Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-05-15 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 10, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, MAY 15, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 114.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ADDRESS
TO THE CREDITORS OF THE UNITED STATES,
YOU are entitled to great respect—If you had not been our best citizens, you would not have been our creditors, your patriotism made you such. When you performed services, or lent your property, you nobly despised your immediate personal interests, or rather you looked beyond them. You saw that if the country was lost, you would have nothing to save. Is it in human nature to perform this noble effort but once? Is it the natural effect of self interest to blind the eyes and to harden the heart? Like a dark lantern, does it throw a strong light upon what is near, while it involves distant objects in a deeper shade? Your patriotism has been proved by your conduct: you are called, and very justly, enlightened men; how then can you be prevailed upon to wish that your own debt may be funded and that of the States rejected? Their claims are as just as your own. It is your interest to maintain a respect for justice, and to impress it upon the legislature. Will your own rights be held inviolable after their fellow rights are impaired in the ruin of the State creditors? If the States can pay their own debts you lose nothing by throwing them into the common flock. If they cannot pay them, are you neutral spectators of their ruin? Are you safe while they sink? When justice ceases to be a rule of public conduct, the shame which remains will be less, and the temptation will be greater, which incites to destroy the domestic debt. If justice would not protect 25 millions, will policy spare 44 millions?
If you regard humanity, the ruin of the State creditors ought to move you. They will be involved in distress. The very money that has been given to you has long been given to them; it has grown familiar to their touch; they gave up the import which was nearly equal to the payment of their interest in some of the States; and now you are told that the other funds occupied by the States, the last resource of their creditors, are to be destroyed by your controlling laws, or greatly impaired by your imposing on the articles taxed by the States as much duties as they can bear. If you believe that the duties intended to be imposed by Congress will be duly collected, the distress of the State creditors is equally manifest and deplorable. As to their depending on direct taxes it is a mockery of their rights and of their injuries too. They will not yield much, nor that little with certainty, while the citizens, if any thing near equal to the interest of the State debts should be levied, would suffer the most violent oppression and be driven from their farms into the wilderness, while in other States they would be almost free from burdens which to be just ought to be equal. But experience has proved, and the world knows that some of the States cannot pay their debts; you who claim justice, should insist upon impartial justice.
But other motives are not wanting even if you put off the politician and say, let us get our due—and let justice be deemed a debt—let the government fall into confusion—let the country suffer disgrace and ruin—let the brave officer or soldier who has loved it, keep his State paper—it is the proof of his merits and of the degree in which his country once esteemed them—let him pine and complain in secret—do not mind the pulsations of your own sympathy though they may be quickened by the sickens tears of widows and beggared orphans. These are subjects, it is true, which come home to the heart and wound it. They make the bread bitter which you eat, not only while they want it, but which you will eat because they want it—for you are to be provided for, not only by leaving them unprovided, but by taking away what they depend upon. These are topics which regard you as men. They are lessons which the heart teaches itself. But if selfishness has encompassed it with circles, let us agree to renounce justice, compassion, and listen only to the dictates of self interest. Ought wise and prudent creditors of the union to with the State creditors to be excluded from provision by Congress?
If the funding system so much desired, has been delayed, has not this been owing to the debate upon the assumption? If the system is still in danger in its passage, is not this to be imputed to the division created by this question? Do not many members think it a measure of absolute justice—that partial funding is worse than none at all; that positive injustice will be done if the revenues now occupied by the States should be impaired? If the assumption was once established, the funding system would be speedily enacted. Nor do you lose any thing in point of interest, for it is not proposed to give you an higher interest without the assumption than with it. Will you lose any thing in point of security in the execution of the system? The loss of the assumption will allow that it will strengthen government; can you doubt that it will make the collection of the duties more popular? The State creditors will not in that case suffer by your means—they have the same interest with you, they will watch the revenues, nor will the people approve of frauds which will wrong not only the public but their own friends and neighbors. It will diffuse common interests and wishes into every corner; you will have the whole funds under one energetic uniform system, and all interests combined to support it. If you cannot procure money enough in this way, you would get less by the other. Your public officers inform you that the funds will be sufficient—nor can it be doubted, at least one system would not injure the other. You will not therefore lose by assuming the State debts.
See the other side of the piece, and judge whether you will be safe, if they should not be assumed.
If the state creditors must fall at last, they will make a vigorous effort first—they will expect that provision will be made by their states. If it should not be made, will they make the collection of your revenue popular? Will acts obnoxious by their nature, and not easy to enforce because of the extent to which it is necessary to push them, furnish a resource to you, that will be safe and productive? and do you expect this to happen in proportion as the clamors of the injured creditors shall swell the note of popular discontent? But suppose the state legislatures should, from a sense of justice, or for any other reasons, revise their revenue acts, and carry them as far as may be necessary to do that justice to their creditors which they are no less entitled to than yourselves, how will it affect the provision which Congress may make for your debt? Which will give way, the state laws, or those of the United States? The object of the former will be as laudable, and better warranted by necessity than the latter. For no option is left to the states, as the import is taken away. With the confidence of the people, with the powerful aid of their creditors, who greatly exceeded you in numbers and influence, will the state legislatures, be obliged to recede and annul their laws; or will they be unable to collect their duties? Will the creditors on the spot watch for you, and exert themselves to swell your revenue to the destruction of that of the state, on which they depend? Or if both cannot be collected, will they not rather wish your's to fail, and by that means to ensure their own? If the dutied articles will not bear both duties, who has most cause to fear a failure? You or they?
If the article will bear both duties, why oppose the assumption? For it is plain that if a duty imposed by a state is productive, more money would be obtained by extending it over the union. If you will regard considerations, equally weighty, tho' a little more remote, will you think a provision permanent and safe which divides the government against itself, which ferments while it is forming, with the principle of destruction? If a public debt is a principle of union, here is a debt which divides—without a debt, who can say that we should have had a government? What was useful to form is indispensably necessary to preserve it. It would be safe to trust your self interest to make its own terms, if you would act as the permanent good of your whole number requires. But immediate interest is often preferred to that which will last long, and individuals may not only find indemnity, but derive advantage from measures which will ruin the body to which they belong. Funding the debt on the most unsafe funds, may raise the price of paper, and keep it up until experience has shown that they are not to be trusted. Many of your number, who only wish to sell out, will have an opportunity. But fare you, who mean to continue creditors, ought not to be duped by the artifices of those who prefer any present provision, however unfounded, to a solid arrangement which will ensure the government and be ensured by it. Are you willing to bring the state and national governments directly to the conflict? Are you willing to throw that system into confusion on which you place all your hopes? Are you content in mere wantonness to raise up enemies whose reproaches you cannot bear, whose efforts you cannot resist? Is it nothing to you that the government will be made weak? For what do you incur this risk? Not for an increase of interest—not for better security.
