Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-12-22 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 59 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1792.
[Whole No. 381.]
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
IF perseverance can supply the want of judgment, Mr. Jefferson has an excellent advocate in the writer of his "VINDICATION." But I mistake, if his last attempt is not found to involve still more deeply the character he wishes to extricate.
To repel the imputation on Mr. Jefferson, arising from the advice which he gave to Congress respecting the debt to France; he not only labors to shew, that taken in all its circumstances it is not of the exceptionable complexion under which it has been represented, but endeavors to infuse a belief, that the sense of the extract originally communicated, has been altered by the interpolation of certain words as well as by the suppression of a part of the paragraph, from which the extract is derived.
It will strike the most careless observer, as not a little extraordinary that a person (who by unletaking to state the contents of a letter with precise accuracy, and even to detect verbal deviation, must be understood to have access to the original) should, after submitting to the public eye a literal transcript of that original, content himself with giving his own paraphrase of it, and would expect that this would be accepted, upon the strength of his assurance, that it exhibits the genuine contents of the letter, on the point in dispute contained in one paragraph only—"That the arrangement of the idea is the same, and that in substance, nothing has been added to, or taken from it," thus modestly offering his own construction of substance, the very thing in question, for the thing itself.
That the extract, as given by me, is correct in every material expression, is proved by the statement in the VINDICATION. That it is literally correct, I must continue to believe, until something more to be depended upon than constructive substance, is offered in lieu of it.
The information I possess, is drawn from two sources; one a memorandum in the handwriting of a friend, which was given to me as an exact transcript of the words of the letter, and which was copied verbatim, in the second of these papers; the other, a document of unquestionable authenticity, not long since consulted, which states the contents of Mr. Jefferson's letter in the following form:—
Mr. Jefferson suggests that "if there is a danger of the public payments not being punctual, whether it might not be better that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a court, of whose good will we have so much need to the breasts of a private company."
"That the credit of the United States is found in Holland, and that it would probably not be difficult to borrow in that country the whole sum of money due to the court of France; and to discharge that debt without any deduction, thereby doing what would be grateful to the court, and establishing with them a confidence in our honor."
This statement in the document alluded to, serves to confirm the memorandum, in form as well as substance. Speaking in the third person, it represents Mr. Jefferson as suggesting, "whether it might not be better, &c." whence it is natural to infer, that speaking in the first person in the letter, the terms are, "I submit whether it may not be better, &c."
The form of conveying the idea by way of question, is common to both vouchers; and the word "whether", which is also common to both, presupposes the words "I suggest," or "I submit," the last being the most accurate, and in that view the most likely to have been used.
It is observable, also, that the same statement disconnects the two propositions, and gives them a distinct and independent aspect. The conjunction "But," which is alleged to be in the original, does not appear in that statement.
It is possible, nevertheless, that some immaterial departures from literal precision, may have found their way into the transcripts, which are relied upon. But while this concession, as a bare possibility is made, it is not intended as an escape from a rigorous responsibility for the essential accuracy of the disclosure. If there be in what has been communicated as a literal extract, any expression the least material, tending to the crimination of Mr. Jefferson, which is not to be found in the original, it is admitted to be inexcusable. But not having been possessed of the original, as has been several times stated, any accidental variation of expression, not affecting at all the sense of the quotation, or not affecting it disadvantageously to Mr. Jefferson, cannot be admitted to be of moment; in regard either to the merits of the discussion, or to the fairness of procedure. To press such a variance, as an objection, is to cavil, and to betray a consciousness of weakness.
Now, it happens, that the variance, which is alleged to exist, if it has any influence upon the meaning of the passage, has one favorable to Mr. Jefferson; taking it for granted, that his Apologist has given a true account of it. This will be seen by carefully contrasting the phraseology in the two cases.
The extract, as stated by me, is in these words—"If there is a danger of the public payments not being punctual, I submit whether it may not be better, that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a Court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company."
The statement in the vindication represents, that Mr. Jefferson, "Having stated the proposition as above (referring to the proposition for the purchase of the debt) observes further upon it, in its relation to this country, that if there be a danger our payments may not be punctual, it might be better, that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company."
All the material and exceptionable phrases are the same in the two statements. The only difference between them is, that in the first Mr. Jefferson is made to submit in the modest form of a question, "whether it might not be better," the identical sentiment or advice, which, in the last, he is made to convey in the affirmative tone of an observation, that "it might be better." The last mode of expression is certainly stronger than the first, and if the sentiment conveyed be, as it undoubtedly is, an improper one, the censure due to it is increased by the greater degree of decision with which it is expressed, as being an indication of a more decided state of mind concerning it. This remark, which might otherwise appear nice and critical, is naturally drawn forth by the attempt to have it understood, that the words "I submit whether," which are said to have been interpolated, have an influence upon the sense of the clause injurious to Mr. Jefferson.
The result is, that the alteration of terms said to have been made, if real, must have been casual, because it either does not vary the sense, or varies it favorably to Mr. Jefferson: and consequently that the charge which has been brought, rests upon him in its primitive force, unmitigated by the alleged change of terms.
In like manner admitting the statement of what is said to follow as a part of the same paragraph, to be truly represented in the vindication—it either corresponds with the view I have heretofore given of the matter, or it implicates Mr. Jefferson in greater reprehensibility than has been yet charged upon him. It either presents an alternative proposition predicated upon the supposition of a state of things different from that which is the basis of the first, namely, the danger of a deficiency of means for punctual payment, and in that case does not derogate from the first; or proceeding upon the supposition of the same state of things, it contains advice to Congress to avail themselves of the yet sound state of their credit in Holland, treacherously to induce individuals upon the invitation of the government to lend their money on the ordinary terms, for the purpose of making full payment to France, in order to guard her from loss, and preserve her confidence, in direct contemplation of not being able to render the stipulated justice to those individuals. If this was the advice of Mr. Jefferson, it leaves his conduct without even those slight extenuations which have been supposed to afford a semblance of apology. It takes away the feeble pretences deduced from the offer having originated with the Company, and from their gaining a considerable boon in the first purchase.
The last, I acknowledge, is the construction best warranted by the structure of the paragraph as delineated in the vindication. This, as it there stands, would be the most obvious and natural reading.—If there be a danger that our payments may not be punctual, it may be better that the discontents which would then arise should be transferred from a Court of whose good will we have so much need to the breasts of a private company. But still it has occurred to me that we may do what is preferable to accepting the proposition of the Dutch Company. We may find occasion to do what would be grateful to the Court of France, and establish with them a confidence in our honor. Our credit is good in Holland—may it not be possible then to borrow there the four and twenty millions due to France, and pay them the whole debt at once. This, besides transferring the discontents, to be expected from the want of punctual payments, from the Court of France, to the breasts of individuals would have the further advantage of saving that court from any loss on our account. It is in this sense only, that the first suggestion can be considered as over-ruled by, or absorbed in the last, and that Mr. Jefferson can be said to have countenanced the proposition made by the Dutch Company. If this be the meaning in
* The words "might not be better," are also said to have been interpolated—though all but the "not" are in the quotation made by the Vindicator; a specimen of his accuracy.
tended to be contended for, no pains will be taken to dispute it; and the comment will be left to Mr. Jefferson's most partial admirers.
