Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-04-14 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN PENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 105.—Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. CV.
“Where a great Man is delicate in his choice of favorites, every one courts with greater earnestness his countenance and protection.”
THOUGH a free and candid disposition is an amiable quality, there are certain points in which men should act with shyness and reserve. The choice of intimate friends and favorites is one of the most difficult tasks a person ever has to perform. This difficulty encreases in proportion to the eminence of character any one sustains. When a man moves in an elevated sphere, he must of course form a very numerous acquaintance. It will be requisite for him to select from among them, some with whom he may be confidential and communicative. He cannot easily distinguish the character of those who appear to have claims upon his attention and confidence; and if he could properly estimate them, perhaps policy would forbid him to follow the dictates of his inclination. A great man must choose such favorites, as will meet with the public approbation, though his own wishes might direct a different choice. The public opinion may not only be discordant, but it may be fickle. The same man may be highly esteemed by one part of the community, and detested by another. He may be popular one day, and odious the next. Thus it appears a person must act cautiously in chusing his confidants.
If men in the high offices of government are heedless in the choice of their associates, it will soon cease to be an honor to be ranked among their favorites. But when there is delicacy and judgment discovered in the choice, those on whom great men smile will deem themselves honored by their notice. Worthy and respectable characters will court their attention, and they may depend on the good will and services of the wise and virtuous. There is no remedy against the inconvenience of bad counsel, but to have very few counsellors. If a public man consults with many persons he probably may be deceived with respect to the merit of some of them. He may bestow confidence where it is not deserved. But this is not the worst of it: By having a great number of intimate friends, a low value will soon be set upon his friendship. It becomes too cheap and common. None of his friends feel much responsible for the effects of their advice, because the responsibility is divided among so many. It belongs to every man to fix the price of his own character: He will always fetch what he is worth, if he demands what he is worth. But if he trifles with himself, and sets a low value upon his importance in society, the world will also think him of little value.
A discreet line of conduct, and a delicate choice of associates will give weight, if not lustre to in different talents. Those who commit no mistakes, will be applauded for virtues they never exercised; and be respected for abilities they do not possess. Their influence encreases like money at interest. They meet with no losses, and whatever they gain is added to their capital stock. It is hardly conceivable to what an high degree of reputation, a man of prudence and circumspection may attain. And there is nothing in which a man should be more prudent and circumspect than in the choice of his friends and companions.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THIS number commences the SECOND VOLUME OF THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The publication will be continued upon its original PLAN, viz. Be published, WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at the seat of the Federal Government—contain Sketches of Debates in the National House of Representatives—and the result of the deliberations of Congress—THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES—Essays and Paragraphs on Politics, Finance, Government, Education, Arts, Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures—Domestic and Foreign Intelligence, &c.
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Three dollars per annum, exclusive of postage: Payments to be Six Months in advance.
The Editor acknowledges, with gratitude, the patronage which the GAZETTE has received from a generous public. His interest must powerfully impel to such exertions as may ensure a continuance of general approbation. The favors of his correspondents he hopes will be continued: Some new sources of supply he expects will be opened—every hint for the improvement of the publication will be attended to—that it may subserve the interests of Virtue, Science, Freedom and Government.
Subscribers may be furnished with papers to complete the First Vol. as far as the files of the Editor can supply them—gratis. April 14, 1790.
AGRICULTURE.
A Correspondent says that it is with peculiar pleasure he observes, that the President in his speech to both houses of Congress after recommending to their consideration other important matters, has not omitted to mention, “The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, by all proper means.” And, “The expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well to the introduction of new, and useful inventions from abroad, as to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home,” and also, “That there is nothing which can better deserve their patronage than the promotion of science and literature.” That “The advancement of agriculture by all proper means,” in an eminent degree, demands the attention of every legislature is evident from the absolute necessity of it. For notwithstanding its indispensable nature, it is still so little understood, by the generality of those who follow it, that it is now capable of the greatest, and most rapid improvements under the nursing hand of government. It is not only the first, but the most healthy, most honorable, and most extensively useful, and complicated of all employments; to follow which, Kings and Emperors have laid down their Crowns, and Sceptres, and, “seized the plough, and greatly independent lived.” For this is that art and science alone on which all the rest entirely depend; and is, of itself absolutely necessary for the support of human life: And wherever it is neglected, or unskillfully prosecuted, whatever wealth may be imported from abroad, poverty and misery will abound at home: For such ever was, and ever will be, the fluctuating nature of trade, and commerce, that thousands, who depend upon them, may be in affluence to day, and in a state of beggary to-morrow; which can never be the case of those happy persons who, judiciously, apply themselves to the most noble, delightful, and independent art of husbandry. Such then being its antiquity, dignity, and usefulness; would it not be good policy, in the supreme legislature, to nominate, and appoint a proper person, with an adequate salary, to continue in office for one year, or during pleasure, with the appellation of Farmer-General; to make annually a tour of the state, or states, under their jurisdiction to register the state of the crops, the best mode of culture, of folding, and hay raising, and distributing the manure, &c. &c. And the recent improvements that have been made in any respect, and to communicate, to those who may be willing to learn what he knows himself, or has learned from the experience and practice of others; and to make honorable mention of all those Owners, Stewards, or Overseers of farms whose industry, method, and perseverance may entitle them to it. This would naturally inspire men of all ranks with an extraordinary sense of the importance of a due attention to this so much neglected art, and with a laudable emulation to excel one another in what so manifestly tends to their own, and their country's honor, interest, and happiness. And this officer of inspection and information, by keeping a journal, and making notes, and observations upon all proper occasions, to be examined, and published annually under the inspection of a committee of agriculture, may collect an amazing fund of practical, agricultural knowledge in a few years, as into one grand reservoir, from whence it would continue to flow on, in numerous enlightening streams, to the remotest parts of the empire. “The expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well to the introduction of new, and useful inventions from abroad, as to the exertions of skill, and genius in producing them at home,” needs no comment. But, nevertheless, it may not be amiss to suggest, that enacting a law to make provision for the authors of useful inventions, discoveries, or performances by granting patents, or bounties to such, that it would be expedient to make a provisional clause against impositions, and surreptitious grants; that all persons, when convicted thereof, shall not only suffer a pecuniary mulct, but restore to the genuine authors, whether natives, or foreigners, what they have thus fraudulently obtained, or make the necessary surrender to government itself, of all, and every thing they have unwarrantably received, to be applied to the use, and emolument of those to whom it may be justly due. But as to the necessity of promoting science, and literature at the public expence (as it cannot otherwise be done in any extensive degree) the best comment, that can here be given, will be the President's own following term of words at full length on
that head: Which display a justness, sincerity, and energy of thought and expression so peculiar to himself. “Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion, that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge, is in every country the surest basis of public happiness—in one, in which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is proportionably essential. To the security of a free state it contributes in various ways: By convincing those who are entrusted with the public administration, that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people: And by teaching the people themselves to know, and to value their own rights; to discern, and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression, and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience, and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society, to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy, but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws. Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a national university, or by any other expedient, will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature. Virginia Gazette.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17.
