National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-05-08 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
NUMB. 55 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, May 8, 1793.
[Total No. 159.]
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
New-Castle County, May 1st, 1793.
Mr. FRENEAU,
THREE juries, a struck, a traverse, and a grand jury, amounting to near one hundred free and independent citizens, were summoned to attend the federal circuit court at New-Castle, for the district of Delaware, at ten o'clock on Monday last; when, to their astonishment and chagrined, a quorum of judges did not appear to hold a court. The citizens that were summoned from their various occupations, waited till five o'clock, when most of them returned home: Many of them had rode a considerable distance, and as no court was called whilst they stayed, they were not paid for their attendance; their loss of time was of much more consequence than any thing they could have expected, but the insult offered to their feelings was felt by every one. Mr. Iredell, who was to have attended, certainly can have no proper excuse—he came as far as Wilmington on that day; had he come so far the day before, he might readily have got to New-Castle in time, as many gentlemen went from thence on Monday morning. At a district court in February last, Mr. Wilson did not get there to open court till three o'clock, when the jury were summoned to attend at ten.
Most people know that these gentlemen get very handsome salaries; and they know also from the sweat of whose brows it comes; they know more than this, they know whose right it is to call them to account for their mal-practices. The government will be found expensive enough under the most economical administration—but to lavish the time and property of the citizens unnecessarily, is what they cannot, nor will not submit to.
A Citizen of New-Castle County.
To the EDITOR of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
The following is a translation of an extract from Mr. Brissot (Warville's) Nouveau Voyage dans les Etats-Unis de l'Amerique Septentrionale, fait en 1788 , which you are requested to publish, together with a few short remarks upon it.—It begins at p. 240, of his 2d. vol.
Yours,
X.
“WHEN the English had evacuated the town, and the Presbyterian party was rendered master, persecution raged with renewed violence against the Quakers—two of them were condemned to be hung under pretence of high-treason. As the English translator of the Travels of Mr. Chatelleux has exceedingly disguised and misrepresented this fact, and has made use of it, in order to prove that the Quakers had betrayed the cause of the Americans, it is of importance that it be explained, and I can pledge myself for the truth of the facts which I am about to mention.
“John Roberts was a respectable miller in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia, distinguished by the openness of his character and the rectitude of his conduct: He supported with firmness, the party which Dr. Franklin had raised against the Presbyterians, and that was the circumstance without doubt, that occasioned the implacable hatred of the latter against him, which finally brought on his ruin.
“When the war of Independence broke out, he concealed his sentiments; however, he remained neutral, but when the English were masters of Philadelphia he went there, and busied himself in relieving the necessitous.—Roberts was afterwards accused with having guided the English to a place where some insurgents were hid: He acknowledged it, but he contended, that he had been forced to do, by an armed party of English, who threatened him in case of refusal. He proved another fact which shewed his innocence—the papers and records of Congress, were at this time hid in his mill, where the English had a guard, and he never betrayed the secret.
“Abraham Carlisle was a carpenter, of Philadelphia, not so generally known as Roberts, who, against the advice of his brethren, accepted the place of superintendent of the entry to Philadelphia on the north, thinking it only a civil and not a military appointment: This was the crime of which he was accused: But this accusation is but a continuation of injustice, the jury was composed partly of the ene-
mies of these two Quakers. There was then at Philadelphia, a committee of enquiry, whose business it was to discover the enemies of the new government:—This committee, particularly designed against the two Quakers, furnished at the same time the accusations to the attorney-general, and the persons who composed the jury. Among the latter, two only declared Carlisle and Roberts guilty—the ten others were for acquitting them, the two succeeded in bringing the ten over to their opinion, by promising that a pardon would be granted, and by urging the necessity of the appearance of an example—in consequence, a petition was presented to the executive council, who agreed to allow the pardon. At this juncture Reed was elected president. He was the most cruel enemy of the Quakers—he hurried into an acceptance of the appointment to prevent the pardon, and he succeeded. Reed was an ambitious man—he had the soul of Cromwell—he assumed the appearance of a warm republican, because he hoped one day to seize the supreme power. I have been informed that he died tormented by the stings of his conscience, for having ordered this execution.”
REMARKS.
We have had much noise about libels:—But the arrow which flieth by day, is much less to be dreaded than the secret darts to reputation, which are given in the dark. In the present instance, a Frenchman, of some eminence, has his mind poisoned in private conversation, by the most injurious and palpable falsehoods, which, on his return to France, he publishes to all Europe, and pledges himself for the truth of the facts he mentions. How it was possible for Brissot to vouch for facts, to which he was not himself a witness, it is not easy to conceive. As he appears never to have seen this country, till the year 1788, the story, of what is pretended to have happened ten years before that period, must be derived from the information of some other person; probably the same person, whom we find him so often quoting as his oracle, in different passages of his book, particularly as to the philosophical notions, that the genius of the Philadelphians is derived from the rapidity of the river Delaware; and that the longevity of a particular religious society, is acquired, by their regularity in putting on woollen stockings every year, upon the fifteenth day of September.
As to the passage now before us, it is neither my inclination to bring Roberts and Carlisle to a fresh trial; nor is it necessary to refute the calumnies, which have been whispered against the Presbyterians of this country. With respect to the former, I shall only say, that none but a stranger could have been imposed upon by such notorious falsehoods. For example; a Pennsylvanian would hardly have been made to believe, that Roberts and Carlisle were tried by the same jury; nor would any American, or even an Englishman, be persuaded, that two jurymen could gull their ten brethren into a belief, that they two had the power of procuring pardons; especially, if he reflected, as every American, and most Englishmen would, that the twelve jurymen, on each of the trials, were selected by the prisoners from a long list of citizens returned by the sheriff. With respect to the “Presbyterian party,” as it is called, it has strength enough to treat such idle tales with contempt; especially if the “Presbyterian party” is supposed to include the whole body of those, who were “rendered masters” by the evacuation of Philadelphia.
