The New-York journal, and daily patriotic register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1788-01-23 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
NUMB. 20, of VOL. XLIII.]
WEDNESDAY, January 23, 1788.
[Total NUMB. 2198.]
HERE TRUTH UNLICENSED REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—E'EN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE Thompson's Liberty.
NEW-YORK: Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
To the SUBSCRIBERS of the New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, AND THE RESPECTABLE PUBLIC. THE Proprietor and Editor of the above-mentioned JOURNAL, hereunto subscribed, prompted by the solicitation of a respectable number of his present subscribers—and by means of the generous patronage of a few valued friends, and the public, for which he requests their acceptance of unfeigned thanks—begs leave to communicate to them his intention of printing and publishing a DAILY PAPER, under the title of—The NEW-YORK JOURNAL, and DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
By this publication it is not intended, that the idea of the WEEKLY REGISTER shall be extinct, therefore, the present subscribers, in general, will please to take particular notice, that the THURSDAY's paper will contain just such kind of matter as usual, in which the choicest pieces, and the fewest advertisements, will be inserted—and, that their papers, will of consequence be delivered or sent on, as heretofore, until they severally pay off their arrearages, and stop it, or order their respective names entered upon this new subscription paper.—The Thursday's paper, alone, will be TWO DOLLARS per annum, as usual.
The particular inducements to this arduous task need not all be enumerated—That the present is a most important CRISIS of the national affairs of this country, must be evident even to the least thoughtful, but more especially so to those who nobly conceive—that the dearly purchased freedom and independence of America is a sacred deposit, to be nurtured, supported, and transmitted, unimpaired, by the present possessors, to millions yet unborn. To this end it is necessary, that the body of the people (who must ever, in free countries, be supposed the supporters of freedom) be well informed of the nature of any government that may be proposed for their adoption; therefore, free discussions on that momentous topic, as well as interesting intelligence from the several quarters of the world, are necessary to be universally disseminated.
By printing only one paper per week, as heretofore, one half of the essays communicated, and all that might be copied from other papers, were, in general, unavoidably neglected: in a Daily paper there will be room for all that may be worthy insertion. In this paper, FREE and IMPARTIAL discussion, that is, decent and well written Essays, on either side of any important public topic, SHALL FIND FREE ACCESS.
As the principal support of a Daily paper is derived from Advertisements, Gentlemen in the mercantile line, and all others who occasionally Advertise, are earnestly requested to prefer this new undertaking, which favor shall be gratefully acknowledged by the strictest attention being paid to correctness and propriety. Advertisements shall be inserted as reasonably as by any printer in the city.
The great expence with which a Daily paper will be attended, at first, is too well known to require any apology for the REQUISITION, on subscribing, expressed in the Conditions, or for the warmth of the solicitations, for the continuation of PUBLIC PATRONAGE, with which the following PROPOSALS are introduced by the public's greatly obliged,
And very humbly Servant, THOMAS GREENLEAF.
New-York, November 12, 1787
PROPOSALS
For altering The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, Into the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register. CONDITIONS.
I. THE New-York Journal and Daily Patriotic Register shall be printed on the same paper, form, and type, as the Weekly Register, and shall contain the same quantity of matter.
II. The price, per Annum, will be SIX DOLLARS, one quarter part of which to be paid on subscribing, viz. One dollar and an half; after which quarterly payments to be punctually observed.
III. No subscriber is to discontinue his subscription on any other condition than the payment of arrearage subscription money, and that at the expiration of a quarter.
IV. The Daily Patriotic Register shall be delivered to the subscribers in the city every morning, and sent (as may be ordered) to those out of the city, with the greatest punctuality, they paying the expence of carriage.
Printing-Office, November 19.
THE Editor returns sincere thanks to those gentlemen who have already enabled him to form a very respectable list of subscribers to his paper, upon the plan of the above proposals. His subscriptions having been rapid, has determined him to commence the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register, THIS DAY.—From the favourable disposition of the public, already evinced, he flatters himself with a prospect of speedy and generous ADVERTISING patronage.—He anticipates the pleasure of having it in his power, in a few weeks, to present to the public, a publication that will both serve and be a CREDIT to his country, not withholding a few of his GILDED rays from the public's ever devoted humble servant,
THE PRINTER,
To the Friends of Science.
IT has long been the universal wish, that the public might be furnished with an accurate Geographical and Topographical Grammar of the United States.
Geographers of foreign countries, not being possessed of the proper materials, and not equally interested in this part of their subject, have filled their accounts of these states with numerous inaccuracies. It is time these inaccuracies were corrected. We are independent of Great-Britain, and are no longer to look up to her for a description of our own country.
Several gentlemen of abilities, have, in detached pieces, gratified the public with ample and accurate descriptions of several parts of the United States; but no collective description of the whole has been attempted, except in a small duodecimo volume, published by the subscriber in 1784, which, though imperfect on account of the infant state of geographical knowledge in America, was well received by a candid public, and an edition of 1500 copie speedily sold.
This encouragement has determined him to publish again on the same subject. For the purpose of collecting more ample and accurate materials than he formerly possessed, he has travelled through all the states, and has been favoured with the communications of gentlemen well qualified to give information on so important a subject; and has likewise established a correspondence with several respectable characters in different states, from whom he has every reason to expect a valuable addition to the materials already collected; yet as all the information that can be obtained on a subject so extensive, variegated and interesting, is greatly to be desired, and every man of science may have it in his power to contribute some observations which may be useful, the subscriber will feel himself particularly obliged to any gentleman who will be so kind as to furnish him with answers to all, or any of the annexed enquiries, viz.
 1. The boundaries and extent of the several states, and the latitudes and longitudes of the principal places.  2. Descriptions of the rivers, their sources, courses, lengths, how far navigable, how high does the tide rise—and what fish do they produce. A description of mountains, lakes, harbours, capes, and bays.  3. General face of the country, an account of its animal, mineral, and vegetable productions, or its natural history. What are the evidences to support the opinion that the flat country in the southern and middle states was formerly occupied by the waters of the ocean, and that the land below the hills and mountains has been made since the flood.  4. Natural and artificial curiosities, caverns, cascades, &c.  5. State of commerce, manufactures and agriculture, exports and imports, balance of trade. The number of vessels which annually enter at the custom houses in the several sea ports of the United States.  6. Civil divisions of the several states, the number and names of the several districts, counties, and towns, their extent, latitude and longitude, number of inhabitants, and distance and bearing from the capital of the state. Particular descriptions of the principal towns are requested *.  7. Population—from whence are emigrations, to what places, and how numerous. Of what nations are the inhabitants of the states composed, or whence originated—proportion of the slaves.  8. Climate, diseases and their causes—longevity of the inhabitants—what proportion die in infancy.  9. Religion, number of churches of different denominations—by what methods are ministers supported.  10. State of the practice of law and physic.  11. Societies for the advancement of science and humanity.  12. State of literature, colleges, academies, schools and their funds.  13. Characters who have distinguished themselves in the late war by their patriotism.  14. An estimate of the damages sustained in the late war, in the several states.  15. A description of the adjacent Islands.  16. Manners, customs, diversions and dress.  17. Constitution, policy—general account of the laws—what political principles predominate in the several states.  18. Military and marine strength.  19. Public revenue and expences—mode of levying taxes.  20. Indians, their tribes, languages, numbers, characters and dispositions towards the United States.  21. The society of Cincinnati, their laws and influence and the nature and political tendency of their establishment.  22. History. 
N. B. The subscriber wishes to avail himself of the advantage of all the most accurate maps, and detached geographical pieces, which have been published respecting the United States; and will thank any gentleman to inform him where they can be procured.
Those gentlemen, who may be so obliging as to favor the above design, by communications, are requested to forward them to Messrs. R. Aitken, or W. Spotswood, Philadelphia; Messrs. Spotswood and Clarke, bookellers, Baltimore; Rev. Mr.
* This enquiry is made for the purpose of collecting the proper materials for a Gazetteer of the United States, which makes a part of the general plan in view. It is obvious that a book of this kind, compiled from accurate information, would be exceedingly useful. This might easily be done if one well-informed gentleman, in each town, would spend one half hour for the purpose. In this time the gentlemen might throw together every important circumstance relative to the towns, in which they respectively reside.
