Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-20 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. XCVIII]
SATURDAY, MARCH, 20, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. XCVIII.
“TAKE AWAY THRONES AND CROWNS FROM AMONG MEN, AND THERE WILL SOON BE AN END OF ALL DOMINION AND JUSTICE.”
NOTHING admits of clearer demonstration than that man is naturally inclined to resist government. The terms made use of, in the definition of civil duties, denote our inherent aversion to obedience. It will be asked how this can be reconciled with the universal practice of mankind, in voluntarily yielding to institutions for the express purpose of being governed? And, though in many countries the established subordination is a matter of force, yet if the people were left to the unrestrained enjoyment of their natural liberty they would not long remain so. Some act or other would indicate a general consent to surrender part of their personal rights. There is, indeed, no sentiment of the human mind that so well deserves to be called original or instinctive, as that propensity men discover to bind themselves by rules and associations. One should not pass over this apparent contradiction without endeavouring to find a solution.
The actions of no individual are perfectly consistent. Every person has passions that are more or less at variance, and different affections, by turns, preponderate. The social dispositions operate so far as to induce men to associate with each other, for the purpose of mutual protection. It requires a less conquest over the private passions to enter into associations, than it does to observe them. The same man may cheerfully give his assent to some common regulations for the public welfare; who, in the general tenor of his conduct is actuated by such personal and selfish motives as are repugnant to the very compact he has subscribed. His sense of duty is not sufficient to secure his observance, when it comes in competition with any of the vigorous passions of his nature. The most that can be expected from his reasoning on the subject, or from his feelings of obligation, is that he should afford his aid in suppressing or punishing the disobedience of others.
For, bad as a man may be himself, he is willing the wickedness of other people should be restrained. He is indeed sensible that he has most to fear from persons most like himself, and will sooner take part with the law than with the violator. This however may not be the case, when he is in such a situation, that his own exemption or escape depends on a combination with other transgressors. A man may be dilatory and even knavish in his manner of discharging his own engagements, and yet he will with alacrity assist the civil officer in compelling others to their duty. An indolent, faithless hireling will complain of others of a like stamp and take delight in their punishment. In fine, man is selfish only for himself. By entering into society he does not necessarily lose his native love of liberty, but he in some measure becomes the enemy of that of other people? He is habitually exercised with a desire to re-assume the rights he has himself relinquished, and to diminish those which other people have retained. When he is called upon to obey the laws, his aversion to personal restraint must be overcome by causes more powerful than induced his consent to an original compact. His attention, in the act of instituting government, is principally employed in contemplating the advantages he will derive in having other people laid under control. While he is making the association, the ardor of private passions may be so far abated by the occasion as to produce an acquiescence to legal institutions. But he is soon impelled by different feelings, and he must have some stronger motive for obeying the laws, than what will result from the consideration that he has promised obedience.
In considering the subject hitherto, I have embraced the supposition that all men have voluntarily entered into the form of government, under which they exist. I have meant to illustrate, that notwithstanding there was a perfect acquiescence in the original compact, men are naturally and strongly impelled to elude or violate it. But I have taken a position that facts, in very few instances, will authorize. Where is the country that the people are universally in favor of their political constitution? The idea of original compact, as a matter of fact, is altogether delusive. It is a just, theoretic principle and only means, that men would, if left to themselves, adopt some regulations relative to protection and allegiance. Few people however were ever blessed with an opportunity for the purpose; for it has generally
happened that government has been framed under circumstances of compulsion or artifice. In those cases, where the people are said to have combined freely into a state of government, there may still be a powerful minority, who do not feel personally responsible, in point of conscience, to observe those laws, or defend that community, to which in sentiment they are opposed. This brings me to the idea inculcated in my motto. There must be some adventitious properties infused into the government to give it energy and spirit, or the selfish, turbulent passions of men can never be controuled. This has occasioned that artificial splendor and dignity that are to be found in the courts of so many nations. Some admiration and respect must be excited towards public officers, by their holding a real or supposed superiority over the mass of the people. The sanctions and penalties of law are likewise requisite to aid in restraining individuals from trampling upon and demolishing the government.
It is confessed that, in some situations, a small degree of parade and solemnity, co-operating with other causes, may be sufficient to secure obedience to the laws. In an early state of society, when the desires of men are few and easily satisfied, the temptations to trespass upon good order and justice are neither pressing nor numerous. Avarice and ambition encrease with population; and in a large opulent community the dazzling appendages and pompous formalities of courts are introduced to form a balance to the encreasing ardor of the selfish passions, and to check that ascendancy which aspiring individuals would otherwise gain over the public peace and authority.
In a wise, enlightened community, where information is generally spread among the inhabitants, the splendor and pageantry of office do not excite any high degree of awe or respect. The people of the United States may probably be induced to regard and obey the laws without risking the experiment of expensive courts and titled monarchs. There is a reverence paid, by a sensible nation, to wisdom and virtue, that is equivalent in point of maintaining subordination, to those magnificent establishments, which are required in governing an ignorant, servile people. It cannot be determined how far it will be requisite for the United States to assume a splendor in its public institutions. In proportion as we become populous, and wealthy, must the tone of government be strengthened, unless the people should progress in knowledge and virtue by a diffusive, judicious plan of education. An education not merely of science but of morals. If good principles are inculcated, and good habits formed by education, we may perhaps avoid the occasion of expensive, splendid arrangements, in order to give stability and procure subordination to the government. This is a matter that will in some degree regulate itself. While the citizens are orderly and respectful under a plain stile of government, why need we try the alternative of creating more lustre and expence in our institutions? But should the people shew a refractory, seditious temper, and make efforts to break over the barriers of law and justice, regardless of the intrinsic excellence of our constitution, the government will be compelled to have recourse to those artificial methods of gaining respect and obedience, which other nations find indispensable. Should this happen it will be consonant to the spirit, if not strictly to the letter of my motto— take away thrones and crowns from among men and there will soon be an end of all dominion and justice.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, FEB. 26, 1790.
IN Committee of the whole house. The proposition for assuming the State debts and the amendments proposed thereto by Mr. White, being under consideration.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. STONE. It is said that immediate relief is to be afforded the State creditors; but upon the Secretary's idea, not one farthing is to be paid under two years: In the mean time there will be a total suspension of all payments to the State creditors, this will operate very unjustly and oppressively: He instanced particularly in the State of Maryland. In that State there is upwards of 200,000. solid substantial property in State paper belonging to the citizens. This property by virtue of the judicious arrangements of that State, is placed in a very eligible situation. Now what have the proprietors done that they should be in a manner stripped of it.
