The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-02-12 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CXCVIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 12th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
National Intelligencer.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 3, 1802.
JUDICIARY SYSTEM.
[As we entered the Senate Chamber at a late hour, we shall not attempt to give all the Speeches in succession. This is the less necessary from the great length at which the debate has been already detailed. But the two following speeches we have thought it important to publish, as they present views in some measure new, and certainly deeply interesting.]
Mr. BRECKENRIDGE said, that he did not expect to have risen again on this subject, more especially at so late an hour; (about 5 o'clock) but that he would beg leave to answer a single argument, which had been much pressed to-day, and he would promise to detain the House but a few minutes.
I did not expect (continued Mr. B.) to find the doctrine of the power of the courts to annul the laws of Congress, which they conceived unconstitutional, so seriously insisted on. Indeed I do not think it relevant to the subject before us; but as it has been insisted on, I shall not, I presume, be out of order in replying to it. It is said that the different departments of the government are intended by the constitution to operate as checks on each other; and that this power is lodged with the courts to check the legislature. If this be even true, without enquiring into the policy and wisdom of this deposit of sovereign control, in the courts, I would ask, who checks the courts if they violate the constitution? Would they not by this doctrine have the absolute direction of the government? To whom are they, under the constitution contended for by gentlemen, responsible? But I deny the power, and ask gentlemen to point out that part of the constitution which grants it. I can find no such power. Is it not remarkable, that if the courts possess this high power, it should not appear in the letter of the constitution, but should have been left to construction and implication only? And is it not truly astonishing, that the constitution should, in its abundant care to separate and accurately define the powers assigned to each department, have omitted an explicit declaration, on so important a power, as that of the courts to nullify all the acts of Congress, which in their opinion, were contrary to the constitution.
Never were such high and transcendent powers in any government, much less in one like ours, composed of powers specially given and defined, claimed or exercised by construction only. The doctrine of constructions not warranted by the letter of an instrument, is dangerous in the extreme. Let men once loose on constructions and implications, and at what point will you stop them? Is the Astoria of English judges in discovering the latent meanings and intentions of law makers, meanings not expressed in the letter of the laws, to be adopted here in the construction of the Constitution? Once admit the doctrine, that either judges or legislators are to be indulged in these astute and wire-drawn constructions, to enlarge their own powers, or to controul those of others, then I would join the gentlemen in the opposition in declaring, that the constitution would indeed be in danger.
To make the constitution a practical system, the power of the courts to annul the laws of Congress cannot possibly exist. My idea of the subject, in a few words, is: That the constitution intended a separation only of the powers vested in the three great departments, giving to each the exclusive authority of acting on the subjects committed to each: That each are intended to revolve within the sphere of their own orbits; are responsible for their own motion only; and are not to direct or controul the course of the others: That those for example who make the laws, are presumed to have an equal attachment to, and interest in the constitution; are equally bound by oath to support it, and have an equal right to give a construction to it: That the construction of one department of the powers particularly vested in that department is of as high authority at least, as the construction given to it by any other department; that it is in fact more competent to that department to which powers are exclusively confided, to decide upon the proper exercise of those powers, than a
ny other department, to which such powers are not intrusted, and who are not consequently under such high and responsible obligations for their constitutional exercise; and that therefore, the legislature would have an equal right to annul the decisions of the courts founded on their construction of the constitution, as the courts would have, to annul the acts of the legislature, founded on their construction.
Although therefore, the courts may take upon them to give decisions which go to impeach the constitutionality of a law, and which for a time may obstruct its operation; yet I contend, that such law is not the less obligatory, because the organ, through which it is to be executed, has refused its aid. A pertinacious adherence of both departments to their opinions would soon bring the question to an issue which would decide, in whom the sovereign power of legislation resided, and whose construction of the constitution as to the law making power ought to prevail.
If the courts have a right to examine into and decide upon the constitutionality of laws, their decisions ought to be final and effectual. Are gentlemen then prepared to admit, that in case the courts were to declare your revenue, import and appropriation laws unconstitutional, that they would thereby be necessarily blotted out of your statute book, and the operations of your government consequently arrested? It is making, in my opinion, a mockery of the high powers of legislation. I feel humbled by the doctrine, and enter my protest against it. Gentlemen are not aware to what dangerous lengths it may be extended. Let them therefore, consider well before they insist on an assumption of power by the judiciary, which goes to place the legislature at its feet. Let not so humiliating a condition be admitted, under an authority resting merely on implication and construction. It may invite a state of things, which we are not justified by the constitution in presuming will happen, & which, should it happen, all men of all parties, must deplore.
Mr. MORRIS.—I rise to congratulate this house and America, that we have now, though late, reached the true point on which this decision turns. Here I knew we would come. Are we then prepared for a consolidated government of these states? If the doctrine advanced by gentlemen prevail, if it be true, then is there no legislature in America but that of the United States. All the arguments used by gentlemen in the course of the debate went to this end. Now happily the conclusion is avowed.—They ask how your judges got this power of deciding on the constitutionality of the laws? They ask, is it in the constitution? They derived it from a higher authority than the constitution; the constitution of man—the organization of human nature. You pass laws; the judges declare their application to individual cases; their decision is final. It must be final. Thence the right of the judges to pronounce on the laws.
Mark the end to which you are going. The constitution says "No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States."
Notwithstanding these constitutional prohibitions, suppose a majority of the two houses, and the President pass such laws. A capitation tax, other than that prescribed by the constitution, is imposed. The citizen refuses to pay it. The courts are in the power of the legislature, and they are compelled to enforce its collection.—The honorable mover says, the legislature shall decide supremely. A capitation tax then may be laid, and must be enforced in violation of the constitution. Is this the state to which we are come? If this doctrine be sustained, is there any possible mode of avoiding this conclusion? The moment the legislature determine they are supreme, they become so.
I saw the end to which the arguments of gentlemen went. I would not throw it out to the people. But I begged them to pause and consider before they acted. Before they virtually produced a system of consolidated government. If these prohibitory regulations are gone, where is the safety of the states?
When it was found absolutely necessary to enlarge the powers of the general government, it was said it was dangerous to confer them lest they might swallow up the liberties of the country;
and when abroad in the public service, I felt a degree of pain at some things that took place at home, left too much power should be conferred upon the general government. Why? I knew that if these states were consolidated under one government, we could no longer remain a republic. Attached to a republican government as the best, having had an opportunity to compare it with other systems, I wished it to remain inviolate. I knew that if the states were once destroyed, the government would soon become, not a mild monarchy, but a despotism.
It may be said the courts are bound by an oath to support the constitution. But when it is once established that you are the constitutional interpreters of the laws, they must be bound by your constructions.
Mr. Morris concluded by observing that in periods of peace the state governments were deemed most precious; but that when war came, and foreign danger threatened, the national government would be clung to; and that from that moment, if the construction now contended for prevailed, the national government would be supreme. He, therefore, called upon every gentleman in that body, to say whether he was ready to place the states at the feet of the general government. For his part he entered his protest against it.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.
MONDAY, February 8, 1802.
Mr. GILES's motion to repeal the acts relative to the MINT under consideration.
The debate on this subject occupied the house from noon till 5 o'clock. To give it in detail would fill our paper to the exclusion of other interesting articles. We shall therefore endeavour to comprise in a short compass its most important features.
The debate chiefly turned on Mr. Rutledge's motion to refer the subject to a select committee; which was supported by Messrs. Rutledge, Griswold, Dana, Elmer, Mitchell and Bayard; and opposed by Messrs. Bacon, S. Smith, Randolph, Giles and Macon.
Those who advocated this disposition of the subject stated, that it was the usual course pursued on all topics either of great or little moment; that it was peculiarly proper in this case, as no documents had this session been presented to the house; that the institution of the mint had existed for ten years without any public complaint against it; that the coinage of the precious metals was everywhere considered as one of the attributes of sovereignty; that in its exercise a great good accrued to the community; that without it we should be dependent upon the coin of foreign nations, whose own interests might induce them to debase their coin, and thereby tax us to the extent of the adulteration; that this was in fact the case with the Spanish coinage, which had fallen during the last 20 years 5 per cent in intrinsic value; that the establishment of the mint had, moreover, already driven out of circulation the base gold of Germany, and the light silver of England; that in time it would supersede the trifling bankpaper in circulation, which from its minute and perishable character sunk in the hands of individuals; that the experience of all nations, and the first principles of political economy, had established the great advantages of having a medium of commerce of a fixed and definite value.
Such were the arguments urged generally in favor of the mint establishment.
But it was further contended, that though considerations of economy should dictate a reduction of the establishment, it might still be proper to retain so much of it as was connected with the coinage of copper, or to substitute in its room some plan for that purpose; that the chief expense of a mint arose from the assaying and refining of gold and silver; that if this object was abandoned, the institution might be so modified as to obtain the coinage of copper at a trifling, perhaps, no expense whatever; that the profit on the copper coinage had been 5,000 dollars in one year, and that this would probably be enlarged by the reduced price of copper during peace; that if the institution of a national mint should eventually be given up, still it would be the best policy of the government, before such event, to make arrangements for a copper coinage, which in our present situation could be more beneficially effected than after putting out of our possession the means we now hold, of making with banks or individuals, a good bargain for the public.
