National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-06-21 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, June 21, 1792.
NUMB. 68.
LOTTERY BILL.
[The Lottery Mania being very prevalent in the United States, perhaps it may not prove unacceptable to our readers to present them with a few short sketches from the principal speeches against lotteries, in a late debate in the British House of Commons on that subject. Animadversions of this nature may set our legislators a thinking on the various and serious evils attending that execrable mode of taxation.]
THE order of the day, for the house to resolve itself into a committee on the lottery bill, having been read, and the motion made, "that the speaker leave the chair,"
Mr. M. A. Taylor said, that "feeling as he did on the subject of the lottery, it was impossible to withhold his opposition to the speaker's leaving the chair. If the pernicious effects of lotteries were at all doubtful, Mr. Taylor said, he could produce such examples of mischief caused by them, as would convince the most obstinate, or the most prejudiced man living. His intention, he declared, was to propose a motion, for a committee to enquire into the evils resulting from lotteries. If any gentleman at all looked at the subject, he was persuaded he would find that much mischief perpetually occurred in consequence every year, and if he wanted authorities, he should refer to the honorable gentleman over the way (Mr. Rose) who seemed to be aware of the grievance, by the various bills of regulation, with respect to lotteries, that he had from time to time introduced. If that gentleman would only look to the evil, he would find that notwithstanding the regulations he had endeavored to apply to it, the evil still existed in full force. Mr. Taylor read a paragraph from a newspaper, stating, that the grand jury for Middlesex had at the last sessions presented lotteries as a grievance, in consequence of the illegal insurances that always accompanied their being drawn. That article, he said, he should think would have weight with the house. The grand jury, it was obvious, could not call lotteries nuisances, because they were licensed by the legislature; but they applied to a court of justice to signify their sense of their effects. In the midst of a long and calamitous war, the argument of the advantage that resulted to the public from a lottery, might be urged with much force, but he appealed to the right hon. gentleman, whether we are at present under any such circumstances? The right hon. gentleman had lately proposed to give up some taxes, as well as to apply an additional sum towards the reduction of the national debt. He declared, he wished with all his heart that the right hon. gentleman had reserved the taxes, and abandoned the lottery."
He was sure the public would have derived more lasting advantages, and have had reason to give thanks for such a preference. He was aware that lotteries raised money with a degree of facility superior to that of most other sources of revenue, and he admitted, that it was a circumstance of considerable importance; but as it could be of none under the present circumstances of the country, and weighed against the good morals of the people, it was light and trivial. Another objection to the lottery then proposed was, that the evil was no longer to be occasional; it was not to stop this year! The right hon. gentleman had himself proposed to continue lotteries year after year. In the streets in that part of the town, Mr. Taylor said, he understood there were E.O. and hazard tables adapted to all ranks of people, which he attributed to the spirit of gambling arising from lotteries, and to that only. Such mischievous practices might be remedied by laws, but it would be impossible to hope for any effectual reform as long
as lotteries continued to receive the sanction of Parliament, and therefore he should object to the speaker's leaving the chair."
Mr. Francis said, "he came there to support his hon. Friend's motion for a committee of enquiry. The lottery was undoubtedly a very great evil; it extended up to the highest, and down to the lowest class of the people: to that useful class, whose industry was affected by it, and their morals poisoned and perverted. It was said, Mr. Francis observed, that gambling was the vice of the age, but lotteries, he was persuaded, afforded a greater seduction than any other species of gambling, because they held out, for a trifling risque, great probable advantages, such as the obtainment of a thousand pounds for so small a sum as a guinea, and so on in proportion."
If the lottery was only the resource of the present year, he declared he would not oppose it, but it was to be a perpetual means of raising money, and as a permanent plan he must object to it. It was said, that it was voluntary, and that men need not engage in it, unless they chose it. Mr. Francis denied the fact, and contended that there was no violation in the case. They put temptation in the way of the middling and lower class of the people, and as it were, thereby invited them to do, what they otherwise would have no idea of. Gambling, Mr. Francis said, was the vice of the higher ranks, and not of the lower class, but lotteries brought the vice home to their doors, and tempted them to do that, which naturally they had no inclination for. They heard repeatedly of men being convicted of felonies every sessions at the Old Bailey, and sentenced to transportation, or death. Let them enquire into the causes of the crimes that drew down such a fate upon the unhappy wretches, and they would find those of the majority originated in lotteries. Gambling was a vice, they all knew, which men of the most enlightened minds, men possessed of reason and capable of reflection could not resist; and how could they expect the ignorant and uninformed, to have the virtue to withstand it, when its captivating allurements were held out to them? What, he would ask, caused the revolution abroad? All manner of profligacy, but chiefly gaming, which was established by government, and countenanced by the court. Why was it so countenanced? For obvious reasons: to engage mens minds, and abstract them from too deeply regarding the conduct of an arbitrary government. In such a government it was policy, but was the case the same here? exactly the reverse. The court by its practice shewed no favour to gaming, but at the same time, the legislature encouraged it."
"Mr. W. Smith supported the argument against lotteries, and particularly urged the mischiefs arising from illegal insurances. He said a man who took insurances had opened a shop near his own house, that he was removed by the magistrates, but that he returned, and contributed to fleece every servant in the neighborhood. Mr. Smith stated other grounds of objection."
"Mr. Sheridan declared, a tradesman in Westminster had assured him that he had lost more than 40l. a year in bad debts owing to the lottery, which were incurred by poor persons, whom his humanity would not let him proceed against by law. That gentleman told him, that odious as the shop tax had deservedly been, he had rather pay 30l. a year shop tax, than that there should be an annual lottery. A few years since, Mr. Sheridan said, he had taken pains, together with a person employed by government, to put a stop to illicit practices in the lottery; and a pawnbroker, a man of character and feeling, had stated to him the gradations in which he
had observed persons proceed, in bringing their effects to his shop, in consequence of the lottery. That they were not the drunken and idle, but of a very different description, the industrious and sober, in short, honest hard-working people. They began first with bringing their superfluities and little ornaments, then their goods, then their working tools, then their effects, apparel, &c. down to the clasps in their children's shoes. In short, the pawnbroker had declared, he was at last ashamed of his profession, from the wretchedness it enabled him to witness."
Mr. Wyndham, "argued against lotteries, and said, the worthy magistrate had stated that the abuses practiced this year were greater than ever. For his part, Mr. Wyndham said, he thought them so great, that no advantage of revenue could compensate for them. With regard to lotteries, if the evil that attended them could be separated from the good to the state that they produced, so much the better, if not, the best way would be to abolish them. Mr. Wyndham said, that the money they produced, could not be called clear gain, because in consequence of lotteries, many individuals could not pay their taxes, and for this he did not want facts to prove it; it was in the nature of the thing itself. Mr. Wyndham added other local arguments against lotteries in general."
Mr. Pulteney said, "he had ever considered lotteries as measures to be resorted to only in war and in exigencies of state. The right hon. gentleman, he observed, had said, that the lottery relieved the people from taxes; but he would ask, was not the lottery a tax in which their payment was voluntary? It was the nature of all the taxes to be so; if people did not choose to pay the taxes they did not consume the article taxed. A lottery was the worst sort of tax, as it injured the morals of the people."
