National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-12-19 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1791.
NUMB. 15.
AUTHENTIC.
(Never before printed.)
COPIES OF THE LAWS
Passed in the
TERRITORY of the UNITED STATES,
North-west of the River Ohio,
By the Governor and Justices thereof,
Agreeably to the Ordinance of Congress of July 13, 1787, and made out from the Original Records in the Office of the Secretary for the said Territory.
I
A LAW for Regulating and Establishing the MILITIA in the Territory of the United States, north-west of the River Ohio. Passed July 25th, 1788.
ALL male inhabitants between the age of sixteen and fifty, shall be liable to, and perform military duty, and be formed into corps in the following manner:
Sixty-four rank and file shall form a company.
Eight companies shall form a battalion.
Two battalions shall form a regiment.
There shall be appointed to each company, one captain, one lieutenant, one ensign, four sergeants, four corporals, one drummer, and one fifer.
To a battalion there shall be appointed, one lieutenant-colonel, one major, and one adjutant.
To a regiment, one colonel.
The corps shall be divided into senior and junior classes.
And whereas, in the infant state of a country defence and protection are absolutely essential—All male inhabitants of the age of sixteen and upwards shall be armed, equipped and accoutred in the following manner:
With a musket and bayonet, or rifle, cartridge-box and pouch, or powder-horn, and bullet pouch, with forty rounds of cartridges, or one pound of powder and four pounds of lead, priming-wire and brush, and six flints.
And whereas for securing the principles of defence and protection, it is necessary to be assembled upon certain times, and at certain places, for examining and inspecting the arms and accoutrements, and for disciplining the men in a soldierly manner: And whereas the assembling of the members of community, at fixed periods conduces to health, civilization and morality, and such assembling without arms, in a newly settled country, may be attended with danger; Therefore, the corps shall be paraded at ten o'clock in the morning of each first day of the week, armed, equipped and accoutred as aforesaid, in convenient places next adjacent to the place or places already assigned, or to be assigned for public worship. At other times and places the corps shall be paraded for muster, exercise, and review, as the commander in chief may direct. And whereas, in the present state of the territory, it is necessary that guards be established—The commander in chief and the commanding officers of counties, and of smaller districts, shall make such detachments, for guards and other military duty, as the public exigencies may in his or their opinion require.
Those who have borne commissions, civil or military in the service of the United States, or either of them, and who have been honorably discharged therefrom, and all such as have been graduated in colleges or universities shall compose the senior class. Males above the age of fifty shall be liable to military duty in cases of actual invasion only, and then at the direction of the commander in chief. Officers of civil government, appointed by Congress, or commissioned by the governor, are exempted from the duties aforesaid.
If any male inhabitant shall neglect or refuse to appear at the fixed times and places of parade by this law established, he shall be fined in the sum of twenty-five cents, unless he shall render an excuse to the satisfaction of the commanding officer of his corps. If any male as aforesaid shall neglect or refuse to appear at such time and place as the commander in chief shall specially direct for muster, review, and exercise, he shall be fined in the sum of fifty cents, unless excused as aforesaid.
If any male, as aforesaid, shall neglect or refuse to appear upon the order of the commander in chief, or other officers as aforesaid, for guards or other ordinary military duty, or refuse to perform the same, he shall be fined in the sum of one hundred cents—which offences shall be heard and determined by the officers of the company to which the offender may belong, and upon conviction, a warrant of distress shall issue from the commander of such company, directed to either of the sergeants of the same, requiring him to collect the fines aforesaid, and pay the same into the treasury of the town, city or county wherein the conviction shall have taken place, within twenty days next after issuing such warrant. For the second and all succeeding offences in the cases before mentioned, the persons charged with having committed the same, shall be heard, tried and sentenced by courts martial.
If any male inhabitant as aforesaid, shall ne-
glect or refuse to appear and perform his duty under the orders of the commander in chief, against an enemy invading the territory, or shall refuse, disobey or neglect the orders given by his officers, or any of them in time of action, he shall be deemed guilty of cowardice and desertion, and be heard tried and sentenced by a court martial. All officers shall be attentive to the forming, disciplining, parading and commanding their respective corps, and to such other duties as shall respectively bind them by this law, and by the orders from time to time to be given by the commander in chief.
If any officer shall be guilty of a breach of this law, or in any respect violate, or neglect his duty, he shall be heard, tried and sentenced by a court martial.
A court martial shall consist of, not more than thirteen members, nor less than five, whereof one at least shall have rank superior to that of a captain.
A court martial shall be appointed by the commander in chief, or the commanding officers of a regiment or battalion, but the commander in chief only shall have the power of approving and carrying into effect sentences of courts martial, whereby the punishment shall be capital, or an officer cashiered.
II.
A LAW for establishing General Courts of QUARTER SESSIONS of the PEACE (and therein of the Powers of single Justices) and for establishing County Courts of COMMON PLEAS; (and therein of the power of single Judges to hear and determine upon small debts and contracts;) and also a Law for establishing the Office of SHERIFF, and for the appointment of SHERIFFS.
PASSED AUGUST 23d, 1788.
THERE shall be a Court in each County, styled the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, holden and kept four times in every year in each county.
That for the County of Washington shall be holden and kept at the city of Marietta upon the second Tuesdays of March, June, September, and December. And there shall be a competent number of Justices of the Peace in every of the counties appointed and commissioned by the Governor under the Seal of the Territory, which Justices, or any three of them, one at least being of the quorum, shall and may hold the General Sessions of the Peace according to law.
Not less than three, nor more than five of the said Justices, in each county shall be specially named in a general commission for holding the said courts of Quarter Sessions of the Peace.
The Justices or any three of them, one being of the quorum as aforesaid, may hold Special Sessions when, and as often as occasion may require.
And the said Justices, and each and every of them shall have power and authority, in and out of sessions to take all manner of recognizances with or without surety for good behavior to keep the peace, or for appearance at a Superior Judiciary, whether to the Quarter Sessions, if out of the time of sessions, or to the General Court of the Territory as the case may be, to answer to charges exhibited or crimes committed in the view of such Justices, or any of them, and whereof they have not competent power to hear and determine—And in case any person or persons shall refuse to enter into recognizance as aforesaid, and to find surety when thereunto required, it shall and may be lawful for such Justice or Justices in or out of sessions as aforesaid, to commit the person or persons so refusing, to gaol, there to remain until he or they shall comply with the order of such Justice or Justices.
All recognizances for the peace, good behavior or appearance at the sessions which shall be taken by any of the Justices out of sessions, shall be certified into their said general sessions of the peace to be holden next after the taking thereof: and every recognizance taken in or out of sessions for suspicion of any manner of crime not triable in said court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace, shall be certified before the general court of the territory at their next succeeding term, or before a court of Oyer and Terminer and Gaol Delivery for the county to be holden next after the taking thereof, without concealing, detaining or embezzling the same. And in case any person or persons shall forfeit his or their recognizances of the peace, good behavior or appearance, the recognizances so forfeited with the record of default, or cause of forfeiture shall be sent and certified without delay by the Justice or Justices of the Peace, into the Quarter Sessions, if taken out of the sessions and returnable to the same; or into the General court of the territory, as the case may be, whether taken in or out of sessions: that in either case proceeds may issue according to law. All which forfeitures shall be levied by the respective courts, to be paid by the clerks of the respective courts, and paid to them into the public treasuries; that is to say, by the Clerk of the Quarter Sessions into the Treasury of the county—and by the Clerk of the General Court into the general Treasury of the territory.