In relation to a copper currency, it was insisted upon that great evils had heretofore accrued from a want of it, & great benefits were now derived from it;
that before the mint was established we had no such coin in which a general confidence was placed; that base coppers were imported from Birmingham in barrels, and others were fabricated here; that they became an object of speculation; were first exchanged at a high rate, & then sunk to one fourth of their original value; that the loss was almost exclusively felt by the poor who held them; and that it was firmly believed the pecuniary loss of the poor of the United States, from this source, and from the want of a medium that would answer for change, had been on an average equal to the whole annual expenses of the mint.
For these reasons it was hoped the house would not act with precipitation, but by referring the subject to a select committee, obtain a collection of facts and opinions, on which alone it would be becoming to act.
Those who opposed the reference of the subject to a select committee, alleged that no effect other than delay could arise from such a disposition of it. The house already possessed an estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury for the present year, apparently predicated on the expenses of the past year, by which it appeared that the certain annual expense of the establishment was about 21,000 dollars, exclusive of repairs, which, it was understood, were at present required to a considerable extent; and that though the coinage of the last year had not been reported by the director, it was presumed it did not materially vary from that of the preceding year; that all the information, therefore, was now before the house that could be expected; that so far from the measure having been pushed with precipitation, the motion had been made two weeks ago, and frequent notice since given of the intention of the mover to call it up; that if gentlemen were not now prepared to come to a discussion, it was their own fault; but that, in fact, the then debate shewed that they were prepared from the numerous arguments and the great information they had thrown out.
It was contended that the institution of the mint, so far from being venerable from age and fortified by the constant approbation of the public, had been the frequent object of animadversion in the legislature; and that in one instance a bill had passed this house, and in another the Senate, repealing it; and that in another case an attempt had been made to stop all appropriation for it.
It was contended that the institution was useless and even pernicious; that it involved a heavy annual expense, and extended executive patronage; that, whatever temporary benefit may have resulted from it during the war, which, in its effects, brought here a considerable quantity of gold and silver bullion, those effects were now over, and there was not the least probability of our receiving from abroad any quantity of these metals, that would in the smallest degree remunerate the nation by their coinage for the great expense incurred; that as to the coinage of coppers, that could be as well done without as with the mint, with little, perhaps no expense; while, at present, every dollar's worth of cents coined cost an equal sum in the coinage of them.
It was alleged, that the mint did not protect the community from the circulation of spurious coin; that this appeared from the very acknowledgements of gentlemen; that in those countries where there were great mint establishments, a base coin was extensively circulated; that the protection of the community must be ascribed to the knowledge and experience of individuals, and to the jealous caution of the banks. If foreign powers should debase their coin, and it should be sent for circulation here, the only remedy would be, a law declaring it not to be a tender; and this was the very remedy we had already and effectually practiced in the case of several descriptions of adulterated coin.
It was alleged, that though the mint had been in operation ten years, the great object, for the attainment of which it was instituted, remained unaccomplished. It had been then said, that long before this time so much gold and silver coin would have been issued as to supersede the necessity of admitting foreign coins as a tender; whereas we had this very session passed a law, allowing them to be so received; nor was there the least probability of the cessation of this necessity within any assignable time.
It was alleged, that the idea of the establishment of the mint being an essential attribute of sovereignty, was a gross mistake; as that attribute consisted not in the act of coinage, but in the power inherent in the government, to declare what should or should not be considered as
money. The institution might, it was true, be considered as such an attribute, by those who borrowed their ideas from, & were disposed to imitate, the paraphernalia of royalty, but could never be so considered in a republic, where the public good rejected whatever was useless, and lopped off whatever was burthensome without being beneficial; that, under a monarchy, such an institution would be correct, because the principles of the government did not consult the general good, but the good of those who governed; and because the institution added another impetus to executive patronage; but in a republican government the good of the people was to be consulted, their money was to be saved from wasteful expenditure, and executive patronage required diminution rather than increase. That, in truth, this was a part of a great system of economy, which the people had called for, and which it was hoped, those whom they had placed in the administration would practise.
Such are the main outlines of the discussion, connected therewith were some incidental remarks, which shall be concisely noticed.
Mr. BAYARD, in the course of his remarks, observed, that he knew not to what extent this rage of economy would go. We have been told we may import our copper coin from Europe. After doing this, (said Mr. Bayard,) we may go on. We may think this legislature, which cost the nation four or five hundred thousand dollars, useless, and we may break it down and import our laws ready made from Westminster-hall, for ten or fifteen thousand dollars.
Mr. RANDOLPH expressed his extreme surprise at the ideas of the gentleman from Delaware. He had not supposed, that the gentleman would have raised any objection to our importing our laws from Westminster-hall. He had thought that gentleman wished us to go to Westminster-hall for our laws; and that the object of all his reasoning was, that we should go to Westminster-hall for our laws. Nay, that our judges would make us go there for our laws.
In the course of the debate, Mr. Bayard dilated on the great injury that would befall the poor, if the copper coinage was abandoned.
Mr. RANDOLPH in reply contested the fact, and added, that the gentleman from Delaware, and those who acted with him, had too lately taken up the cause of the poor to be acquainted with their interests; this was not surprising, as they had been long accustomed to advocate another cause. Should those, however, (said Mr. Randolph), who now administer the government, be rendered hard-hearted, by prosperity—no unusual thing—should they forget the professions on which they had been honoured with the national confidence—Should they forget the interests of the people—he trusted the people would dismiss them.
Mr. BAYARD replied. He acknowledged it was but a short time since he, and the gentlemen with whom he acted had taken the poor under their care; and they might be noviciates in the discharge of their new duties. The reason was, that the time did exist in this country when the poor had no grounds to fear oppression. This time was gone, and the time had arrived when they required protection, and it is incumbent upon us to protect those who are unable to protect themselves.
Mr. RANDOLPH said, the people of the United States were highly pleased with the oppression against which the gentleman inveighed; and he believed they would continue to wish to be oppressed, while such was their oppression. If this oppression consist in our refusing to pass unconstitutional laws to fetter the liberty of speech; the importance of which, the gentleman from Delaware so well knew, and which he so frequently exercised; in refusing to gag the press, in diminishing taxes, and in paying off the national debt in the shortest possible time, then he hoped the oppression would continue, and he believed the people hoped so too.
TUESDAY, Feb. 9, 1802.
An engrossed bill, to allow a drawback of duties on goods exported to New Orleans; and therein to amend the act, entitled 'an act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage,' was read a third time and passed. Memorials of sundry inhabitants of Philadelphia were read, praying a repeal of the act, entitled 'an act for the more convenient organization of the courts of the United States,' passed Feb. 13, 1801.
Referred to committee of the whole. Mr. Spiegg reported the following

resolution, which was agreed to by the House.
Resolved, That it is expedient to pass a law incorporating a company for opening a navigable canal, to connect the waters of the Potomack river with those of the Eastern branch thereof, through Tiber creek, and the low lands at the foot of the capitol hill.
A committee was appointed to bring in a bill.
Mr. Davenport, from the committee of revival and unfinished business, presented, according to order, a bill to continue in force "an act to augment the salaries of certain officers therein mentioned," which was read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 10, 1802.
Mr. Davis moved a resolution declaring, that the internal revenues (specifying them) ought to be repealed, and instructing the committee of ways and means, to bring in a bill for their repeal.
Mr. Davis assigned as reasons for this motion, that the business though long submitted to the committee of ways and means, had not yet been reported upon, and the necessity of coming to an immediate decision.
Those opposed to the motion stated, that it had been determined in that committee to repeal the internal revenues; that certain details in the repealing bill were not yet settled, but soon would be; and that of consequence no time would be gained by its adoption.
On the question whether the House would take the above motion into consideration, it passed in the negative. The yeas and nays were called, and were yeas 40—nays 57.
An engrossed bill making certain partial appropriations for the year 1802, was read a third time and passed.
A bill to authorise the collection of fees due to the officers of the respective courts of Maryland, by persons residing in the territory of Columbia, was read a third time and passed. On the passage of the bill, the yeas and nays were called, and were, yeas 55—nays 36.
THURSDAY, Feb. 11, 1802.
The House decided on the petition of John Carr, in coincidence with the report of the committee of claims, which rejected the prayer of the petition.
The House took up the amendments of the senate to the bill for the relief of Samuel Dexter, which instead of allowing him six dollars per day, authorise the secretary of the treasury to advance to him the sum of 500 dollars, to be accounted; and committed them to a committee of the whole house to-morrow.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill to amend an act, entitled an act to collect a direct tax, on the detailed provisions, of which a discussion took place.
