National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-02-16 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1792.
NUMB. 32.
AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT for carrying into effect a Contract between the UNITED STATES and the State of PENNSYLVANIA.
FOR duly conveying to the state of Pennsylvania a certain tract of land, the right to the government and jurisdiction whereof was relinquished to the said state by a resolution of Congress of the fourth day of September, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, and whereof the right of soil has been sold by virtue of a previous resolution of Congress of the sixth day of June in the said year;
Be it enacted by the SENATE and HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be authorized, on fulfilment of the terms stipulated on the part of the state of Pennsylvania, to issue letters patent, in the name and under the seal of the United States, granting and conveying to the said state forever the said tract of land, as the same was ascertained by a survey made in pursuance of the resolution of Congress of the sixth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved January the third, 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
LATE EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
FRANCE.
National Legislative Assembly, Nov. 28.
Information was received, that the municipality of Alais had discovered that 30 persons were ready to set out for Coblenz, when they were stopped by a counter-order from the princes. The leader of the party was apprehended, and from his papers it appeared that they were all receiving the same pay as the followers of the princes at Coblenz.
The remaining fifteen millions of assignats, of the twenty-five due to the fund of extraordinary, were voted.
The assembly was informed, that M. Liquieski, appointed to negotiate with the dey of Algiers, had executed his mission with the greatest success. The dey received him with distinguished marks of favor, made him sit by his side, and that he might feel the full value of an honor never conferred upon an envoy before, desired him to write to the king, that he had received his envoy like a friend. He expressed his concerns for the troubles that agitated France, hoped they were nearly at an end, and assured M. Liquieski, that he should think no sacrifice too much to prove his attachment to the French nation and the king, to whom he also sent a present of three horses.
The grand master of Malta, on the first intimation of a probable rupture between France and Algiers had sent out ships to protect the French merchantmen, and to convey them to their places of destination, wherever they were bound.
M. la Cepede was elected president.
The sum of 1,371,728 livres was voted for the bread of the army, and 1,220,960 livres for forage.
Nov. 29. The decree against the non-juring clergy was resumed; and an article, formerly proposed by M. Albitte, for allowing them to hire houses, and perform public worship under the inspection of the civil magistrates, was rejected, on the ground that clergy and laity were equally bound to take the oath of fidelity to the constitution, as a qualification to enjoy the rights secured by it, and that the civic oath was a mere civic obligation, and had nothing to do with religious opinions.
The following article was added to the decree, and the whole ordered to be immediately presented for the royal sanction:
"The national churches and oratories, appointed for the worship paid for by the state, cannot be employed for any other worship. Those which the administrations shall declare unnecessary for the worship paid for by the state, may be rented or purchased for the purchased for the exercise of any other worship by citizens; but this does not extend to
priests, who, having refused to take the civic oath, are declared to be suspected of evil intentions against their country, and revolt against the laws. This decree does not prejudice the rights of the protestants of the confession of Augsburg, who enjoy the free exercise of their worship in the departments of the Upper and the Lower Rhine, Doubs, and Jura."
A message from the king informed the assembly of the appointment of M. Delassart, to the foreign, and M. Cahier de Gerville to the home department of administration.
M. Delassart gave an account of the applications made to the emperor and the electors of Treves and Mayence, for the disposition of the emigrants, and the hopes of success which his majesty entertained. He also stated, that his majesty was going to make such changes in the diplomatic body, as he trusted would give confidence to the public, and the negotiations for indemnifying such of the German princes as were deprived of feudal rights by the revolution, were to be pursued with vigour.
The consideration of M. Daverhoul's proposition on the measures to be taken at foreign courts with respect to the emigrants, was resumed.
It was supported by M. Isnard, in a speech which the assembly ordered to be printed, and decided in the following terms:
"The national assembly decrees, that a deputation of 24 of its members shall wait upon the king, to communicate to him, in the name of the assembly, its solicitude on the dangers that threaten the country, by the perfidious combinations of Frenchmen, armed and embodied without the kingdom, and of those who devise plots within it, or excite the citizens to revolt against the law; and to declare to the king, that the nation will see with satisfaction all wise measures that the king can take for the purpose of requiring the electors of Treves and Mayence, and the bishop of Spire, conformably to the rights of nations, to disperse the assemblages of French emigrants; that with the same confidence in the wisdom of such measures, the nation will see the necessary troops assembled to compel those princes to respect the law of nations by force of arms, if these assemblages should continue; and finally, that the national assembly has thought it its duty, to make this solemn declaration, to the end that the king may prove in the official communications of this impressive measure, to the diet of Ratisbon, and all the courts of Europe, that his intentions, and those of the French nation, are the same."
The same deputation will represent to the king, that the assembly considers, as one of the most efficacious measures to this effect, the speedy termination of the negotiations for the indemnities due to the princes who possessed feudal rights in Alsace. It will likewise state the necessity of making changes in the diplomatic body, the defective organization of which has been the cause of so many delays.
M. Vauclanc proposed a form of the message to be presented to the king with the above decree, which was adopted.
In the evening sitting, M. Dumas stated, that the author of an incendiary paper at Lyons exhorted the citizens to insurrection and the murder of their magistrates. Referred to the executive power.
A number of addresses were read, expressing approbation of the decree against the emigrants, and hopes that the king would be induced, on more mature consideration, to sanction it.
LONDON, Dec. 6.
Extract of a letter from Avignon, Nov. 15.
"Peace is again restored to this unhappy country. The butcher, Jourdan, was apprehended by Bignonnet the younger, a person for whose head he had offered a reward. In his flight from Avignon towards Entraigues, he was pursued by Bignonnet, with a party of horse. On finding himself on the point of being overtaken, he threw himself into the river Sogues, where it was at least ten feet deep. Bignonnet followed him. He fired a pistol, but missed, and received a blow on the breast, which struck him from his horse. The rest of the pursuers coming up, and plunging also into the river, he was taken and conducted to Avignon, where the people were with difficulty restrained from tearing him in pieces. Peyravie, Mainville, Tournal, Lecuyer, Raphael, and 18 of the principal assassins, are also taken."
Extract of a letter from Lubeck, Nov. 24.
"From the delay which the Elector of Saxony has manifested in his acceptance of the hereditary throne of Poland, it is easy to perceive that there has been some obstacle in the way, which obstacle can proceed from none but the Court of Russia. They are generally persuaded at Warsaw, that the Empress is far from content with the changes wrought in the Constitution, by the revolution of the month of May, a Constitution which she guaranteed at the time of the partition; and it is thought that Sweden, at present linked with the Cabinet of Peterburgh, unites in the views which the latter may have with regard to this business. It is even supposed that the affairs of Poland form a particular object of the treaty of alliance concluded between the two northern Courts, so far that one of the articles concerns the support of the ancient Constitution of Poland, especially the right of choosing a King at every vacancy of the throne. They remember, on this occasion, the former pretensions of Sweden at the expence of Poland, and the time when those two
countries had but one Sovereign. However, be that as it may, the Elector of Saxony wishes to learn, by means of negotiations, the true meaning of some articles of the Constitution; which negotiations are afterwards to be followed up by others touching the Paeta Conventa . These delays, therefore, will come very apropos, and give the Court of Dresden time to discover the final intentions of Russia. In the interim we learn, that Poland seeks the support of the Court of Vienna. M. Woyna, its Minister to the Emperor, about a month ago, not only formally notified the changes which the King and the Republic had thought proper to make on account of the Constitution of Poland, but he was at the same time charged to solicit the intervention of that Monarch to prevent any neighboring power from opposing those arrangements which Poland judged necessary to ensure its happiness, and to urge the Elector of Saxony to accept of a throne offered to him by a free and independent nation. Hitherto the Court of Vienna has given no answer to its communication; from whence we infer, that that Court is unwilling to explain itself before it has learnt the intentions of the other Courts with whom it is connected. In the delicate situation, therefore, in which the other powers stand with regard to Russia, the death of Prince Potemkin is an incident, if not of the last importance, at least of a nature to raise various conjectures, both as to the continuation of the ancient system of the Russian Cabinet, and a change in its political connections. We well know that it was not on the best terms with that of Berlin; and the intervention of the latter in favor of the Porte had very near produced a war; but we are now assured, that directly after the death of Prince Potemkin was made known at Berlin, Col. Bischoffswerder set on a secret commission to Peterburgh."
