National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-06-26 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 69 of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, June 26, 1793.
[Total NUMB. 173]
Foreign Intelligence.
[From a Paris Paper.]
Extracts of a letter from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the President of the National Convention, dated Paris, April 2, 1793.
I have been denounced to the National Convention for having deferred citizen Semonville, ambassador from the republic to Constantinople; and exemplary punishment is demanded.—I owe it to myself to submit to the Convention the most minute explanations in order that they may judge between citizen Semonville, and myself. I can at all times, with the greatest confidence, render an account of my conduct to the representatives of the nation; and although I cannot applaud the irregular manner in which I am denounced, because it evidently tends to weaken the responsibility of ministers, in taking away from them the liberty of choosing their own agents, yet still I am indebted to the denuncers, who have now given me a fair occasion to expose to the public the purity of intention that actuated the executive council, and the measures I have proposed. I will not waste the time of the Convention in detailing particulars tending to my justification. I will confine myself to submit to them a simple narrative of facts relative thereto.
From the time of the revolution in August 1792, citizen Semonville was named to the embassy to Constantinople. His talents, activity, and the proofs of patriotism he had given, seemed to ensure the success of a mission which has ever since been considered one of the most important in the appointment of the republic. His departure from Genoa was retarded by delays arising from the choice of presents to be entrusted with him for the Grand Seigneur. The artists that were employed on them did not finish their work till towards the end of September. It took near a month longer to convey the presents to Toulon, where they were to be shipped. These delays prevented the departure of citizen Semonville till the end of October. In this interval the executive council was informed not only of the intrigues of the old minister, Choiseul Gouffier, at the Porte, but of all the steps taken by the ministers of the combined powers, particularly by the Neapolitan minister, to render citizen Semonville odious, and prevent his reception at Constantinople, as ambassador from the republic.
In order to the success of our negotiations with the Porte, it was necessary not to expose the republic to an affront which she could not otherwise than have resented, and would bring on a rupture with a power with which the circumstances of the times strongly urge us to remain on good terms. The executive therefore concluded it best to suspend the departure of citizen Semonville, and send a secondary agent to Constantinople, not only to make way for the acknowledgment of the ambassador, but to enter provisionally upon negotiations, which it would have been dangerous to defer any longer. Citizen Semonville then received orders to remove from Genoa to the island of Corsica, and hold himself in readiness to depart at a moment's warning.
While the executive council were taking every necessary precaution, the Convention ordered the publication of the papers found in the iron chest, in the palace of the Thuilleries. Among these papers was found a letter from Talon to the ci-devant king, in which he proposes citizen Semonville as successor to Dumourier, in the ministry of foreign affairs, because "under the appearance of a Jacobin, he had a heart wholly devoted to the service of Louis."—A copy of the letter written by Talon is as follows—"Sire, The importance of the occasion brings before you a servant, who, tho' having relinquished all direct connections, has not been the less engaged in attentively making his observations upon whatever concerns your majesty. This morning, Sire, Dumourier intends to request his dismissal. It is necessary his successor should be a man, who, under colour of being a Jacobin, should yet have a heart wholly devoted to your service. Such a man is M. Semonville. The part he has acted for six months past is the strongest argument I can give you in his favor. Your majesty has his confidence, and I hope he will merit yours; for reci-
procal confidence is the strongest tie that can attach men to each other, however separated by distance.—It has been perhaps too presumptuous in me to make myself responsible to your majesty for Semonville's sentiments: I may add, however, that if events should require a dictatorship (already tried without success) he, myself, and one other person, would take the whole risk upon ourselves, and be responsible for its success. I have said enough for your majesty to understand what I mean. Should you with a further explanation, I take the liberty to ask a private interview.—I am, &c. your majesty's most obedient and faithful servant and subject. TALON.
Paris, 21st June, 1792.
The encomiums bestowed by Talon on the secret sentiments of citizen Semonville, were not of a nature to inspire confidence in the executive council, which from such evidence, would have dismissed him at once, if they had not thought it their duty previously to hear the ambassador's justification. But the delicate situation in which our affairs now are, in respect to the Porte, and the necessity of freeing our agent from all intrigue, has been a motive with the executive for concealing their opinion of Semonville, in order to give the agent time to reach Constantinople by land.
It was not till the 2d of February that I wrote to citizen Semonville, to acquaint him with the doubts which the publication of Talon's letter had raised against his character, and to persuade him to return to France to justify himself. This letter was meant to convince citizen Semonville, that it was a disagreeable task to me to suspend a man from the execution of his office, whose talents and activity might be very useful to the republic. This measure, dictated by the purest patriotism and a full conviction of that responsibility which is so binding upon the great officers of the republic (a measure possibly too moderate when one considers the strict meaning of Talon's letter) has been represented to the National Convention as treason against the republic, and this same Semonville, whose name has so unaccountably been included in the correspondence of Louis XVIth, has presumed himself, to call in question the patriotism of those good citizens who have denounced me to the Convention."
FRANKFORT, (Germany) April 17.
General Kalkreuth, who directs the investment of Mentz, has summoned the city to surrender; but general Poirier, who commands there while general Mennier has the command of Cassel, replied that he would defend it to the last. The bombardment of this unhappy town was therefore begun yesterday. The besiegers having in vain attempted to dislodge the French from the village of Weisseman, which was necessary for them to carry on the operation of the siege, they at length set fire to it. All the environs are likely to be subjected in the fullest extent, to all the horrors and devastations of war.
VIENNA, April 8.
According to letters from Florence, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, renouncing the system of neutrality, has ordered M. Laflette, the French minister, to quit his states within twenty-four hours.
The army of the Prince de Saxe Cobourg will be full augmented with 40,000 men, in order that proper garrisons may be left in the Austrian Netherlands, and that our army may enter French Flanders before the beginning of May.
The day before yesterday the third column of our heavy artillery began to march from this capital. It consists of three companies of cannoniers, one of bombardiers, and seventy carriages laden with ammunition and implements necessary for carrying on sieges, each drawn by six horses.
RATISBON, April 3.
In the conclusion of the Empire, of the 22d ult. when the war against France was declared, and the circulation of the French assignats prohibited, it was further resolved That
"All treaties of peace hitherto concluded between the Germanic empire and France are to be declared null, yet without prejudicing the rights of every third."
"All written correspondence is to be narrowly examined, but the commercial connections with France are to be preserved till infringed by France herself."
"All the states and vassals of the Empire are to renounce their neutrality with France."
"All Frenchmen who cannot obtain a permission of residence from the magistrates of any part of the Empire, are to be banished from all its dependencies."
OSTEND, April 27.
The Brussels paper while it laments the obstinacy of the French, bears testimony to their intrepid conduct in the field. One action there is said to have lasted twelve hours, and it is compared at some periods of its duration to the battle of Jemappe itself. The combined armies have, however, possessed themselves of many posts in the French territory. St. Amand has been lately occupied by them; and the Prussians are posted at Launoy, Roubray, and Turcoing, which are within five or six miles of Lisle itself. The greatest distress prevails in those districts; so immoderate is the price of articles of the first necessity, that even to exist, it were necessary to be wealthy. Whether these dispositions portend the siege of Lisle, I know not; It seems, however probable, that when the heavy artillery arrives, which is expected about the middle of next month, an attempt will be made, which even if it should not succeed, will not be inglorious. It is generally believed in this country, however, that Lisle will be taken; the reason of which belief, as has been stated to me with much candour and simplicity, seems to be, that that they cannot conceive how the combined armies will be able to get on if they do not take Lisle. Certain it is, that if they do take Lisle, they will make a most important acquisition; for the northern departments of France, consisting of an immense plain, as far as Paris, would be open to the ravages of cavalry, and a real famine might be added to the long catalogue of calamities which has been liberally assigned to that republic.
