Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-04-24 00:00:00

Capt. John Rogers
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 108.—Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, APRIL 24, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. CVIII.
THE Editor accidentally met with the following Essay, and thinks the remarks are of such a nature as deserve publication.
FOR THE TABLET.
"There are certain situations where supposed evils are productive of much good."
A National debt attaches many citizens to the government, who, by their numbers, wealth and influence, contribute more perhaps to its preservation than a body of soldiers. This observation has been made by every one. A national debt not only prolongs the existence of the form of government; but it has a direct tendency to produce a wise and just administration of it: This effect is not equally obvious. Every measure tending to public good adds something to the security of the debt. It is for the advantage of the creditors to have that public, which is their debtor, become rich. The same reason applies to the revenue laws. The creditors will wish to bring into the treasury the most money with the least possible burden, or even disgust to the people. This is equally true of the public expenses. This body of men will see the public money squandered with pain and apprehension. Their influence will be exerted in support of a system of frugality. It seems to be manifest that the creditors will desire to see the public good promoted, and of course will dread an oppressive and prodigal administration. It only remains to calculate the influence that this body of men will have, first, upon the public opinion, and next upon the government itself. In this country, they are powerful by their numbers; by their property; by their patriotism; for it was that which made great numbers of them public creditors. They are justly denominated by the Secretary "enlightened men." Their dispersed situation enables them to give a strong impulse to the public mind in different parts of the country at the same instant. Interest will wake when patriotism sleeps. As these persons have a common interest, and that corresponds with the general interest of the society, felt love is combined with the love of our country. They become watchmen, and continue such, when other citizens, less interested, relax their attention to public affairs for the sake of their private concerns. Much has been said in favour of republican jealousy. The creditors can never have an interest against liberty—for tyranny and public credit cannot exist together. Heaven grant that the union and the public liberty may last forever. If any expedient within the reach of human wisdom can preserve those blessings, it is the unchanging interest, which a powerful body of the best and wisest citizens will have in their safe keeping—who cannot neglect, and who will not betray the trust—whom government cannot do without, and who cannot do without government.
Rome fell, an almost unresisting prey to a despot—why? Roman liberty, as it was misnamed, was a burden to every body, except to a few who called their right to oppress all others, liberty—being made alternately the instrument and victim of tyranny, the weary world found even despotism, a pillow of repose. But if the best citizens in Rome and in the provinces had really enjoyed freedom, and their property had depended on the security of the government, they would have abhorred any change, and most of all a change from liberty to tyranny. Cæsar would have been watched and obliged to seek fame in the Senate, or in the field, under their orders,
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
BY examples we are constantly taught, that of all the subjects which engross any share of our attention, there are few on which we can reason with so little certainty as on the contingent events involved in every political system; or in the whole train of human affairs, any, in which we are found to deduce such wrong conclusions, or where we meet with greater disappointments in the expectations we may have formed. In the common occurrences of life, our judgment assisted by experience is generally a competent guide in conducting us to the objects we have in view; but the politician finds himself in a great measure without this advantage, and is often obliged to confide in measures warranted only by presumption, while he is frequently mortified in perceiving the
result of such plans as he thought were conceived in wisdom and executed with prudence, prove the reverse of all he had proposed to himself.
I was led to these reflections by a view of the present state of public affairs in this country, which appear so essentially to contradict the pleasing reveries of the Philosopher, and the sanguine hopes of the well-meaning politician. I will not attempt to delineate the dark picture which we a short time since presented to the view of the world—the painful traces of that situation are not yet effaced from the reflecting mind—I will only revert to the dawn of that day when America appeared ushering with majestic splendor thro' the dark clouds which had so long enveloped her political hemisphere—I will just recal to memory that era so honorable in the annals of mankind which gave to her a form of government, not the offspring of violence, but the result of calm and mature deliberation, directed by a view to the general good—and to that still more glorious epoch when the hand which had so ably guided us thro' a long and perilous war, was called forth to distribute the blessings of Peace, Liberty, and Independence—Enchanting Prospect! The irradiating beams of pleasure broke on us with a lustre almost too dazzling—the Western wilds of America resounded in echoing her future glory—and the peaceful waters of the lakes arose into billows swelled by the general joy.
The happy unanimity and liberal policy which marked the proceedings of the first session of Congress were calculated to confirm the most flattering anticipation. The second was opened by a speech from the head of the nation, pure as the fountain from which it issued, and urging in the most expressive language an early and earnest attention to such measures as would tend to establish public credit on an immovable basis, and restore to this country that respectability she had lost in her former weak and confused councils. To this end and in conformity to a prior vote of government, the Secretary of the Treasury reported a funding system, stamped with the capacity of its author, and constructed on those great national principles which will alone lead us to national honor—but alas, every feature of this fair portrait, has been wantonly distorted, or lays in broken pieces at the several shrines of ambition, avarice, and vanity—and the pride of gaining a party at home, or of leading one here, is found paramount to a generous passion for advancing the public good, which is only seen to arise in the smoke of the incense, burnt at the altars of State policies.—Sad defalcations indeed in the aspiring hopes entertained from the late political revolution in this country! The failure of public measures is not only to be attributed to the incapacity of rulers, but to the passions of ambition and resentment, which are seldom under control in men vested with power, and where the degree of responsibility cannot by any human contrivance be made adequate to the confidence reposed.
It is from the misapplication and perversion of great talents we have every thing to fear—those splendid abilities which are founded and intended by providence to exalt national fame and promote public happiness, operate in a contrary direction when abused; and instead of procuring honor, wealth and security to society, they involve in disgrace and entail misery and disorder on future generations.
It is to be hoped that the great NECKAR, of America, with all that superiority which belongs to a cool and determined mind, will be found proof against the barbed shafts of envy and interested ambition, and eventually triumph over both, in his noble pursuit of the public welfare.
The free use of the press is the birth-right of an American, which he will not consent to dispose of for a mess of pottage; it is the fan which kindled that spark of liberty in this country, which is fast spreading over all Europe, and bids fair to illuminate the whole world.
AMERICANUS.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MARCH 30.
The proposition for assuming the state debts under consideration.
MR. WILLIAMSON observed that on a subject which had been handled by gentlemen of great information and abilities, he could not expect to offer new arguments, but as he had not heard the arguments hitherto advanced, and as he differed very much from the opinion of the late committee, it was a duty he owed to himself, to the State he had the honor to represent, and to the nation at large, to give some reasons why he conceived that the debts of the several States ought not to be assumed.—He observed that the national debt had been stated at 54 millions of dol-
lars, the interest of that sum is 3,240,000 dollars. The debts of the individual States had been stated at 25 millions, he believed a few millions might be added to that amount, for he knew that many citizens of North-Carolina had good claims against the State or the union not hitherto settled, and the State had instructed its delegates to obtain a longer time for exhibiting claims against the United States. He believed the citizens of Virginia had also many claims to exhibit, and when he considered the present claims of North-Carolina, were 6 or 7 millions of dollars; he thought it not improbable that the amount of the debts might be near 30 millions.—He would call it for the present 25. The interest of that sum is one million and a half. He thought that an annual tax of 3,240,000 dollars, a burthen sufficient for the present abilities of the nation; he did not comprehend the new theory, viz. that a great burthen is more easily carried by making it greater; he heartily wished a safe voyage to the political vessel, but he had some apprehensions that with the proposed cargo she may sink at her anchors—He knew that the proposed tax is small when we consider the number of our fellow-citizens, and compare it with the numbers in several kingdoms and the taxes paid by them; but the facility of raising taxes by imposts and excises, is according to the number of inhabitants in any given space.
