The New-York journal, and daily patriotic register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1788-02-19 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
NUMB. 41, of VOL. XLII.]
TUESDAY, February 19, 1788.
[Total NUMB. 2221.]
HERE TRUTH UNLICENS'D REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—E'EN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE. Thompson's Liberty.
NEW-YORK: Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
To the SUBSCRIBERS of the New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, AND THE RESPECTABLE PUBLIC. THE Proprietor and Editor of the above-mentioned JOURNAL, herewith subscribed, prompted by the solicitation of a respectable number of his present subscribers—and by means of the generous patronage of a few valued friends, and the public, for which he requests their acceptance of unfeigned thanks—begs leave to communicate to them his intention of printing and publishing a DAILY PAPER, under the title of—The NEW-YORK JOURNAL, and DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
By this publication it is not intended, that the idea of the WEEKLY REGISTER shall be extinct, therefore, the present subscribers, in general, will please to take particular notice, that the THURSDAY's paper will contain just such kind of matter as usual, in which the choicest pieces, and the fewest advertisements, will be inserted—and, that their papers, will of consequence be delivered or sent on, as heretofore, until they severally pay off their arrearages, and stop it, or order their respective names entered upon this new subscription paper.—The Thursday's paper, alone, will be TWO DOLLARS per annum, as usual.
The particular inducements to this arduous task need not all be enumerated.—That the present is a most important CRISIS of the national affairs of this country, must be evident even to the least thoughtful, but more especially so to those who nobly conceive—that the dearly purchased freedom and independence of America is a sacred deposit, to be nurtured, supported, and transmitted, unimpaired, by the present possessors, to millions yet unborn. To this end it is necessary, that the body of the people (who must ever, in free countries, be supposed the supporters of freedom) be well informed of the nature of any government that may be proposed for their adoption; therefore, free discussions on that momentous topic, as well as interesting intelligence from the several quarters of the world, are necessary to be universally disseminated.
By printing only one paper per week, as heretofore, one half of the essays communicated, and all that might be copied from other papers, were, in general, unavoidably neglected: in a Daily paper there will be room for all that may be worthy insertion. In this paper, FREE and IMPARTIAL discussion, that is, decent and well written ESSAYS, on either side of any important public topic, SHALL FIND FREE ACCESS.
As the principal support of a Daily paper is derived from Advertisements, Gentlemen in the mercantile line, and all others who occasionally Advertise, are earnestly requested to prefer this new undertaking, which favor shall be gratefully acknowledged by the strictest attention being paid to correctness and propriety. Advertisements shall be inserted as reasonably as by any printer in the city.
The great expence with which a Daily paper will be attended, at first, is too well known to require any apology for the REQUISITION, on subscribing, expressed in the Conditions, or for the warmth of the solicitations, for the continuation of PUBLIC PATRONAGE, with which the following PROPOSALS are introduced by the public's greatly obliged,
And very humbly Servant, THOMAS GREENLEAF.
New-York, November 12, 1787.
PROPOSALS
For altering The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, Into the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register. CONDITIONS.
I. THE New-York Journal and Daily Patriotic Register shall be printed on the same paper, form, and type, as the Weekly Register, and shall contain the same quantity of matter.
II. The price, per Annum, will be SIX DOLLARS, one quarter part of which to be paid on subscribing, viz. One dollar and an half: after which quarterly payments to be punctually observed.
III. No subscriber is to discontinue his subscription on any other condition than the payment of arrearage subscription money, and that at the expiration of a quarter.
IV. The Daily Patriotic Register shall be delivered to the subscribers in the city every morning, and sent (as may be ordered) to those out of the city, with the greatest punctuality, they paying the expence of carriage.
Printing-Office, November 19.
THE Editor returns sincere thanks to those gentlemen who have already enabled him to form a very respectable list of subscribers to his paper, upon the plan of the above proposals. His subscriptions having been rapid, has determined him to commence the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register, THIS DAY.—From the favourable disposition of the public, already evinced, he flatters himself with a prospect of speedy and generous ADVERTISING patronage.—He anticipates the pleasure of having it in his power, in a few weeks, to present to the public, a publication that will both serve and be a CREDIT to his country, not withholding a few of his GILDED rays from the public's ever devoted humble servant,
THE PRINTER.
To the Friends of Science.
IT has long been the universal wish, that the public might be furnished with an accurate Geographical and Topographical Grammar of the United States.
Geographers of foreign countries, not being possessed of the proper materials, and not equally interested in this part of their subject, have filled their accounts of these states with numerous inaccuracies. It is time these inaccuracies were corrected. We are independent of Great-Britain, and are no longer to look up to her for a description of our own country.
Several gentlemen of abilities, have, in detached pieces, gratified the public with ample and accurate descriptions of several parts of the United States; but no collective description of the whole has been attempted, except in a small duodecimo volume, published by the subscriber in 1784, which, though imperfect on account of the infant state of geographical knowledge in America, was well received by a candid public, and an edition of 1500 copie speedily sold.
This encouragement has determined him to publish again on the same subject. For the purpose of collecting more ample and accurate materials than he formerly possessed, he has travelled through all the states, and has been favoured with the communications of gentlemen well qualified to give information on so important a subject; and has likewise established a correspondence with several respectable characters in different states, from whom he has every reason to expect a valuable addition to the materials already collected; yet as all the information that can be obtained on a subject so extensive, varied and interesting, is greatly to be desired, and every man of science may have it in his power to contribute some observations which may be useful, the subscriber will feel himself particularly obliged to any gentleman who will be so kind as to furnish him with answers to all, or any of the annexed enquiries, viz.
 1. The boundaries and extent of the several states, and the latitudes and longitudes of the principal places.  2. Descriptions of the rivers, their sources, courses, lengths, how far navigable, how high does the tide rise—and what fish do they produce. A description of mountains, lakes, harbours, capes, and bays.  3. General face of the country, an account of its animal, mineral, and vegetable productions, or its natural history. What are the evidences to support the opinion that the flat country in the southern and middle states was formerly occupied by the waters of the ocean, and that the land below the hills and mountains has been made since the flood.  4. Natural and artificial curiosities, caverns, cascades, &c.  5. State of commerce, manufactures and agriculture, exports and imports, balance of trade. The number of vessels which annually enter at the custom houses in the several sea ports of the United States.  6. Civil divisions of the several states, the number and names of the several districts, counties, and towns, their extent, latitude and longitude, number of inhabitants, and distance and bearing from the capital of the state. Particular descriptions of the principal towns are requested *.  7. Population—from whence are emigrations, to what places, and how numerous. Of what nations are the inhabitants of the states composed, or whence originated—proportion of the slaves.  8. Climate, diseases and their causes—longevity of the inhabitants—what proportion die in infancy.  9. Religion, number of churches of different denominations—by what methods are ministers supported.  10. State of the practice of law and physic.  11. Societies for the advancement of science and humanity.  12. State of literature, colleges, academies, schools and their funds.  13. Characters who have distinguished themselves in the late war by their patriotism.  14. An estimate of the damages sustained in the late war, in the several states.  15. A description of the adjacent Islands.  16. Manners, customs, diversions and dress.  17. Constitution, policy—general account of the laws—what political principles predominate in the several states.  18. Military and marine strength.  19. Public revenue and expences—mode of levying taxes.  20. Indians, their tribes, languages, numbers, characters and dispositions towards the United States.  21. The society of Cincinnati, their laws and influence and the nature and political tendency of their establishment.  22. History. 
N. B. The subscriber wishes to avail himself of the advantage of all the most accurate maps, and detached geographical pieces, which have been published respecting the United States; and will thank any gentleman to inform him where they can be procured.
Those gentlemen, who may be so obliging as to favor the above design, by communications, are requested to forward them to Messrs. R. Aitken, or W. Spotswood, Philadelphia; Messrs. Spotswood and Clarke, booksellers, Baltimore; Rev. Mr.
