Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-01-30 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1682.]
PHILADELPHIA: TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 30, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
FOR THE CURE OF COUGHS, COLDS, ASTHMAS, CON- SUMPTIONS, And all disorders of the Breast and Lungs, Church's Cough Drops
PROPOSAL. Having met with a liberal patronage, the Subscriber is emboldened to issue proposals for printing by subscription, the JOURNALS OF CONGRESS, from their first meeting in 1775, to the present time.
NICKLIN & GRIFFITH, At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf— HAVE FOR SALE, 58 hds. of Jamaica Rum
To be Exchanged for British, German, or India Goods, IN THE PACKAGE; A tract of valuable Land
To Be Sold, A GREEABLE to the last will and testament of WILLIAM H. YSHAM, deceased, and per- son given immediately, a valuable property in Arch Street, between Third and Fourth Streets, consisting of the house, No. 107, with the lot on which it is erected, a stable, and other improvements.
From a London Paper. To Dr. CHURCH. Having been recently restored from the brink of the grave, by your invaluable medicine, I think it my duty to make this public acknowledgment of the same, for the benefit of others afflicted with a similar complaint.
A Gardener wanted. A person well acquainted with gardening, and who would occasionally attend market, may hear of a place by applying at the 12 mile stone, on the Bristol road, or No. 109, Arch-street, Philadelphia.
And at New-York, on board the ship DIANA, from Liverpool, expected round as soon as the navigation is open, Fine Liverpool Salt Coals
ROSS & SIMSON, HAVE FOR SALE, A few bales Baftas, Collas, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON
W. HAYDON, Delineator of Drawing—from London, (Where he has studied several years under one of the most eminent masters in that science) INFORMS his friends, that he has re-commenced his private tuition—Terms, as usual, Six Dollars per month, for attendance three times a week.
CHURCH'S COUGH DROPS Are prepared and sold (only) by the inventor and sole proprietor, Dr. James Church, at his Medi- cine Store, No. 1 South Third-street, next the Mar- ket, Philadelphia; and by appointment, at New- York, by Messrs. Staples and Co. 169 Pearl-street, and Miss Wedman, 112 William-street.
Princeton—New-Jersey. To be Sold, THAT neat and convenient House in which the late Mrs. Ann Witherspoon, now Mrs. Ann Walker, lived; together with all the appur- tenances.
NICKLIN & GRIFFITH, For Savannah, TO SAIL THE FIRST OPENING, The fast sailing ship SWIFT PACKET,
Salisbury Estate. THE Subscriber, proposing to contract his busi- ness, offers this Estate for sale, on moderate terms.
NOTICE. To the owners of the Brigantine Mercury, William Upton, master, captured by a Spanish privateer and sold at Cienfuegos in late December, may receive interesting information re- specting her, by applying to the Department of State.
Philadelphia & Lancaster Turn- pike Company. At a meeting of the President and Managers, this day, a dividend of 5 dollars per share was declared for the last half year, which will be paid by them retained, for the payment of the debts of the Company, agreeable to a resolution of the Stock- holders the 12th June last.
House and Lots, in Bordentown. TO BE SOLD, a handsome two story House, with the lot on which it is erected, situated in the middle of the beautiful and healthy Village of Bordentown.
For Sale or to be let on ground- rent, A valuable Lot of Ground; SITUATE on the north-east corner of Wal- nut and Fifth Streets, fronting the Market House square.
Canal Lottery—No. II. WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Seven Dollars, at Wm. BLACKBURN's Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second-street.
LOST, IN this City, on Sunday November 16, 1797, a red Morocco Pocket Book, containing 8 notes of hand to READ & PIERCE, as follows,
Ran away the 25th of Decem- ber, 1797, a Negro Man, about 5 feet 5 or 6 inches high, of a yellow complexion; when spoke to and called by his name he has a quick sharp look out of his eyes and shews the white of them very much;
NOTICE. ALL persons concerned are hereby notified, that the subscriber intends to apply for a re- newal of the undermentioned lot certificates of Stock in the Bank of the United States.
For Sale or Charter, The Snow GOOD HOPE, WILL carry about 1200 barrels, and is ready to take in a cargo. For terms apply to
MUSIC. J. L. LENZ, Teacher of Vocal and Instrumental Music, RETURNS his sincere thanks to the Ladies and Gentlemen, from whom he received a very liberal encouragement since his residence in this city.
War-Office of the United States, January the 18th, 1798. WHEREAS frauds have been practised, in obtaining Warrants for Bounties on Lands, due to the Officers and Soldiers of the late Continental Army, by the production of forged instruments.
To be sold, AN ELEGANT COUNTRY SEAT, contain- ing 6 acres and 40 perches, with a neat two story brick House and Kitchen thereon, an apple Orchard, &c. situated on the Irish trade lane, in the township of Moyamensing, about one mile from the city of Philadelphia.
DOCTOR RUSH'S Literary, Moral, and Philosophical ESSAYS. (One Volume, Octavo.) This day is Published, By Thomas & Samuel F. Bradford,
For Savannah, in Georgia, THE SHIP Sally Butler, Captain CHISHOLM, A new vessel, with excellent accommodations for passengers—Sails on the 10th of December.
James C. & Samuel W. Fisher, AT THEIR STORE, No. 53, corner of Arch and Front Streets, HAVE FOR SALE, Cotton and worked Hosiery in trunks, assorted A few bales red, white, and yellow Flannels
French Circulating Library. JOSEPH E. G. M. DE LA GRANGE, No. 110 Walnut-street, INFORMS those who wish to recur to the only means of becoming perfect in the French Lan- guage, that he has just opened his LIBRARY, consisting of upwards of 1500 volumes, the best cal- culated to afford either useful instruction, or plea- sure.
FOR SALE, By BENJAMIN CLARK, No. 55, the corner of Chestnut and Front Streets, A large quantity of Clocks and Watches. Also, a general assortment of Tools, Files and Materials, consisting of Clock Move- ments, eight day and thirty hour brass pinions and forge work;
FOR SALE, Several fonts of Types—half worn. Including Long Primer, about 400 weight, in good condition, and would answer the purpose of a country printer as well as new. Enquire of the Printer.
Chocolate and Mustard, of a superior quality manufactured, GINGER and Pepper, ground; shelled or pearl Barley; Philadelphia Porter; Philadelphia Porter, Beer, Ale and Cyder; Taunton and Burton Ale; London Porter; red Port and Lisbon Wine, suitable for exportation or home consumption.
Tin Plates, FOR SALE BY SIMON WALKER, Pine, near Fifth Street, December 28.
Imported (via New York) on the ship Hero, from Madras and Calcutta, and for sale by the subscriber, at No. 51, Chestnut Street, between Second and Third Streets, the follow- ing articles:
FOR SALE, By BENJAMIN CLARK, No. 55, the corner of Chestnut and Front Streets, A large quantity of Clocks and Watches. Also, a general assortment of Tools, Files and Materials, consisting of Clock Move- ments, eight day and thirty hour brass pinions and forge work;
Just Published, And to be had of Messrs. Dobson, Campbell, Rice, Cary, and the other principal Bookellers in the city, price one dollar, twenty-five cents, in boards, New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America.
This day is Published, At the office of the Aurora, No. 113, Market Street, [Price one dollar and a half.] A view of the conduct of the EXECUTIVE in the FOREIGN AFFAIRS of the United States, connect- ed with the Mission to the French Republic during the years, 1794, 95, 96.
The History of Pennsylvania, BY ROBERT PROUD, Is now in the press, and will be published with all convenient expedition, by ZEEHA- RIAR POULSON, jun. No. 80, Chestnut-street, Philadelphia, where subscriptions will continue to be received, and at the Philadelphia Library, according to the printed proposals, until the work is ready for the subscribers.
Samuel Wilson, tuths4w
FOR SALE, By BENJAMIN CLARK, No. 55, the corner of Chestnut and Front Streets, A large quantity of Clocks and Watches. Also, a general assortment of Tools, Files and Materials, consisting of Clock Move- ments, eight day and thirty hour brass pinions and forge work;
Just Published, And to be had of Messrs. Dobson, Campbell, Rice, Cary, and the other principal Bookellers in the city, price one dollar, twenty-five cents, in boards, New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America.
This day is Published, At the office of the Aurora, No. 113, Market Street, [Price one dollar and a half.] A view of the conduct of the EXECUTIVE in the FOREIGN AFFAIRS of the United States, connect- ed with the Mission to the French Republic during the years, 1794, 95, 96.
The History of Pennsylvania, BY ROBERT PROUD, Is now in the press, and will be published with all convenient expedition, by ZEEHA- RIAR POULSON, jun. No. 80, Chestnut-street, Philadelphia, where subscriptions will continue to be received, and at the Philadelphia Library, according to the printed proposals, until the work is ready for the subscribers.
Samuel Wilson, tuths4w
FOR SALE, By BENJAMIN CLARK, No. 55, the corner of Chestnut and Front Streets, A large quantity of Clocks and Watches. Also, a general assortment of Tools, Files and Materials, consisting of Clock Move- ments, eight day and thirty hour brass pinions and forge work;
Just Published, And to be had of Messrs. Dobson, Campbell, Rice, Cary, and the other principal Bookellers in the city, price one dollar, twenty-five cents, in boards, New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America.
This day is Published, At the office of the Aurora, No. 113, Market Street, [Price one dollar and a half.] A view of the conduct of the EXECUTIVE in the FOREIGN AFFAIRS of the United States, connect- ed with the Mission to the French Republic during the years, 1794, 95, 96.
The History of Pennsylvania, BY ROBERT PROUD, Is now in the press, and will be published with all convenient expedition, by ZEEHA- RIAR POULSON, jun. No. 80, Chestnut-street, Philadelphia, where subscriptions will continue to be received, and at the Philadelphia Library, according to the printed proposals, until the work is ready for the subscribers.
Samuel Wilson, tuths4w
FOR SALE, By BENJAMIN CLARK, No. 55, the corner of Chestnut and Front Streets, A large quantity of Clocks and Watches. Also, a general assortment of Tools, Files and Materials, consisting of Clock Move- ments, eight day and thirty hour brass pinions and forge work;
Just Published, And to be had of Messrs. Dobson, Campbell, Rice, Cary, and the other principal Bookellers in the city, price one dollar, twenty-five cents, in boards, New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America.
