National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-12-22 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 16 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, December 22, 1792.
[Total No. 120.]
To the SPEAKER and HOUSE OF DELEGATES of VIRGINIA.
The Memorial of the people called Quakers, Respectfully submitteth,
THAT your memorialists, sensible of the liberty they enjoy under the present government, in common with others, do moreover acknowledge with gratitude the indulgences they have experienced in matters of conscience wherein they dissent from other societies of christian professors. This disposition in the legislature for the relief of tender consciences, hath encouraged them to solicit the attention of this house to other subjects, which, notwithstanding they may appear trivial to some, are nevertheless of such a nature as to induce a belief, that a voluntary compliance with them would be inconsistent with what they conceive to be right for them to do. They suppose there are very few, if any, of the members of this house so little acquainted with their religious principles and practices, as not to know, that they have at all times heretofore scrupled to contribute in any manner towards the support of an hireling ministry; and they trust their patient sufferings in times past on that account, sufficiently evince that such refusal was the effect of real conviction, and a belief that the injunction of Christ to his immediate followers, "Freely ye have received,—freely give," remains to be a standing ordinance in his church, and a clear demonstration that a compulsive maintenance for any set of clergy whatever, is inconsistent with the nature and design of the gospel ministry: They hoped, however, that all legal demands for priests' wages, had been entirely abolished with religious establishments, within the United States of America; and particularly in this state, by a law for the establishment of religious freedom, wherein they find it declared that, "No man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatever."
But your memorialists being informed, that a chaplain is hired by the assembly to attend the house during the session, and paid out of the public treasury, they believe it right for them to express their uneasiness at the continuance of such a practice; as well from conscientious scruples, as a belief that it is inconsistent with the spirit and intention of the present constitution. They are however far from wishing to discourage any from the exercise of religious duties; but being fully persuaded that such acts of devotion would be as acceptable in the sight of the great object of adoration and worship, were they performed at the proper expense of those who may believe it necessary to have the assistance of a chaplain; so they conceive no inconvenience whatever can result from its becoming a private instead of a public expense.
And, however singular your memorialists may appear to some, in respect to their nonconformity to the fashions and customs of the times, in dress, address, or the like, and particularly in that of not voluntarily uncovering the head in honour to any man, or body of men whatsoever, they trust they shall stand acquitted by every considerate person from the imputation of obstinacy, or the want of due respect to those in authority, when it is remembered, that their disuse of that custom proceeds from a belief, that it originated in pride and superstition, and that it is a mark of honour due only to the Supreme Being. They believe, nevertheless, it is right for them to render to all their due, "Tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, and honour to whom honour;" which they conceive is better demonstrated by an orderly conduct, and respectful behaviour, than empty forms, or adulatory professions: They trust, therefore, from the lenity heretofore experienced, that they
may at least receive as great a degree of indulgence in this particular, as their friends experience in other states, and also from Congress, and the national assembly of France, where they have been allowed to appear in their own plain way without interruption and without offence, when their common concerns among men required their appearance before those in authority, whether in a legislative or judiciary capacity: And seeing the depriving a man of any part of his necessary apparel by coercive means, appears to them arbitrary, and inconsistent with a republican government, and conveys no real honour to those who exact it; and moreover may, under particular circumstances, of aged and infirm people in inclement seasons, be attended with inconvenience, and perhaps danger too; they hope and request the house will take the matter into consideration, and grant such relief as in its wisdom may appear just and reasonable.
Signed in and on behalf of a yearly meeting of the aforesaid people, held at Black-Water, in Surry county, Virginia, by adjournments from the 21st day of the 5th month. 1792, to the 24th of the same, inclusive.
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
SIR,
AS it is of importance that the people should know the sentiments, as well as talents of their representatives; and as it is a pity that a good speech, being a rare thing, should be lost for want of gathering, I have collected the following important oration on high salaries, delivered, whether in his own imagination as the legislature, I will not pretend to say, of ***** a renowned representative from the county of P—
"Mr. Speaker, this is an important question, and I cannot do justice to my constituents unless I speak to it. They are averse to high salaries, and as I am but their representative, the punch in the puppet, I must speak their feelings and sentiments, as I have none of my own. It has been foolishly asserted, I say foolishly, because I am a living witness to the contrary, that a man is incompetent to the science of legislation without having had an education, and without much enquiry & reading. This I maintain to be utterly false, and I will prove it a posteriori , Mr. Speaker; for I hold that there is such a thing as intuitive knowledge , and that there are inspired politicians , as well as inspired divines . The law givers of the Israelites were inspired and I can see no good reason why the law givers of the Pennsylvanians may not be inspired likewise. If my constituents did not believe in inspiration, they certainly would not have elected me, for I cannot boast of an academic education, neither can I vaunt of puzzling my brains with subtle disquisitions on government. But, Mr. Speaker, my constituents are men of strong and tried faith, and believe that miracles have not yet ceased; for altho' I can but make shift to read and sign my name, so implicit is their belief, that they join me in opinion, that I am intuitively competent to all the purposes of legislation.—What education is necessary to make a taylor? Surely none—it is a mechanical thing which requires no more than hands and eyes; and may not the state be compared to a pair of breeches, and be darned, patched and seated accordingly? or to bring the simile nearer home and more on a level with my comprehension, may not the state be compared to a lumber yard, where little skill is requisite to point out the proper materials for repairing and building, and any man of common capacity may point out the culings ? But Mr. Speaker whatever gentlemen may argue to the contrary, I contend that length and breadth are essentially necessary to a good
member, and in these particulars I cannot suppose myself deficient to any gentlemen in this house; for as the argumentum baculinum is often more nervous than any other argument fails, nature has amply endowed me with this logic. This I use in two ways, either in person or by proxy, and I can produce some instances of its efficacy; indeed I in some measure owe my seat in this house to its persuasive powers. Examine my dimensions, Mr. Speaker, judge of my weight, and if either of the gentlemen in this house can produce a calf that will weigh more, and whose head is larger, brains smaller, or skull thicker, I will vacate my seat immediately; But, Sir, I am fearful, I am trespassing upon the time and patience of the house, this I hope will be pardoned when the members consider that in all well composed speeches a flourishing exordium is necessary, and as I have now finished this I will come to the point and conclude with a pithy peroration; I will prove syllogistically that high salaries are improper, whether considered in a political, moral or religious point of view; and first politically—high salaries make men proud; pride is antirepublican; therefore high salaries are improper—secondly, morally—high salaries make men drink too much wine; drunkenness is a vice; therefore high salaries are improper—and lastly religiously—high salaries produce no tribulation; tribulation is necessary to repentance; therefore high salaries are improper.—Thus, Mr. Speaker, have I proved as clear as that things equal to one and the same thing are equal to one another, that high salaries are injurious and wrong.—In addition to the arguments already stated I could produce another of equal force viz. that we might find men who would serve much cheaper; for my own part I would consent to serve as governor or chief justice for one half or indeed one third of the salary allowed them—I hope gentlemen will consider the importance of the trust delegated to them, be faithful stewards, and not squander away the public money on such trifles as the officers of government; The great Cincinnatus I am told, followed the plough, when he commanded the Roman legions, and why may not our state commander do the same, and save the state two thousand a year? For my own part I think the honor of the thing a sufficient reward; not that I have any objections to two dollars a day myself, because this is a moderate allowance for a man who stretches his brains, as tight as a fiddle string in the service of his country.
