Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-12-21 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 68, of Vol. III.]
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 21, 1791.
[Whole No. 276.]
FROM THE SALEM GAZETTE.
REFLECTIONS ON THE PRESENT SITUATION OF THE DISTILLERIES OF THE UNITED STATES, HERETOFORE EMPLOYED ON FOREIGN MATERIALS.
IT has been a subject of frequent apprehension, to attentive observers on the internal industry of our country, that the Distilleries would one day be deprived of their necessary supply of foreign materials; the obvious possibility of various events suggested these fears. A contingency, as unhappy as it was unexpected, has at length happened, which menaces a long interruption, perhaps a total privation, of that large part of those supplies which has been drawn from Hispaniola; and the late disorders in Martinico have conspired to heighten the evil.
In consequence of these events, the ordinary operation of above one hundred Distilleries will be suspended, and the subsistence of those numerous families that are dependent on them may for a time be cut off. The ravages already committed in the West-Indies must occasion a defalcation of produce, which will require several years of industry to restore, after tranquillity shall be established. To supply our demand for the raw material from any other source, is impracticable; and if it were possible to procure from the islands of other nations distilled spirits equal to our consumption, yet the importation would be excessively expensive, as well as impolitic. Little more than eight millions of gallons are annually made in those islands; and the demand for the expected Spanish war advanced the price of rum in Jamaica 50 per cent.—What then would be the effect of a new and certain demand for several millions of gallons?
But if it were practicable to procure the distilled spirits from abroad upon moderate terms, what would be the fate of the American Distillers, their workmen and dependents?—Would not their capitals become unproductive, and their distilleries sink into ruin?—It is to be feared, too, that the navigation interest connected with this branch of industry, will feel a share of these unfortunate events.
To avoid evils so great and extensive, must be the wish and endeavor of every good citizen: if, however, they cannot be altogether avoided, prudence perhaps may mitigate them:—it is thought that a mitigation of them may be found in the application of our Distillers to the manufacture of Grain Spirits.
The harvests of Europe are said to have been abundant; those of the United States are known to be so; and a reduction of the prices of grain seems to be a necessary consequence: the present time, therefore, is the proper one to commence this business.—The transportation of grain coastwise to the Distilleries, and of the distilled spirits to the consumers, on all the navigable waters of the United States, will give employment to those vessels which may necessarily relinquish the French West-India trade.
It will not escape the observation of those who meditate the establishment of Breweries, that the present is a favorable moment for proceeding in that most beneficial branch. It is well known that brewing, and the distillation of spirits from grain, are two very profitable manufactures in Great-Britain; altho' the Brewers and Distillers there pay 50 per cent higher for grain, than the ordinary price of the same article in this country. Holland also brews extensively, and in distillation from grain exceeds Great-Britain; yet she imports more grain than she manufactures, and more fuel than her Breweries and Distilleries consume.
The difference of eleven cents per gallon (about 40 per cent. on the value of the article) in favor of spirits distilled from native materials, when compared with imported spirits, gives an advantage to the home manufacture, which will be duly estimated by every judicious calculator:—there can be no doubt that this advantage will be always preferred, and probably increased, by the laws of the United States.*
The strongest inducement to reasonable men, for the employment of their capital and talents in any undertaking, is the hope of permanent profit founded on fair calculation: this calculation the distillers are best able to make—to them, therefore, the ideas herein suggested are submitted, with due respect, by Salem, Nov. 19, 1791. A CITIZEN.
* Among other inducements the National Government would have to adopt this policy, it is demonstrable, that the encouragement to the culture of grain that would be derived from the use of it in distillation would prove the most effectual security against a scarcity of bread.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ON POLITICAL CANDOR.
CANDOR is an amiable virtue—it exists in very well ordered minds only. It means condescension to the opinions of others; it implies that we make proper allowances for the motives, and give due weight to the reasons of those on whom we pass our judgment. This virtue has been strangely confounded with sincerity—so that when we say a man wants candor, he gets angry, and understands by it that he is called a liar. Whereas the saying of him that he is uncandid, implies that he does not allow their just weight to the reasons and motives which govern another. This fault he may commit in the sincerity of his heart, and indeed in every controversy each is in a degree obliged to fix this charge upon the other.
Of all discussions, those which concern politics are the most difficult to manage without offending against candor, and yet they are the very cases in which it is most amiable and useful to practise it. Men love their own opinions—they sincerely believe them to be true, and that the error of their opponents will be very pernicious. Every spark of their love for the truth, for the good of other men, and of self love, concentrates in the controversy, till their zeal flames out, sometimes in anger, sometimes in enthusiasm—Accordingly we
find men more zealous about the affairs of the public than their own. You will find a man cool and condescending in affairs that concern himself, He is ready to make sacrifices, and is forward to make them, to convince you that he is capable of acting a manly part. Put that man into public life, you will see him stubborn. He not only contends for interests that exist, but he will not give up the possible chance of advantage. He works the finest thread of his fancy into the strongest stuffs. His theories, which no other man would father, become truths and duties.
Why then should men in public life judge of one another by their opinions?—'Tis a standard which would keep them ever at variance. Private worth and good sense are the proper objects of mutual esteem. After every debate, the zealous partizans on both sides, as soon as they have had time to cool, will find that they have rated their own opinions too high, and those of their adversaries too low. As soon as they begin to grow warm, they should therefore begin to make such allowances as they would wish to have made for themselves.
PARIS, October 7.
THIS day the king came to the assembly, and, with as much cheerfulness as ever, delivered a SPEECH, so well calculated to restore harmony, that it made a most lively impression on their hearts. The acclamations were as loud and frequent as before, and the king was equally gratified by his reception. It was in every point the same as on the 30th of September. The following are close translations of the speeches of the king and the president.
THE KING'S SPEECH.
"GENTLEMEN, "ASSEMBLED by virtue of the constitution to exercise the powers which it delegates to you, you will undoubtedly consider as among your first duties, to facilitate the operations of government; to confirm public credit; to add, if possible, to the security of the engagements of the nation; to shew that liberty and peace are compatible; and finally, to attach the people to their laws, by convincing them those laws are for their good.
