National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-09-22 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
SATURDAY, September 22, 1792.
NUMB. 94.
[From 'Letters (just published) addressed to the Teomanry of the United States,' containing Observations on the dangerous tendency of establishing national manufactures, exclusively privileged, and with large capitals.]
[Continued from our last.]
HOLLAND affords a striking contrast in favor of a free commerce. The territory of that republic, not raising a sufficiency of wheat for their own consumption, have by the means of a free commerce, not only ensured a full supply for themselves, but frequently for their neighbors. During the late commotions in France, the distress of the people of Paris in 1789, was relieved by corn, supplied by Messrs. Hope, of Amsterdam, to the amount of one million of French livres.*
Formerly an immense commerce was carried on in the kingdom of Siam. Historians attest, that in the sixteenth century, above a thousand vessels frequented its ports annually. But the king, tempted with so much riches endeavoured to engross all the commerce of his country, by which means he annihilated, successively, mines, manufactures, and even agriculture.
About the year 1750, Sir Samuel Penant, Sir James Lowther, Admiral Vernon, and a number of other gentlemen in England, were incorporated into a Fishing Company, under the name of the Society of the Free British Fishery, with a capital of five hundred thousand pounds sterling. The object was, the white herring fishery, which was represented to be of so much importance, that several acts of Parliament were procured, granting partial privileges and bounties to this wealthy company: It received a bounty from government of thirty shillings the ton for all the vessels engaged in the fishery; a bounty of two shillings and eight pence on every barrel of fish exported; the delivery of both British and foreign salt duty free: besides all these encouragements, the subscribers, for every £100 paid into the stock of the society, were entitled to three pounds a year to be paid by the receiver-general of the customs, in equal half yearly payments. Besides this great company, the residence of whose governor and directors was to be in London, it was declared to be lawful to erect different Fishing Chambers in all the out ports of the kingdom, provided a sum not less than ten thousand pounds was subscribed into the capital of each, to be managed at its own risk, and for its own profit and loss. The same annuity and the same encouragements of all kinds, were given to the trade of those inferior chambers as to that of the great company. The subscription of the great company was soon filled up, and several different fishing chambers were erected in the different out ports of the kingdom. In spite of all these encouragements, almost all those different companies both great and small, lost either the whole, or the greater part of their capital; scarce a vestige now remains of any of them, and the white herring fishery is now entirely, or almost entirely, carried on by private adventurers. Previous to the final ruin of the great company, admiral Vernon, as one of the directors, waited in person on a Mr. Martin, an old fisherman at Yarmouth, who, by his attention to the herring fishery, had amassed a considerable fortune, to enquire of him, by what means, he, a private citizen, had been successful in the fishery, whilst a wealthy company, having an immense capital, invested in the business, and enjoying the particular patronage and bounty of government, were going to destruction. The old man informed Vernon and the gentlemen who attended on the occasion, That he could give them no encouragement; that inevitable destruction would be the fate of the company; that their fishing busses, for the construction of which they had gone to a great expence, were built on a wrong construction; that their agents had purchased improper twine for their seines, and that the meshes of the nets were too large for the fishery; but that the principal cause of their misfortunes, and of his success, was owing to the company employing uninterested agents, whilst he personally attended to an occupation, on the success of which, he and his family depended for bread.
The extravagant ambition of Louis XIV, not only made him anxious to become the arbiter of Europe by carrying fire and destruction into the territories of his peaceful neighbours; but also by interfering in and regulating all the actions of his own subjects, he wished that they should regard his absolute will as the alone object of contemplation and attention. He instituted manufactures, encouraged commerce, and undertook public works, and yet his arbitrary government rendered those very establishments useless. The very steps he took to render the agricultural interest subservient to his projects of manufactures, occasioned the ruin and destruction of both. Notwithstanding the numerous triumphal arches and statues erected in France to the memory of Louis XIV, and the adulation of his priests, his mistresses, and of prostitute court-writers, it is certain, that his system of policy tended to destroy the agriculture of his kingdom. Independent gentlemen, living on their own estates, became ruined—the country was deserted for places at court or in the army, and the cultivation of the land was left to a poor tenantry. Smollett, in his travels through France, says—"In Burgundy I saw a peasant ploughing the ground with a jack ass, a lean cow, and he-goat, yoked together. The peasants of France are so wretchedly poor, and so much oppressed by their landlords, that they cannot afford to inclose their grounds, or give a proper respite to their lands, or to stock their farms with a sufficient number of black cattle, to produce the necessary manure, without which agriculture can never be carried on to any degree of perfection. The peasants in the south of France are poorly clad, and look as if they were half starved, diminutive, swarthy and meagre, and yet the common people, who travel, live luxuriously on the road."
The kingdom of France, although enjoying a good soil and a fine climate, yet owing to the poverty and wretchedness of the people (previous to the late glorious revolution) out of one hundred and thirty millions of acres which that country contains, only six millions were thought to be under a full cultivation; the remainder under tillage, affording little more than subsistence to a miserable tenantry.
The British nation at present appear flourishing; but the government having adopted the oppressive system of interfering in the occupations of its citizens, that fine country must fall a sacrifice to such unjust principles. Some time since the Minister formed the design of erecting a Board to watch over the interests of trade. The project was carried into execution, but trade so far from increasing, declined the moment that these counsellors of commerce began to give her lessons: of this authentic proofs were produced, and it was abolished in 1782. Mr. Gibbons, the English Tacitus, was a member of this institution. A few years since some farmers in Yorkshire were imprisoned and fined to the amount of several thousand pounds, for cultivating tobacco, contrary to an act of Parliament. The wool bill, enacted into a law in 1787, is a remarkable instance of a violation of the liberty and property of the English farmer. The whole advantage of this monopoly centers in the wealthy principals engaged in the woolen manufacture, whilst the labouring manufacturers can scarce earn bread above the point of starving, and whilst they and their families are daily falling on the parishes
for support: The tyranny and oppression of the law does little credit to the British government. The object of it is to prevent the exportation of wool to France, where the farmer could procure twenty per cent. more for it than in England. By such arbitrary and unjust restrictions and regulations; by excise laws; by taxes and impositions of various kinds, the yeomanry and independent country gentlemen of 3 or 400. per ann. are almost annihilated. The gloomy eye of the Financier, rolling with baneful vigilance in search of new ways and means, lets neither the crops, nor the domestic comforts of the farmer escape. Agriculture will not long survive such measures; or if it should exist, it will be the invidious spectacle of great lords, and their devouring stewards on one hand, and a miserable dependant peasantry on the other.
When Colbert demanded of an old experienced merchant what steps his master should take to encourage commerce, the answer was— Let us alone . The citizens of the United States engaged in agriculture, in manufactures, in mechanics, and even in the Cod-Fishery , may with justice and propriety give a similar answer to Congress.
The following is inserted (by desire) from the Providence (Rhode-Island) Gazette of the 5th instant.
