Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-08-25 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 2, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 39, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST, 25, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 143.]
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. XVIII.
CONTINUED.
L'un et l'autre parti cruel également, Ainsi que dans le crime, est dans l'aveuglement.
THE King of Navarre, in examining the dispositions of the Court, had observed that all those who were employed by the government, satisfied with the present situation of affairs, troubled themselves very little about the pretensions of the Princes of the blood—and that those who had an interest to desire his grandeur, and that of his brother, either intimidated by the power of their enemies, or disconcerted by his extreme delays, despaired equally of the success of his enterprize. He returned therefore easily to his first design of recovering his states, and judged that he ought not to let slip an opportunity so favourable for renewing the negotiations of accommodation with the crown of Spain, and of quitting decently a court, where he could no longer remain with honor. He accepted cheerfully the commission of conducting the young Queen into Spain. The Queen-mother continued to delude him with magnificent hopes, and in spite of the discontent of the other Princes of his party, he pressed his departure with as much ardor, as even his enemies could have desired. He suffered himself to be duped in Spain with the same facility. The Queen-mother had already informed Philip the second, of all this manœuvre. This Monarch who desired, equally with her, to see humiliated and excluded from the government, the King of Navarre, so ardent to make good his pretensions to some part of his dominions, instructed the duke of Alva, and the other grandees who were to receive the Queen his consort, not to reject the propositions of this Prince, but to lead him on and amuse him, by receiving them seriously, and offering to make report of them to his Catholic Majesty, and the council of Spain, without whose advice they could not determine any affair of state. As soon as the King of Navarre was arrived on the frontier, and had presented the Queen Elizabeth to the Spanish Lords, he began to speak to them of his interests, and thought himself sure at first of success. The Spaniards conducted the negotiation, with an address which served to nourish his hopes, at the same time that they let him know that the effect could not be immediate. They engaged him even to send ambassadors to Madrid, so that solely occupied with his first designs, he retired to Bearn, fully resolved not to meddle in the affairs of France, whose negotiation appeared ineffectual, and the project of arms as dangerous, as they were dishonorable.
The Prince of Condé his brother, had opposite views, and took very different resolutions. His fortune was not commensurate with his courage, nor with the extent of his designs. Excited by the mediocrity of his circumstances, by the hatred which he bore to the Guises, and incessantly stimulated by his mother-in-law and his wife, one the sister and the other the niece of the Constable, both devoted by ambition, he openly detested the government of the Queen-mother and the Guises. All his thoughts and actions tended to a revolution. He figured to himself, that if the war should be enkindled by his intrigues and for his interests, not only he would become the chief of a numerous party, but moreover he would procure to himself riches, advantages, and perhaps the sovereignty of several cities and provinces of the Kingdom. Full of these high ideas he assembled again at La Ferte, an estate of his inheritance, situated on the frontiers of Champagne, the Princes of his blood, and the principal lords of his party, and harrangued them in this manner. "In vain, have we hitherto employed the means of delicacy and moderation. It is not hereafter but by the most vigorous efforts that we can prevent the ruin of the royal family, and of all those who have not been able to resolve to cringe servilely under the tyranny of the Queen-mother and the Guises. It is no longer seasonable to dissemble outrages of which no man can be ignorant, and which we have suffered with too much patience. We are banished from court, and the government of Picardy, and the office of grand-master is taken from us. Finances, offices, dignities, are the prey of foreigners and persons unknown, who hold the King in captivity. The truth never reaches the throne. The best part of the nation is oppressed to elevate traitors, who fatten on the blood of the people, and the treasures of the state. It is on violence that the ty-
ranny of these strangers, is founded, who persevere with so much ferocity the royal blood: let us employ violence also to destroy this tyranny. It will not be the first time that the Princes of the blood, shall have taken arms to maintain their rights. Peter, Duke of Brittany, Robert, Earl of Dreux, and several other Lords opposed, during the minority of Saint Louis, the Queen Blanche, his mother, who had seized on the government. Philip, Earl of Blois, employed all his forces, to exclude from the regency, those who pretended to usurp it. Under Charles the VIIIth, Louis, Duke of Orleans, took arms to cause himself to be elected regent, instead of Ann, Duchess of Bourbon, who, in quality of eldest sister of the young King, had taken into her hands the reins of the state. Let us imitate our wise ancestors, let us follow such striking examples. We find ourselves in the same case: it is therefore our duty to employ the same means to save the nation. Let not the apparent pleasure of the King restrain us. This Prince, buried in a lethargic dream, and in his own imbecility, perceives not the deplorable slavery to which they have reduced him. He waits, from the Princes of the blood, the assistance, which is expected from an enlightened and skillful physician, by patients who feel not their distempers and know not their danger. The duties of our birth, and the unanimous wishes of the nation, authorize us to break the fetters with which this Prince is loaded, and to redress the evil before it arrives at its last extremity. A vigorous resolution must be taken without delay. Let us hasten to be beforehand with our enemies, if we wish to surmount a thousand obstacles, which will arrest us, if we waste the time in deliberation, and which a sudden execution alone can overcome, sloth and timidity will only aggravate upon our necks the weight of a yoke equally shameful and fatal. Can we hesitate when our tranquility, our honor and our lives have no other resource, than in the valor of our arms?"
THE TABLET.—No. 140.
"There is nothing more certain than that names alone set a price upon things with those people who have not judgment to know their real value."
