National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-01-26 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 26 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, January 26, 1793.
[Total No. 130.]
BYE LAWS, agreed upon by the Trustees of the Young Ladies' Academy of Philadelphia.
1st. THE stated meetings of the Trustees shall be on the second Monday in every June, September, December, and March, at 7 o'clock P. M. Besides these meetings, the President, or in his absence or indisposition, the Vice-President, shall have power to call extraordinary meetings, whenever important or unexpected business shall require, of which he shall be the judge. He shall likewise call such meetings whenever three of the trustees desire him, giving legal notice to all the trustees thereof; but if it should so happen, that the President and Vice-President should be absent, or refuse calling such meetings, then it shall be in the power of any three of the trustees so to do.
2d. Public examinations of the scholars, shall be held at least twice a year, which shall begin at the hour appointed, if one Trustee, more than the Principal be then present, and public commencements for conferring diplomas so often as the progress of the scholars shall make necessary, at such time and place as a board of Trustees may agree upon from time to time.
3d. Premiums shall be adjudged to, and conferred upon the best proficient in each class for those branches of learning which are taught in this academy, and the person receiving a premium at one examination, shall not receive any at the next succeeding examination for the same branch of study, provided she should continue in the same class, even though she should greatly excel. But in case of her removal to any higher class, she shall on excelling, though in the same branch, be entitled to a premium; the parents or guardians of such successful pupils to repay the Principal for the premiums, which to them individually will be light, and the trustees flatter themselves will be readily complied with, in as much as honor is the object sought after, and not profit.
4. When books shall be conferred as premiums, the following certificate shall be inserted in each.
This book was adjudged and publicly presented by the Trustees of the Young Ladies' Academy of Philadelphia, on the _____ day of _____ 17_____ to Miss _____, of the _____ class, as a premium for her excellence in
By order of the Trustees, _____ President.
Attest _____ Secretary.
5th. Each pupil who may be entitled to a premium for writing, shall produce only one piece for the examination of the Trustees who may be present, omitting the name of the candidate and substituting a mark in the room thereof, by which the name may be known by the Principal.
6th. Every pupil upon finishing her education in this seminary, (provided she has been a student three months therein) shall be entitled to a diploma if she is found to merit it upon due examination, to be conducted by the principal and at least four other trustees; all of whom are to be notified to attend at least three days before the time appointed for commencing the examination—if the scholar or scholars so examined are found to possess a competent knowledge of the several branches of learning taught in this academy, viz. spelling, reading, writing, grammar, arithmetic, and geography, it shall be so certified in the diploma, to be signed by the President, Vice-President, Principal, and Secretary, as an evidence of the attention and progress of the pupil, in useful learning, and as a lasting testimony of her merit.
7th. Three quarters of an hour in each and every school day shall be allowed to teach the German language grammatically, so as the same does not interfere with the other studies of the academy; and the principal will provide a teacher as soon as at least twenty-five of the pupils may desire the same, and he can agree with the parents or guardians of such, for a compensation equal to his expences on that account.
8th. The following shall be the device of the seal to be used by the corporation, viz. A representation of six books piled upon one another with the sun of science diffusing rays of light over them; on the lowest or first book shall be the word spelling, on the second, reading, third, writing, fourth, grammar, fifth, arithmetic, sixth, geography, motto, "The path of science," and round the border "Seal of the Young Ladies Academy of Philadelphia," an impression of which shall be annexed to all di-
plomas, and such other of the transactions of the trustees as they may order from time to time.
The following is the form of the Diploma agreed upon by the trustees, viz. The trustees of the Young Ladies Academy of Philadelphia, having carefully examined Miss _____ in spelling, reading, writing, English grammar, arithmetic, and geography—Do hereby make known, that she is well acquainted with those branches of literature: and at a public commencement hath been admitted to the highest honours of the institution. Desirous therefore of perpetuating the testimony of her merit; they have, in conformity to the charter and rules of the said academy, caused the seal of their corporation to be annexed to this diploma, and the same to be witnessed by the proper officers. Conferred this _____ day of _____ in the year of our Lord_____
N. B. Nine young ladies have been honoured with a diploma each, which were conferred upon them at a public commencement held in June last.
Cursory observations on the pernicious tendency of borrowing money in Europe. [From The Crisis , a publication in the Boston Independent Chronicle.]
(Continued from our last.)
BY becoming debtors to Europeans, all commercial restrictions which we may wish to impose on them, may be counteracted. During the war, the French had it in contemplation, to sell the debt of the United States. Should England purchase of the creditors of Antwerp and Amsterdam, the debt of the United States, their demand might be so precipitate as to place us in a very disagreeable situation. Should we not immediately comply with their demands; it might be attended with very alarming consequences. By their haughty threats, we might be placed in a predicament, either to resent their influence, by not complying with their requisitions, or be obliged to discharge them to the utmost farthing. We therefore, by our wanton contracts, expose ourselves to become the sport of ambitious monarchs, enterprising ministers, and venal parliaments.
Upon the principle, that foreigners cannot possess real estate, it appears highly absurd and illegal that loans should be had in Europe, for in this instance, government may invest foreigners with a large proportion of the whole property of the United States.
Difficulty in obtaining money for public purposes is the best security for a proper and frugal use of it. While loans can be obtained with facility in Europe "the people" may be kept ignorant not only of the terms, but the appropriation; while the head of a department can negotiate the loan of millions, and mortgage the whole country for payment. we are subject to innumerable inconveniences, arising from the vanity, ambition and interest of a few individuals. Indian wars and every other evil may originate, provided the heads of departments are able to draw the money from foreigners, rather than from the citizens. Should this mode be adopted we may in time expect to be cursed with all the vile practices and impositions of British financiering, and the budget of an American ministry, like that of a British, may deceive the people by a false detail of revenues, and a mythical statement of visionary calculations.
Provided we transfer our debt to Europeans, it may become at some future period, by the management of an artful financier, an apology for more extensive taxation. It will then be only necessary to urge the demand of European creditors, to augment our taxes, and a very plausible plea will then be made, that unless we immediately comply, we may bring ourselves into difficulties, and perhaps a war.
The heads of departments will be ever introducing European loans, as ghosts to haunt us in all our public measures, and deliberations. They will be powerful instruments in the hands of men who are in favour of introducing European systems of government. Also to certain speculating individuals among ourselves, who will be ever studious to propagate rumours, to render the public funds a continual source of fraud and speculation. Every vessel arriving, will bring letters of some horrid disaster among the powers of Europe, and our stocks will be constantly fluctuating on
the conjectures and innuendoes fabricated at 3000 miles distance.
