National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-12-12 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 13 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, December 12, 1792.
[Total No. 117.]
From the Gazette of the United States.
IT was my intention to have closed with my last paper, the discussion of Mr. Jefferson's conduct in the particulars which have been suggested; but the singular complexion of the last number of a series of papers originating in the American Daily Advertiser, obliges me to resume it.
As if bold assertion were capable of imposing any thing for truth, an attempt is made, in the paper alluded to, to impress the following opinions, 1st, That the extract which was given of Mr. Jefferson's letter on the subject of a proposition for the transfer of the French debt, is "false," "deceptive," and "mutilated." These are the epithets in different passages applied to it. 2. That Mr. Jefferson was the mere vehicle, or to use the precise terms, "only the vehicle of communication to Congress." 3d. That he "discountenanced" the proposition. 4. That the "only" proposition which he made to Congress, was to borrow the money in Holland to discharge the debt.
To give colour to these assertions, I am called upon to produce the entire paragraph from which the extract has been made, and it is suggested, that the whole was deposited in the quarter, from whence the extract is believed to have been taken.
I pledge my veracity that this suggestion is unfounded; as is another; that the information which has been communicated by me is derived from the opportunities of official situation. I affirm unequivocally, that I obtained through different channels a full knowledge of the transaction in February, 1787; being in no public station whatever; that I then saw the extract, which has been published, and which was at that time taken from the original letter, and has been since preserved, in the most authentic form. That I then also received information equally authentic of the general substance of the letter, as relating to the matter in question, and of all other particulars concerning it, which have heretofore been stated, and which have been preserved, in a manner, that admits no doubt of their accuracy or genuineness.
For this, I again appeal to the letter itself, on the files of the department of state, where alone as far as I am informed, its entire contents are deposited, and which I entertain no doubt will confirm not only the truth of the extract which has been given, but the justness of the representation of the contents of the letter in all other respects.
Considering the extract as genuine, which undoubtedly it is, it speaks for itself; and unequivocally affirms the suggestion that Mr. Jefferson was "only the vehicle" of communication to Congress. It imports, without the possibility of evasion, advice to accede to the proposition which was made to the Dutch company, on the dishonorable ground of their being in danger, that the public payments would not be punctual, and of its being in that case expedient to transfer the discontents, which would arise from the want of punctuality, from the court of France, to the breasts of a private company: It therefore clearly makes him more than the mere vehicle of communication: the patron and adviser of the measure upon the condition which has been stated. It as clearly refutes the astonishing assertion, that he "discountenanced" the proposition; whatever subterfuge may be brought to colour it; and it equally destroys the other allegation, that the only proposition which Mr. Jefferson made to Congress, was to borrow the money in Holland to discharge the debt.
It has been admitted, that there was another proposition, in the same letter, of that import; but it is denied under the appeal which has been made, that it in any manner derogates from the advice contained in the extract. It is under-
stood to have been offered, as an alternative; in case the proposition of the Dutch company should not be approved. — Another mode which might be adopted to effect the payment to France.
It will be remarked by an attentive reader, that while an artful attempt is made to bring into question the genuineness of the extract, a direct denial of its genuineness is not hazarded — Recourse is had to equivocal implications. It is said to be "false and deceptive," not in terms, but "upon a sound construction;" that "the contents of the letter, even in the extract published, have been shamefully misrepresented" not that the extract is itself a forgery; but that "other parts of the letter absolutely necessary for the full comprehension of it, are kept back" — The jargon of asserting, that a literal extract from a paper is "false and deceptive, upon a sound construction," is a proof of the embarrassment of the commentator. Whoever will examine the extract will perceive, that as to the purpose, to which it has been applied, it is an entire thing. The sentiment reprobated is there complete, and can be affected by nothing collateral. The inferences resulting from it can only be repelled by establishing that the extract is in terms false. This I believe will not be pretended.
It is as little true (in the sense in which it is evidently meant to be understood) that the proposition for the transfer of the debt has been imposed upon Mr. Jefferson as his own, as it is that he discountenanced it. It has been acknowledged, that the offer was first made by the Dutch company; and has only been maintained that Mr. Jefferson advised its acceptance on principles contrary to good morals; a position which can never be overthrown without introducing a new system of ethics. In this sense too, and with the disapprobation, which belonged to it, was it understood by those to whom the advice was addressed; to the honor of the public councils of the day.
It is suggested that the animadversions upon Mr. Jefferson's conduct, in these papers, proceed from "private revenge." This supposes some private injury real or imagined. The assertor must be not a little embarrassed to support the probability of such a cause. It is affirmed that none such exists. Private revenge therefore cannot be the stimulus. Let facts speak the true motives.
CATULLUS.
Vindication of Mr. JEFFERSON.
NUMBER V.
[Continued from No. 108.]
HAVING concluded in my last, the reply to the several allegations brought forward against Mr. Jefferson, by a writer under the signatures of An American and Catullus , and placed each upon the ground on which it merited to stand, submitting it respectfully to his countrymen to determine, as well upon the propriety of his conduct in the particulars suggested, as on that of the author in troubling him and them with the subject. I had likewise hoped that this disagreeable business was at an end. I am happy, however, to observe, that the revival has been upon so limited a scale, as to preclude the apprehension of its being protracted to any great extent. I shall certainly contribute all in my power to bring it to a close.
The charge of any impropriety on the part of Mr. Jefferson, in the letter referred to, relative to the proposed transfer of the French debt, seems to be abandoned or but weakly insisted on, admitting the statement given by that writer to have been correct. And indeed it would have been difficult longer to have sustained with a judicious and well-informed public, any plausible argument upon that ground, after it was established, that the
French court and Dutch company were equally anxious for the contract, and had solicited our approbation of it. For surely, in such an event, we had a right, and with the smallest breach of morality or delicacy, to weigh and determine which of those parties it would best suit us to have for creditors; and how could we exercise such right without taking into view the comparative merit of the parties, with every possible contingency that might in the most remote degree, tend to affect the payment of the debt?
The sole object of this last publication, under the signature of Catullus, seems to be, to vindicate the author from the charge of having misrepresented the contents of Mr. Jefferson's letter, and the abuse of the duties of an official station, in publishing any thing relative to it. — How far he has succeeded in this attempt, I shall now proceed to examine.
I shall not trouble the reader with any comment upon the ingenious criticism on my last statement. The variance will be more easily understood by reciting again the contents of the paragraph in question, and comparing these with the statement repeatedly given by that writer. The nearer we approach the source, the nearer we shall be to the truth: sophistry may envelope with darkness, but will never illustrate a subject: The following, then, I affirm, to be the contents of that paragraph.
