National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-12-05 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
Vol. I.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1791.
NUMB. II.
From Woodfall's (London) Register.
On MONUMENTS.
NOTWITHSTANDING the number of extraordinary men the French Revolution has produced to the world, the name of great is thought to convey an idea too extensive to be allowed to more than one man, and what ought to be understood by the word great is admirably defined by one of the French orators. It is also very much to be admired, that previous to the revolution two men only were allowed the name of great; the necessary consequence will be that great men, being considered as they really are, very few in number, that august title will never be disputed by their impartial cotemporaries, and a still more disinterested posterity.
It was the opinion of Swift, that a nation does not give birth to more than one truly great man in less than 100 years. I have the honor to think the same; and for a definition of the word great in its proper extensive meaning, I prefer the French orator to whom I have already alluded.
If we allow one great man to be produced in an hundred years by every civilized nation upon earth, the number to be handed to a remote posterity will be quite sufficient to satisfy human vanity and pride.
It may be enquired what I mean by a great man. I am sure my idea of a great man is, when his works are directed to the benefit of mankind, in the perfection of any human art or science from which the present or future ages must derive eternal benefit; and legislators come most particularly within this meaning. No one can deny the author of the French Revolution to be a man of this description. This author is allowed by that nation itself to be MIRABEAU. The latest posterity must be benefited by the blessings of liberty. For he has the honor to be the cause of the next generation being born free, which otherwise would have been slaves. A greater honor cannot in my opinion be conferred on human nature. The French very modestly allow the honor of this blessed freedom to one man, notwithstanding his numerous coadjutors, and this very wisely, that the word great should not be confounded, which it is in this country, by bestowing it on such prodigious numbers, and for such very moderate degrees of merit. By thus multiplying great men, vanity counteracts its own efforts, and we cease to have any great men. When posterity surveys the monuments in Westminster Abbey, and finds them innumerable, they must, if they take it upon credit of monumental testimony, suppose that their ancestors were all great men, without exception. But if they go about to enquire for the works of their illustrious ancestors, they will be told that their performances, as well as themselves, being of a perishable nature, have been long since buried in oblivion, as would the monuments, but for the hardness and durability of a marble. Great men's works are not of a perishable nature:
"Finis't d' writings theft and time defy,"
"The only monuments which cannot die."
But such are not the productions of the fiftieth part of our monumental ancestors. How a man would be laughed at if he took the name from a monument in the Abbey, or elsewhere, and then went to enquire for those stupendous performances for which he was supposed to have that honor conferred; or rather, how would he stare when informed his works were so trifling, that they scarcely survived the mourning at his funeral. But these are not the errors of the nation—they are the absurdities of a few interested individuals, who contribute to such empty popery from the opinion they have of themselves. It is, as the poet says, "a compliment that
vanity pays to self-love," in the conceit that they, possessing a similarity of parts, will have the same honor conferred.
But such a numerous assembly of great men levels all distinctions; and posterity having selected two or three worthies from the numerous groupe, consigns the rest to that oblivion they merit, and they become all little men.
In this absurd manner hath the Abbey been disfigured, and now the same vanity lays siege to St. Paul's, that our folly should be recorded in every part of the metropolis.
Extracted from MARITIME OBSERVATIONS. Written in 1785, by Dr. Franklin.
HOW much more commendable would it be, if we could give up the few minutes gratification afforded once or twice a day by the taste of sugar in our tea, rather than encourage the cruelties exercised in producing it. An eminent French moralist says, that when he considers the wars we excite in Africa, to obtain slaves; the numbers necessarily slain in those wars; the many prisoners who perish at sea by sickness, bad provisions, foul air, &c. &c. in the transportation, and how many afterwards die, from the hardships of slavery, he cannot look on a piece of sugar without conceiving it stained with spots of human blood. Had he added the consideration of the wars we make to take and re-take the sugar-lands from one another, and the fleets and armies that perish in those expeditions, he might have seen his sugar, not merely spotted, but thoroughly dyed scarlet in grain . It is their wars that make the maritime powers of Europe, the inhabitants of London and Paris, pay dearer for sugar than those of Vienna, a thousand miles from the sea; because their sugar costs not only the price they pay for it by the pound, but all they pay in taxes to maintain the fleets and armies that fight for it!
PARIS, Sept. 21.
The Municipality, as the first effort to aid their fellow citizens in deriving the greatest possible advantage from the new Constitution, have proposed the following questions:
1. What are the best means, within the power of the Municipality, of exciting in Paris the efforts of industry, and encouraging in it the establishment of manufactures of all kinds?
2. What are the best means, within the power of the municipality of procuring for the capital all the advantages which it may hope from general commerce with respect to its situation, the number and character of its inhabitants, its connection with the departments of the kingdom and with foreign nations.
For each of the two best answers, on these questions, to be sent in before the first of February, they offer a gold medal of 600 livres value, and for each of the four next a gold medal of 200 livres value.
LONDON, Sept. 18.
Ten of the representatives of Paris for the next legislature were chosen when the last accounts came away. The whole number, is twenty-four, and the electors go on at the rate of one per day.
In other parts of the kingdom the elections being less contested, proceed with greater dispatch.
In some instances the whole representatives of a department have been elected in one day.
The establishment of Justices of Peace by the new Constitution is universally approved. As an instance, M. Riviere, elected a justice in the district of Bourdeaux, in the course of three months from the time of entering on his office, had three hundred and twelve cases brought before him. Of these he de-
cided three hundred and seven, one was terminated by calling in two arbitrators, and only four came before the tribunal of the district.
The French emigrants are said to be split into two parties. The one at the head of which is Conde, wishes to restore the old government. The other, at the head of which is Bouillie, is for a modification of the new constitution. The parties hold no intercourse.
The plan of the latter party is said to be a pacific system; to prevent a national bankruptcy; to declare the assignats part of the public debt; to convoke the States General in the ancient form; reinstate the clergy, with a proviso for reimbursing the holders of assignats; the sales of church lands to be confirmed or annulled, as shall be thought expedient, and if annulled, the purchasers to be indemnified in ten years; to sequestrate vacant benefices; to reduce great benefices; to disarm the country people; to reform the religious orders; to abolish all distinctions respecting eligibility to public offices; to re-establish the nobility, without pecuniary privileges; and to make the States General permanent till a perfect consolidation.
Mr. Fawkner's stay on the continent will be much longer than was expected, as he will not only inspect the treaty with the Porte, but, it is thought, negotiate a commercial treaty with Russia, upon liberal terms to both countries. This treaty was in agitation some years ago, but suspended on account of the late war; it is now undergoing some new modifications, which the succession of events makes necessary.