(To be continued.)
On the origin of the insurrection of St. Domingo.
[Translated from the French]
THE French revolution has caused such a shock in all the dependencies of the empire, and such a diffusion of light has issued from the metropolis, at once destructive of ancient prejudices and so completely developing the whole system of the natural rights of man, that we must not only in future forbear erecting new political structures upon those conventional foundations, which have thrown the modern European governments into such a chaos of confusion; but also avoid supporting or in any degree countenancing those which have hitherto been erected on a similar plan. The boldest experiment, perhaps, that has ever been made since the existence of the civilized state of nations, has begun to insinuate into the minds of people, even the most stupid and enslaved, an idea of their own strength, and the means of breaking their chains; and will, when they are completely disentangled from their fetters, elevate their minds to a sense of the due dignity and im-
portance of relying upon reason for their guide in all human concerns.
Mankind are now about to carry into practice a theory, which has hitherto appeared so little adapted to the condition and nature of the world we live in, that even those tyrants passed for visionaries, who had expressed their apprehensions that it would one day become a practical system. Every Frenchman now understands that the general good is the great end of all laws, and the themometer of their value; and that the advancement of this general good alone obligates a people to obey them. He also knows that the people have a right to annul them whenever they see fit, and even to change a constitution itself whenever it fails of attaining this end.
This truth, so solemnly declared in the constitution of France, so well understood and now become so familiar to all minds, will incessantly pursue, till they are wholly destroyed, those vicious institutions, which sacrifice one country to the interests of another, and on the altar of ambition immolate men to men. The antiquity of political abuses, and the ambiguity of sophistry, which has hitherto supported them, will no longer conceal their weakness and danger. The people know very well, and the courts of all princes must soon confess, that what has been, must not determine what is to be, any more than what ought to be.
It was by losing sight of these maxims, so essential to colonial government, that the whites of St. Domingo, and the constituting assembly, (which was weak enough to adopt their tyrannical opinions) occasioned the revolt of the blacks in that island. It is perfectly ridiculous to attribute this event to any pretended machinations of the friends of the blacks, or even to their philanthropic writings, as the white colonists have presumed to say, and as the minister of the marine has insinuated upon their authority, without condescending to bring the least proof. Philanthropic societies, much older and of much better reputation than our own, subsist in Great Britain, and yet the Jamaica negroes, and those of the other British insular colonies, so difficult to controul, and always inclined to revolt, have never been more peaceable than since the institution of those societies.—In North America, a rich and influential sect have publicly demanded the emancipation of the blacks; nay, whole states and the Congress itself have either proscribed, or will soon proscribe every species of slavery: The free mulattoes there enjoy the same privileges as the whites; and yet there has not been the least stir of insurrection, altho' the population of the southern states consists principally of negro slaves. The negroes themselves are not fools. They have observed enough to know that the whites are almost everywhere engaged in some way or another ameliorating their condition, and that every thing is doing for them that possibly can be done. They infer from thence, that in the present situation of things the most prudent part they can take is to submit to the laws, keep to their work, and obey their masters.
Very different has been the conduct of the white masters on the island of St. Domingo. The effects produced are therefore contrary to those in the United States. In the general shock of the French revolution, the negroes must have been absolutely as stupid as the brutes themselves not to have seen, that instead of bettering their condition, a more grievous burden was preparing, in reducing them to endless political slavery, by depriving even the free mulattoes of the rights of citizenship; to whom all the ancient French laws, and particularly the code noir (black system) of 1784, which had granted them precisely the same pri-

villages as the whites. The slaves could not otherwise than notice the resentment of the mulattoes, the attempt of Oge' and his companions, and its fatal event—it was wholly natural for them to hope that in case of their rising the mulattoes would not join the whites in quelling the revolt. These are the true causes of the negro insurrection in Hispaniola, and of all the troubles that now distract our colonies.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
LONDON, Sept. 21.
Extract of a letter from Calais, September 15.
Mr. Thomas Paine, after a passage of three hours, arrived here yesterday from Dover. The different treatment he met with at the two seaports, is such as ought to make an Englishman blush for the character of his nation.
On the name of Paine being announced, the soldiery at the gates were drawn up, and the officer on guard having embraced him, presented him with the national cockade. A very pretty woman, who stood by, desired the might have the honor of putting it on his hat, expressing her hopes that he would continue his exertions in favor of liberty, equality, and France. This ceremony being over, he walked to Dessein's, (whose street is called Rue de l'Egalite, formerly Rue de Roi,) attended by men women, and children, crowding round him, and calling out, "Vive Thomas Paine!" He was then conducted to the town-hall, and there presented to the municipality, who, with the greatest affection, embraced their new representative. The mayor then addressed him in a short speech, which was interpreted to him by Mr. Audibert, to which Mr. Paine (laying his hand on his heart) replied, saying, his life should be devoted to their service.
At the inn he was waited upon by the different persons in authority, and by the President of the constitutional society, desiring he would attend their meeting of that night. The whole town would have been there had there been room; the hall of the 'Minimes' was so crowded, that it was with difficulty they made way for him to the side of the President. Over the chair he sat in was placed the bust of Mirabeau, and the colours of France, England and America, united. A speaker acquainted him, from the tribune, of his election, amidst the plaudits of the people. The women did not spare their hands, and, for some minutes, nothing was heard but "Vive la Nation, Vive Thomas Paine!" in voices male and female. They have appointed an extra meeting in the church to-morrow, in honor of their deputy to the convention, the Minimes being found quite suffocating, from the concourse of people who attended yesterday. To-night there is to be a play, at which a box is to be reserved for the Author of the Rights of Man, the object of the English Proclamation.
Every thing here has the appearance of peace and quietness. The arsenals are well supplied, and able to stand a two years siege.
P.S. Mr. Paine has received a letter from the national assembly, which he is said to be answering from hence. He will not probably be at Paris so soon as he thinks, since he has been elected for Abbeville and Beauvais, as well as for Calais; and they will hardly let him pass without paying him some mark of their attention.
BOSTON, Dec. 8.
