The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-03-18 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. LIX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WENNESDAY MARCH 18th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Nail Manufactory,
ALL kinds of Cut Nails for Sale by Whole Sale and Retail at the Factory on F Street, and at the Hardware Store of the Subscriber, where persons building and all others wishing to purchase may be supplied with any quantity at the most reasonable rates.
JOHN JACK. tf Washington Feb. 4, 1801.
JOHN CHEW THOMAS respectfully informs his Fellow-Citizens of Prince George's and Anne-Arundel counties including the city of Annapolis, that he will again faithfully serve them (if elected) in the Congress of the United States.
March 5th, 1801. 6t.
Conrad & McMunn
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stable leave sufficient for 60 horses—They hope to merit public patronage.
City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800. tf
FOR SALE
SEVENTY THOUSAND LATHS
Enquire at this Office. Washington, Feb. 18, 1801. tf
FOR SALE, OR RENT.
TWO Brick dwelling houses, situated on the Pennsylvania avenue near the President's house; each containing two handsome parlours and passage on the first floor, four lodging rooms, including garret, all private kitchen and cellar; the whole will be completely finished in a few days; the yard's front palisaded and set with trees; the walks to the street paved or gravelled, which will render the same as comfortable a situation as any in this City for a private family, and will be sold for less than any gentleman can have the same built for. A family of negroes will be taken in part payment, or Lots will be exchanged for Slaves. For particulars enquire on the Premises of
OWEN ROBERTS. tf March 11, 1801.
ROBERT ELLIS.
AT the House lately occupied as the Little Hotel—has for sale at low rates, the following articles, viz.
 Madeira, in quality,  Dry Sherry,  Port,  Teneriffe,  Malaga,  1st, 4th, and 5th proof Cogniac Brandy,  4th do. Jamaica Spirits,  Holland Gin,  Annised and Cinnamon Cordials,  Country Rum and Whiskey,  And a general Assortment of Groceries.  Also a large supply of Ladies Morocco Shoes, and first quality Butter.
Washington, March 2, 1801. tf
To be hired out by the quarter or Year.
A LIKELY and well disposed negro man, about 25 years of age, who is a good Hostler and driver of a Carriage, and has during his youth been employed as a House boy and waiter at table. He can be warranted for sobriety and honesty. And his master would prefer getting him into service in the City of Washington or George Town, as he has a wife in that Neighbourhood.
Application to be made to the printer. March 4th, 1801. 6t.
TO BE RENTED.
A TWO STORY BRICK DWELLING HOUSE, with a large garden well inclosed, a stable for 4 horses, a Coach House, & other office houses, with a good well of water in the Yard, in an elegantly situated square 104, in the City of Washington, for terms apply to
WM. KING.
WHO will accommodate through the ensuing Summer a few GENTLE BOARDERS, by the day, week, or month, at his present dwelling House, 4 doors South of Mr. STILLE's Hotel, on Capitol Hill.
March 13, 1801. tf
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
THOUGHTS ON ADDRESSES.
It has been truly said that the recent change made in the administration of the government has been the result of principle. It has arisen from a deep and dispassionate conviction of the erroneous nature and operation of principles avowed, and measures pursued, by men who lately held the reins of authority. In no one instance, perhaps, has the constitutional power bestowed on the chief magistrate been more injuriously diverted from its contemplated end than by a precipitate, and often extravagant, declaration of sentiments, by an indiscriminate praise of certain men, and a vehement denunciation of others. The occasion for an habitual indulgence in such acts has arisen from the numerous addresses, chiefly complimentary, presented to him. Under the cover of these addresses, we have seen certain political measures recommended and enforced in a style calculated but too certainly to produce inflammation and division. When the constitution gave to the President the power recommending to Congress such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, it implicitly denied to him the right of appealing to the passions of the people, and inciting them to the adoption of favorite measures.
Those enlightened citizens, who have been attentive to the effects recently produced by addresses and replies, will at this period decline the aid of so dangerous a weapon, a weapon which hereafter may be turned against themselves with the greater effect from themselves having set the example. At any rate they will listen with candor to remarks whose object is to show their impropriety.
1. Addresses are generally entirely adulatory. Hitherto we have seen them invariably flowing from the friends of the executive whose language is that of commendation. Their natural tendency therefore is to aggrandize the executive power, which in a republican government requires a more guarded restraint than any of the other departments.
2. Their extort from the President either an improper disclosure of facts, or compel him to reply, to the chagrin of those who address him, in terms of studied reserve and concealment.
3. Their evident tendency is to represent him as the head of a party, since none but those attached to a party address him. 4. They interfere, to a painful extent, with time, which ought to be devoted to more important objects.
5. They constitute the President pre-eminently the legislator of national opinion. But their most serious effect is,
6. To divide the citizens, whom it is the duty of the chief magistrate to unite. If the President be prudent, modest and dignified in the expression of his sentiments, still he will be viewed with jealousy by those who withhold from him that encomium which is bestowed by their political opponents, and who will not fail to extract from his answers sentiments to them unpleasant and painful. If he be rash, arrogant, and undignified, he has it in his power to excite and foster the worst passions of those of whom he is either the tool, or the master, to create distinctions among the citizens that would not otherwise have existed, and perhaps by the mad impulses of ambition to hurry the nation into civil or external war.
These are the convictions of a large, perhaps the largest part of the republicans of the United States. The lessons of experience have not yet had sufficient time to be covered with the mantle of oblivion. They cannot forget what they have seen and heard; they have seen the peace of society hazarded; they have heard innocent, nay praiseworthy sentiments, denounced; they have heard patriots of unlimited virtue calumniated; they have heard threats encouraged and reciprocated.
After this experience can they err? Is it possible that in pursuit of a trifling momentary good, at best equivocal, they will fall into the imitation of acts which they were the first in others to condemn? We will not believe it. We will confide in their self command. We know that possessed of
the feelings of men, they cherish sentiments of the liveliest enthusiasm. We know too that they entertain sentiments of respect and of love for the great and virtuous man, whom they have called to the first place in their gift. But do we not also know that they possess powers of mind equal to the due command of all their feelings? Do we not know that they can repress the indulgence of these feelings whenever the public good requires it?
