National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-04-09 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, APRIL 9, 1792.
NUMB. 47.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
BRUTUS, No. VI.
On the FUNDING SYSTEM.
Of all the evils arising from the funding system, none will be more severely felt by the people at large, than the constant tribute which the whole of the United States will be forever laid under, to supply the stockholders living in foreign countries or at the seat of government, with a regular receipt of their interest. [For when the extentiveness of our country is considered, and the many natural boundaries, which cut off a commercial communication between the various parts, and the particular spot where the seat of government may be fixed; it will be evident that the majority of the states will be constantly drained of their circulating medium, to supply the Treasury of the United States with money to discharge an expensive civil list, a heavy public debt, and the contingencies arising from the unforeseen events, to which the affairs of nations, under the wisest administration are always liable. And as these continual drains, will not, like blood in the animal body, circulate back again to the extremities, and serve to invigorate the whole system, they will be eventually reduced to that impoverished and depressed condition, under which the Roman provinces groaned at the time of the Cæsars.] In this point of view, we have not, like the countries of France, England, and Holland, who are burthened with funding systems, the consolation of reflecting, that the constant drafts, which are made on the distant parts to supply the treasury, will again return to those parts by means of an internal commerce. A variety of circumstances tend in those countries to produce this effect, which do not exist in the United States: the due proportion between the metropolis and the country, which bears some analogy to the heart and body of an animal, the compact situation of those countries, their population, the goodness of their roads, the number of their canals, and many other causes combine together, to keep up a lively trade between the seat of government and the distant parts of the country, the balance of which, owing to the immense wants of those large cities alluded to, is always in favor of the latter; thus a circulation of money, which is as necessary in the political body, especially where a funding system exists, as the circulation of the blood in the animal body, is constantly preserved. But when we stretch the imagination over that immense territory which forms the United States, and perceive it in one direction passing through different climates, and in another extending from the Atlantic, far beyond that great chain of mountains which divide into two independent parts the whole of the United States: when we further consider, that we have no metropolis like London, Amsterdam, and Paris, bearing any proportion to our extent of country, no good roads or canals to facilitate an internal commerce; in short when we perceive that the seat of government in the United States wherever it may be, will not, like the seats of government in the countries mentioned, be the mart of commerce and the receptacle for the productions of the country, we must be convinced as was before stated, that the constant drains which the chief part of the United States will suffer, to support the funding system, the civil list, and the unforeseen contingencies, will never return to them, but will be wasted in scenes of dissipation at the seat of government, or exported to foreign countries for the use of foreign stockholders.
The inevitable and fatal consequences of these complicated evils will be, that every part of the union, and every individual in those parts, which from local circumstances have not a commercial communication with the seat of government, will become more and more impoverished, as long as the present system of finance continues to prevail: While the seat of government and the parts adjacent, will be growing in wealth and importance, until at last we shall have exchanged that happy equality of citizenship, and that independent body of yeomanry, who are the support of their country, and have been the means of accomplishing its freedom, for a depressed and impoverished peasantry on the one hand, and a privileged aristocracy on the other. These dreadful effects may approach us by slow and imperceptible degrees, but they are not therefore the less dangerous or certain. The indolent, the inattentive, and the uninformed,
who form the bulk of the people, are by this means lulled into security, and lose that vigilance and republican jealousy, which in the best formed governments is essentially necessary for the preservation of liberty. While designing politicians, and avaricious speculators, rolling in wealth and clothed with power, with the interested partizans raised up in their service, will be ever on the watch to secure the advantages they have already gained, and to obtain still more when an opportunity is presented to them.
These have been the causes which have enabled the few in every country eventually to triumph over the many. The friends of equal liberty did entertain a hope that the western world would form an exception to this general rule, while the equality of citizenship, the frugal habits of the people, our republican governments, in which the legislative, executive, and judicial powers are carefully separated, and cautiously guarded by their respective bills of rights, seemed at once to conspire together and justify a reasonable expectation that this hope would be realized. But alas! how soon has it been blasted: the sovereignty of our free republics are already all swallowed up in a consolidated government (for such I will venture to call it) in the construction of which, a separation of powers, has been studiously disregarded, and a bill of rights entirely neglected: which has been administered on principles calculated to destroy the equality and republican manners of the people, by sapping the foundations of industry, and encouraging the spirit of speculation: which has already introduced among us the extravagance of European manners, and the parade of monarchical governments. And here it may not be unworthy of remark, that these have not only been the causes, but the constant forerunners, and the unerring signals of the overthrow and downfall of republics.
BRUTUS.
Philadelphia, April 5, 1792.
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, April 3.
Mr. Livermore, from the committee on the memorial of the Illinois and Wabash land companies, made report, which was read a first time.
Mr. Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War, accompanying the petitions of sundry persons, whose claims are provided for by acts lately passed; which petitions with the documents annexed, the Secretary returned in obedience to a recent order of the House.
The House resumed the consideration of the resolutions, reported by the committee of the whole, on the public debt.
The resolution, providing for a further assumption of the state debts, being under consideration, as follows:
"Resolved, That a subscription for a farther loan in the debts of the individual states, be opened and continued to the first day of next, not to exceed in the whole millions of dollars, in the proportions following, that is to say; In the debt of New Hampshire,
 Massachusetts,  Rhode-Island,  Connecticut,  New-York,  New-Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North-Carolina,  South-Carolina,  Georgia, 
Provided, That the interest on such loan shall not be payable before the — day of —: And provided, that when the sum to be assumed for any state, shall not be subscribed by the holders of any of the evidence in which the same is made receivable, the state shall not be entitled to receive interest on the residue.
A motion was brought forward by Messrs. Sheridan and Mercer, to amend it by adding, after the words, 'individual states,' the following: whether discharged by said states respectively since the treaty of peace, or undischarged.
After a debate of considerable length, the amendment was disagreed to; yeas, 22; nays 30.
YEAS—Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Findley, Giles, Gregg, Jacobs, Key, Kitch-
ell, Livermore, Madison, Macon, Mercer, Moore, Niles, Parker, Seney, Sheridine, J. Smith, Sturges, Venable, Willis—22. NAYS—Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Benfson, Boudinot, B. Bourne, S. Bourne, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Grove, Hartley, Hillhouse, Huger, Kittredge, Laurence, Learned, Muhlenberg, Murray, Page, Sedgwick, W. Smith, Steele, Sylvester, Thatcher, Tucker, Wadsworth, Ward, White—30.
