Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-01-12 00:00:00

(-257-) Mr. John Penn Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 65 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, JANUARY 12, 1793.
[Whole No. 587.]
CONGRESS.
WEDNESDAY, January 2.
DEBATE on Mr. STEELE'S MOTION for the REDUCTION of the MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT of the UNITED STATES.
In Committee of the Whole. Mr. WHITE in the Chair.
Mr. Clark observed that by the debates this day, it would appear as if it was designed to disband the whole army, and to give up the whole western country; but this is by no means the case: the object is merely to reduce the number of the regiments, not to dismiss a single man. He supposed three thousand men would be sufficient to contend with 1200 Indians; the effect of the motion would be to stop recruiting;—it is said the President is empowered to disband the troops when he thinks the public service will admit of it; but this is a point of delicacy; the law provides for raising five regiments, the recruiting therefore will go on, unless perhaps the Legislature shall take some steps to prevent it. He therefore suggested the idea of an address to the President of the United States on the subject.
Mr. Parker said, he was in favour of the motion. It had been observed, he said, that the President had it in his power to disband the regiments; but he observed it was not known what his sentiments are on the subject, and therefore it may be highly proper for this House to express its opinion. Mr. Parker then supported his former assertion, that militia was superior to regular troops, especially such as can now be obtained; the best men cannot be obtained, the war is unpopular; and therefore such men as turned out in defence of the liberties of the country cannot be enlisted. He adverted to various expeditions against the Indians, beginning with Braddock's defeat. He noticed several actions during the late war with Great-Britain, beginning with Burgoyne's capture. He gave the militia the principal credit for many of our principal and most brilliant successes. He said, he had no idea of a speedy peace with the Indians; but he exceedingly reprobated the present system of prosecuting the war. He was for reducing the regular establishment to a number sufficient to garrison the forts on the frontiers, and to give the President power to call militia in such numbers as he may think proper, and to strike the enemy where the best prospect of success may appear.
Mr. Boudinot, after remarking that the present discussion was merely a repetition of the various observations which had been offered in the first deliberations on the best mode of carrying on the Indian war, said the majority determined on the mode which had been adopted—For his part he had been in the minority; but the sense of the majority must be submitted to; he therefore exceedingly doubted the eligibility of deviating from the system, and thus betraying an instability in the public councils. He adverted to the existing state of Indian affairs, the disposition recently discovered by them to treat, and imputed the alteration in the hostile appearance to the arrangements made by the United States to prosecute the war: he therefore exceedingly doubted the expediency of weakening the public force at this crisis. He noticed the interference with, and encroachment on the Executive, which would be the consequence if the measure should be adopted. The increased expenses occasioned by the addition to the regular troops were fully considered at the time when
the majority determined on that addition, and shall the minority for ever keep their opposition on foot, by bringing forward the business in various shapes? He enlarged on the ill policy of adopting the proposition at the present moment, and said, he hoped that nothing would be done to derange a system which had been the result of so much deliberation; on stability and firmness, the eventual measures now pursuing to bring about a peace, appear to be suspended.
Mr. Willis opposed the motion. He said he had been originally against raising the additional regiments; but the motion, he conceived, went to such a reduction of the defensive force of the frontiers, as would leave them in a very exposed situation indeed. No gentleman would say, he presumed, that two regiments would be sufficient to garrison all the posts on the extensive frontiers of the United States. He had always been of opinion that volunteers and militia were the best species of force to be employed against the Indians; but tho' he had been opposed to the system adopted, yet he now considered himself as differently situated, and that it was a different consideration to oppose a law before it is passed, from continuing that opposition after it is enacted: he hoped therefore, that the motion would not be agreed to.
Thursday, Jan. 3, 1793.
Mr. Steele, after adverting to the statements offered by the Gentleman from Connecticut, and observing that they differed from those which he had laid before the House, said, in order to remove every prejudice to the motion, he had been induced to make from motives of regard to the public good, he should now more particularly refer to the documents from whence he had drawn his information.—Mr. Steele then referred particularly to the several acts of appropriation—to prove the justness of his statements; after he had gone thro' with these, he observed, that from hence it must appear incontrovertible, that the sums stated to have been appropriated for the war department, were in fact so appropriated—whether the sums were expended or not, it remains for the gentlemen who controvert those statements to shew. He then shewed that the whole sums were expended, and monies called for to supply deficiencies.
Mr. Wadsworth rose to explain—he observed that he believed the gentleman's statement just now delivered by him was accurate—he did not mean to controvert it. In his observations yesterday, he had reference to the statement offered by the gentleman in his speech when he brought forward his motion which had been published, and the accuracy of which, the gentleman had not denied; it was that statement, Mr. Wadsworth said he meant to controvert, and not the one now offered by Mr. Steele.
Mr. Clark said he could not conceive for what purpose this debate was spun out to such a length; he thought the business might be very soon settled by proceeding to filling up the blanks in the motion: he disapproved of the comparisons which had been made between the militia and the regular troops; they had both, at different times, behaved well, and both had perhaps been to blame.
Mr. Milledge rose in opposition to the motion—he called the attention of the House to the extensiveness of the frontiers of the country, particularly of the State of Georgia: he noticed the conduct of the Indians particularly on the frontiers of that state;—the citizens of Georgia adopted the constitution of the United States, in hopes of deriving effectual protection from the Union; have they received that protection? A treaty has been formed with the most formidable tribe on the frontiers—we have been amused with expectations of their fulfilling the contract on their part—but their late treatment of Mr. Seagrove may
continue as that they will consent to running the permanent line.—Mr. Milledge then noticed the treacherous conduct of the Indians on several occasions, and from the extensiveness of the frontiers, being more than 1500 miles in extent—their exceedingly exposed situation, &c.—He argued that the force originally intended to be raised, was so far from being too great, that it is not adequate to the object; he was therefore opposed to the motion. If any of the officers of government have embezzled the public money, or have been guilty of abuses, said Mr. Milledge, the way is open and plain to bring them to account, and he should not think that any member of the legislature, knowing of such abuses, who did not bring them before the public tribunal, did his duty: He concluded by saying, that as a defender of the rights of his constituents, by affording them all the protection in the power of the government, he should vote against the motion.
Mr. Findley. Sir, how far the army is to be reduced, being a blank in the motion before you, does not come directly under debate, and there is a difference of opinion among the gentlemen who support the resolution; the gentleman who moved it, expressed a design of reducing it to two regiments, and a gentleman from New-Jersey (Mr. Clark) proposes to reduce them to three, or to discharge none actually enlisted; at any rate the principle is open to debate.
The discussions with respect to the expenditure of the revenue, and the comparative merits of the regular forces and the militia, have been sufficiently discussed; at least as far as they relate to the question under consideration, therefore I shall pass those subjects at this time with only one remark.
From the observations of the gentleman who moved the resolution, the first and great object is, by disbanding a great proportion of the army, to obtain money for the redemption of the redeemable part of the public debt. I agree with him that this is an important and desirable object, but we differ in this—that I take it to be a secondary object. I consider the defence of the union to be superior to every other consideration; it was the first reason for forming the government, and claims the first provision and earliest attention from those who govern.
