Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-01-27 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXXIII.]
WEDNESDAY JANUARY 27, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXXIII.
"Delight is ever greatest at a distance; when we arrive at it, we destroy it; and our hopes, when they are gratified, are killed."
IN drawing a picture of human life, we are apt to exhibit too great a proportion of dark shades. The melancholy aspect, which is usually given to such a portrait, forms an image too gloomy for any resemblance in nature. Those who moralize on the evil vicissitudes of life, give so strong a coloring to their representations, as would lead us to imagine that bitter indeed is the portion of man.
One of the most fruitful sources of complaint among moral declaimers, is the misery that results from disappointed hopes. This however is not more common than fallacious. If we examine the effects of hope, we shall find it, not only one of the most active springs of exertion, but a liberal source of happiness. Though the ardor and extravagance of this passion may cherish expectations, which can never be realized, yet the delight of such anticipations is incomparably greater than the pains of disappointment. There is no point discussed by moralists, in which they depart so widely from the truth, as in ranking disappointments so high in the catalogue of miseries.
The author of my motto, in saying that our hopes, when they are gratified, are killed, gives too severe a tone to his expressions. It is true that gratification, equally with disappointment, puts an end to hope, and perhaps convinces us that we had indulged too lively a prospect. That particular anticipation, to be sure, is extinguished; but probably a more pleasing, if not a more rational one springs from it. Or, upon the supposition that the matter ended here, there is still no ground of complaint. If the anticipation is so flattering as to promise more than can be realized by actual enjoyment, the deception atones for itself. If it yields too little happiness at the close of the pursuit, it is only because it yielded too much in the progress of it. Why should it be thought material in what stage of the affair we find ourselves happy, when happiness is confessed to be the mark at which we are aiming? Is the felicity of man any more incomplete because his delight is greatest at a distance; or because he takes more pleasure in pursuing than in overtaking his game? Can it be a matter of importance in what exact points happiness consists, so that we by any means attain large portions of it? The object we pursue may elude our grasp, or if we get possession, it may afford less satisfaction than we expected. But he must be a weak or an ill-natured man who feels or expresses much anxiety from such a cause. Every man who conceives himself aggrieved by disappointed hopes, should indemnify himself by the pleasure he derives in opening new scenes of hope.
I do not mean by such suggestions to recommend it to my readers to encourage an habit of forming prospects that are alluring and deceitful. Prudence rather directs that we estimate things justly, and govern our views and passions, as much as possible, by the dictates of truth and reason. It is hardly worth while to suffer ourselves to be deluded, merely for the pleasure that may be felt in the course of the delusion. Still however I can suppose a man of a vigorous imagination may perpetually amuse himself with false hopes, and yet be less unhappy and deserve less pity, than the canting moralist, who reproves the folly and grieves over the disappointment of such a self-deceiving mortal.
(To be continued.)
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
A REVERIE.
(Concluded.)
PERHAPS Providence never chastises the folly of men more justly than by granting the indulgence of their requests. Upon this occasion I observed their wishes were accomplished, and they were relieved from a tyranny of which they had so heavily complained. Upon an appointed day the Goddess of Love took her flight to the higher regions, from which she had descended; her influence was at once withdrawn, and all her enchantments were broken up. I thought nothing could equal the joy that was expressed upon this occasion. The air rung with acclamations, and every man was in haste to congratulate his neighbour on their deliverance from a thralldom, which had sunk the spirits and degraded the dignity of the human race. They seemed all to be lightened of a load, and to break forth with fresh viva-
city and spirit. Every one imagined he was entering upon quite a new career, and that the world was laid fresh open before him. I could not help feeling an inward delight in seeing my fellow creatures made at once so happy. At the same time I was anxious to know what would follow upon this new revolution; and particularly, whether it would answer the high expectations that were formed from it. Upon looking around I was a witness to appearances which filled me with melancholy and regret, a total change had taken place in the whole train of human affairs, and I observed, to my sorrow, the change was every where for the worse. It was melancholy now to enter into company, for instead of conversation enlivened by vivacity and wit, there was nothing heard of but a drowsy humming to the last degree tiresome and insipid. In the social intercourse of men, the heart had no place; pleasure, and the desire of pleasing, were equally unknown. Those that I had an opportunity of observing, I thought very much resembled the loungers and coxcombs of our day, who without any view of receiving pleasure, mingle in a crowd, and engage in conversation, not to enjoy time, but to kill it. I now sought in vain for those friendly meetings at which I had often been present, where every one, desirous of adding something to the pleasure of the world, drew forth the fairest ideas of his mind, and by the display of tender sentiments melted the heart, and soothed the imagination. With what regret did I recollect those conversation parties, in which my heart was wont to be full, and to pour itself forth, as we talked ourselves alternately into sadness and into joy.
I had an opportunity of correcting a mistake into which I had fallen in imagining that love reached only to courtship and marriage; I saw that it insensibly mingles with our most trifling actions, refining our thoughts and polishing our manners when we are the least aware of it. The men, had now entirely thrown aside that tenderness and gallantry which are the great ornaments of human nature, and are so peculiarly needful to temper and soften the rudeness of masculine strength. Men and women, are now placed quite upon a level, so that the harmonious softness of the female voice was drowned in turbulence and noise. The ear was filled, but the heart was left empty. Politeness was changed for a tame civility; wit for merriment; and sincerity for dulness. I began to think more highly than ever of the fair sex, and regarded them in a new light, as a beautiful mirror, lying in the fancy of a lover, for him to dress his thoughts by. People were everywhere falling a prey to dejection and complaining of the faintness of human enjoyments as might well be expected, when the influence of love was withdrawn from them, which by inspiring romantic hopes, and romantic fears, keeps the mind always in motion, and makes it run clear and bright. You may be sure, nothing could make a more ridiculous appearance than courtship at a time when women retained their vanity, after they had lost their charms. Such is the force of habit, that you might often see a pretty creature twirling her fan and playing off her little enchanting airs before her lover, who perhaps sat all that time perfectly insensible, and fingering his buttons or picking his teeth. Vanity I perceived is a kind of instinct in women, that made them employ the whole artillery of their charms, when they knew they could do no execution. Indeed their airs appeared so ridiculous now in the eyes of the men, that they had often much ado to refrain from laughter. The coquettes particularly, in their flutterings to and fro, made as odd a figure as fish who should be frozen around in the very act of swimming. Out of respect to the ladies however, I would compare them to the Grecian Chiefs, who according to the representations of the poets, carried with them so lively an impression of their former employments, that they would be marshaling their troops, and brandishing their swords, even in the shades below. However the fair sex were soon relieved from this sort of ridicule. They no longer took any pains to smooth their brow, to soften their features into a smile, or to light up the beam of brightness in their eye. Careless of offending where they knew they could not please, they became negligent in their persons, and vulgar in their air. I cannot express the regret I felt upon beholding the fairest and most beautiful part of the creation thus thrown into shade.