One or more Justices of the Peace shall and may out of sessions, hear and determine according to the course of the common law, petty crimes and misdemeanors wherein the punishment shall be by fine only, and not exceeding three dollars, and to
costs—and in case any person or persons shall refuse to obey, fulfil and perform the sentence or sentences given against him or them by the Justice or Justices herein, it shall and may be lawful for such Justice or Justices to commit the delinquent or delinquents to gaol, there to remain until sentence be performed.—And it shall be lawful for such Justice or Justices whenever the crime shall be committed in his or their presence or view, to sentence as aforesaid, without further examination: And which fines shall be paid by such Justice or Justices paid to the Clerk of the Court of Quarter Sessions, and by him paid into the county Treasury. All warrants issued by a Justice, or Justices out of sessions, either for apprehending, securing or committing to gaol, persons suspected or convicted of crimes shall be under the hand and seal of such Justice or Justices, and directed to an officer or officers whose duty it shall be to execute criminal process; and such officer or officers shall obey the warrant or warrants issued as aforesaid.
The Courts of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace shall and may hear, determine and sentence according to the course of the common law, all crimes and misdemeanors, of whatever nature or kind, committed within their respective counties, the punishment whereof doth not extend to life, limb, imprisonment for more than one year, or forfeiture of goods and chattels, or lands and tenements, to the government of the territory.
And that persons indicted or outlawed in one county, who dwell, remove, or are received into another county, may be brought to justice, the said courts of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, shall and may direct their writs or precepts under the seal of the courts, and signed by the clerks respectively, to all or any of the sheriffs, or other officers empowered by law to execute criminal process in each or any of the counties within the territory as the case may be, requiring to take and bring before said court, such persons indicted or outlawed as aforesaid. And the said Court of Quarter Sessions shall and may issue subpoenas, and other warrants under the seal of the court, and signed by the clerk, into any county or place in the territory for summoning or bringing any person to give evidence in and upon any matter or cause, examinable or triable before such court, under such pains and penalties as subpoenas or warrants of that kind are by law granted and awarded. And a Justice or Justices out of sessions, may in like manner, and under similar penalties, grant subpoenas and other warrants to any place or places within their respective counties.
[To be continued.]
LIBERTY of the PRESS.
Translated Extract from M. Robespierre's speech in the National Assembly, on the 23d of August 1791.
THE liberty of the Press is the only effectual check of arbitrary power. The consequence has been, the uniform endeavour of all such governments to interpret this liberty, as finally to render it a mere nullity. The moment of a revolution is perhaps a time the least seasonable for discussing the great principles upon which the liberty of the press is founded, because at such a time all parties of men are the subjects of the attacks of the press from one quarter or another, and consequently are too fore-reasoned deliberately on granting it the full extent of liberty it ought to have—But, let it be the glory of the National Assembly of France to be above prejudice and to disregard all personal considerations—this is the example that has been set before us by the United States of America, on the great question of the liberty of the press.—The liberty of publishing our sentiments is the great bulwark of liberty, and can only be limited, even in the smallest degree, by despotic governments.—Is the press free when it is prohibited from publishing censure and defamation of characters? I think you will agree with me that it is not—There is no liberty of the press where the author of any piece is liable to arbitrary prosecution—and here I will observe, that there is an essential difference between criminal acts and the offences of the press .—Criminal actions are of a palpable and sensible nature. They can be proved in conformity to certain established rules and by infallible methods, after which the law can take its course without any mixture of arbitrary proceeding. As to mere opinions, published to the world, their merits or their criminality must always depend upon rational principles, justice, and public interest, and often-times upon a multitude of peculiar circumstances,
which are necessarily productive of great uncertainty. The most particular circumstance, therefore, is necessary in making laws to regulate the liberty of the press. Laws expressly enacted to secure the liberty of the press have always, in the end, proved the infallible means of annihilating it. Recollect, Gentlemen, what has passed under the late French government: under pretence of public good, writers, especially political writers, lived a life of persecution and misery from those whose duty it was to protect them. What were the writings, which, prior to the revolution, were the objects of such marked severity?—The very writings which we at this day admire, and whose authors have been thought worthy the homage of the nation. A proof this, that time and situation alone determine whether an author shall be persecuted or be crowned with honour. Only three years ago the Social Compact , was condemned as a treasonable work. John James Rousseau, the man who did the most to bring about the present revolution—that very John James Rousseau, was by a decree of the nation, pronounced a traitor, a man of dangerous principles, a seditious pest—and nothing prevented his neck being brought to the block, but the fears the government began to entertain, in the latter part of his time, of the courage of the patriotic party in France.—But even at this late period, if despotism had only known her remaining strength and influence over the nation, existing by the force of long habit—Rousseau's head would have paid for the services he rendered to mankind, and he would have added one to the number of the illustrious victims whom fanaticism, despotism and tyranny have always considered as too dangerous to their cause to be suffered to live.—Be assured, then, Gentlemen, that nothing is of a more delicate nature, perhaps nothing is more impossible, than to make an equitable law to inflict penalties, for the opinions which men may publish, especially on those matters which are the natural objects of human reason, knowledge and enquiry. What you have done is all that can be done in this case; and that is, to consider him as a criminal, who plainly and explicitly [not by any kind of implication] offends against the spirit of the law.
Further than this you cannot go without infringing the liberty of the press in its essential properties and principles.
From a late French Paper.
TO those who read history it must be fatiguing to observe the odious consequences of distinction of birth with all nations who have suffered such distinctions to prevail among them. We may however, gratify our riddle faculties when we cast an eye upon the ridicule which has attended those distinctions. Hereditary honours have ever been food for the pen of the satirist, because they are absurd in their very principles.
The essence of family distinction depends upon the feudal law. The moment it falls under the view of the laws of equity and nature it is annihilated. What then shall we think of hereditary honours and titles being put up at sale? When we see a man, composed of the basest materials [provided he has only had low cunning enough to amass a fortune] purchasing afterwards, as it were in the market house, the right of becoming the founder of a noble race, and anticipating among his descendants, lords, dukes, and peers!
The best method to restore those persons to their senses who are admirers of titles, and all the nonsense of quality and nobility, would be to recapitulate the quarrels of Princes with their legal descendants; the disputes of these with

the Dukes, and of the Dukes, again with the gentry. In all these contests, the truth always came out, that the sceptred and titled men were the meanest of men; not so from nature, but from education and habits which had left little or nothing to their own exertions; for true greatness is always acquired and imbibed in the severe school of necessity. In the most superstitious nations of the earth, little men, [in reality such] were always fond of being thought gods, and therefore affected a veil of obscurity to conceal their littleness from the vulgar. The moment they quarrelled, the veil was withdrawn, and with it their pretended divinity.