However, the arguments which have been deduced from the origin, the management and misfortunes of the war claim my particular attention. That the war existed previous to the present government is no more denied; that it was the offspring and remains of the war with Britain is confirmed by facts which will long be had in melancholy remembrance: but since the commencement, it must be acknowledged that the war has changed its complexion, the carnage and depredation have been much extended, and the resentment and union of the savages greatly increased. How that has happened is a proper subject of enquiry. Gentlemen in support of the resolution have pretty plainly implicated the war department as the source of these evils. Let it be observed as one excellence of our government, that all officers, civil and military, are subject to legal trial and punishment; there is no officer so dignified in the United States as to be out of the reach of legal responsibility;—and if, therefore, there is delinquency, let it be asserted boldly and examined to effect. It is the members of the legislature only that are out of the reach of trial and punishment; upon these we have no hold, except
upon their character, their conscience and their interest. It is the legislature that is possessed of the most supreme sovereign power. Though I do not appear as the advocate of any other department, yet it is to the conduct and neglects of the legislature that I now call the attention of the committee; it is from that quarter that we can draw the most useful cautions for our decision of this question, and our future conduct; and it is more generous for us to examine and improve upon our own faults in the first instance. I have already observed that the new Congress found the union in a state of war.
What exertions were made to procure peace, or grant protection, is a very natural enquiry. One regiment was employed by the old Congress to guard the frontier; though this was a force insufficient for the purpose, yet it is to be considered that the then government had not the command of revenue, and the individual States had competent powers, and the command of their own revenue; the enemy was not combined, nor so much of the frontier distressed. But did this most pressing object obtain the earliest attention of Congress, or the first provision? No it did not. An ill defined law was enacted, empowering the President to call out the militia, before any militia law of Congress existed; the consequence was that though they could not be compelled, yet a number of those who were called upon went to the Miami villages with General Harmer; with those and his own regiment, he arrived at, and destroyed those villages, and if he had had but two regiments of good permanent troops with the assistance of a few chosen militia, he could have secured a lodgment there, notwithstanding the misfortunes of his skirmishing parties; and peace would have been the probable consequence; but as the time of service of the militia had expired, if he had been ever so fortunate he must have retreated as he did; thus the savages were extremely irritated, the signal given for union, and a great extent of frontier formerly in supposed security became the object of more than a common degree of savage vengeance. In this distressing situation of our affairs, the next step taken by Congress was to enact a law for raising a second regiment, and to enlist levies for six months at two dollars a month, and clothing designed for to last half the year; just sufficient to take them to the wilderness, there to starve with cold in the most inclement season of the year. The fatal catastrophe in which this campaign ended need not be repeated, there is no danger of its being forgot; that it has encreased the union and courage of the Indians, and encouraged them to treat with the most indignant insolence our overtures of peace, is evident from the fate of the brave men who fell with the flags; for whose families we have been just making provision. Perhaps it may be said, as has at least been reported, that Congress only enacted into laws the plans recommended by the war department; how true this is in all the instances to which I have alluded I know not; but at any rate it is no apology. We have no right to cast our legislative responsibility upon the Executive department—this power for which our character is exclusively responsible, cannot be transferred without a breach of trust. And for these objects there was no other information necessary but what was possessed by the House. Congress knew

knew that the wages were not a sufficient encouragement to procure fit men, they knew it bore no reasonable proportion to the price of labor, at least where the men were expected; they knew that the time was too short for enlisting the men with such scanty encouragement, and for carrying on so distant and precarious an expedition, even if no accidents or mismanagement were to take place; but certainly accidents and mismanagement ought to be provided for in undertakings of this nature; they know or might have known that trifling with such a war would naturally excite the flame, and not quench it.
It cannot be pretended that resources were wanting. Congress received the public purse with the government, and they very properly soon rendered it productive. At an early period revenues were found; not only to provide for the debts of the Union, for the discharge of which they were bound by contract, but also made provision for the debts of the individual States, to do which they were bound by no contract; and which are not yet liquidated, nor their amount known. I cannot suppose this neglect was altogether owing to inattention, for committees were frequently held on the state of the Union, and surely the defence of the union was the first subject which could present itself to their thoughts. As no sufficient reason for this neglect has ever occurred to me, I continue to view it with surprize, perhaps others can better account for it.
However, last session we were sufficiently convinced of our error, the object was fully before us, as well as the plan proposed to be pursued, and however we regretted the expence, and evils still more to be dreaded, from a standing army, we from conviction, provided adequate means, and now after much of the expence is incurred, and the end not accomplished, there is an attempt to withdraw the means: surely gentlemen have not taken a full view of the subject.
Arguments have been drawn in favor of the resolution from the slow progress of the recruiting service, and the inactivity of the army last summer. On this subject, I have a very different opinion. Let gentlemen for a moment reflect upon the difficulties the recruiting service had to encounter. The levies after a scene of arduous fatigue, enduring hunger and nakedness, many of them were left rotting on the desolate sod in the wilderness, and those who survived the horrid carnage, returned with infinite hardships to their homes, they with difficulty procured the pittance allowed them by law; their mouths were filled with complaints, nor did they alone complain; and though the wages were raised a dollar a month, yet even so, it was not a sufficient encouragement where the greatest number, and the best men were sought for; but this house are not to blame for this, for we had agreed once, and again to make the wages higher, but were overruled by the other legislative branch. When gentlemen maturely reflect on those considerations, and also that the spring was far advanced, before the recruiting service could commence, they will with me rather be surprized that it has succeeded so well; it is indeed beyond my most sanguine expectations, and the men are not generally of the most inferior kind, as has been suggested.
With respect to the inactivity of the army, the observations may have in some degree arose from something expressed by me some days ago, I think on another subject.
I then said that the army which rendezvous at Pittsburgh had not undertaken the defence of the frontier, and prevented the necessity of militia service. That some of the counties had been more distressed by the savages last summer, and the militia service more burthensome than at any time since the peace with Britain—that even the county where they lay had to employ militia; and this is certainly true; of the reasons for this I have not been informed, nor am I accountable for it.—However, it is but reasonable that I should offer such reasons as suggest themselves to me. It is well known in this house that General Butler's having, according to orders, sent such of the levies as arrived early, to the frontiers, and therefore afforded necessary protection in time of harvest, was much complained of, and assigned as a cause of defeat, not only by delay, but want of discipline, though I do not think it had that effect; yet probably to prevent complaints of this nature, the introducing discipline and military habits among the new raised troops may have been judged preferable to the defence of the frontier; prevailing desertions might have had its weight; but though this might be complained of with respect to those oppressed with savage depredations and militia service, yet certainly the army may be more fit for the great object of an expedition, etc. From my own observations I know that unremitting industry has been used to promote discipline among the troops.
But an argument of another nature, and which seems to have the greatest weight with the gentlemen, has been often urged, I mean the expence, and the danger of new taxes. Is it possible that we have not revenues sufficient for the defence of the union? Surely every other claim must give way to this.—Let it not be said that a tax for our own defence could not be levied; the people would cheerfully pay taxes for this purpose, though they might think themselves oppressed by other demands that are more amply provided for. But a new tax is not necessary for that purpose; a surplus of existing revenues are at our disposal, besides the estimates of the war. It is true we designed to have availed ourselves of it to begin the extinguishment of our debt, though we have been since told that it is necessary to be applied otherwise, and we are called upon to raise a new tax for that purpose, not for the purpose of procuring peace. However anxiously I desire to pay off
the debt, yet I am certain it would be an unwarrantable policy to subject the country to destruction for that purpose; besides, I believe the alternative proposed would eventually increase the expence.
We have a particular plan in view in order to accomplish peace, is that plan executed? Is that object obtained? No.