He reprobated the injustice of taxing those States who are out of debt, to pay debts contracted for purposes in which perhaps they are not at all interested. He adverted to the conduct of S. Carolina, in not making provision for their State debt, on the presumption that Congress would assume and fund it, without any previous intimation of any design of this nature on the part of Congress. He was sorry, he said, to mention this circumstance, but much more sorry that it should ever have taken place.
He concluded by saying that in all events he should advise his constituents to proceed in paying excise and impost, and making provision for their debts, and if Congress pleased they might give
them credit, if not, he hoped they would obtain credit in Heaven.
Mr. Ames said that a jealousy was entertained of undue advantage being procured to particular States. In order to remove the impediments which the supposed unworthy influence of state interests on his mind might place in his way, he was obliged as well as disposed to rest his argument upon general principles. For these, like truth, upon which they are founded, have an unchangeable and uncontroulable authority.
Let the first enquiry be as to the justice of the measure. In 1775 the citizens of America, with a solemn appeal to Heaven, made a common cause of their violated liberty. They agreed as brethren to expose property and life in its defence. If partial dangers and losses were to have fallen upon the sufferers, probably it would have discouraged many who were most immediately exposed and yet displayed the most heroic fortitude.
Nor would those who were remote from the danger, and indeed from the quarrel, have become parties on any other principle than that it was the cause of all America. For instance, South-Carolina, as happy as peace and wealth could make her, had little cause of complaint against Britain. He did not espouse the cause of South-Carolina merely, but of America. That State gave an illustrious example of patriotism. But if her citizens when they forefaw the evils of war, had foreseen that more than five millions of debt would be created against her, that the armies would live as it were, on free quarters in her territory, and that a great part of the personal property would be destroyed or carried away, would they have drawn the sword if they had believed that the benefit would be common, but the burden partial? No, Sir, the spirit of the people and the resolves of Congress spoke a different language. Let him who has not forgotten the spirit of 1775 deny that this is in conformity to its dictates.
But were the state debts contracted for the war? It appears by the books in the public offices that they were. Will any one say that the whole expence of defending our common liberty ought not to be a common charge? Part of this charge was contracted by Massachusetts, before Congress assumed the exercise of its powers. The first ammunition that repulsed the enemy at Lexington, and made such havoc at Bunker's-Hill, was purchased by that state and appears in the form of their state debt. The war was chiefly a common charge while paper money would defray it. But in 1780, when it became of little value, Congress called upon the states. The states which complied with the demand contracted debts, and that in proportion to their zeal. A state which totally neglected a requisition, or complied partially, would of course proportionally escape a debt: Is this justice? But the states were also exhausted, and to aid their feeble authority and slender resources, they called upon the towns, and these called upon classes, and these upon individuals. Why not as properly say that this debt is due from towns, classes or even individuals, as from states?
Nothing can more clearly evince the injustice of calling these state debts than this circumstance. Congress appointed persons to liquidate and settle public accounts, and some of the states did the like. If a state took early measures to receive and allow claims of course many were exhibited and allowed. But where it was convenient to apply to the offices of the United States, and especially in case the state had not opened like offices, the claims chiefly appeared against the United States. Accordingly, the commissioner from Congress allowed about 280,000 dollars in Massachusetts, and near 130,000 in New-York, merely because the former state had incorporated them with her debt, and in the latter they were received by the officers of the United States. Congress delayed sending a commissioner to South-Carolina till 1784. Had he been sent in 1782 it is probable, the debt of that state would have been of less magnitude. Are circumstances so merely adventitious and casual to constitute a plea for the union to disown the debts? Formerly the states had the funds, and the creditors preferred their notes; they agreed to this constitution which has given the funds to the United States, shall not the debts follow the funds? Shall we first disable the states from paying, and then refuse payment ourselves? Is it just that officers who fought side by side should have a different recompence?
Let us examine this measure on the ground of policy. How would it strike the people of England to divide their debt upon several counties, and to establish independent revenue systems for its security! Habit has made an idea equally dangerous and strangely familiar in our own country. It is unfriendly to the national and State governments, to make it absolutely inevitable for them to clash and interfere.—Let us preserve the powers of both unimpaired: to combine our citizens in common views, to make the revenue laws uniform, to extend permanent protection to trade and manufactures, to relieve our husbandry from dry taxes, are objects worthy of the government. It is natural too to suppose that the collection may be made less expensive, as it would make a double set of revenue officers unnecessary; it will relieve us from the confusion of so many sorts of paper, and by extending the market, and making the funds more certain, will encrease the use of the State paper as money.
The southern States are supposed to possess a small share only of the present debt.—But as Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina and South-Carolina, own near 13 millions of the State debts (more than half their amount) the assumption will produce a more equal distribution of benefits and burdens. Besides, the State duties operate to the injury of the revenue—an article that bears a low duty of import, is dutied high by the State, and there is danger, that the temptation to fraud will impair both revenues—for tho' the impost alone would not furnish such temptation, yet the State duty being super-added, the collection becomes insecure.
But State duties are not confined merely to their own citizens. The trade from State to State has been grievously burdened by their operation—the constitution was intended to free our domestic intercourse from all restraint. Further, excise duties fall upon the consumer—one State will be made tributary to another.—Massachusetts has collected part of the duties from the citizens of New-Hampshire—the operation of the New-York impost is well known—when it is said, therefore, let each State pay its own debt , we ought to expect that this will not take place, if the debts should not be assumed—and it may well be doubted whether in that case State duties would not prove a more grievous burden upon trade, and produce greater inequality and injustice than has ever been urged against the assumption.
These arguments independently considered will probably be allowed to prove the justice and sound policy of the assumption. But in order to preserve their full force it is necessary to obviate some objections.
The assumption it is affirmed, tends to the consolidation of the States, and to the destruction of the State governments. The entire powers of peace, war and treaty, are given to Congress—of consequence the power of raising supplies, and when they may fail of contracting debts to carry on war, belong to Congress. The entire debt was created by the war—it seems to be in strict conformity to the spirit as well as letter of the constitution to assume it; for it cannot be improper to exercise that power in this instance, which in all like cases is exclusively vested in Congress.—The States are restricted from raising troops and carrying on war;

The power of contracting and providing for debts incurred by war seems to be an incident to it... it would not be safe to concede that the power of levying war belongs to Congress, and yet to assert that the power of providing for it is necessary for their security to be vested in the States.
