The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-03 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. II.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER, 3d. 1800.
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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, sailed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexpected delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the Inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion on of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequent a PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indelicate ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to him, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it, however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROPOSITIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subject to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
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The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. This, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional department shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER is this day presented to the Public. It is the first Paper printed in WASHINGTON; and from the vicinity of the Editor to the Capitol, the seat of the public bodies, he expects to be enabled to furnish the earliest and most correct notices of their deliberations. The crisis of national affairs is deeply interesting, whether contemplated in relation to our internal or external situation. Fully impressed with the sacred duties of the press in such times, and sensible how much good or mischief may be effected by the virtuous or vicious application of the power with which public opinion has invested it, truth and truth only, shall be the guide of the Editor. In many instances he will doubtless be deceived. But in all instances a consciousness of error will be followed by a candid renunciation of it.
The design of the National Intelligencer is to diffuse correct information through the whole extent of the union. From the whole extent, therefore, of the union it must derive the patronage that shall sustain it; and every friend to its plan is invited to promote it, by making known its nature and character to his fellow citizens in his neighbourhood.
For this sole purpose, not in the unworthy spirit of solicitation, it is intended to forward a few of the early numbers to citizens of respectability in the several states, who are requested to use their good offices, if they consider the Paper worthy encouragement.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR Apprehending and securing in any Goal, so that the Subscriber gets him again A NEGRO MAN named NACE, ran away some time in the month of October, aged Thirty years, about five feet high, light complexion, wears his hair queued, a well set trunky fellow. I have cause to believe he is in the City of Washington. It is unnecessary to describe his Clothing as he will have it in his power to change them. I will give TWENTY DOLLARS if ten miles from home, THIRTY DOLLARS if twenty miles, and the above reward if a greater distance.
ZACHARIAH SOTHORON. Charles County near Benedict, October 31.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the members of the ensuing Congress and the Public, that he has taken the two houses in square No. 690, on the New Jersey Avenue opposite the house at present occupied by Thomas Law, Esq. where he can accommodate either single Gentlemen or those who have families. The houses were finished last spring, so that no danger can be apprehended from damp walls. He has Stableage for several horses and two good Carriage houses.
ROBERT W. PEACOCK City of Washington, October 31st 1800.
WANTED
A CARRIER TO DELIVER THE
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
INTERESTING VIEW.
The Supreme law of a Republic is that the will of a majority should prevail. It is on the obedience of the citizen to this will, when clearly and unequivocally expressed, that the public welfare entirely depends. Its transgression always occasions the necessity of coercion, and coercion too invariably produces evils in themselves incurable. The application of force is generally dangerous. For if it be successfully applied, however it may for a season controul a refractory disposition or subdue illegal actions, it seldom permanently reforms the heart. And if it fail, the inevitable and dreadful result is the establishment of anarchy, the subversion of the sacred pillar on which alone republicanism can rest, and the overthrow of every principle of right. In such a state of things, he who consults his individual welfare, is compelled to abandon the right, and cling to the expedient. Principle is lost, and every one is forced to consult his own safety by the best means, however bad, in his power to adopt. The injustice of one man is only to be opposed by the injustice of another man; and he succeeds the best, who has at his command the most cunning and the deepest fraud.
If these ideas be true, how sacredly ought every American (for I persuade myself that every American is in heart a republican) to cling to the principle that the will of the majority should prevail.
In some trivial cases a violation of this principle may not be attended with fatal effects, though the influence of such a precedent must always be malignant. But in cases, in themselves deeply momentous, which the people feel to be all important, and whose issue agitates the whole nation, a violation of this principle may be followed by the most mournful consequences.
Let these remarks be applied to the election of a President.
The event is certainly in itself of the greatest magnitude. It is viewed by the PEOPLE as of importance little short of infinite. The remarks made show that it is equally important that the election, when made, express the will of the majority.
Let us enquire whether this will is not already clearly and unequivocally expressed?
The Constitution, the supreme law of the land, directs that the election shall be made by a body of men, who shall be the representatives of the whole population of the United States, and representatives, by equal vote, of the States themselves. On this principle it gives the following electors to the several states.
  To New Hampshire 6   Rhode Island 4   Massachusetts 16   Connecticut 9   New-York 12   Vermont 4   New-Jersey 7   Pennsylvania 15   Delaware 3   Maryland 10   Virginia 21   North Carolina 12   South Carolina 8   Georgia 4   Kentucky 4   Tennessee 3 
138
Thus it appears that the entire number of Electors, who chuse a President, is 138, of which 70 constitute a majority. Whoever can be shewn from the most recent expression of the public mind to be entitled to this last number of votes ought to be President.
The sentiments of the several states will most distinctly appear from the elections made of their representatives in their respective legislatures, or by their election of federal officers.
New Hampshire has expressed itself favourably to Mr. Adams.
Rhode Island is considered as doubtful.
Massachusetts favourable to Mr. Adams. Connecticut favourable to Mr. Adams. Vermont unascertained.
New-York favourable to Mr. Jefferson.
New-Jersey favourable to Mr. Adams.
Pennsylvania favourable to Mr. Jefferson by a great majority. Out of 13 members of Congress chosen Oct. 14th, 11 are republican.
Delaware favourable to Mr. Adams by a small majority, viz. no more than 300 votes in the whole state.
Maryland favourable to Mr. Jefferson by a large majority. Out of 80 members of her Legislature chosen on the 13th of October, 48 are republicans.
Virginia, favorable to Mr. Jefferson. Four fifths of her legislature are republicans.
North Carolina, favorable to Mr. Jefferson by a large majority.
South Carolina likely to be favorable to Mr. Jefferson, but classed among the doubtful states.
Georgia favorable to Mr. Jefferson. Kentucky favorable to Mr. Jefferson. Tennessee favorable to Mr. Jefferson.
