Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-12-30 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXV.]
WEDNESDAY DECEMBER 30, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXV.
"No mortal is so miserable, from his own inborn spirit, as a covetous man."
THE love of wealth is a passion attended with so much utility, that no reasonable man will discourage the exercise of it. This passion, however, when it prevails inordinately, defeats its own purposes, and subjects its possessor to the most painful inquietudes. The predominating feature of a man of real covetousness is, a reluctance to put his money out of his immediate controul. By such a precaution, he accumulates less rapidly than he craves, and endures a perpetual conflict, between a desire to encrease and a fear to lose.
It is likewise a characteristic of this passion to be constant and unabating. An avaricious man has no relief from the anxieties of his craving disposition. If he meets with losses it fills him with agony: If he prospers in what he undertakes, it heightens his solicitude about the preservation and management of his property. Other passions may rage with more vehemence, but they act by intervals, and sometimes scarce operate at all.
Another property peculiar to avarice is, that it gains strength by age. When the fire of youth is abated; when the ambition of middle age has lost its ardor, the old man still has a source of gratification, securing, or in adding to his wealth. It is a happy circumstance that the love of money encreases in the decay of life. This propensity may be deemed a substitute for the loss of other amusements; and riches will support the influence of a man when talents and activity have fallen a sacrifice to the inroads of time. The lustre of opulence will supply the place of understanding, not only where it never existed, but where it has yielded to declining nature.
But the most extraordinary effect of avarice is, the solicitude it begets with respect to the appropriation of an estate, when a man bids adieu to earthly scenes. The pangs that a covetous man feels, in anticipating the profligate manners, in which his hoardings may probably be squandered, are greater than can be described. This anticipation is often attended with such pain, that the covetous man bequeaths his interest to some public institution, that it may be kept entire, and not fall into hands who will spend it by dissipation, or misapply it, by indiscretion. It has often been remarked, that very avaricious people discover a capricious kind of liberality in the distribution of their estate by legacies, to those who have no natural claim upon it. This is sometimes ascribed to vanity, but it more usually results from a fear of misapplication of the money, should it devolve upon the apparent heirs. A temper of misanthropy is too apt to be connected with that of avarice. It may therefore happen that a person of a covetous disposition may have so much hatred for those whom he knows, and to whom he is related, that he cannot bear the idea of promoting their welfare, by enjoying his property, when he is dead, any more than while he was alive. From this cause, he devotes it to public uses, or perhaps with an air of refined generosity, leaves it to strangers, whom he cannot hate, because he does not know them.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 24, 1789.
YESTERDAY morning the Committee of the Convention, appointed for the purpose, reported the following Declaration of Rights to be attached to the Form of Government already submitted to the consideration of that honorable body.
ARTICLE IX.
THAT the great and essential principles of liberty and free government may be recognized, and unalterably established, we declare,
I. THAT all men are born equally free and independent, and have certain inherent and indefeasible rights, among which are those of enjoying and defending life and liberty, of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property and reputation, and of pursuing their own happiness.
II. That all power being originally vested in, is derived from the people, and all free governments originate from their will, are founded on their authority, and instituted for their common peace, safety and happiness; and for the advancement thereof, they have, at all times, an unalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform or abolish their government, in such manner as they may think proper.
III. That all men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences, and that no
man ought, or of right can be compelled to attend any religious worship, or to erect or support any place of worship, or to maintain any ministry against his free will and consent; and that no human authority can controul or interfere with the rights of conscience, in any case whatever, nor shall any preference ever be given, by law, to any religious establishments or modes of worship.
IV. That no person who acknowledges the being of a God, and a future state of rewards and punishments, shall, on account of his religious sentiments, be disqualified to hold any office or place of trust or profit under this Commonwealth.
V. That elections shall be free and equal.
VI. That trial by jury shall be as heretofore, and the right thereof shall remain inviolate.
VII. That the printing presses shall be free to every person who undertakes to examine the proceedings of the Legislature, or any branch of government, and no law shall ever be made restraining the right thereof. The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the most invaluable rights of man, and every citizen may freely speak, write, and print, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty.
VIII. That the people shall be secure in their persons, houses, papers and possessions, against unreasonable searches and seizures, and no warrant shall issue, to search any place, or to seize any person or things, but on probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and describing them as nearly as may be.
IX. That in all criminal prosecutions, the accused hath a right to be heard by himself and his counsel; to demand the cause and nature of the accusation; to meet the witnesses, face to face; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and a speedy public trial by an impartial jury of the vicinage; nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; nor can any way be deprived of his life, liberty or property, but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land.
X. That no person shall be proceeded against by information for any indictable offence, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war, or public danger; nor shall any person for the same offence, be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall any man's property be taken, or applied to public use, without the consent of his representatives, and on just compensation being made.
XI. That all courts shall be open, and every freeman, for an injury done him in his lands, goods person or reputation, shall have remedy by the due course of the law, and right and justice administered to him without sale, denial or delay.
XII. That no power of suspending laws, or the execution thereof, shall be exercised, unless by the Legislature, or by the authority thereof.
XIII. That excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, or cruel punishments inflicted.
XIV. That all prisoners shall be bailable by sufficient sureties, unless for capital offences, when the proof is evident, or presumption great, and the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.
XV. That the person of a debtor, where there is not a strong presumption of fraud, shall not be continued in prison after delivering up all his estate for the benefit of his creditors, in such manner as shall be prescribed by law.
XVI. That no ex post facto law, or law impairing contracts shall be made.
XVII. That no person shall be attainted of treason, or felony, by the legislature.
XVIII. That no attainder shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture of real estate, except during the life of the offender.
XIX. That the right of the citizens to bear arms in defence of themselves, and the state, and to assemble peaceably together, and apply, in a decent manner, to those invested with the powers of government, for redress of grievances or other proper purposes, shall not be questioned.
XX. That those who conscientiously scruple to bear arms shall not be compellable to do so, but shall pay an equivalent for personal service.
