Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-08-05 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXXIII.]
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 5, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
MISCELLANY.
THE TABLET.
No. XXXIII.
"Prohibition often creates eager and intemperate wishes towards objects; which we should otherwise seek after moderately, if at all."
IT is not an easy question to decide, whether it is a more common fault in education to indulge children too far in certain instances, or to restrict them too rigorously in others. If we take a critical view of human life, we shall probably find a considerable proportion of the most abandoned characters, that disturb and disgrace society, to have originated from parents of very scrupulous piety, and severe and exalted morality. Such over-exact people draw the cords of discipline so hard, that they must inevitably break asunder. They express the strongest detestation, and bear unrelenting testimony against many recreations and pastimes, which only cease to be innocent when carried to excess, and which would seldom be carried to excess, were a proper medium of indulgence seasonably observed.
The children of austere, unaccommodating parents discover a stronger inclination for some pleasures and amusements, which are prohibited, than they do for others, more tempting in themselves, which are not barred by such prohibitions. It is evident therefore that the prohibition itself gives the principal edge to the temptation.
There are two sources of inordinate love of pleasure that should be guarded against. One of them consists in indulging recreation to so great a degree, that we feel pain in refraining from it, because it has become so fixed an habit as not to be laid aside without reluctance. The habit of enjoying constitutes, in this instance, the principal stimulus to gratification. The other source depends on a cause exactly the reverse. Some youth, by being prohibited from diversions, affix an imaginary delight to the enjoyment so much greater than the reality would afford, that their desire to trespass becomes irresistible. They are tempted to taste what is forbidden. Had they been left free, it is ten chances to one, whether the object had contained charms sufficient to attract their attention.—Imagination is on the wing, stamps a value on what is indifferent, and creates a passion which runs into extremes. The ardor of inclination is heightened, by the satisfaction that is felt in violating an unreasonable command, and passing over restrictions that are founded in superstition or austerity.
But this is not the worst of it. When attempts are made to draw children into a belief that all pleasures are vices, and that all vices are equally abominable and injurious, they make no distinction between actions of moral demerit, and those which are only deemed wrong by the caprice, the ignorance or over-exact maxims of their parents. The consequence of such an error is dreadful to think of. A child of common sense may persuade himself that he is forbidden many gratifications which are not intrinsically wrong. From a sprightliness of imagination he will easily be enticed to break over parental authority in such things, as he sees other people practice without inconvenience or reproach. The effect of this disobedience is, that he gradually accustoms himself to disregard the admonitions of his parents, and is instigated into actions which he would never commit, had his parental restrictions been confined within reasonable limits.
The ideas suggested in this number deserve a more ample consideration than can be allowed in a single paper. In my next the subject shall be again introduced.
EXTRACT FROM "AMERICAN ESSAYS."
ON THE MANUFACTURE OF TOBACCO.
COMPARED with Great Britain, America justly claims the superiority in extent of territory and sea coast, multiplicity of safe harbours, variety of climates and productions, with many other natural advantages.
Among some of the powerfully active means now in her possession, may be primarily considered the article of TOBACCO, which is not only productive of immense revenue to some of the European States, but is become from habit, and a general faith in its virtues, of such importance throughout all Europe, that it may at this day with propriety be ranked among their necessaries of life. In OSTEND, a free port in Austrian Flanders, where our American tobacco is manufactured in various ways for different markets, I have observed the manufacturers very careful to preserve all the dust, dirt, and sand that appeared to be considerably impregnated with particles of tobacco, to be sent to the British market, there to be further compounded with glass, and other sternutatives, and then sold for genuine pulverized tobacco, or snuff. This is probably the reason why the French manufacture of that article, though not always pure and unadulterated, is in much higher estimation in all countries except America, where I am told there are those who still prefer the British snuff.*
If the various modes of manufacturing tobacco, suitable to all the different markets in Europe were perfectly understood in America, and rigorously pursued in all its branches, vast numbers of now idle people might soon be profitably employed; workmen in every branch may be easily procured from Europe, with all the different machines, or the models—the business would occupy young and old in the various operations—it is less injurious to health than almost any other manufacture—it would open an extensive trade and correspondence, and draw large returns from almost every foreign country: It is the most simple of all arts, and therefore easily acquired at any age, and is probably one of the most important and lucrative objects, that at this particular period could possibly occupy the attention of the New England States.
In the town of DUNKIRK, another free port in French Flanders, large quantities of American tobacco are also manufactured, I have frequently seen Dutch ships loading there with the stalks and other ligneous parts of that weed to be carried to Holland, there to be manufactured into snuff for particular markets.—Sweet, precious, wonder-working weed! that hast the powerful charm to crown the zest of rich luxurious feasts, and to beguile the pangs of poverty! Tobacco is also supposed to possess great medicinal virtues, its anti-septic qualities were particularly remarked so early as the year 1665, when the plague raged in London and carried off near seventy thousand inhabitants: Various narrators of that melancholy event have observed, that the tobacconists in general escaped the contagion, and that the remarkable preservation of the inhabitants in their neighbourhood could be attributed to no other cause but the virtues of tobacco. The Spaniards and Dutch, particularly those of their colonies smoke continually, believing it to be not only in itself salutary, but the most effectual preservative against the fatal effects of the humid vapours, and other noxious exhalations continually rising from the vast bodies of putrid stagnant waters, as also against all other baneful effluvia that commonly abound, and contaminate the air in all low, flat, and hot countries. And it is a well known fact that the Dutch in SURINAM, and the Spaniards in NEW-ORLEANS, are much less subject to the endemial diseases of those sub-aqueous torrid countries, than the most temperate of every other nation who reside there, and make less use of that weed. I knew two Spaniards in NEW-ORLEANS, who kept servants constantly in waiting in the night, for the sole purpose of lighting their segars as often as they waked, such was their faith in the virtues of tobacco. I do not recollect to have seen a Portuguese in Lisbon, male or female of any age make
* This has been the case—but the citizens of the United States have learnt better—the manufacture of snuff is now carried on so extensively, and it is made of so excellent a quality, that all importation of that article has entirely ceased for a long time—in the State of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, & N. York, such large works are erected, as to furnish sufficient quantities for home consumption, and a large surplus for exportation.—The snuff mills of Mr. ELLIOT in the neighborhood of Boston, are constructed upon a most ingenious and extensive plan—they attract the attention of all foreigners who visit that part of the Union—and are constantly resorted to as a great curiosity by the ingenious from all parts of the continent.—We promise ourselves the pleasure of giving some particulars of this manufactory, in some future number.
