Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-06-23 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 21, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 23, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 125.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
On the MEANS of PRESERVING the UNION of the AMERICAN STATES.
THE present Constitution of the United States appears to be excellent in contemplation; and if the harmony of the States should not be disturbed by groundless jealousies, it bids fair to be durable and efficient in practice. It is however very doubtful whether several jurisdictions within a jurisdiction, wheels within a wheel, will not produce some jarring in their movements. The experiment is curious, and much wisdom and prudence may render it successful.
What then are the probable means of perpetuating our present establishments? Patriotism and the sword are not the means. I conceive the means to consist solely in a union of interests .
I.—All debts contracted during the late war, and in the common cause, must be made a common charge against the Union, and the creditors must all look to the same authority for payment, must depend on the same resources, and have the offer of equal compensation. Divide the debts, divide the resources, leave the different State legislatures to make various unequal provisions for payment, and a hostility will immediately commence between the general and particular governments, and between the different descriptions of creditors.—To sever our Union forever, nothing is wanted, but to set three or four States contending with Congress about the sources of revenue; and unless the debts should be assumed and made a common charge, nothing but infinite power could prevent such a contention.
II.—There should be no exclusion of persons who hold seats in the national government from a capacity to hold, at the same time, offices under the state governments. However distinct the powers of the governments may be, their interests are the same. Both are designed to promote the welfare and happiness of the same citizens. If two offices are incompatible, whether under state governments or the national government, common sense will dictate that they should not be lodged in the same hands. But a proposition for a total exclusion of members of Congress and federal officers from any seat or office in a State government, indicates a jealousy of our national government, to a high degree alarming. Such a proposition, like the exclusion of Clergymen from civil offices, supposes an enmity between the two governments or two orders of men, which requires each to fortify against the other, by erecting an impassable barrier. It is a declaration of hostilities between parties whose very existence depends on peace and union. The federal government stands on the State governments, as on pillars; and without the national government's guaranty, the independence of a State could not be secure for a year. What madness thus to wage war with the national government! What infatuation to create separate interests, when the whole business of this generation is, UNION!
Consolidation, that bug-bear of antifederalism, has spread terrific apprehensions, and made honest men dread the influence of the national government. But in the name of common sense, let me ask, was ever a nation too firmly consolidated for the purposes of good government? Never, it may be answered, never was a political society too closely united for strength, harmony, and happiness. Ancient Greece and all modern Europe can testify, that half the calamities of mankind have grown out of the rivalships, pride, and discordant views of petty sovereignties; nay, we ourselves should bless God for a federal constitution, which, by abridging the independence of the States, extinguished the sparks of civil war, that, in 1785, lay scattered through the States, just ready to be blown into a flame. There is no physical certainty that the state governments will ever be melted down into the general government; centuries at least must escape, before this event can take place, in the ordinary progress of political changes. If it ever should, it will probably be the effect of pre-disposing causes which will render it necessary for public happiness. But by dividing the interests of the States, and detaching the officers of the national government from their interest in the State governments, the most effectual bonds of union will be dissolved, our national laws will be without energy, and America may expect to be scourged with factions, war and conquest. It is a sentiment most deeply impressed on my mind, that the whole business of the present age is, UNION.
Hartford, June 12, 1790.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. XI.
Heroes proceed! What bounds your pride shall hold? What check restrain your thirst of power and gold?
THE answer to the questions in the motto, can be none other than this, that as nature has established in the bosoms of heroes no limits to those passions; and as the world, instead of restraining, encourages them, the check must be, in the form of government.
The world encourages ambition and avarice, by taking the most decided part in their favor. The Roman world approved of the ambition of Cæsar; and, notwithstanding all the pains that have been taken with so much reason, by moral and political writers to disgrace it, the world has approved it these 17 hundred years; and still esteems his name an honor to the first empire in Europe. Consider the story of the ambition and the fall of Cardinal Wolsey and Archbishop Laud; the indignation of the world against their tyranny has been very faint; the sympathy with their fall has been very strong. Consider all the examples in history of successful ambition, you will find none generally condemned by mankind; on the other hand, think of the instances of ambition unsuccessful and disappointed; or of falls from great heights, you find the sympathy of the world universally affected. Cruelty and tyranny of the blackest kind must accompany the story, to destroy or sensibly diminish this pity. That world, for the regulation of whose prejudices, passions, imaginations and interests, governments are instituted, is so unjust, that neither religion, natural nor revealed, nor any thing, but a well ordered and well balanced government has ever been able to correct it, and that but imperfectly. It is as true in modern London, as it was in ancient Rome, that the sympathy of the world is less excited by the destruction of the house of a man of merit, in obscurity, or even in middle life, though it be by the unjust violence of men, than by the same calamity befalling a rich man, by the righteous indignation of heaven.
Nil habuit Cæsar: quis enim negat? et illud Perdidit infelix totum nihil, ultimus an em Arumnæ cumulus, quod nudum et frustra rogantem Nemo cibo, nemo hospitio tutoque juvabit, Si magna Arturi cecidit domus, horrida mater, Pullati procères, differt vadimonia Prætor. Tunc genitimus casus urbis, tunc odimus ignem. Ardet adhuc, et jam occurrat qui marmora donet, Conferat impensas. Hic nuda et candida ligna; Hic aliquid præclarum Euphranoris et Polycleti, Hic phæstianorum vetera ornamenta Deorum. Hic libros dabit et forulos, mediamque Minervam; Hic modium Argenti: meliora et plura reponit Persicus orbium lautissimus, ut merito jam Suspectus, tanquam ipse suas incendit aedes.
But hark! th' affrighted crowd's tumultuous cries Roll through the streets, and thunder to the skies: Rais'd from some pleasing dream of wealth and power, Some pompous palace, or some blissful bower, Aghast you start, and scarce with aching sight, Sustain the approaching fire's tremendous light; Swift from pursuing horrors take your way, And leave your little all to flames a prey; Then thro' the world a wretched vagrant roam, For where can starving merit find a home? In vain your mournful narrative disclose, While all neglect, and most insult your woes.
Should heaven's just bolts Orglio's wealth confound, And spread his flaming palace on the ground, Swift o'er the land the dismal rumor flies, And public murmurings pacify the skies; The laureat tribe in venal verse relate, How virtue wars with persecuting fate; With well-feign'd gratitude the pension'd band Refund the plunder of the beggar'd land. See! while he builds, the gaudy vassals come, And crowd with sudden wealth the rising dome; The price of boroughs and of souls restore; And raise his treasures higher than before; Now bless'd with all the baubles of the great, The polish'd marble and the shining plate, Orglio sees the golden pile aspire And hopes from angry heav'n another fire.
