Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-11-07 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LX.]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LX.
“Among a people well-educated, the ladies have more flattery bestowed on them than the gentlemen, and it begins sooner.”
IT cannot be supposed that women have naturally more pride of character or more personal vanity, than men. Both alike have their passions and propensities in nature. The different modes of male and female education create a difference in opinions and manners, which is merely artificial. Vanity, when it is well-managed, is perhaps one of the most useful qualities, that either sex possesses. It is so elastic a spring of action as generally stimulates very vigorously to the attainment of the object it has in view. The hero glories in his martial achievements; the rich man in his riches; the strong man in the strength of his arms. But the effects of vanity are no where so conspicuously, or so usefully displayed as in regulating the female character and conduct. It is therefore peculiarly essential that it should be cultivated in women, because the customs of society expose the actions of a female to a scrutiny rigorously exact. She must be restrained from error by motives singularly strong and lively, or her deportment will scarcely bear such rigor of inspection.
The flattery bestowed on the ladies by all civilized people operates upon their vanity, in such a degree, as to guard them against the temptations, by which they are on all sides assailed. Fondness for personal decorations, and a taste for elegance highly cultivated, form an almost impregnable barrier against the allurements of vice, or the arts of pernicious seduction. It must be confessed, however, this passion may be misapplied, and through the address of artful men, may become a snare rather than a protection to the unwary female. But the usual effect of it is different, and it much oftener protects virtue than betrays it.
Those, who set the highest value upon character, will be the most cautious to avoid those stains that defile it. The complimentary language, in which ladies are frequently addressed, encreases the ardor of their pride. Of course, they are less easily beguiled in to actions that will expose them to a loss of reputation, than they would be, had they less elevated ideas of the worth of character. The part assigned to females, in the management of domestic concerns, makes it requisite that they should observe the strictest purity of manners. Thus it appears that flattery is attended with real utility, whatever may be the motive that gives rise to it. Indeed when it becomes a general custom to gratify ladies with polite and flattering expressions, men acquire habits of politeness as a matter of course, and use such a civility, when they are prompted by no other motives, than merely to appear civil and well-bred. The misapplication of flattery, in some instances, should not be urged as an argument against the general advantages it produces. It saves fifty characters, where it destroys one.
Pride is a passion, that with proper management, may control many of the excesses of other passions. A proud man will scarcely become a knavish one, and he must lose part of his pride before he can become a drunkard. With women it has still greater efficacy. The self-denials they so cheerfully bear, in many instances, where men give themselves indulgence, is owing very much to those lively sentiments of pride, which become a predominating motive of action. Those who direct the education of females should give great attention to the manner in which flattery is paid to them. They should learn to prize such virtues and accomplishments as are in themselves most valuable. The inconvenience, that some women have derived from being too much flattered, proceeds from an improper choice of the qualifications that have been made the objects of commendation. When care is taken to inspire them with just sentiments of character, their veneration for it can never be too much encreased by compliments and praises.
MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER IX.
AMSTERDAM, Oct. 16, 1780.
SIR,
THE ninth question is, “How strong the English land force is in America? How strong it was at the beginning? And whether it increases or diminishes?”
ACCORDING to the estimates laid before parliament, the army under General Howe, General Carlton, and General Burgoyne, amount to fifty five thousand men, besides volunteers, refugees, tories, in short all the recruits raised in Canada, and all other parts of America, under whatever denomination. If we suppose that all these, in
Canada, and elsewhere, amounted to five thousand men, the whole, according to this computation, amounted to sixty thousand land forces.
This estimate, however, must have been made from the number of regiments, and must have supposed them all to be full.
General Howe, however, in his Narrative, page 45, tells us, that his whole force, at the time when he landed on Long-Island, in 1776, amounted to twenty thousand one hundred and twenty one rank and file—of which one thousand six hundred and seventy-seven were sick.
By a regular return of General Burgoyne's army, after its captivity in 1777, it amounted, in Canadian provincials, British and German troops, to upwards of ten thousand men. We may suppose, that four thousand men were left in Canada for the garrison of Quebec, Montreal, and the great number of other posts in that province. To these numbers, if we add the officers, we may fairly allow the whole land force at that time to be forty thousand combatants.
This is all the answer that I am able to give, from memory, to the question, “How strong the British army was?”
In order to give an answer to the other, “How strong it is?” let us consider:
1. There has been no large reinforcement ever sent to America since that time. They have sent some troops every year—but these never amounted to more than recruits, and, probably, rather fall short of filling up the vacancies which were made in the course of the year, by desertion and death, by sickness and the sword—so that, upon the whole, I think it may be safely said, that the army never has been greater than it was in 1776.
But we must deduct from this ten thousand men taken with Burgoyne, one thousand Hessians taken at Trenton and Princeton, and indeed, many more, taken by two or three hundred at a time, upon other occasions.
In the next place, we must deduct, I suppose, about ten thousand more, sent, since the French war, to Jamaica, St. Lucia, Barbadoes, and the other West-India islands.
So that, upon the whole, I think we make an ample allowance, if we state the whole number now in New-York, Carolina, and Georgia, including all refugees, &c. at twenty thousand men, officers included.
This is, in part, an answer to the question, “Whether their force increases or diminishes?” But it should be farther considered, that there is a constant and rapid consumption of their men. Many die of sickness, numbers desert, there have been frequent skirmishes, in which they have ever had more men killed and wounded than the Americans:—And now, so many of their troops are in Carolina and Georgia, where the climate is so unhealthy, that there is great reason to expect that the greatest part of that army will die of disease. And whoever considers the efforts the English have made in Germany, Ireland, Scotland, and England, as well as in America, for seven years successively, to raise men—the vast bounties they have offered, and the few they have obtained:—Whoever considers the numbers they must lose, this year, by the severity of duty, and by sickness, in New-York, Carolina, Georgia, and the West-India islands—and the numbers that have been taken going to Quebec, North-America, the East and West-Indies, will be convinced, that all the efforts they can make will not enable them for the future to keep their numbers good.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. CALKOEN.
THE OBSERVER.—No. III.
The public debt of the union may be so managed as to prove a great national benefit.