Our wharves, and even our harbours would be crowded with picarooneing speculators, watching to catch the first European intelligence, and letters from confidential friends in London, would be the thermometer to ascertain the funds of the United States. A situation disgraceful to our rising government.
The people are often amused with the overplus of revenue, and yet we are constantly borrowing money in Europe; provided we continue this practice, the United States will be in a few years involved in dark mysterious money schemes, and the merchants and every class of citizens will be groping in the dark to unravel the intricacy, perplexity, and eccentricity of financing reports, calculated to assist negotiators to defraud every honest man in society. Tax after tax will then be laid, the appropriation of which will be totally involved in the arena of foreign loans; we may be constantly plunging ourselves in debt, and know neither the amount, terms, or period of payment, till the mandate of some domineering monarch, discloses to us the fatal scroll.
Upon the whole, the perplexing systems of financing hitherto adopted and recommended, however well disposed the author or authors of them may be, seem calculated for the sole benefit of one particular class of citizens, without paying the proper regard to their operation upon the political interests of the country, its commerce, manufactures, and agriculture. Six per cents. 3 per cents. and deferred stock, are the legible stamps upon all our measures; these are the standards by which the patriotism of individuals is decided. These are the scales by which each citizen is weighed, however conspicuous he might have been in those days which tried (not only the purse ) but the souls of men.
Every man who is not within the focus of this funding influence is anathematized by persons, whose public exertions never appeared in any other instance, than in their readiness to monopolize the loaves and fishes of government.
The interest of this country is brought to a few "plain, practical and unadorned" points, which are, to lessen annually, the public debts, if there is any overplus for the purpose—to establish peace with the Indians—to discharge all supernumerary officers, particularly in the war department—to lower throughout every department the pay of those that are necessary—to break off all money connections in Europe—to extend our commerce by effectual navigation laws—support our manufactures—encourage agriculture, and particularly to lay a competent duty on transfers and discounts at the National Bank. These are the essential objects that demand the attention of Congress. Long speeches on these subjects are worthy the notice of the public, but declamations on references, &c. are too futile for the consideration of the Federal Legislature, or for the perusal of "The People."
To conclude, the whole art of financing, now consists in arranging our expenditures on the principles of economy; our revenue being fully sufficient for every purpose of government, provided it is not lavished among officers, who do not earn, either by their attention or ability, one quarter of their annual salaries.
A REPUBLICAN.
Boston, Jan. 10.
(CINCINNATUS, Continued.)
From the General Advertiser, of Jan. 14.
To the Victorious and Patriotic Officers of the French army.
I HAVE unsuccessfully advocated the cause of a disbanded patriotic army whose services, sufferings, and sacrifices for eight long years terminated in the liberty and independence of their country, who modestly retired from the field trusting to the honour and faith of their country for the pecuniary pittance due them for their glorious achievements; how will you be astonished, and how much will you execrate a government that for ten long years could suffer such men to struggle with the pinching horrors of poverty, the trembling pains of nakedness, the contemptuous smile of arrogance, and the disdainful frown of oppression, and still
more will your astonishment encrease when you hear that these men have at length presented themselves before the rulers of the republic, asked only the sixth part of their stipulated dues, when instead of pay they get contumely and contempt—and are told—you have gained honour, go, feed and clothe yourselves with that: They will do it, the community will furnish the fuel necessary to cook it with—and government the trimmings proper to make it up. Punie faith has been for many years proverbial, it will now be forgotten, for the more infamous new one.
Permit me now, Mes Enfans , as you regard the honour of your country, to intreat you not to trust futurity to reward your services; you are the guardians of her honour as well as of your own; the Americana fides may be fond of travelling if you encourage her. You have added a superb dome to the temple of fame, but be cautious how you suffer Dumourier, by flattering his vanity, to believe that he ought to be the weather cock of it; for commanders in chief have generally assurance enough to ascribe to their own prudence, valour, and conduct, the success of all the enterprizes which accident may throw in the way of an army: In all successful efforts they deserve a considerable portion of glory, but not such an exclusive monopoly of it as they generally take; such for instance as, Cromwell beat the royal army and established a commonwealth, Washington took Cornwallis and established the freedom of America, Dumourier drove Brunswick out of France, &c. for if Cromwell, Washington, or Dumourier had never existed, England would have been a commonwealth, America would have been free, and Brunswick would have run away to Germany. If Dumourier be possessed of a distant kind of prudence he may possibly possess your attachment and friendship, but beware how you bedaub him with fulsome flattery, for he will assume a fastidious despicable royal pomp and parade, and insolently treat with contempt and neglect the men whose services shall place him on the pinnacle of fame, particularly if he ever should become President of France without a competitor; of all misfortunes this is most to be deprecated, for it is un salutary, dangerous to, and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of liberty and republicanism to inculcate and encourage in the people an idea, that their welfare, safety and glory depend on any one man.
If the National Convention after your services are no longer wanted, should think of disbanding you without your pay, tell them that you have given your country substantial benefits, which must be rewarded with something more than visionary pay; tell them that your strength shall not be dissipated by division, that your swords which have been the instruments and companions of your glory shall never be taken from your sides until your services are remunerated; tell them that you will never consent to be the only sufferers by the revolution, and by retiring from the field to grow old in poverty, wretchedness and contempt; tell them that you will never consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in honour. If your commander in chief be a man of duplicity and shall think it worth his while to tread on your distresses to raise him one step higher in the ladder of fame, he will convince you together and like a sniveling boy, will say to you, affecting to open the aqueous outlet of his watry humours, "let me intreat of you gentlemen, not to take any measures, which will lessen the dignity and fully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the intentions of the National Convention, that previous to your dissolution as an army they will cause all your accounts to be liquidated, that they will adopt the most effectual measures to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of France; to express your horror and detestation of the man who thinks otherwise. By thus determining and thus acting you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open

force to secret artifice, you will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings, and posterity will have reason to say, had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.
The tears of the hyena or the cries of the crocodile are less dangerous than the voice of duplicity. After Dumourier has become your president, you will find the whole of his speech to be a deceptive proposition—for probably one of his aids-de-camp will be made secretary of the treasury, who, together with his principal, will always be able, by hopes and promises, liberative speculations and bank discounts, to secure a majority in the convention. A few honest men, who are above interested considerations, will now and then advocate the justice of the army claims, but the majority, who are the mere automations or puppets of the farce, will have their motions so well regulated by the chief juggler behind the scenes, that the attempt will be fruitless. You may be relieved possibly by changing your governors; if that be impracticable, your only remedy will be in another revolution, which will be natural and justifiable for you to wish for, and endeavour to bring about by any means whatever; for republicans that have been stripped of their rights, will never lick the hand that robs them. A government of favoritism can exist but a very little while.
