Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-04-28 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 109.—VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 28, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
DR. FRANKLIN.
[We are gratified in having it in our power to present our readers with a few Sketches on the life of Dr. FRANKLIN.]
THE TABLET.—No. CIX.
"When an eminent man dies, it is worth while to enquire into the causes which conducted him to eminence."
THERE is in the character of every distinguished person, something to admire, and something to imitate. The incidents, that have marked the life of a great man, always excite curiosity, and often afford improvement. If there are talents, we can never hope to equal; if there is a series of good fortune, we can never expect to enjoy, we still need not lose the labor of our biographical enquiries. We may probably become acquainted with habits, which it may be prudent to adopt, and discover virtues which we cannot fail to applaud. It will be easy for the reader to make a full application of these remarks in his contemplations upon the late celebrated Dr. FRANKLIN. By his death one of the best lights of the world may be said to be extinguished. I shall not attempt any historical details of the life of this illustrious patriot and philosopher, as I have nothing further in view than to make a few comments upon the most striking traits of his character.
Original genius was peculiarly his attribute. The native faculties of his mind qualified him to penetrate into every science; and his unremitted diligence left no field of knowledge unexplored. There were no limits to his curiosity. His enquiries were spread over the whole face of nature. But the study of man seemed to be his highest delight; and if his genius had any special bias, it lay in discovering those things that made men wiser and happier. As truth was the sole object of his researches, he was of course no sectary; and as reason was his guide, he embraced no system which that did not authorise. In short, he laid the whole volume of nature open before him, and diligently and faithfully perused it.
Nor were his political attainments less conspicuous than his philosophical. The ancients usually ranked good fortune among those circumstances of life which indicate merit. In this view Dr. Franklin is almost unrivalled, having seldom undertaken more than he accomplished. The world are too well acquainted with the events of his political career to require, at this time, a particular enumeration of them. It may be presumed the historians of the American revolution will exhibit them in proper colors.
If Dr. Franklin did not aspire after the splendor of eloquence, it was only because the demonstrative plainness of his manner was superior to it. Tho' he neither loved political debate, nor excelled in it, he still preserved much influence in public assemblies, and discovered an aptitude in his remarks, on all occasions. He was not fond of taking a leading part in such investigations as could never terminate in any degree of certainty. To come forward in questions which in their nature are indefinite, and in their issue problematical, does not comport with the caution of a man, who has taught himself to look for demonstration. He reserved his observations for those cases which science could enlighten, and common sense approve. The simplicity of his style was well adapted to the clearness of his understanding. His conceptions were so bright and perfect, that he did not choose to involve them in a cloud of expressions. If he used metaphors it was to illustrate, and not to embellish the truth. A man, possessing such a lively imagery of ideas, should never affect the arts of a vain rhetorician, whose excellence consists only in a beautiful arrangement of words. But whatever claims to eminence Dr. Franklin may have, as a politician or a scholar, there is no point of light in which his character shines with more lustre, than when we view him as a man or a citizen. He was eminently great in common things. Perhaps no man ever existed, whose life can with more justice be denominated useful. Nothing ever passed through his hands without receiving improvement; and no person ever went into his company without gaining wisdom. His sagacity was so sharp, and his science so various, that whatever might be the profession or occupation of those with whom he conversed, he could meet every one upon their own ground. He could enliven every conversation with an anecdote, and conclude it with a moral.
The whole tenor of his life was a perpetual lecture against the idle, the extravagant, and the proud. It was his principal aim to inspire man-
kind with a love of industry, temperance and frugality; and to inculcate such duties as promote the important interests of humanity. He never wasted a moment of time, or lavished a farthing of money in folly and dissipation. Such expenses as the dignity of his station required he readily sustained, limiting them by the strictest rules of propriety. Many public institutions experienced his well-timed liberality, and he manifested a sensibility of heart by numerous acts of private charity.
By a judicious division of time Dr. Franklin acquired the art of doing everything to advantage; and his amusements were of such a nature as could never militate with the main objects of his pursuit. In whatever situation he was placed by chance or design, he extracted something useful for himself or others. His life was remarkably full of incident. Every circumstance of it turned to some valuable account. The maxims, which his discerning mind has formed, apply to innumerable cases and characters. Those who move in the lowest, equally with those who move in the most elevated rank in society, may be guided by his instructions. In the private deportment of his life, he, in many respects, has furnished a most excellent model. His manners were easy and accommodating, and his address winning and respectful. All who knew him, speak of him as a most agreeable man; and all who have heard of him, applaud him as a very useful one. A man to wife, and so amiable could not but have many admirers, and many friends.
SPEECH,
Of the King of Frenchmen, to the National Assembly, on the 4th of Feb. 1790.
[A Translation from an English paper, which has not before appeared in the American papers.]
"GENTLEMEN,
THE weight of the present circumstances of the kingdom draws me to you. The gradual relaxation of all the ties of order and subordination, the suspension or the inactivity of justice, the discontentments which arise from particular deprivation, the oppositions, the unhappy hatreds which are the inevitable consequence of long dissensions, the critical situation of the finances, and the uncertainty of the public funds; all these circumstances united, keep up a general agitation and anxiety in the minds of even the real friends to the prosperity of the kingdom.
"A great and glorious end it is, which you have in view; but it must be attained without new convulsions. It was, I must profess, in a manner more mild and tranquil than I had hoped to conduct you, and uniting, for the public happiness, the knowledge and collected will of the Representatives of the nation; but my happiness and my glory are not the less intimately dependent on the success of your labors.
"These labors I have hitherto guarded, by a continual vigilance, from the unhappy influence of those distressful circumstances, in the midst of which you have been placed. The horrors of famine which threatened us last year have been averted. The disorder which the state of the finances, the discredit, the excessive scarceness of specie, and the gradual decay of the revenue, ought naturally to produce; this disorder, or least its excess, has hitherto been avoided. I have, notwithstanding the feebleness of the means of authority, maintained the kingdom, not indeed in that perfect calm I could have wished, but in a state of sufficient tranquillity to receive the blessings of a wise and well regulated liberty; in fine, notwithstanding our interior situation, so well known, notwithstanding the storms which agitate other nations, I have preserved peace abroad, and have kept up with all the powers of Europe, such terms of respect and friendship, as ought to render this peace durable.
"After having thus preserved you from those adverse circumstances, which might so easily have thwarted your labors, I now judge the moment is arrived, in which it imports the interest of the State, that I should associate myself in a still more manifest and express manner, to the execution of all that you have concerted for the advantage of France. I cannot seize a better occasion of doing so than that in which you present for my acceptance the decrees designed to establish throughout the kingdom a new organization which is to have so important an influence on the prosperity of the Empire.
