Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-10-14 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LIII.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
PLAN Of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. (A NATIONAL PAPER.)
Published at the SEAT of the NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. CONTAINING,
 I. EARLY and authentic Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS—its LAWS, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS, communicated so as to form a HISTORY of the TRANSACTIONS of the NATIONAL LEGISLATURE.  II. IMPARTIAL SKETCHES of the DEBATES of CONGRESS.  III. ESSAYS on the great subjects of Government; also upon the national and local Rights of the AMERICAN CITIZENS, as founded upon the National or State Constitutions; also upon every other Subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion.  IV. A SERIES of PARAGRAPHS, calculated to catch the "LIVING MANNERS AS THEY RISE," and to point the public attention to Objects that have an important reference to domestic, social and public happiness.  V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions—religious and moral Objects—Improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY—their foreign Treaties, Alliances, Connections, &c.  VI. Every Species of INTELLIGENCE, which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political INTERESTS of the AMERICAN NATION.  VII. A CHAIN of DOMESTIC OCCURRENCES.  VIII. A SERIES of FOREIGN ARTICLES of INTELLIGENCE.  X. THE STATE of the FUNDS—Courses of Exchange—Prices Current, &c. 
CONDITIONS.
 I. Published every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY.  II. The price to Subscribers (exclusive of postage) THREE DOLLARS pr. annum.  III. The first semi-annual payment to be made in three months from the time of subscribing, and future payments to be made every six months.  SUBSCRIPTIONS Will be received in all the capital towns upon the Continent; also at No. 9, Maiden-Lane, near the Otwego-Market, New-York. 
To the PUBLIC.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLIC CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Mediums of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, and are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however, VARIOUS the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all GOOD MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, established upon NATIONAL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRINCIPLES—which shall take up the promised Articles, upon a COMPETENT PLAN, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with public approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this Publication is determined to leave no avenue of information unexplored—He solicits the assistance of Persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the public's humble servant, THE EDITOR.
POSTSCRIPT.
SIX Months have now elapsed since this paper was ushered into existence—how far the spirit of the plan has been exhibited, and adhered to, is not for the Editor to say.—A generous and candid public has awarded its approbation, by a subscription which is said to be more extensive than usual on similar occasions.—An acknowledgement of the favor is therefore due from the publisher.—The expense attending an undertaking of this kind is always great; in the present instance, it has not been counterbalanced by any of the customary receipts on account of advertisements—the object being an extensive circulation, the Editor conceiving that their insertion would have counteracted that part of his plan, has never admitted any. This consideration if it was necessary to be suggested, would point out the importance of punctuality on the part of the subscribers—it appears to have been very generally attended to, as the payments have been unusually prompt.
It is necessary to observe that the number of names which have honored the subscription, (at the present time about 650,) is not sufficient to defray the expense of the publication, and to afford the Editor a competent support, on a supposition that the whole should be collected.—Additional subscriptions are therefore solicited; and when it is considered, that the paper is new in its construction; contains intelligence of the most interesting nature; abounds with more originality than any other periodical publication; and, viewed as a miscellany, is cheaper than any magazine, register, &c. it can not be doubted but that it will receive an adequate patronage.
In the present number, the publication of the Journals of the Senate is commenced. As there is no gallery to the Senate Chamber, all that can be known of the proceedings of that Most Honorable branch of the National Legislature, is from their Journals; in this view of the subject, it is supposed they will be interesting to the public. The price of the Laws and the Journals of the two Houses only, which will be given in the course of one year, amounts to more than the subscription.
The Editor is determined to prosecute the publication, upon its original principles: He hopes to make it more interesting, by the communications of his ingenious correspondents: He solicits the aid of every friend to science, freedom and government: And such speculations as bear a friendly aspect to the peace, honor and prosperity of our rising nation, will be received with gratitude by the public's humble servant.
JOHN FENNO.
New-York, October 14, 1789.
THE TABLET.—No. LIII.
"The desire of knowledge, like the thirst of riches increases with the acquisition of it."
MANY philosophers have doubted whether learning, distributed among the great mass of the people, contributes to the real happiness of society. The inquisitive mind of man can never be satisfied with attainments in knowledge; and every new acquisition only encreases his natural restlessness of spirit. There is a plausibility in this mode of reasoning; but nevertheless it is fallacious. Though it must be confessed that learning does not produce contentment, still it affords a source of satisfaction, which positively adds to the quantity of human happiness. It renders the mind active as well as contemplative. Its pleasures and pains become more numerous and intense. The happiness of an ignorant man can be called nothing more than an exemption from misery.
But whether as individuals we should be more or less happy, as our understanding is more or less improved, yet as members of a community, the utility of men, may be generally said to be proportioned to their knowledge. This remark however admits of exceptions. Those men whose curiosity pushes them into vain researches of literature may arrive at great attainments and still be very useless members of the community. A spirit of enquiry among a people will in time regulate itself, and the bulk of the citizens will fall into pursuits that are beneficial. The reason why demagogues in some of the antient governments blew up a flame in society so frequently was, that the mass of the people were uninformed. They could not distinguish the honest remonstrances of a real patriot from the petulant clamours of pretended ones. In the United States the inhabitants are less liable to be deceived, as there are so many men of information that the value of characters can be fairly estimated. This diffusion of knowledge promises one of the best safeguards as well as one of the brightest ornaments of our new government. There can be little danger either of oppression or insurrection in a country where the inhabitants generally know how to read. The public opinion becomes so just and respectable that rulers durst not make oppressive laws, and the people with not to violate such as are wise and salutary.
It is a pleasing circumstance to observe legislators attempting to guard the liberties of their country by bills of rights, and checks and explanations upon the constitution. Such precautions have no doubt a good effect. But all the political constitutions that the art of man can frame will never perpetuate the freedom of an ignorant people; nor can any original defects in a form of government subject an enlightened people to slavery. It is worthy the serious attention of legislators to make provisions in all parts of the country for public schools. Most of these should extend little further than teaching children to read and write, and perhaps to understand some of the lower branches of mathematics. It would not be amiss at the same time, to have a political or moral catechism introduced that should instruct children in the great duties which men as well as citizens should observe to each other. By this means a foundation would be laid for laboring people to reflect and gain further knowledge as opportunity offers. They might gradually progress without interfering with pursuits of business; and when once they had tasted the sweets of learning, their ardor would generally keep pace with their advantages for gaining improvement.