The basis of republican government is public opinion, a basis whose foundation is sandy; if therefore the column to be erected on it, which ought to support equal and substantial justice, be not perfectly equilibrated, it will fall and crush to atoms, those who shall have dared to undermine its foundation.
CINCINNATUS.
Jan. 21.
* The word duplicity would have filled here much better, as history will relate, the curious are referred to certain anonymous letters, a speech, &c. at Newburgh in 1783.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
REMARKS ON THE INDIAN WAR.
[Continued from No. 128 of this paper.]
IN my last, I mentioned some causes of the Indian War, with an intimation that there were others which should be considered. It is common for man to judge of men according to his knowledge. This is gained by observation or reflection. Pursuing this line, men are frequently mistaken, by judging of nations with whom they are not acquainted, by supposing them possessed of the same qualities as their neighbours. No people are more liable to impositions on this subject, than those of an honest or humane disposition. Such people think Indians as innocent as "neighbour Jonathan." This sentiment is often confirmed, by hearing some old stories of the kindness of some old squaws, one hundred years ago. Were we to enquire into the truth of these tales, perhaps little evidence would appear of their veracity, yet people can easily believe Indians to be almost as harmless as doves. But how it comes to pass I know not, the same people have a very contrary sentiment respecting our frontiers. Every tale told in Philadelphia, by interested or prejudiced persons gains credit, and they conclude that white people are always breaking treaties and settling on the Indians' land not fairly purchased. Perhaps before the revolution, there have been too much grounds for such sentiments, but I have known none since; for we are not settled near the lines, yet the war is continued.
My observations all respect the Western Indians; nevertheless, I think the motives of war are nearly the same among all uncivilized nations. All men have some object in view, and all their pursuits are designed to be subservient to that end. Honor is the great idol worshipped by man in a state of nature.
Among white people, the way to obtain honor is to get money: This is exemplified among us by many, who at the commencement of the war, had scarcely a hat to their heads, but now, by speculation, are become rich and honorable;—but this is not the case among the Indians. Money makes no man a great man. When I was among them, Kishimotitsee lived in as small a house as any in the town, and yet he was a head man, and with us dignified with the title of a King.
Solomon exhorted us to train up a child in the way he should go, for the impressions made in youth are of a lasting nature.—This is exemplified in Indians, for their young men are entertained with war-exploits, and the white people's scalps are exhibited as crowns of honor. An Indian is esteemed no better than an old squaw, except he can bring out his white rod, with a string of white scalps hanging to it. This proves him to be a great man, and promises honor among the nation where he lives. By these means, the poor young savages are trained up to thirst after blood, as that is the way to become a great man. They
are not suffered to make excursions very young, lest their courage should fail them when they meet with opposition and danger.
I do not remember to have heard any person make this remark in writing, but every honest man of observation who has been among them, must know it to be true; and this is the greatest cause of murder committed by the Indians. They have no principles to restrain them from murder, nor will they ever be restrained any other way than by fear, till they are better instructed.
General Sullivan convinced the Northern Indians of their folly and weakness in making war against us, and now they are our true friends; but the case is quite the reverse with the Western Indians. Success has attended all their operations against us. While this is the case, men must be worse than mad, to think of peace by the ridiculous practice of treaties, which has now become a trade among them. But what effect is produced? Nothing but ridicule and scorn. It is common for them to say, white people are fools, because when Indians have killed them, till they are weary of the business, white people will give them great presents to make up again.
It is laughable enough, to hear men talk of reducing the army in the present state of affairs, for there is no change of sentiment in them respecting shedding innocent blood, and from their great success, their pride is in its meridian, while we are considered in the most contemptible point of view, as unable to oppose them. It is our indispensable duty to augment our army if necessary, and appear in force equal to the business; and when peace is obtained on honorable and equal terms, not to reduce the army, but disband the whole of them as an unnecessary burden, and a nuisance to civil government in time of peace. Let land be given them to cultivate, that peace and good will may abound among all the human race. One thing I have hitherto omitted, which is, in its operation, the greatest cause of the continuance of the war. I mean the post at Detroit being in the hands of the British: while this is the case, all hopes of peace are vain, and founded only in ignorance. I do not mean that we should commence war with England, there is no danger of it, they are in no capacity for it; for it is evident they are at the verge of a revolution, and were they to attempt war for demanding our rights, the good people of England would soon interfere, and there would soon be a ci-devant king of England.
Our operations have been wrong, and we have rendered the nation contemptible in the eyes of the British as well as among the Indians. Had our leaders asserted our rights, and changed their operations, we might have enjoyed peace before now.—The circuitous route of the Miami is impracticable. Our whole force should be collected at Presqu'ile on Lake Erie. There we should build as many vessels of all sorts as would be necessary to waft our whole army into the heart of the Indian country; it would not be in the power of the enemy to prevent it. Let us go up the Miami of the Lake, or land on the straits this side of Detroit. Let us inform the commander at Detroit, that we have no hostile intentions against the fort, he may keep it if he pleases, but he shall not exercise British laws out of the fort, over the citizens of the United States. Let us open a trade with the Indians at the expense of the United States; we shall be able to undersell all their traders, who are only in a private capacity. Let us be well prepared for war or peace, and I could pledge my all in this life, that we shall soon have peace, for the end of war is peace. I have thoughts of giving my sentiments respecting further proceedings with the Indians, in order to promote their happiness connected with our own. At present, I can say, that my only view in writing, was to promote peace and good will among men, and if I have missed the end, I shall make no other apology than— Errare est humanum .
DAVID JONES.
January 22d. 1793.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To the Farmer, who is desirous to promote Domestic Manufactures.
YOUR enquiries in the National Gazette, No. 127, respecting the best culture of flax, merit every attention. In my travels through the states, I have been astonished not to see more system in the culture of this important production, which I have paid particular attention to, and have journeyed many miles at the seed time, harvest, and dressing of flax, to inform myself of every particular, and to compare the management in America, with that in other countries.
The practice, generally, in America, is to sow a spot of a half, a whole acre, or more, on as good ground as the farm affords; but without much attention to its previous crops or management, and to sow at the rate of one bushel of seed to the
acre. Sometimes a spot, which receives the washings of the farm-yard, is made use of, and produces a great crop; that is to say, 300 wt. or more of flax, from the swingle, and 10 or 12, or more bushels of seed: But most generally, the averaged crop in the common management, is from 70 to 110 lb. of swingled flax, and five or six bushels of seed per acre.
In my various experiments, I have, in the same field, in the same year, on similar soils, and with the same management in all other respects, sowed at the rate of one, two, three and four bushels per acre; and have proved to my entire satisfaction, that it is most profitable, with proper management, to sow four bushels of seed per acre, American measure. The prudent farmer will be particularly cautious in sowing none but the best and cleanest seed.