BRUSSELS, April 26.
General Dumourier's prospect of restoring a king and constitution to France, has totally miscarried. I am the more sorry for it, as I am persuaded its success would have saved a deluge of blood. A limited monarchy in my mind, is the best government; and such an alliance as was proposed to be the consequence, would have certainly secured to the French a rational system of liberty. Though I must in my conscience, blame all foreign interference (open or clandestine) in the affairs of France; yet, as this interference has been carried so far, I should have been glad to see it terminated in a way favourable to humanity, and not inimical to freedom: a very different result may now be apprehended. It seems as if this project had miscarried from want of co-operation at Paris. Dumourier's letters avowing his designs were intended as the signal for the Orleans party to rise. The assembly concealed these letters, and the report of the commissioners, as long as they could; it was important for them to gain time, because the new levies were agitators. Had they attempted a massacre, they would have been directly laid hold of. Their emissaries threatened, in the tribunes of the assembly, sixty of the most noted republicans, but did not dare to put their threats in execution. In short, this insurrection not having taken place at the time it was expected, Dumourier durst not venture with the few troops attached to him into the heart of the kingdom; he proposed reinforcing his army with a body of Austrians, and this circumstance cooled most of his friends. The constant method is to keep themselves too much backward, and depend too much on their agents, so that what has happened to Dumourier is no more than what before happened to the late king of Sweden and the Brabanters.
LONDON, April 25.
DUEL.
Col. Gardiner's mother assured us, that she had received a letter from her son at Antwerp, informing her, that a duel had been fought there between the duke of York and the prince of Orange, in which the latter was run through the body. The wound, however, was not mortal.
It is to be remarked, that the two princes are married to the two princesses of Prussia.
The duel originated in the order given
by the stadtholder some time since, which was reported in this paper, that all officers and soldiers neglecting their duty, should be sent to the provost, which answers to the newgate of this country; the British soldiers were not accepted. His royal highness remonstrated, and at last declared, in peremptory terms, that Britons should obey the orders of a Briton only.
There is at this time a much greater number of American vessels in the river, than at any period since the independence of the United States.
Lisle is well prepared to sustain a siege; 450 pieces of cannon are mounted on the ramparts; the garrison has sufficient stores of ammunition and provisions; and all the approaches to it is laid under water.
On Tuesday were sold by public auction, in the city, the two first French prizes condemned this war. The one Le Cuffine, was sold for 115l. and the other Les Sans Culottes, for 140—These are the sums we receive in return for prizes taken by them to the amount of near 30,000l.
The premier, notwithstanding his elaborate display and enumeration of the resources and opulence of the country, has already changed his opinion upon that subject; and what a few months past he despised and treated as trifling and inconsiderable, he now regards as objects of such an alarming nature, that all the skill and sagacity which may be employed upon the occasion, will probably prove ineffectual in surmounting them. If the enquiry into the state and condition of the country, which Mr. Fox was so desirous might have taken place, previous to the declaration of war, had been brought forward and properly attended to, the succeeding misfortunes, which have nearly overwhelmed the commercial part of the nation, would never have occurred; and in lieu of that destruction and desolation which have taken place in every branch of our commerce and manufactures, peace, plenty, and general unanimity, would have prevailed throughout the nation.
The modesty of Mr. Dundas has long been proverbial; if it were not, his late declaration in the House of Commons, would make it so. That is, that the present distressed situation of the trade and commerce of the country, was fairly attributed to her prosperity, her energies, and her spirit of enterprize. We know the necessity some persons may have for imposing on JOHN BULL, yet we cannot suppose him so dull as to give credit to such assertions, but that he will justly impute the existing calamities to its real cause, namely, The present unpopular war.
May 3.
The Suffolk of 74 guns, with the Gen. Goddard and Laeselles East-Indiamen, and a large convoy, sailed this afternoon for the Downs.
The captain of the Spanish Register ship brought in here took the French privateer to be an Algerine, having never seen the new national colours, or heard of the war; and from a dread of being made slaves stood an action of five hours, in which he had ten men killed and 37 wounded. His upper works were entirely shattered, and his people having been at sea from the time he left Lima, could no longer support the fatigue of the action. The mate of the privateer strongly recommended a run to America with the prize.
May 7.
Intelligence is in this town from Paris, of so late a date as the 27th ult. when all remained in full tranquillity.—The report respecting the state of the granaries was, that they contained a sufficient supply of corn for a fortnight. The royal family were safe and in health.
Recruiting for the army continued in the capital; but in the provinces it every where met with opposition.
Some situations of consequence on the frontiers, towards Spain, are said to have fallen into the hands of that power.
The combined armies we do not understand, have made any progress since the last accounts received—neither have we heard any thing more of the meditated attack upon Dunkirk.
It appears to be the determination of France in the ensuing campaign, to act entirely on the defensive; thus firmly occupied, it is generally considered, that they will be enabled to exhaust the patience of their numerous enemies.

The opinion greatly gains ground, that it is the object of the executive council of France, to conciliate measures with England, Holland and Spain.
A party of French frigates failed from Cadiz for the Havana, on the 25th of March, with orders for the Spanish fleet there, which consists of nine ships of the line, and four frigates, to take on board a body of land forces, for an attack on St. Domingo.
The French have invaded Switzerland, and already taken possession of Soleure, the capital of the canton of that name, besides several other places.
By letters from the Hague, dated the 24th ult. we have accounts from Paris as late as the 19th of April. A decree of confiscation of the property of M. Egalite, had been passed, without prejudice however to the claims of his creditors.
One of the first mercantile houses in the city has received advice from Holland stating, that the French Convention had passed a decree, prohibiting the subjects of France from paying any bills accepted by them, drawn by subjects at war with that country, and that even a punishment was annexed, wherever this decree was disobeyed.
The French are sitting out at Bourdeaux six of the stoutest privateers ever sent to sea from France, the smallest of them mounts 36 guns.
PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
Among the different petitions addressed to the House of Commons on this subject, that from Birmingham is couched in terms the most respectful and moderate. It commences by acknowledging no other form of government than that of King, Lords, and Commons, each of which ought to be independent of the other—The Commons is ought to be freely elected by a majority of the people; it states, that, on the contrary, there are many instances in which they are appointed by the influence of the Executive Power; others, by the direction of wealthy individuals; and yet a greater number by combinations of men—That where election is apparently upon a broader ground, it is so conducted as to be ruinous to the Candidates, and becomes an endless source of disorder, debauchery and prostitution—That, at present, in consequence of the numberless complex cases which occur from bribery, and other disputable points, respecting which the law is not sufficiently explicit, the time of Parliament is wasted in settling disputes, while perhaps the unduly elected Member sits to decide upon the affairs of the nation by which he was not instructed.
To this imperfect state of representation, the Petition further charges the increase of taxes, and the frequency of ruinous wars; it therefore appeals to the virtue and prudence of the present House of Commons for a redress of these grievances, and finally recommends the shortening the duration of Parliaments, so far as to preserve efficacy.
