Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-07-20 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 24, of Vol. III.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 20, 1791.
[Whole No. 232.]
FROM THE (BOSTON) COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
MR. RUSSELL,
MR. PAINE has undertaken to compare the English and French constitutions, upon the article of representation. He has of course admired the latter, and censured the former. This is unquestionably the most defective part of the English constitution—but even the most essential of those defects appear to flow from the natural order of things which a revolution in government could not reform; from a state of society, where every principle of religion or of morality has lost its influence, and where the only shadow of virtue, public or private, remaining among a great majority of the people, is founded upon an imaginary point of honor, the relic of the exploded age of chivalry. Such at present is the situation of the national character both in England and in France. To attempt to govern a nation like this, under the form of a democracy, to pretend to establish over such beings a government, which according to Rousseau is calculated only for a republic of Gods, and which requires the continual exercise of virtues beyond the reach of human infirmity, even in its best estate; it may possibly be among the dreams of Mr. PAINE, but is what even the National Assembly have not ventured to do; their system will avoid some of the defects, which the decay of time and the mutability of human affairs have introduced into that of the English, but I do not hesitate to affirm that they have departed much farther from the essential principles of popular representation; and that however their attachment to republican principles may have been celebrated, the theory of their National Assembly is more remote from the spirit of democracy than the practice of the English House of Commons.
The grounds upon which Mr. PAINE acknowledges his approbation of the French constitution are that they have limited the number of their representatives, in proportion to the numbers of citizens who pay a tax of 60 sous per annum, and the duration of the assembly to two years. It is certainly essential to the principles of representation that there should be a frequent recurrence to the constituent body for election, because it is the only security of the constituent for the fidelity of the agent: It is the only practical responsibility by which the representative is bound. The term of seven years for which the House of Commons is elected, weakens the responsibility too much, and is a proper subject of constitutional reform; but by the French constitution, there is no responsibility at all; no connexion between the representative and his constituent: The people have not even once in seven years an opportunity to dismiss a servant who may have displeased them, or to re-elect another who may have given them satisfaction. There is upon the French system less dependence of the representative upon his constituent than in England, and the mode of election renders the biennial return of the choice almost wholly nugatory. It is not true that the French constitution allows the privilege of voting for a representative in the National Assembly to every man who pays a tax of 60 sous per annum. Mr. Paine has mistaken the fact, for it is impossible that he should have intentionally misrepresented it; though it differs almost as much from his principles as from those of a real popular representation. It is as follows. Every Frenchman born or naturalized, of 25 years of age, who pays a tax equal to three day's labour, is not a hired servant, nor a bankrupt, nor the son of a deceased bankrupt (a very unjust qualification) shall be allowed to vote for—what? A representative to the National Assembly?—By no means. Yet one would think the exclusions sufficiently severe, for a government founded upon the equal rights of all men; but he shall vote for members of a certain assembly: This assembly is allowed to choose, not the representatives of the nation, but another body of electors, who are to be the immediate constituents of the legislative assembly. Thus the supreme legislative council of the nation, are to be the representatives of a representative body, whose constituents are the representatives of the people; and at every stage of this complicated representation, the free citizens of the state, are excluded from their natural rights, by additional qualifications in point
of property.—Yet this is the system which we are told is to abolish aristocracy.
In the formation of the legislative body, the National Assembly, contemplated three different objects of representation, the persons of the people, their property , and the territory which they inhabit: They have endeavoured to establish a proportion compounded from the three, but in the refinement of their metaphysics and mathematics, they have lost the primary object itself, and the people are not represented.
But setting aside their calculations, what is the essential principle upon which the representation of the people in the legislature is grounded? It is, that a Freeman, shall never be bound by any law unless he has consented to it. It is impossible, except in a very small state, that every individual should personally give his voice, and therefore this practice of voting by representation was invented. In its most perfect state it cannot fully answer the purpose of its institution, because every representative is actuated by several powerful motives, which could not operate upon his constituents. It is an artificial democracy , which can never perform completely the functions of the natural democracy; but imperfect as it always must be, no other contrivance has been hitherto devised, which could so effectually give their operation to the opinions of the people. In the theory of representation it is a personal trust, by which a thousand individuals may authorise one man to express their sentiments upon every law which may be enacted for the benefit of the whole people: And therefore in theory every representative ought to be elected by the unanimous vote of his constituents; for how can a man be said to have been consulted in the formation of a law, when the agent authorised to express his opinion was not the man of his choice? every pecuniary qualification imposed either on the electors or as a condition of eligibility, is an additional restriction upon the natural democracy, and weakens the original purpose of the institution. Thus far the people of America have submitted to necessity in the constitution of their popular assemblies. But when the principle is abandoned so completely, the individual citizen, even in the pretended exercise of his infinitesimal fragment of sovereignty cannot possibly form an opinion, who will be the elector of the representative that is to be the depository of his opinion in the acts of legislation. The assembly thus formed may indeed assume the name of a democracy, but it will no more be entitled to the appellation than an ill drawn miniature portrait, to that of the animated original which it may profess to represent.
It is obvious that the reason why the National Assembly have chosen to refine their representation through so many strainers was to avoid the violence, the tumults, the riots which render almost all the populous towns in England a scene of war and blood at the period of Parliamentary Elections. Time alone will inform us what the success of their system will be, even in this particular. Their elections however must be extremely expensive, and must open a thousand avenues to every sort of intrigue and venality. The National Assembly as a body, will be in theory an aristocracy without responsibility. This aristocracy thus constituted are to possess the supreme power of the nation, limited only by a printed constitution, subject to their own construction and explanation.
Happy, thrice happy the people of America! whose gentleness of manners, and habits of virtue are still sufficient to reconcile the enjoyment of their natural rights, with the peace and tranquillity of their country—whose principles of religious liberty did not result from an indiscriminate contempt of all religion whatever, and whose equal representation in their legislative councils was founded upon an equality really existing among them, and not upon the metaphysical speculations of fanciful politicians, vainly contending against the unalterable course of events, and the established order of nature.
PUBLICOLA.
PRINTING.