To cultivate flax to most advantage, (when you cannot make choice of a spot washed by the overflowings of the farm-yard, or such other spot as may be peculiarly adapted to the purpose) plough in a portion of your wheat stubble, soon after harvest: In September, October, or November, cross plough it, after giving it a plentiful coat of manure from the farm-yard: Leave it rough in the furrow all winter: In April, May, or June following, as most convenient, cross plough, harrow, and roll it, and plant potatoes in rows, at the most convenient distance to tend them with a single horse; which I suppose to be two and an half or three feet. Before turning the earth over the planted potatoes, cover them as plentifully as you can, with farm-yard manure: Attend them as usual, only observing that the first ploughing ought to be from the rows of potatoes on each side, so as to leave a narrow comb; then pass a narrow harrow through the rows, and this will return the fine pulverized soil to the roots of the potatoes for them to apple in—the next ploughings must be to the rows: Let no weeds go to seed among them—you will have a great crop of potatoes: Gather them in a dry season, and your ground will be in the highest order, clear of all weeds, for a crop of flax, which must be sowed (after two good ploughings, two rollings and harrowings) as early as your ground is dry enough, at the rate of four bushels of clean seed per acre; and on the same day, 8, 10 or 12 lb of clean red clover seed per acre—roll both in at the same time. This management will secure you the best crops of both. You may cut your clover in September the same year: An addition of two or three bushels of plaster of Paris per acre, after sowing your seed and rolling it in, or after taking the flax off, (preferring the former,) will make you ample returns.
The peculiar advantages in sowing four bushels of seed to the acre, are, 1st, your flax is finer: 2d, It is of a longer texture, because it does not branch so low down as thin sown flax does: 3d, It is not so liable to lodge—because it is not so top-heavy: 4th, you will have a treble crop of fine flax: and 5th, if you leave the flax unpullled, until ripe, it will yield a due proportion of good seed, so as to compensate for the quantity sown; for no climate surpasses that of America in this respect. Letting the seed ripen will, however, greatly exhaust the land, to the injury of your clover; whereas by pulling your flax whilst in blossom, or as soon as it begins to ball, leaves the soil very little impoverished by this crop, and your flax is the finer for it.
This management is very similar to the most approved practice in Ireland, where they sow as high as seven and eight bushels of seed to the Irish acre; which is nearly equal to one and three quarters, American: for this purpose they prefer a strong fat soil, and sow flax as early in March as the ground will permit, after two spring ploughings. Every farmer knows that the ground, before ploughing it the second time for flax, must be so dry as to pulverize kindly, and not to clod after harrowing; yet a day ought not to be lost; for the lint will be good in proportion to your early or late seed time; extra seasons excepted.
By attention to the particulars here stated, you may expect from 300 to 600 lb. and more of fine flax from the swingle per acre, if you will pull it before it seeds, and in proportion to the fatness of your soil and the season.
The Roller is an instrument not sufficiently known in America: It is of capital use in preparing all clear grounds for seed; in a dry season, a judicious use of it may make the difference of a good crop, especially where the soil is light: for, rolling your grain immediately after harrowing it in, in a dry season, compresses each grain nearly alike, and retains the moisture, and makes the grain vegetate equally. Flax in particular ought to be rolled immediately after sowing; for, as already mentioned, it causes the grains to vegetate equally, which prevents after growth; the good effects whereof are visible in every after process of breaking, swingling, hatching, spinning, &c.
A TRAVELLING FARMER.
Jan. 23.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Jan. 22.
Several petitions were read and referred. A favorable report on the petition of H. E. Lutterloh, made during the last session, was read; and a committee appointed to report a bill. A petition was next read from the manufacturers of cordage in the town of Providence (R. I.) stating the hardships imposed by the revenue law in respect to the drawback of duties on cordage of foreign manufacture; and praying that said drawback may be allowed on imported hemp when manufactured into cordage and exported—referred to a select committee.
Mr. Williamson, from the committee appointed, reported a bill to promote commerce by encouraging the increase of American seamen—read twice, and made the order of the day for this day two weeks.
The house then went into committee of the whole on the bill for a further assumption of the state debts—and authorizing a loan in the notes or certificates of the individual states.
Mr. Mercer's proviso was again under consideration. Some objections being made, Mr. Mercer offered the proposition in a new form, still observing the original object respecting transfers or sales of certificates. The debate was renewed on this motion. The question being at length taken, the proposition was negatived—32 to 28.
After reading the second section of the bill, an addition was proposed by Mr. Sturges, authorizing the states to prescribe the several species of the certificates which shall be prescribed to the loan. Agreed to.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 23.
A letter was read from the Executive of Maryland, notifying the election of William Hindman, a representative in the Congress of the United States, instead of Joshua Seney, resigned. Several petitions and reports were also read, and referred.
Mr. Giles read in his place, and laid on the table the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before this house, copies of the authorities under which loans have been negotiated, pursuant to the acts of the 4th and 12th of August, 1790, together with copies of the authorities directing the application of the monies borrowed.
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause the house to be furnished with the names of the persons by whom, and to whom, the respective payments of the French debt have been made in France, pursuant to the act for that purpose, specifying the dates of the respective draughts upon the commissioners in Holland, and the dates of the respective payments of the debts—A similar statement is requested, respecting the debts to Spain and Holland.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the house an account, exhibiting half monthly, the balances between the United States and the bank of the United States, including the several branch banks, from the commencement of those institutions to the end of the year 1792.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before this house, an account of all monies which may have come into the sinking fund, from the commencement of that institution, to the present time, specifying the particular fund from which they have accrued, and exhibiting half yearly, the sums uninvested, and where deposited.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to this house the balance of the unapplied revenues, at the end of the year 1792, specifying whether in money or bonds, and noting where the money is deposited; that he also make report of all unapplied revenues, which may have been obtained by the several loans authorized by law, and where such monies are now deposited.
He offered sundry calculations, &c. in support of them, which he also laid on the table. These last, however, some objections being made, he withdrew.
The resolutions were by special order read a second time and unanimously adopted.
The bill for the further assumption of the debts of the creditor states was taken up in committee of the whole, gone thro' and reported with amendments.
Mr. Mercer renewed his motion which had been lost by a majority of four in committee. Upon this the debate was warm and lengthy. The first blank was filled up with the 1st of January, and the last with the 1st of June.
The committee rose and reported progress before a decision on the amendment was had.
THURSDAY, Jan. 24.
After reading and referring several pe-

titions, the house resumed the consideration of the bill for the further assumption of the debts of those states who shall, upon a final settlement of accounts, prove creditors...