From these data, let us ascertain the bona fide votes, which ought to be given to Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams; by bona fide votes I mean such as truly declare the will, either of the States, or of the people, which they represent. For one or the other of these they must represent; and they can only be considered as legitimate votes in the degree in which they are the fair representatives of the states or the people.
FIRST, let them be viewed as representing the States. In this case the votes of each state are indivisible, and must be given exclusively for one man.
They will stand thus:
   Jefferson. Adams.     New Hampshire 6   Massachusetts 16   Connecticut 9   New-York 12   New-Jersey 7   Pennsylvania 15   Delaware 3   Maryland 10   Virginia 21   North Carolina 12   Georgia 4   Kentucky 4   Tennessee 3   81 41  
  Doubtful.   Rhode Island 4   Vermont 4   South Carolina 8 
By this view it is demonstrated that that portion of the public will represented by 81 Electors out of 138, which constitutes a large majority, is at present decidedly and undeniably in favour of Mr. Jefferson. These 81 votes are derived from 8 states, which form one half the number of all the states, and are represented in our Federal Councils in the ratio of 81 to 57, which is as 3 to 2. Let it be remembered too that this mode of choice is the favourite one of Mr. Adams's friends, and that of consequence the result produced by it should be acquiesced in without a murmur by them. To prove this, it need only be stated that New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, New-Jersey, Delaware, and South Carolina, including every state whose votes are not above given to Mr. Jefferson, and including every state in which, under this mode of election, Mr. Adams could get a single vote, all elect in this identical way.
We will now in the Second place, enquire into the result of the Election, in case the Electors were chosen in all the States in districts. In this view, as well as in the former, our statement will be derived from the latest expression of the public will in each state.
The votes would stand thus:

   Jefferson. Adams.     New Hampshire 2 4   Rhode Island 2 2   Massachusetts 4 12   Connecticut 3 6   New-York 8 4   Vermont 2 2   New-Jersey 3 4   Pennsylvania 13 2   Delaware 1 2   Maryland 7 3   Virginia 16 5   North Carolina 8 4   Georgia 4 0   Kentucky 4 0   Tennessee 3 0   South Carolina 4 4   84 54  
From this statement it appears that Mr. Jefferson would have, in case each state were divided into districts, 84 votes, which would insure to him the Presidency by a majority of 30 votes.
As the results of the late state Elections may not be fresh in the memory of every reader, I will here state them, and they fully establish the accuracy of the above view; they will even show that in all doubtful cases I have been liberal in the votes I have given to Mr. Adams.
In New Hampshire the Federal candidate for governor had but a small majority over the democratic candidate; yet I allow Mr. Adams two thirds of the votes of that state. In Massachusetts at a late election to supply the places of Mr. Sewell and Mr. Foster, both federal members of Congress, the two democratic candidates obtained the largest portion of votes; besides, there are at present two democratic members in Congress. The reader will observe that the congressional district is somewhat larger than the electoral district. If the election for governor be resorted to as an evidence of public opinion, the citizens of that state appear nearly equally divided, for Mr. Strong gained his election over Mr. Gerry by but a small majority.
In Connecticut the Federal ticket for members of Congress had 6,150 votes; the democratic 3,250 votes.
In New-York two thirds of the members of the house of representatives are democratic.
Vermont sends two members to Congress. At the late election she has chosen one democratic member. In the other district no choice has taken place, as neither candidate had an absolute majority. Mr. Morris having 879 and Mr. Niles 872. Yet I allow half the votes of Vermont to Mr. Adams.
In Pennsylvania, there are 11 democratic, and 2 federal members of Congress chosen the 14th of October.
In Delaware, the Federal member of Congress prevailed over the democratic by the small majority of 300 votes out of between 5 and 6 thousand. Yet the above statement allows Mr. Adams two votes out of three.
In Maryland, the house of Delegates, chosen Oct. 14, contains 48 democratic, and 32 federal members.
In Virginia, the legislature is composed, four fifths of democratic to one fifth of federal members.
In North Carolina, the late election for members of Congress yielded 6 democratic and 4 federal members.
Georgia, Kentucky, and Tennessee are allowed to be unanimously in favour of Mr. Jefferson.
Rhode Island. A majority of the Legislature are stated from the best authority to be republican.
New Jersey. From the votes given at the late election for members of Assembly, as far as they have been ascertained the federal ticket had 9,695 votes, the democratic 6,235.
South Carolina. The last legislature was democratic. We have not learned the complexion of the present. In the above statement, the votes are equally divided.
If the above statements are correct, and I have sought with the most diligent enquiry to make them so, does it not conclusively appear that a great majority of the People of the United States are in favour of the election of Mr. Jefferson? Is it not equally conclusive that the same majority are hostile to the election of Mr. Adams?
These conclusions are irresistible. Nor can their truth be impaired by any event.
Should Mr. Adams become President by the major vote of the Electors, of which however there does not appear to be the least probability, will that vote make him the real representative of the people?
In what manner will that majority be constituted? It will be formed by depriving Pennsylvania entirely of her legislative portion of authority, and by
withholding from the respectable republican minorities of the Eastern States all participation in the election, while the minorities in the other states, that are friendly to Mr. Adams, will exercise their rights unimpaired. Thus should Mr. Adams be elected, his success will arise altogether from the superior cunning and stratagem of his supporters.
View Mr. Adams continued in the Presidency by these means. What will be the consequences?
In the next Congress, the representatives elected will enter upon the discharge of their duties, under the direction of that spirit which placed them there. It has been demonstrated that the latest expression of the public mind is decidedly republican. Who does not perceive that in every state in the union the republican interest is still gaining strength? It cannot, therefore, be doubted that in the ensuing House of Representatives, a vast majority of the members will be republican. The Senate, hitherto anti-republican, will be shaken in its attachment to Mr. Adams. It is known that several of the federal members are already inimical to him, and that they consider his late measures as pernicious to the country. In addition to the impaired support, which would by this seisin be given to his administration, there will be seven members, at present federal, replaced by the same number republican; two from the state of New York, and one from each of the following states, viz. Pennsylvania, Maryland, South Carolina, Kentucky, and Georgia; to the legislatures of all which states, by whom the election of Senators is made, being decidedly republican.