Although the verse, both of the Roman and the Briton, is satire, its keenest severity consists in its truth.
FROM THOMAS'S MASSACHUSETTS SPY.
EULOGIUM,
By Dr. ALBION WALDO, Delivered at the grave of the late General ISRAEL PUTNAM.
THOSE venerable relics! once delighted in the endearing domestic virtues, which constitute the excellent neighbor—husband—parent—and worthy brother!—Liberal and substantial in his friendship—unsuspicious—open—and generous—just and sincere in dealing;—a benevolent citizen of the world:—He concentrated in his bosom, the noble qualities of an HONEST MAN.
Born a HERO—whom nature taught, and cherished in the lap of innumerable toils and dangers—
he was terrible in battle!—But—from the native amiableness of his heart—when carnage ceased—his humanity spread over the field, like the refreshing zephyrs of a summer's evening!—The prisoners—the wounded—the sick—the forlorn—experienced the delicate sympathy of this SOLDIER'S PILLAR!—The poor and the needy, of every description, received the charitable bounties of this CHRISTIAN SOLDIER!
He pitied littleness—loved goodness—admired greatness—and ever aspired to its glorious summit!—The friend, the servant, and almost unparalleled lover of his country:—Worn with honorable age, and the former toils of war, PUTNAM—rests from his labors!
"Till moulderings worlds, and tumbling sytems burst! When the last Trump, shall renovate his dust! Still by the mandate of ETERNAL TRUTH, His SOUL will "flourish in immortal Youth!"
"This, all who knew him, know—this, all who lov'd him, tell."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MAY 25.
Mr. GERRY's motion on the assumption of the State debts, which was inserted in this paper of the 26th, under consideration
MR. BOUDINOT then rose and said—I am one of those, Mr. Chairman, who consider the subject now before you of as much importance as any that has yet required the attention of Congress. When it was first brought forward, it was new to me; I therefore determined in my own mind, patiently to hear both sides of the question, and to weigh every argument before I drew any positive conclusion: being also a State creditor (tho' in the habit of receiving interest from the State) my fears were excited, least self-interest might mislead my judgment. On these accounts the committee have hitherto not received any trouble in the communication of my sentiments on this important question. I have contented myself with a silent vote, and should have still continued in the same disposition, had not the gentleman who spoke on this subject, when it was last under consideration, advanced some arguments and drew certain conclusions from them, that struck me as neither founded in fact or reason. He appeared to me to involve the subject in unnecessary perplexity, and tho' simple in itself, became obscure from the terms by which it was distinguished and the manner in which the argument was handled. It has been generally denominated "the assumption of the State debts;" from whence a bye slander might suppose that the States, or some individual State, had called upon us to assume a debt or debts that we owed to them; but nothing is further from the truth. What is the subject before us? It is an application of our creditors, on which a question arises, whether a certain species of debt, evidenced by certificates from an individual State, is part of the domestic debt of the United States, or whether it is the private debt of the individual State?
Let us then simplify the question and consider it abstractedly on its true principles; for if it should turn out to be the first, no man can assign a good reason why a discrimination should be made among our creditors. If the last, it will be as difficult to assign a reason why we should now assume them. The honorable gentleman who spoke last against the assumption of these debts put the question on proper principles, but his arguments appeared to be exceedingly fallacious. He alleged, "that it had been contended that the State debts are in their nature debts of the United States, and that the individual creditors can of right claim payment of the same from the general government. He denied the principle, and said that if these debts be nothing more than the debts of the United States, under another denomination, and if we are bound to provide for them as for the debts of the United States, let gentlemen consider whether they are not bound to view them in this light whenever they may be found, meaning in the State treasuries."
This state of the question necessarily leads to an investigation of the nature of the debts proposed to be funded by the amendment now moved to the bill for funding the domestic debt of the United States.
These debts consist of certificates given by the individual States for—pay to the army—depreciation of pay—militia services—supplies found, and—services rendered. As these are all on one footing, to avoid perplexity, I will take the army debt for an example. This debt was contracted by the United States in Congress assembled. When our common country was threatened with an invasion by a very powerful enemy, the necessary defence required the raising of an army.—A union of the States was formed, and a confederation entered into, that the expenses for the common defence should be paid out of a public treasury, to be supplied by the respective States according to their several abilities. Troops were accordingly brought into the field, under certain stipulations of pay and support. Several years past away, and the soldiers not only bravely fought your battles, but in the end secured your liberties, and established your independence.
The States having failed in supplying your treasury, the stipulated payments were neglected, large arrears accrued, and after a series of sufferings (unknown to any other troops) a mutiny took place, and the destruction of your army was well nigh accomplished—By the exertions of your commander in chief, and the most judicious management on his part, this serious disturbance ended in commissioners being sent to Congress with requisitions on the part of the whole army, requesting redress in a number of instances.
Suffer me to read the report of the grand Committee of Congress and their subsequent resolutions in answer to this application. "Saturday, January 25, 1783.—The grand committee, consisting of a member from each State, report, That they have considered the contents of a memorial presented by the army, and find they comprehend five different articles.—1st. Present pay. 2d. A settlement of accounts of the arrearages of pay and security for what is due. 3d. A commutation of half pay. 4th. Settlement of accounts for deficiencies of rations, and compensation. 5th. Settlement of accounts of deficiencies of clothing and compensation. Whereupon, Resolved, as to the first, that the superintendant of the finances make payment, &c. Resolved, with respect to the second article, so far as relates to the settlement of accounts, that the several States be called upon to complete, without delay, the settlements with their respective lines of the army, up to the 1st day of August, 1780, and that the Superintendent of Finance be directed to take such measures as shall appear to him most proper for effecting the settlement from that period. As to what relates to providing

of security for what shall be found due on such settlement. Resolved, that the troops of the United States, in common with all the creditors of the same, have an undoubted right to expect such security; and that Congress will make every effort in their power to obtain from the respective States, substantial funds, adequate to the object of funding the whole debt of the United States, and will enter upon an immediate and full consideration of the nature of such funds, and the most likely mode of obtaining them." Nothing can more clearly appear, than that at the time of these resolutions, Congress considered the debt due to the army for pay and depreciation of pay, as well as that due to their other creditors, as the particular debts of the United States. Here was no pretence of denying the contract, or turning them over to the States for payment. It is true, Congress in these resolutions call upon the individual States, to settle with their lines of the army to a given day, but the pay is to come from adequate funds to be provided by the efforts of Congress from the several States. In obedience to this requisition, the States proceed to the settlement, not only of the pay to the lines of the army, but also of the claims of their citizens for supplies furnished to contractors, commissaries and quarter-masters with all their host-dependants, and certificates of the balances due to them, were given under the direction of the States individually, who thereby agreeably to the foregoing resolutions, became security to the creditors, on behalf of the confederated government, that their debts should be paid. Congress immediately proceeded to demand of the several States, an impost of 5 per cent. ad valorem on all goods, wares and merchandise, imported into the United States, and, additional sums for 25 years, adequate to the payment of the interest of the whole debt agreeably to their assurances in answer to the memorial of the army.
