National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-04-27 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
NUMB. 52 of VOL. II.]
S A T U R D A Y, April 27, 1793.
[Total No. 156.]
IRELAND is at present a great object upon the political theatre of the world; and every step she takes towards her emancipation must be highly interesting, & particularly so to Americans. Such of their papers as are not under the baneful influence, or fear of the court, speak in every page that bold and glowing language of Liberty, which upon great occasions she never fails to inspire. From an immense number of productions of this sort, the following is selected as part of the entertainment of this day's paper.
THE SOCIETY OF UNITED IRISHMEN, AT DUBLIN, TO THE VOLUNTEERS OF IRELAND. William Drennan, Chairman, Arch. Ham. Rowan, Secretary.
CITIZEN SOLDIERS,
YOU first took up arms to protect your country from foreign enemies, and from domestic disturbance. For the same purposes, it now becomes necessary that you should resume them. A proclamation has been issued in England for embodying the militia, and a proclamation has been issued by the lord lieutenant and council in Ireland, for repressing all seditious associations. In consequence of both these proclamations, it is reasonable to apprehend danger from abroad, and danger at home. For whence but from apprehended danger are those menacing preparations for war drawn through the streets of this capital, or whence, if not to create that internal commotion which was not found, to shake that credit which was not affected, to blast the volunteer honour which was hitherto inviolate, are those terrible suggestions and rumours and whispers, that meet us at every corner, & agitate at least our old men, our women and children. Whatever be the motive, or from whatever quarter it arises, alarm has risen; and you, VOLUNTEERS OF IRELAND, are therefore summoned to arms at the instance of government, as well as by the responsibility attached to your character, and the permanent obligations of your institution. We will not, at this day, condescend to quote authorities for the right of having and of using arms; but we will cry aloud, even amidst the storm raised by the witchcraft of a proclamation, that to your formation was owing the peace and protection of this island, to your relaxation has been owing its relapse into impotence and insignificance, to your renovation must be owing its future freedom and its present tranquility. You are therefore summoned to arms, in order to preserve your country in that guarded quiet, which may secure it from external hostility, and to maintain that internal regimen throughout the land, which superceding a notorious police, or a suspected militia, may preserve the blessings of peace by a vigilant preparation for war.
Citizen soldiers, to arms! Take up the shield of freedom, and the pledges of peace;—Peace, the motive and end of your virtuous institution. War, an occasional duty, ought never to be made an occupation. Every man should become a soldier in the defence of his rights; no man ought to continue a soldier for offending the rights of others. The sacrifice of life, in the service of our country, is a duty much too honourable to be entrusted to mercenaries, and at this time, when your country has by public authority been declared in danger, we conjure you by your interest, your duty and your glory, to stand to your arms, and in spite of police, in spite of a fenceless militia, in virtue of two proclamations, to maintain good order in your vicinity, and tranquility in Ireland. It is only by the military array of men in whom they confide, whom they have been accustomed to revere as the guardians of domestic peace, the protectors of their liberties and lives, that the present agitation of the people can be stilled, that tumult and licentiousness can be repressed, obedience secured to existing law, and a calm confidence, diffused through the public mind, in the speedy resurrection of a free constitution; of liberty and of equality; words which we use for an opportunity of repelling calumny, and of saying, that,
By liberty we never understood unlimited freedom, nor by equality the levelling of property, or the destruction of subordination. This is a calumny invented by that faction or that gang which misrepresents the king to the people, and the people to the king; traduces one half of the
nation to cajole the other, and by keeping up distrust and division, wishes to continue the proud arbiters of the fortunes and fate of Ireland. Liberty is the exercise of all our rights natural and political, secured to us and our posterity by a real representation of the people; and equality is the extension of the constituent to the fullest dimensions of the constitution, of the elective franchise to the whole body of the people, to the end that government, which is collective power, may be guided by collective will, and that legislation may originate from public reason, keep pace with public improvement, and terminate in public happiness. If our constitution be imperfect, nothing but a reform in representation will rectify its abuses; if it be perfect, nothing, but the same reform will perpetuate its blessings.
We now address you as citizens, for to be citizens you became soldiers; nor can we help wishing that all soldiers, partaking the passions and interest of the people, would remember that they were once citizens, that sedition made them soldiers, — but nature made them men. We address you without any authority save that of reason, and if we obtain the coincidence of public opinion, it is neither by force nor stratagem, for we have no power to terrify, no artifice to cajole, no fund to seduce. Here we sit—without mace or beadle, neither a mystery nor a craft, nor a corporation.—In four words lies all our power, UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION, and REPRESENTATIVE LEGISLATURE; yet we are confident that on the pivot of this principle, a convention,—still less a society—lets still—a single man, will be able, first to move, and then to raise the world. We, therefore, wish for Catholic emancipation without any modification, but still we consider this necessary enfranchisement as merely the portal to the temple of national freedom; wide as this entrance is—wide enough to admit three millions, it is narrow, when compared to the capacity and comprehension of our beloved principle, which takes in every individual of the Irish nation, casts an equal eye over the whole island, embraces all that think, and feels for all that suffer. The Catholic cause is subordinate to our cause, and included in it, for as UNITED IRISHMEN, we adhere to no sect, but to society; to no creed but christianity; to no party, but the whole people.—In the sincerity of our souls, do we desire catholic emancipation; but were it obtained to-morrow, to-morrow would we go on, as we do to-day, in the pursuit of the reform which would still be wanting to ratify their liberties as well as our own.
For both these purposes it appears necessary that provincial conventions should assemble preparatory to a convention of the Protestant people. The delegates of the catholic body are not justified in communicating with individuals, or even bodies of inferior authority, and therefore an assembly of a similar nature and organization is necessary to establish an intercourse of sentiment, an uniformity of conduct, an united cause, and a united nation. If a convention on the one part does not soon follow, and is not soon connected with that on the other, the common cause will split into the partial interest, the people will relax into inattention and inertness—the union of affection and exertion will dissolve, and too probably some local insurrection, instigated by the malignity of our common enemy, may commit the character, and risk the tranquility of the island, which can be obviated only by the influence of an assembly arising from, assimilated with the people, and whose spirit may be as it were knit with the soul of the nation. Unless the sense of the protestant people be, on their part, as fairly collected and as judiciously directed, unless individual exertion consolidates into collective strength, unless the particles unite into a mass, we may perhaps serve some person, or some party for a little, but the public not at all. The nation is neither insolent, nor rebellious, nor seditious; while it knows its rights, it is unwilling to manifest its powers; it would rather supplicate administration to anticipate revolution by a well timed reform, and to save their country in mercy to themselves.
