National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-11-21 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1791.
NUMB. 7.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
POPULATION and EMIGRATION.
BOTH in the vegetable and animal kingdoms, every species derives from nature, a reproductive faculty beyond the demand for merely keeping up its stock: the seed of a single plant is sufficient to multiply, it one hundred or a thousand fold. The animal offspring is never limited to the number of its parents*.
This ordinance of nature is calculated, in both instances, for a double purpose. In both, it ensures the life of the species, which, if the generative principle had not a multiplying energy, would be reduced in number by every premature destruction of individuals, and by degrees would be extinguished altogether. In the vegetable species, the surplus answers, moreover, the essential purpose of sustaining the herbivorous tribes of animals; as in the animal, the surplus serves the like purpose of sustenance to the carnivorous tribes. A crop of wheat may be reproduced by one tenth of itself. The remaining nine tenths can be spared for the animals which feed on it. A flock of sheep may be continued by a certain proportion of its annual increase. The residue is the bounty of nature to the animals which prey on that species.
Man who preys both on the vegetable and animal species, is himself a prey to neither. He too possesses the reproductive principle far beyond the degree requisite for the bare continuance of his species.—What becomes of the surplus of human life to which this principle is competent?
It is either, 1st. destroyed by infanticide, as among the Chinese and Lacedæmonians; or 2d. it is stifled or starved, as among other nations whose population is commensurate to its food; or 3d. it is consumed by wars and endemic diseases; or 4th. it overflows, by emigration, to places where a surplus of food is attainable.
What may be the greatest ratio of increase of which the human species is susceptible, is a problem difficult to be solved; as well because precise experiments have never been made, as because the result would vary with the circumstances distinguishing different situations. It has been computed that under the most favorable circumstances, possible, a given number would double itself in ten years. What has actually happened in this country is a proof, that nature would require for the purpose, a less period than twenty years. We shall be safe in averaging the surplus at five per cent†.
According to this computation, Great Britain and Ireland, which contain about ten millions of people, are capable of producing annually for emigration, no less than five hundred thousand; France, whose population amounts to twenty-five millions, no less than one million two hundred and fifty thousand; and all Europe, stating its numbers at one hundred and fifty millions, no less than seven and a half millions.
It is not meant that such a surplus could, under any revolution of circum-
stances, suddenly take place: yet no reason occurs why an annual supply of human, as well as other animal life, to any amount not exceeding the multiplying faculty, would not be produced in one country, by a regular and commensurate demand of another. Nor is it meant that if such a redundancy of population were to happen in any particular country, an influx of it beyond a certain degree ought to be desired by any other, though within that degree, it ought to be invited by a country greatly deficient in its population. The calculation may serve, nevertheless, by placing an important principle in a striking view; to prepare the way for the following positions and remarks.
First. Every country, whose population is full; may annually spare a portion of its inhabitants, like a hive of bees its swarm, without any diminution of its number: nay, a certain portion must, necessarily, be either spared, or destroyed, or kept out of existence†.
Secondly. It follows, moreover, from this multiplying faculty of human nature, that in a nation, sparing or losing more than its proper surplus, the level must soon be restored by the internal resources of life.
Thirdly. Emigrations may even augment the population of the country permitting them. The commercial nations of Europe, parting with emigrants, to America, are examples. The articles of consumption demanded from the former, have created employment for an additional number of manufacturers. The produce remitted from the latter, in the form of raw materials, has had the same effect—whilst the imports and exports of every kind, have multiplied European merchants and mariners. Where the settlers have doubled every twenty or twenty-five years, as in the United States, the encrease of products and consumption in the new country, and consequently of employment and people in the old, has had a corresponding rapidity.
Of the people of the United States, nearly three millions are of British descent. The British population has notwithstanding increased within the period of our establishment. It was the opinion of the famous Sir Josiah Child, that every man in the British colonies found employment, and of course, subsistence, for four persons at home. According to this estimate, as more than half a million of the adult males in the United States equally contribute employment at this time to British subjects, there must at this time be more than two millions of British subjects subsisting on the fruits of British emigrations. This result, however, seems to be beyond the real proportion. Let us attempt a less vague calculation.
The value of British imports into the United States including British freight, may be stated at about fifteen millions of dollars. Deduct two millions for foreign articles coming through British hands; there remain thirteen millions. About half our exports, valued at ten millions of dollars, are remitted to that nation. From the nature of the articles, the freight cannot be less than three millions of dollars; of which about one fifth ‡ being the share of the United
States, there is to be added to the former remainder, two millions four hundred thousand. The profit accruing from the articles as materials or auxiliaries for manufactures, is probably at least fifty per cent. or five millions of dollars. The three sums make twenty millions four hundred thousand dollars: call them in round numbers twenty millions.—The expence of supporting a labouring family in Great-Britain, as computed by Sir John Sinclair, on six families containing thirty-four persons, averages £.4: 12: 10 1/2 sterling, or about twenty dollars a head. As his families were of the poorer class, and the subsistence a bare competency, let twenty-five per cent. be added, making the expence about twenty five dollars a head, dividing twenty millions by this sum; we have eight hundred thousand for the number of British persons whose subsistence may be traced to emigration for its source: or allowing eight shillings sterling a week, for the support of a working man, we have two hundred sixteen thousand three hundred forty-five of that class, for the number derived from the same source.
This lesson of fact, which merits the notice, of every commercial nation, may be enforced by a more general view of the subject.
The present imports of the United States, adding to the first cost, &c. one half the freight as the reasonable share of foreign nations, may be stated at twenty-five millions of dollars. Deducting five millions on account of East-India articles, there remain in favour of Europe, twenty millions of dollars. The foreign labour incorporated with such part of our exports as are subjects or ingredients for manufactures, together with half the export freight, is probably not of less value than fifteen millions of dollars. The two sums together make thirty-five millions of dollars, capable of supporting two hundred thirty-three thousand three hundred thirty-three families of six persons in each: or three hundred seventy-eight thousand six hundred and five men, living on eight shillings sterling a week.
The share of this benefit, which each nation is to enjoy, will be determined by many circumstances. One that must have a certain and material influence, will be, the taste excited here for their respective products and fabrics. This influence has been felt in all its force by the commerce of Great-Britain, as the advantage originated in the emigrations from that country to this; among the means of retaining it, will not be numbered a restraint on emigrations. Other nations, who have to acquire their share in our commerce, are still more interested in aiding their other efforts, by permitting, and even promoting emigrations to this country, as fast as it may be disposed to welcome them. The space left by every ten or twenty thousand emigrants will be speedily filled by a surplus of life that would otherwise be lost. The twenty thousand in their new country, calling for the manufactures
and productions required by their habits, will employ and sustain ten thousand persons in their former country, as a clear addition to its stock. In twenty or twenty-five years, the number, so employed and added, will be twenty thousand. And in the mean time, example and information will be diffusing the same taste among other inhabitants here, and proportionally extending employment and population there.
