National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-01-12 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 22 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, January 12, 1793.
[Total No. 126.]
[The following is copied from the General Advertiser, and inserted at the particular request of several of our subscribers.]
To Thomas Jefferson, a free citizen and Secretary of the United States.
FELLOW CITIZEN,
As a freeman, sincerely interested in the welfare of my country, I am bound to address you. Your republican principles and deportment put me at ease on the score of this address; for although I have not the pleasure of being personally known to you, I am convinced from the general tenor of your conduct, that you will listen to the voice of every free-man, however obscure he may be, or however deficient in what is lately termed consequence, provided he comes forward to you recommended by honest principles, republican conduct, and love for his country. As an individual I have nothing to ask, for thanks to my God, an independent profession has removed me from that state of prostitution which is necessary to a courtier: As a citizen of the United States, in common with my fellow citizens, I have a claim upon you—a claim which as a friend to your country you cannot refuse—It cannot be necessary to inform a man of your enlightened patriotism, that when your country needs your services, as a confident patriot you cannot withhold them; the duty you owe her cannot be surrendered at pleasure—It was with the sincerest emotions of distress, I heard that you intended again to seek the peaceful shades of private life, to solace yourself with your favourite philosophy, and leave to another pilot the helm of state. Tempestuous as the sea upon which you have embarked has been made for you, the prospect at length is smiling, the dark vapours of aristocracy are dissolving, and propitious gales are arising to waft you and your vessel into a haven of security. The crew are your friends, and notwithstanding the endeavours of the officers to raise a mutiny, to supersede you, and have the management entirely to themselves, your honest labours and firmness have frustrated their wicked intentions, and you ride triumphant. True merit is modest; I anticipate your reply, that there are many characters in the United States who have equal capacity and integrity for the task; if the ravings of patriotism can be received as a criterion, no doubt we have; but it is a melancholy truth, that offices have changed the current of principle, and of action, and that few or none who have filled them have been able to withstand the temptation to domineer, which their fancied exaltation above the sovereign, the people, has given them—The unity of your conduct; your dignified and republican simplicity; your enmity to fastidious distance and reserve; your respect for the people, are subjects of affection and commendation, and ought to be of imitation to every man who is the friend of equality. These, sir, make your resignation to be deplored; these, sir, make your successor to be dreaded—At present you appear to be the colossus of opposition to monarchical deportment, monarchical arrogance, and monarchical splendor ; but were you withdrawn, monarchy and aristocracy like an inundation, would overflow our country.—A continuance of your example will appal the enemies to equality; for as long as the public mind has a distinguished republican to fix its eye upon to contrast with the gaudy insects of a monarchical sun, their love for republicanism, and detestation of inequality will increase, 'till those pestilential animals shall cease to contaminate the atmosphere of liberty—The people are already alarmed,—they see often-tation displayed where they least expected it; they see flatly superiority assumed where they looked for equality and simplicity; they behold the glare of mo-
narchy where they imagined they should find nought else but republican plainness; so true it is that when the exaltation of ambition is gratified, its concomitants must receive their share of the feast—But, Sir, the veil is almost rent which overspread the eyes of the people—what they have viewed with the eye of affection, they begin to examine with the eye of republicanism, and soon will the tide of popular opinion begin to ebb from that channel where it flowed like a torrent, unless elementary principles and first declarations are resorted to as the standard of conduct—The conspiracy against you by a ministerial and aristocratic faction , who seek their own aggrandizement at the expence of the dearest interests of their country, has only served to endear you to your country; for trust me, sir, that man only deserves and will obtain the lasting affection of his countrymen, who considers their interest as inseparable from his own. Let Catullus rave, [a little increase in the disturbance of his intellects will make him a duke or a king ] let him wage war against you with all his royal and sycophantic band of the Treasury at his heels, you may smile at his drawn dagger and defy its point; the armour of virtue will ever defend you against the assassinations of vice; you live in the hearts of all true Americans, and the dagger must pass through their hearts before you can be destroyed—Let not the persecution which has been raised against you operate on you to retire: the acumen of calumny is spent, and is recoiling upon its author—you are approved by your country and this must rob envy and slander of their sting—But if you are resolved, the good wishes of every friend to mankind must attend you; and while I regret a resolution which is a real evil to my country, I most sincerely hope that health, peace, and content may be the constant attendants of your retirement.
MIRABEAU.
January 3, 1793.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
PARIS, Nov. 13.
Extract from Gen. Dumourier's letter to the National Convention, giving a particular account of the battle with the Austrians, on the 6th of November.
“IN the morning I ordered out 12 pieces of cannon 16 pounders, 12 twelve pounders, and 12 howitzers, to be planted along the front of my line. General d'Harville, posted on the heights of Ciphy, flanked the enemy's left, whilst I attacked the right, taking from them again the village of Carignon by the Belgic corps supported by nine battalions under the command of Majors General Ferrand, Roziere, and Bloisier. The centre of the attack composed of 18 battalions, was under the command of Lieutenant General Egalite (the eldest son of the Duke of Orleans) and Majors General Stabenbolse, Desforges, and Drouet. The right, consisting of the advanced guard, was commanded by Lieutenant General Bournonville and Major General Dampierre. General d'Harville could assist us in the attack, only with his cannon, his division being at too great a distance from the enemy's entrenchments, to be able to engage.
“The Austrian army, on the lowest computation, consisted of 20,000 men, viz. 16,500 foot and 3,500 horse—Others estimated their numbers at 28,000.
“We had not more than 30,000 fighting men. The position of the enemy was truly formidable. Their right was to the village of Genneppe, and their left to the road leading to Valenciennes. Their whole was posted on a chain of heights, overspread with clumps of trees; three tiers of redoubts rose as in an amphitheatre, one above another, maintaining in all at least 20 pieces of heavy cannon, and as many howitzers, whilst each battallion had
3 field pieces; so that the enemy had near one hundred guns, which they could bring to bear upon us. We had as many to play upon them. But the elevation of their batteries would have given them a great advantage over ours, if we had been resolved to risk the fate of the day upon our artillery.
“My troops, full of confidence in their own bravery, had expressed to me their most earnest wish to come to close action with the Austrians. I had entire confidence in their resolution, for in all the movements which I had made them make under the enemy's fire, I saw that they marched and went through the evolutions as on a field day; but particularly on the three preceding days, when I could not but admire the coolness and precision with which they executed all the manœuvres which I had planned.