The 15th of February approaches, a day ever memorable in the annals of this country, as the birth day of new Ireland—Let parochial meetings be held as soon as possible.—Let each parish return delegates. Let, the sense of Ulster be again declared from Dungannon on a day auspicious to
union, peace, and freedom, and the spirit of the north will again become the spirit of the nation. The civil assembly ought to claim the attendance of the military associations, and we have addressed you, citizen soldiers, on this subject, from the belief that your body, uniting conviction with zeal, and zeal with activity, may have much influence over your countrymen, your relations and friends. We offer only a general outline to the public, & meaning to address Ireland, we presume not at present to fill up the plan or pre-occupy the mode of its execution. We have thought it our duty to speak: answer us by actions, you have taken time for consideration. Fourteen long years are elapsed since the rise of your associations; and in 1782, did you imagine that in 1792, this nation would still remain unrepresented? How many nations in this interval have gotten the start of Ireland! How many of our countrymen have sunk into the grave!
ADDRESS
To the king of Great-Britain, moved in the House of Commons, on Thursday, the 21st of February, by Mr. Grey, on the propriety of going to war with France.
[This address does infinite honor to that shining character. It puts the question in its true aspect, and shews unanswerably that neither wisdom nor vigour have been exerted on the part of the English ministry to avert from their country, in the day of unexampled prosperity, the evils of war.] N. B. The Address was rejected.
THAT an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to assure his majesty that his faithful commons, animated by a sincere and dutiful attachment to his person and family, and to the excellent constitution of this kingdom, as well as by an ardent zeal for the interest and honour of the nation, will at all times be ready to support his majesty in any measures which a due observance of the faith of treaties, the dignity of his crown, or the security of his dominions, may compel him to undertake.
That feeling the most earnest solicitude to avert from our country the calamities of war, by every means consistent with honour and with safety, we expressed to his majesty, at the opening of the present session, "our sense of the temper and prudence which had induced his majesty to observe a strict neutrality with respect to the war on the continent, & uniformity to abstain from any interference in the internal affairs of France;" and our hope that the steps his majesty had taken would have the happy tendency "to render a firm and temperate conduct effectual for preserving the blessings of peace."
That, with the deepest concern, we now find ourselves obliged to relinquish that hope, without any evidence having been produced to satisfy us that his majesty's ministers have made such efforts as it was their duty to make, and as, by his majesty's most gracious speech, we were taught to expect, for the preservation of peace:—It is no less the resolution than the duty of his majesty's faithful commons to second his efforts in the war thus fatally commenced, so long as it shall continue; but we deem it a duty equally incumbent upon us to solicit his majesty's attention to those reasons or pretexts, by which his servants have laboured to justify a conduct on their part which we cannot but consider as having contributed, in a great measure, to produce the present rupture.
Various grounds of hostility against France have been stated; but none that appeared to us to have constituted such an urgent and imperious case of necessity as left no room for accommodation, and made war unavoidable.—The government of France has been accused of having violated the law of nations, and the stipulations of existing treaties, by an attempt to deprive the republic of the united provinces of the exclusive navigation of the Scheldt. No evidence, however, has been offered to convince us that this exclusive navigation was, either in itself, or in the estimation of those who were alone interested in preserving it, of such importance as to justify a determination in our government to break with France on that account; if, in fact, the states general had shown a disposition to defend their right by force of arms, it might have been an instance of the truest friendship to have suggested to them,
for their serious consideration, how far the assertion of this unprofitable claim might, in the present circumstances of Europe, tend to bring into hazard the most essential interests of the republic.—But when, on the contrary, it has been acknowledged that no requisition on this subject was made to his majesty, on the part of the states general, we are at a loss to comprehend on what grounds of right or propriety we take the lead in asserting a claim in which we are not principals, and in which the principal party has not, as far as we know, thought it prudent or necessary to call for our interposition.
We must further remark, that the point in dispute seemed to us to have been relieved from a material part of its difficulty, by the declaration of the minister of foreign affairs in France, that the French nation gave up all pretensions to determine the question of the future navigation of the Scheldt. Whether the terms of this declaration were perfectly satisfactory or not, they at least left the question open to pacific negotiation; in which the intrinsic value of the object, to any of the parties concerned in it, might have been coolly and impartially weighed against the consequences to which any of them might be exposed by attempting to maintain it by force of arms.
We have been called upon to resist views of conquest and aggrandizement entertained by the government of France, "at all times dangerous to the general interests of Europe, but" asserted to be "peculiarly so, when connected with the propagation of principles, which lead to the violation of the most sacred duties, and are utterly subversive of the peace and order of all civil society."
We admit, that it is the interest and duty of every member of the commonwealth of Europe to support the established system, and distribution of power among the independent sovereignities, which actually subsist, and to prevent the aggrandizement of any state, especially the most powerful, at the expence of any other; and, for the honour of his majesty's councils, we do most earnestly wish, that his ministers had manifested a just sense of the importance of the principle to which they now appeal, in the course of late events, which seemed to us to threaten its entire destruction.
When Poland was beginning, to recover from the long calamities of anarchy, combined with oppression; after she had established an hereditary and limited monarchy like our own, and was peaceably employed in settling her internal government, his majesty's ministers, with apparent indifference and unconcern, have seen her become the victim of the most unprovoked and unprincipled invasion; her territory overrun, her free constitution subverted, her national independence annihilated, and the general principles of the security of nations wounded through her side. With all these evils was France soon after threatened, and with the same appearance either of supine indifference, or of secret approbation, his majesty's ministers beheld the armies of other powers (in evident concert with the oppressor of Poland) advancing to the invasion and subjugation of France, and the march of those armies distinguished from the ordinary hostilities of civilized nations, by manifestoes, which, if their principles and menaces had been carried into practice, must have inevitably produced the "return of that ferocity and barbarism in war, which a beneficent religion, and enlightened manners, and true military honour, have for a long time banished from the christian world."
No effort appears to have been made to check the progress of these invading armies;—his majesty's ministers, under a pretended respect for the rights and independence of other sovereigns, thought it, at that time, to refuse even the interposition of his majesty's councils and good offices, to save so great and important a portion of Europe from falling under the dominion of a foreign power. But no sooner, by an ever memorable reverse of fortune, had France repulsed her invader, and carried her arms into their territory, than his majesty's ministers, laying aside the collusive indifference which had marked their conduct during the invasion of France, began to express alarms for the general security of Europe, which, as it appears to us, they ought to have seriously felt, and might have expressed, with greater justice, on the previous successes of her powerful adversaries.
We will not dissemble our opinion, that the decree of the national convention of

France of the 19th of November, 1792, was in a great measure liable to the objections urged against it; but we cannot admit that a war, upon the single ground of such a decree, unaccompanied by any overt acts, by which we or our allies might be directly attacked, would be justified as necessary and unavoidable. Certainly not—unless, upon a regular demand made by his majesty's ministers of explanation and security in behalf of us and our allies, the French had refused to give his majesty such explanation and security. No such demand was made. Explanations, it is true, have been received and rejected. But it well deserves to be remarked and remembered, that these explanations were voluntarily offered on the part of France, not previously demanded on ours, as undoubtedly they would have been, if it had suited the views of his majesty's ministers to have acted frankly and honourably towards France, and not to have reserved their complaints for a future period, when explanations, however reasonable, might come too late, and hostilities might be unavoidable.