It states, that in 1786, it being known the French court were distressed for money, a company of Dutch merchants had offered to purchase of them the American debt, of twenty four millions of livres, for the sum of twenty, and that their embarrassments inclined them to accept of the proposal: That however a delay was occasioned, on the part of the French court, by the apprehension it might lessen our credit in Europe, and be disagreeable to Congress; whereupon he had been consulted by the agent of the company, and to whom he had replied, that he was neither authorized to approve or disapprove of the transaction. Having stated the proposition as above, he observes further upon it, in its relation to his country, that if there be a danger our payments may not be punctual, it might be better that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company. But that it had occurred to him, we might find occasion to do what would be grateful to that court, and establish with them a confidence in our honor: That our credit was good in Holland; might it not be possible then to borrow there, the four and twenty millions due to France, and pay them the whole debt at once? This would save them from any loss on our account; with some further observations urging the propriety of this latter measure.
That the subject may be explicitly before the public, I repeat again, that the above are the genuine contents of Mr. Jefferson's letter on that head, and are contained in one entire paragraph only. That the arrangement of the idea is the same, and that in substance nothing has been added to or taken from it.
The import of the above appears to me to be so clear and explicit, that every person must unite in the same construction. That the transaction, for instance, had taken place between the parties, before any mention was made of it to Mr. Jefferson: and that in communicating it to Congress, he only made known to that body, the desire, both of the company and the French court; and was, of course, only the vehicle of communication. That the opinion which he gave, arose out of the proposition, was in furtherance of their views, and that, in fact, no decision could be formed on it, either by the Congress or himself, without a
comparison of the parties as creditors to the United States. But that the proposition which he made (for this was that of the company) was to borrow the money in Holland, and pay off the whole debt at once; and that he disliked that of the company or at least preferred this, or would not have proposed it. I shall now subjoin the statement given by Catullus.
The following single sentence has been published by him, not only as a literal transcript, but as containing whatever was necessary to explain Mr. Jefferson's sentiments on that head. "If there is a danger of the public payments not being punctual, I submit whether it may not be better that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a court, of whose good offices we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company." Some concessions, have it is true, been lately made, though reluctantly; but it is still insisted on, that they do not alter the construction contended for, nor vary the import of this single extract; and for its literal conformity to the original, he has pledged his veracity.
The variance, then, between us, consists in his suppression of the other parts of the paragraph, relating to the same subject; and which should be seen, to enable the reader to comprehend its true import. It consists, likewise, in the alteration of a part of the sentence itself, by the interpolation of words, which do not belong to it. The passage in the letter referred to reads precisely as I have stated it above. Catullus has altered it by the insertion of the following words, I submit whether it would not be better; by which the import of that sentence, and especially when standing alone, has been varied. If therefore the statement which I have given, is correct; it follows that Catullus has been guilty of misrepresentation, and that the extract furnished by him, is false, deceptive and mutilated.
Whether the author of these pieces has been guilty of the breach of official duties, in the publication of any thing relative to Mr. Jefferson's letter, I know not. A variety of reasons, of but little importance to the public, and which it is not necessary for me to recite, have created a belief, that they proceed from Mr. Hamilton. If so; it will be difficult for him to remove the imputation. The perusal of the extract in 1787, when out of office, and the safe preservation of it since, will not justify its publication by the present acting Secretary of the Treasury; nor does it authorize a belief, if he is the author, that the official document in his possession, has not been resorted to since. Will it be contended that the conduct of the officer at the head of that department, should be scanned in this instance, by the duties of the station he held five or ten years past? Or, in other words, that the office imposes on him no particular obligations, and which he is bound to regard?
Considering this attack upon Mr. Jefferson in the commencement, as an attack upon principles; knowing that the conflicting interests of parties were at work, and that the one which was suspected, with too much reason, to be attached to monarchy, would endeavour, as an obstacle in its way, to undermine not only him, but every other republican character in the confidence of their countrymen; and believing, as well from the duties of his official station as his known delicacy in observing them, he would disregard it, I thought it in some measure a duty I owed to those principles of equality which I venerate, to take up the subject, and place it on its proper ground. So far, then, as any imputation has been raised, against a distinguished and patriot citizen, I have furnished the reply; and I presume, shown not only his innocence of any impropriety in the allegations suggested, but likewise the impurity of the motives which dictated the attack.

It now remains only, in justice to the author of the papers under the signature of An American , and Catullus , to settle the fact, whether he has been guilty of misrepresentation, and the breach of an official duty, in the instance alledged, and I have every possible disposition to concur, on my part, in those arrangements which may be necessary to dispel every doubt on that subject. The truth may be ascertained, by a recurrence to the deposits in either of the departments, of State, or the Treasury. If Mr. Hamilton is not the author, and will announce it, I shall consider the subject as unworthy of further notice; if it is neither denied nor owned, but the altercation continued without any proof being produced—for none has yet been—I shall likewise consider it beneath my attention; but if he is the author, and will allow it, my name shall likewise be submitted, that joint measures may then be taken, whereby the truth may be placed in a clear, authentic point of view, before the public.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Forerunners of MONARCHY and ARISTOCRACY in the United States.
1st. THE titles of Excellency, Honorable, and Esquire—all of which are of monarchical origin, and are absurd in a republic.
2d. Levees!
3d. Keeping the birth days of the servants of the public—Mr. Paine lays, very justly, that it is dangerous for a people to believe that any one man, or set of men, are necessary to the safety or happiness of a country, and keeping the birth days of individuals has a tendency to create such an opinion. The 4th of July being the birth day of the Americans into a world of freedom and independence, is the only day that should be consecrated to festivity and gratitude in the United States.
4th. Establishing a ceremonial distance between the officers of the government and the people. It is to make the creature greater than the creator—It is to repeat the crime and folly of idolatry—It is an inversion of all order, for in a republic, officers of government are the political servants of the people, and therefore are entitled only to universal civility, and in no instance to awful and distant respect.
5th. Parade of every kind in the officers of government, such as pompous carriages, splendid seals, and tawdry gowns. These baubles are an insult to the understanding of a free people. They suppose them to be children, and that they are to be governed by their senses and imaginations, and not by their reason.
