The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-03-25 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. LXII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY MARCH 25th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
AN ACT
Regulating the grants of lands appropriated for the refugees from the British province of Canada and Nova-Scotia.
SECT. 1. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, That the surveyor-general be, and he is hereby directed to cause those fractional townships of the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first and twenty-second ranges of townships, which join the southern boundary line of the military lands, to be subdivided into half sections, containing three hundred and twenty acres each; and to return a survey and description of the same to the secretary of the treasury, on or before the first Monday of December next; and that the said lands be, and they are hereby set apart and reserved for the purchase of satisfying the claims of persons entitled to lands under the act entitled "An act for the relief of the refugees from the British provinces of Canada and Nova-Scotia."
SECT. 2. And be it further enacted , That the secretary of the treasury shall, within thirty days after the survey of the lands shall have been returned to him as aforesaid, proceed to determine, by lot, to be drawn in the presence of the secretaries of state and of war, the priority of location of the persons entitled to lands as aforesaid. The persons, thus entitled, shall severally make their locations on the second Tuesday of January next, and the patents for the lands thus located, shall be granted in the manner directed for military lands, without requiring any fee whatever.
SECT. 3. And be it further enacted , That the following persons, claiming lands under the above-mentioned act, shall respectively be entitled to the following quantities of land; that is to say, Maria Walker, widow of Thomas Walker, John Edgar, P. Francis Cazeau, John Allan, and Seth Harding, respectively, two-thousand two-hundred and forty acres each; Jonathan Eddy, colonel James Livingston, and Parker Clark, respectively, one-thousand two-hundred and eighty acres each; and the heirs of John Dodge, one-thousand two-hundred and eighty acres; Thomas Faulkner, Edward Faulkner, David Gay, Martin Brooks, lieutenant colonel Bradford, Noah Miller, Joshua Lamb, Atwood Fales, John Starr, William How, Ebenezer Gardner, Lewis F. Deleldernier, John McGown, and Jonas C. Minot, respectively, nine-hundred and sixty acres each; and the heirs of Simon Chetler, nine-hundred and sixty acres; Jacob Vander Heyden, John Livingston, James Crawford, Isaac Danks, major B. Von Heer, Benj. Thompson, Joseph Bindon, Joseph Levitre, lieut. Wm. Maxwell, J. D. Mercier, James Price, Seth Noble, Martha Bogart, relict of Abraham Bogart, and formerly relict of Daniel Tocker, and John Halsey, respectively six-hundred and forty acres each: David Jenks, Ambrose Cole, James Cole, Adam Johnston, the widow and heirs of colonel Jeremiah Duggan, Daniel Earl junior, John Paskell, Edward Chinn, Joseph Gane, and John Torreyre, respectively, three-hundred and twenty acres each; Samuel Fales, one-hundred and sixty acres; which several tracts of land shall, except the last, be located in half sections by the respective claimants.
THEODORE SEDGWICK, Speaker of the House of Representatives. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. Approved, February 18. A. D. 1801. JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States
AN ACT.
Breeing from postage all letters and packets to John Adams.
BE it enacted by the Senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, That all letters and packets to John Adams, now president of the United States, after the ex-
piration of his term of office and during his life, shall be carried by the mail, free of postage.
THEODORE SEDGWICK, Speaker of the House of Representatives. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. Approved, February 25, A. D. 1801. JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States.
AN ACT
To establish the district of Bristol, and to annex the towns of Kittery and Berwick to the district of Portsmouth.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the 31st day of March next the towns of Bristol, Warren and Barrington, in the state of Rhode-Island, and Providence plantations, and all the shores and waters around the same, within the following limits, viz. a line beginning at the middle of the bay between Mount Hope and common fence point, running southwesterly through the middle of Bristol ferry, and continuing such course until it strikes a point of equal distance from Rhode-Island, to Prudence Island, from thence northwardly on a straight line to the westermost part of Nahant point, and from thence to the western shore of Bullock's point, shall be a district, to be called the district of Bristol, of which the port of Bristol, shall be the sole port of entry, and a collector for said district shall be appointed to reside at Bristol; and Warren and Barrington shall be ports of delivery only, and the surveyor who shall be appointed to reside at each of the ports of Bristol and Warren, shall also be surveyor for the port of Barrington.
SECT. 2. And be it further enacted , That said port of Bristol shall also be a port of entry, for all ships or vessels arriving from the Cape of Good Hope or place beyond the same.
SECT. 3. And be it further enacted , That from and after the said thirty first day of March next, the towns of Kittery and Berwick in the state of Massachusetts, shall be annexed to the district of Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, as ports of delivery only; provided that nothing herein contained shall be construed to prevent the master or commander of any ship or vessel, having merchandise on board, destined for either of the said places, from making an entry at his option with the collector of the district of York, and obtaining permits for the delivery thereof as heretofore.
THEODORE SEDGWICK, Speaker of the House of Representatives. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. Approved, 25th February, A. D. 1801. JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States.
Robert Greenhow.
Merchant in Williamsburg, Virginia.
BEING desirous to withdraw in a great measure from the further pursuit of business, offers for sale the whole of his well known General and Valuable Assortment of Merchandise amounting probable at their prime cost, to Eight or Ten thousand pounds sterling, of which an idea may be formed by referring to a printed list deposited in this office—Not wishing to divide the Stock applications by letters post-paid will be by him received as to the purchase of the whole or it part. Feb. 2, 1801. tAp
To be sold at Public Vendue for Cash.
On fifth day, the 26th of this Instant, called March, the following GOODS, viz. one 2 horse market Waggon with the harness, one strong good cart and gearing for ditto, one Cow with Calf, one Sow, a good Cutting box and Sundry household Furniture. Also a new enclosed frame 16 by 12 with a shed Adjoining. The Sale to begin at 10 o'clock where attendance will be given by
JOSEPH TAYLOR. Living in the Twenty Buildings, City of Washington. March 23.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 25, 1801.
A Letter from JOEL FARLOW, to his Friend in Washington.
PARIS, January 2, 1801.
MY DEAR SIR, Mr. _____ and myself have received your short letter of 25th October, with the slips of Newspapers enclosed. It was very satisfactory as far as it went, indeed, as far as you could go at that time; but you must by this time have a great deal more to say. You must have seen America with an enquiring eye, the eye of an accurate observer who knew it before the late changes that the royalizing frenzy has made in it; and who must have been anxious to know it afterwards. You are endowed with a keen discernment and a generalizing judgment, which will enable you to give me that country as it is, inside and out, and I will you to do it. Take your pen and describe to me your own views of things as they strike you on your own examination, compared with what they were before you left the country, with what they have been since during the interval of rage, and with what they are to be in a few years to come? I mean the political and moral temper and spirit of the people? It is in vain that I ask this from any other than you. A man who has been absent some years and returns, has a more comparing eye.