A machine sufficiently large to make one ton of candles per day, without the addition of any other utensils, than those now required in the common mode of making them, has lately been invented by Mr. William Forbisher, sen. a tallow-chandler, of Boston, in New-England. A boy, who has acquired a sufficient knowledge of the manufacture, to spread a cotton wick, can, from the ease of working, and the neatness of finishing, which appertains to this machine, make 60 rods of candles per day, with as much safety and dispatch as a journeyman to whom the highest wages are paid.
The States of Holland have made a settlement upon the newly-married Hereditary Princess, the sister of her Royal Highness the Duchess of York. An annuity of 30,800 florins, something less than 15,000l. sterling, has been settled upon her, and in a manner thus handsome. The acts of all the States, binding themselves to the payment of their quota, have been presented to her Highness in gold boxes by deputations from each State. The province of Holland has also made a present to the Prince of 25,000 florins, and that of Friesland to the Princess of 6000 ducats. The seven provinces have settled upon the Prince an annuity of 36,000 florins, payable to him till his accession to the Stadholdership, and then to the Princess for her life. The offices held by the Prince bring him 18,000 florins, annually, and these sums, with his Epergne, make about 800,000 florins of income for their Highnesses, which may be stated at about 75,000l. English.
HAGUE, Nov. 30. The Republic have made overtures for an alliance with the Emperor, for which procedure three weighty reasons may be assigned:
1. The Republic is to discharge the German troops. 2. Circumstances have made it necessary to send troops to the West-Indies. 3. The Dutch army is so weak, that it is even insufficient to garrison those places properly, which it is almost impossible to leave without garrisons.
The finances of Holland are in a pitiable state, nearly as much so as those of France. This wretched state of them afforded an unanswerable reason for the discharge of the German troops, which, to the number of about 5600, cost near three millions of florins per annum. This great and inconvenient expence the Republic would probably have endeavored to sustain, had not these troops incensed those towns where they were quartered, and given cause for frequent complaints against them on the part of the Magistrates; to which is to be added, that the national soldiery, either through jealousy, or some other motive, never viewed them in a favorable light. This discharge of troops at this critical time, whether voluntary or by compulsion, certainly takes from the Republic one of its principal means of defence, and leaves it, as it were, unprotected. The Stadholder, considering their critical situation, about the end of October observed to the States General, "that he considered an alliance with the House of Austria not only as a desirable object, but as a thing which the unfavorable times and the force of circumstances rendered indispensable; that, in consequence, and in executing his duty, he intreated their High Mightinesses to take the subject into their consideration, and to determine in their wisdom what part they may think proper to adopt on the subject."
The States General viewed the subject in the same light as the Stadholder, and accordingly sent off a dispatch to M. Van Haesten, their Ambassador at the Court of Vienna, to inform him of their intention. The affair is begun, and promises to succeed. It is, however, true, that we are not
without fear, that the Emperor, although inclined to contract this alliance, will previously make use of ifs and buts ; for it seldom happens, that one Power connects itself with another, merely for the honor of protecting and defending it.
Another circumstance added weight to the proposal which the Stadholder made to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses. In the course of last summer, a correspondence was discovered between the fugitive patriots and the malecontents of Liege and Brabant. Their plan contained vast combinations, perhaps profound, but decidedly alarming. The Stadholder immediately endeavored to prevent the evil, by trying quietly to frustrate the measures of the discontented. He thought he should succeed, by pointing out to the fugitives the possibility and the means of returning to their country. For this purpose he applied to M. Rendorp, a Burgo-master at Amsterdam, who undertook to write to the principal emigrants. This he did, and the negotiation was begun; but the pretensions of the patriots were so unreasonable, the conditions upon which they would consent to return so immoderate, as to put an end to the business. An awkward circumstance, however, intervened: the King of Prussia was informed of the negotiation. He soon expressed his surprise to the States General, and exhorted them maturely to consider what they were about, that they might avoid the imputation of levity or imprudence in so serious an affair. This circumstance putting a stop to the negotiation, which, however, is perhaps but suspended, adds much force to the reasons which may be in favor of an alliance with Austria, and which induced the Stadholder to bring it upon the carpet.
Rome, Nov. 5. We have accounts from Naples which confirm the sad tidings from Calabria, of further damage having been done by earthquakes in that unfortunate province; the towns of Mileto and Monte Leone in particular have suffered very much, and the shocks have been felt at Messina.
The Chevalier Onis is set out for France; and it is reported he is charged with a commission from this Court to the French Princes at Coblenz, particularly as their Plenipotentiary, or at least the gentleman who is looked upon as such, has had many conferences with our Minister of State.
The Prussian Minister had a long conference with our Minister the day before yesterday, said to be upon the affairs of France.
Lisbon, Oct. 28. Orders have been sent to prepare a ship of the line and three frigates to sail on the first notice, some fermentations in the Brazils having made such a disposition necessary.
From the Borders of the Rhine, Nov. 19. The French Princes are preparing vast quantities of waggons, faddles, &c. The Prince of Hombourg has formally forbid all enlisting of men in their names in this territory.
Liege, Nov. 24. Our whole city has the appearance of a camp: our workmen are employed night and day in preparing arms and ammunition of all sorts for the French Princes.
Stutgard, Nov. 19. We are assured that the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, a sworn enemy to the French Constitution, has concluded a treaty with the French Princes, by which he has lent them a corps of 10,000 or 12,000 men.
The French emigrants, it is said, have borrowed considerable sums at Genoa, on the credit of the King of Spain. They add, that the Empress of Russia is about to send fresh supplies of money; and that she has wrote to the Emperor of Germany, requesting him to enforce the treaty of Westphalia against France.
Madrid, Nov. 8. The Court has consented to receive the new Minister Plenipotentiary from the King of Morocco. The Regency of Algiers have greatly lowered in their pecuniary demands, and the Spaniards are to evacuate Oran on the 1st of January next.
Frankfort, Nov. 14. The apparent freedom of the king of France's determinations since his acceptance of the constitution has wrought a wonderful change in the minds of various potentates in Germany and the Empire, in favour of the revolution, and has in a great measure dampened the hopes of the emigrants. The several Germanic courts, in their individual capacity, carefully avoid any steps that might be construed into hostile designs against the present government in France. The Prince of Nassau, lately asked leave of the Landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt to have six cannon cast at his foundry in Mannheim for the use of the French princes; which was peremptorily refused. The greatest part of the emigrants begin already to see that they have been deluded from their country upon false or precarious grounds. Assembled in crowds at Worms, Coblenz, and other places, it is with difficulty they can procure lodgings; many of them without money or resources, and almost destitute of hope itself in a country where provisions are every day becoming scarcer and dearer.

PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, February 13.
Mr. Bourne, of Massachusetts, from the committee on enrolled bills, reported, that the committee did on the 11th instant, wait on the President of the United States and present for his approbation the bill to establish the post-office and post roads within the United States.
A committee was appointed to prepare and bring in a bill to continue the act, declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of Maryland, Georgia, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
The House resumed the consideration of the bill sent from the Senate, relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President. — Upon which, after some debate, it was resolved that the bill and amendments be again recommitted to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
The House then, in committee of the whole, took into further consideration the bill for apportioning the representation of the Inhabitants of the United States — Mr. Smith, of South-Carolina, in the chair. — After some time spent therein the committee rose, and the chairman reported progress — the same to be taken into consideration again to-morrow.