"I will second, I will assist, by all the means in my power the success of this vast organization, on which depends, in my opinion, the safety of France; and I think it necessary to declare to you, that I too clearly see the dangers of all kinds that surround us, not to feel, that in the present dispositions of men's minds, and in the present state of public affairs, it is necessary that the new order of things should be established with calmness and tranquillity, or that the kingdom must be exposed to all the calamities of anarchy.
"Let it be thoroughly understood then, that the Monarch and the Representatives of the nation are united in the same interest, in the same will, to the end that this opinion, this firm belief may spread throughout the provinces a spirit of peace and good will, and that all honest and well meaning citizens may take a zealous part in the different subdivisions of the general administration, and efficaciously concur in the re-establishment of the order and prosperity of the kingdom.
"We ought not to dissemble, that much is to be done before we can arrive at the desired end.—An union of will, a connection of design are absolutely necessary to success. Continue then your labors, with minds unwarped by any other motives or passions than for the public good; let your first attention be fixed on the public liberty; but let it be also your care to soften, to calm all distrust, all dependency; put an end as soon as possible to those fears which banish so great a number of her citizens from France, an effect which at present exhibits a sad contrast with the laws of liberty and security you wish to establish.—Prosperity can only return with the general content.
"A day will come—I love to dwell on the idea—when all Frenchmen will indistinctively acknowledge the advantage of the
entire suppression of the differences of order and rank; when every one will see without pain, that to be called to serve the State in any manner, it will be sufficient to render himself remarkable for his talents and his virtues.
"Without doubt they who have abandoned their pecuniary privileges, they who will no longer, as heretofore, form a distinct order in the State, feel themselves subjected to sacrifices, the whole importance of which I well know; but I am also persuaded, that they will have the generosity of spirit to seek an indemnification in all those advantages which the establishment of National Assemblies presents to our view.
"I will defend, I will maintain the constitutional liberty; I will do more and in concert with my Queen, who partakes of my sentiments, I will prepare betimes the mind of my son for the new order of things which circumstances have brought to pass. I will habituate him from his infancy, to be happy in the happiness of France, and to understand, in spite of the language of flatterers, that a wise constitution will preserve him from the dangers of inexperience, and that a just liberty will give a new value to the sentiments of love and attachment which this nation has for so many ages testified to its Kings.
"I cannot doubt, but that in finishing your work, you will give strength to the executive power, without which no durable order within, nor consideration abroad, can be established.—No reasonable cause of distrust remains to withhold you: it is therefore your duty, as citizens and faithful Representatives of the nation, to secure to the State that stability which can only be derived from an active and tutelary authority.—You sure will call to mind, that without such an authority all the parts of your system of constitution would remain without correspondence, without the necessary key-stone; you will not lose sight of this great truth, that disorder in administration, by producing a coalition of powers, degenerates into the most dangerous and alarming of all tyrannies.
"Not for myself then, Gentlemen, but for the happiness of our country, for its prosperity, for its power, I exhort you to cast off all those impressions of the moment that may prevent you from considering, in one great whole, the exigencies of such a kingdom as France is, as well in its vast extent and immense population, as in its inevitable relations with other States.
"By what fatality is it, that at the moment of a returning calm, new troubles, new disturbances have arisen in the provinces? By what fatality is it, that my people give themselves up to new excesses? Ah! if they knew to what degree I am made miserable, when I hear the news of an unjust attack on the fortunes, or of an act of violence to the persons of my subjects, they would perhaps spare me this bitter grief.
"I cannot speak to you of the great interests of the State, without pressing you to apply yourselves instantly, and in a definitive manner, to the re-establishing order in the finances, on which depends the tranquillity of an innumerable multitude of citizens, who are united by the strictest ties to the fortune of the State. It is time to appease all these anxieties; it is time to confer on this kingdom that force and credit which is its due.
"May this day, in which your monarch comes to unite himself to you in the most unreserved manner, be a memorable epocha in the history of this Empire. It will be so, if my ardent vows, if my pressing exhortations can be the signal of peace and reconciliation among you. May those who yet hold back and withdraw themselves from a spirit of concord which is now become so necessary, make a sacrifice to me of all those recollections which afflict and torment them; I will repay them by my acknowledgments and my affection.—Let us all profess, reckoning from this day, let us all (and I will give the example) profess but one opinion, but one interest, but one will, attachment to the new constitution and an ardent desire of the peace, the happiness and the prosperity of France."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, MARCH 30.
The proposition for assuming the state debts under consideration.
MR. STONE said he had mentioned on a former occasion that New-York and Pennsylvania were become accountable as States for large sums, the former on account of confiscated estates; the latter to the Penn family; the gentleman from Philadelphia had said that that State has no idea of burdening the union with that debt. He did not suppose that those States had it in contemplation to transfer them to the United States; but if the creditors prefer the funds of the United States to those of the individual governments, they can place their demands on a continental establishment, nor can the State prevent it. It had been said, that debts of this description were not considered by the Secretary in his estimate of the amount of the State debts; this affords additional strength to the argument against assuming, which arises from the uncertainty of the amount which we may have to provide funds for; it is evident in this way the State debts may be increased to an enormous amount.
MR. LAWRENCE observed that it was doubted whether the accounts between the several States would ever be adjusted, and this formed a principal objection to the assumption of the State debts. He requested gentlemen, who had these doubts, to consider what had been done by the late and present government to effect this business; that a board of commissioners, with very extensive powers, had been erected; those commissioners had been recognized by the present government; provision had been made for their pay, and the pay of their clerks, and an addition to the pay of the latter had been agreed on by the house of representatives. The amendment to the present proposition, proposed by a gentleman from Virginia, and adopted by the committee, promised that effectual provision should be made for liquidating and settling these accounts: so that if those already adopted, and which were now in operation, were not sufficient, adequate and proper measures for the purpose would, it was highly probable, be agreed on. Really believing that these accounts would finally be adjusted, he could not discern that any injustice could be done by the assumption, because the sum assumed was to be charged to the State, and would be set off against claims of the State for the expenditures during the war, either for general or particular defence.
He further observed, that he considered the evidences of claims in possession of individuals were founded on such expenditures of monies and supplies furnished, as the States would eventually be credited for; and although there was an inequality in these debts at present, yet a final liquidation would do justice to all. In the intermediate time, he supposed it would be a measure founded in justice and sound policy to assume these demands, which were liquidated by the States, and which were possessed by individuals, because there was no solid distinction between them and those which they possessed as claims against the union; as the former

were for the same services, and supplies, and were to have been paid out of a common fund supplied by the respective States, in certain proportions, but which has not been done; and on account of the deficiency and inability of this fund, were, at the recommendations of the late Congress, assumed by the several States to their respective citizens.