Fourthly. Freedom of emigration is due to the general interests of humanity. The course of emigrations being always, from places where living is more difficult, to places where it is less difficult, the happiness of the emigrant is promoted by the change: and as a more numerous progeny is another effect of the same cause, human life is at once made a greater blessing, and more individuals are created to partake of it.
The annual expence of supporting the poor in England amounts to more than one million and a half sterling. The number of persons, subsisting themselves not more than six months in the year, is computed at one million two hundred sixty eight thousand, and the number of beggars at forty eight thousand. In France, it has been computed that seven millions of men women and children live one with another, on twenty-five livres, which is less than five dollars a year. Every benevolent reader will make his own reflections.
Fifthly. It may not be superfluous to add, that freedom of emigration is favorable to morals. A great proportion of the vices which distinguish crowded from thin settlements, are known to have their rise in the facility of illicit intercourse between the sexes, on one hand, and the difficulty of maintaining a family, on the other. Provide an outlet for the surplus of population, and marriages will be increased in proportion. Every four or five emigrants will be the fruit of a legitimate union which would not otherwise have taken place.
Sixthly. The remarks which have been made, though in many respects little applicable to the internal situation of the United States, may be of use as far as they tend to prevent mistaken and narrow ideas on an important subject. Our country being populated in different degrees in different parts of it, removals from the more compact to the more spare or vacant districts are continually going forward.—The object of these removals is evidently to exchange a less easy for a more easy subsistence. The effect of them must therefore be to quicken the aggregate population of our country. Considering the progress made in some situations towards their natural complement of inhabitants, and the fertility of others, which have made little or no progress; the probable difference in their respective rates of increase is not less than as three in the former to five in the latter. Instead of lamenting then a loss of three human beings to Connecticut, Rhode-Island, or New-Jersey, the Philanthropist , will rejoice that five will be gained to New-York, Vermont or Kentucky; and the patriot will be not less pleased that two will be added to the citizens of the United States.
Philadelphia, Nov. 19, 1791.
* From Easter 1775 to Easter 1776, was expended the sum of £. 1,556, 8s. 4d. = 6-3 sterling. See Anderson vol. 5. p. 275. This well-informed writer conjectures the annual expence to be near £. 2,000,000 sterling. It is to be regretted that the number and expence of the poor in the United States cannot be contrasted with such statements. The subject well merits research, and would produce the truest eulogium on our country.
SENTIMENT.
Great is the beauty and stability of truth, and yet it seems not abundantly to possess the power of persuasion.
Good nature is an essential quality in a satirist, and all the sentiments that are beautiful in this sort of writing, must arise from this motive in the author.
* The multiplying power in some instances, animal as well as vegetable, is astonishing. An annual plant of two seeds produces in 20 years, 1,048,576; and there are plants which bear more than 40,000 seeds. The roe of a Codfish is said to contain a million of eggs; mules will multiply to a thousand in a day; and there are various flies which produce 1000 at once. See Stillfleet and Bradley's philosophical account of nature.
† Emigrants from Europe, enjoying freedom in a climate similar to their own, increase at the rate of five per cent a year. Among Africans suffering or (in the language of some) enjoying slavery in a climate similar to their own, human life has been consumed in an equal ratio. Under all the mitigations latterly applied in the British West-Indies, it is admitted that an annual decrease of one per cent has taken place.—What a comment on the African trade!
‡ The most remarkable instances of the swarms of people that have been spared without diminishing the parent stock, are the colonies and colonies of colonies among the ancient Greeks. Miletum, which was itself a colony, is reported by Pliny, to have established no less than eighty colonies, on the Hellespont, the Propontis, and the Euxine. Other facts of a like kind are to be found in the Greek historians.
§ Irish is meant to be included
¶ This is stated as the fact, not as it ought to be. The United States are reasonably entitled to half the freight, if, under regulations perfectly reciprocal in every channel of navigation, they could acquire that share. According to Lord Shelburne, indeed, the United States are well off, compared with other nations; the tonnage employed in the
trade with the whole of them, previous to the American Revolution, having belonged to British subjects, in the proportion of more than eleven to six. In the year 1660, other nations owned about 1-4; in 1700 less than 1-6; in 1725 1-19; in 1750 1-12; in 1774, less than that proportion. What the proportion is now, is not known. If such has been the operation of the British navigation law on other nations, it is our duty, without enquiring into their acquaintance in its monopolizing tendency, to defend ourselves against it, by all the fair and prudent means in our power.
¶ This is admitted to be a very vague estimate. The proportion of our exports which are either necessaries of life, or have some profitable connection with manufactures, might be pretty easily computed. The actual profit arising from that proportion is a more difficult task; but if tolerably ascertained and compared with the proportion of such of our imports as are not for mere consumption, would present one very interesting view of the commerce of the United States.

PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, November 17.
Cornelius C. Schoonmaker, from New-York, and Thomas Hartley from Pennsylvania appeared and took their seats.
Petitions were read from Lewis Anderson, Thomas Carhartt, Philip Greenwalt, William Loring, and David Welsh, respectively praying compensation, for services rendered, &c. in the army of the United States during the war.—Referred to the Secretary at War.
Mr. GERRY, from Massachusetts, and Mr. Findley, from Pennsylvania, were reported duly elected members of the House.
According to the order of the day, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill "Directing the mode in which certain evidences of the debt of the United States, which have been lost, or destroyed, may be renewed."
A motion was then made by Mr. Sedgwick for striking out the words lost or , as he thought that in cases of lost certificates the public ought to be better secured, than they are in the mode pointed out in the bill.
Mr. Smith (N.H.) Messrs. Wadsworth, Hillhouse, Giles and Barnwell, were all for striking out, upon the general principle of impracticability and public inconvenience in renewing lost certificates so as not to subject the public to frauds from the holders. The passing a law of renewal, would also (in the opinion of Mr. Hillhouse) be holding forth an encouragement to negligence in the possessors of certificates.
Mr. LAURENCE, tho' the provisions made in the bill were sufficient. The publishing an accurate description of the lost certificate, he said, would enable the officer to discover whether such certificate had been really issued; and if sufficient security was given to refund the money to the United States, in case of recovering the lost certificate, he did not see how the public could suffer from any law providing for a renewal of such a species of paper.
The question was taken on the motion for striking out, and passed in the affirmative.
Mr. MUHLENBERG reported that two other amendments had been made to the bill, extending the time for the renewal and issuing of the certificates; upon which the House proceeded to take the said amendments into consideration, and made some progress therein, when an adjournment was called for, previous to taking the question.
Adjourned.
FRIDAY, November 18.
Petitions were laid before the House from Barney Cox and Oliver Towles, praying compensation for services in the army, during the war; also a memorial of Oliver Towles, praying reimbursement of expenses, incurred on account of the United States, while a prisoner, and afterwards during the war.