"I wish too, that you would give me an idea of the spirit of Mr Jefferson's administration.—You can do it with freedom.—Tell me whether he will pursue the same system with his predecessors relative to foreign relations? Whether he will conceive we have gone on too far in the channel of precedent, copying after old monarchies, to run the risk of a chance? Whether he will wish to encrease the debt or lessen it. Whether he will carry the spirit of compliance or reconciliation so far as to employ the same men as well as the same means with his last predecessor? Whether he will preach the doctrine of Mr. A——, "that commerce has made America what it is." That commerce is the foundation of all our wealth and happiness, and the chief object that ought to engage the solicitude of government—or whether he will not think he ought to turn more of his attention to the native and internal sources of improvement, to the encouragement of agriculture, to roads, canals, useful arts and domestic manufactures? Whether he imagines, that the present system of education is the best possible system for that country, or whether he will not think it susceptible of great improvement, and conceive it a part of his duty as a Philosopher and a President, having better ideas than those who have gone before him or those who may come immediately after him, to systematize those ideas and bring them into vogue for the benefit of mankind? He laboured at this to some advantage when governor Virginia, and I should hope he might do infinitely more as president of the United States. He ought to consider this occasion as absolutely unique for him and for America. The field is immensely great; but few, very few persons think of these things. Thousands would think of them, and labour at them, if they were set a going, and the impulse given them by one great man, and a great man in power. Reflect on these objects, talk of them to your friends, talk of them if possible to Mr. Jefferson, and write me the result of your discoveries. Tell him if you can, that the eyes of all good men in Europe are fixed on him as the father, in a certain sense, of his country, the father of our future true political, economical and moral improvement.
"I dwell on this subject with peculiar anxiety, because America, though young is every day growing old in wrong habits and prejudices, which have not yet become inveterate, but will become so soon if not corrected. It depends on this generation perhaps on that one man to say, whether,
America shall rise to real greatness and true glory, (a fair example to be copied by other nations), or whether she shall retrograde and dwindle into the ape of every error that has hitherto degraded and tormented the human race.
"Speak particularly of Fulton's system of small canals with inclined planes—talk of it as a system, as it embraces the objects of revenue, political economy, interior commerce, arts, manufactures and agriculture. In speaking there of Fulton, mention, his invention for sub-marine navigation. His great objects are two-fold—First, To overturn the whole system of military navies and set commerce free—Second, To improve the domestic state of the nation by his system of small canals, which shall take place generally of great roads, and cut off nine-tenths of the expense of interior transportation. He is considered here as one of the greatest mechanical geniuses of the age; but what adds greatly to his merit is, the assiduity and talent with which he applies all his discoveries to real public utility and national improvement.
"I have set you, my dear Sir, a great task. I shall not be angry with you if you do not perform it half: but I know you will delight in promoting such objects as far as possible, and in giving me as much information on them as you conveniently can.
"You see at last, peace with the Emperor is at hand. Moreau during his 25 days campaign drove the prince's army 70 leagues, took 25,000 prisoners, 150 cannon in the field, all their principal magazines, and got within 17 leagues of Vienna. It was time to ask for another armistice and a peace.
"The late attempt against Buonaparte's life was a very serious one. Many persons are arrested, but I fear the true authors are not yet discovered, or at least taken up.
"The Tiers Consolide to day are at near 50.
"Your's truly "JOEL FARLOW."
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
In a preceding number the inexpediency of congratulatory addresses to the Chief Magistrate was proved by abstract reasoning. The grounds therein assigned are considered as completely conclusive—But the subject may, perhaps, be exhibited in a more popular attitude, by making liberal quotations from the replies of Mr. Adams, which are viewed as precedents on the present occasion.
From them it will clearly appear how humilatingly the chief magistrate not only committed his own personal dignity, but also the character of the government and the peace of the nation; and it will further appear that the delirium of the moment extolled as patriotic and wise sentiments, whose only tendency was to infuse malevolent resentment into the breast of one citizen against another, and to throw at the greatest possible distance every hope of reconciliation with France.
Extract from a reply of Mr. Adams to the corporation of Philadelphia, denouncing those who differed from him in political opinions.
"At a time, when all the old republics of Europe are crumbling into dust, and others forming whole destinies are dubious; when the monarchies of the old world are, some of them, fallen, and powers trembling to their foundations; when our own infant Republic has scarcely had time to cement its strength or decide its own practicable form; when the agitations of the human species have affected our people, and produced a spirit of party which scruples not to go all lengths of profligacy, falsehood and malignity, in defaming our government: your approbation and confidence are to me a great consolation."
Extract from a reply to the citizens of York (Penn.) containing the avowal of sentiments respecting a foreign nation, which

Whether true or not, was undoubtly of the American government.
"After years of depredations and cruelties, in open violation of the law of nations, and in contempt of solemn treaties, have been borne without even tolerating the means of self preservation, or the instruments of self defence, the Olive Branch has been spurned, and ambassadors of peace and friendship repeatedly rejected with scorn—Can still deeper humiliations be demanded of this country."
To the same effect may be considered the following.
Extract from a reply to the address of the merchants of Philadelphia.
"If the sincere sentiments of my heart towards France, which are now open before the public, had met with a similar disposition in the government of that country, we should still have pursued our neutral, impartial and pacific course. But unhappily, they have met with nothing that I can discern, but a determined, though injudicious spirit of hostility."
Extracts from a reply to Young men of Philadelphia.
"Without wishing to damp the ardor of curiosity, or influence the freedom of enquiry, I will hazard a prediction that, after the most indulgent and impartial researches, the longest liver of you all, will find no principles, institutions or systems of education more fit in general, to be transmitted to your posterity than those you have received from your ancestors."
"The sentiments of this address, every where expressed in language as chaste and modest, as it is elegant and masterly which would do honor to the youth of any country, have raised a monument to your fame, more durable than brass or marble.—The youth of all America must exult in this early sample, at the seat of government, of their talents, genius and virtues."
The following extract of a reply to the Young Men of New York contains the strongest tissue of heterogeneous sentiments, and avows unqualified reprobation of the French Revolution.