By the change of government, the funds appropriated to discharge these demands were now occupied or might be possessed by Congress; and it was proper, when the revenues were taken, the debts should also be taken. An effectual provision could be made for all the debts, with more ease and convenience, and with less expence to the citizens of the union, by systems proceeding from the general government, than if they were made by the former for one class of creditors, and by the State government for another. If the assumption should not be made, probably different provisions would be made by the States for their debts, which would depend either on their abilities or policy, and a diversity of interest be occasioned, which, in its operation, might be prejudicial to the general happiness; and the only effectual and proper mode of obviating this, was to assume the State debts, whereby the different creditors would have their demands provided for and discharged by the same body, and those contending interests, which would otherwise take place, prevented.
He remarked that a question had been asked, whether it was easier to provide for a large debt than a small one? The debt of the union was sufficiently large, and if we added the State debts the difficulty would be increased.
Mr. Lawrance observed that these debts already existed, though in different shapes, yet substantially the same: transferring the demand from the State to the union did not change the entire sum owed by the union and the States, and provision ought to be made for the whole: that supposing it would be made, the union, having the revenues of the particular States unincumbered and unoccupied, could make provision more conveniently and more satisfactorily than can be done if the assumption should not take place, and part of these revenues, probably the most productive part, pre-occupied and retained by several of the important States; the mode of providing for the debts would be more agreeable to many States in the union, as it could be done by imposts and excises, and we should rid many of the States from the oppressive mode of direct taxes; the former would do general justice, as each individual in the union would pay according to his consumption.
Particular instances have been mentioned to shew that injustice would be done to some States, if the proposition was adopted; but these contemplated that no settlement would take place. Provision could be made to obviate difficulties in these cases; and, in determining on a general proposition, it was sufficient that the principle of it was just, because when it was assented to, and to be carried into effect, the details and provisions could be suggested, considered and made as should appear proper.
Mr. Lawrance concluded that the proposition was just and proper, and would be productive of national advantage; and as it had, so it again should receive his assent.
The following observations were made by Mr. Sherman, the 12th inst. When I see the house so equally divided on so important a subject, it gives me great concern on account of the threatening aspect it has on the peace and welfare of the government.
The support of public credit by a provision for doing justice to the creditors of the United States, was one great object that led to the establishment of the present government, and should it fail of doing justice to so great a proportion of them as are involved in this provision, it would lose the confidence of many of its best friends, and disappoint the expectations of the people in general.
I consider the debts incurred by the several states in support of the war, and for the common defence and general welfare, as the debts of the United States, and that those creditors have as just and meritorious a claim on the union for payment as any creditors whatever. A great part of them were assumed by the states in behalf of the United States, in consequence of requisitions of Congress.
I shall not now go into a particular discussion of the proposition before the committee, (every thing having been already said that may reflect light on the subject) but shall only state the reasons on which I shall give my vote in the affirmative.
The measure appears to me both just and politic. Just, with respect to the creditors, whose debts are due for services and supplies rendered in support of the common cause of the union, which therefore ought to be paid out of the same common funds, as the other creditors of the United States, and although some of the states would be able to provide for their creditors as well as the United States, yet that is not the case as to those whose exertions, sufferings and burthens have been much greater, than the others, and it would not give satisfaction to assume the debts of some states, and not of others.
The measure will be just with respect to the several States, because each will bear only its just proportion of the present burdens, and their past exertions and expenditures, will be equitably adjusted in the final settlement of their accounts, for which effectual provision is to be made by the same act that provides for the assumption of the debts.
The policy of the measure consists in its tendency to promote justice and harmony, and confidence in the government, in alleviating the burthens of a number of the States, who from their situation and circumstances during the war, were necessitated to make greater exertions, and were subjected to greater sufferings and expenditures than the other States, and by putting all the funds necessary for paying the debts under one direction, to facilitate the collection and render them more productive and less embarrassing to commerce. The principal resource for pay (the impost) is in possession of the general government.
But if the state debts are not assumed, the states which have heretofore borne the greatest burthens, will be left still to sustain those unequal and grievous burthens, or their creditors will be left without any provision for satisfying their claims either of which would be unreasonable, and occasion great uneasiness, which will tend to embarrass and obstruct the measures of government.
It has been said, let those States wait until their accounts with the United States shall be settled, and then receive security for the balances that may be due to them; But why should those States be subjected to greater burthens at present, than the other States? As it is not known which are Debtor or Creditor States, why not bear the burthen equally until that can be ascertained? If there is to be no settlement, I think it is a conclusive argument that the whole public debt should be assumed by the United States. It ought to be presumed that the States have made exertions according to their abilities, and in due proportion until the contrary appears, and that can no otherwise appear, but by a settlement of the accounts; and until that is done I can see no good reason why any State should bear more than its just proportion of the existing debts, whether contracted by the United States, or by the individual States, if incurred for the common defence, or general welfare of the Union. It is said there is no rule established to ascertain the quotas of the several States; but I think the rule is fixed by the resolutions of the late Congress, of the 22d of November 1777, and the 3rd of June 1784, and the provision in the new Constitution for apportioning direct taxes.
PROGRESS OF MANUFACTURES. PHILADELPHIA.
THE useful arts are constantly encreasing amongst us. A single Manufacturer in the Northern Liberties makes annually 400 dozen pair worsted, cotton and thread stockings; the last superior in appearance and goodness to those
that are imported from England at a much higher price. From the laboratory of Messrs Marshall, we are informed, this summer 60000 lb. of crude salt armoniack will be exported to England and Holland, the very countries from which we have hitherto imported this article. Glauber salts of an excellent quality is made cheaper than it can be imported.
ON DIVINE PROVIDENCE.
As some fond mother, views her infant race With tenderness o'er flowing while she sees; She kisses one, one clasps in her embrace; Her feet supporting one, and one her knees; Then, as the winning gesture-speaking face, Or plaintive cry explain their different pleas, A look, a word, she deals with various grace, And smiles, or frowns, as love alone decrees. O'er frail mankind, so Providence divine Still watches; hears, sustains, and succours all, With equal eye, beholding each that lives. If Heaven denies, oh! let not men repine! Heav'n but denies to quicken duty's call, Or feigning to deny, more largely gives.
LONDON, February 1.
M. LALLY, in his second letter to his constituents, quotes the following remarks of a modern French author.
"A nation, after having groaned under the chains of despotism for many centuries, whenever it is bold enough to attempt to break them, not withstanding all the absurd institutions that still must surround it, resembles a sick man, whose strength is extreamly weakened by long sufferings, and whose vital spirits have been consumed by incessant fevers; if he makes use of too violent or too many remedies at once, or desperately takes it into his head to force nature, he dies the victim of his imprudence."
An extraordinary miniature has been made of the King by Bowyer: instead of a crystal, there is a flat diamond over it, half an inch square!