On Wednesday evening last, by virtue of a warrant issued by justices Greenleaf, and Barret, on the complaint of the Attorney-General, the Sheriff of this county arrested Mr. Harper, one of the company of comedians, who for some time past have entertained the inhabitants of this town, as guilty of a breach of the law against theatrical entertainments—and held him to bail to appear the next day before the justices, and recognize for his appearance at the next supreme judicial court. At the end of the second act of the "School for Scandal" which was then performing, Mr. Harper came forward on the stage, informed the audience of his situation, and read a card from the sheriff, informing Mr. H. that unless the performances of the evening were immediately stopped, he should apprehend forthwith all the persons of the company. Much agitation ensued, and the resentment of the citizens at what they conceived to be a violent and untimely measure, discovered itself in several spirited proceedings, and a loud call for the performance to go on: But, at the particular request of the performers, the audience dispensed with the entertainment of the evening, and peaceably retired; first refusing to accept the admission money, which Mr. H. offered to return.
The next day, Mr. Harper appeared before the justices to recognize. The court, for the gratification of the citizens, was held in Faneuil-Hall—when the Attorney-General read a special order from the supreme executive, directing him to make the complaint on which the warrant was issued, and then read his complaint. On Mr. H. being put to plead, Mr. Otis, one
of his council, objected to the legality of the warrant, as contrary to the 14th article of the Declaration of Rights, which requires, that no warrants shall be issued, except upon complaints, made upon oath; and the complaint upon which the present warrant was issued not being made upon oath, the warrant consequently was illegal. Mr. Tudor, the other counsel for Mr. Harper, supported Mr. Otis's opinion—which was combated by the Attorney-General with much candor and fairness—The opinion of their honors being desired, one of them (Mr. Barrett) acceded to the validity of the objection of the defendant's counsel.—In consequence of which Mr. Harper was liberated, much to the satisfaction of a numerous and respectable audience.
PITTSBURG, Dec. 15.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Fort Washington, to his friend in this place, dated November 14, 1792.
"On the morning of the 6th inst. the Indians attacked the militia horse under the walls of Fort St. Clair, where they had halted on their return from Fort Jefferson, to which place they had escorted and safely deposited a large quantity of Quarter-Master and Contractors stores. The attack was made a little after daylight, the militia at first gave way, but their gallant commander, Major Adair, soon rallied part of them, and with 45 men stood opposed to 150 Indians for near two hours. The Indians having the advantage of numbers took off 75 militia horses, and one hundred and nineteen Quarter-Master and Contractors horses."
"Captain Hayle and six men were killed, and as many wounded—only two were scalped. Two Indians were killed, and several wounded."
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
WHO ARE THE BEST KEEPERS OF THE PEOPLE'S LIBERTIES?
Republican. —The people themselves.—The sacred trust can be no where so safe as in the hands most interested in preserving it.
Anti-republican. —The people are stupid, suspicious, licentious. They cannot safely trust themselves. When they have established government they should think of nothing but obedience, leaving the care of their liberties to their wiser rulers.
Republican. —Although all men are born free, and all nations might be so, yet too true it is, that slavery has been the general lot of the human race. Ignorant—they have been cheated; asleep—they have been surprised; divided—the yoke has been forced upon them. But what is the lesson? that because the people may betray themselves, they ought to give themselves up, blindfold, to those who have an interest in betraying them? Rather conclude that the people ought to be enlightened, to be awakened, to be united, that after establishing a government they should watch over it, as well as obey it.
Anti-republican. —You look at the surface only, where errors float, instead of fathoming the depths where truth lies hid. It is not the government that is disposed to fly off from the people; but the people that are ever ready to fly off from the government. Rather say then, enlighten the government, warn it to be vigilant, enrich it with influence, arm it with force, and to the people never pronounce but two words—Submission and Confidence.
Republican. —The centrifugal tendency then is in the people, not in the government, and the secret art lies in restraining the tendency, by augmenting the attractive principle of the government with all the weight that can be added to it. What a perversion of the natural order of things! to make power the primary and central object of the social system, and Liberty but its satellite.
Anti-republican. —The science of the stars can never instruct you in the mysteries of government. Wonderful as it may seem, the more you increase the attractive force of power, the more you enlarge the sphere of liberty; the more you make government independent and hostile towards the people, the better security you provide for their rights and interests. Hence the wisdom of the theory, which, after limiting the share of the people to a third of the government, and lessening the influence of that share by the mode and term of delegating it, establishes two grand hereditary orders, with feelings, habits, interests, and prerogatives all inveterately hostile to the rights and interests of the people, yet by a mysterious operation all combining to fortify the people in both.
Republican. —Mysterious indeed!—But mysteries belong to religion, not to government; to the ways of the Almighty, not to the works of man. And in religion itself there is nothing mysterious to its author; the mystery lies in the dimness of the human sight. So in the institutions of man let there be no mystery, unless for those inferior beings endowed with a ray perhaps of the twilight vouchsafed to the first order of terrestrial creation.
Anti-republican. —You are destitute, I perceive, of every quality of a good citizen, or rather of a good subject. You have
neither the light of faith nor the spirit of obedience. I denounce you to the government as an accomplice of atheism and anarchy.
Republican. —And I forbear to denounce you to the people, though a blasphemer of their rights and an idolater of tyranny.—Liberty disdains to persecute.
Dec. 20.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MR. FRENEAU,
I AM one of your constant readers, but do not often trouble you with pieces for publication; not having great confidence in my talents in that way. The state however of our public affairs, at present, especially upon the frontiers, has very deeply affected me, as they do our country in general; & induces me to offer my sentiments, such as they are, to the public—to be approved—or opposed—or despised—as they shall think proper.
If I may take the opinion and discourse of those within my own circle of conversation, for the voice of the public, I think it is unanimous in condemning the hasty manner in which our rulers precipitated the nation into an Indian war; which some late writings have proved to us to be as unjust, as it is impolitic. It is not less unanimous in its opinion on the report of the committee, as published last May, on the causes of the failure of the late expedition, under general St. Clair; and the defeat our army received from the Indians on the 4th of November 1791.
It is perhaps impossible to judge perfectly and fully of the report of the committee, until all the testimony on which they founded their opinion be published, which it is to be hoped will ere long be the case: but the official letter of the Commander in Chief, dated five days after his defeat, may at least be so far depended upon, as to assure us things have not been better than they are there represented: I will therefore select the particulars that appear to me of most importance.
