National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-07-27 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 78 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, July 27, 1793.
[Total NUMB. 182.]
ORATION.
By Citizen BRACKENRIDGE, on the Celebration of the Anniversary of Independence. [Pittsburg, July 4.]
THE celebration of the day introduces the idea of the principle that gave it birth: Was it the wisdom of the king of Great Britain who saw the growing greatness of the provinces, that they were now of age to act for themselves, and bade them be independent? No—The wisdom of the parliament of Great Britain, that seeing the inconvenience or impossibility of our being represented in the legislature, and sensible of the unreasonableness of being bound by laws without being represented, saw the expediency of a separation from them, and said to us, Be independent and become an allied power? No—Nothing of all this. The king and parliament of Great Britain, were of opinion that without representation, we were bound by their laws, and though descendants of their isle, had no right to freedom in a great forest.
Whence then our independence? It was the offspring of the understanding and the virtue of the people of America themselves. The eloquent advised, the brave fought; and we succeeded. The day on which we assumed our rights became a festival; and every future year shall remember it with ardent exertion.
The celebration of the day introduces the idea of the effect of it beyond the sphere of these states. The light kindled here has been reflected to Britain, and a reform in the representation of the Commons is expected. The light kindled here has been reflected to France, and a new order of things has arisen. Shall we blame the intemperance of the exertions? Was there ever enthusiasm without intemperance? and was there ever a great effect without enthusiasm? Thy principles, O! Liberty, are not violent or cruel: but in the desperation of thy efforts against tyranny, is not it always possible to keep within the limit of the vengeance necessary to defence. Do we accuse the air, or, the battle of the mountain, when the rock is burst and the town engulfed? The air of itself is mild, and scarcely wafts a feather from its place: But restrained and imprisoned, the yielding and placid element becomes indignant, and tears the globe before it. Do we accuse the hurricane, when the mariner is tossed with the tempest, and is an incidental sufferer in the storm? The naturalist does not. He tells you that the equilibrium of the atmosphere has been disturbed, and if man has suffered more than the demerit of his transgressions, it is in a struggle of nature to restore herself.
Is it the duty of these states to assist France? That we are bound by treaty, and how far, I will not say; because it is not necessary. We are bound by a higher principle, if our assistance could avail; the great law of humanity.
We might, it is true, alledge the stipulations of a treaty, and the guarantee of her possessions to France. But all the world would know, and we ought to avow it, that it is the cause of republicanism which would induce our efforts. The tyrant of Great Britain alledged the stipulations of a treaty relative to the opening of the Scheldt and waited for no requisition on the part of Holland to observe the guarantee. But all the world knew, and he might have avowed it, that it was not the opening of the Scheldt, but the attack upon monarchy that prompted his interposition. Shall kings combine, and shall republics not unite? We have united. The heart of America feels the cause of France; she takes a part in all her councils; approves her wisdom; blames her excesses; she is moved, impelled, elevated and depressed, with all the changes of her good and bad fortune; she feels the same fury in her veins; she is tossed and shaken with all the variety of hopes and fears, attending her situation: Why not? Can we be indifferent? Is not our fate interlaced with hers? For, O France! if thy republic perishes, where is the honour due to ours? From whom respect to our flag upon the seas? Not from France restored to a monarch, and indignant at these very feelings which are now our glory: Not from the despots that are against her: these will easily recollect that the cause of their evils took their rise here.
Can we assist France by arming in her favor? I will not say that we can. But
could we, and should France say, United States, your neutrality is not sufficient; we expect the junction of your arms with mine; your heroes on the soil, and your privateers, on the ocean, to distress the foe; who is there would not say, it shall be so; you shall have them; our citizens shall arm; they shall attack; our oaks shall descend from the mountains; our vessels be launched upon the stream, and the voice of our war, however weak, shall be heard with yours!
If we ourselves should judge that our arms could assist France, even though the generous republic required it not, yet who would hesitate to interfere, not only at the risk of property, but life itself? Is it illusion, or do I hear France say; My daughter America! I know the dutifulness of thy heart towards me; and that thou art disposed to shew it by taking part in this war. But I wish thee not to provoke hostilities for my sake. If I perish, I perish; but let not a mother draw in a hapless child to suffer with herself. Is it illusion; or do I hear America reply? I do, and it is in the language of the Moabitess Ruth, to her mother in law, the Jewish Naomi. "Intreat me not to leave thee, or return from following thee; for whither thou goest, I will go; and where thou lodgest, I will lodge; thy people shall be my people, and thy God, my God; where thou diest, I will die, and there will I be buried. God do so to me, and more also, if aught but death shall part thee and me."
But whether we will or not; thy cause, O! France, will be triumphant. Did the enthusiasm of a small Roman people, repel their invaders, until Rome became the protectress of nations? Did the enthusiasm of a few Greeks, repel the millions of Asia, and afterwards overrun her kingdoms? Did the enthusiasm of the Saracens, in a few years spread to Spain on the one hand, and the Indus on the other? Did the enthusiasm of a few mad Crusaders, burst upon the Saracen, and establish the kingdom of Jerusalem in the center of his empire? And shall the enthusiasm of a brave people more numerous than the early Roman republic, the Greeks under Alexander, the Saracens of Arabia, or the Crusaders of Europe, be subdued by all that are against them? The weight will but condense resistance; and as the materials of explosion in the ordnance acquire a spring by confinement, so in proportion to the attack of this people, will their voice be terrible, their blow irresistible.
France will be independent also, and celebrate her anniversaries; and in doing so will recollect that our independence had preceded hers and made the example. The anniversary of the independence of America will be a great epocha of Liberty throughout the world. Proceed we then to celebrate the day; advance to the festive board; pour out libations to sentiments of liberty, and let the loud-mouthed artillery be heard on the hill!