I HARDLY know whether the names by which things are called, or the appearances they assume, furnish the most common source of delusion. To confer a splendid title upon any object, will awaken emotions of admiration in all persons who have not taught themselves to be uninfluenced by the fascination of words. It is unlucky for those who are fond of deceiving or being deceived by the glare of expressions, that experience should so frequently remove the mask from artificial characters, and dissipate the gay phantoms that play around the imagination, and infuse vigor into all our sensations. The reader will not be surprized that I express myself with some ardor on this subject, when I let him into a secret which has been hidden from him, merely by a propensity to take delight in names that denote alluring images, and to be astonished with sounds that convey ideas of magnificence. I believe every person who is much acquainted with what passes in this part of the world, has at least heard of COLONEL CHARLES ADMIRABILIS.—This gentleman resides at his estate in the country, which is rather too remote from the metropolis, to make it convenient to travel from one to the other, in a single day. This is a circumstance that I very much regret, because the citizens seem to have an ardent curiosity to visit this estate, which the Colonel himself has long called by the name of the happy retreat . To abate a little the ardor any one may feel in favor of this delightful spot, I know of no better way than for him to obtain a just description of it.
The Colonel and myself had been long and intimately acquainted, before I found it convenient to spare so much time as I thought requisite to do justice to this happy retreat , by taking a full view of all the charming objects it contains. For this reason I checked my impatience to see it at all, till I had leisure to attend to all its beauties, and examine it under all its aspects. I must freely confess that I have found my taste congenial with that of the Colonel, whenever he has been describing the various allurements that should tempt me to pay him a visit. Though he did not specifically point out any elegant traits of architecture in his mansion, there was, nevertheless,
not a room in it, on which he did not confer some fascinating title. His parlour went by the name of Prospect-Hall : His dining room, which lay back of the hall, was denominated the festive bower , on account of a little vine that spread over one of the windows. But I was most of all delighted to hear his library room called the attic retirement . There was not, in fact, any corner of the house, which had not become remarkable by its name. In like manner, all the appendages were dignified with appellations that denote superior elevation or refinement. The Colonel had not less than a dozen horses, to which he had given names, the least honorary of which was Ajax . I must not forget to mention that he called his choicest wine the vintal essence . Were I to run over all the particulars I had heard of the happy retreat , the reader would not have patience to peruse one half of them; but I cannot omit to observe that these descriptions had wrought me into a pitch of enthusiasm, I had never before felt. There is nothing remarkable, therefore, in my being unable to resist the temptation of accepting an invitation to pass a few days with COLONEL ADMIRABILIS.
Finding myself so situated the beginning of July last, that I could spare a week or two for amusement, I hastened as fast as I could to regale myself with the vintal essence . I arrived at the enchanting habitation of my friend about ten o'clock in the morning, the second day of my departure from home. As I made no enquiry for several miles before my arrival at the magic spot, what distance I had to travel, I actually came upon it, while I yet suspected I was not near it. I was riding past at the rate of six miles an hour, but the Colonel happening to espied me, called to me and I stopped. The voice was familiar to me, and looking about I saw my good friend standing in the front of an house, which under any other circumstances I should have thought an ordinary one. My first impression was, that I had met the Colonel at some neighboring house, and that he would, in a few minutes, accompany me to his own. I was on the point of asking him how far we were from the happy retreat , when he ordered one of his nephews, a young lad, to take care of my horse. It unluckily happened, and I have never blamed myself so much for a want of precaution, that I assured my friend I had come to make him a long visit. I hope it will be deemed an apology for me, when I mention that I made this assurance before I so much as conjectured I had arrived at the spot of destination.
In taking the best possible view of the country around me, I must own, there would have been nothing remarkably attractive, had I not been standing in prospect hall . As I had travelled that morning near twenty miles, and most of the distance after I had breakfasted, my imagination dwelt more upon the refreshment I expected to find in the festive bower , than upon any landscapes that could be formed by looking through the windows of the hall. It seemed however by some conversation that passed between the Colonel and his lady, that the hour of dining was yet very remote. I therefore proposed a walk by way of filling up the chasm between that time and dinner. My friend would not permit me to walk, but ordered two horses, called Frederic and Hector to be saddled. The names of the horses led me to suppose they were so high-mettled that I could not safely wear my spurs. I laid all my weapons of offence aside, and was only solicitous that the bridle should be strong enough to check the impetuous courage of Hector . I was rather surprized at the temerity of the Colonel who durst mount Frederic , with a whip in his hand, heavy enough to knock down an ox. We rode off slowly together and took a survey of the whole estate in an hour and an half. Before I returned, I thought Hector a very harmless animal, and was well convinced I had taken an unnecessary precaution in pulling off my spurs.
Dinner being ready, I was, for the first time, shown the way into the festive bower , and as my appetite rendered the repast delicious, it was of no importance to examine too critically the size or elegance of the room. The name of vintal essence was sufficient to give a peculiar relish to any liquor that is produced from grapes, and therefore the Sherry , we were then drinking, had a much finer flavor, than Madeira would have had under less favorable auspices. After dinner I was admitted into the attic retirement , in which I was not long detained by an examination of the books and curiosities which belonged to that a-

partment. It was indeed a relief to me to find this business so soon over, as I was so much fatigued that nothing could be more satisfactory to me than rest. When this is the case, one never regrets that the objects, which are around him, have few allurements. The matter that most of all gave me anxiety, was, how to get over my assurances of continuing with my friend through the week. For however fascinating may be the name by which any thing is called, when its qualities are fairly known, the mind soon rises out of its deception. Let it be sufficient for the reader to be told, that I framed an excuse the next day, by which I was disengaged from my promise, without exciting a suspicion in the Colonel, that I thought his situation less attractive than its name had induced me to anticipate.