Report of the Committee on the Memorial of the people called Quakers, under consideration.
(MR. SMITH'S (S. C.) SPEECH CONTINUED.)
IT has been said that the toleration of slavery brings down reproach on America. It only brings reproach on those who tolerate it, and we are ready to bear our share. We know that none but prejudiced and uncandid persons, who have hastily considered the subject and are ignorant of the real situation of the Southern States, throw out these insinuations. We found slavery ingrafted in the very policy of the country when we were born, and we are persuaded of the impolicy of removing it; if it be a moral evil, it is like many others which exist in all civilized countries and which the world quietly submit to. Humanity has been a topic of declamation on this subject: that sentiment has different operations on different individuals, and he had it in his power to shew, that humanity first gave origin to the transportation of slaves from Africa into America. Bartholomew de las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, a Spaniard renowned for his humanity and virtues, in order to save the Indians in South America from slavery, prevailed on his monarch to substitute Africans, which were accordingly purchased on the coast of Africa and shipped to the Spanish colonies to work in the mines: this appears in Robertson's history of America, which Mr. Smith quoted. At this day the Spaniards give considerable encouragement to the transportation of slaves into their islands. Mr. Smith read the edict for that purpose.
Another objection is, that slavery vitiates and debases the mind of the owner of this sort of property. Where, said he, is the proof of this allegation? Do the citizens of the Southern States exhibit more ferociousness in their manners, more barbarity in their dispositions than those of the other States? Are crimes more frequently committed there? A proof of the absurdity of this charge may be found in the writings of those who wish to disseminate this mischievous idea, and yet, in their relation of facts, contradict themselves. They lay down general principles which they take upon credit from others, or which they publish with sinister views, and when they enter into a detail of the history of those States, they overfet their own doctrines. Thus, one writer tells us, that the Southern citizen who is educated in principles of superiority to the slaves which surround him, has no idea of government, obedience and good order, till he mingles with the hardy and free spirited yeomanry of the north, and that after mixing with them, he will return home with his mind more enlarged, his views more liberalized, and his affections rectified, and become a more generous friend to the rights of human nature: but hear what the Eastern traveller is to learn by visiting the enslaved regions of the South: He will see says the same writer immediately after, industry crowned with affluence, independence, hospitality, liberality of manners; and notwithstanding the prevalence of domestic slavery, he will find the noblest sentiments of freedom and independence to predominate; he will extol their enterprize, art and ingenuity, and will reflect that nature is wise, and that Providence in the distribution of its favors, is not capricious. Take another striking instance of this contradiction from Morse's geography; he says, that there are more slaves than free persons in South-Carolina, and mentions the mischievous influence of slavery on their manners, which, he observes, by exempting them from the necessity of labor, leads to luxury, dissipation and extravagance, and favors too much of a haughty, supercilious behavior; that the inhabitants want that enterprize and perseverance which are necessary for the attainment of the arts and sciences, that they have few motives to enterprize, and too generally rest contented with barely knowledge enough to transact the common affairs of life. Now for the authors proofs: they are contained in these words: “Many of the inhabitants spare no pains nor expence in giving the highest polish of education to their children: literature has begun to flourish since the peace; several flourishing academies and colleges have been established; the ladies have an engaging softness and delicacy in their manners; theatrical exhibitions have been prohibited by law; gaming of all kinds is more discountenanced than in any of the Southern States; all denominations of religion are on an equal footing; commerce is flourishing, economy is becoming more fashionable, and science begins to spread her salutary influence among the citizens.” But was South-Carolina, at the commencement of the

war, with all her slaves, backward in her resistance to Great-Britain? View the conduct of her citizens, their zeal and ardor in the cause of liberty; their valor at Fort Sullivan. Are crimes more frequent in that country than in the other States? Are there more executions? I believe there have been as few as in any part of the continent, and those which have taken place have been generally of emigrant convicts or fugitive wheelbarrow men; he would be bold to assert that in no State on the continent was there more order, sobriety and obedience to good government; more industry and frugality; nor was there any trace of the influence of slavery on the character of her citizens.
The French so far from curbing and cramping the African trade with needless regulations, give large premiums upon every negro landed on their islands; in some instances as much as 200 livres per head. Is that nation more debased than others? Are they not a polished people, sensible of the rights of mankind, and actuated by proper sentiments of humanity? The Spaniards encourage slavery; they are people of the nicest honor, proverbially so. The Romans and Greeks had slaves, and are not their glorious achievements held up as incitements to great and magnanimous actions? Sparta teemed with slaves at the time of her greatest fame as a valiant republic. The absolute power of the Lacedemonians over the Helots is frequently spoken of by the ancient writers; they were not only the slaves of the commonwealth, but of every individual, they could not be set at liberty, neither could they be sold; hence arose a saying, that a free man at Sparta was most a free man, and a slave most a slave.