WEDNESDAY last the anniversary Commencement of Rhode-Island College was celebrated in this town.
The procession, at half past ten o'clock, moved from College Hall, in the usual order, to the Baptist meeting-house, where, after an introductory prayer by the Rev. Dr. Stillman, the following exercises were performed, viz
 1. Salutatory Oration, in latin, and an English Oration on the French revolution, by Bildad Barney.  2. An Oration on the advantages of good government, by Paraclete Tew.  3. A Greek Dissertation on the effects of luxury, by Richard Stites.  4. An Oration on the rise and progress of astronomy, by William W. Folwell.  5. A Dispute on the justice and policy of emancipating slaves in America, by William V. King, Eli Smith, and Peter O. Alden.  6. An Oration on the improvement of the mind, by Ebenezer Withington.  7. An Oration in French on air-balloons, by David Leonard.  8. A Dissertation on prosecuting the war with the Indians, by Elijah Dix Green.  9. An Oration on the theatre, by Thomas Cranston Hazard.  This concluded the exercises of the forenoon.
The procession then proceeded to the Chancellor's house. And at three o'clock they returned to the meeting-house.
In the afternoon the following exercises were performed:
 1. An Oration recommending Rhode-Island College to the patronage of the state, by Jabaziah Shaw.  2. An Oration on the wealth of nations, by Nathaniel Hazard.  3. An Oration on the establishment of societies in America, by George Learned. 
The degree of Bachelor in the Arts was then conferred on the following young gentlemen, viz.
Peter Oliver Alden, Bildad Barney, Thomas Murray Clark, William Watts Folwell, Elijah Dix Green, Thomas Cranston Hazard, Benj Hazard, Nath. Hazard, Wm. V. King, George Learned, David Leonard, George Jaffrey Patten, Jabaziah Shaw, Eli Smith, Richard Stites, Paraclete Tew, and Ebenezer Withington.
Mr. Philander Shaw, A. B. of Harvard, was admitted ad eundem .
And the degree of Master in the Arts, was conferred on the following gentlemen, Alumni of this college, viz.
Rev. Macaiah Porter, Dr. Philip Padelford, James Fenner, Esq. Dr. Jeremiah Brown Howell, Mr. John Clark Nightingale, Mr. Nicholas Power, jun. Mr. Paul Draper, and Mr. Edward Richmond.
Rev. John Crane, A. B. of Harvard, was admitted to the degree of Master in the Arts.
Mr. Leonard White, A. M. of Harvard, was admitted ad eundem .
James Brown, Esq. A. M. of Harvard, was admitted ad eundem .
The honorary degree of Master of Arts was conferred on the following gentlemen, viz Mr. John Francis, Rev. Joshua Crosby of Greenwich, in the county of Hampshire, Massachusetts: Rev. Thomas Duncomb, of Coate, Oxfordshire, in England: Rev. John Fawcett, of Hebdenbridge, Yorkshire, in England: Rev. Benjamin Francis, of Horsley, Gloucestershire, in England: Rev. Richard Furman, of Charleston, South-Carolina.
The degree of Doctor of Divinity was conferred on the Rev. John Rippon, of London; Rev. John Ryland, jun. of England, and Rev. Benjamin Foster, of New-York.
The degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred on the Rev. Perez Fobes, of Raynham, Mr. Benjamin West, of Providence, and the Hon. Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury of the United States.
A charge was then given to the Graduates, by the Hon. David Howell, Esq. who officiated as President for the day.
Then followed the Valedictions, and an Oration on the pleasures of the imagination, by Thomas Murray Clark.
A Prayer by the Rev. Dr. Stillman concluded the exercises.
The Governor's company of light infantry, in a new and elegant uniform, commanded by Col. Whipple, performed the military duties of the day, and made a very soldier-like and handsome appearance.
The exercises of the day were enriched by an excellent band of music, procured at the expence of the graduates.
The young gentlemen performed their parts in such manner as reflected great honor on themselves, as well as those who have had the care of their instruction; and from which we anticipate their future usefulness.
A large and brilliant assembly, particularly of the ladies, exhibited in a striking manner the opinion our citizens entertain of the importance of education.
At a meeting of the Corporation of the College on Thursday last, the Rev. Jonathan Maxcy, Pastor of the Baptist Church in this town, and Professor of Divinity in the College, was elected President of the College pro tempore *—and the Hon. BENJAMIN BOURNE, Esq. was elected a Trustee of the College.
* In the evening of the same day, the Students, to announce their joy on so happy an event, very brilliantly illuminated the College. From the acknowledged abilities of this reverend gentleman, his great literary acquirements, and from the facility with which he communicates his knowledge, the body which appointed him, as well as the people at large, flatter themselves that he will be eminently useful at the head of the Rhode Island University.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
PARIS, July 21.
Letter from the KING OF FRANCE, on the publication of the Declaration of the Duke of Brunswick.
"August 3, 4th year of Liberty."
"Mr. President,
"FOR several days past a paper has been circulated, entitled; The Declaration of the reigning Duke of Brunswick-Lunenbourg, commander of the combined armies of their Majesties the Emperor, and the King of Prussia, addressed to the inhabitants of France —This paper exhibits nothing that
* Necker's Administration, p. 331.

can be considered as a proof of its authenticity. It has not been transmitted by any of my ministers at the several courts of Germany near our frontiers. The publication of it nevertheless seems to me to require a new declaration of my sentiments and my principles.
"France is menaced by a great combination of forces. Calumny will not easily believe the sorrows I feel in considering the dissensions that exist among us, and the evils gathering round us; but those who know of what value in my eyes are the blood and the fortune of the people, will give credit to my uneasiness and my grief."
"I brought with me pacific sentiments to the throne, because peace, the first blessing of nations, is the first duty of kings. My former ministers know what efforts I have made to avoid war; it felt how necessary was peace; it alone could enlighten the nation on the new form of her government; it alone, by sparing the sufferings of the people, made me support the character I undertook in this revolution. But I yielded to the unanimous opinion of my council, to the wish manifested by a great part of the nation, and several times expressed by the National Assembly."
"When war was declared I neglected none of the means of assuring its success. My ministers received orders to concert measures with the committees of the National Assembly, and with the generals. If the event has not yet answered the hopes of the nation, ought we not to lay the blame on our intestine divisions, the progress of the spirit of parties, and above all on the state of our armies, which wanted to be more practised in the use of arms before being led to combat. But the nation shall see my efforts increase with those of the hostile powers; I shall take, in concert with the National Assembly, all means to turn the evils inseparable from war, to the advantage of her liberty and her glory."
"I have accepted the constitution; the majority of the nation desired it; I saw that the nation considered it as the foundation of her happiness, and her happiness is the sole object of my life."
"From that moment, I imposed it as a law upon myself, to be faithful to the Constitution, and I gave orders to my ministers to make it the rule of their conduct. I wish not to substitute my knowledge for experience, nor my opinion for my oath."