“A hot cannonnade began on both sides, at 7 o'clock in the morning, and lasted till ten; at which time, I was not able to perceive that our success was such as to make it eligible to confine myself to that species of attack—Whilst I visited the different parts of my line, the troops expressed their impatience to push bayonets with the enemy. General Bournonville and General Egalite had repeatedly proposed the same measure. I restrained their ardour, only, that I might make its exertion the more vigorous: for it was my plan ultimately, to storm the redoubts. In the mean time, however, I contented myself with ordering the artillery to be pushed nearer to the Austrians, that it might have the greater effect; and I ordered an attack upon the village of Carignon, because I could not fall upon Genneppe on that side, without being first master of the village.
“I sent Colonel Thouvenot, my Adjutant General, an officer of the highest merit, with orders to direct the attack, and carry all the right flank of the enemy. I desired General d'Harville to advance his batteries nearer to them, that the greater execution might be made upon their left. I ordered Gen. Bournonville to do the like, and be ready for the attack, precisely at noon. I dispatched similar orders to the left, because I calculated we should by that time be masters of Carignon, which it was necessary we should have in our possession, as the left of my line attacked might be turned, if that village was to continue in the power of the enemy.
“Precisely at twelve o'clock at noon, the whole of the infantry formed in columns in the twinkling of an eye, and advanced with the greatest rapidity and alacrity towards the enemy's works; not a single head of a column remained behind.
“The first tier of redoubts was immediately carried with the greatest vivacity; but soon the difficulties and obstacles increasing, the centre was in some danger; and I saw some of the enemy's horse ready to enter the plain, to charge the columns in flank. I instantly dispatched thither Lieut. General Egalite, who, by his cool bravery, quickly rallied the columns, and led them to the second tier of redoubts. I ordered the third regiment of Chasseurs, and the sixth of Hussars to support this attack, who arrived very opportunely to make head against, and charge the enemy's cavalry. I repaired at the same time to the right, where I found that Gen. Bournonville, having turned and carried the redoubts, met with complete success; his horse had been thrown into some disorder, whilst he was busily employed at the head of his infantry. I quickly rallied them, and they instantly charged with the greatest vigour the enemy's horse, who had already reached our right flank. Whilst our cavalry was rallying, a body of the enemy's horse attempted to break the first battalion of Paris volunteers, who received them with fle-
dines, and with a single discharge killed sixty men!
“In the interval of this action on the right, our left had carried the village of Genneppe, and our centre had stormed and taken the second tier of redoubts; we still had another battle to fight before we could become masters of the last tier; but it was neither as long or as hot as the former; the Austrians being filled with consternation at the exploits performed by the obstinate and still encreasing bravery of our troops.
“At two o'clock they retreated in the greatest disorder, leaving us in possession of the ground which they had occupied, and which was covered with the killed of both parties. Their loss was so considerable, and their consternation so great, that they passed through the city of Mons, without once halting; neither did they halt at Berthomen, or Mount Palisele, or even on the heights of Niency.
“I led the whole victorious army to the height of the village of Culmus, where I placed some infantry, and found one thirteen pounder. I collected there some wounded, and deserters. The same day I sent a detachment under Gen. d'Harville, to take post on Mount Palisele, and another under Gen. Stetenbolse, to take possession of Battellement.
“I sent a summons to the city of Mons to surrender, and a parley took place, of which I inclose the particulars. The troops, though they had scarcely closed an eye for three days, and had not been able to prepare any dinner on the day of this terrible battle, pressed me nevertheless to let them march to Mons, and take the town by escalade. I told them they should have that satisfaction the next day; and accordingly took proper measures for completing the circumvallation of the city, and attacking it in several places at once. But the enemy availed themselves of the night, and evacuated it: the last 400 men of the garrison left it at nine o'clock the next morning.
“I was making preparations for planting my batteries, when the inhabitants, after having broke open the gates, which had been closed by the Austrians, came forth and invited me to enter their city, which I immediately did. I found the magistrates at the gates to receive me; they offered me the keys of Mons: laying my hand upon them, I told them we were come as friends and brethren, to persuade them to keep their gates always shut against their old oppressors, and to defend the liberty which we had just procured them.
“This ever memorable event covers France with immortal glory. There is not in the whole army a battalion, or squadron, or even a single individual, who has not been in close engagement with the enemy. You are already well acquainted with the abilities and bravery of Gen. Bournonville. All the other Generals, particularly Gen. Egalite, shewed the greatest judgment in leading on the army. The field officers and aid-de-camps carried my orders with the greatest activity and precision, through the midst of the most dreadful fire and slaughter.—General Drouet has had a leg broke by a musket shot, Colonel Claumont, Adjutant General, was shot through the arm, and had his horse killed under him. Gen. Ferrand received a contusion in the leg, and had his horse killed. Adjutant Gen. Monsoy was shot in the mouth, and has seven of his teeth knocked out. Col. Dubourret is badly wounded, as is Citizen Lieutenant Berlicke, of the National Gendarmerie, who received 41 wounds (all given with broad swords) after he had with his own hand killed 7 of the enemy. Citizen Laffesses, Lieutenant Colonel of the two battalions of the two Sevres, had his arm broke by a musket shot. Several other officers and soldiers have been killed and wounded.

"I am not exactly acquainted with the amount of our loss, but I estimate it at about 300 killed, and 600 wounded. I will send you a more exact account, as soon as I receive the regular returns from the different corps. The enemy have lost eight guns, taken by Gen. Bourdonville's advanced guard, and three in our attack of their left. Our gunners maintained their reputation for bravery and skill, so much dreaded by our enemies."
"The Austrians have lost in killed, wounded, and deserters, at least 4000 men, exclusive of almost as many more missing, and disbanded, some of whom we are every hour picking up."
"Such is the detail of this battle, which may be considered as decisive of the conquest of the Netherlands; for the Austrians will not again venture to measure their strength with us in a pitched battle; in this task, we have shown them that the united resources of situation and art are not able to raise a barrier too strong for French bravery to pull down."
"The bearer of these dispatches, is Lieutenant-Colonel Larue, my aid-de-camp, a man of the greatest intrepidity."
"DUMOURIER. Commander in Chief."
November 7. Plan of the Decree on the trial of Louis the 16th, as reported to the National Convention by the legislative committee.
Article 1. Louis XVI. can be tried. 2. He shall be tried by the National Convention.
3. Four commissioners chosen from the assembly, and appointed by ballot, and by the plurality of votes, shall be ordered to collect the papers and all the necessary information, to form a report, which they shall lay before the assembly.
4. These commissioners shall close the report by an express detail of the crimes imputed to Louis XVI. when he was upon the throne.
5. The reports, and the particulars of the crimes, imputed to Louis XVI. shall be printed and distributed.
6. One week after the distribution, the discussion shall open on the nature of the crimes, which shall be adopted, or rejected by nominal appeal.
