Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-07-27 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 121 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, JULY 27, 1793.
[Whole No. 443.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
No. VII.
THE remaining objection to the Proclamation of neutrality, still to be discussed, is that it was out of time and unnecessary.
To give colour to this objection it is asked—why did not the Proclamation appear when the war commenced with Austria and Prussia? why was it forbore, till Great Britain, Holland and Spain became engaged? why did not the government wait till the arrival at Philadelphia of the Minister of the French Republic? why did it volunteer a declaration not required of it by any of the belligerent parties?
To most of these questions solid answers have already appeared in the public prints. Little more can be done than to repeat & enforce them.
Austria and Prussia are not maritime powers. Contraventions of neutrality as against them were not likely to take place to any extent, or in a shape that would attract their notice. It would therefore have been useless, if not ridiculous, to have made a formal declaration on the subject, while they were the only parties opposed to France.
But the reverse of this is the case with regard to Spain, Holland and England. These are all commercial maritime nations. It was to be expected, that their attention would be immediately drawn towards the United States, with sensibility and even with jealousy. It was to be feared, that some of our citizens might be tempted by the prospect of gain to go into measures, which would injure them and commit the peace of the country. Attacks by some of these powers upon the possessions of France in America were to be looked for as a matter of course. While the views of the United States as to that particular, were problematical, they would naturally consider us as a power that might become their enemy. This they would have been the more apt to do, on account of those public demonstrations of attachment to the cause of France, of which there has been so great a display. Jealousy, every body knows, especially if sharpened by resentment, is apt to lead to ill treatment; ill treatment to hostility.
In proportion to the probability of our being regarded with a suspicious and consequently an unfriendly eye, by the powers at war with France; in proportion to the danger of imprudencies being committed by any of our citizens, which might occasion a rupture with them—the policy on the part of the government, of removing all doubt, as to its own disposition, and of deciding the condition of the United States, in the view of the parties concerned, became obvious and urgent.
Were the United States now what, if we do not rashly throw away the advantages we possess, they may expect to be in fifteen or twenty years, there would have been more room for an insinuation which has been thrown out—namely, that they ought to have secured to themselves some advantage, as the consideration of their neutrality; an idea however of which the justice and magnanimity cannot be commended. But in their present situation, with their present strength and resources, an attempt of that kind could have only served to display pretensions at once excessive and unprincipled. The chance of obtaining any collateral advantage, if such a chance there was, by leaving a doubt upon our intentions, as to peace or war, could not wisely have been put for a single instant in competition with the tendency of a contrary conduct to secure our peace.
The conduciveness of the declaration of neutrality to that end was not the only recommendation to the adoption of the measure. It was of great importance that our own citizens should understand, as soon as possible, the opinion which the government entertained of the nature of our relations to the warring parties and of the propriety or expediency of our taking a side or remaining neutral. The arrangements of our merchants could not but be very differently affected, by the one hypothesis, or the other; and it would necessarily have been very detrimental and perplexing to them to have been left in uncertainty. It is not requisite to say how much our agriculture and other interests would have been likely to have suffered, by embarrassments to our merchants.
The idea of its having been incumbent on the government to delay the measure for the coming of the Minister of the French Republic, is as absurd as it is humiliating. Did the executive stand in need of the logic of a foreign agent to enlighten it as to the duties or interests of the nation? or was it bound to ask his consent to a step which appeared to itself consistent with the former and conducive to the latter?
The sense of our treaties was to be learnt from the treaties themselves. It was not difficult to pronounce before hand, that we had a greater interest in the preservation of peace, than in any advantages with which France might tempt our participation in the war. Commercial privileges were all that the could offer of real value in our estimation, and a sine qua non on this head would have been an inadequate recompence for renouncing peace and committing ourselves voluntarily to the chances of so precarious and perilous a war. Besides, if the privileges which might have been conceded were not
founded in a real permanent mutual interest—of what value would be the treaty that should concede them? ought not the calculation, in such case, to be upon a speedy resumption of them, with perhaps a quarrel as the pretext? on the other hand may we not truly that commercial privileges, which are truly founded in mutual interest will grow out of that interest; without the necessity of giving a premium for them at the expence of our peace?
To what purpose then was the executive to have waited for the arrival of the minister? was it to give opportunity to contentious discussions—to intriguing machinations—to the clamors of a faction won to a foreign interest?
Whether the declaration of neutrality issued upon or without the requisition of any of the belligerent powers, can only be known to their respective ministers and to the proper officers of our government. But if it be true that it issued without any such requisition, it is an additional indication of the wisdom of the measure.
It is of much importance to the end of preserving peace, that the belligerent powers should be thoroughly convinced of the sincerity of our intentions to observe the neutrality we profess; and it cannot fail to have weight in producing this conviction that the declaration of it was a spontaneous act—not stimulated by any requisition on the part of either of them—proceeding purely from our own view of our duty and interest.
It was not surely necessary for the government to wait for such a requisition; while there were advantages and no disadvantages in anticipating it. The benefit of an early notification to our merchants, conspired with the consideration just mentioned, to recommend the course which was pursued.
If in addition to the rest, the early manifestation of the views of the government has had any effect in fixing the public opinion on the subject, and in counteracting the success of the efforts which it was to be foreseen would be made to disunite it, this alone would be a great recommendation of the policy of having suffered no delay to intervene.
What has been already said in this and in preceding papers affords a full answer to the suggestion, that the Proclamation was unnecessary. It would be a waste of time to add any thing more.
But there has been a criticism several times repeated, which may deserve a moment's attention. It has been urged, that the Proclamation ought to have contained some reference to our treaties, and that the generality of the promise to observe a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers ought to have been qualified with expressions equivalent to these—“as far as may consist with the treaties of the United States.”
The insertion of such a clause would have entirely defeated the object of the Proclamation, by rendering the intention of the government equivocal. That object was to assure the powers at war and our own citizens, that in the opinion of the executive it was consistent with the duty and interest of the nation to observe a neutrality in the war, and that it was intended to pursue a conduct corresponding with that opinion. Words equivalent to those contended for would have rendered the other part of the declaration nugatory; by leaving it uncertain whether the executive did or did not believe a state of neutrality to be consistent with our treaties. Neither foreign powers nor our own citizens would have been able to have drawn any conclusion from the Proclamation, and both would have had a right to consider it as a mere equivocation.
By not inserting any such ambiguous expressions, the Proclamation was susceptible of an intelligible and proper construction. While it denoted on the one hand, that in the judgment of the executive, there was nothing in our treaties obliging us to become a party in the war, it left it to be expected on the other—that all stipulations compatible with neutrality, according to the laws and usages of nations, would be enforced. It follows, that the Proclamation was in this particular exactly what it ought to have been.
The words “make known the disposition of the United States” have also given a handle to cavil. It has been asked how could the President undertake to declare the disposition of the United States. The people for aught he knew may have been in a very different sentiment. Thus a conformity with republican propriety and modesty is turned into a topic of accusation.
