National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-05-24 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, May 24, 1792.
NUMB. 60.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
(SIDNEY concluded.)
On the Injustice of the EXCISE LAW and the Secretary's REPORT.
THE animadversions which I have made upon the Report respecting the excise afford unanswerable proofs in support of the observations that I formerly presented to the public, upon the evil of referring the business of originating revenue systems to the secretary of the treasury; for, although I will admit that there are few men more capable of discharging that task, yet no individual ought to be entrusted with a deposit, which is of such high estimation in the opinion of the people, that its possession and exercise are vested by a constitutional provision, exclusively in that member of the legislative body that flows immediately from themselves, and is supposed to be most completely impressed with a sense of their interests, and a knowledge of their circumstances.
From the statement of facts that I have made, it will be evident, that the public debt, even after the final settlement with the states, would probably have been thirty millions less than it is, and that at the same time the constitutional obligation would have been fulfilled, and the contracts equitably satisfied, agreeably to the reasonable wishes of the creditors of the union, if instead of inviting the fabrication of an artificial system, by a general reference to the secretary, the measure of justice had been originally settled and distributed in the house of representatives, according to the trust reposed in them. Had that been the case, the principles would have been publicly discussed, and universally known, in all the stages of the business; and that monstrous and disgraceful scene of speculation, by which individuals were twindled out of their property, and a foundation laid for lasting dissention between the different parts of the union would have been effectually prevented. It is an undeniable fact, that the speculators travelled from the seat of government to the most distant parts of the union, as soon as the members of Congress returned to their homes at the close of the session, in which the business was referred to the secretary; indeed there was something very cruel in the speculations made on the state debts; for as the original holders had no claim upon Congress, and as their case was not referred to the secretary, they could have no apprehension that provision was to be made for them by the general government: the transaction, therefore, being conducted under an evident deception, the bargain was void, in equity, if not in law. The blame, however, would lie entirely on the house of representatives, if the secretary had undertaken to make provision for no more than the domestic debt, which was fairly included in the reference to him; and from the difficulty with which the assumption passed in Congress, and the small majority with which it was decided, it is highly probable it never would have succeeded, if the speculations which had been made with a view to that arrangement, had not procured votes in its favor, and if the paltry question of the residence of Congress had not been connected with it. Even the recent debates on the excise law, afforded an instance of the degrading effects of referring the revenue business in this fashionable mode. Was it not beneath the dignity of representatives in Congress to rise with the report of the secretary in their hand, and repeat again and again, the assertions it contained as facts; and that too, after those assertions had been contradicted by the concurrent testimony of many members who spoke openly, and from personal knowledge, and who in
vain called for the vouchers, for the truth of the secretary's assertions! Is it just to their trust that members of Congress should implicitly adopt, without previous information or confirmatory documents, all the assertions of a person who had no legislative responsibility! that they should pertinaciously adhere to his doctrines against the clearest testimony of the fallacy and mischief with which they are fraught!
I am willing to concede that the decision which ensued was not of the first importance, as the law can yet be repealed or revised, without breaking the faith of government; but, I hope, that the manner in which the business was conducted, will afford a lasting lesson against any future references, for similar purposes, to an executive officer.
Before I conclude, let me suppose the excise law to be repealed; that spirits from home produce should be left on the same footing as cider, or any other produce of the farm (as it is equally entitled to the protection of government) that the tax upon rum of all sorts should be continued, or even increased, and that spirits of domestic produce and manufacture might then be so much encouraged, as to be made in greater perfection, and wholly supersede the use of rum in the United States; I ask, even under this supposition, would any bad consequences affect the people of the United States?—No—for, on the contrary, I maintain, the result would be, that industry would be promoted, more grain would be raised, and if the liquor, thus brought to perfection, found a demand in foreign markets, it would be in a more portable form. Who ever knew a country injured by manufacturing its own materials to the best advantage, either for domestic consumption or exportation; especially when the manufacture requires so few hands, in proportion to the quantity that can be prepared, as the distilling business does? Besides, such an event would also encourage the mills, the copper-smiths, &c. When the affairs of Europe are settled into a calm, and their own crops are again sufficient to supply their wants, which from the prevalence of liberty and the improving taste for agriculture that prevails there, must soon be the case, the manufacturing grain into spirits may become an important object both to the agricultural and commercial interests; and then, when perhaps too late, a sacrifice of the interests of the farmer and distiller of whiskey in the United States to the sugar and rum of the West-Indies, will be found impolitic and unjust. If government did not receive as much revenue, in imposts or excises, the citizens could the better afford to pay taxes, in a way more congenial to their liberty, and more suitable to the principles of the government. I am led into this train of thinking by observing, that when the house agreed to lower the excise upon spirits prepared from home produce one cent, below what the secretary had dictated, some gentlemen were as much alarmed, with the dangerous consequences which they apprehended would ensue, as if the government were to be dissolved by the fate of that question. Some may, indeed, allege, that if the manufacture of whiskey was encouraged, drunkenness would be increased; but this apprehension is not supported by a knowledge of mankind. I have found from an attentive experience, that no people are more free from drunkenness than those who keep spirits in their houses constantly, and none more subject to it, than those who can get it but occasionally: the drunkard will have it, if he should want his thirst. Who does not know that the extra appetites are not to be subdued by partial restraints? nothing less than a total prohibition will produce the effect. In the parts of this country, where tobacco can be had from
6d to 1s a pound, few use it in any manner; while in European countries, where a man labours for 4d or 6d a day, and where the rulers have by taxes raised tobacco to 3/6 a pound, and snuff to 15s, almost every man indulges an artificial taste for snuff or tobacco. It is well known that drunkenness has greatly increased in Britain and Ireland, under the restraints of exorbitant excises. Government has enough to do without attempting to regulate people's appetites with respect to the use of the produce of their farms; an object which must be more effectually accomplished by example than by coercion.
