National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-05-07 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, May 7, 1792.
NUMB. 55.
Mr. FINDLEY'S Speech, in the House of Representatives of the United States, on the Assumption of the remaining State Debts.
DURING the progress of the discussion in support of the resolution, it has been presumed by all the gentlemen on that side of the question, that the irredeemable principal ingrafted on the funding system, was an equivalent for deferring one third of the debt for ten years, in short, that it was equal to the original contract; consequently that the funding system, including the irredeemable quality, was a full discharge of the original obligation, and that the amendment now under debate, if adopted, would be a breach of the original contract, and would operate unjustly towards the public creditors.
In all transactions in public life, wherein I have been engaged, and the public creditors concerned, I have steadily attended to their honest claims, and supported their interests, agreeably to the principles of the government: In this I have acted with the same industry and zeal that I have exercised in contributing to accomplish the revolution, from which these claims originated. I have been attentive to the present funding system, in its progress to existence, and in its operation and effects; and I did, and still do believe, that the irredeemable principal was no equivalent for the departure from the original contract. I am also persuaded, that it is inconsistent with the original contract, and contrary to the principles of the constitution, and unsuitable to our political circumstances. With respect to the first, I know of no law existing in any of the states whereby a debt which the creditor can only recover at a distant period, and in very small instalments, is rendered more valuable, than a right to recover it on demand, and all at one time—disposing of property, to be paid for in instalments, and at a distant period, is common in this country; but in that case the privilege is supposed to be enjoyed by the debtor, for which he always pays a higher price. To presume that putting a man's just claims to prompt payment out of his own power, except in such small portions and distant periods as he cannot reasonably calculate upon receiving, in the course of one generation, nor to such an amount at any one time, as can be applied to any valuable purchase, is presuming contrary to reason, to the laws and the usages of the United States.
But it may be answered, that the public creditors, as a party in the contract, had a right to agree to such terms, if they pleased; and that they did agree to them is by their acceptance, in subscribing to the loan, testified. It is not pretended that the terms were proposed by the public creditors; so far from this, it is well known that many of them remonstrated against the terms of the funding system, and gave an ample testimony against the irredeemable quality being an equivalent for deferring, or in other words, lowering the interest of the debt.
Their acceptance of the terms is no proof of their voluntary approbation; it was not optional to them on impartial ground. Provision was made for the interest for fifteen years, and the obligation made perpetual in favour of those who subscribed; and if I am not mistaken, the provision was afterwards made perpetual: And what was the alternative in favour of those who did not accept? Why they had a provision of four per cent, made for one year only, without any obligation for continuing that provision, and without interest upon their interest, as those who subscribe have; and so recent and striking an instance before them of disregard to the original obligation, both in matter and
form, as is witnessed in the funding law, was a discouraging circumstance to those who would have otherwise preferred resting their claim upon that ground. In this situation interest and necessity dictated the propriety of accepting the terms of the funding system, not as an equivalent for their claims, but as the best they could get. That the original holders accepted with reluctance, and remonstrated, we know, that many of that description, as well as foreigners, did not accept at all, is evident from the question before us: the parties therefore were too unequal for a contest, and the terms were too unequal with respect to security, to render the acceptance a proof of approbation.
The truth is, that the irredeemable quality appears never to have been intended as a real or solid equivalent. It was wholly calculated to be a subject of speculation, which might draw the attention of persons in those countries, where from the superabundance of specie capitals, enormous national debts, and long habits in stock jobbing, speculation is become a science. To promote this the unnatural and novel distinction of parts which had no foundation in the contract, and a variety and necessary fluctuation in the comparative value, was introduced. This distinction and variety was well adapted to be an inducement to the meritorious public creditors, especially such of them as resided in the country, to part with their certificates.
The two thirds of two thirds, the 6 per cents, the three per cents, deferred debt, &c. all in one certificate, which the former received originally with an obligation simply of 6 per cent. upon the principal, until it was paid, is so much beyond his comprehension, that he prefers parting with it, to keeping it on terms which he does not understand, and which he conceives may with equal ease be changed again by the same authority into other and more unintelligible varieties. To this end it has corresponded to admiration; few indeed are the certificates now in the hands of original holders, of the agricultural class.
One leading advantage which the promoters of the funding system suggested would arise from its operation, was a circulation of the revenues to the more remote parts of the country, in payment of interest, which had been previously drawn into the treasury by duties, and had the system been adapted to the genius and circumstances of the people of the United States, this no doubt would have been its effect, and in this way a beneficial balance of circulating specie would have been supported.
It was also suggested that the certificates, when appreciated, would assume the form & use of a circulating medium, and in this way be as a substitute for money, promote the purchasing of land, improving the country, and give a general spring to industry: and this salutary effect a funding system, calculated and guarded suitably for that purpose, might also have had. But these important consequences have been completely defeated by the irredeemability and other peculiarities of the funding system: that the funding system was calculated to be a field for speculation, was the general opinion of people of reflection when it was originated. And what have been the effects of its operation? Why, it has introduced the most extravagant combinations, promoted fictitious credits, and by giving a facility to stock jobbing, in all its varied forms, has become an enormous and ruinous snare. It has occasioned many of the most enterprising characters to desert the useful paths of industry: dissipation, gambling, extravagant projects and extravagant modes of life are promoted to such a degree as to be ruinous to
our morals and degrading to our national character. Wealth hastily gotten, without industry, has changed the grades of society and erected a new and formidable interest in the commonwealth. One week we behold fortunes rising like exhalations, and the price of stocks blown up above all reasonable calculation—but perhaps before the next week arrives we find the stocks fell a fourth or a fifth, and disappointment, bankruptcy, and stagnation of the most useful branches of commerce, spreading consternation far and wide, and the tales of villainy and consequent distress swell up the news of the day. Though I have not changed my opinion of the funding system, since it made its appearance, yet I confess its delusory and enaring progress has been more rapid, the bubbles have sprung up and burst in a greater variety and in quicker succession than I expected. General confidence and contentment among the citizens has not been among the effects produced by the irredeemability, and the complex and mysterious forms of the funding system.
A principal advantage the funding system was to produce, was the lowering the rate of interest for money; indeed this was the principle upon which it was supposed to be calculated: it was to reduce the rate of interest to five or even four per cent. by its beneficial operation as a circulating medium &c. I ask sir, has it had the effect? No, it has not, but the reverse. I acknowledge certificates have been purchased at a rate that would not afford five per cent. upon the price given for them, and that even after they were above par—but at the same time the rate of negotiable interest rose to a usurious height: no such instances of usury were heard of in this country at any former period, (except in the times of general distress and bankruptcy occasioned by old debts, losses in the course of the war and an over importation of goods at the conclusion of the war) and this has not been incidental, but the native effect of the system. Negotiable interest has rose too high for the solid purposes of commerce, and capitals and attention have been withdrawn from it by the baubles of the times—and by the prevailing fluctuations in the funds and private credit, the regular circulation of credit and cash suited to commercial purposes is obstructed. However I do not deny but that importations are to as great an amount as ever. I believe the amount is too great for the public good, but this is not the result of the quantity, or high price of our exports, but it is the return for our certificates transferred to foreigners to whom they are in the more esteem because of that irredeemable quality to which I object—In consequence of this we become tributaries to foreigners, over whom we have no controul, and from whose wealth we can derive no advantage—this evil has already prevailed to a great degree and by the present system can neither be remedied nor prevented.