use of spectacles, but have often with surprize remarked in very old people the unfaded lustre of their eyes, and have not been able to assign a more probable cause of their preservation, than the universal custom of taking snuff, which prevails in no small degree of excess among all ranks, ages and sexes: It cannot fairly be imputed to any particular quality in the air or climate, as the many English who reside there, and who will not conform to the custom of taking snuff, particularly the ladies because they think it uncleanly, can boast no advantage in this particular over the inhabitants of the island of Great Britain. The French Snuff made of the tobacco from the United States, is greatly preferred by the Portugueze to the snuff manufactured in their own country of the Brazil tobacco, but it is prohibited, and therefore only to be obtained in small quantities by special indulgence. There is very little danger of the Portugueze being able to rival us at any market in that article—their tobacco for exportation is chiefly manufactured in one particular way, principally for the African trade, the privilege is farmed, and therefore exclusive; they use a vast quantity of molasses in the process, which is supposed to be a great preservative in hot climates; the common, and I believe almost invariable price, is two thousand, eight hundred and eighty reis for an arobe, which is about six pence sterling the pound.
A very extensive and lucrative trade with Portugal may be established, when a permanent peace with all the Barbary powers shall render the intercourse less dangerous. They are at present principally supplied by the English and Irish with fish, grain, pulse, pork, beef, butter, cheese, and many other articles, which with due care and attention, might be furnished as good and cheap, and some of them better and cheaper from America: It is found by an accurate investigation, that seven thousand, seven hundred bushels of wheat are consumed daily in the city of LISBON only, exclusive of barley, indian corn, and other grain, as also hard bread and pulse.
E. C.
SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
PERHAPS no country, pretending to understand so well the science of government, and other principles of political economy which tend to the prosperity and welfare of a nation, that practises so little upon them, as this.—It is high time that America should quit her leading strings, and feel the difference between her present situation and what it was when subject to a foreign yoke. It will not suffice that in unmeaning words we assert the importance of our Independence; nor shall we be able to realize its just effects, or meet with that respect from other nations which is paid to the different sovereignties of the world, till we strive to conquer the inveterate habits and prejudices imbibed by our mode of education—no longer suffering our commercial concerns to be regulated by the caprice of a foreign power, and made alone subservient to her interest.—It is time that this country should begin to trade on its own capital, and not continue to be the slave or hireling of an imperious master.—It will be said that we are yet young and poor, wanting the aid of a borrowed capital.—I venture to assert that while we go on to borrow it on the present disadvantageous terms we shall be ever poor and helpless. There is no doubt under certain circumstances and conditions, that credit is of essential service in assisting the growth of a young country, and the progress of infant manufactures—but credit often holds out a specious benefit which is not in the end realized; therefore its nature & tendency ought to be carefully examined, before we can determine its benefit. Prior to the revolution, and while we were a component part of the British empire, our interests were united and such exclusive advantages given to the trade of this country, that the credit then had from their merchants, was doubtless serviceable in promoting our increase and strength.—It was then that we could discharge the loan by the product of the business in which the borrowed capital was employed—Our ships, fish, lumber and oil, the natural exports of the country formed our remittances, and the exchange was from 5 to 10 per cent. in our favor; but we are now totally excluded from the advantage of such returns, and compelled to seek other markets for these articles, paying repeated commissions on their negotiation, in order to avail ourselves of the solid coin which seems to be almost the only property receivable in payment for many luxuries, but ill suited to the consumption of a young country continually pleading its poverty, while the rate of exchange, generally the best criterion by which to determine the benefit of a trade, forms a deduction of

10 to 15 per cent. from what it was formerly: Can credit on these terms be to our benefit? Is it not rather to our ruin? and shall we urge our present immense load of debt to Great Britain as a reason why we should accumulate more and more, sink deeper and deeper: It is not by interest, but the tyranny of habit alone, that we are kept in bondage—as France on the one side, and Holland on the other, presents many advantages as our encouragement to substitute an open trade with them in lieu of our present injurious traffic with England: The former is not inferior to Great Britain in any manufactures, except Hard Ware—her silks, cambrics, &c. are far superior and cheaper, though (much to our benefit) we cannot there obtain extensive credits—yet for what we may purchase she will receive in pay our ships, tobacco, oil, naval stores, and other natural exports, while in her extensive coasting trade a large number of our vessels may find employ, and on condition we will not interfere with her carrying trade from thence to Europe, she will consent to open a free trade to her West-Indies.—We can obtain from Germany through Holland the best of cutlery and other hard ware, where our rice has for some years formed a better remittance than to any other part of Europe, and with whom owing to their large capitals—extensive possessions in that country—knowledge of the trade, and cheapness of navigation we can obtain many India articles of our consumption, on better terms than in our present direct intercourse; for spices we are altogether indebted to them—and many are the political motives which must operate with us to preserve a good understanding with that country.—It will be found not only advantageous but necessary to the extension of her commerce, that America should have her Consuls and other public agents in many of the great ports of Europe, to ascertain their relative commercial interests with this country—explore the benefits of a connection with them, to be bottomed on explicit contract or treaty, and not subject to the uncertain tenure of legislative decrees.