XXI. That no standing army shall, in time of peace, be kept up, without the consent of the legislature, and the military shall, in all cases, and, at all times, be kept in strict subordination to the civil power.
XXII. That no soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
XXIII. That the legislature shall, at no time, create any office, the appointment to which shall be for a longer term than during good behavior.
XXIV. That emigration from the state shall not be prohibited.
XXV. To guard against transgressions of the high powers which we have delegated, WE DECLARE, that every thing in this article expressed, is excepted out of the general powers of legislation, and shall forever remain inviolate.
RATIFICATION of the new CONSTITUTION by the State of NORTH CAROLINA.
With the AMENDMENTS proposed.
Extracts from the journal of the Convention of North Carolina, which met at Fayetteville, on the 16th day of November, 1789, for the purpose of deliberating farther upon the Constitution or form of government proposed for the government of the United States.
MONDAY, November 16.
ON motion of Mr. Stokes, his Excellency Samuel Johnston, Esq. was chosen President, and Charles Johnston, Esq. Vice-President; John Hunt and James Taylor, Esq's. were chosen Secretaries.
THURSDAY, November 19.
The order of the day being called for taking under consideration the form of government proposed for the government of the United States, the Convention resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Ash in the chair.
After some time spent, the President resumed the chair, and the committee reported progress. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, November 20.
A committee of the whole met according to adjournment. This day was spent in debate. The committee reported they had gone through with the business, and were ready to report. Ordered, that the report lie on the table. Adjourned.
SATURDAY, November 21.
The house met. On motion, Ordered, that the report of the committee be taken up—which was, that in behalf of the freemen and citizens of North Carolina, this Convention do adopt the Constitution proposed for the government of the United States; the main question was then put, Shall this Convention concur with the report of the committee? The yeas and nays being taken were as follows, viz.
Ayes, 193—Noes, 76—Majority 117.
STATE OF NORTH-CAROLINA.
In Convention, November 23, 1789.
MR. GALLAWAY, from the committee appointed to prepare and draw up amendments to be proposed to the Constitution or form of government, proposed for the future government of the United States, reported the following, viz.
Resolved, unanimously, that it be recommended and enjoined on the Representatives of this State in Congress assembled, to make application to Congress and endeavor to obtain the following amendments to the Constitution for the future government of the United States, agreeable to the second mode proposed by the fifth article of the said Constitution, which, when ratified agreeable to the said article, shall become a part of the Constitution; and that the Executive of this State be directed to transmit a copy of the said amendments to each of the United States.
AMENDMENTS.
1st. That Congress shall not alter, modify, or interfere in the times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives or either of them, except when the legislature of any State shall neglect, refuse, or be disabled by invasion or rebellion to prescribe the same, or in case when the provision made by the state is so imperfect as that no consequent election is had.
2d. That Congress shall not directly or indirectly, either by themselves or through the judiciary, interfere with any one of the States, in the redemption of paper money already emitted, and now in circulation, or in liquidating and discharging the public securities of any one of the States; that each and every State shall have the exclusive right of making such laws and regulations for the above purposes as they shall think proper.
3. That the members of the Senate and House of Representatives shall be ineligible to and incapable of holding any civil office under the authority of the United States, during the time for which they shall respectively be elected.
4. That the journals of the proceedings of the senate and house of representatives, shall be published at least once in every year, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations as in their judgment require secrecy.
5. That a regular statement of the receipts and expenditures of all public monies shall be published at least once every year.

 6. That no navigation law, or law regulating commerce, shall be passed without the consent of two thirds of the members present in both houses.  7. That no soldier shall be enlisted for any longer term than four years, except in the time of war, and then for no longer term than the continuance of the war.  8. That some tribunal, other than the senate, be provided for trying impeachments of senators. 
[SIGNED]
JAMES GALLAWAY, Chairman.
I CERTIFY that the foregoing contain the amendments proposed by the Convention of North-Carolina to the constitution of the United States of America.
[SIGNED.]
JOHN HUNT,
Secretary to the Convention.
MR. FENNO,
THAT, in a country, whose inhabitants have been educated with a determined hatred against France, the present revolution should be misrepresented, sometimes in the most scurrilous language, is perhaps an unavoidable weakness of human nature; but that the same language should be repeated in American papers, is so inconsistent with American candor, and with the history of past events, that if we had not the experience of several mouths, we should honor human nature too much to believe it. It is equally surprising, that in the midst of all this abuse, not one paragraph—not one line has been published, south of Boston , to inspire some doubts on the veracity of those publications. To prove in particular the great candor of some printers, who are attentive to give us the newest news of Parisian transactions, we beg you to re publish the enclosed accounts of the London Evening Post , which, unlike the WORLD, and some other papers, is not under the immediate influence of CALONNE, and his creatures. We do not request the printers to translate French papers, We only request them to give impartially a copy of all the English papers in their possession.—Designedly to insult the feelings of a whole nation, may perhaps be attended with more disagreeable consequences than some are aware of.
S. F. P.
PARISIAN INTELLIGENCE.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
MONDAY, Nov. 2.
THE grand question of the right, to dispose of the possessions of the church, was resumed; and decided in the following terms, drawn up by M. de Mirabeau.
“The National Assembly declares:
“That all the goods of the church are at the disposal of the nation, charged only with providing, in a suitable manner, for the expence of divine worship, the maintenance of its ministers, and the relief of the poor, under the inspection and according to the instructions of the provinces.
“That in the dispositions to be made for the maintenance of the ministers of religion, every vicar shall be secured in a stipend, not less than 1200 livres a year, besides a house and garden.”
The decree, thus drawn up, was carried by 578 voices, against 346.
Forty members objected to the terms in which the question was put, and refused to vote; so that the number present was 964.
TUESDAY, Nov. 3.
The adjourned question of Thursday last was put to the vote, in the following terms:
“Has it been decided, that the sons of a family are comprehended under the disqualification, which excludes from the National Assembly all persons who do not pay a tax to the value of a mark of silver, and possess no property whatever.”