FEW evils are so great but wisdom and application may derive from them eventual advantages, which will more than balance the loss at first apprehended. Of all the evils consequent upon your late glorious war, the immense debt incurred by the public hath been esteemed the greatest, and one for which a remedy was the most difficult without doing such injustice to individuals, as must excite the abhorrence of honest men. That this hath as yet been a perplexed business, all will allow.—That this debt with its past management, hath distressed both the people and the creditors is undeniable—but we ought not to impute those distresses to the debt itself, which have arose almost wholly from impolitic management. The people of this country were as new in the arts of finance, as those of war—in the last you have excelled and conquered; and in the first may soon become eminent, if some popular prejudices do not prevent. It is not strange that your finances were deranged, and the people and cre-
ditors both in a state of suffering under an administration without system or energy, and which was unable to bring any exertions to a point.
To load the people with enormous taxes would be wicked and impolitic, and for this there is no need. In some future numbers of this paper, I shall endeavor to point out the means of doing such justice to the public creditors, that if reasonable men, they will feel themselves contented, without a burden on the people half as heavy as they have borne. At present I will mention a number of national benefits to be derived from the public debt, if managed wisely. There are very few instances in which an individual can be benefited by credit, beyond his present ability to pay; but with a nation the case is different. Great Britain lies under the heaviest debt of any nation on earth—and this very debt hath in a number of instances been the means of her preservation, by interesting rich subjects to afford their aid, when no other could be obtained—they advanced new sums to preserve those national funds, in which they had a great property already vested.
Tho we hope America will never have need to profit by her debt in this way, there are other advantages she may derive. A public debt is a band of union, and interests a powerful and opulent class of citizens to support the government under which it is contracted. An increase of transferable property is another advantage which may be derived from the national debt. Commerce, manufactures, and the conveniences of life, require that a certain proportion of property be of such a nature as may be easily negotiated or transferred from man to man. Of this kind are articles of barter, gold and silver coin, and bills of credit.—To determine exactly how great a proportion of this kind of property would be a public advantage is impossible. Many of the best judges imagine that the whole national debt, upon a proper establishment, would not be too great for this extensive and growing country. There has been a species of transferal commonly called speculating in public securities, which is but a kind of gaming, and is attended with no advantage to the State:—but this has arisen not as much from an undue quantity, as from a distrust of public faith, and a want of system in the finance of the Union, and of particular States.—Let this debt be funded in honor and justice, and it will soon have a regular value, the transferal will no longer be the work of speculators, but take place between citizens of another character, the commercial and the industrious, as their own interest may require, and thus become an immense stock for the benefit of trade and manufactures. The true interest of agriculture and commerce naturally embrace each other, and in the state of this country cannot be separated. All classes of citizens have right to protection for themselves and their property; but if there be any one which hath the best claim to be regarded in public measures, it is the American Farmers, as they constitute the most numerous part of the people. The national debt may be so funded as to produce great consequential advantages to the Farmers—and prove the means of their procuring a much better price for their produce and raw materials, than can otherwise be expected. So far as relates to the present question, a landed property may be considered as fixed, and not transferable. In a new country, and where land is cheap as in the United States, the inhabitants when they have power to do it, will rest their property in solid soil. The produce of the Farmers land is loose and transferable property, and that it may bear a just price, it is necessary there should be an equal quantity of property within the community, in such a situation that it may be commanded to make pay to the farmer, for the fruit of his toil.
The produce of the country and our raw materials for manufactures, will always command a just price in some part of the world; and it is the business of commerce to collect and transport them to the place in which they are wanted.
If foreigners are under the necessity of coming to us and collecting the articles they need, the price received by the farmer will be limited as they please. Make the supposition that one half the property now in commerce within the United States, were to be annihilated; tho' our produce might bear the same price in the markets of Europe, it would probably diminish the home price one third. The purchasers would be few—the markets would be over stocked—the produce of your farms being in its nature perishable, must be soon vended, and the remaining half of commercial property would command out of your hands, nearly the same quantity of produce, as the whole would have done, if preserved. In this case the loss would be as sensibly felt by the farmers as by the merchant. It is always the case in a new and agricultural country, that the trans-

ferable property is in too small quantity for the advantage of those who hold and till the ground. At present the principal of the national debt cannot be paid, but with a little honesty and policy it may be placed in a situation safe for the creditors and beneficial to all classes of citizens.
For the benefit of the agricultural interest, I would not with the debt to be annihilated, if it were consistent with justice. Let it be honestly funded, it must remain in its nature transferable, and will be an immense bank for all kinds of business. The situation of the United States is such, your agriculture so extensive and increasing, and the quantity of your produce so great, that unless by some policy of this kind you fix a certain quantity of property in its nature negotiable, the market will be overstocked, and the loss will in the end be borne by the farmer.
Suppose the surplus produce of a farmer beyond his own consumption, to equal one hundred bushels of wheat. If there be a just proportion of negotiable property, each bushel will be worth five shillings; but if this proportion be a little lessened, each bushel will command only four shillings, and the whole loss to the farmer will be five pounds; which is a sum four times so great as he need to pay in taxes, to place the whole American debt on honorable funds. To execute this business, honesty, and great abilities are requisite—the new treasury department promises you both, and I make no doubt but the debt we have lamented, will soon be a great national advantage.
PARIS, August 29.
M. Neckar's Memorial to the National Assembly on Thursday last, on the state of the finances and the success of the loan of thirty Millions.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, AUGUST 27.
The deliberations of the Assembly were interrupted by the reading of M. Neckar's Memorial, the heads of which are as follows:
The Minister announces the little success which the loan has met with hitherto, the subscriptions of which to the present day amount only to two millions six hundred thousand livres.
The causes which he assigns for the bad success of it are,
The reduction of the interest to 4 and a half per cent. instead of 5 per cent. as he proposed.
The retrenchment of some of the conditions of it, favorable to the lenders.
And forgetting to mark the periods of its reimbursement, as well as to pay the proper honorary compliment to the lenders, for their patriotic zeal in making advances to the public Treasury from their own funds.
M. Neckar then proposes to give up this loan of 30 millions, and open another of 80 millions, at 5 per cent. reimbursable in ten years, one tenth every year;—this loan to be advanced by the lenders, one half in ready money, the other in contracts of the ancient public debt now becoming due, which is to bear a like interest of 5 per cent.
The Minister thinks that this accommodation of converting old contracts into new ones, seeing the loss the former are daily experiencing on the public exchange, will ensure the success of this loan of 80 millions, and bring 40 millions of ready money into the Treasury.
He lays before the Assembly the necessity of supporting public credit, which loses daily very rapidly from the loss which the revenues of the State suffer from the unfortunate situation of Government. But he is of opinion that this credit may be kept up by the public labors of the Assembly on the consideration of the Finances.
