Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-04-03 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. CII.]
SATURDAY, APRIL 3, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. CII.
"The man who grows less by elevation is like a little Statue, placed on a mighty Pedestal."
PROMOTION brings the talents and integrity of a man to a test. It tries them by a standard that cannot long deceive. The reputation of a person, before and after an appointment to office, may be very different. In the tranquil scenes of private life, where good breeding is deemed equivalent to good sense; where useful virtues often assume the name of great talents; and where art and cunning are not severely scrutinized, how can it be known who possesses the firmest probity, or the most extensive abilities? Causes merely accidental may draw people into public view, in the first instance, but the real character can only be determined by an experiment. It is therefore not surprising that some men should sink and others rise, in influence, by being raised to a conspicuous station.
A man of a narrow capacity may perform duties to a certain extent, with as much propriety as he could, were his mind more comprehensive. In attending to objects evidently within his reach, he does not seem to be inferior, in that respect, to a person of an elevated genius. The reason is, that the employment itself does not give scope for stronger faculties than he is known to possess. Hence it is readily presumed that he is qualified for more arduous undertakings. Many circumstances may conspire to promote him to some important office which is beyond the sphere of his capacity. It could not be ascertained, without a trial, whether he deserved such a promotion. The abilities of men are not often co-extensive with their ambition. Keen passions do not disdain sometimes to associate with a weak understanding. When this is the case, men are tempted to wander from their limits; they make themselves little by striving to be great; and become contemptible in proportion as they aspire after respect. Every person who acts well the part assigned him may gain some degree of reputation, but the most eminent part illly acted, can confer no honor on the performer.
The same observations will hold good when applied to the rectitude of men. There is a certain degree of strength in the probity of every individual. While a man is moving in the ordinary course of life, exposed to no uncommon temptations, his integrity may perhaps never be shaken. But place him in a situation new and difficult, where he is pressed by alluring motives, to depart from his duty, and it is incredible how soon he can shake off his former restraints. A person of slender abilities may not be able to comprehend the distinction of right, and wrong, in the intricate circumstances of public life. He can have no definite ideas of virtue and vice relative to subjects which he does not understand. By this means, a weak man whose intentions are originally honest, may fall into habits repugnant to moral rectitude, merely because he does not know what morality has to do with the occasion. It is hazardous in every point of view, for a person to take a stand more elevated than he deserves. The public eye will search out his defects, and the public contempt consign his character to the shades.
FROM THE DAILY ADVERTISER.
THE great and important object of raising a revenue engrossed much of the attention of Congress in their last session; in the present they are engaged in establishing public credit by funding the national debt, foreign and domestic, and devising ways and means to pay the interest on both: these are undoubtedly objects of the greatest national importance, and every person who can furnish useful hints ought to do it. It is evident that a principal reliance must be had upon commerce; it is equally so that commerce ought therefore to be encouraged; and in my opinion, the present session ought not to be suffered to pass without very particular attention to it. In their innumerable fine harbours, the amazing inland navigation which their extensive rivers afford—the exports, which ensue with astonishing rapidity—the enterprize of their commercial men—the plenty of materials for ship-building, and the skill of their workmen in that branch—the present number of their seamen, and the ease with which it may be increased—and in their relative situation with respect to other powers, the United States possess very superior advantages, which ought immediately to be improved for the public benefit. That it would be useful cannot be denied, and it is evidently good policy, by giving suitable encouragement to commerce, to enable our merchants to pay those large sums of money which government is under the necessity of calling on them for in the first instance, and even larger, should they be hereafter wanted. A well regulated commercial system should be formed and supported, and in this, very particular attention should be paid to our shipping. Whether we consider the number of men employed about one vessel, from the cutting down the timber for her, in the forest, to her departure from port—the farmers employed in raising provisions for all these, and flax and hemp to make the sails and rigging—or the number of mechanical arts dependent on, and promoted by ship-building,
this branch of business will appear worthy of the warmest support: in addition to the other advantages to be derived from it, will be the very important one of being our own carriers, which will enable us to transport the products of our country, on the best terms, to the highest markets, furnish us with an opportunity of procuring the conveniences of life from other nations at the first cost, and keep all the money paid for the large freights out and home among ourselves, instead of its being paid to foreigners who now reap most of the advantages of our trade. The conduct of Great-Britain may furnish us with a very useful hint, and we shall be unwise indeed if we do not profit by her experience. Her acts of trade and navigation shew clearly her attention to her own shipping, and the reluctance she has always discovered to any relaxation of their rigor proves that she is fully sensible of the advantages gained by them. Let us attend a little to her conduct. Her ships must be British-built, and the master and three-fourths of the hands must be British subjects. Her own territories do not furnish her with the materials necessary for ship-building, in sufficient quantities, and she must have recourse to foreigners to procure them. Large quantities of our timber, plank, masts, &c. are annually carried off in British ships sent hither for the purpose: thus her seamen are employed, and a freight is made. The raw materials carried from us are manufactured in Great-Britain, and her ship-carpenters and their attendants, blacksmiths, ship joiners, caulkers, block-makers, mast-makers, rope-makers, riggers, sail-makers, boat-builders, and a great number of others are furnished with employment, and support. The ships, thus built, furnish a nursery for seamen; become the carriers of British manufactures to us; and of our products at home, as remittances for those manufactures; for all which we must pay: and they are at this time profitably employed in carrying the produce of the United States to France, where they obtain a bounty on it. Due attention to the encouragement of ship-building, and the proper regulation of commerce would throw all these advantages into our hands, and prevent our commercial and seafaring men the mortification of seeing foreigners engrossing our trade and growing rich by it, while they themselves are neglected and unemployed; it would fill our harbors with vessels manufactured at home, and with hardy seamen born among ourselves, who would have stronger attachments to the country than the mercenaries who come here merely for the sake of gain; and on whose assistance we could rely in case of necessity.
It may be enquired whether we could build a sufficient number of vessels to answer the purposes of our commerce: of this there can be no doubt in the mind of any person who will recollect what was done in this way before, and even during the war. In the year 1774 the small state of New-Hampshire built and sent to sea, forty-two ships from two to three hundred and fifty tons each, (which were all manned from the single port of Portsmouth) besides small trading and fishing vessels: if so small a state could furnish such a proportion, what would not the exertions of all the states be equal to? Even under the depressions of the war, our own yards furnished merchant vessels and privateers with an expedition that was surprising; and can our abilities now be doubted when we are under every advantage for cultivating the arts of peace? Why then should we longer suffer foreigners to enrich themselves with the spoils of our commerce? Why should we suffer our national dignity to be insulted by a people who will not deal with us on terms of reciprocal advantage. The trade of Great-Britain to America is one of the most lucrative branches of her commerce; she trades with the United States on equal terms with the most favored nation, and every of our ports is open to her ships. What return does she make? She admits us, it is true, to her European ports, but are not all the others shut against us? Are our ships permitted to trade with her West-India islands, and other territories in America? They are not: why then should we treat her with greater generosity? Why should we abuse ourselves, and do injustice to our allies, by submitting to the insolence of an haughty nation, with whom we have no commercial treaty? A decided preference in every point of view ought to be given to our own shipping; an higher tonnage on foreigners in general will have a great effect; and foreign ships should be absolutely prohibited from carrying the produce of these states to any port or place, to which American vessels are not admitted.