"Your experience of the effects of the new order of things, in the several departments from which you come, will enable you to judge of what may be yet wanting to bring it to perfection, and make it easy for you to devise the most proper means of giving the necessary force and activity to the administration.
"For my own part, called by the constitution to examine, as first representative of the people, and for their interest, the laws presented for my sanction, and charged with causing them to be executed, it is my duty to propose to you such objects as I think ought to be taken into consideration in the course of your session.
"You will see the propriety of fixing your immediate attention on the finances, and you will see the importance of establishing an equilibrium between the receipt and expenditure, of accelerating the assessment and collection of taxes, of introducing an invariable order into all parts of this vast administration, and thus providing at once for the support of the state, and the relief of the people.
"The civil laws will also demand your care, which you will have to render conformable to the principles of the constitution. You will also have to simplify the mode of proceeding in courts of law, and render the attainment of justice more easy and more prompt.
"You will perceive the necessity of establishing a system of national education, and of giving a solid basis to public credit. You will encourage commerce and industry, the progress of which has so great an influence on agriculture and the wealth of the kingdom; and you will endeavor to make permanent dispositions for affording work and relief to the indigent.
"I shall make known my firm desire for the re-establishment of order and discipline in the army: and I shall neglect no means that may contribute to restore confidence among all who compose it, and to put it into a condition to secure the defence of the realm. If the laws in this respect are insufficient, I shall make known to you the measures that seem to me to be proper, and you will decide upon them.
"I shall in the same manner communicate my sentiments respecting the navy, that important
part of the public force, destined to protect trade and the colonies.
"We shall not, I hope, be troubled with any attack from abroad. I have taken, from the moment I accepted the constitution, and I shall continue to take, the steps that appear to me the most proper to fix the opinion of foreign powers in our favor, and to maintain with them the good intelligence and harmony that ought to secure to us the continuance of peace, I expect the best effects from them; but this expectation does not prevent me from pursuing, with activity, those measures of precaution which prudence ought to dictate.
[Loud plaudits of Vive le Roi!]
"Gentlemen, in order that your important labours and your zeal may produce the effects expected from them, it is necessary that constant harmony and unalterable confidence should reign between the legislative body and the king. [renewed applause and acclamations.] The enemies of our repose are but too studious to disunite us; the love of our country must therefore rally us, and the public interest render us inseparable. [warm applauses] Thus the public force will be exerted without obstruction, the administration will not be harassed by vain alarms, the property and the religion of every man will be equally protected, and no pretext will be left for any person to live at a distance from a country where the laws are in vigor, and men's rights respected.
"It is on this great basis of order that the stability of the Constitution, the success of your labors, the safety of the empire, the source of all kinds of prosperity must depend. It is to this, gentlemen, that we all ought to turn our thoughts in this moment, with the utmost possible vigor; and this is the object that I recommend the most particularly to your zeal, and to your patriotism."
[The most lively testimonies of applause were given to the king on this conclusion.]
M. President spoke as follows:
"SIRE, "Your presence in the midst of us is a new engagement, which you take towards the country. It is right that you should forget the confounded powers—A Constitution is established, and with it the liberty of Frenchmen. You ought to cherish it as a citizen—as a King you ought to maintain and defend it. Instead of violating, it ascertains your power—it has given as your friends, all those who formerly called themselves only your subjects [here a burst of applause]—You have reason to be beloved by Frenchmen—You said so, Sire, some days ago in this temple of the country, and we also have reason to love you [the plaudits were repeated.] The Constitution has made you the first Monarch in the world. Your love for it places your Majesty in the rank of the most favored Kings, and the welfare of the people will make you the most happy. May our mutual union make us speedily feel its happy influence—purify legislation, re-confirm public credit, overthrow anarchy. Such is our duty—such are our wishes—such are yours, Sire. Such are our hopes, and the benedictions of Frenchmen will be our reward."
The king went out in the same manner that he entered, amidst the most vehement acclamations of Vive le Roi, and he was accompanied by the same deputation.
On the motion of M. le Croix, the speeches of the king and the president were ordered to be printed.
OCTOBER 19.
The Municipality of Paris have come to a resolution to testify their gratitude to M. la Fayette for the services rendered by him to the Capital and the Empire at large:
1st. By striking a Medal in honor of this brave Citizen Soldier, the emblems, &c. of which are to be furnished by the Academy of Inscriptions. 2dly. By presenting him with the statue of his friend General Washington, executed by M. Houdon; and 3dly. By ordering this decree to be engraved on the pedestal of the Bust of M. la Fayette, presented two years since by the States of America to the City of Paris.
GENOA, September 5.
On the third instant the noble Michael Angelo Cambiaro, was elected doge of this republic, with the usual formalities.

BERLIN, October 4.
On Saturday last the marriage of her Royal Highness Princess Wilhelmina of Prussia with his Serene Highness the Hereditary Prince of Orange, was solemnized with the same state as that of His Royal Highness the Duke of York with the Princess Frederica of Prussia.
The Duke of York, with his consort the Princess Frederica, is making preparations for his departure on the 8th current, for England, and will take Brunswick and Hanover in his way.
M. de Moustier, the Minister of France at Berlin, arrived at Paris on the evening of the 15th ult. He does not appear solicitous to succeed M. de Montmorin; it is, however, thought that he will be persuaded to accept the department for Foreign Affairs.
LONDON, October 18.
Baron Trenck is again at liberty; but he has been obliged to sign a new promise to live quietly, to behave loyally, and not to travel without assigning a reason, nor without having obtained permission for that purpose.
The East-India company are going to build three more stacks of warehouses.
Advices from the Continent mention, that a General Congress is proposed to be holden at Aix-la-Chapelle, to discuss the present situation of France.
M. de Verac, formerly Ambassador from France at Soleure, has resigned his office. The King has not yet appointed any person to succeed him.
We are likewise assured, that M. de Tallyrand, Ambassador from France at Naples, has also resigned.