But as to Mr. REED—that martyr to secret calumny—it is shameful that his character should be still persecuted by the same lying spirit, which long since hunted him to his grave; and that no friend to truth should vindicate his memory. Instead of his hurrying to assume the place of President, for the purpose of preventing the pardon of Roberts and Carlisle, the fact is (and I speak from records) that these two men were executed on the 4th day of November 1778; that altho’ Mr. Reed was elected a member of the supreme executive council, at the general election, the 13th of October, 1778, yet he did not take his seat, as a member of the council, till the 24th of November; twenty days after their execution. That he was unanimously chosen president, being then the most popular man in the state; and took the chair, as president, the 1st day of December following. That so far from being “tormented by the stings of conscience
for having ordered this execution,” he had never given any orders on the occasion—nor had he any authority to give orders for the execution of any man, or to vote, for or against his execution or pardon, till some time after Roberts and Carlisle were in their graves. Thus far I am supported by authentic documents;—but I will venture to add, that those who attended him on his death-bed will testify, that he expressed no uneasiness on this subject; but that his complaints were of a very different nature.
Philadelphia, May 4, 1793.
To the EDITOR of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SIR,
I SUGGESTED it as a probable thing, that if the combined despots of Europe succeeded in destroying French liberty, there would be nothing to prevent Great-Britain from renewing her claims to this country, and that in this she would be aided by the confederated powers. That Great-Britain still manifests hostility to the United States, her retention of the western posts, in defiance of treaty, in defiance of every engagement which ought to be sacred among nations, will sufficiently substantiate. That the savages have been armed by the Britons at those posts, and by means of the supplies obtained there, have dipped their hands in the blood of our citizens, are facts too notorious to be questioned. This, surely is hostility of the most dreadful kind, and is of a piece with the general conduct of Britons to the United States since the establishment of their independence. Their souls seem to be cast in a savage mould, for savages have not surpassed them in barbarity; nay, it is a question if they have equalled them—for I do not recollect an instance in which they have suffered their prisoners to perish with GRASS IN THEIR MOUTHS, as the American prisoners did in the jail of Philadelphia, when in possession of the British army. The ferocity which marked the progress of the British arms during the late war, the retention of the western posts in open violation of treaty, indicate a serious enmity to our country. It has been a matter of surprize to me that our government have never taken means to obtain the fulfilment of the treaty of peace. Were those posts in possession of the United States, the difficulty of being supplied with arms and ammunition, would give us a greater security against the savages, than a thousand treaties with them; but whether this is desirable, as it would remove the pretext for a standing army, seems to puzzle some men in authority. It is a question of some moment to the freemen of this country, and I will ask it, why are not those posts surrendered? Has the government taken any steps to obtain a surrender of them? There appears to have been either pusillanimity or design in this business, and it is full time it should be unfolded. Of transactions so important freemen should not be ignorant. If the paper men of the United States have been the means of preventing effective steps being taken for this purpose, it is high time the plot should be unravelled.—The lives and property of our citizens on the frontiers ought no longer to be committed to the uncertain tenure of treaties either with savages or with Britons. This is the moment to demand a fulfilment of the treaty of the British court—this is the moment to scrutinize the conduct of our government. Hostility to France, the maison, the guardian of our liberty , is stalking abroad; British policy is gaining ground among us; it is incumbent on every man who is interested in the equality and prosperity of his country to be upon his guard, for vigilance is among the best centinels of freedom. There appears to be a combination, less formidable, but equally zealous as the well-born in Europe, against the equality of the United States. Men in power, and the mushrooms of the Funding System, have their delicate nerves grated by the sound of equality—to be placed upon a footing with every vulgar creature is degrading to their dignity, and “contrary to the order of nature.” They lament the downfall of aristocracy, and endeavour to lessen the influence of republicanism by picturing the miseries of equality with the animination of romance. Ideal superiority corresponds not with the wishes of our paper gentry; they sigh, they languish for the star and the coronet, and the war which France has made upon those baubles causes
their abhorrence of the revolution. They wish to draw the cords of connection as tight as possible between the corrupt monarchy of Great-Britain and the United States, in hopes that British influence will produce the same degeneracy upon the mass of the people, which was effected upon one of the quondam patriots of the revolution. But such efforts are vain, for the conduct of the citizens of Philadelphia on the arrival of the French frigate, has given me the pleasing conviction, that gratitude glows in the bosoms of the people, and that the fair goddess of Liberty will still continue to be protected from prostitution by cementing our connection with the republicans of France, and an abhorrence of every corrupt system engendered in the British government.
AN OLD SOLDIER.
May 4, 1793.
Extracts from French Papers, printed at Paris.
NATIONAL CONVENTION, Feb. 3, 1793.
“The committee of general defence have proposed a decree to be adopted, which will at once prove the Republic to be a faithful and generous ally, as well as a most determined enemy to all that wantonly affront her. The draft of the decree is as follows:—“1. All the ports of the French colonies are opened to vessels belonging to the United States of America. 2. All articles of merchandise exported or imported by American vessels, shall not pay either at their entry or clearing, at any port of France or her colonies, higher duties than those imposed upon French vessels. 3. The executive council is empowered to take all convenient measures that the kingdoms and states with whom the republic is at war, may not profit from the favours granted to a friendly power. 4. The executive council shall negotiate with the United States of America, to obtain, in favour of the French merchants, a reduction of duties similar to what shall be granted to the American merchants by the present decree; that by this means we may strengthen the ties of gratitude and friendship of both parties.”
It has already been decreed, that all the re-enlisted soldiery who have been in service ten years, should have a yearly pension granted them at their discharge. It has since been decreed, that those who may not have served ten years, but shall continue during the war, shall receive, at their discharge, under the title of gratification, 60 livres for one campaign, 150 for two, 300 for three, and 360 for four. Pensions and gratuities to the military have already been taken to the value of 400 millions of livres from the property of the emigrants. The pension due to any one of the military, who is killed in battle, or died from wounds there received, reverts to his widow (and children under 16 years of age.)