Michael Roberts,
Has just received from Europe and Philadelphia, and now offers for sale at his store, High-Street, George Town, a large supply of best
STATIONARY,
And other articles in his line, among which are:
 PAPER, Atlas, Imperial, Superroyal, Medium, Demy, Folio pot, Fools Cap, and hot press'd gilt wove, and plain 4to pot of a superior quality.  Blank books, parchment, printers ink, quills, ready made pens, sealing wax, and wafers.  Fowling pieces and pistols.  Swords, sword knots, epaulets and military articles of every description.  Plated ware and fine cutlery.  Perfumery and dressing apparatus.  Morocco skins, bend and cork soles.  Buckskin pantaloons and breeches.  Coach lamps, gig springs, and plated harness.  Drum battle doors, back gammon tables, cribbage boxes, billiard balls, dice, playing cards and chessmen, whips and canes; heavier hats, umbrellas, travelling trunks, and an assortment of hard ware, upholsterers ware, &c. &c. 
Also for sale at the above store, by
Edgar Patterson,
Madeira and Sherry wines, best French brandy, and Cherry Bounce; Imperial and Pilsen Teas, loaf sugar, cheese, liquor cases demijohns &c. &c.
Feb. 12, 1802. epst
NOTICE.
THIS is to give notice, That the subscriber has obtained from the orphans' court of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of James Robinson, late of the county of Washington deceased, all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the first day of June next; they may otherwise be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 24th day of December in the year 1801.
LEWIN TATLHURTT, Administrator.
December 28, 1801. epst
Lodgings,
EQUALLY decent and one third cheaper than any in the city, separate rooms and best attendance to be had at Greenleaf's Point, where indec Symmes now lodges. Good stabling is also furnished, by
SAMUEL SPEAKE.
Washington, Jan. 20, 1802. w3t
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1802.
Talk held with the LITTLE TURTLE, and the Chiefs of the Miamis, Pottawattama and Weas, in the presence of the PRESIDENT of the United States. January 2, 1802.
POTTAWATTAMA,
Father—Listen to your children, your children are happy that the Great Spirit has given them permission to speak with you this day.
Father, your children have travelled a great distance, and are happy to meet you at the great council of the sixteen fires.
Father, your children have something to communicate which they think of importance, both to your children the Red People and to you, as the Great Spirit made both; your children hope that no accident will happen to destroy the friendship and good understanding which existed between them and their brothers the white people.
Father, our brother Chief the Little Turtle will communicate to you our wishes and desires.
LITTLE TURTLE.
Father, you have heard the observations of my brother chief, Pottawattama. It gives us great pleasure that the Great Spirit who made us both, has permitted us to take you by the hand at the great council of the sixteen fires.
Father, we have confidence in our interpreter, he is a great advantage both to us and to you, as through him we have the means of communicating with, and perfectly understanding each other.
Father, it has again fell to my lot to make known to you the wishes of your children. I was in hopes that my brethren the great chiefs would have spoken for themselves, but by their desire I have undertaken to speak for them.
Father, a treaty was made six years since at Greenville between the President of the United States and your children the Red People.
Father, I with some of my brethren made certain objections to that treaty, but finally thought it best it should be signed, and we wish to adhere to it, and hope our white brethren will do so.
My Father, at that treaty it was understood that the white people would be the fathers, friends and protectors of the Red People, that they would use their best endeavours to maintain friendship and good understanding between us and the United States, and we believe it has been generally attended to both by the White and Red People.
My Father and Brothers, by the treaty it was mentioned that certain reservations should be made for the White People in our country, that the White people should not settle over the line described by the treaty, that no individual of the White People should be allowed to purchase any land of the Indians, nor any Indians to sell to individuals of the White People, but that when your children were willing to sell any of their lands it should be sold to the United States, which we think a very happy circumstance, because the United States will not allow their red brothers to be cheated.
Father, some parts of the treaty has not been so well understood as could be wished; one part which was not understood was mentioned to the President of the United States, four years since, at Philadelphia, concerning the lands at Fort St. Vincennes. By the treaty the United States were to have all the land which had before been ceded by the Indians to the English or French.
Father, we think some of the White People are settling over the line, and we are fearful some of our young men may interrupt the harmony which prevails between the Red and White People, as the White People are considered out of the protection of the United States when they settle over the line, and as the chiefs cannot be at all places to watch over their young men.
Father, we therefore request that the lines may be run, and persons appointed to explain those parts of the treaty of Greenville which are not perfectly understood. If you do not think proper, father, to appoint persons to meet their red brethren at St. Vincennes, to explain those parts of the treaty not understood by your children the Red People, we wish you would appoint some person to examine all the circumstances and make report to you.
Father, we are all anxious that those parts of the treaty of Greenville not well understood, may be explained, that the harmony and friendship which prevails between the White People and your children the Red People may be placed on a lasting foundation.
Father, by the treaty of Greenville your children were promised a certain quantity of goods and money should be paid them annually, and this they expected would have been done.
Father, when the goods arrive your children meet with pleasure to receive them; but, father, we are sorry to mention that the goods do not come in good order;
that more or less of our annuities have always been unfit for use, and particularly the powder; we believe it is your wish that they should be delivered in good order.
Father, the chiefs, your children knowing the route by which the goods come, are not surprised that they get damaged. We have twice received our annuities by the way of Cincinnati, at which times they arrived in good order. Once they came by Presque Isle to Miami, where we went to receive them, concerning which complaints were made to Governor St. Clair.
Father, it is my opinion and the opinion of the Pottawattama, Miami, Delaware, Shawanese, Eel River, Weas, Kickapoo, Rankahaws and Kaskaskias, that Fort Wayne is the best place for distributing their annuities, and that it would be best for the Chipeways, Ottoways and Wyandotts, to receive their annuities at Detroit.
Father, your children wish to know your opinion relative to these things. The United States are indebted to us one hundred dollars for the year 1800; we were also promised several horses which we have never received. Of the annuity of five hundred dollars promised to the Eel River Indians, only seventy-five dollars worth of brass kettles have been received, and we do not know what has become of the remainder of the annuities. Your children expect that the deficiencies of their annuities will be made up to them.
Father, it was mentioned by the executive that a trading house should be established in our country, for the benefit of the Red People, we wish it might be established at Fort Wayne.
Father, a number of reasons might be given to prove that Fort Wayne is the most suitable place, one I think will be sufficient to convince you Fort Wayne is the best place, it is at a distance from the white settlements, and the farther a trading house is established from the white people, the better it will be for both.
Father, we are sorry to trouble you so much, but these things are of consequence to us. We are imposed upon by the British traders, who ask very dear for their goods; when we ask them why they demand so much, they reply it is owing to the taxes the American government lay on their goods, and that we never shall get them cheaper. We are of opinion that if a trading house was established in our country this imposition would be remedied.
Father—When your children go to Fort Wayne, to receive their annuities, they have no house to meet in, the Fort from which the goods are delivered is so small, but two or three can enter at the same time, this looks suspicious to some of our brethren. We wish father, a house may be built at this place for us to meet and hold our councils in, and receive our annuities from.
Father—I was requested by my children before I left home, to ask you to place a blacksmith at Fort Wayne, to repair our different tools, we cannot have it done now without going to Cincinnati or Detroit.
Father—We wish to reap advantages from cultivating the earth as you do, and request ploughs and other necessary tools may be put into the hands of the Interpreter at Fort Wayne, to be dealt out to any who will receive and make use of them for the purposes intended.
Father—Should this request be granted nothing shall be wanting on the part of your children the chiefs, to introduce husbandry among their children, if the United States will furnish them with the proper utensils.
But Father, nothing can be done to advantage unless the great council of the sixteen fires, now assembled, will prohibit any person from selling any spirituous liquors among their Red Brothers.
Father—The introduction of this poison has been prohibited in our camp, but not in our towns, where many of our hunters, for this poison, dispose of not only their furs, &c. but frequently of their guns and blankets, and return to their families destitute.
Father—Your children are not wanting in industry, but it is the introduction of this fatal poison, which keeps them poor. Your children have not that command over themselves you have, therefore before any thing can be done to advantage, this evil must be remedied.
Father—When our white brothers came to this land, our forefathers were numerous and happy; but since their intercourse with the white people, and owing to the introduction of this fatal poison we have become less numerous and happy.
Father—Your children the Red People have had several friendly talks with the people called Onakers, in which they have made many friendly proposals relative to the introduction of husbandry among us, but as yet nothing has been done.
Father—Your children only wish to mention to you things, which are of the greatest importance to them; we wish for a conversation with the Secretary of War, to whom we wish to communicate certain things.
I certify the above as a true translation of the Talk made by the
Indian Chiefs therein mentioned.
WILLIAM WELLS, Interpreter.
City of Washington, Jan. 4, 1802.
ANSWER
Of the PRESIDENT, delivered January 7, 1802.
