National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-04-17 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
NUMB. 49 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, April 17, 1793.
[Total No. 153.]
Mr FRENEAU,
THE two enclosed pieces appeared in the Hartford American Mercury of April 11th. They seem to have been calculated more particularly for the meridian of Connecticut, but may also be very acceptable to a number of readers in "the latitude of Philadelphia."
AS the origin of all power is in the people, a government recognizing that principle, and securing the rights of representation and election, is said to be a free government. The constitution of the United States, fall within this description; for the people in whom the source of power resides, impart the first impulse and moving force to the political machine, by election—This right forms the basis of our freedom—it is the grand check to the encroachments of the magistrates, and that degree of influence which they might otherwise obtain over the subjects of their authority. The history of past ages, as well as the known principles of human nature, afford the fullest evidence of the tendency of all government toward absolute dominion—Therefore, in its constitution, checked and secured, against this natural tendency as far as the case will admit, is not of itself enough; there is a duty continually to be performed by the people; they are to watch and employ the checks left in their hands. The continuation of their liberty does not so much depend upon the existence of the right of election, as upon a vigilant and careful exercise of it.—They are the proprietors of government, and the ruler, the person who is entrusted with the management of the estate. If the owners neglect their proprietary interest, the manager may easily run off with the profit, leaving them to share in nothing but the expense. A progression of small and imperceptible encroachments may in course of time grow into system and acquire the force of precedent. From the same cause, the sentiments, manners and habits of a country, may suffer a slow revolution, and elections retain nothing of their original, but the name.
These observations, though they contain no new or uncommon sentiments to recommend them, are, from the nature of the subject, worthy of some attention, and may lead us to reflect, that the liberty we enjoy is an inheritance we are bound to transmit to posterity unimpaired. If the use or abuse of the right of election is the medium through which it may be either preserved or lost, the conclusion is obvious, that an attentive exercise of this right is an indispensable duty incumbent on every Freeman. The chief magistrates in Connecticut are often elected by less than one twentieth part of the legal voters—But a small part of the Freemen assemble, and but a small portion of that part attend when the most important branch of the business is transacting—the Tools and Connections of those who seek for office are left to execute their designs unopposed. When such inattention prevails, it is neither strange nor unaccountable, that men sometimes gain an election, and afterwards hold their place against the choice of a majority of the people.
It may be urged that the Freemen cannot have personal knowledge of every man held up to view, as meriting their suffrages throughout a whole State; and must either be guided by the opinion of others, or must many times neglect to act.
But if it be a business of such moment, every Elector ought to inform himself, and always to give his suffrage according to the best information he can obtain. Men who have gained important offices, whether deserving or undeserving, are, from their condition and situation, always able to secure to themselves friends. The longer such office has been in the possession of one man, or one family, the more numerous will be his adherents ready to cover his faults, and exhibit only the fairest part of his character. Hence arises a question worthy of the attention and examination of every Free Elector—Whether public discussion of the qualifications and merits of candidates for office, be not necessary for the formation of a right judgment on that subject—Men who occupy elevated stations in life, are surrounded with sycophants and flatterers, ready on every occasion to pimp, cabal, and intrigue for their patron. Nothing affords so great security against their designs as a free public discussion, which awakens the attention
of every one, opens the sources of intelligence, and excites men to develop the truth. He who fears to be tried by this test, ought never to come forth as a candidate for office.
Another thing deserving of notice in the exercise of the right of election, is, that the highest offices be not continued too long in one family or person.
In Connecticut the compensations given for public services are in no cases so great as to produce a dangerous accumulation of wealth in the hands of those who receive them, but it is very obvious, that the long continuance of dignified and important offices in the same family, begets an influence more dangerous to a republican government than that which is derived from wealth. Aristocratic sentiments, and aristocratic manners are here generated, nursed and matured. A man born and educated with exalted ideas of his own greatness and that of his ancestors, will never consider his fellow-men as his equals, or as partaking of the same rights—Invested with the powers of magistracy, and all subordinate offices of trust and emolument, within his reach, will be seized upon for his own family and connections, to the exclusion of those who are much better qualified. By such means he will form an atmosphere of influence tending directly to sap the foundation of free government. The first article of the creed of a republican, is that all men are equal, and are distinguished only by their ability and their merit.
But when power has been suffered to flow in the same channel until it has produced to itself a bulwark against the hands who gave it, these principles are reversed—"It then becomes the Electors to be sensible of their just rights, in order, that by understanding in the first place what as men they owe to themselves, they may in the second make their rulers know, and if necessary feel, what they, as servants of the people, owe to them."
ALGERNON SIDNEY.
In a preceding paper I suggested a few thoughts on the importance of elections, and the dangerous consequence of negligence in the elective body; in pursuing the subject we shall naturally notice the operation, influence, and effect of parties.
IT will be found in all free governments, where full liberty of thought & action is allowed, that the public sentiment will be divided on many questions respecting the principles of the government, the administration, or some other circumstance connected with the general police, from whence parties are produced. At the commencement of the late war, some persons of haughty and imperious minds became leaders in the revolution, not from an attachment to republican principles, but from a regard to the honors expected to be shared under the new government.
From this source originated two parties in Connecticut, the one contending for the good of the whole, proceeded on democratic ground, and endeavoured by their practice to verify their professions in the cause of liberty—the other seemed to aim at the good of the few, and the aggrandizement of particular families, clamoured for more energy and a higher tone to the administration, inveighed against the imbecility, timidity, and dependance of the magistrates, and ridiculed every republican argument opposed to their system. The cabals and intrigues of this party in course of time, increased its strength by advancing its principal leader to a higher and more influential station.
Though this was not the act of the Freemen at large, but the result of skilful management in the Legislature, yet it was considered by the successful partisans as a subject of triumph, and from this time their attempts to influence succeeding elections, became more direct, open and notorious. The ribaldry of Bilinggate was let loose upon their opponents from a mercenary group of grubstreet scribblers , through the medium of a prostituted press .
Low ridicule, with them was forcible argument, and the application of unmeaning nicknames, such as Bubo, Woglog, Wrong-head, Wimble, and Copper , conclusive evidence. In short, men of the most established reputation for integrity and worth, who appeared on the other side of the question, were traduced, vilified, and scurrilously abused; and if I may use the language of the gamester, the design was to
shuffle and cut the pack until all the honors should be dealt into their own hands. No serious answer could very well be given to a piece of vulgar ridicule, especially if it had no other foundation than the place of one's residence, or the corpulent, or slender proportions of his body; hence some men of too weak nerves to bear the force of such weapons, retreated from the conflict and left the game to terminate as chance should direct. To recount the worthy characters, which have been displaced from important offices, and sacrificed to the designs of this party, would exceed the limits I have assigned; they are well known, and fresh in the minds of many of the good people of this state.
It is remarkable that through the whole period of time in which these divisions have existed in the state, and the great struggles that have been made to increase the weight in the Aristocratic Scale , there has scarce any thing appeared on that addressed to the understanding and good sense of the people. The dependance seems to have been upon the wit rather than the logic of their writers. Neither the Patient , the Client , nor even the solemn service of the Altar , could detain those witty scribblers from the more important business of their party.
