National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-03-26 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, MARCH 26, 1792.
NUMB. 43.
LONDON, Feb. 4.
His Majesty's Speech to both Houses of Parliament.
THIS day his Majesty came to the House of Peers, and being seated on the Throne with the usual solemnity, Sir F. Molyneux, gentleman usher of the Black Rod, was sent with a message from his Majesty to the House of Commons, commanding their attendance in the House of Peers. The commons being come thither accordingly, his majesty was pleased to make the following most gracious speech:
My Lords and Gentlemen,
The many proofs which you have given of your affectionate attachment to my person and family, leave me no doubt of your participating in the satisfaction which I derive in the happy event of the marriage which has been celebrated between my son the Duke of York, and the eldest daughter of my good brother and ally the king of Prussia: and I am persuaded I may expect your chearful concurrence in enabling me to make a suitable provision for their establishment.
Since I last met you in Parliament, a definitive treaty has been concluded, under my mediation and that of my allies the king of Prussia and the States-General of the United Provinces, between the Emperor and the Ottoman Porte, on principles which appear the best calculated to prevent future dispute between those powers.
Our intervention has also been employed, with a view to promote a pacification between the Empress of Russia and the Porte; and conditions have been agreed on between us and the former of those powers, which we undertook to recommend to the Porte, as the re-establishment of peace on such terms appeared to be, under the existing circumstances, a desirable event for the general interest of Europe. I am in expectation of speedily receiving the account of the conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace, preliminaries having been some time since agreed upon between those powers.
I have directed copies of the definitive treaty, between the Emperor and the Porte, to be laid before you, as well as such papers as are necessary to shew the terms of peace, which have been under discussion during the negotiation with the Court of Peterburgh.
I regret that I am not yet enabled to inform you of the termination of the war in India;—but the success which has lately attended the distinguished bravery and exertions of the officers and troops under the able conduct of Lord Cornwallis, and the recent advices from that quarter, afford reasonable ground to hope that the war may be speedily brought to an honorable conclusion.
The friendly assurances which I receive from foreign powers, and the general state of affairs in Europe, appear to promise to my subjects the continuance of their present tranquillity. Under these circumstances, I am induced to think that some immediate reduction may safely be made in our naval and military establishments; and my regard for the interests of my subjects renders me at all times desirous of availing myself of any favorable opportunity to diminish the public expences.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
It will, I am persuaded, give you great satisfaction to learn, that the extraordinary expences incurred in the course of last year, have in a great measure been already defrayed by the grants of the session. The state of our resources, will, I trust, be found more than sufficient to provide for the remaining part of those expences, as well as for the current service of the year, the estimates for which I have directed to be laid before you.
I entertain the pleasing hope, that the reductions which may be found practicable in the establishments, and the continued encrease of the revenue, will enable you, after making due provision for the several branches of the public service, to enter upon a system of gradually relieving my subjects from some part of the existing taxes, at the same time giving additional efficacy to the plan for the reduction of the national debt, on the success of which our future ease and security essentially depend.
With a view to this important object, let me also recommend it to you to turn your attention to the consideration of such measures as the state of the funds and of public credit may render practicable and expedient towards a reduction in the rate of interest of any of the annuities which are now redeemable.
My Lords and Gentlemen
The continued and progressive improvement in the internal situation of the country, will, I am confident, animate you in the pursuit of every measure which may be conducive to the public interest.
It must at the same time operate as the strongest encouragement to a spirit of useful industry among all classes of my subjects, and above all, must confirm and increase their study and zealous attachment to that Constitution, which we have found by long experience, to unite the inestimable blessings of liberty and order, and to which, under the favour of providence, all our other advantages are principally to be ascribed."
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
P A R I S, December 15.
Addresses from various districts of the capital were presented and read. They all complained, in terms of indignation, of the conduct of the directors of the department of Paris, who had addressed the king, not only to thank him for having refused the royal assent to the decree against the princes, but also to request that he would refuse to give it to the decree against the nonjuring clergy.
We will give an extract from one of them, on account of the extraordinary spirit which it breathes, and the strong manner in which it is worded.
The address was from the district known by the name of the Quinze Vingts, taken from an hospital which stands in it, and built by a former king of France, for the residence and support of fifteen score blind persons. It begins by stating, that it conveys the sentiments; not only of the district of the Quinze Vingts, but of the whole suburb of St. Anthony (the residence of the poorer, but most industrious and most numerous body of the inhabitants of Paris.) It then proceeds as follows:
"We hold flattery no less in abhorrence than slavery; we come not therefore to pronounce a panegyric upon your conduct, or our own, but to desire what you will not entertain a doubt of, the patriotism of our sentiments. The voice of the seditious is but as an empty sound; in vain do the directors of the department of Paris attempt to kindle a civil war in the kingdom, by means of an address, falsely purporting it to be that of the whole department, when in fact it breathes the sentiments of no more than of the eight individuals who signed it. Already do the people hold in their hand the thunder which is to pulverize them. Priests formerly of every colour and denomination abused the credulity of the public for the purpose of exciting tumults and sedition. Opposition is made to every law for restraining them; and encouragement is held out to the remains of fanaticism, of which philosophy ought long since to have purged the empire. Monstres who
bring forth crimes at every pore (the original expression—who sweat crimes) the God whose name you use for the purpose of frightening weak and credulous minds, is the god of passion, ours is the God of mercy; and you traitors, whom the Constitution has stiled French priests, you who prefer the shameful and degrading appellation of heads of banditti, are preparing to carry fire and sword into the bosom of your country. We will burn our property, our wives, our children, and our last breath shall expire for LIBERTY. You may reign over heaps of mangled carcasses; and drink the blood of your fellow-citizens on the ruins of your country.
"You, our legislatures, place your firm reliance upon our courage, and proclaim to tyrants and despots that the French nation is for the second time roused from its slumber. The address, falsely purporting to be from the department of Paris, but in reality only from the eight directors, is the consequence of a coalition between them and the former ministers, who have been justly considered as the cause of all the disturbances produced by our conspirators at home. The clemency which you have hitherto exercised, is deemed by the nation as a reproach to you. Speak but the word, and two millions of bands will be roused to exterminate the rebels. The Catalines are not all on the banks of the Rhine; some of them are in the capital, and even in offices of power and trust, but the citizens of the suburb of St. Anthony have still the hands, the artillery, and the pikes which made the Bastille vanish from the place where it stood. The sentiments which we now express have more than once caused us to be honored with the appellation of seditious; but equally free from sedition as from fear, we swear now, in the presence of the representatives of the people, that without liberty, without the National Assembly, we have no country; such will be found to be the determination of the whole suburb of St. Anthony, whose hearts were never strangers to the noble enthusiasm of liberty."
The Assembly received this address with strong marks of satisfaction, and ordered that it should be printed.
A scene of violence and confusion soon after ensued, occasioned by a motion made by a member for rescinding the resolution of the preceding day, by which it had been ordered, that honorable mention should be made in the Journals of the address from the inhabitants of the Corn Market district.
The ground of the motion was, that it would not be decent for the Assembly to make honorable mention of an address, which not only spoke in very disrespectful terms of the king, but treated as unconstitutional the use which he had made of the royal negative, when it was evident that the conduct of his majesty on that occasion was strictly constitutional, however some persons might wish that he had not withheld his assent from the decree in question.
This produced a tumultuous debate, which threw the Assembly into the utmost confusion and disorder.