In the city of Paris, where a vast body of people are collected within a small space, the inhabitants are supposed by one species of tax and another to pay 64 livres per head: in other parts of that kingdom it has been found difficult to collect 19 livres per head from the subjects, though France is well peopled and contains many considerable cities.
If three times as much could be collected in the city of Paris by imposts duties and excises as in the other parts of France, he conceived that very small sums might be expected to arise in America from excises, and our imposts must decrease in proportion as the industry and necessities of the people increase—He admitted that direct taxes, as a land-tax or a poll-tax may be collected with some degree of certainty, but he wished never to see direct taxes imposed by the national government.
They are dangerous because they have been the means of cruel oppression; the Romans had never been completely miserable till one of their emperors had the address to introduce a capitation tax; he observed that his fellow-citizens in North-Carolina were not in general rich, few of them were so provided as to lay up money; for this reason while he was entrusted with their concerns he should oppose every measure that looked towards direct taxation, he wished never to see the day, when to satisfy a land tax, or a capitation tax, a poor man's cow or horse might be taken from him on which he depended for the support of helpless children. Let the State debts be once assumed and you must proceed; if your calculations are bad, and they are nothing more than pure conjecture, if they are bad, and the imposts and excise does not come up to your expectations, the national honor must be preserved, the debt is yours and must be paid, let the means be ever so hard. It will doubtless be observed that the interest of the State debts, must be paid either by the several States or by the union, and it is indifferent to the people under what name they make the payments. this argument he alleged was extremely fallacious, for after the national legislature has imposed such taxes as might become general, the State legislatures may with great ease, and in some cases with great advantage to the citizens, impose other taxes.
The produce of the states is different; the inhabitants have different modes of living, and there is a difference even in their vices; wherefore different taxes might be proper; such taxes might be useful to correct vices, or restrain habits that should not be indulged; it will certainly be granted that the legislature of the state in many cases can best accommodate the burthen to the strength and feelings of the citizens. It had hitherto been considered that the states owed certain duties, and that they had a certain quota of services to perform. From the particular policy of some of the states, their debts had depreciated greatly, certificates had been sold at 25. 6d. in the pound, people would not readily be reconciled to the new creed, "that all the debts lately paid, are state debts, but all the debts not paid, are national debts," especially as this discovery is made after most of the certificates have changed their original holders, and have passed for a trifle into the hands of moneyed men. Cæsar's wife should not only be chaste, but without suspicion—He conceived that a national legislature should be extremely cautious how they adopted new measures, especially if there was a single hook to which the suspicion of personal interest might be attached.
The situation of North-Carolina he alleged was somewhat different from that of her sister states; commissioners had on sundry occasions issued continental securities to the citizens of the several states, independent of the army certificates, to the amount of 4,892,000 dollars; of this sum about 8,000 dollars had been issued to the citizens of North-Carolina—the citizens of that state have hardly any continental securities, because the state by one accident or another has been obliged to assume the payment of the continental debts; she has assumed debts to the amount of 6 or 7,000,000 dollars. In what manner are the citizens to be rewarded for all their labors and supplies. He prayed the committee would attend to the operation of this new system; other states since the peace have laid taxes to raise money for paying interest, and that interest has been returned into the hands of their own citizens. North-Carolina has imposed heavy taxes for sinking certificates, being part of the principal of the public debt; the citizen has drawn no relief from those taxes, and to crown his misfortunes he is not to get a credit for the certificates sunk. The state has also issued paper money to the amount of 200,000. that is to say, half a million of dollars; some of this money has been applied towards paying the late continental line of the army, and some of it has been employed in buying up public securities; the securities are in the treasury, but the paper money is in circulation; our citizens are to be taxed for sinking this money, and we are not allowed a discount for the certificates which are purchased by the money: will not this be a double tax? we are required to pay our proportion towards the interest of other people's certificates—we must at the same time pay taxes towards sinking our paper money, which is another species of certificates; but we are not to be relieved in the mean time by discounting the interest of the certificates we have taken up. Patience itself would complain of such injustice. Perhaps we shall be told that the double tax may be inconvenient but we shall be repaid on some future occasion; we shall get a credit when the accounts of all the states are settled and the quotas of the several states are fixed; in other words we may expect justice at the day of judgment. He prayed it might be observed that the accounts were not in a train to be settled; that they could not possibly be settled under any existing law, and Congress had not taken a single step from which he could believe that they intended to make any settlement; the original rule for fixing the quotas of the several states, "according to the value of lands and their improvements," had long since been given up as impracticable; Congress had substituted no other rule in its place, if they were seriously disposed to settle the accounts of the several states, and to render some measure of justice to the most deserving, the necessary steps were obvious. In

forming a rule for settling the accounts, he was persuaded that North-Carolina would not appear to be illiberal, he presumed also that she would be disposed to make a generous allowance to the several states for all services that had usually been called military; but he could not reconcile himself to this system of assuming the debt first, and talking afterwards concerning its origin. It has been observed that the state debts are not to be funded immediately; how shall we account for this extraordinary zeal in declaring absolutely that they shall be assumed? Are we afraid that the next Congress will refuse to do justice? Are we desirous to cut off the possibility of returning if we should change our minds on better information? One obvious benefit will arise from this sudden adoption, a few men who chanced to be near the seat of government, and were first possessed of the scheme, who flew to Carolina, and there bought up securities at 3s. in the pound; those men will be liberally rewarded, while his unfortunate fellow citizens are left to pay a second tax for the same object, and to complain of the injustice of government.
On this occasion he said he was not left to conjecture what would be the sense of his constituents; the late convention had expressed it fully in one of the amendments they had forwarded to Congress, in the following words: "Congress shall not directly or indirectly, either by themselves or through the judiciary interfere with any one of the States in the redemption of paper money, already emitted and now in circulation, or in liquidating and discharging the public securities of any one of the States, but each and every State shall have the exclusive right of making such laws and regulations for the above purposes as they shall think proper."
In this amendment the convention had been unanimous. On this occasion he was not only pursuing a measure that accorded with the sense of his constituents, but it was a measure that had perfect justice for its object. North-Carolina asked for no favors, she sought for no advantages under cover of general resolves, she was ready to account according to the spirit of the original contract, a contract that had not been altered by the new form of government, for justice was immutable. The new government could not be strengthened by hasty measures, much less by any departure from justice.