The effect of these two causes will be decisive on the character of the Senate, independently of the influence of the firm and intrepid republican spirit of the house of representatives, which will, without question, pursue its course undismayed by Presidential frowns, unfeduced by Presidential favour.
Hitherto Americans have believed and professed that the energy of the Federal Government depended upon the harmony of its several departments. A division in our councils has been deprecated as the severest national misfortune. Internal distraction and external imbecility have been portrayed as its inevitable attendants.
Is this maxim verified by all our experience? If it is, shall we, by one precipitate act of temerity, in its violation, undermine the foundations of our political happiness?
The view which I have taken, is on my mind awfully impressive. Ranking myself with no party, I am neither the dupe of their professions, nor the victim of their intrigues. Still I boast not, that I am neutral. When republicanism is at stake, there can be no neutrality among those who know and value their rights. Beyond an attachment to this principle, and a desire to see its true spirit transfused into all our political institution, I AM NEUTRAL. Who enjoys this office, or that office, can never shake my repose.
These are my honest convictions. I believe them to be the honest convictions of my countrymen. They love their Country with a zeal no less ardent than mine.
To them, then, do I address my voice. Is the will of America decidedly, unequivocally in favor of the election of Mr. Jefferson? If this be the case, can that will be resisted? If it be smothered or repressed to-day, will it not soon burst forth with irresistible energy? Will it not appear in the election of the next Congress, and in the choice of the State Legislatures? What can the President do, if at variance with the Legislature of the Union, created and sustained directly by the People? Can harmony be expected? Will the men, to whom he delegates the public power, be respected? Will the laws which he enforces, receive the chearful and prompt obedience, which all laws constitutionally framed, should receive?
Even grant that we have no internal enemies, are we secure from external ones! Has France restored to us the mighty mass of wealth of which she has robbed us? Is the proud spirit of England submissive to the voice of justice? Is not the indignation of the one, and the jealousy of the other, ready to seize the favourable moment that may ruin us? And may not the unprecedented posture of European affairs soon present France and England allied in an exterminating war against all republics?
I pretend not to prophecy, but I say such things may be. And if they should be, where is our safety? It is in our Union. It is in one spirit animating the people and the government. Then, indeed, we might brave the mad fury of the Universe in arms. Undivided, no force could subdue us.
Electors of the President! Ye who are too honest to be the slaves of party, I appeal to you as the defenders of your Country's peace and honor. What though, heretofore, you have supported Mr. Adams and approved his measures, do you not see that he has lost the confidence of his constituents? And are you not convinced, without this confidence, his very virtues may prove ruinous to his country; and that the purest measures which he can propose will be viewed with jealousy, perhaps opposed with effect.
Does not this solemn state of things convince you that the crisis of change is arrived? Ought not Mr. Adams, like a good citizen, imitating the example of his illustrious Roman predecessors, to reject those honors, which can only be retained at the expense of your welfare?
Pause, fellow citizens, I intreat you, before your votes shall decide the fate of republicanism. Once given, there can be no retraction. One mistaken vote may hurry us into discord, plunge us into war, and despoil us of our freedom.
LYCURGUS.
On the 10th Ult. the Governor of VERMONT met both Houses of the General Assembly and delivered the following SPEECH.
Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
IN obedience to the voice of the People, it is again become my duty to meet you in General Assembly.
The affairs of government will always be attended with difficulty, and will require much application, prudence and firmness, in those on whom is devolved the arduous task of conducting its interests. It is in confidence that I shall be favoured with your cordial assistance and support, that I enter upon the office and duties which the Constitution has assigned to the chief magistrate of the state. Collected from the different parts of the commonwealth, you must be intimately acquainted with the various situations and circumstances of your constituents, and with such information it will be in your power to pursue the public welfare with candor and success, in all the consultations and measures of the present session.
The business particularly entrusted to me by the Legislature at their last session, has been stricly attended to, and will be the subject of a future message.
The Auditor will lay before you a general statement of the accounts of the Treasury Department; a review of the accounts of that department for several years past, when contrasted with those of former years, will show an increase of wealth in our State, and a degree of economy in the management of our finances, that must be pleasing to our fellow citizens. I, however, conceive it to be my duty, once more to submit to your consideration, the propriety and necessity of redeeming the public securities now in circulation, upon which, without any benefit to our government, we are annually incurring an accumulated interest; without adopting a measure of this kind no complete adjustment of the Treasurer's accounts can be effected.
The Constitution and laws of our country, has made it the duty of the Legislature at this session to choose Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States. This consideration gives a peculiar importance to the business of this session. Those men who are to be immediately instrumental in the appointment of persons, who are to fill the highest offices our country can bestow, ought to be selected from the most worthy of our fellow citizens. It is sincerely to be hoped that the importance of the crisis may induce such Electors when chosen, to unite their suffrages on men, who are attached to the interests of their country, and who are the friends of order and good government.
Should the Chief Magistrate of the Union, be destitute of the virtues of a real Patriot; should a predilection for foreign principles, or an ardor for untried theories, influence him to depart from the sober maxims of our ancestors, and from those principles of national interest which WASHINGTON recommended in his last legacy to the people, and which ADAMS has so happily pursued in his executive administration of the general government; in a word, should our first Magistrate be other than an independant American, and our most injurious consequences to us and our posterity, are justly to be apprehended.
From the situation of this State, Agriculture must be a primary and an essential object of our attention; separated from
Harbors of Commerce, the inhabitants of Vermont must at all times look for support from the labors and productions of the field. And it is with much gratitude to the benevolent Author of nature, that we have to remark that our prospects in this respect are highly encouraging. Not only have the harvests of the present year been greatly productive, but the general spirit of Agriculture is much improving in every part of the State: and the happy effects of it are every where to be seen in the improvements of our farms, in the rapid increase of our buildings, and in the produce of our fields.