I thought, I perceived that the fine arts began to languish; the paintings, that made their appearance at this time, were neither so bold nor so brightly colored, as those I was wont to survey; they were chiefly confined to still life. I observed however, that the extinction of love affected poetry still more than painting.—It no longer regaled
the mind with descriptions of beauty, or softened it with tender distress. Its enchantments were entirely dissolved; that enchantment which will carry us from world to world without moving from our seats, will raise a visionary creation around us, will make us rejoice when there is nothing to rejoice in, and tremble when there is nothing to alarm us. These interesting situations, which awaken the attention, and enchain the mind in solemn surprise, till it breaks forth into agony or rapture; now no longer existed in nature, and were no longer described by the poet; he wrote rather from memory than feeling, for the breath of inspiration had ceased!
Upon this occasion I was not at all surprised at the decline of eloquence. I have often thought love the nurse of sensibility, and that if it were not cherished by this passion it would grow cold, and give way to a selfish indifference. My conjecture was now abundantly confirmed, for tho' I saw many discourses composed at this time, that were well argued, elegant and correct; they all wanted those essential touches that give language its power of persuading.
One thing a good deal surprised me, and that was, to observe that even the profound parts of learning were less attended to than ever. I was well aware that few apply themselves closely to study, but with the hope of sometimes displaying their acquisitions to the public; and I had imagined fame was a sufficient recompence, for any toil human nature could sustain; but I was surprised to find that in all great and noble undertakings, the desire of appearing respectable in the eyes of a beloved object was of more consequence than the general admiration of mankind.
These, I thought, were not the only melancholy consequences that flowed from the departure of love. It may be sufficient however to observe in general, that human nature was becalmed, and all its finest emotions frozen into torpid insensibility. The situation of mankind was truly pitiable. Strangers to the delicate pleasures of the heart, every thing round them looked cheerless and barren. Calamity left them nothing to hope, and prosperity gave them nothing to enjoy.
I observed that they were now as desirous of bringing back the agency of love, as they had been before to exclude it. At length, I imagined, Jupiter was touched with compassion at their unhappy situation, and appointed a day in which Love was to revisit the abodes of men. An immense number of people of all orders and ranks; and of every age and condition; assembled themselves as you may suppose, to behold the descent of the Goddess, and to hail her approach. The Heavens I thought glowed as she descended, and so many beautiful streaks of light glanced along the surface of the sky, that they divided it into separate tracts, brightened up every cloud within it, and turned the whole into an aerial landscape. The birds at the same time leaped among the branches, and warbling their sprightliest notes, filled the air with a confused melody of sounds, that was inexpressibly delightful. Every thing looked brighter than before—every thing smelled sweeter, and seemed to offer up fresh incense to the Goddess. The face of nature was changed, and the creation seemed to grow new again. My heart glowed with delight. I rejoiced in the renovation of nature, and was revived through my inmost powers. There thrilled through me a delightful sensation of freshness and novelty, similar to what a happy spirit may be supposed to feel, when he first enters a new state of existence, and opens his eyes on immortality.
I thought I had but a very confused idea of the person of the Goddess herself, for her raiment was so full of light and lustre, that I could scarcely take a steady view of her. I observed however that her complexion was rather too glowing, and the motions of her eye too piercing and fiery, for perfect feminine beauty. Her beauty, I thought, was too raised and had too much glory in it, to be entirely attractive. I was very much astonished to observe, that whoever she glanced her eye upon, immediately fell under the influence of the passion over which she presided. It was a very singular sight, to see a whole assembly, one after another falling into love; and I were much entertained in observing the change it occasioned in the looks of each of them, according to their different temper and constitution. Some appeared wild and piercing—others dejected and melancholy. The features of several glowed with admiration, while others looked down with a timid and bashful respect. A trait of affectation was plainly to be discerned in all of them, as might well be expected from a passion, the very first effect of which, is to make one lose the possession of one's self. Several ladies in particular seemingly careless and gay, were whispering to those who

Lines taken from a BOSTON GAZETTE of 1783.
Written by Mr. DAWES.
On the Death of the Honorable JAMES OTIS, killed by lightning.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JAN. 25, 1790.
stood next them, and assuming airs of particular vivacity, whilst you might easily see their countenance was chequered with anxiety, lest they should chance not to please those upon whom they had fixed their affections. The greater part of the fair sex however, I observed smiled with an ineffable sweetness, nor could any thing appear more lovely than their features, upon which there was imprinted a tender reserve, mingled with modest complacency and desire. I imagined that after the goddess had thoroughly surveyed the assembly, and they had seated themselves in some degree of composure, she thus addressed them—
“Ye children of men. Ye abound in the gifts of Providence, and many are the favors Heaven has bestowed upon you. The earth teems with bounty, pouring forth the necessaries of life and the refinements of luxury. The sea refreshes you with its breezes and carries you to distant shores upon its bosom; it links nation to nation in the bonds of mutual advantage, and transfers to every climate, the blessings of all. To the sun you are indebted for the splendor of the day, and the grateful return of seasons; it is he who guides you as you wander through the trackless wilderness of space, lights up the beauties of nature around you, and makes her break forth into fruitfulness and joy. But know that these, tho’ delightful, are not the pleasures of the heart. They will not heal the wounds of fortune; they will not enchant solitude, or suspend the feeling of pain. Know that I only am mistress of the soul. To me it belongs to impart agony and rapture. Hope and despair, terror and delight, walk in my train. My power extends over time itself, as well as over all sublunary beings. It can turn ages into moments and moments into ages. Lament not the dispensations of Providence, amongst which the bestowment of my influence is one. HE WHO FEELS IT MAY NOT BE HAPPY, but HE WHO IS A STRANGER TO IT MUST BE MISERABLE.”