Keith, Alexandria; the honorable H. Williamson Edenton, North-Carolina; the honorable D. Ramsay, Messrs. Wright and Co. Charleston; the honorable A. Baldwin and Joseph Clay, Elquires, Georgia; Samuel S. Smith, D. D. Princeton; Mr. Loudon, Printer, New-York; and the Rev. Samuel Austin, or Jedidiah Morse, New-Haven with their names subscribed, and the places of their residence, that the author may have the pleasure of knowing to whom he is indebted for their friendly assistance.
JEDIDIAH MORSE.
If the several Printers, in the United States feel disposed to favor the above design, and will give this Advertisement a place in their respective papers for a few weeks, and will receive and forward to New-Haven, any communications which may be handed them by friends to the design, they may thereby contribute to the public good, and will peculiarly oblige their humble servant.
Philad. Aug. 7, 1787. J. M.
Just published by M. CAREY, In Philadelphia, and now to be SOLD, By THOMAS ALLEN, Book-Seller, in Queen-street, New-York (By whom Subscriptions are received)
THE American Museum,
FOR DECEMBER, 1787. CONTAINING, State and other public papers.
OBJECTIONS of the honorable George Mason to the new constitution, The address and reasons of dissent of the minority of the convention of Pennsylvania, Letter from the Hon. Richard Henry Lee, Esq. to governor Randolph, Dr. Franklin's final speech in the late federal convention, Resolves of the house of delegates of the commonwealth of Virginia, Resolves of Congress, Resolve of the convention of Pennsylvania, relative to offering congress the jurisdiction of a place for the seat of federal government, Resolve of the supreme executive council of the state of Pennsylvania, Resolve of the house of delegates of the state of Maryland, Letter from the Hon. John Sevier to governor Matthews, — from col. Robertson to governor Sevier, — from col. Bledsoe to governor Sevier, — from gen. Cooke, to gov. Matthews, — from gen. Clarke, to ditto, — from major Elholm, to major gen. Moultree, — from the Hon. William Pierce, to don Diego de Gardoqui, Reply to the preceding letter, Votes of the members of the protestant episcopal church in Providence, Address of the inhabitants of Northampton, to their delegates in convention, Resolution of the inhabitants of Pittsburgh, Ratification of the new constitution by Delaware, Ditto by Pennsylvania.
Medical Essays.
Observations and remarks on the putrid malignant sore throat, Observations on the bite of a mad dog, Account of a worm bred in the liver, Letter to doctor Franklin on the same subject.
Rural Concerns.
On the culture of trees, To make cyder, On planting potatoes, Receipt for preventing the flies from damaging turnips, On the culture of ginseng.
Law Information.
Law report. Watkeys against Delancey, Law report. Norton against Birch, Law case, respecting a captured vessel, Law regulation.
Miscellanies.
The Federalist, Account of an electrical eel, Recovery of two drowned children, Directions for the recovery of persons apparently dead from drowning, Admiral Pococke's receipt for pickling beef, pork, &c. Exemplary charity, Extract from an oration pronounced by David Dagnet, Esq. Indian anecdote.
Poetry.
The newsmonger's song, The crisis, The retort courteous, Poem on the prospect of seeing the fine arts flourish in America, The old Bachelor.
MARSHALL'S
Porter and Oyster-House, IS now opened at the corner of Cortlandt and Greenwich-Streets, opposite Powles-Hook Ferry-House, at the North-River— where every exertion will be put in force to render those who will favor him with their commands agreeable. New-York, Dec. 12, 1787. 63e.d.
To be Sold at this PRINTING-OFFICE, BLANKS of all Sorts,
Remaining on Hand, And TO BE SOLD, At this Printing-Office, No. 25, Water-Street,
A Few MAPS,
Of the interior parts of North-America, including the lands intended for the NEW STATES, some of which are selling, and others already disposed of by order of Congress.
ORDERS are just received, by the printer hereof, to sell these Maps at a much cheaper rate than they have yet been sold. The plates were cut and the impressions taken in London, and there sold (without the pamphlet) at One Guinea each.
To accompany this map, and explanatory of it, with references to it, will be sold, included in the price of the map, a pamphlet, containing 67 large octavo pages, with plates and figures, entitled, a Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North-Carolina, comprehending the rivers Ohio, Kenhawa, Sioto, Cherokee, Wabash, Illinois, Mississippi, &c. The climate, soil, and produce, whether animal, vegetable, or mineral; the mountains, creeks, roads, distances, latitudes, &c. and of every part, laid down in the Map.
By THOMAS HUTCHINS, Esq. Late Captain and Engineer in the British army, and now Geographer General to the United States of America. With a plan of the rapids of the Ohio, a plan of the several villages in the Illinois country, a table of the distances between Fort Pitt and the mouth of the Ohio, all engraved upon copper.—And an Appendix, containing Mr. Patrick Kennedy's Journal up the Illinois river, and a correct list of the different nations and tribes of Indians, with the number of fighting men, &c.
Description of the ILLINOIS COUNTRY.
THE Illinois country is in general of a superior soil to any other part of North America that I have seen. It produces fine oak, hickory, cedar, mulberry trees, &c. some dying roots and medicinal plants;—hops, and excellent wild grapes, and in the year 1769, one hundred and ten heads of strong wine, were made by the French settlers, from these grapes. A large quantity of sugar is also annually made from the juice of the maple tree; and as the mulberry trees are large and numerous, I presume the making of silk will employ the attention and industry of the settlers, when the country is more fully inhabited than it is at present, and especially as the winters are much more moderate and favourable for the breed of silk worms, than they are in many of the sea coast provinces. Indigo may likewise be successfully cultivated—(but not more than two cuttings in a year) wheat, peas, and Indian corn thrive well, as does every sort of grain and pulse, that is produced in any of the old colonies. Great quantities of tobacco are also yearly raised by the inhabitants of the Illinois, both for their own consumption and that of the Indians; but little has hitherto been exported to Europe. Hemp grows spontaneously, and is of a good texture; its common height is 10 feet, and its thickness three inches (the latter reckoned within about a foot of the root) and with little labour, any quantity may be cultivated. Flax seed has hitherto been only raised in small quantities. There has however been enough produced to shew, that it may be sown to the greatest advantage. Apples, pears, peaches, and all other European fruits succeeded admirably. Iron, copper, and lead mines, as also salt springs, have been discovered in different parts of this territory. The two latter are worked on the Spanish side of the Mississippi, with considerable advantage to the owners. There is plenty of fish in the rivers, particularly Cat, Carp, and Perch, of an uncommon size.—Savannahs, or natural meadows, are both numerous and extensive; yielding excellent grass, and feeding great herds of buffalo, deer, &c. ducks, teal, geese, swans, cranes, pelicans, turkeys, pheasants, partridges, &c. such as are seen in the sea coast Colonies, are in the greatest variety and abundance.—In short, every thing, that a reasonable mind can desire, is to be found, or may, with little pains, be produced here. New-York, Jan. 17, 1788. 93 e.d.
Masters & Owners of Vessels
Are hereby informed, THAT they may be supplied with cables, large or small of any length, and cordage of all sizes, made of Petersburg hemp, first quality, at Ivers's Rope-walk, at the head of Mulberry-street, the first left hand turn above the Tea-Water Pump, on such favorable terms as to merit the attention of any gentleman that would wish to lay out his money to the best advantage. Cables spliced, with the addition of any length required, white rope of every sort for city or country use, hambro lines, deep sea lines, band lead lines, log lines, bouseline, and marline, &c. &c. by
H. IVERS, Rope-maker.
N. B. The above articles, whether in large or small quantities, will be delivered to any part of the city without expence of cartage to the buyer. New-York, Dec. 7, 1787. 58 e.d.
New-York RUM
Of excellent Flavour and good Proof FOR SALE
By Charles Tillinghast, At the DISTILERY, near the New Market Cherry-street and nearest to the Ship-Yards. October 3, 1787. 53 e.d.

MISCELLANY.
For the DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
MR. GREENLEAF,
I AM informed, that a number of gentlemen have been addressed by Mr. N—h W—r, accompanied with a pamphlet, entitled, "The American Magazine, for December 1787." This curious work accidentally fell into my hands, although I have not the honor of having been addressed. I enquired who N—h W—r was, and am informed he was originally of Connecticut, where the polite arts have flourished for centuries, from the immense wealth of the country, the leisure of its inhabitants, and more especially from its cities; fources of all urbanity and polite literature, metaphysics, and good grammar; that this same N. W—r has wrote something about the English or American language, or a spelling book, or grammar, I cannot learn which—that a Mr. Kid, whether a relation of the former Capt. Kid the pirate, I cannot learn, has criticised upon N. W—r's institutes, or whatever they are called—and that it is, that Mr. Kid had greatly the advantage. But, Mr. Printer, the American Magazine, cura notis variorum.