After a review of all those considerations, we think it necessary to represent to his majesty, that none of the points which were in dispute between his ministers and the government of France, appear to us to have been incapable of being adjusted by negotiation, except that aggravation of French ambition, which has been stated to arise from the political opinions of the French nation. These indeed, we conceive, formed neither any desirable object of negotiation, nor any intelligible reason for hostility. They were equally incapable of being adjusted by treaty, or of being either refuted or confirmed by the events of war.
We need not state to his majesty's wisdom, that force can never cure delusion; and we know his majesty's goodness too well to suppose, that he could ever entertain the idea of employing force to destroy opinions by the extirpation of those who hold them.
The grounds, upon which his majesty's ministers have advised him to refuse the renewal of some avowed public intercourse with the existing government of France, appeared to us neither justified by the reason of the thing itself, nor by the usage of nations, nor by any expediency arising from the present state of circumstances. In all negotiations or discussions whatsoever, of which peace is the real object, the appearance of an amicable disposition, and of a readiness to offer and accept of pacific explanations on both sides, is as necessary and useful to ensure success, as any arguments founded on strict right. Nor can it be denied, that claims or arguments of any kind, urged in hostile or haughty language, however equitable or valid in themselves, are more likely to provoke than to conciliate the opposite party. Deploving, as we have ever done, the melancholy event which has lately happened in France, it would yet have been some consolation to us to have heard, that the powerful interposition of the British nation on this subject, had at least been offered, although it should unfortunately have been rejected. But, instead of receiving such consolation from the conduct of his majesty's ministers, we have seen them with extreme astonishment employing, as an incentive to hostilities, an event, which they had made no effort to avert by negotiation. This inaction they could only excuse on the principle, that the internal conduct of nations (whatever may be our opinion of its morality) was no proper ground for interposition and remonstrance from foreign states—a principle, from which it must still more clearly follow, that such internal conduct could never be an admissible, justifying reason for war.
We cannot refrain from observing, that such frequent allusions as have been made to an event (confessedly no ground of rupture) seemed to us to have arisen from a sinister intention to derive, from the humanity of Englishmen, popularity for measures, which their deliberate judgment would have reprobated, and to influence the most virtuous sensibilities of his majesty's people, into a blind and furious zeal for a war of vengeance.
His majesty's faithful Commons therefore, though always determined to support his majesty with vigour and cordiality in the exertions necessary for the defence of his kingdoms, yet feel that they are equally bound by their duty to his majesty, and to their fellow-subjects, to declare, in the most solemn manner, their disapprobation of the conduct of his majesty's ministers, throughout the whole of these transactions; a conduct, which in their opinion could lead to no other termination, but that, to which it seems to have been studiously directed, or plunging their country into an unnecessary war. The calamities of such a war must be aggravated, in the estimation of every rational mind, by reflecting on the peculiar advantages of that fortunate situation, which we have so unwisely abandoned, and which not only exempted us from sharing in the distresses and afflictions of the other nations of Europe, but converted them into sources of benefit, improvement, and prosperity to this country.
We therefore humbly implore his majesty's paternal goodness to listen no longer to the councils, which have forced us into this unhappy war, but to embrace the earliest
occasion, which his wisdom may discern, of restoring to his people the blessings of peace.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
Official account of the taking of Breda by the French, on the 23d of February.
Last Saturday, the 23d instant, about half after eight o'clock, a trumpeter, accompanied by a French officer, arrived before the gates of Breda, and were conducted to the commandant, whom they summoned in the name of General Dumourier, to surrender this city. The commandant sent an answer about 12 o'clock, implying a refusal; hostilities commenced about half after 3 o'clock; the French threw some bombs and howitzers into the city: the first was so well directed, that it fell before the guard house, and wounded a grenadier. By the subsequent bombs several houses were damaged; the alarm was immediately beat, and the military took their respective stations. From that time the bombardment became very violent, and lasted uninterruptedly till seven o'clock at night, when all was still for some time.
On Sunday morning, about half after three o'clock, the French bombardment became extremely violent, and was well answered by the garrison. It lasted till seven o'clock, and during that time the French threw in 150 bombs and howitzers, which demolished more than sixty houses.
The damage might still have become greater, & could not possibly be repaired, since no person durst appear in the streets to catch the bombs and extinguish the fire, and every inhabitant sought refuge in the cellar of his house.
On Sunday towards noon, another staff officer with a trumpeter, arrived before the gate of Breda, and was again conducted to the commandant, to summon the city again, threatening to reduce the place to ashes, and to put the whole garrison to the sword. After this, the first council of war was held, and towards night a Major with a trumpeter were dispatched to the French General, who remained with the French all night and did not return till Monday morning, when we heard that the capitulation was made.
We were then informed, that the garrison should march out with all the honours of war, each battalion with two field pieces, to Breda, Thiel, Bommel, and Utrecht, with perfect liberty to remain in the service of the state, and to fight against any enemy.
In virtue of this capitulation, this afternoon about four o'clock the battalion of Orange-Nassau, with a part of that of Dam, marched, drums beating, colours flying, and two field pieces, through the gates of Breda.
At three o'clock about 450 men, infantry and Cuirassiers, entered this place from the French camp.
Fortunately few lives have been lost. One burgher was killed by a bomb, and an apothecary's wife dangerously wounded. The garrison have not lost a single man. What number the French have lost we cannot tell.
Stockholm, Feb. 1.—A war between this country and Russia has been deemed probable; it now appears inevitable.
Advice was this day received, that a Russian army of 24,000 men had been formed on the frontiers of Swedish Finland. The account has occasioned great alarm, and Count Cederstrom, the new adjutant general, has received orders to march to the frontiers, and with such forces as he may be able to assemble, to oppose the Russians should they attempt an invasion.
This city is in a state of the utmost fermentation.
Troops are daily arriving in this capital; and the duke regent has issued a proclamation, stating for reason of these extraordinary movements—that Count Gylldenstolpe, governor to his Swedish majesty, had represented to him that his majesty's life was in great danger; and that a conspiracy against the state had been entered into by several persons.
Amsterdam, Feb. 20. Several couriers have been dispatched from hence to Maastricht, but they are all returned, that city being completely blocked up by the French detachments.
The last letters from Venlo were received on the 14th instant, they state, that since the Prussians have entered Venlo, and the French have taken possession of the Sconce of St. Michael, which lies opposite to that post, nothing important has happened except some brisk cannonades on both sides.
Aix la Chapelle, Feb. 9.—We are informed, that the French advanced posts, after an obstinate conflict, forced the Austrians to evacuate Wassenberg, Bergeln, and Effelt. The day before yesterday the French troops took possession of the villages of Vaels, Gulpen, and Herl, in Dutch Guelderland.
Bordeaux, Feb. 14.—The director of the custom-house made a report upon the result of the embargo: 35 ships belonging to Holland, seven English, and one Russian ship have been seized.
Worms, Feb. 13. The army of the allies has lost, from the month of December to the 18th of January, by sickness or desertion, 9000 men. Its number is now 36,000 men. This is divided into three corps: the first composed of 18,000, stationed between Constance and Old Brissac: the second of 12,000, between Murlbourg and Selengen; the last of 6,000, between Fredericfelt and Mannheim.