LONDON.
MR Van Eupen, to convince our ministry of the deplorable state of the Belgic army, and the necessity of succours to raise its dejected and broken courage, enclosed a copy of the following letter from Baron de Schoenfeldt, who commanded that army on the 23d of May, when it was so shamefully defeated. The letter was directed to the Committee of Congress sitting in Namur:
"My Lords,
"I was forced, though much against my will, to take post at Andoy. The disaffected are incessantly publishing it through the country, that our communication is cut off on every side;—the troops seem to be in a state of consternation, but still do not murmur.
"The officers are well disposed to do their duty; but they assure me they have very great apprehensions that they shall not be able to keep the soldiers to their's.
"I fear their apprehensions are but too well founded; for the troops are so full of the idea of our being cut off, that, if at the moment of my drawing them up, in order of battle preparatory to an engagement, any one should take it into his head to cry out, "We are cut off," I am thoroughly convinced they would instantly, one and all, throw down their arms and fly.
"I am of opinion, under these circumstances, that it would be advisable to march them to Namur, that they may be posted along the Meuse; and the more so, as Major de Villers stands in need of reinforcement.
"Your most humble and obedient servant, DE SCHOENFELDT."
Assesse, May 26—12 o'clock.
STOCKHOLM, May 18.
In our last we informed you, that the Duke of Sudermania had accelerated the departure of the fleet from Carlscrone; with a view to prevent the sailing of the Russian fleet, and also to make an attack on that division of it which was at anchor in the port of Revel. This expedition has taken place, and the attempt has been effected, although not altogether unsuccessfully, yet with much expense to our naval force. Advice had been received that on the 3d of this month, the Duke was near the heights of Hengo, and on the 12th, the attack took place. On that day the Duke sailed the fleet into the entrance of the port of Revel. The Russian fleet at anchor there consisted of three ships, three deckers, eight other large ships of the line, and five frigates. Besides a numerous artillery with which these ships were provided, the external works of the place were planted with cannon; and there were several batteries in the harbor.
On the approach of our fleet, a cannonading begun from all quarters; the Russian fleet being ably supported by the guns belonging to the batteries on land; they suffered however considerably, and we should have entirely disabled them, and gained a complete victory, if during the action a violent storm had not arose, and the wind changed, which hindered our ships from profiting by the guns on their lower tiers, and prevented some of them from preserving or even forming the line. And at the moment the enemy's ships were almost totally defeated, the Duke of Sudermania was under the necessity of retreating. Our ship the Prince Charles of 60 guns, after being dismasted by the fire of the enemy, fell into their hands. The Kiceistander of 60 guns also being wrecked, the Duke ordered the men to leave and set fire to her. The La Valeur run on shore, but was able to escape to sea again after throwing over board part of the artillery. On the 14th the fleet was under sail a league and a half from Narglon, and the ships so completely repaired from all damages, that they waited with impatience for an opportunity to engage a second time.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE.
Tuesday, June 10.
MIRABEAU rose, and made a funeral panegyric on Dr. FRANKLIN.
"FRANKLIN is dead—the man who emancipated America,—the Sage who was the ornament of the two worlds. The Courts of Princes have often been in mourning for those who were great only in the funeral oration of their flatterers;
but nations ought not to mourn but for their benefactors.
"The Congress of America has decreed, that the confederated States wear mourning two months as an honor to the deceased. Let the National Assembly of France manifest their regard for his virtues—let them inform the Congress of America, that they sympathize in their loss—and let it mourn for three days."
The Speech was applauded, and a decree passed,
"That the National Assembly wear mourning three days, in honor of the late Dr. FRANKLIN,
"And that a letter of condolence be sent by the President, to the Congress of America."
LONDON, June 7.
The last express received by the Russian Minister at Vienna carried him this intelligence: "That it was the final and unalterable determination of the Empress of Russia not to accept the mediation of the King of Prussia on any other consideration than this—That the Court of Berlin shall guarantee to Russia the possession of the Crimea, Oczakow, and Bessargia; or that, instead of Bessargia, his Prussian Majesty shall insure to her the payment of ten millions of dollars by the Turks, towards reimbursing the expenses of a war unjustly commenced by the Porte, without the least provocation?"
This strange ultimatum of Russia must necessarily produce a war—for the Court of Berlin is bound by treaty with the Porte to procure her a peace that shall restore to her Oczakow and the Crimea, or to declare war against Austria and Russia.
Russia declares she will never consent to give up either the Crimea or the town of Oczakow. The only alternative, therefore, which Prussia has, is War!
Letters from Oporto, by the last mail advise, that her Portuguese Majesty has unequivocally declared her intention to assist her kinsman the King of Spain, if he is under the necessity of entering into war with England; and that in consequence thereof the Portuguese navy was preparing for sea with all diligence, so as to have a strong squadron ready to join the Spanish fleet early in June.
Letters from Ostend say, that the Spanish Consul there has received advices from the Spanish Minister at Paris, warning him of hostilities being about to begin between his nation and Great Britain, and desiring him to give the necessary information to all Spanish ships which are there.
The Aurora whale-ship, arrived at Bristol from the Southern-Ocean, is said to have brought further evidence of the insulting conduct of Spain. One of the Spanish frigates sent a boat on board her with notice that she must desist from fishing in those parts, as it would not be permitted; and if that notice was disregarded, force would be used to drive her from those seas, where no colours but those of Spain, and the nations she protected, had a right to exercise a commerce.