Prince John, the African Prince, is arrived here from Sierra Leona. His business to this country appears chiefly to be respecting the slave trade. He has met with a very cordial reception in this city, and particularly among the gentlemen who wish for the abolition of the slave trade.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE, September 15.
M. Target, who had in his possession the King's letter of acceptance, moved, that it, as well as the Constitutional code should be deposited in the archives of the assembly—Decreed.
M. Goupil moved, that as the constitution was now finished, it should be published over the Empire with all possible solemnity.
M. Ragnauld seconded the motion, with an amendment, that, after proclaiming it in each municipality, Te Deum should be sung, and that this ceremony should be followed with festivals and public rejoicings.
M. Duport moved, that the publication of the constitution should be accompanied by a release of prisoners of a certain description.
These proposals were adopted—the last with some modification.
In the German papers is the following letter from the Czarina to the King of Sweden:
"Your Majesty may rest assured, that my sentiments agree with yours respecting the unfortunate Louis XVI. and that I sincerely lament his fate as well as your Majesty. I hope that our lamentations will not be fruitless, and that we shall manifest the lively interest which we feel for him. The resolution which you have made in his favour is worthy of your courage and of your magnanimity, and worthy of the successor of the great Gustavus. For the sake of peace I have made some important sacrifices; and I should be willing to make much greater, in bringing effectually to bear your glorious undertaking. I shall consider the day on which I hear that Louis has recovered his authority and his prerogatives, and has forgotten his enemies, as the happiest of my life."
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 30.
A bill from the Senate, entitled, "An act concerning consuls and vice-consuls, was read a first and second time, and committed to a committee of the whole on Tuesday next.
The speaker then laid before the house a letter from the attorney-general, relative to his report on the judicial system of the United States; which having been read, it was ordered thereupon, that so much of the order of the 9th inst. as directs the attorney-general to report to this house such further information as he may be in possession of, relative to the operation of the judicial system, be discharged—it was also ordered, that the committee for said report be discharged, and that it be referred to Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Hillhouse, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Kittera, Mr. Murray, and Mr. Madison.
A petition was read from Jonathan Haynes, for relief in consideration of a wound received in the American service during the late war—Referred to the Secretary at War.
Mr. Goodhue, from the committee, presented a bill relative to the registering of vessels—which being read a first and second time, was committed to a committee of the whole, on Tuesday next.
Two memorials from the distillers of rum and geneva, in the town of Providence, were read, praying further revision of the act, passed at the last session, imposing duties on spirits distilled within the United States—Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The house then proceeded to consider the amendments from the committee, reported yesterday, to the bill for making compensation to widows, orphans, and invalids, in certain cases—which amendments being read and debated on, the bill was ordered to be read the third time to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate, by Mr. Otis, acquainting the house, that the Senate had passed a bill, entitled, "An act relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President"—to which they desired the concurrence of the house. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, December 1.
The bill making compensation to widows, orphans, and invalids, in certain cases, was read a third time, passed the house, and sent to the Senate for their concurrence.
The bill sent from the Senate, relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, in case of vacancies, was read the first time.
A letter was read from the Secretary at War, inclosing his report on the petition of Thomas Campbell—which was ordered to lie on the table.
According to the order of the day, the house resolved itself into committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of David Cook—Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair—who, after some time spent on the bill, reported the same without amendment—An amendment was afterwards introduced by the house, making provision for captain William Campbell—the bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A committee was then ordered to be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill to explain and amend the acts which relate to the seven years half-pay pro-

mitted to the widows and orphans of officers who died in the service of the United States, and of persons who are, or have been entitled to pensions as invalids.
Mr. Livermore, from New-Hampshire, laid before the house a representation from the legislature of that state, relative to sundry of their citizens, invalid soldiers of the late army, whose claims have been barred by acts of limitation—Read, and referred to the committee last appointed.
Petitions were then read from Matthias Arbruster, Thomas Lewis, John Satterwhite, and Christopher Schreiner, praying compensation for services rendered, &c. in the army, during the war—Also, a petition of sundry seamen, who served in the navy of the United States, during the war, praying to receive certain arrears of pay, from which they have been hitherto excluded by the operation of the acts of limitation. Referred to the Secretary at War.
A petition of Peter Heister was read, praying to receive from the United States the amount of an original certificate, issued in the state of South-Carolina, in the name of Ezekiel Malphus, for his services as corporal and sergeant in the army, during the war, and for which the petitioner paid a valuable consideration to the executors of said Malphus—Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, Dec. 2.
An engrossed bill for the relief of David Cook was read the third time, and passed, under the title of, "An act for the relief of David Cook and Thomas Campbell."
A bill, respecting the "election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President, in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President," was read the second time, and referred to a committee of the whole on Wednesday next.
The petition of Nathaniel Lucas, which had been ordered to lie on the table, was referred to the Secretary at War.
A memorial and petition of the Society of United Brethren for propagating the gospel among the Heathen, were read, praying, that the resolve of Congress of the third of September, 1788, making a grant of certain lands for the benefit of the said Society, may be confirmed, and warrants issued to survey the same—Referred to the committee appointed to bring in a bill to establish offices for granting vacant lands within the limits of the United States.
According to the order of the day, the house, in committee of the whole, Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair, took into consideration the bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1792.
After some debate on the appropriation bill, the committee rose, reported progress therein, and asked leave to sit again. It was then resolved, that the further consideration of said bill be postponed till Monday next.
A member from Massachusetts laid before the house a representation from the general court of that state, respecting the cases of sundry of their citizens, invalid soldiers in the late army, whose claims for pay have been barred by the acts of limitation—Referred to the committee appointed to bring in a bill to explain and amend the acts relative to the seven years half-pay promised to widows and orphans of officers, who died in the United States' service, and of persons who were entitled to pensions as invalids.
On motion of Mr. Laurence, ordered, that the treasurer's accounts of the receipts and expenditures of public monies, laid before this house, be published; and that 300 copies be printed.
Mr. Gerry made a motion to this effect, that on the third monday of every annual session of Congress, it shall be the duty of every officer, entrusted with the application of public monies, to lay before this house a particular account of the items of such expenditures, &c. which motion was read and laid on the table.
Mr. Fitzsimons moved a resolution to this effect, that a committee be appointed to examine and report upon the state of the treasury department, and that such committee be annually appointed on the second Monday of every session—ordered to lie on the table. Adjourned to Monday, 11 o'clock.
[Translations from French Papers.]
DIJON (France) Sept. 6.