The objection plainly leads to this conclusion—If it is improper and unsafe for Congress to exercise this power, then the constitution is wrong, and it ought to have been vested in the States. The power of providing for war necessarily draws after it the right of declaring it, and the whole power of the sword.
Let us however take the argument simply as it is stated, it proves too much. For if so much power follows the assumption as the objection implies, it is time to ask is it safe to forbear assuming? If the power is so dangerous, it will be so when exercised by the States.
We are told that the accounts are in a train of being settled. We are advised to wait that event. But in the mean time what is to become of the state creditors; most of the states claim balances, will they provide for their creditors, while they expect to receive those balances?
It is said leave the states to pay their own debts; are they to do it by direct taxes? It is well known that in eliminating the product of taxation, as much depends on the mode of imposing and collecting as on the wealth of the persons taxed.
Or shall the states fund the debt on excises? Have the states a right to excise imported articles? Without deciding that question, it is not supposed that they have the power of regulating the importation of goods.
If it is urged that the United States cannot provide for the State debts, I answer the States are still less able.
But with debts you take funds—and even on pecuniary calculation the public will gain.—Not assuming is paying twice over. For the people of a State will be unequally burdened to pay their debt, and then as citizens of the United States will be liable to be taxed to make retribution.
But how is this retribution to be made? Taxes must be uniform—you cannot therefore make a requisition upon the debtor States—you cannot sue for the debt in the federal court—for the money is due to the creditor States, and not to the United States; will you wage war to enforce payment?
Congress have already agreed to pay the balances which may be found due to the States. This is virtually an assumption—why should we forbear to do that in the first instance which we are ultimately bound to do?
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17.
Reports from the Secretary at War, and the Secretary of the Treasury were read, on sundry petitions.
The ratification of the State of Pennsylvania of the 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12 articles of amendments proposed by Congress to the Constitution was read.
In Committee of the whole on the report of the select committee, to whom was referred the memorials of the people called Quakers, on the subject of the Slave Trade.
The question of order was put, when it was determined that Mr. Tucker's last amendment was not in order.
The report was then taken up by paragraphs. The first proposition being read Mr. White moved that it be struck out. He did this he said, because he was against entering into a consideration at this time of the powers of Congress, he thought it would be time enough for this when the powers are called in question.
He passed on to the 3d, which he said was equally unnecessary; and to the 4th, which was provided for by the constitution. He said that he should agree to the 5th, and 6th, with certain modifications. Agreeable to this idea he offered those two in a different form.
Mr. Hartley.—I have the honor to be one of the committee on the memorials, and will with the leave of this committee mention some particulars which took place in the course of the investigation of the business; he promised that he was sorry that the question of right had been brought forward yesterday—and was not a little surprised to hear the cause of slavery advocated in that House, and language held towards the petitioners, which his experience he said, had never shown to be parliamentary—he read some memorandums taken in committee, and had particular reference to a law passed in Grenada which he applauded for its humanity, and truly benevolent spirit.
He reproached the illiberal treatment which the memorialists had received, and asserted that they were friends to the constitution, and that on the present occasion they came forward from the most laudable motives, from a wish to promote the happiness of mankind, that their conduct so far from meriting censure, deserved, and would receive the applause of the civilized world.
Mr. Brown in a considerable speech advocated the motion of Mr. White, he enlarged on the pernicious consequences that may be expected to flow from the interference of Congress; he pointed out the effects which had resulted from the interposition of the Quakers, by which the prospects of the Southern States in slaves had been rendered very precarious—and if Congress should adopt the report as it is, the consequences will be pernicious in the highest degree.
Mr. Burke entered into a very extensive consideration of the subject; he gave an account of the humane treatment which the slaves of the Southern States received, their habitations, families, children, privileges, &c. He then shewed that their emancipation would tend to make them wretched in the highest degree—he adverted with great freedom on the past and present conduct of the Quakers—he denied that they were the friends of freedom—he said that during the late war, they were for bringing this country under a foreign yoke, they descended to the characters of spies—they supplied the enemy with provisions, they were guides and conductors to their armies—and whenever the American army came into their neighborhood they formed themselves in an enemy's country.
Mr. Smith (S.C.) followed Mr. Burke in a speech or essay, in defence of the slave trade of nearly two hours length—the committee rose without a decision.
THURSDAY, MARCH 18.
Sundry memorials and petitions were read and referred—The report of the committee on the memorials respecting the slave trade being the order of the day.
Mr. Benion after premising that any further discussion of the subject in the line it was now in, would be a useless expence of time—moved that the committee of the whole should be discharged from any further attention to the report—and that the memorials be again referred to a select committee—he offered a variety of reasons on which he founded this motion. This was seconded by Mr. Baldwin who at the same time entered into a lengthy discussion of the subject—Mr. Baldwin was followed by many other gentlemen which gave the business a totally different direction from what appeared to be the object of the motion.
The question being taken, Mr. Benion's motion was lost—the House then went into a committee of the whole, on the report—the debate was continued with ardor—and the speakers on both sides were numerous; several alterations in the report were agreed to—but the committee rose without finishing the business, and the House adjourned.
FRIDAY, MARCH 19.
Hon. Hugh Williamson, member from the State of North-Carolina, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat this day.
A message was received from the Senate, with two bills which they have passed with amendments, viz. An act to provide for the remission or mitigation of fines, forfeitures and penalties in certain cases—and an act to establish a uniform rule of naturalization.
Sundry reports from the heads of departments, on memorials and petitions were read.
On motion of Mr. Sherman, the report of the committee on the memorial of Robert Morris, Esq. was read the second time—The report respecting the settlement of his accounts, only.
Mr. Sherman moved that a committee of five members be appointed, to enquire into the receipts and expenditures of public monies during the administration of Robert Morris, Esq. late superintendant of finance—and to report to the House a state of the accounts respecting the same.—This motion after some debate was agreed to—and Mr. Sherman, Mr. Madison, Mr. Lawrance, Mr. Sedgwick, and Mr. Smith (S.C.) appointed.
In committee of the whole, the report of the committee on the slave trade under consideration. The fourth proposition respecting a duty of ten dollars on slaves imported, being read, it was moved that it be struck out, which motion after much debate was adopted. Several modifications of the fifth proposition were offered, but the following in substance offered by Mr. Madison was agreed to, viz. Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the United States who are concerned in the African trade, from supplying Foreigners with slaves; and to provide for their humane treatment, while on their passages to the United States.