Is there a prudent man among you, who comparing the funding system without the assumption, with the conduct of other nations, and judging of the interests and passions of the state creditors, and legislatures, as he will if he knows any thing of human nature, will say, gravely, and upon reflection, the revenue will be more safe and productive, without the assumption than with it? Will he say that the states may proceed with their duties, and even extend them to a full provision for their debts, and yet the revenue of the union will not prove deficient? If he will say that there will not be a deficiency of one-third, you ought to prize him as a prophet. He will give encouragement and keep hope alive long enough to sell out—but beware of being bindmoll.
Judge then whether the interest of your own paper does not require the assumption; you cannot be safe without it. Patronize justice and practise a magnanimity which will cost you nothing, but do you honor, by insisting that the provision first comprehend the kindred claims of the state creditors. They are not your rivals; they are unfricndly to both, who would divide you. If your whole influence is directed to this object, you will render service to your country, at the same time that you will best promote your own interest.
Remember that as the adoption of the new constitution raised your hopes, the undoing it in practice may blast them. Dismain the unworthy and dishonest scheme of invading the funds of state creditors, to form your own. Like honest men, take your fellows by the hand, unite your exertions in the common cause—a cause worthy of your virtue and of your country. Its success will reward the one, and save the other.
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.
No. IV. concluded from our last.
C'est la propre de l'esprit humain, que les exemples ne corrigent personne; les folies des peres font perdues pour leurs enfans; il faut chaque generation faire les siennes.
THERE is in human nature, it is true, simple Benevolence—or an affection for the good of others—but alone it is not a balance for the selfish affections. Nature then has kindly added to benevolence, the desire of reputation, in order to make us good members of society. Speciemur agendo expresses the great principle of activity for the good of others. Nature has sanctioned the law of self-preservation by rewards and punishments. The rewards of selfish activity are life and health—the punishments of negligence and indolence are want, disease and death. Each individual it is true should consider, that nature has enjoined the same law on his neighbor, and therefore a respect for the authority of nature would oblige him to respect the rights of others as much as his own. But reasoning as abstruse, tho' as simple as this, would not occur to all men. The same nature therefore has imposed another law, that of promoting the good, as well as respecting the rights of mankind, and has sanctioned it by other rewards and punishments. The rewards in this case, in this life, are esteem and admiration of others—the punishments are neglect and contempt—nor may any one imagine that these are not as real as the others. The desire of the esteem of others is as real a want of nature as hunger—and the neglect and contempt of the world as severe a pain, as the gout or stone. It sooner and oftener produces despair and a detestation of existence—of equal importance to individuals, to families, and to nations—it is a principal end of government to regulate this passion, which in its turn becomes a principal means of government. It is the only adequate instrument of order and subordination in society, and alone commands effectual obedience to laws, since without it neither human reason nor standing armies, would ever produce that great effect. Every personal quality, and every blessing of fortune, is cherished in proportion to its capacity of gratifying this universal affection for the esteem, the sympathy, admiration and congratulations of the public. Beauty in the face, elegance of figure, grace of attitude and motion, riches, honors, every thing, is weighed in this scale, and desired
not so much for the pleasure they afford, as the attention they command. As this is a point of great importance, it may be pardonable to expatiate a little, upon these particulars.
Why are the personal accomplishments of beauty, elegance and grace, held in such high estimation by mankind? Is it merely for the pleasure which is received from the sight of these attributes? By no means: The taste for such delicacies is not universal—in those who feel the most lively sense of them, it is but a slight sensation, and of short continuance; but those attractions command the notice and attention of the public—they draw the eyes of spectators—this is the charm that makes them irresistible. Is it for such fading perfections that an husband or a wife is chosen? Alas, it is well known, that a very short familiarity, totally destroys all sense and attention to such properties; and on the contrary, a very little time and habit destroys all the aversion to ugliness and deformity, when unattended with disease or ill-temper: Yet beauty and address are courted and admired, very often, more than discretion, wit, sense, and many other accomplishments and virtues, of infinitely more importance to the happiness of private life, as well as to the utility and ornament of society. Is it for the momentous purpose of dancing and drawing, painting and music, riding or fencing, that men and women are destined in this life or any other? Yet those who have the best means of education bestow more attention and expence on those, than on more solid acquisitions. Why? Because they attract more forcibly the attention of the world, and procure a better advancement in life. Notwithstanding all this, as soon as an establishment in life is made, they are found to have answered their end, and are laid aside neglected.
Is there any thing in birth, however illustrious or splendid, which should make a difference between one man and another? If, from a common ancestor, the whole human race is descended, they are all of the same family. How then can they distinguish families into the more or the less ancient? What advantage is there in an illustration of an hundred or a thousand years? Of what avail are all the histories, pedigrees, traditions? What foundation has the whole science of genealogy and heraldry? Are there differences in the breeds of men, as there are in those of horses? If there are not, those sciences have no foundation in reason—in prejudice they have a very solid one: All that philosophy can say is, that there is a general presumption, that a man has had some advantages of education if he is of a family of note. But this advantage must be derived from his father and mother chiefly, if not wholly—of what importance is it then, in this view, whether the family is twenty generations upon record, or only two?
