National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-03-19 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, MARCH 19, 1792.
NUMB. 41.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Excise Law,
[Continued from our last, & concluded.]
IV. THE regulations for marking of casks and vessels, as well as houses and buildings, also furnish matter of complaint.
This complaint, as it regards houses and buildings, has been already adverted to: But there is a light in which it is made that has not yet been taken notice of.
It is said that the requiring the doors of the apartments as well as the outer door of each building to be marked, imposes unnecessary trouble.
When it is considered how little trouble or expence attends the execution of this provision, in the first instance, and that the marks once set will endure for a great length of time, the objection to it appears to be without weight.
But the provision, as it relates to the apartments of buildings, has for its immediate object the convenience of the distillers themselves. It is calculated to avoid the very evil of an indiscriminate search of their houses and buildings, by enabling them to designate the particular apartments, which are employed for the purpose of their business, and to secure all others from inspection and visitation.
The complaint, as it respects the marking of casks and vessels, has somewhat more foundation. It is represented (and upon careful enquiry appears to be true) that through long established prejudice, home-made spirits of equal quality with foreign, if known to be home-made, will not command an equal price. This particularly applies to geneva.
If the want of a distinction between foreign and home-made spirits were an occasion of fraud upon consumers, by imposing a worse for a better commodity, it would be a reason for continuing it; but as far as such a distinction gives operation to a mere prejudice, favorable to a foreign, and injurious to a domestic manufacture, it furnishes a reason for abolishing it.
Though time might be expected to remove the prejudice, the progress of the domestic manufacture, in the interval, might be materially checked.
It appears therefore expedient to remove this ground of complaint by authorising the same marks and certificates, both for foreign and for home-made geneva.
Perhaps indeed it may not be unadvisable to vest somewhere a discretionary power to regulate the forms of certificates, which are to accompany, and the particular marks, which are to be set upon casks and vessels containing spirits, generally, as may be found convenient in practice.
Another source of objection with regard to the marking of casks is, that there is a general prohibition against defacing, or altering the marks, and a penalty upon doing it, which prevents the using of the same casks more than once, and occasions waste, loss, and embarrassment.
It is conceived, that this prohibition does not extend to the effacing of old marks and placing of new ones by the officers of the revenue, or in their presence and by their authority. But as real inconveniences would attend a contrary construction, and there is some room for question, it appears desirable that all doubt should be removed, by an explicit provision to enable the officer to efface old marks and substitute new ones, when casks have been emptied of their former contents, and are wanted for new use.
V. The requisition to keep an account from day to day of the quantity of spirits distilled is represented both as a hardship, and impossible to be complied with.
But the Secretary is unable to perceive that it can justly be viewed either in the one or in the other light. The trouble of setting down in the evening the work of the day, in a book prepared for and furnished to the party must be inconsiderable, and the doing of it would even conduce to accuracy in business.
The idea of impracticability must have arisen from some misconception.
It seems to involve a supposition that something is required different from the truth of the fact. Spirits distilled are usually distinguished into high wines, proof spirits, and low wines. It is certainly possible to express each day the quantity of each kind produced, and where one kind is converted into another, to explain it by brief notes, shewing in proper columns the results in those kinds of spirits which are ultimately prepared for sale.
A revision is now making of the forms at first transmitted, and it is not doubted that it will be easy to obviate the objection of impracticability.
On full reflection the Secretary is of opinion, that the requisition in this respect is a reasonable one, and that it is of importance to the due collection of the revenue, especially in those cases, where, by the alternative allowed in favor of country distilleries, the oath of a party is the only evidence of the quantity produced. It is useful in every such case to give the utmost possible precision to the object which is to be attested.
VI. It is alledged as a hardship, that distillers are held responsible for the duties on spirits which are exported, till certain things difficult to be performed are done, in order to entitle the exporter to the drawback.
This is a misapprehension. The drawback is at all events to be paid in six months, which is as early as the duty can become payable, and frequently earlier than it does become payable. And the government relies on the bond of the exporter for a fulfilment of the conditions upon which the drawback is allowed.
An explanation to the several collectors of this point, which has taken place since the complaint appeared, will have removed the cause of it.
The same explanation will obviate another objection founded on the supposition that the bond of the distiller and that of the exporter are for a like purpose. The latter is merely to secure the landing of the goods in a foreign country, and will often continue depending after every thing relative to duty and drawback has been liquidated and finished.
VII. It is an article of complaint that no drawback is allowed in case of shipwreck when spirits are sent from one port to another in the United States.
There does not occur any objection to a provision for making an allowance of that kind, which would tend to alleviate misfortune and give satisfaction.
VIII. The necessity of twenty-four hours notice, in order to the benefit of drawback on the exportation of spirits, and the prohibition to remove them from a distillery after sunset, except in the presence of an officer, are represented as embarrassments to business.
The length of notice required appears greater than is necessary. It is not perceived, that any inconvenience would arise, from reducing the time to six hours.
But it is not conceived to be necessary or expedient to make an alteration in the last mentioned particular. The prohibition is of real consequence to the security of the revenue. The course of business will readily adapt itself to it, and the presence of an officer in extraordinary cases will afford due accommodation.
IX. It is stated as a hardship, that there is no allowance for leakage and wastage in the case of spirits shipped from one state to another.
The law for the collection of the duties on imports and tonnage allows two per cent. for leakage on spirits imported. A similar allowance on home made spirits at the distillery, does not appear less proper.
X. It is mentioned as a grievance, that distillers are required to give bond with surety for the amount of the duties, and that the sufficiency of the surety is made to depend on the discretion of the chief officer of inspection.
The requiring of sureties can be no more a hardship on distillers than on importing merchants, and every other person to whom the public afford a credit. It is a natural consequence of the credit allowed; and a very reasonable condition of the indulgence, which without this precaution might be imprudent, and injurious to the United States.
The party has his option to avoid it by prompt payment of the duty, and is even entitled to an abatement, which may be considered as a premium if he elects to do so.
As to the second point, if sureties are to be given, there must be some person on the part of the government to judge of their sufficiency, otherwise the thing itself would be nugatory; and the discretion cannot be vested more conveniently for the party than in the chief officer of inspection for the survey.
A view has now been taken of most, if not of all, the objections of a general nature, which have appeared.
Some few of a local complexion remain to be attended to.
The representation signed Edward Cook, chairman, as on behalf of the four most western counties of Pennsylvania, states, that the distance of that part of the country from a market for its produce leads to a necessity of distilling the grain, which is raised, as a principal dependence of its inhabitants; which circumstance and the scarcity of cash combine to render the tax in question unequal, oppressive, and particularly distressing to them.
As to the circumstance of equality, it may safely be affirmed to be impracticable to devise a tax which shall operate with exact equality upon every part of the community. Local and other circumstances will inevitably create disparities more or less great.
Taxes on consumable articles have upon the whole better pretensions to equality than any other. If some of them fall more heavily on particular parts of the community, others of them are chiefly borne by other parts. And the result is an equalization of the burthen as far as is attainable. Of this class of taxes it is not easy to conceive one which can operate with greater equality than a tax on distilled spirits. There appears to be no article, as far as the information of the Secretary goes, which is an object of more equal consumption throughout the United States.