THE RECRUITING OF THE PRUSSIAN ARMY. (Extracted from a letter of Baron Clootz, formerly an officer in Prussia, published in the Chronique de Paris.)
Good looks, and a lofty stature are considered in Prussia as a scourge from heaven by the disconsolate mothers who follow their forlorn children at a distance. I have seen a drove of recruits and a drove of oxen enter Berlin by the same gate; nor would I have hesitated to prefer the fate of the latter. Speedy death is preferable to a tedious slavery, to a daily bastinado, to the canine hunger of a man half starved, and to the shivering misery of a man half clad. Decrepitude alone restores him the liberty of passing the frontier to beg his bread; for the establishment of a handful of invalids in Prussia is no better than a pitiful mockery. The old soldiers begging in the streets of Berlin, are as troublesome as the young monks begging in the streets of Rome. By way of getting rid of them, they are sometimes driven out of the country: the government might as well imitate the conduct of the Lacedemonians towards the Helots. The children are exposed in China; in Prussia the old men.
I was once pitying a female peasant who had brought a deformed child into the world. Sir, said she, your mother is more to be pitied than I am; for you would not wear the uniforms if you had the good fortune to be deformed. The tribunals re-echo with crimes unknown in other countries. A mother is accused of having twisted the leg of her child, and a father of having favoured the flight of his son. The recruiters traffic with maternal tenderness, as priests do with popular superstition. A rich farmer gives a hundred crowns to save his Benjamin, but the next year another recruiter carries off his prey,
unless a new ransom make him quit his hold. Misery, desolation, insult and impunity, are the nurseries of the Prussian army. The recruiting officers are worse than vultures and tygers. They plague, plunder, rob, and ravish, and in concert with the tax gatherers, lay hold upon men and things in the name of a king fond of war or of parade. The very pedestrian travellers are snapped up without mercy, if of a tolerable size. I was witness myself to the taking of two handsome capuchin friars who were sent to carry the mulet at Potsdam in the first battallion of guards. The famous General Wolferdorf, notorious for his horrible manner of recruiting, dragged a poor parson from his vicarage, and sent him gagged and fettered in a cart to Magdeburg, where he exchanged his black cassock for a blue jacket. Hunger and thirst are employed to obtain the signature of the wretched men thus kidnapped; pickled herrings are given them, and it is not till they have signed the contract of their servitude that they are permitted to drink a glass of water.
The Prussian garrisons are ravaged by suicide, and the greater number of the soldiers who die upon the scaffold have committed a crime on purpose to die in a christian like way . The military school of Berlin being situated on the Spree, I used to see from my window the dead bodies of soldiers, who had put an end to their existence, floating in the river. One evening we heard a discharge of musketry upon the place of arms, and what was it but twelve or fifteen brave veterans, who having made together the only good meal they had tasted in their lives, shot themselves within the hearing of the king. I will not enter into the lamentable detail of the internal regulation of the barracks, or of the external regulations of the parade and evolutions. Ennui and grief prey upon those prisoners, who keep the whole nation prisoners. Defection would be general among them, if a war broke out with any power but Austria, the name of which is abhorred by the Prussians. As many of the soldiers earn their livelihood by peaceful occupations they detest war, and set the example of defection to those whose discontent has not discontinued, since the day, that the fatal number of feet and inches, that causes their misfortune, was traced with chalk upon their breasts. In short a Christian in Algiers, or a negro in the West Indies, has less to undergo than a Prussian soldier.
L O N D O N, April 16—28.
Much has been said of the assistance to be afforded, and the troops to be employed by the king of Sardinia, in favour of the French emigrants. The following answer to a requisition of the French minister on this subject will show that the king of Sardinia means not to intermeddle in French affairs:—
"THAT the king of Sardinia received with great pleasure the assurances given him by the king, of good neighborhood between the two nations."
"He flatters himself, that he has given sufficient proofs of his desire of peace, to expect a return of the same from France."
"Although the king of Sardinia ought not to think it necessary to disavow rumours falsely circulated, he declares nevertheless, that his troops are much below their peace establishment."
"The king equally declares, that it is false, that he has sent a train of artillery into Savoy; the ordinary number of infantry in garrison there have not all the cannon which they ought to have."
"Finally, the king of Sardinia protests, that he has never tolerated assemblies of emigrants in his states, and as to the enrollments pretended to be made by them, nothing can be more false."

After these frank and candid declarations, his Sardinian Majesty having ordered nothing inimical to the peace and good neighbourhood which he desires to maintain with the French nation entreats the king to be convinced of his sentiments; he demands a reciprocity of peace on the part of France and will consider any suspicion of a rupture as an injury."
April 24. —The jarring interests and opposite views of the European potentates have for some time indicated but too strongly that an appeal to arms could alone decide their differences. Whether England will be obliged to take an active part in the disputes, a short time will determine; an armament, however, will be no more than a measure of precaution.—A board of admiralty is to be held at their office this afternoon; it will not be surprising if their meeting turns out to be for the purpose of issuing press-warrants.
The intelligence of the death of the king of Sweden inspired the most lively emotions of grief in the French Emigrant princes, M. de Comte and M. d'Artois were unable to suppress their tears at so (to them) disastrous an event.
In the House of Commons on Friday April 27, the committee of the whole House divided upon the proposition for prohibiting the African slave trade after the first day January 1796—ayes 151—noes, 132—majority 19 for abolishing the trade after January 1, 1796.
Decree of the National Assembly declaring war against the king of Hungary and Bohemia.
Friday, April 20. The National Assembly deliberating on the formal proposition of the king, considering that the court of Vienna, in contempt of treaties, has continued to open protection to French rebels; that it has excited and formed a concert with several powers of Europe against the independence and security of the French nation;
That Francis I. King of Hungary and Bohemia, has, by his notes of the 18th of March and 17th of April last, refused to renounce this concert;
That notwithstanding the proposition made to him by the note of the 11 of March, 1792, to reduce, on both sides, to a peace establishment the troops on the frontiers, he has continued and increased the hostile preparations;
That he has formally insisted the sovereignty of the French nation, by declaring that he would support the pretensions of the German Princes, pollonionaries in France, to whom the French nation have continued to offer indemnifications;
That he has attempted to divide the French citizens, and to arm them against one another, by holding out support to the malcontents in the concert of powers; considering in fine, that the refusal of an answer to the last dispatches of the king of the French, leaves no longer any hope to obtain, by means of amicable negotiation, the redress of these different grievances, and amounts to a declaration of war, it decrees that there exists a case of urgency.
The National assembly declares, that the French nation, faithful to the principles consecrated by the constitution, not to undertake any war with the view of making conquests, and never to employ its force against the liberty of any people, only take up arms in defence of their liberty and their independence: that the war, into which they are compelled to enter, is not a war of nation against nation, but the just defence of a free people against the unjust oppression of a Monarch: that the French will never confound their brothers with real enemies; that they will neglect nothing to soften the rigors of war; to preserve their property, and to prevent it from sustaining any injury, and to bring down upon the heads of those alone, who league themselves against liberty, all the evils inseparable from war.