PORTSMOUTH, May 1.
Yesterday arrived the Surprize cutter, of London, capt. Seward, from a cruise. He fell in with a French East-Indiaman of Bourdeaux; and took her after an engagement of an hour. At the moment of boarding, three 74 gun ships under French colours, bore down upon him, when the cutter was obliged to quit her, and make the best of her way off, after throwing 8 of her guns overboard.
PLYMOUTH-DOCK, April 25.
A fleet of seven sail of the line, and two frigates, with upwards of fifty sail of merchantmen, were this morning seen steering to the westward; it is supposed to be admiral Cosby's.
DUBLIN, APRIL 10.
The unhappy bankruptcies that distract the sister country, are attributed by some of our venal prints, to originate from an undue extension of paper credit and not to the war, into which the British empire has been precipitated. Now the fact is, that this terrible concussion exhibited no symptoms—
—Until the farmers of England were prevented from exporting their corn to France.
—Until the entire foreign trade of Britain was stopped by a general embargo on all her shipping.
—Until the monied-men throughout England, allured by the high rates of interest the depression of the funds induced, drew from the hands of the provincial bankers merchants, and manufacturers, the capitals they deposited with them.
—Until by a general stop and countermand of orders from the East-country, Holland, France, Italy, and almost every other great market in Europe, the woolen, hardware, cotton, and earthenware manufacturers received so great a shock that 500,000 industrious men were thrown out of employment, and obliged to beg their bread.
—Until five hundred British merchant ships, richly laden were detained for want of convoys from proceeding on their destined voyages, seized in hostile ports, or captured at sea—by which the
merchants, bills run out their course long before the provision for discharging them arrives.
—Until the premiums of insurances being quadrupled, and the universal want of money precluded an adequate rise of goods, the merchant could not dispose of them but at a great certain loss.
It is not then an extension of paper or public credit, (the first time we heard that such credit was an evil in a commercial country) that has occasioned the dreadful bankruptcies in England. It is the consequence of war alone; the minister who has plunged his country into this
From the American Daily Advertiser.
INFALLIBILITY is not the lot of humanity, and to arrogate it is the highest presumption. To place any individual in a free government above criticism, is to render him infallible in opinion, and this infallibility is a species of tyranny. No public character ought to be so sacred, as to make it dangerous or criminal to arraign it; this is a species of the inviolability which royalty lays claim to, and where it obtains, the government is no longer free. It is said to be a part of the prerogative of a free man, and I believe it is recognized either expressly or impliedly in our constitution, to scrutinize the public conduct of those in authority, and if this prerogative is invaded, either by law or opinion, it is tyranny. Virtue and truth will ever stand the test of enquiry—falsehood and design, skulk from the eye of investigation. Where, then, is the danger—where, then, is the impropriety to scrutinize the actions of public men? The man of upright conduct, like gold from the furnace, comes out more pure after the ordeal.
Truth, no doubt, is oftentimes an unwelcome guest to men in power: it is a monument of imperfection to them, which the voice of flattery has persuaded them they are free from, and the man who has the audacity to introduce such guests to the notice of the would-be sovereigns of our country, are branded with opprobrium. "Incediaries and seditious," are the courtly epithets for freemen, who presume to avail themselves of their rights, and say that our governmental gentry are capable of wrong. Sounds so horrid, have terror only for the weak and the flatterer—but they give sinew to the independent mind.
It is a fashion among courtly writers to mingle things in their nature distinct: thus are those who censure the administration, called "anti-federalists," as if the existence of the constitution depended alone upon the actors under it: and thus are those who question the legality and propriety of the President's Proclamation, styled "deperadoes," who wish to plunge the United States into a war; that they may gain a something, which could not be acquired in peace. This is a kind of political inquisition, calculated to preclude the freedom of enquiry. A higher tone than calumny is observed by some: they menace in aftertimes, as if freemen were to be deterred by slaps and garters!!
Whatever complexion may be given to the intention of men who question the propriety of the proclamation, however they may be anathematized by the courtly tribe, I will presume to give an opinion on this consecrated bull, and pronounce it to be improper, ill-timed and illegal: improper, as it threw all the belligerent powers into one indiscriminate mass: ill-timed, as it was published before the arrival of Mr. Genet in this city, and before he had an opportunity of declaring the intentions of his republic; and illegal, as it placed nations, with whom we had no treaty, no legal connection, on a footing with those with whom we had alliance. It cannot be deemed, that all the belligerent powers did not stand in the same relation to us, and, therefore to hasten them all up together—friends and aliens alike, was destroying the relation which subsisted between some of them and us: An alliance subsisted between France and the United States; and to declare to the world, that we viewed France, who was an ally, in the same light as Austria and Sardinia, who are aliens to us, cannot be reconciled upon the common principle of honour or faith. Why was the proclamation issued before the arrival of Mr. Genet in this city? Was not this declaring a forfeiture of our engagements with France, and that we would remain neutral, the alliance and his instructions to the contrary notwithstanding?—Did not the hurry of the proclamation, as well as the terms of it, amount to a dereliction of our alliance? For, if we intended to fulfil it, why such precipitancy in declaring neutrality? Is there a treaty between Austria, Sardinia and the United States? If there is not, is not the proclamation enjoining the same good fellowship and good offices to them, as to those with whom we are in treaty, an act of injustice? The duty of the President is executive, and not legislative; and if there is no treaty between Austria and Sardinia, his declaring them entitled to equal privileges with our allies, is an act of legislation: it is an act of sovereignty and of injustice. The laws of Congress, explaining the presidential proclamationary powers, says, that the President shall issue his proclamation in cases of
insurrection, or of opposition to the laws of the United States. Was America in a state of insurrection—were its citizens making opposition to the laws, that a proclamation must be issued? What if all we say of a proclamation that levels all distinction and puts friends and aliens upon a footing? Is not this a violation of law as well as of common faith? For, where is the use of treaties if nations, with whom we have no treaty, are to have the same countenance as allies? FRANCE, Sardinia, and Austria upon a footing! Ubi imago, ibi res!
If it is supposed, from any of the preceding remarks, that I wish to plunge this country into a war, I can declare, that war is what I most sincerely wish to avert. Could we render France any effectual assistance, it would be our "duty"—it would be our "interest" to uncurl the standard of hostility; but, as we are too feeble, and France has had the generosity to forego her claims upon the United States, I wish peace may be preserved. It is a state artifice, that to question the propriety of the conduct of magistrates, and expose their inflections, will have a tendency to involve us in war. This cry of wolf! wolf! is too hacknied to alarm.
I cannot close this essay, without one word to the cunning "Friend to Peace." When the devil tempted our first parents, he assumed a friendly appearance: It is said, indeed, that whenever he wishes to seduce virtue, he puts on virtue's garb.—Take care, next time, to conceal the cloven-foot. Another word from the poet, for his edification:
"Some for renown on scraps of learning dare, And think they grow immortal as they quote: To patch-work learn'd quotations are allied; Both strive to make our poverty our pride." PHILO-VERITAS. June 20, 1793.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To the Author of the two Letters signed "A FRIEND TO PEACE."
SIR,
I AM so much delighted with your two letters to Veritas, in answer to his insolent letters to the President, that I am disposed to become an interloper in this correspondence also, for the purpose of pointing out a few of the principal beauties in your composition.