THE first PRINTING-PRESS erected in America, was at Cambridge, Massachusetts, by Mr. SAMUEL GREEN, in the year 1638. The first work printed was the Freeman's Oath—the next an Almanack, made for New-England, by Mr. PIERCE, mariner—and then the Psalms, newly turned into metre.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
THE most ingenious authors are apt to involve themselves in contradictions, when they assume principles which are reprobate. Thus it has happened that Mr. Paine, after laboring hard to prove that the English nation have no constitution, incautiously throws himself off his guard, and makes the following observations:—"The laws of every country must be analogous to some common principle. In England, no parent or master, nor all the authority of Parliament, omnipotent as it has called itself (and as Mr. Paine himself has called it, for he says it can change what in England is called their Constitution) can bind or controul the personal freedom even of an individual, beyond the age of twenty-one years." Admitting this assertion to be true, whence arises the doctrine, if not from the constitution of England? Why can't a parent controul the personal freedom of his son, or a master of his servant, after they have attained the age of twenty-one, unless they be restrained by the constitution? Is there any law in that country which imposes such a restraint? I know of none—perhaps Mr. Paine does. But what is very extraordinary, why cannot the omnipotent power of Parliament, which some writers have said can do every thing, except make a man a woman, bind or controul the personal freedom of any individual of the age of twenty-one? I suppose Mr. Paine would answer, because the laws of every country must be analogous to some common principle; and this is a common principle in England. As I deny the truth of this position, which is nothing more than a fanciful theory, unwarranted by fact, and disproved by the history of many countries, I should answer, because it makes a part of the constitution, acknowledged from time immemorial, engraved in the breasts of Englishmen, and which the Parliament dare not therefore violate. What is meant by a common principle, to which the laws of every country must be analogous? I confess I have no clearer conception of it than of Mr. Burke's unbought grace of life , which Mr. Paine could form no idea of. I have no idea of a principle paramount to the legislature of a nation, unless it be a constitutional principle —where is this common principle to be found? Does it exist merely in the minds of the people—or is it recorded on parchment? Whence is it derived? If it be found in every country, then I should wish to enquire, what is a common principle in Algiers, in Turkey, or in Abyssinia? Whether it is a religious as well as a political principle in some countries, or whether it is merely political? Whether the despots of Asia are always restrained by this principle in their decrees? And whether the laws of every country are ipso facto null and void when they oppugn this common principle? And finally, who are to judge whether they are null and void? Unless these queries are satisfactorily answered, I shall continue to believe that this transcendent common principle exists only in the imaginations of theoretical politicians. But before I dismiss this subject, I wish to be informed with what truth the assertion is made that the Parliament of Great-Britain cannot bind or controul the personal freedom of any individual of the age of twenty-one. The assertion is a very broad one, and includes a great number of cases which I am satisfied Mr. Paine had not in view, viz.—the case of debtors, lunatics, and many others, which must readily occur to persons acquainted with English jurisprudence. Believing that he stated or meant to state a modified proposition, but at a loss to ascertain the nature and extent of the modification, I beg leave to recall to his recollection the power of each house of Parliament to commit to prison those who have infringed their privileges, even their own members, who of course must be twenty-one years of age. Now I have no other mode of reconciling this fact with Mr. Paine's assertion, but supposing that imprisonment in England is not binding or controuling one's personal freedom, as it is in other countries. To comment a little further upon this strange text, what magic is there in the age of twenty-one, that a parent or master, or the omnipotent Parliament, cannot controul the personal freedom of any individual who has attained that age, but have liberty to do what they please if he wants a month of it? Unless this particular period of life be defined by some constitutional principle, there will be some difficulty in deducing its origin. Why Mr. Paine's common principle should exactly fix on the age of twenty-one as the period of free agency, he alone can, I fancy, explain. This is certain, that this common principle is not common to all countries, for in some, majority takes place only at the age of twenty-five. I shall be told that the common principle of England has fixed that particular age, and that the laws must conform thereto. Common principle is then only another appellation for constitutional principle; and Mr. Paine admits that England has a constitution, but under another name. The whole dispute is then about words. Here is admitted by Mr. Paine to exist a certain principle, call it what you please, which the Parliament of Great-Britain must conform to . Is not this assertion directly inconsistent with his other assertion of the power of Parliament, to do what they please, uncontrouled and uncontrolable, unlimited by any constitution, and fully competent to change the form of government as often as their caprice shall dictate?
GRACCHUS.
Paragraph from an old newspaper, printed above 90 years ago.
CERTAIN foolish young Men have lately brought about a new Change in Fashion—They have begun to fasten their Shoes and Knee Bands with Buckles , instead of Ribbands , where-with the their forefathers were well content, and moreover found them more easy and convenient, and surely every reasonable Man will own they were more decent and modeste, than those new fangled, unseemly Clasps , or Buckles , as they call them, which will gall and vex the bones of these vain Coxcombes beyonde sufferance, and make them repent of their Pride and Folly . We hope all grave and honourable persons will withhold their countenance from such effeminate and immodest ornaments. It belongeth to the reverende Clergy to tell these thoughtless Youths in a solemne manner, that such things are forbidden in Scripture.
[Boston Gazette.]

FROM THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.
AT a meeting of the General Council of the Commons of Paris, on the 22d April 1791, M. de la Fayette delivered the following address:
GENTLEMEN,
I COME in the Commons' House where so many agreeable remembrances strike me, to acknowledge these last instances of your goodness, with all the sensibility of an heart, whose first wish is, after that of serving the people to be loved by them; and who is astonished at the importance ascribed to an individual in a free country, where nothing ought to be of importance but the law.
If my conduct on this occasion, gentlemen, were to be directed only by those sentiments which I feel of tenderness and of gratitude, I should only make reply to the regrets with which you and the national guard have honored me, by obeying your requests; but as in this business I have listened to no personal motive, so amidst the tumults which agitate us, it is not by the suggestions of private feelings that I am to be determined.
