Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-02-02 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1685.]
PHILADELPHIA: FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be sold by WILLIAM WOODHOUSE, No. 6, South Front Street, Philadelphia. The Young Chemist's Pocket Companion; A PORTABLE LABORATORY...
1. Sulphuric acid 2. Nitric acid 3. Muriatic acid 4. Carbonic acid 5. Oxalic acid 6. Alcohol of galls 7. Solution of pot ash 8. Pot ash in powder 9. Ammoniac 10. Solution of the sulphate of iron...
The Apparatus consists of 1. Glass syphons 2. A blow-pipe, of tin, copper, or silver 3. A magnet 4. An inflammable air pistol 5. A glass funnel 6. A measure for liquids 7. A small pestle and mortar 8. Scales and weights.
JUST PUBLISHED AND TO BE SOLD BY JAMES HUMPHREYS, At No. 74, North Third-street, the corner of Cherry-alley. An ENQUIRY into the DUTIES of the Female Sex. By THOMAS GISBORNE, A. M.
NOTICE. ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM COMPTON, late of the city of Philadelphia, deceased, are requested to furnish their accounts, duly attested. And those who are indebted to said estate, are earnestly solicited to make immediate payment, to either of the subscribers. Isaac Cathball, John Haworth, Samuel Wilson. Administrators.
For Savannah, TO SAIL THE FIRST OPENING, The fast sailing ship SWIFT PACKET, PATRICK GRUBBEN, Master, NOW lying the first wharf below Market Street...
NICKLIN & GRIFFITH, At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf— HAVE FOR SALE, 58 hhd. of Jamaica Rum 100 hhd. of Madeira Wine in pipes and hhd. 100 hhd. of Old Port do. in pipes...
For Amsterdam, The Ship FARMER, JOHN MCCULLOM, Master; WILL sail in a few days, the greater part of her cargo being ready. For freight or to the master on board, at Walnut-street wharf, or to JOHN SAVAGE.
For Sale or Charter, The Snow GOOD HOPE, Will carry about 1200 barrels, and is ready to take in a cargo. For terms apply to Pragers & Co. No. 153, South Second-street.
For Savannah, in Georgia, THE SHIP Sally Butler, Captain CHISHOLM, A new vessel, with excellent accommodations for passengers—Sails on the 10th of December. For Freight or Passage, apply to ROSS & SIMSON.
Just Published, And to be had at the Book-stores of Messrs. Dobson, CAMPBELL, Young and ORME, in Philadelphia. OBSERVATIONS On the Causes and Cure of Remitting or Bilious Fevers. BY WILLIAM CURRIE, Fellow of the Philadelphia College of Physicians, and Member of the American Philosophical Society, &c.
FOR SALE, AT WM. YOUNG'S Book Store, No. 52, Second-street, the corner of Chestnut-street. REPORT of the Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, appointed to prepare and report Articles of Impeachment against WILLIAM BLOUNT, a Senator of the United States, impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors...
War-Office of the United States, January the 14, 1798. WHEREAS frauds have been practiced, in obtaining Warrants for Bounty Lands, due to the Officers and Soldiers of the late Continental Army, by the production of forged instruments...
FOR SALE, By JOHN MILLER, JUN. & Co. No. 8, Chestnut-street, One hundred and eighty bales BENGAL GOODS, Among which are, Gurrabs, Mamoos, Bastes, Sanas, Guaz nabs, Tania Coffacs, Guazies, Emeries, Blue Cloths, Calicoes, Palampoor, Romall Handkerchiefs.
To be Sold, A GREATERLY to the last will and testament of WILLIAM HEYSHAM, deceased, and partition given immediately, a valuable property in Arch-street, between Third and Fourth streets, consisting of the house, No. 107, with the lot on which it is erected, a stable, and other improvements.
W. HAYDON, Delineator of Drawings—from London, (Where he has studied several years under one of the most eminent masters in that science) INFORMS his friends, that he has re-commenced his private tuition—Terms, as usual, Six Dollars per month, for attendance three times a week.
The owners of the Brigantine Mercury, William Upton, master, captured by a Spanish privateer and sold at Cienfuegos in last December, may receive interesting information respecting her, by applying to the Department of State.
NOTICE. To holders of JAMES GREENLEAF's and EDWARD FOX's Engagements. IN consequence of many having been prevented, from late unavoidable circumstances from obtaining their Certificates, agreeable to former notice, The Trustees now inform them, they are ready to issue the same to those who may apply within thirty days, at No. 8 Chestnut Street, and those who do not, will be considered as relinquishing their claim on the Aggregate Fund provided for their payment.
ROSS & SIMSON, HAVE FOR SALE, A few bales Baftas, Coffas, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON BENGAL SUGAR, in bags and boxes Jamaica, St. Vincents, } RUM. and Bengal 300 cases RICE, and A parcel of ship building RED CEDAR.
To be Exchanged for British, German, or India Goods, IN THE PACKAGE; A tract of valuable Land In Lycoming, joining that of the Holland co. and containing 10,000 Acres. Inquire of the Printer.
Philadelphia & Lancaster Turnpike Company. January 4, 1798. At a meeting of the Presidents and Managers, this day, a dividend of 5 dollars per share was declared for the last half year, which will be paid by them retained, for the payment of the debts of the Company, agreeable to resolution of the Stockholders the 14th June last. TENCH FRANCIS, Treasurer.
The holders of the notes, acceptances, endorsements and other engagements of Edward Fox, for account of James Greenleaf, are hereby notified, that Wednesday, the 14th February next, is the last day, on which they can admit subscriptions to the fund assigned to them for the payment of said engagements; and that those holders, who do not, on or before that day make their subscriptions, will be excluded from the benefit thereof.
IN THE PRESS; And speedily will be Published, A PLAN for establishing a GENERAL MARINE SOCIETY, and System of Regulations therein: Written at Sea, in the year 1774. Now printed for the benefit of that Institution, BY THE AUTHOR. "A NAVY would be maintained but to an almost useless purpose, which taking the seamen kept the merchantmen idle in port, and trading vessels would be as unprofitably employed, if they took all those seamen of skill and courage on board ships of war, would give them protection and secure their safety. We have enough for both purposes, and the cultivating hand of attention alone is wanting to multiply their number."
Surveyor General's Office, December 2, 1797. ON a release of survey of 433 acres, 68 perches of land, situated in lower Smithfield township Northampton county, surveyed by William Wills, per warrant of 24 March, 1786, the Deputy Surveyor hath made the following note, viz. This land claimed by heirs of Lewis Gordon and George Taylor, not known by what right. Certified for Daniel Broadhead, Esq. Surveyor General—William Parker.
The Subscriber, INFORMS those to whom he is indebted, that his books, which have been kept open for their inspection since December 1796 are balanced to the 31st ult; and will during the present month remain open at his Counting-house in Chestnut Street for their further investigation and scrutiny. JAMES GREENLEAF. Philadelphia, Jan. 11 1798.
The Subscriber intends to make application for the renewal of a Certificate of a Share in the Bank of the United States, bearing in the name of A. B. No. 6004, dated July 11, 1797, the same having been lost. JOHN GRAHAM. Richmond, Dec. 1. 1797.