I believe gentlemen know we cannot explain fully on this subject, as it involves confidential communications, and plans not submitted to public view; but they say that two regiments are sufficient to garrison the existing forts. Surely they know that Fort Hamilton, Fort Knox, &c. are not the objects contemplated; nor would these I presume be kept for their own sakes, they cannot defend our territory, nor make it the interest of the Indians to be at peace. If we expect to exist as a nation we must defend the territory which we have purchased, which we have sold to others, and which unfortunately for them we have encouraged others to settle upon. In this I presume the committee are agreed, at least I hope so; but it will be said the difference is about the means. We are told that the militia are more fit for this kind of war than an army; let the army keep the forts, and the militia defend the frontiers where they reside, and carry on expeditions against the Indians. Comparing the militia and standing army is to little purpose; I have known both the one and the other on some occasions behave so as to deserve great commendation, & at other times behave very ill; this depends greatly on circumstances, each have their particular advantages, and each may find too much employ; there are situations and circumstances in which the militia are undoubtedly best, and there are other situations in which a standing army have the advantage. But when I speak of militia I do not mean such as are called in classes from their families, and composed of many that have neither been accustomed to the woods, nor arms, and go out with reluctance, leaving all that is dear to them behind, and considering the service as a grievous oppression. I know and feel these things. I have been oftener than once out with the militia. I mean a selection of the militia willing to go, and experienced in the woods, and in most of the frontiers such men, or suitable arms do not now abound; but surely for services of a more permanent nature an inlisted army is more suitable.
But do gentlemen consider the consequences of throwing all internal defence, and distant expeditions, upon the militia? Is it not enough that they already stand as a piquet guard to their brethren who live at ease; that they eat their bread in the fear of their lives, and are frequently embittered with the view of mournful incidents; but that we must lay a deliberate plan for increasing the number of their fatherless children, and childless parents?
I recollect, it has been said oftener than once on this floor on former occasions, and is still owned by members, that the states who have frontiers ought to provide for their own protection, and that the government of the union ought to assist only in the last resort; in short that protection ought not to be a common cause. Such highly ant federal sentiments I confess I heard with surprize.
There are some members, however, more generous and promise to vote for a sufficient sum of money to pay the expence. I believe these members are sincere; but do gentlemen contemplate to what issue the principles would lead? Do they not observe that the fate of the government is deeply involved in the decision?—Perhaps I may be asked, did not the states depend chiefly upon their own exertions for the defence of the frontiers under the old Congress? Yes, they did, and were better protected than since that period. But let it be recollected that at that time the states had the command of their own resources, and the laying and executing their own plans: that the Indians were not so formidably combined; but that since, the states had not the power of retaliating, nor the means of gratifying with presents, since the Indians have been solemnly told to look away from the little fires of the states, to the great fire of the union: they have looked upon us a more formidable and dangerous foe, and made their arrangements accordingly, and European nations and emissaries among them have improved upon the circumstance, and excited and aided them in their union and exertions.
If the militia are to be so much oppressed, it must be under their state laws; the operation of our militia law has not been tried, and the militia will naturally have more confidence in the laws of the state, and be better paid by them. If the people must undergo all the risk of life and all the hardships of war, in carrying on a war which they did not commence, nor have power to terminate, will they not naturally look from the government of the union, to that of their own states? and will the state governments conduct a war with their hands tied? Will they not take their own way of conducting the war and of procuring peace? Surely they will, and the general government ought only to hope for obedience and respect as long as it gives general protection, which was the reason of its institution. But if gentlemen were willing thus to surrender the principles of the government, they ought first to put the frontier states in as good a situation as the new Congress found them; when the Indians were not united, and when they did not know that they could so easily and compleatly defeat us.
Supposing that we appropriate a sufficient sum of money to pay the frontier militia for conducting the war of the union; I ask who are their militia? is it those unfortunate few whom we induced to settle at Marietta that are to protect our extensive western territory, against the united exertions of all the western Indians? or is it the few scattered inhab-
itants of the South-western territory, who are to undertake our defence against the numerous and warlike tribes around them, aided by our southern European neighbours? Or is it the scattered settlements of Georgia who from known causes are weak within themselves, that are to defend us against the most powerful and numerous tribes of Indians on the one side, and white people perhaps little less inimical on the other?—Impossible! This cannot on cool reflection be the serious intention of even the members who have expressed themselves so.
From the very inadequate pay which the militia have already received and the difficulty of obtaining it, however well disposed the members who propose it may be, there is little ground to confide in the provision being ample, especially when it is considered that the expence has been the argument most dwelt upon by all the gentlemen.
Arguments however of another and more important nature have been suggested in favor of lessening the army. I mean the peaceable disposition of our citizens and the principles of our government; in this I am heartily agreed, and were the argument upon original ground, and the measure optional, I would doubtless oppose an army; but the question is not, whether we shall begin a war, or whether we shall have a standing army to aid the government in time of peace; if that were the case I would certainly be on the other side; but with us it is a question of necessity, not of choice, it is to procure a peace, and not to procure a war; it is to protect, and not to oppress or aid in governing our citizens; I know that standing armies have always been sources of oppression and aids of tyranny; our people may long be governed without such aids, their situation will not admit of abuses from standing armies, nor would the citizens submit thereto.
However when I observe the difficulty of procuring money for the support of even a necessary force, and the jealousy of armies so prevalent among the members; whatever difficulties it may now produce, yet this disposition augurs well towards the security of our liberties; when I also consider how anxious the people of the United States and the members of Congress are for peace, and what extraordinary exertions the executive has made to preserve it; and when I also reflect, that the next Congress will be a more full and equal representation of the people's interests and sentiments than we are, I am confident the army will be discharged as soon as our affairs will admit of it.
The prospects we have of peace are not very flattering, they by no means arise from the good dispositions of the Indians towards us, nor from the love of peace, but from the dread of the power and permanency of our force; take away those impressions and all our prospects of peace vanish; it may be recollected that the Six Nation Indians were our inveterate foes, and would never listen to the voice of peace until they felt our power, and we have sufficient proofs, that their continuing peaceable does not arise from their dispositions towards us, but from their being so much in reach of our power. Admitting that the militia were in every respect the best for fighting Indians, and that we could in justice throw the burthen and risk of fighting wholly on them; yet this method would certainly lengthen the war; we have, and always had the militia; but they are not a visible force, the strokes they make distres and irritate the Indians, and when the expedition is over the force disappears, and the Indians meditate and too often obtain revenge; the apprehension of an army strikes them with apprehensions of a permanent design, and convinces them that it is their interest to have peace; the late murders of those who bore the ensigns of peace are an undoubted proof that the prospects of peace do not arise from any other motives than the dread of our force.
When I reflect on our having so lately been convinced of the indispensable necessity of raising an army, and before it was possible to accomplish the object intended, that a motion is made for lessening that force, I am truly surprized at the inconsistency to which it would lead; surely there is not such an instance to be found in the history of nations, nor in the acts of public bodies, and if it should succeed it would mark our councils in an extraordinary point of view. However, so averse am I to armies and so sensible of the evils they have occasioned, that I gave a serious ear to the motion, and maturely examined the circumstances in which the case was involved. I wished for reasons to justify my supporting thereof, but examination produced conviction of its impropriety.
The gentlemen doubtless have determined from the first impression of the subject; more minute investigation will convince themselves of the bad policy of such an unreasonable change of measures. I with great reluctance was convinced of the necessity of so great a force last session, but even if I had been finally against it last session, I would nevertheless have been for supporting that force in the present important crisis; better by far we had never made the law for raising the army than to repeal it now.