The writer of the vindication continues to insist, that Mr. Jefferson was only the vehicle of communication, assigning as reasons for this assertion that the transaction had taken place between the parties, before any mention was made of it to him, and that in communicating it to Congress he only made known to that body the desire both of the company and of the French Court; That the opinion which he gave arose out of the proposition, was in furtherance of the views of the parties, and that in fact no decision could be formed on it, either by the Congress, or himself, without a comparison of the parties as creditors of the United States. But these reasons do not prove that Mr. Jefferson was only the vehicle of communication; they prove the contrary; that he was both the vehicle of communication, and the patron, though not the author of the proposition. The precise difference between being the mere vehicle, and being both the vehicle and the patron of a proposition consists in this; that in the first case the agent does nothing more than communicate the proposition—in the last he gives an opinion arising out of it; in furtherance of the views of the proposers; which is exactly what is acknowledged to have been done by Mr. Jefferson.
The plea that there could be no immorality or indecency, in espousing a proposition coming from the parties interested, amounts to nothing. The charge is not, that advice was given to accede to the proposition; but that advice was given to accede to it upon a ground which was dishonorable and unjust. It is the condition upon which the acceptance is advised, that constitutes the culpability.
In No. 4 of the vindication, the attack upon Mr. Jefferson is said to proceed from private revenge. In No. 5 it changes its nature, and becomes an attack upon principles; a monarchical plot against the republican character of the community. How long, and how often are the people of America to be insulted with this hypocritical rant? When will these political pharisees learn, that their countrymen have too much discernment to be the dupes of their hollow and ostentatious pretensions? That the citizens of the United States know how to distinguish the men who serve them, from those who only flatter them, the men who have substantial claims to their confidence, from those who study to conceal the want of qualities, really solid and useful, under the mask of extraordinary and exclusive patriotism and purity?
It is curious to observe the pathetic wailings which have been produced by the animadversions in these papers. It would seem as if a certain party considered themselves as the sole and rightful censors of the Republic; and every attempt to bestow praise or blame not originating with them, as an usurpation of their prerogative, every scrutiny on any of their immaculate band as a breach of their privilege. They appear to think themselves authorized to deal out anathemas, without measure, or mercy, against all who dare to swerve from their standard of political orthodoxy, which are to be borne without retaliation or murmur. And if any symptom of either shews itself, they are sure to raise the dismal cry of persecution; themselves the first to assail, and the first to complain. But what is not permitted to men who have so clearly established a title, little less than divine, to a monopoly of all the patriotic virtues!
The only answer, which is due to the feint of offering to enter into arrangements, for ascertaining whether the writer of these papers has in the instance under consideration been guilty of misrepresentation—and the breach of an official duty—is to remind the public that in my first paper I declared myself willing to be known on proper terms to the officer concerned. To this I adhere, in the spirit of the original intimation, but I deem a personal disclosure to any subaltern of his, improper; nor do I perceive that it is in the present case necessary to an investigation of facts. The writer of the vindication admits in substance what is alleged, and as to his collateral statements, it has been shown that they imply more blame on the character meant to be exculpated, than was originally charged. I forbear any comment on the indecency of naming upon conjecture the person who has been named as the author of the papers, or upon the palpable artifice of making an avowal of them, by that particular person, the condition of a disclosure of the name of the writer of the vindication. Indecency and artifice are the proper weapons of such adversaries.
CATULLUS.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
ON THEATRICAL AMUSEMENTS.
SUMPTUARY laws, or laws to regulate the expenses of the citizens, are justly condemned. They are tyrannical and odious in their nature; and generally fail in the execution. They may be expected to languish
between life and death for a time—and then as they are repugnant to rational liberty, to drop into neglect.—Doctor FRANKLIN has made some very just remarks, shewing how the desire of possessing certain finery increased the female labor that was to pay for it. His ideas have been published in most of our Gazettes, and need not be repeated. When a man takes the pains to earn money, he seems to have the best right to say how he will spend it—or if he chuses to lock it up, and not spend it at all, he has the exclusive right to do it.
What then are we to say to laws prohibiting the Theatre? It is a law to prevent expense in amusements.—Why should not other amusements be prevented for the same reason. They all cost money. And as to morality, horse-racing, or a militia review, or a feast to celebrate the 4th of July, do not probably cost less, or aid morality more, than a tragedy or a comedy. Yet it would be thought rather an alarming exercise of power to restrain us by law from going to places where it is probable bets may be laid, or merry, perhaps indecent songs, may be sung, or labor may be drawn off for a whole day to stare at a crowd, or to destroy its vigor by excessive drinking. The principle that amusements which may produce immorality are to be prohibited, will carry the government that adopts it to very great lengths. Yet this principle is contended for by very sober and worthy persons, in regard to the theatre, who would be startled at its being carried as far as it will bear.
Is it not better therefore to leave people at liberty to spend their money as they chuse.—They will learn prudence—or if they should not, their imprudence will afford a warning to others. But if that should fail to warn them, prudence is a quality of the mind, and is not to be provided by law. If the liberty which as free agents the citizens are entitled to exercise in the disposal of their money, should produce breaches of the peace, or any other violations of law, there are acts enough and magistrates to apprehend, try and punish the offenders. Either let the laws against the Theatre be repealed, or let the system of prohibition be carried thro', so as to break up all amusements which are liable to any abuse.
FROM THE COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
MR. RUSSELL,
IN Mr. Freneau's National Gazette, there is an indirect, but sufficiently intelligible insinuation, that the old republican spirit of America, has been rather obscured for some time past in the New-England States.
The persons throughout the union who still feel and reverence the old republican spirit are not a few. —It is evidently the design of the writer of the paragraph alluded to, to create a jealousy against the New-England principles, and, to effect that, it is endeavored to stigmatise them as anti-republican.
Possibly local prejudices, (which alas! are not quite dead, though dying,) may assist the currency of this insinuation, and parties without believing may not blush to affect to believe it. Therefore some notice of the slander seems proper from circumstances, though none is due to it from its weight. Such as examine assertions with care may be easily convinced, and such as do not, are not worth the convincing.
Men of inquiry will search for the anti-republican spirit of the New-England states in their constitutions and laws, their institutions, or their manners and customs. If this evil spirit should not appear in any of these, where does it lurk? This is best known to the malignant paragraph-writer who stigmatises a district of country containing more than a million of people, all free.
Anti-republican principles must be supposed to intend such as are opposite to a just equality of rights and of power.
The constitutions of the New-England states breathe the spirit of pure republican equality. Elections are free—are frequent, and the right of suffrage is not confined to landholders, as in Virginia, but is extended to almost all the citizens of full age, who also may be chosen to office. The laws divide estates without even favoring the eldest son—they protect no rich or great men

in his estate against his creditors—they provide for the poor, and what is far better, they prevent the increase of poor by providing schools for the children. Not content with protecting the many from the few by equal laws, and by abolishing distinctions—they afford, by means of the public schools, all the aid of the laws to enable the poor to become rich, and the humble to raise themselves to eminence. Let those who prattle about the late obscurity of the republican spirit in New-England then, if they can, in what institutions of the sister states it appears with more useful splendor.*
The institutions and political habits of New-England do not evince a monopoly of power and rights by the few against the many. There was a time in 1774 and 1775, when the whole people of New-England spoke, through their town-meetings, the language of determined resistance to tyranny. Then it appeared to the whole continent, that the town corporations in the eastern colonies were so many orderly republics, admirably adapted to the preservation of equal liberty, because they served to collect, to mature, and to give a momentum to the sentiments of the people—and not less adapted to maintain good order even after the authority of the laws ceased. In fact, they stood for a time instead of laws and government, and during the whole war eminently assisted the states in the struggle. Yet this district of country, though filled with petty republics which actually reduce republican principles to practice, and make them familiar to the multitude, is pretended by a writer, who probably never saw it, to have declined from its republicanism.
