the Russian service, landed from a Packet-Boat at this place. Being dressed in the Russian uniform, his person was not recognized till after his baggage was sent to the custom-house for examination, when the outside directions of one or two parcels caused the discovery. The populace, having gained information of his arrival, surrounded the inn where he was—and were not sparing in denouncing their resolution of exercising vengeance upon him, if they laid hold of him—In consequence of which he privately escaped out of town the same day."
A comparative statement of the English and Spanish navy, made by a correspondent, and we sincerely hope, founded in truth, makes the number of the former 264, of the latter 145—a majority of 119 in favor of Old England.
The 24th being the earliest day on which it is expected that the messenger from Spain, with his Catholic Majesty's answer to the remonstrances of the British Ministry, can arrive, nothing certain, relative to our present dispute with the Spaniards can be pronounced.
markable for his coolness and his peculiar attention to every sentiment offered in debate (Mr. Gerry). I took the liberty, when the house adjourned, to tell that gentleman, perhaps too freely, what I thought respecting those declarations: if I gave him, or still think I should have done my duty, had I taken notice of the impropriety of their declarations, in my place in the house, as a friend to order and freedom of debate.
Mr. Livermore said that the motion for striking out the Potomac and inserting Baltimore, is so reasonable in itself, that I cannot conceive there should be one person opposed to it. He observed that Baltimore is as far south as the Potomac—the members will then have as far to go to one as the other. There is a river, it is said, which runs 200 miles into the country, as far as the Allegany mountains—what advantage can this be to Congress? I can conceive of none; except it may be to tend the acts of Congress by water, to the foot of the Allegany mountains. He thought that the centre of population was the only true centre; it is not pretended that the Potomac is at present, this centre—but it is not said that it will in time become the centre of population; what reason is there for any such supposition? The place in which this Continent—but the population has not kept pace with many other parts of the United States; it is therefore entirely chimerical, and problematical, whether it ever will become the centre of population. He then enlarged on the superior advantages of a populous city for the seat of government, and concluded by repeating that the amendment is so reasonable in itself, that he hoped every member of the committee would vote for it.
Mr. Gerry: In discussing this subject yesterday, I made use of such arguments as appeared to me pertinent to the occasion.—But, Sir, those arguments have had the most extraordinary construction, put on them, by the gentleman from Delaware—they have been represented as tending to excite mobs, and to raise insurrections in this city. Sir, I insist that the observations I made, had a direct & contrary tendency—I said that the bill contained those malignant principles which had a direct tendency to agitate and inflame the minds of the citizens of America. Those principles I was endeavoring to expose and to shew what must be their obvious effects. Is this exciting mobs? Directly the reverse in my opinion. I never had any such idea; and as to the citizens of New-York I have too just a sense of their wisdom and good judgment to harbor such a sentiment. He then adverted to the constitution, to shew that there could be no danger of an insurrection or rebellion against the government: Congress is vested with a sufficient power to protect themselves from every insult whatever, they have a right to call forth the whole militia of the union for their protection.—Here Mr. Gerry was called to order, and some altercation ensuing, Mr. Gerry said he would say nothing further on this particular topic. He then proceeded to state his arguments against the Potomac, in the course of which he noticed some observations which had fallen from Mr. Vining and Mr. Clymer. One of the gentlemen had said that "Pennsylvania had a right to the seat of the general government," this he denied, he said no State in the union could pretend to such a right; Congress alone has a right to determine where the seat of government shall be. He entered into a lengthy discussion on the merits of the Potomac, and among many other observations asserted that taking a Southern situation would amount to a disqualification of many of the Northern members, who would forego their election rather than attend the national legislature on that River.
Mr. Vining read a report of a committee of the late Congress, respecting two seats of government, in which report George-Town was mentioned.—Mr. Gerry being one of this committee he rose to explain.
Mr. Sedgwick in a speech of considerable length stated his objections to a Southern situation as either Baltimore or the Potomac, and said that he should have the unhappiness he feared, of dividing on the question from his colleagues.
Mr. Sherman offered some calculations respecting the travel, and made Baltimore to be the nearest to the centre of the country at the place that had been mentioned.