The present Indian war is essentially different from any former one. When Britain and France divided North America betwixt them, if the emmissaries of both excited the Indians to war, the power of both afforded protection. When Britain became possessed of the Western posts, and many tribes of Indians commenced a war, the British government conducted the war, carried it into the Indian country, and by the dread of their arms procured a peace; but the Indians were not then supported by other powers. But in the present war, the Indians who at that time knew nothing of us, have combined to make it a common cause; and no superior power interest themselves in our favor, no, they
conceive our interests to be inimical to theirs. But if they did not receive encouragement, protection, and supplies from our European neighbours a peace would soon be procured, the gentlemen who support this resolution know well how that matter stands, and they know explanations here are not convenient.
I once thought of moving a resolution for limiting the time of enlisting to some day in March or April next, knowing that the intermediate winter months are the best season for recruiting, and apprehending the best opportunities of disciplining would then be probably over; but upon second thought, I apprehend this was not necessary, that most probably the army by that time would be so nearly compleat, that all the saving of money it would make, would be no object, and reflecting that the President was already authorised either to stop recruiting, or to discharge the new regiments when circumstances would admit of such a measure. From the observations I have made the committee will be convinced that I design to vote against the resolution.
(Debate to be continued.)
TUESDAY, January 8.
Mr. Greenup laid the following motion on the table yesterday:—That a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill, for placing on the pension list, all such officers and privates of the militia, who have been, or shall be wounded, or disabled in the service of the United States, and not provided for by law.
A petition was presented by Mr. Muhlenberg, from William Wirtz, praying compensation for services during the late war. Read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The House took into consideration, the bill making appropriations for the year 1793, as reported by the committee of the whole yesterday. Some debate ensued on the item of contingencies for the War Department; the sum reported in the estimate is 50,000 dollars. The House at length filled the blank with 30,000.—All the blanks being filled, it was ordered that the bill be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Secretary Otis, informing the House that the Senate have passed a bill in addition to the act for establishing the Judicial Courts of the United States; and desire the concurrence of the House.
Another message from the Senate informed the House, that they have passed a bill, which originated in the House, for allowing interest on a sum due to the persons therein mentioned, pursuant to a resolution of the late Congress.
On motion of Mr. Steele, the ayes and noes were taken this day on the proposed amendment to his resolution, for reducing the military establishment of the United States—viz.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill for reducing the military establishment of the United States to
regiments, consisting of the non-commissioned officers and privates now in service, or which may be recruited before the day of _____ next; with such proportion of commissioned officers as the President of the United States may think proper.
A Y E S.
Mess. Ashe, Mess. Madison, Clark, Moore, Giles, Niles, Gilman, Orr, Gerry, Parker, Goodhue, J. Smith, Grove, Steele, Greenup, Sumpter, Lee, Treadwell, Leonard, Tucker, Livemore, Venable, Macon, Ward, Mercer Williamson. 26.
N O E S.
Mess. Ames, Mess. Kittera, Benfon, Lawrance, Barnwell, Milledge, Baldwin, Muhlenberg, S. Bourne, Murray, B. Bourn, Sedgwick, Boudinot, Schoonmaker, Dayton, W. Smith, Findley, Is. Smith, Fitzsimons, Sterrett, Gregg, Sturges, Hartley, Sylvester, Heather, Thatcher, Hillhouse, Wadsworth, Huger, White, Kitchell, Willis. 32.
The ayes and noes on the original motion, were then called:
A Y E S.
Mess. Ashe, Mess. Mercer, Clark, Niles, Giles, Orr, Gilman, Parker, Goodhue, Lee Greenup, Steele, Grove, Sumpter, Leonard, Treadwell, Livemore, Venable, Macon, Ward. 20.
N O E S.
Mess. Ames, Mess. Milledge, Barnwell, Moore, Baldwin, Muhlenberg, Benfon, Murray, Boudinot, Schoonmaker, S. Bourne, Sedgwick, Dayton, J. Smith, Findley, Is. Smith, Fitzsimons, W. Smith, Gerry, Sterrett, Gordon, Sturges, Gregg, Sylvester, Hartley, Thatcher, Hillhouse, Tucker, Huger, Wadsworth, Kitchell, White, Kittera, Williamson, Lawrance, Willis. 31.

A letter was received from the Secretary of State, enclosing an account of the result of assays and experiments on the gold and silver coins of France, England, Spain, and Portugal. Read, and ordered that 100 copies be printed for the use of the members.
The bill received from the Senate this forenoon, was twice read, and committed for Thursday, interim, 100 copies to be printed.
In Committee of the Whole, on the Invalid Pension Bill. Mr. Dayton in the Chair.
The question was taken on Mr. Venable's motion, and was negatived, 29 to 19.
The committee then rose, and reported the bill with the amendments agreed to. The House took the same into consideration; they adopted all of them: other amendments were made. A motion to adjourn, prevailing, the bill was not completed.
WEDNESDAY, January 9.
The petition of Bridget Parry was read, praying compensation for her services as a nurse in one of the continental hospitals, and for the pay of her husband, a soldier who died in the service.
Mr. Hillhouse presented the petition of John Reed and others, manufacturers of combs, praying an augmentation of the impost duty on imported combs. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
An engrossed bill, making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1793, was read the third time and passed.
The petition of Nathan Fuller was read, praying the settlement of the accounts of a regiment of which he is the oldest remaining officer, in the service of the United States during the late war; which accounts through various unforeseen and unavoidable accidents, were not settled within the time prescribed by the act of limitation. Referred to the Secretary of War.
The House resumed the consideration of the bill to regulate the claims to invalid pensions.
An amendment proposed by Mr. Venable, the object of which was to provide for a revision of the proceedings of the judges, under a law passed last session, occasioned some debate.
Messrs. Sedgwick, Livermore and Hillhouse opposed the motion; Messrs. Boudinot, Dayton, Giles, Madison, Kittera and Venable supported it.
After various alterations and amendments to this motion, the ayes and noes were taken, as follows:
A Y E S.
Messieurs Ashe, Baldwin, Boudinot, Clark, Dayton, Findley, Fitzsimons, Giles, Gordon, Greenup, Gregg, Griffin, Groves, Hartley, Heister, Huger, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittera, Lee, Macon, Madison, Mercer, Millidge, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Orr, Parker, Schoenmaker, W. Smith, Steele, Sterrett, Sumpter, Sylvester, Treadwell, Venable, White, Willis, Williamson—40.
N O E S.
Messieurs Ames, Barnwell, Benion, Bourne, Bourn, Gerry, Gilman, Hillhouse, Lawrence, Learned, Leonard, Livermore, Niles, Sedgwick, J. Smith, I. Smith, Sturges, Tucker, Thatcher, Ward—20.
Some other amendments were made, and then the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The committee on enrolled bills reported the bill as truly enrolled, entitled, "An act to provide for the payment of interest on a sum due to the persons therein mentioned, &c." The Speaker signed the same.
A message from the Senate by Mr. Secretary Otis, informed the House that they have passed with amendments, the bill entitled, "An act to amend the act for establishing a mint, and to regulate the coins of the United States, so far as respects the coinage of copper." These amendments being taken into consideration, were agreed to by the House. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, January 10.
An engrossed bill to regulate claims to invalid pensions was read the third time, and passed—Ayes 36, Noes 13—as follows.