Mr. Williamson then made a motion, the purport of which was to confine the benefit of the act to such state creditors as were creditors on account of supplies furnished or services rendered during the war.
The yeas and nays were called on this, and stood 19 in favour of it and 30 against it.
Mr. Dayton moved a resolution for postponing the opening of subscriptions to the 15th of January 1794. This was warmly opposed, and before the question was taken, the house adjourned.
PHILADELPHIA.
JANUARY 26.
On the 25th ult. thirteen Cherokee chiefs arrived at Knoxville (territory south of the Ohio) with talks of peace. Several persons had been killed a little previous to the above date, and several robberies committed by the Indians, in that territory and on the frontiers of Georgia.
Mr. Matthew Carey, having discontinued the editing and publishing THE AMERICAN MUSEUM, a well known periodical publication (now collected in 11 volumes) Mr. John Parker, of this city, we are informed, has undertaken the same, under the title of THE COLUMBIAN MUSEUM, or, UNIVERSAL ASYLUM, to be conducted on the same plan as heretofore.
We hear from Albany that a post-rider is now established from Niagara to the Genesee river, where he meets the mail from Albany every fortnight.
We learn from an arrival at Baltimore, that the several ports in the island of Great Britain were open for the importation of wheat and flour on the 15th of November, and would continue so until the 15th of May next.
A letter from Boston contains the following paragraph: "One of the first blessed effects of promoting a theatre in this town, is the exciting a contempt of the clergy: one of the zealous advocates for that species of moral instruction, has had the assurance to propose in the public papers to discontinue the title of Reverend, under pretence that all titles are unlawful in a republican government."
The latest intelligence from Cape-Francois [to Dec. 15] states the two important posts of Ouanaminthe and Mont Pele to be in the hands of the republican forces of the island. Vast numbers of the insurgents had been destroyed; and the remainder of them reduced to such a situation as to put them under the necessity of speedily surrendering or being driven into the ocean.
We hear from Georgia that the legislature of that state, at their last session, have promoted Gen. Jackson to the rank of Major-General; and Col. Gunn to the rank of a Brigadier-General.
It is complained of in the Boston papers, that out of the whole number of representatives and senators of Massachusetts for the federal government, already elected, and of those upon their present list of candidates, there are but three (Benjamin Austin, Esq. excepted) who are not Lawyers, Judges, or gentlemen of Bar-connections.
"There exists among us (says a correspondent) a combination of men who have, in a manner, for nothing, got into their possession the hard earnings of the soldier, who fought our battles in the cause of liberty; and by deep intrigue in the administration of the federal government, they have placed these same securities which they bought, from the soldier at 2/6 on the pound, in the vaults of the funding system, where they value them at 20/."
"'Tis there's to suck, and suck, and always suck; Swill deep-yet never glut the insatiate maw."
A brig, bound from Cape Fear to the Chesapeake with 275 hds. of tobacco, and other articles, was lost on Cape Look-out shoals, about 8 in the evening, on the 30th of December. It is remarkable, from their accounts that at the time they struck they imagined themselves 24 miles
east of Hatteras, in lat. 35. 8. whereas the shoals on which they were wrecked lie in 34. 20. and more than a degree to the westward. They had the same day, at noon, observed in lat. 34. 1. The crew with great difficulty saved themselves in their boat, and on Monday reached Cape Look-out beach, distant about 3 1-2 leagues from where the vessel was wrecked. Her name was The Abbece, Capt. Bartlett.
A letter dated Liverpool, Nov. 7, 1792, contains the following paragraph: "Enclosed are the returns of the prices of corn, copied from the London Gazette. This port, we expect, is not to open this month to foreign wheat."
A mine was lately discovered near the Delaware, about 30 miles above Easton, which is said to contain very valuable silver ore: About 15 tons of it was a few weeks since brought to this city, and shipped to England.
From North-Carolina we learn, that the legislature of that state has lately determined that the election for representatives in Congress shall be held on the second Thursday and Friday in February next.
We also learn, that Mr. Williamson has requested of his constituents in the district of Edenton, that he may not be considered as a candidate at the next election, as the arrangement of his private affairs requires more of his time than he has lately been able to command, considering the state of his health, during the summer's recess.
By a late enumeration of the houses in Baltimore and Fell's-point, the whole number is found to be 2460, including ware houses and store houses.
The Printers of the Connecticut Courant, of January 21, inform the public with an air of self-gratulation, that "there is no common hangman in that state." A correspondent desires them to recollect, however, that this circumstance will not save them from sitting on the gallows, in case of "misbehaviour."
The following unfortunate event took place a few days ago, near Middletown in Monmouth county, New-Jersey. A young man from New-York, named Adams, went late in the evening, with a companion, to a house where lived a girl to whom he paid his addresses. Finding the family asleep, they agreed to disturb the poultry house by way of giving a jocular alarm to the owner. Mr. Morrel, who was in bed in the dwelling house, upon hearing the noise, got up, and suspecting thieves, instantly discharged a musket, loaded with heavy shot, towards the poultry house, and unfortunately shot Adams thro' the heart, who instantly expired. What rendered this accident still more affecting was Adams being a suitor of Mr. Morrel's wife's sister.
Extract of a letter from Princeton, dated Jan. 17.
"There are times and seasons when a communication or exchange of sentiments between the citizens of a republic may be useful: As such, be pleased to publish in your gazette, the following toasts, drank at a very respectable meeting of inhabitants of this town and neighbourhood, assembled yesterday to celebrate the prosperity of the Republic of France."
1st. The Republic of France: Wisdom in her councils and success to her arms.
2d. May she establish a truly republican and good government on the ruins of despotism.
3d. May our friend and brother, La Fayette, be restored to liberty and to his country.
4th. If the despot of Brunswick be to be shot, may he be shot in the back.
5th. Confusion to all despots—may they be driven from their thrones any where but to the devil.
6th. May the memory of every little and great despot from Nimrod down to the present day, be held in everlasting abhorrence.
7th. A good republican government to Poland: Health and prosperity to Malachowski, and his brother patriots: May they never lose sight of, and may they live to see the regeneration of their country.
8th. May the British wear any kind of buttons they please, whilst they live, and any kind of shroud their friends please when they die.
9th. The colonies of South America: May they become happy and free as we are.
10th. To the memory of the martyrs of liberty, in all ages and climes: Blessings attend their posterity.
11th. Peace with our brethren, the brave aborigines of America.
12th. The millennium of universal liberty, peace, and virtue.
13th. The people of the United States, their Congress, and their PRESIDENT.
14th. The state of New-Jersey and her chief magistrate.