Mr. White said he had no idea of altering the sentiments of a single member of the committee; he did not expect the gentleman from New-Hampshire would agree with him—the gentleman from Massachusetts has said something about the government going into the wilderness; he said it was true that there was not at present every accommodation which gentlemen might wish, but there is every probability that there will be—he said that such improvements are making in the navigation of the Potomac, as will render it a place affording every accommodation whether Congress go there or not—he insisted several places on the Potomac which are at this day sufficiently populous to accommodate Congress. He then adverted to situation and observed that a line from the Atlantic, East and West, to the extreme point mentioned in the bill, will intersect part of the States of Delaware and New-Jersey; include the whole of Pennsylvania and Maryland, and will throw 31 members of the representation in the Southern division of the United States, so that the calculations on this point in respect to Baltimore fall to the ground; he then observed that after the present ferment is subsided, this position will be considered as a permanent bond of union, and the Eastern States will find their most essential interests promoted by the measure; he adverted to the trade of Massachusetts which he said was greatest to Virginia than to the whole union besides; the Southern States will be cordial in promoting their shipping, and advancing their interests when they observe that the principles of justice influence them on this great national question.
He then remarked on the observation of Mr. Sherman respecting the repealing of the law, and reprobated the principles on which such observations are founded; he remarked on the attraction of populous cities, and trusted that other ideas would prevail in this country than what influenced in fixing the seats of government in Europe.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) said he was in favor of the motion, as the only one which held out a probability of ever fixing on a Southern residence; he enlarged on the difficulty and improbability of ever removing from Philadelphia, he said that it was evident from the present representation and what is most likely it will be 10 years hence, that Congress could not be removed from that place: he then stated the numbers of the members to the Southward and Northward of Philadelphia, and observed that the Congress that would exist at the expiration of 10 years, may think entirely different from the present, and will not think themselves bound by the law—but if they should, what can the measure be denominated but legislating for the next century—a system proposed the last session which combined a much greater interest than the present, failed; and what reason have we to suppose that this bill will ever be carried into execution; he said no gentleman pretends that the place proposed is now ready for the reception of the government; and even if the buildings were now erected, is there any gentleman who would give his vote for going there? he would agree to a place in the neighborhood of Baltimore, and this he supposed was the farthest Southern position the gentlemen from the Eastward will ever consent to. From all the views he could take of the measure, he was fully convinced that the Potomac was tacked to the bill merely to carry Philadelphia; he wished gentlemen seriously to consider the consequences of passing a law which would so intimately and inauspiciously affect the interests of so many people.
Mr. Madison objected to the motion for inserting Baltimore, as it would be risking the bill with a place which has already been repeatedly rejected in the Senate; he religiously believed he said, that if Baltimore was inserted, the bill would never pass the Senate; and the fate of the bill which the gentleman mentions, ought to be a serious warning to us never to risk this with an amendment—the instance therefore produced by the gentleman is very much against his own argument.

SATURDAY, JULY 10.
POST OFFICE BILL.
The Senate proposed an amendment by which the transmission of news-papers through the medium of the Post-Office, was to be under such regulations as the Post-Master-General shall establish; and with such abatement of postage as may be necessary for the easy conveyance of information to the citizens of the United States disagreed to.
This amendment was opposed by Mr. Gerry and Mr. Burke, on this ground; that it carried with it the plainest outlines of a system to establish a court Press and court Gazette: To give this paper a currency and circulation through all parts of the union, in total discouragement, and exclusion, through the Post-Office, of every other paper, if the administration thought proper to do so, in case of any of those contests and jarings, which often happen between the administration and the people in a government like ours. They urged that the Post-Master-General is authorised, by this clause, to put in practice a management of this nature, to circulate the papers and publications of one printer, with such abatement of postage, and to discourage the others under such uniform regulations as he may think proper to establish. [N. Y. Journal.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 14.
The House took up the amendments of the Senate to the bill for settling the accounts between the United States and individual states.
They disagreed to the amendments, and appointed a committee consisting of Messrs. Sedgwick, Wadsworth, Boudinot, Fitzsimons, and Williamson, to confer with the Senate.
The memorial of General Donald Campbell, being taken into consideration, the prayer thereof was rejected.
Mr. Smith of [S. C.] obtained permission to introduce a bill, making farther provision for the support of Light Houses in those states which have not yet ceded them to Congress.—The bill was read a first and second time, and ordered to be engrossed.