PROPOSAL. HAVING met with a liberal patronage, the Subscriber is emboldened to issue proposals for printing by subscription, the JOURNALS OF CONGRESS, from their first meeting in 1775, to the present time. This work shall be printed with a new type, made for the purpose; and an good paper. It will be delivered at one dollar per volume (octavo) in 6 vols.—call to be paid on delivery. It is needless to say anything of the merits of this undertaking—the liberality of the Journals throughout the United States, is sufficient to justify the printer in his hope of meeting, with that success, which he is certain the enterprise deserves. JOHN PARKER. Jan. 27. d 6t
NOTICE. ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM FLEETWOOD, of Liverpool, late of Philadelphia, merchant, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly attested; and those who are indebted to the estate, are desired to make immediate payment, to GEO. DOBSON, } Administrat'r. No. 25, So. Third-street. January 4. dtf
All Persons Having any demands against the Estate of the late Captain George Irwin, are requested to bring in their accounts properly attested, on or before the first day of January next ensuing and those who are indebted to said estate are solicited to make immediate payment to SARAH IRWIN, Administratrix. Nov. 29 1797.
To be sold, AN ELEGANT COUNTRY SEAT, containing 6 acres and 40 perches, with a neat two story brick House and Kitchen thereon, an apple Orchard, &c. situate on the Trunk road, in the township of Moyamensing, about one mile from the city of Philadelphia. Further particulars will be made known upon application at the office of the Philadelphia Gazette. The improvements upon this place, for taste and elegance, stand unrivalled. December 1. dtf
C O N G R E S S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on Foreign Intercourse. [Continued from yesterday's Gazette.] THURSDAY—JANUARY 25. (Mr. Nicholas's Speech continued from yesterday's Gazette.) He said he was sorry to be under the necessity of replying to some reflections which had been cast upon our late minister in France. Gentlemen had not stated that business fairly. It was necessary at the time that this gentleman was sent to France, to find a man of his political character. This conduct was forced upon the executive. He believed an offer of the embassy was made to one gentleman who refused it, assigning for a reason to his friends, that he was convinced, that whoever accepted of the office, must be a sacrifice of, as he would be recalled whenever the situation of things should be such as to allow of it. He was sorry, when our late minister to France had laid before the public all the official documents which had passed between him and the two governments, that gentlemen should think it necessary to make insinuations against him. The public, who was in possession of his book, would however judge for themselves. But if a declaration was to be made on this subject, he declared it as his opinion, that peace with the French republic might have been secured, but that the executive had wantonly cast it from us. With respect to insinuations which had been thrown out against the private character of that gentleman, he should not notice them; but if any charge should be brought against him, let it be publicly made, and he had no doubt it would be answered. He would not have detained the committee longer, Mr. N. said, but if he did not lay before them some additional observations, they would not be in full possession of his sentiments on this subject. If he could show that there existed a description of persons in this country attached by interest to the executive, who formed a kind of a standing army more powerful than if they had guns in their hands, by being spread over the community, it would afford one of the strongest reasons for guarding against executive patronage. He should, therefore, make a few remarks on the origin of party in this country. In speaking of the public debt, he trusted it would not be thought that he had any intention of shaking its credit. He had been five years in Congress, and never done anything which had this tendency; but he must speak of the creation of that debt. And when the political character of the fiscal operator was considered, it was probable that the scheme was intended to produce a party in the United States who would support the executive at all events. For this purpose all government paper was funded at its nominal value; and this was done so that it could be purchased up for a mere trifle, before the people could hear of the provision, so that the class of men referred to, in a moment made immense fortunes. The natural influence of their magic fortunes was to attach them to the persons who had created them, and to produce a desire for those political institutions, which in other countries, had been found most successful in securing that kind of property. What was the effect? Scarcely one among the successful speculators was to be found, who did not range himself on the side of the executive, and who did not become the advocate of the strongest executive power. The influence of these speculations in producing a series of others, down to the present time, is well known: we are every day experiencing their effects in the morals and happiness of the country; their influence on the politics of the country is no less discoverable, for very few are the instances, where men have been drawn into the practice of speculation, in which it will not be found that they are equally the disciples of the politics of their instructors, and of their arts of making money. Another class of men had been connected with the executive by the force of opinion and particular circumstances from whom it derived great strength: he meant the persons who had been daffed to our revolution. These men, generally, felt a leaning to this government, on account of their dislike of the old, and on account of its approach to their favorite model—he did not mean to blame them for that, but merely to trace the connection. He himself had been the firm friend of the constitution, and would vote for it again if it was in question. At the dawn of our disputes with France, most of these persons were attached to the executive by their sympathy in the apparent animosity towards her, and in the progress of it, the conformity of sentiment has been strengthened, and they stand among the foremost of the patriots of the present day. He had mentioned these two classes of persons for the reasons before assigned, and because we were entertained very much about American sentiment and American character. It was not to be doubted, that they might have had great influence in forming what they had to much influence in supporting, and he believed it would be sufficient to examine its origin, to justify gentlemen from the censure of not partaking in it. He had mentioned them for another reason; and that was, that men, who were not ashamed of their political associates, discovered great repugnance to all persons among their opponents, who were even born in another country. So far as it respects a particular gentleman in that house, he was sure, from him, such insinuations met with the contempt which every honest man would feel, when they were pointed at him; he was also sure, that candid and enlightened men would consider them as acknowledgements of a superiority which was every day evinced; but he did not know but that they might operate differently on part of the community, and therefore he thought it necessary to notice them. Let it be told to the public, that he has resided in this country nineteen years: that he came to it during the revolutionary war, at the age of nineteen, and that all his habits have been formed among us:—that by his own industry he has acquired independence and that he has formed the most endearing ties here:—Let gentlemen say, too, that he was born in a country where liberty was well understood, and where, at the same time, the utmost order prevailed; and that in his own time, his country exhibited the strongest and most affording proofs of patriotism and love of liberty, in a struggle with that very country, to which, from the circumstance of his being a foreigner, he is charged with submission—and he may be perfectly indifferent to the attack. It can only be done here, but proceeds as it sometime does, he believed, to charge

him with a participation in an unfortunate occurrence in this country, (the western insurrection) Mr. N. had only to refer to a statement of facts made by that gentleman in the legislature of Pennsylvania, and afterwards published, and which had never yet received an answer, not only for his justification, but to entitle him to the credit for superior statesmanship in quieting the disturbance. Mr. N. said he felt it necessary to say what he had done with respect to his friend from Pennsylvania; if he had not done it, and had sat silent to hear the slander so frequently thrown out against him, he should have felt himself an accessory in the shameful illiberality.
He concluded by saying that from the sentiments which had been expressed by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Pinckney) he hoped, that being convinced with him, that foreign ministers were rather dangerous than serviceable, he hoped he would on some future occasion (as he himself did not expect long to have a seat in that house) bring forward a motion for doing away all our foreign intercourse. His present object was, however, what he had stated it to be. He hoped he should now be considered as an enemy to republicanism. He might be charged with introducing a motion which might be mischievous; he did not intend it to have any such effect. He believed this was the proper time to do the business. He was convinced there was no danger of an invasion of this country; if there were, he believed every man in the country (he would speak for himself at least) would be ready to resist it. With respect to aggression, he might not be so ready to attack some other gentleman; but nothing could be considered by him in competition with the security and independence of his country.
The committee rose, and had leave to sit again. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, January 26 The house having again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill providing the means of Foreign intercourse, and Mr. Nicholas's amendment being under consideration.
Mr. GOODRICH observed, that in support of the motion, the competency of the house to fix our diplomatic intercourse, in respect to the number, and grade of our ministers, was asserted, as well as the policy of the particular arrangement contemplated by the amendment.