H.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE REPUBLICAN.
No.—I.
NOTHING distinguishes man from the brutal creation more than the improvement, which every generation makes upon the knowledge of the former. Animals of an inferior rank are ingenious in a high degree. But succeeding individuals of any species make no progress in this ingenuity. There are birds, which excite our admiration by the curious texture of their nests. Much skill also is observable in the convenient habitations of the several nations of the forest and field. We admire the prudence, which domestic animals discover in defending themselves, and providing for their young. In others we can discern an instinctive acquaintance with the rules of government. A flock of pigeons, or other birds of passage, apparently observe a good degree of order and discipline in their flight. A bee-hive exhibits a specimen of mechanic contrivance, which in some respects surpasses the efforts of human artists. The politician, no less than the philosopher, finds matter of admiration in the economical inhabitants of the hive. The regulations of their little commonwealth are worthy of the imitation of mankind. It is not without reason, that we are directed to the puny republic of ants, to learn lessons of industry and wisdom.
However, the abilities and arts of these various animals remain the same from age to age. A swallow of the ancients built his house as commodiously and beautifully as any one among the moderns. A fox or beaver was as cunning and curious in the time of Æsop as at the present day. Man only can preserve his inventions and transmit them to his posterity for their benefit. Thus succeeding individuals begin in the course of investigation where their fathers left off. Every discovery assists the inventive powers of the mind, and paves the way to still further discoveries.—Nor is there now much danger of losing any important attainment, as the means of securing and perpetuating knowledge are so various and effectual. If, as fast as the objects of science multiply, the departments of business and study be proportionably divided, so that each member may direct his exertions to a single point, the progress of improvement must be continually accelerated, and knowledge increase in the ratio of compound interest. While every benevolent mind derives pleasure from such contemplations, the patriotic Republican applies them to government. How rapid has been the advancement of political knowledge within the present age! How many defects of ancient forms and writers have been discovered and rationally exploded! Many errors of more modern theorists have also been successively corrected. And doubtless future experiments will continue to reform the science, or rather the art of government.
[No. II, of the REPUBLICAN is received, and shall appear in our next. The author is entitled to our thanks for his Communications: We shall continue to notice by an early insertion, those he may in future favor us with.]
WHEN, flush'd with conquest, and elate with pride, A British despot Heaven's high will defied; And, bent on blood, by lust of rule inclin'd, With odious shackles vex'd the free-born mind, On these young shores set up unjust command, And spread the slaves of office round the land: Then OTIS rose, and great in patriot fame, To listening crowds resistance dar'd proclaim. From soul to soul the bright idea ran; The fire of Freedom flew from man to man. His pen, like SIDNEY's, made the doctrine known, His tongue, like TULLY's, shook a tyrant's throne. Then men grew bold, and in the public's eye, The right-divine of Monarchs dar'd to try: Light shone on all—despotic darkness fled— And for a sentiment * a nation bled.
From men like OTIS independence grew; From such beginnings empire rose to view. Born for the world—his comprehensive mind Plann'd the wide politics of human kind. Bless'd with a native strength and fire of thought, With Greek and Roman learning richly fraught, Up to the fountain's head he push'd his view, And from first principles his maxims drew. Spite of the times, this truth he blaz'd abroad— “The people's safety is the law of GOD.”† For this he suffer'd! hireling slaves combin'd To dress in shades the brightest of mankind. And see—they come—a dark designing band— With murder's heart and execution's hand. Hold villains!—Those polluted arms restrain— Nor that exalted head with low profane! A nobler end awaits the patriot head: In other sort he'll join the illustrious dead. Yes! When the glorious work which he begun, Shall stand—the most complete beneath the sun: When Peace shall come to crown the great design, His eyes shall live to see the hand divine. The Heavens shall then his generous spirit claim “In storms as loud as his immortal fame.” (Waller) Hark! the deep thunders echo round the skies! On wings of flame th' eternal errand flies; One, chosen, charitable bolt is sped, And OTIS mingles with the godlike dead.
* Upon the right of taxing the Colonies.
† Salus populi suprema lex was the motto of one of his pamphlets.
THE GUEST.—No. XIV.
Let fortune do whate'er she can, Jack ne'er will make a gentleman.
MANKIND in general form a mistaken estimate of their own character.—They fondly imagine that a favorable change in their outward circumstances would invariably conduce to their happiness; but amidst the innumerable revolutions which are constantly taking place in the world, how seldom do we see the sudden transition from indigence to wealth, attended with the happy effects which fancy pleasingly anticipated! The truth is, the mind must be gradually prepared for every change, to sustain the allotments of fortune with dignity, and propriety.—Hence we find that persons precipitated from elevated rank into the vale of poverty, very frequently sink under the weight of their misfortunes—and on the other hand, a rapid accumulation of property, is very apt to intoxicate the mind, and to render conspicuous those foibles, which inferior or common situations would have veiled from observation.—In short—
“God never made his work for man to mend”
And while the principle of hope is a sufficient stimulus to exertion and enterprise, the established laws of Providence must be considered as infinitely wise and good.—So that in this view the curse is converted into a blessing “in the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat bread”—For it cannot be doubted that the present regulation of human affairs, which has generally connected the acquisition of every enjoyment with some degree of labor either of body or mind, is on the whole, the most eligible. I have been led into this train of thinking, by observing the conduct of many persons, who by the sudden whirl of Fortune's wheel, have been raised from the dust, when nature seems to have designed they should have continued to grovel, by not affording them minds commensurate to the elevated situations they fortuitously attained.—While mankind are abundantly disposed to make every allowance for the deficiency of those, who conscious of their defects, have good sense enough to behave with modesty under the smiles of prosperity—they cannot restrain their contempt for those who evidently consider their wealth as a sufficient apology for the absence of every mental accomplishment.—For it is as true now as it was when the poet wrote,
A wealthy gaudy fool can pass, At best but for a golden Ass.