This day is Published, At the office of the Aurora, No. 113, Market Street, [Price one dollar and a half.] A view of the conduct of the EXECUTIVE in the FOREIGN AFFAIRS of the United States, connect- ed with the Mission to the French Republic during the years, 1794, 95, 96.
The History of Pennsylvania, BY ROBERT PROUD, Is now in the press, and will be published with all convenient expedition, by ZEEHA- RIAR POULSON, jun. No. 80, Chestnut-street, Philadelphia, where subscriptions will continue to be received, and at the Philadelphia Library, according to the printed proposals, until the work is ready for the subscribers.
Samuel Wilson, tuths4w

102 Marshal's Sales.
UNITED STATES, Pennsylvania District. By virtue of an order from the District Court of the United States, in and for the Pennsylvania District, will be exposed to sale at Chestnut Street wharf, on Wednesday the 31st January, at 12 o'clock at noon, for the benefit of the concerned—viz.
66 Boxes of window glass 14 do. hollow glass 294 Straws glass tumblers 100 Pieces Russia sheeting 118 Pieces Ravens Duck 55 Piccs sail cloth 1 Barrel and one keg of copper nails 9 Hhds of Beef 3 Bbls Pork 2 Jackscrews 33 Sails, 2 fine stays 1 Hhd. Vinegar 2 Drip stores 2 Small and one large water jars 2 Guns with carriages 1 Old cable 1 Copper boiler 1 Iron lantern 2 Side boards, one table 29 Coils of cordage 9 Pipes and one bhd. of Gin
The same having been saved from the wreck of the ship John, capt. Folger, and labelled against for salvage.
WILLIAM NICHOLS, Marshal. Marshal's Office, 23d January, 1798
Pursuant to the last Will and Testament of Jos. Hensey, deceased,
will be exposed to public sale at the Merchants' Coffee House, in Second Street, on Wednesday, the 31st inst. at 7 o'clock in the evening.
A VALUABLE LOT or piece of ground situated on the west side of Delaware Eighth Street, beginning at the corner of Lombard Street, and extending northward 82 feet, thence westward 90 feet, and northward 32 feet, to an eight feet wide alley, thence along the said alley westward 98 feet to a 20 feet wide alley, called Blackberry Alley, thence extending by the said alley 122 feet, to Lombard Street, and eastward by the said street 188 feet to the place of beginning. The situation of this lot is pleasant and in an improving part of the city (a large three story brick mewsage of 48 feet in front, having been lately finished immediately opposite) it has four fronts, and may be conveniently divided into ten building lots, from 20 to 22 feet in front, which will readily yield the purchaser an annual income of 450 dollars or more at the customary price for lots near the same situation.
Also a two story frame mewsage or tenement and lot or piece of ground, situated on the west side of Blackberry Alley, containing in breadth on the said alley 42 feet, and in length or depth 58 feet. There is a frame stable on the back part of the lot.
One yearly reversion of forty buildings, issuing out of a lot or piece of ground situated in Artillery Lane (in the Northern Liberties) on which is erected a brick mewsage.
Also one other yearly rent charge of 51 issuing out of a lot or piece of ground situated in Duke Street (commonly called Artillery Lane) on which is erected a frame mewsage.
Also, 200 acres of land, situated in the county of Berks, in the state of Pennsylvania, lying in the 6th district of donation lands, numbered 1300, patented in 1786, bounded east by lots 119 and 120, north by 1301, west by 1281, north by 1299.
Also, one military land warrant for 100 acres. Likewise, a very valuable lot or piece of ground with a three story commodious brick house and frame kitchen, situated on the east side of Second Street, containing on Second Street 42 feet, and on Sassafras or Race Street 242 feet. There are erected on the premises besides the above dwelling, a convenient Barn and Stable sufficiently large to accommodate several cows, also a number of neat summer-houses in the garden; a variety of trees, some of which are fruit, there is a pump with excellent water in the yard. This property is not more than two squares from the canal which will be highly advantageous to it, in a few years.
Part of this estate is leased for 200 dollars per annum, of which two years from the 25th March next, are unexpired.
A share in the Philadelphia Library will likewise be sold.
Conditions will be made known at the time of sale.
Any person wishing to view the property will please to apply to
JOHN WARNER, at No. 23, north 4th Street, } Executors. or to EDWARD CUTBUSH, No. 19, south 4th Street, } WILLIAM SHANNON, Auctioneer.
Public Sale of Real Estates.
On THURSDAY Evening, the 15th of February next, will be exposed to Public Sale, at the Merchants' Coffee-house in Second Street, at 6 o'clock in the evening, the following
ESTATES.
No. 1. A two story brick House, with a two story frame Buildings, on a lot 20 feet front and 100 feet deep; also, a vacant Lot of 40 feet square, with the privilege of an alley to go thereto. This interest has lately been let for 200 dollars per annum, and is situated in Christian-Street, between Front and Second Streets, the second house from Mr. Caleb Alibi's.
No. 2. A three story brick House, situate at the north east corner of Chestnut Streets, being 14 feet on Second Street, and 20 feet on Chestnut Street, now in the tenure of Mr. Morange, at the yearly rent of 400 dollars, and is deemed one of the best lands for the sale of dry goods in this city.
No. 3. A handsome well finished three story brick House, 20 feet front and 100 feet deep, situate in Fifth-Street, between Market and Arch-Street, No. 40. This house is built and finished in the modern style, is in complete repair, with double cellars under the whole. There is a cistern of rain water in the yard; and the house is at present let for 600 dollars per annum with the taxes.
No. 4. A three story brick House, situate in Plum-Street, between Second and Third Street, being 20 feet front and 130 feet deep, at present occupied by Robert Kenny.
No. 5. A three story brick House, on the bank side of Front-Street, No. 171 North, going thro' to Water-Street, where it is five story. It is 20 feet front and 48 feet deep, in complete repair, and is rented for 600 dollars per annum.
The conditions of Sale are, one quarter cash, one quarter in 6 months, one quarter in 9 months, and one quarter in 12 months.
Philadelphia, Jan. 12, 1798. 32W15F
Surveyor General's Office.
December 2, 1797.
On a release of survey of 433 acres 68 perches of land, situate in lower Smithfield township Northampton county, surveyed to William Wills, per warrant of 23 March, 1786, the Deputy Surveyor hath made the following note, viz.
This land claimed by heirs of Lewis Gordon and George Taylor, not known by what right. Certified for Daniel Broadhead, Esq. Surveyor General—William Parker.
The first Monday in March next is appointed for a hearing of the parties on the above caveat, or any others interested or concerned therein, they having at least thirty days notice for John Hall, secretary of the Land Office.
N. Lufborough.
January 26 32F2Wm
C O N G R E S S.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Debate on Foreign Intercourse.
[Continued from yesterday's Gazette.]
WEDNESDAY—JANUARY 24.
Mr. CRAIK. At this stage of the present debate, and when I inform the Committee that I do not expect that any observations which I can offer, will make an impression upon the Members, it might be expected that I should make some apology for rising at this time. I find an apology insufficient, because, in the importance of the subject under discussion, and in the conviction that it is my duty to take the most public method of expressing my opposition to the principle contained in the present amendment. Were it not for these considerations, the present state of my health would strongly forbid my mixing in the present debate.
Having been prevented by indisposition from hearing the whole of the debate upon the amendment now under consideration, I am obliged to depend upon the statement which has been given by the representatives of the debates, as to a part, and particularly the introductory observations of the gentleman from Virginia, who brought forward the amendment which has produced this lengthy and passionate debate. That the debate should be lengthy and passionate, is matter of no surprise. Had it been accustomed to look for consistency of public conduct in that gentleman, it might, perhaps, have expected that, as on a late and important occasion, he expressed such a strong desire for harmony and unanimity, and urged in favor of a postponement of the discussion, to a very distant day, the evil that were to be apprehended from the excitement of passion and party warmth. I say, Mr. Chairman, if I had calculated on the ground of what had taken place, I might have expected that, on the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina, to go into the consideration of this bill, a motion for postponement to a future day would have come from the member from Virginia; or, that the present amendment would have been delayed to some future session, when, in that gentleman's opinion, the danger from irritation might be less, or harmony and union not of so much importance as at present—for I will venture to say that the present amendment brought, for which by that gentleman, involves a principle, which, in its very nature, is of all others the most likely to produce excitement in this House, to call forth animadversion and recrimination, to bring into action, all the acrimony of party, to set at naught all those pious wishes which have so often agitated this body, and, in short, to produce a political warfare of opinions, the most opposite, deep-rooted, fixed, and irreconcilable. But whatever change of circumstances may have taken place, to reconcile the gentleman's change of opinion on himself, as to the necessity of harmony, and the danger of irritation, then and now—I do not complain of his want of forbearance on the present occasion; nor, notwithstanding the professions of a different disposition, which have been made, am I at all surprised at the avidity with which the present opportunity has been seized, not only to establish a principle dangerous to the very existence of the Government, but to indulge himself, with those who have followed him, in the most unmerited suspicions, censure and crimination, not only of the Executive, but of all those members of this House, who have differed with him in their political system of ideas. I say, Mr. Chairman, I do not, nor ought I to complain, because I am free to confess that I am one of those (perhaps one of a few) who have believed, at least for some time past, that, from the state of party in this House, little was to be expected from attempts at union and harmony—that nothing was to be obtained by concession: I have therefore resisted every temptation to inaction, from considerations of this kind; and have determined to do what I think the interests of my country require, and that speedily, so far as depends upon me, without examining how it may be received by those who generally differ from me in opinion. I have also said, Mr. Chairman, that I was not at all surprised at the amendment which is now brought forward, nor at the observations by which it has been introduced and supported, for when I take a retrospective view of the conduct of opponents to that channel of unsuccessful efforts which we began soon after the formation of the government, and has been lengthened out to the present moment, as occasion presented itself to establish a principle which, if imported by a majority of this House, and by the people our constituents, must inevitably, and in my view of the subject, very shortly, subvert or materially change the present established government.