In particular districts a greater use of cyder may occasion a smaller consumption of spirits; but it will not be found on a close examination that it makes a material difference. A greater or less use of ardent spirits, as far as it exists, seems to depend more on relative habits of sobriety or intemperance than on any other cause.
As far as habits of less moderation, in the use of distilled spirits, should produce inequality any where, it would certainly not be a reason with the legislature either to repeal or lessen a tax, which by rendering the article dearer might tend to restrain too free an indulgence of such habits.
It is certainly not obvious how this tax can operate particularly unequally upon the part of the country in question.
As a general rule it is a true one, that duties on articles of consumption fall on the consumers, by being added to the price of the commodity. This is illustrated in the present instance by facts. Previous to the law laying a duty on home-made spirits the price of whiskey was about thirty-eight cents; it is now about fifty-six cents. Other causes may have contributed in some degree to this effect, but it is evidently to be ascribed chiefly to the duty.
Unless, therefore, the inhabitants of the countrys, which have been mentioned are greater consumers of spirits, than those of other parts of the country, they cannot pay a greater proportion, of the tax. If they are, it is their interest to become less so. It depends on themselves by diminishing the consumption to restore equality.
The argument, that they are obliged to convert their grain into spirits in order to transportation to distant markets, does not prove the point alledged. The duty on all they send to those markets will be paid by the purchasers. They will still pay only upon their own consumption.
As far as an advance is laid upon the duty, or as far as the difference of duty between whiskey and other spirits tends to favour a greater consumption of the latter, they as greater manufacturers of the article, supposing this fact to be as stated, will be proportionably benefitted.
The duty on home-made spirits from domestic materials, if paid by the gallon, is nine cents. From the communications which have been received, since the passing of the act, it appears, that paying the rate annexed to the capacity of the still, and using great diligence, the duty may be in fact reduced to six cents per gallon. Let the average be taken at seven and a half cents, which is probably higher than is really paid.
Generally speaking, then, for every gallon of whiskey which is consumed, the consumer may be supposed to pay seven and a half cents; but for every gallon of spirits distilled from foreign materials the consumer pays at least eleven cents, and for every gallon of foreign spirits at least twenty cents. The consumer therefore of foreign spirits pays nearly three times the duty, and the consumer of home made spirits from foreign materials nearly fifty per cent. more duty, on the same quantity, than the consumer of spirits from domestic materials, exclusive of the greater price in both cases, which is an additional charge upon each of the two first mentioned classes of consumers.
When it is considered that 8-21 parts of the whole quantity of spirits consumed in the United States are foreign, and 7-21 parts are of foreign materials, and that the inhabitants of the Atlantic and mid-land countries are the principal consumers of these more highly taxed articles, it cannot be inferred, that the tax under consideration bears particularly hard on the inhabitants of the western country.
This may serve as an exemplification of a general proposition of material consequence, namely, that if the former descriptions of citizens are able from situation to obtain more for their produce than the latter, they contribute proportionally more to the revenue. Numerous other examples in confirmation of this might be adduced.
As to the circumstance of the scarcity of money, as far as it can be supposed to have foundation, it is as much an objection to any other tax as to the one in question. The weight of the tax is not certainly such as to involve any peculiar difficulty. It is impossible to conceive that nine cents per gallon on distilled spirits, which is stating it at the highest, can from the magnitude of
(See last page.)

PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, March 14.
A message from the Senate was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, notifying, that they had, on their part, agreed to the report of the managers of the conference, on the disagreeing amendments of both Houses to the 'bill to ascertain and regulate the claims to half pay and invalid pensions.'
The order of the day being called for, on the contested Georgia election.
A motion of General Jackson's, 'that the decision of the Senate of the state of Georgia, on the impeachment of Judge Osborne, so far as it respects the Camden returns for a member to represent the state of Georgia, on the 3d day of January 1791, be received as evidence in the present trial of that election, to establish the corruption of Judge Osborne,' was the subject of a lengthy debate, in which the extent of the right of the House to judge in all cases of contested elections, was fully discussed; and the interference on the part of the Senate of Georgia, was construed into an invasion of the privileges of the House.
The question being at length taken on the motion, passed in the negative—yeas 20—nays 41.
Yeas—Messieurs Ashe, Baldwin, Boudinot, Clarke, Gerry, Giles, Gregg, Groves, Heister, Jacobs, Key, Kitchell, Macon, Schoonmaker, Steele, Sumpner, Thatcher, Tredwell, Tucker, Willis.
Nays—Messieurs Ames, Barnwell, Benson, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Brown, Findley, Fitzsimons, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Hartley, Hillhouse, Huger, Kittera, Laurence, Learned, Lee, Livermore, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Niles, Page, Parker, Sedgwick, Seney, J. Smith, I. Smith, W. Smith, Sterret, Sturges, Sylvester, Venable, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward, White, Williamson.
Mr. Lewis, counsel for the sitting member, then proceeded to reply; and having canvassed the evidence respecting the Effingham election,
The House adjourned.
THURSDAY, March 15.
A message from the Senate, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, notifying, that they had passed the bill (sent to them by the House) "declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the state of Maryland, and to continue for a longer time, an act declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of the states of Maryland, Georgia, and Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, so far as the same respects the states of Georgia, and Rhode Island and Providence Plantations."
Pursuant to the order of the day, the House proceeded to the trial of the contested Georgia election.
Mr. Lewis, counsel for the sitting member, spoke in reply to the evidence adduced by the petitioner.
General Jackson then rose, and addressed the House in an elegant and animated speech, at the conclusion of which a loud peal of applause suddenly rang from the gallery: whereupon, some honorable members called to have the gallery cleared. Several gentlemen however having opposed the motion, the audience were suffered to remain.
As soon as order was restored, Mr. Baldwin moved,
That certain proceedings of the House of Representatives of the state of Georgia, accompanied with other papers, transmitted, agreeably to their resolution, under the signature of the governor, and the seal of the state, relative to the election of a member to represent the Eastern district of the said state in this House, be received for the information of the House.
[The papers in question, are the same, which Mr. Baldwin moved for leave to present, on the 27th of last month, and to the admission of which, so much opposition was made at that time. See our paper of March 1.]
This motion gave rise to a warm debate, of considerable length, which was terminated by the previous question,—yeas 24; nays 35. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, March 16.
Several petitions were read and referred to heads of departments.
The report of a select committee, to whom was referred the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of certain loan-officers, was read the first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole House.
Mr. Boudinot after adverting to some irregularity which took place in the gallery yesterday, and remarking on the importance of the freedom of elections, laid the following motion on the table:
Resolved, That whenever in the opinion of the Speaker, or of the Chairman of the committee of the whole House, any disorderly or improper behavior shall happen in the galleries, it be a standing rule of this
House, that the Speaker or Chairman do order the galleries to be immediately cleared without taking the opinion of the House or committee.
An enrolled bill, entitled, An act declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the state of Maryland, &c. was brought in and signed by the Speaker.