Brothers and Friends of the Miamis, Pottawattama and Weas,
I receive with great satisfaction the visit you have been so kind as to make us at this place, and I thank the Great Spirit who has conducted you to us in health and safety. It is well that friends should sometimes meet, open their minds mutually, and renew the chain of affection, made by the same great Spirit, and being in the same land with our brothers the red men, we consider ourselves as of the same family; we wish to live with them as one people, and to cherish their interests as our own. The evils which of necessity accompany the life of man are sufficiently numerous. Why should we add to them by voluntarily distressing and destroying one another? Peace, brothers, is better than war; in a long and bloody war, we lose many friends and gain nothing; let us then live in peace and friendship together, doing to each other all the good we can; the wife and good on both sides desire this, and we must take care that the foolish and wicked among us shall not prevent it; on our part we shall endeavor in all things to be just and generous towards you, and to aid you in meeting those difficulties which a change of circumstances is bringing on. We shall with great pleasure see your people become disposed to cultivate the earth, to raise herds of the useful animals, and to spin and weave for their food and clothing. These resources are certain: They will never disappoint you. While those of hunting may fail, and expose your women and children to the miseries of hunger and cold. We will with pleasure furnish you with implements for the most necessary arts; and with persons who may instruct how to make and use them. I consider it as fortunate that you have made your visit at this time when our wives for the sixteen states are collected together in council, who being equally disposed to befriend you can strengthen our hands in the good we all wish to render you.
The several matters you opened to us in your speech the other day, and those on which you have since conversed with the Secretary at War, have been duly considered by us; he will now deliver answers, and you are to consider what he says, as if said by myself, and that what we promise we shall faithfully perform.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Jan. 7, 1802.
ADDRESS of the Secretary of War delivered January, 7, 1802.
BROTHERS.
Your father, the President, has fully considered and digested all that you said to him, he was highly pleased with the open and friendly manner in which you communicated to him your sentiments, and the feelings and wishes of his red children, and he has authorised me to give you the following answer.
Brothers—when the treaty between the white people & there was made at Greenville, it was undoubtedly the intention of both parties, to live together in future as friends and brothers, and that every part of the treaty should be honestly and faithfully complied with on both sides; and you may rest assured, that it is the real wish and intention of the great council and of your father the President, that every part of the treaty should be honestly and faithfully complied with on the part of the United States, and they have no doubt, but you and your other red brethren feel an equal desire to fulfil every article on your part.
Brothers—Your father, the President is convinced, that by some accident or neglect, the goods which his red children were entitled to by the treaty, have not all been punctually delivered in good order; and he is willing to make good to his red children all real deficiencies; and in future such measures will be taken, as will ensure the delivery of the whole of the articles in July or the first of August annually in good order at Fort Wayne and Detroit.
Brothers—what you said to your father, the President, respecting the lands at St. Vincennes, on the Wabash, has been attended to, and proper instructions will be given to your good friend, governor Harrison, for having the whole business fairly settled, so as to prevent any uneasiness hereafter, and measures will likewise be taken for having the lines run and marked round each of the tracts of land reserved for the use of the United States, by the treaty of Greenville.
Brothers—your father, the President, was much pleased with what you said to him, respecting strong drink, he rejoices to find, that you wish to have no more of that poison introduced among his red children which has done them so much mischief; he will consult with the great council of the sixteen states, which is now sitting, on the subject of guarding
you against this great evil, and also, on that of establishing trading houses in your country sufficient to supply your wants.
Brothers—your father, the President, will order ploughs and hoes to be furnished at Fort Wayne, for supplying his red children in the manner you have requested, and a blacksmith will also be placed there to mend your axes, hoes and guns; it is the wish of your father, the President, that two or three of his young red children, should be selected, and placed with the blacksmith to learn of him how to mend axes, hoes and guns, so that in a few years you may have workmen of your own in your towns.
Your father will likewise give directions for having a convenient building erected at Fort Wayne, in which his red children may be accommodated when they meet to receive their goods.
Brothers—you are hereby authorised to assure all the red people of the several nations to which you belong, that they may at all times depend on the friendship and fatherly protection of your father, the President, while their conduct continues to be friendly, fair and honest, towards each other and towards their white brethren; and it is the wish of your father, the President, that when you shall be prepared to let out on your journey home, that you may be protected by the great Spirit on your way, and that you may return in safety to your own firesides and find all your families and friends in good health.
Given at the War-office, City of Washington, Jan. 7th 1802. H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. (L.S.)
Answer of the Little Turtle, to the Secretary of War.
Little Turtle. Father—I now thank you for what you have said to us. I am also authorised to give you the thanks of my brother chiefs. We have come a great distance to see you in order to make such arrangements with you as would be of service to your red children. We are happy to find our expectations have been realised, what you have said to us shall be collected in our hearts and taken home and there communicated to your red children.
In the house of representatives of Massachusetts, the motion for an address to the President of the United States was taken up on the 2d of February; when, after a long debate, a motion, made by col. Fisher, That no further consideration of the question of an address should take place during the session, was carried. Yeas 141—Nays 91.
A letter from Albany, dated Feb 1, says, "Mr. Clinton's motion to amend the constitution, was this day carried in the assembly unanimously, as it had been before in the Senate."
A letter from Albany of the 31st ult. says, "Yesterday the Attorney General, J. O. Hoffman, resigned his office. After which a new council of appointment was chosen; viz. Mr. Hunting for the southern; Mr. Wilkin for the middle; Mr. Chipman for the northern, and Mr. Savage for the eastern Districts. Mr. Adrante gave notice, that he should bring in a bill to prevent duelling."
New-York, Feb. 6.
Capt. Senkey, arrived yesterday from Bordeaux, which place he left the 17th of December, communicated to the editors the following particulars:
The expedition destined for St. Domingo had not failed.
Upwards of eighty sail of the line, besides frigates, were lying in Brest water.
Several English vessels, laden with provisions of every kind, had arrived in different ports of France.
Capt. Hawley from St. Croix, informs, that the English colours were flying at that place.
JOHN HASKET, Esq. is appointed by the British government Captain-General and Governor in Chief of the Bahama Islands in America.
STATE OF NEW-YORK.
In Senate Jan. 27, 1802.
Mr. Clinton moved that the Senate would adopt the following resolution, which he read in his place, and delivered the same in at the table, viz.
Resolved, As the sense of the legislature, That the following amendments ought to be incorporated into the constitution of the United States as a necessary safeguard against pernicious dissensions in the choice of a President and Vice-President, and as the most eligible mode of obtaining a full and fair expression of the public will in such election.
 That the state legislatures shall, from time to time, divide each state into districts, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives from such state, in the Congress of the United States; and shall direct the mode of choosing an elector of President and Vice-President in each of the said districts, who shall be chosen by citizens having the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state Legislatures; and that the dit- 

trial to be constituted, shall consist, as nearly as may be, of contiguous territory, and of equal proportions of population, except where there may be any detached portion of territory not of itself sufficient to form a district, which then shall be annexed to some other portion nearest thereto; which districts when so divided, shall remain unalterable until a new census of the United States be obtained.
2. That in all future elections of President and Vice-President, the persons voted for, shall be particularly designated, by declaring which is voted for as President, and which as Vice-President. Resolved, That the President of the Senate and Speaker of the Assembly transmit a copy of the preceding resolution to the Senators and Representatives in Congress from this state, with an earnest request that they will use their best exertions for obtaining the adoption of the above amendments, or other amendments, substantially equivalent.
Ordered, That the consideration of the said resolution be postponed; and that the clerk of the Senate cause three hundred copies to be printed for the use of the members of the legislature.
By order, A. B. BANCKER, Clerk. PASSED NOVEMBER SESSION, 1801.
An Act of the legislature of Maryland, to alter such parts of the constitution and form of government as relate to voters, and qualifications of voters.
BE it enacted, By the general assembly of Maryland, That every free white male citizen of this state, and no other, above twenty-one years of age, having resided twelve months in the county next preceding the election at which he offers to vote, and every free white male citizen of this state above twenty-one years of age, and having obtained a residence of twelve months next preceding the election in the city of Baltimore or the city of Annapolis, and at which he offers to vote, shall have a right of suffrage, and shall vote by ballot in the election of such county or city, or either of them, for delegates to the general assembly, electors of the Senate, and sheriffs.
And be it enacted, That all and every part of the constitution and form of government of this state repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the provisions of this act, shall be and the same are hereby abrogated, annulled, and made void.
And be it enacted, That if this act shall be confirmed by the general assembly, after the next election of delegates, in the first session after such new election, as the constitution and form of government directs, that in such case this act, and the alteration of the said constitution contained therein, shall be considered as a part, and shall constitute and be valid as a part, of the said constitution and form of government, to all intents and purposes, any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding.
[From the Aurora.] Lancaster, Feb. 5, 1802.
Dear Sir, The following resolution was laid on the table of the house of representatives on Wednesday by Mr. F. Smith, of Berks:
Whereas the general assembly of Pennsylvania have been with much concern an act passed at the last session of congress, entitled "An act to provide for the more convenient organization of the courts of the United States" which they consider as inconsistent with the common interests of the United States:
1. Because they conceive the judiciary as established previous to the passing of the said act, to be fully competent to transact all business which might be constitutionally brought before them.
2. Because an expense was thereby incurred inconsistent with that economy which ought to prevail, and as they apprehend, not warranted by any existing circumstances—and
3. Because although they have all due confidence in the chief magistrate of these United States, they conceive an undue influence is thereby created which they deem incompatible with the spirit and principles of republican governments.
Therefore resolved—By the senate and house of representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania in general assembly met, That the senators representing this state in the senate of the United States, be hereby instructed to use their utmost endeavours to procure a repeal of the said act, and that the governor of this commonwealth, be requested to transmit to the said senators a copy of this resolution.