From the BOSTON MERCURY, of July 16
To the Citizens of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
THE extraordinary circumstance which has given occasion for the proclamation from the Executive of this free, sovereign, and INDEPENDENT COMMONWEALTH, is truly alarming to every individual citizen, whose liberty and interest are deeply involved in the important business of it. The power which the federal government has, to call into their courts a Commonwealth or a state, to answer to the demand of a foreigner (perhaps a tory) was powerfully opposed in the Convention of this and other commonwealths and States in the Union. It was debated in our Convention with great strength and propriety, that the power once given, would not only endanger the SOVEREIGNTY of the COMMONWEALTH, but would open a door for the tories and refugees to sue for estates which were forfeited to, and justly confiscated by, their country from which they had deserted in an hour of distress. The manner in which individuals managed with some of the tories (their friends) estates, prevented government from making an impartial confiscation. It was idle in the extreme, for the States to alienate a power and retain only the hope of its never being exercised; a power the more dangerous when alienated, as we now see, that it leads to a direct consolidation of the governments of the Union into one, to become inviolable, and consequently destructive to the liberties
of UNITED AMERICA. This power in the federal government, would not have been consented to by this commonwealth, but for Rufus King, Esq. who "pledged his honour," in the State Convention, "that the Convention at Philadelphia never discovered a disposition to infringe on the government of an individual state, and that in his opinion no Congress on earth would dare to invade the SOVEREIGNTY OF THIS COMMONWEALTH." On the strength of the gentleman's opinion, the article in the Constitution was assented to but by a small majority. Attempts have been since made by Congress to destroy the sovereignty of the States; and we now see this gentleman's assertion completely negatived, by the commonwealth's being summoned, and the governor and attorney general taken by the marshal to appear and answer to the demand of a tory in the federal court to be held at Philadelphia, 300 miles distant from where the precept was served, and under the penalty of 4000 dollars. Citizens, rouse! Let us before the general court comes together, call town meetings and county conventions; this business, to take the sense of the PEOPLE on a question as big with the fate of our interest and liberties as any one that has agitated the public mind since the peace with Britain. I am fully convinced of a combination existing among us to destroy the sovereignty of the Commonwealth, and with it the liberties of the PEOPLE. Let the freemen of Massachusetts but only hear, much more see, that the arm of a tyrannical power is uplifted to strike a blow at their liberties; and the hated MONSTER, whether it be the mandate of a federal court, a funding system, or any other demon of despotism, shall vanish before their breath, and hide its detestable head in the cave of oblivion. The people of the United States of America, fought, bled, and conquered to enjoy SOVEREIGN LIBERTY; our state and national government exist only by the voice of freemen, and whenever our servants usurp an authority, to administer one or the other, in a tone displeasing and contrary to the true principles, interest and feelings of the people, the same original power that made, can, and most assuredly will, unmake them. The PEOPLE will maintain their liberties, by the peaceable, sacred and divine RIGHT OF ELECTION to the end of time, unless disturbed and molested in the quiet exercise of this right, which they will ever watch, by the daring projects of ambitious men who would enslave their country to enrich themselves; and, when the right of election and sovereignty of the commonwealth shall be endangered, let us draw our swords like free citizen soldiers, and swear, that we will "protect and hand down the liberties of our country, that we bravely won in the field, to our posterity unimpaired, or die in the attempt."
Salem, July 13, 1793.
French Refugees.
ONE hundred and fifty vessels have come up the Chesapeake bay, with upwards of twelve hundred passengers, men, women and children, on board, many of whom have escaped by swimming from fire and sword, naked and in want of every thing. Some French patriots and a number of Marylanders have already made up a considerable sum for their relief; no doubt the generosity of the Philadelphians and of the inhabitants of every city on the continent will prompt them to follow the example. Among these unfortunate people are a number of French patriotic captains who have been obliged to fly and abandon their vessels and property; numbers of old men and heads of families, once wealthy but now reduced to misery and want. Some among them may have by their guilt drawn the misfortunes they feel on their own heads, but they are all unfortunate, and pity is the only sentiment that their heart breaking situation can inspire. This fleet has been convoyed by a seventy-four, a forty gun frigate, a of thirty six, a twenty four gun cutter, and two armed brigs.
From what we have been able to learn, Gen. Galbo is the cause of this dreadful catastrophe; he is on board the Jupiter. The following detail of this affair is collected from several persons, and we believe it comes near the truth.
Upon the arrival of the national commissioners, Galbo, who was appointed by
the old ministry of France, was suspended. He had time to make himself a party among the colonists, but, however, resigned and the national commissioners seeing the danger, of suffering Galbo to remain in the country, resolved to send him back to France and put him prisoner on board a ship belonging to the republic. Galbo took advantage of his situation, and of the sentiments of the officers of marine to corrupt the crews, with money, and by the means of some of the colonists whom he had attached to him. He often harangued them and, when the crews went ashore, drink was given them by the ill disposed colonists, who at the same time exasperated them against the colonists.
There were several bloody affrays in consequence. The national commissioners seeing the storm that was gathering, issued a proclamation, which prohibited every sailor from being ashore after seven in the evening. They acted in this, strictly within their authority; but Galbo made use of this circumstance to exasperate the sailors still more against them; and, in concert with their officers, succeeded in prevailing on them to land as well as the troops on board; the ill disposed colonists joined them, and even a number of well intentioned whites were forced to take up arms and follow them. They attacked in full force the commissioners, who took refuge in the government house with some whites, who remained with them and some blacks.
The intention of Galbo was to make the commissioners prisoners, to put them on board the armed vessels he could depend upon, to denounce them, and send them to France. But the commissioners to baffle this attempt called to their assistance the negroes of the country. Twenty five thousand came in, they were armed, and their freedom was promised them if they would fight in the cause of freedom; it was impossible to moderate the resentment of these, they murdered and burnt without discrimination, & those arrived in this country were their safety to their flight, & their abandoning their property to save their lives.
From the (Benson) INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE of July 18.
To the Members of the Honourable General Court.
BY the proclamation of the governor, you are called on to assemble on the 18th day of September next, to consider a more momentous question than has been the subject of legislative deliberation, since the ever memorable period of the Stamp-Act. It is a subject in which is involved more danger to the liberties of America, than the claim of the British Parliament, to tax us without our consent. It is a question in which is involved the very existence or non existence of your real legislative functions. It is a question on the determination of which depends the sovereignty, independence, and even the existence of this state, as a free republic. If you acquiesce in the construction given to the federal constitution, relative to the judiciary powers thereby vested in the federal government, (which two of the associate judges have decided in favour of their own jurisdiction) you will seal your own extinction, as a legislative body—and become merely a court of sessions of a county, and a body of electors of the senators of the Union. Your future deliberations will be on subjects of mere county regulations; and your acts those of an unimportant subordinate corporation. If you accede to the claim of the federal judiciary, you will be accessory in overturning the federal government, and establishing in its stead an imperial one. If you do not oppose it, you will surrender, the sovereignty of the people of Massachusetts (whose voice can never be heard with effect, but in the state legislature) to a foreign power; for that government, made ever be foreign to the people, which will not be guided by the general will, so often expressed in public, and so universally made known and desired by individuals in every situation. If you submit to the demand, you will authorize a foreign jurisdiction, to exercise a power, which can never be exercised by it, but to the destruction of your own power; to the overthrow of the state governments; to the consolidation of the Union, for the purposes of arbitrary power; to the downfall of liberty, and the

Reversion of the Rights of the People, for whenever all the important powers of government, shall be concentrated in that of the United States, it will be without check or controul—it will govern by force, and the governors of provinces, as in the days of imperial Rome, will not long hence be the mere creatures of its creation, and amenable thereto, for every act of their doing. Already they are "commanded" to leave their governments, and to appear at the "Seat of Government of the United States," to answer to certain demands before the federal judiciary. What a solecism in political ideas! To order the chief magistrate of a free and sovereign republic, to give an account of himself and his constituents, before a foreign judiciary!