The system of the Roman policy with regard to slavery was still more severe: Slaves were not even under the protection of the laws; they were considered as things, inter res . A master merely from caprice might torture, dismember, and even murder his slave. If a slave did any damage exceeding his value, he was delivered to the person injured, who did with him what he pleased. Yet these slaves were of the same color as their masters, and equal to them in mental faculties; many of them were men of great learning, philosophers, poets, &c. Much had been said of the cruel treatment of slaves in the West-Indies and the Southern States; with respect to the latter, he denied the fact from experience and accurate information, and believed in his conscience that the slaves in South-Carolina were a happier people than the lower order of whites in many countries he had visited. With regard to the West-Indies, Lord Rodney and Admiral Barrington had both declared that they had spent some time in the West-Indies, and that they had never heard of a negro being cruelly treated; that they had often spoken of their happiness in high terms, declaring that they should rejoice exceedingly if the English day-labourer was half as happy.—Some have said that slavery was unnecessary; so far from it that several essential manufactures depended on it. Indigo, cochineal and various other dying materials, which were the produce of the West-Indies could only be raised by slaves; the great staple commodities of the South would be annihilated without the labor of slaves.—It was well known that when the African slaves were brought to the coast for sale, it was customary to put to death all those who were not sold; the abolition of the slave trade would therefore cause the massacre of the people.
The cruel mode of transportation was another motive to this abolition; but it was to be presumed that the merchants would so far attend to their own interests as to preserve the lives and the health of the slaves on the passage—all voyages must be attended with inconveniences, and those from Africa to America, not more than others. As to their confinement on board, it was no more than was necessary; as to the smallness of space allotted them, it was more than was allowed to soldiers in a camp; for the measurement of cubical air breathed by the Africans compared with that of soldiers in a camp, was in favor of the former as thirty to seventeen; it was full as much as was allotted in ships of war to seamen who by the laws of England were frequently on their return to their families after a long and dangerous voyage, seized by violence, hurried away by a press-gang, and forced on another voyage more tedious and perilous than the first to a hot and sickly climate, where several hundreds of them were stowed away in the hold of a vessel. In cases of disobedience the Captain had a right for slight offences, to inflict on them corporal punishment without the intervention of a court martial, and in other cases they are punishable by very severe laws, executed by martial courts, established for that purpose. The same may be observed of the soldiers, who were frequently flogged severely for trifling offences; instances have been known of their being put under the care of a surgeon, after receiving a small part of the intended flagellation, to resist them for the residue.
Having thus removed the force of the observations which have been advanced against the toleration of slavery by a misguided and misinformed humanity, I shall only add, that I disapprove of the whole of the report; because it either states some power sufficiently expressed in the constitution which is unnecessary, or it sets forth some power which I am clear Congress don't possess. The concluding paragraph is an extraordinary one. In what mode are the memorialists to be informed of our humane dispositions? Are we to send a special committee to inform them? Or is the Speaker to write them a letter, or the Serjeant at Arms with the mace to wait on them? In short, Mr. Chairman, the whole of this business has been wrong from beginning to end, and as one false step generally leads to others, so has the hasty commitment of these memorialists involved us in all this confusion and embarrassment. I hope therefore if any kind of report is agreed to, it will be something like that proposed by my colleague.
SATURDAY, APRIL 10.
The bill providing for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States, was read the third time, and passed to be enacted.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the memorial of the Baron de Steuben, was read the second time, and made the order of the day for next Monday week.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by his Secretary, informing the house that the act for the encouragement of useful arts has received his assent.
The order of the day on the bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, being called for, the house went into a committee of the whole—the bill was read.
Mr. Scott offered a few general observations on the subject, and after pointing out the importance of competent regulations to secure the peace of the frontiers, and to impress the minds of the Indians with friendly sentiments towards the people of the United States, said, that to effect these important objects great care and information are necessary in order to forming an adequate system—the bill did not come up to his ideas fully—he therefore suggested the propriety of sending the bill to the senate—who not being crowded with business just now, would have time to form a more perfect plan, than the house has time to.
A motion was made that the committee should rise, but this being objected to, the motion was withdrawn.
The first paragraph in the bill provides for the appointment of a superintendent who is to be a military officer.
It was moved that the clause which contains this restriction should be struck out.
The motion was supported by the following observations: It was said to infringe the power of the President, and in that view is unconstitutional—that it may counteract the essential interests of the people, by precluding the President from appointing perhaps the most proper character in the United States. That persons in civil life may be found fully competent to the business, many such possess a perfect knowledge of Indian affairs. The military duty of an officer is sufficient to engage his attention—but this bill will convert him into a mere trader and speculator. Further it was said, that it blended the civil and military characters which is unconstitutional.
In objection to the motion it was observed that a military character is the most suitable, being amenable to a court martial, and therefore the most easily called to account, that they will probably have the greatest influence with the Indians. As to the constitutionality of the question, it is evident that the President and Senate are restricted in their appointments of officers to several other departments. The Attorney General must be a person learned in the law, or, in other words a lawyer, &c. and as it is not to be expected that any person would be contented to go and reside in the Indian country, who is debarred from carrying on all commerce as is contemplated by the bill, it follows that military officers are the only proper characters to be appointed.
Mr. Scott proposed a full substitute for the clause under debate which induced a motion for the committee to rise and report progress, which motion was carried in the affirmative.
Mr. Fitzsimons then moved that the committee of the whole should be discharged from any further consideration of the bill, and that it be recommitted to a select committee—after considerable debate this motion was negatived.
Mr. Benion proposed a resolution in lieu of that offered yesterday by Mr. Smith of South-Carolina for appointing a committee to ascertain the time when the President, Vice-President, Senate and Representatives commenced their respective offices, &c.
Mr. Livermore objected to the appointment of any committee, he said every gentleman may satisfy himself by looking at his commission. If we choose such a committee, it will be thought that our design is to protract our existence as the long parliament did. Other gentlemen also objected.
Mr. Benion and Mr. Smith of South-Carolina explained their motives in bringing forward the motion, different sentiments were entertained, some supposed the two years commenced in December others in March. Some gentlemen's commissions are dated after March. Various opinions are entertained on the subject, and to prevent confusion, it appears necessary that Congress should decide the matter—no other body is competent to it.
Mr. Burke and Mr. Williamson spoke against the motion.
Mr. Sedgwick was in favor of the resolution for appointing a committee.
Mr. Gerry moved a resolution a little different from the last. The discussion was not finished when the house adjourned.
MONDAY, APRIL 12.
The committee of conference on the disagreement between the two houses respecting an amendment proposed by the Senate, to the bill for the remission of fines, penalties and forfeitures in certain cases, having come to no accommodation as stated in our last. It was moved, that the house should adhere to their disagreement.
This motion occasioned some debate. The vote being taken it was carried in the affirmative.