Some of the States complied with this requisition, and provided supplementary funds over and above the impost for 25 years - but others refusing, the whole project was rendered abortive and the creditors of the union left in the most distressing circumstances. The clamours of the citizens were too great to be withstood by many of the States who considered themselves as sureties for the United States, and indeed under a necessity of rendering some immediate, two partial supplies, to prevent every thing running into confusion. They thereupon undertook to pay their own citizens the interest due on their respective certificates, whether given by the special officers of Congress (as the commissioners of loan) or under the direction of the standard before mentioned. The State of New Jersey in this way paid five years interest, to the amount of several hundred thousand dollars. But although these partial payments put the evil day farther off, yet the time at last came, when the good sense of the people, finding the government unable to support itself and comply with their engagements, and seeing nothing but ruin and confusion before them, wisely brought about another revolution, and formed a new constitution founded on a more intimate union of the several States, with greater and more efficient powers for the purpose of establishing justice, insuring domestic tranquility, promoting the general welfare and securing the blessings of liberty.
Provision was also expressly made, that all debts and engagements binding on the former government, should be equally valid against the present. Under this new constitution, the government is vested in the fullest manner with all the resources and funds necessary for the payment of the general debt of the union, and what they had in vain asked of the several States under the former confederation. Of course the individual State was deprived of them, and no longer had it in her power to continue her partial aids towards satisfying the growing interest on the demands of their citizens.
In this situation, and under these circumstances, our creditors came forward, with the evidences of their demands given by the individual State by order of the United States in Congress assembled, and demand payment of us, as their original debtor, for whom they performed the services and to whom they granted the supplies, alleging that by the transfer of the revenues and resources of government from the respective States to us, their security is invalidated and we are become able to pay them, agreeably to the spirit of our original contract. These questions then fairly arise,
Was the contract originally ours, or were the United States the original debtor? - if so, has the creditor been paid his just due, or has he released us from the obligation?
There can be no doubt in my opinion, from the foregoing view of the circumstances of the case; and I believe no gentleman will deny, but that we are the original debtors as representing the former government. It is as clear that all the creditor has received for his demand, has been a certificate from the State, testifying a certain balance due to him for his services, or for supplies rendered. And here I should enter into the argument, to show that this certificate from the State cannot on any principles of justice, honor or policy be considered as payment, was not the matter already done to my hand in language so much more forcible than any I can use on this occasion, and the omission of which would be imposing on the committee. This will be found in the 32nd and 41st pages of the Congressional Register, where an honorable gentleman (Mr. Madison) in speaking on the subject of public certificates, though to another point, says, "Let us consider first by whom the debt was contracted, and then to whom it is due. The debt was contracted by the United States, who with respect to that particular transaction were in a national capacity. The government was nothing more than the agent or organ by which the whole body of the people acted. The change in the government which has taken place, has enlarged its national capacity, but it has not varied the national obligation with respect to the engagements entered into by that transaction - for in like manner the present government is nothing more than the organ or agent of the public. There is no change in our political duty nor in the moral or political obligation - The language I now use is the language of the constitution itself - it declares that all debts shall have the same validity against the United States, under the new as under the old form of government - The obligation remains the same, though I hope experience will prove that the ability has been favorably varied." - Again a debt was fairly contracted; according to justice and good faith it ought to have been paid in gold or silver. A piece of paper was only substituted. Was this paper equal to gold or silver? No; it was worth in the market no more than one eighth or one seventh of that value. Was this depreciated paper freely accepted? No; the government offered that or nothing. The relation of the individual to the government and circumstances of the offer, rendered the acceptance a forced, not a free one. Again - "Here there was a debt acknowledged to have been once due, and which was never discharged, because the payment was forced and defective; the balance consequently is still due, and is of as sacred a nature as the claims of the holders can be. These conclusive arguments apply with double force to the question before the committee. Was the debt contracted by the United States? If so where have they any evidence of payment? If it is answered in the state certificates; I reply, a piece of paper was only substituted for the bare purpose of ascertaining the balance as preparatory to its being funded, and that by the particular order of Congress, under the idea of providing the creditor with security for his debts. Was this paper equal to gold and silver or any other substantial payment? The relation of the individual to the government and circumstances of the offer, rendered the acceptance a forced, not a free one. But, Sir, a part of the objection is still unanswered: It is said that if these are debts of the United States in the hands of individual citizens, must they not be the debts of the United States in the Treasuries of the different states. I answer by no means. This argument is extremely fallacious. In common life, if any person who becomes my security, pays the debt for me and he owes me money, I can with propriety refuse to pay him till he settles his debt with me; but if such security refuses, or is unable
to pay the debt to my creditor, I certainly have no right to put off my creditor till the security shall have paid me what he may owe me. (To be continued.)
MONDAY, JUNE 21, 1790.
THE bill to establish the Post-Office and Post Roads in the United States, was brought in engrossed, and read the third time. The blanks were filled up. - The fine for detaining the mail was set at a sum not exceeding 5 dollars for every half hour. The salary of the Post-Master-General 1600 dollars - Assistant 1000 dollars - Deputy Post-Masters 20 per cent. on the postage of letters received at their respective offices. - The blanks being filled up, the bill was passed.
Reports from the Secretary at War on sundry petitions were read.
The bill for repealing after the last day of - the duties heretofore laid on spirits, &c. was taken into consideration. - The question was, whether the bill should be engrossed.
Mr. Stone observed, that no man could be more in favor of making provision for the debt of the United States, than himself - but the present bill pointed out a mode which he conceived to be the worst that could be devised - the most exceptionable, and would turn out the most unproductive. He should therefore vote against the bill on a full conviction that other funds, entirely unexceptionable, might be found, and which might be contained perhaps in a quarter of a sheet of paper. He said he should call for the Ayes and Noes.