The following address was presented, a few days ago, to the citizens of Lausanne, in Switzerland, by the society of Friends to the Constitution, residing in Dijon.—
Brethren and Friends,
"WHILE the French frontiers in general seem inimical to the rising genius of liberty in our country, it is with no small satisfaction that we learn you participate with us in the joy resulting from the progress daily and rapidly making, in emancipating the nation from the fangs of despotism. Indeed, we had long suspected that you had French hearts concealed in Swiss bosoms. You now lay them open to public view by the interest you take in our glorious revolution. As for the exiled aristocrats and retainers to despotism, they are too contemptible either for your or our notice. It is true, they have fetters ready to manacle us, and they are prepared by every base art to restore the sceptre that has departed from Judah—but it is too late—Let them advance, and they will be convinced what a free people is capable of. But what has France to fear? To the south we have the Pyrenean mountains, which form an eternal barrier, inaccessible to the armies of tyrants—To the north and west we have the ocean, whose waves are our everlasting bulwark—on one side only are we weak—and there the manly hearts of freemen shall prevent the inroads of slaves and despots.
Your hearts and ours, brave citizens of Lausanne, are united by the most sacred ties—Receive then our professions of regard, gratitude, and fraternal attachment—May we not hope, that the time is approaching, when we, in our turn, may congratulate you on your success in effecting a revolution in Switzerland similar to ours? Is it not true, that a cruel aristocracy is at this moment grinding you to powder, and insulting you with the idea of liberty at the moment that she is riveting her chains about your bodies—Feel but the inclination to crush this monster, and you shall find, in reality, that the French are your friends and brethren."
[To this the surly Republican, Baron Erlach, Bailly of Lausanne, returned the following answer.] To the Municipality of Dijon.
Gentlemen, HEREWITH I have the honor to enclose to you a paper, entitled, "An address to the citizens of Lausanne, by the society of Friends to the Constitution, residing in Dijon." My superiors have commanded me to forward this address to you, without delay, not doubting, but you will pointedly manifest your indignation against an effusion tending to sow the seeds of discord amongst the people of Lausanne, and excite insurrections through Switzerland at large.
But, if, contrary to our hopes and wishes, you forbear to punish the authors of such inflammatory papers as the inclosed and thereby tacitly approve their insidious attempts, in such case, I have orders to inform you, that in future every inhabitant of Dijon, presuming to come within the Swiss bounds, will be treated as a rebel and a traitor.
I have the honor to be, &c. Le Baron D'Erlach.
[The Municipality treating the Baron's letter with neglect, the Friends to the Constitution replied as follows.]
To the Bailly of Lausanne.
IT is easy to see, monsieur Bailly, that ever since the king was arrested on his flight from the kingdom, the joy of the citizens of Lausanne on that occasion, was by no means agreeable to you, and some of your brethren, in authority.
It is perfectly natural, however, that both the senate of Berne and yourself, should be chagrined at such an event: and this confirms us in an opinion we have for some time entertained, that the greater part of the European sovereigns and ruling powers consider the French Revolution in a very different point of view from their subjects. This consideration, nevertheless, makes us more than ever in love with it.
Tell your masters, monsieur Bailly, that the people of France acknowledge no masters. The government and the people are synonymous terms, and act in concert for the establishment, and
preservation of liberty, whose reign, they hope, will prove perpetual.
When, instead of replying to the Friends of the Constitution, you addressed the municipality of Dijon, we suppose the idea did not occur to you, that the municipality is chosen by the suffrages of the people, and that they would of consequence take part with the people, rather than blame them for congratulating their neighbours on the revolution in France.
Presume not, therefore, in future, to write to our municipality to punish us for congratulating our friends in Lausanne. It is miserable policy in you, too, to advise them to fall upon measures to prevent our addresses in future.
Do you imagine that the wretched mercenaries, lurking on the frontiers of France, will be able to impede the progress of reason and free government?—You must not consider us as suspicious characters when we pay you a visit.—We are too well known here to be suspected—Come over the French line, monsieur Bailly, and deign to look at us—We are amply provided with every necessary, and you shall be well received.
Take care how you interrupt the good understanding which ought forever to subsist between the Republic of Berne and ourselves. The French, it is true, do not wish for war; neither do they fear it. They can, if occasion requires, act in a new character, that of philosophers militant. With one hand they can level tyrants in the dust, and with the other they can illumine the minds of nations—This mode of warfare is indeed, new; but we believe, will eventually prove too hard for the old European tactics.—Possibly, you may not know that among a people who have taken the monarchical power into their own hands, the citizens consider themselves upon a level with all powers whatever; we are therefore with affection truly fraternal,
Monsieur Bailly, Your friends and humble servants, The Members of the Society of Friends of the Constitution at Dijon, (Signed) PRESSEVOE, President. Viardot and Bernard, Secretaries. Dijon, 19 Aug. 1791. (The third year of French Liberty.)
PARIS, September 6.
The Bourdeaux chamber of commerce has importantly demanded the recall of the decree, granting liberty and equal privileges with the whites to the Mulattoes in St. Domingo. This is directly contrary to the opinion of the citizens of Bourdeaux, who in their petition on this subject, voluntarily offered to embark in quality of soldiers, to compel the colonists to comply with the decree of May 15th. The municipality and friends of the constitution wished to prevent the setting out of the messenger that had been engaged to carry the address of the chamber of commerce to the National Assembly; but the mercantile and naval bodies urged his departure, considering, no doubt, that the commercial interests had at least as good a right to petition, as the club constitutionalists.
An Address from the Merchants and Captains of the Port of Havre de Grace, to the National Assembly of France.
GENTLEMEN,
Since the publication of your decree of May 15, the merchants and captains of this port trading to the French colonies in the West-Indies, or who have connexions there, have not failed constantly to represent to you the impossibility of your new mode of colonial government being carried into execution.—We are sorry to say that the clamours of malevolence, ignorance, or intrigue have stifled our just complaints. Convinced in our own minds of the ruinous consequences of this decree, we have therefore been constrained to lament in silence the inefficacy of our address.
Happy should we find ourselves, to be deceived in our apprehensions of ill, but, alas! what we foreboded has really come to pass.
In the town of Cape-Francais, and in all the northern parts of St. Domingo, upon the first intelligence of this ill judged decree, rage and indignation took possession of the minds of the white inhabitants; party quarrels and difference of opinion instantly ceased, and all were united in the common cause—they universally agreed to sacrifice their lives a thousand times, and be buried in the ruins of their unfortunate country, rather than remain passive spectators of their individual destruction.
We give you, Gentlemen, an exact copy of the expressions we have received of the feelings of the inhabitants—do not suppose, then, that the discontent of the colonists will be confined to empty exclamations and vain menaces.
We tremble when we tell you, that a motion has been made in the General Assembly to hoist the English flag, in the island of St. Domingo—and the motion was highly applauded.
In this, their season of terror and calamity, the treasuries of the island are shut, commerce is interrupted, payments are at an end, every citizen has become a soldier, and preparations are every where made for vigorous warfare.