This principle involves, in my opinion, a very plain, obvious, and simple question: Shall a majority of the House of Representatives absorb and draw to itself all the powers of this government, which have been distributed into different channels, or departments; or shall each department of the government be supported by the others in the exercise of its constitutional functions? And is it not equally the duty of a member of this House to defend and protect the other departments, whilst moving in their own appropriate spheres, as it is to maintain and employ that portion of power which the constitution has intrusted to them? This is a question which, though repeatedly settled, so far as decision can avail to this purpose, is yet one of the utmost importance, and will continue to be, as long as it shall be open to discussion, which I believe will be the case as long as the house is composed of its present members. This principle is one, among many others, the contest about which strongly characterizes a party in this House. Perhaps this explanation of party existing here, may give offence to some; I am not very solicitous about the choice of words; but if I were, I profess to be at a loss for a more appropriate and fit expression of the opposition and marked conflict of opinion, which has prevailed in this House since I have had a seat in it, and which, I trust, will continue to prevail as long as measures similar to the present shall be advocated. So long as I shall hold a seat here, I shall boast of being one of a party, who, by every effort in their power, shall resist this and many other characterizing attempts. Were I to deny the existence of party here, I should risk an assertion in the very teeth of every day's observation—I should that my ears and eyes to the very conclusive evidence which the present debate affords. If such is the fact, and it is no secret out of the walls of this House, why deny it? The acknowledgment is necessary to the cure of the evil; for, Sir, divided as we are at present, I consider it a most serious evil, and one that threatens much mischief to the country. That Party does exist in this House, the that Opposition is now become so systematized, that line of separation so broad; and (if the objects pursued are the same) the means of attaining them different; that the present House of Representatives can never be expected to harmonize and unite, as a truth which the people are not sufficiently impressed with, and which it is proper they should soon be informed of: As well might it be expected that two diverging lines should meet in their extension, as that men, acting, if not with different motives, at least with different views of the same subject; men taking different courses, and paring at the very threshold of every measure of importance, should harmonize and unite. If my assertion of the existence of party, between us, may alarm ideas of the people deciding under the calling the attention of the people to an examination of our conduct, and their expression of an opinion, in the constitutional mode of election. It is time to speak out—If the People, as the gentleman from Pennsylvania has confidently asserted, are contended for, and my confidence are among the number, I am free to acknowledge my fault in holding a seat here as their representative, for I can never, consistently with my sense of duty, and the opinions which I entertain of its importance to the very existence of our constitution, which I have sworn to support, carry it into effect, or give it the sanction of my vote; notwithstanding the same gentleman's deduction from a supposed disqualification of some members of this House to attract public attention, that this is an admission, on their part, that the people are a fool, and notwithstanding the gentleman's boast of their support, I feel no difficulty in making the trial, or as far as to the final result. If indeed it appeared that the people gave credit to one half of the accusations made on this floor, I should have little reason to calculate upon their support. I acknowledge the talents of members would be more properly employed in convincing and informing
ing each other. The style of debate which has lately prevailed here, is but little suited to this object—nor do I believe that much impression is made by it within these walls. But, since that has recently taken place, it might be expected that members of this body, it is time therefore to follow it where it is designed to have an influence. Mr. Chairman, I will not to anticipate a crisis in our affairs, which present appearances seem to approach; all approaching: I should be loath to arise, which I pray heaven to avert; it may be such as to call for all the energies and resources of our country. It will be of the utmost importance that the Executive should possess the confidence of this country, and those who have manifested a readiness to exert the means of the government in its defence, freed from the imputations heaped on them.
I have already, Mr. Chairman, observed that I considered this amendment as involving the same principle which has most pertinaciously upon every occasion which has presented itself been contended for with all the unity and talents of the party, and that I considered it one, which if established in the latitude contended for, would fundamentally change, if not destroy the constitution under which we live, and which we have sworn to support. The first attempt at the establishment of the right in the house of representatives under the appropriating power, to exercise an unrestrained discretion upon an act done by the executive, within the limits and under the authority of his constitutional powers, was in the memorable case of the British treaty. On this occasion, they contended for the right of defeating an act of the president and senate, by withholding an appropriation necessary to carry it into effect. The next in point of time, was on the mint establishment, where after a law had passed, sanctioned by all the forms which the constitution prescribed, an attempt was made to defeat its operation by withholding the appropriation of money necessary to its execution.
A third and similar attempt was made to defeat the execution of the law for the building and equipping of the frigates. Another effort was made I believe during the same session, by withholding an appropriation for carrying into effect the law fixing the military establishment of the United States so far as relative to a troop of horse. Now there was first a fair attempt at a repeal of the law so far as relative to this troop—the repealing law passed both houses of the legislature, and was sent to the president for his consideration—he returned it with his reasons of dissent, and there not being a constitutional majority in its favor, it failed. After having gone through all the stages which the constitution requires, and having been weighed and considered, the sense of the legislature was fairly expressed that the law authorizing this troop of horse should not be repealed, but that the troop should continue: notwithstanding all this, and that it required two thirds of both branches of the legislature in this situation of the business to repeal the law, it was contended in the house of representatives, that a bare majority of that body had the constitutional right of defeating it by withholding the appropriation necessary to support it, and an attempt was made to that effect.
The next memorable case is the one now under consideration, where an attempt is made to break down, destroy and alter an establishment made by the president of the United States, under authority given him by the constitution. I do not propose to trespass upon the time of the committee by a separate consideration of each of those cases, because the house are already in possession of the debates upon them, and because a very few plain and simple reflections upon a collective view of them, will show the danger of the principles, which is the same in all of them, when carried into practice, the use which may be made of it, and the means adopted to insure its success.
If a bare majority in the house of representatives act as a check upon the president of the United States in every case where in the execution of his constitutional powers, he must have money to give effect to his acts—if this same majority can defeat the operation of a law solemnly sanctioned by the three branches of the legislature, when that law shall require money for its execution (and most laws of importance are of this description), then Sir, is every branch of the government brought at the feet of a majority of this house? Away then with the boasted independency of the different departments; there is an end of that happy and wise distribution of power, which I fondly hoped and supposed this constitution possessed—there is no longer stability in our acts, there will be no longer confidence or security in our government. In vain is it that the framers of our constitution intended to give solemnity to our doings; in vain do we look for stability and wisdom in the constitution of the senate, or energy, decision and promptness in our executive; they are prostrated; their powers all vanish at the magic touch of the representative wand. But, Mr. Chairman, ground so untenable, attempts so hardly, required every address and management to support them. The partisans of this innovation upon our constitution, have addressed themselves to that natural tendency of all public bodies, rather to increase their power, than be satisfied with what they constitutionally possess—they have endeavoured to enlist the people on their side, by creating jealousies and suspicions of the executive, by attributing to the departments different interests and views from those of the people; they have endeavoured to impress them with an opinion, that whatever power is taken from the other branches of government, and added to that of the house of representatives, is so much regained to the public flock—every attempt at resistance to those doctrines, whether in this house or out of it, is charged either with executive influence or political opinions, hostile to the representative and republican form of government. Mr. Chairman, it is because those men are truly attached to the distribution of power under the present form of government, because they are equally enemies to anarchy and despotism, because they wish to preserve that balance and harmony which the framers of the constitution intended it should have, and to defend the whole, by giving each part its power of action—I say it is because they are against any, the smallest change, unless effected in the constitutional mode, that they differ with the mover of the present amendment, and other gentlemen of this house, upon the present and other important occasions.
Though a member of the house of representatives, I have no particular attachment to any one branch of the government compared with another, nor do I believe that any one department of government is the peculiar favorite of the people. Whatever controversy may be drawn in this house between this branch and the other, I trust the nature of our government is better understood without these walls. The people are not now to be informed that all power emanates from them, and however distributed, those unto whom it is entrusted to be employed for the public good, are responsible to them for the proper use of it. They lie in the executive a department as necessary as responsible, and as much entitled to their confidence and support as any other in the government. They have not created an office, and elected a man to fill it, for the purpose of making him the object of their suspicion, fear, jealousy and opposition. Instead of authorizing the house of representatives under the idea of checking his evil propensities, to thwart every measure that may proceed from him—Instead of forming the house
of representatives into a court of censors, or an inquisition to pass upon the acts of the other departments of the government, they have more wisely imposed checks in the very constitution of the departments themselves—They have in the executive department a security which cannot be abused, in the number of his election and the time for which he is elected, in the high responsibility of his situation, in being equally the object of punishment with every other servant of the public, in the impossibility, from his situation and power, of having interests distinct from the mass of citizens, into which he must shortly return—but they have another, Mr. Chairman, and not the least important; he must be a native American or a citizen, prior to the establishment of the present government, and therefore capable of taking a warm interest in the prosperity of his country, and feeling the pride and influence of the true American character.
As a stranger to our constitution and form of government to hear the repeated observations in this house of executive influence, of the danger of executive patronage, and the jealousies expressed of the abuse of power; when he shall see the animated eloquence of gentlemen called forth (by a constitutional act of the president in the appointment of a foreign minister) to paint in glowing colours the danger of his influence and patronage being extended even to members of this house, I say such a man, without any other information, would naturally suppose the president to be some despotic foreign viceroy, entrusted with absolute power, and holding the purple trappings of the nation, feeling no attachment to the people over whom he was placed, and having no responsibility attached to his situation. What, Mr. Chairman, would be his surprise, and to what would he attribute such conduct, when he shall be informed of the real situation, power and character of this man, when he shall be told that he is the representative of a free people, freely chosen by them from the mass of citizens, and selected for his virtue and talents.
When once the executive of this country loses the confidence of the people, when once they withdraw their support from him, there is an end to it, and to the government. That the executive influence and patronage is to be dreaded under this government is too ridiculous for serious consideration. It may be a spectre with which to frighten weak minds, to alarm children, but can never enter into the fears of men of common sense. Gentlemen may suppose it may answer their purposes, if thereby they can excite an opposition in the house supported by the people without, against the exercise of executive power: with such an opposition, in such a warfare, every other department of the government must fall. Then indeed would the house of representatives possess an uncontrolled power; then it will have arrived to that tyranny which some gentlemen say republican governments have a tendency to; then indeed will the government be changed—but from such a government, and such a tyranny, I pray heaven to defend me.