ANECDOTE.
The following STORY in half a century more, will scarcely be believed.
NOT very many years ago, the French King's taylor, having acquired a princely fortune, purchased a chateau in the neighborhood of Versailles. In that neighborhood lived likewise a little Marquis, whose pride and poverty were equally on a par. The taylor turned gentleman, dined in a large party at the house of a friend; there too dined the Marquis. After dinner the quondam profession of the former was accidentally brought on the carpet, and the Marquis felt all the indignance of nobility stained by such an association, he stepped up to the burgeois gentilhomme , and without any ceremony enquired if he could make him a suit of clothes? "Volontiers," said the other, "an honest man should never be ashamed of his profession—my servant," added he, pulling the bell, "will fetch me paper and a pair of scissors, that I may proceed without loss of time to measure you." This was done, and the Marquis questioned as to the quality and richness of the stuff, &c. He left every thing to the tay-
lor, putting no limits to his commission; and the other called the company to witness the latitude he had given him. The suit of clothes in a few days was delivered to the Marquis, exactly such as is usually worn by the Dauphin on a birth-day, covered with gold, with pearls, and other precious ornaments. On this occasion, the bill, you may be sure, was not forgotten; it amounted to thirty thousand livres, precisely the value of the Marquis's estate. An action was afterwards instituted for recovery of the debt, the estate sold, and the Marquis put in possession of a suit of clothes, which constituted his whole property.
MR. FENNO.
As the public curiosity has again been excited respecting the MAN with the IRON MASK, who was so long confined in the Bastille, the following account of who the person was, published many years since, which appears very plausible at least, may not be unacceptable to your readers.
C. D.
IT must be recollected that Lewis XIV. was excessively amorous, and had several mistresses. Amongst the rest was one without beauty, but tall and well shaped, and whose wit and fine sense made more than amends for the deficiency of her personal graces. The King loved her to distraction; and by her had a son, on whom he conferred the title of Duke de Vermandois, and caused him to be educated with all imaginable care. He was handsome, well made, full of vivacity, but haughty and passionate, and could not bear to pay the Dauphin, the only legitimate son of Lewis XIV. the respect due to a Prince born to be his King. These two young princes, near the same age, were of very opposite characters. The Dauphin, possessed of the same personal advantages as the Duke, excelled him by his mildness, his affability, and a heart full of goodness and generosity. These qualities, as estimable as uncommon in a Prince born to hereditary power, rendered the Dauphin the object of the Duke's contempt, who missed no occasion of expressing his concern for the French nation, destined one day to obey a Prince without spirit, and unworthy to rule. The King was informed of this behavior of the Duke, and saw how blameable it was; but authority yielding to parental affection, deprived him of the power to correct his favorite son. The Duke, encouraged by this indulgence, so far forgot himself as one day to give the Dauphin a blow. The King was presently acquainted with it, and trembled for the criminal. Whatever inclination he had to dissemble this affront, the dignity of the crown, and the disturbance it made at Court, got the better of his tenderness. He assembled, not without reluctance, his favorite ministers, to whom he disclosed his concern, and demanded their advice. In proportion to the enormity of the crime, and according to the maxims of State, they all judged it merited death. However, one of the council, more sensible of the King's affection than the rest, said, there was a way to punish the Duke without taking his life. He proposed the King should immediately send him to the army then on the frontiers of Flanders; that soon after his arrival there, it should be given out he was seized with the plague, to prevent his being visited by persons of distinction; that after a few days pretended illness, it should be reported he was dead; and that, while in the sight of the army, his funeral ceremonies being performed in a manner suitable to his birth, he should by night be secretly conveyed to the island of St. Margaret, where he should be imprisoned for life. This advice was approved by the King. Faithful persons were intrusted with the execution of it. The Duke set out for the army with a splendid equipage. The rest of the scheme was executed as laid down; and while the whole camp bewailed the imagined death of this unhappy prince, he was conducted through bye-ways to the castle of St. Margaret, and put into the hands of the governor, who had before hand received orders from the King to suffer his prisoner to be seen by no other person whatever. The Duke was allowed one single domestic, who was in the secret; but he dying on the road, the guards disguised him with their sabres, to prevent his being known; and leaving him stripped for the same reason, continued their journey. The governor received and treated his prisoner with the greatest respect. He served him in person, receiving whatever he wanted from the servants at the door of the Duke's apartment, without suffering any of them to enter, so that he remained invisible to all about him. One day, however, he bethought himself of graving his name on the back of a silver plate, with the point of his knife; the servant who discovered this, brought it to his master, in hopes of a reward; but the unhappy wretch was killed on the spot, that the secret might die with him. The Duke remained for some years in this prison, till the governor being advanced to the government of the Bastille, at Paris, it was thought proper to transfer with him his illustrious prisoner. Both at St. Margaret's and the Bastille, whenever, on account of sickness, or any other occasion, they were obliged to let the Duke be seen, he was constrained to wear a mask. Several persons worthy of credit affirm they have seen him thus. If it be queried why the Duke, having so long outlived both the King and Dauphin, was not released, it must be considered as impossible to restore to his rank, dignity, or estate, a Prince, whose tomb existed, and of whose obsequies so many then living were witnesses; so that it would have been scarce possible to undeceive the people, who to this day believe he died of the plague in the camp of Flanders.
EXTRACT.
There is nothing more ridiculous in men, or argues greater ignorance of themselves, than to be crying, as they frequently do, we will do such a thing, or such a thing, and then have done. Alas! there is no stopping the progress of the passions without extinguishing life: A fire will as soon burn without air. While there will be desires; and these being of things to come, it is impossible to confine them to the present instant, or any stated point of time: We cannot say to them, Thus far go, and no further, since progression is necessary to their existence. There is no medium between death and motion; and when we cease to proceed, we cease to be.