If Louis the Sixteenth should not now make the best of Kings, the fault must be his own, as the discipline he has experienced in his person and family, with the thorough reformation in Church and State, must have, in a great measure, effaced those prejudices with which every royal mind is but too well furnished, till instructed by the precepts of the law, and the firmness of the people. The methods of governing a spirited, populous, and extensive empire, are so plainly laid out, that it is next to impossible that either the King or his Ministers can mistake the road. There are also spiritual advantages secured to Monarch; for by being deprived of his own will in all public acts, he must necessarily avoid those crimes which a deviation from the rules of known justice are perpetually accumulating on the exercise of arbitrary power. The maxim, "that the King can do no wrong," is a reality in France—He whose wings are clipped cannot fly over the constitution.
OCTOBER 25.
The States General have ordered their ambassador to congratulate the French King on his acceptance of the constitution.
The Count d'Artois and the other illustrious French refugees, are amply provided for by certain foreign powers: even from Paris, sums of money are said to be remitted to them.
In the new legislature of France the business is to be transacted, as in the last, by committees. This was determined on Sunday last.
It is a curious fact related by travellers, that the plague is seldom equally destructive to the various nations who reside in the city of Constantinople. Of the Turks, Jews, Armenians and Greeks, who form the principal inhabitants, the carnage is chiefly confined to the first description of people, while few in comparison, of the others, fall victims to its fury.
It may appear extraordinary, that the burial ground around Constantinople extends now in every direction 14 miles. So great for some years have been the ravages committed on the human species.
M. Bailly finding his health affected, and perceiving that he can no longer dedicate his time to the sciences, has expressed a wish to resign his situation as Mayor of Paris; but at the pressing and reiterated instances of the municipality, he has been prevailed upon to withdraw his resignation for the present; he has, however, stipulated that he shall retire in November.
PORTSMOUTH, (N.H.) Nov. 23.
Subscriptions are now handing about this town for erecting a THEATRE, and entertaining the inhabitants with theatric exhibitions during the winter season. We hear the subscription fills fast.
WORCESTER, December 8.
We hear from Rockingham, in the state of Vermont, that Colonel Enoch Hale of that town, who planned and executed the building of a bridge over Connecticut River, at Bellows's falls, has planned and began the work of cutting a canal for the purpose of building mills, and for the building of locks, to carry boats by said falls, which would save much expence to those persons that carry loading up and down said river. If this work should prove successful, it is to be wished that some enterprising person might undertake, and carry into effect, the building of locks at the other falls below.
CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1791.
Debate on the amendments proposed by the Senate to the Representation Bill.
THE first amendment was to encrease the ratio to 33 thousand—which being read,
Mr. Gerry observed that the bill had passed both the committee of the whole, and the house, by a large majority. The principle, as he was informed, on which the amendment had taken place in the Senate, was to reduce the fractions which would result from the ratio proposed by the house—but he said this difficulty had been fully considered in the house. The representation, every body knows, is now unequal—and it must be submitted to, for two years longer—and now it is proposed, at that period, to deprive the people of that representation to which they are entitled by the Constitution!
He thought that it was extraordinary that after the ratio proposed in the bill had been agreed to by the house, by so large a majority, a proposition to alter it should have been agitated and carried in the Senate. Till some better reason than he had heard assigned should be offered, he should be against concurring with the Senate—he moved therefore that the house disagree to the amendment of the Senate.—The motion was seconded by Mr. White.
Mr. Livermore was in favor of agreeing to the amendment—he enlarged on the inequality in the representation from the great fractional numbers which would result from the ratio of 30,000. He was fully of opinion that the public business could be full as well transacted by 105 members, the number which would be produced by a ratio of 33,000, as by 112 or 113, the number arising from the ratio of 30,000.
Mr. Benson said there was one idea which, if it had been considered in time, might have been adopted, and would perhaps have given very general satisfaction, and that is, that the representatives of the United States shall amount to a certain number, according to the whole number of the people, say one to 30,000—this would have given a surplus number which might have been assigned to those states that have the largest fractional numbers. He had formerly, he said, voted for 30,000, but as the principle of equality was more particularly attended to in the amendment, he should now vote for the ratio proposed by the Senate. He observed, some states are stationary, the encreased representation of the larger states, when once established, never will be receded from—this ought to be taken into serious consideration.
Mr. Madison observed, that the idea of diminishing the fractional parts appears to be the only reason for the alteration proposed by the Senate. The aggregate of these fractions only has been taken into consideration; but, said he, if the fractions of any particular states will be augmented by the amendment, which would be the case, he conceived that the argument amounted to no good reason for agreeing to it—and this, he said, would evidently be the fact.
Mr. Williamson was opposed to a concurrence—he observed, in general, that the operation of the amendment was to diminish the fractions to the Eastward, and encrease those to the Southward. The southern states, he said, had suffered so much under the harrow of speculation, that he hoped no measures would be adopted to lessen the means of informations to the people of those states, by denying them that proportion in the representation to which they are entitled—He regretted that some of the southern states were not fully represented at this time in the Senate—he tho't it probable that a different decision in that case would have taken place.
Mr. White observed that the amendment would operate generally against the larger states.
Mr. Sedgwick differed from those opposed to the amendment; in his statements respecting the fractional parts to be produced by 33,000—he said they were fewer on the whole than would result from any other number between 30 and 40 thousand, and those numbers both included; and this, said he, figures would demonstrate. Hence he deduced a greater degree of equality, and relative justice between the several parts of the Union. He disclaimed all local motives, and suggested the propriety of gentlemen forbearing any imputations of that kind, as totally alien from the subject.
Mr. Boudinot defended the amendment, and observed that the Senate were in the legal exer-
cise of their office when they passed it, and had most undoubtedly a right so to do.
He read several calculations to shew that the aggregate of the fractions would be reduced upwards of 90 thousand, by a ratio of 33 thousand, and that the fractions in every state, except one, would be diminished also by it—He adverted to the circumstance of the southern states deriving so great an advantage from the representatives they are entitled to by reason of their possessing slaves; and though he would not do any thing which would interfere with the Constitution on that point, he said every dictate of justice and equality was opposed to giving an unnecessary and undue advantage to the southern states in this matter.