A petition of James Groves, cordwainer, of Philadelphia, praying compensation for two years, eight months and seven days service of an apprentice, enlisted into the continental artillery.—Also, a petition of John Haskill, praying reimbursement of a sum of public money, received for the recruiting service, and lost.
The preceding petitions were all referred to the Secretary at war.
A petition of Philip Bush was read, praying renewal of a certificate, his property, accidentally lost or destroyed.
A petition of William Franklin, of New-York (city) praying compensation for a quantity of mahogany, and the sails of a vessel, converted to public use during the war.—Referred, severally, to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A petition was then read from the branch pilots of Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, and Delaware, plying in Delaware river and bay, praying an increase in the rates of pilotage.—Referred to the committee for regulating pilots and providing for the superintendence of light-houses, &c. in the Bays of Delaware and Chesapeake, and their respective rivers.
A petition of James Weeks, praying reimbursement of the amount of a vessel and cargo, his property, scuttled during the war, by order of the Pennsylvania committee of safety.—Rejected.
The committee appointed, reported a bill for apportioning the representation of the people of the United States, which was twice read, and ordered to be resumed on Monday next. [The representation mentioned in the bill was as follows: New-Hampshire 4 members, Massachusetts 15, Connecticut 7, Rhode-Island 2, Vermont 2, New-York 11, New-Jersey 5, Pennsylvania 14, Delaware 1, Maryland 9, Virginia 21, N. Carolina 11, Georgia 2, Kentucky 2, South-Carolina in proportion to the return that shall be made, one for every thirty thousand.]
A message from the Senate by Mr. Otis:
"Mr. Speaker, I am directed by the Senate to bring to this House a letter received by the President of the Senate from the President of the Assembly of the French Colony of St. Domingo, to the Congress of the United States."—Which was ordered to lie on the table.
A letter was then laid before the House from the Treasurer of the United States, inclosing his indent account of interest received and issued by him from July 1, to September 30, 1791.
The House then resumed the consideration of the amendments reported from the committee of the whole House, to the bill directing the mode in which the evidence of the debt of the United States, which have been lost or destroyed shall be renewed.
Mr. LEE thought there should be some provision made for lost certificates; under which denomination, however, he would include only such as should appear upon the strongest evidence to have been actually destroyed. The law being thus explicit, would at once be understood, and no man would be at the trouble of making useless applications for renewal. He wished the word destroyed to be omitted altogether, and the word lost only retained, with a clause in the bill, that certificates were only renewable upon the strongest presumptive evidence of their having been lost [or destroyed.]
Mr. SEDGWICK insisted that the House had no right to define what species of evidence should establish a fact. If they could do it in this instance, they could also in every other, and by that means involve the whole legal code in obscurity.
Mr. CLARKE argued that the conduct of the House in respect to the provision contemplated, was unprecedented, except in one instance, when a former Congress, during the war, did the same thing. A reason might then have been given which at present would be absurd to urge. In the time of war, the devaluations and conflagrations of the enemy destroyed public securities every where in the houses of individuals, and to keep up the spirit of the people it seemed necessary for Congress to indulge them with renewals of papers thus destroyed. Matters being upon a different footing at present, he wished to see no provision made, whatever.
Mr. KITCHELL preferred the word destroyed to the word lost . He was against establishing any general rule in cases of renewing destroyed certificates, and rather wished the House to enquire and form an opinion from the circumstances of each, individually.
Mr. GERRY was against passing the bill in its present form, as being liable in its consequences, to fraud, perjury, and every species of abuse. In order to ascertain facts, it would be necessary that the claimants should have recourse to public records. Hence a fraudulent speculator might discover what certificates were lost, and lay plans for recovering them. During the war, many public officers had lost certificates, the amount of which was afterwards allowed. It would now be impossible to identify such certificates. Many public securities were also wantonly destroyed by the enemies of the revolution, in the time of the war, whose value was never known. It was therefore impossible to tell what lengths the bill would go in involving the United States in a new debt.
Several other gentlemen having spoken on this subject, the question was put, that the said bill with the amendment
be engrossed and read the third time.—It passed in the negative.
Mr. Livermore, from the committee of elections, made a report on the letter from the executive of Maryland, relative to the resignation of William Pinkney, returned a member of the House; and a certificate of the election of John Francis Mercer, in the room of said Pinkney, which was read.—Ordered to lie on the table.
A memorial was presented from the commissioned officers of the army of the United States, stating the inadequacy of their pay, subsistence and forage, under the present establishment, and praying an augmentation.—Referred to a select committee.
Mr. Ames made a report from the committee, to whom was referred the petition of James Jackson, which was read and ordered to lie on the table.
A motion being previously made, the committee were discharged from further proceeding on the petition of Josiah Clapham; which petition, together with those of Daniel Robbins and Phineas Ware, were referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Fitzsimons, from the committee on the petition of Stephen Zachari, made a report, which was ordered to lie on the table.
Other orders of the day were further postponed till Monday next.
Adjourned.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
The following Letter is addressed to the Government of the United States; and is entitled,
"A Political Enquiry into the best Means of improving the Commerce of the American States."
[Translated for the National Gazette, from the original French manuscript of the Author, dated New-London, May 17, 1791.]
HAVING taken a view of the enviable situation of the American States at the present period, and considered in all its branches that free and virtuous government under which the people live; a government no less wise in its principles than the administration of it is honorable to the magistracy, I could not help thinking that so promising an outset must be succeeded by ages of peace and felicity in this country.—With a view of applying my observations to the United States, I have made some research into the histories of past times, to discover, if possible, their methods of improvement, not only in the cultivation and production of the rude materials, which go towards supporting the various manufactures in use, but also in those subordinate arts and trades, which when sufficiently followed and encouraged here, will be advanced to the highest possible degree of perfection.
In pursuing this subject, I shall endeavour to explain what is the general interest of America, as a nation; and shall likewise take into view the political systems of several thriving nations in Europe; and from thence deduce, in particular, the secret motives and springs of action in the British government.
If we cast our eyes but for a moment on what is transacting in Europe, we shall at once see, that the attention of all nations is fixed, more than at any former period, upon the great objects of commerce, which are justly considered the true sources of national prosperity and the splendor of crowns. In this conviction, they would individually make immense sacrifices, in order thereby to be sure of appropriating certain solid advantages, which they are sensible a well-conducted commerce never fails to procure. The national interest is evermore uppermost in their minds, and the ardour of patriotism spurs them on to employ every active power, and all the address possible, to bring about purposes founded in the deepest abyles of state policy. Sometimes every possible scheme is laid to render abortive the united interests and growing industry of a rival nation; at other times, they are unweariedly bent upon throwing obstacles in the way of foreign establishments, for the sole purpose of maintaining their own importance and grandeur upon the ruins of the commerce of their neighbors. Such has always been the policy of Holland, particularly in their Baltic and East and West-India trades; and such, at this day, appears to be the policy of
Great-Britain, in respect to the United States of America.