The Assembly resolved that it had been so decided.
In the debates on this article several members contended that the suffrage of the electors should be the only qualification requisite for a member of the National Assembly, without any regard to property or taxation. This was over-ruled; and the payment of a tax to the value of a mark of silver, arising from any species of property, settled as the necessary qualification, it was then proposed that the payment of a tax to this amount, by the father of a family, should qualify all his sons of proper age; because, it was said, by the construction of the Roman law, which was the basis of jurisprudence in many parts of France, sons were incapable of acquiring property in their own name during the life of their father. This was rejected as above.
The article, however, is still complained of, as requiring a qualification that will exclude nine-tenths of the kingdom, and almost all the lower Clergy, from the National Assembly.
The plan for dividing and sub-dividing the kingdom into departments, commonalties, and districts, was taken into consideration; and M. Thouret, the author of it, read a speech, in which he endeavored to obviate the objections that had been made to it, and maintained that it was the only means of eradicating that esprit de corps which usually animates the provinces to the detriment of the common interest. This speech was received with much applause, and ordered to be printed.
M. de Mirabeau objected to this plan, and proposed one of his own. The principal difference between M. Thouret's, and his is, that the former endeavors to combine three fundamental principles, territory, population, and property; the latter, population and property only. M. de Mirabeau's plan was also ordered to be printed.
M. de Lameth, after paying due praise to the parliaments, especially for the firm opposition they had often made to the attempts of despotism, observed, that these bodies having, for several ages, enjoyed a sort of legislative power in concert with the crown, there was reason to fear that they would oppose, with all their influence, the success of a revolution which went to deprive them of that power. He therefore proposed, not to abolish them immediately, but to leave them in a state of vacation, and to entrust their functions to the Chambers of Vacation.
M. Target seconded the motion, and it was decided.
“That, till the National Assembly can apply to the new organization of the judicial power, all the parliaments in the kingdom shall continue in, or resume a state of vacation; that the chambers of vacation shall continue or resume their functions, and take cognizance of all causes and processes, any regulation to the contrary notwithstanding, till further orders; and that all the other tribunals shall continue to administer justice in the usual manner.
“That the President shall wait upon the King, and request him to expedite all necessary orders and letters.”
M. Bailly was introduced at the head of a deputation from the magistracy of Paris, and presented a provisional plan of police, for the approbation of the National Assembly. The plan was referred to the Committee of Constitution.
NOTE.
* Chambers of Vacation are those which take cognizance of all matters that require dispatch, while the courts to which they belong do not sit; or, as we should say, between term and term. Each Parliament has its Chamber of Vacation.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 4.
The President informed the Assembly that the King had given the Royal sanction to all the decrees presented to him.
The discussion of the proposed new division of the kingdom was resumed.
Several members were for adopting the plan presented by the Committee of Constitution (M. Thouret's,) without any amendment or modification. Others were against any new division, as dangerous and impracticable.
M. Desmeuniers maintained the former opinion and in support of it, instanced the defects in the presentation in England, which he said were radical, and must sooner or later destroy the liberty of the country. This danger could only be avoided, by combining territory, population, and property, as the fundamental principles of representation, instead of confining it to territory alone, which might often be fully represented in the legislature, when the population and the property, which originally gave it consequence, were transferred to another place, not represented at all.
M. Barnave proposed amendments to the plan of the Committee to the following effect:
“The kingdom shall be divided into twenty-four parts, or nearly so, with a provincial administration in each. These again into three or four districts, or more, with an assembly of administration in each, subordinate to the provincial administration.
“The extent of territory and population requisite to form a municipality, shall be determined, and after settling the other principles of organization, the establishment of municipalities shall be referred to provincial assemblies.
“The Deputies to the National Assembly shall be elected in the principal towns of the districts, by electors chosen immediately by the people, in each municipality, in such manner, that no Assembly of Electors shall consist of less than three hundred, or nominate more than four Deputies to the National Assembly.”
In all these plans, it seems to be an admitted principal, that the deputies of the National Assembly are not to be chosen immediately by the people, but by the electors chosen by the people. This principle we apprehend to be erroneous: For, unless the members of the National Assembly are chosen immediately by the people, without the intervention of an intermediate body, there is reason to fear that the Assembly will not always
speak the sense of the people, or, at least, that, in some cases, it will not do so as soon as it ought.
The President read a letter from the Keeper of the Seals, announcing that his Majesty had granted his pure and simple acceptance of the decree which declares the right of the nation to dispose of the goods of the church; that he had sanctioned the decrees of yesterday respecting the Parliaments, and that extraordinary couriers were dispatched to assure the prompt execution of it.
THURSDAY, November 5.
A new medal, in copper, silver, and gold, has been struck for M. Bailly, the first Mayor of Paris. That of M. de la Fayette, will soon be coined. M. Neckar has, through modesty, prevented the sale of his. The three different pieces are twenty pence, eight shillings, and eight guineas.
Orders from the Hotel de Ville are issued for apprehending all persons attainted of high treason, and particularly Prince Lambesc, for having entered the Tuileries on the 12th of July last, at the head of an armed troop, and killed a harmless citizen, who was peaceably walking in those gardens. Many deputies of the National Assembly have signified their retreat: Among others Messrs. Laisire, Bernard, and Lally Tolendal.
The Mayor of Paris, and several other Municipal Officers have applied to the National Assembly for a better regulation of the police in the capital.
The States of Danphinny did not meet on the 2d inst. at had been settled. The following circular letter was sent to every deputy of the country by the Attorney General and Syndies. “Sir, We are charged by the intermediate commission to acquaint you, that after very important considerations, the convention of the States has been postponed to the 14th of December next. We have the honor to be, &c.”
SATURDAY, Nov. 7.
The debate on M. de Mirabeau's motion, for empowering his Majesty's ministers to sit and advise in the National Assembly, was resumed.—It was warmly opposed by M. Lanquais, who said that, not the vote, but the eloquence and influence of ministers were to be dreaded in the assembly. He moved that the representatives of the nation shall not be capable of accepting any place in the ministry, during the legislature of which they are members, nor for three years after; nor of receiving any emolument, favor, or employment from the executive power.