Mr. Findley said he had expected to hear something new on the subject, to induce an alteration in the opinion of the house, but had heard nothing. Fractions, said he, were fully considered before, both in the house and in the committee. This he considered as one of the lesser matters pertaining to the subject. He said the best way would have been to have settled the ratio without knowing the numbers of the people in the several states—tho' that could not be done, as the numbers are known, yet he said he had made it the rule of his conduct in voting. The principle being established, there will be no room for combinations, nor any ground for complaints and reproaches respecting either southern or northern interests. He was for adhering to the principle as that contemplated in the Constitution—and this he conceived the house had done—and he hoped they would not depart from it; and as to fractions, in competition with that principle, he considered them of very little consequence.—He did not deny but a smaller number of representatives would be competent to doing the public business; but dispatch of public business, and a republican representation of the people, he conceived were distinct things—he therefore should have been in favor of a larger representation.
He controverted the right of the Senate to decide for the house in regard to this question—it was not, he said, a question of right and privilege—it appertains principally to the representative body.
He then considered the question as it respected the Senate—and he thought that a large representation was necessary as a barrier to the influence of that body—nor do I, said he, think this as an unreasonable jealousy, when the constitution of human nature is considered. The constitution of the United States is express on the subject, and now is the time when the people ought to enjoy the advantages of the representation of one to thirty thousand.
Another consideration to induce a large representation, he deduced from the accumulation of money capitals in the United States, which, said he, have been encreased beyond all parallel—the influence of these capitals will find its way into the house. He hoped no alteration would be made in the determination of the majority of the members.
Mr. Goodhue said, the difference between the result of the two ratios was so small, that he did not conceive it would constitute a sufficient reason for disagreeing to the amendment; he stated that the difference between the Southern and Northern states, on the ratio of 30,000, was beyond all reason in favor of the Southern states; whereas the difference on that of 33,000 was very small indeed, in favor of the Northern states—which evidently demonstrated that the principle of equality was involved in agreeing to the amendment of the Senate.
Mr. Hillhouse stated various particulars to shew the inequality of the representation by 30,000, particularly as it respects the smaller states—He said he rejoiced that the Senate had given their opinion on the subject, they had a right to do it—they are the representatives of the people, and on this question are probably more impartial judges than this House.
Mr. Gerry still supported his motion for a disagreement—he stated a case to shew that in the ordinary course of population, a state at the next enumeration, which now contains 330,000, will then have a much larger fraction, by a ratio of 33,000, than any now contemplated.
He supposed the Senate had a different interest in this business from that of the House—The larger states not being represented in the Senate, and the representation of those states which are stationary, or nearly so, being full—is the reason of this proposed amendment.
Mr. Ames observed, that he thought the only question was to consider whether the bill, as sent from this House, was a proper one—for as to a smaller or larger representation, he considered all debate on that precluded, as the only difference was between 105 and 113.
He then entered into a consideration of the bill as it respects equality—he asserted that the bill was not only improper as unequal, but was also unconstitutional—To shew the inequality of the bill, he observed that Virginia, with 630,000 inhabitants, would have as many members as six of the smaller states, whose aggregate numbers

NOES.
exceeded those of Virginia upwards of 70,000—This inequality, he said, amounted to a direct violation of the Constitution, which expressly declares that representation and taxation shall be according to numbers—He amplified this idea by shewing how it would operate, if strictly adhered to in the assessment of taxes.
Mr. Williamson still contended, that the deduction from the bill was two members from the Eastern and four from the Southern states, which plainly shewed that the amendment was in favor of the Eastern states—and added, that if the Southern states had been represented in the Senate, the bill would not have been sent back.
Mr. Niles suggested an amendment to the amendment of the Senate, which was to strike out one after the word Delaware, and to insert two—This, he observed, he was influenced to move, from the consideration of the manifest inequality of the representation of that state, compared with that of other states, particularly Virginia—He had no doubt, from the justice of the House, that if the amendment he proposed was not directly contrary to the Constitution, it would be agreed to.—He then adverted to the Constitution, and read the passage respecting representation and taxation, which are to be apportioned according to numbers—He observed that there were evidently wanting to compleat the sentence, these words, as nearly as may be,—with this explanation added, he went on to shew that the principle of equality would be more strictly adhered to, by admitting his amendment, than by rejecting it—for if Delaware contains 58,000 inhabitants, 28,000 were certainly nearer to 33,000, than 33,000 were to 58,000. He recited other passages of the Constitution, to shew that his idea was compatible with it.
Mr. Benson again suggested his proposition, of apportioning the representation according to the whole population—He was in favor of a large representation. The principle advanced by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Findley) he said was undoubtedly just, that a large representation was necessary in a free government, for information and security—this principle is not to be disputed.—And with respect to the danger from corruption, he said, undoubtedly patronage and influence would creep in—but he conceived that danger of a more serious nature was to be apprehended from another quarter—gentlemen had mentioned the funding system—in questions of that kind, where one part of the Union tho' themselves the only sufferers—the liberties of this country would be but a secondary consideration.—For in a republican government, the majority must rule, and the minority must submit—except they are oppressed, and then they have an undoubted right to resist.
Mr. Giles defended the bill—he observed that the apparent inequality in the representation of the smaller states, was rendered equal by their representation in the Senate—He enlarged on the idea of adhering to the amendment proposed to the Constitution. The inequality spoken of, he said, was in fact in favor of the smaller states—He adverted to the restive spirit in some of the states—Some of the measures of Congress, he said, were so disliked, that the people in those states wished themselves separated from the government. The people of the state from which he came, were so impressed with the idea of the ratio being settled agreeable to the bill, that he really feared the discontents of the people there would be increased to an alarming degree, should the amendment of the Senate be agreed to.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 19.