I have taken but a summary review of the parties in this State; whoever gives the subject a more careful examination, and enters more minutely into the history of it, will agree in the position endeavored to be supported by these papers, that the whole fabric of our liberty, depends on vigilance and attention in the exercise of the rights of election. Unless the Freemen look for themselves, they are liable to imposition from all quarters. The extensive circulation of Newspapers through this State, might afford a competent share of information respecting the affairs of the public to every individual. Whatever appears in the style of candid discussion, and is addressed to the understanding of the people, ought to receive their attention, but if Irony, Satire, and Ridicule , are adopted as the guide of their judgment, they are certain to err.
At the last annual election, a sentiment prevailed in all parts of the State, that it was best to make a change in the office of Lieut. Governor. Judge Ellsworth was generally thought of, as a suitable character for that place. But what was the opposition? Not that Mr. Ellsworth was less capable of presiding in the Court of Errors, than the gentleman then in office—Not that his abilities were inferior to the other in any point of view—Not that his integrity was doubted—Not that he did not merit and possess the highest confidence of the people. No arguments or objections of this kind were ever suggested, but the public papers teemed with the same kind of ridicule which has ever been the chief instrument of the party in opposition. The Freemen were to be laughed out of their opinions, and eighteen hundred and ninety-four independent Electors who honored him with their suffrages, would be nothing less than a Faction , in a state of actual rebellion against the reigning powers . Why? Because they judged it conducive to the public interest to break up the hereditary descent of an overgrown family, and introduce a man more universally esteemed , into the line of succession. Have the people of Connecticut no power to change their rulers? Have they no discretion to determine on whom the honors of government ought to be conferred? Are they placed under the conservation of a junto of blackguard scribblers ? Or are they at liberty to examine, judge, and act for themselves? If the latter be the case, let not the arts of the intriguing partizan , or the mean ridicule of the mercenary Wit , divert them from the great objects of their duty; let them enquire with diligence, decide with deliberation, and act with firmness—let them guard their rights with care and defend them with spirit.
ALGERNON SIDNEY.
MR. PAINE'S REASONS FOR PRESERVING THE LIFE OF LOUIS CAPET—AS DELIVERED TO THE NATIONAL CONVENTION.
CITIZEN PRESIDENT,
MY hatred and abhorrence of monarchy are sufficiently known; they originate in principles of reason and conviction, nor, except with life, can they ever be extirpated; but my compassion for the unfortunate, whether friend or enemy, is equally lively and sincere.
I voted that Louis should be tried, because it was necessary to afford proofs to the world of the perfidy, corruption and abomination of the monarchical system. The infinity of evidence that has been produced, exposes them in the most glaring and hideous colours. Thence it results, that monarchy, whatever form it may assume, arbitrary or otherwise, becomes necessarily a source, round which are united every species of corruption, and that the kingly trade is no less destructive of all morality in the human breast than the trade of an executioner is destructive of its sensibility.
I remember, during my residence in another country, that I was exceedingly struck with a sentence of M. Authier , at the Jacobins , which corresponds exactly with my own idea, "Make us a king to-day," said he, "and I shall be a robber to-morrow."
Nevertheless, I am inclined to believe, that if Louis Capet had been born in an obscure condition, had he lived within the circle of an amiable and respectable neighbourhood, at liberty to practise the duties of domestic life, had he been thus situated, I cannot believe that he would have shewn himself destitute of social virtues: we are in a moment of fermentation like this, naturally little inclined to his vices, or rather to those of monarchical governments, we regard them with additional horror and indignation; not that they are more heinous than those of his predecessors, but because our eyes are now open and the veil of delusion at length withdrawn, yet the lamentable, degraded state to which he is actually reduced, is surely far less imputable to him, than to the constituent assembly, which, of its own authority, without consent or advice of the people, restored him to the throne.
I was in Paris at the time of the flight or abdication of Louis XVI. and when he was taken and brought back. The proposal of restoring to him the supreme power struck me with amazement; and although at that time, I was not a French citizen, yet as a citizen of the world, I employed all the efforts that depended on me to prevent it.
A small society, composed only of five persons two of whom are now members of the convention, took, at that time, the name of the Republican Club , ( Societe Republicaine ). This society opposed the restoration of Louis, not so much on account of his own personal offences, as in order to overthrow the monarchy, and to erect on its ruins the Republican System , and an equal Representation.
With this design I traced out in the English language certain propositions, which were translated, with some trifling alterations, and signed by Achilles Duchatel , actually lieutenant-general in the army of the French Republic, and at that time one of the five members which composed our little party; the law requiring the signature of a citizen at the bottom of each printed paper.
The paper was indignantly torn by Malouet and brought forth in this very room as an article of accusation against the person who had signed it, the author and their adherents; but such is the revolution of events, that this paper is now revived, and brought forth for a very opposite purpose;—To remind the nation of the error of that unfortunate day, that fatal error of having not then banished Louis XVI. from its bosom, & to plead this day in favour of his exile, preferably to his death.
The paper in question was conceived in the following terms:
"Brethren and Fellow Citizens,
The serene tranquillity, the mutual confidence which prevailed amongst us, during the time of the late king's escape, the indifference with which we beheld him return, are unequivocal proofs that the absence of a king is more desirable than his presence, and that he is not only a political superfluity, but a grievous burthen pressing hard on the whole nation.
Let us not be imposed on by sophisms; All that concerns this man, is reduced to four points.
He has abdicated the throne in having fled from his post. Abdication and desertion are not characterized by the length of absence; but by the single act of flight. In the present instance, the act is everything, and the time nothing.
The nation can never give back its confidence to a man who, false to his trust, perjured to his oath, conspires a clandestine flight, obtains a fraudulent passport, con-

as a king of France under the disguise of a valet, directs his course towards a frontier covered with traitors and deserters, and evidently meditates a return into our country, with a force capable of imposing his own despotic laws.
Whether ought his flight to be considered as his own act, or the act of those who fled with him. Was it a spontaneous resolution of his own, or was it inspired into him by others? The alternative is immaterial: Whether fool or hypocrite, idiot or traitor, he has proved himself equally unworthy of the vast important functions that had been delegated to him.
In every sense that the question can be considered, the reciprocal obligation which subsisted between us is dissolved. He holds no longer authority. We owe him no longer obedience. We see in him now no more than an indifferent person; we can regard him only as Louis Capet.
The history of France presents little else than a long series of public calamity, which takes its source from the vices of her kings: We have been the wretched victims that have never ceased to suffer either by them or for them. The catalogue of their oppressions was complete, but to complete the sum of their crimes, treason yet was wanting. Now, the only vacancy is filled up, the dreadful list is full: The system is exhausted: There are no remaining errors for them to commit, their reign is consequently at an end.
What kind of office must that be in a government which requires neither experience or ability to execute? that may be abandoned to the desperate chance of birth, that may be filled by an idiot, a madman, a tyrant, with equal effect, as by the good, the virtuous, and the wise. An office of this nature is a mere nonentity; It is a place of shew, not of use. Let France then, arrived at the age of reason, no longer be deluded by the sound of words, and let her deliberately examine, if a king, however insignificant and contemptible in himself, may not at the same time be extremely dangerous.