Mr. Carrol observed, that as so much time had been taken up in maturing the bill, he hoped that it would pass to be engrossed - the business is of very great importance, and ought now to be finished. He wished therefore that the Ayes and Noes might not be called in the present stage of the bill, as it would not, he conceived, answer the purpose intended by the gentleman.
Mr. Stone withdrew his motion.
Mr. Bloodworth renewed the motion, but afterwards he withdrew it.
Mr. Page said he hoped that the Ayes and Noes would be called.
Mr. Jackson was also in favor of coming to an ultimate decision on the bill.
Mr. Gerry said if there is a majority of the house who are determined to reject the bill, he could not see of what use it was to have it engrossed.
Mr. Fitzsimons said he had observed, that if this bill should be rejected, there would be great difficulty in finding other resources. - He wished that the House would now decide upon it.
Mr. Vining spoke in favor of the bill, and was for trying the strength of the house on the question, and in that view was in favor of calling the Ayes and Noes. The question on engrossing the bill was determined in the negative, as follows:
AYES.
Messrs Brown, Cadwallader, Carrol, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Lee, Livermore, Madison, P. Muhlenberg, Seney, Sherman, Sinnickson, Smith (M.) Vining, White, Williamson. - 23.
NOES.
Messrs Ames, Ashe, Baldwin, Benson, Bloodworth, Burke, Coles, Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Hathorne, Huger, Huntington, Jackson, Lawrence, Leonard, Matthews, Moore, Page, Parker, Partridge, Rensselaer, Scot, Sedgwick, Sylvester, Smith, (S. C.) Sevier, Steele, Stone, Sturges, Sumpner, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker, Wadsworth. - 35.
By this vote, the bill was lost.
Mr. Fitzsimons moved that a committee should be appointed to devise a plan for payment of the interest on the debt of the United States. This motion was agreed to - and the following gentlemen appointed - viz. Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Madison, Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Tucker.
A message was received from the Senate, informing that they have concurred in the vote of the house, of the 8th inst. for appointing a joint committee to consider and determine on a proper time for the adjournment, and that they have passed a bill for settling the claims of John Mc Cord, with amendments.
In committee of the whole on the amendatory bill, providing for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States.
Mr. Seney in the Chair.
The first clause provides for increasing the number of the Commissioners from 3, the present number, to 5.
Mr. Foster moved that the words, "two Commissioners in addition to" should be struck out.
Mr. Lawrence objected to the motion. He observed that very extensive powers were given to these commissioners - the objects on which they are to decide are of the utmost importance - and he thought that 5 commissioners would give more satisfaction to the people than 3.
Mr. Livermore was in favor of the motion. He thought the business would be procrastinated in proportion to the number. - Three has been thought sufficient - nothing new has been offered to show that any more are necessary. If the number was increased to 60, he thought it would only embarrass the more. - He considered the addition as an indirect impeachment of the gentlemen now in office - he had never heard any
fault found with them - he believed they were competent to the business. - If we make the addition, what has been done, may be all lost labor. If 3 would finish the business in 3 years, he had no doubt that 5 would take 5 years.
Mr. Williamson said he differed from the gentleman last speaking, in respect to the addition to the board's being an impeachment or imputation on the gentlemen now in office.
The powers proposed to be vested, are much more extensive than those by the former bill - which renders it expedient that the number should be increased - that more accurate information from various parts of the Union may be collected. - He said he had the highest opinion of the present Commissioners - they were gentlemen whose abilities were undoubtedly respectable - but he could not conceive that their abilities or importance would be lessened or depreciated by the proposed addition.
Mr. Livermore made some reply to Mr. Williamson. - The motion for striking out was negatived.
On motion of Mr. Sherman, the 6th section was amended to read thus - That the States who shall have balances placed to their credit on the books of the Treasury of the United States, shall within - after the same shall have been credited, be entitled to have the same funded upon the same terms as the other debts of the United States.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) moved that the clause which deprives the States of the power of transferring the debts due to them from the United States should be struck out. He observed that he could see no reason for the prohibition - it appears absurd that a State should not have it in its power to transfer its demands against the United States to its creditors. - He wished that gentlemen would assign the reasons for the clause.
Mr. Sedgwick said he would give the reason - it was to prevent increasing the demands against the United States, in the hands of foreigners. - This was a desirable object, and ought to be attended to as far as possible. - In respect to the domestic debt, it was to be lamented, that so much of it was in the hands of foreigners - this however could not be prevented; but with respect to the present case, it may be done without any injury whatever - and therefore we ought to extend the prohibition as far as we can consistent with justice.
Mr. Sherman spoke against the motion.
Mr. Smith supported his motion. - He shewed the inconvenience and expence that would attend the double operation of the States' first receiving their interest, and then paying it to their creditors. He further observed that it was treating the States like children - individuals may transfer their demands - but the States are not so to be trusted. - He added other remarks - when the question being taken, the motion was lost.
Mr. Sedgwick then moved that the clause be amended to read, - and no debt due to any particular State, shall be transferable. - This was agreed to.
The clause which provides for paying the clerks 500 dollars from the time of their appointment, was amended by striking out the last words "from the time of their appointment."
The Committee rose and reported the bill with the amendments.
The amendment respecting the Clerks was objected to by Mr. Seney - it was however agreed to by the House.
Mr. Jackson moved that the clause, determining the rule of apportionment, in the following words, "The rule for apportioning to the States the expenses of the war, shall be the same that is prescribed by the Constitution of the United States for the apportionment of representation and direct taxes, and according to the first enumeration that shall be made," should be struck out - and called for the Ayes and Noes - which are as follows:
AYES.
Messrs Ashe, Baldwin, Floyd, Foster, Gilman, Hathorne, Jackson, Lawrence, Livermore, Sedgwick. - 10
NOES.
Messrs Ames, Benson, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Brown, Burke, Cadwallader, Carrol, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Gale, Goodhue, Griffin, Grout, Heister, Huger, Huntington, Leonard, Madison, Muhlenburg, Moore, Page, Partridge, Rensselaer, Schureman, Scot, Seney, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Smith (M.) Smith (S. C.) Sevier, Steele, Stone, Sturges, Sumpner, Thatcher, Trumbull, Tucker, Vining, Wadsworth, White, Williamson. - 45.
A clause was proposed by Mr. Tucker, for continuing the salaries of the Commissioners to the day of altho the accounts should be settled prior to that period. - The first part was agreed to - from the word "altho" to the end, was negatived.
A motion was made by Mr. Steele to amend the clause which respects the claims of the States, to strike out the word "was" before the word "exhibited", and to insert the words "shall be." - This motion was negatived. - It was then voted that the bill be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Adjourned.