Let us pass from distinctions of birth to those of decorations, ribbons, and orders: and here we are at once sickened with the silly apparatus. What possible idea of honour could be affixed to the order of the Holy Ghost, or of the Staff, when a Madame Depré created 58 Chevaliers and seven Marshalls of France in one day?—Who can forbear laughter when, in reading history, they see men, totally ignorant of war, purchasing titular dignities, with the motto of Bellæ virtutis præmium , when underneath should in justice, have been written Resum teneatis, Amici? —But these abuses and follies are wearing out with time; men have been for ages in a comparative state of childhood, and the day is at hand when they will be universally ashamed of the toys and baubles befitting the childish age, as the science of government becomes better understood.
PHILADELPHIA, CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, December 14.
Mr. Sedgwick from the committee, to whom was referred certain propositions of amendments to the Constitution of the United States, made a report.
The House agreed to the amendments proposed by the Senate, to the bill for the relief of David Cook, and Thomas Campbell.
In committee of the whole, on the first amendment proposed by the Senate, to the representation bill, which being read, is in the words following:
"Strike out the first section and substitute the following."
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the third day of March one thousand seven hundred and ninety three, and until otherwise provided for by law, the House of Representatives shall be composed of members who shall have been chosen by the people of the several states, in the proportion of one Representative for every thirty-three thousand persons in each state, computed according to the rule prescribed by the Constitution of the United States; that is to say: From the State of New-Hampshire, four members; the state of Massachusetts fourteen; the state of Connecticut, seven; the state of Rhode-Island, two; the state of Vermont, two; the state of New-York, ten; the state of New-Jersey, five; the state of Pennsylvania, thirteen; the state of Delaware, one; the state of Maryland, eight; the state of Virginia, nineteen; the state of Kentucky, two; the state of North-Carolina, ten; and the state of Georgia, two members."
A motion was made by Mr. Vining, to amend the said amendment by striking out from the words "several states" to the end of the amendment, and inserting in lieu thereof the following:
"In the number following, to wit: In the state of New-Hampshire, five members; the state of Massachusetts, sixteen; the state of Connecticut, eight; the state of Rhode-Island, two; the state of Vermont, three; the state of New-York, eleven; the state of New-Jersey, six; the state of Pennsylvania, fourteen; the state of Delaware, two; the state of Maryland, nine; the state of Virginia, twenty-one; the state of Kentucky, two; the state of North-Carolina, twelve; and the state of Georgia, two members."
After some debate the motion was disagreed to and the committee rose and reported. Mr. Vining's motion was again brought forward in the House, and the question being put it passed in the negative.
YEAS—Fisher Ames, Egbert Benson, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Abraham Clarke, Jonathan Dayton, Elbridge Gerry, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, William Barry Grove, Aaron Kitchell, Samuel Livermore, Nathaniel Niles, C. C. Schoonmaker, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Israel Smith, John Steele, George Thatcher, Thomas Tredwell, John Vining, and Jeremiah Wadsworth.—Yeas 23.
NAYS.—John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, Robert Barnwell, Benjamin Bourne, John Brown, William Findley, Thomas Fitzsimons, William B. Giles, Samuel Griffin, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, Daniel Huger, Israel Jacobs, Philip Key, John W. Kittera, Richard Bland Lee, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Andrew Moore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, John Page, Josiah Parker, Joshua Seney, Upton Sheridana, William Smith, Samuel Sterrett, Jonathan Sturges, Thomas Sumpter, Peter Silvester, Thomas Tudor Tucker, Abraham Venable, Artemas Ward, Anthony Wayne, Alexander White, Hugh Williamson, and Francis Willis.—Nays 37.
And then the main question being put, that the House agree to the amendment proposed by the Senate, it passed in the negative.
YEAS—Fisher Ames, Robert Barnwell, Egbert Benson, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Abraham Clarke, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas Fitzsimons, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, Israel Jacobs, Aaron Kitchell, John W. Kittera, Samuel Livermore, Nathaniel Niles, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Israel Smith, William Smith, Jonathan Sturges, Peter Silvester, George Thatcher, John Vining, Jeremiah Wadsworth and Artemas Ward.—Yeas 29.
NAYS.—John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, John Brown, William Findley, Elbridge Gerry, William B. Giles, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, Daniel Huger, Philip Key, Richard Bland Lee, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Andrew Moore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, John Page, Josiah Parker, Cornelius C. Schoonmaker, Joshua Seney, Upton Sheridana, John Steele, Samuel Sterrett, Thomas Sumpter, Thomas Tredwell, Thomas Tudor Tucker, Abraham Venable, Anthony Wayne, Alexander White, Hugh Williamson and Francis Willis.—Nays 31.
The other amendment proposed by the Senate, which was to alter the word state into district , was agreed to by the House.
THURSDAY, December 15.
The petitions of Elizabeth Marx, and of John Hays respecting lost certificates, were read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. Of Elijah Janes, Amos Miner, Wm. M'Elhatton, John Mutterpach, and Richard Stack, respecting wounds received, to the Secretary at war—Of James Dougherty, Philip Newhouse, Conrad Meyer, Conrad Sheyer, Edward Cavenough, Henry M'Nally, John S. Cunitz, Nicholas Shultz, Conrad Spangenberg, Henry Funk, John Fulmer and John Moyer, for compensation for services rendered, also to the Secretary at War.
The House then went into committee on the Post office bill.
The question under consideration, to strike out the second section, as follows:
"Be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the post-master general, to establish such other roads as post roads, as to him may seem necessary: provided, that no such establishment shall be made or continued, whereby the revenue, arising from the general post office, may be exceeded;" And to insert, in lieu thereof, a clause, making it the duty of the post master general, from time to time, to report to Congress such other roads as post roads, as to him may seem necessary to be established; together with such profit and expence, as will, in his opinion, attend the establishment of the same.
The question being taken on striking out the section, was carried; and, after sundry modifications, a clause inserted in its stead, empowering the post master general, under certain restrictions, to
cause mails to be carried on roads not particularly designated in the bill.
The committee rose and reported progress.
A message from the Senate, informing the House, that they insist on their amendment disagreed to by the House, to the Representation Bill.
FRIDAY, December 16.
A message from the President, informing that he has approved and signed the act for the relief of David Cook and Thomas Campbell.
Petitions of Robert M'Culloch, praying relief in consideration of wounds received; and of Joseph Liplong in behalf of the late John Nailor, respecting pay, &c. were read and referred to the Secretary at War.
The House then went into committee on the post office bill—sundry amendments were proposed, some of them adopted, and others disagreed to—the committee proceeded as far as the 19th section of the bill, they then rose, and the House adjourned till Monday.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT for the Relief of David Cook and Thomas Campbell.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That David Cook, a captain of artillery in the late war, and who, being shot through the body at the battle of Monmouth, is rendered incapable to obtain his livelihood by labor, shall be placed on the pension-list of the United States, and shall be entitled to one third of his monthly pay, as a captain of artillery; Provided, That he return into the treasury-office, a sum equivalent to two thirds of his commutation of half pay, being the proportion of his pension to the amount of his commutation.