On motion of Mr. Lawrance, the House went into a committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for making provision for the support of the public credit.
The proposition for the assumption of the State debts was read.
Mr. Sherman observed that the making provision for the support of the public credit, is an object of the greatest importance. He was sorry that the committee appeared to be so much divided on the subject.
The friends of the government were very generally concerned in effectual provisions being made for the payment of the public debts—and the people in general conceived were very much interested in the decisions that shall take place.
He then entered into a consideration of the assumption of the State debts, and recapitulated the most important observations in favor of the measure that had been made in the former discussion of this business. He noticed particularly the objections that had been urged from the improbability of the accounts between the United States and individual States being ever settled.—He said if the accounts are never to be settled, this is as strong a reason as can be urged in favor of assuming those debts, which had been contracted for the general defence. He could conceive of no difference between debts, all of which had been contracted for the same purposes. If the accounts are not to be settled, justice seems to require that the debts should be made a general charge, and the whole mass paid out of the common stock.—But he could not agree to the idea that the accounts would never be settled. He then adverted to the arrangements which had been made by the Congress under the old Confederation—the progress that had been made—and the practicability of finishing the business. He concluded by saying that he thought it wise and just—and that it would meet the approbation of the public in general to assume the liquidated debts of the States.
Mr. White observed, that he conceived gentlemen had taken up this business on wrong principles. He then stated what he thought the proper grounds on which the subject ought to be discussed. He adverted to the principles which he had before advanced respecting a previous settlement of accounts. He justified the conduct of members in advocating the interest of their several States—the general interest can perhaps be promoted no other way. Virginia thinks it against her interest to assume the debts. Massachusetts thinks it her interest that they should be assumed—here can be no charge of local ideas—without a recrimination.
He then adverted to certain observations which had been made respecting the eastern States, receding from the Union.—He could not suppose the eastern States would find their interest in separating: But he thought it as proper to attend to what would be the effect in case the debts are assumed. He mentioned the proposed duties as exceptionable, and the excise in particular would be very unpopular. Some petitions have already been presented. It has been said, that assumption would facilitate the settlement of accounts. He thought the contrary would be the consequence. Individuals would then be at ease. Another ob-
jection is that it will encrease the public debt—which will lead to sanguinary laws—One law already passed is tinged with blood, merely on account of the prospect of encreasing the evidences of debt—We have made forgery death—which is contrary to the maxims of our ancestors. In England it was considered only as a misdemeanor, till the enormous addition to their debts took place.—Upon the whole he thought the assumption a measure that would not meet the approbation of a majority of the people—and ought not to take place.
Several other gentlemen spoke on the occasion—and various motions were offered to modify the proposition—but they were all rejected—and the question for the assumption being put was negatived—thirtyone voting against—and twenty nine in favor of the proposition.
After the question relative to the assumption of the state debts had passed in the negative,
Mr. Sedgwick rose and said, I now consider the question of the assumption as ultimately negatived. We are then in my opinion in a situation, most solemn and serious. In the name of the people of Massachusetts, who have honored me with a seat in this house—in whose behalf my colleagues and myself have united in representing their services and sufferings, do I address you—We have demanded justice—we have implored the compassion of the representatives of the people of America, to relieve from the pressure of intolerable burdens—burdens incurred in support of your freedom and independence. Our demands and our entreaties have both been ineffectual. Feeling as I do, on this important occasion, I shall stand justified to myself, and I trust to the candor of every other gentleman, in what I am about to declare: During the war, the government of Massachusetts, the corporations and the people all united in straining every nerve in support of the common cause. To the remembrance of every friend of his country, I appeal. To your public officers, and to the men conversant in the transactions of that day of anxiety and distress, I appeal, for the evidence of that noble and disinterested enthusiasm, of those exertions and services, which were then as important as was your escape from slavery. Exertions and services which were then acknowledged; and however they may be now forgotten, or disregarded without, believe me they will long be remembered within that state. Is there a man who does not believe the exertions of Massachusetts, compared with her ability, were at least equal to those of any of the states? This has not, and I presume will not be denied; was she less frugal? It is not pretended. Does it not then follow, irresistibly, that the excess of her debt must have been contracted for national purposes? Is there any one who supposes that what they denominate the national debt, can be securely funded, without invading those objects of revenue, which are now appropriated for the support of public credit, in that state? Can it be believed that the government or the people there will voluntarily submit to sacrifice the interests of 20,000 men who adventured their lives and estates in the common cause? Shall the first operations of this government which I fondly hoped would move on national ground, and regulate its conduct by enlarged and liberal policy, be the impoverishment of such, and so many honest, confiding citizens.
Independent of the assumption, there is not, in my opinion the least reason to believe a settlement of the accounts of the individual states with the United States will ever take place. The offer of justice on that contingency, is therefore, little more than pretence on one side, and I can assure gentlemen is felt to be little less than mockery on the other—all these things make a deep impression, nor will they easily be erased from the memory. It only remains, that I express directly the purpose for which I rose, which was to warn, solemnly warn, gentlemen of the dangerous consequences, in the progress of this business, of invading those funds which are preoccupied by that state. Let them then proceed and see whether without such violent and unjust invasion, it will be practicable to procure the necessary objects of revenue.
The committee then rose.
Mr. Gerry proposed a resolution, that that part of the Secretary's Report relative to the State debts, be referred to a committee to consist of a member from each State.
This motion was laid on the table for further consideration, agreeable to the rules of the house. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, APRIL 13.
Sundry petitions were read, and referred to the heads of departments; Mr. Vining of the Committee appointed to bring in a bill to enable the Secretary of State to appoint an additional Clerk in his office reported the draught of a bill, which was read.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House that they adhere to their proposed amendment to the bill, for the remission or mitigation of fines penalties and forfeitures in certain cases.

Mr. AMES moved that the bill to regulate the Post-Office of the United States should be taken up: which being agreed to, the house went into a committee of the whole.
Mr. LIVERMORE in the chair.
The first clause of the bill was read.
Mr. WILLIAMSON observed that according to the best calculation he could make, the income of the post-office upon the system in the bill, so far from producing the revenue which had been contemplated, would not yield sufficient to support itself; he therefore moved that the bill should be recommitted to a select committee; that the information received since the bill had been reported, might be improved to render it less defective; Mr. Boudinot and Mr. Fitzsimons were in favor of the committee's rising, in order to recommitting the bill; the motion however being objected to, was withdrawn.