The question being then taken on the resolution, passed also in the negative; yeas 26; nays, 29.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Benfson, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Goodhue, Gordon, Grove, Hartley, Huger, Key, Laurence, Learned, Macon, Muhlenberg, Sedgwick, W. Smith, Steele, Sylvester, Thatcher, Tucker, Wadsworth, Ward—26.
NAYS—Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Clarke, Findley, Giles, Gilman, Gregg, Heister, Hillhouse, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittredge, Lee, Livermore, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Murray, Niles, Page, Parker, Seney, Sheridine, J. Smith, Sturges, Venable, White, Willis—29.
WEDNESDAY, April 4.
Mr. Muhlenberg presented a memorial from sundry merchants of Philadelphia, importers of ironmongery and hardware, petitioning against the increase in the duties on those articles, proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury.—Referred to the committee of the whole on the Secretary's Report of ways and means.
The House resumed the consideration of the resolutions reported by the committee of the whole on the public debt.
The sixth resolution was rejected.
The 7th, 8th, and 9th were agreed to, as follows:
"Resolved, That the debt due to certain foreign officers, the interest whereon is payable at the house of Le Grand, in Paris, be discharged out of any monies obtained on loan, by the President of the United States, in virtue of the act making provision for the public debt;—which may now be unappropriated."
"Resolved, That the interest on so much of the domestic debt as has been or may be purchased for the United States, or as shall be paid into the treasury, and so much of the sum appropriated for the payment of the interest on the foreign and domestic debt, as shall be over and above what may be sufficient for the payment of such interest, shall be appropriated for the purchase and redemption of the public debt."
"Resolved, That — be commissioners for the purposes aforesaid; and that a precise account of all the debts redeemed, and of all purchases by them made, be laid before the legislature within — months after its first meeting in every year."
A committee was then appointed, to bring in a bill, conformable to the said resolutions.
Mr. Key laid on the table the following resolution:
"That the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Attorney-General of the United States, be appointed a board of commissioners, with authority to sell any part of the lands, the property of the United States, not specially appropriated, lying between the Great Miami, the Wabash and Ohio rivers."
Mr. Sedgwick moved the following resolution:
"That the committee, to whom are referred the resolutions of the House on the subject of the public debt, be instructed to report a provision for a loan of the remaining debts of the individual states."
This motion being declared to be out of order, an appeal was made from the chair; but the House confirmed the decision of the chair by a large majority.
A message from the Senate, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, notifying, that they had passed (with amendments) the bill for ascertaining the boundaries of a tract of land purchased by J. C. Symmes.
Mr. Fitzsimons, of the committee of enquiry, moved the following resolution:
"That the President of the United States be requested to cause the proper officers to lay before the House such papers of a public nature in the executive department, as may be necessary to the investigation of the causes of the failure of the late expedition under Major General St. Clair."
The resolution being agreed to, a committee was appointed to wait on the President therewith.—The committee having performed this duty, reported the President's answer, viz. "that the order of the House should be immediately complied with;—and Mr. Fitzsimons moved a resolution. That provision ought to be made for compensating such persons, as the committee of enquiry may find necessary to examine, during the time they may be delayed for such examination."—Ordered to lie on the table.
The report of the committee of the whole, on the petition of Catharine Greene, was taken up, and agreed to, as follows; yeas, 29; nays, 26:
"Whereas the late Major General N. Greene, on the 8th day of April, 1783, the more effectually to procure rations and supplies for the southern army of the United States, became bound as surety for John Banks and Co. to Newcomen and Collet, merchants in Charleston, for the payment of £. 8743: 15: 6 sterling money, being the condition of the said bond; and whereas, on the 1st of May, 1786, the balance of principal and interest of the said bond, being then £. 8688: 6 sterling, was paid by the said Gen. Greene;—therefore,
"Resolved, That the United States shall indemnify the estate of the said Gen. Greene for the said sum last mentioned, and the interest thereof, or for such sum, as (upon due investigation, by the officers of the Treasury, of the transaction between John Banks and Co. and Messrs Newcomen and Collet in which General Greene was security for the said Banks and Co.) it shall appear, that neither General Greene nor his executors, shall have received any payment or compensation for:—Provided the executors of the said Gen. Greene, shall account for a sum, being about £. 2,000 (be the same more or less) recovered of John Ferris, one of the partners of the said Banks and Co. to be in part of the indemnification aforesaid; and also shall make over, for the use of the United States, all mortgages, bonds, covenants, or other counter securities whatsoever, now due; which were obtained by the said Gen. Greene in his life time, from the said Banks and Co. on account of his being surety for them as aforesaid, to be sued for in the name of the said executors, for the use of the United States."
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Baldwin, Barnwell, Benfson, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Findley, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gregg, Hartley, Heister, Key, Kittredge, Laurence, Learned, Lee, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Page, Sedgwick, Sheridine, W. Smith, Sterrett, Thatcher, Vinning, Wadsworth, Willis—29.
NAYS—Messrs. Ashe, Boudinot, Brown, Clarke, Giles, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Grove, Hillhouse, Jacobs, Kitchell, Macon, Moore, Niles, Seney, J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sumpter, Sylvester, Treadwell, Ward, White, Williamson—26.
A message from the Senate was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, with a bill that they had passed, for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt.—[By this bill, debtors confined under the authority of the United States, are to be on the same footing, with respect to the liberty of the yard, &c as those confined under state authority]—The bill received a first reading.
Mr. Seney, from the committee on the motion relative to a certain claim of the state of Maryland, reported a resolution, which was read a first time, directing the proper officer of the Treasury to adjust and settle the said claim.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—(Mr. B. Bourne in the chair)—on the bill to indemnify the Trustees of Wilmington Academy; and having reported the same without amendment, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Boudinot, from the select committee, to whom was referred, for consideration, "a bill, (sent from the Senate) for regulating processes in the courts of the United States," reported several amendments to said bill, which were read and ordered to be printed.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole (Mr. W. Smith in the chair)—on the bill authorizing the grant and conveyance of certain lands to the Ohio company of Associates; and having made some progress, rose, reported, and asked leave to sit again.
THURSDAY, April 5.
An engrossed bill, to compensate the Trustees of Wilmington Academy, was read a third time, passed, and sent to the Senate, for their concurrence.
A bill, (from the Senate) "for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt," was read a

second time, and referred to a committee on the whole on the whole on Monday next.
Mr. Livermore, from the committee appointed, reported a bill to indemnify the estate of the late Major Gen. N. Greene, &c. which was read a first time.