That it adopts all those foreigners who abjuring the cause of its enemies, shall join its standard and congregate their efforts to the defence of freedom; that it will even favour, by all means in its power, their establishment in France.
Deliberating on the formal propositions of the king, and after having decreed the case of urgency, the Assembly decrees war against the King of Hungary and Bohemia.
The King's answer. I shall take the decree of the National Assembly into deep consideration. It involves the most important interest of the nation.
Next day the minister of justice informed the Assembly that the king had sanctioned the decree.
In the session of the 22d instant, several small sums having been offered to the assembly towards defraying the expenses of the war, Mr. Jeury rose and moved, that each member should devote to the service of their country a third of the indemnification which they should receive in the months of May, June and July. This sacrifice, he said, would produce a sum of 409,770 livres; for each deputy. This Mr. Bazire objected to; but the whole assembly rose instantaneously, and unanimously supported the motion of Mr. Jeury, which was converted into a decree.
It appears that the assassination of the king of Sweden was wholly a plan of the nobility, in revenge for the degradation of their
order. The assassin Jorgensroom (or Ankerstrom) had only two confidential accomplices. The three had cast lots for the honour of killing the king, which fell to Ankerstrom. The two others were to second the attempt. One of them gave the signal, by striking the king on the shoulder by way of salute, and while the king turned his head, Ankerstrom discharged the air gun.
His holiness the Pope has issued several admonitory letters, addressed to the French nation, particularly the clergy. He therein reprobates the conduct of the Bishop of Autun, and others, as solely productive of the schism between the two nations.—He also exhorts all bishops, vicars, &c. who have taken the civic oath to retract it on or before the 20th of July, 1792, under pain of excommunication, &c.— Brutum fulmen!
The head of the king of Sweden's will are as follows.—His R. Highness the Duke Charles to be guardian of the young king, and regent during his minority.—2. Not in the mean time, to create, convoke, and nominate any counsellors of the Empire—not to dismiss the young king's attendants—the Duke regent is ordered to look out a consort for the young king when he attains his 17th year.—N. B. She is to be of royal, or at least princely blood, &c.
We are happy to assure the public that reports of the press-warrants being about to be issued, are totally void of foundation. ( April 28 )
The Newfoundland fishing trade seems rapidly on the decline, and its total downfall is anticipated in three years, unless carried on under an entire different system from what it is at present. A motion was made in the House of Commons on the 26th inst. for the appointment of a committee for enquiring into the state of the Newfoundland trade, &c.
The Dutch settlements in the eastern parts of the world are in a deplorable state. At the Cape of Good Hope, a revolt is hourly looked for. At Batavia where the same spirit of disaffection prevailed, a pestilential fever had swept off 1600 of their troops, and a whole Chinese colony, of more than 2000 persons, had likewise been destroyed by it.
The city of Louvain (Austrian Netherlands) is preparing for the reception of twelve thousand troops—a meeting of the states of Brabant has been held at Brussels; the states have consented to the subsidies they had hitherto refused—an invasion of the French was expected daily at Brussels; a severe edict had been issued by the government against all who should manifest designs of insurrection—The inhabitants, however, more than ever inclined to revolt from the Austrian government and throw themselves into the arms of France—it was thought the number of troops in the Austrian Netherlands no way adequate to protect the country from being conquered by France, if once invaded; especially when the disaffection of the populace was brought into view.
We are informed from Stockholm, that the prisoner Ankerstrom, who assassinated the king of Sweden, expired in the midst of tortures, which had been applied to extort from him a confession of his accomplices. He remained firm till the last moment, nor could any discovery be made by means of his answers, as he persisted in affirming that he alone was guilty. It has been reported, but without truth, that 111 persons were arrested: the whole number of prisoners at present amounts only to 17.
The march of the German troops toward the Rhine, is now a matter of certainty but only in a small number. The troops destined for Brisgau do not exceed six thousand five hundred men, and those for Brabant 4800.
The innovations in the government of Poland have given so much offence to that antient enemy of liberty, the Empress of Russia, that she has openly expressed her intentions of defeating the new organization of that kingdom. In consequence of this declaration the Polish government has thought proper to form a considerable army, which will be distributed along the frontiers of Russia.
Holland is dividing into two strong parties; one for the French emigrants, at the head of which is the Stadholder; the other, the patriots, leaning towards the French revolution—the notes of the Bank of Amsterdam are gradually falling into discredit, owing to a discovery that the real security of solid coin and bullion has been expended by the court for sec et purgatis .—The Stadholder's court is directly connected with the leaders of the French anti-revolutionists, and assists them with money and other aids—so true is it that aristocracy and despotism always go hand in hand against the liberties of the people.
The following, from a Glasgow paper, is a striking instance of the force of religious education by rote.—A man who called himself John Boyd was lately brought before the magistrates of Edinburgh. His practice was to go into houses and ask for lodgings, where he seldom remained above one night, as the next morning he rose early, and carried away every article he could get off with. Bed cloaths composed the principal part of his booty. A great quantity of blankets, sheets, &c. were found in
a house on the Musselburgh road, where he had deposited them. Being asked by the judge, from what house he had stolen certain articles, he replied, that he did not steal them, he only took them away; and added, "he had not asked the blessing of God upon them, and therefore they were not likely to prosper in his hand." The magistrates sentenced him to receive 50 lashes.
An instance has lately occurred of a person having been cured of a cancer in the lower lip, by the following application: The patient had undergone the operation of the knife under an eminent surgeon; but the complaint returning soon after, a friend advised him to apply leeches, and he followed this advice. The three first which were applied, after sucking a considerable time, dropped off dead—a few days after, three more were applied: these died like the former, of the cancerous poison, after remaining on some time. In less than a week he applied three more, which after sucking some time, dropped off alive. This wrought a perfect cure.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MR. PRINTER, IN the New Annual Register for 1783, under the head of British and Foreign History, there is an article which I think, as it particularly concerns the people of America, ought to be published for their information. You will therefore oblige several of your readers, by giving it a place in the National Gazette, for which purpose I send you some extracts enclosed.
AFTER the writer of this article * had gone over a description of the situation of America at the close of the war—the various attempts made by Congress to create revenue to pay off the interest of their public debt—the prospects from trade and agriculture—the removal of Congress from Philadelphia in June 1783, &c. he then proceeds in the following words:
"Great praise was undoubtedly due to the moderate and peaceable spirit with which the officers and soldiers of the army separated in the close of the year 1783. Incapable of satisfying their just demands, the states had every thing to fear from that peremptory and untemperating spirit, which is usually the fruit of a considerable series of military services. But though they merited much commendation, by thus giving to the character of citizens a decisive preponderance over the character of soldiers, there was however, one measure in which they were engaged, which was more questionable and ambiguous in its nature. This was the institution of the celebrated ORDER OF THE CINCINNATI. The instrument of their association is dated at Annapolis, on the 21st day of November 1783. The persons of whom the order was to be composed, were the officers who had served in the army during the war. The order was made hereditary to them and their eldest male posterity: and in failure of such posterity, in the collateral branches, who might be judged worthy of becoming its supporters and members. Other citizens of American States, were made capable of being received as honorary members, but for their lives only, and with an express provision, that their number in each state should not exceed the proportion of one to four of the officers, & their descendants. The society were to hold general meetings in their respective states, and meetings of particular districts. The state meetings were to take place once in 12 months, and the general meetings at least once in three years. The professed objects of the society were, to yield an incessant attention to preserve inviolate the rights and liberties of human nature; to display an unalterable determination to promote and cherish between the respective states, a spirit of union and national honor; and to render permanent, particularly by acts of substantial benficence the cordial affection subsisting among the officers. For this purpose, each member was to subscribe one month of his pay to the general treasury; and this fund was to be increased by donations which might be made, as well by persons not of the society as by its immediate members. The interest of this money only was to be expended in acts of charity. The society was to be distinguished by an order of gold, suspended by a deep blue ribbon, edged with white, emblematical of the union of America and France. The officers of the French army serving in America were made honorary members. General Washington so early as the month of October 1783 subscribed himself PRESIDENT OF THE ORDER OF CINCINNATI.