But while we observe with pleasure the improved State of our Agriculture it is of importance that we bear in mind that Agriculture in all its interests is most intimately connected with those of Commerce and Manufactures, and cannot be carried on to any considerable extent, but in connection with them. If the Farmer finds no demand for the produce of his land, a great part of it becomes useless; thus the various interests of every state in the union become mutually dependant and connected; and that which is a benefit to the one is an advantage to the whole.
All our interests whether public or private, are so inseparably connected with the principles that regulate the conduct of mankind, the principles of morality and religion, that there cannot be any permanent prosperity in the one without a steady cultivation of the other; what can restrain the passions of men, regulate their views and pursuits, confine them to the bounds of reason, duty and integrity, produce industry, economy and regularity, or a steady obedience to the laws of our country, but substantial and permanent principles of action? and can these be expected, or will they be found in any other principles but those of morality and religion.
If any thing can be wanting to convince us of the importance of moral and christian principles, the fatal and horrid consequences that have arisen in modern times, from treating them with neglect and contempt, must carry conviction to the mind of every person who has heard or read of the revolution in Europe. In every attempt therefore to promote the interests of science, the education of youth or to render respectable the institutions & precepts of christianity, we shall be in the discharge of a duty highly useful in a christian country, and every way interesting to a free people.
While the concerns of our state government more immediately engage our attention, they are so essentially connected with the government of the United States, that we cannot discharge our duty to the former, without taking into view the interests of the latter.
The wisdom, the prudence, the firmness and success with which our late President, the great, the good, the immortal Washington administered the affairs of the Federal government, can never be forgotten by us, and will ever be remembered with admiration and gratitude by all succeeding generations. It was never given to any man, to render more important services to his country, than was done by him, for the states of America; and were the wishes of mankind ever allowed to control the laws of nature, that most worthy and excellent man had never died.
But although removed to an higher sphere of action, we and I trust all future generations of men in the United States, will share largely in the benefits he procured for his grateful country.
The same measures of government have been pursued by his worthy successor. The effect has been peace, prosperity, increasing wealth and population in every part of the United States; while the rest of the world are involved in the miseries and calamities of civil war, slaughter and destruction, that have not a parallel in history.
If any thing could silence the voice of calumny, or terminate the mischievous effects of misrepresentation as to men and measures, so dangerous to a free government, and so much regretted by all good men, it would be the singular happiness this country has enjoyed amidst the scenes of general distress which have afflicted other nations. But whatever may be the language or the attempt of the opposers of our government, the wise and virtuous cannot but find in the prosperity of our country, abundant reasons for an undeviating attachment to the federal constitution and laws, and to those measures of government that have tended so much to produce public tranquility and happiness. Our commerce, and with it our national resources have been extended; our manufactures have been increased; our agriculture has flourished; our national government has by its laws supported its citizens as

home, and by its energy protected them abroad; and a neutral, and happily beneficial attitude has been maintained with dignified perseverance; and those amongst us who have thought that an efficient treaty with France, would add to our political prosperity, must have found great satisfaction in the recent mission of envoys to that power; indeed, it is ardently hoped that they may honourably accommodate existing disagreements. But should these envoys, like our former messengers of peace, return to their country without effecting the desirable object of their mission, it is charitably expected that every mouth will be stopped, and every eye turned to our own national courage and patriotism, that sure and only foundation of national prosperity.
That all your wise deliberations may tend to this great and good end, I ardently pray the great disposer of all human events.
ISAAC TICHENOR.
REMARKS on the above SPEECH.
The prosperous situation of the State of Vermont will, no doubt, afford general satisfaction to the citizens of the United States. The remarks of Governor Tichenor on this point do credit to his heart and judgment. Had they been confined to this point, his Address would have merited unqualified approbation as a plain, honest exposition of the principles of common sense.
But in abandoning this ground, in passing a lavish encomium upon Mr. Adams and an equally strong censure, though indirectly made, upon Mr. Jeffersons, he has lost sight of the dignity of his station and ventured upon ground forbidden to him by the constitution of Vermont. As Governor, his duties are executive; he has no right to participate in the choice of Electors, which is assigned to the Legislature exclusively; and yet he attempts to influence that choice by an expression of his sentiments, thereby directly interfering in the exercise of a power denied him.
Many precedents, it is true, may be pleaded by Governor Tichenor. But it ought to be recollected that a violation of duty can never impair the obligation to perform it. It ought to be recollected, that almost all governments have been destroyed by the encroachments of executive authority, and with this recollection ever present to our minds, we should be vigilant to check every attempt of executive power to overstep its constitutional limits.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 3d, 1800.
Extract of a letter written by a gentleman of respectability in Hamburg.
"The Emperor Paul is acting the part of a mad man. He is sending every body who distinguishes himself by the least liberality, to Siberia. Poor Kotzebue is among the number. The spirit, however, that is now abroad, is not to be thus crushed. People here talk very freely. —, with whom I have had several conversations, appears to think a new order of things is not very distant all over Germany. I have conversed with people, who have lately been travelling in Denmark and Germany, and the general opinion seems to be that the great majority of all classes are in favour of the principles of the French Revolution. At the public gardens beyond Altona, in the king of Denmark's dominions, I heard them play, to my astonishment, the Marseilles Hymn and Caira. PUBLIC OPINION, I am however informed, calls for such airs."
On Saturday last the PRESIDENT of the United States arrived in this city, and took up his residence in the house appropriated to him by the commissioners. Though not entirely finished, the part which is completed will afford ample accommodations.
AMERICAN ENVOYS.
Several articles in the London papers of the latest dates mention the rupture of the American negotiation at Paris, and of the preparations making by the Envoys to return: But a letter from a respectable gentleman in London, dated Sept. 8, says — "An acquaintance of mine has this day received a letter from an intelligent friend at Paris, dated the 2d inst. in which he expresses his satisfaction with the fair prospect of a successful issue to our negotiations. There will be, he says, a Treaty. This is certain, that the Envoys have not left Paris, as reported in the papers."