The thirty millions which it costs to support a king in the eclat of stupid brutal luxury, present us with an easy method of reducing taxes, which reduction would at once release the people, and stop the progress of political corruption. The grandeur of nations consists not, as kings pretend, in the splendor of thrones, but in a conspicuous sense of their own dignity, and in a just disdain of those barbarous follies and crimes, which, under the sanction of royalty, have hitherto desolated Europe.
As to the personal safety of Mr. Louis Capet, it is so much the more confirmed, as France will not stoop to degrade herself by a spirit of revenge against a wretch, who has dishonored himself. In defending a just and glorious cause it is not possible to degrade it, and the universal tranquillity which prevails, is an undeniable proof, that a free people know how to respect themselves."
Having thus explained the principles and the exertions of the republicans at that fatal period when Louis was reinstated in full possession of the executive power, which by his flight had been suspended, I return to the subject, and to the deplorable situation in which the man is now actually involved.
What has been neglected at the time of which I have been speaking, has been since brought about by the force of necessity; the wilful treacherous defects in the former constitution have been brought to light, the continual alarm of treason and conspiracy rouzed the nation and produced eventually a second revolution. The people have beat down royalty, never, never to rise again; they have brought Louis Capet to the bar, and demonstrated in the face of the whole world, the intrigues, the cabals, the falsehood, corruption, and rooted depravity, the inevitable effects of monarchical governments. There remains then only one question to be considered, what is to be done with this man?
For myself, I seriously confess that when I reflect on the unaccountable folly that restored the executive power to his hands, all covered as he was with perjury and treason, I am far more ready to condemn the constitutional assembly, than the unfortunate prisoner Louis Capet.
But abstracted from every other consideration, there is one circumstance in his life which ought to cover, or at least to palliate a great number of his transgressions, and this very circumstance affords the French nation a blessed occasion of extricating itself from the yoke of kings, without defiling itself in the impurities of their blood.
It is to France alone, I know that the United States of America owe that support which enabled them to shake off the unjust and tyrannical yoke of Britain:—The ardor and zeal which she displayed to provide both men and money, were the natural consequences of a thirst for liberty. But as the nation at that time, restrained by the shackles of her own government, could only act by means of a monarchical organ, this organ—whatever in other respects the object might be—certainly performed a good, a great action. Let then these United States be the safeguard and asylum of Louis Capet. There,
hereafter, far removed from the miseries and crimes of royalty, he may learn, from the constant aspect of public prosperity, that the true system of government consists, not in kings, but in fair, equal and honorable representation.
In relating this circumstance, and in submitting this proposition, I consider myself as a citizen of both countries. I submit it as a citizen of America, who feels the debt of gratitude which he owes to every Frenchman. I submit it also as a man, who, although the enemy of kings, cannot forget that they are subject to human frailties.
I support my proposition as a citizen of the French republic, because it appears to me the best, the most politic measure, that can be adopted.
As far as my experience in public life extends, I have ever observed, that the great mass of the people are invariably just both in their intentions and in their object, but the true method of accomplishing that effect, does not always shew itself in the first instance.
For example, the English nation had groaned under the despotism of the Stuarts. Hence Charles the first lost his life; yet Charles the second was restored to all the plenitude of power, which his father had lost.
Forty years had not expired, when the same family strove to re-establish their ancient oppressions, so the nation then banished from its territories the whole race. The remedy was effectual. The Stuart family sunk into obscurity, confounded itself with the multitude, and is at length extinct.
The French nation, more enlightened than England was at that time, has carried her measures of government to a greater length. France is not satisfied with exposing the guilt of the monarch, she has penetrated into the vices and horrors of the monarchy. She has shewn them clear as day light, and forever crushed that infernal system; and he, whoever he may be, that should ever dare to reclaim those rights, he would be regarded not as a pretender, but punished as a traitor.
Two brothers of Louis Capet have banished themselves from the country: but they are obliged to comply with the spirit and etiquette of the courts where they reside. They can advance no pretensions on their own account, so long as Louis shall live.
The history of monarchy in France, was a system pregnant with crimes and murders, cancelling all natural ties, even those by which brothers are united. We know how often they have assassinated each other, to pave a way to power. As these hopes which the emigrants had reposed in Louis XVIII. are fled; the last which remains rests upon his death, and their situation inclines them to desire this catastrophe, that they may once again rally round a more active chief, and try one further effort under the fortune of the ci-devant Monsieur and d'Artois.
That such an enterprise would precipitate them into a new abyss of calamity and disgrace it is not difficult to foresee; but yet it might be attended with mutual loss, and it is our duty as legislators, not to spill a drop of blood, when our purpose may be effectually accomplished without it.
It has already been proposed to abolish the punishment of death; and it is with infinite satisfaction, that I recollect the humane and excellent oration pronounced by Roberspierre, on that subject, in the Constituent Assembly. This cause must find its advocates in every corner, where enlightened politicians, and lovers of humanity exist; and it ought, above all, to find them in this assembly.
Monarchical governments have trained the human race, and inured it to the sanguinary arts and refinements of punishment; and it is exactly the same punishment, which has so long shocked the sight, and tormented the patience of the people. That now, in their turn, they practise in revenge on their oppressors. But it becomes us to be strictly on our guard against the abomination and perversity of monarchical examples; as France has been the first of European nations to abolish royalty, let her also be the first to abolish the punishment of death, and to find out a milder and more effectual substitute.
In the particular case now under consideration, I submit the following propositions:—1st. That the National Convention shall pronounce sentence of banishment on Louis and his family. 2. That Louis Capet shall be detained in prison till the end of the war; and at that epoch for the sentence of banishment to be executed.
LONDON, February 18.
The plan of the French is to carry on the war principally against the commerce and the finances of England; and one of their chief objects will be, to deprive her for ever of the carrying trade with America. For this purpose, an agent was lately dispatched from the executive council to Philadelphia. They hope, also to seduce our West-India islands, by opening the ports of France to their commodities, free of all duties, giving independence to their own colonies, and inviting them into a
Federal Union with the British islands, America, and France.
The Ottoman Porte has obliged M. Choiseul Gouffier to leave Constantinople, and avowed its intentions to recognize the new republic of France.
The Sultan is now making preparations for a war against Russia. The recovery of the Crimea is said to have lately become the object of his ambition; and in this project he is promised to be assisted with a French fleet.
The emperor is expected to repair, in a few weeks, to the army before Frankfort, in order to open the approaching campaign.
The court of Vienna has agreed, that the king of Denmark shall furnish his triple contingent for Holstein in money, and not in men.
Pelletier, the member of the French national convention, who was assassinated by a Russian royalist, for having voted for the king's death, was a man of considerable fortune—He was owner of two of the finest estates in France; St. Fargeau in Puisaye, and Mont Joye near Autun. Although he had a very superb house in Paris, he lived, according to the present system of self-denial in Paris, in a small apartment on the fourth floor—His father had been rigorous to his vassals and the son deemed himself bound to repair his errors. His wife was the daughter of Fleury—She brought him one daughter, living now, and died herself of a milk fever. Pelletier had four brothers by the second marriage of his father. Very conscientiously he refused to become a member of any of the clubs of Paris.