The mighty secret lies in this—an illustrious descent attracts the notice of mankind. A single drop of royal blood, however illegitimately scattered, will make any man or woman proud or vain. Why? Because, altho' it excites the indignation of many, and the envy of more, it still attracts the attention of the world. Noble blood, whether the nobility be hereditary or elective, and indeed more in republican governments than in monarchies, least of all in despotisms, is held in estimation for the same reason. It is a name and a race that a nation has been interested in, and is in the habit of respecting. Benevolence, sympathy, congratulation, have been so long associated to those names in the minds of the people, that they are become national habits. National gratitude descends from the father to the son, and is often stronger to the latter than the former: It is often excited by remorse, upon reflection on the ingratitude and injustice with which the former has been treated. When the names of a certain family are read in all the gazettes, chronicles, records, and histories of a country for five hundred years, they become known, respected, and delighted in by every body. A youth, a child of this extraction, and hearing this name, attracts the eyes and ears of all companies long before it is known or enquired, whether he be a wise man, or a fool. His name is often a greater distinction, than a title, a star, or a garter. This it is which makes so many men proud, and so many others envious of illustrious descent. The pride is as irrational and contemptible as the pride of riches, and no more. A wise man will lament that any other distinction than that of merit should be made.—A good man, will neither be proud nor vain of his birth; but will earnestly improve every advantage he has for the public good. A cunning man will carefully conceal his pride; but will indulge

it in secret, the more effectually, and improve his advantage to greater profit. But was any man ever known so wise, or so good, as really to despise birth or wealth? Did you ever read of a man rising to public notice, from obscure beginnings who was not reflected on? Altho with every liberal mind, it is an honor and a proof of merit, yet it is a disgrace with mankind in general.—What a load of sordid obloquy and envy has every such man to carry? The contempt that is thrown upon obscurity of ancestry augments the eagerness for the stupid adoration that is paid to its illustration.
This desire of the consideration of our fellow-men, and their congratulations in our joys, is not less invincible, than the desire of their sympathy in our sorrows. It is a determination of our nature, that lies at the foundation of our whole moral system in this world, and may be connected essentially with our destination in a future state. Why do men pursue riches? What is the end of avarice?—These questions may be answered in our next.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE ingenious and elegant author of the Tablet No. CXI. takes notice of the early decay of our females, and hints that the improper dress used by them in the winter season is one cause of that unfortunate fact. It would please me to see another number devoted to the subject; but as he wishes his hint to be enlarged upon by others, I fear he will not again favor us with his reflections on this important head. My love to that amiable part of the creation from whom my principal happiness is derived (for I am a family man, ladies) makes me take up the pen to point out to my fair countrywomen the fatal effects of adopting fashions only calculated for climates entirely different from ours.
I have known a lady confined all day to the house in winter weather, scarcely protected from the cold by handkerchiefs and shawls, yet when the sun has withdrawn his heat and the coldness of the air is nearly doubled, she dresses for some public place; the handkerchief and shawl are thrown aside, a thin gauze supplies their place, and the tender creature turns out exposed to an air which would make an icelander shiver. What is the consequence? A cough, which racks her for the remainder of the winter—perhaps till death snatches her from a joyless existence.
Take warning by the pale shadows who crawl along our streets—remember, they are the victims of fashion. I like to see a well dressed woman—I am pleased at seeing beauty solicitous to please. But I would have the ornaments of winter differ from those of summer. I would have my countrywomen disdain to copy from any part of the world.
Would it not move our laughter, or upon a supposition of insanity, our pity, to see a person in the midst of summer wrapped in the furs of Russia? and is it not equally absurd to see on a winter's day, a female array'd in the fashions of the south of France! Let me conjure ye ladies of America! If you would wish to please—if you wish to be capable of being pleased—if you wish for health, or to be the happy mothers of healthy children, accommodate your dress to the changes of our climate: do not for the hope of a momentary admiration bring upon yourselves an untimely old age, with all its pains, and without any of its honors.
[We lately inserted an Extract from the speech of Mr. Burke, in the British House of Commons. The following are subsequent observations of other members on that occasion.]
LONDON.
MR. SHERIDAN warmly reprobated the speech of Mr. Burke, which he said contained sentiments directly contrary to the principles which he had hitherto professed. He had come forward as the advocate of despotism, and had branded with the most severe epithets the exertions of men struggling for their liberty. What was that government, he would ask, the downfall of which his right honorable friend lamented? It was founded on despotism, disgraceful to human nature, and which had involved the country in misery and ruin. In that assembly, which the right hon. gentleman had thought fit to stigmatize as a lawless, ferocious, and sanguinary democracy, there were many men of very enlightened minds, and they had already made great progress in establishing a constitution on the ruins of that despotic fabric which they had demolished, and which he trusted would never again rear its head. He admitted that particular instances of cruelty and outrage had occurred, which he lamented in common with every man; and he was afraid that the well known humanity of his right hon. friend had, on that account, given his mind a bias, which had prevented him from perceiving the justice of that cause which gave liberty and a free constitution to so great a number of men. He could not help expressing a considerable degree of surprise to hear from his Rt. Hon.
Friend that this country had derived no advantages from the revolution in 1688, further than a confirmation of antient rights. He had always understood it in a different point of view; and though he had no objection to date the antiquity of some of our most valuable privileges at a more remote period, yet he concluded, that our Constitution at the Revolution acquired many important and essential improvements, which it had not before enjoyed.
Mr. BURKE rose again, and claimed the indulgence of the house for a few minutes. He expected, he said, that if the right hon. gentleman who spoke last had not heard him with any degree of partiality, that he would at least have stated what had fallen from him with firmness and candor. But he had grossly misrepresented every argument he had urged. Every man who knew him knew that he was the professed enemy of despotism in every shape, whether it was, as he had stated, the splendid despotism of Lewis XIV. or the outrageous democracy of the present government, which levelled all distinctions of men.—There were many persons in this country, he was afraid, who entertained theories of government not very consistent with the safety of the state. There were some he believed who were ready to transfer that anarchy which prevailed in France to this country, for the purpose of effectuating their own designs.
The right hon. gentleman had thought proper to accuse him of being the advocate of despotism, and the libeller of the National Assembly. He denied it. The whole tenor of his life, he hoped, had proved, that though he was an enemy to licentiousness, he was a firm friend to liberty—But, said Mr. Burke, if the hon. gentleman and I are to separate, he may find the sacrifice of his friend more than amply repaid by the applause of the Clubs.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer warmly complimented Mr. Burke on his speech, which he said merited the gratitude of his country.
LONDON, March 16.
The National Assembly have passed a decree, abolishing all exclusive privileges for sending letters or papers by the post; but in order to support the liberty of the press, the post shall be obliged to carry printed works, which are not bound, also pamphlets, journals, and advertisements, at the rate of one sol per sheet or half sheet.
The King of Prussia, in his preparations for war, is not unmindful of the interests of Science. He has lately purchased the Roloſſian Library, consisting of 5085 volumes, collected at Berlin by the Reverend M. Roloſſ.
The King of Hungary set out from Florence on the 1st instant, on his journey to Vienna, where he has given orders that he should not be received with any extraordinary pomp.
