Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-12-01 00:00:00

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, November 20.
Debate on the Resolution offered by Mr. Fitzsimons, on the 19th, respecting a Reduction of the Public Debt &c.
(CONCLUDED.)
MR. AMES.
IT is so fashionable to introduce the funding-system upon every occasion; it would perhaps appear strange to say, that it is out of order upon any. To my mind and probably to most gentlemen present, it will be difficult to perceive, that the question before us bears any relation to that subject, or to the frontier-bill, the excise, the perpetual taxes, the encouragement of manufactures, and many other topics, which, somehow or other, have been interwoven with the debate. At this late hour of the day, and in so wearisome a stage of the question, I may be permitted to decline any further notice of these auxiliary subjects.
The great end we have in view, is the paying off the public debt—This object, truly important in itself, unites the best sense and strongest wishes of the country. It is our duty to provide means for the accomplishment of this end. All agree that a plan is necessary. It must be framed with wisdom and digested with care, so as to operate with the greatest effect, till the whole debt shall be extinguished. The true question is, which is the best mode of framing this system. Several modes have been preferred by different persons—some advocate the appointment of a select committee of this house, others insist that the house in committee of the whole, is the only proper mode, while others who defend the original motion, desire to have a plan prepared, and submitted by the secretary of the treasury. It may obviate the force of many of the arguments we have heard to remark, that it is not asserted that either of the several modes is intrinsically incapable of effecting the purpose. It would be improper to say, that a select committee could not be formed who would be able to collect the materials for an exact knowledge of the subject; and who, after acquiring that knowledge, would be able to form a sound judgment. Neither would it be just or respectful to deny, in the abstract, the capability of the house in committee to digest such a plan. But the question still returns, which of the three methods is the best to begin with? Neither this house nor a select committee are pretended to be already possessed of the knowledge which is requisite to the framing a system for a sinking fund. The very materials from which this knowledge is to be gleaned, are not in the possession of this house—they are in the treasury department. Neither the curiosity nor the legislative duty of members leads them to resort daily to the treasury to investigate official details; and even if it were so, the officer at the head of the department, having his mind incessantly occupied with his official business, must be admitted to possess a more familiar and ready, if not a more ample, knowledge of the subject.
Indeed the situation of the secretary of the treasury is so evidently favorable to his digesting the plan of a sinking fund, that it seems unnecessary to urge it even to those who are opposed to the reference. For their objections, imply the preference of the mode in point of expediency as strongly as those who explicitly recommend it. They say, the plan of the secretary will come forward with too much advantage.
Members, say they, not having the aid of those means of information which the secretary possesses, will not be able to resist the train of reasoning with which he will introduce his plan. It is even expressly admitted, that the information of the treasury department is necessary and must be called for; but they would not receive it with the reasoning of the secretary. Without wasting time to prove this point, common sense will decide instantly, that the knowledge of our financial affairs, and of the means of improving them, is to be obtained the most accurately from the officer whose duty it is made by our own law to understand them; who is appointed and commissioned for that very purpose, and to whom every days practice in his office must afford some additional information of official details, as well as of the operation of the laws. The arguments on both sides end in the same point, that the information of the secretary would be useful. Our object being to prefer that mode of preparing a plan, which is adapted to present us the best; the argument might end here, if it were not that the constitution is alleged to forbid our resorting to the secretary.
I reverence the constitution, and I readily admit that the frequent appeal to that as a standard proceeds from a respectful attachment to it. So far it is a source of agreeable reflection. But I feel very different emotions, when I find it almost daily resorted to on questions of little importance. When by strained and fanciful constructions it is made an instrument of casualty, it is to be feared it may lose something in our minds in point of certainty, and more in point of dignity.
And what is the clause of the constitution opposed to the receiving a plan of a sinking fund from the secretary? Bills for raising revenue shall originate in this house. I verily believe the mem-
bers of this house, and the citizens at large, would be very much surprised to hear this clause of the constitution formally and gravely stated as repugnant to the reference to the treasury department, for a plan, if they and we had not been long used to hear it.
To determine the force of this amazing constitutional objection, it will be sufficient to define terms.
What is a bill? it is a term of technical import, and surely it cannot need a definition; it is an act in an inchoate state, having the form but not the authority of a law.
What is originating a bill? our rules decide it. Every bill shall be introduced by a motion for leave, or by a committee.
It may be said the plan of a sinking fund, reported by the secretary, is not in technical, or even in popular language, a bill—nor, by the rules of the house or those of common sense, is this motion the originating a bill. By resorting to the spirit of the constitution, or by adopting any reasonable construction of the clause, it is possible to make it appear repugnant to the proposition for referring to the secretary? The opponents of this proposition surely will not adopt a construction of the constitution. They have often told us, we are to be guided by a strict adherence to the letter; & that there is no end to the danger of constructions. The letter is not repugnant; and will it be seriously affirmed, that, according to the spirit and natural meaning of the constitution, the report of the secretary will be a revenue bill, or any other bill, and that this proposition is originating such a bill? If it be, where shall we stop? If the idea of a measure which first passes through the mind, be confounded with the measure subsequent to it, what confusion will ensue? The President, by suggesting the proposition, may as well be pretended to originate a revenue bill; even a newspaper plan would be a breach of the exclusive privilege of this house, and the liberty of the press, so justly dear to us, would be found unconstitutional. Yet, if, without any order of the house, the draught of an act were printed and a copy laid before every member in his seat, no person will venture to say, that it is a bill, that it is originated or can be brought under the cognizance of the house, unless by a motion in conformity to the rules and orders. The report of the secretary in regard to manufactures, so often adverted to, has not yet been acted upon. does that appear on our journals as a bill? Language has not yet been perverted to such a degree, as to assert any such thing; and yet the constitutional objection implies opinions no less extraordinary.
I rely upon it, that neither the letter of the constitution, nor any meaning that it can be tortured into, will support the objection which has been so often urged with solemn emphasis and persevering zeal.