M. Neckar further announces the derangement which exists in some of the provinces in collecting the salt duties, and proposes to the Assembly to fix the price of salt at six sous the pound; he thinks that notwithstanding this loss at first sight of 30 millions annually on the produce of this tax, the increased consumption of this article, and the diminution of expences in preventing the contraband trade of it, will tend greatly to lessen this loss.
The Bishop of Autun supported M. Neckar in every particular; he spoke a considerable time, and with much satisfaction to his hearers, on the nature and importance of the national credit;—he pointed out most clearly the necessity of supporting it, by declaring that the public debt and the interest of it never ought to be subject to any reduction, even masked under the title of imposing .
He concluded by demanding, 1st. That the Assembly should admit a loan of 80 millions, leaving the terms of it to the executive power.
2d. That it should publish a declaration confirming its former decrees, which place the creditors of the State under the protection of the honor and loyalty of the nation, and in which it should be formally announced that the public debt can never be subject to any reduction.
3d. The establishment of a Committee of twelve Members, who are to act in concert with the Ministers in restoring the finances, and who shall make their report four times a week to the National Assembly, who are to deliberate on the means of re-establishing the finances, and proportioning the receipt to the expenditure.
4th. The formation of provincial assemblies. The Assembly only took the two first articles of the Bishop of Autun's motion into consideration, which were,
To acknowledge the loan of 80 millions; and, to pass a solemn decree, which shall pronounce that the public debt can never be subject to any reduction.
These two articles were vehemently attacked by some Members, but victoriously defended by M. Chapelier, Count de Mirabeau, Duc. de Liancourt, and the Archbishop of Aix.
One of the deputies of Touraine acquainted the Assembly of the patriotic intentions of the principal citizens of that province assembled at Tours. They have voted a voluntary subscription to raise a patriotic fund by anticipation of the amount of the taxes of the first six months of this year, and have agreed that those of the year 1790 shall be equally anticipated and paid every month in advance; that the more affluent citizens have resolved to make advances for those whose fortunes will not permit them to make like sacrifices.
They have besides opened another subscription fund; where gratuitous benefactions, and voluntary subscriptions, in favor of the country are paid by those citizens who wish to contribute above the ordinary taxes of the country.
The city of Tours has communicated its intentions to other cities and commonalties of the province, and this patriotic zeal has had the most happy effect throughout the province. It further petitions the Assembly to sanction its intentions by a public decree, clothed with the Royal Authority, and inviting the other provinces of the kingdom to imitate its example.
One of the deputies of Normandy said, that the city of Rouen wished to act in the same manner. The Assembly then voted the public thanks to the province of Touraine, and ordered a copy of its resolutions to be sent to all parts of the kingdom.
AUGUST 28. The first article of the new form of the constitution, as proposed by M. Monier the preceding day was then read, which is as follows:
“The French Government is a monarchical Government. There is no authority in France superior to the law. The King only reigns through it, and when he does not command in the name of the law, he cannot command obedience.”
Yesterday [Friday] the public funds rose near two per cent. in consequence of what passed in the National assembly on Thursday.
LONDON, August 25.
The History of the Decline of the Roman Empire is not read at court, tho' it stands in the royal library, ornamented in superb binding. The introduction of indecent and profane passages, have given offence to an illustrious lady—and indeed, it must be confessed, there are several, both in the learned languages and in English, which a delicate man could not read in the hearing of a modest woman.
Father O'Leary, the celebrated Irish Roman Catholic Priest—he who told a Bishop, who ridiculed purgatory —“Your Lordship may go farther and fare worse”—is preparing a criticism on the above work, so far as it relates to the conduct of the church.
Although deprived of sight, Lord North is not blind to intellectual enjoyments. When disengaged from conversation, of which he is still the life, his Lordship is generally employed in listening to his daughters, who read the English and French Classics to him by turns. Thus surrounded by his own family, and drawing comfort from the resources of a highly cultivated mind, this Nobleman, by some deemed unhappy on account of the “painful visitation of Heaven,” now enjoys more real felicity, than when he directed the counsels of a great nation, and governed England by his nod.
America is making ample strides, and the appointment of Mr. Washington to the office of Chief Magistrate, was a measure the most conducive to that end. Her empire, in course of time, must be great and respectable indeed!
Her sea coasts are two thousand miles in extent, with bays, and rivers, like seas, to ten times that extent—with many great harbors, and other places of security for great ships in the middle and northern provinces—with vast fisheries in those bays and rivers on the sea coasts, and access to still greater to the north, to the south, and to the east of their dominions—with seas, except in one or two places, open all the year round to give continual employment to the seamen, and with no enemies near to those States to controul them.
Many contract debts through vanity or intemperance; or borrow money, or take up goods, with the intention of thieves or robbers, never to make return.—When such suffer, they suffer deservedly, in expiation of their guilt. But there are unavoidable damages by water, by fire, by the crush of power, oppressive landlords, and more oppressive lawsuits—death of cattle, failure of crops, failure of payment in others—with thousands of such like casualties, whereby men may become bankrupt, and yet continue blameless.—And, in all such cases, one would think that the present ruin was sufficient calamity, without the exertion of law, and the confinement of a jail to make that ruin irreparable.
ADDRESS of the GOVERNOR and COUNCIL of the Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS, to THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR, WE meet you at this time with our hearts replete with the warmest affection and esteem, to express the high satisfaction we feel in your visit to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
We can never forget the time when in the earliest stage of the war, and the day of our greatest calamity, we saw you at the head of the army of the United States, commanding troops, determined, though then undisciplined, by your wisdom and valor preventing a sanguinary and well appointed army of our enemies from spreading devastation through our country, and sooner than we had reason to expect, obliging them to abandon the capital.
We have since seen you in your high command, superior to the greatest fatigues and hardships, successfully conducting our armies through a long war, until our enemies were compelled to submit to terms of peace, and acknowledged that independence which the United States in Congress assembled, had before asserted and proclaimed.
We now have the pleasure of seeing you in a still more exalted station to which you have been elected by the unanimous suffrages of a free, virtuous, and grateful country. From that attachment which you manifestly discovered while in your military command, to the civil liberties of your country, we do assure ourselves that you will ever retain this great object in your view, and that your administration will be happy and prosperous.
It is our earnest prayer that the Divine Benediction may attend you here and hereafter—and we do sincerely wish that you may, through this life, continue to enjoy that greatest of earthly blessings, to be accepted by the multitude of your brethren.
Council-Chamber, Boston, October 27, 1789.
To His Excellency the GOVERNOR, and the Honorable the Members of COUNCIL of the Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS.
