The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-03-27 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. LXIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY MARCH 27th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, February 10.
DEBATE
On the Bill for prolonging the Non-Intercourse Act with France.
Mr. S. Smith, from the committee of commerce, according to order, reported a bill to continue in force the non-intercourse bill with France, till the 3d day of March, 1802.
Mr. Davis hoped it would not have a second reading. Every step which was taken with a law so obnoxious, must not only wound our recent accommodation with France, but also our merchants and planters engaged in trade with that nation, and afford means of speculation. He moved that the bill be rejected.
Mr. S. Smith hoped it would be rejected. Conforming to his duty as chairman of the committee he had reported the bill, but had by no means assented to that measure. He saw no use whatever in it: he saw much evil in it and every step which was advanced towards re-establishing it. He observed with pleasure a proclamation issued by the government of Guadaloupe, to deliver up captured property conformable to the 4th and 17th articles of the mutual convention: that proclamation also completely arrested all future captures by their privateers. In the present posture of affairs what possible reason could be adduced in favor of this bill? In the committee he said he was alone in his aversion to this law: he wished to postpone it for some time at least. He hoped gentlemen would consider their strength, and, if they were not able to carry the bill through, would suffer its immediate destruction, otherwise the inevitable effect of loss must rest on the tobacco planter.
Mr. Livingston presumed, as this bill had been reported, there were some gentlemen in favor of it, and he supposed if any were in favor of it they could give the reasons of their conduct. He most sincerely wished to hear them, for really he could conceive none. He declared himself to be astonished at finding the house engaged in the re-enactment of this law when he entered it this morning: He was astonished because the very face of the law carried its own destiny: it declared that whenever the president should be convinced that commerce could be safely renewed with France, he should have power to renew it. There had been several instances wherein our vessels had been treated upon neutral grounds, and there appeared to be a general disposition that it should be so. Can any gentleman in this house doubt that that state of things actually exists which this bill predicates? If there are any such, let them answer, and give their reasons. If they do not, they are bound to join in the rejection of the bill.
It was not a very common course, he said to stop a law on its first reading, but if ever there was a state of things which demanded it, this was it. All the American commercial men engaged in its support when it first passed: it passed from the extreme necessity of the case, and in assenting to it all our commercial men sustained a vast sacrifice—a sacrifice which only the occasion could justify. But now the state of things is altogether changed; the necessity and the danger have entirely ceased: a convention of amity has been formed with that nation. What answers, then, this ill advised spirit of acrimony? Where is the necessity now of the measure? What answer can they give to the planters in Virginia, whose produce must remain on their hands, when they ought to have a market, and a good price for it? What, he would ask those gentlemen, had been acquired by this two years suspension of the intercourse with France? At that time, said Mr. L. we submitted when they so pressing supported the bill but it is out of their power longer to make us, or to make the country believe that
there is necessity for the measure, so wounding to our own country. Nothing can prevent us receiving with pleasure the accommodation now proposed, or make us again open the wounds of our separation. Nothing remains respecting that convention but an acquiescence on the part of France to an article which was inserted at the instance of our negotiators, and consequently its exclusion will be received with pleasure by the nation. Will, then, not one solitary advocate for this bill arise, and give his reasons why the prohibition should be renewed! It really appears to me a measure of the most extraordinary nature: it is bordering on insanity . No man dares vindicate it! No man advocates what he has listed in promoting! If it is to be carried into effect, I hope it will not be carried into effect with a fullen silence, tending to insult the understanding of the nation.
Mr. Rutledge did not know that the reasons would be very agreeable to the gentlemen who had ascribed them to "insanity," but he might be assured there were reasons for the measure, and such as its advocates would not be ashamed to acknowledge. Not being a member of the committee of commerce he could not give their reasons, but though the gentleman thought there was not one solitary reason to be advanced he would give his reasons. He wished to let France know that the productions of our country were useful to her, and that we would rather even let them rot in our own country, than expose such weaknesses to her as to make her believe we must at all events bring them to market. Sir, said Mr. R. we are about to open a new negotiation with France, and yet before sending our envoys we will be so extremely weak as to lend our produce to her, and thus expose our extreme cupidity, and desire at all events to get money. The object of France in negotiating with our country is to trade with us, but by this measure we shall give them our trade without the conclusion of negotiation! what injury can it be? has not the president power to renew the trade whenever in his opinion circumstances will warrant it? what then can the gentleman have to fear, when the gentleman to fill that office is of their own choosing? do they not suppose that the gentleman whom they have made president will suspend the law as soon as it is unnecessary? they tell us that France has called in her cruisers. How is this known by newspaper testimony! our property is liberated, they say. How are we to know this? it is not the fact: no merchant will rise and tell us so. I acknowledge, sir, that many of our vessels have been released, but why was it? by large and valuable douceurs! this the chairman of the committee of commerce well knows, and every merchant is acquainted with it. Sir, we have lately seen a ship belonging to a member of this house released, but why was it done? it was because the American consul actually paid a large sum as a doucur. It is known that the New Jersey was not obtained till near 200,000 dollars was paid down—and yet we are told that our ships are liberated! Sir, we have taken our ground; we have determined upon defence and sacrifice, to preserve our national honor, and except the most unequivocal proofs are given of the removal of the causes, we will not depart from those measures which have proved so salutary.
The gentleman supposed that the treaty is concluded, because the project of the article, he says, came from our envoys. How does he know this? How does he know that the French government do not regard this article? If France should not be disposed to adopt this treaty so modified; if she should wish to carry on her old practices, we wish to tell her that we are not afraid of her, nor have we been willing to hearken to the uncertain accents which merely sounded peace in our ears. These, Mr. Rutledge said, were his reasons for wishing not to be too hasty in renewing the intercourse, and in these he believed his friend would coincide.
Mr. Eggleston said he had often heard this kind of argument from the gentleman just sat down: he appeared to be very fond of indulging his visionary ideas at other peo-
ples expence, and with every great levity to talk upon a subject which was of the most important nature to the country, he (Mr. Eggleston) represented (Virginia). He wished to remind the house that a very important part of the community had suffered exceedingly under this law, for two years past—not only the growers of tobacco, but the merchants.—He trusted no greater impositions would be put upon that particular part of the community. That gentleman knew very well that rice, the staple commodity of his country (South Carolina) was in great demand every where, and would fetch a good price; but it was not so with tobacco, an article principally consumed in that country with which we had been prohibited to trade. He hoped no other gentleman would be of the same principles, and that his constituents would have the same chance for their produce, (tobacco) as was enjoyed by other parts of the union, for their produce.