* This enquiry is made for the purpose of collecting the proper materials for a Gazetteer of the United States, which makes a part of the general plan in view. It is obvious that a book of this kind, compiled from accurate information, would be exceedingly useful. This might easily be done if one well-informed gentleman, in each town would spend one half hour for the purpose. In this time the gentlemen might throw together every important circumstance relative to the towns, on which they respectively reside.
Keith, Alexandria; the honorable H. Williamson, Edenton, North Carolina; the honorable D. Ramsay, Messrs. Wright and Co. Charleston; the honorable A. Baldwin and Joseph Clay, Esquires-Georgia; Samuel S. Smith, D. D. Princeton, Mr. Loudon, Printer, New-York; and the Rev. Samuel Austin, or Jedidiah Morse, New-Haven, with their names subscribed, and the places of their residence, that the author may have the pleasure of knowing to whom he is indebted for their friendly assistance.
JEDIDIAH MORSE.
If the several Printers, in the United States, feel disposed to favor the above design, and will give this Advertisement a place in their respective papers for a few weeks, and will receive and forward to New-Haven, any communications which may be handed them by friends to the design, they may thereby contribute to the public good, and will peculiarly oblige their humble servant.
Philad. Aug. 7, 1787. J. M.
Remaining on Hand, And TO BE SOLD, At this Printing-Office, No. 25, Water-street, A Few MAPS,
Of the interior parts of North-America, including the lands intended for the NEW STATES, some of which are selling, and others already disposed of by order of Congress.
ORDERS are just received, by the printer hereof, to sell these Maps at a much cheaper rate than they have yet been sold. The plates were cut and the impressions taken in London, and there sold (without the pamphlet) at One Guinea each.
To accompany this map, and explanatory of it, with references to it, will be sold, included in the price of the map, a pamphlet, containing 67 large octavo pages, with plates and figures, entitled, A Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North-Carolina, comprehending the rivers Ohio, Kenhawa, Sioto, Cherokee, Wabash, Illinois, Mississippi, &c. The climate, soil, and produce, whether animal, vegetable, or mineral; the mountains, creeks, roads, distances, latitudes, &c. and of every part, laid down in the Map.
By THOMAS HUTCHINS, Esq.
Late Captain and Engineer in the British army, and now Geographer General to the United States of America. With a plan of the rapids of the Ohio, a plan of the several villages in the Illinois country, a table of the distances between Fort Pitt and the mouth of the Ohio, all engraved upon copper.—And an Appendix, containing Mr. Patrick Kennedy's Journal up the Illinois river, and a correct list of the different nations and tribes of Indians, with the number of fighting men, &c.
Description of the ILLINOIS COUNTRY.
THE Illinois country is in general of a superior soil to any other part of North America that I have seen. It produces fine oak, hickory, cedar, mulberry trees, &c. some dying roots and medicinal plants; hops, and excellent wild grapes, and in the year 1769, one hundred and ten hogheads of strong wine, were made by the French settlers, from these grapes. A large quantity of sugar is also annually made from the juice of the maple tree; and as the mulberry trees are large and numerous, I presume the making of silk will employ the attention and industry of the settlers, when the country is more fully inhabited than it is at present, and especially as the winters are much more moderate and favourable for the breed of silk worms, than they are in many of the sea coast provinces. Indigo may likewise be successfully cultivated—(but not more than two cuttings in a year) wheat, peas, and Indian corn thrive well, as does every sort of grain and pulse, that is produced in any of the old colonies. Great quantities of tobacco are also yearly raised by the inhabitants of the Illinois, both for their own consumption and that of the Indians; but little has hitherto been exported to Europe. Hemp grows spontaneously, and is of a good texture; its common height is 10 feet, and its thickness three inches (the latter reckoned within about a foot of the root) and with little labour, any quantity may be cultivated. Flax seed has hitherto been only raised in small quantities. There has however been enough produced to shew, that it may be sown to the greatest advantage. Apples, pears, peaches, and all other European fruits succeed admirably. Iron, copper, and lead mines, as also salt springs, have been discovered in different parts of this territory. The two latter are worked on the Spanish side of the Mississippi, with considerable advantage to the owners. There is plenty of fish in the rivers, particularly Cat, Carp, and Perch, of an uncommon size.—Savannahs, or natural meadows, are both numerous and extensive; yielding excellent grass, and feeding great herds of buffalo, deer, &c. ducks, teal, geese, swans, cranes, pelicans, Turkeys, pheasants, partridges, &c. such as are seen in the sea coast Colonies, are in the greatest variety and abundance.—In short, every thing, that a reasonable mind can desire, is to be found, or may, with little pains, be produced here. New-York, Jan. 17, 1788. 93 e.d.
MARSHALL'S
Porter and Oyster-House, Is now opened at the corner of Cortlandt and Greenwich-Streets, opposite Powles-Hook Ferry-House, at the North-River—where every exertion will be put in force to render those who will favor him with their commands agreeable. New-York, Dec. 12, 1787. 638. d.
Just published by M. CARY, In Philadelphia, and now to be SOLD, By THOMAS ALLEN, Book-Seller, in Queen-street, New-York, (by whom Subscriptions are received) THE
American Museum, For JANUARY, 1788. CONTAINING, Miscellanies.
ORATION in commemoration of American Independence, Address delivered by the Rev. Samuel Magaw, New method of placing a meridian mark, by David Rittenhoue, Esq.
Observations on the aurora borealis—by the Rev. Jeremy Belknap, Observations and experiments on the sweet Springs—by James Madison, Esq.
Method of making steel, Letter on marriage, Antifederal arguments, Letter to the Hon. R. H. Lee.
Satire.
On musical pretenders, Recipe for an insolvent debtor, Directions to conduct a newspaper quarrel, according to the best mode now in practice.
Rural Concerns.
Notes on farming—by the Hon. C. T. Esq. Method of making potashes in Hungary and Poland, Thoughts on the culture of hemp, Mode of breaking fleers to the draft in a few days, On the culture of silk.
Law Information.
Law case—Court of common pleas, Charleston, Law report—Hay vs. Haldimand,
State and other Public Papers.
Valedictory address of his Excellency Governor Trumbull,
Resolutions of the legislature of Connecticut, Letter to Governor Randolph, Letter from do.
Resolutions of the inhabitants of Chowan, Address of the grand jury of Edenton, Resolves of the inhabitants of Northampton county, Report of the deputies of Northampton county, Resolutions of the tradesmen of Bolton, Ratification of the new constitution by the state of Connecticut,
Official notice presented by Mr. Grenville to the Comte de Montmouin, Answer to the preceding notice.
Natural History.
Observations on a comet lately discovered.—By David Rittenhoue, Esq. Account of a motley-coloured or pyed negro girl, and mulatto boy.—By Dr. Morgan, Letter relative to the engraving fruit-trees and the growth of vegetables.—By Gen. Lincoln, Observations on the growth of trees downwards after the first year, Some account of the opopum.
Medical Tracts.
Letter on the sore throat distemper, Letter on the digitalis purpurea, An inestimable dissolvent for human calculi.
Select Poetry.
A poem, addressed to the people of Virginia, on New-Year's day, 1788. Monitory epistle, addressed to a young lady, A riddle.
Foreign Intelligence. American. do.
TO BE SOLD, For JERSEY MONEY, at full Value, Or exchanged for any Property in New-York, or bartered for West-India or DRY GOODS, At Market Price,
A Valuable Farm, SITUATE in Woodbridge township, in the county of Essex, New-Jersey, within a quarter of a mile of the main road from Woodbridge to Brunswick, about eight miles distant from the latter, and three and a half from Perth Amboy, consisting of one hundred and seventy acres, a third part of which is excellent MEADOW; a sufficiency of fire wood, with a handsome piece of thrifty young timber.