Adam Smith's philosophical pen has been a long time silent, though not unemployed. This learned and sagacious politician is at length coming forward again with a work which he has been some years preparing for the press. It is chiefly a review of the political doctrines of the celebrated Montesquieu, which the profound Caledonian has examined with such perspicuity, and refuted with such strength of argument, that it is said the renowned fabric of L'Esprit des Loix is likely to be shattered into ruins, or to moulder in oblivion, after so formidable an assault.
M. La Rive, the actor, who has performed the character of Bayard for many years with distinguished success, was presented by a descendant of Bayard with a golden chain, which that famous general used to wear about his neck. M. La Rive thought that a chain which belonged to man who acquired the title of Chevalier sans peur et sans reproche , would be a proper present for M. de la Fayette, delivered it to him with the following address.
D'un ordre chéri des guerriers, Cette antique et simple parure Dans les combats ornoit l'armure Du plus brave des Chevaliers. Qui mieux que vous, auroit des droits sur elle? Comme Bayard, "sans reproche et sans peur," Sage, valiant, a vos devoirs fidele Chaque jour vous obtient une gloire nouvelle Et maigre les complots de l'envie en fureur Vous forcez des dangers toujours calme et vain- queur.
Letters just received from Lisbon mention, that a large Algerine corsair of 38 guns, and full of men, was seen hovering off the Rock, the latter end of last month; upon notice of which, a stout frigate and sloop of war were dispatched in quest of the rover, and the next day came up with her; when, after a most obstinate and bloody contest of 4 hours and 40 minutes, they were obliged to sheer off. The frigate received a number of shot between wind and water, and was much damaged in her upper works; the sloop was also in a shattered condition, having her rudder shot away, and most of her sails torn to pieces: it is said the pirate had three parts of her crew killed or wounded: among the latter was their, fierce and daring leader—likewise her sails and rigging were so terribly mauled, and the ship so much crippled, that it is thought impossible she ever could reach Algiers. The robbers fought all the time under the bloody flag, and swore incessantly, in different languages, they never would strike, while man or boy was left alive. The Portuguese had near 100 killed, and a great number wounded; most of them mortally, as the balls which the pirates fired from their small arms were all chewed; notwithstanding, the Portuguese fought with uncommon bravery throughout the whole action, and shewed great resolution and spirit.
FEBRUARY 12.
The balance of trade in favour of England is estimated at about 3,000,000 sterling. Far more considerable is the inland trade, which is valued at upwards of 42,000,000 sterling. As the quantity of circulating specie may in some measure indicate the extent of commerce, we may judge of the increase of the latter by comparing the sums which the three monarchs found necessary to
coin. By George I, 8,725,921. sterl. were coined. In the long reign of George II, 11,966,5761. and in the first 24 years of his present majesty's reign, the sums coined amounted to 33,082,2741. sterling.
From Madrid we learn, that a Mr. Fitzgerald, a member of the Parliament of Paris, being at dinner at the Duke de Crillon's house there, the subject of France became the topic of conversation. Mr. Fitzgerald expressed himself very warmly in favour of the revolution, and imprudently suffered some words to escape him, reflecting on the conduct of Count d'Artois.
The Duke de Crillon could not permit such reflections to pass unnoticed, accordingly desired Mr. Fitzgerald to withdraw. Fearing that this misunderstanding might create much noise without doors, the Duke went immediately to the Prime-Minister's house, where he obtained an order for the apprehension of Mr. Fitzgerald, who was shortly after seized at the house of the Count Cabarras, and conducted to prison. It is intended that he shall be escorted out of the kingdom immediately.
MARCH 3.
On the thirteenth instant, the Emperor, attended by all the Nobility of the Court, publicly received the Sacrament; and in consequence of his Majesty's weak state, public prayers have been ordered to be made in all the churches; and the Opera and Playhouses are shut.
On the 20th of February, at six in the morning, His Imperial Majesty Joseph 2d, Emperor of Germany departed this life. He died with the greatest firmness and composure, perfectly retaining his senses to the last moment. All good men will ever reverence the memory of this Prince, whose various good qualities and ardent desire for the happiness of his subjects, entitle him to the esteem of mankind. Previous to his death he made the necessary arrangements with regard to his successor, whose arrival at Vienna was hourly expected at the time of the Emperor's death. Excepting this intelligence, the present instant is rather barren of great events. The cabinets however are very busy, the hour is pregnant with futurity, and the usual events of ages are ready to burst upon us in a moment.
Particulars of the Death of JOSEPH II.
No sooner had his chief physician informed him that his dissolution was near, than he generously rewarded him for his attention, and frankness in telling him his real opinion.—On the seventeenth he was informed that the arch duchess Elizabeth, whom he tenderly loved, was brought to bed. He seemed pleased at the news, but the information of her death upon the day following affected his spirits in a dangerous manner, altho' conveyed to him with the greatest caution. Astonished at the intelligence, he leaned his head upon his hands, and cried out— My God! and do I yet live—thy will be done! —He then remained for about ten minutes in a profound meditation.—Being, soon after told that his death was very near, he asked for Prince Kaunitz and the two generals Laudohn and Lascey. Stretching out his hand, with a tender smile upon his countenance, he said to them— My friends, it is all over with me. We must now separate forever. To your care I recommend my subjects, my armies and my brother Leopold. He then ordered his will to be brought, in which he made a few alterations and additions, and then putting it, with other papers, into the hands of Prince Kaunitz, he observed to him, that he could die with less regret if he had been only fortunate enough to have had more confidence in his (the Prince's) judgment.—It was thought he hereby alluded to something that had passed between them in the beginning of the Brabant troubles, when the Emperor excused himself to the Prince for not having made him acquainted with all his orders and plans, relative to a certain undertaking in that part of his dominions; apologizing for his neglect by observing that he feared the Prince was too old to be troubled with so many minute particulars. "I am, indeed, old, answered the Prince but I would have your Majesty to know, that I am young enough to see you without a crown, if you in future pursue such measures as you have hitherto done."—The Emperor having taken his last farewell of all about him, very calmly gave directions relative to his funeral, and particularized the rewards to be given to his servants. A little while before he expired, he caused himself to be dressed in his uniform, his boots and spurs put on, and other military array. His last struggles continued about a quarter of an hour, and then he expired.
The sentence against the unfortunate Favras, having been confirmed, he was executed by torchlight, on the 19th instant, at two o'clock in the morning;—After making the amende honorable at the gate of the Cathedral of the Notre Dame, he was conducted by the executioner to the Place de Greve, clothed in a linen frock, covered with brimstone—a label on his breast, inscribed, " Conspirateur contre l'Etat ;" a lighted flambeau in his hand, and his head and feet naked.—Agreeable to his sentence, he there confessed his crimes, on his knees; and, after begging pardon of God and his country, was hung on a gallows of extraordinary height.—An amazing number of spectators attended the awful scene.