Mr. Rutledge said the gentleman was mistaken—he represents a tobacco country, is a country which produces rice; but I will tell him that rice fetches twice as much in France as in England and therefore, the scale of benefit, I am individually interested. But to views of pecuniary advantage I prefer the great question of national policy. I am disposed to yield all for my country's benefits; I believe the gentleman's principles are the same, but I think he is mistaken in his efforts to procure the good of the whole.
Mr. Dennis moved a postponement till Monday.
Mr. S. Smith moved to postpone till the third of March. He wished to shew the American people that the law was not to be re-enacted, and not to keep them in suspense for even a day. Some indistinct idea having dropped from Mr. Rutledge that Mr. Smith knew of douceurs having been taken for the delivery up of vessels which had been captured, which he was unwilling to own—Mr. S. said he knew of no vessel whatever which had been bought out since the convention was sent from France. Whatever had occurred before that period was not to the purpose. He was proceeding to state some cases, when Mr. Harper asked whether it would be in order to answer. The speaker observed that it would not, because the gentleman was not in order, the question being on postponement.
Mr. Nicholas hoped it would not be postponed, because, although the time mentioned should be the 3d of March, the price of tobacco would be exceedingly depressed by it.
Mr. Smith withdrew his motion and Mr. Fowler renewed it.
Mr. Randolph spoke against both motions; he wished to settle the public mind; for, he observed, ever since the negotiation had been in agitation, the price of tobacco had fluctuated like the stocks. The uncertainty of the fate of this law would produce a species of gaming (speculation) which must be very injurious to the honest dealers. He hoped both merchant and planters would immediately know what was the certain fate of the bill, and that this nefarious gambling system would be cut short, and an instant decision be had upon a question so interesting to a respectable portion of the people.
The motion to postpone to the 3d of March, was again withdrawn.
A motion was made to postpone the further discussion of the bill till Monday.
Mr. H. Lee said, if the circumstances were as they were last year, he should contend for the continuance of this act, but our relations with that country were changed. He asked, what would the world say if, while the President and senate of the United States had actually agreed to a convention of amity and commerce with France, the legislature should pass this act to continue our non-intercourse? It certainly would look like an act of the most degrading duplicity. He hoped the bill would be rejected.
Mr. Macon. If the house postpone this bill till Monday, it cannot fail having an evil effect upon the trades in the article of tobacco, for the person concerned are
now making arrangements to sell and to ship it: the only object of this bill is to make the thing as uncertain as before. So fluctuating is the price of the article upon the event of the day, that when our ministers came from France with the treaty, tobacco rose 50 per cent. upon the prospects of a peace with that country. If the majority of the house should think fit to continue the law, the sooner the merchants know it, the better, as it would bring the trade to a more settled state, and enable them to make their arrangements conformably thereto.
Mr. J. C. Thomas said he seconded the motion to postpone, because it was a subject of very considerable importance, upon which he had not sufficiently turned his attention. As to the fear of speculation, a rejection of the bill in his opinion afforded the most ample means to carry on that scheme. If the postponement should take place, how could any man say what would be event of the bill? The moment it was known that the bill was lost, speculations would fly in every quarter. But why should the house legislate under any impressions of the kind? They were called to decide upon a great and important political question, and should they withhold going in the right path, whatever it might be, through fear of speculation? He hoped not. For this cause he advocated the motion.
Mr. Livingston said when he first rose he expressed his desire that some reason for the introduction of the bill should be given. Two reasons were assigned to shew that we must continue our attitude towards France: one was, that we must preserve the dignity of our character the other, that we must keep the old means until the conclusion of negotiation. This dignity of character, he would be as unwilling to sacrifice as any gentleman in the house, but he did not conceive it to consist in the high sounding words used by some gentlemen. What, he asked, was dignity of character? Does it consist in improverishing ourselves. This to be sure, must be a very dignified effect. Some gentlemen might sit with their hands to their sides, and brave all the world, not thinking of the situation of those who lose three fourths of the result of their labor. All that these gentlemen boastfully sacrifice is felt in another quarter: what is dignity of attitude to them, is distress to other parts of the union. From the most accurate accounts then, this dignity of character is nothing. What effect will it have on our negotiation, now again renewed? To examine this it will be necessary to enquire what does France want, or what did she want at the time this bill first passed. Gentlemen at that time thought that without food from us, their West-India colonies could not subsist, or have means to carry on their aggressions upon our commerce. The experiment was made, but was it found to answer the effect? Did she not attack our commerce with equal violence. Tobacco is allowed to be the principal article exported from us to France, except our flour to the West-Indies, without which she has subsisted, and carried on her warfare. What is the article of tobacco? It is an article we shall be ever willing to get rid of, rather than prohibit our merchants from selling. How then can we coerce France by it? Are we to remain in this situation till the treaty returns to this country? They tell us, to be sure, that the President has it in his power to put an end to the force of this bill, but from the common course of things, it is certain that the President never will put an end to the bill, till the treaty is completed. And who are injured by it? Not France, for gentlemen confess that she can procure this article without our aid. It must be ourselves.
But, say gentlemen, France will open her ports; she will receive our produce, and then she will add these additional millions to what she has before seized from us, and disregard our treaty. If there was any foundation on which to have such a suspicion, Mr. L. said he would not merely

vote for the suspension for one year, but forever. But where was the foundation for such distrust? He could see none, and believed there was none. The gentleman from Massachusetts presented this dilemma—either the house must believe the treaty would not go into operation, or it was a very uncertain event. Now, between these two, Mr. L. thought there might be a mean supposed, that is, that it was a probable event that it would be carried into execution: this was the middle way he chose to take as a foundation. He thought the possibility bordering upon certainty; he thought the probability so great as to justify any measures being founded thereupon. But, gentlemen say, we must take nothing upon probability, because as soon as it is certain, the president can act conformable to circumstances, which he must be most acquainted with. Upon this point, Mr. L. was perfectly satisfied: he did believe France to be sincere, and he further believed that condition with which we had ratified the treaty, would be no hindrance to its final passage: he was well satisfied that the second article, which was erased, was inserted at the instance and even desire of our commissioners. Believing this, he could not conceive they would make excuses to evade its ratification. This brought him to another reason for objection which was urged. Could any gentleman believe France would act so perfidiously as to desire and promote this treaty, on purpose to induce us to send our produce to that country, which she would seize? Did he suppose that nation so base, he never would agree to open the communication at all, without other assurances. If gentlemen thought this, they ought not to rest here; their duty requires them to put a perpetual end to commercial intercourse with a nation whose faith was so bad. But it was no such thing—he believed there was good faith in that nation, and that we had received as good assurances of it as could be expected. He hoped a majority of the house believed so, and that no delay would take place in promoting an accommodation in which ourselves would be gainers. He believed the interests of the country called upon the house for immediate action, and therefore hoped that an end would be put to any doubt on the subject.