GENTLEMEN, TO communicate the peculiar pleasure which I derive from your affectionate welcome of me to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, requires a force of expression beyond that which I possess.—I am truly grateful for your goodness towards me, and I desire to thank you with the unfeigned sincerity of a feeling heart.
Your obliging remembrance of my military services is among the highest compensations they can receive—and, if rectitude of intention may authorize the hope, the favorable anticipation, which you are pleased to express of my civil administration, will not, I trust, be disappointed.
It is your happiness, Gentlemen, to preside in the councils of a Commonwealth, where the pride of independence is well assimilated with the duties of society—and where the industry of the citizen gives the fullest assurance of public respect and private prosperity. I have observed too, with singular satisfaction, so becoming an attention to the Militia of the State, as presents the fairest prospect of support to the invaluable objects of national safety and peace.—Long may these blessings be continued to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts! and may you, Gentlemen, in your individual capacities, experience every satisfaction, which can result from public honor and private happiness.
G. WASHINGTON. Boston, October 27, 1789.
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. XXV.
“Every man when he becomes a member of society, makes deposit of three several sorts of trust—that of his LIFE, that of his LIBERTY, and that of his PROPERTY.”
THIS deposit must be understood in a qualified sense—it does not suppose an alienation of either—but such an investiture of them in the body-politic, as conduces more effectually to their preservation—and not only so, but by this means (like money at interest) their value and importance to us, are greatly enhanced.
Our property we have a right to dispose of—we have an absolute right to convey it to another Life and Liberty cannot be thus alienated—“No man has a right to take away his own life, or to depart from his own liberty—He therefore cannot convey to others a right and authority which he hath not in himself.”—Life and liberty may however be forfeited by a violation of the rules and regulations of the society with which we have voluntarily connected ourselves.—It would greatly contribute to the peace and prosperity of any Government were the individuals of which it is composed, duly impressed with this idea, That in every political association, the members form as it were a common stock for the benefit of the whole—in which every man deposits a part of his liberty and property, and for the defence of which, he pledges his life, when ever occasion calls for it.—A civil compact formed upon these equal principles, gives us an infinitely better chance for happiness, than we should enjoy by retaining the whole of our property and free-

dom, and impiously arrogating a power over our own lives, to dismiss ourselves from existence whenever we please. As no society can exist without laws—and as laws are a dead letter, without officers to carry them into execution, it necessarily follows that every individual is personally bound to contribute of his property to the support of government:—Nor could it be conceived that any reasonable, or honest man, would ever object to this self-evident duty, did not daily experience evince the contrary.—Men will violate the laws of their own enacting—they will defeat their own purposes by evading a compliance with the most necessary regulations, and refusing their proportion of supplies for the public exigencies. A refractory spirit—a departure from first principles—and the want of general fidelity, lead to a multiplication of laws—increase of officers—and of those whom the public support—These increase the burthens of society, and lead many to doubt the eligibility of civil government to a state of nature.—A due sense of the maxim contained in the motto, would prevent these evils in a great degree, for if every man was conscientious in discharging his public duty, whether in office, or out of office, government would have an easy operation—its benefits would be co extensive with its influences—and universal satisfaction would be the happy consequence.
MR. FENNO,
THE following extract from the Executive Journals of the Senate, may serve to obviate some difficulties which have been excited by a misrepresentation of the mode of voting in the Senate: All the late appointments were determined viva voce agreeable to this Resolve:
SENATE, Friday, August 21, 1789.
THE Senate proceeded to consider the report of the Committee appointed on the 6th of August. The Committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States, and confer with him on the mode of communication proper to be pursued between him, and the Senate, in the formation of Treaties, and making appointments to offices, reported—which report was agreed to as follows:
RESOLVED, That when nominations shall be made in writing by the President of the United States to the Senate, a future day shall be assigned, unless the Senate unanimously direct otherwise, for taking them into consideration.—That when the President of the United States shall meet the Senate in the Senate Chamber, the President of the Senate shall have a chair on the floor, be considered as the head of the Senate, and his chair shall be assigned to the President of the United States.—That when the Senate shall be convened by the President of the United States to any place, the President of the Senate, and Senators shall attend at the place appointed. The Secretary of the Senate shall also attend, to take the minutes of the Senate.
That all questions shall be put by the President of the Senate, either in the presence or absence of the President of the United States; and the Senators shall signify their assent or dissent, by answering viva voce , aye or no.
PLAISTER OF PARIS.
Copy of a letter from ROBERT MORRIS to JESSE LAWRENCE.
AFTER the conversation which passed between thee and me, on the subject of Plaister of Paris, I conceived it might not be improper to give thee an account of the several trials which I have made with it as a manure for land. Perhaps it might have been in the year 1775 that it was recommended to me as a manure for land; I accordingly purchased five bushels—yet my faith therein was so weak, that it lay until 1778, when in the month of March I sowed at the rate of 2 1-2 bushels per acre, on some ground which I had tilled and sowed with clover seed the spring preceding, leaving a piece in the middle not sowed, and likewise on each side. That season, where there was no plaister sown, the clover stood on the ground about twelve inches high, but where the plaister was sown, the clover stood upon an average 34 inches high; this ground I sowed for about four seasons after, and found it to have less grass every year, though that which was sown with the plaister had as much more in proportion as the first year. I afterwards ploughed up all this ground except one fourth of an acre, upon this I again put plaister of Paris in the year 1785, and no other manure whatever since 1778, and it is now in much better order than it was at that time, and it has produced me about two tons of hay every year for the first crop, and a tolerable good second crop, and some times a third crop, or very good pasture; though the last time I manured it, I put in the proportion of six bushels of this plaister to an acre. I have likewise made many experiments otherwise; I have tried it with Indian corn, where it does tolerably well, with buckwheat, and it makes it grow so rapidly that it has always fallen down, and I have lost my crop. I have tried it with wheat, and it is not possible to discover that it makes any difference when sown on the crop; but when it is sown on grass ground, and this
ground turned up and laid down in wheat, it is amazing the advantage it is of to the crop. Last fall was a year I put down about 8 acres of wheat, which I harrowed in and then sowed clover seed, which came up and looked very fine in the fall; but the winter being very severe, with but little snow, the clover was dead in the spring; when I sowed it again with clover seed, and about 6 bushels of plaister of Paris to the acre; and by harvest time I had clover all over the piece better than 12 inches high, and which I mowed in about two or three weeks after my wheat was cut; I believe I might have cut full a ton of hay off from each acre, and I am well satisfied that if I had not put plaister of Paris on it I should not have had any grass that I could have cut. I have likewise sold this manure to many people in this State as well as New-Jersey, Maryland, Delaware, &c. and after trial their applications to me for more has been very great, which induces me to believe they have found the like benefit from the use of it as I have myself.