To be doing, therefore, is a consequence of living; and idleness is but a deliberation of what is to be done next. Old men are generally blam'd for laying platforms and foundations of great works and buildings, which they cannot live to see finished; but I think the censure is groundless, since by this means they cut out certain business and entertainment for themselves, and open a source of perpetual new action and observation,

and consequently of new pleasure. Such lasting projects are therefore proper methods to keep up and encourage expectation, which is the food and relief of life. Our whole delight is in proceeding.
Besides, these gentlemen who turn undertakers when it is grown late in life, do seldom or never consider, that they must depart and leave their schemes unexecuted: they think they have got a knack of living; and as every one is apt to prefer himself to all the rest, he is also apt to flatter himself with the hopes of better fortune, and longer life, than any other enjoys.
There was a gentleman in D——, who, after he was fourscore, planted in a field a row of walnut-trees, which, it seems, do not bear fruit in many years after they are set; and when a neighbour told him, that the boys would steal the nuts, "Oh," says old eighty, "let me alone to deal with the boys!" And Mr. Hobbs, in the 90th year of his age, made him a warm winter-coat, which he said must last him three years, and then he would have such another.
L E T T E R S,
Written in Holland, in the Year M, DCC, LXXX,
By His Excellency THE VICE-PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
L E T T E R I.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 4, 1780.
SIR,
YOU desire an exact and authentic information of the present situation of American affairs; with a previous concise account of their course before, during, and after the commencement of hostilities.
To give a stranger an adequate idea of the rise and progress of the dispute between Great Britain and America, would require much time, and many volumes: It comprises the history of England, and the United States of America, for twenty years; that of France and Spain for five or six; and that of all the maritime Powers of Europe for two or three. Suffice it to say, that immediately upon the conquest of Canada from the French, in the year 1759, Great-Britain seemed to be seized with a jealousy against the Colonies, and then concerted the plan of changing their forms of government—of restraining their trade within narrower bounds, and raising a revenue within them by the authority of parliament, for the avowed or pretended purpose of protecting, securing, and defending them. Accordingly, in the year 1769, orders were sent from the Board of Trade, in England, to the custom-house Officers in America, to apply to the Supreme Courts of Justice for writs of assistance, to enable them to carry into a more rigorous execution certain acts of Parliament, called the acts of trade (among which the famous navigation act was one, the fruit of the ancient English jealousy of Holland) by breaking open houses, ships or cellars, chests, stores, and magazines, to search for uncustomed goods. In most of the Colonies these writs were refused. In Massachusetts Bay, the question, whether such writs were legal and constitutional, was solemnly and repeatedly argued before the Supreme Court, by the most learned counsel in the Province.
The Judges of this Court held their commissions during the pleasure of the Governor and Council, and the Chief Justice dying at this time, the famous Mr. HUTCHINSON was appointed, probably with a view of deciding this cause in favor of the Crown; which was accordingly done. But the arguments advanced upon that occasion by the Bar and the Bench, opened to the people such a view of the designs of the British Government against their liberties, and the danger they were in, as made a deep impression upon the public, which never wore out.
From this moment, every measure of the British Court and Parliament, and of the King's Governors and other servants, confirmed the people in an opinion of a settled design to overturn those constitutions, under which their ancestors had emigrated from the old world, and with infinite toil, danger and expence, planted a new one. It would be endless to enumerate all the acts of Parliament, and measures of Government; but in 1764, Mr. GEORGE GRENVILLE moved a number of resolutions in Parliament, which passed, for laying a vast number of heavy duties upon stamped paper; and in 1765, the act of Parliament was made, called the Stamp Act: Upon this, there was an universal rising of the people in every colony, compelling the Stamp-Officers by force to resign, and preventing the stamped papers from being used, and, indeed, compelling the courts of justice to proceed in business without them.—My Lord ROCKINGHAM, perceiving the impossibility of executing this statute, moved, by the help of Mr. PITTS, for the repeal of it, and obtained it, which restored peace, order and harmony, to America; which would have continued to this hour, if the evil genius of Great Britain had not prompted her to revive the resistance of the people, by fresh attempts upon their liberties, and new acts of Parliament imposing taxes upon them.
In 1767, they passed another act of Parliament, laying duties upon glass, paper, painters colours and tea. This revived the discontents in America: But Government sent over a Board of Commissioners, to oversee the execution of this act of Parliament, and all others imposing duties, with a multitude of new officers for the same purpose; and in 1768, for the first time, sent four thousand regular troops to Boston, to protect the revenue officers in the collection of the duties.
Loth to commence hostilities, the people had recourse to non-importation agreements, and a variety of other measures, which in 1770 induced Parliament to repeal all the duties upon glass, paper and painters colours; but left the duty upon tea unrepealed. This produced an association not to drink tea. In 1770 the animosity between the inhabitants of Boston and the King's troops grew so high, that a party of the troops fired upon a crowd of people in the streets, killing five or six, and wounding some others. This raised such a spirit among the inhabitants, that, in a body, they demanded the instant removal of the troops; which was done, the Governor ordering them down to Castle Island, some miles from the town.
In 1773, the British government, determined to carry into execution the duty upon tea, impowered the East India Company to export it to America. They sent some cargoes to Boston, some to New-York, some to Philadelphia, and some to Charleston. The inhabitants of New-York and Philadelphia, sent the ships back to London, and they failed up the Thames, to proclaim to all the nation, that New-York and Pennsylvania would not be enslaved. The inhabitants of Charleston unloaded it, and stored it in cellars, where it could not be used, and where it finally perished. The inhabitants of Boston tried every measure to send the ships back, like New-York and Philadelphia; but not being permitted to pass the Castle, the tea was all thrown into the sea.
This produced several vindictive acts of Parliament; one, for starving the town of Boston, by shutting up the port; another, for abolishing the constitution of the province, by destroying their charter; another, for sending persons to England to be tried for treason, &c.
