Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-08-17 00:00:00

(-505-) Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 127 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, AUGUST 17, 1793.
[Whole No. 449.]
Chief Justice JAY's opinion, on the question— "whether a State be liable to be sued by a private citizen of another State?"
[CONCLUDED.]
THE question now before us renders it necessary to pay particular attention to that part of the 2d. sect. which extends the judicial power "To controversies between a state, and citizens of another state." It is contended, that this ought to be construed to reach none of these controversies excepting those in which a state may be plaintiff . The ordinary rules for construction will easily decide whether those words are to be understood in that limited sense.
This extension of power is remedial , because it is to settle controversies. It is therefore to be construed liberally. It is politic, wise and good that, not only the controversies in which a state is plaintiff , but also those in which a state is defendant , should be settled. Both cases therefore are within the reason of the remedy; and ought to be so adjudged, unless the obvious, plain and literal sense of the words forbid it.
If we attend to the words, we find them to be express, positive, free from ambiguity, and without room for such implied exceptions—"The judicial power of the United States shall extend to controversies between a state and citizens of another state."
If the constitution really meant to extend these powers only to those controversies in which a state might be plaintiff , to the exclusion of those in which citizens had demands against a state, it is inconceivable that it should have attempted to convey that meaning in words, not only so incompetent, but also so repugnant to it. If it meant to exclude a certain class of these controversies, why were they not expressly excepted—on the contrary not even an intimation of such intention appears in any part of the constitution.
It cannot be pretended that where citizens urge and insist upon demands against a state, which the state refuses to admit and comply with, that there is no controversy between them. If it is a controversy between them, then it clearly falls not only within the spirit, but the very words of the Constitution. What is it to the cause of justice, and how can it affect the definition of the word controversy , whether the demands which cause the dispute, are made by a state against citizens of another state, or by the latter against the former? When power is thus extended to a controversy , it necessarily, as to all judicial purposes, is also extended to the dispute , between whom it subsists.
The exception contended for, would contradict and do violence to the great and leading principles of a free and equal national government, one of the great objects of which is, to ensure justice to all—To the few against the many, as well as to the many against the few. It would be strange, indeed, that the joint and equal sovereigns of this country, should, in the very Constitution by which they professed to establish justice , so far deviate from the plain path of equality and impartiality, as to give to the collective citizens of one state, a right of suing individual citizens of another state, and yet deny to those citizens a right of suing them.
We find the same general and comprehensive manner of expressing the same ideas, in a subsequent clause; in which the Constitution ordains, that "in all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction." Did it mean here party-plaintiff —if that only was meant, it would have been easy to have found words to express it—Words are to be understood in their ordinary and common acceptance, and the word party being in common usage, applicable both to plaintiff and defendant , we cannot limit it to one of them in the present case.
We find the Legislature of the United States expressing themselves in the like general and comprehensive manner—they speak in the 13th section of the judicial act, of controversies where a State is a party , and as they do not impliedly or expressly apply that term to either of the litigants, in particular, we are to understand them as speaking of both. In the same section they distinguish the cases where Ambassadors are Plaintiffs , from those in which Ambassadors are Defendants , and make different provisions respecting those cases; and it is not unnatural to suppose, that they would in like manner have distinguished between cases where a state was plaintiff , and where a state was defendant , if they had intended to make any difference between them; or if they had apprehended that the Constitution had made any difference between them.
I perceive, and therefore candor urges me to mention, a circumstance which seems to favor the opposite side of the question—It is this—The same section of the constitution which extends the judicial power to controversies between a state and the citizens of
another state, does also extend that power to controversies to which the United States are a party. Now, it may be said, if the word party comprehends both Plaintiff and Defendant , it follows, that the United States may be sued by any citizen, between whom and them there may be a controversy . This appears to me to be fair reasoning—But the same principles of candor which urge me to mention this objection, also urge me to suggest an important difference between the two cases—it is this—In all cases of actions against states or individual citizens, the National Courts are supported in all their legal and constitutional proceedings and judgments, by the arm of the executive power of the United States—but in cases of actions against the United States, there is no power which the courts can call to their aid. From this distinction important conclusions are deducible, and they place the case of a State, and the case of the United States, in very different points of view.
I wish the state of society was so far improved, and the science of government advanced to such a degree of perfection, as that the whole nation could in the peaceable course of law, be compellable to do justice, and be sued by individual citizens—Whether that is, or is not, now the case, ought not to be thus collaterally and incidentally decided—I leave it a question.
As this opinion, though deliberately formed, has been hastily reduced to writing between the intervals of the daily adjournments, and while my mind was occupied, and wearied by the business of the day, I fear it is less concise and connected than it might otherwise have been. I have made no reference to cases, because I know of none that are not distinguishable from this case; nor does it appear to me necessary to show that the sentiments of the best writers on government and the rights of men, harmonize with the principles which direct my judgment on the present question. The acts of the former Congresses, and the acts of many of the State Conventions, are replete with similar ideas; and to the honor of the United States, it may be observed, that in no other country are subjects of this kind better, if so well understood. The attention and attachment of the Constitution to the equal rights of the people are discernible in almost every sentence of it; and it is to be regretted that the provision in it which we have been considering, has not in every instance received the approbation and acquiescence which it merits. Georgia has in strong language advocated the cause of republican equality; and there is reason to hope that the people of that state will yet perceive that it would not have been consistent with that equality, to have exempted the body of her citizens from that suability which they are at this moment exercising against citizens of another state.
For my own part, I am convinced that the sense in which I understand and have explained the words " controversies between a state and citizens of another state ," is the true sense. The extension of the judiciary power of the United States to such controversies, appears to me to be wise , because it is honest , and because it is useful .
It is honest , because it provides for doing justice without respect of persons, and by securing individual citizens as well as States, in their respective rights, performs the promise which every free government makes to every free citizen, of equal justice and protection.
It is useful —because it is honest —because it leaves not even the most obscure and friendless citizen without the means of obtaining justice from a neighboring state—because it obviates occasions of quarrels between States on account of the claims of their respective citizens—because it recognizes and strongly rests on this great moral truth, that justice is the same whether due from one man to a million, or from a million to one man—because it teaches and greatly appreciates the value of our free republican national government, which places all our citizens on an equal footing, and enables each and every of them to obtain justice without any danger of being overborne by the weight and number of their opponents—and because it brings into action, and enforces this great and glorious principle, that the people are the sovereigns of this country, and consequently that fellow-citizens and joint sovereigns cannot be degraded by appearing with each other in their own Courts to have their controversies determined. The people have reason to prize and rejoice in such valuable privileges; and they ought not to forget, that nothing but the free course of constitutional law and government can ensure the continuance and enjoyment of them.