Had the President announced his own disposition, he would have been chargeable with egotism if not presumption. The constitutional organ of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations—whenever he speaks to them, it is in that capacity; it is in the name and on behalf of the United States. It must therefore be with greater propriety, that he speaks of their disposition than of his own.
It is easy to imagine, that occasions frequently occur in the communications to foreign governments and foreign agents, which render it necessary to speak of the friendship or friendly disposition of the United States, of their disposition to cultivate harmony and good understanding,
to reciprocate neighbourly offices, &c. &c. It is usual for example when public ministers are received, for some complimentary expressions to be interchanged. It is presumable, that the late reception of the French minister did not pass, without some assurance on the part of the President of the friendly disposition of the United States towards France. Admitting it to have happened, would it be deemed an improper arrogation? if not, why was it more so, to declare the disposition of the United States to observe a neutrality in the existing war?
In all such cases nothing more is to be understood than an official expression of the political disposition of the nation inferred from its political relations, obligations and interests. It is never to be supposed that the expression is meant to convey the precise state of the individual sentiments or opinions of the great mass of the people.
Kings and Princes speak of their own dispositions. The magistrates of republics of the dispositions of their nations. The President therefore has evidently used the style adapted to his situation, and the criticism upon it is plainly a cavil.
PACIFICUS.
FROM THE COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
MR. RUSSELL,
THE question whether a state is suable or not, will speedily arrest the attention of the public. Every information on so important a subject, ought to have free circulation. The rant of school-boy declamation, and the thunder of partizan champions, will doubtless be palmed on the public for argument and fact. To meet them then, early in the field, and to oppose to their bombast, real argument, issuing from a man, whole abilities, integrity, republicanism, virtue, and unshaken independence are known and acknowledged by every citizen, I send you a copy of the opinion of Judge Cushing, late chief justice of this Commonwealth, on the subject—with a request that it may appear in the Centinel. It was delivered in the case decided in the superior court of the United States in February last. The question is not the same in this case, as in that which is now agitating; but the principles therein contained apply with additional weight in favor of a foreign citizen.
VERITAS.
JUDGE CUSHING.
THE grand and principal question in this case is—whether a state can, by the federal constitution, be sued by an individual citizen of another state?
The point turns not upon the law or practice of England, although perhaps it may be in some measure elucidated thereby, nor upon the law of any other country whatever; but upon the constitution established by the people of the United States; and particularly upon the extent of powers given to the federal judicial in the 2d section of the 3d article of the constitution. It is there declared that—“The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, or treaties made or which shall be made under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors or other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies between two or more States and citizens of another State; between citizens of different States; between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States; and between a State and citizens thereof and foreign States, citizens or subjects.”
The judicial power, then, is expressly extended to “controversies between a State and citizens of another State.” When a citizen makes a demand against a State, of which he is not a citizen, it is as really a controversy between a State and a citizen of another State, as if such State made a demand against such citizen. The case, then, seems clearly to fall within the letter of the constitution. It may be suggested that it could not be intended to subject a State to be a defendant, because it would affect the sovereignty of States. If that be the case, what shall we do with the immediately preceding clause, “Controversies between two or more States,”—where a State must of necessity be defendant? If it was not the intent in the very next clause also, that a State might be made defendant, why was it so expressed as naturally to lead to and comprehend that idea? Why was not an exception made if one was intended?
Again—What are we to do with the last clause of the section of judicial powers, viz. “Controversies between a State or the citizens thereof, and foreign States or citizens?”
Here again, States must be suable or liable to be made defendants by this clause which has a similar mode of language with the two other clauses I have remarked upon. For if the judicial power extends to a controversy between one of the United States and a foreign State, as the clause expresses, one of them must be defendant—And then, what becomes of the sovereignty of States as far as suing affects it? But although the words appear reciprocally to affect the State here and a foreign State, and put them on the same
footing as far as may be, yet ingenuity may say—that the State here may sue but cannot be sued—but that the foreign State may be sued but cannot sue. We may touch foreign sovereignties but not our own. But I conceive the reason of the thing, as well as the words of the constitution, tend to shew, that the federal judicial power extends to a suit brought by a foreign state against any one of the United States. One design of the general government was for managing the great affairs of peace and war, and the general defence, which were impossible to be conducted, with safety, by the States separate . Incident to these powers, and for preventing controversies between foreign powers or citizens from rising to extremities and to an appeal to the sword, a national tribunal was necessary, amicably to decide them, and thus ward off such fatal, public calamity. Thus, states at home and their citizens, and foreign states and their citizens are put together without distinction upon the same footing, as far as may be, as to controversies between them.
So also with respect to controversies between a state and citizens of another state (at home) comparing all the clauses together, the remedy is reciprocal—the claim to justice equal. As controversies between state and state, and between a state and citizens of another state, might tend gradually to involve states in war and bloodshed, a disinterested civil tribunal was intended to be instituted to decide such controversies, and preserve peace and friendship.
Further; if a state is entitled to justice in the federal court, against a citizen of another State, why not such citizen against the state, when the same language equally comprehends both? The rights of individuals and the justice due to them are as dear and precious as those of States—Indeed the latter are founded upon the former; and the great end and object of them must be to secure and support the rights of individuals, or else van is government.
But still it may be insisted, that this will reduce states to mere corporations, and take away all sovereignty. As to corporations, all states whatever are corporations or bodies politic. The only question is—What are their powers?
As to individual States and the United States, the constitution marks the boundary of powers. Whatever power is deposited with the Union by the people for their own necessary security, is so far a curtailing of the power and prerogatives of states.
This is, as it were, a self evident proposition; at least it cannot be contested. Thus the powers of declaring war—making peace—raising and supporting armies for public defence—laying duties, excises and taxes, if necessary, with many other powers are lodged in Congress—and are a most essential abridgement of State sovereignty.
Again, the restrictions upon states, “No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation, coin money, emit bills of credit, make any thing but gold and silver a tender in payments of debts; pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts; these, with a number of others, are important restrictions of the power of states, and were thought necessary to preserve the Union—and to establish some fundamental, uniform principles of public justice throughout the whole Union.
So that I think, no argument of force can be taken from the sovereignty of states—Where it has been abridged, it was thought necessary for the greater, indispensable good of the whole.
If the constitution is found inconvenient in practice in this or any other particular, it is well that a regular mode is pointed out for amendment.
But while it remains, all officers legislative, executive and judicial, both of the states, and of the Union, are bound by oath to support it.
One other objection has been suggested, that if a state may be sued by a citizen of another state, then the United States may be sued by a citizen of any of the states, or in other words, by any of their own citizens. If this be a necessary consequence, it must be so. I doubt the consequence, from the different wording of the different clauses, connected with other reasons.
When speaking of the United States, the constitution says, “Controversies to which the United States shall be a party”—not controversies between the United States and any of their citizens.
When speaking of states, it says—“Controversies between two or more states; between a state and citizens of another state.”
As to reasons for citizens suing a different state, which do not hold equally good for suing the United States; one good one may be, that as controversies between a state and citizens and citizens of another state, might have a tendency to involve both states in a contest, and perhaps in war, a common umpire to decide such controversies, may have a tendency to prevent the mischief. That an object of this kind was had in view by the framers of the constitution, I have no doubt, when I consider the clashing interfering laws which were made in the neighboring states

before the adoption of the constitution, and some affecting the property of citizens of another state in a very different manner from that of their own citizens.