And be it further enacted, That Thomas Campbell be placed on the pension-list, and that the half pay of a captain of infantry be allowed to the said Thomas Campbell, who has been so injured by repeated wounds in the service of his country, that he is unable to support himself by labor: Provided, That he return into the treasury-office a sum equivalent to the whole of his commutation of half pay.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, December sixteenth, 1791.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
ALEXANDRIA (Virginia) Dec. 8.
A good deal has been said in this town respecting the well-born, first class, high birth, good family, &c.—inasmuch that several persons, fond of disquisitions of this sort, have been led to enquire, what is meant by the phrase good family?—It is evident, men have sadly misunderstood each other on this subject.—One understands the term good to mean rich—another, to mean honest—a third, industrious—and, a fourth healthy. It is certainly high time we came to a right understanding on this matter. There are not a few families in these parts of the United States who have imported a late edition of Pope's moral essays, with alterations and amendments. In the old editions the two following lines ran thus—
But by your fathers' worth if yours you rate, Count me those only who were good and great.
In the new edition above mentioned, these lines are thus altered:
But by your fathers' worth if yours you rate, Count me those only who had cash and plate.
Our constitution provides against the existence of titles of nobility. I wish it had gone a little farther, and prohibited the ains of it also. What harm would it do to pass a prohibitory law tending to discourage principles incompatible with the genius of republican government? The title of it might be, An act to repress the effervescence of aristocratic pride and insolence.
Supposing also, we should pass another law, enacting, that "no man shall hold himself to be of a better family than his grandfather?"—At least, in tracing the line of genealogy let there be some given point to recur to, so that a man in counting up his progenitors, may know whether he is to stop at a Duke or a Tinker.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
M O N E Y.
OBSERVATIONS written posterior to the circular ADDRESS of CONGRESS in Sept. 1779; and prior to their Act of March, 1780.
IT has been taken for an axiom in all our reasonings on the subject of finance, that supposing the quantity and demand of things vendible in a country to remain the same, their price will vary according to the variation in the quantity of the circulating medium; in other words, that the value of money will be regulated by its quantity. I shall submit to the judgment of the public some considerations which determine me to reject the proposition as founded in error. Should they be deemed not absolutely conclusive, they seem at least to shew that it is liable to too many exceptions and restrictions to be taken for granted as a fundamental truth.
If the circulating medium be of universal value as specie, a local increase or decrease of its quantity, will not, whilst a communication subsists with other countries, produce a correspondent rise or fall in its value. The reason is obvious. When a redundancy of universal money prevails in any one country, the holders of it know their interest too well to waste it in extravagant prices, when it would be worth so much more to them elsewhere. When a deficiency happens, those who hold commodities, rather than part with them at an undervalue in one country, would carry them to another. The variation of prices, in these cases, cannot therefore exceed the expence and insurance of transportation.
Suppose a country totally unconnected with Europe, or with any other country, to possess specie in the same proportion to circulating property that Europe does; prices there would correspond with those in Europe. Suppose that so much specie were thrown into circulation as to make the quantity exceed the proportion of Europe tenfold, without any change in commodities, or in the demand for them: as soon as such an augmentation had produced its effect, prices would rise tenfold; or which is the same thing, money would be depreciated tenfold. In this state of things, suppose again, that a free and ready communication were opened between this country and Europe, and that the inhabitants of the former, were made sensible of the value of their money in the latter; would not its value among themselves immediately cease to be regulated by its quantity, and assimilate itself to the foreign value?
Mr. Hume in his discourse on the balance of trade supposes, "that if four fifths of all the money in Britain were annihilated in one night, and the nation reduced to the same condition, in this particular, as in the reigns of the Harrys and Edwards, that the price of all labour and commodities would sink in proportion, and every thing be sold as cheap as in those ages: That, again, if all the money in Britain were multiplied fivefold in one night, a contrary effect would follow." This very ingenious writer seems not to have considered that in the reigns of the Harrys and Edwards, the state of prices in the circumjacent nations corresponded with that of Britain; whereas in both of his suppositions, it would be no less than four fifths different. Imagine that such a difference really existed, and remark the consequence. Trade is at present carried on between Britain and the rest of Europe, at a profit of 15 or 20 per cent. Were that profit raised to 400 per cent. would not their home market, in case of such a fall of prices, be so exhausted by exportation—and in case of such a rise of prices, be so overstocked with foreign commodities, as immediately to restore the general equilibrium. Now, to borrow the language of the same author, "the same causes which would redress the inequality were it to happen, must forever prevent it, without some violent external operation."
The situation of a country connected by commercial intercourse with other countries, may be compared to a single town or province whose intercourse with other towns and provinces results from political connection. Will it be pretended that if the national currency were to be accumulated in a single town or province, so as to exceed its due proportion five or tenfold, a correspondent depreciation would ensue, and every thing be sold five or ten times as dear as in a neighboring town or province?
If the circulating medium be a municipal one, as paper currency, still its value does not depend on its quantity. It depends on the credit of the state issuing it, and on the time of its redemption; and is no otherwise affected by the quantity, than as the quantity may be supposed to endanger or postpone the redemption.
That it depends in part on the credit of the issuer, no one will deny. If the credit of the issuer therefore be perfectly unsuspected, the time of redemption alone will regulate its value.
To support what is here advanced, it is sufficient to appeal to the nature of paper money. It consists of bills or notes of obligation payable in

specie to the bearer, either on demand or at a future day. Of the first kind is the paper currency of Britain, and hence its equivalence to specie. Of the latter kind is the paper currency of the United States, and hence its inferiority to specie. But if its being redeemable not on demand but at a future day, be the cause of its inferiority, the distance of that day, and not its quantity, ought to be the measure of that inferiority.
It has been shown that the value of specie does not fluctuate according to local fluctuations in its quantity. Great Britain, in which there is such an immensity of circulating paper, shows that the value of paper depends as little on its quantity as that of specie, when the paper represents specie payable on demand. Let us suppose that the circulating notes of Great Britain, instead of being payable on demand, were to be redeemed at a future day, at the end of one year for example, and that no interest was due on them. If the same assurance prevailed that at the end of the year they would be equivalent to specie, as now prevails that they are every moment equivalent, would any other effect result from such a change, except that the notes would suffer a depreciation equal to one year's interest? They would in that case represent, not the nominal sum expressed on the face of them, but the sum remaining after a deduction of one year's interest. But if when they represent the full nominal sum of specie, their circulation contributes no more to depreciate them, than the circulation of the specie itself would do; does it not follow, that if they represented a sum of specie less than the nominal inscription, their circulation ought to depreciate them no more than so much specie, if substituted, would depreciate itself? We may extend the time from one, to five, or to twenty years; but we shall find no other rule of depreciation than the loss of the intermediate interest.
What has been here supposed with respect to Great Britain has actually taken place in the United States. Being engaged in a necessary war without specie to defray the expence, or to support paper emissions for that purpose redeemable on demand, and being at the same time unable to borrow, no resource was left, but to emit bills of credit to be redeemed in future. The inferiority of these bills to specie was therefore incidental to the very nature of them. If they had been exchangeable on demand for specie, they would have been equivalent to it: as they were not exchangeable on demand, they were inferior to it. The degree of their inferiority must consequently be estimated by the time of their becoming exchangeable for specie, that is the time of their redemption.