The aristocrats of Basil, in Switzerland, have made use of the execution of Louis Capet, to embitter the minds of the Swiss against France. Injury and insult to the French has been the consequence, and to such a degree, that the commandant of the place has forbidden all French military men to come into the city under the severest penalties. This prohibition will prevent vast sums of money from circulating among them, and will consequently open the eyes of the people to the schemes of a set of scoundrels who find it their interest to raise a prejudice against the infant republic, and disseminate lies and falsehoods without end. They address themselves to the hopes and fears of the Basilians by holding up a rupture with France, and try to persuade them that if their town should suffer from our artillery, they will be amply indemnified by the Helvetic body. These same aristocrats, however, would be the last in the world to make any sacrifice; and those who have been most active in spiriting up the populace against us, have secretly removed their most valuable effects into the most interior recesses of the country. The French ambassador to Switzerland will soon be acknowledged. Zurich will take the lead; and even Basil will indirectly acknowledge him without waiting for the council of Eleven. The democratic cantons will follow their example; and opposition may only be looked for from Berne, Soleure and Fribourg. As to the military movements in Switzerland, they are wholly occasioned by the fear of the cantons, lest the imperial forces should pass through Switzerland to attack France. The Swiss by no means with success to Auf-

tria, but are rather terrified at the immense combination against us, which they suppose we cannot withstand. This is the great secret of their irresolute behaviour...
Hague, Feb. 12. Their high mightinesses have sent a manifesto to each of the seven provinces, in which they complain in high terms of the French declaration of war against them...
Paris, Feb. 21. The English captains of vessels that have entered the ports of the Republic with cargoes of grain on our account, have remonstrated against the embargo laid on their vessels...
Feb. 22. Whatever the English ministerial papers may say (and indeed all their papers are at this time sold to the government) scarcely a person in the three kingdoms has fitted out a privateer.
FOREIGN ADVICES.
[From English Papers.]
LONDON, March 15.
General Custine has returned from Paris to his command at Mentz, and General Servan is come to Paris to concert measures for the southern campaign.
On the 21st of January, the French planted the tree of liberty in the new Republican ambassador's court-yard in Constantinople...
The important fortress of Choczim has been restored by the Austrians to the Turks. The Pacha took possession of it on or about the 18th of February.
Bourbonville has been to the convention to resign his place as minister at war, and he begged to be allowed to return to the army...
March 26. All the accounts by the Dutch mail of yesterday, agree in stating, that the conflict between the Austrians and French on the 18th inst. was obstinate and bloody...
By Lord Auckland's dispatches, it appears that the French on the 8th attacked the Austrians at Nerwind, near Tirlemont. That they were repulsed in the centre and on the right.
The express sent to Carleton House, is similar to the above, except that the loss
of the French is stated at 2000 men and 22 pieces of Cannon.
Letters from Brussels state that Dumourier attacked the combined army at seven in the morning, between Tirlemont and St. Tron. The battle was fought with various success till the afternoon...
On Friday last, the 22d inst. the Austrians, in spite of every manœuvre of the French to avoid the conflict, forced them to a general action.
The action took place near Louvain—According to the government dispatches, the French lost 17,000 men, in killed, wounded, and prisoners.
Paris, March 11. The late checks of our armies in the Belgic provinces have been most astonishingly magnified, so as to spread alarm and dismay thro' the capital, and the friends of anarchy and counter-revolution seized the occasion to cry out treason against all they wished to destroy.
Hague, March 22. Intelligence has been received here of a victory obtained by the P. of Saxe Coburg over the French at Neerlenden, near Tirlemont...
On the 15th inst. the advanced posts of the Imperial army had been beat back from Tirlemont, which was re-taken by the enemy; on the 16th Dumourier attempted to pass the left wing of the Imperial army...
The number killed and wounded is variously reported—It is said that the French have lost 33 pieces of cannon.
The subsequent ADDRESS is copied from the Knoxville Gazette of April 6.
To the citizens of the territory South of Ohio; in the United States of America.
AT a time when danger is hanging over our heads on every side, it is fortunate for the good citizens of this territory that they have the advantage of a free press...
Indeed mankind often subject themselves to the dominion of fear and imprudence, through inconsiderate decision, on first view; and the rash act of one man proves alarming and fatal to many...
I will not flatter you, on the present occasion, with a case better than it is in reality; for I have little doubt of the hostile intentions of the Creeks, some towns of the Cherokees, and the northern Indians...
who shall resent the injuries of the savage enemy. What then?—Why! your case is not one hundredth part so desperate as a very similar case was in 1776.
In June 1756, just before that ever memorable fourth of July, on which American independence dates its era, the then frontier boundary line being the line called Donelson's line, on the part of Virginia...
Add to this, there were a number of people called Regulators, who had fled to the extreme frontier for safety, after their battle against governor Tryon, at Alamance...
In this dilemma, the Virginians gave orders for all men to retire within the aforesaid line, or they would be treated as outlaws.
The people on the northern side of Holston, obeyed this mandate; but, influenced in a great degree by the persuasions of William Cooke, Esq. (the present attorney general) they fortified themselves at Amos Heaton's, now Sullivan old court house...
Shortly after this party took post, and before they had completed their fort, (called Fort Lee) four of the traders made their escape from the Cherokee nation, and apprised them of the immediate march of about six hundred Cherokees...
The result of this precipitate retreat was this: that the few who were determined to oppose the enemy in defence of that quarter, were joined by as many in the rear of this camp, as had not time to get safe off: and were thus compelled to fortify near the Sycamore Shoals, on Wautauga, on much weaker ground than that which they had evacuated...
At Wautauga, men, boys and negroes, fit to bear arms, but not well armed, under Capt. James Robertson.
At Boonborough, under Daniel Boon. 15 At Harrodsburgh, under Capt. Harrod. 34 In all, 124
Yet the country was well defended! And strange as it may appear, this territory and the state of Kentucky both owe their present consequence to this handful of men...
Now, if we contrast the above picture with our situation at this day, the comparison will scarce bear a reflection! For if, I apprehend that our enemies are not
more numerous than formerly—Secondly, we have no British war to encounter. Thirdly, we have a country one hundred miles farther advanced to the westward, thicker settled, wider extended, more level, and more fertile, in which we have an inland navigation leading to our frontier posts through well cultivated farms...
