The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-07 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,  A N D  WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. IV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 7th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
LIFE OF DR. FRANKLIN.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, who will shine with distinguished lustre in the page of history as a philosopher, a politician, and a legislator, seems to be indebted for his fame more to natural abilities and strength of genius than to the greatness of his ancestors, or the opulence of his family. Like the celebrated French orator, Flechier, he was the son of a tallow-chandler, who emigrated from England for his religious opinions, and established himself at Boston, where he carried on his business, and where the subject of these memoirs was born, on the 17th of January, 1706.
When scarcely fourteen, young Franklin left the place of his nativity, where he probably worked some time with his father in his profession, and went to Philadelphia about the year 1720. Here he found means to get himself introduced to the only printer then settled in that city, who, observing him to be a youth of parts, and possessed of a happy disposition, received him into his house, and taught him the art of printing, which at this period was very little known throughout the greater part of that country.
In this situation, Franklin gave such specimens of his talents and industry as recommended him to the notice of strangers who, from motives of curiosity, visited the printing-office of his master, and few of them quitted it without giving him some marks of their liberality and satisfaction.
Fond of knowledge, and having an insatiable desire for instruction, young Franklin perceived that at such a distance from England he could acquire it only from books; but as these were difficult to be procured in a place which contained only four or five hundred volumes, he formed, in conjunction with some other young men, whose pursuits were congenial with his own, a small book society, the members of which agreed to bring together all the literary works they possessed, in order to establish a library. As this resource, however, was not sufficient to gratify his ardent thirst for science he prevailed on the society to contribute a fixed sum every month, for the purpose of purchasing books in London, which, as they arrived, were added to the original collection.
This society being soon known, its members rapidly increased, and, to make the institution more generally useful, they resolved to lend out books to such of the inhabitants of Philadelphia as had a turn for reading, on condition of their paying a certain subscription. By these means, they augmented their fund, and consequently their collection, so much, that in the course of a few years they had more books perhaps than were to be found in all the colonies put together. In short, the advantages arising from this establishment appeared to be so great that their example was followed at Boston, New York, Charles Town, and other places; and thus was laid the foundation of those valuable libraries now to be seen in these towns, as well as Philadelphia, which can boast of one of the first respectability.
Convinced, however, that all the assistance he could procure would not conduct him to that point at which he wished to arrive, Franklin determined to pay a visit to England: he therefore went to England about the year 1724 or 1725, and worked for some time in London, as journeyman printer, with the late Mr. Watts. Though in this humble station, he had procured letters of recommendation to Martin Folkes, Esq. afterwards President of the Royal Society, by whom he was well received, and through him was known to Dr. Clarke: but he was not gratified with a sight of Sir Isaac Newton, which he often lamented, and which he had greatly laboured to obtain. The increasing infirmities, and great age, of Sir Isaac, prevented him from enjoying that pleasure.
It may not be here improper to observe, as an instance of Franklin's good sense, that he was never ashamed of his origin, or blushed to mention his having worked for daily hire. In a conversation at Paris, in company with Count D'Aranda and the Duke de la Rochefoucault, he replied to an English gentleman, who asked him some ques-
tions about the state of the paper manufactory there, "Few men can give you more information on that subject than myself, for I was originally in the printing trade." Some years ago, when in London, he paid a visit to Mr. Hett, who succeeded Mr. Watts, and taking a view of the spot where he had once laboured, he retired, highly satisfied, after making a present in money to the journeyman. Mr. Watts had behaved to Franklin with so much kindness that he always entertained a grateful remembrance of it. At every entertainment which he gave his workmen, during the life of Mr. Watts, the health of his old friend and master, who used often to say that "his young American composer," as he called him, "would one day make a considerable figure," was one of the first toasts.
By an original letter to Sir Hans Sloane Bart. published in the gentleman's Magazine, and dated June 2d, 1725, it appears that Mr. Franklin, at this early period, had a strong turn for philosophical science. This letter is as follows.
"Having lately been in the northern parts of America, I have brought from thence a purse made of the stone asbestos, a piece of the stone and a piece of the wood, the pithy part of which is of the same nature, and called by the inhabitants, Salamander cotton. As you are noted to be a lover of curiosities, I have informed you of these, and, if you have any inclination to purchase them, or see them, let me know your pleasure, by a line directed to me at the Golden Fan , in Little Britain , and I will wait upon you with them."
How long Mr. Franklin resided in England, or in what year he went back to America, our materials do not inform us, but we learn, from the account of him published in France, by M. Le Roy, that on his return he persuaded the printer who first instructed him in the typographic art to set on foot a newspaper, on the plan of those published in London. This idea was attended with the happiest success, and his master, who derived great benefit from it, after admitting him as a partner, out of gratitude for his friendship and assistance, gave him his daughter in marriage. The fruits of this union were, a son, who espousing the party in opposition to that of our philosopher, became one of the chiefs of the loyalists, and a daughter, afterwards married to Mr. Bache, a merchant in Philadelphia.
In 1735, Mr. Franklin was attacked by a severe pleurisy, which terminated in an abscess on the left lobe of his lungs, and he was then almost suffocated with the quantity and suddenness of the discharge. A second attack of a similar nature happened some years after this, from which he soon recovered, and he did not appear to suffer any inconvenience in his respiration from the effects of these diseases. His idea of death may be collected from a letter which he wrote to Miss Hubbard, on the loss of his brother, John Franklin, of Boston, who was Miss Hubbard's father-in-law.
"Dear child," says he, "I console with you; we have lost a most dear and valuable relation; but it is the will of God and Nature that these mortal bodies be laid aside, when the soul is to enter into real life; it is rather an embryo state, a preparation for living: A man is not completely born until he be dead;—why then should we grieve that a new child is born among the immortals, a new member added to their happy society? We are spirits. That bodies should be lent us while they can afford us pleasure, assist us in acquiring knowledge, or doing good to our fellow creatures, is a kind and benevolent act of God. When they become unfit for these purposes, and afford us pain instead of pleasure, instead of an aid, they become an incumbrance, and answer none of the intentions for which they were given. It is equally kind and benevolent that a way is provided by which they may get rid of them. Death is that way. We ourselves prudently choose a partial death. In some cases a mangled painful limb, which cannot be restored, we willingly cut off. He who plucks out a tooth parts with it free-
ly, since the pain goes with it; and he that quits the whole body, parts at once with all the pains and diseases it was liable to, or capable of making him suffer. Our friend and we are invited abroad—a party forever—his carriage was first ready, and he is gone before us; we could not all conveniently start together, and why should you and I be grieved at this, since we are soon to follow, and know where to find him? Adieu!"