JUNE 16.
Soon after midnight, between Monday, and yesterday, in consequence of the arrival of Mr. Basilico, the long expected Messenger from Spain the Duke of Leeds summoned a meeting of the Cabinet Ministers, who met accordingly yesterday at 10 o'clock and were all present, except the Minister, and Lord Privy Seal, who are both out of town; after which letters were dispatched by his Grace's Messengers as follows, viz. to the King, at Windsor Lodge; to the Duke of Clarence, at Plymouth; the Minister at the University at Cambridge; the Marquis of Stafford, at Trentham, Staffordshire; to Admiral Barrington, in the Downs; and to most of his Majesty's Ministers abroad.
Dispatches were also sent off yesterday from the secretary of state's office for the home department to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and the Governors of the different islands, ports, &c. under the crown.
Mr. Fitzherbert was not arrived at Madrid when Basilico left that place, but was expected in a day or two.
We have the best authority to say that the tendency of the message from Spain is extremely equivocal, and by no means determinate of the event of peace or war. The Court of Madrid is willing to make restitution for the prizes taken at Nootka, as well as to allow any fair indemnification for the expense we have been put to; but in respect to a cession of those rights of territory which that court supposes itself possessed of—they are points which cannot be given up, and the King of Spain trusts that Great Britain will not insist on them. The King declares, that he has not the most distant wish of engaging in hostilities with Great Britain, and that his armaments are destined to other objects; but, at the same time, he contends for an exclusive right to the southern whale fishery and the fur trade of Nootka Sound—the principal objects of the present disputes; and urges the expediency of discussing the various commercial points with temper and deliberation.
It is certain that the news of the armaments in this country has occasioned the greatest consternation in Spain, but the merchants all acknow-
ledge the impossibility that they can enter on a war with Great Britain, which must prove such an unequal contest. To shew, however, that Spain seems well inclined to accommodate matters with England, the Court of Madrid no sooner received the dispatches taken out by Basilico, which, among other objects, is supposed to have insisted on having the ancient commercial privileges with this country renewed, than orders were sent to all the custom-houses in the out ports of Spain, to allow the entry of British merchandise, according to the stipulations made in the treaty of Utrecht. The conduct of Spain has long been a subject of vexation and complaint to our merchants, as it has for many years past endeavoured to lay burthens on the British commerce, which it is now insisted shall be remedied. This point the court of Madrid seems willing to accede to, by the orders having been given which we have just mentioned.
The orders sent from this country to the Consuls in Spain were such, that immediately on the receipt of them notice was given for our ships to quit the Spanish ports immediately. The port of Barcelona has been wholly cleared of English vessels; upwards of 40 sail have failed from thence about the middle of May, under the convoy of the Bull Dog, Capt. Peyton, for Gibraltar, where they arrived.
A letter from Paris, dated on Friday last says "our Court will be the mediator between Spain and England, and instructions to that purpose are already sent to the Marquis de la Luzerne, the Ambassador at London."
Of the amazing number of Candidates for the Laureateship, are some who never wrote or said a good thing in their lives!
In a French newspaper, a gentleman who signs himself De Baufiere , having no money, offers to the State ten brothers, qualified to officiate as Ambassadors, Envoys, or Residents, who would be satisfied with a third of the salary usually given to those on such employments; and thus, a saving of two remaining thirds would accrue to the public.
If his offer be accepted, he has sixty uncles and cousins, no less at the service of the State on the same terms, who might well be made use of according to their several abilities.
Such Patriots, it is not to be doubted, could be found in our own country!
A Tradesman in the vicinity of St. Paul's Church yard, a few days since, sent a Lawyer's letter to his neighbour, to compel him to remove a blackbird belonging to one of his apprentices, merely because the poor bird was wont to serenade the neighbours, early in the morning, with the most exquisite melody.
How strikingly is Shakespeare's observation here exemplified—that
The man who has not music in his soul, Nor is not pleas'd with concord of sweet sounds, Is fit for treasons, stratagems and spoils: The motions of his spirit are dull as night, And his affections dark as Erebus.
JUNE 17.
The information relative to the preparations of Spain assert that Forty-ships of the line is the force they are able to bring forward in the course of six weeks.
In respect to the Southern Whale Fishery, it may be depended on, that administration will not recede in the least degree—and, among those most zealous in support of this commercial object Lord Hawkebury is to be named.
A person in the hearing of an Hibernian, the other day, saying that the stocks were falling: "I am glad to hear it," replied a paddy, "for I was held by the leg in a pair of them for two hours, as I was going to London."
DUBLIN, June 15.
Insurances on all vessels and goods in British bottoms from and to the Westindies, were on Friday last at noon risen, in London to double what they were antecedent to the present rumor of a war.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Extract from a British publication.