"The American Magazine.—A full flop.
Containing A Miscellaneous Collection of Original and other valuable Essays, In Prose and Verse, And calculated both for Instruction and Amusement."
Now, Sir, as Mr. N. W. is a grammarian, I conclude we are to have two Magazines; "and calculated both," is the same as "and both calculated," that is, "both American Magazine;"—perhaps he may have borrowed this word, "both," which I have an unaccountable antipathy to, from the proposed new constitution, where I find it frequently used, or, as he was in Philadelphia at the time of the convention, he might, from his famed institutes, have been called upon, and dictated the word both . But, Mr. Printer, let us proceed to the introduction. "The Editor of the American Magazine, for December 1787 (observes the last month in the year) presents the compliments of the season (by way of anticipation; this is a silent and secret operation) to his readers. Now, I ask, whether he has any particular set of readers at command. As this is the first number, and only publication, who are his readers? But, Sir, to go on, "and wishes them all the blessing they wish for themselves." What a philanthropist! So, if any of his readers wish to debauch my wife or daughter, he wishes they may stop. The editor is a metaphysician, as well as a grammarian. The word blessing always means something good; and an illicit indulgence is wicked—The thing itself is good, but the illicitness is bad. Well, now I am really afraid, that all his readers will not be able to make this nice, logical distinction; and if they cannot, and should abuse the good things of nature, they may hereafter plead, that the editor of the American Magazine, who must be a good authority, wished them to do the same thing. But nequid nimis, that is, too much of one thing is good for nothing—True, yet I have heard, that there cannot be too much of a thing good in itself. Let us proceed. He begs leave, on the auspicious opening (a fine word) of the year 1788, to usher (I suppose he is some under teacher) into the world a new publication (yes, a new publication for an old year) which he designs to continue (then this same new publication is to be printed over and over and over; well, one of them is more than I can digest. "He thinks it unnecessary to trouble his readers with an enumeration of the benevolent motives—(Now these last words I do not perfectly understand, for I am no metaphysician—but they found a little like "a good plenum, or a bad vacuum") which prompted him to this undertaking; for whatever he may say in his own favor, mankind will still have their own opinion of the editor's views. To this he has not a single objection; (artful! why could he not have laid right off of hand, he had no objection; a man that has a thousand objections, to be sure, has not a single one—o the editor has not a single one, though he has a great many.)—(His readers would have been rather better, than mankind.) "While he is conscious, that, among several motives which actuate him, there is not a bad one." Ambiguous, among a great number of motives, several may be good and several bad, as he calls them. Perhaps, if the editor had laid, among the several, it would have included all his motives; but as it is, he seems to have culled several favorite motives, none of which will he allow to be bad. The others, then, the editor has decided on.
"It is the editor's wish to gratify every class of readers, and his fair readers may be assured, that no inconsiderable pains will be taken to furnish them with entertainment; at the same time, he flatters himself, that many of the ladies will be found in the number of his correspondents. I must confess, I do not like this passage; but I will take care, that none of my fair family shall be furnished by, or correspond with this redoubtable editor. Several other things might be observed upon this famous introduction, as the flowing away readers in bulk, &c. But the thirteenth page has just caught my eye. In his introduction, the editor says, "New-York is the most eligible situation for a publication of this kind." Now I am at a loss to know why New-York is the most eligible situation for the publication of this thirteenth page. That the assertions should be made by a freeman, to an enlightened and free people, is offering a direct insult to their understanding. Is this utter, this grammatical pedlar, this new publication man, who refers to himself the right of deciding on the merit of essays communicated, and the propriety of admitting them into the work, and consequently makes them all his own, is he happy in the choice of his situation for such a piece? If he is, I am deceived as to the good sense of the people of New-York. The editor has dared to publish to the freemen of New-York, and to assert, that the objection to the new constitution, because it contains no bill of rights, is founded on ideas of government that are totally false. That our ancestors reasoned right, and because we reason in the same way, we adhere to old prejudices, and reason wrong. These are vain assertions without proof—But the editor goes on, "a bill of rights against the encroachments of kings, is perfectly intelligible," and pray, are not the rights of worth-
ping as I please, and of being tried by a jury, as perfectly intelligible under a republican form of government, as under a monarchical? "A bill of rights against the encroachments of an elective legislature, is a curiosity in government. The editor would do well to shew, that it is so, because, his ipse dixit would not go very far, if stubborn facts were not directly against him. The next sentence, I think I may say, is a curiosity—and perhaps it is in point, to prove a bill of right is not worth contending for, nay, that it is wrong to make it a constituent part, when forming a constitution. "One half of the people who read books, have so little ability to apply what they read to their own practice, that they had better not read at all." How the editor arrived at the exact number I know not; it is a bad compliment to his readers. About one eighth of the people read; half of this eighth had better not read at all; therefore, fifteen sixteenths of the people, what are they better than cattle; and is this the reason why New-York is the most eligible situation for this publication.
The privileges of a Britain are held as a birth-right, or matters never alienated. They are not grants of the king; the barons, the only freemen in England in 1215, demanded, sword in hand, of the king, that he should renounce all claim to certain privileges of right belonging to them. Whatever might have been the knowledge of the barons of England at that time, I venture not to assert; but to think, that it was infinitely short of the knowledge of the good people of New-York in the science of government—Mr. Editor goes on, "These statutes are, however, not esteemed, because they are unalterable; for the same power that enacted them can at any moment repeal them; but they are esteemed, because they are barriers erected by the representatives of the nation against a power that exists independent of their own choice." For the Editor's consideration I shall extract several passages from Blackstone, observing by the way, that he lays, the people of England were not represented in parliament till the year 1265. "Hence it indubitably appears, that parliaments, or general councils, are coeval with the kingdom itself; how those parliaments were constituted and composed, is another question, which has been a matter of great dispute, &c."
"Thus much for the declaration of our rights and liberties; which will appear from what has been premised to be indeed no other than either that residuum of natural liberty, which is not required by the laws of society to be sacrificed to public convenience;" they may be said to remain, in a peculiar and emphatical manner, the rights of the people of England; "and these may be reduced to three primary articles: The right of personal security; the right of personal liberty, and the right of private property." "To vindicate these rights, when actually violated, or attacked, the subjects of England are entitled, in the first place, to the regular administration, and free course of justice, in the courts of law; next to the right of petitioning the king and parliament for redress of grievances, and lastly to the right of having and using arms for self-preservation and defence—And all these rights and liberties it is our birth right to enjoy entire."
Perhaps, upon the principles before established, the convention might (if they pleased) have vested the regal dignity in a family entirely new. "These three princes, king William, queen Mary, and queen Anne, did not take the crown by hereditary right"—"formerly the descent was absolute, but now, upon the new settlement, the inheritance is conditional."
"The doctrine of hereditary right does by no means imply an indefeasible right to the throne."
It is evident, according to the learned judge, that the kings of England are not independent of the people, and yet that people have reserved that residuum of liberty, which is not necessary to be sacrificed to public convenience. That these rights have their existence otherwise than merely by acts of parliament. When King William came to the throne of England, there was a solemn compact, previous to his being declared king, called a bill of rights: The statute that soon after took place, contains nearly verbatim the same articles; if, however, the statute had been repealed, the bill of rights would have remained in force. The editor says, "In our government there is no power of legislation independent of the people." Is there any power of legislation in England independent of the people? Surely there is not; and did these people, in their wisest days, draw such an absurd consequence? "There is no power existing against which it is necessary to guard."
"I undertake to prove, that a standing bill of rights is absurd (attend to the proof) because no constitutions (how many are there in a free government) can be unalterable. Cannot a constitution be altered without altering the bill of rights?—Cannot the constitution of Pennsylvania be essentially altered?—And is not all the alteration, contended for by its opposers, merely that of the deposit of the powers? Is it not the voice of the states in the Union, that the people have a right to alter their constitutions? We can have no greater power to enslave posterity, than they have to repeal the act, if found inconvenient. What idle attempt at reasoning—we can only make ourselves happy in a particular way, by retaining some privileges, which, if the legislature possessed, would not be exercised, but for the purposes of slavery; yet we must not make this reservation for fear of enslaving our posterity. "The right of jury trial may in future cease to be a privilege—(It may so, Mr. Editor, if the person to be tried and his jury, are to travel five hundred miles) or other modes more satisfactory to the people may be devised; such an event is neither impossible nor improbable."—There is but one other way, that is, for the judges to decide as to law and fact. And when this takes place, farewell to all liberty in America. I am happy in thinking, that the genius of America will spurn at the idea with as much contempt and energy as she did against the assumed power of the Parliament of Great-Britain. There need not be much said here. Where, Mr. Editor, did you learn, that there is an attempt to make a perpetual constitution? I never heard of such a thing, until I saw it in your new publication. Did you start this idea for the sake of building upon it near half a column of nonsense?