By pursuing his profession with diligence and assiduity, Mr. Franklin, after the year 1748, was enabled, by the fortune which he had acquired, to devote more of his time to the study of natural philosophy, and to the service of his country, by taking an active part in the government and administration of public affairs. About this period also, he began to turn his thoughts towards electricity, in which he made some very important discoveries.
The celebrated experiment of Leyden having excited the attention of all the literati in Europe, Mr. Collinson a member of the Royal Society, sent Mr. Franklin several glass tubes and other instruments, proper for making electrical experiments, and for pursuing his researches in that curious part of science. These he employed with so much success, that he was at length enabled to make those discoveries which astonished the world, and which alone are sufficient to render his name immortal. Two of those discoveries seem peculiarly to characterize his genius: that of the unequal distribution of the electric fluid, and that of conductors. Mr. Grey had said, a little before his death, that if small objects were to be compared with great, he would venture to affirm, that electricity and lightning were one and the same thing. The more the phenomena of electricity were multiplied, the more this idea appeared to be founded in truth; and as it was observed in America, that pointed bodies attracted the electric fluid at a much greater distance than bodies of any other figure, our philosopher concluded, that if the clouds during a storm are filled with that fluid, any metal point presented to them, in an elevated situation, would be electrified by them. This grand and sublime conjecture was at first treated as an absurdity by those who could not soar above the prejudices of the vulgar, but it was soon after confirmed in France by Mr. Dalibard, who made the experiment on the 10th of May, 1752.
This gentleman caused an iron rod, an inch in diameter, forty feet in length, and very sharp at the upper extremity, to be erected in a garden at Mary-la-ville, six leagues from Paris. It was supported by large poles disposed at proper distances, and was insulated by means of silk strings and a stool with glass feet. On the day above mentioned, between the hours of two and three in the afternoon, after a very loud clap of thunder, the Sieur Coiffier, who was left to make observations in Mr. Dalibard's absence, ran to the machine, and having presented to the rod a piece of wire fitted to a glass handle, observed a small brilliant spark to proceed from it, with a crackling noise, and on repeating the experiment, produced a second, still stronger than the former, and accompanied with a louder noise.
About a month after this period, our philosopher verified the same theory by means of an electric kite, which he raised when a storm of lightning was perceived to be coming on. This kite had a pointed wire fixed upon it, by which it drew the lightning from the clouds. The lightning descended by a hempen string, and was received by a key, tied to the extremity of it; that part of the string which was held in the hand being of silk, that the electric virtue might stop when it came to the key. Having prepared his apparatus, he embraced the opportunity of the first approaching thunder storm to take a walk into a field, in which there was a shed convenient for this purpose; but dreading the ridicule which too often attends unsuccessful attempts in science, he communicated his intentions to nobody but his son, who assisted him in raising the kite.
The kite being raised, a considerable time elapsed before there was any appearance of its being electrified; but just as he was beginning to despair of his contrivance, he
observed some loose threads of the hempen string to stand erect, and to avoid each other as if they had been suspended on a common conductor. Struck with this promising appearance, he immediately presented his knuckle to the key, and with infinite pleasure perceived a very evident electric spark. Others succeeded even before the string was wet, and when the rain had moistened the string, he collected electric fire in great abundance. This happened in the month of June, 1752, before he had heard, according to Dr. Priestly, of any thing of the like kind being done in France.
This curious experiment led our philosopher to a discovery of the utmost importance to mankind, but especially to the inhabitants of several parts of North America, where thunder storms are more frequent, and their effects in that dry air more dreadful than they are ever known to be in Europe. The discovery here alluded to, was that of securing buildings from being damaged by lightning. This great end our philosopher accomplished, by only fixing a metalline rod higher than any part of the building and communicating with the ground or rather the nearest water. This rod the lightning was sure to fly to sooner than to any other object, and by these means its dangerous power was safely conducted to the earth, and dissipated without doing any harm to the edifice.
On account of these and other useful discoveries in electricity, the Royal Society of London, on the 30th of November, 1753, adjudged Sir Godfrey Copley's medal to Mr. Franklin, and delivered it, to be transmitted to him, to the care of his worthy friend Mr. Collinson. On this occasion the Earl of Macclesfield, then President made a speech, which greatly enhanced the value of the prize, and did honor to the judgment of that learned body. "To be assured," said his lordship, "that in conferring this annual prize, constant regard will be had to the advancement of useful knowledge and the honor of the society—to bear it declared, that overlooking their own circle, they will always, with the generous spirit of true philosophers, esteem ingenious men of all countries, fellow members with themselves of the illustrious republic of letters, and that they will accordingly distinguish the most deserving Tras, Rutulæve ;—and to see this verified in the present instance, must excite a laudable emulation among learned men, since in their turns they may hope for this honor, without friend, and without solicitation, wherever born, or however distant their residence."
About the year 1758 Dr. Franklin paid another visit to England; and in 1759 published an Historical Review of the Government of Pennsylvania, which was followed in 1760 by a work entitled, The Interests of Great Britain considered , with regard to her colonies. Both these pamphlets display depth of judgment, as well as accuracy of observation, and evidently show that the author was equally qualified to shine as a politician and a philosopher.
In the month of August, 1762, Dr. Franklin left England, and arrived at Philadelphia in the October following. His stay in America was, however, very short, for he came back to England in December 1764, and resided in that country above ten years, during which he published several miscellaneous pieces in the philosophical Transactions.
(To be Continued.)
NEW PLAN OF THE FRENCH CONSTITUTION.
AS SKETCHED BY RODERER.
The male inhabitants of France, of age, and paying duties as a qualification to vote, he estimates at
   5,000,000 Citizens voters   Who reduce themselves to 500,000 Notables of Com.   Who reduce themselves to 50,000 Notables of Depart.   Who reduce themselves to 5,000 Notables of France.   From whom are to be chosen 500 } Legislators Senate and Tribunate.   And also 80 Conservators   And also 2 Puine con.   And also 1 Grand constab.  