These acts produced the Congress of 1774, who stated the rights and grievances of the Colonies, and petitioned for redress. Their petitions and remonstrances were all neglected, and treated with contempt. General GAGE had been sent over with an army to enforce the Boston Port Bill, and the act for destroying the charter. This army, on the 19th of April, 1775, commenced hostilities at Lexington, which have been continued to this day.
You see, Sir, by this most imperfect and hasty sketch, that the war is already twenty years old. And I can truly say, that the people, through the whole course of this long period, have been growing constantly every year more and more unanimous and determined to resist the designs of Great Britain.
I should be ashamed to lay before a gentleman of Mr. CALKOEN's abilities, so rude a sketch, if I had not equal confidence in his candor and discretion, which will indulge me as I may have leisure, to continue to sketch a few observations upon your questions.
I have the honor to be &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. CALKOEN.
(To be continued.)
EUROPEAN ACCOUNTS.
PARIS, JULY 24.
M. de BEAUMARCHAIS, has sacrificed 12,000 livres in favor of the unfortunate inhabitants of the suburbs of St. Anthony. Altho' his office of Secretary to the King enlists him among the Nobles, he has desired to be admitted among the Commoners; and this trait of humility, without taking any thing from the distinguished honors of his office, must necessarily put an end to the illiberal sarcasms which some persons have allowed themselves to throw out upon him.
This evening, M. de la FAYETTE, no doubt afraid of not being able to operate all the good he could wish, and thwarted besides by the improper conduct of the people, and shocking behaviour of the populace, in doing justice to themselves, without the assistance of the law, gave up his commission of Colonel-General of the Parisian guards; but he was so earnestly requested to continue in it, and M. BAILLY himself expressed with so much eloquence the wishes of all the citizens, that he triumphed over the modesty of the hero, who never fought but for liberty, and the equal rights of mankind.
JULY 31. We have accounts from Metz, the Marshal de BROGLIO, and the Prince de LAMBESC, not finding themselves safe in that place, had entrenched themselves in the Citadel of Verdun, where there are three regiments in garrison; but that those troops desert apace, and will not fire upon the citizens, who are besieging the two fugitives, and are determined to open the trenches or starve the place out.
EDINBURGH, JULY 3.
It is with pleasure we learn, that Mr. MIDLAR of Dalswinton has lately completed his experiment for ascertaining the steam engine in moving ships. The success fully answered his expectations, and afforded very great pleasure to the spectators present. The result of this experiment must be of the greatest utility to society in general, but more particularly to trading countries which abound in coal or wood.
LONDON, AUGUST 7.
MONSIEUR NECKAR'S RESTORATION.
The entrance and comportment of this great minister, on his return to the National Assembly, were most universally commemorated; when M. de Mirabeau and the Bishop of Aix, had risen to support M. Neckar, and he had recovered himself enough to proceed, he took his handkerchief from his face, and this was
His SPEECH.
"Messieurs—I obey your commands, and throw myself before ye!
"Bound as to my own happiness, I pant incessantly for yours. For ye are, ye will be, the preservers of your country, where I had not the bliss to be born; but it will be my glory to serve, if I can serve any good purpose, if I do not live and labour in vain!
"Would to God powers could keep pace with my wishes, that my ability might be equal to my zeal.
"Not that this noble nation depends on such slender holds as powers and purposes like mine. True to herself, and safe in the providential system of nations, what imports it to her, what individuals may be precarious or frail?
"The resources of France are infinite! What can they not do? What have they not done?—They have brought strength out of weakness—order out of confusion.
"The resources of France are infinite!—Have they not surmounted such a feeble ministry as mine?
"The resources of France are infinite—In all human qualities that array and adorn the national character of men; and all earthly possibility, of sky and soil, arts and arms, to constitute political force—What nation is there, that will be able to resist us?—What nation, duly enlightened, will not wish us to be irresistible? I speak as I feel, and as I interpret on the feelings of all around me!"
This panegyric on the popular character—hyperbolical perhaps, but certainly well timed—did wonderful execution. The assembly were all taken at once; and there was throughout a silent, sustained attention, affecting beyond any other possible expression.
Monsr. Neckar saw his advantage, and pursued it—thus—faultering for a word or two, and when recovering his articulation, altering his key—
"You hear me, Mes Comperes, Amis Douces & Nobles —ye hear me with indulgent ears; you are partial to my purposes; you are kind to my defects. But character you can dive into ( approfondir ) motives you can weigh; you know how grateful I am—how useful I wish to be.
"Such as I am, I need not tell ye; I am indeed yours—Dispose of me as you will.
"I will say no more."
In a dark dungeon in the Bastile, a dead body in chains has been found, in a narrow close cupboard, dried like an Egyptian Mummy—a sad victim to the ministerial despotism of former times.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
JOURNAL OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1789.
THE following members of the Senate appeared and took their seats:—From
  N. Hampshire, The Hon.  { John Langdon and Paine Wingate,    Massachusetts The Hon.  { Caleb Strong,    Connecticut, The Hon.  { Wm. S. Johnson and Oliver Ellsworth,    Pennsylvania, The Hon.  { William Maclay and Robert Morris,    Georgia, The Hon.  { William Few.  
The number not being sufficient to constitute a quorum, they adjourned from day to day, until
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1789.
The same members present as on the 4th: Agreed that the following circular letter should be written to the absent members, requesting their immediate attendance.
New-York, March 11, 1789.
SIR,
AGREABLY to the Constitution of the United States, eight members of the Senate, and eighteen of the House of Representatives, have attended here since the 4th of March. It being of the utmost importance that a quorum sufficient to proceed to business should be assembled as soon as possible, it is the opinion of the gentlemen of both Houses, that information of their situation be immediately communicated to the absent members.

We apprehend that no arguments are necessary to evince to you the indispensable necessity of putting the Government into immediate operation; and therefore earnestly request, that you will be so obliging as to attend as soon as possible.
We have the honor to be, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servants, John Langdon, Oliver Ellsworth. Paine Wingate, Robert Morris. Caleb Strong, William Maclay. William S. Johnson, William Few.
To the Honorable
Tristram Dalton, John Henry, William Patterson Richard Henry Lee, Jonathan Elmer, William Grayson, George Read, Ralph Izard, Richard Bassett, Pierce Butler, Charles Carroll, James Gunn.
