Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-11-26 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 61, of Vol. III.]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 1791.
[Whole No. 269.]
BY HIS EXCELLENCY WILLIAM PATERSON, ESQUIRE, Governor, Captain-General, and Commander in Chief in and over the State of New Jersey, and territories thereunto belonging, Chancellor, and Ordinary in the same.
PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is, at all times, our duty to approach the throne of Almighty God with gratitude and praise, but more especially in seasons of national peace, plenty, and prosperity; I have, therefore, thought fit, by and with the advice and consent of the Honourable the Privy Council, to assign Thursday the eighth day of December next, to be set apart and observed as a day of PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAYER for the great and manifold mercies conferred upon this land and people; and particularly for the abundant produce of the earth, during the present year, for the spirit of industry, sobriety, and economy which prevails; for the stability and extension of our national credit and commerce, for the progress of literature, arts and science, and for the good order, peace and plenty, and the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed. And also, that we may unite in our supplications, and humbly implore the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, that he would be pleased to continue his protection and goodness to this land and people, to smile upon all schools and seminaries of learning, to promote agriculture, manufactures and commerce, to illuminate and guide our public councils, to bless our national and state governments, to enable us all to discharge our official, social and relative duties with diligence and fidelity, to eradicate prejudice, bigotry and superstition; to advance the interests of religion, and the knowledge and practice of virtue; and for this purpose to pour out his holy spirit on all ministers of the gospel, and to spread the saving light thereof to the most distant parts of the earth.
Given under my hand and seal at arms, at Trenton, the twenty-first day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
WILLIAM PATERSON.
By his Excellency's command, BOWES REED, Sec'y.
Copy of a letter from the KING of FRANCE to the National Assembly, accepting the Constitution
GENTLEMEN,
I HAVE examined with attention the Constitution which you presented me for acceptance. I accept it, and shall see it executed. This declaration would have been sufficient at another time; but at present I owe the interests of the nation and myself an explanation of the motives that have induced this acceptance. From the beginning of my reign I have been desirous of reforming abuses, and in every act of government, have wished to be guided by public opinion. Various causes, among which the situation of the finances when I came to the throne should be mentioned, as also the immense expenses unavoidably incurred for the support of an honourable war, carried on for a length of time, without an increase of taxes, had established a great disproportion between the revenues and the expenses of the state.
Fully sensible of the enormity of the evil, I not only looked for a remedy, but felt the necessity of preventing its return. I conceived the design of establishing public felicity upon a firm foundation; and to subject to invariable rules even the authority which I exercised. I called around me the nation to execute this design. In the course of events brought on by the revolution—my intentions have never varied. When, after having reformed the ancient institutions, you began to substitute for them your first works, I did not wait to give them my assent that the whole Constitution should be known to me. I favored the establishment of parts before I could judge of the whole; and though disturbances which have attended almost every step of the revolution too often were the causes of great grief to me, I always hoped that the law would resume its vigor in the hands of its new depositaries, and that as you drew towards a conclusion of your labours, every day would restore it that respect, without which the people can neither be free nor happy. I long persisted in this hope; my determination changed, when that hope left me.
Let every one call to recollection the time when I left Paris. The Constitution was nearly completed, and the authority of the laws was diminishing. Public opinions, far from being fixed, appeared to be more divided than ever. The least moderate opinions appeared alone to have weight. The licentiousness of the press was at its height, and no authority was respected. I could not obtain an acquaintance with the general will, when by looking around I could see nothing but the laws without weight and not enforced: Then, I must say it, had you presented the Constitution at that time to me, I should not have thought it the interest of the people, the constant and only rule of my conduct, that I should have accepted it.
I entertained but one sentiment: I had in view but one design: I wished to retire out of the reach of every party, and examine what was really the will of the nation. The motives that influenced my conduct, no longer exist; since the inconveniences and evils which I then complained of have struck you as they did me.
You have shown a desire to restore good order; you have attended to the undisciplined state of the army; you have seen the necessity of putting a stop to the licentiousness of the press. In the revision of your work, you have placed among the laws several articles which have been presented me as constitutional decrees. You have established a legal mode of revising the Constitution. At length the public will is known to me; I have seen it evidenced in the attachment of the people to your work, and to a monarchical form of government.
I therefore accept the Constitution, I promise to support it in the kingdom, to defend it against foreign violence, and to procure its execution by all the means which it places within my power. I declare, that convinced of the attachment of the great majority of the people to the Constitution, I gave up the right of concurrence, which I had called for in this work, and that being responsible to the nation alone, no one has a right to complain of this departure from my original requisition.
I should however deviate from truth, if I said that I have perceived in the administrative and executive authority all the energy necessary to put in motion, and preserve harmony in all the parts of this wide extended empire: But since opinions are at this time divided on this subject, I confess that experience alone should be the judge. When I shall have put into action all the powers placed in my hands, I can suffer no reproach, and the nation, whose interest should be a constant rule, will explain itself in the manner
laid down in the Constitution. But to strengthen liberty and the Constitution, to promote the individual happiness of every Frenchman, certain interests positively call for the re-union of all our efforts. These interests are, respect for the laws, the re-establishment of good order, and the re-union of citizens.
At this time the Constitution being finally established, Frenchmen living under the same laws should know no other enemies than those who disregard them—Discord and anarchy—they are our common enemies: I will oppose them with all my might. It is important that you and your successors should second my efforts with energy. Without attempting to control thought, the law protects equally all those whose actions are in conformity to it. Let those whom fear of persecutions and disturbances have driven from their country, find, when they return, security and tranquility: And to put an end to feuds, to soften the distresses which a great revolution always occasions, and, that the law may from this time command with full energy and be well executed, let us consent to forget the past. Let accusations and prosecutions, which took their rise in events which accompanied the revolution, die away, and let an universal reconciliation take place. I make no mention of those who have been guided only by their attachment for me: Is it possible that you should deem them guilty?—With regard to those who, having been guilty of excesses that involved personal injuries, have drawn upon their heads the vengeance of the laws, I prove to them, that I am King of all Frenchmen.