Mr. Sedgwick said it had been reported abroad, and declared in the house that those gentlemen who were in favor of the assumption, meant to prevent a settlement of the accounts of the individual states, with the United States: To remove every objection arising from that source, he would take the liberty of declaring once for all, and that in the most unequivocal and positive language, that he did not now, nor ever had entertained such an intention, and that he had the fullest confidence that the same declaration might be applied to every gentleman in favor of the measure.
Mr. Sedgwick said that the house after having exhausted the subject in a most deliberate discussion, had again resolved themselves into a committee, in consequence of the gentleman from N. C. (Mr. W.) having pledged himself, in five minutes to demonstrate that by the assumption, the state he represented would be defrauded of half a million of dollars. That he had attended very carefully to the proceedings of this demonstration, and perhaps it might not be altogether time mispent in communicating to the committee the observations which had occurred to him upon it.
That he understood the gentleman to have declared that N. C. had rendered services beyond her proportion, that her debt created for national purposes, and part of which had been actually assumed, was also beyond her proportion, that the accounts of the individual states with the United States, would never be adjusted, and more, that there was an intention with the majority of Congress to prevent it; what conclusion was to be drawn from this? North Carolina would sustain an injury from the circumstances stated, if the debt shall not be assumed; common sense would then dictate that justice to N. C. required that the debts should be assumed. This consequence however, was not deduced from the premises; the gentleman had agreed that as N. C. independent of the assumption would sustain an injury against which she could by no other means be relieved, therefore he had wisely concluded that by the assumption she would be defrauded.
Mr. Sedgwick said the gentleman had further stated that N. C. had been so unfortunate, that some of her confidential officers had issued fraudulently 300,000 dollars in certificates; which certificates, if the debt of that state should be assumed, must be paid by this government. If so, there could be no doubt but this government would indeed be defrauded, and N. C. would of course be subjected to her proportion of the burden resulting from it: But he wished the gentleman to consider whether the national councils might not, aided by his wisdom and experience, be supposed to possess nearly as much sagacity in detecting frauds and guarding against their effects, as the government of N. C.
The next argument of the gentleman, Mr. S. observed was still more extraordinary, and indeed greatly beyond his comprehension. That he had stated to the committee that N. C. had issued paper money to a certain amount, with this money they had purchased certificates; here then he concludes the state had made one purchase for which it should have a credit; still, however, this money is to be reduced, which will be an additional burden on the people. Here then it is supposed to have been proved a double payment has been made, and yet it is justly concluded that only a single credit is proposed to be given for this wonderful operation. Mr. Sedgwick said he would illustrate the ingenious argument of the gentleman by an example exactly similar, "I borrow" "said he" of my friend an hundred pounds for which I pay him by my bond, the man at the time agreed upon for the payment of the money, applies for it, whereupon I with a sober face tell him, that when I received his money he was paid for it by my bond, and should he be so uncomprehending as to insist on his money, he would receive double payment . Surely any reasonable man would be convinced by the argument. Just so N. C. purchased certificates with her valuable paper promissory, this is one payment, she performs her promises—there are now double payments.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that the gentleman had said, that while some states had made provision for the payment of the interest of the debt, N. C. had not done so, she had redeemed the principal. He said if indeed N. C. had neglected to make any provision for the payment of the interest, and had caused the immense depreciation which would unavoidably arise from that source, and had then laid a specific tax payable in the principal, it was an argument infinitely stronger than any he had heard in favor of discrimination; but how it could operate against the proposed assumption was beyond the powers of his mind to discover.
He further observed that the gentleman had produced the N. C. amendment, as a reason against the assumption, that it had also been declared to be a substantial argument against the measure that the idea had never been contemplated by any body in the Southern States until since the report of the Secretary. He said he could not very well understand how the convention of N. C. could propose an amendment with an intention to prevent a measure they had never thought of.
The gentleman from North-Carolina had said he was sensible some of the states were unduly and unequally burdened, and that he was willing to afford them relief when the accounts should be settled. At the same time he was so candid as to declare that he did not believe those accounts ever would be settled. He said that if the gentleman had possessed less confidence in his own powers of persuasion, he would perhaps have permitted at least one day to intervene between the one of those declarations and the other.
"These" said Mr. Sedgwick "are the arguments, the weighty arguments, which the gentleman pledged himself should have all the force of demonstration, and in expectation of hearing which the majority considered themselves authorised to suspend a determination on a question the most important that ever came before this house; a determination on which, the public mind has long expected with an anxiety proportioned to its magnitude."
Mr. Sedgwick concluded by observing that if the majority of the committee was influenced in their determination on this important question by an enlarged, liberal and extended national policy, there could be no doubt of the result, but on the contrary, if local and narrow ideas should prevail, he should despair of success, and with it of those benefits which he had fondly hoped would attend the administration of this government.
Mr. Williamson, in reply to Mr. Sedgwick said that he had not asserted that North-Carolina had paid more than her proportion; the gentleman does not hear well; he had said (he observed) that North-Carolina had assumed to herself, more than her proportion of the continental debt. He repeated his remark that there was a design to prevent a settlement. Let the settlement first be made; and North-Carolina will cheerfully concur in assuming the balances which may appear to be due from the United States—but the present plan is to get the whole funded, and let the settlement come on as it will.
Mr. Page in opposition to assumption said, it was a measure which did not meet the approbation of the creditors themselves. Some of the debts were contracted for purposes in which the rest were no more interested than a foreign nation. He then repeated the observations respecting consolidation; the measure would tend to that, and from that to monarchy. He enlarged on the idea of a spirit of rivalry's giving rise to the debts of the separate States; they were free, sovereign and independent—were at liberty to contract what debts they pleased and the United States were not bound to pay debts contracted from such motives; he hoped the committee would abandon the proposition and go on to consider the rest, which are totally independent of it.
Mr. Goodhue, after observing that the comparative view of the merits and services of the several States has nothing to do with the present question, said, the war commenced when there was no legislative body to represent the Union; it was carried on by paper money; when that ceased, and the credit of the United States was gone—they applied to the individual States; Congress depended on the credit of the States, separately; hence arose the debts of the States—and thus it appears demonstratively, that those debts are the debts of the United States; contracted on their account and which they are bound by every principle of justice and policy to provide for. This obligation it appears is greatly enhanced by this consideration that the funds on which these debts were dependant, and from which the interest on them was paid, is now assumed by the United States. The impost and excise under the management of the individual States were barely sufficient for this purpose; they have now nothing left, but the excise, which is found to be very unproductive—the consequences of direct taxation have been severely felt. I am clearly of opinion that if we do not make this assumption, the very existence of this government will be endangered; the competition for revenue will excite such heats and animosities, as will destroy the revenue altogether.
He concluded by wishing that the subject might be taken up on fair and equal principles—and from thence he doubted not, it would appear a measure of indispensable necessity and justice to adopt the proposition for the assumption.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 20.