Ye wise legislators of Massachusetts! Ye can never believe that the people intended to give such a power to the federal government; no—nor can ye ever believe that if their voice ever had any weight in the deliberations or decisions of its administrators, such a monstrous and preposterous claim could ever be set up by them. If you concede to one usurpation, you will betray the sacred trust confided in you by a brave and free, but unsuspecting people; if you comply with this haughty demand of self important and ambitious men, your degraded condition will ever be a stigma on the fathers of Massachusetts, & a self humiliation unparalleled in the records of history! Your acquiescence will confirm a construction given to a clause of the Federal Constitution, by the administrators of it; (and which clause was evidently designed to be ambiguous at the formation thereof) which will not only overthrow the government of Massachusetts, but swallow up in one gulph, all the states of America. — Your concurrence in favour of the claim will lay the foundation of a proud and oppressive empire, long sought for by your enemies, and whose extensive boundaries will then be only equal to its powers, and which cannot be exercised but to enthral and enslave the people. The great Montesquieu says, A very extensive country cannot be free under one single government; but it may be free under the government of a confederated republic—or words to that effect.
Wise Legislators! Will you then consent to enslave, not only yourselves, but be accessory to the enslaving all your fellow citizens in America, to the latest generation? Will you tamely yield to what is conceived to be an usurpation, and which was apprehended by many of the members of the Massachusetts Convention, when deliberating on that very clause of the federal convention, respecting the judiciary power, but which apprehensions were said to be groundless by the advocates of the Constitution, and the jealousies of the members on that subject, were laughed at, and treated as ridiculous by KING and others. Their suspicions were considered by them, as vitious and chimeras of the brain, and as phantoms of a distorted imagination. But what do we now behold? these chimeras, these phantoms, these visions, are no longer imaginary, but appear in the bold colours of a demand, as founded on that very constitution!
Legislators of Massachusetts! Many of you were members of the convention; is it so long a time since that event happened, that you have forgotten the species of reasoning which then prevailed on you to adopt that constitution? I think not; then let me ask you, did you then believe you gave such a power to the Federal Judiciary, as is now assumed under that government? I believe you will say, no; then let me conjure you to be watchful of its progressive encroachments. If this claim is admitted, all the evils which have been apprehended by the patriots of America, will be poured out upon them, and the states individually, will remain a feeble and miserable skeleton, of a once robust government; for if the states, like other petty corporations, can do no act which is final, and from which there lies no appeal to any other power assuming to be paramount thereto, what is their condition different from a county or parish, which has power only to make Bye Laws liable to be judged of by another body in all cases? I say in all cases, because the claim set up by the federal judiciary, may be extended to any or every case whatever. If the states are thus answerable for their conduct to a federal judge, where is their sovereignty, where is their dignity and importance as a state? To what end is the guarantee of the United States, that the individual states shall always have a republican form of government, if those republics are stripped of even the shadow of a power?
Legislators of Massachusetts! Yield not to the claim, nor thus shamefully kiss the hand that chastens you; rather let the world know the strength of your own power, and stretch forth your right arm for the protection of your invaded rights! It is the cause of liberty to four millions of people! Assemble with alacrity, deliberate with firmness, make a declaration of the rights of the state, as connected in the Federal Union; publish an address to the people, the sovereigns of Massachusetts, calling on them to support and defend the rights thus declared by a free legislature! Set your faces like a flint against every encroach-
ment; review the code of laws made by the federal legislature, and point out every encroachment wherein they may have trampled either upon the rights of the state, or the rights of the people! Remonstrate with firmness against them; and take measures for preventing such unconstitutional acts, if any, from being carried into execution: Thus you will convince the enemies of a free and equal government, that "Massachusetts is, and of right ought to be, a FREE, SOVEREIGN, and INDEPENDENT state!"
BRUTUS.
Foreign Advices.
LONDON, May 21.
Copy of a letter from Glasgow, March 29. "I was witness yesterday to an occurrence, which had in its nature something so extremely ludicrous, but at the same time accompanied with certain serious circumstances, that I am at a loss in which of these strains to give you an account of it.
"Yesterday the annual sermon, before the society for the benefit of the sons of the clergy, was preached at St. Andrew's church. After the service, I was amazed to hear a band of singers begin "God save the King!" Struck with the strangeness of the circumstance, I could not well imagine how such an exercise could be introduced, immediately after the serious work in which we had been engaged, as I considered the house of God sacred only to the purposes of piety and devotion, but I found, upon inquiry, that it was by desire of the magistrates, who were then present.
"The circumstance being in itself so extraordinary and unexpected, I felt a lively sense of the ridiculous, and expected when the song was finished, to hear the church echo with the reply of "encore, encore" but I soon found myself chilled with the idea of profanity, committed against that Being for whose worship we had assembled. It was meant as an expression of loyalty—Away with such expressions of loyalty from the House of God!—Let us not profane his worship by the praises of a mortal man! I wish, as much as any man, to encourage sentiments of loyalty to his majesty; but we hope that, in a future expression thereof, a little more decency, as to time and place, will be observed."
"It was with a mixture of disdain and pity, that I observed many present, who sate in silence during the praises of God, join with alacrity the chorus of the song!"
It may be worth while to enquire what were the present nobility of Europe in their origin? Nothing more than the chiefs of ferocious warrior, who united barbarity of conquest with barbarity of manners; whose first rights were those of usurpation and plunder, and who founded their pre-eminence merely on the command which they exercised in war. Thus was the field of battle, the nursery of this nobility, a singular, a striking, and an alarming feature of resemblance with the Cincinnati, an order founded in America immediately upon the close of her war with this country; and for which, it is said, they are indebted to the manœuvres of a certain German Baron now among them.—From such an origin issued that swarm of counts, dukes, and marquises, which overrun and desolated Europe. All those titles of human vanity were in their origin nothing more than military titles, denoting different degrees of command, but soon they became splendid distinctions and privileges in civil life. Soon they laid the foundation of that barbarous feudal system, which for ages debased all human kind, converted whole nations into herds of slaves, and a few individuals into broods of tyrants.
COMMUNICATION.
Mr. FRENEAU,
You are requested by a number of your subscribers to re-publish the following Address from the CHARLESTON Daily Advertiser, of July 12.
Messrs. CAREY & HARRISON,
If you think the enclosed entitled to a place in your useful paper, you will oblige me by inserting it. It is not my intention to confine my strictures to the President alone. I shall occasionally take notice of some other distinguished personages, and am abundantly furnished with materials for this purpose. It is high time that a check should be given to the arrogant and ambitious designs of certain characters, and by stripping them of their meretricious covering, enable their fellow citizens to estimate their respective merits.—In the prosecution of my plan, I will use the decent and manly language of a Republican. But should my indignation be sometimes roused beyond forbearance, I trust I shall not be censured for indulging it.
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR,
ONE great advantage resulting from a republican system of government, is, the unrestrained privilege of scrutinizing public measures, and candidly investigating
the conduct of those men, who are entrusted with the management of public affairs. No character, however dignified, no measure, however important, can possibly escape the exercise of this invaluable right. It is unnecessary, at present, to employ much time in pointing out the many good effects, which might be obtained by a daily exposing to a public officer the impropriety of his conduct, it may prevent a repetition of errors, and by detecting defects in public measures, it may render the necessary amendments more practicable. In addressing to you this letter, I am actuated by motives purely disinterested; and I am very much mistaken in your private character, if a plain exposition of facts will not be more congenial to your mind, than all the arts of courtier like sophistry, or tricks of aristocratical ambition.