Mr. WALN thought gentlemen were mistaken in supposing that the non-intercourse with that nation was only felt by the southern states: he believed it was as severely felt by every commercial town in the union, whether southward of the Delaware or eastward. Every gentleman knew that the spirit of adventure in the eastern states, would excite them to carry their commerce as extensively as possible, and that, though not the growers of that species of produce, they were the carriers of it, and were interested in its increasing exportation. But for his part he wished not to be so confined in his ideas to the interest of this or of that state, but to the United States. He did believe that the result of the measures now taking to produce accommodation, was yet uncertain. As a ground of argument, the article of tobacco had been mentioned, and its rise and fall called forth to prove the fluctuating state of political appearances. But for his part he believed that changes and benefits arose from the amounts of the crops. He would appeal to gentlemen who were, from their local knowledge, acquainted with the price of that article, whether in times of plentiful crops, it was not as low as at the present moment. And, upon this, whether the last crop of tobacco was not very great? He believed it was so, and if so, why should that be considered as proper data for a national concern of such moment? he believed that this, as well as many others prohibited articles found its way to France, and that this small increase in the price but very little lessened its consumption. He would appeal to the understandings of gentlemen, whether there could be a more inappreciable moment to open the communication than at present? It was the desire of the committee to wait a few days to know the result of the treaty before the Senate: if that had been signed unconditionally, the law would not have been reported, but as it was not, the possibility of evil alone was a sufficient warrant for the continuance of the law for such time as circumstances might continue the same. He could not believe the policy of the country would warrant the immediate opening of intercourse, and therefore should vote for the bill.
Mr. GALLATIN said as he last session voted for this bill, it was proper for him to state the reasons why he now voted against it. The measure was originally adopted as a defensive measure: circumstances being little different last session, and a treaty being on the tapis, he thought it would be wrong policy, then to change it: but now the state of things was altogether changed.
As he conceived a safe intercourse with every foreign nation could not fail to produce general advantages, he should now, upon the idea of safety, vote that the suspension be taken off. The house were told that the same negotiation was pending, and therefore the measures ought to be the same. He thought very differently: last session there was only the appearance of a treaty; it was a question of uncertainty whether it would be concluded. But at present we know the precise state of things and no gentleman in the house can doubt as to the acquaintance of France in the modification we have made. It is true that France may make this an excuse to refuse the treaty, and that they may possibly seize our produce lent there under the impressions of their good faith. But if such was her disposition, was it not to be supposed that she would have treated with us before now, on purpose to draw our commerce into her clutches for leisure? He thought the prospect was as favorable and the moment as safe as ever it would be, and to leave it to the president was at least to suspend it till the final ratification. It was properly a legislative question, and as it originated in congress, in the same branch it should expire, and not be confided to executive pleasure. Any thing confided to the executive, is so upon the supposition of a change of circumstances during the recess of the legislature. Why should the house leave to the president to do what it was not only alone competent to, but what every consideration of amity declared ought to be done without fail? It is impossible to say what circumstances may take place after the third of March, or how our relations with any nation may stand, but we must go upon present circumstances; we must only view the present state of things.
Mr. S. SMITH replied to Mr. WALN, in his declaration that every commercial part of the union, felt as much as Virginia the want of this trade. It was not so; the tonnage of the United States was now fully employed; if they could not go to France direct, they could and they would go to England, and she received the benefits which the planters lost. He appealed to the gentleman's commercial knowledge whether there ever was such an immensity of tonnage employed as at present and whether ever freight was so high. There never was a time in which our shipping was more used. He farther answered the gentleman in his assertion that the great crops made the difference of price. How could that be? The last crop was very great. From a comparison of a former period to the present, when the quantity of that crop must be felt, there was a difference of two dollars a hundred. It was now advanced from 3 1-2 to 5 1-2 dollars, or six; which advance he believed beyond a doubt arose from the appearances of accommodation with France. An argument advanced by an officer of the government the other day, he believed to be very just: That now she had called in her privateers and altered her system towards us, if we refused her our trade, she would not think we were honest in our professions of friendship. What course would they take? Why most probably send them out again and force from us what our diffidence in their friendship prevented us selling them.
Mr. C. GOODRICH was not willing to trust our trade in the present uncertain situation. He believed from the best information, that every step taken towards negotiation by our envoys was taken with difficulty, and that every possible care was taken by France not to lose an article. He wished as much as any gentleman to see the trade opened with safety, but till it could be done with safety, he was not willing to take a step towards it. He would leave it with the President, whose information must at any time be adequate to take the proper steps.
The question was taken on the motion to reject the bill and carried.
Yeas 55.
Nays 37.
Laws of the United States.
AN ACT
Making appropriations for the support of Government for the year One Thousand Eight Hundred and One.
Seet. 1. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, That for the support of government, and to discharge certain claims and expenses hereafter enumerated, that the following sums be and are hereby appropriated, that is to say.
For the compensation granted by law to the President and Vice-President of the United States, thirty thousand dollars.
For the like compensation to the members of the Senate and House of Representa-
tives, their officers and attendants one hundred and ninety three thousand four hundred and seventy dollars.
For the contingent expenses of the two houses of Congress, including the payment of certain articles of furniture purchased for the accommodation of Congress, and not provided for by former appropriations, seventeen thousand dollars.
For the compensation granted by law to the Judges of the United States, the Attorney-General, and the district attorneys, and marshals, eighty three thousand four hundred dollars.
For defraying the expenses of Courts, Jurors and Witnesses, and for defraying the expenses of prosecutions for offences against the United States, and for safe keeping of prisoners, thirty thousand dollars.
For compensation to the Secretary of the Treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, Eleven thousand three hundred and nine dollars and eighty one cents.
For expenses of stationary, printing, and translating foreign languages, allowance to persons employed in receiving and transmitting passports and sea-letters, and all other contingent expenses in the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, eight hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Comptroller of the Treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, twelve thousand nine hundred and seventy seven dollars eight cents.
For expense of stationary, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the Comptroller's office, eight hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Auditor of the Treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, twelve thousand two hundred and twenty dollars ninety three cents.
For expenses of stationary, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the Auditor's office, seven hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the Treasurer's clerks, and other persons employed in his office, six thousand three hundred and forty eight dollars and ninety eight cents.
