National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-08-14 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 83 of VOL. II.] WEDNESDAY, August 14, 1793. [Total NUMB. 187]
NEW-YORK, August 8.
The following ADDRESS was presented to Citizen Genet yesterday, by the committee appointed for that purpose on Thursday last:
To CITIZEN GENET, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Republic of France.
CITIZEN,
WE are deputed by, and have the honour to address you in the name of the Republicans of this metropolis—Informed of your arrival in our country, we have been long earnestly wishing to receive you as the representative of a nation struggling in the glorious cause of freedom and humanity—a nation animated by sentiments congenial with our own, not to excite the warmest sympathy of friendship and exultation.
It is true we feel the distresses of your country: we lament the blood of patriot heroes, and the miseries entailed on the innocent by the obstinacy of pride and the cruelty of ambition—But liberty is too invaluable not to be purchased at any price; and we are not to damp the joy inspired on this occasion, by recalling to mind, what our own liberties have cost us, or the immense sacrifices made by your countrymen on the altar of freedom.
We confidently trust, that under the guidance of a benign, altho' unseen arm, the political circumstances of mankind are rapidly ameliorating and improving. That the republic of France is made a most distinguished instrument in this great, this godlike work, and we should do violence to our feelings were we not to seize an occasion like the present to manifest to the world, how much we are interested in the dawn of universal happiness, in the triumph of liberty, and in its certain consequence, the peace and prosperity of nations.
Through the timely aid of France, these United States have been brought to the full enjoyment of the blessings of civil liberty.—The services of your countrymen in the hour of our distress, were essential and were cheerfully rendered, and tho' despots may absurdly claim the merit of them, we know better to whom the sentiment of gratitude is to be directed; and we ardently wish that sentiment to remain indelibly impressed on the hearts of our remotest posterity.—We recognise, in the defenders of their own the defenders of our rights; and in the patriots of France, the benefactors of America.
We this day, tender to you our hearts—and thro' you to your nation our warm and undisguised affections—Be assur'd, Sir we are both ready and willing to render you every service and assistance consistent with our reciprocal welfare and with the duty we owe our country—nay more, exultingly would we thus sacrifice a liberal portion of our dearest interests, could there result on your behalf an adequate advantage.
The voice of our government has thro' its executive declared the neutrality of these United States as relative to all acts of hostility. We regard that sacred voice with attention—But no one is a stranger to the part all good men take in your revolution. As the question relates to sentiment and principles there is no neutrality—The virtuous and the wise thro' all ranks of society are enlisted with you. It is vice, ignorance and cowardice that alone oppose the empire of truth and independence or shrink from the common cause of human nature—Firm and steady friends you will ever find in the republican sons of Columbia, whose most earnest prayer to the great Arbiter of nations is, and will be, that the liberty of both countries may remain incorruptible and immortal—That the world may see in their example and felicity the path of social improvement and the inestimable prize of virtuous exertion.
Permit us, worthy citizen, to express to you our high esteem for your person and character, our sincerest wishes in general for your personal happiness and prosperity, and in particular, that you may long fulfil the duties of your exalted station so as to merit the approbation of your own heart and to secure the plaudit of your constituents.
JAMES NICHOLSON Chairman. WHITE MATLACK, Sec'y
CITIZEN GENET.
Minister Plenipotentiary of the French Republic,
To the REPUBLICANS of NEW YORK. From the first moment of my arrival on this continent, I wished for an opportunity to pay a visit to our republican brethren of New York and greet them with the embrace of fraternal affection.
Important and urgent business has prevented me from executing sooner this my favorite design—but it now fills me with the greatest joy that I am at last enabled to find myself in the midst of you.
Your address, fraught with the most genuine principles of republicanism, and with that lively sensibility which kindred feelings only can excite in the citizens of one nation towards those of another, has filled my heart with the tenderest emotions and with sensations too strong for utterance.
I shall transmit to my countrymen these generous effusions of your friendship, and let me assure you that every sentiment that it contains will meet on their part with the most cordial reciprocity.
On this joyfull occasion, recollection ought not indeed to be tortured with the remembrance of past sufferings, but a Frenchman, at this critical juncture, cannot help animating his hopes with the example of the long & severe trials of the citizens of N. York & of their glorious triumph.
May you enjoy long, very long, the precious fruits of that triumph; may the peace, the glory, and the independence of the United States, last as long as the soil on which you tread. These are not only my individual wishes, but they are also the wishes of the country I have the honor to represent and she has expressed them to you in the most unequivocal manner.
In the midst of her distresses, while you are the only ally to whom she is entitled to look for assistance, she has preferred enjoying the spectacle of your prosperity, and calling on you to partake of all the riches of her commerce, to involving you with her in a common danger. Still she has not ceased relying on your friendship and on all the aids which you yourselves might think in your power to afford. Still she expects from you a faithful and a punctual observance of those treaties which she has entered into with you in the hour of your danger, and of which she has fulfilled her part in a manner worthy of herself.
In this respect, I cannot interpret otherwise than you have done the declaration of your government. They must know that the strict performance of treaties is the best & safest policy, they must know that good faith alone, can insure respectability to a nation; that a unanimous conduct provokes insolence, and brings upon a country, those very dangers which it weakly means to avert.
There is indeed but too much reason to fear that you are involved in the general conspiracy of tyrants against liberty. They never will, they never can forgive you for having been the first to proclaim the rights of man. But you will force them to respect you, by pursuing with firmness the only path which is consistent with your national honor and dignity.
The cause of France is the cause of all mankind, and no nation is more deeply interested than you are in its success. Whatever fate awaits her you are ultimately to share. But the cause of liberty is great, and it shall prevail.
And if France under a despotic yoke has been able so successfully to assert your rights, they can never again be endangered while she is at liberty, to exert in your support, that powerful arm which now defies the combined efforts of a whole world.
Accept my most grateful thanks, for your kind wishes for my personal happiness. May France, may America, may the citizens of New York, be happy, and your wish shall be fulfilled.
GENET.
From the CHARLESTON CITY GAZETTE.
FEW principles, at any period of the world, have ever been more perverted and distorted, than liberty and equality have been since the late revolution in France. The French have avowedly taken them for the basis of their republic; and, surely, a better foundation a republic was never built upon, than that which secures equal freedom and equal rights to all mankind. The enemies of the French, however, are eternally laying hold of these terms, and are writhing and twisting them for the purpose of rendering contemptible that gallant nation, at a time when she is gloriously struggling for the rights of mankind. Freedom, say they, is only a license for the unprincipled rabble to do what they please, in open defiance of all law, order and government;
and equality, is levelling all the offices and powers of society, from the highest and most important, down to the lowest and most insignificant, and giving equal authority to all, to the utter destruction of all subordination. It is dividing, say they, the property of the rich among the poor; and, in short, authorizing every species of anarchy, robbery and injustice, to the ruin of the community. And thus they tauntingly exclaim—If this be liberty, and that equality, good Lord defend us from such principles! from such a country! and such a kind of government!—Despotism itself, with all its chains, is preferable.