With respect, I am thy friend.
ROBERT MORRIS.
Philadelphia, February 15, 1789.
To JESSE LAWRENCE.
I, Clement Biddle, Esq. Notary Public for the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, duly commissioned and qualified, do certify, that Robert Morris, miller and farmer, of the county of Philadelphia, by whom the foregoing writing certified by him in his own hand writing to me well known, is a person of good character and reputation, and that I have been on his farm and have seen great appearance of improvement in the produce thereof from the use of plaister of Paris, and am of opinion that credit is due to his certificate before written relative thereto. The said plaister is brought from Nova Scotia, and is in great repute.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and fixed my notarial seal at Philadelphia, this 18th day of February, 1789. (Signed) CLEMENT BIDDLE, Notary Public, 1789.
ODE on the DEATH of a YOUNG LADY.
[FROM MR. LOGAN'S POEMS.]
UNTIMELY gone! for ever fled The roses of the cheek so red, Th' affection warm, the temper mild, The sweetness that in sorrow smil'd. Alas! the cheek where beauty glow'd, The heart where goodness overflow'd, A clod amid the valley lies, And "dust to dust" the mourner cries. O from thy kindred early torn, And to thy grave untimely borne! Vanish'd forever from my view, Thou sister of my soul, adieu! Fair with my first ideas twin'd Thine image oft will meet my mind; And, while remembrance brings thee near, Affection sad will drop a tear. How oft does sorrow bend the head, Before we dwell among the dead! Scarce in the years of manly prime, I've often wept the wrecks of time! What tragic tears bedew the eye! What deaths we suffer ere we die! Our broken friendships we deplore, And loves of youth that are no more! No after-friendship e'er can raise Th' endearments of our early days: And ne'er the heart such fondness prove, As when it first began to love. Affection dies, a vernal flower; And love, the blossom of an hour! The spring of fancy cares controul, And mar the beauty of the foul. Vers'd in the commerce of deceit, How soon the heart forgets to beat! The blood runs cold at m'rest's call, They look with equal eyes on all. Ye pow'rs! whatever ye withhold, Let my affection ne'er grow old; Ne'er may the human glow depart, Nor nature yield to frigid art! Still may my generous bosom burn, Tho' doom'd to bleed o'er beauty's urn; And still the friendly face appear, Tho' moulder'd with a tender tear!
BOSTON, October 29.
Yesterday morning, THE PRESIDENT visited the Sail-Cloth and Card Manufactories in this town.
Yesterday THE PRESIDENT paid a visit to the Right Hon. Viscount de PONTEVIS GIEN, on board the Illustre—He was received with all that respect due to the Supreme Magistrate of a Sovereign Nation.
Last evening there was a brilliant Assembly at Concert-Hall, which THE PRESIDENT, and VICE PRESIDENT of the United States, the Lady of our worthy Governor, The Lieutenant Governor and Lady—the Commander of the French Squadron—the Marquis de la Galissoniere, and Lady, and a number of other distinguished characters, were pleased to honor with their presence.
OCTOBER 30. Yesterday morning THE PRESIDENT of the United States, sat out on his tour to Portsmouth. He was escorted out of town by the company of Cavalry, commanded by Major GIBBS, and a number of respectable citizens. At his entrance on the bridge, on which were displayed a number of ensigns of different nations, a salute was fired from Breed's hill.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States we are informed, dined at Marblehead yesterday.
Last night he was to lodge at Salem, and this morning he will proceed on his tour.
At the celebration of the 10th of October, at Marlborough in this State, the following, among other toasts, were given:—The genuine American who neither trembles at the sword, or blushes at the plow.—May our Plenipotentiaries now
on a treaty with the savages, attend the last funeral of the Hatcher.—A speedy and honorable tranquility to France.—May Congress so organize the Militia of the Union, as to render it a terror to the World.
NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER 7.
Thursday noon a Fire broke out in a new house of Mr. Hosfar, in Crown-street, opposite the Dutch Church, which was not extinguished till the building was considerably damaged.
This affords another instance of the expertness of our engine men, and the alacrity with which all classes of citizens turn out, to render their assistance. Altho these circumstances may inspire confidence in the minds of people at large, a misfortune is not the less dreadful and injurious to the unfortunate sufferer. It is reasonable to conclude, therefore, that every prudent proprietor of houses will avail himself of every probable means to place his property out of jeopardy.
His Excellency WILLIAM LIVINGSTON, Esq. of Elizabethtown, has been re-elected Governor of New-Jersey, by the legislature of that State, now convened at Perth-Amboy.
On Tuesday the Federal Court for the district of New-York, was opened in the Exchange—His Honor Judge DUANE, presiding. No business being before the Court, the same was immediately adjourned.
It has been observed, respecting the Revolution of America, that so extraordinary were the leading features in this great work, that, unlike the origin of other nations, America sprang into empire and eminence at once.—It may, with propriety, be said of her, that "A nation was born in a Day."—Even our enemies will hardly allow us a nonage —for altho from our inexperience in government and finance, errors may very naturally be expected, yet our mistakes have had no quarter from them—We have been mercifully satirized on the one hand, and our consequence depreciated on the other—and to this day, there are not wanting those, who snarl at our growing credit, power, and respectability—who pretend to be friends to the country, but whose envy is excited at every symptom of national dignity and honor.
Notwithstanding all that has been, or may be said, to alarm the public mind on the subject of our national, and State debts, it is undoubtedly a fact, that America is in a more eligible situation in this respect, than any of the States and Kingdoms of the European world. Our capacity to discharge both principal and interest, bears a greater relative proportion to the whole amount of our debts, than the resources of any other civilized country: This appears from an investigation of the subject—consequently, there never can exist the shadow of a reason for sacrificing the public faith, by any iniquitous schemes of depreciation.—The path of honor and honesty is a plain path—in that we shall be safe—and as happiness whether of a public or private nature, is the result of labor and enterprize—so, a determination to do justly may require extra exertions, yet the point gained, the public credit restored, and a perfect confidence established in the government, our reward will be great—We shall be prepared for every event—and realizing the blessings of character, credit, and fidelity , every future plan of temporary knavery will be rejected with abhorrence.