For expense of stationary, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the Treasurer's office, three hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Commissioner of the revenue, clerks, and other persons employed in his office, six thousand two hundred and fifty three dollars six cents.
For expense of stationary, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the office of the Commissioner of the revenue, nine hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Register of the Treasury, clerks, and persons employed in his office, sixteen thousand and fifty two dollars one cent.
For expense of stationary, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the Register's office, two thousand eight hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Superintendent of Stamps, clerks, and persons employed in his office, and for making good a deficiency in former appropriations for the Stamp office, five thousand nine hundred and ninety dollars twenty four cents.
For expense of stationary, printing, and all other contingent expenses in the Stamp office, six hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Secretary of the commissioners of the sinking fund, two hundred and fifty dollars.
For fire wood and candles for the offices of the Treasury, including the Stamp office, and other contingences, four thousand dollars.
For defraying the expense of stating and printing the public accounts for the year one thousand eight hundred and one, one thousand two hundred dollars.
For making good the deficiency of former appropriations, for the expense of removing the books and records of the Treasury from Philadelphia to Trenton, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine, two thousand, six hundred and thirty nine dollars, seventy six cents.
For the expense of new office furniture for the Treasury, at the City of Washington, two thousand dollars.
For flooring the Treasury and incidental expenses for securing the buildings and records of the Treasury, three hundred and fifty nine dollars, eighty three cents.
For paying two watchmen for the Treasury, six hundred dollars.
For the expense of two buildings for messengers of the Treasury, and sinking two wells for the Treasury, five thousand two hundred dollars.
For compensation to the several Loan officers, thirteen thousand two hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the clerks of the commissioners of loans and an allowance to certain loan officers in lieu of clerk hire, twelve thousand one hundred dollars.
For defraying the authorized expenses of the several loan-offices, two thousand nine hundred dollars.
For compensation to the Secretary of State, clerks, and persons employed in his office, eleven thousand three hundred and sixty dollars.
For the contingent expenses of the office of state, thirteen thousand five hundred dollars.
For compensation to the director of the mint, officers, clerks, and other persons employed in the mint establishment, seventeen thousand six hundred dollars.
For repairs and all other contingent expenses in the mint establishment, six thousand three hundred dollars.
For compensation to the secretary of war, clerks and persons employed in his office, eleven thousand two hundred and ten dollars.
For the compensation of two additional clerks employed by the secretary at war, in copying papers in the office of the secretary of the treasury to replace those lately burnt in the war office, one thousand two hundred dollars.
For such additional compensation to the clerks of the several departments of the treasury, of state, of war, of the navy, and of the general post-office, not exceeding for each department respectively fifteen per cent in addition to the sums allowed by the act intitled "an Act to regulate and fix the compensation of clerks" as the secretaries of the said departments and the post master general may respectively think reasonable for the present year, to be distributed as the said secretaries and the post master general respectively shall think proper to the clerks in their departments respectively, eleven thousand eight hundred and eighty five dollars. For an additional allowance to the chief clerk of the secretary of the Navy, for his services in the year one thousand eight hundred, the sum of three hundred dollars.
For contingent expenses attending the office of secretary of war, and to make good the deficiency of former appropriations, five thousand dollars.
For compensation to the accountant of the war department, clerks and persons employed in his office, ten thousand nine hundred and ten dollars.
For contingent expenses in the accountant's office, one thousand dollars.
For compensation to the purveyor of public supplies, clerks, and persons employed in his office, and for contingent expenses of the same four thousand four hundred and fifty six dollars.
For compensation to the secretary of the navy, clerks, and persons employed in his office, nine thousand one hundred and ten dollars.
For contingent expense in the office of the secretary of the navy, three thousand three hundred dollars.
For compensation to the accountant of the navy department, clerks, and persons employed in his office; and to make good a deficiency in the appropriation of the last year, eleven thousand four hundred and forty nine dollars, forty one cents.
For the contingent expenses, in the accountant's office, seven hundred and fifty dollars.
For compensation to the post-master-general, assistant post-master-general, clerks, and persons employed in the general post-office, nine thousand nine hundred and sixty dollars.
For the contingent expense in the general post-office, two thousand one hundred and twelve dollars fifty cents.
For compensation to the surveyor general, the contingent expenses in his office; and the expense of executing surveys of the public land north west of the river Ohio; twenty eight thousand two hundred dollars.
For salaries to the governor, secretary and judges of the territory north west of the river Ohio; and the contingent expenses of that government, five thousand five hundred dollars.
For salaries to the governor, secretary and judges of the Mississippi territory, and the contingent expenses of that government, five thousand five hundred dollars.
For salaries to the governor, secretary and judges of the Indian territory, and the contingent expenses of that government, five thousand five hundred dollars.
For the discharge of such demands against the United States unprovided for, as shall be ascertained and admitted in due course of settlement at the treasury, two thousand dollars.
For satisfying annuities and grants to Isaac Van Wart, Paul Paulding, David Williams, Joseph De Bealeau, Joseph Frazer, James McKenhe, Joseph Bruffels, Elizabeth Bergen, and the children of major Alexander Trueman, and colonel John

Harding, one thousand seven hundred and fifty three dollars, thirty three cents. For the expenses of intercourse with foreign nations during the present year, and making good the deficiency of the appropriation for the year one thousand eight hundred, for the expense of the mission to France eighty-five thousand dollars.
For carrying into effect the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the United States and the king of Great Britain, fifty-eight thousand eight hundred and sixty-four dollars.
For a deficiency of former appropriations for carrying into effect the treaty between the United States and the king of Spain, forty-six thousand five hundred dollars.
For fulfilling the engagements of the United States with the Mediterranean powers, two hundred and fifty-six thousand dollars.
For prosecuting the claims of American citizens for property captured by the belligerent powers, sixty-four thousand dollars.
For the relief of American seamen, thirty thousand dollars.
For defraying the further expenses incident to the valuation of houses and lands, and the enumeration of slaves within the United States, forty thousand dollars.
For the support of light houses, beacons, buoys and public piers and other improvements in navigation, thirty eight thousand six hundred and twenty-two dollars, seventy cents.
For discharging the expense of the second enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States the sum of sixty thousand dollars.
For discharging such miscellaneous claims against the United States not otherwise provided for, as shall be admitted at the treasury, which according to the usage thereof required payment in specie, four thousand dollars.
For the expense of returning the votes for President & V. P. of the U. States one thousand five hundred and twenty-four dollars, fifty cents. For repairing the buildings occupied by the treasury department the sum of two thousand dollars.
For satisfying the claim of Clement Biddle, twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and fifty six dollars, sixty-three cents.