Sundry petitions were read. A committee was appointed on Col. Ely's memorial. In committee of the whole on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the support of the public credit.
The 2d alternative, in the following words was read, viz. — To have the whole sum funded at an annuity or yearly interest of 4 per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum, on account both of principal and interest, and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands as in the preceding case.
It was moved to strike out "five dollars" in order to admit a larger sum, so that the redemption of the principal should take place at an earlier period than that proposed. This was agreed to, and Six inserted.
The following proposition: "To have 66 2/3 dollars funded immediately at an annuity or yearly interest of 6 per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding four dollars and two thirds of a dollar, per annum, on account both of principal and interest; and to have at the expiration of ten years 26 dollars, and 88 cents, funded at the like interest and rate of redemption." The proposition being amended to read as follows, was agreed to.
"To have 66 2/3 dollars funded immediately at an annuity or yearly interest of six per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars and two thirds of a dollar per annum, on account both of principal and interest; and to have, at the end of seven years, thirty-three dollars and one third of a dollar funded at the like interest and rate of redemption."
Mr. Sherman then proposed to modify the resolution so as to admit of the following proposition—"That the debts contracted by the several states for the common defence and benefit of the union, ought to be considered as a part of the domestic debt of the United States: That proper provision ought to be made for the immediate debt of the United States; and that the faith of government ought to be pledged to make provision, at the next session, for so much of the debts of the respective states as shall have been subscribed upon any of the terms expressed in the last resolution; provided that subscriptions shall not be received for a greater amount, than the following sums, viz.
[Here the names of the several states were inserted without any sums.]
That the remainder ought to be left to the respective states to provide for, until a final settlement of their accounts with the United States, for which settlement effectual provision ought now to be made.
Provided that no debts be assumed but such as have been liquidated in specie value, and evidenced by notes or certificates issued by authority of the respective States, before the _____ day of _____ 1790.
And if the creditors of any state shall not subscribe to the amount of the debt of such state to be assumed as aforesaid, such state shall receive interest at the rate of 4 per cent per annum, on the remainder of said sum, until a final settlement of its accounts with the United States, to be applied to the payment of interest to its non-subscribing creditors, for which, and for the sums that may be assumed, the respective states shall be accountable to the United States."
Mr. Sherman being called upon to ascertain in what proportion he meant to fill up the blanks, read the following as a statement of the debts owing by the states, and the proportions he wanted to have assumed.
Assumption of the State Debts; not exceeding the Sums in the last column. Due as per Sec'y's Report. Sums to be assumed.
   DOLLARS.     N. Hampshire. 300,000 300,000   Massachusetts 5,226,801 4,000,000   Connecticut 1,951,173 1,600,000   New-York 1,167,575 1,000,000   New-Jersey 788,680 750,000   Pennsylvania 2,200,000 2,000,000   Delaware 100,000   Maryland 800,000 750,000   Virginia 3,600,743 3,000,000   N. Carolina 1,600,000   S. Carolina 5,386,232 4,000,000   Georgia 200,000   19,300,000  
These resolutions were opposed with as much spirit as the original proposition for the assumption. The Committee rose without coming to a vote on them.
* In our last we stated that the second alternative was acceded to: this was an error; it was proposed to restore it, but the proposition was not then decided upon.
Reports on sundry memorials and petitions from the Secretary at War were read.
Mr. MADISON made the following motion: Mr. Speaker As we have been informed not only through the channel of the newspapers but by a more direct communication, of the decease of an illustrious character, whose native genius has rendered distinguished services to the cause of science and of mankind in general; and whose patriotic exertions have contributed in a high degree to the independence and prosperity of this country in particular—the occasion seems to call upon us to pay some tribute to his memory expressive of the tender veneration his country feels for such distinguished merit—I therefore move the following resolution:
"The house being informed of the decease of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, a citizen whose native genius was not more an ornament to human nature, than his various exertions of it have been precious to science, to freedom, and to his country, do resolve, as a mark of the veneration due to his memory, that the members wear the customary badge of mourning for one month."
On the question, this motion passed without a division. Mr. PARTRIDGE brought in a bill for allowing compensation to John Ely, which was read a first time.
Mr. GILMAN of the committee of enrolment, reported that the committee had examined the bill entitled an act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States; whereupon, the speaker signed the said bill.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Sherman's resolutions were again read, and a interesting debate ensued but no decision took place.
FRIDAY, APRIL 23.
The bill for granting compensation to Col. John Ely, for his services and expenses as a surgeon to the prisoners on Long Island during the late war, was read the second time, and referred to a committee of the whole, to be taken into consideration this day week.
A report from the Secretary of the Treasury pursuant to order of the house, on the 10th January last, respecting any difficulties attending the execution of the revenue laws was read, and referred to a committee, consisting of Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Boudinot, and Mr. Lee.
Sundry reports from the Secretary for the department of war, on petitions and memorials were read.
A petition and remonstrance from the merchants of Georgetown on Potomac, concerned in shipping, was presented by Mr. Carroll, and read.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the memorial of General James Warren, was read—this report being against the prayer of the petition. Mr. Partridge after stating the circumstances on which the application to the house was founded, moved that the sum of 380l. be granted to General James Warren, in full for so much short paid him on a warrant drawn in his favor on the state of Massachusetts; this motion was seconded by Mr. Gerry, who likewise spoke to the merits of the petition. The question being taken, the motion was negatived.
Mr. AMES said, that previous to taking up the order of the day, he wished to introduce a motion for the consideration of the house; he observed that it had been asserted in the course of the debates on the assumption of the state debts, that the State of Virginia had advanced for the common defence, beyond her proportion; advantage appeared to be taken of such assertions; he thought it necessary that facts should be known—that the committee might act with certainty in conducting this important question; he therefore moved the following in substance, viz. That the Secretary for the department of war be directed to lay before the house a statement of the troops including the militia, and ordnance stores furnished by the respective States for the general defence, during the late war.—This motion was opposed as tending to procrastinate the funding business, and as leading to excite invidious comparisons respecting the relative merits and exertions of the several States.—It was however carried in the affirmative, with this addition proposed by Mr. Bland, "and that the Commissioners of accounts between the United States and individual states, be directed to furnish an abstract of the claims of the several states against the United States, specifying the principles on which the claims are founded. On the above motion, the previous question was called for by Mr. Lee, which was lost, and the main question agreed to, 28 to 26.
Mr. Gerry then moved, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to the house a statement of all payments by the United States for Indents and other paper, as well as specie which have been made by the several states to Congress from the commencement to the end of the late war. This was agreed to.
Mr. Madison moved that a statement of the unliquidated claims of the several states against the United States, should be furnished by the Commissioners—this was also agreed to.
The above report of the Secretary of the Treasury is very minute and lengthy—the reading of it and the debates on the several motions employed the whole day—so that the House did not go into Committee.
(Adjourned till Monday.)