In this manner are these kind of people constantly going on, instilling poison in the minds of the credulous and unwary, and rendering inimical, to France and freedom, many an honest mind, which, but for such base and unworthy insinuations, would glow with rapturous delight, at the pleasing prospect which begins to dawn upon the world, by the glorious cause in which the French are now engaged. It is, therefore, of some importance to the cause of freedom, as well as justice to the Gallic nation, to place this matter in its true point of view, and to define, with some degree of precision, what is meant by that liberty and equality which are the objects of their present arduous contest & which have been so much the butt & ridicule of the enemies of freedom, and the friends of royalty and aristocracy.
Liberty, as opposed to slavery, is so well understood, and is a theme which has been so ably discussed by great men in all ages, that it appears almost unnecessary to define it: nor would I at this time have attempted it, but that it is, in the present case connected with equality. Besides, unconnected with equality, it is a general term, and may be applied to particular classes and orders of men in society, in exclusion of others: as, for instance, the liberties and privileges of the nobility and clergy, &c. which for the greater part, in most countries, have been concessions from monarchs to their favorites, from which the great bulk of the nation, or the substantial yeomanry of the country, have been excluded. But the liberty which is the grand object of the French revolution, in direct contra-d distinction to conceded privileges, is no other than the establishment of the natural and original rights of mankind, so far restrained by human laws only, (and no further) as may be necessary and expedient for the general advantage and happiness of the whole—which brings me to consider
Equality: and it is this that gives an additional value to liberty, and enlivens the sacred flame. Very little attention to history will inform us, that every country in Europe for upwards of twelve centuries past, have groaned under a feudal despotism, more or less rigorous, according to the change of times, the will of monarchs, or the degree of civilization of the inhabitants. But however they may differ in some things, yet all agree in one point, to wit, exclusive orders and ranks in society, which enjoyed exclusive privileges, exemptions and immunities, from which the great bulk of every nation, however deserving, were totally and utterly excluded. To these classes of men, all honors, offices and places of trust and confidence, both civil and military, were bestowed. They possessed all power and authority; and as all the lands were divided among them, the great mass of the people were doomed to perpetual submission and vassalage; they cultivated the fields for their superiors, drudged for their ease and convenience, and administered even to their luxuries and extravagancies; and, in return for all this, they were only permitted to draw a scanty subsistence for themselves and wretched families; while a titled nobility, and high handed aristocracy, lorded it over them, as if the great and universal father of all, had only formed them to be subservient to a few lords of the creation.
In the formation of this system, therefore, and during its progress through so many ages, the natural and original rights of man were for ever kept out of view. Kings, in order to establish and support their unbounded authority, found it necessary, in process of time, to make large concessions to this nobility or aristocratic body, to confer many privileges on them, and to confirm them all by hereditary succession in their families. The nobility, on the other hand, in order the more easily
to keep their numerous vassals and dependants in due subordination, found it their interest to make up to princes, and to support their authority; who in return, defended their privileges, titles and honors against the commonality. The clergy afterwards came in aid of both, and having gained an unbounded dominion over the minds of uninformed men, preached up unconditional submission and passive obedience, who in their turn got large and exclusive privileges from princes, also, as their reward. And thus did kings, nobility and clergy all conspire, not only to acquire and establish these exclusive privileges and ranks in society, but also to impose upon, and enslave a silly world. One step more, and all was finished: In the early stages of the feudal system, the tenants or vassals recompensed their lords for the use of their lands, by military services, by repaying round their standards when required in time of war, and in fighting their battles with each other, or of the prince to whom they were all united as a nation. These military services, in time, were commuted for by payment of a sum of money. This gave birth to the use of mercenaries in the army, and that to taxation: and in most countries in Europe the kings acquired a right to taxation, that enabled them to keep standing armies, which completed the despotism of Europe.
France had for ages groaned under their oppressions; her best blood and treasure had been often spilt and expended in pursuing the ambitious projects of her kings, in the establishment of tyranny, in domestic disputes and wars between a high handed and ambitious nobility, or in pursuing the superstitious persecutions and bigotry of the clergy; in all which, the interests of the nation were never considered, in which they were never consulted. It was therefore under these impressions, and smarting under these tyrannical oppressions, that enlightened Frenchmen boldly and manfully came forward, and, by one stroke, broke down and at once destroyed this old, abominable feudal tyranny, which had so long kept men in ignorance and chains; and, in the formation of their new constitution, made them introduce their famous decree for liberty and equality, which puts all men upon a footing, opens the door of preferment in the state to all classes without distinction, and gives to every one an equal claim to a share in the government under which he lives. No talents, no industry among the lower order of men, according to the old despotism, could ever bring them forward in any public station, or make them peculiarly useful to their country. But by this equalizing system, every possible encouragement is given to abilities, genius and industry; and it will not be owing to birth, rank or family in future but to merit only, by which men will rise to preferment among the French. The mackels which for ages have enthralled the human mind in religion, are also broken asunder by that universal toleration, which is attendant on this liberty and equality: bigotry and superstition are levelled to the dust, and all men can now worship God in the manner most agreeable to their consciences, without a dread or fear of the tortures of the inquisition. This, then Messrs. Printers, is the nature of it, and these are some of the many advantages attending upon the liberty and equality which the French have introduced into their constitution, in contradiction to the old unjust and iniquitous system, which conferred every thing on the noble and clergy, while the great bulk of the nation were denied them and considered as an inferior species, and an order of beings only fit to crouch and to obey. Surely, then, the free born mind ought to exult at it, and to thank heaven, that there is one country at least in Europe, who have dared to vindicate and support the rights of man, and liberty and equality. How they will finally succeed, and how far the influence of these principles may animate other nations to follow their example, time only will determine. But that the great and glorious work may go on and extend to all enslaved and oppressed countries till universal liberty and equality shall prevail, is the earnest prayer of
A Friend to Liberty and Equality.
From the NEW-YORK JOURNAL.
AS the present era is big with momentous events, which in succession unfolded themselves to our view, and display ten auxiliary traits in a perilous point of light, it is a no unpleasing task, to examine them a little as they open for our

Investigation: Among the number of great data of the year '93 we may notice the opinion, which have been given by big men, on big questions. In the order of rank (continuing myself to my own country) stands the President of the United States. His opinion is detailed in the proclamation.—The second in order, is the chief justice of the United States. One of his opinions is, that a state (the poor deserted state of Georgia is the mark) is liable to be prosecuted by citizens of another state. On this opinion I would ask the chief justice, what the high court of the United States is to do with the state of Georgia, if (groaning under an Indian war) she should prove insolvent? send the legislature to jail? that will not pay debts, they may obtain the benefit of an act, if an execution against the state treasury? There is no money in it—it is transferred through the impost to the federal government.—What then? pay the debt out of the federal treasury—disgust the citizens with the incompetency of their republican form, and abrogate the state government!—Another opinion of the chief justice is, that the old debts due to British subjects, must be paid; this is literally; "you honest wings, who in 1775 and 1776 exchanged your gold and silver, for paper money, to supply the army acting against Canada, now receive your reward; let expensive suits take place against you; let your little remaining property be torn from your widows and orphans, to glut the rapacity of Britons, who slaughtered you on your peaceful plains! I hope the chief justice will give us his opinion in respect to the depredations, which our commerce daily suffers from the piratical cruizers of New Providence, and other sanctuaries of the British ministry. And, I could wish he would be so obliging as to give his opinion respecting the detention of our northwestern posts, and conduct of the British court, in furnishing arms, ammunition, clothing &c. to the savages, who are incessantly waiting our blood and treasure. This he would be the more able to do, since he had a hand in the formation of that clause which immediately respects them. I could also wish he would give us his opinion, respecting the negroes, which the British carried with them when they were forced to abandon our country. I could further wish he would give us his opinion, whether it would not be better, to stop the building of the palaces in the woods for a little while, and take some of the money which they will cost, and secure the frontiers by a chain of forts—and our sea ports, by sufficient fortification!—My opinion is, that if our commerce is destroyed, our revenue will be destroyed, and the great federal head will then have to resort to a direct capitation tax, for the support of all the Ambassadors, &c. &c. and for the completion of the palaces on the Potomac. Another problem starts up before us—it is, whether if the present measures are pursued, instead of milking the cow, we will not be a great deal—goaded, kicked, and luffed by every John Bull who comes across us, and that, in the end, whether we will not be robbed of our money by pilfering cruizers on the high sea, and deprived of our liberties by designing men in high stations among us? We shall soon be favoured with the opinion of the Chief Justice.—Whether a treaty, made with Louis XVI. is in force under the free government which the French are now fighting to maintain. The next opinion will be, whether, as we are not bound to observe the treaty because the French have destroyed the Bastille, and immolated their treacherous king, a hereditary king would not be better to administer the affairs of America than so many petty states.
PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, August 14.
The Petit Democrat, was seen last Wednesday and Thursday south of Cape Henry: they brought some American vessels to: The Captains of the brigs Peggy and Venus, complain of some of the people on board the Democrat, being insolent, but they do not charge the Captain of her with any bad behaviour.
On Wednesday last, the master, mate, and two of the sailors belonging to an American vessel, just arrived from St. Domingo, were apprehended, on a charge of having been actually concerned with the New Providence privateer's men, in plundering the unfortunate French passengers, who had taken sanctuary in the vessel, and expected their protection as far as it was natural to give it, during the passage to Philadelphia. Some of these have been committed to jail, and will be treated as the law directs. The proofs against them were principally confined to the discovery of gold watches, and other property belonging to the passengers, which were detected in their chests. We hope for the honor of human nature, that if there are any persons in the employ of the United States, who could be guilty of such conduct they may be very few in number, and that punishment will quickly follow conviction. The injury done by the New Providence privateers, to the American trade, has
been so glaring of late, that it scarcely requires much more to be said to paint it in the darkest colours; however, as Capt. Peeples, of the Schooner Maria, who arrived here last Thursday from St. Marks in 28 days, furnishes us with a fresh narrative, we will lay it also before the public in due time.
It is mentioned by a person from New York, who was on board the Ambuscade during her engagement with the Boston, that Capt. Bompard was busily employed in directing the management of his main deck great guns during the greater part of the engagement, and not on his quarter deck (as mentioned in a former account) where the constant appearance of a commander in chief has more of ceremonious parade in it, than real utility. The person in white who was seen during the whole engagement on the round house, is said to be a French boy, who sung and danced the Marseilles March, and Ca ira as long as the firing lasted, which was one hour and 35 minutes. The engagement, says our informant, was close and hot, and would have been still closer, had the Englishman's mouth been for boarding—
"Close as a lover to his mistress dear, Close as a miser to a bag of Joes— So closeing Ambuscade to Boston's nose."
A French ship, the Commerce, of 400 tons, from the island of Mauritius, when in the latitude of Madeira, being informed of the war between France and England, but that Portugal was neutral, put into Porto Santo, where she was seized as a prize and sent into Madeira. Her cargo was said to be worth 76,000£.
Late advices from Cape Francois, say, that the few unfortunate white people that were left there, have been either killed or driven away. The Mulattoes were in full possession of the place.
Intelligence appears in a New York paper that all the British ports in the West Indies are opened to American vessels, to carry in all kinds of provisions. Salt provisions in particular are much wanted, and the prices very high; beef from 6 to 7 1/2 British sterling per barrel, pork 8 and 9 1/2 ditto. The very high price is occasioned by the great supply sent to the European powers in alliance with England against France, as the salt provisions that were usually sent to the British West India islands are sent to these powers. So much for the English joining the European powers against France.
At a meeting held in New York last week, of a number of citizens, in pursuance of public notice given in newspapers, a number of resolutions were passed, expressive of their approbation of the federal proclamation in favour of neutrality—their determination to support the civil magistrate in executing the proclamation, in preventing American citizens from entering on board privateers, &c. &c.
Signed by Nicholas Cruger, Chairman.
[From the Baltimore Evening Post, of August 5.]
"This day arrived here the brig Success, Captain Joseph M'Cammon, from Tobago: he says that he was boarded by the privateer Citizen Genet, off the Capes of Virginia, and treated in a manner that did they by no means become the subjects of the French Republic. The above brig being the property of some American citizens in Baltimore, and allies of the French, is it not astonishing to observe the little respect paid to our flag, by those very people who have experienced the generosity and friendly assistance of the Baltimoreans, to a degree beyond their utmost expectation. Route then Americans, suffer no such insults to pass unnoticed, from any power whatsoever—from a friend or an enemy—we are able to defend our rights, and have spirit enough to assert, and die in defence of them.—Let us not be imposed on—while we sleep in indolence and inactivity, the enemy will come and surprise us—let us remember, that to be prepared for war is the finest & best method to serve a lasting peace."
[From the same paper of Aug. 7, addressed to the Editor of the Baltimore Evening Post.]
Your anonymous correspondent, in yesterday's Evening Post, after observing, "That the brig Success from Tobago was boarded by the Citizen Genet privateer, off the Capes of Virginia, and treated in a manner that did not become the subject of the French Republic," &c. calls on the Citizens of America to "rouse, and suffer no insults—to assert and defend their rights—lest while they sleep, in indolence and inactivity, the enemy may come and surprise them," &c.
Some of your readers, who have been ever ready to risk their lives to defend their country, and redress its wrongs, hope they may not be thought to call in question the veracity of your correspondent, when they beg to be informed, though your useful paper, of the particular insults offered, and injury done to the Brig Success, which were so unbecoming in the subjects of the French Republic, in order that they
may judge for themselves, of the nature and degree of the offence, and the propriety of complying with your correspondent's exhortation "to rouse," &c.—They also hope, that they may, without derogating from the respect due to your correspondent, enquire if he be of sound republican principles, and well attached to our government—any information that may be convenient for you to furnish, respecting these particulars, will oblige many of your readers."
Last Saturday, 10th of August, being the Anniversary of the day on which the National Convention of France passed their resolve decree for the entire abolition of royalty, the same was celebrated in this city by a number of Patriotic Societies, and the morning was ushered in by the two French frigates, La Normande and La Precieuse, each of which vessels were beautifully decorated with a great variety of colours.
This memorable day must call to our recollection the bold and manly conduct of the Congress of 1776, when they declared the Independence of the United States in the face of a powerful enemy: but the National Convention on the 10th of August 1792, were in more danger, for they had been threatened with individual assassination on that day, from the keen daggers of the many thousand enemies to freedom that lurked in Paris, and were ready at a signal given, to have rushed forth on the Patriots, and to have perpetrated a crime as black as that which was committed on St. Bartholomew's day. But the king, who knew the plot, did not remain firm to his trust. He had betrayed the Patriots by running away, and now on the 10th of August he betrayed the Aristocrats and Monarchists themselves; for after having suffered them to form their plot, when all their hellish schemes were on the point of being put into execution—on that moment, the heart of Louis relented, or at least changed, or perhaps his personal fears got the better of him so far, that he had no longer the courage to stand by his party. He fled to the National Convention for protection, and his first words spoken there were, "I come to prevent a great crime" than which words, nothing can furnish a stronger proof that he was acquainted with the plot against the Patriots.