A report, from the Secretary of war, on the memorial of A. W. White, was referred to a special committee, with instructions to report, if they think proper, a bill conformable thereto.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—[Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair]—on the bill authorizing the grant and conveyance of certain lands to the Ohio Company; and having gone through the same, rose and reported it with amendments.
The House having adopted the said amendments, and further amended the bill, it was ordered for engrossment.
The House concurred in the amendment proposed by the Senate, to the bill to ascertain the boundaries of a tract of land purchased by J. C. Symmes.
The House having again resolved itself into a committee of the whole—(Mr. B. Bourne in the chair)—on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, on Ways and Means,
Mr. Goodhue moved a resolution to adopt all the new import duties proposed in the report.
The committee considered them separately, adopted some, altered others, and introduced some additional ones:—and
Mr. Fitzsimons moved, "That the foregoing duties be appropriated in the first place, to the payment of the interest of the public debt; in the 2d, to such other grants and appropriations as have been heretofore made; and in the 3d, to the purposes of the act for making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States."
A short debate hereupon took place, in the course of which, the memorial from the Philadelphia importers of Dry Goods was taken up and read.
The committee without coming to a decision, rose and reported progress.
Mr. Secretary Otis delivered in, for the concurrence of the House, a resolution passed by the Senate, that Congress should adjourn on the 17th instant—Ordered to lie on the table.
A communication from the Secretary of the Treasury respecting compensations for the revenue officers, was read and ordered to be printed.
A bill (from the Senate) providing compensations for the door keepers of Congress, was taken up in committee of the whole, amended, reported, read a third time with the amendments, passed, and sent back to the Senate.
Mr. Secretary Lear, by order of the President of the United States, returned the Representation-bill un-signed; and together with it, delivered the following message:— United States, April 5, 1792.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
I HAVE maturely considered the act, passed by the two Houses, entitled, "An act for an apportionment of Representatives among the several states, according to the first enumeration;" and I return it to your House, wherein it originated, with the following objections.
1. The Constitution has prescribed, that representatives shall be apportioned among the several states, according to their respective numbers; and there is no one proportion or divisor, which, applied to the respective numbers of the states, will yield the number and allotment of Representatives, proposed by the bill.
2. The Constitution has also provided, that the number of representatives shall not exceed one for every 30,000; which restriction is, by the context, and by fair and obvious construction, to be applied to the separate and respective numbers of the states: and the bill has allotted to eight of the states more than one for thirty thousand.
G. WASHINGTON, Mr. W. Smith moved that the President's objections should be entered at large on the Journals, and to-morrow appointed for considering them.
Mr. Sedgwick was of opinion, that the bill is constitutionally become a law, considering the number of days since it was presented.
On a division of the question, Mr. Smith's motion was agreed to—Adjourned.
CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGE.
THE Eastern-shore Stages, by way of Chester-town to Baltimore, start regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings, at four o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodness of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route.
JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON, N. B. Light, Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen. March 30. IAW.
ABSTRACT of Duties arising on Goods, Wares and Merchandise imported into the United States, commencing on the 1st October 1790, and ending the 30th September 1791.
Table with 5 columns: STATE, Gross amount of Duties, Discount of 10 per cent. on goods imported in American vessels, Addition of 10 per cent. on goods imported in foreign vessels, Total amount of Duties. Rows include NEW-HAMPSHIRE, MASSACHUSETTS, RHODE-ISLAND, CONNECTICUT, NEW-YORK, NEW-JERSEY, PENNSYLVANIA, DELAWARE, MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, NORTH-CAROLINA, SOUTH-CAROLINA, GEORGIA, and a TOTAL row.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Register's Office, March 15th, 1792. JOSEPH NOURSE, Register.
Table with 3 columns: Article, Quantity, Amount. Categories include Raisins, Grain and Pulse, Iron wrought, Iron Castings, Live Stock, Merchandise or dry Goods foreign, Naval Stores, Spirits, and Sundry. Includes items like Wheat, Rye, Barley, Indian Corn, Oats, Buckwheat, Peas and Beans, Horns and Horntips, Hides raw, Hats, Honey, Hops, Hemp, Hay, Axes, Hoes, Drawing Knives, Scythes, Locks and Bolts, Shovels, Skimmers and Ladles, Anchors, Grapnels, Muskets, Cutlasses, Knives and Forks, Chefs of Carpenters' Tools, Waggon Boxes, Pots, Kettles and other Castings, Cannon, Swivels, Shot for Cannon, Pig, Bar, Nail-Rods, Hoops, Indigo, Leather tan. & dressed, Line, Lead Sheet, Pig, Shot, Horned Cattle, Horses, Mules, Sheep, Deer, Hogs, Poultry, Molasses, Millstones, Mustard, Madder, Nails, Negro Slaves, Nankeens, Nuts, Pitch, Tar, Resin, Turpentine, Spirits of Turpentine, Oil Linseed, Porcelain or China Ware, Powder Gun, Powder Hair, Pomatum, Paints, Pipes, Printing Presses, Plaster of Paris, Rice, Flour, Ship Stuff, Rye Meal, Indian Meal, Buckwheat Meal, Oat Meal, Bread, Beef, Pork, Crackers, Hams and Bacon, Venison and Mutton, Hams, Cheese, Lard, Butter, Saulages, Fresh Beef, Fresh Pork, Carcases of Mutton, Neats Tongues, Oysters pickled, Potatoes, Onions, Other Vegetables, Reeds, Rum American, Rum West-India, Brandy, Brandy Peach, Gin, Ditto, Cordials, Saddles, Mens, Bridles, Coach and other Carriage Harness, Waggons and Cart Geers, Shoes mens and Womens, Soap, Sago, Starch.
Table with 3 columns: Article, Quantity, Amount. Categories include ABSTRACT of Goods, Wares and Merchandise exported from the United States, from the 1st October, 1790, to the 30th September, 1791, Drugs and Medicine, Fishes, Potatoes, Apples, Bricks, Boats, Bellows for smiths, Beer, ale and porter, Ditto bottled, Boots, Boot-Legs, Brimstone, Blackings, or lampblack, Bayberries, Cider, Ditto bottled, Chalk, Cotton, Coffee, Cocoa, Chocolate, Candles, Myrtle Wax, Wax, Tallow, Cables and cordage, Copper ore, Pig, Sheet, Manufactured, Coals, Cranberries, Corks, Corn-Fans, Canes and walking-sticks, Cotton and wool cards, Carriages, Coaches, chariots, phaetons, chairs, &c., Waggons and Carts, Duck American, Russia. Also includes sub-tables for Fishes, Drugs and Medicine, and Fishes.