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
IT was expected that a spirit of accommodation would have prevailed in the minds of most of our statesmen under the present government, and that even sacrifices would have been cheerfully made for the general good; but we are sorry to find the time is not yet come, and that there is too much of the old leaven still remaining.
I doubt the business of paying the national debt is not taken up on proper grounds, and that many of the members in the House of Representatives are too much attached to the principles of the old government, to be able to judge properly of a good System of Finance. The greatest difficulty appears to be about that part of the debt which was contracted by individual States; and it might with as much propriety be proposed to apportion the whole, or to make a discrimination in the payment of the debt contracted by our different Agents in Europe, as to leave disproportioned parts of the domestic debt to be provided for by different funds.
It was certainly right under the late government, for the States to make provision in their individual capacities for such debts as they were obliged to assume on account of the Union, because no better could be done; but to pursue such measures now, would defeat the best purposes of the Constitution, and be subversive of the soundest principles of finance, and of national policy.
The refusal of the States to relinquish the debts, on the plea that it would do them injustice, appears to me, to have no foundation in reason; for surely an Act that would put it in the option of the creditors to subscribe to the funds of the Union, could not operate against an equitable adjustment of the accounts; and returning the debts will not tend to put the States on a footing of equality.
Every friend to the Union would be happy to see a disposition to accommodate, when necessary; but I would only ask in the present case, to carry into operation the great objects of the government. And although the business should lie over for the present, I am confident that ere long, both the States and their creditors will be as willing to surrender the debts to the general government as any member of that body will be to provide for them.
A CREDITOR OF THE UNION.
Philadelphia, April 20, 1790.

TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUCAS.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of Intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
Extracts from the Leyden Gazette of Jan. 1, 1790.
BY a letter of the 7th of December from the Ukraine it appears that HASSAN PACHA, now Grand Visir had sent from Ismalow a deputation to PRINCE POTEMKIN with a letter written to him by the Grand Seignior with his own hand to ask if Prince POTEMKIN was charged with full powers to treat of peace, and if he was, to desire that negotiations might be immediately opened for that purpose. The Prince immediately sent an express to Petersburg, and in the mean time invited the deputies of the Grand Visir to come to Jassy, offering an escort for their safety?
WARSAW.
Extract of letter of Dec. 16. The diet have received a letter from his Prussian Majesty in which he offers his friendship to the republic, and asks theirs, expressing his wishes to see it happy and powerful, and desiring in concert with his allies, England, the United Netherlands, &c. to enter into connections with Poland which no intrigues may disturb: that in this view he wishes also that the future form of government which shall be given to the republic, may be fixed and established as soon as possible, since on that form will depend the future happiness of the country; that he was well aware how difficult it is to introduce a new form of government in a monarchical country and how much more difficult still to remedy the vices of government in a republic—but he wished they would immediately undertake it, and communicate to him the plan of a new system.
The deputies of the towns have demanded from the diet—1. That the commons be restored to their antient rights. 2. That commoners and strangers be assured of personal protection. 3. That commoners be allowed to own lands. 4. That nobles and commoners may be made capable of mutually inheriting goods from each other. 5. That commoners be declared capable of all employments ecclesiastical, civil and military. 6. That the commoners be subject to public jurisdictions only. 7. That commoners be allowed to communicate to public bodies their ideas on commerce, &c. 8. That all the cities be allowed to send Nuncios to the diet, and to instruct them, and that the influence of the cities on the government be no more infringed, but amplified. 9. That commoners as well as nobles be chosen into the commissions of the Treasury and Palatinates. 10. That in the tribunals for the cities there be as many commoners as nobles.
DANTZIC.
People here now publicly express the advantages they should derive from becoming the subjects of a powerful Prince able to protect them?
BERLIN.
Letter Dec. 22. Every thing announces that the coming year will be interesting. The cabinet is very busy, tho' secret, it is obvious, that it looks towards Poland. Prince TALLONOWSKI is come to succeed as Minister for Poland here, the Prince CZARTORISKI who returns to Warsaw; one object seems to be an alliance with Poland, and that it enter into the grand alliance forming under the auspices of his Prussian Majesty. The fate of Dantzic will probably be decided at the same time. Our preparations for war are no longer secret; our court has approved the conduct of Monsieur DOHM in the affairs of Liege.
PARIS.
Letter Dec. 25. The term of the second Presidency of M. FRETEAU being expired, M. DEMEUNIER was proclaimed his successor in the session of the 22nd of this month, having had 430 out of 887 votes. M. MALONET had 326; in the session of the preceding evening M. BRUNET DE LATUQUE, deputy of Nerac, made a speech filled with sentiments of equity and justice, to shew to the assembly that the edict of 1787, concerning the non-catholics, excluded those citizens from places in the municipalities, which comprehend those of judicature; that the decisions of the assembly not having abrogated that law, it might be used in the formation of the municipalities as well as of the assemblies of district and department, against citizens meriting the same rights with others. He therefore moved that the National Assembly should explain itself on the capacity of non-Catholics, not only to be elected in all the parts of administration without exception; but also to all employments civil and military, as other citizens. M. de ROEDERER made the same motion in favor of comedians—and the count de CLERMONT-TONNERRE proposed a resolution in such general terms that the Jews would have been comprehended. The discussion of these motions was resumed the 23rd of Dec. and yesterday it was concluded by a resolution, which will form an epoch in the annals of the world, and which renders France at this day the most tolerant country of Europe. It is in these words: "The National Assembly declares, 1. That the non-Catholics, who shall
otherwise fulfil all the conditions prescribed in their preceding rules for electors, or persons capable of being elected, may be chosen in all parts of administration without exception—2. That the non-Catholics are capable of all employments, civil and military, as other citizens—without meaning however to affect the case of Jews, on which the assembly reserves a right of deciding, and moreover without that, that any other causes of ineligibility may be opposed, but those which result from the principles of the Constitution." This last clause respects the comedians.
GHENT.
A letter of Dec. 27, says, that the most perfect order has prevailed in Brussels from the first moment of the revolution. The Belgic nation, and Mr. VANDERNOOT, their leader, have great merit for their sincere efforts to prevent all excesses. He is chosen President of the General Committee of the Belgic Provinces. People now begin to look forward to the future form to be given to our government. Some think, as the Prince is deprived of his rights, the Sovereignty reverts to the people, and does not survive as a property to the few in possession of it—that the right of representation particularly should be equalized—that the distinction of orders should be suppressed, or it would be only a change of masters—others think that the Ducal power being abrogated in the person of the Emperor, the States, as at present formed, are entitled to continue in the government, and that they must not give into the dangerous novelties of their neighbors—it may happen that the consequences of this revolution may be more extensive than its leaders intended. The Prince D'AREMBERG, who was a member of the National Assembly of France, is come to offer his services to the States of Flanders: Some irregular imprisonments have been made, which disgust the nation.
BRUSSELS, Dec. 21.