Of all the imps that are permitted to torment mankind, there is not one which possesses such extensive powers as that of envy:—Every person professes to despise its influence, and yet too many feel the force of its malignance—the favorites of fortune are the constant objects of its pursuit—the prosperity and happiness of a cotemporary feed its venom, and give a scope to its poison—it pines, and sickens at the success of a rival—and, tho generally disappointed in all its projects, it thrives, and seems to acquire new vigor from the chagrin consequent upon defeat to its wishes and desires:—Its best offices are detraction and revenge—Its objects of calumny are merit in every grade of life—abilities and desert, attract its reproaches and contempt—and when success attends a virtuous enterprize, when meritorious characters are promoted, this demon always assigns some base and detestable cause, for the triumph.—Envy is a most industrious little devil—it not only assails those in exalted stations, but descends to the minutiae of life—it assumes the character of umpire in every case that comes within its knowledge—and supplying the deficiency of taste and judgment by a brazen front, it condemns with confidence what it does not comprehend, or what may contravene its own preconceived ideas—Thus it perpetually torments the bosom where it resides, and mars the happiness of all that falls in its way—but the wise and virtuous, while they avoid the society of envious snarlers, conscious of the rectitude of their own hearts, are borne along through life, superior to their chagrin, their malice or their calumny.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We condole with "GREY TOM" on the elopement of his "Pal"—but the loss of a squirrel cannot be considered as interesting to the public.—"SNARLER" is received—but appears to have no object.—The paragraph, in answer to "Mongolfer," beginning with, "O! THE WIT!" would be better understood by appearing in the Daily Gazette.

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Began and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
AN ACT to establish the JUDICIAL COURTS of the UNITED STATES.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Supreme Court of the United States shall consist of a chief justice and five associate justices, any four of whom shall be a quorum, and shall hold annually at the seat of government two sessions, the one commencing the first Monday of February, and the other the first Monday of August. That the associate justices shall have precedence according to the date of their commissions, or when the commissions of two or more of them bear date on the same day, according to their respective ages.
And be it further enacted, That the United States shall be, and they hereby are divided into thirteen districts, to be limited and called as follows, to wit, one to consist of that part of the State of Massachusetts which lies easterly of the State of New-Hampshire, and to be called Maine district; one to consist of the State of New-Hampshire, and to be called New-Hampshire district; one to consist of the remaining part of the State of Massachusetts, and to be called Massachusetts district; one to consist of the State of Connecticut, and to be called Connecticut district; one to consist of the State of New-York, and to be called New-York district; one to consist of the State of New-Jersey, and to be called New-Jersey district; one to consist of the State of Pennsylvania, and to be called Pennsylvania district; one to consist of the State of Delaware, and to be called Delaware district; one to consist of the State of Maryland, and to be called Maryland district; one to consist of the State of Virginia, except that part called the district of Kentucky, and to be called Virginia district; one to consist of the remaining part of the State of Virginia, and to be called Kentucky district; one to consist of the State of South Carolina, and to be called South Carolina district; and one to consist of the State of Georgia, and to be called Georgia district.
And be it further enacted, That there be a court called a district court, in each of the aforementioned districts, to consist of one judge, who shall reside in the district for which he is appointed, and he shall be called a district judge, and shall hold annually four sessions, the first of which to commence as follows, to wit, in the districts of New-York and of New-Jersey on the first, in the district of Pennsylvania on the second, in the district of Connecticut on the third, and in the district of Delaware, on the fourth Tuesdays of November next; in the districts of Massachusetts of Main and of Maryland, on the first; in the district of Georgia on the second, and in the districts of New-Hampshire, of Virginia and Kentucky, on the third Tuesdays of December next; and the other three sessions progressively in the respective districts on the like Tuesdays of every third calendar month afterwards, and in the district of South Carolina, on the third Monday in March and September, the first Monday in July, and the second Monday of December of each and every year, commencing in December next; and that the District Judge shall have power to hold special courts at his discretion. That the stated district court shall be held at the places following, to wit, in the district of Maine, at Portland and Pownalborough alternately, beginning at the first; in the district of New-Hampshire, at Exeter and Portsmouth alternately, beginning at the first; in the district of Massachusetts, at Boston and Salem alternately, beginning at the first; in the district of Connecticut, alternately at Hartford and New-Haven, beginning at the first; in the district of New-York, at New-York; in the district of New-Jersey, alternately at New-Brunswick and Burlington, beginning at the first; in the district of Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia and York-Town alternately, beginning at the first; in the district of Delaware, alternately at New-Castle and Dover, beginning at the first; in the district of Maryland, alternately at Baltimore and Easton, beginning at the first; in the district of Virginia, alternately at Richmond and Williamsburg, beginning at the first; in the district of Kentucky, at Harrodsburg; in the district of South-Carolina, at Charleston; in the district of Georgia, alternately at Savannah and Augusta, beginning at the first;—and that the special courts shall be held at the same place in each district as the stated courts, or in districts that have two at either of them, in the discretion of the judge, or at such other place in the district, as the nature of the business and his discretion shall direct. And that in the districts that have but one place for holding the district court, the records thereof shall be kept at that place; and in districts that have two, at that place in each district which the judge shall appoint.
And be it further enacted, That the beforementioned districts, except those of Maine and Kentucky, shall be divided into three circuits, and be called the eastern, the middle and the southern circuit. That the eastern circuit shall consist of the districts of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New-York; that the middle circuit shall consist of the districts of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia; and that the southern circuit shall consist of the districts of South-Carolina and Georgia, and that there shall be held annually in each district of said circuits, two courts, which shall be called circuit courts, and shall consist of any two justices of the Supreme Court, and the district judge of such districts, any two of whom shall constitute a quorum: Provided, That no district judge shall give a vote in any case of appeal or error from his own decision; but may assign the reasons of such his decision.