The plough-land equal to any in that part of the country; the whole under good fence.
On the premises is a good house, kitchen, and barn; and an excellent spring of water near the door; to which is added fifteen acres, or thereabouts, of salt marsh, on the Rariton, about one mile from the farm.
This place is well known by the name of CLAWSON'S FARM.
For terms of sale enquire of Mr. Joseph Bindon, merchant, New-York, or M. Benjamin Thompson, near Morris-Town. New-York, Jan. 24, 1788. 99—e.d.
New-York RUM
Of excellent Flavour and good Proof, FOR SALE, By Charles Tillinghast, At the DISTILLERY, near the New Market, Cherry-Street, and nearest to the Ship-Yards.

DEBATES IN MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION.
[Continued from Yesterday's paper.]
MONDAY, January 21.
The 8th sect. of article 1, still under consideration.
M R. Bodman said, if Congress possessed the power of levying direct taxes, &c. it was to him a power unlimited. He granted that power was necessary to be delegated to Congress; but they may do hurt to do good: he confessed that the sovereignty should remain in the states, any that they alone should lay direct taxes; his reason was that if the requisitions of Congress were not complied with, and they should send a power to collect them, there would be no sovereignty left in the states; and that we ought never to give up this essential point; he was jealous of the liberties of the people; It was right so to be, for without jealousy, no republican government ever could exist: without a better definition of these powers was given, than what he had heard, he never could vote for the federal head.
Hon. Mr. Sedgwick, in answer to the gentleman last speaking, said, if he believed the adoption of the proposed constitution would interfere with the state legislatures, he would be the last to vote for it; but he thought all the sources of revenue ought to be put into the hands of government, and in cases of emergency the power of levying taxes had always been unlimited. Congress would necessarily take that which was easiest to the people; the first would be impost, the next excise, and the last a direct tax, which is hard money. Let us suppose, continued Mr. S. that we are attacked by a foreign enemy, that in this dilemma our treasury was exhausted, our credit gone, and our enemy on our borders; and that there was no possible method of raising impost or excise: in this case the only remedy would be a direct tax. Could therefore, this power being vested in Congress, lessen the many advantages which may be drawn from it.
Mr. Singletary thought no more power could be given to a despot, than to give up the purse strings of the people.
Col. Porter asked, if a better rule of yielding power could be shewn than in the constitution; for what we do not give (said he) we retain.
Gen. Thompson. Mr. president, I totally abhor this paragraph. Massachusetts has been a leading state; now let her give good advice to her sister states. Suppose nine states adopt the constitution, who shall touch the other four? Some try out, force them, I say draw them. We love liberty. Britain never tried to enslave us until she told us we had too much liberty. We cannot have too much liberty. The confederation wants amendments; shall we not amend it? The convention were sent on to Philadelphia to amend the confederation but they made a new creature; and the very setting out of it is unconstitutional. In the convention; Pennsylvania had more members than all New England, and two of our delegates only were persuaded to sign the constitution. Massachusetts once shut the harbours against the British. There I confess I was taken in. Don't let us be in a hurry again. Let us wait to see what our sister states will do. What shall we suffer if we adjourn the consideration of it for five or six
months? Take care we don't disunite the states. By uniting we stand by dividing we fall.
Major Kingley. Mr. President, after so much has been said on the powers to be given to Congress, I shall say but a few words on the subject. By the articles of confederation the people have three checks on their delegates in Congress; the annual election of them, their rotation, and the power to recall any, or all of them, when they see fit: in view of our federal rulers, they are the servants of the people: in the new constitution, we are deprived of annual elections, have no rotation, and cannot recall our members; therefore our federal rulers will be masters not servants. I will examine what powers we have given to our masters. They have power to lay and collect all taxes, duties, imposts and excises; raise armies, fit our navies, to establish themselves a federal town of ten miles square, equal to four middling townships, erect forts, magazines, arsenals, &c. Therefore, should the Congress be chosen of designing and interested men, they can perpetuate their existence, secure the resources of war, and the people have nothing left to defend themselves with. Let us look into ancient history. The Romans, after a war, thought themselves safe in a government of ten men, called the Decemviri: these ten men were invested with all powers and were chosen for three years. By their arts and designs they secured their second election; but finding, from the manner in which they had exercised their power, they were not able to secure their third election, they declared themselves masters of Rome, impoverished the city, and deprived the people of their rights. They even suffered themselves to be defeated in the field, thereby the better to subjugate the people of Rome. It has been said that there was no danger; I will suppose they were to attempt the experiment, after we have given them all our money, established them in a federal town, the power of coining money, and raising a standing army; and they should attempt to establish their arbitrary government, what resources have the people left? I cannot see any. The parliament of England was first chosen annually; they afterwards lengthened their duration to three years; and from triennial they became septennial. The government of England has been represented as a good and happy government, but I believe it is a mistake. Attempts are yearly made to shorten the duration of their parliaments, from septennial to triennial; but the influence of the ministry is so great, that it has not been accomplished. From this duration bribery and corruption are introduced. Notwithstanding they receive no pay, they make great interest for a seat in parliament one or two years before its dissolution, and give from five to twenty guineas, for a vote; and the candidates sometimes expend from 10,000 to £. 30,000. Will a person throw away such a fortune: and waste so much time, without the probability of replacing such a sum with interest? Or can there be security in such men? Bribery may be introduced here as well as in Great-Britain; and Congress may equally oppress the people; because we cannot call them to an account; considering that there is no annual election; no rotation; no power to recall them, provided for.
TUESDAY, Jan. 22, A. M.
Sect. 8th still under consideration.
Hon. Mr. Dalton. It is appa-
rent, fir, that government should have an efficient power delegated to them: if they have no power it cannot be said to be a government: a constitution is now established with that defect; with no money and no dependence; such a government will in time ruin us; from experience we know, fir, here lies the evil; let us see to whom we are to give this power: is it not to men of our own choosing? The delegation of power to the federal legislature will prevent the numerous evils: they have the power of saving us from destruction: the danger of excepting this constitution is not equal to the danger of refusing it: look to the kingdom of France, there you see, a power, however high, cannot be exercised to the prejudice of the people; in the recent instance of the notables and the parliament of Paris rejecting, and withstanding a tax proposed by the King; but when they are exercised it must be for the good of the nation: if Congress have authority to levy a direct tax, it is supposed they will exercise it only in a time of war: in peace the impost and excise will answer the purposes of government, but if a war breaks out, they will not answer, resource must be had to a direct tax. Some have supposed that the Congress by perpetuating themselves, might introduce a kind of aristocracy, the power after a short time, returns to the people, and they delegate it again: they fell their dependence on the people, and therefore will not abuse the confidence placed in them. Have not other parts of America the spirit of freedom to resist the collection of direct taxes, as well as New-England? the more I reflect on this section, the more I am convinced of the necessity of this power being lodged in the federal head.
Judge Sumner. The power in the present section is very important; at present my opinion is in favor of bestowing this power in the general government, nevertheless I may change my opinion. The posterity and happiness of this country depends in a great measure on the subject under consideration. It is said, that this is a great power, but will not the same object lie against the delegation of any power? They have a power to levy taxes; they may levy more than is necessary; instead of voting themselves 6/8 per day, they may vote themselves 12/. If they abuse their power in this manner, the only convenient way is to keep them from office. They know if they make an undue use of the confidence reposed in them, they will not, be re-elected. Again, it is said that the house of representatives is too small. We know all money bills are to originate in the representative body: can we suppose that Georgia, or any small state, will have as strong a voice to tax us, as Massachusetts. But why shall we alarm ourselves with imaginary difficulties. I suppose if the impost and excise should produce insufficient for the exigencies of government, direct taxes must supply the deficiency, and in case of war, would not the power of raising those taxes be necessary? What would be our case if Congress had not this power? The hon. gentleman from Newbury-Port, yesterday adduced proof that such power was requisite, in the example of the United Provinces. The history of our own times shews us the requisitions have been effectual, some states have paid, while others have been delinquent. I think Mr. President, we shall never get to
be a respectable nation without a federal government. Another objection has been made to this constitution: it is said that the general power destroy the state legislature. If we consider that the general government depends on the state legislature, that the president is to be elected by the senate, the senate by the state legislatures, the representatives by the people; we find the general government cannot exist without the state legislatures. I hope, fir, we shall see the necessity of a federal government, and not make any objections, unless of greater weight.