On the first of these questions he would make but a few remarks. It required a closeness of reasoning tedious in debate, and a precision of expression difficult to attain; it was a theory upon which gentlemen formed their opinion, rather from the general cast of political sentiment with which they had been accustomed to view the executive power, than from fair investigation and argument. The claim was deduced from these sources, the power the house had of creating offices, from the exercise of its power in appropriating money, and fixing salaries.
With respect to the first, the office of foreign minister was created by the constitution itself, and the appointment was confided to the president and senate, and if he was not much mistaken, when the memorable question of appropriation was formerly under discussion, it was not pretended that the house had any power to interfere directly or indirectly in the negotiation of foreign treaties, or conducting our external relations. Such right was then disclaimed. The power on the part of the house to influence the office of minister, had been only now cursorily glanced at, without being much insisted on.
It would not escape the attention of the committee, that the right of receiving and accrediting foreign ministers was vested solely in the president. This right was fortunately blended with that of appointing and sending ministers abroad, that in practice they could not be well exercised. For their due exercise both must remain in the same hands. It was a principle known to be established among nations at the adoption of the constitution, that ministers of a correspondent grade should be sent from each respective nation. How is this rule to be observed, if the house has in any way directly or indirectly a power to fix our diplomatic establishment, as to the rank of our ministers. No mode seems to have been contemplated by which the executive and the legislature are to act in unison. And often it may be happen that the interests of our country, its peace and security may depend on a more prompt determination, than is consistent with the recesses of the legislature or its deliberative forms. These considerations, if any additional ones are necessary, confirm the desirability of the power of appointing and sending foreign ministers being exclusively vested in the president, with the advice and consent of the senate.
The right of determining on the number and grade of ministers by means of the power of withholding appropriations is urged. Here all that could be said had already been often repeated, and if it had not been felt by the moral sense, there was little hope from arguments addressed to the understanding. The president as the executive agent of our nation was authorised with the consent of the senate to appoint ministers. The appointment and service created a debt against the United States, which as the representatives of the states they were under a moral obligation to acknowledge and pay. In private life, if an individual employed another in his service, or his authorised agent so employed him, the debt incurred could not honestly be denied, or payment avoided. The tribunals of justice we institute enforce it as a debt; good faith and justice demand of us to pay for services constitutionally contracted for, and our consciences, he trusted, would always prove a sufficient tribunal to induce a fulfilment of the obligations of good faith and justice.
But it was said, if the end could not be attained by refusing an appropriation, it could certainly be effected by the power of the house to fix salaries. No one denied the right of the house, with a view to certainty and economy, to fix the salaries of diplomatic agents. But on what principle were these salaries to be fixed. If on any other, except those of equitable and honorable reward, it would be dirty economy—it would be descending to do, by chicanery and subterfuge, what the house could not effect in any other way, and which would be doing what the constitution never could have intended. He should however dismiss this subject, and the more cheerfully, as there were other grounds upon which the question might be placed that would not meet with so decided a determination in the minds of many gentlemen.
It must have occurred to every member of the committee, that the bill was limited to two years in its duration. The nature of the amendment was a limitation upon a limitation, as avowed by the mover, by curtailing after one year a part of our diplomatic intercourse. Was this done on the ground of saving expense? This was disavowed, as it was seen to be a matter of small moment. Indeed it was doubtful with him, whether anything would be saved, or not, as it was certain that our ministers plenipotentiary would not accept the offices of ministers resident with half their present salary; of course new appointments must be made, and the expense of fresh outsets incurred. Mr. G. also complained, on the same ground as before stated, of the injustice of recalling our present ministers. He also thought it bad policy; as where a government like ours wanted all the virtue and talents of its citizens for public offices, it would be found difficult to obtain them if so much uncertainty was given to the duration of office, which had all the appearance of permanency.
nency. It would besides damage our affairs abroad, embarrass the business of the executive, and wantonly interfere with the views of that department which it might mar and by prostrate.
Some gentlemen had imagined, that these ministers were unnecessary at the courts to which they were sent. In answer to this, he should allege, the house did not possess information sufficient to determine this point, and it might be unsafe to be communicated to them. But was there no reason for having a minister plenipotentiary at Spain? No gentleman would say so. And was there no reason for such an agent at Lisbon? Was not this the center of communication with respect to our affairs with the Barbary powers. But what service it was asked, could a minister at Berlin render to this country? At a time when the affairs of Europe are disturbed as at present, when our situation with France is such that no minister of ours will be received in that country, reasons of a very important nature may suggest themselves, why an able and faithful minister should be placed at the court of Prussia. Arguments of a more general nature were introduced in favor of the amendment.
It was said to be the interest of this country to annul all our Foreign Political Intercourse. They might, he said, speculate upon this subject; but they had not the power to decide upon it; for Political Intercourse did not depend upon our sending Ministers abroad. It might be carried on by Foreign Ministers sent here; and the constitution (as he had before stated) shewed they could not prevent this, as it expressly made it the duty of the President to receive Foreign Ministers; and, in this case, there would be no call upon the house for the establishment and support of Ministers, as they would be supported by their own country; and though it was true, that Foreign Ministers were not usually sent to a country without a return of men of the same grade to the country from which they were sent, yet he introduced this position, to shew that it was not in the power of the house to say whether this country should have Foreign Political Intercourse, or not.
But if the committee must speculate upon this question, there were other considerations which would lead them to a doubt that it would be proper to abandon all Foreign Political Intercourse. It was a sentiment advocated by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that we ought to have no political Foreign relations. That gentleman prided himself in being of peculiar sentiments, but on this occasion he was not so. It had long been the sentiment of this country. It was a sentiment introduced into all our treaties but one, and it would be found in the farewell address of the late President of the United States. Mr. G. presumed therefore, when our diplomatic intercourse was established by the late President (and he established it as it is) he felt the force of this sentiment as strongly as the gentleman from Pennsylvania. But though the gentleman from S. Carolina (Mr. Pinckney) who had himself been employed abroad, had given it as his opinion that this country would be better without ministers abroad, yet, though he acknowledged the weight of this authority, when he found the late President, who had the best opportunity of forming a judgment, upon the subject, from sage experience, had appointed these ministers, he was led to doubt though he was sensible some evils had arisen from foreign ministers residing in this country, as well as from some of our ministers abroad, whether they might not be of interest to this country to have any foreign political relations, he asked gentleman what they meant by this? They must mean that sort of compact with foreign nations, which was called a Treaty of Alliance defensive and offensive. With a foreign relation of this kind we had nothing to do, and he hoped never should have. But what connection was there between this subject and the present amendment? Because we determined to have no political relation with foreign countries, were we to have no political agents? Surely we ought, since they may be the means of preventing the necessity of these political foreign relations.
But before it was determined whether it would be proper to have any political foreign intercourse, he would enquire what was the effect produced by foreign ministers in our country, and by ours when abroad. He acknowledged that produced by ministers sent to this country was not a very agreeable one; it was not such an one as to encourage us, or to flatter us. But from what cause had this arisen; it arose out of the state of the times; from the situation of public sentiment in this country? If anything could leave a doubt on this subject, it would be the effect of the diplomatic agents in this country. He had doubted whether it was expedient to admit them; for though these public agents ought only to have corresponded with the President of the United States; yet, when they were thwarted in their views, they had constantly made their appeals to the people. Nor would he except the ministers of the two great European rival powers; the conduct of all had been far different from what it ought to have been and instead of supporting the dignified character of diplomatic agents, asserting the interests of their own country, and conciliating the favor and affection of ours, they have departed from this line of conduct, and observing the existence of two parties in this country, they have endeavoured to operate upon the people. But it was true we had no reason to object to foreign ministers on this ground as the good sense of the people had uniformly resisted their address, and all their projects had been frustrated.