1st. The battle was very bloody—at least, upon our side—for our loss was immense; and our defeat complete, and signal. This was by no means expected; for I believe a more numerous, or better appointed army, has hardly ever gone into the Indian country. The General says indeed, that he was overpowered in numbers: but this was only conjecture (as we may see by the opinion of the committee) because he was surprised, and surrounded on all sides, without his previous knowledge that the enemy were, in any force, within fifty miles of him!—This, to be sure, was a bad look-out: but from the opinion of the committee, the Commander in Chief was no ways censurable for this!
2d. That it was something like a surprize, I judge from his excellency's own letter, wherein he says, "the men had been, as usual, all paraded before day, and were just dismissed" a few minutes before the attack commenced.
All military men say that it is disgraceful for a general, so to conduct an army, as to suffer by surprize, even on a march; and much more disgraceful and inexcusable in camp: but as I am no military man, I do not pretend to decide on this point; and more especially as the committee seem to think otherwise, and have approved his excellency's conduct therein. That a surprize ought to have been apprehended from so intelligent and brave an enemy, in his own country, is not disputed by military men; and more especially after such frequent and great defection; notwithstanding which, the army were allowed to encamp, and repose, without having previously reconnoitered the grounds in front, flank, or rear, as I am told is the custom with all prudent captains: But the committee find no fault with this, nor do I.
3d. There seems to me something very commendable and magnanimous in his excellency's apology, and in his writing such particular notice, of his pains and his bodily disorders, which he says were such, that he could not get on and off a horse, without help; and hindered him from making the exertions which he might, "and perhaps ought to have made." And I apprehend this circumstance would have been a very just and proper reason for his excellency not being with the army at all; or for committing the care of it to those who had health and activity of body: I admit however that it makes a very bad excuse for his being there and doing nothing, at an expence of a million of dollars; of the lives of a thousand brave soldiers; and of our national honor.
4th. It appears from his excellency's official letter, already mentioned, that there was a dissatisfaction in the army in general; and a want of confidence between him and his officers: The first appears from the defection of sixty men at a time; which looks more like a sedition, than a defection; and the second appears from his complaining in his P. S. of some intelligence being kept from him: As to which, I shall only say, his first official account of the battle, was the worst time and place in the world to insinuate complaints against brave officers who had fallen in the field, and could not possibly have an opportunity of answering for themselves; and he must
be a Don Quixote indeed, who dares to step forward to defend the injured honour of a brother officer, slain in battle, when thus attacked; We have nevertheless seen it done effectually: but we have at the same time seen, it has not been the road to preferment.
As these observations relate to incontrovertible facts, in which the citizens of America, as well as the administrators of government, are deeply interested, they need no apology: That we have expended a million of dollars, the lives of a thousand brave men, and much national honour, in this inglorious campaign, cannot be disputed: but whether the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, the quarter master general, the contractor, or the commander in chief, has been the cause of our losses, and disgrace, time will unfold: At all events we have been taught what we would not before believe, that the war against the Indians, N. W. of the Ohio, was as unnecessary as impolitic, and too hastily adopted by the superintendant of Indian affairs, who brought it on, and declared it, by virtue of certain powers in him, very imprudently, vested.
T.
December 20. 1792.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Dec. 18.
A memorial was presented from the officers in the New-York line of the late continental army, in behalf of themselves, the non-commissioned officers and privates of said line, praying compensation for services rendered, during the war, by the payment of the balances still due to them—read and laid on the table; as was also a memorial on the same subject from the officers of the Pennsylvania line.
Mr. Sedgwick, after some preliminary remarks, stating the situation of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, containing a plan for the reduction of the public debt, and for reimbursing the loan made of the bank of the United States, suggested the propriety of separating these two objects; and in order to this, he moved the following resolution in substance—
"That the committee of the whole, to whom was referred the subject of the reimbursement of the loan made of the bank of the United States, be discharged from further considering the same—and that a select committee be appointed to prepare and report a bill, authorising a loan for the purpose—laid on the table."
The house took into consideration the Coasting Bill, but on motion, it was recommitted to the committee which reported it.
The confidential messages from the President, being taken into consideration, the doors were shut.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 19.
A letter was received from the Secretary at War, inclosing dispatches from Gen. Wilkinson, giving an account of an attack of the Indians on the troops under Major Adair, near Fort St. Clair, in which the Indians were repulsed—also a letter from James Seagrove, the American superintendant to the Creek nation, conveying an account of the favorable event of a treaty held with the chiefs of that nation.
Mr. Sedgwick called up his motion of yesterday, for appointing a committee to bring in a bill to reimburse the loan had of the bank of the United States—agreed to, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill for the purpose.
The house then went into committee of the whole on the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes—the bill was read through, and several amendments made—which were reported to the house.
THURSDAY, Dec. 20.
A letter, inclosing a report, was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, on the petition of Ludwig Kuhn—unfavorable to the petitioner—Laid on the table.
A memorial from the officers of the late continental army, now residing in Maryland, was presented in behalf of themselves and the privates, praying compensation for depreciation and loss sustained by them on the certificates received for their services—Read, and laid on the table.
A resolution was moved by Mr. Steele, "that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to reduce the military establishment of the United States"—in order otherwise to afford more effectual protection to the frontiers, and that a sum of money might thereby be drawn from the war department for reducing the public debt.
Mr. Goodhue, from the committee for that purpose appointed, reported several amendments to the coasting bill—which after being considered, were all agreed to—The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The house then took into consideration the amendments reported by the committee of the whole to the bill for regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes.—After debating a considerable time on the amendments, and proposing others, the house adjourned without coming to a decision.

PHILADELPHIA.
DECEMBER 22.
The Governor of the state of Pennsylvania, has by message notified the state legislature, (upon suggestion from the supreme legislature of the United States) that it will be necessary either to erect a new building, or enlarge the one now occupied for the purpose of accommodating the Senate and Congress of the United States, in consequence of the increased representation that is to take place.
The Electors of the state of New-Hampshire have unanimously voted for George Washington, President, and John Adams, Vice-President of the United States.
The house of Representatives and Senate of the state of Georgia, do not agree in the mode of electing Senators of the United States—the House insisted on a joint, and the Senate on a concurrent vote.
A London paper of Sept. 21, has the following paragraphs:—“We have authority to assure our readers, that a very flattering invitation has been sent from France to General Washington, to take the command of its patriotic army. We have no less confidence in declaring, that if another campaign is had in France, this renowned soldier will make it against the host of insolent foes now concentered to destroy the liberties of mankind, and those principles which have rendered America more valuable than all the rest of the globe. If this favour of his country, and giver of freedom accept the call, he is to form a part of his staff from some of his old brother officers.
We expect every day to hear, that Congress will deliberate on the propriety of assisting France, as also to what amount.
If Washington goes to France, every tyrant will soon quit it.”
Died, on Thursday evening last, John Strangeways Hutton, aged one hundred and ten years—born in the year 1682, on Long-Island, in the state of New-York.—Some particulars relative to this remarkable person are to be found in No. 90 of the National Gazette.