Adjourned to 11 o'clock to-morrow morning.
THURSDAY, MARCH 12.
The number sufficient to make a quorum not appearing, they adjourned from day to day, until
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 18.
Present, the same as on the 12th.
Agreed that the following circular letter should be written to eight of the absent members, urging their immediate attendance.
New-York, March 18, 1789.
SIR,
WE addressed a letter to you the 11th instant, since which no Senator has arrived. The House of Representatives will probably be formed in two or three days. Your presence is indispensable. We therefore again earnestly request your immediate attendance, and are confident you will not suffer our, and the public anxious expectations to be disappointed.
We have the honor to be, Sir,
Your obedient humble servants, John Langdon, Oliver Ellsworth, Paine Wingate, Robert Morris, Caleb Strong, William Maclay, William S. Johnson, William Few.
To the Honorable
Jonathan Elmer Charles Carroll, William Patterson John Henry, George Read, Richard Henry Lee, Richard Bassett, William Grayson.
Adjourned to 11 o'clock to-morrow morning. (To be continued.)
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 14.
We are informed that THE ILLUSTRIOUS PRESIDENT of the United States will set out on a Tour to the Eastward To-Morrow Morning: We are further informed, that he proposes to go as far as Portsmouth, New-Hampshire.
Those parts of the Union which have been so long favored with the presence of the beloved Father of the great American Family will participate in the pleasure that their Eastern Brethren will enjoy on this auspicious occasion.
It can not be doubted but that the most salutary consequences will result from this wise and benevolent measure.
The ocular demonstration which this opportunity will afford, of the peace and harmony of the people under the new Constitution—of the growing prosperity of the country—of the flourishing state of its agriculture, manufactures and commerce; and especially of the warm and unparalelled attachment of the people to the first of citizens, and best of men—will serve to animate the ruler of our rising country, in the discharge of the arduous duties of his high office. At the same time the operation of the Laws which have been enacted will be noticed with that solicitude which on all occasions has evinced how tenderly concerned the President of the United States is for the real interest, accommodation and happiness of the citizens.
On Friday last His Excellency The COUNT DE MOUSTIER had his audience of leave from THE PRESIDENT of the United States, having received permission from His Most Christian Majesty to return to France.
Among other distinguished Personages at The President's LEVEE yesterday, His Excellency the late Ambassador of France attended as The Right Hon. The COUNT DE MOUSTIER.
His Excellency The VICE-PRESIDENT of the United States left this city Yesterday Morning, on a visit to his seat at Braintree, in Massachusetts.
On Saturday failed the snow San Nicholas, Melide, for Bilboa. His Excellency Don DIEGO de GARDOQUI, Encargado de Negocios, and Minister of his Catholic Majesty to the United States, went passenger in this vessel, accompanied by his son, and one of his secretaries.
Previous to His Excellency's departure, he waited on THE PRESIDENT of the United States, and had his audience of leave in due form: At the same time His Excellency introduced the Hon. Mr. VIAR, as CHARGE DES AFFAIRES from His Most Catholic Majesty.
By letters from Georgia of the 12th ult. we learn, that the Commissioners Plenipotentiary from the United States, for settling a treaty with the Southern Indians, arrived at Savannah on the 10th of September in perfect health—That they were to set out for the place of treaty the 13th—That accounts had been received, that several thousand Indians were expected to attend, and every appearance indicated a favorable issue to the negotiation.
Extract of a letter from Fayette-Ville, North-Carolina, dated September 12.
"I think there is not a doubt that the Convention which is to meet here in November, will adopt the Constitution—the amendments will do the business."
"The season has been remarkably forward.—Flax-seed began to be brought in so early as July.—The crops of tobacco and wheat are very great."
"This State is settled by persons from all quarters, and many who come from the eastward fall victims to the climate, but then it is more owing to their own folly—they take care of themselves for a time, and then fall off to intemperance, which soon puts them under ground.—Four young men have died martyrs to rum, within a little while."
What a spirit of free enquiry pervades the United States! a universal toleration in matters of religious opinion has done more to unfetter the human mind in a few years, than whole centuries of bigotry and superstition—That flood of light which poured in upon the world, when the press began to send forth its treasures, illuminated mankind to an astonishing degree, and raised human nature from the most abject depression, to a rank in the scale of being hitherto unknown.—This roused the powers of darkness; but the throne of ignorance being shaken to the centre, down fell the whole system of scholastic mummery, priestcraft, and false philosophy, which had been establishing itself for ages on the ruins of common sense, and public happiness—witchcraft, necromancy, juggling, and judicial astrology, which not a century since formed no inconsiderable part of the creed of the world, are now found without meaning: Much however remains to be done. In America, we trust, the human mind will have fair play—and that every species of false philosophy, false religion, and false government, will flee before the light of reason, and the dictates of common sense.
There is a general desire among mankind to live without labor: This aversion to corporeal exercise, gives rise to millions of expedients to enable men to live by their wits. Hence the innumerable pretenders in every art and profession in which there is the least connection, with hard work; but among all the professions which suffer from this cause, there is none can be compared to the clerical—a circumstance greatly to be regretted, as at this enlightened period, mankind want something besides noise, whining, and cant, to allure them to the practice of religious and moral duties.
The right of the people to keep and bear arms has been recognized by the General Government; but the best security of that right after all is, that military spirit, that taste for martial exercises, which has always distinguished the free citizens of these States: From various parts of the Continent the most pleasing accounts are published of reviews and parades in large and small assemblies of the militia.—The people appear determined to avail themselves of the circumstance, which our patriotic and beloved President pointed out in one of his messages to Congress, viz. That fund of military knowledge which is diffused through the States by the Officers of the late Continental Army. A spirit of emulation is excited; and not only in cities and towns, where the people being more compact, can with greater ease concert and carry their plans into execution—but in the country towns also, whole Regiments are clothed in Uniform—and bodies of Horse completely equipped have been raised and disciplined.—Such men form the best barrier to the Liberties of America.—And when called to defend their Country—they fight for all that gives worth to existence.
