National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-05-21 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, May 21, 1792.
NUMB. 59.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
(SIDNEY continued)
On the Injustice of the EXCISE LAW and the Secretary's REPORT.
BUT there remains one argument in favor of the excise on whiskey, which, if it be true, will go far to silence all objections; that is, that the manufacturers can incorporate the excise with the price, and consequently the consumer pays for it. Upon this argument the Secretary debates freely, and dwells with pleasure; and were it not a mere theoretical question, I have so much respect for his character, that I would not publicly attempt to refute it: but when it is made the foundation of a claim upon a fourth or a fifth part of a citizen's earning, it assumes the nature of proving an account: justice requires that delicacy should be laid aside, and the truth of the testimony examined without reserve. What then is the testimony offered to Congress? It is the assertion of the Secretary, that, previous to the laying a duty on whiskey, the price of the liquor was 38 cents; but that since that time it has risen to 56 cents. This is a rise of ten cents in the price, in lieu of 9 cents per gallon of excise, or as he states, of 6 cents, when the excise is paid on the capacity of the still. The calculation here offered is remarkably exact, and makes the distiller a moderate gainer by the excise. How fortunate it is that the system has agreed so well in practice with the theory of the closet! It would seem to a projector would wish; but alas! no political alchemist was ever more wanting in one essential ingredient, I mean, truth, to support his position. I ask, in what distilleries, and in what number of hogheads, has whiskey been sold at that price for cash? who were the sellers, and who the buyers? Does the Secretary state facts that are publicly known, as the market prices of the produce of the soil always are? or was he examined upon oath, and called upon to state the circumstances which justify his opinion? No, no! But, on the contrary, when the matter came before Congress it was proved by the members who had a personal knowledge of the fact, and spoke under an oath of office, that the common market price could not be generally estimated, even since the excise law was in operation, at more than 33 1-3 cents. In support of the same argument it is asserted in the report, (page 16) that it appears, that paying the rate annexed to the capacity of the still, and using great diligence, the duty may in fact be reduced to 6 cents per gallon; and in page 19, it is said, that the duty on the capacity of the still was founded upon a computation, that four months in the year was the usual period of country distillation. With respect to the truth of these statements, as they have been already fully refuted on the floor of Congress, I shall make no remarks, and none are certainly necessary to be used to those who are competent judges; but least these representations should not have their full effect, an estimate was produced in Congress as from him, stating that a still was capable of producing, in the ordinary course of business, about six times as many gallons of spirits in the year, as the most experienced distiller, who was a member of the House, declared he ever could obtain, with the exercise of the greatest industry and skill, in a situation too, which admitted of the stills being employed during the whole year. To what a length of deception does the desire of accomplishing a favorite scheme, tho' calculated to oppress and disgust a particular interest, sometimes carry the human mind! The plea of ignorance or misinformation cannot be allowed as an apology. If the minister was igno-
rant of the business, he should have been silent; if he wanted information, he should have sought it from those who possessed it. But a person may be mistaken, or imposed upon, with the purest intentions; he may even do injustice without a criminal design; and, therefore, if there were no partiality apparent in the conduct of the Secretary, we might receive such acknowledgments as some extenuation. This, however, will likewise fail, when we observe how he has acted with respect to rum and geneva. The rum is manufactured from imported molasses in the great towns, but chiefly in the eastward capitals; and it appears, that the manufacture of geneva is confined, in a great measure, to some particular parts of the country. Neither of these manufactures are conducted by farmers, but by large capitalists upon commercial principles; nor have I any kind of objection to this, or wish to discourage its progress; yet I do not wish to give those manufactures a bounty, which shall operate as a discouragement and oppression to the manufacture of whiskey. But by looking over the report one cannot avoid remarking, with what a friendly hand geneva is treated; its comparative value is exactly calculated; the prejudice against it, in favor of foreign geneva, is lamented, and the common restrictions varied, to enable the manufacturer to defeat that prejudice, by imposing it on the purchaser as a foreign spirit, and a special protection given to the secrecy of the art. Did not the Secretary know that the prejudices are infinitely stronger against whiskey than geneva? and that many distillers of whiskey have alighted their secrets? But no special provision, no sympathy for that despised liquor can have place in the system! no, so far from participating in ministerial patronage and indulgence, 12 cents are added to its price, as I have already stated, in order to prevent Congress from doing it justice according to its value.
In the report (page 9) the Secretary says that whiskey has a double advantage by the last law, in consequence of the increased duty on foreign and home made rum; but this I deny, except merely as it respects the domestic consumption of whiskey. Whilst the report was preparing, home-made rum was at 5/3 per gallon, in this city; it is now at the price of 5/; and is not only transported to the different states, but to foreign countries, in large quantities. But when the Secretary added more than a fifth to the price of whiskey, he was silent as to the price of, and demand for this kind of rum; and since I stated the difference between the price of rum and whiskey, in a former paper, the average price of the latter was settled, in the House of Representatives, to be 2/6; so that the true difference of excise ought to be one half; whereas, the Secretary's report makes the difference of excise to be only one fifth.
Here then I conclude, that there is not, where whiskey is a necessary manufacture of the farm, as much money received for it, in general, as would discharge the excise; that much more of it might be made than would be sufficient to supply the existing demand; that, of course, it is not in the power of the farmer to incorporate the tax with the price, so as to make the consumer pay it; and that while it remains in this state of discouragement, instead of the excise being the most equal of all taxes, as the Secretary asserts, it is the most unequal, and the most injurious to industry, of any tax that could be devised. The tax upon molasses, which some offer as an argument, will not apply to the case. The county road and poor taxes, which are charged upon the farmer, and to be relieved from the burthens of which, some of the Frontier people have respectfully applied to the last general assembly of Pennsylvania, (even when
there is no state tax) may as well be applied in favor of whiskey. I think, likewise, that it may be fairly inferred, that if 100,000 people, in the western parts of Pennsylvania, could find a demand for it, they would distill as much whiskey, if they had peace, as would produce £. 84,000 in excise; and if that is true, what would the western parts of all the states, who cannot bring their grain to market, produce? Or, rather, what might the increased population to the westward, in twenty years of peace, produce? Certainly an amount which it would be unreasonable to ask, and which the people would not submit to pay.