To the Freemen of Maryland.
ON Monday you will be called upon to discharge one of the most momentous duties which our republican form of government imposes. In other countries the people are governed without their consent; they are governed by tyrants: in our country the people govern themselves; all the good which our country enjoys is derived from their prudence, and all the evil from their indiscretion.
Think, then, I entreat you, with deliberation: before you give a vote which may decide the fate of the United States. The election for President was designed by the framers of our Constitution to be a plain one, which every citizen might comprehend—But the intrigues of party, the aspiring ambition of an individual, have encompassed it with darkness and difficulty. You are not called upon merely to prefer one man to another, to say whether you desire Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Adams to be President; but you may give a vote which, without intending it, may make Mr. Pinckney or Mr. Hamilton President.
For it is an unquestionable fact that Mr. Pinckney shall be the nominal President, Mr. Hamilton will be the real one. It is a fact too that a party of men, with Mr. Hamilton at their head, have determined, if possible, by one bold stratagem, to get rid of Mr. Adams, by giving their exclusive support to Mr. Pinckney, knowing that Mr. Pinckney will be subservient to their views—I say, fellow citizens, that this is a fact. It is true that Mr. Hamilton has just published a Pamphlet in which he declares the very opposite of this—But actions speak louder than words—The pamphlet of which I speak is from beginning to end, a tissue of reproaches cast upon Mr. Adams. He is over and over again declared to be incompetent to the office of President; and in addition to Mr. Hamilton's declared conviction of his insufficiency, he entertains towards him the most lively personal resentment, which he repeatedly announces. He affirms that Mr. Adams is a vain and weak man, passionate to excess, the creature of impulse, inconstant as the wind. The pamphlet in which he endeavours to prove this to be the character of Mr. Adams was printed about a week ago, just in time to reach the Southern States, and to have there the desired effect, unimpaired by any explanation or refutation of its contents by the friends of Mr. Adams.
Who, then, can doubt that the intention of Mr. Hamilton is to destroy Mr. Adams, by the election of general Pinckney.
To what great cause, are we to ascribe the dire hatred of Mr. Hamilton to Mr. Adams? Is it to a love of his country, as he vauntingly pretends? Or is it to a sincere desire to maintain in its strength the federal interest; when the direct effect of his conduct is to expose, divide and weaken it.
No: these are not the causes. You shall decide for yourselves what the real causes are, when I state to you two facts.
When the illustrious Washington, the commander of our armies, died, Mr. Hamilton expected to be appointed his successor by Mr. Adams. Mr. Adams did not appoint him. Further, in conjunction with Congress, he disbanded the army ; and with the disbanding of the army vanished all the arrogant hopes of Mr. Hamilton.
Hear another fact—Mr. Adams's letter to Tench Coxe, lately published, charges the government of our country with having been under British influence . Recollect that Mr. Hamilton is an Englishman by birth; recollect that the phalanx that supports him through thick and thin consists almost entirely of Englishmen; recollect his avowed declarations, undenied by him, of his attachment to monarchy, and can you doubt that in his opinion, Mr. Adams committed an inexcusable crime in impressing the people with a jealousy of British influence.
Here then you behold the keys to Mr. Hamilton's high-toned resentment. This resentment is not of a light kind. Its gratification is conducted with system and deep premeditation.
Candidates, in this state, as well as in all others, are offered, who, under the name of Federalists, are in reality the political enemies of Mr. Adams, and the political friends of Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Pinckney. They will not tell you so: because candour does not suit their ends. But judge them by their actions. The late abortive attempt to deprive you of your elective right, was intended to secure to Mr. Pinckney, to the exclusion of Mr. Adams, all the votes of Maryland. The friends of the measure knew that you were too upright and too enlightened to be the
tools of any man of aspiring ambition; but they confided in being able to mould to their purposes a body of men selected with that very view.
Rest assured, then my fellow citizens that every candidate denominated federal, will, if elected, vote for Mr. Pinckney and not for Mr. Adams; and rest assured that Mr. Pinckney if President will be synonymous with Mr. Hamilton.
Are you prepared for this event? Are you prepared for an immense funded debt, a gigantic standing army, a war with France, the overthrow of your republic, and an establishment of monarchy? These are solemn enquiries. Make them, I conjure you, with a sincere desire, to form true opinions of men. Having formed them, act for yourselves. From what I have stated you can vote only either for Mr. Pinckney or Mr. Jefferson; for Mr. Adams is out of the question.
If, for the above reasons you do not think that Mr. Pinckney will make a good President, Mr. Jefferson is your only resource.
Examine his character. His friends believe him not only wise but honest; they believe him to be a true friend to his country; they believe him to be a genuine republican. His enemies acknowledge his talents, his dignity of public as well as private character. All agree that he is independent. He is the friend of peace with all the world. Such a man must be your friend.
A VOTER.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
There appears to me much want of candor and gratitude in the paragraphs of our George Town Intelligencer, which term Mr. HARRIS, an apostate Democrat, and which condemn him for exertions to obtain an unanimous vote for us federalists in the legislature of Maryland. Did not our leaders in George Town receive and circulate his Bystander? Did we not vote for the measure proposed? The Democrats, as we term them, certainly defeated our plan, and we have incurred some obloquy for the attempt to deprive the people of their right to vote for Electors; but ought we, therefore, to abuse the sensible young man whom we then applauded, and whose pamphlets were circulated in thousands?—Who of the Republican party will come over to us, if we use the opprobrious term "Apostate"? We must suppose him actuated by reason, and surely his change to our party ought to be approved. If he failed in a strong measure, ought we not to put a good face upon it, and to avoid exclaiming against it? Why should we be against Pinckney? Is he not a staunch federalist? We seem to be quarrelling about men and not principles—If I see any more such attacks on those I have supported through thick and through thin, I shall begin to think that passion and prejudice have had too much sway over me, and that those acts from conscious rectitude alone, who in adversity or prosperity adhere invariably to their sentiments. My judgement whispers me that Mr. Jefferson's good sense and moderation are best calculated to reconcile true Americans; and if I perceive any more of that inveteracy which prevails on our side, I shall glory in becoming a convert to what my heart dictates will be for the peace and safety of my country. Mr. Adams has resided too much at Quincy, Mr. Pinckney may do the same in South Carolina; and thus the secretaries, for want of their leader, may quarrel.