6th. Looking up to heads of departments, and praising or blaming them for the good or evil things which flow from the government. We learnt this language from Great-Britain, where ministers only are responsible for the transactions of the whole government, and very justly, for the government in point of representation is created chiefly by the ministry; but the reverse is the case in the United States. The three branches of Congress are chosen by the people, and they alone should answer to the people for all the folly and corruption that may be supposed to exist in the administration of the government. The heads of departments, by the constitution of the U. States, are not the ministers, but the Secretaries of the President.
7th. High salaries to the officers of government. These are necessary in monarchical and aristocratical governments; where men must be bribed by dinners and presents to do their duty; but in a republic such expences are unnecessary. The custom of entertaining should be reversed in a free country. By this means rulers will know the minds and wills of their masters, for men speak more freely at their own tables than at the tables of persons whom they, absurdly, suppose to be their superiors—Above all things it is highly monarchical and aristocratical for the officers of government to spend their salaries only in feasting one another. It draws a dangerous line between the rulers and the ruled of a free country—It institutes at once a privileged order of men, An office creates no change in the mind or body of a man—and the moment he separates himself from his constituents by a fastidious distance, he should be displaced.
8th. Profligacy in the officers of government; whether it manifests itself in swearing, drunkenness, debauchery, or a want of justice in the payment of debts. These are
all royal and noble vices, and should never be tolerated in the rulers of a republic—“We must not imagine, says Montesquieu, that criminal actions only are destructive of virtue; it is destroyed also, by omissions, by neglects, by a certain coolness in the love of our country, by bad examples, and by the seeds of corruption.”
9th. An opinion that the care of the state should be the exclusive business of the officers of the government. It was the influence of this opinion which produced so many publications in the years 1774 and 1775, which reflected upon the mechanics for meddling with politics. It is the same opinion which has led some aristocrats to raise a hue and cry against parsons and doctors when they point out public abuses, as if they were no more interested in public order and public happiness as any other class of citizens. It is well enough in England to run down the rights of man, because the author of those inimitable pamphlets was a stay-maker ; but in the United States all such proscriptions of certain classes of citizens, or occupations, should be avoided; for liberty will never be safe or durable in a republic till every citizen thinks it as much his duty to take care of the state as to take care of his family, and until an indifference to any public question shall be considered as a public offence.
10th. An irredeemable debt. This is hereditary monarchy in another shape. It creates an influence in the executive part of government, which will soon render it an overmatch for the legislative. It is the worst species of king's evil . It is the disgrace and curse of republican governments. It is to be hoped the citizens of the United States will guard their infant republic from all the forerunners of monarchy, which have been mentioned. Liberty like chastity has its outposts. Where delicacy and modesty are surrendered without a struggle, the conquest of virtue becomes easy. In like manner when the mind becomes familiar with the trappings of royalty and aristocracy, the transition to monarchy and tyranny is inevitable. May heaven teach us wisdom, and grant us republican principles and manners, as well as republican governments!
MIRABEAU.
Dec. 5th, 1792.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
[Continued from our last.]
WE have too long been amused and misled by names. The improper use of words, or the artful misapplication of names and epithets, it is very evident, has had a great and dangerous influence upon the politics of this country. Has not every abuse of language, that can be thought of, been constantly practiced for a long time, to give the people false ideas, both of the government, and of its administrators? Have not consolidationalists been currently passed upon them as federalists;—aristocrats called the best of men; the advocates for monarchy stiled the only friends to good government; republicans, dubbed enemies to Liberty and the constitution; and Clinton, a friend to mobs?
In short, the new constitution has introduced such a Babel-like confusion into our language, that I fear it will be long, perhaps too long, before the people will be able to come to a right understanding of men and measures, of characters and principles—a matter of such infinite importance in an elective government. I wish some ingenious hand, would furnish the public with a short dictionary of those words, which, like many of the political leaders of our country, have changed their meaning since the year 1776. The language of that time was plain and honest—it was dictated by “common sense”; and differed so essentially from that of the present day, that there is great reason to fear, if our rapid progress in refinements does not meet with a speedy check, the language of Common Sense will be totally discarded in our country, and the Rights of Man considered as chimerical.
After these general observations, I shall proceed to make a few upon the production of Mr. Otsego.
He says “the Jackalls of Mobocracy are endeavoring by calumny to hunt down the character of Mr. Adams.” Upon this I would observe, that having perused most of these mobocratical writers, I do not recollect to have seen any thing thrown out by them against Mr. Adams’s character, but what they have produced chapter and verse for, out of his own works, and if a man’s own works calumniate his character, who must we consider as the author of the calumny?
As to the rest of the paragraph, it wants no other answer but an explanation of some of the terms made use of in it, in order to make it intelligible, and consistent with
truth and Mr. Adams’s principles; which explanations I shall give in parentheses as I go along; “Because, says he, they look upon the re-election of this officer (Mr. Adams) as the triumph of Order (an order of nobility) and Good Government (hereditary monarchy) over Anarchy (a representative government without an hereditary head) and Disorder (a government, without the necessary check of the order of nobility before mentioned), for they know (he has told them so in his own writings) that his principles (of government by king, lords, and commons) promote the former, and are incompatible with the latter. They eagerly with the election of his Competitor (Governor Clinton) which will be the triumph of Antifederalism (republicanism, supported by all the friends of a federal government, as opposed to a consolidation) and Anarchy (the government of the people by their representatives, without an hereditary head) over Union (a government in the hands of ONE or monarchy, or else a consolidation by which the state governments should be totally absorbed in the general ONE) and tranquility (a state of total indifference in the people for, and neglect of their rights and happiness, and a quiet, tame and slavish submission to the absolute tyranny and domination of the few, a consummation devoutly wished for) for they know his principles (they appear in the journals of the old Congress, which contain the amendments proposed by the state of New-York signed by himself as President, and I promise not to charge Mr. Otsego with calumniating the character of our candidate, if he should think it necessary to re-publish them in the newspapers) are and have been long opposed to the present federal constitution.”
Here it may be necessary to observe, that altho’ Governor Clinton had objections to the constitution, they were such as were supported by the sense of a great body, I believe I may say, of a great majority of the citizens of the United States: And that many of these objections were well founded, hath been acknowledged by two thirds of both houses of Congress in proposing amendments to remove them; but I much doubt whether Mr. Otsego could obtain the concurrence of one tenth of the people of these United States, or of more than one third of the two houses of Congress, with the principles of a government by king, lords, and commons.