"The resolution passed the house of representatives yesterday, and was immediately transmitted to the senate. On motion of Dr. Porter, it was read a second time and committed to a select committee, conformably to the rules of the senate. When the resolutions are adopted by the senate, of which there is no doubt, I shall inform you."
FROM THE AMERICAN. In a paper styled the "Anti-Democrat," some masquerade Republican has
questioned the propriety of the late Executive appointments of the justices of the orphan's courts: Observations of a similar tendency, were republished some time since, in the Federal Gazette , from the Washington Federalist , under the signature of a "Marylander;" the remarks as they personally relate to the constituted authority, are unworthy of comment; but as it is possible, that there may be readers, who may equal these writers in ignorance, and who may be misled, by their effrontery and gross misrepresentation, you will oblige an old correspondent by inserting the following quotations from our constitution and laws, with the observations that accompany them.
In Hanson's edition of the laws of Maryland , (see proceedings on Thursday Oct. 31, 1776) article 30th of the Declaration of Rights, as reported by the committee reads thus:—That the independence and uprightness of judges, are essential to the impartial administration of justice, &c.—therefore all judges and justices ought to hold their commissions during good behaviour—on the next day this sect. was amended as to confine its provisions to judges, only, and finally passed with the exclusion of justices. In conformity with the principles so established, the 40th section of the constitution and form of government, provides that the chancellor and all judges, the attorney general, clerks of the general court, the registers of the land office and registers of wills, shall hold their commissions during good behaviour; and by section 49th all civil officers, who do not hold their commissions during good behaviour, or shall be appointed annually in the third week in November. From the foregoing, it is evident, that if justices of the orphan's courts, held no commissions during good behaviour, this glaring and alarming usurpation of the executive, was a mere official compliance with an express command of the constitution, admitting of no alternative. Effrontery has not pretended, nor hardihood yet asserted, that they ever did hold commissions during good behaviour—the contrary is notorious. Is it meant to be contended that they were entitled to such, altho' they never held them? And that the executive were bound to respect; or would have been justified in regarding, as existing realities, such contrivances, such ideal commissions? Whence could such bold inferences have been drawn, unsupported as they are by any fact? It is only it seems from discoveries, recently made, by some newly dubbed republicans—that justices are judges—that these technical descriptions of officers are indiscriminately applicable to the same offices—and that the justices of the orphan's courts have extensive judicial authority—admirable! And at the head of this argumentative phalanx marches my lord chief justice of England, Capitalis justiciarius totius Anglie .
By the constitution and laws of Maryland this question must be examined, and not by irrelevant and misfounded citations and analogies, from British jurisprudence. Ignorance of the history, and hostility to the principles of our revolution, might naturally be expected to form the basis of anti-democratic remarks; but a total misrepresentation of British institutions, must rather be attributed to a defect of integrity, than a want of information in pupils of the old schools. The distinction which we have seen established by the bill of rights, is recognized throughout the constitution or form of government, appropriating the term judge to a general or state court, and that of justice to a limited or county jurisdiction;—thus in sect. 47, judges of the general court, and justices of the county courts may appoint the clerks of their respective courts, &c.—In sect. 48, the governor &c. may appoint the chancellor and all judges and justices. But let us hear the notable and conclusive argument of our Republican . "If justices, because so named, may be removed by the executive, the chief justice of our general court may also be removed." Of the profound ignorance and presumption of this writer, the public may judge, but they can never do him justice, when they reflect, that a chief justice of our general court is an officer utterly unknown to the constitution and laws of Maryland—so bold and arbitrary a creation, and such a gross deception, are surely characteristic only of the anti-democratic republicans of this new century. By the 50th sect. of the constitution it is provided, that there shall be a court of appeals, &c. and that three persons of integrity, and sound judgment in the laws, be appointed judges of the court, now called the provincial court, and that the same court be hereafter called and known by the name of the general court; and in the first section, and among the first acts under the constitution, 1777, chap. 5, passed probably by the framers of the constitution themselves. The oaths of the judges, justices and all other civil officers are directed, and the terms of their commissions prescribed—a joint commission is directed to issue to the court of appeals—a joint commission to the judges of the general court; and their forms express, in conformity with the declaration of rights and constitution, that they are to hold their commissions during good behaviour. The
same act also prescribes the form of the commission to be directed to the justices of the county courts—to sheriffs, coroners, surveyors, and all other civil officers, by all which they are to hold their commissions until duly discharged. Almost the next law of the same session, chap. 8, is the first act establishing orphan's courts in the several counties in this state, in which those important powers enumerated by our republican are conferred, yet at that era, and to those men, the construction of the constitution could hardly have admitted of doubt. Under this law commissions issued to these, as prescribed by chap. 5, for all justices of county courts, to be held until duly discharged, which form has been continued until this day, under the various modifications to which the institution has been subjected, and notwithstanding their extensive judicial powers. And is this writer still to learn, that those other justices of other county courts, always appointed annually, and removable at all times, at the will of the executive, exercised each of them in their respective counties and collectively, in the state, more extensive jurisdiction over life, limb and property, than the general court itself, from the establishment of the constitution until the passage of the law for the better administration of justice.
By that law indeed, five chief justices have been created in this state (not contemplated by the constitution) this temporary act passed at first for a very short term, and has at no time since been prolonged for more than five years, at the expiration of which several periods, it necessarily became optional with either branch of the legislature to destroy it, by suffering it to expire. Formerly repealed, except a single clause, and revived in almost similar terms, it has been lately totally repealed by both houses, and revived with some different provisions: Under each successive law, thus limited in duration, these chief justices held their offices during good behaviour, (necessarily whilst the law itself continued) not by the constitution, but by an express clause in the law itself. Had three successive legislatures (all federal too but one) considered them as judges under the 40th sect. this provision would have been superfluous and even the original limitation of the law as it respected these constructive judges, would according to modern federal opinions have been unconstitutional also.
But well aware that they were not of the enumerated class of officers, commissioned during good behaviour, they have exempted them by an express clause from the annual appointments prescribed by the constitution, for all other civil officers of government. In that general annual appointments, in obedience to an express provision of the constitution, over which they had no control, the present executive have included justices of the orphan's court. There is still another clause in the form of government, which confers a discretionary power to remove at any time within the year, sect. 44, the Governor, &c. may suspend or remove any civil officer, who has not a commission during good behaviour. These justices of orphan's courts, under no construction of the constitution—under no law since passed, have ever held a commission during good behaviour. They have ever held and still hold commissions as prescribed by chap. 5, 1777; for all justices of county courts, and all other civil officers who hold at the will of the executive, until duly discharged. Whatever may have been the conduct of any former executive, can prove nothing but their opinions, or rather their conduct; it might prove indeed that they neglected the annual appointment of coroners, surveyors, and in short of all officers, where officers did not personally interest the members of the legislature, that is, such as they could themselves hold, those of justices of the peace, levy and county courts when they existed.
The remarks of the writer from Hanson , on the several acts relative to orphan's courts, particularly on that of 1791, are conclusive; but whatever hesitation that law might have justified, must cease under the testamentary law of 1798. That it is well known, was prepared by selected ability, at a considerable expense of time and money, and was intended to comprise one complete system; and so far from its not repealing the act of 1791; it is perhaps the only law, now existing in the world, that has actually two general repealing clauses, one at the beginning and the other at the end. By this law, chap. 15, sect. 1, it is expressly provided, that the Governor, &c. shall appoint and commission three persons of integrity and judgment, in each county in the state, to be justices of the orphan's court of such county—sect. 2d contains the form of their commission, which directs that they shall execute the powers until they shall be duly discharged from said office—sect. 3d, each person named in such commission shall be entitled to hold and exercise his office until a new commission as aforesaid, in which his name shall not be included, shall be produced and opened in court, of which he shall be a justice. The precise mode in which all commissions at will have ever been held under our constitution, and the precise manner in which individuals have ever been removed, when
these names are inserted in the joint commissions that issue.
But according to this pseudo-republican, officers are dismissed in order to fill their places with partisans of the present administration. Estimating their motives from their conduct, and from the limited view of their appointments, which any private individual can have from his acquaintance with characters; I saw with pleasure that the present executive early discovered their detestation of the proscriptive spirit which preceded them, and which had swept from almost every office of power and emolument, those who dared to differ in political sentiments. From what I can hear and believe, the late appointments throughout the state, will exhibit a fair, equal and impartial distribution (without favor or affection) of influence and profit to be derived from official situations, between two great contending sects.—I learn that in counties which had elected federal members of the legislature, a federal majority of officers were appointed, and where republican members had been returned, the majority of appointments were republican.—It was right, in my judgment to hold out the olive branch of peace.
A REPUBLICAN. FROM THE PALLADIUM. THE JUDICIARY ACT.
The following extract from the (Boston) Palladium shews that among the federalists there is a division as to the constitutionality of the act recently passed by the Senate relative to the Judiciary system.