For the reasons before given, I am clearly of opinion, that a state is liable by citizens of another state; but lest I should be understood in a latitude beyond my meaning, I think it necessary to submit this caution, viz. That such suability may nevertheless not extend to all demands, and to every kind of action—there may be exceptions—for instance—I am far from being prepared to say that an indi-
vidual may sue a state on bills of credit issued before the constitution was established, and which were issued and received on the faith of the state, and at a time when no idea or expectation of judicial interposition were entertained or contemplated.
From the New-York DAILY ADVERTISER.
IT is somewhat extraordinary, that the spirit of jealousy and faction, which shewed itself heretofore with the greatest caution and with decency, since the arrival of the French Ambassador has broke out, with volcanic fury, threatening the President, the Secretary of the Treasury, and other officers, in its way, in short, the government itself, with annihilation. The intimate and almost exclusive connection Mr. Genet, it is said, has formed, with certain delighting, restless and ambitious men, to the southward, has induced a rational belief, independent of other circumstances, that either the French Ambassador has become the dup of a party, or that he meditates through it, against America, some designs as yet unpenetrated—and unaccountable. Because we cannot see a single advantage to be proposed either to himself, or the people who sent him here—by alienating the regards of nine tenths of a community, who, unmindful of their own internal dissensions, have uniformly, and at the present moment are testifying their regard to the cause of his country, by every expression of enthusiastic attachment—Some men have certain predominant natural propensities, which will discover themselves in every situation they can be placed.
Arnold is said to have been always a dishonest, jockeying man—To these propensities he sacrificed his fame, and would have sacrificed his fellow soldiers and countrymen—Dumourier, though a man of great abilities, was known to be destitute of moral character; and therefore trusted with diffidence. His predominant vices tarnished all his glory—in attempting to betray to the despot of Europe the liberties of his fellow citizens—and thus, other men, not engaged in cabals and intrigue, are as miserable as fish out of the water.
It is supposed the following propositions do in reality form the political bible of every honest and unparty influenced inhabitant of the United States.
1. That a state of war, internal, or external, is a state of calamity—never to be courted—but always to be avoided, unless induced by the absolute necessity of self defence .
2. That Americans, under their existing constitutions, are the most happy, free, enlightened and prosperous people on the face of the earth.
3. That such being their situation, it is their duty and interest to abstain from wars, both foreign and domestic—to maintain and cultivate the blessings of peace with all the world—and especially, by the most circumspect, wise and prudent conduct so to act, as by observing an impartial neutrality, with respect to the present belligerent powers of Europe, not to be drawn into the vortex of their politics.
4. That it is to the honor and advantage of all governments, and especially of the United States of America, as being the youngest on the list of nations, to perpetuate the glory they acquired in the establishment of independence, by the faithful observance of public treaties.
5. That it would most probably be our best policy, like the Chinese, to have no treaties, or stipulated communication with the nations separated from us by oceans, but those which should naturally arise out of commerce, the arts, and sciences.
6. That as in the federal government, all lawful authority is vested in, and can therefore only be exercised in, by and thro' the House of Representatives, Senate and President, all acts of the people, in their individual capacities, assuming legislative, judicial, or executive powers, are incompatible with the authority constitutionally and freely invested, by them, in their representatives: And are null and void.
7. That Americans being a considerate and wise people—whenever they discover deficiency in their Magistrates, laws, or constitution, they ought to seek redress and amendment, in a peaceable way, by solicitude and perseverance, tempered by prudence.
8. That it is the undoubted right of the Citizen, upon a supposed injury, to think, speak, deliberate, petition, address and remonstrate.
That frequent and free elections, when unafflicted by bribery and corruption, and uninfluenced by party, and the intrigues of artful and designing individuals, are the greatest and certain securities against the invasion of our liberties, by the servants of the public, and others—and ought therefore to be guarded and maintained inviolate.
9. That having a government, and officers of that government, who are by the known laws of the land responsible for their conduct, whilst the one exists, and the others are in office, they ought to be supported—they ought not to be insulted: But when guilty of crimes or misdemeanors, arrested, tried, adjudged
and punished by the tribunals for that purpose constitutionally established.
10. That our fellow citizen GEORGE WASHINGTON, a native of America, has been elected General of the Armies of the United States of America, by the unanimous suffrages of Congress, in the late contest for Freedom with the government of Great Britain, having conducted himself, during that long, eventful and bloody war, with unexampled abilities, disinterested patriotism and valour; perhaps unexampled in the annals of mankind; having, Cincinnatus like, returned victorious over his enemies to the plow; having again been called out by the unanimous will of his fellow citizens, to accept the chief executive of our extensive and complicated republic; and having in this capacity, amidst the clamours of discordant parties, conducted the public weal without the least impeachment of his political integrity, unless it is by the acrimonious shafts of a few factious, envious, and ambitious T. actors, who forever exist in every community—he is entitled to the most grateful affection and support of all his countrymen.
11. That the citizens of the United States are free and independent. That they are capable, and have the sole right to judge and determine of the conduct of all their public officers.
12. That any attempt by foreigners, in whatever character they appear, in the smallest degree to interfere with the local politics or parties of our country, or to injure the Executive Authority of the Federal, or any of the State governments, is an immediate insult to these governments, as well as the governed; and ought to be treated with the contempt and prompt chastisement due from all sovereign nations to the authors of such temerity.
13. That if the Ambassador from France has been guilty of the indignities to the Executive of our government, which are reported, and is veiling, or is unveiling, into any of the prevailing parties in our country, he must certainly be accused by improper motives—must lose all usefulness to us, or his constituents—must be a dangerous man—ought to be shunned as a pestilential—and ought to be returned from whence he came, with all the expedition consistent with the usage of nations.
14. That having understood from this Ambassador's own declaration, that the Republic of France does not wish us to take a part in the present war with the tyrants of Europe—and finding at the same time that this Ambassador shews a disposition to aid and inflame the spirit of discord existing in the Union—and all this at a time when, however we differ about our own municipal interests, there is unequivocal and daily testimony given, of our being united in almost a frantic partiality to the cause of his countrymen. That, we have but one of two conclusions to draw from this conduct, viz. Either that the French have some unhappy design upon our country; or that this inconsistency arises from the weakness, misguided and unauthorized policy, or naturally unfortunate propensity in the individual for intrigue and cabal. The first seems impossible, the latter is most probable.