In the first place, by filling three or four columns in the gazette for Veritas's one, you have convinced me that you have the best of the argument, because you have most to say; for he who can say four times as much as another on any subject, must evidently understand that subject four times as well.
As you have declared Veritas to be extremely ignorant and malicious, and yourself vastly intelligent and well meaning, you have the advantage of him again; for as your antagonist has not thought proper publicly to contend with you in self-conceit, the public must certainly decide the claim to this useful accomplishment in your favour.
Your manner of writing is decidedly preferable to his: for you have very judiciously reversed the foolish old rule of multum in parvo . Judiciously, I say, because when a man writes so diffusely as to save the reader the trouble of thinking, he that runs may read. To most people, a glass of strong rum would be an intolerable dose; but let it be diluted with pint or half a pint of water, and it becomes quite palatable.
In a signa veritate, you have greatly the advantage—Veritas simply signifies truth, which you know sounds very harshly; especially in the ears of some men, when the subject is that of governmental officers—but the name of "A friend to peace," has a peculiar charm at this juncture, in as much as it implies that there are some writers among us who are friends to war; a supposition which furnishes the proclamationists with an excellent pretext for crying out, Incendiaries! Hence, too, your incomparably arguments in favour of peace derive their chief beauty.—Were we not on the very point of being involved in the war, until you made us converts to peace?
I can not sufficiently admire your ingenuity in showing that, although a war raged in Europe in 1792, the proclamation was not necessary before the 22nd of April 1793; and that it became the indispensable duty of the executive to issue it precisely at that date, to warn our citizens from taking any part in the war. But some are so inexperienced as to say, that a principal design of the proclamation is to prohibit trading in contraband goods; and as a trade of this kind, with any of the belligerent powers, would have been as unjustifiable in 1792 as in 1793, why, they ask, was not the proclamation either issued in 1792, or not at all? The "wiseacres" who start this objection do not seem to recollect, that our good friend Great-Britain, was not involved in her present just and honorable war with France until 1793. What business had we to declare our neutrality, except as a mark of our grateful esteem for Great-Britain, in return for her numerous acts of generosity and friendship towards us. A nation who
saves us the trouble and expence of defending our western posts, by garrisoning them for us, with her own soldiers, is certainly entitled to our warmest gratitude.
Your hints at treason and contempt of court, are master-strokes. The terrors of the law might, I think, be more frequently denounced against the revilers of government, with good effect. Nay I would go farther, and whenever any measure of government was in danger of being too strictly scrutinized, I would prosecute the author of the first essay on that subject, no matter whether he had violated the laws or not—Whether innocent or guilty, all further inquiry on the subject would be precluded for a time; or if any dared to touch upon it, they might be dragged before the court, and severely punished for a contempt, without the intervention of a jury. This, I think, would soon silence all the presses, except such as might be employed in founding the praises of government. I hope the hint will not be lost.—Some have wondered why you should venture to go much farther than Veritas, on ground that you declare to be so dangerous. I have accounted for it, by supposing that you were previously licenced to say as much as you pleased, on the right side. I am sorry, however, that all your arguments have not influenced the admiralty court to decide in favour of the libellants. I think an opinion from a man of your professional abilities, that the admiralty court was "the proper tribunal to try the legality of the capture," ought to have had some weight with that court. A contrary decision having been given by the judge of the admiralty, I fear Veritas may retort your charge of ignorance, even in your own profession; a kind of ignorance the least excusable of any.
A BROTHER-TORY. June 24.
PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, June 26.
On Friday the 14th inst. came on before the hon. Judge Peters, the cause of the libellants against the ship William, of Glasgow.—And on Friday the 21st, the libel plea and replication being full recapitulated by the judge, he proceeded to deliver his DECREE upon the plea to the jurisdiction, as follows—
District Court of the United States, in and for the Pennsylvania District. Robert Findley, jun. and others, Subjects of the King of Great-Britain, versus, the ship William and her cargo, now in the port of Philadelphia.
I have given this subject every consideration I am capable of, and have deliberated on the arguments and authorities, brought forward by the advocates on both sides the question, with the attention they justly merit. But it seems to me that much has been said, not immediately applicable to the only point I have now to determine, to wit: Whether this Court is vested with the power to enquire into the legality of the prize, and to investigate the facts on which all the reasonings are founded? If this fact is established, and the extent of our territorial limits ascertained, so as to make it clear, that a capture has been made within the territories of the United States, there is not a doubt but that a flagrant violation of the rights of neutrality has been committed, and this is followed by many of the consequences mentioned by the advocates for the libellants, so far as they respect our national dignity and duty towards a friendly power, endeavouring to cause restitution or recompence to be made. Nor does this seem to be denied by the other side of the question. But the embarrassment still exists. Who is to enquire into the matter, and either give or attempt the redress?
It is difficult for a neutral nation, with the best disposition, to conduct itself, as not to displease one or the other of the belligerent parties, heated with the rage of war, and jealous of even common acts of justice or friendship on its part. Neither is it easy for the nations as war to restrain their subjects from acts of violence, even in the territories of their friends. The least under control, are those whose object is not honorable conflict, or patriotic exertion. These are actuated by a spirit of lucre, which not only incites to plunder, the base and lawless freebooters, but tar-nishes even heroism, by seducing into unjustifiable actions the bravest men. It would be for the interest of nations and the happiness of mankind, if by universal consent, the quarrels of nations were prevented from being turned to the purposes of private advantage. But the swords of those who fight for gain, will not in our day, be beaten into plough shares.
We must take nations and men as we find them, and consider as lawful, what those at war authorize, so far as it respects the parties engaged. After all, it depends much on the interest, the convenience, or the good temper of governments, whether a neutral shall, or shall not be engaged in war. A prudent and just conduct, on the part of the neutral, particularly, is the surest preventative. But how to evince this is a matter of consideration with those to whom the government is delegated. The

simplest mode of evincing our impartial dis- position, is to confine ourselves to the custom of other nations in our predicament. An over anxious zeal to avoid contests may otherwise lead us into error, and while we are endeavouring to avoid one rock, we may split on another.
Mutual toleration must be exercised, for those who are at war, and those who are not, have their share of difficulties on this subject.
Under this view of the matter before me, I have given a patient hearing to both sides, and have particularly attended to the ar- guments by which a jurisdiction has been endeavoured to be established in this court. It must certainly be allowed by the advo- cates for the libellants, that they have not been able to show any direct authority upon the point. For the two cases of the duke of Tuscany, seizing the vessel committing the outrage near the port of Leghorn, and that of the king of England, ordering resti- tution of the effects taken out of the houses of the inhabitants, and belonging to a ship of a friendly power, driven by its enemies on his shore, appear to have been acts of power, and not done in consequence of de- crees, or orders of courts of admiralty.
Yet these jurisdictions existed in both the cases above-mentioned.
The case of Capt. Landais, in the Ame- rican frigate Alliance, who was ordered by the court of France to restore a ship taken by him, is not in point—For, the Fotters, who appeared as owners, were either sub- jects, or persons resident and domiciliated in France; and the ship was sailing under a passport of that nation. They therefore could not be considered as enemies, and the capture not being made from enemies, the case was not comprehended in the treaty, or the capture authorized by the laws of nations. In the case falling under the no- tice of the king of England, (except that of his having the power of peace and war, as an appendage to which, he might have ex- ercised this kind of authority) I should not have supposed him vested, without an act of the legislature, with the authority he used; and it is doubted by Binkershoek, whether he did right in interfering at all on the occasion.