But what effects, he asked, had our agents produced abroad? Undoubtedly their instructions have uniformly been to represent to foreign countries the interests and views of our own. And was it not to be supposed, that persons going from this country, to foreign countries, would feel an attachment to their own, and that they would make the most of its interests? Calculating from what we know of human nature, this must be the case. It was true, a minister might conduct himself so as to injure, instead of serving the country by which he was employed. He might raise expectations which his country could never gratify. He might
propose to afford a foreign nation such a pecuniary as his country could not supply. If this were to be done, it would be regretted; but because an institution might possibly be abused, it was no argument for its being annihilated.
Suppose, said he, our foreign intercourse were to be broken up, what would be the consequence? We must, then, when we have any business to settle with a foreign nation, employ envoys extraordinary, which would be employing men of a higher grade of character, and if public ministers were to be considered as full of mischief, it might be attended with greater evils than the grade we now employ. But it was said the business of the country with foreign nations might be managed by consuls; but, as had been observed, these characters were not admitted at foreign courts, if they were in other respects fit for the business, which he did not believe they were. Besides, if no accredited agents were employed betwixt foreign nations, spies and emissaries would take their place; as governments would be informed, in one way or other, of what was going on in every country with which they had any connection.
And if a resolution was taken in this country to have no diplomatic agents abroad in what situation would the executive of this country be placed? He is entrusted with the foreign relations of the country, but he would have no foreign minister. He must, therefore descend to the same low means with other nations, and depend upon spies for information; and when he got this information it would not be from authority, and therefore such as he could not communicate to the legislature. Gentlemen, he supposed, would not be willing to put the business upon this footing. He acknowledged that the employment of foreign ministers was attended with some inconvenience; but it was seen there were evils on both sides, and it was for government to balance between them.
But it was apprehended, these ministers would join the political parties of the countries to which they were sent. On the contrary, he should suppose they would carry with them the feelings of their own country and communicate them; but if this were to be dreaded, would it not be most likely to happen in the two countries that were excepted from this amendment? For where, he asked, were the points on which the great affairs of the nations of Europe turn, but in London and Paris? If there were danger of this kind, it must, therefore, be at those places.
But it was said that wars were generally produced by foreign ministers. That this may have been the case, in some instances, he did not doubt; but speaking in general, it was attributing too great effects to too trifling causes. The causes of war, he said, were in the passions and animosities of nations. Our own country had been agitated in a manner which could scarcely have been imagined, from its remote situation, by its partiality for one nation and its enmity to another. When contemplating this subject therefore, the committee ought not too hastily to decide. The intention of foreign intercourse was to promote peace and amity—it had long been the practice of the civilized world. If some of our ministers had caught the passions of the country to which they were sent, and we had not been wholly able to avert the storm which seems to be threatening us—a storm which appears to be bearing away all the ancient landmarks of the earth, yet, he believed, upon the whole, that our foreign ministers had done great and permanent good to this country.
Instead of bringing forward a subject of this kind at this time, the legislature ought to be united in support of the executive of the country; for from whatever cause our misfortunes arise, whether from our own misconduct, or the unreasonable domination of a foreign power, they did not originate under the present administration, and therefore, the difficult situation in which our chief magistrate was placed, required all the support which the legislature could give him. If the gentleman who moved this amendment, had, however, introduced it unaccompanied with the reflections which he had made use of, it might have been a subject well worthy of consideration. This he had not thought proper to do. Topics of a singular nature had been brought forward. It had been said, that all republican governments had a tendency towards despotic power; that the power of appointment to office placed in the President had been basely prostituted; that the doctrine of favoritism had been introduced, and persons of a particular character were only appointed to office, and that this determination was likely to produce, or had produced, dangerous operations on the talents and abilities of the legislature. When charges of so serious a nature were brought forward, it became necessary to repel them. He was sensible the subject was painful. The weapons of self-justification of government, became, in some measure, weapons of attack, and few had the judgment to use them rightly. If the charges were true, what were the constituted authorities of the country? The accusation impeaches the purity of the executive, the purity of the house of representatives, and lays prostrate all the authorities of the country; and, instead of securing to them that love and respect which every friend of his country must wish them to possess, they must become objects of abhorrence.
But the gentleman from Virginia declares this is a theatre, on which he will speak, and that this is a subject upon which he will dwell; from this house an alarm is to be communicated to the people out of doors. This is a temple from which it is to be preached, not the moral virtues of peace, charity and brotherly love, which are preached from other temples, but the subject is to be the purity of the gentleman's own conduct, the orthodoxy of his own political faith and opinions of his friends, and the po-
litical heresies and political corruptions of his opponents.
He thought this must be a subject of regret to the gentleman's friends; for when this habit of preaching was once begun, the love of it would increase, and though he preached in the most elegant and harmonious manner, the virtues of his friends would die in the melody of his accents. For it will be asked, what occasion for this preaching? Is political sense and virtue of that nature that it seeks thus to be extolled? Sterling worth retires; it does not become its own trumpeter. It will not, therefore, be a subject of regret to his opponents; for if he preaches much, and in the manner in which he preached yesterday, he will do them little harm. The subject when often dwelt upon will have no weight or credit. There had been much preaching of this kind both in church and state. It might for a time do temporary mischief; but its effects were transient. He would, therefore, have dropped the subject had not the slander of this gentleman been too much supported by others.
It was said to be the tendency of all governments to come to despotism; that true it was, our government was tolerably pure; it had dabbled in corruption, but dabbled a little. And by whom was this said? For the name which said this, ought to be a proud name indeed; it ought to be distinguished not only by brilliant public services, but for a peculiar disinterestedness of character; to have something around it which effectually shielded it from suspicion. By whom then, has it been said? What arrogant and proud pretence had led men to speak in this manner? What had entitled them to this high tone? Eminent talents, all knew they possessed. But did mere eminence of talents entitle men to this right? He asked how these talents had been employed? In great and national service? In fixing the independence and freedom of the country? Have they aided in establishing the great outlines and measures of government? Have they assisted in building up the happiness of the country? They do not pretend this. Not that they have done anything for the happiness of the country, but in opposition to it. It would be invidious to enter into a comparison betwixt the two characters. But let the gentlemen go to the page of history, and what do they find there? Had the mere declaimer against government and its abuses, an enviable rank on that page? No. Let me not, said Mr. G. be misunderstood. Immortal honor is due, and will be given, to men who have resisted the acts of tyranny and oppression. Such a man was HAMPDEN; such a man was SIDNEY. But a mere declaimer ranked not with these men; nor did he rank with those who have been the benefactors of mankind by establishing eminent civil institutions. Yet, in that house, gentlemen claimed as a right, upon this mere ground, to speak, and when they pleased, of the imaginary abuses and corruptions of government.
Mr. G. asked, what were these abuses? They were said to arise from executive patronage. Let the gentleman from Virginia go to his state, and the gentleman from Pennsylvania to his. Either was an extent of country, which, in the old world, would form an empire. What were the officers under the executive? A single judge in the judiciary department, a marshal and a few deputies, a supervisor and some collectors. And though this is an epitome of the whole of our country, yet, in the view of the gentleman who support this amendment this patronage is alarming and destructive!