For the information of the Citizens of Washington, we publish the Act of the President of the United States of June 5, 1796, permitting the erection of frame buildings until the first Monday in December next, after which day it will be illegal to erect any buildings not of stone or brick, the walls whereof shall be higher than forty feet to the roof, in any part of the City, or lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS, by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States, on the seventeenth day of October, 1791, for regulating the materials and manner of buildings and improvements on the lots in the City of Washington, it is provided, "that the outer and party walls of all houses in the said city, shall be built of brick or stone;" and by the 3d article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared, "that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof, in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues." — And whereas the above recited articles have been found, by experience, to impede the settlement in the City of mechanics and others, whose circumstances do not admit of erecting houses of the description authorised by the said regulation — It is therefore declared that the operation of the said first and third articles above recited, shall be and the same is hereby suspended, until the first Monday of December, in the year one thousand eight hundred, and that all the houses which shall be erected in the said city, prior to the said first Monday of December, one thousand eight hundred, conformable, in other respects, to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected.
Given under my hand this twenty-fifth day of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety six.
GO: WASHINGTON.
WASHINGTON, COMMISSIONERS' OFFICE, 28th June, 1796.
By order of the Commissioners.
THOMAS MUNROE, Clk.
GENERAL STAMP OFFICE.
The Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, has given notice, that a General Stamp Office is established at the seat of Government, (city of Washington,) and that the power of the supervisors of the revenue to mark or stamp any vellum, parchment or paper chargeable with duty, will cease on the last day of Feb. 1801. — That if any person shall, after that time, have in their custody or possession, any vellum, &c. marked or stamped by the supervisors of the revenue, upon which any matter or thing, charged with duty, shall not have been written or printed, they may at any time within the space of sixty days after the said last day of February 1801, bring or send such vellum, parchment or paper, unto some office of inspection, and in lieu thereof, receive a like quantity or value of vellum, parchment or paper, duly stamped. And in case any person shall neglect or refuse within the aforesaid time to bring or cause to be brought unto some officer of inspection, any such vellum, &c. it is declared, that the same will thereafter be of no other effect or use, than if it had never been marked or stamped.
The majority by which Albert Gallatin is re-elected a member of the house of representatives, is 2,721 — He had 4,249 votes, and his opponent P. Nevill had 1,528 votes.
In our statement of members of congress chosen in Pennsylvania, we incorrectly stated Mr. Edie as one, we should have said Mr. Boude. — The delegation is completed by the election of Mr. Heister, a republican candidate. The result of the election is 11 republicans, and 2 federalists.
In the Eastern district of Vermont, in which no choice was made, owing to neither candidate having an absolute majority, Mr Niles, the republican candidate, had 872, and Mr. Morris, the federal candidate had 879 votes.
Further accounts of Election.
   PENNSYLVANIA.   REPUBLICAN FEDERAL     Cumberland county 1,306   Luzern 356   Northumberland 2,010   Allegheny 1,937   Greene 629   Washington 1,690   Berks 2,662   Chester 1,843   1,980  
NEW-JERSEY.
   REPUBLICAN FEDERAL     Cumberland 729   Salem 798   Monmouth 873  
In Massachusetts a second trial has been had in the district formerly represented by Dwight Foster — The votes received at Worcester on the 22d ult. gave Mr. Lincoln, the republican candidate, 817 votes, and Mr. Upham the federal candidate, 577.
The legislature of New-York are to convene in Albany on the 4th inst.
The following is a statement of the votes returned for gentlemen to represent CONNECTICUT in the next Congress, viz.
   SUCCESSFUL     Roger Griswold, 6150   Samuel W. Dana, 6263   William Edmond. 5880   John Davenport, jun. 5250   Elizur Goodrich, 5779   John C. Smith, 6082   Elias Perkins,, 4858     UNSUCCESSFUL     William Hart, 3250   Gideon Granger, Jun. 3012   Sylvester Gilbert, 2921   Colvin Goddard, 2172   Benjamin Talmage, 1541   Simeon Baldwin, 1272   Timothy Pitkin, jun. 927   William Mosely, 535   Epaphroditus Champion, 423   Chauncey Goodrich, 235   Jonathan Brace, 38  
Capt. Stover, who failed from Liverpool, September 7, informs that a report of the sailing of the French and Spanish fleets from Brest, was very prevalent.
The French have taken from the Arsenal of Munich, 11,192 fusils, 51,000 sabres, 114 gun-carriages, 3,200, bombs, 1662, grenades, 126,000 balls, 3,155 bayonets, 2,566 pistols, 2 small silver cannon, statuas and cymbals of silver. They estimate the whole at 1,690,000 florins, more than 3,000,000 of French money.
Naples is in a state of the greatest anarchy; the people have disarmed the troops of the line, taken the castle and garrisoned themselves. The Viceroy and his party have retired to the fortified island of Ischia. The people are without a chief, but receive their impulse from those discontented families, the heads of which have been condemned by the Royal Terrorists.
Extract of a letter from the supercargo of the brig Betsey, White, dated Barcelona, August 17, 1800.
"We have been twice attacked by the gun boats about 40 or fifty miles to the northward of Cadiz, five of them came on us, when there was scarcely any wind, with whom we exchanged a few shot; but shortly after a light breeze springing up we soon left them, without our having received any damage. On the 3d inst. attempting to beat thro' the Gut, we were chased by 5 more, 4 of which were French and 1 Spanish, they appeared to be pretty heavy fellows, and played away their shot at us very briskly, which you may depend we were not cowardly in returning, and that in a warm manner, their shot flying in every direction on our decks, but luckily we got cut, and a few holes in our sails; as there was but little wind they had the advantage of us, owing to their sweeps; in consequence the largest having come up, we sent on board him some of our language, which happened to cut away some of his fore rigging where his colours were hoisted, which soon brought them down together with his fore sail, in consequence of which he fell astern, and a breeze springing up, we saw no more of them."