I think that it must be apparent to the observation of every candid mind, that the impost (for the levying and application of which, the construction and powers of the general government, were well adapted) would have been more than sufficient to pay the interest of the foreign and domestic debt, which was the only object that claimed from Congress an immediate provision; while the large sums that were due for lands which had been actually sold, and the produce of contracts then daily offered by individuals for the purchase of extensive tracts, must have furnished an important auxiliary resource. But this foundation was incapable of sustaining the magnificent and ponderous fiscal fabric, which it was designed to erect, and could not admit that ample range of authority, to which the genius of the minister aspired. Thus limited, the active principles of avarice and ambition, could not have been enlisted under the banner of the revenue department; nor could that department have arrogantly affected to be called the government itself, or insidiously raised against the censors of its measures, the charge of being enemies to the constitution.
Hence we trace the motive, and on the records of Congress we establish the fact, that the secretary proposed and procured the assumption of the state debts, and the revival of the obsolete, if not satisfied, claim of the facilities to the amount of near forty millions of dollars; an event which was not contemplated by the holders of those kinds of certificates; which was not provided for by the constitution; which is not founded in the contract; and which could not upon any legitimate construction of the resolution, be generated by the reference from Congress.
It is true, that about a seventh part of the state debts, stated in his proposition, was left unassumed; but it is also true, that he and his friends have, with unwearied diligence and perseverance endeavoured to extend the assumption; and that too, at a period when the final settlement of the accounts between the union and its several members, is at the eve of being completed, and will leave nothing to chance and conjecture. The uncertainty of the operation, must, indeed be obvious, and consequently its injustice. A large proportion of the revenue that is paid from the public treasury to the individual states, is, in fact, bestowed on account of debts which have already been discharged, agreeably to the principles of the confederation and the terms of the contracts; or for which competent internal funds were appropriated. The money therefore, is taken without necessity, from the pockets of the people, to be paid perhaps to such states as will, upon the final settlement, be found in debt to the union. And what was the object of this rapid and unnatural extension of the revenue system? The design is best explained by the effect.
It was necessary to enable the minister to try his hand upon the administration of internal powers, and to buoy up ministerial influence by an extensive patronage of appointments to office. For it is well known, that internal revenues require a much greater number
of officers to superintend and enforce their collection, than those revenues which are collected at the ports of trade; and if those officers could be rendered respectable, they would naturally acquire great influence among the people. Every office, besides the occupant, is found uniformly to attach a number of expectants to the minister's interest; and, consequently, as I have already remarked, the passions of avarice and ambition will be prompt to succour and support his views. To use the Secretary's own language, it will prevent a competition with the state governments. Let the states receive their subsistence, like pensioners, from the minister; and let every kind of revenue be in possession of the general government; and then, no doubt, the state governments themselves will become agents for that ministerial influence, on which they must be as dependant, as the place-men and pensioners that encircle the British throne. Thus the federal constitution may continue to guarantee the forms of republican governments to the respective states, when the powers and uses are annihilated; as the imperial tyrants preserved the form of the common-wealth of Rome, after its energy and freedom were destroyed. The states, upon a similar policy, may individually be permitted, like the Roman Senate, to convene; but not, alas! as principals in the political drama—as tools of state, to prop up usurpation, and gull the people with ideal consequence.
But let us reflect, for a moment, upon the structure of the government, under which such unbounded powers are to be exercised. I have already observed, that the federal judiciary, according to its present organization, is by no means calculated to sustain so vast a dominion; and every judicious politician must anticipate the remark that even the House of Representatives must necessarily be too limited in point of numbers, and in point of information, will possess too little knowledge of the citizens, and too feeble a participation in the particular circumstances of the subjects of taxation. This was, in fact, evident in the case of excise, which was recently debated in Congress: and, therefore, on such occasions the members will depend upon the official information of the minister, who must likewise be often ignorant or misinformed, respecting those interests and circumstances with which he can have no practical acquaintance, and which has also been demonstrated by the report that has given rise to these strictures. When we consider the extent of territory, the variety of circumstances and the interference of interests, which are embraced by the general government, we shall be tempted to believe, that a representation, sufficiently numerous, could not deliberate in one house; that the predominant interfering interests would seize the proper opportunities to oppress, and that the ministerial influence would lend its too powerful aid in favor of the stronger faction.
If the House of Representatives is inadequate to the purposes of internal legislation, what will we say of the Senate? This branch, on the first impression, appears to be too small in number to possess the interests, or to contain the information necessary for internal legislation; but even if it were more numerous, the extraordinary inequality of the distribution of its members, is totally destructive of every principle of a representative government for internal purposes. The local interest and information of one half of the people of the United States, are not, in any proper sense, represented in that body, nor is there any practicable principle laid down in the constitution, by which it can be reformed. Thus, we see from one part of the union a member of the

senate representing less than 30,000; and from another part, a member representing more than ten times that number. If we had no other proof, this is sufficient to demonstrate, that the federal government never was intended to embrace extensive internal powers; and that the powers of that kind which it possesses, were only intended for emergencies, in which the preservation of the government itself was at risk; but ought ever to be exercised with a sparing hand, and only in cases justified by extreme necessity. Surely, if Congress had not been surprised into the measure, if too many of the members had not been unduly influenced by speculating interests, and if the House of Representatives had not unfortunately been a very unequal, consequently, a very partial representation of the people, (as the census lately taken has proved beyond contradiction) those impolitic and unjust exertions of internal authority, which disgrace and repudiate the records of two or three sessions of Congress, would not have been exercised for ages. Though a powerful party, combined by a common band of union, may clamour in support of the minister's measures, by means of which their table is made plentiful and their cup overflows; and though those who suffer in this fatal career of a triumphant faction, may at present, be unconnected and dispersed, yet the impartial page of history will present the story to posterity, in and its native treachery and deformity, all the offspring of the very men, that now glory in success, shall execrate the baneful policy, and blush at the remembrance of their ancestors.