CIVIS.
TENCH COXE, in a letter addressed to the public, inserted in the Aurora, makes the following statement.
"In the month of April, 1794, I being then commissioner of the revenue in the department of the Treasury of the United States, was sitting in one of my office chambers in the Treasury at Philadelphia, treating on business with a person there. Mr. Langdon then of the Senate of the United States, of New Hampshire, formerly a member of the revolutionary Congress, and sometime chief magistrate of New Hampshire, came in. He was apparently very grave and in pain of mind. Being convinced that something serious, disagreeable and important had occurred; I dropped the business with the other person immediately, upon the true and usual plea, that I must attend to a member of the Legislature, which Mr. Langdon was; we thus became alone. For it was in my separate office, where the clerks never sat. As soon as we were private, I asked Mr. Langdon what was the matter, observing to him that he seemed very grave; he informed me that a circumstance had just occurred, which gave him great concern and alarm. He said that he was conferring in the Senate Chamber with the Vice President Mr. Adams
and Mr. Taylor of the Senate; and that Mr. Adams had said much about republican government, and finally expressed himself in favor of an hereditary President for the United States. We conversed some time with astonishment and regret at such a fact, and I finally observed to him, that he must remember when we were together at New-York, where I lodged as a member of the old Congress, with him as a member of the new Federal Senate, that I was active and decided in favor of the election of Mr. Adams as Vice-President; but that if ever I took part in respect to his election again it would be against him.
Some time after I understood that Mr. Langdon and Mr. Taylor had reduced to writing the substance of Mr. Adams's declaration in the Senate chamber, and I was on application to them, permitted to see it, and am now authorized to refer to them. From their written memorandum mutually agreed, it appeared that much was said against republicanism in Europe (according to Mr. Adams's works) and that he declared it to be as impossible to govern the people of Europe by elective government, as their cattle. Mr. Adams added, "that on account of the virtue of the people of the United States, which was owing to the youth of the country, a Republican government might do here for a while, but that he expected to see the time when Mr. Giles and Mr. Taylor would be convinced that the people of America could not be happy without an hereditary Chief Magistrate, and an hereditary Senate, or a senate, for life."
This statement is made by me from my memory and from a memorandum which I made at the time, and which is now before me. The substance of this statement has been laid before the public, and is well known to Mr. Adams, and his friends and supporters, and to Mr. Langdon and Mr. Taylor. No denial has ever been made by any of them. No doubt or question has been raised. I risk myself, in the most unreserved manner, upon the truth, because I am attached to the federal Constitution and the Constitution of my native state of Pennsylvania, and because I am bound by oath to support them. I believe that truth and reason impartially brought before the legislatures, the presidential electors, and the people, at this time will save us from the miseries of a revolutionary struggle, to change a form and plan of government the best that Providence has ever dispensed to man, and to which this nation is cordially attached."
NEW-YORK, Nov. 1.
The brig Union, captain Billington, arrived at this port yesterday, in 39 days from Belfast.
Our Irish papers by this arrival are to the 19th September, and our London papers to the 15th, from which we have made a selection of those articles of Foreign Intelligence, which will be found in the following columns.
The intercourse between the English and French government is frequent. A flag of truce arrived at Dover from Calais on the 9th September, with dispatches for the British ministry, which made a lively sensation on the public mind, from a hope that there is no insurmountable obstacle to a practicable basis, upon which a negotiation for peace may be opened. Indeed if we may draw an inference from the circumstances of Lord Malmesbury and Thomas Grenville's having been ordered to attend meeting of the Cabinet Council, it may reasonably be expected that something of this kind is in agitation, and that the latter gentleman is to be entrusted with the important business on the part of Great Britain.—To this measure some of the Ministry are still adverse: but the most efficient members are determined to exert every nerve to try negotiation; and it is said the brother of the Pretender, in the name of his Royal House, has signified his acquiescence.
Reports were prevalent in London, that Baron Thugut had been dismissed from his situation, and that the party who were known to be friends to peace had come into power in the Imperial Cabinet.
The great question of peace or war between France and the Emperor remains undecided.—Notice of the rupture of the armistice, it is true, had been given officially by the French to the armies; but whether hostilities will be renewed depends upon the answer of the Imperial Court to the ultimatum of Buonaparte. In this case the French will make the attack with three grand armies; those of Italy, of Germany and of the Lower Rhine.—The latter is to be augmented from 40 to 50,000 men. The British ministry, it is confidently asserted, have given their consent, as far as it could have influence, that the Emperor
should ratify the Preliminaries signed at Paris by Count St. Julien.
BOSTON, October, 29.
On Saturday arrived at Newburyport, ship Essex, capt. Jenkins: Through an obliging friend, we have been favored with the following information drawn up by capt. Jenkins.
"Sept. 6. several English ships failed from Cronstadt, early in the morning, but being becalmed in sight of the guard ship, were sent after and brought back, and an embargo laid on all English ships, and they placed by themselves on the western side of the Mole. English property was arrested both in St. Petersburg and Cronstadt, including all the property bought or shipped by Englishmen, (it being immaterial for whose account) and all goods bought of Englishmen, if shipped by them."
They were forbidden to pay or receive money, and ordered to give in a statement of all they owed and to whom, and of what was due to them. 25 sail of the line and two frigates were ordered to be got ready for sea immediately from Cronstadt, besides those from Revel or Archangel. No English Officers were to go out in these ships. Although many of these vessels were before dismantled, by working upon them day and night, the greater part had their sails bent, and were nearly ready for sea, when I failed, (Sept. 10.)—Sept. 9, the English sailors were taken on shore, leaving the Captains, Mates, Carpenters and Boys on board to take care of the vessels.
All the English residents at Cronstadt were put on their parole. All the other merchants in St. Petersburg were directed on that day to give in a statement of what they owed the English and what the English owed them. It was momentarily expected that a general embargo would take place, and remain till the fleet had failed, and war was declared.—These severe measures were said to be taken in consequence of the dispute between Great Britain and Denmark; and the reports, that the English had taken Elsinore, and were bombarding Copenhagen, &c. It is impossible, however, to say precisely what effect the news of the accommodation between those two powers will have.
Sept. 22, I arrived at Elsinore. Every thing there was quiet. Two fleets of merchants ships from England, had passed up the Baltic; but in consequence of the news from Russia, a sloop of war was dispatched to order such back as were bound for that country."