Extracts from a Paris Print, entitled, "L'Union, ou Journal de la Liberté."
After informing the Deputies of the Brabantine states of the death of the Emperor Joseph, Count J. Ph. de Cobenzl, on February 28th, made them the following proposals:
 1. To withdraw the remainder of the troops, now in the castle of Baurain and its neighbourhood, into the territory of Luxembourg; as also those at Limbourg and Guelderland.  2. To raise the siege of Antwerp, and furnish the garrison with a sufficiency for their subsistence.  3. To stop all further preparations for war.  4. To set at liberty all officers, soldiers, and such private persons as have been confined on account of the troubles. This is meant also to include the prisoners in the castle of Luxembourg.  5. To forbid the printing and publishing all seditious and inflammatory pieces and other writings tending to prolong the present troubles.  6. To deputize some of your body to confer with me upon the most eligible means of re-establishing order, and taking the oaths of allegiance to the Emperor Leopold, our new king and master, and to make the proper arrangements for his inauguration. These gentlemen, appear to me to be the wisest steps you can take at this time. I shall count myself extremely happy if our united efforts can restore to the Belgic provinces that peace and felicity which the pleasure of our sovereign and the welfare of the people demands. I have the honor to be, &c. 
Extract from the Resolutions of the Brabant States, March 4.
"Read, the letter of Count Cobenzl of 28th February, 1790.—Resolved, That the same be printed, and no other answer made."
The curate of Notre Dame Chapel having ordered his parish bell to be rung for the interment of a young lady of his congregation, a mischievous fellow reported that the bells were tolled on account of the death of the Emperor. This so enraged the populace, that they flew to the persons place of abode, and did not leave it till every window therein was broken to pieces.
FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY,
PARIS, MARCH 9.
A member of the Parisian national corps, has, at the head of the troops, given in a catalogue of the names of the citizens in arms, for which they received the compliments of the president, who expressed the pleasure he felt at receiving a list of the names of persons who had taken up arms for the defence of their national freedom.
M. de la Luzerne has written to the assembly, and requested them, in the name of the king, to explain themselves upon the subject of the American, African and Asiatic colonies, at least so far as is consistent with the instructions they are about to give on that subject. He has added an account of the actual situation of those colonies. This question has been referred to the committee for colonial affairs.
The deputies of the people of Paris, headed by M. Bailli, the Mayor, have made report upon the state of such ecclesiastical houses as are to be put up for sale. Twenty seven of them are reckoned extremely valuable; and at the nearest and most probable estimation, about 200 millions of livres. It is generally thought that the proceeds of these sales will contribute greatly towards re-establishing national credit.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, April 26.
On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, seconded by Mr. Burke, the committee of the whole was discharged from further proceedings on the Report of the Secretary at War, relative to a plan for the organization and government of the militia of the United States.—The report was then referred to a select committee.
Mr. Fitzsimons moved that the committee of the whole should for the present be discharged from further proceeding on that part of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which relates to the assumption of the State debts.
This motion produced a warm, tho' desultory debate.
Mr. Gerry, Mr. Vining, Mr. Smith, (S.C.) Mr. Ames, Mr. Bland, and Mr. Sherman, opposed the motion. It was supported by Mr. Madison, Mr. Jackson, Mr. Stone, and Mr. Page.
Mr. Vining moved the previous question—which being put in the manner following, "shall the main question be now put?"—it was resolved in the affirmative—Ayes 32—Noes 19.
The yeas and nays were then taken on the motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, to wit. That the committee of the whole be, for the present, discharged from that part of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury which relates to an assumption of the State debts. AYES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Gilman, Griffin, Jackson, Lee, Madison, Mathews, Moore, P. Muhlenburg, Page, Parker, Ranisflear, Schureman, Scott, Seney, Sinnickson, Smith, (M.)
Steele, Stone, Sumpter, White, Williamson, Wynkoop. 32. NOES.
Messrs. Ames, Bland, Boudinot, Burke, Foster, Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Huntington, Livermore, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith, (S.C.) Sturges, Thatcher, Tucker, Vining, Wadsworth. 18.
So the question was carried in the affirmative.
The House then went into committee on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Livermore in the chair.
The committee having agreed to certain resolutions, rose and reported the same.
The house took the said report into consideration, and agreed to the same—which report is in the words following.
Resolved, That adequate provision ought to be made for fulfilling the engagements of the United States, in respect to their foreign debt.
Resolved, That permanent funds ought to be appropriated for the payment of interest on, and the gradual discharge of the domestic debt of the United States.
Resolved, That the arrears of interest, including indents issued in payment thereof, ought to be provided for on the same terms with the principal of the said debt.
Resolved, That it is adviseable to endeavor to effect a new modification of the domestic debt, with the voluntary consent of the creditors, by a loan, upon terms mutually beneficial to them and to the United States.
Resolved, That for the purpose expressed in the last preceding resolution, subscriptions towards a loan ought to be opened, to the amount of the said domestic debt, upon the terms following, viz.
That for every hundred dollars subscribed, payable in the said debt (as well interest as principal) the subscriber be entitled at his option, either,
To have two thirds funded at an annuity or yearly interest of six per cent. redeemable at the pleasure of the government by payment of the principal, and to receive the other third in lands in the Western Territory, at the rate of twenty cents pr. acre—or,
To have the whole sum funded at an annuity, or yearly interest of four pr. cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars per annum, on account both of principal and interest—and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands as in the preceding case—or
To have sixty-six dollars and two thirds of a dollar funded immediately at an annuity or yearly interest of six per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars per annum, on account both of principal and interest—and to have at the end of seven years, thirty-three dollars and one third of a dollar, funded at the like interest and rate of redemption.
Resolved, That the funds which shall be appropriated according to the second of the foregoing resolutions, be applied in the first place to the payment of interest on the sums subscribed towards the proposed loan—and that if any part of the said domestic debt shall remain unsubscribed, the surplus of the said funds be applied, by a temporary appropriation to the payment of interest on the unsubscribed part, so as not to exceed for the present four per cent. pr. annum, but this limitation shall not be understood to impair the right of the non-subscribing creditors to the residue of the interest on their respective debts: And in case the aforesaid surplus should prove insufficient to pay the non-subscribing creditors at the aforesaid rate of four pr. cent that the faith of government be pledged to make good such deficiency.
Mr. Stone, Mr. White, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Gilman, were appointed a committee to prepare and bring in a bill conformable to these Resolutions.
