National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-11-07 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 3 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, November 7, 1792.
[Total No. 107.]
Extracts from a letter from a gentleman in New-Jersey to his correspondent in Philadelphia, dated Sept. 5, 1792.
AS I have acknowledged the receipt of your queries, contained in your letter of Jan. last, requesting me to give you my opinion of the late law of our legislature in regard to the manufacturing society, my reason then for not entering on that subject was, that I expected some one of the conservators of the rights of the people (I mean a gentleman of the law) would undoubtedly step forward and shew the public the unconstitutionality of that law, and also the unexampled partiality between their constituents of the same branch of manufacture; but as my expectations in this are not answered, I will give you my candid opinion of such parts thereof as I conceive most exceptionable, with such observations as may arise in my mind on that subject: Perhaps on my coming short of a just delineation, your more enlightened mind will be stirred up to put this matter in its proper colours, and be the means, in the hands of providence, to quiet the minds of a numerous and worthy class of citizens which I find are now greatly disturbed at the principles our legislature has adopted in that law.
The first section gives leave to the manufacturing society to have a capital of four millions of dollars. This immense sum, or one fourth of it in ready cash, is sufficient in the hands of cunning men to supply their manufacture with raw materials at the first cost for any or all descriptions of manufacture needful in the United States. The effect this will have on the private mechanic must be ruinous, as they are generally obliged to purchase raw materials from merchants at perhaps 25 per cent on the first cost; witness the tinner, rope-maker, hatter, faddler, fuller, dyer, copper-smith, brass-founder, coach-maker, tanner, shoemaker, harness-maker, printer, &c. any or all of the above enumerated callings they have a right to pursue as the act now stands: In my opinion they ought to have been restricted to certain articles or branches of manufacture, as corporate bodies generally are.
The fourth section exempts the company from all taxes for even state or county use on their tenements, hereditaments, goods and chattels for the term of ten years.—Here it may be proper to take in the 5th section, which exempts all the artificers that may be in their employ from all taxes whatsoever on their occupations within the compass of six miles square, a space that may contain as many workmen as the city of London. Can it be possible that the legislature did not know or advert to their own law, that a number of mechanical employments were taxed for their occupations, viz. grist-mills, fulling-mills, saw mills, furnaces, forges, tan-yards, &c. These occupations have in the last war paid heavy taxes, and still pay them, besides an equal assessment with the farmer on all their landed and other property; indeed I have thought this a very partial law, and have wondered at its not being repealed long since, for why should a mechanic be taxed for an occupation he served seven years to learn, and gets his bread honestly by? with as much justice a landed man might be taxed for being a farmer; but, alas! our legislators are generally farmers; besides there is a poll-tax on all our single men that the manufacturing people are exempt wholly from.
The thirty-sixth section exempts all their artificers from military duty except in cases of imminent danger. In the late law of Congress they have exempted such characters as the different or each state shall think proper, and have ordained that every male from eighteen years to forty-five, except as before excepted, shall furnish themselves with arms, accoutrements, &c. which will cost at least 61. 12s. besides keeping them in repair, and they are under heavy penalties if they do not ap-
pear four days in a year to learn military duty. I have been informed that there are private mechanics in Jersey that have from six to twelve apprentices and sons, particularly in the shoemaking, tanning and hatting, which occupations the company have publicly avowed to carry on; suppose only six in number, it will cost the master out of his little stock 291. to furnish his lads; this will be a heavy and continual tax on the private mechanic, which these monied gentlemen are by the New-Jersey law wholly exempt from. These extraordinary privileges granted to them and their workmen will enable them with their large capital to draw in all the journeymen of whatever branch they please to follow, throughout the United States, which will act fully up to a monopoly, and will inevitably cause the ruin of thousands of worthy families, which will finally operate against the import duty. Perhaps, Sir, you may here make a remark, and say that by these extraordinary privileges to those monied gentlemen the community will be greatly benefited, as they will be enabled to sell their shoes and other wares cheaper than the private manufacturer can possibly afford; this undoubtedly will be the case; what follows but a general bankruptcy to the private manufacturers? You will here suffer me to put a plain case; suppose Congress should take it into their heads to establish a set of merchants, exempting them from the import law, surely by their not paying any duty they would be enabled greatly to undersell those merchants who were obliged by law to pay a duty, and by which their customers would be greatly benefited; what would be the consequence but a just dissolution of the government, or a repeal of such an unjust law, and that very soon, as the body of merchants are a set of gentlemen of deserved weight in any government, and altho' the mechanics are not so weighty a body, I think they deserve the same justice from any legislature, and if their power is not so great as to cause an immediate repeal of this act, yet by slow degrees I think some material change in government must and will happen if this act is not repealed. Under the above observations the case will stand nearly thus; 25 per cent will be saved to the company by their large capital, ten years exemption from all taxation, their workmen free from a poll-tax and on their occupations: the private mechanic, who has in the late war been robbed of his property and served his country faithfully, striving now to do something for his children, and perhaps paying large interest for money, paying the general government a heavy tax for all his family wears and other necessaries to support them, paying all assessments to support the state government, paying even for his calling, and serving the public four days in a year in the militia: the company's workmen exempt from military duty, whilst those men who saved our country from perdition, were, to my certain knowledge, obliged through dire necessity, to sell their hard-earned certificates for 2/6 in the pound to some of these very men who now come forward with this scheme of general oppression. To make government sit easy upon the minds of the people, the legislature, if it is a wise and just one, will make their laws as equitable as possible to the good of the whole community; if this under consideration is such, I must confess my inability to see it in that light. Had the gentlemen of the manufacturing society come forward and wished an act of incorporation to establish them to go into such branches as the United States were deficient in, and them enumerated, and the law restricted to certain occupations, which is the case in all corporate bodies that have come to my knowledge, no one I presume would have had reason to apprehend ruin to their families through their means, and I think it would have been right in the legislature to have
granted them some privileges, but not to have exempted them from militia duty, as this town of Paterson may in a short time contain more able bodied, healthy men than the whole state besides, but if they are not trained to arms, of what use can they be to repel invasions; this will, as far as their number goes, defeat the good intentions of Congress in their militia law, for I think it cannot be supposed they meant to exempt any but some particular characters.