The Kentucky country, according to the returns made two years ago, contained 73,677 souls—Virginia then contained 747,610, and North Carolina 393,750, all of whom are immediately interested in our prosperity and defence.
Is it the assistance of Congress, then, that we want to protect us? No. We must in all events protect ourselves, and assist them into the bargain! And so we can do, either with or without their reciprocity.
With regard to the first, I will briefly observe, that no people are independent who are too indolent to cultivate their internal resources; and he who is in the habit of adoring money, or cringing to the tools of foreign commerce, is the hireling slave of distant tyranny, and merits not the name of Freeman.
Secondly—I conceive the love of virtue to be our best security for the equal enjoyment of every social advantage. It will teach us the golden rule, "to do unto others as we would they should do unto us."
Thirdly—Unanimity of pursuit, to acquire the means of social subsistence, is, in my opinion, not only necessary for our safety, against the common foe, inasmuch as every variance begets discord, and thus weakens the common strength...
Lastly—As to system in our common defence. I will here take a retroview of the general conduct of the frontier, on sudden alarms; and trace, if possible, into the radical causes, why we suffer such frequent losses of wealth and blood...
[The remainder in our next.]

PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 8.
On Thursday night last arrived at New-York, the ship Favorite, in 23 days from Galway, west of Ireland. By this vessel a London paper (The Star) was received, of the 28th of March, and the Connaught Journal of April 1st. The intelligence by the Favorite is, in brief, as follows:—That on the morning of the 28th of March, dispatches were received in London from the British ambassador at the Hague, dated the 26th, which were entirely silent respecting the action said to have happened between the Austrian and French forces on the 18th, but on the contrary, that Dumourier was in full force between Louvain and Brussels—
We learn from French Hispaniola, that the internal troubles of that island have nearly subsided, the negroes being either reduced, come in voluntarily to their masters, or retired to inaccessible mountains. On the 4th of April there were two seventy four gun ships, and four frigates in Cape Francois harbour.
In consequence of gross and unprovoked outrages committed by certain English sailors on a French naval officer, and others in Charleston, (S. C.) the police of that city issued a notice the 16th April, on complaint of the French Consul, requesting all masters of vessels, particularly the British, to keep their sailors on board their vessels in the evenings. When our last accounts left Charleston, it was next to certain that a continuance in such insolent attempts would provoke several retaliations from the injured party, who at least looked for civil usage in an American port, and not wanton insults from the desperate and envenomed ruffians of a foreign nation. In future all French officers and seamen were to be armed day and night with pistols and other weapons to repel every assault of the kind.
M. Genet set out from Charleston for this city with his suite, on the 19th of April in the afternoon. Previous to his departure, M. Genet gave orders respecting the importation of a considerable quantity of provisions, &c. for the use of the army and navy of the French republic.
Several armed vessels had been fitted out at Charleston by French subjects with French commissions. The reports do not appear to be true that governor Moultrie had ordered all houses of rendezvous for the French service to be shut up, in order to prevent the outfit of privateers from Charleston. On the contrary, no such houses had been shut up, and the governor, as far as we can learn, had neither exercised his power or his influence to prevent the arming of French vessels for their own defence, and to take new commissions accordingly.
A letter from Havre de Grace of March 9th, quotes the following prices of American produce, viz. tobacco 30 livres per quintal—rice 70 ditto—exchange in London 15 1-8.
We are informed, that there have been three small French privateers mounting six guns each, fitted out at Charleston.
On the 7th of April a French seventy-four gun ship arrived at Port-au-Prince with a commissary on board, sent by the government of Old France. The town had resolved not to receive him, and the ship was determined he should land. The American vessels were notified to leave the harbour, and a severe cannonade succeeded, the immediate cause of which we do not yet learn.
The German Republican Society, lately established in this city, at a full meeting, resolved unanimously to appoint a committee who are to report the draft of an address to Citizen Genet, to be presented him by the society in a body upon his arrival in this city. A number of Frenchmen and descendants of Frenchmen have made arrangements to entertain him with an elegant dinner soon after his arrival.
Twelve French vessels had been carried, as prizes, into Gibraltar a little previous to the 11th of March. "Some of them (says a letter from thence) are very rich. It was expected Spain would join the combination against France, but the matter by no means certain. On the 1st of March a French fleet of 12 sail of the line were seen cruising
off Cape de Gate. The Spanish government had ordered 50,000 men to the frontier between France and Spain; but it was thought war between the two nations would be finally prevented by negotiation."
The French Consul for the Southern States, at Charleston, passed a decree on the 19th of April, adjudging the brig Morning Star, prize to the crew of the frigate l'Ambuscade. The sale of the prize cargo was advertised to commence on the 22d of April.
Captain Beaks, lately arrived here, left Lisbon the 29th of March, at which time there was not any account there of a counter-revolution having taken place in Paris, as mentioned in The Star, a London print of the 28th of March.
We hear another French frigate is in our seas, cruising off the coast of the Carolinas—All outward bound British ships in Charleston were waiting for a convoy, which was expected from Jamaica.
An English snow, prize to l'Ambuscade, from Jamaica to Nova Scotia, is safe arrived at New-York.
The ship Industry, from Havre de Grace, lately driven on shore in a gale of wind near Cape Henlopen, is, we hear, likely to be got off without much damage. Eleven persons lost their lives in attempting to get a shore in the boat after the ship struck—an attempt too often made in similar situations, and generally fatal to those who make it.
"He that would make another trip Should always stick to the big ship."
On the 21st of March the commissioners at Guadaloupe, issued a provisional decree, opening the ports of Basse Terre and Point a Petre, to vessels belonging to the United States of America, with all kinds of produce, paying the local duties. St. Lucia has also opened her ports to all neutral vessels; paying two per cent on exports.
Extract of a letter from Amsterdam, dated 15th February, 1793.