I have said that the funding system is inconsistent with the original contract—this is evident from all its complex and mysterious division of parts and difference of value which had no foundation in the original obligation, many instances of this might be adduced, but I will only select one. The act of Congress provided for the redemption of the old continental bills of credit at 40 for one; the funding system provides for it at the rate of one dollar for the hundred, and that dollar subject to its divisions of parts and value. Is not this a total departure from the contract both in matter and form? It is vain to answer, that the Congress money had been considered as lost, and had depreciated much lower than one for forty; the sanction of an act of Congress supported by the obligation of the constitution fixed it at
forty for one, and the same power that could alter it to one hundred for one, could annihilate that or any original claim altogether—I am not here treating about the equity of the claims—but about the legislative authority of Congress to change contracts which they were bound to fulfil, both by the acts of the old Congress, and an express clause of the constitution.
In preparing, and enacting the funding law, Congress seems to have laid aside the character of the legislator and assumed that of the judge, whereas their most conspicuous character in transacting that business ought to have been that of a party prevailing for the payment of their debts; but in acting the part of a judge they have taken it upon an original plan, they have changed the value and the principles of the claim by a mere act of their will, without being guided by reasons taken from the original obligations, but have rather been influenced by the contemplation of the mighty political machine they were about to erect, viz. an unextinguishable national debt, and consolidated monied interest.
I have also said that the irredeemable quality of the funding system is contrary to the constitution. Congress have the power of applying the public resources towards paying the debts of the union; every successive Congress is equally vested with that power, it is derived immediately from the constitution to every Congress and not derived through the laws of one Congress to another; but in the funding system, the Congress who enacted it have decreed that no succeeding Congress shall pay the existing debts of the United States, except in certain small and distinct instalments which perhaps would occupy two, or a part of three generations to complete; certainly the present Congress cannot say unto the next or any future Congress that they shall not do what the constitution expressly says they have power to do; and yet if we reject the amendment and adopt the resolution we are in fact saying so; if we do so we are holding out a further delusion to the citizens; in ares of this kind have proceeded far enough already, a future Congress certainly will disregard this restraint and repeal the irredeemable quality of the funding system.
The creditors who hold those claims for which we are about to provide have an unquestionable right to 6 per cent. interest upon the original claim, but not to interest upon the interest, but to a provision for extinguishing the arrears of interest; all the different laws which I know of contemplate a delay of payment of interest and expressly guard against paying compound interest. The party to whom interest is due may claim and recover it at short periods, but if it is not claimed or cannot be got, any supposed delay does not enable the creditor to claim interest thereon; this proves that legal interest is supposed in the law to be a sufficient compensation for the delay of payment.
My first design was to have moved to amend the resolution so as to provide 6 per cent. for the principal according to contract, and have proposed some provision for paying the arrears of interest, but upon reflection I find the business so far put out of its natural course already that I have relinquished that design; the progress of innovation has been so great that it is difficult to tread back the ground, therefore I will vote for the amendment.
One difficulty which influenced me to give up my first design was, that not only the arrears of interest which arose since the first of January, 1788, is funded at three per cent. to those who subscribed to the loan, but also the indents of interest issued previous to that period under the confederation, which had
(See last Page.)

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, May 2.
An engrossed bill concerning the duties on spirits distilled within the United States, being read a third time, and having the blanks filled up, was passed, and sent to the Senate for their concurrence.
An engrossed bill, relative to the compensation of certain officers employed in the collection of the duties of impost and tonnage, was also passed on a third reading, and sent to the Senate for concurrence.
Another engrossed bill was read a third time and not passed, viz. A bill, to conform an award of referees between the United States and certain contractors for furnishing supplies of provision for the use of the army during the late war.
On the question, for passing this bill, the yeas were 25; the nays, 27.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Ben- son, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Fitzsimons, Goodhue, Gordon, Hillhouse, Lawrance, Learned, Livermore, Page, Schoonmaker, J. Smith, I. Smith, W. Smith, Sterrett, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatcher, Tucker, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward—25.
NAYS—Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Browne, Clark, Dayton, Giles, Gilman, Gregg, Grove, Heister, Key, Kitchell, Lee, Ma- con, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Mur- ray, Niles, Parker, Seney, Sheredine, Steele Sumpter, Venable, White, Williamson 27.
Mr Benson laid on the table a resolution, declaring that it shall be lawful for the contractors above mentioned, to proceed by petition against the United States, in the Supreme Court, &c.
A message by Mr. Secretary Lear, noti- fied the House, that the President of the United States had this day approved and signed an act for calling forth the militia, to execute the Laws of the Union, to sup- press insurrections, and repel invasions; — and also an act for raising a further sum of money for the protection of the frontiers.
Mr. Secretary Otis informed the House, that the Senate had appointed a Committee to join with such committee as the House might appoint, to wait on the President and notify him of the proposed recess of Con- gress.
Pursuant to the order of the day, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on a bill supplementary to the act making provision for the debt of the United States.
The first section being read, as follows, Be it enacted, &c. That the term for re- ceiving on loans that part of the domestic debt of the United States which hath not been subscribed pursuant to the terms pro- posed in the act, entitled, "an act making provision for the debt of the United States," shall be, and it is hereby extended, on the same terms as in and by the said act is pro- vided, to the first day of next ; and books for receiving such farther subscrip- tions shall be opened at the Treasury of the United States, and by the commissioners of loans in each of the said states, on the day of next , which shall continue open until the said first day of next , inclusively, for which purpose the said commissioners respectively are hereby invested with the like powers, and required to perform the like duties as in and by the said act is directed.
Mr. Giles moved to amend it, by insert- ing, after the words, "to the first day of next , the following clause,—(which he had before endeavoured to introduce, on the 28th, and 29th of March, and the 2d of April, when the resolutions, which served as the ground-work of the bill, were under consideration)—viz.
...except that condition in the act, which renders the debt, so far subscribed, subject to redemption, by payments not ex- ceeding, in one year, on account of both principal and interest, a proportion of eight dollars upon the hundred, on any certificate which shall be issued according to the terms therein specified;—which condition, so far as it relates to any part of the debt which may be hereafter subscribed, shall be abo- lished.
After a debate of some length, the ques- tion was taken on the proposed amendment, and passed in the negative, yeas, 17; nays (not counted) about 30.
The Committee then rose, and reported progress.
THURSDAY, May 3.
The House considered and agreed to the amendments proposed by the Senate, to the bill authorizing the grant and conveyance of certain lands to J. C. Symmes and his as- sociates—and receded from their amend- ments (disagreed to by the Senate) to the bill for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt.