The vessel of the late lamented Mr. Rumsey, to sail against wind and tide, has lately been tried, and was found to sail four knots an hour. The following is the principle upon which it moves:
A pump of two feet diameter, wrought by a steam engine, forces a quantity of water up through the keel. The valve is then shut by the return of the stroke, which at the same time forces the water through a channel or pipe of about six inches square, lying above and parallel to the keelson, out at the stern, under the rudder, which has a less dip than usual to permit the exit of the water. The impetus of the water, forced through the square channel, against the exterior water, acts as an impelling power upon the vessel.
If any thing could add to the pity excited in every generous bosom, by the sufferings of the royal family of France, it is the miserable want and difficulties in which they are now involved: The queen is unable to procure her son a shirt, without applying to the commons of Paris. She has lately represented, that out of twenty four shirts which her son wears, nine are in rags, and the rest too short for him. She requests a supply of fifteen new shirts. (Ministerial paper)
Mr. Lloyd, pursuant to his sentence, stood yesterday in the pillory, opposite the Royal Exchange, for the space of one hour. It will be remembered, that for the bill passed up in the fleet prison, expressing his opinion against a war with France, and in favour of a court reform, &c. he was sentenced to three years imprisonment in Newgate, and to stand, during that period, once in the pillory. It has been the custom hitherto, never to carry the sentence of pillory into execution till near the expiration of the imprisonment to which any offender is doomed; and the humanity of this custom is obvious, inasmuch as it affords a sufficient time for the ferments of the public mind to be allayed.
To Mr. Lloyd, however, the benefit of this custom was not extended. As soon as he ascended the pillory he began to address the people—Instantly an order was given to tighten the pillory round his neck, in such a manner as to deprive him of the power of speech. Mr. Lloyd, by the motion of his hands, appeared to be in great agony; nevertheless the tension was not decreased for the remainder of the hour. When Mr. Lloyd was removed from the pillory, his face exhibited a very livid hue, and for some moments he was unable to speak; at length with some difficulty he exclaimed, "On this spot the great Pym was pilloried—he lived, however, to see those principles applauded, for which he was doomed to suffer a sentence so ignominious." Mr. Lloyd was immediately conducted to Newgate to suffer the three years imprisonment, to which the court of king's bench has doomed him.
Of the people assembled, many applauded, and others hissed Mr. Lloyd. Those who hissed, conducted themselves with peculiar indecency. A Prussian who was among the number of those who applauded, was pelted with mud and dirt, and very narrowly escaped with life.
Collet d'Herbois is mentioned, in some of the French papers, as the new minister for the home department; but he had not been appointed on Saturday last.
In general Custine's army are said to be more than 1000 women in the dress of men. This explains an article in the Frankfort Gazette, which states, that one of the French officers taken at Hockenheim, was soon after delivered of a fine boy.
Several French frigates are now upon a cruise in different parts of the Atlantic.
Another of these heroines taken at Duren, was found to have received three wounds.
The imperial Catharine may probably soon appear in that most obnoxious of all characters, a Democrat. There are strong suspicions that she is now encouraging a republican party in Sweden against the regent, whom she hates rather more than she loves royalty.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THE impression which the fate of the late king of France makes in this part of the world is of a nature too extraordinary to remain unnoticed. Previously to an enquiry into the particulars of transactions relative to an event so singularly important, it might not be improper to remark, that all the accounts which we have received are derived thro' the channel of English papers, which, on the present occasion, cannot but be suspected.
The interest which a man feels for a fellow being who has been so wretched as to merit from his crimes an exemplary punishment, is highly worthy of praise. If this be the case with regard to the fate of Louis, the sentiment is not only excusable but commendable; but if this interest arises from considering Louis as a being above men and laws, it must come short of its purpose, if intended to throw a censure upon a nation whose mildness and humanity are too well known to be doubted. Let us, however, examine if there be any grounds for such an accusation.
The partisans of monarchy delight in representing Louis as a prince whose only desire was to relieve the sufferings of his people. How can such an assertion be supported? It is well known that the expenses of his luxurious court were so extravagant, that all the taxes, intolerable as they were, and which were still increasing, were insufficient to supply the follies of the royal family. It was on this account that Louis was obliged to convene the assembly of the notables, with the express intention of taxing the two privileged bodies of the nation, the nobility and clergy, who constantly refused to bear their share of the imposts, under the pretext, that the revenues of the state were sufficient to balance the expenditures, if the expenses of the court, were reduced. Here it might be asked, if Louis sincerely desired to relieve his people, why did he not reduce the expenses of the court? Why did he not suppress the innumerable pensions granted to the favourites, sycophants, and such like that hovered about him?
The assembly broke up without coming to any agreement, satisfactory either to the king or the people. The king, then, by his own authority, established the stamp act, which bore entirely upon the industrious part of the community. But this impost being exacted with difficulty, and still inadequate to the expenses of the government, Louis called a meeting of the states general, in hopes the representatives of the commons would enable him to impose taxes on the nobility and the clergy. To ensure himself a majority, the king granted to the commons, a number of representatives, equal to those of the privileged bodies.
The repeated insults offered by the clergy and nobility to the commons, forced the latter to unite their efforts to humble those proud and unfeeling petty tyrants. Their continual opposition to the welfare of the state, kindled in the breasts of the active part of the nation, that flame of liberty, the sudden progress of which so alarmed Louis, that to prevent its effects he called for the assistance of the military, who were immediately collected round Paris with an intention to compel the people to submit to a tyrant's will. But a wise and overruling providence checked all these dreadful measures. The Bastille was taken, and the troops of despotism were obliged to withdraw.
The National Assembly, out of respect to the national prejudice in favour of kings, elected Louis to the highest degree of honor and consequence that a citizen can aspire to. Such a proof of confidence, after all that had happened, would have awakened in the most unfeeling man every sentiment of eternal gratitude—But monarchs are not acquainted with gratitude: oppression and murder are their trade, and treachery their leading characteristic. The sincerity and credibility of the nation were deceived in the conduct of the king, and they had now only to lament the blind confidence they had placed in a faithless despot.
If words and oaths were the criterion of men, the greatest confidence might have been reposed in Louis. But how did he keep his promises? Was it in quitting the post that was entrusted to him, after having been replaced in it against the will of the nation? Was it by massacres committed on peaceable and unarmed citizens, who were signing a petition on the altar of liberty, in the Champ de Mars? Was it by inviting all the tyrants of Europe to coalesce for the purpose of crushing men, who claimed the most equitable of all rights, the right of being free? Was it by wasting and sending off the national treasures to rebels and traitors, who wished to rend the bosom of

their country? Was it, in short, for having on the tenth of August caused wine and money to be distributed amongst the Swiss guards, to provoke them to fire on the people?
It has, indeed, been denied that Louis gave orders to fire. Well, let it be so—But if his wish had been to spare the blood of the citizens, why did he not give orders to his guards to cease their firing?
