Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-11-28 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXVI.]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LXVI.
"Noise made to a man's honor is never shocking to him."
THE love of fame not only prevails as universally as any other passion, but its effects are stronger and more conspicuous, than can be produced by any other motives. An avaricious man may be active and diligent in his pursuits; but when money is the main object of his exertions, he will bear few inconveniences, and run few risks, compared with what will be cheerfully sustained by those, whom the love of applause actuates. I know of no circumstance that more emphatically marks the difference of vigor between motives of gain and motives of honor, than the different feelings that noise and bustle can excite on persons, who are stimulated by one or the other of those passions.
Whoever has observed a candidate for a popular election, in his attempts to carry his point, must have seen a striking demonstration of the efficacious influence of the love of honor. My friend HONORCAPTUS, whom I once supposed a very quiet, domestic man, has lately become ambitious of political distinction. When I was first informed that such a spark of ambition began to kindle within him, I imagined he would soon be disgusted, if he really made an experiment, in the course of life, to which he was aspiring. I have however been deceived. No man of my acquaintance bears the clamors and tumult, which attend public business, with more apparent tranquility and fortitude than HONORCAPTUS. This is the more extraordinary, as he appears, when at home, to be averse to any kind of noise or disturbance. The prattle of his children meets with a frown; and his servants can never hope to escape punishment, should they laugh or sing in his hearing. This good man, when he is engaged with his neighbors at a country tavern, tranquilizes his spirits and bears the rudest shocks of impertinence without a complaint. Though in his own house, when only attended by his family, he loves silence and quietude, yet he is the first man to promote waggery and merriment, in circles of men, whose votes he wishes to obtain.
I could point the reader to innumerable instances of men, whose actions afford a proof that the love of influence and fame is one of the most active springs of human nature. But who is there to doubt the truth of the observation, even if I had been silent on the subject? It will not, I believe, be doubted by any one. There is however a useful inference to be drawn from the belief that the passion, to which I allude, exists in the breasts of all men, and operates in most men, as their strongest impulse to action. A little reflection will convince us that the passion itself should neither be concealed nor extinguished. It should early be encouraged and controlled. The first dawn of it, in an infant, should be diverted from improper objects, as far as is practicable, and turned into those channels where it can run with safety and advantage. It can seldom be detrimental to a man to possess vigorous passions, if he has been taught, on what occasions, and in what manner it is proper to exercise them. Ambition, when it prompts men to vicious or dishonorable courses, proves pernicious to the person himself, and to the community. But even this is less to be feared, than the conduct of a man, in whom ambition has been destroyed. From improper ideas of merit, a man may seek applause by mean and perverse actions. The fault is not to be ascribed to his love of fame, but to his ignorance of what really is praiseworthy. Youth should be inspired with honest and generous sentiments, and learn to distinguish actions of real worth and excellence from those which catch momentary applause from the ignorant and undiscerning. The force therefore of the passion need not be abated, but the objects to which it is directed should be chosen with great precaution, and managed with great care and address.
LETTER from Dr. FRANKLIN to the late Dr. MATHER, of Boston.
REVEREND SIR,
I RECEIVED your kind letter, with your excellent advice to the people of the United States, which I read with great pleasure, and hope it will be duly regarded. Such writings, though they may be lightly passed over by many readers, yet if they make a deep impression on one active mind in a hundred, the effects may be considerable. Permit me to mention one little instance, which, tho' it relates to myself, will not be quite uninteresting to you. When I was a boy I met with a book, entitled, "Essays to do good," which I think was written by your father. It had been so little regarded by a former possessor, that several leaves of it were torn out; but the remain-
der gave me such a turn of thinking as to have an influence on my conduct thro' life; for I have always set a greater value on the character of a Doer of Good, than any other kind of reputation—and if I have been, as you seem to think, a useful citizen, the public owes the advantage of it to that book. You mention your being in your 78th year—I am in my 79th;—we are grown old together. It is now more than 60 years since I left Boston, but I remember, well, both your father and grandfather, having heard them both in the pulpit, and seen them in their houses. The last time I saw your father was in the beginning of 1724, when I visited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania. He received me in his library, and on my taking leave, shewed me a shorter way out of the house through a narrow passage, which was crossed by a beam over head. We were still talking as I withdrew, he accompanying me behind, and I turning partly towards him, when he said hastily, stoop stoop! I did not understand him, till I felt my head hit against the beam. He was a man who never missed any occasion of giving instruction, and upon this he said to me, "You are young, and have the world before you; stoop as you go thro' it, and you will miss many hard thumps." This advice, thus beat into my heart, has frequently been of use to me, and I often think of it, when I see pride mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying their heads too high.
I long much to see again my native place, and once hoped to lay my bones there. I left it in 1723. I visited it in 1733, 1743, 1753, and 1763. In 1773 I was in England—In 1775 I had a fight of it, but could not enter, it being in possession of the enemy. I did hope to have been there in 1783, but could not obtain my dismissal from this employment here: And now, I fear, I shall never have that happiness. My best wishes however attend my dear country, esto perpetua . It is now blest with an excellent constitution, may it last forever!
This powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the United States. It is a friendship of the utmost importance to our security, and should be carefully cultivated. Britain has not yet well digested the loss of its dominion over us, and has still, at times, some flattering hopes of recovering it. Accidents may encrease those hopes, and encourage dangerous attempts. A breach between us and France, would infallibly bring the English again upon our backs; and yet we have some wild heads among our countrymen who are endeavoring to weaken that connection.
Let us preserve our reputation by performing our engagements, our credit by fulfilling our contracts, and our friends, by gratitude and kindness—for we know not how soon we may again have occasion for all of them.
With great and sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, Reverend Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
Passy, May 12, 1784.
PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 26, 1789.
At a meeting of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, &c. An essay of a Plan for improving the condition of Free Negroes, was presented by the committee appointed to prepare it, which after deliberate consideration was adopted as follows:
A PLAN FOR IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE FREE BLACKS.
THE business relative to Free Blacks shall be transacted by a committee of twenty-four persons, annually elected by ballot, at the meeting of this Society in the month called April; and in order to perform the different services, with expedition, regularity, and energy; this committee shall resolve itself into the following sub-committees, viz.
I. A Committee of Inspection, who shall superintend the morals, general conduct, and ordinary situation of the Free Negroes, and afford them advice and instruction; protection from wrongs; and other friendly offices.
II. A Committee of Guardians, who shall place out children and young people with suitable persons, that they may (during a moderate time of apprenticeship, or servitude) learn some trade or other business of subsistence. The committee may effect this partly by a persuasive influence on parents, and the persons concerned; and partly by co-operating with the laws which are, or may be enacted for this, and similar purposes; in forming contracts on these occasions, the committee shall secure to the society, as far as may be practicable the right of guardianship, over the persons so bound.
III. A Committee of Education, who shall superintend the school instruction of the children, and youth of the Free blacks; they may either influence them to attend regularly the schools already established in this city, or form others with this view; they shall in either case provide that, the pupils may receive such learning, as is necessary for their future situation in life; and especially a deep impression of the most important, and generally acknowledged moral and religious principles. They shall also procure, and preserve a regular record of the marriages, births and manumissions of all Free Blacks.
IV. A Committee of Employ, who shall endeavour to procure constant employment for those Free Negroes, who are able to work: as the want of this would occasion poverty, idleness, and many vicious habits. This committee will, by sedulous enquiry, be enabled to find common labour for a great number; they will also provide, that such as indicate proper talents, may learn various trades, which may be done by prevailing upon them to bind themselves for such a term of years, as shall compensate their masters for the expense and trouble of instruction, and maintenance. The committee may attempt the institution of some useful, and simple manufactures, which require but little skill, and also may assist in commencing business, such as appear to be qualified for it.
Whenever the committee of inspection shall find persons of a particular description, requiring attention, they shall immediately direct them to that committee, of whose care they are the proper objects.
In matters of a mixed nature the committees shall confer, and if necessary act in concert. Affairs of great importance, shall be referred to the whole committee.
The expense incurred by the prosecution of this plan, shall be defrayed by a fund to be formed by donations, or subscriptions for these particular purposes, and to be kept separate from the other funds of this society.
The committee shall make a report of their proceedings, and of the state of their stock to the society at their quarterly meetings, in the months called April and October.
PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH CONSTITUTION.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, FRANCE, Oct. 8.
THE two following articles of the constitution were voted without any debate.
"7. The legislative body shall present their decrees to the King to be sanctioned, in order, as they shall be presented, or all together at the end of each session.
"8. The Royal assent to each decree shall be expressed by this formula, signed by the King, Le Roi consent, et sera executer. The King's suspensive negative by this formula, Le Roi examinera."
A third, directing that after assenting to a decree, the King should order it to be sealed with the Great Seals, and transmitted to the courts of justice, Assemblies of Administration, and municipalities, to be registered, published, and executed, occasioned much debate.
It was observed, that in settling the form of promulgating laws, such despotic phrases, as Nous voulons et nous plait; de notre certaine science, pleine puissance et autorite royale, should be abolished, and a form introduced expressive of the right and authority of the people, exercised by their representatives.
Accordingly M. Fréteau proposed the preamble to be "Louis par la grace de Dieu, et par la loi du Royaume, Roi de France, &c." "Louis by the grace of God, and the law of the Realm, King of France, &c."
After an amendment by M. de Mirabeau, passed in the affirmative.
"Louis by the grace of God, and the constitutional law of the State, King of the French, to all men, present and to come, greeting:
"The National Assembly has decreed, we will; and ordain as follows." And after this preamble, the decree to follow.
The words the King of the French, instead of the King of France, were adopted, being the literal translation of the old words Rex Francorum, which expressed the idea of King of Freemen.
FRIDAY, Oct. 10. The following letter was received from the King.
GENTLEMEN,
The instances of attachment and fidelity which I have received from the good city of Paris, and the invitation of the commons have determined me to fix my permanent abode there; and in the confidence which I have, that you will not separate from me, I invite you to chuse Commissioners to select the most proper place for the Nation-

al Assembly to sit in. I shall give the necessary orders to prepare it. I shall facilitate and expedite the measures which mutual confidence may require.
LOUIS.
This letter occasioned some debate, and some members argued against their removal to Paris.