AMERICANUS.
NEW-YORK, AUGUST 5, 1789. EUROPEAN CONTINENTAL INTELLIGENCE, in brief—(by arrivals at the Eastward)—States,
THAT a quadruple alliance has been entered into by Russia, Austria, France and Spain—That all hostilities between Sweden and Denmark are at an end—
That Russia is at length listening to terms of accommodation—and that Great Britain is to be the principal mediator among the belligerent powers—
That the Emperor of Germany has so far recovered as to dine in public—
That the Turkish army on the right bank of the Danube consists of 150,000 men—
That the Turks were compleatly routed in a late action with the Russians, in Moldavia, and lost two pachas with their artillery—
That the Austrian army amounts to 276,600 men, exclusive of artillery and volunteers—
That notwithstanding the rumours of peace, every appearance indicated a bloody campaign—
That several skirmishes had taken place, in which as usual, the Turks fell by thousands, while their enemies had only a few men wounded, and some horses killed or taken—
That England and Holland are endeavoring to mediate between the belligerent powers, &c.—
That the King of Great Britain is in such a state of health as to be incapable of attending to public business: He is afflicted with an extreme lassitude—that for the benefit of his health he is going to Hanover, the Queen herself, with her own hand, having written a letter to the King of Prussia upon that subject!—
That a duel has been fought between Colonel LENOX, and the Duke of York—the occasion of which was, that the Duke had said, that somebody said something which Col. Lenox heard, and which Col. Lenox ought to have resented—and because the Duke would not name the person who had thus spoken, they met—Col. Lenox fired, by which the Royal Duke had his curl grazed—but did not return the fire—all this is attested by two noblemen, RAWDON and WINCHELSEA—
That the King's dearly beloved son, Prince William Henry, is made Duke of Clarence, &c
That the friends to humanity, in the British House of Commons, were exerting themselves to effect the abolition of the slave trade—but were opposed by planters, their agents, merchants, tradesmen and manufacturers who were interested in the trade, and who were bringing in their petitions from all quarters.
On Monday arrived his Britannic Majesty's Packet, Duke of Cumberland, Capt. DEAKE, in 52 days from Falmouth and Halifax: By this arrival we have procured the following articles of
EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE:
HAMBURGH, MAY 19.
WE learn from Petersburg, that the ice with which the Neva was covered, entirely disappeared on the 30th of last month; the river had been frozen one hundred and sixty four days.
The Armistice betwixt Sweden and Denmark, has been prolonged to the 24th of June.
VENICE, MAY 13.
The new Sultan has made no alteration in the counsels of the Turks: The Reis Effendi, has declared to the ambassadors of France and Spain, who are very pressing in their offers of mediation, "That he has orders not to listen to any propositions concerning peace, unless the preliminaries were on an entire restitution of all conquests; the renunciation of the supremacy of the Empress of Russia over the Tartars, and the independence of the Crimea."
VIENNA, MAY 13.
Our august Sovereign is again ill—the day before yesterday his Majesty was seized with a fever, which continued for twenty-four hours. He suffers greatly from an obstructed respiration.
They write from Croatia, that on the 12th of April, 1000 Turkish cavalry, attacked a post of the Bannat—five villages belonging to the Bosnians, which were under the imperial protection, experienced the fury of the enemy; all the men were immediately put to the sword—104 women and boys, 6000 horned cattle, 108 horses, and 507 goats were carried off, and three small towns all burnt to ashes.
The enemy, after this, retired to the village of Pograzi, where they sold the booty to the best bidders—a Turk purchased two women and four children for 600 florins.
CONSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 8.
Our new Sultan, Selim III. has refused all subsidies for carrying on the war, and has given orders to open the treasury of the crown, and to employ its contents in conquering the infidels.
It is remarked here, that this is the first time a Sultan ever took such a resolution. This circumstance has not a little contributed to increase the affections of his new subjects.
A Russian cutter which sailed from hence 11 days since, returned the day before yesterday with a Swedish corvette, mounting 12 guns, which she took, after an obstinate fight, in which the Russians lost one officer and five seamen.
PARIS, MAY 18.
M. de Lamoignon, late keeper of the seals, died at his castle of Baville, on the 16th inst.
LONDON, JUNE 3.
The great question which now occupies the public mind in Paris, is, whether the Three Estates of which the assembly of the States General is composed shall sit in one room, form but one body, and carry its resolves by the majority of members present, without distinction of rank, as was the case in the parliament of Scotland.
Or whether they shall form three distinct bodies, voting in different houses, and each having a power, as in the parliament of England, to put a negative on the acts of the other.
The clergy seem to be animated with that spirit of concord which religion inspires, and which prompts them to mediate between the nobles and the commons, who appear determined to stand as far asunder as they can.
The commons sent a deputation on the 11th of May, to what we may call the house of lords, to invite the nobles to meet the clergy and commons in one common assembly, to try jointly the validity of the returns on elections of the different members of the three orders.
The Duke de Liancourt made a very elegant and able speech, the object of which was, to persuade the lords to accede to the requisition of the Commons; but on a division, he found himself in a very small minority.
The nobles resolved that the following answer should be sent to the commons: "That the nobles having already made a considerable progress in trying the returns of their members, that work could not then be carried on in common by Three Estates; and that the commons not having notified their powers, and shewn them to be according to law, could not yet be considered as lawfully assembled, and consequently could not communicate with the other two orders."
The second part of this answer had been recognized as well founded by the commons themselves, who have hitherto assumed the denomination only of "Citizens assembled by the King's command," and not the name of the Third Estate, met in general assembly.