If the constitution be admitted, therefore, to authorize the reference to the Secretary, why should not the mode which is proved to be the most expedient be immediately adopted? Here we meet another objection. It is said that the legislative and executive branches of government are to be kept distinct, and this reference will produce an improper blending of them. It is a truth that these departments are to be kept distinct; but the conclusion drawn from it is altogether vague. The execution of every trust requires some deliberation, and many of them call into action the highest powers of the human mind, and the most intense and persevering application of them—yet these trusts are to be exclusively performed, and it by no means follows that the officer charged with them invades the deliberative functions of congress. On the other hand, many laws are the result of plain principles or parts of the constitution, and congress, by enacting them only execute the constitution. Yet here is no encroachment upon the executive branch. The truth is, the constitution has allotted powers to the several branches of the government, and by that rule we are to judge of their several limits. The President proposes measures to the legislature in conformity to the constitution—yet no one ever supposed that his doing so is a departure from a just theory; nor has it, as far as I know, been ever insinuated till of late, in this or any other country that the calling for information from officers, any more than the calling for testimony from witnesses amounts to a transfer of our legislative duty. It is very easy to conceive how much increased information may aid us in deliberating, but it is hard to discern how we are to be prejudiced by the want of it. It is true it is our peculiar province to deliberate, but neither the letter of the constitution, nor the law establishing the treasury department, nor the reason of the case have restrained us from calling for official information. It is not true in fact that the deliberative and executive departments are blended by referring to the Secretary. Any objections deduced from an over-refining theory, and not warranted by the constitution, might need an answer if we were now framing a government, but can have no force in the administration of one. Indeed, it is a very scholastic, and very imposing mistake to abandon the letter and meaning of the plan of government we act under, and to undertake to reason independently, as if we were now settling the institutes of a political treatise.
The expediency of this question of referring to the Secretary, which is brought into dispute involves in it many others which will admit of none. In framing the plan of a sinking fund is the officer at the head of our finances to have a ny agency? If it be said he is not, then, it may be demanded—why is an idle officer and an useless office kept up? The sense of mankind as well as the practice of nations seems to shew that where there are finances there should be a financier; that he should possess at least common talents, and more than common industry in the application of them to his duty.
This is not a point to be proved now for the first time. The law of the old Congress and their practice were conformable to this motion. We
hear very often of the people being opposed to these references. So far as I have been informed the opposition is a novelty. The law establishing the treasury department, passed by a great majority, and that expressly makes it the duty of the Secretary to prepare and report plans of finance: Scarcely a whisper of objection was then heard in the house, and not one, I believe, in the country. Our own practice of referring has passed unresisted till of late. Gentlemen now opposed to this reference, have contended openly and strenuously for references, in one instance, if I recollect rightly, to the Attorney-General to revise a plan of the judicial department, and on another to require the Secretary of state to report on the means for improving our trade and navigation. These objects partake as much of legislation, and are as incommunicable as the subject in discussion. The former votes and arguments of the gentlemen opposed to the present reference, afford some proof of its fitness as well as constitutionality.
The intrinsic reasonableness of this practice is not less than its authority from law and precedent, and what is more the precedent of its opponents.
Private affairs prosper by skill, economy, and industry in the management of them. The finances of a nation, though infinitely more important, require nothing more than economy upon a great scale. Let the monied affairs of a country be made every body's business, and nobody will do it:—Would you have them prosper, let them be confided to one man, who however shall be under the strict control of the law, and rigidly responsible for his doings. That man, if he loves an honest reputation as much as a man of common sense and feeling may be expected to do, will make the public business his own, he will put his character at risk—his time and all his talents will be devoted to the public. Such will be his dispositions—now what will be his opportunities to render service? He will have at one view before him the whole arrangements of finance—the imports and exports, the receipts and expenditures, the operation of the laws, the obstacles that impede the collection, and the means of improving it; the frauds committed or attempted on the revenue, & the checks to guard it—the well-founded objections against the law, and the prejudices which time or conciliatory conduct may efface, the appropriations of the revenue—the places where and terms on which loans may be obtained, as well as the state of foreign trade; the regulations of foreign nations, and perhaps it may be added in subordination to the chief Magistrate, the state of treaties and negotiations. It will be seen that the ordinary discharge of his duty, as well as that which will oblige him sometimes to conflict against prejudices, and sometimes against fraud, will render the details of finance familiar to him, and will almost force him to adopt plans for reducing this great mass into system and order.
Is it to be denied that, in consequence, he will possess some means of information which this house or a committee must acquire only by flow and laborious investigation? In pursuing it the time might fall, and the materials get confused. Yet, allowing it effected, they have gained no more than it is his duty to furnish on the order of this house, and this is what we are contending for. If we call for it and he is not able to give it, we shall thus expose his incapacity or negligence. The public opinion, thus enlightened, will soon displace the officer, and a fitter man will succeed him. In this way, the people will exercise an effective controul over their servants.
Be the information given by the officer what it may, the sources from which his inferences are drawn, his facts and reasonings are publicly exposed. They are equally in possession of every member, who is thus placed on an equal, and on the best footing to attack or defend the report.
As much cannot be said of the report of a select committee or a committee of the whole.
Those who are opposed to receiving plans from the secretary, mention the first impost act as a successful instance of proceeding without the assistance of the treasury. To this it is replied, that there is no analogy between that case and this in debate. Then the treasury law had not passed, and if that department had been then organized, it could not have given the kind of information which is requisite at present. The receipts, expenditures and appropriations, all our systems and all our experience have occurred since that time. We had, in forming the impost, smooth ground to pass over, and the aid of all the local knowledge and local feelings of a representative body: yet it will not be said that the success of the proceeding affords much encouragement to adopt a similar course on this occasion. We began that act in April, and tho' we were losing revenue every day, we did not complete it till near August: the embarrassment was not less than the delay. The want of accurate information produced errors and revisions, and incessant struggles; and parts of the act were repealed, it is well known, soon after its passage.