It was put to the voice, and by a great majority it was decided that they should remove to Paris, conformable to their declaration to the King.
Several of the representatives imagining that the National Assembly is on the eve of being deprived of its liberty, and that on its removal to Paris it will be dangerous to manifest opinions contrary to those of the multitude, have demanded passports.
Several Members complained of the insults offered to themselves and other representatives by the populace; among other things it was observed, that they wanted to assassinate M. Tirieu, one of the deputies who accompanied the King to Paris. One gentleman asserted, that his own house would have been plundered, had it not been for the National militia—The subject was adjourned.
M. de Mirabeau complained to the Assembly of some expressions used by M. de St. Priest, Minister for Paris, on Monday last, which he said might have been attended with fatal consequences.
M. Mirabeau asserted, that when 4 or 5000 women arrived at Versailles from Paris on purpose for bread, they addressed themselves to M. de St. Priest; who replied in the following words: "Ladies, when you had but one King you never wanted bread—at present you have 1200—go and ask them for some."
This affair which excited the most lively sensations in the Assembly, was ordered immediately to be reported to the Committee of Inquiry.
L O N D O N.
MIRABEAU.
M. de Mirabeau, whose name is frequently heard in the debates of the French Parliament, was first brought into public notice during the administration of M. de Calonne, who employed him in an inferior capacity as an agent to scrutinize into the conduct of the Prussian Cabinet, at the moment when the late Monarch was on the eve of dissolution, which threatened to produce a Revolution in the Germanic system.
His letters to the French Minister, during his residence at Berlin, betrayed strong marks of ability and talents for intrigue; and the best proof of their importance is, that having been since published, under the title of, "The secret History of the Court of Berlin," the King of Prussia had sufficient influence at the court of Versailles to get the book condemned by the laws of France, and it was afterwards burnt by the common hangman. To give it greater celebrity, the condemnation of it was preceded by a funeral oration from the King's Advocate General.
Notwithstanding M. de Mirabeau's acknowledged talents in the line in which he was employed, it is certain from his own letters that the court of France did not think proper to trust him with any of the secrets of the cabinet, for the want of which information he was always in the dark, and unable to proceed perhaps to the extent of his abilities. At the expiration of a year, M. de Mirabeau was recalled.
M. de Mirabeau has been compared by his own countrymen, to Cataline, and probably with great justice. His superior and uncommon talents are considered as a misfortune, rather than as a service to his country—and while they strike the mind with admiration, they are never heard without fear and distrust. Tho' of noble extraction, his abilities have neither been able to procure him a character nor fortune; for being a man of the most degenerate and base principles, he is shunned rather than courted by his fellow citizens; and hence it is that his fine arguments in the debates of the national assembly make little or no impression, and he is obliged to write a journal of the proceedings of that Assembly as a means of livelihood.
Latest accounts of the Disturbances at Versailles.
THE King's government may now be supposed to be at an end. In fact, he is the prisoner, not of the nation, but of the people of Paris; and perhaps foreign Princes might, without any violation of the laws of nations, or the rights of Sovereigns, refuse to recognize any longer his Ambassadors, as the representatives of a Sovereign and independent Prince; for no two characters belong less to any man, than sovereignty and independence do to Louis XVI. at this moment. Nay, this unfortunate Prince, whose fault lies not in his heart, holds not merely his crown, but his very life, at the will of a multitude whose importance depends upon commotions, and who, under a settled government, however free, must sink into the situation of hewers of wood, and drawers of water.
The situation of the King is truly deplorable, when he was at Versailles he did not think his life secure, though he was surrounded by the corps of life guards, the 100 Swiss, and the regiment of dragoons called Les trois Eveches, from the three bishoprics of Toul, Metz and Verdun, in Lorraine, where it was raised.
It was resolved, therefore, by the Council, in consequence of his Majesty's wish, that another regiment should be ordered to Versailles, to do duty about the King.
In the selection of the regiment which was to be added to the King's guard, the Ministers considered principally which was eminently distinguished for an attachment to his Majesty's person.
The Regiment du Roi, or the King's own regiment, would therefore have been singled out on this very account; but it consisted of four battalions, and it was feared that the approach of so very numerous a corps, would have given umbrage to the people.
The well known attachment of the Marquis de Lusignan, sprung himself from kings, to the person of Louis XVI. and the attachment of his regiment to their Colonel, determined the King to order the regiment de Flandre, commanded by that Nobleman to march to Versailles.
The military etiquette, of France has established a custom through the service, that when a regiment marches into a town where there are troops in garrison, it is always entertained at the expence of those troops.
In consequence of this etiquette, and by no means through design, the officers of the Flanders regiment were invited to dinner by the life guards.
The dinner was served up on the stage of the opera-house in the palace, as the most capacious place.
When the glass had circulated rather freely, some toasts were given by the life guards, strongly expressive of loyalty to the King.
The officers of the Flanders regiment shouted approbation when they heard them, and drank them in the English stile with loud huzzas.
This convinced the life guards that their guests and they were all of one mind; and then it was that the proposal was made for trampling under foot the National cockade, in which all joined most heartily.