It was my duty to labour for the good of my people; I have discharged this duty; and to have done so is enough to satisfy the conscience of an honest man. Never shall I be seen compounding the glory or the interests of the nation; receiving the law from foreigners or from a party; It is to the nation that I owe myself; I am one and the same with her; no interest shall separate me from her; she alone shall be listened to; I will maintain the national independence with my last breath. Personal dangers compared with public dangers, are nothing. Ah! what are personal dangers to a king from whom it is attempted to alienate the love of the people? There lies the real wound of my heart. The people, perhaps, will one day know how dear to me is their happiness how much it has always been my sole interest, my first wish. How many griefs might be effaced by the slightest marks of its return.
(Signed) LOUIS. (Underlined) EIGOT ST. CROIX."
July 23. The following are further particulars of the outrages of the Parisian mob on the memorable 20th of June last, on account of the king having refused to sanction the decree of the National Assembly against the non-juring clergy, and for establishing a camp of 20,000 men to be stationed round Paris. A few moments before the mob had filled the palace, a young chasseur, only 18 years old, found means to get into the king's apartment, where, pale and breathless, he fell on his knees before his majesty, and with difficulty articulated the following words: "Sire, a horrible plot is formed against your life. I entreat on my knees that your Majesty would give me leave to remain by your side. The king, deeply affected at his generous conduct, granted his request, and begged of him to be composed."
The doors were then burst open: a furious mob rushed in and crowded around the monarch, defended by four national guards only. An infernal wretch, armed with a pike, and the fire of rage burning in his eyes, darted towards the king with a murderous intention. The young chasseur rushes on the monster, turns the menacing weapon, which slightly wounded an officer of the national guards, who thought himself happy to suffer so long as his king was safe.
Several furies, in the shape of women, breathed death and destruction—one of them armed with a poignard, ran about the queen's apartment, foaming in the mouth, her eyes glistening with rage, and her hair bristled up as if electrified, bowing out these words—"Where is she, that I may pierce her through the heart?" An officer coolly replied, "wretch, do you not see her, there she stands."
At the sight of the queen, this fury again became a woman. Her voice, as it were by magic, grew weak, her hand shook as if she were paralyzed, and she mechanically cried out "Long live the queen!" and mixed again with the crowd, covering her face with both her hands.
About eight or nine hundred of the mob attempted to force their way into the apartment of Madame, the king's daughter. "What do you want?" says the grenadier on duty—"We want to go in!"—"You shall not!"—"We will!"—"Hark ye," says the soldier, "I am as good and honest a citizen as any of you; but I will obey my orders. If you can prevail on the corporal to relieve me, perhaps you may then pass; but while I am on duty, the first who shall attempt to go, shall have my bayonet through his body. You may kill me; but I shall do my duty, and kill four of you."
The mob retreated, praising the soldier for having done his duty.
An attempt was made to separate Madame Elizabeth from her brother; but she never quitted the skirt of his coat which she bedewed with her tears, and it will scarcely be credited, that the surrounding monsters ridiculed and insulted her feelings.
Santerre, the brewer and commander in chief of the mob, told the queen, that she was much to blame for imagining that the people of Paris had not the sincerest love of her. He observed, that the king was father of all the people, who at that instant, surrounded a glorious progeny! and that no harm should happen to her majesty!—The queen answered, "I know I am in no danger while I am protected by these brave men," pointing to some national guards near her: "At the same time, I appreciate, as I ought, the merit of your assurances."
Madame Elizabeth de France, when the mob rushed into the palace, endeavoured, but in vain, to prevail on the king not to appear. She then opened the door herself, and placing herself before the monarch, said to the mob, "Behold your king, if you have evil intentions against him, you must get rid of me before you can reach him!"
The battalion des fils de St. Thomas formed, during the whole time, a barrier round the queen, and cool amidst the howlings of thousands of human tigers, only attended to their duty. The queen, in the morning had said to Madame, "What have I to fear? That they should kill me? If they have resolved upon it, better to-day than to-morrow."
It was seven o'clock, when M. Pethion, (Mayor of Paris) appeared before the king. He, hesitating and confused, attempted to vindicate the conduct of the municipality. He said, that had it not been for the precaution taken by that body, it was probable that fatal events might have taken place; "Not," says he, "that your person was in danger, you shall always be respected."—"Do you call that," says the king, "showing me respect, when people appear in arms before me, after having burst open the doors of my apartments? The events of this day are a scandal to all the world. You shall be answerable for the tranquility of Paris."
"I know," says Pethion, "the full extent of my duty."—The king said, "I beg you will withdraw." The mayor obeyed.
Aug. 1.—The President informed the assembly that he had received a packet by the post containing the declaration issued in the name of the Duke of Brunswick.
In consequence of a report from the committee of general inspection founded upon the conduct and threats of the enemy, in regard to the national guards, the assembly passed a decree, by which it is declared, "That if the laws of war are not strictly observed in regard to all Frenchmen taken with arms in their hands, all the officers belonging to the enemy, who may be made prisoners, shall experience a similar treatment, whatever may be their rank, titles, or distinctions; but that the soldiery notwithstanding continue to be treated as before."
The assembly rose and voted this decree by an unanimous acclamation."
The assembly passed a decree by which all the inhabitants of France, destitute of fire-arms, are henceforth to be armed with pikes, similar to those recommended by marshal Saxe.
The patriotic Pethion appeared at the bar, and demanded "that the king be declared to have forfeited his crown, and that a ministry be elected, into whose hands the reins of government shall be entrusted until a national convention shall have adopted definitive measures." This demand was applauded, and referred to the committee extraordinary.
Yesterday the national assembly directed an address to the national guards of Paris, and the guards from the several departments of the kingdom, that have come to Paris in order to join the army on the frontiers. It is as follows:
"The representatives of the people, whose lively solicitude is watching unceasingly over all
parts of the kingdom, think it their duty to inform you themselves of the dangers that threaten you. The enemies of the constitution redouble their efforts to destroy your force by division. It is in the name of that liberty which you adore; it is in the name of the law, to which you have sworn to be faithful, that they have the audacity to sow so fatal dissensions among you. Artfully perverting every circumstance, reviving every prejudice, inflaming every mind, they drive from district to district, from division, to lead you on to actual crimes, and make you turn your arms against one another. They want to introduce among you anarchy and civil discord, these terrible precursors of despotism; they wish to deliver you, without defence to the powers leagued against your liberty, your independence, and your happiness."
"Citizen soldiers, mark the precipice over which they wish you to fall. The representatives of the nation have shown it to you; they have no more fears on your account. Your patriotism, your fidelity, the interest of your country and your own—all assure them, that appraised of the perfidious plots against your safety no force will be able to vanquish you, because no sedition will be able to dilute you."