This motion was generally understood to be pointed at M. de Mirabeau, who is supposed to have been negotiating with M. Neckar for a place in the administration. He opposed it on general principles, and desired that it might not go beyond its mark; but that the exclusion be limited to him only, against whom alone it was evidently meant.
M. de Mirabeau's motion was rejected; and it was carried by a great majority, “That no member of the National Assembly shall hold any place in the administration, during the present session.”
The eligibility of ministers to be members of the legislature in future, was adjourned, and referred to the committee of constitution.
A letter was read from the keeper of the seals, stating that his Majesty had accepted the nine articles of the constitution presented to him yesterday, and sanctioned three other decrees presented at the same time.
The Bishop of Autun observed, that the assembly having declared the right of the nation to dispose of the goods of the church, there was reason to fear that the idea might get abroad, that they were open to the disposal of individuals. He therefore moved, to preserve them from dilapidation.
That the judges in ordinary, throughout the kingdom, should affix their seals of office to all archives, and deposits of titles of church property in the abbeys, monasteries, &c. &c.
That ecclesiastical property, its produce, and especially the woods should be put under the immediate protection of the King, the provincial assemblies, and other bodies of administration.
That all persons guilty of embezzling or secreting property, or title deeds, should be proceeded against, and punished, as guilty of theft.
That the judges in ordinary, should be directed to enquire into, and prosecute all offences, and to give an account to the National Assembly of the informations they received, and their proceedings upon them, without prejudice to the jurisdiction of the officers des maistrises (officers whose jurisdiction extends over woods and waters.)
That the officers des maistrises should be particularly vigilant to prevent the cutting of wood contrary to the laws, on pain of answering to the nation for their neglect.
The consideration of the first article was postponed; the other four were decreed.
M. Threillard moved to suspend the nomination to all benefices, except Archbishopricks, Bishopricks, Rectories, Dignities, and Canonries of the cathedral Churches; and that all resignations and exchanges of benefices, except of those above-mentioned, and also all letters and rescripts from Rome respecting them, should be null and void.
The consideration of this motion was adjourned till Monday.
M. Martineau presented the plan of a decree to oblige ecclesiastics possessing a benefice or benefices, to the annual amount of a thousand crowns, to resign all others they might hold above that value.
To oblige all beneficiaries to residence, on pain of deprivation. To suppress all monasteries and religious societies, except those employed in educating youth.
To declare, that in the monasteries and religious societies to be preserved, no person, in future, shall take vows that deprive him of his civil existence, or the liberty of quitting the society, when he shall think fit to renounce the advantages of it.
To suppress all Abbey and Collegiate benefices, and apply the revenues of them to the use of the public.
The consideration of this plan was also adjourned.
Extract of a letter from Paris, November 9.
“After the strong opposition made to M. Chenier's, Charles IX. that tragedy is at length represented with an applause not known since the days of Voltaire. The characters are taken from history, and, two or three of them excepted (the Great Henry, the honest Chancellor de l'Hospital, and the brave and virtuous Admiral Coligny) form a group that fix an indelible stain upon human nature. The subject is the horrid massacre of St. Bartholomew, the severest satire upon false religion, blind bigotry, and inordinate ambition, that was exhibited to the world. Cardinal Lorraine is introduced, in his purple robe, giving his benediction to his Catholic army, and dispensing absolutions to those who were on the point of setting out to embrace their hands in the

blood of their innocent, unoffending fellow-citizens. The author has drawn with a masterly hand the irresolute, timid, and cruel Charles; the gloomy and perfidious policy of Catharine of Medicis; the arrogance and aspiring views of the haughty Duke of Guise; and the clerical zeal, vindictiveness, and pride of the Cardinal. Nor has he been less happy in his portraits of the gallant young King of Navarre, and the truly great and venerable Admiral and Chancellor. The representation of this play, will, not improbably, lead to the overturning of the established religion of France.
A deputation from the higher orders of the clergy waited upon his Majesty, at the Thuilleries, to entreat that he would interpose his authority to prevent a repetition of the play. The King received them with his accustomed politeness, but told them, he must decline interfering; adding, that if he did not feel himself hurt at the character of the Monarch, he did not conceive that they ought to object to that of the Cardinal.
The National Assembly leave the Archbishop's hall this morning, and meet at the Riding-school near the Thuilleries, which has been properly prepared for their reception.
M. Neckar, and his colleagues in office, continue to exercise their functions; and the National Assembly proceeds on the important objects before it, as far as we are able to judge from the accounts we receive, with vigour and with freedom. The decree for declaring the possessions of the church the property of the nation, is drawn up with much apparent caution, and in terms likely to meet the approbation of the Provinces, and even of the inferior clergy, who are by far the most numerous part of the body, and whose influence is the greatest on the minds of the people.
Among other sacrifices to the rage of the mob in Burgundy, was the house of a Mr. Faussart, surgeon, and with it his museum, containing a great collection of skulls, in a regular gradation from the human to the animal. This gentleman, in a very ingenious treatise published at Paris about two years since, asserts that our first parents, Adam, and Eve, were black !
G H E N T, November 7, 1789.
Friday morning a little before 8 o'clock, about 2000 Patriots who came from the district of Waes, appeared before the Saxon and Bruges gates of this city, and after a short contest made themselves masters of the city, driving the soldiers who guarded the gates, and being joined by many of the Patriots in Ghent, soon overpowered the main guard, who were either killed or dispersed. During this the troops in the Caserns of St. Peter, having divided into two columns, those on the right marched to Water-Port-Bridge, having the river in front; the other took post at the Kettle Gate, having the aforesaid river also in front; so that these columns could not be attacked except in front, at a great disadvantage, for they had the command of the ground every way: Notwithstanding their several advantages, the Patriots attacked them, and after an obstinate engagement with cannon and musketry for 10 hours, the military were driven to their Caserns, leaving many dead and wounded, the exact number not known. The same night a corps of 200 men, with 3 cannon, marched out of the Caserns into the suburbs among the Burghers; the same on Saturday; and on Sunday the Patriots attacked the troops and drove them off, but the military returned at night, and began to wreak their vengeance in the most cruel manner, by fire, robbery, and murder. On Monday at day break they returned to the same quarter, but were beat off by the Patriots; they returned again at night with such fury and vengeance, that they did not even spare sucking babes at the breasts of their mothers.