But I do not think it necessary to enter fully into the question, Whether the United States are liable to be sued by an individual citizen? In order to decide the point before us. Upon the whole, I am of opinion, that the constitution warrants a suit against a state, by an individual of another state.
A 2d. question made in the case was, Whether the particular action of assumpsit could lie against a state. I think assumpsit will lie, if any suit; provided a state is capable of contracting.
The 3d. question respects the competency of service, which I apprehend good and proper; the service being by summons and notifying the suit to the Governor and Attorney-General; the Governor, who is the supreme executive magistrate and representative of the state, who is bound by oath to defend the state, and by constitution, to give information to the legislative of all important matters which concern the interest of the state; the Attorney-General who is bound to defend the interests of the state in courts of law.
FROM THE GENERAL ADVERTISER.
TO METELLUS.
"All fools have still an itching to deride, And vain would be upon the laughing side."
ALTHOUGH you did not intend to be evil, I feel myself highly complimented by what you supposed wit; and had you been acquainted with Balaam and his ass, you would not have borrowed an allusion, which must put you to shame and confusion. I will inform you, for you are certainly ignorant of it, that Balaam's long eared companion saw the danger to which he was exposed, when his wife master fancied himself in perfect security—and by his remonstrance saved his master from destruction. As you have placed the "remonstrators" of this country upon a footing with this ass, you have, without your knowledge, shown the justice of their cause, and that the Deity himself has inspired affine remonstrators to proclaim the danger of the community. There must be real necessity when Balaam's asses speak, and you have confessed this necessity, not from design but from ignorance, and they will benefit by the disclosure. The affine tribe, by which you, no doubt, mean the people, are supposed incapable of judging of their true interests, and such wisecracks as you are, with to have the power of acting as well as judging for them; but if this was permitted you, your allusion would soon apply in full force, for you would goad the ass to remonstrance, and to save you from the sword of Heaven, he would crush your feet if not your heads against the wall.
It is a happiness for this country that the cause of aristocracy has such defenders as you; for your defence is a more profitable exposure of your cause, than all Balaam's asses put together have effected. I would not insult that or indeed any species of brutes so much as to class you with them; for asses have given, at least, one specimen of wisdom, but your first essay is yet to come.—You must be a mangrel production, which, for the honor of human nature, ought to have neither class nor place allowed it.
I am glad that you feel so tickled with your wit, as to cause another paper to blaze with it; you are in the right, for, for the more extensive the circulation of it, the greater will be the ridicule and contempt.—I have a better opinion of the understanding of the nobles whose cause you have attempted to vindicate than to suppose that they will employ you again, I shall therefore give this as a requiem to your scattered spirit.
JUBA.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
TO JUBA.
IT is perfectly true that my former essay was not calculated to flatter you and your companions in iniquity—your conjecture therefore on that head is well founded. That Balaam's long eared companion told the truth, (a thing unheard of among his successors) is a fact which I have already insisted upon—in joining with me therefore in bearing testimony to the bright side of your progenitor's character, you could have been influenced by no other motive than vanity. There is one thing however, which appears to have escaped us both, and which unfortunately detracted from the merit we had too hastily ascribed to the Ass—It is, that he did not advertise Balaam of his danger until compelled thereto, by some very powerful arguments addressed to his sides through the organ of a lusty cudgel! If this kind of practical logic so immediately directed to the feelings was productive of good in one instance, who knows but that a similar experiment skilfully performed on our modern remonstrators , might not work another miracle. Pray favor me with your sentiments on the subject, in your next argumentative performance .
Whatever may be my private or public opinion with respect to the views or acts of a few discontented individuals—I have never permitted myself to think, much less speak disrespectfully of nations or any collective bodies of people—Be assured then, that when I deduced the pedigree of the remonstrators of the present day from Balaam's Ass, I had only reference to Juba and his friends—Indeed, if there was any thing wanting to support the assertion, I should adduce your hideous braying as conclusive evidence, that the well poised javelin had reached the intended mark.
If I was so depraved as to insult the understandings of my fellow-citizens, it would be impossible to adopt a more effectual mode of
doing it, than by admitting, that they had commissioned you and your virtuous associates to think and act for them. And yet it would seem (if we were willing to give full credit to your elegant essay) that Juba , &c. and the People are synonymous terms.—Gracious Heaven! What? The Citizens of the United States represented by the Jacobin Club of Philadelphia—The bare idea involves an offence of a very heinous nature.
Among the other numerous acts of wickedness and Numidian perfidy, common to you and your party, may be ranked the establishment of societies for the purpose of engendering a spirit of persecution, that in its progress will out-Herod the Inquisitions of the old world. If a man, for instance, observes a profound silence on political subjects, or discusses them with moderation—if he condemns acts which appear to be unnecessarily true—if he laments the stabs which the cause of liberty is daily receiving through design or mistaken zeal—if he revolts at the impious doctrines which disgrace the age we live in—and lastly, if in this land of freedom he dares to think for himself, he is immediately branded with the epithet of Aristocrat. Alas! If to be deemed a thorough paced democrat, it is necessary to possess opposite qualities, I shall not hesitate a moment in making my election. These societies to which I allude, whether termed Republican, Jacobin or Democrat, are well known to have different objects in view. Some of them are merely calculated to answer the purposes of an election—while others again are formed for the avowed purpose of obstructing the operations of government—perhaps to subvert it. It is a fact still fresh in the memory of every body, that the tumultuous meetings or popular societies had during the year 1786, in a sister State, and of which the notorious Daniel Shay was president, had for their object the destruction of the existing constitution. To the honor of those people however, it ought to be mentioned, that they soon saw through the pretended patriotism of their leaders, and that they are at this moment the most industrious and peaceable inhabitants of the United States. If such therefore was the conduct of a few desperate demagogues in 1786, it cannot be deemed unfair to impute similar views to those men, who advocate the present unnecessary and dangerous institutions.
It would indeed be happy for this country if all political opinions, call them Aristocratical, Democratical, or any other unmeaning name you please, were discussed by those only, who having some property, or what is tantamount, some reputation, are necessarily interested in its welfare—It would be but exercising a right to which every man is entitled from the excellent form of government under which we live—But when a few factious individuals who have nothing to lose, derogate so far from the dignity of freemen as to volunteer the cause of calumny, or become the servile tools of a party, they justly incur the appellation of Asses —Who if not goaded by the whip, are at least instigated by bribery or flattery to bray upon topics far above the reach of their slender capacities.
I shall only add, that in condescending to address myself to you, sir, I am influenced by no other consideration, than an attachment to a government for the establishment of which I have fought, and to defend which against the machinations of the evil disposed, shall be directed the uniform endeavors of
METELLUS.
Foreign Intelligence.
PARIS, May 12.