It may not be amiss here to observe, that, a long time before this happened, the National Assembly had begged Louis to dismiss the Swiss guards; which he had constantly refused to do. If all these circumstances are not enough to convince the most prejudiced that Louis deserved the punishment he suffered, what possible crime can a traitor commit, that can merit punishment at all? Was Arnold, and some other American traitors, a hundredth part so culpable, as he, for whose fate so many Americans now manifest so resentful a regret.
It may, perhaps, be objected, that the inviolability of an executive officer ought to have prevented sentence of death from passing. Vain objection! weak and delusive idea! It is well known that a majority of the constituent assembly consisted of men from the humbled privileged orders; others of them were bribed by the civil list. These were the men that decreed the inviolability of the supreme executive; not that they supposed it would consolidate the happiness of the people, but because it was advantageous to those who decreed it.
I call upon the common sense of every rational creature, to determine, whether there can be a more shocking absurdity than that of the inviolability of a public officer. If the people were deceived by the representatives, did they lose the right of punishing the officer who abused the power entrusted to him? What! cloathed in his inviolability, was a public officer to squander the treasures of his constituents—was he to shed, with impunity, the blood of his fellow citizens—was he to bring in ferocious barbarians to spread fire and sword through the nation, and rivet eternally the chains of slavery?
O Columbians! O my countrymen! I console myself in believing that such opinions are only supported by aspiring hypocrites; men among us, who under the veil of pretended pity, endeavour to render odious the spirit of republicanism; and would crush alike the rights of reason and of man.
Heroes, who have fallen; brave and virtuous citizens who have been profuse of blood in the sacred cause of liberty! say, did you ever entertain an idea of an inviolable officer? Did you lay the foundation of your country's happiness only to be below public servants; the right of being above the laws? If this was not your aim, why should any one suppose that twenty-six millions of men have been so devoid of common understanding, as to give their assent to the decree of the constituent assembly, declaring Louis inviolable!
As we are at a great distance from the scene of action, it would be perhaps the most prudent part to suspend our opinions, in regard to the justice of the decree that sentenced Louis, till direct intelligence arrives from France. If necessity has compelled the National Convention to pass sentence on the late king, what can be said against it?— Salus publica prima lex.
But if, notwithstanding, after all that has been said in vindication of a people fighting in defence of the rights of human nature, there should yet be any among us unfeeling enough to imprecate ill success on the national cause, may all such, sooner or later, have the ineffable honor and happiness of so far experiencing the favours and blessings of royalty, as to be thrown into some castle, some Spuudau , a Magdebourg , a dungeon, or a prison-ship, there to sweat away six, eight, or ten months, or as many years, to ruminate at pleasure on the sympathetic kindness of their IDOL , and to curse the popular governments, which are now dawning upon a long oppressed and long benighted world.
SCEVOLA.
April 13.
EXTRACTS from late French Papers.
1. The motives for the execution of Louis are thought to have been motives of policy as well as of necessity; that his death might be a terrific memento to all the crowned sovereigns of Europe. The fall of the head of Louis will set the heads of all the European kings a quaking. When George the 3d and Pitt hear that this head is fallen, they will instantly raise up their hands to feel if their own are upon their shoulders—After such an example, the people of every nation will say, when they cast an eye towards their monarchs—"In truth these heads are not so sacred , but that, if found guilty, they may be cut off also."
2. There are at present few Englishmen who do not feel and manifest a lively resentment for the fate of Louis the 16th. Those however who belch out the bitterest imprecations against France are not those who most regret the unfortunate king. In the moment of weeping for his fate, they betray the joy of their hearts by insinuating that the consequences of this event will be
fatal to the new republic. A perusal of the London papers will suffice to give an idea of the sentiments of the ministerial and opposition parties. "Ablacted from the enormity of the deed (says the gazette called The Times ) the tragical death of Louis will operate a great political advantage for Europe. Monsieur, Louis's brother, will be recognized regent of France by all the powers of Europe; and we have authority to believe that Great-Britain will be one of the first to recognize him as such. The present moment is the most favourable for declaring war. It is highly probable that the proposition will come before parliament next week, (Jan. 28.) If the war has been hitherto deferred, it is the effect of deep policy; for at no period was war ever more consonant to the wishes of the people. Every thing leads us to believe that Spain will unite her forces to those of other powers against France. Lord St. Helens is to set out to-morrow as ambassador to Madrid, and we have no doubt but Spain will act vigorously in concert with England, &c."
The above quotation contains the whole secret of British ministerial policy. Hence we may know how to estimate the value of the apparent neutrality they have hitherto preserved, and the sincerity of their lamentations for the execution of Louis the 16th.
The opposition party speak more like friends of liberty and humanity. They indeed, in some sort disapprove of the rigorous sentence against the late king; a sentence, of the justice of which posterity alone will be the proper judges. There is reason to think this party in the English nation sincerely desired the prevention of the bloody catastrophe, and were ever opposed to the odious and infamous measures which have been resorted to to combine England and a host of other powers against France. "The friends of liberty (says the Morning Chronicle ) have done every thing in their power, as individuals, to save the unfortunate king. If our ministry had maintained the same upright designs, and been equally zealous, there is not a doubt but Louis might have been saved; but they wished to make his death the great incitement to a popular war. War is now inevitable; the popular argument for it is, the death of the king; and used with success. The blood and treasures of England are now to be lavished, under pretence of restoring a nation of mad men to reason and humanity. To contend with folly is to be guilty of folly—no man of good sense would dispute with an idiot.—But, (say they) the French will propagate their mad ideas thro' the world.—By what means?—The English ministry say, the French want the sinews of war, and recommend to the nation a crusade against France, who are to be easily crushed, because, it seems, they are in want of every thing, and their internal divisions will ruin them. If this be fact, why interfere—why not rather leave the French to destroy themselves?—In short, the folly of the English is epidemic. They are convinced that the political system of the French cannot be established, and yet they must needs join in the combination to destroy it."
[3. The following is translated from a Paris paper of the 1st of February. It is there given as a real extract of a letter from a Frenchman residing in London (dated the 25th of January, 1793) and directed to his friend in Paris.]
"You were right in refusing to come over here. This is no longer a place for Frenchmen, and at this instant we are exposed to constant insults, especially in places of public resort. The aristocrats are welcome at the court, and the constitutionalists are admitted into some societies; but both the one and the other seem lost in the general indignation that has been artfully excited against the French nation. Heretofore we were honoured with the appellation of French dog, at present it is French tyger, with which my ears are constantly assailed. There are scarcely any respectable French here now except priests. As to the friends of the republic, they are glad to hide themselves and in no shape meddle with politics for fear of popular insult and the inquisitorial eye of the new bill, which leaves us entirely to the mercy of ministers. There is nothing here in fact that affords safety even for life itself to a miserable French republican, except some little remains of national spirit and public good manners. To increase the hatred against the French, the ministerial papers are busy in inventing lies and calumnies, and in order to give some colour of justice to Lord Grenville's inquisition-bill, they publish that the French here are plotting against the government, exciting a general revolt, scheming to take the tower, open the prisons, and pillage the bank and other national establishments. The news of the execution of Louis the 16th has completed the animosity of the Londoners, not only of the class called the people, but even of the more moderate, so that we have no friends here, at least none in public—The news arrived yesterday at 8 in the morning, but the decree had arrived the evening before which limited the king's execution to 24 hours. The king and queen were to have gone in the evening to a play, but caused notice to be given that they would not attend on account of the melancholy news from France. At the opera they played Cymon, in which piece there is a procession where the insignia of the several orders of chivalry are made to pass in review. When the French standard appeared, hisses, curses, and even howlings were heard from all parts of the house, and the scene was dispatched as fast as possible. These colours were the old white, and not the republican tri-color. The play being finished, the audience left the house and the farce was omitted. Yesterday, all public exhibitions were prohibited, and this morning all the ministerial papers were bordered with black, as on occasions of the greatest public grief.—All this designates a serious spirit of war in the English. To counteract it and humble it, the republic must call up all its strength, and it is immense: that French enthusiasm must be put in action which despises fear. The old arguments against an invasion of England are now wholly out of date; and depend on it, it is a measure which the English dread above all others; in fact it is the only decisive measure the republic can take; and with 500,000 of the soldiers of liberty, and a hundred million of assignats, I could think no undertaking whatever a rash one."
