Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-04-07 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. CIII.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 7, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. CIII.
"An unblemished character gives great weight to the arguments of a public speaker."
AS the main design of public speaking is to convince an audience of the truth and importance of what is spoken, men frequently strive to effect this purpose by adding some adventitious force to the intrinsic merit of their speeches. It is commonly supposed that the best method to make forcible impressions on a public assembly, is to display an elegant, spirited elocution. Sentiments may be decorated with such brilliant, nervous expressions; arranged in a manner to give such a fine harmony of cadence, and pronounced with such grace and energy, as to inspire the mind with all the fascination of music. But the powers of persuasive oratory belong only to a few. And even where a person possesses them in the fullest extent, they will not always procure, much less preserve a substantial influence. A graceful elocution may retain its charms, and excite applause, long after the orator himself has ceased to be viewed with respect, and lost all his weight of reputation. It is one thing to be amused, and another to be convinced by the allurements of rhetoric. Men do not sufficiently contemplate that it is better to be believed than admired.
The success that attended the speeches of some of the antient orators is generally ascribed to their extraordinary powers of eloquence. This is an opinion that deserves examination. It should not too hastily be concluded that those speakers derived their influence, solely from the superior excellence of their oratory. The popularity which mere eloquence begets can have no long duration, unless it is supported by a virtuous character. Virtue renders an eloquent man irresistible. The most celebrated orators of antiquity, it may be presumed, were not less distinguished for severe morals, than for splendid eloquence. They excited a general belief, by the uniform tenor of their conduct, that they were actuated by the most generous sentiments of patriotism. It cannot be doubted but the astonishing effects of their oratory were owing very much to the honest zeal, which their actions discovered for the honor and welfare of their country.
Purity of principles, both in public and private life, is the best foundation on which to erect a public character. This will not perhaps attract so much notice, or meet with so much flattery, as eloquence; but it will gain more real influence, and inspire more confidence. Splendor of talents may be gazed at, and admired, but unless they are united with unblemished morals they will not long be respected. Those whose opinions are most regarded, and whose advice the most pursued, are not men of the most captivating abilities. Gravity of temper and sobriety of manners will render moderate talents useful and respectable. It must be confessed that the art of oratory is highly worthy of cultivation, and an accomplished speaker has an advantage over those whose elocution is imperfect and disagreeable. But perfection in eloquence should not make men indifferent to solid attainments, and useful virtues. No force of capacity, no glare of acquirements can compensate for a stain on the moral character. If an eloquent man shews a levity of deportment, the hearers may to be sure compliment him for speaking charmingly, but they will declare, he does not himself believe a word of what he is saying. If his principles are suspected, or his manners licentious, his eloquence may still be applauded; but those who hear him, will express their sorrow, that a man who can speak so well, should act so perversely. In short, the world will learn to be guarded against the seducing effects of his rhetoric; and it will afford much amusement, while it can produce no conviction. Personal influence must give a man his principal weight in public life; and no one will long maintain personal influence, without a fair, unblemished character.
FROM THE CONNECTICUT COURANT.
Messrs. Printers,
I observe a correspondent of yours who appears in the Connecticut Courant of March 22, that seems to be a well meaning man, and judges pretty well so far as he is well informed; but I think he is ill informed, or at least uninformed, as to the reception our Representatives met with when they last returned. I thought it was very agreeable; perhaps it might be otherwise in his circle where they were uninformed. I think I had it from good
authority that our Assembly gave our Representatives under the old Constitution the same which they now have, and if it is too much, charge the blame where it is due. I believe it would be a new thing under the sun, at least in this State, for the public servants to give themselves less than the Assembly gave them. As to the salaries bestowed on the Judges, I believe the people in New-England in general think them too high—He should observe that the Western and Southern people are not so near upon a level as we are in New-England, and thence ariseth those high appointments. He should recollect if he ever knew it, that when we first began to oppose the Britons by arms, the Western and Southern people complained of the wages of our rank and file, and said rather than comply, they would fight it out without us; but when they considered that our young men of family were much superior to their groggers, who would be likely to desert when the grog failed, and which really happened, they contended themselves with raising the officers wages.
As to his regretting that Congress should assume the state debts, I think he is as ill-informed about that matter as any other. I shall not set him right by public information. Let him enquire, and he will find that it is best for all the states, and this in particular, that Congress should assume all the state debts, without he is one of them that would have the state cheat their creditors, and drive them to complain to Congress, which they certainly will do if the state goes on as they have done, about which I shall forbear to mention particulars at the present.
AN OLD FREEMAN.
LONDON.
HOUSE OF LORDS,
JANUARY 16.
The Lords resolved to proceed in the trial of Warren Hastings, Esq. on Monday the 1st of February.
JANUARY 21.
This day his Majesty went in state to the House of Peers, and opened the business of the present session of Parliament, by the following most gracious speech from the throne:
My Lords and Gentlemen,
Since I last met you in Parliament, the continuance of the war on the Continent, and the internal condition of different parts of Europe, have been productive of events which have engaged my most serious attention.
While I see, with a just concern, the interruption of the tranquility of other countries, I have at the same time great satisfaction in being able to inform you, that I receive continual assurances of the good disposition of all foreign powers towards these kingdoms; and I am persuaded that you will entertain with me a deep and grateful sense of the favor of providence, in continuing to my subjects the increasing advantages of peace, and the uninterrupted enjoyment of those invaluable blessings which they have so long derived from our excellent constitution.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
I have given directions that the estimates for the present year should be laid before you, and I rely on your readiness to grant such supplies as the circumstances of the several branches of the public service may be found to require.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
The regulations prescribed by the act of the last session of Parliament, relative to the corn trade, not having been duly carried into effect in several parts of the kingdom, there appeared reason to apprehend that such an exportation of corn might take place, and such difficulty arise in the importation of foreign corn, as would have been productive of the most serious inconvenience to my subjects. Under these circumstances, it appeared absolutely necessary to take immediate and effectual measures for preventing the exportation, and facilitating the importation of particular sorts of corn; I therefore, by the advice of my Privy Council, issued an order for that purpose, a copy of which I have directed to be laid before you.
I have only further to desire, that you will continue to apply yourselves to those objects which may require your attention, with the same zeal for the public service which has hitherto appeared in all your proceedings, and of which the effects have been so happily manifested by an increase of public revenue, the extension of the commerce and manufactures of the country, and the general prosperity of my people.