Mr. Gore. This section, Mr. President, has been the subject of much jealousy; gentlemen have compared the delegation of the power of making taxes, to the government of Great-Britain; cases which do not agree: it has also been compared to ten men of Rome, chosen to compile a system of laws. These people usurped the power; to what was this owing? To the feeble idea of those people, who had no idea of representation. Can we compare the government of the United States of America, to Rome? Is a government, whose representatives are chosen from the mass of the people, to be compared to ten men of Rome, who had power over the lives and laws of the people? No more, fir, than a well regulated government to a mob. It is said the representatives of Great-Britain receive no pay; but consider the difference between the representatives of this country, and the pretended representatives of Great-Britain! consider the checks upon our delegates, and the dissimilarity is obvious. Some gentlemen cannot see the necessity of taxation being lodged in the general government. We find they are to pay debts, provide for public safety; raise armies, build navies, and support them. Can any one tell what will be the exigencies of government? Where we demand an end, we ought to give the means of attaining it.
Mr. MARTIN's Speech to the Assembly of Maryland.
[Continued from yesterday's paper.]
B UT, fir, it was to no purpose that the futility of their objections were shewn—when driven from the pretence that the equality of suffrage had been originally agreed to on principles of expediency and necessity, the representatives of the large states persisted in a declaration, that they would never agree to admit the smaller states to an equality of suffrage. In answer to this they were informed, and informed in terms the most strong and energetic that could possibly be used, that we never would agree to a system giving them the undue influence and superiority they proposed: That we would risk every possible consequence: That from anarchy and confusion order might arise: That slavery was the worst that could ensue, and we considered the system proposed to be the most complete, most abject system of slavery that the wit of man ever devised, under the pretence of forming a government for free states: That we never would submit tamely and servilely to a present certain evil in dread of a future, which might be imaginary: That we were sensible the eyes of our country and of the world were upon us: That we would not labour under the imputation of being unwilling to form a strong and energetic federal government; but we would publish the system which we approved, and also that which we opposed, and leave it to our country and the world at large to judge between us, who best understood the rights of freemen and free states, and who best advocated them, and to the same tribunal we would submit who ought to be answerable for all the consequences which might arise to the union from the convention breaking up without proposing any system to their constituents. During this debate we were threatened that if we did not agree to the system proposed, we never should have an opportunity of meeting in convention to deliberate on another, and this was frequently urged. In answer we call upon them to shew what was to prevent it, and from what quarter was our danger to proceed—was it from a foreign enemy? Our distance from Europe, and the political situation of that country, left us but little to fear. Was there any ambitious state or states, who, in violation of every sacred obligation, was preparing to enslave the other states, and raise itself to consequence on the ruins of the others? Or was there any such ambitious individual? We did not apprehend it to be the case: But suppose it to be true, it rendered it the more necessary that we should sacredly guard against a system which might enable all those ambitious views to be carried into effect, even under the sanction of the constitution and government; in fine, fir, all these

threats were treated with contempt, and they were told that we apprehended but one reason to prevent the states again meeting in convention; that when they discovered the part this convention had acted, and how much its members were abusing the trust reposed in them, the states would never trust another convention. At length, sir, after every argument had been exhausted by the advocates of equality of representation, the question was called, when a majority decided in favour of the inequality; Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia voting for it; Connecticut, New-York, Jersey and Delaware against it; Maryland divided. It may be thought surprising, sir, that Georgia, a state now small and comparatively trifling in the union should advocate this system of unequal representation, giving up her present equality in the federal government, and linking herself almost to total insignificance in the scale; but, sir, it must be considered that Georgia has the most extensive territory in the union, being larger than the whole island of Great Britain, and thirty times as large as Connecticut. This system being designed to preserve to the states their whole territory unbroken and to prevent the erection of new states within the territory of any of them.—Georgia looked forward, when her population, being increased in some measure proportioned to her territory, she should rise in the scale and give law to the other states, and hence we found the delegation of Georgia warmly advocating the proposition of giving the states unequal representation.
Next day the question came on with respect to the inequality of representation in the second branch; but little debate took place; the subject had been exhausted on the former question. On the votes being taken, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North-Carolina and South-Carolina voted for the inequality, Connecticut, New-York, Jersey, Delaware and Maryland and Maryland * were in the negative. Georgia had only two representatives on the floor, one of whom (not I believe because he was against the measure, but from a conviction that we would go home, and thereby dissolve the convention before we would give up the question) voted also in the negative, by which that state was divided. Thus, sir, on this great and important part of the system, the convention being equally divided, five states for the measure, five against and one divided, there was a total stand, and we did not seem very likely to proceed any further. At length it was proposed that a select committee should be balloted for, composed of a member from each state, which committee should endeavour to devise some mode of conciliation or compromise; I had the honor to be on that committee; we met and discussed the subject of difference; the one insisted on the inequality of suffrage in both branches, the other insisted on the equality in both; each party was tenacious of their sentiments, when it was found that nothing could induce us to yield the inequality in both branches; they at length proposed by way of compromise, if we would accede to their wishes as to the first branch, they would agree to the equal representation in the second branch. To this it was answered, that there was no merit in the proposal; it was only consenting, after they had struggled, to put both their feet on our necks, to take one of them off, provided we would consent to let them keep the other on, when they knew at the same time, that they could not put one foot on our necks, unless we would consent to it, and that by being permitted to keep on that one foot, they should afterwards be able to place the other foot on whenever they pleased.
They were also called on to inform us what security they could give us should we agree to this compromise, that they would abide by the plan of government formed upon it, any longer than it suited their interest, or they found it expedient.—“The states have a right to an equality of representation. This is secured to us by our present articles of confederation, we are in possession of this privilege. It is now to be torn from us. What security can you give us, that, when you get the power the proposed system will give you, when you have men and money, that you will not force from the states that equality of suffrage in the second branch, which you now deny to be their right, and only give up from absolute necessity? Will you tell us we ought to trust to you because you now enter into a solemn compact with us? This you have done before, and now treat it with the utmost contempt. Will you now make an appeal to the Supreme Being, and call on him to guarantee your observance of the compact? This same you have formerly done for your observance of confederation which you are violating in the most wanton manner!