15th. THE COLLEGE of NEW-JERSEY, and the general interests of science and religion.
* Addition by several, "May the gratitude of America direct its servants to ask, and if necessary, to purchase the freedom of its friend, by a speedy and special ambassador."
Extract of a letter from London, dated November 16, 1792.
"To those who are favored with an eye of rational discernment, it will be sufficiently evident that we of the present day live in no common times. The faculties of man are every where upon the stretch to do himself justice, and to rid himself of that accumulation of wrongs which have oppressed his race for so many ages. Let us look through the world; what inequality do we see! millions crushed into the dust, eating the coarse bread of extreme poverty, while their worthless task-masters are rioting in unmerited plenty; and not satisfied with that, never rest from their endeavors till they are acknowledged the lords of their species, and are enabled to subject the will of every humiliated individual to their own! These observations apply in a most particular manner to the people in Germany and Italy, who, generally speaking, are spending their lives in beggary, to promote the pleasures, insolence, and tyranny of the privileged orders. May we not now hope that a great light is bursting upon those enslaved countries, from a quarter whence no man could have expected it, and that it will in due time pervade the whole earth?—with regard to the Papal tyranny, it has been a long time on the decline, and it appears that the finishing stroke is soon to be given by the enlightened arms of France, and an end put to imposture and superstition in that part of the world. The scandalous spiritual prostitution, so much spoken of by the ancient prophets, will now, we doubt not, be punished in a manner of peculiar severity, and the guilty be forced to call upon rocks and mountains to fall upon, and cover them from the terrors that are at hand. Some of the most judicious commentators upon holy writ have fixed the destruction of the Papal power to the year 1806, from arguments that may be reckoned incontestible; so that in less than 14 years considerable changes may be looked for in that part of Europe."
[From a Boston paper of Jan. 10.]
"The operation of the Branch Bank in Boston, by the uncertainty of discounts, proves the injurious consequences resulting from a monopoly of this institution. The fact is—the directors have invested in it such a large proportion of their whole property, by engrossing, (with a few speculators) such a number of shares, that they are become almost afraid of their own shadows; being so greatly interested in the funds of the Bank, it renders them timid; and so great are their fears, that every note presented, while their tremors are upon them, is considered as having some magical property, that may possibly shake the stability of the institution before it becomes payable."
The rapacity of the directors in engrossing such a large number of the shares, places them in a situation somewhat like a man arming himself with so huge a weapon, that he is afraid to (or cannot) wield it.
The monopoly of the Branch Bank is become a most severe scourge to the trade. The discounts are so uncertain, and depend so much on the whims, nerves, caprice and fears of individuals, that the merchant is totally deranged in all his engagements. One month he can get a supply, the next he is altogether deprived of every shilling; and to add to his difficulties, an immediate demand is made for his former note—this unexpected call on the merchant, together with the refusal, renders all his negotiations uncertain, and have a direct tendency to destroy every regular course of business.
Another difficulty which arises in this Bank, is their connection with a foreign establishment—The merchants not being acquainted with all the secret communications which daily influence the directors, are unable to judge at what time discounts will close; but be checked in their renewals without having any previous notice to guard against the disappointment.
Stopping discounts at the Branch Bank naturally operates on the Union and Massachusetts; in consequence of which, notwithstanding the establishment of three banks within this town with immense capitals, a merchant of the first responsibility, cannot acquire a dollar.
The Union and Massachusetts Banks, are fully sufficient for the real demands of this state, and they are able to give regular supplies to every class of citizens that applies; but the Branch bank being connected with many contingencies, is constantly subject to the humours of individuals, by which means the other Banks are obliged to check, in order to free themselves from the rapacity of this intruder, by the collection of too great a proportion of their bills.
What with the timidity of the Directors by owning so large a property in the Bank, together with the foreign influence that controuls, the bank is become an injurious and destructive institution in this town, calculated to perplex every man that has any connection with it, and is the principal cause that prevents the discounts at the other banks.
This being the probable state of facts, it would be well for the merchants to present to the next general court, a REMONSTRANCE against the establishment of it in
this town or state, representing the great difficulties arising to the trade by the uncertainty of the negotiations.
Unless some measure of this kind is prosecuted with spirit and resolution, all the banks will soon become totally useless, and the citizens will be constantly involved in uncertainty and perplexity in all their money matters."
There was lately deposited in Mr. Peale's Museum, a specimen of ore bro't from a mine in the county of Jefferson, south west territory of the United States, 100wt. of which produces 80lbs. of good lead.
It appears surprizing says a correspondent, that the citizens should be so zealous in purchasing fast property, at enormous rates, while the Bank of the United States is paying semi-annual dividends at the rate of 16 per cent. per annum!—We may predict, from this circumstance, and the enormous RENTS now demanded for houses in this city, many keys deposited under doors—and the downfall of fair trade—Citizens, much depends on you. [N.Y. Jour.]
Modern revolutions, says one, are the reverse of the ancient—They are the effect of general causes, and originate from the republican principle of moral equality. This principle, capable of pervading millions at once, may electrify an whole nation at a shock, and, with the velocity of lightning, prove the irresistible power of liberty.
Just Published, By H. & P. RICE, No. 50, Market-Street, THE SYSTEM OF Short-Hand, Used by Mr. Lloyd, in taking down the DEBATES of CONGRESS.
*** REPRESENTATION having been made, that the shortness of the period, limited for the subscription, has deprived many gentlemen at a distance, of an opportunity of sending in their names:—The Editor, in order to accommodate them, and to render this publication more extensively useful, has determined not to raise the price to a dollar and an half (as intended) before the fifteenth of March;—making however a discrimination, in favor of the actual subscribers, by printing their copies on superfine royal writing paper. A few remaining copies of this kind will be delivered to the earliest of the non-subscribing purchasers, at the same price as those on the common printing paper, viz. one dollar, in marbled covers; neatly bound, a French crown.
Just Published, By WILLIAM YOUNG, Bookseller, No. 52, Second-street, the corner of Chestnut-street, In two large 8vo. vols. neatly bound, price four dollars, ESSAYS ON THE INTELLECTUAL and ACTIVE POWERS OF MAN. By THOMAS REID, D. D. F. R. S. Edinburgh, Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Glasgow.
IT would be improper for the publisher to mention anything, respecting the literary talents of an author, so generally known and esteemed. Nor does it appear necessary to request attention, to peruse a work, whose importance is universally acknowledged. Those who have read the ancient systems, and these volumes, will readily perceive, that the knowledge of philosophy, advances from a state of infancy, towards maturity; nor will it appear too much, when it is said, that Dr. Reid has divested moral science, from that veil under which for so many ages it has been concealed, by ambiguous words and the jargon of the schools. Thus he has acted that friendly part to moral science, which the ingenious Newton and Ferguson did to natural philosophy; their united and skilful efforts, render philosophy, not only an useful, but a pleasant exercise, and a more false introduction to the most important studies.—It is impracticable to insert the lengthy reviews of this work, and to give a part, would be unfriendly to the author and reviewers.