Never perhaps was a foundation more deep and less equivocal laid for a new order in the state, than in the instrument we have been describing. This self-created body extended its existence over every part of America, assumed early the peculiar and
* The famous British Orator, Burke, is the author of this article—how different were his opinions of nobility then, to those he has lately avowed in his flowery pamphlet against the French revolution!
† Here the society made themselves the only judges of who was fit to be enrolled.
‡ Quere, Have not the militia officers been left out?
§ How changed is our affection for our great and glorious allies, of late; when even the H-d of the W-r D-p-t disdains the Union cockade.
tremendous privilege of hereditary honor, and some of its principal objects to be political and collected influence, and in fine, adopted the most known and infallible source of power in the creation, of a fund, always to be increasing, and never to be alienated.
It can scarcely be imagined that a plan so deep, so direct, and so disguised, could be formed at hazard, and not proceed from the intention of a sagacious mind, that perfectly understood the effects he was about to produce. It is astonishing that the United States of America, where all honorary titles were prohibited, where they had forbidden their subjects to accept of the compliment of knighthood from a foreign state, that such an institution should have passed in silence.
It is wonderful that many American officers, and particularly the illustrious Washington, whose integrity was unquestionable, and whose characteristic quality had ever been, wariness and caution should have been deceived in a business of so extreme magnitude. His conduct in this affair, is perhaps the only blot, that can be fixed on the character of this venerable hero: it is impossible however wholly to exculpate him. If he understood the tendency of his conduct, his ideas of liberty must have been less pure and elevated than they have been represented to be; and if he rushed into the measure blindfold, he must still be considered as wanting, in some degree, that penetration and presence of mind so necessary to complete his character.
The person to whom the honor was destined of awakening and enlightening his countrymen upon this important subject, was EDANUS BURKE, one of the chief justices of the state of South-Carolina. A pamphlet was published by this gentleman soon after the original introduction of the order, in which he illustrated all the ill consequences that might be expected to result from it. If the Americans had been cold and supine in the first instance, it was however easy to awaken their public spirit into patriotic jealousy. No sooner was the idea of danger started, than the impression flew with the utmost rapidity through the whole continent. Early in the year 1784, the provinces of Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, declared the institution unjustifiable, and their resolution to discontinue it. The province of Rhode-Island even went to the length of enulating the privileges of all the subjects of its state, who should be members of this society, and declaring them incapable of holding any office under government. In consequence of the alarm that was taken, the Cincinnati, in their first general meeting convened at Philadelphia, on the 3d of May 1784, thought proper to new-model the institution of their society. They professed to withdraw the claim of Hereditary Honor, to disclaim all interference with political subjects, and to place their funds under the immediate cognizance of the several legislatures through the medium of a general charter. They hesitated not to relinquish every thing of their new constitution, except their personal friendships, of which they could not be divested, and the acts of beneficence, which it was their intention should flow from them. With these professions however, they retained their fund, their general meetings, and their ribbons. It remains for the wisdom of the legislatures to decide, or for experience to demonstrate how far these circumstances keep alive the danger that was originally apprehended."
Thus ends my quotation. But had the person who wrote the above article for the New Annual Register, whether it was Burke the orator, or Samuel Johnson the great giant of all literature, for both of those gentlemen were concerned in the book—I say, had they then known, that so soon after the revolution as the year 1789—we had our American newspapers stuffed with titles such as, Most Honorable, to Senators and their wives—and Right Honorable to Representatives and their wives—would not honest Sam. Johnson have stared, and all Europe laughed at our foolish wickedness? But when it was afterwards attempted to introduce His Imperial Majesty, His Highness, His Illustriousness, &c. &c. &c. in an official way, by a party in one branch of the new United States government—is it not strange that some able writer did not take up the subject in a serious manner and alarm the people, as our honest Burke did when he wrote concerning the Cincinnati?
I hope, Mr. Printer, that this hint will serve as an incitement to stimulate either that gentleman or some other to take the matter into contemplation, and not suffer us plain American republicans to be over-whelmed by those monarchical writers on Davila, &c. who are armed with large wigs, long pens, and catfish printers, ready to disseminate their poisoned doctrines throughout this blessed continent—for blessed we must be, unless those artful aristocrats should prove successful in their fatal schemes. W. T.
|| What a pity that the writer had not been better acquainted with the facts. Our venerable Hero was not an angel—But a good man might easily be deceived by a cunning attorney, whose instrument was an honest German Baron—chemin couvert.
¶ Here again the writer was ignorant of the facts. They have never relinquished those hereditary schemes—nihil they did was, to recommend to the state societies, who never adopted it, so that it remains in statu quo, as it was originally designed.

PHILADELPHIA.
JUNE 21. 1792.
On Monday last was received from London, the model of the new Theatre to be erected on the foundation lately laid in Chestnut Street, in this city.
It is not denied, and dare not be denied, that great abuses have taken place in some of our national affairs; that pernicious doctrines have been maintained concerning the tendency of public debts and perpetual taxes, that members of Congress have been deeply concerned in speculating and jobbing in their own measures, and combining with brokers and others to gull and trick their uninformed constituents out of their certificates. These are facts, and in a manner confessed and notorious. All the world is crying out against them: and notwithstanding that it is the case, there is audacity enough in some to call those who have been the means of rousing the public attention to these things, sons of sedition, and enemies to the government. Is it sedition to ferret out iniquity and expose it to shame and punishment?—If it be, it is a sedition in favour of virtue and the people, and that a friend of both ought to glory in. Is it enmity to the government to watch its proceedings and endeavour to purge it of its errors and its vices?—If it be, then may the government never want such enemies; and may it ever be without a host of friends who, in order to cloak the faults of the government, and throw dust in the eyes of the people, calumniate truth, and endeavour to cry down reformation.
On Monday last was held a meeting of the citizens of New-York at the City Hall, to deliberate on the conduct of the majority of the canvasser of votes for Governor.—Several resolutions were adopted at this meeting, the last of which is as follows:
Resolved, That it be earnestly recommended to the independent electors in the several counties of this state, to enter into resolutions expressive of their sense upon this very interesting occasion; and that they be requested to unite with the electors in this city and county, in an application to the legislature at their next meeting, for a redress of the injury which has been done to the rights of the people.