During these commotions, there was a continual firing from the castle with red-hot and other cannon balls, which destroyed all the houses and buildings in the vicinity; and the garrison continued to sally out every night to plunder and drag all they could lay hands on prisoners into the castle.
As the garrison in the Caserns continued to kill, to murder, and to destroy by fire; the Patriots under the command of the Heer Van Ressum, animated with a determination to put an end to these excesses, about 10 o'clock in the afternoon, attacked the garrison in the Caserns with such undaunted spirit, that about 4 o'clock in the afternoon they surrendered prisoners of war, consisting of more than 600 men, with their commandant, a major; and they were marched bare-headed through the city, and imprisoned in different cloysters. On Monday night the garrison of the castle, finding themselves in a distressed situation, abandoned the fame, and fled by Dummport to Dendermond; so that at present we are relieved from a band of desperate barbarians, who may truly be stiled regimented assassins .
CHARLESTON, (S. C.) December 15.
Yesterday the Federal District Court for this State was formally opened at his Honor Judge Drayton's chambers in Tradd-street, when the oath required by the judicial act, was administered to his Honor the Judge by the Honorable Edanus Burke, Esq.
Thomas Hall, Esq. was appointed clerk of the court.
The oaths of office were severally taken by John Julius Pringle, Esq. Attorney, and the other officers of court. No business having been instituted, and the Judge being indisposed, the court was adjourned until Saturday next.
THE GUEST. — No. IX.
"His bounty like a flowing tide," Extends its blessings far and wide.
A GENEROUS, munificent spirit, is the most perfect representative of Deity, that can be exhibited by mortality: As human life consists in a series of inquietudes, to raise the depressed, and to lighten the burthens which bow down the children of misfortune, are the delightful employments of the feeling, and benevolent heart.
ALONZO is a gentleman, who by a succession of prosperous incidents, has acquired more than a competency of the goods of fortune—possessing a native goodness of disposition, his generous propensities have expanded, as his wealth has increased—and his chief happiness, in the acquisition of property, appears to result from its enlarging his sphere of action, and munificence. Not confined to transient objects of misery, his benevolence seeks the abodes of the wretched, and often the deserted children of want receive unexpected relief, when their hearts are sinking with despondency:—The widow , and the fatherless —the industrious poor—are the objects of his wide extended bounty—When under painful anticipations of suffering from hunger, cold, and nakedness, suddenly their fears are dissipated by supplies of fuel , food and cloathing—while the hand of the generous donor forever remains invisible and unknown.
But tho' ALONZO despises the parade of Charity, yet he realizes the power of example in promoting acts of general public utility: Hence you see his name in every subscription, for the advancement of those institutions, which are designed to benefit the poor, and to lessen the avenues to idleness and want. Some objects of common, and extensive importance, require the joint exertions of numbers, ALONZO is always conspicuous in his exertions upon such occasions—and with industry and perseverance every obstacle is surmounted, till plans are brought to maturity, which conduce to the honor, the wealth, and happiness of the community. Such men are the stewards of the blessings of providence—their property is the property of the public, and their wealth is the Bank of the poor. Their characters give a lustre to the place where they reside, and their good name is a prop to their country in every emergency.—Do we not know such characters? Let their works point them out—Their praise is in the city.—The good man cannot but be generous, tho' the public acknowledgments of gratitude are a severe tax upon his feelings.
Contrasted with such men, the Miser is like a barren, insatiable soil, which the more moisture it imbibes, the harder, and more unproductive it grows. Enormous wealth, accumulated in the coffers of the avaricious, and there confined, is like exhausting the blood from the constitution. It is drying up the sources from whence those channels are supplied, which nourish, fructify and fertilize the world: Their characters are constantly suspended upon the pointed pinnacle of satire while they live, and their memory is the sport of execrations, when Death unlocks the iron repositories of their hoards, and gives their wealth to their prodigal posterity.
NEW-YORK, DECEMBER 30.
We are now brought to the conclusion of the year Eighty-Nine.—What an eventful period has it been! The most sanguine expectations did not anticipate what we now realize. At this time last year, we were looking forward with anxious expectation to the organization of the new Government: And while the minds of the gloomy and discontented, foreboded and predicted a series of difficulties, dangers and unavoidable evils, the friends of peace, the honest and unexpecting friends of freedom and good government trembled in hope. But through the favor of heaven, what is now our situation! A form of government for our various people, and an extended territory, brought into operation with the happiest facility; and organized to the perfect satisfaction of the citizens. Peace, plenty and freedom reign in our borders, and innumerable causes are powerfully operating to produce pre-
sent and future happiness to our country.—The dreams of anarchy are no more—the rays of knowledge diverge in every possible direction. Arts, manufactures and commerce raise their long depressed heads; and protected by our equal laws, and an efficient government, are extending their influence far and wide.—Our resources are unfolding; our burthens are diminishing; right principles are taking root, and government is considered in a just point of view—and as the choicest gift of heaven. The revolution in our political situation is great; but the revolution in our principles is greater.—These are the events of a year! A year that stamps our character with fame immortal; the wisdom and magnanimity of which are sufficient to wipe off the reproaches of ages. Our enjoyments may justly be heightened with the reflection, that our example has proved contagious to the nations of Europe; who, under the favor of Providence, are now in the high road to a glorious state of freedom and just government.
The labors of the Observer , a writer, whose performances first appear in a Hartford paper, are entitled to the thanks of his countrymen, for unfolding many systems of State policy, which now appear to be a grievous burthen on the people. The speculations of this writer ought to be read by every citizen; for it is demonstrated by him, that a simplification of our numberless State regulations, will save millions to the people.