Let the gentleman from Pennsylvania look at the supreme executive of that state, and he would find a much more numerous list of officers; and if not of a grade so high, yet of a grade at least equally capable of oppression. And was it a subject of popular declamation that the governor of that state was bearing down the government by means of his patronage? No. The subject was not heard in the legislature of that state, the cry and clamour were only here.
But it was said, that this patronage or power of appointment had been basely prostituted, by selecting eminent characters from that house for office? He asked gentleman how many men had been chosen from the legislature for office, since the commencement of government? But few indeed. He asked farther, if there was any thing in the constitution, which declared that members of the legislature should not be appointed to office; and if not, how it happened that at this period they were growing wiser than the framers of our constitution, with respect to human nature? If the doctrine of gentlemen was true, which was to prevent this patronage, no officer ought to be appointed from the legislature. Would this cure the evil? If human nature be so corrupt as they think it is, have not the members of the legislature friends? And if they were capable of being influenced by these appointments, the influence might be as strong if their friends were appointed. This doctrine therefore not only went to ostracise the members of the legislature, but their families and friends.
But it was pretended that the doctrine of favouritism had been adopted, and that only one description of men was appointed to office. He thought there was a great want of order in gentleman who first brought forward this subject. It was a subject upon which it was difficult and indecent to speak. The doctrine had been allowed without authority, for the President of the United States had not allowed that he had formed any such determination as had been attributed to him; but if he had determined to select to office only those persons who had evinced, by their manners, an attachment to the constitution of their country, and to those measures which had been sanctioned by the legislature and himself, he thought he had adopted a right principle. He did not think the President had resolved to appoint no man to office, except he were of
his own particular sentiments, though he might have determined not to make choice of any man who had manifested uniform opposition to all the measures of government. He asked what measure had been taken by the executive, which had not been sanctioned by all the constituted authorities, and, in a less formal manner, by the people themselves, and in some cases, by votes of the State Legislatures.
But he asked against whom these charges of venality and corruption were made? They were brought against the executive of this country. And what was this executive? Gentlemen seemed to consider it as a sort of Leviathan or Monster, which was always to be goaded and probed with a thousand wounds for its venal propensities; tho' for some of its good qualities, it must be kept alive in torture and chains.
The duties of the executive were to preserve the powers of the country, to vindicate its rights; to protect its sovereignty, to execute the public will expressed through the laws. Rob it of one of these powers, and you destroy the most valuable part of the government—depress it, and you only do it for a short time. It will rise on the affections and favour of the people, with new life and vigour. Indeed, these attempts against the executive, were calculated to produce a much more strong and powerful executive than we now have.
(The remainder of this speech to-morrow.)
THURSDAY, February 3.
Mr. N. FREEMAN presented the petition of Silenus Dowell, of Yarmouth, owner of several Schooners employed in the cod fishery, praying for an allowance of bounty, of which he was deprived from the destruction by fire of the agreements between him and the persons employed.
Mr. W. ASWORTH presented a petition from Eliza Gardner and others, praying for redress on account of forfeitures incurred by owners of vessels. Both these petitions were referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. VENABLE said, he was directed by the committee of privileges, to inform the house, that the chairman of that committee (Mr. Pinckney) was yesterday taken ill, and was unable to attend to the business referred to them; that the committee had this morning received a note from Mr. P. stating, that he was still too much indisposed to attend to business; they therefore wished him to ask for the appointment of another member in his place.
The motion being agreed to.
The SPEAKER named Mr. RUTLEDGE. Mr. VENABLE then added, that he was also requested to ask leave of the House to sit during the business hours.
Leave was granted.
Mr. D. FOSTER, from the committee of claims, made an unfavorable report on the petitions of John Gray, Robert Leonard, and others, who pray for an increase of their pensions. The report was concurred in.
Mr. GORDON presented a petition from the attorney of Jean Baptiste Dumont, for redress on account of losses suffered by depreciated paper of the United States. He moved that it should be referred to the committee of claims; but upon the chairman of that committee stating that this case had already been several times decided upon, the motion was negatived.
The SPEAKER having informed the House that the business next in order was the bill providing the means of intercourse with foreign nations.
Mr. GALLATIN proposed that the subject be postponed till to-morrow.
Mr. THATCHER said, as it was possible the Committee of Privileges might not report to-morrow, he would move that the business in question be postponed till Monday. Agreed.
On motion of Mr. Gregg, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole in order to take up the report of the committee of claims on the petition of Oliver Pollock, Mr. Baldwin in the chair.
The report was read. After stating a variety of charges for services, done the United States, which the committee thought ought not to be allowed, it recommended that the petitioner should be allowed good dollars for his expenses which detained at Havana, on account of debts owing on account of the United States, and 3740 dollars which are said to have been paid to Thomas Peteron, a marshal and a few deputies, as a bounty, an account of the said debts. After some debate, the committee, of the whole agreed to the following resolution reported by the committee of claims; 39 votes to 30.
Resolved, that the accounting officers of the treasury be directed to settle the account of Oliver Pollock, and allow him the sum of 4730 dollars, with the interest from the time of payment, which shall be considered in full of all claims of the petitioner upon the treasury of the United States.
The committee rose, the house agreed to the resolution without a division, and the committee of claims was directed to report a bill accordingly.
On motion of Mr. Harrison, the house went into a committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of Lucy Clark; which having been agreed to, the committee rose, the house concurred in the report, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing the house that he had approved and signed an act supplementary to the act relative to foreign coins.
Mr. S. SMITH called up the resolution which he laid upon the table some days ago, calling upon the President of the United States for a statement of the losses recovered under the British treaty, which was agreed to.
The SPEAKER informed the House that he had received a letter from a member from Vermont, which he was requested to lay before them.
Mr. RUTLEDGE thought, that in all cases where letters were sent to the Speaker to be laid before the house, it would be proper for him to state the substance of such communications before they were read, in order that improper matters might not be brought before them.
The SPEAKER acquiesced in the propriety of the suggestion, and after stating the substance of the letter, the reading of it being called for, it was read aloud, as follows:
SIR, As the attention of the House of Representatives has been called to my conduct in a dispute with Mr. GIBSON, on a suggestion of its being a violation of the order of the House, and the respect due to it from all its members, I feel it incumbent on me to obviate the imputation of intentional disrespect. Permit me, Sir, through you, to assure the House of Representatives, that I feel as much as any of its members the necessity of preserving the utmost decorum in its proceedings; that I am incapable of an intentional violation of its rules; and that, if in the present instance, I am chargeable with a disregard of them, it is owing only to my ignorance of their extent, and that the house of representatives claimed any superintendant over its members without formally constituted, and when they are not engaged in actual business. If I have been mistaken in my understanding on this subject, I beg the House to believe that my fault has been without intention, and that I am very sorry that I have defensible confusions.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, MATTHEW LYON.
To the SPEAKER of the House of Representatives. February 1, 1798.
The reading of the letter having been gone through, a member proposed that it should lie on the table, when
Mr. MACON said, that as it was an acknowledgment of improper conduct, he thought it ought to be entered upon the journals.
Mr. NICHOLAS moved that his letter be referred to the committee who has this subject under consideration. Gentlemen would recollect, he said, that on a former occasion, when an offence of the same nature was committed, a letter written by the en-

fending member was not only relieved, but was also deemed a sufficient apology to the house. He did not know that this would be the case in the present instance; but that it might be evinced by the case to which he alluded. He hoped, therefore, it would be referred. Agreed.
Mr. HAZER laid on the table a resolution for the purpose of instituting an enquiry into the subject of a letter from General Clark, of Georgia, to the Spanish Consul at Charleston, communicated to the committee appointed to prepare and report articles of impeachment against William B.ount, by the Spanish minister, and contained in their report of 4th December.