TUESDAY, JUNE 22.
The amendatory bill providing for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States, having been engrossed—the house filled up the blanks, and passed the bill.
Mr. Goodhue, of the committee appointed for the purpose, brought in a bill laying an additional duty on tonnage, pursuant to resolutions of the House; the bill was read and referred to a committee of the whole, to be taken up to-morrow.
Sundry reports of the Secretary at War were read—among others on the petition of the heirs of William Gould, deceased, praying an allowance of his half pay for his children, for reasons set forth—the report was in favor of granting the petition, and that 1680 dollars, the half pay of a captain for 7 years, be granted—this report, on motion of Mr. Seney, was accepted, and a committee, consisting of Mr. Seney, Mr. Heister and Mr. Moore, was appointed to bring in a bill accordingly.
The amendment of the Senate to the bill for satisfying the claims of John McCord was agreed to.
Mr. Lawrance presented a petition from certain inhabitants of the county of West Chester in the State of New-York, praying payment for losses sustained during the war—which was read, and referred to the Secretary at War.
On motion of Mr. Boudinot, the report of the Secretary at War, on the petition of William Oliver, was read, and agreed to.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian Tribes.
Mr. Boudinot in the Chair.
The committee agreed to sundry amendments to this bill, which were reported to the House and adopted.
Mr. Sherman moved that the 4th section should be struck out of the bill—viz. That a sum not exceeding _____ thousand dollars, be appropriated out of the monies arising from duties on imports and tonnage, subject to the orders of the President of the United States, to be laid out in goods and articles of trade suitable for supplying the wants and necessities of the Indians, and to be vendible and retained to them, through the agency of the said Superintendents, and persons to be licensed by them for that purpose, in such manner, and conformably to such regulations, as the President of the United States shall establish.
On this motion, Mr. Jackson called for the ayes and noes—which are as follows.
AYES.
Messrs. Ashe, Bloodworth, Coles, Floyd, Foster, Gerry, Goodhue, Hathorne, Heister, Huger, Huntington, Jackson, Leonard, Livermore, Parker, Renfellaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Seney, Sevier, Sherman, Sylvester, Stone, Sturges, Sumpner, Tucker.—26.
NOES.
Messrs. Ames, Baldwin, Benion, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Contee, Fitzsimons, Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Hartley, Lawrance, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Scot, Sinnickson, Smith, (M.) Smith, (S. C.) Steele, Trumbull, Wadsworth. White.—27.
On motion of Mr. Steele, a clause was added limiting the duration of the bill to two years.
It was then ordered that the bill be engrossed. Adjourned.
English Papers by the Packet are as late as the 8th of May—from them we learn,
THAT affairs between the Emperor of Germany and the King of Prussia, are drawing to a crisis—that the latter is making, and has made great preparations for war.—The National Assembly of France has passed a decree to exempt all the French parishes from the jurisdiction of every foreign bishop—they have passed several new decrees respecting criminal jurisprudence—among others, that a copy of the indictment shall be given to the prisoner, free of expence.—The celebrated Paoli appeared at the bar of the National Assembly, and was received with uncommon applause—the following is his address on the occasion.
“Messieurs,
“This day is the happiest and most fortunate of my whole life. I have spent that life in the ardent pursuit of liberty, and I now behold that noble spectacle. I left my country in chains, I find her free. What can I wish for more? I know not what change the iron hand of oppression may have had upon the minds of my fellow-patriots, in an absence from my country of 20 years; but you have restored to the Corsicans their liberties—you have bestowed on them their pristine virtue. In returning to my native country, my sentiments can hardly be doubted. You have been generous to me—and I have never been a slave. My past conduct, which you have honored by your approbation, will be a pledge for my future principles. I will be bold to assert, that my whole life has been spent as if bound by an oath to liberty. It has been already made to the Constitution which you have established. It now remains for me to make it to the nation which has adopted me, and the sovereign whom I acknowledge. It is the favor that I request of this august assembly.”
Upon motion of Mr. Target, it was decreed, without any debate, that
“All persons born out of the kingdom, of foreign parents, shall, if established in France, be reputed Frenchmen, and admitted as such, to the exercise of the rights of active citizens, after taking the civic oath, and after being domiciliated for five years in France; provided they shall also have either acquired a real estate, married a French woman, formed a trading establishment, or received admission as Burgeses into certain cities: And this notwithstanding any usage to the contrary.
If a war between Spain and England should take place, it will be occasioned by a refusal on the part of the former to make satisfaction for several English vessels captured by Spanish men of war at Nootka Sound—and their insisting, by virtue of some ancient grant, on an exclusive right to navigate in those Seas.—These circumstances are detailed in a message of the King of Great Britain, to the Parliament.—Representations have been made to the Court of Spain—who, so far from discovering any disposition to accede to the British demands, asserts its claim and has made great preparations to support it—in consequence of this an address was presented to the King of Great Bri-
tain, a full echo of the message—and a fleet of six ships of war have sailed from Portsmouth—and, as stated in our last, a very hot press for seamen has taken place in all the maritime towns.—There are great commotions in the Pope's dominions—many estates have been laid waste—and the city of Avignon was in hourly expectation of being attacked and pillaged; the dissensions continue among the patriots in the low countries—the Emperor taking advantage of this was marching a body of troops towards the States.
Orsova a Turkish fortress has surrendered to the Austrian army—other places of strength were expected to fall in consequence. The English papers contain sketches of debates in the House of Commons on the recent armament—Fox, as usual, attacks the minister; his most material charges against him, appear to be, that he kept that secret, which ought not to have been disclosed—and did not inform the public of that which he himself was ignorant of; a minister who is exposed to such crimination only, must stand on a firm foundation indeed.
EPILOGUE
To the WIDOW OF MALABAR.
Spoken by Mrs. HENRY.
WELL here I come—and almost out of breath, 'Twixt love, fire, fear, and widowhood and death; While I for such fictitious life am harnes'd—d I feel—I suffer—more than half in earnest: By Bramias feiz'd—those bloody-minded fellows— My hair-breadth scapes were greater than Othello's! Nought could have sav'd me from the jaws of fate, Had my French lover come one breath too late— The Pile prepar'd and kindling brisk as tinder, They'd burn'd your poor Lamissa to a cinder!
But well our Author had contriv'd the whole, And seems, in truth, a right good-natur'd soul: He swears himself his Drama, without vanity, Is founded on the basis of Humanity; Without one rule or unity infringing, He sav'd his Heroine from a mortal singeing— So after all this mighty fire and rattle, Our bloodless Play is like a bloodless Battle.