4. Ceremonial of the Burial of Le Pelletier, member of the French National Convention, who voted for the death of Louis the XVIth, and was in consequence thereof assassinated by M. Paris.
The body of the deceased, half naked, was laid upon the same bloody bed on which he expired, leaving exposed to view the principal wound he had received, and his face turned towards it. The cutlass, by which he was assassinated, was carried on pikes with his cloaths and linen, stained with blood. After arriving at the square de Vendome, the body was laid on the same pedestal, which but a few months before supported the statue of Louis the XIVth. The pedestal was ornamented with white curtains, with wreaths of oak and cypress. On one side were the words (then spoken by Le Pelletier) "I am content to have my blood shed for my country. I hope it will be of use to advance the cause of liberty and equality, and to detect its enemies." The same words were marked upon a pair of columns, made on this occasion. In the front of the procession was carried a stone inscribed with the declaration of the rights of men, with the figure of liberty and the arms of the 34 departments of France.—At noon, the members of the National Convention attended at the square de Vendome (now called the square of Pikes). The President, having placed upon the head of the deceased an "oaken crown" and a wreath of flowers, the procession began. First, the cavalry; muffled drums in black detachments of the military; the judiciary bodies; the public ministers; the male and female members of the Jacobin club, of which the deceased was President; the federates; and lastly the whole National Convention closed the procession, who made a halt at the Jacobins, and several other places. At every halt the Attorney General Chaumet read the decree, which gave to Le Pelletier the honors due to great men, accompanied with music. When they had reached the Pantheon, Pelletier's brother spoke an oration; and a hymn to liberty was chanted. The members of the convention then took an oath to be faithful to the popular cause, and a hymn to liberty terminated the funeral. Order and harmony prevailed thro' the whole ceremony, and the people retired, lamenting the fall of a patriot, for whose loss, perhaps, degenerate Europe would not reckon even a monarch an equivalent!
[Inserted by desire.]
From the GENERAL ADVERTISER, of last Thursday.
To the Freemen of Pennsylvania, FELLOW CITIZENS,
TO give an opinion upon public men as well as public measures is not only the right, but it is the duty of men who wish to continue free. Whoever questions the truth of the one, or the propriety of the other is an enemy to equality. However essential it may be to have given principles in government as a standard to direct us as well as to resort to, it is not less important, that those men who have the administration should harmonize in their conduct with the principles of the government under which they act. Every deviation from the right line of republicanism is an attack upon our constitution, and every such attack merits the proscription of freemen. This state has hitherto been among the foremost in the glorious cause of republicanism; her interest, her fame, and her happiness require a rigid observance of those duties. In our present form of government great powers are delegated to the Governor; he has not only the supreme executive authority but he has a large portion of legislative power, and his negative is equal to two thirds of the legislature. A trust so great requires qualities of the first order; an office of such magnitude demands principles not only pure but unspotted: As you are to elect a go-
vernour at the next general election, I will take the liberty to offer a man for your consideration, whose character in itself cannot arraign. Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg is known to you, he has served you in some of the most important offices under your government, and he has served you with fidelity. The uniform and firm friend to his country during the late revolution, the early and steady supporter of the federal government, he claims the confidence of freemen; unshaken in his principles, upright in his views, and firm in his decisions, he has discharged the various duties which you have assigned him with scrupulous exactness; republican in his manners as well as in his principles; informed by education and experience of the full value of freedom, he will prove a firm friend to the cause of republicanism. His intimate acquaintance with the interests of this state joined to his habits of public business, will make him an attentive and useful steward. Religion and morality will find him their friend, and if example is useful to the preservation of virtue, he may be weighed in a balance, and he will not be found wanting. Such is the man recommended to you, I trust he will meet your approbation.
A FARMER.
Lancaster county, April 5th 1793.
The printers of the state are requested to give the above address a place in their papers.
PHILADELPHIA.
April 17.
The French are prepared for war (says a letter from England) and if they are unanimous among themselves, will be an over-match for all the despotic monarchs in Europe. Gen. Dumourier was at Ostend the 4th of February, and counted upon being in Amsterdam by the 21st.
The northern Irish volunteers were met in convention at Dungannon on the 15th of February, to deliberate on the emancipation of the Roman Catholics and a reform in the Irish parliament. It was expected one object of this convention would be to declare the sense of the nation against a war with France, and another, to use every possible means to preserve internal tranquility. The government party, however, shewed themselves extremely inimical to the convention, and watched its preliminary motions with an eye of the most scrupulous jealousy. The people and the parliament were directly opposed to each other, the latter addressing the king in favour of that measure, and the former declaring the sense of the people against it. A complete repeal of all oppressive laws was demanded on the part of the people, and no temporizing patch-work expedient—all or nothing was the universal cry. It was remarkable, however, that Flood, Grattan, and some other flaming patriots had become lukewarm, and began to discover signs of an interest against the people.
Unless the Prussian army is able to stop Gen. Dumourier's progress, (says a foreign paper) there is little doubt, from the present temper of the belgic nation, but he will succeed in his enterprizes against Holland. The discontents with the Austrian government, which a few years ago were checked by the presence of an army of mercenaries, are by no means at an end, and the appearance of Dumourier, with any prospect of success, would bring many thousands to the republican standard of France."
On Thursday last the legislature of the state of Pennsylvania adjourned, to meet again on the 4th Tuesday in August next.
JUST PUBLISHED,
[Price one quarter of a dollar]
THE LAWS
OF THE UNITED STATES,
Passed at the last Session of Congress, which complete vol. II.
Published by Authority.
A Complete INDEX is added for the volume.
Philadelphia—Printed by CURTIS & SWAIN, Printers of the Laws of the United States; and sold by them at their Office No 209, Market-Street: also by the principal Booksellers, where vol. I. is to be had.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS, an account at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New-Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorhies, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety-two—Notice is hereby given to the said Garret Voorhies, that unless he appear and file special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such of his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided.
By order of the Court.
April 27. 1801. 19
HOWELL, Clerk

PARIS, Feb. 6.
LONDON, Feb. 14.