The clause which empowers the President of the United States, to establish post-offices and post-roads, it was moved should be struck out.
The motion was supported by saying that this is a power vested in Congress by an express clause in the Constitution and therefore cannot be delegated to any person whatever; the objects that are connected with this power are of great weight in themselves and are properly cognizable by the Legislature of the Union only. The words after some debate were struck out.
The principle of farming the Cross-Roads was objected to by Mr. Smith, (S. C.) the idea of farming said he is new in this country; it is indicative of weakness in the government. If the government make a sale of the income of an office which falls below the value, there is so much lost to the public; if the sale is above the value—the farmer must indemnify himself by extortion; he moved that the whole clause respecting farming should be struck out.
Mr. BOUDINOT observed that the idea of farming as contained in the bill, has reference only to the cross-roads—in general, Post-Offices in those roads cannot be supported by the United States, but at a loss: Still for the accommodation of the inhabitants in particular places, the Post-Master-General should be empowered to establish such Post-Offices as may conduce to their convenience provided the continent was put to no expense—the inhabitants have therefore on being allowed the postage of the letters, established such Post-Offices. But there appears to be a propriety that the Post-Master-General should farm out those cross roads, which may be productive.
Mr. AMES advocated the clause—he observed that Great-Britain in consequence of farming the Post-Office, had made the income prodigiously productive. The general objections to farming he admitted were well founded, but the present object was perhaps the least exceptionable of any that can be mentioned.
The motion for striking out this clause was negatived. Sunday blanks were filled up, and considerable progress made in the discussion of the bill.
The committee then rose, and the house adjourned.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
PARIS January 15.
The Assembly came to the following resolution, as the ground of the qualification of a citizen to vote for representatives, and to enjoy all the advantages of an active citizen.
"The National Assembly considering that they are obliged to establish some conditions by which a citizen is to exercise his rights, have thought it their duty to make these conditions as easy to fulfil as possible; that it is not by the price of work in art, naturally subject to much variation, but on that of the tillage of the earth, that the price ought to be fixed; and, therefore, they declare provisionally, that in fixing the daily price of labour, necessary to become an active citizen, they must not exceed the sum of twenty sols, without pretending on this account to change the superior prices now laid on, which may be paid for such labour in different provinces."
When they finished their labours, M. Rabaud de St. Etienne made a splendid speech.
"All Frenchmen have already perceived," said he, "the utility of the division of the kingdom, and nothing can be a greater eulogy on the nation and the age—nothing can more demonstrably prove the ascendancy of reason in the minds of a people filled with patriotism and intelligence, than the universal adhesion of all parts of the empire to this great and general reform. It is in consequence of that quick discernment, of that profound sagacity which seems to take the place of instinct, and which has lately characterized the French people, that in the space of one month, all the provinces, all the cities, all the citizens, have applauded the regenerative decrees which have substituted the political equality of all parts of the kingdom in the room of a monstrous and contradictory mass of inequalities, of which antiquity, chance, abuse, privilege, favour, and despotism, were the chaotic materials. That which Lewis XIV. would not dare to undertake, that which he would not have been able to achieve, the Nation could conceive, approve, and accomplish in the course of a few months;—it is the interest of all to feel and recognize this great truth—that despotism commands, but it is reason only that persuades."
JANUARY 21.
On Monday last a letter from Constantinople was read at the Nationally Assembly, full of enthusiastic expressions in praise of liberty: it seemed as if eloquence had dictated every line. The Senators were filled with astonishment, and the illusion was really such, that they thought they were hearing a citizen of Sparta, or Athens, speaking from the Dardanelles. And in fact the letter was written from a gentleman who had forsaken the voluptuous life of the French metropolis for the purposes of visiting the ruins of those ancient Republics—it was M. de Choiseul-Gouffier, the French Ambassador to the Porte, who sent a thousand Louis (500 for himself, and 500 in name of some Turkey Merchants) to the President of the National Assembly, with compliments and congratulations to his free country.
"ARISTIDES" came too late for this paper.
PROVIDENCE, April 3.
Last week Mr. Abner Merrifield, of Medway, in the State of Massachusetts, having purchased in this town a chest of tea, and other articles, was proceeding homeward with the goods in a waggon, when his property was seized by a revenue officer, and sent to Boston.—By act of Congress, not only the goods, but waggon and team are forfeited. Blessed effect of our being out of the union!—Mr. Merrifield long dealt in this town, and expended much money therein.
LAWs of the UNITED STATES.
PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES:
AT THE SECOND SESSION,
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT to promote the Progress of useful Arts.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That upon the petition of any person or persons to the Secretary of State, the Secretary for the Department of War, and the Attorney-General of the United States, setting forth, that he, she, or they, hath or have invented or discovered any useful art, manufacture, engine, machine, or device, or any improvement therein not before known or used, and praying that a patent may be granted therefor, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Secretary of State, the Secretary for the Department of War, and the Attorney-General, or any two of them, if they shall deem the invention or discovery sufficiently useful and important, to cause letters-patent to be made out in the name of the United States, to bear teste by the President of the United States, reciting the allegations and suggestions of the said petition, and describing the said invention or discovery, clearly, truly and fully, and thereupon granting to such petitioner or petitioners, his, her or their heirs, administrators or assigns for any term not exceeding fourteen years, the full and exclusive right and liberty of making, constructing, using, and vending to others to be used, the said invention or discovery; which letters-patent shall be delivered to the Attorney-General of the United States to be examined, who shall within fifteen days next after the delivery to him, if he shall find the same conformable to this act, certify it to be so at the foot thereof, and present the letters-patent, so certified to the President, who shall cause the seal of the United States to be thereto affixed, and the same shall be good and available to the grantee or grantees by force of this act, to all and every intent and purpose herein contained, and shall be recorded in a book to be kept for that purpose in the office of the Secretary of State, and deliver to the patentee or his agent, and the delivery thereof shall be entered on the record and indorsed on the patent by the said Secretary at the time of granting the same.