From France, the accounts are favorable. The municipality of Paris have agreed to advance nine millions taking the product of certain convents for their interest and security—thus in a great measure preventing, perhaps, a national bankruptcy.
The importation of tallow from America is rapidly encreasing, to the consequent decrease of the importation of the same article from Russia. The change is particularly advantageous to this country, as the Americans in return take more of our manufactures than the Russians; the importation of American tallow ought therefore to be encouraged in preference to Russian, though every measure ought in policy to be taken by the Legislature to decrease the importation of tallow, by encreasing the consumption of oil, and thereby affording the greatest possible encouragement to the British whale fishery.
The Duke of Tuscany is now in his 43d year, he married an infant of Spain, by whom he has issue eight sons, and four daughters.
The Emperor of Germany does not enjoy, as Emperor, a greater revenue than 15,000. a year so that if his own hereditary dominions are not great, the Imperial dignity can be only an incumbrance to him.
The fame of the late Mr. Howard, properly distinguished by the title of "The Philanthropic Howard," was so well known all over Europe, that he seldom walked the streets without being followed by a crowd of people, who paid him a respect little short of adoration.
When the above gentleman set out last upon his travels, instead of letters of credit, he carried with him Bank-Notes; and though, perhaps, such a paper currency was never before seen in Cherson, where he died, such was the public dependence on his veracity, that they took them as cash, and as such they were circulated all about the country on the mere credit of his name.
It is much to be regretted, that this amiable man was taken off in the midst of his philanthropic investigation of the causes and cure of that horrible distemper, the plague. He had proposed to pass three years abroad; to visit Grand Cairo twice, to go to Constantinople: to those Northern parts of Africa bounded by the Mediterranean; to see the armies of the Turks, Russians and Imperialists; and to publish the result of his observations.
At the head of every philanthropic institution that can relieve distress, benefit the community, and reclaim vice, stands the name of the Duke of LEEDS. Esteemed by all ranks of people, beloved and respected by his tenants and his family; we may truly let his Grace down as one of the best characters now existing. Let the Duke of BEDFORD look here for the true road to popularity, for he will never find it in a stud at Newmarket, a contested election for Westminster, or at any Club at Brooks's or Boodle's.
M. NECKER leaves Paris immediately, and goes first to Spa to drink the waters, and after that to his country seat, on the Lake of Geneva, where he will remain till his health is re-established.
The court of Prussia has publicly received a minister from the States of Brabant—our court has declined doing so for the present.
In the important business of the slave trade, the National Assembly of France have given their decision, declaring, that they do not mean to interfere with any species of commerce carried on by the West-India Islands, and desiring their colonists to assemble together, and settle their own affairs as seems most expedient to themselves.
PAOLI'S ELECTION.
A letter was read from the Corsicans, by which it appeared, that they had elected the famous Paoli commander in chief of their national forces. So proper a choice was honored with the applause of the assembly.
JEWISH ANECDOTE.
In a Coffee-House near Leadenhall-street, where the Priestlean controversy became the topic of conversation, an Israelite, whose lungs merely were much too strong for his antagonist, after the former had retired, was pluming himself upon his prowess in defeating him, &c. and with an air of eclat asked another Israelite if he had not served the Philistine right? Most certainly you have, replied he; and if ever I have an engagement with any of them, I should be much obliged to you for your jaw-bone.
PHILADELPHIA, May 11.
A pathetic and elegant tragedy, called the WIDOW OF MALABAR, written by Col. Humphreys late aid de camp to the President of the United States, was performed on Friday to a judicious and brilliant audience, with uncommon marks of approbation, whose repeated plaudits evinced the satisfaction they received. The scenery was striking and picturesque, (that of the funeral pile full of majestic horror) and the dresses well chosen: The performers exerted themselves in a particular manner; in short no piece that has appeared in the western world has been received with louder bursts of applause, and from the general avidity expressed by all ranks of people for its repetition, there can be no doubt but it will be as largely productive of profit to the theatre, as it has been of fame to its amiable author.
NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 15.
Wednesday last being the anniversary of the SONS OF ST. TAMMANY, OR COLUMBIAN ORDER, the society walked in procession from Bardin's in Broad-Way, to the new brick Church, where an oration was delivered by brother W. P. SMITH; and a collection amounting to thirty pounds, was made for distressed debtors—after which an Ode, composed by brother Low, and set to music for the occasion, was performed.
From church the society marched to brother CAMPBELL's at Greenwich—where they partook of an elegant entertainment, to which his Excellency the Governor, the Mayor, and the principal officers of the Cincinnati were invited.
After dinner thirteen toasts were given.
The officers of the society, and many of the members were superbly habited in Indian dresses—the novelty of their appearance excited universal attention, and the day being fine, the scene collected a prodigious concourse of people.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Snow Paragon, Nicholson, Liverpool, 56 days. Sloop Sally, Howell, Gaudaloupe, 20 days.
For CERTIFICATES, Or exchanged for LAND, TWENTY-Two acres of ground in the City of New-York, fronting Great George-Street, Bowry Lane, and Greenwich-Lane. On the premises is a brick dwelling house containing ten rooms; a smaller brick house with four rooms; a house with a brick front with two rooms: In each house is a Kitchen, and under the whole four cellars; a never failing spring is near one of the kitchens; a frame stable and a coach-house with stables. From the dwelling house both the North and the East rivers are plain to the view. Additional improvements have been made this Spring, the ground has been laid out for pleasure as well as for utility; it is provided with variety of orchard and other fruit; part of the land has also been sown with timothy and clover. To be sold for certificates of the national debt, which will be received at the nominal value, Dollars at 8s. Or for good upland, even if covered with wood, provided it is situated on the following rivers, or on creeks as far as navigable, communicating with the same, viz. At the Potowmac above Alexandria, at James River above Richmond, in South-Carolina, about one hundred miles from the sea shore, on Santee Edisto or Ponpon river, or on Savannah river. If not sold at private sale before the 15th of May, it will then on the above terms be disposed of by Public Vendue at the merchants Coffee-House.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. POELLNITZ on the premises. New-York April 10, 1790.
William Taylor,
Has, for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 3. QUEEN-STREET, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS. Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muffins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacketon do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cassas, Chintzes, Seersuckers, Gingham, Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.

CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 12.