Mr. Gerry proposed a resolution, that a committee to consist of a member from each State, and an equal number, for, and against the assumption, be appointed to consider of and report a plan of accommodation on this subject.
This motion was laid on the table for further consideration.
TUESDAY, APRIL 27.
Mr. Boudinot of the committee appointed to bring in a bill providing for the mitigation of forfeitures accruing under the revenue laws, brought in a report which was read.
A report from the Post Master General, pursuant to orders of the house, was read, relative to the establishment of Post-Offices on the cross roads, transportation of the Mails, &c. also a report from the same officer, on the memorial of Christopher Colles, respecting a survey of the roads of the United States.
A message from the Senate, by their Secretary, was received, informing the House that they have passed a bill to continue the act, passed the last session for regulating the Processes in the Judicial Courts of the United States.
Mr. Gilman of the committee of enrolment, reported that the joint committee had examined the enrolled bill, entitled an act to regulate the military establishment of the United States. The Speaker signed this act.
In committee of the whole on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the support of the public credit.
Mr. Fitzsimons observed, that the house having determined the rate of interest on, and the mode of funding the domestic debt of the United States—it remains to devise the ways and means. In order to bring the subject before the committee, he proposed resolutions, containing extracts from the Report, of the Duties proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury. These resolutions were read by the Clerk, as follows, viz. Resolved, That from and after the day of next, the duties heretofore laid upon wines, distilled spirits, teas and coffee, shall cease, and that instead of them the following duties be laid, viz. Resolved, That
UPON every gallon of Madeira Wine, of the quality of London particular, there be paid a duty of thirty-five cents.
Upon every gallon of other Madeira Wine, thirty cents
Upon every gallon of Sherry, twenty-five cents.
Upon every gallon of other Wine, twenty cents.
Upon every gallon of distilled Spirits, more than ten per cent. below proof, according to Dicas's hydrometer, twenty cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits under five, and not more than ten per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, twenty-one cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits of proof, and not more than five per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, twenty-two cents.
Upon every gallon of those spirits above proof, but not exceeding twenty per cent. according to the same hydrometer, twenty-five cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than twenty, and not more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, thirty cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, forty cents.
Upon every pound of Hyson Tea, forty cents.
Upon every pound of other Green Tea, twenty four cents.
Upon every pound of Souchong and other black Teas, except Boha, twenty cents.
Upon every pound of Boha Tea, twelve cents.
Upon every pound of Coffee, five cents.
That upon Spirits distilled within the United States, from Molasses, Sugar, or other foreign materials, there be paid—
Upon every gallon of those Spirits, more than ten per cent. below proof, according to Dicas's hydrometer, eleven cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits under five, and not more than ten per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, twelve cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits of proof, and not more than five per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, thirteen cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits, above proof, but not exceeding twenty per cent. according to the same hydrometer, fifteen cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits, more than twenty, and not more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, twenty cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, thirty cents.
Resolved, That upon Spirits distilled within the United States, in any city, town or village, from materials of the growth or production of the United States, there be paid—
Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than ten per cent. below proof, according to Dicas's hydrometer, nine cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits under five, and not more than ten per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, ten cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits of proof, and not more than five per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, eleven cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits above proof, but not exceeding twenty per cent. according to the same hydrometer, thirteen cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than twenty, and not more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, seventeen cents.
Upon every gallon of those Spirits, more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, twenty-five cents.
Resolved, That upon all Still employed in distilling Spirits from materials of the growth or production of the United States, in any other place, than a city, town or village, there be paid the yearly sum of sixty cents, for every gallon, English wine measure, of the capacity of each Still, including its head.
These resolutions were agreed to in committee, and reported to the house; the house immediately took the same into consideration, and adopted the report with an amendment to the duty on Still, proposed by Mr. Parker in the following words "Or cents per gallon on Spirits distilled from grain—and cents per gallon on Spirits distilled from fruit, in such Still.
A committee was then appointed, consisting of Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Huntington, Mr. Jackson, Mr. Contee, and Mr. Bloodworth, to bring in a bill conformable to the said resolutions.
In committee of the whole on the bill providing the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.
By this bill it was proposed that 50000 dollars be appropriated for the purposes therein mentioned.
That a Minister Plenipotentiary be allowed the sum of 11250 dollars, and a Chargé des Affaires 4500 dollars, per annum. The committee reduced the above sums, to the following, viz. 30000 dollars the appropriation—go00 to a Minister Plenipotentiary, and go00 to a Chargé des Affaires.
The clause respecting a year's salary as a douneur, it was moved should be struck out—which was carried.
Each minister &c. to be allowed one quarter's salary from the time of their being re-called.
The committee then rose, and reported the bill with amendments.
Mr. Gilman moved that an addition of seven members be made to the committee appointed to bring in a bill providing for the national defence; which was done.
The committee of the whole was discharged from further proceeding on the Post Office bill; and the bill with the report of the Post Master General were referred to a select committee, consisting of a member from each State.
The bill for accepting the cession of the Light House within the bar of the harbor of Charleston it was moved should be referred to the Secretary of the Treasury—which was voted in the affirmative.
Adjourned.
NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 28.
Letters from England received at Philadelphia by the last arrivals mention that the Court of London has ordered 24 Ships of the line to be immediately equipped and all its officers on half pay to be recalled.
The philosophical society of Pennsylvania have unanimously voted that an Oration shall be delivered by one of their members in honor of their President, the illustrious Dr. Franklin.
The Hon. JOHN WALKER, Esq; of Virginia, elected a Senator by the executive of that state, to fill the vacancy occasioned in the Senate of the United States, by the death of the Hon. William Grayson, took his seat on Monday in that honorable body.
Subscribers for the Gazette of the United States may be furnished with the numbers complete, from the commencement of the second volume.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
 Ship Ann and Susan, Chevers Dublin.  Lord Middleton, Hewgill, Montego Bay,  Packet Queen Charlotte, Radeliff, Falmouth and Halifax.  Ship London, Woolfey, London,  Ship Lord North, Northover, Pool.  Schooner Betty, Davidson, Montego Bay.  Sloop Patty, Pond, St. Martins.  Frig Nelly, Buchanan, Martha Brac.  Brig Rambler, Gilchrist, Havre de Grace; 

DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum.