THE day before yesterday at the time of opening the theatres, an attempt was made to seize on all the carriages of the citizens found in the streets, or at the doors of the theatres themselves, to employ them in conducting the volunteers to la Vendee. A considerable number escaped, and the rest remained in the possession of those who seized them. On this occasion a remonstrance was made by the Section des Piques; and the Council General of the Communes came to the following resolutions:—
"That the carriages and horses should be instantly restored to their proprietors, who, however, shall be bound to produce them when needed:
And, secondly, that all the horses which shall have been seized on for the use of the Republic, shall be branded with a hot iron with a bonnet of Liberty."
The Council besides charged one of its own body to repair to the houses of the ci-devant nobles and others, to seize on all carriages fit for the conveyance of the military from St. Dennis to Orleans.
Yesterday the Council of the Communes decreed, that in future their acts should be dated, "the first year (and so in continuation) of the tyrant's death." To-day they have annulled the decree, which they say would only tend to perpetuate the tyrant's memory.
NATIONAL CONVENTION, MAY 10.
The Convention resumed the discussion on the Constitution, and de-
creed the preamble and first Article in the following words:
"The French People, founding their Government on the Rights of Man in Society, which they have acknowledged and declared, adopt the following Constitution:
"The French Republic, &c. is one and indivisible."
Letter from the Commissioners with the army in the North.
Valenciennes, May 8.
"Gen. Dampierre this morning made an attack in the wood of Rheine and Vicoigne, to dislodge the enemy.
It was very vigorous and the firing continued the whole day. The soldiers of the Republic shewed an ardour worthy of the highest praise, and carried several entrenchments with the bayonet. We had about 50 men killed, and several wounded, but we are certain we occasioned very great loss to the enemy. We still possess some of the intrenchments which we have taken from them; but nothing consoles us for the melancholy accident which befel Gen. Dampierre, our Commander in Chief. His bravery having induced him to advance too far, his thigh was carried away by a ball. We have conferred the provisional Command in Chief, on Lieutenant-General Lamarch, who commanded the armp of the Ardennes, but it is of importance that the Executive Council should, without delay, appoint a Commander in Chief to the two armies. Four of us were present at this affair—the two others were detained at Valenciennes, partly by indisposition and partly by the necessity of forwarding these dispatches.
"We have taken several prisoners. The 17th battalion of infantry commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Beclair and the 10th battalion of la Mayenne, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Malherbe, having at their head Generals Heliere and Deroque, effected, with unexampled intrepidity, a slow and well ordered retreat, under the fire of several formidable batteries, which were unmasked upon them in the woods. Nothing could have been expected but that they should have been cut to pieces. They however lost only six men killed and wounded. A soldier who had his arm carried away, cried out, when he returned to the town, "I have still one left to serve the nation!" Our brave General, while surrounded by persons who were lamenting his disaster, cried out, "This is nothing! Vive la Nation! Vive la Republique!" Signed, &c. &c.
Another letter from the same Commissioners.
Valenciennes, May 9.
"General Dampierre, who had his thigh carried away yesterday by a ball, died this morning. The whole army regret in him a brave soldier, an able General and a sincere friend to the Republic. The confidence which he inspired in the troops by his noble Proclamation, at the time when the treachery of Dumourier was discovered; his military life always glorious and unspotted; and his death ought to be called to the remembrance of those who may endeavor to tarnish the splendor of his justly-acquired reputation. To-morrow we shall go, with all the good citizens, to moisten with our tears the laurels and cypress which will cover his grave."
Signed, &c. &c.
The National Convention, deeply affected by the death of this brave General, charged the President to testify to his widow, their regret for this unfortunate event.
FRANKFORT, May 8.
The French set fire to Coltheim to cover their retreat, but they returned to the spot where they erected a redoubt and some batteries. On the 3d the Prussians made an attack upon them, and they were repulsed, after a sharp contest. The French again returned, however, with a reinforcement of four battalions, and re-took the place. Gothy's hussars and carbineers suffered much in this business.
The King of Prussia had a very narrow escape. A ball fell near,
and frightened his horse so much that he was very near falling on the King.
On the 6th, the French made a sally from Menz, and burnt the village of Mosbach.
On the 7th, the French moved from Coltheim, and attacked the Prussians, but without effect.
The French have been completely driven from Deux Pons by Prince Hohenlohe.—In the action, however, the Austrians lost Gen. Landriment, a very brave and experienced officer.
The bridge between Menz and Cassel is broken, and the latter place is on fire.
May 9. On the evening of the 7th, his Prussian Majesty directed an attack on the remaining French batteries between Coltheim and Cassel, which were carried by assault, destroyed, and two guns taken.
Last night and this morning a cannonade was kept up on both sides, the French endeavoring to re-construct their batteries, and we on our side to prevent them. This morning we seized from them a great number of Menz arquebusses, which carry to a very great distance.
On the other side of the Rhine, the Imperialists at St. Croix set fire yesterday, with bomb shells, to a French magazine at Menz, at that part of the city entitled Gau Thor.
The cannonade on the bridge of Menz has not as yet had much effect. The French troops of the line, some of whom desert daily, say that the affair of Dumourier was not known at Menz till within the two last days. That General is now at Mergentheim.
The first division of Cassel set out from hence on Monday last, under General Wormb. It is thought that the Duke of Deux-Pons will supply his Prussian Majesty with a regiment.
The Saxons are to be supplied with three guns taken from the French, and the Prince de Conde's. The circle of Franconia has consented to grant provisionally two battalions of musketeers, and one of grenadiers.
The day before yesterday the Prussians granted three hours to the French at Menz, to bury the dead they lost on the 5th. On that occasion the latter, quitting the trenches they have cut above Cassel, wished to try the effect of a stratagem, by calling to us that they were troops of the line who wished to desert. On their approaching very near, their treachery was perceived, and about six hundred of them killed, almost all of whom were drunk. The battalion of Bender, which was to have proceeded to the Netherlands is to act against Menz.
LONDON, May 21.
By yesterday's mail we learn, that eleven sail of English merchantmen have been captured in the Mediterranean; they were principally carried into Marceilles.
A dispute which occurred during the troubles in Brabant, in 1790, between a Mr. Macfarle, a Scotch gentleman, whom some pecuniary embarrassments exiled from this country, and an inhabitant of Louvain, was lately decided in the neighborhood of that city.—It being agreed to fire at the same instant, they did so, at eight yards distance; Mr. Macfarle's ball entered the breast of his antagonist, the contents of whose pistol he received in the lower part of his stomach; they fell at the same instant; sensible of their approaching dissolution, they forgave each other, conversed some minutes, and died nearly at the same instant.
KINGSTON, (Jamaica) June 22.
The advocates for the Americans, assert that all the respectable people on the continent are decidedly averse to the sitting out privateers against the English, and that those who had taken French commissions are a mere adventurous rabble, such as are to be found in all countries, and whose sole object is plunder, be the means employed what they may.
By a Spanish vessel arrived on Monday evening, we learn that provisions, wine and specie were land-

ing at Monti Christi for the use of the squadron and troops at St. Domingo; and that several French prizes had been sent in there.
BERMUDA, June 25.