The nobles having dispatched this answer to the commons, began to consider "whether the House could then legally proceed to business, though the representatives of the nobility of several districts had not yet arrived, and taken their seats."
To bring the question to a point, the following resolution was moved:
"That the returns of almost all the members present having been examined, and recognized as legal, the house was sufficiently formed to be able to proceed to make orders for its own internal government, until by the arrival of all its members, it should be complete, and authorised to proceed on the business of the nation."
This motion was very warmly debated; it was
carried, however, on a division, by a majority of 168.
Ayes 193 Noes 25
On Saturday last a general meeting of the subscribers to the Association for promoting the discovery of the interior parts of Africa, was held at the St. Alban's tavern, where an account of the proceedings of the committee during the past year and of the interesting intelligence which had been received in the course of it, particularly from the late Mr. LEDYARD, was submitted to their consideration. By this intelligence every doubt of the practicability of the object for which the society was instituted is removed; and as several persons have offered themselves as candidates to succeed the late Mr. Ledyard in the service of the Association, there is reason to suppose that the knowledge already obtained will soon be followed by more extensive discoveries.
JUNE 5. The slave traders, foreseeing that the British Parliament are determined to put an end to the commerce of the HUMAN SPECIES, have given orders to their Captains on the coast to purchase as many young women as possible. The reason is, that as the planters, after the abolition law takes place, must depend for slaves on their stock, and the negro men being in a proportion of three or four to one woman, females will be wanting to establish a proper system of population.
A letter from Ireland says, Mr. SHERIDAN, speaking in the King's Bench on Wednesday, in defence of a Printer of a morning paper, said, "Though I admit all that solemn apathy can suggest against the licentiousness of the press, let us remember, that it is a public creditor, to which religion, morality, liberty, genius, and science are much indebted—let us not forget, that it preserved the constitution of our sister kingdom, and restored our own. If therefore, in its freedom, it sometimes goes astray: if in assuming the office of a Roman Censor it may sometimes trespass, let it be controlled, but let it be controlled as a favorite child, with caution, and with lenity, lest you injure its health, and break its spirit."
Extract from the Speech of M. NECKAR, spoken at the opening of the States General, 9th May.
"The time will probably come, gentlemen, in which you will associate in your deliberations the deputies of the colonies, and will cast a look of compassion on that unhappy race of men, who have been hitherto coolly considered only as the objects of a barbarous traffic—men similar to ourselves in the faculty of thought, and especially so in the sorrowful one of suffering. Men, nevertheless, whom deaf to their lamentations, we croud, we heap in the holds of our vessels, in order to convey them to the bondage which awaits them in our islands."
"What nation can with more propriety than France endeavor to mitigate a system of slavery, supposed to be necessary, by substituting for the evils inseparable from the African trade, (evils which destroy the inhabitants of the new world and of the old) that fostering care which would tend to multiply in our colonies a people intended to assist us in their cultivation?"
"A distinguished nation has already given the signal—a token of her discernment and compassion; humanity hath already found a defence even in personal interest and political calculation, and before long her glorious cause will find advocates at the tribunal of every nation. Ah! what transcendent satisfaction, what accumulation of honor is in reserve for these sittings of our General States, now they are revived in the midst of an enlightened age."
Extracts from the Instructions of some of the Bailiffs in France, relating to the abolition of the Slave Trade.
Noblesse of Beauvois.—"That the States General take into consideration the situation of the negroes in our colonies."
Clergy of Melun and Moret.—"Seeing that in the eye of religion, difference of color causes none among her children, her ministers cannot forbear perpetually to exclaim against the slavery of negroes in the colonies."
Tiers etat of Chateau Kierry.—"The third estate, considering that France hath been at all times an asylum for Kings, and the protectress of oppressed nations: That slavery itself, on breathing the air of her happy climate, becomes free, cannot omit exclaiming against the public outrage upon humanity and upon the nation, occasioned by the commerce and slavery of the negroes, not desiring, however, to prevent the measures necessary to be taken to guard against detriment to the cultivation of the colonies."
Noblesse of Montes and Mudon.—"We also recommend to him to propose an examination into the means of destroying the slave trade, and preparing for the destruction of the slavery of the blacks; and we must be permitted to wish that France may have the honor of effacing the last vestiges of this degradation of human nature."
Clergy of the same.—"Disgusted humanity ought to hold out to the nation represented in the States General, an abuse by which every feeling mind is wounded. This abuse is the shameful right that man has assumed of buying his fellow man; of depriving him of liberty, subject-

ing him to rigorous and continual labor, and making him, to the end of his life, the victim of caprice and cruelty. The King, therefore, should be petitioned to encourage the respectable Society of Friends to the Blacks, and to authorise them to consider, and to propose to government the most proper means of abolishing the infamous commerce of the slave trade."
Mr. WILBERFORCE in an energetic, pathetic and ingenious speech inforced his plan for the abolition of the slave trade.
This speech was complimented and reinforced by Messrs. BURKE, FOX, and the Right Hon. WILLIAM PITT, who observed, that as far as he had been able to form any judgment on the subject, he was decidedly of opinion, that no substantial reason could possibly be alleged to justify the continuance of the slave trade."
REVENUE DEPARTMENT.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States has been pleased to nominate, and by, and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint the following persons to the offices in the Revenue, assigned to their respective names—To hold their commissions during the pleasure of the President:
For the State of NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
Portsmouth. JOSEPH WHIPPLE, collector. ELEANOR RUSSELL, naval officer. THOMAS MARTIN, surveyor.
For the State of MASSACHUSETTS.