Every day's experience, sir, convinces me of the mutability of popular applause, and the facility with which a public character, gloriously acquired, may be tarnished, by an unhappy dereliction of those principles by which it was at first established. It grieves me, sir, to observe, that you may be adduced as a melancholy proof of my remark. There was a time, when your name occupied an elevated position in the minds of your countrymen; and your character was beloved by every genuine son of America. You was fondly considered as the pride of your country, and pronounced by every tongue an ornament to human nature. The man who dared to diminish, in the smallest degree, the lustre of your military achievements, was considered as an enemy to his country; and the slightest expression of disrespect procured the execrations of your fellow citizens. But alas! what an astonishing revolution has a few years of peace produced in the sentiments of your countrymen? The affections of thousands of your fellow citizens are withdrawn from you, and suspicions are entertained, that you have, indignantly, cast behind you those endearing principles of republicanism, which are so congenial to the minds of your countrymen, and to a strict observance of which, you are, in a great measure, indebted for all your fame. Should these suspicions be true, what a melancholy instance will it not exhibit of human frailty! What anguish will it not bring to the bosom of every untainted American! What a triumph will it not afford to those degenerated characters, who have openly avowed themselves hostile to the suffering cause of republicanism and the equal rights of man.
Do not suppose, sir, that I write in the spirit of controversy, or that the information I have communicated is an exaggerated fable. I speak to you the language of truth, and did you calmly attend a moment to circumstances, you must be convinced, that the representation is just. Permit me, however, to mention one single fact, which I have selected from many others. On that same day, that a few of the inhabitants of Philadelphia presented to you an address, approving of your proclamation, which enjoined a strict impartiality with respect to the belligerent powers in Europe, —on the same day, I say, an address of joyful welcome was presented to the ambassador of the French republic. But how different was the stile of each address; how very different was the manner of presentation! The address to you, sir, was presented by only three hundred inhabitants —the address to the French ambassador was delivered amidst the shouts and acclamations of several thousand citizens. What inference, sir, ought you to draw from this circumstance? What a useful lesson might it not teach you? Do you suppose, sir, that the most respectable citizens of Philadelphia would have selected that day to address the ambassador of the French republic, had they still retained that love and esteem for you which they once gloried to exhibit? Had your proclamation been as consonant to the wishes of the citizens of Philadelphia as the arrival of the French ambassador, would the circumstances attending each been so materially different? Had they been equally agreeable to the citizens of the United States, would not your proclamation have been more warmly received and generally respected.
It will be permitted me here to observe, that the prosecution you have ordered to be commenced against two of the citizens of the United States, who had served on board the Citizen Genet, has excited much surprize, mixt with not a little indignation. It is not to be supposed, that you wish to introduce into the American government the strict discipline of a camp, and to establish no other measure between the executive power and the citizens, than rigid command and implicit obedience.—That an American should be prosecuted for enlisting under the banners of the French republic; that a citizen of the United States, should be punished for legally fighting against a perfidious nation, that despises our government, depresses our trade, and wantonly tramples on treaties, is a measure incompatible with every principle of republicanism; abhorrent to the feelings of every honest American, and ought not to be passively tolerated. It is a measure which no motive of policy or prudence, can justify.—It is a stretch of power, which no
existing laws, no existing treaties, which even your own proclamation cannot authorize. Let us admit, sir, that the treaty of peace between Great Britain and America expressly prohibited the American citizens from taking up arms on the present occasion, and lighting individually under the colours of the French republic, ought a free and independent citizen to be punished for acting in direct opposition to this treaty, when even the British government has not yet complied with some of its most important articles? Every honest American will say, No. Let the British ministry first discover a disposition to faithfully execute the treaty; then may you, sir, with some propriety, authorize a prosecution of every violation on our part—but I humbly presume not until then.
Permit me, sir, to close this address to you with one irrefragable truth. It is this—that a very large majority of the citizens of the United States are warmly interested in the success of the French revolution, and begin to conceive, that the existence of the American independence is inseparably connected with the establishment of the French republic. I shall say more on this subject in a future address.
A CITIZEN.
Charleston, July 4.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
TO PAULUS.
A FRIEND of mine has this moment explained to me, what I protest I did not before perceive, that in your last performance you bite your thumb at me. I am entirely ignorant who is the author X. Y. whom you are hunting the city for, and cannot even guess, for I have never seen the publications with which you are incensed. If your comments on his writings are just, his freedoms with a great character prove him to be a twin brother of your own, for I see you are guilty of the same mekdemeanour. The gentleman whom you mention with so much arrogance, never exchanged a sentiment with me directly or indirectly upon that or any other subject, nor have I ever received communications of the nature from any quarter. As you entitle me an assassin of character, why do you follow an example so pernicious, in belying, under cover, those who know not you? A newspaper being a kind of public counsellor, every outrage against the liberties of the people merits reproof; but so marvellous has been the tempest of words against the government of the Union, and so malignantly and unsparingly have you and your coadjutors layished censure upon men and measures, that it is now very evident the design is not to explain errors, but to debase, if not to destroy the government itself. I need not repeat the woful defeats of your party. The common guardians of our public peace and happiness, every friend of sober rational liberty have seen and applauded. To butcher my name may alleviate in some measure your vexation, disappointment, and remorse, and you are welcome. Mindful how much I have been wronged in this city myself, sometimes when I have a vacant hour, I vindicate, as well as I am able, worth and innocence in native and foreigner, ever studious to preserve the strictest truth and decency, and promote the peace and welfare of the citizens of the United States; but as I sincerely forgive all my enemies, God forbid that I should write a line to injure any of the human race.—As you say you know my name, I need not sign it.
July 27th, 1793.
* See National Gazette of July 20.
To the Editor of the National Gazette.
IT is said that the Judges of the United States have been convened to assist the understanding of our executive on the treaty between France and the United States.—It is a little strange that lawyers alone should be supposed capable of deciding upon common sense and plain language, for such is the treaty. If any doubts are entertained by the executive on this subject; if the opinion of the people ought to be a rule of conduct in a free government, which seems a little doubtful at present, why are not the people, in their representatives, convened and consulted upon affairs of the most serious import to the United States? There is a mystery about this which I cannot penetrate; for it appears to me that the voice of America would be the best interpretation of the treaty, and surely this is not to be obtained from a few interested individuals buzzing in the sunshine of court favour; or from a pair of Secretaries whose principles are a little doubtful; or from a bench of judges, who can speak their own sense of it, but not the sense of the people.—If instead of legislating himself, the President had convened Congress, the people would not have beheld the arbitrary use of power which has excited alarm, and he would have escaped the censure which has been so generally bestowed. It is suspected that a certain great man who directs the political movements of the executive, altho' not the officer of the people, is a little timid, for fear the present Congress should make him pass thro' a severer ordeal

than he has hitherto undergone, and that this is the true reason why the representatives of the people are not consulted upon this momentous occasion—This has the air of probability; for the number of bank-directors, stockholders, and stock jobbers, do not bear quite so great a proportion to the whole body of Congress as they did at the last session. Our executive are in an uproar because a French brig has been armed in this port, but they appear to slumber over the British armaments that have been made here, and the multiplied injuries and insults that our flag has sustained from the pirates under English colours. What does this difference of conduct to the two nations indicate? Americans, it is time to look about you.