 Snuff 15,689 pounds 3,137 80  Steele 1,375 bundles 7,333 33  Silk Raw 153 pounds 425 34  Silver Old 103 ounces 103  Salt 4208 bushels 1,052  Spruce Essence of 94 cases 517  Seeds.  Garden 1060 pounds 1,060  Mustard 660 - 88  Hay 60 - 8  Cotton 109 bushels 104 99 
 Skins and Furs.  Morocco 132 number 264  Calf in Hair 402 ditto 321 60  Deer and Moose 1063 ditto 563  Seals 2672 ditto 13,360  Bear Wolf and Tyger 37 ditto 56 57  Otter 100 ditto 166 67  Deer Skins 49,011 pounds 24,555 50  Skins and Furs, un-  known 889 c.&p. 132,000  Tobacco [seen. A.] 101,272 bds. 3,469,448  Ditto manufactured 81,122 pounds 12,168 60  Types 3 boxes 300  Tallow 347,195 pounds 28,547 55  Twine 193 per 12lb. 441 86  Tow Cloth 6850 yards 1,233  Toys for Children 112 1/2 dozens 225  Tin 9 boxes 120  Ditto manufactured 15 dozens 80  Teas. Bohea 17 chests 1,750  Souchong 492 ditto 24,000  Green 178 ditto 5,340  Hyson 2235 ditto 145,323 75  Vinegar 2248 gallons 562  Varnish 60 ditto 20 
 Wines.  Madeira 76466 ditto 99,405 80  Other Wines 32,336 ditto 24,252  Bottled 6 dozens 42  Wax. Bees 224,538 pounds 53,889 12  Myrtle 2272 ditto 272 64  Whips 146 number 26 
 Wood.  Staves and Head-  ing 29,061,590 numb. 969,663  Shingles 74,205,976 - 133,570  Shook Casks 42032 - 29,422 40  Casks 297 - 297  Laths 25,500 - 20 40  Hoops 1,422,155 - 14,221 55  Hoop Poles 3,422 - 27 60  Masts 405 - 3,645  Bow Sprits 42 - 420  Booms 74 - 148  Spars 4983 - 7,474 50  Handspikes 36,714 - 1,529 75  Pumps 80 - 120  Boxes and Brakes 56 - 14  Blocks 7,040 - 2,000  Oars 28,456 - 5,691 20  Oarrafters 13,080 - 2,616  Trunnels 45,905 - 137 71  Cedar and Oak Knees 1,067 - 740 90  Breast Hooks 50 - 100  Carlings 13 - 13  Anchor Stocks 809 - 404 50  Cedar Posts 10,453 - 2,976 50  Oak Boards and  Plank 963,822 feet 9,638 22  Pine ditto ditto 37,288,928 ditto 223,733 56  Other ditto ditto 3,463,673 ditto 34,636 73  Scantling 6,237,496 ditto 31,187 48  Timber { Oak, pi. &c. 2,180,137 ditto 21,801 37  { ditto 13,775 tons 41,325  { Mahogany 5 ditto 22  Lignum Vitae 1180 per 112lb. 354  Logwood and Nicar-  agua 105 ditto 105 50  Mahogany Log-  wood &c. 3251 pieces 2,879 86  Oak Pine &c. 38,680 ditto 18,000  Cords of Oak, pine,  Hickory &c. 499 cords 748 50  Ditto of Oak Bark 57 ditto 114  Oak Bark ground 1040 bds. 6,240  Mast Hoops 148 dozens 111  Axe Helves 149 ditto 74 50  Trufs Hoops 15 sets 37 50  Yokes and Bowes for  Oxen 197 ditto 295 50  Lock Stocks 4,000 number 60  Worm Tubs 6 ditto 30  Wheel Barrows 6 ditto 9 60  Waggon and Cart  Wheels 25 pairs 300  Spokes and Fellics 12972 number 1,621 50  Spinning Wheels 17 ditto 51  Tubs Pails &c. 34 dozens 150  Bowls Dishes Plat-  ters &c. 170 ditto 340 
Total dollars - 17,571,551 45
(A) Returns for two quarters from Charles- ton and from several small ports, are deficient.
A Summary of the Value and destination of the Exports of the United States agreeably to the foregoing Abstract.
 To the dominions of Russia 3570  To the dominions of Sweden 21,866 2  To the dominions of Denmark 277,273 53  To the dominions of the United  Netherlands 1,634,825 66  To the dominions of Great  Britain 7,953,418 21  To the imperial ports of the  Austrian Netherlands and  Germany 362,010 21  To Hamburg, Bremen and other  Hanse towns 64,259 25  To the dominions of France 4,298,762 26  To the dominions of Spain 1,301,286 95  To the dominions of Portugal 1,039,696 47 
 To the Italian Ports 31,726 90  To Morocco 3,660 50  To the East-Indies generally 318,628 46  To Africa generally 168,477 92  To the West-Indies generally 59,434 36  To the N. West coast of America 3,380  To Europe and the West-Indies,  for a market 29,274 75 
Total dollars - 17,571,551 45 Treasury Department, March 28, 1792.
TENCH COXE, Assistant Sec'y.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
On the INDIAN WAR.
(Continued from our last, and concluded)
LET us now return to the conduct of the war as it respects Congress itself. Last winter Congress being somewhat roused by the impending danger after General Harmer's unfortunate expedition, made provision for raising another standing regiment, and two regiments of levies for six months.
Thus, as in Harmer's expedition, the shortness of the enlistment pointed out to the enemy, the time to expect our army, which they availed themselves of to greater advantage than they had in similar circumstances the year before. If Congress did not reflect on the delays the recruiting service must meet with from the contemptible lowness of the wages, the distance of the expedition, and the extent from which the recruits were to be collected, as well as the accidental delays that so remote an expedition must be liable to; I am sure I scarce ever heard any citizens of intelligence conversing on the subject, but what made such reflections; and from those and some other causes for which Congress perhaps are not responsible, I never heard any informed person express even a probable hope of success from last campaign.
I know it is generally said, that when a plan turns out unfortunate, people are then all very discerning in tracing its errors, but in the present instance this foreboding doubt and anticipation of defeat was very generally, if not universally prevalent, and the defects of the plan were the topic of conversation from the first publication thereof. Nor is it less generally believed, that even in the present plan, the wages of the privates though higher than last year, is so far inadequate, that it will at last delay the execution of any important enterprise.