Mr. CHAMPLIN presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of Newport, R. I., praying that a light-house may be erected on Eaton's neck (Nassau Island) and that two buoys may be placed near the entrance of the harbour of Newport.
Mr. LIVINGSTON presented a petition to the same effect from the Marine Society of New-York. Both were referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The SPEAKER informed the House that he had received a letter from Dr. Redman, President of the College of Physicians, accompanying the proceedings of that body relative to the prevention of the introduction and spreading of contagious diseases, which had this morning been laid before the members. It was read, and ordered to lie upon the table.
Mr. Livingston presented the petition of Peter Vanzandt, for compensation for injuries sustained during the war, from the American army. Adjourned.
By this day's Mail.
SALEM, (Mass.) Jan. 26.
Capt. Benjamin Russell, late of the Sch'r Sally , of this port, arrived here on Wednesday, from Nantz, where he was carried in by a privateer, and condemned—being bound to Vigo in Spain. He came into Boston fellow passengers with four other masters, and 27 of their crews, whose vessels and cargoes had also been condemned, and themselves robbed and plundered by the barbarians of every article of their own personal property that they could get hold on.
Capt. Russell informs, that the Americans captured and carried into Nantz are in a truly deplorable situation. They are not only stripped of their property, but their ears are assailed as they pass the streets, with the rudest insults, and most bitter curses, against themselves and their government. The American flag is frequently hoisted, by way of insult, underneath every other. The few friends the Americans have there, dare not say a word in their favour. The crews of the vessels are turned ashore without the means of subsistence; and as there is no other business than privateering carried on there, many of them are obliged to enter into that business, and take up arms against their countryman, to save themselves from starving. Mr. Dobree, the American Consul, placed as he is in a den of privateersmen, could do nothing for the relief of his fellow citizens they were therefore induced to send on a memorial to Mr. Skipwith, at Paris, desiring his advice and assistance. The memorial states, that they are captured under various pretences, particularly for not having a paper, which the French term a roll of equipage, but which they are entirely unacquainted with—That they had every paper which was conceived to be necessary among which were certificates from the French, Spanish and British Consuls—That many of their people are tempted with bribes to swear that their property is enemies'—That they have no opportunity to counteract such things in their courts—That their number, turned ashore and out of employment was 160—and that the men would be obliged, unless some provisions were made for them, to enter on board the French privateers, or starve.
Capt. Russell further says, that there are evidently great numbers of the French discontented with the present order of things—but are obliged to shout Vive la Republique —That the country is full of brigands—and that new explosions must again convulse the nation.
From appearances in some of our fruits shops, it may be conjectured that our nautical citizens are determined to fail the ocean in peace.
NEW LANGUAGES! —We have lately seen advertised, Angloamerican grammars, and Columbian spelling books. We imagine that the people who speak these languages are some new republics which Jupiter Buon-aparte has established in the aerial regions, by the thunderbolt which citizen Campeas has armed him with. That they are the best languages which exist within the solar system, is proved by various advertisements; and it is recommended to the people of the United States to discard their present aristocratic language, and adopt the Angloamerican or Columbian, which cannot fail to preserve the principles of pure democracy.
ALEXANDRIA, January 29. On Saturday evening, about 8 o'clock, as a servant was going into the cellar of the Union tavern, he perceived a body of smoke issuing from a part of the cellar in which a quantity of hay had been deposited. On examination it appeared that a number of coals and chips had been thrust two feet into the hay, owing to the heavy rains for the few days past, which prevented the fire from immediately kindling into a blaze, the house in all probability would have been consumed, as there was a large quantity of liquors in the cellar. A negro woman was yesterday committed to gaol on suspicion of having perpetrated the ad.
EDWARD DUNANT, No. 749, South Front-street, HAS on hand, of the cargo, per Johanna , direct from Malaga, for sale, 200 kegs Gun Powder 170 boxes } Bloom Rifles 150 jars } 120 boxes Muscatel do. 80 jars Grapes 20 kegs Figs—and Malaga Wine in bds. and qr. casks For freight or charter, The said Brig JOHANNA , being a Dane of about 200 tons burthen. Apply as above. January 31. GEO. DOBSON, No. 25 South Third street. Jan. 27. du
The Gazette.
PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
By Authority.
Fifth Congress of the United States: AT THE SECOND SESSION, Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday, the thirteenth of November, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven.
AN ACT Supplementary to the Act, intitled "an Act regulating Foreign Coins; and for other purposes."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the second section of an Act, intitled "an Act regulating foreign coins; and for other purposes," be, and the same is hereby suspended, for and during the space of three years from and after the first day of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, and until the end of the next session of Congress thereafter, during which time the said Gold and Silver coins shall be and continue a legal tender, as is provided in and by the first section of the Act aforesaid; and that the same coins shall thereafter cease to be such tender.
JONATHAN DAYTON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. TH: JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. Approved.—February 18, 1798. JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States. Deposited among the Rolls in the office of the Department of State. TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of State.
MARRIED —On Thursday last, in this city, by the Rev. Dr. Andrews, JOHN WARREN ARMSTRONG, Esq., of the city of Bristol, in England, to Miss KIRKPUP, daughter of the Rev. Mr. KIRKPUP, of Litton, in Dorsetshire, England.
Last evening, by the Right Reverend Dr. White, Mr. WILLIAM FORRESTER, merchant, to Miss DUNLAP, daughter of Mr. John Dunlap, of this city.
Died , at Boston the 21st ult. Miss JULIA WADEWORTH KNOX, in the 14th year of her age, second daughter of General Knox.—This is the ninth child her bereaved parents have buried.
The chain that binds to sublunary joys, Link after link, retentless time destroys; But hope with ardent eye, those scenes explores, Which all we've lost, and more than all restores.
The following is a correct account of the second high handed robbery in New-York, mentioned in yesterday's Gazette.
A daring robbery and burglary were committed on Tuesday morning, between 12 and one o'clock, at the house of Greenville Temple, Esq., on the Greenwich Road, of which the following are the particulars, as nearly as we have been able to collect:
About the time above-mentioned one of the women servants imagining she heard a noise at the shutters of the window, expressed her fear to Mrs. Temple that some persons were breaking into the house. Mrs. Temple ridiculed her alarm as groundless; and would not have taken further notice of the matter had not a few minutes convinced her that the servant's suspicions were well founded. She accordingly dressed herself and prepared for the consequences.
After the villains had remained in the rooms below for the space of an hour and an half, during which time they had plundered them of every thing valuable, they ascended the stairs and proceeded to the chamber adjoining Mrs. Temple's, where another of the women servants lay asleep. They awoke her, and, holding a pistol to her head, threatened her with immediate death if she occasioned the least alarm. Her trunk was in the room, which they opened, and took out 30 dollars. They then enquired of the servant if she was the lady of the house and were answered in the negative. At this instant Mrs. Temple (with an amiable courage peculiar to herself, and almost amounting to romantic heroism) opened the door, and presenting herself to the man who appeared to be the captain of the gang, enquired his business with her, informed him she was the lady of the house, and requested to be treated with delicacy. This the man promised, and religiously adhered to: he put coals into her foot stove, insisted on her taking a cordial which he prepared for her to prevent her spirits from being too much depressed, assured her she was safe under his protection, and behaved with all the lang froid imaginable.