I do not think that the national guard, the majority of whom were ever deaf to the voice of faction and of party, can have been with indifference the cause of my discouragement. The constitutional authorities set at nought their orders despised—the public forces opposed to the execution of the law, whose defence was entrusted to it. We are citizens, gentlemen, we are free; but without obedience to the law, there remains only confusion, anarchy, despotism; and if this capital, which has been the cradle of the revolution, instead of surrounding with its light and its respect the depositories of the national power, shall besiege them with tumults, or fatigue them by violence, it will cease to be an example for Frenchmen; it will be in danger of becoming their terror. Besides, gentlemen, in the striking tokens I have received of affection, too much has been done for me—too little for the law; I have felt with the tenderest emotion that my fellow soldiers love me; but I have not yet learned how far they cherish the principles upon which liberty is founded.
I deposit in your hands, gentlemen, this sincere avowal of my sentiments; be pleased to make known to the national guard, whose tokens of friendship I have received with so much sensibility, and to whom I shall be ever a brother as affectionate as grateful.
I acknowledge, to command them I wanted to be assured that they firmly believed the fate of the constitution as depending on the execution of the law, the only sovereign of a free people; that the liberty of individuals, the safety of houses, religious liberty, respect for legitimate authority; that these, without exception, would be held by them as sacred as by me. We not only want courage and vigilance, but also unanimity in the principles I have just laid down; and I have thought and still think the constitution will be better served by the deliberate resignation I have given in, than by my acquiescence with the invitations with which you have deigned to honor me.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
Quousque tandem abutere patientia nostra?
HOW long, Sir, are we to be bored with the idle speculations of endless writers about the British constitution? Of what concern, I should be glad to know, is it to us, whether Great Britain has or has not a written constitution, or whether it has certain principles in the nature of a constitution, or whether it has only a form of government instead of a constitution? The celebrated Mr. Burke lamented, that France in her revolution had not more closely attended to the British constitution; Mr. Paine thereupon gets in a rage, and writes a dozen pages to prove a negative, that is, that Great Britain has no constitution.—Publicola is displeased at this, and insists that it has, and Brutus and Agricola again contend that it has not. The three first of these writers having managed the subject with ability, a patriot reader might peruse their publications with tolerable attention, but I cannot help wishing that Agricola would attend to his fields and his plough; and when I saw the first number of Brutus, I involuntarily exclaimed, Et tu, Brute! Indeed, Mr. Printer, I don't see the necessity of stuffing the newspapers day after day, morning and evening, with all these pros and cons, and I recommend to these great politicians, who are so fond of writing, to turn their thoughts and their hands to some other subjects. The people of England have sense enough to take care of themselves, and if they have not, its no business of our's. Every body acknowledges our constitution to be a good one, and that under it the people of the United States are happy and growing rich. What then is the tendency of these numerous dissertations about revolutions, new constitutions, abolitions, reformations and so forth? A question whether it
be a salutary one. These authors had better write some useful treatise on agriculture, or suggest some improvement on our domestic manufactures: Indeed they would, in my opinion, render more service to society, if they were to invent some mode of getting rid of the flies at this troublesome season, or discover how we might keep ourselves cool in this city. A. B.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
S O N G.
AWAY, each soft and tender bliss— The laugh of joy—the glance of love— The gay discourse—the heart of peace— The hours, which winged with rapture, move.  A friend, once wont to give and share Each transport of the fleeting year, A semblant angel, good and fair, To every thought and feeling dear;  Explored my unsuspecting heart In smiling Friendship's faithless guise, Exulting found a tender part Where lives soft peace and where it dies.  And there—ah there! her canseless hate Impressed an undeserved blow, That sealed with endless grief my fate, And plunged me deep in hopeless woe.  Then trust not, Youth, the melting air, The thrilling touch, refined embrace; Since Treachery has a form so fair, And Malice wears so sweet a face.
HENRY.
[BY REQUEST.]
On seeing Governor PATERSON on board his Barge the Cornelia , at the late celebration of INDEPENDENCE.
ON Raritan's smooth gliding stream we view, Eupatrid's view the man whom we admire, On this auspicious day, with laurel crown'd, How gracefully the honor'd barge moves on!  See NETUNE's hardy sons all clad in white, Timing their oars to the melodious flutes; Not CLEOPATRA's celebrated barge, When the full arm'd with each bewitching charm,  A tyrant bound in the soft chains of love, More elegant, or pleasing could appear; Nor did contain a jewel of such worth, Not freighted with a proud intriguing Queen;  She nobly bears New-Jersey's favorite son, Our guardian chief, our friend, a PATERSON .
New-Brunswick, July 4, 1791.
W A R S A W, May 3.
THE new constitution has just passed in the Diet, by which the Elector of Saxony is declared immediate successor to the Throne of Poland; after whose demise, his daughter is to inherit; and the choice of her husband, if she marries, is to be decided by the States. After this Constitution had passed, the King, attended by the Marshals of the Diet, and a great number of the Members, went to the Cathedral, and took an oath to maintain it.
The Union of the Noblesse with the class of citizens meets with daily encouragement. Prince Czartoryski and Count Potocki, Marshal of Lithuania, are become boughers; Count Malachowsky, Marshal of the Diet, has also added himself to the class of citizens, saying at the same time—“that he should think it an honor to be a magistrate of Warsaw.”
One of the magnates has declared his intention of opening a warehouse in his palace, to shew that it is by no means degrading for a nobleman to be concerned in trade.
The King himself has declared that the re-establishment of the rights of the citizens, rewards him for all the difficulties of his reign, and even gives him cause to rejoice at being a King.
L O N D O N, May 20.
Wednesday Rear-Admiral Cosby hoisted his flag at Spithead, on board the Impregnable , of 98 guns, Sir Thomas Bayard, Commander.
There are now at Spithead five Admirals, and one in the harbour.
Fourteen Pilots, acquainted with the navigation of the North Sea, particularly the Belt, are arrived at Portsmouth from London, and several others are daily expected. Orders are received in the dock-yard for all the gun-boats to be got ready for immediate service.
Lord Hawkesbury, on Tuesday, entered his Protest in the House of Peers against the vote of the preceding evening, relative to the further prosecution of the trial of Mr. Hastings.
Sir Joshua Reynolds and the Gentlemen who are a Committee to superintend the erection of monuments to the memory of eminent persons in St. Paul's Cathedral, had a meeting there yesterday, to fix on a proper spot for the proposed monuments of Mr. Howard, and Dr. Johnson.