I am confident, indeed, that an equal representation will prevent, those undue exertions of internal power; but who alas! shall cure the ills that have already been introduced? Government on some particular occasions, has the power of sanctioning measures the mischiefs of which can never be counteracted, nor the remembrance of them obliterated.
But here let me pause:—Whether I listen to the volatile chit-chat of private circles; or to the solemn debates of public bodies, I am equally apprehensive, upon a review of these essays, that all the guards of language, all the professions of sentiment, will not protect me from the detestable imputation of being an enemy to the government, and a foe to public credit: but I deserve it not; and as far as a scanty fortune, and a life that has already passed the meridian, can promote the welfare of my country, I will provoke the test. I feel myself bound, indeed, by every tie of private and of public hope, to respect and to support the constitution; and were I even of opinion, that that work, partaking of the nature of every human composition, is imperfect, yet I would never desire to purify and reform it by the flame of popular resentment, or the force of political convulsion. The means of amendment are incorporated in the instrument itself; and the exigency of our affairs, or the corruption of our officers, must be great indeed, before a good man can wish, or a bold man will attempt, to remove a constitutional grievance, in any other way.
It is not, however, the constitution that has given rise to these publications; but the conduct of the officers who have been selected to administer the public affairs. It is alike arrogant and absurd to confound objects that are in themselves so perfectly distinct. Is there any thing in the constitution that prescribes the fanciful structure of the provision for the public debt? that commands an assumption of the obligations which the states individually have contracted? that sanctions a transfer of the legislative trust to the executive department? that justifies the imposition of an oppressive excise upon an article of domestic produce and manufacture, merely to discharge a debt created by an act of supererogation?—In fact, is there any one of the minister's measures, in its form and operation, that is the necessary offspring of our frame of government? Not one! Every plan that he has proposed is not what the constitution dictates; but what he thinks is the best mode of doing the public business; and surely we may, as free agents entitled to the exercise of our own judgment, and as free men interested in the exercise of his judgment demonstrate that he has thought wrong without being stigmatized as traitors to the constitution. What is there in the station or character of the Secretary, that shall confer this monopoly of perfection, this inviolable sacredness of opinion and conduct! Is he superior to the sovereignty of the union, to
the legislative organ of the government? Who shall be bold, or base enough to say, that his measures are removed from all scrutiny, from all suspicion of error, when, during a single session, we find Congress the representatives of the people, the great depositary of our social interests and happiness twice told that their acts are incompatible with the constitution, injurious, unjust, and nugatory!
Nor will my objection to the excise support an imputation, that I am an enemy to public credit. If this tax had arisen from an unavoidable necessity; if an artificial debt had not been created, in order to give a plausible pretext for laying it; and if no resource, more eligible, more productive, and more congenial to the spirit of the people, could be discovered; I should have been silent; for, I am sensible, I am anxious, that the faith and honour of the union should at all events be maintained. But I have demonstrated that the state of the question is far different; and candor will readily acquit me of a wish to injure public credit, merely because I disapprove of the means which the Secretary has employed, has he alleges, to preserve it. So far, indeed, am I from entertaining that dishonorable design, that, even hostile as those means are to the virtue, the property and the industry of the people, I shall endeavor to inculcate obedience, with all the little influence of my example and advice. Instructive time may produce official conviction, and temperate perseverance will obtain popular relief.
To the Secretary of the Treasury some apology may be proper for the freedom and latitude of my remarks: but, I trust, when my opinions are weighed by their relative facts, it will be thought sufficient to request, that my language may be applied to the subject, and not to the author of the Report.
SYDNEY.
From the American Daily Advertiser.
A COMPARISON between the Promises and the Effects of the FUNDING SYSTEM, submitted to the serious attention of the Citizens of the United States.
IN the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the supporting public credit, and the defence of it which was made by many members of Congress, we are told, that the funding system would produce the following effects:
First—That it would put a stop to speculation by raising certificates to their nominal value.
Has this been the case? On the contrary, has it not encreased the number of speculators in our country, an hundred fold?—has it not drawn merchants, lawyers, doctors, parsons, tradesmen, farmers, women, and even apprentice-boys, from their ordinary occupations, to dabble in the stocks, to the disgrace of our country, and to the ruin of many thousands, once valuable and useful citizens?
Secondly—We were told that the certificates, when they rose to par, would become a medium of trade, and that houses and farms would be bought and sold for them.
This prediction has not been verified in a single instance.
Thirdly—We were told, that the capitals acquired by funding the debt, would be employed in extending our commerce and manufactures.
This is so far from being true, that both have lessened during the last year. Our exports amounted to three million dollars less in the year 1791, than in the year 1790.
Fourthly—We were told that the funding system would restore public and private credit, particularly that it would beget confidence between man and man.
Has this been the case?—if it has, how do we hear so much of usurious and fraudulent contracts, and why are the epithets of swindler, rogue, villain, &c. so freely handed about in our newspapers and at every corner of the streets of New-York and Philadelphia? So far from begetting confidence between man and man, it has entirely destroyed it.
Fifthly—We were told that the funding system would establish our credit abroad.
That is, obtain us a fine character among the Jew-brokers in London and Amsterdam. If it has produced this effect for a few months, it will be only to sink our national credit and character into deeper disgrace than ever, as soon as the infamous transactions in New-York, which blew up and burst the late swindling bubble, shall be known in Europe.
Here it is worthy of notice that an alarm was lately spread lest our certificates should get into the hands of foreigners.—Why then did our Congress take so much pains to recommend them to a foreign market by prolonging the time of their redemption, or by making any part of them irredeemable?
Sixthly—We were told that the funding system would lower the interest of money to five and four per cent. per annum.
Has it had this effect?—On the contrary, has it not raised the interest of money to 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and even 8 per cent. per month?
Thus have I briefly stated six falsehoods, which, by being obtruded on the good people of the United States, have precipitated our country in two short years from the height of national joy and prosperity to the brink of ruin.
