Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-31 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. CI.]
WEDNESDAY, MARCH, 31, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. CI.
"Error generally originates with the learned."
NO person, who loves application, and possesses a good memory, need despair of some attainments in science. It requires no effort of genius to read or recollect what others have wrote, or to recite what others have discovered. But it has unfortunately happened that no small proportion of learned men have been destitute of that degree of sagacity, which could render their acquirements useful to themselves or society. To a person void of penetration, no acquisitions of literature will be sufficient, to constitute him a wise legislator or politician. The faculty of discerning good from evil; truth from error, is very different from that kind of capacity which is competent to collect science. They are indeed so widely different, that I can conceive the wisdom of a man may decline, in proportion as his learning increases. The main object of human enquiry, is the investigation of truth. This can be rarely discovered by those, who have not a clear conception, and are not accustomed to close reflection. Where these requisites are wanting, it is obvious that learning will not lessen the confusion, though it may add to the number of ideas. Perversity of thought may result, either from a natural defect of understanding, or from a careless habit of reading more, than one understands or digests. In the first case there is no remedy; in the latter, the difficulty may perhaps be removed by reflecting more, and reading less. There are a thousand sources of error, to which men of great reading, and little discernment or reflection, are eminently exposed. They are more than other men liable, from a credulity of temper, to imbibe the suggestions of folly, and to be ensnared by the tricks of knavery. They are oftener, than any other men, beguiled from the truth, by the wiles of sophistry, and the charms of eloquence. And they are certainly less able, than other men, to resist the temptation of offering projects, for the sake of displaying their skill; and of declaring opinions, for the sake of shewing their wisdom. The projects of such men, however, are not often practicable, and their opinions are seldom founded in propriety. They can escape error, only in points of which they are ignorant, and must communicate folly, unless they remain silent. It is hoped the reader will not infer from these remarks, that I mean to call in question the utility of learning. The misapplication of it, in some instances, will, by no means, authorize a conclusion, that its useful purposes do not, upon the whole, far overbalance its pernicious. Men may be skilled in some profession, who have little comprehension with regard to other matters; and while they are confined to their proper sphere, their learning may be at least harmless, if not beneficial. But we should not conclude that, because a man is a skilful mechanic, or an expert mathematician, he has talents for general objects of business. Much less must we conclude that a man, who, by laborious study has acquired a smattering in all the sciences, but who, for want of discernment is perfect in none, can be qualified for those employments that require a strong judgment and keen observation. Extent of learning can only be of eminent use, where it is accompanied by a comprehensive, distinguishing mind. Persons of a narrow capacity, which however may be fit for something, should know their own limits, and confine their attention to those points that correspond with their natural bias. They run into mistakes, and become contemptible, whenever they depart from that standard. But those who have an understanding naturally dark, and clouded, in all things, multiply their errors, if they attempt to acquire ideas in anything, that is not nearly felt-evident. People of this description, after a few years study, find their memories stored with a great deal of literary stuff, and have at their tongue's end a variety of technical terms, which they learn a fluency of uttering on all occasions. In this way, they obtain the reputation of possessing vast learning; they are supposed to have a depth of knowledge when they speak upon political or moral subjects; because they know not how to express themselves clearly. It is easy to imagine that such people pass in the world for more than they are worth, and may be employed in offices for which they are totally unqualified. Ignorant men must have few errors, because they have few ideas; and they will seldom impose on others; both because they do not wish it, and because they have little
influence. Learned men, on the other hand, are strongly prompted by vanity to communicate what they know; and when they have acquired literary fame, there will generally be implicit faith enough in the world, to give currency to their schemes and opinions. Thus it happens that error, not only most frequently originates with the learned, but is most eagerly propagated by them, and most readily received from them, by other people. The mind of a man may be a rich deposit of facts, who still may never be able to compare them in such a manner, as to deduce any just inference, or make any useful application of his knowledge. The causes which produce error are not to be removed by mere attainments in science. We often fail of coming at the truth in our reasoning, by commencing our enquiries upon wrong principles. If an enquirer cannot therefore determine the propriety of his original propositions, he may carry on a train of syllogisms forever, and be constantly diverging from the truth. Another very common cause of error proceeds from false comparisons. Cases are often compared which have not sufficient resemblance; and precedents introduced under circumstances, where they do not fairly apply.
May it not be concluded that experience and reflection must be united with literary accomplishments, to render a man really eminent or useful? And who has not observed, that even all these qualifications will not form a perfect character without calling to aid, those powers of intuition which can always act properly from the impulses of the occasion; and that acuteness of discernment that can rightly estimate every event that occurs?
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, MARCH 11.
IN committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, for making provision for the support of the public credit—the following proposition was read, viz.
To have the whole sum funded at an annuity, or yearly interest of four per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum on account both of principal and interest; and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents payable in lands, as in the preceding case.
The motion to reject the proposition was discussed.
Mr. WHITE. If the irredeemable quality would be any inducement to our domestic creditors, it ought to have weight. I do not think it will; but it is said, that it will be agreeable to foreigners; it may, but in proportion as they become interested in our funds; this principle will make us become tributary to them forever; with respect to our constituents it must be acknowledged that taxes paid to extinguish a debt, are always paid with most cheerfulness; so far as my experience goes, it confirms this observation. There are four millions of our debt due to one foreign nation only; the interest on which is 200,000 dollars annually. The irredeemable quality led me to vote against the second proposition. I have the same objection to this. The first proposition I consider a just and fair offer.
The equivalent in land is as favorable to the creditor as the circumstances of the country will admit. Twenty cents an acre for Western Territory is not too high; it is a very moderate valuation. Kentucky would sell for more than that, and ten years since the prospect there was not so favorable as that of the Western Territory.
Mr. PAGE in the course of a number of other observations, said, that if he was a member of the British Parliament, he should rely on the calculations offered in the report, without giving them an examination; he did not doubt that they were just. The report is an ingenious performance and does the gentleman honor who has framed it. But as a member of the legislature of the United States, he had a right to investigate critically every proposition submitted to him, and to canvas every subject with rigor. He observed that the gentleman from Massachusetts had not informed him, upon the subjects of his enquiry; he had told him that the Secretary says so, and that such and such things are so, which he knew perfectly well before. He wanted to know what was the precise sum his constituents would have to pay.
The motion for striking out this proposition passed in the affirmative.
The next proposition was read.
To have sixty-six dollars and two-thirds of a dollar funded immediately, at an annuity, or yearly interest of six per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding four dollars and two-thirds of a dollar per annum, on account both of principal and interest; and to have, at the end of ten years, twenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents funded at the like interest and rate of redemption.
Mr. JACKSON moved to strike out the words "irredeemable by any payment exceeding four dollars and two-thirds."