P. S. I have thought, gentlemen, that I ought to pronounce my solemn acceptance of the Constitution in the midst of the Representatives of the Nation, and on the spot where the Constitution was framed; I shall therefore come to the National Assembly to-morrow at noon.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, SEPT. 13.
After the King had subscribed the oath, the President made the following ANSWER.
INVETERATE abuses, which had long triumphed over the good intentions of our best Kings, and which would still have continued to defy the authority of the throne, kept France under oppression.
The National Assembly, entrusted with the wishes, the rights and power of the people, has, by the destruction of all abuses, re-established the solid foundation of public prosperity.
Sire, what the National Assembly has decreed, is ratified by the consent of the people: the most complete execution in all the parts of the empire attests the general assent. It defeats the weak schemes of those whom discontent has too long rendered blind to their own interests. It promises to your Majesty, that you will no longer wish in vain for the happiness of the French.
The National Assembly has nothing more to wish for on this ever-memorable day, wherein you consummate, in the midst of them, the most solemn engagement—the acceptance of the constitutional royalty. It is the attachment of the French—it is their confidence which confer upon you this pure and respectful title to the fairest crown in the universe: and that which secures it to you, is, Sire, the inexhaustible authority of a Constitution freely decreed: it is the invincible strength of a people, who has felt itself worthy of liberty: it is the want of hereditary monarchy, which will always be indispensable to such a great nation.
When your Majesty, expecting from experience the light which it will throw upon the practical results of the Constitution, promises to maintain it within and to defend it against enemies from without, the nation, relying on the justice of their rights, and on the consciousness of their strength and courage, as well as on the earnestness of your co-operation, cannot see any ground of alarm from without, and will concur by its quiet confidence in the quick success of its internal government.
How great to our eyes, dear to our hearts, and how sublime will appear in our history the era of this regeneration, which gives citizens to France—a country to the French; to you as a king, a title to greatness and glory, and to you, as a man, a new source of enjoyment and new functions of happiness!
The following Address from the General Assembly of St. Domingo, was read in the House of Representatives of the United States, on Monday last. TO THE HONORABLE THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
GENTLEMEN,
IN our letter of the 24th of last August, you received information of the misfortunes, which had befallen the northern part of this flourishing colony. Our whole force, though very limited, has been levelled against the ravagers, who are laying it waste; and we have so far accomplished our ends, as, if not to effect their total reduction, at least to check the evil in its progress. That unhappy catastrophe forced the General Assembly of the French part of Saint Domingo to embrace every means of safety, indispensable in similar cases, and rendered necessary by the urgency of circumstances; in consequence of which, the shipping in general, and, among the rest, the vessels belonging to your nation, have experienced some little delay in their departure. But, desirous of maintaining the union and harmony, that subsist between France (of which we constitute a part) and your States—desirous also of testifying, as far as in their power, their grateful acknowledgment of the generous services, offered and rendered to the colony, by the brave subjects of the United States—the General Assembly, in concert with the King's representative, have in the first place, set aside the Droit d'Aubaine , in favor of such as might fall victims to their own zeal and courage. The Assembly would have wished to abolish it forever, and to extend the exemptions to the Americans in general, but this object being a constitutional
point, they intend to apply for it to the mother country; and we have not a doubt, that she will eagerly gratify our wishes.
In the next place, having taken into consideration the obstacles, experienced by Mr. Sylvanus Bourne your consul in this colony, to the registry of his credentials—obstacles, which were occasioned by certain formal defects—the General Assembly hastened to remove them, and to give orders that the said credentials should be registered.
Finally, under the constant influence of those principles of justice and equity, which cement the union between the two allied nations, and desirous of corresponding with the views of France, who will ever hold dear that memorable epoch, when she saw permanent security given to the unlimited freedom of a nation, that has furnished her with the glorious example, for the recovery of her own rights so long misunderstood—the General Assembly have, in favor of the Americans, hastened to take off the embargo, which the unfortunate situation of affairs had obliged them to lay on all vessels without distinction.
But in vain would the colony have recovered her former tranquility, if the means of applying a speedy remedy to the evil were not to be employed. The General Assembly have therefore determined to send to your body two new commissioners, Messrs. De Beauvois and Payan, who are provided with letters from the Assembly and the King's representative.
The General Assembly do not entertain a doubt, that you will together with a favorable reception to them, give your assent to the requisitions which they are empowered to make of you, the success of which will undoubtedly extend its influence to the commerce, which the subjects of the United States carry on with this colony.
With this pleasing hope, we contemplate their departure, and direct them to the representatives of a generous nation, the friend and ally of France since the year 1782, the period when she fully recovered her liberty.
I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servant, J. PONCIGNON, President. Cape-Francois, October 13, 1791.
CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, TUESDAY NOVEMBER 15, 1791.
IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE. Debate on the Ratio of Representation.
(CONTINUED.)
MR. STEELE laid he should not have troubled the committee again if his observations had not been distorted by the remarks which had been made on them; he hoped that what he should offer on some of the opinions which had fallen from gentlemen in opposition to him would be received with that candor with which he should deliver them. He professed to be as warm a friend to the liberties of the people as any man, but he differed in his ideas respecting the measures which would most effectually secure them; the present question he thought was not particularly interesting to the liberties of the people, as the point of difference would not make a very great variation in that number of the representative body which appeared to be the most eligible to the majority of the committee; but the principle contended for, he conceived had a very important aspect on the stability of the government; the subject therefore should be considered principally with respect to legislation; the great and essential principles of which he observed were involved in the discussion—and here he thought that our own experience was the best instructor, for the examples quoted from Great-Britain did not in his opinion apply to this country in all respects; the circumstances of the people of the respective countries are essentially different.

The States experiencing the difficulties arising from numerous representative assemblies have in several instances diminished them; the endless divisibility of power consequent on such numbers had fully satisfied the people that the want of responsibility was the pernicious effect of a large representation; they are therefore reducing those unwieldy bodies as fast as they can.—Pennsylvania he said, appeared to be far happier since the reduction of its assembly.