A MEMORIAL of James Price, praying that his claim for supplies furnished the American army in Canada, may be settled—was read.
Also a petition of Gabriel Allen, of the State of New-Jersey, praying that duplicates may be granted him of certificates which he has lost.
Message from the President of the United States by Mr. Secretary Lear, transmitting the act of the Legislature of Maryland, for ratifying and adopting the Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, proposed by Congress, which was read.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill providing for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States.
Mr. Baldwin in the chair.
The bill being read, it was debated in paragraphs. The first paragraph which enjoins that the Marshals shall appoint persons to execute the business, it was moved should be so amended, as that it may be optional with him to perform the service himself, or to appoint a substitute. This motion was not adopted.
Mr. Madison observed upon the importance, and many advantages that would accrue from specifying in the schedule annexed to the bill, the various descriptions of persons in the United States to a greater extent, as it would conduce to ascertain with greater accuracy, the aggregate number of inhabitants, &c. He moved therefore, that the schedule be passed over for the present, which was agreed to.
On the compensations to the Marshals, it was moved that 250 dollars be struck out from the allowance to the Marshal of the district of Maine—that an addition may be made to that of the Marshal of the district of Massachusetts. This motion was supported by the observation, that the business to be performed in Massachusetts was in a much greater proportion to that of the Maine, than the difference in the allowance proposed.
Mr. Thatcher opposed the motion—he said, that in consequence of the dispersed situation of the inhabitants, and the natural obstacles of rivers, woods, hills, &c. with the want of roads in the district of Maine, the difficulty of the business must be greatly enhanced, and be in proportion to these embarrassments—which considerations render it necessary that the compensation should bear some proportion to the extra trouble and charge.
It was observed that this reasoning does not apply so properly to the Marshals, as it does to the Assistants—as the duty of the Marshals relates merely to receiving the returns, and forwarding the aggregate to the President of the United States.
250 dollars was struck out—and 150 inserted.
Mr. Ames then moved that 300 dollars, the allowance to the Marshal of Massachusetts, be struck out, and 400 inserted. This motion was opposed.
Mr. Ames observed that his motion was founded on the idea that the bill would pass in its present form—tho' he did not approve of the system proposed, as he conceived that public business of any kind was never done to any effectual purpose when it is committed to so great a number of persons, without a proper responsibility—His wish was that the business should be fully committed to the Marshals, and for them to be answerable for the full completion of it. Upon the present plan he conceived that it would never be executed in such manner as to answer the end in view, or so as to justify Congress in forming any arrangements upon it—but proceeding on the idea of the bill's being adopted he made the motion, as he did not think the sum of 300 dollars adequate to a just compensation for the Marshal of that district.
This motion was negatived.
It was then moved, that 250 be struck out from the allowance to the Marshal of New-Hampshire, and 200 inserted which was carried.
Some other alterations were made in the bill.
It was then moved that the committee should rise, report progress, and ask leave to sit again, which motion was agreed to.
The House then voted to go into a committee of the whole on this bill to-morrow.
A message from the Senate, with their resolve for adopting the report of the joint committee on the unfinished business which had passed from one House to the other—in which resolve, they request the concurrence of the House.
Mr. Benion of the committee to bring in a bill or bills, to conform the laws of the United States to the present state of North Carolina, presented a report, which was read the first time.
Mr. Hartley of the committee appointed to bring in a bill to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, introduced a report, which was read the first time.
It was then voted that the House proceed to a second reading of the bill respecting North Ca-

rolina, which being read, the same was referred to a committee of the whole House, to be taken up to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Smith the message from the Senate was taken up, which being read, it was moved that the House should concur.
Mr. Hartley, in objection to a concurrence, observed, that he had laid a motion on the table for taking up a particular bill in the state it was left the last session—and this he did upon a persuasion of the difference between an adjournment and a prorogation—the latter was a concurrent act, the former an act of one branch—on the latter it was usual to consider all the business unfinished, as tho' it had not been acted upon—in the former it was usual to resume the unfinished business as tho' no adjournment had taken place—and this practice certainly conducted to expedite business, and to public economy.
Mr. Jackson replied to Mr. Hartley—and the motion for concurrence being put, it passed in the affirmative.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) laid the following on the table.
Resolved, that it be established as a standing rule of the House, that every future adjournment of Congress for more than days, shall be considered as a termination of the session, and that at the next meeting the business depending at the time of such adjournment, shall not be taken up, unless it be commenced de novo .
Mr. Burke moved that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for securing literary property.
Mr. White observed that the bill which had been before the House, among many other articles, included the object of the gentleman's motion.
Mr. Burke, in reply, said that the bill alluded to comprised a variety of objects, which he believed would occasion a good deal of discussion, and his wish was to have immediate provision made for one particular object—and this might be done very soon as a short bill would answer the purpose.
The motion was adopted—and Mr. Burke, Mr. Huntington, and Mr. Cadwallader appointed.
The bill for the encouragement of arts, sciences, &c. was referred to the same committee.
Ajourned.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 26.
Mr. Thatcher presented a petition from the inhabitants of the town of Portland, praying relief under the operation of certain parts of the Revenue Law—read and laid on the table.
In committee of the whole on the bill for adapting the laws of the United States to the present State of North Carolina.
Mr. Baldwin in the Chair.
The act being read, it was discussed by paragraphs. The Committee having gone through the same, rose, and the chairman reported the bill with some amendments. The House conceding to these amendments, it was ordered, that the bill pass to be engrossed.
The bill for establishing a uniform rule of naturalization was read a second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house, to be taken into consideration on Tuesday next.
It was ordered that 100 copies of this bill be printed.
On motion of Mr. Ames, the memorial of James Price was read a second time.
He then moved that this memorial should be referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Fitzsimons observed that he should prefer a reference to a select committee, as the House would in that mode derive information from their committee, and from the Secretary, as the Secretary could communicate to the committee the result of his enquiries.