Edict of the Lords of the States of Holland and West Friesland, declaratory of the different districts of those provinces which were to be inundated—dated Feb. 14.
"THE unpleasant circumstances in which these provinces find themselves, obliges us to have recourse to all the means that can in any manner tend to their defence and safety; and these means we propose to execute in proportion as the fear of an hostile invasion may increase.
"The first expedient consists in inundations of the country, and the submersion of such of the lands through which the enemy may attempt to penetrate into the centre of the two provinces. To effect these inundations, the necessary preparations have been made with our approbation: And as, contrary to our intention, a panic may spread among the peaceable inhabitants, and chiefly the country people, in these provinces; and as ill disposed persons may attempt to frustrate our efforts, tending to preserve, with the Divine blessing, these provinces, on these accounts, and to quiet the minds of all and every one, we declare that no more land shall be overflowed than is absolutely necessary to cut off from the enemy the approach to the forts and other posts capable of defence in the provinces, as well as its further advancement in them; and that all the damage which the people of the flat country may sustain on that account, shall be made good by the provincial treasury.
"And that these inundations may be executed with the utmost effect, we enjoin all the intendants and inspectors of dykes, as well as all bailiffs, judicaries, and inspectors of lands shut up by dykes, in every district where inundation may be necessary, to take the proper measures, that in the countries comprised in the said inundations, the mills may not lie, till further orders, without water at their respective openings—as well as to assist with all their power, those who may be authorized by our counsellors deputed to form these inundations; under pain, that those among them who, contrary to expectation, may be negligent in this affair, shall be rigorously punished according to the exigence of the case.
"We forbid all and every one by these presents, to oppose the formation of these inundations, by words, writing, or acts; under pain that such as shall be guilty of such offences, shall receive corporal punishment, or, according to the heinousness, death. Promising to this effect, that those who shall discover to our counsellor deputies, the authors of such attempts, writings, or blameable actions, so that they may be convicted of the same, shall be fully recompensed, and pardoned, if they were accomplices therein. To this effect our counsellor deputies are authorised by these presents. And to the end that none may plead ignorance of it, but conform themselves to it exactly, we authorize, by these presents, our deputy counsellors, that, by means of the comptroller-general of the fortifications, and such persons as they and his highness have charged or shall charge with the formation of these inundations, they cause to be published and affixed this declaration in the districts where such inundations shall be judged inevitable, and in the usual places."
The Dauphin has been proclaimed king of France, under the title of Louis XVII. at Coblentz, and acknowledged as such by the king of Prussia and Emperor; and Monsieur as Regent during the minority of his nephew. Such conduct may be fatal to the poor infant.
Paris, Feb. 22.—General Dumourier, has published a proclamation to the Batavians, announcing, that he was going to advance, at the head of 50,000 men, to deliver them from the slavery under which they groan.
They write from Leghorn, that the French squadron destined for the Sardinian expedition, was on the 23d ult. stationed off Cagliari. That they had taken the little isles of St. Magdalen and St. Pierre, whose garrison withdrew, after having spiked their cannon, and moved their light artillery.
M. de Semonville, has embarked on board a merchantman, for Constantinople, having been compelled to yield up the Juno, in which he was to have sailed, to Admiral Truguet, for the Sardinian expedition. La Perse, and the store ship La Garbarre perished in the storm of the 21st.
It is generally believed, that Garat will be nominated minister of the home department, and that Cobier, Secretary to the department, will succeed him as minister of justice.
Many of the French privateers have been compelled to put back, in consequence of bad weather, without having taken a single prize. Others have been very successful.
Many privateers are fitting out at Havre-de-Grace, mounting from 15 to 20, 32, 40, and even 50 guns.
Three hundred and forty seven volumes, and 35 boxes, forming the remainder of the titles and genealogies of the ancient orders of the nobility, are to be burnt tomorrow in the Place des Piques.
We are informed by letters from Brest, that the following frigates, la Bellona, la Proserpine, la Cleopatre, & l'Engageante, sailed from thence on the 7th, in order to cruise in the British channel. Several large privateers were expected to sail in a few days.
Substance of Gen. Dumourier's Proclamation to the Dutch.
"Upon republican principles, the Stattholder is only your captain general; who should act in obedience to the sovereign will—he holds you nevertheless in slavery.
You know your rights—you lately attempted to restore them—you applied to France, but France then groaned under equal despotism; and you were made the sport of her perfidious court.
A handful of Prussians again reduced you to slavery; led on by that man whom I have chased from France—the hope of liberty among you has been extinct, till the period of the glorious revolution of France; the French now offer themselves your allies—powerful and free.
Not against you, people, but against your tyrants we wage war—The English—proud of liberty, are misled by gold and *** of whom they will soon tire. Let our enemies increase ten fold, it will but increase our strength and propagate our opinions.
We enter Holland the friends of the Dutch, and the enemies of the house of Orange—you cannot but feel its galling yoke—has not the stattholder sacrificed your interests to his own—sacrificed your maritime greatness to that of England? that greatness you will never regain till you are free.
Send back your despots to Germany; a republican army once roused will soon break the force of tyranny—soon will the troops and the brave sailors of Holland be one body of men with those of France.
The first who stand forward shall enjoy the first spoils of tyranny!
I am at the head of 60,000 free and ever victorious Frenchmen—60,000 more the defenders of Brabant, are ready to follow me if needful—We go to seek at the Hague the plotters against our and your liberties—for them we reserve our vengeance.
Batavians, confide in a man whose name is known to you—who leads Frenchmen to battle, before whom have fled the auxiliaries of your tyrant. The Belgians call me their deliverer, I will speedily be yours!"
Dutch Manifesto.
In answer to Gen. Dumourier's Proclamation, a manifesto has been published, by the Dutch government, which concludes thus:
"WE rather expect that all citizens, laying aside any party spirit which disunites them, will unite their efforts to ours and to those of all the true friends of his country, to defend and preserve, under divine protection, the territory which has given them birth, and in which they have been bred—that they will snatch religion and true liberty, those guarantees of our happiness, from the insupportable yoke of foreign and barbarous hordes.—We expect every thing, from their courage and bravery: and we are persuaded that they will not suffer themselves to be intimidated by the exaggerated statement of the forces which are represented as advancing against them. We persuade ourselves, that they will neither forget the invincible valour with which our immortal ancestors resisted successfully these very Frenchmen, at a time when the greatest powers in Europe did not, as at this day, combat with us, but on the other hand, were leagued with our enemies;—nor the situation of our country, which more especially in this season, opposes unsurmountable obstacles to an hostile invasion; no, the diligence, and energetic activity of the government, which will neglect nothing to secure the success of our common efforts; nor, lastly, the efficacious succours we expect in a little time from our faithful allies. If after so many important considerations, they may still have a motive to confirm them in their resolution to sacrifice every thing to the defence of their dear country, we will place before their view the example of our neighbours the inhabitants of the Austrian Netherlands, who have called on and welcomed as friends, the very general who dares to call himself their deliverer, and those very Frenchmen he commands; those Belgians now reap the bitter fruit of their heedless credulity. Deign, thou supreme and all-puissant being, who hast so often extricated this republic from the most imminent dangers; deign to preserve it at this day from such a deliverance, and from such friends."