To make it still more palpable that the value of our currency does not depend on its quantity, let us put the case, that Congress had, during the first year of the war, emitted five millions of dollars to be redeemed at the end of ten years; that, during the second year of the war, they had emitted ten millions more, but with due security that the whole fifteen millions should be redeemed in five years; that, during the two succeeding years, they had augmented the emissions to one hundred millions, but from the discovery of some extraordinary sources of wealth, had been able to engage for the redemption of the whole sum in one year: It is asked, whether the depreciation, under these circumstances, would have increased as the quantity of money increased—or whether on the contrary, the money would not have risen in value, at every accession to its quantity?
[To be continued.]
RICHMOND, Dec. 9.
Copy of a letter from Capt. John Rogers, to his Excellency Henry Lee, Esq. dated Road 12 miles east of New London, Campbell county, Nov. 26.
"On my way from Spanish America across by land, I passed the Kentucky country, where a few days after my arrival, and three days previous to my departure from thence (which was on the 15th instant) we received certain intelligence of the defeat of our army under the command of general St. Clair. It does not appear that the army were taken by surprise, as the centinels fired above sixty shots at the enemy before the action came on; during which time I suppose the veterans of the forest were taking their position, as it appears they had completely surrounded the army, and attacked it on all sides at day break, tomahawk in hand against bayonets. They twice surrounded St. Clair's tent, being (as he generally is) so ill with the gout, that he could not get out until he was set on horseback, and then conducted the retreat. The Indians fought the army five miles on their retreat; and were prevented from tomahawking the General in his tent by the vigilance of the troops who defended it. The battle was fought thirty miles from fort Jefferson, and fifteen miles from the ground on which Harmar was defeated. The remains of the army are in the above named fort, and have only twelve days provisions, the flesh of pack horses. The Indians appeared in force around the fort the next day. St. Clair passed on himself to the next fort about sixty miles from fort Jefferson, where it is said he is waiting assistance to relieve the fort. All the leading characters in Kentucky are turning out, and it was
thought that a body of 1500 or 2000 horsemen would go to the relief of the army. The Mountain Leader, a Chickasaw, with a part of his nation, and a part of the 1st regiment, were out on command, said to have been ordered to some small town.—There is no word of them; it is generally feared they will be cut off, as they could know nothing of the defeat of the army. There was a second party of the Chickasaw nation under the great leader Colbert, on their way to join our army, but had not reached it; they will go on with the relief. There was only one Indian of that nation in this action, who it is said killed and scalped eleven of the enemy with his own hands, and engaging with the 12th, he fell greatly lamented by the Americans. General Butler was wounded, and carried to his tent to have his wounds dressed; an Indian watched where he was carried to, then broke through our men, and tomahawked the general and the doctor who was dressing his wounds, before he was killed by our men. It is thought the whole of the loss, including the army and its followers, amounts to 800 persons. The above appears to be the general account as received in Kentucky by sundry persons from the army, generally corresponding, and I believe may be relied on."
PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 19.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Kentucky, to his friend in this city.
"The news of the defeat of the troops under Gov. St. Clair by the Indians, so far from disheartening has filled every man in Kentucky with a thirst for revenge. General Scott has proceeded toward Fort Jefferson with fifteen hundred mounted militia and rifle men. As these people are perfectly acquainted with the Indian mode of warfare, and will not be encountered with artillery, and other similar apparatus (generally useless in expeditions of this kind) we are still in hopes of being in possession of the Maumee Towns before winter."
A letter from Albany received on Saturday by a gentleman in this city, mentions, that "most of the persons concerned in the murder of Mr. Hogeboom, late Sheriff of Albany county, have been apprehended and thrown into jail. The prisoners, it is said, appear very unconcerned, and do not regard their situation as any way critical or dangerous. The person that shot the sheriff has made so light of the matter as to have entered into the bonds of wedlock since his confinement. The lady, I am sorry to say, runs a fair chance of turning out a hempen widow."
Extract of a letter from Boston, Dec. 4.
"If our accounts from the southward are to be depended on, the spirit of Canal making is advancing rapidly amongst the people of those states.—A junction between the Hudson and Lake Champlain is much talked of—the Delaware and the Susquehanna Rivers, and the two bays of Delaware and Chesapeake, it is said, will in all probability be soon united. To these may be added the Canal that is in contemplation between Santee and Cooper Rivers in South Carolina. It is certain that for a comparatively small expence the United States could open an easy communication by water from Boston to St. Marys River in Georgia, for vessels of seven feet draught, without ever entering the main Ocean, except in a very few places. The advantages of such a navigation, particularly in time of war are evident.—As to our selves, the legislature of this state has determined to cut a canal across Cape Cod, from Buzzards bay into Barnstable bay. The distance is not more than eight miles, and the canal is to be of such a depth as to float vessels of any size under three fathom draught. The expence is estimated at one and twenty thousand pounds, this currency; an expence really not worth mentioning when put in competition with the perpetual losses to the commerce of this state alone, in the dangerous navigation round Cape Cod, which by means of this canal will be entirely avoided.—Another canal is in contemplation from the head of Taunton river to North river, about 10 miles south of Boston, which will be of immense advantage particularly to the trade between Boston and New-York."
Two laws have some time since been passed for the district of Maine, (commonwealth of Massachusetts) pointedly severe against a vice, perhaps equally fashionable, tho' not equally the object of legal reprehension in situations more southward. One of those laws enacts that, "a list of the names of all persons reputed common drunkards, tiplers, gamesters, and such as mispend their time and estates in gambling and tipling houses, shall be posted up in the houses and shops of all tavern-keepers, inn holders and retailers within that part of the country where they reside."—The other law provides that, "common drunkards, such as neglect their callings or employments, mispend what they earn, and do not provide for themselves and their families, shall be sent to the house of correction, or to the goal of the County, where no such house is specially provided."
Accounts from Cape Francois are received (via Baltimore) to the 26th of November. The ravages of the negroes were still continued with unabated fury at that time. The account, however, of Port au Prince being burnt proves to be without foundation.
PUBLIC OPINION.
PUBLIC opinion sets bounds to every government, and is the real sovereign in every free one.
As there are cases where the public opinion must be obeyed by the government; so there are cases, where not being fixed, it may be influenced by the government. This distinction, if kept in view, would prevent or decide many debates on the respect due from the government to the sentiments of the people.
In proportion as government is influenced by opinion, it must be so, by whatever influences opinion. This decides the question concerning a Constitutional Declaration of Rights , which requires an influence on government, by becoming a part of the public opinion.
The larger a country, the less easy for its real opinion to be ascertained, and the less difficult to be counterfeited; when ascertained or presumed, the more respectable it is in the eyes of individuals.—This is favorable to the authority of government. For the same reason, the more extensive a country, the more insignificant is each individual in his own eyes.—This may be unfavorable to liberty.
Whatever facilitates a general intercourse of sentiments, as good roads, domestic commerce, a free press, and particularly a circulation of newspapers through the entire body of the people, and Representatives going from, and returning among every part of them, is equivalent to a contraction of territorial limits, and is favorable to liberty, where these may be too extensive.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Alexandria to another in Baltimore, dated on Friday last.