THE bill for repealing after the last day of—next, the duties heretofore laid upon Wines, imported from foreign ports or places, and laying others in their stead, was read the second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house on Monday next. The house then proceeded to reconsider such of their amendments proposed to the bill sent from the Senate, entitled, "An act for giving effect to the act therein mentioned, in respect to the State of North-Carolina, and to amend the said act," as were disagreed to by the Senate; and thereupon the house
Resolved, That a conference be desired with the Senate on the subject matter of said amendments; and that Mr. White, Mr. Steele, Mr. Foster, Mr. Livermore, and Mr. Williamson, be appointed managers at the said conference on the part of the house.
Agreeable to the order of the day, the house again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee to whom was referred the petition of the merchants and traders of the town of Portsmouth, in New-Hampshire. The motion for striking out the clause which proposes a tonnage of 100 cents on foreign bottoms, was put and negatived. A motion was then made to insert 75 cents in lieu of 100. This was also negatived. The committee rose and reported progress.
Mr. Benson from the joint committee of both houses appointed to consider and report their opinion on the question "When, according to the Constitution, the terms, for which the President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives, have been respectively chosen, shall be deemed to have commenced" and also to consider of and report their opinion on, such other matters as they shall conceive to have relation to this question, made a report, which was read, and is as follows.
"That the terms for which the President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives of the United States were respectively chosen, did, according to the Constitution, commence on the 4th of March, 1789, and so the Senators of the first class, and the Representatives, will not, according to the Constitution, be entitled by virtue of the same election by which they hold seats in the present Congress, to seats in the next Congress, which will be assembled after the 3d of March, 1791. And further, that whenever a vacancy shall happen in the Senate, or House of Representatives, and an election to fill such vacancy, the person elected will not, according to the Constitution be entitled by virtue of such election, to hold a seat beyond the time, for which the Senator or Representative, in whose stead such person shall have been elected, would if the vacancy had not happened, have been entitled to hold a seat.
"That it will be advisable for Congress to pass a law, or laws for determining, agreeable to the provision in the 1st sec. of the 2d art. of the Constitution, the time when the electors shall, in the year which will terminate on the 3d of March 1793, and so in every fourth year thereafter, be chosen, and the day on which they shall give their votes, for declaring what officer shall, in case of vacancy, both in the office of President and Vice President, act as President; for assigning a public office where the lists mentioned in the 2d paragraph of the 1st sec. of the 2d art. of the Constitution, shall, in case of vacancy in the office of President of the Senate, or in his absence from the seat of government, be in the mean time deposited; and for directing the mode in which such lists shall be transmitted.
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, MAY 13.
Sundry petitions were read and referred.
In committee of the whole on the proposition in the report of the select committee for enhancing the duty of tonnage on foreign bottoms.—Mr. Seney in the chair.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) moved an amendment to the clause—postponing the commencement of the duty to the first of January next; this amendment was agreed to.
Mr. Madison after a debate of considerable length, proposed an amendment to the proposition, by adding after the words "foreign bottoms," these words—"Belonging to nations not in commercial treaty with the United States."
This motion was opposed by Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Lawrance, Mr. Ames, Mr. Sherman and Mr. Wadsworth; and supported by Mr. Page and Mr. Williamson: the question being put it was carried in the affirmative—Ayes 32, Noes 19. The resolution as amended, was then agreed to by the committee and stands thus—
That the tonnage on all foreign built bottoms belonging to nation not in commercial treaty with the United States, be raised to the sum of one dollar per ton, from and after the first day of January next.
The committee rose and reported progress. The report of the committee on the memorial of the officers of the late navy of the United States was read; this report was in favor of granting the prayer of the memorialists, viz. that they should be placed on a similar footing with the officers of the late army of the United States—and be allowed five years pay; laid on the table. Adjourned.
Amount of the duties received on Tonnage from 1st September to 31st December, 1789.
   States. Foreign tonnage. American tonnage. Total amount of tonnage.     New-Hampshire, 469 50 339 30 808 80   Massachusetts, 4829 37½ 3855 60 8684 97½   Connecticut, 618 8 722 47½ 1340 55½   New-York, 8739 87½ 1496 66½ 10236 54   New-Jersey, 83 50 224 31 307 81   Pennsylvania, 11587 64 1515 6 13102 70   Delaware, 603 123 96 726 96   Maryland, 4994 5½ 1728 88½ 6722 94   Virginia, 11210 93½ 1423 30½ 12634 24   South-Carolina, 4630 59 433 84 5064 43   Georgia, 2600 17 126 65 2726 82   50, 366 72 11,990 5 62,356 77  
FRIDAY, MAY 14.
In committee of the whole house on the report of the select committee respecting an enhanced tonnage on foreign vessels.—Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
Mr. Madison moved an addition to the resolution agreed to yesterday in the following words, viz: That from and after the day of next the tonnage on all such vessels be raised to and from and after the day of next no such vessel be permitted to export from the United States any unmanufactured article being the growth or produce thereof.
This motion occasioned a debate—but was finally carried in the affirmative 28 to 19.
The second resolution proposed by the select committee for an addition of 10 per cent on the duties already imposed by law, on goods imported from places to which American vessels are not admitted, Mr. Lee moved should be expunged from the report, this motion was seconded by Mr. Parker, and carried in the affirmative. The committee then rose and reported progress.
The house took up the resolution, which was further amended, by adding the following proviso, viz.
Provided that this resolution shall not extend to prohibit vessels of any nation which permits the importation of fish, and other salted provisions, grain, and lumber in vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States. The resolution being thus amended was adopted by the House, and a Committee of three appointed to bring in a bill pursuant thereto.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House that they have adopted the report of the joint committee, appointed to consider and report their opinion, when according to the
constitution, the terms for which the President, Vice-President, &c. have been respectively chosen, &c. and request the concurrence of the House. That they have also passed a bill for the encouragement of literature, by securing to authors, &c. the copy right of their works—with amendments.
Mr. Bland of the committee appointed to take into consideration the arrears of pay ordered, to the officers and soldiers of the Virginia and North Carolina lines of the late army, brought in a report.
A petition from the American prisoners in Algiers, was introduced by the Speaker—read and referred to the Secretary of state.
A report on the petition of Thomas Jenkins and Co. was read, which was in favor of granting the prayer of said petition.
Adjourned till Monday next.
THE TABLET.—No. CXIV.
"If a person knows what to read, and how to read, all his studies will turn to some valuable account."
THE letter, published in the last number of the Tablet, recommends some rules that it would be well to observe in reading. I wish the writer of that letter had extended his observations a little further, and given some directions with respect to the choice of books. His remarks were confined merely to the mode of study, and were very pertinent to the point he meant to establish.