FRANCE is a mighty empire breaking from bondage, and exerting the energies of recovered freedom; and England, which was used to glory in being the asserter of liberty, and refuge of the oppressed—England, who with generous and respectful sympathy, in times not far remote from our own memory, has afforded an asylum to so many of the subjects of that very empire, when crushed beneath the iron rod of persecution—and by so doing, circulated a livelier abhorrence of tyranny within her own veins—England, who has long reproached her with being a slave, now censures her for daring to be free—England, who has held the torch to her, is mortified to see it blaze brighter in her hands—England, nursed at the breast of liberty, and breathing the purest spirit of enlightened philosophy, views a sister nation with affected scorn and jealousy, and presumes to ask "whether she yet exists"—Yes, all of her exists that is worthy to do so. Her dungeons indeed exist no longer, the iron doors are forced—the massy walls are thrown down; and the liberated spectres, trembling between joy and horror, may now blazon the infernal secrets of their prison house. Her cloistered monks no longer exist—nor does the soft heart of sensibility beat behind the grate of a convent—but the best affections of the human mind permitted to flow in their natural channel, diffuse their friendly influence over the brightening prospects of domestic happiness. Nobles, the creatures of Kings, exist there no longer;

but man the creature of God, exists there. Millions of men exist there, who, only now, truly begin to exist—and hail with shouts of grateful acclamation the better birth-day of their country. Go on, generous nation—set the world an example of virtues as you have of talents—may the spirit of wisdom—the spirit of moderation—the spirit of firmness, guide and bless your counsels, with intelligence to discern the best possible—may you have prudence to be content with the best practicable—Silence the scoff of your enemies, and the misgiving fears of your timorous well wishers—Go on to destroy the empire of prejudices—that empire of gigantic shadows, which are only formidable while they are not attacked.—Cause to succeed to the mad ambition of conquest, the pacific industry of commerce, and the simple, useful toils of agriculture.—While your corn springs up under the shade of your olives, may bread and peace be the portion of the husbandman—and when beneath your ardent sun, his brow is bathed in honest sweat, let no one dare any longer, with hard and vexatious exactions, to wring from him the bitter drop of anguish. Instructed by the experience of past centuries, and by many a sad and sanguine page in your own histories, may you no longer attempt to blend what God has made separate—May religion and civil polity, like the two necessary but opposite elements of fire and water, each in its province do service to mankind, but never again be forced into discordant union.—Let the wandering pilgrims of every tribe and complexion, who in other countries find only an asylum, find with you a country—and may you never seek other proof of the purity of your faith, than the largeness of your charity. Let public reformation prepare the way for private.—May the abolition of domestic tyranny introduce the modest train of household virtues, and purer incense be burned upon the hallowed altar of conjugal fidelity. Exhibit to the world the rare phenomenon of a patriot minister, of a philosophic senate.—May a pure and perfect system of legislation proceed from their forming hands—May you never lose sight of the great principle you have held forth, the natural equality of men—May you never forget, that without public spirit there can be no liberty—and that without virtue there may be a confederacy; but cannot be a community.—May you, and may we, consigning to oblivion every less generous competition, only contest who shall set the brightest example to the nations; and may its healing influence be diffused, till the reign of peace shall spread
“from shore to shore, Till wars shall cease, and slavery be no more.”
FASHION.
A BOSOM rais'd up to the chin; A perfect balloon puff within— A bishop in the rear to suit ye— These form the crooked line of beauty. Thus nature—we abuse thy work, To hit the true sublime of Burke.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety. An ACT authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to finish the LIGHT-HOUSE, on PORTLAND-HEAD, in the District of MAINE.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there be appropriated and paid out of the monies arising from the duties on imports and tonnage, a sum not exceeding fifteen hundred dollars, for the purpose of finishing the Light-House on Portland-head, in the district of Maine; and that the Secretary of the Treasury, under the directions of the President of the United States, be authorised to cause the said Light-House to be finished and completed accordingly.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG
Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST THE TENTH, 1790.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY.) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
An ACT declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of the States of Maryland, and Georgia, and Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the assent of Congress be, and is hereby declared to the operation of the acts of the several states herein after mentioned, so far as the same relate to the levying a duty on the tonnage of ships and vessels for the purposes therein mentioned until the tenth day of January next; that is to say, an act of the general assembly of the state of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, at their session held in January,
one thousand seven hundred and ninety, intitled, “An act to incorporate certain persons by the name of the river machine company, in the town of Providence, and for other purposes therein mentioned;” and also, an act of the general assembly of the state of Maryland, at their session in April, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, intitled, “An act appointing wardens for the port of Baltimore-town in Baltimore county;” as also, another act of the general assembly of the same state, passed at their session in November one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, intitled a supplement to the act, intitled, “an act appointing wardens for the port of Baltimore-town in Baltimore county;” and also, an act of the state of Georgia, “for levying and appropriating a duty on tonnage, for the purpose of clearing the river Savannah, and removing the wrecks and other obstructions therein.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST THE ELEVENTH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
MISS ASSUMPTION.*
THE Wit who bastardiz'd thy name, And croak'd of fun'ral dirge, Knew not how spotless was thy fame, How soon thou would'st emerge. Tho' lost in party's foggy night, With scarce one glimmering ray; Thy friends have rais'd thee fair and bright, To see a glorious day.
* See Gazette, June 2.
NEW-YORK, AUGUST 24.
On Sunday last The President of the United States returned to this city from Rhode-Island: He had a fine passage of 24 hours only: His Excellency Governor Clinton, Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, Judge Blair, Col. Humphreys, Major Jackson, and Mr. Nelson, who accompanied The President, returned with him.
The long wished for period is at length arrived: Speculation in the public securities has received a check, on principles, which alone are competent to producing so desirable an effect, in a way consistent with justice, and a due regard to personal right.
As there can be no rational doubt of the punctual payment of the interest, agreeable to the funding system, every person can with precision determine the real value of his property in the funds; and every sacrifice in future must be voluntary. The value of securities no longer depends on opinion.