In support of his motion he observed, that the irredeemable quality, as allowed by gentlemen in favor of the resolution, was altogether for the benefit of the foreign creditor. On this principle he was opposed to it, as well as to the annuity propositions, which were calculated for the rich brokers of Paris, but by no means for the citizens of America. The former were, in general, very rich, and commonly single; they aspired to alliances with noble families who despised their connections, and they were too proud to marry those who were beneath their fortunes: Annuities the more answered their purposes of providing for themselves—those people, in general, caring nothing for posterity. This was not the case in America, where something more substantial would
be sought after by a creditor, to leave his children. He said, he was induced to this digression, to shew the impolicy of holding out too great a temptation to foreigners. He did not like the idea of putting it out of our power to redeem the debt, whenever the nation might be competent; and it was declared by gentlemen, that there were situations in which the debt ought to be irredeemable. A great deal had been said on this head, and modes had been pointed out how the debt could be redeemed, notwithstanding the express terms of the clause. This appeared to him to be a contradiction of terms: But it was said, that the public were to go to market to purchase their own debts. Severe censures had been passed on private speculations deservedly: But here was an avowed one on the part of the public. He hoped that this worst kind of speculation would not be countenanced. For his part, he conceived a proceeding of this nature, however common it might be, a departure from the honor and credit of the nation; and that, if this irredeemable quality was stricken out, he believed there would be no necessity for this measure. The gentlemen who now appear so warmly to advocate the cause of the foreigners, he observed, were of different opinions on a former day, and insisted there was no difference between a foreign or domestic creditor, and that they ought all to be on an equality.
Gentlemen had given the house flattering accounts of the increase of specie, and the benefits resulting to the continent, from foreigners purchasing in our funds; but it was certain with him that this influx would prove but of momentary advantage, and that the very purchase itself would constitute a constitutional drain, in the interest, not only of that specie with which the stock was purchased, but of the actual medium of the country. It therefore becomes our duty to keep as much of this stock as possible in the hands of our own citizens, and not hold out too great a temptation to foreigners. The first proposition, he advanced, went far enough, and he was dubious whether there existed a necessity for any other. Two-thirds of the debt was to be funded at six per cent. and the lands were to be received for the other third: these lands were the proper funds of this country, and were to be taken, as the Secretary himself advanced in his report, at a fair valuation: a dollar had been given for an acre heretofore—the price now was only twenty cents. It might be advanced, that the creditors would not receive them; but this, he said, could not be done with justice, nor did he believe it would be the case. Numbers had applied, petitions were now on the table, offering to pay for these lands in the principal of this debt: no attention had been paid to them, nor was it known what amount of our debt we might sink in this way.
He had, however, no objection to the resolution now before the house, to give the creditor an option, provided the obnoxious words were stricken out: he was certain they would be disagreeable; and if, as some gentlemen had represented them, they were of no consequence, he hoped they would not be contended for.
Mr. BOUDINOT was opposed to the motion, he considered the inducement, in the reduction of the capital, held out in this proposition to the creditors, a full equivalent for the irredeemable quality proposed to be given it.
Mr. AMES: It is moved to strike out the word irredeemable from this proposition of the Secretary. In order to judge of the expediency of adopting the motion, it will be necessary to take an extensive view of the whole subject. It will be proper to enquire, Whether it is necessary to effect a new modification of the debt—what ought to be the principles and terms of it, and whether the proposed amendment is or is not consistent with them.
Why do we not provide for paying 6 per cent? Let us perform the contract as it was made. This has been frequently said. I answer, other terms to be agreed upon will better promote the interest of both parties.
Unquestionably the contract is binding on the government at 6 per cent; nor can any thing short of the free consent of the creditors annul or change it.
We are to exclude from this discussion all suspicion of bad faith. Government should not distrust itself, nor suppose that it is distrustful. The question turns, not on the willingness, but on the ability to pay—not merely the ability of the people, but of the government. We are not to regard alone the vigor and efficiency of government, for this is not to be trusted as the measure of its power to tax. For this power depends greatly on habit, and is the slowest growth of all the habits of a country. By often imposing taxes, government may be sure of their productiveness—and in what form they can best be supported. A new tax is more grievous than an old one; for the people form their habits of living to the permanent state of things. Experience only can teach the government what is practicable, and what is prudent, and habit not only makes public burdens less obnoxious, but less oppressive. I infer that Congress is not possessed of its entire capacity to form sufficient funds, nor of the evidence to satisfy the creditors that they will be sufficient for 6 per cent. The funds must be sufficient, otherwise they cannot be pledged, and known to be sufficient; otherwise they will not be trusted. We may say and believe that the taxes will produce a sum adequate to 6 per cent. but it will be with a degree of doubt, and subject to contingencies equally unfriendly to the public and its creditors. Securities would fluctuate, for this doubt would be a subject of speculation. The creditors would lose much of their capital in the market, and the public would lose the use of the debt as money. Those who advocate a 6 per cent provision, will please to point out the taxes which will ensure the payment at that rate. Straining the sources of taxation may make the product of the first year considerable; but that of the succeeding years will be impaired. Besides, is it consistent with prudence for a nation to pledge its funds to the extent of its capacity? Contingent expenses cannot be avoided. These would injure the funds, and war would totally destroy the whole system. This is doing, at best, temporary justice to the creditors, but as the insecurity of the paper will affect the price, it will not merit even that title.
This leads to a view of the nature of this property. When the funds are sure and sufficient, the capital will rise in proportion to the rate of interest. The best condition of the paper is, when it has a fixed exchangeable value, and at the highest rate. For then the holder can dispose of it at pleasure, and without loss. He has no occasion to desire the public to pay off the loan, as he can get his money more conveniently at the time, and in the place he may chuse by selling at market. The paper is as good as the money lent. He may therefore be said, to every useful purpose, to keep his property while he is paid for lending. This is better and safer than private debts, and this is the natural state of public credit, and something must be found wrong where it is not so fixed. It is the interest of the creditors to concur with government in the means which will bring it to this desirable point.
What are those means?
The Secretary has offered several proposals. Will these, or an adherence to the original contract, in exclusion of them, best promote the object?
One of the primary means proposed by the Secretary is funding the debt. Perhaps the strict claims of the creditors could not be extended beyond annual grants. But policy and liberal justice forbid the measure. Where this has been tried in some of the

States, the securities have not risen above 6/8 in the pound. I do not pretend that government suffers any damage by funding; but the contrary. The creditors, however, acquire a new right and a valuable interest in the funds. For the appropriation is selling or mortgaging the public revenues, and making them private property. It is the delivery of a pawn for the security of the debt.