It appears therefore that Governor Clinton’s opposition to the adoption of the constitution, was founded upon approved principles; and I assert, without fear of contradiction, that it was fair, open, manly and honorable, and supported (as I am well informed) by the unanimous sense of his immediate constituents, almost without a single dissentient, and of at least two thirds of the citizens of the state, over which he has so long had the honor to preside.
(To be continued.)
For the National Gazette.
Mr. Freneau,
AS a Treatise, we are told, is shortly to appear in vindication of MONARCHICAL FEDERALISM, and exhibiting to view the comparative merit of Mr. A-----’s and Gov. C-----’s political creeds, it is recommended to the author to extend his plan to a discussion of the following questions:
First—Why is Mr. A. who has fairly published in print his opinions for monarchy, so severely handled by our republican zealots, whilst others are spared, who are well known to hold the same principles and views, tho’ they are careful to deal them out less open-handedly?
Secondly—Is it generous or friendly in these wary pursuers of the same object with Mr. A. to leave him in the brunt of all the shafts of republican malice, and to skulk themselves into the rear of the business: thus, like certain brotherhoods who shall be nameless, because it is not meant to degrade by the comparison, keeping the honestest but most unguarded member of the corps between themselves and a certain wooden machine, which shall likewise be nameless for the same reason.
FAIR PLAY.
December 11.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
PARIS, Sept. 17.
One of the most material objects of legislative business has been, to make a further progress in the decrees concerning divorces. Several articles are passed very consolatory to those wretched spouses who have been unfortunate enough to ally themselves with brutes or vixens. If either party, after trial, is dissatisfied with the temper of their mate, there is now an easy and certain mode of proceeding to obtain a dissolution of the marriage contract.
Commissioners, appointed by the National Convention to give an account of the state of the national treasury, and of the extraordinary bank, have delivered at the bar the following statements:—
Receipt of the N. T. from the 1st of Jan. 1792, to the 22d of September—915,725,695 livres.
Expenditure during the same time—865,526,764.
Remaining in the national treasury—50,148,895 livres.
The commissioners proved, that this sum actually existed in the treasury in different effects, of which the gold and silver amounted to 11,892,608 livres, and there were valid engagements for the delivery of those metals, at the different mints, to the amount of thirteen millions more.
The receipt of the extraordinary bank to the present time had amounted to 2,632,583,166 livres.
The expence to 2,604,752,125 livres.
Remaining in the bank, 28,752,125 livres.
The receipt of the revenues and capitals of the national effects, 623,290,808 livres.
The total of assignats to received, which had been burned, 617,000,000 livres.
There remained in assignats which would be burned the next day, 6,298,808 livres.
The trenches round Paris are making a very rapid progress, though we think there will be scarce any occasion to make use of them, at least before next summer. One of our patriots has, indeed, taken effectual means to frighten his Prussian majesty from any further hostile design: he has deposited with the assembly twenty-five livres, to be paid to any man that will bring one of the king’s ears, and promised twenty-five Louis d’ors for his whole head.
“Every precaution is now taking to prevent a repetition of outrages, similar to those which took place on the 10th of August and 2d of September: the sections have formed a general confederation among themselves, and each citizen makes himself responsible for the loss and property of his neighbour; from the manner in which this is arranged, together with the patrols who watch over its execution, the tranquility of the city is not likely again to be disturbed, and the seditions are certain of being apprehended, before any mischievous designs can be carried into effect.
“Rousseau has asserted, that a revolution is gained at too high a price, if it costs the loss of one citizen. This axiom is contemptible, because it induces abject submission to the vilest despotism. Liberty may, however, be purchased at too dear a rate, when honor and justice are made the sacrifice. The general abhorrence of the late massacres, are the clearest proofs that both the national honor and justice remain unimpeached, since every exertion was made by the constituted powers to hinder the violation of either. Every friend to freedom must lament, that its traitors should suffer any other punishment than those inflicted by the law, which has, or ought to have sufficiently avenging powers, whilst tyrants only are left to assassinations and proscription.
“Let those who heap undistinguished infamy on the nation for this act, if they are willing to believe it the act of the nation, reflect, that since the revolution of 1789, thousands have fallen in defence of those principles which the treasons of the court have now made the principles of any man who has any attachment to liberty. Let him recollect on the one side, the massacres at Nantz, Nismes, Montauban, Avignon, Carpentras, and the Champ de Mars, where the purest blood was spilt by the court and the aristocracy; whilst, previous to this event, only one man had been condemned, and very few had suffered from the rage of the people.
“It should be remembered also, that with the concurrence, nay, with even the invitation of this court and the aristocracy at home, one hundred and thirty thousand Prussians, Austrians, Russians, and emigrants, had entered France; that the Duke of Brunswick had threatened death to the slightest resistance, and his followers had given serious specimens of the modes in which they would insist it, by cutting off the noses and ears of the men, and nailing the last to their heads; and besides the ordinary and allowed cruelties to women, cutting off their breasts, and murdering the infants, &c. That this army was on its march to the capital, and had already taken the only two forts that lay directly on its way; that at this moment, the exultation of the aristocracy in Paris became as unbounded, as its discovery at this time was imprudent, to repel those invaders, not only the federates who were in Paris, but considerable detachments of citizens were preparing to march, leaving to the mercy of internal foes the fate of their wives and children; under these repeated provocations, and influenced by fears which appeared so well founded, it is not to be wondered at that so little resistance was made at first, to those whose resolution had been fixed for some days to make so terrible an example, and in punishing the guilty now, furnish motives to others not again to provoke so dreadful a vengeance.
“As the folly of the French aristocracy is equal to every thing, except its cowardice, I should not be surprized, if by remaining here, when they have the liberty of going into any other part of the kingdom where they are unknown, they should again tempt or provoke another insurrection. The vigilance of the police, it is to be hoped, will prevent any more such outrages; which, whilst they are lamented by every good man, are equally subjects of

triumph, though on different grounds, to the abettors of tyranny and its too ferocious opponents. From the bulletin of the Assembly you will have observed, that the actual forces of the enemy and the French bear no proportion. Whilst the greatest exertions are making on the part of the latter, the proppers of the Duke of Brunswick are checked for the present. The treason or cowardice of Longwy and Verdun, does not appear to be general. The little garrison of Thionville, has stood the attack with firmness. You may put every thing in Thionville, says the commander, to fire and sword; you may accumulate horrors of every kind, but you can neither burn the ramparts, nor frighten me, or cause I command, into cowardice. It is deemed essential, that this place and Metz be taken, before the combined armies proceed to Paris; before that happens, some hundreds of thousands will be collected; and whatever contempt we may affect for undisciplined troops, I saw enough on the 10th of August, to persuade me that this contempt is unfounded. The rage for enlistment is so great, that the Assembly will be obliged to pass decrees to regulate, if not to prohibit it for the present. The southern departments are sending up thousands daily, for the animation is universal. Contrast this with the impress of England, and if British arms, by the means of men thus forced into services, have been in general successful, what may we not expect from the present temper of the French? The combined armies are called immense machines, but there is a period when men cease to be those machines. That period happened to the French army in July 1789, and it may not be far distant from them."