"I am this morning informed, that a gentleman is arrived in town from the westward, who brings accounts of the capture of fort Jefferson by the Indians; but as I have not seen the person, I cannot say what credit is due to the report."
On Friday last the directors of the National Manufacturing Society, met at Brunswick in New-Jersey, when William Duer, Esq. of New-York, was chosen governor, and Archibald Mercer, Esq. of New-Jersey, deputy governor. The directors have voted that the first payment shall be made on or before the 19th of January next, and that to accommodate the subscribers, the payment may be made either at the bank of New-York, the bank at Philadelphia, or to Mr. Nelson or to Colonel Bayard, at Brunswick, in New-Jersey. No place was fixed upon at which the buildings should be erected for the manufactory. The directors are to meet again on the 17th of January.
By letters from Lancaster, we are informed, that, on the morning of Wednesday last, a dreadful fire broke out in that place, which soon communicated to several houses, and, from the violence of the wind that prevailed at the time, seemed to threaten universal destruction, but was at length with much difficulty checked, tho' not until it had destroyed a brew house and a large stone dwelling house, together with a barn, and 500 bushels of wheat.
English East-Indies.
By Lord Cornwallis's letter from India, dated April 21, 1791—It appears that the success of the British forces under his Lordship's command in that country, has been very considerable. The capture of Bangalore is represented as having contributed greatly to humble the ambition of Tippoo Saib, who has been gradually advancing himself to such an extent of power and resource, as greatly to endanger the possessions of the English East-India company in the Carnatic, as well as those of his other neighbors. At the dispatching of Lord Cornwallis's letter, he was preparing for an attack upon Tippoo's capital; which was, however, looked upon as a desperate undertaking, and likely to be attended with much difficulty and uncertainty of success, and the attempting of which nothing could justify but the very critical situation of the English company's affairs in India.
European Intelligence—By a late arrival at New-York.
VIENNA Oct. 5.
Baron Burter, envoy of the duke of Wertenberg, is preparing a house for the reception of prince Potemkin, who is expected here to meet the emperor on his return the latter end of this month.
According to accounts from Bucharest, the grand vizier strongly insists with prince Repnin, that excepting the cession of the territory between the Bog and the Dniester, all the remainder of the pacification should be regulated on the basis of the peace of Kiarnadgi.
But the Russians, on the contrary, insist on the following points:
 I. That the fortress of Choczim shall be demolished.  II. That Bender and Akierman shall be left in their present state, and that the Porte shall add no new fortresses.  III. That as soon as the Porte shall once have appointed a subject for the principality of Moldavia, she shall not depose him at her own will and pleasure; but that, when accused, he shall be judged by the Divan, in the presence of a Russian consul.  IV. That the Porte shall enlarge, in a gratuitous manner, all Russian prisoners.  V. That Russia shall not be obliged to furnish the Turkish subjects with salt from the salt works at Kenburn, unless it be for ready money.  VI. That the Porte shall acknowledge Russia to have a right of protection over Georgia, Mingrelia, Imeretie, and also of all the free nations of Mount Caucasus who voluntarily submitted to the sceptre of Russia.  VII. That Russian ships mounting 36 guns, 
shall be permitted freely to pass through the canal of Constantinople.
VIII. That Russia shall have the liberty of entertaining consuls in all Turkish ports, though none had been there before the breaking out of the war.
IX. That the Russian merchantmen shall be allowed to deposit their goods in a private storehouse, even in the Ottoman metropolis.
X. That the Russian productions shall pay, in the Ottoman dominions, five per cent. only of the duty of consumption, and two per cent. of transit, which are to be paid once for all.
The grand vizier perceiving these proposals were wrote in an imperious style, is said to have exclaimed, that they resembled the ten commandments of Moses, and that he should oppose them with ten others on the part of Mahomet.
This is sufficient to make us believe, that the negotiations are likely to be protracted.
Notwithstanding many think a pacific arrangement with France highly possible, it is certain that measures are adopted here which make the contrary appear more probable. The chancery of state and war is busily employed; and it cannot be said that the reduction of the army appears to be the object of its labors, since it is admitted that this partial reduction will change the mass of several corps destined to remain stationary, but for the present will produce but little or no change in the total mass of the army. We besides learn, with surprize, that orders have been sent to the Austrian recruiting officers dispersed throughout the empire, not to be difficult with respect to shape, and to enlist men below the standard.—These orders are never issued but during a war, or on the eve of taking up arms.
The dispatches arrived from Bucharest relate principally to the differences between the Russians and Turks on the subject of prince Michael Suzozo. The Russians will not acknowledge this new hospodar, because, contrary to the tenor of the treaty of Kainardji, he has been arbitrarily chosen by the grand seignor, without the Wallachian nation having been consulted. On this subject, prince Potemkin has caused some strong remonstrances to be made to the grand vizier; so that the Waywode, who, very well satisfied with the manner in which he had been treated by the Austrians, and particularly by general Mitrowsky, expected to make his public entry into Bucharest on the 11th September, has been obliged to relinquish it. This affair is spoken of as certain, and public curiosity is greatly excited to know the issue.
Baron Trenck is again at liberty; but he has been obliged to sign a new promise to live quietly, to behave loyally, and not to travel without assigning a reason, nor without having obtained permission for that purpose.
PARIS, October 19.
The Municipality of Paris has come to a resolution to testify their gratitude to M. la Fayette for the services rendered by him to the Capital and the Empire at large:
 1st. By striking a medal in honor of this brave Citizen Soldier, the emblems, &c. of which are to be furnished by the Academy of inscriptions.  2dly. By presenting him with the Statue of his friend General WASHINGTON, executed by M. Houdon; and  3dly. By ordering this Decree to be engraved on the pedestal of the Bust of M. la Fayette, presented two years since by the States of America, to the City of Paris. 
LONDON, Oct. 25.
Extract of a letter from Paris, Oct. 14. "M. la Fayette retires to his estate, in imitation of General Washington."
The States-General have ordered their ambassador to congratulate the French King on his acceptance of the constitution.
The Count d'Artois, and the other illustrious French refugees, are amply provided for by certain foreign powers: even from Paris, sums of money are said to be remitted to them.
In the new legislature of France the business is to be transacted, as in the last, by committees. This was determined on Sunday last.
PRICE OF STOCK.
   Funded Debt.     Six per cents, per £. 22 3/4   Three per cents. 13 3/4   Deferred six per cents, 13 3/4   Unfunded Debt.   Final settlements, 20 3/4   Interest due previous to 1788, 12 3/8   Indents, 12 3/8   Bank scripts, 136 dollars.  
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS. December 1791.
   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather.     Monday, 12. 7 29. 85 35 calm Rain.   29. 6 35 N. Snow.   Tuesday, 13. 7 29. 3 29 s. w. Cloudy.   29. 25 33 do. H. wind   Wednesday, 14. 7 29. 47 28 s. w. Fair.   29. 5 34 w. ditto.   Thursday, 15. 7 29. 6 27 s. w. Cloudy.   29. 6 38 do. Fair.   Friday, 16. 7 29. 6 28 s. w. Cloudy.   29. 6 47 do. Fair.   Saturday, 17. 7 30. 1 34 s. w. Fair.   30. 1 47 do. ditto.   Sunday, 18. 7 29. 9 37 s. w. Rainy.   29. 7 42 do. Fog.  