Ayes. Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Barnwell, Boudinot, Clark, Findley, Fitzsimons, Giles, Gilman, Gordon, Greenup, Hartley, Heister, Huger, Jacobs, Key, Kitchell, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Orr, Parker, Schoenmaker, W. Smith, Sterrett, Sumpter, Sylvester, Treadwell, Tucker, Venable, Wadsworth, White, Williamson, Willis. 36.
Noes. S. Bourne, Goodhue, Hillhouse, Lawrence, Learned, Leonard, Livermore, Niles, Sedgwick, I. Smith, Sturges, Thatcher, Ward. 13.
Mr. Moore, of the committee on enrolled bills, reported as truly enrolled, the bill to amend the act, establishing a mint, and regulating the coins of the United States, so far as respects the coinage of copper. The Speaker signed the same.
The report on the petition of the Illinois and Wabash land companies, made the last session, was taken into consideration: this report is in favour of the petition. It was moved that the report should be referred to a committee of the whole House. This motion was negatived.
Mr. W. Smith made the following motion, That the Attorney General be directed to report a table of fees in the judicial courts of the United States, at the next session. Laid on the table.
Mr. Boudinot moved the following, That a committee be appointed to report a list of the names of such invalids, who, since the 21st of March 1792, have had their names returned into the War Office, together with the vouchers accompanying the same.
In committee of the whole, Mr. White in the chair. The resolutions respecting the loan of the balances due from the United States to the individual states, were taken into consideration; the resolutions were read by the chairman. The report of the commissioners for settling the accounts, was called for, and read—a debate ensued, which continued till near the time of ad-
journing, they then rose and reported progress.
In committee of the whole, on the bill relative to claim against the United States, which are not barred by any act of limitation and which have not been already adjusted. Mr. Dayton in the chair. The bill was read through by the clerk, and then discussed by paragraphs. Mr. Giles moved to strike out the third section, and to substitute a section, which makes it the duty of the officers of the treasury to report to Congress on the claims presented pursuant to this act, which was agreed to. The committee then rose and reported the bill with an amendment. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, Jan. 11.
Mr. Goodhue presented the petition of William Stearns—praying compensation for property taken for the use of the army in Charlestown, Massachusetts—read and laid on the table.
Mr. Sturges presented the petition of Peter Perrin, a Capt. in the late Continental army, praying compensation for services—read and referred to the Secretary of war.
A letter was read from the Secretary of the Treasury, enclosing a statement of the Loans made in the United States pursuant to law;—100 copies it was ordered should be printed.
Mr. Gregg presented the petition of John and Mary Moore, praying compensation for the services of their son during the late war; read and referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Boudinot's motion for a committee to report a list of the invalids who since the 23d March, 1792, have had their vouchers returned into the war office, together with the vouchers accompanying the same—was taken into consideration—This motion after some debate was negatived.
Mr. W. Smith's motion for directing the Attorney General to report a table of costs and fees for the Judicial Courts of the United States, at the next session, was agreed to.
In committee of the whole, Mr. White in the chair—The consideration of the Resolutions providing for a loan of the balances due from the United States to the individual states, was resumed—A motion offered yesterday by Mr. Livermore, the object of which appeared to be an exoneration of those states, which shall, on a final settlement of accounts, be debtor states, being withdrawn by the mover—The debate was renewed on the original resolutions—and was continued till the time of adjournment—It was then moved that the committee should rise and report the resolutions without amendments—this motion was agreed to, 32 to 26—The committee rose and reported accordingly.
Adjourned till to morrow.
Philadelphia, Jan. 12.
ABSTRACT OF FURTHER ACCOUNTS BY THE PACKET.
THE successes of France were celebrated at Sheffield, and other parts of England, Scotland and Ireland, by bonfires, ringing of bells, firing of cannon, &c. &c.—A treaty was concluded the 11th November between the French republic and that of Geneva.—The Court of Vienna, it is said, has promised to redress all the grievances of Brabant.—Among the toasts drank by the Belfast volunteers, Ireland, was the following—
"The auspicious day on which the French National Convention decreed that Royalty was abolished."—In the French account of the retreat of the Duke of Brunswick, they state, That the day preceding the retreat, a council of war was formed. In opinion the Duke of Brunswick stood alone. All the officers declared, that a more favorable opportunity for overthrowing Dumourier could not occur, and that he ought instantly to be attacked. The Duke continued to enforce the declaration which he had advanced, not by rational argument, but by the peculiar pertinacity of a commander enamoured of his own judgment. The other officers became indignant, and even tumultuous. From murmurs and gentle remonstrances they proceeded to audacious assertions, the tendency of which rather provoked than soothed or convinced the Commander. Clairfayt offered to commence the attack, and to receive the first shock of the enfeebled enemy, at the head of the Austrians; and Marechal Broglio, supported by the French Princes, insisted, that as it was the cause of the Emigrants, he and his followers considered it a duty incumbent upon them to run the hazard expected from the first onset. This corps consisted of 10,000, formerly officers and gentlemen of France, proud of their late distinctions in society, impatient for the conflict to display their prowess, and impelled to action by every motive of revenge. The Duke of Brunswick not only refused to listen to the admonitions now eagerly urged, but threatened to punish the officers for disobedience.
The King of Prussia has undertaken to furnish every Emigrant, to the number of 8000, with rations of bread daily, and 15 livres a month.—Coblentz is garrisoned with 6000 men, part Prussians. Apprehensions prevail of an insurrection in Turin, the capital of Sardinia.—The Paris accounts state that the Emigrants are crying peccavi, and are petitioning for leave to return.
The Pope, apprehensive of a visit from a French fleet is putting Civita Vecchia into a posture of defence.—The King of Sardinia has wrote to the 13 Cantons, and the allies of the Helvetic Body, on account of the invasion of Savoy; but received for answer, that the Helvetic Body would scrupulously adhere to their neutrality.—M. Dumourier, in a letter to the National Convention, says, "The more successes I obtain against the enemies of Liberty, the more do my internal enemies encircle." This letter refers to one to the Minister of War, in which he announces his wish and determination to retire from public life at the end of the war. "I desire (says he) not only my own repose, but that also
of the republic, otium cum dignitate , shall be the only object of my wishes both for my country and myself."—Great-Britain, in concert with the United Netherlands, it is said, is exerting herself to bring about a peace.—The King of Prussia is returned to Berlin. The Duke of Brunswick returns to Luenenberg. Gen. Mollendorf, it is said, commands his army.—The Convention of Savoy has decreed the ecclesiastical property, national property, the abolition of convents, and the sequestration of the effects of Emigrants.—A Spanish vessel loaded with grain, destined for the King of Sardinia, was made a prize of by the French in the port of Ville Franche.—Dublin was illuminated on account of the successes of the French.—The citizens of Mentz have petitioned to be annexed to France. Citizen Pache has succeeded Le Brun as Minister at War.—A new and more severe decree has passed against the Emigrants: they are banished forever from the French territory; they are civilly dead , and their goods sequestrated to the State.—Gen. Biron has placed himself under the orders of Gen. Custine.—Sebastian Huet has petitioned the Convention for a month's delay of the trial of the King.—Tournay is taken by the French.—The citizens of Namur have revolted from Austria.—The French armies in the Low Countries amount to 40,000 men.