"To us who are acquainted with the actual resources of France and with the spirit and unanimity that now prevails through the whole country, the idea of conquering it appears insanity; but while the momentary excesses of an outraged and justly exasperated multitude, are at present so maliciously dwelt on, in order to depreciate the generous universal principle, on which the nation acts, let us refer our readers to the savage horrors now daily exercised on the frontiers, without a shadow of interest or provocation, by the disciplined armies of Prussia and Austria, under the command of that humane, experienced, and philosophical general, the Duke of Brunswick, the valiant brother of our royal George, and in order to give some idea of the tenderness and compassion of the French aristocracy, we shall relate the following anecdote, the veracity of which is generally acknowledged throughout Paris, and we ourselves heard it triumphantly recorded by a young French aristocrat, who occasionally assisted at the ceremony."
"For a considerable time before the tenth of August, the royalists assumed a very imperious tone, their numbers were truly formidable, & they announced, without reserve, their hopes, which with them amounted to a certainty, of a counter-revolution, and their palliatives were adapted to the sanguine expectations they indulged."
"There has been a machine lately invented in France for the execution of criminals, called a Guillotine, after the name of its inventor, and it is so contrived, as on dropping, instantaneously to sever the head from the body. In the aristocratic families, and chiefly among those connected with the queen, it was the custom every day, as soon as dinner was finished, to have one of those Guillotines in miniature, brought in with the desert. Around it were fixed figures representing some of the principal and most obnoxious patriots, Messrs. D'Orleans, Condorcet, Bailly, &c. About the neck of each, was a small phial containing a crimson coloured liquid perfume. A magistrate (one of the party) was appointed to try the criminals, and immediately on sentence being pronounced, by an ingenious mechanical process, down dropped the Guillotine, the head was at once chopped off, and the blood flowed, when the company in general, and particularly the ladies, eagerly and joyfully steeped their handkerchiefs in it, and applying it to their noses, in extasy exclaimed, "Ah! qu'il est doux, le sang des patriots!" "Ah! how sweet is this patriot blood!" Amongst them, as with our fine gentry in London, the word patriot is an epithet of mockery and derision."
"From the above well known fact, we leave our readers to conclude, what the result would have been, if victory had inclined to the side. Eleven thousand victims were already pre-ordained to the block, and it can't be supposed there would have been much pains bestowed on the formation of tribunals, for trial."
A description of the GUILLotine , or fatal machine, by which the late king of France suffered, and which takes its name from the person who brought it into use, has been industriously handed the public, both through British and American papers, with an apparent intention of heightening the horror of the act—but note well, the origin of the construction of it, and the intention of the machine by the original professors, have been as industriously concealed. It is with pleasure, by the help of a patriotic correspondent, (and to vindicate the ways of GOD to man) that we do, this day, undeceive the public, with respect to this novel piece of mechanism by asserting from good authority, that the GUILLotine was constructed by the aristocrats at PARIS, that LOUIS inspected it with pleasure, and that it was intended to be used by the redoubtable DUKE of BRUNSWICK , in the beheading of all the Convention of France, and others who should not have been murdered by the sword, and other means of assassination, of the host who should oppose his ALL CONQUERING MANIFESTO .—What a change is here! LOUIS dug a pit for ten of thousands—and by the direction, no doubt, of the unerring hand of GOD—HE ALONE, fell into it! Where, reader, is your horror now! change it into the other scale—cries the still voice of conscience—turn your face from MONARCHS—support THE RIGHTS OF MAN and of human nature.
A deputation of the Dutch patriots at Paris appeared at the bar of the National Convention, on Tuesday February 5, and presented the following address:
"Legislators, the patriots of Holland at length form a hope of seeing liberty, so long oppressed, reviving in their country. The decree so worthy of you, passed in the memorable sitting of the 1st of February, will forever decide the fate of Europe."
"It declares war against the Stadtholder, that is, against him who has ever shown himself inimical to the French nation, who in the American war, entered into every intrigue that could counteract the generous views of France, who rendered useless the alliance concluded between her and our republic: in short, who spared no pains to show his hatred of the French since they have recovered their liberty. It is with justice that your decree makes a distinction between William of Nassau with his adherents, and the found part of the Batavian nation, the friends of liberty and equality; among whom we boast of ranking ourselves—This equitable distinction forms the essence of your decree; it is to us, not only the mark to which we yield our confidence, but it demands also our national gratitude."
"Legislators, for five years past, we have been panting after this happy moment; repulsed so long by every species of aristocracy, the hour is at length arrived, in, in which we can show ourselves worthy to follow your steps, in which we hope that no intrigue of your enemies can prevail against the national will. Some few days more, and the sun will rise upon another free nation. A few weeks longer, and the mouths of the Rhine will be as free as those of the Rhone."
"Legislators, despotism is laid low in France—in other countries its fall is preparing; the indignant people are everywhere rising against the insolent tyrants who had divided the earth among them. It is to you, it is to the French that the great example is due which has enfranchised mankind."
"Shall we mention our principles, legislators?—Liberty and Equality, are the divinities which reason offers to mankind; these are yours, they are our's, and will soon be those of the whole world. Legislators, if some slight mists have appeared to divide the patriots of our country, some diversity of sentiment has been perceived among them, all is now cleared up, every cloud is dispelled. The great measure which you have decreed, the common and sacred interest of the country, the vast light which since the 10th of August has shone in the face of all Europe, has united every mind among us. There is now but one object, but one sentiment, but one cry, it is the fall of despotism; it is the triumph of holy Equality. We protest here with you that the happiness of man is dependent on these irrefragable principles, that every thing ought to disappear before the eternal truth."
"We reject from among us, we pronounce anathema against whatever is contrary to this; and the regenerated Batavians, boasting their descent from the fishermen of the sixteenth century, will show themselves worthy to march under the banners of the rights of man, with the Sans Culottes of Walmi and Jemappe."
From the Boston Argus.
OBSERVATIONS on the situation of FRANCE.
WE consider every attempt to restore liberty to mankind, as a glorious exertion in favour of virtue. The men, who take a lead in the important contest, we adore as patriots, and admire as heroes. Our integrity and our reason urge us to condemn to ruin and infamy, the tyrants, whose avarice and ambition, render the greater part of the human race miserable, wretched, and unhappy.—A few days since the town of Boston was shouting for the victories of FRANCE, and exulting in the prosperity of a sister republic. The neighbouring towns joined in the festivity; and the gazettes teemed with toasts, emanating from the feelings of liberty, patriotism, and democracy. We did not then celebrate a kingdom. We rejoiced that France was rescued from monarchy. Herci-devant monarch was stripped of his royalty, and we congratulated France, that he
was the prisoner of the people. But, he is now no more, the horrors of a trial, the deadly images of the scaffold and the ax, have had access to our feelings—and the world, from the tenor of our newspapers, may well consider us as distracted with passion. Certainly, we will do ourselves the honor to reflect coolly before we decide. Perhaps our moderation, our prudence, our interest, and our reputation, all whisper us to be silent on the great occasion.