In the sitting of the national assembly on Thursday last, the following decree moved by M. Gaudet, was unanimously passed.
1. "Every officer or soldier of the enemies armies, who desiring to range themselves under the banners of liberty, shall appear at a military post, or before one of the constituted authorities, or a French citizen, shall be received with fraternal affection; shall be presented as a sign of his adoption, with a cockade of three colours; shall enjoy a pension for life of one hundred livres, of which one quarter shall be always in advance and shall be admitted to take the civic oath.—The pension upon their decease, shall be continued to their widows."
2. "Those who would not contract a military engagement, shall not be forced to it; those who chose it, shall be admitted to what army they please, and shall receive the ordinary fee upon enlisting."
3. "Lifts shall be formed of foreigners in the service of France, and the pensions of those who die shall be continued to the survivors, till the latter shall have annuities of 500 livres each."
4. "The widows of such military persons shall receive the annual pension of 100 livres, but will not share the benefits of the tonine."
5. "Those who do not take a military engagement, shall retire into the interior of the kingdom; those who shall serve will have the same reward for brilliant actions as French citizens."
6. "If France shall ever be drawn into a war with a free nation, exercising its own sovereignty, military persons of that nation are not to have the advantages of the present decree."
The duke of Brunswick was expected to march on or before the 1st instant, and is probably now on the frontiers of France.
PARIS, Saturday Noon.
"You will see by the proceedings of the assembly, which I inclose you, that M. Pethion, and the forty eight districts of Paris, have petitioned the assembly to declare that the king has forfeited the crown; this petition was looked for, and was treated as a matter of course. Conceivable what must be the state of a country, where a petition to dethrone the king, makes no unusual impression on the public mind, but which is calmly, customarily referred to a committee, and appointed to be the order of the day for a future sitting; and all this too while 100,000 of the vilest slaves in the universe are ready, at the nod of the tyrants in Europe, to overwhelm their country. The French must either be the bravest or the most inconsiderate race of men, for nothing but blind courage could induce them, in such a crisis, to agitate questions that aggravate their danger by dividing their force. The king, they say, is a traitor. Be it so—The armies of France are devoted to him, and yet the armies are not traitorous.—The executive power has been tardy and slack in providing for the strength of the kingdom, but let them if they dare, give an unconstitutional order to any general! The hearts of the army would raise again the shadow of treachery."
The section of Mauconseil have made a decree, by which they declare, that they no longer recognize Louis XVI. as the king of the French.
Aug. 3. "In the Assembly, this morning a letter was read from the Commissioners appointed to inspect the preparations for the camp at Soissons. It stated that the preparations had not been forwarded with all the dispatch possible, but that there did not appear to have been any willful neglect on the part of the Minister at war. Complaints had been made of pounded glass maliciously mixed in the bread intended for the troops. This was the effect of accident. The bread was prepared in an old church. Some of the glass had fallen from the windows into the flour, and been worked up with it."
"Accounts were received on authority which we can neither implicitly believe nor entirely disregard; that the spirit of mutiny, as well as desertion, has broke out among the Austrian troops on the Flanders frontier; that it requires all the vigilance of their officers to make the one part of them keep guard over the other; that many deserters have come in from them with wounds which they say they received in a mutiny, and that the greater part of their companions wait only for an opportunity to follow them."
"The authenticity of the Duke of Brunswick's declaration is no longer questioned; but it has not produced the union which all rational men consider as our only means of defence. On the contrary, the two parties are as eager in reviling and calumniating each other as if they had no common enemy. To their activity in this respect, may, I presume, be attributed the idea of a letter which the Jacobins affirm to have been written by the king to the Duke of Brunswick, inviting him to Paris, and which the Feuillants assert is a forgery by the Jacobins intended to be produced at some convenient opportunity, to delude the people, and to serve as a pretext for seizing the whole executive power into their own hands. It is our good fortune that these plots, if they have any foundation in truth, are too much talked of to succeed."
An account is received from Marseilles of a conspiracy to massacre the Municipality and leading members of the Constitutional Club.—M. Boyer the leader in this plot, was discovered by one of his servants the night on which it was to have been carried into execution. He was confronted with his accuser and confessed his intention. The populace insisted on his instant execution. The Magistrates endeavoured to appease them, and had him conveyed to prison. Next day, however, a mob broke into the prison, took out Boyer with three of his accomplices, and hanged them on a lamp-post.
Stockholm, July 5. The remains of Ankarstrom, the Swedish regicide, are exposed in different parts on gibbets. There was lately found in the hand that shot the king, a verse in the Swedish language to this effect—"Blest be this hand that wrought its country's woe!"—His head had a few days before been encircled with a crown.
Leyden, July 7. We have frequently heard it asserted that the war between France and the combined powers is to be defensive on either side. Ever since the French king's acceptance of the constitution, it is certain that the court of Vienna only looked to defensive measures. What seems to confirm this is the prohibiting the French emigrants from forming themselves into distinct armed bodies, and the refusal of the petitions from persons at Ostend, Trieste, and Zeng, who had requested letters of marque to cruise against the French trade. The French, in their turn, seem equally averse to committing hostilities at sea. Without doubt, it is a barbarous custom to capture at sea the property of individuals, which on land is held sacred even in the midst of hostilities. It may be recollected that the French National Assembly directed the executive to negotiate with other powers for the abolition of privateering, or rather licensed piracy on the high seas, a practice only worthy of the dark ages of man, but the curse and disgrace of enlightened Europe. [Leyd. Gaz.]
LONDON, August 7.
The Declaration of the Duke of Brunswick is said to be a composition entirely his own, and contrary to the opinion of Prince Hohenlohe, the General of the Imperial troops. The Duke was perhaps afraid that he should not meet with opposition enough in France to afford an opportunity for a full display of his military skill, and proposed a declaration to provoke the whole nation to unite against him.
The Subscription towards the succour of the people of Poland is likely to be taken up in a way unprecedented in the history of England. Not merely Corporations, public Bodies and Clubs—but the ladies have distinguished themselves in a cause so noble, and some of our most exalted women emulate the Dutchess of Marlborough in the cause of Maria Theresa.
The Court of Vienna is said to have insisted on the dismissal of Calonne from the councils of the French Princes, on account of the general detestation in which he is held in France.
Count Florida Blanca, the late minister of Spain, who since his dismissal had lived retired at Elsin, in Mercia, is now a prisoner in the castle of Pampeluna. His successor Count d' Aranda refused to sign the order for apprehending him, but the king insisted that it should be executed. He is accused of depredation, of squandering public money, and illegally promoting his relations and creatures.
With sincere grief we have to announce to the many friends and admirers of Lieutenant General Burgoyne, that he was taken suddenly ill at the house of Mr. Fox, on Saturday morning. He went to bed in perfect health, after spending the day cheerfully, and died at four in the morning.