The same reasons which you now urge for destroying our present federal government, may be urged for abolishing the system which you now propose to adopt; and as the method prescribed by the articles of confederation is now totally disregarded by you, as little regard may be shown by you to the rules prescribed for the amendment of the new system, whenever having obtained power by the government, you shall hereafter be pleased either to discard it entirely, or so to alter it as to give yourselves all that superiority which you have now contended for, and to obtain which you have shown yourselves disposed to hazard the union.” Such, sir, was the language used on that occasion, and they were told that as we could not possibly have a greater tie on them for their observance of the new system than we had for their observance of the articles of confederation, which had proved totally insufficient, it would be wrong and imprudent to consider in them. It was further, obs. that the inequality of the representation would be daily increasing. That many of the states whose territory was confined, and whose population was at this time large in proportion to their territory would probably, twenty, thirty, or forty years hence, have no more representatives than at the introduction of the government, whereas the states having extensive territory, where lands are to be procured cheap, would be daily increasing in the number of their inhabitants not
* On this question Mr. Martin was the only delegate for Maryland present, which circumstance secured the state a negative. Immediately after the question had been taken, and the president had declared the votes, Mr. Jenifer came into the convention, when Mr. King from Massachusetts, valuing himself on Mr. Jenifer to decide the state of Maryland on this question, as he had on the former, requested of the president that the question might be put again; however the motion was too extraordinary in its nature to meet with success!
only from propagation but from the emigration of the inhabitants of the other states, and would soon have double, or perhaps treble the number of representatives that they are to have at first, and thereby enormously encroach their influence in the national councils. However, the majority of the select committee at length agreed to a series of propositions by way of compromise, part of which related to the representation in the first branch nearly as they themselves are now published; and part of them to the second branch, securing in that equal representation, and reported them as a compromise upon the express terms that they were wholly to be adopted or wholly to be rejected; upon this compromise, a great number of the members so far engaged themselves, that if the system was proceeded agreeable to the terms of the compromise, they would lend it their names, by signing it, and would not actively oppose it, if their states should appear inclined to adopt it. Some, however, in which number was myself, who joined in the report and agreed to proceed upon those principles and see what kind of a system would ultimately be formed upon it, yet reserved to themselves in the most explicit manner the right of finally giving a solemn dissent to the system, if it was thought by them inconsistent with the account why the members of the convention to generally signed their names to the system: not because they thought it a proper one; not because they thoroughly approved, or were unanimous for it; but because they thought it better than the system attempted to be forced upon them. This report of select committee was after-long discussion, adopted by a majority of the convention, and the system was proceeded in accordingly. I believe near a fortnight, perhaps more, was spent in the discussion of this business, during which, we were on the verge of dissolution, scarce held together by the strength of an hair, though the public papers were announcing our extreme unanimity.
[To be continued.]
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY Of the state of New-York. POUGHKEEPSIE, February 4, 1788.
[Continued.]
MR. JONES thought that the amendment was advocated on mistaken principles. They all agreed that allegiance was due to the sovereignty of the state. He asked who was the sovereign of the states? Was it not the people—of which the legislature was the representation? Was not this a more explicit oath than when bound to the United States in Congress assembled? If ever the majority should think proper to change the government, he should hold himself bound to go with them, and to bear allegiance to the majority. He maintained that there was not that difficulty and inaccuracy, which the gentlemen in the opposition had supposed. He readily admitted, that if they United States should declare war against any power, that a man was then bound to consider that power as a public enemy: he did not suppose that every breach of the law was a breach of allegiance; allegiance was only broke when a man took up arms against the sovereignty.
Mr. Harrison was happy that the gentleman had come forward with an explanation of his sentiments. He had now conceded, not only, that the people are the sovereigns of the state, but that they have an undoubted right to alter the government, if they think the alteration conducive to their interest or happiness. In this position, said he, we are perfectly agreed. Mr. Harrison had no doubt in his mind, that the sovereignty of the individual that resided with the people of them, in all those points which are not ceded to the United States in Congress assembled.
But, sir, said he, by the articles of confederation, many of the most material branches of sovereignty are vested in the United States; such as the powers of making peace or war, and the right of calling on the several states by requisition for those supplies which the public exigencies may require.
We are now, said he, considering what form of an oath it will be best to prescribe for those who hold the most important offices in the state. Our particular government does not want any additional security; it is in itself sufficiently strong, and there is no disposition in any of the citizens to disturb or invade it. An oath of fidelity to the state is therefore unnecessary. But, sir, if we consider oaths as possessing such efficacy as the gentleman supposes, let us apply them where they are most requisite, to the support of the Federal Government. Congress has always experienced severe embarrassments from the delinquencies of many of the states. The national debt is unprovided for, merely for that circumstance. He would not however charge our state in particular with such delinquency. He believed the charge would be less proper when applied to us, than when applied to several other states in the union. But, said he, we cannot answer for the future, & he would with that every security might be afforded to the national government. The welfare & preservation of the union depend upon it; & it is that part of the constitution of these states which is most feeble. He was persuaded, that if the great officers of government, and the representatives of the people were to take an oath of allegiance to the United States, they might be influenced by it in their public conduct, and that it might be attended with beneficial effects. They would then regard themselves as subjects of the union, obliged to support it in all its just pretensions. In case of a war, they would hold themselves bound by the most sacred obligations to promote the public measures; and in case of a peace, to the strictest observance of the treaty. In short, the requisitions of Congress would then become more effectual, and these states be enabled to provide for the public exigencies, the discharge of their debt, and the preservation of the union.
These were his reasons why he was disposed to substitute the “United States,” in the room of the “state of New-York.”
A division was called on the question. Affirmative.—Messieurs Winant, Niven, Speaker, P. Cantine, Benson, Low, Verplank, Lewis, Harrison.
Negative.—Messieurs Jones, Carman, Taulman, J. Smith, Wyckoff, Tearle, Baker, Dewitt, Gilbert, Strang, Van Orden, Frey, Van Ingean, Arnet, Powers, Webbley, Savage, Schoonmaker, Cantine, Bruyne, Bloom, Hedges, Osborn, Graham, Wisner, Younglove, Brooks, John Livingston, Clinton, Thompson, Tompkins, Havens, N. Smit Drake, Winn, Clark.
Affirmative 9—Negative 36—Majority 27.
A message was received from the senate, that they had receded from their amendments to the bill to prevent and punish forgery and counterfeits.
A message was received from the hon. council of revision by the chancellor, informing, that the council had no objection to
The bill to prevent abuses and delays in actions of replevin;
The bill to prevent forcible entries & detainers;
The bill to enable grantees of reversions, to take advantage of the conditions to be performed by leasees; and
The bill to compel joint-tenants and tenants in common to make partition, and for the more easy obtaining partition of lands in coparcenary, joint-tenancy, and tenancy in common.
A message was received from the senate, informing, that they had passed the new money bill with some amendments. These were taken into consideration; some of which the house agreed to, and the others were withdrawn by the senate.
The house went into a committee on the bill for defraying the public and necessary charges on the respective counties of this state;
Mr. John Livingston in the chair.
The committee made some progress in the bill, and reported the same.
A message was received from the senate, with a resolution for concurrence, empowering the governor to hire a house for himself the next year.
The resolution was agreed to.
Then the house adjourned until ten o'clock to-morrow morning. [To be continued.]
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, Nov. 30. TRANSLATIONS FROM PARIS.
ON Monday the 19th, at nine o'clock in the morning, the King came to the parliament, and held, for the first time since his accession to the throne, a royal meeting. His purpose was to obtain the enregistering of an edict for a loan of 450 millions, in five years; 180 of which were to be raised this year. The debates began immediately, on his Majesty's arrival, and continued till five o'clock in the afternoon; when, finding himself much fatigued, he exclaimed, “C'est bien beau, mais fort ennuyeux que l'on enregistre.”—His Grace the Duke of Orleans then rose and said, “Sire, j'ai l'honneur de vous faire connoître que c'est illegal, ill faut aller aux voix.” The King replied, that it was not illegal, and the edict was immediately enregistered by command. His majesty then retired, and the members instantly protested against what they had been compelled to do; and thus the whole business was rendered ineffectual.
The next article which came under consideration, was, the privileges intended to be granted to the Protestants, the decision of which was postponed for eight days, though it will certainly pass.
The 20th, in the afternoon, the Duke of Orleans received the order for his exile to his Chateau at Ville Couterille, about eighteen leagues from Paris. He went to the convent of Belle Chasse in the evening to take leave of his children; he kissed them all, and set off immediately, being ordered to quit Paris within twelve hours. The charming Duchess was with him, who did not seem sorry for what happened, probably thinking she should have more of his company in the country than in town. He seemed to think his exile an affair of eight days only, but it may probably be of longer duration.