The message from the Senate was then taken into consideration, expressing their disagreement to sundry amendments pro- posed by the House, to the bill for regu- lating processes in the courts of the United States, &c.
The House receded from some, and in- sisted upon others of their amendments,
and appointed a committee to confer with a committee of the Senate, on the subject of the disagreeing votes of both Houses.
One of the amendments, on which the House insisted, was to strike out a clause empowering the creditor to "pursue a capi- as ad satisfaciendum, until a tender be made of debt and costs in gold and silver."
After a lengthy and interesting debate on the subject, the question for receding being taken, passed in the negative, yeas 18, nays 38.
YEAS—Messrs. Ames, S. Bourne, Fitz- simons, Gilman, Hillhouse, Murray, W. Smith, Sylvester, Wadsworth, Ben- son, Boudinot, Gerry, Goodhue, Learned, J. Smith, Steele, Thatcher, Ward.—18.
NAYS—Messrs. Ashe, Barnwell, Brown, Clark, Gordon, Grove, Key, Kitchell, Law- rance, Livermore, Madison, Muhlenberg, Niles, Schoonmaker, Sheredine, Sterrett, Sturges, Tucker, White, Baldwin, B. Bourne, Dayton, Giles, Gregg, Griffin, Heister, Huger, Jacobs, Macon, Moore, Page, Parker, Seney, I. Smith, Sumpter, Tredwell, Venable, Williamson.—38.
A message was received from the Senate, notifying the House of their resolution that the bill authorizing the remission of certain duties, should not pass to a third reading.
Mr. Secretary Otis delivered a second message from the Senate; informing the House that they had agreed to the proposed conference on the subject of the process bill, and appointed conferees on their part:—also that they had passed a bill in which they requested the concurrence of the House, viz.
"A bill to continue in force an act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures and penalties accruing under the revenue laws in certain cases: and to make further provision for the payment of pensions to invalids."
The bill, supplemental to the act making provision for the public debt, was again ta- ken up in committee of the whole, and fur- ther progress made therein.
The following addition (proposed by Mr. Fitzsimons) was made at the end in the third section, viz.
"That where the sum, shall not be sub- scribed before the day of next , it shall be lawful for the holder or possessor of any evidence of the debt of such state, issued between the 1st of janua- ry, 1790, and the first day of January 179*, to subscribe the same until the sum, assumed for such state, shall be fully subscribed: provided that such evidence shall be of the like nature and issued for the same purpo- ses, as is prescribed by the act intituled an act," &c.
Mr. B. Bourne gave notice of his inten- tion of bringing forward a motion, when the bill comes before the house, for a fur- ther assumption of the state debts.
Mr. Madison expressed his regret that since the honorable gentleman intended to make such a motion, he would not make it in the committee of the whole, where there would be a fairer opportunity for a full and candid discussion of the subject.
Mr. Murray laid on the table a resolution that the same per diem allowance be made to the President pro tempore of the Senate as to the Speaker of the House of Repre- sentatives, and that a committee be appoint- ed to bring in a bill for that purpose.
The committee rose, and the House Ad- journed.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
EXCISE LAW.
THE fate of the excise law will determine whether the powers of the government of the United States are held by an aristocratic jun- to or by the people. Ever since the estab- lishment of the law, the people have been so averse to the excise, that the produce of the excise on American produce has not been sufficient to pay the salaries of its pumping officers. Early in the present session the table of Congress was covered with petitions from the people com- plaining of the excise law as a grievance—These petitions were neglected by the representatives of the people, and were very improperly hand- ed to an executive officer who was the occasion of the injury, and was interested in supporting it. As might have been expected, he has sent a lengthy report in to Congress, justifying the measure and explaining away the objections of the people with cunning and sophistry—and re- commending to Congress to persevere in the de- tested measure, and to augment the salaries of the excisemen. A prepared majority in the legislature are about implicitly to adopt the opinion of this infallible secretary—To insure success to the business, a sanctified friend of aristocracy devoutly proposes that the members of both houses of Congress should in solemn procession wait on the President of the United States and request him to appoint a day of fasting, prayer, and humiliation, that the clergy of all denomi- nations from one end of the continent to the other, may intercede with the Lord of Hosts to dispose the minds of the people to obedience.— Some wary members of the junto have contem- plated this proposition, and believing that the free citizens of America will not quietly suffer the well born few to trample them under foot, and that a just Providence will not interfere to
support their weak, wicked and unjust laws; therefore these men have brought forward a law to empower the President of the United States to make use of the militia of one state to put the excise law and other laws in force in another. Where is the independence of the state govern- ments? It is time for the people of America to look into their public affairs.
CENTINEL.
May 5, 1792.
PHILADELPHIA.
May 7, 1792.
Authentic copy of a letter from a gentleman in Cape Francois to his correspondent in this city—dated Cape Francois, April 13, 1792.
"Since I did myself the honor of writing you under 1st March ultimo, I have been in daily expectation of quitting this city, and therefore discontinued that narration of public occurrences which I have taken the liberty of transmitting you from hence, in the hope soon to have the pleasure of communicating it to you verbally; but finding it yet uncertain when I may have the gratification of paying you my personal respects, I resume the pen, to acquaint you that several transports arrived here in the course of the month of March, with troops, military stores and provisions. The whole number of troops actually arrived since the commencement of the insurrection, which is now near eight months, is only about three thousand five hundred. I think these scarcely replace those soldiers and citizens who have been slain by the insurgents, or who have fallen victims to the sickness oc- casioned by those fatigues incident to milita- ry exertions in this climate. Before the newly arrived troops are seasoned, their numbers will probably be greatly dimin- ished by sickness, which has already made con- siderable ravages among them. In my op- inion, an active campaign of one month would destroy one half of them. On the contrary, the number of insurgents daily increases, and they apparently act with greater ardour and obstinacy than in the early periods of the revolt. It is but about three weeks since, the insurrection manifested it- self throughout the parishes of St. Jean Rab- i and Mestique, near the Mole. The usual de- vastations followed. The white party thus comparatively very weak in point of num- bers, is still more enfeebled by moral than by physical causes.
Those everlasting political dissention which estrange the colonists from the mo- ther country and from each other, prevent any important exertion of the public force against the common depredators. Now and then a small detachment of whites make a sudden excursion into the plantation, ex- pend considerable quantities of ammunition without doing much execution, and give the insulting rebels convincing proofs of weakness by as speedily retreating into some fortified post. While jealousy and insub- ordination pervade almost every description of men in the colony, these futile skirmish- es will continue destructive to the party which pursues such a vague warfare. The civil authority fears to cede too much to the military, lest such cession should be drawn into precedent and become permanent. The military is vexed at the encroachments which the civil power has lately attempted and at its interference in cases which fun- damentally affect the discipline of armies. Individuals in both departments differ from their colleagues—every individual would point out the mode of every proceeding, and would inflexibly command on every occasion, but can- not stoop to obey on any. Cordiality seems to be banished from the council and the field, and universal licence prevents all the good effects that might result even from in- dividual exertion properly directed.