Happy for our country, its funds cannot be affected by those events which cause perpetual fluctuations in the public paper of the European States: The waters of separation have set us at a most favorable distance from the old world—and the policy of the United States will consist in being entirely detached from those views, hopes and fears which convulse the Eastern Hemisphere.
Every idea that is connected with the resources of the United States is full of hope; they must rapidly encrease with our encreasing population, agriculture, manufactures, and extending commerce. In proportion as speculation in the funds is diminished, the circulation of the precious metals will encrease; the profits which have been derived from speculation, like a whirlpool, have drawn the specie out of its proper course—and left the trade, the agriculture, manufactures and mechanic arts, without adequate supplies of cash; these supplies will now revert to their proper channels, and thus the funding system will, mediately, prove a source of blessing to all classes of citizens—to those who never saw a public security.
The funding system will produce a great revolution in our prudential affairs—and altogether for the better: This could never have been effected but by a change in our national government—and with innumerable other sensible advantages, obvious to every discerning mind, and readily acknowledged by every candid citizen, are a sufficient answer to every slander, or mischievously intended insinuation against the government, or the administration thereof.
Rumours of wars continue—but neither the West-India or English paragraphists, the journals or log-books of seamen, or the hopes or fears of interested individuals, furnish a single instance of the Spaniards and English coming to loggerheads: It is the wish of humanity they never may. The substance of all the marine intelligence on the subject is, that a vessel spoke a vessel, which had seen a vessel, that saw a frigate that ran the gauntlet through the Spanish fleet.—Any person that can give any account of the English messenger to the Court of Spain—or of the Spanish fleet, or of the English fleet, that has failed on a secret expedition to South America, will please to call on the public.
It is shrewdly suspected by some politicians that there will be a general war in Europe, by sea and land: They say universal phlebotomy is the only remedy for the French influenza, which is spreading all over the Eastern hemisphere—even the Pontificate is infected—Catharine of Russia has her fears on the subject—and this circumstance it is thought has induced her lately to insist on terms of pacification that are monstrosously extravagant.
The Roman Senate very successfully employed this artifice for ages, to keep the people quiet under their oppressions: Whenever they began to grumble they immediately had their attention diverted by a quarrel, to support the honor of the Roman name: thus they forged chains for themselves by conquering their enemies.
The negotiation between Spain and Great-Britain, is really a subject of curious speculation: It appears to be rather like the negotiation of a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, than remonstrating on real or supposed injuries: We hear nothing of categorical answers.—Query, Whether the English aristocracy and the executive do not forebode the French contagion: If the yeomanry of Great Britain were to set themselves seriously to work, it is suspected that they could conjure up a few grievances.
The donations of the city of Paris to the nation, amount to 40,600,000 livres.—A noble offering on the altar of freedom.
On apprehensions of a scarcity of flour and grain, the importation of those articles into Grenada, in British bottoms, from foreign West-India Islands, is permitted by a proclamation of Gov. Matthews.
The sloop Experiment, Capt. Boyd, from Albany, has brought to this port forty hog heads of maple sugar, made at Cooper's town, on Otsego Lake: Mr. William Cooper is the proprietor of this valuable specimen—which by a certificate in the Albany Register, signed by a number of the most respectable characters in that quarter, ladies and gentlemen, who had used it, is declared to be superior to the best Muscovado sugar.
Maple sugar has been made in this country more than thirty years; but from inexperience, and the badness of the apparatus used in manufacturing it, it was never contemplated that it could be brought to its present excellent quality: There is no doubt that it will attain to a much greater degree of perfection.
Philosophical Reflections on the Revolution in France, will be continued in our next.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Table with 4 columns: Ship, Armorer, Amsterdam, days. Lists various ships like Grace, Countess of Effingham, Lord Middleton, Brig Caledonia, Sally, Schooner Bell, Patty, and their arrival details.
PRIZES IN THE NEW-YORK CITY LOTTERY.
Table with 4 columns: Prize amount, Number of prizes, Amount per prize, Total amount. Lists prizes for 200, 100, 50, 20, 10, and 1 dollar.
Table with 4 columns: No., 1st Prize, 2nd Prize, 3rd Prize. Lists numbers and prize amounts for Wednesday the 18th inst.
Table with 4 columns: No., 1st Prize, 2nd Prize, 3rd Prize. Lists numbers and prize amounts for Thursday.
Table with 4 columns: No., 1st Prize, 2nd Prize, 3rd Prize. Lists numbers and prize amounts for Friday.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES. FINAL SETTLEMENTS 12 1/2. INDENTS 7 1/2. STATE SECURITIES 8 3/4.

CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. SATURDAY, July 24.
Debate on the amendment of the Senate to the Funding Bill, to assume a part of the State Debts.
MR. GERRY. I did not expect, Sir, to be under the necessity of again entering into a full discussion of this subject; but, some observations which fell yesterday from the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Jackson) and which have not been answered, require consideration. His motion is to disagree to the proposition of the Senate for assuming the State debts; and either the gentleman has mistaken the question involved in the proposition of the Senate, or I confess I have no idea of it. He supposes it is a question, whether the United States shall charge themselves with a debt which was contracted by the several States for their own purposes, and in which the United States are no ways concerned; and whether we shall thus impose upon the union a heavy and unnecessary burden?—If this was the question, I should not for my part, neither do I believe there is a member on the floor who would hesitate a moment to reject it. But the question, as I conceive, is, whether the United States shall pay a debt which they contracted, and promised to pay for the common defence. A debt which in their distress, they desired the States to discharge.—A debt which was thus transferred to the States without their consent, or the consent of the creditors, and which has never been discharged. A debt, which if a suit could be instituted against the United States, would be recovered in any court of justice or equity. This, as I conceive, is the nature of the question on the proposition before us from the Senate. But as these points on a former occasion have been fully considered, and the facts relating to them, well established, a further discussion thereof may be considered as a waste of the time of this house, I shall therefore attend to other observations of the gentleman from Georgia.