The motion for referring it to a special committee obtained—and Mr. Ames, Mr. Fitzsimons, and Mr. Boudinot were appointed.
In committee of the whole on the bill providing for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States.
Mr. Baldwin in the Chair.
Mr. Madison proposed the following as the form of a general schedule, in lieu of that in the bill, viz.
Free white males under 16.
Free white males above 16.
White Females.
Free Blacks.
Slaves.
He then proposed that a particular schedule should likewise be included in the bill, specifying the numbers of persons employed in the various arts and professions carried on in the United States.
Mr. Sherman observed that he did not see the advantage to be derived from so particular an enumeration—It would doubtless be attended with great difficulty and expence.
Mr. White said, that tho' he should be pleased with obtaining an enumeration on the gentleman's plan, he rather supposed that Congress is not authorized by the Constitution to call for so particular an account—The Constitution refers only to a Census for the more perfectly equalizing the Representation.
Mr. Madison's proposition was agreed to, by the committee.
Mr. Livermore proposed a clause by which heads of families, and every male person more than 21 years of age belonging to any family, should be compelled by the assistants, if necessary, on oath or affirmation, to give a true account of the number of persons in such family—on penalty of forfeiting the sum of dollars.
The words on "oath or affirmation" were struck out—the proposition was then adopted.
The Committee then rose and reported the bill with the amendments—which being read in the House—Mr. Ames moved that the whole bill be recommitted, which was voted in the affirmative, and Mr. Madison was added to the committee.
Mr. Ames of the committee to whom the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Christopher Saddler, was referred, reported,
That provision ought to be made for the remission or mitigation of fines, penalties and forfeitures in certain cases.
This report was accepted, and the same committee was ordered to bring in a bill accordingly.
Mr. Ames on the part of the committee, presented the draft of a bill, which was read the first time.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to provide the means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.—This bill empowers the President to draw out of the Treasury of the United States, a sum not exceeding 40,000 dollars, for the support of such persons as he may find necessary and proper to employ in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations; with a proviso, that a
Minister plenipotentiary shall not receive more than 9000 dollars per annum, as a compensation for all his services and expences.
  A Resident, 5000   A Charge des Affaires, 3000   A Secretary, 1400 
Mr. Livermore moved that the word annually , should be inserted after 40,000 dollars, which was agreed to.
Mr. Lee said that in his opinion the President's power to draw this money from the Treasury, should be, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and moved that the clause be amended so as to read agreeable to his idea.
This motion was opposed, it was said, it would interfere with and lessen the responsibility of the President—would tend to excite jealousies and parties in the Senate, and may in its consequences counteract the essential interests of the United States—the President is restricted to a certain sum which he may not exceed—and for the expenditure of which he must account—the appointments must be made by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and he may consult them in the apportionment of the salaries, but it must be left generally discretionary with him, how much it will be necessary to allow in particular cases—for if his judgement is to be controuled in this point, or is to be confined and limited, it is evident that embarrassments will very probably ensue—especially as advances of money may be necessary in the recess of the Senate.
In support of the motion, it was observed, that as no appointments can be made but by and with the advice of the Senate—that no treaties can be formed without their concurrence, it appears incongruous that they should have no voice in determining the salaries of persons which they may appoint to make treaties, or to carry on the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.—This will give a undue influence to the President in forming treaties—and, superceding the interference of the Senate in a business to which they are equally competent, with the President, is contrary to the Constitution.
Mr. Lee varied his motion, so as to affect the allowances to be made to foreign ministers, that they should be apportioned by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, not to exceed the sum specified in the bill.
The debate was continued after the variation of the motion—and the arguments drawn from the concurrent power of the Senate in all the appointments, treaties and connections respecting foreign nations, it was contended equally affected the business in every possible shape and modification of it.
On the other hand it was contended the intercourse with foreign nations is a trust specially committed to the President of the United States; and after the Legislature has made the necessary provision to enable him to discharge that trust, the manner how it shall be executed must rest with him; his responsibility for the execution of it to the best of his judgement, is a sufficient security—Nor can the Senate be associated with him in the discharge of this trust, with any more propriety than a committee of this House—The amendment as now stated will induce an improper interference, in points which must depend on contingencies, and these enter into the very nature of the trust.
On motion of Mr. Livermore the committee rose, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again. The House then adjourned till 11 o'clock to morrow morning.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
LEGISLATURE OF STATE OF NEW-YORK.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 22.
A memorial and remonstrance of the society called Quakers, and praying for the abolition of slavery, was read and referred to a committee consisting of a member from each county.
A petition of William Jauncey, praying that permission might be given to James Jauncey to return to this State, he being at present a proscribed person, was read and referred to Messrs. Watts, Barker and Crane.
The House went into a committee on the bill for authorizing the Mayor, Aldermen and Commonality of New-York, to raise monies by tax.
Mr. Brown in the chair.
The sum of 11,000. was inserted in the bill.—And the bill being gone through, the committee rose—the House accepted of the report and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading.
The House then went into a committee on the Governor's message.
Mr. Watts in the chair.
A resolution was agreed to, that it should be the order of the day on Tuesday next to take up the proposed amendments to the Constitution. A resolution was also agreed to, that a committee should be appointed to report a permanent arrangement for the support of government.
The committee then rose—the House accepted the report; and Messrs. King, Jones, Havens, Tillotson, and Gilbert, were appointed a committee for the last mentioned purpose.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 27.
The advocates for a discrimination between original creditors and those by purchase appear to want information. It is well known that the debt of the United States in innumerable instances, was contracted under the most disadvantageous circumstances, and the evidences of the debt possessed by original creditors, were obtained at four times the real value of the supplies furnished. When our affairs wore a dubious aspect, many a soldier would have starved in the street, with ten pound notes in his pocket, had it not been for purchasers, whom every body then considered as persons "throwing their bread upon the waters," in buying at the greatest discount, public securities—Now which of these two descriptions of creditors merit most from the justice of our country?
A Society for the purpose of promoting the abolition of Slavery is forming at Richmond, Virginia.