It is remarkable that with the late Dr. Price originated the plan now in adoption for reducing the National Debt—perhaps the only one in which the sentiments of the Administration and himself were united;—it is fervently wished that there may always be that clear understanding and genuine integrity, in the ruling powers together with that anxiety for preserving the blessings of peace, which shall enable them to carry this great design into full effect!—France, in all her confusion, pays off her debt faster than when
she was said to be in tranquility and prosperity; what disinterested counsellors she must have had at that time!
To what causes do medical Gentlemen ascribe the increasing number of paralytick cases, and of lunatics and suicides? The fact, it is to be feared, is indisputable, and the source of these alarming evils requires a very serious investigation.
Are we to attribute them to the general use of tea, wine, or spirits, or to those sedentary pleasures, which are now substituted in the room of active ones?
The Pope's Bull, which has been publickly burnt at Paris, contains these words:—“The King would not have sanctioned the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, had he not been constrained, and even forced to it by the National Assembly—as the letters which the King has written to us plainly testify! Pius the 6th.”
This declaration has set new spirits at work, who publickly, though not very politely declare—that either the French King, or the Italian Pope must have told a——! and they will see which it is. These letters, therefore, are to be moved for in the National Assembly, that M. Montmorin may justify himself on the subject.
On Thursday M. de Clermont-Tonnerre was attacked by the mob, for having supported the interests of the Pope against the nation. He fortunately took shelter in a coffee-house, until the National Guards came to his rescue. They afterwards attacked his house, which they would have demolished, but for the guards.
The claims already collected in, on account of a young gentleman [duke of York] lately embarked for the Continent, amount to 240,000l.—127,000l. of which are unfunded debts of the respectable company of Black legs .
Two thousand dram shops or whiskey houses have been shut up in Dublin since the passing of the late act of the Irish parliament, to prevent the alarming use of spirituous liquors in Ireland.
The late popular commotions in France, have been highly advantageous to the cause of liberty, for the disaffected aristocrates, and prelatical nonconformists, have been banished from about the throne; the sovereign has consented to a public recognition of the French Constitution at foreign courts: and the national guards taught the danger of disobedience by the resignation of their beloved commander, will hereafter evince a scrupulous attachment to their superior officers, and with M. de la Fayette, once more at their head, will become the defenders of their country, and the guardians of those laws which they have sworn to enforce.
The 18th of April, 1791, will be therefore another proud day in the annals of France, equally honourable for the Parisians, equally useful for the nation, and equally creditable to the Monarch as the 14th of July, 1789!
The impeachment of Mr. Hastings may now be said to have died a natural death. The disunion of its conductors has palsied that accusing arm, that no effectual pursuit of the accusations can any longer be expected.
Mr. Burke has become the object of pity to his friends. The oppositionists say he is now mad— Common Sense asserts that he has been so—and the noble orator himself confesses “that his faculties are impaired through a long and severe attention to public business.”
The resumption of Avignon, and the Comtat Venaissin, will add nearly one million of inhabitants to the population of France.
Those Chevaliers of the order of St. Louis, who have merited that honor by their services, ashamed of the spies, pimps and parasites who had been decorated with the Croix, have determined to relinquish it until the respective merits of the possessors, should be canvassed by the National Assembly.
This is certainly the epoch for unaccountable revolutions in Church, as well as State—for what astrologer could have divined that in the year 1791, the mild legislature of Britain would have been occupied in granting toleration and indulgences to the Romish Church, at the precise moment that his Holiness the Pope was burnt in effigy at Paris, by the hand of the common hangman!— Sic tranſit gloria Ecclesiæ .
The answer of his Danish Majesty, to the late communication from our Court, is said to have been, that he was in hopes his Britannic Majesty would not have asked any thing that might commit him with Russia.
A vessel called the experiment arrived at Liverpool on Saturday se'nnight, laden with linen, from Dundee, being the first that has come to that port through the canal.—She was only four days in her passage from the east coast of Scotland; a voyage which, when attempted round the land, has been known to take up as many months.
On Tuesday se'nnight, after a litigation of eight years, the claimants on the goods seized by Lord Rodney and General Vaughan, at St. Eustatius, in the year 1782, were paid the full amount of their several claims, pursuant to a final decision of the Lords of the Privy Council.

Estimate of the present value of the slaves in the British Islands in the West-Indies, distinguishing each island. The slaves in all the islands are estimated at 40l. each, except in Bermudas, where they are estimated at 45l.
 Jamaica, £. 10,240,000  Antigua, 1,517,320  Montserrat, 400,000  Nevis, 336,800  St. Christopher's, 817,400  Virgin Islands, 360,000  Barbadoes, 2,484,000  Grenada, 957,040  St. Vincent, 574,120  Dominico, 598,680  Bahamas, 89,640  Bermudas, 221,355  Total, 18,491,355 
NEW-YORK, July 15.
On Saturday last a boat belonging to a Portuguese vessel in this harbour, lately from Fayal, having been to Long Island to fill several casks with water; on her return, the people being unacquainted with the set of the current in the East River, were drifted below Governor's Island; a heavy squall arising about the same time at south-west, and meeting the ebb tide, raised so short and hollow a sea, as to founder the boat, and leave the people adrift. Messrs. William Colles, butcher, and Peter Van Nostrand, sail-maker, perceiving their distress and imminent danger, at the risque of their own lives, generously put off at this critical moment in a small boat, from the Whitehall, and were fortunate enough to save the people, who must soon have perished, had not this timely assistance arrived to their relief.
OF JURIES.
Extract from a speech of Judge Wilson.
IT may seem, at first view, to be somewhat extraordinary, that twelve men, untutored in the study of jurisprudence, should be the ultimate interpreters of the law, with a power to overrule the directions of the judges, who have made it the subject of their long and elaborate researches, and have been raised to the seat of judgment, for their professional abilities and skill. But a deeper examination of the subject, will reconcile us to what, at first, may appear incongruous. In criminal cases, the design is, as has been already intimated, closely interwoven with the transaction; and the elucidation of both depends on a collected view of particulars, arising not only from the testimony, but also from the character and conduct of the witnesses, and sometimes likewise from the character and conduct of the prisoner. Of all these the jury are fittest to make the proper comparison and estimate; and, therefore, it is most eligible to leave it to them, after receiving the direction of the court in legal questions, to take into their consideration all the circumstances of the case, the intention, as well as the facts, and determine upon the whole, whether the conduct of the prisoner has or has not been within the meaning of the law.