We have excluded many articles preparing, for this day's paper to make room for the interesting debates on the repeal of the judiciary law. The gentleman, who introduced the motion, and those who support it, contend, strenuously, for the right of Congress to alter and reform such inferior courts as may from time to time, be thought expedient. But this power is conceded, and these gentlemen would save themselves much trouble, if they brought their arguments to bear upon another point, which involves their own fidelity to the constitution. The power, which these gentlemen claim, unquestionably resides in the legislature, and was intended by the framers of the constitution, to be exercised with great caution and discretion, for purposes of public benefit. It is of a nature, not to be defined; or bounded by distinct lines; but it is conceded by the constitution, as a sacred trust, to the wisdom, and discretion of those, who are authorised to give it its several directions. It was necessary that there should be such a power, it was impossible to specify in what manner it should be exercised. Though it is given as a protection, it may be used as an instrument of destruction. To the right use, therefore, of this power, is annexed, all the obligations arising upon a specific duty, to the spirit of the constitution, in addition to those which spring from the delicacy and the honor of a gentleman. In proportion, then, as this trust is of a delicate and confidential nature, incapable of definite limitation, and drawing after it consequences of great moment, increases the obligation to use it with extreme caution and sound discretion. What then shall we think of those, who, in "an evil hour," lay their rash hands upon a system, just commencing its operations, and upon which depend the liberties of our country. A precipitate repeal of this law, upon the grounds of its unconstitutionality, at this period of its operation, and for such reasons as have been brought forward, can be nothing else than a wanton, if not a perfidious abuse of power, as well as a dereliction of those generous, honorable sentiments, which give security and confidence, where laws are inefficient.
The expense of judges is one objection. Yet probably no great civilized nation can have a good administration of justice, so cheaply as 137,000 dollars, the sum of which the democrats complain. It is cheaper than the want of justice, under the old confederation. While these men are willing to volunteer, to give between thirty and forty thousand dollars for repairs of the Berceau , it is strange, or rather it is not strange, that they wince at the charge of judges. We ask, do they expect to save all the charge of judges, and on this plan are we to spend nothing for justice? Then we shall have injustice and that will pay itself.
The small number of suits in the federal courts is another argument, exactly adapted to the sort of minds which most philosophers have displayed, when it pleases God, in his wrath, that they shall exercise power. Either the fewness of suits is a proof, that justice was well administered as to corporate wrongs, or that the old judiciary law afforded such indifferent and inconvenient remedies, that few chose to leave the state courts, to sue in the federal courts. In either supposition, it would be a folly to repeal the existing law. In the first case, prevention is better than remedy. In the latter, the abolition of the law would augment the evil. Indeed it may be truly said that the old Judicial Establishment was incompetent. Less
than the whole constitutional jurisdiction was provided for and allotted to the federal courts by the law, and every one knows, that much of the remaining business was discouraged, and in effect repelled from those courts, by the defects of the old law. Shall the new law to remedy those defects be repealed before it is even tried? Shall it be charged also with the smallness of the business, which is plainly to be charged to the old system, which did not well provide for its being done.
On the whole it is evident, that the project to abolish the federal courts is a great and formidable operation of the new administration. The Kings of France often wished, but were never able, to abolish the Parliaments of Paris, which though mere courts of law, yet being organs of the public voice, and friends to liberty, the nation took part with them. Whether our public will be as lively in its feelings for the Judges and the Constitution than the French were, when they acknowledged themselves to be subject to an arbitrary monarch, remains to be seen.
The niceties of Mr. Brackenridge, wire-drawing the articles of the Constitution, and the unspeakably little computations of savings of cents and mills, will not gain much credit, nor detain the attention of a sensible people. The great effects are manifest, are alarming, and will be fatal. The constitution lays, the Judges shall be independent. Abolish the judicial law they will be dependant. They will lose their places, or become the mere tools of the great men in power. Congress are to pass all laws necessary and proper to carry into effect the constitution. Yet any law having the effect before mentioned must be unconstitutional. By their deeds we are to know men.
So great a change, as that proposed by Mr. Brackenridge, is scarcely to be expected in a well governed country once in a hundred years. It breaks down almost the only barrier against licentiousness and party tyranny. What are to be, in future, our rights, when the United States shall be as prostrate under the arbitrary power of a mere vote as the state of Rhode-Island or even Georgia?
NOTICE.
LAST Monday George Walker paid up Overton Carr, in full of all demands when the lots advertised by Mr. P. T. Baker, were released with a final discharge to said Walker, and all those who had been his sureties. The continuance therefore of Mr. Baker's advertisement after that day was an overnight common in such cases. Feb. 12, 1802.
Just Published (And for Sale) By RAPINE CONRAD & Co. Corner of South B Street and New-Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
SIX introductory Lectures, to courses of Lectures, upon the Institutes and Practice of Medicine, delivered in the University of Pennsylvania—By Benjamin Rush, M.D. &c.—Price 125 cents.
The Age of Revelation; or the Age of Reason, shown to be an age of Infidelity—By Elias Boudinot, L.L.D. and director of the Mint of the United States.—Price 125 cents.
JANE TALBOT, a novel, by the author of Arthur Mervyn, &c.—Price 125 cents.
Also a general assortment of books on Science, Literature, and Amusement.
R. C. & Co. Have on hand a quantity of printing paper, good quality; and a few kegs of Maxwell's first quality of printing ink, which will be sold cheap for cash.
Select Novels, vol. 4, will be ready to be delivered to subscribers in a few days. Feb. 12, 1802.
TO THE MERCHANTS Of George-Town and Alexandria.
A GENTLEMAN of experience in business intends going to the West Indies the ensuing Spring, and will have leisure to transact any commission business that may be confided to his care.
His credentials will be unexceptionable.—Any gentleman wishing further information, will be attended to by addressing a line to A. Z. and left in the care of the Editor of the National Intelligencer. Jan. 29, 1802. 2aw4w
The Business formerly carried on By Dr. WILLIAM ROGERS, Is continued, by Dr. WILLIAM H. GRAYHAM, Who informs the inhabitants of the District of Columbia, that his opportunities of improvement in the various branches of medicine, peculiarly entitles him to their favor. Jan. 29, 1802. ep6t
JOHN GOULDING, Broker and Commission Merchant,
RESPECTFULLY offers his services to his friends, to the friends of his friends and to the public. He proposes to do business in this line, for the sale, purchase and transfer of real and personal property of every description, the barter and exchange of lots, houses, &c. for merchandise, and vice versa.
He has just received and for sale, madeira, port, Lisbon, claret and Malaga wine, sherry, brandy, gin, and cherry bounce, grapes, raisins, currants, figs, almonds, capers, olives, anchovies, citron, Coaks, &c. Philadelphia porter, loaf sugar, and hoes of all sizes, particularly Ladies morocco, kid and spangled shoes. All which are for sale on reasonable terms, for cash, flour or tobacco; and again begs leave to solicit his friends, the friends of his friends and the public, to give him an opportunity, by partaking of their favors, to gratify them, in more respects than one. George-Town, next the Post Office, Dec. 13, 1802. ep1m

NOTICE. THE Copyright of MCCORMICK and COCHRAN , being by mutual consent dissolved, those indebted to them are requested to pay their accounts without delay to Alexander McCormick, who will pay any demands due by the said firm. ALEX. MCCORMICK, ALEX. COCHRAN. Feb. 10, 1802. ep3r The Business will be carried on by Alexander McCormick.
NOTICE. My wife Eleanor Dunlavey, having of her own accord, and without any cause or provocation, left my bed and board, I hereby forward any person giving her credit on my account, as they cannot expect being paid by me, being now confined within the prison of Washington county for debts which I am unable to pay. CHARLES DUNLAVEY. Washington, Feb. 10, 1802. ep3r
A BREWER. A Man of a Brewery wants a situation as Manager of a Brewery in any healthy part of America. He understands distilling also—Letters post paid, addressed to A. B. at the printer's of this paper will be attended to. N. B. He would accept a situation as book-keeper or school master. Feb. 8, 1802. ep3r
FOR SALE. A superb Curricole with plated Harness ALSO a pair of young, handsome and fleet PONIES, and a capital faddle-horse, who never was in harness. Enquire of the Printer. Dec. 7. epif
NOTICE. COMMITTED to the Jail of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, as a Runaway, a Negro Woman named CHARLOTTE, about nineteen years of age, five feet four or five inches high. She says she is the property of Lewis St. John, near Battle Town, Frederick county, Virginia. The owner is requested to come and pay Charges and take her away. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Feb. 5, 1802.