It has been intimated, that in framing a report the Secretary would be liable to misinformations to some local or other attachments. This is possible, for he is a man—but will the committee be free from it? The Secretary is answerable for his conduct to the nation, and certainly he is not more subject to local partialities than members are to their respective districts. The advantage of impartiality in the first concoction of a report seems to be evidently in favour of a reference.
It has been said on the other side, information may be wanted, it is true, from the Secretary, but let the house first make progress in the business, and then receive it by a committee advising with the Secretary. If this may be done, what becomes of the constitutional difficulties and all we have heard of the transfer of our deliberative power?
But, if we are to have the official information, why should we set out without it? why should it not be given openly, so as to put all the members on an equality, and before prepossessions are formed with regard to plans, which might make
a late report from the treasury appear to come in aid of one party or another? Would the style of declamation be less vehement against the secret communications of a secretary with the committee, than against a report made in the face of day, and subject to the criticism not only of this house, but of an enlightened nation?
It is not to my present design to ask for what purpose of argument or of candour it is so often insinuated that the question really is, whether this house shall legislate, or whether it shall transfer, the power of making laws, to the secretary of the treasury.
With all this official information, previously before us, are we less qualified, or worse disposed to deliberate? It would be extravagant to affirm, that in proportion as our means of information are made complete, we are worse situated to legislate; and as to the spirit of enquiry, I do not remember that the reports of the secretary have been blurred it. From the manner in which they have been discussed heretofore, those gentlemen will confide in the assurance I venture to give them, that they will be thoroughly sifted. They have not always passed unaltered, and never without passing through the fire of a debate.
We may repeat it, therefore, what colour is there for saying that the secretary legislates? neither my memory nor my understanding can discern any. I am well aware, that no topic is better calculated to make popular impressions; but I cannot persuade myself, that the people will charge us with neglect or violation of duty, for putting ourselves into a situation to discharge it in the best and most circumpect manner.
There is another ground of objection which is urged against the reference:—it is said, it gives undue influence to the treasury. The reasonings of the secretary, which accompany his reports, are alleged to excite an influence which cannot be resisted. There are two sorts of influence one, which arises from weight of reason, and the intrinsic merit of a proposition; the other, personal influence. As to the former, it is hard to conceive of the influence of reasoning, which cannot be analysed and made capable of exact estimation by the reasoning faculties of those to whom it is submitted; and that estimation, be it what it may, ought to obtain. No one can wish to see it under-rated.
But we are told, by the opponents of a reference, that it is incredible that one man, be his official opportunities what they may, should possess more information than the members of this house, collected from every district of the country. Then I answer, with inferior information, it would be impossible his reasoning should overpower and confound the superior information of the house. The members will be in the less danger from this officer, if, as we are told, he is misinformed by correspondents, and has repeatedly discovered, on subjects of revenue and finance, a princely ignorance. This we are told, however, by gentlemen who urge the danger of losing our independence and our faculties of discernment, as soon as we suffer a report, with its reasonings, to be made to the house.
If it be personal influence, independently of reason and evidence, which is apprehended by gentlemen opposed to the reference, for whom do they apprehend it? for themselves, or for us who advocate the motion? Surely if they do not feel, we do not fear it; we know how to respect their independence of spirit; they would disdain an imputation of the sort: their candor will permit us to say, if it be a neighborly concern they feel for us, there is no occasion for it.
On the whole, if we regard the constitution, we find not the least colour for bringing it into question on this debate: the law and usage of the old Congress corresponded with this motion. Our own treasury law expressly makes it the duty of the secretary, to prepare and report plans; and shall the practice of one branch run counter to that which is made the course of his duty by the law of the land? It would be an uncommon and very irregular mode of repealing a law. The advantages of this practice of referring, are manifest and great: more information is obtained, and more order, intelligence and system are preserved in the administration of the finances. The old Congress and the several states, have exhibited expensive and deplorable proofs of the evils incident to the want of order, as well as to the number of systems of finance and financiers. With this mass of evidence before our eyes, it cannot be believed that we shall take any step which will tend to introduce disorder and inefficiency into our finances.
WEDNESDAY, November 23.
Mr. Lawrence presented the petition of John Pray & others, collectors of the duty on distilled spirits, stating, that they have been employed in the public service fifteen months, for which their compensation amounts to the sum of about 90 dollars only, each—and praying relief—was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The petition of Ludwick Kuhn was read praying a settlement of his accounts, and compensation for money and supplies furnished the army of the United States during the late war; referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Gerry presented a petition of Samuel Shaw, Consul of the United States for Canton—it was read, the prayer of which is, that the duties on a quantity of teas, imported from China to New-York, via Ostend, by an unavoidable necessity, may be paid, at the same rate as if the said teas were imported directly from China: Referred to Messrs. Gerry, Hillhouse, and Kittera.
The petition of Abigail Heart, widow of the late Major Jonathan Heart, was presented by Mr. Wadsworth, and read; the prayer of the petition is, that she may receive a pension similar to those granted to the widows of officers who were killed during the late war, referred to a select committee, consisting of Messrs. Wadsworth, Gordon, and Milledge.
Mr. Boudinot presented a petition of William Lockway, a soldier in the late war, pray-

ing the allowance of a full pension: referred to the committee on similar applications.
Mr. Clark moved, that the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on a variety of petitions for compensation, for property used, damaged, or destroyed, be referred to the committee of the whole to-morrow week—this motion was agreed to.
Mr. Giles's motion that a committee be appointed to report a bill granting further compensation to certain receivers of Continental taxes, was taken into consideration, agreed to, and referred to Messrs. Giles, S. Bourne, and Sylvester.
The report of the committee on the boundary line between the state of Virginia, and the territory of the United States south of the Ohio, was called for by Mr. Boudinot, and read—adopted—and the same committee who brought in the report, were appointed to report a bill.