The Duke Bourbon is exiled to Chantilly, for having seconded the protestations of the Parliament after the King's departure.
Monsieur de Freteau, conseiller a la grande Chambre, a chateau a Doullant, and the Abbe de Sablatier, have been taken into custody: the latter has two exons of the police with him, but as he is poorly, it is thought he cannot be immediately removed to St. Michael, his place of exile.
Five or six other members of the Parliament are arrested: it is summoned this morning to Versailles and it is generally thought it will be entirely broken, as in the late reign, and a new chamber constituted for the distribution of justice.
Paris is in great confusion, and all ranks of people scruple not to say, that a change will take place in the constitution within a very short time. Indeed the whole kingdom are ripe to promote it; warmed with the sentiments of that liberty they were sent to America to defend, and will support at home, the French government now experiences the just reward due to its treachery to England; it nourished an hydra in its bosom which tyranny will find it a difficult matter to extirpate; it is not the taking off of one head, or one thousand, that can crush it; the love of liberty is inextinguishable; from the blood of one, will hundreds spring; and, for the benefit of mankind let us hope, the present struggle will terminate gloriously, and establish as many distinct republics in France, as there are parliaments. The late notables are so many well instructed chiefs, fully acquainted with the weakness of Governments and the strength of the people; and we may, without fear of offending truth, assure the world they are ready to support them.
Adieu my dear friend: with us success, perhaps you will live to see the American war finished in France, the sole advantage we reaped from that declared by poetical race, who never deserved your protection in peace, nor were worthy your remembrance in war, was to breathe the soul of liberty and independence amongst them, which we learnt from their generous masters. Tyranny may learn to know what they have to expect from the abject souls of those who support it.
For WILMINGTON (N.C.)
The SLOOP, Nancy & Polly, JOHN BRANSBY, MASTER.
SHE will sail on Saturday next, or on Monday, at farthest. For Freight or Passage apply to the Master on board, lying at Burling-slip, or to Mr. Robert Bowne, merchant, in Queen-street near said Slip. New-York, Feb. 18, 1788.
New-York, February 10.
PARISIAN INTELLIGENCE. From the London Daily Universal Register, of November 28.
IMMEDIATELY on the king's delivering a speech at the opening of Parliament, the affairs of Orleans got up, and in a speech of considerable length, deprecated in very severe terms the proposition for a new loan. It throughout breathed a spirit of liberty, that was altogether new within those walls. The duke of Bourbon followed in nearly the same manner.
The king on the breaking up of the parliament at a late hour directed a Lettre-de-Cachet to be immediately sent to the duke of Orleans, ordering him to depart the same night to his Villa at Rueil, and the next day to Villers Cotterets, where he is banished under pain of losing no one but that belonging to his household.
The duke of Bourbon has received a similar order; he is exiled to the castle of Chantilliers, having signed the protest against the enregistering the several edicts which the king proposed.
Two counsellors of the Grand Chamber, namely the Abbe of Sablatier, and Monsieur Tressan, who were particularly vehement in forwarding a protest, are likewise banished; the former to the castle of St. Michel; the latter to a castle in Languedoc. M. Ferrand is another of those that are dismissed.
The king has ordered the Parliament to meet here at Versailles, as last Thursday. What will be the upshot of this business no one can foresee, but the people talk of a revolution in the government, and speak with great freedom on political subjects.
The French funds have in consequence fallen 3 to 2 per cent. nor is it expected that the king will be able to raise the supplies he intended.
Yesterday arrived the brig Edward, Braine, Madaira; schooner Sophia, Carthagena; schooner Dolphin, Griggs, Edenton; sloop Polly & Nancy, Wilmington; schooner Polly, Bryton, Jamaica and New London, 4 month passage.
At Madeira, the following vessels were lost on the 8th December last, sloop Maria, Welch of Philadelphia; brig Sally, Beak, belonging to Newbury-Port; brig Humble, belonging to New-Haven; A Portuguese snow from Brazil with sugar; and a Swedish Dogger.
MR. GREENLEAF, Will please to insert the enclosed in his Patriotic Register. A SUBSCRIBER.
THE following respectable citizens are submitted to the public, as worthy of their election in the choice of the representatives for this city, in the state convention.
His Excellency GEORGE CLINTON, WILLIAM MALCOLM, MARINUS WILLET, MELANCTON SMITH, JOHN LAMB, JOHN RAY, ROBERT TROUP, ROBERT BOYD, LEWIS A. SCOTT, ISAAC STOUTENBURGH. February 18th, 1788.
LOST. On Tuesday last, between the Hours of eleven and three,
Seven Four Pound Bills, Wrapped up in a Piece of white Paper: THEY are among the numbers following, viz. 208, 1474, 1857, 3343, 308, 5506, 1802, 177, 3013, 2102, 4148, 4126. Any person who may have found the said BILLS, or either of them, or whoever may detect them in negotiation, and will give such information as will eventually recover said money to the rightful owner, shall receive one half of the sum with thanks.—Enquire of the FRINTER. New-York, Feb. 14, 1788. 18 c.d. 3t.
Wanted to CHARTER, By the MONTH, For Four Months Certain, A VESSEL, FROM eighty to one hundred and twenty tons measurement.—For particulars apply to W. WOOD, No. 74, Water-Street. 14 c.d.
TO BE SOLD, An EXCELLENT FORTE-PIANNO, Imported from London the last Summer. Enquire of PHILIP JACOBS. No. 20, next door but one to the City Tavern, Broad-Way.—Feb. 12, 1788. 16 c.d.
Government Securities. CASH, and a generous price, will be given for 20,000 dollars, of such as are generally called Final Settlements, and those signed by J. Nourse.—Enquire at No. 20, Queen-Street. JACOB REED, jun. New-York, Feb. 8, 1788. 16 c.d.
Twenty Pounds Reward. WHEREAS the door of St. Peter's church, in this city, was broke open, on the night of Saturday, the 26th inst. by some person, or persons, unknown, the above reward of Twenty Pounds will be paid by the trustees of said church, to any person or persons who may detect, apprehend, and prove to conviction, the party or parties guilty thereof.
This Day is Published, THE American Magazine,

POET'S CORNER.
THE BACCHANALIAN.
Written by Mr. Woty.
YE foidid wretches! chain'd to rules, As asses dull, and obdurate as mules, Whole minds ne'er knew one liberal thought, Back to your sneaking miserable cells! Where narrowness of thinking dwells, With not one social sense or feeling fraught. There free from tumult, free from strife, In silence doze, nor sniff the wick of life: But fowlly, let it waste away, While cunning prudence plauds the saving scheme, Nor let its flame so much as seem To cast a glimpse of one eccentric ray. Give me the man of blither soul, Whose spirits thro' an ample channel roll! Who, spite of method's drowsy plan, Will plunge alert into a sea of joy, And float on active fancy's buoy, And snatch at fleeting pleasure, whilst he can. See yonder festive, jocund band! A merry'd goblet gracing every hand: Mirth opens the storehouse of the soul, And on ill-nature turns here polish'd key; Sullen the Demon lips away, Nor dares exert the function of controul. Thither let me bend in haste, And embrace the bottle's waft, Charm Anacreontic prove, Qualifying to the God of love. Brighter brushes paint his face, And he looks a fresher grace, When with Bacchus he reclines, Underneath his purple vines. How the jolly, hunting song, Emblematic, loud, and strong, On attention's organ dwells, And for the force of cares dispells, 'Till the full-voic'd bustling chorus Sets the fox and hounds before us. Sons of sorrow! quit your beds, Seek the path which Bacchus treads, Drown your avicious notions In the claret's lively potions: Mind not what the miser lay: Folly 'tis to earn his praise: Or his constitution fails, Or his avarice prevails, Else he be'd laugh, and drink, and be Airy, tipsey, gay as we.