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
LONDON, Sept. 8.
In the view of beginning hostilities the French forces are in motion over the whole line. Troops from the army of reserve, and artillery are sent off to the Grisons, to reinforce the right wing of the grand army. The indefatigable Lecourbe, so admirably skilled in mountain warfare, is to command the attack on the Tyrol. The operations in this quarter, indeed, are of the first importance. They are no less connected with the campaign in Italy than in Germany. If the Austrians are driven from that country, the army of Melas will be turned by the north of the Lake di Garda, and will be compelled to fall back through the Venetian States. The line of Mincio is not worth a farthing if the Tyrol is occupied by the French. It presents a formidable front, indeed; but the enemy penetrate on its flank, and the redoubts and fortifications so laboriously raised by Melas lose all their importance. It is in the Tyrol that the French will endeavour to separate the two Austrian armies of Italy and Germany.—They will make a vigorous effort to strike forward in that direction; and, while Melas is pushed in front by Brune with the army of Italy; Lecourbe will threaten to cut off his rear entirely by advancing towards the Adriatic; still preserving his communications with Moreau and Brune, and indeed forming a centre army. This to be sure is a stupendous undertaking, but it is in the spirit of the times; it is supported by an enormous force. If the campaign is renewed it will be attempted, and unless the Austrian armies have been prodigiously reinforced, it will compel Melas to retreat into Carentia with precipitation, or it will prove his destruction.
The arrival of the Queen of Naples at Vienna seems to be the only official reinforcement which the war system has received. There has been comparatively little effected in preparations to repel invasion.
The rumour of the approach of the Russians has died away. It is again, indeed,

reported with confidence, that Prussia and Russia have entered into an engagement to support the Germanic constitution; and some movements are observed among the Prussian troops, towards the line of neutrality. There is but little expectation, however, that these combinations regard the support of Austria. Prussia cannot be engaged in such a league, though it be very likely that Prussia and Russia are looking for indemnifications. Upon these views of these two powers, and upon Northern politics, some interesting observations will be found in a letter from Brunswick.
The interior of France presents nothing of striking importance. The Tieres Consolides have fluctuated between 31 and 32. On the 3d they were 32 as appears from several of the journals now before us. The Moniteur of the 4th has not the course of exchange.
The French government continues indefatigable in decreeing upon the subject of the navy.
The frequent intercourse between this country and France, by flags of truce, has not terminated. It is probable that the rise that took place in the French funds on the circumstance being known at Paris, was owing to the hope of a general negotiation. It is reported that the Chief Consul has proposed an armistice by sea, a proposal which as it is entirely in favor of France, and against this country, has no reciprocity, and is likely to be refused. It cannot be expected, however, that any pacific discussions can be carried on with much spirit or sincerity, while the state of negotiation between France and Austria is so uncertain. Besides, what progress can be made in smoothing the way to peace, in an intercourse carried on in formal written dispatches, and through the medium of couriers? In all circumstances, therefore, it is impossible that the correspondence will lead to any good; we wish it may not create more ill humour, and tend to prevent negotiation at a future moment.
LONDON, Sept. 11.
A mail arrived from Lisbon this morning. The following letters contain every thing of importance received by it:—
LISBON, August 25.
"My letter by a former packet will have told you the bustle that this government is in; it is now confidently said that all hopes of peace is at an end, and that the French will invade us immediately; if they do, and affairs remain in the present hands, nothing can prevent them from arriving at Lisbon. The Prince Adolphus packet was to have failed three days ago, but has been detained by government. Six couriers arrived last week from Madrid, and one to-day, as many have been sent off. Of diplomatic bustle there is plenty, but I do not hear of any troops marching, of magazines so great that there is not a supply for three months. The harvest and vintage have entirely failed.
General Abercrombie is expected here with 10,000 men.
Lecourbe is preparing for the success of the armies of Germany and Italy, by this great movement; Moreau, with the main body in Bavaria, keep the army of Kray in check, threatens to cut off the forces in the Tyrol, isolates that district, and renders the line of the Inn scarcely tenable. The possession of the Tyrol is a preliminary to that plan of marching to Vienna, which is certainly in contemplation. In support of these movements Brune will send a great part of his force towards the Valteline and Brescian, to facilitate and support the movements of Lecourbe; in a word, the weight of both the French armies presses against the Tyrol in front, and on both sides from Suabia and Bavaria, as well as from the Brescian and the Trentain, till it is rendered quite untenable. The Tyrol being evacuated, Melas must make the best of his way homewards.
Such appears to be the general outline of the preliminary operations of the active force, while the Army of Reserve, as well as that of Augereau, form the covering bodies, the one to the army of Moreau, the other to that of Brune.
It is evident, however, that all hope of peace has not vanished. Buonaparte indeed prepares for war as if it was inevitable; and these preparations will either produce the Emperor's acquiescence, or they will render the overthrow of his armies, according to every human calculation, certain and immediate.
ARTILLERY.
THE Washington Artillery Company, are requested to meet at my house, on Saturday next at 5 o'clock in the evening on business relating to the company.
By order of the Captain,
JOHN KEARNEY, 2d Lieut.
November, 5th, 1800.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 7th, 1800.
Extract of a letter from Mew-Haven, Connecticut dated October 31, 1800.
The Electors for President and Vice-President have been chosen this day by our legislature. They are as follows:
His Excellency gov. Trumbull, Hon. J. Treadwell, Lieut. governor, Jesse Root, Jonathan Sturges, } Judges of the Steph. M. Mitchell, } Superior Court. Jonathan Ingersoll, Tapping Reeve, Matthew Griswold, Esq. Jonathan O. Moseley, Esq.
The legislature of Vermont have re-elected ELIJAH PAINE, senator of the United States, who had 97 votes—There were for S. R. Bradley 68 votes.
The following Members of the present Congress have declined being considered as candidates for the next: John Lawrence, Theo. Sedgwick, Saml. Lyman, John Read, Harrison G. Otis, Bailey Bartlett, Robert Goodloe Harper, Thomas Pinckney, John Wilkes Kittera, William Gordon, James H. Inlay, Jonathan Freeman, Christopher G. Champlin, Jonathan Brace, Chauncy Goodrich, and Thomas Hartley, Esqs.