Newbury-port. STEPHEN CROSS, collector. JONATHAN TITCOMB, naval officer. MICHAEL HODGE, surveyor. Gloucester. EPES SARGENT, collector. SAMUEL WHITTEMORE, surveyor. Salem and Beverly. JOSEPH HILLER, collector. WILLIAM PICKMAN, naval officer. BARTHOLOMEW PUTNAM, surveyor. Beverly. JOSIAH BACHELDER, surveyor. Ipswich. JEREMIAH STANFORD, surveyor. Marblehead. RICHARD HARRIS, collector. Boston and Charlestown. BENJAMIN LINCOLN, collector. JAMES LOVELL, naval officer. THOMAS MELVILL, surveyor. Plymouth. WILLIAM WATSON, collector. Barnstable. JOSEPH OTIS, collector. Sherburne. Nantucket. STEPHEN HUSSY, collector. Edgartown. JOHN PEASE, collector. New Bedford. EDWARD POPE, collector. Dighton. HODIJAH BAYLIES, collector. York. RICHARD TREVETT, collector. Biddeford and Peppereborough. JEREMIAH HILL, collector. Portland. N. F. FOSDICK, collector. Bath. WILLIAM WEBB, collector. Wiscasset. FRANCIS COOK, collector. Penobscot. JOHN LEE, collector. Frenchman's Bay. MELATIAH JORDAN, collector. Machias. STEPHEN SMITH, collector. Passamaquoddy. LEWIS F. DELESDERNIER, collector.
For the State of CONNECTICUT.
New London. JEDIDIAH HUNTINGTON, collector. NATHANIEL RICHARDS, surveyor. Stonington. JONATHAN PALMER, collector. Middletown. ASHER MILLER, surveyor. New Haven. JONA. FITCH, collector. Fairfield. SAMUEL SMEDLEY, collector.
For the State of NEW YORK.
Sag Harbor. JOHN GELSTON, collector. New York. JOHN LAMB, collector. BENJAMIN WALKER, naval officer. JOHN LASHER, surveyor. City of Hudson. JOHN C. TEN BROEK, surveyor. City of Albany. JEREMIAH LANSING, surveyor.
For the State of NEW JERSEY.
Perth Amboy. JOHN HALSTEAD, collector. Burlington. JOHN ROSS, collector. Bridgetown. ELI ELMER, collector.
For the State of PENNSYLVANIA.
Philadelphia. SHARP DELANY, collector. FRED. PHILL, naval officer. SAM. MEREDITH, surveyor.
For the State of DELAWARE.
Wilmington. GEO. BUSH, collector.
For the State of MARYLAND.
Baltimore. OTHO H. WILLIAMS, collector. ROBERT PURVIANCE, naval officer. ROBERT BALLARD, surveyor.
Chester. JOHN SCOTT, collector. Oxford. JEREMIAH BANNING, collector. Vienna. JOHN MUIR, collector. Snow Hill. JOHN GUNBY, collector. Annapolis. JOHN DAVIDSON, collector. Nottingham. GEO. BISCO, collector. Town Creek. ROBERT YOUNG, surveyor. Nanjemoy. JOHN COATES JONES, collector. St. Mary's. ROBERT CHESLEY, surveyor. George Town. JAMES MCCUBBIN LINGHAM, collector. For the State of VIRGINIA, Hampton. JACOB WRAY, collector. Norfolk and Portsmouth. WM. LINDSAY, collector. PHILEMON GATEWOOD, naval officer. DANIEL BEDINGER, surveyor. Suffolk. ARCHIBALD RICHARDSON, surveyor. Smithfield. JAMES WELLS, surveyor. Bermuda Hundred. WM. HETH, collector. Chris. Roan, surveyor. Peterborough. JOHN GIBBONS, surveyor. York Town. ABRAHAM ARCHER, collector. West-Point. JOHN SPOTSWOOD MOORE, surveyor. Tappahannock. HUDSON MUSE, collector. Urbanna. STAGE DAVIS, surveyor. Port Royal. GEO. CATTLETT, surveyor. Fredericksburg. WM. LEWIS, surveyor. Yeocomico, including Kinsale. VINCENT REDMAN, collector. Dumfries, including Newport. RICHARD SCOTT, collector. Alexandria. CHARLES LEE, collector. SAMUEL HANSON, surveyor. Cherry Stone. GEORGE SAVAGE, collector. South Key. THOMAS BOWNE, collector. Louisville. PEYTON SHORT, collector. For the State of SOUTH CAROLINA. George Town. JOHN COCKDELL, collector. Charleston. GEO. ABBOT HALL, collector. Isaac Mott, naval officer. EDWARD WAYMAN, surveyor. For the State of GEORGIA. Savannah. JOHN HABBERSHAM, collector. JOHN BERRIAN, surveyor. Sunbury. CORNELIUS COLLINS, collector.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, AUGUST 3, 1789.
The engrossed bill for regulating the coasting trade, &c. was read a third time, and on motion, recommitted to be taken up to-morrow.
The bill for establishing a land-office for the western territory was read a second time, and made the order of the day for Thursday.
Mr. SHERMAN had leave of absence for one week.
The bill to provide for the safe keeping of the acts, records, great seal, &c. was read, and made the order of the day for Friday.
Ordered that 100 copies of each of these bills be printed for the members.
The report of the committee on amendments, was, on motion of Mr. MADISON, made the order of the day for Wednesday se'nnight.
Mr. BENSON introduced a resolution to this purport.—That a committee be appointed, to join a committee of the Senate to consider, and report when it will be convenient for Congress to adjourn; also, to report what business now before Congress must necessarily be attended to previous to a recess, and what will be proper to postpone till the next session—laid on the table.
The bill for establishing the treasury department, with the amendments proposed by the Senate being read, were acceded to in part—the consideration of two articles was postponed till to-morrow.