The petition of Richard Lloyd, late agent to Gen. Hazen's regiment, was presented by Mr. Boudinot—also the petition of John Purdy;—the former was referred to a select committee, consisting of Messrs. Boudinot, Williamson and Seney—the latter, with several others from invalids, were read, and referred to the Secretary of War.
A message from the Senate, by Mr. Otis their Secretary, informed the house that they have passed the bill making appropriations for the support of Government for the year 1792, with amendments.
The house took into consideration the message from the Senate of Friday last, in which they informed the house, that they insist on their amendment to the appropriation bill.
Mr. Benson moved that the house should recede from their disagreement to said amendment—this motion was seconded by Mr. Sedgwick, and occasioned a debate which continued till the time of adjournment. The yeas and nays being called for, the motion was negatived as follows:
AYES.
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne; Clark, Dayton Fitzsimons, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Gregg, Hartley, Hillhouse, Jacobs, Kittera, Learned, Livermore, Niles, Sedgwick, J. Smith, I. Smith, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatcher, Wadsworth, Ward—27.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Barnwell, Brown, Findley, Gerry, Giles, Griffin, Groves, Huger, Key, Lawrance, Lee, Macon, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Seney, W. Smith, Steele, Sterrer, Sumpner, Treadwell, Tucker, Venable, Wayne, White, Williamson, Wyllis—33.
On the motion to adhere to the disagreement, the ayes and noes were reversed as above, excepting Mr. Steele, who was not in the house when the names were called—for adhering 32, against 27. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 20.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by his Secretary Mr. Lear, communicating a copy of a letter from the Governor of Pennsylvania, with sundry documents respecting the purchase of a tract of land by that state from the United States, bounded on Lake Erie.—These papers were read, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill to carry into execution the contract on the part of the United States—Messrs. Madison, Benon, and Sedgwick were appointed the committee.
Several petitions were read, praying for pensions, compensations, &c. and referred to the Secretary of War.
Two petitions from Gen. Moses Hazen, praying copies of sundry papers, were read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A petition was read from the commissioner of loans in the State of Rhode-Island, praying compensation for extra expences in the discharge of the duties of his office; referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The amendments of the Senate to the appropriation bill were taken into consideration; the two first amendments were to add two thousand dollars to the sums appropriated in the first section; the third amendment provides for the discharge of incidental expences incurred by the doorkeepers in the recess of Congress: these amendments were agreed to—the last amendment was a proviso, that the sum of money appropriated for the payment of Oliver Pollock, should not be paid without the consent of the agents of the Court of Spain.
This amendment after considerable debate was agreed to by a large majority.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary, informing the House that they adhere to their first amendment to the representation bill; by this adherence the bill is lost.
In committee of the whole on the Post-Office bill. The motion for striking out the franking section under consideration. This motion after considerable debate was negatived, 25 to 21.
The committee rose and reported progress, and the House adjourned.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AT THE FIRST SESSION, Begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
AN ACT for the relief of DAVID COOK and THOMAS CAMPBELL.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That David Cook, a Captain of artillery in the late war, and who, being shot through the body at the battle of Monmouth, is rendered incapable to obtain his livelihood by labor, shall be placed on the pension-list of the United States, and shall be entitled to one third of his pay, as a Captain of artillery: Provided, That he return into the Treasury-Office, a sum equivalent to two thirds of his commutation of half pay, being the proportion of his pension to the amount of his commutation.
And be it further enacted, That Thomas Campbell be placed on the pension-list, and that the half pay of a Captain of infantry be allowed to the said Thomas Campbell, who has been so injured by repeated wounds in the service of his country, that he is unable to support himself by labor: Provided, That he return into the Treasury-Office a sum equivalent to the whole of his commutation of half pay.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, DECEMBER SIXTEENTH, 1791.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
Philadelphia, December 21.
There is the highest probability that the reports relating to the capture of Fort-Jefferson are unfounded.
It is most probable that General Scott, with the Kentucky militia, may repair to the said post, and bring off the wounded left there; and as it appears too far advanced to be supported, the garrison may probably be withdrawn.
The public may be assured, there are some grounds whereon to estimate the enemy who encountered General St. Clair's army, at about three thousand Warriors. It is said, that upwards of eleven hundred Warriors, of the Ottawas and Chippewas, who inhabit the waters of Lakes Superior, Michigan, and Huron, came to the assistance of the Miami Indians. This number, combined with the Miami Indians, the Powtewattimas, Wyandots, Delawares, and upper Wabash Indians, would fully amount to the number above mentioned.
It is said, that the Miami Indians, at the head of whom are the remnants of the Shawanese, after the destruction of their towns by General Harmar, in October, 1790, sent messages to the most distant nations of Indians, as well to the southward as to the westward, for assistance. Although it does not appear they received any assistance from the southward, as all those powerful tribes, amounting to about fifteen thousand Warriors, are at peace, and have treaties with the United States; yet, the hostile Indians were but too successful in their negotiations westward.
It is further said, that some of the nation of the Sacs would have been in the action, had not their distance prevented. This nation are very numerous, and inhabit the country upon the upper parts of the Mississippi, and mostly to the westward thereof.
It is also said, that neither the famous Mohawk Chief, Captain Joseph Brant, or any of the Six Nations, joined the Miami Indians. Capt. Brant was at Niagara the beginning of November, several hundred miles from the place of action.
Three hundred and seventy-three members form a legislative assembly for France; and on the first day of the meeting of the new legislature, there were three hundred and ninety-four present, who all swore to live free or die.
A London paper of the 29th September, says, "That three loans are now negotiating in Holland, each at five per cent—with an equal premium for Russia, Sweden, and America; and that astonishing as it may appear, the preference is given to the latter."
Five hundred members of the new national assembly of France are chosen from the class of lawyers. Colum. Centinel.
We hear that the Specie deposited in the Bank of the United States, by private persons, amounted last week to nearly one half of the Specie Capital of the Bank.
Yesterday the Bank of the United States commenced business, when, we hear, Discounts were made to a large amount.