Juries undoubtedly may make mistakes—they may commit errors—they may commit gross ones—but, changed as they constantly are, their errors and mistakes can never grow into a dangerous system: The native uprightness of their sentiments will not be bent under the weight of precedent and authority. Besides, their mistakes and their errors, except the venial ones on the side of mercy, made by traverse juries, are not without redress.
Philadelphia, July 20.
Further European accounts by the latest arrivals—in brief.
The British Ministry informed a deputation of the Russian mercantile company, that there appears a great degree of probability that ships sailing from London, under such circumstances as would enable them to leave the Russian ports with their cargoes by the middle of July, would not be endangered by reason of any event of the present negotiation with the Court of Petersburg—Lengthy negotiations seldom terminate in war.
Peyrouse, the great Gallic circumnavigator, is safe. Accounts are received from him, with maps, charts, &c. of his course, down to his arrival at Botany-Bay.
Remittances to the amount of 160,000l. were received from the United States by the British merchants in the Portland Packet, which arrived at Falmouth the beginning of May.
France still proceeds happily in the great work of the revolution, notwithstanding all the arts of the enemies of that important undertaking—90 millions of Assignats have been burnt. Some serious disturbances however prevail in the neighbourhood of Avignon.
The King of Sardinia, anticipating the influence of the French example, has wisely abolished a number of feudal grievances in his kingdom.
The Turks are making immense preparations for the ensuing campaign. The new Grand Vizir, Jusup Pacha, is indefatigable in forming magazines, and collecting an army which it is said is to be commanded by the Sultan in person.
In our last we mentioned that the insurgents in the Comtat Venaissin, frontiers of France, who were besieged by the patriotic army in Carpentras, offered to capitulate on the 21st April. Subsequent accounts extend the siege of that place to the 29th of the same month, and make no mention of a capitulation; on that day the besieged made a sally, and took 2 pieces of cannon. The Patriots of Avignon, it is affirmed, have had near 900 men killed and wounded.
There has been a warm debate in the British House of Commons on the Canada Bill, or rather on the subject of Constitutions of
Government. Mr. Pitt, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Fox, appear to have taken the most conspicuous parts. Burke inveighed in a lengthy invective against the French Revolution; he was so intemperate in his assertions on the new constitution of that country, that he has been pitied by the English paragraphists as a man in a state of insanity. Mr. Fox expressed himself as highly in favor of the revolution—pointed personalities passed between him and Mr. Burke, so that a mutual renunciation of all political and social intercourse took place. Mr. Pitt's conduct on this occasion is complimented—he in exposed as a mediator, and preserved a dignity of deportment worthy of a great mind. Mr. Burke strongly intimated that plots and conspiracies against the peace of the country, and the British constitution, were on foot; but did not fully explain himself—His insinuations did not appear to produce any effect on the house.
The society of the friends to the constitution at Paris, went into mourning as a mark of respect to the memory of Dr. Price, the friend of liberty and of man.
Extract of a letter from Boston, July 10.
The author of Publicola is not known; some suppose one person and some another, but there is no solicitude discovered about it; people are too much engaged in business to attend to newspaper-writers; very few even read their long speculations—the general idea is that we have spent time enough to form Constitutions; and now we have a government, any change is contemplated with diffidence.
It will not be easy for demagogues to stir up strife and raise a dust at this time—the predictions of the enemies to the government and its institutions, have been generally proved false by experience and facts, which again have confirmed the confidence of the people in its friends, as their favorable anticipations have been more than realized.—Those therefore who wish to become great by reducing really great men to little ones, will meet with a due reward, disappointment and chagrin.
As to Paine, he has great merit in pulling down bad governments, and in opposing bad men (Burke in particular) but I do not suppose him the best qualified to form a Constitution.—His motives I believe were laudable in writing against Burke, and the world will allow him the merit of his labors. Your city it seems has its wrong-heads; as well as less enlightened places; the egotistic pamphlet against the national bank is too poor a thing for any one except a political cunuch to father; but America must, it seems, have other kinds of heads as well as clear-heads.—Before this reaches you it will be seen how much this wonderful pamphlet has operated to prevent subscriptions to the Bank: It is conjectured here, that the whole will be subscribed in a few days after the books are opened.
Should the first session of the next Congress pass with tolerable harmony, and their decisions be marked with wisdom, the government may then be considered as firmly fixed, even by the Old doubters . But in our free country, some must have liberty to abuse liberty. May heaven in mercy to mankind preserve our general government as an example and blessing to the world."
The Commissioners appointed to receive Subscriptions for the Bank of the United States, have agreed to call a meeting of the Stockholders, to be held in Philadelphia on the 21st of October next, for the choice of Directors, agreeable to law.
A very interesting and important treaty is now holding at Newton, on the Tioga, by Col. Pickering, with a large body of Indians—600 of whom arrived there on the 29th ult. On the instant the business was opened by a conciliatory speech from Col. Pickering. The treaty appears so far to be strongly marked with traits of peace and friendship, which leads to a hope that it will terminate very favorably on both sides.—The following judicious remarks occur in a speech of one of the Sachems:—
"In the last war, when we heard that brothers were going to fight against brothers, we thought it strange—we could hardly believe that people of the same blood would rise up and destroy one another—we saw that they could not fetch a clear stroke, because they could scarcely distinguish between friends and enemies.—If we had had our senses about us, we should not have taken up the tomahawk on either side—we ought to have let you alone, until you became brothers again, and then joined you as friends."
In the debate on the Canada Bill, in the British House of Commons, several of the speakers on both sides of the question alluded to the Constitution of the United States. Mr. Fox, in particular, "recommended (in framing a constitution for Canada) an imitation of the government of the United States of America, which he declared to be THE BEST GOVERNMENT NOW EXISTING. He suggested this modification not as an enemy to aristocracy, but as a friend. When the several parts of the constitution are happily blended, said he, there is less danger of corruption."