The Lords having waited upon his Majesty with their address, which was as usual the echo of the speech, his Majesty was graciously pleased to return the following answer:
"My Lords,
"I receive with great pleasure your dutiful and loyal address.
"The first object of my wishes being the prosperity of my people, I cannot but express my satisfaction at receiving such strong assurances of your disposition to apply your attention to those important objects which I have recommended to your consideration."
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
JANUARY 22.
Mr. Wilberforce gave notice that he would, on Monday, move the house to resolve itself into a committee of the whole house on the slave trade, and that in such committee he would move for the appointment of a select committee to take examinations above stairs.
Thursday a commission passed the Great Seal, appointing Lord Kenyon, Speaker of the House of Peers, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, in the room of Earl Bathurst, whose great age and disorder in the eyes, would not permit him to continue the office.
While his Majesty was this day going through St. James's Park in the state coach, a man dressed in scarlet, with an orange cockade, threw a stone, with intent, as is supposed, to strike his Majesty, but which fortunately only struck the pannel of the coach; he was immediately seized and taken to Mr. Grenville's office, where he underwent an examination of four hours before Mr. Pitt, Lord Chatham, the two Secretaries of State, and Sir Sampson Wright, who committed him to prison. He proves to be the same person who about a fortnight since stuck up in the Court-yard, at St. James's, a foolish libel on his Majesty, signed "John Frith, Lieut. of the first Regiment of Royals."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, MARCH 13.
The following should have preceded Mr. Gerry's speech in our last.
MR. AMES: The word irredeemable is made the subject of objection. It is said to convey a disagreeable idea, and to tend to excite popular prejudice against the debt, as it implies that the public agrees to be saddled with a perpetual burden of debt. In a land of ignorance, where the people are not in the habit, and have not the capacity to reason, it may be proper to pay regard to this objection. I have too much reverence for the sober thinking people whom we represent, to believe, that the mere sound of this word will work mischief, when their own enquiries will convince them that the substance is not only unexceptionable, but highly beneficial.
Making the debt redeemable will not redeem it. It puts not a farthing in the creditor's pocket: Making it irredeemable is no restraint upon the present or probable capacity of the public to redeem. It will not prolong the evil of a public debt a single day, but rather the contrary. All the money that can be provided for paying off the debt may still be employed for the purpose, tho' the irredeemable quality should remain.
The proposal to make the debt irredeemable is founded on the supposed gradual reduction of interest. But until the reduction has actually happened in a shorter period, or in a greater degree than is calculated, the paper will not bear a higher price than 100 per cent. While the debt is at par, or below par, the creditors will not refuse to receive their money. The public has also the right to redeem at the rate of one per cent. against their will. But the value will not rise to par while the rate of interest keeps up: The government will therefore have full employment for all its surplus revenue to buy up the paper at a discount. Surely, the government will not squander the public money to redeem the debt at par, when it is to be purchased at a discount. The latter is even more advantageous to the creditors. Buying at the market price in fact raises the price, and benefits those who do not sell. The greater the discount, the more paper a given sum will buy, and take out of the market. This not only raises the price, but increases the security of the unsoiled part. In these three ways, there is full exercise for the power of redemption; nor can it be supposed, that the redeemable quality of the debt will increase the capacity of the public to redeem, or shorten the duration of the debt. The contrary may be proved by attending to these facts.
The government in consideration of making the debt irredeemable is allowed 19 per cent. 100 dollars are to be lent, and 81 only to be funded. The aggregate of the sums saved to the public by this 19 per cent. is near 13 millions. The public is therefore paid beforehand for not redeeming. The right renounced is valuable to the creditors, as it has been formerly shewn, but of no value to the public. For the right to redeem is worth nothing, if the public has not the means to redeem; and if money can be found, it appears that it can be better employed to buy up the debt than to pay off. The capacity of the public is laid under no restraint. So far from it, 13 millions will be already redeemed. Perhaps in a dozen years the public would not pay off that amount; and if it should prove able, it will have 20 years according to the principles of the Report to buy stock on better terms than paying off. Those who say we can redeem faster, and will not be satisfied with the argument I have just urged, will please to remember that by making the entire debt redeemable, we shall have more to redeem—with an imaginary increase of the power will be an actual increase of the task to be performed. But will any one soberly assert that the public will probably have the command of more money than it can find persons willing to accept for their stock; and unless this is asserted, and really believed, I am sure the word irredeemable will not be struck out.
If then it is no burden to the public, is it any disadvantage to the creditor? If the debt is below par, the public will buy stock, and will not pay off the capital. If at par, the creditor will not thank government to do what he may get any individual, and in

every great town, to do. If the debt should sell for more than par, it would be a loss to receive a less sum than the market price. This indeed is not to be speedily expected. In every view of the subject, the advantage to the creditor of making the debt redeemable is merely delusive.
Still it will be asked, if no good will flow from striking out this word, will any result from retaining it?
What is our object? To establish public credit—and that is found when the stock will sell at par. The price of stock will depend upon the quantity offered to sale, and the demand.
In order to raise the price we must provide means therefore to increase the demand; our own market for stock is a limited one—our citizens possess little active property, and that little is fully employed in active pursuits, and bears an higher interest than government proposes to give; we cannot expect that a poor market will give credit to a great debt—we must regard the great market—the trading and monied world—to qualify the stock for the great European market, it must be made irredeemable; interest is low in Europe and high in America, but even an higher interest than six per cent. would not compensate the European if the property purchased wants permanency. For if he has six per cent. for one or two years only, the charge of insurance agency, &c. would reduce the net profit of his money below what he could get for it in Europe, where it would be under his eye, and subject to his controul—you must give him a kind of estate, a freehold in the funds—for so long as he fears that you will borrow money and pay off his debt, after he has received interest a year or two, he will not buy stock at par. He will not deal in property which will yield a good interest, but of uncertain duration. If the debt should pass at par, it will be easy to borrow money in Europe—because the price will be a proof of the good state of our credit, and nothing but credit is wanting to enable us to borrow abroad. In proportion as it may be easy for us to borrow on better terms than six per cent. the buyers will have more cause to consider the debt as an improper subject of their permanent arrangements. The reasons already urged will evince that if there should be a disinclination abroad to possess our stock, it will be liable to a reduction of value.