The business was at length compromised in this way. By the resolution of the day before, it was ordered not only that honorable mention should be made in the journals, but also that a copy of the address, and of the order respecting it, should be sent to each of the 3 departments of the kingdom.
The compromise was this; that the honorable mention entered in the Journals, should not be erased; but that the order for transmitting a copy of it, &c. to the departments should be rescinded.
A letter from the department of the Doubs informed the Assembly that the 22d regiment of horse had been recalled from Besançon, with Mr. Toulon-
geon their Colonel; and that it was the general wish of the department, that the regiment should be broke.
Mr. Vaublane said; so violent a measure as would be that of breaking the regiment, would reduce the men almost to a necessity of breaking out into rebellion.
The letter was referred to the Military committee.
Mr. Rulk moved, that notice should be sent to all the foreign Princes, who formerly held possessions in Alsace, to transmit to Paris, within the space of one month from the date of the Decree which should pass on the occasion, the titles under which they claim property in that province;—that after the lapse of the said month, the Decree of the month of August, 1789, for abolishing all feudal rights and tenure should be executed, as well on the estates of those Princes, as on those of all other land owners: And lastly, that the estates held in France by such foreign Princes, as shall suffer the French emigrants to muster or recruit in their dominions, should be confiscated and sold for the public use.
This proposition was referred to the Diplomatique Committee.
A letter was read from Mr. Lecoulerier, a member of the Assembly, who has leave of absence on account of his health. He stated, that he had received advice from Thionville, that the gates of Metz will be opened to the rebels, and that Sarrelouis and Thionville are to be locked up by them. He farther informed the Assembly, that fire had been set to the barracks at Thionville, which stood near the powder magazine; and that it was publicly given out, the King intended to repair to Metz.
The letter was referred to the military Committee.
The Assembly sat till half past seven in the morning of the 15th, examining a Drum major, who was charged with having enlisted men for the service of the Princes.
LONDON, JANUARY 7.
EAST-INDIES.
Diversity of opinion, contrariety of expectation, and opposition of sentiment, never reigned at the same period so much as at this time, with regard to Lord Cornwallis and our East-India affairs. While, on the one hand, it is the opinion, and even the declaration of a great political character, that the India company cannot long escape bankruptcy, it is maintained, with equal force of argument, by those who, from their official situation, ought not to be ignorant therein, that, if their debts and their incumbrances are fairly weighed together; they will not only be found solvent, but flourishing. With regard to this fruitless campaign, it must be allowed, on all hands, that it is discouraging to the well-wishers of India concerns; but then it may be remembered, that the noble commander himself formed no very sanguine expectations of what he could do in the time allotted for the experiment. The affairs of Europe, and Great-Britain in particular, as he said, impelled him to run all hazards. So far his Lordship stands acquitted by us. We have no desire to lessen the public's good opinion of the noble commander's talents or zeal to serve his country. One great object of exploit seems to have occasioned the Governor-General to overlook many of inferior magnitude, individually, though not in the aggregate. It is the belief of many men of experience, that Lord Cornwallis will evince in himself the impolicy of the Governor-General being a military man, or at least being placed at the head of the Indian army. We will neither vainly excite the apprehensions of the timid, nor the confidence of those who will not take the

trouble to think for themselves. The intelligence we have already received was carelessly exhibited to the public eye; much was said, perhaps, unnecessarily, and we advise all who are more than ordinarily concerned in the issue of the enterprize now carrying forward in India, to reserve a hope till the Commander in Chief's own account is seen, which will place many obscure matters in a clear point of view, and enable us to form a natural expectation of what may still be effected by the progress of our arms. If our allies are firm, and we are bent upon prosecution of the war, the whole rests upon the resources of the company, and the injury the troops have sustained by fatigue and sickness, to both which points we shall shortly be enabled with certainty to speak.
PHILADELPHIA. CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, March 21.
A petition of sundry merchants of the State of Rhode-Island, trading to India and China, was read, praying that teas imported from Europe in vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States, may be subjected to the same duties and regulations as teas imported from India, in vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States—Referred to a committee of the whole House on the state of the Union.
Petitions were read from John Ingles and Solomon Trow, praying liquidation and settlement of claims for military services—Referred to the Secretary at War.
On motion of Mr. Steele, the report of the attorney-general on the petition of Andrew Jackson, was referred to Mr. Clarke, Mr. Steele, and Mr. Livermore.
A message received yesterday from the President of the United States, dated March 17, 1792, was read, as follows:—
"Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, —
"The several acts which have been passed relative to the military establishment of the United States, and the protection of the frontiers, do not appear to have made provision for more than one brigadier-general. It is incumbent upon me to observe, that, with a view merely to the organization of the troops designated by those acts, a greater number of officers of that grade would, in my opinion, be conducive to the good of the public service: but an increase of the number becomes still more desirable in reference to a different organization, which is contemplated pursuant to the authority vested in me for that purpose, and which, besides other advantages expected from it, is recommended by considerations of economy.
"I therefore request, that you will be pleased to take this subject into your early consideration, and to adopt such measures thereon, as you may judge proper.
"G. WASHINGTON."
Which message was committed to Mr. White, Mr. Laurence, and Mr. Smith of S. C. with instructions to report thereon by way of bill or bills.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis, notifying the House that the Senate have passed a bill for fixing the compensations of the door-keepers of the Senate and House of Representatives, to which the concurrence of the House was desired.
The House then resumed the consideration of the motion on the Georgia contested election, viz. that James Jackson is entitled to a seat in this House, &c.—After a lengthy discussion, the question being finally taken, it appeared that the House was equally divided—Yeas 29—Nays 29.—The Yeas and Nays were as follows:
Yeas—Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Brown, Clarke, Findley, Gerry, Giles, Gregg, Griffin, Grove, Heister, Jacobs, Lee, Macon, Madison, Moore, Niles, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Seney, J. Smith, I. Smith, Sterrett, Sturges, Sumpter, Tredwell, Venable, Willis.
Nays—Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Benson, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Fitzsimons, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley, Hillohouse, Huger, Key, Kitchell, Kittera, Laurence, Learned, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Sedgwick, W. Smith, Steele, Sylvester, Thatcher, Tucker, Wadsworth, Ward, White.
The Speaker declared himself with the Nays—whereupon it was resolved, "That the seat of Anthony Wayne, as a member of this house, is, and the same is declared to be vacant"—and ordered, that the Speaker transmit a copy of the preceding resolution to the executive of the state of Georgia, to the end that the said executive may issue writs of election to fill the said vacancy.
Other orders of the day were postponed till to-morrow.
THURSDAY, March 22.
A bill sent from the Senate, providing compensations for the door-keepers of Congress, and their assistants, was read a first time.
A memorial from the public creditors holding certificates, issued between Sept. 1777, and March, 1778, was read and referred to the committee of the whole House on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the public debt; and,
The House, pursuant to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the said report—Mr. Seney in the chair.
Mr. Fitzsimons proposed several resolutions.
These propositions being thought of too serious a nature, to admit of any decision without serious deliberation, the committee for the purpose of having them printed, for the consideration of the members, rose without any debate, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Williamson reported a bill for ascertaining the bounds of a tract of land, purchased by Judge Symmes, which was twice read, and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
Mr. Livermore, from the committee on the petition of G. Turner, one of the judges of the Western Territory, made report, which was read and ordered to lie on the table—as was also, a report from the committee on the petition of Henry Laurens.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the select committee on the memorial of the Directors of the Ohio Company.