15. That until these things are cleared up, or better understood, it is premature to address the French Republic, thro' this Ambassador, and will be derogatory to the honor of the United States.
16. That the late proclamation of the President to the citizens of the United States, to observe a strict neutrality, &c. was another instance of his watchful and paternal affection for the true interests and happiness of his fellow citizens.
That this proclamation was not an act of Legislation, that it was meant for, and could possibly amount to no more than a friendly monition to all, and especially to those, who being influenced by extravagant attachment to the French, or prompted by inordinate prospects of gain, would, regardless of the general advantage and felicity of the commonwealth, have covered the ocean with American privateers—and led us headlong, with all our fins and debts upon our backs, into an unprofitable and ruinous war with England, Spain, Portugal, and Holland.
17. That though it could have made no essential difference otherwise—it would, possibly have calmed the minds of a few weak, or have stopped the mouths of a few designing restless men—if the President in his proclamation had adverted to the treaties with France and other nations.
18. That from the uniformly patriotic conduct of the President of the United States—We have not the least reason to suspect that ever he has or will knowingly pursue measures, either in a public or private respect, injurious to his country—That he has not manifested, in any instance, a want of attachment to the French Republic—but upon every proper occasion which has occurred, the very reverse—that the same will be the conduct of Congress, when convened—That we ought to love Gen. Washington, and do love him—And any man who dares to insult, or report evil of him, must be a bad man, and ought to meet with chastisement and contempt from every freeman of America, who wishes a continuation of the blessings of prosperity and peace.
The residue respecting the violation of treaty by the convention—in the next, from
Your Fellow-Citizen,
WM. WILLCOCKS.
New-York, August 5, 1793.

PHILADELPHIA.
The following Letter has been transmitted by the Secretary of the Treasury to the Collectors of the different ports in the United States.
CIRCULAR to the COLLECTORS of the CUSTOMS.
Philadelphia, August 4th, 1793.
SIR,
It appearing that repeated contraventions of our neutrality have taken place in the ports of the United States, without having been discovered in time for prevention or remedy, I have it in command from the President, to address to the collectors of the respective districts a particular instruction on the subject.
It is expected, that the officers of the customs in each district, will in the course of their official functions have a vigilant eye upon whatever may be passing within the ports, harbours, creeks, inlets and waters of such district, of a nature to contravene the laws of neutrality, and upon discovery of any thing of the kind will give immediate notice to the governor, of the state and to the attorney of the judicial district, comprehending the district of the customs within which any such contravention may happen.
To assist the judgment of the officers on this head, I transmit herewith a schedule of rules, concerning sundry particulars, which have been adopted by the President, as deductions from the laws of neutrality, established and received among nations. Whatever shall be contrary to these rules will, of course, be to be noticed, as above-mentioned.
There are some other points, which, pursuant to our treaties and the determinations of the executive, I ought to notice to you.
If any vessel of either of the powers at war with France should bring or send within your district a prize made of the subjects, people or property of France, it is immediately to be notified to the Governor or of the state, in order that measures may be taken, pursuant to the 17th article of our treaty with France, to oblige such vessel and her prize, or such prize when sent in without the capturing vessel, to depart.
No privateer of any of the powers at war with France, coming within a district of the United States, can, by the 22d article of our treaty with France, enjoy any other privilege than that of purchasing such victuals as shall be necessary for her going to the next port of the prince or state from which she has her commission. If she should do any thing beside this, it is immediately to be reported to the governor and the attorney of the district. You will observe by the rules transmitted, that the term privateer is understood not to extend to vessels armed for merchandise and war, commonly called with us letters of marque, nor, of course, to vessels of war in the immediate service of the government of either of the powers at war.
No armed vessel which has been or shall be originally fitted out in any port of the United States by either of the parties at war is henceforth to have asylum in any district of the United States. If any such armed vessel shall appear within your district, she is immediately to be notified to the governor and attorney of the district; which is also to be done, in respect to any prize, that such armed vessel shall bring or send in. At foot is a list of such armed vessels of the above description as have hitherto come to the knowledge of the executive.
The purchasing within, and exporting from, the United States, by way of merchandise, articles commonly called contraband (being generally, warlike instruments and military stores) is free to all the parties at war, and is not to be interfered with. If our own citizens undertake to carry them to any of those parties, they will be abandoned to the penalties which the laws of war authorise.
You will be particularly careful to observe, and to notify as directed in other instances, the case of any citizen of the United States, who shall be found in the service of either of the parties at war.
In case any vessel shall be found in the act of contravening any of the rules or principles which are the ground of this instruction, she is to be refused a clearance until she shall have complied with what the governor shall have decided in reference to her. Care, however, is to be taken in this, not unnecessarily or unreasonably to embarrass trade or to vex
any of the parties concerned.
In order that contraventions may be the better ascertained, it is desired that the officer who shall first go on board any vessel arriving within your district shall make an accurate survey of her then condition, as to military equipment, to be forthwith reported to you, and that prior to her clearance a like survey be made, that any transgression of the rules laid down may be ascertained.
But as the propriety of any such inspection of a vessel of war in the immediate service of the government of a foreign nation is not without question in reference to the usage of nations, no attempt is to be made to inspect any such vessel till further order on the point.
The President desires me to signify to you his most particular expectation that the instruction contained in this letter will be executed with the greatest vigilance, activity, care and impartiality. Omissions will tend to expose the government to injurious imputations and suspicions, and proportionably to commit the good faith and peace of the country; objects of too much importance not to engage every proper exertion of your zeal.
With consideration, I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
RULES adopted by the President of the United States.
I. The original arming and equipping of vessels in the ports of the United States by any of the belligerent parties, for military service, offensive or defensive, is deemed unlawful.
II. Equipments of merchant vessels by either of the belligerent parties in the ports of the United States, purely for the accommodation of them, as such, is deemed lawful.
III. Equipments in the ports of the United States of vessels of war in the immediate service of the government of any of the belligerent parties, which if done to other vessels would be of a doubtful nature, as being applicable either to commerce or war, are deemed lawful; except those which shall have made prize of the subjects, people or property of France, coming with their prizes into the ports of the United States, pursuant to the seventeenth article of our treaty of amity and commerce with France.
IV. Equipments in the ports of the United States, by any of the parties at war with France, of vessels fitted for merchandise and war whether with or without commissions, which are doubtful in their nature, as being applicable either to commerce or war, are deemed lawful; except those which shall have made prize of the subjects, people or property of France, coming with their prizes into the ports of the United States, pursuant to the seventeenth article of our treaty of amity and commerce with France.