The Austrian troops evacuated on the 20th the city of Ruremond, and all the provinces. The States will assemble in three days.
LIEGE.
The revolution of this place wears a favorable aspect—not only his Prussian Majesty, but the Elector Palatine, as Duke of Juliers, seem disposed to protect it.
(To be continued.)
LINES.
Written at Santa Cruz, in the Island of Teneriff, and sent to DONA ANTONIETTA DE R——, a Spanish young Lady.
BY PETER PINDAR, Esq.
In the manner of SPENSER.
BEHOLD in these lovelorn shades a damsel dwell; I wren the fairest amongst all the fair; A while doth Virtue bid her sky farewell, To live with SYLVIA passing all compare; Eke Innocence doth leave her gentle bower above, To join her gentle Sister of the grove. Yet what availth, beauteous maid, thy mien, To mortals driven from thy dark retreat? Ah! what thy sparkling eye of peerless sheen, Sith lovers are forbidden from thy seat! Soothly of little value is the rose, Whose bell unseen in dreary desert blows. Soothly! the balms of Araby the blest Are nought, if unenjoy'd their fragrant stream! What is fair Luna in her filv'ry vest, If ne'er the sheweth to the world her beam? Then break like Luna from her cloud of night, And glad us, lovely virgin, with thy light. For thee the Poet heaveath sighs how deep! Yet, yet unheard, they mingle with the wind; Ah! Virgin, well my artless lays may weep, Sith SPENSER hapless plain'd for ROSALIND; Spenser whose sweet Song-far surpasseth mine, As Rosalinda's beauties yield to thine. Yet trust me, fair one, I will verse indite, And thou the subject soft, to bring me praise; Tho' love be cruel, yet for laud I'll write, And immortality must crown my lays; For sith thy charms so much delighted fame, She'll suffer nought to die that holds thy name.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
PARIS, FEBRUARY 10.
Report of the Military Committee.
This report is ordered to be printed—the principal articles contained in it are as follow.
"The King of Frenchmen is the Supreme Chief of the military forces by land and by sea. No military man can be broken or dismissed from his employment without a previous trial. "That no law or ordinance whatever shall be established under any pretext whatever, which shall tend to exclude any citizen from holding a military rank. "That every military man who shall retire after six years service, shall be entitled to the privileges of an active citizen."
The report further orders, that the King should be requested immediately to favour the Assembly with his ideas concerning the organization of the army, that it might then deliberate on the several objects which concern the legislative power.
FEBRUARY 13.
The King, accompanied by the Queen and the Dauphin, went yesterday, the 11th, to visit the hospital of the Enfans-trouves. His Majesty examined the establishment with regard to its most minute economy, and appeared much pleased with its regulation. A croud of people followed the carriage—the streets thro' which it passed re-echoed with the cries of VIVE LE ROI! VIVE LE REINE! VIVE LE DAUPHIN! and satisfaction was painted on the faces of their Majesties.
The Commons of Paris have made an order, that the King's speech in the National Assembly, shall be engraved under his bust in their hall.
PARIS, February 9.
The King has at least obtained one part of his object, in going to the National Assembly on the 4th inst. for the people seem so well satisfied of his Majesty's good intentions, that he is to be permitted to go to his hunting seat at Rambouillet for a few days. It is further mentioned that a motion is shortly to be made in the Assembly to break all the National guards, having no further occasion for their services.
In the reduction of expences, that of foreign Embassies is to be considerably curtailed.
The last stone of the Bastille's dungeons was presented on Saturday last to the National Assembly, by the workmen who demolished those infernal regions.
ROME,
Jan. 22. The trial of CAGLIOSTRO, who is still closely confined, is carried on very cautiously and secretly. All we can learn is, that on the 16th he underwent an examination which lasted five hours and an half. The next day (Sunday) the Pope read all that had passed, and immediately ordered him to be loaded with iron chains, and to be manacled. We are assured that he was at the head of a conspiracy against our government, which was to have been put into execution in the night of the 12th of next month.
MADRID, (Spain) Jan. 25.
The last letters received from Algiers mentioned, that the plague had again made its appearance in the district of Mascara.
LONDON, Feb. 13.
We are told, that a dissolution of Parliament, will take place in May next. The new Parliament to meet in June or July? at the latter end of which month, their Majesties, and the three elder Princesses will go to Hanover.
The Prince of Wales is to preside at the Council appointed for the management of the Affairs of State, during the King's absence.
Two pictures of Poussin, which the late Mr. Delme purchased for 400 guineas, were sold this day at his sale for 1630 gs. Lord Ashburnham was the purchaser. A Claude was bought by Sir Geo. Beaumont for 500 guineas.
The additional duty on newspapers has not increased the revenue—on the contrary, the duty on stamps decreased 42,000. in the last half year.
NEW-WINDSOR, April 14.
Some days ago, a huge rock on that end of Butter-hill (Highlands) which adjoins Hudson's river, was discovered to leave its bed, near the summit of the mountain, and proceed with surprising rapidity down the steep, making a tremendous noise, and tearing up either rocks or trees that opposed, until it plunged into the river. This was observed by two fishing boats who narrowly escaped being dashed to pieces by it or the number of stones and splinters of rocks that accompanied it, or of being swampt by the confusion it made in the water. They supposed it to be of about seven feet diameter, its removal was occasioned by its being undermined by heavy rains, as it stood on a very sandy spot.
MARBLEHEAD,
April 3.—The highest prize in the State Lottery was drawn by a number of Females in this town: About 30 were joint possessors of that fortunate number and five others; the highest share in them did not exceed one dollar, and the lowest was nine pence, expressive of the different abilities of the concerned; by which circumstance, the property of the prize is most agreeably divided!
PHILADELPHIA, 21 April.
This day were interred the remains of the illustrious and venerable BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, L. L. D. with every mark of tender and respectful sorrow, which an affectionate family, devoted to him—friends truly sensible of his worth, or an intelligent and grateful city could show.
The ships in the harbour, of all nations, hung their flags half mast high.
To the town of Boston, the place of his nativity, he has left a liberal and well-judged token of his remembrance; to the city of Philadelphia, his second place of birth, he has left the fame. But time alone can unfold to his country and his fellow-men, the numerous treasures of wisdom, which his patriotism and philanthropy have bequeathed them.
YEARS, virtue, honor, glory, fame, conclude "A life of labors, for the public good!" "Calm sleeps the flesh—far distant unconfin'd, "In bliss unbounded wakes the immortal mind."
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Ship Expedition, Roberts, London. Brig Lively, Clark, Bristol. Brig Laretta, Sifare, St. Domingo. Brig Three Brothers, New-Castle (England). Brig Minerva, Tiptet, Baltimore. Brig Columbia, Baddock, Edenton, (N. C.) Schooner Good Hope, Savage, St. Thomas. Sloop Catharine, Snell, Charleston. —Sloop Sally, Lawrence, Cape Francois. —Sloop Susan, Elliot, Montego Bay. —Sloop Polly, Rhodes, Edenton (N. C.) —Sloop Wilmington Packet, Brainby, Wilmington. —Sloop Betsey, Brooks, Philadelphia.

FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
THE patriots of America were little more weary of the dangers and efforts of a state of war, than of the confusions, disgraces and gloomy forebodings which succeeded it. That liberty which cost such efforts, and was worth more than it cost, seemed ready to expire; property was deemed insecure; the union had nothing but opinion to support it; a charm which was losing its force by time, and the accumulated causes of internal hostility. While New-York was taxing Connecticut and New-Jersey, and part of Massachusetts, and Massachusetts was taxing a part of Connecticut, and almost all New-Hampshire; while each accused the other of delinquency during the war, and of injustice since the peace, all men of discernment saw with grief and terror the rapid progress of things towards a state of civil war. Thank Heaven! it is only a matter of opinion; but that opinion is little short of plenary evidence, that before this day the flames of civil war would have been kindled. The high spirit of Connecticut could ill brook the being tributary to New-York. It is said that more than one hundred thousand dollars were drawn yearly by this latter state from its neighbours. Trade suffered under rival regulations—mutual intercourse was shackled, and would soon have been interdicted. Navigation and manufactures sunk under the weight of foreign oppression; all this time property was unsafe; we blushed for our country, while we trembled for its safety. When we adopted the Constitution, we justly relied upon the wisdom of its principles, and, perhaps still more, upon the zeal of its advocates for an efficient and stable administration. What were the defects of the old form of government? It was well enough on paper; but in practice it was a piece of mockery. Congress had the sword, it is true; but a sword that must be kept in the scabbard till the rust had consumed its edge. The States had each a sword too, and what was better, a purse, and in that purse some of the States kept their own and their neighbour's money: It was a house divided against itself; it was a constitutional mob; a chaos made more confused by attempting to arrange it into order; a perpetual conflict between constitution and administration; it was worse than a state of nature in which each man is against his fellow; for here petty societies were ranged against one another; it was order against order; government against government; it was a kind of feudal anarchy in which the social principle was perverted to make the mischief of individual passions more permanent and deadly.
Those who believe in providence ought to thank heaven upon their knees that we have escaped from a condition which afforded no hope but in the extremity of the evil; that extremity produced the constitution; while it was in discussion, it was admitted that without the complete power of the purse, the government would be a shadow; it would cheat the hopes of those who expected protection from it.—For let it be remembered, a feeble government is a curse to a country; for the passions of men are constantly struggling to escape the restraint of laws; a government too weak to restrain these passions becomes the instrument of them.
Government is to society what reason is to the soul; when the authority of either is impaired, vice and ruin will ensue; it is too often said government is an evil: good government makes men better than it finds them.—By imposing an habitual restraint upon the passions, they lose much of their ferocity, and reason becomes superior; under good government man is a taught animal, and gains more than all others by discipline.
Every feeble government on earth is a government of men, and of bad men too, and not of laws; the worst passions are the most active, and will gain the ascendancy; liberty if it can be called such is then the most insecure. Those who possess, are made weary of it; its champions renounce its defence for its spoil. We form societies for the sake of security; a government too weak to give it, is not worth preserving, and yet it must be preserved, if at all, by the painful watching, and at the constant peril of its advocates.
We have gathered the ripe fruits of experience; we have seen the union prostrate; Congress with no more power and little more dignity than the trustees of a charity school; we have supported a government without having one; allegiance and protection said to be reciprocal were reversed; the government was protected, and paid homage to the States.
The question on the assumption involves all these considerations; if the State debts are not to be paid, it is a measure of violence and wickedness that Algiers would abhor. If they are to be paid at 20s. in the pound, and the States are to tax as they think fit to do it, they must occupy the principal sources of revenue; these partial taxes will be difficult to manage—they will be various in the States—system will oppose system—confusion will ensue. The people will pay much and the States get little. Besides the loss of money, it is bringing our government back to the confederation. It is in practice what that was in theory.
Citizens of America—you have not expected another confederation—you have cheerfully adopted the constitution—you have freely aided the government—you have prospered beyond example under it—your industry, if not obstructed, will lead you to wealth.—Are you willing then by dividing the exercise of indirect taxation between Congress and the States, to endanger all your hopes? Revenue is power, and will not bear a partnership. You will see revived the deadly animosities which rival trade-laws engendered in the States; the arts will languish—the union will be relaxed—the graves of your heroes will be moistened with the blood of their brethren.—Is there in the world a government where the powers in question are exercised in partnership?—If there is, it is a bad government, and not worth what it costs.
UNION.
PHILADELPHIA, APRIL 20, 1790.
Died on Saturday night, in the 85th year of his age, the illustrious BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, of this city. His remains will be interred to-morrow afternoon, at four o'clock, in Christ Church burial ground.
We are favored with the following short account of Doctor Franklin's last illness, by his attending Physician.
THE stone, with which he had been afflicted for several years, had for the last twelve months confined him chiefly to his bed; and during the extreme painful paroxysms, he was obliged to take large doses of laudanum to mitigate his tortures—still, in the intervals of pain, he not only amused himself with reading and conversing cheerfully with his family and a few friends, who visited him, but was often employed in doing business of a public as well as a private nature, with various persons, who waited on him for that purpose; and in every instance displayed, not only that readiness and disposition of doing good, which was the distinguishing characteristic of his life, but the fullest and clearest possession of his uncommon mental abilities; and not frequently indulged himself in those jeux d'esprit and entertaining anecdotes, which were the delight of all who heard him.
About sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish indisposition, without any particular symptoms attending it till the third or fourth day, when he complained of a pain in his left breast, which increased till it became extremely acute, attended with a cough and laborious breathing. During this state, when the severity of his pains sometimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he would observe—that he was afraid he did not bear them as he ought—acknowledged his grateful sense of the many blessings he had received from that Supreme Being, who had raised him, from small and low beginnings, to such high rank and consideration among men—and made no doubt his present afflictions were kindly intended to wean him from a world, in which he was no longer fit to act the part assigned him.
In this frame of body and mind he continued till five days before his death, when his pain and difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves with the hopes of his recovery, when an imposthumation, which had formed itself in his lungs, suddenly burst, and discharged a great quantity of matter, which he continued to throw up while he had sufficient strength to do it, but, as that failed the organs
of respiration became gradually oppressed—a calm lethargic state succeeded—and on the 17th, about 11 o'clock at night he quietly expired, closing a long and useful life of 84 years and 3 months.
It may not be amiss to add to the above account that Dr. Franklin, in the year 1735, had a severe pleurisy, which determined in an abscess of the left lobe of his lungs, and he was then almost suffocated with the quantity and suddenness of the discharge. A second attack of a similar nature happened some years after this, from which he soon recovered, and did not appear to suffer any inconvenience in his respiration from these diseases.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
PARIS, FEBRUARY 12.