There seems at present such a duplicity in the Americans respecting the war carrying on, that we imagine they wish to play the double game; in Philadelphia and other parts, they are smothering the French Ambassador with addresses, while others pretend they are for peace. It seems to us that they wish to be dabbling in troubled water.
ALBANY, July 15.
The progressive improvements in this city must be a source of pleasing contemplation to all good citizens—repairing the State-house, building out docks, paving the streets, and opening a passage through the middle of Fort-Hill, are the important objects now in hand: The latter will be of the utmost consequence, especially to the mercantile people on the north side of State-Street, as the descent on that side will be the easiest, should the south side be paved in the manner at present contemplated.
BALTIMORE, July 15.
A report having yesterday prevailed that the Cap. of the French privateer, called the Citizen General, had a recruiting party in this town; and that for the accommodation of the same he had established a house of rendezvous at Fell's Point; a committee of gentlemen were appointed to inquire into the circumstance. We are happy to inform the public, that the gentlemen, upon the fullest investigation, were perfectly satisfied that there was not the slightest ground for the report.
July 23.
Extract of a letter from Port-au-Prince, dated July 5.
"General Borel is in Jeremie; he is invested by an army from Port-au-Prince and Leogane; he is also invested by sea. It is said that Jeremie is supplied from Jamaica with provision and ammunition."
"The vessels from the Cape have glutted the market. Three American vessels from thence have been taken for want of papers, and sent to Jamaica."
Proclamation of the Civic Commissioners, Cape-Francois, June 21, 1793.
We declare, that the will of the French republic, and that of its delegates, is to give liberty to all the negro warriors, who will fight for the republic under the orders of the civil commissioners, as well against the Spaniards, as the other enemies, whether internal or external.
The republic desires also to alleviate the condition of the other slaves—by preventing them from being ill-treated as formerly—furnishing them with better provisions, and more capacious apartments for their convenience; higher wages by the year, and more leisure through the week to attend to their own affairs—more kindness and respect for the women who are pregnant, and for nurses—by affording them certain means of redeeming themselves, by means of determined sums; finally, by giving gradually liberty to the negroes who can furnish proofs of their good conduct, and of their assiduity in labor, and by giving them at the same time pieces of land and property sufficient to afford themselves and families an honest subsistence.
All the negroes who may be declared free by the delegates of the republic, shall be equal to all free men, whether white or of any other colour: they shall enjoy all the rights belonging to French citizens.
This is the mission which the National Convention and the Executive Council of the Republic have given to the civil commissioners.
(Signed) POLVEREL, SANTHONAX.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA. Ship Fanny, Stephens. Teneriffe Fair American, Gillis. Cape-Francois Schr Linnert, Valentine. Port-au-Prince Charming Betsey, Art. Cape-Francois Betsey, Willis. St. Marks Sloop Elizabeth, Davidson. N. Providence
Address of the Inhabitants of the City and Neighborhood of Trenton, to the President of the United States.
SIR, DEEPLY impressed with the wisdom and policy which dictated your proclamation, declaring the neutrality to be observed by the United States of America, in the war between France and other powers of Europe, we, the inhabitants of the city and neighborhood of Trenton, take this manner to express the high satisfaction we feel on this renewed proof of that watchful care you have ever testified for the best interests of our country.
The present flourishing condition of the United States, under a constitution and administration of government which command the admiration of the world, must cause every feeling mind to deplore and deprecate the calamities of war. If there is a man in America, who could wish to see this country involved in the miseries under which Europe now groans, he must be an enemy, not only to the happiness of the United States, but to that enlightened policy which breathes peace and good will to all the world.
Sensible that strictly to maintain the principles of neutrality is the "duty and interest of the United States," and the only way to ensure a continuance of peace and prosperity, we beg leave to assure you of our fixed determination, not only to comply with the proclamation ourselves, but to discountenance and discourage every thing which may contravene the object of it.
Permit us further to add, that the time elapsed since the proclamation has given us opportunity to know its general acceptance, and that we believe we express the common sentiments and the common language of the citizens of the state of New-Jersey.
To the Inhabitants of the City and Neighborhood of Trenton.
GENTLEMEN, HAVING no other view, in the discharge of my public duties, but to promote the best interests of our country, it gives me pleasure to learn that the measures which are taken to effect that object meet the acceptance of my fellow-citizens.
I am persuaded that the flourishing condition of the United States, and the happy situation of our political circumstances, will not fail to impress every reflecting mind. And sure I am, that there is not a well-wisher to this country who can desire to see us involved in the contest in which the powers of Europe are now engaged.
The assurances of your determination to pursue such a line of conduct as will, on your part, insure the continuance of peace and prosperity of our country, are no less pleasing to me than the belief which you express, that your address conveys "the common sentiments and the common language of the citizens of the state of New-Jersey."
Go. WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, July 27.
On Sunday the brig Mary, Captain Langdon, arrived at New-York from Cape-Francois, which he left July 9. The passengers, which are 40 in number, inform, that it was not supposed more than from 6 to 9 hundred persons lost their lives in the affair of the 20th—that not more than two-thirds of the town were burnt—that upwards of 20,000 mulattoes and blacks are now under arms there, well fortified—that the negroes never came in from the country on the late occasion—that the Spaniards, from their part of the Island, had taken a town, and were on their march; and it is said, are joined by the aristocrats and country blacks. N. Y. Pap.
The name of the French East-Indian, arrived at New-York, is Port-Louis, she is about 500 tons burthen, is commanded by citizen Jarenter; her cargo consists of spices, silks, ware, some sugar, and various other articles.
FRANCE.
By the ship Hare, Capt. De Kay, in 64 days from Bordeaux, which place he left the 15th May, we have received several French newspapers, but they contain few particulars of the late battles on the 7, 8, and 9th of May. Many were slain of each army; though the French loss was great, that of the combined armies was much greater; but that the French had lost Gen. Dampierre, as has been before announced in several papers, which they greatly lamented. The combined forces had made no impression on any of the fortified cities, said to be invested. On the whole, that France had little to fear from the combined powers—their difficulties arose from internal differences among themselves; from counter-revolutionists and other discontented incendiaries, which were in a fair way of being settled by the forces raised to oppose them.
Provisions of all kinds were plenty, and not higher than in England—that Bordeaux was perfectly quiet—that in some places many lives of the incendiaries were cut off—that it was necessary that many should be cut off to save the country from anarchy and ruin. So far we have heard from Capt. De Kay and some passengers; 21 passengers arrived here in the ship. [New-York Diary.]
The Patriotic Society of Newark, (N. J.) are pursuing measures to obtain subscriptions for the relief of the suffering fugitives from Cape-Francois—they have appointed a committee for this benevolent purpose—The proceedings of the Society in our next at length.
The Grand Jury of the Circuit Court of the United States, on Wednesday last made several presentments to the Court, of divers persons in this city, for having caused sundry vessels in the port of Philadelphia to be armed and equipped in a warlike manner, being an infraction of certain treaties, and a direct violation of the neutrality of the United States, declared by the President's Proclamation.