7. A copy of all the papers shall be given to Louis XVI.
8. The copy of the report of the convention shall also be sent to Louis XVI.
9. On the requisition of Louis XVI. and his counsel, the originals of the papers shall be carried to the Temple by twelve commissioners, who shall return them into the national archives, without being suffered to go away without them.
10. The convention shall fix the day of Louis XVI. appearing before them.
11. No paper shall be sent out of the national archives before an attested copy is made of it.
12. The counsel of Louis XVI. shall be permitted to present his justification, written and signed with his own hand.
13. The verbal defence made by Louis XVI. shall be taken down in writing by the secretaries.
14. After the expiration of the periods fixed, the convention shall pass their judgment upon him by nominal appeal.
This report was much applauded, and ordered to be printed. Each member is to have ten copies, and it is to be sent to the 83 departments.
Belland de Verennes moved, that the convention should immediately decree the first article, but the further discussion was adjourned till Monday.
Paris, Nov. 22. This evening the following letter from Gen. Dumourier (dated Brussels, Nov. 14) was read in the National Convention:
"Citizen President, "I yesterday presented myself before Brussels with my advanced guard. The Austrians disputed with me the heights of Anderlecht. I was unwilling to expose my brave comrades to shed blood in vain; night came on; I kept my troops under arms; and, in the morning, I was received at Brussels as the Deliverer of the Nation! The citizen minister at war will lay before you the concise details which I have sent to him. The army of the republic is more animated than ever: It may receive for a motto, Vires acquirit eundo ."
(Signed) DUMOURIER, General in Chief of the Army in the Austrian Netherlands.
LONDON, Nov. 20. If the French should offer to attack Holland, after over-running the Austrian Netherlands, it is probable that a considerable number of British troops will be sent to the assistance of the United Provinces, to oppose the progress of the French arms, which may eventually engage this country in a war with that power.
Orders have been sent to Woolwich to complete the two battalions of artillery now in England, with the utmost possible expedition: and recruiting parties are to be immediately dispatched to every part of Great-Britain for that purpose.
On the 13th of September last, a fire broke out at Constantinople, which completely consumed 6000 houses, 6000 shops, 5 mosques, numberless ware-houses, and 100 noble buildings, the residence of the
principal ministers, great officers, and generals of the Porte.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
"He that is ungrateful has no crimes but one."
WHAT is considered as vicious or criminal in an individual must be considered as equally so when extended to a society; for nothing, as the ingenious and republican Dr. Rush has remarked, can be politically right that is morally wrong. To postpone the payment of a debt of gratitude until it is demanded, is to be truly ungrateful; for when the service is properly estimated, we anticipate the wishes of those who have served us, and spare them the disagreeable task of becoming duns .
"A grateful mind, By owing, owes not; but still pays: at once
Indebted and discharged."
It will scarcely be denied that France has rendered us essential services both by loan and her arms, when our affairs wore a gloomy aspect, and when the stoutest republican heart felt some tremor about the issue, and yet we are hesitating, we are debating whether we shall discharge this obligation of honesty as well as gratitude, because, as it is ridiculously said, she has not demanded it of us—What, are we to be dun'd into a payment of a just and honorable debt? Can it be imagined that this proceeds from her not wanting money? Surely not, but more probably from the delicacy of her situation—Her assignats, like continental money, may serve her for a time, but should the struggle continue they may meet the same fate; already have they ebbed from their nominal value—at a time when France is the champion of liberty, and is signalizing herself in the cause of humanity; when she is combating the fell hosts of tyrants and feels a derangement in her finances, from immemorial mal-administration, as well as from her present unsettled state, ought we not to anticipate her demands, and not only discharge her lawful claims, but exert every means in our power to succour her? I blush for my country, which is said to be the residence of freemen, when I reflect, that a motion to discharge this honest debt, a part of the premium of our liberty, was lost by the calling vote of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and was superseded by a resolution to pay the same sum to the Bank of the United States—As long as Bank directors, Stockholders, & Stock jobbers form a considerable part of our federal legislature, we are to expect that our honor and honesty, our faith and our virtue are to bend to their views—But says our wary minister at the Republic , (I will not insult freemen by saying the court of France ,) "if we discharge this debt now we may be obliged to pay it again": shameful and disgraceful caution, an opprobrium upon our country, and worthy only of the reptiles of change-alley, or of a land broker ! Had this been the language of our faithful allies in the period of our distresses, what would have been the consequence? Was our independence established at the time France opened her purse to us? Who indorsed our contracts, who was our security that the loan would ever be repaid? Ungrateful Americans, and from such conduct unworthy of freedom! Should the treasury of the United States be emptied into the lap of France, it would not cancel the obligation, it would be but a small offering at the shrine of liberty. To aid twenty five millions of people in asserting the rights which nature and nature's God entitled them to, should be the pious wish of freemen, and should call forth their greatest exertions; but it cannot be expected from a minister, who thinks that " a Republican is the proudest animal in the whole world, excepting a TURKEY COCK "!!
Jan. 9, 1793. FRANKLIN.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
PLEASE TO TAKE NOTICE,
THAT on Monday next will be brought to the grand forum of the nation, FOR TRIAL, the soldiers of the late American army, charged on the following indictment, viz. 1. For surviving the fatigues and supporting their reputation to the end of an arduous and hazardous war; and preventing Washington, Hancock, and Adams, from dancing upon nothing.—2dly. For retiring from the field with a promise of the evidence of their wages, and carrying with them a load of honour and a knapsack.—3dly. For not having sufficient ability to retain the certificates afterwards given as evidences of the debt, until they could be funded or sold for 20s. in the pound.—4th. For selling their certificates in times of distress to the speculators at 2/6 for 20s. to their own loss and the great injury of the public faith and national honour.—5th. For conceiving it a hardship, after losing seven eighths of their pay, to be compelled to work double tides to earn money to pay the full amount of the certificates to the gentlemen speculators.
All which crimes were considered as highly subversive of peace, good order, and economy, and the fifth charge repugnant
to the several plans adopted by the Secretary of the Treasury to support public credit; and against the honour, dignity, and expectations of those who confided in public faith.
The defendants being arraigned at New-York, in February, 1790, plead guilty to the first charge. To the four succeeding charges they plead not guilty of intentional indignity, or an expectation of losing their wages; and put themselves upon trial by God and their country—which country found them guilty, of the five charges exhibited against them.
The Hon. Samuel Livermore, } Counsel Fisher Ames, and } for the Egbert Benson, Esq's. } speculators.
James Madison, Esq. counsel for the defendants.
The defendants by their respective memorials have obtained a re-hearing; and the parties concerned will give their attendance, and govern themselves accordingly.