As I have not time to pursue farther this metaphysical, grammatical institutional reasoner, I hope some other will find leisure to attend to him.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY Of the State of New-York.
POUGHKEEPSIE, January 17, 1788.
[Continued.]
THE house met pursuant to adjournment. The minutes of yesterday were read and agreed to.
Mr. Cornwell, of Queen's county, was indulged with leave of absence for ten days.
It having been understood by many members, that this day was appointed for the election of a council of appointment; and others insisting that it was the order for Friday, as stated in the clerk's minutes; after some desultory debate on the same, it was agreed by the house, that the said election should be on Friday.
On motion of Mr. Sands, the house went into a committee on the bill to regulate the re-packing of beef and pork.
Mr. Taulman in the chair.
The first enacting clause of the bill having been reconsidered, Mr. Brooks, in order, as he said, that the mayor, aldermen, and commonality of New-York should have the appointing of the officers created by this act, so far as the same respected the city of New-York, made the following motion, to delete the words, "person administering the government of this state for the time being, by and with the consent of the council of appointment," and to insert, "the mayor, aldermen and commonality of the city of New-York."
He contended, that this was a right the corporation of New-York possessed by their charter—and adduced the following clause from the said charter, to support his assertion:
"And we do hereby further, for us, our heirs and successors, grant and give unto the said mayor or aldermen and commonality of the city of New-York, and their successors forever, the office of gauger of and in the said city, to gauge all and singular the wine, rum, brandy, molasses, beer, ale, cyder, and other merchandizes, and vessels gaugable, or to be gauged within the said city; except such liquors as are to pay duty by virtue of any act of assembly, until after they have been gauged by the public officer, appointed for that purpose: and the office of measurer of, and in the said city, to measure salt, wheat, oats, and other grain, and all other merchandizes measurable, or to be measured, in the said city: and also the offices of surveyor and packer of bread, flour, beef, pork, and other provisions, and all other merchandizes and commodities, to be surveyed or packed in the said city: and also, the office of cartage, carriage and portage of all goods, wares, merchandizes, and other things to be carted, or carried in, or through the said city, or any part thereof: and also the office of garbling of all manner of spices, and other merchandizes and things to be garbled in the city aforesaid: to have and to hold, the several offices aforesaid, and every of them, and the disposition, ordinances, and connections of the same, and to exercise the same by themselves, or their deputies; and to take, and receive to themselves, all fees, profits and perquisites, to the said officers, and every of them, due, or to be due, and all the fines, amerciaments, and forfeitures to be paid and forfeited concerning the same, or any part thereof, to them the said mayor, aldermen and commonality, and their successors, to their own proper use forever, without any account, or other thing, to us, our heirs and successors to be given or made."
He said he was not in the house when the clause in question had been agreed to, or he should then have opposed it. He had moved for the reconsideration of it now, that he might bear testimony against it; concluding with an observation, that all chartered rights should be held sacred, whether they interfered with the convenience of the state at large, or not; but if they were found inconvenient, that it would be better to take away the privilege altogether, than to infringe it partially.
This motion was seconded by Mr. Nevin, who, when the clause was agreed to, on a former day, had opposed it, though unsuccessfully; he now stated that no chartered privileges ought to be infringed, because if they were made free with in one instance, they might in every one. This he said, was a precedent too dangerous to be established. He saw no necessity for it, as no disadvantage, he said, could arise from leaving this power in the hands of the mayor and common council, whenever it could be proved that they had abused those powers, it would then be time enough to take them away.
Mr. Jones remarked, that it might be remembered by many gentlemen in the house, that this question had a full and fair discussion on a former occasion. For his part, he should be as tenacious about taking away any of the chartered rights of New-York, as any man. He did not agree with the gentlemen who had spoke before him. He asserted that it was no infringement of the charter of New-York, it was never intended by that charter that it should interfere with the state at large. The officers to be appointed by this law, were to act for the state, and should be appointed by the state. The charter did not prevent it. It specified only, what officers should be appointed for the internal police of the city; he said, that there had already been such appointments, as was intended by this law, particularly, an inspector of pot-ash. This was the first time such exclusive privileges had been claimed for them. Should we, said he, leave it to New-York, to regulate the staple commodities of the state. This could never be agreed to. And he was clear in his opinion, that they could only determine what were suitable regulations for the city, & make appointments accordingly.
There were several replications, but the same arguments were again used.
Mr. Speaker gave it as his opinion, that the corporation did not possess this right, and of course, that there was no infringement of their charter.
On the question to agree to the amendment proposed by Mr. Brooks,
For the affirmative. Mr. Niven, Mr. Tillotson and Mr. Brooks.
For the negative. Messrs. Jones, Carman, Cornwell, Dongan, Winant, J. Smith, Wykoff, Sylvester, Tierce, Baker, Paterson, De Witt, Gilbert, Strang, Mr. Speaker, Van Orden, Frey, Van Ingen, Arent, Gordon, Powers, Webster, Savage, Schoonmaker, Cantine, Bruyne, James Livingston, Bloom, P. Cantine, Benfon, Hedges, Osborn, Graham, Sands, Low, Verplank, Wisner, Sickles, Younglove, John Livingston, Clinton, Thompson, Lewis, Tompkins, Harrison. 45
On motion, the title was amended so as to read, "An act, to regulate the repacking of beef and pork, for exportation."
Mr. Jones, agreeable to a law to revise the laws of this state, moved for leave, and brought in the following bills, which were read a first time, and ordered a second reading.
1. An act to redress disorders by common informers, and to prevent malicious informations. 2. An act for the more effectual discovery of the death of persons beyond sea, or absenting themselves, upon whose lives estates do depend. 3. An act against buying and selling offices. 4. An act for rendering the proceedings upon writs of mandamus, and informations in the nature of a quo warranto, more speedy and effectual. 5. An act for ascertaining the measure of lands. 6. An act concerning idiots, lunatics, and infant trussees. 7. An act concerning attaints upon untrue verdicts.
Mr. Brooks, from the committee to whom was referred the petition of Benjamin Michau, late treasurer of Richmond county, reported that it was their opinion, that the said petitioner being an officer appointed by the county, and held responsible to them, can properly look for relief from the county only, and not from the state at large. And that the county must either grant him relief by raising the monies of which he was robbed, by a new assessment, or suffer the petitioner and his securities to be proceeded against as the law directs. And, that the county might be able to extend relief to the petitioner if they should see fit; the committee further reported it as their opinion, that leave should be given to bring in a bill, enabling the supervisors of the county of Richmond, to levy and include, in the contingent charges of the county for the present year, the sum of 298l. of which the said petitioner was robbed, as set forth in his petition. The house agreed to the report of the committee.
Mr. Dongan then moved for leave, and brought in a bill to enable the supervisors of Richmond county, to raise the sum of 298l. for the purposes therein mentioned: which was read a first time, and ordered a second reading.
A message was received from the senate by Mr. Vanderbilt and Mr. Williams, informing that the senate had passed the bill for preventing delays in the proceedings of the general sessions of the peace, and abuses in issuing out writs of certiorari.
They also informed the house, that the senate had non-concurred with the resolution of the assembly for electing delegates to Congress. And that the senate requested the concurrence of the assembly to a resolution, which they presented in substance as follows:
That the senate and assembly would, on Tuesday next, the 23d inst. proceed to nominate and appoint five delegates to represent this state in Congress: and that the delegates so nominated and appointed, should represent this state in Congress until the first of November next, and thereafter, until ten days after the next meeting of the legislature; provided nevertheless, that the time they so represent this state, should not exceed one year from the date of their commission.
When the resolution had been read,
Mr. Benfon rose, to offer some reasons why the house should concur with the senate; he said it was most undoubtedly the design of the confederation, that the delegates to Congress should take their seats, and be appointed annually on the first Monday of November. But the first meeting Congress had, after the ratification of the confederation, they found it would be impracticable, as many of the states held their sessions at periods different from each other; and in some, he believed Maryland, the constitution appointed their election subsequent to it, and made it almost impossible for that state to make regular appointments, strictly agreeable to the confederation. Great trouble and uneasiness was the consequence, and Congress, in order to keep up the representation of the states, were obliged to violate that part of the confederation. It was therefore to little purpose for this state to persist in a measure which was disregarded by the other states, and even by Congress. When he, and the other delegates were appointed last year, although their commission expressly said they were to represent the state for the current year, and which was admitted on all hands to mean the federal year, ending the first of November, yet Congress were willing they should continue for the full term of a year, provided that the state sent on a resolution for that purpose. From these considerations, and the importance of our being represented in Congress, he wished the house would agree to the resolution of the senate.
Mr. Jones then got up; this, said he, was not a new question; it was one that had rose several years past, as many members of the house must well remember: He thought it the duty of the house to conform to the confederation, without any regard to convenience. We ought, said he, to appoint delegates to take their seats fairly, and in conformity to the confederation. He could not, therefore, agree to the resolution of the senate, as it then stood. He believed that on examination, it would be found, that until the year 1786, appointments had been made in the mode expressed by the resolution of the house.
That the legislature at that time for the sake of meeting in January, had made a double appointment, and it was from this double appointment, all the difficulty had arisen. He confessed, that he would prefer having the meetings of the legislature at an earlier day, rather than for a mere convenience to do any thing which was not conformable to the articles of confederation.
Mr. Harrison seconded the motion of the attorney-general, for concurring with the senate. He observed that he had not had the honor of a seat in the house, when the question was formerly debated. It was certain, however, that it was of the highest importance to this state in particular, to keep up a full representation, and to maintain its due weight in the grand council of the nation. With respect to the article of confederation, it was undoubtedly intended, that there should have been new appointments of delegates in November in every year; but as this rule had been deviated from, it would be idle for the state to adhere to it, thereby being a great part of the year unrepresented, and consequently neglecting its most important concerns.
On the question for concurring with the resolution of the senate, Mr. Jones called for a division,
For the affirmative:—Messrs. Carman, Dongan,

Wiant, Niven, Sylvester, Gansevoort, Tearse, Paterlon, Gilbert, Strang, Van Orden, Frey, Van Ingen, Arant, Tillotson, Powers, Webster, Bruyne, James Livingston, P. Cantine, Benfon, Hedges, Sands, Low, Perplanck, Wifner, Sickles, Younglove, Brooks, John Livingston, Thompson, Lewis, Tompkins, and Harrison. 34.
For the negative:—Messrs. Jones, Taulman, J. Smith, Wykoff, Baker, De Witt, Gordon, Savage, Schoonmaker, Cantine, Bloom, Osborn, Graham, and Clinton. 14.
So it was carried in the affirmative. On motion of Mr. Jones, the house went into a committee on the bill to enable grantees of reversions to take advantage of the conditions to be performed by leasees.
Mr. Brooks in the chair. The committee having agreed to the bill, rose and reported the same, when it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
On motion, the house went into a committee on the bill to compel joint-tenants, and tenants in common, to make partition of land, and for the more easy partition of lands in joint-tenancy, and tenants in common.
Mr. Thompson in the chair. The bill being agreed to, the committee rose and reported the same, when it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
On motion, the house went into a committee on the bill to repeal an act to prevent the destruction of fish, and the killing of deer and heath-hen in the county of Suffolk.
The committee rose and reported. Adjourned until 10 o'clock to-morrow morning.
STATE OF CONNECTICUT. IN CONVENTION, January 4. [Continued from Yesterday's Paper.]
THERE is one objection, Mr. President, which is broad enough to cover the whole subject. Says the objector, Congress ought not to have power to raise any money at all—Why? Because they have the power of the sword, and if we give them the power of the purse, they are despotic. But I ask, Sir, was there ever a government without the power of the sword and the purse? This is not a new coined phrase; but it is misapplied; it belongs to quite another subject. It was brought into use in Great-Britain, where they have a king vested with hereditary power. Here, say they, it is dangerous to place the power of the sword and the purse in the hands of one man, who claims an authority independent of the people. Therefore we will have a parliament. But the king and parliament together, the supreme power of the nation, they have the sword and the purse. And they must have both, else how could the country be defended? For the sword without the purse is of no effect, it is a sword in the scabbard. But does it follow, because it is dangerous to give the power of the sword and the purse to a hereditary prince, who is independent of the people, that therefore, it is dangerous to give it to the parliament, to Congress which is your parliament, to men appointed by yourselves, and dependent upon yourselves? This argument amounts to this, you must cut a man in two in the middle, to prevent his hurting himself.
But, says the honourable objector, if Congress levy money they must legislate. I admit it. Two legislative powers, says he, cannot exist together in the same place. I ask, why can they not? It is not enough to say they cannot. I wish for some reason. I grant that both cannot legislate upon the same object, at the same time, and carry into effect laws which are contrary to each other. But the constitution excludes every thing of this kind. Each legislature has its province; their limits may be distinguished. If they will run foul of each other, if they will be trying who has the hardest head, it cannot be helped. The road is broad enough, but if two men will jostle each other, the fault is not in the road. Two several legislatures have in fact existed, and acted at the same time in the same territory. It is in vain to say, they cannot exist, when they actually have done it. In the time of the war we had an army. Who made the laws for that army? By whose authority were offenders tried and executed? Congress was the power. By their authority, a man was taken, tried, condemned and hanged, in this very town. He belonged to the army; he deserted to the enemy; he deserved his fate. Wherever the army was, in whatever state, there Congress had complete legislative, judicial and executive power. This very spot where we now are, is a city. It has a complete legislative, judicial and executive power. It is a complete state in miniature. Yet it breeds no confusion, it makes no schism. The city has not eat up the state, nor the state the city. But if this is a new city, if it has not had time to unfold its principles, I will instance the city of New-York,
which is and long has been an important part of that state, it has been found beneficial, its powers and privileges have not clashed with the state. The city of London contains three or four times as many inhabitants as the whole state of Connecticut. It has extensive powers of government, and yet it makes no interference with the general government of the kingdom. This constitution defines the extent of the powers of the general government. If the general legislature should at any time overleap their limits, the judicial department is a constitutional check. If the United States go beyond their powers, if they make a law which the constitution does not authorise, it is void; and the judicial power, the national judges, who to secure their impartiality are to be made independent, will declare it to be void. On the other hand, if the states go beyond their limits, if they make a law which is an usurpation upon the general government, the law is void, and upright independent judges will declare it to be so. Still however, if the United States and the individual states will quarrel, if they want to fight, they may do it, and no frame of government can possibly prevent it. It is sufficient for this constitution, that so far from laying them under a necessity of contending, it provides every reasonable check against it. But perhaps at some time or other there will be a contest, the states may rise against the general government. If this does take place, if all the states combine, if all oppose, the whole will not eat up the members, but the measure which is opposed to the sense of the people, will prove abortive. In republics, it is a fundamental principle, that the majority govern, and that the minority comply with the general voice. How contrary then to republican principles, how humiliating is our present situation. A single state can rise up, and put a veto upon the most important public measures. We have seen this actually take place, a single state has controuled the general voice of the union, a minority, a very small minority has governed us. So far is this from being consistent with republican principles, that it is in effect the worst species of monarchy.
Hence we see, how necessary for the union is a coercive principle. No man pretends the contrary. We all see and feel this necessity. The only question is, shall it be a coercion of law, or a coercive of arms? There is no other possible alternative. Where will those who oppose a coercion of law, come out? where will they end? A necessary consequence of their principles is a war of the states one against another. I am for coercion by law, that coercion which acts only upon delinquent individuals. This constitution does not attempt to coerce sovereign bodies, states in their political capacity. No coercion is applicable to such bodies, but that of an armed force. If we should attempt to execute the laws of the union by sending an armed force against a delinquent state, it would involve the good and bad, the innocent and guilty, in the same calamity. But this legal coercion singles out the guilty individual, and punishes him for breaking the laws of the union. All men will see the reasonableness of this, they will acquiesce, and say, let the guilty suffer. How have the morals of the people been depraved for the want of an efficient government which might establish justice and righteousness. For the want of this, iniquity has come in upon us like an overflowing flood. If we wish to prevent this alarming evil, if we wish to protect the good citizen in his right, we must lift up the standard of justice, we must establish a national government, to be enforced by the equal decisions of law, and the peaceable arm of the magistrate.
January 9th. The convention got through with debating upon the constitution by sections. It was canvassed critically and fully. Every objection was raised against it, which the ingenuity and invention of its opposers could devise. The writer of this account could wish to exhibit to public view, though he is sensible he could do it but imperfectly, the whole of the debates upon this interesting subject; but they would be so exceedingly prolix, that he is obliged to give up any such attempt. Suffice it to say, that all the objections to the constitution vanished, before the learning and eloquence of a Johnson, the genuine good sense and discernment of a Sherman, and the Demosthenian energy of an Ellsworth.
After the convention had finished debating upon the constitution by sections, Gen. Parsons, in order to bring up the subject for a general discussion, moved the grand question, "That this convention do assent to, ratify and adopt the constitution reported by the convention of delegates in Philadelphia, on the 17th day of September, A. D. 1787, and referred to
the determination of this convention by an act of the general assembly, in Oct. last."
This motion was seconded by General Huntington. Upon the general discussion of the subject, His Excellency Governor Huntington, expressed himself nearly as follows:
Mr. President, I do not rise to detain this convention for any length of time. The subject has been so fully discussed, that very little can be added to what has been already offered. I have heard, and attended with pleasure to what has been said upon this subject. The importance of it merited a full and ample discussion. It does not give me pain, but pleasure, to hear the sentiments of those gentlemen who differ from me. It is not to be expected from human nature, that we should all have the same opinion. The best way to learn the nature and effects of different systems of government, is not from theoretical dissertations, but from experience, from what has actually taken place among mankind. From this latter source of information it is, that mankind have obtained a more complete knowledge of the nature of government, than they had in ages past. It is an established truth, that no nation can exist without a coercive power, a power to enforce the execution of its political regulations. There is such a love of liberty implanted in the human breast, that no nation ever willingly gave up its liberty. If they lose this inestimable birth-right of man, it is from a want not of will, but of the proper means to support it. If we look into history, we shall find that the common avenue through which tyranny has entered in, and enslaved nations who were once free, has been their not supporting government. The great secret of preserving liberty is to lodge the supreme power so as to be well supported and not abused. If this could only be effected, no nation would ever lose its liberty. The history of mankind clearly shews, that it is dangerous to entrust the supreme power in the hands of one man. The same source of knowledge proves that it is not only inconvenient, but dangerous to liberty, for the people of a large community to attempt to exercise in person, the supreme authority. Hence arises the necessity that the people should act by their representatives; but this method, so necessary for the support of civil liberty, is an improvement of modern times. Liberty, however, is not so well secured as it ought to be, when the supreme power is lodged in one body of representatives. There ought to be two branches of the legislature, that the one may be a check upon the other. It is difficult for the people at large to know when the supreme power is verging towards abuse, and to apply the proper remedy, but if the government be properly balanced, it will possess a renovating principle, by which it will be able to right itself. The constitution of the British nation affords us great light upon the subject of government. Learned men in other countries have admired it, but they thought it too fine spun to prove beneficial in practice. But a long trial has now shewn its excellence; and the difficulties which that nation now experiences, arise not from their constitution, but from other circumstances.
The author of nature has given to mankind a certain degree of insight into futurity, as far as we can see a probability that certain events will happen, so far we do well to provide and guard. But we may attempt to go too far; it is in vain to think of providing against every possible contingency. The happiness of civil society depends not merely upon their constitution of government, but upon a variety of circumstances. One constitution may suit one particular nation exceedingly well; when a different one would suit another nation in different circumstances. Even among the American states there is such a difference in sentiments, habits and customs, that a government, which would be very suitable for one might not be agreeable to another.
I am fully of opinion, that the great council of the union must have a controuling power with respect to matters of national concern. There is at present an extreme want of power in the national government; and it is my opinion that this constitution does not give too much. As to the subject of representation, at first view it appears small; but upon the whole the purposes of the union could not be so well answered by a greater number. It is impracticable to have the numbers of the representation as great, and the times of electing as frequent, as they are in our state governments. Nor is this necessary for the security of liberty. It is sufficient if the choice of representatives be so frequent, that they must depend upon the people, and that an inseparable connection be kept up between the electors and elected.
The state governments, I think, will not be endangered by the powers vested by this constitution in the general government. While I have attended in Congress, I have observed, that the members were quite as strenuous advocates for the rights of their respective states, as for those of the union. I doubt not but this will continue to be the case, and hence I infer that the general government will not have the disposition to encroach upon the states. But still the people themselves must be the chief support of liberty. While the great body of the freeholders are acquainted with the duties which they owe to their God, to themselves, and to men, they will remain free. But if ignorance and depravity should prevail, they will inevitably lead to slavery and ruin. Upon the whole view of this constitution, I am in favour of it, and think it bids fair to promote our national prosperity.
[The remainder on Friday next.] New-York, January 23.
YESTERDAY arrived in this port, the ship Betsey, Woodward, in 56 days from Londonderry; brig Mercury, Weaver, in 67 days from Bristol; brig Enterprise, Palmer, in 91 days from Botany-Bay; schooner —, from Charleston; and sloop Sally, Rider, in 20 days from Shelburne.
MR. GREENLEAF, RESPECT for the public opinion induces the "Offi-cers of the P-st O-cc" to declare, that the allegations of the "Centinel" (republished in your paper of this day) respecting them, are false. They think this declaration due to the public and their own characters; but they will take no notice of the Centinel himself, as an anonymous political incendiary is below even contempt. New-York, Jan. 21, 1788.
[As there has been a printed reference to the editor of this paper, by the writer of the CENTINEL, and the above Note, upon the alarming subject of the detention of newspapers, he conceives himself under a peculiar obligation to make the following public avowal—that he has received none of the several papers, published at Philadelphia, by Col. Oswald, Mr. Bailey, or Messieurs Dunlap and Claypoole, or at Boston, by Messieurs Edes and Son, or Mr. Powers, &c. &c. through the medium of the Post-Office, since the 1st inst. while others came to hand which contained none of those interesting essays upon the momentous topic, now in discussion, which the public have an indubitable right to the perusal of. [For which reason he has, by letters, requested them to forward regular files of their papers, by every private conveyance, as he has done, and shall do, of his to them; which request he here reiterates, thanking them for those already received by this means.]—The editor, however sensible he may be of the great utility of public Post-Offices, in all free countries, has not presumed to call in question the conduct of the "officers of the post-office," who have ever (within his knowledge) treated him impartially. He is credibly informed, that since January 1st, of the present year, the riders, in several instances, have refused to take papers for printers, not being obliged (as they say) to carry them by contract. If this be a political evil (which it is presumed no one will deny) a remedy for it doubtless will issue from a higher power than the Post-Master-General. Wherever the failure may originate, it will hold good, that "no evil can be remedied until known;" consequently, if this be an evil, the public will be obliged to the discoverer, who will doubtless pursue it so long as there exists no governmental edict to interdict the freeborn privilege of publicly complaining of public grievances.]
Sales by the Sheriff. THIS DAY. Will be SOLD, at the COFFEE-HOUSE, At XII o'Clock, Two Stage Waggons, One Stage Coach, and Six Horses—Taken by Execution. M. WILLETT, Sheriff.
NOTICE is hereby given by the petitioning creditors of David C. Franks, an insolvent debtor, that they appear before John Willey, Esq. Alderman, and one of the Judges of the Mayor's Court of the city of New-York, at his office in Nassau-street, on Monday the 28th instant, to show cause, if any they have, why an assignment of the estate of said David C. Franks should not be made for the benefit of all his creditors, and the said David C. Franks discharged, pursuant to the directions of an act of the Legislature of the State of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 19th day of April, 1786.
DAVID C. FRANKS. Dated 22d of Jan. 1788. e. d. 98. 31.
THE PARTNERSHIP of Hazard and Brewster, BEING dissolved, by the death of the former;—all persons indebted thereto, whose accounts are due, are desired to make immediate payment, and all who have demands against said partnership are requested to exhibit their accounts for settlement, to the subscriber, at No. 183, Water-street, who will dispose of the remaining stock in trade, consisting of a neat retail assortment of Iron-Mongery, Cutlery, and Saddlery.—Any person inclining to purchase will find the goods an object worth his attention, as they will be sold cheaper than can be imported.—He may be also accommodated with a store properly fitted, with a neat bow window, and in a good stand for the business, by JAMES BREWSTER, R., Surviving Partner.

POET'S CORNER.
S I M I L E.
SEE heap'd upon the fire the ember glows, With heat intense the yellow flame aspires; Each moment brighter the warm fuel glows, Surrounded still with flow consuming fires. Now the decaying beauty falls to wane, To dead oblivion a deserv'd prey; Its glory all, its fading splendor pale, No more its flame emits a twinkling ray. It falls, it dies; now nor life-giving heat, Nor sparkling light the glowing ember gives, The faint resemblance scarce remaining yet, No longer now its heat nor glory lives. Thus beauty, sweetly sparkling for a while, With glorious splendor shines o'er her compeers; With each forbidding grace, each winning smile, She far superior to the rest appears. Yet but a while the pleasing splendor beams, Not long shall shine fair beauty's sparkling ray; Then fair ones listen soon to virtue's themes, They'll gild the evening of the setting day.
ANECDOTE of the reigning Empress.
WHEN his Imperial Majesty first visited Paris, he accompanied his sister to the Opera. The house was crowded with the most illustrious personages in the kingdom, who received the royal pair with such enthusiastic demonstration of joy and respect, that her Majesty, giving way to her sensibility, fell back into her box to conceal her tears. The Empress, proud of proving to the French nation, that his sister was worthy of being their sovereign, took her up in his arms, and presented her in that interesting situation to the admiring spectators! It would be unnecessary to add, that the plaudits redoubled, and that the audience were nearly as much astonished at the presence of mind of the Empress, as charmed with her Majesty's sensibility.
Affixe of BREAD,
As Edabl'ed December 5, 1787. A Loaf of inspected superfine Wheat Flour to weigh Two Pounds Five Ounces for Six-pence. A Loaf of Rye Flour to weigh One Pound Twelve Ounces for Three-pence.
HIGH WATER.
This Day, January 23. 10h. om. A.M.
Just imported in the Jean, Captain Martin, from Glasgow, by
Samuel Campbell,
No. 44 Hanover-square, Corner of the Old-Slip, A large assortment of B O O K S,
Among which are, THE present state of Nova-Scotia, with an account of Canada; Whitaker's vindication of Mary, Queen of Scots, 3 vol. Miss Greenville, a new novel, 3 vol. Maria, or the Generous Ruffian; Alexander's history of women; Bolton's Miscellany; Blair's Lectures, 3 vol. Sully's Memoirs, 3 vol. Cullen's Practice, 4 vol. New-Edinburgh Dispensatory; Smith's Cookery; Martin's Young Gentlemen and Ladies Philosophy, 3 vol. A variety of the best Classics now in use.
S. CAMPBELL has this day published, GULLIVER REVIVED,
CONTAINING singular travels, campaigns, voyages and adventures, in Russia, Iceland, Turkey, Egypt, Gibraltar, up the Mediterranean, and on the Atlantic ocean: Also an account of a voyage into the moon, with many extraordinary particulars relative to the cooking animal in that planet, which are here called the human species, by Baron Munchausen; the 4th edition, considerably enlarged.
DR. SPEEDAUR'S PRACTICAL OBSERVATIONS on the VENEREAL DISEASE; describing the various symptoms, and method of cure in every different state. The third edition, corrected. Price only five shillings fewed.
N. B. The great demand for this treatise, the account of it giving by the Reviewers, and the large extracts made from it by Dr. Duncan, in his medical commentaries, with the recommendation of several eminent Doctors of this city, has induced the editor to present the public with an American edition of the work, printed correctly from the last London edit. and reduced to less than two thirds of the price.
With a great variety of STATIONARY in particular, pocket-books, ink-holders, paper, blank books, quills, wax, wafers, &c.
N. B. SAMUEL CAMPBELL returns his sincere thanks to his customers, and those who have purchased Books or Stationary at his store, and hopes, by his assiduity and attention in keeping an universal assortment of books, and the reasonable prices he fell at, will insure a further continuance of their favors The European, Political, Edinburgh, and Scots MAGAZINES.
The AMERICAN MAGAZINE, For December, 1787, Just Published in this City, Sold at this Office, price Two Shillings.
FOR the Encouragement of the PAPER MANUFACTURES in America, the Printer hereof pays CASH, and the highest price, for LINNEN, and COTTEN and LIN- NEN, RAGS.
This Day PUBLISHED, And to be SOLD at this PRINTING-OFFICE [Price TEN PENCE.] The Mother's Catechism.
JUST PUBLISHED, And TO BE SOLD, By ROBERT HODGE, No. 227, Queen-Street, and the other BOOKSELLERS,
Conductor Generalis,
OR the office, duty, and authority of justices of the peace, high sheriffs, under sheriffs, coroners, constables, goalers, jurymen, and overseers of the poor. As also, the office of clerks of assize, and of the peace, &c.
To which are added, several choice maxims in law, &c. compiled chiefly from Burn's Justice, and several other books on those subjects.
By JAMES PARKER, Esq. late justice of the peace in New-Jersey,
Now adapted to these United States. The whole alphabetically digested under the se- veral titles; with a table, directing to the ready finding out the proper matter under those titles.
This book is highly esteemed, and very necessary for gentlemen in the commission of the peace; likewise for every other person who would wish to be acquainted with the laws of the land we live in.
94
At the above STORE may be had, a great variety of
B O O K S,
Consisting of
HISTORY. Divinity, Law, Philosophy, Mathematics, Biography, Geography, Poetry, Phyic, Surgery, Agriculture, Nautical Books, Dictionaries, Architecture, Novels, Miscellanies, Plays, &c. &c.
A L S O,
A number of very valuable
B O O K S;
Among which are, ELEGANT folio fa- mily bibles, with near 200 cuts in each, Burkit on the new test-ament, Brown's self-interpreting bible, 2 vols, Cruden's concordance, Warden's system of divinity, Whitby's commentary, Blair's Cat's, Erskine's, Boston's, Willison's, Atterbury's, &c. sermons, Neilson's festivals, Cullen's, Duncan's, and Hoffman's, practice of phyic, Van Swieten's, commentaries, 18 vol. Boerhaave's aphorisms, 6 vols. Smellie, and Hamilton's midwifery, Leake on the diseases of women, 2 vols. Quincy's medical lexicon, Fourcroy's, chemistry, &c. Ainsworth's, Young's Cole's, and Entick's dictionaries, Entick's latin onaries, Davidson's Virgil an Horace, Duncan's Cicero, Kent's, Lucian, Clark's Cæsar, Homer, Nepos, Eutropius, Erasmus, an introduction, Simpson's fluxions, and Euclid, Hammond's algebra Stone's Euclid, Love's surveying, Guthrie's and Salmon's geographical grammars, Johnson's, Sheridan's, Ashes, Dyke's, Bailey's, Scott's, Perry's, and Entick's dictionaries, Bemier's christian oratory, Scott on elocution, elegant extracts in verse, do. in prose Lord Littleton's letters, Klopstock's Messiah, Hutten's mensuration, Hawney's measurer.
Also an excellent Assortment of STATIONARY.
Genuine Writing Paper of different sizes and prices, Ledgers, Journals, Waste, Letter, and Blank Books of all sizes, Receipt Books, Bonnet and Cards, &c. &c. Commissions from the country are thankfully received, and carefully executed. 51
Ten Dollars Reward.
Ran-away, from Cape Franc is, A MULATTO MAN, Named JACQUES or JAMES, A CREOLE, from Martinico,
AN excellent kitchen and pastry COOK, 26 or 27 years of age, about 5 feet 9 inches high, middling thick, his legs are much warped, much pock-marked, a very large mouth, small eyes and sunk, a large forehead and long necked; he has a kind of ring-worn on one of his arms, and has a difficulty in his speech, stammering a little—He left Cape Francois in the beginning of May last, and was supposed to have taken passage for this continent. Whoever secures said Mulatto Man, and gives intelligence, will be handsomely rewarded, and all reasonable charges paid.
Enquire at No. 15, Queen-Street. 73—e.d.
The UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS assembled, July 23, 1787.
RESOLVED, That all persons having unliquidated claims against the United States, pertaining to the late commissaries, quartermasters, clothier's, or marine departments, shall exhibit particular abstracts of such claims to the proper commissioner, appointed to settle the accounts of those departments, within eight months from the date hereof; and all persons having other unliquidated claims against the United States, shall exhibit a particular abstract thereof to the controller of the treasury of the United States, within one year from the date hereof; and all accounts not exhibited as aforesaid, shall be precluded from settlement or allowances.
FOR SALE, At the STORE of Mr. Barnt Deklyn, No. 39, Maiden-Lane, near the FLY-MARKET
G O O D S.
Which will be SOLD at the most reduced
Prices, to wit. A VARIETY of Mantuas and other Gown Silks, Sarcenets, Pretlons, and Modes, Chintzes, Printed Linens, and Cottons, Fancy Shawls and Handkerchiefs, Jeans, Jeanets, and India Dimities, A quantity of Linen and Cotton Checks, Spotted and plain Velvets, A variety of Gloves and Fans, Linens, Sheetings, and Oznabrigs, Marseilles Quilting, Fancy Jacket Patterns, A variety of Plumes and Ribbands, Fancy Shoe Bucs and Buttons.
With a Variety of other Articles, Which he is determined to SELL low, for Jersey (upon the face of the Bill) New-York, or Pennsylvania PAPER MONEY.
S H R U B,
Of the very best Quality, by the Hoghead, Barrel, or smaller Quantity, FOR SALE, by Charles Tillinghast, At his House, nearly opposite the New-Market in Cherry-street.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to the estate of Gilbert Ryan, of Huntington, Long-Island, Suffolk county, yeoman, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Gilbert Ryan, the accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons, having claims against said Gilbert Ryan's estate, previous to his discharge under the act of insolvency, are requested immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to
JOHN ARDEN, Junior, Affixee. New-York, November 15, 1787.
AT THE TANNERY, Near the Fresh-Water Pond,
MAY be had of the subscriber, a quantity of excellent SOLE and UPPER-LEATHER, tanned in the English mode, equal to any manufactured in America. He proposes, for country dealers, to supply on terms that will enable them to make large profits;—for city consumption, such as will establish the Shoe Manufacturers, and procure them a run of custom— for ships use, as good in quality, as that imported from England, and at a much less price.
Cash, Bark, raw Hides or Calve Skins taken in exchange. ISAAC COULTHARD.
N. B. A Currier, Master of his Business, is wanted immediately—Apply as above. 40—w
PRIZE-MONEY,
Of the Squadron under John Paul Jones, Esquire, NOTICE is hereby given to those officers and men of the Frigates Alliance and Bon homme Richard, who are entitled to a share in the prizes taken by the squadron under the command of John Paul Jones, Esq. that a division has been made of the proceeds of such prizes as were old in France, and that the shares will be paid to the respective claimants, or their legal representatives, on their producing, at this office, sufficient proof that they are the persons, or are empowered by the persons actually entitled to the shares they respectively claim.
Benjamin Walker, Commissioner. Office of accounts, Marine department.
I. Greenwood,
SURGEON DENTIST, No. 199, Water-street, opposite the Coffee-house, Performs all Operations incident to the TEETH and GUMS, Transplants and substitutes Artificial Teeth. Attends abroad upon sending Directions.
Just PUBLISHED, and to be SOLD, at T. GREENLEAF'S PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, Water-street,
A new, complete, and correct Edition of Baron Steuben's Regulations FOR THE
Order and Discipline OF THE Troops of the United States.
TO BE LET, By
Moses Gomez,
A VACANT LOT, for one or a term of years, in Hage-street; 45 feet in length, and 21 feet; six inches in front, and 19 feet in the rear.
A L S O,
A VACANT LOT, in Ferry-street, seventy-five feet wide, and one hundred feet long. It faces Cliff and Chapple-streets. The said Lot will be let, either whole or in two separate Lots, as best suits the applicant. MOSES GOMEZ.
S T A G E.
THE subscriber informs the public, and his friends in particular, that he now runs the STAGE from this to RYE, which Mr. HALL formerly ran. This stage starts from Mr. C. BEEKMAN'S, No. 49, Cortlandt-street, on Mondays, and Thursdays, at five o'clock in the morning, and returns on Wednesdays, and Saturdays, at six o'clock in the evening. As the subscriber has furnished himself with a very convenient new Wagon, and good Horses, for the purpose, he flatters himself, that he shall be able to give those Gentlemen and Ladies, who please to favor him with their custom, universal satisfaction.
N. B. The subscriber likewise keeps a very genteel COACH, with a good pair of HORSES, To LET; likewise, Horses and Chairs, and Saddle Horses. Any order, left with Mr. Beekman, or at his stable, in Cortlandt-street, will be immediately attended to, by the public's most humble servant. OBADIAH WRIGHT.
Good STABLING for HORSES. New-York, Nov. 27. 1787. th.
Morris-Town and Paules-Hook
S T A G E.
ON the 14th inst. the subscriber began to run his Stage-Wagon every Tuesday and Friday, from his house in Morris-Town, to Paules-Hook, by the way of Newark, starting at five o'clock each morning. The wagon generally arrives at Jacamiah Smith's, Paules-Hook, about one o'clock of the same day, where it remains until the next morning, nine o'clock, when it returns by the same route, and with an expedition.
The FARE for a passenger, with seven pounds of baggage, is ONE DOLLAR, and the same for one hundred and fifty pound weight. The wagon, on its route to Paules-Hook, stops at Lawrence's tavern, Springfield, where the passengers may breakfast, if they choose; the next stage is at Major Sayre's, Newark, from whence they proceed to Paules-Hook.
N. B. Letters, to be sent by the above stage, may be lodged at Capt. Crane's, a few doors above the Ferry-house, in Cortlandt-street, New-York, from whence they shall always be safely conveyed to the stage. All letters carried free. GEORGE OHARA.
Morris-Town, August 28, 1787.
THE PUBLIC ARE RESPECTFULLY INFORMED,
THAT the subscriber has lately removed from Princeton, New-Jersey, to this city, and now keeps the house lately kept by Tal-mage Hall, No. 49, Cortlandt-Street (commonly known by the Bolton, Albany, and Philadelphia General Stage Office) and has agreed with the proprietors of the Albany and Boston Stages, to make his house the public Stage-house. Those Ladies and Gentlemen, who wish to take passages in either of those Stages, will please to leave their names with the subscriber the evening before the Stage's departure; gentlemen passengers and others, are informed, that the subscriber keeps a house of entertainment, and accommodates gentlemen with boarding and lodging. Every attention will be paid to those who please to favour him with their custom.
N. B. The gentlemen of the city are informed, that the subscriber has a large convenient Assembly Room, which he proposes to let during the winter season, or longer if required.
CHRISTOPHER BEEKMAN. New-York, Nov. 13. 1787 51—th.
The PROPRIETORS of the S T A G E S, Which ply between
New-York & Philadelphia, Respectfully inform the PUBLIC,
THAT, after this date, their stage will leave Paules-Hook at three o'clock in the afternoon, and proceed to Elizabeth-Town; and that in order to accommodate passengers, one stage will leave Elizabeth-Town at day-light; and another stage leaves Newark at eight o'clock, and both stages go as far towards Philadelphia as the weather and roads will permit, during the winter season. December 19th. 1787. 6
FLAX-SEED,
STORED, Cleaned, Purchased and Sold at HARTELL and WOODWARD'S Flax-seed store, lately occupied by Mr. JACOB EARLY, last by Mr. Nash, between Van Zandt's and Murray's Wharves. 38—e.d.
To the Afflicted with WORMS.
LATELY received from the western country, and may be had at No. 21, Beekman-street, an extraordinary and never-failing WORM POWDER. —From long experience it has been found, that three doses of these Powders will effectually destroy the Worms, either in children or grown persons. N. York, Sept. 13, 1787. 32—e.d.
A PERSON, perfectly acquainted with MERCHANT'S ACCOUNTS, would be glad of employ, in that line, either in Posting of Books, or adjusting intricate accounts. Enquire of the Printer. New-York, October 25, 1787. 38—e.d.
—LETTERS of INTELLIGENCE—occasional PARAGRAPHS—speculative PIECES—ESSAYS, &c.—are gratefully received at this OFFICE.— For the greater CONVENIENCE and SAFETY of which COMMUNICATIONS, a LETTER-BOX is placed in the Window. SUBSCRIPTIONS for this PAPER (printed EVERY DAY, at Six, and ONCE a Week, at Two, Dollars per Annum) are also received here—and ADVERTISEMENTS, REASONABLY INSERTED. ** PRINTING, in all its Variety, performed with NEATNESS and DISPATCH.