The bill making farther provision for the payment of the debt of the United States, was read a second time and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
THURSDAY, JULY 15.
The bill for amending the act for the establishment and support of Light-Houses, Beacons, and public Piers, was read the third time—and passed.
The report of the joint committee, respecting the time of adjournment, which had been agreed to by the Senate, was taken into consideration—and the time extended from the 15th to the 27th July inst. The report was then agreed to.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the house that they had appointed a committee of conference on the disagreement of the two houses in respect to the bill for settling the accounts between the United States and individual States.
Mr. Brown of the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill to enable the officers and soldiers of the Virginia line of the late army on continental establishments, to obtain titles to certain lands in the Western Territory, which was read the first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Mr. Gerry reported a bill for ascertaining and establishing the fees and other emoluments to which the consuls and vice consuls of the United States shall be entitled—which was read the first and second time—and made the order of the day for Monday next.
In committee of the whole on the bill making farther provision for the public debt of the United States. The bill being read—a motion was made that the Committee should rise in order to bring in a new Impost Law, that the new duties proposed by the bill, in addition to the old, might be united, and made specific in one bill. This motion was supported by Mr. Smith, (S. C.) and Mr. Sedgwick—it was opposed by Mr. Jackson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Page, and Mr. Hartley.
This motion was negatived.
The bill being gone thro with, the committee rose and reported the same to the house, without amendment.
A variety of motions were made, and some of them after debate withdrawn. A motion to add a clause for repealing the section in the Impost law, which limits its duration to the year 1796, was debated till the adjournment, without coming to a decision.
FRIDAY, JUNE 16.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House that the President of the United States has this day given his assent to the bill for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of the government of the United States.
The bill making farther provision for the public debts of the United States—was taken into consideration by the House.
Mr. Fitzsimons proposed several additions, some of which were agreed to—among others,
A drawback on spirits distilled from molasses, exported out of the United States, of 3 cents pr. gallon, and
A clause to remit the duties which accrued in the time that elapsed between the Impost law's taking place, and the officers of the United States entering on their office; and to refund those duties which were paid on account of the United States, under such circumstances.
On motion of Mr. Lawrence a clause was added, laying a duty of — cents on foreign cables, cordage, yarns, &c.
On motion of Mr. Brown, a duty of one cent per pound was laid on bar and all other lead imported.
On motion of Mr. Wadsworth, an additional duty of five per cent. was laid on all colored cotton goods of foreign manufacture.
On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons a clause was added, to repeal the section of the Impost law, which limits its duration to the year 1796—and to continue that, and the new impost, till the sums for which the respective duties are laid, shall be discharged—Also, to empower the Legislature of the United States to establish other funds of equal value, in case the present should be found inconvenient, or unproductive.
It was then ordered that the bill be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next. Adjourned till to-morrow.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT to establish the temporary and permanent seat of the government of the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a district of territory, not exceeding ten miles square, to be located as hereafter directed on the river Potomack, at some place between the mouths of the eastern branch and Connogocheague, beyond the same is hereby accepted for the permanent seat of the government of the United States. Provided nevertheless, that the operation of the laws of the State within such district shall not be affected by this acceptance, until the time fixed for the removal of the government there to, and until Congress shall otherwise by law provide.
And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be authorised to appoint, and, by supplying vacancies happening from refusals to act, or other causes, to keep in appointment, as long as may be necessary, three Commissioners, who, or any two of whom, shall, under the direction of the President, survey, and by proper metes and bounds define, and limit, a district of territory, under the limitations abovementioned; and the district so defined, limited and located shall be deemed the district accepted by this act, for the permanent seat of the government of the United States.
And be it enacted, That the said commissioners, or any two of them, shall have power to purchase, or accept such quantity of land, on the eastern side of the said river within the said district, as the President shall deem proper for the use of the United States; and according to such plans as the President shall approve, the said commissioners, or any two of them, shall, prior to the first Monday in December, in the year one thousand eight hundred, provide suitable buildings for the accommodation of Congress, and of the President, and for the public offices of the government of the United States.
And be it enacted, That for defraying the expence of such purchases and buildings, the President of the United States be authorised and requested to accept grants of money.
And be it enacted, That prior to the first Monday in December next, all offices, attached to the seat of the government of the United States, shall be removed to, and, until the said first Monday in December, in the year one thousand eight hundred, shall remain at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, at which place the session of Congress next ensuing the present shall be held.