On motion, to adopt the following resolution, reported by the select committee, viz.
"Resolved, That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to authorize the conveyance to the directors of the Ohio Company, so called, for the use of the said company, of a tract of land particularly described in an indenture executed on the 27th day of October, 1787, between the then board of treasury, for the United States, of the one part, and M. Cutler, and W. Sargent, as agents for the directors of the said Ohio Company, of the other part, with the reservations in the said indenture mentioned, in consideration of the purchase money in the said indenture expressed to have been received, and to release to the said company the sum of 500000 dollars, the residue of the said purchase money remaining unpaid,"—
The question being taken, passed in the negative.
Mr. Fitzsimons then brought forward a set of four propositions, the first of which was, after some debate, agreed to, as follows:—
"Resolved as the opinion of this committee, that a title ought to be made to the Ohio Company for so much of the lands in their contracts, as they have actually paid for."
The next proposition, allowing them a right of pre-emption to the residue, for years, was for some time debated; but, without coming to a decision, the committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Madison, from the committee of conference on the representation bill, reported, that the managers, on the part of the House, had proposed terms of accommodation to those appointed by the Senate, viz. to give up the provision for taking a new census at the end of four years; and to consent to the ratio of thirty-three thousand to be applied to the numbers in each state, without regard to fractions; but that the Senate's conferees had refused their assent, and no prospect of accommodation remained.
A message was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, informing the House that the Senate insisted on their amendments to the representation bill; and
Mr. W. Smith gave notice, that, when the subject comes again before the House, he will move for adopting the ratio of thirty-three thousand.
FRIDAY, March 23.
The bill for fixing the compensations of the door-keepers of the House and Senate, was read the second time, and referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
The report on the petition of George Turner, one of the judges of the Western Territory, was read the second time, and referred to the committee which brought in the report, to bring in a bill pursuant thereto.
On motion of Mr. Vining, the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of the trustees of Wilmington College, state of Delaware, was taken into consideration, and referred to a select committee to examine and report to the House.
A message from the Senate, by Mr. Secretary Otis, informed the House that they have passed a bill for altering the times of holding certain circuit courts, and for other purposes; in which they request the concurrence of the House. The bill was read the first time.
The petition of Augustus Christian George Elholm, was presented and read—Referred to the Secretary at War.
Another message from the Senate, informed the House that they have passed a bill entitled an act supplementary to the act making further and more effectual provision for the defence of the frontiers of the United States.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Secretary Lear, informing the House that the President has this day approved and signed a bill providing for the claims of widows and orphans barred by limitations heretofore established—and to regulate the claims to invalid pensions.
The message from the Senate received yesterday, in which they inform the House that they insist on their amendments to the representation bill, was taken into consideration.
Mr. Vining moved that the House should recede from their disagreement to the amendments of the Senate—considerable debate ensued on a point of order, whether a subsequent question should be taken, in case the motion to recede should be carried in the affirmative—The speaker gave it as his opinion, that such subsequent
motion might be made—An appeal was made from this decision of the chair to the House—The House determined that a subsequent question would not be in order.
After further debate, the question on receding was determined in the affirmative—yeas 31, noes 29.
Here a question was started, whether the vote just passed was for a general receding from the disagreement of the House to all the amendments of the Senate.
The Speaker said he considered the vote as referring to all the amendments. An appeal being made to the House, it was determined that all the amendments were involved in the vote to recede.
In committee of the whole on the bill to ascertain the bounds of a tract of land purchased by John Cleve Symmes. Mr. Seney in the chair.
The committee reported the bill without amendments, and it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The bill received from the Senate was read the first and second time, and ordered to be committed to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
The bill authorizes the President to appoint such number of Brigadier-Generals as the public service may require.
In committee of the whole on the bill to finish the light-house on Bald-Head, at the mouth of Cape Fear river.
The committee reported the bill without amendments—and it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The report of a select committee on the petition of sundry merchants trading to India—which report proposes an extension of the time allowed by law for the payment of the duties on teas imported from India, was taken into consideration—agreed to; and a bill ordered to be brought in pursuant thereto.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of the executors to the estate of Edward Garnes.
This report being read, Mr. Goodhue offered a resolution pursuant thereto—the substance of which was, to empower the proper officers of the Treasury to settle, generally, accounts circumstanced as the above. The committee rose without deciding—and the House adjourned till to-morrow.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
A modest HINT
TO THE
STATE LEGISLATURES.
THE exertions made by the Legislatures of several of the United States, to unlock the doors of the Federal Senate, naturally suggest the question—"What advantage will result from the measure, if carried?"
The galleries of the other House are open to a few persons at the seat of government; but are inaccessible to those at a distance, whose information (except when the members have leisure to write to them) entirely depends on hearsay reports, or the imperfect publications of two or three short-hand writers, without responsibility. During the present session, we have sometimes seen the debates published by one man only, whose statements, whether true or false, were implicitly copied:—at other times, on questions of the highest importance, no debate has been published at all.
This is paying a sorry compliment to the House, for keeping their doors open: and if no better use be made of the indulgence, the citizens of America deserve to lose it, and to see them as closely shut as those of the Senate.
But the representatives of the people aim not at secrecy: they have done almost as much, as the National Assembly of France, for the accommodation of the short-hand writers: and their chief inducement to retain the privilege of franking , was to make the people acquainted with their proceedings, —of which (by their own confession) even the imperfect newspaper sketches have produced very happy effects . Still happier would, no doubt, have resulted from a full, accurate publication of their debates at large: and it must be of high importance to the present and future generations, that some spirited national measures be adopted, to perpetuate the advantages, of which the accessibility of their galleries may be productive, if judiciously improved,—by collecting into one focus all the rays of wisdom that illuminate the legislators of the present day, to light up a beacon for the guidance of their successors , in steering their dangerous course amidst the rocks and quicksands of legislation.
Should any man now produce an authentic copy of the Debates of the old Congress , from their first meeting, to the year 1789, and offer it for sale to the people of America,—would any price be deemed too high for the purchase of so valuable a treasure?—In a few years hence, the debates of the present time will be almost as completely lost and forgotten , as those of the old Congress, unless care be taken to ensure their preservation, and guarantee their authenticity.
But experience has proved, that to publish them entire, is a task too arduous for an individual. And as to sketching ,—how difficult to give a perfect sketch of a masterly oration!—If a short-hand writer wants either abilities, leisure, or encouragement, he must abridge the speeches, as Procrustes did his guests, by cutting off their limbs,—or as the Virginians do their dollars, by breaking them into halves and quarters, and giving the shapeless fragments, in lieu of small but complete pieces, in which we might still find a perfect resemblance of the larger ones.
Unsatisfactory and inaccurate as these sketches must be, they are, moreover, precarious and uncertain.—To say nothing of death or sickness,—the short-hand-writer, who, like another Sisyphus , has singly to struggle with the unequal weight, will probably find his strength exhausted, as the debates crowd upon him; and will be most likely to abandon the hopeless toil, at the very moment when they are most interesting, and when the loss will be most severely felt.
If succeeded at all, he is perhaps succeeded by some notice , who blunders on for a session or two, and then, like his predecessor, resigns his pen to another of the same description: And thus, as long as the debates lie entirely at the mercy of volunteer individuals, the people of America may be obliged to depend on a succession of novices, for all the information they receive of the measures of government, or perhaps to see the publication totally stopped, and to remain as much in the dark, as if the doors were shut.