The robbers then proceeded to the object of their visit; and, after taking from Mrs. Temple a purse containing five dollars, another containing a quantity of old Gold coins, some Spanish money with holes drilled thro' Bank notes to the value of 800 dollars, all the Silver plate, some jewels, a watch of Mr. Temple's, a blunderbuss, 2 pistols (one of which they fired in the room,) and a variety of other articles, in value amounting to more than 2000 dollars, they left the house about 5 in the morning. Mrs. Temple throughout the whole of
these transactions, conducted herself with a manly fortitude, and a composure which astonished even the villains themselves.
Mr. Temple had embarked for Europe some weeks ago to join his regiment, and no man servant was in the house at the time when the robbery was committed.
The men had their faces blacked, wore black wigs and waggoner's frocks, and were ten in number. From their conduct they appeared to have a perfect knowledge of the house, and of the domestic concerns of the family. Their chief professed to have known Mrs. Temple in Boston, at a time when adverse circumstances had not reduced him to the necessity of following an occupation at once so disagreeable and so dangerous.
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE.
In the House of Representatives of this State, on the 22d inst., a report was made in favour of the petition of William Lane, Jared Ingersoll and others. Proceeds having been issued by the Speaker for the attendance of witnesses to give evidences as to the conduct of Henry Shoemaker, the witnesses were called to the bar of the house and examined.
On the 23d, petitions were presented from citizens of Paradise Township, York County, praying that their names may be taken from a petition for the division of that county, and that no division may take place; several containing 1100 signatures from York county, praying that a division of the county may take place; from Isaac Masou and Zachariah Connell, praying for a law for the erection of a toll bridge over the Youghiagenny river; from citizens of York county, praying for leave to erect fish dams and fish baskets in the river Susquehanna; from a number of citizens praying that Resolves Sessions may receive assistance from the Legislature, as he was obliged to fly for endeavouring to execute the laws of the state, in the county of Luzerne. The committee of accounts reported that they had settled the accounts of Jacob Shoemaker. A bill was reported to ascertain the lines between the county of Chester and Lancaster. A bill was received from the Senate for repairing the public highways. A resolution was adopted requiring the committee of accounts to enquire what compensation ought to be made to the witnesses for their attendance to give evidence with respect to the conduct of Henry Shoemaker; and a resolution was offered by Mr. Evans, for the appointment of the committee to draft an address to the Governor for removal of Henry Shoemaker from his office.
A motion was made by Mr. Wain, to this effect, "that the evidence offered to the house respecting the misconduct of Henry Shoemaker, Esq., is not sufficient to induce it to address the Governor to remove him from office."—After a lengthy debate, the house adjourned without coming to a decision.
On the 24th, bills were reported to raise by lottery 2,400 dollars for erecting a bridge over Sweetwater Creek at James town; and to authorize the Governor to incorporate a company for the erection of a bridge at or near Trenton. Report was made against the petitions of Robert Armstrong and William Beatie. The bill for erecting the bridge over the Schuylkill; and the bill for selling and conveying certain lots in Lewistown, Northumberland county, were read the third time and passed. The bill to compensate Alexander McDowell, was read a second time and agreed to. The committee of accounts reported that they had settled the account of David Ackelson. Mr. Bonnet laid a resolution on the table for the removal of the seat of government. The house proceeded to the further consideration of the resolution relative to H. Shoemaker, Esq. After considerable debate, Mr. Wain withdrew his motion to make way for the following resolution offered by Dr. Leib.
Resolved, that a committee be appointed to prepare specific charges against Henry Shoemaker, Esq., a Justice of the Peace for the county of Lycoming, to be grounded on the testimony offered to this house, and make report as soon as possible, and that the Speaker, be instructed as soon as such report shall be made, to issue a notification to Henry Shoemaker, Esq., accompanied by a copy of the specifications against him, to attend at the bar of this house, either in person or by counsel, on the first Tuesday in March, to answer to such specifications.—The house adjourned without coming to a decision.
GAZETTE MARINE LIST.
PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
Arrived at Reedy Island. Brig Bride , Quandrell, Rotterdam, via N.Y. Hannah , Hammond, Wilmington, N.C. Schr. Milley , Edwards, Gonaives Sloop Brilliant , Walton, Richmond The outward bound vessels had not left Reedy Island on Monday last. The brig Molly , Kilby, and Schooner Angelica , Foster, from hence, have arrived at St. Thomas. The sloop Sally and Jane , Small, from hence has arrived at the Havannah.
A person who left Reedy Island on Monday informs, that in the gale on Saturday last, a schr. from the West-Indies, was drove ashore on Appoquinimink Bar; he did not learn her name, but understood she had been run on George Town for supplies, had no man on board saved from a wreck—a sloop was also on shore down the bay; and a Schooner from Palamara-quoddy, jammed in the ice, names unknown. The ship Smallwood , Johnson, lately cleared from Alexandria for the Isle of France.
NEW-YORK, February 1. ARRIVED. DAYS. Ship Perseverance , Williamson, Port-au-Prince 15 Franklin , Bunce, Surinam 28 Ship Diana , Harrison, Havana 20 Brig Hazard , Drummond, London 70 Integrity , Gillenders, Charleston
Extract of a letter to a Merchant in this city, dated Bassetterre, (Gaudaloupe) 5th January.
"We have been alarmed here, by a revolt of the Negroes, but they are conquered and several hundred shot."
"American vessels are daily brought in, and condemned; the plea for condemnation is their being bound to British ports. Vessels here have been under embargo since the 25th of December."
"Prices for provisions are as follows: Beef, 10 dollars, Pork, from 16 to 18 do. Flour, 9 do. Butter, Lard and Cheese would not fetch more than 9d. this currency."
The following American vessels were lying at London, when capt. Drummond, of the Hazard , failed:
 Ship Mancheester , Shewel, Philadelphia  Brig Dispatch , Rinkers, Ditto  Diana, Henderson, Boston  Ship Hope , Callahan, Fredericksburgh  Ann, Savage, New-York  Bristol, Smith, Ditto  Fame, Dury, Ditto  Theresa, Darrel, Charleston  Roebuck, Ditto  Diana, Hutchins, Baltimore  Mary, White, Providence  Rebecca, Curren, Norfolk  Brig Union , Britt, N. Carolina  Ship South Carolina , Robinson, Charleston  Brig Paddy , O'Driscoll Ditto  Ship Nancy , Joy, Boston   Schooner Industry , Stinson, of Boston from Bourdeaux, bound to Altona, taken by the Anson frigate, capt. Derham, and sent into Falmouth, August 26. The ship Hope , of Fredericksburgh, Callahan, from the Isle of France, bound to Liverpool.
Capt. D. on the 21st November, was boarded by a Republican sloop of war, and after over hauling his papers, and treating him politely, returned on board, and wished him a good voyage lat. 48 45.
January 5, spoke the Ship Providence , capt. Powell, from Providence, bound to Hamburg, lat. 41, 00.
January 12, Spoke a sloop from Wilscasset, bound to Mariegalante, long. 63, 30.
January 16, Spoke the ship Liberty , of Wilmington, bound to London, with a great number of people on board, long. 66, five days out.
January 24, Spoke brig Dorothy , from Curracoa, bound to N. York, out 20 days lat. 39, 66.
Received by the brig Hazard . London, Nov. 6th, 1797.
Sir,—On your arrival at New-York, please to mention that the Schooner Industry , of Boston, David Stinson, from Bourdeaux, bound to Altona, on August 26, was taken by the Anson Frigate, Capt. Derham, and sent into Falmouth, and after examination of the papers, finding them clear, then offered one of the seamen on board sol. to make oath against the vessel and cargo; and now to clear themselves of the damages, they are trying all ways to condemn the cargo.