Had an interest been voted on the debt only for two years, the whole of that part of it which had been alienated, might have been borrowed in Europe at four per cent for that purpose. But if the taxes and land-office had failed, money enough might have been borrowed in Europe at four per cent for that purpose. Happy for the United States would it have been if such measures had taken place! It was in the former of those ways that the states sunk the debts they contracted by war, whilst they were British colonies. But our rulers had other views than to pay the debts of the United States. The same spirit which led them to debate a week about a suitable title for the President of the United States, led them to adopt, as the surest mode of preparing our country for British monarchy and aristocracy, all the corruptions of the British funding system.
I know that it has been said that it is wrong to reason against the use of anything from its abuse. But funding systems never had any use in them, but were created every where for abuses of every kind. They have created nothing but wars, pension-lists, expensive offices, idleness, prodigality, and slavery, in every nation in Europe. They sap the foundation of all public and private virtue, by making LYING universal: for the profits of dealing in all stocks arise out of FALSEHOODS.
How many rumours of peace and war, of attachment and disaffection to the general government, of intended resignations, and of the extravagant prices of our stocks in London, have been invented, circulated, and then contradicted by the same persons, for the sake of raising or sinking the American funds? But no vice travels by itself. This practice of LYING has been accompanied by fraud, chicanery, and villainy of every kind, in all our cities and trading towns.
How changed is our country from what it was in the years 1775 and 1776! Little did the patriots and heroes who established our liberties and independence with so much toil and blood, dream, that all their exploits of virtue would so soon be rendered abortive, by the introduction of the most corrupted part of the corrupt government of Great Britain into our country.
There is one fact in the history of this visionary, false, and destructive funding system that ought to be generally known, and that is, that the outlines of it (as is now currently said) were the offspring of the scheming brain of Mr. Duer.
I with some person who is possessed of the means of information, would inform the public what sums of money were held by the members of the first New-York Congress, who voted for perpetuating the debt of the United States, and thereby for annihilating the liberties of their country.
A Citizen of Philadelphia.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
A NEW GRANT TO AMERICA!
MR. FRENEAU, MERCATOR, in a late New-Jersey paper, asserts that "the privilege of writing and speaking without reserve was granted" to the people of America!—By whom was it granted? who had the power of granting it? was it the old Congress? or the new Congress? or the Convention? As well might any of those bodies boast of having granted us the faculty of speech, or the power of using our hands, as the privilege of writing and speaking. As well might a baby boast of having begotten his grandfather! The privilege existed, before they existed: it gave birth to them, not they to it. Long before the world ever dreamed of a Congress or a Convention, the citizens of America enjoyed the privilege of writing and speaking without reserve; and if they had not boldly exercised it in the most perilous times, there would not at this day be a Congress in existence.
The PEOPLE themselves have thought proper to retain the privilege, as their inherent right, not as a boon granted to them by their own servants. Those servants of the public never ventured to meddle with it, because they well knew they had no more authority to deprive their employers of the freedom of speech and writing, than to pluck out their tongues and cut off their hands.
If, when the Federal Constitution was in embryo, any man had asserted in Mercator's words, "that it would be beneficial to lay restrictions on the press," would the Convention have adopted his advice? would they have dared to make the attempt? would the present Congress, omnipotent as they appear, venture to make it? If ever they do, it will be by indirect means, such as, taxing the newspapers; increasing the tax so as to stop their circulation; introducing a stamp on some one article; affixing it by degrees to others, till they finally set it upon the newspapers; and lastly enacting arbitrary laws respecting libels.
The first step has already been taken, that of taxing the papers: and an attempt has been made to introduce stamps. Playing cards (the Scapa-goat marked out for the stamp) were already subject to a duty exceeding the original value of the article; and that duty has been more than doubled by a late act. If the title had been "An act to encourage smuggling," nobody would have been surprised at the encrease. Time however will tell, whether the duty will be lowered, to remove the temptation, or the smuggling again alleged as a pretext for the introduction of stamps. But if once they are introduced, who knows how soon they may be laid on the newspapers? and who does not know that such a measure would give an immediate check to the liberty of the press, by raising the price of the papers, diminishing the number of readers, silencing many of the presses, and cutting off so many of the channels of information?
This might be agreeable enough to some people: it would certainly please Mercator, who thinks "that it would be beneficial to lay restrictions on the press, and to make it criminal for men either in conversation or in print, to censure the government, or to calumniate its officers."
I agree with him, that it is criminal to calumniate an officer of government, but I must add that it is equally criminal to calumniate any other citizen. And why not? Every other citizen possesses equal rights, and is entitled to equal protection, with Mercator himself, or any of his beloved officers of government. I hope Mercator does not wish to introduce unequal laws granting peculiar privileges and immunities to any one class of men above their fellow citizens. If not, the existing laws are sufficient, and afford immediate redress to every citizen, without distinction, against any man who calumnies him. The officers of government are therefore secure from calumny: but why screen them from censure? why not censure them, when they do wrong? and if they are obstinate, and not reclaimed by gentle reproof, why not censure them again and again with encreasing severity, till they acknowledge their errors, and return to their duty?
Tell me, Mercator, were those men set up, to lord it over the land? Did the citizens of America, while wading through seas of blood to reach the mount of independence—did they ever dream that it would be deemed criminal in them to censure the misconduct of their servants? What greater lengths could a Portuguese inquisition proceed to, than you have recommended? What? abridge even the freedom of private conversation? Were you in jest, Mercator? or were you serious? if serious, why not advance one step farther, to establish an inquisition, where every citizen shall be obliged to declare on oath his most private thoughts respecting the officers of government, and be punished if he even thinks unfavorably of them?
But you tell us, as the chief reason, why "it would be beneficial to lay restrictions on the press" that "some individuals have not sufficient resolution to refrain from abusing their rights." True, Mercator! you, for instance, have abused yours. A few others also have done the same, who have reviled with studied harshness of language, every writer that pointed out any error in the administration of the government. They have used invective instead of argument, imitating in their sober senses the outrageous conduct of maniacs in a mad-house, who for want of other weapons, discharge their perfumery in the faces of those they dislike.