The House proceeded in the trial of the Georgia election; after a few introductory remarks, Mr. W. Smith moved the following resolution, viz. That Anthony Wayne was not duly elected a member of this House.—This resolution was unanimously agreed to—Ayes fifty-eight.
Mr. Smith then moved another resolution, viz. That a certified copy of the vote just passed should be transmitted by the Speaker to the Supreme Executive of the state of Georgia.
This motion, after considerable debate, was by general consent, laid on the table, till Monday.
The House took into consideration the report of the committee of conference on the bill to regulate the claims to half pay and invalid pensions, and agreed to said report, in consequence of which the bill is passed.
The amendments of the Senate to the Representation bill were read, and laid on the table. The principal amendments are an encrease of the Representation to 120 members; and assigning additional members to those States which have the largest fractional numbers on the apportionment of one Representative to every thirty thousand persons, and expunging the section which provides for a second enumeration.
The report of the select committee, to whom was referred the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the petition of Comfort Sands and others, was taken into consideration; after considerable debate, the House, without taking a vote, adjourned till to-morrow.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
BRUTUS, No. II.
On the FUNDING SYSTEM.
WITH regard to the first enumerated evil arising from the funding system, viz. its tendency to give an influence to the general government, particularly the treasury department, which was never contemplated by its framers, let us take a view of some of its immediate consequences: here we shall perceive a large body of wealthy citizens, many of whom are clothed with power, holding the enormous sum of fifty million dollars in certificates, an imaginary capital, whose permanent value depends on the supposed willingness of the people, for ever, to suffer the fruits of their industry to be drained away for its support; on the influence of the treasury to continue the present, and institute new modes of taxation, and on the energy of the government to put them in force. Should either of these dependencies at any time fail, this enormous capital built upon the mortgaged resources of the country, and supported by oppressive systems of taxation, will return to its original obscurity, when the certificates which composed it lay heaped on the shelves of the original holders, of no other use than to remind them of the sufferings and services by which they were so dearly earned. If, then, the interests of this combined and wealthy body of men, the present holders of this imaginary capital, which has been with so much pains stimulated to twenty-five shillings in the pound, entirely depends on the influence and successful operations of the treasury department; and if their all depends on the energy of the government to put them in execution, is it not to be inferred that they will be the uniform and active partizans of fiscal arrangements and new assumptions of power. Hence it is, we have already observed those who first supported the funding system, and the assumption, uniformly advocate the impost and excise laws, and that novel practice of pledging them for the perpetual support of these systems, which involves the extraordinary idea of a legislature, chosen only for two years, arrogating to itself the power of controlling the legislatures of every future and successive generation. Hence also we have seen the same men, contrary to the express terms of the constitution, which provides that all powers not granted, remain with the states respectively, under shelter of the sweeping clause, as it has been termed, advocate the assumed power of incorporating banks, &c. of bestowing bounties, and granting privileges; and in short of every measure coming from the Secretary of the treasury, which has a tendency to combine the monied interest by fiscal arrangements, or to encrease the energy of government by new assumptions of power. But even this is not all; it is an evil which will be still increasing, in proportion as new taxes are introduced, and new powers are assumed, because hosts of public officers, particularly collectors and excisemen, will arise from these causes, as naturally as insects are brought into being by the returning heat of summer. Thus, besides the support of a combined and wealthy body of public credi-
tors will be added a host of revenue officers, from the secretary of the treasury down to a tide waiter or excisemen; who will be all combined under the funding system and its offspring to encrease the influence of the treasury department and the energy of the government; they will all look up to the Secretary of the treasury as their champion and founder, and while he is originating measures by which they exist and thrive, will with their pens, their tongues, and their votes, zealously give him all their support.
From these considerations it appears, that a powerful faction has been already raised up under the funding system; whose interests and views, as it will be hereafter shown, are in direct opposition to the interest and happiness of the people; already we have seen them, the uniform and zealous advocates for fiscal arrangements and new assumptions of power; and we have invariably seen their repeated efforts crowned with success, in defiance of the most able and well meant opposition. The inference is, that a well arranged and systematic plan is formed, to encrease the energy and power of the general government, to the destruction of the little importance left to the state governments; and what may be considered still more pernicious to the extinction of those republican principles, on which they are pillared, which have been so lately, so ardously, and so gloriously achieved.
These observations become the more alarming, when we advert to the time this constitution was proposed to the people for their acceptance; and here the mind is instinctively carried back to that important period when every individual was busily in contemplating its good or bad qualities; its enemies who were numerous throughout the United States, particularly to the southward, were with reason alarmed at the novel principles it contained, and against which all our state governments bore united testimony; for whether they considered the important powers it contained, the extraordinary manner in which they were distributed, the vague terms in which they were couched, or lastly the want of a BILL OF RIGHTS to guard against abuses, every consideration conspired to excite their jealousy and fear, while even its candid friends acknowledged its power and energy to be sufficient. Whence then originate these systematic schemes to encrease its energy and power; and why are the fears and jealousies that have been entertained of this government, so soon and so unnecessarily realized by the uniform success of every attempt to assume new powers. These are important questions to all those who feel any attachment to their respective state governments, and who prefer living under a confederation of free republics, for purposes where mutual interests exist, to a consolidation into one government, made up of subordinate districts, and not administered on republican principles. B R U T U S.
March 17.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
AMIDST the various schemes of LOCK NAVIGATION proposed, none promises greater advantages to agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, than that for uniting the Delaware and Susquehanna by the Brandywine. It is impossible for the mind to conceive the vast field of importance that such a navigation would be to the surrounding country; going through a rich and populous part, it would be a real saving to an immense amount in a short time.
To this grand Canal many others would communicate, such as the North-West branch of Brandywine and the Conestoga, both of which streams might be opened by locks to their source.
An extension of this useful navigation to York-Town is contemplated, for no doubt the Cadous, or some other stream in that neighbourhood, would be found to answer to fill a canal that should come to Susquehanna at or near Wrights ferry.
For the information of Lancaster and York cities, it is mentioned, that the canal in contemplation is to go from Wilmington up the west branch of Brandywine, to where the turn-pike road may cross it, which will be about 40 miles from Philadelphia; so far, then, is no doubt that it will be prosecuted, the ground having been levelled for that purpose part of the way, and it will rest pretty much with the above counties, whether it shall be continued or not, so as to unite Philadelphia by Wilmington, with Lancaster and York-Town.
March 8th, 1792.
FRANKFORT, Dec. 24.
The peremptory term of Jan. 15th, fixed by the French government for the decision of the Princes of the Empire, who favour the assembling of the armed emigrants, has produced great commotion on the banks of the Rhine. The day before yesterday a grand council was held at Coblenz, where M. Conde attended.
Monsieur was not sufficiently recovered.
The elector of Mayence has thought proper to cause a note, dated Dec. 21, to
be sent to the French Charge d'Affaires, to the following effect:
"By several of the most respectable public papers, it has come to the knowledge of his Electoral Highness of Mayence, that a letter is supposed at Paris to have been delivered to him from his Majesty, relative to the stay of the Prince of Conde, and several other French, at Worms.
"His Electoral Highness having no territories on the frontier of France, certainly could not suppose that the hospitality of this Prince and his friends could give umbrage to France.