(Signed) DAVID STINSON. Capt. Bunce of the ship Franklin , 28 days from Surinam, left the following vessels. Ship Maria , Riley, New-York. Nenepari, Fanning, ditto General Wayne, Pearsons, ditto Diana, Furlong, Charleston. Maria & Eliza, Downs, Boston. Brig Two Friends , Endicott, Salem. Shillaby, ditto. H. M'Lean, New-London Hirt, Philadelphia. Holden, Providence. Cook, ditto Schr. Active , Connell, New-York. Lewis, Philadelphia.
Several other American vessels names not recollected were there when ship Franklin failed.
The ship Aurora , O'Connor, of New-York, was spoken on her passage to Jamaica, 11 days out.
A wreck has been discovered near Cape Look Out, on her stern "Polly Hall, of Nantucket."
Salem, January 26. List of American vessels captured and condemned at the port of Nantz.
Ships  Rainbow , Smith, from Charleston for London; Charlotte , Lindley, from Charleston for Bremen; Hebe , Landegren, from Savannah for Lancaster; Confederacy , Jenks, of New-York from China to Hamburg; Ocieda , Sherry, from New-York for London; Brills , Breath, from New-York for Amsterdam; Mercury , Keown, of Philadelphia from Norfolk to Bremen; Bacchus , George, from Philadelphia to London; Eunice , Seal, of Portland, from Liverpool to Philadelphia; Columbia , Lathrop, of Norwich, from New-York to Hamburg; Brigs  American Hero , M'Dougal, from New-York to Cadiz; Mary , Holmes, from Boston to Naples; Catharine , Cazneau, of Newburyport, from Alexandria to Amsterdam; Mary , Choat, of Boston, from New-York to Havre de Grace; Schooner Sally , Russell, from Salem to Vigo; all condemned. Ship  Light Horse , Hall, of New-York, from Bristol to New-York, and brig Juno , Walker, of Portsmouth, from Charleston to Hamburg, waiting trial.
Insurance Office of the State of Pennsylvania.
February 1, 1798. THE Directors have this day declared a dividend of seventy dollars on each share of the stock of the company, for the last six months, which will be paid to the Stockholders or their legal representatives after the 10th inst.
JAMES S. COX, President. Febru ry 1. ditto
FOUND, In Spruce street, Philadelphia on Sunday evening the 24th ult. 3 trunks.—Enquire at No. 50, North Fourth Street. February 1. ditto
OVAL BOTTLES. Quart and half gallon in crates—and a quantity of Claret Bottles of a right size—For sale. No. 13, Church Alley. JOHN DORSEY. January 12. ditto
The committee of privileges, to whom was referred a resolution on the 30th Jan. charging Mr. Lyon with disorderly behaviour:—with instructions to enquire into the whole matter thereof, and to report the same with their opinion thereon, to the house, having examined the several witnesses on oath touching the subject,
REPORT. That during the sitting of the house of representatives, on the 30th Jan. the tellers of the house being engaged in counting the ballots for managers of the impeachment against Wm. Blount, the speaker had left his chair, and many members their seats, as is usual on such occasions. The speaker was sitting in one of the member's seats next to the bar of the house, and several members near him, of whom Mr. Griswold was one.
Mr. Lyon was standing without the bar of the House, leaning on the fame, and holding a conversation with the Speaker—he spoke loud enough to be heard by all those who were near him, as if he intended to be heard by them. The subject of his conversation was, the conduct of the Representatives of the State of Connecticut (of whom Mr. Griswold is one)—Mr. Lyon declared that they acted in opposition to the interest and opinions of nine-tenths of their constituents—that they were pursuing their own private views, without regarding the interest of the people of that State, that they were seeking offices, which they were willing to accept whether yielding nine, thousand or one thousand dollars. He further observed, that the people of that State were blinded and deceived by those Representatives, that they were permitted to see but one side of the question in politics, being lulled asleep by the opiates which the members from that state administered to them,—with other expressions equally tending to derogate from the political integrity of the Representatives of the State of Connecticut.
On Mr. Lyon's observing that if he should go into Connecticut, and manage a press there six months, although the people of that state were not fond of Revolutionary principles, he could effect a Revolution and turn out the present Representatives—Mr. Griswold, replied to these remarks, and among other things said, if you go into Connecticut, you had better wear your wooden sword, or words to that effect, alluding to Mr. Lyon's having been cashiered in the army.
Mr. Lyon did not notice the allusion at this time, but continued the conversation on the same subject—Mr. Griswold then left his seat, and stood next to Mr. Lyon, leaning on the bar, being outside the fame.
On Mr. Lyon's saying that he knew the people of Connecticut well, having lived among them many years, that he had frequently had occasion to fight them in his own district, and that he never failed to convince them—Mr. Griswold asked, if he fought them with his wooden sword—On which Mr. Lyon spit in his face.
The Committee having attentively considered the foregoing state of facts, and having heard Mr. Lyon in his defence, are of opinion, that his conduct in this transaction was highly indecorous and unworthy of a member of this house.
They therefore recommend the adoption of the resolution submitted to their consideration by the house, in the words following, to wit:
"Resolved, that Matthew Lyon, a member of this house, for a violent attack and gross indecency committed on the person of Roger Griswold, another member, in the presence of this house, whilst sitting, be, for this disorderly behavior, expelled therefrom."
NEW-THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, FEBRUARY 2.
Will be presented, (for the first time in America) a new Tragedy (in three Acts,) called Fenelon , or, THE NUNS OF CAMBRAY.
[Altered from a celebrated French Play of that name, performed at Paris with unbounded applause.]
Fenelon, (Archbishop of Cambray) Mr. Pennell Belmanee, Officer of the Household, Mr. Warren Eloisa, Mrs. Merry Amelia, Mrs. Marshall Laura, Mrs. Francis Abbes, Mrs. L'Etrange Priests—Messrs. Warrell, Warrell, jun. Hunter, Lavancy, Doctor, Lafferty, Matthew, &c. Nuns—Mrs. Doctor, Mad. Harwood, Mrs. Stuart, Mrs. Warren, Mrs. Hunter, Miss Anderson, &c. &c.
To which will be added, a Comi Opera, (three Acts,) called Inkle and Yarico.
[With the original overture and accompaniments.]
On Saturday, (by desire) the first part of King Henry VIIIth, or, the Humours of Sir John Falstaff; with entertainments.
Baskenridge—for Sale.
IT consists of 920 acres, almost all of which is a fine rich Meadow, (the residence of the late Earl of Sterling). It may be conveniently divided into five farms, four of which are bounded on the East by the river Paillack. There are on it a number of buildings, forming a square of nearly three acres—The dwelling house is a very convenient one, and a small expense would put it in complete repair.
The orchard consists of 1500 fine bearing grafted Apple Trees—and there is on other parts of said tract near 300 other Apple Trees—a also a great variety of other fruits, particularly Cherries of the best and most delicious kinds. Also, a great number of beautiful Exotics and Forest Trees, that add to the beauty and convenience of the place. Its situation is about 18 miles from the towns of Newark and Elizabeth; 10 do. from Morris-Town, and 12 from Springfield—It is wooded and watered.
To have trouble, the price is five pounds per acre in cash, on delivery of the deeds. Please to enquire of T. McEuen & Co. No. 78, Chestnut Street. February 2. codit