A CONTINENTAL SOLDIER.
Jan. 10, 1793.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Continued from our Paper of the 19th of December last, (No. 119.)
"IN vain, says Mr. Otsego, have his (Governor Clinton's) partisans explained away his opinions, in vain have they tried to throw a veil over his actions. In spite of all their endeavours ant federalism, ambition, and an insatiable thirst for the emoluments of office are plainly discernible."
Here is another very evident misapplication of terms, for not his partisans, but his opposers, have endeavoured to explain away his opinions; those who, while they usurp the name of republicans, would fritter and explain away the most essential principles of a free government; who, while they profess themselves friends to the rights of man, openly oppose a formal declaration of those rights; who, while they pretend a warm attachment to the state governments, are for attaching all the powers of government to the general one, so as to render them merely formal and useless institutions; who instead of securing the rights and liberties of the people, by establishing proper checks against the abuses of power, are for establishing powers independent of the people, as checks against their rights and liberties. These are the men who would fain explain away his opinions and principles. Not those who think that a proper bill or declaration of rights, and a suitable degree of power reserved in the state governments, where the people have a full and a safe representation, would be much better balances to the general government, and more proper and effectual checks against its oppressions, than an hereditary monarch and house of lords at the head of it: Not those who think that government is made for the people, and not the people for government, and that the end of it is to secure the rights and promote the happiness of all, not to enrich, aggrandize and exalt the few.
His opposers also, and not his partisans, would be glad, was it in their power, to throw a veil over his actions. For they have been as uniform and unequivocal as his opinions and principles, and I believe both will bear the test of the strictest scrutiny and investigation. Both in his opinions and practice he has discovered a steady adherence to the equalizing principles which governed our councils and conduct in the year seventy-six, when aristocratic pride and ambition durst not show its head. The man who in that day would have published doctrines, and pursued measures, which are now preached up and pursued by the opponents of the partisans of Governor Clinton, would have been confined as one whose going at large would have been dangerous to the liberties of the country.
As to the charges of ant federalism, ambition, and thirst for the emoluments of office, they cannot be all true, because they are inconsistent with each other; for if he is an ant federalist in the sense the author would insinuate he is opposed to a government, which alone can gratify the cravings of ambition, or any very great thirst after the emoluments of office. The state governments were not formed upon the plans of ambition; and it is to be hoped that the administration of them will never become so corrupted as to make the emoluments of office desirable objects either to avarice or luxury, neither of which ought to be admitted to participate in the administration of a republican government.
It is the general government alone, if any, in this country, which can support that pomp and shew, that mimicry of lordliness and royalty, which is the general pursuit of ambition: and it is this alone which can annex such emoluments to offices, as will attract the notice of the avaricious or of the extravagant. Hence it is evident, that where either ambition or a thirst for the emoluments of office, are the ruling passions, they must produce an attachment for the general government, and form what is called a federalist; for it is better to be a door keeper in the House of Congress, than to sit on the throne of government in some of the states.
To be continued.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Jan. 7.
(In the last paragraph of Saturday's minutes, in our last, instead of "48 against 21" read, "21 members only rising in favour of it.")
A bill was reported, from the committee, for repealing part of a resolution of Congress, relative to the inhabitants of Post St. Vincennes, on the Wabash which was read twice and made one of the orders of the day for to-morrow.
A bill, providing for the support of government for 1793, was reported by the committee to whom the former appropriation bill had been, recommitted—read twice, debated on in committee of the whole, reported without amendment, and laid on the table till to-morrow.
The House then went into committee of the whole, on the invalid pension bill. After some progress made, the committee rose without deciding.
TUESDAY, Jan. 8.
A petition of William Wirtz, praying compensation for services in 1782—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The appropriation bill for 1793 was then read a second time, amended, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate, that they had passed the bill in addition to the act for establishing the judicial courts of the United States; as also, the bill providing for the allowance of interest on the sum ordered to be paid by the resolve of Congress of Sept. 20, 1785, for indemnifying the persons therein named.
A letter was received from the Secretary of State, with a report of the assays and experiments made by the director of the mint, on the gold and silver coins of France, England, Spain, and Portugal, pursuant to order—read, and laid on the table.
The bill (sent from the Senate) for establishing the judicial courts of the United States, was twice read, and made one of the orders of the day for next Thursday.
The House then proceeded to consider the motion for reducing the military establishment of the United States, disagreed to in the committee of the whole on Saturday last. A motion was made and seconded for amending by striking out certain words of the resolution, and inserting others in their stead, which was negatived—yeas 26, nays 32—The question for agreement being put, it passed in the negative—yeas 20, nays 36.
The House then went into committee of the whole, on the bill for regulating claims to invalid pensions—after some time spent therein, several amendments were reported, and partly considered—the further consideration deferred till to-morrow.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 9.
The engrossed bill, making appropriations for 1793, was read a third time, and sent to the Senate for their concurrence.
A petition was read from the comb-makers of several states, praying encouragement of said manufactory, and that the duty on imported combs may be increased—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. Several other petitions were read, and referred—and then the house resumed the consideration of the invalid pension bill; a motion was made for amending the same by adding a section, excluding all persons who were not on the list previous to the 23d of March, 1792; the question being put on the said motion, was carried in the affirmative—yeas 40, nays 20—The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A report was made from the committee that they had examined the bill providing for the allowance of interest on the sum paid by order of Congress, as an indemnity to the persons therein named—The Speaker signed the bill, and the clerk of the house was ordered to acquaint the Senate there-with.
A message was received from the Senate, that they have passed the bill for establishing a mint, and regulating the copper coinage of the United States; and made several amendments which were taken into consideration and agreed to.
THURSDAY, Jan. 10.
The engrossed bill to regulate claims to invalid pensions, was read the third time and passed, yeas 36, nays 13.
Report was made from the committee on enrolled bills, on the bill to amend the act establishing a mint and regulating the copper coinage—the Speaker then signed the same.
The house proceeded to consider the report on the petition of the Illinois and Wabash land companies, made the last session; the report was favorable to the petitioners—A motion for referring the report to a committee of the whole house was negatived.
A motion was made by Mr. Smith, (S. G.) that the Attorney-General be directed to report a table of fees in the judicial

courts of the United States, at the next session—laid on the table.
Mr. Boudinot moved for the appointment of a committee to bring in a list of the names of such invalids, who since the 21st of March 1792, have been returned to the war office, together with the vouchers accompanying the same.
The house then, in committee of the whole, proceeded to consider the resolutions respecting the loan of the balances, due from the United States to the individual states; after some debate thereon, the committee rose and reported progress.