The appearance of the King and Queen, who entered the place merely to do honor to the guests increased the flow of loyalty; but when the music struck up the air of O Richard—O my King, the allusion to his Majesty's situation, which those who ordered the band to play this tune, would have thought to be like that of Richard Coeur de Lion, the situation of a monarch deprived of his liberty, the officers felt themselves wound up to the highest pitch, and as if animated by one soul, began all to sing the words of the song.
The King himself was affected; he immediately walked out, unable to speak, and with his handkerchief up to his eyes.
The officers then solemnly pledged themselves to one another, that they would stand by their King, release him from the bondage in which he was kept by a vile canaille (such were their words) or perish in the attempt.
These gentlemen, however, were comparatively few in number, and therefore though they were of approved gallantry, they knew that if they were not backed by the soldiers, they could do nothing.
Such of the non-commissioned officers and privates as were known to have most influence on their fellow soldiers, were called in and founded. They declared their readiness to fight for their King, and second their officers in what they called a glorious cause.
The officers thus sure of support, treated the Garde Bourgoise with sovereign contempt, ridiculed their unmilitary appearance, and insulted their national cockade.
As soon as the news of this transaction reached Paris, the people became alarmed for their safety—they dreaded lest this should be the fore-runner of a new revolution in the army, and that the different regiments would soon desert the popular cause with as much precipitation, as they had embraced it with levity.
They resolved therefore to crush this return of what they called loyalty, in the bud; and for this purpose the Marquis de la Fayette marched to Versailles with 20,000 men.
The Parisians have always been held in sovereign contempt by the French army, when there was any question of making them face an enemy; and therefore the regulars were not dismayed at the sight of this army, preceded by a body of furies in the shape of women.
The life guards, the 100 Swiss, the Flanders regiment, and the Trois Eveche's drew up to receive them—and if a man could judge from appearances, he would say, that there was not a single soldier belonging to this little army, who was not determined to withstand the militia, whilst he had a single round of powder and ball.
The officers, deceived by this appearance of firmness, did that which on no other occasion they would have been rash enough to do; they gave orders to fire.
The order was first given to the life guards, and was obeyed with alacrity.
It was next given to the Flanders regiment, but not a man obeyed it, on the contrary, the whole regiment went over to the people.
The dragoons (les trois Eveche's) sheathed their swords.
The commanding officer of the 100 Swiss, seeing this, gave no order at all.
The four companies of life guards, thus deserted, thus betrayed, seeing themselves left exposed to the fury of the militia, were obliged to fly; and some of the officers of the most distinguished families in France fell victims to their fury.
That the life guards were betrayed, is unquestionable, for had they not had the most positive assurances of support from the rest of the troops, they never would have been rash enough to withstand thousands.
The regiment de Flandre, which piqued itself on being sans tache, without stain, has brought indelible disgrace upon itself, not for having refused to fire upon the people, for that it, considered abstractly, might be called patriotic.
But for having promised to stand by the life guards and their officers, whilst they had life, and for having afterwards deserted them, and suffered them to be cut to pieces by the militia.
As soon as the people became masters of the palace, they began to cry out, that if the King was suffered to remain at Versailles, the safety of the public would be endangered, and therefore they said that he must consent to place himself under the protection of his good city of Paris, and reside in that capital.
The sense of the people was made known to the King, who had it not in his power to oppose that sense.
He found that so impatient were the people for his departure, that they would not wait till apartments could be fitted up and aired for him in the Louvre, where the French Court has not been kept for many years; and therefore he was under the necessity of setting out immediately for what he considered not his palace in Paris, but his prison.
His ears were never once saluted with a Vive le Roi on the road to the capital; on the contrary the shouts of Vive le Nation echoed on every side.
The unfortunate Restorer of French Liberty, was led captive thro the streets, and once or twice he saw the dead bodies of two of the women killed by the life guards, placed in his way, that he might see, the people considered him as the author of their death.
His Majesty endeavored occasionally to look cheerful, but his dejection soon returned; and he had the appearance of a man who knew, or at least feared, that his journey would be closed by the tragic scene of his death.
The Queen never appeared more like a Queen, neither dejected, or affecting indifference; she displayed an equanimity which even her enemies were forced to admire.
L O N D O N, Oct. 3.
The scarcity of bread, which threatened a famine at Paris, and was partly supposed to cause the late convulsion at Versailles, immediately ceased, and plenty was proclaimed on the King's arrival at Paris. Ever since that time, the citizens have been composed and satisfied respecting the article of corn.
The National Assembly of France is a daily expence of 24,000 livres to the Nation. Each Deputy is allowed 18 livres a day for his expences, which, with the salary of Secretaries, lights, and attendants, amounts to that sum. The good of the Nation may therefore be said to cost 1000 crowns for every hour the Assembly sits, computing the sitting at eight hours a-day.
The Clergy of France are a great, and have been considered as a very powerful body. They consist, at present, of eighteen Archbishops, and one hundred and thirteen Bishops, all named and appointed by the King—who has (we mean had) likewise the nomination of seven hundred and seventy abbes, and of the Superiors of three hundred and seventeen convents of nuns. This, it may be supposed, gave the Crown great influence over the subject. This wonderful fabric, however, so lately deemed impregnable, is now evidently tottering.