Affize of BREAD,
As Established December 5, 1787. A Loaf of inspected superfine Wheat Flower, weigh Two Pounds Five Ounces for Six-pence. A Loaf of Rye Flour to weigh One Pound Twelve Ounces for Three-pence.
HIGH WATER.
This Day, February 19. 6h. 18m. Ast.
Just imported in the Jeane, Captain Martin, from Glasgow, by
Samuel Campbell,
No. 44 Hanover-square, Corner of the Old-Slip, A large assortment of BOOKS,
Among which are, THE present state of Nova-Scotia, with an ac- count of Canada; Whitaker's vindication of Mary, Queen of Scots, 3 vol. Miss Grenville, a new novel, 3 vol. Maria, or the Generous Ruffian; Alexander's history of women; Bolinbroke's Mil- cellanies; Blair's Lectures, 3 vol. Sully's Me- moirs, 5 vol. Cullen's Practice, 4 vol. New-Edin- burgh Dispensatory; Smith's Cookery; Martin's Young Gentlemen and Ladies Philosophy, 3 vol. A variety of the best Classics now in use.
S. CAMPBELL has this day published, GULLIVER REVIVED, CONTAINING singular travels, campaigns, voyages and adventures, in Russia, Iceland, Turkey, Egypt, Gibraltar, up the Mediterranean, and on the Atlantic ocean: Also an account of a voyage into the moon, with many extraordinary particulars relative to the cooking animal in that planet, which are here called the human species, by Baron Munchausen; the 4th edition, considerably enlarged.
DR. SPEDAIUR'S PRACTICAL OBSERVA- TIONS on the VENEREAL DISEASE; describing the various symptoms, and method of cure in every different state. The third edition, corrected. Price only five shillings sewed.
N. B. The great demand for this treatise, the account of it giving by the Reviewers, and the large extracts made from it by Dr. Duncan, in his medi- cal commentaries, with the recommendation of se- veral eminent Doctors of this city, has induced the editor to present the public with an American edi- tion of the work, printed correctly from the last London edit. and reduced to less than two thirds of the price.
With a great variety of STATIONARY in particular, pocket-books, ink-holders, paper, blank books, quills, wax, wafers, &c.
N. B. SAMUEL CAMPBELL returns his fin- cere thanks to his customers, and those who have purchased Books or Stationary at his store, and hopes, by his assiduity and attention in keeping an universal assortment of books, and the reasonable prices he sell at, will insure a further continuance of their favors The European, Political, Edinburgh, and Scots MAGAZINES.
The AMERICAN MAGAZINE, For January 1788, Sold at this Office, price Two Shillings.
JUST PUBLISHED, And TO BE SOLD, By ROBERT HODGE, No. 237, Queen-Street, and the other BOOKSELLERS,
Conductor Generalis,
OR the office, duty, and authority of justices of the peace, high sheriffs, under sheriffs, coroners, constables, gaolers, jurymen, and overseers of the poor. As also, the office of clerks of assize, and of the peace, &c.
To which are added, several choice maxims in law, &c. compiled chiefly from Barns's Justice, and several other books on those subjects.
By JAMES PARKER, Esq. late justice of the peace in New-Jersey,
Now adapted to these United States.
The whole alphabetically digested under the se- veral titles; with a table, directing to the ready finding out the proper matter under those titles.
This book is highly esteemed, and very necessary for gentlemen in the commission of the peace; likewise for every other person who would wish to be acquainted with the laws of the land we live in.
94
At the above STORE may be had, a great variety of
BOOKS,
Consisting of
HISTORY. Divinity, Law, Philosophy, Mathematics, Biography, Geography, Poetry, Phylic, Surgery, Agriculture, Nautical Books, Dictionaries, Architecture, Novels, Miscellanies, Plays, &c. &c.
A L S O,
A number of very valuable
BOOKS,
Among which are, ELEGANT folio fa- mily bibles, with near 200 cuts in each, Barkut on the new re- ment, Brown's self- interpreting bible, 2 vols, Cruden's concordance, Warden's system of di- vinity, Whistler's com- mentary, Blair's Carr's, Erskine's, Bolton's, Willison's, Atterbury's, &c. sermons, Neilson's festivals, Cul- len's, Duncan's, and Hoffman's practice o- phylic, Van Swieten's, commata- ries, 18 vols. Boerha- ave's aphorisms, 6 vols. Smellie, and Ham- ilton's midwifery, Leake on the diseases of women, 2 vols. Quin- cey's medical lexicon, Fourcroy's, chemis- try, &c. Ainsworth's, Young's Cole's, and Enrick's latin onaries, Davidson's Virgil and Horace, Duncan's Cicero, Kent's, Lucian, Clark's Cæsar, Homer, Nepos, Eu- tropius, Erasmus, an introduction, Simpson's fluxions, and Euclid, Hammond's algebra Stene's Euclid, Love's surveying, Guth- rie's and Salmon's ge- ographical grammars, Johnson's, Sheridan's, Ains's, Dyke's, Bal- ley's, Scott's, Perry's, and Enrick's dictiona- ries, Bennet's christian orato- ry, Scott on elocution, elegant extracts in verse, do in prose, Lord Littleton's letters, Klopstock's Messiah, Hutton's mensuration, Hawney's mensurer.
Also an excellent Assortment of STATIONARY.
Genuine Writing Paper of different sizes and prices, Ledgers, Journals, Waste, Letter, and Blank Books of all sizes, Receipt Books, Bonnet and Cards, &c. &c. Wrapping Paper, Sealing-Wax, Wafers, Quills, Slates, Lead and slate Pencils, Penknives, elegant Shoe-Buckles, Message Cards, &c. &c. Commissions from the country are thankfully received, and carefully executed. 51
PRIZE-MONEY,
Of the Squadron under John Paul Jones, Esq.
NOTICE is hereby given to those officers and men of the Fugates Alliance and Bon homme Richard, who are entitled to a share in the prizes taken by the Squadron under the command of John Paul Jones, Esq. that a division has been made of the proceeds of such prizes as were sold in France, and that the shares will be paid to the respective claimants, or their legal representatives, on their producing, at this office, sufficient proof that they are the persons, or are empowered by the persons actually entitled to the shares they respectively claim. Benjamin Walker, Commissioner. Office of accounts, Marine department.
THE UNITED STATES
In CONGRESS assembled, July 23, 1787.
RESOLVED, That all persons having unliquidated claims against the United States, pertaining to the late commissaries, quartermasters, cloathiers, or marine department, shall exhibit particular abstracts of such claims to the proper commissioner, appointed to settle the accounts of those departments, within eight months from the date hereof; and all persons having other unliquidated claims against the United States, shall exhibit a particular abstract thereof to the controller of the treasury of the United States, within one year from the date hereof; and all accounts not exhibited as aforesaid, shall be precluded from settlement or allowance.
A FEW copies of that much celebrated work of the late Rev. Dr. CHAUN CY, of Boston, "On the Fall, and its consequences," to be had at this Printing-Office.