That the executive being possessed of the greatest degree of information is the most accurate judge of military plans, is not a proper apology. I will admit that the executive may be allowed to be the best judge of the number of troops the modes of organization &c. necessary for any particular expedition, for it may be supposed that in that department, the general, who is destined to command, has been previously consulted about the force with which he will risk his character in the execution of the plan, and government cannot expect to be well served by a general without granting him such force, provisions and stores, as may in his judgement be adequate.
But it is not to be supposed that a Secretary of War, or any minister, are as good judges of what amount of wages will be equal to the price of labor, or be a sufficient inducement to procure the enlistment of proper persons, or whether the time of enlistment is suited to the distance, and probable difficulties of the march—or of the dreadful consequences to the frontiers, of a defeat at the moment the enlistment of the greatest part of the army was expired—these are subjects upon which Congress are competent to decide, and for the decision on which they are only constitutionally responsible. It is to be regretted that when legislating on this subject Congress keep their doors shut—I admit that the communications made by the President in confidence should be kept secret, but that the wages of soldiers, the time for which they are enlisted, &c. which are designed to be published at the drum head by every recruiting sergeant, should be kept a secret when settling these things in the House of Representatives, is a little extraordinary; why are members afraid that their constituents should know how they vote on these questions—Perhaps there are few subjects come before the legislature which the people understand better, and respecting which they are more interested. If the House only gave the sanction of law to the Secretary's report, the doors need not be shut,—if the business is originated and freely discussed in the House, the doors ought not to be shut.
The President of the United States has a constitutional right to inform Congress of the state of the union, and to recommend such business as he thinks expedient, and it is the duty of Congress to receive the information; and give a due consideration to the business which he recommends, but Congress has also the command of every other source of information, indeed if the House of Representatives is an equal and sufficiently numerous representation, the best source of information is within itself, but certainly Congress are not obliged to do the business that comes before them in the manner the President may direct, much less are they obliged to adopt measures reported by a Secretary to the President, for which the ministerial character only is responsible.
Responsibility seems to be the idol of the times; it is sometimes spoken of as the perfect security against every political ill. A small House of Representatives has been argued for, that it might have the more responsibility, and a single executive have become generally considered as the best
even for republican governments, because it has more responsibility; but if the practice is introduced of the Representatives of the people transferring their responsibility, to the executive, the executive may to a minister, and the minister to some influential favorite—where will then the boasted security arising from responsibility be? I am led into this train of thinking by observing, that when I, as others, asked members of Congress why the wages was so low, the inlistments so short &c. we were constantly told that the Secretary reported it so, and that if Congress had made alterations in the plan, it would have destroyed the minister's responsibility—will that responsibility restore to their families and friends our sons and brethren whose mangled remains have in two successive campaigns in the distant wilderness erected monuments of our folly and disgrace more durable than busts of marble, or reimburse for the distress and carnage of our frontier settlers—no it will not. If the representatives of the people will indulge themselves in indolence and inattention, and depend upon ministers to plan their business, they are not to be surprised if the people should soon begin to look upon them with disgust, and change a government which though it posses the forms, does not exercise the habits peculiar to a republic. S I D N E Y.
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
MR. FRENEAU,
YOUR correspondent PLAIN SENSE is so positive and dogmatical in his defence of that Representation Bill, which has since been condemned to death by the united voices of the President of the United States, and a respectable majority of the House of Representatives, that I am almost afraid to offer a word in opposition to him, further than to suggest, with all due deference, that his statement is totally false, unconstitutional, and only calculated to ensnare and deceive the unwary. The constitution expressly declares, that the representative numbers of the several states "shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons (including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed) three fifths of all other persons:" but he boldly excludes those three fifths from all share of representation, without even condescending to tell us why. His doctrine might well suit the interest of the five [or, as they soon will be, six] N. England states, which do not, all together, contain half so many persons of this class, as the small state of Delaware alone, nor one seventy-fifth part of the number found in Virginia. But as well might honest PLAIN SENSE tell us, that no man shall be represented, who does not drink New-England rum, or switchell; and his assertion would be equally constitutional. I think it unnecessary to enter into minute calculations of this or that particular ratio, until he favors us with something new on the subject: for as the above quoted clause of the constitution has fairly kicked down the stool upon which his baby-house was built, the whole fabric must together with it, tumble to the ground. I shall only observe, for the purpose of expressing in a clearer point of view the fallacy of his reasoning, that he allows the state of Virginia a share of representation in proportion only to 456,983 persons, whereas the federal number of that state, according to the constitution, is 630,559. DETECTOR.
April 7.
PHILADELPHIA.
April 9, 1792.
A correspondent remarks, that no greater proof could be given of the sufficiency of the constitutional objections to the representative bill, which the President of the United States has made, than the late vote of the House of Representatives, on the reconsideration of the bill; by which it appears, that on the question to pass it by two thirds, agreeably to the constitution, the numbers were—ayes 28; noes 33; Majority against the bill five. Altho' a fortnight ago, when the bill finally passed the same House, the numbers were—for passing it 31—against it 29; leaving a majority of two only in favor of the bill.
On the 26th ult. a resolution was moved in the Senate of the United States, that the doors of the Senate remain open, while sitting in their legislative capacity, except on such occasions as in their judgment may require secrecy; and that this rule take place on the first day of the next session of Congress"—it passed in the negative.—Yeas 8; nays 17. The yeas were, Messrs. Butler, Carroll, Foster, Hawkins, Johnston, King, Lee, and Monroe—Nays, Messrs. Basset, Bradley, Cabot, Dickinson, Elsworth, Few, Gunn, Henry, Izard, Langdon, Read, Robinson, Rutherford, Sherman, Stanton, Strong, and Wingate.
The statue of Dr. Franklin, intended to ornament the niche in the front of the new Library Hall, in Fifth-Street, is arrived from Italy—this elegant piece of sculpture is executed in the finest white marble, and is the donation of William Bingham, Esq. of this city, to the Library Company.
The improvements preparatory to the erection of the federal city, Washington, are again going on with increasing vigour, after the interruptions
occasioned by the severity of the winter. An elegant stone bridge has been contracted for by the commissioners, to be built over Rock creek, where it falls into the Potomack; and is to be finished by August next. The post road, leading through the city, and to pass over this bridge will be completed about the same time.