For erecting a light house at Old Point Comfort, the sum of three thousand five hundred dollars.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several appropriations, herein before made, shall be paid and discharged out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
THEODORE SEDGWICK, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JAMES HILLHOUSE, President of the Senate pro tempore. Approved, March 3d. A. D. 1801. JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States.
WASHINGTON CITY. FRIDAY, MARCH 27.
APPOINTMENTS by the President of the United States.
OFFICIAL.
William H. Dorsey, Esq. to be Judge of the orphans court for Washington county.
John Hewett, Esq. register of wills for the same.
Joseph Scott, Esq. to be marshal for the Eastern district of Virginia.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States yesterday issued his Exequatur to CITIZEN LIOT, as Commissary of commercial relations for the French Republic, for the States of Pennsylvania and Delaware, to reside at Philadelphia; and to CITIZEN OSTER, as Vice-Commissary of commercial relations for the French Republic, for the state of Virginia, to reside at Norfolk.
On Saturday last the sloop of war, Maryland, sailed from Baltimore. On board of this vessel went Mr. DAWSON, bearer of the Convention with France.
The Eastern papers state the re-election of Mr. GILMAN as Governor of New Hampshire; but do not state the total votes given for him, and the republican candidate Mr. Walker.
Mr. Bacon, whose election to Congress from Massachusetts, we stated in our last, was the republican candidate. Mr. Smith, the republican candidate for another seat in Massachusetts, has obtained a majority over Mr. Mitchell, the federal candidate. It does not, however, clearly appear, whether he has an absolute majority, without which there cannot in that state be any choice.
Capt. Merrick, of the ship Alexander Hamilton, arrived at Baltimore from Baltimore, informs; that on the 27th August, a British 50 gun ship and three frigates anchored out of the reach of the guns of the Dutch forts, and remained there till the 7th of November, when the British Squadron departed without any success, having lost many officers and men by sickness. Previous to their leaving the roads they burnt the store-houses, &c. on the island of Ormus. On the approach of the British, a considerable number of valuable Dutch vessels were run ashore—it was afterwards found expedient to order some of them to be destroyed, to give the guns of the fort fair play; but by neglect in the execution of these orders, the whole of them was burned.
Observations on a GERMAN REVIEW, from a late work, entitled "MORDAUNT," by Dr. Moore.
The exhibition at a review is brilliant to the eye; but an investigation of the springs on which its movements depend is most afflictive to the heart. The number of blows to which a recruit in the German service is subjected is not to be counted; and the various severities he must endure, before he can be brought to hold himself as erect as a pike, to wheel to the right and left with the agility of a harlequin, to bear restraint with the patience of a bramin, and to toss his firelock with the dexterity of a juggler, are inconceivable.
"Poor fellows," said I one day to an officer with whom I conversed, "how unhappy is their condition!"
"No," said the officer, "you are mistaken; it is not unhappy."
"No!" exclaimed I. "Not at all," answered he; by no manner of means."
"Why, how many blows of a cane may an officer order the corporal to give a soldier for a fault in the exercise?"
"Six," said he; "he must not exceed six for one blunder."
"But a man may make several blunders in one field day," said I.
"If he were to make twenty," replied the officer, "he would receive only six blows for each."
"How often are the soldiers upon duty?" said I.
"They are very seldom off duty," answered he; "but they mount guard only twice or thrice a week in the time of peace."
"How do they employ the rest of their time?"
"O, they are never at a loss for the employment of their time; they have their firelock to furbish, their accoutrements to clean, and they must appear at the roll-calling night and morning. These different employments fill up most of their spare time, and prevent them from spending their pay in gluttony and debauchery."
"They must repine sadly at so much constraint."
"Quite the contrary," replied he; "they must never repine: they would be punished if they attempted to repine—besides, they know that their condition is never to be altered, which saves them from repining."
"Why this is as great a slavery as that of the negroes in our colonies, in my opinion!" exclaimed I.
"So it is in mine," said the officer.
"I thought you had denied that the soldiers were in slavery? resumed I.
"Never," answered he; "I never could deny what is manifest. I denied that they were unhappy, indeed, which is a very different thing."
"Notwithstanding the distinction made by this officer between slavery and unhappiness, I hope our countrymen, my dear Sommers, will always consider them as synonymous."
"When we consider the object obtained by all this caning and revolting severity, it seems most surprising that it should be continued: all that it produces is a greater degree of quickness in the manual exercise than would take place without it. Soldiers are punished an hundred times on account of some involuntary slip of their fingers for once, on account of disobedience to officers, or neglect of any essential article of duty. That soldiers should be taught to handle their arms with dexterity, to wheel, to march, and preserve order in their ranks; and, above all, that they
should perform certain motions half a second sooner or later is of no importance. The subsequent sketches of his present catholic majesty, of his queen, and the celebrated Prince of Peace, will doubtless gratify our readers."
Charles the Fourth, the present king is of an athletic make, fond of exercise, temperate, as much attached to his queen as the most constant of his predecessors ever were to theirs, and as little given to jealousy as any man that ever existed.
Her majesty, who is a princess of Parma, has honoured several individuals with her distinguished patronage; and the men she has delighted to honour have generally become the king's ministers; for he has the highest opinion of her judgment in men, as well as of her conjugal fidelity. To be distinguished by the queen's favour was likely, of itself, to route slander and create envy; but when to that all the power of the state was added, you may imagine what increased activity and vigor must have been given to both: insinuations to her majesty's disadvantage were conveyed in notes laid on the king's plate under his napkin, thrown into his coach, transmitted to him, or brought to his notice, by every means which envy could prompt and malevolent ingenuity contrive, but all without producing the effect intended: he remains fully satisfied that his consort is as faithful to him as he is to her.
How happy would it be for many wretched husbands were they of the disposition of this monarch! for as horns are plants of ideal growth, those who repose on the virtue of their wives, happen what may, will never feel the pangs of their sprouting.
This well-disposed monarch not only shuts his ears against the queen's calumniators, but he is averse from believing in the infidelity of married people in general; he considers adultery as one of the greatest crimes, and a belief of its frequency one of the most dangerous opinions that can prevail in this age of dangerous opinions; because it tends to shake the reverence of children to their parents, and the loyalty of subjects to their sovereign, by suggesting that even the blood-royal may have been adulterated by plebian mixture; an idea which cannot fail to diminish the veneration due to it. The well-disposed prince cannot believe that a crime pregnant with such mischief ever prevailed; or, if it ever did, it must have been in the ages of heathen darkness, and among the lowest vulgarity. The notion that it prevails now, he thinks, can only be entertained by men speculating in their closets, and drawing inferences from the customs of the ancients, but totally unacquainted with the manners of modern times.