Mr. Parker reported a bill making compensations to the widows and orphans of certain persons who were killed under the sanction of flags of truce—read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole house on Monday next.
Mr. Steele called the attention of the house to the memorial and representation of Warner Mifflin, on the subject of negro slavery.
Mr. Steele observed, that after what had passed on the subject in New-York, he had hoped the house would have heard no more of it; but to his surprise, he found the business was started anew; and had been introduced by a fanatic, who, not content with keeping his own conscience, undertook to be the keeper of the consciences of other men, and in a manner which he deemed not very decent, had obtruded his opinion into the house. Had an application been made to him to present such a petition, in case he had stood in a similar relation to gentlemen holding that species of property referred to, he thought he should have avoided a compliance with it. Gentlemen in the northern states do not realize the mischievous consequences which have already resulted from the measures which have been taken by certain persons in relation to that property: and, he said, if a stop was not put to these proceedings, the southern states would, ere long, be compelled to apply to the general government for their interference. He concluded by moving the following resolution:—That the paper, purporting to be a petition from Warner Mifflin, received on Monday last, be returned to him by the Clerk of the house; and that the entry of said petition be expunged from the journal.
Mr. Ames rose to explain the motives of his conduct in presenting the petition. He said it was his opinion, and this opinion he had expressed in the House a long time since, that the government could not, with propriety, take any steps in the business referred to in the petition; but on the general principle, that every citizen has a right to petition the legislature, and to apply to any member as the vehicle to convey his request to the house, he had handed it in. The petitioner is a citizen of Delaware; had the member from that State been in the House, he should not have thought himself obliged to have introduced it; but the member from Delaware being absent, the petitioner had a right to apply to a member from Massachusetts, or to any other member. His mind, he said, had long since been made up in regard to the Negro slavery, but he had no idea of supporting the present application; he had uniformly been opposed to those made to Congress the first session; and was decidedly against an interference, considering it as totally inexpedient.
Mr. W. Smith seconded the motion. Mr. Livermore observed that he considered the motion as not in order, the subject not being properly before the House—nor did he conceive there was any disposition on the part of any gentleman to bring it forward.
Mr. W. Smith observed that his object in seconding the motion was to put it out of the power of any member to call up the memorials—for should it remain on the table, it might at any time during the session be called up in the absence of those whose duty and inclination it would be to oppose it. The gentleman from New-Hampshire had indeed pledged himself never to call for it, but he could not pledge other members. Mr. Smith said he admitted in its full extent the right of every citizen to petition for a redress of grievances, and the duty of the House to consider them, but the paper in question was not of that description, it was a mere rant and rhapsody of a meddling fanatic, interlarded with texts of scripture, and concluded with no specific prayer. He observed that it was the practice of legislative bodies in general to have the contents of petitions read by the member in his place who presented them, in order to judge whether they ought to be received, but the House had gone into a loose practice of suffering every kind of application to be received and read at the Clerk's table, the consequence was that the purport of them was entered on the journals; in this particular instance the practice was attended with real danger; the citizens of the Southern States finding that a paper of this nature had been received by the house, and formally entered on their journals, might justly be alarmed, and led to believe, that doctrines were countenanced destructive of their interests. The gentleman who presented the paper, and who he observed with pain had not on this occasion displayed his usual regard for the southern states, had stated its contents to relate only to the slave-trade; had he stated in his place its real purport and object, namely, to create disunion among the states, and to excite the most horrible insurrections, the house would undoubtedly have refused its reception. After the proceedings at New-York on this subject, he said his constituents had a
right to expect that it would never be stirred again; for his part, he assured the house, that while he continued on that floor, he should upon every similar occasion, pointedly express his abhorrence of these applications which were productive of no kind of good whatever, and had a most mischievous tendency: They were not calculated to meliorate the condition of the persons who were the objects of them, who are at present happy and contented with their situation; but, on the contrary, had a tendency to alienate their affection from their masters, and by exciting a spirit of restlessness, to render greater severity necessary on their part. He therefore earnestly called upon the house to agree to the motion, and thereby convince this troublesome enthusiast, and others who might be disposed to communicate their ravings and wild effusions, that they will meet that treatment they justly deserve; as the present application was disrespectful to the house, insulting to the southern members, and a libel on their constituents, it ought no longer to remain on the table, but returned to its author with marked disapprobation.
That part of the motion directing that the petition be returned by the Clerk, was agreed to.
The other part of the motion was withdrawn by Mr. Steele.
A report of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the petition of Griffith Jones, was read and laid on the table.
The bill regulating foreign coins, and for other purposes, was read the third time, and a motion made by Mr. Williamson for its re-commitment. This motion was agreed to, and made the order of the day the first Monday in January next.
Mr. Sedgwick laid the following motion on the table:—That a committee be appointed to report a bill respecting fugitives from justice, and servants from the service of masters.
Mr. Giles reported a bill granting further compensation to certain receivers of continental taxes;—read twice, and referred to a committee of the whole for Monday next.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to reimburse certain extra expenses at the Commissioners for treating of peace with the Creek Indians, Mr. Sedgwick in the chair.
The bill was read; some debate ensued, which was desultory, as no specific motion appeared to be made: at length, it was moved to fill up the blank in the bill with 1200 dollars. This motion was carried; the committee then rose and reported the same with one amendment;—laid on the table.
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, Nov. 29.
Mr. White reported a bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes—which was twice read, and committed for Monday next.
Mr. Hartley had leave of absence, on request, for eight days.
Mr. Williamson gave notice that he should at a future day, move for a committee to bring in a bill to amend the act establishing a copper coinage.
A letter was communicated by the Speaker, from the Treasurer of the United States, enclosing his specie account for the quarter ending Sept. 30, 1792—read, and ordered to be printed.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, relative to the appropriations necessary for the support of government for the year 1793, including the incidental expenses.—Mr. Sedgwick in the chair.
The report was read by the chairman. A motion for the committee to rise, that further time may be allowed to examine the items of the estimate, and that members might come prepared with propositions conformable to the report after such examination.