Last Sunday evening a stable in Third-Street, near Spruce-Street, was discovered to be on fire, and in a few minutes burnt down, together with a quantity of hay.—The flames extended to the cornice of an adjoining two-story brick house, but were happily extinguished by the activity of the inhabitants, who assembled in great numbers upon the first alarm.
By letters from Lancaster, we are informed, that, on the morning of Wednesday last, a fire broke out in that place, which soon communicated to several houses, and, from the violence of the wind that prevailed at the time, seemed to threaten universal destruction, but was at length with much difficulty checked, tho' not until it had destroyed a brew house and a large stone dwelling house, together with a barn, and 500 bushels of wheat.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Kentucky, to his friend in this city.
"The news of the defeat of the troops under Gov. St. Clair by the Indians, so far from disheartening has filled every man in Kentucky with a thirst for revenge. General Scott has proceeded toward Fort-Jefferson with fifteen hundred mounted militia and rifle men. As these people are perfectly acquainted with the Indian mode of warfare, and will not be encumbered with artillery, and other similar apparatus (generally useless in expeditions of this kind) we are still in hopes of being in possession of the Maumee Towns before winter."
Extract of a letter from Cape-Francois, of the 16th of November, 1791, received by the brig Kexiah, Capt. Robert Brown.
"We have just got a letter from Port-au-Prince of the 13th instant, where they had received the news that 14 ships of the line with troops were arming in France for Hispaniola, so that we may expect them now every day, and we hope that their assistance will not come too late. The Mulattoes are very much displeased that the decree of the 15th of May is entirely rep'd."
"The Negroes go on destroying this country, and although we are successful in our attacks, we foresee it impossible to stop the rioters without assistance from France. We are tired to death of this sort of life, and many of us cannot bear the soldiers duty."
The late accounts from England exhibit a very pleasing prospect respecting the affairs of our gallic allies. The King of the French appears to enter into the spirit of the times, and administers, as supreme executive, the duties of his office with a truly patriotic disposition. The circulation of grain—the subject of emigrations—the restoration of order and submission to the laws—the preservation of discipline among the troops—and the security of the frontiers, are among the various objects that have employed his attention, and are the subjects of public addresses from the Throne. The principles of the Constitution appear to be justly appreciated by him—and in all his communications, the safety, freedom and happiness of the people, form the most prominent features.
May he long enjoy the sublime pleasure of knowing how much more glorious it is to govern a race of happy and enlightened freemen, than to be the greatest despot that ever reigned since the days of Nimrod!
SAYS A CORRESPONDENT,
One disadvantage would result from the doors of the Senate being opened—it would take away a very copious subject of declamation!—and as to punning, that would thereby receive a most mortal wound.
I wish, however, says this correspondent, the Senate would try the measure, at least for one session. It is said there are some fine speakers in that branch of the Legislature; they would be very popular—the only objection is, that they would become too much so—They would then exhibit in their proper persons—but at present they are only known by Caricatura—and fancy can draw very queer figures—
From the dark conclave, close confin'd, Hydras and gorgons haunt the mind; To clear away all fear and doubt, They ought to "let the darkness out!" Bright rays will then dart from below, As all their rapid movements show.
Whatever facilitates a general intercourse of sentiments, as good roads, domestic commerce, a free press, and particularly a circulation of newspapers throughout the entire body of the people, and Representatives going from, and returning among every part of them, is equivalent to a contraction of territorial limits, and is favorable to liberty, where these may be too extensive. Nat. Gaz.
Married, on the 5th inst. EPHRAIM OLDEN, of Trenton, to MARY COWPERTHWAIT, daughter of William Cowperthwaite, near Burlington.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 22/3 pr. £. 111 3/4 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 13/8 65 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 13/3 66 3/4 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 20/6 102 1/2 do.   Indents 12/6 62 1/2   Bank Subscriptions, 13/6 Dollars.  
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR,
A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold at the Bank of the United States, shewing the Value of Gold in Dollars and Cents, from One to a Thousand Pennyweights—according to the Act of Congress, ascertaining the Standard and Value of Gold.

AN ADDRESS TO THE CITIZENS OF WESTMORELAND, WASHINGTON, FAYETTE AND ALLEGHENY COUNTIES. ON THE REVENUE LAW.
BY JOHN NEVILLE, INSPECTOR OF THE REVENUE, SURVEY NO. 4, DISTRICT PENNSYLVANIA.
Friends and Fellow-Citizens of the Counties of Westmoreland, Washington, Fayette and Alleghany,
IT is with particular regret I perceive, that my acceptance of the office I now hold under the United States, has not the approbation of a considerable proportion of you. It is with still more regret I find that a very important law of the federal government is an object of dislike and opposition with the same persons, who disapprove the part I have taken towards its execution.
If, in so great a public concern, I permit myself to mingle any personal considerations, you will, I hope, attribute it to no other motive than my sincere anxiety to preserve your esteem. If any part of my conduct in life has afforded you proof of my being actuated by patriotism and public spirit, you will do me the justice to believe, that, in accepting the office which displeases you, I yielded to my convictions of the utility and necessity of the law, and to a sense of duty. If any part of you have ever had evidence of my regard to their particular interest and welfare that part will, I trust, believe me, when I assure them, that the same regard for their interest, that an unfeigned solicitude for their welfare, has no small share in dictating the observations which I shall submit in this address to their consideration, and which I exhort them, as they tender the good of their country, and their own particular good, to weigh with coolness and seriousness.
Fellow-Citizens,
The law you complain of is a clear exercise of a constitutional power, delegated by the people of the United States to their representatives in Congress. It is a power granted, not by implication, but by express words. The 8th section of the first article of the federal constitution says, "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises." The right, indeed, is not called in question, but objections have been made to the exercise of it. In passing the law, therefore, there was no usurpation of power, no invasion of the rights of the States or of the citizens; nothing more than the exercise of a discretion, constitutionally and clearly vested in the representatives of the UNION. Since the passing of the act no State legislature has intimated a disapprobation of it. 'Tis true that one branch of the legislature of Pennsylvania, during the readings of the bill in Congress, expressed their dislike of it; but the other branch also freely chosen by the people disagreed to the resolutions. It would not be unbecoming in us, as citizens of this State, to remember that our assembly once enacted an excise law, authorising the forcible entry of dwelling houses even in the night, and that there existed at the time of the late discussions in our legislature, an equal excise on home-made spirits, which being no higher on the strongest rum and brandy than on our grain and fruit liquors, must be confessed to have been much less favorable to agriculture than the present law.