THE French nation, known in antiquity under the appellation of the Franks, were originally from the heart of Germany. In the declension of the Roman Empire, they inhabited a country in the North, along the river Rhine, situated between Bavaria and Saxony, which still preserves the name of Franconia. Having excessively multiplied, as it happens in cold climates, their country was found, not sufficiently extensive to contain them, nor fertile enough to nourish them. Excited by the example of their neighbours, they resolved by a common voice, to divide themselves into two nations; one of which should continue to inhabit their ancient country; and the other endeavor to procure elsewhere by the force of arms, an establishment more vast, more commodious and more fertile. This enterprise was resolved, and this division made by unanimous consent. Such as were destined by lot, to essay their fortune, although trained to war, and incapable of terror at the apprehension of the dangers of such an enterprise; thought however, that they ought not to abandon it to anarchy or hazard, but to conduct it with prudence and order. To concert the measures necessary for the execution of their project, they assembled in the plains, in the neighbourhood of the river Sala. Accustomed for many ages, to live in the obedience of a prince; and thinking the monarchical state the most convenient to a people who aspire to augment their power, and extend their conquests, they resolved to choose a king, who should unite in his single person, all the authority of the nation. Here perhaps Davila is in cautious and inaccurate; for the Franks, as well as Saxons and other German nations, though their governments were monarchical, had their Grandees and people, who met and deliberated in National Assemblies, whose results were often to say the least, considered as laws. Their great misfortune was, that, while it never was sufficiently ascertained, whether the sovereignty resided in the king or in the national assembly; it was equally uncertain, whether the king had a negative on the assembly; whether the Grandees had a negative on the king or the people; and whether the people had a negative on both, or either. This uncertainty will appear hereafter in Davila himself, to mark its course in bloody characters; and the whole history of France will shew, that from the first migration of the Franks from Germany to this hour, it has never been sufficiently explained and decided.
To this supreme degree of power in the king (as Davila proceeds) they added, that the crown should be hereditary in the family elected; foreseing, that if it were elective, it would be a source of civil wars, which would prove destructive to all their enterprises. Mankind, in new establishments, generally act with sincerity, and with a single view to the public good. They listen neither to the ambition nor the interest of private persons: And Pharamond was elected king, by unanimous consent. He was a son of Marcomir, issue of the blood, which had governed the nation for many ages: And, to an experienced valor, united a profound wisdom, in the art of government; it was agreed that the same title and equal power, should descend to his legitimate posterity of the male line, in default of which the nation should return to their right of electing a new sovereign. But as unlimited authority may easily degenerate into tyranny, the Franks, at the time of the election of their king, demanded the establishment of certain perpetual and irrevocable laws, which should regulate the order of succession to the throne and prescribe in a few words, the form of government. These laws proposed by their priests, whom they named Salien and instituted in the fields which take their name from the river Sala, were originally called Salique laws, and have been considered, from the establishment of the monarchy, as the primitive regulations and fundamental constitutions of the kingdom.
Leaving their country to the old Prince Marcomir, and passing the Rhine, under the command of Pharamond, the Franks marched to the conquest of the Gauls, about the four hundred and nineteenth year of the christian Era. The Roman legions united with the Gaulish troops resisted Pharamond, till his death. The scepter was left to his son Clodion, an intrepid prince, in the flower of his age, who in several battles defeated the nations of the country, dissipated the Roman armies, and established himself in Belgium. Merovius, who succeeded him, made a rapid progress; penetrated into Celtic Gaul and extended his empire to the gates of Paris; judging that he had conquered country enough to contain his subjects, and form a state of reasonable extent, he limited the course of his exploits, and turned all his cares to peace, after having united under the same laws, and the same name, the conquerors and the vanquished, whom he governed peaceably; he died leaving the Franks solidly established in Gaul: Such is the origin of the French monarchy and such are her fundamental laws.
By the dispositions of the same laws, the work of the nation, are regulated, the rights and prerogatives of the Princes of the Blood: As each of them, in default of direct heirs, may, according to his rank, be called to the crown, their interests are necessarily connected with those of the state. The people regard these privileges, as inviolable: Neither length of time, nor distance of degree has ever done them any injury. All these princes preserve the rank which nature has allotted them, to succeed to the throne. They have indeed, in the course of time, taken different names, such as those of Valois, of Bourbon, of Orleans, of Angouleme, of Vendome, of Alencou, of Montpensier; but they have not by these means lost the rights attached to the royal consanguinity, that, especially of succeeding to the crown; these different branches, have from time to time affected the pre-eminences due to their blood; to interest them the more forcibly, in the preservation of a crown to which, in succession, they may all be called; it has been commonly made a rule, in case of the minority, or absence of the lawful thing, to choose for the tutors or regents of the kingdom, the princes who were nearest related; it would not indeed be natural to entrust the administration to the hands of strangers, who might destroy, or at least dismember so beautiful a state: When as princes born of the same blood, ought, for that reason, to watch over the conservation of an inheritance, which belongs to them, in some sort. This right is not simply founded upon usage: The states general of the Kingdom in whom resides the entire power of the whole nation whom they represent, have frequently confirmed it." Here again we meet with another inaccuracy, if not a contradiction in Davila; or rather with another proof of that confusion of law, and that uncertainty of the sovereignty; which for 1500 years has been to France, the fatal source of so many calamities: Here the sovereignty, or whole power of the nation, is asserted to be in the states general; whereas only three pages before, he had asserted that the whole authority of the nation was united in the King.
These two prerogatives, of succeeding to the throne when a king dies without masculine posterity, and of governing the kingdom during the absence or minority of the legitimate sovereign, have at all times procured to the princes of the blood, a great authority among the people, and the best part in the government. They have applied themselves accordingly with remarkable vigilance, to the administration of an Empire, which they regarded with justice as their patrimony: And the people, judging that they might have them one day for their first Magistrates, have always shown them the more respect, as they have more than once known the younger branches ascend the Throne, in default of the elder. Thus the Crown has passed from the Merovingians to the Carlovingians and finally to the Capetians; but always from male to male, in the Princes of the blood of these three races. From the last of these descended the King Louis the eleventh, whom the innocence of his life and the integrity of his manners, have placed in the number of the Saints. He left two sons, Philip the third surnamed the Hardy; and Robert, Earl of Clermont. Philip continued the elder branch, which reigned more than three hundred years, and took the surname of Valois.
From Robert is descended the younger branch, or the house of Bourbon, so called, from the province, in which it possessed its settlement. This house, respectable not only by birth, which placed it near the throne, but also by the extent of its lands and riches, by the valour and number of its Princes, almost all distinguished by their merit and a singular affability; arrived soon at an high degree of power. This elevation, joined to the favour of the people, excited against the Bourbons, the jealousy and envy of the Kings, whom this great credit and distinguished splendor, displeased, and alarmed. Every day brought fresh occasions of hatred, suspicion and distrust, which several times broke out in arms. Thus in the war, for the public good, John Duke of Bourbon declared himself against Louis the eleventh; and Louis the twelfth before his accession to the throne, was at war with Peter of Bourbon. The jealousies which these Princes inspired into Kings, exposed them sometimes to secret vexations and sometimes to declared enmities. We may add to this reflection of Davila that it is extremely probable, that these Princes by frequently betraying symptoms of ambition, aspiring at the throne, might give to Kings, just grounds of jealousy and alarm.