Another motion was made, that the committee should rise for the purpose of a reference to a select committee.
These motions were objected to on different principles. It was urged that the committee ought to enter on the business immediately—and where articles occurred which wanted explanation, they might pass them over, for further examination.
The motion for the committee's rising was agreed to. Mr. W. Smith moved that the committee of the whole should be discharged for the present, and that a select committee should be appointed to examine particularly into the items of the estimate, and report to the house.—This motion was superceded, after some debate, by a motion that the committee of the whole should have leave to sit again, which was carried.
The house took into consideration the report of a select committee on the petition of Charles and Lewis Garanger. The committee reported a resolution to the following purport, in favor of Lewis Garanger—That he be allowed the pay and emoluments of a Captain of Artillery. After debate, the resolution was divided—and the question, whether he should be allowed the pay of Captain, was carried in the affirmative—the question on allowing the emoluments, or commutation, was negatived.
Mr. W. Smith then moved the following resolution:—That in consideration of the losses sustained by the petitioner, whilst in the service of the United States, he be allowed the further sum of dollars. This resolution was not agreed to.
The committee who reported the resolution which was agreed to, were appointed to bring in a bill.
Mr. Fitzsimons moved the following resolution:—That the President of the United States be requested to cause assays and other proper experiments to be made at the Mint of the United States, of the gold and silver coins of England, France, Spain and Portugal, and a report of the fine metal and alloy in each of the respective coins, to be made to this house.
This resolution was agreed to—and the speaker requested to transmit the same. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, Nov. 30.
The report of a committee on the petition of William Dunbar, was read, and laid on the table—this report was in favor of the prayer of the petition.
In committee of the whole—Mr. Sedgwick in the chair.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of the executors of Edward Garries, was taken into consideration—This petition was for the payment of about 500l. the balance of an account settled with the navy board of the United States in Massachusetts—which balance had not been discharged by reason of the said Board's not having settled their account with the public.—A general provision in the case is suggested by the Secretary—Mr. Goodhue offered a resolution in conformity to the spirit of the report—but this was considered as being too complex—and the following was agreed to—Resolved and the opinion of this committee, that a select committee ought to be appointed, to enquire whether any and what measures are necessary to be taken, to facilitate the settlement of claims against the United States, not barred by acts of limitation—founded on certificates, or settlements made by any officer or officers, heretofore authorized by the United States to issue certificates, or to make settlements on their behalf—and who have not settled their accounts—and to report the result of their enquiry. This resolution being reported to the House, was adopted—and Messrs. Goodhue, Fitzsimons, Dayton, Parker, and Niles appointed the committee—The report of the Secretary of the Treasury was referred to the same committee.
Mr. Dayton laid the following motion on the table:—That the Secretary of War lay before the House a list of the names of the invalids returned to his office by the judges of the circuit courts—with an account of the circumstances attending the respective cases.
In committee of the whole on the appropriations for 1793. A long and desultory debate took place respecting detailing the items of expense either in the journal of the House or in the Act; some were in favor of both—in order to giving more full and complete satisfaction to the people.—It was objected that as the details are published in the Report—and were circulating in the newspapers, the object was fully answered; that if the items are passed on individually, and the Ayes and Noes called, after a debate on each—a period of two years would hardly be sufficient to pass one appropriation law;—it was at length determined by the committee, that the items should be entered on the journal. Progress was made in the discussion of the Report—and the committee had leave to sit again.
Mr. Williamson's motion respecting the copper coinage, was referred to a select committee.
A report on the petition of Abigail Heart, was read, which was in favor of the petitioner.—Laid on the table.
Adjourned till Monday.
Philadelphia, Dec. 1.
The British October Packet arrived at New-York on Wednesday last. She brings London papers to the fourth of October. The account of French affairs, if not contradictory, are by no means sufficiently explicit to give a satisfactory idea of their real situation.
Accounts from Orléans, under the London head of Oct. 2, say that the army of M. Dumourier, consisting of 25,000, having been surrounded by the Austrians under the Duke of Brunswick, had surrendered at discretion—that the Duke took possession of Chalons the 23rd, and that Rheims surrendered the 24th September; and the advance guard of the Austrian army was at Meaulx, about twelve leagues from Paris. It appears, however, that the latest accounts received direct from Paris in London, do not contain the above events. The French papers mention that a negotiation had been on foot between the Duke and the French General.
Official accounts are published of the success of M. Montesquieu, commander of one of the French armies, who had invaded Savoy, and made a conquest of almost the whole duchy—and was in possession of Chamberbery, the capital. Lille, a strong town in French Flanders, was besieged by a large army of Austrians; the garrison making the most vigorous defence. Other accounts under the Paris head of 29th September, say that the communication between Chalons and the army, which had been interrupted, has been re-established by General Du Bouquet, at the head of 10,000 men, and that a battle was become inevitable from the position of the Prussians, who were masters of the heights behind St. Menchould.—General Anselm, with a French army of 6,000 men, was gone on an expedition against Nice; if he is successful, the King of Sardinia will be confined to the territory of Piedmont and the Island of Sardinia.—A fete is to be celebrated in Paris, in commemoration of the restoration of liberty to the Allobroges.
A Paris article of 30th Sept. says—
The people become very uneasy for the state of the Armies. A certain air of mystery pervades the few accounts which are given from thence; and the War Minister receiving no advice, is a circumstance of alarm. A strange intimacy seems subsisting between the Officers of the Combined Armies and those of Dumourier and Kellerman.
It is said, there have been several secret conferences between Brunswick, Lucchesini, and several Frenchmen; and, it is presumed, that these conferences tend to an accommodation, though some persons think it is a stratagem.
Several other articles mention that frequent interviews had taken place between the French and Prussian officers; particularly that the son of the King of Prussia had dined with General Dumourier.
