Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-09-08 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 43, of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 147.]
PHILOSOPHICAL REFLECTIONS ON THE LATE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, AND THE CONDUCT OF THE DISSENTERS IN ENGLAND.
CONCLUDED.
IF experiments in every branch of medical philosophy were pursued on a liberal and comprehensive plan, new sources of knowledge would be opened for our contemplation, and the evils of life greatly alleviated. The late Doctor Johnson's speculations on this subject were new and curious. I remember when the scheme of sending Swiss troops to the East Indies was talked of, a person in conversation censured it, because on foreign service they are liable to the maladie du pays , and often languish away their lives, unless they are permitted to return home. The Doctor asked, whether there were any Scotch regiments in India? On being answered in the affirmative, "Let the Switzers, then," said he, "be inoculated with the Scotch, and, rely on't, the disease will never reach them."
But, Sir, notwithstanding the strong symptoms of our approaching ruin, I rejoice to see a revival of our ancient spirit. The corporation and test acts have not been repealed; else insurrection, irreligion, and anarchy, would have been the consequence. Those acts are our defence against the encroachments of non-conformity; they are the shield of our faith, which protects us against the darts of fanaticism. What is the presbyterian plea of merit? The storm that overturned the state was raised by you; otherwise we should have enjoyed at this moment the blessed calm of arbitrary power; for it was a meritorious device in the clergy to convert, by a species of political transubstantiation, that implicit obedience they owed the pope, into an unlimited allegiance to the king: "And thus," says the sarcastic Doctor Hurd, "arose in the church that pernicious system of divine indefeasible right, broached indeed by the clergy, but not from those corrupt and temporary views to which it has been imputed." Sir John Maynard betrays the virulence of a whig, in his answer—"This apology," says he, "is the best that could be made for it; but when one considers the baneful tendency of those doctrines which were calculated to enslave the souls and consciences of men, and, by advancing princes into the rank of gods, to justify their tyranny, one cannot help feeling a strong resentment against the teachers of them, however they themselves might be imposed on by several colorable pretences."
It is my boast, Sir, to have already demonstrated the essential benefits resulting from despotism and persecution, and to have shown the hierarchy in a true light, consistently laboring to promote both: I therefore trust those unfounded aspersions which have unguardedly dropt from the pen of the Bishop of Worcester, will have little weight with the candid reader. Let us now advert to the conduct of the dissenters at that critical period.—It is thus described by Mr. Hume, with whiggish rancour, and fanatical partiality: "Any word or writing which tended towards heresy, schism, or sedition," says he, "was punished by the high commissioners, or any three of them. They alone were judges of whatever expressions had that tendency; they proceeded not by information, but upon rumour, suspicion, or according to their own fancy! The puritanical party, though disguised [men of close ambition,] had a very great authority over the kingdom; and many of the leaders among the commons had embraced the tenets of that sect. All these were disgusted with the court, both by the prevalence of civil liberty essential to their party , and on account of the restraints under which they were held by the established hierarchy." Thus the virtuous austerity of Archbishop Laud, and the unshaken attachment of Charles to episcopacy, were fatally counteracted by the rebellious disposition of the dissenters; otherwise we should have had an holy inquisitorial tribunal to watch over our morals, and regulate our consciences, at this day.
Is it surprising, then, that you are held in abhorrence by the dissenters, their lethargy; they no longer slumber in their state; they have been convened "from the four quarters of the heavens" to stigmatize your proceedings. Like the Jewish priests of old, who enjoyed the exclusive privilege of blowing the sacred trumpet, Dr. H. has founded an alarm from Mount Sion, and gathered the elect together, to avenge themselves of their enemies.
"—Quo non praestantius alius Aere cire viros, matremque accendere cantu." Virg. Have you not, Sir, avowed the same principles
with your ancestors? and do you not well deserve a similar treatment? I see the genuine spirit of the primitive church revive, and the present race of dissenters are the objects of this wrath. Such pious fervency was never equalled, except by the orthodox zeal of the planters at Jamaica, who about a century ago, petitioned King William "to banish the Jews from that island, because they were the descendants of the crucifiers of our Lord."
"Ill will to the establishment," "must in all governments belong to a dissenting state; the man himself all the while believes he is doing God and his country service, and the harm he may do under this notion, will be only so much the more, the greater we suppose his virtue and abilities." This impressive truth cannot but have great weight with the public, when the moral character of the dissenters is considered; if they were vicious and profligate, there would be less danger.
It was confidently, indeed, asserted in debate, by Mr. Fox, that "it was neither just nor candid to charge the dissenters with designs which both their conduct and professions contradict. On this fallacious ground," says he, "every species of persecution, from the massacre of St. Bartholomew down to the corporation and test act, may be justified." Such arguments are clearly erroneous; yet they are always set off by this subdolous orator with such delusive ability, energy of expression, and imposing candor, that they too often make a fatal impression on the house. Hence his powers of deception; his positions being frequently admitted as true, even on points of law and the practice of the courts, though contrary to the opinion of the most eminent lawyers, who generally neglect or disdain to answer him. Yet, in defiance of this specious logic, I still say, that the protestant dissenters have entered into a solemn league and covenant to destroy our civil and ecclesiastical establishment; because I would do so in a similar situation; therefore I hate and persecute them, perfectly convinced I should merit the same treatment myself. I assert this strictly in virtue of that divine precept, of doing to all men what I would they should do unto me? This internal conviction, (as Hobbes finely observes) from the very constitution of human nature, must operate stronger on me than either the conduct or professions of the dissenters. Allow me to elucidate this by a familiar instance:—Let us suppose a criminal arraigned at the Old Baily; may not the jury conscientiously conclude, that if they had been in the same situation with the prisoner, they would have committed the same crime; and therefore find him guilty, though contrary both to fact and evidence, and notwithstanding the culprit's solemn asseveration of his innocence.
On this principle I join issue with Mr. Fox, and assert with him, that the same orthodox argument justifies every species of persecution; therefore I have made it the foundation of all my reasoning on this misrepresented and mistaken subject.