Partnership Dissolved. DOUGHTY & KING have this day by mutual consent dissolved their partnership; it is therefore requested that all persons indebted to the said Firm will make payment to William Doughty, who is appointed to settle their accounts, and that those having any claim will make application as above. N. B. James C. King continues the Lumber business on his wharf near the Rock Creek Bridge. Feb. 3. ep6r
BOLTING CLOTHS. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BOLTING CLOTHS Of the best qualities and latest importations, are kept for sale by OLIVER EVANS, at the corner of Market and Ninth streets, Philadelphia, and By OLIVER & EVAN EVANS, With BOHN and SLINGLUFF, at the corner of Market and Howard streets, Baltimore, Also, with DEAN & GARDNER, Union street, Alexandria. The book entitled the YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT and MILLER'S GUIDE, may also be had at the above places. Jan. 29, 1802. ep4w&ep4w
Marshal's Sale. By virtue of two writs of Venditioni Exponas issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for the county of Washington, to me directed, will be sold at Rhodes's Tavern on Tuesday the 23d of this month, ALL the right, title, and interest of William King, to a brick house and appurtenances on Lot No. 13, in sq. No. 104, in the City of Washington, to satisfy debts due Thomas K. Beale, admr. of Joseph Clarke, for the use of Stephen Wilson's administrators. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock, P. M. Terms of sale ready money. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Feb. 7, 1802. epts
Marshal's Sale. Notice is hereby given, that by virtue of a Writ of Venditioni Exponas issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for the county of Washington, to me directed, John Ashley and Henry Pratt, against the lands and Tenements of Robert Morris, will be exposed to Public Sale, To the highest bidder, for cash, at Rhodes's Hotel, on the third day of February next, all the said Morris's title in and to Lot No. 2, in square No. 706, in the City of Washington. Sale to take place at 11 o'clock, A. M. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Jan. 18, 1802. epts
To Rent, And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY  BRICK HOUSE, North front of the President's House, CONTAINING TWO Parlours and four Bed-rooms, with Garden, &c. It is convenient to the Public offices, and may be had furnished or unfurnished, with or without board, on reasonable terms, to an agreeable tenant. Enquire of the Printer, or on the premises. Also, Wanted Employment. For a YOUNG MAN, who would engage as an assistant in a store, having kept one of his own, of course accustomed to it. Would act as Steward and superintendent a plantation, or the like—would make himself useful in any situation.—Enquire of the Printer hereof November 25. gtawtf
COALS, hickory and oak wood, all of a superior quality, to be sold low for cash, at Redmond and Garrett Barry's new wharf. Also 12 cases of hollow glass, and 14 liquor travelling cases. Jan. 27, 1802. eptm
Mrs. PICK, Takes the liberty to inform the ladies of George-Town and City of Washington, and its vicinity, that she has this day opened at Mr. Kirtz's, opposite the Union Tavern, an elegant assortment of MILLINERY, consisting of, Velvet bonnets, caps, shawls, embroidery, dresses, handkerchiefs, artificial flowers, plumes, trimmings both gold and silver, buckle spangles, buckles, musks, belts and tassels, straw bonnets, cambric handkerchiefs and bonnets, gold and silver thread, wigs and frizzettes, perfume of all kinds, &c. &c. and other articles too numerous to mention; which she will sell on moderate terms. Dec. 2. 3. epif
CHARLES VARDEN, Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Best superfine cloths, Cashmere, Swansdown, Toylenets, Velverets, Fancy Cords, Coatings, Plaids, &c. N. B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice.—Washington City, New Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801. epif
NOTICE. ALL persons having claims against the estate of JASPER DE CARNAP, late of the City of Washington, deceased, are desired to exhibit their accounts for settlement, and those who are indebted are earnestly requested to discharge the same without delay. ELIZABETH DE CARNAP, Administratrix. HENRY INGLE, Administrator Dec. 11. 1801. ep8w
The Subscriber RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from George-Town to the Fountain Inn, near Rhodes's City Tavern. Where he is furnished with a good boiler, carriage house, and stabling for eighteen horses, and every thing in his line to render the accommodation of travellers agreeable. The strictest attention will be paid by CHARLES ROGERS. N. B. Ten or fifteen gentlemen can get board and lodging on moderate terms. Dec. 23. epif
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR, SOLICITS a continuation of that generous encouragement which he has experienced from the Ladies and Gentlemen of this City and its vicinity. Having procured an elegant assortment of cloths, cashmere, swansdowns, &c. and engaged workmen of superior talents. His unremitting attention shall be given to merit patronage. Capitol Hill, next house east of Mrs. Finch's boarding house, and Pennsylvania Avenue between the President's square and Seven Buildings. Dec. 7, 1801. epif
For Sale, Or to To LET, on Ground Rent for ever, FIFTY LOTS. SITUATE between the President's House and Capitol.—The titles to which is indisputable. ISAAC POLOCK. Dec. 16. epif
Valuable property for Sale. ON Tuesday the 23d of February next, will be offered to sale to the highest bidder, at Tunnicliff's Tavern at 4 o'clock in the evening, a two story BRICK HOUSE, with 2 rooms and a passage on each floor; situate on Lot No. 10, in square 728, in the City of Washington, on East Capitol street. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, by SAMUEL TYLER. Jan. 25, 1801. tav4r
ROBERT CHERRY, Near the Sugar House, New-Jersey Avenue, has just received (in addition to his former stock) per the Sloop Harmony, captain Elwood, from Philadelphia. A GENERAL assortment of groceries and liquors, viz. Pennington's loaf and lump sugar, Havannah white, Jamaica and St. Croix brown do. hysn, young hysn, hysn skin, touchong, and behea teas, coffee, pepper, allspice, nutmegs, and cloves; hair powder, plain and scented, box and keg raisins, mould and dipt candles, white and brown soap, Daxon's best mustard, shad, mackerel, and herring in barrels, dried codfish, &c. Cognac brandy, Holland gin, Jamaica and Antigua rum, Madeira and Lisbon wine, with other articles, all of a good quality. Also a trunk of swansdown, glass in boxes, 12 by 10 and 8 by 6, which he will sell low for cash, or barter for first quality tobacco. The above articles have been laid in at a falling market, and shall sell the same at very reduced prices for cash. He returns his sincere thanks to his friends and the public, for the encouragement he has already met with since his residence here, and hopes for a continuance of their favours, which will be thankfully acknowledged. January 9, 1802. epif
For Sale or Rent, Two three story brick houses in Alexandria, completely finished, on King and Columbia street, with sundry valuable property near the same, possession whereof may be had immediately. The situation for the flour and grocery business is equal to any in Alexandria. For terms apply to Henry Thomas Moore, Alexandria, or to the subscriber. NICHOLAS VOSS. Virga. Leeds, Jan. 11, 1802. w4t
VALUABLE LAND for SALE. FOR sale about 4500 acres of land belonging to the estate of Judge Mercer, deceased, and situated in the county of Loudoun, on the waters of Goose Creek, about 40 miles from Alexandria and the Federal City. A large portion of this tract is meadow ground, of good quality, and the soil of the high land is well adapted to every species of produce usually cultivated on land similarly situated in the upper country. Such portion of it as remains uncleared, affords an extensive and excellent range for stock of every kind. On one part of this land is one of the most valuable mill sites in the state. The supply of water is inexhaustible, and the mill could be erected immediately on the side of the public road leading from Winchester to Alexandria. It is computed that the number of wagons almost constantly travelling along this road, amount to at least 5 or 600. So that a ready market might always be had here, for a very considerable quantity of grain and hay. 'Tis deemed unnecessary to defer the more particularly the many advantages of this tract of land, as it is expected that all persons disposed to purchase, will first view the premises. To accommodate purchasers the whole tract will be divided into lots of 4 or 500 acres each, with as much wood and meadow land to every lot as circumstances will admit. And it is believed that the whole 4500 acres may be so laid off into farms of the above-mentioned size, as to leave in each as much wood and meadow land as would be desired. The price and time of payment will be made known by the subscribers. Letters directed to John T. Brooke, Fredericksburg, or to James M. Garnett, Laytons, will be answered without delay. JOHN T. BROOKE, } Adm's JAMES M. GARNETT, } Feb. 8, 1802. epif
The directors for building a bridge over the Eastern Branch of the river Potomac with to contract for  TIMBER, Of the kind and sizes as stated in the list below. IT will be sufficient if the lengthy piles square to the dimensions mentioned, for about 15 feet from the butt, they may then taper off to 10 inches square at the other end. It is not requested that the piles and other large timber be hewn. The timber must be delivered by the first of April. On proposals for furnishing, the same must be sent in to me on or before the 12th of next month. WILLIAM BRENT, Sec'y.