Feb. 27.—The investment of Maestricht has been made on the right bank of the Meuse, and upon the height of Casterberg, by a corps of 15,000 men at 400 toises from the place, which only costs three men. Yesterday summoned the governor. He replied that he would not surrender. Our firing commenced that night. A short time after we discovered

that some part of the town was on fire which however the enemy extinguished. This morning the flames broke out afresh, and the town is this moment burning. — The enemy have made two sallies, one by the gate of St. Peter; but they were repulsed with ease.
The war minister has announced a victory of considerable importance, gained by the army of general Biron, over a body of Austrians and Piedmontese, at Sospello. Biron having gained intelligence, that a corps of 2000 men had taken post at Sospello, with a view of securing the advanced posts of Nice, dispatched about 800 men under the command of Dagobert and Brunet, to dislodge them: These officers conducted this enterprize with such ability and resolution, that they carried their point. The attack was vigorous and the defence obstinate, but the enemy at last gave way, leaving behind 300 Austrian prisoners, among whom was Major Straifoldo, cousin to the general of that name, and several other officers. The greatest praise was given by general Biron to the officers and soldiers under his command.
Marie Antoinette and her family have not yet stirred out of the apartment which they occupied the temple. The day before yesterday in the commissioners of the Commune invited them to go down into the garden to take the air, and to enjoy the benefit of the fine weather. The widow of Louis thanked them, and refused their offer, saying, that "it would be too painful to her to pass by the door of the chamber from which her husband had been led to the place of execution." — She also refused to go up on the platform of the Great Tower, at least for the present. — Her daughter continues to be ill, the swelling in her legs is not abated.
Cagliari (Sardinia) Jan. 25. — On the 21st inst. a French ship of the line and a bomb ketch appeared before the island of St. Pierre, which was immediately surrendered to the French, the commandant having previously retired to this place with a detachment of 800 men, brought what provisions they could and spiked the cannon they left behind. The French have also taken the island of Antioch.
Yesterday the French fleet, consisting of 19 ships of the line, anchored in this harbor. The admiral sent a detachment of 20 men on shore with the national flag and an officer, who demanded the surrender of the place; but the lieutenant of the port cautioned them not to advance: and when they arrived near the patrick house, the Sardes killed the drummer and 16 others; the rest retreated to the ship. It is expected that the town will be bombarded this morning.
L O N D O N, Feb. 22.
The true reason of the rise of two per cent, in the dividend on India Stock is to fugar the pill which they are to be forced to swallow. The minister knows well that he cannot go on without relieving the market from a part of the floating paper, and yet in the present temper of the times to fund the navy, and lay additional taxes on the people, would not be the best means of drawing them on blindfold, to the destructive and unintelligible war in which they have plunged us. It is a safer manœuvre than to take the India Bonds out of the market, which will act as a temporary aid to his scheme of finance, and at least postpone the gloomy day when a thorough account must be rendered.
These bonds are to be converted into stock, and thus the great calamity, the India capital, is to be increased two millions.
A dictionary of the English Language, like the court Calender, ought to be printed annually, for every year our words admit of new definitions. Thus an English surplus means an armament , an Indian surplus , loan .
The Dutch have four fortified places, Maeltricht, Breda, Bergen-op-Zoom, and Bois-le-Duc. Of these Bergen-op-Zoom, only is open to the East Scheldt, and may consequently be relieved by the sea. To this garrison then, perhaps, our gallant prince, and his few brave followers, are to be sent. We seem to be acting precisely on the plan of the American war. The enemy is avowedly 60,000 strong, and we are to send 1500 to repel him.
However we may have got into the war, the war must be supported. This country cannot, must not see the French extend their maritime frontier through the whole sea line of the Dutch territory; but if we are to avert this fatality, we must begin by addressing the crown to remove the ministers, whose imbecile councils, in bringing us into the calamity, give us no confidence in their talents to conduct it.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To the Militia of Philadelphia.
Fellow Soldiers,
IT has been, and I am fearful still is, the disposition of all governments to conspire against the people: they appear to form separate interests, and the many are always the objects of prey to the few . This
disposition produces a sympathy among governments, and whenever power is the object, and there is no jarring of other interests to oppose it, they are always ready to afford each other aid. It is this which has produced the combination of governments against the people of France. In the infancy of governments, when the voice of the people is considered as the voice of God, the people have their full share of consideration, because they are then the power of the nation ; but in proportion as manhood approaches, and governors strengthen their authority with the vigor of the government, the people are viewed as secondary beings in the scale of thing. The example of France has struck terror into all governments , & it appears as if ours was seized with the panic, and was disposed to exercise the governmental sympathy which European nations seem to feel. To reason a priori upon the subject, we should be led to conclude that men who styled themselves republicans would feel for each other; but if we recur to experience, and the immediate facts before us we shall discover that a republican government is lending its sympathetic feelings to monarchy. By a treaty formed between France and the United States in the hour of adversity , we guaranteed certain things to France if she would lend us her assistance; she has been faithful to her contract, while we seem to be shrinking from our faith. 'Tis true that we formed this treaty with the monarchy of France, and it will no doubt be explained away by every friend to that species of government. But I will ask, what were our objects when we applied to France for relief? To render ourselves free . What is the present object of the French nation? — to render herself free . Ought not then the analogy of our circumstances, independent of every other consideration, to cause a favorable disposition towards France?
If we are republicans in substance and not in shadow the answer will be very easy — It is said, that our coolness towards France is so great that measures have been taken by some of the officers of our government, to prevent a joyful reception of the French ambassador. The reason alleged for this is insulting to freemen — It cannot be blotted from the memory of our citizens that the present ambassador was received with the ringing of bells; but as he was the ambassador of a monarch , and Mr. Genet is the ambassador of a republic he is to be received with less respect. Is this disposition friendly to our republican allies?
Men are fond of precedent when it corresponds with their views: but admitting there is no precedent for the firing of cannon &c. (and I believe there is) on the arrival of the ambassador of France, ought this to prevent it? As republicans we ought to evidence our attachment to republicanism by the most respectful reception of the representative of the people of France. Was there a precedent for the firing of cannon on the arrival of a parcel of savages among us some time ago who had been butchering our citizens on the frontiers? Are Frenchmen entitled to less respect than a cavalcade of Indian chiefs ? Philadelphia was made to tremble with rejoicings because a set of painted monsters arrived, who came to be pampered, and return to massacre as they had done before; and the ambassador of France is not considered entitled to the same reception "because there is no precedent!" O tempora! O mores! But, my fellow soldiers, although such should be the will, such be the resolution of the officers of government , you have too much honor, too much gratitude, too much republican virtue to permit it to operate upon you? Call to mind that it is the representative of a people who have fought for you, who have bled for you, who is expected.