And be it enacted, That on the said first Monday in December, in the year one thousand eight hundred, the seat of the government of the United States shall, by virtue of this act, be transferred to the district and place aforesaid, and all offices attached to the said seat of government, shall accordingly be removed thereto by their respective holders, and shall after the said day, cease to be exercised elsewhere—and that the necessary expence of such removal, shall be defrayed out of the duties on imports and tonnage, of which a sufficient sum is hereby appropriated.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States. and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JULY THE SIXTEENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
LONDONDERRY. (Ireland) May 11.
Mr. Cox, the American constructor of our Bridge; has commenced the work, and his men proceed in the business with a spirit, alacrity and industry unknown to the workmen of some other countries. We have the pleasure of hearing, that the Mayor and Corporation, in a few days, intend to give their sanction to the happy commencement of this great undertaking, by being present at the sinking of the first pier.
RICHMOND, July 7.
Yesterday afternoon arrived in this city from the Creek Nation, Col. Marinus Willer, accompanied by Col. Alexander McGillivray, the great King of the Creeks, with 30 other of the principal Chiefs, Head Men, and warriors of that nation, on their way to the residence of the general government, for the purpose of forming treaties of amity with the United States.
PORTSMOUTH, July 8.
On Monday the 20th ult. at Pittsfield, in this state, as Mr. Abraham Drake was felling trees, a limb unfortunately fell on his head, and put an end to his existence.
At Newcheffer, in this state, on the 29th ult. about 9 o'clock in the morning, Mr. Ebenezer Ferrin, having loaded a gun very deep, with a musket ball and six large cut shot, in order to fire at some Eagles by the side of Newfoundpond—in discharging the contents, the gun burst, and a piece of the barrel entered his left temple, about an inch and a half deep, to the brain: He was alive the next morning, but his life was despatched of—he is about 35 years of age, and has a wife and four children.
BOSTON, July 12.
Saturday last arrived here Capt. Dismore, in 38 days from Lisbon.—The day before he sailed, a Packet arrived there from Falmouth, with an account they were fitting a large fleet, and that WAR was inevitable. But the day he failed, it was currently reported, that the dispute between Spain and Great Britain was likely to be settled.
NEW-YORK, JULY 17, 1790.
The ship Maryland, Capt. Rose, is arrived at Georgetown from London—Accounts by this vessel are to 15 May.
On the 2d of May, the inhabitants of Marseilles attacked the citadel of that place, after summoning M. Calvert, to surrender—to which he perfidiously replied by a discharge of 12 pieces of cannon, which killed twenty-two persons. The place was immediately assaulted and carried. The garrison, consisting of 5000 men, laid down their arms. M. Calvert was hanged in the breach and his head stuck on a pole and carried through the city. Four hundred and seventeen persons lost their lives in this affair.
The gabelles, or monopoly of salt, being now suppressed by the National Assembly of France, our vessels returning from that country, will be free to purchase salt in any port. Some little time will probably be necessary to reduce it to its just price. M. Richier, a member of the Assembly, said in the debate on the subject, that it was so abundant on the coasts of that kingdom, as to be worth but about a denier the French pound, which would be about 7 cents the American hundred weight.
Extract of a letter from Stockbridge, July 9.
The Commissioners from the State of Vermont have been here, agreeable to appointment—but the gentlemen from Albany not attending—and there being only one Commissioner from the State of New-York, they were under the necessity of adjourning without doing any thing further than agreeing to meet on the 27th Sept. next, either at New-York or Bennington, which place, to be agreed upon.
A correspondent observes, that evasions and non payments of duties are to be expected in all countries—every law relative to this subject is predicated on this principle.—The inducements to smuggle are always in proportion to the savings that may be made by the practice. It is therefore a subject of serious enquiry, Whether it will be good policy to enhance the present rate of impost? especially, if it is a fact, as has been frequently asserted, that the duties on many articles are now complained of. The mercantile interest has evinced its patriotism by a cordial submission to the laws, and a prompt payment of the duties. The infinite importance of commerce has been by this means demonstrated—as under its auspices we may justly be said to enjoy the richest blessings of life, peace, and good government—but while innumerable sources of revenue remain unexplored, is it not killing the Goose to get the Golden Egg, to make an addition to the Impost?