APPOINTMENTS—George Taylor, jun. heretofore clerk in the department of State, is appointed chief Clerk, vice Henry Remsen, who is appointed first Teller of the branch of the United States' Bank, at New-York.
Mr. Herschell, has discovered that the Planet Saturn has two rings, at the distance of about one thousand leagues from each other, through which vacancy he clearly perceived the sky. The diameter of the external ring be found to be 80,710 leagues. He has also found that the fifth moon of Saturn turns on its axis in 79 days, 7h. 47m. which is the term of its revolution; and therefore like our moon, always presents the same face, when full, to the primary planet.
Several accounts from Europe concur in confirming the intelligence, that the Belgic States had determined to join France, in case of a war with other confederate powers in favor of restoring the old despotic government of France. At Douay, in Flanders, and in its vicinity, were assembled, about the middle of January, sixty thousand men, ready to co-operate with the French against the Emperor, &c.
"Altho' Lord Cornwallis has not taken Seringapatam (says a London paper) he has nevertheless taken a map of it; so that we have reaped at least some advantage from the last campaign in India, considering how many of our difficulties were to be ascribed to our geographical ignorance."
In a late New-York paper, one of the candidates for the office of governor of that state is held up to the world as "in a great measure having given liberty and independence to the new world."—This puts one in mind of the story of the fly upon the wheel.
The punishment of death has been inflicted upon forty persons at Madrid, in Spain, for preaching up the principles of French liberty;—manifesting a pang of resentment in a bigotted court at the prospect of Europe revolting from the dominions of monks, and priest-ridden monarchs.
On the 12th of March, all foreign vessels were ordered to depart from the Havannah, by an order from the Governor, within eight days after the date of the order.
Late advices from England mention the arrival of Gen. Arnold and his family in that country, from Nova-Scotia; having (it is thought) bid an everlasting adieu to the American continent.
No restitution has yet been made by Spain to Great-Britain for the captures at Nootka Sound. This is mentioned in the English papers in a high state of complaint.
FRANCE. NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY, January 20.
Measures with the Emperor.
M. Bengnot resumed the debate. He considered the explanation to be demanded of the Emperor, and the treaty of 1756, as distinct things; supported the proposition of the Diplomatic Committee, and proposed to fix a day for debating the treaty.
M. Foucher said, a free people could only contract alliances with free men. All treaties with despots were void. The English, the Americans, the Dutch, the Poles, were the only people with whom regenerated France could form alliance. While the people of other states were peaceable and friendly, let them be treated like good natural savages; if they were otherwise, so much the worse for them. Let France declare, that such states as chose to live under despots, or aristocrats, had nothing to dread from her; that when they chose to become free, they should be her allies; and that she would take the towns of those who protested the emigrants on her frontiers, and keep them till the expenses of the war were paid.
He proposed also to recall all Consuls and Ambassadors as useless, and to signify once a year to all free states, that France persisted in her friendly sentiments towards them.
M. Bequet supported the propositions of the committee.
M. Isnard recounted the numerous infractions of treaty by the emperor, "Let us hasten to shew ourselves formidable to him. He stands in need of our alliance, and will not sacrifice it to the pleasure of destroying our liberty. Let us carry the war into his territories. The people of the Low Countries, of Liege and of Holland, will unite with us. Let us cut our work for tyrants; but let us not wait for them. War in our own country would be horrible. Let not our King, so interested in our glory, shew weakness in this war. The nation has forgiven faults, but will forgive no more. Every traitor shall perish by our hands. King, Ministers, and Generals, take notice! the dye is cast. We will enjoy the laws of equality, if it be but in the grave. The blood of every traitor should flow, if our own should be mixed with it."—The debate was again adjourned.

From the FREEMAN'S JOURNAL.
STRICTURES On Patent Systems for promoting the progress of the useful Arts.
ON reading the piece published in this city from the Delaware Gazette, [see National Gazette of March 22] respecting the great improvement made in the manufacture of flour, by the machinery invented by Mr. Oliver Evans, and the estimated saving of four hundred thousand dollars annually, on the supposed number of two thousand mills in the United States, the mind is naturally led to consider the enlightened policy of those governments, which have, by a well regulated patent system, stimulated ingenious men, who are frequently found in the more humble walks of life, at the expence of their labour, time, and property, to perfect their inventions in a great variety of useful arts, which, without such stimulus, would probably never have been produced to the world.
If the number of people, in a great variety of arts, which find employment by these inventions, particularly the first, could be ascertained, it would be incredible. It is sufficient to remark, that they have increased the manufactures, and, of course, the exports of that country, to an astonishing amount.
There is no part of the world, where the introduction of new and useful inventions in the arts, would be more extensively beneficial, than in the United States, owing to the high price of labour, the enterprising spirit of the people, and the great abundance of raw materials, that the increasing agriculture of the country will supply. And perhaps there is no where exists, amongst a free or enlightened people, a more imperfect system, than that established by the act of Congress, for promoting the progress of the useful arts; first, as under this law, patents would issue to twenty different people, applying at the same time, for exclusive grants in the same thing, there being no mode prescribed for trying the merits of such applications: And, even if all those patents, purporting to be prima facie evidence, that each patentee was the original inventor of the thing in question, should, nevertheless, be surreptitiously obtained for any machine, or device, in common use, or another person's invention, there is no provision made by law, nor any clause in the patents, making them voidable, as in England, by the common law. It is true, the exclusive privileges, granted by such patents, or any others that have yet been obtained, are not secured by any other penalty, than what might be given by a jury, frequently interested in vacating those grants; and in case of a violation of the patent principles, no provision is made that the patentees should commence their suits in the federal courts, unless the damages be presumed equal to five hundred dollars, and, as the damages, in any one instance, can seldom be laid in the sum of five hundred dollars, of course, the state courts only have original jurisdiction in those cases, although the subject of a dispute will generally arise on the construction of an act of Congress, the supreme law of the land. For these and some other reasons which begin to unfold themselves, the present system will soon be found to be much worse than none, and far inferior to that adopted by several of the states, before the union; and from those defects, several patents now remain in the office, and many inventions, which promise great public utility, are withheld, in expectation that a more perfect system would soon be established. For which purpose, a bill was reported to Congress at their last session, but no order taken thereon; the same business was committed very early in the present session, and after a lapse of more than four months, a bill was reported, which has not yet been taken up by the House. It might, therefore, be improper, at this time, to point out any of the defects of this bill, or to propose such amendments as would secure the rights of individuals in their respective inventions, and effectually promote the interests of the public. It may be necessary, however, here to add, that it has been alleged, that the present very imperfect patent system was occasioned, not so much from a want of information on the subject, as from an idea that all exclusive grants in a man's inventions, however beneficial to the public, were either monopolies, or an encroachment on the rights of others. How far this sentiment may retard the progress of the bill now before the House, or stamp the features of it, when it shall have passed the Senate and House of Representatives, is uncertain. There can be no doubt, however, but a man has a perfect right to his inventions in any art, as existing in his own ideas previous to any patent; yet a well founded expectation of having this right secured for a limited time by legal sanctions, may stimulate him, by unremitted exertions, to a variety of expensive experiments, and frequently by the funds of others thus interested therein, to produce it to the world; when, without any expence to the public, his emoluments will be in proportion to the merits of the invention, which becomes public property after the expiration of the patent term; and this term, if not extended beyond the period of fourteen years, will scarce allow time, either fully to perfect, or to bring into general use, some of the most useful improvements; especially in a country where artists are yet to be instructed in a great variety of branches, with which such inventions may be connected.