Is there in the general state of New-England manners, any thing to warrant this insinuation? The tenure of lands is in fee simple—lease estates are almost unknown. Small, but independent freeholds, form infinitely the greatest proportion of property and influence. A soil, too rugged for any but free hands to till, is found on numberless strips, unprofitable when engrossed into great plantations. It must therefore remain in the hands of a numerous yeomanry. These are their rights, and the world has seen with what an high spirited consciousness of their worth the New-England farmers have defended them. Are these the men, who not only understand but who feel their rights, with whom the republican spirit is obscured? It is true their habits are favorable to order—they enjoy too much to desire the overthrow of a government which protects their rights, and extends their happiness. But without meaning to charge sentiments unfriendly to republican liberty upon the people of the southern states, New-England may vouch her constitutions and laws, her political habits and institutions, and the general state of property, manners and society, as well as the recent events of the revolution, to prove that the ardor of her zeal is not abating, and is not inferior to their own.
NEW-ENGLAND.
NOTE.
* If any should be of opinion that too much stress is laid upon the use of public schools to preserve equal liberty, they should know that PLATO and the wisest of the Ancients rated education at no less price.
All, says PLATO, who have meditated on the art of governing mankind, have been convinced that the fate of empires depended on the education given to youth. What are the solid foundations of the tranquility and happiness of States? Not the laws which regulate their constitution, or which increase their power, but the institutions which form the citizens, and give activity to their minds—not the laws which dispense rewards and punishments, but the public voice when it makes an exact distribution of contempt and esteem. When the nature, advantages, and defects of the different forms of government are carefully investigated, we shall find that the difference in the manners of a people is sufficient to destroy the best of constitutions, or to rectify the most defective.
EXTRACT.
“No precedent can justify an improper conduct. All customs which are unjust in themselves, however made venerable by time, should never be suffered to continue.”
Foreign Affairs.
LONDON, September 21.
WE have authority to assure our readers, that a very flattering invitation has been sent from France to General Washington, to take the Command in Chief of its Patriotic Army. We have no less confidence in declaring, that if another campaign is had in France, this renowned soldier will make it against the host of infolent foes now confederated to destroy the liberties of mankind, and those principles which have rendered America more valuable than all the rest of the Globe. If that Saviour of his Country, and Giver of Freedom, accepts the call, he is to form a part of his staff from some of his old brother officers.
We expect every day to hear that Congress will deliberate on the propriety of assisting France, as also to what amount.
IF WASHINGTON goes to France, every TYRANT will soon quit it!!!
Extract of a letter from Calais. Sept. 15.
Mr. Thomas Paine, after a passage of three hours, arrived here yesterday from Dover. The different treatment he met with at the two seaports, is such as ought to make an Englishman blush for the character of his nation.
On the name of Paine being announced, the soldiery at the gates were drawn up, and the officer on guard having embraced him, presented him with the national cockade. A very pretty woman, who stood by, desired she might have the honor of putting it on his hat, expressing her hopes that he would continue his exertions in favor of Liberty, Equality, and France. This ceremony being over, he walked to Dufresnoy's, (whose street is now called Rue de l'Egalite, formerly Rue du Roi) attended by men, women and children, crowding round him, and calling out, “Vive Thomas Paine!” He was then conducted to the town-hall, and there presented to the Municipality, who, with the greatest affection, embraced their new Representative. The Mayor then addressed him in a short speech, which was interpreted to him by Mr. Audibert, to which Mr. Paine (laying his hand on his heart) replied, saying, his life should be devoted to their service.
At the inn he was waited upon by the different persons in authority, and by the President of the Constitutional Society, desiring he would attend their meeting of that night. The whole town would have been there had there been room; the hall of the ‘Minimes’ was so crowded, that it was with difficulty they made way for him to the side of the President. Over the chair he sat in was placed the bust of Mirabeau, and the colours of France, England and America, united. A speaker acquainted him, from the tribune, of his election, amidst the plaudits of the people. The women did not spare their hands, and, for some minutes, nothing was heard but Vive la Nation, Vive Thomas Paine! in voices male and female. They have appointed an extra meeting in the church to-morrow, in honor of their Deputy to the Convention, the Minimes being found quite suffocating, from the concourse of people who attended yesterday. To-night there is to be a play, at which a box is to be reserved for the Author of the Rights of Man, the object of the English Proclamation.
Every thing here has the appearance of peace and quietness. The arsenals are well supplied, and able to stand a two years siege.
P. S. Mr. Paine has received a letter from the National Assembly, which he is said to be answering from hence. He will not probably be at Paris so soon as he thinks, since he has been elected for Abbeville and Beauvais, as well as for Calais; and they will hardly let him pass without paying him some mark of their attention.
FREDERICKSBURG (Virginia) Dec. 6.
We feel much concern in relating a melancholy accident which happened on Wednesday evening last. Mr. ABNER VERNON, of Stafford, in attempting to ford the Rappahannock at the falls, was thrown from his horse and drowned.—He was a man of a most amiable temper, cheerful and kind to every one, steady in his principles, pure in his morals; esteemed and respected by his numerous friends for his great integrity and usefulness, and who, now sensible of his worth, lament his loss with sincere and general sorrow.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 22.
Extract of a letter from Brigadier General Wilkinson, to the Secretary at War, dated at Fort Hamilton, 6th November, 1792, 7 o'clock P. M.
“Just as I was about to dispatch this, I received a letter from Major Adair, commandant of the Kentucky mounted infantry, of which the enclosed is a copy: The check which the enemy experienced in this little affair, will produce good effects, and the event reflects honour upon the major and the yeomanry of Kentucky; but the immediate consequence will be an entire stop to the transport of forage to the advanced post, as our pack horses are either destroyed or disabled, and the riflemen dismounted. In this situation, I am perplexed by difficulties, as from my ignorance of the designs of government, and for the want of explicit orders, I am at a loss whether to direct the purchase of more pack horses, or to encourage the riflemen to remount themselves. On these points I shall duly deliberate, and will make such decision as my judgment may direct, relying confidently on the liberality of government, for an excuse, should I err; and in the mean time, I shall urge forward the transport of forage from Fort Washington to this post, by every means left in my power.
As this affair happened near to and in sight of Fort St. Clair it may be enquired why the commanding officer did not support major Adair? The answer is short, and will, I hope, prove satisfactory.—The garrison under his command is potted for defence, and not offence, and altho' it appears that in this instance to have hazarded would have been judicious, yet as I have considered it safest for the national interest to confine my subordinate officers by rigid orders to defensive measures solely, they are bound to hazard in no case whatever, which does not immediately and essentially interest the safety of the trust which may be confided to them; and it may be added that in the instance before us, the attack was a most daring one, and that neither the number or ultimate object of the enemy, could be developed, before it was discovered that Major Adair was a full match for him.
I have this moment dispatched twenty of my mounted infantry, who will reach St. Clair before day light, to aid in bringing in the wounded and the weary.
Copy of a letter from Major John Adair, to Brigadier General Wilkinson, dated Fort St. Clair, November 6, 1792.