A large sphere of representation gave the people a fairer opportunity to select the best characters; they could exercise their own judgments unbiased and uninfluenced; the trust was greater, which was conferred, and in proportion to its magnitude would be the public solicitude that it should not be improperly delegated—besides which, it is, said he, impossible in a large sphere of representation for candidates to practice those little arts, so common at elections—nor can they go round and take every little demagogue of the district by the hand to secure his vote.
As European examples had been recurred to, he would mention one circumstance which confirmed the justice of his remarks, those parts of Great-Britain which are divided into the largest districts, send the smallest number of representatives, such as London and the county of Yorkshire; the latter tho' containing more inhabitants than the ancient dominion, sends only two members to parliament—and the members of those districts, it is remarkable, have always been the staunchest friends of the liberties of the people. In noticing the remarks of Mr. Giles and Mr. Findley he said, that the object of representation was different from that of giving information to their constituents; legislation was their great business—and not making up weekly large packets to send off to the influential characters in the districts which the members represented on the floor of that house. The people it is true have a right to be informed of public measures, and it is the indispensable duty of government to make provision for that purpose; and this ought to be done through the medium of the Post-Office—this medium is the only competent one, as it will open the way for that general information which is necessary to the security, and to the liberties of the people.
With respect to security from corruption by means of a numerous representation, he still retained his former opinion; he did not anticipate evils from that quarter.
He observed that in the warmth of debate he had before expressed himself with rather more zeal, than he wished he had; but as he thought an undue degree of censure had been the consequence, it was become necessary in some measure to justify himself, by citing some examples to shew what excels a very numerous representative body may be guilty of. He then related a fact which occurred in Virginia, the Legislature of which on a certain time had acted in a legislative executive and judicial capacity on the same occasion—he also instanced a more recent fact in the secession from their duty, of a considerable body of the representatives of Pennsylvania—these facts demonstrated that a numerous representative body was liable to a mobbish spirit.
He next adverted particularly to some remarks of Mr. Giles, and concluded by saying that if the ratio is at this time fixed at 30,000, it must hereafter be encreased, in doing which, some serious difficulties may take place, especially in respect to those states whose number of representatives must in that case be reduced—he thought it best therefore to agree at the present time on a larger ratio.
Mr. Clark said he did not rise to trouble the House with a lengthy discourse, for he had always believed that long speeches answer no valuable purpose; he meant only to offer a few remarks on what had been said in opposition to his former observations, and he hoped, that although the gentlemen contend for the ratio of 30,000 as the only basis whereon to found the liberties of the people, he should not be stigmatized with the name of an aristocrat, for voting in favor of a large ratio. Hitherto he had not borne that character, and he could not suppose himself yet infected, unless he had caught the disorder since he became a member of the present House. Much had been said about the influence of the bank, and that bank directors were members of the House of Representatives: the bank said he is public property, and therefore he could not see the force of the gentleman's arguments respecting the dangerous influence of that institution, unless it was, that he was displeased at the distribution of the shares, so much of the stock being held at New-York and to the eastward; and so little at Connogocheque. In the same predicament he viewed the other objections respecting the influence of speculators, for he did not know that any members of the House were speculators, neither could he see any danger from bribery.
In reply to Mr. Findley's observation, that more wisdom would be brought into the House by increasing the ratio, he asked whether this
would not also bring in more folly? for the probability is, that the ratio of both wisdom and folly will increase with the increase of numbers, and likewise of honesty and dishonesty: and with respect to the smallness of the district, or that it was safer for a small number to send a member than a greater, he was of a different opinion, as he believed, that if ever the practice of bribery should come into play in America, it would be easier for a representative to purchase a small district than a large one: if ever the liberties of the people are endangered, it will not be by the smallness of the representation but by the corruption of electors and elections: This is the door which Congress should guard in the strictest manner, and that will secure the people against corruption in the House.
A gentleman from Georgia has observed, that the disposition of a great many millions of dollars has been in the hands of a quorum of this House, of whom it requires only 17 to form a majority; on this Mr. Clark observed that the old Congress which was composed of a much smaller number, were entrusted with the disposal of larger sums, although there were sometimes only two members from the largest State, Virginia, and no complaints were heard of their conduct.
But there is an argument which ought to have weight in the present question.—The Senate, although a much smaller body than this House, are fully competent to judge of our proceedings and of the safety of the country: indeed, said Mr. Clark, it appears very evident to me that we are not in want of a larger number in the House of Representatives to debate any question, if it be considered how much has already been said on the subject now before us.
Mr. Vining expressed much surprise that the subject, which to him appeared perfectly definable, should have occasioned the debate to travel so widely from the line marked out by the Constitution. The pendulum seems to vibrate between the numbers 81, 96, and 113; and should that pendulum rest on any one of them in preference to the others, he could not suppose that it would affect the liberties of America. Why, therefore, all this extraneous argument about a point of so easy decision? We are sent here to administer the government; the first principles of which are already fixed, so that neither branch can encroach on the other. The Senate, the House of Representatives, the President, have each defined powers; and whilst those remain, I shall always believe the liberties of America are invulnerable.
Under this impression, Mr. Chairman, I shall vote for striking out 30,000, in order to accommodate the question to a medium. But I shall do this on different principles from some other gentlemen; notwithstanding I at the same time confess that the ratification of the first amendment to the Constitution ought to govern us in deciding this question. The spirit of the amendment appears to me clearly to imply, that we should not suffer the number of Representatives to exceed one for 30,000. I am here not as a person who shall exercise discretionary opinions, but judge by the letter of the Constitution: and in this case we may increase the number, but we cannot make it less after the enumeration. In the mean time, until that enumeration is complete, the representation remains as it has been hitherto, which I believe may be about one member to every 40 or 41 thousand.
If we go upon theory only, I would enlarge the representation to its greatest extent, and hand down the principle to futurity in letters of gold, that a very great representation—that democracy is the very best government that can possibly be devised, provided it were practicable to give it stability. Next to a government as free as theory could extend, we have the freest in the world; a government of representation, which will increase with the population of the country, and the ten new States will always preserve an equilibrium; but if you increase it to an extreme, you may render it tumultuous, although it may be safe.