It is rather an unfortunate circumstance that there are so few mercantile characters in Congress; as for want of sufficient commercial information, the interests of the Union in this important point cannot be so well promoted as they otherwise might: the defect would be in some measure supplied, if our merchants would, from time to time, suggest such alterations in, and improvements upon the commercial system of the Union, as would tend to public benefit; these will, undoubtedly, be properly attended to by our national government, and such arrangements will be made as would promote our manufactures, extend our commerce, and assist our revenue.
March 31.
A. B.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, MARCH 11.
IN Committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for making provision for the support of the public credit—the following proposition was read, viz.
"To have sixty-six dollars and two thirds of a dollar funded immediately, at an annuity, or yearly interest of six per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding four dollars and two thirds of a dollar per annum, on account both of principal and interest; and to have, at the end of ten years, twenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents funded at the like interest and rate of redemption."
Mr. JACKSON observed, that he should not follow the gentleman, (Mr. Ames) through the long tract of history which he had entered into; altho' he would hint to the gentleman, that the history of Great Britain, which had been so much objected to on former occasions, seemed, as it suited the gentleman's purposes, to be the best authority now. But he rose to answer some of the arguments he had adduced.
The gentleman had quoted the situation of Great Britain in the year 1719, and had shewn that she had cleared off full one half of her national debt, and could have cleared the other al-
so, if she had not been prevented by an irredeemable quality. I will appeal to the gentleman, himself, if this is not the strongest reason for striking out the words, and if his argument (as he could with it) is not totally inadmissible.
He has likewise pointed out to us the flattering prospects and flourishing situation of the country, such indeed as no other nation ever possessed; and has produced the amazing increase of resources America has derived from the year 1786 to the present time. Sir, this argument is the strongest evidence for the motion, I have the honor to make you, and is the most forcible reason why we should not tie our hands up from redeeming our debt. From the gentleman's description, we may be able to get rid of it in a very few years; and shall we prevent our having the power? He trusted not.
The irredeemable quality, he found from the gentleman was to prevent the public from paying off the principal, if the rate of interest should so fall as to make the capital of greater value: As for instance, if the national rate fell to 3 per cent that the public should pay the advance, which would be 25 per cent. and of course that sum was to be paid for every one hundred pounds principal. This was what he could not consent to. The public had contracted a debt; He wished then honestly and fairly to pay the amount of it. He was not for depreciating that debt; but at the same time he was not for appreciating it beyond its real value. He wished that the honor of the nation might be preserved—that every shilling might be provided for; but not a shilling more.
It had been advanced, that, by this quality, a part of the principal would be sunk, and that if the motion took place this would not be the case. Mr. Jackson here observed, that the country would not be injured by the motion he had made, nor by the raising the interest to six per cent. He wished it done for the honor and faith of the nation—it was agreeable to the original contract.—He had before shewn that, as the resolution was now worded, it was altogether for the benefit of the foreign creditor, and that it would prove a pernicious drain to our specie; that the lowering the interest would add to that drain, and that therefore it was a disadvantage. The common rate of interest, in the Southern States, was 8 per cent. if the interest of the debt was reduced to four, would any man in those States hold stock at that rate? Would they not altogether sell out, even at a loss, and loan their monies to individuals at 8 per cent. and regain their capital? It would be a natural consequence; and there would be no holder of stock in those parts. The securities would either go into the hands of foreigners, or be purchased up in the Northern States. It was therefore clearly the interest of America, to raise the principal and interest agreeable to the contract, to keep as much within the States as possible, and, to make the burthen agreeable, to have it divided and dispersed generally among our own citizens.
The gentleman had said, that foreigners would follow their property into this country: This he could not agree to. The characters which would purchase were generally the brokers he had alluded to, who lived on their interest without regarding posterity; they were chiefly superannuated, and well settled, and of course would not be for a change of situation; but if they did, the evil would still remain, and the securities would soon find their way to foreign countries again. The settlers, here, would experience it to be their interest to place their monies in a more active capacity, and the same rate of interest would be the same inducement to other foreigners to purchase.
The gentleman had asked if it was the intention to oblige the public to pay compound interest? He would answer him, no. It was an option held out, where persons might not prefer our western lands: It would shew creditors, that Congress provided for them as much as lay in their compass at present, and that the remainder would be provided for whenever the United States had it in their power. If he did not understand the original proposition, he begged to be set right; but as he understood it, the present motion would leave the proposition, on the head of interest, as it found it; the principal only would be raised to its nominal amount.
The motion, he contended, was just to our creditors, and complied with our engagements—it was just to ourselves. He hoped the committee would view the word "irredeemable" as he did, and as he was convinced our fellow-citizens would view it—as obnoxious and impolitic. He would beg the committee again to attend to the first ar-

gument he had noticed to the gentleman, (Mr. Ames)—that Great Britain, in the year 1719, might have sunk all her debt, but for this very tie, which we were about to impose on ourselves.
Mr. MADISON could not admit some of the doctrines of the gentleman, nor some of the conclusions drawn from others. The proposed modifications, however veiled or varnished by ourselves, could not be reconciled with the tenor of the public engagements, and must rest for their justification with the world on the circumstances of the country. The British example adverted to was not applicable. The creditors there, by refusing to subscribe to the new loan, remained in possession of their stipulated interest. It was but to let the transaction speak its true meaning: as it was decided to be the sense of the committee that the public circumstances required that the debt should be modified, the only questions left must relate to the form and words of the modification to be proposed. He wished to simplify the debt as much as possible, and should therefore agree to strike out the clause restraining the right of redemption to the rate of 4 dollars and a fraction per annum, in order to authorise the government to pay it off at the rate of 10 dollars per annum, as suggested by another gentleman from Massachusetts. If this, said he, be done, it would be proper to adjust the sum to be funded at the end of ten years, to the change made in the irredeemable term. The gentleman had drawn a pleasing, and he hoped a true picture of the growing prosperity of this country. But what would result from it? Not that the debt should be perpetuated; but that we should be able to begin a reduction of the principal, and ought not therefore to throw away the right to do so.