On the 6th November the French army, consisting of 40,000 men, attacked the Austrian, amounting to 28,000. The battle began at 8 o'clock in the morning, and continued till 4 in the afternoon, when victory declared in favor of the French. The Austrians were totally routed, all their intrenchments forced at the point of the bayonet, and a number of their cannon taken: they were strongly posted on the Heights of Gennepe, in the neighbourhood of Mons.—Three tiers of redoubts rose one above another like an amphitheatre; these were filled with cannon; but the French carried them one after another, to use the words of Gen. Dumourier, with infinite vivacity. The French loss is estimated at about 300 killed, and 600 wounded; that of the Austrians at 600 killed; their whole loss in killed, wounded, prisoners and deserters, at 4000. The city of Mons opened its gates to the conquerors, and wherever the French appear, they are cordially received. Lieut. Gen. Egarte, son of the ci-devant Duke of Orleans, is mentioned in the highest terms of applause for his bravery and intrepidity in the above battle. The arms of France have overrun all the Austrian Netherlands; Brussels, the capital, being in their hands; the general opinion appears to be, that there is an end to the authority of the House of Austria over that country.
M. Servan is to command an army destined to act against Spain in the Spring. Kellerman takes the command of the Alpine army, in the place of Montesquieu. Italy is to be invaded. On the palace gate at Turin, was fixed the following label—In 1792, a kingdom without a King ; in 1793, a King without a kingdom .
Paris is quiet—though secret attempts are continually making to excite commotions and insurrections.
English papers were received by the Packet as late as the 22d November—They inform that Prince's Rights of Man has been translated into the Swedish language, and published at Stockholm.
The King and Queen, according to the Paris papers, were both sick on the 16th November. The council general of the commons had ordered a bulletin of the state of their health to be published every day.
On the 13th of September last, a fire broke out at Constantinople, which completely consumed 6000 houses, 6000 shops, 5 mosques, numberless ware-houses, and 100 noble buildings, the residence of the principal ministers, great officers, and Generals of the Porte.
The Court of Stockholm has afforded an example to the several powers of Europe, of magnanimity and the pure love of liberty. The Duke of Sudermania has appointed M. de Stahl, the son-in-law of the great Financier Neckar, and Minister Plenipotentiary of Sweden at Paris, to recognize the new Government and Republic of France.
There is a very general report (says a London paper) that the Cabinet of St. James's, is disposed to acknowledge the new French Republic. This event, which some people pretend will be made public previous to the meeting of Parliament, will open a new field for politicians.
FRENCH NATIONAL CONVENTION.
NOVEMBER 22.
Extraordinary Sitting—Thursday Night.
Letter from Gen. Dumourier.
Brussels, Nov. 14.
CITIZEN PRESIDENT, I yesterday presented myself before Brussels with my advanced guard. The Austrians disputed with me the heights of Anderlecht. I was unwilling to expose my brave comrades to shed blood in vain; night came on; I kept my troops under arms; and, in the morning, I was received at Brussels as the deliverer of the nation!—The Citizen Minister at War will lay before you the concise details which I have sent to him.—The army of the Republic is more animated than ever; it may receive for motto, "Vires acquirit eundo."
(Signed) DUMOURIER. General in Chief of the Army in the Austrian Netherlands.
By letters from Cape-Francois, and by papers from that quarter, we learn, that on the 2d and 3d of December there were disturbances in that unfortunate place.—The want of a cordial union between the whites and the free people of colour appears to have been the cause, the shedding of more blood, the effect. The consequences had like to have been very serious; the negroes made an attack upon the Cape during the disturbance, and were nearly successful.
It appears that the military service which the colony requires, is not performed with very great ardour on the part of the citizens.
All was again quiet on the 5th, and our papers to the 7th made no mention of an interruption of tranquility.
We are informed, that the inhabitants of the Islands of Martinico and Guadalupe, have lately captured, by an armed force, the islands of St. Lucia and Marigalante, two French islands. It is said, the two former colonies have renounced the jurisdiction of France, and have established themselves as an independent state.
The Montgomery, Capt. Bunyan, is arrived at New-York. Mr. Wignel and Company are not passengers in this vessel.
The successes of the French armies were celebrated at New-Brunswick, by a public dinner, on the 1st of January.
We hear that on the first instant a beginning was made of the State Canal, at the Conowago falls, of which the celebrated Mr. Brindley has at present the direction. On new-years day 17 rocks were blown, one for each gentleman of the Canal Company: The quality of the stones are such as easily admit blowing, which render it a matter of more consequence to the holders of share.
It is reported that Mr. Pitt, the British prime Minister has resigned.
Extract of a letter from New-York.
"The Packet brings an account of a probable revolution in Ireland; 80,000 men are already raised for the purpose."
Mr. BLANCHARD, agreeably to his advertisement, at five minutes past ten o'clock last Wednesday morning, rose with his Balloon from the Prison Court in this city, in presence of an immense concourse of spectators, assembled on the occasion. The process of inflating the balloon commenced about nine o'clock. Several cannon were fired from the dawn of day until the moment of elevation; a band of music played during the time of inflating, and when it began to rise, the majestic sight was truly interesting—the slow movement of the band, added solemnity to the scene. Indeed the attention of the multitude was so absorbed, that it was a considerable time ere silence was broke by the acclamations which succeeded.
As soon as the clock had struck ten, every thing being ready, Mr. Blanchard took a respectful leave of all the spectators, and received from the hands of the President a paper, at the same time the President spoke a few words to this bold adventurer, who immediately leaped into his boat, which was painted blue and spangled; the balloon was of a yellowish coloured silk, highly varnished, over which there was a strong net-work. Mr. Blanchard was dressed in a plain blue suit, a cock'd hat and white feathers. As soon as he was in the boat, he threw out some ballast, and the balloon began to ascend slowly and perpendicularly, whilst Mr. Blanchard waved the colours of the United States, and also those of the French Republic, and flourished his hat to the thousands of citizens from every part of the country, who stood gratified and astonished at his intrepidity. After a few minutes, the wind blowing from the northward and westward, the balloon rose to an immense height, and then shaped its course toward the southward and eastward. Several gentlemen galloped down the point road, but soon lost sight of it, for it moved at the rate of 20 miles an hour.
About half after 6 o'clock in the evening, Mr. Blanchard returned to the city, and paid his respects to the President of the United States.—His aerial voyage lasted 46 minutes, in which time he ran over a space of more than 15 miles, and then descended a little to the eastward of Woodbury, in the state of New-Jersey, where he took a carriage and returned to Cooper's Ferry.
WE the subscribers, appointed Judges of the Election of Directors for the Insurance Company of North-America, held this day at their office, do certify, that the following gentlemen were duly elected:
John M. Nesbitt Charles Petit John Ross Thomas L. Moore Walter Stewart John Swanwick Samuel Blodget, jun. John Barclay Magnus Miller Robert Ralston John Leamy John Craig Joseph Ball Francis West Michael Prager
MICHAEL PRAGER, JOHN WEST.
Philadelphia, January 8.
Yesterday the Directors of the Insurance Company of North-America, met for the choice of a President, when JOHN MAXWELL NESBITT, Esq. was unanimously re-elected.
No papers printed east of New-York have come to hand since Tuesday.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
6 per Cents, 20/4 3 per Cents, 12/8 Deferred, 12/6 Full shares Bank U. S. 36 per cent. prem.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
RESOLVED,
THAT the Cashier be authorised to receive from the proprietor of any number of complete shares, such Certificates, not in his own name, as he may be the proprietor of; and after cancelling the same, to issue a new Certificate or Certificates in lieu thereof, in the name of such proprietor.