I flatter myself, I should not be one of the first to recommend to my fellow citizens an acquiescence in any attacks upon their rights, a submission to any assumption of unconstitutional power on the part of their government, or an implicit deference to the opinion of rulers. But, when a law has been enacted by the legislature of a country, after long, repeated, and mature deliberation; when its constitutionality is not even pretended to be drawn into question, when its expediency only is disputed, it appears to me that there are some reasonable presumptions in favor of the propriety of the law, which ought to have great weight with prudent and good citizens.
It is a natural presumption for instance, that the representatives of the people of the United States must be better acquainted with what will promote the best interest and greatest convenience of the whole, than the inhabitants of any small portion of the union; and it is evident that the laws of the union ought to be accommodated to that rule, and cannot in every instance operate alike upon the wishes, and interests, real or supposed, of every part. Some laws will best suit some parts, other laws will best suit other parts of the great family; and in the course of things the advantages and disadvantages will be equalized as nearly as the imperfection of human affairs will permit; each part finding its particular happiness in the order and prosperity of the whole. This observation applies as well to the laws of a particular State, as to those of the United States. It is, generally speaking, impossible, that any law can affect all the parts of a community exactly alike; and it will be highly satisfactory, if the operation of all the laws should be so happily devised, as to draw the public revenues with equality from the whole of the people.
If, then, Congress, the members of which body come from every part of the union, are likely to be better acquainted than you are, with the interest and convenience of the whole, is it not more probable that they have judged and act uprightly, than that those among you who condemn what they have done, are right in the judgment which they pronounce upon it?
Does it not serve to confirm this probability, that no combinations like those which have been formed among you, have appeared in any other part of the United States? If the law were, upon the whole, really an oppressive and tyrannical act, would not an opposition to it before this have rebounded from every part of the continent? Are the citizens of the rest of the union less watchful of their rights, less jealous of their liberty, than you are?
I will not, however, attempt to conceal from you, that there has been a degree of dissatisfaction in some other quarters. Misconceptions have taken place elsewhere as well as among you. But I will affirm, that it is no where else wears a serious aspect; that, in proportion as the law is explained and understood, its justice and policy are admitted, that the principal part of those, upon whom it immediately operates, in the greatest part of the United States, are convinced of the necessity and propriety of the tax; at most only desiring some alterations in the details; and that the great body of the people of the United States concur in the opinion. This information I derive from unquestionable authority, and I pledge myself to you for the truth of it. It may be truly said too, that all mankind have considered distilled spirits as fit objects of taxation, for we know not of any country, which has not laid internal and import duties on them.
But general presumption and suggestions of this kind are not the only lights you have to guide you. There are well known facts and circumstances which afford you a better rule of judging. You have only to exercise your own understandings impartially, to think for yourselves firmly and coolly, and you will easily discover the path of your interest and duty.
You are well aware that a very considerable debt was contracted for the defence of the country during the late war. Official statements which have been made public, shew, that the amount of the debt, principal and interest, including the sums owing by the States individually, which have been assumed by Congress, was at the commencement of the operations of the present federal government, about seventy-six millions of dollars. Of this amount a considerable part was due to foreign nations.
To make an equitable provision for this debt, you must be sensible, could not but require a respectable revenue; all the late State impost and 200,000 dollars of taxes having been applied to our part of it, by the legislature of Pennsylvania before the establishment of the federal government. I say our part of it; but this was exclusive of the foreign debt.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
Bank of the United States.
DECEMBER 3, 1791.
NOTICE is hereby given that the Bank of the United States will be opened on Monday the 5th instant.
Transfers of the subscriptions to the stock of said Bank may then be made.
On Monday the 12th instant, deposits will be received, and on Tuesday the 20th instant, discounts may be made.
By order of the President and Directors,
JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
All Bills or Notes offered for Discount shall be delivered into the Bank on Mondays or Wednesdays, the Discount shall be settled on Tuesdays and Thursdays, and shall be made known the next succeeding days.
AT A MEETING OF THE DIRECTORS OF THE BANK OF THE UNITED STATES,
DECEMBER 5, 1791.
RESOLVED, THAT the payment of the portion of the Capital Stock of the Bank of the United States, consisting of Specie which will be due on the several Shares on the first Monday of January next, may be made at the respective Banks of Massachusetts and New-York.
Provided, That any Stockholder claiming the benefit of such payment, shall, on or before the first Monday in January next, exhibit to the Cashier of the Bank of the United States, a Certificate signed by the Cashier of the Bank into which such payment shall have been made—any thing in the regulations heretofore established to the contrary notwithstanding.
By order of the President and Directors,
JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
Bank of the United States.
PHILADELPHIA, November 22, 1791.
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the BANK OF THE UNITED STATES are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the Bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the second day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And, pursuant to the eleventh section of the Bye-Laws, the Stockholders of the said Bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Tuesday the third day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors,
JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
Second fundamental Article of Statute of Incorporation.
"Not more than three-fourths of the Directors in office, exclusive of the President, shall be eligible for the next succeeding year. But the Director who shall be President at the time of an election, may always be re-elected."
[cont]
American Lead Manufactory.
STEPHEN AUSTIN, & Co.
HAVE just now opened their LEAD-WAREHOUSE, two doors south of Walnut-street Wharf, adjoining their New Factory—where they have now made, and ready for sale, a general assortment of SHOT of all sizes, with SHEET and BAR LEAD, the production of the Mines in Virginia. As they have employed a number of experienced English workmen, they warrant it to be equal in quality to any manufactured in Europe, and at a reduced price from the cost of imported.
They also continue to manufacture all the above articles at Richmond, in Virginia. All orders addressed to either of the above Factories, will be thankfully received, and executed on the shortest notice.