A correspondent, at Cumberland (R.I.) informs, that Jonathan Carpenter, Esq. of that town, with the assistance of Mr. Daniel Roy, has erected a machine, on Pawtucket river, for wateringland. This machine raises three hundred gallons of water, and discharges the same ten feet above the surface of the water in the flume, in the space of a minute, the operation being performed by a single wheel.—This invention, it is expected, will prove advantageous to the proprietors of lands in the vicinity of rivers, or other waters, as the machine may, with great ease, be constructed to raise water a greater or less height, as may be required,
Extract of a letter from Mr. Fenwick, Consul of the United States at Bordeaux, to the Secretary of State, dated Bordeaux, 11th Sept. 1792.
“It was decreed the 6th instant, that, after the first day of October, all tobacco's that were subject to a duty of 18l. 15s. p. ct. should pay 10l. p. ct. and such as paid 25l. p. ct. duty, should pay 12l. All other tobacco of whatever country, should be admitted on paying a duty of 15l. p. quintal. Thus American tobacco stands favored in the duty 5l. p. ct. imported in French vessels, and 3 livres if imported in American bottoms direct from America.
The administrators of the impolt have given general orders to the directors of the custom-houses to admit no merchandise or productions whatever to the payment of the duties without a certificate of their origin. This certificate must be from the French consul in the port of the expedition, or in case there should be no consul by a notary or justice of the peace.
This information is interesting to the merchants throughout the United States.”
Extract of a letter from brigadier-general Wilkinson to the Secretary at War, dated Fort Hamilton, 6 November, 1792, 7 o'clock, P. M.
Just as I was about to dispatch this, I received a letter from major Adair, commandant of the Kentucky mounted infantry, of which the enclosed is a copy: The check which the enemy have experienced in this little affair, will produce good effects, and the event reflects honor upon the major and yeomanry of Kentucky; but the immediate consequence will be an entire stop to the transport of forage to the advanced post, as our pack horses are either destroyed or disabled, and the riflemen dismounted: in this situation, I am perplexed by difficulties, as from my ignorance of the designs of government, and for the want of explicit orders, I am at a loss whether to direct the purchase of more pack horses, or to encourage the riflemen to remount themselves.—On these points I shall duly deliberate, and will make such decision as my judgment may direct, relying confidently on the liberality of government, for an excuse, should I err; and in the mean time, I shall urge forward the
transport of forage from Fort Washington to this post, by every means left in my power.
As this affair happened near to and in sight of Fort St. Clair, it may be enquired why the commanding officer did not support major Adair? The answer is short, and will, I hope, prove satisfactory—The garrison under his command is poited for defence, and not offence, and although it appears that in this instance to have hazarded, would have been judicious, yet as I have considered it safest for the national interests to confine my subordinate officers by rigid instructions to defensive measures solely, they are bound to hazard in no case whatever, which does not immediately and essentially interest the safety of the trust which may be confided to them; and it may be added, that in the instance before us, the attack was a most daring one, and that neither the number or ultimate object of the enemy, could be developed, before it was discovered that major Adair was a full match for them.
I have this moment dispatched twenty of my mounted infantry, who will reach St. Clair before daylight, to aid in bringing in the wounded and the weary.
Copy of a letter from major John Adair to brigadier-general Wilkinson, dated Fort St. Clair, November 6, 1792.
SIR. This morning about the first appearance of day, the enemy attacked my camp, within sight of this post, the attack was sudden, and the enemy came on with a degree of courage that bespoke them warriors indeed; some of my men were hand in hand with them before we retreated, which however we did about eighty yards to a kind of stockade intended for stables; we there made a stand—I then ordered lieut. Madison to take a party and gain their right flank, if possible—I called for lieut. Hail to send to the left, but found he had been slain; I then led forward the men who stood near me, which together with the Ensigns Buchanan and Flinn, amounted to about twenty-five, and pressed the left of their center, thinking it absolutely necessary to assist Madison. We made a manly push, and then the enemy retreated, taking all our horses except five or six. We drove them about six hundred yards through our camp, where they again made a stand, and we fought them some time—two of my men were here shot dead.
At that moment I received information that the enemy was about to flank us on the right, and on turning that way, I saw about sixty of them running to that point. I had yet heard nothing of Madison—I then ordered my men to retreat, which they did with deliberation, heartily cursing the Indians, who pursued us close to our camp—where we again fought them until they gave way; and when they retreated our ammunition was nearly expended, although we had been supplied from the garrison in the course of the action. I did not think proper to follow them again, but ordered my men into the garrison to draw ammunition. I returned however, in a few minutes to a hill, to which we had first driven them, where I found two of my men scalped, who were brought in. Since I began to write this a few of the enemy appeared in sight, and I pursued them with a party about a quarter of a mile, but could not overtake them, and did not think proper to go farther. Madison, who I sent to the right, was on his first attack wounded, and obliged to retreat to the garrison, leaving a man or two dead.
To this misfortune I think the enemy are indebted for the horses they have got; had he gained their right flank, I once had possession of their left, and I think we should have routed them at that stage of the action, as we had them on the retreat. I have six killed and five wounded; four men are missing, I think they went off early in the action on horseback, and are, I suppose, by this, at Fort Hamilton. My officers and a number of men distinguished themselves greatly.—Poor Hail died calling to his men to advance.—Madison's bravery and conduct need no comment; they are well known.—Flinn and Buchanan acted with a coolness and courage which does them much honor. Buchanan after firing his gun knocked an Indian down with the barrel.—They have killed and taken a great number of the pack-horses.—I intend following them this evening some distance, to ascertain their route and strength, if possible; I can with propriety say, that about fifty of my men fought with a bravery equal to any men in the world, and had not the garrison been so nigh, as a place of safety for the bashful, I think many more would have fought well. The enemy have no doubt as many killed as myself; they left two dead on the ground, and I saw two carried off. The only advantage they have gained is our horses, which is a capital one, as it disables us from bringing the interview to a more serious and satisfactory decision. I am sorry I cannot send you better news, and am, sir, yours, &c.
Copy of a letter from James Seagrove, Esq. to the Secretary of War, dated St. Marys, 22d Nov. 1792.
SIR. Being just arrived here from the conference ground at Colerain, in company with forty-five of the principal Chiefs of the
Creeks on a visit to my residence, and finding a boat departing for Savannah, I drop you a line in haste, to inform you that every thing hath gone favorable beyond my most sanguine expectation.