The twenty-fifth section gives the company the privilege to raise 100,000 dollars on the public: Without giving you my opinion on the evil tendency of lotteries in general, I will just remark that the 16th section gives the company authority to dissolve themselves whenever they please, and put this enormous sum which they may raise on their fellow citizens into their pockets and laugh at the easy credulity of the legislature. This section, in my opinion, should have been attended with a clause that this sum should be fairly laid out within this state in their necessary works, and the accounts laid before the legislature for their and the public's satisfaction.
The seventeenth section sets out with a flourish of cutting canals, the advantage of which will not be confined to the members of the society; therefore, they ought to have a reasonable toll. The 20th section gives them authority to demand such, and as much toll as their directors may think proper, not to exceed 15 per cent. on the sum advanced, giving the public no credit for the hundred thousand dollars raised on them by lottery, and it also gives their directors' agents authority to stop any flat or raft of lumber until the toll is paid—this must certainly be thought a most generous and patriotic scheme; they surely will have the blessings of posterity on their immaculate heads! Indeed, shall I wonder if the ingenious Mr. Trumbull, with his inimitable pencil is not immediately employed, lest their goodness to the public may slip the attention of the succeeding generation, to draw a portrait of a brilliant yacht, going through the hills, woods and vallies, decorated with plated sides of silver, her prow the emblem of liberty, studded with the most brilliant diamonds, oars of solid silver, manned with a tanner, shoemaker, hatter, faddler, slainer of linen, dyer, fuller, rope-maker, copper-smith, brass-founder, coach-maker, watch-maker, and a printer for cockswain, all in the emblems of Neptune, with the Contriver of this very liberal act, sitting on the poop, on a cushion of purple, stuffed with down, edged with golden tinsel, in shining robes, crowned with laurel, shewing the rowers a purse, inscribed, Pull up my lads, I will make you as rich as Cræsus! A certain character seated a midship, with a hawk putting a flea in his ear, whispering, the child shall be called, Anthony . On the prow, which bears the emblem of liberty in solid gold, studded, with the most brilliant diamonds, the great and most honorable Col. D. with a most superb silver trumpet, proclaiming liberty, liberty and property to you the sons of New-Jersey; his tremendous voice will make the bull frogs in this same canal skip about and hollow bloodanouns! bloodanouns! but they will be scarcely heard; the silver oars keeping time with the songs of gratitude that will be sung by the widows and orphans whose tea's this disinterested and beneficent, great, good and right honorable Governor D. has, by his benevolence dried up, silenced their groans, and placed beyond the least possibility of want for the future.
But to go on with this famous 17th section; it gives the directors' agents power to enter any man's land for the purpose of making canals, but that they shall transmit a draught thereof to the governor, and to alter their plans if they please, transmitting such alterations to him; but
it does not give this honest man any power to alter their plan, nor to hear the complaints of the aggrieved landholder, nor to redress his grievances. It seems to me that this parade of words is a nullity in itself, as they might as well have ordered their plans and their alterations of plans to be laid before John a-Nokes.' "The next clause is of more consequence, and on examination, with common sense and candor, will be thought against the constitution, and what no legislature has a right to adopt, as I think it takes away the inherent right of a subject in a civil compact. The sheriff is empowered & commanded to call a jury, perhaps he with a number of the jury may be interested, by being subscribers to the manufacture, to enter with his posse (for it appears to me to be no better) on any man's land, value it as they think proper, their verdict to be returned to the next court, and if they have proceeded strictly to the words of the act, the judge is bound like a slave to confirm their judgment, whether he think it right or wrong: If the mechanics and landholders in Jersey submit to this law without seeking redress by all legal means in their power, I think them slaves to the last degree, and fit to be sent to the West Indies. I believe it is indisputable that this law was fabricated in Philadelphia, and brought up to the Assembly, ready cut and dry'd." "To what heights of avarice and despotism will not human nature soar, if it is not in the power of its fellow citizens to stop its career! The lands proper for canals are generally near rivers, or at the head of common navigation, and cleared for meadow. To take 250 feet in width, and be subject to have any or all parts of it injured by carts bringing gravel from the fast land for the use of the banks may, in many cases, take and spoil all the meadow belonging to a valuable farm, and consequently prevent stock from being raised, and the support of the family cut off. They are farther empowered to take down mills if they are in their way; there are grist mills on the Raratan and Mill-stone, that, if taken down, the inhabitants for 30 miles round would want bread in a common drought. And all these rights and properties to be taken from the owner without his will and consent. For what? Why that a set of rich men might receive 15 per cent. for their money, and navigation stopped to the poor without the money being paid immediately. How it was possible that men of sense and chiefly of landed property could establish this precedent I know not, as it unhinges all the rights and properties of any subject in the way of the manufacturing society. I have heard the following questions asked more than once: Think you, that any of the talking or leading members were bribed? answer, no. Were they generally subscribers to the manufacturing scheme: answered, I believe they were. If so, I think they have caught at a feather and lost the golden ball. It still raises my wonder when I consider there were gentlemen of the law both in the assembly and council, and see none of their names in the minority, but the chief justice. It was by that class of citizens, generally that the unconstitutional law of Great-Britain, for taking money without our consent, was exposed, and the people stirred up to resistance; but now a law is made by their connivance to take landed property from their constituents, without their consent, and they are as hushed as mice in a cheese: I do not wish to cast the least reflection on any class of honest men whatsoever; but those that know the will of their Lord, and do it not, ought to be beat with many stripes."
"Perhaps by what I have advanced, you may think it my opinion, that no improvements should be made in our country by canals: by no means, I think it a most noble art, and ought to be prosecuted wherever there is convenience for such works; but that it should be done by

consent of the proprietors of the soil, for if the fence of the law is taken down in one instance, it may be a prelude to un- hinge all property, and no man can feel himself safe, nor call his fig tree his own, that another can by law take from him whenever he pleases."