One of the principal difficulties in selecting authors to read, consists in the multiplicity of books that are to be found on all subjects. Many people suppose that no one deserves to be called learned, unless he is acquainted with all the books his native language can furnish. This is too common an opinion. It induces us not only to read many authors which are not entitled to notice, but creates a confusion of ideas. There seems to be no standard to direct a choice of books, after a person is released from the control of education; but there is nevertheless great precaution to be observed in literary pursuits through every period of life.
The learned men of the last century could, with some propriety, undertake to peruse all the books that had then been published. It is however unreasonable to expect that a student of the present day should prescribe himself a similar task. It is not only impracticable but unnecessary. There are now a great variety of writers on the same subject. If they agree in sentiment, there can be no occasion to read them all; and if they disagree it will distract the mind to attend to all their contradictions. It would have a good effect if men, who have established a literary character, would give their sanction to the best publications in the various branches of science, and recommend them to general attention. In like manner, it would not be improper to designate the most approved pieces both moral and entertaining. By this means, the young student might direct his researches, and not so often have reason to repent his loss of time in useless reading. Many a man closes a book with this remark; all I have learnt is that the book did not deserve to be read.
FROM THE DAILY ADVERTISER.
ELEGIAK ODE, ON THE DEATH OF DR. FRANKLIN.
(Tune, "Return enraptur'd hours.")
THE fairest flow'rets bring In all their vernal bloom, And let the sweets of spring Adorn great FRANKLIN's tomb.
The patriot's toil is done, At length his labors cease, Th' unlauding crown is won, His Sun, descends in peace.
The sons of Science grieve, The patriot heaves a sigh And scarcely will believe That so much worth can die.
No deathless is that name Which ages shall admire: And Franklin's splendid fame Shall but with time expire.
While rapid light'nings fly, While awful thunders roll, While meteors gild the sky, And dart from pole to pole.
Mankind shall still admire When Franklin's name they hear,
"Who snatch'd celestial fire, "And broke the oppressor's spear.
Through ev'ry future age While history holds a pen, She'll rank our virtuous Sage Amongst the first of men;
And when she counts her sons Who've earn'd immortal fame, Shall next to WASHINGTON's Record our FRANKLIN's name.
MAY 14. R. D.
* Eripuit Cælo fulmen, sceptrumque Tyrannis.
We are informed that the following is now pending before the Senate of the United States.
An ACT to prevent bringing Goods, Wares and Merchandizes, from the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, into the United States; and to authorize a demand of Money from the said State.
WHEREAS it is necessary to the security of the revenue, and other essential interests of the United States, to provide against goods wares and merchandizes, being brought into the same through or from the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, so long as that State shall refuse to assent to the Constitution and Laws of the United States:
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the first day of July next, no goods, wares or merchandizes, of the growth or manufacture of whatever place or country, shall be brought into the United States, from the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, by land or water; nor shall any ship or vessel belonging to any inhabitant or inhabitants of the said State; enter any port, harbour, creek or river of the United States, except in case of distress; nor, except in a like case, shall any ship or vessel belonging to any inhabitant or inhabitants of the United States, enter any port, harbour, creek or river of the said State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations; And all goods, wares and merchandizes, which shall be brought into the United States contrary to this Act, shall be forfeited, together with the ships or vessels in which the same shall be brought, if brought in by water; or together with the carriages, horses and oxen employed in conveying the same, if brought in by land. And all ships and vessels which shall enter any port, harbour, creek or river of the United States, contrary to this act, shall be forfeited, together with their lading: And all ships and vessels which, contrary to this Act, shall enter any port, harbour, creek or river of the said State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, shall be forfeited, and shall be liable to seizure in any port of the United States, at any time within one year after such forfeiture shall have accrued. And all persons who shall bring into the United States any goods, wares or merchandizes, contrary to this Act, or who shall be aiding therein; or who, being owners or captains of any ships or vessels, shall contrary to this act, order or navigate the same into any
port, harbor, creek or river of the said State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, shall forfeit dollars; and be more over liable to imprisonment, not exceeding months.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the forfeitures accruing by breach of this act, shall be recovered in the manner provided in the case of forfeitures of a similar nature in the Act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships and vessels, and on goods, wares and merchandizes imported into the United States; and shall be disposed of in the manner provided in the case of penalties, fines and forfeitures, in the said Act: And every collector, naval officer, and surveyor, or other person, specially appointed by either of them, or aiding and assisting in the execution of this Act, shall have the like power and authority, and be entitled to the indemnification and mode of defence, expressed or given in the said Act to regulate the collection of duties.
Sec. 3. And to the end that the said State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, may contribute to the supplies raised for discharging the engagements of the United States entered into previous to the 4th day of March, 1789, Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is authorized and requested to demand of the said State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, dollars, to be paid into the Treasury of the United States, on or before the day of next; which being paid, shall be credited to the said State in account with the United States.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That this Act shall continue in force until a Convention of the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, shall assent to and ratify the Constitution, and give notice thereof to the President of the United States, and no longer.
BOSTON, May 8.
O! blest COLUMBIA! every tribute raise; Erect the sculptur'd Marble to his praise— Thy youth at equal praise may boldly aim, And catch at FRANKLIN's tomb worth's hallow'd flame.
FROM PHILADELPHIA—APRIL 27, 1790.
YOU will have heard of the death of our venerable friend. I send you such particulars, as I have heard of his will, which I think are authentic, but do not vouch for. Some lots, in Philadelphia, he has left to Mr. BACHE*, for himself, in a handsome, affectionate manner. His library chiefly to TEMPLE FRANKLIN†, with his manuscripts, and the copy-right to his Life—the farm in Jersey, value 3000l.—a tract of land, in Georgia, next to Gen. WAYNES, 3000 acres, valuable—and from 500l. to 600l. sterling of monies at Paris. To Mr. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN BACHE‡, his Printing-Materials, &c. valued at 2000l. To his son†, 500l. to 600l. of the same monies, and some land in Nova-Scotia, because in the jurisdiction of the country he chose to live under.
To the city of Philadelphia, 1000l. sterling, at interest: The income to promote a Society of Arts and Manufactures, for 15 years, then to be applied to the conveyance of water to the city, which he conceives will then want it, from its increased size.
To the town of Boston, 1000l. To President WASHINGTON, a Cane, with the Figure of LIBERTY, merely to pay him a very handsome compliment, of leaving Liberty in charge to him.