I had present at our meeting the chiefs of eighteen of the principal towns in the Creek nation. Peace and friendship with the United States they confirm, and declare pointedly against joining the northern tribes or any others red or white against us. The whole particulars you shall have without delay. In the mean time I am happy in being able to say that every thing is in a most pleasing state between the Creeks and our country. I hope you will excuse this as I am now surrounded with a very noisy, but friendly crew of Red Kings and Chiefs.
[From Cape François, Nov. 15.]
Yesterday two whites, one a deserter of the Cape regiment, and ten negroes taken prisoners in the attack of Ouanaminte, arrived here at about four in the afternoon, guarded by a company of horse guards.—They were conducted to the national commissioner, who ordered them to prison. An immense crowd accompanied these twelve unfortunate people, and notwithstanding the efforts of the guard, they had scarcely turned the first corner, when a band of soldiery, enraged by the sight of the deserters, struck them with their swords: these blows were the signal of death for all the others, who were butchered on the spot.
Extract of a letter from Boston, December 10.
“We have now one of the newly invented patent Wind Mills erected in this town: it is thirty feet high and eighteen feet diameter: it carries two large grindstones and a lathe for turning all sorts of iron work. One hand can grind eight dozen of axes in one day by means of this invention. Our glass works are going on rapidly; the specimens of window glass already produced are, if possible, superior to London Crown.”
Charles Carroll, Esquire, Senator of the United States, from the state of Maryland, having resigned, the hon. Richard Potts has been elected to fill the vacancy.
The subscription for constituting the capital stock of the Insurance Company of North-America, amounting to six hundred thousand dollars, was completed on the 13th inst. and the first instalment paid into the hands of the secretary. The company being organized agreeably to the constitution, have commenced the business of Insurance; and the Directors intend to petition the legislature of the state, for an act of incorporation.
“An extract from a Georgia paper has appeared in several papers of this city, respecting a Capt. Hickman and a Mr. Skinner, reported to be of Boston, who are said to have kidnapped negroes from Martinico. In justice to several respectable persons of their profession, by the name of Skinner, who sail from Boston, and the citizens in general, it ought to be known, that neither Capt. Hickman nor Mr. Skinner are Americans, nor was the latter ever three months in Boston. These persons being said to be of Boston, has excited some unhappy prejudices against the vessels from that place in the West-Indies.
Perhaps the giving this a place in the several papers where the other has been inserted, will have a happy tendency to remove it, and prevent any future inconveniences arising therefrom.”
The following statements of French financial matters, will shew that the struggles of the French nation are not for chimæras. The whole mass of taxation before the revolution, exclusive of tithes and other casual imposts, amounted to 955,000,000 livres (seventy-one million, six hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds, Pennsylvania money)—The part appropriated to the privileged, was, 330,000,000 livres—so that there remained for the use of the state, 625,000,000, which last sum was appropriated as follows—To the receivers, farmers general, and others, 40,000,000—To 50,000 receivers and collectors of taxes, administered and farmed, 41,000,000—To 200,000 receivers and collectors of taxes, called tailles, Vingtieme, and capitation, 18,000,000—According to Mr. Neckar's account rendered to the constituting assembly in 1789, the sum paid annually into the royal treasury, was only 476,000,000—Expended yearly and unaccounted for, 50,000,000—amounting to 625,000,000 livres, as above. Hence we see, that nearly one fourth of this immense revenue went for collection and other malversations, and even out of the sum paid into the royal treasury, many pensioners, sycophants, sinecures, harlots, &c. &c. received their pittance—Since the revolution, imposts have been abolished (exclusive of tithes and many other impositions) to the amount of 497,200,000 livres, and which have not been replaced by any others. The amount of French national property is computed at 3,892,000,000, from which is to be deducted the demandable debt, contracted under the old despotic
government, 3,400,000,000, which leaves of clear national property, 492,000,000, from which we may observe that the proceeds of sales of the national property will exceed the national debt by 492,000,000 of livres. The foregoing statement of three thousand eight hundred and ninety-two millions, is agreeably to the returns made by the constituting assembly in 1791: But as the prices of the estates already sold considerably exceed the valuation, it is supposed that the sales of the estates unsold will surpass, greatly, the one thousand six hundred and thirty-five millions of livres, at which they are valued. We may safely suppose, therefore, that the national resources do not fall short of four thousand millions and a half of livres.
The following account of the capture of Ouanaminte (a strong negro post in French Hiipaniola) by Gen. Rochambeau, is conveyed in a letter from the Secretary of the national commission, dated November 8, 1792:—
“I transmit to you as speedily as possible, my dear friend, an account of the capture of Ouanaminte.
These are the particulars. The army had commenced its march at 6 in the evening; a considerable fall of rain obliged them to return to camp; the artillery could not advance. We set off yesterday at 8 in the morning, in the best order; evolutions of a complex nature were performed with precision. We marched three hours before we arrived at an outwork of the revolted negroes on the plantation Boujot, supported by one piece of artillery, which raked the road; this cannon was protected by a river, and an entrenchment pretty well constructed.—They fired several times. The General sent forward the artillery which was well served, and yet the rebels did not appear to be intimidated. The General then, at the head of the cavalry, crossed the river and got possession of the cannon; in crossing the river we experienced a running fire well kept up. The negroes then fell back upon the plantation Tiroulier, where they were prepared to receive us as at the camp at Boujot; but here they had an 8 pounder. We advanced within half the distance of musket shot, their cannon firing, without effect. The General ordered our artillery to commence firing, and he went forward with the cavalry, and took possession of this piece also, sword in hand. At this time there were but seven men with him. After the flight of the rebels the plantation was found on fire, and every piece of canes in its neighbourhood. There were many negroes killed in these two attacks.
We next marched to Ouanaminte, the best fortified post, indeed the Gibraltar of the revolted. It was four o'clock by the time we had come within gun-shot of it. This fort had a very respectable artillery, well served, but their shot passed over us.
Our artillery was not silent. The general ordered the dragoons of Mornet to attack on one side, while he led those of Ouanaminte on the other. The enemy's fire was very hot and well supported. We pushed on to the attack and carried it; we lost but one man, and had one slightly wounded. I could not tell the number of negroes that fell in the engagement, but it is very considerable. The enemy chiefly aimed at the general. We have visited several parts of the post, and we shall find here good quarters; the general occupies the dwelling of Jean François (chief of the revolted.) The rebels are much disconcerted—300 want to surrender. An order given out by the general this morning will tend to bring many to their duty. He promises 4 dollars to each soldier who shall bring a negro prisoner; this will be a means of preventing their being butchered. I should be too prolix did I attempt the eulogium of our general. He is an intrepid and cool commander, who by his military talents, will be able to lead his soldiers wherever he pleases.”
On the ROYAL PORTRAITS, in the Senate Chamber.