The example of Ireland has been alledged, as a triumphant instance of no bad consequences having ensued from a repeal of the test act; but to this a most satisfactory answer has been given by the author of A review of the Case of the Dissenters .—"The repeal of the Irish test act, in 1779, was probably," says he, "occasioned by the dread of a Spanish invasion. But what is the true use of Ireland's example? Eleven years are not yet passed over since the repeal took place. Is the repeal of the test act justified as a political measure, or is it not, by the present situation of the church and kingdom? Let the question sleep; its discussion might be more unpleasant than it could be profitable. But let Great Britain beware."
I am extremely glad that Doctor H. has boldly and openly alluded to the treasonable negotiation carried on between Spain and the Dissenters of Ulster, in 1779, as the Irish sectaries are very irritable, and sore on this tender point. The fact is, that a synod, denominated the Northern Association , was assembled at Belfast, and some propositions actually moved, for delivering up the province and the linen manufacture to Spain, if government any longer opposed the repeal of the test act. It is reported, that Mr. Fletcher, (who recently saved the church and state, by disclosing the dreadful conspiracy of the dissenting ministers at Boston, in Lincolnshire,) was provisionally a member of the Irish synod; and secretly withdrawing himself from the assembly, he took post, arrived in a few hours at Dublin castle, and laid this alarming intelligence before the Lord Lieutenant.—A council was suddenly called, and the heads of a bill drawn up and cer-
tified, (Poyning's excellent law being then in force) and transmitted to England, for a repeal of the test act.—A copy was dispatched to the synod, entreating them at the same time to break off all negotiation with Spain. After some debate their request was complied with, and the motions of the combined fleets in the channel became very languid, as Count d'Orvilliers' projects were utterly disconcerted by this wise and judicious measure. The original papers, and the whole of the correspondence between the president of the synod and the Marquis del C—, I hear, will be published by Doctor H. as an appendix to his next addition of " A Review of the Case ."
Now, Sir, permit me to ask you a plain question: Does not the church set an example to the dissenters how they should conduct themselves on casuistical difficulties? Is it not perfectly understood, that numbers of the clergy ardently wish to be relieved from subscription to the thirty-nine articles, and some years ago stated their reasons, with great force and precision, in a petition to the house of commons? Yet as the legislature did not think proper to comply with their request, they submit patiently, and consider the coercion of the subsisting law as an ample justification for their involuntary acquiescence. They conceive obedience, and holding their living, to be their primary indispensable duty, even on the tenure of subscription to articles which they do not believe. Yet they still maintain their conscientious objections in theory, and exhibit a laudable ingenuity, by reconciling unfulfilled principle with worldly wisdom.
Oaths are taken, and their obligation examined by them, with the same candor and liberality, on the incontrovertible maxims of moral and political philosophy, so ably illustrated by Archdeacon Paley, who shrewdly observes, "that members of colleges, and other ancient foundations, are still required to swear to the observance of their respective statutes; which observance is become in some cases unlawful , in others impracticable , in others useless , in others inconvenient ." But, if the act you swear to perform be absurd and impracticable, you are, ipso facto , absolved at the moment you take it. So, if the cause for prescribing the oath originally no longer exists, you are equally absolved, as the effect necessarily ceases with the cause. If the specific acts enjoined are impracticable or absurd, you virtually and truly comply with the genuine spirit of the oath, as far as you possibly can; which is the utmost you could do, even if you strictly and literally fulfilled every injunction, supposing they were neither absurd or impracticable. It may be invidiously asked, then, where is the utility of such a solemn appeal to heaven? And whether it would not be better either to form practicable oaths, or dispense with impracticable ones? My constant answer is—the danger to be apprehended from any innovation. Besides, one principal use of an university education would be lost; which is, to inspire our ingenious youth with a due veneration for the revered founders of colleges, who framed both the statute and the oath. By this means, the students are also early acquainted with the refinements of logic, and the subtlety of moral distinctions, and rendered less scrupulous on trivial points, which might otherwise impede their progressive fortunes in life.
Thus, Sir, animated with the most ardent zeal for the prosperity and glory of Britain, I have exerted my utmost efforts to inspire my countrymen with a true spirit of obedience, submission, and loyalty. The church is in danger; the constitution is menaced; a puritanical savageness of manners spreads among the people; the desponding seriousness of fanaticism has contaminated their hearts and infected the land. Atheism and democracy have formed a new family-compact, and this new and formidable alliance will be our ruin: I see nothing but clouds and darkness in the air; for despotism has almost finished his splendid course, and scarce emits one refracted ray, to cheer the impending gloom, and prolong the twilight of his reign.
Liberty, as every true Englishman knows, can only appear "profuse of bliss and pregnant with delight," when seated on her throne, with the crown and mitre in conjunction, on her head, adorned in the sumptuous robes of the peerage, with the test act in one hand, and the excise laws in the other. You will tell me, perhaps, with republican enthusiasm, that you can admire her dressed up in rustic simplicity, amidst the bleak mountains of Switzerland, surrounded by a hardy peasantry of soldiers, fertilizing the rocks, and turning the very stones into bread. You will tell me, that you can admire her in naked majesty , roving amidst the boundless forests of America, diffusing her own spirit of attraction through distant regions, and uniting them by its divine energy; where conscience is not shackled by bigotry; where toleration is prohibited, as only implying a suspension of persecution; where obedience to the laws is the test of allegiance, and the virtue of the man does not stigmatize the citizen. You will tell me, that you can admire this favorite goddess of yours, where she reduces all ranks, and levels all invidious distinctions, by restoring man to his natural equality, dignified alone by those superior talents bestowed on him by the Divinity; where all the brilliant traits of the human mind, unsubdued by the uniform glare and wide effulgence of monarchy, are displayed in their true and original colors.
I know you will tell me, that your eye is not microscopic enough to discern the minute spots in the sun of liberty that has lately risen in France; which has deigned to revisit the deserted shore of Corsica, and, in its glorious progress, has illumined the whole political atmosphere of Europe.
But, Sir, I sit down contented, and shall enjoy the conscious satisfaction of having performed my duty. I have painted the calamities of France; I have forewarned Britain of her danger. The sceptre trembles in the hands of kings; the stability of every throne is shaken, by the late political convulsion; the shock is not confined to France; it acts like "the electrical returning stroke," which often produces fatal effects at a vast distance from the place where the lightning falls."