Yesterday morning at 7 o'clock, died, in Lower Grosvenor-street, in the 61st year of his age, the Right Hon. Frederick North, Earl of Guilford, Lord North, of the most noble order of the garter, Lord Warden and Admiral of the Cinque Ports, Governor of Dover Castle, Lord Lieut. and Custos Rotulorum, of the county of Somerset, Recorder of Gloucester, and Taunton, an elder brother of the Trinity House, President of the Foundling Hospital, and of the asylum, and governor of the Turkey company.

August 9. The Ambassador from the United States of America to the British Court arrived on Friday night, with a numerous suite, and has taken up his residence at the Royal Hotel, St. James's.
Two standards belonging to Tippoo Sultan's army, and taken by Lord Cornwallis before the walls of Seringapatam, have been sent home by his Lordship as a present to Lord Pembroke.
The Austrians and Prussians have, it is said, finally determined to form immediate arrangements for advancing to Paris, which they are resolved to capture on or before the 23d of October next.
Letters received by yesterday's Flanders mail, acquaint us with news of the Russians having began hostilities against the French. Two French ships, from Marseilles, have been taken off Sirigo in the Mediterranean, by part of a squadron said to consist of 18 sail of cruizers, under the command of Major Lambro, under Russian colours. The prizes were ordered to the Braccia de Marina, inhabited by pirates. One of the French vessels was retaken in the night, by the French sailors, and got safe into Candia.
On the 31st of July the following proclamation, for the maintenance of public tranquility, was published by order of the king of France.
"The king cannot see, without profound indignation, the acts of violence by which the public tranquility for several days past has been disturbed in the capital, individual liberty outraged, the safety of persons and property endangered. His Majesty would think himself the accomplice of excesses, if he suffered them in silence to be committed before his eyes, and the blood of Frenchmen to be sprinkled, to use a strong expression, on the walls of his palace, or the gates of the national assembly. If armed men are capable of forgetting that there exist laws, the guardians and protectors of liberty and lives of citizens, his Majesty will never forget that he is invested with the national power, but to maintain the execution of those laws. He has already directed the ministers of justice to denounce to his commissioners in the criminal tribunal, the crimes perpetrated yesterday. He has to day enjoined the departments, the municipality, all public officers, civil and military, to employ all the means given them by the Constitution, to re-establish order and peace. He invites all citizens to concord, to respect for the constituted authorities, to zeal for maintaining tranquility; and in case of its being disturbed, he enjoins all the friends of their country and of liberty, to give force to the law."
BELFAST, July 14.
The following address to the National Assembly of France was this day agreed to unanimously, at the commemoration of the French revolution, as proposed by John Crawford, Esquire.
"IT is not from vanity or ostentation, that we, the citizens of Belfast, and citizen soldiers of that town and neighbourhood, take the liberty of addressing the representative majesty of the French people. We address you with the rational respect due to a title elevated far above all servile and idolatrous adulation, and with that affectionate fraternity of heart which ought to unite man to man, in a mutual and inseparable union of interests, of duties and of rights; which ought to unite nation with nation, into one great republic of the world.
"On a day, sanctified as this has been, by a declaration of human right, the germ of so much good to mankind, we meet with joy together, and with well to France, to her National Assembly, to her people, to her armies, and to her king.
"May you, legislators, maintain, by the indefatigable spirit of liberty, that constitution which has been planned by the wisdom of your predecessors, and never may you weary in the work you have undertaken, until you can proclaim with triumphant security, It is finished! Manifest to an attentive and progressive world, that it is not the phrenzy of philosophy, nor the fever of wild and precarious liberty, which could produce such continued agitation, but that imperishable spirit of freedom alone, which always exists in the hearts of men, which now animates the heart of Europe, and which, in the event, will communicate its energy throughout the world, invincible and immortal.
"We rejoice, in the security of our souls, that this creative spirit animates the whole mass of mind in France. We auspicate happiness and glory to the human race, from every great event which calls into activity the whole vigor of the whole community; amplifies so largely the field of enterprise and improvement, and gives free scope to the universal soul of empire. We trust that you will never submit the liberties of France to any other guarantees than God, and the right hands of the people.
"The power that presumes to modify or to arbitrate with respect to a constitution adopted by the people, is an usurper and a despot, whether it be the meanest of the mob, or the ruler of empires, and if you condescend to negotiate the alteration of a comma in your constitutional code, France,
in that moment, is a slave. Impudent defiers of Europe! Is it not enough to crush human nature beneath your feet at home, that you thus come abroad to disturb the domestic happiness of the nations around you, and put in motion your armies, those enormous masses of human machinery, to beat down every attempt that man makes for his own happiness? It is high time to turn these dreadful engines against their inventors, and organized as they have hitherto been, for the misery of mankind, to make them now the instruments of its glory and its renovation.
"Success, therefore, attend the armies of France!
"May your soldiers, with whom war is not a trade, but a duty, remember they do not fight merely for themselves, but that they are the advance guard of the world: nor let them imagine that the event of the war is uncertain. A single battle may be precarious, not so a few campaigns. There is an omnipotence in a righteous cause, which masters the pretended mutability of human affairs, and fixes the supposed inconsistency of fortune. If you will be free, you must; there is not a chance that one million of resolute men can be enslaved; no power on earth is able to do it; and will the God of justice and mercy? Soldiers! there is something that fights for you even in the hearts of your enemies. The native energies of humanity rise up in voluntary array against tyrannical and preposterous prejudice, and all the little cabals of the heart give way to the feelings of nature, of country, and of kind.
"Freedom and prosperity to the people of France! We think that such revolutions as they have accomplished, are so far from being out of the order of society, that they spring inevitably from the nature of man and the progression of reason: what is imperfect, he has the power to improve; what he has created, he has a right to destroy. It is a rash opposition to the irresistible will of the public, that in some instances has maddened a disposition, otherwise mild and magnanimous, turned energy into ferocity, and the generous and gallant spirit of the French into fury and vengeance. We trust that every effort they now make, every hardship they undergo, every drop of blood they shed, will render their constitution more dear to them.
"Long life and happiness to the king of the French! Not the lord of the soil and its servile appendages, but the king of men, who can preserve their rights, while they entrust their powers. In the crisis of his fate, may he withstand every attempt to estrange him from the nation; to make him an exile in the midst of France, and to prevent him from identifying himself as a magistrate with the constitution, and as a Frenchman with the people.
"We beseech you all as men, as legislators, as citizens, and as soldiers, in this your great conflict for liberty, for France, and for the world, to dispel all earthly danger, to look up to God, and to connect your councils, your aims, and your Empire to his throne, with a chain of union, fortitude, perseverance, morality, and religion.
"We conclude, with the fervent prayer: That as the almighty is dispersing the political clouds which have hitherto darkened our hemisphere, all nations may use the light of Heaven: that as in this latter age, the Creator is unfolding in his creatures, powers which had long lain latent; they may exert them in the establishment of universal freedom, harmony and peace; may those who are free, never be slaves; may those who are slaves be speedily free."