P. S. "Looking over the second section with more attention than at first, I observed a clause in these words, viz. "or making all such commodities or articles, as shall not be prohibited by law." Here I think is an opportunity for the legislature to do some justice to their own law—to the manufacturing society, and to the mechanics generally, by compelling them, the society, to come forward and point out to them, the legislature, all such articles and manufactures as they wish to carry on. Then by giving time, by advertisement, for the mechanics to come forward and shew cause why any particular branch of manufacture should not be prosecuted by the company. This, I apprehend, would be worthy of wise and honest men, whom providence, thro' their fellow citizens, has placed in a conspicuous station, to do equal justice to their constituents; calm the minds of those who now apprehend ruin; and settle the state in tranquility. In my next, I shall endeavour to shew that the impost duty bears harder on the mechanics and poor, than on any other class of citizens in the United States."
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE,
Turin, Aug. 11. This day the sons of Count d'Artois set out from this capital for Coblenze, to join the prince, their father. The king is soon to depart for the army in Savoy. Preparations for war are going on briskly although it be not actually declared. The season, however, is so far advanced that operations can scarcely take place before winter sets in.
Paris, Aug. 17. Since the horrible scene on the 10th a sort of calm has taken place in this capital; but it is wholly deceitful and betokens still further excesses and troubles. The national assembly seem to participate in the general tranquility, but are not a little alarmed at the consequences that may ensue from so dreadful a slaughter, and which may, in part, be attributed to their agency.
Petersburg, July 24. The day before yesterday the grand-Duchess was brought to bed of a princess, who is baptized by the name of Olga Pawlowna. When her birth day is celebrated, the same opportunity will be taken to celebrate the peace with Turkey, and probably the success of the Empress over the Poles, in doing away their new constitution. Indeed, it was madness for the Poles ever to think seriously of resisting the Russian power, especially when it is considered that had they been able to destroy the Russian armies, the Austrian and Prussian would have instantly supplied their place.
London, Aug. 28. With what complacency the literary and aristocratical tyrants of their species view the storm that has now gathered into a head against France! Thank God! (they exclaim) France will now be deluged in blood! no longer shall we hear of the barbarity of single murders—the shocking cruelty of killing our fellow creatures in detail is happily over, and now they will be murdered as they ought to be, according to the reason of kings, in whole-sale .
Paris, Sep. 3. "There can be no doubt, in the nature of things, that the French, if they please, have a right to establish a republic. There is no doubt but that the king has all along been false to his public declaration, and has excited every means in his power to prevent the march of the constitution which he swore to execute. The intrigues of both parties in France were drawn out to a length that in itself was ruin! until the horrid and sanguinary manifesto of the duke of Brunswick came forth, and made the republican party desperate. Then it was that all hopes of a compromise between the Feuillants and Jacobins were blasted, and after a last ineffectual effort at a junction, they came to a conflict, the result of which is well known. The Feuillants do not now affect to conceal, that the king's duplicity went much further than they had any idea of. They knew of his improvident waste of the civil list—they knew of his maintaining troops at Coblenze—they ascribed all this to the emotion of a weak mind, easily agitated by appeals to his compassion in favour of persons described to be suffering for his cause. They knew that habituated to uncontrouled sway, he inwardly cherished the project of restoring all the abuses of the old government; but they did not know that a plan was actually forming to compromise the whole question with the duke of Brunswick."
London, Aug. 27. At a moment when the British funds, fell 3 per cent, it was a curi-
ous circumstance that the exchange upon Paris rose more than six per cent. This rise happened on Friday last, and various were the speculations as to the cause. It is, however, obvious to the meanest observer. The discoveries made by the assembly of the sums lent to the king by different banks, have made such a run upon them all generally, and the tenor of bankruptcy has risen to such a height, that all the houses here interested in the fate of their correspondents, are anxious to transmit to them funds to support their credit in this exigency; and in consequence of this, any price almost would have been given on the last post day for good paper. This is a proof of the misconduct of the king, which no man will call equivocal; for he has contrived to squander 150 or 160 millions of livres.
The great scene that has passed in the capital of France is a lesson worthy of the serious attention of every monarch in Europe. It is sickening to hear our prostituted prints call the French nation barbarous and inhuman; because when justly incensed they have made examples of two or three thousand scoundrels, to rescue the liberties of millions of honest men, while the same ideots pretend to respect a family, the vain wars of whom have covered the earth with the blood of innocent individuals from one end of Europe to the other; and after all the noise made about the royal family of France, which of all the persons it contains can urge as a plea for calumniating even the hasty mobs of Paris, that a trigger has been pulled at them, though so often in the power of an enraged people. A moments reflection on this circumstance shews, that if atonement is to be made, it is to the people of France; so continually insulted with the epithet of assassins in our pensioned prints. It is mortifying that England, who owes what little liberty she enjoys to a similar conduct with that pursuing in France, should now see her enfeebled press abused to the purpose of insulting daily a free people, struggling to maintain their recently recovered liberties.
In the early part of life, Quintus Curtius, or Cæsar's Commentaries are put into the hands of youth by their tutors, who generally instead of reprobating and exposing in the strongest terms the wanton massacres and unprovoked cruelties committed by the heroes, as they are styled, of these books, rather point out their conduct as the effect of a glorious ambition. Let us then banish from schools all books of this kind, not excepting even the Iliad of the divine Homer, as conducive to the vitiating of the human mind: And let us banish from the stage every play where royal sufferings, royal ferocity, or royalty in any shape is the subject, except so treated as to excite our disgust and abhorrence: away with your kings and queens; cursed be their rage for it has been cruel; their anger, for it was inhuman; let us divide them in Jacob , and scatter them in Israel ! The present emprefs of Russia, the only modern cut throat that can vie with the cut-throats of antiquity, was at least the final cause of thirty thousand men, women, and children being put to death at Ismaeloff , a year or two ago. After all resistance had ceased, after all hostilities were supposed to be at an end, these bloody mercenaries began an indiscriminate havoc; neither beauty protected the women, age, the decrepid, nor innocence the children: for three days successively scarcely any thing was heard but the shrieks of the wounded and dying; and part of the amusement of the Cossacks was tossing children from one to another at the end of their pikes—and yet the Czarina of Russia is a heroine, and honored as one of the great heroic characters of the age!
The Temple, where the late king of France and his family now reside, was formerly a place of refuge from arrest for debtors: the king has to ascend one hundred and twenty-six steps to his suite of apartments. Such is the spirit of the people against royalty, that a severe Philippic has been published against a municipal officer, from so far deserting the dignity of his station as to go, dressed in his scarff, to buy a balloon for the amusement of the Prince Royal .