And be it further enacted, That the first session of the said circuit court in the several districts shall commence at the times following to wit; in New-Jersey on the second, in New-York on the fourth, in Pennsylvania on the eleventh, in Connecticut on the twenty-second, and in Delaware on the twenty-seventh, days of April next; in Massachusetts on the third, in Maryland on the seventh, in South-Carolina on the twelfth, in New-Hampshire on the twentieth, in Virginia on the twenty-second, and in Georgia on the twenty-eighth days of May next, and the subsequent sessions in the respective districts on the like days of every sixth calendar months afterwards, except in South Carolina, where the session of the said court shall commence on the first, and in Georgia where it shall commence on the seventeenth day of October, and except when any of those days shall happen on a Sunday, and then the session shall commence on the next day following. And the sessions of the said circuit court shall be held in the district of New-Hampshire at Portsmouth and Exeter alternately, beginning at the first; in the district of Massachusetts at Boston; in the district of Connecticut alternately at Hartford and New-Haven, beginning at the first; in the district of New-York, alternately at New-York and Albany, beginning at the first; in the district of New-Jersey, at Trenton; in the district of Pennsylvania, alternately at Philadelphia and York-Town, beginning at the first; in the district of Delaware alternately at New-Castle and Dover, beginning at the first; in the district of Maryland, alternately at Annapolis and Easton, beginning at the first; in the district of Virginia, alternately at Charlottesville and Williamsburg, beginning at the first; in the district of South-Carolina, alternately at Columbia and Charleston, beginning at the first; and in the district of Georgia, alternately at Savannah and Augusta, beginning at the first. And the circuit courts shall have power to hold special sessions for the trial of criminal causes at any other time at their discretion, or at the discretion of the Supreme Court.
And be it further enacted, That the Supreme Court may, by any one or more of its justices being present, be adjourned from day to day until a quorum be convened; and that a circuit court may also be adjourned from day to day by any one of its judges, or if none are present by the marshal of the district until a quorum be convened; and that a district court in case of the inability of the judge to attend at the commencement of a session, may by virtue of a written order from the said judge directed to the marshal of the district be adjourned by the said marshal to such day, antec-
dent to the next stated session of the said court, as in the said order shall be appointed, and in case of the death of the said judge, and his vacancy not being supplied, all progress, pleadings and proceedings of what nature soever, pending before the said court, shall be continued of course until the next stated session after the appointment and acceptance of the office by his successor.
And be it enacted, That the supreme court, and the district courts shall have power to appoint clerks for their respective courts, and that the clerk for each district court shall be clerk also of the circuit court in such district, and each of the said clerks shall, before he enters upon the execution of his office, take the following oath or affirmation, to wit, "I A. B. being appointed clerk of "do solemnly swear, or affirm, that I will truly and faithfully enter and record all the orders, decrees, judgments and proceedings of the said court, and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties of my said office, according to the best of my abilities and understanding. So help me God." Which words, so help me God, shall be omitted in all cases where an affirmation is admitted instead of an oath. And the said clerks shall also severally give bond, with sufficient sureties (to be approved of by the supreme and district courts respectively) to the United States, in the sum of two thousand dollars, faithfully to discharge the duties of his office, and seasonably to record the decrees, judgments and determinations of the court of which he is clerk.
And be it further enacted, That the justices of the Supreme Court, and the district judges, before they proceed to execute the duties of their respective offices, shall take the following oath or affirmation, to wit, "I A. B. do solemnly swear or affirm, that I will administer justice without respect to persons, and do equal right to the poor and to the rich, and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent on me, according to the best of my abilities and understanding, agreeably to the constitution and laws of the United States. So help me God."
And be it further enacted, That the district courts shall have exclusively of the courts of the several State, cognizance of all crimes and offences that shall be cognizable under the authority of the United States, committed within their respective districts, or upon the high seas; where no other punishment than whipping, not exceeding thirty stripes, a fine not exceeding one hundred dollars, or a term of imprisonment not exceeding six months, is to be inflicted; and shall also have exclusive original cognizance of all seizures under laws of impost, navigation or trade of the United States, where the seizures are made, on waters which are navigable from the sea by vessels of ten or more tons burthen, within their respective districts as well as upon the high seas; saving to suitors, in all cases, the right of a common law remedy, where the common law is competent to give it: And shall also have exclusive original cognizance of all seizures on land, or other waters than as aforesaid, made, and of all suits for penalties and forfeitures incurred, under the laws of the United States. And shall also have cognizance, concurrent with the courts of the several States, or the circuit courts, as the case may be, of all causes where an alien sues for a tort only in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States. And shall also have cognizance, concurrent as last mentioned, of all suits at common law where the United States sue, and the matter in dispute amounts, exclusive of costs, to the sum or value of one hundred dollars. And shall also have jurisdiction exclusively of the courts of the several States, of all suits against consuls or vice-consuls, except for offences above the description aforesaid. And the trial of issues in fact, in the district courts, in all causes except civil causes of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction, shall be by jury.
And be it further enacted, That the district court in Kentucky district shall, besides the jurisdiction aforesaid, have jurisdiction of all other causes, except of appeals and writs error, herein-after made cognizable in a circuit court, and shall proceed therein in the same manner as a circuit court, and writs of error and appeals shall lie from decisions therein to the Supreme Court in the same manner, as from a circuit court to the Supreme Court, and under the same regulations.—And the district court in Maine district, shall besides the jurisdiction herein before granted, have jurisdiction of all causes, except of appeals and writs of error herein after made cognizable in a circuit court, and shall proceed therein in the same manner as a circuit court: And writs of error shall lie from decisions therein to the circuit court in the district of Massachusetts, in the same manner as from other district courts to their respective circuit courts.
And be it further enacted, That the circuit courts shall have original cognizance, concurrent with the courts of the several States, of all suits of a civil nature at common law or in equity, where the matter in dispute exceeds, exclusive of costs, the sum or value of five hundred dollars, and the United States are plaintiffs, or petitioners; or an alien is a party, or the suit is between a citizen of the State where the suit is brought, and a citizen of another State. And shall have exclusive cognizance of all crimes and offences cognizable under the authority of the United States, except where this act otherwise provides, or the laws of the United States shall otherwise direct, and concurrent jurisdiction with the district courts of the crimes, and offences cognizable therein. But no person shall be arrested in one district for trial in another, in any civil action before a circuit or district court: And no civil suit shall be brought before either of said courts against an inhabitant of the United States, by any original process in any other district than that whereof he is an inhabitant, or in which he may be found at the time of serving the writ, nor shall any district or circuit court have cognizance of any suit to recover the contents of any promissory note or other chose in action in favor of an assignee, unless a suit might have been prosecuted in such court to recover the said contents if no assignment had been made, except in cases of foreign bills of exchange. And the circuit courts shall also have appellate jurisdiction from the district courts under the regulations and restrictions herein after provided.