Wednesday arrived here the privateer Sans Culottes, of Marseilles, last from Nantz, with the ship Flora her prize—both vessels having the city on entering the harbor.
The Sans Culottes was brought to by a shot from Fort Mifflin, and after an examination by Capt. Richard Guy, the commanding Officer, was permitted to pass.
The citizens of Baltimore by their splendid acts of charity and humanity have erected in the hearts of the fugitives from Cape-Francois a monument of gratitude which shall transmit the story of their benevolence to the latest posterity. Some individuals of the State of Maryland have on this occasion, assumed a most laudable superiority in acts of benevolence. One gentleman at Annapolis offers two houses for the accommodation of two or more families—to provide passages for those families from Baltimore to Annapolis, and a present supply of bread, &c. &c. another gentleman in Chester Town, has sent "one hundred dollars as his mite towards alleviating their calamities."
"Marble or brass devouring time may waste," But acts like these eternally shall last.
Morse's GEOGRAPHY, improved and greatly enlarged with many additional Maps—Is just published, in two large octavo volumes, Price three dollars and an half.
The Judge of Pennsylvania District having received information on Oath, that certain Citizens of the United States had acted in several capacities as officers on board an armed Schooner said to be commissioned by France as a cruiser or private ship of war; and, with others on board that Schooner, did capture and make prize of several vessels belonging to the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, who is at peace with the United States, contrary to their duty as citizens of the United States.
On receiving this information, the Judge issued his warrant for apprehending the persons against whom the complaint was made—that they might answer for their doings in the premises, and be dealt with according to law, that legal proceedings in this, and some other business, might be had speedily, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, and the Judge of the Pennsylvania District, issued their warrant, directing that a special session of the Circuit Court for this district should be held the 22d instant, and that grand and traverse jurors should be summoned to attend it.
Extract from Judge Wilson's charge to the Grand-Jury, July 22, 1793.
"Is it then unnecessary, or improper here to say, that PEACE should be deemed the basis of the happiness of nations."
"PEACE ON EARTH;" this is a patriotic as well as an angelic wish.
"But with war, and rumours of war, our ears, in this imperfect state of things are still assailed."
"Into this unnatural state, should a nation suffer herself to be drawn without her own act, or the act of him, or them, to whom, for this purpose she has delegated her power?"
"Into this unnatural state, should a nation suffer herself to be drawn by the unauthorized, nay, by the unlicensed conduct of any of her citizens?"
"These, gentlemen, are questions, to which you are now called to give the closest and deepest attention."
"That a citizen, who in our state of neutrality, and without the authority of the nation, takes an hostile part with either of the belligerent powers, violates thereby his duty, and the laws of his country, is a position as plain, as to require no proof, and to be scarcely susceptible of denial."
"Under the treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and France, it may be made a question, whether the privateers of that power have a RIGHT to fit their ships in our ports."
"This question arises from the 22d article of that treaty—"It shall not be lawful for any foreign privateers, not belonging to the subjects of the Most Christian Majesty, nor citizens of the United States, who have commissions from any other prince or state in enmity with either nation, to fit their ships in the ports of either the one or the other of the aforesaid parties."
"It may be alleged that this prohibition against fitting the ships or privateers belonging to any other nation implies a permission to fit the ships or privateers belonging to France. But the inference cannot justly be drawn. If, by a promise made to one person, I refrain myself from lending money to any others, I am not surely, by that refraining engagement, obliged to lend my money to him. It may be convenient, it may be necessary for me to reserve its application exclusively for my own purposes. In the same manner, by a stipulation that, in a war between FRANCE and BRITAIN, we will not lend the use of our ports to the privateers of the latter—we are, by no means, obliged to lend it to those of the former. It may be convenient, it may be necessary, for us to refuse it to both."
"True it is, that, by the treaty, we are obliged to refuse it to Britain, and this, to one of the parties, was probably an important object. But it remains in our opinion whether we will, or will not, grant it to FRANCE."
"Both the nations which made this treaty might have the most unexceptionable, nay, the most commendable motives for reserving to themselves this option;—FRANCE, particularly, might have the strongest reasons for refusing to bind herself, at all events, to permit even the United States, to fit out, in her ports, privateers against any nation (however united to her by compact) with which the United States might be at war."
"This option, perhaps, with France, a favorite one, each of the parties to the treaty reserve the power of making. This option, our nation, or its representatives for that purpose, have not yet made. This option, private citizens are certainly unauthorized and unwarranted to make. Private citizens, therefore, assisting in a business of this kind, offend the law; and for their offences are amenable to the justice of the nation. If you know of any such, it is your duty to present them here."
At a meeting of the committee from the Pennsylvania and Maryland Canal Companies, together with a number of respectable citizens from the states of Maryland and Delaware, held at Wilmington, in the State of Delaware, June 18, 1793, for the purpose of introducing a canal to connect the waters of Chesapeake and Delaware, and for clearing the bed of the river Susquehanna, Doctor John M'Kean was appointed President of the meeting, and Habip Rutledge, Secretary. The proceedings of the Pennsylvania and Maryland Commissioners, at their meetings of the 6th and 8th of April 1793, being produced and read, were in general approved of; whereupon the aforesaid meeting agreed to the following resolutions, viz.
1st. That a company or companies shall be incorporated by the States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware, for the purpose of clearing the Susquehanna from Wright's Ferry to the Maryland line, either by canals or otherwise—and also for opening a communication between the Chesapeake and Delaware bays, by a canal and lock navigation, or otherwise.
2d. That the stock of said companies shall consist of shares, and that a limited sum be allowed for subscribing one third part of said shares in Pennsylvania, one third in Maryland, and one third in Delaware; the subscribers to pay the whole amount by instalments, in — years.
3d. That the proportion of the capital stock to be expended on each of the works, and the tolls to be received, shall be inserted in the acts of incorporation.
4th. That the mutual terms and engagements for carrying on, completing, and maintaining the navigation, so far as it shall be carried thro' the several states, shall be settled by acts of incorporation.
5th. That a committee of correspondence be appointed, to consist of members from the states aforesaid, whose duty it shall be to correspond with each other, and to prepare memorials and bills correspondent with the foregoing resolutions, to lay before the several legislatures aforesaid at their first meeting.
The following gentlemen were chosen as a committee of correspondence, viz.
From Pennsylvania. General William Irvine, General Walter Stewart, Tench Coxe, Levi Hollingsworth, Doctor William Smith, Myers Fisher, Azariah Hotten.
From Maryland. Nathaniel Ramsey, Samuel Hugh s, John O'Donald, George Gale, Henry Hollingsworth.
From Delaware. Doctor Nicholas Way, Doctor James Tilton, Nicholas Ridgely, Doctor Joseph Mallet, William H. Wells, William Terry.
On the 7th instant died at Clavarack, Henry Van Rensselaer, Esquire, in the 80th year of his age. And on the 9th, in Ulster county, Mr. Peter Dumond, aged 90 years.
The District Court of North-Carolina, held at Wilmington, has determined that the libel exhibited on behalf of the owners of a British vessel, captured by a privateer, commanded by a Captain Hervey, a French citizen, and carried into that port, should not be admitted, the cause not being cognizable in that Court.