Mr. Chairman, a great deal has been said of the necessity of planting strong guards against the invasions of influential characters. Sir, I fear no corruption; neither can I see the ground on which it can make an entry into these walls. In the British Parliament I will admit that corruption has planted her standard; but that is the natural consequence of a very large representation, and a constitution widely different from ours; and yet in that body, how many patriots have we not known to hold forth the language of freedom, as loud and warm as in any part of the earth!—But to what end would corruption be attempted in this government, which is in itself perfectly rotatory? The President is elective every four years; the Senate by interlocations from two to six years; and the House of Representatives every two years. Then surely, sir, there is no need of guards to prevent the encroachments of corruption; and the argument is not in the least applicable to the present system of our affairs. The difference between
the state legislatures and the national one, affords another security to the citizen. They have the power of life and death, of making laws, &c.&c. and Congress have a concurrent legislation in such affairs as are proper. Election forms another barrier in favor of the liberties of the people; for whilst elections are kept pure and free, there is double security.
Calculations have been exhibited by several gentlemen; and I have likewise made one, although not so old or experienced in calculations as some. But I find that all those vibrate between the ratios of 30 and 40 thousand; and it is conceded that the people will be better represented by adopting the small ratio, which produces the largest representation. But, sir, how many of the people are there who are not represented? Is the slave? The infant requires nothing more than nourishment from nature. By misapplying calculations, you may narrow down the government so much as to endanger its dissolution; but if kept in a due medium, you ensure safety. The present is a larger representation than either France or England boasts. I wish, Mr. Chairman, to support the state governments, but I also wish to support the federal government.
I cannot, however, see the propriety of comparing this to the government of Great-Britain, although that is called a government of representation, consisting of two Houses of Parliament, one of which is elective; the lords are hereditary, and the king can do no wrong; and it has hitherto been, I believe, the next best government, after our own, in the world. And yet we know with how much reluctance Ireland obtained a participation of the trade and commerce of Great-Britain: although a Flood bellowed forth with the voice of liberty like a Demosthenes, still nothing could induce the British ministry to give way, until the volunteers effected it. And have we not the volunteers, sir, in this country, to protect our rights? Yes, sir: the American volunteers are perfectly competent to this service.
To return to calculation of the ratio of representation. Admitting the state of South-Carolina to return 200,000 inhabitants, then the ratio of one to 34,000 will produce 100 members; if the ratio of 30,000 be adopted, there will be an increase of 13 members, and afterwards the ratio will be one to every 40,000, until the House shall consist of 200 members, after which there shall not be less than 200 Representatives, nor more than one for every 50,000 inhabitants. This, sir, is the spirit of the amendment already adopted by nine states; and shall we not exercise the discretionary power delegated to us, by giving celerity to the measure by a bill? I agree with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that a trifling expence is no object compared to the security of the people; but I am sorry to hear anything of locality or the passions of the people introduced, for the voice of the people; for if locality and passion were to govern this House, instead of vox populi we should soon have occasion to term it by another name, the vox diaboli .
I am under no apprehensions from the stockholders of the bank, or the speculators in the funds; for it is their interest to have a wise and good representation. The people who are employed in the more simple path of agriculture, removed at a great distance, are not more interested in the security of the government than the more informed stockholder. As an example of the discernment of the great commercial people of London and Bristol, I need only mention their choice of a Fox and a Burke, for until a late day Mr. Burke was the champion of the people and the friend of liberty.
If our Senate should take any unwarrantable stride towards aristocracy, have we not the power to check them? No President can very well attempt it at any time hereafter; and we are perfectly secure in the present time from all suspicion of corruption.
The state which I represent contains 59,000 inhabitants, and yet I shall feel myself acting in the line of my duty by voting for a ratio of 34,000, as coming nearest to the spirit of the amendment. A due proportion of firmness I think necessary in the government, and we shall weaken it by any change which is not for the better. I shrink from nothing, sir, but a breach of my duty, and it is not the public voice, so much as the public good, that ought to be considered.
In reply to the analogy introduced by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, of a road, I will beg leave to mention another. Suppose a pillar was to be raised which could be easily effected by 100 men, and that two or three hundred were employed, would not this, in the language of the venerable Franklin, be paying dear for the whistle? But this is a subject which I should be sorry to view with a ludicrous face; it is a question of liberty, wherein the state governments have an equal share of security: and let the pendulum of the ratio light either below or above 97, or 113, there is equal safety; and all that has been said goes to prove that as the population increases, we ought to increase the representation in that ratio, and at present I think the number 34,000 will meet the sense of America.

WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 23.
The Speaker laid before the house a report from the Secretary of the department of war, on the petitions of the widows, children and executors of sundry commissioned officers, who perished during the late war. Referred to the committee appointed to prepare a bill making compensation to the widows, orphans and representatives of deceased officers of the late army.
Mr. Madison presented a memorial from the Quakers of the state of Virginia, praying immunity from militia duty. Referred to the committee of the whole on the militia bill.
The house then proceeded to the consideration of the amendments proposed by the committee of the whole house to the "bill apportioning the representation of the people of the United States according to the first enumeration."
Mr. Sedgwick moved an amendment, for settling the ratio at thirty four thousand; and called for the yeas and nays.
The question was taken on this motion, and lost. The yeas and nays were as follow:
Yeas. —Messrs. Ames, Ashe, Barnewell, Boudinot, B. Bourne, S. Bourne, Dayton, Gilman, Goodhue, Hillhouse, Kitchell, Livermore, Niles, Sedgwick, J. Smith, I. Smith, W. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Thatcher, Ward—21.
Nays. —Messrs. Baldwin, Brown, Benson, Findley, Gerry, Giles, Gordon, Gregg, Griffin, Grove, Hartley, Heister, Huger, Jacobs, Kittera, Lawrence, Learned, Lee, Macon, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Seney, Sheredine, Sumpner, Sylvester, Treadwell, Tucker, Venable, Wadsworth, Wayne, White, Williamson, Willis—38.
The house having gone through the amendments, and further amended the bill, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole (Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair) and proceeded to the further consideration of the report of the committee of elections on the election of Mr. J. F. Mercer, as representative for the state of Maryland, in the room of Mr. Pinckney, who had resigned his appointment.