JUBA.
July 25, 1793.
PHILADELPHIA.
SATURDAY, July 27.
There were letters in town yesterday from Cape-Francois, dated some days since the burning of that place, which mention, that tranquility is again restored—and that a number of white inhabitants still remain in the town, which is not more than two thirds destroyed. In consequence of this intelligence, there are several families preparing to return there from the different ports of the United States in American bottoms. The only obstacle to this determination is, the risque of meeting with insults, and every kind of interruption from the New-Providenc privateers, fitted out by Lord Dunmore and the Refugees, of notorious memory in New York, &c.
The Xebeque Sans Culottes, Captain Molinari, belongs to Marseilles, and carries 10 double fortified 9 pounders and 100 men; fell in with the ship Flora of Glasgow, bound outward to Jamaica with dry goods, on the 29th of May, and sent her with a prize master to this port. There were 10 passengers in the Flora who are now on board of her. The privateer came up to port on Tuesday morning and fired a salute, as did also the prize ship.
The Flora carries 6 pounders and 4 swivels, so that she seems to have been fitted out as a letter of marque.
The ship Fair American was boarded outside the Capes by the Petit Democrat privateer, who examined their papers and then left them.
Captain Gillies left Tortuga about the 7th current, and was at Cape-Francois during the conflagration of the 23d ult. He is of opinion that there is only about one quarter of the town destroyed. There are several passengers in the two vessels from Tortuga.
It may be proper to notify the merchants, that when the British privateers board our vessels, they take full liberty of opening any letters they please which they can find aboard, whether public or private. This may serve as a caution to those who are fond of literary correspondence. We have this from unquestionable authority.
Captain Cassels from St. Johns, near Tortola, in 17 days passage, informs, that the English Windward Island fleet, consisting of 138 sail of merchantmen, under escort of three 50 gun ships and two sloops of war, sailed from Tortola on the 23d June, for Europe. Further, that information had been received from Antigua, that at the sailing of the above fleet, the troops bound to the attack of Martinique were embarked, and were to sail that day.
Kingston (Jam.) June 8. Arrived, prize brig Defiance, James Newell, master. She was under American colours, and laden with sugar, coffee, 30 slaves, and 8000 dollars: she was bound to Baltimore.
The French Xebeque Sans Culottes, from Marseilles, now in this port with her prize, the Flora, from Glasgow, was brought to by the fort on Mud Island on Monday night last, and on Tuesday morning failed past with her prize amidst the buzzes of the garrison of the fort, which were answered by the crews of both vessels.
We learn, by an arrival at New-York, that last Cape Francois the 7th of July inst. the Spaniards were within four miles of the town, committing every possible depredation. Before losing sight of land, the report of cannon was heard nearly in the direction of the Cape; supposed to be an engagement between the forces of the commissioners and the Spaniards.
On the 17th inst. two vessels arrived at Boston, one from Liverpool, the other from Amsterdam. By neither of them has any later intelligence been received than we were before in possession of. The letters from Amsterdam are as late as May 26. Business was extremely dull at Amsterdam notwithstanding the war; nor were there any vigorous warlike measures pursuing. With regard to the battle on the 8th of May, it was thought in Holland the French has as good a claim to the victory on that day, as the combined armies. The fact was, that the French made the attack, remained masters of the field two days, and on the third retired unmolested. The action was long and well fought on both sides.
The Austrians and Prussians lost 800 men killed; and the British guards suffered in such a manner, as to give them an idea the conquest of France is a matter of serious enterprize, and not to be easily accomplished even by those that fight under the standard of the British lion.
The island of Jamaica is, in great part, seriously distressed for the article of provisions. About the latter end of June, a committee of the inhabitants were about applying to the governor to open the ports to American vessels for a limited time.
The ship Flora, from Glasgow, was taken by the xebeque Sans Culottes, of Marseilles, the 29th of May, in lat. 37, 36. long. 32, 33 W. There were 14 passengers on board the Flora, three of whom were ladies. We are authorised to say, that the passengers, while here, expressed their gratitude in the strongest terms, for the humane and generous treatment they experienced from captain Molinari, of the Sans Culottes, his officers, and every person put on board the prize.
A report was raised last week in New-York, by a few contemptible enemies of the French, that the English prisoners on board the L'Ambuscade were treated with vile parsimony, and that the captains of the merchantmen were reduced to the same allowance with their men. In consequence of such malicious reports, and false as malicious, the commander of the frigate invited all persons to come on board and scrutinize his conduct towards the prisoners in the strictest manner: In consequence of which many citizens, as well as Englishmen, and others, went on board, and after examining the prisoners, were constrained to report that the captains of the merchantmen, agreeable to the national order, eat daily at the master's table, and that both captains and men participated alike in the extraordinary allowance of rum and wine distributed on certain occasions, besides living at other times at least as well as the French officers and crew. They who are acquainted with the ships of republican France, will acknowledge that no man on board is suffered to want the necessaries, or even the decent comforts of a sea life.
Charles Weems, master, and James Fish, seaman, of the schooner Eagle, of Baltimore, have given in their deposition before one of the justices of Camden county, in the state of North-Carolina, relative to their capture at sea by the privateer Kate capt. Brownlow, of Bermuda. We shall give the particulars of this deposition in our next.
Letters from Port-au-Prince, of July 5. say, "that general Borel was then in Port Jeremie; he is invested by an army from Port-au-Prince and Leogane, and also by sea. It is said that Jeremie is supplied from Jamaica with provisions and ammunition. The vessels from the Cape have glutted the market: three American vessels from thence have been taken for want of papers, and sent into Jamaica."
PROCLAMATION OF THE CIVIL COMMISSIONERS.
Cape-Francois, June 21, 1793. WE declare, that the will of the French republic, and that of its delegates, is, to give liberty to all the negro warriors, who will fight for the republic, under the orders of the civil commissioners, as well against the Spaniards, as against the other enemies, whether internal or external.
The republic desires also to alleviate the condition of the other slaves—by preventing them from being ill treated, as formerly—by furnishing them with better provisions, and more capacious apartments for their convenience—higher wages by the year, and more leisure through the week to attend to their own affairs—more kindness and respect for the women who are pregnant, and for nurses—by affording them certain means of redeeming themselves, by means of determined sums:—finally, by giving gradually liberty to the negroes who can furnish proofs of their good conduct, and of their assiduity in labor, and by giving them at the same time pieces of land and property sufficient to afford themselves and families an honest subsistence.