TUESDAY, February 14.
Mr. S. Bourne, from the committee of enrollment, reported the due enrollment of the fishery bill; which was then signed by the Speaker, and sent to the President of the United States for his approbation.
Mr. Sterrett, from the committee appointed, reported a bill declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the State of Maryland, and to an act to continue in force certain acts of Maryland, Georgia, and Rhode-Island — Read twice and made the order of the day for next Monday.
The house resolved itself into a committee of the whole — (Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair) — on the bill relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President.
To ascertain the number of electors, a variety of amendments were proposed to the first section, and being debated, were withdrawn, or rejected: and at length the committee agreed to the following: —
“ which electors shall be equal to the number of Senators and Representatives, to which the several states may, by law, be entitled at the time, when the President and Vice-President, thus to be chosen, should come into office: — Provided always, that where no apportionment of Representatives shall have been made after any enumeration, at the time of choosing electors, then the number of electors shall be according to the existing apportionment of Senators and Representatives.”
The committee then rose and reported the bill, with the amendment; and the House proceeding to consider the same, and a division being called for,
The question was taken on the part preceding the proviso, and passed in the affirmative; yeas 29 — nays 21.
Yeas — Messieurs Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Findly, Gerry, Gregg, Gilman, Griffin, Grove, Heister, Jacobs, Lee, Macon, Mercer, Moore, Murray, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, J. Smith, I. Smith, Sterrett, Tredwell, Tucker, Venable, Wayne, White, Williamson, Willis. — 29.
Nays — Messieurs Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clarke, Fitzsimons, Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley, Hillhouse, Huger, Kitchell, Kittera, Laurence, Learned, Livermore, Niles, W. Smith, Sturges, Sylvester, Vining, Wadsworth. — 21.
Mr. Barnwell requested to be excused from giving his vote; and was, by general consent, excused accordingly.
The question was then taken on the proviso, and also carried; yeas 27, nays 20; — after which the bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.
A message was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, informing the House, that the Senate had passed a bill, for regulating processes in the courts of the United States, and providing compensations for the officers of the said courts, and for jurors, and witnesses. Adjourned.
LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
The following Motion was laid on the table of the Senate, on Friday last, but is not yet decided upon.
Motion of Mr. Smilie, seconded by Mr. Hoge, That it be resolved, That
WHEREAS the principle of representation has been wisely introduced into the constitution of free governments in order to inspire the public councils with a great portion of the sense of opinions and interests of the community as is consistent
in legislative business with peace order and deliberation and for the preservation of this principle in a pure and salutary state it is necessary that the representative body should not only be freely chosen but rendered invariably responsible to the constituent authority of the people. And whereas Responsibility without an opportunity to observe the conduct of public servants to compare the acts of government with the reasons upon which they are founded and to develop the motives of the members individually as well as to pursue the decision of the body must become a mere sound delusive to the ear but barren to the hope and understanding of freemen.
And whereas Every unnecessary appearance of mystery in transacting the public affairs tends to destroy that confidence in the people without which the best political institutions must either harden into despotism or moulder into anarchy since the history of mankind demonstrates that the same secrecy which begets suspicion abroad incites and encourages ambition within.
And whereas It is the right of every citizen and the peculiar duty of those who are in any degree made the guardians of the public welfare diligently to examine and resolutely to discountenance every symptom of a deviation from the nature and principles of the social compact which has been established to combine the powers and promote the general interest of the American states. And whereas The exclusion of citizens from hearing the debates of the Senate of the United States upon legislative subjects appears to be pregnant with the inconveniences which have been stated and cannot be justified upon any reason which would not equally justify an exclusion from hearing the debates of the other branch of Congress, to the utter destruction of every authentic source of political information.
Therefore and with a view to obtain the removal of this just cause of dissatisfaction in the administration of a government which it must be the wish of every good citizen to support and improve The Senate of the General Assembly of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania after mature deliberation have
Resolved That in their opinion it is the constitutional right of the people to attend the debates of their Representatives in Congress assembled except on the discussion of those subjects which require secrecy or at such times as the Senate of the United States shall be engaged in discharging their executive functions.
Resolved That the Speaker do transmit this declaration to the Senators representing the commonwealth in the Senate of the United States with an assurance that this House will regard any exertions which they make to give full effect to the principle of the preceding resolution as an important service rendered to their constituents.
PHILADELPHIA.
FEBRUARY 16, 1792.
“ On the 9th instant, (says a New-York paper of the 14th) thirty-nine gentlemen from the northern, middle, and western counties attending at Farmer's Hall, in Hanover Square, it was resolved, on motion, that the hon. JOHN JAY, Esq. be supported at the ensuing election, as a candidate for the office of governor of the state; and that the hon. Stephen Van Rensselaer, be supported as Lieutenant Governor of the state.”
The Bank of New-York have come to a resolution to take on loan from the state, all the unappropriated monies in the treasury, at six per cent. interest; but it is thought the legislature will refuse their assent to the proposition, as a private company have offered to take whatever sums the state do not subscribe to the new bank at an interest of seven per cent. and to transfer six per cents of the United States, as security.
Advices from Cape Francois, as late as Jan. 7. state the price of flour there at six dollars [dull sale] owing to the sudden arrival of several vessels from different parts of this continent with that article. The fleet from France had not yet arrived — the Negro and Mulatto war raging almost as violent as ever; and island produce very scarce and dear.
Accounts from Europe, received by late arrivals at New-York, inform us that the winter has set in very early, and with uncommon rigour. In the latter end of October and beginning of November, vast quantities of snow had fallen in various parts of Germany; and the Elbe, at Hamburgh, had become impracticable for large vessels on the 10th of Nov. from the vast quantities of floating ice. In England and Scotland (say the London papers) the winter was ushered in with violent gales and heavy long continued rains, in consequence of which the rivers had swollen to an unusual height, and inundated the country in their vicinity to a considerable degree. To this succeeded snow, which rendered the roads in several parts wholly impassable, being upon a level four feet deep.
Strenuous efforts have been made in Boston to prevail upon the State Legislature, now in session, to repeal their act prohibiting Theatri-
cal amusements; which have failed, owing to the country interest in the legislature undertaking to dictate what shall be the proper diversions for the capital. An unreasonable prejudice of the same kind has had its day in every capital of the United States, but being now generally overcome, (and very recently in South Carolina) we may expect it has made its last stand in Boston.
The London West-India merchants and planters, alarmed by the late disturbances in the French West-India Islands, have applied to the government for a military force to protect their interests and possessions in that quarter. The minister, it is said, has agreed to their requisition for an additional force, part of which, it was thought, would be sent to Jamaica, and the remainder distributed amongst the English windward islands, especially at Dominica, where symptoms of a negro insurrection had appeared.
A letter from Madrid says, that the French constitution is already in the hands of every literary man in Spain; and “ the time is not remote when the graduates of the colleges in that priest-ridden kingdom, will sustain a thesis on the rights of man, in the presence of the grand Inquisition.”
A representation from the committee for the sale of western lands, was read in the general court of Massachusetts, on January 17th; in which it was stated that there have been sold since the last sitting of the general court, about two million, one hundred thousand acres of those lands, and that there are further applications for upwards of two millions of acres more of that valuable and fertile country.
Most of the foreign powers to whom the King of France had notified his acceptance of the new code of government, have returned answers thereto, generally in a congratulatory style. The answer of the King of Sardinia, is rather less expressive of favourable sentiments to the new government than the others, his Majesty contenting himself with trite professions of personal regard, wishes for the happiness of his family, &c. &c.
On the 17th of October, at a full meeting of the Independent Dublin Volunteers at Dublin (all protestants) several resolutions passed, (ending in express their abhorrence of a publication in which a reward was offered for the conviction of Roman Catholics found under arms in any part of Ireland; and proposing the repeal of several other laws of this kind, which may be called a disgrace to any legislation.