And be it further enacted, That if a suit be commenced in any State court, against an alien, or by a citizen of the State in which the suit is brought against a citizen of another State, and the matter in dispute exceeds the aforementioned sum or value of five hundred dollars, exclusive of costs, to be made to appear to the satisfaction of the court; and the defendant shall, at the time of entering his appearance in such State court, file a petition for the removal of the cause for trial into the next circuit court, to be held in the district where the suit is pending, or if in the district of Maine to the district court next to be held therein, and offer good and sufficient surety for his entering into such court, on the first day of its session, copies of said process against him, and also for his there appearing and entering special bail in the cause, if special bail was originally requisite therein, it shall then be the duty of the State court to accept the surety, and proceed no further in the cause, and any bail that may have been originally taken shall be discharged, and the said copies being entered as aforesaid, in such court of the United States, the cause shall there proceed in the same manner as if it had been brought there by original process. And any attachment of the goods or estate of the defendant by the original process, shall hold the goods or estate so attached, to answer the final judgment in the same manner as by the laws of such State they would have been held to answer final judgment, had it been rendered by the court in which the suit commenced. And if in any action commenced in a State court, the title of land matter in dispute exceeds the sum or value of five hundred dollars, exclusive of costs, the sum or value being made to appear to the satisfaction of the court, either party, before the trial, shall state to the court and make affidavit if they require it, that he claims and shall rely upon a right or title to the land, under a grant from a State, other than that in which the suit is pending, and produce the original grant or an exemplification of it, except where the loss of public records shall put it out of his power, and shall move
that the adverse party inform the court, whether he claims a right or title to the land under a grant from the State in which the suit is pending; the said adverse party shall give such information, or otherwise not be allowed to plead such grant, or give it in evidence upon the trial, and if he informs that he does claim under such grant, the party claiming under the grant first mentioned, may then, on motion, remove the cause for trial to the next circuit court, to be held in such district, or if in the district of Maine, to the court next to be held therein; or if in Kentucky district, to the district court next to be held therein; but if he is the defendant, the cause of the removal of the cause into such court by an alien; And neither party removing the cause, shall be allowed to plead or give evidence of any other title than that by him stated as aforesaid, as the ground of his claim. And the trial of issues in fact in the circuit courts shall, in all suits, except those of equity, and of admiralty, and maritime jurisdiction, be by jury.
And be it further enacted, That the Supreme Court shall have exclusive jurisdiction of all controversies of a civil nature, where a State is a party, except between a State and its citizens; and except also between a State and citizens of other States, or aliens, in which latter case it shall have original, but not exclusive jurisdiction. And shall have exclusively all such jurisdiction of suits or proceedings against Ambassadors, or other public Ministers, or their domestics, or domestic servants, as a court of law can have or exercise consistently with the law of nations; and original, but not exclusive jurisdiction of all suits brought by Ambassadors, or other public Ministers, or in which a Consul or Vice-consul, shall be a party. And the trial of issues in fact in the Supreme Court, in all actions at law against citizens of the United States, shall be by jury. The Supreme Court shall also have appellate jurisdiction from the circuit courts and courts of the several States, in the cases herein after specially provided for: And shall have power to issue writs of prohibition to the district courts, when proceeding as courts of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction, and writs of mandamus, in cases warranted by the principles and usages of law, to any courts appointed, or persons holding office, under the authority of the United States.
And be it further enacted, That all the beforementioned courts of the United States, shall have power to issue writs of scire facias , habeas corpus , and all other writs not specially provided for by statute, which may be necessary for the exercise of their respective jurisdictions, and agreeable to the principles and usages of law. And that either of the justices of the Supreme Court, as well as judges of the district courts, shall have power to grant writs of habeas corpus for the purpose of an enquiry into the cause of commitment.—Provided, that writs of habeas corpus , shall in no case extend to prisoners in goal, unless where they are in custody, under or by colour of the authority of the United States, or are committed for trial before some court of the same, or are necessary to be brought into court to testify.
And be it further enacted, That all the said courts of the United States, shall have power in the trial of actions at law, on motion and due notice thereof being given, to require the parties to produce books or writings in their possession or power, which contain evidence pertinent to the issue, in cases and under circumstances where they might be compelled to produce the same by the ordinary rules of proceeding in chancery: and if a plaintiff shall fail to comply with such order, to produce books or writings, it shall be lawful for the courts respectively, on motion, to give the like judgment for the defendant as in cases of non-suit, and if a defendant shall fail to comply with such order, to produce books or writings, it shall be lawful for the courts respectively, on motion as aforesaid, to give judgment against him or her by default. And be it further enacted, That suits in equity shall not be sustained in either of the courts of the United States, in any case where plain, adequate and complete remedy may be had at law.
And be it further enacted, That all the said courts of the United States shall have power to grant new trials, in cases where there has been a trial by jury for reasons for which new trials have been usually granted in courts of law; and shall have power to impose and administer all necessary oaths or affirmations, and to punish by fine or imprisonment, at the discretion of said courts, all contempts of authority in any cause or hearing before the same; and to make and establish all necessary rules for the orderly conducting business in the said courts, provided such rules are not repugnant to the laws of the United States.
And be it further enacted, That, when in a circuit court, judgment upon a verdict in a civil action shall be entered, execution may on motion of either party, at the discretion of the court, and on such conditions for the security of the adverse party as they may judge proper, be stayed forty-two days from the time of entering judgment, to give time to file in the Clerks office of said court, a petition for a new trial. And if such petition be there filed within the said term of forty-two days, with a certificate thereon from either of the judges of such court, that he allows the same to be filed, which certificate he may make or refuse at his discretion, execution shall of course be further stayed to the next session of said court. And if a new trial be granted, the former judgment shall be thereby rendered void.
(To be continued.)
EXTRACT.
OF PAYING DEBTS.—Owe no man any thing.
Economy is a matter of experience—the conversation and advice of a friend may be highly advantageous to the young, who need instruction. The principle of justice is unfolded, and the practice of it established by the communications and approbation of one in whom they confide—Next to the testimony of a good conscience in our favor, the testimony of a friend is the best defence against unjustifiable compliances with pernicious customs.—The secrecy which some affect with regard to their affairs, declining all communications on the subject, often leads to distress which timely counsel might have prevented.
There are false, but plausible maxims, which a friend might unmask—there are propensities, seemingly generous, which he might check—there are consequences which he might foresee, and in the spirit of meekness foretel; there is a sense of justice at the bottom of the heart, which he might rouse, and provoke to break through every obstacle.—"Faithful (in this sense) are the wounds of a friend"—Happy is the young man who is favored with a friend, whose penetration may prove a lamp to his feet, and a guide to his path.—
There is a magnanimity of spirit in giving, and receiving advice which few possess; but like other virtues may be acquired.
WANTED, to complete Files of this paper, numbers 39, 40, 41, 44, 46, and 48: Six pence each will be paid for either of those numbers at the office of the Editor. October 24.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. fr. an.]