M. GARDETTE, Dentist,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from No. 88 to No. 127, Chesnut, near Fourth street, nearly opposite the Bank of the United States. Dec. 19.

THE COUNTRY PRINTER.
[Description of his Village.]
BESIDE a stream that never yet ran dry, There stands a Town, not high advanced in fame; Tho' few its buildings, rais'd to please the eye, Still this proud title it may fairly claim; A Tavern (its first requisite) is there, A mill, a black-smith's shop, a house of prayer. Nay, more—a little market-house is seen And iron hooks, where beef was never hung, Nor pork, nor bacon, poultry fat or lean, Pigs head, or sausage link, or bullock's tongue: Look when you will, you see the vacant bench No butcher seated there, no country wench. Great aims were his, who first contriv'd this town; A market he would have—but, humbled now, Sighing we see its fabric mouldering down, That only serves, at night to pen the cow: And hence, by way of jelling, may be said That beef is there, tho' never beef that's dead. A brief the inn—a tree before the door, A Printing-Office lifts its humble head Where master Type old journals doth explore For news that is thro' all the village read; Who, year from year, (so cruel is his lot) Is author, pressman, devil—and what not? Fame says he is an odd and curious wight, Told to distraction of this native place In sense not very dull nor very bright, Yet shows some marks of humour in his face, One who can pen an anecdote, complete, Or plague the parson with the mackled sheet. Three times a week, by nimble geldings drawn A stage arrives; but scarcely deigns to stop, Unless the driver, far in liquor gone Has made some business for the black-smith-shop; Then comes this printer's harvest-time of news, Welcome alike from Christians, Turks, or Jews.
[To be continued.]
P A R I S, Oct. 5.
The manner in which the solemnity of taking the oath to the constitution was conducted in the assembly made it very interesting. It marked the character of the assembly, for, in the short discussion on the forms to be observed, there was an enthusiasm, an unanimity, and a patriotism, which assure to the nation the fidelity of their new representatives, and that there is no likelihood of an attack being made on any one of the glorious principles which are established in France.
This morning the assembly commenced by a report which was made by the vice-president, of the result of the deputation sent to the king. M. Ducastel said, that having taken the opinion of the deputation of what he should say to the king, they went up to the palace at six o'clock in the evening. They saw the minister of justice, who told them that his majesty had appointed the next day at one o'clock to receive the deputation. The vice-president stated to the minister, that it was of the utmost importance to the public affairs of the empire, that the notice with which they were charged should be made known to his majesty without delay, and they could not, consistent with their duty to the legislative assembly, postpone their commission. The minister of justice represented this to his majesty, who was pleased to appoint nine o'clock of the same evening to receive the deputation. Accordingly, at nine o'clock, they went up again, and were received by his majesty in the council chamber, when M. Ducastel made his reverence, and delivered his commission in the following terms:—
"SIRE,
"The national legislative assembly is finally constituted, and we are appointed a deputation to intimate this to your majesty."
The king desired to know the names of the deputation. The vice-president told him that he had not a list of their names, and that in truth he did not know them all.
His majesty was then pleased to say he would come in person to the assembly on Friday next. He was sorry he could not possibly go there sooner.
This report being made, the assembly proceeded to receive the oaths of some members, who had arrived after the sitting of the day before.
Friday, October 7.
This day the king came to the assembly, and, with as much cheerfulness as ever, delivered
A SPEECH,
so well calculated to restore harmony, that it made a most lively impression on their hearts. The acclamations were as loud and as frequent as before, and the king was visibly equally gratified by his reception. It was in every point the same as on the 30th of September. The following are close translations of the speeches of the king and the president;
lations of the speeches of the king and the president;
THE KING'S SPEECH.
"Gentlemen,
"ASSEMBLED by virtue of the constitution to exercise the powers which it delegates to you, you will undoubtedly consider as among your first duties, to facilitate the operations of government; to confirm public credit; to add, if possible, to the security of engagements of the nation; to shew that liberty and peace are incompatible; and finally, to attach the people to their new laws, by convincing them that those laws are for their good.
"Your experience of the effects of the new order of things, in the several departments from which you come, will enable you to judge of what may be yet wanting to bring it to perfection, and make it easy for you to devise the most proper means of giving the necessary force and activity to the administration.
"For my own part, called by the constitution to examine, as first representative of the people, and for their interest, the laws presented for my sanction, and charged with causing them to be executed, it is also my duty to propose to you such objects, as I think ought to be taken into consideration in the course of your session.
"You will see the propriety of fixing your immediate attention to the state of the finances, and you will see the importance of establishing an equilibrium between the receipt and expenditure, of accelerating the assessment and the collection of taxes, of introducing an invariable order into all parts of this vast administration, and thus providing at once for the support of the state, and the relief of the people.
"The civil laws will also demand your care, which you will have to render conformable to the principles of the constitution. You will also have to simplify the mode of proceeding in courts of law, and render the attainment of justice more easy and more prompt.
"You will perceive the necessity of establishing a system of national education, and of giving a solid basis to public credit. You will encourage commerce and industry, the progress of which has so great an influence on the agriculture and the wealth of the kingdom; and you will endeavor to make permanent dispositions for affording work and relief to the indigent.
"I shall make known my firm desire for the re-establishment of order and discipline in the army; and I shall neglect no means that may contribute to restore confidence among all who compose it, and to put it into a condition to secure the defence of the realm. If the laws in this respect are insufficient, I shall make known to you the measures that seem to me to be proper, and you will decide upon them.
"I shall in the same manner communicate my sentiments respecting the navy, that important part of the public force, destined to protect trade and the colonies.
"We shall not, I hope, be troubled with any attack from abroad. I have taken, from the moment that I accepted the constitution, and I still continue to take, the steps that appear to me the most proper to fix the opinion of foreign powers in our favor, and to maintain with them the good intelligence and harmony that ought to secure to us the continuance of peace. I expect the best effects from them; but this expectation does not prevent me from pursuing, with activity, those measures of precaution which prudence ought to dictate.
[Loud applauses of Vive le Roi!]
"Gentlemen, in order that your important labors and your zeal may produce the effects expected from them, it is necessary that constant harmony and unalterable confidence should reign between the legislative body and the king [Renewed applauses & acclamations]. The enemies of our repose are but too studious to disunite us; the love of our country must therefore rally us, and the public interest render us inseparable [warm applauses]. Thus the public force will be exerted without obstruction, the administration will not be harassed by vain alarms, the property and the religion of every man will be equally protected, and no pretext will be left for any person to live at a distance from a
country where the laws are in vigor, and men's rights respected.
"It is on this great basis of order that the stability of the constitution, the success of your labors, the safety of the empire, the source of all kinds of prosperity must depend. It is to this, gentlemen, that we all ought to turn our thoughts in this moment with the utmost possible vigor; and this is the object that I recommend the most particularly to your zeal and to your patriotism."
[The most lively testimonies of applause were given to the king on this conclusion.]