Having arrived at this stage of my disquisitions, I may be fairly allowed to assert, that the Secretary of the Treasury thro' the whole of his report upon the petitions, for a repeal or mitigation of the excise upon spirits, made from home produce, so far from considering the subject on public ground, treats it as a personal affair; and thus, instead of proposing any relief to the petitioners, as the disinterested minister of the government, he assumes the character of a defendant against their popular complaints, and for the purpose of supporting his system, wages a zealous war against whiskey distilleries. Every statement is calculated, all the sophistry of his reasoning is displayed, merely to prove that spirits made from home produce ought exclusively to be taxed; and the fervor of his imagination, has eclipsed, or extinguished, in this attempt, all regard to the interest of the laborious husbandman. and every scruple as to the authenticity of the information on which his data are founded.—For the manly candor, and the impartial dignity of the Secretary's character, were substituted the groveling cunning of a pettifogger; and Congress was addressed with all that littleness of quibble, that distortion of facts, and that chicanery of professional management, with which every jury is assailed, and to which the best juries are obliged to submit. Various instances of this practice might be given, besides those upon which I have animadverted; and the appearance of a salutary instance of favor, in proposing to lower the excise upon whiskey from 9 to 8 cents per gallon, will hardly amount to an exception. This was a feint evidently to introduce a diminution of the tax upon the molasses distilleries; and for which purpose, the impost upon imported spirits was also to be raised. That impost was, indeed, high enough already for the purposes of the revenue, since, at the rate which it now bears, less will be imported; but I do not complain of the alteration, nor envy the home made rum the preference; provided the produce of our own soil, and the domestic manufactures of our families, which are not yet in sufficient esteem to interfere in the market with either species of rum, were equally cherished and protected.
From the respect which I sincerely feel for the Secretary's character, and the opinion which I entertain of the eminence of his abilities and industry, I undertook the examination of his report, with great reluctance and hesitation; but being convinced that it was calculated to persuade the legislature into the adoption of measures highly oppressive to a very considerable and deserving number of people, as fully entitled to favour and encouragement as any other denomination of the citizens of the union; and perceiving that a great majority of the members of Congress themselves were unacquainted with the business, neither knowing the price, nor the quality of the manufacture, the interests of which they were invited to sacrifice, at the very time that they were granting effectual encouragement to every other species of ma-
nufacture;—I conceived it to be my duty to communicate that portion of information which I possessed; and to prefer, at every hazard of official resentment, the act of doing justice to the interests of the people, (from which must flow the honor and stability of the government) to a tame acquiescence in unauthorised assertions, or a servile complaisance to the reputation and dignity of a public officer. The man who makes an unjust speculation on his neighbour, or facilitates its being done by others, is deservedly stigmatized and shunned; but far less is the turpitude of his conduct, than the guilt of that man, who employs the power of an influential station, to induce the legislature to speculate upon, or to oppress, one part of the community, in order to ease or enrich another.
It may, however, be objected that this performance, being anonymous I am not responsible for the truth of the facts, which it states, and that it places the Secretary in a disagreeable predicament, because it would be inconsistent with his dignity to reply to animadversions that are offered under a fictitious signature. But with respect to the facts, let it be remembered that I have appealed in almost every instance to those authorities, which people, who doubt, may examine for themselves; and with respect to the situation of the Secretary, we may presume that he is no stranger to anonymous writing; but at all events, we know that he has a sufficient number of satellites or subordinate agents, who will not hesitate to lend their names for those uses in which either from policy or shame, he is loth to employ his own. For instance; there was recently published an address to the people in the western counties, in favour of the excise law, under the signature of John Nevil, inspector . It appeared in a pamphlet; it was also inserted in the Pittsburgh Gazette, and several of the newspapers of this city; and it was not only calculated to justify the excise, but to traduce the character of the people to whom it was addressed. But at the first appearance every person who knew the man, who lent his name, were sure that the signature was as fictitious, as is the signature of SIDNEY to this performance, and when, the Secretary's report was published, no one who compared the two essays could fail of being convinced that they were dictated by the same author. I will leave a copy of the address, bearing the exciseman's signature with the printer, for the curious, to compare with the report. I conceive, therefore, I have as forcible a right to publish truth under the borrowed name of a dead patriot, as any other man can have to circulate sophistry, under the borrowed signature of a living inspector.
When I began my strictures on the report, I suggested a possibility that the Secretary's information might be defective, that his impartiality might not be perfect, and that his principles might not strictly correspond with the genius of the Federal government, in the very constitution of which, the republican forms of the state governments are solemnly guaranteed. That the first of these suspicions was well founded, is not only evident by the facts I have stated, but by the testimony of every member of Congress, who professed to understand the subject, and took part in the debates which it occasioned. The second supposition is also evident from an examination into the relative situation and prices of country-made rum and whiskey, where they both are made in large quantities, and both are excised.
How far his systems correspond with the genius of the government must appear by comparing those systems, with the principles of the government, and (See last page)

To the Editor of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SIR, THE second part of Paine's Rights of Man, so seasonably imported at the present juncture, will, it is to be hoped, put a temporary stop to the inuendos of some ingenious writers, whose publications are occasionally cited in your paper. They will now have a subject on which to employ their ingenuity: though I will venture to predict that their ingenuity will be employed to very little purpose; a single stroke from the giant arm of a Paine being more than sufficient to discomfit a whole legion of such pigmy opponents. Lest, however, the first edition, which is just completed in this city, should be bought up before they can procure copies (which, considering the superior merit of the work, is highly probable) I request you will present them with the following extracts taken from it by your constant reader, A. B. Philadelphia, May 19, 1792.
"IT would be an act of despotism, or what in England is called arbitrary power, to make a law to prohibit investigating the principles, good or bad, on which any other law is founded."
"If a law be bad, it is one thing to oppose the practice of it; but it is quite a different thing to expose its errors; to reason on its defects, and to shew cause, why it should be repealed, or why another ought to be substituted in its place."
"It is for the good of nations, and not for the emolument or aggrandizement of particular individuals, that government ought to be established, and that mankind are at the expense of supporting it. The defects of every government, must be open to discussion; and it is a duty, which every man owes to society, to point them out. When those defects, and the means of remedying them are generally seen by a nation, that nation will reform its government.—Those subjects, as subjects of investigation, are always before a country as a matter of right, and cannot without invading the general rights of that country, be made subjects for prosecution."
"Great part of that order, which reigns among mankind, is not the effect of government. It has its origin in the principles of society. And the natural constitution of man. It existed prior to government, and would exist, if the formality of government was abolished.—Society performs for itself every thing which is ascribed to government."
"In England, the improvements in agriculture, useful arts, manufactures, and commerce, have been made in opposition to the genius of its government. It is from the enterprise and industry of the individuals, and their numerous associations, in which government is neither pillow nor bolster, that these improvements have proceeded. No man thought about the government, when he was planning or executing those things.—Three or four very silly ministerial newspapers are continually offending against the spirit of national improvement, by ascribing it to a minister. They may, with as much truth, ascribe this book to a minister!!!"
STRICTURES, ON THE REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS, ON THE WESTERN EXPEDITION.
IN my notification to the public of the 15th inst. I promised to expose some palpable errors in the report of the committee of Congress on the late western expedition, in order that a proper judgment might be formed of this legislative mode of investigation. But previous to my entering on the subject, it is proper to observe, that I was never directly or indirectly, called upon by the committee to furnish any explanations, or to obviate any of the charges or insinuations contained in this report; that the first notice I had of it, was in Mr. Childs's paper of the 12th inst. and that unfussing, unheard and unprotected, I have been stretched on the rack of public investigation, as an object deserving popular resentment. But though, from circumstances arising from misfortune and indifference, (not guilt) my person has been imprisoned, my mind prefers in full vigour, its native freedom and independence; nor am I yet so abased, as tamely to crouch under the lash of injury, whilst I am supported by the consciousness not only of innocence, but of merit, in those particulars which are made the subject of accusation.