To the EDITOR of the National Gazette.
Richmond, Sept. 12, 1792. I HAVE been very impolitely attacked in Mr. Fenno's paper without provocation—shall thank you to publish my answer, which is in Davis's Virginia Gazette of today. I had no idea that the essay intended for this state would be re-published in Philadelphia; this being the case, I shall be glad that the explanations have the same fate. I am, your obedient, HENRY BANKS.
MR. DAVIS, MR. JOHN FENNO, in a late paper, charges me with an untruth, and endeavours to prove it by saying that the duty on nails is one cent per pound. The law of Congress as published, says the duty is two cents per pound.—1000 10d. nails will weigh 14 pounds—the duty is 28 cents—about 1/9 Virginia currency, 2/2 Pennsylvania, 2/6 New-York and North-Carolina, without the addition of the merchants advance. For the sake of round numbers, I said that nails were advanced in price two shillings per thousand, and even if I could not support the assertion, I must have a better opinion of Mr. F. than his paper has ever yet justified, to take any thing which he publishes, as a truth. Ministerial papers, I am told, have an exclusive patent for lying, and as extraordinary patents have been lately given by Congress for some things, I am to infer that Mr. F. is under the protection of some demagogue of the times.—When falsehood is opposed to truth, and a plain, candid observation of a private citizen is tortured into sedition, Oh, shame where is thy power! Oh, republicanism, where art thou fled! But I will
invite you to return; Virginia will give you an asylum. I shall at a proper season make observations on the favorite, and diabolical maxims, that public debts are public blessings, and that the exigencies of government should be always equal to her resources; maxims which have widely extended the fields of speculation, and which marshal one part of the community in the shape of an army, another in that of place-men, who play into each other's hands like the ebbing and flowing of tides.
HENRY BANKS. September 10, 1792.
PHILADELPHIA.
SEPTEMBER 12, 1792.
The following statement of the quantity of rice shipped from Charleston, South-Carolina, from the 15th of Dec. 1791, to Sept. 1792, has been handed to us by a gentleman from that capital: viz. One hundred and eight thousand five hundred and sixty-seven tierces. The nett weight of each tierce may be averaged at 550lb.
By a private letter from Canada to a gentleman in this town, we learn, that Lt. Governor Simcoe brought from England with him all the civil officers of his new government of the Upper Province which he governs: also a new regiment called the Queen's Rangers, raised for the service of that country, together with one battalion of the 60th, and the whole of the 24th regiment, amounting to nearly 1800 regular troops: the militia of both provinces are also under the strictest discipline. The letter further adds, that all the Indian warriors of Lower Canada have assembled, and are on their way to join the confederation (which is said to be general) against the United States; they are to meet a grand council which they say are to assemble at the Miami villages. It is thought in Quebec that the Americans would save much expence and bloodshed by a timely peace, as there never was known so general a league of those barbarians of the wilderness.
The present situation of Europe, says a correspondent, should attract the attention of every American citizen. He may there learn a lesson which will enable him to judge with what anxiety he ought to watch over the conduct of those to whom he has entrusted the welfare of his country. When he sees the combination formed in the old world by those who are in reality the mere stewards of the people against their masters, though at the same time he ought to congratulate himself upon his happy condition, he should doubtless take every method in his power to insure the transmission to posterity, of the blessings which he enjoys. For the attainment of this end, there are no means so important as a proper choice of representatives in Congress, especially at the present early period of our political life. It is from the youth of a people that their national character in manhood is derived. If the seeds of corruption are early sown, the soil becomes congenial and the crop but too abundant. The offices of government are in this case created not for the good of the public, but for the emolument of individuals: And in time the modest dignity of a republic is thrown aside for the meretricious pageantry of monarchical splendor. If on the contrary the plant of freedom is watched with care, and the canker-worm of corruption is never suffered to prey upon the buds of liberty, political happiness will be left unadulterated as a legacy to thousands of generations. The posterity of Americans will reverence the work of their ancestors, and the example will inspire them with a sacred regard to the pledge committed to their care, and freedom will still have an asylum in the United States of America.
On Tuesday last Doctor CLAGGET, of the state of Maryland, was consecrated bishop for that state, in New-York, by the Right Reverend Doctor SAMUEL PROVOOST.
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated the 27th of August, 1792.
"The Indians that captivated a family off Clinch, the 11th inst. have been overtaken the second time. Capt. Lewis with his company fell in with them at Harman's old station, on Sandy river. The enemy were quite secure, and had put their guns in one of their cabins, whilst all were without at a fire, busily roasting corn and pampkins. The captain had divided his men into two parties, with an intention of surrounding them on the land side, and forcing them into the river. But unfortunately only one party came up in time—However, the Indians were fired on, and had to fly with such precipitation, that they left all their plunder, and even their guns.
"Governor Blount is returned to Knoxville, having succeeded in his negotiations with the Chickasaws only. The Cherokees continue their murders and depredations on the Cumberland settlement. Should the Cherokees appear in force against us, the fortification lately ordered will be found of singular use. Governor Blount has lately ordered a proportion of the militia into actual service for nine months. This proves
his apprehensions from his neighbours the Cherokees."
The glass works near Albany, for some years wholly neglected, have been lately purchased by some citizens of Albany, and fitted up in the best manner, for carrying on the business in its utmost extent.—The window-glass at present manufactured at those works, we are assured, is equal to any from Bristol.
"We are sorry to hear that there has been a greater demand for flits , within the last year, than there has ever been in any one year, within the United States. These flits are, in general, small and accommodated to family use. It appears, from this melancholy fact, that the remark of Mr. Findley, in one of the numbers of his Sidney , is well founded, viz. "that all the extra appetites become more clamorous in their demand by every attempt that is made to restrain them."
"At this particular period (says the Boston Ind. Chronicle ) certain individuals, who keep behind the curtain, are employed in venting their abuse against every man who is attempting "to keep awake that true republican spirit which should never sleep in the breast of an independent elector." They are endeavouring in a libellous manner, to represent such men as inimical to government, because they wish to secure the rights of the people, by "a constant watch upon the proceedings of their public servants." A JEFFERSON, a HANCOCK, a SAM'L ADAMS, a CLINTON, and a MADISON, are not secure at different times against their malevolent attacks. Men whose attachment to their country was proved in those "times that tried men's souls"—whose lives were jeoparded on the success of their exertions—and who were uninfluenced in their efforts, by the lure of a funding system, or the profits of a national bank. When such distinguished, disinterested patriots become the objects of resentment, it must place every man that meets with similar treatment in a very respectable point of view in the eyes of every free American."