It is urged that the debt if it shall be sold to foreigners, will be a drain of our wealth to foreign countries. This merits examination; I have already endeavored to show that the debt if not suited to the foreign market by being made irredeemable will pass below par.—A great discount will hold out the strongest inducements to foreigners to purchase—they will buy more and for less—the discount will fully compensate the redemption, and this discount will be so much loss to the country. If then the drain of our wealth to pay interest to foreigners, is an evil, this will aggravate the evil.
More will go out of the country, and less will be brought in to pay for it; we cannot help foreigners dealing in our funds. While our debt has any value, those who can best afford to run risks will deal in it. But if they will buy it, let us prevent their getting it for a trifle; let us make them pay for it. If they buy at par or near it, it may be questioned whether their purchases will be injurious—banish all doubts of your funds, and the sales will regulate themselves, when our citizens can better spare the property to buy stock than foreigners, they will buy it.—It is bringing matters to the test of experience whether the money can be employed more usefully in that or some other way. If a man can get more for his money than stock yields, it seems to be the interest of the nation to import money at 4 per cent. and employ its own at a higher rate. This is rather making a drain of foreign property into our own country than the contrary. It is not to be forgotten that in the competition between American and foreign purchasers, the former will constantly have the advantage—for the latter as has been before mentioned, will have agency and other charges to pay. We may expect therefore that the property paid by foreigners for our stock will yield a greater profit and be more usefully employed in the country than the stock itself. It is true that interest will be paid to strangers—but it is deductible from the principles which I have endeavored to establish that the property paid by them for stock will yield a profit more than sufficient to pay it—in that case as a nation we shall gain—It is probable too that a great portion of the interest money due to foreigners will be stopped in the country to buy articles, as these will bear an advantage in Europe, but money will be subject to the deduction of insurance and other charges.
If the purchases of stock by foreigners should however, still be considered as injurious, let it be repeated that the motion in debate furnishes no remedy for the evil—for the greater the discount the more they will purchase.—We cannot prevent their buying—all that remains for us to do, is to oblige them to pay for what they purchase by giving a fixed and high value to the debt. This we are told will swell the wealth of stock-jobbers. Those who make a science of speculation are gainers by the fluctuating state of funds. To banish speculation give as certain a value as possible to your stock. My own belief is that these things will be found necessary to effect this object, a national bank, an ample sinking fund, and considerable sales of stock to foreigners. It is allowed that the irredeemable quality of stock fits it for the last purpose, and as the nation is well paid for it by the 19 per cent. on the capital, and will gain more as the stock shall sell for more—as it lays no restraint upon the application of all its surplus revenue to extinguish the debt, and will not increase the supposed evil of sales of stock to foreigners, and as it will prove mutually beneficial to the nation and its creditors, it is my desire that the word irredeemable may not be stricken out.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17.
Mr. Smith's (S. C.) Speech on the report of the Committee on the memorial of the People called Quakers.
Mr. SMITH (S. C.) said he lamented much that this subject had been brought before the House—that he had deprecated it from the beginning because he foresaw that it would produce a very unpleasant discussion—that it was a subject of such nature as to excite the alarms of the southern members who could not view, without anxiety, any interference in it on the part of Congress. He remarked, that as they were resolved into a committee of the whole on the powers of Congress respecting slavery, and the slave-trade, in consequence of certain memorials from the people called Quakers and the Pennsylvania Society for the abolition of slavery, the whole subject, as well as the contents of those memorials, was under consideration: he should therefore enter into the business at large and offer some comments on the contents of the memorials.
The memorials from the Quakers contained, in his opinion, a very indecent attack on the character of those States which possessed slaves; it reproached slavery as bringing down reproach on the southern States, and expatiated on the detestable due to the licentious wickedness of the African trade, and the inhuman tyranny, and blood-guiltiness inseparable from it. He could not but consider it as calculated to fix a stigma of the blackest nature on the character of the State he had the honor to represent, and to hold its citizens up to public view as men divested of every principle of honor and humanity. Considering it in that light, he felt it incumbent on him not only to refute those atrocious calumnies, but to resent the improper language made use of by the memorialists. Before he entered into the discussion he begged to observe, that when any class of men deviated from their own religious principles, and officiously came forward in a business with which they had no concern, and attempted to dictate to Congress, he could not ascribe their conduct to any other cause, but to an intolerant spirit of persecution: this application came with the worst grace possible from the Quakers, who professed never to intermeddle in politics, but to submit quietly to the laws of the country.
He had met with a publication which came out in the year 1775 (at a period when the affairs of America were in a very def-pending situation) entitled, "The ancient Testimony and Principles of the Quakers." It set forth that their religious principles restrained them from having any hand or connivance in setting up
and putting down Kings and governments; that this was GOD's peculiar prerogative for causes best known to himself; that it was not their business to be busy bodies above their stations, but only to pray for the King and safety of their nation, that they might live a quiet and peaceable life, under the government which God was pleased to set over them. If these were really their sentiments, why did they not abide by them? Why did they not leave that, which they call God's work, to be managed by himself? Those principles should instruct them to wait with patience and humility for the event of all public measures, and to receive that event as the Divine Will: Their conduct on this occasion proved, that they did not believe what they professed, or that they had not virtue enough to practise what they believed. Did they mean to rob the Almighty of what they call his prerogative? And were they not partial ministers of their own acknowledged principles? It was difficult to credit their pretended scruples; because, while they were exclaiming against the Mammon of this world, they were hunting after it with a step steady as time, and an appetite keen as the grave.
The memorial from the Pennsylvania society, applied in express terms for an emancipation of slaves, and the report of the committee appeared to hold out the idea that Congress might exercise the power of emancipation after the year 1808; for it said that Congress could not emancipate slaves prior to that period. He remarked that either the power of manumission still remained with the several States, or it was exclusively vested in Congress; for no one would contend that such a power could be concurrent in the several States and the United States. He then shewed that the State governments clearly retained all the rights of sovereignty which they had before the establishment of the constitution, unless they were exclusively delegated to the United States; and this could only exist, where the constitution, granted in express terms an exclusive authority to the union, or where it granted in one instance an authority to the union, and in another prohibited the States from exercising the like authority, or where it granted an authority to the union, to which a similar authority in the States would be repugnant.