And be it further enacted, That the grantee or grantees of each patent shall, at the time of granting the same, deliver to the Secretary of State a specification in writing, containing a description, accompanied with drafts or models, and explanations and models (if the nature of the invention or discovery will admit of a model,) of the thing or things, by him or them invented or discovered and described as aforesaid, in the said patents; which specification shall be so particular, and said models so exact, as not only to distinguish the invention or discovery, from other things before known and used, but also to enable a workman or other person, skilled in the art or manufacture, whereof it is a branch, or wherewith it may be nearest connected, to make, construct, or use the same to the end that the public may have the full benefit thereof, after the expiration of the patent-term; which specification shall be filed in the office of the said Secretary, and certified copies thereof, shall be competent evidence in all Courts and before all Jurisdictions, where any matter or thing, touching or concerning such patent, right, or privilege, shall come in question.
And be it further enacted, That upon the application of any person to the Secretary of State, for a copy of any of such specification, and for permission to have similar model or models made, it shall be the duty of the Secretary to give such copy, and to permit the person so applying for a similar model or models, to take, or make, or cause the same to be taken or made, at the expence of such applicant.
And be it further enacted, That if any person or persons shall devise, make, construct, use, employ, or vend, within these United States, any art, manufacture, engine, machine, or device, or any invention or improvement upon, or in any art, manufacture, engine, machine, or device, the sole and exclusive right of which, shall be as aforesaid granted by patent to any person or persons, by virtue and in pursuance of this act, without the consent of the patentee or patentees, their executors, administrators or assigns, first had and obtained in writing, every person so offending, shall forfeit and pay to the said patentee or patentees, his, her or their executors, administrators or assigns, such damages as shall be assessed by a jury, and moreover shall forfeit to the person aggrieved, the thing or things so devised, made, constructed, used, employed, or vend, contrary to the true intent of this act, which may be recovered in an action on the case, founded on this act.
And be it further enacted, That upon oath or affirmation made before the Judge of the District Court, where the defendant resides, that any patent which shall be issued in pursuance of this act, was obtained surreptitiously by, or upon false suggestion, and motion made to the said Court, within one year, after issuing the said patent, but not afterwards, it shall and may be lawful to and for the Judge of the said District Court, if the matter alleged shall appear to him to be sufficient, to grant a rule that the patentee or patentees, his, her, or their executors, administrators, or assigns, show cause why process should not issue against him, her, or them, to repeal such patents; and if sufficient cause shall not be shown to the contrary, the rule shall be made absolute, and thereupon the said Judge shall order process to be issued as aforesaid, against such patentee or patentees, his, her, or their executors, administrators, or assigns. And in case no sufficient cause shall be shown to the contrary, or if it shall appear that the patentee was not the first and true inventor or discoverer, judgment shall be rendered by such Court for the repeal of such patent or patents; and if the party, at whose complaint the process issued, shall have judgment given against him, he shall pay all such costs as the defendant shall be put to in defending the suit, to be taxed by the Court, and recovered in such manner as costs expended by defendants, shall be recovered in due course of law.
And be it further enacted, That in all actions to be brought by such patentee or patentees, his, her, or their executors, administrators, or assigns, for any penalty incurred by virtue of this act, the said patents or specifications shall be prima facie evidence, that the said patentee or patentees, was or were the first and true inventor or inventors, discoverer or discoverers of the thing so specified, and that the same is truly specified; but that nevertheless, the defendant or defendants may plead the general issue, and give this act, and any special matter whereof notice in writing shall have been given to the plaintiff, or his attorney, thirty days before the trial, in evidence, tending to prove that the specification filed by the plaintiff does not contain the whole of the truth concerning his invention or discovery; or that it contains more than is ne-
cessary to produce the effect described; and if the concealment of part, or the addition of more than is necessary, shall appear to have been intended to mislead, or shall actually mislead the public, so as the effect described cannot be produced by the means specified, then, and in such cases, the verdict and judgment shall be for the defendant.
And be it further enacted, That such patentee as aforesaid, shall, before he receives his patent, pay the following fees to the several officers employed in making out and perfecting the same, to wit: For receiving and filing the petition, fifty cents; for filing specifications, per copy-sheet containing one hundred words, ten cents; for making out patent, two dollars; for affixing great seal, one dollar; for endorsing the day of delivering the same to the patentee, including all intermediate services, twenty cents.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States,
and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, APRIL THE TENTH, 1790.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
(TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
NEW-YORK, APRIL 14.
Extracts from sundry letters to a gentleman in this city.
MARCH 27. ***** but there are many wise men among them, who are good state pilots; it is however hard labor for them to get the ship along against such an undertow, and the surf running at the same time: We may give them a hint when we conceive they are out of the way, or move too slowly in the right way.
APRIL 1. The slow progress in public business, excites very general concern. The Anties laugh: The friends to the National Government mourn. Why does not — rise up and say "Every man has made up his mind, therefore let us talk less and vote more." It appears to me that Congress are like some physicians, who have long attended a patient, that they have most perfectly assured will soon be well; but the cure not being performed, the sufferer and his friends are much more sensible of the lapse of time and the consequent loss, than the honest doctors are. Whether this simile properly expresses the idea or not, the plain truth is, that by a delay of the capital concern of the nation, PUBLIC CREDIT, the universal expectation has been disappointed, and the public confidence considerably abated—while local state politicians are furnished with pretexts for keeping up the cry of "state sovereignty."
APRIL 4. The members ought to bear in mind that their constituents in general think their pay is high, and was established without much loss of time. I confess myself mortified with the indecision of that assembly, which ought to strike the world with its wisdom, energy and dispatch—Men of sentiment are astonished and extremely disappointed.
Extract of a Letter from Philadelphia, April 12.
I am at a loss to know why the funding business has lain over. Report says something about a compromise respecting the assumption: Time is passing and I begin to think they will say bye and bye it is too late in the session to go thro' with such important business as funding the debt, &c.
Extract of a Letter from George Town, April 2, 1790.
I can with pleasure inform you that within three weeks past we have had arrivals of at least 30 boats, at the mouth of Watt's Branch, 14 miles from this, load'd with flour, wheat and tobacco—many of them from the head waters of Potomac. I have seen several of the Boatmen, and they are much pleased with the navigation. The Powtomac company's hands are now at work on the rocks at the great falls. I hope they will get through that work this present year, then the boats may pass to the little falls, four miles from hence; at the lower part of which as many pair of Mill Stones might run, as would manufacture 500 barrels of flour per day, where ships could go up to the spot.