But the present mode of publishing the debates is exposed to a still greater evil— untrue influence ! I do not mean, that the evil now does, or ever will exist, whilst Congress retains its present purity. But let me ask—has the Almighty pledged himself, to distinguish America with such peculiar favor, that the Federal Dome shall for ever continue inaccessible to corruption? Has he promised, that whenever a man, subject to the common frailties of humanity, presents himself as candidate for a seat, the fiery ordeal of electioneering shall completely melt away and consume all the alloy of vice and folly, and leave him nought but pure sterling virtue to carry into Congress?
Were the millennium soon to commence, we might rest secure. But the present Congress themselves have already sounded the alarm: they have told us, that, by an increase in the representation, the avenues of the House will be widened for the admission of improper characters. And if, at the next election, even one unprincipled individual clamber into Congress, he alone can, by newspaper complaints of misrepresentation, to persecute the short-hand-writers, as either to silence them altogether, or to make them glad, for peace' sake, to submit their manuscripts to his inspection,—to receive from his hands whatever he thinks proper to write , whether he has spoken it or not ,—and to commit it to the press, without examination,—thus becoming as mere machines, as the very Letter-Boxes , that stand at the printers' windows, ready to receive whatever any man chuses to thrust into them.—Or should they prove restive, and refuse compliance, he may prosecute them for pretended Libels and Defamation , and prove that it is a breach of Privilege , or perhaps High Treason , to publish any debates at all!!!
But suppose, instead of one corrupt individual, a corrupt party should thus subjugate the short-hand-writers,—the publication of the debates must, under their control, become a mere " Nose of wax ," which they may wring and twist to their own purposes, like the old French Gazette, of which the Monarch dictated every syllable,—giving his subjects what information he pleased,—and, when he pleased, keeping them totally in the dark.—They will thus have an opportunity of saying and unsaying at pleasure,—of mis-quoting and distorting the arguments of their opponents, whose speeches are either totally omitted, or sketched secundum artem , and pared down to a mere core,—of giving what complexion they please to whole entire debates,—of straining and misinterpreting the sacred text of the constitution itself,—and thus converting the pens of the short-hand-writers into so many daggers, with which they may stab and assassinate the liberties of America.
Were there no other mode of preventing the baneful effects of such a dangerous control over the liberty of the press, it would be wise in the State Legislatures, instead of laboring to unlock the doors of the Senate, rather to aim at locking up those of the House of Representatives, whilst that body is yet pure and uncontaminated,—and breaking the key, lest they should ever be opened again. But the National Assembly of France have furnished us with the successful example of a less suspicious plan, that will obviate all the evils, to which the publication of debates is at present exposed in America,—and that is a confederation of short-hand-writers.
Such a confederation, however, cannot be effectually formed, except by legislative authority. But, strongly as Congress are convinced of the utility of the measure, motives of delicacy are alone sufficient to

prevent any active interference on their part. In permitting the short-hand-writers to choose the most convenient stations on the floor of the House, they have perhaps done as much, as could with propriety be expected of them. It remains with the State Legislatures to do the rest, and to step forward to the relief of America, who stands eying the fair and not forbidden fruit of the tree of knowledge,—but, like Tantalus, unable to taste, unless some intermediate hand be stretched forth, to pluck it, before it vanish from her sight.
How easy for the legislature of each state, to appoint a person for the purpose!—The joint labors of fifteen short-hand-writers cannot fail to do ample justice to the most interesting debate:—there will then be no complaints of misrepresentation,—no danger of interruption:—un-influenced by frowns or smiles, these men will boldly publish the truth—attest it under their hands,—and, thus authenticated, stamp it with the seal of immortality.
Nor will any difficulty arise from the present scarcity of short-hand-writers.—Men of talents and integrity abound in every state of the Union: and if, within any reasonable time, even three or four States appoint men of this description,—though now unacquainted with short-hand, they may, before the next meeting of Congress, acquire sufficient skill in the art, to publish the debates of the ensuing session, if not with unerring accuracy, at least with a degree of correctness hitherto un-attained in America,—especially if they be careful to adopt the same system of writing,—an uniformity, in that particular, being essentially necessary for men who are to act in concert, and must frequently consult each other's notes.
Their publications may be forwarded by every post, to every member of every state Legislature in the Union, and by them soon communicated to their constituents:—and thus the wisdom of our Representatives, no longer eclipsed by short-hand misrepresentation, will dart its rays to the remotest bounds of America, dispelling every where the clouds of discontent and jealousy, enlightening the great body of the people with political knowledge, and warming every bosom with federal affection, and confidence in the general government.
"These things ought ye to have done, and not to leave the other undone."
ABOVE-BOARD. Philadelphia, March 24, 1792.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
BRUTUS, No. IV.
On the FUNDING SYSTEM.
THE perpetual taxes which have arisen out of the funding system, by which the industrious mechanic, the laborious farmer, and generally the poor and middling classes of people, who are without the sphere of speculation, are to their latest posterity, made tributary to foreign and domestic speculators, are now to be considered. It is a practice, which like the system from which it originates, has been imported from England, a country in which a debt originally funded at fifteen million, by anticipation has been increased in less than a century, to upwards of two hundred and seventy million sterling; while the practice of perpetual taxation, has constantly attended its progress, until every object presented to the senses, not excepting light, has been included in the avaricious grasp of the treasury.
Here then let us pause before we proceed in the same path, to consider the injustice and the impolicy of this baneful system of anticipation with the unlimited taxes annexed to it; and the numerous evils which await us and our posterity from its continuation. Already has our own treasury, to support the funding system, extended its wide grasp to every article imported, and already has it began on the produce of the country, neither have the seats of commerce, of agriculture, and domestic tranquility, or even the utmost recesses of the forest escaped its vigilance and sagacity; we have seen the greatest necessities of life, loaded with duties for its support, even the salt, used to give a relish to the daily repast of the hired cultivator of the soil, or the unfortunate slave, has not escaped its avarice. These evils have not only been committed but perpetuated, by pledging all the taxes without limitation to the present holders of certificates; and in vain will it be to say, that the people by their future representatives, may repeal this act when its consequences become grievous, while a persevering senate, with the seeds of aristocracy implanted in their composition, who in spite of a majority of the states still conceal their proceedings on public business from the public eye, will be ever ready with their negative to stifle the voice of the people. This mode of pledging the taxes and granting away the future resources of the country, is contrary to the spirit of the Constitution, it violates that great privilege given to the representatives of the people to originate money bills, and renders it nugatory by destroying its spirit; and like the system, of which it is an off-
spring, is of foreign growth, and has been imported from Great-Britain. When the framers of the Constitution, introduced the wise and salutary provision of originating money bills, in favour of the representatives of the people, they, no doubt, had a view to the important powers which are blended together and given to the President and Senate; and very properly considered it as a necessary check, to guard against the growing influence of these two constituent parts of the government: but little could they have conceived, that the very first House of Representatives, with a view to support the permanency and value of their darling funding system, by permanent taxes, would surrender this important privilege which they held as trustees of the people only for two years, forever into the hands of the executive branches of the government: A surrender which has deprived the people by their future and successive representatives, of that invaluable privilege of consenting to the taxes which they are to pay, of judging either of the quantity, the duration, the application, or the necessity of such taxes, or even the modes in which they are to be collected; and has destroyed the reciprocity of taxation and representation, a principal which has been so highly valued as to occasion a long and bloody war, by saddling generations yet to come who are not parties and cannot give their consent, with heavy impost and excessive laws. Such are some of the fatal and unconstitutional errors, in which a too apparent fondness for the funding system, and a consequent desire to stimulate the value of stock to twenty-five shillings to the pound has involved our rulers.