DISCHARG'D by France, no more the royal pair Claim from a nation's love a nation's care Their splendid race no more a palace holds,— While LOUIS frets, ANTOINETTA scolds; Folly's sad victims, fortune's bitter sport, They take their stand among the "common sort," Doom'd thro' the world, in sad reverse, to roam Perhaps—without a shelter or a home!
To shew our pity for their short liv'd reign What shall we do, or how express our pain? Since for their perjons no relief is found But cruel mobs degrade them to the ground, To show how deep y we regret their fall We hang their portraits in our SENATE HALL:
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  Six per cents. 20 3/4   Three per cents. 12 1/2   Deferred, 13 3/4   N. American 35   Bank U. S. 45 

AEROSTATION.
Mr. BLANCHARD, we are well informed, intends shortly, to favor the enlightened citizens of this metropolis, with the light of a grand aerostatic experiment, should sufficient encouragement speedily offer to defray the expence of so costly an undertaking.
This gentleman has gratified the inhabitants of most considerable European cities with this noble exhibition, and has everywhere given the completest satisfaction, and met with universal applause for his intrepidity and skill.
We have often been entertained by accounts of experiments in this wonderful art; we now have an opportunity of witnessing this bold aerial flight, of seeing man, become sovereign of the invisible element, by means of a huge and beautiful machine, quit the earth, rise gradually and majestically, soar above us and lose himself in the clouds—again we see him, emerging from them, fly on the wings of the wind, and gradually lessening in our sight disappear at last. The flight baffles all attempts at description, and language does not afford words to express the feelings of the spectator at the moment of departure.
To those totally unacquainted with the nature of the experiment, surprise is the predominant feeling—with those not thoroughly acquainted with the apparatus Mr. Blanchard makes use of, fear may absorb every other; but a knowledge of the construction of his aerostat leaves us at ease for his safety—the mind is enwrapt in admiration, and we share the feelings that must agitate the breast of the aeronaut, surveying from a perpendicular height of a mile or two the ball beneath him.
Some account of the history and nature of balloons, may not be, at this time, unacceptable to many of our readers—we anticipate their wishes, and will endeavor succinctly to gratify them.
The brothers Mongolfiers, Frenchmen, and by trade paper-makers, about the year 1783 first hit upon the idea, that if air expanded, and consequently rendered lighter by heat, could be confined in a light covering, the covering would rise and remain floating in the atmosphere, until cold should again condense the rarified air. An experiment made privately, and on a confined scale, proved their theory. It was afterwards repeated upon a larger scale, and the success was still more satisfactory. The next step towards improvement was giving such a size to the machine as to enable it to bear with it a quantity of combustible matter, which by preserving the air in the balloon in a state of rarefaction, kept it up for a longer time. Animals of various kinds were next trusted in this new aerial vehicle and visited the clouds.
A short time after this first step in the art of aerostation, some natural philosophers proposed to substitute inflammable air, which is much lighter than that we breathe, instead of rarified air. A balloon was filled with this air, and exhibited in Paris from the Champ de Mars.—The experiment had the desired success, and though this air can only be procured at a considerable expence, yet as its effect was constant and not depending upon heat, cold, or any other extraneous circumstance, it was much preferred.
Notwithstanding this material improvement, which adds much to the safety of the aeronaut, two men were found sufficiently intrepid to risk their lives in an untried element, having for their whole dependence the most treacherous of all,—fire. M. Pilatre de Rozier and M. d'Arlandes were the persons.—They ascended in a Mongolfiere (a rarified air balloon, which kind took the name of the original inventor) from Pissy, near Paris, and remained in the air a considerable time; having taken fuel with them, with which they preserved the rarefaction. They performed their flight without accident, notwithstanding the evident danger that the nature of the experiment was replete with. For the first time trusting to the invisible element, carrying with them fire, surrounded with fuel, and the balloon itself made of materials highly inflammable.*
* It might here be added, that the same experiment repeated some time afterwards by one, or both of these adventurers, proved fatal to them.—The balloon taking fire, was consumed in the atmosphere, and the unfortunate artists came to the ground, breathless, having fallen many hundreds of fathoms.
A short period after this experiment, Paris was gratified with another aerostatic flight more beautiful, by the construction of the machine, and more safe to the aerial travellers, Messrs. Charles and two brothers Robert. Their balloon was filled and ascended from the Thuilleries. The experiment was crowned with the most brilliant success. The aeronauts remained many hours in the air, and proceeded to a considerable distance. One circumstance in this flight is worthy of notice. After their descent, Messrs. Roberts left the balloon, and just as the sun had set, Charles rose again with such prodigious velocity as, by extending his horizon, to see the luminary of day rise again—and rise in the west, and then set for a second time. The flight was certainly new and singular—and without the invention of balloons, might still be numbered among impossibilities.
These experiments led to many of a similar nature, and then to attempts at directing the machine.
Mr. Blanchard, who, before this, had rendered himself known by ingenious mechanical contrivances, and by several attempts at flying with wings, by means of powerful mechanism, with various success, applied his attention to the subject of balloons; and, by the numerous experiments he has made in this curious art, may be considered as the most experienced aeronaut living. He invented the parachute, a contrivance to obviate the effects of a fall, in case of an accident to the balloon; but since the aerostat has been brought to the degree of perfection it has now attained, that contrivance is disused, as unnecessary and cumbersome.
Mr. Blanchard has made several trials of various schemes for directing balloons; but the subtlety of the element in which they float, the swiftness of the wind and the bulk of the machine, have baffled every effort of mechanism to attain this desirable end.
It may not, however, be considered as unattainable. Mr. Blanchard's experience has led him to entertain the most sanguine hopes, that by means of the different currents of air that prevail at different heights in the atmosphere, the object may be accomplished.
We sincerely wish him success in his attempts, which, should they finally be successful, the improvement will be ranked among the first discoveries that have distinguished this enlightened age.
[Gen. Advertiser.]
[Extracted from a French paper.]
PARIS, Sept. 24.
Address of the Provisionary Executive Council to the French Nation.
"Citizens and friends—Despotism received a severe blow in 1789, but soon recovered herself. She then conspired against the nation under the mask of constitutionality, and under cover of our renovated laws, endeavoured to bring us again under the yoke—and the despots, whom traitors had invited to come against us, ordered the nation to pay homage to those very traitors. Wearied out with repeated instances of treachery, indignant at reiterated insolence, the nation roused itself a second time—Death was the portion of our internal enemies—and this was the energetic answer to the enemies without—Citizens of France! They seem to have understood it. Tyrants will only take counsel from despair. They have dared to say, that they will seize away a part of our national claims—and you, on your part, have declared that you will retain the whole or nothing. Their armies are now verging upon our frontier, and in the face of these armies you have called a convention, whose business it is to proclaim to Europe the sovereignty of the people, and the usurpations of kings—What a sight! never did this earth witness the like before; never in the annals of nations, the most renowned for the love of liberty, was an event of equal importance recorded.