It is to the honor of the English Government, that every subject with which the rights of men and the interests of humanity are connected, meets with the most ample and independent discussion—and tho' it is to be regretted that their decisions are not always agreeable to the sentiments of some of their best characters, yet the happiest consequences must eventually result from such a free investigation as almost every topic undergoes in the deliberations of both branches of their government.
A proposal for re-publishing by subscription the POEMS of Phillis Wheatley, an African, is issued by Thomas & Andrews, of Boston: To which will be added (never before published) her POSTHUMOUS WORKS, consisting of Poems on various subjects, and Letters to eminent persons in Great-Britain and America, with their Answers—Price One Dollar. The book to contain 300 pages demy duodecimo.
Among the Letters is an elegant Epistle from the President of the United States, several Letters from the celebrated Gilbert Sharpe, L. L. D. &c. &c. and Original Thoughts on Poetry, by Henry Hulton, Esq. Comptroller of the Customs at Antigua.
COMMUNICATIONS.
THERE is an independency of soul which some men possess, that the generality of their contemporaries can form no idea of.
It has been asserted that wisdom is always with the majority—the assertion, if capable of demonstration, would save mankind an infinity of labour in their researches to find out the residence of the goddess. This opinion is however founded on a supposition of constancy, consistency and uniformity, which cannot be predicated of any man or body of men for any series of years.
"The success of certain events in this country (says an extract in a late New-York paper) has been ascribed to individuals; events, which in reality were either accomplished by the spirit of the people, or the blunders and mistakes of enemies."
The disappointed envy and malice of some characters in the world, have been discovered on many occasions; but it was hardly to have been expected, that they would have blundered on so palpable a misrepresentation as the above. This is truly a modern discovery. There is not an individual in the United States, nor in any part of the civilized world, who does not know, that knows any thing, that the salvation of America was effected thro' the wisdom of those plans which were formed by "individuals." The people raised to power those whom they considered as their best friends and wisest patriots; the people were not disappointed—those "individuals" sketched the outlines of freedom, empire, and happiness for the United States—the people being properly enlightened in their duty, executed the plans that were designed by these "individuals"—and while a free, an independent, grateful sentiment, shall glow in the breast of a free citizen of these states, that illustrious roll of worthies which they have been in the habit of honoring so long, shall continue to receive their grateful applauses.
Another modern discovery is, that the hon. Continental Convention, which assembled in this city in the year 1787, did not form that constitution which they proposed to the people; and to which the members, with the President at their head, affixed their signatures. "Almost all important hints (it seems) were taken from communications, the authors of which may never be mentioned; and the plan was adopted, not invented, by those who will have the historical fame thereof"—it is easy for some men to say any thing—truth and falsehood form no differing ideas in their minds. The above insinuations are a barefaced attack on the doctrine of representation—for if this illustrious convention of the genius and patriotism of America, was incompetent to the object of their appointment, we may abandon all hopes of ever beholding a representation of the people, which shall be adequate to any good purpose whatever.
APPOINTMENTS.—BY AUTHORITY.
WILLIAM SMITH, Esq. of Baltimore, Auditor of the Treasury of the United States—vice Oliver Wolcott, Esq. appointed Comptroller.
WILLIAM LEWIS, Esq. of this City, Judge of the District Court for the District of Pennsylvania—vice Francis Hopkinson, Esq. deceased.
From PELOSI's MARINE LIST.
ARRIVALS at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
 Ship Alexander, Newry.  Brig Betty, Davis, Cape-Francois.  Barque Hope, Makins, Sligo.  Sloop Defiance, McCann, New-Providence.  — Clara, M c Williams, Virginia.  — Industry, Green, Frenchman's Bay. 
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
 FUNDED DEBT.  6 pr. Cents 18/9 19/ pr. £. 95 pr. cent.  3 pr. Cents 10/9 53 3/4 do.  Deferred 6 pr. Cents 10/9 53 3/4 do.  UNFUNDED DEBT.  Final Sett. and other Certificates 10/9 88 3/4 do.  Indents 10/9 53 3/4 do.  N. and S. Carolina debts, 13/6 15/6  Bank Subscriptions, 48 Dollars. 
A PRINTING APPARATUS COMPLETE, AND A NEWS-PAPER ESTABLISHMENT.
ANY young Man, of respectable character, capable of conducting the PRINTING BUSINESS in its different branches, may have an opportunity of engaging as a PARTNER, in a large commercial town, where the present income and prospects are highly flattering to those of an industrious turn. A small sum will be required in hand, and further particulars explained in person, by addressing a line to Z. Townley, at the Bar of the Merchants and Exchange Coffee-House. Philad. July 20, 1791.
GRAY'S GARDENS.
A CONCERT of Vocal and Instrumental Music will begin on THURSDAY the 21st of July, at 4 o'clock in the Afternoon, and conclude at 9 at night, should the day be fair.
Tickets delivered at one quarter of a dollar, at the Bar.
Songs, with harmony and martial music, will be performed.
The ship Union, dressed with the colours of the different nations in alliance with the United States, and elegantly lighted at night.
The mill scene on a plan entirely new.
The goddess Independency, an emblematical transparent piece of painting, very large, will be exhibited in the day, and illuminated at night.
Three paintings transparent, one of the illustrious President of the United States, one of the immortal Franklin, the other, the patriotic General de la Fayette, as large as the life; together with several other transparent figures and landscapes.
The illuminations will be more extensive than any heretofore. Gray's Ferry, July 18. G. & R. GRAY.

MATTHEW M'CONNELL,
In CHESNUT-STREET, No. 66, BUYS and SELLS all kinds of THE PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNION ; has frequently occasion to NEGOTIATE INLAND BILLS OF EXCHANGE —and will receive Orders for making SUBSCRIPTIONS to the BANK of the UNITED STATES .
Philadelphia, March 30, 1791.
(96 4)
Intelligence-Office,
In FOURTH-STREET, second Door below Market-Street.
FRANCIS WHITE
BUYS and SELLS on Commission all kinds of Public Securities and Paper Monies.
Transacts business for those who have claims on the United States, or against either of the States, particularly for the Officers, Soldiers and Mariners, and others who have served in or about the late American Army, or for their legal Heirs, Administrators, Attorneys, &c.
Certificates and such Paper Monies furnished for country people and others, who have to make payments to the Pennsylvania Loan or Land Offices, as will pass equal to specie, and their warrants, patents, &c. passed through the different offices.
Money borrowed or loaned, and discounts procured for bills, bonds, and notes of hand, with or without deposits.
Houses, Farms, Lands, Lots, bought and sold, and Houses, Rooms, Boarding and Lodging, rented or let, or procured for Strangers or others.
Reputable Characters of either sex, and of any profession, out of Place, may hear of Employ—and Families, Merchants, Travellers and others, be supplied with suitable domestics.
Those at a distance who may address on either the above subjects, their letters being post paid, will be duly attended to, by
FRANCIS WHITE.
Philad. June 22, 1791.
(cp ti)
PINTARD and BLEECKER, PURCHASE and SELL all kinds of Certificates & Public Securities,
On COMMISSION, at public and private sale, on the following terms:
ON the specie amount of all sales or purchases at auction, one eighth per cent.
On ditto of all sales or purchases at private sale, on all sums below 5000 nominal dollars, one-half per cent.; and on all sums above 5000 nominal dollars, one-fourth per cent.
For receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent.
For making transfers at ditto, one dollar each transfer.
Such persons throughout the United States, as may be pleased to favor the subscribers with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch, as considerable experience in the public stocks, together with extensive connections in the city of New-York and different parts of the continent, enable them to conduct their operations with peculiar advantages.
PINTARD & BLEECKER, New-York, No. 57, King-Street.
March 15, 1791.
(97 saw 6m)
To be disposed of, BY PRIVATE SALE, A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS,
In various LANGUAGES—being part of a private Library; Among which are the following:
FOLIO. Euripides, Homer, Demosthenes, Xenophon, Plato, Lucian, Plutarch, Pausanias, Procopius, Eusebius, Nicéphorus, Cicero, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Seneca, Pliny, &c. Quarto. Pindar, Aristotle, Terence, Ovid, Cæsar, Suetonius, Juvenal, Manilius, &c.
Octavo & infra: Septuagint, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Epictetus, Hesiod, Orpheus, M. Antoninus, Phalaris, Herodotus, Polybius, Lucretius, Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius, Paternus, Florus, Lucan, Statius, Gellius, Asconius, Vida, Buchanan, Boëtius, Poëtæ minores Latini, Calliopædia, Strada, L. Valla, &c.
Catalogues may be had, and further particulars learned, at the Book-Store of Messrs. RICE and Co. Market-Street. Catalogues are also stetched up with the AMERICAN MUSEUM, for April.
June 1, 1791.
(ezw)
Public Notice is hereby given,
to all whom these presents shall come, or in any wise concern, That JAMES GARDNER , late of Wilmington, North-Carolina, deceased, did make four promissory notes payable to SAMUEL JACKSON , of Philadelphia, Merchant, all bearing date the 19th July, 1785, one for three hundred and seventy-one pounds, payable in six months—one for seven hundred and forty two pounds, in nine months—one for five hundred and forty pounds, in twelve months—and one for seven hundred and forty-five pounds thirteen shillings and three-pence, in fifteen months, amounting in the whole to two thousand five hundred and ninety-eight pounds thirteen shillings and three-pence, and payable in produce at Wilmington:—Which said notes have been assigned by the said Samuel Jackson to THOMAS MACKIE and Co. and JAMES HOOD , Merchants, Philadelphia, and have since, in the life-time of the said Gardner, by him been accounted for and paid in part to the amount of two thousand and forty-seven pounds fifteen shillings and six-pence, to the said THOMAS MACKIE , and Co. in proof of which the subscribers have sufficient vouchers.
These are therefore to caution all persons from purchasing said notes as they will not be taken up.
THOMAS WRIGHT, ROBERT SCOTT, M. R. WILLKINGS, } Executors.
Wilmington, North-Carolina, 27th May, 1791. (e p. 3 m.)
GEORGE-TOWN, June 30, 1791.
THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES having approved the acts for the Public Buildings, to be erected in pursuance of the act of Congress for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of government of the United States, the Commissioners, appointed in virtue of that act, will meet at George-Town, on Monday the seventeenth day of October next, and proceed to sell, at Vendue, a number of Lots in the best situations in the Federal City. A deposit of 8 per cent. will be required; the residue to be secured on Bonds, with security, payable in three equal yearly payments.—The farther terms will be made known at the sale.
THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STEWART, DANIEL CARROL, } Commissioners.
PUBLIC SECURITIES, BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Cheapside-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL
Lottery Tickets,
Class SECOND, to be had at the same place. May 28, 1791. (cp ti)
CLOCK AND WATCH MAKER,
On the North side of Market between Fourth and Fifth Streets, PHILA-DELPHIA.
HAVING obtained Patents for several Improvements on Clocks and Watches, begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he is now ready to execute any work on the said constructions; which may be either applied to clocks and watches already made, or to new ones, and on trial, have been found superior to any heretofore brought into common use. He has so simplified the repeating part of a watch, as to enable him to make it at two-thirds of the common price, which will not only be an advantage in the first purchase, but ever after, as it can be cleaned, when necessary, for two-thirds less than the present price. He has also simplified the striking part of clocks, which enables him to reduce the price one-fourth; and repairs, at the lowest prices, horizontal, repeating, plain, and other watches, and musical, chiming, and plain clocks, with punctuality and dispatch, and warrants all the work done in his shop.
An assortment of Clock and Watch-makers Tools and Materials for sale, on reasonable terms.
Two JOURNEYMEN, and an APPRENTICE, are wanted.
New-Haven Wharf Lottery.