FRIDAY, MARCH 12.
In Committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for making provision for the support of the public credit.
The third proposition was read.
Mr. Lee moved that this should be rejected.
Mr. Fitzsimons observed that if this is struck out, all idea of offering an alternative to the creditors is abandoned—he wished to enquire whether that was the mind of the Committee? For if this is struck out, the creditors must receive the two-thirds, at six per cent. and the residue in land.
Mr. Lee said, that having made provision for the debt to the extent of our abilities, he thought there was no obligation to attempt to do more, and being in favor of a simple plan of finance, he was opposed to encumbering the propositions on which it is to be funded.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that to an inhabitant of Virginia, the plan of paying one-third of the debt in lands, was an object of great consequence. But to those of the Middle and Northern States, this would prove a very inconsiderable inducement to subscribe to the loans: Upon terms of justice and equality, he therefore contended that different alternatives ought to be held out to the inhabitants of the United States.
Mr. Stone was in favor of the motion—he anticipated foreigners becoming proprietors of our funds, as an evil to be greatly deprecated. The settlement of the Western Territory, by our own citizens is a desirable event, from this source we have always expected to derive the means of sinking a great proportion of our debt; and by confining the creditors to one object, we shall equally interest the citizens of all the states. If we hold out different alternatives, we should probably deprive ourselves of the advantage of making sale of any of our Western Territory.
Mr. Sherman was opposed to the motion—he thought it wise and just to hold out different propositions; he differed with Mr. Sedgwick, he thought the lands would be an object with the New-England people: They are addicted to emigration as much as any part of the union. He was for shortening the period for redemption; but hoped that the proposition would not be rejected altogether.
Mr. Fitzsimons advocated the proposition, and entered into a particular consideration of the advantages which would result in the present circumstances of the country from foreigners purchasing our debt, provided they gave a full equivalent for it. The advantage of the cash which would thereby be brought into the country, would more than counterbalance the payment of interest for many years to come.
The motion for rejecting the proposition being put, it was negatived.
The question then was on the amendment proposed by Mr. Jackson for striking out what relates to irredeemability.
Mr. Tucker in a series of calculations upon certain principles attempted to shew that the irredeemable quality would greatly enhance the debt of the United States.
Mr. Lawrance replied to Mr. Tucker, and shewed that the gentleman's plan would greatly enhance the amount of the debt; whereas the Secretary's report demonstratively provides for lessening it.
He agreed with the gentleman from Maryland, that we ought to do the best for our creditors; but did not think that making them only one of us, and that the one already agreed to, was doing the best we can. He mentioned the existing
resources of the country, and the obligation we are under to exert ourselves upon that idea. He shewed the advantage of the speculation of foreigners, and that it ought to be encouraged.
Mr. Madison said that foreigners speculating in our funds would induce a spirit of luxury. That the pernicious consequences of credit had been severely felt; that our experience did not justify the supposition that an influx of active property, or money would be employed in agricultural improvements.
He did not think that if a medium to the amount of one-fourth of the value of all the property of the United States was to be thrown into circulation, that any more land would be cultivated.
Mr. Goodhue said that if by retaining the words, any advantage can be derived, there can be no doubt with gentlemen as to the eligibility of retaining them. He thought it had been demonstrated, that advantages would result from this irredeemable quality.
Several other gentlemen spoke on the occasion—the motion was lost.
SATURDAY, MARCH 13.
The chairman of the committee having read the resolve, "that immediate provision ought to be made for the present debt of the United States," &c.
Mr. Gerry observed, that he should have risen before this proposition was read, had he not supposed that the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzsimons) intended to bring forward his motion for filling up the blanks left in the last proposition which was considered yesterday, and Mr. Fitzsimons informing the committee that he proposed to make his motion in the House—Mr. Gerry said that, as many gentlemen appeared to be satisfied that the two propositions for modifying the debt would be acceptable to the creditors, and he entertained a different opinion, he hoped for the indulgence of the committee, whilst he submitted his reasons for differing from them. He said he considered this part of the Secretary's plan as the most important of the whole: it is the essence of the funding system, the pivot on which will depend the equilibrium of public credit. He had always conceived that public credit was indispensable to our national existence, under any form of government, and being in favor of the Secretary's plan in general, he should give it every support in his power; but not thinking it perfect, he expressed a wish that its defects might be cured.
The Secretary, said Mr. Gerry, lays it down as a maxim, and I think it cannot be contested, "that the maintenance of public credit can only be effected by good faith, and a punctilious performance of contracts." Let us enquire what is the existing contract between the United States and their creditors, in what manner it has been complied with, and how far it is now in the power of Congress to do them justice.
The contract, he said, is well known, is to pay the principal of the debt in specie, with an interest till paid of 6 per cent. per annum. The principal indeed, of part of the debt, being payable in three years after it was contracted, is now due; but this class of the creditors will probably be satisfied with the provision to be made for the others.
And in what manner, said he, has the contract been complied with? A small part of the interest has been paid by bills of exchange on France, and the residue has been paid in depreciated paper, or is now due to the creditors.
He then enquired, how far it is in the power of Congress to do justice to the creditors? This point, he said, had never been ascertained; but we now intend to propose to the subscribing creditors, to fund two thirds of their debt at 6 per cent. irredeemable at the pleasure of Congress, and to pay the other third in western lands; or to fund two-thirds at 6 per cent. irredeemable in a stipulated degree, and to fund in ten years a sum not yet ascertained as an equivalent. The surplus of the funds, if any, is to be applied to the payment of the interest due to non-subscribers, so as not to exceed 4 per cent. agreeably to the proposition of the Secretary. Is this securing, or is it doing all we can to secure to the creditors a compliance with the terms of the contract? I conceive it is neither.
That the propositions do not secure such a compliance is evident at first blush; for who would give as much for 100 dollars, two-thirds of which shall be funded in one of the modes proposed, and the other third payable in lands, or in an equivalent to be funded ten years hence, as for 100 dollars funded at six per cent. per annum, and redeemable at the pleasure of Congress? No man of common understanding, as I think will hereafter appear.
That the making such proposals is not doing all we can to secure such a compliance, is, I think, equally evident.
Some gentlemen have declared, that they have no idea, of the ability of government to fulfil the contract; and that the creditors have abandoned an expectation of receiving either the whole of the principal or of the interest that is due to them. What evidence have we of this? If we may judge from the justice of their claims, from their urgency and impatience, and from the petitions of the creditors, they expect the whole of their principal and interest: but if they do not, is it not evident that they must consider the nation in a state of bankruptcy? And is it not our duty to convince them, and all the world, of our ability and disposition to pay our debts, by doing the strictest justice to our creditors.