We cannot doubt for a single moment, that the court of Great-Britain (so eagle-eyed to whatever concerns its own interest) foreseeing that a stagnation of their commerce will most certainly ensue, from the increasing manufactures of this country, will constantly feel itself disposed to sacrifice some of their less important national interests, in order to damp the spirit of enterprize and manufacture, in their rivals. If they can only contrive to dishearten and ruin those that first attempt manufactures in America, by putting an inferior price upon the rival articles sent from Britain, they will by degrees persuade the Americans, that manufacturing in this country is a hopeless project, or attended with insurmountable difficulties. The effect of this persuasion will be, that future artisans, fearing the fate of their predecessors, will either leave the country, or employ themselves in callings of a different nature.
This purpose being accomplished, England may at once consider herself the sole manufacturer for America, and triumph over every other obstacle, in the same manner, as heretofore in Portugal, when with all imaginable dexterity she possessed herself of their commerce, and a great part of the treasures of Brazil, which are to this day continually pouring into London, by a trade advantageous to England, but ruinous to the Portuguese. In the same manner, I say, will England exert her powers of activity in inundating this country with her various fabrics, but at the same time draining their ready money from the United States, who, to satisfy the consequent demands of the British merchants, must be, in fact, under the necessity of paying the nation a sort of tribute, and which, in reality, is now paid in our being compelled to purchase the most common articles of necessity from them.
And thus it is, that, with a single dash of his pen, a British minister can determine the commercial fate of a nation, and render tributary and dependent, a people in the bosom of liberty itself. The picture is, indeed, distressing, but would be much more so, did not the Americans possess within themselves the means effectually to prevent the baneful consequences I have hinted at. I therefore think it of some importance to dwell a little upon this subject, and, if possible, withdraw that veil of darkness which seems to conceal the national interests of the United States from themselves.
[To be continued.]
[The two following State Papers are translated from the original French, and may be relied on as authentic.]
THE ASSEMBLY GENERAL OF FRENCH ST. DOMINGO TO THE KING.
SIRE,
YOUR faithful Subjects of the island of St. Domingo, beg leave to approach the best of Kings, with the melancholy narrative of the misfortunes they now labour under. The revolt of their slaves has nearly annihilated the future consequence of this invaluable part of the Empire; the whole northern side of the island being at this moment little better than a heap of ruins, and the other two departments, in all probability, upon the verge of experiencing the same fate. That soil, which has been fertilized with the sweat of the unfortunate planter is now moistened with his blood: such are the direful consequences of those destructive principles which have put the instruments of death and ruin into the hands of our slaves.
Being without any effective force to make head against the immense number of our enemies, we implored the assistance of the Spaniards, and other insular neighbours—deaf to our cries, however, they have either rested satisfied with the defence of their own territories, or with fortifying themselves against the probability of an event at home, similar to that, under which we are now suffering every extremity of human distress.
It is with the deepest sensations of grief that your faithful subjects, in this part of the Empire, inform your Majesty of their unhappy situation; but it will be, at least, a consolation to the wretched, to reflect, that they are still the ob-

jects of the compassion of their Monarch; that his feeling heart will sympathize with them in their distress, and afford the necessary aid on this trying occasion—In this hope, penetrated with the most profound respect, which shall actuate us to our last moments, we remain
The Members of the General Assembly of the French Part of St. Domingo. Pl. de CADUSCH, President , PONCIGNON, Vice President . Petit Deschampeaux, Millet, Lux et Miailles; Secretaries. Cape Francois, September 13, 1791.
The General Assembly of French St. Domingo. To the National Assembly of France.
ONE hundred thousand Blacks have revolted in the Northern department of this Island. More than two hundred Sugar Plantations are totally consumed; the masters massacred, and only a few females spared, to be carried into a captivity worse than death itself.—The negroes have already possessed themselves of the heights, where fire and sword has attended their progress—an immense number of coffee plantations are destroyed by the flames, and the few that remain are every moment menaced with destruction. Such aged persons, women and children as have escaped the carnage, have forsaken their homes, and took refuge on board the vessels in the harbour, as their only asylum in this dreadful extremity of affairs.
Too weak in ourselves to stem the torrent of insurrection, we have begged assistance from the neighbouring islands; should the aid we have petitioned for arrive in time to prevent our total annihilation, the utmost of our present expectations will be answered.—The source of our riches and commercial importance is gone—the fountain is dried up for ever.
We shall not intrude upon your patience by endeavoring to develope the causes of these misfortunes.—These must be sufficiently obvious to every member in your august assembly.—We conclude with saying, that if we must perish, our last looks shall be turned towards France, and our last prayers shall be for her prosperity.
The Members of the General Assembly of French St. Domingo— Pl. de CADUSCH, President . PONCIGNON, Vice President . Petit Deschampeaux, Millet, Lux, et Miailles, Secretaries. Cape Francois, Sept. 13, 1791.
BOSTON. Nov. 5. The harvest, the latter as well as the former, has amply rewarded the toil of the husbandman. The increase of all the blessings which providence ever bestowed on a people, is beyond all calculation, in the United States; and the united voices of four eastern states, will, on the 17th inst. render public homage and thanksgiving therefor, to the author of every gift.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) Nov. 11. By a gentleman from Kentucky we are informed that the Indians on the 4th of last month, fired on a party of six men, who were driving a parcel of cattle to the Muskingum settlement; and killed four, wounded one, and took one prisoner; the wounded man escaped, who had many bullet holes through his clothes. Amongst the number killed, was a Mr. Nicholas Carpenter, who has left a family to bemoan their loss. A few days before the above affair, a man was killed near the little Hockhockin, and a negro boy taken off from the little Kanbawa, who since escaped and got home.
IN THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES. Thursday, November 3, 1791. Ordered, That a committee be appointed, to notify to Henry Lee, Esq. his election to the chief magistracy of this commonwealth for one year, from the first day of December next. And a committee was appointed of Mr. Corbin, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Smith, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Harrison, Mr. Braxton, Mr. Wilkinson (of Henrico) Mr. Nelson, and Mr. Daniel.
To HENRY LEE, Esq. SIR, WE are appointed by the General Assembly to notify to you, your election to the office of chief magistrate of this commonwealth. We feel peculiar pleasure in conveying this information to you, a pleasure resulting as well from our personal respect and regard, as from this reflection, That whilst the General Assembly have conferred the welfare and dignity of the commonwealth, in conferring upon you this distinguished honor, they have acknowledged at the same time and in the fullest manner the high sense which they entertain of your merit as a soldier and as a citizen.
Mr. Corbin reported from the committee appointed to notify to Henry Lee, Esq. his election to the chief magistracy of this commonwealth for one year, that the committee had accordingly waited on that gentleman for that purpose, and that he had been pleased to return the following answer:
GENTLEMEN, I receive with humility and with gratitude the distinguished honor conferred upon me: to my mind invaluable, because it conveys the strongest testimony of the affection and confidence of my country.