But, Sir, why the present alarm, why this hostility against the executive upon the present occasion. Yes, the executive does more in this instance than the constitution has authorized him to do. Are we qualified to say, he has unwisely exceeded the power intrusted to him, have we the information necessary to form an opinion—may there not be information which we do not possess, and may it not be improper in the President to furnish us with it—shall we decide blindfold, or the President, to whom the constitution has given the right having decided from all the information before him, shall we suppose that to be executing done which is constitutionally done. If the house has a right to determine there shall be no foreign ministers, they have a right to determine there shall be foreigners, how many, and where. Is the executive in that case bound to take their advice, if he is, may this house not as well say what those ministers shall do. This house has the power of refusing the necessary appropriations; have they the constitutional right ? The President of the United States is a constitutional officer—this house must furnish his support—they may suppose this officer possesses power dangerous to the liberties of this house and to the people—they have the power to refuse an appropriation. No man will be hardy enough to contend we have the constitutional right—the same of the judges who are created by law and appointed by the President—here the legislature act under the express authority of the constitution and create the officer; can this house refuse rightfully, to appropriate for their support? So in the present case the President is a constitutional officer—he is directed by the constitution to appoint foreign ministers; it is as if the constitution had appointed them itself. Here, as in the case of the judges, is no authority given to the legislature to create those officers. The right is in strong terms taken from the legislature. To have the right to make foreign ministers or to displace them, we must have the right of foreign correspondence and the superintendence of our foreign relations or how can we judge of the fitness or unfitness of the measure; we must also judge of the propriety of making treaties since they will require ministers to make them—will those powers be contended for? But here is an officer appointed to an office not created by law—it is now proposed to repeal or displace him; can this be done but by the same authority that appointed him. The appropriation was fixed by law, the officer was created by the President—the President who judged of his appointment, must judge of his recall.
It has been insinuated in the course of the debate, that the executive had expressed an opinion that the right of creating the officers of foreign ministers, &c. was in the legislature. I see nothing to justify this conclusion. The practice of the executive from the commencement of the government to the present day, has been expressly against a concession of this right: and the practice of the legislature has been equally opposed to the claim. Can gentlemen show an instance where the legislature have created an office of this kind? Has not the uniform practice of the executive been, to appoint to office, and then call upon the house not for a creation of the office, but for an appropriation for the officer. In the late mission to Paris, did the executive consult this house before he made the appointment, to know whether we would have one or three commissioners? And was his right to determine that question, disputed,
when we were called upon to appropriate for three commissioners? Is it proposed to question this right which the President has thought himself authorized to execute, during the present session, in the appointment of three commissioners to treat with the Cherokee Indians? The appointment has been made without consulting us; and I have not supposed it would be disputed, or the appropriation.
But as some extracts from the speeches of members formerly of this house were read to the committee, by the mover of the amendment, with a view to show, as I understand, that the ground now contended for by the opponents to the present amendment, was not taken early in the government. And as the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Brent) has expressed great uneasiness and alarm to find from the reading of these extracts, that the opinions now expressed by some gentlemen, are but of a late date, that they have changed with a change of views, and that there should be such a want of consistency in their conduct, I shall beg leave in conclusion to read to this committee a few extracts from the congressional register of the debates and proceedings in the first congress, as a complete refutation of those insinuations. As I was not in the house when the extracts were offered by the mover of the amendment, and they were not printed with his observations; I have not had an opportunity of examining them. Those, however, which I shall offer, are directly to the point; and prove incontrovertibly, that the present question was settled early in the government, in the first case in which it arose; and that if there is any inconsistency of conduct in gentlemen, upon the present subject, it rather attaches to those who have since contended for the right now claimed. Mr. Craik then read the extract of the proceedings and debate on a bill brought into the house of representatives, for making provision for the defraying of expenses attending Indian treaties; which bill contained a clause directing that commissioners, not exceeding three, should be appointed, and allowed compensation, &c. When the bill came under the consideration of the house, a member, Mr. Sedgwick, made a motion to strike out that part of the clause, restraining the number of commissioners to three, on the ground that it was an unconstitutional interference on the part of the house, with the executive authority; that the right of saying how many commissioners there should be appointed, belonged to the executive alone; and that this house have nothing to do with it. The question for striking out the clause after debate, was carried. Mr. Craik observed, that the mover of that amendment, for striking out the clause, was well known to have always maintained a steady and uniform opinion upon this subject; and Mr. Craik observed he was authorized to say, that a member then from Virginia (Mr. Maddison) whose opinions the supporters of the present amendment, generally, reflective, seconded the motion of Mr. Sedgwick which was then the subject of discussion. Mr. Craik then read another part of the debate where Mr. Smith, then a member of the house, when speaking upon the question, asked the house, "what was to be done, supposing the United States were at war with a nation from whom overtures of peace were received—Suppose it was absolutely necessary during the next recess of congress, to send a minister or an envoy to the Dey of Algiers; would it be proper to delay so necessary a business, until this house would be convened?"
Mr. C. observed, the extract of the law, and debate thereon which he had used, required no comments, but he would propose the same question now, which was then put, for the consideration of the committee. Mr. C. concluded with an expression of his decided and unequivocal opposition to the amendment under discussion; observed his strength was exhausted, but not the subject.
Shall then those who resist this tyranny be branded with the character of men willing to extend the executive power to the destruction of all others? Shall they be incessantly represented to the people, as acting under executive influence, as being the mouth of the executive, as being the partners and champions of executive power? And shall they be sarcastically called the heroes of the constitution? Is this a fit time to defaminate jealousies and suspicions of this kind against the executive? Are the best talents of the country to lose their effect from inculcating an opinion that these efforts are produced by the influence of executive patronage? And shall every man who happens to think with the executive, in the proper mode of administering this government, if he has talents sufficient to attract attention, be considered as a candidate for public office; or taking measures to promote his election? These are not imaginary charges; for the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Callan) must excuse my not considering his jesuitical explanation, the other day, as sufficient to take of the impression which the whole tenor of his observations would necessarily make. If he believed the mischiefs which he apprehended from executive patronage, and of its being used with effect upon this house, were distant, why oppose the present bill on this ground, which does not contemplate an increase of patronage? And why charge the executive with making appointments from the legislature? Why talk of gentlemen in this house having commissions in their pockets; or the expectation of office, whilst advocating measures which were to make way for the appointment? And why go into a nice calculation of time between a former appropriation and the appointment to office of a member of this house? No man who heard that gentleman's observations, no man who reads them in the public prints, can doubt of the effect they were intended to have. They ought not, therefore, to have passed unnoticed. But where are the loaves and fishes which are supposed to be

to be in the hands of the executive. The President must have the power of making miracles with them as of old, if in their distribution more should fall to the share of any public officer than is necessary for a bare subsistence.
I do not undertake to determine, nor do I think it necessary at this time, and in this place, to express an opinion upon the general question of the policy of this government in maintaining a political connection with the other nations of the world, or of the propriety of an extension or reduction of our present diplomatic establishment, because I do not believe I possess all the information necessary to a correct opinion upon the subject; and because such opinion could only be considered as that of any other individual of the community, and should have no effect as coming from me in my representative character. I believe the constitution has given to the Executive the right to decide upon this subject: the President can have the best advice of the nation, and will, no doubt take it; if he shall at any time be of opinion with this advice, and all the information before him, which his constitutional character furnishes him with, that the interests of the country will be promoted by a reduction of the diplomatic establishment, as he has the right, so I believe he will be disposed to exercise it. As the people of the United States, and myself among the number have thought he could be safely trusted with the exercise of this right, I am not disposed in this exparte manner to question either his wisdom or integrity, by withdrawing my support from him.
Nor do I consider it necessary on this occasion, to vindicate him against a charge of a supposed resolution on his part to elect to office only such men as shall in the general accord with him in opinion, as to the best mode of administering the government: because I do not consider that such a resolution, if adopted, requires defence, inasmuch as I believe it would be justified by common sense, common prudence, and common experience. Nor can I admit that the supposed difficulties which have been suggested by gentlemen in this debate, viz. the member from New-York (Mr. Livingston) and the member from Virginia (Mr. Brent) are objections to the adoption of such a resolution, if indeed, I believed that the time would shortly arrive, when the Executive should be reduced to that situation for want of talents or integrity, among those who generally approve of the measures of government, as to compel him either to make the selection to office from a contrary description of character as to political opinion, or as the member from Virginia (Mr. Brent) has expressed himself, to enlist into office demagogues, who have no other recommendation than their madness on all occasions, to sing Hallelujah's to Executive power and influence, I should consider such an event much to be deplored; then, indeed, should I be willing to give some force to those objections, but as I will not unnecessarily to dislodge myself, I shall not anticipate an evil which I believe to be as distant as a remote as it would be serious and alarming if at hand.
Nor, Mr. Chairman, do I think the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Brent) has been very fortunate in the choice of character which he has made to invalidate the truth of an observation which has been frequently made, viz. that the Executive had in no instance deviated from such rule, in the appointment to office without having melancholy cause to lament it. As this gentleman has thought fit to bring more immediately into view this character, which he says is well known, to have been frequently alluded to, during the present debate, I thereto might safely concede all that he has intended for him on this occasion, without being considered his panegyrist: I might admit with much truth, that we owe our present situation with the French republic to that gentleman, and if it will be any gratification to the member from Virginia (Mr. Brent) or those who have pursued the same political line of conduct, I am willing to allow them a participation of those measures which have produced this situation. If this situation is as the gentleman from Virginia has insinuated an enviable one, if it is one on which we have abundant cause to congratulate ourselves then, Sir, I agree they shall have all the credit which their efforts so well entitle them to: if, on the contrary, this situation is such as every friend to the interest, the honour, and the peace of the nation has reason to lament; then will I not dispute with them the obloquy and censure which their conduct may justly merit. This is a question which I undertake not to decide, in the language of the member from Virginia (Mr. Brent), I leave it to the understanding and feelings of the country to determine.