"There is a very good prospect for your country, by the general war between France, England and Holland. The Americans, by all appearance, will remain neutral, and will be respected by those powers; they will be able to carry, with advantage, all sorts of provisions to the colonies of the belligerent nations, and take, in return, sugar, coffee, &c. This will make brisk business, and must certainly be attended with great success. We shall have no fishery this year, so that what may be sent from your quarter will fetch a good price."
Extract of a letter from Ireland, dated March 11, 1793.
You will know before this reaches you that we have been drag'd into a war with France by the pride and folly of England, to whom poor Ireland is only an appendage. It is almost universally detested here as being actually a war against principle. In all human probability there will be trouble in this country, and I sincerely wish I was well out of it; America is the only place that will gain by this contest, if she be wise enough to keep herself neuter, but indeed there is a great deal of gratitude due to France.
Extract of a letter from Boston dated April 29, 1793.
"We have arrivals from England bringing papers up to the 27th of March; by which we find that Dumourier had had a severe engagement with the Austrians on the 16th, 17, and 18th of March, the two first days, he got rather the advantage; but the third, Clairfayt being reinforced by the prince of Cobourg with 12,000 cavalry, gained a most decisive victory; the French were entirely routed and fled at all points: the accounts state the number killed to be very great on both sides, in the course of the three days, upwards of 20,000 fell. Great disturbances in Paris; the mob want another king—Manuel, of the convention, was assassinated by the mob, he received 60, wounds; Marat was very near it; Gen. Valence was killed in the engagement with the Austrians. I have not time to detail more; must beg leave to refer you to the papers. &c."
Heads of the latest intelligence from Europe.
On the 19th of March a letter was read in the national convention, from Gen. Dumourier, informing that his army had taken Tirlenmont from the Austrians, and drove them considerably beyond it. The same day a motion was debated in the convention for stopping all correspondence with England, and other hostile powers; and that all English and other foreigners should quit France in eight days; the law on this subject was to be reported the next day.—The Bedford English man of war had not been captured by the French as first reported.—Twelve French ships of the line were cruising from the chops of the English channel to the longitude of Cork, to intercept the English homeward bound trade and watch the motions of commodore Gardner. Eight British ships from Turkey had been captured by the French in the Mediterranean
and carried into their southern ports.—On the 22d of March all the banks in Liverpool stopped payment.—Irish vessels to a large amount had been captured by the French about the mouth of the Irish channel. Twenty one large privateers, of 20 guns and upwards sailed the latter end of March, from Bourdeaux to cruise against the English.—The general opinion in Britain was, that altho' the French had met with several severe checks in the Netherlands, yet it was not supposed to be in the power of the combined armies to make an impression upon France; that the re-capture of the places taken by the French was all that could reasonably be expected, and that if this could be effected, a negotiation for peace would probably soon ensue.—
The king of Prussia had again signified to the allies, that unless they paid him one million of pounds sterling annually during each campaign, he had determined to withdraw his troops, being already in a great degree beggared by the war. An Irish ship from Belfast to Jamaica, laden wholly with linnens, had been taken by the French and carried into L'Orient. All accounts agree that inexpressible distress and ruin had been brought upon millions of British subjects in Britain and Ireland by the present war with France, and little short of a national convulsion soon expected to take place.—A bill was to be brought into the parliament the beginning of April for a repeal of the navigation act, so far as regards the suspension of alien duties on goods imported in neutral bottoms. American stock had fell greatly—3 per cents at 48 to 50, and six per cents 88 to 90 and every one trying to sell off even at these prices. It was computed that by late bankruptcies in England two millions of people were thrown out of employment: banking houses were every day stopping payment, and scarcely any real money in circulation, and every thing swelling to such a crisis of calamity as never was before known in the memory of man.
On the 8th of March last, the French national convention abolished imprisonment for debt; and decreed that all actually confined for debt in the republic should be set at liberty. From this law, however, are excepted all defaulters in public monies.
Great-Britain and Holland acceding to the combination against France, is a glaring proof that limited monarchy, and republican aristocracy are the same with despotism. It is the PRINCIPLE of the French revolution, the freedom and equality of men, that has combined tyrants against it, and not any supposed resentment for the captivity or execution of the king. In this combination England takes a decided part, from whence it is clear, that Englishmen have been hitherto cheated with the phantom of liberty, while in reality under the shackles of despotism.
EXTEMPORE: Th' infernal king, enrag'd to find His Angels from their thrones were hurl'd, To wreak his vengeance on mankind, Let Monarchs loose to plague the world. Soon as the Dev'l's vicegerents came, Millions on millions round them fell: They call'd the wide destruction Fame, Well pleas'd to do the works of Hell. Their minions, spread to Europe's verge, Wide thro' the land destructive roam; Till France, who long had felt their scourge Rose to revenge and sent them home. May, 6th 1793. C.
PRICE OF STOCKS. Six Per Cents 17 3/4. Three Per Cents 9 5/8. Deferred 10 3/4. Bank of the United States 5 pr. c.
Books & Stationary.
ROBERT CAMPBELL, No. 54, Second Street, South, second door below the corner of Chestnut-street, HAS IMPORTED, By the late arrivals from Britain and Ireland,
The ancient & modern universal history, 60 vols. Guthries history of the World, 13 vols. Biographical Dictionary, 12 vols. elegantly gilt. Anacharsis's Travels in ancient Greece, 7 vols. gilt. Gibbons's Roman History, 12 vols. gilt. Hume & Smollet's History of England, 13 vols. Robertson's history of Charles the V. 4 vols. History of America, 3 vols. De la Croix on the different constitutions of Europe and America, 2 vols. New Annual Register, 12 vols. Neckar on executive Power, 2 vols. Russell's history of ancient Europe, 2 vols. History of modern Europe, 5 vols. Young's travels in France, 2 vols. Fielding's Works, 12 vols. Priestley's Lectures on History, 2 vols. Same book in 1 vol. Priestley's Historical Charts on Rollers with book of description. King of Prussia's Works, 13 vols. Enfield's History of Philosophy, 2 vols. 4to elegantly gilt. Same book in 2 vols. 8vo.