The first reception of the English Doctor Willis by the Queen of Portugal seems to have bordered on the ludicrous.—Upon being told that the English mad-doctor had come to her relief, and was then in the antichamber, she gave orders for his admission.—Upon his being introduced, not liking his mein and appearance she instantly screamed out aloud, and shrunk her head down between her shoulders, as in a terrible fright—the doctor, not in the least disconcerted, advanced towards her, and screamed aloud in the same manner—this so intimidated the Queen that she thought proper to submit to his prescriptions, which are said to have already had a favourable effect.
A letter received by a settler in Greene county from Kentucky, mentions, that six hundred Indians had broke into that settlement; that a party of them had burnt the town of Frankfort, and killed about fifty white persons.
From Scotch and English papers it appears, that several of the poems of Ossian have been lately assumed as the ground-work of dramatic performances, and acted on the stage of Glasgow, Edinburgh, London, &c. Comala, Oscar and Malvina, and such other of these pieces as have been already represented, are said to have met with the most brilliant success. The poems of Ossian (a handsome edition of which has been lately printed by Mr. Thomas Lang, of this city) pretend not to historical relation; they represent the fabled ages of Scotland, where fancy has only touched, and history has never reached. These events, however, whether real or imaginary, are represented to us in a sublimity of language and imagery perfectly consonant to the ideas of heroism acting upon the generous, unpolished manners of the human species.—From these characteristics of Ossian, it is natural to suppose that his ideas and images may please no less in the dramatic than in the original epic dress; the language of nature being always the same, and always sure to please, where taste has not been previously vitiated.—It may be proper to add that while we dwell with pleasure, in the Scotch papers, upon the dramatic revivalisation of Ossian, we feel hurt with observing, perhaps in the very next column, advertisements notifying that 'The manager of the Theatres Royal in Edinburgh and Glasgow, wishes to make a composition with his creditors at 10s. in the pound, and that if not agreed to, the theatre must be set up for sale;—which it seems, from another account, has already been the fate of the theatre at Aberdeen.'
Few people have a proper sense of the importance of the success of the French revolution to the welfare and happiness of America. Should a counter-revolution be ultimately effected in France, the advocates of hereditary government and titular dignities here may again be emboldened to come forward with their pernicious doctrines—Should the French revolution eventually succeed, a moderate degree of vigilance on the part of the people of this country will preserve a pure republican system, and crush those plans of ambition which have been long hatching for us on the hot-bed of European depravity.
The real friends to our manufactures and coasting trade should be careful (says a correspondent, who is a friend to both) lest they push matters too far. At present both those branches are thriving rapidly, & much to the advantage of the commercial and manufacturing parts of the union, as is demonstrated by the slightest glance at the exports and imports of the states respectively. It is bad policy to risk or injure this prospect by grasping at too much. Foreign merchants and manufacturers in the southern states will for a long time be our rivals. Heretofore they have enjoyed a preference. They will do in a very great degree. To gain upon them, we should conciliate the confidence and kindness of our southern brethren; not confirm their prejudices by showing a desire to force our articles upon them whether they will or no, and, as they will suppose, at a price unreasonably heightened at their expence. In this point of view, the policy of pushing some late regulations as far as they are carried, may well be questioned. A paltry gain on shoes or nails may be a bad bargain even to our shoe-makers and nailers for an ill humour that may affect the growing voluntary consumption of our supplies. In trade and manufactures a great deal depends on habit, which in its beginning depends on opinion and inclination. The intercourse of traffic between the states has also been justly viewed as a source of harmony and a tie of interest among them. But it is clear that contrary effects may ensue, if regulations be forced on the southern states by dint of legislative majorities. To bind by interest, it must be mutual, and believed to be so. To promote harmony, the intercourse must be founded both in free will and in good will.
The situation of the labouring class of people in Europe has often been a subject of commiseration to the philanthropists in this country. Catharine Philips, an eminent Quaker preacher (better known in the United States by the name of Catharine Payton, under which name she travelled through America, as a preacher, about forty years ago, and since that time has been engaged in visiting every part of G. Britain) gives the following account of the condition of the poor, and others, in England. "House-keeping, to the rich and middling classes of people, is upwards of a third more expensive than it was before the year 1756. As to poor labourers, and working manufacturers, they can spend but their little all; but how miserable do many of them, who have families, live and appear now, to what they did formerly! The price of several articles of cloathing, as well as the various articles of food, are much advanced: but are the poor labourers' and artificers' wages advanced proportionably? In many instances it is so notoriously the reverse that the necessaries of life cannot now be purchased by many good economists of this class. Bread (in some countries barley or oat bread) and potatoes, are nearly all a great number of the poor have to subsist upon, and many have not enough of that low fare to satisfy their hunger; whilst their patched and tattered cloathing, and almost entire nakedness of many, especially children, abundantly demonstrate the extreme poverty of a very valuable part of the inhabitants of a nation glorying in its prosperity and riches."
Capt. James Wells, of Delaware state put a period to his existence a few days ago. He was in the recruiting service and had raised his company, but having transgressed the limits of his allowance, was involved in debt on the company's account, to the amount of about two hundred dollars. He received orders to repair to the rendezvous at Pittsburg; but, owing to this embarassment, was detained. He applied, stated his case, and requested relief. His application proved unsuccessful. In the presence of his lieutenant he wrote a letter, stating the cause of the act he was about to commit, sealed it, directed it to the lieutenant, stepped into an adjoining room and shot himself; the lieutenant hearing the report of the pistol, run in and found him lifeless.
"Various mal-practices (says a N. York paper) have been committed in the county of Otsego, with a design to influence the elections. The facts are simply these, that undue influence towards the weak, threats towards the debtor, and impositions upon the ignorant, have been grossly practiced by certain leading characters in that county, to gratify private resentment, and, if possible, to answer completely the purpose of party. From the whole tenor of the conduct of the characters referred to, in the county of Otsego, and which is proved by numerous affidavits, the public are left to determine whether the votes of that county have not met the fate they so justly merited. The honest electors there, it is expected, will submit with cheerfulness to the loss of their suffrages, so that the wicked machinations of a few designing men might be frustrated, and the republican interest of the state relieved from impending ruin."
** A lengthy string of quotations from the National Gazette appears in the United States Gazette of yesterday, with animadversions—Whatever truth or whatever falsehood there may be in any, or all, of those remarks, the author of one of them advances more than he ought to, when he asserts the National Gazette is supported by a party; unless by a party he means a very respectable number of the anti-aristocratical and anti-monarchical people of the United States; whom we shall be proud to serve at all times, as far as is consistent with the line of a printers duty.—Honi soit qui mal y pense.