But the abuses committed by three or four printers, and by you, Mercator, are no more a reason for destroying the liberty of the press, than the intemperance of a few individuals is for prohibiting the distillation of spirits. The abuse, in either case, is only taken up as a cloak, to cover a design of another nature. It may be remembered that the original title of the Excise Law was "An act (among other fine things) to discourage the excessive use of Spirits, and to provide for the general welfare." These pompous professions at first answered a useful purpose to those who pressed them into the service: they were afterwards discarded as useless servants; and it proved, after all, to be nothing more than, An act to take money out of the people's pockets, "and to appropriate the same." In like manner, if Congress (in open violation of a solemn oath) should adopt your ideas, and carry them into a law, whatever soothing title they may give it at first, it will in the end prove "An act to discourage the reading of newspapers, and to destroy the liberty of the press."
If Congress may intringe the liberty of the press in any one instance, why not in every other? why not abolish it entirely if they choose? and if the liberty of the press is once destroyed or fettered, what check will then remain on those who administer the government? May they not act as they please, when nobody will dare to censure
* Mercator has descended to harsh language, and calling names, such as "enemies to public quiet, &c."
† The third article of amendment, now a part of the constitution, says, "Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press."—They cannot pass any such law, without committing wilful perjury.

or expose their misconduct? Responsibility is mentioned! but what is responsibility?—A fine sounding word, of six syllables! The British nation talk of responsibility: yet a corrupt parliament and a corrupt ministry lead them by the noses, and oppress and plunder them at pleasure.
If the servants of the people in this country are permitted to act as they please, without being liable to censure in print or even in private conversation, what security will we then have for our liberties, our properties, or our lives?—The same that the French nation had, when liable, at the nod of their monarch or his ministers, to be torn from their families, and plunged into the dungeons of the Bastille, without even knowing of what crime they were suspected.
May 22. CORRECTOR.
PHILADELPHIA.
MAY 24, 1792.
APPOINTMENTS:—Joseph Howell, Accountant to the War department; and Caleb Swan, Pay-master to the army in the western territory.
Reports have been in circulation that the Bank of the United States had suffered heavy losses from the many failures in New-York, and a few in this city. It is said, however, that the Bank has not sustained the loss of a single dollar—foreseeing the evil tendency of the late wild speculations, the directors took early precautions, and by prudent management have secured the bank completely.
The old American company of Comedians are arrived in this city from New-York; and, it is said, intend opening the theatre in Southwark some time next week.
We are informed that very large sales of lands, the property of the state of Pennsylvania, have been recently made—and sold on such principles, and in such quantities as will induce a speedy population of the same. Such is the present situation of affairs in most of the European states, that we may reasonably expect great emigrations to this asylum of freedom.
The Grand Jury of the Circuit Court of the state of Georgia have recommended to Congress a total repeal of the Excise Laws; "conceiving them oppressive and dangerous in a free country, and the worst mode of taxation that can possibly be devised by any government."
A Virginia paper mentions an incursion of a party of Indians to the head waters of Dunker Creek, about the 25th of April, when they committed several murders in the settlements about that part—a Mr. Leg was taken off by the party, with two of his children—as also one Honfacre, his wife, a young woman, and five children—Mr. and Mrs. Honfacre were both killed, and their young child; not being able to keep up with the savages on their march.—A party of militia went in pursuit next day but could not overtake the Indians—they however buried the unfortunate Honfacre, his wife and child.
On the 19th instant the Delaware pilots chose a committee of three of their body—to deliver up their branches at the War-der's office. On the same day another committee of pilots was chosen to inform the public, and those more particularly concerned, that they would on the 21st instant meet and confer with any number of gentlemen in this city, appointed by the merchants, to settle the price of pilotage.—For fear, however, a speedy accommodation should not immediately take place, the merchants and wardens have directed several leading marks, beacons and buoys to be stationed in different parts of the river and bay.
On the 3d instant a commencement for degrees in the Arts was held at Dickinson College in Carlisle. Thirty-four gentlemen were graduated Bachelors of Arts; the degree of Master of Arts was conferred on ten; and of Doctor in Divinity on four.
In the answer of the king of the French to the letter of the emperor of Germany, (dated March 1st) the former positively refuses to "enter into any discussion on subjects which concern only the internal situation of the kingdom, as being inconsistent with the dignity and independence of the nation."—"He cannot see, without pain, a concert of powers which has no justifiable object, and therefore demands a prompt, frank and categorical answer relative to the designs of the present preparations:—and as a pledge of reciprocal good faith, he promises that as soon as the Emperor shall enter into an engagement to desist from all warlike preparations in his states, and to reduce the military forces in the Netherlands and in Brisgau, to the footing on which they were on the first of April 1791, his Majesty will equally desist from all preparations, and will restore the French troops on the Frontiers to the ordinary state of the garrison. It is by agreeing to this determination, the only one which becomes the dignity of two great powers, and their respective interests, that the king will recognize the sentiments which he has a right to
expect from his brother-in-law, and from the ancient ally of France. In fine, after an invitation so sincere and precise, the king cannot find in any answer which does not bear the same characters, any other than a desire to prolong a situation in which France neither can nor will remain much longer."
"Scarcely any thing (says Mr. Paine) presents a more degrading character of national greatness, than its being thrown into confusion by any thing happening to, or acted by, an individual; and the ridiculousness of the scene is often increased by the natural insignificance of the person by whom it is occasioned. Were a government so constructed, that it could not go on unless a goose or a gander were present in the senate, the difficulties would be just as great and as real on the flight or sickness of the goose, or the gander, as if it were called a king. We laugh at individuals for the silly difficulties they make to themselves without perceiving, that the greatest of all ridiculous things are acted in governments."