Several reviews of the militia in different parts of this State have recently taken place—the superior officers and spectators have bestowed merited applause on the appearance and deportment of the respective corps.—The following accounts are selected from the eastern papers.
"SPRINGFIELD, Sept. 30. On Wednesday last the regiment commanded by Col. BURT, was reviewed and inspected by Major General SHEPARD and his staff, at Palmer. Among the many circumstances in favor of the troops, that of their having paid a due attention to the uniform which the General had recommended sometime previous to their meeting, was particularly noticed by him. They made a respectable appearance, and received the plaudit of a very large collection of spectators."
"The same day, the troop of horse, commanded by Captain CUTLER, was also reviewed. This company of cavalry was in complete uniform of red—and received the entire approbation of the Major General, and the applause of every person present."
"WORCESTER, Oct. 8. The military spirit of this Commonwealth was never known to rage higher since the war, than at the present period. A regiment of Horse, all completely equipped, and in perfect uniform, belongs to this county. They consist of 500 men."
"Last Thursday Col. RICE's regiment, consisting of eight companies, all in uniform, were reviewed at Northborough, by Major General WARNER."
"We hear that the 2d regiment of foot was reviewed at Mendon, in this county, on Tuesday last, and that the 4th and 5th are to be reviewed this day at Oxford."
"Last week Gen. COBB reviewed a regiment of militia, a corps of cavalry, and one of Artillery, at Taunton. All the officers, the Horse, Artillery, and nine companies of Infantry were in uniform. At Salem, Gen. TITCOMB also reviewed Col. BRICKET's regiment, Capt. Osgood's Horse, and a corps of Artillery—800 men."
Sunday arrived here from Boston, his Most Christian Majesty's frigate l'Active, commanded by Mons. TREVERSAY; on coming to anchor she fired a salute, which was answered by the guns from the battery.
By a gentleman from France, who left Bourdeaux the 25th of August, we learn that peace was fully restored to that kingdom—that the National Assembly had nearly completed the new Constitution; and that the accounts of massacres, &c. which had been published were greatly exaggerated: not one quarter part being true.
According to an estimate lately made by a gentleman of this city, chiefly from actual accounts received from the several printers, it appears that the number of NEWSPAPERS printed in the United States, weekly, is 76,438—annually 3,974,776, which at 4 cents each, amounts to 158,991 dollars and 4 cents.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Sunday Brig Diligent, — Quebec, — days. Schooners Sally, Murphy, Charleston, 14 days. Sloop Hancock, Brown, Rhode-Island, 2 days. Monday Schooner Edwards, Burton Shelburne, 12 days. Sloop Three Friends, Clason, Digby — days. Schooner Bell, Bell, St. Johns, 8 days. Tuesday Sloop Cato, Mills, Baltimore, 8 days.
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 14, 1789.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, SEPT. 19, 1789.
ESTIMATE of the EXPENDITURE For the CIVIL LIST of the United States, for the Year 1789. (CONTINUED.)
For the Department of the Treasury.
   Dolls. 96ths.     COMPUTED from the 1st of January, to the 11th of Sept. being the day on which the commission of the Secretary of the Treasury is dated, and to which time the services of the respective officers were actually continued. Three Commissioners of the Board of Treasury, each at the rate of 2,250 dollars pr. annum, 4706 22   Their Secretary, at the rate of 1,500 do. 1,045 75   Three Clerks, do. 450 do. 941 23   Messenger and House-keeper, 150 do. 104 53   Accomptant of the Treasury, 800 do. 557 70   Two Clerks, at the rate of 450 do. 627 45   Register of the Treasury, 1,200 do. 836 60   One Clerk on the books of the public creditors, called debt funded at the Treasury, transfers, &c. &c. 450 do. 313 68   One do. on the principal books of the Treasury, in journalizing and posting, do. 313 68   One do. in copying fair statements of the public accounts and other transcripts, as required from the Treasury books, do. 313 68   Two do. on the old accounts of the Treasury, and books and accounts of late State Commissioners, do. 627 45   Treasurer of the United States, at the rate of 1,250 do. 871 47   One Clerk at the rate of 450 do. 313 68   Commissioner for adjusting the accounts of the late secret and commercial committees of Congress, including Clerks wages, Office rent, and other contingencies from 1st January to the 30th of June, to which day warrants were issued by the late Board of Treasury on the presumption before mentioned, at the rate of 1,000 dollars pr. annum, 950   This Commissioner, in virtue of his appointment by the late Board of Treasury, is in possession of all the books and papers of those two Committees, and it is supposed will claim a compensation until the Commissioner of the board expired.   Commissioner for adjusting the accounts in the Commissary and Quarter-Master's Departments from the 1st of Jan. to the 8th of May, 1789, when the commission expired, at the rate of 1,250 dollars pr. annum, 444 5   Eight Clerks, at the rate of 1,250 dollars pr. ann. 1,279 66   Commissioner for adjusting the accounts in the Marine, Clothing, and Hospital Departments, from the 1st of January to the 8th of May, when this commission also expired, at the rate of 1,250 dollars, pr. annum, 444 5   Four Clerks, at the rate of 450 dollars, pr. ann. 637 54   One do. from the 1st of January to the 31st of March (the time of his decease) at the rate of 450 dollars pr. annum, 112 45   15,441 77  
For the Department of War.
Computed from the 1st of January to the 12th of Sept. when a new appointment of the Secretary was made, his services having continued to the period of his re-appointment.
   Secretary of the Department, at the rate of 2,450 dollars pr. annum, 1,509 65   Three Clerks, at the rate of 450 dollars each, 941 23   Door-keeper and Messenger, at the rate of 150 dollars pr. annum, 104 52   2,555 50  
Thirteen Loan Officers and Receivers of Taxes.
Computed from the 1st of January to the 30th of June, to which time the late Board of Treasury have settled with the Receivers of New-York, New-Jersey, and Delaware, the principal of which settlement will be applicable to all; they having been employed both in the receipt and payments of public monies to that time—are now in possession of all papers and records of their respective offices, and it is presumed will claim compensation to a later period, at the rate of 12,450 dollars pr. annum—for thirteen, is
6,225
In relation both to the late and present Government.