Present my most respectful thanks to the General Assembly and assure them of my best endeavors to promote the common good during my administration.
Accept, gentlemen, my acknowledgments for the obliging manner in which you have communicated my appointment, and permit me to declare that my heart returns with sincerity the sentiments of personal respect and regard with which you have been pleased to honor me.
PHILADELPHIA, NOVEMBER 21.
Extract of a letter from Hackney, England, September 2.
“ In this country the spirit of reformation is spreading very impetuously: Nor has Mr. Paine, the renowned author of Common Sense contributed a small portion of fuel to the flame that has been kindled. His answer to Mr. Burke is in all hands; it is read in all circles; it makes converts among all parties. Thousands of copies have been sold in England; and I am assured that in Ireland and Scotland the printing presses are too slow in their operations for the avidity of the people. Mr. Burke raved in the House of Commons, and had the mortification to find that both his friends and the world are deserting him: nor do the King's ministers give any ear to his very open advances of good will and friendship. It is remarkable that in his debates he frequently refers to Paine's book, and thereby shews how much it galls him. But while he is indulging his rage, his pride will not allow him to mention the object of it by his name. In short his unpitied and disregarded fury is, perhaps, one of the surest testimonies of that general revolution which is now taking place in the political partialities and opinions of the public.”
Extract of a letter from Port-au-Prince, dated 25th October, received via N. York.
I take pleasure in informing you that peace was once more made between the Whites and Mulattoes, on Saturday last, the 22d instant: and yesterday 2500 of the latter marched with their arms into town, and paraded in company with the former, before the church, when the inhabitants, with the officers of each party, entered the church and sung Te Deum. How long the peace will last is uncertain, as a number of the inhabitants are not well pleased; and as to the terms, I cannot at present inform you.”
Late advices from France say, that after the first day of October, 1791, no American ships, laden with tobacco were to be admitted to entry in the French ports, except upon condition of coming directly from America with clearances for France.
On Thursday last arrived in this city from the Western Country, Brigadier-General Harman , with his lady and family; on a visit, it is said, during the winter.
In consequence of several destructive fires that have recently happened in New-York, the common council of that city have revised their law respecting fires, and among other additional clauses, ordained, under penalty of severe fines, that in future no hay or straw shall be deposited in buildings within the city, other than such as are of brick or stone, and covered with tile or slate; the neglect of such a precaution having, it is thought, been the principal cause of the many serious losses occasioned by the breaking out of fires in that capital.
In the new ship Delaware built for Messrs. Hazlehurst and Co. of this city, an improvement is made in the manner of steering. The wheel commonly made use of, acts upon a rope which communicates motion to the rudder. This rope is liable to wear and break, especially when most wanted in rough weather; besides, it, by working for a short time, stretches and gets slack; this proves a great inconvenience in bad weather, when the action of the rudder is necessary to keep the vessel out of the trough of the sea; as sometimes in this case, the wheel must perform a considerable revolution before it acts upon the rope and consequently the rudder. These inconveniences are obviated in the new constructed rudder on board the America . The wheel moves an axis to which a cast-iron wheel of much smaller dimensions, with cogs is fixed — This cogged wheel consequently revolves with the larger one, to which the force is applied, and acts in its turn upon a segment of a circle with corresponding cogs. The segment by means
of iron bars as radii, is connected with the head of the rudder to which it communicates the motion it receives.
It is mentioned in a Boston paper of Nov. 1, that in the debate in their legislature on the propriety of admitting or rejecting the petition for a Theatre, in that capital, Mr. Samuel Adams rose up to speak in opposition to a Theatre, but could not be heard, for the numbers, who by coughing, shuffling on the floor, and other vile practices, prevented a single word of what the venerable patriot delivered, being heard.
A subscription book is to be opened in this city on the first day of December ensuing, to raise a sum of money for the purpose of opening a canal between the waters of S. huykill and Sufquehanna rivers, to extend from the Quitapahilla to Telpoheocken.
A writer in a New-York paper of last Wednesday contradicts the account, lately published in a Philadelphia print, of the arrival of the Countess of Effingham, at the first mentioned port.
Extracts of letters from a field-officer in the western army, to his friend in Annapolis, dated, Camp, Great-Miami, 1st, 10th, and 20th of September.
“ This place, (N. 15 W. of Fort-Washington about 20 miles, is situated between a small lake and the river, by nature a strong and defensible post, which we shall fortify, and leave a garrison of 300 men to protect it—Our destination is then to the head waters of this river, and posts are to be established as we advance—the army which is now about 1700 strong, will by these means be very much weakened.
“ We shall have a cold campaign, and every probability of hard blows; as from the best information I can collect, the Indians are 1500 strong, and well provided with provisions from the Canadians.
“ This country is too valuable to be lost; the soil rich, luxuriant, and easily reduced into a state of cultivation, and nature has here distributed her blessings with a bountiful hand. We are at this time commanded by Col. Darke, but expect daily general Butler to take the command, who, we hear, has arrived at Fort Washington with a reinforcement equal in numbers to our whole army.
“ Lieutenant Davidson marched four weeks ago to Corvott's station, on the Little Miami, where he still has the command. A gallant promising young officer. Dispatches from him, within these few days, announce their being well there.
“ Our little army is well formed, and not unhealthy, though the duty hard.
“ Since our arrival in this country we have not lost a man, nor seen an Indian; though our scouts observe their vestiges near our encampments daily.”
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Camp, near the Miami, Sept. 18, 1791. “ On the 8th of September, the 2d regt. of levies arrived at Fort-Washington, on the 9th they were joined by the 2d regt. of standing troops, and the 14th the whole moved for the encampment about 20 miles from the fort, where they arrived on the 17th instant.
“ They are now busy in building a garrison at this place, have cleared two acres of land, and are proceeding rapidly with the work. You have heard of the success of gen. Scott.—Gen. Wilkinson took thirty prisoners, who are now in Fort Washington; they mean to exchange them for prisoners taken by the Indians.
“ We expect eleven hundred Kentucky militia here every day.
“ By a letter received from Post St. Vincents, we are informed that 1500 warriors are waiting for us at the Miami town, who are regularly supplied with provisions from Detroit. The evil fates seem to have pursued us;—may they in future be auspicious.
“ P.S. Yesterday ensign Cobb was fired upon by the Indians coming up the Miami, but not hurt.”
Extract of a letter from Cape-Français, October 15.