I hope, Sir, you will excuse the freedom with which I have thus publicly addressed you, and be persuaded, that I can admire the celebrated philosopher in Doctor Priestley, though I have the misfortune to differ from him so essentially on religion and politics. I am, Sir, yours, &c. J. COURTNEY. LONDON, April 26, 1790.

Mais l'un et l'autre Guise ont eu moins de scrupule. Ces chefs ambitieux d'un peuple trop credule, Couvrant leurs intérêts de l'intérêt des cieux. Out conduit dans le piège un peuple furieux.
THE Prince of Condé, who secretly lighted up this conflagration, advanced by moderate days journeys to court. He wished to be witness of the event, and to take suddenly, according to circumstances, the part which should appear to him the most advantageous. The Admiral, always circumspect, feigned to remain neuter. He retired to his estate at Chatillon, under the pretext of enjoying the sweets of private life, without meddling with affairs of the public, or of government; but in reality it was as much to aid the conspiracy, by his councils and information, as to avoid the accidents which might defeat an enterprize which he judged rash and dangerous. The conspirators, who were not agitated with similar anxieties, but full of the most flattering hopes, had begun their march in secrecy, carrying their arms concealed under their cloaths. They advanced separately by different roads, and in the order which had been marked out by their chiefs, towards Blois, where the court resided at that time. This city was open on all sides, and without fortifications, and the conspirators were to meet in its suburbs, on the fifteenth day of March, 1560.
But whatever might be the activity of their proceedings and the secrecy of their councils, they could not escape the penetration of the Guises. The favors, pensions and employments they conferred, and their great reputation, had attached to them so many creatures in the different provinces of the kingdom, that they were punctually informed of all the movements of the conspirators. It was indeed impossible that the march of so numerous a multitude could remain unknown, when conspiracies whose secrets are confined to a small number of persons, of the most consummate discretion and fidelity, are almost always discovered before their execution. Whether the secret was discovered by La Renaudie, or Avenelles, or discovered by the spies employed by the ministry, even in the houses of the principal conspirators, or whether information of it came from Germany: as soon as the Guises had received it, they deliberated on the means of defeating it.
The Cardinal of Lorrain, who was no soldier, advised to assemble the nobility of the nearest provinces, to draw from the neighbouring cities all the garrisons to form a body of troops, and to send orders to all the commandants and governors to take the field, and put to the sword, all the men whom they should find in arms. He presumed that the conspirators, perceiving themselves to be discovered, and informed of the measures taken against them, and which fame would not fail to exaggerate, would dissipate of themselves. The duke of Guise, more familiar with danger, and despising the transports of a multitude, without discipline or order, regarded the advice of the Cardinal, as more proper to palliate the distemper, than to cure it; adding that since it was so pernicious, and had insinuated itself into the heart of the kingdom, it was useless to temporize, and give it opportunity to break out with more violence. He thought it therefore, more prudent to dissemble, and affect ignorance of the enterprize, to draw in the conspirators, and give them time to discover themselves; that in such a case, their defeat and punishment would deliver France from a fatal contagion, which, as it discovered itself by symptoms so terrible, demanded violent remedies, and not simple lenitives. He added, that in punishing separately only a part of the conspirators, they should furnish matter to the ill intentioned, to calumniate the authors of this severity; that the people, little accustomed to such insurrections, would regard this as a chimera, and as a table, invented by the ministry to crush their enemies, and establish their own power and authority: whereas, by overwhelming all the conspirators at once, when upon the point of execution, they should dissipate all false accusations, and justify in the sight of all the world, the rectitude and the sincerity of the intentions of those who were at the head of affairs.
Catharine agreed with the duke. No extraordinary preparation was made, which could excite a suspicion that the conspiracy was known. They only removed the King and the court to Amboise ten leagues from Blois. This castle, situated on the Loire, and in the midst of forests which fortify it, naturally, appeared to be a safer asylum: as it was easy to place in security the King and the two Queens, in the castle, while a small number of troops should defend the entrance of the village, which was of difficult access.
(To be continued.)
WILMINGTON, August 28.
A mine of copper, which from experiments made thereon, gave room to expect a valuable portion of gold, was began to be worked upon the first of this inst. on the lands of Solomon Draper, Meckenburg county, Virginia.
"And as imagination bodies forth The forms of things unknown, the poet's pen Turns them to shapes, and gives to airy nothings A local habitation and a name."
CURIOSITY is so active a spring of the soul, that it can never be gratified by the contemplation only of such things as have a real existence. It hurries the imagination through all the unknown regions of space, in search of new and extraordinary scenes, and constitutes darkness itself, as the residence of a vast variety of marvelous beings. The magic delusions of the fancy have yielded the highest pleasure to men of genius, and made them look with disdain on ordinary characters and occurrences. Perhaps no problem better deserves a solution, than why men of the most sublime understandings, should so often mistake the wildest chimeras for important realities. A man of a vigorous genius is liable, with all others, to imbibe errors and prejudices in education. When these are carried into mature age, in spite of reason and reflection, it is obvious their effects will be conspicuous in proportion to the fertility of the genius that has cherished them. We accordingly find that men of the most celebrated talents, have also been distinguished for the most remarkable whims and singularities of opinion. There are so many sources of deception to which we are exposed in education, that it is impossible to guard the understanding against associating ideas which have no natural connection. Fables and stories of legerdemain are put into the hands of children to stimulate their curiosity to read, and before instructors are aware of it, the tender mind fosters a thousand false conceptions, which perhaps are never afterwards eradicated.