At the Cape, the batteries of fort Picolet have been manned to repulse those who shall be so hardy as to come there with their doctrines of National liberty and philanthropy—doctrines, at once productive of blood and of cruelty.
The citizens, the governmental bodies, the regular troops; all have but one mind; one soul: they are ready to curse the connexions that ally them to France; and in the moments of desperation, loudly exclaim, that the parent country is the mother of cruelties.
And thus it is, gentlemen, that by giving way to refined notions and impracticable systems, the nation is upon the point of losing forever no inconsiderable number of its most faithful citizens.
The event will be, that we shall be compelled to conquer our own colonies, and cut the throats of our brethren through a national predilection for metaphysical ideas. Need we mention, that the resentment of a powerful body of citizens must speedily be wreaked upon some of the French seaports who are advocates of this false philanthropy; [the emancipation of the Negroes and Mulattoes in the West Indies] but, if they are real philanthropists, why do they refuse to pay their debts to the planters, and send back the vessels that have been so long waiting for returns!
Enlightened as you are by calamitous experience, suspend, we beseech you, the execution of this your impolitic decree, relative to liberating the people of colour. Be patient—do not precipitate matters of this kind, till the minds of men are become more ripe for receiving the lessons of philosophy, than they are at present.
We would fain hope that France will not, (like the Spaniards of the fifteenth century) carry fire and sword into the peaceable islands of the Indies, merely to establish fantastical opinions.—Her laws will one day govern the universe, but their wisdom only will cause them to be universally adopted, not a propensity to violence.
Signed by two hundred and seventy citizens of Havre, merchants and mariners. Havre, August 26, 1791.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE. CONSOLIDATION.
MUCH has been said, and not without reason, against a consolidation of the States into one government. Omitting lesser objections, two consequences would probably flow from such a change in our political system, which justify the cautions used against it. First, it would be impossible to avoid the dilemma, of either relinquishing the present energy and responsibility of a single executive magistrate, for some plural substitute, which by dividing so great a trust might lessen the danger of it; or suffering so great an accumulation of powers in the hands of that officer, as might by degrees transform him into a monarch. The incompetency of one Legislature to regulate all the various objects belonging to the local governments, would evidently force a transfer of many of them to the executive department; whilst the encreasing splendour and number of its prerogatives supplied by this source, might prove excitements to ambition too powerful for a sober execution of the elective plan, and consequently strengthen the pretexts for an hereditary designation of the magistrate. Second, were the state governments abolished, the same space of country that would produce an undue growth of the executive power, would prevent that controul on the Legislative body, which is essential to a faithful discharge of its trust, neither the voice nor the sense of ten or twenty millions of people, spread through so many latitudes as are comprehended within the United States, could ever be combined or called into effect, if deprived of those local organs, through which both can now be conveyed. In such a state of things, the impossibility of acting together, might be succeeded by the inefficacy of partial expressions of the public mind, and this at length, by a universal silence and insensibility, leaving the whole government to that self directed course, which, it must be owned, is the natural propensity of every government.
But if a consolidation of the states into one government be an event so justly to be avoided, it is not less to be desired, on the other hand, that a consolidation should prevail in their interests and affections; and this too, as it fortunately happens, for the very reasons, among others, which lie against a governmental consolidation. For, in the first place, in proportion as uniformity is found to prevail in the interests and sentiments of the several states, will be the practicability of accommodating Legislative regulations to them, and thereby of withholding new and dangerous prerogatives from the executive. Again, the greater the mutual confidence and affection of all parts of the Union, the more likely they will be to concur amicably, or to differ with moderation, in the elective designation of the chief magistrate; and by such examples, to guard and adorn the vital principle of our republican constitution. Lastly, the less the supposed difference of interests, and the greater the concord and confidence throughout the great body of the people, the more readily must they sympathize with each other, the more seasonably can they interpose a

common manifestation of their sentiments, the more certainly will they take the alarm at usurpation or oppression, and the more effectually will they consolidate their defence of the public liberty.
Here then is a proper object presented, both to those who are most jealously attached to the separate authority reserved to the states, and to those who may be more inclined to contemplate the people of America in the light of one nation. Let the former continue to watch against every encroachment, which might lead to a gradual consolidation of the states into one government. Let the latter employ their utmost zeal, by eradicating local prejudices and mutual rivalships, to consolidate the affairs of the states into one harmonious interest; and let it be the patriotic study of all, to maintain the various authorities established by our complicated system, each in its respective constitutional sphere; and to erect over the whole, one paramount Empire of reason, benevolence and brotherly affection.
Philadelphia, Dec. 3.
PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 5.
By the brig Betsey, Capt. Russel, which arrived at this port on Friday last in nineteen days from Cape Francois, we are informed that no material change had taken place, at the time he left it, from the accounts received by former arrivals. The Negroes were proceeding as usual in ravaging the Island, and burning and destroying the sugar plantations, and no prospect to the whites of either accommodation or conquest, unless backed by a considerable number of troops from abroad, of which there was no appearance when the above vessel left the Cape, although many a wishful look was thrown out for their arrival. The report was not authenticated, of the Spaniards having given the Negroes assistance, as intimated in some former advices: The insurrection rather appeared to have been the effect of long premeditation, the stores of gunpowder, &c. being collected imperceptibly, before any suspicions of insurrection were entertained. American produce was low; superfine flour about thirty-two shillings this currency per barrel, and pork 5. 15s. per barrel—each scarce, and the produce of the island high, in consequence of the scarcity. It was expected that exportation would entirely cease in a short time, the sugar works being almost universally at a stand for want of labourers.
Late accounts from the country about the Miami and Mufkingum rivers, mention exceeding heavy rains to have fallen in those parts from the middle of September, to October, such as have not been known since the settlement of that part of the United States.
Extract of a letter from Pittsburgh November 18.
Having returned some time since from the town of Marietta, I must own to you, that while there, I participated fully in the surprize, with which all travellers are struck at the view of the remains of those immense fragments of Indian antiquity, that are still seen at the junction of the Mufkingum and Ohio rivers. From the various relations I had formerly heard of these remains of antiquity, I had been willing to persuade myself that they were only the sports of nature, and that imagination might have formed mole hills into pyramids and walls fifty or sixty feet high. I do assure you my opinion was wholly changed upon my late survey, and I am now convinced from a view of the Mufkingum works, and accounts of others farther west, that nations must once have existed in these interior parts of America almost as superior to those we call the aboriginal Indians, in the art of war, as we are at the present day superior to the same people, supposing them destitute of fire arms, and confined to their bows and darts.