Let then this commanding principle regulate their actions; and if its obligations need any additional aid, let it be found in a respect for the chaste republican character of Mr. Jefferson, who will not fail to derive more satisfaction from the enlightened and temperate deportment of his political friends, than from the most refined or extravagant panegyric.
It may be necessary to observe, to prevent misconception, that these remarks do not apply to any expression of the sentiments or desires of any number or association of citizens on any particular or important occasion, when such expression may be an act of high and indispensable duty; but exclusively to those adulatory and congratulatory productions, which have lately flourished so luxuriantly in this country.
THERE is not an idea more destructive to the peace, or more subversive of the happiness of these States, than that they possess distinct and clashing interests, whose natural tendency it is to produce discord and division.
The truth is that the varying interests which arise from the different directions given to industry, instead of being germs of hostility, are, rightly understood, cements of union and mutual dependence.
If this be the case, and if the great body of the people, whether they occupy a northern, a southern, or an intermediate region of the union, embrace the same great principles of republicanism, does not the diffusion of sentiments calculated to estrange one part of the United States from another by the ascription to one of principles and views hostile to the other, merit the severe condemnation of every good man.
It is with this view that the following performance is republished. The intelligent reader will remark that it contains neither fact nor reasoning; but that it is a torrent of declamation addressed to local prejudice and false feeling.
From the Boston Palladium.
TO NEW-ENGLAND MEN.
Before evils have happened, it is the part of wisdom to exhibit their worst aspects. When they are known to be inevitable or have actually occurred, it is no less the office of wisdom to display their palliation or their remedies. It would be cowardly, in despair, to aggravate their weight, or to sink under its pressure. No: Bad as our prospects are, they are not hopeless. There is a sure resource for hope in ourselves. The steady good sense of New-England will be a shield of defence, and it will be amou ne cede malis, sed contra audaciter ite . The public spirit and opinion of this division of the union, constitute a force, which the enemies of our constitutions and fundamental interests, will labour to corrupt, but will not dare to withstand.
For New-England is not inhabited by a conquered people. Their opinions will have some influence on the policy, if their commerce, navigation and credit should have no hold on the hearts of their rulers. Even conquerors, unless they were willing to have their fighting work to do over again, would choose to mask, under the most species disguises, the violation of rights and the contempt of opinions.
There is evidence enough, that the party expected to rule, is not friendly to the commerce of any of the states, and especially to the fisheries and navigation of the eastern states. We do not want, they want an expensive navy for the sake of these; nor these for the sake of a navy. Navies breed wars, and wars augment navies and both augment expenses, and this brings
forth funding systems, barks and corrupt influence.
These few words contain the system of our new politicians, which it is probable they will be, in future, as in time past, complainant enough to one another to call philosophy.—Such illuminism, such visions of bedlam, have visited some famous heads, that do not repose within their cells, and condensed their thin essences into schemes of political reform, projects of cheap governments, that are to be rich without revenue, strong without force, venerable with popular prejudice directed by a faction against them. Learned fools are of all the greatest as well as the most indocile. Accordingly, in despite of the experience of all the world and of our own, in despite of common sense and the dictates of obvious duty, such men, high in reputation, and expected to be high in office, have insisted that we do not want a single soldier, not a single armed ship: That credit is an abuse, an evil to be cured only by having none, a cancer that eats and will kill unless cut or burnt out with cautery: that if we have any superfluity, foreigners will come for it, if they need it, and if they do not, it would be a folly and a loss for us to carry it to them. They tell us with emphasis, and seem to expect our vassalage will gain them credit for saying, that America ought to renounce the sea and to draw herself closely into her shell. Let the mad world trade, negotiate and fight, while we Americans live happily, like the Chinese, enjoying abundance, independence and liberty.
This is said by persons clad in English broadcloth and Irish linen—who import their conveniences from England, and their policies from France. It is solemnly pronounced as the only wise policy for a country, where the children multiply faster than the sheep—and it is, inconfidently enough too, pronounced by those who would have all farmers, no manufacturers.
Notions of this stamp of sublimated extravagance have been often in the heads of bookmakers and projectors. Some Frenchmen suggested a scheme, of like wisdom, to bind kings and princes, not republics, to keep the peace, and be of the good behavior; and there are some declaimers who would have the Indians on the frontiers enter into recognizance, and thus get rid of the expence and danger of a standing army, of four regiments.—But they would have a militia, half a million strong, made expert soldiers by training them, unpaid, till they become equal to veterans.—A militia system is right; these reformers, however, never touch truth but to distort it, nor any sound principle but to drive it to extremes. They would, therefore, make a militia system burthensome, unwieldy and corrupt—a standing army for faction, distinguished like governor McKean's corps, by a strange badge, and arrayed against the government.
It is indeed probable that these wild theories have never yet much disturbed the world by adding the brains of any man who had its business to do. Such political sophists, till lately, have been calmly despised, but never trusted with power. Into the hands of such children it has never before been thought prudent to put knives.
If to punish the manifold sins of this nation, God's displeasure dooms it to be delivered over to projectors and philosophers, the best of the lot who ever had the chance to play the statesman, will they have the temerity to undertake, and will they accomplish their plans?
In free states, so long as they preserve their laws and their tranquility, the public opinion is the efficient ruler. In times of convulsion, it is probably less regarded in such states than under despotism, because it can be counterfeited better. Suppose Mr. Jefferson should come into office: with all his refinements, he is reputed a man of ends. His experience and caution, we hope, will forbid his pushing schemes against the clear sense of the people, or even of a very large part of them. If the reformers should cry, perish commerce, fisheries and navigation, live and prosper agriculture—yet the conception of this precious project would be found easier than its execution. Reformers make nothing of

old establishments, of interests that have taken root for ages, and of prejudices, habits and relations, rather less ancient and rather more stubborn than they.