Under the London head of July 24, a very lengthy string of resolutions are given respecting the finances of Great Britain, laid before the House of Commons by Mr. Tierney. We have compressed them under their distinct heads, and reduced them to dollars, that our readers may, without the trouble of calculation, have some idea of the present financial state of that country, induced by their war measure.
   National debt, 1,981,133,369 dollars.   Sum to be raised for the year 1800, in taxes and loans, 286,392,312 dollars   The annual peace establishment, for nine years after the conclusion of the war, admitting it ends this year, exclusive of any charges to be incurred for sums to be paid on the winding up of the war, or any increase in the naval or military establishment beyond the last peace, is calculated at 144,888,889 dollars.    The peace establishment before the war was little more than half as much as it is calculated to be after its close.
From Machiavelli's Discourses.
REPUBLICS furnish the world with a greater number of brave and excellent characters than kingdoms: the reason is, that in republics virtue is honoured and promoted, in monarchies and kingdoms it incurs suspicion.
If a comparison be made between a mixed government, circumscribed and bounded by laws, and a popular government under the same ties, the people will be found more virtuous than the princes; if between loose and dissolute governments of each kind, the errors on the side of the people will be less important, less numerous, and more capable of redress. In popular tumults, a feverish man may interpose, and by fair remonstrance recal the people to reason, but with an enraged prince who shall interfere? or what remedy is there but violence and the sword.
Among commonwealths there are greater constancy and firmer friendship, than among princes. When leagues and confederacies are to be broken upon the mere prospect of self-interest, commonwealths are religious & severe, and examples may readily be brought where a small gain has tempted a prince, when a great one could not move a republic. In a speech to the Athenians, Themistocles informed them, that he had something to advise which would be infinitely to their advantage, but which he could not communicate in public, because to publish would be to defeat its execution. The people deputed Aristides to receive and act in it as he should think proper. Themistocles informed him, that the whole Grecian fleet (but under the Athenian passport and parole) were in a place where they might easily be taken or destroyed, which would render the Athenians masters of the sea. Aristides reported to the people that the counsel of Themistocles was advantageous but would be a dishonour to the state; whereupon it was unanimously rejected. Had the same occasion been offered to Philip of Macedon, or other princes, they would have been less scrupulous; for princes are habituated to get more by breach of faith than by all their other projects.
In wisdom, steadiness, and judgment, the people have greatly the advantage of princes. By some occult and singular quality they frequently foresee the most astonishing events. For this reason the voice of the people is compared to the voice of God. And in judging respecting matters that are doubtful you shall seldom find them mistaken. Let two orators, equally eloquent, discuss a subject before them, pro and con, they will be sure to take the most rational side: a proof that they are no less capable of truth than other orders of men.
INVOCATION TO POVERTY.
[Written by CHARLES FOX.]
OH POVERTY! of pale, consumptive hue! If thou delight'st to haunt me still in view; Still thy presence must my steps attend, At least continue, as thou art—my friend!
Whene'er example bids me be unjust, False to my word, or faithless to my trust, Bid me the baneful error quickly see, And shun the world, to find repose with thee.
When vice to wealth would turn my partial eye, Or int'rest shut my ear to sorrow's cry; Or courtiers' customs would my reason bend,
My foe to flatter, or desert my friend: Oppose, kind POVERTY! thy temper'd shield, And bear me off, unvanquish'd, from the field.
If giddy Fortune e'er return again, With all her idle, restless, wanton train; Her magic glass should false ambition hold, Or Av'rice bid me put my trust in gold; — To my relief, thou virtuous Goddess, haste, And with thee bring thy daughters, ever chaste, Health, Liberty, and Wisdom—sisters bright, Whose charms can make the worst condition light! Beneath the hardest fate the min! can cheer, In real affliction, and disarm despair! Chains, in torments, pleasure can bequeath, And dress in smiles the tyrant hour of death!

PARIS, Sept. 1.—The Army of Reserve at Dijon, which has hitherto consisted of four divisions, is to be reduced to three. One of the four is, by order of the Minister at war, to be distributed among the other three. This alteration has, no doubt, been occasioned by the departure of a considerable part of the camp of Remilly for Italy. An Aide-de-camp of the First Consul has set out for Dijon, to ascertain the exact state of the army. Two couriers passed, according to letters from Dijon, through that Commune, charged, it is said, with orders to the armies for the renewal of hostilities.
PARIS, Sept. 4.
It appears certain that the Chief Consul has sent his Ultimatum to Vienna, with a formal assurance that he would make no alteration in it and that unless the Emperor returned an answer by the 8th September, orders would be given to prosecute the war with redoubled vigour.
LONDON, Sept. 4—6. Yesterday advices were received from Minorca, that the 35th regiment, which is 1900 strong, has been sent to Malta. The forces under Gen. Abercrombie, consisting of about 9000 men, have failed to the Eastward, supposed to be destined for Egypt; and the Gen. had left orders that the 4000 men which were landed on the island of Houet, but were afterwards re-embarked for the Mediterranean, should follow him. Among these are several hundred cavalry.
Sept. 6.—Yesterday morning Mr. Wick the Messenger, arrived at Lord Grenville's Office, with a copy of the Convention, signed at Copenhagen, by Lord Whitworth the English Ambassador, and Count Bernstorff, the Danish Minister. This Convention, we understand, is precisely conformable to the original instructions of Lord Whitworth, and completely adjusts to the satisfaction of Government, all the points submitted by them to discussion, in consequence of the detention of the Danish Frigate Franz , and her convoy. It specifies a mode of conduct to be observed in future, which shall remove all occasions of dispute, and prevent all further opposition to the exercise of the long established rights of the British Navy. A minute investigation is also to take place respecting every difficulty and cause of complaint which may hereafter arise; and the present agreement is to be immediately followed by a regular treaty for arranging the relative commercial concerns of the two countries. In consequence of this amicable adjustment of affairs, the Danish frigate and her convoy have been released, and were yesterday expected to sail from Deal for their several destinations.