Luxembourg, Sept. 25.—This city has become the perfect asylum of death; a day does not pass in which carriages, loaded with dead bodies, are not brought in; and if reports may be credited, Thionville has not cost the enemy less than 3000 men. The blockade of Montmedy is still continued by General Clairfait. The king of Prussia's agents are ordered to buy up provisions at any price whatever; but notwithstanding this, the consumption of so many numerous bodies cannot fail of producing a speedy and inevitable scarcity.
Frankfort, Sept. 24.—A circumstance has occurred here, which has occasioned much alarm. On application from the Prince of Conde, a person of the name of l'Eveque, who is by profession a dentist, and is established at Strasbourg, has been apprehended in consequence of a discovery having been made that he was engaged to assassinate the king of Prussia.
This person has been employed professionally, in the family of the Duke of Wurtemburg, and attended the Duchess in her late visit to the princess Ferdinand of Prussia. After he was taken into custody, he confessed the truth of the charge—and added, that he had already received fifty thousand livres, in part of the reward which had been promised him for the perpetration of this horrid crime.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, December 10.
The bill for promoting the progress of the useful arts, was read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole on next Monday.
A petition of Isaac Potts was read, praying compensation for loss of property, during the war, occupied in the service of the United States, was read and laid on the table.
A letter was received from the Secretary of War, inclosing the copy of a letter from the Governor of Georgia, with various communications relative to Indian affairs. The heads of these papers were as follows:—1st, A proclamation from his excellency Edward Telfair, Esq. to the inhabitants of that state, prohibiting them at their peril to commit any hostilities against the Cherokee nation. 2d, A talk to the said tribe, and 3d, The copy of a letter to major Gaither, directing him to guard the western frontier of the state with what troops he could raise, to prevent any incursions from the Cherokees, and likewise to stop any incursion into their country, and complaining of some outrages lately committed by the inhabitants of Georgia, who burnt a town and killed four Indians—laid on the table.
Mr. W. Smith, from the committee appointed, brought in a bill to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States—read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole house on the second Monday of January, 1793.
Other proceedings being of a private nature, the doors were shut.
PHILADELPHIA.
DECEMBER 12.
On Sunday last arrived here, in the ship Ceres, Capt. Marsh, from Hamourgh, Mr. Blanchard, the celebrated aeronaut, with his aeronautic apparatus. The Ceres having sailed from Hamburgh on the first of October, brings nothing new.
We hear from New-York, that the Electors for President and Vice-President have unanimously voted for George Washington, President, and George Clinton, Vice-President. In the states of Maryland, Delaware, and Connecticut, the electors have been unanimous in favor of George Washington and John Adams.
On Friday the 7th instant the Governor met both houses of the Legislature of this commonwealth, and delivered his speech; and on Saturday a committee were appointed to prepare an answer.
We hear from New-Jersey that the Electors for President and Vice-President in that state were unanimous for George Washington, President, and John Adams, Vice-President—The Electors, for Pennsylvania, that met at Harrisburgh, were unanimous in the same choice for President; and for Vice-President, except one.
No fair appeal, says a correspondent, has yet been made to the public on the comparative merits of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clinton, as candidates and competitors for the chair of the vice presidency; the former being in possession of the office, would necessarily occur to the electors for re-election unless a review of his public conduct and principles, or the superior claim of a competitor, should furnish cause for his removal; the latter has been so lately brought forward, and the reasons for preferring him so recently stated, that it will not be matter of surprize if the public mind delitute, as it is in a great measure, is of that information which a more timely and full investigation of public characters would afford, should for the present acquiesce in the re-appointment of Mr. Adams. Equivocal however, as such a re-appointment is, of the actual opinion of the people, it is highly presumable that without a relinquishment of some of his political heresies, the time is not remote, when that gentleman may experience in a removal from office, less indifference on the part of the public than has been manifested on the present election.
Another correspondent remarks, that in proof of the indifference of the people as to the election of a vice-president, the electors of Pennsylvania were chosen by less than 4000 votes, whereas in the choice of representatives to Congress by the same state, upwards of 40,000 votes were given, entire counties omitting altogether to vote for electors.
Bank profits (says a late writer) are enormous, and whilst in the web of fiscal contrivance the public are made to pay the extraordinary sum of 50,000 dollars, annually, for the expence of clerks for the sole purpose of making transfers of funded stock, to accommodate the gentlemen speculators, would it not be proper for Congress to impose a tax on transfers at least equal to the expence of making them, and also such a tax on bank stock as would better equalize and accommodate its present immoderate profits to the public necessity and convenience.
The most recent intelligence from France is highly favourable to the friends of republicanism and liberty. Some particulars we are enabled to state as follows:—The camp-marshall Omoran had nearly driven the despotic forces from his part of the French frontier—A misunderstanding of a serious nature had happened between the duke of Brunswick and the king of Prussia; their forces were reduced to the most mortifying extremity, their provisions being absolutely exhausted, and their subsistence very little more than the horses that died of famine and fatigue—M. Dumourier's army was 70,000 strong (effective men) including 12000 cavalry—the enemy on the frontiers of Brabant had been repulsed, and St. Amand and the camp of Maulde retaken—In London, upon a suspicion that the court were inclined to join the league against France, bills had been pasted up every where inscribed, "Peace with France, or a revolution in London." Lisle and Thionville were still besieged, but no probability of either being taken; the former is still besieged by 31,000 Austrians: on the 1st of October 6000 women and children were sent out of the town. The enemy had thrown into Lisle 500,000 wt. of balls, from 9 batteries of 6 guns each, carrying balls from 15 to 33 lbs.—in return, the garrison had discharged upon them 57,000 cannon balls; having only lost 130 men, and about 100 houses burnt. On the night of the 2d of October the French found means to throw into Lisle 6000 fresh troops. A declaration of war from the whole German empire, with the addition of Spain, was hourly expected when these accounts came away—the Prussian army was in the most critical situation, had but 3 days provision, and it was thought could not avoid being cut to pieces by the determined troops of France.