The committee then rose, and the House adjourned till Monday next.
THE ADDRESS of the INTENDANT and WARDENS of the City of CHARLESTON, South-Carolina. To GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
THOUGH among the latest, yet not among the least zealous of the citizens of America, we take the liberty to intrude for a moment on your time, which is so precious to the people over whom you preside, to offer our congratulations on your unanimous appointment to the most honorable station amongst men, the first magistracy of the freest people on the earth.
United with our Eastern and Northern brethren in our ardent attachment to the principles of a free government, equally remote from tyranny and anarchy, we rejoice with them, that you have been prevailed upon by the voice of your country to relinquish your private walks of domestic life, for the toils of an untried government, where your wisdom, moderation, and firmness would be requisite to the discharge of its various and intricate duties. With grateful hearts, we add this to the catalogue of eminent sacrifices and services, by which you have so completely endeared yourself to the people of America.
As magistrates of a commercial city deeply interested in the measures of the federal government, we feel peculiar pleasure in finding it introduced into action under the auspices of an administration every way qualified to correct those errors, or supply those defects, which are alleged by its enemies, or apprehended by its friends: And as in its first operations, it will receive from you a tone correspondent to the spirit in which it was framed, we felicitate ourselves in the happy omens of a firm government acting by wholesome laws through the medium of a mild and equal administration.
Possessing the fullest confidence that our distance from the seat of government will not deprive us of any of its essential benefits, we beg leave to tender you our assurances of a chearful submission to, and active support of the constitution, and the laws which may be framed in conformity thereto by the wisdom of Congress.
We cherish the confidence from whence spring these assurances, because we remember that we were not neglected or deserted during the late glorious struggle for independency, but were substantially aided by the policy of your counsels, the wisdom of your appointments, and the vigor of the exertions of our northern friends who shared and lessened our severest toils.
It is our earnest prayer to the Almighty ruler of the universe, that he will take you into his holy keeping, and suffer no incident to arise which may disturb the felicity of your private life; and that he will make your public administration honorable to yourself, and happy to the people who have so unanimously confided themselves to your care.
THOMAS JONES, Intendant of the city of Charleston, by desire of, and for the whole.
City-Council, Charleston, (S.C.) 18th Feb. 1790. To the Intendant and Wardens of the City of Charleston, South-Carolina.
GENTLEMEN, I RECEIVE your congratulations, on my unanimous appointment to the first magistracy of a free people, with that grateful sensibility which is due to the occasion, and which your flattering expressions of regard could not fail to awaken. Persuaded that the candor of my countrymen will do justice to the rectitude of my intentions, I am happy under the assurance, that their active support of the constitution, and disposition to maintain the dignity of our free and equal government, will ensure facility and success to the administration of its laws, and, if the result of my anxious endeavors, in some measure, to justify the two partial sentiments of my fellow-citizens, should, in any degree, approach to the wish which I entertain for their happiness, I shall not regret the domestic enjoyment and personal repose, which may have been yielded to this superior consideration.
As magistrates of a commercial city, deeply interested in the measures of the federal government, you must have beheld, with satisfaction, the equal and salutary influence of its regulations on the trade of America. As citizens of a State, whose sufferings and services possess a distinguished rank in the history of our revolution, you must rejoice in the completion of our toils, and the reward which awaits them—and as members of the great family of the union, connected by the closest ties of interest and endearment, the confidence which you justly cherish of sharing in all the benefits of the national compact, must be strengthened by the experience already received of the justice, wisdom, and prudence of its measures, a candid review of which will establish a conviction of liberal policy, and justify the most favorable anticipation of future advantage. I desire to assure you, gentlemen, of my gratitude for the tender interest you are pleased to take in my personal felicity, and I intreat the Almighty ruler of the universe, to crown your wishes with deserved prosperity.
G. WASHINGTON.
The Address of the State of Georgia in our next.

From BELL'S ORACLE. LONDON.
VANDERMERSCH—The Brabantine General.
THIS illustrious veteran was born about the year 1737—of a family respectable, tho' not opulent, at Menin, a small city in Flanders.
He early embraced the profession of arms—and served, with distinguished reputation, under DAUN and LAUDOHN, in the guerre de sept ans—PRINCE CHARLES of LORRAIN, noticed in him abilities, and predicted future eminence.
Like WASHINGTON, the rank to which he attained in the army of that Sovereign, over which he triumphed, was not high.
Like WASHINGTON, he retired to the enjoyment of domestic happiness, and the practice of private virtue.
Like the AMERICAN CINCINNATUS, he aimed not in retirement at the reputation of talents that were not commensurate with the sphere in which he moved.
Like HIM his ability was only known to select friends.
Like HIM he contemned the vauntings of hectoring disciplinarians.
And like HIM in a moment climbed the arduous summit of military glory.
New-York, March 20, 1790.
Extract of a letter from London, 1st Jan. 1790.
“ Lord HAWKESBURY and Mr. GRENVILLE, are now actually employed in preparing the plan of a commercial treaty with your States, which I doubt not will shortly be fully matured and put into a train of negotiation.”
Extract of a letter from Providence, (Rhode-Island,) dated March 7, 1790.
“ Alas for poor Rhode-Island! doomed still to experience the evils attendant on anarchy and misrule.
The delegates of this place are just returned from South-Kingstown, the convention having risen last evening at ten o'clock, without accomplishing the important business of their appointment. The convention stands adjourned to the 24th of May, then to meet at Newport—which favourable measure was carried by a majority of 1.—Every objection raised against the general government was clearly obviated; but antifederalism, obstinacy and ignorance, were triumphant. A committee was early appointed to draft and report a bill of rights, and amendments to the constitution: The former, I am told, is nearly a copy of the Virginia bill—the latter are said to have been collected chiefly from amendments proposed by other states. Where any thing new has been introduced, stupidity is the characteristic feature. The old game of handing these to the people, is once more to be played; and yet no mode is pointed out whereby their sentiments are to be collected. An adjournment till after our election, is intended to serve the purposes of party, and obtain a re-election of the powers that be, or others of similar character.
“ It is much to be lamented, that an exemption from foreign impost and tonnage was ever asked for or granted. The first indulgence afforded our antipodes an opportunity to dispose of their fall produce, and they must be made to feel, before they can be brought to a sense of duty.