The following is certified by the Governor of New-Jersey to be a true list of the names of all the persons proposed as candidates to be voted for by the electors of New-Jersey as representatives in the Congress of the United States: James F. Armstrong, John Bayard, John Beatty, Joseph Bloomfield, Elias Boudinot, Lambert Cadwallader, John Chetwood, Abraham Clark, Elias Dayton, Jonathan Dayton, Samuel Dick, Jonathan Elmer, John Harring, Thomas Henderson, Aaron Kitchell, James Linn, Thomas Sinnickson, Joseph Smith, John Witherspoon. The following gentlemen have likewise been proposed, but decline serving—Frederick Frelinghuysen, Richard Howell, James Kinsey, Samuel Leake, Aaron Ogden, Abm. Ogden, Jas. Schureman. Extract of a letter from a gentleman now in Grenock, (Scotland) dated July 22.
"You will no doubt have seen Paine's second part of the Rights of Man. When I was in Edinburgh (about two months ago) I bought a copy of it and took it to Grenock with me, there being no other in the whole town. When it was known I had such a book in my possession, I was considered as a person that wanted to sow sedition, and the people here are so attached to business and religion in preference to every thing else, that I found it necessary to peruse Mr. Paine in secret, and never venture to mention his name in public."
"* * THE feculities of ribbity cannot otherwise than be a little agitated at the late solemn confederation of a certain high-minded TRIO, to annihilate, crush, do away, and forever destroy the National Gazette. The Trio, however, will be pleased to take notice that the clubbing of their little abilities will not alone answer the end that they have pledged themselves to accomplish. Such an undertaking requires "better stuff."
THREE well-fed lads, in solemn junto met, Swore to destroy the National Gazette; One smelt a hibe, that never did exist, One scrawl'd some nonsense with his mutton fist, One, swoll with fancied state and fancied power, Reported lies, that scarcely liv'd an hour: Bold were their aims (even envy might confess) But paunch alone can never crush this press; Alike we scorn their lies in verse and prose. Their breadth of belly, or their length of nose.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS,
   September, 1792.   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather.     Wednesday, 12. 6 30. 1 30. 1 50 N. E. Fair.   9 30. 1 30. 1 71 S. E. Haze.   Thursday, 13. 6 30. 1 30. 1 54 N. E. Fair.   9 30. 1 30. 1 74 do. do.   Friday, 14. 6 30. 0 30. 0 53 S.S.W. Fair.   9 29. 9 29. 9 78 S. W. Haze.   Saturday, 15. 6 29. 7 29. 7 64 Calm. Fog. 7.   9 29. 8 29. 8 71 N. Cloudy.   Sunday, 16. 6 29. 9 29. 9 64 N. E. Cloudy.   9 29. 8 29. 8 69 do. Rain.   Monday, 17. 6 29. 8 29. 8 62 N. E. Rain.   9 29. 9 29. 9 71 do. Cloudy.   Tuesday, 18. 6 30. 5 30. 5 57 N. Cloudy.   9 30. 5 30. 5 68 do. do.  

For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU, Please to publish the following little production, and oblige, yours, &c.—Simplicitas.
A SONG.—EXTEMPORE. The Robin Red-breast; or, the ignorance of a Citizen discovered.
PLEAS'D with the soothing strains I heard
I knew not whence they came, When lo! I saw a pretty bird Come hopping, as if lame.
MOLLY, whom late I made my bride, Whose sympathy I knew, Was just then seated by my side And pity'd Robin too.
Eager I sprang, the bird to seize, To gratify a whim, To learn if fostering care could ease The little mangled limb.
Alas! cry'd I, what cruel man Could hurt so sweet a bird— But Molly smil'd, and, as I ran, Could aught be more absurd?
The warbler prov'd he was not lam'd, Then soar'd the hills high top,— This cheer, a robin red-breast nam'd, Only appear'd to hop.
Sept. 20.
MANIFESTO Of the KING of PRUSSIA.
A Succinct Exposition of the Reasons which have determined his Majesty to take up Arms against France.
(Published at Berlin, July 24 1792.)
His Prussian Majesty flatters himself that the powers of Europe, and the public in general, will not have waited for this exposition to fix their opinion on the justice of the cause which he is going to defend. In fact, no one, who is not desirous of misunderstanding the obligations which the king's engagements, and his political connections impose on him, and of shutting their eyes upon the conduct of the present government of France, can deny that the warlike measures on which his majesty has with regret determined, are the natural consequences of the violent resolutions which the madness of the party predominating in France have made him adopt; and of which it was easy to foresee the fatal consequences.
Not content with having openly violated, by the notorious suppression of the rights and possessions of the German princes in Alsace and Lorraine, the treaties which unite France and the German empire; with having given way to principles subversive of all social subordination, and consequently of the repose and security of nations; and with having sought to spread in other countries, by the propagation of these principles, the seeds of licentiousness and anarchy which have overturned France; with having tolerated, favoured, and even given out discourages and writings outraging the sacred persons and legal authority of sovereigns; they who have seized upon the reins of administration in France, have at length filled up the measures of their iniquities by declaring an unjust war against his majesty the king of Hungary and Bohemia, and followed up their declaration, by committing real hostilities against the Belgian provinces of that monarch.
The German Empire, of which the Netherlands make a part, as the circle of Burgundy, finds itself necessarily comprehended in this aggression. But other facts have but too much justified the fear of hostile invasions, which the menacing preparations of the French on the Frontiers had for a long time raised in Germany. The territories of the Bishop of Basle, incontestibly a part of the empire, have been occupied by a detachment of the French army, and are still under its power and discretion. Incursions of the troops of the same nation, or corps of rebels assembled under their auspices have desolated the country of Liege. It may be certainly foreseen, that as soon as ever the conveniences for war would appear to counsel it, the other provinces of Germany would experience the same fate; and the knowledge of their local position is sufficient to show the imminent danger to which they are exposed.
It would be superfluous to enter into a detail of the facts here alleged; they are notorious; the whole empire has been, and still is witness of them. If it were possible to entertain any doubts of the injustice of the French aggressors, they would be entirely removed, by impartially weighing the unanswerable arguments on this point in the diplomatic pieces of the Cabinet of Vienna.
His Prussian majesty entertained hopes for a long time, that at length, after so many agitations and inconsistent proceedings, the persons who directed the French administration would return to the principles of moderation and good sense, and avoid the extremities to which things are brought. It was with salutary views that at the commencement of the military preparations of France on the frontiers, founded on the asylum granted by some states to the French princes, he engaged his minister Count de Goltz, residing at Paris, to declare to the ministry of his most Christian majesty "that he would look upon any invasion of the territory of the German empire as declaring of war, and would oppose it with all his forces." The minister after receiving orders, found the Charge des Affaires of his majesty the emperor, in a number of representations, making known in the most express manner, that the king was invariably pursuing the same line with his Apostolic majesty
respecting the affairs of France. The event has shown how little his expectation, from these energetic declarations has been answered. But, at least, the party whose furious determinations have brought on hostilities, could never pretend ignorance of his majesty's intentions; and it is to them in particular, but more generally to the principles manifested in the National Assembly—principles which attack all governments—that France must take to itself the effusion of human blood, and the misfortunes which the present circumstances have brought upon her, and which are likely to increase. His Prussian majesty not being able to remain a tranquil spectator of the war against his Apostolic Majesty, has not hesitated to recall his resident minister from Paris, and to act in defence of his Ally.