"Nevertheless, he thinks it his duty to make known, that he has received no communication from the King of France on the subject.
"The undersigned requests M. Barthélemy, the French Charge d'Affairs, to transmit the above to the Ministry of France, to avoid all misunderstanding, &c."
The Magistrate of this imperial city continues to manifest, by stronger proofs than mere assurances contradicted by facts, that with respect to the French revolution he will observe the principles of neutrality prescribed by the laws of nations. He has prohibited all the inhabitants from enlisting in the service of the French Princes, on pain of forfeiting the right of citizenship; and having received information, that a number of chariots and horses contracted for by the House of Ehrmann, and collected in the neighbouring country, were to pass by night through the village of Ober-rod, and the suburb of Sandhof, would not allow it.
STATE PAPER.
VIENNA, Nov. 30.
"In consequence of the orders of this court, the undersigned Envoy extraordinary has the honor to declare officially, in the name of the king his master, to the imperial ministry, that his majesty agrees with her imperial majesty of Russia, and his Catholic majesty, in the same sentiments for the re-establishment of the French Monarchy; that like them, the king views his most Christian Majesty as in a state of captivity, in despite of the acceptance he has made; that uniting these principles and in the conduct of the Empress of Russia, his majesty has sent the Baron de Oxenstern to the French Princes, and that he is resolved, in comfort with the courts of Petersburg and Madrid, to act so as to answer the exigence of the case, respecting the Royal House, and the Kingdom of France.
(Signed) LE BARON DE NOLEKEN."
LONDON, Jan. 10.
The policy of different courts in Europe seems to be to nourish in France the spirit of discord, and to weary out the people by making them think, from a want of energy in their government, that the new system is impracticable, and that they can expect from it neither relief or quiet.
The Methodists throughout the island of Great Britain, are promoting a subscription towards forwarding the abolition of the slave trade. Their subscription may be eventually more productive than the opposite party are at present aware of; their subscriptions are usually, if not individually large, very general, when enforced by their teachers; and two millions of six-pences would make a very formidable sum, coming from one quarter only.
The Empress of Russia has ratified the treaty of alliance between Sweden and Russia, and the exchange of the ratification will soon take place.
It now amounts almost to a certainty, that in the approaching spring the king of Sweden will, in concert with Russia, take an active part in favor of the French princes and their adherents.—There is no doubt the hearts of the Poles are with the French revolutionists—their amiable monarch may, with peculiar propriety, apply that classic line to himself and nation—ipse perissus, miseri succurrere disco. i. e. "Having been oppressed myself, I am instructed how to relieve the oppressed."
It is a fact, that four hundred of the French naval officers have emigrated, two hundred and seventy of whom belong to the port of Brest, only.
The Russian nobility are extremely averse to a war with France. The heavy burdens already occasioned by the wars with the Turks, are the ostensible objects of opposition—an opposition which, if it does not defeat the design, may at least be a means of contracting it in such a manner, as to render the succours sent very feeble.
It has always been the custom at Constantinople, and other places in Turkey, to call a Christian by no other name than Kell (dog)—Their present sultan has forbid all his subjects that are Mussulmen, or true Turks, under the most rigorous penalties, not to insult any Christian, of whatever sect he may be.
It is a truth not universally known, that the course of exchange has fallen, against France, since the revolution, more than nine pence on three livres, or half a crown.
RUSSIA and SWEDEN.
The following are reported to be the articles of the treaty lately signed between

the courts of St. Petersburg and Stockholm.
Article I. A reciprocal succour of 12000 troops, and of 12 ships of war; but Sweden in conformity to the treaty of 1745, will never furnish this quota against the Ottoman Porte.
Art. II. This treaty is to remain in force for eight years; during which period, Russia stipulates to pay a considerable sum in money to Sweden, besides an annual subsidy.
Art. III. In case of domestic commotions in the states of either of the high contracting powers the other shall give all manner of assistance in restoring tranquility.
Art. IV. This alliance shall be more closely cemented, by a marriage between the Prince Royal of Sweden, and a daughter of his Imperial Highness the grand Duke of Russia.
General O'Connel, it is thought, will have the command of the French forces on the frontiers of Switzerland: He is a most excellent officer, and the finest man in the kingdom.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Paris, dated December 19.
The leading features in the state of this capital remain pretty much the same as they have been described in my former letters. Happily the extreme violence which lately prevailed has been attended with some good effects; an union of the moderate party has in consequence been formed, and is at present predominant in the Assembly. More prudent measures have been adopted, and the proceedings of Government marked with more confidence.
The king has been exceedingly popular since his resolutions. Nothing indeed could be better calculated to conciliate the public mind: A war against the emigrants, and those German Princes who favour their designs, is now the general cry, and instead of dreading an attack, they are eager to commence hostilities! The appointment of La Fayette as one of the Generals affords the highest satisfaction. No person can be better qualified to defend the New Constitution, than he who had so great a share in establishing it. None has been engaged in public with more advantage to the community, or a character more irreproachable to himself.
M. Pethion has commenced his office of Mayor with great activity. The vigour of his proceedings against gamblers has been attended with the most useful effects. Along with the morals he has not failed to amend the appearance of the city, and is at present busy to promote the convenience and beauty of the streets.
The state of credit is very fluctuating. The same lamentable scarcity of money remains. The late changes in the state of credit have, however, rather been for the better, and from the popularity of the measures now adopted by government, we trust will continue to improve."
PHILADELPHIA.
MARCH 19, 1792.
A Georgia paper of Feb. 4, informs, that the Creek Indians finding the pretended Gen. Bowles deficient in his promises, drove him away from their nation; and that Gen. M c Gilivray (who seems not to be dead, as reported) had it in contemplation to attend the running of the boundary line shortly, between the Creek country and Georgia.
By accounts from Savannah (says a New-York paper) it appears that Gen. Bowles has taken a small fort belonging to the Spaniards, in consequence of which the Gov. of East-Florida has offered a reward of two thousand dollars for his head.
Richard Morris, Esq. late chief justice of the state of New-York, is appointed Supervisor of New-York district, vice William S. Smith, Esq. who is gone to Europe.
Since the opening of the Delaware, upwards of forty vessels have arrived in this port; more than twenty of them from foreign ports; the remainder coasters.
The superintendent of this port cautions all persons, employed in conducting vessels to and from the fame, from standing too close in towards the piers at Mud-Island: the outermost of the said piers having been so far destroyed by the late breaking up of the ice, that no part thereof is to be seen except at very low tides.
Persons wishing to make communications to Mr. Peale's AMERICAN MUSEUM of natural curiosities, &c. in this city, are desired by the directors of that museum to address them to the following gentlemen—William Barton, Benjamin Barton, William Bingham, John Beale Boardley, Nicholas Collin, Alexander Dallas, Miers Fisher, Ashbel Green, Samuel Powel Griffiths, Alexander Hamilton, Ebenezer Hazard, Henry Hill, Michael Hillegas, James Hutchinson, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Thomas M c Millin, J. T. M c Millin, Robert Morris, John Page, Robert Patterson, Edmund Randolph, David Rittenhouse, Jonathan B. Smith, John Vaughan, William White, Caspar Wistar.