Mr. Jefferson, the American Agent, as well as his secretary, who followed him to Cowes, met with every civility at the custom-house, by the express orders of Mr. Pitt; a circumstance which has produced more good will among the Americans, both for the minister and the country, than would have been obtained at another juncture from favors far more important.
We learn from Madrid, that the King of Spain has ordered a nine day's supplication to Heaven (neuvaine) over all his dominions, praying that the Almighty would be pleased to frustrate and confound all those counsels which tend to the humiliation of the monarchical power in France.
When the Inquisition in Spain is demolished, as it certainly must be in process of time, the history of that iniquitous prison will astonish mankind. The Bastile has been a paradise to that place of torments.
A happy turn. —At one of the late country assizes, where an indictment for an assault had been preferred against a woman for the ill usage of her husband, who is superannuated, his Counsel, in the heat of declamation, happened to say, that half the sex were devils! But seeing a number of genteel females in the Court, after a very short pause, he went on—"But the other half are angels! and several of them, said he, are now present."

From the LONDON ADVERTISER.
SATURDAY, 31st May, 1788.
CAUSE was on Wednesday tried at Guildhall, before Mr. Justice Buller, the decision of which the Court declared to be of the greatest importance to trade and commerce. The action was brought by Messrs Paizely and Co. to recover from Mr. Freeman, a considerable sum of money, being the value of a quantity of cochineal which the plaintiffs stated, they had sold to a Mr. Faulk, a bankrupt, in consequence of a fictitious credit and false character the defendant wilfully gave him as a merchant. It appeared in evidence, that during the insolvency of Faulk, who was concerned in large speculations, the defendant had given him a considerable credit, and fallacious reputation, representing him as a merchant of responsibility, in which character he obtained goods from various houses to a considerable amount; that Faulk having applied to the plaintiff for the goods in question, a reference was made by the former to the defendant, respecting his character and responsibility; and that the defendant, representing him as a person worthy of the highest credit, the plaintiffs, from that recommendation, trusted him with the goods in question.
Mr. Piggott (as counsel for the defendant) made a most excellent speech, in which he said that no merchant's character would be secure, if a man was liable to be called into a court of justice, for giving a fellow-citizen a good character, as the denial of that character, upon application, might lead to the ruin of any tradesman or merchant however respectable. Mr. Buller summed up the evidence with his usual judgment and precision, accompanying it with many observations upon the importance of the present action to a commercial country; he said, the question for the jury to determine was, whether the defendant had knowingly spoken falsely, by representing Faulk to be in possession of that character as a responsible merchant, to which he had no claim, and in consequence of which representation the plaintiffs had trusted him with their goods.
The Jury retired for some time, and brought in the verdict for the plaintiffs 4274. damages.
UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, November 21.
ON Tuesday, the 10th instant, the District Court of the United States, in the District of Pennsylvania, was opened in the State-house in this city, by the Hon. FRANCIS HOPKINSON, Esq. Judge of the Court.
Such members of Congress as were in town, the Mayor and Recorder of the city, and a number of respectable citizens attended on this occasion.
After the commissions of the Judge, of the Attorney for the United States, and of the Marshal of the Court were proclaimed, and a number of the Gentlemen of the Bar admitted, the Judge addressed the Grand Jury in a charge suited to the occasion.
The Foreman, in behalf of the Jury, requested a copy of the Judge's Charge, for publication, of which the following are the concluding observations:
"Thus hath the government of United States been established on the broad basis of the will of the people; which is the only just and permanent foundation on which government can be built; for, the people are the true source of power, and the object of government should be the good and prosperity of those from whom government is derived, and for whom it is instituted."
"My hearers, will, I am sure, rejoice with me in the prospect of the future glory of our new founded empire—A dominion extending through various climates—resources inexhaustible—the blessings of nature improved and heightened by the powers of art—endless population—commerce unlimited—and, above all, the wealth and strength of so many potent States, united and bound together by a liberal, and yet vigorous constitution, give us a reasonable hope that America will soon rise, like her own eagle, and soar above those clouds and storms which disturb and terrify birds of a weaker wing."
"GENTLEMEN,"
"If any crimes or offences, cognizable by the jurisdiction of this court, have come to your knowledge, it is your duty to enquire concerning them, and present them for trial. Should you want any information respecting the law, or instruction in points of form, the court, or the attorney for the United States, will be ready to give you all necessary assistance."
After the address several causes, criminal, civil and maritime, were instituted in this new court.