The great shipments of grain from America immediately to France, and the high prices which the Americans have got and will for a long time to come continue to get for that article, from that kingdom and other countries on the continent of Europe, has made our old friend Britain a little sharper sighted than usual. She has looked into the case of the Hessian Fly rather more narrowly than she did before her proclamation came out forbidding the importation of American grain into that island for fear of that little insect, and finds that it is a mere bug-bear: the truth of the case is—that she did not like to see so much American commerce going to her neighbors, for she well knew that large exportations of American produce to France would produce a stronger connection with that country and large importations from thence—and leave a surplus in their correspondents hands in France, to pay off the American balances to their British creditors. How would this suit with British navigation—British manufactures and the whole system of British policy—not to have American produce loaded with two freights, two commissions, and all the other incidental charges on shipping grain, &c. through England to France, and having returns through the same channel?
A Correspondent observes it has been said that if Congress should interfere in the regulation of the slave trade in one instance they may in another, and under the pretence of introducing humane regulations they may interdict the business altogether. This is undoubtedly a fact, for it is impossible to interpose the offices of humanity to any effect, in respect to this business, without increasing the expense of importation in such manner as to amount to a prohibition. The truth is, if you were obliged to build barns on board of ships for the transportation of horses, they could not be sent out of the country; if you say that negroes shall be brought into the country in any other way than as brutes, you must interdict the trade, to import them as human beings, is entirely out of the question.
Extracts from the NEWPORT HERALD.
The members of the Convention in opposition to the Constitution, met in North-Kingstown on Sunday evening, and afterwards at South-Kingstown, on Monday and Tuesday evening. At these nocturnal meetings, the adjournment was agreed upon, and the time fixed as was voted by the Convention. One powerful reason which operated at those meetings, to induce an adjournment of the Convention to so distant a period, was an expectation that the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, would create great uneasiness in the States in the Union, which would terminate in insurrections, and thereby would establish the anti-federal power in this State, and make it the centre of opposition.
From the conduct and conversation of many of the members of the majority in the Convention, in and out of the House, we have reason to believe
that it is their determination again to adjourn, and never to agree to an adoption, but upon the most urgent necessity.
In justice to the numerous spectators who attended the Convention we cannot but observe, that altho' many of them were known to entertain an unfavorable opinion of the New Government, yet they conducted themselves with great decency, and from the attention which they gave to the debates, and what has since fallen from them, we are led to believe, that many of them are persuaded that they have been deceived, and were before unacquainted with the merits of the Constitution.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW YORK.
Packet Antelope, Curtis, Falmouth, 62 days. Brig Nancy, Barnard, Cape-Francois. Brig Amelia, Lewis, St. Croix, 17 days. Sloop Chance, Fritby, St. Martins. Catherine, Vilarenga, East-Florida. Three Friends, Davis, Bolton, 16 days. Sally, Cary, Norfolk, 4 days. Hancock, Brown, Rhode-Island, 4 days. Aurora, Cahoon, do. 4 days.
Ship America, Capt. Sarly, arrived at Bombay, June 19, 1789, all well. Ship Jay, was at Bombay at the same time.
By the British Packet Antelope, in 62 days from Falmouth, we have received English newspapers down to the NINTH of January, from which we have selected the following
European Intelligence.
LONDON, Jan. 9.
OUR letters from Paris on Thursday bring us curious intelligence. The Marquis de la Fayette received information of a new conspiracy being formed against the liberties of the people.
He made known to the King what he had discovered, but at the same time said, that he had not heard enough to justify him in any proceedings. He made further enquiries however, and learned that a Monsieur de Favras, a gentleman in the suite of Monsieur the King's brother, had been endeavoring to corrupt the National militia—that a number of high persons were concerned, and that the plan was to corrupt 30,000 of the Paris guard, with which they were to seize on the Government of Paris—to kill the Mayor, the Marquis de la Fayette, and other distinguished patriots. Two officers engaged in the plot made this confession, and on Thursday last the Sieur de Favras, his wife, and two more persons were taken up—and the guards were in pursuit of several others.
Whatever truth there may be in this new plot, it had a most extraordinary effect in inflaming the public mind—and in a paper published on Friday, it was asserted, that Monsieur the King's brother was concerned—and that, in particular, a loan had been negotiated in his name, and money raised for the purpose of carrying into execution this new contrivance. This accusation induced Monsieur to go to the Assembly of the Representatives of the Commons, at the Hotel-de-Ville, (which answers to our Court of Common-Council at Guildhall) on Saturday afternoon—He was received with ceremony by twelve members, and placed next to the Mayor. A respectful silence succeeded to universal plaudits, and Monsieur addressed them in a speech to the following effect:
“ The Sieur de Favras having been, on the evening of the preceding Thursday, arrested under suspicion of a conspiracy against the Chiefs of the Municipality, and against the peace and liberty of the public—there had appeared a paper, as audacious as calumniating, in which he had been implicated, as having had particular connections with the Sieur de Favras. Monsieur declared, that in quality of a citizen of Paris, he had thought it his duty to come into the midst of his fellow citizens, to explain the relation in which he stood with this suspected individual, who had been for some time in his suite. He said, that having occasion for a sum of money, for the expences of his household, the Sieur de Favras had offered to procure a loan for him, of two millions, from the Dutch Bankers—he had accepted the offer, and had signed obligations to this amount. This was the whole of the negotiation he had with the Sieur de Favras.”
Monsieur added, “ that he was sure they did not expect to hear him attempt to justify himself from any participation in an enterprise so infamous as the conspiracy in question—that his public conduct, and his well-known sentiments would put him above all such suspicions—that after the second meeting of the Notables he had foreseen the revolution, and that, on every occasion, he had demonstrated himself to be a friend to the liberty of the people, and the public good. I have always thought (said Monsieur) that the authority of the King ought to be the basis of national liberty, as national liberty is the firmest support of the authority of the King.”
This speech was delivered with elegance and simplicity—and, both in the stile and manner, was correct and polished. It was received with the most lively acclamations.
The Mayor answered his Highness with that propriety and elevation of sentiment which has characterized his eloquence through the whole of his memorable progress.—As Mayor of Paris, he did not rise, but spoke sitting, as Monsieur had done so.
The flame of liberty has at length reached even Rome, where the populace, headed by many of the most ancient families, have already demand-
ed a municipal and free government—His Holiness the Pope was at Fiescati, when our advices left Italy; but his return was fixed for Christmas eve, when a categorical answer to the popular requisitions was looked for.
F R A N C E. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
December 30.
THE articles proposed on Monday, to oblige all persons concerned in the management of public money, to give in their accounts, with a retrospect of ten years, to the New Assemblies of Administration, were decreed.