The consequence was fatal to him, and to monarchy. The fire of the Swiss guards availed but little when opposed to the fire of Republicans, it was then that Frenchmen abolished royalty and slavery together.
Surely, these are sufficient grounds for celebrating a day that may justly be called the Anniversary of freedom to Europe, as much as the 4th of July is to America.
[A. D. Advertiser.]
Extract of a letter from New-York.
"The conduct of your country towards the new minister of France, is very easily accounted for, when we consider the attempt that was made, in the general convention, to saddle us with an American monarchy, to which, the political views of certain persons, have, invariably been directed, ever since the adoption of the general government. I therefore cannot but think, that the French revolution is a most happy event to this country, especially the latter part of it; that is, the entire abolition of regal government, which ought to have taken place at the beginning; and, I believe would, had not Fayette and some other of the adherents to royalty, prevented it: For, had the French continued that degrading and abominable badge of despotism, which, by its insatiable thirst for power and dominion, as well as by its most enormous and useless extravagance and dissipation, has impoverished, debased and enslaved sooner or later, those nations who have adopted it; their example would have been rung to us through all its changes, 'till our ears were rendered callous to the more manly feelings of liberty and equality, the very thoughts of which would have been treated, by the aristocrats, with the utmost contempt and ridicule. And Congress would soon, had that happened, (for you see what a majority the T—y commands) have exercised the power given by the first part of the 5th article of the new constitution, and we should have had all our professions, and much more pompous ones, with the regalia and a self created nobility, &c. to have trudged through again & again, from one end of the union to the other. Indeed I have heard it hinted, and more than once, that Fayette's last visit to this country, was, partly to consult certain characters on what mode of government they thought most eligible, and that they advised a limited monarchy, as it is absurdly called; for monarchy has no limits. If so, it is not at all surprising that they disapproved of the present perfect and glorious revolution, in which all usurpation and distinctions, have been wisely rejected, and man, as Paine says, is considered in his proper and highest characters, is but a good citizen. Also the drawing of the money from Holland to this country, when it was so much wanted by the people to whom it was due, and due with gratitude, must be acknowledged, not only as unfriendly and ungrateful, but greatly inimical to the republican cause in general; for, there can be no doubt, that should the French be overpow-
ered by that cursed combination of dignified villainy, all the republics in Europe and America will, shortly share the same fate.
"How easily may the well-born, in this country, notwithstanding the most of them were born before their estates, and, what is yet more paradoxical, some of them, before their fathers, for they cannot, to this day, tell from whom they have descended, communicate a hint to the regal, or rascally, if you like it better, combination, to interdict our trade, by laying double duties or prohibitions, &c. with threats of invasion, in case of refusal to adopt their mode of government, and that they, the well-born, will co-operate with them here, by crying up monarchy, and ridiculing republicanism, which with a few millions of money from Europe, properly applied, as it is said the British ministry are now attempting in this country, in order to detach us from the French interest, together with a flagrantation of trade, a languor or disinclination in government to oppose the change, and the aristocracy generally in favour of it; what do you really imagine would, from the present appearances, be the consequence of these and such like manoeuvres, Sir? Does it not appear practicable?—does it not appear probable?—nay, does it not almost amount to a certainty, that either this, or some other such game would be played to effect their purpose? Such a game has been played, and what has been, may be done again—Do not miss, if not all, of the men exist now, that usurped the authority of several of the states, in 1787, and who attempted to entail misery and servitude on their country, by establishing a kingly government in it? And would not he who usurped the authority of one state, upon the authority of all, could he do it with impunity? Are we to be intimidated or cajoled into an unnatural and fatal indifference towards our generous friends, and this for fear of offending our sworn enemies, who have been thinuating the Indians ever since the peace, and furnishing them with arms, &c. to murder us? Their humanity for Louis is mere hypocrisy: It is only as a king they really regret his fate, and that too, merely as it favoured their designs, against this country—Do they regret the thousands that have fallen by means of his perfidious schemes to effect a counter-revolution, after having sworn to defend the constitution? They are scarcely ever mentioned the second time, unless it be to give eclat to the victory of their heroes, the despots—Does not this tell their humanity?
"I confess that I am not so sanguine about the Irish as you appear to be—I am afraid that their leaders (some of whom are of the aristocracy) will be brought off by the government, and the great body of the people left at the mercy of their oppressors. And should they attempt a revolution, I doubt their being sufficiently prepared, tho' they have had time enough to secure every thing requisite for the purpose, if ever they intend it.
"Nor am I altogether in sentiment with you concerning the English. It is true, as you say, the storm may, by some unexpected event or other, burst on their heads? but it appears to me, from a number of their papers which I have lately seen, that government has been beforehand with the people, and is as strong handed as ever it was. The means made use of are certainly desperate, as they destroy the morals of the people, as well as the liberty of the press—But what care ministers and kings, if they can but raise money & subjugate the nation?
"Besides, there is another capital misfortune attending that people, which is, that they are as much deceived by those in whom they confide, as they are by those who oppress them. The former talking of nothing more than a mere parliamentary reform, which is just what the latter will, if there must be any; for then the parliament, alias ministry, continue omnipotent, and can, as time and opportunity offers, retract twice as much as they before paid out. It is all mere illusion, and the truth is, that neither the parliament nor any other ordinary legislative body has a right to say how, or in what manner a nation shall be governed—That rests entirely with the majority of the citizens, who ought to determine it by a regular constitution, obtained through the medium of a national convention, freely and fairly chosen by all, giving the parliament a power to legislate agreeably to the general will, thus expressed, and not otherwise. As well might old Pluto pretend to reform the infernal regions, as parliament pretend to reform itself—Let facts speak for their conduct—Have they not reformed their duration from an annual to a septennial one, and, by one means or other, excluded the greater part of the inhabitants from choosing or being chosen? I expect Louis Capet would have made just such a reform, had the French nation permitted him—But neither the Outs, no more than the Ins, with the people at large to understand government, & much less for them to approach the political Sanctum Sanctorum, lest they should desecrate the temple of Mammon, by encroaching the profits on which the royal company of pickpockets subsist—And I confess to you, Sir, that I never could see the public utility of that part of the new constitution

which authorises Congress to propose amendments to it, and leaves it to the same body to determine the mode of ratification, &c. All legislative bodies have more or less of a corporation spirit in them, that is, constantly grasping at privilege or power, at the expense of their constituents' privileges; and but a very few of the members, if any, are the first who feel the effects of bad laws, and, of course, not the most likely to propose the best amendments, for the benefit of the people in general. I was always an advocate for a general government; but wished the rights and liberties of individuals as fully ascertained and defined as possible, which have not been attended to in that just and equitable manner that the French have theirs, tho' the powers of Congress have, and that with the greatest plenitude, and, in some instances, where it was not requisite neither.