In committee of the whole on the bill relative to claims against the United States, which are not barred by any act of limitation, and which have not been already adjusted.—The bill was read, and debated on. On motion of Mr. Giles, the bill was amended, by substituting a section, making it the duty of the treasury officers to report to Congress on the claims presented pursuant to this act—agreed to.
The committee then rose and reported the bill with the amendment.
PHILADELPHIA.
JANUARY 12.
The title of the earl of Cassilis, with an estate of fifteen thousand pounds sterling, per annum, has lately, by the death of the old earl in Scotland, devolved to Archibald Kennedy, Esq. of King and Queen county, in the state of Virginia. The late Alexander Kennedy, father to the above mentioned Archibald Kennedy, died about two years ago, and altho' heir apparent to this estate, was suffered by his great uncle, the late earl, to struggle with every difficulty which narrow circumstances, and a numerous family may be supposed to create.
On Wednesday morning last Mr. Blanchard, the celebrated aeronaut, made his ascension from the jail-court in this city. He took his departure precisely at ten minutes past 10. The weather was tolerably clear, with a small air from the westward. His general direction after ascending to a considerable height, was S. b. E. He was 46 minutes in the air, and landed, after three attempts, in Gloucester county, N. J. about 15 miles from Philadelphia, and from thence was escorted back to town by several gentlemen, where he arrived at six in the evening. He supposed his greatest perpendicular height from the earth to have been about two miles.
Two persons were lately apprehended in New-York (city) for attempting to pass United States Bank notes of 50 dollars. A third was the next day (December 19) taken up at Newark. In the coat of one of his boots was found a plate for striking 50 dollar notes, with 29 bills of that value, finished and signed. In the coat of the other boot were sixty-seven bank bills, not signed. In his pocket book was found another 50 dollar bill, and a piece of poetry. It is to be lamented that all the paper, found upon this unfortunate man, was not of the latter denomination.
A number of emigrants and transient persons from the French West-Indies have petitioned the Assembly of this state that their negro slaves attending them might not be set free, by the law exiling in Pennsylvania in favor of slaves in general. The report of the committee on this subject was unfavorable to the petitioners, and they had leave to withdraw their petition.
Some disturbances have recently taken place (the 3d or 4th of December) in the town of Cape Francois, between the whites and mulattoes. On the 5th, however, all was quiet again. During the commotions in the town, the negro army without made an attack, and had once nearly carried the place, but were at length repulsed with considerable loss.
A letter from a gentleman in Boston, mentions that a European vessel had arrived there, the 29th ultimo, which brings accounts, that a truce has taken place between the French and Austrian armies; that a grand Congress was to be formed on the continent, for negotiating a peace; and, that the National of France, are to send deputies to it. In consequence of this, it had been determined to recal the French armies within the frontier, and the enemy to evacuate the entire line from Dunkirk to Geneva.
We are informed, that the inhabitants of the islands of Martinico and Guadaloupe, have lately captured, by an armed force, the islands of Lucia and Marigalante, two French islands. It is said, the two former colonies have renounced the jurisdiction of France, and have established themselves as an independent state.
We hear Mr. Paine's work on the rights of man is become so popular as to be translated into several languages of Europe.—The Secretary of the king of Sweden, has availed himself of the liberty granted by the regent to translate this work also—and we do not despair that in a few years this invaluable performance may even reach and pervade European Turkey itself.
Several accounts from Europe represent the situation of the French emigrants in such a dismal light as to excite commiseration in the bitterest enemy. More than ten thousand persons, most of them heretofore noblemen, and all gentlemen, are now wandering about without money, subsistence, or even cloaths to cover them from the rigour of the winter season— perire miseri, cavete, felices.
No less than three or four French ladies are at the head of troops in different departments of the war in the vicinity of the kingdom. Among these Madame Anselme is the most conspicuous. She is sister to the patriotic General of that name, and commands a body of 1500 men.
One of the Indian Chiefs who arrived here from the Wabash country, died a few days since of a pleurisy, contracted on his way hither.
From several concurrent accounts there is no doubt but the French republic is now fitting out a strong squadron of vessels of war. In the Mediterranean they have a considerable number of large ships actually cruising: some of these have not long since appeared off Civita Vecchia; so that it is not improbable an expedition into Italy is intended; and that Rome the ancient mistress of the world, may once more open her gates, not to Goths and barbarians but to the free soldier citizens of France; not to be sacked or laid in ashes, as formerly, but to adopt the laws of reason, liberty and equality.
A motion was made and seconded in the Senate of the United States on the 3d inst. that the following resolutions be adopted—1. That the Senate of the United States are individually responsible for their conduct to their constituents, who are entitled to such information as will enable them to form a just estimate thereof. 2. That the journals are too voluminous and expensive to circulate generally, and if it were otherwise, that the information they contain, as to the principles, motives, and designs of individual members is inadequate. 3. That this information, defective as it is, becomes more nugatory and delusive, in proportion as the occasion for it increases, since the Senate make their own journals. 4. That the conducting of the legislative and judicial powers of the Senate in public, and suffering an account of their measures and deliberations to be published in the newspapers, is the best means of diffusing general information, concerning the principles, motives, and conduct of individual members, and that by withholding this information responsibility becomes unavailing, the influence of their constituents over one branch of the legislature in a great measure annihilated, and the best security which experience has devised against the abuse of power, and a mal-administration, abandoned. 5. That it be a standing rule, that the doors of the Senate chamber remain open whilst the Senate shall be sitting in a legislative and judicative capacity, except on such occasions as, in their judgment, may require secrecy; and that this rule shall commence and be in force on the first day of the next session of Congress. 6. That the Secretary of the Senate request the commissioners of the city and county of Philadelphia, to cause a proper gallery to be erected for the accommodation of an audience.
The above resolutions were laid on the table, and made the order of the day for the first Monday in February.
[From the Harrisburg Advertiser of last Monday.]
Notwithstanding the idea of an excise law is reprobated from east to west on this extended continent, yet so determined are our state officers to act in open contempt and disregard of the people's inclination, that they insinuate an obedience to the diabolical hydra by force of arms. This style and language would well suit the court of a despot, but does not apply to men who are now, in proper person, the living monuments of their own liberty;—which liberty they do not mean to relinquish, without their own proper consent, nor to be fettered by a law which they disapprove. There is no searching of musty records of ancient date, to inform Americans, that they must not have laws to please themselves: no—that ceased when they, by their prowess, loss of blood, and wounds, which they now carry about, and are yet hardly healed, extricated themselves from the hard grasp of British taxation. This aristocratic fondness and attachment to an excise law, seems to be borrowed from the most enslaved part of Europe, namely, Ireland. The thousands extorted by the excise, and the bayonet, its natural concomitant, from the unhappy people of that country, since Mr. Barrisford's refinement on that business, is now viewed here with a jealous eye. Money would hire soldiers, and soldiers would dragoon people into a compliance with any law. A law that gives universal satisfaction, needs not the daring front of a soldier to give it weight or efficacy: no, it diffuses itself mildly, without tumult, disgust, or outrage, to the most remote part of the states.—Let not then those who are only the echo of the people
persist in intruding an excise law, but, on the contrary, repeal it, and encourage, even by premiums, every art and manufacture of our own country.