A letter to the French National Convention from Dr. Priestley, is published; in which he declines the honor of a seat in that assembly; but expresses the warmest wishes for a speedy and happy establishment of their affairs.—Marshal Luckner was at Paris at the date of the last accounts; the convention had decreed that he should not quit that city till a definitive decision had taken place respecting him.—The French convention have decreed that the plan of the constitution to be formed by that body, shall
not be discussed by them until two months after it shall have been reported by the committee appointed to draft it.—All was quiet in Paris the latter end of September. No late accounts of M. la Fayette. M. Barnave, a prisoner with the Austrians, was said to be dangerously sick.—On the 22d Sept. the Minister of War communicated to the Convention a letter from M. Kellerman, in which he gives an account of a severe action between his army and a large body of Austrians, on the 20th, in which the French had greatly the advantage, though the Austrians were more numerous: the French lost 250 killed and wounded. There is a letter under the Paris head, from the Commissioners to the Northern Army, dated Chalons, Sept. 27—which, if authentic, proves beyond doubt that that place had not surrendered to the Duke of Brunswick the 22d, as before stated in the account from Orléans. M. Servan and M. Roland, two of the French Ministry, appointed on the deposing of the King, have resigned.
Paris, Sept. 28.
Official information is now received, of the arrival of the Duke of Brunswick and the Prussian army at Chalons, as well as that the Austrian army and that under the command of the French Princes was at Rheims on the 24th instant. The former is 95 miles E. of Paris, that latter 85 miles N. E. of that place. The combined armies met with no opposition at either of those places. These facts were perfectly well known at Paris on Wednesday and Thursday last, although the French prints for obvious reasons, are silent on this head.
OFFERS OF PEACE.
The following note from the National Executive Council was read on Wednesday last to the National Convention.
"The generals of the North, and of the Centre, having communicated to the Executive Council, that overtures had been made to them, on the part of the King of Prussia, which announce his desire of entering into a negotiation, the council decrees the following answer to them: "The French republic will not hear any propositions, before the Prussian troops have entirely evacuated the French territory."
SAYS A CORRESPONDENT,
We have heard much of party of late—party, Mr. Editor, is an odious word—it imports as occasion requires, federalists, anti-federalists—republicans, anti-republicans—aristocrats, democrats—monocrats, moneycrats, and what not—Now, Sir, I have constantly been opposed to parties—but one of your correspondents has sagaciously informed us that we owe to party, the adoption of the constitution of the United States—if this is a fact, the good people of this country may be felicitated on the existence of such a principle—for surely whatever were the means, the effects have been highly propitious to their interests. The slightest view of the contrast between the existing circumstances of the United States, and those in which they were involved previous to the "forming a more perfect union" by that cementing bond, the new constitution, will convince every unprejudiced mind, that something superior to the bale motives of avarice and ambition, have wrought the mighty change. But if such are the effects of party, who will not exclaim, May it be perpetual! The fact is, the government of this country is in the most appropriate sense, the government of the people. This being the case, it follows, that to say, it is the work of a party, of whatever description you please, is an abuse of terms. It is an old device of those who in fact constitute a party in every free government, to attempt to shift off from themselves the odious appellation—in pursuance of this idea, every friend to the government, on its true principles, and to those measures which Congress have adopted in conformity thereto, have been stigmatized as a party—which is just as much as to say, that the people are a party against themselves.
From the peace to the adoption of the new Constitution, the United States rapidly declined in prosperity—on every hand the prospect was truly gloomy—or, to use the words of a late writer, "America was so situated during that period of anarchy, that the most dangerous crisis was to be apprehended."—But in contradistinction from this, another writer, unwilling to ascribe the present degree of prosperity enjoyed by the people to its principal cause, the operation of the general government, says, "Causes the most palpable and obvious present themselves"—They are, "an extended, fertile, unexhausted country—the active, uninterrupted industry of individuals—the blessings of peace, and laws securing to each individual the exclusive use of the products of his own labor," &c.—It will not be denied that all these sources of prosperity existed before the adoption of the new government, except the last—for with respect to laws securing property, the country was so palpably deficient, that it was one great cause of the ruin impending over us, immediately antecedent to the new state of things.
SHIP NEWS.
   ARRIVED AT THE PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.     Ship Rising Sun, Tatem, Turks-Island   Mary, Morton, Teneriffe   Rochampton, Aukin, London   Brig Catharine, Drifdale, Jamaica   Industry, Blake, Liverpool   John, Burnham, Curacoa   Betsey, Baden, Cape-Francis   Hector, Baker, Port-au-Prince   Schr. Two Sifters, Barry, do.   Sloop Francis, Hill, Montserrat   Tryan, Vanneman, St. Thomas  
Price of Stocks as in our last.
Agreeably to the Seventh Article of their Constitution,
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
TO the Members of the Insurance Company of North-America, that Forty Thousand Shares are subscribed; and that a General Meeting of the Subscribers is to be held at the State-House in this city, on 10th inst. at 10 o'clock, A. M. when the Directors are to be chosen.
EBENEZER HAZARD, Secretary. Philad. Dec. 1, 1792.

PARIS, September 23.
Abolition of Royalty in France.
BETWEEN 12 and one o'clock on the 21st inst. the new national assembly of France assembled; when having passed through some constituting forms, and among the rest that of appointing Pétion president, the ranting Manuel commenced the sitting by contending that the President of the Convention should be considered as the President of France, and lodged in the national palace, and that his sacred person should always be preceded by the ensigns of the law. So that in him the people might duly honor that national sovereignty which originated in themselves: In short, this chere ami of Pétion, whether in consequence of previous private instruction or not, cannot, in the present state of things, be ascertained, was for throwing down with a strong hand, as he expressed himself ( une main hardie ) all the existing powers, and investing, in the name of the nation, this their idol as their king without the title!
This dashing measure, however, was put aside for the moment— "Let us begin," said M. Chabot, "by reforming the abuses which the constituent assembly admitted in its decrepititude."
The King and Queen.