SIR, THIS morning about the first appearance of day, the enemy attacked my camp, within sight of this post, the attack was sudden, and the enemy came on with a degree of courage that bespoke them warriors indeed, some of my men were hand in hand with them before we retreated, which however we did about eighty yards to a kind of rockade intended for stables; we there made a stand, I then ordered Lieut. Madison to take a party and gain their right flank if possible, I called for Lieut. Hail to send to the left; but found he had been slain; I then led forward the men who stood near me, which together with the ensigns Buchanan and Flinn, amounted to about twenty-five, and pressed the left of their center thinking it absolutely necessary to assist Madison. We made a manly push, and the enemy retreated, taking all our horses except five or six. We drove them about six hundred yards through our camp, where they again made a stand, and we fought them some time, two of my men were here shot dead.
At that moment I received information that the enemy was about to flank us on the right, and on turning that way, I saw about 60 of them running to that point. I had yet heard nothing of Madison. I then ordered my men to retreat, which they did with deliberation, heartily cursing the Indians who pursued us close to our camp, where we again fought them until they gave way; and when they retreated our ammunition was nearly expended altho' we had been supplied from the garrison in the course of the action. I did not think proper to follow them again, but ordered my men into the garrison to draw ammunition. I returned however, in a few minutes to a hill, to which we had first driven them, where I found two of my men scalped, who were bro't in. Since I began to write this, a few of the enemy appeared in sight, and I pursued them with a party about a quarter of a mile, but could not overtake them, and did not think proper to go farther. Madison, who I sent to the right, was on his first attack wounded, and obliged to retreat to the garrison, leaving a man or two dead.
To this misfortune I think the enemy are indebted for the horses they have got; had he gained their right flank, I once had possession of their left, and I think we should have routed them at that stage of the action, as we had them on the retreat. I have six killed and five wounded; four men are missing. I think they went off early in the action on horseback, and are, I suppose, by this, at Fort Hamilton. My officers and a number of men distinguished themselves greatly.—Poor Hail died calling to his men to advance. Madison's bravery and conduct need no comment; they are well known. Flinn and Buchanan acted with a coolness and courage which does them much honor. Buchanan, after firing his gun, knocked down an Indian with the barrel. They have killed and taken a great number of the pack-horses. I intend following them this evening some distance, to ascertain their route and strength, if possible. I can with propriety say, that about fifty of my men fought with a bravery equal to any men in the world, and had not the garrison been so nigh as a
place of safety for the bashful, I think many more would have fought well.
The enemy have no doubt as many killed as myself; they left two dead on the ground, and I saw two carried off. The only advantage they have gained is our horses, which is a capital one, as it disables me from bringing the interview to a more serious and satisfactory decision. I am sorry I cannot send you better news, and am, sir, yours, &c.
Copy of a letter from James Seagrove, Esq. to the Secretary of War, dated St. Mary's 22d Nov. 1792.
SIR, Being just arrived here from the conference ground at Colerain in company with forty-five of the principal chiefs of the Creeks on a visit to my residence, and finding a boat departing for Savannah, I drop you a line in haste to inform you, that every thing hath gone favourable beyond my most sanguine expectation.
I had present at our meeting the chiefs of eighteen of the principal towns in the Creek nation, peace and friendship with the United States they confirm, and declare pointedly against joining the northern tribes or any others RED OR WHITE against us. The whole particulars you shall have without delay. In the mean time I am happy in being able to say that every thing is in a most pleasing state between the Creeks and our country. I hope you will excuse this, as I am now surrounded with a very noisy but friendly crew of Red Kings and Chiefs.
Extract of a letter from General Wilkinson, dated Fort-Hamilton, 6th November, 1792.
DEAR SIR, “I have the pleasure to inform you, that Major Adair* has this day had a smart and honorable brush with a body of savages, supposed to be double his number, near to Fort St. Clair, and that after several hours of fortitude and a sharp contest for two turns, he finally kept his ground, tho' the enemy carried off the great body of his horses during the action.
“I lament that Capt. Hale is among the slain; but for the consolation of his friends, and of the friends of all who have fallen, they fell gloriously, and sleep in the bed of honor—Madison is again wounded—If he continues his career, he will be a distinguished warrior. Be pleased to inform his brother that his wound is slight. Enclosed are the names of the killed and wounded. Major Adair has done no more than I expected, that is, he has combined courage to conduct, and done honor to the state of Kentucky.
N. B. The enemy left two dead on the field, and were observed to carry off many.
Killed—Captain Hale, Matthew English, Isaac Jett, Joseph Clinton, John Williams, Robert Boaling.
Wounded—Capt. Madison, Thomas Hickman, Aaron Adams, Luke Voris, Richard Taylor.
* Capt. Adair commanded a company of about 100 mounted volunteers, called into service from the state of Kentucky, to escort provisions sent from Fort Washington for the supply of Fort Jefferson.
LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Message from the Governor on Tuesday last. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN, THE Representatives of this state, in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, have anxiously suggested to me, the necessity of making some further provision for the accommodation of Congress; as the present building will certainly be inadequate for that purpose, when the ratio of representation, established by a late act, shall take effect. The disposition which the legislature of Pennsylvania has uniformly evinced to promote the ease and dignity of the members of the different departments of the general government, assure me, that you will pay a cheerful attention to this subject. I shall only, therefore, observe, that the proposed measure may, perhaps, be accomplished, without incurring the expence of a new building, either by enlarging that which Congress now occupies, or (as the legislature, on a former occasion, authorized) by surrendering, for the use of the General Government, the State-House and the adjacent offices.
(Signed) THOMAS MIFFLIN.
Philadelphia, Dec. 18, 1792.
WEDNESDAY.
A letter from James Pemberton and John Kaighn, was read, requesting a copy of the petition of a number of the citizens of the French West-Indies.
The petition of the Directors of the Insurance Company of North-America, was read the second time, and referred to Messrs. Swanwick, Forrester, Turner, Everley, and Gallatin, to report.
A motion was made by Mr. Gallatin in the following words, viz.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of lowering the price of improved lands within the boundaries of the purchases made of the Indians prior to the year 1785.
The message from the Governor, read on Tuesday, was referred to a committee.
Died in this city, Mr. JOHN S. HUTTON, aged one hundred and ten years. Mr. HUTTON was born on Long-Island, in the state of New-York.

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, Dec. 19.
A letter was read from the Secretary of War, communicating, pursuant to orders from the President of the United States, dispatches from Brigadier General Wilkinson, containing an account of a recent attack from a party of Western Indians, on an encampment of American troops under the command of Major Adair, near Fort St. Clair, in which the Indians were repulsed;—and a letter from James Seagrove, Superintendent of Indian affairs to the Creek nation, giving an account of a favorable termination to a treaty or interview held with the Chiefs of that nation.
Mr. Sedgwick called up his motion, laid on the table yesterday, for discharging the committee of the whole on that part of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury which relates to reimbursing the loan made of the Bank of the United States, and to appoint a select committee who should report a bill making provision in the case.
This motion was agreed to, and a committee consisting of Messrs. Sedgwick, Lawrance and Murray, were appointed.
In committee of the whole on the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes. Mr. Dayton in the chair.
The bill was read through, and then considered by paragraphs. Sundry amendments were made. The committee proceeded through the discussion; they then rose and reported the bill with those amendments, which were laid on the table, and the house adjourned.
THURSDAY, Dec. 20.
A Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Ludwig Kuhn, was read. This report was against the prayer of the petition.