Major Hamtramck, in ascending the Wabash river the latter end of December, having with him about 50 men, fell in with a party of two
hundred Pyankeffhaw Indians, hitherto supposed to have been hostile to the United States. They expressed some concern to the whites relative to their friends, prisoners at Fort-Washington, whom, they had been informed, were hanged. Upon learning from two Indians, of major Hamtramck's company, that this was not the case, but on the contrary that they were kindly treated, they appeared highly pleased, gave the whites plenty of fresh meat, and assisted them all in their power in getting up the river to Post Vincennes.
Advises from Hispaniola, as late as Feb. 11, inform us, that on the 21st of January the fort and garrison at Jacquemell (south side of the island) were attacked by an army of 13,000 mulattoes and negroes, about four in the afternoon. They continued their attack with the utmost fury till half past five next morning, being most part of that time within pistol shot of the fort, only retreating now and then occasionally to bury the bodies of their dead and wounded. They retreated in good order, and it was thought must have lost a vast number of men, as the artillery of the fort was well served, and pointed with judgment. The garrison in the town consisted of 750 whites and 400 blacks, who had continued faithful to their owners. There are no accounts come to hand of the particular number killed on either side.
A sum of money has been subscribed in the city of Albany, to be disposed of in premiums, for promoting the manufacture of maple sugar, particularly the graining of it. Three several premiums, of seventy-five, fifty, and twenty-five dollars, are to be paid to persons who exhibit be ore the first day of July next the proportionate quantities of 600, 400, and 200 wt. of the best quality of grained maple sugar.
The constant current of emigrants from New England travelling to the western country about lakes Ontario, Erie, Cayuga and Oneida, is said to have been much greater during the present winter, than any heretofore, since the peace. At least one thousand families have passed the Hudson through Cats-kill, Albany, and Half-Moon, since the first day of December last.
Nothing discovers in a stronger point of view the weakness and wickedness of the Prince Bishop of Liege and his court, than their prohibiting the sale of MONTESQUIEU's Spirit of Laws , and VOLTAIRE's Questions on the Encyclopedia , within the precincts of the territory of the Liegeois (in Germany).—It is an old observation, that Truth never fears the strictest investigation ; and upon this criterion, of admitting or not admitting free discussion, may be fairly tested the goodness or badness of any cause whatever.
On the 28th of February it snowed steadily for eight hours (from ten in the morning till six in the evening) in Charleston, S. C.—This phenomenon, it is observed, is becoming more and more common on the coast of the Carolinas—it belongs to the philosophical societies to investigate the cause.
On the 13th inst. died, in New-York, after a short illness, HENRY REMSEN, Esq. an old inhabitant of that city, and universally esteemed wherever he was known.
European papers mention a severe earthquake at Lisbon on the 27th of November, which filled that city with terror and consternation.—There were five or six severe shocks which rapidly followed each other, succeeded by another, after an interval of five minutes, that tumbled the bells out of the steeples, and demolished the chimneys of many houses—Such was the terror inspired by this commotion of nature, that all business, as well as diversions, was prohibited for several days after.
Other particulars of late European intelligence may be comprized in the following abstract:—The hopes of the French emigrants in their undertaking against their country chiefly rested upon the prince of Conde, the count de Provence, the marquis de Bouille, and marshal Broglio; the count D'Artois was rather unpopular amongst them, owing to his extravagant love of pleasure, which seemed to incapacitate him for any great undertaking.—Sweden had refused a second time to receive the king of France's notification of his acceptance of the new constitution; in consequence of which the French ambassador had received orders to quit the country—The Swedes had lost upwards of 70 sail of merchantmen in the Mediterranean since their rupture with Algiers—The son of Mr. Edmund Burke had paid a visit to the French emigrants at Coblenz, and was received with open arms by the princes and their adherents—The French emigrants were become odious in the extreme at Brussels, and with difficulty escaped assassination from the inhabitants—The emperor and the king of Prussia had concluded a defensive alliance, in which the latter had undertaken to guarantee the German constitution and all the rights and possessions of the empire—It was currently said in London that the Spaniards had agreed to all the demands of the American states, not excepting the free navigation of the Mississippi—The king of Sweden was fitting out a squadron of two ships of war and six frigates against the dey of Algiers.
An association has been recently formed in London for discontinuing the use of sugar, made in the West-Indies. The members of this association are known by the name of Anti-Saccharites (sugar-haters)—They conceive that when the disuse of sugar shall become so general as to render the importation of it unnecessary, the slave trade will be at an end. They calculated
that the slave trade would be entirely abolished were thirty seven thousand families to give over the use of sugar.
The President of the United States has appointed the following officers of the Squadron of Cavalry to be raised agreeable to an act, passed the 5th inst. for the more effectual defence of the frontiers. Major Michael Rudolph, at present Captain in the first regiment.
Captains—John Watts, Virginia; Lawrence Manning, South-Carolina; John Craig, Pennsylvania; John Stake, New-York.
Lieutenants—Robert Mis Campbell, South-Carolina; William Winston, and William Aylett Lee, Virginia; William Davidson, Maryland.
Cornets—Leonard Covington, Maryland; Tarleton Flemming, Virginia; Solomon Van Renselaer, New-York; James Taylor, Pennsylvania.
Extract of a letter from Copenhagen, concerning the Magnetic Atlas, which came lately through the hands of his Danish majesty's minister at the court of London.
The Royal Society of sciences at Copenhagen has received the letter of Mr. Churchman, dated the 22nd of October, 1790, and his treatise entitled "Explanation of the Magnetic Atlas, or Variation Chart," projected on a plan entirely new. The society is obliged to Mr. Churchman for the communication of his elaborate treatise, and cannot but admire his genius, and praise the sagacity with which he has built up a system, wanting neither beauty nor symmetry. The observations of the magnetic needle are not older than 200 years; the most of these are made on board of ships, with bad instruments, and at places whose latitudes and longitudes are uncertain. The observations made at land are very few, and besides are wanting at the most interesting and principal places of the globe. By this reason the principles of every magnetic system are very doubtful. The attempt of Mr. Churchman to clear up this dark matter, is very laudable, and cannot but cannot but meet with the approbation of the natural philosopher.
Mr. Churchman is setting out from that principle, that the magnetic needle has an universal direction towards two points on the surface of the globe at certain distances, one from the north, the other from the south pole of the earth.
The theory of Mr. Churchman agrees pretty well with all observations made between the meridians of London and Philadelphia, and also at places very near these meridians; by this reason the variation calculated for Paris is very near the truth.
The inverted problem: if the latitude and variation are given, to find the longitude, would be of great use to navigators, but at some places of the ocean a difference of two degrees of longitude, only, gives a difference of one degree variation.
The society shall be glad to be informed of the further improvements, by which Mr. Churchman, without doubt, will promote his ingenious theory of variation.
By order of the Society. Christian F. Jacobi, perpet. Sec'y.
From the CONNECTICUT COURANT.