The bill for establishing light-houses, beacons, buoys and public piers, as sent down from the Senate with the amendments, was taken into consideration, and the several amendments acceded to on the part of the House.
The bill for allowing compensations for their services to THE PRESIDENT and VICE-PRESIDENT of the United States, was taken up—and on motion of Mr. SMITH (of S. C.) a clause was added to the bill, by which The President is to have the use of furniture and other effects, now in his possession, belonging to the United States.
The bill was then passed to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow—and then the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, AUGUST 4.
Mr. HEISTER presented a petition from the inhabitants of Cumberland county, State of Pennsylvania, praying that the sessions of the Federal Courts, may not be restricted to the city of Philadelphia—laid on the table.
The engrossed bill for allowing a compensation to The President, and Vice-President, for their services, was read a third time, and passed to be enacted.
Mr. AMES presented a petition from Dudley Tyler, an officer in the late continental army, praying for an allowance for services, which had not been compensated—laid on the table.
Mr. HUNTINGTON presented a memorial from Christopher Collins stating, that he had invented a Perambulator upon more simple and adequate principles, than has hitherto been discovered; and praying for an exclusive right to use and improve the same—laid on the table.
Mr. WHITE of the standing committee to examine the enrolled bills, presented the bill providing for the government of the western territory, which the committee had examined, and found correct—the Speaker then signed the same.
Mr. BURKE of the Committee appointed for the purpose, brought in a bill for allowing a compensation to the members of both Houses, and to their respective officers: This bill provides that the compensation shall be as follows, viz.
To each member of the Senate and House, Six Dollars, pr. day.
Speaker of the House Twelve Dollars pr. day.
To the Secretary of the Senate, and Clerk of the House each, Fifteen Hundred Dollars, a year, and Two Dollars a day, each, during the session of the Legislature:—One principal Clerk to each, at Three Dollars a day during the session—One engrossing Clerk to each, at Two Dollars a day during the session.
Serjeant at Arms, Three Dollars a day during the session.
Door Keeper to the House and Senate, each, Seven Hundred and Thirty Dollars a year:
Assistant Door Keepers, during the session, One Dollar and Fifty Cents a day each.
This bill was laid on the table.
The House then went into a committee of the whole on the bill for registering and clearing vessels, and regulating the coasting trade.
A clause was added to this bill, which provides for a suspension of the bounty of five cents, on every barrel of pickled fish, every quintal of dried fish and every barrel of salted provisions, exported from the United States, as allowed by the impost law, till after the last day of July, 1790.
The committee having finished this bill, the Speaker resumed the chair—the House acceded to the several amendments, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. BENSON's motion, introduced yesterday was taken up, and after a short debate, a committee for the purpose therein mentioned, consisting of Mr. Carroll, Mr. Heister, and Mr. Wadsworth, was appointed.
The House then resumed the consideration of the amendments to the treasury bill proposed by the Senate, on which a decision was postponed yesterday—a lengthy debate ensued upon the subject, in which the substance of the arguments upon The President's power of removability, was repeated, and which terminated in not acceding to the amendment of the Senate.
The House adjourned at half after 3 o'clock.
NEW-YORK, AUGUST 5, 1789.
The wisdom, impartiality and independency discovered in the appointments to offices in the revenue, must give general satisfaction, and were it possible that mankind could be universally pleased, not a doubt or complaint would be lisp'd—but prejudice and self out of the question, it must be acknowledged on all hands, that policy, justice, and the public good, have never been more happily blended on any similar occasion.
Every patriotic mind, from this moment will have its attention turned to the great objects that present upon the operation of the general government: Revenue as has been justly observed is the nerve of the system—our existence—our public faith—our honor, reputation and prosperity, essentially depend upon a wise, a prompt and faithful execution of the revenue laws.—May vigilance mark the conduct of the officers, and may it be as infamous to defraud the revenue, as to rob a church.
Perhaps there is no people upon earth better disposed to obey the laws, than the citizens of the United States: They reason justly upon the subject—conceiving that the laws framed by those whom they depute for that purpose, are their own free acts, and deed—and that violating the rules they themselves have adopted, is absurd, dangerous, and pregnant with mischief, confusion, and ruin; but nevertheless, possessing the passions, prejudices, and weaknesses, incident to human nature—they see the propriety of appointing guardians and executors of those laws—every man therefore who feels the force of those obligations which should actuate good citizens, will not only cheerfully submit to every salutary regulation, but will also consider himself bound to aid the officers of government in the discharge of their duty.
ERRATUM.
In the ad col. 1st page, line 33 from top, of this paper, for "vigorously" read "vigorously".

THE RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
IT is agreed that the "people know where the shoe wrings—what grievances are most heavy," and therefore they should always hold an independent and essential part in the legislature, and be always able to prevent the shoe from wringing more, and the grievances from being made more heavy; they should have a full hearing of all their arguments, and a full share of all consultations, for easing the foot where it is in pain, and for lessening the weight of grievances, or annihilating them: but it is denied that they have right, or that they should have power, to take from one man his property to make another easy, and that they only know "what fences they stand in need of to shelter them from the injurious assaults of those powers that are above them;" meaning, by the powers above them, senators and magistrates, though, properly speaking, there are no powers above them but the law, which is above all men, governors and senators, kings and nobles, as well as commons.