If gentlemen have no idea of the ability of government to do this, they must either despair of resources, or of the support of the people in drawing them forth: and if the former, it is not our duty, and will it not be more honorable to apply the resources as far as they will go to the discharge of the debt, and to depend on our increasing population, commerce, husbandry and manufactures, and also on the western territory, for an encrease of means, rather than to declare a national bankruptcy? This, like Pandora's box would be pregnant with every evil; it would shake the government to the foundation, and endanger our national independence. But why, if they despair of resources, do gentlemen resolve to make adequate provision for fulfilling our engagements with foreigners? Are we, in cases of exigency, to reject the support of our government on foreigners, or on our own citizens? If on the latter, will they ever trust us after such partiality to foreigners? Are not the debts contracted with our citizens as justly due as those of the other description? If we are to make a discrimination, ought it not, on principles of policy, to be in favor of our citizens? May not our national existence depend on our credit with them? I am not, however, in any event, for making such a distinction; for, in case of a bankruptcy, I should be in favor of equal justice to every creditor. But why this despondency? Shall we not, by despairing, or even doubting of our ability to support public credit, materially injure it? Shall we not be censured for want of firmness? Shall we not be responsible for having thus despaired of the Commonwealth, and, what is worse, for having despaired without cause?
Have we attended to our resources? Have we an adequate idea of them, and of the demands of government? By the Secretary's report it appears that the whole amount of the foreign debt and interest, and of the domestic debts, liquidated and unliquidated, and interest including the State debt, is 79,124,464 dollars and 56 cents: That there will annually be requisite
  For the interest of the foreign debt, Dolls. Cts.   For the interest of the domestic debt, if paid, according to the contract, 542,599 66   For the civil list, and other expences of government, 4,044,845 15   600,000   Total, 5,187,444 81   The revenue reported in his first estimate is, 2,843,000   In his last estimate, 1,060,000   Making 3,903,400 
Which leaves a deficiency of 1,284,044 dollars, and 81 cents, for funding the whole debt according to contract.
The Secretary has likewise reported that he has additional resources, without extending taxation to houses or lands, or the stock or produce of farms; and we have no reason to suppose that those additional resources would not be adequate to the making up this deficiency. But if this is not the case, it is well known, that, in consequence of the propositions of Congress, in April 1783, many of the States divested, as they consented to be, of the impost, and loaded with State debts, far exceeding their present amount, agreed to provide annually their respective proportions of what were called the supplementary funds, amounting to 1,500,000 dollars; and can any one doubt that, exonerated as the States will now be of their debts, the citizens of the United States in their present circumstances, can with much more ease, pay the deficiency mentioned, than they could at that period the supplementary funds?—Indeed, can any one doubt our ability at this time to fund the national debt, according to the stipulated terms of the contract?—If there are any such, I confess myself not of the number. It is said we must have in reserve resources in case of exigencies: This may be proper; but is not the support of public credit of the greatest moment? May not the loss of it prove an irreparable injury? And are we to incur a certain evil to avoid an uncertain one?
If our resources then are not to be doubted, what reason have we to distrust the support of our constituents? Should it be suggested in our hearing that they were indisposed to pay a debt, that had not only a claim on their justice, but on their honor and generosity, a debt that is the price of their independence, should we not kindle with indignation? And shall we, by an unreasonable distrust, be the first to fix such a stigma on our constituents? Or, conducting thus, shall we not justly merit their resentment? If it be asked what shall we do to fulfill, as far as possible, our contract? I answer, we ought not to oblige the creditors to take two-thirds of their demands in funded securities, and the other third in wild lands, or in what you may call an equivalent, ten years hence; or to receive the alternative provided for the unsubscribed debt. A great part of the debt is still in the hands of the original holders, to do justice to whom the committee are unanimous in their wishes. If we suppose ten millions dollars in the hands of speculators, the value thereof will, at the late average rate of stocks, amount to between three or four millions dollars in specie, a sum I conceive, exceeding the property of the speculators altogether; but suppose they hold 15 millions dollars, foreigners 5 millions, and the States, exclusive of Pennsylvania, 3 or 4 millions (for that State, having exchanged her funded certificates for continental securities, which were generally owned by original holders, must according to the Secretary's plan, deliver them into the federal treasury, or re-exchange them) it is evident then that two-thirds of the public debt is in the hands of original holders: Let us however suppose but half, will many of them be willing, or, if willing be able to receive lands for a third of their debts? If the lands were cultivated and near them, would they be equal to an interest of 6 per cent. or of more than 4 per cent. except perhaps in some of the Southern States? And would they be disposed to accept of your proposal? But remote as these lands are, invaded by hostile Indians, wild and uncultivated, will they furnish food or clothing for your creditors? Should a few purchase, will they not be comparatively very few.
Again, will funding an equivalent for one third ten years hence, be fulfilling the contract? After being ten or fifteen years put off with promises, will the creditors be thus satisfied? Will it be in their power—advanced as many of them are in years, and called on, perhaps, by their own creditors, whom your disappointments have prevented them from paying to accept such terms? Suppose an individual had trusted an other for such a term of years, and at the end thereof, when the latter was in possession of his estate, had been told, that two thirds of the interest should be annually paid; and that the other third, or an equivalent should be paid in ten years: would the proposal establish the credit of the debtor? Or would he not be considered as a person destitute of honesty? How then can we expect, merely by such proposals, to establish the public credit?
Gentlemen conceive that the proposition, referred to will be an equivalent, on the principle laid down by the Secretary, viz. that a less capital at a fixed rate of interest, may be an equivalent for a greater capital at a variable rate: but admitting this principle, are not the data doubtful on which the calculations are made, that interest in five years will fall to 5 per cent. and in 20 years to 4?
It is well known that the genius of our fellow-citizens is enterprising? We see them, although we have wild lands exceeding in extent the German dominion, crossing the Mississippi to speculate in lands in the Spanish dominions: we see them extending their commercial speculations to the North pole, and they will go to the South Pole on the first discovery of a commercial territory; in our funds, they speculate deeply and they are as conspicuous for their speculations in forms of government. Scarcely a year revolves, without our seeing some of the States, or the United States, adopting a new system of government; and, before 20 years shall elapse, we may expect that the latter, in their turn, will form one or two constitutions. We are also, like other nations, subject to foreign wars and internal commotions: these, and such like events, are beyond our control; and, whenever they take place, will encrease the rates of interest. The probability is not therefore not more in favor of the fall than of the rise of interest: and if it should not fall, the proposition to be made will injure the creditors. I conceive, then, that we have no more right to assume the principle that interest will fall, and by assuming it, to reduce the interest, than the creditors whose principal is due have a right to assume the contrary principle, in order to increase the rates of interest. The fairest way is to presume that the interest will continue at the rate it now is, and whenever it falls, to take the benefit of it so far as shall be consistent with justice. Few of the creditors understand the calculation of equivalents, and will be apt to consider them as a State artifice to reduce the value of stocks: they will be confirmed in this opinion, however honest our intentions may be, by the disposition we are making to purchase the debt at the market price. We have no right to make arrangements of this kind, until the whole debt is fairly funded; and then, if we have funds left, we shall have a right to apply them in the way mentioned.