Whilst taking notice of the observations of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Brent) I cannot omit observing upon the unfair statement he has made of the remarks of the member from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold) upon the subject of checking the government. If I understood that gentleman, the distinction which he took between the system of the member from Virginia and his own, was clear, explicit and intelligent: he admitted that checks were to be found in our government, but that they were checks operating within each department, he denied that the departments were checks upon each other, and he went on to exemplify and explain his distinction in a manner which could not be misunderstood, but by the confused ideas of that gentleman upon the subject. He contended for instance, that the legislative department had constitutional checks within itself; that the house of representatives was a check upon the Senate, the Senate a check upon the house of representatives, and the President, who in this respect is a constituent part of the legislature has a check upon both: that in the executive department the Senate was a check upon the President. But he denied that the legislative department was a check upon the executive, the executive upon the legislative, or either upon the
judiciary. His ideas upon this subject I will admit were very different from those of gentlemen who advocated the extraordinary doctrine of checks, introduced into this debate by the mover of the present amendment. The checks contended for by those gentlemen are intended to produce an eternal state of warfare and hostility between the several departments of the government, that contended for by the member from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold) is designed to promote harmony and a co-operation of the departments: according to those gentlemen's system, the moment of harmony, conciliation and union is the moment of danger and alarm. That moment the government is in such a situation as that it can act with any valuable effect; is the time to sound the alarm, is the moment for this minority to exert themselves in stirring up internal war and dissention in the departments. If I believed with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) that such must be the operation of republican governments, I should then agree with him most readily in another opinion which he has expressed, that republican governments had a strong tendency to despotism and tyranny; for I will venture to assert, that out of such confusion, such disorder, such a warring and hostility of departments either anarchy or despotism must necessarily and shortly arrive. But, Sir, I fear there is but little probability of the apprehension of the member from Virginia being realized in that harmony, union and co-operation of the departments which I consider so desirable in our government, and so necessary to its useful operation, so long as he shall be a member of either of the departments. According to his own principles it will be his duty to keep a watchful eye upon their approach to this point, and to sound the alarm: and though he should be one of the virtuous minority in this house, I have no doubt but he is sufficiently known out of this house to attract attention, and that he will speak loud enough to be heard at least by the minority out of those walls. If I could see strong and alarming symptoms of a harmony of this house with the Executive department at this time, I might be able to account for the amendment which is now under consideration and the style of the observations with which it was introduced, I might in that case, be able to understand why the house of representatives is thus to be drawn up in battle array against the Executive.
I will now notice a few of the remarks of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who was last up (Mr. Findley) and then conclude. This gentleman, in the commencement of his speech, complains much of the personalities of some members of this house in the present debate, and of the hard names that have been called: and he begins and finishes this same speech in a file of abuse and crimination, but little calculated to correct the mischief he complains of. He said in one breath, that the favorites of the present amendment, are represented as 'wishing to overturn the government, and in the next, he asserts it is well known that there are men in this house, who consider the executive the government, and he attributes the observations of some gentlemen to their professional habits at country court bars; from the proficiency which this and some other gentlemen have discovered upon the present occasion in this style of declamation I am induced to believe there are other schools besides country courts where language of this kind is taught.
But, Sir, this gentleman has made another complaint, which rather deserves to be laughed at than seriously attended to; it is, that we have taken up much time in disputing about a principle when we ought not to have considered the expediency of the measures proposed, and he has insinuated this as a usual trick with some gentlemen in this house. I consider this attempt to trepan the house, and lead from the real question, as a trick indeed, but a very shallow one. Does the gentleman pretend that the principle in this case must be settled before we can come to the expediency of the measure, and that any discussion of the expediency without a denial of the principle is an express admission of the principle? That to admit the right of the house of representatives to legislate or deliberate upon the expediency of the present measure, is to concede the principle contended for, in all its latitude. I do not believe the mover of the present amendment or those who immediately followed him in support of it, from the ground which they then took, and the full disclosure they made of those objects and intentions for which I am willing to give them credit will thank those gentlemen who would now reduce the question to a mere nothing. Has the present amendment ever been contested upon this ground, unless by those two gentlemen? Has the right which they claim ever been denied? if it has I have not heard it—have those who support the present amendment, pretended that the allowances which have heretofore been made to our foreign ministers have been too high? Do they wish that a minister plenipotentiary or charge des affairs, should have less? I have not heard it contended, but the object is professed to be, by reducing the appropriation, to reduce the grade of office at two of the courts, and to compel the President to recall the ministers at another, and not to reduce the appropriation, because the present allowances to the second grade of officers is too high, and ought to be reduced. It has been explicitly avowed, that it is further intended by degrees to destroy entirely, our diplomatic establishment. But for those gentlemen cannot be serious in their declarations upon this subject, for they have both contended (notwithstanding this declaration of their view of the subject) with all their talents, for the establishment of the very principle which the opponents of the amendment say it involves—One other object may be obtained by thus weakening the importance of the present dispute, to wit impairing the people with an opinion that the opponents to the amendment have produced an unnecessary waste of time and
money, which would be indeed inexcusable if the contest was only about the saving of a few thousand dollars.
[To be continued in our next.]
MONDAY—JANUARY 29.
Mr. Clay presented the petitions of William Dewees, James Sawyers, and John Connor, praying for allowances for services performed in the war. Referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Sitgreaves, from the committee to whom was referred the memorial and address of the people called Quakers, from their yearly meeting held in Philadelphia, in November last, made a report stating, that as the above memorial was expressed only in general terms, the committee applied early to the memorialists, desiring them to exhibit the precise grievances which they wished to have redressed; that in consequence of this request, the committee received certain documents from them; after which the memorialists were invited to a conference, in order to suggest a remedy to the evils which they complained of; and, after several consultations, the committee state it to be clearly their opinion, that the facts referred to, are exclusively of judicial cognizance, that therefore it is not competent for the legislature to do any thing in the business, and recommend that the memorialists have leave to withdraw their memorial.
Mr. Sitgreaves moved, that the report be read a second time, for the purpose of being concurred in.
Mr. Thatcher hoped the report would be committed. As several applications have been made to the legislature by this body of people for redress of a similar kind, prayed for in this memorial; in order, therefore, to give them full satisfaction, and thereby prevent further applications, he hoped, the determination made upon it, might be done in the most solemn manner.
Mr. Sitgreaves hoped this course would be taken. He wished the memorialists to be fully satisfied with the proceedings taken on their application.
Mr. T. Claiborne was also of this opinion.
Mr. McDowell could not conceive the object of the gentleman who moved this report to be committed, except it were to pay a compliment to the memorialists. He was opposed to paying this compliment. He thought the manner in which they had so frequently come forward to attempt to disturb the peace of society, and to arraign the conduct of the state governments, was not entitled to it. He hoped, therefore, the report would not be referred.
The question was put, and there appeared to be 35 for the committing the report, and 35 against it; the Speaker determined in the affirmative, and the question was carried.
Mr. Dwight Foster, from the committee of claims, to whom was referred the resolution requiring a report on the propriety of extending the act passed June 7, 1794, for making further provisions for the more effectual protection of the frontiers of the United States, and for the relief of widows and children of officers killed in the service, reported it as their opinion, that it ought to be extended to the widows and children of such as were killed, in the war with the Indians. Committed for to-morrow.
Mr. N. Smith presented the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the President be requested to direct the proper officer to lay before this house, a statement of losses recovered by citizens of the United States under the treaty made with Great Britain, specifying those cases which have been actually decided upon by the court of appeal."
Mr. Josiah Parker also presented the following:
"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to direct the proper officer to lay before this house, a copy of an act of the British government counteracting the duties on tonnage laid on foreign ships and vessels by the United States, and on goods, wares and merchandise imported therein."
Both resolutions were ordered to lie on the table.
The house again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on a bill enabling the President to hold a treaty with the Indians claiming lands in the state of Tennessee; Mr. Callatin proposed an amendment fixing the pay of the commissioners at eight dollars a day, exclusive of their expenses, which was agreed to. And, on motion of Mr. McDowell, the words "or North-Carolina" were moved to be added after the word Tennessee so as to enable the President to treat for any land belonging to the Indians within that state. The motion was agreed to, 43 to 16. The house agreed to the amendments, and the bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing the house that he had approved and signed the act for amending the several acts for laying a duty on spirits and stills.
Mr. Sitgreaves moved that the unfinished business relative to foreign intercourse should be postponed, in order to take up the articles of impeachment reported against William Blount.
Mr. Harper hoped the unfinished business would not be postponed for this purpose, as he wished it to be disposed of.
Mr. Sitgreaves said, he made this motion, because of the impatience which had been heretofore shown to go into the business, and because he believed it would not require much time. He also thought it would be proper to exhibit the articles to the Senate at as early a period as possible, as there would be certain preliminary questions to be decided before the impeachment could be proceeded with—he alluded to the impeachability of a Senator, which he understood the Senate meant to dispute. If the Senate determined that one of their body is not impeachable, the business would be at
end. This question would be entered upon after the articles were exhibited. He hoped therefore, the house would take up the business. By this time, as the evidence had been long in the hands of the members, the subject must be well understood. It would be seen that the articles were predicated upon the single letter of William Blount to James Carey, which was communicated to the house by the President of the United States.
Mr. McDowell supported the motion.
Mr. Mason was opposed to it, wished the unfinished business left to be gone through.
Mr. Sprigg was in favour of the motion. A doubt had arisen whether the trial could go on in the absence of the person impeached. If this should prove to be the case, it would be necessary to send a messenger to Tennessee, and wait his return. The sooner, therefore, the business could be gone into the better.
Mr. Thatcher thought there was no necessity immediately to proceed to consider the articles in question as he found by a bill before him, that the Senate considered it necessary to pass a bill before they entered upon the business, prescribing the mode of proceeding in cases of impeachment.
Mr. Gordon thought the remark of the gentleman last up was not entitled to any weight; if it were, the Senate might prevent the impeachment altogether. He thought the observation of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Sprigg) was worthy of consideration. The preliminary question might (and he believed would) be made whether a Senator was impeachable. If the Senate decided one of their body was not impeachable, the business would be an end; if not, it might be necessary to issue process to call the person impeached before them, and it might be necessary to protract their session, for the purpose of finishing the business; as after it was gone into, it would not be proper to leave it in an unfinished state.
Mr. Cleave wished the articles not to be taken up to day, as they were only laid upon the table this morning, and he had hardly time to read them.
Mr. Harper did not think the business would come to an earlier termination by going into the articles to day, as a committee of the house would have to go to the Senate to argue the point of impeachability with them.
Mr. Sitgreaves thought differently; for, though the managers on the part of the house must be heard in the Senate, before the question of impeachability was decided, yet the Senate could not proceed on the subject before the articles were exhibited. Besides, if the matter of fact came to be tried, it would be necessary for several witnesses to be summoned from the state of Tennessee, in addition to the evidence already obtained. It would not be proper, therefore, to delay an exhibition of the articles.