"There is no perfection in this world"—the lovers of discord and confusion, derive all their consequence from the universality of this idea.—In a free State it unfortunately happens that there are always more persons disposed to condemn, than to applaud—but the misfortune to the public is, that censure is generally more grateful, than approbation.—It is apparent from the tenor of certain recent strictures on public affairs, that the object is men, and not measures; in this mode of pursuing their object, the disappointed shew their wisdom—for the universal acquiescence of the people in the measures of administration, precludes them from all hope of success in attempts in that line; but if a stigma can be affixed on characters, and the public confidence shaken and destroyed, the mischievous designs of an ant federal junto may be effected.
The Hon. Mr. LEE, and the Hon. Mr. GUNN, Senators of the United States, arrived in this city on Sunday evening last.
Yesterday was married by the REVEREND — BURKE, officiating Rector of the Parish of St. Peter, in this city, the hon. Lewis William Otto, Chargé des Affaires of his most Christian Majesty, to Miss Fanny de Crevecoeur, daughter of the hon. St. John de Crevecoeur, his Most Christian Majesty's Consul for the States of Connecticut, New-York, and New-Jersey.
TO fund—or not to fund, that is the question!
Whether 'tis better to assume the debts
By States contracted for the general weal,
And by a liberal scheme of finance, prove
No little, local motives guide our fages,
In Congress met, to plan a nation's fate,
And fix the credit of the States forever;
Or—by opposing—end both Credit
And the Debts together—
A consummation devoutly wish'd
By those who sickened at our growing greatness;
For in that vote what ills may lurk,
Destructive of our concord—peace, and honor!
When the long patient creditors,
Whose purses say'd us in the trying hour,
See faith and justice flee the land,
And HOPE, no more support their honest expectation,
Say, shall we not combine a host,
'Gainst Revenue—Congress, and the Union?
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Packet Roebuck, Cowfe, Falmouth, 42 days.
Brig Carolina, Mead, Wilmington, 6 days.
—Brig Betsey, Motley, Charleston, 9 days.
Sloop Jenny, Schermerhorn, Savanna, 16 days.
—Sloop Leah, Fowler, Digby, Nova Scotia, 14 days.
—Sloop Phoenix, Bartlett, Wilmington, 7 days.
—Sloop Venus, Belknap, St. Martin's, 17 days.

EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
EAST-INDIES.
THE following information, said to be brought by an Imperial Indian arrived at Ostend, is of a more recent date than the dispatches bro't by the Swallow packet.
Tellicherry is not in the possession of Tippu Sultan. That this old and inveterate enemy to the peace and prosperity of the company, and Hindostan in general, has invested that fortress, will not admit of a doubt; and at the sailing of the above ship from that quarter of the globe, his numerous army was so disposed as completely to prevent the possibility of any provisions or succours being thrown into that garrison. Previous to this investment, in the month of March last, he entered the districts of the King of Cotiote, who as well as the Sovereign of Cartenaddue, and Prince of Charika, fled with their families, or retinue, at his approach: The latter was, however, unfortunately discovered in his place of concealment, by a detachment from Tippu Sultan's army, and, by his express orders, immediately put to death, and his remains were afterwards treated with the most shocking and disgraceful indignities.
The account of the French garrison being about to evacuate Pondicherry, has no foundation whatever in truth.
NETHERLANDS.
The States General of the United Netherlands have at length settled the terms of a Federal Union.
ART. I. All the Provinces agree to unite and confederate, under the denomination and title of "The United Belgic States."
ART. II. They agree to form and concentrate among themselves a Sovereign Power, limited to their mutual defence—the right of making war and peace—raising and paying a national army—making and repairing fortifications—forming and concluding alliances offensive and defensive with foreign powers—sending and receiving ambassadors, residents, agents, &c. the whole of which, without distinction, shall be done by and under the sole authority of the power thus united, without any reference to the respective Provinces; each of which, however, will have its due influence, through the medium of its Representatives, in the deliberations that shall take place relative to the different objects included in this Treaty.
ART. III. For the exercise of this Sovereign Power, there shall be a Congress of Deputies from each Province, under the name of the "Sovereign Congress of the United Belgic States."
ART. IV. The Provinces shall always profess the Roman Catholic and Apostolic religion, and inviolably maintain the Unity of the Church; and the Congress shall, therefore, be bound to follow and maintain connexion with the Holy See.
ART. V. The Congress alone shall have the power of coining money, in the name of the United Belgic States, and to fix its standard and value.
ART. VI. The Provinces of the Union shall make provision for the expences attending the exercise of sovereign power in the same proportion as under their last Sovereign.
ART. VII. Each province shall preserve all its rights of sovereignty, its laws, liberty, and independence, in all cases except those in which they have mutually agreed to cede them to the Sovereign Congress.
ART. VIII. In case any difference shall arise respecting the general contribution towards the expences of the State, or any other object whatever, either between the Congress and one of the Provinces, or between one Province and another the Congress shall endeavor to settle them amicably; but should the endeavors of Congress fail, then each Province shall, at the requisition of either party, nominate a person to settle the matter in dispute; and both parties shall be bound to abide by the decision or award that shall be made by the persons thus nominated.
ART. IX. The United States pledge and bind themselves mutually to assist each other, and to make a common cause, as often as any one of them shall be attacked.
ART. X. One Province shall not be at liberty to contract any alliance or engagement with another Province, without the consent of Congress. The Province of Flanders, however, shall be at liberty to re-unite with West-Flanders, on condition that each shall have its Representative in Congress, with a right to vote freely, and without controul.
ART. XI. The Union shall be permanent and irrevocable.
ART. XII. Civil and military powers shall never be trusted to one and the same person—No Member of Congress shall be employed in any military service, nor shall any officer in the army be capable of being elected a Member of Congress.
All persons in the service of, or receiving a pension, under any name whatever, from any foreign power, shall be incapable of sitting in Congress; as shall likewise all persons who, after the ratification of this treaty of union, shall ac-
cept of any title of honor, or any military or other order of knighthood, from any foreign power.
The Members who signed those articles were those from Brabant, Hainault, Flemish Guelderland, Namur, Flanders, Tournay, West-Flanders, Tournaisis and Mechlin.