All the negroes who may be declared free by the delegates of the republic, shall be equal to all freemen, whether white or of any other colour: they shall enjoy all the rights belonging to French citizens.
This is the mission which the national convention and the executive council of the republic have given to the civil commissioners.
(Signed) POLVEREL, SANTHONAX.
Letters from Paris are received to the 12th of May. One of these mentions that the affairs of the Republic were going on well. "The distinction of royalist is abolished, and all good citizens call themselves Jacobin. Our troops have taken, and are in possession of Leige, Bruffels, Mons, Tournay, and one other town, the name of which I cannot call to mind. The war ship that sailed from Brest the latter end of March, have sent into L'Orient 20 English and Spanish vessels; some of them mounting 50, and others 40 guns. The pay of the French army is augmented
5 sols per day. The estates belonging to the emigrants are set up for sale; the royal palace of Bourbon is sold to a company of manufacturers; Chantilly gardens are likewise sold off in lots."
On the 9th July there were 13 or 14 American vessels lying at New-Providenc, detained and under seizure. They were all taken on their passage from St. Domingo to different ports of the United States, under pretence of having French property on board. There are now a great number of prisoners at New-Providenc, taken out of American vessels, mostly the miserable refugees from Cape Francois, who had taken sanctuary under the American flag, but have been so unfortunate as to fall into the hands of the commissioned pirates that infest the Bahama seas. In a late instance, they had even the heart to take the last barrel of coffee from a distressed widow, lamenting the untimely fate of a murdered husband and children.
We are informed that the grand jury of the circuit court, on Wednesday last, made several presentments to the court, of divers persons in this city, for having caused sundry vessels in the port of Philadelphia to be armed and equipped in a warlike manner, being an inraction of certain treaties, and a direct violation of the neutrality of the United States, declared by the President's proclamation.
One of the Goodrich's (Bridger) of infamous recollection in the late war, is now employed in fitting out privateers at Bermuda, to cruise against the French, and American vessels, /pp/ed to have French property on board.
[Communicated by a Correspondent.]
TOASTS given on the 4th day of July, 1793, in Palyunk township, by a select company.
 1. The greatest GEORGE on earth.  2. The United States of America.  3. The worthy and patriotic governor MIFFLIN.  4. Success to the Republic of France.  5. Citizen GENET.  6. May the celebration of the auspicious fourth day of July, never be forgotten, but kept up by us and our posterity with increasing eclat forever. Amen.  7. A speedy emancipation, to the whole creation.  8. May the valour in war, and the fall in peace; of pilot Washington, never be wanting to guide the political helm of the American barque.  9. May the superlative blessings we enjoy, teach us to defend them.  10. May the sun of unity, peace and concord, continue to shine with additional lustre, on our American Canaan.  11. May the good PROOF of America teach all birds of passage to be thankful, and not attempt to perch on too high a branch, and dogmatically distate on affairs of government.  12. May all enemies, spies, emissaries and disturbers of our internal tranquility, be guillotined, or a-lantern'd.  13. May all those who envy us, never partake of our blessings, and their constant abiding place be Nova-Scotia and Botany Bay, there to live on cod-fish tails soaked in whale oil, with a small morsel of bread.  14. May confusion and want be the constant companions of the armies, and confusion and distraction ever attend the counsels of all congenial despotic powers.  15. May the French beat the Austrians and Prussian Blues, 'till they become black-and-blue; and all the enemies to French freedom, be condemned all their days to pound Plaister of Paris.  16. Volunteer Toast—May the Poles unite their strength, and with the assistance of the friends to universal freedom, oblige those ambitious, rapacious land jobbers and land robbers of Russia, and Prussia, to be so Pole-ite as to restore the stolen property to the right and lawful owners, with damages, and the Royal Thieves be condemned to undergo a total and eternal obscuration by the Sun of Liberty. 
Letter from Citizen A. F. Lozeau, member of the National Convention of France, to the Editor of the French National Gazette, dated 30th April.
Citizen Editor.
I beg you to publish the following account of the bravery of citizen Scorfery:—Captain Scorfery, commander of the privateer L'Ami des Lois, of Dunkirk, carrying 9 guns and 40 men, sailed the 8th inst. on a cruise; the next day she carried two prizes into Havre, one of them English, loaded with hay, grain, and strong beer, the other a Dane, loaded with Spanish wine, bound to Prussia. On the 14th, the sent into the same port a Dutch ship loaded with cheese and leather, bound to Falmouth: after having manned the three aforementioned prizes, there remained on board the privateer only 25 men, with whom the brave Scorfery did not hesitate, on the 20th inst. to attack an English brig, on board of which there were one hundred and five soldiers and three officers, which, after an obstinate engagement, he took and carried into Dieppe.
Citizen Scorfery and his brave companions merit the highest eulogiums, for engaging a vessel loaded with troops, and with unequal force—they ran great danger, without expectation of any profit.
The disinterestedness, patriotism and intrepidity of these brave republicans, concur equally to render these brave Frenchmen meritorious. A. F. LOZEAU.
Last Saturday failed from the Chesapeake, bound for New-York, two French ships of war of 74 guns each, four frigates, and six sloops of war. These vessels are hourly looked for in New-York, most of which, it is said, are to stay on these coasts for some time, and, with the Ambuscade, to form a line of cruisers off the principal ports.
Late letters from Bourdeaux mention that the insurgents in France are mostly quelled and scattered. The armies of the Rhine, the Moselle, and the North were soon to act offensively against the combined powers.
A correspondent has authority to assure the citizens of the United States that the minister of France has heard with pain a report, that a vessel belonging to the republic should have offered violence to an American vessel. The minister has given orders that the offence should be immediately enquired into and the captain, if found guilty, should be displaced and punished. He has likewise given peremptory directions to all commanders of vessels in the service of the French republic, on the American station, to pay that attention and respect to the American flag which is due from one ally to another, and conformable to the obligation of treaty and friendship.
Extract of a letter from Rotterdam, dated May 4.
"As if it was not enough to be at war with France, and to see many of our vessels seized and taken by that nation—with the Algerines we have now war likewise. This people were honest enough, however, to release ten or more vessels taken before a limited time, but since, they took many rich prizes, and we are apprehensive for more. Our shipping diminishes woefully—If peace was made this moment, I think we should have at most one fourth only of the number of vessels our nation had at sea in 1779."
[From a Correspondent.]
The liberty of the press, the right of discussing public measures, and the conduct of public officers in their official capacities, is a right the people have expressly reserved to themselves in their Constitutions. There are, I am told, a set of gentlemen very busily engaged at this time in laying schemes to abridge this liberty, either by menacing the conductors of such newspapers as do not suit their palates; or by throwing to others a sop, so as to keep up a good understanding, in case of necessity. It rests with the public to keep an eye upon the conduct of their typographical servants, and see that the Press continues in this country what it ought to be, no respecter of persons:—
O sacred weapon! lest for Truth's defence, Best scourge of folly, vice, and infolence; Still be thy powers to knave hands denied, No Treaties rule thee—and no Jesuits guide.