Again: the conduct of the late National Assembly forces itself to our view and obliges us to draw an invidious comparison, between that body and our late representatives, very much to the prejudice of the latter.—While they were securing the rights of the people, they declared that, "public contributions shall be debated and fixed every year by the legislative body, and cannot continue in force longer than the last day of the following session, if they are not expressly renewed." A constitutional provision which will hand down their names to future ages, as the patriotic and jealous defenders of the rights of the people; and will deservedly obtain them the blessings of posterity, because it will secure them from accumulating and oppressive systems of taxation, the great source of all the injuries to society. While the surrender before alluded to, will hand down the memory of another body of men in a different point of view, and will lead our posterity, while they are labouring under increasing taxes, to deprecate the authors of their misfortunes, as the unfaithful trustees of the sacred rights of the people. At a time when loans, funding systems, monopolies, bounties and perpetual taxes, have arrived at their last stage, and when the numerous evils which attend them, have come to a crisis which threatens to convulse Europe to its centre; all our measures controuled by the avarice and ambition of the few, seem to be following the same course, and to be leading to the same evils; political heresies are springing up among us, and principles subversive of the equal rights of man are in rapid succession introducing themselves into our system of government laws, our political bark seems to be gently gliding down that stream leading from freedom to slavery, which that of every other nation has gone before it; while our republican governments are passing away like a shadow, with a duration so short as scarcely to entitle them to a place in history.
March 23.
BRUTUS.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
 Six per cents, per £. 2 1/3  Three per cents, 12 1/2  Deferred six per cents, 12 1/2 1-2  Final Settlements, 18 3/4  Indents 1 1/6  Bank stock 1-2 shares, 50—per cent. advance. 
PROPOSALS
ARE issued for publishing by subscription, in Massachusetts, a system for the discipline of the Artillery in the American United States—In three parts—Part 1st, containing the duty and practice of light field artillery.—2d. The theory and practice of heavy artillery, with an appendix on the origin and principle of courts martial.—3d. Laboratory duty.—By William Stevens, Esq. The work to be handsomely printed on good paper, neatly bound, and lettered, in three pocket volumes, containing in the whole more than one thousand pages, illustrated with plates—price, one dollar each volume—those who subscribe for six sets to have a seventh gratis—To be published as soon as five hundred copies are subscribed for—Subscriptions received by the principal printers and booksellers in the United States, and at the office of the National Gazette, No. 239, High-Street. 3t raw
** The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Excise Act, for sale at this Office.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on a National Bank.
PHILADELPHIA.
MARCH 26, 1792.
On Friday last the Indian Warriors, lately arrived in this city from the Six Nations, had an audience of the President of the United States.
By a late regulation, the importation of all kinds of tea into the city of Amsterdam, in Holland, is prohibited under a severe penalty.
Much time was spent in the House of Representatives on Saturday, before they could agree on a proper device for the Federal coins. But, instead of the emblematic figure of liberty which they have adopted, how simple and a-propos it would have been, since they have retained the Eagle on one side, to have placed fifteen emblematic pigeons on the other—A device, which perhaps (all things considered) would be much more in character.
The Indian chief, from the Oneida nation, who was buried in this city on Wednesday last, was about 26 years of age, and named Ojiketa: the appellation of Pierre Jacques, or Osjequet, having been assumed several years ago in compliment to the marquis de la Fayette, who had shown such an attachment to this man of nature as to take him, with his own family, to France, where he wished him to remain. The Anawar-Patria, however, so common to the ancient inhabitants of this continent, overcame the fondor of courts and every inducement that France could offer to engage him to remain. He returned, after a stay of a few years, to embrace the savage life in the forests of America; from whence his attachment to the United States again drew him about a month ago—the hardship of his journey at a very unfavourable season occasioned a pleurisy, which carried him off.
Among all the various papers of proposals for the establishment of BANKS in several cities and towns of the United States, not one of them exhibits a spark of humour except those published at New Brunswick (in Jersey) on Tuesday last. Indeed, the subject being naturally dry, not much of this sort could be expected.—It is there proposed that a Potatoe Bank be established in some central part of New-Jersey; to consist of five thousand shares; each share to be one hundred bushels of good merchantable potatoes of the red sort, as they are known to keep best: no check to be drawn on said Bank for less than five bushels, or more than five thousand.—It is further proposed to forward the establishment of this bank by promoting a lottery, to erect buildings for the safe keeping of the potatoes, lodging of the clerks, runners, tellers, &c.—An act of incorporation is also talked of.
The last papers from London teem with intelligence from India relative to the manoeuvring, marching, and countermarching of Lord Cornwallis and Tippoo Saib. The retreats of the several English commanders appear to have been attended with every species of misfortune and distress (short of actual capture) that it was possible for human nature to bear. Tippoo Saib is accused by the English of having forced them to draw the sword, by a wanton violation of a solemn treaty, the overgrown power he possesses, a perfidious and barbarous disposition, and a spirit of insatiable ambition that has frequently given just cause of alarm for the safety of the company's possessions in India.—On the other hand, according to Tippoo's representation of matters, the once peaceable and philosophical region of Indostan is peopled with European intruders, whose sole end is to foment misunderstandings between the native princes of the country, and by dividing, at last reduce them all to a foreign yoke—a private letter from a subaltern officer at Cannanore to his friend in England, cautions him against reposing too implicit a faith in the governmental publications of the military transactions in India—"few candid accounts (says he) have reached Bengal? and it is well known that the officers letters have not only been opened, but stopped at Head Quarters."
The following is translated from a late French paper, and is the more worthy of attention, as it is expressive of the opinion of one of the first politicians in Europe on the consequences of the French revolution.—"This revolution (says he) is the most extraordinary of any ever mentioned in history. Enlightened by the philosophers of the age, the French nation has given itself the best constitution possible, surpassing even that of England in its mingling a juster proportion of republicanism with monarchy; confirming the legislative power to the nation, and the executive to the king, subordinate nevertheless to the representatives of the nation. It is not for us to say what will be the ultimate end of this revolution; this, however, we may safely assert, that it will at least serve to correct the abuses of the preceding French monarchy, which was perhaps rather of an aristocratic than a despotic nature; and to diminish the burdens of the people by a stricter economy and the extinguishment of immense debts; to render the government more republican in
its principles, more moderate in its ambition, and more inclined than ever, in concert with the emperor and the king of Prussia, to maintain the balance of the power of Europe.—There is not much reason to fear that the rest of Europe will soon follow the example of France. As none of them have the irritable and fiery character of the French, so none of them groan under a weight of oppression at all to be compared with what the people of France suffered before the revolution. All the present governments of Europe, especially the monarchies, are become comparatively mild and moderate; are distinguished by their fondness for good order, and are imperceptibly approaching to be in fact no more than mere republics; while republics, on the contrary, are more and more assuming the severe features of monarchy."
Extract of a letter from Cape Francois, dated the 22d January, 1792.