N. B. Wanted, industrious, sober, Labouring Men, at the said Mines, where constant employ, good wages, and other encouragements will be given, means of conveyance being provided, and houses for their reception.
For further particulars enquire of Messrs. Moses Austin & Co. at their Factory in Richmond, or as above.
Philadelphia, December 3, 1791.
tf
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
TEAS,
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c.
Of the first quality—by retail,
No. 19,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
JOHN PINTARD, SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER, PURCHASES AND SELLS PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission, at the following rates:
ON the specie amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent.
On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent.
On remittances, ditto.
Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest.
For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer.
Such persons as may incline to favor the subscriber with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch. His long experience and extensive dealings in the public stocks, together with a well established correspondence throughout the United States, enable him to conduct his operations with peculiar benefit to his employers.
JOHN PINTARD, New-York, No. 57, King-Street.
October 15, 1791.
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
In the Press, and speedily will be published, HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS; Consisting of STATE PAPERS, and other authentic Documents, tending to elucidate the HISTORY of AMERICA, and particularly of the UNITED STATES.
By EBENEZER HAZARD, A.M.
** The price to Subscribers will be a Dollar for each Number, containing 160 large quarto pages; or Four Dollars and a Quarter for each Volume in Boards; to be paid as follows, viz. the first and second Numbers, or Volumes, to be paid for on delivery of the first; and each subsequent one (except the last) at the time of delivery.
Subscriptions will be received, in this city, by THOMAS DOBSON, and HAZARD & ADDOMS, (who will exhibit specimens of the work) and in other places by the principal Booksellers there. Philadelphia, November 5, 1791.
The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.
GEORGE MEADE
Has for SALE, at his STORES ON WALNUT-STREET WHARF,
A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old bills of exchange Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, hogshead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old.
Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hogshead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter chests of first quality Hyson TEA.
He has just received by the Pigeon, Loxley, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, Capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted; a few bales of red and white FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality.
He has also to dispose of, a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will, through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HAND SPIKES. He is purchasing FLAX-SEED and BEES-WAX, and will give the highest price for them.
N. B. A few hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just received, and to be disposed of. Philadelphia, November 16, 1791. (ep 6w.)
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, PEAR-STREET, A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS,
Which may be seen every day, until five o'clock, p. m.
Among them are the following:
Folio. HOMER, Xenophon, Plato, Plutarch, Eusebius, Sozomen, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thesaurus Ciceronis. Biblia Junii and Tremellii, Bible de Martin, Wells's Maps, Scapulae—Phavorini—Martini—Hoffmani Lexica, Vossii Etymologicon, Antiquit. Ecclesi. Britannicae, &c.
Quarto. Pindar, Cyropaedia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phaedrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Ciceronis op. om. Cæsar, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ais Gram. Cluverii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c.
Octavo & infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poetæ minores Gr. Isocrates, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Plautus, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Ausonius, Buchanan, Salust, Curtius, Flows, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hist. August, Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars, &c. &c.
Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Booksellers, Market-street, or of JOHN CAREY. October 31. (ep tf.)
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY, some time in August 1789, a yellow NEGRO MAN, named ABRAHAM, late the property of Nathaniel Wickliff, deceased—about forty-five years of age, about five feet eight or nine inches high, pretty well set, with a large woolly head and large beard, walks with his knees bent, often complains of pains in his feet and ankles—by trade a bricklayer, stone mason and plasterer. He is a very handy fellow as a house-waiter, and is fond of such business. He is a great dissembler, and no doubt pretends he is a freeman. He has been cloped so long that no description of his present clothing can be given. It is supposed that he went to the Northern States, as he often mentioned having friends there. Twenty Dollars reward will be given to any person that will secure said Negro in any jail, so that the subscriber may get him again; and reasonable charges will be paid—or Thirty Dollars will be given if he is brought to Prince William County, Virginia, to Mr. JOHN KINCHELOE, by
CHARLES WICKLIFF, Administrator.
October 12, 1791. (14w9w)
The First and Second Volumes of the HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, (To which is prefixed an accurate Map of the State)
By the Rev. JEREMY BELKNAP,
Are ready for Delivery to Subscribers—who may receive their Books on application to HAZARD & ADDOMS, at the Corner of Chestnut and Third Streets.
The above two volumes contain the political history of the State, from its first settlement to the adoption of the present Constitution of the United States;—the third, containing a geographical description of the State, sketches of its natural history, &c. is in the press.
** A few copies of the first two volumes for sale—price 20/.
November 5, 1791.
HOLY BIBLE.---Royal Quarto.
MR. THOMAS, of Worcester, Massachusetts, most respectfully informs the public, that he has this day completed the Old and New Testaments of his Royal Quarto Edition of the HOLY BIBLE. The Apocrypha and Index, &c. will be finished with all the dispatch the nature of the work will admit.
Such Gentlemen as hold SUBSCRIPTION PAPERS, he begs will return them to him at Worcester, or to him and Company at Boston, by the last day of November next, and as much sooner as they conveniently can.
He is happy to inform the public, that the work has been examined by many gentlemen, clergymen and others, and has met with their highest approbation; both as to the execution of the printing, its correctness, and its cheapness compared with English copies of the same size and quality.
As this very laborious and exceedingly expensive undertaking, is carried on solely at his own cost, he is led to hope that all those who wish to possess a large Family Bible, will so far encourage this laudable undertaking of their countryman, as to add their names to the subscription.
Worcester, Sept. 29, 1791.
ISAIAH THOMAS.
ADVERTISEMENT.
BY late arrivals from France, the Editor has received from No. 10 to 31, both inclusive, of a Publication which comes out twice a week in Paris, entitled, "CORRESPONDANCE NATIONALE." From No. 1 to No. 10, have been shipped, but are not yet come to hand. Any person who may incline to subscribe for this work, which appears to be ingenious, impartial and patriotic, may be furnished with the numbers as they arrive by applying to the Editor of this Gazette.
The price of this Paper is 3 Dollars per ann.