Extract of a letter dated Bourdeaux, May 12, 1793.
The channels now left to write you from this country, render it impudent to say any thing on the subject of politics. We are perfectly quiet here, and in the neighborhood of this department. The government of France continues their uniform protection and favour to the American commerce, and the trading people have much confidence in, and pay higher freights to American vessels than to any other neutral ones.
[The prices current in our next.]
The day before the Marseilles privateer Xebeque, Sans Culottes, now in this port, fell in with the rich Glasgow ship Flora, she was chased by a frigate, which gaining on her, obliged the captain to have some of her beams sawed, that by having her works loosened, she might sail faster. This had the desired effect.
In three late London gazettes there are no less than fifty four bankrupt commissions! A letter just received from London mentions that another deputation of merchants had waited on Mr. Pitt, with an explanatory remonstrance against the continuance of the war. No satisfactory answer was given.
In our last, we omitted to mention that the gross amounts of duties and tonnage, for the several states, were for THREE months only—Commencing the 1st of October 1791, and ending on the 31st of December of the same year.
* Compliments to JUSTICE, in Fenno's last Gazette. He is desired to advance, and give us an opportunity of determining whether his countenance is Leonine or Asinine—If the former, we have a Tarapen for him; if the latter, a Madrigal, to the tune of "Down five pair of itairs, and away Toby!"
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  Six per Cents 28/3   Three per Cents 20/1   Deferred 11/1   Bank of the United States 6 pr. c. adv 

New Pennsylvania MILITIA LAW.
[Continued from our last, and concluded.]
Section XXVII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That any person who shall or may be appointed by any Brigade Inspector within this state, to collect the militia fines, shall be bound to account with, and pay over to the Inspector of the Brigade, by whom he shall have been so appointed, all the monies he shall have received for fines, within ten days after demand thereof shall be made; and all and every such persons refusing to render or settle his account, in manner aforesaid, shall be liable to have his goods, chattels, lands and tenements within this state, seized and secured by warrant, under the hand and seal of the Inspector of the brigade in which such delinquent-collector hath or may have acted, directed to the sheriff or coroner of the proper county, who shall make report of his proceedings to the said Inspector: and if there are no such goods, chattels, lands or tenements, or they being seized, he shall continue to withhold, or refuse to settle his account of fines received, then, and in that case, the said Inspector shall issue his warrant, under his hand and seal, directing the sheriff or the coroner of the county in which the delinquent may be, to seize and take his body, and commit the same to the common gaol of the county, there to continue without bail or mainprize, until he shall exhibit and settle his account as aforesaid, and discharge the costs of prosecution, and all and every collector, appointed as aforesaid, who hath, or shall, upon settlement of his account, be found to have a balance due by him of the fines collected, and shall not, within ten days after demand made by the Inspector, discharge and pay the full amount thereof, then and in such case, it shall and may be lawful for the said Inspector, immediately to issue his warrant to the sheriff or coroner, to levy the sum due by such delinquent collector, by distress and sale of the offender's goods and chattels, lands and tenements, together with costs and charges, which distress and sale shall be made in manner before directed for tour and muster fines and fines imposed by Courts Martial, but if no such goods and chattels, lands or tenements, can be found, then to seize and take the body of such offender, and commit him to the common gaol, there to remain for the space of six months, unless he shall sooner discharge the debt, or procure such security, that the same shall be discharged within a reasonable time, as may secure and satisfy the said Inspector.
Section XXVIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all and every of the fines and forfeitures by this act made payable, and the mode of recovery not herein before particularly pointed out, shall be recovered by the Inspectors of the several brigades, in the name and for the use of the Commonwealth, by action of debt, before a Justice of the Peace, or in any Court of Record within this Commonwealth, as from the amount thereof, they shall be more properly cognizable, and the said Inspector shall account for, and pay yearly to the Treasury of the Commonwealth, all such fines as he shall receive by virtue of this act.
Section XXIX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all monies passing into the Treasury by virtue of the directions of this act, shall be appropriated as a fund for the purpose of supporting the necessary officers for carrying this law into effect, and of equipping and furnishing the Militia with every necessary apparatus for the defence and security of the state, the surplus if any, to be appropriated in such manner and to such uses, as the General Assembly shall from time to time direct and appoint. And the Treasurer of the Commonwealth shall keep all the monies arising from fines by the Militia Law, separate from all other monies, and keep a separate book of the same, and the expenditures thereof, pursuant to the directions of this act.
Section XXX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the Brigade Inspector, and two reputable citizens, shall appraise the horse of each person, serving as a light horseman, immediately before every time of going into actual service, and enter the same in a book; and in case such horse shall be killed, or die in actual service, or be taken by the enemy, otherwise than by neglect, he shall be paid the
full value of his horse, according to the best appraisal, by an order to be drawn by the Inspector on the militia fund, in the hands of the Treasurer for that purpose.
Section XXXI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any officer, non-commissioned officer, or private militia man, or volunteer acting with the militia, residing in this state, having a family, shall be killed, or shall die of his wounds, received in the service of this state, his widow, child or children, shall be entitled to similar relief, and under the same regulations and restrictions, as were provided by the act, entitled, "An act to provide for the more effectual relief of the widows and children of the officers and privates of the militia, who have lost their lives in the service of their country;" passed on the twenty-seventh day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety; and if any officer, non-commissioned officer, or private militia man, or volunteer acting with the militia, residing in this state, shall be wounded, or otherwise disabled in the service of this state, he shall be entitled to similar relief, and under the same regulations and restrictions as had been provided by an act, entitled, "An act to alter and amend the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of officers, soldiers and seamen, who in the course of the late war have been wounded, or otherwise disabled in the service of this state, or of the United States;" passed the tenth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven.
Section XXXII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons shall knowingly sell, buy, take or exchange, conceal or otherwise fraudulently receive, any arms, accoutrements, colours or drums, belonging to this state, or the United States, on any pretence or pretences whatsoever, the person so offending, being convicted thereof before one or more Justice or Justices of the Peace of the city or county where such offence shall be committed, shall forfeit and pay for every such offence, treble the value of such arms or accoutrements, to be ascertained by the said Justice or Justices, and levied by distress and sale of the offender's goods and chattels by the Justice or Justices before whom such offender shall be convicted, returning the overplus, if any, on demand, to such offender, and for want of such distress shall commit such offender to the common gaol of the county, there to remain, without bail or mainprize, for any term not exceeding three months, unless such money shall be sooner paid, and in every such case the proof of the property shall be made by the possessor of such arms and accoutrements.
Section XXXIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any suit or suits shall be brought or commenced against any person or persons for any thing done in pursuance of this act, the action shall be laid in the county where the cause of such action did arise, and not elsewhere, and the defendant or defendants in such action or actions to be brought, may plead the general issue, and give this act and the special matter in evidence; and if the jury shall find for the defendant or defendants in such action or actions, or if the plaintiff or plaintiffs shall be nonsuited, or discontinue his or their action or actions, after the defendant or defendants shall have appeared, or if upon demurrer, judgment shall be given against the plaintiff or plaintiffs, the defendants shall have treble costs, and have the like remedy for the same, as any defendant or defendants hath or have in other cases to recover costs by law.