After a debate of some length, the committee rose, having agreed to the report of the standing committee of elections, with amendments; which being adopted by the house, Mr. Mercer is recognized as entitled to sit in the house, to represent the state of Maryland. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 24.
A bill apportioning the representation of the people of the United States according to the first enumeration, was brought in, engrossed, and read the third time—and on the question shall the bill pass? Mr. Bourne, of Rhode-Island, suggested some objections to an immediate decision—and wished at least that it might be postponed till there was a fuller house—laid on the table by agreement.
Mr. Bourne (R. I.) presented the petition of William Arnold, praying the renewal of a lost certificate of public debt; read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. Sundry petitions praying compensations, pensions, &c. were read and referred to the Secretary of war.
The petition of Joseph Hawkins and Beverly Winflow, presented by Mr. Madison, was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. White presented a bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, which was read the first and second time, and made the order of the day for Monday next—to be printed in the interim.
Mr. Dayton reported a bill for extending the time limited for settling the accounts of the United States with the individual States—read a first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house on Tuesday next.
Mr. Schoonmaker presented the petition and memorial of Hendrick Doyer, a distiller of gin in the city of New-York—read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The question on passing the representation bill was determined by ayes and noes, as follow:
Ayes. —Messrs. Ames, Ashe, Baldwin, Barnewell, Benson, S. Bourne, Findley, Giles, Gordon, Gregg, Griffin, Grove, Hartley, Heister, Hillhouse, Huger, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittera, Lawrence, Learned, Lee, Macon, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Parker, Schoonmaker, Sedgwick, Seney, W. Smith, Sumpner, Sylvester, Treadwell, Tucker, Venable, Wadsworth, Ward, Wayne, White, Williamson, Willis—43.
Noes. —Messrs. Boudinot, Bourne, Dayton, Gilman, Goodhue, Livermore, Niles, Sheredine, J. Smith, I. Smith, Sturges, Thatcher—12.
The title of the bill, on motion of Mr. Tucker, was altered to read thus—"An act apportioning Representatives of the several States, according to the first enumeration."
The report of the committee on the petition of James Jackson was taken into consideration by the committee of the whole house.
Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair. The report being read by the Clerk, Mr. Wayne rose and observed, that about eleven months were now elapsed since the election, which
is at present called in question, had taken place—that the house was already upwards of four weeks in session—that the petitioner must surely have had time sufficient to come forward, at the first meeting of the house, to support the charges contained in his petition—that it could hardly be imagined the want of time prevented him from advancing—No!—it was rather to be supposed, that he was kept back by the want of evidence, to substantiate those charges; and perhaps by the expectation of procuring a majority in the Legislature of Georgia, to countenance his claims:—these were facts, which, he believed, were not unknown to some gentlemen in the house:—the same arts, the same practices, the same manoeuvres, which had procured a presentment from the grand jury, against the election in question, and even against some of the acts of the general government, might perhaps be expected to prevail at length with the legislative body.
The newspapers (he observed) have teemed, on this occasion, with testimonies and affidavits, procured during several months past; as to the manner in which they had been obtained, that, he said, was a subject of investigation for a future day—some of them were under the signatures of persons who had never read, nor were capable of reading them—he felt for the situation of some of those individuals, as they were already presented for perjury on that occasion.
He declared that he entertained not the most distant desire to procrastinate an enquiry into the merits of the election—but he must observe, that it could not but be obvious to every gentleman on the floor, that no other country in the world would countenance the mode in which Mr. Jackson had proceeded, by the publication of ex-parte evidence on a subject that was to come under the investigation of the house.
He concluded by declaring his unwillingness to trespass on the time of the committee—he would therefore only beg leave to recapitulate, that eleven months were elapsed since the election took place; and that the petitioner had, ever since, been industriously employed in procuring evidence:—if the committee should be disposed to indulge the gentleman with further time for that purpose, he would not, for his part, make the smallest objection to granting him that indulgence:—should they think proper to adopt the report now under consideration, which seemed to contemplate and even to invite the advances of that gentleman, he would have no objection to meet him upon that ground, or upon any other, provided it were honorable ground.
The committee then proceeded to consider the resolutions limiting a time for the trial, and regulating the mode in which it is to be conducted; and after having made sundry amendments thereto, rose; reported progress, and asked leave to sit again. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1791.
Mr. Key, member from the state of Maryland, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat this day.
Mr. Wadsworth reported a bill for making compensation to widows, orphans and invalids in certain cases—read the first and second times, and made the order of the day for Monday next—interim to be printed.
A bill for the relief of David Cook was read the first time.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the select committee to which was referred the petition of James Jackson.
The committee agreed to sundry amendments, which were reported to the House.
The House further amended the report, and then accepted the same—The debates, both in the committee and the House were lengthy and ingenious—the original report was materially altered; the clauses which provided for the intervention of a committee to investigate the facts, were struck out—and the whole business is, according to the report, to be primarily discussed in the House. Adjourned till Monday.
PARIS, September 14.
The manner in which Louis XVI. has signified his acceptance of the Constitutional Act, has had a wonderful effect on the minds of the People.
In a few days the jails will be thrown open; and it is hoped that a general Amnesty and Oblivion will be followed by the happiness of a People, who, by their perseverance and exertions, seem worthy of that Liberty which they are about to enjoy.
Four o'clock, in the Afternoon.
The King this day went to the National Assembly at twelve o'clock, and publicly avowed his acceptance of the Constitution, in the presence of an immense multitude of spectators: the ceremony which was grand and awful, was accompanied by a general discharge of the artillery belonging to the National Guards.
His Majesty did not appear in the CORDON BLEU, notwithstanding the Decree of the Assembly; and very graciously observed, that "he wished not to be distinguished by any external mark of dignity, from the rest of the citizens."
As soon as the expressions of joy and content which broke out at the conclusion of the reading the King's letter were subsided, M. de la Fayette spoke as follows:—Gentlemen, I should wrong the sentiments of the National Assembly, if I did not confine myself to a simple motion upon the wish which the King has just now expressed with regard to oblivion of injuries.