Abridgement of foreign news by the late arrivals.
The amount of the property taken in Spires by the French republican General Custine, is thus enumerated—3400 muskets: 7 six pounders: 2 howitzers: 260 casks of flour: 12,720 sacks of oats and barley: 1927 trusses of hay: 1500 tents: 12 bales of shoes: and 1,770,000 livres in cash (from Spires and Worms)—The Senate of Venice had wholly declined taking any part in the war against France; alleging that their alliance could be but trifling, and that the forces they have are most wanted at home to keep out the contagion of French liberty.—The court of Spain had sent a formal message to the French Convention, that they meant not to join the league against the nation, and that their army was not upon any account to pass the Spanish frontier. Gen. Custine, in a letter dated Elderheim , Oct. 16, had informed the National Convention, that nineteen thousand Russian troops were marching into Germany, to assist in supporting the despotic cause. He adds, that they were to be followed immediately by a much larger army, with an intention to invade Silesia, to serve as an indemnification to the emperor Francis: this, it was thought, was one reason of the king of Prussia, hurrying back from the frontiers of France to his own dominions. Gen. Anselme had added Villefranche to his other conquests from the king of Sardinia. The governor of that city, tho' strongly fortified, surrendered upon summons—with the city, was captured a frigate, a sloop, all the magazines for the use of the Sardinian navy, and above 100 pieces of artillery. The town of Longwy, heretofore taken by the combined forces, was re-surrendered to the French on the 18th of October, by the king of Prussia.—Discoveries had been made that Louis the 16th, so long ago as the 10th of June 1791, had privately sent a letter of protestation to every court in Europe, disavowing all decrees he had or might sanction, while under the dominion of the National Assembly.—A decree of accusation had passed the National Convention against M. Choiseul, French ambassador at Constantinople, for co-operating with that court, and several others, in preventing the admission of M. Semonville, the ambassador named by the assembly of the nation, to supersede M. Choiseul.—The army of the French emigrants, under the Bourbon princes were reduced to a small number, most of them having quitted the service, their future prospects presenting nothing but danger, distress, and misfortune. In Ireland affairs began to wear a serious aspect; the people clamorous for a restoration of natural and equal rights. When the last accounts left that island, upwards of eighty thousand men were under arms with a determination to work a reform in government, or establish a new one for themselves.—The National Convention of France had passed a decree against the Emigrants, condemning them to perpetual exile, in form as follows:
 "Death and confiscation of property to all emigrants who inhabit, or have inhabited, countries at war with the republic."  "Confiscation of property to all who inhabit countries not at war with the republic."  "Death to all who have aided, excited, or favored emigration."  All hopes of agreement between the States of Brabant and the Austrian government had vanished, the people being inclined in all those states to revolt, and establish a republican government, under the auspices of France. The patriotic party in Holland are again exerting themselves against the Stadholder, countenanced by the French conquests, and the country was in a state of tumult when these accounts left Europe. Gen. Dumourier had signified a wish to the National Convention to retire, and had recommended Gen. Valence, as his successor. Frankfort on the Main had surrendered to Gen. Custine without the least resistance: in it were found 165 pieces of artillery, and vast quantities of military stores and ammunition. Louis the 16th, it was expected, would soon be brought to his trial, but that no capital punishment would be inflicted on him; the national vengeance being amply glutted in his degradation, and being obliged to live in the midst of free men.—The French were making preparations to over-run Italy, and little doubt existed that the triumph of liberty in France would not end till the old papal serpent called Anti-Christ is completely humbled to the dust: but to prevent this, the Emperor of Germany had issued his mandate, ordering and exhorting all the princes of Italy to unite with the king of Sardinia, in repelling the French.
[Communications from Correspondents.]
A new Titular Dictionary is said to be composing at Hartford, in Connecticut, in which will be discussed and explained the origin, etymology, and true import of all Titles, from "your majesty," "your lord-
ship," or "your highness," down to simple ESQUIRE. It is conjectured that when this work is accomplished, the claim of the above place to the old assumed title of The American Athens , will be renewed. Two Epic Poems, one Mock-Heroic, The Triumph of Infidelity, and a Spelling Book, had previously given some colour of right to this title. But the addition of A DICTIONARY will disarm Envy herself, should she attempt to dispute their claim to Parnassus.
One cannot help admiring at the weakness, or effrontery, of certain writers who would, if possible, persuade the public that no happiness, nor temporal benefit of any kind, is at present enjoyed in this country but thro' the operative influence of the federal government. Candour should induce them to confess, that no visible alteration for the better is wrought thereby on the circumstances of the generality of the people. Poverty still reigns triumphant over her thousands; and thousands after every effort of economy and industry, still shrink into the cheerless hut of want and misery, as before. Speculators and ministerial favorites may, indeed, boast of the vast blessings ensured to them from the change, and it is from these, chiefly, that certain animated eulogiums proceed. At the same time let it be remembered that this class of citizens do by no means speak the sense of the people at large—
Since federal sway hath been exerted here What numerous blessings to our country flow! Whales on our shores have run aground, Sturgeons are in our rivers found; Nay—ships have on the Delaware sail'd, A fight most new! Wheat has been sown— Harvests have grown— On coaches, now, gay coats of arms are bore By some, who hardly had a coat before— Silk gowns, instead of homespun, now are seen, Instead of native straw, the Leghorn hat: And Sir, 'tis true (Twixt me and you,) That some have grown prodigious fat That were—prodigious lean!
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SHORT CANES!
TWO bucks, having lost their bamboos in a fray, Side by side swagger'd into a toy shop one day, Each, by a new purchase, his loss to repair.— But, lo! when for payment our heroes prepare, All the cash in their pockets, together combin'd, For the purchase of one, scarce sufficient they find. In common they buy it; and, nice to a hair, In two they divide it, and each takes his share.
Our beaux economic, improving the hint, The length of their canes have determin'd to flint: And when they would buy, a whole company splic'd Their pence and their farthings to make up the price.
Hence, view the smart bear, and you soon ascertain The depth of his purse, by the length of his cane— MOMUS.