The great operation, however, to give permanency and value to this pledge, and in a sense to insure the funds against adverse contingencies is the establishment of a sinking fund. It cannot be the interest of the creditors to receive perpetual annuities at any rate of interest which shall exclude this provision. For in that case, six and possibly even ten per cent. would give them a bad bargain. In proportion as the rate of interest is raised, the securities ought to rise, but as the risk of a failure of payment would be encreased even more than in proportion to the rise of interest, it is scarcely to be doubted that the securities would sink below the value which they will acquire by the proposed loan. It will be proper to ask here, will any gentleman affirm, with confidence that a sufficient and sure provision can be made at six per cent? Will he go further and designate adequate and proper subjects of taxation to ensure the payment? No gentleman has yet attempted this task, nor do I believe that it can be done with any prudence. But even this task if accomplished by the advocates of six per cent. will not be sufficient. They must proceed and furnish a surplus revenue as a sinking fund. In proportion as the rate of interest is raised, the provision for it becomes hazardous—and in the degree that it is so, the sinking fund must be made more ample to secure it—it will be safe to rest the argument on this point, and to insist that as no evidence is offered to shew that funds adequate to these objects can be provided, the interest of the public and its creditors equally forbids a dependence upon them.—The sinking fund is an indispensable part of every system; it secures the capital loaned as well as the interest—for every million that shall be paid off, will make the residue more safe.—If the whole debt was reduced from 80 millions to 80, it could scarcely be so mismanaged as to want credit. The sinking fund will be constantly operating to bring it to that point. It is also a security against the danger arising from an increase of public expence—it will also prevent great fluctuation in the value of the paper—for when it shall be cheapest, the purchases of government will raise it in the market.—Again, in our country the quantity of money and other active property is not in proportion to real estates—a great national debt when brought to market may exceed the demand. The purchases of government will bring the demand to an equality with the stock offered for sale. Suppose the amount of the money annually employed in buying up the public paper to be 5 millions—the discount is now 60 per cent. paper being at 8/ in the pound. If government could throw into the market one million for the like purpose, it would encrease the demand 25 per cent. and the same money which in circulation may be calculated to be in part at least employed by individuals for the purchase of securities, which would further encrease the demand. Perhaps the single operation of a sinking fund may be calculated to diminish the present discount one half.
There is no subject so purely artificial as the science of public debts—whether I have assumed false principles and drawn fanciful conclusions from them will appear by resorting to facts.
Great-Britain has repeatedly changed the form of her debt—George the II. was scarcely seated on the throne before a rebellion broke out. This was suppressed, but doubts remained in regard to his title to the throne, and of the ability of the public to pay its creditors. To put the public credit on a stable basis, the parliament proposed a new loan of the debt, amounting to more than 30 millions sterling, at a reduced rate of interest (four per cent.) The South Sea company were authorised to buy up the debts, or to suffer the creditors to take shares of the South Sea stock. This act passed in 1719, and the famous South Sea bubble happened the next year.
A still greater operation of the like kind was accomplished in 1749, and the interest on a debt near double the amount of the former, 57 millions was reduced from 4 to 3 per cent. The war of 1741, and which was ended in 1748 by the peace of Aix la Chapelle had greatly encreased the public burdens. It was proposed to pay the former interest till the end of 1750, then three and an half till the end of 1757, and after that time, three per cent. It will seem strange that the creditors should voluntarily accept a less rate of interest; we are well informed how ever that they consented to it for the sake of the encreased security of the capital, and the stipulated interest; for by the savings of interest, the sinking fund was encreased—the conduct of the creditors would be unintelligible otherwise; for as the interest was funded before, and regularly paid, the only motive to be discerned for consenting to the reduction, is what has been just assigned. The sinking fund has been called the last hope of the nation, and the misapplication of it has been the subject of great complaint—and it may be demanded, was not this reasoning of the creditors just? For if the public revenue had stood charged to the extent of what it could produce, would not the credit of the debt have rested on a very unsound basis. Britain had been frequently engaged in wars for extending commerce, or establishing the balance of power. And the unsuccessful war of 1741 had ended in a precarious state of armed peace. Unless the nation could be relieved so far as to prepare for new wars, the creditors foresaw the failure of the public faith.
I shall behold that the proposal of a new loan is not to be defended unless the terms are fair and free; and that, in the instance alluded to, Great-Britain offered a new loan in one hand, and the money to redeem the debt in the other. Every thing regarding the public faith is so important as to be entitled to a full examination.
The first capital operation of the reduction of interest was in 1719. Was the offer to pay off the creditors made at the same time with the offer to pay 4 per cent.? It seems to have been understood that the creditors were threatened in case they should refuse to accept the reduced interest with being compelled to receive their capital. This however, is not true—no offer to pay off the capital was then made—the South Sea company was expressly authorised to pay off the debts, or so many of them at a time as they in regard to their own circumstances and ability should think fit. Accordingly the fact corresponded with the authority—and nothing but the stock of the company was offered in payment for about five sixth parts of the debt.—It is true indeed, that the stock sold at a great advance, and therefore was better than money—but it is also true that the company took advantage of the rise of stock to the utmost, and at the rate of 375 per cent. except for about one sixth part which they offered to pay in money and their own bonds—but as stock continued to rise, they made new offers at 500 per cent. and near two thirds of the debt was subscribed in a few days, they afterwards renewed the offer, but at 800 per cent. It was provided in the act of parliament, that the debts not subscribed or paid off should remain upon their former footing; and not that the creditors should have their capital redeemed.—But a circumstance, absolutely conclusive against the reasoning urged in objection, is, that the half of the debt was irredeemable, and of course the creditors were not liable to the threats of government—that on refusing the new loan they should be paid off. They had nothing to fear on that score, and of course could not regard any motive but the advantage in point of greater security which has been insisted on already.
In 1749 the fact is equally against the argument in question. There was not any offer on the part of government to pay off the creditor—indeed a second act was made extending the term within which the creditors might subscribe to the new loan.—But so far from paying them off, the terms were made harder against them, and the reduction to 3 per cent. was appointed to a period two years earlier—1755. In a third act it cannot be denied that means were used to pay off the nonsubscribers. But the unsubscribed debt was then reduced to the moderate sum of one million and thirteen thousand pounds—and the bank was empowered to pay off that sum. The King, the Lords and the Commons speak of this transaction as highly beneficial to the nation, and not
including the least violation of the public faith. Accordingly the bills passed by great majorities, and with a great degree of popularity with the nation.
I am surprised that the opinion should have been so readily admitted that such an offer ought to be made, or that it could be carried into execution. Could Britain have paid off 70 millions sterling. The existence of a national debt is proof that she could not: A nation that can pay the capital would not pay the interest. It is so far from being true that Britain could pay off her debt, that all Europe could not do it.
America is at this moment more able to pay off than Britain—for two reasons. Her debt is not so great, and the rate of interest is higher, so that she might procure new loans on better terms in Europe.