A late paper, printed at Ratisbonne, in Germany, has the following paragraph: “ It is folly to talk of an actual invasion of France, in the spring: no such thing is seriously intended, in any shape whatever. The French Constitution is here considered rather as a philosophical trifle than a political code; and which may answer very well in theory, but not in practice. The rumours of warlike preparations, invasions &c. are not without design; being meant to keep the minds of the French nation in a state of anxiety, to oblige them to incur extraordinary and exorbitant expenses, and thus exhaust the kingdom, till discontent shall have fomented such divisions amongst the people, as to render them an easy prey without the intervention of foreign assistance for that purpose.”
We are informed that the committee on inland improvements for the State of New-York, have reported in favour of establishing two distinct incorporate bodies, one for the northern and one for the western navigation.
London papers by the latest arrivals inform, that “ the Mediterranean swarms with cruisers from the different states of Barbary, particularly Algiers. — Gallies seem to be getting out of fashion with these Barbarians, who are now fitted out in good vessels, mounting from 18 to 40 guns, and manned with desperate renegades from all nations. — The same papers pretend, that the Cruisers pay no respect to any flag but the English; and add, that it is the intention of several nations to form a junction of forces in the spring, on purpose to clear the Mediterranean of these unprincipled pests of civilized life and commercial intercourse.
By the last packet letters were received from Mr. Wignell, who gives the most favourable accounts of his success in obtaining performance, for the New Theatre in Philadelphia — artists of the first reputation have also undertaken to supply him with plans and drafts (which will probably arrive by the next vessel) for the building, scenery, and decorations. — The materials are already bespoke, and part of them deposited on the lot adjoining to General Dickenon's house in Chesnut-street. — The subscribers to this undertaking, and the public in general, may, therefore, expect, during the ensuing winter, to see the Drama in a more perfect state than has hitherto been known in America.
By the last advices from the Southward the Chesapeake is full of drifting ice inasmuch as to render the navigation extremely hazardous if not impracticable. Considerable damage has been done at Hampton Road, and other parts about the mouth of James River, several vessels having been drifted on shore, or otherwise injured. The ice, it is said, is continually drifting in large bodies between the Capes, and even out to sea, so as to render an approach to the Chesapeake from sea not a little dangerous.
On Monday last, Anthony Morris, Esq. was elected a Senator to represent the city and county of Philadelphia, and the county of Delaware, in the Legislature of Pennsylvania, in the room of the hon. Richard Peters, Esq. who had resigned.
Sweden and Russia, seem to be the only two powers, that have the cause of the French princes and emigrants at heart. The king of Sweden has refused to receive the notification of Louis XVIII, sent to him, signifying his acceptance of the constitution. The Chevalier de Gauslen, presented the notification, under the title of envoy from France, to whom the Swedish secretary of state made the following answer, on the occasion: “ Since the imprisonment of the king of France, a French envoy is as much unknown here as in Russia — the Swedish secretary of state does himself the honor, by order of the king, to send back his letter unopened; and begs leave, on the part of his majesty, to decline any further correspondence on this subject.”
Proposals have been issued for printing, by subscription, The Whole Works of the Rev. Dr. John Witherspoon. — This publication will contain all that is in the five duodecimo volumes, formerly published in Great-Britain, but now entirely out of print, it will also contain a variety of philosophical and miscellaneous tracts, which have been published in America, either by themselves, or in periodical collections, with a sequel to those left unfinished, and a few that have never yet appeared. There will be added to the humorous or satirical pieces, especially those that relate to the state of literature and the local politics of the church of Scotland, short notes serving to explain such expressions or allusions as may not be quite obvious to an American reader.
It has been already glanced at in several ways and places, and even in the debates of the House of Representatives, that a connexion is established between the bank and the government, by having members of Congress elected directors of the bank; from which it is argued, that an easy game may be played, very much to the interest of the bank, and to the no small danger of secret and corrupt influence, through that channel, on the legislative proceedings. — The fact being as stated, all that can be said against the inference is, that the present gentlemen in question, have too much honor to be personally suspected: which may be true, and yet, as others of a different stamp may succeed, and abuse their opportunity, as they will be very much tempted, for corrupt purposes, it shews that there is something not right in the business; and that the bank may produce effects very little apprehended by many who agreed to, or have approved of it — But the thing which is more particularly alarming is this — The public debt, is getting fast into foreign hands, and besides impoverishing us, will tend to blend foreign influence, and intermeddling too much in our affairs. This, however, is not the worst — bank stock is also getting into foreign hands; and, for aught we know, the whole, or a greater part of it may be bought up by them (for so is the law) — nor is it impossible, or very improbable, that this matter may be promoted with views of policy by the monied governments of Europe — suppose then it should happen, as it seems not impossible that a majority of votes should belong to foreigners; will they not (although they cannot be directors themselves) be able to chuse such directors as will be most likely to make the bank an engine for their political purposes; and if under those circumstances, it should be the fashion to chuse members of Congress for directors, may not a most alarming channel be opened for letting in a stream of foreign influence into the very fountain of our laws and measures: and an influence so much the more to be dreaded, as it may be exerted in so covert and unseen a manner, as not to excite the public notice. [Daily Adv.]
Extract of a letter from Coblence, November 12.
“ It is really sickening to be in this place, which seems to be the general resort of every species of wretchedness and misery; thousands of unfortunate people in a state of abject distress, whom the hand of benevolence finds itself unable to relieve. As if these were not evils enough, the miserable emigrants are tormented with jealousy and self-love. If one of the French princes does but whisper in the ear of an emigrant in the morning, before night he assumes airs of consequence, and thus adds to the mortification of his brethren. — Would to God they were all princes, for these are a sort of people that never want money, whereas many of the deluded emigrants are absolutely penniless, and without resource, except in the charity of an exhausted public, which of all resources is the most wretched. — It is dangerous to look too far forward into futurity — but omens seem rather unfavorable. While some endeavor to persuade the emigrants that all

Europe is combining for their support others assure them, and indeed the general tranquility that prevails, is a convincing proof, that they are upon the point of being universally abandoned. On Thursday last, the Count d'Artois had a long conference with M. de Calonne, which ended in a quarrel. The latter is about to quit the emigrants, having acted the part of the fly upon the wheel. The Emperor it is certain will do nothing; and as to Russia and Sweden, unless their armies could fly through the air, it seems impracticable for them to invade France."
Albany papers mention that the post of Detroit, on the lakes is become the great emporium or deposite of supplies of arms, ammunition, cloathing, liquors, &c. &c. for the western Indians. That a chain of depots extends from thence quite down to the Miami towns, by means of which the savages are supplied in the most ample manner with every thing they want, and not unfrequently gratis. "It is more than probable (says a letter from Albany) that a grand league is forming by a power, that is itself civilized, with the western Indians, out of hatred to and jealousy of the rising American Empire. Their movements indicate something extraordinary, and it is high time we took some decisive steps, both in regard to Indians and their allies."
Abstract of the Proclamation of the King of France, Published Nov. 12. (From the original French.)