Some gentlemen have supposed that 66 and two-thirds of dollars in ten years hence, may be worth 100 dollars: but this supposition does not establish the fact. The rise and fall of stocks, depend on events, these may reduce the sum first mentioned to 33 and one third dollars.
If, then, the two propositions which have been examined do not secure a compliance with the original contract, will the alternative which is left for non-subscribers? This provides that the dregs of the revenue, which may amount to nothing, shall be applied to pay their interest, not to exceed, in any event, 4 per cent. per annum. Will not this, in lieu of an equitable provision for the creditors, be considered as a penalty for their not subscribing.
Mr. Gerry then said, he presumed it must appear that further provision is necessary, and he should offer a proposition, as an addition to the two, that are adopted in the words following:

Or to have sixty-six dollars and two thirds of a dollar funded immediately, at a yearly interest of 6 per cent; and thirty-three dollars and one third of a dollar in an unfunded certificate, bearing an annual interest of six per cent. payable at the option of the holder, annually, in a funded certificate at a yearly interest of 6 per cent; or as soon as funds can be provided, in specie; and that the faith of Congress be pledged to fund as soon as possible the unfunded certificate."
By this proposition, if Congress with time to make their arrangements, the creditor may either receive annually the interest on the unfunded part of his debt in a funded certificate; or, if he prefers specie, he may wait till Congress can provide it. It perhaps will be said, this will increase the capital; but we have already agreed to increase it by adding fifteen or twenty millions of dollars due for interest, or that will be due before the periods at which we are to fund the debt; and as we have done this because we cannot pay that interest, the same reason exists for adopting a similar measure with respect to the interest which may hereafter accrue, and which we shall not immediately provide to discharge. Within five years Mr. Gerry supposed Congress would be able to fund this unfunded part of the debt; and if no part thereof should be received for lands, but the whole be subscribed on the terms of this proposition, the capital of the debt would at the end of five years be increased but 5,393,124 dollars, and the interest which would be paid during that period on the funded certificates, to be issued for interest, would be but 808,920 dollars: in such an event there would be no irredeemable quality in any part of the debt, the disadvantages of which overbalanced in the minds of the committee the advantages of reducing its capital, as was evident from their vote yesterday to lessen the time of redemption by increasing the capital.
The Secretary has justly reprobated every proposal that shall apply to the necessities, and not to the reason and interest of the creditors. If the two propositions agreed to do not apply to the latter, the necessity of the one now offered to the committee must be evident: if these propositions do apply, and are acceptable to the creditors, they will prefer them to this, which however will manifest our desire to do them all possible justice.
Mr. Gerry then said he was not so attached to the motion he had made as not to give it up, if any gentleman would offer a better, to attain the desirable object he aimed at. This he thought indispensable, because if we offered what we called an equivalent, and not what the creditors should consider as such, the intended loan would be a compulsory one, and, instead of supporting, would tend to destroy the public credit.
Mr. Gerry's motion was seconded by Col. Bland, and laid on the table. After the other propositions were passed, it was taken up and debated, and as several gentlemen were much opposed to a decision on such a proposition at so late an hour as three o'clock, and at the end of the week, in the absence of a number of members it was withdrawn, that the committee might report, and will probably be brought forward in the House.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 31.
Memorials from the Manufacturers of Tobacco in the cities of Philadelphia and New-York, respecting an enhanced duty on manufactured Tobacco and Snuff were read.
The bill to regulate trade with the Indian tribes was read the second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house, to be the order of the day on Monday next.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill for promoting the progress of useful arts were read.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they have passed an act to prevent the exportation of goods, not duly inspected according to the laws of the several States.
In committee of the whole.—The proposition for the assumption of the State debts under consideration.
The debate was continued; but no decision took place, previous to the rising of the committee.
Mr. Sedgwick of the committee, to whom was re-committed the bill to regulate the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, brought in a new bill, which was read the first time.
The Committee also reported the following resolution, which was laid on the table.
Resolved, That the Secretary of State, be directed to report to the house, whether, in his opinion, it is expedient that the foreign and domestic branches of business, in his department, should be kept distinct; and whether it is necessary that a chief clerk should be appointed for each.
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 1.
The bill to regulate the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, was read the second time, and referred to a committee of the whole House, to be taken into consideration on Thursday next.
Mr. Gilman of the joint committee of both houses, appointed to examine the enrolled bills, reported, that the committee had examined the bill for accepting the cession of the claims of N. Carolina to a certain district therein described; also the bill to prevent the exportation of goods, not duly inspected according to the laws of the several States—and found them duly enrolled.
The Speaker affixed his signature to the above bills.
Sundry petitions presented by Mr. Huntington, and Mr. Lawrance were read, and referred to the heads of departments.
The resolution, laid on the table yesterday, respecting the Department of the Secretary of State was taken up.
Some conversation ensued on this resolution—so far as the idea of creating two departments was contemplated by the resolution, it was objected to—the mode of introducing the subject before the House was said to be unparliamentary—that after a great deal of debate respecting the arrangement of this department, a law had passed for its organization—that the Secretary is empowered by the law to employ as many clerks as he shall think proper—and in arranging the business if he finds it necessary, that the salary of a clerk,
to whose particular inspection, particular parts of the business is assigned, should be increased, he will make a representation to the legislature accordingly.
Mr. Sedgwick observed, that nothing was further from his thoughts than creating two distinct departments—the committee had supposed that a reference of this subject to the Secretary of State was a natural and eligible step; but however, as gentlemen appeared to entertain different sentiments on the business, he would withdraw the resolution.
In committee of the whole.—The proposition for the assumption of the State debts was debated this day, till after three o'clock, when the committee rose, without taking any vote on the question.
A message was received from the President of the United States by his Secretary—with the ratification by South-Carolina of the amendments proposed by Congress to the constitution of the United States. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, APRIL 2.
The members of the House assembled this day at the usual hour—but on account of its being Good Friday, adjourned till tomorrow, without doing business.
PREMIUMS
Proposed by the Philadelphia Society, for promoting Agriculture, for the year 1790.
[Continued from our last.]
VI.
For the best information, the result of actual experience, for preventing damage to crops by insects; especially the Hessian fly, the wheat-fly, or fly-weevil, the pea-bug, and the corn clinch-bug or fly,—a gold medal; a silver medal for the second best. To be produced by the 20th of December, 1790.