Mr. Murray presented a memorial of sundry of the Officers of the late Maryland line of the Army, in behalf of themselves and the privates of the said army. The object of this memorial is similar to those from the Officers of the Pennsylvania and New-York lines, which is, compensation for the depreciation and loss sustained by them on the certificates received for their services. This memorial was read and laid on the table, with the others.
Mr. Steele laid a resolution on the table, to the following purport, viz.
That a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill to reduce the military establishment of the United States to regiments or corps, consisting each of non-commissioned officers, privates and musicians, with such proportion of commissioned officers as the President may think proper to continue in service.—And to repeal so much of an act passed the 5th March, 1792, entitled, "An act for making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the Frontiers of the United States," as may contravene this intention.
This motion, Mr. Steele said, he was influenced to bring forward, from two motives. The first was to afford more effectual protection to the frontiers—the other was, that by this reduction a sum of money might be drawn from the War Department, to be applied to the reduction of the public debt, so that a necessity for new taxes, to effect that object, may be superceded.
The select committee, to whom the coasting bill had been re-committed, reported sundry amendments, which were taken into consideration by the House, and all of them agreed to.
Mr. Clark objected to a clause in the 12th section, which enjoins that every change of the master of every packet or ferry-boat, shall be reported at the custom-house the first opportunity. Mr. Dayton stated the inconveniencies to which the masters and owners of the small coasting craft and packet boats belonging to the state of New-Jersey would be particularly exposed by this injunction, where the masters are very frequently changed. To remove this objection Mr. Goodhue proposed to insert these words, "ferry-boats excepted." This motion was adopted.
It was then ordered that the bill be engrossed for a third reading.
The amendments reported by the committee of the whole to the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes were taken into consideration.
Objections were made to the fifth section, which contemplates legislating, and punishing crimes committed within the boundaries of the Indian countries—it was contended that the cases mentioned were fully provided for by treaties, or by the laws of the respective states; the whole ground, it was said, is covered by these provisions; and therefore there appears an impropriety, if not an absurdity, in enacting, in a subsequent law, that certain punishments shall be inflicted for certain crimes, which are sufficiently recognized by the several treaties already formed; that the attempt would operate unjustly, the provisions may reach our own citizens, but cannot affect so fully as they ought the savages. It was moved that the whole section should be struck out.
In opposition to this motion, it was said, that the power of the general government to legislate in all the territory belonging to the Union, not within the limits of any particular state, cannot be doubted: if the government cannot make laws to restrain persons from going out of
the limits of any of the states, and commit murders and depredations, it would be in vain to expect any peace with the Indian tribes. The power of Congress to legislate, independent of treaties, it was also said, must be admitted—for it is impossible, that every case should be provided for by those treaties.
The question being called for, Mr. Clark rose and observed, that he conceived it was of importance that the house should vote with their eyes open; and to enable them to do this, he said he should read the ordinance of the late Congress passed in 1787, respecting the settlement of the western country. He observed that he believed very few of the members had turned their attention to it. He accordingly read such parts of the ordinance as he thought essential to the point, which was to shew that the clause of the bill now under consideration, would in its operation violate the solemn stipulations with the settlers contained in the ordinance, as full provision is contained in the ordinance to institute all civil and criminal processes.—The motion for striking out the section was negatived. The amendments of the committee of the whole were agreed to with some amendments.—Various subsequent amendments were moved with various success, some being agreed to and others rejected. Without finishing the discussion of the bill the house adjourned.
FRIDAY, Dec. 21.
Mr. Hartley called up the petition of Capt. William Mackay, for a second reading—it was accordingly read, and on motion of that gentleman, referred to the Secretary of War, to report thereon.
A bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1793, which was reported yesterday, was this day read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole House.—Mr. Steele proposed that the bill should be postponed to the first Monday in January—He observed that he had laid a motion on the table for a committee to report a bill to reduce the military establishment of the United States—This appropriation bill makes provision for the present establishment, and if it is acted upon, and passed immediately, it will preclude an opportunity for discussing the merits of the proposition contained in the motion which he had made.
The motion for the first Monday in January, was negatived—Mr. Steele then moved, the last Monday in December, which being put was carried.
Mr. Heister and Mr. Moore were appointed as the joint committee on enrolled bills, on the part of the House.
A message was afterwards received from the Senate informing the House of their concurrence in the resolution for the appointment of a joint committee on enrolled bills, and that they had appointed Mr. Brown on their part.
Mr. Sedgwick reported a bill providing for a re-imbursment of a loan made of the bank of the United States, which was twice read, and committed for Monday next.
The House resumed the consideration of the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian Tribes; a motion to amend the fifth section by altering the clause which makes it felony for any citizen, or citizens of the United States unlawfully to invade any Indian settlement, to fine and imprisonment for that crime—occasioned considerable debate.—This motion was finally superceded by one to recommit the bill—which being carried—it was recommitted to the select committee which reported it; on motion, Mr. Baldwin and Mr. Murray were added to the committee.
Mr. Gerry moved the following in substance—That the committee be instructed to report a clause making additional provision for the establishment of permanent agents to reside among the Indians which now are, or may hereafter be at peace with the United States; also for carrying on trade with such Indians, under the direction of the President of the United States—and for an adequate supply of necessary articles on just and reasonable terms; and under such regulations as to guard them against imposition and extortion. This motion was laid on the table.—Mr. Gerry gave notice that he should call it up on Monday next.
A petition was read from Robert Ralston, assignee of Thomas Barclay—and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
In committee of the whole on the bill to ascertain the fees demandable in cases of admiralty proceedings in the courts of the United States, and for other purposes—Mr. Dayton in the chair—The Committee made further progress in the discussion of the bill, but rose without finishing it, and had leave to sit again. Adjourned.
Philadelphia, Dec. 22.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Fenwick, Consul of the United States at Bordeaux, to the Secretary of State, dated Bordeaux, 11th Sept. 1792.
"It was decreed the 6th inst. that, after the first day of October, all Tobaccos that were subject to a duty of 18liv. 15s. per cent. should pay 10li. per cent. and such as paid 25li. per cent. duty, should pay 12li. All other Tobaccos of whatever country, should be admitted on paying a duty of 15liv. per quintal.—Thus American Tobacco stands favored in the duty 5li. per cent. imported in French vessels, and 3 livres if imported in American bottoms direct from America.
"The administrators of the impost have given general orders to the Directors of the Custom-houses, to admit no merchandise or productions whatever, to the payment of the duties, without a certificate of their origin. This certificate must be from the French Consul in the port of the expedition; or in case there should be no Consul, by a Notary or Justice of the Peace.
"This information is interesting to the Merchants throughout the United States."
By accounts from Pittsburgh, it appears that the Indians with whom General Putnam had made a treaty, had arrived at Legionville, the winter quarters of the army under the command of Gen. Wayne.
The subscription for the Bank of Alexandria, in Virginia, was filled in less than two hours.
We hear that the electors of President and Vice-President for the state of North-Carolina, gave a unanimous vote for GEORGE WASHINGTON and GEORGE CLINTON.
An account from Cape-Francois, of Nov. 15, says—Yesterday two whites, one a deserter of the Cape regiment, and ten negroes taken prisoners in the attack of Ouanaminthe, arrived here at about four in the afternoon, guarded by a company of horse guards. They were conducted to the national commissioner, who ordered them to prison. An immense crowd accompanied these twelve unfortunate people, and notwithstanding the efforts of the guard, they had scarcely turned the first corner, when a band of soldiery enraged by the sight of the deserters, struck them with their swords—these blows were the signal of death for all the others, who were butchered on the spot.