The fire of heaven has consumed some few of the human species, and disease will continue to waste mankind, in spite of every effort of philosophy, but tyranny is an evil of man's creation, which has slain its hundreds and thousands of millions, and which has embittered the few days which God has assigned to mortal man in every age of the world, and in every region of the globe. It was a maxim of that learned fool, James the first, that if no bishop existed, no king would be permitted to reign; and altho' this is to be understood with some limitations, it may notwithstanding be fairly affirmed, that without the aid of an imposing priesthood, a despotic monarch would not be endured. There is something so absurd in the idea that millions of people are born for the pleasure of one man, without any natural superiority, or evidence of a divine commission attending him, that it must always be fostered by the subjection of the human understanding to the obedience of a mysterious superstition. The tyrannies established in every part of the world are supported by superstition, from the plains of Indostan to the wilds of Russia. Every an-
cient tyranny received the aid of the same enchantment, and the people were induced to follow their leaders to war, not by the magic spells of a political priesthood. Pharaoh, when he bought up the lands of the Egyptians, took care to leave the fields of the priests free from imposition. He knew, as well as the pedantic James, the use of priests in the business of king-craft. Louis the 16th also judged their services of great importance; and if he had not been born a little too late in the age of the world, he might have reaped as great advantages from them, as any of his predecessors.
[Extracts from English papers to Sep. 8.]
The school for political morality is now opened upon the French frontier, and every father anxious for the virtuous education of his son, sends him to that great master, the duke of Brunswick. There he is to be taught that the soul of man is the property of the state, and that the proper use of reason is to teach him to be a slave: that for plain men to be free is inconsistent with the rights of kings and lords—and that to exercise our natural faculties is a violation of our allegiance; that to think is unbecoming our station in society, and that the most honorable condition for man is to stand to the right, to wheel, to march, to load, to present, and to fire in the faces of his fellow creatures at the word of command.
August. 30.—The present disposition of Holland with respect to French affairs, seems to be this—The stadholder and his party wish to join the concert of kings, which the states and the republican party are as zealous to oppose. This contrariety of impulse will produce a neutrality.
A gentleman yesterday gave 100 guineas to receive one guinea a day, until the duke of Brunswick, at the head of a hostile army, shall arrive at Paris. This is no proof, that much confidence is placed in his operations. The person who gave the money, congratulated himself on having purchased an annuity of 365 guineas for life.
It has been said, that the duke of Brunswick can meet with no serious resistance in his march to Paris.—A whole people united, is but a trifling obstacle then to an invading foe! The truth is, tyrants will find that all their boasted discipline must be inefficacious against a nation determined to be free, and that tactics are only good when opposed to tactics. A mere trial of strength and skill, presents no image of the present war in France. It is art against principle; science against the affections—the arm against the soul—and in such a contest, victory is not triumph. They may murder one million, but the remaining twenty-three millions will continue unsubdued.
An ingenious contrivance has been hit upon to debauch the invading troops.—An infinite number of small tin cases have been prepared, in which are inclosed the rights of man and the late decree offering 100 livres a year, with the benefits of a tonnage arising to 500 livres a year to all soldiers who shall come over to the side of freedom. A short intelligible address, to the following purport, is also inclosed—"Brave man! who art fortunate in finding this paper; France, the land of freedom, where every soldier is a citizen, and all men are equal, invites you to partake in the blessings of a fertile soil, a genial climate, and perfect liberty. At the next municipality you are entitled, on presenting this paper, to a present of 50 livres; to an hundred livres the first; and to a gradual increase every year after, during your life, till it shall amount to 500 livres annually; and you have your free choice either to bear arms in the cause of freedom, or to live at peace in the interior of the kingdom. Brave and happy man who shall find this paper; all this is secured to you by a decree of the national assembly, by the law, by the honor of the French people."
These tin cases, thus loaded, are spread among the standing corn, and scattered in every direction near the advanced posts of the enemy, so that they may fall into the hands of the soldiers. This may be literally called sowing the seeds of desertion. It is not probable, however, that desertion will take place for some weeks. The Austrians and Prussians will have lagacity enough to reap a double harvest; to plunder as they go, until they get so far into the heart of the kingdom, as to desert with their booty, and take the advantage of this decree of seduction in safety.
The withdrawing of our ambassador from Paris in the present moment was a matter of mere etiquette; but to order him to deliver such a note on his departure, is viewed by every liberal politician in this country, not merely as an injudicious act, unworthy of a manly people, but as an unwise measure, calculated to involve us dangerously with France—dangerously we mean as to our permanent interests.
And in fact, we were on the very brink of being involved by this declaration in another armament; for it was doubtful what would be the answer of the executive power of France; and our ministers, alarmed for the consequences of their own jefuitism, in the present irritable temper of the Parisians, were on the eve of threatening to send a squadron to Brest, when they received accounts that Earl Gower might depart whenever he pleased, and that a decree was made to give safe passage to every ambassador from foreign courts, who might desire to quit the French territory.
However the high church party of England may inveigh against the French revolution, and adduce the late barbarities in
proof of the horrors which they wish to inspire every true friend to a rational system of free government remains unaltered in his ideas on the subject. we viewed the revolution of 1789 as a great benefit to mankind, and to England in particular. we saw with delight the demolition of that horrid system, which had been the source of so much misery to the human race—the waste of so much blood and treasure to all its neighbours, and chiefly to us its most direct rival. Let it not be imagined that the late events, tho' they have for a time prevented the establishment of liberty on a solid basis, have changed the aspect of the question to English politicians; they still maintain the principle of their former assertions; nay, they do not imagine that these events will do more than retard the happy era of French freedom; and the very adjournment may be favourable in its tendency to others. The armies of the tyrants will catch the flame which they are employed to smother, and each man transmitting to his home a spark, the fire of freedom will spread to those regions now the most chilled by despotism. Englishmen then, however they may condemn the late cruelties, will not suffer the curse of cabinet interference! We see in the deliverance of France, the security of England; and there is but one political course for us to pursue; that of recommending by mediation the establishment of a sound and sober system of freedom.
Mr. Paine being now a French citizen, is expected to be elected a member of the ensuing national convention of France.