From any thing that I could see, these grand remnants of the labours of the ancients of this country may be of three or four thousand years standing. Certain it is, the present Indians can give no rational account, of the authors of such works, but evidently deviate into fable, whenever they pretend to talk on the subject. As to ourselves, we are also only of yesterday, and know nothing. We may rationally suppose, however, that the revolutions in the history of man on this continent, must bear some analogy to what we know has been the case in Europe and Asia. At certain periods of time the northern nations, of the old world, being more robust, hardy, enterprising and bold, as well as urged on by the powerful incentive of poverty, have always overrun those to the southward, and having incorporated themselves with the vanquished, at length become as effeminate and cowardly as the others, and then been conquered again in their turn by northern invaders.
But at the period referred to in America, when these works were raised, a total extirpation of the civilized must have taken place; valour and skill must have been overpowered by numbers, and the Hyperborean barbarians, like an irresistible torrent must have carried all before them. The numerous tombs that are seen in the remains of this ancient fortress at the Mufkingum confluence with the Ohio, may not improbably contain the bones of those, who, while by their superior skill in fortification they repelled the enemy from their town, yet at length fell victims to hunger, and want of supplies of food, from which they were cut off by their invaders. Never could a better place have been chosen for defence than this, even supposing the besieged without artillery; and it is not natural
to suppose that a nation, merely barbarous, erratic, and without the use of iron, could have raised such prodigious structures as these, the grand dimensions of which are as follows—a break work about fifty feet in height, and increasing gradually in thickness to the base, where it is fifty yards in diameter. This breakwork is near two hundred and fifty yards in circumference. I shall detail some other curious particulars, relative to these works, in a future letter.
Authentic Intelligence of fresh Disturbances among the Creek Indians.
The public have been informed, by numerous paragraphs extracted from the London papers, that a Mr. Bowles arrived in England from America, in the course of the year 1790, with several Indians belonging to some of the southern tribes. That the said Bowles, and Indians, had received countenance and support, to a certain degree, and that they sailed from England, during the course of the last summer, enriched with presents, for the Bahama Islands.
It now appears, that the said Bowles, after arriving at the Bahamas, failed for India River, so called, lying on East Florida, and thence proceeded to that part of the Creek country inhabited by the Seminoles, where he arrived in the month of September last.
That at the time of his arrival, the Creeks were preparing to execute the treaty, made between them and the United States, at New-York, in August 1790. They had chosen the Chiefs to attend at the Rock-Landing on the first of October, the time stated for running the boundary lines mentioned in the treaty—The White Bird King of the Cusitahs being of this commission.
Bowles's appearance however at that crisis—the presents he brought with him, and his bold assertions, caused great agitations and hesitation among the ignorant part, and of course among the mass of the Creeks.
Although it appears that a considerable portion of the upper Creeks, and indeed all the respectable Chiefs, were for running the line, notwithstanding the delusions of Bowles, it is presumed that he is an impostor. But, he pretends, "he has powers from the British government to conclude a treaty with the Creeks—The basis of which shall be a revocation, on their part, of the treaty with the United States, and a guarantee of all their lands."
He has spread reports, that he has three ships loaded with goods, arms and ammunition, and cannon—that if the Creeks will permit him, he will establish a fort, and trading houses, at which the Creeks shall be supplied with goods of all sorts, upon better terms than ever they have been, and that he had six thousand men, in the islands, ready to support him.
That he would write to Georgia, and prevent the lines being run, and he accordingly has written to the Commissioners, who were waiting at the Rock-Landing, expecting the Creek Chiefs, which letter is dated at "Ufauchee, October 26, 1791," and signed, "General Wm. A. Bowles, director of affairs for Creek nation." In this letter, and in his general declarations, he asserts, that Alexander McGillivray has deceived the Indians in the treaty made at New-York; but, that he is willing to form a treaty with the United States in behalf of the Creek nation, and declares that the former treaty shall not be executed.
The Indians, distracted by his arts, have entreated the United States to wait until the spring, before the boundary shall be marked, and if Bowles, whom they style the "lying captain," shall then turn out an impostor, they will attend and run the boundary lines without further difficulty.
It appears that Mr. McGillivray has faithfully adhered to the interests of the United States, warmly recommending that the line should be run at the time appointed, and that Bowles's falsehoods should be entirely disregarded. Indeed, his importance, and life, probably depend on Bowles being driven out of the nation.
A considerable detachment of the troops of the United States, and Mr. Elliott the surveyor, and three respectable Commissioners from the state of Georgia, were assembled punctually at the Rock-Landing, on the Oconee, the first of October, and they waited for the Creek chiefs until the beginning of November, when they dispersed of the business being effected this season.
AN idea, first, we believe, (say the London monthly reviewers,) suggested by Doctor Franklin, and since improved upon by the ministers of the Empress of Russia, is like to become matter of considerable investigation in this country; that, as mercantile intercourse is the basis of wealth to modern nations, that therefore in time of war, the arms of the belligerent powers should be directed against their proper object, the offending state, and the property of individuals considered as sacred, particularly in cases of naval captures—What is right in morals is often wrong in politics; which, considering things in the outline, and mankind in the aggregate cannot stop at small improprieties, nor private injuries, where a public end is in view. War is fly-led by some, a necessary evil; perhaps it might have been better expressed, an unavoidable evil; for, there being no tribunal before which one state can arraign another, each snatches up its arms, force decides right, and this is the law of nature by which the claims of nations are determined. In such contests, individuals are not much the better for being spared by the enemy; for, if respect be paid by an enemy to private property, while the state is reduced to extremity, it will drain its subjects for supplies, as long as they can furnish any: So that the question is reduced to this alternative, whether we shall dis-
arm a people in the first instance, or at second hand—Politics and morals will unite in deciding, that if a people are to be distressed, the quickest modes of distress, will put the speediest end to a war; for popular clamours tend to peace: If war is a necessary evil, and ought to be directed against the ruling power of a state, princes should decide their quarrels by the judicial combat, or by duel. If the lives of subjects are surrendered up to slaughter till the weaker state can raise no more, it is less than mockery to say, kill the people as fast as you can, but spare their property!
The distinction between armed and unarmed is lost in the reflection, that the commercial class support and animate the military class. It has been observed, that were the seizing of mercantile vessels in time of war, universally abolished, it would make no alteration as to the comparative strength of the contending powers; and it would place them on an equal footing, with such as might happen to be at peace. At present, the latter enrich themselves at their expence: they snatch their trade out of their hands: they supply them at a high price with those very articles, with which, if their trade were free, they might at a much cheaper rate supply themselves, to the protraction of hostilities, and greater destruction of lives. To leave an enemy's subjects in ease and security is to preserve the sinews of war in full vigour, and at the same time to restrain their exertions. It is found, in the instance of gunpowder, that to accelerate the intention of hostilities, is to render war less destructive, and to save lives; but, to drag on a dilatory war, cramped by discriminations, like law-fairs, would operate inversely. War is too flagrant a violation of all social obligations, to submit to moral restrictions; but if ever the politics of Europe, or the law of nations should be so far improved by general consent, as that national disputes could be referred to national arbitration, and the strength of the whole be applied to enforce submission, all necessity for vain efforts to regulate violence by critical distinctions, would happily vanish.