The States of the Province of Limbourg having met the 31st of December last, sent to the General Assembly three of their Members—The Abbot of Rolduc, the Baron de Negri, and M. de Laffault de Sainte Marie.
But these three Members did not sign the articles of Union, as their principals had not authorized them so to do, although the States of Brabant, who had always been on a footing of friendship and alliance with those of Limbourg, had sent to the latter the resolution by which it was declared "that the Emperor had forfeited his Sovereignty."
With a view, therefore, to determine the States of Limbourg to accede to the union, it was resolved that a body of the patriotic troops should march into that province, and take possession of it.
It was hoped that these troops would pass the Meuse at Liege; and on that account a letter was written by the heads of the patriots to Burgomaster de Fabry, who received it on the 9th instant, at night.
But the Prussian General, de Schlieffen, without whose consent the Burgomasters, it seems, would not, or could not, comply with the wishes of the Patriots, refused to comply with them, because he presumed a similar requisition would be made by the court of Vienna; and if he was to comply with one, he could not with consistency refuse to grant a similar request, if it should be made by the Emperor.
Another circumstance occurred, which prevented the patriots from taking possession of the province of Limbourg. It was the defeat of a body of 800 Brabanters on the 13th inst. near Rochefort, where they left 300 dead on the field.
It is now determined, that as the patriotic force cannot pass the Meuse at Liege, they shall cross it at Viset.
FROM THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.
Mr. BROWN,
Several misrepresentations having appeared in the American papers, relative to the conduct of Admiral PAUL JONES, while in the service of Russia, and to the cause of his leaving that country, I request I may be permitted, through the medium of your paper, to lay before the Public the following translation of a letter from Count Segur, the minister plenipotentiary from France, in Russia, to Count Montmorin, the minister for foreign affairs at the court of Versailles, together with an article that was inserted, in the French Gazette, in order that these documents may rectify any mistakes the Public may be under, relative to the conduct of that brave officer.
A FRIEND TO JUSTICE.
SIR, St. Petersburg, 21 July, 1789. THE enemies of REAR ADMIRAL PAUL JONES, having circulated reports without foundation, relative to the voyage that officer is on the point of undertaking, I could wish the article sent herewith, the authenticity of which I warrant, to be inserted in the Gazette of France, and in the other public papers which are under the control of your department. This article will undecieve those whom calumny has deluded, and will prove to the friends and countrymen of the admiral that he has supported here that reputation, which he acquired by his bravery and talents in the last war; that the Empress is desirous of keeping him in her service, and that if he quits this country at present, it is entirely of his own accord, and for particular reasons that cannot in the least effect his honor. The honourable marks of the satisfaction and goodness of the King which Mr. Jones possesses—his attachment to France, which he served so usefully in the common cause, the rights he has as a subject and admiral of the United States, to the protection of the King's ministers, and my personal friendship for this distinguished officer, with whom I served a campaign in America, are all motives, which appear to me sufficient to justify the interest I have taken in every thing that has concerned him during his stay in Russia.
I have the honor to be, &c. LE COMTE DE SEGUR. Signed,
St. Petersburg, July 21, 1789.
REAR Admiral Paul Jones, being on the point of going to France, where particular business demands his presence, had the honor to take leave of the Empress the 7th of this month, and was permitted to kiss the hand of her Imperial Majesty. This officer, so celebrated for his brilliant actions during the American war, was called into the service of her Imperial Majesty in 1787, who intrusted him with the command of the ships of war stationed on the river Liman, during the campaign of 1788. For his conduct during that campaign, the Empress has decorated him with the Order of St. Anne; and her Imperial Majesty satisfied with his services, has only granted him permission to absent himself for a limited time, and continues him his pay and rank.
FROM AN ENGLISH PAPER.
A MAN of the name of J. Maquay, who lives on the estate of James S. Malone, of Castle Malone, in the county of Clane, Esq; has arrived at great perfection in the art of breeding ducks by an ingenious method, from a very considerable number of old ones, which when they lay six or eight sets of eggs, he puts under a hen; she sits on them for a week or ten days; he then places the eggs on a horse dunghill, and takes care to turn them every twelve hours, till they are hatched, which is generally in a month; but he can force it a week sooner if he thinks necessary; he then puts fresh eggs to the hen, which is kept constantly sitting for two or three months; He then mostly takes them from her at the time before mentioned; but in rainy or cold weather, he lays the eggs before the fire, which answers the same purpose, by turning them every twelve hours and by those means he raises every year from ten or twelve Ducks, between five and six hundred young ones.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE. &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
To be SOLD, For CERTIFICATES, Or exchanged for LAND, TWENTY-TWO acres of ground in the City of New-York, fronting Great George-Street, Bowry-Lane, and Greenwich-Lane. On the premises is a brick dwelling house containing ten rooms; a smaller brick house with four rooms; a house with a brick front with two rooms: In each house is a Kitchen, and under the whole four cellars; a never failing spring is near one of the kitchens; a frame stable and a coach-house with stables. From the dwelling house both the North and the East rivers are plain to the view. Additional improvements have been made this Spring, the ground has been laid out for pleasure as well as for utility; it is provided with variety of orchard and other fruit; part of the land has also been sown with timothy and clover. To be sold for certificates of the national debt, which will be received at the nominal value, Dollars at 8s. Or for good upland, even if covered with wood, provided it is situated on the following rivers, or on creeks as far as navigable, communicating with the same, viz. At the Potowmac above Alexandria, at James River above Richmond, in South-Carolina, about one hundred miles from the sea shore, on Santee Edisto or Ponpon river, or on Savannah river. If not sold at private sale before the 15th of May, it will then on the above terms be disposed of by Public Vendue at the merchants Coffee-House.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. POELLNITZ on the premises. New-York April 10, 1790.
ADVERTISEMENT.
By order of the honorable John Sels Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire; an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled "an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety. March 31. 1293m.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS. Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, JACKONET do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cassas, Chintzes, Seersuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
SCHEME.
  1 PRIZE of £3000 £3000   2 1000 2000   3 500 1500   49 200 9800   39 100 3900   50 50 2500   120 20 2400   180 10 1800   7950 4 31800 
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £50000 16654 Blanks, } Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.