New-England now contains a million and a half of inhabitants, of all colonies, that ever were founded the largest, the most assimilated, and to use the modern jargon nationalized, the most respectable and prosperous, the most truly interesting to America and to humanity, more unlike and more superior to other people, (the English excepted) than the old Roman race to their neighbors and competitors. This people, whose spirit is as lofty as their destiny, is settled on an extensive coast, and by situation and character has a greater proportion of its inhabitants engaged in navigation and maritime affairs than France or England—perhaps than even Holland. In spirit and enterprize, no nation exceeds them. It is in vain to say, things ought not to have been so; it would have been better to have had half as many farmers. It is absurd to say any such thing.
The question for a new administration is not what ought to have been preferred three ages ago, but what must now be destroyed. These great interests are too precious to be sacrificed, they are too powerful even to be neglected. They will demand, and well they may, the effectual, zealous, assiduous protection and fostering care of government, and no president will ever repel the claim with defiance or contempt. Protection will be promised, and perhaps with the design to afford it.
It is right for the public to suppose that Mr. Jefferson's administration must be tried before it can be known. It is a fair and candid to make every presumption in favor of his intentions, that may not be discredited by his conduct. It is, however, an effort of candor, but we must make it, to allow, that, like most men of genius, he has been carried away by systems, and the everlasting zeal to generalize, instead of proceeding, like common men of practical sense, on the low but sure foundation of matter of fact. It is the fort, and it is also the foible of genius, to be under the dominion of the imagination; and such men often judge of a law as they would of a picture, by the rules of taste. They can decide in such a case only as the mob do, by acclamation. What ought to be the result of experience, that a blockhead could both feel and express, is comprehended in the province of sentiment, and for the curse and confusion of a state, the plodding business of politics becomes one of the fine arts. The statesman is bewildered with his own peculiar fanaticism: He sees the stars near, but loses sight of the earth: He sails in his balloon into clouds and thick vapours, above his business and his duties; and if he sometimes catches a glimpse of the wide world, it seems flattened to a plain, and shrunk in all its proportions, therefore he strains his optics to look beyond its circumference, and contemplates invizibility, till he thinks nothing else is real. New worlds of metaphysics issue from his teeming brain, and whirl in orbits more elliptic than the comets. Man rises from the mire, into which aristocracy has trodden him, shakes off the sleep of ignorance and the fetters of the law, a gorgeous new being, invested with perfectability, a saint in purity, a giant in intellect, and goes to inhabit these worlds. Condorcet and Roland, and men like them, will be there, and Paine, and Duane, and Marat, and Burroughs. There virtue will celebrate her triumphs; there Patriotism will be inebriated with the ecstasy of her fellowships.
I know as little of political illuminists as of the sect of the Swedenborgers. But to me it has ever appeared that the former are a new sect of fanatics. They manifest a strange heat in the heart, but no light in the brain, unless it be a feeble light, whose rays are gathered in the lens of philosophy, to kindle every thing in the state, that is combustible, into a blaze. A statesman of this sect will poise himself in his chair, like an alchemist in his laboratory, pale with study, his fingers sooty with experiments, eager to make fuel of every thing that is precious, and tangentially expecting that he shall extract every thing precious from the cinders and dross that must be thrown away.
Yet if we ascribe to Mr. Jefferson these vagaries, so dear if they happen to be his own, to confidently trust because they have not been tried, it is natural enough to expect that nevertheless he will desist from his experiments as soon as the results become too complicated and too uncertain for the satisfaction of a philosopher. He may think it prudent to wait till the world is more enlightened before he professes his schemes to hasten the progress
of its absolute perfectibility. He will stoop to the prejudice that will not rise with him. The family of labor, brown with West-India suns, or glittering with rancid with whale oil, will tell him that they had rather tread a ship's deck than the wilderness, and prefer the conflict with the storms of Spitzbergen, and the chafe of the spermaceti, where there is danger and glory, and associate to share the one and to bestow the other, to scaling Indians, or skinning otters, in roasting over an immeasurable waste, where the silence is broken only by the howlings of the famished wolves, and where the fight even of the animals is less dreaded and less dangerous than that of their fellows. They will tell him they cannot change their element, nor will they submit, when politicians with hearts colder than that element at the pole, prove on calculation, it is best that they should perish in it.
ALEXANDRIA, March 16.
On Saturday last the President and Vice President of the United States, the Secretary of War, Attorney General, and Major General Wilkinson dined with the inhabitants of Alexandria at Gadsby's Hotel: Mr. Dexter and Mr. Stoddart who had also been invited did not think proper to attend. The President and his suite arrived about 2 o'clock, escorted by a detachment from the troops of cavalry commanded by captains Simpson and Dick. At the northern extremity of the town they were met by the volunteer rifle company, and their entrance welcomed by a military salute: The uniformed militia under the command of colonel Deneale, and the company of artillery commanded by captain Harper were drawn up in King-street, saluted them as they passed in review, and announced the arrival of their guests to the inhabitants by sixteen discharges of artillery and 16 volleys from the musquetry.
The company who partook of the entertainment was the largest ever known at a public dinner prepared at any tavern in this town; and the style and elegance with which it was furnished, at so short a notice, reflect the highest credit on the taste and industry of Mr. Gadsby.
In the evening the Hotel was elegantly illuminated: its appearance there being 32 windows fronting on Royal and Cameron streets, was truly brilliant.
It is with infinite satisfaction we observe that a unanimity of sentiment and harmony of feeling, unusually experienced, prevailed upon this occasion. We indulge the hope that it is the precursor of those happy effects expected to result from the new administration. We anticipate with pleasure a union of parties for the public good; the universal prevalence of a liberality of sentiment and conduct unfriendly to the turbulence of faction or political intolerance; and an eternal obliteration of those feuds which have diminished public confidence and individual respect, destroyed the comforts of social intercourse, and retarded the prosperity of our thriving town.