If it be consistent with treaties, and o- therwise right, our legislature can vest the executive in future with similar powers. I would suppose too, that the liberty of sel- ling prizes, in a neutral country, is not a perfect right, and may also be considered by our national legislature, as a subject of re- gulation. If any captures are made within our limits, and the vessels or plunder is brought within our ports, the sale may be forbidden, they must then be either aban- doned, or carried within the jurisdiction of the captors; where the proper courts will consider of their legality. Yet this is a matter not of judicial but of political ar- rangement and must be left to those who have the authority to direct. The sove- reignty of our nation is as complete as that of any other.
Therefore whatever other sovereigns can do, we live in our power. But because, at this time, the authority supposed neces- sary on this occasion, is not as it is alleged to be found in the executive branch, I do not see that the judiciary ought to exercise it, as a consequence resulting from political convenience or the necessity of the particu- lar case. This I fear would be a novelty dictated by our zeal, and might give cause of offence to one, while we were aiming at justice to ourselves, or gratification to the other. I hesitate not to use any plain au- thority, I know this court to possess, let the consequence be what it may. But this is a question too important in its effects, to be acted on but on the surest ground. I a- gree here, as I do in many of their other positions, with the advocates for the libel- lants, when they say that courts of admi- ralty jurisdiction are less liable to objection as these courts are regulated by the laws and customs of all nations, and not liable to political bias or entangled in political co- siderations." This should induce the great- er caution in their determinations. I have not seen any proofs that "the laws and cus- toms of all nations" warrant the interfer- ence of this court. If they do not, no au- thority can be derived from our laws, if they were not silent on the subject. In the existing arrangement of our government, we did not calculate on our relative situa- tion, as to contests between other nations. It is for this reason no immediate remedy is at hand, who can justly censure the execu- tive when he has given decided evidence of his impartial and just inclinations? Who can with reason blame the judiciary, if they will not assume a power not conceived to be vested in them? Not the government of the country whose subjects are the libel- lants, to whom I wish every degree of jus- tice may be done. The principles estab- lished in the decisions of their own courts, and the opinions of their most celebrated lawyers in the contests with the king of Prussia, in the case of the Silesia loan, in a great degree reach the point, as to judicial authority in a neutral nation.
In Palache's case, I am aware that it is only said the vessel "was taken at sea," but if not, it rather appears that it would be more proper for diplomatic than a ju- diciary examination. The general princi- ples as to the capture is agreed; and is
similar to that established in our treaty with France, which ought to have its pro- per weight.
It was resolved, by the whole court of King's Bench, upon conference and delibe- ration, that the Spaniards whose ship had been taken by an enemy, and brought into England, a friend to both parties, had lost the property of the goods forever, and had no remedy for them in England. And re- lied principally upon the books, in 2. R. 3. ubi supra being of so great authority, for by that book he that will see to have resti- tution of goods robbed at sea, ought by law to prove two things, 1st. that the sove- reign of the plaintiff was, at the time of taking, in amity with the king of England; 2d. that he who took the goods was, at the time of taking, in amity with the sovereign of him whose goods were taken, then was it no depredation or robbery, but a lawful taking, as every enemy might take from another." 4. ins. 154.
It is true that by the laws and customs of nations, the capture if taken in neutral bounds, is not a lawful prize; but I do not see that this court can get at that cir- cumstance, without holding plea as to the lawfulness of the prize. It is the original question and not collateral matter which determine jurisdiction. The courts of common law in England will not take cog- nizance of any thing arising out of the ques- tion prize or no prize , "because the ori- ginal cause must all come into question, a- gain." And yet the admiralty had deter- mined that the ship was no prize.
This will be a proper subject of enquiry on the part of our government, or in a court of the country of the captor. Every nation has established these courts, and knowing that, if at war, they are answer- able to a nation at peace or in amity, if violation of territory happen in captors, care is taken to examine into this circum- stance. If on this account, the capture is illegal it is so adjudged; and the party taking is liable to damages. Whether such da- mages shall exceed the amount of the se- curity given by commanders of private ships of war, or whether one nation is an- swerable to another for injuries done by its subject to others, contrary to, or with- out its orders, is a matter in which there are differences of opinion amongst civilians, and which it is unnecessary for me now to investigate.
It is doubtless contrary to the instructions of the French government, that any of the ships commissioned by them, act in a hostile manner, in a friendly and allied territory. It is to be expected by one power from another, that her courts and her administration will do justice to the rights of sovereignty and neutrality. It will be the more to be expected if a friend and ally should disappoint this expectation. —But should this be the case, it is not for me to say what proceeding should be had. I have subjoined to this decree some ex- tracts from the "Exposition of the Mo- tives," &c. from the Duke of Newcastle, the British minister's letter to Mr. Mitchell the minister of Prussia, and from the report and opinion of Sir George Lee, Doctor Paul, Sir Dudley Rider and Mr. Murray, the late Lord Mansfield, on the subjects. I have mentioned, which are to be found in Magen's 463, 482, 487, 391, 496, 505.
Other authorities from British and other writers might be added, by which it ap- pears, that when two powers have any difference between them, the affair must be treated by negotiation, and not through the instrumentality of their courts of ju- stice.
That affairs of prizes are only cognizable in the courts of the power making the capture; these courts being generally styled courts of admiralty; and that it never was attempted, before the subject of that controversy happened, to erect in a neutral state courts for the trial of prizes taken by belligerent powers, even where neu- trals were concerned; and that of course no court of one sovereign has a right to try the prizes taken by the ships, public or private, of another.
A dispute of this nature, in which the king of Prussia could not prevail, who, though weak at sea, was powerful at land, and had a propensity for war, would in- vite us. We have, indeed, shown that we knew how to war, but it is now our inte- rest and inclination to cultivate the arts of peace.
Much has been said on both sides, to show the importance of this cause, and the necessity of caution in its determination. I am sufficiently impressed with these consi- derations. But I feel myself at ease in this view of the subject. I am persuaded, that any thing which affects the sovereignty and rights of our country, will not be passed unresisted by those who have the power to regulate our national concerns. On my own account I have no disquietude; for no error of mine can affect the nation. There is an appeal from any determination I may give, to a superior tribunal. I am anxious for the peace and dignity of my country; but not deeming myself authorized to judge in a matter growing out of the contests be- tween belligerent powers, nor considering this court in this instance, the vindicator, or the rights of our nation, I leave in bet- ter hands the discussion on the subject of national insult, and the remedy for any invasion of territorial rights. The instance
side of this court seems to have other objects. And a prize court, in activity, when a na- tion is at peace, appears to me to be a sole- cism in jurisprudence.
I DO THEREFORE DECREE, ORDER AND ADJUDGE, that the LIBEL in this cause be DISMISSED, and that the SHIP herein mentioned be DISCHARGED from ARREST, the PLEA IN THIS CASE BEING RELEVANT.
(Signed)
RICHARD PETERS.
June 21, 1793.
** The extracts referred to in the fore- going decree, as subjoined thereto, will be found in 1st Magen's on Insurance , pages 505, 491, 496, 487, 482, 463.
SEA COMBAT.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of information and credit dated Baltimore June 23.
A vessel from Havre, called L'Ami de la Loi , capt. Wm. Henin, carrying 6 cannon of 3 and 4 pound balls, a crew of 15 men and 3 passengers, being 23 days out from Cayenne, laden with cotton, coffee, &c. was met by an English privateer of 14 guns. He sustained a combat of 2 hours long, when having expended all his powder, he took measures for boarding. This coura- geous conduct frightened the privateer and forced her to fly. Capt. Henin has not lost a single man, though his sails are rid- dled with bullets, and his rigging otherwise damaged. But he assures us that the pri- vateer has suffered much more; all the balls which he fired having so injured her hull as to render it difficult to keep her afloat.
Extract of a letter from Bristol May 4.
The approaching summer season pregnant with as great events as ever have been recorded in the present century: To form an idea of what these events will be, is far beyond the power of mortals. Every heart that is not steeled against the ideas of hu- manity, must feel indignant at the fate of Louis XVI. But when we see the immolation of thousands of innocent persons to his means, will be gratefully to them, or advan- tageous to the world, I must leave to the politicians of the time to determine. Eng- land is beyond comparison in a more de- plorable state than ever I knew her—Bank- ruptcies beyond conception—public faith entirely gone—an expensive foreign war to stoppage, and a considerable nation to quell at home. From what I have seen, the war is not a popular one, and the sudden effect it has had on trade makes it very obnoxious to many in the mercantile line. The French were prepared for making reprisals at sea upon their enemies sooner than any of them, and many valuable prizes have already fallen into their hands; but it is by no means probable, that the French marine can sup- port it self against the united marine of England, Holland, Spain, and Portugal."
The Ambuscade frigate has failed from New-York on a cruise.
The cargo of the American ship President Washington, Capt. Sifton, is advertised for sale at Oldend, in the French papers—Be- sides great quantities of piece goods, there are 911,000 Bengal sugar; 21,500lb. gum arabic; 121 bags of coffee, and 475 chefts teas.
A Calcutta paper gives a horrid recital of a gentleman in the East-Indies, who was seized by a tiger, and miraculously deli- vered from the jaws of that ravenous foe, but not before he had received such dread- ful wounds as in a few hours put a period to his existence.—Four gentlemen went on an island to shoot deer; after pursuing their sport for some time, they sat down to take some refreshment, when immediately a large roaring tiger sprung upon one of the party; in a moment his head was in the beast's mouth, who rushed with him thro' the thickest bushes and trees, every thing yielding to his monstrous strength. The gentlemen quickly laid hold of their mus- kets, and shot several times at him, while their unfortunate companion was in his mouth. The tiger was now seen to flag- ger, and in a few minutes the victim of his ferocity crawled towards them, covered with blood. There were eight or ten of the natives about them, a large fire was kindled up, much noise and laughing at the time; but this ferocious animal disre- garded all. He was about four and a half feet high, and nine feet long—his head nearly as large as an ox's—his eyes darting fire, and his roar terrible.
In consequence of an application from the President of the United States to the governor, as commander in chief of the militia of Pennsylvania, a party of the mi- litia was, on Saturday last, put on board the ship William, now in this port as a prize to the French privateer Citizen Genet, for the purpose of keeping her in safe custody, until he had decided upon an allegation, that she was captured within the limits of the protection of the United States:—the court of admiralty for this district, having pronounced a decree against its own jur- isdiction upon the subject.
Last Monday the President of the United States left town on a journey to Mount Vernon.
Directors of the Bank of Pennsylvania.
*Jacob Morgan, *William Miller, *Kear- ny Wharton, *John Swainwick, *Charles Biddle, *Samuel M. Fox, John Barclay, Samuel Howel, James Crawford, Hugh Holmes, John Ross, John Leamy, Matthew Lawler, John Fry, jun. Godfrey Haga, William Montgomery, Philip Nicklin, Wil- iam Sanfom, Thomas Ralston, R. Ralston, Sand Ford, Walter Stewart, Charles Pettit, C. Stocker, George Pennock.
Those Directors marked with a star, were chosen by the legislature; the other nine- teen by the stockholders.
The Directors have chosen the following gentlemen officers of the bank—John Bar- clay, Esq. president; Edward Fox, cashier; George Hughes, first teller; John Knapp, second teller; Richard Gardiner, principal book-keeper; Edward Faris, discount clerk; Samuel Potts, transfer clerk; and Thomas Ausley, runner.
There has been much ink-shed in New- York lately, occasioned by the words, "Theatre Royal," being printed on the benefit tickets of one of the players. A writer in the DIARY in the following hu- morous remarks on the subject:
"I much approve of his idea of Theatre Royal —it is certainly very proper, for it dignifies our insignificant city, which, but for the spirited exertions of our English friends, might be forgotten. You may have observed, Sir, as you have passed along the streets, signs thus inscribed—A. B. mer- chant from London—C. D. hatter from London—E. F. taylor from London—Brush- maker, tallow chandler, dentist, barber, washer woman, shoe black, &c. &c. from London. This shews they are acquainted with the passions the Americans have for British exports, and I doubt not, but that in a little time, we shall be so far polished, that we shall be supplied with lawyers, clergymen, assemblymen, Congress, and President, all from LONDON!!"
BRITISH DEETS.
On Friday the 7th instant, the Judges of the Federal Court, held in the city of Richmond, gave their opinions on the im- portant subject of the payment of the British debts, which has engrossed the at- tention of the court for several days past.
The points before the court were— 1st. Whether the British debts were re- coverable in this state, the acts of the Vir- ginia Assembly having prohibited the re- covery, which acts passed prior to the adoption of the constitution of the United States?
2d. Whether the payments made into the Loan-office were not complete bars to the plaintiff's action for so much as was paid?
3d. As the definitive treaty had been broken by the government of Great-Bri- tain, whether the treaty of peace should be carried into effect on the part of Ame- rica?
And, lastly, Whether the debt was not annihilated by the dissolution of the go- vernment, on the 4th day of July, 1776?
The court were unanimously of opinion on the 1st, 3d and last points, for the plain- tiff, considering the adoption of the con- stitution as a repeal of all laws in oppo- sition to the treaty of peace, which, by that adoption, had become the supreme law of the land; and upon this ground gave judg- ment for the plaintiff on the first point. On the third they were of opinion, that the court could not take notice of a breach of treaty, if such did exist, without a decla- ration to that effect from the Congress of the United States. On the last, gave judg- ment for the plaintiff, as the plea of the defendant could not be supported by the laws and usages of nations. On the second point, the court were divided, Mr. Jay, chief Justice of the United States, for the plaintiff, Mr. Iredell and Mr. Griffin for the defendants—upon that plea then, judg- ment was entered for the defendants, a majority of the court supposing, that as that law had been carried into complete effect before the treaty of peace, and as by that law the defendant was discharged from the debt, the treaty of peace could not again charge him.
ENGLISH BANKRUPTCIES.
It may serve to shew to our readers the extent and nature of the bankruptcies, which have created so much distress in Great Britain, were we to give the profes- sions of the several bankrupts. In the sin- gle Gazette of May 4th, we find, a cutler, carpenter and builder, jeweller, wool-stap- ler, woolen-draper, liquor-merchant, vic- tualler, bill-broker, watch-maker, look- ing-glass manufacturer, taylor, mercer, loop-boiler, upholsterer, innholder, mer- chant, oilman, bottling cloth-weaver, coal- merchant, linen-draper, cheesemonger, ha- berdasher, wine and brandy merchant, clothier, shopkeeper, grocer, and dyer.
Died, at Bath, the Marquis de GAGES, a French Refugee, aged 81.—In the English Mississippi scheme, he acquired property to the nominal value of thirteen millions ster- ling. Three millions were then offered by him for the crown of Poland—and a large sum for the dominion of Sardinia. Upon the failure of the stock, he became impover- ished, and with his lady, retired to a pro- ject of finding gold in the mine of Almaden .

NEW-YORK, June 20.
At a meeting on Monday the 17th inst the Tammany Society had the pleasure of the company of Citizen Hauterive, the Consul from the French nation to New York, of Citizen Du Plaine, Consul to Boston, and Citizen Captain Bompard, of the Ambuscade Frigate, with several of his officers. The Grand Sachem upon their being introduced, addressed them in the following animated manner:
Citizens of France,
YOU now behold before you a band of Freemen who with an enthusiasm which words can not describe, regard you as of the same great family with themselves, even as the sons of freedom. You behold a family of brethren, who are bound in an indissoluble union, by the remembrance of a glorious contest, peculiar to the one you and your countrymen are engaged in—You behold a society, who in this temple have erected an altar to freedom, and hold themselves bound to preserve upon it a bright and inextinguishable flame. You behold a body of free citizens, anxious to manifest to your nation the warmth of their affections, and the congeniality of their sentiments—to manifest to their enemies at home, tho' so feeble as scarce to merit attention, that the principles they degrade are their only protection—to manifest to their enemies abroad, that the full enjoyment of civil liberty is perfectly consistent with the full restraint of licentiousness; that the knowledge of freemen forms an influence more powerful to restrain, than the rod of the despot: To manifest to their countrymen of the United States, their attention to the general government, and also the regularity, the peace, and the respectability of the police of this city: To manifest to the world that the complete enjoyment of liberty, inspires an exultation and enthusiasm of happiness, which no time or circumstance can extinguish: To manifest to you the pleasure we receive in meeting on the sacred ground the defenders of freedom, and of the indefeasable rights of man.
To which Citizen Hauterive replied:
CITIZENS OF AMERICA—Brethren of the Tammany Society,
WE can not leave this sacred place without testifying to you our real sentiments. Brethren, friends, accept of our real thanks; of the purity of our hearts; of sentiments of the most tender attachment, which yourselves have impressed on our minds.
You were the first born sons of liberty; your birth preceded ours. And after us the whole universe will enter into the family of a free people. We are friends, for we have the same interests, and the same dangers threaten us. We are charged with the noble task to subdue the power of tyrants; and you, citizens of a country where despotism is destroyed, you are charged to prevent its resurrection. Watch brethren—yea be watchful over the cradle of freedom! We are going to conquer its enemies—after the victory, we will join our laurels with yours, and under the shadow of the tree of liberty, the whole universe will enjoy permanent happiness.
After which the society partook of a plain repast, prepared for the occasion. The Grand Sachem gave a number of toasts, among which were the following:
 1. Success to the army of France in the cause of liberty.  2. President Washington,  3. The National Convention of France.  4. In memory of the brave Americans who fell on Bunkers hill, in the cause of their country.  5. In memory of those Gallic Heroes, who fell at Jamappe, in defence of liberty, and their country.  6. May the ties that unite America and France never be broken. 
In the course of the evening a number of patriotic songs were sung, and hilarity and congeniality of sentiment prevailed.
The whole was conducted with the greatest order and decorum. At ten o'clock the guests retired, after expressing the highest satisfaction of the friendly and affectionate manner in which they had been treated.
Duel between the Duke of York and Prince Frederick of Orange
A gentleman in this city has received a letter from his friend in Bristol, via Boston, dated April 30th, in which he mentions,
that "The stadholder issued an order for no troops to be absent from their garrisons or encampments—which the duke of York took umbrage at, saying, none but a Briton should command a Briton, and spoke in such language as could not be brooked by the stadholder's son, prince Frederick of Orange: a duel was the consequence, in which the Dutchman was severely wounded."
Messrs. Childs & Swaine,
Be pleased to insert the following extract, that the liberal conduct of the Revenue officers and Merchants of London-derry may be made public:
Extract of a letter from the Master of the ship Mary, at Londonderry, to his owner in New-York.
"We may now think ourselves very fortunate, for through the imposition of Diver, we were near losing our ship. When he applied to you in New-York, little did we think we had a smuggler to deal with; in two of the casks which we supposed to contain flax-seed, were concealed two hundred and four pieces of nankeens, which being suspected by the Revenue Officers, Diver went on shore and informed that he had nankeens on board; upon which Mr. Newburgh, the Collector, seized the ship, telling me at the same time that he was obliged to do his duty, but that I might depend upon his assistance in my unfortunate situation. I immediately (by the advice of the principal merchants in this place) gave in a petition to Sir Hugh Hill, Bart. the principal officer of his majesty's revenue, who being informed that every body on board the ship (Diver excepted) was quite ignorant of the nankeens being on board, ordered the ship to be sold at auction according to law, every body being convinced that I had not been concerned in the smuggling, generously declined to bid against me, and I purchased the Mary from the revenue of Ireland for TEN GUINEAS. when it was generally expected there would have been a fine of 500 guineas on her."
BALTIMORE, June 14.
A well meant hint to the Executive of the United States.
Translated Extract of a letter from a respectable merchant at Rotterdam, [A Hollander] to his friend in this town, dated 20th December 1792.
"The French troops are near enough to our frontiers, and if they succeed in driving the Prussians and Austrians over the Rhine, it is likely they may pay us a visit, which will be altogether disagreeable to some, who, shew by their publications how much they apprehend. The French emigrants are now every where as much as proscribed. What palpable contradiction! in July it was published, that no asylum should be afforded to "their kings traitors," and now, as this king is imprisoned, and shall probably be sentenced to die on the scaffold, it is prohibited to harbour the very men who espoused his cause. In the first instance, the American minister, or agent, Short, conducted himself not as an envoy of a republic, but as a minion of despotism! he was among those who then shewed the French minister the most disrespect. How indeed, can it be otherwise? My lord Auckland is his counsellor, without whose advice he does nothing."
"P. S. 21st December, what I wrote concerning Short is true. He is Auckland's friend. Make what use you please of it—it may be of service."
In addition to the above, the editors are authorised to assert, that letters from France, to several merchants in this town, received this week, bring information, that the British cabinet are tampering with our minister there, Mr. Gouverneur Morris, for the purpose of drawing these States into a coalition of the rulers of Europe against France.
The prospects of our farmers in the back country seems to have been considerably checked by a recent circumstance. They had contemplated great benefits from trading down the Ohio and carrying their produce to their own yesseis; but it is now said, that a French house lately established at New Orleans, has obtained from government a commission to contract for 10,000 barrels of flour annually, in the United States, which consequently will throw a monopoly of the supplies into the hands of a single firm, and although it may for a time make no material difference with respect to the present interest of our western farmers; still they will retain a
jealousy against those who may limit their freedom in commercial speculations, and there can be but little doubt that they will ultimately force a trade down those rivers, which nature has laid down for the benefit and convenience of all America.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, BY MATHEW CAREY No. 118, Market-Street, Embellished with a MAP of South America No. VII. Of a NEW SYSTEM OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY. OR, A GEOGRAPHICAL, HISTORICAL, AND COMMERCIAL GRAMMAR; And present State of the Several KINGDOMS OF THE WORLD.