As a preponderating member of the Germanic body, he owes it also to his relations in that quality to march to the succour of his co-estates against the attacks they have already experienced, and with which they are daily menaced; it is men under the double relation of an ally of his Apostolic majesty, and as a powerful member of the German empire, that his majesty takes up arms; and it is the defence of the territories of that monarch, and of Germany, which forms the first motion of his argument.
But the king would but imperfectly conform to the principles which he has professed, if he did not extend the efforts of his arms to another kind of defence, which his patriotic sentiments equally impose upon him as a duty.
Every one knows how the French, in contempt of the most sacred laws, and the right of the nations, and against the express tenor of treaties, have despoiled the German princes of their rights and incontestible possessions in Alsace and Lorraine; and the declarations that many of those princes have themselves caused to be published, as well as the deliberations and arrests of the Diet of Ratisbon on that important matter, will furnish proofs of the injustice of the proceedings of the French government in that respect, which has not hitherto proposed to grant a full indemnity to the aggrieved parties; but adopting a peremptory language and threatening measures, only offered indemnities altogether insufficient and inadmissible. It is worthy of the king and of the august ally, to see justice done to the oppressed princes, and to maintain the faith of treaties, the only basis of union and reciprocal confidence among people, and the essential foundation of their tranquility and welfare.
There is indeed another end of the king's armaments, still more extensive than the former, and not less worthy of the wise and beneficent views of the allied courts.—This tends to prevent the incalculable evils that may result to France itself, to all Europe, to all mankind, from that fatal spirit of general insubordination, of subversion of all powers, the spirit of licentiousness.
There is no power interested in the maintenance of the equilibrium of Europe, who can be indifferent in seeing the kingdom of France, which has long formed to considerable a weight in this grand balance, delivered up to its internal agitations; and to the horrors of disorder and of anarchy, which have, as it were, annihilated its political existence: nor is there any Frenchman, a true lover of his country, but must ardently desire to see them terminated: any man, in fine, a sincere friend to humanity, who must not wish to see a boundary put to this imposture of liberty, ill understood, whose faction has led the people astray far from their real happiness, by disturbing the happy bands of confidence and attachment which ought to unite them to their princes, their fathers and their defenders; to put bounds to the unbridled fury of the wicked, who seek to destroy the respect due to government, only to sacrifice on the ruins of the throne to the idol of their insatiable ambition, or of a vile stupidity.
To put an end to anarchy in France; to establish there a legal power upon the essential basis of a monarchical form of government—to secure by this means other governments against the incendiary efforts of a frantic mob, this is the grand object which the king, conjointly with his ally, proposes to himself; assured, in this noble enterprise, not only of the avowal of all the powers of Europe, who acknowledge its justice and necessity, but in general of the suffrage and good wishes of whoever interests himself in the happiness of mankind.
His Majesty is very far from being willing to throw on the whole French nation the blame of those unhappy circumstances which force him to take up arms. He is persuaded that the greatest part of that estimable nation abhors the excesses of a too powerful faction; is aware of the dangers to which their intrigues expose the nation, and desires a return of justice, of order, and of peace. Unhappily, experience shows that the momentary influence of that party is still but too real, though the event has already demonstrated the inutility of their culpable projects, founded only on insurrections, which it seeks to foment.
The difference of sentiment in persons well disposed, however certain, is but little perceived in its effects. But his Majesty hopes, that, at last opening their eyes to the dreadful situation of their country, they will show all the energy which so just a cause ought to inspire; and that, looking upon the troops assembled on the frontiers as their true friends and protectors, they will learn justly to appreciate the factions, who have put France in a combustion, and will alone be responsible for the blood which their criminal enterprises will cause to be shed.
Berlin, June 26, 1792.
George Town, June 2, 1792. A NUMBER of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in the city of Washington, will be offered for sale, by the Commissioners on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, July 25. Clerk to the Commissioners.
*** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York Price 5/7 1-2.
To be published by Subscription, THE AMERICAN REMEMBRANCER OR PROCEEDINGS OF THE Old Congress,
From September 1774, to March 1789—an authentic and original collection of Official Letters &c.
Written during the late war;—and Extracts from the
Secret Journals.
[For particulars, see the Proposals at large.]
SUBSCRIPTIONS are received by the principal
booksellers, and by the Editor, JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-Street, Philadelphia.
JUST PUBLISHED By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence) FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the
Yeomanry of the United States:
CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Govt. or Duer and Mr. Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures, by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing-Office, No 156, Market-street; at No 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Crukshanks, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Cheyney and Second-streets. August 21.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer, JOHN M'CULLOCH, at No. 1. North Third-Street, and by most of the Booksellers in this city, (Price 3/9) MODERN CHIVALRY: Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, his Servant.
VOLUME II. By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines, nostri, Farrago libelli. Juvenal
PUBLIC REPORTS FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May, 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAIN, the publishers, No. 209 Market-street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States. May 24.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And for Sale at the Printing-Office, No. 209, Market-Street, and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in Second-Street, Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar, ADVICE TO THE
PRIVILEGED ORDERS, in the SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE, Resulting from the necessity and propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government.
By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market-street) in folio and octavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
PLANS OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON. FOR SALE BY MESSRS. Dobson, Young, Crukshank, and Carey, in this city. Sept. 15. 6t.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of Stock in the said Society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second installment for the payment of shares in the stock of this Society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second installment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 11-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—t New-Brunswick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk.
July 24. tf.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitetown, in the state of New-York, on the north side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchasers.
N.B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill seats. The peculiar advantages of this tract, situated within a few miles of Whitetown (which contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants) with an easy and convenient water carriage to Schenectady, Albany, and New-York, make it an object for any persons inclined to settle it, and render it an extremely advantageous purchase for persons inclined to realize their money in land of an increasing value. The whole tract or any part of it, will be sold very low for cash, or for part cash, and the remaining payments at distant periods. Enquire at No. 229 Queen Street, near the Fl.-market New-York. July 19.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé,—
SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Méridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubres où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour Supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque temps on rendra navigable le Grand Saluda, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement divisées de coteaux et vallons charmans, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être guères possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. rawtf
SOCIETY FOR ESTABLISHING USEFUL MANUFACTURES.
NOTICE is hereby given to the Stockholders of the Society for establishing useful manufactures, that the annual election for Directors of the said Society will be held at the Courthouse in New-Ark in the county of Essex on the first Monday in October next, between the hours of twelve and two in the afternoon of the same day.
A. MERCER, Deputy Governor. New-Ark July, 17th 1792.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.