V. Equipments of any of the vessels of France, in the ports of the United States, which are doubtful in their nature, as being applicable to commerce or war, are deemed lawful.
VI. Equipments of every kind in the ports of the United States, of privateers of the powers at war with France, are deemed unlawful.
VII. Equipments of vessels in the ports of the United States, which are of a nature solely adapted to war, are deemed unlawful; except those stranded or wrecked, as mentioned in the eighteenth article of our treaty with France, the sixteenth of our treaty with the United Netherlands, the ninth of our treaty with Prussia; and except those mentioned in the nineteenth article of our treaty with France, the seventeenth of our treaty with the United Netherlands, the eighteenth of our treaty with Prussia.
VIII. Vessels of either of the parties not armed, or armed previous to their coming into the ports of the United States which shall not have infringed any of the foregoing rules, may lawfully engage or insist therein their own subjects or citizens, not being inhabitants of the United States; except privateers of the powers at war with France, and except those vessels which shall have made prize of the subjects, people or property of France, coming with their prizes into the ports of the United States, pursuant to the seventeenth article of our treaty of amity and commerce with France.
List of Privateers referred to in the Circular Letter to the Collectors of the Customs.
Citizen Genet, Sans Culottes, Vainqueur de Belfille, Petit Democrat, Caramagnole, Fitted out at Charleston, Philadelphia, Delaware.
Foreign Intelligence.
VIENNA, May 11.
THE late Hungarian Diet have granted to his Majesty 5000 recruits, to complete the national regiments, and 3000 more being wanted, the States have given orders to raise them without delay.
The remaining troops in Hungary; both Infantry and cavalry, have also been sent off to the army of reserve in Upper Austria; and those in Transylvania are also on their march, under the command of General Heydendorff.
Last Sunday a considerable quantity of ammunition and warlike implements were dispatched from this metropolis to the frontiers, besides a sum of 4,000,000 of florins, all in silver specie, put up in chests, and carried by forty waggons.
From the lists given, it appears that there are still 4100 persons of both sexes in captivity among the Turks, by whom they were taken during the campaigns of 1788, 89, and 90. The Porte has been unable to restore them, since they have been sold as slaves to owners unknown, and perhaps at an immense distance from the Turkish capital. His majesty has assigned the fund of the suppressed order of Trinitarians to the redemption of those unfortunate people.
MARSEILLES, June 18.
M. M. Savon, two brothers, who had for a long time kept the guillotine in action in this city, have been condemned to death in their turn, by the new anti Jacobin Tribunal, and were guillotined the day before yesterday (the 16th) at four in the afternoon, amidst an immense crowd of spectators.
A considerable number of persons have been apprehended at Aix, in consequence, as is said, of the dying confessions of these brothers. Among the prisoners is a Magistrate.
The Central Committee formed at Savon, of the deputies of the different clubs of the department, has just been dissolved by an order of the department itself.
The Sections of this city have just announced the discovery of a great conspiracy, and their intention to pursue its authors. Philippe Egalite is more strictly confined than ever in the Tower of Fort St. Jean. — His Trial goes on unremittingly.
United States.
PORTLAND, (Mass.) Aug. 3.
SEA MONSTER.
Capt. Crabtree, who lately arrived at Frenchman's bay, and now in this town, gives the following extraordinary account of a sea-serpent, the authenticity of which may be depended on:—
"On the 20th of June last, being on my passage from the West Indies, in the morning, having just made Mount-Desert island, distant nearly ten leagues, I suddenly got sight of a Serpent of an enormous size, swimming on the surface of the ocean, its head elevated about six or eight feet out of water, rather prone forward. That part of the body which was out of water, I judged to be about the size of a barrel in circumference, but the head larger, having some resemblance of a horse's. According to the most accurate computation which I made in my mind, of his length, I think it could not be less than from 55 to 60 feet, and perhaps longer. That part of the body which was not elevated, but of which I had a distinct view several times, was larger than the part out of water. The body of a dark brown. I was within two hundred yards of it near an hour; during which time, as it discovered no inclination to molest us, myself and the whole crew observed it with the minutest attention; nor was its attention less fixed on us. The eye was perfectly black, sharp, and piercing. I was so near it as to observe clearly that there were no fins or external appendages to the body; but that its motion was by the wiggling of the body, like that of a serpent. During the time it was with us fe-
veral flocks of birds flew near, which it eyed very narrowly. I observed in it the greatest agility and quickness of motion."
There is no doubt but this is one of the two which have been seen in these parts. All accounts agree respecting their size and appearance. Two of them (perhaps the same) were once seen on the shore of the Cranberry islands, but immediately took to the water on being discovered. These are the first ever seen in our seas, that we have any account of, though they have been seen on the coast of Norway, more than 100 feet in length.
At a general meeting of the citizens of Portland, on the 29th day of July, Capt. Nathaniel Dearing was chosen chairman; and at an adjournment on the following day, the late Proclamation of the President of the United States, declaring their neutrality in the present European war, was taken into consideration, and thereupon,
Voted, That the actual tranquillity, peace and prosperity of the United States, are blessings of the highest order, and that the preservation of them is essential to the happiness of the present and future generations.
Voted, That the interference of any of our fellow-citizens in the present European war, would be no less criminal to the public good, than the private motives of such robbery and rapine are immoral, unfocial and detestable.
Voted, That we highly approve and will strictly observe the late proclamation of the President of the United States, declaring that their duty and interest require a friendly and impartial conduct towards all the belligerent powers.
That in addition to the regulation of our own conduct on this important occasion, we will keep an eye on that of any deluded citizens or persons, who may so far abandon their duty and the common good (as defined in the constitution, treaties and laws of the United States) as to intermeddle in the war on any pretence whatever—and will use our best endeavors that their designs may be defeated, and their offences punished according to their demerit.
Voted, That these proceedings be printed; that a copy of them be transmitted to our fellow-citizens of the town of Boston, in return for their similar communication.
By order of the Citizens of Portland. SA. WALDO, Sec'y.
PROVIDENCE, August 3.
Saturday last arrived at Newport the British ship Catharine, William James Davis, master, mounting 4 Iron Guns, and some of Wood.—She was bound from Jamaica to New-York, with freight, and a number of passengers; but falling in with a British frigate off Sandy-Hook, and learning that the French Frigate Ambuscade was at New-York, Davis thought proper to bear away for Newport. The passengers inform, that some time previous to their speaking the British frigate, they fell in with an American vessel, bound from Cape-Francois to Baltimore, having on board 150 French passengers, and that from this vessel Davis took two bags of money, said to contain between 6 and 7000 dollars, supposing it to be French property. As he was not provided with a Commission, his conduct became a subject of conversation at Newport—and fearing he should be stopped, on Wednesday night he sipt his cables, and put to sea, leaving the passengers ashore one of whom had freight on board to a large amount.