The assertion, that the new system in France has overthrown all peace, law and order there, is so obviously untrue, that it is scarcely necessary to contradict it. Before the new system, there was no peace in France whenever money could be extorted for war; no law, but that which corrupt judges administered; and no order, but that of promotion at court, for crimes against the country. Whatever the new system may have done, therefore, it has not overthrown peace, law and order. In town such assertions will very soon cease, except from those who have an interest in promoting them; but in the country, where society is thin, and men are not forced upon frequent thought for the purpose of keeping peace with each other, they will continue, till the agitations of the French revolution are over, and only the blessings of it shall be felt or heard of.
Remarks on the character, views, and proceedings of M. de la Fayette, while at the head of the French army.
[Extracted from a Paris paper.]
LET us take a view of the man whose conduct has brought us to our present situation. Cloaking his ambition under an appearance of moderation, he found means to impose upon a number of citizens, and by every cunning art retarded the progress of the revolution. What was the joy of the aristocratical faction when they heard his letter read to the national assembly; the letter which at once unveiled his nefarious designs—in which he menaced the assembly, and plainly told them that the army were at his devotion. He had the assurance to dictate laws to the assembly, and sketch out the track in which they were to go. He asserted that the assembly influenced the king in the choice of his ministers—He spoke like their master rather than their servant. He even demanded the abolition of those patriotic societies, who are the soul of French liberty. It is a fact that he has constantly spoken the language of the emperor Leopold. How then could France continue to view this man in a favorable light? A man who threatened that at the head of 45,000 troops he was ready to march into Paris—a man whose ardent wish was to become Lord Protector of France, as Cromwell was of England, in days of old!
When a man at the head of an army holds a tone of language such as was that of M. de la Fayette, he has doubtless great means, as well as great designs in view. When such a man is known to be of a cunning, scheming cast of mind, there is much to fear. He ought then to be treated, not like a weak enemy, but as a determined traitor, and capable, by his hypocrisy, of forming a numerous party in a kingdom. Then it was high time that the national resentment should be exerted against him, to defeat his execrable projects—but what have been the views of la Fayette? To comprehend them properly they must be considered separately.
In the first place, he made a division of the national guards—he urged the king to quit the capital—he incessantly vilified him—and afterwards set up for his protector—he ceased to be dictator of Paris, that he might be placed at the head of an army, in order to seduce them—and, when in this situation, attempted to dictate laws to the assembly. But what was his aim thereby? Why nothing less than to become prime minister to Louis the 16th. He did not wish, however, to put himself in the power of a court, who doubtless were greatly obligated to him, but would consent neither to make him their master, nor consider him as their equal, altho' he had set himself up for the rival of Washington, and had pledg-

ed himself to Europe to play an extraordinary part on the stage of human affairs. He wished either to be something, great or nothing. To get his ends answered, it was necessary that the king, by breaking his word with the people, should excite general indignation. It was necessary to turn Paris upside down, that the king might be forced to quit it a second time, and as the nation would not a second time restore him, that he might be deprived of the crown. At such an event Fayette would have been ready to declare himself protector of the constitution; and what sort of a protector would he have been! He would have come to the national assembly at the head of an army, in the plenitude of power, surrounded with his creatures, and giving law to the nation! The nation, tired out with perpetual disappointments, and dreading the horrors of a civil war, would have declared itself indifferent who were its oppressors. La Fayette would then have received the dictatorial authority, the final object of all his wishes; and the main object he ever had in view. It was in the same way that Oliver Cromwell managed with a great nation, till he elevated himself to supreme power on the wrecks of liberty. He would have made the assembly the vile instrument of his schemes as Cromwell did the parliament of England—Those, who have considered La Fayette as a trivial enemy, know little of him or his accomplices. The projects of La Fayette ought to put all true friends of liberty upon their guard that one tyranny does not succeed another in this country; and that the constitution, which already, through Fayette's means, has been moistened with the blood of our citizens, may not become the abject creature of the will of ambitious individuals. From the very beginning of the French revolution the nation has been deluded with a pleasing vision, of which Fayette alone knew how to take the advantage.
It would not have been prudent in him to propose openly to the assembly to destroy their country; but it was amply in his power to debauch the chiefs of the army, and even a part of the army itself. The means were in his hands, to prevent intelligence arriving, and to falsify the news that did arrive. It was in his power to circulate in his camp inflammatory writings against the national assembly, against the friends of the people, and against liberty. The will of the nation he might represent as the voice of a faction. His public information he might keep secret. It was necessary, then, that the procedures to crush him should have been as prompt as his threats—since in gaining time the leader of a faction has often gained a victory. But the assembly were lenient: an insignificant character, upon similar provocation, would have been instantly punished; but this man, who set himself above the laws, remained here eight days with impunity. The question at last absolutely turned upon this; should Fayette be permitted to split the nation into factions and parties, or was it under the auspices of the assembly, to rise like one man against him? Examine the letters of M. de la Fayette. He pretended that the patriotic societies fomented discord in the nation. It was not true: but it was too true that he was at the bottom of our domestic troubles, in order to throw the blame on the patriotic societies. Fayette, even now, dares not to say that the assembly have ever transgressed the limits of the constitution—did he ever advance a single proof of his assertion on this head? He dared to say that the assembly had violated the freedom of the king in the choice of his ministry: a mere calumny—Fayette first broached the idea to the nation of abandoning the assembly—It was time, then, to smite Fayette, that the nation might be saved; the fate of France was involved in his destiny, and the success of his plans would have prepared the tomb of her liberty—But he is overthrown, the cause of the people flourishes, and liberty is again triumphant.
PHILADELPHIA.
NOVEMBER 7.
CONGRESS.
MONDAY, November 5.
Agreeably to adjournment at their last session, a quorum of the supreme legislature of the United States met at the State House in this city, viz. 37 members of the House of Representatives, and 18 members of the Senate. A new member, from Massachusetts, Mr. Leonard, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat. The Vice-President being absent, the house were informed by message from the Senate, that Mr. Langdon was chosen President of the Senate pro tempore. The Rev. Bishop White, and the Rev. Ashbel Green were chosen chaplains.
A petition was presented and read from the merchants of Charleston, S. C. complaining of the exorbitant fees of the court of admiralty of the United States, and also of the extravagant bail demanded in cases of trivial actions brought by seamen, under the act for regulating the pay of seamen in the American service; and praying redress in both cases.