The following letter from Monsieur was read: “ Mr. PRESIDENT,
“ The detention of M. Favras having been the occasion of calumnies, in which an inclination was shewn to involve me; and the Committee of Police for the city having the affair at this moment before them, I thought it became me to make a declaration to the Community of Paris, that should leave in the minds of worthy citizens none of those doubts with which endeavors had been used to inspire them. I also think it my duty to inform the National Assembly of this step, because the King's brother ought to preserve himself even from suspicion, and because the affair of M. de Favras is of too serious a nature not to engage the attention of the Assembly sooner or later. As I cannot in person declare to the Assembly my desire that all the details respecting this business should be publicly known, I shall be much obliged to you to read this letter in my name, and also the speech which I delivered the day before yesterday, as the faithful expression of my truest and most profound sentiments.
“ I entreat you, Mr. President, to be persuaded of my affectionate regard.
(Signed) “ LOUIS ZAVIER.”
It may be proper to add here, that the Committee, at the Hotel-de-Ville, have ordered Thomas de Mahi, Marquis of Favras, and Victoria Edwidge Caroline, Princess of Anhalt Chamborg, his wife, to be presented; and also offered a reward of 500 louis d'ors to any person who shall discover the author of a written hand-bill, signed Barauz, charging Monsieur with being an accomplice in the crime alledged against them.
LONDON.
The Herald informs us, that M. de Mirabeau comes into the National Assembly intoxicated. The World speaks of his nineteenth duel. As both these prints are venal, and virulent traduces of French patriotism, there is reason to believe, that they have suppressed the addition of Vicompte, that the public might confound the person spoken of with the Count de Mirabeau, and thus load him with the obloquy of revels and of broils. The person of whom the two paragraphs are true, is the Vicompte de Mirabeau, the brother and enemy of the Great Mirabeau.
It is reported that the Turks have at last released M. de Bulgakow, the Russian Minister, from the seven towers, and that he embarked on board la Badine French frigate, commanded by the Prince de Rohan, which arrived at Trieste the 3d ultimo, after a passage of twenty-one days, from the Dardanelles.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon Dec. 20.
“ The American vessels have arrived in such numbers lately, as to have wholly relieved us from the disasters that might have been otherwise expected. Most of the ships have returned home with wine and fruit—it being an established article of commerce between Portugal and America, that the Americans, for any cargoes they should bring over, shall receive one half in the produce of this country.”
Extract of a letter from Brussels, Jan. 1.
“ The disputes I before informed you of still continue. The Clergy and Nobles want to monopolize all authority, and the Tiers Etat will allow them none; the former begin to wish the Emperor had the country again, and indeed he cannot be said to have lost it, whilst he maintains the garrisons of Luxembourg and Antwerp; the latter, however, is likely soon to be in the hands of the people, but there is scarce a possibility of their getting possession of the former, although General Vander Mersch has marched a numerous army against it. Seven thousand of the Electoral troops of Cologne were to have marched to reinforce General Dalton's army, but they were stopped by the Prussian army in the Liege country.”
The King of the two Sicilies has published an Edict of restraint and diminished privilege on Monastic life. Vows are prohibited before 25 years of age; and those vows already taken, prior to that age, are absolved.
Further accounts by the Packet state: That there is a prospect of peace between the Emperor and the Turks: That the Imperial Chamber has issued a severe decree against the people of Liege: That 4th Jan. was appointed as a day of public rejoicing in the Brabantine Territories on account of the success of the patriots; a medal is to be struck on the occasion. The national Assembly is proceeding in the important business of completing the organization of the New Government; and making such arrangements as shall secure the freedom, peace, and prosperity of the kingdom: The King of the two Sicilies, is clipping the privileges of the clergy in his dominions: Luxembourg and Antwerp are still in the hands of the Emperors troops: the former is besieged by the patriots: the emperor is again sick: a treaty is concluded between Prussia and Poland, on new years day the national assembly presented loyal addresses to the King and Queen which were very graciously received.

FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
FROM the general approbation of the new constitution, no doubt every possible aid necessary to give it force and energy sufficient to answer all the wise and salutary purposes for which it was framed, will steadily and uniformly be given by every well-disposed citizen of the United States of America—and it appears to me (tho' I must confess myself no adept in politics) that the success, force and energy, of the government will very much depend on the situation and place which Congress may fix on for the general seat of government.—Various places and situations have been contemplated, and by different writers warmly recommended, and this is not only perfectly consonant with the unalienable rights of every citizen under the happy and benign influence of a free government; but has likewise a direct tendency to throw more light upon a subject, which from its magnitude and interesting consequences, cannot possibly be too clearly understood, when decided on.—Under the impression of these considerations, I flatter myself justice and candor will allow me with modesty to represent to the public, some few of the many, and great advantages which in my view, so conspicuously recommend the situation on the Eastern shore of the river Susquehanna, and at the head of the navigation, or near it, of the large Bay of Chesapeake, for this purpose.
The great number of conveniences, and advantages which would inevitably attend fixing the capital of the United States, near the mouth of such a large river, and on the head of so extensive a Bay, on which so many States lie, or are contiguous, and the conveniences resulting from this situation to the union in general, considered with its several mutual advantages—I humbly conceive will appear so obvious, upon serious and rational reflection, and accurate examination, as cannot fail of being esteemed the most weighty and powerful arguments in favor of this situation, for the transaction of the important business of the union, and for the holding the great national supreme courts.
This premised, the public will indulge me in a brief representation of the River Susquehanna, its various sources having lately been so discriminately explored by so many travellers of undoubted credibility, as sufficiently evince, that it opens a communication into an immense extent of territory where the soil and vegetation is naturally such as most indubitably prove ere long to be of inestimable value: It not only presents a number of pleasing and elegant prospects, to induce adventurers to settle it, which, when occupied, and this river is made navigable (in my opinion, as well as many others a thing by no means impracticable) all the variety of valuable produce which it appears by nature intended to yield, for some hundred of miles Northeastward, may by its various branches issuing from different parts be conveyed into that large stream, and by that commercial channel to this so well adapted district, for the seat of the union.—But it will likewise prove an inexhaustible supply of timber of the best quality of every kind, necessary for ship building and other work.