   Feet long. Inches.     80 Pieces white oak for caps, 34 14 — 14   200 do. for strings to lay the plank in, 42 8 — 10   400 " " " 22 8 — 10   80 Piles, " " 18 14 — 14   20 " " " 30 14 — 14   20 " " " 30 15 — 15   32 " " " 28 14 — 14   40 " " " 18 14 — 14   60 " " " 40 15 — 15   36 " " " 20 14 — 14   40 Pieces black or white oak for girders, 38 12 — 12   80 do. for gifts, " " 24 12 — 13   80 do. " " 12 12 — 13   480 Pieces white oak, 10 5 — 7   480 do. do. " 12 5 — 7    Fifty thousand feet of plank, white pine or white oak, 17 feet long and 4 inches thick. Twenty-five thousand feet of railing, 4 by 6 and 6 by 7 inches, of different lengths. Jan. 29, 1802. ept12f
FOR SALE. THE subscriber is authorised to sell a tract of land containing four hundred acres, lying in Prince George county, on Oxen Run, adjoining the district of Columbia, and about two miles from the City of Washington, with a good road to that part of the Eastern Branch over which a bridge is to be built.—This land is healthy and abounds with springs of excellent water. There are between twenty and thirty acres of meadow ground, with a fine stream through it, which may be prepared for timothy at a small expense, and at least two hundred acres in wood and timber. The wood itself will more than pay for the land. The cleared land, except a small part indeed, is of an excellent quality, and has on it a large tobacco house, and several houses suitable for the accommodation of labourers. This land has on it some elegant situations for country seats, commanding a view of the river and the city. If this land be not sold at private sale, before the 10th day of March next (and if it be, timely notice will be given) it will on that day, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter be sold to the highest bidder on the premises. The greater part of the purchase money will be required down; a credit of three months will be given on the balance, the purchaser securing the punctual payment of the balance at the expiration of that time. Persons disposed to make a private purchase, may know their terms by application to Wm. Cooke, of Baltimore Town, or Mr. James F. Leitch of Manchester, Virginia, Mr. John Addison at Georgetown, near the City of Washington, or to the subscriber in the city of Washington. PHILIP B. BAKER, Attorney for J. Addison. Jan. 18, 1802. epts
Fifty Dollars Reward. RANAWAY on Saturday night the 26th of last month, a Mulatto named CYRUS, about 21 or 22 years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, with dark bushy hair. He has served an apprenticeship with a millwright, and is a good workman. He stole from Popes Creek, the estate of Daniel M'Carty, Esq. in the county of Westmoreland, a small forrel horse, a neat light saddle, not much worn, made by James Smock, Fredericksburg, and a snaffle bridle, with a variety of wearing apparel. He has for wife a maid belonging to general Lee of Stratford, and it is conjectured he will endeavor to secret himself in the neighbourhood of the City of Washington, in expectation of meeting with his wife. Whoever will apprehend the said slave and deliver him to me, shall receive the sum of fifty dollars; and I will also give a further reward of ten dollars to any one who may restore the horse and saddle. JOHN ROSE. Virga. Leeds, Jan. 11, 1802. w4t
NOTICE. WHEREAS it is found from experience that from the delinquency of the parents and guardians of children hitherto sent to Charlotte Hall School, that it becomes necessary to employ a collector to whom a commission of 10 per cent. is paid; and whereas it is unreasonable that the Trustees should be burdened with this additional expense of collection when the tuition money as stipulated should be paid in advance.—Therefore, Notice is hereby given, That the tuition from after the first day of January 1802, be five and an half dollars per quarter, but five dollars per quarter paid in advance, will be received in lieu thereof. Signed by order, MEALE E. SITAW, Reg. N. B. A special meeting of the Trustees is requested on the second Monday in March, to take into consideration a Law of the last session of Assembly, respecting said school. N. H. S. Reg. Feb. 8, 1802. w2t
COMMISSIONERS' OFFICE, Washington, Jan. 26, 1802 ORDERED, By the Board that the following Proclamation be published thrice a week for three weeks successively, in the City and George Town newspapers. THOMAS MUNROE, Ckr. Com. BY THE PRESIDENT, OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th October 1791, for regulating the materials, manner of buildings, and improvements on the lots in the City of Washington, it is provided, That the outer and party walls of all houses in the said City, shall be built of brick or stone; and by the third article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the Avenues: And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city, of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the Presidents of the United States from the 5th day of June 1796, to the 1st January 1802, and the beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced; it is deemed proper to revive the same with the exception hereafter mentioned— WHEREFORE, I, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, Do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are, hereby suspended until the first day of January 1803, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said City of Washington previous to the said 1st day of January 1803, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected; except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eve, shall be erected, nor shall such house be placed within twenty-four feet of any brick or stone house. GIVEN under my hand this twenty-third day of January, in the year 1802. TH: JEFFERSON. Jan. 29, 1802. ep5w
For 6666 dolls. & 66 cts. AT EASY PAYMENTS.
The subscriber offers for sale A Tract of land on Acquia Creek, in the county of Stafford, containing about 500 acres, two fifths of which is woodland, lying chiefly on the water. This tract possesses the following improvements and advantages:—A two story framed dwelling house and the usual out-houses; orchards of apples, peaches, pears, cherries &c. a falling garden neatly laid out, several springs of excellent water, and a well at the door. The dwelling house is situated on an eminence commanding a most delightful and extensive prospect of the Potomac (from whence it is distant about two miles) for thirty or forty miles; and of the Aquia from its confluence with that river to the head of tide water at Woodstock—a prospect perhaps equalled by few in the U. States. The tract abounds with valuable quarries of free stone of every quality. Some of them contiguous to deep water, and nearer the Potomac than any that are now in operation no said Creek. For one acre, containing a free stone quarry three miles further from the Potomac, the proprietor has refused 3000 guineas, and eleven acres adjoining the said acre, were sold for 6000 dollars. There are also two valuable marl pits, several fishing shores for rock, shad and herring, and plenty of wild fowl in season. It is believed by good judges, that the timber on the land, and fire wood, if cut ready for market, would command a greater sum than is asked for the whole premises. Wood may be conveyed to the City of Washington with a fair wind in two tides, the distance being not more than 40 or 45 miles. This land, supposing the timber to be entirely taken off, would in the course of seven or eight years start up thick with cedar, locust and pine. It would be a great acquisition to a grazier, the soil being admirably adapted to the culture of grass.— Apply to the subscriber near Acquia. V. PEYTON. Jan. 15, 1802. tav2m
The subscriber respectfully acquaints the public, that he has removed to the corner of Ninth and E streets, where he continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of Ornament for Chimney pieces, Door Caps, Frontispieces, Metal Sashes, &c. which may also be had at his store No. 51, Barclay street, New-York, and to Mr. Wild's store, Market street, Baltimore. GEORGE ANDREWS. Who has gold leaf for sale by the package at book. May 8, 1801. iy
NEW STORE. THE Subscribers most respectfully inform the Public in general, and their friends in particular, that they have just opened an abundant assortment of Dry Goods, SUITABLE FOR THE SEASON, On the Pennsylvania Avenue, between the President's Square and the Seven Buildings, which they purpose to sell low for cash. Also, A few cases of Cut Nails. SHARPLESS & SMITH. November 25. ep3
For sale, or to be rented. A House and lot on the Capitol Hill—the lot is 20 feet 2 inches on Delaware Avenue, and about 190 feet deep extending back to a 30 feet Alley. The House is a handsome well furnished convenient three story brick house, containing 2 sealed garrets, 5 chambers, 2 parlours—kitchen with a pantry and cellar. It is directly opposite to the Buildings of WASHINGTON, occupied by Gen. Dearborn, near adjoining to a number of houses belonging to Mr. Carroll, rented to Mr. Dalton and others from its vicinity to the Capitol, it is well calculated for a private family; or a person attached to the offices of the Federal Legislature.—Adjoining a lot of about 40 feet front on same Avenue, and running same depth back, (the whole under a good post and rail fence) which, if required would be sold at same time. If rented, the Tenant may have the use of the whole of the lot, which would make an excellent garden, having a South and Eastern exposure, as long as convenient to the proprietor. This property would be sold a Bargain for satisfactory payments, or well situate property in Philadelphia would be taken in exchange. Apply to Benjamin Burch, near Jersey Avenue or to the Editor of the National Intelligencer—or to Karrick and Percival, Philadelphia. Nov. 21. if
FOR SALE. A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORNTON, Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is vary high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out-houses, all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk—there are two good mill sites for grist, or saw-mills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which if sawed up into scantling will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser or purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary.—Apply to RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 85, Walnut street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 11. epif
CONVEYANCERS OFFICE, AND OFFICE FOR SALE OF CITY LOTS, On the Pennsylvania Avenue fronting the President's Square, near Rhodes's tavern, City of Washington, THOMAS HERTY has connected with the business of drawing Conveyances of Land, Wills, Mortgages, Leases, Bonds, Assignments, powers of Attorney, petitions, and every other species of deed or contract in the profession; that of buying, selling and leasing lots and houses in the City, negotiating loans, &c. His long experience as a draftsman, and knowledge of the laws relative thereto—the knowledge which he has acquired by residence of the situation of City Lots, and how their titles have been acquired, or are liable to be affected; together with his impartial and strict regard to the interest of those who may be pleased to employ him, will, he hopes, secure to him a continuance of public patronage. Titles to real property investigated, and opinions given thereon when required. For sale a great variety of Lots, in desirable situations in the City. N. B. At the above office may be had, his Abridgement of the Laws of Maryland, price 6 dollars. Also his Digest of the Laws of the United States, price 3 dollars. As the Laws of Maryland are in full force on this side the Potomac, it behoves settlers to avail themselves of that information which affects their lives, liberties and property. He who is without a knowledge of his "rule of conduct" is like a stranger in his native land. May 2. 20w4w. tav2m
Mrs. Smith & Mrs. Wiley, RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the public, that they have removed their Boarding School to the three story brick house, nearly opposite to the bank, where they are prepared to take boarders and day scholars.—Every attention will be paid to the manners, morals and improvement of their pupils.—Approved masters attend the school to instruct the young ladies in those branches which Mrs. Smith and Mr. Wiley do not teach. Geo. Town, Jan. 22. tav2m