“ Whoever has read the ancient history of this Island, and noted the cruel extirpation of the original inhabitants, would suppose, from the horrid scenes that have recently been transacted here, that the era of the revenge of the ancient Caribbs was arrived. Leaving others to account for the present revolt of the Negro barbarians in this Island as they please, I, for my part, see nothing more in it than a natural consequence of European despotism and monarchical vanity. The ambition to extend their possessions and authority into every region of the globe must have been attended with a desire to see those possessions peopled and become objects of wealth and commercial importance. To accomplish these ends it was necessary that men should be procured, suited by nature to the climate; and the fruits of whole labour was to be transferred from themselves to their masters. Hence the origin of the African slave trade. I cannot, however, notwithstanding my abhorrence of every species of tyranny, bring myself to think, with certain enthusiastic characters in Great Britain, that an immediate emancipation of the West India slaves would be a desirable event. The effectual prohibition of any further European or American intercourse with the African coasts ought to satisfy the fondest friends of humanity for some time to come. Men in the situation of the Blacks, must gradually acquire the habits and education of freemen in any country, before they can become useful or even innocuous members of a community. The establishment of liberty and a free government in France, cannot long, in the nature of things, be confined to that kingdom, but must rapidly extend through Europe; the consequence will be, that the lust of European foreign domination will of itself cease, and it will even become the interest of the inferior planters and their reformed or independent governments, that the descendants of the unfortunate Africans in the West Indies, should become free; America, in general, will then assert her own rights, and make known to Europe that she is the best judge of pursuing such measures as tend to her own peace, emolument and honorable character among the potentates of the earth.”
Extract of a letter from Leyden, Sept. 20. “ The French King's acceptance of the Constitution, has thrown a universal damp upon the spirits of such anti-revolutional Frenchmen as reside among us, and in our neighbourhood. All Germany would have been in motion long before this time, to have restored the old tyrannical government, could the pulse of the people have been brought to bear in concert with the wishes of the courts; but at present, we as much expect the Emperor of China here as a counter-revolution in France. The two (exiled) French princes Artois and Conde , not long since solicited a loan of three millions of florins at Amsterdam; but did not succeed. All they could procure was about 275 thousand livres, for which the diamonds and jewels of the Conde family were mortgaged, valued at a million, sterling, and which now lie pawned at a public brokers' for redemption. The Diet of Ratisbonne have drawn up a petition to the Emperor, to persuade him, if possible to re-instate certain German Princes in possession of Alsace; but the answer, it is said, has not yet been received.”
PRICE OF STOCKS. Funded Debt. Six per cents, - - - - 22 1/2. Three per cents, - - - - 12 1/2. Deferred six per cents, - - - - 13 3/4. Unfunded Debt. Final settlements, - - - - 16 1/2. Indents, - - - - 11 1/2. Bank subscriptions, - - - - 145, 146.
Translation of a Hand-Bill printed at Bayonne.
THE SPEECH AND OATH OF THE KING OF THE FRENCH. Spoken in the National Assembly, on the 14th September, 1791.
For the Acceptation of the Constitution, Gentlemen, I COME here solemnly to confirm the acceptance I have given to the constitutional act—I swear to be faithful to the nation and to the laws, and to employ all the power which is delegated to me to the maintaining the constitution decreed by the constituent national assembly, and causing the laws to be executed. May this great and memorable era, be that of the re-establishment of peace and unity, and become the pledge of the happiness of the people, and of the prosperity of the empire. After the King had subscribed the oath, the president made the following answer.
Inverate abuses which had long triumphed over the good intentions of our best kings, and which would still have continued to defy the authority of the throne, kept France under oppression.
The national assembly, entrusted with the wishes, the rights and the power of the people, has, by the destruction of all abuses, re-established the solid foundations of public prosperity.
Sire, what the national assembly has decreed, is ratified by the consent of the people; the most complete execution in all the parts of the empire, attests the general assent. It defeats the weak schemes of those whom discontent has too long rendered blind to their own interests. It promises to your majesty, that you will no longer wish in vain for the happiness of the French.
The national assembly has nothing more to wish for on this ever memorable day, wherein you consummate in the midst of them, the most solemn engagement—the acceptance of the constitutional royalty. It is the attachment of the French—it is their confidence which confers upon you this pure and respectable title to the fairest crown in the universe; and that which secures it to you, is, sire, the inexhaustible authority of a constitution freely decreed: it is the invincible strength of a people, who has felt itself worthy of liberty: it is the want of hereditary monarchy which will always be indispensable to such a great nation. When your majesty, expecting from experience the light it will throw upon the practical results of the constitution, promises to maintain it within and defend it against enemies from without, the nation relying on the justice of their rights, and on the consciousness of their own strength and courage, as well as on the earnestness of your co-operation, cannot see any ground of alarm from without, and will concur by its quiet confidence in the quick success of its internal government.
How great to our eyes, dear to our hearts, and how sublime will appear in our history, the era of this regeneration, which gives citizens to France—a country to the French; to you as a King, a new source of enjoyment and new sensations of happiness.
New-York, Nov. 18. On Wednesday night departed this life, after a tedious and severe illness, Doctor Charles M c Knight, Professor of anatomy in Columbia college, and one of the most eminent surgeons of this city—perhaps of these United States.
In him a numerous family have lost an indulgent parent. Society at large a useful member; and the victims of disease, a ready and experienced physician.

THE DISTRESS THEATRE.
[The amusements of the Theatre were some times since prohibited within the limits of the city of Charles- ton, by an act of the Legislature of the State of South-Carolina. In obedience to this act all subsequent Dramatic exhibitions were removed to an obscure building in the city Liberties, called HARMONY HALL. The following stanzas owe their origin to the above edit.]
HEALTH to the Muse!—and fill the glass, Heaven grant her soon some better place; Than earthen floor and fabric mean, Where disappointment shades the scene
There as I came, by rumour led, I sigh'd, and almost wish'd her dead; Her village stain'd with many a tear, No Hallam and no Wignell here! But what could all their art attain? When pointed laws the stage restrain The prudent Mute obedience pays To sleepy Squires, that damn all plays.
Like thieves they hang beyond the town, They shove her off—to please the gown; Tho' Rome and Athens own'd it true, The stage might mend our morals too.
See, Mopsus all the evening sits O'er bottled beer, that drowns his wits; Were PLAYS allow'd, he might at least Blush—and no longer act the beast.
See, Marcia, now from guardian free, Retailing scandal o'er her tea: Might she not come, nor danger fear From Hamlet's sigh, or Juliet's tear.
The world but acts the Players' part*— (So says the motto of their art) That world in vice great lengths is gone That fears to see its picture drawn.
Meie vulgar actors ne'er can please; The frites supply enough of these; And what can wit or beauty gain When sleepy dullness joins their train?
A State betrays a homely taste, By which the stage is thus disgrac'd, Where, dress'd in all the flowers of speech, True virtue might her precepts teach.
Let but a dancing bear arrive, A pig, that counts you four or five— And Cato, with his moral strain Shall strive to mend the town in vain.
*Tatus Mundus agi Histrionem.
By AUTHORITY.
By the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS a Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the United States and the Cherokee nation of Indians, was made and concluded on the second day of the month of July last; and whereas I have, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, in due form ratified the said treaty: Now to the end that the same be observed and performed with good faith on the part of the United States, I have ordered the said treaty to be here with published: and I do hereby enjoin and require all officers of the United States, civil and military, and all other citizens and inhabitants thereof, to govern themselves according to the said treaty, as they will answer the contrary at their peril.
Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, this eleventh day of November, in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and in the sixteenth year of the sovereignty and independence of the United States.
(L. S.) G o . WASHINGTON. By the PRESIDENT, TH. JEFFERSON.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States of America.
To all whom these Presents shall come, greeting:
WHEREAS a Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the United States of America, and the Cherokee nation of Indians, was made and concluded on the second day of the month of July last, by WILLIAM BLOUNT, Governor in and over the territory of the United States south of the river Ohio, and Superintendent of Indian affairs for the Southern district; who was duly authorised thereto, on the one part; and the Chiefs and Warriors of the Cherokee nation, whose names are hereunto signed, on the other part; which treaty is in the form and words following:
A TREATY of Peace and Friendship, made and concluded between the President of the United States of America, on the part and behalf of the said States, and the undersigned Chiefs and Warriors of the Cherokee Nation of Indians, on the part and behalf of the said Nation.
THE parties being desirous of establishing permanent peace and friendship between the United States and the said Cherokee nation, and the citizens and members thereof, and to remove the causes of war by ascertaining their limits, and making other necessary, just and friendly arrangements: The President of the United States, by William Blount, Governor of the territory of the United States of America south of the river Ohio, and Superintendent of Indian affairs for the Southern district, who is vested with full powers for these purposes, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States: And the Cherokee nation by the undersigned chiefs and warriors representing the said nation, have agreed to the following articles, namely:
Art. 1. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all the citizens of the United States of America, and all the individuals composing the whole Cherokee nation of Indians.
Art. 2. The undersigned chiefs and warriors, for themselves, and all parts of the Cherokee nation, do acknowledge themselves and the said Cherokee nation, to be under the protection of the United States of America, and of no other sovereign whosoever; and they also stipulate that the said Cherokee nation will not hold any treaty with any foreign power, individual state, or with individuals of any state.
Art. 3. The Cherokee nation shall deliver to the Governor of the territory of the United States of America, south of the river Ohio, on or before the first day of April next at this place, all persons who are now prisoners, captured by them from any part of the United States: And the United States shall on or before the same day, and at the same place, restore to the Cherokees, all the prisoners now in captivity, which the citizens of the United States have captured from them.
Art. 4. The boundary between the citizens of the United States and the Cherokee nation, is and shall be as follows: Beginning at the top of the Currahee mountain, where the Creek line passes it; thence a direct line to Tugelo river; thence north east to the Occanna mountain, and over the same along the South-Carolina Indian boundary to the North-Carolina boundary; thence north to a point from which a line is to be extended to the river Clinch, that shall pass the Holston at the ridge which divides the waters running into Little River, from those running into the Tennessee; thence up the river Clinch to Campbell's line, and along the same to the top of Cumberland mountain; thence a direct line to the Cumberland river where the Kentucky road crosses it, thence down the Cumberland river to a point from which a south-west line will strike the ridge which divides the waters of Cumberland from those of Duck river, forty miles above Nashville; thence down the said ridge to a point from whence a south west line will strike the mouth of Duck river.
And in order to preclude for ever all disputes relative to the said boundary, the same shall be ascertained, and marked plainly by three persons appointed on the part of the United States, and three Cherokees on the part of their nation.
And in order to extinguish for ever all claims of the Cherokee nation, or any part thereof to any of the land lying to the right of the line above described, beginning as aforesaid at the Currahee mountain, it is hereby agreed, that in addition to the consideration heretofore made for the said land, the United States will cause certain valuable goods to be immediately delivered to the undersigned chiefs and warriors, for the use of their nation, and the said United States will also cause the sum of one thousand dollars to be paid annually to the said Cherokee nation. And the undersigned chiefs and warriors, do hereby for themselves and the whole Cherokee nation, their heirs and descendants, for the considerations above mentioned, release, quit claim, relinquish and cede, all the land to the right of the line described, and beginning as aforesaid.
Art. 5. It is stipulated and agreed, that the citizens and inhabitants of the United States, shall have a free and unmolested use of a road from Washington district to Mero district, and of the navigation of the Tennessee river.
Art. 6. It is agreed on the part of the Cherokees, that the United States shall have the sole and exclusive right of regulating their trade.
Art. 7. The United States solemnly guarantee to the Cherokee nation, all their lands not hereby ceded.
Art. 8. If any citizen of the United States, or other person not being an Indian, shall settle on any of the Cherokee's lands, such person shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Cherokees may punish him or not, as they please.
Art. 9. No citizen or inhabitant of the United States, shall attempt to hunt or destroy the game on the lands of the Cherokees,—nor shall any citizen or inhabitant go into the Cherokee country, without a passport first obtained from the Governor of some one of the United States, or territorial districts, or such other person as the President of the United States may from time to time authorize to grant the same.
Art. 10. If any Cherokee Indian or Indians, or person residing among them, or who shall take refuge in their nation, shall steal a horse from, or commit a robbery or murder, or other capital crime, on any citizens or inhabitants of the United States, the Cherokee nation shall be bound to deliver him or them up, to be punished according to the laws of the United States.
Art. 11. If any citizen or inhabitant of the United States, or of either of the territorial districts of the United States, shall go into any town, settlement or territory belonging to the Cherokees, and shall there commit any crime upon, or trespass against the person or property of any peaceable and friendly Indian or Indians, which is committed within the jurisdiction of any State, or within the jurisdiction of either of the said districts, against a citizen or white inhabitant thereof, would be punishable by the laws of such state or district, such offender or offenders, shall be subject to the same punishment, and shall be proceeded against in the same manner, as if the offence had been committed within the jurisdiction of the State or district to which he or they may belong, against a citizen or white inhabitant thereof.
Art. 12. In case of violence on the persons or property of the individuals of either party—neither retaliation or reprisal shall be committed by the other, until satisfaction shall have been demanded of the party by which the aggressor is, and shall have been refused.
Art. 13. The Cherokees shall give notice to the citizens of the United States, of any designs which they may know, or suspect to be formed in any neighboring tribe or by any person whatever, against the peace and interest of the United States.
Art. 14. That the Cherokee nation may be led to a greater degree of civilization, and to become herdsmen and cultivators, instead of remaining in a state of hunters, the United States will from time to time furnish gratuitously the said nation with useful implements of husbandry, and further to assist the said nation in so desirable a pursuit, and at the same time to establish a certain mode of communication, the United States will lend such, and so many persons to reside in said nation as they may judge proper, not exceeding four in number, who shall qualify themselves to act as interpreters:—These persons shall have lands assigned by the Cherokees for cultivation for themselves and their successors in office—but they shall be precluded exercising any kind of traffic.
Art. 15. All animosities for past grievances shall henceforth cease, and the contracting parties will carry the foregoing Treaty into full execution with all good faith and sincerity.