The great Bay of the Chesapeake is so well known, by most gentlemen who reside in, as well as those foreigners who have visited the United States, as may well apologize for but a very concise description of it here.—I will briefly observe, that this Bay is not only the largest, and the best and safest navigation in the United States, but the most central; that it is bordered by two very considerable States, and that its confines extend almost to the very verge of the Delaware State, and within a small distance of North-Carolina, while its tide flows up the Susquehanna, not far from the Pennsylvania line.—That not only Susquehanna, but the great and extensive Potomack and James Rivers, which delineate such channels of communication, and commercial intercourse with a very considerable part of the back or western country, disembogue into it—and the meanders of those large streams pass thro' several parts of an amazing fertile country, and which afford a number of most valuable productions, peculiar to those late explored regions, among which have been discovered, large bodies of excellent coal, an article, time alone will determine the real value of in the American world; all whereof claim our attention, as so many apparent proofs, that infinite wisdom and goodness have been eminently displayed in placing so many blessings within the happy domain of these independent and United States.—Now from these observations, I trust a moment's reflection will be sufficient to evince how conveniently the valuable productions of those remote parts might at a small expence be conveyed down these rivers into the Bay, and by it to the proposed situation for the federal seat.
If this situation should meet the approbation of our great national council for their district of exclusive legislation, it appears highly probable, that the east side of the mouth of Susquehanna would be the place most approved of for its beginning; and to extend from thence ten miles up the River, which will be three or four miles above the flowing of the tide, and from the River, as they may in their wisdom direct, until it comprehends a district of, or equal to ten miles square, which if square, or even nearly so, will be situated on a conflux of waters, that abound with fish of excellent quality and water fowl equal, if not superior to any upon the continent—and although the continental post road, by passing through lands of the most unfruitful soil, and least cultivated of any on those parts, may naturally induce the observing traveller to form an unfavorable opinion of this part of the country, yet in justice to it, and for the information of the public, I must observe, that not far from each side of this road, are very valuable farms, producing almost every useful vegetable of both the Northern and Southern States, and within a convenient distance, are unexhaustible bodies of lime-stone of the best quality.
As many of the members of our national council have passed through this part of the country, which nature from a combination of circumstances has rendered so very interesting; in order to represent the internal conveniences and advantages of this district, it may suffice briefly to observe that, exclusive of a variety of fine mills and water works for different purposes; that there are a number of excellent farms and plantations, some occupied in agriculture, and others principally in grazing, &c. And as this district would not only be situated in a fertile part of the country, but nearly join the wealthy counties of Chester and Lancaster, wherein are several rich German and English settlements, which although at a much greater distance do now, in a considerable degree supply the markets of both Philadelphia and Baltimore. I cannot conceive the least reason to doubt, but that a Federal Town erected in this place, would be plentifully supplied with the best provisions, at moderate rates: And whoever knows how much this extensive and fertile part of the country suffers for want of a central Market-Town, upon a moment's reflection will candidly admit the propriety of this assertion.
The public will suffer me further to observe, that among many other internal advantages attending this district for the Federal Town, it will include Charles-Town, which has already from its situation attracted much public attention. It rises from the shores of a pleasant tide river, so agreeably as to engage numbers of Gentlemen, when passing through it (who have not only made the tour of America, but several parts of Europe) to halt on their way to gratify the eye with the delightfulness of the prospect.—At a convenient distance from this town, Northward, and from the river Susquehanna, Southward, there is a chain of Mountains so formed by nature, as to afford a clear prospect over the town and adjacent waters as far as the eye can extend down the bay; these situations having fine springs issuing from them are well watered and adapted for elegant country seats; however if Congress should prefer a situation some distance from tide water, there are several heights and beautiful elevated situations which would probably be near the centre of this district, and not far from the river Susquehanna, some whereof may be very justly esteemed for their pure water, salubrity of air, and delightfulness of prospect, and not more than five miles Northward of Charles-Town, the centre whereof is nearly in the direction of the general inclination of the bay, although at some miles distant. From the top of some of those
elevated situations, the most beautiful prospect towards the Ocean is exhibited as far as the eye can reach, when even assisted by the best of perspective glasses. What adds considerably to both the advantage and pleasantness of these situations is their direction, East and West; whence there is a gradual descent Southward, which not only affords excellent water, but an agreeable slope for indulging the most refined taste in elegant improvement.
It may with some degree of propriety be further noticed, that should Congress fix upon this situation for the permanent seat, they will not only be nearly central, but in the leading high way of communication from North to South. In this situation they will certainly avoid those evils which a popular and commercial city would expose them to, and that undue influence which cannot but be experienced by a legislature surrounded by men, whose interest, may be opposed to the community at large, and those inconveniences and dangers in this respect, were lately so justly pointed out by an honorable member of the House of Representatives,* when in a committee of the whole, the subject of funding the public debt was under discussion.
* General Jackson's Speech.
A SPECTATOR.
EXTRACT from an ESSAY on AGRICULTURE.
By The Baron POELLNITZ.
[Printed by CHILDS and SWAIN—New-York.]
IN the dark, as we are in general, about the means of nature, there is now and then a glimpse of light which shines in our eyes, and will guide us to some discovery! One great man, by seeing a pear drop from a tree, discovered the laws of gravitation; another no less renowned, by seeing a kite, the plaything of children, fly, conceived from it, and executed to command the thunder of Heaven: So will often a trifle be seized by men of superior genius, and they will make it the basis for instruction to mankind.
But the enquiry is to be, how Nature has produced wheat? Was there a previous dunghill, or is it by means of dung the produce of man's industry? A simple will be the answer; no will be the result of the question.
What are then the laws, whereby to all appearance nature fructifies the earth, and produces plants of every kind? 'Till convinced of error, by arguments grounded on physical and chymical experiments, I will be bold to say, that though there may be various concurrent ones, nevertheless, simple laws are commonly the promoters; those which I will mention stand probably foremost in rank.
I say, the influence of air, with all its different characters and vicissitudes, the sun or light, the mixture of earths carried on by strong rains and overflow of waters, are the laws and vehicles of vegetation.
How far it is in man's power to apply these principles to agriculture, I shall cursorily consider; and in this, as well as in what I have said in the former paragraph, I am warranted, by what the learned have proved by experimental philosophy, and by what I have been taught by my own small experience.
John Tull was the first who went off from the beaten tract, and put new rules of agriculture in practice; his system was in part erroneous, though part of it entitles him to our grateful remembrance. John Tull was laughed at, so was Christopher Columbus, till facts gave credit to his discovery, and proclaimed his merit. But, without going into discussions of old systems, or in all the quotations of new ones, I will come to the point.