I cannot discern the obligation arising from the justice or reason of the case to pay off on the refusal of the terms. I should suppose in my simplicity that if new terms were not to be approved, the old contract should continue—and that is precisely the language of the British Statutes. It does no injury to the creditors to propose to mend their condition; the offer if refused leaves the parties on the former footing. When it is urged, therefore, that government ought to offer payment when new terms are offered, am I not at liberty to affirm that this opinion is not warranted by history, nor practicable in itself, nor required by the reason and justice of the case?
It is admitted, however, that the terms ought to be fair and free: Are those proposed by the Secretary such, and will they give the highest value, and most fixed quality to the debt?
On some of the terms full payment is offered to such as may prefer land, on others, an equivalent.
Whether this offer is, or is not an equivalent, remains to be enquired.
The debt is offered to be made irredeemable, except at the rate of one per cent. Government agrees to forego the advantage of the fall of interest. In times of war and calamity, nations are obliged to pay an high interest; but when peace and commerce have reduced the rate of interest, they are enabled by new loans to reduce the debt to its proper standard. It is now peace, and government may fairly offer to make the debt irredeemable at the due rate of interest. This is what the Secretary proposes. The question, however, recurs, is this arrangement beneficial to the creditor, and in what degree is it so?
It is urged that the creditors are rather disposed to consider the redemption of the debt as a desirable thing: They wish to get their money. How then, it is demanded, can the irredeemable quality of the debt be considered as a subject of compensation and advantage to the creditor? However paradoxical it may seem, all that is just stated may be conceded, and yet the irredeemable quality of the debt may be highly beneficial to the creditor.
A compendious proof of this may be found in this way: Suppose that the proposal was made to make the debt irredeemable at 6 per cent. interest. The burden upon the public would be manifestly unreasonable, and the advantage to the creditor equally so; and for this plain reason, the public would be restrained from taking advantage of the fall of interest in this country, or of the present low rate in Europe. Making the debt redeemable will not redeem it, nor will it be of any use to the creditor. If 6 per cent. irredeemable, would be a hard bargain to the public, will the like stipulation at a less rate of interest prove mutually beneficial? This is a question for the public, on deliberation to propose, and the creditors freely to decide.
It is necessary to premise that the Secretary has founded his report upon these two principles. On the idea that the entire mass of the debt constitutes a burden which it is inconvenient to bear at once, he has proposed to divide it into two portions. The first portion, of two thirds is to be provided for at 6 per cent. the other third is to be taken up after the period of ten years, when our strength may be more equal to bearing it—and this postponement is proposed upon terms favorable to both parties. It is favorable to the public—first, because it relieves the public from the pressure of the present necessity—and secondly, the debt to be funded is 19 per cent. less than the present debt—that is, the public receive 100 dollars, and in consideration of the irredeemable quality stipulated in the loan, is burdened only with providing for 81 dollars. The amount of the 19 per cent. upon the entire domestic is near 13 millions.
The advantage to the public is so manifest that I entertain no fear of its being overlooked—a more formidable difficulty arises from the other quarter. It will be said the public it is true will gain; but it gains too much, it is a dishonest as well as enormous gain which is extorted from the creditor.
I respect this objection, and will endeavor with proper candor to obviate its force; and this will lead me to the second principle of the Secretary.
That the reduction of the market rate of interest will make good to the creditor the release of 19 per cent. of the capital loaned.
This question is submitted to the security holders. Is it better for you to receive a less rate of interest on the terms of receiving it a longer time, or a higher rate for less time? we propose to pay longer on the condition of paying less yearly.—Supposing the funds to be sure, the value of the capital will be regulated by the rate of interest. As interest falls, the capital will rise; if in 5 years interest should fall to 5 per cent. and in 15 more to 4 per cent. the creditor will be compensated. The grounds of this reduction of interest are to be examined.
It is made probable by facts.—Before the war interest was at 5 per cent. in the Eastern part of America; then things were in their natural state, and as soon as the violent causes which have disturbed their equipoise have ceased to act, they will return to it. This is the more to be expected as the rate of interest in Europe is low, and becoming still lower. Trade is still extending itself—wealth continues to encrease—the surplus property which the owner cannot employ is offered on loan to those who can, and the market is more and more overstocked with the quantity; precisely the contrary has happened in this country—a great part of our active property was destroyed by the war—but most evils tend to their own cure—supposing a safe and firm government, the high rate of interest here naturally tends to draw the surplus property from Europe—it will find its level—peace is diligently repairing the waste of war. I turn with pleasure from this barren disquisition to a scene that is interesting to our philanthropy as well as patriotism.—My heart glows while I think of the contrast between the situation of this country in 1736 and now in 1790. No country ever made a more rapid progress towards opulence.—Wherever we look, industry is
working miracles; we may doubt whether interest will not fall even farther than is calculated. Probably trade will not bear an interest so high as 6 per cent. and the person who borrows must, after paying the interest, reserve a profit—and when few are disposed to borrow, many will be ready to lend, and interest will fall. But a debt funded as it is proposed, will be safer and more eligible than any private debts. Four per cent. from government will be nearly equal to 6 from individuals—and a debt so funded will itself reduce the rate of interest.—For even if it should be all sold to foreigners, they will pay the value—and the property paid will encrease the common stock and lower interest.
The debt is to be considered, when funded, as an increase of active capital. We have been often told, that a public debt is not a blessing, but an evil. We are not to compare a debt with no debt;—for it is a desirable thing to be free from debt; but the debt is already contracted, and we are to compare an unfunded fluctuating debt with a funded debt. Such a debt as the latter may be comparatively a blessing, for it makes the capital transferable as well as the income. We have but a small share of personal property—but this will make the very land and houses circulate. It is true it is an artificial capital formed by a charge upon every other capital—but it is also true, that it is formed by small savings in expence, and if the taxes were not to be laid, there would not be an increase of wealth at the end of a year, equal to the debt, or the interest of it. A single cent in the price of an article cannot be said to impoverish the people, or to restrain them from enjoying their usual habits of living. Indeed it may tend in some degree to prevent excess, and to promote frugality—which will enrich the people. But at the end of the year these almost imperceptible sums, by their union into one mass, acquire a new power. The whole may be said to have properties, which did not belong to the separate parts. The active circulation promoted by the debt will in a considerable degree compensate the burden of paying taxes. Those whose property is encreased by possessing the debt, will become the greater consumers in proportion, and of course contribute largely to the revenue.
Another circumstance ought to be regarded.—Foreigners will be led to think the government safe, when they think the funds so. Many will follow their property and come to live among us. Whether the advantages of a funded debt will balance the burden of having one is a question of mere speculation. We have a debt, and must provide for it. It cannot be denied, however, that these advantages will be considerable, and will tend to reduce the rate of interest. Such a reduction actually took place in England after the establishment of public credit. In about five years after 1693, interest fell from 8 and 10 per cent. to 5.