A Connecticut paper says—A person lately from Canada, informs, that a few nights previous to his leaving that colony, three British soldiers deserted their post, and took with them their fire-arms, &c. that they were pursued by four Indians, who overtook them the next day, when the deserters firing on the Indians and killing three of them, continued their route. The Indian who escaped, we learn, is a Chieftain.
Drury-Lane New Theatre measures 198 feet in length by near 150 in width. It is to be finished in September 1793—and the first performance will be there the last day of that year.
A writer in a New-York paper, addressing himself to Mr. W. Wilcocks, a writer of a number of political essays, supposed to be levelled at Governor Clinton, and the antisederal party, politely advises Mr. Wilcocks to "extract the political louse from his ear," which makes such a scratching on the tympanum, as leads the patient to suppose all the world to be in arms, and every one a rogue that does not believe as he does.
The audience at the Theatre in Boston, being enraged at the unseasonable interruption of the entertainment by the Sheriff's arresting Mr. Harper, broke the Arms of the Governor's to pieces, which had been fixed on one of the side boxes.
COMMUNICATIONS.
There are some of our party writers who appear to have very short memories—the men in Congress who have formed the majority on all the great questions, are called speculators—but these writers forget that these speculators have repeatedly received the suffrages of the people; they forget that all their slanderous epithets bestowed on the majority of both houses of Congress, and on the administration, headed by the President of the United States, fall ultimately on the people; they forget that while they pretend to be republicans, and yet revile the organs of the public will, they expose the most detestable of aristocratical sentiments; they forget, that while they profess to be superior to the influence of avarice, by maligning those who possess more property than themselves, they discover more than one bad passion—Envy and Avarice united; in short, they forget that, this one opinion is deeply rooted in the mind of every consistent republican—That the leaders of parties, are in general, Tyrants in disposition.
The National Gazette gives us to understand that the mask to a party, is lost in the late contest for the office of Vice-President.—The fact is agreed, and it is not hard to guess who the losers are. A mask is certainly a convenient thing and contributes not a little to the free enjoyment of liberty of speech.—For instance, how could any man without a mask say Governor Clinton is a good federalist, and on that account to be preferred to Mr. Adams. If a physician should recommend rat-bane to a sick man he would have need of a mask. A man that has occasion to say—Do not trust the constitution to its friends, its enemies will serve our turn better, would find his utterance greatly assisted by a mask; But if his argument should take another turn he might get along without a mask.—There is for example, no propriety in using any disguise when a man would insist that the body politic is a monster, and it is proper to cut off an arm or a leg or even an head, if it has more than one—or that it is lethargic and a little rat-bane would give the nerves a gentle twinge. That would be speaking out plainly and with a becoming boldness.—They might even go farther and urge that for such an operation on the Constitution no friend or admirer of it would be a safe performer or surgeon. A false tenderness might prevent the proper measures of decision. Where then was the unfitness in this known desperate state of the constitution in turning our eyes to one who could be relied on to do the needful—who like Hannibal has vowed eternal hatred to Rome, and who is of a temper that neither time nor condescension can change.
A certain sort of people, if old sayings are true, should have good memories. The writers for the fashion are afraid of a monarchy and nobility, and a despotism—Liberty is going to suffer robbery, and maiming and rape. They hear the poor virgin's cries, and turn out very punctiliously like a watch to keep the peace when it is not broke, and bestow no small praise on them-
scives for making so much disturbance to keep order. They tell us too they have found out and charged the offenders—and who are they? The federalists, the idolaters of the constitution, the believers in its absolute perfection.
These idolaters, it seems, are lying in ambush for an opportunity to throw down and destroy their own idol, and to commit what they deem sacrilege—While the unbelieving anti's, who say that this idol is not divine, but mere wood and clay, are shocked at the very thought of this intended impiety. It is to be hoped for the sake of our country, that its frame of government is better put together than this story.
There is perhaps no opinion in which mankind are more generally agreed than this, that knowledge and virtue are the only durable basis of a free government. An ignorant and ferocious people, from a strong sense of personal or general injury, will often be induced to rise from a stupid apathy under the power of despotism, and in a paroxysm of their frenzy may hurl their oppressors to perdition—but like men in a storm who have thrown their compass overboard after effecting the destruction of their oppressors they are perfectly at a loss what course to steer next—the consequence has been, almost invariably, that those who have distinguished themselves the most in the work of destruction, however incompetent to contrive a system for the security of the freedom thus acquired, are vested with powers, which they seldom fail to exercise for their own particular advantage, and in the end establish a worse despotism than the people have just demolished.—These reflections may enable us to account for the unhappy issue of many of the revolutions which have taken place in the world—Ignorance can destroy what is bad, but it can never effect what is good.
The general light and information of the people of the United States enabled them justly to estimate the privileges they enjoyed previous to the late revolution—these made them alive to every attempt on the part of Great Britain to abridge and destroy those privileges. The patriots and sages of our country let before the people life and death, blessing and cursing—but their labours would have been in vain, their writings a dead letter, if the public mind had not been properly prepared to receive and justly to appreciate the words of truth and sound reasoning—had the people been ignorant, they would never have conquered their local prejudices, their almost inveterate habits, and by a singular magnanimity, which nothing but superior wisdom could have inspired, have formed that bond of union, which proved the rock of their safety, enabled them to brave the storms that beat against their freedom, and finally carried them to independence, peace, liberty and safety.
On knowledge and virtue then are raised the pillars of this rising republic—these must support the edifice—and it is the first of legislative duties to make provision to encrease, as our numbers encrease, and to perpetuate the means of knowledge among the people; and he is unworthy the name of patriot, let his pretensions be what they will, who discovers a lukewarmness on this subject.—It ought to be a perpetual object of attention to our civil fathers—and till the business is begun in earnest there will remain a most unpardonable deficiency in the discharge of legislative duty—Let a beginning be made, if it is on the smallest scale it will be a beginning—and the seed once sown it will take root; the blessings of knowledge once enjoyed, become as necessary to human happiness as the light and heat of the sun are to human existence.
LOCAL PREJUDICES.
Some years ago a gentleman who came from the highlands of Scotland, was invited to dine with Mr. ——, in the environs of New-York—every thing, as a stranger, was shewn to him; a pear tree on which there was some remarkable large fruit, seemed to attract his notice; Mr. —— asked him if ever he had seen any of that size before, he answered decidedly that they were nothing like equal to what grew in the Duke of Argyle's garden at Inverary. Nettled with this reply he went out after dinner, while the bottle was still playing round the table, and desired his gardener to cut some of the largest gourds or pumpkins, which he could find, and to tie them neatly with packthread, upon the branches of a tree which he pointed out; this done, when twilight approached, he told his guest, that he had forgot to shew him some pears that were certainly larger than any in Scotland—he looked up at them with astonishment, and exclaimed, I dinna doubt but what they are nearly as big as the Duke's.
A Londoner being lately at Bristol, was shewn every thing remarkable there, whether the production of nature or art. But as every thing in that city was, in his estimation unequal to any of a similar nature in London, he was at length led to St. Vincent's rocks; being asked what he thought of these stupendous monuments of natural magnificence? he replied, "they was diverting enough—but they were nothing to the London rocks."
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED AT THE PORT OF PHILADELPHIA. Sch't Weymouth, Lemedeau, N. York. Isabella, M'Keever, C. Francois. Sally, Loving, do.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock Type, Price. 6 per Cents, 20f; 3 per Cents, 11/10; Delivered, 12/4; Full shares Bank U.S. 35 per cent. prem.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.