The Debates of Congress are republished in all the papers of the United States, with an avidity which shews that the printers consider them as highly interesting to their readers.—This is deriving political wisdom from the fountain head.
The discrimination between the creditors of the Union so earnestly contended for by some wrong heads, appears to be generally reprobated, as favoring of the policy of those times when tender laws and regulating acts sullied the annals of our country.
A shocking event took place at Rochester, Massachusetts, a few weeks since, when a house was consumed by fire, and four children perished in the flames.
The ratification of the Amendments to the Constitution by the State of Maryland, is an additional trait in the truly federal character of that respectable republic.
Congress is now deeply immersed in public affairs—and truly important are the objects that await their deliberations—the great machine of government for this extensive empire being set in motion, the adjustment of its various movements so as to produce the best good of the whole, appears to be the great concern, and to call forth the united wisdom, patience and persevering investigation, of the great national Legislature of the United States.
The examination of the young gentlemen under the care of Messrs. HARDIE and DUNCAN, will be concluded this day, between the hours of 11 and 2; their parents and guardians, and such gentlemen as are interested in the progress of their scholars, are earnestly requested to attend.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
  Saturday, 23, Ship Betsey, Rooke, London, 77 days.   — William, Hayes, Liverpool, 70 days.   Snow St. Anthony, Cuite, Trinidada 28 days.   Schooner Experiment, Burnett, Wilmington, 35 d.   Sunday, 24, Sloop Nancy, Ventus, Petersburg, Virginia, 3 d.   Monday, 25, Brig Hull Packet, Lawrence, Teneriffe, 42 days.   Tuesday, 26, — Four Friends, Hendricks, Lisbon, 65 days.   — Maria, Jenkins, Port au Prince.   — Blue Moon, Janfon, Dort, 63 days.   Schooner —, —, Newbern.   Rambler, Rogers, Edenton. 
This day published,
THE REPORT of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the House of Representatives, relative to a provision for the support of the Public Credit of the United States, in conformity to a resolution of the twenty-first of Sept. 1789.
Published by authority.
Printed by FRANCIS CHILDS, and JOHN SWAIN—and sold at their Office, No. 190, Water-Street; sold also by Berry and Rogers. New-York, Jan. 1790.

REPORT
Of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Jan. 9, 1790.
THE Secretary of the Treasury, in obedience to the resolution of the House of Representatives, of the twenty-first day of Sept. last, has, during the recess of Congress, applied himself to the consideration of a proper plan for the support of the Public Credit, with all the attention which was due to the authority of the House, and to the magnitude of the object.
In the discharge of this duty, he has felt, in no small degree, the anxieties which naturally flow from a just estimate of the difficulty of the task, from a well-founded diffidence of his own qualifications for executing it with success, and from a deep and solemn conviction of the momentous nature of the truth contained in the resolution under which his investigations have been conducted, "That an adequate provision for the support of the Public Credit, is a matter of high importance to the honor and prosperity of the United States."
With an ardent desire that his well-meant endeavors may be conducive to the real advantage of the nation, and with the utmost deference to the superior judgment of the House, he now respectfully submits the result of his enquiries and reflections, to their indulgent construction.
In the opinion of the Secretary, the wisdom of the House, in giving their explicit sanction to the proposition which has been stated, cannot but be applauded by all, who will seriously consider, and trace through their obvious consequences, those plain and undeniable truths.
That exigencies are to be expected to occur, in the affairs of nations, in which there will be a necessity for borrowing.
That loans in times of public danger, especially from foreign war, are found an indispensable resource, even to the wealthiest of them.
And that in a country, which, like this, is possessed of little active wealth, or in other words, little moneyed capital, the necessity for that resource, must, in such emergencies, be proportionably urgent.
And as on the one hand, the necessity for borrowing in particular emergencies cannot be doubted, so on the other, it is equally evident, that to be able to borrow upon good terms, it is essential that the credit of a nation should be well established.
For when the credit of a country is in any degree questionable, it never fails to give an extravagant premium, in one shape or another, upon all the loans it has occasion to make. Nor does the evil end here; the same disadvantage must be sustained upon whatever is to be bought on terms of future payment.
From this constant necessity of borrowing and buying dear, it is easy to conceive how immensely the expenses of a nation, in a course of time, will be augmented by an unfound state of the public credit.
To attempt to enumerate the complicated variety of mischiefs in the whole system of the social economy, which proceed from a neglect of the maxims that uphold public credit, and justify the solicitude manifested by the House on this point, would be an improper intrusion on their time and patience.
In so strong a light nevertheless do they appear to the Secretary, that on their due observance at the present critical juncture, materially depends, in his judgment, the individual and aggregate prosperity of the citizens of the United States; their relief from the embarrassments they now experience; their character as a People; the cause of good government.
If the maintenance of public credit, then, be truly so important, the next enquiry which suggests itself is, by what means it is to be effected?—The ready answer to which question is, by good faith, by a punctilious performance of contracts. States, like individuals, who observe their engagements, are respected and trusted; while the reverse is the fate of those, who pursue an opposite conduct.
Every breach of the public engagements, whether from choice or necessity, is in different degrees hurtful to public credit. When such a necessity does truly exist, the evils of it are only to be palliated by a scrupulous attention, on the part of the government, to carry the violation no farther than the necessity absolutely requires, and to manifest, if the nature of the case admits of it, a sincere disposition to make reparation, whenever circumstances shall permit. But with every possible mitigation, credit must suffer, and numerous mischiefs ensue. It is therefore highly important, when an appearance of necessity seems to press upon the public councils, that they should examine well its reality, and be perfectly assured, that there is no method of escaping from it, before they yield to its suggestions. For though it cannot safely be affirmed, that occasions have never existed, or may not exist, in which violations of the public faith, in this respect, are inevitable; yet there is great reason to believe, that they exist far less frequently than precedents indicate; and are oftentimes either pretended through levity, or want of firmness, or supposed through want of knowledge. Expedients might often have been devised to effect, consistently with good faith, what has been done in contravention of it. Those who are most commonly creditors of a nation, are, generally speaking, enlightened men; and there are signal examples to warrant a conclusion, that when a candid and fair appeal is made to them, they will understand their true interest too well to refuse their concurrence in such modifications of their claims, as any real necessity may demand.