"After the destruction of Port au Prince by the mulattoes, they found it necessary to get rid of 200 negroes, who had assisted them in their enterprise, under the name of Zuzards, promising them liberty. To acquit themselves of this promise, they did it in a cruel manner, as might be expected from their character: they freighted a vessel of Nantz to transport them to a distant Island, and the captain intending to take the advantage of this expedition, carried them to Campeche (Spanish dominion) to sell them; but a coasting cutter prevented him from putting his design into execution—and seeing himself disappointed he landed them at Campeche (Eng. domin.) where they were soon picked up and sent to Jamaica, from whence they arrived here some days ago, under convoy of two frigates, who demand 50,000 livres freight and expenses."
"Of all the northern ports of this Island, there remains only Port-a-Paix, Jean Rabbelo, the Mole, Gonaiver, the high mountains, Plaifance Marmelade, Borgue: all other places are destroyed, and lately Maribaroux, part of Fort Dauphin, reduced to a heap of ashes."
"Flour is raised a little, as it is reported that the Bourdeaux merchants suspend their armaments; all other provisions are abundant. Produce difficult to be got; in particular molasses, and the prices are exorbitant, although in our opinion they must raise still."
The President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate has made the following appointments and promotions:—
Appointments for 10 Companies of Infantry.  Vermont—William Eaton, Capt. James Underhill, Lieut. Charles Hyde, Enf.  N. York—Isaac Guion, Capt. Robt. Cochran, Lieut. Nanning J. Vicher, Enf.  N. Jersey—Zebulon Pike, Capt. John Read, Lieut. John Polhemus, Enf.  Pennsylvania—Jacob Slough, Capt. Robert Thompson, Lieut. John Paine, Ensign.  Delaware—James Wells, Capt. M. Bines, Pennf. Lieut. William Diven, Pennf. Enf.  Maryland—Henry Carberry, William Buchannan, William Lewis, captains. Benjamin Price, Henry De Butts, Joseph Gough, lieutenants. Campbell Smith, William Pitt Galloway, Charles Wright, ensigns.  Virginia—Nicholas Hannah, Joseph Brock, John Heath, captains. William M c Rea, Henry B. Towles, Samuel Tinsley, lieutenants. Aaron Gregg, Peter Grayson, Peter Marks, ensigns.  N. Carolina—Joseph Kerr, Capt. Thomas E. Sumner, Lieut. Samuel Davidson Enf.  Promotions and Appointments in the Battalion of Artillery.  PROMOTIONS  Henry Burbeck, Major Commandant, vice Ferguson, killed November 4. 1791.  John Peirce, Captain, vice Savage, resigned October 15, 1791.  Moses Porter, Captain, vice Burbeck, promoted Nov. 4, 1791.  Daniel M c Lane, Captain, vice Bradford, killed Nov. 4, 1791.  George Demlar, Lieutenant, vice Spear, killed 4th November, 1791; promoted from an Ensigncy in 2d regiment, to rank from 5th March, 1792. 
APPOINTMENTS.  Joseph Elliot, Lieutenant, vice Pierce, promoted. (South-Carolina)  Percy Pope, do. vice Porter, do. (Virginia)  Ebenezer Massey, do. vice M c Lane, do. (Maryland) 
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
March, 1792.    D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather    Monday, 19. 7 29. 65 42 Calm. Foggy.  9 29. 6 59 S.W. Cloudy.  Tuesday, 20. 7 29. 8 42 N.W. Fair.  9 29. 9 53 do. do.  Wednesday, 21. 7 30. 0 40 S.W. Fair.  9 30. 1 47 W.N.W. do.  Thursday, 22. 7 30. 4 38 W. Fair.  9 30. 4 50 S.W. do.  Friday, 23. 7 30. 35 40 S. Cloudy.  9 30. 9 54 do. Rain.  Saturday, 24. 7 30. 5 51 S. Rain.  9 30. 7 52 do. Cloudy.  Sunday, 25. 7 30. 25 45 N.E. Cloudy.  9 30. 3 57 do. Fair.  

To the YEOMANRY of the UNITED STATES.
WHEN ministers are suffered to introduce, and legislators adopt, the spirit and regulations of a military corps, into civil government, and by arbitrary laws interfere in the private actions of citizens—it manifests a shameful ignorance of that knowledge of history, with which every statesman should be acquainted, or a want of that sound judgment, and of those just principles of philosophy, which would enable them to make a useful advantage of such knowledge.
The liberty of civil society does not furnish a single instance of legislators interfering with, and directing the occupations of citizens, but with injury.
The celebrated Solon introduced this wretched system of policy. To ingratiate himself with the licentious citizens of Athens; he ordained, that the husbandmen should not sell the produce of their farms to any, but the Athenians. The small quantity of oil, raised in the country, was alone admitted to a free unlimited sale. This unjust regulation served a temporary purpose of supplying the city with provisions, at a low price. But the farmers, feeling themselves injured, converted to great a proportion of the country into olive yards, that in a short time provisions became dearer than ever, and the quantity of oil produced, occasioned Athens to become one of the most considerable markets for oil, in that quarter of the world.
The Athenian policy, of restricting the sale of the produce of the country, was imitated by the Romans, and produced similar effects. The culture of grain was neglected in the neighborhood of Rome, and the distant provinces were oppressed, in order to supply the city with bread.
Modern politicians, without advertting to the inevitable consequences, have too generally adopted the regulating spirit of the ancients. Some time previous to the late war, American and British vessels, seeking for the best market for their wheat, in the Mediterranean, were accustomed to put into Marseilles, to procure a knowledge of the markets; if the difference of price was not considerably in favor of any other port, the British consul, who acted as agent, had directions to sell. It sometimes happened, though very rare, that the vessels were ordered to Genoa or Leghorn. This freedom of commerce gave umbrage to some of the people—they procured an order, for instituting a society of Plenty, whose duty it was to seize any provisions coming into Marseilles, in order that the numerous citizens of that place might be furnished with such necessaries at a low price. After this regulation, the vessels avoided the port, and provisions became dearer than before.
Holland affords a striking contrast in favor of a free commerce. The territory of that republic, not raising a sufficiency of wheat for their own consumption, have, by the means of a free commerce, not only ensured a full supply for themselves, but frequently for their neighbors. During the late commotions in France, the distress of the people of Paris in 1789, was relieved by corn, supplied by Messrs. Hope, of Amsterdam, to the amount of one million of French livres.*
Formerly an immense commerce was carried on in the kingdom of Siam. Historians attest, that in the middle of the sixteenth century, above a thousand foreign vessels frequented its ports annually. But the king, tempted with so much riches, endeavored to engross all the commerce of his country; by which means he annihilated, successively, mines, manufactures, and even agriculture.
The extravagant ambition of Louis XIV. not only made him anxious to become the arbiter of Europe, by carrying fire and destruction into the territories of his peaceful neighbors, but also by interfering in, and regulating all the actions of his own subjects. He wished that they should regard his absolute will as the alone object of contemplation and attention. He instituted manufactures, encouraged commerce, and undertook public works, and yet his arbitrary government rendered those very establishments useless. The very steps he took to render the agricultural interest subservient to his projects of manufactures, occasioned the ruin and destruction of both. Notwithstanding the numerous triumphal arches and statues, erected in France, to the memory of Louis XIV. and the adulation of his priests, his mistresses, and of prostitute court writers, it is certain, that his system of policy tended to destroy the agriculture of his kingdom. Independent gentlemen, living on their own estates, became ruined—the country was deserted for places at court, or in the army, and the cultivation of the land was left to a poor tenantry. Smollet in his travels through France, says, "In Burgundy I saw a peasant ploughing the ground with a jack-ass, a lean cow, and a he-goat, yoked together." The peasants of France are so wretchedly poor, and so much oppressed by their landlords, that they cannot afford to include their ground, or give a proper respite to their lands, or to stock their farms with a sufficient number of black cattle, to produce the necessary manure, without which agriculture can never be carried on to any degree of perfection. The peasants in the south of France are poorly clad, and look as if they were half starved, diminutive, swarthy and meagre; and yet the common people, who travel, live luxuriously on the road.
The kingdom of France, although enjoying a good soil and a fine climate, yet owing to the poverty and wretchedness of the people (previous to the late glorious revolution) out of one hundred and thirty millions of acres, which that country contains, only six millions were thought to be under a full cultivation, the remainder under tillage, affording little more than subsistence to a miserable tenantry.
The British nation at present appear flourishing; but the government having adopted the oppressive system of interfering in the occupations of its citizens, that fine country must fall a sacrifice to such unjust principles. Some time since, the minister formed the design of erecting a board to watch over the interests of trade. The project was carried into execution, but trade, so far from increasing, declined the moment that these counsellors of commerce began to give her lessons: Of this authentic proofs were produced, and it was
* Necker's Administration, p. 331.
abolished in 1782. Mr. Gibbon, the English Tacitus, was a member of this institution. A few years since, some farmers in Yorkshire were imprisoned and fined to the amount of several thousand pounds, for cultivating tobacco, contrary to an act of parliament. The wool bill, enacted into a law in 1787, is a remarkable instance of a violation of the liberty and property of the English farmer. The whole advantage of this monopoly centers in the wealthy principals engaged in the woolen manufacture, whilst the aboring manufacturers can scarce earn bread above the point of starving, and whilst they and their families are daily falling on the parishes for support. The tyranny and oppression of the law does little credit to the British government. The object of it is to prevent the exportation of wool to France, where the farmer could procure twenty per cent. more for it than in England. By such arbitrary and unjust restrictions and regulations; by excise laws; by taxes and impositions of various kinds, the yeomanry and the independent country gentlemen of 3 or 4000. per ann. are almost annihilated. The gloomy eye of the financier, rolling with baneful vigilance in search of new ways and means, lets neither the crops, nor the domestic comforts of the farmer escape. Agriculture will not long survive such measures, or if it should exist, it will be the invidious spectacle of great lords and their devouring stewards on one hand, and a miserable dependent peasantry on the other.
When Colbert demanded of an old experienced merchant what steps his master should take to encourage commerce, the answer was, Let us alone . The citizens of the United States engaged in agriculture, in manufactures, in mechanics, and even in the Codfishery , may with justice and propriety give a similar answer to Congress.
March 1, 1792.
A FARMER.
ON MONARCHY.
[Translated from a French paper printed at Paris.] THERE has been published in this city a translation of a work, entitled Common Sense , which was formerly addressed to the Americans, by Mr. Payne, to persuade them to independence. This performance of a philosopher, who has recently defended the cause of liberty with the same success in Europe, appears to us to contain assertions which may apply to the situation, the manners, and the population of the Americans; but, according to his theory, as modelled in his late work called The Rights of Man , we hold his opinions to be dangerous in a country, such as France, which in both moral and physical respects, is wholly different from America. We will therefore take the liberty to make some observations on Mr. Payne's theory of government.—The author of these remarks has already observed the same to Mr. Payne in private conversation.—We therefore publish them to prevent the world being imposed on by the authority of a great, and really meritorious name.
Mr. Payne pretends that Monarchy is contrary to the natural rights of man. If he means arbitrary and absolute monarchy, that is to say, simple despotism, he is evidently right; since despotism is an open violation of all rights. But, can he deny that monarchy is capable of several modifications?—For instance, will he say that a popular monarchy (where the people have all the power and all the delegations) is contrary to natural rights? He cannot persuade a single friend to the French constitution, of which he himself is an ardent admirer, that this is the case. Perhaps indeed the word monarchy does not properly designate a government of this kind; as Mr. Payne has remarked that it does by no means characterize the British government. But a faulty denomination does not at all alter the nature of a constitution. We call the governments of Prussia, Spain, Portugal, Naples, &c. monarchies, when at the same time every one knows that they differ in no respect from the despotic empires of Russia, Denmark, Turkey, &c., and that all governments have no other support than public opinion, which governs tyrants themselves as well as free nations.
Mr. Payne adds, that monarchy is no less contrary to divine right than to natural right. It is somewhat surprising to see a philosopher drawing arguments from the bible. Possibly, proofs of this sort might have made some impressions upon the minds of the Americans, who are generally much more religious than the people of Europe. The government of the Jews was theocratic; they had God for a king, that is to say , the priests. Ought we to be surprised that these last mentioned people employed themselves in inspiring the world with a hatred for human monarchy, and that they held the very wishing for such a thing amongst those sins that merited the severest chastisements? Who was he that gave the Jews such a shocking picture of royalty?—Was it not Samuel, who governed the people under the title of judge, and whose personal interests prejudiced him against a change in the form of government?—The instituting of kings, however, did not annihilate the influence of the priesthood—They constantly accused of impiety all those who would not servilely submit to their will, and more than once influenced the people to revolt against the throne. Samuel himself gave an example of a like conduct, and was faithfully followed by other high priests; and we may constantly observe them never losing sight of their great principle, the demolition of monarchy. After their return from the Babylonish captivity, they persuaded the nation that their kings were the cause of all their misfortunes, and the people once more consented to give up the temporal power into their hands.
Mr. Payne asserts that "hereditary monarchy is doubly contrary to nature." If he means, here, that pretended right by which a man, in a race of birth only, considers himself as the prop-tector of a whole nation, certainly nothing can be more absurd, or dishonorable to mankind: but he is deceived if he supposes that a free and sovereign people cannot confer upon any one family an hereditary right to exercise the functions of royalty. It is not for the sole advantage of this family that such a right is delegated; it is, on the contrary, for their own good. They can revoke it whenever they please, and do not undertake to dispose
of the rights of posterity, who are also invested with power, upon their own account to confer sovereignty.
Mr. Payne very artfully details to us the inconveniences of hereditary monarchy, but does not seem to comprehend its advantages. He declares that if it would preserve a nation from civil wars, this consideration would be of great weight with him; but he avers, "it is one of the greatest falsehoods with which mankind were ever gulled; and that instead of its preserving peace, it is the greatest enemy to good order, and destroys the very basis upon which it is erected."—This assertion, so contrary to the general opinion, is not supported by any proofs. Possibly Mr. Payne will explain his ideas fully on this subject in the new work which the world expects from him; and will prove to the people of Poland that they were deceived in attempting, by the institution of an hereditary throne, to prevent anarchy and civil wars.
Translated from a late French paper—[Gazette Universelle.]
Copy of a private letter from a Traveller, dated Venice, Nov. 27.
"THE Ari Arocrates of Venice do in general approve the French revolution. This is not a paradox, as might at first sight be supposed, but on the contrary a truth of which every one may be convinced, who considers the principal effects of the revolution in France, in relation to the interests of the Venetian aristocracy.