IT has long been matter of complaint, that the large proportion of low, moist, and drowned lands in the Delaware state has been productive of several diseases, which in a great measure have balled the power of medicine, and proved peculiarly fatal to infants and children under seven or eight years of age. The medical society in Delaware, taking into consideration the periodical yearly havoc made by distempers incident to the situation and soil of that state, has sketched the outlines of a plan for investigating the nature of such diseases, and, if possible, counteracting their effects, upon the principles of reason and philosophy. To accomplish this interesting design, they consider no plan so likely to succeed, as the establishment of a fund to defray the expence of Prize-dissertations, both at home and from abroad, in the investigation of the nature and cure of these complaints. In discussing this question, however, they premise, that no attention will be paid to doctrines founded on mere hypothetical reasoning; facts and experiments being the only ground, on which they can consent to draw conclusions. It will be required, too, in those who shall contend for the annual prize on this subject, that the morbid cause be analyzed—that its precise origin, constitution and qualities be ascertained; as well as its mode of introduction, and operation on the human system. Upon this plan it may be hoped that some power, deduced from the substance or juices of the vegetable creation, will be discovered, to counteract the baneful effects of solar heat upon humid putrefaction. The dominion of man over matter is incontestible, and although Nature unwillingly discloses her arcana, yet through ardour and ingenuity of experiment, she is continually suffering her mysteries to escape.
The subscription book for opening the canal and lock navigation between the Schuylkill and Susquehanna rivers, was opened at the state-house in this city on Thursday last. Upwards of five hundred shares were subscribed for on the same day. It may be proper to observe on this occasion, that no country in the world has equal advantages with America, in general, for improving the natural inland navigation by canals. The Europeans have had to contend with obstacles incomparably greater in this respect, than any we are acquainted with for forming a junction between the most considerable bays and rivers of the United States; as an instance, we will copy a sketch of that immense work in France, called the canal of Languedoc:
The canal of Languedoc is the most stupendous work of art in Europe. The project originated among the Romans who abandoned it as impracticable. Monr. Riquet began the enterprize in 1666, and completed it in 1680, surmounting every obstacle in a broken uneven country, carrying his works over and through mountains, and even removing rivers, which lay in his way, by aqueducts. Where the canal is carried through mountains it is curiously arched over with free stone. Descending towards the ocean there are 15 locks, and towards the Mediterranean 45, as well as 47 aqueducts and 8 bridges. Near Beziers there are 10 locks which have a pretty effect down a descent of 936 feet, and 66 feet from the level above.
This amazing work cost upwards of 2 millions of crowns, half of which was paid by the king. It communicates to the Mediterranean with the Bay of Biscay, passing by Bourdeaux & Montpellier, being upwards of 150 miles in length, and of the utmost utility especially in time of war, as flats carrying 60 tons burthen keep up a safe and an easy inland water communication.
Our advices from the westward, (says a Winchester paper of Nov. 19) are up to the 25th ult. They state that the main army had advanced 68 miles from Fort Washington; that General St. Clair's principal object appeared to be the esta-
blishing strong forts in the Indian country, to over awe such of the neighboring tribes as may be inclined to hostility; that the General's force and talents are so respectable, that it may be justly expected, he will effectually answer the public expectations—that it is rather improbable, the hostile Indians will meet in such numbers, as to occasion any serious contest; that, on the contrary, it is probable, that as he carries the olive-branch in one hand, and the sword in the other, that the campaign will establish a firm peace with the unfortunate natives of America.
At a meeting of the Subscribers to the National Manufactory on Monday last at Trenton, the following gentlemen were chosen Directors:
Thomas Lowrey, George Lewis, John Bayard, Benjamin Walker, Eliza Boudinot, John Dewhurst, Archibald Mercer, Nicholas Low, Moore Furman, Royal Flint, John Neilson, Alexander M'Comb, William Duer,
The following paragraphs appeared in a late French paper (Gazette Universelle) R O M E, August 15.
On Thursday last, after dinner, his Holiness the Pope paid a visit to the convent of Dominicans. He was received at the gate by the principal of that order, and his chief officers. He then kneeled down and prayed before the high altar, after which he looked at the body of St. Dominique, the founder of the Dominicans. Having spent some time with these brave defenders of the church, he returned to the Quirinal. France is the perpetual subject of conversation in Rome: all eyes, all ears, are turned towards that kingdom, and not a moment passes without hopes of hearing of a counter-revolution being effected. Such zealous adherents to the French National Assembly, as reside here, are every minute disappearing, for fear of arrest, so that the only Frenchmen now to be seen in the streets are some Bishops and titled noblesse without money, who are waiting a change of affairs in their favour. In Naples the French anti-revolutionists are very numerous—the ladies particularly so—who publish their principles by large neck-handkerchiefs, stamped with a variety of aristocratical symbols, such as lillies, crowns, and sceptres.
The Count de Mercy Argenteau, (say a Brussels paper) has proceeded on his journey to England. The French refugees will have it that his errand is to persuade the King of Britain to exert himself in favor of a counter-revolution in France. It is the folly of these people to imagine that the whole world is to be turned upside down to gratify their whimsical fancies. The truth of the matter is, the Count's business in England is to visit the principal manufactories, and become acquainted with the various useful arts cultivated in that country.
ATH, (Austrian Netherlands) Aug. 25. The life that the French exiles lead here is much of a piece with that at Brussels, or in their garrisons. The greater part of them are really objects of pity. Most of them have no other bed than some sheaves of straw thrown into a cellar, and not a few of them are reduced to the necessity of eating ammunition bread. Although this kind of life has some resemblance to the military, it does not seem to agree with their stomachs;—They have lost all confidence in their leaders, and the far greater part are destitute of arms, altho' they have been long promised to them.
The bishop of Sorrento (a city eighteen miles south of Naples) has just published a book, in which he proves, that the Romish priests, like those of the Greek church, ought to be re-instated in the natural privilege of marrying, and that the celibacy of the Roman priesthood is the work of state policy. A married priest (says he) would be most likely to consider his own temporal interests and those of his fellow citizens, as having some affinity—a consideration that ever had great weight with the Popes, who, in former ages, had the vanity to aspire after universal monarchy.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS. November 1791.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H., Bar., Ther., Wind, Weather. Rows for Monday through Sunday with data like 'Monday, 28. 7 30. 0 33 s. w. Cloudy.' and 'Tuesday, 29. 7 30. 1 36 N.W. Fair.'
PRICE OF STOCK. Funded Debt.
Six per cents, per £. - - 22 1/2 to 22 3/4. Three per cents, - - - 12 1/2 to 12 3/4. Deferred six per cents, - 12 1/2 to 13 3/4. Unfunded Debt. Final settlements, - - - 19 1/2 to 20 1/2. Indents, - - - - 11 1/2. Bank scripts, - - - - 144 dollars.
This Day are published, SERMONS, Historical and Characteristical:
By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York. Sold by T. DOBSON & R. CAMPBELL. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]

For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MODERN DEVOOTION.
TO church I went With good intent, To hear Sangrado preach and pray ; But objects there Black, brown, and fair, Turn'd eyes and heart a different way.
PRAGUE, September 3.
In the midst of general joy, a circumstance has taken place from religious prejudices, which has considerably alayed it. In the city of Prague there is a great number of Jews who principally inhabit that part called the Little Side.
LONDON, September 15.
The Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, beginning to feel the havoc made in their finances, are both soliciting loans, the former at four per cent, the latter at five per cent.
The debt of the Empress is immense, as besides what she owes to foreign nations, there is hardly a merchant of any eminence in her own dominions to whom she is not a debtor; her resources, however are great, and her mind seems to be equal to all her contingencies.
The above loans, with the American loan, have drawn from this country within these three weeks, near a million sterling ; yet such is the flourishing condition of our commerce, and the great influx of wealth from all Europe, that notwithstanding the above sum, with the expence of the late armament before us, the stocks have scarcely fallen one half per cent.
The report of the day is, that the Courts of Berlin and Vienna are on the point of concluding an alliance offensive and defensive, by which they engage to guarantee one another's dominions : to this alliance it is said that the courts of Russia and Stockholm, will likewise accede.
By the Registers of Cadiz and Lisbon, the importation of gold and silver from South America, upon an average, is five millions annually. Of this above a million is brought every year into England, in return for the manufactures sent to Spain and Portugal, independent of raw materials, wine, fruit, salt &c. obtained from these countries. Thus it happens, from the superior industry of the British manufacturers, and the spirit of enterprise among the merchants, that the
mines of Mexico, Peru, and Brazil, produce more solid advantages to this country, than they do to the Spaniards and Portuguese.
Sept. 20. Letters received within these few days from Cadiz describe the situation of the people there, and in most other parts of Spain, as perfectly uneasy and dissatisfied. The recent rigorous measures taken to repress the progress of the French principles have generally increased, and, in some instances, created popular discontent.
Sept. 21. The French National Assembly may be expected to give place in a few days to the first Legislature. One hundred and fifty of the new Representatives were arrived in Paris about ten days ago, and the number required to constitute a Legislative Assembly is three hundred and seventy-three.
The great majority of the new members are men of the same description and of the same sentiments with those who form the majority in the National Assembly. They will therefore be governed by the same maxims, and pursue the same course, with but few of the difficulties to embarrass them which opposed their predecessors at every step.
The meeting of the Parliament is fixed for an early day in November.
Sept. 22. In framing a constitution for a people, their circumstances ought not only to be considered, but also, the expressed wishes that their circumstances dictate. In regard to the Canadians, we ought not to forget, that whatever the old French Colonists might think, when the last Canada act was passed, they must now be better acquainted with the principles of the British constitution, as well as more attentive to the measures pursued in the parent country, which has risen to a distinguished rank in the present annals of liberty ; that the rest are British subjects ; and that both are in the neighbourhood of the republican United States of America.
Counter Declaration of the Emperor of Morocco, MULEY ALICIR, Emperor of Morocco, &c.
I MAKE known to all my vassals in general, that from this day, I declare war by sea and land, against the Christian Spaniards my enemies, who are hurtful to our holy law : my intention being in the mean time, to get possession of the place of Medina, which they call Ceuta, which they have usurped from my dominions.
I command likewise, and order a Ramadan, to the end that our great prophet, who is revered in his vast and incomparable temple of Mecca, may accord his protection to all those who take up arms against the Christians, our enemies. Signed, &c. MULEY ALICIR.
RESULT OF THE CONFERENCE at PILNITZ.
The following Paper is printed on the continent, with an address to the people, congratulating them on the near prospect of their being freed from their chains of slavery by it, which they call the DEATH WARRANT of the two Sovereigns themselves.
Convention between his Majesty the Emperor, and his Prussian Majesty.
His Majesty the Emperor, and his Majesty the King of Prussia, having heard the wishes and representations of Monsieur (the French King's brother) and the Count d'Artois, do jointly declare, that they look upon the actual situation of his Majesty the King of France as an object of common concern to all
the Sovereigns of Europe. They hope that this concern will, doubtless, be acknowledged by all the powers, from whom assistance is required ; and that, in consequence, they will not refuse employing, in conjunction with their said Majesties, the most efficacious means, relative to their forces, in order to enable the King of France to consolidate, in the most perfect liberty, the basis of a monarchical government, suitable to the rights of Sovereigns, and the welfare of the French nation—Then, and in this case, their said Majesties the Emperor and King of Prussia are determined to act speedily, with mutual concord, and with necessary forces, to obtain the proposed end in common.
Mean while they will give to their troops necessary orders that they may be ready for putting themselves in a state for activity. Pilnitz, the 27th of August, 1791.
The Convention between his Imperial Majesty and the Ottoman Porte, for regulating their frontiers.
THE Imperial Court, and the Ottoman Porte, at the happy period of a concluded peace, being desirous of giving one another essential proofs of their friendship, of preventing every thing that in progress of time might disturb the perfect harmony of the extended frontiers of their dominions, and of confirming, for their mutual advantage, the only alterations which they ever shall permit to be made in the articles of the whole definitive treaty of peace, concluded this day, August 4, 1791, at Szitova, have by means of their plenipotentiary ministers, (being, on the part of the Imperial royal court, Baron Philip Van Herbert Raab-Keal, actual counsellor of the court of his Imperial Apostolic Majesty, and Count Francis Esterhazy Van Galanthy, his actual Chamberlain, Lord of Trotis, and hereditary Lord of the county of Forchtenstein ; and, on the part of the Ottoman Porte, the Reis Effendi or Minister of Foreign Affairs, Berri Abdulah Effendi, the Orden Kadissi or Chief Justice of the Ottoman armies, Irmet Ibrahim Bey, and the Roufnamedji, or Comptroller-General of the Finances, Duri Mahomed Effendi), agreed upon the following articles, viz.