On the 27th ult. arrived at Beverly the Lehr. Betsey, capt. Rea , from Naples, via Gibraltar; sailed from Gibraltar the 17th of Sept. Captain Rea informs, that the English were about landing troops at Lisbon, from Gibraltar; that the French were prepared to march into Portugal; and that the plague still rages very violently in Cadiz; upwards of three hundred dying daily.
ALEXANDRIA.
On Monday last an election for 21 Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States took place throughout Virginia. In this county there were 459 votes given, of which the republicans had a majority of twenty-three.
In Prince William county the republican ticket was carried by a majority of 100.
We hear that the republican ticket was successful in Fauquier and in Stafford.
COLUMBIA (S. C.) October 17.
"General Sumpter, our republican member of Congress, is re-elected by a majority of 500 votes; and it is almost reduced to a certainty, that John Rutledge will be ousted by Colcock, the republican candidate."
The elections of Georgia have been generally republican; and, says the Louisville Gazette , "there cannot be a doubt entertained, but electors will be chosen who will give Mr. Jefferson an unanimous vote."
The members of congress are, Messrs. Jones and Taliaferro.
WASHINGTON.
From the London Morning Chronicle, August 19, 1800.
The following extract of an unpublished letter of Gen. Washington, to his nephew at Mount Vernon, while he himself was with the army, places the character of that amiable man in a very amiable point of view:
"November, 26, 1775.
"LET the hospitality of the house, with respect to the poor, be kept up. Let no one go hungry away. If any of these kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness. I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, when you think it well bestowed. What I mean by having no objection is, that it is my desire that it should be done. You are to consider, that neither myself nor wife are now in the way to do these good offices. G. W."
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, sailed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexpected delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and
concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press.
Here is truth in the declaration the venerable Congress of 1774, who in their address to the inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor clings with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indelicate ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to HIM, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it, however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROFESSIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subscribed to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
 1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good paper, and with a new type.  2d. The annual subscription shall be FIVE DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and SIX DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.  3d. All Letters to be post-paid. 
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. This, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER is this day presented to the Public. It is the first Paper printed in WASHINGTON; and from the vicinity of the Editor to the Capitol, the seat of the public bodies, he expects to be enabled to furnish the earliest and most correct notices of their deliberations. The crisis of national affairs is deeply interesting, whether contemplated in relation to our internal or external situation. Fully impressed with the sacred duties of the press in such times, and sensible how much good or mischief may be effected by the virtuous or vicious application of the power with which public opinion has invested it, truth and truth only, shall be the guide of the Editor. In many instances he will doubtless be deceived. But in all instances a consciousness of error will be followed by a candid renunciation of it.
The design of the National Intelligencer is to diffuse correct information through the whole extent of the union. From the whole extent, therefore, of the union, it must derive the patronage that shall sustain it; and every friend to its plan is invited to promote it, by making known its nature and character to his fellow citizens in his neighbourhood.
For this sole purpose, not in the unworthy spirit of solicitation, it is intended to forward a few of the early numbers to citizens of respectability in the several states, who are requested to use their good offices, if they consider the Paper worthy encouragement.
Oct. 31st. 1800.
At a meeting of the Bath Agricultural Society in England some experiments on potatoes were tried, and it has been ascertained that this vegetable, sliced in its skin, and dried in a kiln or oven, will, at the expiration of several years, be as good for food as when taken from the ground. Some potatoes flour was sent to Jamaica without being injured by the voyage, &c.
ELECTION OF ELECTORS.
The Federal Republicans, of the City of Washington are requested to meet on the Capitol Hill, at Eight o'clock, in the morning, on Monday next, (being the second Monday in November) & from thence proceed to Bladensburg; where the election will be held.
Federal Republican Candidate, FRANCIS DEAKINS.
Francis Deakins is well known, for his attachment to our excellent Constitution and the Rights of the People, which he will support, as he has supported, the administration of the Immortal Washington and his venerable successor to whom under God we owe our present Independent, peaceful, and happy situation.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
WHEREAS on Wednesday night last, the 8th inst. between the hours of 11 and 12, after the electors of Representatives to the Assembly, had in the most orderly and peaceable manner, taken the usual round of procession, and the greater part of them had retired, a body of men having rendezvoused, as can be proved, with a spirit of opposition, among whom were recognized two militia generals and one of the disappointed candidates, escorted by a Lieutenant of Marines and a number of his company with side-arms, some of the party also wearing daggers; and in this order paraded through several of the streets, for what purpose let the public judge when they are informed, that in passing and repassing my house, it was wantonly assailed with stones, after I and my family were gone to rest. The windows of one of my bed-chambers were shattered in a manner that sufficiently testifies the spirit which it was done, and the regard that those "friends of order and good government" pay to the lives of their fellow-citizens.
Now in order to testify to a liberal public, the indignation I feel for having repeatedly become the unmerited victim of federal violence; and to bring the culprits to that penalty which the law of this state provides in such cases—I hereby promise a reward of 50 dollars to whoever will give such information as may enable me to prosecute to conviction the person or persons of that party, who were guilty of the above daring outrage.
SAMUEL DUVALL. Frederick-town, October 15, 1800.
Subscribers to the National Intelligencer in Washington and George Town, who have not regularly received their papers, are desired to give information thereof at this office.

On a review of national opinions, it will be found that while particular ones have been productive of injurious errors, others have been equally productive of beneficial truths. The former have generally preceded the latter; as, indeed truth does not appear spontaneously to arise in the mind of man, but to be the offspring of long repeated and frequently unsuccessful efforts in individuals to acquire it, so correct modes of thinking in nations are usually the result of dear bought experience.
Such has been the case already with the United States. We have had our errors; they have led us to the brink of ruin—Not, however, depriving us of the power of reflection, whereby future danger might be discerned, we have paused before it was too late, and have fortunately saved ourselves from a contest with overwhelming perils.
It will be no less interesting than useful to review the late events which have occurred in the political world, and the effects they have produced on the people of this country.