It will here naturally be enquired, whether the productions of fancy are suitable to be presented to a mind before it is capable of looking into the nature of what it contemplates. The imagination of every person creates a world of its own, which is not only widely different from the actual state of things, but opposite likewise to the fictions which other people conceive. By this departure from truth, men are not only at variance with nature, but with one another. I cannot suppose that falsehood ever assumes a shape that can give it an eligible character. Nor do I believe a youth can be indulged in imposing on his own credulity, without exposing him to a real inconvenience. The mind cannot be too soon or too constantly habituated to view things as they really are. It is frequently suggested as an excuse for allowing young people to imbibe erroneous ideas, that when they are more advanced in age, they will discern their errors and can correct them. But there is something so fascinating to the young mind in the charms of poetry, and even in the rhapsodies of enthusiasm, that it becomes a painful self-denial to dismiss the errors that have entered through those alluring channels. There can be no effectual security against the delusions of falsehood and error, but by never suffering the mind to contract an habit of viewing objects otherwise than their real character deserves. If we take a pleasure in reading the fictions of a poem or a novel, let us be told, they are no more than a fiction. If the images delineated be contrary to nature, or drawn in too glowing colors, let the deception be exposed, that our ideas may not be warped from the truth. Many of the most bitter misfortunes which afflict human life, are occasioned, in a great degree, by the fictitious value we affix to objects through the ardor of an unchecked imagination. There is no purpose to which the understanding can be applied that will so much promote our real happiness and honor, as in discerning the true character and the real value of whatever offers itself to our consideration.
BOSTON, September 1.
We are happy to inform the public, that an opportunity has been lately afforded of trying the effect of prizes, in exciting the emulation of Youth, in the public Schools of this town, by the generous donation of NOAH WEBSTER, Esq. of Hartford.—This gentleman, soon after the adoption of the new system of education, in order to shew his approbation of it, presented to the School committee twelve copies of his "American selection of Lessons in reading and speaking," neatly bound, gilt and lettered, to be distributed in prizes, annually, at the several reading schools, as the committee should direct.
The school committee, accordingly, gave information to the respective masters, of this donation; since which the committee have attended the examination of the two upper classes in each school, and having selected six of the most meritorious boys in each of those classes, conferred four books upon them, and they drew lots for the same in presence of this committee.
Our latest account is, by Capt. Hall, from the port of St. Andero, in Spain, which he left about the 15th July—at which time every preparation was making for war—and the declaration of it, by England, was momentarily expected:—The Spaniards, he says, were in high spirits; and that
all the fishermen had been impressed a few days before he left Spain, to man the fleet.
Many elaborate volumes have been written to ascertain the rights of war; as if murder and devastation, things essentially wrong, could be induced to right by system. For what is war, but theft and robbery on a great scale? As burglary is nothing but a siege in miniature. Yet we do not find that the rights of theft, robbery, murder and burglary, have been as yet defended. The numbers concerned in any aggression, are so far from diminishing the guilt of the action, that they increase it in proportion to those numbers, because they can do more mischief than a few.
The number of persons in this town, taken in conformity to the act of the Legislature of the United States, at this period, exceeds 18000. Three or four years since, the whole number was but 14200.
AMERICAN PRODUCE.
In the city of New Haven, in 60 families, there have been raised the present season, no less than four hundred and forty two thousand silk-worms. Of the family of Mr. Abraham Thompson, 60,000 of the above number were raised; and it was with much satisfaction, in perusing the names of these persons who raised these valuable and industrious animals, we saw, that several young ladies had turned their attention thereto—one of whom, Miss Betsey Sherman, actually raised this season twelve thousand—and that one young lady, from 1200 cocoons, or silk balls, reeled eight ounces of the best of Silk.
PRIZES
IN THE NEW-YORK CITY LOTTERY.
Prize of 3000. No. 16,789.
Prize of 200. No. 5704—Prizes of 100. No. 15,049, 23063, 4074, 23,758.
Prizes of 50. 7719, 12650, 19780.
Prizes of 20. 5416, 16894, 17092, 18916, 21321, 5667, 11806, 18355.
Prizes of 10. 4224, 12571, 13213, 15619, 18940, 19688, 19737, 12124, 19310, 22667.
Prizes of 4. drawn on Tuesday 1st. inst.
Table with 10 columns: No., 807, 561, 944, 685, 203, 648, 492, 1473, 918, 857, 126, 910, 994, 673, 2098, 507, 192, 814, 954, 218, 995, 416, 364, 215, 909, 3909, 706, 808, 876, 404, 780, 249, 182, 977, 252, 257, 466, 367, 900, 897, 419, 126. Includes Wednesday prizes.
Table with 10 columns: No., 613, 524, 839, 902, 133, 826, 855, 212, 374, 248, 564, 614, 481, 1652, 293, 950, 662, 407, 861, 174, 428, 159, 388, 859, 900, 180, 943, 27, 2538, 426, 862, 297, 442, 677, 381, 503, 462, 946, 2549, 011, 674, 243.

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE.
SATURDAY, JULY 3.
Mr. NECKER's Opinion on the Abolition of TITLES of NOBILITY and ARMORIAL BEARINGS.
REPORT, says M. Necker, "having been circulated, that I gave my opinion in Council against accepting the decree of the National Assembly, relative to titles, names, and armorial bearings, I am called upon to make known the simple fact.
"It was also of opinion, that the observations should be accompanied by a letter from the King, expressing his Majesty's inclination to be guided by the knowledge of the National Assembly; and as this letter formed part of my advice, a draft of it will be found at the end of the observations.
Of the observations, which extend to considerable length, the following is an abstract.
"It is often necessary, when the public good requires it, to impose sacrifices on a particular class of citizens, which is always to be done with circumspection and delicacy, so dangerous is it to infringe, in any degree, the right of possession and the ordinary rules of justice.
"No deprivation ought to take place, from which no real advantage is derived.
"When exclusive privileges were superceded, and taxes equalized; when feudal rights were abolished; when the road to employments and preferments was opened to all alike; when all citizens were called together on a footing of equality, to form National and Legislative Assemblies, what was lost by one class was more than counterbalanced by what was gained by another.
"But what benefit will the great body of the people derive from the Decree relative to titles, names, and armorial bearings? The numerous class who must live by the wages of their industry, employed in the service of others, far from feeling hurt at the rank of their employer, conceive it in some degree reflected on themselves.
"Those whom fortune or education has placed but at a small distance from men of title, may enjoy, perhaps, a momentary pleasure in seeing those little emblems that obfuscated their own prospects completely demolished; but for the sake of an imaginary benefit so circumscribed in its nature it is equitable to deprive a numerous class of citizens of honorary distinctions, which form a part of their inheritance, and of which the loss will be more painful than that of all the pecuniary advantages they possess?