After dinner the following Toasts were drunk, accompanied with the discharge of cannon:—
 1. The administration of our government its first character, genius, dignity, and benevolence; its second a mind animated by a sensibility to political honours, and regulated by an inviolable observance of republican simplicity and purity.  2. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, political or religious.  3. The State governments, the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies.  4. The general government in its constitutional vigor, the sheet anchor of our peace at home, and safety abroad.  5. Peace and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.  6. The right of elections by the people: a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided.  7. Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force—the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism.  8. Freedom of the press, and of religion, the former the most efficient means of diffusing information, the latter the balm of conscience and the test of truth.  9. The trial by jury, ever to be respected as the barrier of personal freedom—but incompetent to declare the political will of the majority. 
10. Public faith, when sacredly preserved, the sword of stability and respect to government, and an illustrious example to private virtue.
11. Agriculture, commerce its handmaid, and manufactures.
12. Public expenses—whilst economy takes from the bending shoulders of labor, every unnecessary burden, let patriotism never murmur at the demands of public exigencies.
13. A well disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, gallant and faithful auxiliaries amid the dangers of war.
14. The bright constellation of principles, which guided our steps through an age of revolution, and illumines with increased splendor the road of reformation.
15. The memories of Washington and Franklin, whose virtues are recorded in the hearts of freemen, and will there forever live.
16. The people of the United States—Let harmony and affection forever guide their social intercourse—without whose benign influence, liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.
By the PRESIDENT of the United States. Prosperity to the town of Alexandria.
By the VICE-PRESIDENT. The memory of our departed Chief, George Washington.
By the Secretary at War. Mrs. Washington.
By the Attorney General. The district of Columbia—may the social fire in the centre warm the extremities of the union.
By General Wilkinson. The first, the second, and those who follow.
Mr. Dawson, Envoy to France. Our sister states—let us remember—United we stand, divided we fall.
After the President, Vice-President and Heads of Departments had retired. The President of the United States—16 cheers.
The Vice-President—8 cheers. General Dearborne. Mr. Levi Lincoln. General Wilkinson. Mr. Dawson.
The three maritime powers of the North intend to send to sea in the course of the spring, 40 sail of the line, to maintain their armed neutrality. And the pressing of seamen has already been ordered in the different provinces of Sweden.
CHARLESTON, Feb. 28.
Extract of a letter from St. Sebastians, dated 3d January, 1801.
"The market is very bad, and every appearance of its being worse; God only knows what will be the end. Vessels are arriving from all parts of America with tobacco which will not bring five dollars in this place, and if sent to France still worse, the expense of carriage being two dollars and a half per 100 wt. and when arrived in France, there is no purchaser but on a credit of six months. I fear many will ruin themselves when the intercourse is opened."
By verbal information we learn, that in the month of December last, there were two very destructive fires in London; one, which destroyed all the buildings from the Hermitage to the Old Wapping Stairs; the other near Aldgate pump, burnt a whole square. The fires were attributed to accident, and not to any commotion of the mob, as has been reported, though the people are still riotous.
PHILADELPHIA, March 13, 1801.
At a numerous meeting of the underwriters and Merchants of this city, held at the city tavern last evening, a committee was appointed for the purpose of obtaining documents relative to unjust captures of American vessels recently made by the belligerent powers, in order that the same may be submitted to the Executive of the United States.
The pleadings in the case of T. Pickering, Esq. against Dr. Reynold, were concluded at 9 o'clock last evening. The Jury have not yet returned a verdict.
Died—On Monday the 9th inst. after a lingering illness, Joseph Russell, Merchant, of this city, in the 70th year of his age.
From the New-York Mercantile Advertiser of the 12th.
Captain Bourne, who arrived last evening from Amsterdam, left that place on the 23th January. He informs us, that it was the current report there, and obtained general credit, that the articles of Peace between the Emperor of Germany and the French republic had been signed; and that admiral Nelson had taken the command of a fleet which was destined to act in the Baltic.
James Blake, Esq. Consul of the United States for Santo Domingo, arrived here yesterday in the brig Bolton, from Cape-Francois.
Mr. Blake has furnished us with the Bulletin Officiel de Saint Domingue, of the 29th Pluvoise, (18th February, of the Christian calender,) from which we translate Touissant's account of his having possessed himself of the Spanish part of the Island. We are also informed by Mr. B. that a convention from the different departments was shortly to meet at Port-au-Prince, in order to form a code of laws for the government of the colony. These laws are to be submitted—first, For the approbation of the Black general himself, and afterwards sent home for the concurrence of the French government.
COLONIES OF FRANCE.
Liberty. Equality. St. Domingo, 13th Pluvoise, 9th year of the French Republic, one and indivisible.
Touissant Louverture, Gen. in chief of the army of St. Domingo, to his fellow citizens of the French part of St. Domingo.
Citizens, I announce to you with great satisfaction that I have taken possession of the Spanish part of St. Domingo, now the name of the French Republic.
A column commanded by the gen. of Brigade, Moysse, marched to the north against St. Yago; a second column, commanded by the chief of Brigade Paul L'Overture, to the south west against St. Domingo. Each of them were attacked by the Spaniards, who seemed determined to oppose our taking possession. The columns notwithstanding pursued their rout. The measures of wisdom, of prudence, and of humanity, which I had taken, prevented the effusion of blood; and with very little loss I gained possession of the whole Island. Persuasions alone, after the first attack, was the only means I made use of. My enterprise was crowned by the most brilliant success.
The general of Brigade Moysse, conducted himself with that courage, that moderation and that bravery, which always characterize a French general. He executed with precision all my orders. He has rendered me a clear and precise account of all his operations, and the conduct of the officers and soldiers under his command has given me infinite pleasure. Discipline and subordination have been observed with a scrupulous attention, and persons and property rigidly respected.
The adjutant general Hebecourt, whom I sent to the Spanish government Joachim Garcia, with my instructions to negotiate the taking possession of the Island, has fulfilled his mission with honour, wisdom and prudence.
[Here follows a particular detail of the marches of the troops.]
In consequence of this detail which it gives me pleasure to make public, because it is true, I declare that the Officers and soldiers composing the army of St. Domingo have deserved well of their country. Salut et fraternelle amitie.