While the observance of that good faith, which is the basis of public credit, is recommended by the strongest inducements of political expediency, it is enforced by considerations of still greater authority. There are arguments for it, which rest on the immutable principles of moral obligation. And in proportion as the mind is disposed to contemplate, in the order of Providence, an intimate connection between public virtue and public happiness, will be its repugnancy to a violation of those principles.
This reflection derives additional strength from the nature of the debt of the United States. It was the price of liberty. The faith of America has been repeatedly pledged for it, and with solemnities, that give peculiar force to the obligation. There is indeed reason to regret that it has not hitherto been kept; that the necessities of the war, conspiring with inexperience in the subjects of finance, produced direct infractions; and that the subsequent period has been a continued scene of negative violation, or non-compliance. But a diminution of this regret arises from the reflection, that the last seven years have exhibited an earnest and uniform effort, on the part of the government of the union, to retrieve the national credit, by doing justice to the creditors of the nation; and that the embarrassments of a defective constitution, which defeated this laudable effort, have ceased.
From this evidence of a favorable disposition, given by the former government, the institution of a new one, clothed with powers competent to calling forth the resources of the community, has excited correspondent expectations. A general belief, accordingly, prevails, that the credit of the United States will quickly be established on the firm foundation of an effectual provision for the existing debt. The influence, which this has had at home, is witnessed by the rapid increase, that has taken place in the market value of the public securities. From January to November, they rose thirty-three and a third per cent. and from that period to this time they have risen fifty per cent. more. And the intelligence from abroad announces effects proportionably favorable to our national credit and consequence.
It cannot but merit particular attention, that among ourselves the most enlightened friends of good government are those, whose expectations are the highest.
To justify and preserve their confidence; to promote the increasing respectability of the American name; to answer the calls of justice; to restore landed property to its due value; to furnish new resources both to agriculture and commerce; to cement more
closely the union of the States; to add to their security against foreign attack; to establish public order on the basis of an upright and liberal policy. These are the great and invaluable ends to be secured, by a proper and adequate provision, at the present period, for the support of public credit.
To this provision we are invited, not only by the general considerations, which have been noticed, but by others of a more particular nature. It will procure to every class of the community some important advantages, and remove some no less important disadvantages.
The advantage to the public creditors from the increased value of that part of their property which constitutes the public debt, needs no explanation.
But there is a consequence of this, less obvious, though not less true, in which every other citizen is interested. It is a well known fact, that in countries in which the national debt is properly funded, and an object of established confidence, it answers most of the purposes of money. Transfers of stock or public debt are there equivalent to payments in specie; or in other words, stock in the principal transactions of business, passes current as specie. The same thing would in all probability happen here, under the like circumstances.
The benefits of this are various and obvious.—
First. Trade is extended by it; because there is a larger capital to carry it on, and the merchant can at the same time, afford to trade for smaller profits; as his stock, which, when unemployed, brings him in an interest from the government, serves him also as money, when he has a call for it in his commercial operations.
Secondly. Agriculture and manufactures are also promoted by it: For the like reason, that more capital can be commanded to be employed in both; and because the merchant, whose enterprise in foreign trade, gives to them activity and extension, has greater means for enterprize.
Thirdly. The interest of money will be lowered by it; for this is always in a ratio, to the quantity of money, and to the quickness of circulation. This circumstance will enable both the public and individuals to borrow on easier and cheaper terms.
And from the combination of these effects, additional aids will be furnished to labor, to industry, and to arts of every kind.
But these good effects of a public debt are only to be looked for, when, by being well funded, it has acquired an adequate and stable value. Till then, it has rather a contrary tendency. The fluctuation and insecurity incident to it in an unfunded state, render it a mere commodity, and a precarious one. As such, being only an object of occasional and particular speculation, all the money applied to it is so much diverted from the more useful channels of circulation, for which the thing itself affords no substitute: So that, in fact, one serious inconvenience of an unfunded debt is, that it contributes to the scarcity of money.
This distinction which has been little if at all attended to, is of the greatest moment. It involves a question immediately interesting to every part of the community; which is no other than this—Whether the public debt, by a provision for it on true principles, shall be rendered a substitute for money; or whether, by being left as it is, or by being provided for in such a manner as will wound those principles, and destroy confidence, it shall be suffered to continue, as it is, a pernicious drain of our cash from the channels of productive industry.
The effect, which the funding of the public debt, on right principles, would have upon landed property, is one of the circumstances attending such an arrangement, which has been least adverted to, though it deserves the most particular attention. The present depreciated state of that species of property is a serious calamity. The value of cultivated lands, in most of the states, has fallen since the revolution from 25 to 50 per cent. In those farthest south, the decrease is still more considerable. Indeed, if the representations, continually received from that quarter, may be credited, lands there will command no price, which may not be deemed an almost total sacrifice.
This decrease, in the value of lands, ought, in a great measure, to be attributed to the scarcity of money.—Consequently whatever produces an augmentation of the monied capital of the country, must have a proportional effect in raising that value. The beneficial tendency of a funded debt, in this respect, has been manifested by the most decisive experience in Great Britain.
The proprietors of lands would not only feel the benefit of this increase in the value of their property, and of a more prompt and better sale, when they had occasion to sell; but the necessity of selling would be itself greatly diminished. As the same cause would contribute to the facility of loans, there is reason to believe, that such of them as are indebted, would be able through that resource, to satisfy their more urgent creditors.
It ought not however to be expected, that the advantages, described as likely to result from funding of the public debt, would be instantaneous. It might require some time to bring the value of stock to its natural level, and to attach to it that fixed confidence, which is necessary to its quality as money. Yet the late rapid rise of the public securities encourages an expectation, that the progress of stock to the desirable point, will be much more expeditions than could have been foreseen. And as in the mean time it will be increasing in value, there is room to conclude, that it will, from the outset, answer many of the purposes in condition. Particularly it seems to be probable, that from creditors, who are not themselves necessitous, it will early meet with a ready reception in payment of debts, at its current price.