The Courier de Londres , of last night states that the Preliminaries of Peace which Count St. Julien and Duroc, brought from Paris, were ratified by the Emperor, upon the express provision that a general Peace should be negotiated in conjunction with England. To this the French Government consented, so far as to open a negotiation with this country.
The proposals of the British Cabinet, according to the Courier de Londres , were: 1st, The re-establishment of the Stadtholder, and the extension of the Dutch territory; 2d, The evacuation of Egypt, and the surrender of Malta; 3d, A compensation to be given by England, as an equivalent, out of the possessions of France and her Allies in the two Indies.
Sept. 8.—We observed in our paper of Saturday, that the Cabinet Ministers had held two very long sittings on the preceding days, on the subject of a dispatch received from Paris on Thursday morning. It may be thought hazardous, to pretend to any knowledge, of the contents of this dispatch, but we are given to understand, by the most respectable authority, that the terms demanded by the Chief Consul as preliminary to negotiation, were of a nature not to be complied with. It was therefore expected that the intercourse would not proceed any further. His Majesty's ministers however, with an anxious desire to remove every obstacle to negotiation, have persevered in their endeavors to obviate the first impediments that have been thrown in the way of it; and late on Friday night, a dispatch was sent off to Paris from Lord Grenville's office, with the result of the Council held on that day.
The public may implicitly rely on this information.
[Times.]
Statement of affairs between France and Austria.
Yesterday afternoon we received by express, the Paris Journals to the 5th inst. their contents are not of very material importance, except as far as they go to confirm the former accounts of the irrevocable determination of the Chief Consul to bring the Emperor to a prompt and explicit decision with respect to the great question of peace or war. No modification whatever of the last proposals of the enemy, is it seems to be admitted, and unless an answer perfectly satisfactory is received by the 8th inst. (this day) positive orders are expected to be issued for the immediate renewal of hostilities with redoubled vigour, in every direction. General Moreau has returned to the army, and on the 28th ult. regular notice was given to the Austrians on the Rhine, that in twelve days from that date the armistice would cease, and a resumption of offensive operations consequently take place. This however will depend entirely upon the nature of the expected answer from the Court of Vienna, which, notwithstanding the present hostile aspect of affairs, we are still inclined to think will not be altogether inimical to peace. The Emperor must be conscious of his total inability any further to prosecute the war, with the slightest prospect of success; and hence it is more than probable he will accede to the terms of pacification now finally proposed, as the only visible expedient of terminating his misfortunes, or of guarding against his still further humiliation and distress. The augmented and disciplined forces of the enemy, commanded by the most consummate generals of the age, are now so advantageously disposed, as to menace in almost every direction the immediate safety of the domestic territories of Austria, while its own dispirited troops, by the inferiority of their numbers seem inadequate to every purpose of effectual resistance. The finances, too, of his Imperial Majesty, notwithstanding the supplies from England are in a very exhausted state, and form a striking contrast to the improved resources of the enemy, who continue to be provided with the essential sinews of war from almost every country that has of late received their yoke. We are now told of a number of waggons, loaded with money, being on their way from Germany to Paris; so that in this as in all other respects, the enemy possess too manifest a superiority over their opponents, to induce a reasonable hope of the latter, in the event of a renewal of the contest, being able to oppose with effect the future progress of the daring victors.
This morning at 1 o'clock we received the Hamburg Mail, which became due yesterday. The advices by this conveyance have for the most part been anticipated by those contained in the French papers. They however corroborate all the former statements relative to the hostile aspect which affairs have lately assumed on the continent; and add, that the hopes of peace in Germany have of late considerably diminished.
Notwithstanding the appearances of War at Paris, the French Funds have rather risen than fallen; and the Clef du Cabinet of the 3d inst. observes—that the reports of a general Peace have been renewed since the 1st inst. with greater appearance of confidence than ever.
It is asserted, and we believe truly, that the Treaty of Alliance lately concluded between the courts of Berlin and Petersburg, binds each party to defend the integrity of the Germanic Empire.
The London Gazette of Saturday evening has at length made known the situation of the expedition under Sir James Pultney, together with one of its objects, which has not been attended with success. The failure of this attempt will only be regretted upon account of the brave men it has cost us. It was evidently neither the first nor the principal design of the armament; nor is the miscarriage of a nature or extent to disappoint the more important views, or retard the ulterior destination of the forces.
The Expedition failed upon the 7th of August, and the time which has elapsed between that period and its attempt upon Ferrol upon the 25th, prove sufficiently that some intermediate object had been formed, which it had been found advisable to abandon. In the present qualified and conventional kind of hostilities with Spain, no very strong motive could exist for striking a blow exclusively at that country; nor does Ferrol, if it had fallen into our hands offer any powerful inducements for risking the danger of converting the mitigated warfare that now exists between us, into a national quarrel.
Admiral Dickson, it is rumored, was to
leave Elsmeur on the first of the present month.
Our letters from most parts of the kingdom, contain very distressing accounts of riotous assemblages of the people, for the purpose of enforcing a reduction in the price of grain.
It was on the 9th ult. that Lord Whitworth signed the convention with Count Bernstorff, the Danish minister. The following is a copy of a Note written by his lordship to one of our ministers abroad on the subject, and is more explanatory than any thing that has been published on the subject.
COPENHAGEN, Aug. 30. "I have the satisfaction to acquaint you, that I yesterday signed a Convention with the Danish Minister, on terms satisfactory to his Majesty, and such as will, I think, strengthen the bonds of friendship and alliance between the two countries."
WHITWORTH."
The following are the principal Articles of the Convention:
"The Danish Frigate and Convoy, carried into Deal, shall be repaired at the expence of Great Britain, and then released."
"The discussion respecting the asserted right of the English to visit Convoys, shall be adjourned to a further negotiation in London."