Le General en Chief, TOUSSAINT LOUVERTURE.
Letters from Glasgow as late as the 25th of January, brought by the Draper, which arrived at New-York the day before yesterday, were received here this morning. It is mentioned in one of these that the bounty on wheat had been refused by the King and Council. We expect European extracts by this arrival for our next.
From a Fredericksburg Paper, March 10.
FELLOW CITIZENS,
The President of the United States has requested that I would take to France the treaty which we have ratified with that republic.
The respect which I have for him, and the solicitude which I feel for the restoration of the most perfect harmony between the two countries by which your interests will be promoted, have induced a compliance on my part, notwithstanding any per-

some inconveniences which may arise there- by.
I propose to sail from Baltimore about the middle of this month, in the Maryland ship of war, that now lays there for the purpose. I shall return to America in the summer, or early in the fall, and will be found at my post at the commencement of the next congress, should you again confide your interests to my care.
I cannot for a moment suppose that a sin- gle objection can be made to me on account of this movement—was I not persuaded that your interests may be promoted by it, I would relinquish it; and I feel a confi- dence that the most active efforts will be made in my support, should any attempt be made to take advantage of my absence.
Receive a tender of my profound respect and regard, and an assurance that when three thousand miles shall separate us, my constant wishes and exertions will be for your happiness and prosperity.
J. DAWSON. Fredericksburg, March 9, 1801.
From a Winchester Paper of Feb. 23.
Extract from the act passed at the last session of the legislature of this commonwealth to incorporate a company for establishing a turnpike road from the mouth of Sa- vage River, or George's Creek, on Potomac, to the nearest western naviga- tion.
"Subscriptions to be opened for fifty thousand dollars, in shares of fifty dollars each.
"Subscriptions to be received on the first Monday in March, by the following per- sons, viz.
"Charles Simms and William Hart- horn, Alexandria.
"Alexander White and James Stephen- son, Berkley.
"Edward M'Carty and Lewis Dunn, Hampshire.
"John Webster, John Prunty and Max- well Armstrong, Harrison county.
"John Steally, Henry Deering & Hugh M'Neally, Monongahela.
"Archibald Magill, Adam Douglass, and Robert Macky, Winchester.
"The shares subscribed as aforesaid, shall be paid in the following manner, viz. every person at the time of subscribing shall pay five dollars for each share by him subscribed, to the person or persons appoint- ed by this act, to take in subscriptions, and that the remaining forty-five dollars for each share, shall be paid to the president and managers of the road elected agreea- bly to this act as follows: ten dollars by every subscriber for each share subscribed by him within six months from the election of the said president and managers; fifteen dollars by every subscriber for each share subscribed by him, in 12 months from the election of the said managers, and ten dollars by every subscriber for each share subscribed by him in two years from the election of the said managers; and if any person shall fail to make any future pay- ments, he shall forfeit the sum or sums by him paid for the use of the road, and shall also forfeit his right to his subscription, and the president and managers shall have liber- ty to dispose of such forfeited share for the use of the road."
VIENNA, Dec. 19.
It appears that the plot discovered lately in Hungary had very extensive communi- cations, and that the object of the conspi- rators was not only to stop the levies, but to effect a complete revolution. The re- volt of several companies of the army of insurrection is considered as one of the first effects of their manoeuvres. These, after cashiering their officers, got possession of several castles, which they completely plun- dered. A squadron of the hussars of Czar- torinski, which was sent against these insur- gents, was unable to reduce them. It lost thirteen men, and would have been entirely destroyed, if the peasants of the neighbour- ing villages had not flocked together to its assistance. The rebels, out of revenge, set fire to four villages, and then withdrew into the woods.
It is said that as soon as peace is conclud- ed, the government of the Tyrol will be conferred on the Archduke John. If by the articles of the treaty our court ac- quires, as it hoped, the countries of Salz- burg and Bercholdsgaben, these countries will be joined to the Tyrol.
It is stated in letters from Germany— that all the Russians in the Austrian do- minions have received orders, from Pe- tersburg, to depart out of them.
A letter from Stockholm mentions, that the object of the king of Sweden's jour- ney to Petersburg is to form arrangements
with the Imperial Paul to the following effect:—
"1. A treaty of armed neutrality by sea.
"2. A treaty of commerce between Russia and Sweden.
"3. A convention, by which the em- peror of Russia and his majesty agree and bind themselves always to adopt uniform measures in their political relations with France, and England."
The average price of sugar, computed from the returns made for the week en- ding the 7th day of January 1801, is 32s 5 1-2d. per cwt.
PARIS, January 4.
It appears by an article from the Hague that the king of Prussia has intimated to the English commissary at Hamburg, who was employed in recruiting for the British service, his determination to put a stop to future levies in this quarter. In the mean time he has given orders that none of the recruits already enlisted shall be allowed to be embarked for England. This step, it is supposed, he has been induced to take, as head of the neu- trality in the north of Germany; and it is farther said, that for a considerable time past, the emperor has been prevented from obtaining any recruits from this fine coun- try now at peace with the French Repub- lic.
The Subscriber
RESPECTFULLY informs the Public, that he intends to practice the LAW in the Courts of Alexandria and Washington Counties in the District of Columbia; and in the Supreme Court Ditte United States.—The Public may rely on all attention to any business confided to his care. In his Office, co-adjutants of every kind pre- pared with accuracy, secrecy and dispatch. Bu- siness transacted in any of the Public Offices for Persons residing at a distance on moderate terms. Letters post paid will be attended to— By the Publics Obedient Servant, ROBERT W. PEACOCK.
City of Washington, New- Jersey Avenue, near the } March 2, 1801. Capitol. } tf A few Gentlemen may be accommodated with Boarding and Lodging. R. W. P.
WANTED a large handsome MARE of a Bay or Chestnut color, accustomed to draw in Harness, not more than seven years old, for which a GELDING will be given in ex- change and the difference of value if any paid Cash. Enquire of Mr. Dunn, at the Capitol. Washington, Feb. 18, 1801.