Whether interest will or will not fall in the degree that the Secretary expects, is a matter of fair calculation. Taking the reasons together which have been offered to evince the affirmative, there cannot be any impropriety in proposing to the creditors to consent to an arrangement which promises them such solid advantage.
Let this advantage be computed—81 dollars are to be funded at 6 per cent. This is nearly 41. 17s. 8d. per cent. The irredeemable quality of the debt may well be reckoned equal to one per cent. It will be worth near that to foreigners.—Add to this, interest is to be paid quarter-yearly. This is not only convenient, but actually makes some increase of the rate of interest.
The question may very properly be proposed to the creditors—Is this a fair equivalent? Is this as good as 6 per cent? Nay is it not better for them? Their debt is to be funded—revenues to be mortgaged for the interest; government agrees to continue paying, the interest should fall—and to provide a sinking fund to ensure these advantages. Nor can it be said that the loan is forced, for government, being at present in a condition to pay only 4 per cent. offers it equally to subscribers and non-subscribers. This also removes the pretext that advantage is taken of their necessities.
Was any reloan ever proposed in any country, on terms more fair and beneficial to the creditors? We have examined the facts relating to the English funds. Their creditors sacrificed more, and for less. Of all the modifications of a public debt with which we are acquainted, is there one less exceptionable than that proposed by the Secretary?
However artificial this reasoning may appear, it is no longer considered as strange and visionary in Europe. In this transaction government is to accommodate its proposals to the ideas which experience has established in other countries. I will not deny that I should have preferred a simple 6 per cent. proposition, redeemable at the pleasure of government. But we have seen the inexpediency of that measure.
Upon the whole I submit it to the candid judgment of the committee, whether if a Congress of debtors only should legislate, they could, with justice, or even policy, secure greater advantages to the nation—or whether a Congress of creditors only could with any degree of prudence provide better for themselves?

The bill to suspend part of the collection law was read the second time, and ordered to lie on the table.
On motion of Mr. Livermore, the petition of the merchants and traders of Portsmouth New-Hampshire, was read the second time. The petition referring to two distinct objects. One respecting the holding the district court in Portsmouth. The other respecting restrictions on our trade by foreigners; it was moved that it should be referred to two committees
It was accordingly voted that the part relating to trade, be referred to a committee of twelve, and that respecting the district courts to a committee of three.
The memorial of the officers of the late navy of the United States, was read a second time, & referred to a committee of seven.
Mr. Bland moved that the bill just now laid on the table, should be taken up, in order to admit an amendment, which he had prepared, and which, he observed, would not probably occasion any debate. Some debate however ensued, and it was finally voted to refer the bill to a committee of the whole house, on Monday next.
A petition from General Hazen was read.
A motion was then made that the house should take up the report of the committee of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Williamson said he hoped that the house would not take up the report—he wished that North-Carolina should be fully represented on the floor, when the question for accepting the report should come before the house; he wished it he said as he had some facts to state to the house which would go to prove the total impropriety, if not impracticability of agreeing to some of the propositions contained in the report. He moved therefore, that the subject should be deferred, at least till to morrow.
Mr. Sedgwick and Mr. Sherman opposed a postponement.
Mr. Heister spoke in favor of the motion, he thought the reasons offered by the gentleman from North-Carolina important, and that he should be indulged.
The question was then put for taking up the report, and passed in the affirmative.—27 to 24.
The report was then read.
The three first propositions were adopted by the house.
The fourth respecting the assumption of the state debts being read.
Mr. Carroll objected to proceeding any further in the report; he submitted it to the house, whether it would not be more regular and expedient to go into a committee of the whole, on that part of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which relates to devising ways and means to pay the interest on the foreign and domestic debts; he thought this would be a more regular mode of conducting the business, he moved therefore, that the proposition should be passed over.
The motion for postponement occasioned considerable debate; it was supported by Mr. Carroll, Mr. Seney, Mr. Smith (Maryland) Mr. Stone, and Mr. Williamson; the last gentleman observed that the report had been agreed to in the committee of the whole by a majority of four or five members only; North-Carolina has about that number in her representation—she certainly has a right to be heard on the subject; we are not yet fully represented—and are not prepared to offer our sentiments. I have at home (said he) some papers which I wish to lay before the House—I have not got them in my pocket—a proposition to assume 25 millions (I believe it will turn out to be 30 millions) ought to be maturely considered. He had a variety of difficulties on his mind, which he wished to have removed.—He asked what was to be done with those creditors of the States who would not subscribe to the loans on this plan? Adverting to the report of the Secretary, he said, that when he saw calculations of 100000 dollars to be derived from sources, which he believed would be found not to produce five—he confessed he had his doubts respecting the rest—he saw no necessity for precipitating the question.—He wished more fully to understand the subject.
The motion was then varied to recommitting the fourth proposition to a committee of the whole House—which was opposed by Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Ames, Mr. Lawrance, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Benson, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Smith (S. C.) and supported by Mr. Bland, Mr. White, and Mr. Jackson.—In opposition to the motion it was said—that more than a fortnight had been spent in discussing the subject—that every argument on both sides had been produced which it was probable could be suggested—that the proposition was an essential part of the Report—that subsequent propositions had received the approbation of gentlemen on a presumption that this would form part of the system—that all the requisite forms had been attended to—that if the proposition was again re-committed, it would be worse than sacrificing the time for no object, which had been spent upon it, as the whole ground would be gone over again—that the rea-
son urged on account of North Carolina might be obviated by considering that the debates had been published—the state of the business fully laid down—and that the various stages it has to pass thro before it is compleated, will afford the members from that State ample opportunity to offer their sentiments, &c.
In support of the motion it was said, that the majority in the committee in favor of the proposition was small—that the subject was very important in its nature and consequences—a great variety of different sentiments prevailed among the people—some States were totally opposed to the assumption, as it would interfere with their arrangements made to pay the interest of their debts—that the subject was susceptible of new light being thrown upon it—new arguments may be adduced—some objections it was said had not been removed. North-Carolina is interested as much as the other States, and has as good right to be fully heard as either Massachusetts or South-Carolina—that it was unprecedented not to consent to a re-commitment at the request of a particular State. Some gentlemen in supporting the motion entered into the merits of the proposition. They remarked that as the amount of the State debts was not fully ascertained, the assumption might put it out of the power of the United States to make adequate provision for payment of the interest of their foreign and domestic debts—and Mr. Williamson said the assumption would defraud the State of North Carolina of half a million of dollars.
The question for re-commitment being put, it passed in the affirmative—29 to 27. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, MARCH 30.
The bill for accepting the cession of certain lands therein described, made by the state of North-Carolina, having been amended by the House, as stated in our last, and returned to the Senate—the amendment was concurred in by the Senate, with an amendment—this additional amendment was to strike out the names of the Senators of North-Carolina, from the preamble, and was agreed to by the House.