"Your attachment to France was in common with Americans in general—The enthusiasm for liberty which contributed to excite it was in sympathy with great part of the people of Europe. The causes which produced that great event were so extensive throughout the European world and so long established that it must appear a vast scheme of Providence, marching to its end, at a great superiority over the views, designs, hopes and fears of individuals or nations, kings or princes, philosophers or statesmen. It would be weak to ascribe the glory of it, or impute the blame to any individual or any nation, it would be equally absurd for any individual or nation to pretend to wisdom or power, equal to the mighty task of arresting its progress or diverting its course. May the human race in general, and the French nation in particular, derive ultimately from it an amelioration of their own condition, in the extension of liberty civil and religious, in increased virtue, wisdom and humanity. For myself, however, I confess, I see not how, nor when, nor where. In the mean time, these incomprehensible speculations ought not to influence our conduct in any degree. It is our duty to judge by the standard of truth, integrity and conscience, of what is right and wrong, to contend for our own rights, and to fight for our own altars and firesides, as much as at any former period of our lives, or in the history of the world. In your own beautiful and pathetic language, the same enthusiasm ought now to unite us more closely, in the defence of our country and inspire us with a spirit of resistance against the efforts of that republic to destroy our independence. If my enthusiasm is not more extravagant than yours has ever been, our independence will be one essential instrument for reclaiming the fermented world, and bringing good out of the mass of evil."
In the subjoined extract from a reply to the Students of Dickenson college, the President commits himself in language probably the most intemperate that the political annals of the last century can furnish, as used by an individual in a like situation.
"Since the date of your address, a fresh instance of the present spirit of a nation, or its government, whom you have been taught to call your friends, has been made public; two of your envoys have been ordered out of the republic—Why? Answer this for yourselves, my young friends. A third has been compelled to remain—Why? To treat of loans, as preliminary to an alliance, as the French government under-
stands it—to wait for further orders, as your envoy conceives. Has any sovereign of Europe ever dictated to your country, ever assumed such a dictatorial power over the sovereignty of your country? Is the republic of the United States of America, a reflection of the republic of France? It is a question whether even an equitable treaty under such circumstances of indecency, insolence and tyranny, ought ever to be ratified by an independent nation—there is however no probability of any treaty, to bring this question to a decision."
"If there are any who still plead the cause of France, and attempt to paralyze the efforts of your government, I agree with you, they ought to be esteemed our greatest enemies."
The following extract from a reply to some citizens of New Jersey delineates sentiments hostile to the plainest principles of republicanism.
"If the veneration you profess, for the representatives of the nation, and the organs of the public judgment and will are not just, where is or can be the object of public confidence? where can be found the rule of action for the citizen? There can be no alternative between this and anarchy:—every man, the foolish as well as the wise, the wicked as well as the just, doing what is right in his own eyes: and we know that in such a case, the bad being under no restraint of conscience will have the advantage of the good who can permit themselves to do no wrong. The very modern history of the last twelve years, has abundantly illustrated the proverb, that anarchy does more mischief in one night, than even tyranny itself in ten years; what is the difference then between anarchy and good government."
The above quotations are far from being the most intemperate parts of Mr. Adams's addresses. They are taken from a small portion of addresses and replies; not selected with any particular view, nor would the time of the writer allow him to peruse a larger portion of that mass of political quixotism that flowed so copiously from the pen of the President.
They are, however, abundantly sufficient to demonstrate the pernicious tendency of addresses and replies; and should induce every enlightened republican to repress that mistaken spirit which dictates them.
TEMPERANCE.
Conrad & M Munn
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stable sufficient for 60 horses—They hope to merit public patronage.
City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800. tf
Nail Manufactory,
ALL kinds of Cut Nails for Sale by Wholesale and Retail at the Factory on F Street, and at the Hardware Store of the Subscriber, where persons building and all others wishing to purchase may be supplied with any quantity at the most reasonable rates.
JOHN JACK. tf Washington Feb. 4, 1801.
NAILS.
ALL Kinds of Hammered and Cut Nails, and Brads, Sold at my store in this place, between the President's house and the Six buildings, at the following prices for Cash only.
Hammered Nails and Brads.
   By cwt. or 112 lb. By retail under 36     20dy Nails 12 1-2 d. per lb 13 1-2 d per lb.   12dy do 13 13 3-4   10 do 13 3-4 14 1-2   8 do 15 15 1-2  
Deck and Spike Nails, 11 1-2
Cut Nails and Brads.
   20dy Nails 9 1-2 10 1-2   10 do 10 11   8 do 11 12   6 do 12 13   4 do 13 1-2 14   3 do 14 1-2 15  
SAMUEL MINTIRE.
Washington, Feb. 6, 1801. tf
To LETT.
THE HOUSE opposite the GREAT HOTEL, now occupied by Kid, Elliot & Co.—For terms apply at said House.
March 23, 1801. tw6w
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE.
On the Bill for the government of the District of Columbia.
Mr. Smilie said he would willingly give the reasons which prompted him to make the motion, and he hoped the gentleman would as freely make his reply; if it could be proved to him that the rights of these people could be reserved by the passage of the bill, it would give him pleasure, but believing it to be impossible, he wished to destroy the bill—It could not be denied but that the people of this district were precisely in the same situation at present which they always had been, and subject to the same laws, but would it be so when the government once accepted the cession? It would not. Not a man in the district would be represented in the government, whereas every man who contributed to the support of a government, ought to be represented in it, otherwise his natural rights were subverted, and he left, not a citizen, but a subject. This was one right the bill deprived these people of, and he had always been taught to believe it was a very serious and important one. It was a right which this country, when under subjection to Great Britain, thought worth making a resolute struggle for, and evinced a determination to perish rather than not enjoy.
Another, and an important right of which those people were about to be deprived was that their judges and their governor were not to be the choice of themselves, but of the President. The privilege of a local legislature might be given to the people, but of what avail could they be if the governor appointed by the president could deprive them of every act they might make by his negative? Where was their security if the acts of these representatives of the people could be to-morrow revoked by a power deriving authority from elsewhere? Much as gentlemen might talk about dignity of government, nothing, he thought would more comport with true dignity than liberty, and without it dignity of government was not worth a name. It surely must be disagreeable for the government to be in the midst of a people who are deprived of their rights, and what insecurity there ever had been or ever would be to the government from its reliance under the laws of the states, he could not conceive: he had never known of any. If he could be convinced that the people would not be deprived of their rights among others, he would agree to some such bill as this.
Mr. Dennis acknowledged that had he the same impressions as the gentleman just set down, he would not hesitate for a moment to believe that liberty had been forced to yield to a reign of absolute slavery. But from a consideration of the interests of the people, of the dignity of the government, and of the seat of the congress, together with the reflections of the gentleman just set down, he felt himself called upon to make some observations by way of an answer.