WHEREAS Nicholas Bayard, Esq.
of the city of New-York, by his certain indenture of lease, under his hand and seal, duly executed, bearing date the sixteenth day of September, in the ninth year of the independence of the United States of America, and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, for the consideration therein mentioned, did demise and to farm let unto John Casing, all those three LOTS of GROUND, No. 279, 280, and 281, situate in the outward, at the corner of Moll-street, and Bayard-street, to have and to hold the said three Lots unto the said John Casing, for and during and until the end and term of twenty-one year from thence next ensuing: and whereas the said John Casing had erected on said three Lots of Ground a dwelling house; and whereas the said John Casing, on the twenty-eighth day of February, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, by indenture of mortgage, did convey unto, John Egberts, of the city of New-York, house, carpenter, all the before mentioned Lots, No. 2790 280, and 281, with the buildings thereon erected to hold for and during the residue and remainder of the said term of twenty-one years then to come, and, unexpired, to secure the payment of fifty pounds, with the lawful interest: NOTICE is hereby given, that in pursuance of an act of the governor, council, and general assembly of the late colony of New-York, passed the nineteenth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, entitled, "An act for the more effectual registering of mortgages, and for securing the purchases of mortgaged estates," the residue and remainder of the term of years yet to come, and unexpired, of, and in the said three Lots of Ground, with the buildings thereon erected, will be SOLD at PUB- LIC VENDUE, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the twenty-fifth day of February next. The sale to begin at twelve o'clock. The condition of sale will be made known at the time of the vendue, and a deed executed to the purchaser or purchasers, subject to the proviso, in the said act, in favor of other mortgages, judgments at law, and decrees in equity, prior to the said sale.
JOHN EGBERT.
New-York, August 23, 1787. t. th. 6m.
FOR SALE,
At the STORE of Mr. Barnt Deklyn, No. 39, Maiden-Lane, near the FLY-MARKET, the following
GOODS,
Which will be SOLD at the most reduced Prices, to wit.
A VARIETY of Mantuas and other Gown Silks, Saracens, Peelongs, and Modes, Chintzes, Printed Linens, and Cottons, Fancy Shawls and Handkerchiefs, Jeans, Jeanetts, and India Dimities, A quantity of Linen and Cotton Checks, Spotted and plain Velvets, A variety of Gloves and Fans, Linens, Sheetings, and Osnabrigs, Manxilles Quilting, Fancy Jacket Patterns, A variety of Plumes and Ribbands, Fancy Shoe Bucs and Buttons.
With a Variety of other Articles, Which he is determined to SELL low, for Jersey (upon the face of the Bill) New-York, or Pennsylvania PAPER MONEY.
Masters & Owners of Vessels
Are hereby informed, THAT they may be supplied with cables, large or small of any length, and cordage of all sizes, made of Peterburg hemp, first quality, at Ivers's Rope-walk, at the head of Mulberry-street, the first left hand turn above the Tea-Water Pump, on such favorable terms as to merit the attention of any gentleman that would wish to lay out his money to the best advantage. Cables spliced, with the addition of any length required, white rope of every sort for city or country use, hambro lines, deep sea lines, hand lead lines, log lines, houseline, and marine, &c. &c. by H. IVERS, Rope-maker.
N. B. The above articles, whether in large or small quantities, will be delivered to any part of the city without expence of cartage to the buyer. New-York, Dec. 7, 1787. 58 c. d.
To the Afflicted with WORMS.
LATELY received from the western country, and may be had at No. 21, Beekman-street, an extraordinary and never-failing WORM POWDER. From long experience it has been found, that three doses of these Powders will effectually destroy the Worms, either in children or grown persons. New-York, Sept. 13, 1787. 32 c. d.
I. Greenwood,
SURGEON DENTIST, No. 199, Water-street, opposite the Coffee-house, Performs all Operations incident to the
TEETH and GUMS, TRANSPLANTS NATURAL, and SUBSTITUTES
Artificial Teeth.
A Few COPIES of the Conductor Generalis,
To be SOLD, At this PRINTING-OFFICE.
STAGE.
Morris-Town and Paules-Hook
ON the 14th inst. the subscriber began to run his Stage-Waggon every Tuesday and Friday, from his house in Morris-Town, to Paules-Hook, by the way of Newark, starting at five o'clock each morning. The waggon generally arrives at Jacamiah Smith's, Paules-Hook, about one o'clock of the same day, where it remains until the next morning, nine o'clock, when it returns by the same rout, and with all expedition.
The FARE for a passenger, with seven pounds of baggage, is ONE DOLLAR, and the same for one hundred and fifty pound weight.
The waggon, on its rout to Paules-Hook, stops at Lawrence's tavern, Springfield, where the passengers may breakfast, if they choose; the next stage is at Major Sayre's, Newark, from whence they proceed to Paules-Hook.
N. B. Letters, to be sent by the above stage, may be lodged at Capt. Crane's, a few doors above the Ferry-house, in Cortland-street, New-York, from whence they shall always be safely conveyed to the stage. All letters carried free.
GEORGE OHARA.
Morris-Town, August 28, 1787.
THE PUBLIC
ARE RESPECTFULLY INFORMED,
THAT the subscriber has lately removed from Princeton, New-Jersey, to this city, and now keeps the house lately kept by Talmadge Hall, No. 49, Cortland Street, (commonly known by the Boston, Albany, and Philadelphia General Stage Office) and has agreed with the proprietors of the Albany and Boston Stages, to make his house the public Stage-House. Those Ladies and Gentlemen who wish to take passages in either of those Stages, will please to leave their names with the subscriber the evening before the Stage's departure; gentlemen passengers and others, are informed that the subscriber keeps a house of entertainment, and accommodates gentlemen with boarding and lodging. Every attention will be paid to those who please to favour him with their custom.
N. B. The gentlemen of the city are informed that the subscriber has a large convenient Assembly Room, which he proposes to let during the winter season, or longer if required.
CHRISTOPHER BEEKMAN.
New-York, Nov. 13, 1787. 51 —th.
Just PUBLISHED, and to be Sold at this OFFICE, No. 25, Water-street,
The American Calculator, or Counting-House COMPANION, CONTAINING,
A TABLE, ascertaining the value of sundry coins in gold, as regulated by the Chamber of Commerce in this city, and shewing at one view their value in the several currencies of New-York, North-Carolina, and Great-Britain. A Collection of Tables, shewing, at one view, the amount of any number (under 10,000) of Dollars, French and English Crowns, Half Jees, French and English Guineas, &c. as they pass through the United States A Table of Guineas, as they pass in England and Ireland. Rules for the ready reducing the currencies of the United-States, from the currency of one state into the currency of any other of the United States; and for reducing the currencies of the United-States into sterling, and sterling into the currencies of the said states. Rules for reducing English Money into Irish, and Irish Money into English, according to the par of exchange between both kingdoms. Five different tables of the coins of the United-States of America, agreeable to a resolve of Congress of the 8th August, 1787, viz. a Table of Half Dollars, a Table of Dimes, a Table of Cents, and a table of Mills; calculated to render familiar the proper mode of counting said Money. This Book is intended for the convenience of Merchants, &c. in the United States, by Francis Healy, Accomptant.
Price 1s. 6d. single. The usual discount to Booksellers, and others, who may purchase by the Hundred, Dozen, &c.
** Also may be had of Messieurs Campbell, Reid, Allen, Macgill, and Mills, Booksellers.
FLAX-SEED,
STORED, Cleaned, Purchased and Sold at HARTELL and WOODWARD Flax-feed store lately occupied by Mr. JACOB SARLY, last by Mr. Nath, between Van Zandt's and Murray's Wharves. 38 —c. d.
A PERSON perfectly acquainted with MERCHANT'S ACCOUNTS, would be glad of employ, in that line, either in Posting of Books, or adjusting intricate accounts. Enquire of the Printer.
New-York, October 25, 1787. —c. d. 38
—LETTERS of INTELLIGENCE—occasional PARAGRAPHS—speculative PIECES—ESSAYS, &c.—are gratefully received at this OFFICE.—
For the greater CONVENIENCE and SAFETY of which COMMUNICATIONS, a LETTER-BOX is placed in the Window.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for this PAPER (printed EVERY DAY, at Six, and ONCE a Week, at Two Dollars, per Annum) are also received here—and ADVERTISEMENTS, REASONABLY INSERTED.
** PRINTING, in all its Variety, performed with NEATNESS and DISPATCH.