VII.
For an account of a vegetable food that may be easily procured and preserved, and that best increases milk in cows and ewes, in March and April, founded on experiment,—a gold medal; for the second best,—a silver medal. To be produced by the tenth of January, 1791.
VIII.
For the greatest quantity of ground, not less than one acre, well fenced, producing locust trees, growing in 1790, from seed sown after April 5th, 1785; the trees to be of the sort used for posts and trunnels, and not fewer than 1500 per acre,—a gold medal—for the second, a silver medal.—To be claimed in December, 1790.
IX.
The society believing that very important advantages would be derived from the general use of oxen, instead of horses, in husbandry and other services; and being desirous of facilitating their introduction into all these States—persuaded also that the comparative value of oxen and cows must very much depend on the qualities of their fires and dams; and that by a careful attention to the subject, an improved breed may be obtained; they propose a gold medal for the best essay, the result of experience, on the breeding, feeding, and management of cattle, for the purpose of rendering them most profitable for the dairy, and for beef, and most docile and useful for the draught; and for the next best, a silver medal.—To be produced by the 1st of January, 1791.
N. B.—Among other things the essay should notice the different breeds of cattle, and their comparative qualities; as their sizes, strength, facility in fattening, quantity of milk, &c.
NEW-YORK, APRIL 3.
We are informed that there will soon be published, an history of this, and the preceding session of Congress; and that the object of this history will be to point out the most interesting questions that have been debated, and to make such remarks on the proceedings at large as will shew the general complexion of public business. This history will be rendered singularly entertaining, by furnishing a biographical account of the most distinguished characters in Congress; and by investigating the views and principles which appear to have governed the debates.
A CORRESPONDENT.
To doubt the competency of the United States to pay the interest of ALL THEIR DEBTS, is to doubt a fact which exists with better evidence for its support, than any fact that can be cited with respect to any civilized country upon earth.
It is to doubt of the ability of this people to support its government. It is to doubt in a case, where doubt is destruction. It is to doubt the existence of the body politic. It is to doubt the wisdom of the great body of the people in adopting the constitution. It is to doubt the continuance of peace and domestic tranquility—in short it is to doubt the existence of every principle of honor and honesty, among the citizens of the union.
If such are the consequences of doubting only in this case, what may not be expected should it be positively asserted that the states are not willing to do justice to their creditors, and that their funds are inadequate to paying their debts? It is to despair of the Commonwealth. It is to de-
clare a national bankruptcy. It is to advertise to all the world that we are a nation of rogues. It is to cut up our prospects by the roots. It is to divert ourselves of all hopes of future credit; either at home or abroad. It is to sacrifice the interests of the most meritorious class of our citizens. It operates as a premium for delinquency. It is rewarding those who never put forth a finger in the service and defence of the country. It is entirely crushing those who have taken upon them the burthens of patriotism, and have thereby emancipated their country. It involves a dissolution of the social compact, and is proclaiming to the world, "that there is rottenness in the State of Denmark."
A correspondent observes that the zeal and industry with which some persons endeavor to excite a spirit of jealousy and hostility, between the general and state governments, are equally insidious to both—and altho the pretenders to political merit, are many, yet a surplusage of honesty and abilities, was never yet complained of in any country whatever. To deprive the people of an opportunity to avail themselves of the abilities of their best men, whatever appearance the measure may assume, it will be found injurious to their most essential interests.
Possessing as the United States do, the essentials of sovereignty, is it not degrading to the highest degree, that the American Flag should not be unfurled upon terms of perfect equality in all quarters of the globe? Possessing such inexhaustible resources for ship-building, is it not mortifying that our produce, and raw materials should be exported from our shores, principally in foreign bottoms? What stranger would not think himself in a British Port, when counting the British Flags in our Harbors?
A Correspondent observes that facts prove the fallacy of an opinion which has been industriously disseminated by some persons, who are supposed not to be friendly to the New Government; which is, that the residence of Congress in any of our great commercial cities, would concentrate an influence in such place, that would tend to destroy the equilibrium of the union—for it appears by authentic documents published to the world, that Philadelphia supports her superiority to New-York in exports and imports, in the amount of her import, and the number of her shipping.
EXTRACT.
Few, if any situations in life afford a more extensive field for diffusing good to the community and mankind, than that in which an ingenious and judicious Editor of a Newspaper is placed. Knowledge being the seed of political, domestic, and moral happiness, his labors instruct millions, and descend to future generations—he culls from all authors and ages, from the living and dead wisdom of the world. Newspapers are the book of experience, they contain the most useful and important information for all ranks and conditions of men: And it is generally the case that a total indifference, to this source of entertainment, and instruction is connected with great insensibility, great ignorance, or consummate vanity. I have known some characters who piqued themselves on this indifference—and who at the same time precipitated themselves into the most absurd situations, for want of that knowledge which this medium would have supplied.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
F A B L E.
ONCE on a time, as authors tell, The freshets made a river swell; The River, as the story goes, All the surrounding banks o'erflows; The only neigh'ring spot of high-land, Was soon converted to an island, Thence, from their holes and burrows routed, A motly tribe for safety scouted— There common danger leagu'd in peace, Dogs, cats and rats, and fox and geese; Who, while the flood around them rose, Forgot they ever had been foes:— But when the ground was clear of rain— Were cats and rats, and dogs again; All found their safety in their flight, "And bid civilities good night."
Thus 'tis with States—when dangers nigh "Unite, we live—divide, we die"— The North and South in concert join, And public good's the grand design— But when peace comes on downy wing, And poets halcyon ages sing!— Those States coop'd up in legislature, (The example don't exist in nature) Opposing interests abound, And there the local charge goes round.
"ARISTIDES" came too late for this days paper—and as his subject has been decided on, we think it would be unseasonable; but should be very happy to enrich the Gazette by future communications.
Just published, by CAREY, STEWART, AND COMPANY, No. III. of the VIIth volume of The American MUSEUM, OR
UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE, And to be sold by THOMAS ALLEN, No. 13, QUEEN-STREET, where subscriptions are received, at 2 Dol. and half pr. an.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW YORK. Brig St. George, Oporto, Sloop Cynthia, Rogers, St. Martins.

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
At the Second Session, Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That there be appropriated for the service of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, to be paid out of the monies arising from the duties on imports and tonnage, the following sums, to wit: A sum not exceeding one hundred and forty-one thousand, four hundred and ninety-two dollars, and seventy-three cents, for defraying the expenses of the civil list, as estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury, in the statement annexed to his report made to the house of representatives on the ninth day of January last, including therein the contingencies of the several executive officers, which are hereby authorized and granted; and also, a sum not exceeding one hundred and fifty-five thousand, five hundred and thirty-seven dollars, and seventy-two cents, for defraying the expenses of the department of war; and the farther sum of ninety-six thousand, nine hundred and seventy-nine dollars, and seventy-two cents, for paying the pensions which may become due to the invalids, as estimated in the statements accompanying the aforesaid report.