"His Majesty had long beheld with regret the emigration of vast numbers of citizens; but after taking the proper steps to preserve the good understanding between France and foreign powers, and secure the frontiers from invasion; he had thought it best to adopt mild methods, in respect to the recalling of those men, whom party spirit and political opinions had banished from their country. His proclamations, and other steps he had taken, it was true, had not produced the whole effect desired, but yet had undeniably been productive of some good, the emigration having visibly abated, and several individuals returned to the kingdom; whose number he flattered himself would soon increase. Under the influence of this hope, he had refused his sanction to a decree of the Assembly determining upon severe measures, as incompatible with his duty, with the interest of the nation, and the principles of a free constitution. If however, these lenient measures should prove ineffectual, he would exercise the prerogative he was invested with, and suffer the law to take its course. He saw with pain the intentions of the Emigrants to disturb the public tranquility of France, by assembling an armed force on the frontiers, and preparing to overturn those laws which he had sanctioned by his acceptance—strangely indeed must they be deceived, who suppose the King can have any other intention than that which he has avowed in the face of the world, and would make such a supposition the basis of their hopes and their proceedings. The King gives them a convincing proof of his free agency, in not assenting to the measures of rigour decreed against them; a proof that can neither be contradicted or misunderstood; and to doubt of the sincerity of his intentions, when he is at liberty to act as he pleases, would be injurious in the extreme. His Majesty cannot sufficiently regret the disorders of the Kingdom, and for some time past had entertained hopes that fear alone was the cause of emigration—the emigrants now have no right to talk of the troubles of France, since they themselves, by their absence, their plots, and their manoeuvres, seem to be the principal cause of the remaining disorders. Let them not affect, therefore, to lament the neglect or infringement of the laws since they (the emigrants) set the example of disobedience, and refuse to acknowledge the combined will of the nation and of the king, to be of any weight. No government can exist if the wills of the individuals composing it do not acquiesce in the public will. This is the basis of all social order and the security of all rights—The constitution has, indeed, destroyed titles and distinctions, but does not prohibit those who once possessed them from seeking the new means of influence and honour, which it has pointed out. Why do they not then return to their country, re-possess their property, and act like good subjects and promoters of the public welfare?—Let them reject their visionary projects, at once hostile to reason and duty, as well as to private and public emolument.—Remember, it is your king that invites you to return; who promises you peace, safety and the protection of that law, of which he is the supreme administrator. He has received the most marked proofs of the confidence of the nation, to whom he is inseparably connected, and therefore engages your safety, in their name. Return, then, immediately; it is the wish of your king, it is the wish of the nation—but at the same time, remember, that this same king who now speaks to you like a father, is determined to see the laws obeyed, the execution of which is entrusted to him,—and that if his remonstrances and persuasions prove fruitless, he will adopt every measure
in his power to prevent you from blindly sacrificing yourselves to the obstinacy of opinion, disturbing the quiet of your fellow-citizens, and destroying the happiness of your country." [Here follows the answer (in substance) signed, in behalf of the Emigrants, by the Marquis de Laqueuille.] "Your faithful subjects have not abandoned their country without reason: Your nobility have seen themselves persecuted with the most unrelenting barbarity, their estates wasted, and their castles destroyed. Several have been murdered, and all have more or less experienced the rage of a populace, led astray by incendiaries, who have seized upon your lawful authority.—What would you have us do?—defend ourselves?—Not at all.—You have set us a contrary example, and the French nobility have ever modelled themselves upon their kings. It was our wish, that the capital of France should not be made the prison of the best of sovereigns.—We cannot obey the proclamation which your goalers have compelled you to sign, as they also did the thing, called the constitution, in which the national power and religion are alike attacked by usurpers and infidels. Let them restore to us our laws, our property, our religion, and our king, and we will return, to be the ornament and support of an empire, the date of whose origin is 1400 years. We lament your situation, Sire, surrounded by people who have brought the kingdom to the eve of famine and bankruptcy. We sympathize with you in all your troubles, which we should only increase instead of diminishing by complying with the terms of the proclamation you have signed.—Our estates—our property, must be destroyed—it is no matter!—our firm and steady conduct shall be the salvation of both your honor and our own. The time approaches fast when your NOBLESSE shall re-enter the kingdom, headed by your august brothers; order shall then be re-established, and in presenting you with an unfulfilled throne, we shall give you the surest proofs of our obedience, love, and veneration."
BALTIMORE, Feb. 7.
In the course of the year 1791, there arrived at the port of Baltimore as follows—68 ships and barques, 159 sloops and brigs, 94 schooners, 45 sloops, and 370 coasters, making in the whole, 746 vessels entered at the custom-house. There have been cleared out 387 for foreign ports, and 662 coasters, making in all 1049 vessels. The tonnage employed 17565 foreign—American 27,289, in all 44,854 tons, exclusive of the coasters. Exported—208,087 barrels flour, 10,239 barrels, and 6,232 kegs bread; 256,881 1-2 bushels corn; 276,829 1-2 do wheat; 10,415 hogheads tobacco; 374 tons bar iron; 1307 tons of pig iron, 2631 barrels herrings, and 2018 casks flaxseed.—In the year 1764 the quantity of flour brought to this market, did not exceed 10,000 barrels.
FRANCE.
Answer of Monsieur and the Count D'Artois to the letters written by the King, to engage them to return into France; and Louis Stanislaus Xavier's Renunciation of his right to the Crown.
"Sire, our Brother and Lord, YOUR letters of the 11th inst. have reached us, and we hasten to answer them. We lay at the feet of your majesty the respectful attention and inviolable attachment which we shall never cease to have for your august person. Why can we not express to you personally the regret which we feel in being obliged to live far from you? Why is it not possible for us to partake the grief to which ferocious and cruel men have for a long time past condemned you? Ah, never shall we forget the bloody scenes to which your eyes have been more than once condemned! What victims have not been on the brink of being murdered and sacrificed to this phantom of liberty and equality, which is endeavored in vain to be established in our unhappy country. "By your letters, Sire, you engage us to follow your example, in conforming to the Constitution, which you have accepted. You say that this Constitution is the will of the people. Ah, Sire, believe it not; they may have been deceived for some time, this people which we cherish as much as you, they may have thought that the Constitution would have caused their happiness; but they now see their error; they see that they have only changed their legitimate Sovereign for thousands of despotic usurpers, for factious men of intrigue, who seek only to establish their fortune, on the people's ruin, and to fatten at the expense of the purest of their blood. "Yes, Sire, could we have the individual wish of every Frenchman, be persuaded that the majority would be against the new order of things. Then you might see how much you are deceived. Doubtless we desire the peace and happiness of France, but is our presence necessary for the safety and felicity of the State? Can we be forced to inhabit a country governed in your name, by scoundrels who pillage it? Can we be forced to go where we must submit to laws destructive of the true ones—of those transmitted by our ancestors, of those laws which have at all times made France the most flourishing of kingdoms, and the French the happiest of people! Must we go to submit ourselves to decrees forged by the crew of Jacobin Robbers? Ah! could we rather withdraw you from the terrible effects of their embroiled rage.