It is related, that in the canton of Berne, in Switzerland, it had been customary, from time immemorial, to keep a bear at the public expence, and the people had been taught to believe, that if they had not a bear, they should all be undone. It happened some years ago, that the bear, then in being, was taken sick and died too suddenly to have his place immediately supplied with another. During this interregnum the people discovered that the corn grew, and the vintage flourished, and the sun and moon continued to rise, and every thing went on the same as before, and, taking courage from these circumstances, they resolved not to keep any more bears: "for (said they) a bear is a very voracious expensive animal, and we were obliged to pull out his claws, lest he should hurt the citizens."
On Friday last, arrived here in eight weeks from Sierra Leona, the brig Catharine, Capt. Nicols, one of the fleet which sailed from Halifax in the month of February last, with about 1100 free blacks, destined to form a settlement on the Coast of Africa, under the superintendence of Lieutenant John Clarkson, agent of the Sierra Leona Company in England. The whole of the fleet, thirteen sail, arrived safe at the place of destination, though numbers of the blacks died on the passage. The landing of these people was at first opposed by the natives, but they were upon peaceable terms when Capt. Nicols sailed from the Coast. The country appeared very fertile, and the new inhabitants were employed in clearing the ground and making the necessary preparations for the accommodation of their wives and children. Upon the whole, the settlement bore a very promising aspect, and the enterprize, so far, appeared to answer the expectations of its benevolent projectors.
"If we look over the measures pursued with respect to our revenue laws (says the Boston Independent Chronicle) we shall find, that the principal part of the system adopted, is a mere copy of British acts of Parliament. The FUNDING SYSTEM, that source of perplexity, has served no other purpose, than to create a host of speculators; who, by their wanton negotiations have ruined thousands of widows and orphans, and thrown commerce, and every other beneficial employment, into the greatest distress and embarrassment. Speculators have swarmed like locusts in every part of the United States; our seaports are particularly infested with them; and the exchanges of New-York, Philadelphia, and Boston (those ancient places of commerce) are now become in a great degree, the disgraceful residence of stock-jobbers."
By engrafting into the government of the United States the pernicious principles of the British nation, we have introduced, even at this early period, all the evils which for centuries have been growing and ripening among that people.
There is more stock-jobbing practised in America, upon our Funding system, than in the oldest country in Europe. The capital failures which have taken place within a few months, evidently prove the fatal tendency of its operation. The system itself has generated the bubble, and produced these destructive consequences, being calculated altogether upon uncertainty and intricacy, those genuine parents of Speculation."
A gentleman just arrived in this city from New-Orleans, which place he left about a month ago, informs that five hundred men had arrived there from the Spanish islands, and that one thousand more were expected.
An advertisement appears in a daily paper of Tuesday, stating that "the friends of Mr. Hodgdon, the late quarter-master-general to the western expedition, request the public to suspend their judgment upon the Report of the Committee of Congress, that has been lately published—the friends of Mr. Hodgdon conceiving they have a just right to make this request, when they affirm, that neither Mr. Hodgdon, nor any person in his behalf, were ever examined before the said committee, he being at Fort-Walhington."
Extract of a letter from Maryland, May 16.
"At the commencement of the present government I fondly hoped it would display to the world, in its operation an unexampled amelioration in the situation of the great mass of the people, and although I believe their condition at present is and will for a time continue superior to what any other nation has enjoyed—yet I do not think this is to be attributed to any benefit derived from the adoption of the present Constitution. Comparatively speaking, few of the citizens of the United States feel any alteration in their situation—I am sorry to hear of the distressing state of affairs in New-York, and cannot help thinking Mr. Madison's discriminating proposition would have prevented, in a great measure, the exorbitant rage for speculation that has so fatally influenced the minds of thousands in this country."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Gibraltar, to his correspondent in this city, dated March 1.
"The emperor [of Morocco] Yezid, having made a forced march, and eluded the army commanded by Ben Assar, pushed on to the city of Morocco, where he arrived about the second of February, but the gates being shut against him, he attacked the place, and carried it on the 6th, when he committed the greatest excesses, and once more gave up the devoted Jews to plunder; many friends as well as enemies suffered from the rapacity of the army.—On the 12th Muley Ithem reached the plain of Morocco, with a considerable army, said to consist of thirty thousand men, where the emperor with about half that number met them, and after an engagement which continued from ten to two o'clock, obtained the victory. Of Ithem's army thirteen hundred were killed, and eight hundred taken prisoners, some dispersed themselves, but the greatest part retreated towards Jaffa. The emperor's loss was inconsiderable, but he was himself wounded in two or three places, and the use he made of his success was to put the prisoners to death, not one of whom did he pardon. He ordered them to be nailed up against the walls, and upon the floors where they happened to be, and he prohibited all persons from administering any kind of relief to them. He also put to death, without any apparent reason, two Christians that had been several years employed by his father as stone-cutters, and two Frenchmen who had passed into the country from Ceuta. In short, from the 12th to the 16th such a scene of slaughter was exhibited as, in Morocco, has seldom been heard of. On the 16th, however, it pleased heaven to put an end to it, for on that day the emperor died of his wounds."
Extract of another letter from the same gentleman, dated March 16.
"Slema (or rather Selima) who I think will govern at last in the kingdom of Fez, has, upon the whole, an amiable character. He is humane and temperate, religious and superstitious, a dutiful son to his mother, and a lover of peace. He has declared himself a friend to commerce, and an enemy to every thing cruel or treacherous. An Alcide, who had attached himself to the late emperor in a distinguished manner, upon the death of his master retired to a sanctuary, but Slema sent him a message applauding his conduct, telling him he had nothing to fear, and expressing a wish that, if ever himself should be reduced to distress, he might have a few such faithful adherents, as the Alcide had been to his brother.—"By the best and most moderate accounts the number of people Yezid (the late emperor) caused to be put to death from his arrival before the city of Morocco, until he died, which was about two weeks, exceeded twenty thousand; among whom were, without respect to age or sex, all who had any connexion with the late Effendi."