"Is not one of George's pretences for attacking France, a very curious one, that is, to preserve "a balance of power?" He certainly can not have recovered his senses, if ever he had any. Should none of his nurses or tutors have ever told him (for kings are above reading) "that the monarchies and principalities in Europe are far superior in number, wealth, territory and forces, to the republics?" Nay, Russia alone, has more territory than they all have, and has been said, to contain several millions of inhabitants more than France.
"I now come to your observations on the President's proclamation:—Who could have advised it? Is it possible that such sentiments can be in unison with the feelings of true republicanism? Is it possible for the friends and defenders of this country, as a republic, to be alike friendly and impartial to all the powers at war, in Europe, when there is such a self evident and wicked combination of the most powerful despots against one republic, even if the French nation had never afforded us any assistance whatever? But when we consider that it was at the expence of French blood and treasure that we were so happily emancipated from British tyranny, how can any true friend to this country and republicanism, be impartial to so unequal and unjust a contest?
"I shall not say, that I will not obey the proclamation; but I must say of a truth, that it is utterly impossible for me to obey it, without doing violence to my conscience—Nay, would it not be high treason against the rights of humanity to be indifferent to the sufferings and oppressions of our fellow creatures, at any time, and in all cases? And how much more so, to those of our best friends, when in the deepest distress? Can any person put the same confidence in a wretch who had endeavoured to rob him, and because he would not submit to that, had attempted to deprive him of life, liberty, and every thing else that was dear to him; and all that in the most dastard, villainous and cruel manner, as he can in a friend whom he has proved so? Could the President himself, do you imagine, Sir? If he could, he certainly did not in the year 1776; for he ordered one of his guards to be executed, for, at most, only engaging in a conspiracy against him; not that I think he did wrong in that, the situation of our affairs required the example—But is not here a regal conspiracy against the rights of a great nation, which is of much more importance than the life of the best man on earth, between which there can be no parity? What right has the emperor of Germany to appoint a regent for the republic of France? Might he not with as much propriety appoint a regent for the universe, and of course for this country?
"It is either idle or designing, to say that we are in no danger from European combinations, on account of our remote situation. How did Britain, when less connected with those butchers of the human race, obtain a numerous band of mercenary auxiliaries, and send them to this country? And should France be crushed, with how much more ease will she obtain any number she may require and waste them here, when the navy of France will be at her command? In such a situation, is there any power in Europe on whom we could call for assistance, with the smallest hope of success? There is none, you well know; for, should any be disposed, they dare not—In fact, should they subdue France, which may God avert, what is there to prevent the conquerors pursuing their bloody crusade against every republic on earth, and establishing universal monarchy? Whereas, if we assist France in establishing her republic, she will always be our natural ally, on whom we may depend, as it will be her true interest to be connected with us, and that not only in the way of commerce; but in the way of mutual defence and support against foreign imposition, &c. as she has a navy and men, and we have provisions and every necessary—Besides, it will be only adopting a British example, and that to a juster purpose than they can pretend to, for us to endeavour to preserve a balance of power. Not that I wish for war with them or any other power—I really wish for universal peace; but not at the expense of our own liberties—I disdain such a peace. Let us endeavour to help our friends, and if the British will make war on us, we can very easily rid ourselves of their company at this time; but not so, if we suffer them to conquer France."
"I expect your addressers to the proclamation are composed chiefly of rigid Episcopalian Quakers, and European merchants, or, in other words, tories, with a few office hunters and dependents on office, &c. This is called the sense of the nation!
"The more I reflect on our friend Paine's conduct, in behalf of Louis Capet, the more I am mortified and chagrined. I am really afraid his next attempt will be to get Antoinette and her royal brat here. Is there not more probability of this now, than there was of the other, before it took place, as well as of the success? If I am not deceived by my suspicions, for I acknowledge that I am much inclined to it, in politics, Mr. Paine was either directly or indirectly, at that time, under "some kind of undue influence from this country." Perhaps through the medium of the Poet Laureat, at Portugal, or some other of the diplomatic corps, at London, Versailles, &c. It appears to me scarcely possible, that he had been solely actuated by the dictates of his own good sense or conscience, that he would have run so counter to what he has always professed and published, (I will not mention some slips, about the year 1783) and for which he has been so much applauded in this country, as well as in Europe.
"Had he succeeded in his application, and Louis been sent here, what a majestic expence would have been furnished for a most superb palace being built for him at the federal city, with body guards, and a house and other extravagant and useless follies, with a large tract of territory set off for him in the Western District, by way of principality!—after which over trip Tomey Capet and her cub, &c. when we should have been as completely equipped with a full assortment, as old father Noah had in his barque—But we are not at the worst of it yet. Whenever the Presidential chair of the Union became vacant, either by the death or resignation of the present possessor, some or other of the regal tribe would be proposed for it (if long enough in the country) and then we should be told, that we might as well have a king by name, as a president, with kingly powers, &c. It is true, that this would be availing themselves of their own wrong; but what care courtiers, if they can aggrandize themselves, and their immediate descendants, at the expence of the people, whom they ever despise, and wish to subjugate by loading them with endless taxes and impositions! When I contemplate how narrowly we escaped this Charybdis not long since, I can not but be thankful that Louis Capet made his exit just when he did. "I flatter myself that I have a scheme in view, at least, the outlines of one, which, if carried into execution, will be some check on the well born gentry of this country. In my next I will sketch it to you."
The following certificate appears in a New-York paper of last week.
WE, the subscribers, do certify, and are ready to make oath, if required, that having been hailed by, and obliged to go on board his Britannic Majesty's frigate the Boston, on the 29th July last, Capt. Courtney, the commander thereof, requested us to inform Citizen Bombard. (meaning the Captain of the French frigate l'Ambuscade) "That he would be glad to see—and was then waiting for him," or words fully to that import. And we further certify that a mid-ship man of the Boston, who came in the boat with us until he was near Governor's Island, assured us, "that the Boston was fitted out for the express purpose of FIGHTING and TAKING the Ambuscade; and that Capt. Courtney had on that account been permitted to take on board, at Halifax, as large a number of extra seamen as he thought proper.
PEFER DESCHENT, C. ORSET, ANDREW ALLEN,
The following speech was delivered by Gen. GALBAUD, to the crew of the JUPITER, at New York, on Saturday, the 10th of Augt, 1793.
BROTHERS & FRIENDS, The man that is capable of betraying his country, is unworthy to assist at the feast of liberty and equality.
Citizens, If you suspect me of so heinous a crime, you should be the first to prevent the presence of a Traitor disgracing this august feast.—Your silence convinces me that you render me the justice that I deserve of you. You know that the issue of an event should not criminate a man, but only the intention by which he was guided. You know that on the unfortunate 20th and 21st of June, the love of the country alone dictated my action, as I only wished to deliver St. Domingo from the power of two men, whose crimes are beyond comparison. You know that I yielded to your own heartfelt indignation which would not permit you to bear any longer the triumphs of the enemies of liberty and equality.
Exulting in an approving conscience, which will always rise superior to the judgments of men viewing around me brothers, friends, who will not be enraged at my offering them the language of truth—who will never debase themselves so much as to flatter triumphant vice; It is, I say, in be-
holding the true friends of liberty, that I forget the persecutions I now suffer under, and it is partaking of the general joy, that I now pronounce the oath which is deeply engraved on my republican heart. I swear that I will be faithful to the republic; that I will maintain liberty and equality, and if ever the public again employs me, that I will die rather than abandon my post.
GALBAUD.
By the Schooner Industry, we learn, that Aux-Cayes now exhibits a scene almost as distressing as that at Cape Francois. Upwards of one hundred whites have been put to death by the mulattoes—and every day produces fresh instances of plunder and bloodshed.
Various particulars appear under the head of the National Convention proceedings to May 30, relative to the anti-republican insurgents. Several small towns that had been seized on by them had been retaken: and great numbers of these people, misled by the refractory priests and old nobles, had returned to their duty. They were chiefly dangerous in the country from Rochfort to St. Florent, and meditated fresh attempts upon that line. The chief disaster on the side of the patriots seems to have been near Fontenay, owing to the National Gendarmes not charging according to orders, in consequence of which, part of the Artillery was taken, but no other material loss.
Saturday, being the ever memorable 10th of August, the same was observed as a day of Jubilee by the French fleet in the harbour of New-York:—at sun-rise, the ships of war displayed a profusion of colours of all nations—and at 12 o'clock, a feu-de-joi was fired throughout the whole fleet. The American flag bore a conspicuous situation, but those of the nations war with the French, were all turned up side down.
[From a Correspondent; addressed to the Editor of the National Gazette.]
There is not one word of truth in the assertions contained in a piece signed "A Citizen of the United States," which appeared in your paper of the 10th instant, respecting a copy-right having been claimed, or obtained for the copy of the judges opinions on the usability of a state—No such copy right has ever existed; and it has always been optional with the printers to re-print those opinions or not—Why you and the other printers have not done it, is best known to yourselves.
P. Q.
[The author of "the Citizen" is therefore requested either to prove or withdraw his assertion.]
Philadelphia Union Society.
On Monday the 5th day of August, 1793, at the annual meeting of the society—The following citizens were chosen officers for the ensuing year:—Andrew Nilson, Captain of the 1st company of Philadelphia grenadiers, President—Richard Northwaite, Vice President—Thomas Bryant, Secretary—And Bartholomew Baker, John Finch, John and Daugherty, John Donohue, Stewards for six months.
The Odes of JONATHAN PINDAR, Esq. (Continued.)
O D E IX.
TO LIBERTY.
JONATHAN addresseth his cast-off mistress.—pretendeth to have forgotten her name.—Revileth her grovelling taste, furious temper, and contempt of her betters. Commandeth her not to disturb the peace, and driveth her beyond the Atlantic: but at parting seemeth half willing to be reconciled to her again.
In vitium LIBERTAS excidit.—Hor: Et Tuba terribilem Sonitu Tarratantara dixit.—Virg:
O THOU! whatever be thy doubtful name, Once dear to us, and still to GALLIA dear. Whole boist'rous accents fill the Trump of Fame, Accents, which we have grown too deaf to hear:
Who did'st, erewhile, in Congress-Hall preside,
Each vote dictating to prevent mistakes, Though now thine image there be thrown aside †,
Doom'd to Oblivion in a filthy Jakes. Who did'st in many a well-fought battle wave
Thy blood-stain'd banners o'er our fainting heads, And from the jaws of death, and ruin save
Full many a wight, that now thy presence dreads:
Who, when the Din of War no more was heard, Did'st to the humble Cottage strait
retire, And to imperial palaces prefer'd
Bare Independence, round a rural fire:
Who, when thou'rt wooed, art as a virgin mild,
'Thine Angel-visage all bedeck'd with smiles;
But when oppos'd, like an Hyena wild Thy savage fangs!—whose rage no art
beguiles;
Who dost like death on all conditions look,
Nor sparest a STUART'S, or a CAPET'S head;
Nor fearest this earth must some convulsion bro*
For them; as if TOM THUMB the GREAT were dead;
Who at one stroke, hast thousands beggars made,
Of those who Fortune's missions were, before, †
And left them, without wealth, or worth, or Trade,
To starve,—as they had millions starv'd, before:
Who carest no more for Coronets, or Crowns,
Or any modern would-be Lordling Cit, (Alike contemning both their titles and frowns,)
Than if our Daddy-Vice had never writ: Avant!—Nor let thy Clarion grate our ears
With sounds, terrific as the final trump! Sounds, which once turn'd our pruning hooks to spears,
And from their scabbards cau'd our swords to jump:
Sounds! that mould Congress listen, might appal
The stoutest Champion there, for right divine, ‡
Recall thine Image back to Federal-hall, And to thy Temple turn corruption's shrine:
Sounds! that might even tempt them to reward
The care-worn soldiers scars, & wounds and woes,
Though S—— and A—— should think the measure hard,
And Speculator's turn from Friends to Foes:
Sounds! that perchance might e'en the Senate wake
From dreams of rank and titles, power and wealth;
Or Bank Directors gilded slumber's break, And bring the Constitution back to health:
Sounds! that perchance might to the STATES recall
Some faint remembrance of lost SOVEREIGN rights†;
Those rights, which mighty ATLAS ‡‡ doom'd to fall,
And which stern MINOS banish'd from their fights.
Sounds! that might peradventure drive away
The faithful Britons from our western posts;
Those Centinels, who guard us night and day,
Our scalps defending from the Indian hosts:
Sounds! that perchance might prompt a silent wish
To aid their struggles, who once aided ours;
Nor, whilst thy cause is fighting,—mute as fish,
Behold th' ambition of combining powers: To FRANCE return!!! There, shall thy bizen lungs
Yield music sweeter than the syren's voice,
Though louder far than Fame's twice fifty tongues,
And unborn millions at the sound rejoice. There, wave thy banners!—there, thy faulchion wield!
There, lead to victory each gallant Son! There, let thy slaughter'd Foes besrew the Field!
Nor let e'en tyrants, there, thy vengeance thun!
Nay,—though imperial crowns & HEADS should fall,
Nor age, nor sex protect thy fiendlike Foes,**
Rather than THOU should'st quit this earthly ball,
E'en JONATHAN shall cry—GOD speed thy blows!!!
* That which in a Democracy is called LIBERTY, in governments of a different nature, obtains the Epithets of Licentiousness, Anarchy, &c. hence probably arises Jonathan's embarrassment by what name to call his quondam mistress .
† The removal of the bust of Liberty from the Federal Hall, to the Watercloset, where the members when hard pressed retire, is a fact well known in Philadelphia though perhaps not generally known elsewhere. Trifles, says Doctor Franklin, are like straws—they sometimes serve to shew which way the wind blows.
‡ The Aristocrats of France. ‡ The Doctrine of Jure divino right, though exploded for a century, seems likely to be revived in our days, if the views and wishes of certain Friends to monarchy among us, should prevail.
** For shame JONATHAN! wouldst thou doom to the Guillotine such Heads, as the Empress of all the Russias?
† Several of the states proposed amendments on the subject of the judicial department of the government of the United States, which have been entirely disregarded hitherto, by Congress.
‡‡ See ode 2d. Whether Atlas penn'd the draught of the present constitution or not, it is well known to have been his policy to annihilate the states, and in lieu of a federal republic, to erect an energetic monarchy.

RIGHTS IN GENERAL.
YE righteous powers! vouchsafe to shew Contending worms, their rights to know. The 'rights of man,' pray what are those, But rights to follow—each his nose.— The 'rights of woman,' what be these? But do and say—what e'er she please. The 'rights of schoolboy'—why, if clever, They're squib, feggar, and—fun for ever. The fondling rights of mamma's pet? Why death to menials—if it fret. What 'asses-rights'—why bray invain; Or else their 'beather rights' maintain; While rights of TEACHUM fierce, or dolt, Are spare the whip, and break the colt. What e'en are rights of queens and kings, But fancy'd sweets and bitter stings? And what their subjects' rights at best, But rights to lop off sovereign crest? What then the rights of standers-by, But jarcic rights to laugh and cry? While rights canaille—fib being off, Are rights the traitor's blood to quaff! What then are rights of public bodies, But cater, feast, and ride their noddies? And what the rights of outs and ins, But rights recrminating fins?— What, rights of funding financiers; But fiscal rights to tax compeers?— What, rights of scribes & public speakers? Evesre clause to aid law breakers.— And what the rights of pleader's tongue, But rights to prove, that right is wrong? What hence, are rights of sage and fool; But turn about, be rul'd and rule? And what the rights of lords and masters, But flea alive, for feign'd dilates? What then, the rights of vassal slaves, But rights to dig their masters' graves! What next are rights of strong and weak? But rights the wall to give or seek? And what the rights of young and old, But rights to sell or—to be sold? What e'en are rights of rich and poor, But one to beg at th' other's door? Yet, rights of robber to wring from one, Are rights to hold all things in common: While rights of wights to toil for bread, Are rights to starve, or—work 'till dead. What rights plead libertines of late, But rights to b'lieve no future state? And pray what rights more nice or civil, To rid mankind of tyrant devil? While rights of most atrocious deed, Are heaz'enly rights—if they succeed; And rights which justly should prevail, Ar rights infernal—if they fail. What right have folks to go to war, But rights to keep men still impar? Left rights of peace make neutral bat, Prove neither pleb, nor Cincinnati! What rights give conq'ring heroes birth, But rights to desolate the earth!— While rights of pulpit, bar, and stage, Are rights to heighten party rage; And rights of press—what e'er betide— Are rights to print on—either side. What rights claim vilest toad and frog, But rights to croak o'er some "king log"? And pray what rights have these to cease, 'Till rights of stork establish peace? Nay what are rights of man and wife, But rights to wrangle during life? And what the rights of infant bearn, But rights to listen, lisp and learn? While rights of rightlings in he strest, Are rights insulting—all they meet. What, hence, an Africs—savage rights, But rights to massacre all whites? And what the rights of whitest nation, But rights of pre retaliation?— Whence rights of mob, in ev'ry age, Are plunder, blood, and sacrilege; While rights of rabble to be free, Are rights of "just equality." Poor rights of nature, how antique! Her clown and cit so much unlike; While rights of Art spread ev'ry where, Of "common sense"—an equal share: Give rights, alike, to mule and ass, Of poundage, for not knowing their grass; And vest e'en mice—in air balloon, With equal rights to—storm the moon!— Those glorious rights—assum'd or giv'n, Bless'd angel pride first try'd in heav'n; And tho' such rights base sp'rits fail'd On nobler fiesh, they're still entail'd.— And what, tho' ghostly right records, A "king of kings, and lord of lords?" The rightl'her title 'cit of cit's', Far better suits "king killing" writs. Whence rights of rulers, clergy, laymen, Ar now, but rights of patient amen; While rights, in fine, of great and small, Are "strongest arm"—come, carry all:
A right of rights which, who but fees? From orbs on high, to mites in cheese! But quit such rights for rights of truth, And right your conduct, while in youth; Let rights of child be what they should, And when 'tis old they'll still be good. Be rights of taste, tho' hard, well ply'd; Left truant rights take lawless stride. Brook rights above—soothe those below, For placid rights lie 'tween the two. Love rights of foe—as fellow-worm, And on yourself commence "REFORM." So will e'en injur'd rights outshene The triumphs of the "guillotine." But hold, perhaps of right you'll ask, What! must I cringe in borrow'd mask; To usurp d rights of pow'r and pelf? In each "aristo" tyrant elf! Whose belish rights are to keep down, Such upright man and passive clown; As impar rights of purse and scrip, Fore-doom to drudge, or brook the whip; When rights egalite count Hodge, As fit to rule the roast, as GEO'GE? No—this were rights of pup to boast, Which licks the foot that kicks it most; While rights of sex, age, and degree, Are death! or, "equal liberty." Hail "lew'ling rights!" sublimely just; Who know no gods, save 'sbalt' & 'must!' Would rights of Christ but worship you, The world were His—as ye sabbatue— Then rights of Pruss, Russ, Turk & Pole, In democratic dust might roll; And reptile rights no more revere John Bull, than shamrock volunteer. Nay, then to "rights of man" was giv'n To fix the rights of hell and heav'n. While rights of heroes, nymphs and gnats— Co-blest'd in rights of vermicrats; Might hold, with Pope, in pride's despite, That "whatsoever is, is right;" And that all counter-rights are wrong: Which ends my rightless rights of song! PHILEUTHYS. Philad. 1793.