The people of France have been, for several centuries, so much oppressed by their government, that they had nearly lost all ideas of the rights of man. They were liable to the rack, and the stake, if they ventured to have an opinion in religion. The bastille and the gallows, waited, with great impatience, for him, who dared but to conceive a political sentiment. The Princes and Nobility were exempt from taxation—while the body of the people, poor, naked, hungry and miserable, toiled to maintain the splendour of a court, and the laziest dissipation of the nobles.—That legal security which gives value to possessions, and renders life an object of desire, was not known in that country:—The lives and properties of the people were held on the precarious tenure of the Will of Favourites to a debauched and corrupted government.
When a people, who have been long oppressed, rise to regain their freedom, some thing great and astonishing is to be expected—The mountain, which long retains the melting lava, will burst forth with an agitation proportioned to its reluctance and sufferings.
The people of France have, for a long time past, had nothing to do, but to regain their freedom, or perish in the attempt—The Die is cast!—The nation, or the monarch, must be the unhappy victim of the controversy. If the king, the princes, and the nobles, had, at first, agreed for a mixed government, and given the people some share in their own concerns, the contest would have been ended. But, the monarch was the mere Engine of a WOMAN! full of VICE, INTRIGUE, DECEPTION, and DUPLICITY!—The princes were intoxicated with the love of despotism,—while the nobles hugged their arbitrary powers, and their unjust and oppressive privileges, as the darling objects of their hearts.—Thus situated, all compromise was at an end, and strength of party was left as the sole arbiter of the important contest.
While the king remained as a constituent branch of the government, the means of self-defence could not be procured: and the obstacles thrown in the way of republicanism were insurmountable. We rejoiced when the National Convention had grasped the powers of self defence. And, while we pitied the fallen monarch; we exulted at the progress of Liberty. But upon the death of the man, who was once a king, we rise in opposition to all our professions and principles—Our Gazettes teem with sentiments borrowed from the footstool of a throne, and calculated for the most abject state of vassalage. We pass by nay, we walk over the bodies of millions, sacrificed to the pride of royalty—we carelessly crush with our feet the bones of patriots, and the friends of mankind; but, the moment we see the blood of a man, who was once a king, our passions are all inflamed in favour of royalty. Is this the land of Liberty? Is this the country of freedom?—Is this the place of republicanism?—Is this the town of Boston?—Is this the United States of America—Rise, ye Ghosts of WOOSTER,—of WARREN,—of MONTGOMERY—of thousands of other patriots,—who have fallen in defence of freedom, and correct the feelings of a degenerate age—Do we attend the theatre to enjoy the death of JULIUS CÆSAR? He was a greater and better man than the late king of France. Do we bless the hand which has plunged a dagger in an ancient tyrant, and yet do we weep over a modern king?—If we do, then it is because we conceive kings, (the representatives of antient conquerors,) to be worthy characters.—Do we see the liberties of England, in a great measure restored by bringing one Stuart to the scaffold, and by the expulsion of another, who dies in poverty and exile?—and do we yet pay a tribute to royalty, by keeping the thirtieth of January as a fast,—and do we weep over fallen despotism in a recent instance? Even the man, who ordered the thirtieth of January as a fast, because a royal tyrant was beheaded on that day, expelled
his Heir, and robbed him of his throne, if it is robbery for one highway man to rob another of that which he has taken from the people by force.
CATO.
NEW BOOKS.
ROBERT CAMPBELL,
 No. 54, South Second Street,  Has received by the Ship George Barclay  A large assortment of BOOKS,  Among which are,  Viner's Abridgment of Law and Equity, 12 vols.  N. B. Subscriptions are received for the above work at 4 Dollars per Volume, 4 Volumes will be received every six months till the work is completed, which will be in the course of eighteen months.  Croke's Reports, 4 vols.  Lord Raymond's Reports, 3 vols.  Vattel's Law of Nations  Comyn's Digest, 6 vols.  Guthrie's Geography, a new edition in 4 to. with elegant coloured maps.  Boyer's French and English Dictionary in 4 & 8 vo.  Home's History of England, 8 vols.—Same work with Smollett's continuation, 13 vols. elegantly gilt.  Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, 6 vols.  Gibbon's Roman History, 12 vols. gilt of plain  Necker on Executive Power, 2 vols.  History of ancient Europe, 2 vols.  Lavater of Physiognomy abridged  Large Family Bible with elegant cuts.  Chapman's Chemistry, 3 vols.  Munro's do. 4 vols.  Underwood on Children, 2 vols.  Clarke on the diseases common in long voyages, 2 vols.  on Fevers,  Metherby's new Medical Dictionary.  Gardner on the Gout.  Pitt's Chirurgical Works, 3 vols.  Nicholson's Chemistry.  Le. on Buttery.  White on the diseases of Lying-in Women, &c. &c.  R. C. Will receive by the arrival of the first vessels from Dublin and Glasgow, a large addition to his present extensive assortment of books amongst which will be copies of all the new publications of merit. April 13. 2aw. t.f.
WATCHES.
ROBERT LESLIE, CLOCK and WATCH MAKER, No. 167, Market-street.
AFTER returning his sincere thanks to his friends, and the public in general, for the great encouragement he has experienced since the commencement of his business in this city, takes his opportunity of informing them that, in consequence of his intention of going to London in April next, he is selling off, at very reduced prices, his stock in trade, consisting of a very large and general assortment of enamelled and plain gold, silver and silver-canal watches, and jewelled.
WARRANTED WATCHES, Most of which are of the latest importation and newest fashion,—Also a variety of the highest finished cut steel, and gilt, ladies and gentlemen's Watch Chains, Seals, Keys, and Trinkets, together with a few Gold Chains, Keys and Seals. Phila. Jan. 16, 1793. est. tf.
I HAVE claims to about two hundred and fifty thousand acres of LAND in the state of Kentucky, in different parts of that country, some of which I know to be equal to any; all of which I am inclined to dispose of, either by entire sale, or by admitting one, or two partners, to whom the agency on the whole will be committed.
One fourth of the contract will be required in hand, either in cash, merchandise, or such assets as may be converted to active use, the residue may be apportioned in convenient instalments. The purchasers to give security, on the land, or otherwise, as suits them.
Knowing that there is a prejudice against the titles of land in that state, which is more general than just, I am willing to stipulate in the contract, that a discount, or deduction, shall be made, where any land may be lost, by reason of a defective title.
Any person inclining to such a purchase, is requested to write to me by post, in answer to whom, more particular information will be given.
HENRY BANKS. Richmond March 20. 1792. 2aw. t.f.
Harrisburgh Mail Stage.
STARTS every Wednesday from Mr. Henry Epply's in race street, between third and fourth streets, and arrives at Harrisburgh on the Saturday morning following—Starts from Mr. Crabb's, innkeeper, Harrisburgh, on Monday and arrives on Wednesday at Philadelphia.—N. B. The Reading stage starts from Reading, at John Witman's, innkeeper, on Monday, and arrives at Philadelphia on Tuesday morning—Then starts from Philadelphia on Friday morning at 4 o'clock, and arrives at Reading on Saturday morning. The greatest care and attention shall be paid by the public's humble servant.
WILLIAM COLEMAN. N. B. A light stage upon springs, with two horses, or without horses, with complete gears, may be had at any moments' warning, for the accommodation of ladies and gentlemen, by applying to the above named Wm. Coleman, living in the borough of Reading.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.