Several documents were laid before the house from the executive of the state of Georgia, relative to the proceedings of the legislature for filling the vacancy in their representation in Congress; by which it appeared that John Milledge, Esq. was elected.
A joint committee of both houses waited on the President of the United States, to acquaint him that they were ready to proceed to business; who returned for answer, that he would meet both houses tomorrow at 11 o'clock in the senate-chamber.
TUESDAY, Nov. 6.
Mr. Gordon, from N. York, Mr. Kittredge from Pennsylvania, Mr. S. Griffin and J. Page from Virginia took their seats in the House.
A message was received from the Senate, informing that they were ready to attend the House in receiving the communication from the President; whereupon, the speaker, with the members of the House, proceeded to the Senate chamber, where the President addressed both houses as follows:
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.
IT is some abatement of the satisfaction, with which I meet you on the present occasion, that, in felicitating you on a continuance of the national prosperity, generally, I am not able to add to it information that the Indian hostilities, which have for some time past distressed our north-western frontier, have terminated.
You will, I am persuaded, learn with no less concern than I communicate it, that reiterated endeavours, towards effecting a pacification, have hitherto issued in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on the part of the tribes with whom we are in contest. An earnest desire to procure tranquility to the frontier; to stop the further effusion of blood; to arrest the progress of expense; to forward the prevalent wish of the nation, for peace, has led to strenuous efforts, through various channels, to accomplish these desirable purposes: In making which efforts, I consulted less my own anticipations of the event, or the scruples, which some considerations were calculated to inspire, than the wish to find the object attainable; or if not attainable, to ascertain unequivocally that such is the case.
A detail of the measures, that have been pursued, and of their consequences, which will be laid before you, while it will confirm to you the want of success, thus far, will, I trust, evince that means as proper and as efficacious as could have been devised, have been employed. The issue of some of them, indeed, is still depending; but a favorable one, though not to be expected of, is not promised by any thing that has yet happened.
In the course of the attempts which have been made, some valuable citizens have fallen victims to their zeal for the public service. A sanction commonly respected even among savages, has been found, in this instance, insufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace. It will, I presume, be duly considered whether the occasion does not call for an exercise of liberality towards the families of the deceased.
It must add to your concern, to be informed, that besides the continuation of hostile appearances among the tribes north of the Ohio, some threatening symptoms have of late been revived among some of those south of it.
A part of the Cherokees, known by the name of Chickamagas, inhabiting five villages on the Tennessee river, have long been in the practice of committing depredations on the neighbouring settlements.
It was hoped that the treaty of Holston, made with the Cherokee nation in July 1791, would have prevented a repetition of such depredations: but the event has not answered this hope. The Chickamagas, aided by some banditti of another tribe, in their vicinity, have recently perpetrated wanton, and unprovoked hostilities upon the citizens of the United States in that quarter. The information which has been received on this subject will be laid before you. Hitherto, defensive precautions only have been strictly enjoined, and observed.
It is not understood that any breach of treaty, or aggression whatsoever, on the part of the United States, or their citizens, is even alleged as a pretext for the spirit of hostility in this quarter.
I have reason to believe that every practicable exertion has been made (pursuant to the provision by law for that purpose) to be prepared for the alternative of a prosecution of the war, in the event of the failure of pacific overtures. A large proportion of the troops authorized to be raised, have been recruited, though the number is still incomplete. And pains have been taken to discipline and put them in condition for the particular kind of service to be performed. A delay of operations (besides being dictated by the measures which were pursuing towards a pacific termination of the war) has been in itself deemed preferable to immature efforts. A statement from the proper department, with regard to the number of troops raised, and some other points which have been suggested, will afford more precise information,
as a guide to the legislative consultations; and among other things will enable Congress to judge whether some additional stimulus to the recruiting service may not be advisable.
In looking forward to the future expense of the operations, which may be found inevitable, I derive consolation from the information, I receive, that the product of the revenues for the present year is likely to supersede the necessity of additional burthens on the community, for the service of the ensuing year. This, however, will be better ascertained in the course of the session; and it is proper to add, that the information alluded to proceeds upon the supposition of no material extension of the spirit of hostility.
I cannot dismiss the subject of Indian affairs without again recommending to your consideration the expediency of more adequate provision for giving energy to the laws throughout our interior frontier, and for restraining the commission of outrages upon the Indians; without which all pacific plans must prove nugatory. To enable, by competent rewards, the employment of qualified and trusty persons to reside among them, as agents, would also contribute to the preservation of peace and good neighbourhood. If, in addition to these expedients, an eligible plan could be devised for promoting civilization among the friendly tribes, and for carrying on trade with them, upon a scale equal to their wants, and under regulations calculated to protect them from imposition and extortion, its influence in cementing their interests with ours could not but be considerable.
The prosperous state of our revenue has been intimated. This would be still more the case, were it not for the impediments, which in some places continue to embarrass the collection of the duties on spirits distilled within the United States. These impediments have lessened and are lessening in local extent—and as applied to the community at large, the contentment with the law appears to be progressive.
But symptoms of increased opposition having lately manifested themselves in certain quarters—I judged a special interposition on my part, proper and advisable, and, under this impression, have issued a proclamation, warning against all unlawful combinations and proceedings, having for their object or tending to obstruct the operation of the law in question, and announcing that all lawful ways and means would be strictly put in execution for bringing to justice the infractors thereof, and securing obedience thereto.
Measures have also been taken for the prosecution of offenders: and Congress may be assured, that nothing within constitutional and legal limits, which may depend on me, shall be wanting to assert and maintain the just authority of the laws. In fulfilling this trust, I shall count intirely upon the full co-operation of the other departments of government, and upon the zealous support of all good citizens.
I cannot forbear to bring again into the view of the legislature the subject of a revision of the judiciary system. A representation from the judges of the supreme court, which will be laid before you, points out some of the inconveniences that are experienced.—In the course of the execution of the laws, considerations arise out of the structure of that system, which, in some cases, tend to relax their efficacy.—As connected with this subject, provisions to facilitate the taking of bail, upon processes out of the courts of the United States, and a supplementary definition of offences against the constitution and laws of the union, and of the punishment for such offences, will, it is presumed be found worthy of particular attention.