Before we proceed in our discourses on Davila, it will assist us in comprehending his narration, as well as in making many useful reflections in morals and policy, to turn our thoughts for a few moments to the constitution of the human mind. This we shall endeavour to do in our next essay.
PHILADELPHIA, 22 April.
The following was the order of Procession yesterday at the funeral of our late learned and illustrious citizen, Dr. FRANKLIN.
All the Clergy of the city, before the corpse.
THE CORPSE,
Carried by Citizens.
The Pall supported by The President of the State, the Chief Justice—the President of the Bank, Samuel Powell, William Bingham, and David Rittenhouse, Esquires,
Mourners,
Consisting of the family of the deceased—with a number of particular friends,
The Secretary and Members of the Supreme Executive Council.
The Speaker and Members of the General Assembly.
Judges of the Supreme Court,
And other Officers of Government.
The Gentlemen of the Bar.
The Mayor and Corporation of the city of Philadelphia.
The Printers of the city, with their Journeymen and Apprentices.
The Philosophical Society.
The College of Physicians.
The Cincinnati.
The College of Philadelphia.
Sundry other Societies—together with a numerous and respectable body of Citizens.
The concourse of spectators was greater than ever was known on a like occasion. It is computed that not less than 20,000 persons attended and witnessed the funeral. The order and silence which prevailed, during the Procession, deeply evinced the heartfelt sense, entertained by all classes of citizens, of the unparallelled virtues, talents, and services of the deceased.
This day the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, agreed to wear mourning for one month, in memory of their great and good fellow-citizen, Dr. FRANKLIN.
LONDON, February 1.
THE King of Sweden in all his preparations for another campaign, has recourse to this country for money and science! An eminent merchant is now authorised by him to negotiate a loan of half a million, at six per cent. and to engage surseons for the army, at the rate of 6l. per month, with an allowance of 2l. 10s. for subsistence: the interest and the salary are sufficient to invite many adventurers.
Madame Masson, the celebrated Tennis-player, lately arrived from Paris, has had audience of his royal highness the Duke of York.—This Gallant heroine of the Raquet, it seems, challenges to play with any person in Europe for one thousand guineas.—The royal Duke is to have the honor of first entering the lists with her, she plays in her female attire a la Grecque, with a short petticoat and drawers.
So warm a party spirit is excited at Manchester, by the application of the dissenters for a repeal of the test act, that upwards of three-hundred gentlemen have formed themselves into a club for the support of the church: they wear an uniform of blue, with scarlet collars; the collegiate church on the button, with the motto, "Pro Aris et Focis."
The French assembly have settled pensions upon such of the Monks as choose to leave the monasteries.
The English government not in the least concerning itself with the education of youth, seems to be a capital defect. Any person, however, meanly qualified, is at liberty to open a school, a liberty which does often a great deal of mischief. The lower classes of people are much neglected in their education, and much more so in England than in Scotland. In the latter, literature is encouraged almost to a fault, there scarce being a cow-keeper or salmon-catcher, in that country, who does not understand Latin, a little Greek, elocution, ancient mythology, &c. were government to lay heavy fines upon all unqualified teachers, both learning and its professors would soon be respectable. Our national superiority with respect to sciences was much more conspicuous in the beginning of the present century than at this period.
PROPOSALS,
BY JOHN TRUMBULL, For publishing by subscription, TWO PRINTS,
From ORIGINAL PICTURES painted by himself; REPRESENTING The DEATH of General WARREN, At the Battle of Bunker's-Hill; and The DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, In the Attack of Quebec.
IN the Battle of Bunker's Hill, the following Portraits are introduced. AMERICAN. Major General Warren, Putnam, In the Attack of Quebec, are seen, General Montgomery, Colonel Thompson, BRITISH. General Sir William Howe, Sir Henry Clinton, Lieut. Col. John Smith, Major Pitcairn, and Lieut. Pitcairn, Major Macpherson, Captain Cheetham.
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION. THE Prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent Artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, three guineas for each print, one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the Prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed. Subscriptions are received in America, only by Mr. Trumbull. All subscriptions receipts will be signed by him, as well as by Mr. Poggi, of London; under whose direction the prints are engraving, and will be published.
These Prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American revolution.
No period of the history of man is more interesting than that in which we have lived.—The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must remain ever dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. Historians will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which they write, must be understood—the language of Painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expense, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation, to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success. That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor, and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec, are
* The DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, * BATTLE at TRENTON, * BATTLE of PRINCETON, SURRENDER of General BURGOYNE, TREATY with FRANCE, BATTLE of EUTAW SPRINGS, * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN, TREATY of PEACE, EVACUATION of NEW-YORK, RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON, THE ARCH at TRENTON, INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
Each picture will contain Portraits of the principal characters, who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with Stars, are considerably advanced—and the Prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers. New-York, April 2, 1790.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of PHILIP DENMAN, now confined in the common gaol of Newark, in the county of Essex, That the Honorable Court of Common Pleas, in and for said county, have appointed Tuesday the 25th day of May next, for the creditors of said Philip Denman, to meet at the Court house in Newark, at nine o'clock of the day aforesaid, and there cause to the judge of the said Court if any they have, why an assignment of the said insolvent debtor's estate should not be made, and he discharged according to the act of the Legislature of New-Jersey in such case made and provided. PHILIP DENMAN. Newark, April 14, 1790.
To be SOLD, For CERTIFICATES, Or exchanged for LAND, TWENTY-TWO acres of ground in the City of New-York, fronting Great George-Street, Bowry-Lane, and Greenwich-Lane. On the premises is a brick dwelling house containing ten rooms; a smaller brick house with four rooms; a house with a brick front with two rooms: In each house is a Kitchen, and under the whole four cellars; a never failing spring is near one of the kitchens; a frame stable and a coach-house with stables. From the dwelling house both the North and the East rivers are plain to the view. Additional improvements have been made this Spring, the ground has been laid out for pleasure as well as for utility; it is provided with variety of orchard and other fruit; part of the land has also been sown with timothy and clover. To be sold for certificates of the national debt, which will be received at the nominal value, Dollars at 8s. Or for good upland, even if covered with wood, provided it is situated on the following rivers, or on creeks as far as navigable, communicating with the same, viz. At the Potowmac above Alexandria, at James River above Richmond, in South-Carolina, about one hundred miles from the sea shore, on Santee Edisto or Ponpon river, or on Savannah river. If not sold at private sale before the 15th of May, it will then on the above terms be disposed of by Public Vendue at the merchants Coffee-House.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. POELLNITZ on the premises. New-York April 10, 1790.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacketon do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Calfas, Chintzes, Seersuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.