The Americans have agreed with this writer in the sentiments, "that it is but reason that the people should see that none be interested in the supreme authority but persons of their own election, and such as must, in a short time, return again into the same condition with themselves." This hazardous experiment they have tried, and, if elections are soberly made, it may answer very well; but if parties, factions, drunkenness, bribes, armies, and delirium, come in, as they always have done sooner or later, to embroil and decide every thing, the people must again have recourse to conventions, and find a remedy. Neither philosophy nor policy has yet discovered any other cure, than by prolonging the duration of the first magistrate and senators. The evil may be lessened and postponed, by elections for longer periods of years, till they become for life; and if this is not found an adequate remedy, there will remain no other but to make them hereditary. The delicacy or the dread of unpopularity, that should induce any man to conceal this important truth from the full view and contemplation of the people, would be a weakness, if not a vice. As to "reaping the same benefit or burthen by the laws enacted that befalls the rest of the people," this will be secured, whether the first magistrate and senate be elective or hereditary, as long as the people are an integral branch of the legislature; can be bound by no laws to which they have not consented; and can be subjected to no tax which they have not agreed to lay. It is agreed that the "issue of such a constitution," whether the governor and senate be hereditary or elective, must be this, "that no load be laid upon any, but what is common to all, and that always by common consent; not to serve the lust of any, but only to supply the necessities of their country."
The next paragraph is a figurative flourish, calculated to amuse a populace, without informing their understandings. Poetry and mystics will answer no good end in discussing questions of this nature. The simple style, the most mathematical precision of words and ideas, is best adapted to discover truth, and to convey it to others, in reasoning on this subject. There is here a confusion that is more than accidental—it is artful: the author purposely states the question, and makes the comparison only between simple forms of government, and carefully keeps out of sight the idea of a judicious mixture of them all. He seems to suppose, that the supreme power must be wholly in the hands of a simple monarch, or of a single senate, or of the people, and studiously avoids considering the sovereignty lodged in a composition of all three. "When a supreme power long continues in the hands of any person or persons, they, by greatness of place, being seated above the middle region of the people, sit secure from all winds and weathers, and from those storms of violence that nip and terrify the inferior part of the world." If this is popular poetry, it is not philosophical reasoning. It may be made a question, whether it is true in fact, that persons, in the higher ranks of life are more exempted from dangers and evils that threaten the commonwealth than those in the middle or lower rank? But if it were true, the United States of America have established their governments upon a principle to guard against it; and, "by a successive revolution of authority, they come to be degraded of their earthly godheads, and return into the same conditions with other mortals;" and, therefore, "they must needs be more sensible and tender of what is laid upon them."
Our author is not explicit. If he meant that a fundamental law should be made, that no man should be chosen more than one year, he has no where said so. He knew the nation would not have borne it. Cromwell and his creatures would all have detested it; nor would the members of the Long Parliament, or other constitutions, have approved it. The idea would have been universally unpopular. No people in the world will bear to be deprived, at the end of one year, of the service of their best men, and be obliged to confer their suffrages, from year to year, on the
next best, until the rotation brings them to the worst. The men of greatest interest and influence, moreover, will govern; and if they cannot be chosen themselves, they will generally influence the choice of others so decidedly, that they may be said to have the appointment. If it is true that "the strongest obligation that can be laid upon a man in public matters, is to see that he engage in nothing but what must either offensively or beneficially reflect upon himself," it is equally true at least in a mixed government as in a simple democracy: it is indeed, more clearly and universally true, because in the first the representatives of the people being the special guardians of equality, equity, and liberty, for the people, will not consent to unequal laws; but in the second, where the great and rich will have the greatest influence in the public councils, they will continually make unequal laws in their own favour, unless the poorer majority unite, which they rarely do, set up an opposition to them, and run them down by making unequal laws against them. In every society where property exists, there will ever be a struggle between rich and poor. Mixed in one assembly, equal laws can never be expected: they will either be made by numbers, to plunder the few who are rich, or by influence, to fleece the many who are poor. Both rich and poor, then, must be made independent, that equal justice may be done, and equal liberty enjoyed by all. To expect that in a single sovereign assembly no load shall be laid upon any but what is common to all, nor to gratify the passions of any, but only to supply the necessities of their country, is altogether chimerical. Such an assembly, under an awkward unwieldy form, becomes at once a simple monarchy in effect: some one overgrown genius, fortune, or reputation becomes a despot, who rules the state at his pleasure, while the deluded nation, or rather a deluded majority, thinks itself free; and in every resolve, law, and act of government, you see the interest, fame, and power, of that single individual attended to more than the general good.
(To be continued.)
L O N D O N. H O U S E O F C O M M O N S.
MAY 15.
The following PROPOSITIONS were submitted by Mr. WILBERFORCE—which were by consent ordered to lie on the table.
I.—That the number of slaves, annually carried from the coast of Africa, in British vessels, is supposed to amount to about 38,000.
That the number annually carried to the British West-India islands, has amounted to about 12,500, on an average of four years, to the year 1787, inclusive.
That the number annually retained in the said islands, as far as appears by the custom-house accounts, has amounted on the same average, to about 17,500.
II. That much the greater number of the negroes, carried away by European vessels, are bro't from the interior parts of the continent of Africa, and many of them from a very great distance.
And the slaves may in general be classed under some of the following descriptions:
1st. Prisoners taken in war.
2d. Free persons sold for debt, or on account of real or imputed crimes, particularly adultery and witchcraft, in which cases they are frequently sold with their own families, and sometimes for the profit of those by whom they are condemned.
3d. Domestic slaves sold for the profit of their masters.
4th. Persons made slaves by various acts of oppression, violence, or fraud, committed either by the princes and chiefs of those countries on their subjects, or by private individuals on each other, or lastly by Europeans, engaged in this traffic.
III. That the trade carried on by European nations on the coast of Africa, for the purchase of slaves has necessarily a tendency to occasion frequent and cruel wars among the natives. To encourage acts of oppression, violence, and fraud, and to obstruct the natural course of civilization and improvements in those countries.
IV. That the continent of Africa, in its present state, furnishes several valuable articles of commerce, highly important to the trade and manufactures of this kingdom, and which are in a great measure peculiar to that quarter of the globe.