Bell's British Theatre, 25 vols. coarse or fine paper. Shakespeare's Works, in 1 or 7 vols. Botanic Garden, 2 vols. bound in one. Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, 6 vols. Doddridge's Family Expositor, 6 vols. Lardner's Works, 11 vols. Whitfield's Works, 7 vols. Bishop of Landaff's Theological Tracts, 6 vols. Large Family Bibles, with beautiful copper-plates. Lavater on Physiognomy, abridged. Young's Annals of Agriculture, 18 vols. Tour in France. Natural History of Birds, colored plates, 3 vols. Baretti's Italian and English Dictionary. Belarelli's do. do. do. 3 vols. Italian and English Exercises. Paines Works. Anderson on Commerce 6 vols. Viner's Abridgement of the Law, 12 vols. 8vo. Wood's Conveyancing, 3 vols. folio. Same book 4 first vols. 8vo. William's digest of the English Law, 2 vols, Comyns's digest of the Law, 6 vols. Croke's Reports, 4 vols. Salkeld's Reports, 3 vols. Henry Blackstone's do. Wm. Blackstone's do. 2 vols. Burrow's do. 5 vols. Ambler's do. Cowper's do. Brown's do. 2 vols. Douglas's do. Veysey's do. 2 vols. Dallas's do. Coke's do. 7 vols. Wilson's do. 3 vols. Raymond's do. 3 vols. Strange's do. 2 vols. Comyn's do. Lilly's Entries, 2 vols. Coke on Littleton. Morgan's Essays, 2 vols. Vatt. II on the Law of Nations. Woodeson's Lectures, 2 vols. Harriston's Chancery, 2 vols. Hinde's do. Powell on Powers. Powell on Contracts. Espinasse on Nisi Prius. Sullivan's Lectures. Eunomus, or Dialogues on the Laws & constitution of England. Motherby's medical Dictionary, Medical Commentaries, 16 vols, by Duncan. Medical Communications and Enquiries, 6 vols. Medical Memoirs, 3 vols. Morgan on the seat and causes of diseases, 3 vols. Pott's Chirurgical Works, 3 vols. Osburn's midwifery. Transactions of a new medical society. Underwood on the diseases of children, 2 vols. Wallis's Sydenham, 2 vols. Van Swieten's Commentaries on Boerhave, 18 vols. Spallanzani's dissertations, 2 vols. Hunter on the Venereal disease. Hunter on the diseases of the teeth, Hunter on the animal economy. Reid on the diseases of the army and navy Blank books of all sizes. Writing paper of all kinds. Dutch quills of the very best quality, &c. &c. R. C. will supply country store-keepers on the same, lowest terms, with family, pocket, and common bibles, spelling books, testaments, primers, wafers, writing paper, wrapping do. playing cards, English and American ink powder, quills, bonnet papers, Young man's companion, Dilworth's Arithmetic, Watt's psalms and hymns, Well y's hymns, dictionaries, histories of all kinds, &c.
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be sold at the respective Book Stores of Joseph Crukshank and Thomas D. Johnson, and may be had at the Printing office, No. 209. Market-Street. [Price one eighth of a dollar.]
LETTERS Addressed to the YEOMANRY of the UNITED STATES: Containing some Observations on Funding and Bank Systems: BY AN AMERICAN FARMER.
"BLEST paper-credit! best and last supply, That lends corruption lighter wings to fly; Gold imp'd by thee, can compass hardest things; Can pocket States, can fetch or carry kings; A single leaf shall waft an army o'er, Or ship off Senates to a distant shore; A leaf, like Sybils', scatter to and fro, Our fates and fortunes, as the winds shall blow; Pregnant with thousands fits the scrip unseen, And silent sells a king or buys a queen— Oh! that such bulky bribes as all might see Still, as of old, encumber'd VILLAINY!"
TO BE RENTED, And possession given in July next.
A Merchant MILL, ALSO, A COUNTRY and a SAW MILL, either separately or together, with all the conveniencies thereunto belonging, consisting of a good framed dwelling house, store house, granary, Coopers shop, stables, &c. all in perfect good order and almost new, situate in a fine wheat country, on a constant and plentiful stream of water, at the head of a navigable creek, called Missipilion, from whence the shafts transport flour to Philadelphia without any trouble to the miller, and adjoining a flourishing village that always affords a very ready sale for the offal of the merchant mill, and an abundance of custom to the country and saw mills. Those advantages render these mills inferior to none in this country; and the situation for a store is equal to any in the state. The merchant mill is three stories high with two pair of burr stones, double gear'd, a rolling screene and fann that cleans wheat into both hoppers, two bolting chests, and a machine for hoisting that goes by water. This mill manufactures principally superfine flour, that is much esteemed as such in Philadelphia.—For terms apply to Robert Lewis and Co. merchants in Philadelphia, or the subscribers near the premises. ELIZABETH THORNE, PETER CAVERLY. Milford, Kent County, State of Delaware, May. 2, 1793. 22W6

[From the (Boston) Independent Chronicle]
The CRISIS, No. XI.
THERE is a laudable pride connected with the terms "free, sovereign, and independent," that should ever operate on the mind of every citizen within the United States of America. Each individual State of the Federal government, sustains this political character; how formidable, then, ought this sovereignty to appear, when exercised by the Representatives of the Union, assembled in their legislative capacity!
I was led into the foregoing remarks, upon reading the proceedings of the late Congress. I could not but feel a regret, as a citizen of the United States, to observe the issue of so long a session. A question naturally arose, what has been the result of their deliberations, as it respects the great objects of the Union?