A thousand peculiarities respecting this prince mark him as a good natured man; subject to sudden fits of anger, he is quickly pacified, and impatient to make reparation to his attendants for whatever he has said or done, during his passion, that was too violent or obliging. When any of them falls sick, or meets with a disagreeable accident, he shows a degree of compassion and sympathy that is not common in princes.
The person who gave me this account, and on whose veracity I have the fullest reliance, said he was witness to the king's shedding tears when one of his life-guards broke his leg by a fall from his horse as he rode by his majesty's coach.
He is said to be very little acquainted with business, though he regularly sits in council, with the queen at his side: and though his ministers are supposed to be selected by the queen, she is so observant of decorum, that she expresses no opinion in words while sitting in council; but they generally understand by her looks what she approves or disapproves, and they act accordingly. When the Prince of Peace possessed her favor, she usually sent for him to the king's apartment after the breaking-up of the council, informed him of what had been resolved, gave directions respecting the execution, and then looked at the king, who confirmed what she said by a nod.
Her countenance is more distinguished for penetration than for either beauty or good nature; yet she contrives to throw off its usual sourness when strangers are presented, and receives them with a smile and the appearance of graciousness.
There is nothing mighty amusing, you see, in all this pantomime, which is only varied by melancholy card-parties, or conversation-parties, still more melancholy, composed of the attendants in rotation.
Though the minister of each different department transacts business with the king, yet they were little more than clerks under the Prince of Peace, who, in all respects, except a few forms, was supreme minister.
His name originally was Don Manuel Godoi, the son of an hidalgo of Badego, in Eitrema dura, of an ancient family, in very narrow circumstances: he was educated as people in his situation usually are in the provinces of Spain; and when he arrived at the proper age, entered as a private soldier in the company of life-guards, where he served for several years, until he had the good fortune to be distinguished by royal penetration, and raised to supreme favour. He is a man of address, and rather of genteel manners: he has endeavoured to repair the deficiencies of his education by study. He was disposed to encourage science, and give protection to men of letters. He always shewed a partiality for the English, and a desire to prevent a rupture between Spain and Great Britain.
Salem, March 18. Flour is now at the high price of 15 dollars a barrel in this market. If the exportation of this article continues free, bread, before the next crop, may be too expensive for common use.
Public Sale of LOTS, IN WASHINGTON CITY.
WILL be Sold at Public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Friday the 1st day of May next, at William Tunnicliff's Hotel. Two Hundred Lots, situated Eastward of the Capitol and near to the Eastern Branch Ferry—the terms will be one half Cash and the other half at 60 days on Notes negotiable at the Bank of Columbia satisfactorily endorsed. An indisputable title will be given by, GEORGE WALKER. Washington, March 2, 1801. tMay1
LOTS.
IN different eligible situations in the City for Sale or Lease on ground rent—Likewise,
100 Casks inspected Rhode Island LIME.
A number of Quarter and half and Casks of MADERA WINE, of a superior quality, by JOHN SICKNEY At his building opposite Rhodes Tavern President's Square. Washington, March 2, 1801. eoptf.
TO BE RENTED.
A TWO STORY BRICK DWELLING HOUSE, with a large garden well inclosed, stable for 4 horses, a Coach House, & other offices, with a good well of water in the Yard, most elegantly situated in square 104, in the City of Washington, for terms apply to WM. KING.
WHO will accommodate through the ensuing summer a few GEN'L. BOARDERS, by the day, week, or month, at his present dwelling House, 4 doors South of MR. STILLER'S Hotel, on Capitol Hill. March 13, 1801
NOTICE.
THE subscriber informs his friends and the public, that the Circuit Court of the district of Columbia, has appointed him a NOTARY PUBLIC, for the county of Washington in said district, and having for a long time past acted he trusts satisfactorily in that capacity in the City of Washington, under the authority of the state of Maryland, he is induced to hope he shall continue to receive a liberal share of the business in that line, which he hereby respectfully solicits.
HENRY WHETCROFT, March 26. 1801.
In Chancery, March 2nd, 1801.
ON application to the Chancellor by petition in writing of PA RICK SIM of Montgomery County praying the benefit of the "act for the relief of sundry insolvent debtors," passed at the last session on the terms therein mentioned, and schedule of his property, and a list of his creditors so far as he can ascertain the same on oath, being annexed to his petition, and the said Patrick Sim being a person known to the Chancellor to be at this time and to have been at the time of passing the act a citizen of this state and of the United States; and the said Patrick Sim at the time of presenting his petition having produced to the chancellor the assent in writing of so many of his creditors as have due to them according to the list aforesaid, the amount of two thirds of the debts due by him at the time of passing the said act.
It is thereupon adjudged and ordered that the said Patrick Sim, by causing a copy of this order to be inserted once in each of three successive weeks in the Washington paper, and by serving so many of his creditors with a copy of this order as can be conveniently served therewith before the nineteenth day of April next, give notice to his creditors to appear at the Chancery Office on the twenty seventh day of April next for the purpose of recommending some person to be trustee for their benefit, on the said Patrick Sim's then and there taking the oath prescribed for delivering up his property. Test.
SAMUEL H. HOWARD, Reg. Ch. March 27.

FROM THE PARIS MERCURY. Translated for the National Intelligencer. Review of a late work of M. Necker, on the Morality of Religion.
One would imagine that M. Necker was one of those men, on whom the lessons of experience had most deeply impressed the caprice of public opinion, and the vanity of human glory. But he still seems to seek them with unabated zeal, and his ardour appears to be increased by his disappointment. In truth, we find few statesmen who retire contentedly from a theatre on which they have long acted before the eyes of the world, to that solitude where they must meet with forgetfulness and neglect: the solicititudes of ambition, and the illusions of power, never abandon them. The enemies of M. Necker, have said, that "he was not exempt from that discontent, which is experienced by men who have withdrawn from the busy and turbulent scenes of public life, and from the exercise of power which they once enjoyed."
They say, "that from the solitude in which he lives; he too frequently turns his regards towards the world; that at different times he has assumed the language of a statesman, of a financier, of a politician and a philosopher; and that now in order to attract attention, he adopts that of a christian teacher. The avenues to senates and palaces being closed, he now seeks refuge in the temples of religion." Remarks such as these are generally made, and they cannot fail to displease those who esteem the author of this work.
If any one could successfully raise his voice in favour of religion and morality, it surely must be the statesman, who, withdrawn from the troubles of life, and near to the tomb which is to separate him from all its cares, has learned from experience, its littleness and vanity.