The following is the account given by M. Gorlas, of the conduct of the Royal Family in the Temple. It is founded, he says, upon notes taken by commissioners of the community.
Louis XVI. takes a book, quits it, takes another; makes notes with a pencil, and explains latin passages to his son, chusing especially such passages as are analogous to his present circumstances.
Maria Antoniette makes her children read and recite dialogues with intonations and gestures, which shew that listeners were known to be at the doors. Within the last few days, the valet de chambre of the ci-devant Duke de Colligny, was at her door in the disguise of a sans Cullotte.
Elizabeth teaches cyphering and drawing to her niece; afterwards each takes a book, and then they have dialogues. (The family is very fond of dialogues.) They dine, and the dinner is always exquisite.
After dinner, some parties at piquet, and some stratagems to talk to the commissioners, in order to interrogate them, which interrogations are intermittent. They then take up books, and sometimes walk with airs of majesty, and with the greatest indifference as to little mortifications.
At night the wife of Louis XVI. reads aloud; amongst other things the letters of Cecilia; sometimes she reads of an unhappy Count, with the daughter of a Prince of a great family, who shares his unhappiness, and will ally herself to him in order to revenge it. Enigmas are proposed. Those of Mercury are guessed at. Equivoques are made. They draw cards and see sometimes rain, sometimes storm, sometimes calm weather.
In general they talk in cyphers; 'I have seen 8; and I 11; and I even 11.' The widow of the Civil List said, four days since, to her sister Elizabeth, 'You told this morning, a great story with reflection.' Elizabeth replied, 'You would talk of multiplying 10 by 10.'
The following decree was passed by the National Assembly, on Thursday last, on the motion of M. Gensonné;
I. The asylum of every citizen shall be inviolable during the night. From sun-set to sun-rising no person can be arrested except for capital crimes, and no execution can take place without the presence of the Justice of the Peace of that District.
II. Should the above formalities be violated, every citizen may use such means of defence as he may have in his power, and those who make any attempts against his peace, shall be punished as enemies to individual safety.
III. In places where any legisla-
tive body are assembled, the alarm guns cannot be fired, nor the tocsin sounded, but by order of the National Assembly. Whoever violates this order, shall be punished as a disturber of public tranquility.—Decreed.
Domestic Articles.
KNOXVILLE, October 15.
Yesterday returned to this town, from performing a three months tour of duty in Mero district, a company of mounted infantry, commanded by Hugh Beard, and two companies of infantry, under the command of Captains Brown and Lusk.
Notwithstanding the vigilance of those companies, so extended are the frontiers of Mero, and covered with almost impenetrable cane brakes, the following will show to what lengths the Indians have carried their depredations, since the attack on Buchanan's station.
Wednesday, October 3. A party of Indians fired seven guns on James McRory, on the north side of Cumberland. About the same time Benjamin Jocelin, on the south side of Cumberland, had about 20 guns discharged at him; neither of these persons were wounded.
Sunday, October 7. A Mr. Irvine was shot through the thigh, on a road about six miles south of Nashville. The same day about two miles from the above place, Thomas Thompson was fired at, but received no injury.
Tuesday, October 9. A party of Indians went to Sycamore creek, 18 miles from Nashville, and burnt the houses of James Frazier, Riley, and Major Coffield, destroyed a quantity of valuable household furniture, a large quantity of corn, and shot down a number of hogs. They then proceeded to Busby creek of Red river, where they burnt the house of Obadiah Roberts, and took off a number of horses. They were followed by a party of men, who killed one of the Indians and regained the horses.
The same day they took four horses from Major Ramsey, of Tennessee county.
Wednesday, October 10. William Stuart was killed about six miles from Nashville, on the north side of Cumberland. The same night the Indians burnt Stump's distillery, on White's creek, on the north side of Cumberland. His loss is computed at 1250 dollars.
Friday, October 12. The Indians fired at a Mr. Suggs, on White's creek, on the north side of Cumberland, and took from him ten valuable horses.
Sunday, October 14. The Indians shot at John Cotton, on Station Camp; seven balls passed through his clothes, none of which touched the skin.
The same day they fired on Francis Armstrong, at his plantation, four miles south of Nashville.
PROVIDENCE, November 17.
A correspondent at Cumberland informs, that Jotham Carpenter, Esq. of that town, with the assistance of Mr. Daniel Roy, has erected a machine on Pawtucket river, for watering land. This machine raises three hundred gallons of water, and discharges the same ten feet above the surface of the water in the flume, in the space of a minute; the operation being performed by a single wheel. This invention, it is expected, will prove highly advantageous to the proprietors of lands in the vicinity of rivers, or other waters, as it may with great ease be constructed to raise water a greater or less height, as may be required.
BOSTON, November 19.
The General Court is adjourned to the last Wednesday in January next.
The most remarkable pair of young cattle that were ever seen in this town, were on Saturday last sold in Faneuil Hall Market—they were but 6 years old, and notwithstanding they were only grass fed, weighed in the Market 3,616 pounds.—They weighed exactly alike, viz. 1808 pounds each.—The fat on the Rump of one was three inches and an half thick, and the Fore Quarters weighed 440lbs.—They weighed, alive, 510lbs.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, November 20, 1792.
THE Stockholders of the Bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the Bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the By-Laws, the Stockholders of the said Bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting at the same place, on Tuesday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
BOWEN'S EXHIBITION OF
Wax-Work & Paintings,
ARE open every day and evening (Sundays excepted) at the House lately occupied by Mrs. PINE, No. 9, North Eighth-street.
FIRST ROOM—Contains upwards of 100 elegant Paintings, and about 30 Wax Figures, in full stature—among which are Likenesses of a number of the principal characters in America; Baron Trenck in chains, an Indian Chief, and several beautiful young Ladies of different States, &c. &c.
SECOND ROOM—Contains eighteen large Wax Figures, which form a SOCIETAL CLUB, or the OYSTER SUPPER; and the SCHOOL for SCANDAL, consisting of twelve female Figures, making their observations on a young Lady, who had eloped with a Footman.