On the 4th of November, eight envoys from the Cherokee nation (three of them head warriors) arrived at Knoxville. The particular object of their journey was to hold a talk with the Governor of the South-western territory, to assure him of the pacific disposition of their nation, and to request the liberty of hunting without being molested.—On the 10th, they were dis-
missed on their return home. Two regiments marched from Knoxville the day before to guard the frontiers, and to build forts and stations between the Papo ford and the junction of the Clinch and Tennessee rivers. The Indians of the south-western country seem very much divided in respect to making peace with the United States; and while a "diplomatic" party are making a friendly talk in one neighbourhood, nothing is more common than for a second gang to be stealing horses or murdering the inhabitants in another. On the 12th, a party of fifteen Cherokee Indians attacked a house seven miles from Knoxville. They beat in the windows with tomahawks, and presented two rifles, but before they could take light, Mr. Byram and Mr. Jefferies, the only men in the house, fired at the two Indians who appeared at the window, killed one, and mortally wounded the other, upon which the Indian party fled. A number of women and children were in the house, who by this means escaped the tomahawks of savages.
We hear that about a half a mile of the Delaware and Schuylkill canal is dug, and the work still going on as fast as the advanced state of the season will permit.—Accounts from Susquehanna canal mention some disturbances to have happened there in consequence of the workmen beginning to dig on the property of landlords in the track of the canal.
Extract of a letter from a Member of Congress, dated Philadelphia, 19th November 1792, to his friend in Martinsburg.
"We have spent much time examining the communications from the executive, respecting transactions during the recess; these communications are voluminous, and cannot be detailed in a letter, but the opinion which I have formed, as the result of the investigation is, that the negotiations of last summer, and our former treaties with the Indian tribes, have confirmed in their attachment to the United States, and disposed to peace (the influence of rival powers notwithstanding) a majority of the Creeks, Cherokees, Chocktaws and Chickasaws,—to this is owing the failure of the intended expedition against the Cumberland settlement. The Wabash and Illinois Indians have likewise agreed to treat, and sixteen of their warriors are on their way to this place, which will have a good effect, if the Miami and other western Indians can be subdued: I say subdued, because I believe there is no alternative, although endeavors to obtain peace will probably be continued through the winter; but if they should continue their hostilities successfully, the other tribes cannot, and perhaps will not wish to restrain their young men from plunder; they will consequently keep our frontiers in a state of alarm and distress, and by provoking retaliation on the part of our people, render the war general."
"I will give another opinion, which is founded on concurrent advice from Europe and the southern states of America: it is this—that there will be a great demand for corn during the present year, it will therefore be imprudent for our farmers to sell their wheat at low rates—the great abundance of their crops notwithstanding."
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman in Dunkirk, to his friend in New Bedford, dated October the 5th, receiver the brig Mary.
"As to public matters, some things are too horrible to relate, particularly the dreadful massacre in Paris. The abominable instrument that set this on foot, is a member of the national convention; and I am rejoiced to find that almost the whole assembly are disguised at his being one of their body: great severity has been poured out upon him there, and many call for a decree of accusation against him; but others I apprehend, fearing it will make too great a bustle, have put it by for the present. The desolations of war approach us! Lisle is besieged by 31,000 Austrians. It is a strong city, 48 miles from this: in still weather, the report of their cannon are heard here. It is supposed, if no treachery takes place, to be able to withstand a siege of many months, opposed to an army of 60,000 men. The most horrid part of this siege is out of the common line of war. The Austrians oblige the neighbouring peasants to work on their trenches and fortifications, erecting in the front and most exposed part of the army, where many of the poor creatures are killed by their own friends and fellow subjects. On the night of the second, 6000 fresh troops were thrown into the town; and in two days many more will be in its neighbourhood."
"All the fire engines are sent off from this town for that city, to assist in extinguishing the fire kindled by the red hot balls. It is daily expected that Spain and all Germany will declare war against France. The diet of Ratisbon is supposed to have concluded on this measure. Russia is marching her forces from Poland."
"Switzerland, it is feared, will be added to the number on account of the late inhuman massacre of a great number of
their officers; and France has declared against the king of Sardinia, and has marched an army into his dominions: His army has fled before them, and many of the towns have opened their gates, and desired to be under the French government; but as they have declared against "War for Conquest," they propose only setting the people free from their king, and for themselves to form a republic, or any other government, except a monarchy, they may choose. The answer of the municipality of Lisle, to the duke Albert of Saxony, when summoned to surrender the town, deserves to be preserved—"We have sworn a few hours ago, to remain faithful to the republic; to defend with all our force and powers, Freedom and Equality, or to die at our posts—We are not perjurors." Spartans could not have answered better."
[From the journals of a debating society.]
"Wars have in all ages been exceedingly convenient things for governments, whether monarchical or aristocratic; and if, in revolving the pages of history we observe honest republicanism sometimes at loggerheads with surrounding enemies, we shall generally find it to be a constrained resistance to oppressions and over-bearing spirit of the former two. Under any rational plan of government, mankind would rarely or never be at war, were it not for the intrigues of designing characters, the "illustrious few," who to gratify avarice or ambition, or both, have in all ages had the address to set nations together by the ears. It is remarkable that in Europe war has always been one of the earliest consequences of monarchy, as if it had been laid by the fates, "Let there be war" and there was war." There is something transcendently "exalted" and sublime in this sentence, but whether the money and blood war commonly costs is not more than adequate to any of the sublime advantages to be obtained from it—must give us pause—may at least admit of a doubt. Monarchy men and aristocrats have ever supposed a war-office as necessary an appendage to a well regulated government, as a band-box is thought to be, among the female world) to the furniture of a travelling lady. But having grown up to the age and discretion of men, it is time, brethren, that we put away childish things. As we came not into the world armed cap-a-pie, or with horns, hoofs, or lobster-claws, tails, spurs, or falcon-talons, so neither ought nations or individuals to allow themselves to be pitted and gassed against each other, thro' the artifices of royal knaves, aristocratic nabobs, or their wicked counsellors, for their own profit or amusement, or to gratify the extravagant of the pampered vermin that bask in the sunshine of corrupted courts."
To the Editor of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRANKLIN, THE state of Kentucky, having increased the number of the emblematic stars, and afforded an opportunity of arranging them in a new form—I send you the following verse on the subject. The National Motto, which I wish to include, will be a sufficient apology for writing in Latin. Yours, &c. A. B. Philad. Dec. 10.