He says, that by means of the assumption, States who have paid their own debts will be taxed for the debts of others. And has not the gentleman consented to a bill, which this morning has been passed by the Senate, and which provides, that States who have not paid their proportions of the State debts, shall be charged with the balances due thereon, whether they have paid their own debts or not? Will not this provision tax the deficient States for debts of other States—ought they not, in justice, to be thus taxed, if their demands are less than their proportions of the amount of the State debts? Surely, the gentleman has not forgot the provisions in this act, I mean the act for settling the accounts between the United States and individual States.—This provides that every State shall be credited for all its supplies and services for common defence, whether authorised or unauthorised, regularly or not regularly vouched, and whether her debts are sunk or not sunk; and those States who have been so fortunate as to pay their own debts, will receive so much thereof as was contracted for the union, and also the interest thereon: Whilst on the other hand, they are to be charged for their proportions of the balances due to the several States—for all advances made to them respectively by the United States, and for such part of their debts as we may assume—and for charging the latter, an express provision is made in the bill before us. What further measures then can be adopted to do justice to the States, who by their exertions have discharged in whole or in part their own debts?
But let me enquire, Sir, which are the States who have made such vast exertions to sink their debts? Are they those only who have opposed the assumption? I affirm not, but that the States in favor of it have made as great, if not greater progress in sinking their debts, than those who are against it? Much has been said of the State of Massachusetts, and let us examine its conduct relative to the point. If any gentleman will be at the trouble of computing the claims of the several States, as contained in the report of the commissioners for settling the accounts between the United States and individual States, he will find the aggregate amount, exclusive of such as are general and unspecified claims, to be about 75,172,448 specie dollars; if we deduct from this sum what is charged in the books of the Treasury to the several States being 10,672,770 dollars the balance will be 64,499,678
If we suppose Massachusetts chargeable with a seventh of this balance, it will amount to 9,214,239 dollars, which will probably be the extent of its proportion; the principal of the claim of that State then being Dols. 14,573,217
  If we deduct its proportion of the aggregate balance 9,214,239   The balance due to the State for the principal of its claim will be 5,358,978   Add to this at least nine years interest, 2,893,148   And the whole balance will be 8,252,866   But should we even admit to be added to the aggregate balance mentioned of 64,499,678 dollars, ten million of dollars for the general or unspecified claims of several States, the balance due to Massachusetts will in that case, be for principal about Dols. 4,009,000   For nine years interest, 2,162,000   Making in the whole 6,160,000 
By this statement it appears, from authentic documents, that the amount of the claims of Massachusetts, which have been as regularly kept and are as well vouched as any in the union, and in most instances much better, is Dollars. 14,573,217 For principal 2,893,148 For interest 17,467,065 Making in the whole
And as the time for receiving State claims is extended by Congress, and there are, as I am informed, additional demands that are not contained in the accounts exhibited by Massachusetts, which, including interest, will be upwards of one million and an half of dollars, the claim of that State will not be much short of nineteen millions of dollars; and of this sum there being about five million now owed, it is evident that not much less than fourteen millions of dollars are already sunk by that State. Has any State in the union exceeded—has any equalled these exertions? Look at the tax bills of that State, and you will find in the year 1783 the enormous sum of £593,430 9 10, equal to 1,978,101 dollars (including a tax for equalising bounties) levied in one act: and so high were the taxes at that time, as I am well informed, that an eminent merchant, who has since been unfortunate, paid 2000, sterling, and another very respectable character in Boston, paid 1500, sterling specie taxes in one year.
These facts are a specimen of the exertions of Massachusetts, whose zeal perhaps carried her further than good policy could justify; for notwithstanding the well known attachment of her citizens to good government, these burthens were insupportable, and the consequence was the event which the gentleman refers to when he mentions the leaders of the insurrection. But as some of the deluded citizens concerned therein were punished, and others pardoned by government, I think a veil should be drawn
over that unhappy affair. The gentleman has enquired whether the union is indebted to Massachusetts, North-Carolina and South-Carolina in the sum of 10,000,000 dollars. I have shown that it probably owes to one of these States the greatest part of this sum, and there can be no doubt it owes more to all of them. (To be continued.)
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ADDRESS
TO A BOOK OF POEMS, SENT TO A YOUNG LADY OF POETIC POWERS.
GO little tuneful tender book! And fondly at thine image look; As zephyr mild or purling rill, On fair Narcissa's soft distil. No wild romance above the life To meet thee there in rival strife; The graceful muse shall faithful prove, To nature, harmony and love. Refined delight the muse shall bring, With silent step, or easy wing; The kindling glow do thou improve, And wake the youthful fair to love. Then sing that bands as hearts should join, That kindred souls alone intertwine, That joys on earth, and bliss above, Are found in elevated love. O! sprightly pour the choicest lay! This shall thy gentle task repay, That as thy numbers cheerful roll, Thou'lt love Narcissa's feeling soul. See yonder setting orb display, The living blushes of the sky; Now birds enchant, and nature's gay, Nor all, fair page, with her can vie. While riper virtues shall adorn Than yet her tender age beflows, We hail the day at dewy morn, And pleas'd observe the budded rose. Accept my song, and should'st thou choose, Atune it for the lovely maid, Whose lyre awoke my slumbering muse, And let it at her feet be laid. Go, favor'd book, thy lot it seems, Which I should highly prize, Soft press her hand, deep drink the beams Of sweet Narcissa's eyes!