Mr. and Mrs. BACHE, the residuary Legatees to have the income for life, of the remainder of his fortune, to be divided equally amongst their children at their death.
To Judge HOPKINSON, his Philosophical Apparatus, &c.
His Life to 1757, he has sent to Mr. V.—He has gone no further—though he has left many scattered materials. It being observed to a relation of the Doctor that it was a great loss to the world, he observed not so great, as that of the former period would have been. That contains his thoughts from which mankind may draw advantage—The latter his actions which the world knows and others may record.
He preserved his intellects, clear and intelligent as ever, until a few hours of his death. He a few days before his death, having his maps before him, dictated a Letter to Mr. JEFFERSON, upon the boundaries of the United States, which I understand is as perfect as any thing he ever wrote.
NOTES.
 * The Gentleman who married the Doctor's daughter.  † His Grandson and Secretary.  ‡ Another Grandson.  § The Governor of New-Jersey previous to the late war. 
BURLINGTON, May 11.
The friends of Science, and the liberal arts, will be gratified in hearing that we were favored on Sunday last with a visit from the ingenious Mr. Fitch, accompanied by several gentlemen of taste and knowledge in mechanics, in a Steam-Boat, constructed on an improved plan: From these gentlemen we learn, that they came from Philadelphia in three hours and a quarter, with a head wind, the tide in their favor—on their return by accurate observations, they proceeded down the river, at the rate of upwards of seven miles an hour.
Extract of a letter from Coopers Town, on Lake Ontario, to a gentleman in this city, dated April 8.
"We are working away among the sugar here, and have already collected 12 hogheads, the wort of which is equal, and some of it superior in taste, colour, and grain, to any I ever saw from the West-Indies.—The present season for manufacturing this valuable article, is remarkably backward, so that we are now only beginning."
THE MAIL DILIGENCE for Philadelphia leaves the Ferry-Wharf at New-York, forty minutes after Seven every Morning, except Sunday. Dines at Brunswick, and reaches Trenton before dark.

NOTES ON PENNSYLVANIA.
(CONCLUDED.)
A Privilege, almost peculiar to this state, has been granted to foreigners by the Legislature of Pennsylvania—that of buying and holding lands and houses within this commonwealth, without relinquishing their allegiance to the country in which they were born. They can sell or bequeath the lands, receive the rents, and in short, have every territorial and pecuniary right, that a natural born Pennsylvanian has; but no civil rights. As they profess to owe allegiance to a foreign prince or government, and reside in a foreign country, where they of course have civil rights, they cannot claim them, nor ought they to desire them here; since no man can serve two masters. If they chuse, at any time after purchase, to come out to this country, and make themselves citizens; or if they chuse to give their estate to a child, or other person, who will do so, either of them may become citizens to all intents and purposes. This indulgence to purchase is granted for three years from January 1789, and all lands bought by foreigners before Jan. 1792 may be held for ever on those terms. Whether a right to make purchases upon those terms will be allowed to foreigners after that time is uncertain, and will entirely depend upon the opinion of our Legislature, as to the safety or utility of it.
Useful knowledge and science have been favorite objects of attention here. We have an university, three colleges, and four or five public academies, besides many private academies and free schools, in the city and several of the county towns of this state. Considerable grants of monies, rent charges, and particularly of new lands, have been made by our Legislature, and very liberal private subscriptions have been added at various times. Though our government and citizens have always been attentive to the important object of useful and liberal knowledge, yet an increased regard for learning has been manifest since the revolution. Rising from a provincial to an independent situation, appears, and very naturally, to have expanded our ideas, and to have given an enhanced value to improvements of the human mind.
Among the natural advantages of Pennsylvania, her almost innumerable mill seats ought not to be omitted. They are conveniently distributed by Providence throughout the state, and afford the means of establishing every species of mill-work and labour-saving machines, to meet the produce and raw materials almost at the farmers doors. In the present situation of this country, wanting hands for farming, and in the present state of manufactures, when ingenious mechanism is every day and every where invented, to lessen the necessity for manual labour, this natural advantage must appear of inestimable importance. Hemp and flax are among the most profitable productions of our rich midland and new counties, THE CREAM of which is yet to be skimmed. It is therefore a most pleasing fact, that we have in the state the full-sized and complete movements or works of a water-mill and machinery, to sliver, rove and spin flax and hemp into threads or yarns, fit for linen of 30 cuts to the pound, or any coarser kind, sheetings, towelling, sail-cloth, oznabrigs, twine, and the strands or yarns for cordage. The same machinery is calculated for the roving or preparing, and spinning of combed wool into worsted yarn. We have also the movements and complete machinery of Sir Richard Arkwright's water-mill for spinning yarns of cotton. And though the climate of this state is not fit for cultivating that raw material, yet cotton can be raised with profit in every state in our Union Southward of Pennsylvania, and imported from the East and West-Indies.
It is certain that this extraordinary capacity of our country for mechanical works has either called forth, in an unusual degree, the mechanical powers of the human mind, or that Providence has bestowed upon the people of this and our sister states an uncommon portion of that talent, which its nature and situation require. Our RITTENHOUSE and FRANKLIN stand unrivalled in mechanical philosophy; and those who know our country are well informed, that to these two great names we could add a considerable list of philosophical and practical mechanicians, in a variety of branches.
So many of the necessary and convenient arts and trades depend upon the plenty and cheapness of fuel, that it appears proper to take notice of this article. Till the revolution, our dependence was almost entirely upon wood fuel, of which, in the most populous places, we have still a great abundance, and in all interior situations immense quantities; but the encrease of manufactures has occasioned us to turn our attention to coal. Of this useful fossil, Providence has given us very great quantities in our middle and western country. The vicinity of Wyoming, on the Susquehannah, is one bed of coal, of the open-burning kind, and of the most intense heat. At the head waters of Schuylkill are some considerable bodies. At the head of the western branch of Susquehannah is a most extensive body, which stretches over the country south-westerly, so as to be found in the greatest plenty at Pitsburg, where the Alle-
gheny and Youghiogheny unite, and form the head of the Ohio. All our coal has hitherto been accidentally found on the surface of the earth, or discovered in the digging of common cellars or wells; so that when our wood fuel shall become scarce, and the European methods of boring shall be skilfully pursued, there can be no doubt of our finding it in many other places. At present, the ballasting of ships from coal countries abroad, and the coal mines in Virginia, which lie convenient to navigation, occasion a good deal of coal to be brought to the Philadelphia market. From this great abundance and variety of fuel it results, that Pennsylvania, and the United States in general, are well suited to all manufactories, that are effected by fire, such as furnaces, foundaries, forges, glass-houses, breweries, distilleries, steel-works, smiths shops, pot-ash works, sugar and other refineries, &c. &c.