ALSO, Price, neatly bound in 2 vols. 8vo. 2 dollars 50 cents, A COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF PSALMS;
In which their literal or historical sense, as they relate to King David, and the People of Israel, is illustrated; and their application to Messiah, to the Church, and to individuals, as members thereof, is pointed out: With a view to render the use of the Psalm-pleasing and profitable to all orders and degrees of Christians. The first American edition, from the fourth British.
By GEORGE, Lord Bishop of Norwich, and President of Magdalen College, Oxford.
ALSO, Zimmerman on Solitude: Price bound and lettered, 88 cents or 7-8ths of a dollar; Also, SCOTT'S Force of Truth; price, bound and lettered 44 cents.
Just come to hand, and for Sale, DAVIS'S SERMONS Complete in three vols. 8vo.—price bound 5 dollars and 25 cents. Jan. 26. 4t. 12w.

CONGRESS.
Thursday, January 3.
Continuation of the Debate on reducing the present Army Establishment.
[Mr. FINDLEY'S Speech concluded.]
IF the militia are to be so much op- pressed, it must be under their state laws; the operation of our militia law has not been tried, and the militia will naturally have more confidence in the laws of the state, and be better paid by them. If the people must undergo all the risk of life and all the hardships of war, in carrying on a war which they did not commence, nor have power to terminate, will they not naturally look from the govern- ment of the union, to that of their own states? and will the state governments conduct a war with their hands tied? Will they not take their own way of conduct- ing the war and of procuring peace?— Surely they will, and the general govern- ment ought only to hope for obedience and respect as long as it gives general pro- tection, which was the reason of its insti- tution. But if gentlemen were willing thus to surrender the principles of the go- vernment, they ought first to put the fron- tier states in as good a situation as the new Congress found them; when the Indians were not united and when they did not know that they could so easily and so com- pletely defeat us.
Supposing that we appropriate a suffi- cient sum of money to pay the frontier militia for conducting the war of the uni- on, I ask who are these militia? Is it those unfortunate few whom we induced to settle at Marietta, that are to protect our extensive western territory, against the united exertions of all the western Indians? or is it the few scattered inhabitants of the south-western territory who are to un- dertake our defence against the numerous and warlike tribes around them, aided by our southern European neighbours? Or is it the scattered settlements of Georgia who from known causes are weak within themselves, that are to defend us against the most powerful and numerous tribes of Indians on the one side, and white people, perhaps little less inimical, on the other?— Impossible! This cannot on cool reflection be the serious intention of even the mem- bers who have expressed themselves so.
From the very inadequate pay which the militia have already received, and the difficulty of obtaining it, however well dis- posed the members who propose it may be, there is little ground to confide in the provision being ample, especially when it is considered that the expense has been the argument most dwelt upon by all the gentlemen.
Arguments however of another and more important nature have been suggest- ed in favor of lessening the army. I mean the peaceable disposition of our citizens and the principles of our government; in this I am heartily agreed, and were the ar- gument upon original ground, and the measure optional. I would doubtless op- pose an army; but the question is not, whether we shall begin a war, or whether we shall have a standing army to aid the government in time of peace; if that were the case I would certainly be on the other side; but with us it is a question of necessity, not of choice, it is to procure a peace, and not to procure a war; it is to protect, and not to oppress or aid in go- verning our citizens; I know that stand- ing armies have always been sources of op- pression and aids of tyranny; our people may long be governed without such aids, their situation will not admit of abuses from standing armies, nor would the citi- zens submit thereto.
However, when I observe the difficulty of procuring money for the support of even a necessary force, and the jealousy of ar- mies so prevalent among the members; whatever difficulties it may now pro- duce, yet this disposition augurs well towards the security of our liberties; when I also consider how anxious the peo- ple of the United States and the members of Congress are for peace, and what ex- traordinary exertions the executive has made to preserve it; and when I also re- flect, that the next Congress will be a more full and equal representation of the peo- ple's interests and sentiments than we are, I am confident the army will be dischar- ged as soon as our affairs will admit of it.
The prospects we have of peace are not
very flattering—they by no means arise from the good dispositions of the Indians towards us, nor from the love of peace, but from the dread of the power and perma- nency of our force; take away those im- pressions and all our prospects of peace vanish; it may be recollected that the Six Nations of Indians were our inveterate foes, and would never listen to the voice of peace until they felt our power, and we have sufficient proofs, that their continu- ing peaceable does not arise from their dispositions towards us, but from their be- ing so much in reach of our power. Ad- mitting that the militia were in every re- spect the best for fighting Indians, and that we could in justice throw the burthen and risk of fighting wholly on them; yet this method would certainly lengthen the war; we have, and always had the militia; but they are not a visible force; the strokes they make distress and irritate the Indians, and when the expedition is over the force disappears, and the Indians meditate and too often obtain revenge; the apprehen- sion of an army strikes them with apprehen- sions of a permanent design, and convinces them that it is their interest to have peace; the late murders of those who bore the ensigns of peace are an undoubted proof that the prospects of peace do not arise from any other motive than the dread of our force.
When I reflect on our having so lately been convinced of the indispensable neces- sity of raising an army, and before it was possible to accomplish the object intended, that a motion is made for lessening that force, I am truly surprized at the incon- sistency to which it would lead; surely there is not such an instance to be found in the history of nations, nor in the acts of public bodies, and if it should succeed it would mark our councils in an extraordi- nary point of view. However, so aver- sam I to armies and so sensible of the evils they have occasioned, that I gave a serious ear to the motion, and maturely examined the circumstances in which the case was involved. I wished for reasons to justify my supporting thereof, but examination produced conviction of its impropriety.
The gentlemen doubtless have determi- ned from the first impression of the subject; more minute investigation will convince themselves of the bad policy of such an unreasonable change of measures. I with great reluctance was convinced of the ne- cessity of so great a force last session—but even if I had been finally against it last session, I would nevertheless have been for support- ing that force in the present important crisis; better by far we had never made the law for raising the army than to repeal it now.