Am I to blame, if, this dear life to save, I lik'd a lover better than a grave; Prefer'd your christian maxims for a Drama, To all the murd'rous rites of Pagan Brama; And held, retreating from my fun'ral Urn, " 'Twas better far to marry than to burn." No—I'll be burn'd but every Maid and Widow, Would do, in such a case, just as I did do.
Yes—thank your stars, Columbia's happy Dames! Ye need not fear those frightful fun'ral flames: Of other lands let foreign Bards be dreaming, But this, this only is the land for women: Here ye invert the Brama's barb'rous plan, And stretch your sceptre o'er the Tyrant-Man.
Ye Men, if I offend, I ask your pardon, I would not for the world your sex bear hard on. Ye are the fathers, founders of a nation, The Gods on Earth, the Lords of this Creation! And let Philosophers say what they please, You've not grown less by coming o'er the seas: We know your worth, and dare proclaim your merit— The world may ask your foes, "if you want spirit?" Your vict'ries won—your revolution ended— Your Constitution newly made—and mended— Your fund of wit—your intellectual Riches— Plans in the closet—in the Senate Speeches— Will wake this age of Heroes, Wits and Sages, The first in story to the latest ages! Go on—and prosper with your projects blest, 'Till your Millennium rises in the West: We wish success to your politic scheming, Rule ye the World!—and then be rul'd by women!
For here, ye fair, no servile rites bear sway, Nor force ye (though ye promise) to obey: Blest in the mildness of this temp'rate zone, Slaves to no whims, or follies—but your own. Here Custom, check'd in ev'ry rude excess, Confines its influence to the arts of dress, O'er charms eclips'd the sidelong hat displays, Extends the hoop, or pares away the flays. Bedecks the fair with artificial gear, Breast-works in front, and Bishops in the rear?— The idol rears, on beauty's dazzling throne, Mankind her slaves, and all the world her own; Bound by no laws a husband's whims to fear, Obey in life, or burn upon his bier; She views with equal eye, sublime o'er all, A Lover perish—or a Lap-dog fall— Coxcombs or Monkeys from their chains broke loose— And now a Husband dead—and now a Goose!
Bnt jesting all apart—and such droll strictures; We'll strive to charm you with still fairer pictures— For 'tis our object to divert—not teize you— To make you laugh or cry, as best shall please you— So as it suits each kind Spectator's turn, You'll come to see me play the fool—or burn— Ladies and Gentlemen! on this condition, I humbly offer my sincere Petition, That you'll come oft to hear me Sing or Say— “And poor Lamissa will forever Pray!!!”
THE TABLET.—No. CXXV.
“The voice of the people is the voice of GOD.”
IT is remarkable that so old and celebrated a truth, as that contained in my motto, should be so often disputed, and so often misapplied. The voice of the people is frequently referred to, when it does not exist; and it is sometimes denied, when it has an existence. I made some observations in the last number, to shew that the public opinion is often too indefinite to be admitted as a rule of conduct. But still there are cases where it is not indefinite, and where it furnishes a good rule of conduct.
In all situations, where instinct is a better guide than reason; and where habits have so long prevailed, as to make it presumable they are founded in natural propriety, it should be supposed the general sense of the people will seldom
be erroneous. In situations likewise, where the people have it in their power to know all the circumstances of a case, and where the effects of a decision will operate uniformly in all parts of the community, the public voice will generally be the voice of truth and nature. But there are few occasions where all these advantages concur in fixing a public opinion. Most of the questions that are discussed by a Legislature are attended with new and extraordinary circumstances. The most essential facts that come into consideration, in any given question, may be known only to part of the community; and the operation of a measure proposed may not be alike beneficial in the several districts of the commonwealth.
It will readily be acknowledged that a representative should deem the opinion of his constituents as a safe and proper rule of conduct, unless he makes some new discovery of facts or reasons, which were unknown to them, when they communicated their ideas to him. The people of the United States entertain a general sentiment that they cannot safely relinquish the practice of choosing their own Representatives; and that civil liberty would receive a dangerous blow, if the right of trial by jury was surrendered, or the liberty of the press abolished. It is not probable any convention of the people, or any Legislature can have better means of determining such points than the people at large possess. The general impressions of the community on those permanent subjects should be viewed as a better criterion of judging, than the theories or reflections of learned and sagacious individuals.
(To be continued.)
PORTSMOUTH, June 12.
On Thursday last arrived here the Brig Betsy, Capt. Rollins, in 32 days from Tobago. Capt. Rollins informs, that three days before he sailed, a fire broke out in Port Louis, which raged with such violence that but one house (the property of Messrs. M'Kean and Co.) escaped falling a prey to this destructive element. It was supposed at the time, by the inhabitants, that the town purposely set on fire by the military.
Capt. Rollins further informs, that at the time of his sailing, the soldiers were embarking on board two transports, and were to sail in a few days for France.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 23, 1790.
Extract of a letter from England, dated April 21st, 1790.
“The French patriotic party will, I trust, establish liberty, but not perpetuate it, unless they provide for the amendment of their present constitution; a single house of assembly is a one-handed body; and consisting of aristocrats and democrats, will never incorporate any more than oil and water, though they may be jumbled together and intermixed by accident; one or the other will be uppermost.—The political influence does not seem to have seized the inhabitants of Britain as yet; but I conjecture wrong, or those that hold or will to hold places and power under the grant of royalty, are afraid lest some ill wind, as they would stile it, should waft it over, and produce that reform which, though they have talked of, they have never wished, and now oppose in the first instance under the plausible pretended plea of innovation. See Burke and Pitt; were they what they once professed to be—friends to a reform—now is the time to effect it, when the spirit of liberty is so prevalent and spreading, that men of arbitrary principles would be glad to compound and agree to every necessary reform through fear of endangering their whole system. We have a dissolution of parliament at hand; what might be the confusion if at the moment it commences, the influence should become general in Great-Britain? Early concessions to moderate reasonable demands might have secured governing privileges and powers, which for want thereof have been forever lost. See the history of the American revolution, and the transactions of France during the reign of the present Louis.
The late Emperor is succeeded in his hereditary dominions by a person of most amiable disposition, according to general concession. He enters upon a very involved government, and it will require all his abilities and address to secure his possessions, and render them permanent and prosperous.