"Until this point is decided, Danish ships shall only sail under convoy in the Mediterranean Seas, to protect them from the Algerine cruizers. The Danish ships shall be searched as heretofore."
"The Convention shall be ratified by the two Courts within three weeks."
Buonaparte is said to have required the Pope's permission for Catholic Priests to marry.
FRANKFORT, Aug. 27.—Yesterday afternoon, Adj. Gen. Masseneau repaired to the head quarters of the Austrian Gen. Baron Simbschen, and signified to him on the part of his government, that the cessation of the armistice, and the recommencement of hostilities would take place at the expiration of the period agreed to by the Convention on both sides. In the course of the evening, the circumstance was communicated to the French troops which had been assembled for a general review.
STRASBURGH, Aug. 30.—All the General Officers who were a few days ago in this commune, have set out to their respective corps. General Lecourbe, who has been only detained by sickness, is better, and will immediately return to the army. We learn that the Bishop of Bamberg has suddenly broken off his negotiation with Mr. Wickham, the object of which was to place a body of troops in the pay of England.
BASLE, Aug. 27.—The advanced guard of the Army of Reserve, commanded by the general of division, Rey, is arrived in the environs of Berne, on its march to Lucerne. It is to embark on the lake of the four Cantons, and proceed by Aldorff to the Grisons. A second division is also expected, under the command of Gen. d'Hillers, which is to march by Zurich and Constance to Upper Suabia, and reinforce the right wing of the Army of the Rhine.
BRUSSELS, Aug. 31.—Detachments of troops, consisting of Gen. d'armerie and artillery, continue to pass through this place both day & night, and advance by forced marches to the coasts of ci-devant Flanders.
HAMBURGH, Aug. 29.—The hopes of peace vanish more and more every day. At least, we see nothing certain from any thing that has passed that a solid peace will be established between Austria and France. The minister Thugut abides closely in alliance with England, and has ratified the treaty with that power. He seems to be an equal match to Buonaparte in the science of negotiation.
STUTGARD, Aug. 26.—While every preparation is making for war, and the French Generals have announced to the Austrians the renewal of hostilities on the expiration of the term settled by the Convention, the inhabitants of Vienna do not scruple to manifest very oposite sentiments.—The Emperor and Empress have frequent occasions to be informed of these sentiments personally. Their Imperial Majesties can scarcely appear in public, or show themselves at the windows of their palace, without hearing from the people reiterated shouts of "Peace! Peace!" They have also witnessed unequivocal testimonies of these sentiments even in the Theatre, and have been obliged to return home to avoid such strong expressions of the public opinion. They are, however, in hopes still that the inflexibility of the
Government will give way, and that they will avoid the hazard of a war which must be resumed with so marked a disadvantage to itself.
The Rev. ARTHUR HOMER, D. D. and fellow of St. Mary Magdalen College, Oxford (England) has circulated proposals for printing by subscription, a work entitled " Bibliotheca Universalis Americana ;" or an Universal American Library: containing a general catalogue of publications, relating to America and the West Indies, from the first discovery thereof by Columbus, in 1492, to the end of the present century. This work is intended to comprise not only all books and pamphlets relating to America and the West Indies, particularly those in our own language, which are written during the late war; but all those of any note or celebrity, which have been written by American authors, or have proceeded originally from the American press, upon what subject soever they may treat. The best maps, charts, &c. will likewise generally be added, together with all the voyages and discoveries in the North and South Seas throughout the whole of the Western hemisphere.
The divisions which at present appear most eligible to the editor are—
1. The general history and description of the countries included in this plan, containing the general accounts of voyages, travels, adventures, journals, campaigns, sieges, battles, &c.
2. Geographical books and gazetteers, atlases, maps, charts, &c.
3. Books upon divinity and moral subjects; particularly the disputes and persecutions of the Quakers in Pennsylvania and New England, the history of the United Brethren in America, and all other religious sects.
4. Law books, state papers, trials, and political pamphlets.
5. Books relating to natural history, medicine, chirurgery, &c.
6. Ditto to the arts and sciences, antiquities, and literature in general.
7. Ditto to trade in general and plantation agriculture, and the American fisheries.
8. Ditto to the affairs of the South Sea company in particular.
9. Ditto to the Scots colony at Darien.
10. Ditto to the Hudson Bay company.
11. Ditto to the celebrated Mississippi scheme.
12. Ditto to the Slave Trade and African company trading to the West Indies.
13. Ditto to poetry, music, novels, and dramatic compositions.
14. Addenda or appendix of miscellaneous articles not included under the above heads, or accidentally before omitted.
Lastly, All books in the Indian languages, to what class soever they may properly belong, will be thrown together into a separate appendix, as more particularly appropriate to this publication.
The work will consist of two volumes in quarto, of about five hundred pages each. The price to subscribers two guineas in boards.
Address of the ABBE RAYNAL, to the People of America.
"PEOPLE of North America! let the example of all nations which have preceded you, and especially that of the mother country, instruct you. Be afraid of the influence of gold, which brings with luxury the corruption of manners and contempt of laws; be afraid of too unequal a distribution of riches, which shews a small number of citizens in wealth, and a great number in misery; whence arises the insolence of one, and the disgrace of the other. Guard against the spirit of conquest; the tranquility of the empire decreases as it is extended; have arms to defend yourselves, and have none to attack."
"Seek ease and health in labour; prosperity, in agriculture and manufactures; strength, in good manners and virtue. Make the sciences and arts prosper, which distinguish the civilized man from the savage. Especially watch over the education of your children."
"It is from public schools, be assured, that skilful magistrates, disciplined and courageous soldiers, good fathers, good husbands, good brothers, good friends, and honest men come forth. Wherever we see the youth depraved, that nation is on the decline. Let liberty have an immovable foundation in the wisdom of your constitutions; and let it be the cement which unites your states, which cannot be destroyed. Establish no legal preference in your different modes of worship. Superstition is every where innocent when it is neither protected nor persecuted; and let your duration be, if possible, equal to that of the world."