It is true, at an early period, an investigation of St. Clair's expedition, was brought forward; and from appearances at that moment, some decision was expected, that would amply vindicate the honor of the United States, in this defeat. Every friend to our slaughtered citizens, anticipated the hour, when some satisfaction would be made for the blood spilled at the Miami Villages. Every American conceived that some plausible account, at least, would be rendered, why contractors were suffered to expend thousands for "pack saddles," &c. and why our citizen soldiers were left to fall a sacrifice, for want of necessary and timely supplies. Is it a small matter that thousands of our young men should perish in the wilderness—Should become the victims of a remorseless enemy, exposed to all the cruelties of incedent savages, and their bodies to remain unburied in the wilds of our Western Territory?—Are these considerations of a trifling nature; or will it console the relations and numerous friends of the deceased, to be told that a committee of Congress has been appointed, just to enumerate the aggravated circumstances attending this disgraceful business? To report at the latter end of the session a statement of facts, and then to adjourn for nine months, to give the venal papers on the continent an opportunity wantonly to assert, that the conductors of this expedition, have baffled every Congressional investigation?—Forbid it the manes of BUTLER, NEWMAN, PHELON, and hundreds of others whose names are enrolled in the catalogue of death.—Is this temporizing proceeding satisfactory to the merchant, when he considers that a large "additional tax" is laid on trade, for the sole purpose of prosecuting this disgraceful and ignominious Indian War?—The causes of this defeat are not cleared up to the public, and yet we are to go on for another campaign, with the same responsible persons to conduct it.—The money comes too hard from the merchant again to risk it in the hands of those, who have (by the report of the committee of Congress) squandered away thousands by "mismanagement and neglect."
Another consideration that must give dissatisfaction is that notwithstanding the notorious breach of the Treaty on the part of the British, in holding the posts on our Frontiers, not a word has been publicly mentioned in Congress, during their whole session, respecting it. The Indian War must be considered as arising principally from this quarter. The supplies which enabled the Indians to carry on this war, must come from the English; and no doubt had a thorough investigation taken place, we should have found that the principal resentment of those tribes originated from the agents residing within these posts.
This conjecture is natural, as no such inveteracy ever subsisted between the several tribes and us, previous to the peace. They were never before in a situation to commence such hostile attacks. These posts therefore are held with the view to alienate the Indians from the United States, and to attach them to the British.
Congress ought to have been aware of this English policy, and instead of commencing hostilities against the Indians, and involving us in a destructive war with the numerous nations, they should have come forward in an explicit manner, and demanded a surrender of our frontiers. How derogatory as sovereign States, to submit to our present humiliating situation; to permit a conquered enemy, to hold such important posts within our territory, contrary to the express terms of their treaty; and
to suffer them to continue in the very bowels of our country, to incense the natives to wage war against us? How disgraceful, to admit a conquered nation to retain a chain of forts, which secures a monopoly of the most profitable part of our commerce? The FUR TRADE of this country is principally in the hands of the British, by which means they deprive us of every benefit arising from this source, with this additional advantage, that while they are peaceably enjoying the profits of this traffic, they are enticing the Indians to prosecute a destructive war against us.
By this artful policy, instead of receiving the benefits of a trade, which we are exclusively entitled to, as being within our own territory, we are disgracefully relinquishing it to Britain, and suffering ourselves to become the dupes of their finess and intrigue.
But what adds to our folly is, that they oblige us to become enemies to those, with whom we ought, upon every prudential principle, to be in strict friendship and alliance. Thus by the deep planned manoeuvres of Britain, they are enjoying every commercial advantage with the natives, while the United States, have only the expensive and disgraceful task of contending with them.
The British ministry must laugh at our pusillanimity; they cannot refrain smiling at the pompous parade of our government—and sneering at the high founding terms of the dignity of the United States. Such bombastical affeverations must appear truly farcical. During every session of Congress, the enquiry of the British ministry, without doubt is, whether a demand is made for the surrender of the western posts; if not, they rest perfectly contented as to our declaratory verbosity.
How great is the contrast between our conduct, and that of the French nation! They behave with a dignity worthy the character they assume. An indignity offered even to an ambassador, is resented with a spirit becoming a sovereign nation. But the United States patiently submit to have a few hundred troops garrison their frontiers, and engross a most profitable branch of their internal trade! Boast not then, of conquering the British nation! For if we submit any longer to this violation of the treaty, it must be acknowledged that they still command an important part of our territory. By holding these posts, they may be able in a short time, to effect more real advantage to the British nation, than by holding New-York, or any other place within the Union.
The benefits resulting to the revenue and commerce of England from the fur trade of this country is of immense value. Thousands are sacrificed by us every year, by permitting the British to engross this valuable branch. Would England suffer us to violate the treaty on our part, or to hold posts either in Europe, or the West Indies, so greatly injurious to them? Had we acted thus, the table of Congress would have been filled with remonstrances against the measure; the consul of his sacred majesty, this "best of earthly kings," would have been clamorous round their doors, and certain individuals throughout every part of the Union, would be constantly anathematizing our perfidy.
As a proof of the latter assertion, we now read paragraphs in our papers, purporting that we ought to meet the British "half way"—That as they speak of our government, with respect, it is churlish to hold enmity with them." Can an American read such publications, without feeling a resentment?—The British "speak of our government with respect," But do they treat our government with common decency? Let their conduct with respect to our commerce—their breach of treaty—their hauteur behaviour towards us, testify their cordiality and friendship.
When the Congress of the United States assemble, "the People" expect some national benefits to accrue. They expect that their trade and commerce will be promoted and extended; that the American navigation shall not be embarrassed by the British nation, without some retaliation for the injury; that the American shipping shall not lay totally neglected within our own ports, while that of the British are dispatched with ample, and profitable freights. They expect that no enemy infests our territory without some remonstrance to the power that supports them; more especially do they expect that no nation is suffered to do this, in
violation of a solemn treaty, or permitted to continue in this breach of faith, without being called upon to give a categorical explanation of their conduct.
During the long session of Congress, we have been entertained with a lengthy report from the financeering department. A system of finance is brought forward, so intricate that scarcely an individual can unravel its mysteries. Whether the secretary is culpable, or not in his conduct, the perplexity of the business puts it beyond the reach of every man to determine; but this one thing is evident that this government ought not at this early period of existence, to have its finances involved in such a dark inexplicable labyrinth. The budget of a British minister, notwithstanding the complicated systems of centuries are recognized, is equally as intelligible. The finances of a republic, like the laws of its government, should ever be prosecuted upon such simple principles, that every citizen should be able to form some idea of the real receipts and expenditures of it. On the contrary, systems of financeering mysteries, serve only to bewilder the people in general, and give an opportunity for certain persons, to follow a traffic, ruinous to the public interest.