Gideon Olmsted, an American, on board said privateer when the capture was made, was bound by the Court to make his appearance at the next Circuit Court to answer to the charge.
Extract of a letter dated Bourdeaux, May 19, 1793.
"The channels now left to write you from this country render it imprudent to lay anything on the subject of politics. We are perfectly quiet here and in the neighborhood of this Department. The government of France continues their uniform protection and favor to the American commerce, and the trading people have much confidence in and pay higher freights to American vessels than to any other neutral ones."
"Freights for West-Indies 30 a 34 dollars pr. ton, of 4 bds. win. and ten p. cu. For the Baltic, 58 5 10/ pr. d. Foreign wheat 7/ sterl. pr. American bushel, Flour 35/ pr. Barrel. Tobacco 60 a gel. pr. Ct. Whale Oil 65/ pr. Ct. Liver do. 75/ pr. Ct. Whale bone 200 a 250 pr. Ct. Beef 103/ pr. Barrel. Pork 120/ pr. Ct."
Exchange London, 41 sterl. pr. livre.
SAYS A CORRESPONDENT, While certain persons, who for very good reasons keep themselves behind the curtain, are continually dinning the public ear with complaints, and insulting the majesty of the people by reviling their government, let the candid part of the community (and for the honor of human nature we believe it by a great odds the majority) attend to the open and manly declarations of those whom we know to be our friends; and who lay and let their names to the assertion, that the people of the United States under the best constitution in the world are free, flourishing and happy.—Indeed the enemies of our peace have undertaken a more than Herculean enterprise, in attempting to invalidate by misrepresentation and lies, the evidence of our felicity.
Certain persons, who are no longer candidates for infamy, having long since attained the highest degree, employ themselves perpetually in scribbling the scurribbed abuse against the persons who are honored with the highest confidence of the people. There are some circumstances in this business which indicate the consummate madness of the incendiaries; but it would be difficult to point out an individual in public life who possesses the smallest degree of merit, that has not been honored by the leaders of these enemies of all virtue.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
6 per Cents, 18/ 3 per Cents, 10/ Deferred, 11/ Full shares Bank U. S. 5 per cent. adv.

FROM THE NEW YORK DIARY.
The following stanzas were composed by a lady of this city, and sung, at the entertainment given by the French Consul and French Patriots, New-York, July 14.
THO' GALLIA'S wide regions resound, BELLONA has mounted her car, And scatters her terrors around.
CAPTIVITY bursts off her chains, Her shoutings are heard on the heath, Her veterans are crowding the plains. Retolv'd upon FREEDOM or DEATH.
But see! from her battlements high Plum'd vict'ry undaunted alight, Her standard she waves in the sky, And urges her sons to the fight.
The swords all indignant they clash, They rush round the Bafile's strong walls, Ah! heard you that horrible crash? The Tower of proud TYRANNY falls.
The minions of despots all fly, Puru'd by destruction and wrath, FEAR wings their sad flight, and their CAY Disturbs the deep slumbers of DEATH.
Haste, haste, MAN'S DISGRACE, disappear, Vile wretches, of nature the blot, And wherever your hamlets you rear, May SHAME and DISTRESS be your lot.
But GALLIA all hail! may thy chiefs A Temple of Liberty raise, And there may their feuds and their griefs Be lost in its altar's bright blaze.
And when they remember THIS DAY, Bedeck'd with the LAUREL and VINE, May anguish and care fly away, And their voices in anthems combine.
And then may the warblings of songs Be heard from COLUMBIA's green vales, While echo the wild notes prolongs, And whispers them soft to the gales.
And oh! let the zephyrs so fleet Bear the sweet-swelling notes o'er the main, And there, let them fondly repeat In the ear of each FRENCHMAN the strain.
FASHION.
TOO monstrous large, the railer cries, Our Ladies' Heads; when Hats do rise.
But if Dame Fashion dares to change, And into Lilliput to range; They're now too little grown; and then, They hardly emulate a pin!
Fashion I fear will ne'er do right, Till Ladies' Heads she takes off, quite— For broad or narrow, high or low, The snaring race their teeth will show.
RULES
To be observed in transacting Business with the Insurance Company OF NORTH-AMERICA.
1st. ALL orders for Insurance must be given in writing, signed by the applicant; and as minute a description of the vessel is expected, as the person ordering the insurance can give, respecting her age, built, how found and fitted, and whether double or single decked.
2d. All policies will be ready for delivery in twenty-four hours after the order for insurance is accepted at the office, and the policy must be taken up in ten days.
3d. Notes, with an approved endorser, for all premiums, must be given in ten days, payable as follows:
 For American and West-India risques, in three months after the date of the policy.  For European risques, in six months.  For India and China risques, in 12 months.  For risques by the year, in eight months.  For risques for six months, in four months.  And for risques for any lesser time, in three months. 
4th. Losses will be paid in ten days after proof and adjustment; but if the note given for the premium shall not have become due within that time, the amount of it shall, nevertheless, be deducted from the loss to be paid.
The Insurance Company of North-America hereby give notice to all whom it may concern, that, agreeably to the above rules, they are ready to receive all orders for insurance, which may be addressed to them, accompanied with directions to some responsible house in Philadelphia for the payment of the premiums within the time limited.
In case the risques offered shall be approved, the insurance shall be immediately effected; otherwise notice shall be given, either by answer to the person applying, or to his agent, in Philadelphia, as may be ordered.
By order of the Directors, EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y.
July 3. 4w
INSURANCE COMPANY.
PHILADELPHIA, July 18, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given to the members of the Insurance Company of North America, that the Directors have declared a dividend (to this day) of six per cent on the amount of the first instalment, and of one per cent per month, on the sums paid towards the second and third instalments, calculating from the first day of the month following that in which these payments were made. The Dividend will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives, at the Company's Office, (No. 119, South Front-Street) at any time after the 7th inst.
EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y.
As the members of this Company are much dispersed throughout the United States, the Printers in the several States are requested to give the above a place in their newspapers.
MADAME DOUETTE, wife of M. DOUETTE, an inhabitant du quartier de Vallieres, lost her husband in the districts of the Cape on the 20th June last. She is ignorant of his fate—She requests that those who may have it in their power to give her any information respecting her husband, would send it to the house of Mrs. HUDSON, High-Street, Baltimore, where she resides, or to Madame QUANTE, in the same street. A re-publication of the above by the several printers is requested.
Albany Glass-House.
The Proprietors of the Glass-Manufactory, under the Firm of M'CLALLEN, M'GREGOR and Co. BEG leave to inform the public, that they have now brought their WINDOW-GLASS to such perfection, as will be found, on comparison, to be equal, in quality, to the best London Crown Glass.
Having fixed their prices at a lower rate than imported Glass, they are induced to believe, that importations of this article will be discontinued, in proportion as their works are extended.—They propose to enlarge the scale of this business, and as the success of it will depend on the patriotic support of the public, they beg leave to solicit their friendly patronage in the pursuit of a branch which will interest every lover of AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.