A bill of rights for freemen appears to be a contradiction in terms. From whom are they received? From themselves? Do freemen relinquish those rights that are not specified in a bill? To whom do they relinquish them? To themselves, or their rulers? Who are their rulers but the creatures of their own forming? If freemen retain no rights but those specified in a bill, they divest themselves of thousands , where they retain one . What avails a bill of rights to those who violate the laws? and in a free country, every right of human nature, which are as numerous as sands upon the sea shore, belong to the quiet, peaceable citizen.
Bills of rights owe their origin to circumstances no ways honorary to the natural independence, and dignity of human nature. Success on the part of the barons, in their wars with King John, extorted that boasted instrument called the bill of rights. But it may be enquired, whether the powers not surrendered by the King, were not supposed to be vested in him .—In that case, what was granted, must be viewed in the light of a concession on his part. Its being extorted or voluntary, makes no difference in the degrading idea that connects itself with the transaction.
The truth is, while the people are considered as the favored party in a bill of rights; the seeds of controverted sovereignty are sown in the very heart of the Constitution.
Yesterday arrived here the October Packet from Halifax.
Members of Congress now in this city: SENATE, President of the Senate.—Mr. Dalton.—Mr. Johnson.—Mr. Schuyler.—Mr. King.—Mr. Izard.—Mr. Butler.
REPRESENTATIVES, Mr. Gilman.—Mr. Gerry.—Mr. Lawrance.—Mr. Benson.—Mr. Scott.—Mr. Coles.—Mr. Brown.—Mr. Griffin.—Mr. Huger.—Mr. Smith, of South-Carolina.—Mr. White.—Mr. Partridge.—Mr. Tucker.
Mr. Otis, Secretary of the Senate. Mr. Beckley, Clerk of the House.
MRS. GARDNER, being under the disagreeable necessity of postponing the COMEDY of Wits last Shift, or Genius in the Suds, with the other entertainments intended for her benefit yesterday, on account of the inclemency of the weather, begs leave to assure the public that the New Piece, &c. will positively be performed this Evening, and that it will not be put off on any account, and most humbly solicits the patronage of the public on the occasion.
PROPOSAL, FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
M E M O I R S OF THE BLOOMSGROVE FAMILY.
In a SERIES of LETTERS from a gentleman in New-England to a respectable citizen of Philadelphia.
CONTAINING
Sentiments on a MODE of DOMESTIC EDUCATION, suited to the present state of Society, Government and Manners in the United States, and on the Importance and Dignity of the Female Character.
INTERSPERSED WITH A VARIETY of interesting ANECDOTES.
CONDITIONS.
They will be printed on a good paper and type—neatly bound and lettered, in two volumes, 12mo. and delivered to subscribers at three quarters of a dollar per volume.
These Memoirs are dedicated to Mrs. WASHINGTON, by her permission. Having seen the manuscripts, and approved the plan, "She heartily wishes that every laudable effort to improve the mode of education in this country may be attended with merited success."
FROM the literary character of the reputed author of the above work, and a table of contents left with the printer hereof, being eighty-three letters on the most interesting subjects of education, life and manners, it is expected these Memoirs will prove a very valuable and interesting performance.
Subscriptions received by the Editor, at his office, and letters (post paid) duly attended to.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Essex-Market , NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. pr. an.]

To the American Planters and Farmers
THE gentlemen who possess and cultivate the soil, are in this country so numerous, and hold so great proportion of property, that they have right to a decided influence in the measures of government. In addressing you I speak to the people, whose will must ultimately determine the system of national police. An enlightened planter is a friend to manufactures, by which his raw materials are prepared for the use of man—he is a friend to commerce, which converts the surplus of his perishable produce into permanent wealth, and mingles the growth of every clime on the board of hospitality: Still the agricultural now is, and for a century to come must remain the prevailing interest both in riches and in influence. The war of independence was yours; and therefore became a war of blows too hard for the common enemy—our present form of government was first delineated by those who roll the tongue and drive the quill; it became a sacred reality by the seal of your suffrages: and the measures of the treasury department must be addressed to your good understanding and sense of national honor to render them successful. Though the nature of your employment is such as precludes the opportunity of collecting information; your judgment must sanctify, and your firmness effectuate the public decrees. The evils resulting from a loss of public credit may affect others first—on you they fall heaviest. Merchants, monied men and those who have great property afloat, are on the watch—they have leisure to collect every information—correspondence by every post and through half the world advertises them of the evil, and their property by some change in its situation is secured; while you without information and unsuspicious are ensnared. Every possible imposition in public credit will operate thus—either the price of your produce will fall, or the articles you purchase rise, or the deceitful medium center in your hands. When the state of credit, in any country, is such as excites a war of artifice between its citizens, they must be eventual sufferers, whose employment confines them in the field, at a distance from the course of information. The first thing you ought to demand is a stable system for the public debt, which may be done by placing the whole of every description under one responsible board; the next is a circulating medium of fixed value. To accomplish this I am sensible there must be some kind of direct taxation by the United States, for it is not probable that an impost and excise will equitably fund the whole debt. Direct taxation is now practised with a heavy hand by the separate States, and why should the exercise of this power by the general government be more dangerous, when attended with such circumstances that apart of the sum you now pay will be sufficient? If a change of system will remove half the weight you have borne these fifteen years, be not duped to lose the opportunity, by the artful suggestions of some men, who expect to gain more by the old game, than by a new one. The members of the general government are your representatives—your friends, and the beings of your own creation—their existence and popularity are in your hands, and they have every motive to guard your interest; more cannot be said of the State legislatures. Still further to remove all suspicions that the writer is acting an insidious part, I will compare your present situation with what it might be made, by an interposition of the general government.