The French Revolution unquestionably derived its origin from the successful establishment of our Republic. France had long cherished in her bosom men warmed by the purest and the most comprehensive philanthropy; men, who mourned over the degradation of human nature in that country, and fore saw the future triumphs of liberty. But an immediate reform, so far from being expected by them, scarcely kindled a transient hope. The American Revolution demonstrated the irresistible energy of moral truths; lightening was not more rapid or brilliant than were the effects of our glorious contest: its triumphant issue shed a light over the universe. France was the first to concentrate its beams. Many of the events which led to our emancipation and established our freedom, produced on imitation similar effects in that kingdom, but on a scale of bolder magnificence and grandeur. The admiration of the whole world, was tributary to the scene—The affection of America welcomed it with the liveliest sensibility.
This affection was, in the early periods of the revolution, not only amiable; it was also rational. The fabric of despotism, with its numerous incumbents, fell without a groan. The force of public opinion hushed all hostility, and the work of reformation proceeded with cool and dignified deliberation—Scarcely any thing was done that did not merit praise, or appear to flow from the purest intentions—This was an era of happiness probably unrivalled in the annals of nations.
Not to admire such a spectacle, not to indulge an elevation of thought, would have betrayed the apathy of slavery—The enthusiasm that ran from one end of the continent to the other, attested in our citizens the strength and sincerity of their republican predilections, and was correctly viewed by the enlightened friend of his country as the best evidence of the stability of republican institutions in the United States.
To this period another succeeded still more sublime. As had been apprehended, a confederacy of monarchs interposed their arms to awe the rising spirit. Not content with keeping in subjection their own nations, they vainly attempted to subject to their will the French nation. Totally ignorant of the force of moral principles, sceptics as to the existence of the philanthropic sentiments inspired by liberty, and confident in the omnipotence of money and arms, they hesitated not to believe that the former would fly the approach of the latter.
So formidable were the consolidated forces of the coalition, that the enemies of freedom already triumphed in the certainty of anticipated victory, while its most ardent friends trembled at the impending danger. A few men, it is true, whose reflection had developed the surprising energies of freedom, still remained undismayed; but the multitude felt more fear than hope.
Still the American people, unshaken in their attachment to the principles for which the French contended, sympathised as sincerely with them in all their distresses, as they had exulted in their triumphs—nor was there a period, in which the affection of our fellow citizens was more decided, than at that period when the Prussian arms approached with rapid strides the capitol of the Republic.
In the prevailing opinions of our citizens, we still find nothing to reprove, but much to admire.
But another crisis opens upon us. England, lately our foe, becomes the foe of France. Still sensible to the irritations of undressed grievances, we had not been able to discern in the conduct of that nation any evidences of friendship. Her untoward aggression upon France had no tendency to diminish our well founded jealousy;
and this jealousy was fully justified by her subsequent acts towards us. Without any right, but that which force confers, she truck at our extended trade with undiscriminating injustice—nothing escaped the rapacity of her privateers, and the violence of her national ships. To the most wanton depredations was added the most sarcastic contumely. Redress was sought, but it was answered with scorn.
Now it was the American heart began to beat with impetuous pulsation. The national character cried aloud for vindication. Shall a nation, it was exclaimed, the triumph of England, suffer itself to be trampled upon by that very nation, when its own resources are extended & its population doubled? Old resentments came in with renovated vigor, and encreased the cry of vengeance.
We have now reached the dangerous crisis—War menaced us. I will not say that a majority of the people wished it, but I fear that a large portion of the people, among which were most of the ardent spirits, were for it. Unfortunately for the cause of humanity, and the great interests of mankind, but a small part of the miseries of warfare are foreseen by the people. War is a game, in which in reality, there is nothing but blanks, but each party is dazzled by the prospect of a splendid imaginary prize. The only gratification it brings along with it is an indulgence of the worst passions of the human breast.
Statesmen discerned that it was not the interest of the U. States to wage war with any nation. They knew full well that war invariably produces more misery than it attempts to avoid. They knew that no contest can be defended on the ground of humanity, policy, or virtue, but that which the dire necessity of self defence dictates.
But the enlightened sentiments of a few citizens held but a feeble control over the passions of the nation; and had it not been for other checks, it is too probable that war would have been the consequence of the injustice of Britain.
When one error is introduced, its only cure is frequently to be found in some holier error; and one violent passion often requires the resistance of another to restrain it. Fortunately such errors and passions existed. A large number of our citizens, attached to England from old habits, a portion equally large attached to her from immediate interest, and one of considerable weight tho' small in number, attached to her from a conviction of the superiority of her political institutions, united their powers to repels warlike measures. They far succeeded as to gain time, and the event will show that time was every thing.
While this contest of hostile sentiments was waged with acrimony, the President of the United States deputed a special envoy to the court of Britain. The instructions he received from the executive were such as were dictated by the soundest policy. They had for their object a cessation of commercial spoliation and the delivery of our western posts. These appear to have been the exclusive objects contemplated by the President. But Mr. Jay, like many other negotiators, hesitated not to overstep his powers; and instead of framing a treaty, confining himself to the accommodation of existing differences, he agreed to one, reciprocating commercial benefits, and materially affecting our relative state in regard to other nations.
The storm that ensued the promulgation of this Treaty need not be described. The public indignation overwhelmed with censure its unfortunate author, and nothing but the ascendancy of the name of Washington accomplished its ratification. But though the Treaty was confirmed, and with its confirmation sprung up innumerable evils, yet some good flowed from it. The career of executive power received a memorable and a salutary restraint. The Constitution was restored to its true construction by the House of Representatives. A blaze of talent accompanied the elucidation of its legitimate construction, that must forever enlighten both the executive and legislative organs of the public will. Nor can any longer a doubt remain, but that to the legislature belongs the constitutional right of sanctioning those provisions of all treaties which apply to powers the exercise of which is vested in them.
The public sentiment was unequivocally expressed on another important point. It declared the true interests of this Country to consist in keeping free from all avoidable European connection, and condemned, in terms of unqualified reprobation, the attempt made by this instrument to involve us in closer ties with the motley nation of the old world.
It was the boast of the friends of Mr. Jay's treaty that it restored peace to our
Country: How untrue this boast was, the future soon disclosed.
The direct effect of the Treaty was French hostility. By its provisions, advantages were conferred on England injurious to France, or such as France considered as injurious; and instantly our commerce, yet languishing under the scourge of British depredation, became a prey to French violence. Remonstrance with France was as fruitless as it had been with England.
From this state of things a new crisis arose. The partiality of our citizens for the French Republic began to decline. Its declension was rapid and decisive. It arose chiefly from her wanton aggressions upon us, but it was fortified by the numerous and tragical excesses committed by succeeding parties invested with the supreme power.