You will take care, Sire, you say, that all the French, who re-enter the kingdom, shall peaceably enjoy the rights which the law assures to them. Ah! Sire, even at the moment that you were made to trace those lines, your most faithful subjects were pursued and murdered. At Caen, at Rennes, at Lunel, &c. fresh crimes were committed. On all sides the poinard was whetted, and poisons prepared for your brave Noblesse, the invincible support of Monarchy. "The Ministers of the Altar, faithful to their true religion, were everywhere persecuted; and everywhere they with to make them apostates. In the middle of Paris, itself, under the very walls of the palace you inhabit, and which you would persuade us, is no longer your prison; in a word, in the heart even of this pretended National Assembly, Regicides are conspiring against yourself perhaps, and against all the Royal Family. They would see the throne fall before the axe of Republicanism. They are sapping its foundations, shaken and almost ruined by the Assembly called constituting. "Has not this pretended National Assembly just decreed the sentence of death against your own brothers? Has it not had the inhumanity to bring this execrable sentence to you to sign? The Monitors well knew that you would not sign it. They waited for your refusal. A veto, said they, will prove in appearance the liberty of the King, let us then forge a decree which will oblige him to give his veto. We will argue from thence that he is free, since he may oppose the execution of a law, which we will say, is the wish of almost all France; but, Sire, none of your faithful subjects is the dupe of this infernal stratagem, and all these manoeuvres cannot impose upon those who see and feel your true situation physical and moral. We have already said in another place to your Majesty, and we repeat it, "that the usurpation of the throne, which you have inherited from your ancestors, you cannot alienate its primordial right, nor suffer the constitutive basis on which it is fixed to be destroyed. The Defender of Religion, you cannot abandon its Ministers to disgrace and oppression, the Dispenser of Justice to your subjects, you cannot have renounced the essentially royal function of causing it to be administered by tribunals legally constituted. The protector of the Rights of all Orders, you ought not to suffer them to be destroyed by the most terrible of oppressions. "If the guilt which besets you, and the violence which has so long tied your hands, do not permit you at present to fulfil these sacred duties, they ought, nevertheless, to be engraven on your heart, in indelible characters. Sire, you ought never to forget them. "Forced to say that you are free, we cannot believe it, till we see your people returned to their duty, and your troops under your orders. We will obey, Sire, your true commands, by resisting extorted prohibitions, or orders; we shall be sure of your approbation, by following the laws of honor. "Such, Sire, will always be our true sentiments; if we thought that our presence was useful to your Majesty, nothing should stay us, and we would be seen to fly to you with the ardor of brothers, who cherish you as a brother, and respect you as their King; but we think our absence much more useful to your person, and to those of your subjects who have remained faithful to you. And believe, Sire, that the number is happily still very considerable. "Should we, if there exists a power which has the authority to deprive us of it—should we lose the rights which we have to the Crown, and we sincerely wish it may never be in our power to claim those rights, we would not be less inviolable in the sentiments expressed in this letter, and dictated by the most inviolable honor, and attachment to your sacred person. "We are, Sire, our Brother and Lord, "The most humble and most obedient Servants, "And subjects of your Majesty, "LOUIS STANISLAS XAVIER, "CHARLES PHILIPPE." The Palace of Schonburnshausl near Coblenz, Nov. 14, 1791.
PARIS, Nov. 22.—M. Gower, British ambassador at this capital, has received very disagreeable news from India, brought by the French frigate Medusa, just arrived from the Isle of France. By the same vessel M. Dufresne, governor of Pondicherry writes thus: "Lord Cornwallis, having advanced with his army to within eight leagues of Seringapatnam, was attacked on the 15th of May by Tippoo Saib, and obliged to retreat towards Bangalore, with the loss of about 500 of his European troops, a vast number of Sepoys, many pieces of cannon, &c. and it was owing only to the firmness and exertions of the Mahrattas, that he was not harassed on his retreat." There are great fears at present in England lest this expedition should in the event, result the famous capture of his lordship in Virginia. In consequence of this idea, the East-India Company's funds have suffered a considerable shock, having fallen to 8 per cent.—No pains have been spared in London to propagate accounts of a different nature, in order to support their credit. Another account mentions that Tippoo and Lord Cornwallis were negotiating a treaty of peace. This is dated Pondicherry, June 22.
Nov. 13.—M. Charles Lameth, member of the late national assembly, has signalized himself by a memorable act of heroism. During the whole session of the constitu-
ting assembly, the aristocratic noblesse were continually insulting and challenging him. His constant reply was, that "he would give them an answer, the moment his person became inviolable."—At the dissolution of the constituting assembly, these same noblesse, who had in the mean time gradually emigrated to Worms, Coblenz, &c. sent him word that "they expected him to keep his promise, and that both parties might have a fair chance, they would meet him on the frontier." M. Lameth did not hesitate a moment, and instantly set out, attended by his brothers, and a few friends. When they were arrived on the frontier, M. Lameth sent information thereof to the challengers, letting them know that he had obeyed their summons.—They replied, that "he was not far enough advanced, and insisted upon his coming nigher the line of separation." Upon this Lameth and his companions went to a village precisely on the line, and sent the aristocrats word, "he was there ready to meet them."—Not expecting such a bold defiance, they declined the combat. M. Lameth having in vain waited for them, returned to the capital, much praised by those who make it a point of honor to answer challenges, but blamed by those who think the law above all obligations of honor.
PRICE OF STOCKS. Six per cents, per £. - 24/7 Three per cents, - - 14/8. Deferred six per cents, - - 15/. Final Settlements - - 22/6 Indents, - - - 13/4. 14/6 Bank Stock 1-2 Shares 103, pr. ct. prem.
Somerset County, Maryland, Princess Anne Town. TEN POUNDS REWARD.
RAN away, a Negro lad about seventeen years old, who left the subscriber sometime in August last. He goes by the name of LEVEN; is of a yellowish colour, and about five feet high. He is supposed to have gone to the Delaware state. Any person bringing the said negro to the subscriber, shall be entitled to the above reward; and any person giving such information as will enable the owner to recover him again, shall be entitled to one half the above sum, which will be paid by THOMAS MILES. Feb. 14, 1792. 5t. 1 aw.
District of Pennsylvania, to wit:
BE it remembered, That on the fourteenth day of February, in the sixteenth year of the independence of the United States of America, H. H. BRACKENRIDGE, of the said district, hath deposited in this office, the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to wit: MODERN CHIVALRY, containing the adventures of Captain JOHN FARRAGO, and TEAGUE O'REGAN, his servant; volume first—By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE. Quicquid agunt homines, nostri, farrago libelli.—Juvenal.—In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned."
SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
Just published, and to be sold by the Printer, J. M'CULLOCH, No. 1. N. Third-street, and at most of the Book-stores in this city, MODERN CHIVALRY: CONTAINING THE ADVENTURES OF Captain JOHN FARRAGO, AND TEAGUE O'REGAN HIS SERVANT. VOLUME I. BY H. H. BRACKENRIDGE. Quic, uid agunt homines, nostri, farrago libelli. Juvenal.
WANTED, to go to a healthy flourishing town in New-Jersey, a DISTILLER that can be recommended for knowledge and abilities in his profession, as well as sobriety and general good character. Any person, so qualified, will meet with the most generous encouragement. The works are entirely prepared for the distillation of grain, and the person engaging will be put into immediate employ.—Enquire of the Editor of this paper, at No. 239 Market-street, or at 58 North Fifth-street. Feb. 6. 1aw. tf.
A few Copies of the REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, of the 6th inst. on the PUBLIC DEBT, may be had at this Office.

Lines written at St. Catharine's Island, on the coast of Georgia, Nov. 1789.
HE that would wish to rove a while In forests green and gay, From Charleston bar to Catharine's isle Might sigh to find the way ! What scenes on every side appear, What rapture strikes the mind, From Folly's train, thus wandering far, To leave the world behind. The music of these savage groves In simple accents swells. And freely, here, their sylvan loves The feather'd nation tells ; The panting deer through mingled shades Of oaks forever green The vegetable world invades, That skirts the watry scene. Thou sailor now exploring far The broad Atlantic wave, Crowd all your canvas, gallant tar, Since Neptune never gave On barren seas so fine a view As here delights the eye, Gay, verdant scenes that Nature drew In colours from the sky. Ye western winds ! awhile delay To swell the expecting sail-- Who would not here, a hermit, stray In yonder fragrant vale, Could he engage, what few can find, That coy, unwilling guest (All avarice banish'd from the mind) CONTENTMENT, in the breast !
SINBAT.
LEGISLATURE OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday Feb. 3.
Continuation of the Debate on the Cod Fishery Bill-- The House in committee of the whole.
Mr. Gerry. The state of Massachusetts asks nothing more, than equal justice. We do not come forward, to request favors from the United States : we only wish, that the same system, which is applied to other parts of the union, may be applied to us. But in examining this question, we wish that gentlemen would not make distinctions, which will not admit of a difference.
The proposed allowance has been called a bounty on occupation, and is said to be very different from that encouragement, which is the incidental result of a general commercial system : but in reality it is no bounty. A bounty is a grant, made without any consideration whatever, as an equivalent ; and I have no idea of a bounty, which admits of receiving from the person, on whom it is conferred, the amount of what is granted. We have imposed a duty on salt, and thereby draw a certain sum of money from the fishermen --the drawback is, in all instances, the amount of the money received : this is all we ask ; and we ask it for a set of men, who are as well entitled to the regard of government, as any other class of citizens.