A writer in the Newport Mercury asks the following queries in relation to the foregoing nefarious transaction. "Why was not a guard put on board the ship, if the Captain could not be arrested till the examination was finished?—Or, why was his word deemed sufficient for his appearance? I address myself to the gentlemen of the law. Was he bailable in law, at the time he was suffered to appear at large? Why was the examination so lengthy, viz. from three to eight o'clock? Why,

as the warrant was then made out, was it not served upon him, either in the town where he then was, or or afterwards on board the ship? and lastly—Why was he not pursued, when it was evident a pursuit must have been successful?—These are questions, it is proper should be answered. Whoever does it, clearly and satisfactorily, shall receive my sincere thanks. Speaking truth, he shall be supported; and judging with candor, he will be applauded. That there has been some misconduct, is evident; but a public explanation only can determine, upon whom the blame ought to rest.
PUBLICOLA.
BOSTON, August 3.
From Lynn, July 29.
At a meeting of a respectable number of the citizens of the town of Lynn: convened by notification, in consequence of a circular letter from the citizens of Boston, the following resolutions were passed unanimously, viz.
Resolved, I.—That the late Proclamation of the Supreme Executive of the United States, enjoining strict Neutrality on all the citizens thereof, towards the Belligerent powers in Europe, is highly important to the interest and happiness of our country, and that we will to the utmost of our abilities, preserve it inviolate.
Resolved, II.—That we conceive the late spirited resolutions of our brethren of the metropolis, "adapted to promote the public good;" that we will give them our hearty concurrence by our utmost exertions to bring to condign punishment, every individual, who shall be guilty of a breach of Neutrality.
Voted.—That the above resolutions be printed in the Columbian Centinel.
JAMES ROBINSON, Sec'y.
NEW LONDON, August 8.
Tuesday last arrived here the Schooner Seaflower, Capt. J. Hurlbut, 16 days from Point-Petre, Guadaloupe, who relates the following occurrence, which took place at the Point on the 10th ult.—A dispute, in consequence of a game at cards, arising between some Aristocrats, who were in prison, the centinel at the door commanded them to be quiet, it being his orders to prevent any disturbance among them; but instead of judiciously complying with this reasonable demand, one of them seized the musket and forced it from the centinel, and gave him abusive language; one more moderate, however, immediately returned the gun. The centinel after being relieved informed some sailors of what had taken place, and a large number soon collected, seized two field pieces, which they placed opposite to the building where the Municipality were then sitting, a party then proceeded to the prison, which they forced, and cut of the heads of seven planters and a physician, sparing only the one who had returned the gun. During this time the generale was beat, and the soldiers were immediately paraded; but on being ordered to march no one obeyed, fearing to attack the sailors who were in great force, a number of armed vessels being at that time in the harbor.—Happily no further violence was committed.
NEW YORK, August 12.
The following Speech was delivered by General GALBAUD, to the crew of the JUPITER, on Saturday, the 10th of August, 1793.
Friends and Brothers,
The man that is capable of betraying his country is unworthy to assist at the feast of liberty and equality. Citizens, if you suspect me of so heinous a crime, you should be the first to prevent the presence of a traitor disgracing this august feast. Your silence convinces me that you render me the justice that I deserve of you, you know that the issue of an event should not criminate a man, but only the intentions by which he was guided: you know that on the unfortunate 20th and 21st June, the love of the country alone dictated my actions, as I only wished to de-
liver St. Domingo from the power of two men, whose crimes are beyond comparison, you know that I yielded to your own heartfelt indignation, which would not permit you to bear any longer the triumphs of the enemies of liberty and equality.
Exulting in an approving conscience, which will always rise superior to the judgment of men; viewing around me brethren, friends who will not be enraged at my offering them the language of truth, who will never debase themselves so much as to flatter triumphant vice: It is, I say, in beholding the true friends of liberty that I forget the persecutions I now suffer under, and it is in partaking of the general joy, that I now pronounce the oath which is deeply engraven on my republican heart.
I swear, that I will be faithful to the republic, that I will maintain liberty and equality, and if ever the republic again employs me, that I will die rather than abandon my post.
GALBAUD.
AUGUST 13.
Messrs. PRINTERS,
Certain late publications render it proper for us to authorise you to inform the Public, that a report having reached this city from Philadelphia, that Mr. Genet, the French Minister, said he would appeal to the people from certain decisions of the President; we were asked, on our return from that place, whether he had made such a declaration, we answered, THAT HE HAD, and we also mentioned it to others, authorising them to say that we had so informed them.
JOHN JAY, RUFUS KING.
BALTIMORE, August 9.
We have just learnt, that the inhabitants of Cambridge on the Eastern shore, have forwarded to the committee of correspondence a very liberal subscription through the hands of Mr. Murray, representative to Congress, towards the relief of the sufferers from Cape-Francois; and what adds greatly to the value of the donation, is the manner in which it was conveyed:—"We would have been better pleased, (they observe through Mr. Murray) were the sum larger which we send—accept it, small as it is, as some testimony from the citizens in and about Cambridge of their sympathy and good wishes in a business so truly distressful to the French, and so very oppressive to our fellow-citizens of Baltimore." Such sympathy for distress, while it does honor to the human character, reflects lustre on the state of Maryland
Philadelphia, Aug. 14.
By the brig Molly, Capt. Morris, arrived here from Madeira, which she left the 8th of July, we learn, that on the 3d of that month a frigate arrived at Madeira in nine days from Falmouth, which brought English newspapers to about the 24th of June. These papers contained an account of a very bloody battle having been fought, near Lisle between the combined armies and the French forces, which terminated to the advantage of the French; and it is added that 17,000 men fell in the combat.
Capt. Morris says that this account was believed at Madeira, and that he had conversed with several persons who had seen the papers containing the above intelligence.
We have seen a letter from Madeira of the 4th July, from Mr. Pintard, our Consul there, which says that there was nothing new in that place.
The English Brig Nancy, Capt. Barry, from Jamaica to this port, was captured on Monday last by the Democrat and Caramagnole and sent into New-York; the British sloop Hope, Richardson, from Antigua, prize to the citizen Genet, and a small Spanish sloop from New-Orleans, prize to the Democrat, are arrived here.