THE Editor informs his Subscribers on the Eastern shore of Maryland, that since the provision made by the Post-Master General for transmitting newspapers weekly to that quarter—this Gazette has been punctually deposited in the Post Office of this city, every Saturday.
Subscribers, whose accounts are of a year's standing, and upwards, are informed that unless their arrearages are paid in one month from this date, the Editor will be under the painful necessity of discontinuing their papers.

BENNINGTON, (Ver.) Dec. 7. BY the post from Onion River, we are informed, that the following melancholy accident lately happened at Milton, on the river Moile; seven young men attempting to cross the river in a canoe, were by some accident overset, and four of them, viz. two by the name of Soper, one Owen and one Irish, were unfortunately drowned.
We hear from Rutland that the Council of Censors, having completed the business of their appointment, adjourned on Friday last without day. They have ordered their proceedings, with the constitution as proposed to be amended, to be published in the Vermont Gazette and Journal, as speedily as may be, for the perusal of the public.
Samuel Hitchcock, Lot Hall, Lemuel Chipman, and Paul Brigham, Esq's. are chosen electors for President and Vice-President.
BOSTON, Dec. 8.
On Wednesday evening last, by virtue of a warrant issued by Justices Greenleaf and Barrett, on the complaint of the Attorney-General, the Sheriff of this county arrested Mr. Harper, one of the company of Comedians who for some time past have entertained the inhabitants of this town, as guilty of a breach of the law against Theatrical entertainments—and held him to bail to appear the next day before the Justices, and recognize for his appearance at the next Supreme Judicial Court. At the end of the second act of the "School for Scandal" which was then performing, Mr. Harper came forward on the stage, and read a card from the Sheriff, informing Mr. Harper, that unless the performances of the evening were stopped, he should apprehend forthwith all the persons of the company. Much agitation ensued, and the resentment of the citizens at what they conceived to be a violent and untimely measure, discovered itself in several spirited proceedings, and a loud call for the performances to go on: But, at the particular request of the performers, the audience dispensed with the entertainment of the evening, and peaceably retired; first refusing to accept the admission money, Mr. H. offered to return.
The next day, Mr. Harper appeared before the justices to recognize. The court, for the gratification of the citizens, was held in Faneuil-Hall—when the Attorney-General read a special order from the Supreme Executive, directing him to make the complaint on which the warrant was issued, and then read the complaint. On Mr. H. being put to plead, Mr. Otis, one of his counsel, objected to the legality of the warrant as contrary to the 14th article of the Declaration of Rights, which requires, that no warrant shall be issued, except upon complaints made upon oath: and the complaint upon which the present warrant was issued not being made upon oath, the warrant consequently was illegal. Mr. Tudor, the other counsel for Mr. Harper, supported Mr. Otis's opinion—which was combated by the Attorney-General with much candor and fairness. The opinion of their honors being desired, one of them (Mr. Barrett) acceded to the validity of the defendant's counsel.—In consequence of which Mr. Harper was liberated, much to the satisfaction of a numerous and respectable audience.
A CARD.
Mr. HARPER, impressed with the liveliest emotions of gratitude, presents to the citizens of Boston, and its vicinity, the tribute of unfeigned thanks for their many favors: And while he laments the necessity he is under, thus early to leave this hospitable capital, he shall ever bear in remembrance the obligations he is under for their liberality, benevolence and candor.
ADVERTISEMENT.
This Gazette is published in North-Fifth-Street, No. 34, between High and Mulberry Streets—where the Editor now resides.
A LARGE CELLAR TO LET, Sufficiently capacious to store several hundred barrels. Enquire as above.
Insurance Company.
THE OFFICE of the Insurance Company of North-America commenced business on Saturday last, and will continue open every day Sundays excepted, at No. 119, South Front-Street where orders, foreign and domestic, will be duly attended to.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, November 20, 1792. THE Stockholders of the Bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the Bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the Bye-Laws, the Stockholders of the said Bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting at the same place, on Tuesday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
ADVERTISEMENT.
Between William Shipley Complainant, John Meng and others Defendants. December 1st, 1792. In the high Court of Chancery of the State of New-Jersey. Present, His Excellency the Chancellor.
THE Complainant having filed his bill of Complaint against the Defendants in the month of September, seventeen hundred and ninety-one, and in the said Bill of Complaint did among other things set forth that the said Complainant being seized in his Demesne as of fee of and in a certain Tract of Land, said to contain nine hundred and thirty acres, situate, lying and being in the township of Hardwick in the county of Sussex in the State of New-Jersey, did on the first of March seventeen hundred and eighty-five, bargain sell and convey the same in fee simple unto John Meng and John Henderson of the city of Philadelphia, William Goodwin and John Town, for the consideration of One Thousand Six Hundred Pounds in Gold or Silver—That on the fifth day of the same month of March the said Seisines above named did execute unto the said William Shipley a Deed of Mortgage in fee simple of the said Tract of Land to secure the payment of the said sixteen hundred pounds, with the lawful interest which might thereon accrue—That in the year seventeen hundred and eighty-six the said John Meng and William Goodwin did become Bankrupts within the intent and meaning of the acts of the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and such proceedings were had against them that in the same month they were duly declared Bankrupts; and that they the said John Meng and William Goodwin did in some short time afterwards convey and transfer all their estate both real and personal, and particularly all their right and title to the premises above mentioned to John Field, Curtis Clay, James C. Fisher, Isaac Wharton, John Kaighn and Arthur Collins all of the city of Philadelphia, subject to the Mortgage so as aforesaid given to the said Complainant—That the said John Field, Curtis Clay, James C. Fisher, Isaac Wharton, John Kaighn and Arthur Collins soon after bargained, sold and conveyed all their Right and Title of and in the said Tract of Land unto Benjamin Town of the city of Philadelphia, and John Town, subject to the Mortgage aforesaid—That on the eighteenth day of October seventeen hundred and eighty-five, the said John Town and Benjamin Town did execute another Mortgage to the said William Shipley for securing the payment of twelve hundred pounds in certain installments—That in the month of January seventeen hundred and eighty-six, John Town did bargain and sell in fee simple all his Right and Title to the said premises, to the said Benjamin Town, subject to the Mortgages aforesaid—That in the month of February seventeen hundred and eighty-eight, the said Benjamin Town did convey all his Right and Title to the said premises, to John Field and Curtis Clay of the city of Philadelphia, upon certain Trusts unknown to the said Complainant—That said Benjamin Town soon after became Bankrupt, and in pursuance of the bankrupt laws of the State of Pennsylvania, did convey all his estate real and personal to a certain Robert Ralston—That John Henderson did also in the month of September seventeen hundred and eighty-seven become a Bankrupt, and under the bankrupt laws of the State of Pennsylvania, did assign and convey all his estate real and personal to David Lenox, George Hughes, Matthew Clarkson, Peter Baynton and Richard Bache—And the Complainant doth, in and by his said Bill, pray that those having Right to the said Estate may be decreed to pay him what is due on the said Mortgages, or that the equity of Redemption be foreclosed by the Decree of this Court.