Of late, the newspapers have offered opinions which deserve to be well considered before they are received as truths. It has been said that we must keep up a general government, because we cannot have an union of the states without it—and according to the frozen praise of these writers, the union is rather a good thing than otherwise. But we must not have a jot more of a general government than just enough for the union to rub and go, or speaking more correctly to rub and not go: because, say they, if you give an inch more, consolidation will ensue, and consolidation is worse than schism, that is, than no union.
According to these new fangled federalists, the movement of government in future depends on the mutual respect and love of Congress and the state legislatures. The great concern of the latter is to be left Congress should lose a part of the power necessary for the union, and Congress in this traffic of tenderness is to fear lest the states should want power to prevent a consolidation—and so there will be a great deal of love lost. It will be lost; for, as the balance between the national and state governments is to be tried in money scales, and nothing, according to these writers, but love and good will can keep the balance true, it will soon be destroyed. For the truest love is sometimes hot and sometimes cold, and in the first change away goes the balance, and disunion or consolidation follows in a trice. This doctrine, tho' expressed in other terms, has been advanced in one of the Philadelphia papers.
The insidious conclusion is manifest—if the balance of Congress and the state governments is so very nice and hard to preserve, and the dangers so very unequal, consolidation being so much worse than disunion, we have nothing to do, but to turn to the left hand path which we thought in 1787 was leading us to destruction—give the state legislatures more power, take away part of that which is allotted to Congress, oppose and embarrass its exercising what is left, and break the union as fast as we can.
It cannot be that those who found these alarms are alarmed. No encroachment on the state powers is made or threatened—there is no symptom of any disposition in the public to countenance such an attempt. Congress is not even accused of having exceeded its powers—it has repeatedly stooped short of the limits, as in the judicial law and some others—These writers see no danger on the other side—they are silent on the exclusion of federal officers from state assemblies, on the refusal of state legislators to take the oath to support the constitution—on the continuance of tender and paper money laws—on the difficulties in the state assemblies of the excise law, &c. &c.—It is only Congress that usurps powers and disregards the constitution.
No friend of his country would approve the disturbing its peace by usurpation on the part of Congress. The wishes and the interests of the nation concur in keeping each government within its proper bounds.—Time is daily softening prejudices and binding more closely the affections of our citizens. Knowledge is spreading, and liberty of course is better understood and stands on a sounder foundation than ever. The future arrangements of our government will depend on the people themselves; and if thus enlightened, thus improving, they should be so imprudent as to make or allow an unnecessary change of the forms and powers of their legislatures, it would be strange if their case should become at once so bad that they could neither mend nor endure it—surely a free people could apply a remedy, as well as many palliatives of the evil.
It will not be denied that separate legislatures are exposed to the danger of clashing. The danger, however, is aggravated by instructing the people to look with dislike and fear towards Congress, and this they surely will if they believe that consolidation is the greatest and most probable danger they stand exposed to. The constitution is the child of the people. It is not doubted they love it too well to suffer these men to execute upon it the judgment of Solomon, and to saw it in two.
These writers have little affection for the union or a strange apprehension of futurity when they represent consolidation as worse than schism or no union at all. It is not easy to imagine what could be worse than a division of the states. The evil affords no room for palliatives. Rival or neighbour states could not remain friends. Injuries would sharpen resentments, and hatred would become hereditary. And what could be gained or hoped for? with more enemies and those with in our present limits should we have less armies or taxes? Would a weaker government defend us, or would its yoke sit lighter? Should we enjoy more liberty, more tranquility, or more wealth. What can be more shocking to a nation than its dissolution, than brothers becoming enemies and seeking each others blood.
Those writers who represent consolidation as worse than a separation of the states are great admirers of the French revolution. France has indeed recovered its liberty, and one of the first uses it made of it was to break down the provincial governments, and to consolidate the whole nation into one body. France has seven times more people than the United States, a navy, colonies in every quarter of the earth, and a vast trade. The present happy order of things is not to be changed, to follow the example of France, but no man will believe that it is not better to adopt that example than to suffer a separation of the union. That we may not be driven to this alternative, let us contradict those who represent consolidation as no improbable event and yet the worst of all political evils.
A FRIEND to the UNION.
PRICE OF STOCKS. Six per cents, per £. - 21/4. Three per cents, - - 11/6. Deferred six per cents, - - 12/. Final Settlements - - 17/6. Indents - - - 11/3. Bank stock 1-2 shares, 70—per cent. advance.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS March, 1792.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H, Bar., Ther., Wind, Weath. Rows for Monday through Sunday with corresponding weather data.
A few Copies of the REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, of the 6th ult. on the PUBLIC DEBT, may be had at this Office.

the tax, distress any part of the country, which has an ability to pay taxes at all, enjoying too the unexampled advantage of a total exemption from taxes on houses, lands, or stock.
The population of the United States being about 4,000,000 of persons, and the quantity of spirits annually consumed between ten and eleven millions of gallons, the yearly proportion to each family, if consisting of six persons, which is a full ratio, would be about sixteen gallons, the duty upon which would be less than one dollar and a half. The citizen who is able to maintain a family, and who is the owner or occupier of a farm, cannot feel any inconvenience from so light a contribution, and the industrious poor, whether artisans or laborers are usually allowed spirits or an equivalent in addition to their wages.
The Secretary has no evidence to satisfy his mind, that a real scarcity of money will be found, on experiment, a serious impediment to the payment of the tax any where. In the quarter where this complaint has particularly prevailed, the expenditures for the defence of the frontier would seem alone sufficient to obviate it. To this it is answered, that the contractors for the supply of the army operate with goods and not with money. But this still tends to keep at home whatever money finds its way there. Nor is it a fact, if the information of the Secretary be not materially erroneous, that the purchases of the contractors of flour, meat, &c. are wholly with goods. But if they were, the Secretary can avet, that more money has in the course of the last year been sent into the western country, from the treasury, in specie, and bank bills which answer the same purpose, for the pay of the troops and militia, and for quarter-masters supplies, than the whole amount of the tax in the four western counties of Pennsylvania, and the district of Kentucky is likely to equal in four or five years. Similar remittances are likely to be made in future.
Hence the government itself furnishes, and in all probability will continue to furnish, the means of paying its own demands, with a surplus which will sensibly foster the industry of the parties concerned, if they avail themselves of it under the guidance of a spirit of economy and exertion.
Whether there be no part of the United States, in which the objection of want of money may truly exist, in a degree to render the payment of the duty seriously distressing to the inhabitants, the Secretary is not able to pronounce. He can only express his own doubt of the fact, and refer the matter to such information as the members of any district so situated, may have it in their power to offer to the legislative body.
Should the case appear to exist, it would involve the necessity of a measure in the abstract very ineligible, that is the receipt of the duty in the article itself.
If an alternative of this sort were to be allowed, it would be proper to make it the duty of the party paying, to deliver the article at the place in each county where the office of inspection is kept, and to regulate the price according to such a standard, as would induce a preference of paying in cash except from a real impracticability of obtaining it.
In regard to the petition from the district of Kentucky, after what has been said with reference to other applications, it can only be necessary to observe that the exemption which is sought by that petition, is rendered impracticable by an express provision of the constitution, which declares, that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.
In the course of the foregoing examination of the objections which have been made to the law, some alterations have been submitted for the purpose of removing a part of them. The Secretary will now proceed to submit such farther alterations as appear to him advisable, arising either from the suggestions of the officers of the revenue or from his own reflections.
I. It appears expedient to alter the distinction respecting distilleries from domestic materials in cities, towns and villages, so as to confine it to one or more stills worked at the same distillery, the capacity or capacities of which together do not fall short of four hundred gallons.
The effectual execution of the present provisions respecting distilleries from home materials in cities, towns, and villages, would occasion an inconvenient multiplication of officers, and would in too great a degree exhaust the product of the duty in the expence of collection. It is also probable that the alteration suggested would also conduce to public satisfaction.
II. The present provisions concerning the entering of stills are found by experience not to be adequate, and in some instances not convenient.
It appears advisable, that there shall be one office of inspection for each county, with authority to the supervisor to establish more than one, if he shall judge it necessary for the accommodation of the inhabitants; and that every distiller or person having or keeping a still, shall be required to make entry of the same, at some office of inspection for the county, within a certain determinate period in each year. It will be proper also to enjoin upon every person, who residing within the county, shall procure a still, or who removing into a county, shall bring into it a still, within twenty days after such procuring or removal, and before he or she begins to use the still, to make entry at the office of inspection. Every entry besides describing the still, should specify in whose possession it is, and the purpose for which it is intended, as whether for sale or for use in distilling; and in the case of a removal of the person from another place into the county, shall specify the place from which the still shall have been brought. A forfeiture of the still ought in every case in which an entry is required, to attend an omission to enter.
This regulation by simplifying the business of entering stills, would render it easier to comprehend and comply with what is required, would furnish the officers with a better rule for ascertaining delinquencies, and, by avoiding to them a considerable degree of unnecessary trouble will facilitate the retaining of proper characters in the offices of collectors.
III. It is represented that difficulties have in some instances arisen concerning the persons responsible for the duty. The apparent, not being
always the real proprietor, an opportunity for collusion is afforded; and without collusion the uncertainty is stated as a source of embarrassment. It also sometimes happens, that certain itinerant persons without property, complying with the preliminary requisitions of the law as to entry, &c. erect and work stills for a time, and before a half-yearly period of payment arrives, remove and evade the duty.
It would tend to remedy these inconveniences, if possessors and proprietors of stills were made jointly and severally liable, and if the duty were made a specific lien on the still itself; if also the proprietor of the land, upon which any still may be worked should be made answerable for the duty, except where it is worked by a lawful and bona fide tenant of the land of an estate not less than for a term of one year, or unless such proprietor can make it appear, that the possessor of the still was during the whole time without his privy or connivance an intruder or trespasser on the land; and if in the last place any distiller about to remove from the division in which he is, should be required previous to such removal to pay the tax for the year, deducting any prior payments, or give bond with approved surety, conditioned for the payment of the full sum for which he or she should be legally accountable to the end of the year, to the collector of the division to which the removal shall be, rendering proof thereof under the hand of the said collector, within six months after the expiration of the year.
As well with a view to the forfeiture of the stills for non-entry, as to give effect to a specific lien of the duty (if either or both of these provisions should be deemed eligible) it will be necessary to enjoin it upon the officers of the revenue to identify by proper marks the several stills which shall have been entered with them.
IV. The exemptions granted to stills of the capacity of fifty gallons and under, by the 36th section of the law, appear from experience to require revision. Tending to produce inequality, as well as to frustrate the revenue, they have excited complaint. It appears at least advisable, that the obligation to enter, as connected with that of paying duty, should extend to stills of all dimensions, and that it should be enforced in every case by the same penalty.
V. The 28th section of the act makes provision for the seizure of spirits unaccompanied with marks and certificates in the cases in which they are required; but as they are required only in certain cases, and there is no method of distinguishing the spirits, in respect to which they are necessary, from those in respect to which they are not necessary, the provision becomes nugatory, because an attempt to enforce it would be oppressive. Hence not only a great security for the due execution of the law is lost, but seizures very distressing to unoffending individuals must happen notwithstanding great precaution to avoid them.
It would be, in the opinion of the Secretary, of great importance to provide, that all spirits whatsoever, in casks or vessels of the capacity of twenty gallons and upwards should be marked and certified, on pain of seizure and forfeiture, making it the duty of the officers to furnish the requisite certificates gratis to distillers and dealers in all cases, in which the law shall have been complied with.
In those cases in which an occasion of recurrence to the officers for certificates might be inconvenient, blanks may be furnished to be accounted for. And it may be left to the parties themselves in the like cases to mark their own casks or vessels in some simple manner to be defined in the law. These cases may be designated generally. They will principally relate to dealers, who in the course of their business draw off spirits from larger to smaller casks, and to distillers who pay according to the capacities of their stills.
As a part of a regulation of this sort it will be necessary to require, that within a certain period, sufficiently long to admit of time to know and comply with the provision, entry shall be made, by all dealers and distillers, of all spirits in their respective possessions, which shall not have been previously marked and certified according to law, in order that they may be marked and certified as old stock.
The regulations here proposed though productive of some trouble and inconvenience in the outset, will be afterwards a security both to individuals and to the revenue.
VI. At present spirits may not be imported from abroad in casks of less capacity than fifty gallons. The size of these casks is smaller than is desirable, so far as the security of the revenue is concerned, and there has not occurred any good objection to confining the importation to larger casks, that is to say, to casks of not less than ninety gallons. Certainly as far as respects Rum from the West-Indies it may be done without inconvenience, being conformable to the general course of business. The result of examination is that the exception as to this particular in favor of gin may be abolished. Should any alteration on this subject take place it ought not to begin to operate till after the expiration of a year.
VII. There is ground to suppose, that the allowance of drawback without any limitation as to quantity has been abused. It is submitted that none be made on any less quantity than one hundred and fifty gallons.
VIII. There is danger that facility may be given to illicit importations, by making use of casks which have been once regularly marked, and the certificates which have been issued with them to cover other spirits than those originally contained in such casks. Appearances which countenance suspicion on this point have been the subjects of representation from several quarters.
The danger may be obviated by prohibiting the importation in such marked casks on pain of forfeiture, both of the spirits and of any ship or vessel in which they may be brought. A prohibition of this sort does not appear liable to any good objection.
IX. The duty of sixty cents per gallon of the capacity of a still was founded upon a computation, that a still of any given dimensions worked four months in the year, which is the usual period of country distillation, would yield a quantity of
spirits which at the rate of nine cents per gallon, would correspond with sixty cents per gallon of the capacity of the still. It will defer consideration, whether it will not be expedient to give an option to country distillers, at the annual entry of their stills, to take out a licence for any portion of the year, which they may respectively think fit, and to pay at the rate of 12 1/2 cents per gallon of the capacity, per month, during such period. This to stand in lieu of the alternative of paying by the gallon distilled. It would obviate in this case the necessity of accounting upon oath, and would leave it in the power of each distiller to cover the precise time he meant to work his still with a licence, and to pay for that time only. A strict prohibition to distill at any other time, than that for which the licence was given, would be of course necessary to accompany the regulation as far as regarded any such licensed distiller.
The only remaining points which have occurred, as proper to be submitted to the consideration of the legislature, respects the officers of the revenue.
It is represented, that in some instances, from the ill humour of individuals, the officers have experienced much embarrassment, in respect to the filling of stills with water, to ascertain their capacity, which upon examination is found the most simple and practicable mode. The proprietors have in some instances not only refused to aid the officers, but have even put out of their way the means by which the filling might be conveniently accomplished.
It would conduce to the easy execution of the law, and to the very important purpose of retaining and procuring respectable characters as collectors, if the proprietors and possessors of stills were required to aid them in the execution of this part of their duty, or to pay a certain sum as a compensation for the doing of it.
The limits assigned in the law respecting compensations are found in practice essentially inadequate to the object.
This is so far the case, that it becomes the duty of the Secretary to state, that greater latitude in this particular is indispensable to the effectual execution of the law.
In the most productive divisions the commissions of the collectors afford but a moderate compensation. In the greatest part of them the compensation is glaringly disproportioned to the service, in many of them it falls materially short of the expence of the officer.
It is believed, that in no country whatever has the collection of a similar duty been effected within the limit assigned. Applying in the United States to a single article only, and yielding consequently a less total product than where many articles are comprehended, the expence of collection must of necessity be proportionally greater.
It appears to the Secretary that 7 1/2 per cent. of the total product of the duties on distilled spirits, foreign as well as domestic, and not less will suffice to defray the compensations to officers and other expences incidental to the collection of the duty. This is to be understood as supplemental to the present custom-house expences.
It is unnecessary to urge to the House of Representatives, how essential it must be to the execution of the law in a manner effectual to the purposes of the government and satisfactory to the community, to secure by competent, though moderate rewards, the diligent services of respectable and trust-worthy characters.
All which is humbly submitted.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
Treasury Department, March 5th, 1792.
TORMENTINA'S COMPLAINT.
IN shades we live, in shades we die! Cool zephyrs breathe to our repose, In shallow streams we love to play,— But, cruel, you that praise deny, Which you might give, and nothing lose, And then pursue your destin'd way.
Ungrateful man! when, anchoring here, On shore you came to beg relief, I show'd you where the fig-trees grow, And wandering with you, void of fear, To hear the story of your grief, I pointed where sweet waters flow.
The men that scorn'd your ragged crew, (So long the sport of Neptune's rage—) I told them what your sufferings were; Told them, that landsmen never knew The trade, that hastens frozen age, The life, that brings the brow of care!
A ram, the favorite of the flock, To your unpitying crew I gave To roast or boil on yonder deep: My heart could scarce endure the shock When on the margin of the wave You slew the father of my sheep.
Along your native northern shores From isle to isle, where'er you stray, Of all the nymphs, that catch the eye, They scarce can be excell'd by ours; Altho' in cooler shades they play, And summer suns come not so nigh.
Confess your fault, mistaken swain, And own, at least, our equal charms: Have you no flowers of yellow hue That please your fancy, on the plain;— Would you not guard those flowers from harms If Nature's self each picture drew?
Vain are your sighs, in vain your tears! Your barque must still at anchor lay, And you remain a slave to care, A thousand doubts, a thousand fears! 'Till what you said, you shall unsay, Bermudian Lasses are not fair!
SINBAT.
Castle Island, Bermuda, Jan. 20, 1789.
** The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Excise Act, for sale at this Office.
LOTS AND LANDS FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber wishes to sell sundry Lots and Houses in the town of Alexandria, in good situations for business; some of them are unimproved. Also several tracts of Land in the counties of Fairfax and Loudoun; the Fairfax lands are from one and a half to four miles from Alexandria; the Loudoun lands 45 to 50 miles. A credit will be given for a considerable part of the value if required by the purchaser; and as no person will buy without viewing the property, a description is unnecessary. I will also sell several tracts of land on the western waters, in the inhabited part of the country, containing from 300 to 2000 acres each. These lands will be sold low, either on long credit, or for money, as may best suit the purchaser. I have also a tract of 500 acres of low land in Accomack county, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia; about 50 acres of which are cleared, on the waters of Massango River, navigable for boats through the land. The land is of an excellent quality, and heavily timbered, with White-Oak and Pine, and lies within 4 miles of a landing that a vessel of 9 to 10 feet water can load at. Mr. Walter Bayne, who lives near the land, will show it to any who may incline to purchase.
JOSIAH WATSON.
Alexandria, Feb. 20 1792.
6 t 1 a w.
RAN away on Wednesday night last, a Negro Man, about twenty-three years old; had on a light coloured short coat: took with him a pair of leather breeches and a pair of green stuff do. a heavier hat half worn, narrow brim and deep crown; a pair of boots; striped cotton and silk stockings—he is slim made—reads and writes a legible hand—has, I am informed, procured a pass and a certificate of his being a free man. It is probable he will endeavour to get on board some vessel, either at this place or New-York. He has a small fore under his chin, occasioned by cutting out a wen. I will give Ten Dollars reward for securing him, if in this city; Twenty Dollars if taken in New-York, or any other place of the same distance, and pay all reasonable expences.
ANDREW MOORE,
Spruce-street, No. 112.
Philadelphia, March 9, 1792.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away in August 1790 from the subscriber, living in Queen Ann's county, eastern shore of Maryland, a country born Negro woman, called GRACE. She is about middle aged, very low of stature, round face, remarkable small feet, for a negro, and has lost several of her fore-teeth. The lapse of time since she has absconded renders it unnecessary to describe her cloathing. She is artful and talkative, and I make no doubt has passed for a free woman, and got into Pennsylvania or Delaware states. The above reward shall be paid to any person securing said negro, and giving information thereof to her master, and reasonable charges if brought home.
EDWARD HARRIS.
Feb. 23.
8w 1aw.
HOWELL'S
LARGE MAP of PENNSYLVANIA.
THIS work is engraved in the most elegant style, and will be ready for delivery in the Spring. It is 63 inches long and 36 inches wide, and for the most part very full of work (except some small places of which materials were not to be had) and was superbly compiled from actual surveys, acquired at great expence of money, and more than four years labour, and from its manifest public utility, the Legislature has been pleased to grant the proprietor the sum of three hundred pounds.
This map exhibits the County and Township Divisions, and those of the Surveyors Districts in the New-Purchase, Donation and Depreciation Lands; the waters, portages, and the Canal mountains and valleys, roads, towns, &c.
He thanks the Public for their very liberal subscription, and informs them that it will not be closed before the middle of April next. He sells his SMALL MAPS, on canvass, folded and cas'd for pocket carriage, at 13/6, and plain at 8/6.
READING HOWELL.
North fifth street, No. 88—March 1.
A few Copies of the following REPORTS and ACTS may be had at the Office, No. 239, Market-Street.
REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, relative to a provision for the support of public credit.
Plan for the general arrangement of the Militia of the United States, by the Secretary at War.
Report of the Secretary of State for establishing a uniformity in the weights, measures, and coins of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on establishing funds for paying interest on the debts assumed by the United States.
Attorney General's Report on the Judiciary System of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale fisheries.
Absract of the Exports of the United States for one year.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on a National Bank.
Secretary of State's Report on Western Lands.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.