It has been supposed that the allowance, made to the fishermen, will amount to a greater sum, than the drawbacks on the exportation of the fish ; but I think it has been clearly shown, that this will not be the case : on the contrary, it is presumable, that the drawback on the fish would on the whole exceed the sum, which is proposed to be allowed to the fishermen : sometimes it might be more, sometimes less.
The calculation is made on general principles ; and it is impossible to calculate to a single cent : the quantity of salt, to be expended on the fish, cannot be minutely ascertained : but this was not heretofore considered as a sufficient reason, why Congress should refuse to allow the drawback ; they allowed it, though in a different shape. It is now proposed to make a further commutation--gentlemen call this a bounty on occupation ; but is there any proposition made for paying to the fishermen, or to other persons concerned in the fishery, any sums, which we have not previously received from them ? if this were the case, it would indeed be a bounty : but if we beforehand receive from them, as much as the allowance amounts to, there is no bounty granted at all.
If however it really was a bounty on occupation, it would after all be only an indulgence similar to what has been granted to the landed and agricultural interest. We have laid on hemp a duty of 54 cents per hundred weight ; and on beer, ale, and porter, five cents per gallon. Now I ask gentlemen, whether the professed design of these duties was to raise a revenue, or to prevent the importation of those articles ? they were laid for no other purpose, than to prevent foreigners from importing them, and thereby to encourage our own manufactures ; and was not that encouragement a bounty to the persons concerned in producing such articles in this country ? If the duties had not been laid, the importer could sell much cheaper, than he now can ; and the landed interest would be under a necessity of selling cheaper in proportion -- If those prohibitory duties operate as a bounty in favor of raising hemp, & of brewing beer, ale, and porter, I ask, whether, if a bounty were proposed on every quintal of fish it might not, with the same propriety be granted ? If we have not a right to grant a bounty in the one case we have as little right to grant it in the other.
A calculation has been offered to show that the proposed allowance will exceed the amount of the present drawbacks, by 10,000 dollars a year, but that calculation has been proved to be erroneous : suppose however that this was the fact, what comparison is there between such a tax on the citizens of the United States, and the tax borne by the citizens of Massachusetts, for the defence of the western frontier ? A commercial war is waged against the American fisheries, by foreign nations, who lay heavy duties on the American fish, and apply the produce of those duties in bounties to their own fishermen : and their fisheries being less extensive than ours, the duty thus imposed on our fish, and bestowed in bounties to their vessels, operate in a two-fold proportion to the discouragement of our fishermen, and the encouragement of theirs.
I wish to know on what principle gentlemen can expect, that the citizens of Massachusetts should contribute 200,000 dollars, or perhaps a greater sum, for the protection of the western frontier against the Indians, when no contribution is made to support the commerce of Massachusetts, which, without this support, will be as effectually ruined, as if their vessels were captured by an enemy. The principle is carried farther with respect to the protection of the frontier : we have voted large sums, as presents to the savages, to keep them friendly to the frontier settlers : there is however no clause in the constitution, that will authorize a measure of this kind : it is true, indeed, we have a power to regulate trade and commerce with the Indian tribes : but does that give us a power to render the United States tributary to the savages ? and if we make them such grants every year, do we not in fact become tributary to them ?
The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Giles] says, although this plan of encouraging the fisheries may be wise policy in Britain, as being on all sides surrounded by the sea, yet the United States will not equally find their account in pursuing the same plan. The state of Virginia is, in point of exposure from the sea, very differently circumstanced from the state of Massachusetts : we have a vast extent of country, 450 miles of sea-coast, exposed : The citizens of all the towns along the coast are obliged to pursue marine occupations ; and I hope the gentleman does not wish that the country should be depopulated, and the inhabitants driven off to settle the western territory.
The state of Virginia is very happily circumstanced with respect to a marine war : should such an event take place, that state is pretty secure from depredations : but when we consider how much the inhabitants of Massachusetts are exposed in a case of that kind, we ought to look forward, and make some provision for their defence : they have as good a right to expect, that government will make some arrangements for their protection, as that they shall be obliged to contribute for the defence of the western frontier.
But, their commerce, it seems, must not be supported : taxes however must be laid ; and those taxes applied to encourage the farmer, and to bribe the Indians into peace ! Is this fair ? is this pursuing a liberal system of politics ? will this reconcile the minds of our people to the general government ? If so reasonable a proposition be rejected by the House, it will convince the citizens of that state, that it is the object of government to destroy their commerce, and to make them entirely dependant on the agricultural interest.
Here Mr. Gerry read a statement, to show the diminution of revenue in consequence of the failure of the fisheries : and added,
To support the fishery, is to support the revenue : by that staple, the citizens of Massachusetts are enabled to pay the revenue that is expected from them ; and, by an attempt to save 10,000 dollars, government will probably sacrifice 100,000 ---and, besides, lose the confidence of the citizens of that state.
The only question now is, whether this be a direct bounty, or simply a commutation of the allowance already granted by Congress ? If the latter be the case, I can see no reason, why we should refuse our assent to a proposition, which is only calculated to do justice to the people concerned, and to give encouragement to a very important branch, which stands in need of the support of government, more than any other branch in the United States ; especially as the proposition will even have a tendency to encrease the revenue.
Mr. Goodhue. Some gentlemen, who are otherwise not averse to the principles of the bill, ask, why this money which is intended to be allowed to the fishermen, as a drawback for the duty on salt, cannot as well be paid to the owners of the fishing vessels, and by them paid to the fishermen, without being particularly annexed to the tonnage ? If this mode were adopted, we would then be obliged to depend on the oath of the owner of each vessel, for the quantity of fish taken, and of salt used in the vessels ; and this would open a wide door for fraud. But here we have the quantity of fish taken in a year, and the tonnage of the vessels employed ; and we have apportioned the sum to the tonnage, so as not to exceed the sums which government now pays on an average, one year with another. It is true, that if the fishermen take a smaller quantity of fish, government will have to pay more in the bounties than they would in the drawback ; but, on the other hand, if a greater quantity of fish be taken, the bounty will be less in proportion. It is not easy to devise a rule, that will better secure the revenue, than this will : it would be improper to appeal to the owner's oath, for the quantity of fish taken by his vessel during the year : but the regulations in the bill exclude the possibility of fraud--the vessels being beforehand measured, and having their tonnage ascertained by our own officers, and a license being required besides. We do not come forward under the idea of receiving a bounty--there is no bounty in the case : that is merely a word used to express the same idea that is already admitted.
Mr. Williamson. It has been urged with great propriety in favor of the bill, now submitted to our consideration, that the operations of our laws should in all cases tend to encourage useful
industry : that while we are giving back the duties on all other foreign goods which are exported, it would be unjust and cruel to refuse a full drawback of the duties on salt which may be exported, especially when the circumstances of its exportation, are attended with an immensity of riches and strength to the nation. Impressed as I am with the force of these arguments, and desirous as I am to protect and encourage the native seamen of America by all prudent, practicable, and constitutional means, I shall nevertheless find it my duty to vote for striking out the first section of the bill, because it proposes to give a bounty for the encouragement of vessels employed in the fisheries.
We have been told that the name is improper ; that it is simply a drawback of the duty upon salt, and gentlemen have produced a very ingenious calculation, by which they attempt to prove, that in some years it may happen, that the whole duty on salt will not be repaid ; but they admit that on some years, the drawback or bounty will exceed the duty. It is certainly their opinion, and in this we are perfectly agreed, that the money to be paid will be more than that received, if there had been no use for so large an appropriation. We shall not trouble the committee with calculations on this subject. It is conceded that the encouragement to be given probably will exceed the full drawback of the duty on salt. In other words a douceur or a proper bounty is to be given--let us call it one thousand dollars per annum. Is it within the powers of this Congress to grant bounties ? I think not, and on this single position, I would rest the argument.