And be it further enacted, That all the expenses arising from, and incident to the sessions of Congress, which may happen in the course of the aforesaid year, agreeably to laws heretofore passed, shall be defrayed out of the monies arising from the aforesaid duties on imports and tonnage.
And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be authorized to draw from the treasury a sum not exceeding ten thousand dollars, for the purpose of defraying the contingent charges of government, to be paid out of the monies arising as aforesaid, from the duties on imports and tonnage, and that he cause a regular statement and account of such expenditures, to be laid before Congress at the end of the year.
And be it further enacted, That a sum not exceeding one hundred and forty-seven thousand, one hundred and sixty-nine dollars, and fifty-four cents, be appropriated out of the monies arising as aforesaid from the duties on imports and tonnage, for discharging the demands which exist against the United States, as specified by the Secretary of the Treasury in his report made to the House of Representatives on the first of March instant, including therein a provision for building a light-house on Cape-Henry, in the state of Virginia, and for defraying the expenses arising from the act, entitled, "An act for the establishment and support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers."
And be it further enacted, That out of the aforesaid appropriation of one hundred and forty-seven thousand, one hundred and sixty-nine dollars, and fifty-four cents, the payment of the following sums, not heretofore provided for by law, and estimated in the aforesaid report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the first of March instant, is hereby authorized and intended to be made, to wit: For the expenses of the late office of foreign affairs, six hundred and fifty dollars: To Roger Alden, for his services, including his office-expenses, and the allowance to his clerks, eight hundred and seventy-three dollars, and seventy cents: To the late commissioner for settling the accounts of the departments of the late quarter-master-general, and commissaries general of purchases and issues, for his own and clerk's services, from the eighth of May to the first of August, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, one thousand and ten dollars, and fifty-five cents: To the late commissioner for settling the accounts of the late marine, cloathing, and hospital departments, for his own and clerk's services, from the eighth of May to the third of August, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, six hundred and twenty-eight dollars, and twenty-six cents: To the late commissioner for adjusting the accounts of the secret and commercial committees of Congress, for his salary from the first of July to the third of August, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, one hundred and seventy-four dollars, and sixteen cents: For defraying the extraordinary expenses of the late President of Congress, three hundred and eighteen dollars, and fifty-three cents: For paying salaries to the late loan-officers of the several states, from the thirtieth day of June to the thirty-first day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, including office-charges, six thousand seven hundred and twenty-five dollars: For paying the interest due on the loans made by the Secretary of the Treasury, two thousand four hundred and fourteen dollars, and sixty-one cents.
And be it further enacted, That the sum of one hundred and twenty dollars, be paid out of the monies arising from the aforesaid duties on imports and tonnage, to Jehoiakim M'Toklin, in full compensation for his services as an interpreter and guide in the expedition commanded by Major-General Sullivan, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine; and also the sum of ninety-six dollars to James Mathers and Gifford Dalley each, for services during the late recess of Congress.
And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be authorized to empower the Secretary of the Treasury, if he shall deem it necessary, to make such loans as may be requisite to carry into effect the foregoing appropriations, for the repayment of which the aforesaid duties on imports and tonnage shall be, and are hereby pledged.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, MARCH THE 26th, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
An Act to establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That any alien, being a free white person, who shall have resided within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States for the term of two years, may be admitted to become a citizen thereof, on application to any common law court of record, in any one of the States wherein he shall have resided for the term of one year at least, and making proof to the satisfaction of such court, that he is a person of good character, and taking the oath or affirmation prescribed by law, to support the constitution of the United States; which oath or affirmation such court shall administer, and the clerk of such court shall record such application, and the proceedings thereon; and thereupon such person shall be considered as a citizen of the United States. And the children of such person so naturalized, dwelling within the United States, being under the age of twenty-one years at the time of such naturalization, shall also be considered as citizens of the United States. And the children of citizens of the United States that may be born beyond sea, or out of the limits of the United States, shall be considered as natural born citizens: Provided, That the right of citizenship shall not descend to persons whose fathers have never been resident in the United States: Provided also, That no person heretofore proscribed by any State, shall be admitted a citizen as aforesaid, except by an act of the legislature of the State in which such person was proscribed.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED MARCH 26th, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
OF THE EXTENT AND VALUE OF THE NORTH-CAROLINA CESSION.
The following account of the North-Carolina Cession, is said to have been communicated to Congress by a Member from that State, while the bill respecting the ceded territory, was on its passage.
Table with 2 columns: Description of distance, Miles. Rows include: FROM the Stone Mountain by the line that divides North-Carolina from Virginia, to the Fork of Cumberland river, 112; From the clear Fork to the first crossing of Cumberland river, above the mouth of Obey river, is 105; Thence to the second crossing of Cumberland river, 130; Thence to the Tenessee river, 9 1/2; Thence to the Mississippi river, 60; The whole distance 416 1/2.
The general course of the Stone Mountain, or the Iron Mountain, by which the ceded territory is divided from North-Carolina, is south 59 or 60 degrees west. The course of the river Mississippi from lat. 36 degrees, 30 minutes, the northern boundary of North-Carolina, to lat. 35, which is the southern boundary, is generally south, 25 degrees west. It may however be stated at south, 20 degrees west.
The width of the state is 1 degree, 30 minutes, or 104 miles. This gives 24,570, 240 acres nearly. The amount of land entered in the office of John Armstrong, since it was opened in 1783, of which some part is to the eastward of the Iron mountain, is 4,464,195 1/2 acres. Of the lands granted to officers and privates of the North-Carolina line, a correct return is not come to hand, but the highest estimation is 3,000,000 acres.—Pre-empti- ons, guards, and commissioners rights are estimated at 500,000 acres. The amount granted would then be 7,964,195 acres. There remains for the United States above 16,606,045 acres.
Of this there may be mountainous or barren land 5,000,000 acres, which is a great allowance, in so fine and fertile a country. There will remain fit for cultivation and sale at least 11,606, 045 acres.
This land, or so much of the same as is, or shall be ceded by the Indians, may be immediately sold at half a dollar the acre, in national securities. It is worth that sum in specie.
European Intelligence.
LUXEMBURG, December 38.