The present Indian war is essentially different from any former one. When Britain and France divided North Ame- rica betwixt them, if the emissaries of both excited the Indians to war, the pow- er of both afforded protection. When Britain became possessed of the western posts, and many tribes of Indians com- menced a war, the British government conducted the war, carried it into the In- dian country, and by the dread of their arms procured a peace; but the Indians were not then supported by other powers. But in the present war, the Indians who at that time knew nothing of us, have combined to make it a common cause; and no superior power interest themselves in our favour—no, they conceive our in- terests to be inimical to theirs. But if they did not receive encouragement, protecti- on, and supplies from our European neigh- bours a peace would soon be procured; the gentlemen who support this resolution know well how that matter stands, and they know explanations here are not con- venient.
I once thought of moving a resolution for limiting the time of enlisting to some day in March or April next, knowing that the intermediate winter months are the best season for recruiting, and apprehend- ing the best opportunities of disciplining would then be probably over; but upon second thought, I apprehend this was not necessary, that most probably the army by that time would be so nearly compleat, that all the saving of money it would make, would be no object, and reflecting that the President was already authorised either to stop recruiting, or to discharge the new regiments when circumstances would admit of such a measure. From the observations I have made the commit- tee will be convinced that I design to vote against the resolution.
THE UPAS, or POISON TREE.
A description of a tree in the island of Java, called the Upas, or Poison Tree, is given by a Surgeon belonging to the Dutch East-India company, of the name of FORSCH, who was stationed at Bata- via in the year 1774. Surprising as these accounts may be, they are accompanied with so many public facts, and names of persons and places, that it is somewhat difficult to conceive them fabulous.
The Upas grows about seven leagues from Batavia, in a plain surrounded by rocky mountains, the whole of which plain, containing a circle of ten or twelve miles round the tree, is totally barren. Nothing that breathes or vegetates can live within its influence. The bird that flies over it drops down dead. The beast that wanders into it expires. The whole dreadful area is covered with sand, over which lie scattered loose flints and whiten- ed bones.
This tree may be called the Emperor's great military magazine. In a solution of the poisonous gum which exudes from it, his arrows and offensive weapons are dip- ped: the procuring, therefore, of this poi- sonous gum, is a matter of as much atten- tion as of difficulty. Criminals only are employed in this dreadful service. Of these several every year are sent, with a promise of pardon and reward if they procure it. Hooded in leathern cases, with glass eyelet holes, and secured as much as possible from the full effluvia of the air they are to breathe, they under- take this melancholy journey, travelling always with the wind. About one in ten escapes, and brings away a little box of this direful commodity.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
   JANUARY 1793.   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Wearb.     Tuesday, 15. 7 29. 97 32 calm Misty.   2 29. 85 37 S. do.   Wednesday, 16. 7 29. 7 37 calm Rain.   2 29. 5 39 N. E. do.   Thursday, 17. 7 29. 4 37 S. W. Rain, Sn.   2 29. 5 45 WNW. Fair.   Friday, 18. 7 29. 9 32 W. Fair.   2 29. 8 52 S. W. do.   Saturday, 19. 7 29. 8 37 N. W. Fair.   2 29. 85 48 do. do.   Sunday, 20. 7 29. 85 33 calm Hazy.   2 29. 7 47 S. Cloudy.   Monday, 21. 7 29. 5 36 S. W. Cloudy.   2 29. 45 47 W S W Fair.  
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé,— SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soix- ante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Mé- ridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a College, et Cour supé- rieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne na- vigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Salude, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréable- ment diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charman- tes pour la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considé- rable peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il est peut-être guères possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'acte on les rendra très commodes.
S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Na- tionale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-six—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beauti- fully diversified into swells and vales, and is per- fectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so cir- cumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. iawtf
SIX-PENCE REWARD.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber, living in Southampton township, Bucks County, on the fifth of January, a servant lad named THO- MAS SMITH, had on a striped cloth coat, old felt hat, and woolen trowers, whosoever shall apprehend the said lad, and bring him home to his master, shall have the above reward, but no charges paid. JOSHUA WOOD. Jan. 22.
Philadelphia & New-York S T A G E S, BY WAY OF BURLINGTON, BORDENTON, & SOUTH-AMBOY—
WILL start from Samuel Cooper's Ferry, oppo- site to Philadelphia, every Sunday and Wed- nesday morning, during the winter season, and arrive at South-Amboy on Monday, and Thursday evenings—where a good boat will be ready to con- vey Goods and Passengers to New-York. The Stage boats will leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, so as to meet the Stages from Philadelphia at Amboy, to proceed for Phi- ladelphia next day. All Baggage belonging to passengers to be at their own risque. All Goods forwarded by the Stages on bill, to be under the particular care of the Proprietors of the Stages; but not warranted against robbery or damage—And all entering, clearing and permits, to be paid by the owners of goods. Price of a passage from Cooper's ferry to New- York, £1. 18. 9. 20lb. of Goods, to pay the price of a passage. All Way passengers, 3d per mile. AMOS HUTCHIN, and } For Burling- NICHOLAS SCHENCK, } ton line. VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, } For Borden and DAVID WILLIAMSON, } ton line. January 16, 1795. [iaw, ew
CHARLES BITTERS, No. 120, South Market, near Fourth-Street, Has received from New-York, and ma- nufactured by Lot Merkel, A large and general assortment of Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices. Nov. 24. 2aw
A FEW COPIES OF THE TRANSACTIONS Of the Society instituted in the State of New-York, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANU- FACTURES, May be had at this Office. [Price HALF A DOLLAR.] Jan. 5.
NOTICE. ALL persons having demands against the estate of Godfrey Vanderen, late of Bucks County, deceas'd, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly authenticated, in order for settlement—And those who are indebted to said estate to make immediate payment, to JOHN HOUGH, Administrator. Bucks County, Dec. 28, 1792. 4b-iaw
PHILADELPHIA, January 12, 1793. MATHEW CAREY
Respectfully informs the Citizens of the United States, that the Maps for his intended edition of Guthrie's Geography IMPROVED, Are now engraving—and as soon as a sufficient number of them are finished, to secure a regular supply during the publication, which will proba- bly be early next Spring, the work will be put to press. He returns his acknowledgments to the very respectable number of subscribers, who have come forward thus early to patronize this arduous un- dertaking. He assures them and the public in general, that no pains or expence shall be spared in the execution of the work.
 Terms of the Work: I. IT shall be published in 48 weekly num- bers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper. II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz, most of them sheet maps on post paper. III. The price of each number will be a quar- ter dollar, to be paid on delivery. IV. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid. V. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking. ** Subscriptions received in Philadelphia by the intended publisher; in New-York, by all the booksellers; in New-Haven, by Mr. Beers; in Hartford, by Mr. Patten; in Boston, by Mess. Thomas and Andrews, and by Mr. West; in Baltimore, by Mr. Rice; in Richmond, by Mr. J. Carey; in Charleston, by Mr. W. P. Young, and by sundry other persons throughout the United States. iawtf 
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.