I shall now proceed to a consideration of some of the points which the committee roundly assert as facts; reserving to a future occasion, such evidence and observations, as I shall judge necessary for a full refutation of every part of the report of the committee so far as it relates to my conduct, as Contractor for the army.
In order to prove my inattention to the fulfilment of the duties of my station, it is asserted—That on the 9th of May, 1791, Mr. Smith of Carlisle, one of my agents, had not received any monies from me; That on the 8th of May, 1791, Mr. Kean, another commissary, was in the same situation; and that even so late as the 9th of June of the same year, general Nevill, my principal agent at Pittsburgh (which was the place of general rendezvous and deposit) had likewise received no monies.
These assertions I aver to be groundless; and in proof, I refer to the following copies of receipts, the originals of which are deposited with Mr. Laban Bronson, at No. 57, in Maiden-lane, formerly one of my agents under the contract, for inspection of those who may wish explicit satisfaction on this head.
No. I. Received, Carlisle 2d April, 1791, of colonel William Duer, by the hands of colonel George Gibson, five hundred dollars, on account of provisions to be furnished by me to the army of the United States. Signed, JAMES SMITH. 500 Dolls.
No. II. Received, Philadelphia, April 19th, 1791, of William Duer, Esq. three hundred dollars, in post notes, which I promise to deliver to Mr. James Smith, near Carlisle, taking duplicate receipts therefor. Signed, HIPPOLITE MALARTIC. N. B. The receipt of this sum is acknowledged in Mr. Smith's account.
No. III. Received, April 13th, 1791, of colonel William Duer, four hundred and seven dollars and forty-eight ninetieths, on account of supplies for the troops raising at Winchester in Virginia. Signed, JOHN KEAN.
No. IV. 13th April, 1791, Received of William Duer, two thousand dollars, to be applied in purchasing supplies for the troops on the Western frontiers, and for which I promise to account. Signed, JOHN NEVILL. 2000 dolls.
Exclusive of the above sums, I paid many of Mr. Nevill's drafts, previous to the time at which the committee stated he had received no money as will appear by his account, deposited with Mr. Bronson, and made large advances to several other persons, for supplies, to be furnished at Pittsburgh, and other places; the proofs of which are too voluminous to be inserted in this publication.
Here I might rest the defence on these points; but the following proofs of a more decisive nature, from No. 5, to 9, prove how much I had at heart an honorable fulfilment of my contract; and that the measures which I took for this purpose, were not only successful, but acknowledged by public documents, lodged in the war-office, which the committee might have seen, if an impartial investigation had been the object of their researches.
No. V. Instructions to Mr. Laban Bronson: SIR, The confidence I have, from past experience in your activity, and regard for my interest, has induced me to appoint you my principal agent for managing all purchases on my account in the western country, not only on account of the contract, but on account of the French emigrants.
In managing the former, you will act according to your own discretion, and for my best interest; in the latter, you will from time to time, govern yourself by such special instructions as you shall receive from me.
Your principal and immediate attention must be devoted to supplying all the posts under the contract for the space of four months and procuring a complete supply of salted provisions, for the months of May and June next, preferring pork if you can obtain it. To enable you to commence your operations, you have herewith in Philadelphia bank bills, fifteen hundred dollars, and a letter of credit on my agent Mr. Joseph Hardy, at Philadelphia, directing to pay your drafts on him, drawn at not less than ten days sight, for fifteen hundred dollars. You have likewise an order on Mr. Israel Ludlow, directing him to pay into your hands what monies he may have undisposed of of my last remittance, and all that he shall receive from the French emigrants, who are under a convention to pay me for provisions supplied them. With these resources, and that of the merchandise in the care of Mr. Swan (and who must dispose of them under your directions solely) I have no doubt you will be able to execute the objects entrusted to you. If further means are necessary, inform me instantly, and you shall have them.
Immediately on your arrival at Buffalo or Fort Pitt, you will give notice to Gen. Harman of your commission, the prospects you have, and the measures you propose adopting; and you will at the same time transmit to me the same intelligence.
From the funds entrusted to Mr. McFarland, previous to his death, and those in the hands of Mr. Fowler, I am persuaded considerable supplies must have been procured. Obtain as soon as possible, for me, a state of all purchases or contracts made on my account and of the deliveries in consequence, specifying the special nature of the deliveries, and the posts at which they have been received. This you will obtain through Mr. Israel Ludlow, who is appointed to superintend all the issues, and whose province it will be to visit the respective posts. Although from Captain Mills letter to me it is most probable that a sufficient supply has gone to Fort Vincennes, yet it will be necessary to ascertain this circumstance with precision, and to supply any deficiency in such mode as you may think most advisable.
In short, Sir, in executing the business entrusted to you, you will consider yourself unfettered by any other considerations than a regard to my interest which is inseparable from an honorable fulfilment of my contract: and you will use every exertion to retrieve any loss of credit, or reputation which I may have suffered from the fact of Mr. McFarland, or from the scandalous insinuations of such persons as with my contract to fail.
As the season of the year renders the execution of the office you have undertaken, extremely fatiguing, and detaches you from the private pursuits you had in contemplation, I will allow you for two months service which you have promised to devote to me one hundred dollars per month, exclusive of your reasonable travelling charges, and before the expiration of that time I will think of a proper character to succeed you. You have herewith a special commission for the purposes mentioned in those instructions, which you will communicate when circumstances may render necessary, and a general letter of credit to Mr. Wills at Buffalo, who, I doubt not will give you any aid in executing the trust reposed in you.
I am, &c. yours with esteem, Wm. DUER. Mr. Laban Bronson.
In order that some parts of this letter may be more clearly understood, it is necessary to mention that it was written in consequence of a former agent's sudden death; and the effect which it was supposed it might have on the supplies of the army at a very critical period, the Ohio river was frozen that year much earlier than usual; a small part of the necessary supplies had been sent down previous to that event, and a clamorous representation had been made to the heads of the Treasury and War department, of my utter inability to supply the contract.
From what quarter, and with what views these representations were made—I shall probably have occasion to shew at a future period.
Table with 10 columns: Item, Beef, Pork, Bacon, Flour, Whiskey, Soap, Candles, Total, Remarks. Rows include: At Pittsburgh, Up the Monongahela river, ready to be delivered, and ready to be delivered at and near Pittsburgh. Total: 12, 2356, 792, 2395, 8628, 23, 100. Signed: JOHN NEVILL.
N.B. This return was transmitted to the War Office, and from that department to me.
Table with 10 columns: Item, Pork, Beef, Biscuits, Biscuits, Whiskey, Candles, Soap, Salt, Vinegar, Total on hand, Remarks. Rows include: At Pittsburgh, At Buffalo, Sent forward by McFarland, Ludlow and Bronson. Total: 12, 2356, 792, 2395, 8628, 23, 100. Signed: JOHN NEVILL.