PHILADELPHIA, January 12, 1793. MATHEW CAREY
Respectfully informs the Citizens of the United States, that the Maps for his intended edition of Guthrie's Geography IMPROVED,
Are now engraving—and as soon as a sufficient number of them are finished, to secure a regular supply during the publication, which will probably be early next Spring, the work will be put to press.
He returns his acknowledgments to the very respectable number of subscribers, who have come forward thus early to patronize this arduous undertaking. He assures them and the public in general, that no pains or expense shall be spared in the execution of the work.
Terms of the Work:
 I. IT shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.  II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.  III. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.  IV. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.  V. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.  ** Subscriptions received in Philadelphia by the intended publisher; in New-York, by all the booksellers; in New-Haven, by Mr. Beers; in Hartford, by Mr. Patten; in Boston, by Messrs. Thomas and Andrews, and by Mr. West; in Baltimore, by Mr. Rice; in Richmond, by Mr. J. Carey; in Charleston, by Mr. W. P. Young, and by sundry other persons throughout the United States.

[Continuation of the Debate in the House of Representatives of the United States, on Mr. Steele's motion for the rescution of the Military Establishment.]
Wednesday, January 2.
MR. WADSWORTH first noticed Mr. Steele's statements and calculations.—These, he said, were erroneous, and even if correct, the inferences the gentleman had drawn from them did not appear to him just. He was surprised that the gentleman should so positively have pledged himself for their accuracy, when they were so very far from deserving that character. As the statements of Mr. Steele had been published to the world, he thought it right to state in what they are erroneous.
The great object of that gentleman in offering his calculations to the house, was, to shew a prodigious progressive encrease in the expences of the war department, since the establishment of the new government. For this purpose he had compared what he stated as the appropriations of the years 1790, 1791, and 1792 with one another, and with the sum now called for from that department for the year 1793; Mr. Wadsworth proceeded to shew the inaccuracy of the gentleman in this attempt, by the following statement:
Mr. Steele stated that for 1790 the appropriations for the quarter-master's department amounted to 15,000 Dols. Whereas the sum appropriated was 20,000
Omitted by Mr. Steele, 5,000 For the hospital in the same year Mr. Steele states 1,000 Sum actually appropriated 1,250
Omitted, 250 For contingencies in the same year Mr. Steele states, 3,000 Sum actually appropriated 3,750
Omitted, 750 Pay, subsistence and cloathing, for 1790, Mr. Steele states, 126,020 Sum actually appropriated 147,100.8
Omitted, 21,080.8 Total omissions for 1790 27,080.8
In the year 1791. Mr. Steele states the quarter-master's department at 25,000 Sum really appropriated, 75,000
Omitted, 50,000 The hospital department 1,635.20 Really appropriated, 5,635.20
Omitted, 4,000 Contingencies at 5,000 Appropriated 30,000
Omitted, 25,000 Pay, subsistence and cloathing at 158,475.80 Appropriated 331,788.20
Omitted, 173,312.40 Total omissions, 252,312.40
In the year 1792. Mr. Steele states the quarter-master's department at 50,000 Sum really appropriated 120,000
Omitted, 70,000 The hospital department at 6,000 Really appropriated, 15,000
Omitted, 9,000 The ordnance department at 7,204.64 Appropriated, 28,704.64
Omitted 21,500 Contingencies at 20,000 Appropriated, 50,000
Omitted, 30,000 Pay, subsistence and cloathing, 270,374.70 Appropriated, 707,405.42
Omitted, 437,030.72 Total of omissions for 1792, dollars, 567,530.72
From the foregoing the inaccuracy of Mr. Steele's statements, and of the calculations founded on them were evident.—The prodigious rapid encrease of the war
department expences did not appear, and the gentleman's saving plan, founded on the difference of the appropriation for 1792 and the sum estimated for 93 proved very trifling indeed, amounting to a few thousands only.
Mr. Wadsworth said he did not positively pledge himself for the absolute accuracy of his statements; but if there were errors in them he ventured to say they were but trifling.
He next took notice of Mr. Steele's arguments relative to the ordnance department. From what had been said by that gentleman on this he truly thought, as he had expressed it, that the business bore a ludicrous appearance: but on further enquiry, by looking over an account of the expenditures of the war department, it appeared that the large sums appropriated for the ordnance department, far from being expended in the purchase of cannon, not one shilling had gone to that use, it was all for repairs to arms, &c. The statement of the gentleman in this particular he could not conceive consistent with candor.
As the gentleman from North Carolina rested his assertion of abuses in the war department, on the statements he had produced, these assertions he conceived, he sufficiently answered, by shewing the statements mis-stated.
Mr. Wadsworth referred to parts of the Secretary at War's reports to shew that that officer had been in favor of conciliatory, and averse to hostile measures with the Indians, to another part to show his opinion where and how militia were effective.
He next turned to the causes of the war. The establishment of a war department was, in his opinion, by no means, as had been suggested, the cause of the Indian war, but rather the effect. The war existed before the establishment of the present government—it is an inheritance from the old confederation and so is the war department. The history of its origin and progress was in record, and might be traced by a reference to the resolves of Congress. The war existed in 1784. A communication received some years back from the executive of Georgia would evince its existence and shew its violence. The executive complained that the frontier was too thinly settled, and some counties broken up, and ordered out 3000 men to protect it—since that even the city of Savannah was, he had heard, so seriously threatened, that the citizens were obliged to keep guard in it—and this before the present war system.
Neither could the present mode of carrying on the war be called the creature of the war department. It was rather the President's war—or the war indeed of the house, the war of the legislature; the plan was a good one as the experience of the President in these wars made him a proper judge; it had his approbation and we know it.
He mentioned several instances of the cruelty of the whites towards the Indians, he also stated the information of Judge Innis of the depredations of the Indians; the single district of Kentucky had lost from 1783 to 1790, 1500 men, women and children, killed and taken, with 2000 horses and other property, amounting to at least 50,000 dollars, and to these he attributed the war in which we were involved. The history of the settlement of Kentucky, if recurrd to, would afford a series of causes of Indian hostilities.