Remember that France was your shield in the hour of danger, that she became your friend when you were friendless, and that she stretched forth the strong arm of protection when you were encompassed by foes: — and if after such recollection you will hesitate to welcome her ambassador with the rejoicings which have even been shown to savages, I will mourn over the departed virtue of my country.
AN OLD SOLDIER.
April 23.
PHILADELPHIA.
SATURDAY, APRIL 27.
A pilot arrived here yesterday from Delaware Capes, bringing intelligence that the French frigate L'Embuscade was off and had taken the ship Grange, outward bound from this port to Liverpool, and the brig Little Sarah, for Jamaica, which, he added, were both on their return to town, accompanied by the frigate. It was also said by the pilot, that from the accounts he had received, the frigate had captured in all seven vessels on the American coast, 4 sent to Charleston, one to New York, and two to this port. — L'Embuscade, and her two prizes, were expected up last evening, but it being ebb tide and the wind N. E. none of them had made their appearance when this paper was put to press.
It is asserted in a paper of the 16th inst. printed at Stockbridge (says a correspondent) that "from Georgia to New-Hampshire, a collected majority of the people of the United States would applaud from the heart, the Supreme Executive's non-acknowledgment of the ambassador from the French republic." Such a sentiment must be considered as disgraceful to Americans as it is destitute of truth; and could only have originated with some rotten-hearted fellow that would sell his country to Britain for a "funding system."
Captain Storer, who arrived at New-York on Monday last, from Charleston, informs, that on Sunday the 14th inst. he saw a large English ship from Bremen, going into Charleston harbour, which had been made a prize of by the French frigate L'Embuscade — that some French merchants in Charleston were fitting out privateers; that the L'Embuscade continued to cruise off Charleston, making the bar in the morning, and then standing off the remainder of the day; and that the British merchants there were fearful to let their vessels leave port.
The French ambassador was in Charleston when Capt. Storer sailed.
Capt. Storer further informs, that the commander of the L'Embuscade, in order to render himself more secure, had offered a lieutenant's commission in the French navy, to any American who would undertake to act as pilot on board his vessel, and that the offer was embraced by Capt. Wittimore of Boston.
"The public mind has been for some time in a state of suspense, as to the part our government would take in the present disturbances in Europe. It was conceded on all hands, that our best interests speak peace; but by many it was feared, that existing treaties rendered it impossible that we could remain neutral. The public mind is now relieved from this anxiety by the proclamation of the executive, which informs us it is the duty , as well as the interest , of the United States, to act towards the belligerent powers with perfect impartiality ."
"It is extremely happy for this country, that no treaty exists interfering with the neutrality which it is our interest to keep at the present juncture. Had we been obliged to take part with the French, our pecuniary resources would have been impaired, a diminution of our imports, and the credit of the United States would have sustained a proportionate shock. A great happiness it is, that our plighted faith does not stand in the way of those arrangements on which our paper credit is supported, and that while Europe is rent by the fiend of war, we can nurse the bantling in the arms of peace."
Prices current of American produce at Bristol, the 16th of February, 1793.
Pot Ashes, first, 30/ — Pearl, ditto, 32/ to 35/ — Rice, Short price 18/ — Indigo, Carolina, 2/3 to 5/6 — Pitch 8/ — Tar 17/ to 18/ — Turpentine 9/6 to 10/ — Bees wax 9/ to 10/ — Deer Skins in the hair, per lb. 17d. to 18d. — ditto, half dressed — do — 22d to 2/ — Pine boards and Plank, per 100 feet 10/ to 15/ — Oak ditto — do 14/ to 16/ — Pipe staves, red oak 10/ — White oak 16/ — Hhd R.O. 5/ — W.O. 8/ — Barrel R.O. 4/ — W.O. 5/ — Flour first 18/ per cwt. — Wheat 6/9 per bush. — Pig-iron 6/ to 7/ per ton — Tobacco 2d 1-2 to 4d per lb.
Extract of a Letter, dated Dublin, March 4.
"The confusion the House of Lords are daily throwing this city into, by their arbitrary government, prevents me from getting forward. If any person reflects on their measures, they are summoned before their secret committee, and there examined by the Lord Chancellor, or some of the bishops and Lords that form that committee. An act has been lately passed, received the royal assent, and put into execution before Mr. Grattan knew any thing about it, enabling government to take fire arms from every description of people who were suspected to be disaffected, and I was told Mr. Grattan said he knew nothing of said bill until it was put in execution."
"On Wednesday last the army went to the Liberty, and took 2 pieces of cannon from Mr. Tandy's corps of volunteers — and yesterday the honourable Simon Butler, as chairman, and Oliver Bond, as secretary to the society of United Irishmen, were summoned before the secret committee, alluded to above, for publishing their opinion. They were fined in £. 500 each, and six months imprisonment: in consequence of which, they were sent to Newgate, where they now are."
"In Belfast they are nearly mad, and to attempt to disarm the volunteers there, would cause immediate rupture. Government is sending cannon down to the North, which indicates their suspicion that all will not terminate quietly."
Heads of the latest Foreign Intelligence.
The French had taken two strong fortresses that secured to them the navigation of the Meuse — Maestricht remained completely blocked up by detachments of the French forces; success continued to at-
tend the army under Gen. Dumourier, and it was universally expected he would reach Amsterdam by the middle of March — Two English vessels had been carried into Dunkirk, valued at 400,000 livres — Four others into L'Orient, one of which was an East-Indiaman with a very rich cargo — The English cruisers had also made some prizes from the French, but mostly ensnared in England. The duke of York had landed at Helvoetsluys, with the 2000 guards that had failed from England for Holland, to assist against the French — Every thing wore the appearance of the fiercest contest, during the ensuing summer, to decide whether universal despotism or republicanism should prevail, the cause of virtue and equality, of the cause of wicked and envenomed tyrants.
Extract of a letter from a British merchant in Philadelphia, to his friend in Liverpool, dated April 23d, 1793.
"In a conversation I had with you at our friend B——'s, one evening shortly before I embarked for this country last summer, I recollected the apprehensions you expressed, that should Great-Britain take an active part in the war against France, the result of course be involved in a war with America, to the utter destruction of her West-India commerce, and the inevitable loss of Canada. The time has come, however, when Great-Britain has actually entered the lists, and, I am happy to inform you, that so far from any hostile disposition towards her discovering itself in the United States, the conduct of the French nation is reprobated, with no small degree of acrimony, in almost every company. It is true, this is in some measure owing to the great share of British influence, which prevails in the principal commercial towns. You would be astonished to see with what service pliability many of the printers on this continent, join in furthering our views. Indeed, it is no other than a return of gratitude, for being in a great measure supported by our advertisements, they make no scruple to render their papers pleasing to us, by painting the conduct of the French to us in the blackest colours, whenever a fit opportunity occurs. The decapitation of Louis was a noble subject of declamation, and a very general one too; for most of the people have no opinion of their own, but, like a pack of hounds, join in whatever cry is raised by their leaders, many of whom are in our interest. I speak of the people of the cities; I do not know that we stand so well in the country, generally; but this is not very material, as the yeomanry have no great weight, compared with that of the British merchants and their friends in the cities. — We are also aided in our endeavours, to excite prejudices against the French, by some of the most influential officers of g——t, as well as by the monied men who are stockholders in the funds and national bank; for the duties on imports, which are chiefly from Great-Britain, are the main support both of the credit and existence of the government."