The King of Prussia has probably long imbibed the principles of his predecessor, to secure and improve his dominions by weakening the house of Austria. I therefore credit the information given in the papers of his having formed an alliance with the Turks, and intending to enter into a war with the Emperor's successor. This step, I am fearful, will eventually make us parties in the quarrel. The apprehension of approaching hostilities on the continent I view as a political reason for hastening the dissolution of Parliament as much as possible; that so ministry may be secure of pliant tools for seven years certain; but I hope the electors will be so far apprized of it in time, as to let their representatives know, when about choosing them, that it is expected they should seek the peace and prosperity of the nation, and prevent a general ruin from the increase of the public debt by a new war.
Extract of a letter from Providence.
Gen. JOSEPH STANTON, of Charlestown—and THEODORE FOSTER, Esq. of this town, are chosen Senators of the United States—they are to proceed in a few days.—There were only 28 candidates.
His Excellency ARTHUR FENNER, Esq. Governor of the State of Rhode-Island, has issued a Proclamation, requiring all Officers, Executive and Judicial in that State, to take the oaths prescribed by the laws of the United States.
We hear that the Senate of the United States has amended the funding bill, by striking out all the alternatives proposed by the House of Representatives, and fixing the rate of interest on the whole of the public debt at four per cent. Also that they have concurred in the bill respecting the indents, so far as to fund them as principal.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Ship Nancy, Wilson, Philadelphia, 9 days. Brig Fame, Harvey, Greenock, 42 days. Snow Aurora, King, Kingston, 28 days. Schooner Stag, Thompson, New Providence, 9 days. —Harmony, Brewster, Boston, 9 days. —Jenny, Schermerhorn, Savannah, 9 days. —Eliza, Godfrey, Philadelphia, 4 days.
Wanted No. 79 and 83 of this paper—Six-pence each will be paid for them by the Editor.

FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUTZAC.
PARIS ACCOUNTS OF THE 12th OF FEB.
THE sentiments occasioned by the King's speech of the 4th inst. to the N. Assembly, are still in force. The citizens press to take the civic oath and inscribe their names in the books which are opened for 15 days for that purpose. This civic list will prove the number of active citizens , as hereafter no person can be admitted to any assembly of the citizens, without having taken the oaths to the Nation, the Laws, the King and the Constitution . Monsieur the King's brother has subscribed the Register and taken the oath, a complimentary address was made to him by a deputation of the district of Carmes, which presented the register, to which he made a reply expressing his patriotic sentiments on the occasion. A very respectful address was also made to the Queen, by the president of the deputation of the National Assembly, the evening of the 4th, when they waited on their majesties to present the thanks of the Assembly, to which the Queen made a gracious reply.
The commons of Paris have voted "That the King's speech* of the 4th inst. to the National Assembly shall be engraven in brass, and fixed under his bust in the Hotel de Ville, to transmit to the remotest posterity his Majesty's paternal sentiments, and the date of the greatest benefit he could procure for his people by adopting the Constitution, which secures their liberty." *See Gaz. No. 109.
This municipal body moreover resolved to return solemn thanks to the Deity, for this event, and say Te Deum in the Cathedral church, to which the National Assembly were invited to assist at the ceremonies on the occasion, the deputation for that purpose was headed by M. Bailly—The Assembly acquiesced in the request.
In order to concur with the measures of the King, the National Assembly resumed the project of an Address to the provinces, which had been since voted, and referred to the committee of constitution. The Bishop of Autun, one of that committee, and who had drafted the address, read it the day before yesterday; it was read a second time yesterday, and adopted after a considerable opposition, by the opposite party—The speech of the Bishop of Autun on the occasion, in favor of the address, was highly patriotic, and received with great marks of applause, especially when he spoke of the clergy, "the clergy turned citizens, the clergy no longer so rich as to excite envy, nor so poor as to hazard contempt." In speaking of the king, he observed, "That he was no longer surrounded by a corrupted court, which called itself the people. But that it was the people which now truly formed his court."
The appearance of the day before yesterday confirmed this remark, when the King, with the Queen and Dauphin went to visit the Foundling Hospital. Instead of the imposing retinue, which since the haughty reign of Lewis XIV. had separated the king from his subjects, whenever he appeared in public, an immense concourse of people followed their Majesties carriage, and shouts of long live the King, the Queen and the Dauphin, resounded from every quarter.
An augmentation which the King of Sardinia ordered in his troops, of 15 men in the infantry, and 10 men in the companies of cavalry, as also the forming magazines and other military dispositions in Savoy, has occasioned considerable noise. They write from Geneva that Baron de l'Epini, resident from the court of Turin, in order to quiet the apprehensions of that republic, and the Pays de Vaud, has declared to the lesser council, "That these armaments were for no other purpose, but to prevent the propagation of the commotions which agitate France, and the communication of the like popular inquietude to Savoy."
FEBRUARY 15.
The grand question respecting the future fate of the Monastic orders of France, was decided the day before yesterday—The debates on the occasion were very warm—The setting of the National Assembly was prolonged until 7 o'clock in the evening, when the following decree was passed.
"The National Assembly decrees, as a constitutional article, that the law shall no longer acknowledge as solemn, the vows of persons of either sex: and consequently declares, that the religious orders and congregations in which such vows are made, are, and shall remain suppressed in France, and the celic shall not be established again hereafter. All the individuals of either sex at present in the monasteries and religious houses, may leave them, by making their declarations for that purpose to the municipality of the place, and they shall be immediately supported by a reasonable pension. Houses shall likewise be appointed for the reception of such as do not chose to avail themselves of this decree. The National Assembly moreover declares, that
no change shall take place for the present with respect to houses charged with the care of public education, and charitable institutions, until some measures are adopted on this head. The Nuns may remain in the houses in which they are at present—the Assembly expressly exempting them from the decree, which obliges the monks to unite the members of the several houses into one.
The National Assembly went in procession on Sunday the 14th inst. to assist the Commons of Paris at the Te Deum, at the church of Notre Dame, on account of the proceedings of the 4th. Detachments of the National infantry and cavalry, preceded and closed the march—from break of day until their arrival, the national soldiery lined the streets, and presented their arms as the representatives of the Nation passed through, who entered the church amidst the music of drums and trumpets, firing of cannon and ringing of bells.—They were preceded by a deputation of the Commons, lead by the Mayor. The Abbe Mulot, a regular canon of St. Victor, had the honor to compliment them in the name of the Commons, of whom he has been president. Te Deum was performed by a numerous orchestra, composed of the ablest masters. There was a general illumination in the evening, and the Hotel de Ville was distinguished by its magnificence.
HAMBURG, FEB. 14.