There is an account in town of the arrival of a Spanish Squadron at Monte Christi, from Europe.
The French Islands in the West-Indies continue to exhibit scenes of murders, burnings and assassinations. At Aux-Cayes affairs are almost as bad as at the Cape; some reports say they are equally as bad at Martinique; and from Guadaloupe the details are shocking.
By late accounts from the Westward it appears, that some preliminary interviews with part of the Indians and our Commissioners have taken place, which terminated favorably and amicably—and on the 10th July the Commissioners proceeded on their voyage to Sandusky, where the Council is to be held.
A vessel was fitting out at Newbern N.C. suspected as a privateer—but on a motion made by direction of the Governor to prevent her departure—She was immediately stripped of her warlike apparatus. This settles privateering business in that quarter.
Extract of a letter from New-York, dated August 14, 1793.
By a vessel arrived here yesterday from Bordeaux, accounts are received as late as the 22d of June;—44 factions had revolted, were united and had actually declared themselves for a limited monarchy—40 Members of the Convention (Brissots party) were in prison; at Mar-seilles they were passing their own decrees, annulling all those of the Convention. The Spaniards were in great force near Bayonne; Mr. _____, a gentleman recommended to me by _____, his uncle, arrived in this vessel, who brings the above accounts. Galtou was at the head of a numerous army."
A vessel arrived at Boston last week, spoke a ship from Nantes, bound to Philadelphia, with a deck load of passengers.
The idea of the citizens of the United States being directly or indirectly concerned in privateering, appears to be scouted from New-Hampshire to Georgia.
The French frigate la Concorde is arrived at Boston.
Seventeen hundred pounds sterling had been collected in Charleston, S. C. for the relief of the French emigrants, at the date of our last accounts.
At a meeting of the merchants of the city of Philadelphia, John Nixon, Esq. in the chair, a number of resolutions being offered to the meeting, were read and adopted, as follows:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to collect information respecting the capture or detention of vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States by the cruisers of the nations at war, and to lay the same before the President of the United States, with such representations as they may think necessary.
Resolved, that they be further authorised to propose from time to time (to a meeting of the merchants, to be called for the purpose) such measures as they shall agree upon for the preservation or improvement of the commerce of the state.
Resolved, That to enable our said committee to carry into effect these necessary measures, we and each of us do promise to communicate from time to time such information respecting the matter to them committed, as shall come to our knowledge.
Resolved, That the powers and authorities of this committee continue to the 31st December next, and that the merchants be then convened for the purposes of choosing the same or any other committee, if they shall think proper.
Resolved, That the committee consist of thirteen persons, who shall be reimbursed any expence that they may be at in the prosecution of the foregoing business.
The following gentlemen were accordingly appointed, viz.
John Nixon, Thomas Fitzsimons, John Wilcocks, John Swanwick, John M. Nesbitt, James Crawford, Joseph Ball, Francis Gurney, James Vanuxem, Magnus Miller, Robert Waln, Walter Stewart, Robert Ralston.
Published by order of the Meeting, R. RALSTON, Secretary.
The citizens of Burlington, New-Jersey, have passed several spirited resolutions respecting the proclamation, approving the same—and reprobating in strong terms "any interference in the internal administration of our government by any foreign power or minister, as an infringement of the sovereignty of the people, tending to destroy public confidence, leading to anarchy, and meriting the severest reprehension of all independent Americans."
EXTRACT—From the Columbian Centinel.
If the enlightened friend of humanity would exhibit, to mankind, a system exemplifying the serene majesty of republicanism, he need not recall, from the grave, the age, when Athens shook beneath the fulminating action of Demosthenes, or when Rome hung on the mellifluent tongue of Tully. For the purpose of ascertaining the art of republicanism, instead of conjuring up the dead, let him consult the living!—Let him observe, that POLITICAL STRUCTURE in the WESTERN SPRING OF DAY, and point the world to its unrivalled order, and arrangement! While the LUMINOUS EDIFICE commands the admiring eye of Philosophy, and presents a model of the grand proportions that become the RESPLENDENT TEMPLE OF UNIVERSAL LIBERTY.
[From the original copy.]
To NICHOLAS CRUGER, Esquire, Chairman of a meeting of the Citizens of New-York, S I R,
YOUR letter conveying to me the resolutions of the citizens of New-York, at their late meeting affords me much satisfaction.
The approving voice of my fellow-citizens can never be heard by me with indifference. That of the inhabitants of your respectable metropolis must always give particular pleasure. An unanimity so perfect as appears to have prevailed among them upon an occasion so interesting to our national peace and happiness, furnishes an example of good sense, moderation and patriotic virtue, which cannot cease to be remembered to their honor.—Discerning in it a sure pledge of their firm and persevering support; I request you to make known to them the high sense I entertain of the dispositions they have manifested, and the complete reliance I place upon those dispositions.
I cannot omit the opportunity of publicly uniting with them in acknowledging the prompt and decided co-operation of the Governor of New-York, towards the support of the neutrality of our Country. The disposition hitherto shown by the Chief Magistrates of the several States in relation to this point, is a pleasing evidence of a spirit of concert for the general good, happily calculated to harmonize and invigorate all the parts of our political system.
Go. WASHINGTON.
The inhabitants of the ancient town of Plymouth, in Massachusetts, have expressed their opinion of the Proclamation in terms of the fullest approbation.
The Georgia Gazette of the 25th ult. says, that the late tarring and feathering business in Savannah is considered by the inhabitants of that city, as it really was, a most disgraceful transaction to the persons concerned—the perpetrators have been discovered and bound over to answer to the indictments that shall be found against them. The story of a Mr. Putnam's being threatened, is flatly contradicted by that gentleman.
The laws of every free republic afford a remedy for every injury public or private; and it indicates a want of true republican magnanimity of spirit to wreak the popular displeasure on an hapless individual, for any supposed misdemeanor. Let us ever remember, that where law ends, tyranny begins.
COMMUNICATIONS.
A correspondent observes that, it is probable, the way will not be thought clear for our citizens to enter on board French cruisers or privateers, notwithstanding the acquittal of Benfield, by the late "virtuous and independent jury"—That the people are in favor of peace and neutrality—that they are opposed to the deceitful and diabolical business of one description of citizens arming, to rob and plunder another, is not so aristocratical, monstrous, abominable and absurd, as some superlative sticklers, for anarchy have said.