Having now taken a concise view of the inducements to a proper provision for the public debt, the next enquiry which presents itself is, what ought to be the nature of such a provision? This requires some preliminary discussions.
It is agreed on all hands, that that part of the debt which has been contracted abroad, and is denominated the foreign debt, ought to be provided for, according to the precise terms of the contracts relating to it. The discussions, which can arise, therefore, will have reference essentially to the domestic part of it, or to that which has been contracted at home. It is to be regretted, that there is not the same unanimity of sentiment on this part, as on the other.
The Secretary has too much deference for the opinions of every part of the community, not to have observed one, which has, more than once, made its appearance in the public prints, and this question, whether a discrimination ought not to be made between original holders of public securities, and present possessors, by purchase. Those who advocate a discrimination are for making a full provision for the securities of the former, at their nominal value; but contend, that the latter ought to receive no more than the cost to them, and the interest: And the idea is sometimes suggested of making good the difference to the primitive possessor.
In favor of this scheme, it is alledged, that it would be unreasonable to pay twenty shillings in the pound, to one who had not given more for it than three or four. And it is added, that it would be hard to aggravate the misfortune of the first owner, who, probably through necessity, parted with his property at so great a loss, by obliging him to contribute to the profit of the person, who had speculated on his distresses.
The Secretary, after the most mature reflection on the force of this argument, is induced to reject the doctrine it contains, as equally unjust and impolitic, as highly injurious, even to the original holders of public securities; as ruinous to public credit.
It is inconsistent with justice, because in the first place, it is a breach of contract; in violation of the rights of a fair purchaser.
The nature of the contract in its origin, is, that the public will pay the sum expressed in the security, to the first holder, or his assignee. The intent, in making the security assignable, is, that the proprietor may be able to make use of his property, by selling it for as much as it may be worth in the market, and that the buyer may be safe in the purchase.
Every buyer therefore stands exactly in the place of the seller—
has the same right with him to the identical sum expressed in the security, and having acquired that right, by fair purchase, and in conformity to the original agreement and intention of the government, his claim cannot be disputed, without manifest injustice.
That he is to be considered as a fair purchaser, results from this: Whatever necessity the seller may have been under, was occasioned by the government, in not making a proper provision for its debts. The buyer had no agency in it, and therefore ought not to suffer. He is not even chargeable with having taken an undue advantage. He paid what the commodity was worth in the market, and took the risks of reimbursement upon himself. He of course gave a fair equivalent, and ought to reap the benefit of his hazard; a hazard which was far from inconsiderable, and which, perhaps, turned on little less than a revolution in government.
That the case of those, who parted with their securities from necessity, is a hard one, cannot be denied. But whatever complaint of injury, or claim of redress, they may have, respects the government solely. They have not only nothing to object to the persons who relieved their necessities, by giving them the current price of their property, but they are even under an implied condition to contribute to the reimbursement of those persons. They knew, that by the terms of the contract with themselves, the public were bound to pay to those, to whom they should convey their title, the sums stipulated to be paid to them; and, that as citizens of the United States, they were to bear their proportion of the contribution for that purpose. This, by the act of assignment, they tacitly engage to do; and if they had an option, they could not, with integrity or good faith, refuse to do it, without the consent of those to whom they sold.
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
[We have already given a summary sketch of the foregoing Article, but its importance in a political view, its intrinsic excellence as a composition, and the immutability of the principles it contains, render it highly proper that it should form part of the contents of this Paper entire, more especially as the Subscribers in general prefer it for binding in volumes.]
PROGRESS OF MANUFACTURES.
SALEM, January 12.
A correspondent says, There is an evident preference given by people in general to such Home Manufactures as have any considerable degree of merit. The wear of the BEVERLY CORDU-ROYS is already become very common; and the sale of them, in different parts of the State, has been much more considerable than could have been expected, in this infant stage of the manufacture, when it cannot be supposed to have attained to that degree of perfection which it will derive from longer experience. Our country brethren, it is said, are determined to make use of this manufacture in preference to European, from the consideration that the increase of manufactures among us, will increase the demand and enhance the value of the produce of their lands. The same principle of self interest will undoubtedly induce our mechanics and laborers to do the same, as every branch of manufactures requires the aid of many other branches. It is like the hand raising food to the mouth, from which it afterwards receives strength and vigor.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the Creditors of THOMAS EATON, WILLIAM PELLS, JACOB SAYRS, ANTHONY SAYRS, and GEORGE WELCH, Insolvent Debtors, now confined in the common goal of Newark, in the county of Essex, and State of New-Jersey, that they are requested to appear on Monday the Twenty Second Day of February next, at Nine o'Clock in the forenoon of said day, at the Court House in Newark aforesaid, before the Judges of the Inferior Court, and shew cause, if any there be, why an assignment of the above Insolvent Debtor's Estates should not be made, and they the Insolvents be discharged agreeable to law.
Thomas Eaton, William Pells, Jacob Sayrs, Anthony Sayrs, George Welch.
Newark, 18th January, 1790.
w. 4 to
WILLIAM TAYLOR,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacketon do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Calfas, Chintzes, Seersuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores.
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS.
With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
JANUARY 9, 1790.
t. f.
BOSTON STAGE.
THE subscriber informs the public, that having contracted to carry the public mail in the stage from New-York to Boston, for the year 1790—commencing January the first to go twice a week till the first of May, and three times a week from first May to first November, and to employ a person to go thro' with the mail to take Care of it. He engages that this conductor shall transact all private business committed to him with fidelity at a reasonable Commission—he will carry bundles, money, newspapers, &c. And may be seen every Wednesday and Saturday Evening in New-York, at Franceses Tavern, in Boston at the subscribers House, in Hartford at Frederick Bull's, Coffee House.
Four active men are now engaged as Conductors, who have given bonds for the faithful discharge of their trust.
January, 1790.
LEVI PEASE.
The Boston, Albany, and Philadelphia Stages now put up at Franceses Tavern, Cortlandt-Street, where passengers will please to apply.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Driego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. pr. an.]