The order of the day being called for, the Speaker read the fifth resolution of the report of the committee of the whole House on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Gerry moved that all the propositions subsequent to that for assuming the state debt, should be recommitted to a committee of the whole—He observed that these are so inseparably connected with the foregoing, that those who consider the assumption as an object of importance, have associated the subsequent propositions with it, and cannot consistently vote for the latter, but in reference to the former.
This motion occasioned debate.
It was opposed by Mr. Carroll, Mr. Stone, Mr. Seney, Mr. Jackson and Mr. Williamson; and supported by Mr. Bland, Mr. Vining, Mr. Lawrance, Mr. Burke and Mr. Wadsworth.
The motion being put, it passed in the affirmative—31 members voting in favor of it.
The House then went into a committee of the whole—Mr. Livermore in the chair.
The proposition for the assumption of the State Debts being read, the debate on the subject was renewed, and continued until near three o'clock, when the committee rose without coming to a decision.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by his Secretary, informing the House, that the act for establishing an uniform rule of naturalization, and the act making appropriations for the services of government, for the year 1790, have received his approbation and signature.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they have passed the bill for promoting the progress of useful arts, with sundry amendments, in which they request the concurrence of the House. Adjourned.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE.
FREEDOM is inimical to bigotry: The revolution now carrying on in the Austrian Netherlands, altho it commenced in an enthusiastic zeal to defend certain religious establishments, which in their construction have a natural tendency to confine and contract the human mind, will eventually produce a glorious emancipation, establish the rights of human nature, and deliver the people from the tyranny of superstition. The views of the enlightened Patriot will never be bounded by any object, short of the full establishment of a free constitution; the means to affect this are various, and none will be considered beneath his notice, that has the remotest reference to the ultimate design; for the work once begun, the prospect enlarges, and every passion, of the human mind may be made subservient to the cause of liberty.—“I he proposed league of the States of Flanders will, if effected, raise a most formidable power in Europe; as it will comprehend the United Provinces, the Flemings, and those of the Austrian Netherlands; to this will probably be
added as allies the King of Prussia, Duke of Cleves, Hanover, Brunswick, &c. Before such a combination, the house of Austria must shrink and even the imperial diadem may be lost to the present family. The majority of the electorates always going with the most powerful party, as was evinced by the elector of Bavaria's being chosen Emperor, when Joseph was young, thro' the influence of the Court of Versailles—but lost to his family when success attended the arms of MARIA THERESA”—This revolution has been effected thus far, with astonishing unanimity; in the Assembly that deliberated on throwing off their allegiance to the Emperor; there was not a dissenting voice—their boldness and decision has ensured them the approbation of the enlightened of all Europe—There is one lesson that the people have learned, and that is, that UNION is paramount to every obstacle, and can infallibly effect every object the people wish to achieve; a lesson that may make the tyrants of the earth tremble.—CROWNS do not appear to be so durable an inheritance, as they have heretofore been considered by their possessors.
(To be continued.)
STANZA.—ON PERFECTION.
I'VE seen an end of what they call Perfection here below; Good David said and I suppose, He verily thought so. But had he liv'd to see the Men, Who in our Councils sit, He would have found there is no End, Of all Perfection yet.
Sternhold & Hopkins.
IMPROMPTU.
“PROCRASTINATION is the thief of time”— Thus sung the bard immortal and sublime! Not so the creed in modern legislation, Where time is saved by procrastination.
NEW-YORK, MARCH 31, 1790.
Extract of a letter from a merchant in London, to his friends in Philadelphia, dated January 4, 1790.
“GENTLEMEN, By an order of His Majesty, (with the advice of his Privy-Council) inserted in the London Gazette of the 26 ultimo. the EXPORT of wheat, wheat-flour, rye, rye-meal, barley, barley-meal, malt, bread, biscuit, oats, oat-meal and beans, is PROHIBITED from every port in Great-Britain, until further order; and the IMPORT ALLOWED, likewise until further order into England, Wales, and Berwick upon Tweed, at the low duties which are on
Wheat, - - - 6d. per Quarter, Wheat-Flour, - - - 2d. per 112 lbs. Rye, - - - 3d. per Quarter, Barley - - - 2d. per Quarter Oats - - - ditto.
Rye-Meal and Barley-Meal will by no means answer at this market; nor can I encourage you in the import of Oat-Meal.
In the Market. English Red Wheat - 49 a 53 fine 54-6 White ditto - 50 a 54 fine 55-6 Rivet ditto - 45 a 49 fine 50 a 52 Rye - - - 32 a 33 Barley - - - 23 a 25 fine 26 Oats - - - 19 a 20 old Ditto Poland - 20 a 22 old White Pease - - - 27 a 29 Ditto for boiling - 35 per Quarter Flour - 42 to 44 per Sack of 280 lb. nett.
The Norfolk and Portsmouth chronicle informs that the Hon. John Sevier is chosen a Representative of the United States for the State of North-Carolina.
In addition to the address of the inhabitants of Point a Petre to the American captains, the General Assembly of the colony of Guadalupe, also complimented them with an address on their spirited and philanthropic exertions at the late fire. The Assembly also enacted that the Attorney General, and his deputies shall order that only the sum stipulated in the act of 1783, to be paid at the Admiralty Office, shall in future, be demanded viz. three dollars, in lieu of seven, which had recently been paid.
The Cotton Factory at Philadelphia was consumed by fire on the 25th inst. The loss by this unfortunate circumstance is estimated at 1000l.
Married on Saturday evening, by the Rev. Dr. Benjamin Moore, the Hon. JOHN PAGE, Esq. of Virginia, to Miss LOWTHER, daughter of William Lowther, Esq. of this city.
Died at Boston the 18 inst. in the 16 year of her age, Miss ABIGAIL OTIS, daughter of Samuel Allyne Otis, Esq. Secretary to the senate of the United States.—A second instance within a short period, in which this gentlemen's family and connections, have been called to deplore the death of a most lovely and amiable young lady—
In this city Mr. ISAAC NORTON, aged 54 years. A letter from — is too personal to come within the limits of our plan.
PRICE CURRENT. CONTINENTAL SECURITIES.
Final Settlements, 7/6. Indents, 6/.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW YORK.
Ship Thetis, Harrison, Liverpool, 71 days. Brig William Tell, Tye, Dominico, 17 days. Brig Charlottee, Dehoung, Port au Prince, 19 days. Brig Vrow Geertie, Duij, Bordeaux, 84 days. Sloop Experiment, Tylie, Charleston, 7 days. Sloop Maria, Elliott, Ditto, 7 days. Sloop Columbia, Irish, Cape Francois, 15 days.
ADVERTISEMENT.