Toward the latter part of last month things were driven to that extremity be- tween the colonial assembly and the gene- ral that it was thought some tragic scenes would inevitably ensue. While the gene- ral was in the midst of the colonial assembly endeavouring to justify himself against sun- dry malignant charges, the populace with- out doors, and even in the gallery of the assembly, with loud cries demanded his head.—Nothing less would apparently sa- tisfy the sanguinary, many-headed monster. It was near three o'clock in the morning before the tumult was so far appeased as that it was thought safe for the general to retire to his house, though surrounded and supported by 70 or 80 military officers.— The expedient then adopted by the assem- bly to restore tranquility, was arrogating to itself the sovereign authority by divesting the governor general of his command, and ordering him sent immediately to France under a charge of high crimes and misde- meanors. The next day all the commis- sioned officers of the troops of the line sta- tioned here waited on the general with their resignations which they requested him to sanction, and also begg'd permission to ac- company him home. When an account of this transaction was laid before the assem- bly, it seem'd to bring a majority of the members to their senses a little. On a re- trospective view of their recent resolves, they found that they had far exceeded the legitimate limits of their authority, and be-
en to dread the ill consequences that might result to the colony and to them individu- ally from so daring an insult offered to the supreme executive of the nation. The still, small voice of reason began to elevate itself, and a deputation was dispatched to the governor general, supplicating him to bury the late altercation in oblivion, and to resume the reins of government. A num- ber of respectable citizens joined the circle of military officers who still surrounded the general, and declared publicly that they would seek for and endeavor to bring to justice those dark, designing knaves, who produced the recent effervescence in the populace, and would particularly endeavor to discover those sanguinary villains who had the audacity to demand the general's head. It was not without much persuasion that M. de Blanchelande was prevailed on to comply with the requisition of the assem- bly. He observed, that as that body had usurped the power of vacating the govern- ment, it must be responsible for all conse- quences.—He wished rather to return to France and submit his conduct to the inves- tigation of his superiors, than continue here in the exercise of a precarious authority.— where he is not only subject to be contin- ually vex't by the most flagrant instances of insubordination, but must either be in a continual state of warfare with the colonial assembly, or submit to the mortification of sanctioning encroachments on the legiti- mate prerogatives of the executive power. However, he at length yielded to the re- peated instances of the commissioners who addressed him on this occasion, and was ef- fected down to the hall of the assembly a- midst the acclamations of a great number of sober citizens, who were known, and who declared they would support him in the due exercise of all his functions. Since that day tolerably good order has prevail- ed. The general has assumed rather a high- er tone with the assembly;—and in my con- science, to speak as a good commonwealth- man, I think him perfectly justifiable in it.
The colonial assembly lately appointed some new commissioners from that body to the national assembly of France, in order verbally to plead the cause of the colony, and to endeavor to arrest the contagion of those specious opinions injurious to it, which have been so industriously disseminated by some impolitic pretenders to philanthropy. Those commissioners took their departure the week before last. The altercation be- tween Messieurs the National Commission- ers and the Colonial Assembly had arisen to such a pitch, that there did not appear the least probability that the object of their mission would be attained in any reasonable time. This, together with some personal insults, I suppose induced M. Mirbeck to abandon his pursuit and embark for France three or four days after the colonial com- missioners.—M. St. Leger for months past has been visiting the different parties at Port-au-Prince, Croix-des-Bouquets, Le- ogane, and is said to be now at St. Marc. His manoeuvres are not favorably viewed by the colonists. M. Roume yet remains here; but I understand the colonial assem- bly refuses to hold any official communica- tion with him;—alleging that M. Mir- beck's departure for France abrogates in toto, the commission under which he acted. The political dictionary of those gentlemen seems to give a definition of terms very dif- ferent from that of St. Domingue, and the partizans of both are tenacious of their res- pective interpretations. A majority of the colonists are disposed to dispute the exten- sive power which the commissioners claim.
When M. St. Leger was lately at Port- au-Prince, it seems he thought proper to exercise his dictatorial authority by giving particular directions to the principal offi- cers of the military corps stationed there, which induced them to disobey the requis- itions of the popular magistrates.—Thirty of the principal military officers have been sent round here in consequence—the colo- nial assembly have required the general to hold them under arrest, and send them by the earliest opportunity to France, there to take trial for their misdemeanors.—Two days since the governor-general signified to the assembly, that he had come to a deter- mination to take his departure immediately for France. The most respectable citizens of the Cape, apprehensive that the worst consequences would result from the gene- ral's departure at this critical moment, ex- erted themselves to prevent it by the most loyal representations to him, and reiterated promises of their firmest support in the ex- ercise of his legitimate authority. M. de Blanchelande, in consequence, went this day to the colonial assembly, accompanied by a great number of the citizens of the Cape, and made a manly and pointed address, wherein he represented how much his op- erations had been cramped by the injudicious and illegal interference of the assembly— express'd his hopes that in future it would confine itself within due bounds, and en- deavor to fulfil the purposes of its institu- tion,—otherwise he should be under the necessity of dissolving it, being assured of the support of a majority of the respectable citizens of the colony who had recently sig- nified their determination to promote every means which should be directed to the ge-

neral good, however it might apparently interfere with their particular interest. I hope this spirited remonstrance, whereof I can only give you an imperfect sketch at present, will be attended with a good effect."
Letters from Pittsburg as late as April 29, give fresh accounts of Indian depredations on the frontier of Pennsylvania. On the 17th a party of savages seized two horse loads of provisions near Morrisville Mills in Washington county; the whole of which, however, with the horses was recovered in a few hours by the activity of Capt. Paul, and a party of his men. The same day a considerable flock of horses was taken from Morrisville estate, which notwithstanding every exertion, were never afterwards recovered. It is mentioned in another letter, that from the uncommon activity of the Indians in stealing horses, it is supposed they intend to meet the army with a body of cavalry, the ensuing summer. Other depredations, not to mention murders, have been also recently committed on the south-western frontiers of this state and adjoining parts of Virginia, particularly at the head of Dunkard-Creek, and that neighborhood. From this place were carried off, at one time, eleven prisoners, and a young woman killed—three of the prisoners were put to death at some miles distance on the march—the cattle and sheep were totally destroyed—Many other ravages have been committed, which we have not room to enumerate—The protection the state governments afford to these parts is said to be ineffectual, and little better than an insult to misery.
Some late advices from Spain mention considerable disturbances that prevailed in the city of Madrid the latter part of January. A Corregidor had given a printer leave to strike off a few translated copies of the French Constitution. He printed off, however, about six thousand, which were greedily bought up. Orders were sent from the court to seize the printer, which were obstructed by the people, who rose in mobs; and it is said the count Florida Blanca narrowly escaped the severest effects of their indignation.