The advocates for the bank should make their calculations before they make their boasts. The attention of the public has been called with a sort of triumph to the loan of 500,000 dollars at 5 per cent. as if it were an evidence that the charter to the bank were a profitable bargain to the people, or as if it were a compensation for the sacrifices that have been made to it. But what is the loan to consist of? of paper which costs the bank nothing. How will it be repaid? In gold and silver; whilst the paper will be kept from returning on the bank, by being absorbed into the public channels of circulation. The public therefore, besides the interest pay gold and silver for paper, for which the bank pays nothing. They keep the paper afloat for the benefit of the bank, by a stipulation which has no reciprocity. They send or keep out of the country, the gold and silver which the paper usurps the place of. And they are over and above called upon to praise the utility and generosity of an institution which is enriching itself at their expence.—Let the truth be honestly spoken. The capitals in the bank are more than fifty per cent. in the market above the sums subscribed.—An annual dividend is expected of nine or ten per cent. This is an enormous profit. Whence is it to proceed? From the grant of the government? At whose expence? At the expence of the people. Did the subscribers earn such a profit by their services? Many of them were enemies or aliens to our country.—Where they entitled to it by their losses? Most of them had previously gained 700 or 800 per cent. on their capitals. Did they purchase the charter with their money? They paid nothing for it. Were they bound by the conditions of the charter to any future equivalent? They are as free to demand 10 per cent. as 5 per cent. if the exigencies of the public or the liberality of the government should furnish the opportunity.
If the constitution then had authorized the measure, the people had a right to more than has been got for them. They had a right to the worth of the charter. They had a right to something equivalent or nearly so, to 50 per cent. on the private stock of the bank. They had a right to a valuable consideration for the four millions of dollars thus wantonly thrown by Congress into the pockets of individuals including members of their own body, to whom the people owed neither debt nor favor. In this light the people begin now to see the transaction: and their indignation will rise in proportion as they understand it. Until the bank then shall make restitution of its unearned, unpurchased, and unmerited monopoly, or shall otherwise indemnify the public, it may boast of its utility to itself; but let it spare the mockery of boasting its utility to the public.—Of two things indeed the bank has a right to boast. It may boast its good fortune in being made the favorite object of the public largesses: and it may boast of its address in offering a momentary and apparent aid to the public, in order to divert the attention of the people from its immoderate and permanent profits. Were there no danger of placing these in too conspicuous a view, it might well have afforded the loan at 4 per cent. or 3 per cent. or without any interest; and still have smiled in its sleeve at the boon it has obtained. What is the interest of half a million for a few months, to those who have derived from the government, a year value of four millions on the eight million of stock subscribed to the bank?
PROPOSALS have been published in this city, by Mr. John Parker, for printing a French Newspaper—The utility of such a publication is evident—as it will not only be the means of information to foreigners who do not understand the English tongue, but also a great assistance to those who are studying the French language. Subscriptions are received by Mr. Dobson, in Second-street.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
IT may be inferred, from a publication in the National Gazette of the 18th of June, that the destruction of the Excise officers sign, in Germantown, had taken place in an open manner, from the hands of some known persons; and the citizens of the United States may be led to suppose that their government is so inattentive, or so feeble, that so great a breach of the law has been permitted to take place near the seat of the government without notice: It will be proper therefore, that the true state of the affair be published in the same Gazettes which have, or may publish the paper alluded to.
The collector of the revenue for the counties of Philadelphia, Bucks and Montgomery resides in the county of Bucks; and for the accommodation of the distillers in the county of Philadelphia, he established an office of inspection in Germantown, as the principal village in the county of Philadelphia. The person who kept it for him had placed a sign over his door, inscribed according to law "Office of Inspection." This sign, or board, after it had been up some days, was secretly taken down in the night time, by some person or persons at that time and now unknown. The officer was duly, and immediately examined, by the government upon the subject, with a view to prosecute the person or persons who had committed the offence; but from the secret manner in which it had been done, under cover of the night, the names of the persons could not be discovered through the officer, or by any other means.
THOMAS PAINE.
It having been positively affirmed, that the author of the Rights of Man was not arrested at a late meeting; the publication of the following undeniable particulars, expose at once the independence of the philosopher, and the effrontery of his disciples.
"At the London Tavern, about half after five o'clock, on Friday last, the 13th of April 1792, Thomas Paine, Esq. was arrested, at the suit of Mr. Mark Gregory and others, by Wild, the Bailiff. Paine was immediately carried without his hat, in a coach to the King's Head Spunging house, in Wood-street, nearly opposite to the Old Compter, where he arrived about 6 o'clock. About an hour afterwards, he was bailed by Mr. Joseph Johnson, bookseller, in St. Paul's Churchyard, and Mr. George Wilkie, bookseller, in Paternoster-Row."
[Lond. Paper.]
The subsequent fanciful epitaph has appeared in several English newspapers: Possibly, notwithstanding, it may be new to many of our readers.—It was occasioned by the death of Capt. CHARLES CLERKE, one of the successors of the celebrated COOKE in circumnavigating the globe.—N. B. Capt. Clerke died on ship board, while on his fourth circumnavigatory voyage.
THOUGH in the Styx the brave Charles Clerke is hurl'd He put a girdle three times round the world, But as he try'd the fourth, and proudly sail'd Death back'd his topsails, and thus rudely hail'd, The Resolution, * ho!—Charles turn'd his ears, And said, Death hails, let's give old bones three cheers; Messmates, farewell, complete the voyage—I'm ready, Charon, put off, steer small—steady boys, steady!
* The name of Capt. Clerke's ship.
L O N D O N.
THE KING OF SWEDEN.
All the accounts from Sweden prove that the attempted assassination of the king is not the fruit of any new doctrines, as has been ignorantly, or malevolently insinuated, but the natural consequence of passions, which, in all ages, have stimulated men to crimes, and burnt as fiercely in the bosom of the noble as of the peasant—ambition and revenge.
He had made himself obnoxious to his nobility, by wresting from them the whole power of the government, and concentrating it in the crown. They resented his usurpation; by the rigour with which he maintained it against all their plots at home and intrigues abroad, their hatred became implacable; and the same order of men, who are endeavouring to plunge France in blood for the recovery of their privileges, conspired in Sweden the murder of their Sovereign.
No man who regards the principles of justice or freedom, will be the advocate of Gustavus. His contest with the nobles was not for the people, but for himself. They were courted, and in some degree favoured, as the only means of temporary support; but if we look to the eagerness with which he courted subsidies from foreign powers, and the anxious diligence with which he laboured to increase his army, we must conclude, that his ultimate object was to involve nobles, citizens, and peasants in one common despotism.
As little will any man of generous or manly feeling vindicate the plot against his life. The foul crime of assassination fills every untainted mind with horror, because it destroys the very principle of mutual confidence, without which society is not a state of security but of fear. But let it not be charged on any doctrines, that an enlightened age, or philosophical disquisitions on the rights of man, have promulgated. It is the miserable remnant of feudal barbarism, and superstitious ignorance; of times in which reason was weak and passion strong, and any means of revenging an injury or reclaiming a right, where thought to be justified by the end.
Never were more pains taken in every part of Europe to suppress the events flowing from the ebullition of the public mind than at this moment. The strictest eye is held over the press in every despotic state, and though France opens to all Europe, by its centrical situation, a free channel of communication, yet the violation of the post in every adjacent country keeps from the public eye all knowledge of the ferment which rages in the bosom of every kingdom more or less.
This may have its influence. By preventing the circulation of knowledge, it may make men tame and passive, but this can only be for a time. The circumstance of a free press, in a country so centrally situated as France, and in a language so generally read, cannot long exist in vain. Men who think will read—and all the arts of the most watchful government, will not long prevent the introduction of the journals, sacred to freedom, into every country in Europe.