Observations on the value of peace with other nations are unnecessary. It would be wise however, by timely provisions, to guard against those acts of our own citizens, which might tend to disturb it, and to put ourselves in a condition to give that satisfaction to foreign nations which we may sometimes have occasion to require from them.—I particularly recommend to your consideration the means of preventing those aggressions by our citizens on the territory of other nations, and other infractions of the law of nations, which, furnishing just subject of complaint, might endanger our peace with them.—And, in general, the maintenance of a friendly intercourse with foreign powers will be presented to your attention by the expiration of the law for that purpose, which takes place, if not renewed, at the close of the present session.
In execution of the authority given by the legislature, measures have been taken for engaging some artists from abroad to aid in the establishment of our mint; others have been employed at home. Provision has been made of the requisite buildings, and these are now putting into proper condition for the purposes of the establishment.—There has also been a small beginning in the coinage of half-dimes; the want of small coins in circulation calling the first attention to them.
The regulation of foreign coins, in correspondence with the principles of our national coinage, as being essential to their due operation, and to order in our money-currency, will, I doubt not, be resumed and completed.
It is represented that some provisions in the law, which establishes the post-office, operate, in experiment, against the transmission of newspapers to distant parts of the country.—Should
this, upon due inquiry, be found to be the fact, a full conviction of the importance of facilitating the circulation of political intelligence and information, will, I doubt not, lead to the application of a remedy.
The adoption of a constitution for the state of Kentucky has been notified to me. The legislature will share with me in the satisfaction which arises from an event interesting to the happiness of the part of the nation, to which it relates, and conducive to the general order.
It is proper likewise to inform you, that since my last communication on the subject, and in further execution of the acts severally making provision for the public debt, and for the reduction thereof, three new loans have been effected, each for three millions of florins;—one at Antwerp, for the annual interest of four and one half per cent. with an allowance of four per cent. in lieu of all charges—and the other two at Amsterdam, at the annual interest of four per cent. with an allowance of five and one half per cent. in one case, and of five per cent. in the other, in lieu of all charges.—The rates of these loans, and the circumstances, under which they have been made, are confirmations of the high state of our credit abroad.
Among the objects to which these funds have been directed to be applied, the payment of the debts due to certain foreign officers, according to the provision made during the last session, has been embraced.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
I entertain a strong hope that the state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured to enable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement for the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according to the right which has been reserved to the government. No measure can be more desirable, whether viewed with an eye to its intrinsic importance, or to the general sentiment and wish of the nation.
Provision is likewise requisite for the reimbursement of the loan which has been made of the bank of the United States, pursuant to the eleventh section of the act by which it is incorporated. In fulfilling the public stipulations in this particular, it is expected a valuable saving will be made.
Appropriations for the current service of the ensuing year, and for such extraordinary as may require provision, will demand, and, I doubt not, will engage your early attention.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.
I content myself with recalling your attention, generally, to such objects, not particularized in my present, as have been suggested in my former communications to you.
Various temporary laws will expire during the present session. Among these, that which regulates trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, will merit particular notice.
The results of your common deliberations hitherto, will, I trust, be productive of solid and durable advantages to our constituents; such as, by conciliating more and more their ultimate suffrage, will tend to strengthen and confirm their attachment to that constitution of government, upon which, under Divine Providence, materially depend their union, their safety, and their happiness.
Still further to promote and secure these inestimable ends, there is nothing which can have a more powerful tendency, than the cultivation of harmony, combined with a due regard to stability, in the public councils.
G. WASHINGTON.
United States, November the 6th, 1792.
About the last of July a treaty was held at New Orleans between the Spaniards and the Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, at which the Spaniards offered them arms and ammunition to go war against the United States. They also made them large presents of goods. The Creeks and Cherokees of the lower towns received their talk. It is said that Gen. M'Gillivray attended the treaty. On the 14th of September about one thousand Creeks and Cherokees assembled at the Tennessee, and marched against the settlement of Cumberland. No information of their having made an attack was received at Knoxville the eleventh of October.
A vessel just arrived at Baltimore from Gaudalope, informs, that the inhabitants of that island, and of Martinique had hoisted the white flag, and were determined to support the nation, the law, and the king, agreeably to the lately established constitution of France, in opposition to what they call the usurpations of the Jacobin legislature of that kingdom.
Henry Lee, Esquire, is re-elected Governor of the state of Virginia, for one year, to commence from the 1st of December next.
Last Saturday arrived here the ship Mary, Capt. Gardner, from Russia; by this vessel intelligence is received that at the time of leaving Peterburgh (Sept. 1st) there were no movements in any part of the armies of Russia against the French nation, nor was there any prospect (from the situation and appearance of affairs) of an interference on the part of Russia, in behalf of Austria, and the other despots of Europe.

From the Boston Independent Chronicle.
THE CRISIS.—No. IV.
A few observations on various subjects.
MR. ADAMS,
IN the course of the preceding numbers, it has been laid down as a fundamental position, that the establishment of the federal government, was originally intended for the promotion of our navigation, and the extension of our commerce.
This being the ground work of our federal government, "the people" did not suppose that in providing ways and means to remove the evils they experienced, that trade would be so immediately subject to all the embarrassments it now suffers.
An uniform system of impost, is readily allowed to be necessary—but it never entered into any considerate man's mind, that the enormous fees, and salaries of officers, were in any sense connected with this principle of uniformity.
The grand design of duties was for the support of our public credit, and maintenance of our civil government; and such economy was expected in the appropriation of the revenue, that it was thought, in a few years, both our foreign and domestic debt would be honourably discharged.
Whether the measures adopted have been attended with salutary consequences, we can only judge from experience. If commerce had been benefited, it would before this time, have appeared evident.
It is not necessary, that money should be taken from the industrious, to pamper the indolent: That such immense sums should be squandered away, in carrying on a ruinous and expensive Indian war: Neither is it necessary, that the duties paid by the merchant, should be deposited in the several Branch banks, for the use and profit of a few speculators and monopolizers;
It was observed, that if commerce was benefited, it would soon appear evident. But so far from this being the case, we can scarcely meet in a circle of men in business, but the complaints become general.