The trifling observations which have been so copiously made in the late English papers upon a circumstance so very immaterial to the world as a marriage of one of the royal family of England to a lady of the royal family of Prussia, are drawing to a period. Communities link their own esteem, and even human nature itself suffers, when such frivolities, by the mere power of fashion take precedence of things which are really essential.
On the 11th of Feb. last, the birth-day of the President of the United States was celebrated at Surinam by all the American vessels lying in the harbour of that settlement, except Eleven sail from Rhode-Island; the masters of which refused to pay any attention to the day. On what principle their refusal was grounded, our accounts do not mention. They add, however, that a mark of disaffection to the American government was set upon them by the governor and principal inhabitants of the place. On the same day, the birth-day of the President was celebrated at the Virginia Coffee-House, Cornhill, London, by a respectable number of gentlemen, when thirteen toasts were drunk, all expressive of friendship and good will to America, and of the rights and liberties of mankind in general.
Considerable misunderstandings prevail in Massachusetts relative to the separation of the Province of Maine from that state, and erecting it into a separate independent state: While some are pleasing themselves with an idea that the New-England states will be greatly benefited by such a separation, by having two senators added to the northern scale in Congress, others suspect that the New State will not only eventually suffer thereby, but that the majority of senators will inevitably be of the southern states: the truth of which assertion undoubtedly depends on the line that is supposed to be drawn between the northern and southern states.
Accounts received from Morocco, by way of Spain, mention the death of their Emperor. Two of his sons have been disputing for the supremacy in the government, but have accommodated matters by an equal division of it.
We hear from Clinton county, in the state of New-York, that two Indians, who had taken a great quantity of furs, which was stored up in their camp, were persuaded away by two white men upon another expedition of the same kind: leaving a third Indian to guard the furs during their absence. Returning to their camp by themselves, after an absence of three days they found the Indian murdered and the furs carried off; upon which, pursuing their former companions, the two white men, they came up with them, and shot one dead by way of retaliation; there being every reason to suppose that they had been privy to the murder of the Indian, and concerned in the plunder of the camp.
Letters from the territory south of the Ohio, mention the growing hostility of disposition prevalent among some of the Creeks and the Chickamogga Indians, against the frontier settlements of the United States in that quarter. Twenty-two persons were killed in the Cumberland settlement about the beginning of April, and two carried off. Fifteen miles from Rogersville a Shawanese Indian had killed and scalped three children and taken the mother prisoner.
The most recent European intelligence may be comprized in the following summary—From some equivocal conduct of the Emperor with regard to France, every thing in the Belgic provinces wore a warlike appearance: their army was assembled to the number of more than sixty thousand men in Douay, and the towns in its vicinity, ready to co-operate with the French army against the Emperor—twenty thousand imperial troops were arrived in the Milanese—The National Assembly had granted a general pardon to all French officers and soldiers, who having deserted their colours previous to the first of June 1791, should return into France previous to December 31, 1792.—The mayor and municipality of Paris had received a letter from the King of France, tending to quiet the minds of the people as to any apprehensions of his making a second escape from amongst them, and expressing his inviolable attachment to the welfare and interests of the nation—The French navy was in a miserable situation, being almost wholly deprived of its officers, who had quit the service—The King of Sardinia was making military preparations, it was said, for the purpose of invading France—and the mobs of Marseilles had shown the greatest indignation against Spanish politics in respect to France, having torn down the National arms of Spain, and suspended them on the public pillory.
From the present degraded state of royalty in Europe, its secret patrons in this country cannot possibly deduce any arguments in favour of American Kings and Princes.—Princes in general are at present found to be mere spendthrifts, debauchees, horse-jockies, drunkards and bullies—By a remarkable dispensation of Providence, the existing race of Kings are generally idiots, sap-heads, gluttons, or weakers; and for want of energy in their individual character to enforce despotism, must gradually suffer their respective nations to glide into republicanism, both in form and substance.
The ground between Delaware and Schuylkill, has within these few days been examined by several experienced gentlemen of this city with a view of determining the most practicable and beneficial mode of constructing the canal which is to unite the two rivers. From a result of their enquiries and observations, they are of opinion, that the canal should be brought from Norristown, down along the banks of Schuylkill, as far as the valley between Springbury and the Hills and thence to the Delaware, through the lowest and most practicable ground.
The total value of exports from the port of Bermuda Hundred and City-Point to foreign countries, from January 1st, to March 31st, 1792, amounts to 92,975 dollars 42 cents; and the net value of every species of merchandise entered in the above district within the same period, amounts to 13,934 dollars 16 cents.
From the first of January 1792, to the first of April following, there have been exported from Boston, 94,167 gallons of New-England rum.
The Madrid gazette of the 2d of March last, mentions, that the place of Minister of State, before occupied by Conde de Florida Blanca, is now filled by Conde d'Aranda, pro temp.
A correspondent, who has always considered the persons to whom the certificates of our national debt were originally issued, as grossly defrauded and injured by our government, proposes that each certificate in the new dress given to it in the Secretary's office, should have the following DEVICES inscribed upon it, according to its denomination. 1. The bloody arm of a soldier. 2. The wooden leg of a soldier. 3. A soldier's heart pierced with a bayonet. 4. The broken heart of a widow of a whig of 1776. 5. A continental colonel's widow with six children dining on a salted herring and two potatoes. 6. A continental major begging his bread with his family on his way to Kentucky. 7. A continental captain confined in jail for a debt of 50 shillings. 8. A speculator driving his carriage over a soldier on a pair of crutches, in the streets of Philadelphia. 9. A sloop sailing towards Charleston, belonging to Duer & Co. to buy up the certificates of the southern states at 2/6 in the pound. 10. A speculator galloping thro' the remote counties of every state and cheating the farmers out of their certificates. 11. A ship sailing towards Great-Britain with four millions of specie, being the annual interest of the national debt paid to European brokers. 12. A Coffee-house crowded with speculators (instead of millers and merchants) attending the sale of stock. 13. A coronet—a far and garter. 14. A sceptre, a crown, and a throne. 15. A Ring to denote the irredeemability of the public debt, or that the evils produced by the certificates will have no end.
Some Newspaper writers, who indiscriminately praise the measures of government, for solid reasons, no doubt, treat writers in opposition to the sentiments they profess, and all those who venture in any degree to find fault, or in any particular with a reform, as enemies of all government, and as aiming at the subversion of this. Sur-
mises of this kind, were they within the bounds of credibility, might have more effect than much argument; but as they are now brought forward, favor too much of improbability to obtain belief, and are flimsy substitutes indeed. [Gen. Adv.]
Certain paragraphists appear to ground their political belief upon the principle, that whatever is, is right,—that a government established by the people, must ever act for the best good of the people. They appear to think, that such a government is as unvariable in its operations as the planets are steady in their course. Such doctrine is near a kin to the old doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, now universally exploded, even in Europe. [Gen. Adv.]
A correspondent says "It is a fact, that Prince William Henry, (now Duke of Clarence) about two years since made the tour of the United States, in company with two British peers. His Royal Highness landed at Cape Ann, from Halifax, and from thence passing through the principal towns of the United States, proceeded to Georgia; returned to New-York, and embarked on board a frigate then waiting for him at Sandy Hook. A person is now in this city who accompanied the Prince in his journey."