All orders for WINDOW-GLASS, of any size, will be received at the Store of RHODES and M'GREGOR, No. 234, Queen-Street, New-York, and at the Glass-Warehouse, No. 48, Market-Street, Albany, which will be punctually attended to.
WANTED, six smart active LADS, not exceeding 16 years of age, to be indentured as Apprentices, and regularly instructed in the various branches of Glass-Making.
Also, three Window-Glass Makers, to whom great encouragement will be given.
May 1, 1793. BY THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARROLL, Esquires, COMMISSIONERS appointed by Government to prepare the Public Buildings, &c. within the City of Washington, for the reception of Congress, and for their permanent residence after the year 1800—
A LOTTERY
FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
50,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, are 350,000 dollars.
   LIST OF PRIZES.     1 Superb Hotel, with baths, out houses, &c. &c. to cost 50,000   1 Cash Prize 25,000   1 ditto 20,000   1 ditto 15,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 ditto 5,000 are 10,000   10 ditto 1,000 10,000   20 ditto 500 10,000   100 ditto 100 10,000   200 ditto 50 10,000   400 ditto 25 10,000   1,000 ditto 20 20,000   15,000 ditto 10 150,000  
16,737 Prizes Dollars 350,000 33,263 Blanks
50,000. By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers, and yet the federal City will gain its object thereby, in a magnificent building designed both for public and private convenience.
Although some expense must necessarily attend the conducting of the lottery, (which expense will be taken from the principal prize) the Commissioners having agreed to present in return a sufficient quantity of excellent free-stone, together with the best adapted lots for the hotel and for the out-houses, the value of the lottery entire may be fairly rated at something more than par: In this important instance it will be found, on examination, to exceed all the lotteries that have ever been offered to the Public in this or perhaps in any other country. The keys of the Hotel, when complete, will be delivered to the fortunate possessor of the ticket drawn against its number.—All the other prizes will be paid, without deduction, in one month after the drawing, by the City Treasurer at Washington, or at such Bank or Banks as may be hereafter announced, for the convenience of the fortunate adventurers. The drawing will commence on Monday the 6th of September next, at the City of Washington.
Tickets may be had of Col. Wm. Dickens, City Treasurer of Washington; Thayer & Bartlet, of Charleston, South-Carolina; Gideon Denison, Savannah; Messrs. James West & Co. Baltimore; Mr. Peter Gilman, Boston; and at such other places as will be hereafter published.
N. B. ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given for the best Plan of an elegant and convenient HOTEL or INN, with hot and cold Baths, Stables, and other out houses, if presented on or before the 10th of April next; and a preference will be given to the Artist for a Contract, provided he be duly qualified to complete his plan. The ground on which the Hotel and out houses are to be erected, will be a corner lot of about 90 by 200 feet, with a back avenue to the stables, &c. Sections and estimates of the expense will be expected with the elevations, &c. complete; and 50,000 dollars must be regarded by the Architect as the utmost limit in the expense intended for this purpose.
S. BLODGET, Agent for the affairs of the City. March, 6, 1793.
BANK of the UNITED STATES.
NOTICE is hereby given that there will be paid at the Bank after the 10th instant, to the Stockholders or their Representatives duly authorized, FOURTEEN DOLLARS and FIFTY CENTS for each Share, being the dividend declared for the last six months.
By order, JOHN KEAN, Cashier. ep3w
UNIVERSITY of PENNSYLVANIA
THE vacation for the Philosophical Classes commences on Monday the 15th instant, and is to continue six weeks; and for the different schools, belonging to the Institution, on Monday the 29th instant, to continue four weeks. The Commencement for conferring Degrees on the Students of the Senior Class, who have been already examined before the Faculty and Trustees, and approved of by them, will be held on the 2d Wednesday of September next.
As the Philosophical Professors will begin their courses of Lectures about the 1st of September, to the Classes under their care, and as it is usual for Students from distant parts, who wish to finish their education in the University, to enter one or other of these Classes, according to their proficiency in Literature, it is recommended to such Students to make their applications for admission at that time.
The Lectures of the Provost for the benefit of the Medical Students, will begin, as usual, on the 1st of November, when the Lectures of the Medical Professors commence.
By order of the Faculty. WM. ROGERS, Sec'y.
FOR SALE, BY MATHEW CAREY,
At his Store, No. 118, Market-Street, PHILADELPHIA.
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January, 1787, to its termination in December, 1792, in twelve volumes, price, neatly bound and lettered, nineteen dollars and one fifth.
The opinion of the President of the United States, respecting this work, is as follows:
"I believe the American Museum has met with extensive, I may say, with universal approbation from competent judges; for I am of opinion, that the work is not only eminently calculated to disseminate political, agricultural, philosophical, and other valuable information; but that it has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety. If to these important objects be superadded the more immediate design of rescuing public documents from oblivion—I will venture to pronounce, as my sentiment, THAT A MORE USEFUL LITERARY PLAN HAS NEVER BEEN UNDERTAKEN IN AMERICA, OR ONE MORE DESERVING OF PUBLIC ENCOURAGEMENT."
June 5.
City of Washington.
A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners, on the 17th day of September next.—One fourth part of the purchase money is to be paid down, the residue at three equal annual payments with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid.
JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Com'rs.
Extract of an Act of the General Assembly of Maryland, concerning the Territory of Columbia, and the City of Washington.
"Be it enacted, That any foreigner may by deed or will, hereafter to be made, take and hold lands within that part of the said Territory which lies within this State; in the same manner as if he was a citizen of this State; and the same lands may be conveyed by him, and transmitted to and be inherited by his heirs or relations, as if he and they were citizens of this State: Provided, That no foreigner shall, in virtue hereof, be entitled to any further or other privilege of a citizen."
Jan. 10.
To the Public.
THE Editor of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Prices Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State:—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTIZING favors will be gratefully received.
TERMS.
To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next.
The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence.
In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant,
JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of subscription papers, and by the Editor at his house, No. 34, North Fifth-Street. Philadelphia, July, 1793.
THE EDITOR
MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible.—Those persons who have received subscription money on his account are desired to remit the same. The arrearages for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of his expensive publication. Philadelphia, June 16.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 26, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusive, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
 At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Carlsruhe, in the State of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-Town & Carlsruhe.  At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek.  At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls.  At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning.  At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cuyahoga, and at the said Head Navigation.  At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga, and at the said mouth.  At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and up the said river to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cuyahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth.  At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto.  At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids.  At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town.  At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton. At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair.  At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson.  At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action.  At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages.  At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth.  At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake.  At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cuyahoga.  At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle.  At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadagheque Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadagheque Lake, and thence down the Alleghany river to Fort Franklin.  At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf.  At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh.  At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.  At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.  At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox.  At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Quitman, and at Quitman.  At any place or places from Quitman, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River.  At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Village.  At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tenesse to Occoehappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively.  At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville.  And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof.  Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.  One pound of bread or flour,  One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork,  One quart of salt,  Two quarts of vinegar,  Two pounds of soap,  One pound of candles,  per 100 rations. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the deposition of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed. The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years. The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.