The question for postponing the unfinished business was put and carried 43 to 41.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the articles of impeachment reported against William Blount, Mr. Dent in the chair; when they were read as follows. [See Saturday's Gazette.]
The articles having been agreed to, without amendment (except an amendment to the committee role, and the house having also agreed to them,
Mr. Sitgreaves moved that managers be appointed on the part of the house for the purpose of conducting the impeachment.
Which being agreed to,
The Speaker enquired of what number they should consist.
Mr. Sitgreaves answered eleven.
Mr. Thatcher five.
Mr. Sitgreaves hoped the number he had mentioned would be agreed to; the business being new, and of a very important and delicate nature, he thought the managers ought not to be less than eleven.
Mr. Thatcher withdrew his motion, and eleven was agreed to be the number.
Mr. Sitgreaves moved that the managers go to the Senate with the articles of impeachment.
Mr. Venable wished to know how the managers were to be appointed.
Mr. Sitgreaves said, with respect to the manner of appointing managers, he left it to the discretion of the house. The British house of commons appointed their managers of impeachment by ballot, as they did all their large committees. In that house a different course was taken with respect to committees; they were always appointed by the Speaker, except specially ordered otherwise. The former committee on this business were appointed by the Speaker. He was not disposed to deviate from the usual practice. If, however, any gentleman wished to move that they be appointed by ballot, such a motion, he supposed, would be in order.
Mr. Venable did not think the house had any rule on the subject. The rule for appointing committees did not apply to the present case, which was perfectly new. He thought, therefore, that a vote of the house ought to determine in what manner the managers should be appointed. He had no objection to the Speaker's appointing them, if the house should so determine.
Mr. Thatcher did not think there was any difference between their managers, and other committees of the house, and, therefore, could see no objection to choosing them in the usual mode.
The Speaker read the rule, and said managers of conference with the Senate were chosen in the same way.
Mr. Callatin thought the rule of directing the appointment of committees did not apply in the present case. It was true that managers of conference with the Senate were thus chosen; but he thought there was an essential difference between the two cases. Managers of conferences reported to the house similarly with committees, and in fact they were a committee, though called by a different name. But managers of an impeachment on the part of that house, appeared to him to be quite a different thing. They were not to make a report to the house which might be affirmed or negatived; they were the representatives of the house, and what they did would be final. Under this impression, in order to take the sense of the house upon the business, he moved that the managers be elected by ballot.
The motion was carried without a division, and the members were proceeding to prepare their ballots; when
Mr. Isaac Parker said, as he was not prepared to give his vote, not being sufficiently acquainted with the members to know who were the most fit to be managers, he should move that the appointment of managers, be postponed till to-morrow; which motion was carried.
The house then after a further vote to postpone the unfinished business, resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee of claims on the petition of Mary Clark, who prayed for the reimbursement of the sum of £42. 10. 9. Virginia currency, with interest from the 14th of August, 1797—being the amount of money she alleges she has been obliged to pay on a judgment and execution against her, founded on a bond executed by her husband in his life-time for the hire of a negro man, employed by him in public service.
The committee of claims reported in her favor, and after some little opposition, the committee of
the whole concurred in the report. The house rose, agreed to it, and a bill was ordered to be engrossed in accordingly.
The Gazette.
PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 30.
Yesterday morning, at 6 o'clock, departed this life, after a short illness, Mr. WILLIAM KIDD, of this city. His friends and acquaintances are invited to attend his funeral this afternoon, at 3 o'clock, from the house of Mr. Nathan Boys, at Lebanon.
Married, on Tuesday evening last, by the Rev. Nicholas Collin, Dr. William Sheed, of Charleston S. Carolina, to Miss Eliza Mount, of Monmouth county, East Jersey.
Married, on Sunday last, Mr. Henry Andrew Heins, merchant, to Miss Eliza Teit, both of this city.
Yesterday, Benjamin Smith Barton, was elected a physician of the Pennsylvania hospital, in the room of Adam Kuhn, who resigned, having attended the house upwards of twenty-three years.
Errors of the press in 15th No. of Scipio. In 7th paragraph, for deficient, read deceitful. 8th paragraph, 2d line, for letter, read letters. Last paragraph, beginning 4th line, read documents.
The ship Pigou, capt Robert Clay from hence to Canton, passed the Straits of Sunda the 21st August, on her way to Canton—She left this port on 13th May last.
NEW-THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, JANUARY 30, Will be presented the Comedy of NIVAS AS THEY WERE AND MAIDS AS THEY ARE. To which will be added the musical drama of HUNT THE SLIPPER.
Select Subscription Balls, MR. FRANCIS respectfully informs the Subscribers to the above BALLS that his THIRD will be this evening the 30th of January. Those Subscribers who have not already received their Tickets, are requested to apply to Mr. Francis, No. 70, North Eighth-street. Jan. 30.
BALL.
Mr. Byrne's fourth Ball will be on Tuesday evening next 30th Jan. at Oellers's Hotel. Gentlemen's tickets at one dollar each, to be had at the Hotel. Ladies' tickets to be had of Mr. and Mrs. Byrne, No. 114 North 6th Street. Tuition as usual. Jan. 27. 3t
Mrs. GRATTAN, RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of the City, that agreeable to the wish of Mrs. Grattan's subscribers, on Tuesday next she gives a Ball, with refreshments instead of a concert, at Mr. Richard's. Tickets of admittance to non-subscribers two dollars, to be had at Mrs. Grattan's, No. 192, Market Street. No non-subscribers tickets to be given without the recommendation of a subscriber. Jan. 25. df
IN THE PRESS, And speedily will be Published, A PLAN for establishing a GENERAL MARINE SOCIETY, and Systems of Regulations therein: Writen at Sea, in the year 1794: Now printed for the benefit of that Institution, BY THE AUTHOR. "A NAVY would be maintained but to an almost useless purpose, while the seamen kept the merchantmen idle in port, and trading vessels would be as unprofitably employed, if they took all those seamen of skill and courage on board ships of war, would give them protection and secure their safety. We have enough for both purposes, and the cultivating hand of attention alone is wanting to multiply their number. Money may buy all naval stores, except mariners; but, unless a supply of them is preferred, no wealth will be able to procure them." January 30. $
The holders of the notes, acceptances, endorsements and other engagements of Edward Fox, for account of James Greenleaf, are hereby notified, that Wednesday, the 14th February next, is the last day, on which they can admit subscriptions to the fund assigned to them for the payment of said engagements; and that those holders, who do not on or before that day make their subscriptions, will be excluded from the benefit thereof. Henry Pratt, T. W. Francis, John Miller, jun. John Abbley, Jacob Baker. Jan. 29. df
Copper for Sheathing, For Sale, by SIMON WALKER, Pine-street, near Fifth. January 29. df
Flax Seed for Sale. Apply to GEO. DOBSON, No. 25 South Third Street. Jan. 27. df
Gentel Boarding and Lodging, To be had at a moderate price—Enquire at No. 138, Arch-street. Jan. 27. daw
NOTICE.
ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM COMPTON, late of the city of Philadelphia, deceased, are requested to furnish their accounts, duly attested. And those who are indebted to said estate, are earnestly solicited to make immediate payment, to either of the subscribers.
Isaac Cathrall, John Harworth, Samuel Wilcox, } Administrators. January 27. W14W

PROPOSALS
CARRYING THE PUBLIC MAILS on the following Post Roads will be received at the General Post Office until the 14th day of February next inclusive.
PENNSYLVANIA, &c.
1. From Philadelphia by Wilmington, Newcastle, Cantwell's bridge, Duck creek, Dover, Frederica, Milford, Cloughs, Dagsborough, Trap, Snowhill, Hornitos and Accomac court house to Northampton court house three times a week.
April 1 to November 15. Leave Philadelphia every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 7 A.M. and arrive at Northampton court house on Thursday, Saturday and Monday at 7 P.M. Returning—Leave Northampton court house every Friday, Monday and Wednesday at 7 A.M. and arrive at Philadelphia on Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 7 P.M.
November 15 to April 1. Leave Philadelphia every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Northampton court house on Friday, Monday and Wednesday at 7 P.M. Returning—Leave Northampton court house every Saturday, Tuesday and Thursday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Philadelphia on Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 7 P.M.
VIRGINIA.
2. From Northampton court house to Norfolk three times a week.
April 1 to November 15. Leave Northampton court house every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 8 A.M. and arrive at Norfolk in 24 hours. Returning—Leave Norfolk every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at 4 A.M. and arrive at Northampton court house in twenty four hours.
November 15 to April 1. Leave Northampton court house every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 A.M. and arrive at Norfolk in 24 hours. Returning—Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A.M. and arrive at Northampton court house in 24 hours.
PENNSYLVANIA & MARYLAND.
3. From Philadelphia by Wilmington, New-port, Christiana, Middletown, Warwick and Georgetown cross roads to Cheltenham three times a week.
May 1 to November 1. Leave Philadelphia every Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday by 9 P.M. and arrive at Cheltenham the next day by 8 P.M. Returning—Leave Cheltenham every Monday, Wednesday and Friday by 9 P.M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by 8 P.M.
November 1 to May 1. Leave Philadelphia every Monday and Friday by 9 A.M. and arrive at Cheltenham on Tuesday and Saturday by 4 P.M. Returning—Leave Cheltenham every Monday and Friday by 8 A.M. and arrive at Philadelphia on Tuesday and Saturday by 4 P.M.
MARYLAND.
4. From Cheltenham by Centerville, Easton, Newmarket, Vienna, Salisbury, Snowhill and Princess Ann to Salisbury once a week.
Receive the mail at Cheltenham every Wednesday at 7 A.M. arrive at Easton by 4 P.M. Leave Easton on Thursday by 6 A.M. arrive at Snowhill on Friday by 1 P.M. and at Princess Ann by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Princess Ann on Saturday by 10 A.M. arrive at Easton the next day or Monday by 6 P.M. Leave Easton on Tuesday by 8 A.M. and arrive at Cheltenham the same day by 4 P.M.
5. From Harford by Bel Air to the Black horse once a week.
Leave Harford every Tuesday by 10 A.M. and arrive at Black horse by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Black horse on Wednesday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Harford the next Tuesday by 9 A.M.
PENNSYLVANIA, MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA.