V.—That the slave trade has been found by experience to be peculiarly injurious and destructive to the British seamen, who have been employed therein.
VI.—That the mode of transporting the slaves from Africa to the West-Indies, necessarily exposes them to many and grievous sufferings, for which no regulations can provide an adequate remedy.
VII.—That a large portion of the slaves so transported has also perished in the harbours in the West-Indies, previous to their being sold. That this loss is stated by the assembly of the island of Jamaica, at about four and a half per cent. of the number imported.
VIII.—That the loss of newly imported negroes within the first three years after their importation, bears a large proportion to the whole number imported.
IX.—That the natural increase of population among the slaves in the islands, appears to have been impeded principally by the following causes.
1st. The inequality of the sexes in the importations from Africa.
2d. The general dissoluteness of manners, among the slaves, and the want of proper regulations for the encouragement of marriages, and of rearing children.
3d. The particular diseases which are prevalent among them, and which are, in some instances, attributed to too severe labour, or rigorous treatment, and in others to insufficient or improper food.
4th. Those diseases which affect a large portion of negro children in their infancy, and those to which the negroes newly imported from Africa have been found to be particularly liable to.
X.—That the whole number of the slaves in the island of Jamaica, in 1768, was about 167,000
That the number in 1774, was, as stated by Gov. Keith, about 193,000
And that the number in Dec. 1787, as stated by Lieut. Gov. Clark, was about 256,000
XI.—That the whole number of slaves in the island of Barbadoes was, in the year 1764, according to the account given in to the committee of trade, by Mr. Braithwaite, 70,706
That in 1774, the number was, by the same account 74,874
In 1780, by do. 68,270
In 1781, after the hurricane, according to the same account, 63,248
In 1786, by do. 62,115
XII.—That the accounts from the Leeward Islands and from Dominica, Grenada, and St. Vincent's, do not furnish sufficient grounds for comparing the state of population in the said islands at different periods, with the number of slaves which have been from time to time imported into the said islands, and exported therefrom. But that from the evidence which has been received respecting the present state of these islands, as well as of Jamaica and Barbadoes, and from a consideration of the means of obviating the causes which have hitherto operated to impede the natural increase of the slaves, and of lessening the demand for manual labor, without diminishing the profit of the planter, it appears that no considerable or permanent inconvenience would result from discontinuing the farther importation of African slaves.
To the PRINTERS of the DAILY ADVERTISER.
I ENCLOSE you a hand-bill, pointing out a mode of preventing the dreadful consequences of the BITE of a MAD DOG. I received this hand-bill a few days since, from Dr. HAGARTH, a physician of great ability and singular probity, at Chester, in England. The recommendation of so able and humane a physician, together with my own opinion of the efficacy of the mode proposed, induce me to request you, and all other printers in the United States, to re-print it: and to continue it for some time in the newspapers, that it may be as generally communicated as possible. I am persuaded, that your regard for humanity, will be a sufficient motive for complying with what I request.
I am your most obedient servant, ARTHUR LEE.
BITE OF A MAD DOG.
NEAR Wrexham, in North-Wales, three men died of canine madness, in October and November, 1788.
These melancholy cases spread a general alarm. But it ought to give great comfort and satisfaction to any one who may be bit, to know that there is a safe, easy, and effectual method of preventing the infection; which can seldom give pain, or require skill, and is in the power of every person to employ. It is universally allowed by physicians that the spittle of a mad animal, infused into a wound, is the only cause hitherto known, that can communicate canine madness to the human body. This poison does no immediate mischief, but is slowly absorbed into the blood, and sufficient opportunity is given to remove it, before any danger can arise. Whenever a person is bit, the plain and obvious means of preventing future injury, is, first to wipe off the spittle with a dry cloth, and then to wash the wound with cold water—not slightly, and superficially, but abundantly, and with the most persevering attention, in bad cases, for several hours. After a plentiful effusion of cold water, warm water may be employed with safety and advantage; a continued stream of it, poured from the spout of a tea-pot, or tea-kettle, held up at a considerable distance, is peculiarly well adapted to the purpose. If the canine poison infused into a wound were of a peculiar color, as black, like ink, we should all be aware that plenty of water and patient diligence would wash out the dark die; but this could not be expected by a slight and superficial ablution. After the first careful washing, apply to the bite, saliva, colored with ink, indigo, &c. and by the second washing, a visible proof may be obtained, how soon and how perfectly it can be cleaned out of the wound. As a proof that flight washing of the wound is not sufficient to cleanse it effectually from the poison, we may mention, that in some cases, after inoculation for the small pox, the poisonous matter has been attempted to be washed out of the wound, by persons who wished to prevent its effects: yet the inoculated small-pox appeared at its proper period. These unsuccessful attempts were performed secretly, hastily and timidly, by a female hand. But, in a case when the ablution was more perfectly performed, inoculation was prevented from taking effect, though the patient was susceptible of infection. They teach us the importance of patient perseverance in washing away the poison; but they need not abate our confidence that such perseverance will certainly be successful.
The ablution should be accomplished with great diligence, and without delay, and may be performed by the patient or any assistant. However, as the apprehension of this dreadful disorder always excites the greatest anxiety, a surgeon's advice and assistance ought to be obtained as soon as possible, in all cases where the skin is injured. He will execute those directions most dexterously and completely. In a bad wound, the poison may be conveyed deep into the flesh, by long teeth, or by lacerations. In such circumstances, he will open, cup, syringe, and wash every suspicious place, and whenever any uncertainty can remain, that may occasion future solicitude, he will previously shave off the surface, and cut away the jagged or other parts of the wound—by this method of purification it cannot be doubted that every particle of poison, and, consequently, that every cause of danger may be effectually removed.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market , NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]