USEFUL ANIMADVERSIONS.
AS soon as the Congress shall adjourn we have to expect from those faithful patrons of good government, order, and the funds, a pious and lengthy panegyric upon its virtuous deeds. This has heretofore been the case, and surely those beneficent paragraphists who have been so copious on former occasions, will not suffer the merits of the present session, to pass unnoticed. The puffing of its friends has been found of importance to public bodies as well as to individuals, and ought not to be omitted, especially in cases of emergency.
Compared with the achievements of their predecessors, it is true, but little has been done. By their labours a system beautiful in theory and delightful in practice had been reared. Not only the outline of the edifice was formed, but most of its parts executed; the last pillar of the Corinthian order only remained to be added. From this session it was expected the finishing hand would be given it.
But let the candid public take circumstances into consideration before they decide on their relative merits. The labour of their predecessors was easy. They were fanned by a prosperous gale: Planned and executed without opposition. But in the present, the case was widely different. Some unskillful artists had been taken from the country, of unpolished taste, groveling genius, and whose education had been formed upon a local, narrow and sordid scale. These, (associated with the former disaffected, for such there were) being put to this last part, had like not only to have constructed it on entire different principles, but with more than Gothic barbarity attempted to remodel the whole building; falling upon, and cutting and hacking it in various parts, so as almost to deface its form. The faithful labourers therefore of the present session, have stood on entire different ground and had difficulties of a novel kind to encounter. That they have been able to preserve from ruin what had been already done, must be a matter of surprize, and entitles them to gratitude and applause.
'Tis to be presumed the next session will complete the work. These daubers will in the mean time be taken into training, and well tutored, otherwise the enterprize must be abandoned. To leave the edifice in an unfinished state, whilst the workmen are contending about the mode, will expose it to the weather and endanger the whole building. Not only the foundation will gradually decay, but the idle mob gathering round these wranglers, will probably take side with the ignorant new projectors, and tear it to pieces. Better will it be to close the breaches in any manner, than hazard these consequences.
In fact if the residue of the state debts are not assumed, and thereby the funding system encreased to the utmost possible extent, but little benefit especially to the authors, upon any of its principles, will be gained by what has been already done. For let it be remembered, that past gains have been laid out in future acquirements, and that ruin must o'erwhelm many if it should fail.
The time is now come, that proper distinctions should be made on important political subjects. The cloud of error must be dispelled or the consequences will be fatal. The people of America have got state governments, and against whose administrations they may clamour as much as they please. They may put them up and pull them down, make and unmake rulers at their pleasure, and we shall not interfere with them. Is not this a sufficient indulgence, a sufficient field for licentiousness to range on? why will they not exercise equal liberality toward us of the federal? why not allow us in peace to make it what we please? surely they have nothing to do
with it; our taxing them will not prevent their taxing themselves if they think fit. If they bear those necessary burdens we impose, they may charge as much more on us as they chuse. Can even the new-fangled doctrine of the rights of men require more? If this noisy discontented populace had the Russian or Turkish government over them, they would be soon taught a different lesson on those subjects. A respect for their rulers, dread of the law, and to tremble at the sight of those in power!
Attempts have been made to distinguish between the government and its measures, but how can this be possible? the former is invisible, a thing in idea, and is seen and heard only in its laws and officers, they exist together or are in effect the same. An attack upon the law, or the agent under the law, is an attack upon the government in its original principles. To doubt the propriety of the late encrease of the duties upon trade, or of the excise law as a pre-inventerate mode of taxation, is to betray an inveterate hostility against the constitution of these states. The attempt to draw a line of partition between them, is fraught with danger, and those who do it have some insidious object in view, against which the friends of republican government should take warning. 'Tis the spirit of anarchy and disorder which gives birth to it; nay 'tis worse, 'tis the discomfited spirit of paper-money and antifederalism reviving, which we had fondly hoped was long since crushed. 'Tis the demon of slander stalking forth again from his den, to blast with his cankered breath the virtuous fame of noble men, and illustrious patriots—to sap the foundation of morality, public faith, and even to undermine the government itself.
UPWARDS of six months being elapsed since the first publication of this paper, and the subscription having succeeded beyond the Editor's most sanguine expectations, he now begs leave further to solicit the attention of the people of the United States to a publication which he trusts will at all times be found truly republican in its principles and tendency, as well as instructive and entertaining to every denomination of readers.
The National Gazette will continue open, as it has hitherto been, to all kinds of political discussion, without partiality to parties or opinions, provided such discussions are conducted with decency.
The most authentic and important domestic and foreign intelligence will be given, so digested as to convey the greatest variety of information in the briefest manner possible.
The Editor will also endeavor, as far as his bounds will permit, to gratify the lovers of mere literary amusement, in essays, &c. adapted to that purpose.
The laws of the United States, Secretaries Reports, and proceedings of Congress, will always occupy a considerable part of the paper during the session, as being supposed particularly interesting to every description of readers.
The National Gazette will be published, as heretofore, on Monday and Thursday mornings. The price, Three Dollars per annum; one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, and one dollar and an half at the expiration of every six months afterwards—exclusive of charges of postage and conveyance.
PHILIP FRENEAU.
Philadelphia, May 5.—Market-Street, No. 209. ** The subscribers to the National Gazette are requested to take notice that the tax on the carriage of newspapers by the public post, is to take place on the first day of June ensuing. All subscribers, therefore, to the National Gazette, who receive them by the mail, will please to pay the duty in advance, as soon as possible after that period.
*** ERRATUM. In our last, in the first column of the first page, line 19 for pled read piled .
** At the Printing-Office may be had, a few copies of Abstracts of Goods, Wares and Merchandise exported from each state from 1st October 1790, to the 31st September 1791.
†† A few copies for sale, at this Office, of the Proceedings in the House of Representatives on the Georgia Contested Election—price 2/6.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
   April, 1792.   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weath.     Monday, 30. 7 30. 1 55 —   2 30. 8 72 E.N.E. Cloudy.   Tuesday, May 1. 7 30. 1 61 —   2 30. 0 73 N.N.E. Rain.   Wednesday, 2. 7 30. 2 55 Calm. Cloudy.   2 29. 93 62 E. Rain.   Thursday, 3. 7 29. 6 56 N.E. Cloudy.   2 29. 6 54 S.E. Rain.   Friday, 4. 7 29. 65 48 N.E. Cloudy.   2 29. 26 69 S.S.E. Fair.   Saturday, 5. 7 29. 9 57 — Cloudy.   2 29. 9 70 — Fair.   Sunday, 6. 7 30. 56 — Flying   2 30. 1 66 — Clouds.  