For the Department of Foreign Affairs, now comprehended in the Department of State.
   Secretary of that Department, pr. annum, 3,500   His Secretary, or Chief Clerk, do. 800   Two other Clerks, at 450 dollars, 900   Interpreter, 250   Door-keeper and Messenger, 150   Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of France, 9,000   His Secretary, 1,400   Charges des Affaires at the Court of Madrid, 3,000   Consul-General in France, 1,000   Agent at the Hague, 1,300   21,300  
The Salaries of this Department, so far as they have been regulated by the present government, remain as before, except as to Clerks, now at a rate not exceeding 500 dollars.
For the Officers employed to settle the Accounts between the United States and Individual States.
   Three Commissioners of the General Board, each at 2,250 dollars pr. annum is 6,750   Deduct for vacancy of 3d Commissioner, from 20th April to 7th August, 675   6,075   Chief Clerk, at 600 dollars pr. annum, from 5th of August, 245   Two Clerks, each 450 dollars pr. annum, 900   Messenger and Door-keeper, 150   Paymaster-General and Commissary of Army accounts, 1,250   Ten Clerks, at the rate of 450 dollars pr. ann. 4,500   Two Clerks, at the rate of 400 dollars pr. ann. 800   Commissioner for the States of South-Carolina and Georgia, for preparing the accounts of those States with the United States, in order to settlement by the General Board of Commissioners, estimated from the 1st of January to the 16th of July, when the business was completed, 679 71   Two Clerks for the same time, at the rate of 450 dollars each, 460   15,059 71  
(To be continued.)

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED, (IN CONTINUATION.)
"WHERE luxury takes place, there is a natural tendency to tyranny." There is a natural tendency to tyranny every where, in the simplest manners as well as the most luxurious, which nothing but force can stop. And why should this tendency be taken from human nature, where it grows as in its native soil, and attributed to luxury? The nature of luxury lies altogether in excess. It is an universal depravation of manners, without reason, without moderation: it is the canine appetite of a corrupt will and phantasy, which nothing can satisfy; but in every action, in every imagination, it flies beyond the bounds of honesty, just and good, into all extremity. This is declamation and rant that it is not easy to comprehend. There are all possible degrees of luxury which appear in society, with every degree of virtue, from the first dawnings of civil society to the last stage of improvement and refinement; and civility, humanity, and benevolence, increase commonly as fast as ambition of conquest, the pride of war, cruelty and bloody rage, diminishes. Luxury, to certain degrees of excess, is an evil; but it is not at all times, and in all circumstances, an absolute evil. It should be restrained by morality and by law, by prohibitions and discouragements. But the evil does not lie here only; it lies in human nature: and that must be restrained by a mixed form of government, which is the best in the world to manage luxury. Our author's government would never make, or, if it made, would never execute laws to restrain luxury.
"That form of government," says our author, "must needs be the most excellent, and the people's liberty most secured, where governors are least exposed to the baits and snares of luxury." That is to say, that form of government is the best, and the people's liberty most secure, where the people are poorest: This will never recommend a government to mankind. But what has poverty or riches to do with the form of government? If mankind must be voluntarily poor in order to be free, it is too late in the age of the world to preach liberty. Whatever Nedham might think, mankind in general had rather be rich under a simple monarchy, than poor under a democracy. But if that is the best form of government, where governors are least exposed to the baits and snares of luxury, the government our author contends for is the worst of all possible forms. There is, there can be no form in which the governors are so much exposed to the baits and snares of luxury as in a simple democracy. In proportion as a government is democratical, in a degree beyond a proportional prevalence of monarchy and aristocracy, the wealth, means, and opportunities being the same, does luxury prevail. Its progress is instantaneous. There can be no subordination. One citizen cannot bear that another should live better than himself; a universal emulation in luxury instantly commences; and the governors, that is those who aspire at elections, are obliged to take the lead in this silly contention: they must not be behind the foremost in dress, equipage, furniture, entertainments, games, races, spectacles; they must feast and gratify the luxury of electors to obtain their votes; and the whole executive authority must be prostituted, and the legislative too to encourage luxury. The Athenians made it death for any one to propose the appropriation of money devoted to the support of the theatre to any the most necessary purposes of the state. In monarchies and aristocracies much may be done, both by precept and example, by laws and manners, to diminish luxury and restrain its growth; in a mixed government more still may be done for this salutary end; but in a simple democracy, nothing: every man will do as he pleases—no sumptuary law will be obeyed—every prohibition or impost will be eluded; no man will dare to propose a law by which the pleasures or liberty of the citizen shall be restrained. A more unfortunate argument for a simple democracy could not have been thought of: it is, however, a very good one in favor of a mixed government.
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
(Continued from No. LII.)
I WILL conclude this essay with one argument more in favor of my principle of taxation, which appears to me of such mighty weight and vast importance, as must reach the feelings and govern the heart of every upright American, viz. That our public union with all its blessings depends on it, and is supported by it, and must without it dissolve, and waste away into its original atoms. To refuse any plan its necessary support, and to murder and destroy it is the same thing; the union cannot be supported without so much money as is necessary to that support, and that money may be raised in the way I propose, and cannot in any other. We have a most plain and undeniable proof of fact, that the usual mode of taxation of polls and estates, is in its principle unjust and unequal, because it does not operate on our people in any due
proportion to their wealth: This mischief was less felt, when our taxes were very small, and therefore though unjust, were not ruinous; but the case is greatly altered, now the taxes are grown up into the burden which the present exigencies of the nation require.
The said tax hitherto in use, is further ruinous, because it carves what money it does produce, out of the very first resources, the original principle of our national wealth, which like tender plants, should be nursed and guarded with all care, till they arrive to strength and maturity,—then we may pluck the fruit without hurting the tree:—To cramp and diminish any of these, is like making bread of our seed wheat, or feeding our mowing grounds, every quantity we take lessens the next crop ten: but what gives decision to the point is, that we have the clear proof of experience, that the utmost efforts in this way have been sufficient to produce one quarter of the sum necessary for the public service; nor is there any probability of an increased production.