PHILADELPHIA, August, 20.
Extract of a letter from a respectable citizen of Edinburgh, to a gentleman in this city, dated the 28th of April, 1790.
"I am sorry to say, the people of this country, (Scotland) seem still unfriendly to the Americans, and that the news printers cannot be prevailed on to copy any thing from your papers. The insertion of General Washington's speech to the second meeting of Congress, cost the friends of America here, 25l. sterling. You will observe by Mr. Pitt's speech that the national revenue is in a flourishing state:—Considering, however, that in a revenue of about seventeen or eighteen millions sterling, there is only a surplus of about nine thousand pounds, I really do not see any reason for such pompous and bombastic speeches. The future prospects of increase in the revenue and prosperity of the nation, is very favourable; and, I hope, there Mr. Pitt will be a true prophet. He deserves a great deal of praise: my only objection to him is, that he seems to be no friend to freedom at home; as he is known to be to the establishment of liberty in France. The French assembly is an illustrious body; and many of the members are men of extraordinary abilities. I am sorry to see so few of the news papers in Britain friendly to their cause. Liberty, however, seems to be too firmly fixed, ever to be overturned by the aristocratics, or by the Kingly power.—France will, of course, increase rapidly in trade, and will become a better market than formerly for American produce.
"I find that the United States are going pretty extensively into the planting of cotton, it is needless for me to tell you, that the seeds of India, or Siam cotton, transplanted and propagated in your country, will enhance the quality of the cotton wool. I notice, also, what the industry of one person is doing, in the planting of mulberry trees, for the sake of the silk trade. "I am informed that there are, at present, 24 American students at this university; two are from New-York, and one or two from Pennsylvania—all the others are from the southern states."
NEW-YORK, August 25.
Extract of a letter, from Boston, August 9. The reverend Doctors Byles and Walter have lately made us a visit from the fair regions of Nova-Scotia; and it is said notwithstanding their love of their King, and attachment to the hierarchy of the Church, they wish to live under the old tree of liberty.—No door seems to be open at present; but if the old ordinances should be preferred to the new, or American manufacture, it is probable that a chance may offer.—especially as brother Ogden of Portsmouth says the sheepfold of Episcopacy is extending its limits to the Eastward.
This Day published, And to be sold by THOMAS ALLEN, The American Museum, for August, 1790.
CONTAINING, among many other interesting articles, several Letters from WARNER MIFFLIN, on the Quaker's petition to Congress, for the abolition of the Slave Trade. August 21, 1790.
MASSACHUSETTS STATE LOTTERY.
THE Managers of the STATE LOTTERY, present the Public with the First Class of the Massachusetts Semi-annual State Lottery, which will commence drawing in the Representatives' Chamber, in Boston, on the Seventeenth of March next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of.
SCHEME.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE.
25,000 Tickets, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
   Prizes. Dollars. is Dollars.     1 of 10000 are 10000   2 of 3000 are 6000   3 of 2000 are 6000   6 of 1000 are 6000   10 of 500 are 5000   30 of 200 are 6000   80 of 100 are 8000   90 of 50 are 4500   100 of 40 are 4000   120 of 30 are 3600   161 of 20 are 3220   200 of 10 are 2000   7585 of 8 are 60680  
8388 Prizes. 16612 Blanks. 125000
25000. TICKETS may be had of the several Managers, who will pay the Prizes on demand—of the TREASURER of the Commonwealth—of JAMES WHITE, at his Book-Store, Franklin's-Head, Court-Street, and at other places as usual.
BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun. DAVID COBB, SAMUEL COOPER, GEORGE R. MINOT, JOHN KNEELAND, Managers. Boston, July 28, 1790.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT.
July 13, 1790. NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the first day of October next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty first day of December 1791, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
 At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania, and Fort Pitt and at Fort Pitt,  At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort M'Intosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort M'Intosh,  At any place or places, betwixt Fort M'Intosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum,  At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth,  At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto,  At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and from thence to the mouth of the great Miami, and at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids,  At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie,  At any place or places from the Rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami Village, before described,  At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio,  At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river,  At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village,  At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river,  At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango,  At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf betwixt Le Beuf and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river,  At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek,  At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively,  At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazous inclusively,  At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tennessee, to Ocochoppo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively,  Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.   One pound of bread or flour,  } per. 100 rations,    One pound of beef, or 1/2 of a pound of pork,    Half a jill of rum, brandy or whisky,    One quart of salt,    Two quarts of vinegar,    Two pounds of soap,    One pound of candles,    The proposals must specify the lowest price per ration. No credit is required. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donalds estate, within this State, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790. (1w. 1y.)
TO BE LET,
On very low terms—and entered upon immediately, until the first of May next. THAT elegant new TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, in the Bowery-Lane, formerly occupied by ROBERT GILBERT LIVINGSTON, deceased; it has seven Fire Places with a good Cellar under the whole House—a convenient out-House in the rear, with a Coach-House, and Stables; for further particulars enquire of MANGLE MINTHORN. (2 w. t. f.) Corporation Dock.
Dr. Price's Revolution Sermon may be had of the Editor. Price 15/.