One hundred millions sterling; one hundred thousand men; ships, stores, &c. &c. without number or calculation—were sacrificed and expended by Great-Britain in her attempt to subjugate the free citizens of this country.—She is now involved in the war against France, which, whether successful or not, must be attended with an immense expence, and an encrease of her public burthens. But if successful, we are told, with all the assumed gravity of conviction, that, in conjunction with the other powers of Europe, she will turn her arms against the United States—That is—Great-Britain will plunge herself into an irretrievable abyss, to obtain, what she already enjoys almost without a rival—The benefits resulting from a commercial connection with this country!—But we are told the present war in Europe, is a war against principles—Will a conquest over principles, feed the many millions of her manufacturers and artisans—will it freight her ships—or waste her productions to every quarter of the globe?
It appears that certain persons, in some of their late calculations have "reckoned without their host."—There is an inveterate propensity in the people of the United States, to see, think, and act for themselves—to be governed by the dictates of sober reason, and calm reflection—to trust to the evidence of their own senses, and to express the honest unadulterated feelings of their own hearts. The revilers of public men and public measures, appear to have been unapprized that these consequences are naturally to be expected as the result of their iniquitous attempts to lout, disturb and mislead the public judgment. It is not easy to account for their bold and impudent attempts to impose their falsehoods on the people on any other supposition.
Among the numerous artifices practised by the enemies of the American revolution during the late war, that of publishing fabricated letters was one,—and it is but justice to acknowledge that their essays in this line were much superior to their imitators of the present day. They discovered some degree of ingenuity in their specimens of political craft—there was frequently an air of plausibility in their extracts which had an imposing effect for a time on the reader.—But the pitiful attempts of modern counterfeiters are so flimsy that there is no necessity to remove the cobweb covering to detect the chear.—The National Gazette is frequently supplied with these pretty samples of antediluvian candor—these honest effusions of domestic manufacture, which are palmed on the public as the spontaneous sentiments of persons at a distance. Fortunately the remarks are so outré , and the reflections so grofs that it is impossible they should not defeat the design of the writer, as no one can believe that any person in their senses would deliberately set down and write such absurdities.
The proceedings of the Citizens of Burlington and other places, in relation to the President's Proclamation, are unavoidably postponed till our next. 'NESTOR,' in our next.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED AT THE PORT OF PHILADELPHIA. Brig Molly, Morris, Madeira Theodosia, Vanlife, Cape-Francois Schr. Speedwell, Dennington, Virginia Hornet, Justice, do. Polly, Cottingham, Indian River Sally & Polly, Gribins, Savannah Harmless, Stoder, Penobscot Sloop William, Scott, Virginia Sally, Smith, Charleston
Price of Stocks as in our last.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED. By THOMAS DOESON, At the Stone House, No. 41, South Second-Street,
Medical Transactions
OF THE College of Physicians Of Philadelphia:
VOLUME I. PART I. Price in boards One Dollar. Also lately published by T. Dobson, DR. UNDERWOOD'S TREATISE
On the diseases of Children, with general directions for the management of infants from the birth, adapted both for the use of Medical Practitioners and private Families. TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. Price one dollar neatly bound.

From the FARMERS CHRONICLE.
A FRAGMENT.
"IT is contentment, not riches," said he "that makes a person happy. Poor and content, said the Poet, is rich enough." Ah! said I, the Poet might say so, or at least a person who bore the name of a Poet might—but that he was really a Poet, I deny. Poverty has always been an unwelcome attendant on good Poets, and it plainly appears from the above quotation from your would be Poet, that he never experienced poverty; if he had, he must have known that it is impossible for a man to be contented, when he is cold and hungry, or when he has a beloved wife and children in a starving condition, and nothing wherewith to fill their bellies.—At that instant a rap, rap, rap at the door—Come in, said I.—Good morning, said my neighbour S——, in a tone of voice so very low and dirge-like, that I tho' nothing less than his wife or eldest son was dead.—Good morning, said I.—"Would you go over and help me skin my cow," said he, in the same key that he had bid me good morning.—Your cow! said I, is your cow dead! Yes, sir, said he, she got in the mire last night and is dead!—I will go and help you, said I,—he turned his back and went out.—Alas, poor Yorick! said I, not that the death of this poor beast bore any similitude to that of Yorick, but that sentence is so impressed on my mind, that when I see any person in distress I immediately exclaim, alas, poor Yorick!—I will alter the sentence in the present case—Alas! poor beast!—If I had not forsaken my muse I would write thy epitaph—thou art gone—and whither no mortal can tell; but the poor babes, who expected support from thy teats, are still left to mourn thy untimely fate.—It is for these poor babes I lament—Their father has not another cow.—Where will he get milk to feed them? Can this man feel contented!—Ah! Poverty, "thou art a bitter draught," this I know by experience, for I have tasted thy very dregs.—Ye sons of affluence, remember the poor—consider that it is very probable that your children will feel the pangs of poverty, if you should escape—consider this, and lend the poor the comforts of life, that the Great Giver of all good things, may lend them to your children. A. Z.
NEW-HAVEN, July 31.
ON the 23d instant died at his house in this city, the honorable ROGER SHERMAN, Esq. Senator of the United States.—He was taken ill about the middle of May last, and from that time declined till his death. His physician supposed his disorder to be seated in his liver.—He was born at Newtown in Massachusetts, April 19. 1721. As he was not favored with an education answerable to his genius, his improvements and the honors to which he attained, were wholly from his own abilities. His father died when he was but nineteen, and in the care of his mother and of a large family of brothers and sisters, he exhibited unusual filial piety and fraternal affection. He came to this then colony of Connecticut when he was of the age of twenty-two, and at the age of twenty-four was appointed surveyor of lands for the county in which he lived. From that time he was constantly employed in public business, and sustained the various offices of a Justice of the Peace, a Representative in the General Assembly, a Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, an Assistant, a Judge of the Superior Court of the State, Mayor of the City, a Representative of the State in Congress, and a Senator of the United States. He was a member of the first Congress in 1774, was present and signed the glorious act of Independence in 1776, and invariably continued a member of Congress from its first existence till his death, whenever the law requiring a rotation in the representation admitted it.
It is worthy of remark, that tho' he sustained so many offices in the civil government both of the State and of the United States, to all which he was promoted by the free suffrages of his fellow citizens, and in most of which he could not, without a new election, continue longer than a year, and in the rest not longer than two, three or four years; and although for all those offices there were, as there always are in popular governments, many competitors at every election, yet Mr. SHERMAN was never removed from any one of them, but by promotion or by act of legislature requiring a rotation, or rendering the offices incompatible with each other. Nor with the restriction just mentioned, did he ever lose his election to any office to which he had once been elected, excepting his election as a representative of the town in the General Assembly; which office we all know is almost constantly shifting. This shows, to how great a degree, and how invariably he possessed the confidence of his fellow-citizens. They found by long experience, that both his abilities and his integrity merited their confidence.
To have been constantly employed in the public service for forty-eight years—to have sustained so many and so important public offices, and to have sustained them all with honor and reputation; to have maintained an amiable character in every private relation; to have been from early youth an ornament to Christianity, and to have died in a good old age, in the full possession of all his honors, and of his powers both of body and mind, is a rare attainment, and as to him at least, an happy junction of circumstances.
This day is published, by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia, No. XIII. of
Guthrie's Geography, IMPROVED, Embellished with a MAP of ASIA.
THIS valuable work will contain (exclusive of the maps in the London edition of 1790) maps of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, R. Island, Vermont, N. York, N. Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, N. Carolina, S. Carolina, and Georgia.
No. 1. contains a map of the seat of war in Europe; No. 2. a map of Hungary and European Turkey; No. 3. a map of the countries round the North Pole; No. 4. a whole sheet map of the world; No. 5. a plan of the armillary sphere; No. 6. a map of South-America; No. 7. a map of Switzerland; No. 8. a chart of the world; and No. 9. a map of Africa.
Such of the citizens of Philadelphia, as have not had an opportunity of examining this work, are requested to send for the numbers already published, in order to satisfy themselves how far it deserves their patronage. If, on inspection, they should not approve of it, their money will be freely returned.
Besides the great improvements in the American Geography, the accounts of France will be extracted from the French Geography, published since the revolution; the map of France will be engraved agreeably to the division into departments: the history of Russia, which, in the London edition, is carried no farther than 1775, is continued to the late execrable invasion of Poland by Catherine: the account of Sweden has been compiled anew, and numberless other improvements will be made in this edition.
Subscriptions are received by the booksellers in Boston, New-York, Baltimore, Wilmington, Richmond, Charleston, &c. &c. August 10.
War Department, August 1st, 1793.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March last, and which will become due on the 5th of September next, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans, within the States respectively under the usual regulations.
By Command of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. H. KNOX, Secretary at War. N. B. The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers for the space of two months.
Stock Brokers Office, No. 16, Wall-Street, New-York.
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE & SALE of STOCKS on COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to. LEONARD BLEECKER.
Treasury Department, August 10, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 14th day of September next inclusively, to furnish by contract the following articles of Cloathing, for the use of the United States, viz.
4,800 Hats, 5,123 Stocks, 5,123 Stock-Clasps, 23,480 Shirts, 5,123 Vests, 5,120 Coats, 9,600 Woollen Overalls, 9,600 Linen ditto, 19,200 pairs of Shoes, 9,600 pairs of Socks, 5,123 Blankets, 320 Caps, 320 pairs of Leather Breeches, 640 pairs of Boots, 320 pairs of Spurs, 640 pairs of Stockings, 1,520 Rifle Shirts.
The cloathing to be delivered at the city of Philadelphia; one fourth part of the whole number of suits on or before the 15th of February, one fourth on or before the 15th of April, and the remaining half on or before the 15th of June, 1794.
The articles must be agreeable to such patterns as shall be directed by the Secretary for the Department of War. Payment will be made as soon as the whole of the articles shall have been delivered. ept14S.
JUST PUBLISHED, By Thomas Dobson, Bookseller, at the Stone-House, in Second Street, PHILADELPHIA, VOLUME IX. OF
ENCYCLOPEDIA: OR, A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, AND MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE, On a Plan entirely new:
BY WHICH THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS are digested into the Form of Distinct, TREATISES or SYSTEMS: THIS VOLUME CONTAINS HYDROSTATICS, Hygrometer, History of Japan, Ireland, Jerusalem, Jews, India, Insects, Insurance, Ireland, Italy, Kamtschatka, Knighthood, Language, Law, Legerdemain, with a great variety of Biographical and Miscellaneous Articles.—Illustrated with thirty-one elegant Copperplates.
CONDITIONS. I. The work is printing on a superfine paper, and new types, (cast for the purpose) which will be occasionally renewed before they contract a worn appearance.
II. The work is furnished in boards, in volumes or half-volumes, as subscribers chuse; the price of the whole volumes, five dollars each, of the half-volumes two dollars and two-thirds of a dollar each. Ten dollars to be paid on subscribing, the volumes or half-volumes finished to be paid for when delivered, the price of one volume to be paid in advance, and the price of each succeeding volume to be paid on delivering the volume preceding it. No part of the work will be delivered unless paid for.
III. In the course of the publication will be delivered about five hundred copperplates elegantly engraved in Philadelphia: which by far exceed in number those given in any other scientific dictionary. At the close of the publication will be delivered an elegant frontispiece, the dedication, preface, and proper title pages for the different volumes. It is expected the work will be comprised in about eighteen volumes in quarto.
The subscription will continue open on the above terms till the first day of September next, to give opportunity to those who are not yet subscribers, to come forward.
Those who have subscribed, and got only a small part of the work, are requested to complete their sets, as far as published, as soon as possible, as after the first of next September, by which time the tenth volume is expected to be ready, the publisher will not consider himself bound to make up those sets which are not completed up to that period.
Philadelphia, June 19, 1793.
To the Public.
THE Editor of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Prices Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State:—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTISING favors will be gratefully received.
TERMS.
To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next.
The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence.
In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant,
JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of subscription papers, and by the Editor, at his house, No. 34, North Fifth-Street. Philadelphia, July, 1793.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 15, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusively, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Carlisle, in the state of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-town & Carlisle. 2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek. 3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls. 4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning. 5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cuyahoga, and at the said Head Navigation. 6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga, and at the said mouth. 7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and up the said river to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cuyahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth. 8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto. 9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids. 10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town. 11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton. At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair. 12. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson. 13. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action. 14. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages. 15. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth. 16. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake. 17. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cuyahoga. 18. At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle. 19. At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadagque Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadagque Lake, and thence down the Alleghany river to Fort Franklin. 20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf. 21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh. 22. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio. 23. At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river. 24. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox. 25. At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Ouittanon, and at Ouittanon. 26. At any place or places from Ouittanon, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River. 27. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Village. 28. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee to Occochoappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively. 29. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville. 30. And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof. Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, One quart of salt, Mwo quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, } per 100 rations. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depositions of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the article for which compensation is claimed. The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years. The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.