He next proceeded to examine the opinion advanced of the superiority of militia over regular forces in an Indian war. He recurrd to history to disprove the opinion. So early as the year after Braddock's defeat, he said, Virginia attempted to protect itself against the incursions of the Indians by establishing a number of posts along their frontier. The Indians, notwithstanding, penetrated the frontier, came 60 miles within it and drove the inhabitants as far as Winchester. In the war which succeeded the peace of 62, garrisons, 14 or 15 in number, were established, to afford the wished for protection; they were all captured by the Indians, 3 or 4 excepted. The Pennsylvania frontier had been more than once penetrated notwithstanding the resistance of the militia. He next cited the instance of Col. Bouquet's success against the Indians with only two regiments of regular troops, which had even been much weakened by a long campaign in the West-Indies. These two regiments marched into the Indian country: At first, finding no kind of support on the frontier, and when arriving at Carlisle
where he expected to be aided by stores, troops, &c. he found a general panic had taken possession of the frontier—the county of Cumberland through which he was to pass, deserted; the roads covered with distressed families; but here having got together a few pack horses he stood in need of no, he still advanced with the few troops under his command, & gave the Indians battle. The combat lasted from one o'clock till night, was renewed the next morning, continued thro' the day and ended with the total rout and destruction of the Indian army. He then stationed his force in a commanding fort, and so effectually restored peace to the frontier and spirit to the inhabitants that they returned to their homes, which they had abandoned and lent their assistance against the foe the next campaign. With the militia of Virginia and Pennsylvania he entered the heart of the enemies country and forced the Indians to submission. He cited another instance of the success of Indians against militia. The engagement between 800 militia, under General Herkemer and 700 Indians, and others, where a total overthrow was given to the militia.
The first check the troops of the United States met with during the operation of the present war system he adverted to,—in the expedition under General Harmar. In that instance the want of vigour in the militia, is acknowledged by their own commander; and as to the expedition under Gen. St. Clair, the regulars were few and not to be named when compared with the number of the militia. The advanced guard, in this action, composed entirely of these, not only run off without firing but even threw away their guns and perhaps their coats too, which circumstance may account for the appellation of coat men , given to our men by the Indians.
He next took notice of a late instance, the engagement between Major Adair, commanding a party of militia, and some Indians. He expressed his good opinion of that officer, but the conduct of his men he wished to bring to view; and this he evinced from the commander's own letter wherein he says, "that the Indians obtained their end, the triumph is theirs," and in another place, "I will candidly confess, when they retreated, the Indians, I believe, it was more the effect of choice than necessity."
Mr. Wadsworth then combat the opinion advanced, that Indian expeditions by militia, were less expensive than by regular troops; after mentioning several facts to the contrary, he instance general Clark's western expedition which had cost, he was not prepared to say how much, but immense sums. He appealed to gentlemen who had commanded militia and continentals in the late war to declare which appeared to them the most efficient troops—the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Parker) who had spoken in favour of the resolution before the house, he said in one instance in the late war, if he recollected right, had no great reason to boast of his companions. He mentioned, as encreasing the expence, the waste of stores, inseparable from expeditions with militia, as well as waste of lives.
The settlement of Kentucky, he said, which had been protected by militia, had cost more blood than the whole American war, he believed. If the number of lives lost in that undertaking could be computed it would make the reflecting shudder.
Something had been said of the tardy nature of military operations with regular troops, and it had been remarked, that an expedition this year had not been effected. He attributed this to the slowness of the recruiting service owing to the clamour raised against the war by those opposed to the present system. Besides, the government had been blamed for not shewing pacific dispositions towards the Indians and had withheld the war, to procure peace by treaty, a vain hope.—But several attempts had been made on our part to procure peace. The fate of Harding, and others, were melancholly evidences of this truth: But the certainty was, as it appeared to him, that the Indians must be forced to make peace, they would not be quiet of choice.
A gentleman from Virginia had objected to a respectable military establishment, because it would produce an increase of military among the British and Spaniards to the north and south of us. This was no reason with him, why the United States should not make themselves respectable in the eyes of the Indians.
Some years since, they told us of their
confederacy, and to think of no separate treaties—to keep on our side of the Ohio. We now flatter ourselves with peace, because they have told us they will treat—but in what language, and by whom dictated, I am forbid to tell, the doors were closed when we received it.
The same gentleman had also mentioned those enlisting in our service as worthless characters; the sweepings of the streets, &c. They appeared to him as respectable, he said, as the generality of those who turned out in the American war.
He made some further observations on the comparative excellence of regulars and militia, and brought some further instances into view in support of his opinion.
Abuses, it had been intimated, had crept into our army; no army could be totally free from abuses, he observed, and he gave it as his opinion, that the army of the United States was as free from them as most, especially when its distance from the seat of government was considered.
He concluded by a recapitulation of the sentiments he had expressed, and which should influence him to vote against the motion. Especially as the system had been adopted after mature consideration. To change it now would argue that when it was first adopted, it was done with unbecoming haste, or shew a great instability. The Indians would laugh at us as inconsistent, and might be induced to give us the epithet of petticoat men , and no longer coat men .
In some part of his argument, he expressed it, as his opinion that notwithstanding appearances to the contrary, we should not have peace very soon.
To be continued.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
   JANUARY 1793.   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weath.     Tuesday, 1. 7 30. 1 27 N.W. Cloudy.   2 30. 24 30 N. do.   Wednesday, 2. 7 30. 1 30 S.W. Fair.   2 30. 06 41 do. Cloudy.   Thursday, 3. 7 30. 42 30 N.E. Cloudy.   2 30. 25 33 do. do. Rain.   Friday, 4. 7 29. 75 38 calm Rain.   2 29. 6 41 S.W. Cloudy.   Saturday, 5. 7 29. 9 35 N.W. Fair.   2 29. 95 42 W. Cloudy.   Sunday, 6. 7 30. 1 33 W. Cloudy.   2 30. 0 47 do. Fair.   Monday, 7. 7 29. 95 33 S.W. Fair.   2 29. 92 51 do. do.  
CHARLES BITTERS,
No. 120, South Market, near Fourth-street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured by Lot Merkel,
A large and general assortment of Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings,
Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices.
Nov. 24. 2awtf
Soon will be published
THE SYSTEM OF
Short-Hand,
Used by Mr. Lloyd, in taking down the Debates of Congress;
A SYSTEM so easy, that any man, of ordinary capacity, may clearly comprehend it in half an hour, and soon practice it, in its fullest extent, without any further instruction, than what will be conveyed in a few pages,—the whole ART being comprised in eighteen simple characters, without any of those perplexing, arbitrary marks, with which the learners of other Systems are obliged to burden their memory, and embarrass their practice.
Price, to Subscribers, One Dollar:—to Non-Subscribers, a Dollar and half.
Subscriptions received by Messrs. Rice, Booksellers, Market-street, and by
JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-street,
Half a Dollar to be paid at the time of subscribing.
A FEW COPIES OF THE
TRANSACTIONS
Of the Society instituted in the State of New-York, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANUFACTURES.
May be had at this Office.
[Price HALF a DOLLAR.]
Jan. 5.
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette.
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAINE,
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET
NEAR FIFTH-STREET,
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