The mercantile interest has been unfavorably contrasted with the landed interest in the House of Representatives—but there does not appear so much confidence in the patriotism of the latter as to induce government to apply to that source for any part of the revenue. This is not doing justice to either, as we have abundant evidence to shew that both are on a par in their attachment to the principles of honesty and patriotism.
Every civilized nation in the world has found the utility of instituting and perpetuating anniversary commemorations of past events—many of these, however, have owed their rise to trifling and unimportant incidents. But the anniversary of Independence, is a Day, consecrated to the celebration of an event, that has raised human nature at least one grade higher in the scale of existence.
In every part of the United States this glorious anniversary has been celebrated with a spirit unknown to our former days of annual festivity and joy—a laudable emulative military spirit has been displayed, while the powers of Oratory, and the devout exercises of religious worship, have united, to aid and promote the glory of the day!
A correspondent observes that the general sentiment is most clearly to be ascertained from the public social acts of the people.—A reference to the late celebration of Independence through the Union, will forcibly impress this idea, That the Constitution of the United States is considered as the palladium of their civil rights—and that the government is venerated by the citizens of the whole Union.
The commencement in the University of Pennsylvania was held on the 8th inst. The degree of Bachelor of Arts was conferred on nine, and of Master of Arts on ten gentlemen—and the degree of Bachelor in Medicine on twelve.
The resolution for assuming the State debts was agreed to in the Senate by a majority of two.
We hear that a committee of the Senate reported on the funding business yesterday—which report was accepted, and is in substance as follows, viz. Principal of the Domestic Debt of the United States, 3ds at 6 pr. cent. the other 3ds. at 6 pr. cent. in 10 years, agreeable to the fourth alternative in the Secretary's Report.—Indents at a present interest of 3 pr. cent. State Debts 3ds. at 3 pr. cent. the other 3ds. on the same terms as the principal of the debt of the United States.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
  Brig Two Brothers, Wyer, Charleston, 12.   —Active, Darrah, Montego Bay, 36.   Schooner Catharine, Wilson, Halifax, 25.   Sloop Henry, Peters, Bermuda, 13.   —Dolphin, Conklin, St. Croix, 17. 

NEW-YORK, July 1790.
The following Bill has been reported by a committee, appointed for the purpose; after being read in the House, it was ordered to be printed—and it is understood that it shall be laid over to the next session, in order that the public sentiment may be obtained on the subject.
A BILL more effectually to provide for the national defence, by establishing a uniform Militia throughout the United States.
(CONTINUED.)
Sec. 7. AND be it further enacted, That in order to prevent any injury arising from drawing off the workmen at certain works and manufactories hereafter named, to attend the several days of rendezvous as aforesaid, it shall and may be lawful for the commander in chief of each State to appoint proper officers at all furnaces for manufacturing of iron, and all works for manufacturing of glass, if any such shall be within the State, whose duty it shall be to form the workmen, manufacturers, and laborers belonging thereto, into a company or companies, in manner as aforesaid, or as nearly thereto as circumstances will admit, and to train, exercise and discipline them in manner directed by law, excepting as to the place, which shall always be at the works or manufactories, and excepting the meetings in regiment or battalion, in lieu of which they shall meet in companies at the said works and manufactories, in manner aforesaid. And the said workmen, manufacturers and laborers, shall be excused from all other militia duty except in times of invasion or insurrection.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That there shall be an adjutant-general appointed for each State, whose duty it shall be to distribute all orders from the commander in chief of the State to the several corps—to attend all public reviews, when the commander in chief of the State shall review the militia, or any part thereof—to obey all orders from him relative to carrying into execution and perfecting the system of military discipline established by this act—to furnish blank forms of different returns that may be required, and to explain the principles on which they should be made—to receive from the several officers of the different corps throughout the State, returns of the militia under their command, reporting the actual situation of their arms, accoutrements and ammunition, their deficiencies, and every other thing which relates to the general advancement of good order and discipline—all which the several officers of the divisions, brigades, regiments and battalions, are hereby required to make in the usual manner, so that the said adjutant-general may be duly furnished therewith: From all which returns he shall make proper abstracts, and lay the same annually before the commander in chief of the State: And the said adjutant-general shall have the rank of a lieutenant-colonel in the militia. And there shall also be appointed in each State a commissary of military stores, who shall have the rank of a major in the militia, with as many deputies as the State shall by law direct, whose duty it shall be to take the charge and keeping of all the ordnance and military stores of the State, subject to such orders and instructions, in the execution of his and their duty, as he or they shall from time to time receive from the commander in chief of the State, or other superior officer.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That all officers who shall be appointed and commissioned to any of the offices as aforesaid, shall within ten days after notice of such appointment or commission, report their acceptance of such office to the commanding officer of the regiment or brigade; on failure whereof such neglect shall be considered as a refusal; and the said commanding officer shall within ten days thereafter report the same, to the commanding officer of the division or brigade, who shall from time to time report the same with all vacancies that may happen, to the adjutant-general, for the information of the commander in chief of the State.