As to the interests of the people, could it for a moment be doubted that a local government, a judiciary and a legislature would be highly advantageous? Could any man doubt but it would be more convenient and advantageous for the inhabitants to attend the courts in this place, than to be taken away to Richmond or to Annapolis? It had been always an approved privilege that justice should be brought home to every man's door, and where could it be more so than by the establishment of a judiciary, especially for this district. Nor were the advantages less, he contended, in the legislative department. If a ready communication with their representatives was desirable to the people, by the residence and sitting of the representatives of this district being within itself, the communication was easy, and the rights of the people in their local concerns more attainable surely than though they had to go to Richmond or to Annapolis. But taking a more comprehensive view of the subject, Mr. Dennis asked if the general interests of the district would not be more secured by persons immediately acquainted and concerned than by persons of different states, and at a distance from the place? One or two representatives to each legislature would be the utmost that the district could tend, and these placed amongst men of different interests, what could be expected compared to a body such as prescribed by this bill, drawn from
among the people themselves? In those legislatures, the numerous local circumstances which must call for attention in a newly planted and rapidly growing capital, never can receive due attention. Every person must know that a great proportion of business must arise from a commercial city. From observation he could say that about one third of the business of the legislature of Maryland usually arose from Baltimore alone. As this city therefore grew in population and in trade, the demand for legislative attention would increase, and either its interests must be neglected, or the sittings of the state legislatures must be protracted too far. Besides this, experience must have taught gentlemen that numerous bodies could not so well attend to the minute advantages of a place like this as small bodies, and particularly such as well knew its situation and circumstances.
It had been said that these people were happy. Mr. Dennis admitted it, but a change of circumstances made an inevitable difference, and required a different mode of legislating. This district of the general government being a part of two states, must require an alteration from its former government. Surely the organization of a local body must be more advantageous than any modifications which could be made by those two legislatures. So far from a rule of despotism then being over these people, he thought the passing of this bill would much increase their prosperity. It was said that by the assumption of the jurisdiction, these people would ask how much they were heretofore represented in the two legislatures to which they sent delegates. They were so in name, but very little in essence, from the comparatively small number it could send to the legislature.
But the arguments as much went against the assumption at any future time as at present. That it would be some time taken up there could be no doubt—it ought therefore to be recollected that if it would be ever proper, a period more unfavorable to the interests of the people, might be selected, than the present, and therefore the present moment ought to be accepted, and especially so as he believed the people were desirous of it, and were satisfied with the features of the bill. From their contiguity to, and residence among the members of the general government, they knew, that though they might not be represented in the national body, their voice would be heard. But if it should be necessary, the constitution might be so altered as to give them a delegate to the general legislature, when their numbers should become sufficient. Upon the whole, he could see no measures which would more immediately promote the interests of the people of this district, and give stability to their minds, and to their concerns with each other than the present bill, and therefore he hoped the section would remain.
Mr. Macon said, he could see no such immediate necessity for this law. A gentleman had told the committee it was necessary, because the states did not pay regard to it. Mr. M. supposed the same attention was paid to this district as usual and the same as was paid to any other particular part: he believed their political and local rights were as perfectly secure without this bill as any other part of those states, and if the object of gentlemen was to make it better, or worse, he should be opposed to it. Before the least change from their former situation, some inconveniences ought to be mentioned under which they labored, and this had not been done, more than mere conjecture and surmises had engendered. Most assuredly there ought to be some good ground for this assumption, because it was not merely a common act of the legislature, which could be repealed or amended so soon as passed: it was an act of a nature that could not be essentially altered without an alteration in the constitution, because if the assumption was once accepted, it could not be parted with.
It would be so far from advantageous to the city of Washington, Mr. Macon said, that it must essentially injure it. On one side of the water was Alexandria, a populous town, on the other side was George-town. Would not these two give to the legislature a majority? And if so, a more palpable evil could not be put upon the city, than by putting it in with more numerous towns, whose interests would ever be opposed to the growth of the city. There would inevitably be an Alexandria interest, a George-town interest, and a city interest, and these struggling with each other.
It was said to be inconvenient to be represented at a distance, from the want of an easy communication. How could this be? What was more easy than for

letters and instruction to be sent by post. The communication was easy from all parts of the United States to Congress, and could be equally so to any place where the post goes. There could be no doubt but the states would pay as much attention to the interests of this district, if it continued under their jurisdiction, as ever it had done, & more, by not suffering it to endure any injury which it could prevent, congress should immediately take the jurisdiction. The language and meaning of gentlemen could be well understood: gentlemen were called to support the measure with energy, whilst they had strength. No doubt Mr. Macon said, this was the principal ground of their endeavors to push the measure, although the legislature had but just met here, and there had been scarce time to know what would be the proper regulations to adopt. But he would wish to remind them that although the law might be passed, the time would not be far off when his friends would be in the minority, and some considerable alterations might be made in it.
Mr Macon then proceeded to the detail of the bill; he disliked the establishment of a government, the executive and judiciary of which were in the appointment of the president of the United States—the former for three years and the latter during good behaviour: and these, both governor and judges of the superior and inferior courts, to be paid out of the treasury of the United States. Could it be the wish of gentlemen, he asked, to establish in the very heart of the United States, and immediately under the eye of the government, such a principle as that these rulers should be independent and entirely above the control of the people? He declared that if he should be in Congress again and as long as he ever should be in the house, he should constantly make it his duty to exert himself for the appeal of so bad a principle, and leave the governor, the judges and the legislature immediately amenable to the people. Another thing he should also ever be opposed to, was the manner of this house of representatives and senate being chosen, and time of their continuance. Why should they be elected here for two years, when in all the state legislatures, he believed they were chosen annually, except two, in one of which they were elected every six months, and in the other every two years. A greater absurdity still was evinced in the time for which, and the manner how the senators were chosen—six years, and by electors. Although in these things there was a similarity to the choice of the general government, he would ask what similarity there could be in the two governments? In the one there is a vast extent of country, and a numerous population; in the other a small population; a small tract of country, and an almost general knowledge by every one of every individual in it. He doubted whether the legislature of the union could at all delegate powers to this local government, but whether or not he could see no kind of necessity during the present session to assume them: the government would go on as well as before, and he had no doubt the city would continue in that rapid state of prosperity gentlemen had witnessed since they arrived here.
LOTS.