"Without inconvenience, and on just grounds might the mention of titles be forgiven in all Assemblies, National or Municipal where equality is necessary even in appearances; where it is of so much importance that the attendance should be always referred to reason and the confidence which patriotism inspires.
"It would also be proper to forbid all honorary additions in the Magistrate of citizens, to remind Frenchmen in the beginning of their course, that being equal in the eye of the law they will be equally supported by it in their efforts to serve their country. But, to pursue the distinctions farther, to follow them into the commerce of private life, would be a severity without use, the execution of which would be impracticable, without instituting an Inquisition inconsistent with the principles of liberty.
"The trappings of vanity are not lowered in price by an anxious proscriptio; but by a careless indifference, and by presenting to mens minds other objects of ambition.
"Useless deprivations will induce men of rank to seek for those distinctions in foreign countries, which are denied them in their own, sumptuary laws are found to banish the ostentatious and the wealthy.
"It is a hardship to oblige a numerous class of citizens to resume names, many of which are forgotten; and many families wish to be known by names which call to mind the services of their ancestors.
"It will be productive of confusion in many public proceedings.
"All these objections apply to the abolition of armorial bearings, and with greater force, inasmuch as they are, if possible, less offensive to the people.
"The abolition of liveries might indeed be agreeable to those whose fortune it has been to wear them, but would be a great loss to the manufacturers employed in the articles of which they are composed.
"In pursuing through the most minute details, all marks of distinction, some risk is run of misleading the people, respecting the true meaning of the word Equality, which in a civilized nation, and society already formed, can never mean an equalization of rank or of property. The diversity of labours and functions, the differences of fortune and education, emulation, industry, the graduation of talents and acquirements, all these disparities productive of the social movement, unavoidably bring with them external inequalities; and the sole object of the Legislator is, in imitation of nature, to direct them all towards a common good, equal to all, though different in its form and appearances."
DRAFT OF THE KING'S LETTER.
"The decree of the National Assembly, respecting titles, names and armorial bearings, affords just grounds of complaint to a numerous class in society, without procuring any advantage to the people; and as, notwithstanding its importance, it was passed at one sitting, these several considerations have determined me to communicate to the National Assembly some observations on the subject. I desire the Assembly to examine them, and if that body should adhere in all points to its first opinion, I will accept the decree, as a mark of my respect for the wisdom of the Assembly, and because I set a great value on maintaining a perfect harmony between the Assembly and myself."
LONDON, July 12.
THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPEAN POLITICS.
Russia and Sweden, the only two powers that have acted with any degree of vigour this campaign, appear on both sides as if pretty well contented with what they have done, and desirous now of taking breath.
The Kings of Hungary and Prussia, like two prize-fighters, continue their menacing posture, but without a blow being struck on either side.
Turkey stands aloof, as if wishing for peace. The scattered strength of that unwieldy empire always ill adapts her for war; and the repugnance of her soldiery to discipline, with the blows she has lately received, qualify her still less for it.
Poland, not foreseeing as yet any great benefits from her new alliance with Prussia, and dreading the loss of Thorn and Dantzic, is now in doubt whether she ought not to put herself again under the protection of Russia.
France continues her deliberations in tranquillity. If she has wit enough to keep out of the broils of her neighbours, the regulations of the National Council may have the wished for effect; and a new constitution be seen to arise, firmly founded on the broad basis of liberty.
The Liegeois seem in a fair way of getting rid of their Bishop, and forming a freer constitution there.
The Brabanters are in a fair way of being again obliged to truckle to the house of Austria. They may thank their priesthood and the aristocracy for this.
In the south of Europe, besides Avignon, some disturbances are said to have arisen; at Florence, and in other parts of Italy, but of no consequence. The Pope's territories are in the highest danger.
In respect to England and Spain, tho' the stocks still continue rather upon the rise, many notwithstanding are of opinion, that it will yet be a war. The sailing of the fleets on both sides seems to denounce it, and and the smallest brush between them will effectually decide a question, which at present fills some of the best heads in this kingdom with doubt.
On Sunday last, a very curious and uncommon phenomenon occurred in one of the gardens at Dumfries: A hive of bees having cast, happened to light upon an adjacent one, and soon after began to enter. The bees within perceiving the encroachment, and alarmed at the number of the intruders, immediately declared their intention of repelling the invaders, by a general hum, which was no sooner made, than they all came forth in order of battle. A dreadful conflict then ensued, which lasted upwards of three hours, when the besiegers were at last forced to retreat, after a very obstinate struggle, with the loss of about 2000.
PHILADELPHIA, September 2.
This day about two o'clock arrived in town from New-York, the President of the United States—his Lady, and their suite. They were joined on their approach by a number of respectable citizens—the city troops, and companies of light infantry.
Every public demonstration of joy was manifested;—the bells announced his welcome—and a feu de joie was fired
At 4 o'clock he partook of a repast (provided by the Corporation at the City Tavern)—at which were present the members of our Legislature and of the State Convention—the President and other executive officers of Pennsylvania.
WESTERN POSTS.
In 1784, Congress deputed Gen. HULL, to demand of Gen. HALDIMAND, the Governor of Canada, the surrender of the Posts within the United States, then and now garrisoned by British troops. And this demand Great-Britain has refused to comply with, notwithstanding the solemn stipulations of treaty; and notwithstanding every alledged cause for their retention has been removed in the adoption of the Federal Constitution. If a war should break out between England and the House of Bourbon, and if by accident, or otherwise, Great-Britain should gain any material advantage over its enemies, perhaps the disadvantage of their holding our Frontier posts may be more apparent, than it now appears to be.
Columbian Centinel.
The disturbances in Cape-Francois, are between the friends to the National Assembly, and the people who will acknowledge no other supremacy than the King's. The excesses committed have been great—and the consequence hath been, an almost entire stoppage of trade.
NEW-YORK, SEPTEMBER 8.