No. VIII. Return of provisions on hand the twelfth day of December, 1791—at Fort Washington. 400 barrels of flour, 30,000 lbs. salt beef, 100 gallons of whiskey, 21 boxes soap, 10 bushels salt. Issued at this place per day, 600 rations. Signed, EDWD EVANS.
No. IX. Extract of a letter from Francis Mentges, Esq. Inspector of the troops of the United States, to the Secretary of War, dated Fort-Washington, June 2d, 1791.
"The present contractor has supplied the several posts with good and wholesome provisions; and great quantities of provision is on hand."
True Extract. JOHN STAGG, jun. Chief Clerk. N. B. This extract was transmitted to me from the war-office.
From the above documents the following facts are clearly established:
1st. That as early as the 25th of May, there was collected at Pittsburgh, (exclusive of other articles of supply 2395 barrels of flour, and 8628 gallons of whiskey, which is equal to 469,420 complete rations of flour, and 552,192 complete rations of whiskey; whereas the amount of rations required for the troops whilst on the expedition, did not exceed, by General St. Clair's requisition, 360,000 rations.
2d. That previous to the 28th day of July, there had been forwarded to the army (exclusive of all the subordinate posts being in the mean time victualled) 2674 barrels and 1366 kegs, or half barrels of flour, and 9271 gallons of whiskey, equal to 657,972 complete rations of flour, and 593,344 complete rations of whiskey.
3d. That from the first of January 1791, at the time my contract commenced, to the 2d of June following, before any of the supplies above stated could have arrived at the army, all the posts under the contract had not only been supplied with good and wholesome provisions, but that great quantities of provisions were on hand.
4th. That after the return of the army from expedition, and only nineteen days previous to the expiration of my contract, which was on the 31st day of December last, 400 barrel, of flour, and 30,000 lbs of beef were on hand at headquarters, for a garrison of 600 men; which is equal to 133 days supply of flour, and 50 of meat. It is unnecessary to mention my supplies of beef, because the reporters acknowledge a plentiful supply of meat: this article being furnished from Kentucky, is not included in the Pittsburgh returns.
There remain two other charges which require some notice.
One, That there was a total failure in the supply of horses, which occasioned the commander in chief to direct a purchase of betwixt six and seven hundred, for which he ordered my agent to draw bills on me, and of which I refused payment. This charge, so far as it respects my failure, is, as void of foundation as the others: But, at present, I shall content myself with observing—
1st. That previous to the order issued by Gen. St. Clair, Mr. Wilkins, an agent specially employed for this purpose, was purchasing the number of horses which was judged necessary for the expedition, when I undertook the supply; and that this circumstance was publicly known in camp.
2d. That I have made actual payment many months since, for all the horses purchased by this gentleman, agreeably to my contract with him—and
Lastly—That the loss of horses, and any interruption in the regular supply of flour, is not imputable to the causes stated by the committee; but to some of a very different nature, and for which I am not responsible; and that probably this want of flour existed principally on the retreat, after the victors had got possession of all the provisions—if the limits of a newspaper would admit of my introducing the whole testimony necessary to support these points, in that incontestable manner which it is in my power to do, other obvious considerations restrain me from it at this time. I recollect on this occasion, an observation made by Dr. Franklin to Mr. Morris (when superintendent of the finances) on a controversy about money, with the count of Vergennes, in which, after stating the count's objections, the Doctor shrewdly observes, that he could have easily refuted all he had said, but that if he had got the better of the argument, he should have got nothing else. I shall conclude this head with observing, that the truth of this charge may easily be judged of, by the accuracy of the other parts of the Report of the committee on those points where the means of official evidence, in direct opposition to what they have stated, were within their reach. As to the last point concerning the due bills issued by my agent, and which is the only remaining one which deserves any comment, I shall be but short.
The report states as an article of the contract, "that the officers had an election of drawing the whole of the rations, to which their rank entitled them, or of receiving the contract price of them in cash. &c. &c. &c. This is not so. There is not a single article of this kind, or a single expression in my contract, which can be tortured to imply such an engagement. In proof of this, my original contract is left with Mr. Bronson for the perusal of those who wish to be satisfied as to the truth of this bold assertion. Indeed such an obligation would be too absurd for any contractor to subject himself to; for if this election was to be in the officers of the army, as the contractor could not know when their fancy or wants might lead them to prefer one to another, he would be under the necessity of double advances for the same object; one for the officers rations, the other of cash to pay for them, if not demanded, and what would be still worse, he would not only run the risk of having the undrawn rations on his hands, but if he paid for them at the contract price, have according to an old saying, his labor for his pains. All that has ever been usual in this case has been for the of-

icers and contractor to agree: which has generally been done by allowing in cash, not the contract price, but what the ration was estimated to cost at the place where the officers were entitled to receive it; this order originated in an intention to make me pay to the officers what they had no right to exact; as will appear by the following extract of my agent's letter to me on this subject, dated September 26th, 1791.
"General St. Clair has ordered the quartermaster of the different battalions to include all the rations allowed the officers in their returns, and directed the commissaries to issue due bills for the rations not drawn, which it is expected will be paid by you. I should be glad you would give me your directions on this head, and let me know at what rate they are to be paid, for I don't think you ought to settle them at the contract price; there is no clause in the contract that can oblige you to do it."
Such are the charges and insinuations made against me by the committee; and such the evidence I offer to invalidate them. If it be asked how Congress came to direct a publication of this nature, tending to criminate individuals without knowing in what manner the charges against them had been substantiated, I reply that the report was soiled in the last day of the session, when many members were absent, and the imagination of the few present so much on the wing homewards, as to prevent the exercise of that cool reflection which in general marks the proceedings of that respectable body. "Thus wretches hang, that juries may dine." As to the motives of the reporters, they appear sufficiently obvious. I presume they thought it consistent with policy and even with established precedent, that on this occasion some victim should be marked out as an object of popular resentment. It would not do to charge Congress as the author of the calamity, because they are foul birds which besmirch their own nests.
It would not do to charge the President (at least directly) because his unremitted attention in executing with the most scrupulous exactness as well as ability, every part of his executive functions, and a conviction of this on the public mind precludes all hopes of success from such an attempt. It would not do to charge General St. Clair; first, because a former committee of Congress had made a very sorry figure in such an attack; and secondly, because he was present to vindicate himself. Who then so proper to attack as myself? none. First, because I was a contractor; and contractors, from custom immemorial, always bear the blame of lost battles; secondly, because my misfortunes had subjected me to popular prejudices, and of course it was no great crime to charge me with an additional burthen; and lastly, because I was absent, and of course not capable of defending myself.
In these points of view (if I may be permitted to use a little jocularly a grave observation of the committee, and perhaps with as much propriety at least as they do) their order of march appears to have been judicious and their ground of action well chosen.
Wm. DUER, late Contractor for the Western Army. New-York, 17th May, 1792.
P. S. The Printers in the several states who reprint the report of the committee, will from a sense of justice accompany it with these strictures. Wm. DUER.
From the ST JAMES'S CHRONICLE.
PAYNE.
IN the second part of the rights of man, Payne repeats and maintains his former assertion, that Burke is a pensioner, a mean, hypocritical pensioner, under a borrowed name. This assertion, which stands uncontradicted, cannot fail to operate powerfully on the public judgment, in the case of a man who stands forward as their spotless champion in a public prosecution.
Though wisdom may reject many of Payne's maxims, and even folly laugh at his vanity, yet the impartiality of criticism must approve many of his observations, as strongly thought, and powerfully expressed. In speaking of the landed interest, he says, it is the only interest that needs no partial protection. Every individual is interested in it. It is the only one for which the common prayer of mankind is put up. When the vallies laugh and sing, it is not the farmer only, but all creation that rejoices. Why then does Mr. Burke talk of the house of peers as the pillar of the landed interest? Were that pillar to sink into the earth, the same landed property would continue, and the same ploughing, sowing, reaping would go on. The aristocracy are not the farmers who work the land, and raise the produce; but are the mere consumers of the rent; and when compared with the active world, are the drones, a seraglio of males, who neither collect the honey nor form the hive, but exist only for lazy enjoyment. Mr. Burke, in his first essay, called aristocracy the Corinthian capital of polished society; towards completing the figure, he has now added the pillar; but still the base is wanting; and whenever a nation chooses to act the Samson, not blind, but bold, down go the temple of Dagon, the Lords and the Philistines.
He has but one observation on religion, because, he says, "What is called the present ministry, are desirous of making it a political machine to prevent the nation from turning its attention to subjects of government. It is as if they were to say, look that way, or any way but this. I will conclude this work with stating in what light religion appears to me. If we suppose a
large family of children; who on any particular day, or particular circumstance, made it a custom to present to their parent, some token of their affection and gratitude; each of them would present a different offering, and most probably in a different manner. Some would pay their congratulations in themes of verse or prose, some by little devices, as their genius dictated, or according to what they thought would please; and perhaps the least of all, not able to do any of those things, would ramble into the garden or the field, and gather what it thought the prettiest flower it could find, though perhaps it might be but a simple weed. The parent would be more gratified with such a variety, than if the whole of them had acted on a concerted plan, and each had made exactly the same offering. This would have the cold appearance of contrivance, or the harsh one of controul. But of all unwelcome things, nothing could more afflict the parent than to know, that the whole of them had afterwards gotten by the ears, boys and girls, fighting, scratching, reviling and abusing each other, about which was the best or the worst present."
In his pamphlet, Mr. Payne has been sparing on the two subjects of law and religion. The defect is supplied by Mr. Barlow, in his advice to the privileged orders. In that work, the latter gentleman endeavours to prove three things. 1. That the church, as commonly and properly understood, has nothing to do with religion. 2. That the church is founded on a lie. 3. That no kind of rational liberty is consistent with any kind of church.
As to the law, the same gentleman endeavours to prove, by a minute and accurate comparison, that the formalities, delays and expensiveness of the English jurisprudence, are unnecessary, burdensome, and grievous; since the same ends are obtained in America with one hundredth part of the trouble and expence. He shows clearly how, by regulations founded on experience and common sense, the Americans, from being the most law ridden people in the world, have delivered themselves from their oppressors, and reduced the number of lawyers, including all descriptions, to the moderate proportion of one in five thousand.
PHILADELPHIA.
MAY 21, 1792.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the first information at Lisbon, to his correspondent in this city, dated March 18.
"After certain intelligence had been received at Gibraltar that Muley Yazed had defeated his brother's army on the 12th of last month, about the end of the same month the unexpected news arrived there of his having died on the 16th, in consequence of his wounds: as likewise the death of his antagonist, Muley Ishem, who is reported by some to have been killed in the battle; and by others, to have died also of the wounds he received in battle. What is asserted to be less doubtful is, that Muley Ishem has actually been proclaimed emperor at Tangier. He is also asserted to be a much more unexceptionable character than the two brothers who have fallen, and more likely to cultivate peace, upon reasonable terms, with all nations. The same letter mentions the 22d instant as the day agreed upon for the delivering up of Oran to the regency of Algiers."
Extract of another letter from the same gentleman, dated Lisbon, March 25.
"The ameliorations in the queen's health are great. Doctor Willis found that the physicians had treated her case in a very improper manner. It seems probable, that, if the same treatment had been continued a little longer, she must have died. At present Dr. Willis entertains hopes of her total recovery. Yesterday she was much better than she has been at any other time since his arrival, and entirely in her right mind—I am just informed that the Emperor of Germany is dead. This news was brought by a courier from Madrid to the Spanish charge des affaires here."
This day the vessels outward bound from this port are to complete their rendezvous and to proceed to sea under the direction of Captain Lawler, who is to lead the way with the ship of the largest draught of water.
Captain John Foster Williams, of one of the Massachusetts revenue cutters, has communicated to the Boston Marine Society, the result of several experiments, made by him during a late cruise, in distilling fresh water from salt. His apparatus appears to have been no other than what is commonly found on board merchant vessels and coasters, such as an iron pot, with a tin crane and a cooler, and a musquet barrel to be fixed to the crane. In one of these experiments twenty-seven quarts of salt water were put into an iron pot, which yielded in seven hours twenty-two quarts of good fresh water—one quart of lees was left in the pot, and four lost by evaporation.
We hear from Boston, that the county of York, in the Province of Main, after fully
investigating the subject of a separation between Maine and Massachusetts, have determined the question in the negative. Out of sixteen towns in that county, three only were for, and thirteen against it.
The inscription upon the corner stone of the foundation for the President's House in this city as given in our last was (except in substance) erroneous. A true copy, taken from the stone, as it lay in the Stone-Cutter's shop, is as follows—This corner stone, of the House to accommodate the President of the United States, was laid, May 10, 1792; when Pennsylvania was happily out of debt, Thomas Mifflin then Governor of the State.
On the 28th of February last, Count Florida Blanca was removed from his employment as prime minister of Spain; succeeded by Count D'Aranda. The same day an edict was published, by which the superintendency over all the departments of the government is vested in the council of state, of which his Catholic Majesty has declared himself President, and the Count D'Aranda Senior Member.
Gen. William Bowles, who has excited so much attention for a year or two past, both in Europe and America, is now a prisoner in the Moro castle at the Havanna. Three Cherokee Indians (his companions) are in the same situation. It is thought the depredations he has committed on the Spanish settlements will cost him his life. Our accounts add that this inveterate enemy to the United States was with the Indians in the action near the Miami towns on the 4th of November last.
When the Queen of France heard of her brother, the Emperor of Germany's death, she exclaimed "If my misfortunes were not before at their height, their measure would now be filled." Your kings and queens of the present age seem to be mere theatrical characters, whose misfortunes are for the most part imaginary—Because they can no longer tyrannize over nations, & consider mankind as inherited property, a great out cry is made forsooth, and they lick over their supposed wounds with as pitiful a yell as a puppy that has been kicked!
We are informed by late English papers that there have been considerable disturbances, insurrections and tumults in and about the city of Berlin, in Prussia, both among the citizens and military, in all which the soldiers took part with the citizens. The discontent among the Prussian troops were so great, that the King, tho' ever so inimically inclined towards France, it was thought would not be able to act offensively for some time to come. The occasion of discontent among his troops is, the miserable pittance of pay they receive, the refusal to admit deserving privates to the rank of officers, and their disgraceful subjection to the discipline of the serjeants' whips and canes, which they are determined no longer to submit to. [N. B. It is not three years since these men believed themselves to be mere machines.]
The super-annuated Royalist, the Empress of Russia, has (in one of her late state papers) pledged herself to oppose all revolutions that may occur in favour of the liberties of the people of any European nation. Whether her nation will concur in such vast designs is somewhat problematical, as they can expect no visible advantage from the immense expenditure of blood and treasure that such expeditions will certainly require.
The King of Sardinia has long been taking the most rigorous precautions to prevent the effusions of the French press from circulating in his dominions—the Printers at Stockholm (Sweden) have also been prohibited by an order from their sovereign from publishing or republishing any thing on the subject of the French Revolution—So true is it, that tyrants in all countries dread nothing so much as the liberty of the press.
It is intimated by a European correspondent that Doctor Willis's abilities in curing madness are not universal: for instance, he is no more than a common man in curing the rabies canina (or, bite of a mad-dog) what he particularly excels in relieving is, the rabies monarchica, (or, royal insanity)—It would be well for the general principles of honest republicanism if his skill was as defective in the last mentioned species of cure as in the former.
There are many intimations in the lately received English and other newspapers, that the emperor of Germany was taken off by poison; the strongest proof of which seems to have been the sudden bursting of his body, which (say our accounts) is the peculiar effect of strong poison. The late Emperor Joseph the second was strongly suspected to have been taken off by similar unfair means—both these monarchs if many concurring accounts are to be relied on, were amiable philosophical characters, friends to mankind, and promoters of the happiness of their subjects; a consideration that must raise the sigh of regret, even in the breasts of those who execrate royalty of every denomination. "In the circle of a crown keeps Death his court; and there the Antich sits mocking at pomp—till with a little pin he bores his castle walls—and farewell, king."
We have the pleasure to communicate to the public, that letters have been received, at the war-office from Major Hamtramck, commanding at Post Vincennes on the river Wabash, dated 30th of March last, stating that he had made a pacific agreement with the Wea and Eel river Indians, and expected that the Pyankethas would immediately become parties thereto—These tribes, with their subdivisions of villages, embrace a considerable part of the Wabash Indians, who have hitherto been hostile.
It would appear, from the information of the chiefs of the said tribes, that the Kickapooes of the Wea have removed to the Illinois river—but that if they should return to their former situation, the Wea and Eel river Indians have stipulated, that the said Kickapooes shall become parties to the agreement made with Major Hamtramck; or, that they themselves will drive them out of the country.
THEATRE.
IT has frequently been the misfortune of theatrical exhibitions to be ranked amongst the frivolous and dissipated amusements cultivated and patronized by the great, in despotic or aristocratic governments, where the people are amused by the policy of the rulers to prevent them from looking into the rights of man. A discrimination ought, however, in justice to be made between theatrical exhibitions and others of a meaner or really mischievous nature. A virtuous people will always insure a chaste theatre, and no manager would dare to permit loose or indecent dramatic performances on the American stage, if he had reason to think his audience were disinclined to be entertained with productions of that sort. No good reason can be assigned why the theatre in America may not be made the tutress of the milder virtues of the heart, and a school of republican virtue equal, if not superior to that which was resorted to at Athens in the purest ages of her republic. The first duty of the stage ought to be, to inculcate honesty, patriotism, morality, and good will to mankind, instead of that savage heroism of retless tyrants; or tacitly praising the bloody actions of aristocratic demagogues, whose merit has been made to depend on the nations they have extirpated, or the miseries they have occasioned to the peaceable and virtuous part of the human race. May 19.
European accounts as late as March 27, not under our foreign heads, may be comprised in the following abstract, which is from British papers.—A spirit of civil war is predominant thro' a great part of France, particularly the southern parts of that kingdom. Paris is also said to be in a dangerous state of fermentation from the different levens of royalty, aristocracy and republicanism, operating on the same mass.—The empress of Russia has officially informed the court of London of her determination to have a fleet in the Baltic the ensuing summer, to act in conjunction with that of Sweden—Their object supposed to be the setting aside the new constitution of Poland.—The Spanish agent had not yet made the stipulated restitution of 40,000, for the British vessels captured at Nootka-Sound, in consequence of an additional demand by the owners of the supposed profits that would have accrued by the trade to China during the time of its suspension. Various conjectures were formed as to the cause of the emperor's death; some attribute it to poison, others to an inflammation in the lungs and bowels—Immediately on the emperor's decease, his son Francis took the reins of government in the Austrian monarchy—and the military at Vienna took the oaths to the emperor's eldest son two days after his father's death—Great commotions existed in Flanders, and immense quantities of every kind of military stores were daily arriving at Namur. Arles, Carpentras, and Avignon, were in a state of open revolt against the new government in France—and the insurgents had imprisoned or exiled the revolution party. M. Dumoustier was appointed French minister for foreign affairs, and M. La Coste minister of the marine. The new king of Hungary had refused to take any share in the disturbances of France, and the part that would be taken by the emperor's successor was altogether uncertain.
Accounts recently received from Sweden (via Scotland) mention the destruction of one fourth part of the city of Gottenburg by fire, on or about the first of March. The computed loss is said to be immense.
On the 23d of March a land express arrived at the India House in London, said to bring intelligence that Lord Cornwallis had taken Seringapatam by storm, on the 15th of last November—the loss on the side of the English said also to be 400 Europeans and 7000 natives—that Gen. Meadows was killed and Lord Cornwallis wounded—the news (it was said) gained so much credit that India stock rose two per cent. in consequence thereof.
The Prince Royal of Denmark has published a decree, by which the slave trade is to cease, and be for ever abolished among his subjects after the year 1803.

the opinions, that prevailed at the time of its formation and adoption.
When the vestiture of extensive internal powers in the federal legislature, gave a general alarm to the people of the United States, the best advocates for its adoption, and such as were most active in its formation, declared that those powers would not be exercised, except in the last resort, and that particularly, the powers of levying internal excises could only be practicable, when every other resource failed, and when pressing danger would, by producing conviction of the necessity of the measure, insure its success. Even the most scrupulous and jealous critics upon the government, considered the exercise of this power as wholly impracticable, at least until the government was supported by the subordinate branches of the executive and judiciary establishments, so multiplied, and so spread, as to answer all the purposes of a completely consolidated government. It was known, that with the extensive country we inhabited, and the intelligent and enterprising spirit which the people possessed, the general government could only be supported by public confidence; and that a force which would be competent to dragoon the citizens into a submission to measures that they thought oppressive, could not be procured or maintained. It was thought, likewise, that whilst the states continued to enjoy the forms, and to exercise the powers of republican government, according to the federal guarantee, their courts and officers would bring the salutary protection of government home to the most remote and indigent situations of life, and attach the feelings and interests of the people to the support of their authority and its legitimate exercise; whereas the inferior functions of the general government, however widely dispersed, would only be employed in supporting the execution of laws, the constant language of which would be, Give! give! It is true, that there were men who still retained a jealousy, that the vestiture of the federal power might instigate some enterprising spirits, when elevated to influential stations, to gratify the appetites of their personal ambition or to enforce the necessity of a more arbitrary government (to which such dispositions are fatally prone) by a premature exercise of an odious, but flattering jurisdiction.
The vigilant and anxious considered the federal power, but particularly that branch of it which authorised the imposition of an excise, to be an idol of jealousy, that in the hands of a projecting minister, might be abused for the very purpose of creating that crisis in the government, which it was preferred in store, as the means of preventing or supporting. Hence arose the difficulty which attended the adoption of the constitution, and the qualified ratifications which many of the states made in favor of amendments.
But I ask, did the most penetrating patriot in the United States, believe it to be possible, that in almost the first exertions of the new formed government, any one man, or any combined junta, could have had the confidence to attempt, or the address to accomplish a plan which created a necessity for the exercise of this most obnoxious of all powers? and that, in order to create and aggrandize an independent and all absorbing fiscal dominion, in the hands of the principal of the revenue department, such a plan should receive the sanction of the legislative body, to which, exclusively, the fortunes of the people were committed? But such has been the result of the intrigues of the interested and ambitious few, combined against the generous and unsuspicious many.
It may, perhaps, be said, that this is specious declamation: let the facts furnish the criterion to decide the terms upon which the confederated states originally fixed the principles for making requisitions, which were, that at the end of the war, a final settlement should be made between the states individually and the union, and that all advances for carrying on the war beyond the sums required from the respective states, should bear an interest of six per cent, per annum from the period of making them, until the time the balances were discharged. Upon this condition, the requisitions were paid; and upon this condition the respective states contracted and liquidated debts in their separate characters; such as the militia and depreciation claims; for which according to their circumstances, the appropriated efficient funds. In contemplation also of a final settlement with the union, and to relieve their immediate citizens, many of the states redeemed a great amount of the domestic debt of the union. Several of them had paid in their quota of the interest facilities; and the delinquent states, perceiving that the general government made no provision for their exoneration or escape from the charge, were taking effectual measures to collect their proportions, so that the whole amount would certainly, by this operation alone, have reached, at an early period the public treasury. Thus then the original contract stood; and the federal constitution, so far from interfering, has expressly confirmed it, in the condition, and on the terms of its creation. Commissioners had been appointed with competent powers, and were actually making progress in the final settlement of accounts; and the respective claims upon the union were directed to be exhibited against a limited day. In this situation of things, the public mind was naturally led to expect that upon a final settlement some states would eventually be creditors, and others debtors, according to the state of their compliance with requisitions, or the degree of their voluntary exertions in the general cause. From the great number of the states, that supposed they had advanced more than their just proportion, there was ground to expect that the balances in favor of the creditor states would have been but small; and certainly for the extinguishing of these it was the duty of the general government to provide. While the public expectations, and the existing claims, as far as they respected state debts and facilities of interest, were entirely directed to this view of the subject, a number of public creditors applied for relief, by a memorial, at the first session of the first Congress; but as organizing the necessary departments, &c. unavoidably consumed that session, the petition of the public creditors could not be then discussed; tho'
to show that it was not designedly overlooked, the memorial was referred to the newly created Secretary of the treasury. As the creditors of the respective states, or the holders of facilities, could not, either upon the footing of the original contract, or any existing law, demand relief from Congress, they did not come forward to ask it by petition; and the truth is, that in many states, sufficient provision was already made for such of those claims as remained undischarged. Hence it appears that the debts of this description were not referred to the Secretary of the treasury.
But, as Aaron drew a number of jewels, of various forms and quality into the fire, and behold! there came out a calf, which the people worshipped; so Congress threw the public debt into the Secretary's political furnace (without defining its composition, without prescribing its shape, and without pointing out the sources by which it should be nourished) and lo! there came out, not indeed a simple calf, but an image of gigantic stature, bearing a metaphorical resemblance to that, which the despot erected in the plain of Dura, whose head was of gold, whose body was of brass, and whose feet was a compound of iron and clay; and oppression (preserving the analogy) was prepared for those, who did not fall down before it. Yet, has not this demon, complicated of six per cent. three per cent. and deferred, a sufficient range of dominion o'er all that the Atlantic ushers to our shores---a sufficient number of votaries, in the rank host of speculators---but he must riot too, on the hard earned substance of the tiller of the earth, and make the distant cottager his slave! Blush, ye, who bask and fatten in his temple!---tremble, ye, who minister to the cravings of his inordinate appetite! SIDNEY.
V I E N N A, March 4.
The disorder which deprived us of the Emperor on the 1st instant, was an inflammation of the lungs, or rather of all the intestines. Ever since his return from his coronation at Prague, he had had a slight diarrhoea, of which he took little notice. Those persons to whom he mentioned this little indisposition, advised him to consult his physicians; but unaccustomed to medicine, he continued his usual course, not sparing himself even at table, and acted as if he felt no inconvenience. About three in the morning of the 28th, pains in the abdomen induced the royal patient to apply to physic to get rid of the flux and cold with which he found himself at the same time attacked: but it was not till near six that he sent to his physician, M. Laguésiers, who, finding the fever high, and the abdomen distended, judged it necessary to let blood; which not relieving the emperor, he again repeated it three times. The night of the 28th he was very uneasy. The physicians, in consultation, approved of what had been done, as the symptoms of a pleurisy had manifested themselves.
His majesty having been relieved during the night of the 29th, his situation was thought to be better; all the court was in that persuasion on the morning of the 1st of March. They were mistaken; and even the first physicians were deceived, and neglected farther remedy until it was too late. Even so late as twelve o'clock on that day, one of them declared, that without the intervention of some unforeseen accident, the emperor was out of danger. On this assertion, every one retired; even the archduke Francis, who till this period had not quitted his father's bed. Just before three, the empress entering the chamber, found her husband quiet, but a few moments afterwards he made some efforts to reach; he immediately called for assistance; in fact, the emperor did vomit, and during the effort expired in the arms of his wife, in the absence of every other assistant.
The news of the decease of Leopold was no sooner spread through the city, than all the inhabitants were in consternation, not being apprized of the illness of his Imperial majesty.
Immediately on the decease of the late emperor, his august son, King Francis I. took the reins of government in the Austrian Monarchy, and generally preferred all the officers of state and the court in their places, both in the capital and the provinces, so that all the ministers of the administration will continue their services as in the time of Leopold II.
Funeral of Leopold the Second. March 7.
On Friday the 2d instant the body was removed into one of the apartments of state, where several priests attended praying all day and night. Next evening it was opened in the presence of the Imperial physicians and embalmed. The heart was put into a silver urn, and the entrails into a brass kettle.
On Sunday at half an hour after two the Aulic Parson consecrated the body, and it was carried to the Aulic church, preceded by some Augustin and Capuchin Friars.
The valet de chambre of the deceased carried the kettle with the entrails, and another the goblet with the heart, both covered with black taffety. The body was in an open coffin, dressed in a black robe laced, the head was covered with a hat adorned with blue imperial feathers, and the body decorated with all the orders of knighthood; it was guarded by pages with lighted torches, and the life guards with their swords drawn, followed by the first chamberlain. When it arrived at the Aulic church, which was hung over all in black with imperial escutcheons, the body was again consecrated, and placed on the Lit de parade in the middle of the church, having on each side velvet cushions with the imperial crown, sceptre orb, called the Apple of the empire, the imperial house crown, the Hungarian and Bohemian crowns, the Arch duke's hat, the collars of the golden fleece and St. Stephen's, the military orders of Maria Theresa, hat, sword, cane and gloves, all guarded by the guards nobles. Masses were read till noon, at which the foreign ministers, privy counsellors, and the nobility of both sexes attended. Morning and evening the Miserere was sung by the court band.
The public who had liberty to pass through to see the body, were told by an exempt on passing, "Das ist der Kaiser"---that is the emperor. On Monday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, the
heart, after being consecrated again, was taken up by the two eldest valets de chambre, two other elect chamberlains, and a detachment of eight German and Hungarian life guards and removed to the Augustin church, received by the priors and the monks of the monastery, and placed in the vaults.
Immediately after the entrails being consecrated anew, with the same attendants as the heart, were removed by the bishop, the chapter, and the clergy, carried down to the vaults, and deposited with the usual forms and prayers.
On the 6th, at six in the afternoon, the funeral procession went out of the church, and after having crossed the hospital, proceeded to the Capuchin church, in the following order:
 1. Detachment of cavalry.  2. Officers of the Hospital.  3. The clergy, according to their rank with burning torches in their hands.  4. The curates of the city and suburbs.  5. The magistrates of ditto.  6. The States of Austria.  7. The members of the Aulic Council of the empire.  8. The Councillors of the court and law, indiscriminately, all dressed in mourning cloaks.  9. The household officers of the court.  Before ever the above reached the church of the Capuchins, his present Majesty, her Majesty the Queen, his royal highness the Archduke Palatine, (who arrived on Sunday from Budor) the Archduke Joseph, the superior officers of the Court, the Knights of the golden Fleece, the Grand Croix Commanders and Knights of the order of Maria Theresa, and St. Stephen, the Privy Counsellors, and the Chamberlains, the Exterior Court, the Ladies, Rector of the University, and the Metropolitan Chapter, had assembled to meet the procession in the church.
All the way from the Josephus square to the church, pitched lamps were placed, and a line of infantry on each side.
A battalion of infantry, and a detachment of cavalry were under arms on the New-market.
At seven o'clock the body was taken off the bier by the valets de chambre: the coffin was then shut, and the benediction performed by the court chaplain, assisted by the master of ceremonies, and the other chaplains, in presence of the pages, carrying lighted torches, and attended by the life-guards, lord Chamberlain, master of the horse, and three captains of the guards---it was put into a mourning coach, glazed all round, and drawn by six horses. The procession then crossed Josephus square to the Capuchin church in the following order, viz.
 1, A detachment of cavalry.  2, Two single horse coaches.  3, Coaches and pair with the valet de chamberes, and yeoman harbingers.  4, A coach and six with lord Chamberlain and the master of the horse.  5, The running footman and valet de corps in mourning.  6, The mourning coach with the body, supported by cushions. On each side of the coach door two footmen of the court, and at their right and left, pages with lighted torches.  7, The archers and life guard on foot.  8, The guards Hongrois, Nobles a Cheval, with drawn swords.  9, Kettle drums and trumpets, muffled.  10, A company of grenadiers and a detachment of cavalry, closed the rear. 
This evening, the wakes commenced in the church of the Augustin Friars, which continue till to-morrow evening.
The first was performed by the cardinal archbishop. The second is to be performed by another, and the third by the coadjutory, assisted by several other prelates.
The obsequies will then be held, at which the nobility of both sexes will attend three days in deep mourning.
The Capuchin church was prepared for the funeral, as follows:
In the middle the bier was six feet high, with a black velvet canopy over it, fringed with gold, and adorned with the Imperial eagle at each corner.
Round the coffin was placed the regalia before mentioned, with the field marshal's staff, hat, sword, and scarf. On the eight steps of the bier there were three hundred and seventy-two silver candlesticks, and at the corner silver pyramids, with seventy-two wax tapers each.
The whole church was hung in black, with eighty candelabres divided by coats of arms, and forty-five lustres.
The High altar was covered with a rich embroidered cloth, having the imperial coat of arms trimmed round with mourning, and one thousand seven hundred lights round it.
The mourning commenced the sixth, and is ordered to be continued six months.
Just imported in the ship Molly, Captain Pitt, from Lisbon
LISBON WINE, Far superior in quality to what is generally imported; and a few Bales of the very best CORKS,
To be Sold by GEORGE MEADE, Who has also for sale, Choice three and five years old Bill of Exchange Madeira Wine,
By the Pipe, or Quarter Cask, LONDON MARKET MADEIRA WINE five years old by the pipe, or quarter Cask, Choice old Sherry WINE by the quarter cask Messrs BEEF of a superior quality and such as is fit for an East India Voyage---put up in this city.
Choice first quality BEEF do. Do Second do. BOSTON BEEF equal to any from that country. Burlington Pork of the first quality, and one hundred and fourteen hds of FLAX SEED, &c. &c. May 16 22. W. 1M.
FOR BRISTOL, THE SHIP Birmingham Packet, LEESON SIMMONS, Master;
A remarkable fast sailer, her cargo is all ready; nevertheless to accommodate those who may be disposed to put freight on board, it will be taken in. She will sail in a few days. The owners are determined that the ship shall leave Bristol with the first fall ships.
For freight or passag apply to the Captain on board lying at Walnut street Wharf, or GEORGE MEADE.
Those who have goods on board are earnestly requested to enter them, take out their permits, and give the necessary directions to their porter to attend the ship. May 16. 2aw
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia. A P R E M I U M
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plans, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia. A P R E M I U M
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following apartments, to wit:    A conference room  Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each.  These rooms to be of full elevation.    A room for the Representatives    A lobby or antichamber to the latter. A Senate room of 1200 square feet area. An antichamber or lobby to the left. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks' offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plans, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14.
TO THE PUBLIC.
The Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business---and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine Second and elastic cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices---
  Best Superfine navy blue 34s.   Ditto ditto Scarlet 36s.   Common colours superfine 32s.   Elastic stripes 9s.   London buff and white cassimirs 15/6.   Ditto, coloured do. 15/6.   Yorkshire do. do. 15/6.   Striped toilets 14s.   Rattinees 3s.   Striped Nankeens 3/4.   A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low, Fancy buttons and trimmings do. London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24/6.
The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first Mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers; by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD. No. 3 South Fourth-street.
Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house, together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment. A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14, 2aw. tf.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.