Section XXXIV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That an act, entitled, "An act for the regulation of the militia of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania," passed on the twentieth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty; also, a supplement to the said act, passed the twenty second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty; also, the supplement to the said act, passed on the twenty first day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty three; also, a further supplement thereto, passed on the twenty second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty three; also, so much of an act, passed on the ninth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty three, entitled, "An act for the more effectually securing and recovering for the uses of the commonwealth the monies due for excise
and militia fines, and for other purposes therein mentioned," as comes within the intent, meaning, and purview of this act; also, a further supplement to the said recited acts, passed on the twenty second day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty eight, be, and the same are hereby repealed and made null & void. Provided always, That nothing herein contained shall be construed so as to revive any former law, or part of a law, which in and by any of the said recited acts is repealed and made void. Provided also, That nothing in this act contained shall be deemed to repeal, alter and dispense with the powers, authorities or duties of the present lieutenants of the city of Philadelphia, and of the several counties in this commonwealth, or of any other officer or person under the militia laws that have been enforced in this state, immediately before the passing of this act, until by new appointments under this act their respective functions and duties shall have devolved on other persons; and that the said present lieutenants and other proper officers are hereby authorised, required and enjoined to collect, or cause to be collected, all such fines and forfeitures as have been, or shall be incurred during the continuance of their respective commissions, and pay in the same, agreeably to this law or the late laws aforesaid, on or before the first day of January next.
Section XXXV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the Governor shall cause a sufficient number of copies of this law, and of the rules of discipline, approved and established by Congress in their resolution of the twenty ninth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and seventy nine, to be printed in the English and German languages, and distributed throughout the state, so that every general and field officer, every brigade inspector, and every captain, be furnished with one copy; and it shall be the duty of every captain, at every company meeting, to read, or cause to be read to the company, the same, or such part thereof as he may think necessary.
GERARDUS WYNKOOP, Speaker of the House of Representatives. SAMUEL POWEL, Speaker of the Senate.
Approved, April 11, 1793. THOMAS MIFFLIN, Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H, Barom, Ther, Wind, Weather. Data for July 1793.
Just Published
By JOHNSTON and JUSTICE, No. 41, Chestnut-Street, and may be had at No. 209, Market-Street.
Price one and four pence half penny,
Travels through America, A Poem—by MICHAEL FORREST.
CONTENTS:
VOYAGE from Ireland to Newfoundland—Description of Newfoundland—Voyage from Newfoundland to Boston—Address to Columbia to the Bostonians, and to Bunker's Hill—Voyage from Boston to Baltimore—Observations on passing Brandywine; going to Philadelphia—A view of a youth swimming in the river Schuylkill and sporting on its margin—Description of Philadelphia—A fraternal scene—A moral deduced from the fraternal scene—Battle of the kegs in Philadelphia—Sailing from Philadelphia to Bordentown in a stage boat—Philosophical contemplation with respect to human happiness—View of Burlington and Bristol—A delicate view of a young lady bathing in a sylvan pool—Rolanda in the grove, a rural scene—Moral from the distress of Rolanda—Address to Rolanda's inconstant swain—The approach of Winter—A Winter Storm—The approach of Spring—A view of the solar system on a fine summer night—Rural observations—Battle of Trenton—Praise of General Washington—Daphne and Stephen, a rural scene—Voyage to Charleston, South-Carolina—Description of Charleston and the Ladies of Carolina—Verses to a Carolina Lady—Siege of Charleston—Address to Fortune—Verses addressed to a young Gentleman at the Charleston College-Academy—A specimen of unlimited sublime poetry—Man shall be free, a new song.
FOR SALE, Thirteen Hundred and Sixty Acres of excellent
FARMING or TOBACCO LANDS, LYING in the county of Amherst, in the state of Virginia, on one of the principal branches of James River, within six miles of the latter, from which it is navigable for boats of ten or twelve tons burthen. Besides the advantages of these lands, for the farmer or cultivator of tobacco, they are supposed, from a small though successful experiment, made by the late colonel Chiswell, to contain an abundance of metals, which, if not of a precious (as has been even supposed) are certainly of a very valuable kind. The better, however, to ascertain this fact, and place the purchaser on a safe footing, in so hazardous a business, as all those subterraneous searches, without the utmost certainty of an abundance of the desired ore, is supposed to be, every reasonable and necessary assistance or indulgence will be rendered those inclined to make the experiment, as well as every other necessary information given by the Editor of this gazette, in Philadelphia, Br
JOHN NICHOLAS, Charlottesville, Virginia
June 3, 1793.
Just Published,
And to be Sold at the Office of the National Gazette, No. 209. Market-Street, That celebrated little Book, entitled—
SURE AND CERTAIN METHODS of obtaining a LONG
AND HEALTHY LIFE.
Written by LEWIS CORNARO, an Italian Nobleman, When he was near an Hundred Years of Age With a recommendation by the Hon. JOSEPH ADDISON, (Author of the Spectator)
CORNARO was of an infirm constitution till about forty, when by steadily persisting in the course of life recommended in this little book, he recovered a perfect state of health, inasmuch that at fourscore he published this work. He lived to give a third and fourth edition of it; and having passed his hundredth year, died without pain or agony, like one who was asleep. The treatise I mention has been taken notice of by several eminent authors, and is written with such a spirit of cheerfulness, religion, and good sense, as are the natural concomitants of temperance and sobriety. The mixture of he old man in it, is rather a recommendation than a discredit to it.
N. B. The London edition has sold for 6s. This American edition, handsomely bound and lettered, for 3/3 only. 1. a. w. 3. w.
A FEW COPIES OF THE TRANSACTIONS Of the Society instituted in the State of New-York, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANUFACTURES, May be had at this Office. [Price HALF a DOLLAR.]
JUST PUBLISHED.
And to be sold by THOMAS DOBSON, WILLIAM YOUNG, ROBERT CAMPBELL, Messrs. RICE and Co. and JOHN M. CULLOCH, No. 1. North Third-Street.
AN EXAMINATION of the late proceedings in Congress respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; with Observations, &c. on the application of loans from Holland, negotiated under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August 1790—The price of the above pamphlet is three sixteenths of a dollar, or 18 3/4. 1-2. April 24. 2aw 8f
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New-Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorheis, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety two—Notice is hereby given to the said Garret Voorheis, that unless he appear and file special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such of his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided. By order of the Court, April 17. 2aw. 19 HOWELL, Clk.
JUST PUBLISHED.
And to be sold at the respective Book Stores of Joseph Crukshank and Thomas Dobson, and may be had at the Printing office, No. 209, Market-Street. [Price one eighth of a dollar.]
LETTERS,
Addressed to the YEOMANRY of the UNITED STATES: Containing some Observations on Funding and Bank Systems: BY AN AMERICAN FARMER.
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAINE,
AT THEIR OFFICE NO 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA