Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-10-24 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LVI.]
S A T U R D A Y, OCTOBER 24, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LVI.
"The more untaught and inconsiderate men are, the more entirely they are swayed by the passion that is uppermost."
THOSE who assert, that human nature is the same in all ages and situations, do not speak with precision. The observation is partly true; but it is not wholly so. Men act, equally in all stages of society, under the impulse of such motives as have the strongest influence. Civilization does not destroy the passions, nor prevent the mind from being warped by prejudices. In different situations, however, different passions take the lead; and men of education and reflection learn to make one passion subservient to another in such a degree, that that, which from present circumstances might be supposed uppermost, is not the predominating one. This is the effect of acting by system, and controlling the mental operations by habits of order and self-denial. Some men, though they are constantly exposed to opposition, and meet with a thousand rubs and difficulties, seldom exhibit any marks of resentment or disquietude. The passion of anger resides in such a breast, as much as it does in one, that appears more turbulent and untractable. But a sensible man knows that unless he governs his spirit, he will defeat his own views; and this makes him conquer his anger, by subjecting it to the stronger sway of avarice or ambition. Thus it appears that human nature may be so managed, that it cannot, judging from appearances and effects, be called precisely the same in all situations.
Persons, who have lived long under the restraint of good laws, and have been blessed with the refined regulations of civilized life, are changed into a different kind of beings, from those who have been educated under rude or careless institutions. The force of the passions is not only restrained, but their bent and direction becomes very different. A well-bred man will not quarrel with his family or neighbors. He overlooks those little mistakes and incidents which throw a clown into petulance and anger. The objects which employ the mind of an ambitious citizen are calculated to soften and humanize the temper, and silence the impetuosity of passion, which rages with such violence in low scenes of life.
No conjecture can be formed how humane and amiable men may be rendered by more perfect institutions and laws. Were a person only acquainted with the conduct of people in obscure villages, he would not conceive it possible, how great a difference of deportment prevailed in cultivated society. May we not extend the idea, and anticipate improvements in the art of happy living as far superior to any that have yet been experienced, as the best specimens now known are to the worst? To live quietly and happily is a science which can be learned by study and attention. The best natural disposition, and the greatest sincerity of heart, which man ever possessed, will not secure his friends against his unfocial passions, unless by art and education he has been taught to curb them. I will close this speculation by an extract from an author who understood well the texture of the human mind. His remarks are sprightly and sensible.
"Persons that are well-educated have learned to study their ease and the comforts of life; to tie themselves up to certain rules and decorums for their own advantage, and often submit to small inconveniencies to avoid greater. Among the lowest vulgar, and those of the meanest education at all, you seldom see a lasting harmony; you shall see a man and his wife, that have a real affection for one another, be full of love one hour and disagree the next about a trifle; and the lives of many are made miserable, from no other fault in themselves than the want of manners and discretion. Without design, they will often talk imprudently, till they raise one another's anger, which neither of them being able to stifle—the scolds at him—he beats her—she bursts into tears—this moves him—he is sorry—both repent, and are friends again—and with all the sincerity imaginable resolve never to quarrel for the future, as long as they live: All this will pass between them in less than half a day, and will perhaps be repeated once a month or oftener, as provocations offer, or either of them is more or less prone to anger. Affection never remained long uninterrupted between two persons without art; and the best friends, if they are always together, will fall out, unless great discretion be used on both sides."
ANECDOLE.
IT was a saying of the late King of Prussia, that "Life was but a dream, and that the best dream, a man could have, would be, that he was King of France;"—were he, however, alive now, he would hold a different language.
LETTERS, Written in Holland, in the Year M,DCC,LXXX, By His Excellency THE VICE-PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. LETTER IV.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 6, 1780.
SIR,
YOUR fourth question is, "Whether America, in and of itself, by means of purchasing or exchanging the productions of several Provinces, would be able to continue the war for six, eight, or ten years, even if they were deprived of the trade with Europe; or their allies, exhausted by the war, and forced to make a separate peace, were to leave them?"
This is an extreme case—And where is the necessity of putting such a supposition? Is there the least appearance of France or Spain being exhausted by the war? Are not their resources much greater than those of England, separated as she is from America? Why should a suspicion be entertained that France or Spain will make a separate peace? Are not these powers sufficiently interested in separating America from England? All the world knows, that their maritime power, and the possession of their colonies, depend upon separating them. Such chimeras as these are artfully propagated by the English, to terrify stock-jobbers; but thinking men, and well informed men, know that France and Spain have the most pressing motives to persevere in the war. Besides, infractions so infamous, of solemn treaties made and avowed to all mankind, are not committed by any nation. In short, no man, who knows anything of the real wealth and power of England on one hand, and of the power and resources of France, Spain and America, on the other, can believe it possible, in the ordinary course of human events, and without the interposition of miracles, that France and Spain should be so exhausted by the war, as to be forced to make a separate peace.
The other supposition here made is equally extreme. It is in the nature of things impossible that America should ever be deprived entirely of the trade of Europe. In opposition to one extreme I have a right to advance another. And I say, that if all the maritime powers of Europe were to unite their navies, to block up the American ports, and prevent the trade of Europe, they could not wholly prevent it. All the men of war in Europe would not be sufficient to block up a sea-coast of two thousand miles in extent, varied, as that of America is, by such an innumerable multitude of ports, bays, harbors, rivers, creeks, inlets, and islands; with a coast so tempestuous, that there are many occasions, in the course of the year, when merchant vessels can push out and in, although men of war cannot cruise. It should be remembered, that this war was maintained by America for three years, before France took any part in it: during all that time the English had fifty men of war upon that coast, which is a greater number than they ever will have again: yet all their vigilance was not sufficient to prevent American trade with Europe. At the worst time we ever saw, one vessel in three went and came safe. At present there is not one in four taken. It should also be remembered, that the French navy have never, until this year, been many days together upon the American coast. So that we have in a sense maintained the trade of the continent five years, against all that the English navy could do, and it has been growing every year.
Why then should we put cases, that we know can never happen? However, I can inform you, that the case was often put before this war broke out—and I have heard the common farmers in America reasoning upon these cases seven years ago. I have heard them say, If Great Britain could build a wall of brass, a thousand feet high, all along the sea-coast, at low-water mark, we could live and be happy. America is most undoubtedly capable of being the most independent country upon earth. It produces everything for the necessity, comfort, and conveniency of life—and many of the luxuries too. So that if there were an eternal separation between Europe and America, the inhabitants of America would not only live but multiply, and, for what I know, be wiser, better, and happier, than they will be, as it is.
That it would be unpleasant and burthensome to America to continue the war for eight or ten years, is certain: But will it not be unpleasant and burthensome to Great Britain too?—There are between three and four millions of people in America. The kingdom of Sweden, that of Denmark, and even the republic of the United Provinces, have not each of them many more than that number—yet these States can maintain large standing armies even in time of peace, and maintain the expences of courts and governments, much more costly than the governments of Ame-
rica. What then should hinder America from maintaining an army sufficient to defend her allies, and her fire-sides? The Americans are as active, as industrious, and as capable as other men.
America could undoubtedly maintain a regular army of twenty thousand men for ever. And a regular army of twenty thousand men would be sufficient to keep all the land forces, that Great-Britain can send there, confined to the sea-port towns, under cover of the guns of their men of war. Whenever the British army shall attempt to penetrate far into the country, the regular American army will be joined by such reinforcements from the militia, as will ruin the British force. By desertions, by fatigue, by sickness, and by the sword, in occasional skirmishes, their numbers will be wasted, and the miserable remains of them Burgoyne.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. CALKOEN.
FURTHER EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
Received by the SANDWICH PACKET.
L O N D O N, AUGUST 27.
M. CALONNE, M. NECKAR.
M. NECKAR's publication, on the object of the first controversy between him and Mons. CALONNE, was read with avidity and approbation all over Europe.
Mr. Calonne promised a confutation—but instead of producing it he came forward with apologetic reasons for postponing it till the meeting of the States General—from these reasons we have translated a few extracts, which will serve to illustrate the character of M. Calonne.
He begins thus:
"The reply, (of M. Neckar) so long expected, so eagerly wished for, at length appears. It appears in the minute when the author is called upon to save the State."
Here M. Calonne breathes the spirit of a prophet: M. Neckar has saved the State.
"From the dreadful crisis in which this reply appears, it acquires the force of sacred rights in directing the interest of the public."
The politics of M. Neckar deserve this character, they have infused the genuine spirit of civil liberty among the people, and the sacred rights of man are now establishing, and taking root in the soil of France.
This reply:
"It appears at a moment when the eye of the nation is fixed upon the author—when patriotic vows are offered up to heaven, imploring success to his measures, and the means conspire to ensure it."
Never did the eye of a Nation take a more proper or wise direction. The object was pointed out by the finger of Providence, and the prayers offered up to heaven were heard and granted.
"This reply appears at a time when those sentiments, which I shall retain to my latest breath, prevents me from acting in any manner prejudicial to the necessary confidence which ought to be placed in the author."
M. Calonne, when he wrote this, well knew that M. Neckar possessed the full confidence of the people; and his sentiments, when they became known, so far from prejudicing the cause, spurred on the people to a consummation of their freedom.
"Such essential confidence did exist, but was defeated by unskilfulness, which the public must condemn, and of course, the author will take advantage of every assistance that a skilful hand can draw from the experience of blunders."
The advantage drawn by M. Neckar from the blunders of the French Administration, have wiped away the oppressions that aggrieved the people. When dismissed, the people recalled him—when recalled, he accomplished their liberty! The strongest proof of essential and reciprocal confidence.
"To what evils must France feel herself exposed, should I attempt to frustrate that, which in consequence of her present circumstance, is her only means of support. Should I attempt to depreciate a measure to which the nation looks with ardent hope."
This is vanity issuing from weakness. M. Calonne here appears totally ignorant of the great and extensive plan which M. Neckar had in view for the emancipation of the French nation. A plan which the narrow views and mechanical calculations of M. Calonne can never frustrate—the erecting a Temple to Liberty on the ruins of a despotic government.
"My honor will not relinquish those truths I have supported, when a future day shall dissipate those clouds which threaten to overshadow it. The reproaches of the public are terrific, but an apprehension of their effect shall not induce me to

place my personal good in competition with the interests of the State."
M. Calonne's ideas of the interest of a State are curious. The State must be supported, as if the people were made for the State, and not the State, for the people. But the true interests of the State of France are now establishing upon this great and unerring principle, derived from heaven and inherent to nature—
SALUS POPULI, SUPREMA LEX!
There is in the National Assembly a Committee which is named le Douze (the Twelve) whose office it is to report to the National Assembly their researches and information respecting every circumstance which may interest or effect their newborn liberty. A member of this Committee presented on this day (Saturday) their first report, which was respecting a Pamphlet published at Paris and Versailles. It is entitled Memoires sur la Basile , and contains a detail which outrages every feeling of humanity!
Mr. Clarkson is gone to renew the bonds which unite the societies of London and Paris, to engage the latter to accelerate the examination of the common cause, and offer, in the name of the former, every possible aid by money or otherwise.
As an auctioneer was lately selling some china and other articles in an old house in Plymouth, just as he was knocking down the busts of Milton, and was solicitous to have them bought, saying, "I will not stand upon it—'Tis a pretty article, Gemmen—Agoing agoing, agoing"—Just as he pronounced—Gone—the beams gave way, the house fell in; and Shakespeare, Milton, the China, the Auctioneer, and a large company tumbled into the abyss of a beer cellar. Much scrambling ensued, not a little fainting, and pulling of caps; but, after a great deal of trouble and fatigue, the whole company got up again, with only a few broken noses and scratches, except poor Shakespeare and Milton, who both lost their heads in the affray.
The laws said to be promulgated by the States of France, are worthy the remarks of this government, as they point out many errors in our own laws that ought to be corrected.
Among the religious whimsicalities of the day, none are more ludicrous, than the National Assembly of France obliging the Fathers to have Te Deum sung in all the churches, for the abolition of Tithes.
This day the Jewish ceremony of marriage will be solemnized in the synagogue in Duke's Place, between a wealthy Portuguese Jew merchant, and a young Jewess, who is also very rich.
A magnificent entertainment will afterwards be given in Whitechapel, by the new married couple; upwards of two hundred persons are invited. It appears that the charges of these entertainments, which are very costly, are constantly defrayed by the Bridegroom; but the presents to the Bride, made in the evening by the guests, more than equal the expences of the day.
By a Jewish merchant arrived here from Constantinople we learn that Sultan Selim has put himself at the head of a numerous army, who, proud of their commander, and animated by a religious and patriotic fervor, unknown for many years to the Mussulmen armies, are preparing to pour on the Russians with a fury which they will not easily resist. Before the Sultan took the command of the troops, he convened the Divan (privy council) and addressed them to this effect:—"My fathers," (said he) have been accustomed to deposit in the Hafsney (a treasure under ground) whatever sums remain after defraying the yearly expences of the State. This immense treasure accumulating for many prosperous centuries, and hitherto untouched, was not certainly intended by our wise ancestors to remain buried under ground, but was rather hoarded up as a great and effectual resource against the day of adversity—against dangers such as those which now threaten the religion and the empire of the Mussulmen."
The Divan assented to their young Sultan. The Hafsney, for the first time, was exposed to the sun, and presented a mountain of gold, which dazzled the eye, and defied the powers of calculation; after this, attended by the Mufti, the Cadi, the great officers of State, by whatever, in short, is august or venerable in the Ottoman Empire, the royal warrior went forth, and produced in public the Keijuk Kerit, or great standard of the Mussulman religion. Inflamed with sudden enthusiasm at the sight of the standard, the citizens flocked round their Sultan, and swore to defend to the last drop of their blood the religion of God, and of his prophet. Selim distributed with a liberal hand the treasures of his forefathers; exhorted the soldiers and citizens to remember the valor and the victories of their ancestors; and assured them, that he was determined no longer to trust to his Viziers the command of his armies, but to put himself at the head of his troops, and to pour upon the infidels that terror and consternation which never failed to attend the Ottoman arms, when conducted by his forefathers.
That law which leaves the least arbitrary power of the judge is the most perfect law.
A Lord Chancellor presiding in a court of equity, is certainly imperfect, because there is an ar-
bitrary power in an individual, though there is an appeal to the House of Lords, but which few can avail themselves of, on account of the expences; and if an appeal should take place, the Chancellor presiding in that Court must have a personal interest in supporting his own decision. Why a jury should not decide in equity as well as law, must arise from a stretch of absolute power, supposing an appeal being to the King in the person of his Chancellor, though the laws point out the ultimate appeal, which very seldom happens to the House of Peers.—In its form it is law, but in its practice tyranny, being left to the erroneous judgment or whimsical humour often of an obstinate individual.
EXTRACT FROM SYMPATHY.
A POEM. By Mr. PRATT.
ONCE, and not far from where those seats are seen, Just where yon white huts peep the cople between, A damsel languish'd, all her kin were gone, For God who lent, refum'd them one by one; Disease and penury, in cruel strife, Had ravish'd all the decent means of life, E'en the mark'd crown, her lover's gift, she gave, In filial duty for a father's grave, That to the honor'd clay which caus'd her birth, Might slumber peaceful in the sacred earth, Chim'd to its grass-green home with pious peal, While hallow'd dirges by the last farewell; At length these piercing woes her sense invade, And lone and long the hapless wanderer stray'd, O'er the bleak heath, around th' unmeasur'd wood, Up the huge precipice, or near the flood; She mounts the rock at midnight's awful hour, Enjoys the gloom, and idly mocks the flower; Now scores her fate, then patient bends the knee, And courts each pitying star to set her free, Then starting wilder, thinks those stars her foes, Smites her sad breast, and laughs amidst her woes; Oft would she chase the bee, or braid the grass, Or crop the hedge-flower, or disorder'd pass; Elf, reflexes loiter in the pathless mead, Sing to the birds at roost, the lambs at feed; Or if a nest she found the brakes among, No hand of her's destroy'd the promis'd young; And when kind nature brought the balmy sleep, Too soon the woke to wander and to weep; Across her breast the tangled tresses flew, And frenzied glances all around she threw; Th' unsettled soul those frenzied glances speak, And tears of terror hurry down her cheek; Yet still that eye was bright, that cheek was fair, Tho' pale the rose, the lily blossom'd there. A wandering fwain the beauteous Maniac found, Her woes wild warbling to the rocks around; A river roll'd beside, agast she ran, Her vain fears starting at the sight of man; And, save me, God! my father's ghost! she cry'd, Then headlong plung'd into the flashing tide. The youth pursues—but wild the waters rose, And o'er their heads in circling surges close, Not Heav'n-born Sympathy itself could save; Both, both, alas! were whelm'd beneath the wave.
And lives the man, who senseless could have stood To see the victim buffet with the flood? Whose coward cheek no tinge of honor feels, Flush'd with no pride at what the Muse reveals? If such a man, if such a wretch there be, Thanks to this aching heart, it is not me.
Hail, lovely griefs, in tender mercy giv'n, And hail, ye tears, like dew-drops fresh from heav'n; Hail, balmy breath of unaffected sighs, More sweet than ails that breathe from eastern skies; Hail, sacred source of sympathies divine, Each social pulse, each social fibre thine; Hail, symbol of the God, to whom we owe The nerves that vibrate, and the hearts that glow; Love's tender tumult, Friendship's holy fires, And all which beauty, all which worth inspires, The joy that lights the hope-illumind eye, The bliss supreme that melts in Pity's sigh, Affection's bloom quick rushing to the face, The choice acknowledg'd and the warm embrace: Oh power of powers, whose magic thus can draw, Earth, air, and ocean, by one central law; Join bird to bird, to insect, insect link, From those which grovel up to those which think: Oh, ever blest! whose bounties opening wide Fill the vast globe, for mortals to divide, Thy heav'nly favors stretch from pole to pole, Encircle earth, and rivet soul to soul!
VERSAILLES, AUGUST 14.
The King filled the vacant places in the ministry on the 4th instant. His Majesty informed the National Assembly of his choice by letter, which forms one of the most precious monuments in the annals of monarchy. For the purpose of producing still greater unanimity in every department of administration, and to prevent the influence of favor or predilections, the King has ordered that henceforth all nominations to offices, employments or church benefices, magistracy, foreign affairs, war, marine, finance, and the King's household, shall be decided in open council. It was the King's intention to nominate M. Neckar chief Minister; but M. Neckar receiving that proof of his Majesty's confidence with respectful gratitude, begged that he would neither bestow upon him rank or title. This Minister having demanded of the King to be relieved of a great part of the finance department, his Majesty has re-established the office of Comptroller-General, and given it to M. Lambert, whose application and integrity are already well known. He will unite his labors with the King's, in presence of M. Neckar first minister of finances, who with the King's permission has reserved to himself the royal treasury, and the taking of his Majesty's orders for the nomination to places and employments.
The revolution at Liege, though sudden, has every appearance at present of being wholly effectual. The tranquility of the place has been since undisturbed.
"As all men are tyrants by nature, all prone to covet and grasp at the rights of others; the great law of SAFETY TO ALL, can no otherwise be assured than BY THE RESTRAINT OF EACH FROM DOING INJURY TO ANY."
WE are apt to entertain an idea that man in a savage state is wholly relieved from the forms and burthens of society: But this arises from a very cursory view of animal existence. Where life is, there society exists, from the insect of a summer's day, to the being that is formed for immortality. It is evident that had the world in its original formation, been stocked with inhabitants at once, who were destitute of the social principle, the globe would long since have been depopulated, and become a useless mass in creation.
From the imperfection of the reasoning powers of man in his uncultivated state, he is in the first instance doubtless impelled from necessity to adopt rules and orders for that subordinate species of society in which he finds himself placed, But this by no means proves that rules and orders would be unnecessary were mankind exempted from the dominion of those passions which disturb the peace and happiness of life: For order is as essential to enjoyment, as it is to the harmony, and beauty of the Creation.
It has long been a prevailing opinion that the necessity of government arises from the weakness and folly of mankind: That it is not calculated by its effects to increase the pleasures of life; but in its very nature is designed to abridge the natural privileges and to lessen the joys of existence. This sentiment has produced much mischief to society, by giving a pernicious bias to the human mind; it has weakened the powers of government, by strengthening the innate principle of opposition to all legal restraints, and if carried to excess or into extensive operation, will never fail to subvert the Constitution and the laws of the country where it prevails.
Mankind are prone to extremes. When the infamous and degrading doctrines of the divine right of Kings, of passive obedience, and non resistance, were exploded, and driven out of every free State. This discovery succeeded; that the institution of civil government is not in itself eligible, but must be submitted to as a measure of necessity. The Experience of the United States under their new Constitution, will if they are wise, refute this doctrine: For while under a wise and just administration of government, they realize higher degrees of felicity, than the society of uncultivated minds can possibly afford, though exempted from the hostile passions, they will be led to acknowledge, that so great, so rich a source of happiness, as a wise, free, and energetic government always proves to mankind, must constitute part of that system which has for its author, the GOD OF HARMONY AND ORDER.
INTELLIGENCE BY THE LAST MAIL.
BOSTON, OCTOBER 17.
His Excellency the Governor having received the Proclamation of the President of the United States, has, in consequence, and agreeably to an ancient usage, issued his proclamation, appointing the Day assigned in the former as a DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING in this Commonwealth.
His Excellency the Governor has preceded his Proclamation by that of the President of the United States.
It is reported, that Gen. SHEPARD, in reviewing a body of militia lately, and directing them to go through their firing, had his head grazed by a ball, which carried off some of his hair.—The General without taking any notice of the Matter, ordered them to reload, to march six paces and rest their arms. He then ordered them to be examined by the non-commissioned officers, who found one of the pieces, belonging to a man who was brother to one of those killed in the late rebellion, to be charged with two balls; on which he was committed to prison. He must, however, be discharged, for want of a sufficient proof of his criminality.
NEW HAVEN, OCTOBER 21.
On Saturday last the Legislature of this State, now in session in this city, having received information of the approach of the President of the United States of America, passed the following resolve, viz.
GENERAL ASSEMBLY, STATE OF CONNECTICUT.
New-Haven, October, A. D. 1789.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mr. Edwards, Governor Griswold, Mr. Tracy, Major Hart, Mr. Dana, Mr. Learned, Mr. Ingersoll, Col. Seymour, Col. Lefingwell, Col. Grosvenor, Mr. Davenport, are appointed, with such gentlemen as the Honourable Council shall join, a committee to prepare and report an address from this Legislature, to the President of the United States on his arrival in this city, and to meet the President at some convenient distance from said city, and attend him to his lodgings, and to present such address as shall be ordered, and to attend the President on his journey as far as propriety shall in their opinion require.
Test, JAMES DAVENPORT, Clerk.
In the UPPER HOUSE.
John Chester, and James Hillhouse, Esquires, are appointed a committee to join the committee of the House of Representatives.
Test, GEORGE WYLLYS, Sec'y.
The Legislature also requested his Excellency the Governor to order his company of guards in this city, to attend the committee in escorting the President.
At the time appointed by the President, the committee presented him with the following address:
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
IMPRESSED with the sentiments which animate the millions of our fellow-citizens, We, the Legislature of the State of Connecticut, cannot, on this occasion, be silent.

Your presence recalls to our admiration that assemblage of talents, which with impenetrable secrecy, and unvarying decision, under the smiles of Divine Providence, guided to victory and peace the complicated events of the late long and arduous war.
The scenes of perilous horror through which you conducted the American arms, taught your country and mankind to receive you as the greatest of heroes. Your sacred regard to the rights of freemen, and the virtues of humanity, inspired the united voice of all America to hail you as the first and worthiest of citizens.
With grateful veneration we behold the father of his country—our friend—our fellow-citizen—our supreme magistrate.
When peace had succeeded to the vicissitudes of war, your ardent desire for retirement was sanctioned by the voice of patriotism.
Your country has again solicited your aid. In obedience to her wishes, you have sacrificed the felicity of dignified retirement, and have hazarded on the tempestuous ocean of public life the rich treasure of your fame. This display of patriot zeal gives you a new right, to what you before possessed, the hearts of all your fellow-citizens.
While we thus express our sentiments, and those of the freemen whom we represent, we beg liberty to assure you of our zeal to support your public administrations.
May the Divine Being, who has given you as an example to the world, ever have you in his holy keeping; may he long preserve you, the happiness and the glory of our country: May the assurance, that the government formed under your auspices will bless future generations, rejoice the evening of your life; and may you be finally rewarded with the full glories of immortality.
In the name and behalf of the Legislature of the State of Connecticut.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Governor.
To which Address the President was pleased to return the following answer.
To the Legislature of the State of Connecticut.
GENTLEMEN,
COULD any acknowledgments which language might convey, do justice to the feelings excited by your partial approbation of my past services, and your affectionate wishes for my future happiness, I would endeavour to thank you:—But to minds disposed as yours are, it will suffice to observe, that your address meets a most grateful reception, and is reciprocated in all its wishes with unfeigned sincerity.
If the prosperity of our common country has in any degree been promoted by my military exertions, the toils which attended them, have been amply rewarded by the approving voice of my fellow citizens. I was but the humble agent of favouring Heaven, whose benign interference was so often manifested on our behalf, and to whom the praise of victory alone is due.
In launching again on the ocean of events, I have obeyed a summons to which I can never be insensible. When my country demands the sacrifice, personal ease will always be a secondary consideration.
I cannot forego this opportunity to felicitate the Legislature of Connecticut on the pleasing prospect which an abundant harvest presents to its citizens.—May industry like theirs, ever receive its reward, and may the smiles of Heaven, crown all endeavors which are prompted by virtue, among which it is justice to estimate your assurance of supporting our equal government.
G. WASHINGTON.
New-Haven, October 17th, 1789.
The Address of the Congregational Ministers of the city of New-Haven.
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR,
THE Congregational Ministers of the city of New-Haven, beg leave to make their most respectful address to the President of the United States. We presume that we join with the whole collective body of the congregational Pastors and Presbyterian Ministers throughout these States, in the most cordial congratulations of themselves, of their country, and of mankind, on your elevation to the head of the combined American Republic. As Ministers of the blessed JESUS, the Prince of Peace, we rejoice, and have inexpressible pleasure in the demonstrations you have given of your sincere affection towards that holy religion, which is the glory of christian States, and will become the glory of the world itself, at that happy period, when Liberty, public Right, and the veneration of the MOST HIGH, who presides in the Universe with a most holy and benevolent Sovereignty, shall triumph among all the Nations, Kingdoms, Empires, and Republics on earth.—We most sincerely rejoice in the kind and gracious Providence of ALMIGHTY GOD, who hath been pleased to preserve your life, during your late dangerous sickness, and to restore you to such a degree of health, as gives us this opportunity to express our joy, and affords us the most pleasing hopes that your health may be firmly established. We pray the Lord of Hosts, by whose counsels and wisdom you have been carried triumphantly and gloriously through the late war, terminating in the establishment of American Liberty, and perhaps in the liberty of all nations, that he would be pleased ever to have you under his holy
protection, continue you a blessing to Church and State, support you under your arduous cares, and perpetuate that estimation and honor, which you have justly acquired of your country. May this new and rising Republic become, under your auspices, the most glorious for population, perfection of policy and happy administration of government that ever appeared on earth. And may you, Sir, having finished a course of distinguished usefulness, receive the reward of public virtue in the kingdom of eternal glory.
EZRA STILES, JAMES DANA, JONATHAN EDWARDS, SAMUEL WALES, SAMUEL AUSTIN, jun.
City of New-Haven, Oct. 17, 1789.
To which the PRESIDENT was pleased to return the following Answer.
To the Congregational Ministers of the City of New-Haven.
GENTLEMEN,
THE kind congratulations contained in your address, claim and receive my grateful and affectionate thanks.
—Respecting, as I do, the favourable opinions of men distinguished for science and piety, it would be false delicacy to disavow the satisfaction, which I derive from their approbation of my public services, and private conduct.
Regarding that deportment, which consists with true religion, as the best security of temporal peace, and the sure mean of attaining eternal felicity, it will be my earnest endeavour (as far as human frailty can resolve) to inculcate the belief and practice of opinions which lead to the consummation of those desirable objects.
The tender interest which you have taken in my personal happiness, and the obliging manner in which you express yourselves on the restoration of my health, are so forcibly impressed on my mind as to render language inadequate to the utterance of my feelings.—If it shall please the Great Disposer of Events to listen to the pious supplication, which you have presented in my behalf, I trust the remainder of my days will evince the gratitude of a heart devoted to the advancement of those objects, which receive the approbation of Heaven, and promote the happiness of our fellow-men.
My best prayers are offered to the Throne of Grace for your happiness, and that of the congregations committed to your care.
G. WASHINGTON.
City of New-Haven, October 17th, 1789.
The citizens of this place were highly gratified by the presence of THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, who came to town last Saturday afternoon in good health. The next day he attended Divine Service in Trinity Church. His Excellency the GOVERNOR, his Hon. the LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR, Hon. ROGER SHERMAN, the Hon. the SPEAKER, of the House of Representatives, with the TREASURER, dined with him;—and attended the afternoon Service, at the Rev. Dr. EDWARDS's Meeting.
Early on Monday morning the PRESIDENT set out from hence, for the Eastern States.
Last week was received and deposited in the public Library of YALE-COLLEGE, a grand and elegant Portrait of the Honorable ELIHU YALE, Esq. Governor of Fort St. George in the East-Indies, from whom the University in this City received its name. This Portrait is the Donation of the Hon. DUDLEY NORTH, Esq. of Glenham in Suffolk, Great-Britain, a Descendant of Governor YALE, and a Member of Parliament; and it was obtained by the Address of SAMUEL BROOME, Esq. Merchant, of this City.
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 24.
The addresses of the corporate, legislative, and other bodies of our free citizens, to The President of the United States, may be considered as so many pledges of their affectionate regards to the Political Father and Savior of his Country—and of their warm attachment to that Constitution which he is by their suffrages appointed to administer—a Constitution which is equally dear to him—and the adoption of which he appears to consider in all his answers to the Addresses, as the most happy and important acquisition to this highly favored nation.
How important is it that the people of the United States should be tenacious of their own adopted Constitution, which secures to them and their posterity, that precious palladium of liberty, a free and just representation in their National Legislature! Every attempt that shall tend to lessen their veneration for a system, which is supported by this inestimable right, is a most atrocious offence against the public freedom and happiness.
The ship Massachusetts, India-man, of 800 tons has been furnished with the whole of her Cargos from the Manufactory of Boston.
Old ocean soon shall fleets behold, Eclipsing all in story told. See Commerce spread the swelling sail! See our OWN CANVAS catch the gale! And wait to earth's remotest shores, Th' exub'rance of our boundless stores.
The PRESIDENT of the United States, it is supposed, will arrive in Boston this day.—Among other demonstrations of joy on the occasion, it has been proposed to have a grand procession of the artisans and mechanics of that metropolis.
EXTRACTS.
“It is the language of Court sycophants, and the tools of power in arbitrary governments to represent the great mass of the people as licentious, untractable, and ungovernable—as ignorant and obstinate; and that it is only by touching their selfish passions that they become in any degree manageable; that if their suffrages are
not bought, they bestow them on persons of their own cait; men ignorant of the laws, and the Constitution; of a levelling temper, who sacrifice every consideration to please their creators; who are perpetually clogging the wheels of government, and keeping the State in anarchy and confusion.
“On the other hand, in free governments, the candidates for power and popularity, the demagogues of party, hold a quite different language. At the expence of truth, honor and justice, they extol the people's wisdom and patriotism; and while they cry up the maxim that ‘all are born free and equal,’ they extend the idea to such lengths, as to create distinctions and annihilate the rights of the minority. Knowing that bodies of men are as susceptible of flattery, as individuals, they daub the multitude with intemperate praise, till having inspired false sentiments in the minds of the people, of their own dignity, and importance—of their being superior to the laws and the Constitution; the way is prepared for the subversion of government, and the introduction of despotism. For unprincipled demagogues are the stuff of which the worst of Tyrants are formed.
“It is the glory of our free Constitution that no law can be made but by the people in their proxies, or representatives; and when those laws are made the people are the constituted judges thereof, on their Jury Tribunals, throughout the respective States. The privilege of making laws, and of judging of said laws (when made) on juries, composes as it were a rudder, whereby the people (gloriously) steer the vessel of their own Commonwealth.”
The Speculation signed Jovicularis having been mislaid is the reason of its not being acknowledged before.—We should be glad of a further communication from the author, as we think his plan not sufficiently obvious to be interesting.
WANTED, to complete Files of this paper, numbers 30, 40, 43, 44, 46, and 48: Six pence each will be paid for either of those numbers at the office of the Editor. October 24.
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 24, 1789.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, SEPT. 19, 1789.
ESTIMATE of the EXPENDITURE For the CIVIL LIST of the United States, for the Year 1789. (CONTINUED.)
For the Government of the Western Territory.
   Dolls. goths.     THE Governor, 2,000   Secretary of the Government, 740   Three Judges, at 800 dollars each, 2,400   Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Southern Department, 1000   Geographer of the United States, 1,500   7,640  
Pensions on the Civil List.
   ISAAC VAN VERT, } A pension of 200 dol-   JOHN PAULDING, } lars pr. annum, to each,   DAVID WILLIAMS, } pursuant to an Act of   600   DOMINIQUE L'ECLISE, pr. act of 8th August, 1788, pr. annum, 120   JOSEPH TRAVERSIE, pr. act of 8th August, 1782, pr. annum, 120   Youngest children of the late Major General Warren, pr. act of the 1st July, 1780, 450   Eldest son of do. pr. act of 8th April, 1777, estimated, 600   Youngest son of Gen. Mercer, pr. Act of the 8th April, 1777, estimated at 700   JAMES MCKENZIE, } pr. act of 15th September, 1783, entitled to a pension   JOSEPH BRUSSELS, } of 40 dollars pr. annum   JOHN JORDAN, } each, 120   ELIZABETH BERGEN, pr. act of 21st Aug. 1789. 53 30   JOSEPH DE BEAULEAU, pr. act of 5th Aug. 1782, 100   RICHARD GRIDLEY, pr. acts of 17th November, 1775, and of 26th February 1781, 444 36   Lieutenant Colonel TOUZARD, pr. act of 27th October, 1778, 360   GEORGE M. WHITE EYES, an Indian youth, who was lately under the care of Colonel George Morgan, at Princeton, New-Jersey, but now in the city of New-York, educated, pr. act of 13th October, 1781—   The expence for one year was 354 82  
In relation to the present government.
   Dolls. 100ths.     For the compensation to the President of the United States, 25,000   That of the Vice President, 5,000   That of the Members of Congress, computing the attendance of the whole number from the 3d of March to the 22d of September, both days inclusive, two hundred and four days, say 81 members, at six dollars per day, 99,144   Travelling expences, by estimation, there being no data for accurate calculation, 10,000   The Secretary of the Senate, at the rate of 1,500 dollars pr. annum, from the 8th of April, being the day of his appointment, to the 22d of Sept. 687 50   Additional allowance from the time of appointment to the 22d of Sept. one hundred and sixty-eight days, at two dollars per day, 336   Principal Clerk to the Secretary of the Senate, from the 8th of May, being the day of his appointment, to the 22d of Sept. one hundred and thirty-eight days, at three dollars pr. day, 414   Engrossing Clerk, same time, at two dollars, 276   Chaplain to the Senate, from the 15th of April, the time of his appointment, to the 22d of September, at the rate of 500 dollars per annum, 221   Door-keeper to the Senate, from the commencement of the session, being the third of March, to the 22d of September, two hundred and four days, at three dollars per day, 612   Messenger to the Senate, from the 8th of April, the time of his appointment, to the 22d of September, one hundred and sixty-eight days, at two dollars per day, 336   142,026 50  

A few THOUGHTS concerning a proper MONEY of ACCOUNT. BY A GENTLEMAN OF VIRGINIA.
(Concluded.)
THE pound weight (or 12 ounces) of gold is in England coined into 44 1/2 guineas; consequently, the mint-weight of one guinea is 5 3/4 dwt. and so much gold as is equal in value to 20/ sterling, must be 5 3/4 dwt. this again is equal to 26/8, Virginia currency, at 33 1/3 pr. cent. to 33/4, Pennsylvania currency, at 66 2/3 pr. cent. and to 35/6 2/3, New-York currency, at 77 1/2 pr. cent. in which several State currencies, their sums are each equal to 4 dollars 44 1/2 cents; therefore, 10 is the pound sterling, as indeed it stands rated by Congress, being the fraction of a cent; but the penny-weight of gold stands, moreover, rated at 89 cents; in which proportion, the 5 3/4 dwt. (or pound sterling) would come to 4 dollars 57 1/2 cents, instead of 4 dollars 44 1/2 cents, which it ought to be; so that altho, if the duties be counted first in pounds sterling, (as when they are laid ad valorem) and then turned into cents at the rate of 4 dollars 44 cents, the calculation would be near the truth, (but a little to the disadvantage of the revenue) yet when the payment comes to be made in the gold coins of France, Spain, England, Portugal, or any other of equal fineness, (by the way, is it certain that those nations all conform, in their coins, to one common standard?) an allowance is to be made of 89 cents for every penny-weight, which will be greatly to the injury of the revenue. It ought to be only 86 2/3 cents, or (to speak exactly) 86 1/3. The penny-weight of gold, rated in Virginia at 5/4 (and I believe in the same proportion by the other States, according to the difference of their several currencies) would, it is true, come to about 89 cents, more exactly to 88 3/4; but, probably, there is a considerable error in rating the penny-weight at 5/4 in Virginia, and the ounce at 5/4 6 8; it proceeds from a supposition that the ounce of standard gold is 4 sterling; but is not this over-rating gold? If the above calculation be right, that 5 3/4 are equal to 20/ sterling, an ounce is only 5/3 17 10 2/3, and at the difference of 33 1/3 is 5/3 3 10 Virginia money, or 5/2 2/3 pr. penny-weight, not 5/4.—Minute fractions in the sum total of an account are certainly not worth regarding; but in fixing by law (if that be ever necessary) the value of any weight of gold or silver, of which there may be many repetitions in the payment of one account, it would seem necessary to be as exact as possible, specially when a rule is prescribed by which many successive accounts are to be adjusted.
To establish a due equilibrium between the value of gold and of silver, is not only necessary to prevent a diminution of the revenue, it is moreover a matter of importance in order to guard against a speculation otherwise very injurious to the public; for if gold be, in proportion to silver, rated at either more or less than it ought to be, the under-valued metal will all be carried out of the country, in exchange for the other; and that, whether the difference arise from raising the value of the one above its level, or from depressing that of the other—Perhaps, both these causes concur here. Gold, with us, seems, for the reasons above mentioned, to be over rated, which furnishes an inducement to bring it into the country in order to exchange it for silver. I do not pretend to be accurately informed as to the mint weight of any of the English silver coins; yet I have some reason to believe, that as well silver is under-valued by the act of Congress to regulate the collection of duties, as the gold is raised; by the double operation of which, the undue difference between them is rendered considerable. The French and English crown are also put, I observe upon the same footing in payment of duties, and for any thing I know this may be right; yet I had conceived there was some difference in favor of the English.
See publication on this subject in the New-York Daily Gazette of 24th July, 1789, extracted from the Freeman's Journal, printed in Philadelphia, July 22d.
In England 1/2 oz. of fine silver is valued at 62 1/2 d. 1/2 oz. of fine gold at 934 1/2 Consequently, an ounce of fine silver is 67 1/2 And an ounce of fine gold is 1019 1/2 1019 1/2 divided by 67 1/2 quotes 15 2859/3375; so that in England gold is to silver as 15 2859/3375 to 1; whereas in France, Holland, (probably) in Europe generally, the proportion is only about 14 1/2 to 1.
In Virginia, and (I think) throughout the United States the difference is still greater than in England; for silver seems in America to be valued at the same rate as there; but 1/2 oz. of fine gold are raised to 960 d. sterling; consequently, the ounce of fine gold is valued at 10 47 1/2 sterling, 1047 1/2 divided by 67 1/2 quotes 15 3375/3375; so that in America gold is to silver as 15 3375/3375 to 1; which is near 2 1/2 pr. cent. higher than the English proportion. But, by the late regulations of Congress the proportion is still farther increased. The ounce of sterling silver should, in our new money, be equal to 1 dollar, 1 dime, 4 cents and 2 1/2 of a cent, yet by those regulations the ounce sterling of silver, the English crown-piece, and the French crown-piece are each made equal to 111 cents, or 1 dollar, 1 dime, and 1 cent, altho the English
crown be but 6 2/3 of an ounce, and the French crown less weighty than the English: The English crown (or 114 2/3 cents x 6 2/3) is equal to 111 1/3 cents. But, the ounce of gold is by the same regulations valued at 1780 cents, instead of 1730 5/6, as according to the English value of gold it ought to have been. The ounce troy of standard gold being called 1780 cents, and the same quantity of standard silver 111, the ounce troy of fine gold must be 1941 1/2 cents, and of fine silver 120; which establishes between gold and silver the proportion of 16 1/2 to 1. For 1941 1/2 divided by 120 quotes 16 1/2; and this is nearly 6 2/3 pr. cent. above the English proportion.
NOTE.
* I am by no means certain of the strict proportion between the English and French crown-pieces; the justness of the observation here made, depends upon the accuracy of a late experiment, in which the weight of a French crown was compared with that of an English. The former was a crown-piece coined in 1785, and to the eye apparently fresh and undiminished; the English piece was coined in the reign of George II, and about 4 grains worn; the French was about 6 grains lighter than the English. This fact forms at least a strong presumption that the mint-weight of the French crown is less than that of the English.
For the facts on which the calculations proceed the writer is chiefly indebted to Sir JAMES STEWART.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
An ACT for allowing a COMPENSATION to the President and Vice President of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be allowed to the President of the United States, at the rate of twenty-five thousand dollars, with the use of the furniture and other effects, now in his possession, belonging to the United States; and to the Vice-President, at the rate of five thousand dollars per annum, in full compensation for their respective services, to commence with the time of entering on the duties of their offices respectively, and to continue so long as they shall remain in office, and to be paid quarterly out of the Treasury of the United States.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER 24, 1789.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
ABSTRACT of JOURNAL of the FIRST SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15.
(IN CONTINUATION.)
THE Committee to whom it was referred to consider of and report respecting the ceremonial of receiving the President, and the arrangements necessary for the reception of the Vice-President, agreed to the following Report, viz.
"That Mr. Osgood, the proprietor of the house lately occupied by the President of Congress, be requested to put the same, and the furniture thereof, in proper condition for the residence and use of the President of the United States, and otherwise, at the expence of the United States, to provide for his temporary accommodation.
"That it will be more eligible in the first instance, that a Committee of three Members from the Senate, and five Members from the House of Representatives, to be appointed by the two Houses respectively, attend to receive the President, at such place as he shall embark from New-Jersey for this city, and conduct him without form, to the house lately occupied by the President of Congress; and at such time thereafter as the President shall signify, it will be most convenient for him, he be formally received by both Houses.
"That a Committee of two Members from the Senate, and three Members from the House of Representatives, to be appointed by the Houses respectively, wait on the Vice President of the United States, as soon as he shall come to this city, and in the name of the Congress of the United States, congratulate him on his arrival." Which report was read and accepted.
The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the Report of the Committee upon rules for conducting business in the Senate, and after some progress, Adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 16.
The Senate proceeded by ballot to the choice of the Committees conformably to the report of the Committee of both Houses, agreed to the 15th instant.—Mr. Langdon, Mr. Carroll, and Mr. Johnson, were appointed to wait on the President, and Mr. Elsworth, and Mr. Dalton, were appointed to wait on the Vice-President.
Ordered, That Mr. Strong, Mr. Izard, and Mr. Lee, be a Committee to report a mode of communication to be observed between the Senate and House of Representatives with respect to papers, bills, and messages, and to confer thereon with such Committee as may be appointed by the House of Representatives for that purpose.
The petition of David Ramsay, that a law might pass, securing to him and his heirs an exclusive right of vending, &c. his "History of the American Revolution," was read.
The Report of the Committee appointed to determine upon rules for conducting business in the Senate, was agreed to. Whereupon,
RESOLVED, That the following Rules, from No. 1 to No. 19. inclusive, be observed.
I. The President having taken the chair, and a quorum being present, the Journal of the preceding day shall be read, to the end that any mistake may be corrected that shall have been made in the entries.
II. No member shall speak to another, or otherwise interrupt the business of the Senate; or read any printed paper, while the Journals or public papers are reading, or when any member is speaking in any debate.
III. Every member, when he speaks, shall address the chair, standing in his place, and when he has finished shall sit down.
IV. No member shall speak more than twice in any one debate, on the same day, without leave of the Senate.
V. When two members rise at the same time, the President shall name the person to speak; but in all cases the member first rising shall speak first.
VI. No motion shall be debated, until the same shall be seconded. VII. When a motion shall be made and seconded, it shall be reduced to writing, if desired by the President, or any member, be delivered in at the table, and read by the President, before the same shall be debated.
VIII. While a question is before the Senate, no motion shall
be received, unless for an amendment, for the previous question, or for postponing the main question, or to commit it, or to adjourn.
IX. The previous question being moved and seconded, the question from the chair shall be, "Shall the main question be now put?" And if the nays prevail, the main question shall not then be put.
X. If a question in debate contain several points, any member may have the same divided.
XI. When the yeas and nays shall be called for by one fifth of the members present, each member called upon shall, unless for special reasons be excused by the Senate, declare openly and without debate, his assent or dissent to the question. In taking the yeas and nays, and upon the call of the House, the names of the members shall be taken alphabetically.
XII. One day's notice, at least, shall be given of an intended motion for leave to bring in a bill.
XIII. Every bill shall receive three readings previous to its being passed, and the President shall give notice at each, whether it be the first, second, or third; which reading shall be on three different days, unless the Senate unanimously direct otherwise.
XIV. No bill shall be committed or amended until it shall have been twice read after which it may be referred to a committee.
XV. All committees shall be appointed by ballot; and a plurality of votes shall make a choice.
XVI. When a member shall be called to order, he shall sit down until the President shall have determined whether he is in order or not; and every question of order shall be decided by the President, without debate; but if there be a doubt in his mind he may call for the sense of the Senate.
XVII. If a member be called to order for words spoken, the exceptionable words shall be immediately taken down in writing, that the President may be better enabled to judge of the matter.
XVIII. When a blank is to be filled, and different sums shall be proposed, the question shall be taken on the highest sum first.
XIX. No member shall absent himself from the service of the Senate, without leave of the Senate first obtained. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, APRIL 17.
The petition of Leonard Bleecker, to be appointed Serjeant at Arms, was read, and ordered to lie on the table. Adjourned.
SATURDAY, APRIL 18.
A letter from the Speaker of the House to the President was read, enclosing a concurrence of the House with the resolve of the Senate of the 15th, upon the mode of conference between the Senate and House of Representatives; also a concurrence upon the mode of choosing Chaplains.
On motion, Resolved, That the following be subjoined to the standing orders of the Senate.
20th RULE.
Before any petition or memorial, addressed to the Senate, shall be received and read at the table, whether the same shall be introduced by the President or a member, a brief statement of the contents of the petition or memorial shall verbally be made by the introducer. Adjourned.
MONDAY, APRIL 20.
The Hon. John Henry, from the state of Maryland, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the Senate.
The Hon. James Gunn, from the state of Georgia, produced his credentials and took his seat in the Senate.
On motion, Resolved, That Mr. Strong and Mr. Izard be a committee to wait on the Vice-President, and conduct him to the Senate Chamber. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, APRIL 21.
The Committee appointed on the 20th instant, consisting of Mr. Strong and Mr. Izard, to conduct the Vice President to the Senate Chamber, executed their commission; and Mr. Langdon, the President pro tempore, meeting the Vice President upon the floor of the Senate Chamber, addressed him as follows:
SIR,
I HAVE it in charge from the Senate, to introduce you to the Chair of this House; and also to congratulate you on your appointment to the Office of Vice President of the United States of America.
After which Mr. Langdon conducted the Vice President to the Chair, when the Vice President addressed the Senate.
[For the Vice President's Speech, see our paper of the 22d of April.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 22.
On motion, the sense of the Senate was taken, Whether in the choice of a Chaplain, they shall be confined to the list of such gentlemen as may be previously nominated?—Passed in the negative.
Agreed, That Saturday next be assigned, to proceed to the election of a Chaplain, and that in the mean time, the Members bear liberty to make their nomination.
The petition of William Finnie, praying that he might be appointed Serjeant at Arms, was read. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 23.
The Committee appointed on the 16th of April, to report a mode of communication to be observed between the Senate and House of Representatives, with respect to papers, bills and messages, and to confer thereon with such Committee as may be appointed, by the House of Representatives for that purpose, have conferred with the Committee of the House, and have agreed to the following Report:
When a bill or other message shall be sent from the Senate to the House of Representatives, it shall be carried by the Secretary, who shall make one obeisance to the Chair on entering the door of the House of Representatives, and another, on delivering it at the table into the hands of the Speaker—After he shall have delivered it, he shall make an obeisance to the Speaker, and repeat it as he retires from the House.
When a bill shall be sent up by the House of Representatives to the Senate, it shall be carried by two Members, who, at the bar of the Senate, shall make their obeisance to the President, and thereon advancing to the Chair, make a second obeisance, and deliver it into the hands of the President—After having delivered the bill, they shall make their obeisance to the President, and repeat it as they retire from the bar: The Senate shall rise on the entrance of the Members within the bar, and continue standing until they retire.
All other messages from the House of Representatives, shall be carried by one Member, who shall make his obeisance as above mentioned; but the President of the Senate alone, shall rise.—Read and accepted.
On motion, Resolved, That a Committee, consisting of three Members, be appointed to consider and report, what Style or Titles it will be proper to annex to the offices of President and of Vice President of the United States—if any other than those given in the Constitution. Also to consider of the time, place and manner in which, and the person by whom the oath prescribed by the Constitution, shall be administered to the President; and to confer thereon with such Committee as the House of Representatives shall appoint for that purpose.—Mr. Lee, Mr. Izard, and Mr. Dalton were chosen. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, APRIL 24.
On motion, The question was taken, Whether the report of the Committee upon the mode of communication between the two Houses of Legislature, as yesterday read and accepted in the Senate, shall at this time be sent to the House of Representatives?—Passed in the negative.
On motion, To reconsider the commission of the Committee appointed the 23d instant, to report what Titles shall be annexed to the Offices of President and Vice President—Passed in the affirmative.
On motion, That the following words, "What Titles it will be proper to annex to the offices of President and of Vice President of the United States—if any other than those given in the Constitution," be struck out—Passed in the negative.
On motion that the words "Style or," before the word "Title," be added—Passed in the affirmative. Adjourned.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN LANE, near the Oswego Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dls. pr. an.]