April 2d, 1792.
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale Fisheries—may be had at the office, No. 239 High-street.
[By the ships William Penn, General Washington, and other late arrivals from London, we have received English papers down to the 10th of Feb. from which we have extracted the following paragraphs.]
LONDON, Jan. 31—Feb. 10.
The public of England know very little of the state of France, but what they are told by the partisans of power, or by the French emigrants, two-thirds of whom, pretending to fly from persecution, are really fugitives for debt, and come to England to be protected against their creditors, as they used to be in France. The rest of them, having lost their places and pensions, are extremely sorry for it, and would be glad to recover them, no matter by what means, even tho' it insured their own destruction.
A number of Imperial ships have been taken up at Ostend, by agents of the English East-India Company, to bring sugar from India next season. One city alderman, only, has engaged two thousand tons for this business. In consequence of such steps, West-India sugar must soon fall, unless the island slaves should revolt.
According to all the latest accounts both from France and Germany, the propositions and the menaces of the leaders of the French emigrants have been repelled with equal disdain by the national assembly. They are now obliged to disperse, and their deluded followers left to lament the deceitful hopes by which they were induced to abandon their country. Unwise is that party in any nation, that prefers dependence on foreign powers, to yielding to the majority at home.
The refusal of government to grant the political privileges petitioned for by the Roman Catholics in Ireland, has greatly increased their number, and inflamed their earnestness for a complete participation of rights with the Protestants. Thus, an attempt to oppose a just and reasonable demand is only found to give it additional force.
One ship has failed, and another is fitting out from Bristol for the new settlement of Sierra Leona, on the coast of Africa. They are laden with all kinds of implements for building, and with tools for carpenters, joiners, blacksmiths, and other trades, as well as with instruments for cultivating the ground, which is represented as remarkable fertile. In each ship there are accommodations for 40 or 50 artificers and husbandmen, who are going to settle in that country under the protection of the Sierra Leona company. It is supposed, that by the beginning of the ensuing year, the company will have two thousand acres planted with sugar canes. The natives of the country are to be engaged to work for hire, and to the people who go out from home, tracts of land are to be assigned. Every man is to have 20 acres; if he has a wife, he is to have ten more, and for each child an addition of five acres.
The emigrant princes have published a manifesto, in which they affirm that the court of Berlin has declared its intentions to assist in restoring the ancient constitution of France.
Extract of a letter from Paris, Feb. 3.
In the national assembly yesterday the diplomatic committee reported on the emperor's ratification of the conclusion of the Imperial diet, for maintaining the rights of the German princes in Lorraine and Alsace—That in the original act of cession to France, the rights in question were reserved with the express proviso, that their reservation should not derogate from the rights of sovereignty granted to France by the preceding articles; that this was further proved by the treaties of Munster, Westphalia, and Nimeguen; and that France could not suffer it to be called in question.—That different opinions were entertained in Germany on the emperor's ratification of the conclusion of the diet; and that it ought not to be considered, in the first instance, as an act of hostility, since, during the discussion, he had been an advocate for pacific measures. They therefore proposed,
"That pursuant to former decrees, the laws for abolishing the feudal system should be fully and completely executed with respect to Lorraine and Alsace; and that the king should be charged to follow up the negotiations for indemnifications to the German princes, by all means compatible with justice, and the French constitution. Ordered to be printed."
"The minister for foreign affairs informed the assembly, that the French envoys were received in a becoming manner at the court of Madrid; that an assurance was received from count Florida Blanca, that Spain would never make war on France, but in case of a positive attack; and that the removal of certain French citizens from Tourney, which had been the subject of a complaint, was on account of their refusing to comply with certain regulations which the law required—Referred to the diplomatic committee."
The emperor has issued a most singular order with respect to the press. All papers which, like the court papers, give a mere faithful narrative of events are allowed.—Political and legal disquisitions on the subject of the French revolution are also permitted, provided they consist of several volumes, and be not written in the vulgar tongue. Ponder ye manufacturers of seditious folios and quartos, on the important truth, that the number of your volumes is held to be the best security against their being read!
Extract of a letter from Bruges, Jan. 14.
"From the steps at present taking in Austrian Flanders and in Brabant, it seems clear, that if Leopold had not taken the most vigorous precautions against the seeds and the first appearance of rebellion, those two provinces would by this time have become a prey to new troubles. The air itself seems to be infected with the spirit of insurrection, and no other than, French principles are adopted. If the new constitution of France had not annihilated the nobility, to which the Flemings and Brabanters still adhere; if it had not attacked the dogmas of the Catholic religion, to which they are ardently and zealously devoted, there is reason to think that the yoke of the House of Austria would have been shaken off for the second time more than six months ago, or that the richness of the inhabitants would have carried into France their fortunes and their in-
dustry. To these two articles is to be added a third, viz. they consider the constitution as singularly defective, in many of its parts. Nevertheless, no stone is unturned to bring about an explosion among them.—About a week ago, some publications were circulated here, known to have been printed in France, exciting them to revolt, to quit the dominion of a prince who, it is said, has broke his word to them; with a promise, that France will support them, particularly if they chuse chiefs worthy of esteem and confidence: for, it is added, the French themselves have had, and still continue to have, cause to repent the choice they have in some instances made, and to lament their having been betrayed by their agents on more than one important occasion; all this announces new scenes of revolution, and portends that Europe is not likely to enjoy tranquility."
Extract of a letter from the Hague, Jan. 6.
"The States-General have sent to the States of the provinces, the answer of the court of London to the notification of the plan of an alliance between the court of Vienna and our republic. They are desirous of having the opinion of all the provinces upon the said vague answer, before they take any conclusive step. It is thought this requested opinion will not be long waited for; and that the answer of the court of Berlin having been clear, positive, and approving, no delay will be occasioned by the strained and equivocal answer of the English ministry. This answer has not yet been made public; it is, however, considered as having been dictated by a kind of jealousy, whose object, if not to frustrate, appears at least to protract the negotiations begun. The Cabinet of St. James's made no ceremony of saying, that it was unable to give a categorical answer before it had consulted the Court of Berlin upon the subject; It has explicitly stated, that the convention made at the Hague in 1790, relative to the Austrian Low Countries, should remain inviolate, whatever modifications his Imperial Majesty may have thought proper to make in the ratification. This incontestibly discloses views rather unfavourable to the design. It is however thought, that when explanations take place with his Prussian Majesty, who is for it, his Britannic Majesty will soon cease to be against it."
"The news received from the East-Indies is distressing. Our company is now engaged in an open war with the king of Candia, who has taken a ship of 54 guns, part of the crew of which he massacred, and confined the rest in dungeons. He is actually at the head of an army of 28,000 men, to oppose which the company has barely 1000."
This day is published—Price 6/6. By MATHEW CAREY. No. 118, Market-street, near fourth street, The Ladies' Library, Containing
1. Miss More's Essays
2. Gregory's Legacy
3. Lady Pennington's advice
4. Marchioness of Lambert's advice
5. Swift's Letter to a new married Lady
6. Miss Chapone on Command of temper
7. More's Fables for the Ladies.
Said CAREY has lately published
1. M c Fingal, an epic poem, 2/9 1-2
2. Blair's Sermons, complete in two vols 15/
3. Neckar's treatise on Religious Opinions, 6/
4. Examination of Sheffield's Observations, 4/6
5. American Constitutions, 4/6
6. Douay Bible—neat, 6 dol., elegant 50/2
7. Vade Mecum, 1/10 1-2
8. Charles Grandison abridged, 1/3
9. Humphrey's poems, bound 2/6, in blue paper 1/10 1-2
10. American Jest Book, in 2 parts, bound, 4/6
11. Select Poems, 1/3
12. Think Well On't, 1/10 1-2
13. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, 6/
14. Beattie's elements of moral science, 5/7 1-2
15. The Christian Economy, 1/10 1-2.
* * Sets of the American Museum.
AS several gentlemen in different parts of the United States, have been heretofore disappointed in their applications for complete sets of the American Museum, the printer informs the public, that he is engaged in reprinting the deficient numbers of the work, and has now and will henceforward have a constant supply of sets on hand; such gentlemen, therefore, as please, may be furnished with sets neatly bound, in ten volumes, at sixteen dollars.
This work will be found to contain at least a great variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays as any ever published in America.
Of said Carey may be had, wholesale and retail, Bibles, Testaments, Spelling-Books, Primers, Quills, Ink-Powder, Writing-Paper of various kinds, Bonnet-Paper, Pocket-Books, Ink-Stands, Message and playing cards, &c &c.
HOWELL'S
LARGE MAP of PENNSYLVANIA.
THIS work is engraved in the most elegant style and will be ready for delivery in the Spring. It is 63 inches long and 36 inches wide, and for the most part very full of work (except some small places of which materials were not to be had) and was sublimely compiled from actual surveys, acquired at great expence of money, and more than four years labour, and from its manifest public utility, the Legislature has been pleased to grant the proprietor the sum of three hundred pounds.
This map exhibits the County and Township Divisions, and those of the Surveyors Districts in the New-Purchase, Donation and Depreciation Lands; the waters, portages, and the Canal mountains and valleys, roads, towns, &c.
He thanks the Public for their very liberal subscription, and informs them that it will not be closed, before the middle of April next. He sells his SMALL MAPS, on canvass, folded and cas'd for pocket carriage, at 10/6, and plain at 8/6.
READING HOWELL.
North fifth street, No. 88—March 1.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following
  apartments, to wit. Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each. These rooms to be of full elevation.   A conference room   A room for the Representatives   A lobby or antichamber to the latter.   A Senate room of 1200 square feet area.   An antichamber or lobby to the last.   12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former.   Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. 
THE COMMISSIONERS.
March 14, 1792
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and it's destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls.
THE COMMISSIONERS.
March 14, 1792.
Sales at Auction,
By M c FARRAN & DUNLAP,
At the Merchants' Coffee-house, in New-York, on Wednesday the 25th of April next, at 12 o'clock,
THAT valuable and well known Grift Mill and Farm, late the property of Abraham De Peyster, deceased; near Fift-hill landing, in Duerfies county. Seventy miles from this city, upon the Hudson or North river. The mill-house is 32 by 80 feet, has one pair French burr, and one pair Esopus stones, new and of an approved quality; a reeling screen, fanning mill, and a complete set of flour bolts, turning by water, all of which are now and in perfect order; as also every other part of the work, having lately undergone a thorough repair. The stream, a never failing one, capable of turning in addition to the present, a fullery and saw mill, for which the situation affords proper conveniences, and very advantageous, the waters of the Hudson flowing up to the mill-tail, at which a vessel drawing 6 feet water, may load and unload, and in the best wheat country in the state. The dwelling is large, commodious, and well finished, built of brick and stone, 36 by 50 feet, pleasantly situated within sixty yards of the mill, with a handsome garden in front, and an excellent spring of water, and a new well built Dutch barn; also a small house at a convenient distance from the mill, calculated to accommodate a tradesman. The farm consists of 274 acres, including the mill stream, about 140 acres of which is an excellent grove of growing timber, lying in a body not more than half a mile from the mill, and a good spot of mowing ground, all properly fenced; a small, but good orchard, producing abundance of the best apples, with a number of other fruit trees, dispersed near the house.
This is truly a valuable and advantageously situated property, which renders it an object worthy the attention of a man of business, when it may be extended to any length. One half of the purchase money will be required on delivery of the deeds, (when possession will be given) the other half in one year, with interest, secured by a mortgage on the premises. An indisputable title will be given—for further particulars enquire of Messieurs M c Farran and Dunlap, Peter A. Schenck, New-York; or of Isaac De Peyster, seller, on the premises. New-York, March 31.
2.a.w.
* * A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Act for laying Duties on Spirits, &c. for sale at this Office.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.