He applied these principles to the case in question; and asked, whether the constitution had, in express terms, vested the Congress with the power of manumission; or whether it restrained the States from exercising that power; or whether there was any authority given to the union, with which the exercise of this right by any State would be inconsistent? If these questions were answered in the negative, it followed that Congress had not an exclusive right to the power of manumission. Had it a concurrent right with the States? No gentleman would assert it, because the absurdity was obvious; for a State regulation on the subject might differ from a federal regulation, in which case one or the other must give way: as the laws of the United States were paramount to those of the individual States, the federal regulations would abrogate that of the States, consequently the States would thus be divested of a power which it was evident they now had and might exercise whenever they thought proper. But admitting that Congress had authority to manumit the slaves in America, and were disposed to exercise it, would the Southern States acquiesce in such a measure without a struggle? Would the citizens of that country tamely suffer their property to be torn from them? Would even the citizens of the other States, which did not possess this property, desire to have all the slaves let loose upon them? Would not such a step be injurious even to the slaves themselves? It was well known that they were an indolent people, improvident, averse to labor; when emancipated, they would either starve or plunder. Nothing was a stronger proof of the absurdity of emancipation than the fanciful schemes which the friends to the measure had suggested: one was to ship them off the country, and colonize them in some foreign region; this plan admitted that it would be dangerous to retain them within the United States after they were manumitted; but surely it would be inconsistent with humanity to banish these people to a remote country, and to expel them from their native soil, and from places to which they had a local attachment; it would be no less repugnant to the principles of freedom, not to allow them to remain here, if they desired it: how could they be called freemen, if they were against their consent to be expelled the country? Thus did the advocates for emancipation acknowledge that the blacks when liberated, ought not to remain here to stain the blood of the whites by a mixture of the races.
(To be continued.)
SATURDAY, APRIL 3.
A memorial of HANNIBAL WM. DOBBYN was read, praying a final determination on his former memorial, respecting a purchase of lands in the Western Territory.
The Speaker informed the House that the Printers were continually presenting their accounts for payment for newspapers supplied the House: He wished the House to take some order on the subject.
Whereupon a committee of three was appointed to examine those accounts, and report what mode shall be adopted respecting newspapers in future.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill for promoting the progress of useful arts, were taken into consideration, and agreed to by the House, excepting one, which related to the investing the Judges of the Supreme Court with a power to determine the compensation which persons shall receive for their inventions, &c.
A message was received from the President of the United States by his Secretary, informing the House that he has assented to the act for preventing the exportation of goods not duly inspected according to the laws of the respective States.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House, that the act for accepting the cession of the claims of N. Carolina, to a certain district of Western Territory—had received the assent of the President of the United States.
Mr. Vining moved for leave to bring in a bill for amending the act for establishing the Executive Department of the Secretary of State, so far as to enable the Secretary to keep the foreign and domestic branches of business distinct, and to appoint a chief Clerk to each, &c.
This motion introduced a defultory conversation. Some amendments were offered, and debated; but it was finally negatived.
Mr. Sherman offered a resolution to the following purport:—
That the Secretary of State be authorised to appoint an additional Clerk in his office, at a salary of 800 dollars, which was agreed to, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill pursuant thereto. Several petitions were read, and laid on the table. Adjourned.
MONDAY, APRIL 5.
Sundry petitions were read, and referred to the Heads of Departments.
In Committee of the whole. Mr. Livermore in the chair.
The bill for further suspending certain clauses in the Collection Law, was read—and taken into consideration—Some amendments were proposed, but not adopted—and the bill passed to be engrossed.
The bill allowing compensation to John Ely, for his services as a Surgeon to the late army, was read the second time, and debated.
Mr. Seney observed, that Col. Ely had made application to the late Congress, and he understood a report was brought in. He wished that the report might be read.
Mr. Wadsworth said, that it was true the report of a committee of the late Congress was brought in; but not acted upon—that report was mislaid or lost—it never could be found—and there not being a sufficient number of the States to form a Congress at the subsequent, or last meeting, nothing was ever done.
Col. Bland, rose for enquiry: He wished to know if the state of Connecticut had not settled with Col. Ely, as Commander of a Regiment in the pay of that state? If it has, he conceived it would be a dangerous precedent to pay the gentleman in both capacities—it would be paying surgeons at a very exorbitant rate indeed.
Mr. Matthews and Mr. Burke were in favor of a generous compensation. They gave an account of the extra services of this gentleman. The former observed, that the enquiry was, whether the services were necessary to be performed—and whether they were performed—that they were necessary is abundantly apparent—and such evidence exists of their having been rendered, that I presume no gentleman has any doubt on his mind. It therefore is of no consequence by whom they are performed—their being performed, entitled to compensation.
A gentleman has enquired, Whether there was no other surgeon among the prisoners? At the time now referred to, there was no other—and at a moment when the officers were very generally sick with a fever, which at that time prevailed, and his credit was so low that he could not procure a horse to visit them, he has walked 25 miles a day.
The United States must have supported a surgeon—and in paying this gentleman there will be a saving, as it is not proposed to allow rations.
Mr. White moved that the specified sum should be struck out, and leave the sum to be allowed, blank. He afterwards moved to strike out the whole clause.
Mr. Matthews was opposed to the motion—also Mr. Burke, Mr. Jackson, and Mr. Sherman, who entered into a particular consideration of the case.
Mr. Hartley was opposed to the motion. The merits and pretensions of the petitioner justly entitled him to compensation.
Mr. Boudinot said he had no doubt of the services having been performed by Col. Ely; but he was opposed to the bill—he did not think the mode the proper one. If he has an account for services for which he has received no compensation, the regular way would be to apply to officers already appointed to determine on such accounts. He was therefore for striking out the sum, and filling up the blank with a less sum than the full pay of a surgeon—or else to refer his application to the Auditor of the Treasury.
Mr. Wadsworth: The gentleman is for referring to the Auditor, and yet has stated the reasons why he cannot get justice from that quarter.
The Auditor can make no allowances on accounts but agreeable to existing laws of the United States authorizing him. This was evidenced in the case of Baron Glaubeck.
He then adverted to the particular services of Col. Ely, and said, he hoped the clause would not be stricken out. If he is to be compensated, it must be in this way, by virtue of a special law for the purpose.
Mr. Seney said he was opposed to any law which was to suit the case of an individual only. If a general law, to reach the case of others, similarly circumstanced, should be brought forward, he would not object to it.
Mr. Clymer was in favor of the motion for striking out, and greatly doubted, he said, the propriety of the bill altogether.
Mr. White said he doubted generally the authority of the House to make provision for payment of demands which existed during the late Congress—especially as there was sufficient time for an application to them, and an application was in fact made in the present case.
The motion for striking out the clause was carried in the affirmative.
It was then voted that the blank be filled with "Thirty Dollars pr. Month."
Mr. Stone proposed a clause entitling all other officers, similarly circumstanced, to the like allowance. This was withdrawn, to admit a more

LAWS of the UNITED STATES.
PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES :
AT THE SECOND SESSION,
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT to accept a Cession of the Claims of the State of North Carolina, to a certain District of Western Territory.
A DEED of Cession having been executed, and in the Senate offered for acceptance to the United States, of the Claims of the State of North-Carolina, to a district of Territory therein described; which Deed is in the words following, viz.
TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THESE PRESENTS, WE the under written SAMUEL JOHNSTON and BENJAMIN HAWKINS, Senators in the Congress of the United States of America, duly and constitutionally chosen by the Legislature of the State of North-Carolina, send greeting.
WHEREAS the General Assembly of the state of North-Carolina, on the day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine, passed an act, entitled "An Act, for the purpose of ceding to the United States of America, certain western lands therein described," in the words following, viz.
WHEREAS the United States in Congress assembled, have repeatedly and earnestly recommended to the respective States in the Union, claiming or owning vacant western territory, to make cessions of part of the same, as a further means, as well of hastening the extinguishment of the debts, as of establishing the harmony of the United States; and the inhabitants of the said Western territory being also desirous that such cession should be made, in order to obtain a more ample protection than they have heretofore received: Now the United States, being ever desirous of doing ample justice to the public creditors, as well as the establishing the harmony of the United States, and complying with the reasonable desires of her citizens; Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of North-Carolina, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, That the Senators of this State, in the Congress of the United States, or one of the Senators and any two of the Representatives of this State, in the Congress of the United States, are hereby authorised, empowered and required to execute a deed or deeds on the part and behalf of this State, conveying to the United States of America, all right, title and claim which this State has to the sovereignty and territory of the lands situated within the chartered limits of this State, west of a line beginning on the extreme height of the Stone Mountain, at the place where the Virginia line intersects it; running thence along the extreme height of the said mountain, to the place where Watauga River breaks through it; thence a direct course to the top of the Yellow Mountain, where Bright's road crosses the same; thence along the ridge of said mountain, between the waters of Doe River and the waters of Rock Creek, to the place where the road crosses the Iron Mountain; from thence along the extreme height of said mountain, to where Nolichucky River runs through the same; thence to the top of the Bald Mountain; thence along the extreme height of the said mountain, to the Painted Rock, on French Broad River; thence along the highest ridge of the said mountain, to the place where it is called the great Iron or Smoky Mountain; thence along the extreme height of the said mountain, to the place where it is called Unicoi or Unaka Mountain, between the Indian towns of Cowee and Old-Chota; thence along the main ridge of the said mountain, to the southern boundary of this State, upon the following express conditions and subject thereto, that is to say: First, That neither the lands nor inhabitants westward of the said mountain shall be estimated after the cession made by virtue of this act shall be accepted, in the ascertaining the proportion of this State with the United States, in the common expence occasioned by the late war. Secondly, That the lands laid off, or directed to be laid off by any act or acts of the General Assembly of this State, for the officers and soldiers thereof, their heirs and assigns respectively, shall be and enure to the use and benefit of the said officers, their heirs and assigns respectively; and if the bounds of the said lands already prescribed for the officers and soldiers of the continental line of this State, shall not contain a sufficient quantity of lands fit for cultivation, to make good the several provisions intended by law, that such officer or soldier, or his assignee, who shall fall short of his allotment or proportion, after all the lands fit for cultivation within the said bounds are appropriated, be permitted to take his quota, or such part thereof as may be deficient, in any other part of the said territory intended to be ceded by virtue of this act, not already appropriated. And where entries have been made agreeable to law, and titles under them not perfected by grant or otherwise, then, and in that case the Governor, for the time being, shall, and he is hereby required to perfect, from time to time, such titles, in such manner as if this act had never been passed. And that all entries made by, or grants made to all and every person or persons whatsoever, agreeable to law, and within the limits hereby intended to be ceded to the United States, shall have the same force and effect as if such cession had not been made; and that all and every right of occupancy and pre-emption, and every other right reserved by any act or acts to persons settled on, and occupying lands within the limits of the lands hereby intended to be ceded as aforesaid, shall continue to be in full force, in the same manner as if the cession had not been made, and as conditions upon which the said lands are ceded to the United States; and further, it shall be understood, that if any person or persons shall have, by virtue of the act, entitled, "An act for opening the Land-Office for the redemption of specie and other certificates, and discharging the arrears due to the army," passed in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, made his or their entry in the office usually called John Armstrong's office, and located the same to any spot or piece of ground, on which any other person or persons shall have previously located any entry or entries, that then, and in that case, the person or persons having made such entry or entries, or their assignee or assignees, shall have leave, and be at full liberty to remove the location of such entry or entries, to any lands on which no entry has been specially located, or on any vacant lands included within the limits of the lands hereby intended to be ceded: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend to the making good any entry or entries, or any grant or grants heretofore declared void, by any act or acts of the General Assembly of this State. Thirdly, That all the lands intended to be ceded by virtue of this act to the United States of America, and not appropriated as before mentioned, shall be considered as a common fund for the use and benefit of the United States of America, North-Carolina inclusive, according to their respective and usual proportion in the general charge and expenditure, and shall be faithfully disposed of for that purpose, and for no other use or purpose whatever. Fourthly, That the territory so ceded, shall be laid out and formed into a State or States, containing a suitable ex-
tent of territory, the inhabitants of which shall enjoy all the privileges, benefits and advantages set forth in the ordinance of the late Congress, for the government of the Western Territory of the United States, that is to say, whenever the Congress of the United States shall cause to be officially transmitted to the executive authority of this State, an authenticated copy of the act to be passed by the Congress of the United States, accepting the cession of territory made by virtue of this act, under the express conditions hereby specified; the said Congress shall at the same time assume the government of the said ceded territory, which they shall execute in a manner similar to that which they support in the territory west of the Ohio; shall protect the inhabitants against enemies, and shall never tax or deprive them of any privileges which the people in the territory west of the Ohio enjoy: Provided always, That no regulations made or to be made by Congress, shall tend to emancipate slaves. Fifthly, That the inhabitants of the said ceded territory, shall be liable to pay such sums of money, as may, from taking their census, be their just proportion of the debt of the United States, and the arrears of the requisitions of Congress on this State. Sixthly, That all persons indebted to this State, residing in the territory intended to be ceded by virtue of this act, shall be held and deemed liable to pay such debt or debts in the same manner, and under the same penalty or penalties as if this act had never passed. Seventhly, That if the Congress of the United States, do not accept the cession hereby intended to be made in due form, and give official notice thereof to the executive of this State, within eighteen months from the passing of this act, then this act shall be of no force or effect whatsoever. Eighthly, That the laws in force and use in the State of North-Carolina, at the time of passing of this act, shall be, and continue in full force within the territory hereby ceded, until the same shall be repealed, or otherwise altered by the legislative authority of the said territory. Ninthly, That the lands of non-resident proprietors within the said ceded territory, shall not be taxed higher than the lands of residents. Tenthly, That this act shall not prevent the people now residing south of French Broad, between the rivers Tennessee and Big Pidgeon, from entering their pre-empti- ons in that tract, should an office be opened for that purpose under an act of the present General Assembly. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the sovereignty and jurisdiction of this State in, and over the territory aforesaid, and all and every the inhabitants thereof shall be, and remain the same in all respects, until the Congress of the United States shall accept the cession to be made by virtue of this act, as if this act had never passed.
Read three times, and ratified in General Assembly, the day of December, A. D. 1789.
CHAS. JOHNSON, Sp. Sen. S. CABARRUS, Sp. H. C.
NOW THEREFORE KNOW YE, That we, SAMUEL JOHNSTON, and BENJAMIN HAWKINS, Senators aforesaid, by virtue of the power and authority committed to us by the said act, and in the name, and for, and on behalf of the said State, do, by these presents convey, assign, transfer, and set over unto the United States of America, for the benefit of the said States, North-Carolina inclusive, all right, title, and claim which the said State hath to the sovereignty and territory of the lands situated within the chartered limits of the said State; as bounded and described in the above recited act of the General Assembly, to, and for the uses and purposes, and on the conditions mentioned in the said act.
In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names, and affixed our seals, in the Senate Chamber, at New-York, this twenty-fifth day of February, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety, and in the fourteenth year of the Independence of the United States of America.
SAM: JOHNSTON, (L. S.) BENJAMIN HAWKINS, (L. S.)
Signed, sealed, and delivered } SAM: A. OTIS. in the presence of
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the said Deed be, and the same is hereby accepted.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, APRIL THE SECOND, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
At the Second Session,
Begun and held at the City of New York, on Monday the fourth of January one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT to prevent the exportation of Goods not duly inspected according to the Laws of the several States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Collectors and other officers of the customs in the several Ports of the United States, be, and they are hereby directed to pay due regard to the inspection Laws of the States in which they may respectively act, in such manner, that no vessel having on board goods liable to inspection, shall be cleared out until the Master or other proper person shall have produced such certificate that all such goods have been duly inspected as the Laws of the respective States do, or may require to be produced to collectors or other officers of the customs.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBURG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED APRIL SECOND, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State
NEW-YORK, APRIL 7, 1790.
Extract of a letter from Norfolk, Virginia, March 20. Fifteen vessels, consigned to one house, have arrived here, within a few days, for grain.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW YORK.
 Ship Merchant, Bunker, Havre de Grace, 44 days.  Packet General Washington, Duclon, St. Maloes, 59.  Ship Anatolia, Leghorn, 58 days.  Brig Atalanta, Moore, Lisbon, 31 days.  Brig Bon Jesus de la Nova, Antonio, Oporto, 52 days.  Brig Amboy, Hammond, Cape Francois.  Schooner Anna Bella, Thurston, Montego Bay, 27 days.  Sloop Sally, Clarke, Aux Cayes, 18 days.  Sloop New-York and Philadelphia Packet, Bird, Phil:  Sloop Betsey, ditto.  Sloop Lydia, Morris, Gaudaloupe, 11 days.  Sloop Friendship, Burham, Savanna, 9 days.  Sloop Charles, White, Norfolk, 2 days.  Sloop Mary, Salter, St. Kitts, 14 days. 
particular amendment, which should secure the same object, proposed by Mr. White.
Mr. Boudinot said he hoped the committee would not spend time in debating the amendment, but rise, for the purpose of rejecting the bill in the House, that Col. Ely may apply with his account to the proper officer, which is the Auditor of the Treasury.
A considerable debate on this last proposition took place.
Mr. Matthews said no man can suppose that any similar case can be cited, where 280 officers who were prisoners were without a Surgeon—where a great proportion of them were sick, and had no humanity shewn them, by those who held them prisoners.
Mr. Heifler said, if there are not any cases of a similar nature existing, the clause can do no harm—if there is, the door is opened to their obtaining like justice.
This amendment was rejected. The Committee then rose, and reported the bill with amendments—which were agreed to by the House.
The question on the bill's passing to be engross'd was negatived—24 to 22—and so the bill was lost.
A bill for granting relief to certain officers of the late army therein described, was read.
A message from the Senate was received, informing the House, that they recede from their amendment to the bill for promoting the progress of useful arts, which had been disagreed to, by the House.
A message from the President of the United States, with exemplifications of three acts passed by the State of New-York, was received, viz.—An Act, providing for the safe keeping of prisoners of the United States. An act for ceding light houses to the United States—and an act ratifying the amendments to the Constitution.
The bill, ceding the Light House of New-York to the United States, was referred to a select committee.
In committee of the whole on the bill to provide for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States.
The clause which provides for the dissection of the bodies of malefactors, it was moved should be struck out.
This, it was said, was wounding the feelings of the living, and could do no good.
It was said in answer, that it was only following a mode adopted by some of the wisest nations. It was making those who had injured society, contribute to its advantage by furnishing subjects of experimental surgery. It was attended with salutary effects, as it certainly encreased the dread of punishment, when it is contemplated with this attendant circumstance.
Mr. Stone was opposed to the clause: He said it was contrary, he believed, to the practice of the several States—that it was making punishment wear the appearance of cruelty, which had a tendency to harden the public mind.
Mr. Williamson stated a variety of arguments in favor of the clause—and shewed the very great and important improvements which had been made in Surgery from experiment.
Mr. Page spoke against the clause. And Mr. Smith and Mr. Sedgwick in favor of it. The committee rose without deciding—and the house adjourned.
TUESDAY, APRIL 6.
The engrossed bill, further to suspend part of the collection law, was read—the blank filled up, and the bill passed to be enacted.
The bill for the relief of certain officers therein described, was read the second time—and referred to a committee of the whole House.
A memorial of Joseph Henderson was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A report from the Secretary of the Treasury, on the memorial of the Baron de Steuben was read.
In committee of the whole House on the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States.—The motion for striking out the clause respecting the bodies of murderers being delivered to surgeons after execution, for dissection, was further debated—a number of gentlemen spoke on each side of the question—the affirmative was supported by Mr. Page, Mr. Heifler, Mr. Jackson, Mr. Stone, Mr. Tucker, and Mr. Clymer—the negative by Mr. Huntington, Mr. Madison, Mr. Smith (S. C.) Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Williamson, and Mr. Ames; and the motion being put, was negatived—and the clause retained.
Several other motions for amendments were negatived; but the committee rose without finishing the discussion of the bill.
Hon. Timothy Bloodworth, member from N. Carolina appeared, produced his credentials and took his seat. Adjourned.
NEW-YORK, APRIL 7.
APPOINTMENTS.
Hon. Rufus Putnam, Judge of the Western Territory, vice Hon. Samuel H. Parsons, deceased.
From a Newbern (N. C.) paper.
By a letter from Hillsborough of the 8th inst. we learn that the greatest part of that town had been destroyed by fire a few days before.
The Hon. JOHN STOKES, Esq; is elected one of the Representatives of this State in Congress.

PREMIUMS
Proposed by the Philadelphia Society, for promoting Agriculture, for the year 1790.
[Continued from our last.]
X.
FOR the best comparative experiments on the culture of wheat, by sowing it in the common broad-cast way; by drilling it, and by setting the grain, with a machine, equi-distant; the quantities of seed and produce proportioned to the ground, being noticed,—a gold medal; for the second best,—a silver medal. The account to be produced by the tenth of January, 1791.
XI.
It is a generally received opinion, that horses in a team travel much faster than oxen; yet some European writers on husbandry mention many instances, in which it appeared, not only that oxen would plough as much ground as an equal number of horses, but also travel as fast with a loaded carriage; particularly when, instead of yokes and bows, they were geared in horse-harness, with such variations as were necessary to adapt it to their different shape. To ascertain the powers of oxen in these particulars, and the expence of maintaining them, the society deem matters of very great moment; and are therefore induced to offer a gold medal for the best set of experiments, undertaken with that view; and for the next best a silver medal. In relating these experiments, it will be proper to describe the age and size of the oxen, their plough, the kinds and quantities of their food, the occasions, manner, and expence of shoeing them; in travelling, the kinds of carriages used, and weight of their loads, and seasons of the year, and the length and quality of the roads: And, in ploughing, the size and fashion of the plough, the quality of the soil, the depth of the furrows, and the quantities ploughed: And, in every operation, the time expended, and number and sorts of hands employed in performing it; with many other circumstances which may more fully elucidate the subject. These experiments will enable the essayist to determine what will be the best form and construction of yokes and bows, and what of ox-harness, to enable oxen with the best carriage of their bodies and heads, the most ease, and quickest step, to draw the heaviest loads, a description of each of which sort of gears, explained on mechanical principles, must be subjoined to the account of experiments: To be produced by the first day of January, 1791.
XII.
For the best methods, within the power of common farmers, of recovering old gullied fields to an hearty state, and such uniformity, or evenness of surface, as will again render them fit for tillage; or where the gullies are so deep and numerous as to render such recovery impracticable, for the best method of improving them, by planting trees, or otherwise, so as to yield the improver a reasonable profit for his expences therein, founded on experiment,—a gold medal; and for the next best,—silver medal. To be produced by the first of January, 1791.
XIII.
For the greatest quantity, not less than five hundred pounds weight, of cheese, made on one farm in any of these states, equal in richness and flavor, to the Gloucestershire cheese, hitherto usually imported from England, and which shall be produced to the society by the 1st day of January 1791,—a gold medal; and for the next greatest quantity, not less than two hundred and fifty pounds weight, of like quality,—a silver medal.
XIV.
For the best method, deduced from experience, of raising the American white thorn from the seed, for hedges, and the greatest number of plants raised in a space not less than half an acre, a gold medal; for the second best,—a silver medal. To be produced by the first of December, 1790.
XV.
The society believing that the culture of hemp on some of the low rich lands in the neighborhood of this city, may be attempted with advantage, do hereby offer a gold medal for the greatest quantity of hemp raised within ten miles of the city of Philadelphia. The quantity not to be less than three tons; for the second greatest quantity,—a silver medal. The claim to be made by the first of December, 1791.
* * * It will be left to the choice of those successful candidates for prizes, who may be entitled to the plate or gold medals, to receive the same either in plate or medals, or the equivalent thereof in money.
The claim of every candidate for a premium is to be accompanied with, and supported by, certificates of respectable persons, of competent knowledge of the subject. And it is required, that the matters, for which premiums are offered, be delivered in without their names, or any intimation to whom they belong; that each particular thing be marked in what manner the claimant thinks fit; such claimant sending with it a paper sealed up, having on the outside a corresponding mark, and on the inside the claimant's name and address.
Respecting experiments on the products of land, circumstances of the previous and subse-
quent state of the ground, particular culture given, general state of the weather, &c. will be proper to be in the account exhibited. Indeed in all experiments and reports of facts, it will be well to particularize the circumstances attending them. It is recommended that reasoning be not mixed with the facts; after stating the latter, the former may be added, and will be acceptable.
Although the society reserve to themselves the power of giving, in every case, either one or the other of the prizes, (or premiums) as the performance shall be adjudged to deserve, or of withholding both, if there be no merit, yet the candidates may be assured, that the society will always judge liberally of their several claims.
Published by Order of the Society, SAMUEL POWEL GRIFFITTS, Secretary. Philadelphia, March 9th, 1790.