Philadelphia, November 26.
The President of the United States has been pleased to issue letters patent recognizing the appointment of FRANCIS JAMES VER CROCKE, Esq. of Charleston (S. C.) as Vice-Consul of her Most Faithful Majesty the Queen of Portugal, for the State of South-Carolina.
An act for incorporating the Subscribers to the plan for promoting Manufactures in the United States, having passed the Legislature of the State of New-Jersey, we hear that a meeting of the Subscribers is to be held at Trenton on Monday next, for the purpose of choosing Directors.
There has been a considerable hurricane in the West-Indies, great damage is sustained at St. Eustatius, St. Thomas, St. Martins and St. Kitts, and many vessels were lost.
A vessel has arrived at Cape-Francois, in a short passage from Bourdeaux, which brought an account of the appointment of Count Dillon to the Government of Hispaniola, and that he was to have embarked for his Government the 12th of October, with 4000 troops.
By accounts from St. Domingo, to the 3d of November, it appears that the situation of the whites is truly distressing, that the blacks had lost no ground, but in every engagement acted with astonishing intrepidity.
An Almanac, for 1792, is published at Baltimore by Benjamin Banneker, a free Negro, born in Baltimore. The calculations of this Almanac are so accurate, that the publication is said to do credit to the Editors, Messrs. Goddard and Angel.
A man by the name of Delong , was on the 19th inst. committed to jail at Easton, Pennsylvania, charged with the murder of his wife.
A London paper of 19th Sept. mentions, that an American Schooner, commanded by Capt. Metcalf, which made a successful voyage to China, called at the Sandwich Islands in November last, on her return home—the crew were surprised by the Natives, and every one murdered.
A lover of useful knowledge, in London, hath, some time ago, offered, as a donation to the American Philosophical Society for promoting useful knowledge, held at Philadelphia, the sum of Two Hundred Guineas, to be by them vested in a secure and permanent fund, to the end that the interest arising therefrom should be annually disposed of, in premiums, to be adjudged, by the society, to the author of the best discovery, or most useful invention, relating to navigation, astronomy, or natural philosophy, mere natural history only excepted.
The AMERICAN APOLLO, to be published weekly in Boston, will contain 16 large demy pages each number, stitched in a cover; from four to eight pages will be generally appropriated to the publications which shall be made by the Historical Society lately established in Boston—the remaining pages will be filled with essays, moral, political and poetical, daily occurrences, &c. &c. The cover to be reserved for advertisements. A title page and index at the end of the year. Price Two Dollars per annum, exclusive of postage—The subscribers to be always one half dollar in advance.—The above will doubtless be an interesting and entertaining publication.
SAYS A CORRESPONDENT,
Some time since the public was informed that the law of Droit d'Aubaine was in force in the French Islands; shortly after, an extract was published from the proceedings of the National Assembly, purporting a total repeal of that law. A late letter from Cape-Francois informs, that on a petition from the American Merchants, "the odious Droit d'Aubaine was unanimously abolished"—but the letter from the General Assembly to Congress, lately read in the House of Representatives, says that the Droit d'Aubaine is (only) set aside in favor of such (Americans) as might fall victims to their zeal and courage [in fighting the blacks]—the exemption is not extended to Americans in general.
The beneficial effects of the funding system have been so generally acknowledged, that every measure which can compleat it must be agreeable to the citizens of the United States. It must however continue defective, as long as there remain unfunded debts, whether they be continental or state debts. Indeed, since Congress have assumed the state debts, they have become continental; and any provision which shall be made for the unsubscribed part of one species of debt, must of course be extended to the other. If any preference be given, it should rather be to those who were willing to subscribe, but from the limitation of the assumption have been unable, than to those who were able to subscribe, but from an avaricious spirit have been unwilling. More favor should be shewn to those who had confidence in the government, and accepted the terms offered, than to those who either wanted confidence, or have spurned at those terms. In every point of view, justice, policy and consistency, dictate a complete assumption of, and provision for those debts which were avowedly contracted for the general defence and common welfare.
When people complain of the burden of the Excise, it is natural to understand that they mean its tendency to impoverish the community, by draining the wealth of individuals into the public coffers. Without beating our brains out against the posts of speculation, let a plain man, who knows how he earns his money, and how other folks spend theirs, ask this plain question—How much richer would he become in case the excise was suspended for seven years? If his sons and his laborers should drink six juleps each of a morning, tax free, would it put more grain into his corn-flack?—So long as taxes are confined to articles which it is no discredit for people to deny themselves, who can complain of oppression?
AMENDMENT.
A correspondent would enquire, whether in pursuance of the prevailing idea, that the general interest will be promoted by a more full representation of the people in Congress, it would not be an improvement on the proposed plan of representation, if the people through the Union were divided into districts of thirty thousand each, without any regard to states—beginning either at New-Hampshire or Georgia? Two obvious advantages would result from this mode; there would be few, or no fractions—and local or state attachments would be lost, in the general idea of Continental Representation .
☞ If a "Friend and Customer" will call on the Editor, he will convince him that he labors under a mistake.
From PELOSI's MARINE LIST.
ARRIVALS at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
  Brig Commerce, Jones, Cape-Francois   Schooner Adonis, Goddard, Jamaica   Newbern Packet, Ridgway, Virginia   Salem Packet, Smith, Ditto. 
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
FUNDED DEBT.
  6 pr. Cents 21/10 pr. £. 109 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 12 3/4 61 3/4 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 13 1/2 66 do. 
UNFUNDED DEBT.
  Final Sett. and other Certificates 19/6 20/ par.   Indents 11/6 57 1/2 do.   Bank Subscriptions, 140 to 143 Dollars. 

FROM THE AMERICAN SPY, PUBLISHED IN LANSINGBURG STATE OF NEW-YORK.
ONCE, says the fable, thief combin'd with thief, Contriv'd a plot to steal a piece of beef: This, watchful, first the tempting surlain took, Which t'other, fly, conceal'd beneath his cloak; This had not took (to crown the guileful cheer) That swears by Jove he had not got the meat: Thus cloak'd their crime by shew of truth and wit; So master butcher he was fairly bit.