The mode of supply by foreign loans need not be further reprobated; 'tis plain to every body, that if they can be continued, (which is doubtful) they will soon involve us in foreign debt, vastly beyond all possibility of payment: Our bankruptcy must ensue; and with our bankruptcy will go all our national character of wisdom, integrity, energy of government, and every kind of respectability. We shall become objects of obloquy—buts of insult; and bye-words of disgrace abroad; an American in Europe will be ashamed to tell where he came from. Every stranger takes some share in the character, in the honors or disgrace, not only of the family, but the nation to which he belongs.
THE BASTILLE.
EXPLORE yon Cavern, frowning on the fight, Where one faint lamp sends forth a sickly light; Thro folds of darkness, where yon wicket glooms, Perfidious power has scoop'd the LIVING TOMBS! Along the filth that oozes from the walls, The slimy snail, with track abhorrent crawls, And oft, augmenting poisons from the top, With sullen sounds falls slow the with'ring drop. The pestilential toad that squats below, Gathers fresh venom as those poisons flow! Here many a fathom down, despotic rage, Hung human victims in the dreadful cage— Here the poor captive, torn from child and wife, From youth to age groan'd out detested life— Nor nature's sun, nor art's supplying blaze, E're stole one beam of comfort on their days! Nor human form, nor human hand was nigh, To sooth the grief that gather'd in his eye; Save one brief glance of man, as thro the hole, His daily bread the SILENT goaler stole— No human voice beguill'd the endless night, That cruel shut him from creation's light. To sooth a mistress, wanton LOUIS gave To one who dar'd be just, this lingering grave! To one who dar'd a prostitute portray, And bring his honest satire into day. How sinks the heart, to pace this gloomy round, How pants the Muse to leave this TYRANT bound!
CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
An ACT for allowing COMPENSATION to the Members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, and to the Officers of both Houses.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That at every session of Congress, and at every meeting of the Senate in the recess of Congress, prior to the fourth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, each Senator shall be entitled to receive six dollars for every day he shall attend the Senate, and shall also be allowed, at the commencement and end of every such session and meeting, six dollars for every twenty miles of the estimated distance, by the most usual road, from his place of residence to the seat of Congress: And in case any member of the Senate shall be detained by sickness on his journey to or from any such session or meeting, or after his arrival shall be unable to attend the Senate, he shall be entitled to the same daily allowance: Provided always, That no Senator shall be allowed a sum exceeding the rate of six dollars a day, from the end of one such session or meeting to the time of his taking a seat in another.
And be it further enacted, That at every session of Congress, and at every meeting of the Senate in the recess of Congress, after the aforesaid fourth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, each Senator shall be entitled to receive seven dollars for every day he shall attend the Senate; and shall also be allowed at the commencement and end of every such session and meeting, seven dollars for every twenty miles of the estimated distance, by the most usual road, from his place of residence to the seat of Congress: And in case any member
of the Senate shall be detained by sickness, on his journey to or from any such session or meeting, or after his arrival shall be unable to attend the Senate, he shall be entitled to the same allowance of seven dollars a day: Provided always, That no Senator shall be allowed a sum exceeding the rate of seven dollars a day, from the end of one such session or meeting to the time of his taking a seat in another.
And be it further enacted, That at every session of Congress, each Representative shall be entitled to receive six dollars for every day he shall attend the House of Representatives; and shall also be allowed at the commencement and end of every session, six dollars for every twenty miles of the estimated distance, by the most usual road, from his place of residence to the seat of Congress: And in case any Representative shall be detained by sickness, on his journey to or from the session of Congress, or after his arrival shall be unable to attend the House of Representatives, he shall be entitled to the daily allowance aforesaid: And the Speaker of the House of Representatives, to defray the incidental expenses of his office, shall be entitled to receive in addition to his compensation as a Representative, six dollars for every day he shall attend the House: Provided always, That no Representative shall be allowed a sum exceeding the rate of six dollars a day, from the end of one such session or meeting to the time of his taking a seat in another.
And be it further enacted, That there shall be allowed to each chaplain of Congress, at the rate of five hundred dollars per annum during the session of Congress; to the secretary of the Senate and clerk of the House of Representatives, fifteen hundred dollars per annum each, to commence from the time of their respective appointments; and also a further allowance of two dollars per day to each, during the session of that branch for which he officiates: And the said secretary and clerk shall each be allowed (when the President of the Senate or Speaker shall deem it necessary) to employ one principal clerk, who shall be paid three dollars per day, and an engrossing clerk, who shall be paid two dollars per day during the session, with the like compensation to such clerk while he shall be necessarily employed in the recess.
And be it further enacted, That the following compensation shall be allowed to the officers hereinafter mentioned, viz. To the serjeant at arms, during the sessions and while employed on the business of the House, four dollars per day; the allowance of the present serjeant at arms to commence from the time of his appointment: To the door-keeper of the Senate and House of Representatives, for their services in those offices, three dollars per day during the session of the House to which he may belong, for his own services, and for the hire of necessary laborers; the allowance to the present door-keeper of the Senate to commence from the day appointed for the meeting of Congress; and the allowance to the door-keeper of the House of Representatives to commence from his appointment; and to the assistant door-keeper to each House, two dollars per day during the sessions.
And be it further enacted, That the said compensation which shall be due to the members and officers of the Senate, shall be certified by the President; and that which shall be due to the members and officers of the House of Representatives, shall be certified by the Speaker; and the same shall be passed as public accounts, and paid out of the public treasury.
And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue in force until the fourth day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, and no longer.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER 22, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT for the temporary establishment of the POST-OFFICE.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be appointed a Post-Master General; his powers and salary and the compensation to the assistant or clerk and deputies which he may appoint, and the regulations of the Post-Office shall be the same as they last were under the resolutions and ordinances of the late Congress. The Post-Master General to be subject to the direction of the President of the United States in performing the duties of his office, and in forming contracts for the transportation of the mail.
Be it further enacted, That this act shall continue in force until the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER THE 22d, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]