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That every commissioned officer who shall be convicted by a general court-martial, of having refused or neglected to perform, or of having acted contrary to any of the duties of his office, shall be punished according to the nature and degree of his offence, at the discretion of the court, either by fine or removal from his office: Provided, That no fine for the first offence, shall exceed dollars; and for any subsequent offence dollars; which fines shall be levied and collected by warrant, under the hand and seal of the commanding officer of the regiment or battalion, directed to any serjeant of the regiment or battalion to which the offender may belong, in like manner as the fines hereafter mentioned to be recovered of non-commissioned officers and privates, for neglect or refusal of duty, are directed to be levied and collected. That the commanding officers of divisions and brigades may order courts-martial for the trial of offences within his division or brigade, the members of which shall be warned for that duty by the brigade-major, who shall keep a roster for that purpose. That the proceedings and sentence of every court-martial, by which any officer shall be removed from office, shall be in writing, signed by the president thereof; and shall by the president be delivered to the commanding officer of the brigade, to be by him transmitted to the commander in chief of the State, who shall approve or disapprove of the same in orders: And that all other proceedings and sentences of brigade courts-martial, shall be delivered by the president thereof to the commanding officer of the brigade, who shall approve or disapprove of the same in orders. That all courts-martial for the trial of general officers, shall be ordered by the commander in chief of the State, and composed of general and field officers, who shall be warned to that duty by the adjutant-general of the State, from a roster to be by him kept for that purpose. That the proceedings and sentences of such courts shall be transmitted by the president thereof to the commander in chief, who shall approve or disapprove of the same in orders: Provided, that no sentence of a court-martial on a general officer, shall extend further than a removal from office. That all general courts-martial shall consist of at least nine commissioned officers who shall appoint their judge advocate, who is hereby authorized, and required to administer an oath to each member of the court, which they are hereby enjoined severally to take before they proceed on business, to the following effect: "You do swear that you will well and truly try and determine according to evidence, the matter depending between the State of
and the prisoner or prisoners now to be tried—That you will not divulge the sentence of the court, until the same shall be approved or disapproved pursuant to law; neither will you upon any account at any time whatsoever, disclose or discover the vote or opinion of any particular member of the court-martial, unless required in a due course of law; and that you will not divulge the sentence of this court, until the same shall be approved or disapproved according to law; and that you will well and truly do the duty of a judge-advocate in this court impartially and uprightly, according to the best of your abilities."
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That every non-commissioned officer or private, not necessarily absent from the county or town, who shall neglect to appear, when warned pursuant to law, at a company meeting or rendezvous, not having a sufficient excuse, shall forfeit and pay the sum of fifty cents; and for appearing at such meeting or rendezvous without his arms, ammunition and accoutrements, as directed by this act, shall pay the sum of twenty-five cents; and for the like offences at a regimental or battalion
meeting or rendezvous, for the first offence aforesaid he shall forfeit and pay the sum of one hundred cents, and for the last offence the sum of fifty cents. And in case of any disobedience of orders or neglect of duty while under arms or in actual service, he shall forfeit and pay such sum as shall be directed by the major voice of the officers of the company, battalion or regiment, provided the same shall not in any case amount to more than
and that all fines arising from offences in company only shall be adjudged of and imposed by the commissioned officers of the company, or the major part of them, and all fines to arise from offences in battalion or regiment with respect to the non-commissioned officers and privates, shall be adjudged and imposed by the field officers of the battalion or regiment, all which fines shall be levied with costs, not exceeding cents, by warrant from the colonel or commanding officer of the regiment, battalion or company, as the case may be, directed to one or more serjeants, by distress and sale of the offender's goods and chattels: And in case any defaulter shall be under age, and live with his father or mother, or shall be an apprentice or hired servant, the father or mother, master or mistress, as the case may be, shall be liable to pay the said fines with costs, and in default of payment when demanded, the said serjeant or serjeants, shall levy the same upon the goods and chattels of such father or mother, master or mistress—such fines when recovered to be paid over by the serjeant or serjeants to the officer granting such warrant.