After having acted an important part on the stage of the world, he has without doubt discovered, that religion can more fully satisfy the heart, than either politics or philosophy. It was thus that Pascal, it was thus that Bossuet thought. But has M. Necker, like them succeeded in convincing others of the superiority of the christian religion?—This we are to examine. This work is divided into five sections—the first, treats of the basis on which religion and morality rest—the second and third, speak of the duties of men—the fourth, examines our sentiments and habits, in relation to happiness—the fifth, endeavours to assimilate natural with revealed religion. These sections are subdivided into discourses, and each discourse, is headed by texts from scripture. This plan has two serious inconveniences; an adherence to the divisions will impede the easy flow of eloquence; and the rhetorical style often assumed by M. Necker in those discourses, interferes with the strength and precision of argument. Thus, we are neither animated by the orator, nor convinced by the logician.
The remaining observations of the Mercury on M. Necker's work, consist of comparisons between him and Roman catholic authors, to the latter of which the preference is always given. There are but few extracts from the work of Necker; the following is the most striking.
"Yes, he exists, this God—whom the whole Universe proclaims—he exists;—with what magnificence and splendour is he displayed in the heavens and in the riches of the earth. Every where do we perceive the designs of a supreme intelligence, utility in the plan, order in the execution, and harmony in the whole. What numerous and rich details, do we discover in the system of Nature, which forever recall to our minds the existence of a sovereign intelligence; the earth is covered with them, and from the source of rivers, from the height of mountains, to the subterranean depths where metals lay buried, we find at each step, not only scattered miracles, but in every species of production, we discover a complete and well organized system."
An American vessel from New-foundland, entered the port of Bordeaux on the 6th of December; it is the first which has arrived, since the negotiations, so happily terminated between the United States and this country.
The government have demanded for the year 9, 185 millions less than what was required for the year 8. Such facts afford (says the Journal des Debates,) the most undeniable proofs of the principles of order and economy, which preside in the administration of finance.
CITY OF WASHINGTON. Commissioners Office, 5th March, 1801. BY virtue of an act of Assembly of the state of Maryland, entitled "a further supplement to the act concerning the Territory of Columbia and City of Washington" the commissioners will expose to sale on Tuesday the 12th day of May next, at Mr. Rhodes's Tavern, in the said city, the following lots, to wit, Lot No. 2 in square No. 47; lots no 4 5 15 16 20 and 21 in sq no 184; lots no 3 6 15 16 20 in sq no 198; lots no 3 4 14 15 in sq no 218; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in sq no 249; lot no 10 in sq no 286; lots no 3 5 6 7 9 10 12 13 14 in sq no 317; lot no 10 in sq no 319; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 343; lots no 3 4 5 6 in sq no 344; lots no 10 11 12 in sq no 345; lots no 1 2 3 4 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq 374; lots no 1 4 5 8 9 12 in sq no 403; lots no 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 404; lots no 2 3 4 6 7 9 in sq no 405; lots no 2 3 6 7 10 11 in sq no 427; lots no 2 3 4 5 6 in sq no 428; lots no 1 2 3 4 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 454; lots no 5 6 7 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 455; lots no 7 8 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 in sq no 534; lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 in sq no 535; lot no 20 in sq no 585; lot no 15 in sq no 587; lot no 2 in sq no 643; lot no 2 in sq south of sq no 825; lots no 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 826; lot no 2 in sq 10 997; lots no 3 and 4 in sq south of 1019; lots no 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in sq no 1020; lot no 2 in sq no 1021; lot no 1 in sq no 1022; lots no 1 2 3 11 12 13 14 in sq no 1023; lots no 5 and 6 in sq no 1024; lots no 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 and 11 in sq no 1045; lots no 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 in sq no 1046; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq no 1047; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 24 in sq no 1048; lots no 1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 in sq no 164; lot no 9 in sq no 792; lots no 11 12 14 15 16 in sq no 799; lots no 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 847; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 849; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 in sq no 877; lots no 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in sq no 878; lots no 25 26 27 28 29 30 in sq no 1048; lots no 1 and 3 in sq no 1065; lots no 1 5 6 in sq north east of sq no 1065; lot no 1 in sq no 1066; lots no 1 and 3 in sq no 1111; lots no 2 3 7 8 9 10 12 13 in sq no 1158; lots no 3 4 5 6 7 in sq no 161; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 in sq no 247; lots no 1 2 3 4 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 in sq no 568; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in sq no 569; lots no 2 4 6 in sq no 570; lot no 2 in sq no 572; lots no 2 and 3 in sq no 577; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 in sq no 581; lots no 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 584; lots no 5 6 7 8 9 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 in sq no 640; lots no 2 3 4 5 15 16 17 18 20 21 22 in sq no 642; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 in sq south of sq no 643; lots no 2 3 4 6 in sq no 644; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 in sq 645; lots no 1 2 and 17 in sq no 1000; lots no 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 24 25 26 34 35 36 in sq no 1043; lots no 2 3 4 14 15 16 17 18 in sq no 1066; lots no 10 11 13 14 in sq no 1067; lots no 1 2 3 4 11 12 13 in sq no 1078; lots no 1 and 2 in sq south of sq no 1091; lots no 1 2 9 10 11 12 in sq no 1092; lots no 1 2 3 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in sq no 1105; lots no 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 in sq no 1116; lot no 9 in sq no 1117; lots no 5 6 7 8 in sq no 1123; lots no 5 6 7 8 in sq no 113; lot no 3 in sq no 1140 and lot no 4 in sq no 1149.
The terms of sale are sixty, ninety and one hundred and twenty days for all sums under 1000 dollars, and nine months credit for all sums amounting to one thousand dollars or upwards. It is expected purchases may be made to greater advantage at the ensuing sale than heretofore; because, at former sales a competition took place among persons who held liens on the property sold.
The commissioners have also at their disposal upwards of 4000 lots which have never been sold.