In the constitution of this government there are two or three remarkable provisions which seem to be in point. It is provided that direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers." It is also provided that "all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States ;" and it is provided that no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce-revenue to the ports of one state over those of another. The clear and obvious intention of the articles mentioned was, that Congress might not have the power of imposing unequal burdens--that it might not be in their power to gratify one part of the union by oppressing another. It appeared possible and not very improbable, that the time might come, when by greater cohesion, by more unanimity, by more address, the representatives of one part of the union might attempt to impose unequal taxes, or to relieve their constituents at the expence of the people. To prevent the possibility of such a combination, the articles that I have mentioned were inserted in the constitution. Suppose a poll tax should be attempted, suppose it should be enacted that every poll in the eastern states shall pay a tax of half a dollar, and every poll in the southern states should pay a tax of one dollar--Do you think we should pay the tax ? No, certainly. We should plead the constitution, and tell you that the law was impotent and void.
But we have been told that Congress may give bounties for useful purposes ; that is to say, they may give bounties for all imaginable purposes, because the same majority that votes the bounty will not fail to call the purpose a good one. Establish the doctrine of bounties and let us see what may follow. Uniform taxes are laid to raise money--and that money is distributed--not uniformly ; the whole of it may be given to people in one end of the Union. Could we say in such a case that the tax had been uniform--I think not. There is certainly a majority in this House who think that the nation would be stronger and more independent, if all our labor was performed by free men. This object might be promoted by a bounty. Let a poll tax be laid according to the Constitution, of one dollar per poll ; in this case sixty cents must be paid for each slave, and the number of slaves being 680,000, their tax would amount to 334,911 dollars. To encourage the labor of citizens, let Congress then give an annual bounty of one dollar to every freeman who is a mechanic, or who labors in the field. We might be told that the bounty was small, and the object was good, but the measure would be most oppressive, for it would be a clear tax of rather more than three hundred thousand dollars on the southern states.
Perhaps the case I have put is too strong. Congress can never do a thing that is so palpably unjust, but this, Sir, is the very mark at which the theory of bounties seems to point. The certain operation of that measure is the oppression of the southern states, by superior numbers in the northern interest. This was to be feared at the formation of this government, and you find many articles in the Constitution, beside those I have quoted, which were certainly intended to guard us against the dangerous bias of interest and the power of numbers. Wherefore was it provided that no duty shall be laid upon exports ? Was it not to defend the great staple of the southern states--tobacco, rice, and indigo, from the operation of unequal regulation of commerce, or unequal indirect taxes ; as another article had defended us from unequal direct taxes.
I do not hazard much in saying that the present Constitution had never been adopted, without those preliminary guards in the Constitution. Establish the general doctrine of bounties, and all the provisions I have mentioned become useless. They vanish into air, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a trace behind. The common defence and general welfare, in the hands of a good politician, may supersede every part of our Constitution, and leave us in the hands of time and chance. Manufactures in general are useful to the nation, they promote the public good and general welfare : how many of them are springing up in the northern states ? Let them be properly supported by bounties, and you will find no occasion for unequal taxes. The tax may be equal in the beginning, it will be sufficiently unequal in the end.
Mr. Williamson. We are told that a nursery of seamen may be of great use to the nation, and the bounty proposed is a very small one. These, Sir, are the reasons why I have marked this as a dangerous bill: the most dangerous innovations are made under these circumstances. To begin with a great bounty would be imprudent, and to give a
small bounty for a doubtful purpose, might deserve a worse epithet. Half a million of dollars per annum would have been too much for a beginning, and perhaps a bounty on the use of fleeces, though they are convenient for travelling in winter ; or a bounty on stone fences though they are durable, would not at this time be prudent. The object of the bounty and the amount of it, are equally to be disregarded in the present case : we are simply to consider whether bounties may safely be given under the present constitution ; for myself, I would rather begin with a bounty of one million per annum, than one thousand ; I wish that my constituents may know, whether they are to put any confidence in that paper called the Constitution.
You will suffer me to say, that the southern states have much to fear from the progress of this government, unless your strength is governed by prudence : the operation of the funding system, has translated at least two millions of dollars, from the southern states, that is to say, from Georgia, the Carolinas, and Virginia, to the northern states. The interest of that sum, when it shall be six per cent will be 120,000 dollars ; but the quota of those states, is at least one third of the whole ; whence it follows, that they must pay forty thousand dollars every year, in the form of interest to the northern states. This, it seems, is not sufficient, and other measures are to be adopted for draining the southern states. Bounties to promote the general welfare, are already brought forward ; we shall not hear of a bounty for raising rice, or preparing naval stores. If that was the question, the general welfare would not have such prominent features. Unless the southern states are protected by the constitution, their valuable staple and their visionary wealth, must occasion their destruction. Three short years has this government existed ; it is not three years, but we have already given serious alarms to many of our fellow citizens ; establish the doctrine of bounties : set aside that part of the constitution, which requires equal taxes, and demand similar distributions ; destroy this barrier, and it is not a few fishermen that will enter, claiming ten or twelve thousand dollars ; but all manner of persons--people of every trade and occupation may enter at the breach until they have eaten up the bread of our children.
Perhaps I have viewed this project in too serious a light, but if I am particularly solicitous, on the subject of finance, that we do not even seem to depart from the spirit of the constitution, it is because I wish that the union may be perpetual. The several states are now pretty well relieved from their debts, and our fellow citizens in the southern states, have very little interest in the national funds : press them a little with unequal taxes, and the remedy is plain.
While I would shun bounties, as leading to dangerous measures, I am not inattentive to every argument that has been advanced by the honorable member who first rose in defence of the bill. That gentleman tells us, that more than a bushel of salt is used in curing a quintal of fish. If this fact be established, the former act should be amended by giving a greater drawback. He says, the drawback as it is now paid to the merchant, does not operate so as to encourage the seamen who have most need of such assistance. This is very probable, and the parties may be relieved by dividing the drawback in the very manner proposed in the bill. If it is true that the proposed bounties, will not exceed the average of the drawback that should be paid on salt, why do they contend about names, unless they are solicitous about the precedent. If our object is to encourage industry, and to increase our commerce, by sending fish to a foreign market, we must adhere to a drawback ; for according to the terms of the bill, the bounty is to be paid, though every fish that is caught should be consumed in the country ; in which case we should be paying a visionary drawback, when nothing was exported ; according to the terms of the bill, there is no proportion between the labor and the reward, so far as the bank fishery is concerned--the bounty in all cases being the same.
Having exercised your patience in objecting to this new system of bounties, and having hinted on some objections to the general operation of the bill, so far as industry and enterprise, may be desired ; I shall, in a few words, submit the outline of a plan that seems to comprehend all the useful parts of the bill, without any speculation upon bounties.
If the drawback on dried fish exported, is not equal to the duty on the salt used in curing such fish, let the drawback be encreased to eleven cents or twelve cents, as the case may be. Let us suppose that the drawback for the next year, will be equal to the drawback on the last year ; and let that sum of money, being the expected drawback, be divided between the seamen and owners according to the terms of the bill ; the accounts must be made up annually. If the drawback exceeds the allowance that had been made, the difference will be considered as advanced to the fishery, and the allowance for the next year must be somewhat reduced according to the actual amount of the drawback. If the fishermen are more fortunate or more active, and the exports are increased, the allowance for the next year must be raised. The rule being fixed by law, all that remains being pure calculation, may be done from year to year by the executive. Every important object of this bill that has been presented to our view, may be obtained by safe and constitutional steps. Why should a man take a dangerous and a doubtful path, when a safe one presents itself ? If nothing more is desired than to regulate and protect the fishery, the bill may be altered and accommodated to that purpose : if the theory of bounties is to be established, by which the southern states must suffer while others gain ; the bill informs us what we are to expect.
[To be continued.]