IN different eligible situations in the City for Sale or Lease on ground rent.—Likewise,
100 Casks inspected Rhode Island LIME.
A number of Quarter and half and Casks of MADEIRA WINE, of a superior quality, by JOHN SLICKNEY
At his building opposite Rhodes Tavern President's Square.
Washington, March 2, 1801. copy.
TO BE RENTED.
A TWO STORY BRICK DWELLING HOUSE, with a large garden well inclosed, stable for 4 horses, a Coach House, & other office Houses, with a good well of water in the Yard, most elegantly situated in square 104, in the City of Washington, for terms apply to
WM. KING.
WHO will accommodate through the ensuing summer a few GENTLE BOARDERS, by the day, week, or month, at his present dwelling House, 4 doors South of Mr. STILLER'S Store, on Capitol Hill.
March 13, 1801
FOR SALE
SEVENTY THOUSAND
LATHS,
Enquire at this Office.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, March 25, 1801.
OFFICIAL.
William Kilty, Chief Judge of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia.
Daniel Carroll Brent, Marshal of the same.
John Thomson Mason, Attorney of do.
The Court of the District of Columbia has made the following appointments.
Uriah Forrest, Clerk of the court of Washington.
George Deneale, Clerk of the court of Alexandria.
Thomas Douglass, Inspector of Flour for the county of Alexandria.
ERRONEOUS STATEMENTS CORRECTED.
Mr. MADISON, as stated in a Philadelphia print, has not arrived at the seat of government; nor has Mr. Dexter retired for one month from the duties of the office of Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. MUHLENBERG is not appointed Collector of the Port of Philadelphia in the room of George Latimer.
Mr. DAWSON is not appointed Minister to Portugal in the room of Mr. Smith.
Most of the statements presented to the Public by the prints of Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New-York, though abounding in mistakes, are declared to be from authority. From this circumstance, a weight is attached to them, which will be apt to produce extensive misconception. It is suggested whether a regard to correctness does not dictate a different mode of statement.
Extract of a letter to the Editor, from PARIS.
"The Institutions for the promotion of Science are here astonishingly great—The national institute, the garden of plants, the school of mines, the Polytechnic school, &c. &c. form without doubt the greatest assemblage of scientific institutions in existence.—There is one disadvantage, however, they rest under, particularly for a foreigner who has but a few months to remain at Paris, that prevents the enjoyment of all of them at once; their extreme distance from one another. The Botanic garden, which is the greatest assemblage of objects of natural history in existence, is at one extremity of Paris; and the school of mines, the place where the chemical and mineralogical lectures are delivered, almost at the other.
"I have attended a number of meetings of the national institute; they are conducted with much candor, and the most animated discussions often take place."
Extract of a letter from a correspondent at Hamburg.
After some remarks on the controverted order of the ILLUMINATI, he says:—
"It is, however, a subject here that has almost ceased to be talked of.—When we are done thinking of it in America, I suppose the Emperor of China will begin to take alarm at the sect. At Stockholm, they talked to me of a new sect, that was making strides in America, called "Shaking Quakers". You see on each side the water, they sometimes begin to talk of the importance of things, when they are almost forgotten in their native places."
NOTICE.
F STREET NORTH.
A meeting of the Inhabitants of F Street, in the City of Washington, is particularly requested at Mr. Rhode's, Little Hotel on Thursday evening next at 6 o'clock P. M. on business of Importance to the Inhabitants and Proprietors.
Washington, March 25.
In the First Western District of Massachusetts, an Election has been held for a Member of the Federal House of Representatives, on which the Boston Centinel says:—
"We have seen the votes of 22 towns in this district. They are for Judge BACON 1710—Mr. WILLIAMS 1049. There cannot be a doubt of the choice of Mr. BACON."
A letter from Surinam, dated the 2d Feb. 1801, "About ten days since four French frigates of 44 guns, and 2 corvettes of 22 guns had safely landed 1800 troops, from Europe, at Cayenne: and brought in with them the English sloop of war Swallow, of 18 guns and 17 English and Portuguese vessels laden with provisions, cloathing, guns, &c. for the British forces in the West-Indies; besides a large amount in money. Victor Hugues had accordingly sent here to know if there were any French prisoners to be exchanged for those taken."
Letters from the most respectable source from Cadiz, received at Philadelphia by the Magnet, contain the following interesting information:
CADIZ, Jan. 29, 1800.
"By my respects of the 16th, you will be acquainted with the deplorable state to which this city and the bordering towns have been reduced by the epidemical distemper which prevailed last summer. Thank God the malady has totally disappeared. Never was this city, notwithstanding all its losses and disappointments this war reduced to its present miserable condition.
"The blockade continues with usual vigilance, and not even a remote prospect of permanent peace on the continent; on the contrary, the contending powers would seem to be inspired anew with the spirit of hostility and destruction.
"It is reported a rupture between this country and Portugal, is unavoidable. In fact, preparations are actually making with vigor on this side."
Another letter in Spanish under date of Jan. 27th, contains the following further information, which we have translated:
"The reports of the arrival of a general peace have been various and flattering during the last week; but the post of this day has dispelled our hopes. It brings advices of 8000 British troops having disembarked at Lisbon, for the purpose of abetting Portugal, who it seems, has positively rejected the conciliatory propositions of this court. In consequence of this intelligence, the Spanish army is now advancing, by forced marches, to the frontiers of Portugal; and two columns of French troops, one amounting to 4000, the other 8000, have actually advanced as far as Bayonne. While these important movements are going on. Gen. Bernadotte, with an army of 45000, is proceeding against the enemy by the way of Roussillon.—We are of course in hourly expectation of receiving advice of the commencement of hostilities.
"It is understood here that Great-Britain has offered to enter into an armistice for 12 months, on condition that their ambassadors shall be admitted to the negotiations in the Congress of Luneville."
Another letter of the foregoing date, contains the following corroborative information:
"For some days we have been very sanguine in our expectations of a continental peace; but the opposition of England has not only prevented this desirable event, but also embroiled us with Portugal. Our troops in all directions are marching rapidly against this power—and the French auxiliaries have actually arrived at Bayonne.
"You will no doubt have already heard of the attempt recently made on the life of Buonaparte. It has been traced to its origin, and the perpetrators will doubtless be instantly punished.
"By an arrival from Egypt in 20 days, we learn, that the affairs in that country are very favourable to the interests of the French.
"There are continual changes in the ministry of this cabinet: but as they do not affect commerce it would be superfluous to particularize them.
"The trade of this city is quite stagnant. Unless Providence kindly interferes for our relief, we know not to what deeper wretchedness we may be devoted."
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of Washington.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard.