(To be continued.)
GEORGE-TOWN, July 3.
Extract of a letter from London May 6.
"Before you receive this letter, hostilities between this country and Spain, will commence; in which the latter (as you may collect from the papers which go by the Packet) is the aggressor, having taken five out of seven British vessels, trading between the North-West Coast of America and the East-Indies. A general war is expected, as well as another, astonishing and unexpected, revolution in America. We were never more formidable, either in power or unanimity. The general voice of England has, without waiting for the Royal Proclamation, denounced war and destruction against that branch of the House of Bourbon, now weakened and divided, through a glorious struggle to establish the equal and natural rights of man. The King of Spain, it is alleged has made some powerful alliance to enable him, in this crisis, to oppose the British fleet, strength, and resources. Our Stock-jobbers in the Alley, however, have formed for him, in one day, alliances numerous enough to vanquish the world; but the next day, have been civil and courteous in another extreme, reducing his native sovereignty into a commonwealth, and divesting him of his dominions in South-America.—However, the English fleet is in motion. Ships are daily despatched on secret expeditions, and the officers and men are reported to be unusually sanguine for action. How, or when this commotion may terminate, is out of the reach of human comprehension: But we may conclude, with certainty, that the produce of your country will command a great price during its continuance; and that Heaven may prosper you on this, as well as on every future occasion, is the wish of millions in this hemisphere."
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
SCHEME.
Table with 3 columns: Prize Number, Prize Amount (£), Total Amount (£). Includes prizes of £3000, 1000, 500, 200, 100, 50, 20, 10, 4.
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £50000 16654 Blanks, } Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
THE Managers give notice that agreeable to an order of the Corporation, the drawing of the City-Lottery, will positively commence on the first Monday in August.
July 14.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M c Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M c Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M c Donald's estate, within this state, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (1.W.1Y.)
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
Treasury Department,
July 13, 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the first day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty first day of December 1791, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania, and Fort Pitt and at Fort Pitt. At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort M c Intosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort M c Intosh. At any place or places, betwixt Fort M c Intosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio and at the said Rapids. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie. At any place or places, from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami Village, before described. At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio. At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river. At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village. At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river. At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango. At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf betwixt Le B uf and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river. At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the east from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek. At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Mergot inclusively. At any place or places, from the said river Mergot, to the river Yazoo inclusively. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee, to Ockobpo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively. Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a gill of rum, brandy or whiskey, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles. The proposals must specify the lowest price per ration. No credit is required. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Includes items like Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, St. Croix, Country, Molasses, Brandy, Geneva, Do. in cases, Muscovado Sugar, Loaf, Lump, Pepper, Pimento, Coffee, Indigo, Do. French, Rice, Superfine Flour, Common do., Rye do., Indian Meal, Rye, Wheat, Corn, Do. (Northern), Beef, Pork, Oats, Flax-seed, Ship bread per cwt., Country refined bar-iron, Do. bloomery, Swedes do., Russia do., Pig-iron, German steel, Nails American, Do. do. 6d., Do. do. 8d., Do. do. 10d., Do. do. 12d., Do. do. 14d., Do. do. 16d., Do. do. 18d., Do. do. 20d., Do. do. 22d., Do. do. 24d., Pot ash, Pearl ash, Bees-wax per lb., Mackerel per barr., Herrings, Mahogany, Jamaica, per foot, Dominico, do., Honduras, do., Logwood unchipped, Do. chipped, inch white oak plank, inch white pine plank, 1 1/2 inch do., 1 inch do., 2 inch pitch pine do., Do. 22 inch do., Cedar 2 inch do., 1 1/2 inch do., 1 inch do., Pitch pine scantling, Cyprus 2 feet shingle.