1. Whereas, a negotiation was opened before the war, concerning the claims of the Imperial court on the tracts of land of the Bannat of Temeswar, in possession of the Porte, and concerning the districts situated on the left side of the river Unna ; the sublime parties, considering on the one part, the defects of the former demarcation of frontiers in those tracts of land, and being willing, on the other part, to procure, in an invariable manner, and for a general advantage, the final arrangement made and specified in the second and third article of this Convention ; by which settlement they do totally and definitively, and by mutual consent, terminate all the causes of claims, which make the object of said negotiation.
2. In consequence of this, the Ottoman Porte grants, that the borough and territory of Old Orfowa, as far as the Czerna, shall remain in the possession and the sovereignty of the Imperial Royal Court, in such manner that the river Czerna, on that side, shall for ever constitute the demarcations of frontiers of the Austrian Monarchy, on this express condition, however, that the said Imperial Royal Court is never to fortify either the former borough of Orfowa, or any part of the territory ceded by the Ottoman Porte in virtue of this present article ; And as to the little valley opposite the fort of the Island of Orfowa, expressed by "the frontiers" in the fifth article of the treaty of peace of Belgrade, this shall, for ever, in the strictest acceptance, remain neuter between the two dominions ; that is to say, its sovereignty shall appertain neither to the one nor to the other, and the contracting parties engage to let the said valley lay perfectly waste, without ever permitting that any body should build upon it, inhabit the same, or exercise husbandry thereon.
3. Concerning the district on the left side of the river Unna, the two contracting parties have agreed, that the frontiers of both empires, shall for the future, and for ever, be regulated in the following manner, viz. The new line of separation (drawn with red ink on the map annexed to this convention) is to begin in the tracts of land on the right shore of the river Glina, (at the dot pointed out on said map) and is to continue along a river, leaving Czartin and its district under the Imperial Royal dominions : It is to extend along the territory of the Turkish fort Sturilish or Sturilitz, (marked on the map with yellow) in such manner that this fort and its territory, as far as a cannon ball will reach, are to remain in the possession of the Turkish empire ; whence this line is to continue in a straight direction towards the Corona, in order to follow the stream of that river upward, as far as, and inclusive of, Dreinick, which, together with its territory, is to remain under the Imperial Royal jurisdiction. Moreover, said line is to extend over the mounts Smoljanitz, and the place called Tichiewo, continue along the high mountains, at whose bottom is situated the place Lapaz (marked yellow in the map) and continue as far as the Unna, the space of an hour's walking above Vacup ; (marked yellow) from whence this line upwards, on the left shore of the Unna, is to follow as far as its western sources (marked with a red dot) in order to terminate at the present triple demarcation or frontiers, by the straitest way pointed out by the extent of the high mountains, leaving thus Strenitza Turi under the Turkish dominion. The Imperial Royal Court engages never to cause to be repaired, or built, any fortresses whatever, under any denomination, or for any cause whatsoever, in the whole extent (without distinction) of the district which the Porte, by this article, does cede to the same.
4. The Imperial Royal Court, in order to answer, on its part, the amicable dispositions shown
by the Porte in the final settlement of the frontiers, as well in relation to the borough and territory of Old Orfowa as concerning the High Unna, as has been agreed by the 2d and 3d articles of this convention, and in order to confirm and consolidate the happy peace concluded between the two Empires, declares, in the most solemn manner, that it acknowledges as definitive the present regulation of the frontiers, and engages not to claim, for the future, any other than the above limited frontiers.
5. The Imperial Royal Court, willing to show its satisfaction at this regulation of frontiers, engages to return to the Porte, all fortresses, castles, and fortifications, taken from the Turks, in the state in which they are at present, and without destroying any of the repairs or new works which have been made upon them since their capture ; renouncing, for this purpose, the clause concerning the levelling, as specified in the end of article 6th of the definitive treaty.
6. The Imperial Royal Court, disposed to fulfil the desires of the Porte, of speedily being put in possession of all the conquests, readily co-operates, in order to abridge the periods in article 6th of said treaty, defined for the evacuations ; and, in conjunction with the Porte, fixes that the periods shall be reckoned from the day of the signing of the treaty, and not from the exchange of the ratifications, viz. thirty days from this day till the evacuation, re-occupation, and restoration of Wallachia, and the other five districts of Moldavia, and sixty days from the same epoch for all the other conquests.
Both parties moreover engage to perform the exchange of the ratification of the treaty of peace, at farthest, within a fortnight, instead of forty days, as mentioned in article 14th of the definitive treaty.
7. The ratifications of this separate convention are to be drawn up separately, and exchanged on the same day as that of the treaty of peace.
Done at Szitova, 4th August, 1791. [Signed] Baron Van Herbert Raab-Keal, and Count Francis Esterhazy Van Galanthy.
Copy of a Clause or Postscript added to the original Treaty of Peace between Austria and the Porte, underneath the signatures of the Ministers of the above powers.
"We, Plenipotentiaries of his Majesty the King of Prussia, and his Majesty the King of Great-Britain, and of their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces, having assisted as Mediators in the work of this peace, declare, that the above Treaty of Peace between the Imperial and Royal Court, and the Sublime Ottoman Porte, with all the clauses, conditions, and stipulations which it contains, has been concluded by the mediation of their Majesties the King of Prussia and of Great-Britain, and of their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces.
In testimony of which, we have signed the present with our names, and set thereto the seal of our arms.
Done at Szitova, the 4th of Aug. 1791. (t. s.) Jerome Marquis de Lucchesini, (t. s.) Robert Murray Keith, (t. s.) R. de Haasten.
ROBERT SMOCK, Woollen Draper & Mercer, Has just received by the ship Pigou, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north east corner of Market and Third streets, Philadelphia.
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost every colour. Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashionable colours. Superfine cassimers, do. Do. and super elastic striped cloths. Milled drabs and hunters cloths. A variety of fancy waistcoating, in silk, silk and cotton, silk moleskin, cassimers printed and tamboured, and superfine striped Spanish tolinets. Mens black fattins, florentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities. Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, assorted. Sattins and mantuas, a beautiful variety. Superfine rattinets, with a large collection of best trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality. Moreens, joans spinning, durants and calimancoes. Hairbines and camblets, &c. 9-8 wide superfine Marseilles quilting with borders. Marseilles bedquilts and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4. Flanders bedbunts and bedtickings. A beautiful variety of chintzes and cottons. An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chintzes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons. Velveteens, velvets, coratoyrs, thickfests, fancy cords, stockinets, royal ribs, fattinets, hair plushes, &c. &c. Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings. Rose blankets assorted.
ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very general and extensive, consisting of almost every article in his line of business.—Being desirous of giving entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meriting a continuance of those customers, whose favours he has hitherto experienced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.