RESOLVED, That in all future transfers of complete shares in the capital stock of the Bank, the Certificates of the shares transferred be cancelled, and a new Certificate or Certificates be issued in the name of the transferee or purchaser.
RESOLVED, That the Certificates in future issued, be for one or more shares, as the proprietor may request; and the new Certificate or Certificates shall be at correspondent numbers with those in lieu of which they are issued.
JOHN KEAN, Cashier, ep3w

BRUSSELS, October 25.
Address of the Representative of the French People, united in Convention, to the Armies of the Republic.
CITIZENS in arms, who combat for the rights of man, you, whose courage has insured the triumph of Liberty and Equality; your grateful country now addresses you through us. Receive the recompence of the dangers, fatigues, and sacrifices, which have marked your path towards glory. This recompence, citizens in arms, you already enjoy in the name of the French People. The National Convention declare, that you have saved the Republic, and that
Your Country is no longer in danger.
The National Convention decrees,
1. That this testimony of public gratitude shall be inscribed on the standards after the Roman manner, and that these standards shall be sent by the Executive Power to the armies.
9. That the honor of bearing them in battle shall be decreed by the general to citizens who may have had the happiness to distinguish themselves by some splendid action.
3. That if the National Convention shall again declare the country to be in danger, these standards of public safety shall be folded up, and the armies shall not have the right of bearing them in their camp, while the danger of their country continues.
4. That if through want of discipline, or any act of cowardice, the arms of the republic shall be stained in any of the armies, the criminal army shall be first punished, by being deprived of this mark of the confidence of the people, which shall be carried back to the National Convention, and shall not be restored to the army which lost it, until they shall have gained two victories. This standard of public safety shall be sacredly guarded in camp by a guard of honor, and during battle placed in the most conspicuous part of the camp. The corps to which the general has entrusted it, shall defend it courageously, and that which suffers it to fall into the hands of the enemy, shall be dismissed, and its members declared incapable of discharging any of the duties of a citizen. Their names shall likewise be inscribed on tablets which shall be fixed up in all the common halls of the republic."
OCTOBER 29.
A PROCLAMATION
Has been published by the Emperor, dated October 23d, in which he directs,
1. That none of the French Emigrants in the Low Countries attached to the army of the Princes, shall be permitted to remain any where else, but in the cantonments assigned to them; those who presume to wander from their quarters, &c. are to be arrested, and in case of resistance punished as perturbators of the public repose.
2. All the other Emigrants, whatever may be their rank or condition, who do not rent a house or lodgings, are to leave the country in the space of eight days after the publication of the present Arret, on pain of being treated as vagabonds.
3. All those who, in consequence of the above article, may be entitled to remain, are to give in their names, professions, &c. &c. to the officers of justice. Those who do not comply with the above injunction, or who presume to wear white cockades or plumes in their hats, shall be obliged to leave the country in eight days.
Federal City.
THE Subscriber will convey forever, by a good and sufficient deed, Thirty Lots in the City of Washington, situated on South Capitol Street, to any man or company of men-provided they will agree to erect thereon good and sufficient brick houses, within three years from the date hereof.
DANIEL CARROLL, of Duddington. City of Washington, Dec. 31, 1792. 6t
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, January 7, 1793. NOTICE is hereby given, that there will be paid at the Bank, after the 17th instant, to the Stockholders or their Representatives duly authorized, the following sums, being the Dividend declared for the last six months, viz. For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of July, Sixteen Dollars. For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of August, Fifteen Dollars, 33 Cents. For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of September, Fourteen Dollars, 67 Cents. For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of October, Fourteen Dollars. For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of November, Thirteen Dollars, 33 Cents. For each share bearing dividend from the 1st of December, Twelve Dollars, 67 Cents. For each three-quarter share, Twelve Dollars. By order of the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
TO BE SOLD, That well-known Place, called South-Point,
LYING at the end of Snipuxent Neck, on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, within two miles of the Inlet, in Worcester County; in the said State, being the first landing for vessels that trade in there. From the situation of the place, it is convenient for fish, clams and oysters, is open to the sea, and has every convenience that could be wished for. The soil is excellent for Indian corn, wheat or flax, is natural to clover, and has a good marsh pasture for stock.
Any person desirous of purchasing, may know the terms by applying to Ashteton Humphreys, Esq., in Philadelphia-Mr. Benjamin Purnell, in Indian Town, Worcester County-or to Capt. Littleton Robins, near the place. Jan. 2. (4t)
A GREAT BARGAIN.
FOR SALE, a beautiful situation on the Potomack, adjoining the town of Alexandria and in a line of direction towards the Federal City and George Town, in full view of each place, commanding a prospect of the river and adjacent country of Maryland and Virginia, for many miles; about 45 or 50 acres of Land, lying directly on the river, will be sold, with the improvements, which are, a two-story framed dwelling-house, neatly finished, a kitchen, office, brick smoke-house and dairy, two-story framed barn, a well of excellent water, and an ice-house, a yard and garden, neatly railed and highly improved, with a number of other necessary improvements; the whole of the land enclosed with posts and rails, ten or fifteen acres laid down, with different kinds of grass. Its contiguity to those three towns must render it an object worthy the attention of any person who wishes to invest money in a property that must enhance in value, in proportion to the rapid increase of the Federal City, Alexandria and George-Town. This property lies nearly in a central situation to each place. The Potomack at this spot has a fine deep shore and harbour, capable of receiving vessels of any burden. It may not be improper to observe, that men of judgment think a profitable and convenient Ferry might be erected here to the City of Washington and the Maryland shores leading to Baltimore and Philadelphia.-Also to sell, 215 acres of Wood-Land, about three miles distant, which will suit well to supply the above in wood and timber. The title may be seen to the above property, which is indisputable, and terms known by application to the subscriber, living on the premises. BALDWIN DADE, December 12th, 1792. ep 3m
200 Dollars Reward.
LOST, at Providence, or between Providence and Boston, a very small TRUNK, covered with teal-skin of a reddish colour, with white spots. It contained a quantity of South and North-Carolina State Notes, and a few of the State of Rhode-Island; with other papers, which can only be serviceable to the proprietor. The State notes are checked at the offices from whence they issued. Any person producing the Trunk (with its contents) to JOHN MARSTON, of Boston, WILLIAM HALL, of Providence, Messrs PATERSON and BRASHER, New-York, or Mr. SAMUEL EMERY, in Philadelphia, shall receive the above reward, or for any part of the property, One Hundred Dollars. Boston, Nov. 28. eptf
RUN-AWAY
FROM THE SUBSCRIBER, THE 12th APRIL, A NEGRO BOY, named Zeb; 5 ft 4 in tall, sixteen years old; came to Samuel Lipincott's at Bordentown on the 15th, said his name was Henry, and left that place the 27th May. On the 27th day of June, he was taken up in Bucks County, and carried before a Magistrate, said he was free, and that he lived on the Sultquehannah-that a person by the name of Abraham Prall, took him three days journey from home, and turned him adrift with one dollar-He asked the Justice for a pass to go to his father, and nothing appeared to the contrary-He lived with one Thomas Paxwell till the 19th of this instant, and then made his escape from him; he called his name Peter Johnson-had on an old Grey Coating Round Jacket, lined with red baize; an old pair Leather Breeches, and an old Felt Hat. Whoever takes up said Boy, and brings him to JACOB MERSEEAU, on Staten-Island, shall receive TWENTY DOLLARS, with reasonable charges, paid by JACOB MERSEEAU, Lieut. Col. Dec. 29. law 6w
ADVERTISEMENT.