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * "Barbara Pyramida fucat miracula Memphis," Heu male servili marmora strueta manu! Libera jam, ruptis, Atlantias ora, catenis, Jaciat opus Phario marmore nobilius. Namque Columbiada, facti monumenta parantes Vulgarem spernunt sumere materiam: Magnanimi celum scandunt; perituraque saxa Quod vincat, celsa de Jovis arce petunt. Audax inde cohors stellis E Pueribus Unum Ardua Pyramidos tollit ad astra caput. Ergo, Tempus edax, quamvis durissima fave Saxa domas morsu, nil ibi juris habet. Dumque polo solitis cognata nitoribus ardens Sidera, fulgebit Pyramis illa suis.
Soon will be published THE SYSTEM OF Short-Hand ,
Used by Mr. Lloyd, in taking down the Debates of Congress.
A SYSTEM so easy, that any man, of ordinary capacity, may clearly comprehend it in half an hour, and soon practice it, in its fullest extent, without any further instruction, than what will be conveyed in a few pages,—the whole ART being comprised in eighteen simple characters, without any of those perplexing, arbitrary marks, with which the learners of other systems are obliged to burden their memory, and embarrass their practice.
Price, to Subscribers, One Dollar:—to Non-Subscribers, a Dollar and half. Subscriptions received by Messrs. Rice, Booksellers, Market-street, and by JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear Street. Half a Dollar to be paid at the time of subscribing.

Conclusion of Mr. Ames's Speech (from No. 115) respecting a reference to the Secretary of the Treasury, on the reduction of the Public Debt.
THE expediency of this question of referring to the Secretary, which is brought into dispute involves in it many others which will admit of none. In framing the plan of a sinking fund, is the officer at the head of our finances to have any agency? If it be said he is not, then, it may be demanded—why is an idle officer and an useless office kept up? The sense of mankind as well as the practice of nations seems to shew that where there are finances there should be a financier; that he should possess at least common talents, and more than common industry in the application of them to his duty.
This is not a point to be proved now for the first time. The law of the old Congress and their practice were conformable to this motion. We hear very often of the people being opposed to these references. So far as I have been informed the opposition is a novelty. The law establishing the treasury department, passed by a great majority, and that expressly makes it the duty of the Secretary to prepare and report plans of finance: Scarce a whisper of objection was then heard in the house, and not one, I believe in the country. Our own practice of referring has passed unresisted till of late. Gentlemen now opposed to this reference, have contended openly and strenuously for references, in one instance, if I recollect rightly, to the Attorney-General to revise a plan of the judicial department, and on another to require the Secretary of State to report on the means for improving our trade and navigation. These objects partake as much of legislation, and are as incommunicable as the subject in discussion. The former votes and arguments of the gentlemen opposed to the present reference, afford some proof of its fitness as well as constitutionality.
The intrinsic reasonableness of this practice is not less than its authority from law and precedent, and what is more, the precedent of its opposers.
Private affairs prosper by skill, economy, and industry, in the management of them. The finances of a nation, though infinitely more important, require nothing more than economy upon a great scale. Let the monied affairs of a country be made every body's business, and nobody will do it:—Would you have them prosper, let them be confided to one man, who, however, shall be under the strict control of the law, and rigidly responsible for his doings. That man, if he loves an honest reputation as much as a man of common sense and feeling may be expected to do, will make the public business his own, he will put his character at risk—his time and all his talents will be devoted to the public. Such will be his dispositions—now what will be his opportunities to render service? He will have at one view before him the whole arrangements of finance—the imports and exports, the receipts and expenditures, the operation of the laws, the obstacles that impede the collection, and the means of improving it; the frauds committed or attempted on the revenue, and the checks to guard it—the well-founded objections against the law, and the prejudices which time or conciliatory conduct may efface, the appropriations of the revenue—the places where and terms on which loans may be obtained, as well as the state of foreign trade; the regulations of foreign nations, and perhaps it may be added, in subordination to the chief magistrate, the state of treaties and negotiations. It will be seen that the ordinary discharge of his duty, as well as that which will oblige him sometimes to conflict against prejudices, and sometimes against fraud, will render the details of finance familiar to him, and will almost force him to adopt plans for reducing this great mass into system and order.
Is it to be denied that, in consequence, he will possess some means of information which this house or a committee must acquire only by slow and laborious investigation? In pursuing it the time might fail, and the materials get confused. Yet, allowing it effected, they have gained no more than it is his duty to furnish on the order of this house, and this is what we are contending for. If we call for it and he is not able to give it, we shall thus expose his incapacity or negligence. The public opinion, thus enlightened, will soon displace the officer, and a fitter man will succeed him. In this way, the people will exercise an effective controul over their servants.
Be the information given by the officer what it may, the sources from which his inferences are drawn, his facts and reason-
ings are publicly exposed. They are equally in possession of every member, who is thus placed on an equal, and on the best footing to attack or defend the report.
As much cannot be said of the report of a select committee or a committee of the whole.
It has been intimated, that in framing a report the Secretary would be liable to misinformations to some local or other attachments. This is possible, for he is a man—but will the committee be free from it? The Secretary is answerable for his conduct to the nation, and certainly he is not more subject to local partialities than members are to their respective districts. The advantage of impartiality in the first concoction of a report seems to be evidently in favor of a reference.
It has been said on the other side, information may be wanted, it is true, from the Secretary, but let the house first make progress in the business, and then receive it by a committee advising with the Secretary. If this may be done, what becomes of the constitutional difficulties and all we have heard of the transfer of our deliberative power?
But, if we are to have the official information, why should we set out without it? why should it not be given openly, so as to put all the members on an equality, and before prepossessions are formed with regard to plans, which might make a late report from the treasury appear to come in aid of one party or another? Would the style of declamation be less vehement against the secret communications of a secretary with the committee, than against a report made in the face of day, and subject to the criticism not only of this house, but of an enlightened nation?
It is not to my present design to ask for what purpose of argument or of candour it is so often insinuated that the question really is, whether this house shall legislate or whether it shall transfer the power of laws to the Secretary of the Treasury.
With all this official information, previously before us, are we less qualified, or worse disposed to deliberate? It would be extravagant to affirm, that in proportion as our means of information are made complete, we are worse situated to legislate; and as to the spirit of enquiry, I do not remember that the reports of the secretary have blunted it. From the manner in which they have been discussed heretofore, those gentlemen will confide in the assurance I venture to give them, that they will be thoroughly sifted. They have not always passed unaltered, and never without passing through the fire of a debate.