"That these observations are just, you will be convinced, when you have read the inclosed proclamation , in which the impartiality and neutrality of the United States with respect to all the belligerent powers, are declared; notwithstanding that America is bound to act partially towards France, by existing treaties . But neither realities nor gratitude for the former friendship of the French nation will induce the Americans to make any sacrifices of their interest . It is only to be feared that France may take in dudgeon the conduct of her ally, and declare war against her; but even this would be advantageous to Britain, by depriving France of the supplies of provisions with which America might otherwise furnish her."
[From a Correspondent.]
In one of the city gazettes of April 23d. I observed a paragraph, in which it is said, that the French National Convention are a set of rascals for debauching the English sailors, in offering them half of the prizes captured from their nation. — Without flying into a passion about the matter, might not one reasonably ask, which of the two betokens the most rascally conduct; the debauching people to learn the most precious of all human rights, or to seize, without the formality of declaring war, thirty thousand men , to throw them into prison-ships, jails, and dungeons, where these unfortunate persons perished, unpitied and unrecarded? Such, at least, was the conduct of the English in 1755 and 1756, and in part during the whole war with America for the recovery of her liberties. Let us add to this the plunder of St. Eustatia, the transmission of American prisoners to the East-Indies, and a variety of other circumstances of cruelty; and an unprejudiced person will soon judge which of the two nations are a SET of RASCALS .
This number (156) completes one year and a half's papers. Persons in arrears for six months, one year, or upwards, are requested to make speedy payment. Those writing to the Editor of the National Gazette by the public mail, on business, are desired to transmit their letters post paid, if they wish to have them attended to.

The New Republican Constitution of France, Instituted since the death of the king.
[ABRIDGED.]
The object of all union of men in Society, being the maintaining of natural, civil, and political rights these rights ought to be the basis of the social compact. The acknowledgment and declaration of them ought to precede the constitution which assures the guarantee of them.
Art 1. Natural, civil, and political rights, are liberty, equality, security, and property, the social contract, and resistance of oppression.
2. Liberty consists in the power of doing every thing which is not contrary to the right of another. Thus the exercise of this natural right has no other limits than those which secure to the members of the same society the enjoyment of the same right.
3. Every citizen ought to submit to the law which is the expression of the general will. Whatever is not forbidden by the law, cannot be prohibited; and none can be constrained to do what it does not enjoin.
4. Every man has the liberty of manifesting his thoughts, and his opinions.
5. The liberty of the press, and every other means of making known his sentiments, cannot be forbidden, suspended, or limited.
6. Every citizen is free in the exercise of his religion.
7. Equality consists in the enjoyment of the same rights by every citizen.
8. The law is equal to all, whether it protects or punishes.
9. All citizens are equally admissible to all appointments. Free people know no other motive of preference than preeminence of talents and virtue.
10. Security consists in the protection granted to all the citizens, for the preservation of their persons, of their fortunes, and of their rights.
11. None can be accused, stopped, or detained, but in cases specified by the law, and according to the forms it has prescribed.
12. The citizens against whom arbitrary acts may be exercised, have the right to resist them by force; but every man accused or arrested in virtue of the law, ought to obey it instantly. He renders himself guilty by resistance, (N. B. a mistake in the order.)
13. Those who solicit, expedite, execute, or cause to be executed arbitrary orders, are guilty, and ought to be punished.
14. Every man ought to be presumed innocent, till he has been declared guilty; if it is found necessary to arrest him, every rigor not requisite to secure his person ought to be severely interdicted by the law.
15. None can be punished but in virtue of a law established and promulgated anterior to the crime, and legally applied.
16. Every law which punishes crimes anterior to its promulgation is an arbitrary act. Every retrospect effect of law is a crime.
17. The law ought only to inflict necessary punishment proportioned to the crimes and useful to society.
18. The right of property is, that every man may dispose of his substance, his talents, and his industry.
19. No kind of labour or industry is prohibited to citizens, who may buy, sell, or transport it freely.
20. A citizen, however, cannot sell himself, his person not being alienable property.
21. None can be deprived of his right of property, but when public necessity, legally proved, evidently demands it, and on condition of a just and previous indemnity.
22. No contribution can be levied but for the public good: all citizens have a right to assent to its establishment.
23. Public instruction is necessary to all.
24. Public succours are a debt due from society.
25. The security of these rights is an act of sovereignty.
26. Sovereignty is one, indivisible, and imprescriptible.
27. It resides essentially in the people. Each citizen is equally entitled to exercise sovereignty.
28. No individual, or any union of citizens can arrogate to themselves the exercises of sovereignty.
29. The social compact cannot exist,
where the limits of powers are not exactly fixed, and where agents are not made responsible for their conduct.
30. All citizens are obliged to be aiding to the law.
31. Men united in society ought to have a legal means of resisting oppression.
32. There is oppression when the law violates natural right, there is oppression when the law is violated by the public functionaries. There is oppression when arbitrary acts violate natural, civil, and political rights of citizens. The manner of resisting oppression ought to be prescribed by the constitution.
33. The people have the right of changing the constitution. One generation has no right to subject to the constitution future generations.
After the recognition of these rights, on which the government is founded, the French nation is declared to form one indivisible republic.
The division into departments is retained; each department is divided into communes or districts, & each commune into municipal sections and primary assemblies.
Primary Assemblies.
In the primary assemblies, every man aged 21 years has a right to vote, provided that his name is inscribed on the civic table, and that he shall have resided one year in France.
The primary assemblies shall be so distributed in each department, that none shall consist of less than 400, or more than 900 members; in each of these a select committee is to be chosen by ballot, consisting of as many members as there are fifties of citizens in the assembly.
In this committee, he who has the majority of votes shall be president of the assembly; the three next on the list shall be secretaries. The duty of the select committee is to keep the records, and to arrange and submit the business to the assembly.
All elections are to be carried on in those assemblies. The intermediate, or electoral assemblies, have no place in this code. The elections are to be made by what is called a double scrutiny; each gives in a signed list of candidates equal to the number of places to be filled. These bulletins, or lists of presentation as they are termed, are sent to the administration of each department.—They select a triple number of those candidates who have most votes, and from those sent back to the primary assemblies; a definitive election is made, each citizen giving in as before, a list of the candidates to whom he gives his preference.
In the deliberations of these assemblies, the same mode is to be followed as in the elections. The question is to be shaped so as to be answered by a simple negative or affirmative. On the day appointed for the decision, each citizen gives in a bulletin, or slip of paper, inscribed with his name, and the word yes or no. These are to be transmitted from the district to the department, where the general result is to be ascertained.