Every State in the empire is heavily in debt—in each State there are different modes of imposing and collecting taxes, but in all, direct taxation of some kind is in use—in a few States arbitrary assessment is customary, which may be set down for the worst kind of imposition—in others every kind of property specifically is charged at certain rates fixed in the tax laws—in New-England your houses and lands, your cattle of every description, even your sons are taxed before their labor can pay for their support, and your mechanics are arbitrarily assessed for the labor of their hands. The tax laws have been varied annually, so that to understand the system of public demands is next to impossible—these changes in the tax laws, have opened a succession of speculation destructive and unintelligible to the unwary citizen.—The general taxation of all your property imperceptibly advances the amount to a grievance.—In Connecticut there are one hundred tax-gatherers, and in the other States a number proportioned to their extent.—The gentlemen qualified to do this duty, must be men of sagacity, and as such will not forget themselves, nor can we with they should serve the public for nothing.—An average emolument to themselves of less than 200 dollars per annum, would not tempt them to execute the duty—this emolument arises from a public reward, mileage, forbearance money, with an opportunity of speculating among the ignorant; and tho' it be not charged in the tax bills is eventually paid by the people—I blame not the collectors, their business requires industry
and watching, and is attended with risque, for they must lose the taxes of those who abscond, after their warrants are received; but I accuse a system so expensive to the people. One hundred tax gatherers at two hundred dollars each amount to twenty thousand dollars—this sum though not charged in any account whatever, is annually paid by the people of Connecticut—an enormous burthen! for the simple collection of taxes, and all this, on a plan which you have often been told is mighty cheap, and full of economy and liberty. Let us talk no more of the high salaries given by the United States, when our own plan bears so much harder on the people. The employing too many men in any public business, that it may be done at a cheap rate, always proves a sponge in the event. With the great sums you have paid, and collected in this expensive manner; with the general taxation of your whole property, you have not obtained the reputation of being just to your creditors. The evil still remains, and must remain without a general reform of system. Most of my remarks will apply to all the States, and as this publication first appears in Connecticut, I have taken it as an instance to exemplify the whole.—Let not these truths excite faction—be calm—reverence government, and public justice, and you will be remedied. Compare with this picture a system I will propose—Let your State debt be assumed by the United States.—In addition to the impost and excise, give them a direct tax.—Let this tax be imposed on the single article of improved land.—Three cents per acre, which is two pence currency of New-England very nearly, will be sufficient to establish the faith and justice of your country, and content the public creditors, if they are reasonable men.—Let this be paid in the money of the merchant, for if there be a depreciated currency in circulation, you will eventually rue the consequences.—Eight tax-gatherers will be sufficient to collect an excise and land tax in Connecticut, which now employs one hundred.—Make these men responsible; give them the salary of eight hundred dollars per ann. and suffer no kind of fee to be taken from the people. This will make a saving of nearly fourteen thousand dollars, in the article of collection, which is principally paid by the poorest citizens; and for which they have no credit in the public opinion. The planter, possessing one hundred acres in fair cultivation, will have to pay annually sixteen shillings New-England currency, for the whole amount of his taxes, and without any additional fee to collectors; and those who have less estate in proportion. Every wise planter would compound with the public for this sum—I believe it would be sufficient; and I appeal to the honest cultivators of the earth, whether it be more than one third of the sum they have been used to pay. My next number shall contain further remarks on a land tax.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
ABSTRACT OF JOURNAL of the FIRST SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
FRIDAY August 7.
IN the absence of the Vice President, proceeded to elect a President pro tempore, and the votes being collected and counted, the Hon. John Langdon was unanimously appointed.
A message from the President of the United States, by General Knox.—See Gazette of August 12.
This message was ordered to lie for consideration. Mr. Morris, in behalf of the committee on the bill, entitled, "An act for allowing a compensation to the President and Vice President of the United States," reported an amendment, to wit: To expunge the provision made for the Vice President, "Five thousand dollars," and insert "Six thousand dollars."
On motion to reduce the provision for the President of the United States from twenty-five thousand to twenty thousand dollars. Passed in the Negative.
On motion to make the provision for the Vice President eight thousand dollars instead of five thousand dollars—Passed in the negative.
And on motion, the further consideration of this clause of the bill was postponed.
Mr. Grayson requested leave of absence, for the recovery of his health.
The concurrence of the Senate, upon the resolve of the House on the mode of enrolment, and the presentation of bills, &c. was carried to the House of Representatives. Adjourned.
MONDAY August 10.
Mr. Strong, on behalf of the joint committee appointed the 5th of August, "To consider what business is necessary to be acted upon prior to an adjournment, and to report a proper time at which an adjournment shall take place," reported; and the report was ordered to lie for consideration.
A message from the House of Representatives, with a bill, entitled, "An act for allowing compensation to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, and to the officers of both Houses," requesting the concurrence of the Senate therein.
The Senate proceeded to the second reading of a bill, entitled, "An act for registering and clearing of vessels, regulating the coasting trade, and for other purpose."
Ordered, That it be committed to Mr. Morris, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Langdon, Mr. Butler and Mr. King. Adjourned.
TUESDAY August 11.
A message from the House of Representatives, with a resolve of the House, of the 10th of August, providing,
"That the Survey directed by Congress, in their act of June the 6th, 1788, be made and returned into the Treasury without delay." Adjourned.
FRIDAY August 14.
The petition of Nathaniel Gorham, praying that a resolution of the House of Representatives of the United States, providing, "That the above survey be made," might not pass the Senate in its present form, for reasons set forth in the petition.
The resolve of the House of Representatives of the United States of the 11th of August, referred to in the said petition,—and
The petition of Andrew Ellicot, on the same subject, were severally read; and the consideration of the business was postponed until Wednesday next.
Proceeded to a second reading of the bill, entitled, "An act providing for the expenses which may attend negotiations or treaties with the Indian tribes, and the appointment of Commissioners for managing the same."
Ordered, That the bill be committed to Mr. Pew, Mr. Ellisworth, Mr. King, Mr. Lee and Mr. Butler. Adjourned.
MONDAY August 17.