From the INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE. Messrs. Adams & Larkin, AT present it is only necessary to observe upon a single paragraph in the publications of PACIFICUS, a writer in Mr. Tenno's paper, and reprinted (by request in the Columbian Centinel.) One reason he offers why we ought not to comply with our treaty with France, is, that it might possibly set upon us the numerous tribes of Indians along our whole interior frontier, acting under the influence and direction of England and Spain. It is curious to observe the art and ingenuity of writers when arguing against the French, or against the fulfilment of our treaty with that nation. It seems, by this writer, we are now to break our treaty with France, under the apprehension of our being engaged in an Indian war, carried on under the "direction and influence of the British nation." Pray, Mr. Pacificus, which is the most ruinous to the U. States, to break our treaty with France or demand our forts of the English, agreeable to their treaty, in order to prevent the hostilities of the Indians, under "their direction and influence? "Do you suppose that the French will be satisfied on this point with your sophistry, or that you can blind the eyes of the Convention by arguments so puerile? Have the English held our frontiers for so many years with a design to prevent our ever assisting our allies? Or has lord Dorchester given you this official information, with instructions to retail it in all the hackneyed papers of your party? Now, Mr. Pacificus, you are mightily afraid of an Indian war, when France is brought into view; but where have been your fears for many years past, while admitting a combined body of land jobbers to involve this country in all the horrors and expence of the war you now so seriously deprecate! Why did you not come forward with your publications, and discountenance an Indian war, at a period when it became so formidable as to require an extra duty of two and an half per cent. on the trade, to support it? Why was not your patriotism alarmed on the report of a committee of Congress, which has laid two sessions almost totally unnoticed, notwithstanding it was evident, that thousands and tens of thousands, nay millions of dollars, were expended and wasted by mismanagement and neglect? Was you, Pacificus, so deeply ingulfed in the vortex of speculation, that you could not elaborately descant on the horrors of an Indian
war, when our brave troops were repulsed and slaughtered near the villages of the Miami? Or was the reputation of those that were concerned in this disgraceful business, more sacred, than a treaty signed by our ambassador in France, and ratified by the Congress of the United States?" Mention not, Sir, an Indian war, this being a business which many in government ought to blush at, as it is reasonably conjectured that this infamous war, originated among a set of land jobbers, who wish to acquire an immense territory at the expence of the revenue and the earnings of the industrious merchant, tradesman and farmer. A further argument which you offer why we ought to break our treaty with France is, "that the United States are destitute of a naval force." But if you was at the head of our financiering department, you would know, that more money has been expended in futile operations, and peculating contracts, in carrying on the Indian war, than would have furnished the United States, long before this time, with a navy sufficient to cope with any maritime power in Europe: Provided you was at the head of our financiering department, why have you not been as careful on this head, as to your "instrumentality" in furnishing means to bank speculators? Had this important subject been attended to, and a thorough investigation taken place in the war department as to the immense sum, needlessly expended in Indian expeditions, PACIFICUS would now blush to make an assertion, that the United States were destitute of a naval force, or pretend to offer this as a reason why we ought to break a treaty with a nation on whose friendship the future glory, honor, welfare, commerce, agriculture and manufactures of America essentially depend. One remark more will close the present observations. Pacificus after endeavouring in three elaborate publications to prove that we are not bound by treaty to assist France (should they require it) concludes with these words, "And the President was in every view fully justified in pronouncing that the duty and interest of the United States dictated a neutrality in the war." Do you suppose, Pacificus, that the President will thank you for bringing his proclamation as a voucher to sanction your principles? Is the "neutrality" recommended by the President founded upon the principles you advocate, viz. that we are not bound by any subsisting treaty? It is an affront to the President to suppose this was the design of his proclamation, or that you was deputed the herald to proclaim the principles upon which it was issued. I forbear to enlarge on the idea, as I am convinced this illustrious character retains too high a sense of the honor of the states, and feels too deeply interested in the honor of this country, to blast its reputation by jesuitism and sophistry; more especially would he attempt to explain away a treaty with a nation, whose friendship and martial prowess he so particularly experienced, at a time, when the troops of France were led by him hand in hand with those of America, into the field of battle, and whose blood in consequence of his commands, was mingled in one current, in defence of the cause of freedom and America. For he will remember, nor can the idea ever be obliterated from his memory, That the soldiers of France were active in placing the Laurels of victory on his head A DEMOCRAT.
Shrewsbury and Philadelphia STAGE. THE Shrewsbury and Philadelphia stage, will commence to run regularly, on Thursday the fourth of July, to leave Philadelphia on that day, after which time, during the month of July, it will start from M'Kean and Van Emburgh's wharf at Philadelphia (the next wharf below Arch street) on every Sunday and Wednesday & proceed to Bordentown—the land stage to proceed on the next morning to Edington, and to return on every Tuesday and Friday. In the month of August, it will leave Philadelphia on every Sunday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday and Saturday. Fare for Passengers from Philadelphia to Edington - - two dollars & an half For goods ditto - - ditto pr. cwt. one dollar. VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, SAMUEL FORMAN. Bordentown June 29, 1793. For freight or passage, apply to the masters on board, or to M'KEAN & VAN EMBURGH Who have for sale as usual at their stores on said wharf, pork, hams, flour, lard, butter, rye and Indian meal, cheese, bar iron &c. &c. July 3. 2M. 12W.
STOP THIEF. THE public are requested to stop a villain who calls himself Thomas Stevens, or Steven-son, is a good shoemaker, says he was born in the state of New York, is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, fair complexion, short curled hair behind, and bald before to the crown; has a scar on the back of his head, which he says he received in Savannah in defence of Mr. Millin, his employer, by a stroke of a boot tree by a Mr. Smithson; has travelled through every state in the Union, and several of the Indian nations; he stole from this place a sorrel Gelding, about 13 3/4 or 14 hands high, has a star in his face, branded on the mounting shoulder RM joined, paces and trots. Likewise, a half worn double skirted saddle, with plated stirrups, and a snaffle bridle, with a pair of moon plated buckles, and a pair of goose necked plated spurs. Whoever will bring said horse and thief to the subscriber, shall receive Ten Guineas reward. July 9. SIMON DAY. 5t
Just Published By JOHNSTON and JUSTICE, No. 41, Chestnut-Street, and may be had at No. 209, Market-Street. Price one and four pence half penny, Travels through America, A Poem—by MICHAEL FORREST. CONTENTS: VOYAGE from Ireland to Newfoundland—Description of Newfoundland—Voyage from Newfoundland to Boston—Address to Columbia to the Bostonians, and to Bunker's Hill—Voyage from Boston to Baltimore—Observations on passing Brandywine, going to Philadelphia—A view of a youth swimming in the river Schuylkill and sporting on its margin—Description of Philadelphia—A fraternal scene—A moral deduced from the fraternal scene—Battle of the legs in Philadelphia—Sailing from Philadelphia to Bordentown in a stage boat—Philosophical contemplation with respect to human happiness—View of Burlington and Bristol—A delicate view of a young lady bathing in a sylvan pool—Rolanda in the grove, a rural scene—Moral from the distress of Rolanda—Address to Rolanda's inconstant swain—The approach of Winter—A Winter Storm—The approach of Spring—A view of the solar system on a fine summer night—Rural observations—Battle of Trenton—Praise of General Washington—Daphne and Strephon, a rural scene—Voyage to Charleston, South-Carolina—Description of Charleston and the Ladies of Carolina—Verses to a Carolina Lady—Siege of Charleston—Address to Fortune—Verses addressed to a young Gentleman at the Charleston College-Academy—A specimen of unlimited sublime poetry—Man shall be free, a new song: Shoals of Ogechee, (Georgia) June 18.
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be sold by THOMAS DOBSON, WILLIAM YOUNG, ROBERT CAMPBELL—Messrs. RICE and Co. and JOHN M. CULLOCH, No. 1, North Third-street, AN EXAMINATION of the late proceedings in Congress respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; with Observations, &c. on the application of loans from Holland, negotiated under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August 1790—The price of the above pamphlet is three sixteenths of a dollar, or 18 3/4. 1-2. April 24. 2aw tf ** The author requests his readers to correct the following ERRATA in the pamphlet above mentioned.—Page 5. line 11—2d paragraph, for Coalition read Collision.—Page 25. line 11—2d paragraph, instead of Bank directors read "Stockholders."
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be sold at the respective Book Stores of Joseph Crukshank and Thomas Dobson, and may be had at the Printing office, No. 209, Market-Street.—[Price one eighth of a dollar.] LETTERS, Addressed to the YEOMANRY of the UNITED STATES: Containing some Observations on Funding and Bank Systems: BY AN AMERICAN FARMER.
Ten Dollars Reward. RAN away from the subscriber on the 16th of June last, an apprentice lad named JOSEPH CURTIS, by trade a house carpenter, about 19 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, is left-handed, light brown hair, full faced; had on when he went away a brown broadcloth coat, with metal buttons, striped cotton waistcoat, and homespun linen trowsers, coloured. Whoever will take up said apprentice, and secure him in jail, so that his master may get him again, or bring him home, shall receive the above reward, and reasonable charges paid by WILLIAM COOKE. Bordentown, July 6, 1793. 1aw3w
A FEW COPIES OF THE TRANSACTIONS Of the Society instituted in the State of New-York, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANUFACTURES, May be had at this Office. [Price HALF a DOLLAR.]
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.