The Republic, enlightened, humane and pacific, while she pursued her own course in the discussion and adoption of political institutions, unassailed by foreign interference, exchanged these noble traits for traits of a darker hue, when foreign force threatened her territory, and foreign corruption seduced her citizens from their duty. A spirit of jealousy naturally sprang up in the place of confidence, and with its triumph expired many of her most virtuous and enlightened citizens. Hence the talent, which at first sustained without effort the political fabric of a mighty empire, became inadequate to repress the lawless inroads of faction.
It is the character of most men, without discrimination, lavishly to praise or censure whatever excites their attention. Few, therefore, separated the cause of France from the unfortunate excesses that accompanied it. Condemning the latter, they irrationally withdrew their confidence from the former.
This opinion, uniting with a sense of the injury done to our trade by France, and encouraged by the professions no less than by the actions of the executive magistrate, widened the existing differences between the two nations, and generated a spirit of undigested hostility.
Measures were pursued by the government, which if not absolutely warlike, arose from the contemplation of immediate warfare.
France however would not wage war with us. The hostility of our attitude made no impression upon her conduct. She still took our vessels, but she made no declaration of hostility, unless those be considered as such that are reported by our envoys in their dispatches.
It was the forbearance of France that preserved to us the blessings of peace. This is a mournful truth, nor can its reality be too frequently the object of our most solemn reflection.
There is not at this day, an honest and enlightened citizen, who does not prize the preservation of peace with France as a boon of almost infinite value. Yet this blessing was hazarded by us, was actually thrown away, and our prosperity committed to the will of a foreign power.
It is immaterial to say, we have avoided war, therefore the measures of the government were right; for it is not owing to the government that war is avoided; the government proceeded as far as any government could do to produce war.
I mean not to confer any praise on France for her conduct towards us. Her measures have been dictated by an exclusive regard to her own interests. But it has so happened that her rulers have pursued her true interests, while our rulers have neglected or mistaken ours.
It is the misfortune of a nation that countenances war measures to experience many evils, which though not apparently necessary, yet for the most part follow in their train. The government, finding itself opposed by particular classes of the people, either in the projection or adoption of its favorite schemes, and either seriously believing or affecting to believe, such persons hostile to the general interests of the country, will generally adopt measures which bear hard upon them, either by depriving them of some of their rights, or by their oppressive and partial operation. Hence in this country the passing of the Alien and Sedition laws. By the first of these laws the executive magistrate is invested with an absolute control over all foreigners not citizens; by the last the freedom of the press becomes prostrate beneath executive power. Such measures as these are perhaps of all others the most dangerous to liberty. If they are submitted to, their execution forms a precedent for future encroachments. If they are opposed, insurrection with all its concomitant evils may ensue.
Fortunately for the peace of the nation, their warmest opponents have unanimously recommended legal obedience, while they have intrepidly developed by argument their per-
nious effects: The result has been glorious to the cause of truth. The effervescence of passion that at first sustained them in the public opinion has gradually, though decisively, subsided; until, at the present period, an unequivocal majority of the citizens is against them. Alarmed at the danger threatened by such measures, they have become vigilant and animated. It is eminently to these obnoxious laws that the extensive triumphs of republicanism are to be ascribed.
It is under the influence of these triumphs, which declare the wishes of the people to be pacific, and of course opposed to all war measures, that the present negotiation with the French Republic is opened. This step is undoubtedly an evidence of the strength of the national sentiment in favor of peace; nor can the executive claim other merit (which is indeed the highest merit) than that of obeying the public will.
We have now reached that crisis, which at present will be considered by the public as the most interesting, because past dangers are soon forgotten, while present ones engage all our fears.
A termination of our subsisting differences with France is contemplated as more than probable: But the important enquiry is, what will be its price!
I dread the auspices under which the negotiation is conducted. Not because I doubt the integrity of the public agents; but because I reflect, with alarm on the views of national policy by which they are guided. I consider an extension of our diplomatic relations, and commercial ties, with horror; they cherish such an extension with rapture. I am for having no treaties with any powers, but treaties of amity; they are for having treaties of commerce with all the nations of Europe. I view such treaties as perpetual and inexhaustible sources of jealousy, ill-will, and war; they consider them as bonds of reciprocal and cordial friendship.
From this view of the past situation in which our country has been placed, several important inferences may be made.
 1. That war next to slavery is the greatest of all human calamities.  2. That all nations from the unfortunate prevalence of passion, and the designs of insidious men, are prone to rush into war, heedless of its evils.  3. It follows that all wise and good men should oppose this disposition, and whatever promotes it, by an unceasing exposure of its fatal effects.  4. That the public opinion is now most fortunately hostile to war with France or any other nation.  5. That it is also hostile to all war measures of whatever character.  6. That the surest way of avoiding war is to make no treaties; or only treaties of amity.  7. That the treaty making power is a most momentous one, and that its exercise ought to be guarded with constant vigilance.  8. That the present administration is for carrying it to an alarming extent, whereby though peace may be made with one nation to day, war may be the consequence with another nation to-morrow.  9. That of consequence it becomes the sacred duty of every citizen seriously and coolly to reflect, whether a change in the administration of the government is not absolutely necessary to preserve the country in peace and prosperity. 
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR Apprehending and securing in any Goal, so that the Subscriber gets him again A NEGRO MAN named NAKE, ran away some time in the month of October, aged Thirty years, about five feet high, light complexion, wears his hair queued, a well set truncky fellow. I have cause to believe he is in the City of Washington. It is unnecessary to describe his Clothing as he will have it in his power to change them. I will give TWENTY DOLLARS if ten miles from home, THIRTY DOLLARS if twenty miles, and the above reward if a greater distance.
ZACHARIAH SOTHORON. Charles County near Benedict, October 31.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the members of the ensuing Congress and the Public, that he has taken the two houses in square No. 690, on the New Jersey Avenue opposite the house at present occupied by Thomas Law, Esq. where he can accommodate either single Gentlemen or those who have families. The houses were finished last spring, so that no danger can be apprehended from damp walls. He has Stableage for several horses and two good Carriage houses.
ROBERT W. PEACOCK. City of Washington, October 31st 1800.
WANTED
A CARRIER TO DELIVER THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.