It is impossible the Venetians should disapprove of a revolution which has restricted the clergy to the discipline of the earliest ages of the church, especially when we consider that they themselves have been extremely active in enlightening Europe, to the prejudice of the extravagant pretensions of the Holy See, as well as in successfully combating and setting at defiance the despotism, curies, and anathemas of that court. It was the Venetians that gave the first example to the other powers of Europe, of excluding the clergy from temporal employments and civil offices, and checking the officious activity of the patrons of clerical incorporation, who were for greedily invading all the property of the people. It was they who recognized the right of the people to choose their own ministers; and that of the government, to give them suitable salaries. They have done still more; they have set an example to France to reject those absolutions from sin which the Popes had the impudence to grant, after they had thundered out their unjust censures against them.
With regard to the French nobility, they are held in very little more veneration by the Venetians than the clergy. They suppose, and with reason, that the Venetian and French noblesse are upon a very different footing, and have nothing in common; they hold their own to be more pure and possessing a clearer right to real titles, its essence having always consisted in the administration of political rights and the exercise of sovereign power; while the feudal nobility of France derive their origin from no better than robbers and tyrants, and have at all times exercised the prerogative of tyrants, as far as in them lay. They know, also, that titles of nobility have been considered in no other light, in France, than mere parchments, since the kings recovered their power, and the people a part of their rights; neither are they ignorant that the feudal nobility (the only such, according to the prejudices of the Gauls) was almost extinct, and that all that remained, previous to the revolution, were ennobled persons decorated with empty unmeaning titles; they think, in short, that the real feudal nobility, remaining, and who are so vain of their origin, instead of complaining, ought to thank the national assembly for having restored every thing to its natural order.
The more enlightened Venetians approve of admitting all citizens whatsoever to the exercise of political rights; altho' amongst themselves, the right of governing is hereditary and confined to a single family. This is what properly constitutes their aristocracy; but there is not a single person amongst them who is convinced that the present Venetian form of government could not subsist, if the state were more extended. It is even now with amazing difficulty that such of the noble Venetians whose names are not written in the golden book (as it is called) as well as those on the continent, and the rich citizens, are kept within any tolerable bounds. The governing order are obliged to use the most consummate art in gradually attaching the most powerful to their party, feeding some of another description with expectation; while they themselves are employed in making others forget their own superiority.—Subjected to sumptuary laws, without titles, without decorations, without any commercial or financial privileges, they are in fact little more than private persons; and the laws regard them as such the moment they go out of the capital. What most contributes to uphold the Venetian aristocracy, is their mild administration of government; they have all the cares, perils and fatigues of government, without one of those advantages which the French aristocracy heretofore enjoyed.
The Venetians (think what you will of them) are not advocates for battles and lettres de cachet , notwithstanding they have a state inquisition . They find a great difference between these institutions. Basilles and lettres de cachet were instruments of tyranny absolutely useless to a despotic monarch of France, who could, whenever he pleased, punish legally all crimes and plots against himself. But this is not the case with the Venetian state inquisition , which was evidently instituted against the aristocrats themselves. In respect to this tribunal, Venice offers a phenomenon to the world, unexampled in the annals of history, a republic without parties or factions; but this has not long been so. In 1764, a proposition was made to the supreme council to suppress it entirely: this was opposed by a considerable majority, who asserted the state inquisition to be necessary to the existence of the republic. The solicitor, Tron , equal distinguished by his eloquence and fine abilities, was one of its most strenuous advocates. Amongst other arguments which carried conviction to al-
most every mind, he made use of the following—You know, gentlemen, (said he) that I am one of the richest individuals in this republic; and that I have both credit and friends. Were you this day to suppress the state inquisition , I would to-morrow, without fear of punishment, order a hundred broken of the strappado to be given to several illustrious members of this assembly, who have at different times affronted me!
LOTS AND LANDS FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber wishes to sell sundry Lots and Houses in the town of Alexandria, in good situations for business; some of them are unimproved. Also several tracts of Land in the counties of Fairfax and Loudoun; the Fairfax lands are from one and a half to four miles from Alexandria; the Loudoun lands 45 to 50 miles. A credit will be given for a considerable part of the value if required by the purchaser; and as no person will buy without viewing the property, a description is unnecessary. I will also sell several tracts of land on the western waters, in the inhabited part of the country, containing from 300 to 2000 acres each. Those lands will be sold low, either on long credit, or for money, as may best suit the purchaser. I have also a tract of 500 acres of low land in Accomack county, on the Eastern Shore of Virginia; about 50 acres of which are cleared, on the waters of Massango River, navigable for boats through its lands. The land is of an excellent quality, and heavily timbered, with White-Oak and Pine, and its within 4 miles of a landing that a vessel of 9 to 10 feet water can load at. Mr. Walter Bayne, who lives near the land, will shew it to any who may incline to purchase.
JOSIAH WATSON.
Alexandria, Feb. 20 1792.
611 a.w.
RAN away on Wednesday night last, a Negro Man, about twenty-three years old; had on a light coloured short coat: took with him a pair of leather breeches and a pair of green stuff do. a beaver hat half worn, narrow brim and deep crown; a pair of boots; striped cotton and silk stockings—he is slim made—reads and writes a legible hand—has, I am informed, procured a pass and a certificate of his being a free man. It is probable he will endeavor to get on board some vessel, either at this place or New-York. He has a small sore under his chin, occasioned by cutting out a wen. I will give Ten Dollars reward for securing him, if in this city; Twenty Dollars if taken in New-York, or any other place of the same distance, and pay all reasonable expenses.
ANDREW MOORE,
Spruce-Street, No. 112.
Philadelphia, March 9, 1792.
HOWELL'S
LARGE MAP of PENNSYLVANIA.
THIS work is engraved in the most elegant style, and will be ready for delivery in the Spring. It is 63 inches long and 36 inches wide, and for the most part very full of work (except some small places of which materials were not to be had) and was nobly compiled from actual surveys, acquired at great expense of money, and more than four years labour, and from its manifest public utility, the Legislature has been pleased to grant the proprietor the sum of three hundred pounds.
This map exhibits the County and Township Divisions, and those of the Surveyors Districts in the New-Purchase, Donation and Depreciation Lands; the waters, portages, and the Canal mountains and valleys, roads, towns, &c.
He thanks the Public for their very liberal subscription, and informs them that it will not be closed before the middle of April next. He sells his SMALL MAPS, on canvass, folded and cas'd for pocket carriage, at 13/6, and plain at 8/6.
READING HOWELL.
North fifth Street, No. 88—March 1.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away in August 1790 from the subscriber, living in Queen Ann's county, eastern shore of Maryland, a country born Negro woman, called GRACE. She is about middle aged, very low of stature, round face, remarkable small feet, for a negro, and has lost several of her fore-teeth. The lapse of time since she has abandoned renders it unnecessary to describe her cloathing. She is artful and talkative, and I make no doubt has passed for a free woman, and got into Pennsylvania or Delaware states. The above reward shall be paid to any person securing said negro, and giving information thereof to her master, and reasonable charges if brought home.
EDWARD HARRIS.
Feb. 23.
8w 1aw.
A few Copies of the following REPORTS and ACTS may be had at the Office, No. 239, Market-Street.
REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, relative to a provision for the support of public credit.
Plan for the general arrangement of the Militia of the United States, by the Secretary at War.
Report of the Secretary of State for establishing a uniformity in the weights, measures, and coins of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on establishing funds for paying interest on the debts assumed by the United States.
Attorney General's Report on the Judiciary System of the United States.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.