Art. 16. This Treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on the contracting parties, as soon as the same shall have been ratified by the President of the United States, with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States.
IN WITNESS of all and every thing herein determined between the United States of America, and the whole Cherokee nation, the parties have hereunto set their hands and seals, at the treaty ground on the bank of the Holston, near the mouth of the French Broad, within the United States, this second day of July, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
Wm. BLOUNT, (L. S.) Governor in and over the Territory of the United States of America south of the river Ohio, and Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Southern district.
 Chuleah, † or the Boots, L. S.  Squolecuttah, † or hanging Maw, L. S.  Ocunna, † or the Badger, L. S.  Enoleh, † or black Fox, L. S.  Nontuaka, † or the Northward, L. S.  Tekakifika, † L. S.  Chuloh, † or Kingfisher, L. S.  Tuckafah, † or Tarrapin, L. S.  Kateh, † L. S.  Kunnochatutloh, † or the Crane, L. S.  Cauquillehanah, † or the Thigh, L. S.  Chickasawtewhe, † or Chickasaw killer, L. S.  Tulkegatehe, † or Tulkega killer, L. S.  Kulfathe, † L. S.  Tinkthalene, † L. S.  Sawutteh, † or Slave catcher, L. S.  Aukwah, † L. S.  Oosenaleh, † L. S.  Kenotetah, † or rising Fawn, L. S.  Kanetotoka, † or standing Turkey, L. S.  Yonewatleh, † or Bear at home, L. S.  Long Will, † L. S.  Kunolkelskie, † or John Watts, L. S.  Nenetooyah, † or bloody Fellow, L. S.  Chuquilateague, † or Double-head, L. S.  Koolaquah, † or big Acorn, L. S.  Toowayelloh, † or bold Hunter, L. S.  Jable-oonoyehka, † or middle striker, L. S.  Kinnefah, † or Cabin, L. S.  Tullotheh, † or two killer, L. S.  Kooloulke, † or stop still, L. S.  Kulfathe, † L. S.  Aquogutague, † the little Turkey's Son, L. S.  Talotefke, † or Upsetter, L. S.  Cheakonefke, † or Otter Lifter, L. S.  Keshukaune, † or the Reigns, L. S.  Toonawanaioh, † L. S.  Teekeke, † or common Disturber, L. S.  Robin Mc. Clemore, L. S.  Skuyka, † L. S. 
John Thompson, Interpreter. James Cery, Interpreter.
Dane in presence of Dan. Smith, Secretary of the Territory of the United States, South of the River Ohio.
 Thomas Kennedy, of Kaintuckey.  Jas. Robertson, of Mero District.  Claiborne Watkins, of Virginia.  Jno. M c Whitney, of Georgia.  Fauche, of Georgia.  Titus Ogden, North-Carolina.  John Chisholm, of Washington District.  Robert King.  Thos. Gegg. 
Now Know Ye, That I having seen and considered the said treaty, do by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, accept, ratify, and confirm the same, and every article and clause thereof: In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with my hand.
Given in the city of Philadelphia, the eleventh day of November, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and in the sixteenth year of the sovereignty and independence of the United States.
(L. S.) G o . WASHINGTON. By the PRESIDENT, TH. JEFFERSON.
This day is Published, By CHILDS and SWAINE, In one Volume Octavo; [Price One Dollar and a half, the small Edition, and One Dollar and three quarters the large,]
THE LAWS of the UNITED STATES. Collected with, and corrected by the original Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State. With a copious INDEX; or A complete DIGEST of the LAWS; (Making 56 pages:) Executed by an eminent Law Character.
To obtain this useful and necessary Part of the Work complete, has retarded the Publication. This Volume comprises the Acts of the Three Sessions of the first Congress; also, the Federal Constitution, and the Treaties between the United States and Foreign Nations—Together with an Appendix, containing the Declaration of Independence, and sundry Ordinances and Resolves of Congress under the Confederation.
Sold by Childs and Swaine, No. 239, High Street, Thomas Dobson, Joseph Crukshank, and Robert Campbell, Philadelphia. October 25.
ROBERT SMOCK, Woollen Draper & Mercer,
Has just received by the ship Pigeon, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north east corner of Market and Third Streets, Philadelphia.
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost every colour.
 Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashionable colours.  Superfine cassimers, do.  Do. and super elastic striped cloths.  Milled drabs and hunters cloths.  A variety of fancy waistcoating, in silk, silk and cotton, silk molekin, cassimers printed and tambooured, and superfine striped Spanish tolinets.  Mens black fattins, florentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities.  Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, assorted.  Sattins and mantuas, a beautiful variety.  Superfine rattinettes, with a large collection of belt trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality.  Moreens, joans spinning, durants and calimancoes.  Hairbines and camblets, &c.  9-8 wide superfine Marseilles quilting with borders.  Marseilles bedquilts and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4.  Flanders bedbugs and bedtickings.  A beautiful variety of chintzes and cottons.  An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chintzes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons.  Velveteens, velvets, corduroys, thickflets, fancy cords, stockinets, royal ribs, fatinets, hair plushes, &c. &c.  Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings.  Rose blankets assorted. 
ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very general and extensive, consisting of almost every article in his line of business.—Being desirous of giving entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meriting a continuance of those customers, whose favours he has hitherto experienced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-Street, A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS,
 Which may be seen every day, until 8 o'clock P.M.  Among them are the following:  Folio. Homer, Xenophon, Plato, Plutarch, Eusebius, Sozomen, Theodoret, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Patereulus, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thesaurus Ciceronis, Biblia Junii & Tremellii, Bible of Martin, Wells's Maps, Scapulae—P'havorini—Martini—Hoffmanni Lexica, Vossii Etymologicon, Antiquit. Eccles. Britannica, &c.  Quarto. Pindar, Cyropædia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phædrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Ciceronis op. om. Cæsar, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ars Gram. Cluverii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c.  Octavo et infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poëtæ minores Gr. Isocrates, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Plautus, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Ausonius, Buchanan, Sallust, Curtius, Florus, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hist. August. Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars. &c. &c. 
Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Booksellers, Market-street, or of Oct. 31. JOHN CAREY.
GEORGE MEADE HAS FOR SALE,
 At his Store on WALNUT-STREET WHARF,  A change Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, hogshead or quarter cask.  London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old.  Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hogshead or quarter cask.  Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.  Choice old Geniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.  A few quarter casks of first quality H. Son TEA. He has just received by the Pigeon, Loxley master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And  By the brig Mercury, capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted: a few bales of Red and White FLANNELS, and some GLUE.  A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality. He has also to dispose of a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.  He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES; and whoever is pleased to favour him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.  He will through the Winter a d Spring, buy undressed HANDSPIKES. He is purchasing FLAXSEED and BEES WAX, and will give the highest Price for them.  N. B. A few Hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just arrived and to be disposed of. 
PRINTED BY CHILDS and SWAINE, AT THEIR OFFICE, No. 239, HIGH STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.