This Gazette is published in North Fifth-Street, No. 34, between High and Mulberry Streets-where the Editor now resides.
A LARGE CELLAR TO LET,
Sufficiently capacious to store several hundred barrels. Enquire as above.
The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum-One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
To the Public.
THE Subscribers having been appointed a committee of the Board of the Trustees of the University of North-Carolina, for the purpose of receiving proposals from such gentlemen as may intend to undertake the instruction of youth in that institution, take the opportunity of making known to the public their wish that such gentlemen should signify their inclination to the subscribers.
The objects to which it is contemplated by the Board to turn the attention of the students, on the first establishment, are-The study of Languages, particularly the English-History, ancient and modern-the Belle-Lettres-Logic and Moral Philosophy-the knowledge of the Mathematics and Natural Philosophy-Agriculture and Botany, with the principles of Architecture.
Gentlemen conversant in these branches of Science and Literature, and who can be well recommended, will receive very handsome encouragement by the Board. The exercises of the institution will commence as early as possible after the completion of the buildings of the University, which are to be contracted for immediately. SAMUEL ASHE, A. MOORE, JOHN HAYE, DAVID STONE, SAM. M'CORKLE
Dec 2pm
ADVERTISEMENT.
Between William Shipley Complainant, John Meng and others Defendants. December 1st, 1792. In the high Court of Chancery of the State of New-Jersey.
Present, His Excellency the Chancellor. THE Complainant having filed his bill of Complaint against the Defendants in the month of September, seventeen hundred and ninety-one, and in the said Bill of Complaint did among other things set forth that the said Complainant being seized in his Demesne as of fee of and in a certain Tract of Land, said to contain nine hundred and thirty acres, situate, lying and being in the township of Hardwick in the county of Sussex in the State of New-Jersey, did on the first of March seventeen hundred and eighty-five, bargain sell and convey the same in fee simple unto John Meng and John Henderson of the city of Philadelphia, William Goodwin and John Town, for the consideration of One Thousand Six Hundred Pounds in Gold or Silver-That on the fifth day of the same month of March the said trustees above named did execute unto the said William Shipley a Deed of Mortgage to secure the payment of the said sixteen hundred pounds, with the lawful interest which might thereon accrue-That in the year seventeen hundred and eighty-six the said John Meng and William Goodwin did become Bankrupts within the intent and meaning of the acts of the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and such proceedings were had against them that in the same month they were duly declared Bankrupts; and that they the said John Meng and William Goodwin did in some short time afterwards convey and transfer all their estate both real and personal, and particularly all their right and title to the premises above mentioned to John Field, Curtis Clay, James C. Fisher, Isaac Wharton, John Kaighn and Arthur Collins all of the city of Philadelphia, subject to the Mortgage as aforesaid given to the said Complainant-That the said John Field, Curtis Clay, James C. Fisher, Isaac Wharton, John Kaighn and Arthur Collins soon after bargained, sold and conveyed all their Right and Title of and in the said Tract of Land unto Benjamin Town of the city of Philadelphia, and John Town, subject to the Mortgage aforesaid-That on the eighteenth day of October seventeen hundred and eighty-five, the said John Town and Benjamin Town did execute another Mortgage to the said William Shipley for securing the payment of two hundred pounds in certain installments-That in the month of January seventeen hundred and eighty-six, John Town did bargain and sell in fee simple all his Right and Title to the said premises, to the said Benjamin Town, subject to the Mortgages aforesaid-That in the month of February seventeen hundred and eighty-eight, the said Benjamin Town did convey all his Right and Title to the said premises, to John Field and Curtis Clay of the city of Philadelphia, upon certain Trusts unknown to the said Complainant-That said Benjamin Town soon after became Bankrupt, and in pursuance of the bankrupt laws of the State of Pennsylvania, did convey all his estate real and personal to a certain Robert Railton-That John Henderson did also in the month of September seventeen hundred and eighty-seven become a Bankrupt, and under the bankrupt laws of the State of Pennsylvania, did assign and convey all his estate real and personal to David Lenox, George Hughes, Matthew Clarkson, Peter Baynton and Richard Bache-And the Complainant doth in and by his said Bill, pray that those having Right to the said Estate may be decreed to pay him what is due on the said Mortgages, or that the equity of Redemption be foreclosed by the Decree of this Court.
And now upon opening this matter this day by Richard Stockton, Esquire, being of the complainants counsel-it appearing to the Court that the said defendants do reside in the State of Pennsylvania, without the jurisdiction of this Court; and it appearing further to this Court that writs of subpoena have been taken out according to the course of this Court, that the said writs of subpoena have been duly served upon the said several Defendants upwards of one year from this day; and that none of the said Defendants have caused his or their appearance to be entered in this Court to the suit of the said Complainant: It is therefore ordered by his Excellency the Chancellor, that the said Defendants do cause their appearance to be entered to the suit of the above Complainant according to the rules of this Court in two months from this day, or that the Plaintiffs bill be taken pro confesso agreeably to the directions of the act of the Legislature in such case made and provided. The Complainant giving notice and making publication of this rule as in and by the said act of the Legislature is provided. WILLIAM PATERSON, Chancellor. December 1st, 1792. ep 3w
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at
No. 19,
Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
N. B. A few Boxes of the above HYSON for sale.
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 45, Great Dock-Street, NEW-YORK,
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE AND SALE OF STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to. (t.f.) LEONARD BLECKER.
A further Caution.
ALL persons are hereby cautioned from receiving of Thomas Mackie & Co. or any other person, four Notes of Hand, given by the late James Gardner, of Wilmington, North-Carolina, to Samuel Jackson, of Philadelphia, all bearing date the 19th July, 1785, amounting in the whole to £. 2,600 13 3 North-Carolina currency; the greatest part of which said Notes have been paid to said Thomas Mackie & Co. in proof of which the subscribers have the deposition of Mr. Jasper Mauduit Jackson, and other documents which will fully and clearly illustrate the matter.
It is therefore expected that this notice, with the one advertised in this paper in May and June, 1791, will be a sufficient caution to the public.
THOMAS WRIGHT, ROBERT SCOTT, MAR. R. WILKINGS, Executors. Wilmington, (N. C.) Aug. 1, 1792. (1am9m)
BOOKS,
PRINTED AND SOLD BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, seventeen dollars and three fifths.
This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His Excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per ann. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it. Any of the back numbers may be had in order to complete sets.
2. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children.
"We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed." Monthly Review, vol. 38, p. 101-Price, bound, 62 cents.
3. Duncan's Elements of Logic--75 cents.
4. Beauties of Fielding--50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair--50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennington's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies, Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
8. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen--Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful." N. B. It is introduced into the University in Philadelphia.
9. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars.
11. Nicker's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions--Price four-fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce--Price, on very fine paper, 5 8s. of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal. Price three-eighths of a dollar.
15. American Jest Book. Price three-fifths of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul. Price half a dollar.
17. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto--Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2--plain, six dollars.
18. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum--Price a quarter dollar.
19. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar.
20. Christian Economy. Price a fifth of a dollar.
21. History of Charles Grandison, abridged--Price a sixth of a dollar.
22. Poems by Col. Humphreys--Price a third of a dollar.
23. Select Poems, chiefly American--Price a sixth of a dollar.
Said CAREY has for sale, a large assortment of Books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance is such as purchase quantities for public libraries or to sell again.