When a merchant receives his invoice, he is subject not barely to a duty upon the sterling amount, but the goods are valued at an advance of ten per cent. and on this sum he pays his impost.
So far from our commerce being considered with that mild deliberation, which the peculiar state of it required, it seems rather to be treated with an uncommon degree of severity.
Commerce is of so delicate a nature, that all wise nations treat every matter relative to it, with the greatest circumspection, and studiously consult the most effectual measures to aid and assist it.
The duties on commerce ought to be adjusted with the utmost nicety.—If "extra duties" are laid, they ought not to take place so suddenly, that the merchant should be liable to them upon an invoice which it is impossible for him to countermand.
The secretary of the treasury being aware that the high duties would greatly straiten the merchant, cautiously establishes a national bank, as a kind of succedaneum, by which the merchant is assisted in making punctilious payments.
Another disadvantage a merchant lies under, is the pernicious effects of Custom-House officers being themselves concerned in trade.
It is worthy of observation, that in the Loan-Office, the clerks are abundantly numerous, to expedite the negotiations of Speculators;
The foregoing observations are offered for the consideration of the public. Whether they are just or not, is left to their decision.
As to electioneering motives, the charge is equally futile. The author feels in no other manner "interested" in the choice of federal representatives, than every other free citizen.
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JUST PUBLISHED
By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence)
FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the
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CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Wm. Duer Esq. and Mr Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures; by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing-Office, No 156, Market-street; at No. 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Crukshanks, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-streets. August 21.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé, — SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres font situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Salude, riviere qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles font agréable-ment diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charman-tes propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considé-rable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être guéres possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Na-tionale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beauti-fully diversified into swells and vales, and is per-fectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so cir-cumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 1awtf
FOR SALE, A good MILL SEAT,
And an excellent stand for a country store, Situate on Millstone-Creek, about seven miles from Hilde's Town or Cranberry, on the great road leading from Hilde's Town to Monmouth court-house, in New-Jersey.
THERE are one hundred and sixty-seven acres and an half of good land in the above mentioned tract; a new mill thereon 28 by 40 feet, just built; an excellent stream of water; the mill enjoys a head of water between 6 and 7 feet; has 2 pair of stones, and water sufficient to drive 4 pair; about 25 acres of excellent meadow, and about 20 acres more to be made with great convenience; two good frame dwelling houses thereon, built about 4 years since, with kitchens to both; a barn and stables; excellent water close to the door, and including about 25 acres of excellent wood land. For terms apply to Joseph Jeunness on the premises, or at M c Kean and Van Emburgh's store on their wharf immedi-ately next below Arch-street, to ROBERT M c KEAN: Who has for Sale,
Five Grants of Land in Franklin county, in the state of Georgia, of 1000 acres each; Situate on Broad River, and taken up 28th June last. One grant in the same county and
state, of one thousand acres, dated 25th May, 1790. One of two hundred and eighty-seven a-cres and an half, in the same county and state, da-ted 23rd April, 1789, and on Trail Creek; and one grant of two hundred and eighty-seven acres and an half, in the same county and state, on the Oconee River. Philad. Oct. 31. 4t. e. w.
TAKE NOTICE.
WHEREAS a mulatto man named LUKE, the property of the subscriber living in Accomack county, Virginia, ran away from him on the first day of September last, and was taken up and committed to the gaol of Newcas-tle county, in the State of Delaware, on the 14th day of September, where he remained until the 4th of this instant, October, when a Mr. Jones, who said he lived in Frederick Town, in the county of Cecil, in Maryland, appeared and pro-duced a Benjamin Ferguson, who made oath that he suspected the said slave to be a freeman, named John Wright, who had failed with the said Ferguson in a schooner belonging to the said Jones, and had committed a burglary on board of her in July last, in consequence of which the said slave was delivered by order of the hon. David Finney, a supreme judge of the said state of Delaware, to the said Jones, to take his trial for the said supposed offence. As I am fully convinced from the description of the said slave, given to me by the gaoler, that he is my property, and that the said Ferguson has mistaken him for Wright, I do hereby direct the said Mr. Jones, and Ferguson, to return the said slave to the place from whence they took him, and to inform me thereof, otherwise I shall proceed according to law. JOHN CROPPER, Jun. Oct. 16th. 1792. 2a.w. 3w.
New-Jersey Confiscated Lands.
WHEREAS the first purchaser did not comply with the conditions of sale; this is to give notice that the following tract of land, containing fifty acres and thirty nine hun-dredths, strict measure situated in Hardiston town-ship, near the road that leads from Elijah Os-lards, deceased, to Paulinskill, late the property of Oliver De Lancey, will be sold at public vendue. The sale to begin on Wednesday the 28th day of November next, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon at Suffex courthouse; and besides cash, the fol-lowing state obligations will be received in pay-ment, to wit,—Officers and soldiers notes given for the depreciation of their pay—notes given to the militia of this state for the arrearages of their pay—certificates liquidated by Silas Condit—and notes given by the Treasurer of this state to per-sons who had demands against the confiscated estates of New-Jersey. JOSEPH GASTON, Agent for Suffex county. Oct. 24, 1792. 4w. 1aw.
NOTICE.
THIS is to forewarn all masters of vessels and others, at their peril, not to take a certain mulatto Boy, named Lewis Boget, formerly of Cayenne, out of this city, he being lawfully bound and apprenticed to me, until 16th Nov. 1793; as I have reason to suspect he is endeavouring to leave this city. JAMES ROBERTSON. New-York, October 9. tf.
Manufactured and for Sale,
At No. 11, North Sixth-street, Fashionable Round Top and Flat BUTTONS,
Warranted superior to any imported of equal price. Country Store-keepers supplied either in small or large quantities, By S. POST & Co.
N.B. Conkhel Buttons, Buckles, &c. Oct. 17. 2awtf
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber in Phila-delphia the 15th of September a negro man, named CUFF. He is about 23 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, has a remarkable walk, & had on, a red & yellow striped button jacket. Ruf-fing sheeting shirt and trowsers of the same stuff a pair of shoes and an old round hat. Whoever will take up the said negro—and bring him to Mr. Andrew Streely, Market st. e. or secure him so that I get him, shall have h. above reward and all reasonable expences. HERMAN BROOCK. 3t. 1aw.
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