6. From Baltimore by Blackhorse to Yorktown Pa. once a week.
Leave Baltimore every Friday by 4 P.M. arrive at Blackhorse on Saturday by 10 A.M. and arrive at Yorktown by 8 P.M. Returning—Leave Yorktown every Thursday by 7 A.M. and arrive at Baltimore on Friday noon.
7. From Yorktown by Hanover, Petersburg, Tazewell and Fredericksburg to Lee'sburg once a week.
Leave Yorktown every Monday at 8 A.M. arrive at Fredericksburg on Tuesday by 5 P.M. and arrive at Lee'sburg on Wednesday by 2 P.M. Returning—Leave Lee'sburg every Friday at noon, and arrive at Yorktown by 6 P.M. on Sunday.
8. From Yorktown by Abbot's ford, Gettysburg, Fairfield, Elizabeth town, Williamsport, Martinsburg, Winchester, Stevensburg and Strasburg to Woodstock once a week.
Leave Yorktown every Sunday by noon, arrive at Martinsburg on Tuesday by 11 A.M. Leave Martinsburg on Tuesday noon and arrive at Woodstock on Wednesday by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Woodstock on Thursday by 6 A.M. arrive at Martinsburg on Friday by 11 A.M. and arrive at Yorktown on Sunday by 11 A.M.
9. From Pittsburg by Cannonsburg, Washington, West Liberty and Wheeling to the mouth of Fishing creek once a week (contract for one year only).
Leave Pittsburg every Friday at 9 A.M. and arrive at Fishing creek on Sunday at 9 A.M. Returning—Leave Fishing creek on Wednesday at 8 A.M. and arrive at Pittsburg on Friday at 8 A.M.
10. From Washington by Brownsville and Union to Morgantown once a week.
Leave Union every Friday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Washington by 6 P.M. Leave Washington on Saturday at 6 A.M. arrive at Morgantown on Sunday at 6 P.M. Leave Morgantown on Monday at 8 A.M. and arrive at Union by 3 P.M.
11. From Baltimore by Fredericktown, Elizabethtown, Greencastle and Chambersburg to Shippensburg once a week.
Leave Baltimore every Friday by 11 A.M. arrive at Fredericktown on Saturday by 10 A.M. at Elizabethtown in the evening, and at Shippensburg on Monday by 7 P.M. Returning—Leave Shippensburg every Tuesday at 9 A.M. arrive at Elizabethtown at 8 P.M. at Fredericktown on Wednesday noon, and at Baltimore on Thursday by 5 P.M.
MARYLAND.
12. From Elizabeth town by Hancock and Old town to Cumberland once a week.
Leave Cumberland every Saturday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Elizabeth town on Monday by 8 A.M. Returning—Leave Elizabeth town every Monday by 10 A.M. and arrive at Cumberland on Tuesday by 6 P.M.
13. From Baltimore to Annapolis once a week.
Leave Baltimore every Monday at 8 A.M. and arrive at Annapolis by 5 P.M. Returning—Leave Annapolis every Tuesday at 8 A.M. and arrive at Baltimore by 5 P.M.
14. From Baltimore by Annapolis, Queen Anne's, Upper Marlborough, Piscataway, Port Tobacco, Leonardtown, Newport and Chaptico to Leonardtown once a week.
Leave Baltimore every Friday at 10 A.M. arrive at Annapolis at 5 P.M. Leave Annapolis on Saturday at 6 A.M. arrive at Upper Marlborough by noon, arrive at Piscataway by 6 P.M. & arrive at Leonardtown every Monday forenoon by 9 o'clock.
Returning—Leave Leonardtown every Monday at 3 P.M. arrive at Piscataway on Tuesday by 6 P.M. arrive at Upper Marlborough on Wednesday by 11 A.M. and arrive at Annapolis by 6 P.M. Leave Annapolis on Thursday by 7 A.M. and arrive at Baltimore on Thursday by 3 P.M.
15. From Annapolis by Lower Marlborough, Huntingdon and Calvert court house to St. Leonard once a week.
Leave Annapolis every Saturday at 9 A.M. and arrive at St. Leonard on Monday by 3 P.M. Returning—Leave St. Leonard every Monday at 4 P.M. and arrive at Annapolis the next Saturday by 6 A.M.
16. From Bladensburg by Upper Marlborough,
Nottingham, Lower Marlborough, Acquascot, Benedict and Charles town to Chaptico once a week.
Leave Bladensburg every Saturday at 9 A.M. arrive at Upper Marlborough by noon and at Lower Marlborough on Monday by 5 P.M. & at Chaptico by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Chaptico every Thursday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Bladensburg on Saturday at 6 A.M.
17. From Georgetown by Montgomery court house to Fredericktown once a week.
Leave Georgetown every Friday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Fredericktown by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Fredericktown every Thursday by 5 A.M. and arrive at Georgetown by 6 P.M.
VIRGINIA.
18. From Woodstock by Newmarket, Rockingham court house, Staunton, Lexington and Fincastle to Big Lick once a week.
Leave Woodstock every Thursday by 6 A.M. arrive at Staunton on Friday at 1 P.M. Leave Staunton every Friday at 2 P.M. arrive at Big Lick on Sunday by 11 A.M. Returning—Leave Big Lick on Sunday by 1 P.M. arrive at Staunton every Tuesday by 11 A.M. Leave Staunton by 12 o'clock (noon) and arrive at Woodstock on Wednesday by 5 P.M.
19. From Big Lick by Montgomery court house and Wythe court house to Abingdon once a week.
Leave Big Lick every Sunday at 1 P.M. arrive at Wythe court house on Tuesday by 2 P.M. and at Abingdon on Wednesday by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Abingdon every Thursday by 6 A.M. arrive at Wythe court house on Friday by 2 P.M. and arrive at Big Lick on Sunday by 11 A.M.
TENNESSEE.
20. From Abingdon, Vir. by Jonesborough, Greeneville, Moffat's store and Jefferson court house to Knoxville once a week.
Leave Abingdon every Thursday by 6 A.M. arrive at Moffat's store on Saturday by 8 A.M. Leave Moffat's by 9 A.M. and arrive at Knoxville on Sunday by 10 A.M. Returning—Leave Knoxville every Sunday by 2 P.M. arrive at Moffat's on Monday by 3 P.M. Leave Moffat's on Monday at 4 P.M. and arrive at Abingdon on Wednesday by 7 P.M.
VIRGINIA.
21. From Winchester by Romney to Moorfield once a week.
Leave Winchester every Thursday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Moorfield on Friday by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Moorfield every Saturday at 8 A.M. and arrive at Winchester on Sunday by 6 P.M.
22. From Alexandria by Centerville, Leesburg and Shepherdstown to Martinsburg once a week.
Leave Alexandria every Wednesday at 9 A.M. and arrive at Martinsburg on Friday by 10 A.M. Returning—Leave Martinsburg every Friday by noon & arrive at Alexandria on Monday by 7 A.M.
23. From Fredericksburg by Port Royal, Laytons, Tappahannock, Urbanna and Gloucester court house to Yorktown once a week.
Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 6 A.M. arrive at Tappahannock on Thursday by 11 A.M. Leave Tappahannock at noon and arrive at Yorktown on Saturday by 11 A.M. Returning—Leave Yorktown every Saturday at 1 P.M. arrive at Tappahannock the next Monday noon and arrive at Fredericksburg on Tuesday by 5 P.M.
24. From Tappahannock by Richmond court house, Westmoreland court house, Kinfaile, Farnham church and Northumberland court house to Lancaster court house once a week.
Leave Tappahannock every Thursday noon and arrive at Lancaster court house on Saturday by 11 A.M. Returning—Leave Lancaster court house every Saturday by 1 P.M. and arrive at Tappahannock on Monday by 11 A.M.
25. From Fredericksburg by Culpeper court house & Orange, h. to Charlottesville once a week.
Leave Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 11 A.M. Returning—Leave Charlottesville on Saturday at 8 P.M. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Tuesday by 6 A.M.
26. From Richmond by Goochland court-house Columbia and Charlottesville to Staunton once a week.
Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 P.M. arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 11 A.M. Leave Charlottesville by noon and arrive at Staunton on Friday by 11 A.M. Returning—Leave Staunton on Saturday by 6 A.M. arrive at Charlottesville on Sunday by 6 P.M. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 6 P.M.
27. From Staunton by Bath court-house and Sweet Springs to Greenbrier court-house once a week.
Leave Staunton every Saturday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Greenbrier court-house on Tuesday by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Greenbrier court-house every Monday by 9 A.M. and arrive at Staunton on Thursday by 8 P.M.
28. From Charlottesville by Warren, Warrenton, New Market, Amherst court house, Cabell'sburg, and Maddison to Lynchburg once a week.
Leave Charlottesville every Thursday at 1 P.M. and arrive at Lynchburg on Saturday at 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Lynchburg every Tuesday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 10 A.M.
29. From Richmond by Hanover town, Ayletts and Todds to Tappahannock once a week or if carried in bags as often as they shall run.
Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 5 A.M. arrive at Todds at 3 P.M. and at Tappahannock on Thursday at 11 A.M. Returning—Leave Tappahannock on Monday at 1 P.M. and arrive at Richmond on Tuesday by 5 P.M.
30. From Richmond by Hopkins's, Powhatan court house, Cumberland court house, Prince Edward court house and Lynchburg to New-London, once a week.
Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 8 A.M. arrive at Prince Edward on Wednesday at 6 P.M. and arrive at Lynchburg on Friday at 8 A.M. and at New-London by 10 A.M. Returning—Leave New-London every Friday at 2 P.M. arrive at Lynchburg by 5 P.M. arrive at Prince Edward on Saturday by 7 P.M. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 4 P.M.
31. From New-London by Liberty to Fincastle once a week.
Leave New-London every Friday at 1 P.M. and arrive at Fincastle on Saturday by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Fincastle on Monday at 5 A.M. and arrive at New-London on Tuesday noon.
32. From Liberty by Rocky Mount to Martinsville once in two weeks.
Leave Liberty every other Saturday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Martinsville on Sunday by 6 P.M. Leave Martinsville on Monday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Liberty on Tuesday by 6 P.M.
33. From Prince Edward court house by Charlotte court house to Halifax court house once a week.
Leave Prince Edward court house every Thursday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Halifax court house on Friday at 10 A.M. Returning—Leave Halifax court house on Friday by 2 P.M. and arrive at Prince Edward court house on Saturday by 6 P.M.
VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
34. From Halifax court house by Halifax old town, Carters, Martinsville, Patrick court-house, Upper Saur, Germantown and Bethania to Salem once in two weeks.
Leave Halifax court-house every other Friday at 2 P.M. and arrive at Salem the next Monday by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Salem every other Tuesday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Halifax court-house on Friday by 10 A.M.
35. From Harris's by Hick's ford to Halifax twice a week.
Leave Harris's every Wednesday and Saturday by 5 A.M. and arrive at Halifax by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Halifax every Thursday and Sunday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Harris's by 7 P.M.
VIRGINIA.
36. From Smithfield by Southampton court-house to Hick's ford once a week.
Leave Hick's ford every other Friday by 2 P.M. and arrive at Smithfield on Saturday by 2 P.M. Returning—Leave Smithfield every other Sunday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Hick's ford on Monday by 2 P.M.
37. From Goldsboro by Goshen, St. Tammany's, Mendenhall and Lumberton court-house and Edenton to Newbern once a week.
Leave Goldsboro every Wednesday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Newbern on Saturday by 12 o'clock (noon) and return the next Sunday after delivery of the mail.
VIRGINIA & NORTH-CAROLINA.
38. From Suffolk by Edenton, Plymouth and Washington to Newbern once a week.
Leave Suffolk every Monday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Edenton on Tuesday by 1 P.M. at Plymouth on Wednesday by 6 P.M. and at Washington by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Newbern every Friday by 6 P.M. arrive at Washington by 6 P.M. on Saturday by 9 A.M. and at Suffolk on Monday by 9 A.M.
NORTH-CAROLINA.
39. From Edenton by Hertel, Nixon, Elizabeth city, and Jonesboro to Indian-town, once a week.
Leave Edenton every Wednesday by 1 P.M. and arrive at Indian-town on Thursday by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Indian-town every Tuesday by 5 A.M. and arrive at Edenton on Wednesday at 11 A.M.
40. From Halifax by Northampton, cur-house, Princeton, Murfreesborough, Winton and Windfall to Edenton, once a week.
Leave Halifax every Monday at 9 A.M. and arrive at Edenton on Wednesday by 3 P.M. Leave Edenton on Wednesday by 6 P.M. and arrive at Halifax on Saturday by 6 P.M.
41. From Halifax by Scotland, Hogdon, Williamston and Daily's to Plymouth, once a week.
Leave Halifax every Monday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday at 10 A.M. Returning—Leave Plymouth on Wednesday at 2 P.M. and arrive at Halifax on Friday at 10 A.M.
42. From Halifax by Tarboro and Greenville to Washington once a week.
Leave Halifax every Monday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Washington on Wednesday at 10 A.M. Returning—Leave Washington every Wednesday at 9 A.M. and arrive at Halifax on Friday at 10 A.M.
43. From Halifax by Warrenton, Williamston, Oxford, Hillsborough, Martinville, Salem, Lexington, Solidary and Stateville to Charlotte and from Charlotte by Cabarrus court-house to Salisbury, and from thence by the same route to Halifax, once a week.
Leave Halifax every Monday at 9 A.M. arrive at Warrenton by 7 P.M. arrive at Hillsborough on Wednesday at 4 P.M. at Salem on Friday by 5 P.M. at Salisbury on Saturday at 4 P.M. and at Charlotte on Monday by 6 A.M. Returning—Leave Charlotte on Monday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Salisbury on Tuesday by 10 A.M. arrive at Salem on Wednesday by 9 A.M. at Hillsborough on Friday by 9 A.M. and at Halifax on Monday at 6 A.M.
44. From Hillsborough by Mount Tizah, Person court-house, Leesburg, Caldwell court-house and Rockingham court-house to Germantown once in two weeks.
Leave Hillsborough every other Thursday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Germantown on Saturday at 4 P.M. Leave Germantown every other Sunday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Hillsborough on Tuesday at 4 P.M.
45. From Salem by Bethania, Huntville, Rockford, Wilkes, Morganton and Rutherford to Spartanburg in S. C. once in two weeks.
Leave Salem every other Saturday at 5 A.M. and arrive at Spartanburg on Wednesday at 5 P.M. Leave Spartanburg every other Thursday at 7 A.M. and arrive at Salem the next Monday at 6 P.M.
46. From Louisburg by Nash court-house to Tarboro once a week.
Leave Louisburg every Friday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Tarboro by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Louisburg every Saturday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Tarboro by 6 P.M.
47. From Raleigh by Smithfield, Waynesborough, and Kingston to Newbern, once in two weeks.
Leave Raleigh every other Tuesday by 8 A.M. and arrive at Newbern the next Friday by 10 A.M. Returning—Leave Newbern every other Friday by 9 A.M. and arrive at Raleigh on Monday by 6 P.M.
48. From Raleigh by Chapel hill to Hillsborough, and from Hillsborough by Chapel hill to Durham court-house to Raleigh, once a week. To wait two hours at Chapel hill court-house.
Leave Raleigh every Tuesday by 6 A.M. and arrive at Hillsborough by 6 P.M. Returning—Leave Hillsborough every Wednesday by 8 A.M. and arrive at Raleigh on Thursday by 10 A.M.
49. From Fayetteville by Elizabethtown, Belaford and Springfield to Wilmington, and from Wilmington by S. Washington, Sarecto and Sampson court-house to Fayetteville, once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday at 10 A.M. Returning—Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 1 P.M. and arrive at Fayetteville on Sunday by 5 P.M.
50. From Fayetteville by Allenton and Randolph court-house to Salisbury, and from Salisbury by Montgomery court-house, Anson court-house and Richmond court-house to Fayetteville, once a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Saturday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Salisbury on Tuesday by 9 A.M. Leave Salisbury every Tuesday noon and arrive at Fayetteville on Friday by 6 P.M.
51. From Newbern by Trenton and Richland to Wilmington once a week.
Leave Newbern every Friday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Wilmington on Sunday by 6 P.M. Leave Wilmington every Tuesday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Newbern on Thursday by 6 P.M.
SOUTH & NORTH-CAROLINA.
52. From Camden by Lancaster court-house, Charlotte and Lincoln to Stateville, once in two weeks.
Leave Camden every other Monday at 6 A.M. arrive at Stateville on Thursday by 6 P.M. Leave Stateville every other Friday by 2 P.M. and arrive at Camden on Monday by 6 P.M.
SOUTH-CAROLINA.
53. From Columbia by Winnsborough, Chester court-house, Pinckneyville, Spartanburg, and Greenville court-house to Pikenville, and from Pikenville by Laurens court-house and Newberry court-house to Columbia, once a week; waiting one hour at each post-office on the route.
Leave Columbia every Monday at 9 A.M. arrive at Spartanburg every Wednesday by 8 P.M. arrive at Pikenville on Thursday at 4 P.M. arrive at Laurens court-house on Friday at 4 P.M. and at Columbia on Sunday by 6 P.M.
54. From Columbia by Orangeburg to Charleston, once a week.
Leave Columbia every Monday at 10 A.M. and arrive at Charleston on Thursday at 10 A.M. Returning—Leave Charleston every Thursday at 2 P.M. and arrive at Columbia on Sunday at noon.
SOUTH-CAROLINA & GEORGIA.
55. From Edgefield court-house by Cambridge, Abbeville court-house, Pendleton court-house, Hattiesburg, Franklin court-house, Elberton and Petersburg to Washington, and from Washington by Petersburg and Cambridge to Edgefield court-house, once a week.
Leave Edgefield court-house every Friday by 8 A.M. arrive at Pendleton court-house on Sunday by 9 A.M. arrive at Franklin court-house by 7 P.M. at Petersburg on Tuesday by 10 A.M. and at Washington by 5 P.M. Leave Washington every Wednesday at 6 A.M. and at Cambridge on Thursday by 10 A.M. and at Edgefield court-house by 7 P.M.
56. From Augusta by Washington, Greensburg and Lexington to Georgetown, once a week.
Leave Augusta every Monday at 3 P.M. arrive at Washington on Tuesday by 5 P.M. and arrive at Georgetown on Thursday by 7 P.M. Returning—Leave Georgetown every Friday at 6 A.M. and arrive at Augusta by noon on Monday.
57. From Gardens Corner to Beaufort once a week.
Leave Beaufort every Thursday at 2 P.M. and arrive at Gardens Corner by 8 P.M. Returning—Leave Gardens Corner every Thursday at 5 A.M. and arrive at Beaufort by 10 A.M.
Note 1. The Post Master General may alter the time of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract, be previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
Note 2. Half an hour shall be allowed for opening and closing the Mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
Note 3. For every hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in carrying the mail at the times prescribed in any contract, the Contractor shall forfeit one dollar, and if the delay continued until the departure of any succeeding Mail, whereby the Mail delayed for such succeeding Mail, for a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
Note 4. Newspapers as well as Letters are to be sent in the Mails; and if any person making proposals desire to carry newspapers other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry it with that emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
Note 5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.
Note 6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices in gross by the year, and not by the mile. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of January, April, July, and October, in drafts on the post office on the route and in bank notes.
Note 7. The contract is to be in operation on the fifth day of April next, and continue for four years, until the 31st day of March inclusive, in the year 1802.
JOSEPH HABERSHAM, Post-Master General. GENERAL POST OFFICE, Philadelphia, December 18, 1797.
NOTICE.
ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM FLEWTOOD, of Liverpool, late of Philadelphia, merchant, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly attested; and those who are indebted to the same, are desired to make immediate payment, to
GEO. DOBSON, } Administrators. No. 23, So. Third-street. January 4. df
To Cabinet Makers, Joiners, &c.
Cavanagh & Hearn, Pine-street, near the New-Market, RETURN thanks to their friends and the public, for their liberal encouragement, and hope, by their unremitting attention, to merit a continuance of their favors. The Partnership between them and Joseph B. Barry, has been dissolved by mutual consent. Cavanagh and Hearn have just received a quantity of St. Domingo and Honduras Mahogany, which they intend to sell on very reasonable terms for cash. Orders from the country most punctually executed. Veneers of all kinds cut as usual. Jan. 15. 2aw4w
Musical Instrument Manufactory,