We may repeat it, therefore, What colour is there for saying that the secretary legislates? neither my memory nor my understanding can discern any. I am well aware, that no topic is better calculated to make popular impressions; but I cannot persuade myself, that the people will charge us with neglect or violation of duty, for putting ourselves into a situation to discharge it in the best and most circumspect manner.
There is another ground of objection which is urged against the reference: it is said, it gives undue influence to the treasury. The reasonings of the secretary, which accompany his reports, are alledged to excite an influence which cannot be resisted. There are two sorts of influence; one, which arises from weight of reason, and the intrinsic merit of a proposition; the other, personal influence. As to the former, it is hard to conceive of the influence of reasoning, which cannot be analysed and made capable of exact estimation by the reasoning faculties of those to whom it is submitted; and that estimation, be it what it may, ought to obtain. No one can wish to see it underrated.
But we are told, by the opposers of a reference, that it is incredible that one man, be his official opportunities what they may, should possess more information than the members of this house, collected from every district of the country. Then I answer, with inferior information, it would be impossible his reasoning should over-power and confound the superior information of the house. The members will be in the less danger from this officer, if, as we are told, he is misinformed by correspondents, and has repeatedly discovered, on subjects of revenue and finance, a princely ignorance. This we are told, however, by gentlemen who urge the danger of losing our independence and our faculties of discernment,
as soon as we suffer a report, with its reasonings, to be made to the house.
If it be personal influence, independent of reason and evidence, which is apprehended by gentlemen opposed to the reference, for whom do they apprehend it? for themselves, or for us who advocate the motion? Surely if they do not feel we do not fear it; we know how to respect their independence of spirit; they would disdain an imputation of the sort: their candour will permit us to say, if it be a neighbourly concern they feel for us, there is no occasion for it.
On the whole, if we regard the constitution, we find not the least colour for bringing it into question on this debate: the law and usage of the old Congress corresponded with this motion. Our own treasury law expressly makes it the duty of the secretary, to prepare and report plans; and shall the practice of one branch run counter to that which is made the course of his duty by the law of the land? It would be an uncommon and very irregular mode of repealing a law. The advantages of this practice of referring, are manifest and great: more information is obtained, and more order, intelligence and system are preserved in the administration of the finances. The old Congress and the several states, have exhibited expensive and deplorable proofs of the evils incident to the want of order, as well as to the number of systems of finance and financiers. With this mass of evidence before our eyes, it cannot be believed that we shall take any step which will tend to introduce disorder and inefficiency into our finances.
In the course of the speech the following observations were made:
Those who are opposed to receiving plans from the secretary, mention the first impost act as a successful instance of proceeding without the assistance of the treasury. To this it is replied, that there is an analogy between that case and this in debate. Then the treasury law had not passed, and if that department had been then organized, it could not have given the kind of information which is necessary at present. The receipts, expenditures and appropriations, all our systems and all our experience have occurred since that time. We had, in forming the impost, smooth ground to pass over, and the aid of all the local knowledge and local feelings of a representative body: yet it will not be said that the success of the proceeding affords much encouragement to adopt a similar course on this occasion. We began that act in April; and tho' we were losing revenue every day, we did not compleat it till near August: the embarrassment was not less than the delay; the want of accurate information produced errors and revisions, and incessant struggles; and parts of the act were repealed, it is well known, soon after its passage.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, Nov. 20th, 1792.
THE stockholders of the bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the bye-laws the stockholders of the said bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Thursday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors. JOHN KEAN, Cashier. t. J. S.
TO BE SOLD.
By public sale, on Friday the 4th of December next, at three o'clock P.M. at the house of Mabel Mills in Roads town, West-Jersey, Cumberland county, a house and lot of ground, late the property of Ananias Sayre, deceased, containing about nine acres situated at a place known by the name of Sayre's cross-roads, West-Jersey, Cumberland county. It is in a very healthy, plentiful part of the country, and very beautifully situated at the north west corner of said cross roads. It is particularly well suited for a store, or a tradesman of any description. More need not be said in describing the place as it is presumed any person wanting to purchase would first see the premises. Terms of payment to be made known at the time and place of sale—The sale to be made by
LEONARD SAYRE. Executor to the estate of Ananias Sayre deceased. Nov. 28. 1792.
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette.
GEOGRAPHY.
Mathew Carey.
Respectfully submits to the Citizens of the United States, the following PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An AMERICAN EDITION of Guthrie's Geography IMPROVED. of which these are the terms:
 I. It shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.  II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.  III. Besides the maps in the British editions, this work will contain maps of as many of the United States as can be readily procured, executed by the best engravers in the United States.  IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.—No advance required.  V. The work will be put to press as soon as 400 copies are subscribed for.  VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.  VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking. 
Perhaps there is no science more entertaining and useful than geography. It reveals the discoveries of travellers—the remarkable curiosities of all countries, in nature and art—the situation of provinces, cities, towns villages, rivers, and mountains—in fine, the history, manners, customs, laws, forces, revenues, and government of different nations.
It is an old observation, that "there is not a son or daughter of Adam, but has some concern with geography," and that a knowledge of this science is indispensable towards the study of history with advantage or satisfaction. Indeed a man unacquainted with it, cannot discourse on the most common newspaper topic of the day without betraying his ignorance.
So much for geography generally. With respect to the present plan, let it suffice to remark, that Guthrie's Geography has been long acknowledged to be the best in the English language; however, the account of America in it has, from obvious reasons, been very erroneous and defective. The errors of former editions will be corrected, and the defects supplied, by gentlemen of abilities, who have engaged to superintend this undertaking, and to avail themselves of all the information that can be procured, to render it the most complete edition extant.
The Printer earnestly solicits the support of his fellow citizens throughout the United States: and as no deposit is required, and every subscriber will be at liberty to withdraw his name, if, on trial, he should disapprove of the work, he hopes the friends of science, and of American arts and manufactures will cheerfully and early patronize this useful work, the greatest and most expensive, probably, ever yet attempted in America, in the typographical line, the Encyclopaedia excepted.
Phila. Nov. 9th. 1792.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pais bien peuplé, —
SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelques tems on pourra navigable le Grand Salude, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles, il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat on les rendra très commodes.
S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5 th
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY FIVE A THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six.—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow grounds. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printers August 29. rawtf
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CHILDS AND SWAINE,
AT THEIR OFFICE NO: 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.