THE Treasurer of the United States has given notice, That purchases, pursuant to the "act making provision for the reduction of the public debt," will, for the present, be made in the city of New-York, commencing the 4th inst: Proposals sealed, accompanied with the Certificates, which must be of the present debt of the United States, including Indents, are received by the Treasurer: The Certificates, excepting those issued by the Register of the Treasury and Indents, to be registered before payment will be made.
Extract of a letter from Boston, August 31.
"In a violent storm last fall, the beacon on the hill was blown down; this was the third which had been erected since my remembrance; as it had always been a principal landmark, and was seen at a great distance at sea—the utility of some conspicuous object on so fine an eminence, is sufficiently obvious; and to avoid the trouble and expence of frequently erecting a wooden beacon—the town has determined to erect a column of stone—the pedestal is already built, on which historical inscriptions are to be cut; the work is prosecuting with such diligence that we shall very shortly have it completed—and a very great ornament it will be to the town; when finished I will send you a particular description of it.
"My neighbour, Mr. B— has purchased that fine spot of land in the rear of his garden, which you know is in the centre of the town, and has now a very extensive work in hand—when finished it will be a great addition to the beauties and accommodations of his seat.—His plan is a large fish pond with a fountain or jet d'eau in the centre; this must be an expensive undertaking, but should it prove abortive it will answer one good purpose at least—diffuse property. Should it succeed it will be a great novelty, and scarcely to be paralleled in any place equally populous. To these works of ornament and taste, I have the pleasure to inform you, that several new School Houses have lately been erected, which are very handsome edifices.
"I rejoice at the spirit of improvement which prevails at the present day: The exertions which were making at New-York when I was last there, do honor to your citizens; The alterations in your streets will prove a solid benefit to the city for many years, for every convenience and accommodation tends to encrease your trade and commerce. I was afraid that the removal of Congress would have slackened your enterprise and spirit; instead of which I understand you appear to go on with increasing ardor, and are completing the noble fabric designed for a government house; this building will be a capital ornament to the city, and worthy the metropolis of a State, which is making such rapid advances in population and commercial importance: As Mr. MORSE I think expresses himself "in point of local advantages for trade, manufactures and agriculture, no place in the United States boasts so fine a situation as yours; New York must therefore always continue as the capital of Connecticut and New Jersey—without any danger of a rival starting up, within a hundred miles east or west."
Extract of another Letter.
"The Governor has summoned the Legislature to meet next month: The principal business is to take into consideration the excise law—which it is expected will be repealed; this will be a great relief to the trade of the State.
"The federal disposition of this town and its attachment to government is strikingly evinced by the general detestation in which smuggling is held by all ranks:—All our Merchants unite in countenancing every breach of the revenue laws. A certain Capt. was lately brought to the bar of the Court upon a charge of swallowing too large an Oath—some circumstances appeared to mitigate his offence, or it would have proved a serious affair to him,
EXTRACT.
DELUDED Monks, who in dark cloisters hide The pow'r for duties, and the will for use, Who veil in seeming lowness your pride, Of works regardless, and of pray'rs profuse: No longer let your reason thus be chain'd, Nor grow'ling bend to superstition's rod; 'Tis not by losing life that Heaven is gain'd, Nor is it solitude which leads to God: He form'd this beauteous earth our social home, His sacred fane is uncondition'd space; The sky's whole concave is religion's dome, Its mandate Truth—Benevolence its grace.
A London Paper of June 7, contains the following article.
CITY DEBATES.—Admittance price 6d.
By authority of the Rev. Mr. WINCHESTER.
The Sixth Evening's debate, on the following important theme, will be this evening.
"Which is most consistent with revelation and reason the Arminian tenets of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley—the Calvinistic decrees upheld by the Rev. Mr. Whitfield and others—the Theology propagated by the late Emanuel Swedenburg, under the title of the new Jerusalem—or the doctrine of Universal Salvation, maintained by the Rev. Mr. Winchester."
The Whig Club in the city of London have lately had a Chair made for their President, by Crompton, of Cockspur street, which cost 270 guineas.
Counterfeit guineas and half guineas are mentioned in Woodfall's register of June 3; they are full weight, and are distinguished from true coin with difficulty; on a close examination the letters appear farther from the edge than on the mint guineas, and the head is not so well executed.
Extract of a letter from Edinburgh, May 29.
A person lately digging in a piece of bog, at Birdston, struck upon a parcel of silver coin—about 200 pieces; among which are some above eleven hundred years old.
FURTHER EUROPEAN ACCOUNTS.
Several severe skirmishes have taken place between the Swedes and Russians at Wilikala with various success—the Swedes finally were obliged to evacuate that post with the loss of several officers and upwards of one hundred soldiers killed and wounded. Capt. Wirgin under the direction of the King made another attack on the Russian fleet in the bay of Fredericksham—but without success. Part of the Spanish fleet was out the beginning of July: They have among their heavy ships one carrying 140, and five 124 guns each; and are building one with four decks, said to be the largest ship ever built. Some of the London papers mention that the Spaniards are repairing and extending their works before Gibraltar; and have 3000 men employed on them.
There has been a horrid scene of confusion and bloodshed at Nismes a large City in France; instigated by some traitorous characters, among whom were several Priests, a large party opposed the ordinances of the National Assembly—the National militia who went to its relief and to quell the insurgents marched in over dead bodies—two hundred of the conspirators were killed and the rest dispersed—but not without considerable loss to the National troops. The English papers further state, that a most virulent disorder had broken out in the Spanish fleet which swept off great numbers of the Sailors—it had however received a check—by introducing stricter discipline, and greater cleanliness among the men.
The celebrated Col. Tarleton is elected member of the new Parliament for Liverpool.
The Commissioners on the part of the State of Vermont are to meet those of the State of New-York, in this city, the 28th instant.
The new constitution of the State of Pennsylvania, having been agreed to by the convention and solemnly proclaimed—the legislature which was then in session, conceiving that their authority ceased with the old constitution, and coming in of the new—dissolved themselves the fourth instant; they have published an address to their constituents on the occasion.
We learn from Philadelphia, that the President of the United States took his leave of that city on Monday morning, and pursued his journey to Virginia.