LOAN OF THE UNITED STATES. By the "Act supplementary to the act for making provision for the debt of the United States," it is provided that the term for receiving on loan that part of the domestic debt of the United States which hath not been subscribed pursuant to the above act, shall be extended, on the same terms as in the above act is provided, to the first day of March 1793—Books to be opened by commissioners of Loans in each state, on the first day of June next.
Non-subscribing creditors to receive an interest equal to the subscribing, on interest and principal of so much of their respective demands, as on or before the first day of March shall be registered.
The term for receiving the unsubscribed part of the state debt, agreeably to the same act, is extended to first of March, 1793—the books to be opened as above, on the first of June next.
The commissioner of loans for North Carolina is not to be allowed to receive any certificate issued by Patrick Travers, or by the commissioners of army accounts at Warrenton.
The debt due to foreign officers, the interest whereof is payable in Europe, to be paid off and discharged, principal and interest.—The rest of the act relates to the sinking fund.
The directors of the New-Jersey manufacturing society, attended by the secretary of the treasury, met at Newark on the 14th inst. and taking into consideration the pretensions of dif-
ferent places for the seat of the manufactory, unanimously determined that the Pasaick River, or some of the streams that empty therein, should be the permanent seat of the institution.—It is further said, that the business of the manufactory is to be immediately put into effective operation.
The Hon. George Leonard is chosen Representative in Congress for Bristol district, in Massachusetts.
A Society has been recently established in Culpepper County (Virginia) for the promotion of agriculture and domestic manufactures. Their constitution was published a few days ago in the Frederickburgh Advertiser, under the title of The constitution of the Culpepper County Society, for the promotion of Agriculture and domestic Manufactures.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU, By inserting the following in one of your papers you will oblige a Customer.
A SONG—inscribed to LAURA.
FAREWEL my love, farewell my dear! Thou source of all my joy and care: What have I left to tempt my stay, Now my Laura's gone away?
Sweet lovely girl, my joy, my pride, More dear than all the world beside Since Laura's bid us all adieu, What will love-sick Strephon do?
Hark! methinks the queen of love, Speaks in whispers from above, Cease, fond Strephon, to complain, Thy Laura shall return again.
Then adieu, my dearest dear! May you be heav'n's peculiar care, Till you return, to ease my pain, Unto my longing arms again.
Snow-Hill, May 17, 1792.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
 Six per cents, per £. 22 1/2  Three ditto 12 3/4  Deferred Six ditto, 13 1/2  Indents 12 3/4  Final settlements, 18 3/4  1-2 shares Bank Stock 50 per cent premium.  Shares Bank N. A. 15 ditto. 
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS
  May, 1792.  D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather.    Monday, 14. 6 30. 1 62 N.W. Fair.  2 30. 2 74 do. do.  Tuesday, 15. 6 30. 2 58 S. Fair.  2 30. 1 75 S.W. Hazy.  Wednesday, 16. 6 29. 8 61 S. Rain.  2 29. 7 76 S.W. Cloudy.  Thursday, 17. 6 29. 7 50 N.E. Cloudy.  2 29. 8 55 E.N.E. Cloudy.  Friday, 18. 6 30. 1 50 N.N.W. Fair.  2 30. 15 62 N.W. do.  Saturday, 19. 7 30. 3 45 S.W. Fair.  2 30. 3 67 do. do.  Sunday, 20. 6 30. 2 52 S.W. Fair.  2 30. 1 70 S.S.W. Cloudy.  
PROPOSALS
For Printing by Subscription,
PUBLIC REPORTS
FROM THE
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS
OF THE
GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO
CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several Members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAIN, the publishers, No. 209, Market-street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States.
May 24.
This day is published, and to be sold by FRANCIS BAILEY, No. 116, Market-street, 
and JOSEPH CRUKSHANK, (Price One Dollar)
A number of
GEOGRAPHICAL CLOCKS,
Exhibiting at one view the time of day or night in every part of the globe; with the longitude East or West, wholly calculated for the meridian of this city, with a full description in letter press, and a copious Index of all the principal Kingdoms, Islands, and Cities in the world. Philadelphia, May 23d. 4s. 12. 6. w.
*** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York. Price 5/7 1-2.

THE VILLAGE MERCHANT.
[Continued from No. 58]
HARD by the road a pigmy building stood, Thatch'd was its roof, and earthen were its floors: So small its size, that (in a jelling mood) It might be call'd a house turn'd out of doors—
Hither our merchant turn'd his curious eye And mus'd awhile upon this sable shell— Here father smok'd his bogs (he said) and ruby, In truth, may not our garret do as well?
Now, muster'd up his cash, and said his prayers, In Sunday suit he rigs himself for town: Two raw-bon'd steeds (design'd for great affairs) Are to the waggon hitch'd, old Bay and Brown;
Molasses too (blest sweet) was not forgot, And island rum, that every taste delights— And teas, for maid and matron, must be bought, Rosin and cat-gut strings for fiddling wights—
Soon as the early dawn proclaim'd the day He cock'd his hat with pins, and comb'd his hair: Curious it was, and laughable, to see The village merchant mounted in his chair:
Alack! said I—he little dreams That all the cash he guards with mickle care— His cash!—the mother of a thousand schemes, Will hardly buy a load of earthen ware!
[To be continued.]
May 21.
To the Editor of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THE newspapers have, of late, given us frequent details of the scenes of carnage and wretchedness which have been exhibited in the West Indies. The pathetic manner in which they have described their sufferings is sufficient to excite pity in the most unfeeling breast.
Were a true statement of the origin of these commotions to be given, and a full detail of the causes from which they have originated to be exhibited, there would not perhaps appear much reason for the whites to expect a different mode of procedure from men who have been uniformly conversant all their lives with scenes of barbarity, and upon whose minds no ray of knowledge hath fallen—from such breasts revenge is not easily eradicated.
The description of the government of a West-India plantation in one of your papers, a short time since, is a shocking detail of despotism in private life, and sufficient to urge on persons of no reflection to deeds of the greatest cruelty.
Is it not paradoxical, that persons who were long accustomed to view without remorse their slaves suffering under severe torture, can now so feelingly talk of the sufferings of humanity?
Ever since the existence of these troubles I felt impressions different from most of those whose sentiments have appeared in the public prints; but I hope no one will infer from hence that my feelings are steeled against human wretchedness.
It would, perhaps, conduce to human happiness if no body of men could be found that would tamely endure oppression—but rather turn from it with a firm resolution to suppress it by the destruction of those who make the attempt, or gloriously end it by their own death.
I sincerely with the scenes of anarchy in which the inhabitants of Hispaniola have been so long involved may speedily cease, and that the slaves may return in peace to their masters.
SAVILLON.
Maryland, April 16.
Prices Current at Philadelphia.
[Dollars equal to 100 cents.]
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include: ASHES Pearl, Bacon flitches, Bees wax, Brandy, Butter, Coals, Coffee, Cotton, Flax, Flour, Gin, Grain, Lead, Molasses, Pitch, Pork, Rice, Rum, Snakeroot, Sugar, Tallow, Tar, Tea, Tobacco.
THIS DAY ARE PUBLISHED, THE
LAWS of the UNITED STATES, Passed at the First Session of the Second Congress.
PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.
To which are added the Ratifications of the Amendments to the Constitution, by the several ratifying States; the Armistice between the United States and Great-Britain; and the Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Cherokees, which, with those in the other octavo volume completes all the existing treaties. Philadelphia, printed by CHILDS & SWAIN, Printers of the Laws of the Unit d States, and sold by them, at their office, No. 209, Market-Street; also by the principal Booksellers in the city.
The LAWS of the Three Sessions of the First Congress, With a complete Index, in one volume octavo, may be had as above. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1792.
A few Copies of the Report of a Committee of Congress on the causes of the failure of the Western Expedition, under Major-General St. Clair, for sale at the Office No. 209, Market-Street.
Just imported in the ship Nelly, Captain Pitt, from Lisbon— A few Pipes and Quarter Casks of LISBON WINE, Far superior in quality to what is generally imported; and a few Tales of the very best CORKS, To be Sold by GEORGE MEADE, Who has also for sale, Choice three and five years old Bill of Exchange Madeira Wine, By the Pip., or Quarter Cask, LONDON MARKET MADEIRA WINE, five years old by the pipe, or quarter Cask, Choice old Sherry WINE by the quarter cask, Mels BEEF o' a superior quality and such as is fit for an East India Voyage—put up in this city. Choice first quality BEEF do. Do Second do. BOSTON BEEF equal to any from that country. Burlington Pork of the first quality, and one hundred and fourteen hds of FLAX SEED, &c. &c. May 16 2a. w. 1m.
BOOKS, Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement in January 1787, to December 1791, in ten vols. Prices, neatly bound and lettered, sixteen dollars. 2. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Marchioness of Lambert's advice; (Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6/6. 3. Smith's History of New-York, from its first settlement to the year 1732. To which is annexed, a description of the country, with a short account of the inhabitants, their religious and political state, and the constitution of the courts of justice—Price a dollar and a quarter. 4. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L.L.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. 5. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, containing select productions of the most eminent British and American poets—Price four fifths of a dollar. 6. Blair's Sermons, containing the whole of the three volumes of the British edition, in two. Price two dollars. 7. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four fifths of a dollar. 8. Examination of the observations of Lord Shelburne's on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five eighths of a dollar. 9. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five eighths of a dollar. 10. M'Fingal, an epic poem, a new edition in 12mo. Price three eighths of a dollar. 11. American Jet Book, in two parts, with two very neat engravings. Price bound, three fifths of a dollar. 12. Garden of the Soul, by Bishop Chalcener. Price, bound plain, half a dollar, in cash and lettered, three quarters of a dollar, plain 1-2dol. 13. The Quary Translation of the vulgate Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50s2—plain, six dollars.
Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again.
THE subscriber begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public in general, that he has removed from Pennington to that noted tavern and ferry stand opposite to Easton, on the Jersey side of the Delaware. He has provided himself with a good and safe set of ferry-crafts, and purposes keeping the best entertainment for man and horse. Every attention shall be paid to gentlemen travellers and others by the public's most obedient and very humble servant. THOMAS BULLMAN. May 8th, 1792. 5w10w
CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGES.
THE Eastern-Shore Stage, by way of Chesertown to Baltimore, starts regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings at 4 o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodnels of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route. JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON, N. B. Light Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen.
FOR BRISTOL, THE SHIP Birmingham Packet, LEESON SIMMONS, Master; remarkable fast sailer, her cargo is all ready; nevertheless to accommodate those who may be disposed to put freight on board, it will be taken. She will sail in a few days. The owners are determined that the ship shall leave Bristol with the first fair ships. For freight or passage apply to the Captain on board lying at Walnut Street Wharf, or GEORGE MEADE. Those who have goods on board are earnestly requested to enter them, take out their permits, and give the necessary directions to their porter to attend the ship. May 16. 2aw
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia. A PREMIUM
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plans, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia. A PREMIUM
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following apartments, to wit: A conference room } Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each. A room for the Representatives } A lobby or antichamber to the latter. A Senate room of 1200 square feet area. An antichamber or lobby to the left. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plans, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine second and elastic cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices—
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include: Bell Superfine navy blue, Ditto ditto Scarlet, Common colours superfine, Elastic stripes, London buff and white cassimirs, Ditto coloured, Yorksize do., Striped toiletts, Rattimets, Striped Nankens, A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low, Fancy buttons and trimmings, London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24/6. The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first Mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers; by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD. No. 3 South Fourth-street.
Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house, together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment. A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14, 2aw. if.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.