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of Washington. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a num- ber of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard.
WILLIAM PROUT. City of Washington. December 12, 1800 } tf N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
LOTS.
IN different eligible situations in the City for Sale or Lease on ground rent—Likewise,
100 Casks inspected Rhode Island LIME.
A number of Quarter and half and Casks of MADEIRA WINE, of a superior quality, by JOHN SICKNEY At his building opposite Rhodes Tavern Presi- dent's Square. Washington, March 2, 1801. copf.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED
BY SAMUEL H. SMITH, NEAR THE CAPITOL, A MANUEL Of Parliamentary Practice. For the use of the SENATE of the United States. BY THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Washington, Feb. 27. 1801.
Robert Greenhow.
Merchant in Williamsburg, Virginia.
BEING desirous to withdraw in a great mea- sure from the further pursuit of Business offers for sale the whole of his well known Ge- neral and Valuable Assortment of Merchandise amounting probable at their prime cost, to Eight or Ten Thousand pounds sterling, of which an idea may be formed by referring to a printed list deposited in this office—Not wishing to divide the Stock applications by letters post paid will be him receive as to the purchase of the whole of it Feb. 2, 1801. t4p
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, March 18, 1801.
OFFICIAL.
The following Appointments have been made by the present PRESIDENT of the United States.
John Shee, Esq. Marshal of the ea- stern district of Pennsylvania.
Alexr. J. Dallas Esq. Attorney for the same district.
Presly Kerr Lane, Esq. Marshal of the western district of the same state.
James Hamilton Esq. Attorney of the same district.
David Fay, Esq. Attorney for the dis- trict of Vermont.
John Willard, Esq. Marshal for the same.
Gen. Wm. Irvine, Superintendant of Mi- litary stores.
Justices of the peace for the District of Columbia, viz.
Washington County.
Thomas Sim Lee, esq. Daniel Reintzell, esq. Thomas Corcoran, esq. Daniel Carroll, esq. Cornelius Cunningham, esq. Thomas Peter, esq. Robert Brent, esq. Thomas Addison, esq. Abraham Boyd, esq. Benjamin More, esq. John Mason, esq. William Thornton, esq. Benjamin Stoddert, esq. William Hammond Dorsey, esq. Joseph Sprigg Beit, esq.
Alexandria County.
George Gilpin, Esq. William Fitzhugh, Esq. Francis Peyton, Esq. Richard Conway, Esq. Elisha Cullen Dick, Esq. Charles Alexander, Esq. George Taylor, Esq. Jonah Thomson, Esq. Abraham Faw, Esq. John Herbert, Esq. Alexander Smith, Esq. Cuthbert Powell, Esq. Peter Witte jun. Esq. Jacob Houghmen, Esq. Thomas Darne, Esq.
We hear that the President of the U- nited States, has remitted the remainder of the sentence of James Thompson Ca- lender, convicted last summer of a libel, in the Circuit Court for Virginia, and also David Brown, convicted of similar offence in the Circuit Court of Massachusetts.
We understand that CHARLES PINCK- NEY will be appointed minister of the United States at the court of Madrid.
Last evening arrived in this City CIT- ZEN L. A. FICON, Commissary General of the Commercial Relations and Charge des Affaires of the French Republic to the government of the United States; and this morning he waited upon the President.
He sailed from L'Orient in a French Frigate of 32 guns.
The Intelligence he brings from France is five days later than that we have already received. The new articles do not ap- pear to be of much importance. But such as they are, as extracted from Paris Pa- pers to the 5th January, we shall lay them before the readers of the National Intelli- gencer in our next.
Public Sale of LOTS,
IN WASHINGTON CITY.
WILL be Sold at Public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Friday the 1st day of May next, at William Tunnicliff's Hotel. Two Hundred Lots, situated Eastward of the Capitol and near to the Eastern Branch Ferry—The terms will be one half Cash and the other half at 60 days on Notes negotiable at the Bank of Columbia satisfactorily endorsed. An indispu- table title will be given by,
GEORGE WALKER. Washington, March 2, 1801. tMay1
Kid, Eliot & Co.
At the Brick Store opposite BLODGETT'S HOTEL.
HAVE received by the Brig UNION, Capt. Leonard, from Liverpool, a large supply of Crocker's Ware. Some of which is well assorted in small casks for the country.
Also, by the same Vessel.
White Lead, ground in oil. Spanish Brown do. Red Lead, Patent yellow, &c. &c. They expect by the Roba and Betsey arrived at Norfolk, an additional Invoice of crockery and a large assortment of Glass ware. All which will be sold at the Philadelphia prices. December 28.
PUBLIC SALE.
THE subscriber intending to quit his present business, will offer for sale, on Thursday next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. at his dwelling house on Capitol Hill, a great variety of
Household Furniture,
Mostly new, consisting of— Bedsteads, beds and bedding, Mahogany card, dining and tea tables. Common ditto; Chairs, Tea and coffee urns, A variety of Pontipool japan'd, glass and China wares, Looking glasses, Brafs and common andirons, shovels and tongs. Kitchen furniture, &c. &c. &c. Conditions of sale made known at the time and place of sale. Any person wish- ing to purchase at private sale, can be ac- commodated any time previous to Thurs- day.
LEVI NOYES.
Washington, March 16th, 1801.
FOR SALE, A Valuable Tract of LAND,
LYING in part on the main Richmond road, a mile from the Rappahannock River, four Miles below Fredericksburg, (in a healthy and most agreeable neighbourhood,) containing about five hundred and thirty three ACRES well watered, upon the said Tract there are about two hun- dred and fifty acres of Wood Land, the greater part of which is equal if not superior in quality to any high lands, yet uncultivated in Pennsylvania. There are upon it a dwelling-house, necessary out houses, a very large barn, and a most valua- ble Mill seat, with a mill-house already built, capable of Manufacturing Twenty thousand Bushels of wheat annually, after being put in per- fect repair. There is also upon it about sixty Acres of first rate meadow land, part of which is already reclaimed and has produced very heavy crops of Timothy Hay. The above Land is bounded by the lands of Gen. A. Spotswood, Messrs. Wm. Hernon, Mann Page, Francis Palaferro, and the Tract the subscriber at pre- sent lives on. Any further description I deem unnecessary as those who may be disposed to pur- chase will of course view the land. Upon said tract there are about one hundred and thirty Bushels of Wheat sown, the greater part of which look well and promising.
The said tract of land will be sold by the sub- scriber at private or public sale, three fourths of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale, and the balance in twelve months, bearing in- terest from the date, the purchaser giving bond with approved security. If not sold by private sale, by the first Monday in May next, it will then be sold on the premises on that day if fair, if not the next day to the highest bid- der. The land in the mean time will be shown to any person who may wish to pur- chase by Messrs Francis Palaferro, James Tute, Wm. Darnaby and the subscriber.
LAURENCE BROOKE.
March 18, 1801. tM
To be sold to the highest bidder, at Mont- gomery Court-house Maryland, on Mon- day the 6th April next, and terms made known on said day.
THE following Tracts of Land adjoining, well adapted to farming, and planting with a sufficiency of wood land, in a beautiful and hea- thy part of the Country, 4 miles from the above named Court House, and 18 from the City of Washington. One called Burnall containing 2057 3/4 Acres, on which is a framed dwelling house 24 by 16 feet, with two brick chimneys, a Barn 60 by 24 feet, shingled roof, & shedded all round, a Kitchen and other convenient houses—Apple and Peach Orchards, 10 or 12 Acres of Meadow, well set with Timothy, and more can be made. The other Wickham geodeville, containing 2711-2 Acres, on which is a framed Dwelling House, 20 by 16 feet, Kitchen, stone milk House 12 feet square—Tobacco and other houses, 12 or 15 Acres of Meadow well set in Timothy, and 70 Acres more can be made. A never failing stream runs through said land, so that the meadows may be watered with ease.
Also on the first day of May next, will be of- fered at Mr. Tunnicliff's Tavern; one, the most Westerly of the Old Six buildings in the City of Washington, now occupied by Mr. John Coyle.
HONORE MARTIN.
Montgomery County, } 17th March, 1801. } tM

MEMOIR
ON MARITIME LAW,
BY JOEL BARLOW.
Written for the French Government.
PARIS, 5 Dec. 1799.
(Concluded from our last.)
It will be remarked that England has been the principal opposer of this modern law, since the accession of the house of Hanover. During the last century and in the beginning of the present, her name is found in many treaties which recognize the new principle; and it is probably owing to her opposition to the general will of Europe during this century, that this advantage in favor of neutral commerce is not universally adopted at this day. I find no instance since the year 1713 in which she has acknowledged it; and she has made such a considerable figure in naval wars and the tyranny of the seas since that period, as to cause other nations to vary in their policy continually; sometimes forgetting their true interest and yielding to her ambition in supporting the Roman practice, and sometimes recurring to the more rational system, which they ought never to abandon.
But it is time that this question was settled irrevocably; and France at the moment of her regeneration is in a condition, if not to dictate the principle as immediately binding on other nations, at least to adopt it for herself as an inviolable maxim, and recommend it by her great example. A sense of interest will induce all other nations to recognize it immediately, except the English. And if the English should continue to oppose a measure so just, so convenient and so interesting to every maritime power, it will attract those Powers on all future occasions to the interest of France as their common benefactor, and oppose them to England as their common oppressor.
No nation can be more interested in the adoption of this measure than the French. Your resources in agriculture and manufactures are immense. The encouragement of your industry and the increase of your wealth depend on a free exchange. As long as you have such an insatiable rival as the English government in its present form, you can hardly expect to avoid naval wars, however sincerely may be your wish to avoid them. Your object then that I undertake the war, but for my own interest or passion.
Under the most scrupulous attention to the rules of justice on my part, it is impossible but that neutrals must suffer in natural war which may obstruct your own navigation. My increases his demand for one article, he probably lessens it for another. And I believe there is no instance of a war in which neutrals have not suffered immense inconveniences. We see them always rejoicing at the return of peace almost as much as the belligerents.
There will doubtless be some articles in which the neutral will find a benefit from my being at war; but as there are necessarily others in which he finds a detriment, I have no right to abridge his enjoyment of the first, since I do not lessen his suffering in the last. And he has as good a right to supply the extraordinary market that may offer itself to the fruits of his labor when such extraordinary market is occasioned by war, as if it were occasioned by famine.
There are some examples of incidental encouragement to the industry of neutrals which are offered them by the temporary concession of a belligerent; such as taking off restrictions and prohibitions which have been customary in time of peace.
The English in every war, and frequently in their intervals of peace, have suspended the rigors of their navigation act, for the sake of obtaining supplies of provisions, either at home or in their foreign possessions. The French and Spanish governments sometimes open the ports of their colonies to the ships and produce of other powers, and give an unusual latitude to some branch of commerce of which they stand in need. These occurrences create a higher market, and offer a temporary benefit to nations which are able to carry the supplies. And when they happen in time of war, they may throw a momentary advantage into the hands of neutrals. They must therefore be classed among the incidental rights of neutrality, of which no belligerent can with justice complain. The English government, it is true, has denied this doctrine; and one of the members of that government, the earl of Liverpool, has written a book to prove that the commerce of neutrals cannot legally be extended, in time of war, either to any
ports or places, or to any articles of merchandise, to which it was not accustomed to go in time of peace. But this position is so false in itself, and advanced with such an evident design to apologize for a part of a general system of tyranny over neutrals which that government has been pursuing for a number of years, that no writer, I believe, has yet thought it worth refuting. It is of kin to that other novel maxim of British invention that whole kingdoms may be blockaded by a proclamation.
But when the benefits of trade are extended in this manner, pretended to be unlawful, which party is it that does the wrong, the belligerent that offers, or the neutral that accepts, the extension? No English writer, I presume, will deny that the belligerent power has a right to open its own ports to any unusual branch of commerce; since his own government does it very often, no less than three times during the present war. It must be then, according to Lord Liverpool, that the neutral is in fault; and that he has no right to go to the best market that is open. What is the consequence? Should the neutral refuse to go to the best market, and that best market was England, he would certainly be taxed, and very justly, with partiality to her enemy. When so much of the British Navigation Act is suspended (this is the case at the moment I write) as to allow a Swedish vessel, for example, to carry American flour to England, suppose such a vessel should be loaded in Philadelphia for London, and the custom-house should refuse her a clearance for that place where the market was high and a famine was apprehended, but should clear her for France, where there was great abundance and a low price, and should lay the vessel under bonds not to go into England (which would be the duty of the custom-house, if it was a crime to go there) would not this be called an act of partiality, an act of such enmity to England, as would amount to a breach of neutrality? But all this would follow from the principle laid down by Lord Liverpool.
The English themselves, however, have never acted on this principle in all its parts, nor ever will. It is thrown out to intimidate neutrals. But it is time that the rule of justice was settled on this subject, as on many others. The rule ought to be this: that nations which remain neutral, and observe an impartial conduct while their neighbours are at war, retain all the rights which they possessed in time of peace, and all the additional and temporary advantages which the nature of the war itself may throw into their hands, or that may be conceded by any of the belligerent powers;—that is to say, complete and universal liberty should be left to neutrals to be the carriers of all sorts of goods, at all times and to all places, except only to places actually besieged or blockaded.
And to determine what shall be understood by a place blockaded, the strictest sense of the phrases used by the armed neutrality in the year 1780 should be adopted: that is, when a place is so invested as that no vessel can pass into the port without imminent danger of being stopped by the investing force. But in no case can a whole coast be said to be blockaded by a fleet cruising in such manner as occasionally to stop a neutral vessel: a blockade in its nature being only applicable, if not to a single port alone, at most to such ports whose passage is absolutely impeded by the habitual disposition of the ships. And even in this case a neutral vessel ought not to be confiscated till she shall have been once stopped and sent away, and shall attempt to enter a second time.
To recognise these great principles in such a manner that they may serve as a guide to future legislators in the French republic, be adopted by other nations, and become a part of the public maritime law through all the civilized world, I would preface the new constitution with a declaration to the following effect.
ARTICLE I.
The French republic will be and remain at peace with all people and at all times, so long as peace can be maintained by the strictest observance, on her part, of justice and the Rights of Nations.
ARTICLE II.
The Rights of Nations are, interior government and self-control; the faculty of continuing their actual forms of government, or changing them for others; the faculty of remaining neutral, and observing an impartial conduct towards neighbouring nations while they may be at war.
ARTICLE III.
The Rights of Neutrality are, the faculty of making or not making a public de-
claration of neutrality (hostile intentions not being imputable but in consequence of an open act or declaration of hostility,) the faculty of navigating all seas, trading to all places, carrying all articles without any exception of contraband of war, and for all persons without any distinction of belligerent or neutral; the faculty in general of enjoying all the advantages possessed in time of peace, with the addition of such other advantages as may arise from the nature of the war itself, and also such as may be granted and conceded by one or more of the parties in the war; excepting only the case of a blockaded port or place.
ARTICLE IV.
A port or place shall be deemed blockaded only when the investing force is actually and habitually so disposed and stationed as that a vessel cannot enter without imminent danger of being stopped. And even then confiscation of a neutral vessel or of her cargo shall not be made, till she shall have been once stopped and sent away, and shall return a second time.
ARTICLE V.
The neutrality of a vessel, such as shall enable her to protect her cargo and passengers, of whatever nature or country, shall be proved without unreasonable formalities. The nature and form of the documents required for this proof shall be only such as shall have been declared to be sufficient by the neutral power in her own laws, or stipulated by her in treaties with other nations.
ARTICLE VI.
The French republic, convinced of the inconveniences and immoralities which arise from the system of privateering, will no more grant commissions for cruising, or letters of marque and reprisal, to any private ship.
ARTICLE VII.
Solicitous to avoid and remove every occasion of war, not only by a steady pursuit of justice towards every government and people, but also by adopting some rational system of explanation of real or supposed wrongs which she and other independent powers may impute to each other in their various intercourse, the French republic invites them all to turn their attention to the discovery of some pacific mode of public arbitration; in which national grievances may be discussed, removed, atoned, compensated and finally settled, without recurring to the right of the strongest, as in barbarous and uncivilized ages. And she declares solemnly to all mankind, with whom she desires to live in peace, that she will do all in her power to investigate the means and arrive at the establishment of such a beneficent institution.
NAILS.
ALL Kinds of Hammered and Cut Nails, and Brads, Sold at my store in this place, between the President's house and the Six buildings, at the following prices for Cash only.
   Hammered Nails and Brads.   By cwt. 112 cwt. by retail under 56.     20dy Nails 12 1-2 d. per lb. 13 1-2 d per lb.   12dy do 13 13 3-4   10 do 13 3-4 14 1-2   8 do 15 15 1-2   Deck and Spike Nails, 11 1-2   Cut Nails and Brads.   20dy Nails 9 1-2 10 1-2   10 do 10 11   8 do 11 12   6 do 12 13   4 do 13 1-2 14   3 do 14 1-2 15  
SAMUEL MINTIRE.
Washington, Feb. 6, 1801.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
HAVE received by late arrivals, a general assortment of Hard ware and Ironmongery which they offer for Sale at their Store opposite the Great Hotel.
   They have also on hand     Madeira, Sherry & Lisbon Wines.   Cogniac Brandy.   Jamaica Spirits, Holland Gin, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Tea, Coffee, &c. &c.    Washington, Dec. 18.
NOTICE.
THE business heretofore carried on under the firm of ANDREW RUTHERFORD and Co. is this day, by mutual consent, dissolved. JAMES THOMPSON, ANDREW RUTHERFORD. Washington, March 9, 1801.