WILLIAM PROOF.
City of Washington: December 12, 1800. N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood.
W. P.
JOHN CHEW THOMAS respectfully informs his Fellow-Citizens of Prince George's and Anne-Arundel counties including the city of Annapolis, that he will again faithfully serve them (if elected) in the Congress of the United States.
March 5th, 1801.
6t.
CHEAP LUMBER,
FOR SALE,
By the Subscriber, on reasonable terms, either by large or small quantities, at his Lumber Yards, the north end of Lamberton, and at the old Sturgeon Pond, above Richards's wharf,
A QUANTITY OF ASSORTED LUMBER, viz.
One and 1-4 inch, 1 1-8, and 1 do. Yellow pine heart boards—1 inch panel, 1 1-4 do. for floors, 1 do. common, white pine do—2 do. 7 1-4 and 2 1-2 do planks, 1 do. 1-8, and 2-8 do. boards, black walnut—2 do. plank, 3 do. 1-2 do. panel boards, bedstead sets, poplar the whole of the above are well seasoned and fit for use]—Clear heart pine, and sap pine white oak, and bilthead, hemlock and white pine scantling, assorted—best kind three feet cedar shingles, dressed and undressed, do. two feet white pine do. do. 18 inch cypress do—Scedar rails—Also, white pine fawed rails—shingling and planing laths, best kind; white oak wagon timber—sap pine planks, sap pine one inch boards, 3-4 cedar, best kind, 3-4 white pine, 3-4 sap pine, seasoned weather boards—A quantity of handsome chestnut railings, sawed 1 by 3 inches and from 4 to 16 feet long, for garden fence, &c. A quantity of chestnut oak posts, dressed and undressed; a quantity of cherry boards, a quantity of large white oak joice, a quantity of chestnut posts—5000 feet of neat beach scantling for tool blocks—5000 feet of sickamore scantling for bedsteads; 2 inch white oak plank; 1 inch white oak boards, 3-4 do. do. do.—25,000 feet superior cherry boards and plank, 3,000 do. very clear 2 inch white pine plank, 3,000 do. handsome beaton wood bedstead sets seasoned, 100,000 prime North Carolina shingles, a quantity of ash plank, 150 tons plaster Paris, warranted, 3,000 bushels best Virginia pit coal, 200 bushel cleans house sand.
The subscriber intends, establishing a Lumber Yard at the Federal City of Washington, which he will keep regularly supplied as above—Any quantities may be agreed for by contract, deliverable, as the purchaser may wish, provided that the place of delivery may be comecable by water with a navigable vessel—Any quantity that may be ordered for shipping abroad, shall be supplied with punctuality and dispatch, agreeable to order.
Gentlemen who are or may be building—as well as carpenters who may be under or may enter into contracts to build and furnish the materials, will find it well worth their attention to apply as above—Applications may be made by letter (post paid) or otherwise, to the subscriber, or left with Wm. and Anthony M. Buckley, or Benj. W. Morris and Co. merchants, Philadelphia.
FOR SALE,
A Valuable Tract of LAND,
LYING in part on the main Richmond road, a mile from the Rappahannock River, four Miles below Frederickburg (in a healthy and most agreeable neighbourhood,) containing about five hundred and thirty three ACRES well watered, upon the said Tract there are about two hundred and fifty acres of Wood Land, the greater part of which is equal if not superior in quality to any high lands, yet uncultivated in S. otsylvania. Here are upon it a dwelling-house, necessary out houses, a very large barn, and a most valuable Mill seat, with a mill-house already built, capable of Manufacturing Twenty thousand bushels of wheat annually, after being put in perfect repair. Here is also upon it about sixty Acres of first rate meadow land, part of which is already reclaimed and has produced very heavy crops of Timothy Hay. The above Land is bounded by the lands of Gen. A. Spottswood, Messrs. Wm. Herndon, Mann Page, Francis Taliaferro, and the Tract the subscriber at present lives on. Any further description I deem unnecessary as those who may be disposed to purchase will of course view the land. Upon said tract there are about one hundred and thirty Bushels of Wheat town, the greater part of which look well and promising.
The said tract of land will be sold by the subscriber at private or public sale, three fourths of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale, and the balance in twelve months, bearing interest from the date, the purchaser giving bond with approved security. If not sold by private sale, by the first Monday in May next, it will then be sold on the premises on that day if fair, if not the next day to the highest bidder. The land in the mean time will be shown to any person who may wish to purchase by Messrs Francis Taliaferro, James Tutt, Wm. Darnaby and the subscriber.
LAURENCE BROOKE,
March 18, 1801.
1M
The Subscriber
RESPECTFULLY informs the Public, that he intends to practice the LAW in the Courts of Alexandria and Washington Counties in the District of Columbia; and in the Supreme Court of the United States.—The Public may rely on his attention to any business confided to his care. At his Office, co-adjutances of every kind prepared with accuracy, secrecy and dispatch. Business transacted in any of the Public Offices for Persons resident at a distance on moderate terms. Letters post paid will be attended to—
By the Publics Obedient Servant,
ROBERT W. PEACOCK.
City of Washington, New-Jersey Avenue, near the } March 2, 1801. Capitol.
A few Gentlemen may be accommodated with Boarding and Lodging. R. W. P.

The committee appointed to enquire into the causes of the late fires in the War and Treasury departments.
REPORT, That they have taken the depositions of all the persons from whom they had reason to expect any information; and herewith report them: Those marked (A.) relate to the fire in the war office; and those marked (B.) to the fire in the Treasury department.
The committee having seen an assertion in a paper called the Cabinet, that during the fire in the Treasury Department, persons were discovered in one of the rooms of that department, in circumstances which excited suspicion, the committee called on the Editor of that paper, and requested to be informed whether he could mention the names of any persons who were witnesses of that fact, or any other relating to the fires. By him they were referred to Landon Pearson, and Salem Roe; from whose depositions, and the deposition of John Woodfles, (among the papers marked B.) it appears that the persons thus discovered were clerks of the department, employed in taking care of the books and papers.
It having been mentioned in the depositions of some of the witnesses, from whom the committee were taught to expect material information, that Mr. Oliver Wolcott, late Secretary of the treasury, was seen at one end of the treasury department, during the fire therein, loading a cart with boxes and papers, the committee considering it as a circumstance which might be made to excite suspicion, and believing it was due to Mr. Wolcott to investigate thoroughly a fact of this nature, which had been partially disclosed by their means, have taken several depositions on that subject, which are herewith reported, marked (C.) From these depositions no suspicion can remain that the boxes and cases were not Mr. Wolcott's private property.