The committee appointed to take into consideration the bill, entitled, "An act providing for the expenses which may attend negotiations or treaties with the Indian tribes, and the appointment of commissioners for managing the same," reported that it be
"Resolved, That it be allowed and paid to a Superintendent of Indian affairs in the Southern Department, that may be nominated by the President, and appointed by, and with the advice and consent of the Senate, the sum of _____ per day, including his expenses, for the time he may be employed in attending a treaty, proposed to be held by the Commissioners of the United States and the Creek Indian, at the Rock-Landing, in the State of Georgia, on the 15th day of September next."
"That in case the proposed treaty should fail in the desired object, of establishing peace between the citizens of the United States and the Creek Indians, Congress will make such grants of money, and pursue such other measures, as will be necessary for the protection and safety of the inhabitants of the southern frontiers, and best secure the peace of United States."
And on motion to accept the report, it passed in the negative.
On motion, that it be Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to nominate a fit person for Superintendent of Indian affairs in the Southern Department, in order that he may be sent forward as soon as may be, to act with the Commissioners of Indian affairs in the Southern Department, appointed pursuant to a resolution of Congress, passed on the _____ day of _____ and aid them in carrying into effect a treaty that is proposed to be held with the Creek Nation, on the 15th day of September next, in the State of Georgia, at the Rock-Landing.
That the sum of _____ dollars be delivered to the said Superintendent, to be appropriated for the immediate purpose of the said treaty, for which sum he shall be accountable.
That the President of the United States be requested to instruct the said Superintendent and Commissioners, to hear and fully investigate all the complaints and grievances, of the said Creek Indians, and to use all the means in their power to quiet their minds and do them ample justice, agreeably to the aforesaid resolution of Congress, and instructions heretofore given for that purpose: That if the said Indians should prove refractory, or refuse to treat and establish peace on just and reasonable terms, then and in that case, the said Superintendent and Commissioners be directed to make immediate report thereof to the President of the United States, and Congress will make such grants of money and pursue such other measures, as will be necessary for the safety and protection of the inhabitants of the Southern frontiers, and best secure the peace of the United States."—It passed in the negative.
On motion, that it be Resolved, That the President of the United States be authorized and empowered, and he is hereby authorized and empowered, should the Creek Indians decline to make peace with the State of Georgia, to take effectual measures for covering the State of Georgia from the incursions of the Indians, either by ordering some of the troops now at Fort Harmar to march to the frontiers of Georgia, or by embodying such a number of the militia as he shall think sufficient to insure to the citizens of Georgia protection, and the cultivation of their lands in peace and security, and that he be empowered to draw on the Treasury for defraying the expenses of the same."—And on motion for the previous question, to wit: "Shall the main question be now put?" it passed in the negative. Adjourned.
ADVERTISEMENT.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE OHIO COMPANY.
WHEREAS, in the opinion of the Agents, it is very much for the interest of the proprietors at large, that all the lands of the purchase should be divided and allotted as immediately as may be—And in order to accommodate them generally, by the option of classing as they may think proper, and drawing their rights or shares (where they may possess more than one) either together in contiguity, or by detaching and annexing them to distinct classes or divisions (at their own election) to give them the greater chance for variety in soil and situation—It is unanimously resolved, That as soon as the exploring committee shall have appropriated the lands for donation settlements, in quantity sufficient for all the proprietors, WINTHROP SARGENT, JOSEPH GILLMAN, and RETURN J. MEIGS, Esquires, who are hereby appointed a committee for that purpose, shall immediately make out, upon a large scale, a complete map or plan of the whole purchase from the best information, which they may be then able to obtain, expressing all the lands of the eight acre, three acre, city lots and commons, one hundred and sixty acre, and donation lots, the reserved lots of Congress, school lots, and lots appropriated for religious purposes—also, the two townships given by Congress for an university, and the towns or situations for towns to be reserved by the company for a future allotment.—That, all the residuary lands shall be, by them, the said committee of three, divided and numbered upon paper, into forty equal grand divisions of twenty-five shares each, as like in quality as may be: That each grand division be divided into five sub-divisions of five shares each, and each sub-division into sections of single shares:—That as soon as the map, or plan is completed, the agents will form or class their subscribers (who shall not previously class themselves) by sections or single shares, into sub-divisions of five, and grand divisions of twenty-five, and immediately proceed to drawing by lot for said lands; by grand divisions, sub-divisions and sections: That in all draughts of sub-divisions (into sections) which may be made up of proprietors holding four, three, or two and single shares, it shall be the usage for the greatest proprietor, or holder of the greatest number of shares, to take his lands in contiguity, by lot, either in the southern or northern part of the sub-division, where they shall be numbered from north to south, and in the western or eastern (by lot also) where they may be numbered from west to east; and where sub-divisions may be made up of two proprietors of two shares each, and one of one share, the two greatest proprietors shall receive their sections, by lot, either in the southern or western part of the sub-division. Resolved, That the before named committee, be directed to prepare the names and numbers, and make all the necessary arrangements for the intended draught: That previous to the drawing for this ultimate grand division of lands, these shall be returns of the proprietors, as they may be classed by the agents (or otherwise) lodged in the Secretary's office, and it is recommended in all cases to consult the inclinations and interests of the proprietors in the order of classing.
Resolved, That the agents will give public notice of the time and place of drawing, and that there be two persons no ways interested in the draughts, who shall be sworn to the faithfully drawing out the names and numbers from the boxes, and who alone shall be employed in this business for the draught of grand divisions, sub-divisions, and sections.
Resolved, That the Secretary cause the foregoing resolutions to be published in the newspapers of New-York, and the New-England States; to the end that the proprietors at large may have the option of classing themselves as they may think proper: And they are hereby requested to do, and to express themselves upon this subject, either to their respective agents, or by information in writing addressed to, and to be lodged with the Secretary, at his office in the city of Marietta, previous to the first Monday of March, 1790—Upon which day it is expected the division will take place.
WINTHROP SARGENT, Secretary to the Ohio Company.
Marietta, 3d November, 1789.