Generous citizens! there is nothing now wanting but to remain at all times true to yourselves. It would be injurious to your courage to conceal from you the numberless sacrifices, the renewed dangers, you must expect to encounter in this mighty struggle for liberty. The tyrants of Europe and the people of France now look each other full in the face. The shock is begun—and in this struggle, worthy the attention of the assembled world, there is no medium, no choice between victory and death. But, engaged as you
are in the duty of arming yourselves for the defence of your dearest interests, remember, that while in the heat of warfare you are crushing the external foe, the men chosen by yourselves to conduct the affairs of the nation, ought to be wholly devoid of passion when they deliberate, and to forget if possible, that France retains a single interior enemy in her bosom. Remember also that upon your choice of the deputies in the National Convention depends the destiny of this empire and of the universe. Ancient abuses are to be reformed—important laws remain to be enacted—but who shall be found competent to effecting these changes, as important as indispensably necessary? Talent alone without courage is not necessary—Courage without talent will attempt revolutions in vain—Energy of patriotism is not, then, the only requisite necessary to engage your votes—the qualifications are three-fold, respectable abilities, a soul undaunted at danger, and a life without reproach—these ought to be the requisites in every individual that aspires to the honor of representing you in these days of glory and of danger.
Citizens, while you are steadily employed in preserving that union in which your strength alone consists, it is necessary that you should rally your forces continually around your representatives, in the choice of which the whole empire has concurred—Consider it as your duty, also, to observe and obey the existing laws—laws, which though imperfect, will be continually rectified by the new representatives you have chosen.—It is useless to dissemble with you—it would be base to alarm you, as a true Frenchman disdains a timid heart—Our dangers are growing upon us—the enemy is in force, and will, no doubt, exert their strength in the last agony of desperate irritation. Masters of Longwi, menacing Thionville, Metz, and Verdun, they mean to open a road to Paris, if they can possibly accomplish it. Who is there among you that does not blush at the idea of their seeing this capital, while our forces are what they are?—Citizens, there never yet was a nation on this earth who vindicated themselves into liberty without fighting.—You have traitors in your bosoms—were it not for them, our wars would soon be at an end; but your active vigilance will baffle all their designs.—Be united and calm—consider wisely your resources of strength—bring them boldly into action, and your triumph is certain.
WE, however, who are invested with the exercise of the executive power by the suffrage of the National Assembly; we, who at this day are the sole representatives of the French people; we, the first ministers that the nation has ever chosen—are determined to act up to our duty, and to honor the confidence reposed in us. We will take care that nothing shall be forgotten which may ensure the success of equality—and though our labours may not completely attain the mighty object, they will nevertheless not be lost—and although we ourselves should utterly perish in the struggle for liberty, we shall still have the consolation to reflect in our dying moments, that sooner or later the efforts of the most magnanimous of mankind will overcome every obstacle, and annihilate all the tyrants upon earth."
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS. DECEMBER 1792.
   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wmd. Weath.     Tuesday, 11. 7 30. 1 27 N.W. Fair.   2 30. 0 41 do. do.   Wednesday, 12. 7 30. 15 24 N. Fair.   2 30. 1 36 N.E. do.   Thursday, 13. 7 29. 8 34 calm Cloudy.   2 29. 7 45 do. do.   Friday, 14. 7 29. 5 36 N.E. Rain.   2 29. 35 38 N.N.E. do.   Saturday, 15. 7 29. 55 30 S.W. Fair.   2 29. 6 37 do. Cloudy.   Sunday, 16. 7 29. 75 27 W. Fair.   2 29. 75 32 W.N.W. Cloudy.   Monday, 17. 7 29. 7 27 W. Fair.   2 29. 75 36 do. do.  
CHARLES BITTERS,
No. 120, South Market, near Fourth-street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured by Lot Merkel,
A large and general assortment of Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings,
Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices.
Nov. 24.
22wtf
THE person who borrowed a SILVER WATCH last August from a person near this city with the letters M.T. (initials of the owners name) in cypher, on the outside case, the number 4452, is desired to return it to the printer of this paper, or he will be advertised in a manner that will be disgraceful to himself.
4t. 2aw
WANTS EMPLOYMENT, Either in a Dry-good or Grocery Store—A young man that is acquainted with both; and can be well recommended—Enquire of the Printer.
New-York and Philadelphia S T A G E S, A N D Bordenton, Burlington, and Trenton or Lamberton P A C K E T S.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia Land and Water Stages, beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of the passengers, they have removed their different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet Wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-street; from whence a convenient packet boat starts for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and returns on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordenton or Burlington; each place taken alternately. Fare for passengers from Philad. to N. York 15s For goods per Cwt. do 6s
Van Emburgh and M c Kean, David Williamson, Proprietors of the line of New York and Philadelphia stages, by the rout of Bordenton.
Jacob Myers, Amos Hutchin, Nicholas Schenck, Proprietors of the line of New York and Philadelphia stages, by the rout of Burlington. Bordenton, Oct. 1.
For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to
M c Kean and Van Emburgh; Who have for sale at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-street, Old Madeira, Teneriffe, and Mountain } Wines. Loaf, and } Sugars. Jamaica Spirits, Antigua, Montserrat & } Rum. Molasses, Coffee, Chocolate, Boho Tea, Burlington Pork, Hams, Flour, Bar Iron, &c. &c. &c. Orders for Grain, Staves, Bills of Scantling, or other Lumber, punctually attended to.
For freight or passage to Lamberton or Trenton, apply at said wharf to Thomas Ashmore, William Douglass, John Ashmore or Alexander Douglass, (Masters on board) or as above, to M c Kean & Van Emburgh. Philadelphia, October 6, 1792.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, Nov. 20th, 1792.
THE stockholders of the bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the bye-laws the stockholders of the said bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Thursday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors.. JOHN KEAN, Cashier. t. J. 5.
THE SYSTEM OF Short-Hand,
Used by Mr. Lloyd, in taking down the Debates of Congress;—
A SYSTEM so easy, that any man, of ordinary capacity, may clearly comprehend it in half an hour, and soon practice it, in its fullest extent, without any further instruction, than what will be conveyed in a few pages,—the whole ART being comprised in eighteen simple characters, without any of those perplexing, arbitrary marks, with which the learners of other systems are obliged to burden their memory, and embarrass their practice.
Price, to Subscribers, One Dollar:—to Non-Subscribers, a Dollar and half. Subscriptions received by Messrs. Rice, Booksellers, Market-street, and by
JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-street, Half a Dollar to be paid at the time of subscribing.
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette.
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