O! would to God such petty frauds and crimes Would gratify the knaves of modern times! But mightier thieves infest mankind of late, Who scarcely blush to cabbage half a State; With great commission mighty misers rob, Alas, a plum is but a modern job!
A State Divan, in power and office high, With dread preface survey their period nigh; (For, by progression, all must rise who thine, And ev'ry star that rises must decline) Who, like th' unrighteous steward, as we read, Are hoarding something 'gainst a time of need; To make their misters', debtors kind and thrifty, For ev'ry hundred bid them write down fifty; Win o'er th' unrighteous mammon to their cause, Securely cheat, and triumph o'er the laws: That stiff state-robe that's wrapt around the great, Cloaks blacker crimes than hangs a needy cheat.
Man rais'd to power, and holding it too long, To yield that pow'r to them may seem a wrong, And cause to curse that spirit of the nation That blasts the hopes of heredit'ry succession, And purchase large dominions of their own, Which, like Pizarro, they can rule alone. Hence large possessions in the West are fold, And in one vortex whirls a people's gold. But think ye, reader, barely for himself Plump Me, has purchas'd all that world of pelf? If not, then search the hidden myl'try, where An honor'd something fills an honor'd chair, Turn back the copious cloak, perhaps a patent Is in the pocket snug;—but, hush! 'tis latent.
SIMONIDES.
PHILADELPHIA.
A CORRESPONDENT OBSERVES,
IT is certainly among the first duties of a legislative body to provide as far as possible the means for diffusing among all the citizens of a free country, information respecting their rights and privileges—a knowledge of the laws by which they are governed, and the reasons on which those laws are founded—also such political, moral and social intelligence as has special reference to their freedom, peace, security and happiness. Impressed with this idea, the legislature of the United States has provided, by law, for the publication of their acts and resolutions, on a liberal and extensive scale, not only in volumes, for the use of the several state legislatures, but also in several of the newspapers of the respective states. This provision, so far as it goes, is salutary; but it is obvious that it is also necessary to the existence and administration of the government. It therefore now remains, to complete a patriotic system of general information, that adequate provision be made to diffuse, with punctuality and certainty, that mass of intelligence which our numerous periodical publications afford.
In the most enlightened countries of Europe, this information is circulated through the medium of the post-office—for experience fully shews, that no private arrangements which can be made will be found adequate to the purpose. Since the glorious revolution in France has taken place, that wise and sagacious people, by their national assembly, have opened the channels of intelligence upon a plan so liberal and universal as to have produced the most astonishing effects. In England, it has been asserted that the newspapers are circulated through the medium of the post-office to all parts of the kingdom.
As this country has exhibited examples to mankind of a just and liberal policy on many important points, and which have been applauded and adopted by some of the oldest countries in Europe, the examples above recited justly demand our imitation—but, independent of this consideration, the merits of the business claim the fullest attention of our civil fathers—and when to this is added the weight of the public opinion so decidedly in its favor, a doubt cannot exist of every thing being done to meet the wishes of the people.
„Two very liberal events have transpired in the preceding year—Mr. Wilberforce, for his endeavors to effect an abolition of the slave trade, has been hung in effigy—and Dr. Priestley, for rejoicing that twenty-five millions of people have been restored to liberty, has had his house burnt, and himself threatened with broiling. Liberal times these!”
EXTRACTS.
“With the liberty of the press, a bad Constitution may be improved, and vicious instruments reformed; without this liberty, the best Constitution may be corrupted, the wisest laws may degenerate.”
“What is a momentary calumny against a whole life devoted to virtue, against disinterested actions, against important services?”
Bank of the United States.
PHILADELPHIA, November 22, 1791.
THE STOCKHOLDERS of the BANK of the UNITED STATES are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five DIRECTORS will be held at the Bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the second day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And, pursuant to the eleventh section of the Bye-Laws, the Stockholders of the said Bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Tuesday the third day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
Second fundamental Article of Statute of Incorporation.
“Not more than three-fourths of the Directors in office, exclusive of the President, shall be eligible for the next succeeding year. But the Director who shall be President at the time of an election, may always be re-elected.” [epitf]
GEORGE MEADE
Has for SALE, at his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF, A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old bills of exchange Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, hoghead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old. Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hoghead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter chests of first quality Hyson TEA. He has just received by the Pigeon, Loxley, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, Capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted; a few bales of red and white FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality.
He has also to dispose of, a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will, through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HAND-SPIKES. He is purchasing FLAX-SEED and BEES-WAX, and will give the highest price for them.
N.B. A few hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just received, and to be disposed of.
Philadelphia, November 16, 1791. (cp 6w.)
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON,
Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL,
AND NEW-HAVEN
LOTTERY TICKETS,
To be had at the same place.
JOHN PINTARD,
SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER, PURCHASES and SELLS
PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission,
at the following rates:
ON the specie amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent.
On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent.
On remittances, ditto.
Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest.
For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer.
Such persons as may incline to favor the subscriber with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch. His long experience and extensive dealings in the public stocks, together with a well established correspondence throughout the United States, enable him to conduct his operations with peculiar benefit to his employers.
JOHN PINTARD, New-York, No. 57, King-Street.
October 15, 1791.
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, PEAR-STREET,
A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS,
Which may be seen every day, until five o'clock, P. M.
Among them are the following:
Folio. HOMER, Xenophon, Plato, Plutarch, Eusebius, Sozomen, Theodoret, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Paternus, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thesaurus Ciceronis. Biblia Junii and Tremellii, Bible de Martin, Wells's Maps, Scapulae—Phavorini—Martini—Hoffmanni Lexica, Vossii Etymologicon, Antiquit. Eccles. Britannica, &c.
Quarto. Pindar, Cyropaedia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phaedrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Ciceronis op. om. Caesar, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ars Gram. Cluverii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c.
Octavo et infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poetae minores Gr. Isocrates, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Plautus, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Aulonius, Buchanan, Sallust, Curtius, Florus, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hist. August. Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars, &c. &c.
Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Booksellers, Market-Street, or of JOHN CAREY, October 31. (cp 8f.)
The First and Second Volumes of the HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, (To which is prefixed an accurate Map of the State)
By the Rev. JEREMY BELKNAP,
Are ready for Delivery to Subscribers—who may receive their Books on application to HAZARD & ADDOMS, at the Corner of Chestnut and Third Streets.
The above two volumes contain the political history of the State, from its first settlement to the adoption of the present Constitution of the United States;—the third, containing a geographical description of the State, sketches of its natural history, &c. is in the press.
** A few copies of the first two volumes for sale—price 20f. November 5, 1791.
Funds of the United States.
ALL kinds of the Public Debt of the Union, bought, sold, or exchanged; Foreign and Inland Bills of Exchange negotiated; Merchandise of all sorts bought and sold on Commission, and all other Business in the line of a Broker, transacted by
WILLIAM CLELAND,
At the Office next door to the Custom-House, State-Street, BOSTON. 2m
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
TEAS,
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c. Of the first quality—by retail,
No. 19,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets
TO BE SOLD,
And possession given immediately,
That pleasantly situated FARM
Whereon the subscriber now lives.
IT lies on the road from Princeton to Brunswick, about a mile and a half from the former. It contains 213 acres, whereof 47 are woodland, upwards of 30 meadow, and 20 more may be made. Also a young orchard of 200 apple trees, besides a variety of peach and cherry trees, and a large garden; the whole under good fence. There are on the premises a two story stone house and kitchen, with an elegant piazza, the whole painted and finished. Also, a smoke-house, work-shop, granary, waggon-house; barracks cow-houses, two stories high and 90 feet long, and a good barn, with stabling. From the buildings there are charming views of Princeton, the neighbouring farms, and Monmouth hills. Any person inclining to purchase, may know the terms by applying to the subscriber on the premises, or to ISAAC SNOWDEN, No. 141, South Second-Street, Philadelphia.
ISAAC SNOWDEN, Junior.
Princeton, October 10, 1791. [cp 2m]
Lectures on Government & Law.
THE Honorable JAMES WILSON, L.L.D. Professor of Laws in the College and Academy of Philadelphia, proposes to deliver, next Winter, two Courses of Lectures. One Course to begin on the Second Monday, the other on the Second Tuesday of December.
WILLIAM ROGERS,
Secretary to the Board of Faculty.
Philadelphia, October 12, 1791. (estD)
In the Press, and speedily will be published, HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS; Consisting of STATE PAPERS, and other authentic Documents, tending to elucidate the HISTORY of AMERICA, and particularly of the UNITED STATES.
By EBENEZER HAZARD, A.M.
** The price to Subscribers will be a Dollar for each Number, containing 160 large quarto pages; or Four Dollars and a Quarter for each Volume in Boards; to be paid as follows, viz. the first and second Numbers, or Volumes, to be paid for on delivery of the first; and each subsequent one (except the last) at the time of delivery.
Subscriptions will be received, in this city, by THOMAS DOBSON, and HAZARD & ADDOMS, (who will exhibit specimens of the work) and in other places by the principal Booksellers there. Philadelphia, November 5, 1791.
W. M'DOUGALL'S DANCING SCHOOL,
Is now opened at his School-Room, No. 28, Carter's Alley.
HE returns his sincere thanks for the great encouragement he has experienced these eighteen years; hopes the reputation of his school for decorum and good order, as well as the performance of his scholars, will still ensure him a respectable share of the public favor.
A number of new Cotillions and Country Dances will be taught during the season.
Those who please to honor him with the tuition of their children, may be assured, they will be taught in the most approved style, and that proper attention will be paid to their carriage and manners.
A general practising for the improvement of the scholars, will be held at the New Rooms, every other Wednesday; when the employers, and strangers of genteel deportment, will be admitted. These practisings will be attended with no expence.
N.B. An EVENING SCHOOL will be opened for grown Gentlemen, as soon as a sufficient number offer. Philadelphia, September 14, 1791. (t. f.)
Forty Dollars Reward.
LAST night was broke open the Store of the subscriber, at Bordentown, and stolen from the same the following articles, viz. One hair trunk, containing womens' wearing apparel; 1 small box, containing four clocks and one dozen testaments; 1 ditto containing one bottle green cloth coat, one striped vest and breeches, two shirts and a small bag with 36 dollars and 20s. to gos. Jersey coppers; 1 keg containing a large bible, with other small books; 1 box containing 447 real ostrich feathers, some of them large and elegant, and of different colours; 2 barrels rye meal, branded Stout and Imlay; 1 barrel pork, 1 ream paper, and 1 dozen paste-boards.—Stolen at the same time, a large Batteau, with black fides.
A reward of Twenty Dollars will be given for the security of the above property, so that the owners may have the articles again, or in proportion for part thereof; also a further reward of Twenty Dollars will be given for the security of the perpetrator or perpetrators, so that they may be brought to justice, by JOHN VAN EMBURGH.
Bordentown, New-Jersey, Sept. 1. 1791. [epitf]
HOLY BIBLE.---Royal Quarto.
MR. THOMAS, of Worcester, Massachusetts, most respectfully informs the public, that he has this day completed the Old and New Testaments of his Royal Quarto Edition of the HOLY BIBLE. The Apocrypha and Index, &c. will be finished with all the dispatch the nature of the work will admit.
Such Gentlemen as hold SWAINSON PAPERS, he begs will return them to him at Worcester, or to him and Company at Boston, by the last day of November next, and as much sooner as they conveniently can.
He is happy to inform the public, that the work has been examined by many gentlemen, clergymen and others, and has met with their highest approbation; both as to the execution of the printing, its correctness, and its cheapness compared with English copies of the same size and quality.
As this very laborious and exceedingly expensive undertaking, is carried on solely at his own cost, he is led to hope that all those who wish to possess a large Family Bible, will so far encourage this laudable undertaking of their countryman, as to add their names to the subscription.
Worcester, Sept. 20, 1791. ISAIAH THOMAS.
The price of this Paper is 3 Dollars per ann.