Married, last evening, by the Rev. Mr. Spraggs, Capt. JOHN ARMOUR, (of the ship Grace) to the amiable Miss MARIA HOPSON, daughter of Mr. George Hopson, of this city.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
FINAL SETTLEMENTS 13 3/4. INDENTS 7 3/4. STATE SECURITIES 8 3/4.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Ship Merchant, Vredenburg, St. Andros, 50 days Schooner Three-Friends, Marschalk, Curricoa, 21 Neptune, Jones, ditto ditto.
NOTICE.
THE Managers give Notice, that the Drawing of the New-York City Lottery, concluded this day, and that an accurate list of the fortunate Numbers will be published with all possible expedition. The Prizes will be paid by the respective Managers, on Monday the 20th instant, agreeable to the conditions of the Lottery.
September

PROVIDENCE, August 20, 1790.
ADDRESS
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
SIR,
WE the inhabitants of Providence beg leave to offer you our congratulations, on your safe arrival in this place. We are sensibly affected by the honor conferred on the State, and on us in particular, in the present visit: And be assured, Sir, we shall think ourselves peculiarly happy, if, by our utmost attentions, it can be made agreeable to you.
We gladly seize the first opportunity to express the most sincere satisfaction in your election to the Presidency of the United States. The unbiased voice of a great nation, which unanimously called you to that important trust, is an event, of which the annals of history afford no example; nor will future time see it followed, unless the most transcendent merit and the clearest fame should be united in the same person.
As general of the armies of the United States, and as their President, we are attached to you by every motive of gratitude and affection. To the conduct and magnanimity of her Commander in Chief, uniformly displayed in the course of a long and arduous war, America is indebted, under the smiles of Heaven, for her freedom and independence: And the consummate prudence and ability, manifested in the exercise of the powers delegated to the President of the United States, exhibit to the world a character of no less celebrity in the cabinet than in the field.
From our most excellent constitution, and the benign influence of those virtues which characterize your administration, we entertain the most pleasing hopes of the extension of commerce, the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, and of the establishment of public faith, and private credit; and that the liberties of America will be transmitted to very late posterity.
We ardently pray that a life so conducive to the welfare of millions may be long protracted; and that, when the fatal shaft shall be sped which will deprive America of her great benefactor, you may ascend those regions where only exalted virtue will be fully rewarded.
Done in Town-Meeting, legally assembled, this Seventeenth Day of August, A. D. 1790, and in the Fifteenth Year of Independence.
Signed, at the request of the town by JABEZ BOWEN, Moderator. DANIEL COOKE, Town-Clerk.
THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER.
TO THE INHABITANTS OF PROVIDENCE.
GENTLEMEN,
THE congratulations which you offer me upon my arrival in this place, are received with no small degree of pleasure. For your attentions, and endeavors to render the town agreeable to me, and for your expressions, of satisfaction at my election to the Presidency of the United States, I return you my warmest thanks.
My sensibility is highly excited, by your ardent declarations of attachment to my person, and the constitution.
As, under the smiles of Heaven, America is indebted for freedom and independence rather to the joint exertions of the citizens of the several States, in which it may be your boast to have borne no inconsiderable share, than to the conduct of the Commander in Chief—so is the indebted for their support rather to a continuation of those exertions, than to the prudence and ability manifested in the exercise of the powers delegated to the President of the United States.
Your hopes for the extension of commerce, the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, and the establishment of public faith, as reared upon our constitution, are well founded; and it is my earnest wish that you may extensively enjoy the benefits arising from them.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your prayer for my future welfare, and offer up my best wishes for your individual and collective happiness. G. WASHINGTON.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
The Address of the Corporation of Rhode-Island College.
SIR,
THOUGH among the last to congratulate you on your advancement to that dignified and important station to which the unanimous voice of a grateful country has called you, the corporation of Rhode-Island college claim to be among the first in warmth of affection for your person, and in esteem for your public character. In placing you at the head of the United States, the regard was had no less to the influence of your example over the morals of the people, than to your talents in the administration of government. Happy are we to observe, that similar motives have influenced your conduct in filling the lower offices in the executive department. We most devoutly venerate that superintending Providence, which, in the course of events propitious to this country, has called you forth to establish, after having defended, our rights and liberties.
Agitated in the hour of doubtful conflict, exulting in your victories, we watched your footsteps with the most anxious solicitude. Our fervent supplications to Heaven, that you might be furnished with that wisdom and prudence necessary to guide us to freedom and independence, have been heard, and most graciously answered.
For the preservation of this freedom, one great object still demands our peculiar attention, the education of our youth. Your sentiments, Sir, on this subject, "that knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness," and the strongest barrier against the intruding hand of despotism, as they perfectly accord with those of the most celebrated characters that ever adorned human nature, so they leave no room to apprehend you will refuse the wreath with which the guardians of literature, here, would entwine your brow.
By restoring your health, and protracting your life, so dear to this country, Divine Providence has, in a late instance, furnished to millions matter of thanksgiving and praise.
That you may long remain on earth a blessing to mankind, and the support of your country; that you may afterwards receive the rewards of virtue, by having the approbation of God, is our most sincere desire, and fervent supplication.
Signed, by Order of the Corporation, JABEZ BOWEN, Chancellor. JAMES MANNING, President. DAVID HOWELL, Sec'y.
Providence, Aug. 19, 1790.
THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER.
TO THE CORPORATION OF RHODE-ISLAND COLLEGE.
GENTLEMEN,
THE circumstances which have, until this time, prevented you from offering your congratulations on my advancement to the station I hold in the government of the United States, do not diminish the pleasure I feel in receiving this flattering proof of your affection and esteem; for which I request you will accept my thanks.
In repeating thus publicly my sense of the zeal you displayed for the success of the cause of your country, I only add a single suffrage to the general testimony, which all who were acquainted with you in the most critical and doubtful moments of our struggle for liberty and independence, have constantly borne in your favor.
While I cannot remain insensible to the indulgence with which you regard the influence of my example, and the tenor of my conduct, I rejoice in having so favorable an opportunity of felicitating the State of Rhode-Island on the co-operation I am sure to find
in the measures adopted by the guardians of literature in this place, for improving the morals of the rising generation, and inculcating upon their minds principles peculiarly calculated for the preservation of our rights and liberties.—You may rely on whatever protection I may be able to afford, in so important an object as the education of our youth.