Let me recommend (says a correspondent) one particular of an important employment, for reducing the balance of trade which is against the citizens of America: WOOL! It is no exotic, and can owe to no foreigner! Be at expence on this article amongst ourselves: encourage the growth of it; and promote woolen manufactures: begin, in small associations or companies, with the simplest fabrications; such as of blankets: they are necessary as coats. Other objects for a well applied industry will occur, the one after another. As a forerunner to promoting employment, be bold in amending the regulations respecting the poor: principally provide checks on the magistrates, governors, and overseers, who through levity, weaknesses or other cause, suffer their country to be shamefully abused and oppressed in particular parts of the continent, and involve in their lax government a marked encouragement of some of the greatest evils that can ensue to nations or affect mankind; idleness and debauchery, with their concomitant wretchedness. John will be at ease; will be idle; will be a sot, because John can whine himself into the society of public paupers without difficulty, be and there provided for, as a drone, by the industrious. The laws provide for the poor, but—not for the impostor: I would provide for the poor, but—they should be kept to some employment; all paupers who are capable of whittling a stick, may be induced to pass their time in producing toys for others; as the Dutch people are used to supply our babies, big and little. A steady industry in work, of various sorts, according to the abilities of the respective inmates, would greatly lessen the public burthen; both by the income produced by it, and from impostors shrinking from a compulsory work under confinement, when they can chuse to work at large. Want of a right criterion for admitting of applicants, to be provided for at the public expence, is the principal cause of nine-tenths of them being in reason, in humanity, policy and in justice, improperly received. That a man is poor, is not alone sufficient cause for the servants of the public to provide for him at the cost of the industrious part of the community: besides his being in a state of indigence, he must be incapable of working sufficiently to support himself in necessaries; and he must be without any connection capable and compellable by law to provide for him. Indulging a whining drone, capable of getting a living by labor or in any way of his former employments, is encouraging the vices above enumerated, and in effect multiplies paupers and wretchedness. Pen. Mercury.
BOSTON, November 18.
It is a circumstance worthy of remark, and at the same time reflects honor on Great-Britain, that in that kingdom the artists patronized by his Majesty, are principally Americans. WEST is Historical Painter to, and a favorite of His Majesty—COLEY also stands high in the Royal favor—and we lately have seen that our young townsman, BROWN, has been appointed Painter to his Royal Highness the Duke of CLARENCE.
A correspondent has been so obliging as to furnish us with two papers, printed at Madras, in India, from which we have extracted the following paragraph:—
BENGAL, JANUARY 17.
DEHLI.
The fate of Gholoum Khadir Khan has been at length determined upon, and the mode of punishment prescribed: His eyes are first to be scooped from their sockets, with a similar instrument to that with which he caused the unfortunate King's to be extracted; in this situation he is to remain for a certain time, in order
that he himself may feel those agonizing and unspeakable sufferings which he had occasioned to another; he is then to be conducted to a place prepared for the occasion, and interred to the middle, in which posture he is to continue, to be shot at with poisoned arrows, until he expires. His offences, it must be admitted, have been monstrous; his punishment, however, we are sorry to say, tho' seemingly accommodated to his actions, is a species of refined retribution which too strongly marks the sanguinary principles which, unfortunately for mankind, still influence Eastern governments. It may be said, that it suits despotic States, where whatever inspires fear, is the properest spring of government; but the voice of nature cries loudly against it.
POPE'S ORRERY.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London to his friend in this town.
You may be assured that the University at Cambridge, in New-England, is in possession of a far better Orrery than ever was made in England; for in my hearing, the King's Astronomers and Mathematicians allowed that there never was one made in England equal to that of RITTENHOUSE's, at Philadelphia—and according to Mr. POPE's description of the plan of his Orrery, they acknowledged his to be much superior; and told him "they have purchased it of you for almost a fong, for it is impossible such an one should be made in England short of twelve hundred guineas."
In addition to the many manufactures rising progressively in America, no mention has as yet been made of the Ivory Comb Manufactory in this town—A branch of manufacture which now produces, even for exportation, Combs as cheap, and as well made, as any in Europe, and which, if properly encouraged, would not only save but bring much money into the town.
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. XXVIII.
"Truth and Fidelity are the pillars of the State; If any blind Sampson break but these, the fabric falls, and crushes all to pieces."
IT is of the last importance to the honor and stability of our national government, that its foundations should be laid in faith and justice . In order to this, the public engagements should be made with great caution and reserve ; and so within the limits of fair, and probable calculation , that the performance may, if possible, always exceed , but never fall short of expectation . A punctilious man is an anchor to his friends, and connections; but confidence in the public should be an immovable pyramid of trust, that cannot fail. Whether the Continental, or State Governments, have in times past, been profuse in their promises, and remiss in the discharge of them, need not be enquired into: but certain it is, that the public has not been considered, as in sound policy it should have been, the most eligible creditor ; and from this want of confidence in the public faith, the debts of our country have been contracted on such terms, as have amazingly augmented their amount.
From this dear bought experience, a very important lesson may be learned: and that is, not to make a single engagement, beyond our abilities. Such a determination, it is true, may dissolve the airy visions of many splenetic system-mongers, and sanguine speculators; but it is the only line of prudence and success. The reflecting, substantial creditors of the nation will appreciate the merit of such a resolution, as the only safe and effectual mode of establishing the public credit, and placing the United States upon such a footing, as will enable them to make their future contracts upon terms of equity and common justice.
The United States are doubtless in possession of resources commensurate to their demands: but these resources are many of them latent ; and tho' of such a nature, as cannot leave a doubt upon the mind of any person of reflection and understanding, of their sufficiency , and permanency ; yet, they will require time to be brought into full operation. The public exigencies may seem to require immediate and extraordinary exertions; but the point of ability, is the point of utility; and unduly straining upon the patriotism of the country, in order to realize an object not easily within our reach, will place this most desirable event, the establishment of the public credit, in a perilous situation. The creditors of the Union, and of the respective States, will doubtless prefer a system of certainty , upon a scale, within the compass of the public ability, to a widely extended circle of paper promises that must finally be lost in the sea of speculation. What cannot be performed should never be promised: for, as one of the ancients hath said, the people that violate their promises, make the Gods their enemies .
NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER 28.
Wednesday last being the anniversary of the evacuation of this city by the British troops, and of the entrance of the American army, colors were displayed at the fort, and at noon a federal salute was fired at the battery.
In most of the States of the Union, it has been thought proper by their respective Executives to republish the proclamation of the President of the United States, recommending the observance of a day of public thanksgiving, with some additions; but in this State, so fully persuaded were the Executive, that it would have a general and prompt attention paid to it without this formality, that the proclamation has been left to operate on its own intrinsic, federal principles. The persuasion if we may judge from the example of this city, was well founded.
Of all the subjects that come under the public cognizance in a free State, there is free State, there is none that excites greater uneasiness, jealousy, and debate than that of finance; and yet there is none attended with greater difficulty in its management, and on which greater candor, patience and good humor ought to be exercised.
THEATRE—JOHN-STREET.
The Entertainment at the THEATRE, on Tuesday evening last, appeared, by the repeated plaudits, to give the fullest satisfaction to a very crowded house: The selections for the Evening were made with judgment—and animated by the presence of the illustrious personages, who honored the exhibition, the Players exerted their best abilities. The Pieces performed were the TOY—The CRITIC, and a new Comic Sketch, entitled DARBY'S RETURN. The latter piece is the production of the same ingenious hand, who hath already contributed so much to the entertainment of the public by "The Father, or American Shandyism." "DARBY'S RETURN" is replete with the happiest illusions to interesting events, and very delicately turned compliments. On the appearance of THE PRESIDENT, the audience rose, and received him with the warmest acclamations—the genuine effusions of the hearts of FREEMEN.
The ship Massachusetts, burthen 800 tons, Job Prince, commander, is advertised to sail from Boston for Canton, in China, in February next, and to return to the port of New-York in May, 1791.
The Mail from New-York to Philadelphia, and vice versa after the first day of January next, will be dispatched five times in each week, leaving New-York every day (except Saturday and Sunday) at 8 o'clock, A. M. and Philadelphia the same day, at 9 A. M.
The friends to the rights of human nature, and particularly every American, must feel interested in the commotions which now agitate the kingdom of France. The prospect that opened upon that people, of a compleat emancipation from a state of abject despotism, impressed the most pleasing sensations upon every philanthropic mind. That they may finally establish a free government, is most devoutly to be wished. Recent accounts, however seem to corroborate the hackneyed sentiment, that mankind are alike in every age. A triumphant majority too seldom discovers a proper sense of the rights of the minority. Distinctions will obtain in all governments; they are truly estimable only in free States; for there, they are held by the most precious and desirable tenure—the good will of the people, founded on merit, and sanctioned by the laws. However, in France a very respectable and formidable body, composed of clergy and laity, has long been established; endowed it is true, with privileges and immunities, degrading to the people, and hostile to their rights. These exemptions the nobility have most nobly divested themselves of: but their sacrifices do not seem to be sufficient; and from confounding and involving all distinctions, the transition to stripping the Sovereign of the essentials of monarchy is very natural. Happy will it be for the French nation, if the excesses of a spirit of reformation do not combine an interest against the National Assembly, that may prove paramount to all their fine spun, democratical theories of government.
EXTRACT.
YE Fathers, ye generous protectors of American liberty, you may form Constitutions and laws, that shall closely approximate even perfection itself; but unless you enable your people to see the beauty, the worth of them, all will be in vain! You may as well "cast pearl to swine." Would you preserve to yourselves and your posterity the blessings and happiness of your dear bought republican government, or indeed your government itself, you must encourage a general education among all ranks of society! You must prescribe, adopt and bring into operation, a system of education, by which the minds of your people, in general, from generation to generation, may be so far enlightened as to discover and realize the true principles and excellence of civil liberty! And I see not why this may not be done. The Americans, as a nation, are already the best instructed people under the sun. There are, perhaps, individuals in other countries, who have made greater advances in arts and sciences; but I presume there is not a nation on earth, where the people at large are so well informed. Why may they not be raised one degree higher in point of education? Were the people absolutely obliged to maintain regular schools, and in such number that all the children might be taught, would not the necessary knowledge soon be diffused throughout the continent? O! why may we not flatter ourselves that it was reserved for America to convince the world that a republican government may exist in its utmost purity to the final close of human nature?
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Wednesday. Ship Speightstown, Jackson, Madeira. Sloop Cato, Darrel, Kingston, 45 days. Sloop Sally, Lawrence, Cape-Francois, 24 days. Sloop Nancy, —, Baltimore. Sloop Nabby, Gardner, Charleston, 10 days. Thursday. Sloop Sally, Raisbeck, St. Johns, N. B. 10 days.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Gazette of the United States circulates in every part of the Union—being honored by subscribers in Georgia, South and North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, New-York, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, and District of Maine, Canada, Europe, and the West Indies. This extensive circulation renders it a proper vehicle for ADVERTISEMENTS of a general, commercial and governmental import:—By the particular desire and advice, therefore, of a number of its patrons, this paper will be open for the reception of advertisements of the above description; which as they will convey intelligence of an interesting nature, the Editor hopes their insertion will meet the approbation of his friends in general. Should the number at any time amount to more than a page in the Gazette, they will be given in a Supplement.