It would excite laughter, (if the subject was not too serious) to find upon the simple request of knowing the state of our treasury, the secretary should write a large number of folio pages, to answer this plain question. If such voluminous explanations are necessary in its juvenile state, what are we to expect as the system becomes more intricate by age? The requisition required figures rather than words, as receipts and expenditures are more accurately ascertained by the old fashion custom of pounds, shillings and pence, than by logical definitions.
To conclude—The sentiments advanced in the CRISIS, are by a few interested people, branded as ant federal; but the author conceives that they are principles, that must ever support the Union. He wishes a continuance of the federal government, and that it may always be founded on the permanent basis of public confidence.—As "free, sovereign, and independent States," he is desirous that we should maintain our national dignity, both in our commerce and territory—That we should give vigor to the former by acts of retaliation, and possess the latter by demanding a compliance with our solemn treaty. He does not wish that we should involve ourselves with the powers at war, in their present contest; but he is bold to assert, that we are entitled on the old score, to have a surrender of our Western Posts. If these sentiments are ant federal, the author glories in the character.
It is said above, that the sentiments delivered in the CRISIS, are opposed by "interested persons,"—Among this class, may be reckoned, all those who are snug in their appointments with salaries and fees, vastly beyond what they are entitled to, either by their personal merit, or the duties of their office: all those who have acquired an interest in the national bank, by an unjustifiable monopoly: a numerous tribe of expectants, dependants, and sycophants: These persons read the public papers with a jealous eye; and their several interests being the thermometer, by which they graduate all publications, they are disgusted at every suggestion that leads to an investigation of their several claims. The revenue officer dreads an abatement of his salary and fees—The bank shrinks at the idea of taxing his dividend: and the sycophant shudders at the thought of not receiving a reward for his obsequiousness. These various causes raise an opposition among this particular group, which when brought into a combined operation, forms a focus of resentment, which requires an uncommon share of fortitude and resolution to withstand.—But this is a consolation, that Truth and Justice will ever prevail.
A REPUBLICAN.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And to be sold by THOMAS DOBSON. WILLIAM YOUNG, ROBERT CAMPBELL, Messrs. RICE and Co. and JOHN M. CULLOCH, No. 1. North Third-street,
AN EXAMINATION of the late proceedings in Congress respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; with Observations, &c. on the application of loans from Holland, negotiated under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August 1790.—The price of the above pamphlet is three sixteenths of a dollar, or 18 3/4. 1-2. April 24. 2aw tf
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorhees, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety-two—Notice is hereby given to the said Garret Voorhees, that unless he appear and file special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such of his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided.
By order of the Court, April 17. JAW. 19 HOWELL, Clerk.
Harrisburgh Mail Stage.
STARTS every Wednesday from Mr. Henry Epply's in race street, between third and fourth streets, and arrives at Harrisburgh on the Saturday morning following—Starts from Mr. Cabb's, innkeeper, Harrisburgh, on Monday and arrives on Wednesday at Philadelphia.—N. B. The Reading stage starts from Reading, at John Witman's, innkeeper, on Monday, and arrives at Philadelphia on Tuesday morning—Then starts from Philadelphia on Friday morning at 4 o'clock, and arrives at Reading on Saturday morning. The greatest care and attention shall be paid by the public's humble servant.
WILLIAM COLEMAN.
N. B. A light stage upon springs, with two horses, or without horses, with complete gears, may be had at any moments' warning, for the accommodation of ladies and gentlemen, by applying to the above named Wm. Coleman, living in the borough of Reading.
I Have claims to about two hundred and fifty thousand acres of LAND in the state of Kentucky, in different parts of that country, some of which I know to be equal to any; all of which I am inclined to dispose of, either by entire sale, or by admitting one, or two partners, to whom the agency on the whole will be committed.
One fourth of the contract will be required in hand, either in cash, merchandise, or such assets as may be converted to active use, the residue may be apportioned in convenient instalments. The purchasers to give security, on the land, or otherwise, as suits them.
Knowing that there is a prejudice against the titles of land in that state, which is more general than just, I am willing to stipulate in the contract, that a discount, or deduction, shall be made, where any land may be lost, by reason of a defective title.
Any person inclining to such a purchase, is requested to write to me by post, in answer to whom, more particular information will be given.
HENRY BANKS. Richmond March 20, 1793. 2aw tf.
Journeymen Saddlers
WANTED.
BY the Society of Master Saddlers of the city of Philadelphia—Fifteen or twenty workmen of the above profession, will meet with constant employment and generous wages, by applying to WILLIAM JONES, Secretary to the Society, at No. 3, South Front-street.
April 24. 2aw 6t
JUST PUBLISHED,
[Price one quarter of a dollar]
THE LAWS
OF THE UNITED STATES, Passed at the last Session of Congress, which complete vol. II.
Published by Authority.
A Complete INDEX is added for the volume.—Philadelphia—Printed by CHARLES & SWAIN, Printers of the Laws of the United States; and sold by them at their Office No. 200, Market-Street: also by the principal Booksellers, where vol. I. is to be had.
STRAY MARE.
CAME to the plantation of William Williamson, late of Little Britain township, Lancaster county, on the 10th day of last April, a small Bay Mare, a natural trotter, about 13 hands high; she was then advertised and since appraised. The owner is once more desired to come, prove property, pay charges, and take her away, otherwise she will be sold in two months from this date, by MARGARET WILLIAMSON.
March 25, 1793. 3t 2aw
Department of State, to wit.
NOTICE is hereby given, to persons interested in the property or the proceedings of Claudius Paul Ragnett, a citizen of Pennsylvania, lately deceased at Bordeaux, in France, that on application at the office of the Secretary of State, they may receive information relative thereto, as transmitted by Mr. Fenwick, Consul for the United States at Bordeaux.
GEO. TAYLOR, jun. Chief Clk. Philadelphia, April 30, 1793.
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