Admittance One Quarter of a Dollar each Room.
THE EDITOR—TO HIS SUBSCRIBERS.
THE Arrearage of Subscriptions for this Gazette have been for a long time accumulating. The expenses of the publication are great and inevitable, and have annually amounted to much more than the receipts for Subscriptions; the consequences must be obvious. The Editor has no other resource than those arrearages, to discharge the debts he has been obliged to incur in prosecuting the publication.
He is therefore necessitated to repeat his application to those who have received Subscription money on account of the Gazette, and those who have not paid what is due, to make remittances as soon as possible. On these receipts, the continuation of this Gazette, on the plan of an extensively circulating paper is absolutely suspended.
TO BE SOLD,
A PLANTATION,
LYING on the river Delaware, 2 1/2 miles above Trenton, containing 165 acres; whereon is a dwelling-house, pleasantly situated, 36 by 24 feet, having three rooms with fire-places on the low floor, and four above, one of them with a fire place; a kitchen adjoining, near to which is a remarkable large spring of excellent water, accommodated with a good spring-house; a barn 36 feet by 26, a waggon, chair and smoke-houses, besides other useful out-buildings; a large orchard, chiefly of grafted fruit. The farm is well watered, and has a proportion of wood and meadow land, thro' which the road runs that is known by the name of the River Road.
On the Premises is also erected,
A Grist-Mill,
In the midst of a good wheat country, on a never-failing stream; the mill-house is 54 by 24 feet, has one water-wheel, a pair of burs and a pair of Cologne stones, rolling screen, bolts for merchant and country work, &c. and is accommodated with a cooper's shop, 18 feet square, near the mill—which is about 300 yards from the Delaware, and very conveniently situated to receive wheat, &c. from boats passing down the river.
There are also for Sale,
20 Acres of Wood-Land,
within less than a quarter of a mile of the above-mentioned Plantation, which lies in a fine high healthy country.—For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.
JOHN MOTT. (raw41)
Trenton, October, 1792.
BOOKS,
PRINTED AND SOLD BY
MATHEW CAREY,
No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven vols. Price, nearly bound and lettered, seventeen dollars and three fiths.
This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His Excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per ann. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it—Any of the back numbers may be had in order to complete sets.
2. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children.
"We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed."—Monthly Review, vol. 38, p. 101—Price, bound, 62 cents.
3. Duncan's Elements of Logic—75 cents.
4. Beauties of Fielding—50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair—50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennington's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies, Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
8. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful."—N. B. It is introduced into the University in Philadelphia.
9. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions.—Price four-fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce—Price, on very fine paper, 5 8ths of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal. Price three-eighths of a dollar.
15. American Jeff Book. Price three-fifths of a dollar.
16. C
lla doarden of the Soul. Price half a dollar.
17. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto—Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/6—plain, six dollars.
18. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum—Price a quarter dollar.
19. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar.
20. Christian Economy. Price a fith of a dollar.
21. History of Charles Grandison, abridged—Price a fith of a dollar.
22. Poems by Col. Humphreys—Price a third of a dollar.
23. Select Poems, chiefly American—Price a fith of a dollar.
Said CAREY has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance is such as purchase quantities for public libraries or to sell again.
GEOGRAPHY.
Mathew Carey
Respectfully submits to the Citizens of the United States, the following
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An AMERICAN EDITION of
Guthrie's Geography
IMPROVED.
Of which these are the terms:
I. It shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.
II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.
III. Besides the maps in the British editions, this work will contain maps of as many of the United States as can be readily procured, executed by the best engravers in the United States.
IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.—No advance required.
V. The work will be put to press as soon as 700 copies are subscribed for.
VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.
VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.
Perhaps there is no science more entertaining and useful than geography. It reveals the discoveries of travellers—the remarkable curiosities of all countries, in nature and art—the situation of provinces, cities, towns, villages, rivers, & mountains—in fine, the history, manners, customs, laws, forces, revenues, and government of different nations.
It is an old observation, that "there is not a son or daughter of Adam, but has some concern with geography;" and that a knowledge of this science is indispensable towards the study of history with advantage or satisfaction. Indeed a man unacquainted with it, cannot discourse on the most common newspaper topics of the day without betraying his ignorance.
So much for geography generally. With respect to the present plan, let it suffice to remark, that Guthrie's Geography has been long acknowledged to be the best in the English language; however, the account of America in it has, from obvious reasons, been very erroneous and defective. The errors of former editions will be corrected, and the defects supplied, by gentlemen of abilities, who have engaged to superintend this undertaking, and to avail themselves of all the information that can be procured, to render it the most complete edition extant.
The Printer earnestly solicits the support of his fellow-citizens throughout the United States: and as no deposit is required, and every subscriber will be at liberty to withdraw his name, if, on trial, he should disapprove of the work, he hopes the friends of science, and of American arts and manufactures, will cheerfully and early patronize this useful work, the greatest and most expensive, probably, ever yet attempted in America, in the typographical line, the Encyclopaedia excepted.
Philadelphia, Nov. 2, 1792. (raw5)
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 45, Great Dock-street, New-York.
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE AND SALE of STOCKS on COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to.
LEONARD BLECKER. (t.f.)
May 2.
To the Public.
THE subscriber begs leave to acquaint the public in general, and his customers in particular, that he has entered into partnership with Mr. HENRY KAMMERER, and that the Printing business in the English and German languages is now carried on under the firm of STEINER and KAMMERER, No. 85, in Race-street, between Second and Third-streets.
The German Newspaper will be published by them, as usual, on Tuesdays, and all kind of Printing work done with care and expedition.
MELCHIOR STEINER.
Philadelphia, Nov. 6, 1792.
PLANS
OF THE
City of Washington,
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at
No. 19,
Third, between Chesnut and Market Streets.
N. B. A few Boxes of the above HYSON for sale.