By deep and frequent plowing, we expose the surface of the earth to more light, and to all the influences of air; hereby we help the operation of nature in that case. By mixing our soil with soils of different qualities, we obtain what nature does by rains, and overflow of waters: By those manuductions, art improves, facilitates, and amplifies the means of nature to procure vegetation, and thus wheat may be raised in any quantity.
I mean not to detract from the use of dung; putrified animal and vegetable bodies, accumulated in our dung-hills, are useful accessories to vegetation: but is the surface of the earth not also a composition of those ingredients, though therein contained, no doubt for the best, with other mixtures. Dung gives a strong additional heat, and some plants will not thrive without; but wheat can be raised independent of a dung-hill.
I go farther and say, that sowing wheat upon fresh dunged land is prejudicial.—Commonly I use no dung to my wheat, but only on a previous summer fallow; and I call a summer fallow, land well dunged early in the spring, and sown in with turnips, cabbages, carrots, beans, peas, lentils, parsnips, potatoes, flax, hemp or early corn, on this I sow wheat in the fall with success, and so avoid smut, numbers of weeds and insects, promoted and fostered by fresh dung.
EDUCATION.
THE importance of manners, or graceful deportment in instructors of youth, has been too little attended to. The acquisition of scientific knowledge is an object of unspeakable consequence—but MANNERS form the man—and the future happiness and success of children are more intimately connected with a just, an easy, and dignified mode of address than they are with the bare attainments of a common school education. The WORCESTER SPECULATOR, No. 74, contains among many others, the following judicious remarks.
"I was pleased with an observation which a
sensible farmer made some time ago, when a number were conversing on the qualifications of school masters. He lived in a town that was noted for the neglect of schools, and for endeavoring to evade the law respecting grammar schools. It was his opinion, he said, that tho' a common man might be found capable of teaching children to spell, read, write, and cypher with exactness, yet a gentleman (as he expressed himself) tho' not more capable in these respects, was greatly to be preferred, because of the influence and skill he would have in establishing decency and order in the school, and in forming the manners of the children, and in preventing or curing any awkwardness in their way of speaking or behaving. An observation this, worthy of the consideration of those whose business it is to provide schoolmasters, or to employ them."
FROM THE LITCHFIELD WEEKLY MONITOR.
ADVICE TO THE PUBLIC.
WE find in the newspapers an extract of a letter from the West-Indies, complaining of the badness of American flour, being spoiled by meal-worms and mites; and the writer wishes to know the cause of it—which every one ought to know—for which reason, I will inform, those mites are bred in hot weather, in mills and meal-rooms, and in store chests. In the month of June let the miller clean his rooms and chests of all the unmoved meal and bran—in every hole and corner, and every crack—and instead thereof strew fine salt, and make smoke in his mill—then let him dress his mill so as it may not heat in grinding, and bolt and pack the flour as soon as may be—the sooner the better, for the mites proceed from an imperceptible, winged insect, which hovers about in still weather, and meal is their agreeable habitation in the silent night.
I once put a bushel of new flour in my open meal trough and it was spoiled in a few hot nights—but the mites were there before. Flour for domestic use, will keep best in good bags in hot weather. As to the meal-worms complained of, they are not bred in the timber of the cask, as the writer is informed—if they were, the jarring of the cooper's ax and hammer, and fire and smoke would stop their progress. They breed in old meal and bran, and make their way thro' worm-holes and bad joints of the cask:—There should be made smoke in meal-rooms a little before sundown, that those winged insects, which may be seen in the rays of the sun, may go forth. When the flour is packed, wash the barrels with strong brine and lime. A LITCHFIELD MILLER.
Just published, by CAREY, STEWART, AND COMPANY, No. 11, of the VIIth volume of The American MUSEUM, or UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE,
And to be sold by THOMAS ALLEN, No. 13, QUEEN-STREET, where subscriptions are received, at 2 Dol. and half pr. an.
CHARACTER OF THE MUSEUM.
IT has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety. A more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, or one more deserving of public encouragement. His Excellency General Washington. "It has been conducted in a manner highly deserving of public encouragement." Hon. John Dickinson. "It far exceeds, in my opinion, every attempt of the kind, which, from any other American press ever came to my hands." His Excellency Governor Livingston. "I concur with those respectable characters, (General Washington, Hon. John Dickinson, and Governor Livingston) in their high opinion of the work, and of its execution." His Excellency Governor Randolph. "The Museum is calculated to disseminate literary, political, historical, agricultural, and other valuable information, in a very advantageous manner, and to a great extent, and more especially to preserve interesting documents from oblivion." Rev. Dr. Stiles—Rev. Dr. Dwight—Judge Hopkins—Bishop White—Rev. Dr. Ewing—Rev. Dr. Magaw—Tench Coxe, Esq. Rev. Dr. Andrews—Judge Law—Judge Dyer—Judge Sherman—Judge Pitkin.
To be SOLD, At PUBLIC AUCTION, on the First Day of APRIL next, (if not disposed of before, at Private Sale.)
THAT pleasant and valuable Place formerly called COLES-FERRY, now by the name of VAN DUZER'S, on Staten Island, Richmond County, with two good sufficient Pettiaugers for the ferrying business. It is a beautiful situation, and one of the best stands for a Ferry, or Tavern, on Staten-Island, and an excellent Shad and Herring Fishery within 20 yards of the door, Black-Fish, and all other kind of Fish in their season. It is likewise the best and most convenient Ferry to Long-Island, where a number of passengers pass and repass. It lies within two miles of the Point of the Narrows, and between 8 and 9 miles from New-York. There is about 30 acres of excellent good Land, chiefly Meadow, with a very good Wharf, Houle, Barn and Garden—the whole being in good repair. It will also make a beautiful Country Seat, fit for any gentleman.
For Particulars enquire of JOHN ANDERSON, corner of the Exchange, or CHARLES McLEAN, White Hall, New-York, or of Messrs BYERS and REILLY, Staten-Island, or of the Subscriber on the premises, where the conditions of sale will be made known. ABRAHAM VAN DUZER. Staten-Island, March 6, 1790.
A LIVERY STABLE,
Kept by BENJAMIN POWELL, at the upper end of QUEEN-STREET, No. 111, near the TEA-WATER PUMP.
WHERE he takes in Horses by the night, week, month or year, at the most moderate rates that can be afforded. He thanks his former customers for their favors, and flatters himself that care and attention will again be paid to such gentlemen, as may put their horses in his charge. Boarding and Lodging may be had by applying as above. FEB. 25.