The committee do not think it necessary to make a minute report of their opinion on the facts of these several cases, as the depositions themselves will afford more satisfactory information: They report, as the general result of their enquiries—
That it is probable the fire in the War Department was communicated from the fire place in the adjoining house, and that there is no evidence whatever on which to found a suspicion of its originating in negligence or design.
That as to the origin of the fire in the Treasury Department, they have obtained no evidence which enables them to form a conjecture satisfactory to themselves; it would only be in their power to make an abstract of the testimony; and in doing this, they might add to or diminish its force, and therefore chuse to report it only in the words of the witnesses themselves.
A. Mr. LORING, a clerk in the war department states that on the day of the 8th of November, 1800, (the evening of which the office was burnt) he was engaged in filing and arranging the papers of the office, (which was very much deranged in consequence of removing first from Philadelphia, and afterwards from the store, commonly known by the name of Lear's store, in the city of Washington) a business in which he had employed all his hours which were not immediately necessary for the routine of business common in the office; that having on that day nearly finished, he had determined to continue until he had completed the work, as he was anxious to have them arranged; that in consequence he remained an hour, or an hour and an half after the other gentlemen of the department had left it; that when he had finished the business he was engaged in, which was after three o'clock, he locked the door of the room and carried the key thereof into the room of the messenger, which was in the kitchen: That the day having been uncommonly warm for the season, the fire had been reduced at about eleven o'clock in the morning, and that the door which led into the room usually occupied by the Secretary, was ordered by the chief clerk to be opened, in order to admit fresh air, (there having been no fire in that room on that day, or for three weeks and upwards prior to it) that no more fire was made in the room in which he was employed that day, and that when he left the room, he doubts whether there was fire enough on the hearth to have lighted a candle. That he went home to dine, and believed every thing was perfectly secure in the office, as he looked into the Secretary's room to see if the windows were shut, and finding them to be so, he doubted not every thing was safe. That in the evening about (he believes) six o'clock, or perhaps a little after, Mr. Brown, a clerk to the Accountant, came over to his lodging, and informed the
gentlemen that the War-Office was on fire; that Mr. Wolcott and every other gentleman in the house immediately ran over; that when we approached the house, we observed the light very strong from the window over the door of the entrance of the house immediately adjoining the library, which was arranged along the partition wall of that building and the adjoining house occupied by Mr. Jackson, and against which the chimney of Mr. Jackson's house stood; that he, with Mr. Wolcott, went immediately up stairs, and he, Mr. L. being first, opened the door of the room generally occupied by the chief clerk, viz. the room immediately in the rear of the Secretary's (the one which was on fire) that when he opened the door, the force of the smoke was so great as to stagger him; he however recovered himself and made a second attempt, but to no purpose; finding it impossible to save any thing on that floor, he immediately left the house and went to the Treasury office for the engine, which with assistance he brought to the fire, but the house being in such a state, it proved ineffectual. That on the morning after the fire (Sunday) he went over before breakfast to examine the partition wall; that he ventured as near as the walls, which were then tottering, would admit, and examined particularly as to the structure of the chimney;—that in viewing the partition wall, he did not doubt the fire was communicated from the chimney of the next house, as the partition was very thin, and the evident appearance of wooden blocks or bricks interspersed in it; and that it appeared to him that the wall was only the thickness of the length of a brick from the first floor to the second, and the thickness of the width of a brick from the second floor up to the roof; and knowing that a large library was extended along that wall, and upon the lower shelf of the library, about eight inches from the floor, stood a number of large volumes, behind which (for convenience) many pamphlets and loose papers were thrown; and he has no hesitation in saying, that he firmly believes it was from these causes the fire was communicated.
With respect to the Treasury Department Mr. L. has very little to say which can give information or throw light upon it; he has only to observe, that at about five o'clock, in the evening of the January, he, agreeably to an appointment he had made with Mr. Steele, left the hotel in which he lodged, directly opposite to the Treasury, to call for Mr. Steele, who was writing in his office; that as he crossed the street, he saw large columns of smoke issuing from the two south-east chimneys of the office; he immediately entered the East door which led to the center of the building through a narrow passage; that in passing through this passage he observed the smoke issuing from under the two first doors on the left side of the passage; that he did not stop to open either of them, his object being to get the engine out which stood in the hall; that not more than two or three persons were with him at the time, and that with the assistance of one of them he broke open the front door and put the engine into the street. Immediately on doing this he returned into the passage, where he discovered several persons forcing the middle door (or that which led to Mr. Farrell's room) which they immediately succeeded in. As soon as the door was opened the flames and smoke rushed out in a diagonal line from the back of Mr. Farrell's room where his cases stood, which was the part of the room opposite to his fire-place. This is all he can say respecting it, as his whole attention and exertions were to check and conquer the flames; which, with great exertions on all sides, was finally accomplished. Sworn before me the subscriber, one of the justices of the peace for Prince George county, this 23d day of February 1801. RIDHARD FORERST.
On the evening of the 8th November last, about 7 o'clock, P. M. I was alarmed with the cry of fire, and on enquiry it was the War-Office; I immediately alarmed Mr. Hodgson and Mr. Wood, desired them to bring with them buckets, and I unhung my garden gate, that free access might be had to my pump; I gave orders to fill all the buckets and tubs that was about the house, took with me two buckets of water; when I got to the War-Office the smoke was issuing out of the front windows like a cloud; soon afterwards the flames broke out of the front window over the front door; I was then asked by Mr. Watson, a clerk, for to assist him in getting a ladder, but before that we could procure the ladder the fire broke out of the back-side of the house. I assisted about half an hour to save the papers, but on see-
ing that my own house was in danger I left the fire and went home. The next day (Sunday) I went to see Mr. Markward, to make enquiry how the fire originated, (Col. Burrows went with me) he, Mr. Markward, could give us no satisfaction; we then went to the burnt house, and on examining the walls, were of opinion that it had been communicated from the back of Mr. Jonathan Jackson's chimneys, to the library; and on further examination we saw a number of places where wood had been let into the wall, and near the back of the chimney of Mr. Jackson's house I saw a light through the wall, (and mentioned it to Col. Burrows) which I suppose was the place that the fire got through to the library; and was further convinced, for the back part of the place is but 1-2 inch thick. And further this deponent saith not.
WM. O'NEALE. City of Washington, Feb. 25, 1800. The above deposition was taken by the committee, the 25th Feb. 1801.—William O'Neale being first sworn. JOHN NICHOLAS, Chairman.