SUPPRESSION OF MONACHISM!
At length the mighty exploit of civil prowess is achieved—the national assembly of France, after a debate of two days, in which reason and eloquence combated against bigotry and clamor, have adopted the following memorable decree:
“The National Assembly decrees, as a constitutional article, that the law shall not authorize monastic vows from persons of either sex; declares in consequence, that all religious orders which exact such vows, are and shall for ever continue suppressed in France, to the exclusion of any similar establishments in future.
“All the religious of either sex may, on making a declaration to their municipality, quit their cloister, and proper pensions shall be without delay provided for their support, as well as houses of retreat for those who do not desire to avail themselves of the liberty granted.
“The Assembly excepts houses charged with education or charity, until it shall finally decide concerning these objects. The nuns may remain in their own convents, the National Assembly expressly excepting them from the operation of that decree which enjoins the union of several houses into one.
M. L'Abbe Montesquieu was the author of the decree we have reported above, which was carried by a great majority.
Thus, in the first Catholic country of the world, is the axe at length laid to the root of that tree which in its baneful shade nourished so many noisome reptiles, while it withered the blossoms of humanity—which has so long impoverished the nutriment of industry by its growth, and so widely darkened the views of intellect by its luxuriance.
L O N D O N, February 10.
POPULATION.—In a late calculation it appears that there are in—
  England 8,100,000 people   Scotland 1,500,000   Ireland 3,040,000   Total 12,640,000 
A few days ago a young couple went to be married at Ashton-under-Line; when the ceremony was about to commence, the lady walked out of the church; the gentleman, with much apparent eagerness, followed her; in the most tender manner, intreated her to return and make him happy, to which she at length consented. When again in the church, and at the altar, the intended bridegroom made a most obsequious bow, wished her a good day, and left her.
A fellow at Windsor, who lately ate a cat, has given another proof of the brutality of his disposition—an instance too ferocious and sanguinary almost, to admit of public representation.
He was at a public house at Old Windsor, one day in the course of last week, and, without apparent cause, walked out of the house, and with a bill-hook severed his hand from his arm. His brutal courage was strongly marked in this transaction; for the inhuman monster made 3 strokes with the instrument before he could effect his purpose, and at last actually made a complete amputation. He assigns no other reason for this terrible self attack, than his total disinclination to work, and that this step will compel the overseers of his parish to provide for him during the remainder of his life.
The STARLING.—A SONG.
(From the Concord Gazette.)
A BEAUTEOUS Starling late I saw On lovely Sylvia's hand; To check his flight, around his leg She ty'd a silken band: In vain he flutters to be gone; Confinement is his lot: In vain he strives to break the band— And can't untie the knot. Cease! cease! he cried—here you shall feed; And in my bosom rest: No bird that ever wing'd the air, Was half so much care's'd. If from my hand you should escape, You may per chance be shot: Then cease to peck—'tis all in vain— You can't untie the knot. The Bird contented grows, at length, While Sylvia strokes his plumes; Erects his little crest—and soon His former notes resumes. From what he'd heard, the fair one say, These words by rote he got; And oft repeated every day, You can't untie the knot. One ev'ning youthful Damon sat, With Sylvia by his side; Reward my love at last, said he, To-morrow be my bride. Her blushes in his favor rose; Yet she consented not; For ere she spake, the Starling cried— You can't untie the knot.
PROPOSALS,
BY JOHN TRUMBULL, For publishing by subscription,
TWO PRINTS,
From ORIGINAL PICTURES painted by himself:
REPRESENTING The DEATH of General WARREN, At the Battle of Bunker's-Hill; and The DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, In the Attack of Quebec.
IN the Battle of Bunker's Hill, the following Portraits are introduced, AMERICAN. BRITISH. Major General Warren, General Sir William Howe, Putnam, Sir Henry Clinton, Lieut. Col. John Small, Major Pitcairn, and Lieut. Pitcairn. In the Attack of Quebec, are seen, General Montgomery, Major Macpherson, Colonel Thompson, Captain Chesman.
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
THE Prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent Artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, three guineas for each print, one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the Prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed. Subscriptions are received in America, only by Mr. Trumbull. All subscriptions receipts will be signed by him, as well as by Mr. Poggi, of London; under whose direction the prints are engraving, and will be published.
These Prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American revolution.
No period of the history of man is more interesting than that in which we have lived.—The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must remain ever dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. Historians will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which they write, must be understood—the language of Painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expense, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation, to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success. That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor, and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec, are
 * THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,  * BATTLE at TRENTON,  * BATTLE of PRINCETON,  SURRENDER of General BURGOYNE,  TREATY with FRANCE,  BATTLE of EUTAW SPRINGS,  * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN,  TREATY of PEACE,  EVACUATION of NEW-YORK,  RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON,  THE ARCH at TRENTON,  INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. 
Each picture will contain Portraits of the principal characters, who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with Stars, are considerably advanced; and the Prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers. New-York, April 2, 1790.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of PHILIP DENMAN, now confined in the common gaol of Newark, in the county of Essex, That the Honorable Court of Common Pleas, in and for said county, have appointed Tuesday the 25th day of May next, for the creditors of said Philip Denman, to meet at the Court house in Newark, at nine o'clock of the day aforesaid, and shew cause to the judge of the said Court if any they have, why an assignment of the said insolvent debtor's estate should not be made, and he discharged according to the act of the Legislature of New-Jersey in such case made and provided.
PHILIP DENMAN.
Newark, April 14, 1790.
To be SOLD, For CERTIFICATES, or exchanged for LAND, TWENTY-TWO acres of ground in the City of New-York, fronting Great George-Street, Bowry-Lane, and Greenwich-Lane. On the premises is a brick dwelling house containing ten rooms; a smaller brick house with four rooms; a house with a brick front with two rooms: In each house is a Kitchen, and under the whole four cellars; a never failing spring is near one of the kitchens; a frame stable and a coach-house with stables. From the dwelling house both the North and the East rivers are plain to the view. Additional improvements have been made this Spring, the ground has been laid out for pleasure as well as for utility; it is provided with variety of orchard and other fruit; part of the land has also been sown with timothy and clover. To be sold for certificates of the national debt, which will be received at the nominal value, Dollars at 8s. Or for good upland, even if covered with wood, provided it is situated on the following rivers, or on creeks as far as navigable, communicating with the same, viz. At the Potowomac above Alexandria, at James River above Richmond, in South-Carolina, about one hundred miles from the sea shore, on Santee Edisto or Ponpon river, or on Savannah river. If not sold at private sale before the 15th of May, it will then on the above terms be disposed of by Public Vendue at the merchants Coffee-House.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. POELLNITZ on the premises. New-York April 10, 1790.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muffs 8-4 6-4 5-4 || HUMHUMS, Jacketon do. || Long Cloths, Hankercchiefs, of various kinds, || Cassas, Chintzes, || Seersuckers, Ginghams, || Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.