I will now conclude, Gentlemen, by expressing my acknowledgments for the tender manner in which you mention the restoration of my health on a late occasion; and with ardent wishes that Heaven may prosper the literary institution under your care, in giving you the best of its blessings in this world, as well as in the world to come. G. WASHINGTON.
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
AN ACT for the Relief of disabled Soldiers, and Seamen lately in the Service of the United States, and of certain other Persons.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That Stephen Califfe, Jeremiah Ryan, Joseph M'Gibbon, Samuel Garretson, Ephraim M'Coey, Christian Khun, David Steele, Joseph Shuttles, and Daniel Culver, disabled soldiers lately in the service of the United States, be allowed pensions at the rate of five dollars per month from the time their pay in the army respectively ceased. That Christian Wolfe, a disabled soldier, be allowed a pension at the rate of four dollars per month from the date of his discharge. That Edward Scott, a disabled soldier, be allowed a pension at the rate of three dollars per month from the date of his discharge. That David Weaver and George Schell, disabled soldiers, be each allowed a pension, at the rate of two dollars per month, from the date of their respective discharges. That Seth Boardman, a disabled soldier, be allowed a pension, at the rate of three dollars and one third of a dollar per month, from the seventeenth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six. That Severinus Koch, a disabled captain of colonel Jacob Klock's regiment of New-York militia, be allowed a pension, at the rate of five dollars per month, from the twentieth day of August, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven. That John Younglove, a disabled major of colonel Lewis Van Woort's regiment of New-York militia, be allowed a pension at the rate of six dollars per month, from the thirtieth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one. That William White, a disabled private of colonel Williams regiment of New-York militia, be allowed a pension, at the rate of three dollars and one third of a dollar per month, from the first day of April, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six. That Jacob Newkirk, a disabled soldier of colonel John Harper's regiment of New-York state troops, be allowed a pension, at the rate of three dollars per month, from the twenty-second day of October, one thousand seven hundred and eighty. That David Poole, a disabled seaman lately in the service of the United States, be allowed a pension of five dollars per month, to commence on the fifth of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine.
And be it further enacted, That Caleb Brewster, lately a lieutenant, who was wounded and disabled in the service of the United States, be allowed three hundred forty-eight dollars and fifty-seven cents, the amount of his necessary expenses for sustenance and medical assistance, while dangerously ill of his wounds, including the interest to the first of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety. And that the said Brewster be allowed a pension equal to his half pay as lieutenant, from the third of November one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, he first having returned his commutation of half pay.
And be it further enacted, That Nathaniel Gove, a disabled lieutenant, lately in the service of the United States, be allowed a pension, at the rate of six dollars and two thirds of a dollar per month, from the twentieth of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, to the first day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six, and that he be allowed at the rate of thirteen dollars and one third of a dollar per month, from the first day of July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six.
And be it further enacted, That the commissioner of army accounts be authorized and directed to settle the pay and depreciation of pay of John Stevens, a hostage in the late war at the capitulation of the cedars, as a captain in the line of the army, and that he issue certificates accordingly. That he also issue a certificate to Charles Markley, lately a captain in Armand's corps, for the commutation of his half pay. That he also settle the accounts of James Derrey, and Benjamin Hardison, who were made prisoners in Canada, in May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, and forcibly detained in captivity among the Indians, and that he issue certificates for the balance of their pay respectively, to the third of November, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three.
And be it further enacted, That the several pensions mentioned in this act, due or to become due from the fifth of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, shall be paid according to such laws as have been made, or shall be made relative to invalid pensioners: And that the arrears of the said pensions, due before the said fifth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, shall be paid in such manner as Congress may hereafter provide for paying the arrears of pensions.
And be it further enacted, That there shall be allowed to Seth Harding, for three months and ten days services on board the Alliance frigate, during the late war, at the rate of sixty dollars per month, being the pay of a captain, to be paid out of the monies arising from imposts and tonnage.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, AUGUST THE ELEVENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Sage Office, City Tavern. Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
New-York City Lottery.
S C H E M E.
Table with 3 columns: Prize number, Prize amount in £, and Prize amount in £. It lists prizes from 1st to 1000th, with amounts ranging from £3000 down to £10.
7676 Prizes. 23000 Tickets, at 40s. each £. 46000 15324 Blanks.
Subject to a deduction of 5 per Cent.
THIS LOTTERY is for the purpose of raising the residue of the sum, granted by an Act of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th of February, 1790, to defray the expenses incurred by the Corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY-HALL.
The drawing will commence on the First Monday in January next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the end of the drawing; and the prizes will be paid by the Managers.
Tickets are to be sold by the Subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, September 1, 1790.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donald's estate, within this State, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (1W.19.)
TO BE LET,
On very low terms—and entered upon immediately, until the first of May next.
THAT elegant new TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, in the Bowery-Lane, formerly occupied by ROBERT GILBERT LIVINGSTON, deceased; it has seven Fire Places with a good Cellar under the whole House—a convenient out-House in the rear, with a Coach-House, and Stables; for further particulars enquire of MANGLE MINTHORN. (2 w. t. f.) Corporation Dock.
NOTICE.
ALL persons having demands against the Household of the PRESIDENT of the United States, are requested to exhibit their accounts for settlement, at his late Dwelling in Broad-Way, before the 15th of September. August 31, 1790.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT.
July 13, 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the first day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty first day of December 1791, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the State of Pennsylvania, and Fort Pitt and at Fort Pitt.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort M'Intosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort M'Intosh.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort M'Intosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie.
At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami Village, before described.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.
At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village.
At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango.
At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf betwixt Le Beuf and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river.
At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek.
At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively.
At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazoo inclusively.
At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee, to Ocochoppo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively.
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a gill of rum, brandy or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, per. 100 rations, The proposals must specify the lowest price per ration. No credit is required. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
Dr. Price's Revolution Sermon may be had of the Editor. Price 17/.