By order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled “an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors,” passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety.

NEW-YORK, MARCH 31, 1790.
ON the 12th of February, at seven in the evening, a tremendous fire broke out at Point Petre, in Guadalupe, and was not extinguished till midnight. There were twenty five capital buildings consumed, besides a number of smaller ones—the whole loss estimated at six millions of livres. We are happy to add, that a number of vessels belonging to the United States were lying in the harbor, the masters and crews of which exerted themselves in the most signal manner on this distressing occasion; and the assistance they lent was esteemed so important as to entitle them to receive the thanks of the public by a committee from the citizens of the town, as follows:
By a Committee of the Citizens of Point a Petre, to the Americans now amongst us:
Brave and generous Friends and Allies,
THE unfortunate persons who have suffered by the late merciless fire in this town, feel themselves under the most lasting obligations to you, for your so generously exposing your own lives in endeavouring to save their effects and property from ruin.
Such as have escaped the rage of this devouring element, are no less indebted to you for their lives—your presence of mind, strength and resolution in arresting its fatal progress, lay claim to a lasting remembrance from every inhabitant of this place.
This unfortunate accident was not necessary to prove, that all mankind are brethren; much less, to convince the French of your sincere attachment to them.
It is the wish of the committee that the address may, in the most public manner testify their grateful acknowledgments for your services on this melancholy occasion; and that a copy of the address may so far merit your approbation, as to be sent to the minister of France, that it may be forwarded and presented to the representatives of the United States of America—And may a people so illustrious and so generous as the Americans, enjoy all the prosperity and happiness of which they are so highly deserving.
Done and concluded by the committee at Point a Petre, this 18th of February, 1790.
(Signed)
Vian. J. Cadiot Lombard-Rebian.
Blondet.
Magagnos.
Delort. Buident } Sec'rys. Irousel }
To the Honorable the President and Members of the Committee of the town of Point a Petre, Grand Terre, Guadalupe, &c. &c.
GENTLEMEN.
We, the masters, commanders, and mariners of the ships and other vessels belonging to the United States of America, now riding at anchor in this port, do acknowledge the receipt of your affectionate and polite address, for which, from this singular testimony of your allied friendship, we beg leave to return you our most hearty and sincere thanks.
The many eminent and often repeated services, that we and our fellow-citizens of America received from your august nation, at a time when we were groaning under the tyranny and oppression of Britain, will ever leave a deep impression of gratitude and esteem upon our minds for the good people of France.
The encomiums you are pleased to bestow upon us are in the highest degree flattering; at the same time permit us to say, that we performed no more than a duty we owed to ourselves upon the principles of humanity, philanthropy, and good will to all mankind. We are sorry that the smallness of our number did not permit us to lend a more effectual aid in sooner terminating this destructive conflagration; but, if our efforts had only contributed to save a single individual from distress, we should consider those moments of dangerous exertion as the happiest of our whole lives.
Give us leave to add, gentlemen, that we shall ever have at heart the particular welfare, prosperity and happiness of the citizens of Point Petre, as well as of this respectable and flourishing colony in general. Long may you enjoy the happy fruits, and every advantage and benefit arising from an unrivalled commerce; a commerce which is at this moment the envy of your neighbours, as being under the protection and influence of that benign genius of liberty in whose cause your nation has so nobly and conspicuously distinguished itself. We shall conclude, gentlemen, with expressing our warmest wishes, that you may long be participators in the blessings of health, peace, and prosperity; the patrons of honor and justice in your community; and that our mutual friendship may never again be interrupted, by our vessels being excluded from the commerce of this port. With the most ardent wishes for the welfare of yourselves and your families—we remain, gentlemen,
With every acknowledgment of respect, your most obedient and humble servants,
(Signed in behalf of the Captains, &c.)
JOHN STEPHENSON.
The following Observations on GYPSUM, Or PLAIS-TER OF PARIS, by Dr. LOGAN, of Pennsylvania, accompanied the Experiments, in our last.
GYPSUM, which has acquired the name of Plaster of Paris from its abounding in the neighborhood of that city, is of a stony nature, yet soft and easy to be scraped with a knife. It is found in many parts of the earth in very great quantities, forming hills of a considerable extent, as in the vicinity of Paris, in the bay of Fundy, in Russia, and in many other parts of the world. It is found under different appearances.
1st. Chrystalized into transparent plates, which can be easily separated with a knife, and which, in some part of Russia, are said to be so large as to answer the purpose of glass.
2d. Of a fibrous texture, and composed of oblong concretions lying across the mass.
3d. Composed of small chrystaline grains; this species is called alabaster, when it has a hardness capable of receiving a polish.
In the crata of Mount Mart near Paris, all the above varieties are found, and also a stratum of a less perfect matter filled with small shells: a specimen of which I have in my possession: I have also a beautiful specimen of the chrystalized gypsum, lately brought from the Bay of Fundy.
Every kind of gypsum, however different in exterior form or appearance, have all a perfect resemblance in their chemical and essential qualities.
It is generally allowed that gypsum is principally composed of calcarious earth, but it is not so well ascertained with what substance it is united, which prevents it from having the power of quick lime when burnt. Regarding calcarious earth as forming the basis of this substance, it may be necessary to take notice of the different forms under which calcarious earths appear.
That which is in the greatest quantity, and properly called calcarious, is distinguished from the rest from the effect which fire has upon it, in converting it into a quick lime; all others should rather be termed alkaline absorbents. Calcarious earth appears in a variety of forms; there are very considerable strata of it in the bowels of the earth, as marble, limestone, and chalk, which differ only in the degree of purity or mode of concretion.
It is often found in veins filling up the rents or cavities of mountains, and is called calcarious spar: some of which contain a quantity of this earth, but not in a pure state: some are perfectly transparent: and from being found in Iceland, are called Icelandic crystals.
The matter with which animal and vegetable substances are incrusted, or penetrated by the waters of particular springs, so as to retain their external form, but lose their nature and become stone, is generally of this kind; and shews that this earth is capable of being dissolved by water, and being introduced into the texture of animal and vegetable substance. This earth also produces the large pendulous columns and cones that are found hanging from the roofs of large caves, as in Derbyshire.
The stony shells of all crustaceous animals, from the coarsest, to the coral and pearl, are all composed of this earth, and a small quantity of animal glue. A viscid fluid proceeds from the surface of the animal, which becomes a tough membrane, and gradually hardens into this form. The shells of all kinds of animals, together with all coralline concretions consist of the calcarious earth, united with a small proportion of animal glue.
Marle is an alkaline earth, but cannot be converted to quick lime: it is composed of calcarious earth and clay; and its value as a manure is estimated in proportion to the quantity of calcarious earth which it contains. Marles assume a variety of colors, but are properly divided into shell and stone marle.