NEW-YORK.
THE beautiful situation of that city, and the city itself, is now displayed to more advantage than ever, to the view of him that approaches it from the southwestward, by the removal of the old Fort George. Instead of that clumsy fortress, we now see an elegant building (unfortunately one story too low) destined for the residence of their governors, with its appendages of gardens, out-houses, &c. The ground has been levelled considerably below the foundation of the old fort, and a solid frame bulk-head of square hewn timber, filled with stone, is carried many fathoms into the Hudson, affording a fine spacious gravelly walk on the margin of that noble river, for the refreshment of the citizens. This walk, when planted with trees, will be the most elegant in America, and affording a prospect scarcely inferior to any in Europe, and exceeded only, and that in no great degree, by the views in and about the bay of Naples, in Italy.
The removal of a number of mean fabrics, wooden sheds, soldiers' barracks, &c. from the vicinity of this spot, and the substitution of elegant buildings, will give this extremity of the island all the advantages, in point of appearance, that it so well deserves. An elegant street is now extended along the Hudson to the northern extremity of the city; which street will no doubt be a highly commercial one when piers and basins are formed for the protection of vessels in the ruder seasons of the year.
* The following stanzas on this subject, were written when the demolition of Fort George was first in contemplation by the legislature.
 1. As giants once, in hopes to rise, Heap'd up their mountains to the skies; With Pelion plac'd on Ossa, strove To reach the immortal throne of Jove;  2. So here the hands of ancient days Their fortresses from the earth did raise, On whose proud heights, proud men to please, They mounted guns and planted trees.  3. Those trees to lofty stature grown— All is not right, they must come down, Nor longer waste their wonted shade Where Golden Slept, or Tryon stray'd. †  4. Let him be bad that plac'd them there,— We shall a youthful race prepare; Another grove shall bloom, we trust, When this lies prostrate in the dust.  5. Where Dutchmen once, in ages past, Huge walls and ramparts round them cast, New fabrics rais'd, on new design, Gay streets and palaces, shall shine.  6. To foreign kings no more a slave (Disgrace to Freedom's passing wave) No flags we rear, we feign no mirth, Nor prize the day that gave them birth.  7. While time degrades Palmyra low, Augusta lifts her lofty brow— While Europe falls to wars a prey Her monarchs here, assume no sway.  8. Another GEORGE† shall here reside, While Hudson's bold, unfetter'd tide Well pleas'd to see this chief so nigh, With livelier aspect pass by.  9. Along his margin, fresh and clean, Ere long shall belles and beaus be seen, Through moon-light walks, delighted stray, To view the islands and the bay.  10. Of evening dews no more afraid, Reclining in some favorite shade, Each nymph, in rapture with her trees, Shall figh to quit the western breeze.  11. To barren hills far southward shov'd, These blackguard guns shall be remov'd, No longer here a vain expense, Where time has prov'd them no defence.—  12. Advance, bright days! make haste to crown With such fair scenes this honor'd town, Where Freedom finds the charter clear, And plants her seat of Commerce here. 
† British governors before the Revolution. † His excellency George Clinton.
REMARKS on the ADDITIONAL DUTIES on IMPORTS.
[Continued from our last and concluded.]
THAT the supposition on which this conclusion appears to be built is unfounded, is a fact which all those acquainted with foreign markets can attest. Foreigners, instead of charging higher prices to those of their correspondents in this country, whose solidity was apprehended to be dubious, would withdraw their connection rather than hazard a loss of property by confiding it to such characters. The British merchants have better methods of becoming acquainted with the pecuniary ability and resources of their commercial friends here, than the Secretary appears to be apprized of. They select their men; and instances are numerous which demonstrate their circumspection. Many applications for credit have been, and still are rejected; and it seldom happens that a new applicant can succeed unless supported by a guarantee of some house of established respectability and property. Hence it results, that no reason for concluding that goods are imported on better terms than formerly, in consequence of the improved state of the credit of the union, can be supposed to exist.
But in considering this subject, facts are of more efficacy than theoretical deductions. During the last four or five months, the manufacturers and merchants of England have uniformly apprized their American correspondents, that certain fabrics have advanced in price very considerably; and the specimens already arrived, verify the information. They are certainly as dear as at any period since the peace. This however is not ascribed to the decline of our credit, but to those unsearchable, unaccountable circumstances which occasionally emerge in the course of events. If the Secretary's inferences were founded, we should
look for the cause of such a reverse, to the depression of our credit; but since this is by no means the proper source to which the alteration is imputable, we may warrantably decide that the conclusion, and the intelligence on which it is erected, have been obtained from some misinformed, perhaps interested quarter, and therefore fallacious and undeserving of such credit as to justify official reliance.
If this is the case, and the "advantages enjoyed under the federal government" are a perpetual accumulation of new burdens—If those burdens must inevitably be submitted to; we may regret in silence our ready acquiescence, and acknowledged agency in giving existence to the new constitution; but pray let us be permitted to groan and lament, without the mortifying circumstance of being officially told we are more happy in proportion as our oppressions are encreased.
Since the publication of the secretary's report on the subject of manufactures, it has not been difficult to anticipate what measures would be proposed; and it now appears that—"as a spirit of manufacturing prevails at this time in a greater degree than it has done at any antecedent period, an increase of duties as far as it shall tend to second and aid this spirit, will serve to promote essentially the industry, the wealth, the strength, the independence, and the substantial prosperity of the country." Hence, it seems, in order to give a specious colouring to measures directly repugnant to deliberate opinions formerly avowed, oppressive rates of duty must be resorted to, and the substantial revenues of commerce sacrificed to the visionary phantom of manufactures. Was the prolix, laboured report on that subject, originally intended to prepare the public mind for a ready reception of the proposed augmentation of duty on imports? It evidently has this aspect; but, however well written that performance may be, it can never effect impossibilities, nor reconcile us to measures incontrovertibly wrong.
From what corner of the union the secretary has been favored with such undoubted intelligence respecting this manufacturing spirit, as justifies him in officially announcing its extreme prevalence, is a mystery to thousands. We know that experiments have been made in various parts of our country to erect and support them; with what success let the present situation of the greater part declare. Strenuous efforts were exerted to raise the one attempted in the city of New-York; but, notwithstanding every endeavour of the reputable characters who patronized and supported its infancy, has it not been gradually declining, and now almost extinct? The same result may be predicted with respect to that proposed to be established in Jersey. The notoriously embarrassed situation of its pecuniary funds as far as they have been collected, and of the man [Col. D.] with whom the project ostensibly originated, are strong indications that the period of its ultimate dissolution is not very remote. We cannot therefore calculate with safety on any of these fallacious experiments, nor could the Secretary have rested his assertion on such grounds; his views must have been directed to the circumferent efforts of domestic or private manufactures, which however, except in a few instances, have advanced little beyond the point they had attained several years ago. Now, to bring into view the idea of sacrificing an established revenue, or at least of oppressing a useful class of men, in order to cherish projects, which with all the indirect aid of government will be ultimately regulated by other circumstances, discovers a willingness to seize any plausible reason for doing that which no reason can justify on the principles of a discreet and magnanimous policy.