Ship building is a business in which the port of Philadelphia exceeds most parts of the world. Masts, spars, timber and plank, not only from our own state and the other states on the Delaware, are constantly for sale in our market, but the mulberry of the Chesapeake, and the ever green or live oak and red cedar of the Carolinas and Georgia, are so abundantly imported, that nineteenth of our vessels are built of them. No vessels are better than these; and in proof of it English writers of rank might be quoted, who have published for and against us. A live oak and cedar ship of 200 tons, carpenter's measurement, can be fitted to take in a cargo for £14 currency per ton; and there is not a port in Europe in which an oak ship can be equally well built and fitted for £20 per ton in our money, or £12 sterling. This fact may appear doubtful or extraordinary, but is certainly true; and it is greatly in favor of our ship carpenters and other tradesmen employed in fitting and building ships, as well as our merchants and farmers, whose interests are so much connected with navigation.
The distance of Philadelphia from the sea has been made an objection by some, and the closing of our river by the ice, which happens almost every winter. Amsterdam, the greatest port in Europe, is inaccessible in the winter. But it is a fact, that, notwithstanding these objections, our vessels make as many West-India voyages as those of the two other principal sea ports of the middle states; and though the river is frozen from three to nine weeks almost every winter, yet there are occasional openings, which give opportunities for fleets of merchantmen to go out and come in. The fine corn and provision country, which lies near Philadelphia, enables the merchants to load their vessels in the winter, and the market is regularly supplied with flour, pork, beef, lumber, staves, iron, and many other of our principal articles of exportation. Little time is therefore lost, and we find that our trade increases. The crop of 1789, and other exports from the harvest of that year to that of 1790, it is supposed, will load 120,000 tons of shipping. We have a very extensive back country; and many large bodies of new land, that must send their produce to the Philadelphia market, are settling fast.
The population of Pennsylvania, by the last accounts taken was 360,000 men, women and children, but, as some years have since elapsed, it is supposed it will not fall much short of 400,000 when the present enumeration shall be completed.
No country in Europe has paid off so much of her public debt, since the late general war, as this state, notwithstanding the past disorders and difficulties of the United States, arising from the weakness of our late general government, and the shocks of an invasive war. She has paid off and sunk a sum equal to her full share of the interest and a considerable part of the principal of her state and federal debts. Yet she has laid no excise or internal duty, but eight pence currency upon spirituous liquors, and has several millions of land yet unsold.
The inhabitants of Pennsylvania are principally the descendants of the English, Irish, and Germans, with some Scotch, Welch, Swedes, and a few Dutch. There are also many of the Irish and Germans, who emigrated when young or in the middle time of life; and there are a number of each of those two nations now in legislative, executive and judicial stations among us. It has ever been the policy of our government, before and since the revolution, and the disposition of our people, to receive all sober emigrants with open arms, and to give them immediately the free exercise of their trades and occupations, and of their religion.
Such is the present situation of things in Pennsylvania, which is more or less the same in several other of the American States, viz. New York, Virginia, the Carolina's and Georgia; but though not so in the rest, the principal difference is, that they are so fully peopled, that there are no new lands of any value unfold, and farming lands, that are improved, are of course dearer than with us. In those States, however, agriculture, commerce, manufactures, the fisheries, and navigation, afford comfortable subsistence and ample rewards of profit to the industrious and well disposed, amidst the blessings of civil and religious liberty.
Before this paper is concluded, it may be useful to recapitulate the various productions and exports of the United States, which are the sure foundations of a grand scene of agriculture—the resources for an extensive trade—and the materials for a great variety of useful and elegant manufactures. From our new country we have a variety of skins and furs, and ginseng; in the settled parts of the States, rice, indigo, cotton, silk, tobacco, flaxseed, wheat, rye, barley, oats, spelt, Indian corn, hemp, flax, wool, iron, lead, copper, coal, freestone, limestone, marble, sulphur, saltpetre, a great variety of ship timber, ship planks, masts, spars, tar, pitch and turpentine, pork, beef, cyder, fish oil, spermaceti, whalebone, dried fish, pickled fish, hides, leather, black cattle, sheep, cheese, butter, tallow, hops, mustard seed, staves, heading, shingles, boards, plank, scantling, square timber, black walnut, wild cherry and curled maple for cabinet wares, potash, pearl ashes, potters clay, brick clay, &c. &c. with apples, and all the other principal fruits, and potatoes, and all the other principal vegetables. During the late war considerable quantities of sea salt were manufactured on our coast, as far north as New-Jersey; and this article will no doubt one day become an object of attention. It may be safely affirmed, that no European nation whatsoever unites in its dominions, even including their distant colonies, such a variety of important and capital productions; nor can there be any doubt in the mind of a candid and serious observer, that such a country must rise, with common prudence, in agriculture, manufactures and commerce, affording to every industrious and virtuous citizen and emigrant the certain means of comfortable subsistence, and the fairest prospect of establishing a family in life.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
   S C H E M E.     1 PRIZE of £3000 £3000   2 1000 2000   3 500 1500   10 200 2000   30 100 3000   50 50 2500   120 20 2400   180 10 1800   7950 4 31800  
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £50000
16654 Blanks, } Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in August next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M c Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M c Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M c Donalds estate, within this state, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (i.w.17.)
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of PHILIP DENMAN, now confined in the common gaol of Newark, in the county of Essex, That the Honorable Court of Common Pleas, in and for said county, have appointed Tuesday the 25th day of May next, for the creditors of said Philip Denman, to meet at the Court house in Newark, at nine o'clock of the day aforesaid, and shew cause to the judge of the said Court if any they have, why an assignment of the said insolvent debtors estate should not be made, and he discharged according to the act of the Legislature of New-Jersey in such case made and provided. PHILIP DENMAN. Newark, April 14, 1790.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street New-York, April 17, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE. &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790. tf.
Moses Rogers, and Co.
HAVE removed their STORE to the New Building, corner of Golden-Hill and Queen-Street, fronting Burling Slip. New-York, May 5, 1790.