The public sale to commence at Ten o'clock, in the forenoon, and to continue on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays in each week, till all are sold. The purchasers will be required to give notes, endorsed to the satisfaction of the commissioners, and negotiable at any of the banks in Baltimore, George Town or Alexandria. Should any purchaser fail, at the expiration of the week in which such sale is made to pass his note with an approved endorser or endorsers, the sale will be declared void.
and the lot or lots re-sold without further notice—and such purchaser shall be excluded as a bidder during the sale. Wm. THORNTON, } Commissioners. ALEXR. WHITE. }
FOR SALE, OR RENT. TWO Brick dwelling houses, situated on the Pennsylvania-avenue near the President's house; one containing two handsome parlours and passage on the first floor, four lodging rooms, including garret, all private, kitchen and cellar; the whole will be completely finished in a few days; the yard's front paved and set with trees; the walks to the street paved or gravelled, which will render the same as comfortable a situation as any in this City for a private family, and will be sold for less than any gentleman can have the same built for. A family of negroes will be taken in part payment, or Lots will be exchanged for Slaves. For particulars enquire on the Premises of OWEN ROBERTS. March 11, 1801. tf
Robert Greenhow. Merchant in Williamsburg, Virginia. BEING desirous to withdraw in a great measure from the further pursuit of business, offers for sale the whole of his well known General and Valuable Assortment of Merchandise amounting probable at their prime cost, to Right or Ten thousand pounds sterling, of which an idea may be formed by referring to a printed list deposited in this office.—Not wishing to divide the Stock application by letters post paid will be by him received as to the purchase of the whole of it Feb. 2, 1801. tAp
JOHN BARNES, FROM PHILADELPHIA. Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz. Imperial, Large Hyson, Young Hyson, Hysonkin, Souchong and Bohea. SPICES. Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves. Four bags fresh Almonds. LIQUORS. Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port, Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spirits, and Holland Gin. COFFEE. Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings. He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONERY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes. English and American playing cards, Palleboard per gross, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 7-8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece. Nov. 14th, 1800. Iwtf
THE SUBSCRIBER, Will Sell or Exchange
FOR approved lands near the Blue Ridge, a valuable tract of land in Northumberland County, two miles from the Court House and near the bank of the Potomac, containing 1163 acres. This tract is divided into two plantations, on the one there is a brick dwelling house 50 by 33 feet conveniently divided, and two brick offices, 24 by 16 feet. A Framed house 20 by 16 feet designed for an Overseer, and other out houses. The conveniencies of this place are equalled by few, and the prospect excelled by none in the state.—The house is situated on a high hill and commands an extensive view of the Potomac, and the Chesapeake Bay. There is a Creek abounding with the finest Fish and Oysters, which terminates the flat land of this tract, that is navigable for bay craft, and affords an excellent landing place within half a mile of the house. On this part of the tract there is an excellent caring Apple and Peach orchard, and a variety of other fruit trees. It has a great sufficiency of Oak and Hickory timber, for the use of the plantation, besides a large quantity of pine. On the other plantation there is a framed dwelling house 32 by 16 feet, and a few out houses, such as tenants generally have about them. This part of the tract is as well situated for farming as any lands in Virginia. It is well watered, has a sufficiency of timber for its support, and flourishing young peach and apple orchards. As it is presumable that no person will make such a purchase without viewing the premises, all that is necessary to add is that Mr. Spencer Ball living thereon will shew the whole, and is fully authorised to make sale thereof. JAMES V. BALL. N. B. Any person purchasing may be supplied with stock of all kinds necessary and sufficient for each plantation. January 28, 1801. IwtA
LOTS FOR SALE, In the City of WASHINGTON. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard. WILLIAM PROUT. City of Washington. December 12, 1800. tf N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
Conrad & M c Munn HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800. tf
Nail Manufactory, ALL kinds of Cut Nails for Sale by Wholesale and Retail at the Factory on F Street, and at the Hardware Store of the Subscriber, where persons building and all others wishing to purchase may be supplied with any quantity at the most reasonable rates. JOHN JACK. Washington Feb. 4, 1801. tf
NAILS. ALL kinds of Hammered and Cut Nails, and Brads, Sold at my store in this place, between the President's house and the Six buildings, at the following prices for Cash only. Hammered Nails and Brads. By cwt or 1.2 cwt by retail under 16. 20dy Nails 12 1-2 d. per lb 13 1-2 d per lb. 12dy do. 13 13 3-4 10 do 13 3-4 14 1-2 8 do 15 15 1-2 Deck and Spike Nails, 11 1-2 Cut Nails and Brads. 20dy Nails 9 1-2 10 1-2 10 do 10 11 8 do 11 12 6 do 12 13 4 do 13 1-2 14 3 do 14 1-2 15 SAMUEL M c INTIRE. Washington, Feb. 6, 1801. tf
The Subscriber RESPECTFULLY informs the Public, that R intends to practice the LAW in the Courts of Alexandria and Washington Counties in the District of Columbia; and in the Supreme Court of the United States.—The Public may rely on his attention to any business confided to his care. At his Office, conveyances of every kind prepared with accuracy, secrecy and dispatch. Business transferred in any of the Public Offices for Persons resident at a distance on moderate terms. Letters post paid will be attended to— By the Publics Obedient Servant, ROBERT W. PEACOCK. City of Washington, New-Jersey Avenue, near the } March 2, 1801. Capitol. tf A few Gentlemen may be accommodated with Boarding and Lodging. R. W. P.
FOR SALE, A Valuable Tract of LAND,
LYING in part on the main Richmond road, a mile from the Rappahannock River, four Miles below Fredericksburg, (in a healthy and most agreeable neighbourhood,) containing about five hundred and thirty three ACRES well watered, upon the said Tract there are about two hundred and fifty acres of Wood Land, the greater part of which is equal if not superior in quality to any high lands, yet uncleared in S. otsylvania. here are upon it a dwelling-house, necessary out houses, a very large barn, and a most valuable Mill seat, with a mill-house already built, capable of Manufacturing Twenty thousand bushels of wheat annually, after being put in perfect repair. There is also upon it about sixty Acres of first rate meadow land, part of which is already reclaimed and has produced very heavy crops of Timothy Hay. The above Land is bounded by the lands of Gen. A. Spotwood, Messrs. Wm. Herndon, Mann, Page, Francis Taliaferro, and the Tract the subscriber at present lives on. Any further description I deem unnecessary as those who may be disposed to purchase will of course view the land. Upon said tract there are about one hundred and thirty Bushels of Wheat sown, the greater part of which look well and promising.
The said tract of land will be sold by the subscriber at private or public sale, three fourths of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale, and the balance in twelve months, bearing interest from the date, the purchaser giving bond with approved security. If not sold by private sale, by the first Monday in May next, it will then be sold on the premises on that day if fair, if not the next day to the highest bidder. The land in the mean time will be shewn to any person who may wish to purchase by Messrs Francis Taliaferro, James Tutt, Wm. Darnaby and the subscriber. LAURENCE BROOKE. March 18, 1801. tM
To LETT. THE HOUSE opposite the GREAT HOTEL, now occupied by Kid, Elliot & Co.—For terms apply at said House. March 23, 1801. tw6w