The accounts respecting the negotiations for peace, between the Empress and the Turks, which were said to be continued at Jassy or Husch, a castle at some distance from the capital of Moldavia, are absolutely contradictory. The following intelligence may be relied on as authentic.
The Effendi who came to Husch to treat about peace, has been recalled. Before his departure, he waited on Prince Potemkin, who passed some spirited remarks on the conduct of the Porte, "That the Empress would no longer consider herself bound by her offer to content herself with Oczakow and the Crimea, and trusted with the blessing of God to convince the Divan of its imprudence, in rejecting her moderate and equitable propositions." At the interview, he kept the Effendi standing, having previously ordered all the chairs and sophas out of the room.
BRABANTINE REVOLUTION.
Extract of a letter from Brussels of the 17th of Feb. The meetings of the Assembly of the Nation in this city, are very tumultuous—great objections are made to the committee of Breda—and severe remonstrances are made against the usurpation of the sovereignty by the Nobles and Ecclesiastics. Both parties are assiduously at work, the one to consolidate their possession of the sovereignty, the other to overset this edifice of personal grandeur. A letter from the Abbe Leempoel at the Hague, professor of logic in the university of Louvain, has been printed and industriously circulated, which declares that the three powers which promise to favor our revolution, will give no assistance in case of necessity, if the least alteration is attempted against the plan of government, prescribed by the committee of Breda. The subject of this letter has been severely handled by the opposite party, in the meetings of the Assembly, and is considered as a political stratagem, concerted by the authors of the opposite system. Mr. Henry Vander Noot has in vain attempted to exert his credit and influence, as prime minister of the administration, to calm this ferment, by offering to the associates of the five sermens, another form of an oath, which he hoped every one would be satisfied with, and take without scruple. This offer did not succeed. The connection with foreigners contributes to disturb people's minds. More than one commissary, or emissary from the neighbouring powers, reside at Brussels. They are publickly named, one of whom has rendered essential services to the committee of Breda. Count de la Marck has returned from Paris, it is he, and not his brother, the Duke d'Arenberg, who can manage the Belgian affairs in France. The second of this family is not only at Brussels, but gave the 14th inst. a splendid entertainment, as chief of all the sermens, to the officers of that body and the volunteer companies, consisting of 240 covers. "Every one admires the invincible devotion (says one of the public prints) of this respectable house—and the names of d'Arenberg and d'Ursel will be forever engraved in the hearts of the Belgians." The report that this last nobleman had resumed his place as president of the war department, is not true, he still withdraws from the management of public affairs, and is not the only person who is discontented with the appointment of Baron Schonfeld to the command of the foreign troops in the Belgian service. To be continued.
A curious Anecdote of two Negroes in France.
IN the most flourishing period of the reign of Lewis XIV. two negro youths, the sons of a prince, being brought to the Court of France, the king appointed a jesuit to instruct them in letters, and in the christian religion; and gave to each of
them a commission in his guards. The elder, who was remarkable for his candour and ingenuity, made great improvements, more particularly in the doctrines of religion. A brutal officer, upon some dispute, insulted him with a blow. The gallant youth never so much as offered to resent it. A person, who was his friend, took an opportunity to talk with him that evening alone upon his behaviour, which he told him was too tame, especially in a soldier. Is there, then, said the young African, one revelation for soldiers and another for merchants and gownmen? The good father, to whom I owe all my knowledge, has earnestly inculcated forgiveness of injuries to me; assuring me, that a christian was by no means to retaliate abutes of any kind. The good father, replied his friend, may fit you for a monastery by his lessons, but never for the army and the rules of a court. In a word, continued he, if you do not call the colonel to an account, you will be branded with the infamy of cowardice, and have your commission taken from you. I would fain, answered the young man, act consistently in every thing: But since you press me with that regard to my honor which you have always shewn, I will wipe off so foul a stain; though I must own I gloried in it before. Immediately upon this he desired his friend to go from him, and appoint the aggressor to meet him early in the morning. Accordingly they met and fought; and the brave youth disarmed his adversary, and forced him to ask his pardon publicly. This done, the next day he threw up his commission, and desired the king's leave to return to his father. At parting, he embraced his brother and his friend, with tears in his eyes, saying, "He did not imagine the Christians were such unaccountable people; and that he could not apprehend their faith was of any use to them, if it did not influence their practice. In my country, we think it no dishonor to act according to the principles of our religion."
Bethlehem Stages.
THE great number of Misses, who from the banks of the Delaware Eastward, even to Boston, are now at the young ladies Academy at Bethlehem, renders some regular, convenient and cheap mode of conveyance between that town and New York necessary. To accommodate parents who have daughters at that flourishing Academy, and others who may wish to visit that pleasing romantic hill, the subscribers are now running stages, which will continue during the summer, between Elizabeth Town Point and Bethlehem. At each of these places a stage will start every Monday and Thursday morning at 5 o'clock, meet at Covenhoven's tavern the same evening, exchange passengers, and the next day return.
Fare of each passenger from Elizabeth Town Point to Bethlehem 3 dollars—way passengers 4d per mile—15lb. of baggage the same as a passenger. Packages and letters will be received and delivered at Mrs. Winant's, White hall, where seats may be taken—carriage of a letter 3d—14lb. of baggage allowed to each passenger.
To accommodate those who may wish to take Bethlehem in their route in journeying between the Eastern and Southern states, a stage will constantly run between Bethlehem and Philadelphia, starting at Bethlehem every Monday morning.
WILLIAM CRANE. FREDERICK BEUTEL.
May 19.
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET. A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
WANTED Immediately, a Man as an Ostler, one that is sober and can be well recommended, will meet with encouragement, and find steady employment, by applying to the Subscriber, ARCHER GIFFORD, N. B. None but a sober person, and one well recommended need apply. Newark, May 29, 1790.
To be LET, and possession given immediately, THE HOUSE No. 27, Front Street.—A part of the FURNITURE will be sold, on reasonable terms, to accommodate the Tenant, if required. Apply on the premises. June 12, 1790.
To be Sold, an elegant dwelling house, in every circumstance fitted for a gentleman with a large family, situated in a very pleasant part of Elizabeth Town, New-Jersey.—The lot contains about four acres, on which is a very good garden, and a variety of the best fruit trees. The terms of payment can be made so easy as to suit the purchaser. Enquire of the Subscriber at No. 12, Wall-Street. ELIAS BOUDINOT. June 2, 1790.
The Mail Diligence, FOR PHILADELPHIA, LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern. Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co. Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE. &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.