THOMAS Y. SPROGLE, being first sworn, deposeth and saith, that at about 3 o'clock, P. M. of the day on which the war-office was consumed, he assisted in laying out the corpse of a Mr. Jackson, who died in the room adjoining to the room occupied by the secretary of war, in which the fire appeared to originate; that at that time there was so little fire in the hearth, that he, this deponent could with difficulty burn vinegar enough to correct the effect of the body on the air of the room.—That while the house was on fire he returned into the room where the corpse was laid, and found the fire totally extinguished to all appearance; that he was informed a fire had been kindled in the interval of his two visits to the room, and that it had been extinguished because it had a bad effect on the corpse. Sworn to before me, this 27th day of Feb. 1801. JOHN NICHOLAS, Chairman.
(B.) The testimony of Patrick Ferral, principal Clerk in the office of the Auditor of the Treasury, relative to the fire that took place on the 20th of January last.
Having received a letter by the mail of the 19th, from a mercantile house in Philadelphia, that required an answer by the return of post, not being enabled from the official duties of the office, to write the answer during office hours of the 20th. On leaving the office between 2 and 3 o'clock, and not seeing Fogle the messenger, in the hall, I mentioned to one of the other messengers, to inform him when he came in to leave the key, as I should be back after dinner to write a letter. I returned between 3 and 4 o'clock and found the key of the Auditor's room, which I opened and went into the room usually occupied by me, and wrote my letter; after which I locked the door, and went to the house occupied by the messenger, delivered him the key and the letter, desiring him to leave it at the post-office before five o'clock. At my going in and during my stay in the office, I observed not the least appearance of fire, but what was in the fire-place of the room where I was writing, which at the time was very low, and being the remainder of that made in the early part of the day. After delivering the key to the messenger I went over to a house in the neighbourhood where a billiard table is kept, where I remained until the cry of fire was heard, when the whole of the persons that were there ran over to the office. On my entrance finding the doors locked, I called on the messenger by name, who immediately appeared and delivered the key of the Auditor's room, which I unlocked and made to the door that opened into the room in which I had been writing. On which I returned into the entry and requested some persons that were there to break open the door; on this being done I clearly perceived that the great body of the fire proceeded from three large cases, which were placed back of the fire-place in the room occupied by the Auditor.—How, or by what means this unfortunate accident took place, I do not deem myself competent to decide, but this I will say, I had neither hand or deed in it.
P. FERRALL. Sworn to before me, this 23d day of Feb. 1801. JOHN NICHOLAS, Chairman of the Committee.
The representation of Albright Fogle messenger to the Auditor's Office, respecting the fire which took place in the
Treasury Department, on the 20th January, 1801.
The Auditor left his room on that day a little before 2 o'clock, when the fire in his fire-place was reduced to low that the ashes covered it close up, over which I placed the tender.
Mr. P. Ferral left his room at about half past 2 o'clock on the same day, when his fire was also low. I covered it immediately with the tender and locked the doors. The key leading to Mr. Ferral's room, was then by his request put in a certain place where he could have access to it after dinner.
I returned to the room at about half after 4 o'clock, and found Mr. Ferral writing at his desk; I enquired of him if I should put a stick on the fire, which he refused. About 20 minutes before 5 o'clock he called on me at my house, delivered me the key of the room, and a letter, requesting me to put it in the post-office; I then hastened to the office, examined the fire in the Auditor's room, raked up the remains of that in Mr. Ferral's, covered it with the tender, and secured the windows and doors; at which time every thing appeared as usual, very safe from fire.—About dusk, and some time after my return from the post-office, I heard the first cry of fire, and on opening the door of the Auditor's room I did not perceive any fire, but a vast quantity of smoke came out which prevented an entry at that time; the door of Mr. Ferral's room was then forced open, when the large cases and furniture in it which stood close to the wall adjoining the Auditor's room, were all on fire; at that time I did not perceive any thing on fire at the other end of this room near the fire-place.
ALBRIGHT FOGLER. Sworn to before me, this 23d of February 1801. JOHN NICHOLAS, Chairman of the Committee.
FOR SALE, OR RENT.
TWO Brick dwelling houses, situated on the Pennsylvania-avenue near the President's house; each containing two handsome parlours and passage on the first floor, four lodging rooms, including garret, all private, kitchen and cellar; the whole will be completely finished in a few days: the yard's front palisaded and level with trees; the walks to the street paved or gravelled, which will render the same as comfortable a situation as any in this City for a private family, and will be sold for less than any gentleman can have the same built for. A family of negroes will be taken in part payment, or Lots will be exchanged for Slaves. For particulars enquire on the Premises of OWEN ROBERTS. March 11, 1801.
To be sold to the highest bidder, at Montgomery Court-house Maryland, on Monday the 6th April next, and terms made known on said day.
THE following Tracts of Land adjoining, well adapted to farming and planting with a sufficiency of wood land, in a beautiful and healthy part of the Country, 4 miles from the above named Court House, and 18 from the City of Washington. One called Earnhill containing 20574 Acres, on which is a framed dwelling house 24 by 16 feet, with two brick chimneys, a Barn 60 by 24 feet, shingled roof, & Shedd all round, a Kitchen and other convenient houses—Apple and Peach Orchards, 10 or 12 Acres of Meadow, is well set with Timothy, and more can be made. The other Wickham's goodville, containing 2711-2 Acres, on which is a Framed Dwelling House, 20 by 16 feet, Kitchen, Stone milk House 12 feet square—Tobacco and other houses, 12 or 15 Acres of Meadow well set in Timothy, and 70 Acres more can be made. A never failing stream runs through said land, so that the meadows may be watered with ease. Also on the first day of May next, will be offered at Mr. Tunnell's Tavern; one, the most Westerly of the Old Six buildings in the City of Washington, now occupied by Mr. John Coyle. HONORE MARTIN. Montgomery County, 17th March, 1801.
WANTED a large handsome MARE of a Bay or Chestnut color, accustomed to draw in Harness, not more than seven years old, for which a GELDING will be given in exchange and the difference of value if any paid Cash. Enquire of Mr. Dunn, at the Capitol. Washington, Feb. 18, 1801.
TEN CENTS REWARD.
RAN away yesterday, my Apprentice-boy, WALTER MANLY; he is about Nine years of age, stout built, but of a bad disposition, having (though young) robbed me repeatedly. I do hereby forewarn all Persons from harbouring or carrying away said apprentice, as I am determined to prosecute them according to law. I will pay the above reward and no charges, for delivering him to me. JOHN MINCHIN. New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol. Washington City, March 19, 1801.