THE Legislature of the State of Connecticut, at their session in December last, granted a Lottery for the purpose of extending Union Wharf, in the harbour of New-Haven, to the channel; and appointed the subscribers managers, who having given bond for the faithful discharge of their trust, present the public with the following
   S C H E M E.     1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars, is 10,000   1 5000 5000   1 4000 4000   2 2000 are 4000   4 1000 4000   5 500 2500   12 200 2400   30 100 3000   45 50 2250   50 40 2000   61 30 1830   100 20 2000   140 10 1400   5390 8 43,120  
5842 Prizes. 11658 Blanks. 17500 Tickets, at Five Dollars each, is 87500 NOT TWO BLANKS to a PRIZE.
Subject to a deduction of twelve and a half per cent. The public utility of extending this wharf, is too evident to require any comment, to those who are acquainted with the town and harbour of New-Haven; to those who are not, suffice it to say, that its beautiful situation is not surpassed, if equalled by any; being in the heart of a country, which may, with propriety, be said to be the garden of America. The harbour lays open to the sound but by reason of the flats, this wharf is necessarily extended to the channel, where ships can load and unload; and when completed, will be the most extensive and commodious wharf in America, the whole extent being about 3/4ths of a mile; and not only the mercantile interest of New-Haven and the towns adjacent, but the maritime interest of all the States will be benefited by it. The general wish that prevails in the minds of all classes of people, for the success of this enterprise, together with the very great advantage which this scheme holds out to adventurers (there being more capital prizes for the number of tickets than any yet published in America) induce the managers to believe the tickets will meet with a speedy sale.
The drawing will positively commence at the State-House, in New-Haven, on the 13th of September next, or sooner, if the tickets are sold.
A list of the fortunate numbers will be published, and the prizes paid on demand, by the managers. Those prizes not called for in nine months after drawing, will be deemed as generously given for the use of the wharf, and appropriated accordingly.
MANAGERS:
JAMES RICE,  MICHAEL TODD, JEREMIAH ATWATER,  ELIJAH AUSTIN, JOSEPH DRAKE,  JOSEPH HOWELL.
New-Haven, April 14, 1791.
TICKETS in the above Lottery may be had at the Compting-house of Messrs. STEPHEN AUSTIN , and Co. corner of Front and Pine-Streets.
Who will pay the prizes which may be drawn by Tickets purchased of them in said Lottery.
Tickets in the Massachusetts Lottery that have drawn prizes, will be received in payment for the above tickets.
A FINE CHANCE FOR A YOUNG PRINTER.
FOR SALE,
A Printing Press and Types, together with the right of publishing a PAPER, in good repute, the subscribers to which are continually increasing—The present number of its patrons is between seven and eight hundred. The types consist of BURGEIS, PICA, and a sufficient quantity of larger letter to display advertisements to advantage. The situation is in the interior part of MASSACHUSETTS, in the centre of a populous and thriving community, and within 17 miles of an excellent Paper-Mill, where paper of every quality and size may always be had on short notice. Perhaps no country paper on the continent has a larger share of Advertisements than the one offered for sale. A very considerable profit also accrues from the sale of Blanks of all kinds, which are much used in the place—from the publication of Hand-Bills, &c. &c. It is a good situation, also, for a small Book-Store—and it is supposed the Book-Binding business might be carried on in the same place to advantage.
For further particulars, enquire of JOHN FENNO , at his Office, No. 69, High-Street, between Second and Third-Streets, Philadelphia. (12w 8w)
ADVERTISEMENT.
HAVING completed the second volume of this Gazette, its patrons, and the public at large, are informed that it will be prosecuted on its original plan, with every improvement that friendship and ingenuity may suggest.
The price of this Gazette, (published Wednesdays and Saturdays,) is Three Dollars per annum—one half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
The utmost punctuality is observed in transmitting the papers to subscribers: The Editor thinks there is the fairest prospect that Information from the seat of government, to the extremes of the Union, will in future circulate with greater facility and certainty, than through the past winter.—Additional Subscriptions from all parts of the Union are therefore solicited.
This volume contains the laws of the two last sessions of Congress—the journal and debates of the house of Representatives—reports of the heads of departments—besides a greater variety of original communications immediately connected with the interests of the United States, than any other periodical publication.
The Editor acknowledges with gratitude the punctual payments received from a great proportion of his subscribers—some arrearages remain—which he is confident will very speedily be discharged.
Payments may be made to the several persons of whom the papers are received.
Advertisements of one square, or less, will be inserted in this Gazette, three times, for one dollar—subsequent insertions, twenty-five cents each; larger advertisements in proportion: No vehicle in the United States gives so immediate a circulation—and the number of each impression is at present fourteen hundred.
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL LOTTERY. CLASS II.
THE MANAGERS of the STATE-LOTTERY assure the Public, that the second Class of the SEMI-ANNUAL LOTTERY will positively commence drawing on the day appointed, viz. On Thursday the 13th of October next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of. As the Managers have in their several monthly Lotteries commenced drawing at the hour assigned, so they are determined to be equally as punctual in this.
S C H E M E. NOT TWO BLANKS to a PRIZE.
25,000 TICKETS, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
   PRIZES. DOLLARS. DOLLARS.     1 of 10000 is 10000   2 of 3000 are 6000   3 of 2000 6000   6 of 1000 6000   10 of 500 5000   30 of 200 6000   80 of 100 8000   90 of 50 4500   100 of 40 4000   120 of 30 3600   161 of 20 3220   200 of 10 2000   7585 of 8 60680  
8388 Prizes. 16612 Blanks. 25000 Tickets. 125000
TICKETS in the above Class may be had of the several MANAGERS, who will pay the prizes on demand; of the TREASURER of the Commonwealth; of JAMES WHITE , at his Book-store, Franklin's Head, Court-street—and at other places, as usual.
BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun. DAVID COBB, SAMUEL COOPER, GEORGE R. MINOT, JOHN KNEELAND, } MANAGERS.
Boston, April 14, 1791.
WAR DEPARTMENT,
MAY 30, 1791.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March, 1791, and which will become due on the 4th day of September ensuing, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the States respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form:
A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:
I, A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and ending the fourth day of September of the same year.
Signed and sealed in the presence of Witnesses.
Acknowledged before me,
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim.
By command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
Blank Powers to receive the Interest, and for the transfer of the principal of public debt, agreeable to the Rules established in the Treasury Department: Also Blanks for abstracts of Certificates, to be sold to the Editor.