JOHN FENNO.
New-York, Nov. 28, 1789.

MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER XIV.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 26, 1780.
SIR,
THE fourteenth question is, "What is the quantity of paper money in circulation? What credit the inhabitants have for it, in their daily business? What designs the inhabitants have by maintaining its credit? What by preventing its increase? And in what manner do they realize it?"
The quantity of paper bills in circulation, on the 18th of March last, was two hundred millions of paper dollars.
The Congress stated the value of it, upon an average, at forty for one; amounting, in the whole, to five millions, of silver dollars, or one million and a quarter sterling. This they did, by resolving to receive one silver dollar in lieu of forty paper ones, in the payment of taxes. This was probably allowing more than the full value for the paper; because, by all accounts, the bills passed from hand to hand, in private transactions, at sixty or seventy for one.
The designs of the inhabitants, in preserving its credit as much as they can, are very good and laudable. The designs are, that they may have a fixed and certain medium, both for external and internal commerce: That every man may have an equal profit from his industry, and for his commodities: That private and public debts may be justly paid: And every man may pay an equal and proportional share of the public expences. and this is their design in preventing its increase; because it is impossible, if the quantity is increased, to prevent the depreciation of the whole in circulation.
They realize it in various ways. Some have lent it to the public, and received loan-office certificates for it, upon interest, which are to be paid in proportion to their value in silver at the time of their dates. Some purchase with it the produce of the country, which they export to the West-Indies, and to Europe; and, by this means, supply the French and Spanish fleets and armies, both upon the continent of America, and the West-India islands: Others purchase merchandizes imported with it: Others purchase bills of exchange upon France, Spain, &c. Others purchase silver and gold with it; and others purchase houses and lands.—Others have paid their debts with it, to such a degree, that the people of America were never so little in debt, in their private capacities, as at present.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Began and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
An ACT to recognize and adapt to the Constitution of the United States the establishment of the TROOPS raised under the resolve of the United States in Congress assembled, and for other purposes therein mentioned.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the establishment contained in the resolve of the late Congress, of the third day of October, one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven, except as to the mode of appointing the officers, and also as is hereinafter provided, be, and the same is hereby recognized to be the establishment for the troops in the service of the United States.
And be it further enacted, That the pay and allowances of the said troops be the same as have been established by the United States in Congress assembled, by their resolution of the twelfth of April, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five.
And be it further enacted, That all commissioned and non-commissioned officers and privates, who are or shall be in the service of the United States, shall take the following oaths or affirmations, to wit: "I, A. B. do solemnly swear or affirm (as the case may be) that I will support the Constitution of the United States." "I, A. B. do solemnly swear or affirm (as the case may be) to bear true allegiance to the United States of America, and to serve them honestly and faithfully against all their enemies or opposers whatsoever, and to observe and obey the orders of the President of the United States of America, and the orders of the officers appointed over me."
And be it further enacted, That the said troops shall be governed by the the rules and articles of war which have been established by the United States in Congress assembled, or by such rules and articles of war, as may hereafter by law be established.
And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of protecting the inhabitants of the frontiers of the United States from the hostile incursions of the Indians, the President is hereby authorized to call into service from time to time, such part of the militia of the States respectively, as he may judge necessary for the purpose aforesaid; and that their pay and subsistence while in service,
be the same as the pay and subsistence of the troops abovementioned.
And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force until the end of the next sessions of Congress, and no longer.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER 29th, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER, 28, 1789.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, SEPT. 19, 1789.
GENERAL ACCOUNT of ANTICIPATIONS.
No. II.
A PARTICULAR STATEMENT of WARRANTS drawn by the late Board of Treasury on MICHAEL HILLEGAS, late Treasurer of the United States, which remain unpaid, and were comprised in the Estimate made by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and by him reported to the House of Representatives of the United States.
Table with 4 columns: Date of Warrants, No., In whose favor, Department, and for what drawn, Dol. goths. It lists various payments for the Army and Clothing Department from 1788 to 1789.
CLOTHING DEPARTMENT.
Table with 4 columns: Date of Warrants, No., In whose favor, Department, and for what drawn, Dol. goths. It lists payments for clothing from 1787 to 1789.
Amount of anticipations by the late Board of Treasury, 189,906 34. Treasury of the United States. Register's Office, September 24, 1788. JOSEPH NOURSE, Register.
EXTRACT.
Avarice may pile; robbery may plunder; mines may be opened; hidden treasures may be discovered; gamesters may win cash; conquerors may win kingdoms; but all such means of acquiring riches are transient and determinable—while industry and commerce, are the natural, the living, the never-failing fountains from whence the wealth of this world can alone be taught to flow.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK. NOVEMBER 28. DOLLARS at 8s. Table listing prices for various goods like Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, St. Croix, Molasses, Brandy, etc.