been disposed of and provided for by requisitions as fully as the powers or laws of that government permitted: Many, indeed I believe most of the states, had made adequate provision for them to their respective citizens—and those who did not were under the same obligations to do it that they had been to do any other part of federal duty in the course of the revolution; even these have been revived again and funded at three per cent. The indents, and about three years interest which became due since the first of January 1788, making in all above ten millions, have been funded—above seven millions of these, if it was not a debt created by the funding system, received a resurrection by it; this will explain the charge of creating a new debt asserted by one of the gentlemen, and denied by another; here were above seven millions received, which ought to have been considered as redeemed, unless perhaps in a few instances, to such as were not citizens of any state—and above three millions funded at three per cent. for the doing of which there existed no obligation. If it be answered, that equity required it, I will alledge that if the Congress were to act on the general claims of equity which originated in the course of the revolution, a much greater amount must yet be provided for. I never knew a public creditor who expected interest upon his interest, or that expected the indent debt that had been disposed of, to be received or otherwise provided for than by a final settlement between the respective states and the United States. Why should they expect Congress to make provision where an actual obligation did not exist, when in the same act they were destroying ten years interest of one third of the principal, where the most express obligation did exist, and where the claim was also founded in the strictest equity? This increase of the debt, and funding at three per cent, appears not to have been calculated for the profit, nor at the request of the public creditors; for what they gain in the one hand they lose in the other: neither does it operate as a gain to the United States. If we may judge of its object by its effects, we may observe that by receiving the indents redeemed by the states, an increase of revenue becomes necessary, and the states become like pensioners to Congress for the annual amount they are to receive; thus the revenue must be the greater in the hands of those who conduct it, and the individual states must be dependent on the treasury of the United States for the means of their support; foreigners may make reprisals if they are not paid, nor does the support of their government depend upon it; but this is not the case with dependent states. We know several of the states are in this way entitled to a greater annuity than is necessary for the support of their governments, and the people are in the habit of living wholly free of state taxes; while to accomplish this strange state of things, the debt of the union is increased, obnoxious revenues are rendered necessary, ministerial influence, speculation, and consequent depravity are advanced.
With respect to the dangerous effects which the irredeemable principal and unnecessary increase of funded capital will have upon the genius of our government, and the interest of posterity, this subject has been investigated with so much ability by the gentlemen who were up before me in support of the amendment, that I will not now detain the committee with any thoughts upon it, but will conclude with observing that, having proved that the irredeemable principal which the amendment is designed to correct, is not an equivalent for the departure from the terms of the contract, and that being contrary to the constitution cannot be obligatory on any future Congress, but is delusory in its nature, and calculated to promote speculation & a transfer of the debt to foreigners; and that the increase of funded debt created in the funding system, was not necessary from the original obligation, nor profitable to the public creditors, but calculated for dangerous speculating and political purposes. I will sit down with expressing a wish, that, by adopting the amendment, we will prevent the worst effects of the funding system from being further extended.
From the American Daily Advertiser.
PLAN FOR A NOBILITY IN THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS a King and Nobility are evidently desired by a few of the good people of the United States; and the said friends of aristocracy and ranks, are daily more and more disgusted with that old-fashioned republican equality, which to the NOBLE-MINDED, is the worst slavery: And whereas the aimers at a happy change in the government of our country, are and have been much at a loss touching the ways and means of providing a set of men, of sufficient wealth, merit and splendor, to form an hereditary and titled order; the following plan, for that purpose, is humbly offered to public consideration, by a citizen who has employed his thoughts on that all-important subject, and dares flatter himself, that his plan, if adopted, will, in providing as many noble lords as may be wanted for this, at present, poor plebeian country, be productive of many other and great benefits to the same.
THE PLAN.
LET a list be made of all the speculators, as well in as out of the government, who have been prudent enough to enrich themselves in the sum of 150,000 dollars at the least—It is then proposed,
 1. That to each speculator, having not less than 150,000 dollars, nor more than 200,000, there shall be added (either by free grant from the treasury, or by some governmental douceur equal thereto) as much as will make up 300,000.  2. To each speculator, having not less than 200,000, nor more than 300,000, to be added in like way, as much as will make up 450,000.  3. To each speculator, having not less than 300,000, nor more than 450,000, as much as will make up 600,000.  4. To each speculator, having not less than 450,000, nor more than 600,000, as much as will make up 800,000.  5. To each speculator having a MILLION and upwards, nothing to be added. 
The said estates to be entailed in the mail line, pursuant to the right of primogeniture; and the interest accruing thereon to be made sure to the said speculators and their heirs forever, by perpetual taxes unalterably appropriated, and quarterly payable to their use.
The noble speculators of the lowest rank or grade, to be titled, "the order of the Leech." Their title to be "Their Fulnesses." Their arms, "A Leech, clinging to the bowels of an old soldier." The motto, "The blood of the brave, the reward of the knave."
The noble speculators of the next rank, to be titled, "The order of modern Justice." The title, "Their Rapacities." The arms, "A pair of scales, balancing 2/6 with 20s." The motto, "Cheating no Felony."
The noble speculators of the next rank, to be titled, "The order of the virtuous League." The title, "Their Hacksternships." The arms, "A member of Congress, in the hand of fellowship with a Broker—in the mouth of the former, a label, 'I'll bellow for contracts and morality'—in the mouth of the latter, a label, 'And I'll be buying up the FINALS.'" The motto, "Public Faith, private Fraud."
The noble speculators of the next rank, to be titled, "The order of Assumption," or, if thought more suitable, "The Order of the Golden Fleece." The title, "Their Pirate-ships." The arms, "Three Packet-boats, (their flag—a Sheep, and its keeper, assisted by a stranger, in the act of shearing it) under full sail for the modern Colchis [Charleston]; and a number of expresses in full speed, in different directions." The motto, "The many made for the few."
The noble speculators of the highest rank, to be titled, "The Order of Scrip." The title, "Their Influences." The arms, "A Janus, sitting on a pile of certificates, Modesty under one foot, Fidelity under the other; one face towards the Bank, the other toward Congress, in one hand the Federal Constitution blotted and torn, in the other a copy of the British Statute, incorporating the Bank of England." A double motto, "Public Debts, Private Blessings (and underneath) Corruption, the true Oil for the Political Machine."
Manyfold and great will be the advantages incidental to this, so generous a plan.
1. As it will stimulate diligence and ingenuity, by so great a reward to citizens who have exercised these virtues as to possess themselves of the wealth of the country at the least possible expence.
2. As it will encourage liberty of conscience, by conferring honors and revenues on the men who have nobly dared to shake off its yoke.
3. As it will improve morality, by recommending a latitude in dealings, which our narrow-minded forefathers never dreamt of.
4. As it will encrease the artificial energy of the government, by combining avarice with ambition in the administration thereof; so as to strengthen the motives and the means of a powerful set of men, to resist and keep down the infolent republican spirit of the people. For a standing order of nobility, thus twisted into the government, will be more to be relied on, than any standing army whatever, of mere Plebeians, as is evinced in the case of the French revolution, that detestable subversion of the noble prerogatives of the few in favor of the vulgar rights of the many.