The addition of 2 1-2 per cent to the present 50 per cent. duty on the great mass of articles not imported, is proposed as a temporary expedient to defray the expenses of the Indian war; and it is to operate only while any part of the charges incurred by that war remains unpaid. This provision has a dangerous tendency.
Without adverting to all the possible methods which future ministers may invent, and complying legislatures sanction, to dissipate the public property, it will be no hardy assertion if we presume, that although the hostilities in which we are now involved, should speedily terminate; yet the anticipations which must be resorted to, in order to discharge the innocent calls from that quarter, justify a belief that there will remain a considerable debt chargeable on the department of war, which, with the half pay of deranged officers, &c. now and hereafter to be engaged in those hostilities, will serve as a plausible pretext for continuing the high duties; and when these objects are nearly accomplished, other modes of absorbing the public treasure, such as the establishment and support of a navy, will be brought into view, declared essential to our national existence and respectability, and adopted. By these means our burdens will be perpetuated, and the hollow promises of office easily evaded.
Were the resources of the United States restricted to this species of revenue, we should set down in passive silence, and lament the necessity of submitting to measures which the exigency of our political situation rendered indispensable. But is this the true state of the matter? The Secretary has indeed proposed three alternatives, two of which are conceived ineligible and the other recommended. If no other sources of supply are tangible but those exhibited in the report, the powers of congress are much more limited than people generally imagine. If we turn our attention to the present situation of the states, individually, we shall see them in a great measure relieved of direct taxes, by the assumption of their debts. If Congress, instead of attempting additional duties, should impose a light tax on landed property, it would constitute a productive revenue, without being oppressive; and by rendering it permanent, create a sinking fund for redeeming the heavy load of our public debt.
I am well aware that such an expedient would by no means accord with the prevailing sentiments of many honest men: but surely, of two necessary evils it is advisable to adopt the least hazardous; and I presume it will be found, on due investigation, that a light land tax would be less oppressive and more productive, than a further increase of the duties on imports.
N. York, March 17.
BOOKS, Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
 1. American Museum, from its commencement in January 1787, to December 1791, in ten vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, sixteen dollars. This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.  2. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Markland's of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6/6.  3. Smith's History of New-York, from its first settlement to the year 1732. To which is annexed, a description of the country, with a short account of the inhabitants, their religions and political state, and the constitution of the courts of justice—Price a dollar and a quarter.  4. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L.L.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69. p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful."  5. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, containing select productions of the most eminent British and American poets. Price four fifths of a dollar.  6. Blair's Sermons, containing the whole of the three volumes of the British edition, in two. Price two dollars.  7. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four fifths of a dollar.  8. Examination of the observations of Lord Shelburne's on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five eighths of a dollar.  9. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five eighths of a dollar.  10. M'Fingal, an epic poem, a new edition in 12mo. Price three eighths of a dollar.  11. American Jest Book, in two parts, with two very neat engravings. Price bound, three fifths of a dollar.  12. Garden of the Soul, by Bishop Chaloner. Price, bound plain, half a dollar, in calf and lettered three quarters of a dollar, plain 1-2dol.  13. The Douay Translation of the entire Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 5/2—plain, six dollars.  Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase whole quantities for public libraries, or to sell again. May 17. 6m. 1a. w.
A FARM FOR SALE.
To be sold cheap for cash, a Farm situated on the Banks, and on the north side of the river Raritan in the state of New-Jersey; eight miles from the city of New-Brunswick, and one from the town of Bound Brook, containing 191 acres, and 40 acres about a mile distant appertained to it for woodland: on this farm has lately been erected a neat and convenient house 28 by 34 feet neatly finished, built on a cellar the dimensions of the house, with a kitchen forming a wing 24 by 18 feet completed: 50 acres of it being meadow renders this place truly valuable; the healthy airy and pleasant situation makes it an agreeable seat for a gentleman: the meadow and fertility of the soil, an object for the farmer, & as being surrounded by the most wealthy and opulent farmers in the state, a very eligible stand for a store. The ride to and from Brunswick on either side of the river, is delightful: for the price apply to the editor of the National Gazette. 6w 1aw.
This day is published, And to be sold at No. 54, S. Second-street, By ROBERT CAMPBELL, And BENJAMIN JOHNSON, No. 147. Market-street, [Price ten shillings, neatly bound]
The New Art of Cookery,
According to the present practice; Being a complete Guide to all Housekeepers, on a plan entirely new— Containing—
PROPER directions for marketing, and trussing of poultry; The making soups and broths; Dressing all sorts of fish; Sauces for every occasion; Boiling and roasting; Baking, broiling and frying; Stews and hashes; Made dishes of every sort; Ragouts and fricassees; Directions for dressing all sorts of roots and vegetables; All sorts of omelets and eggs; Puddings, pies, tarts, &c; Pancakes and fritters; Cheesecakes & Custards; Blancmange, jellies, and syllabubs; Directions for the sick; Preserving, syrups, and conserves; Drying and candying; All sorts of cakes; Hogs puddings, sausages, &c; Pottings, and little cold dishes; The art of carving; Collaring, salting, and souing; Pickling; To keep garden vegetables, &c; Made Wines; Cordial Waters; Brewing; English and French bread, &c.
By RICHARD BRIGGS. Many years Cook at the Globe-Tavern, Fleet-street, the white-Hart Tavern, Holborn, and now at the Temple Coffee-house, London.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Subscriber has in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine second and third cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices—
  Best Superfine navy blue 34s.   Ditto. Ditto. Scarlet 36s.   Common colours superfine 32s.   Elastic stripes 9s.   London buff and white cassimers 15/6.   Ditto, coloured do. 15/.   Yorkshire ds. do. 15/6.   Striped toiletts 14s.   Ratineas 3s.   Striped Nankeens 3/4.   A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low, fancy buttons and trimmings do.   London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24s. 
The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first Mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers; by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD. No. 3 South Fourth-street.
Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house, together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment.
A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14, 2aw. 1f.
CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGES.
THE Eastern-Shore Stage, by way of Chestertown to Baltimore, starts regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings at 4 o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodness of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route. JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON, N. B. Light Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen.
PROPOSALS For Printing by Subscription,
PUBLIC REPORTS FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several Members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAIN, the publishers, No. 209, Market-street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States. May 24.
THIS DAY ARE PUBLISHED, [In Octavo—Price 2/6.]
THE LAWS of the UNITED STATES, Passed at the First Session of the Second Congress.
PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.
To which are added the Ratifications of the Amendments to the Constitution, by the several ratifying States; the Armistice between the United States and Great-Britain; and the Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Cherokees, which, with those in the other octavo volume completes all the existing treaties.
Philadelphia, printed by CHILDS & SWAIN, Printers of the Laws of the United States, and sold by them, at their office, No. 209, Market-street; also by the principal Booksellers in the city.
** The Laws are sewed in blue paper, and are intended to be bound up with those of the next session, so as to make one volume, comprising all the Laws passed by the Second Congress, when a complete Index will be added for both sessions.
The LAWS of the Three Sessions of the First Congress, With a complete Index, in one volume octavo, may be had as above. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1792.
** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York. Price 5/7 1-2.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.