PROVISIONS, within these few days, are more plentiful here, and great number of oxen have been salted down for the garrison. General Bender is still ill and indeed we have scarce any but sick and wounded here, most of the troops have entered the field against the Patriots. On the 24th, the citizens brought back to the city, the miraculous virgin and all her riches, which had not appeared in this place since the entry of Louis XIV, into Luxemburg, except at the celebration of the Octave. As our principal citizens have fled, they now suffer no citizen to leave the city.
St. Hubert, Dec. 30. Our situation is truly critical; we have near 1000 Patriots in the city, and 1500 Austrians are entrenched two leagues off in defiles, which cannot be attacked with success. The Emperor's soldiers will not expose themselves by entering the city, as they know that mode of attacking seldom is successful, but we are in fear least they should bombard us, to drive out the Patriots, which would infallibly destroy our city. We have in the country some Curates who have preached up the Crusade against the Emperor, whilst others have quitted their parishes to take up arms and animate the young men by their example; but some of the peasants towards Neufchateau and Arlon, have hitherto held out for the Emperor. General Vander Mersch is too prudent to attempt to penetrate into the Ardennes without having his column supported by other troops, whom he expects from Mons. We have just received advice that the Patriots have been surprized at Nasloque, and were obliged to retreat with little loss; they took the road to Namur.
LONDON, January 16.
Last Tuesday, a weaver of Crowhurst went out after some debts that were owing him, and having collected about ten pounds, he retired to an ale house, Catsfield green, and in the course of the night lost all his money in gaming, except three pence. Early in the morning he returned home and went to bed, but there he had not lain long, before he began to reflect so deeply on his folly, that he got up, went down stairs into an out house, and there hung himself, where he was soon afterwards discovered, but too late for human skill to afford him any assistance.
OYSTERS.
In the month of May the oysters cast their spawn: —It is like a drop of candle, and about the bigness of a farthing; it cleaves to stones, and other matters at the bottom of the sea, which is called
culch. In 24 hours it begins to have a shell; and by the law of the Admiralty Court in England, in the month of May, the dredgers have liberty to catch all oysters; but with a knife, they gently raise the small brood from the culch, and then they throw the culch in again, to preserve the ground for the future. After the month of May it is felony to throw away the culch, and punishable to take away any oysters, less than the bigness of an half-crown piece, or when the two shells being shut, a fair shilling will rattle between them.
The brood of Colchester and other oysters, are carried to creeks of the sea, and there they throw them into the channel, which they call their beds or layers, where they grow and fatten; and in two or three years, the smallest brood will arrive to the proper size. The oysters they would have green, they put into pits about three feet deep, in the salt marshes, which are overflowed only at spring tides, to which they have sluices, and let out the salt water, until it is about a foot and a half deep.
In these pits they are suffered to continue six weeks or two months, in which time they become of a dark green. The oysters, when the tide comes in, lie with their hollow shells downwards, and when it goes out, they turn on the other side. They remove from their place, unless in cold weather, to cover themselves in the house.
The oysters are sick after they have spat, or spawn; but in July they begin to mend, and in August they are perfectly well.
THE ART OF SPEAKING.
Lord SPAESBURY speaking of verbal fluency terms it a disease, and calls it the leprosy of eloquence; and DAVENANT writing on the same subject, says—"Both Prince and people are unfortunate, who depend on those whose chief talent is the art of speaking."
OLIVER, Cardinal XIMENES, the Duke de SULLY, Sir THOMAS MOORE, the CECILS, Treasurer BUCKHURST, WALSIHAM, the Cardinals RICH-LIEU and MAZARENE, Secretary THURLOWE, CORNELIUS DE WITT, and the Treasurer SOUTH-HAMPTON, with many others, were not at all remarkable for this gift. The art is rather meretricious than meritorious.
England, like Athens, has had its wisest counsels dissipated by the breath of oratory. The merit of FOX, SHERIDAN, and BURKE, consists in words only.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Table with 2 columns: Article, Price. Rows include: BOOK Muffins 8-4 6-4 5-4, HUMHUMS, Jackonet do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Gaffas, Chintzes, Seersuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores.
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
By the Visitors and Governors of St. JOHN'S College in the State of Maryland, February 20, 1790.
RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, THAT at the regular quarterly meeting on the second Tuesday in November next, the Visitors and Governors of St. John's College, elect a Principal of the said College; that it be the duty of the Principal to superintend the College according to regulations hereafter to be established, and in conjunction with the Vice-Principal, to teach the higher authors in Latin and Greek—and the higher branches of science usually taught in other American Colleges; and that he receive for his services, an annual salary of £500 current money, equal to £300 Sterling of Great-Britain, or 1,333 1/3 Spanish dollars, to be paid quarterly.
That at the next quarterly meeting, on the second Tuesday in May next, the board elect a master of writing and arithmetic in said St. John's College; and that he receive for his services, an annual salary of £150 current money to be paid quarterly.
That Mr. Wallace, Mr. Carroll, of Carrollton, and Mr. Hanson, be a committee to write a letter in behalf of this board, to Doctor Price, Doctor Reece, and Doctor Kippis, of the kingdom of Great-Britain, inclosing a copy of the Resolve respecting the appointment of a Principal; requesting them to recommend a man proper to be elected Principal of St. John's College, and assuring them, that if the man, whom they shall recommend, be approved of—immediate information thereof shall be given.
That the several Resolves for electing a Principal and master of writing and arithmetic, be published in such newspapers as the said committee shall think proper.
Test, NICHOLAS BRICE, Sec'y.
The public are requested to take notice that if a proper character in America shall offer, the Visitors are free to appoint him; and that they wish to elect a Principal, as early as is consistent with propriety, and the lasting welfare of the College.
Any person desirous of offering himself either as a Principal of St. John's College, or master of writing and arithmetic, will be pleased by writing to inform any one, or the whole of the committee, consisting of Mr. Charles Carroll, now in Congress, Mr. Charles Wallace, in Annapolis, and the Chancellor of Maryland.
The printers of America are requested to insert in their respective newspapers the foregoing Resolves and notifications; and to inform their fellow-citizens, that St. John's College, after a variety of untoward disastrous circumstances, was opened and dedicated in November last; that the plan of this rising seminary comprehends two schools for philosophy or the higher branches of science, under the Principal, and Vice-Principal—a school for the learned languages under a professor, an assistant master, and others to be appointed, according to the number of students; and a school for writing and arithmetic subordinate to the grammar school; that John M'Dowell, A. M. is already engaged as professor of philosophy—the Rev. Ralph Higginbottom, professor of languages, and Mr. Patric M'Grath his assistant master; that there is a moral certainty that by the 17th of March, the number of students will exceed fifty. Indeed from the fortunate situation of St. John's College, the amount and stability of its funds, the character and residence of its trustees, there is the fairest prospect presented of its answering in the fullest extent the purpose of its liberal and wise founders, and benefactors.