5. As it will fasten the better the blessings of an irredeemable debt. For as the taxes for the debt will keep the people obedient and sober, the Nobility, mounted on the debt, will perpetuate the taxes on the people, and so perpetuate both these blessings.
This idea of founding a nobility on a funded debt is perfectly an original invention, and being no less ingenious than important, the author hopes to be rewarded with a special act of grace, admitting him to rank in the "Order of Modern Justice," if no higher. If not so rewarded, he hereby gives notice, that he insists on his right to a patent.
If the invention takes with the public, as it deserves, he intends to complete the idea by
founding a King on the funded Nobility, and shall then expect an advancement to the "Order of Scrip."
ARCHIMEDES.
P.S. As it may have happened, that the laudable passion of getting other people's money, and spending their own, has lately pushed a number of worthy adventurers into extravagancies, degrading them from their rank on the scale of wealth, whereby they may lose the promotion designed them, and impede the whole plan; it is therefore to be understood, that the lift to be made out as above, shall have reference to the day of last; and all losses subsequent thereto, to be made up directly or indirectly, out of the fund appropriated to purchasing in the public debt, which will also have the advantage of lessening the reduction thereof. And it is conceived, that this relief to the sufferers will be the more proper, inasmuch as a great part of the people to be taxed therefor, were heretofore relieved in their distress by that class of their fellow citizens, who generously allowed them 2s. and in some instances as high as 2/6 in the pound, for their certificates; and gratitude equally as justice, now requires all such people in turn to save their benefactors from the enormous loss of 20 or 25 per cent. on capital whereon they had gained the moderate profit only of eight hundred or nine hundred per cent. A.
FRENCH NEWS.
[From the Leyden Gazette.]
PARIS, Feb. 5.
The Sieur de Sainte Croix, minister of France at the Electorate of Treves, has taken the greatest care to see that the orders for dispersing the French emigrants, heretofore patronized by the Prince-Bishop of that electorate, should be faithfully carried into effect. In his last letter he announces that this dispersion will be as effectual and complete as the nation could require, or the king has ordered him to demand. He assigns the following reasons for this change of sentiment in some foreign courts, viz. "The prudence and moderation of the court of Vienna—despair of any effectual assistance from Prussia—the wisdom of the general government of the low countries—the further and more mature reflections of the Elector of Treves." The following is a draft of the orders of the Elector, with regard to the emigrants in his dominions—1. All emigrant-military corps of what denomination soever, are ordered to depart from this electorate [This order was strictly enforced previous to the departure of the courier; most of the emigrants having departed, and others preparing to follow] All uniforms are strictly prohibited. [The horse are following the foot, a body of cavalry going regularly off every day, altho' the roads were in a mocking condition, and covered with banks of snow. Their principal places of retreat were, the territory of Nassau, Hesse, and some of the neighboring principalities. Not a few have returned into France.]
2. No arms or ammunition to be at the disposal of the emigrants. [Accordingly, when these accounts came away, they were not possessed of a single cannon, and if any were found, they were under orders to sell them—their contracts with the gun-founders, magazines, &c. to be held void under the severest penalties—even their provision magazines were to be set up at public sale, so that no trace of any stores of supplies for them might remain.]
VIENNA, Feb. 2.—The Emperor has ordered the Vice-Chancellor to write to the Cardinal de Rohan, to exhort him, by every argument of persuasion, not to suffer the French emigrants to make any hostile preparations in his territories—to forbid his subjects joining in any undertaking that might give umbrage to France, or provoke hostilities from that quarter; but to wait patiently the result of the resolutions of her Imperial majesty and the empire respecting the grievances of the princes, who hold possessions in Alsace, Lorraine, &c.—that his majesty, always ready to do his duty as head of the empire, and protect such of his states as may be unjustly attacked, cannot permit any individual amongst them to interrupt the good understanding that ought always to subsist between the empire of Germany and the kingdom of France, by raising troops contrary to the laws of the empire, &c.
RAN away on Wednesday night last, a Negro Man, about twenty-three years old; bad on a light coloured sport coat: took with him a pair of leather breeches and a pair of green stuff do. a beaver hat half worn, narrow brim and deep crown; a pair of boots; striped cotton and silk stockings—he is slim made—reads and writes a legible hand—has, I am informed, procured a pass and certificate of his being a free man. It is probable he will endeavor to get on board some vessel, either at this place or New-York. He has a small scar under his chin occasioned by cutting out a wen. I will give Forty Dollars reward to any person who will deliver him to me at this place, and pay all reasonable expences.
ANDREW MOORE. No. 118 Spruce-Street.
April 23.
CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGE.
THE Eastern-shore Stages, by way of Chester-town to Baltimore, start regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings, at four o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodness of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route.
JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON,
N. B. Light Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen. March 30.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plans, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following apartments, to wit. A conference room } Sufficient to A room for the Re- } accommodate 300 persons each. A lobby or antichamber to the latter. A Senate room of 1200 square feet area. An antichamber or lobby to the left. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plans, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14.
This day is published—Price 6/6. By MATHEW CAREY. No. 118, Market-street, near fourth-street, The Ladies' Library, Containing
 1. Miss More's Essays  2. Gregory's Legacy  3. Lady Pennington's advice  4. Marchioness of Lambert's advice  5. Swift's Letter to a new married Lady  6. Miss Chapone on Command of temper  7. More's Fables for the Ladies. 
Said CAREY has lately published
 1. M c Fingal, an epic poem, 2/6 1-2  2. Blair's Sermons, complete in two vols 15/.  3. Necker's treatise on Religious Opinions, 6/.  4. Examination of Sheffield's Observations, 4/6  5. American Constitutions, 4/6  6. Douay Bible—meat, 6 dols., elegant 50/2  7. Vade Mecum, 1/10 1-2  8. Charles Grandison abridged, 1/3  9. Humphrey's poems, bound 2/6, in blue paper 1/10 1-2  10. American Jest Book, in 2 parts, bound, 4/6  11. Select Poems, 1/3  12. Think Well On't, 1/10 1-2  13. Beauties of Poetry, British, and American, 6/  14. Beattie's elements of moral science, 5/7 1-2  15. The Christian Economy, 1/10 1-2. 
Sets of the American Museum.
AS several gentlemen in different parts of the United States, have been heretofore disappointed in their applications for complete sets of the American Museum, the printer informs the public, that he is engaged in reprinting the deficient numbers of the work, and has now and will henceforward have a constant supply of sets on hand; such gentlemen, therefore, as please, may be furnished with sets neatly bound, in ten volumes, at sixteen dollars. This work will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays as any ever published in America.
Of said Carey may be had, wholesale and retail, Bibles, Testaments, Spelling-Books, Primers, Quills, Ink-Powder, Writing-Paper of various kinds, Banner-Paper, Pocket-Books, Ink-Stands, Message and playing cards, &c &c. 6/11aw
** The Printing-Office of the National Gazette is removed. from No. 239, to 209, High (or Market) Street, above fifth Street.
** The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Excise Act, for sale at this Office.
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