 CONTAINING  I. The figures, motions, and distances of the planets, according to the Newtonian system and the latest observations.  II. A general view of the earth considered as a planet; with several useful geographical definitions and problems.  III. The grand division of the globe into lands and water, continents and islands.  IV. The situation and extent of empires, kingdoms, states, provinces, and colonies.  V. Their climates, air, soil, vegetable productions, metals, minerals, natural curiosities, seas, rivers, bays, capes, promontories, and lakes.  VI. The birds and beasts peculiar to each country.  VII. Observations on the changes that have been any where observed upon the face of nature since the most early periods of history.  VIII. The history and origin of nations; their forms of government, religion, laws, revenues, taxes, naval and military strength.  IX. The genius, manners, customs, and habits of the people.  X. Their language, learning, arts, sciences, manufactures, and commerce.  XI. The chief cities, structures, ruins, and artificial curiosities.  XII. The longitude, latitude, bearings, and distances of the principal places from Philadelphia. TO WHICH ARE ADDED.  I. A Geographical Index, with the names, and places alphabetically arranged.  II. A Table of the Coins of all Nations, and their value in English Money.  III. A Chronological Table of remarkable events, from the Creation to the present Time. 
By WILLIAM GUTHRIE, Esq. The Astronomical Part by James Ferguson, F.R.S. To which have been added, The late Discoveries of Dr. Herschel, and other eminent Astronomers.
The first American edition, corrected, improved, and greatly enlarged.
The publisher of this work, thankful for the patronage with which he has been honored, submits the present number to the inspection of his fellow-citizens, and lays before them The terms of publication.
 I. This geography shall be published in forty-eight weekly numbers, each containing twenty-four pages of letter press.  II. In the course of the publication will be delivered the following maps:  1. The world. 2. Europe. 3. Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Finland. 4. Russia. 5. Scotland. 6. England and Wales. 7. Ireland. 8. France. 9. Seven United Provinces. 10. Austrian and French Netherlands. 11. Germany. 12. Switzerland. 13. Poland. 14. Spain and Portugal. 15. Italy. 16. Turkey in Europe. 17. Asia. 18. China. 19. Hindostan. 20. Africa. 21. North America. 22. British America. 23. West-Indies. 24. South America. 25. Planisphere of the earth. 26. Countries round the north pole. 27. Discoveries made by Captains Cooke and Clerke. 28. New-Hampshire. 29. Massachusetts. 30. Connecticut. 31. Rhode-Island. 32. Vermont. 33. New-York. 34. New-Jersey. 35. Pennsylvania and Delaware. 36. Maryland. 37. Virginia. 38. North-Carolina. 39. South-Carolina. 40. Georgia. 41. The Sphere. 42. The Copernican system.  N. B. All the maps marked with stars are added to this edition, exclusive of those in the last London edition. 
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The printer, anxious to render this work as perfect as the nature of it will allow, must earnestly request, that such gentlemen throughout the United States, as have it in their power, will furnish him with documents for correcting the past errors in the geography of America, and for furnishing a more complete system of geography than has yet appeared.
The title page, list of subscriber's names, with the account of the Newtonian system, &c. &c. will be given in the 47th and 48th numbers.
N. B. The subscribers, and the public in general are requested to consider the following very material circumstance—The London quarto edition is sold here, for fifteen dollars, although it contains only 25 maps and plates, and of the geography of the United States, as has been observed above, only about 30 pages—whereas, Carey's edition will contain 42 maps and plates, and have two hundred pages of letter press more. And it need not be observed, that the seventeen maps to be added, are of more importance to America by far, than the 25 London ones. The observation will apply with equal force to the letter press additions.
The maps will be published in such order of succession as they are engraved, and directions will be printed for the proper manner of placing them by the bookbinder. May 22.
I have claims to about two hundred and fifty thousand acres of LAND in the state of Kentucky, in different parts of that country, some of which I know to be equal to any; all of which I am inclined to dispose of, either by entire sale, or by admitting one, or two partners, to whom the agency on the whole will be committed.
One fourth of the contract will be required in hand, either in cash, merchandise, or such assets as may be converted to active use; the residue may be apportioned in convenient instalments. The purchasers to give security, on the land, or otherways, as suits them.
Knowing that there is a prejudice against the titles of land in that state, which is more general than just, I am willing to stipulate in the contract, that a discount, or deduction, shall be made, where any land may be lost, by reason of a defective title.
Any person inclining to such a purchase, is requested to write to me by post, in answer to whom, more particular information will be given. HENRY BANKS. Richmond March 20, 1793. saw td.
Philadelphia, June 17. 1793. On FRIDAY the 28th inst ant, at 5 o'clock P. M.
Will be Sold at Public Auction, At F. BAILEY's. No. 116, High-Street, All the
PRINTING MATERIALS of THOMAS LANG, late deceased, consisting of the following articles, viz. One Printing-Press, with a Bank, Board &c. five Chases; one Imposing Stone and Stand with Drawers; two Cafe Frames; four Gallies; three Composing Sticks; thirteen pair of Cases.
TYPES. One Font of Paragon, about 80lb. One Do. of Pica, about 500lb. One Do. of Burgeois face on a Long Primer body, about 350 lb. FRANCIS BAILEY, } Executors. SAMUEL WETHEREL, }
To the PUBLIC.
NOTWITHSTANDING all the endeavors of the aristocratic party to prevent the citizens of the United States from encouraging the Work entitled MAN UNDECEIVED, which I proposed to print by subscription on the 25th Feb. last, I feel myself happy in informing the true Republicans, that the same will be put without delay to the press, as the subscription has been successfully filled. Such unexpected success I owe to the favor of several zealous friends, who distinguished themselves in the undertaking.
I think it unnecessary to make any remarks at present respecting the work, as the world will soon be enabled to pronounce sentence upon it. I hope therefore, that those whose circumstances are easy, and who hold the generous principle of democracy, will feel sorry for their indifference with regard to subscribing, in as much as the work will confound the enemies of Republicanism. I shall, however, reserve every remark upon the subject for the Appendix to the work.
I have the pleasure to express my public thanks to those benevolent American Printers through the United States, who had the kindness to insert my former advertisement in their newspapers, and I request them to give the present a place, desiring them to send me one of their papers containing it, that I may become acquainted with my friends, and send them a copy of the said work as a token of my gratitude.
Those Printers only should take notice of this request who are true republicans, and friends to mankind, a character acquired only in the school of democracy.
JAMES PH. PUGLIA. Late sworn interpreter of the Spanish language. June 12, 1793.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And to be sold by THOMAS DOBSON, WILLIAM YOUNG, ROBERT CAMPBELL, Messrs. RICE and Co. and JOHN M. GULLOCH, No. 1. North Third-street,
AN EXAMINATION of the late proceedings in Congress respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; with Observations, &c. on the application of loans from Holland, negotiated under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August 1790.—The price of the above pamphlet is three sixteenths of a dollar, or 18 ad. 1-2. April 24. saw td.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.