Administrative Bodies.
There shall be in each department, an administrative council, of 18 members, with subordinate agencies. The former are to control the revenue, and to correspond with the executive government. The inferior administrations are not as yet organized.
The administrators are to be elected in the primary assemblies, and the half renewed every two years.
Executive Council.
I. The executive council of the republic shall be composed of seven general agents or ministers, and a secretary.
II. There shall be,
1. A minister of legislation. 2. A minister of war. 3. A minister for foreign affairs. 4. A minister of public contributions. 5. A minister of the marine. 6. A minister of agriculture, commerce and manufactures. 7. A minister of works, aids, public establishments, and arts.
III. Each of the ministers shall alternately preside in the executive council, and the president shall be changed every fifteen days. To this council it belongs to execute all the laws and all the decrees passed by the legislative body.
The ministers are to be chosen in the primary assemblies, and in the manner be-
fore prescribed. Eight suppléans or substitutes, are to be chosen at the same time.
The members of the council to be chosen for two years. The half shall be renewed every year; but they may be re-elected.
The executive council are accountable to, and cannot be members of the legislative body. They have no controul over the national treasury, which is to be directed by three commissioners appointed for that purpose, and elected in the same manner. Two hundred members are to be chosen in the legislative body, of whom a jury of seven is to audit each account.
Legislative Body.
The legislative body is to consist of one chamber, and to be renewed annually, by elections, in the manner before mentioned.
The number of deputies to be sent from each department is to be newly fixed every ten years, according to the increase or decrease of the population.
The members of the legislative body shall not at any time be prosecuted, impeached, or tried for any thing which they may have said or written in the exercise of their functions.
No proposition shall pass into a law, unless it be first proposed in the assembly, then referred to a committee of thirty, and after the interval of a fortnight, if the time should permit, re debated in the assembly.
Censorship of People.
Under this head it is proposed, that any citizen shall have the right of convoking the primary assembly where he resides, to consider of the enactment of a new, or the repeal of an existing law. If they agree to the proposition, they are to address the people of other assemblies, and the wish of the department thus collected, is to be transmitted to and decided upon by the members of the legislative body.
The citizens shall likewise have the right to demand an inquiry into the conduct of public functionaries, in case of abuse of power and violation of the law.
A Convention.
A convention is to be summoned whenever any change is made in the legislative body. In the 20th year after the passing of the constitutional code, a convention shall be called to revise and improve.
The convention cannot hold its sittings within 50 leagues of the legislative body. It shall be formed of two members from each department.
Administration of Justice.
In the civil as well as the criminal code, the trial by jury is to be established. The jurors as well as judges are to be elected. The former to be taken one from every hundred citizens. The jury to consist of a director, a reporter, a national commissioner, and a number of jurymen to be specified.
The punishment of death is abolished for all private offences.
There are to be two juries, whose functions correspond with those of the grand and petty juries in the English constitution.
Judicial censors are to be appointed to travel at fixed periods, and to try all questions of appeal.
A National Jury, consisting of three jurors from each department, is to try all questions of High Treason.
The arrest and detention of an individual are qualified by a number of minute regulations, highly favourable to personal liberty.
The liberty of the press is declared to be indefinite.
None can be judged either civilly or criminally, on account of writings printed or published, except it shall have been recognized and declared by a jury, 1st. whether there is any criminality in the writing denounced; 2dly, whether the person prosecuted is guilty of it.
Public Force.
The forces of the republic, are placed under the controul of the executive council. The public force is declared to be essentially obedient, as no armed body can deliberate.
The commanders in chief are to have annual and revocable commission from the executive council.
The commanders of the national guards shall be elected annually by the citizens in each district.
Public Contributions.
The public contributions ought never to exceed the exigencies of the state.
There cannot be established any contribution, which by its nature, or by its mode of exaction, might be injurious to the free
disposal of property, to the progress of industry, and of commerce, to the circulation of capitals, or might produce the violation of the rights recognized and declared by the constitution.
The amount shall be fixed each year by the legislative body, and cannot exceed that term. They are to be published annually.
Relation to foreign powers.
The French will only take up arms for the sake of their liberty. They renounce all accession of territory, unless by the wish, freely expressed, of its inhabitants.
The declaration of war shall be made by the legislative body; treaties of peace, commerce and alliance shall be made by the executive council, and ratified by the legislative body, &c.
Presented by the members forming the committee of constitution.
BARRERE, BRISSOT, CONDORCET, DANTON, GENSONNE, PETION, SIEYES, THOMAS PAINE, VERGNIAUD.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H. Bar., Ther., W. Ind., Weather. Data for Tuesday through Monday, April 1793.
NEW BOOKS.
ROBERT CAMPBELL,
No. 54, South Second Street, Has received by the Ship George Barclay A large assortment of BOOKS,
Among which are, Viner's Abridgment of Law and Equity, 12 vols.
N. B. Subscriptions are received for the above work at 4 Dollars per Volume, 4 Volumes will be received every six months till the work is completed, which will be in the course of eighteen months.
Croke's Reports, 4 vols. Lord Raymond's Reports, 3 vols. Vattel's Law of Nations Comyn's Digest, 6 vols. Guthries Geography, a new edition in 4 to. with elegant coloured maps. Boyer's French and English Dictionary in 4 & 8 vo.
Home's History of England, 8 vols.—Same book with Smollet's continuation, 13 vols. elegantly gilt.
Mothheim's Ecclesiastical History, 6 vols. Gibbon's Roman History, 12 vols. gilt or plain
Nicker on Executive Power, 2 vols. History of ancient Europe, 2 vols. Lavater on Physiognomy abridged Large Family Bible with elegant cuts. Chapcatt's Chemistry, 3 vols. Munro's do. 4 vols. Underwood on Children, 2 vols. Clarke on the diseases common in long voyages, 2 vols.
on Fevers, Metherby's new Medical Dictionary. Gardner on the Court. Pett's Chirurgical Works, 3 vols. Nicholson's Chemistry. Lee on Botany. White on the diseases of Lying-in Women, &c. &c.
R. C. Will receive by the arrival of the first vessels from Dublin and Glasgow, a large addition to his present extensive assortment of books amongst which will be copies of all the new publications of merit.
April 13. 2aw. t.f.
Have claims to about two hundred and fifty thousand acres of LAND in the state of Kentucky, in different parts of that country, some of which I know to be equal to any; all of which I am inclined to dispose of, either by entire sale, or by admitting one, or two partners, to whom the agency on the whole will be committed.
One fourth of the contract will be required in hand, either in cash, merchandise, or such assets as may be converted to active use, the residue may be apportioned in convenient instalments. The purchasers to give security, on the land, or other ways, as suits them.
Knowing that there is a prejudice against the titles of land in that state, which is more general than just, I am willing to stipulate in the contract, that a discount, or deduction, shall be made, where any land may be lost, by reason of a defective title.
Any person inclining to such a purchase, is requested to write to me by post, in answer to whom, more particular information will be given.
HENRY BANKS. Richmond March 20, 1793. 2aw. t.f.
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