And now upon opening this matter this day by Richard Stockton, Esquire, being of the complainant's counsel—it appearing to the Court that the said defendants do reside in the State of Pennsylvania, without the jurisdiction of this Court; and it appearing further to this Court that writs of subpoena have been taken out according to the course of this Court, that the said writs of subpoena have been duly served upon the said several Defendants upwards of one year from this day; and that none of the said Defendants have caused his or their appearance to be entered in this Court to the suit of the said Complainant: It is therefore ordered by his Excellency the Chancellor, that the said Defendants do cause their appearance to be entered to the suit of the above Complainant according to the rules of this Court in two months from this day, or that the Plaintiff's bill be taken pro confesso agreeably to the directions of the act of the Legislature in such case made and provided.—The Complainant giving notice and making publication of this rule as in and by the said act of the Legislature is provided.
WILLIAM PATERSON, Chancellor. December 1st, 1792. ep 3w
The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
Soon will be published, THE SYSTEM OF Short-Hand,
Used by Mr. LLOYD, in taking down the Debates of Congress. A system so easy, that any man, of ordinary capacity, may clearly comprehend it in half an hour, and soon practise it, in its fullest extent, without any further instruction, than what will be conveyed in a few pages,—the whole ART being comprised in eighteen simple characters, without any of those perplexing, arbitrary marks, with which the learners of other systems are obliged to burden their memory, and embarrass their practice.
Price, to Subscribers, One Dollar—to Non-Subscribers, a Dollar and half.
Subscriptions received by Messrs. Rice, Booksellers, Market-Street, and by
JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-Street. Half a Dollar to be paid at the time of Subscribing.
A GREAT BARGAIN.
FOR Sale, a beautiful situation on the Potowmack, adjoining the town of Alexandria and in a line of direction towards the Federal City and George Town, in full view of each place, commanding a prospect of the river and adjacent country of Maryland and Virginia, for many miles; about 45 or 50 acres of Land, lying directly on the river, will be sold, with the improvements, which are, a two-story framed dwelling-house, neatly finished, a kitchen, office, brick smoke-house and dairy, two-story framed barn, a well of excellent water, and an ice-house, a yard and garden, neatly railed and highly improved, with a number of other necessary improvements; the whole of the land enclosed with posts and rails, ten or fifteen acres laid down, with different kinds of grass. Its contiguity to those three towns must render it an object worthy the attention of any person who wishes to invest money in a property that must enhance in value, in proportion to the rapid increase of the Federal City, Alexandria and George-Town. This property lies nearly in a central situation to each place. The Potowmack at this spot has a fine deep shore and harbour, capable of receiving vessels of any burden. It may not be improper to observe, that men of judgment think a profitable and convenient Ferry might be erected here to the City of Washington and the Maryland shores leading to Baltimore and Philadelphia.—Also to sell, 215 acres of Wood-Land, about three miles distant, which will suit well to supply the above in wood and timber. The title may be seen to the above property, which is indisputable, and terms known by application to the subscriber, living on the premises.
BALDWIN DADE. December 12th, 1792. ep 2m
200 Dollars Reward.
LOST, at Providence, or between Providence and Boston, a very small TRUNK, covered with seal-skin of a reddish colour, with white spots. It contained a quantity of South and North-Carolina State Notes, and a few of the State of Rhode-Island; with other papers, which can only be serviceable to the proprietor. The State notes are checked at the offices from whence they issued. Any person producing the Trunk (with its contents) to JOHN MARSTON, of Boston, WILLIAM HALL, of Providence, Messrs. PATERSON and BRASHER, New-York, or Mr. SAMUEL EMERY, in Philadelphia, shall receive the above reward, or for any part of the property, One Hundred Dollars. Boston, Nov. 28. epf.
BOWEN'S EXHIBITIONS OF Wax-Work & Paintings,
ARE open every day and evening (Sundays excepted) at the House lately occupied by Mrs. PINE, No. 9, North Eighth-Street.
FIRST ROOM—Contains upwards of 100 elegant Paintings, and about 30 Wax Figures, in full stature—among which are Likenesses of a number of the principal characters in America; Baron Trenck in chains, an Indian Chief, and several beautiful young Ladies of different States, &c. &c.
SECOND ROOM—Contains eighteen large Wax Figures, which form a SOCIABLE CLUB, or the OYSTER SUPPER; and the SCHOOL for SCANDAL, consisting of twelve female Figures, making their observations on a young Lady, who had eloped with a Footman.
Admittance One Quarter of a Dollar each Room.
GEOGRAPHY. Mathew Carey
Respectfully submits to the Citizens of the United States, the following
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An AMERICAN EDITION of
Guthrie's Geography
IMPROVED. Of which these are the terms:
1. It shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper. 2. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.
Besides the maps in the British editions, this work will contain maps of as many of the United States as can be readily procured, executed by the best engravers in the United States.
111. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery. No advance required.
IV. The work will be put to press as soon as 200 copies are subscribed for.
V. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.
VI. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.
Perhaps there is no science more entertaining and useful than geography. It reveals the discoveries of travellers—the remarkable curiosities of all countries, in nature and art—the situation of provinces, cities, towns, villages, rivers, & mountains—in fine, the history, manners, customs, laws, forces, revenues, and government of different nations.
It is an old observation, that "there is not a son or daughter of Adam, but has some concern with geography;" and that a knowledge of this science is indispensable towards the study of history with advantage or satisfaction. Indeed a man unacquainted with it, cannot discourse on the most common newspaper topics of the day without betraying his ignorance.
So much for geography generally. With respect to the present plan, let it suffice to remark, that Guthrie's Geography has been long acknowledged to be the best in the English language; however, the account of America, in it has, from obvious reasons, been very erroneous and defective. The errors of former editions will be corrected, and the defects supplied, by gentlemen of abilities, who have engaged to superintend this undertaking, and to avail themselves of all the information that can be procured, to render it the most complete edition extant.
The Printer earnestly solicits the support of his fellow-citizens throughout the United States: and as no deposit is required, and every subscriber will be at liberty to withdraw his name, if, on trial, he should disapprove of the work, he hopes the friends of science, and of American arts and manufactures, will cheerfully and early patronize this useful work; the greatest and most expensive, probably, ever yet attempted in America, in the typographical line, the Encyclopaedia excepted. Philadelphia, Nov. 2, 1792. (rawf)
BOOKS,
PRINTED AND SOLD BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, seventeen dollars and three fifths.
This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His Excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per ann. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it—Any of the back numbers may be had in order to complete sets.
2. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children.
"We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed."—Monthly Review, vol. 38, p. 101—Price, bound, 62 cents.
3. Duncan's Elements of Logic—75 cents.
4. Beauties of Fielding—50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair—50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennington's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies, Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
8. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful." N. B. It is introduced into the University in Philadelphia.
9. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions—Price four-fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce—Price, on very fine paper, 5/8th of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal. Price three-eighths of a dollar.
15. American Jest Book. Price three-fifths of a dollar.
16. G.
17. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto—Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/6—plain, six dollars.
18. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum—Price a quarter dollar.
19. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar.
20. Christian Economy. Price a fifth of a dollar.
21. History of Charles Grandison, abridged—Price a sixth of a dollar.
22. Poems by Col. Humphreys—Price a third of a dollar.
23. Select Poems, chiefly American—Price a sixth of a dollar.
Said CAREY has for sale, a large assortment of Books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries or to sell again.
For Sale, at No. 34, North-Fifth-Street, AN ALPHABETICAL LIST of the Duties payable on all Goods, Wares and Merchandise imported into the United States; exhibiting the Rates payable on those imported in Ships or Vessels of the United States, and in Foreign Ships or Vessels; including the additional Duties to which the respective Articles are liable.