M. President spoke as follows:
"SIRE,
"Your presence in the midst of us is a new engagement, which you take towards the country. It is right that we should forget the confounded powers. A constitution is established, and with it the liberty of Frenchmen. You ought to cherish it as a citizen—as king you ought to maintain and defend it. Instead of violating, it ascertains your power—It has given as your friends all those who formerly called themselves only your subjects [here a burst of applause]—You have reason to be beloved by Frenchmen—You said so, fire, some days ago in this temple of the country, and we have also reason to love you [the plaudits were repeated]. The constitution has made you the first monarch in the world. Your love for it places your majesty in the rank of the most favored kings, and the welfare of the people will make you the most happy. May our mutual union make us speedily feel its happy influence—purify legislation, re-confirm public credit, overthrow anarchy. Such is our duty—such are our wishes—such are yours, fire. Such are our hopes, and the benedictions of Frenchmen will be our reward."
The king went out in the same manner that he entered, amidst the most vehement acclamations of Vive le Roi, and he was accompanied by the same deputation.
On the motion of M. le Croix, the speeches of the king and president were ordered to be printed.
FRANCE.
The National Legislative Assembly, Oct. 12. The office of commandant gen. of the national guard at Paris being now abolished, M. de la Fayette sent his resignation to the Council General of the community, in the following letter:
"Gentlemen, At the moment when the National Assembly has laid down its powers, at the moment when the functions of its members had ceased, I likewise have reached the period of those engagements which I formed, when placed by the consent of the people at the head of those citizens, who first devoted themselves to the conquest and preservation of freedom, I promised to the capital, who gave the auspicious signal, to display aloft the sacred standard of the Revolution, which public confidence had committed to me.
"Now, gentlemen, the constitution has been terminated by those who had a right to form it; and, after having been sworn to by all the citizens, by all the sections of the empire, it has been legally adopted by the whole body of the people, and solemnly recognized by the first Legislative Assembly of their Representatives; as it had also been, with equal coolness of reflection and loyalty, by the hereditary representative, whom they have entrusted with the execution of the laws. Thus the days of Revolution give place to those of a regular organization, to those of the freedom, of the prosperity, which it secures: thus, whilst every thing concurs to the pacification of internal troubles, the menaces of the enemies of their country ought, at the appearance of public happiness, to appear to themselves so much the more foolish, as, whatever combination may be formed against the rights of the people, there is no free soul which can entertain the base sentiment of abandoning its own rights; and liberty and equality once established in the two hemispheres, will never become retrograde in their progress.
"To serve you till this day, gentlemen, was the duty imposed, both by the sentiments which have animated my whole life, and the just return of zeal which your confidence demanded to restore entirely, without reserve, to my country; all the power and influence which it has conferred for its defence, during the convulsion: which agitated it, is the step which I now owe to my known sentiments, and which completely satisfies the only species of ambition which I feel.
"After this declaration of my conduct, and of my motives, I will make, gentlemen, some reflections on the new situation in which we are placed by the Constitutional Order, which has now commenced. Liberty at first rose surrounded with the ensigns of peace, when its enemies, provoking the defenders of the people, rendered necessary the unexpected formation of the national guards; their spontaneous organization, their universal alliance, in fine, that display of civic force, which recalled the use of arms to its proper destination, and justified that truth, which I now feel a pleasure to repeat—"In order that a nation may obtain freedom, it is only necessary that it should wish to be free." But it is time to exhibit a different example, and that still more striking—it is that of an irresistible force employed only in support of the laws.
"I wish gentlemen, here to recall, how, amidst so many hostile plots, anitious intrigues, licentious commotions, you have opposed to every perverse combination an unshaken firmness; to the rage of the party, to seduction of every sort, the pure love of your country; how, in fine, amidst the disturbances of twenty-seven months of revolution, you have established the danger only in order to increase your vigilance and that importance, so far as they might regard or promote freedom. Without doubt we have had too many disorders to lament; and you know how affliction and deep an impression they have always made upon me; without doubt we have ourselves errors to correct; but who is he, who, in recalling not only the grand epochs of the revolution, when the public interest is so much indebted to you, but likewise the incessant vigilance, the unbounded sacrifice of one portion of the citizens for the liberty, the safety, the property, the repose of all, in reflecting especially on that provisional state, which ceases only with respect to you, and in which confidence ought ever to bend to law: who is he, I say, even among those who provoked you, and whom you protected, who can presume to blame the homage which is now due to you from a sincere friend, a just and grateful general?
"Beware, however, of thinking, gentlemen, that every species of despotism is destroyed; and that liberty, because it is now constituted and cherished among us, is already sufficiently established: it will never be so, if from one end of the empire to the other any thing be permitted which the law prohibits; if the free conveyance of persons, of provisions, or of money experienced any interruption; if those who are amenable to justice be protected contrary to law; if the people, neglecting their most precious duty, and their most sacred debt, be not eager to concur in elections, and exact in the payment of public contributions; if arbitrary opposition, the fruit of disorder or of distrust, obstruct the legal exercise of lawful authority; if political opinions, or personal sentiments; if, particularly, the sacred use of the liberty of the people ever be employed as a pretext for violence; if intolerance of religious opinion, covering itself under the garb of I know not what patriotism, presumed to admit the idea of a domineering belief, or of a belief proscribed; if the hours of every citizen ceased to become for him an asylum more inviolable than the most impregnable fortress; if, in fine, all Frenchmen no longer regarded themselves as guarantees for the support of the civil liberty as well as their political liberty, and for the religious execution of law; and if the voice of the Magistrate, who spoke in his own name, had not a force always superior to that of millions of armed men.
"May all the distinctions, all the blessings of liberty, by consolidating more and more the happiness of our country, suitably recompense the zeal of all the National guards of the empire armed in the same cause, united in the same sentiments; and may I here be allowed to express to them a gratitude, an attachment without bounds, as were those testimonies of their confidence and friendship which I enjoyed during the revolution!
"Gentlemen, in ceasing to command you, at this painful instant of our separation, my heart, penetrated with the most profound sensibility, feels more than ever the immense obligations by which I am attached to you. Receive the wishes of your most tender friend for the common prosperity, for the individual happiness of every one of you: and may his remembrance always present to your minds, and particularly mingle itself with that oath, which unites us all, TO LIVE FREE, OR TO DIE. (Signed)
"LA FAYETTE."
CHARLES BITTERS, No. 120,
South Market, near Fourth Street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured BY LOT MERKEL, A large and General Assortment of Muffs & Tippets, Trimmings & Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Mitts & gloves lined with Fur which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest Prices. Oct. 4.
JUST PUBLISHED, and for sale by THOMAS LANG, No. 21, Church alley; An Essay on
COMMERCE and LUXURY. Re-printed from the London edition—Price 1/6. The merit of this work will be acknowledged by every judicious reader. The re-publication of it in this country, at this time, has been advised by several enlightened patriots. These wish to promote our national commerce, on the basis of agriculture and industry, and free from the base alloy of imposition and gaming. They set a proper value on the conveniences and ornaments of civilized life; but detest that luxury which is the offspring of a frivolous taste, and the mother of profligacy, dishonesty, poverty, of numberless private and public vices and misfortunes. Nov. 28. G. C. T.
This Day are published, SERMONS, Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York. Sold by T. DOBSON & R. CAMPBELL. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.