QUEBEC, December 28. AGRICULTURE SOCIETY.
Minute of the Special Meeting of the Directors of the Quebec Branch, 21st December, 1789.
“Ordered, That the Process in preparing Seed Wheat, as communicated by Mr. Cartier, be published in the Quebec Gazette, and in the Herald.”
FROM the experiments made by Monsr. J. Cartier of the parish of St. Antoine on Chamblee River, laid before the Directors of this branch, it appears, that SMUT in WHEAT, may be effectually prevented by using the following precaution.
Let the WHEAT intended for SEED be thrice thoroughly washed, and let the water drain from it after the third washing; then steep it eighteen hours in brine strong enough to float an egg, and spread it on the floor to let the brine run off; but whilst the WHEAT is yet moist, let quick lime be equally sifted over it, stirring it very well with a shovel, and continue sifting on more lime until the WHEAT is equally dusted with it, in the proportion of half a gallon for every bushel of WHEAT. By stirring it well with a shovel, the WHEAT will soon be dry and fit for sowing.
Some exceeding smutty Wheat, or what the inhabitants call bled charbonne , was prepared by Mr. Cartier in the manner above directed and immediately sown; the sample sent to the Directors of this Branch, as the produce of that very smutty Wheat was good, clean well-filled grain.
By Order of the Directors, HUGH FINLAY, Sec'ry.
BOSTON, March 27, 1790. FROM FRANCE.
“Had we nothing to oppose but the army, we might soon bring these abject mercenaries into non-existence; but the disdainful high clergy and the enraged aristocracy are composed of so many dangerous men, that by their duplicity and machinations it is possible they may turn the scale in favour of the former government: Besides, we are surrounded with powerful princes, who we cannot expect will long continue idle spectators. The French WASHINGTON, the young hero who fought several battles in the course of your glorious revolution has been chosen Generalissimo of all the militia of the kingdom by the universal voice of the militia at large. Each province strove which should be foremost in confiding its liberties in the hands of the truly noble and illustrious the Marquis de la FAYETTE. How fortunate were you to have the federal government established without the loss of a single man; this shows the characteristic wisdom of those enlightened men who were the promoters of that happy event. Since the English language and American Liberty are come in fashion, the libraries of our Literati are crowded with books on politicks, constitutions, &c. but I must sincerely confess that one of your home productions seems to have the preference from the perspicuity of the ideas and the force of the style. PUBLIUS has gained a deserved applause, and is ranked among those whose works will reach posterity. Many of the best families within my reach are preparing to cross the Atlantick next spring, and should the troubles continue much longer, the emigrations must become of consequence to your rising empire.”
THE ARTS.
Nothing gives us more satisfaction, than to note the happy advancement of the Arts and Sciences in our country. At present we have the peculiar pleasure of announcing to the citizens of America, the completion, by Mr. GULLAGER, of an elegant bust of THE PRESIDENT of the United States, in Plaster of Paris, as large as the life—in which the beholder, at first view, recognizes the Great Deliverer of our Country. The Connoisseurs who have visited Mr. GULLAGER's room, to examine this beautiful piece of statuary, are unanimous in pronouncing its merits, and the merits of the ingenious artist who has produced it.
So anxious are even the countrymen for the assumption of the State debts by Congress, that one having read in the papers its being effected, cried out in great ecstasy, “joy to thee my friend—I wish you joy,” “of what?” asked the other,—“Why that Congress has consumed the State debts.”
AMERICAN HEMP.
The indefatigable exertions of John Read, Esq. and others, in promoting the growth of that valuable article of commerce, Hemp, merit much from their country;—as from the spirit for cultivating this commodity which now reigns, there is not a doubt, but in a few years, a saving will be made of £.70,000 a year to the commonwealth, in this single article. Tuesday sen'night, a load, raised by Mr. Read, was brought to town, from Roxbury, and pronounced by judges, to be far superior to the best Russia Hemp. And on Saturday last, a load, of equal quality, raised by Major Ruggles of Roxbury, was brought to town; and it is with pleasure we can inform the public from the best authority, that Hemp raised in this State, is continually bringing to market. [A bounty of 12s. per cwt. is given by this Commonwealth for all merchantable Hemp raised within the same—as also a bounty on Duck, Sail Cloth and Twine, which is extended to January, 1792.]
AMERICAN GLASS.
It is with pleasure we learn that the glass Manufactory in Maryland, is thriving fast. The glass lately manufactured there is equal in quality to that imported from Europe: when we consider the great expence and labour attending an undertaking of this kind, the advantage and benefits resulting from the establishment of Manufactory in America, we cannot but hope that the encouragement of both public and individuals, will be equally great.—We learn that Looking Glasses will be manufactured at these works in the Spring.
Just published, by CAREY, STEWART, AND COMPANY, No. III, of the VIIth volume of The American MUSEUM, or UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE, And to be sold by THOMAS ALLEN, No. 13, QUEEN-STREET, where subscriptions are received, at 2 Dol. and half pr. an.
CHARACTER OF THE MUSEUM.
“IT has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety. A more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, or one more deserving of public encouragement.” His Excellency General Washington. “It has been conducted in a manner highly deserving of public encouragement.” Hon. John Dickinson. “It far exceeds, in my opinion, every attempt of the kind, which, from any other American press ever came to my hands.” His Excellency Governor Livingston. “I concur with those respectable characters, (General Washington, Hon. John Dickinson, and Governor Livingston) in their high opinion of the work, and of its execution.” His Excellency Governor Randolph. “The Museum is calculated to disseminate literary, political, historical, agricultural, and other valuable information, in a very advantageous manner, and to a great extent, and more especially to preserve interesting documents from oblivion.” Rev. Dr. Stiles—Rev. Dr. Dwight—Judge Hopkins—Bishop White—Rev. Dr. Ewing—Rev. Dr. Magau—Tench Coxe, Esq. Rev. Dr. Andrews—Judge Law—Judge Dyer—Judge Sherman—Judge Pitkin.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
SCHEME.
Table with 3 columns: Prize Number, Prize Amount, Total Amount. It lists prizes from 1st to 120th, plus 7959 blanks.
8346 Prizes, 16654 Blanks, 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £.50000 Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, PETER T. CURTENIUS, ABRAHAM HERRING, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
ADVERTISEMENT.
By order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled “an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors,” passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
March 31.