Shell marle is composed of the shells of shell fish, or other aquatic animals, which are sometime entire, and often decayed or mixed with other earthy substances.
Examining this matter as occurring in different places, it may be distinguished into fresh water marle and the marle of sea shells. The first is composed of a small fresh water wilk or snail: this animal when alive is not easily discoverable, the shell being much of the same color as the stones covered with the water, but great numbers of them are to be found in many small brooks, particularly in their passage through the low wet grounds; as the animal dies the shell is deposited.
The second composed of sea shells constitutes much greater collections, and are found in innumerable places now far removed from the sea.—That most particularly described by naturalists, is a collection of this kind in Touraine, a province in France. This part of the country, where it is found, is computed to contain 80 square miles of surface; and wherever they dig to a certain depth they find this collection of shells, composing a strata of 20 feet thick. The country at present is 108 miles from the sea.
The stone or clay marles bear more or less a resemblance to clay; they are very various in their color, and other appearances, but agree in containing a quantity of clay united with calcarious earth, so as to effervesce with acids.—The stone marles are harder than the clays, but being exposed to the action of the sun and frost, they crumble into powder, which is easily mixed with the soil, though some of them require a very long time before they are divided fine enough to be mixed completely with it.
These are the principal forms in which calcarious earth is found. They all derive their origin from the calcarious matter of shells; for we find relics of shells in by far the greatest number of limestones, chalks, gypsums, and marbles.
In what manner these great changes in nature have been brought about, will perhaps never be discovered; but they certainly indicate a prodigious revolution in this globe.
We know of no country where gypsum is made use of as a manure for grain: In some parts of Germany and in Switzerland, it has been used upon grass. Monsr. de Lapeyrouse, in a short account of the agriculture of Switzerland, inserted in Young's annals, vol. 8, observes, that "in Alsace their meadows are well managed, and I have been assured that they have a powerful manure in plaster stone, or gypsum, not burnt, but pounded to powder.—An intelligent person who cultivates for his amusement, and as an amateur, told me that the effect was astonishing upon clover, and in general much greater upon light than upon strong lands; it is so sure that slight failure must not disgust."—Mr. Young, in a note upon the above passage, says he hopes he shall hear from R. S. on this subject, it is an important one.
By this note it appears that Mr. Young, the most intelligent and best farmer in England, is ignorant of the use of gypsum as a manure; although it abounds in many parts of England. They have lately renewed their farms, and made them very productive by the use of marle, particularly in the light sandy lands of Norfolk; formerly the worst, now the best cultivated county in England. The basis of marle and gypsum is calcarious earth; the one united with clay, the other with a substance not clearly ascertained; both have their origin in the decay of shells, and when put on the ground produce similar effects. Arable ground covered with either, will have on the surface a milky appearance during dry weather; both answer best as a manure upon sandy, gravelly or light lands, and when applied as a top dressing to grass or pasture lands, they equally produce a great luxuriance of white clover, giving the grass a rich black color.
From the natural history of these fossils and their effects in promoting vegetation, we may conclude that they contain in themselves a certain nourishment to plants, arising from a concentration of the animal glue existing in their original state of shell fish; too much pains cannot be taken to engage our farmers generally in the use of these valuable manures. I am gentlemen with great respect, your friend,
GEORGE LOGAN.
Stenton, October 3, 1789.
Read before the Agricultural Society of Pennsylvania.
PREMIUMS
Proposed by the PHILADELPHIA SOCIETY for promoting AGRICULTURE, for the year 1790.
I.
FOR the best experiment made of a course of crops, either small or large, on not less than four acres, agreeable to the English mode of farming,—a piece of plate, of the value of two hundred dollars, inscribed with the name and the occasion; and for the experiment made of a course of crops next in merit,—a piece of plate, likewise inscribed, of the value of one hundred dollars. Certificates to be produced by the 20th of December, 1790.
II.
The importance of complete farm or fold-yards, for sheltering and folding cattle,—and of the best method of conducting the same, so as to procure the greatest quantities of compost, or mixed dung and manure, from within the farm, induces the society to give, for the best design of such a yard, and method of managing it, practicable by common farmers,—a golden medal; and for the second best,—a silver medal. The design to be presented to the society by the 20th of December, 1790.
III.
For the best method of raising hogs, from the pig, in pen or sties; from experience; their sometimes running in a lot or field not totally excluded if preferred,—a gold medal; and for the second best,—a silver medal. To be produced by the 20th of December, 1790
IV.
For the best method of recovering worn-out fields to a more hearty state, within the power of common farmers, without dear or far-fetched manures; but by judicious culture, and the application of materials common to the generality of farmers; founded in experience,—a gold medal; and for the second best,—a silver medal. To be produced by the 20th of December, 1790
V.
For the best experiment, soil and other circumstances considered, in trench-plowing, not less than ten inches deep, and accounts of the effects thereof, already made or to be made, on not less than one acre,—a gold medal; and for the second best,—a silver medal. To be produced by the 20th December, 1790.
(To be continued.)
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
S C H E M E.
  1 PRIZE of £.3000 £.3000   2 1000 2000   3 500 1500   10 200 2000   30 100 3000   50 50 2500   120 20 2400   180 10 1800   7950 4 31800 
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £.50000 16654 Blanks, } Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
To be SOLD,
At PUBLIC AUCTION, on the First Day of APRIL next, (if not disposed of before, at Private Sale.)
THAT pleasant and valuable Place formerly called COLES-FERRY, now by the name of VANDUZER'S, on Staten Island, Richmond County, with two good sufficient Pettiaugers for the ferrying business. It is a beautiful situation, and one of the best stands for a Ferry, or Tavern, on Staten-Island, and an excellent Shad and Herring Fishery within 20 yards of the door, Black-Fish, and all other kind of Fish in their season. It is likewise the best and most convenient Ferry to Long-Island, where a number of passengers pass and repass. It lies within two miles of the Point of the Narrows, and between 8 and 9 miles from New-York. There is about 30 acres of excellent good Land, chiefly Meadow, with a very good Wharf, House, Barn and Garden—the whole being in good repair. It will also make a beautiful Country Seat, fit for any gentleman.
For Particulars enquire of JOHN ANDERSON, corner of the Exchange, or CHARLES M'LEAN, White Hall, New-York, or of Messrs BYERS and REILLY, Staten-Island, or of the Subscriber on the premises, where the conditions of sale will be made known. ABRAHAM VANDUZER.
Staten-Island, March 6, 1790.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
(Price Six Shillings, bound and lettered)
And to be sold, by appointment of the Author, by Messrs. BERRY and ROGERS, No. 35, by A. M'LEAN, No. 41, (Franklin's Head) Hanover Square, and by the Editor hereof, No. 9, Maiden-Lane.
GEOGRAPHY MADE EASY:
BEING AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY.