The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-12-15 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 15th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
PARIS, October 5.
Letters from Nancy, dated October 3, say, "Yesterday evening, at 7 o'clock, Gen. Clarke, with his suite, arrived here. He alighted at the Temple of peace, where it is supposed, he will hold his residence during the Congress. This morning the General of the 4th military division, with the whole of the Staff, visited him to confer relative to the preliminary operations of the Congress—Every preparation is making for the completion and decoration of the places destined for the residence of the Plenipotentiaries; the roads are covered with articles of consumption which are forwarding to Luneville."
General Clarke, the bearer of the orders of Government, and who is to command extraordinarily at Luneville, and in the department of the Meurthe, is arrived there. After having conferred with the Sub Prefect, and the Mayor, he visited in person all the houses of the best appearance; he spared no pains to procure for the Members of the Congress lodgings and accommodation suitable to their dignity.
STRASBURG, October 4.
Letters from Augsburg, of the 27th say, that the two armies are entering into their respective quarters. The want of forage has compelled a great part of the French cavalry to retreat towards the Neckar. The advices from Hungary and Galicia, say, that the Russian troops, which have been for some time assembled on the confines of the latter country, have received orders to return into the interior of Russia.
The Austrian garrisons of Ulm and Philipsburg are now passing through Suabia, in order to join the Imperial army. Both have suffered severely through disease. The Imperial army is retreating from Bavaria to the cantonments in Austria and in the environs of Salzburg.
The Archduke Charles is seriously ill, disposed, and it is even said that his life is in danger.
HAMBURG, October 3.
Private Letter.
The dispositions of Paul I. towards England were known before the capture of the Danish convoy and the frigate Freya; but this capture has displayed them in a manner of which you perhaps know not all the circumstances. When the Court of Copenhagen communicated this event to that of Peterburg, the answer of Paul I. was, that he was not prepared to support by force the rights of Denmark, so openly violated on this occasion, and that his actual relations with the Court of London, did not permit him to interpose as a mediator. He added, that he could not take part in the quarrel, except so far as the maritime powers of the north would consent to an armed confederation, to maintain, in common, the liberty of commerce against the pretensions of Great Britain, on the same footing as the armed neutrality of the head, during the American war. Upon this the Court of Denmark consented to the provisional arrangement which was concluded, and which leaves the principle undetermined.
But in the interval, Paul I. had caused to be communicated to all the Ministers of foreign powers resident at Peterburg, an official note, extremely well written, and which is attributed to Count Panin, in which he speaks in very moderate terms of France, and in language less qualified of England. The purport of this note was, that, on his accession to the throne, he found a war existing which was caused by a great nation falling into dissolution. He considered it as having no other object than the part of the coalesced Powers, than to preserve themselves from the dangers which might result from it to the neighbour-
nations; and it was with this view that he had himself engaged in it. In this state of things he had not thought it necessary to revive the system of an armed neutrality by sea, to preserve the liberty of commerce, not doubting but the sincerity of his allies, and their common interest, would be sufficient to secure the flag of the Northern Powers from any insult; but his confidence had been egregiously disappointed by the ill faith with which a great power had made an attack on the liberty of the seas in capturing the Danish convoy; an attack which threatened the independence of all the maritime Powers of the North. After this introduction, the note signifies that, for the common interest, it has become necessary to have recourse to the armed neutrality, the success of which had justified the measure during the American war.
When we consider the promptitude with which Paul I. has taken hostile measures against England, in consequence of the dispute between that power and Denmark, the embargo, the note, and especially the extraordinary language of the Court Gazette of Peterburg, of the 11th September, it is evident that the disposition of the Emperor is of a very peculiar nature. The convention which has terminated this dispute has rendered all these hostile demonstrations without effect; but the principle of dislike from which they arose still remains; and even the note, to reorganize a new confederation against England, has not been revoked. The animosity of Paul I. prepares us for new sallies of this kind, when we shall learn the affairs of Barcelona, in the manner in which it will not fail to be represented by the agents of those Powers who wish to irritate him against the English. The surrender of Malta to the latter alone, and the intention they probably had to retain it to themselves, will completely exasperate him. But his anger will doubtless terminate in menaces; for as to effects, what can Russia, what can all the maritime powers united, effect against the naval force of England.
VIENNA, Sep. 24.
The rescript relative to a general insurrection in Hungary has now been published. This important document is as follows:
"Francis II. &c.—You have given a manifest proof of your fidelity to our Serene Arch-house, and the love of your country, by having, at the Diet of 1796, with one voice, offered a general insurrection of the inhabitants, in defence of the country, and for the welfare and safety of our serene family. We delayed to avail ourselves of that offer to avoid the considerable expenses which it would necessarily have caused, and contented ourselves with declaring that we should employ it, in case of necessity, in virtue of our high and royal prerogative, and agreeably to the law. A period actually arrived, when on the 10th of April, 1797, we were under the necessity of demanding of you a general insurrection. This duty, imposed upon you by the law (led by your unattainable fidelity to ourselves and our serene arch-house, and your fervent zeal for the numerous insurrection army, exhibiting the most evident proofs of its immovable attachment to its hereditary king, and its purest patriotism, contributed considerably to the treaty of peace concluded at Campo Formio. But when the French nation overthrew these conditions of peace, and again, imposed on us the melancholy necessity of opposing our brave warriors in defence of the nations entrusted to us by Heaven, to an enemy penetrating into our provinces, the distinguished courage and valour of all our troops, among whom the meritorious Hungarian militia must be included, displayed its well known heroic valour and undaunted courage before the eyes of all the world, and retook the Italian provinces that had been wrested from us. The enemy thus expelled from those countries, could not be brought either to moderate their fury, or to equitable terms of peace, compatible with our high royal dignity, the preservation and lasting tranquillity of our hereditary dominions, entrusted
to us by Providence. At last, when after various successes, they obtained a victory, neither propose, nor accept, in any manner whatever, such conditions of peace as would have been conducive to permanent tranquillity; but on the contrary, supported by a numerous army composed of people from different countries, threatened all our German hereditary dominions, and our much beloved kingdom of Hungary, from day to day, with greater and nearer dangers, which to avert, and restore to our people their former prosperity, we are firmly and irrevocably determined to hasten in person to the army. All these great dangers may be obviated by spirited, undaunted conduct, and particularly by your faithful efforts, opposed to the enemy, under divine assistance. It is still the same furious enemy; the dangers are now greater than before; necessity so pressing that, in the full spirit of the law, a general insurrection of the nobility, and of all those who are as such comprised in the measures, of whatever rank or dignity they became urgent. We, who at all times have placed a particular confidence in the ancient bravery and fidelity, which has been handed down to you by your ancestors, order, therefore, in virtue of our high royal prerogative, by this present rescript, a general insurrection of the country, and doubt not in the least that to effect it in considerable numbers, and as soon as possible, you will also on this occasion exert a laudable diligence, according to the duties imposed on you."
"Since, however, the present manner of carrying on war requires a proportionate & greater number of infantry, and as, agreeably to the present circumstances, the defence of the country must be effected speedily, and effectually, we call upon you by virtue of these presents, that in organizing your insurrectional militia, your object be particularly directed towards a more numerous infantry, which from our paternal affection for our beloved kingdom of Hungary, we think more useful; at the same time that the expenses of raising infantry is by far less than that of raising cavalry. To diminish therefore, from love to you, the burthen of this insurrection, and to render it easier under the present circumstances, we herewith declare that all insurrectional infantry, as soon as they shall have been divided into corps, by order of his royal highness the Palatine of the empire, our beloved brother, they shall be furnished from our treasury with bread and money in the country."
"And as, agreeably to the laws of the Empire, the insurgent warriors must necessarily have their own method of exercise, we have graciously appointed to the generals of districts to superintend that object."
"The duties and the sphere of operation of those generals, is therefore herewith defined, that those of the districts entrusted to them may correspond with those of the counties, that they make the necessary arrangements, and that they are obliged, in advancing in battle, and retreats, to conduct and direct the insurgent nobility. The central direction of the whole of the armed nobility remains however, agreeably to the meaning of the law, in lands of H. R. the Palatines of the empire."
"Lastly, it is also necessary, that this military to be assembled in the field, as prescribed by law, under the banners of the counties, to effect good order, and to avoid all possible confusion, be divided by the counties themselves into divisions and bands and that they elect for officers the most capable and skilful, in virtue of the 20th article of 1545."
PRICES CURRENT,
At Liverpool, October 11.
Flour, superfine, 64s to 66s per bbl.
do. 62s to 64. do.
The demand for wheat and flour has of late become very brisk again, and prices have in consequence risen rapidly within the last few days. It might be hazardous to calculate upon a continuance of those
ow quoted, but the general opinion is that these articles will rise higher throughout the winter, our crops from all accounts have proved less abundant than expected.
Flax Seed, for crush, 7s to 8s.
Scarce and in demand—New seed fit for sowing generally commands great prices at this market in the Spring, say 12s to 16s and sometimes more.
Alhes, Pot, 1st. 4s at 46s cwt.
Pearl, 1st. 50s at 52s.
Pearl Alhes are rather scarce, and look up—Pots very dull, and no prospect of improvement.
Rice, 27s to 28.
This article fluctuates almost daily at present, and its fate hinges much upon that of corn—If the latter keeps up, these prices may at least be expected to be supported until more plentiful supplies come forward from next crop.
Staves, white oak, pipe, 211 to 281 per 1200 bhd, 161 to 231 10s do bbl, 121 to 171 do
Red oak, bhd, 61 to 91
Tobacco, York and James's River, 3d to 7d per lb
Rappahannock, 3d to 6d
Potomack, 3d to 5d
Georgia, 3d to 5d
Carolina, 3d to 4d
Stem'd, 5d to 9d
Maryland, brown, 3d 1-2 to 4d
Colony, 4d 1-2 to 5d 1-2
Kitefoot, 6d 1-2 to 7d
The quantity of Tobacco at this port is now reduced to a lower ebb than usual, & consists chiefly of middling qualities; the demand has rather improved of late, and fine leaf fit for home trade would meet a ready sale at these quotations, we experience also some export vent for other descriptions.
Produce admitted free of duty for Exportation in American and other neutral ships.
Coffee, Ordinary, 106s to 118s per cwt
Middling, 125s to 135s
Good, 138s to 145s
Fine, 146s to 151s
Cotton, Bourbon, 2s 10d to 3s per lb
Demarara, 2s 7d to 2s 9d
Georgia, Common, 1s 8d to 1s 9d
Sea Island, 2s 8d to 2s 11d
This article has been extremely heavy until within these few days past, when the demand has in some measure revived, and we think these prices will at least be supported if not advance a little.
P. S. In submitting the foregoing observations the consequence of any sudden change in Public Affairs is not adverted to—A general peace would no doubt materially affect the prices of some article, such as naval stores, Staves, Timber, Mahogany, Dye Woods, &c. It is difficult to say what effect such an event might have upon sugar, coffee, and other West-India produce; according to the opinion of many, those articles may be expected to keep up some time afterwards, as great quantities would be drawn from our markets by the countries on the continent who are at present deprived of regular supplies by the war—yet judging from the consequences of the general peace of 1783, which dealers in those commodities have not forgot, a contrary effect might be produced—cotton would probably be favoured by an increased vent for our manufactures.
The following condemnations by the Vice Court of admiralty in Halifax, on appeal to the High Court of admiralty in England, have been reversed.
Ship general de Melville, of St. Croix from Havannah bound to Altona, owned by John Dunlap, a Scotchman, residing at St. Croix.
Brig Equality, of Baltimore, from Batavia, bound to Baltimore, owned by Mr. Vaecik.
Brig Pomona, of Philadelphia, from Havana, bound to Philadelphia, owned by Mr. Wachsmuth.
Ship Telegraph, of Philadelphia, from Havana bound to Philadelphia, owned by Mr. Wachsmuth.

MESSAGE Of Governor Jackson to both Houses of the Legislature of Georgia, presented Nov. 5th, 1800.
As this message is extremely long, the local parts of its are omitted.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives,
The period is again arrived at which it becomes my duty to lay the state of the republic and account of the last year's ad- ministration before you.
The war which has for so many years de- solated Europe, still continues, and is likely so to do, until the pride and perseverance of one of the two great rival powers shall yield to the gallant conduct and deter- mination of the other. The United States, have happily evaded a part in this dreadful contest, in the course of which, millions of fellow creatures have been sacrificed to the manes of royalty, and the ambition of individuals. But, although we have hitherto escaped this declared warfare—a warfare almost as destructive has been waged on our commerce by both those powers, and on the persons of our citizens by one of them; torn from their country, their dearest relatives and connections, they have been impressed on board British ships of war, compelled to fight their battles, and to assist in the con- tinuation of this plundering system against the states they belonged to.—Should, however, the armed neutrality so much talked of prevail, we have room for hope, that haughty nation which at present rules the ocean, with her fiat trampling under foot the laws of nations and hos- pitality as she lieth, will soon be re- duced to the necessity, as she was at the close of our glorious revolutionary war, to relinquish the kingly contest, and re- store peace to the world, for which the friends of humanity must pant, and e- ven the despots of Europe appear to sigh. Satiated with blood, Russia, Prussia, and it is asserted Austria, have withdrawn from the coalition against republicanism: Britain alone keeps up the flame, and supports it by depredations on the trade of all nations. Although it cannot be the interest of the United States, that either of those powers should altogether break down the other, it certainly is their interest that they should check each other, and that some limits should be fixed to the maritime power of Britain, whose ships proudly sweep the ocean from the northern to the southern pole, and whose politics, inimical to every principle of government but monarchy, would lead her to exterminate from the catalogue of words the term republic. If we have to fear, it is from her, and the nature of her go- vernment; and had the coalition succeed- ed in breaking down France, there appears more than bare probability, that our happy form of government would have been next attacked.
It is asserted, and with some colour of authority, that an influence exists in A- merica, partial to British rule, and re- ady for monarchy—indeed, the conspira- cy of governor Blount, listed in the enquiry after great expense; the mis- sion of Mr. Bowles to the Creek Nation, to which he was conveyed by a British sloop of war, and where he still is, or hovering with his tomahawk on the fron- tiers of Georgia—The governor of Can- ada's address some time since to the northern tribes of Indians, and a variety of other circumstances, warrant a sus- picion, if not a belief, that some plan was in agitation, hostile to the constitution and liberties of the United States.—It is on the other hand declared in the papers, that the British minister has assured our go- vernment, that Bowles is not supported by that power; but is it usual for ships of war to be employed in the escort of a mere ad- venturer? Whether, however, this be or be not the fact, it is a duty we owe our country, ourselves and posterity, to keep a watchful eye over our republican rights and constitutions, and to resist every mo- narchical impression or influence, which we have reason to lament there should be room even for suspicion of as being in existence among us—an influence hostile to our inde- pendence and our rights, which were pur- chased at the expence of oceans of the blood of our fathers.
The papers and information respecting Bowles, to which your attention will be more immediately drawn, as being more interesting to this than to any other state in the union, together with my proclama- tion, issued in the month of July last, for- bidding his enlisting or raising men, which he attempted to do within this state, will be found in the bundle marked No. 1, and among them a most insolent letter to my-
self, proffering amity, and future corre- spondence; thinking no doubt, as I have mentioned on this subject to the secretary of state of the United States, that as I was stigmatized as a Jacobin in the papers of Georgia, and some of the other states, I must be prepared to join any party hostile to the United States. If to be of repub- lican principles, and to enjoy my own o- pinion of public measures, and declare that opinion freely, constitute a jacobin, I do not deny the charge, for I am one; they were principles instilled into me in the try- ing hour of 1776, and I trust I shall never desert them.—But if to support the Unit- ed States, which was done by that procla- mation, and my offer to the agent of Indi- an affairs, as well as the government by three, or even five thousand Georgia militia, to crush general Bowles constitute a federal- ist, then am I a federalist. The richest mo- narch of Europe is too poor to purchase my principles, or to shake my firm adher- ence to the constitution of our coun- try.
The documents marked No. 2, being extracts of letters from the commissioners appointed by this state to treat with com- missioners of the United States, respecting a cession of our Western Territory, and a copy of their minutes will inform you, that nothing has yet been concluded on between them. The propositions of the latter, a copy of which you will find with the mi- nutes, were of such a nature as our com- missioners were not authorised to act on, and not a little surprised to receive. Those propositions, and act of congress, under which the United States commissioners de- rive their powers, deserve your most serious consideration. The act entitled "an act supplemental to the act for an amicable settlement of limits with the state of Geor- gia, and authorising the establishment of a government in the Mississippi Territory," is, I humbly conceive, as well as the act to which it is supplementary, a violation of the rights of Georgia, and a constitu- tional infringement, in as much as it esta- blishes a government within her limits, in- dependent of her authority, and without her consent, contrary to the ninth article of confederation, and perpetual union, which provides that "no state shall be deprived of ter- ritory for the benefit of the U. States," which engagement is ratified by the sixth article of the federal constitution, and the third section of the fourth article whereof fur- ther declares "new states may be admit- ted by the congress into this union, but no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state, nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states without the consent of the le- gislature of such states as well as of the congress, and again "the congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all need- ful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States, and nothing in this consti- tution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state."
The twenty-third section of the first arti- cle of our state constitution is in perfect unison with the articles of confederation and the constitution of the United States, where it is "provided nevertheless, that nothing herein contained shall be construed so as to prevent a sale to or contract with the United States by the legislature of this state of and for all or any part of the Western Territory of this state, lying westward of the river Chattahoochie," and it is again pro- vided that, "the legislature may give its consent to the establishment of one or more governments westward thereof." Is it necessary for me to ask the legislature of Georgia if she has no claim of soil and juris- diction to the territory established into a government by that act? Is it not expres- sly included within the limits of Georgia by your land laws, by other laws in force, and further, by the said twenty-third section of the first article of the constitution? Is it not evident that if congress have a constitutional power to erect the territory claimed by Georgia on the Mississippi, into a gov- ernment without her consent, that they have a right to form one on the Okmulgee without that consent, or even on a cavilling princi- ple that the charter of Georgia extended no further than the Alatamaha, to erect Glynn and Camden counties into a territorial go- vernment? If it be said, that congress also claims the Mississippi territory, ought not those clashing claims first to have been ad- justed, and then the government establish- ed? Is it just, is it magnanimous in the United States, with the strong arm of power, thus to evade the claim of Georgia? It may also be said, that it is provided, that the rights of Georgia shall not be impaired by that act. But is not its very existence an im- pairing and violation of them, and the prin- ciple dangerous to all state rights, and op- pressive to the inhabitants over whom the
government unconstitutionally presides? As well might a man in private life enter ano- ther person's house, keep possession and rule the family at will, and then issue a provi- sional notice that the right of the real owner should not be impaired. The inha- bitants on the Mississippi, are of the family of Georgia, and were erected by the legisla- ture, into a county by the name of Bour- bon. The act excited some years, did Con- gress ever object to that act, or make claims in opposition to the right of Georgia? A majority of these settlers at this day, consi- der themselves as Georgians, and entitled to the benefit of her republican laws and constitution; and from respectable informa- tion I am informed, a petition is now or will soon be on the way to the legislature to that purport; and the spirit of our laws with them, a republican government shall be guaranteed unto them. Under what- ever imperious circumstances then (and that is the only ground of excuse) the govern- ment was formed—it has been formed in violation of the confederation, and the constitution of this state, and of the United States; and it will continue to be that violation, until the consent of Geor- gia is obtained. But the act is not only re- prehensible in this respect, but on other grounds—it declares in defining the powers of the commissioners of the United States, in its 10th section, after authorising them to settle by compromise with Georgia, and to receive a cession from her, "And also that the said commissioners on the part of the United States, or any two of them, be authorised to enquire into the claims which are or shall be made by settlers, or any other persons whatsoever, to any part of the afore- said lands; and to receive from such settlers and claimants any propositions of compro- mise which may be made by them; and lay a full statement of the claims and the propo- sitions which may be made to them, by the settlers or claimants to any part of the said lands, together with their opinion thereon, as soon as may be, before Congress for their decision thereon." Let us, fellow- citizens, examine this clause. Is there not here a tribunal established unknown to the constitution?—Is not the legislature of the union assuming functions, not belonging to them, and that too to decide between the state of Georgia and individual citizens and foreign subjects in the very face of the con- stitution, and an amendment thereto, which declares "the judicial power of the United States, shall not be construed to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another state, or by subjects of any for- eign state" Nay, do they not go further and undertake to decide their own cause, that is, if the United States have any claim to our Western Territory. Have they not constituted their commissioners, as it were masters in their chancery to report on those claims to Congress, as lord high chan- cellors to decide thereon ex-parte, without the assent or consent of Georgia, or even hearing her objections to so dangerous a measure. If the United States chuse to de- cide on claims of individuals, let them at least first obtain the right of Georgia.
It is for you, legislators, who have the rights and privileges of her citizens com- mitted to your care, to take some step to preserve them, and to avert to the blow which appears like an entering wedge to undermine your state title to all her Wes- tern Territory. I shall not pretend to ad- vise, but with all respect for the general government, I do not think you can pass over this unconstitutional stride, for such, however hard the term, it certainly is, in silence; governments and constitutional rights are never overthrown, or attempted to be overthrown at once; like the gradu- al mouldering of a wall, whose foundation has been once injured, so a constitutional right falls unobserved to day and another to morrow, until the whole fabric gives way, and tyranny rises on its ruins. It is not difficult to perceive for whose benefit those extraordinary powers were vested— the claimants are of two classes—one of them settlers on the Mississippi, and gran- tees under British and Spanish governments —the other, the pretended grantees and claimants under the usurped act of the 7th day of January 1795, commonly known as the Yazoo speculation—& it is a fact, which I am well assured of, that in the senate of the United States, this act of Congress, giving those high powers, was committed to two persons, one of whom was an ori- ginal pretended grantee in that speculation, and the other a person from Massachusetts, deeply engaged in the measure. Where may it be asked was a chance of justice to Georgia—Let me next call your atten- tion to the propositions.—To speak in the language of our commissioners, I was really surprised at perusing them. You are called on not only to repeal your laws
but your very constitution which is beyond your power to do, could it be possible for a Georgia legislature to be found so degra- ding as to attempt it. For what? to an- swer the views of a set of men who corrupt- ed your general assembly and obtained a usurped act, betraying your rights and those of future generations, to make fortunes for themselves. The propositions de- mand as a kind of ne plus ultra as to com- pensation for our Western Territory, the state's lodging the Yazoo deposit in the bank of Charleston, and that in such case the United States will indemnify Georgia against the claimants—it must be acknow- ledged that here the commissioners are ex- ceedingly generous. But does Georgia seek this indemnification—is she not within the verge of her jurisdiction & constitutional rights as sovereign as much as any other state or the United States—and can she not do equal justice where her clemency is sought for, or judge of injuries done her dignity as well as either of them. What is this proposition but coming to the old point—that Yazoo money shall procure the extinguishment of Indian claims, and that the monopoly of so many millions of acres unknown in any nation on earth, despot- ic or free, shall acknowledged as the unboun- ded right of a few individuals who so in vi- tiously obtained the act and those who hold under them. But were you to assent to this degrading measure, it is beyond your power to lodge the deposit as required— One fourth of it is withdrawn under your laws and constitution, and the preterited rights to that amount are of course lodged in its stead. The proposition therefore is calculated not only to take from the amount of compensation for the cession, but those rights, if they can be called so, lik- ewise, which the most prejudiced judge on earth would acknowledge the state to be enti- tled to. I submit these propositions to your consideration with this observation, that as an individual citizen, I would rather the territory should remain unceded and unset- tled for twenty years to come, than that it is so humiliating to the state, her laws and constitution, should be acceded to—in the latter case the vile monopoly, the bane of all republics will be revived—on the other hand the lands will remain open for the future settlements of our children and their posterity.
It may however be remarked that the executive had the power of sending an a- gent to the Creek nation to co-operate with Mr. Hawkins, the superintendant in procuring a cession of the Oakmulgee fork and Tallassee country. The propo- sitions do and I also admit it, but in my best opinion, and I consulted many of your present members, such a step would have been an executive functioning not only of the propositions but the law under which they were framed, which I did not feel my- self warranted in doing, and which had it been done would have been in direct vio- lation of the law under which our com- missioners were appointed. The expres- sion of this part of the propositions is "and Mr. Hawkins will be instructed to co-operate with and promote in every reasonable manner the objects of such a- gent as the state Georgia may appoint on her part. We sincerely hope that a cession of the lands lying between the O- conee and Okmulgee and the Tallassee county, will be the fruit of the proposed measure." The 2d section of the act en- titled, an act to carry the 23d section of the first article of the constitution into operation declares, "provided always ne- vertheless, that the said United States shall within three years restore to this state all that tract of country, called and known by the name of the Tallassee coun- ty, which was purchased of the Creek In- dians by this state, at a treaty held with the Creek Indians at Galphinton, on the 12th of November, 1785, and which was ceded by the United States to the said Indians by the treaty of New-York, in contravention of the said treaty of Gal- phinton, and this general assembly doth hereby unequivocally declare that the said tract of country, is and of right doth belong to this state, in virtue of and as derived from the compact aforesaid. Was the giving permission for an agent of Geor- gia to negotiate for a cession of Tallas- see county, a restoration of it—has the state not negotiated and purchased a ces- sion of it already.
Would not the appointment of an agent to negotiate for it give up the right our law insists on as well as the lien the state has on it from the report of Messrs. Humphreys, Lincoln, and Griffin, commissioners of the United States sent to Georgia on purpose to investigate the treaty, and who declared Tallassee county to be our fair bought pro- perty and which has since been confirmed by a report of a committee of the house of

representatives of the United States, that they could not find on what grounds it was taken from Georgia other than motives of general policy, and that it ought to be restored or compensation made for it. It then on those grounds was beyond the power of the executive to send an agent, were the measure otherwise proper, at least a power which, if he had acted on, would have been contrary to law. But what is most astonishing and which will no doubt surprise you, is that although the commissioners say "Mr. Hawkins will be instructed to co-operate, &c." on my requesting that gentleman to inform me what instructions he had received as to a treaty or cession for those lands, his letter in answer to my request, marked No. 3, declares "I have not lately received any advices respecting a cession, and until Bowles is effectually removed and the ferment he has occasioned has subsided, it would be ill judged to press it. Whilst we here acknowledge the candor of the agent, the mind is at a loss to conjecture what the intentions of the commissioners were or how to account for this contradictory and mysterious conduct—surely not intended for deception—could electioneering views have entered the breasts of high officers of the union to hold out a semblance of cession to catch the vote of Georgia at the approaching election—however improbable the thing is, it looks dark, it cannot be accounted for."
In your deliberations on this subject, whilst I recommend firmness, I am convinced you will act with moderation; although the act and propositions are certainly hostile to state rights, I am not yet without hopes of an amicable settlement, and an extension of our frontier; it is to be desired by this state, and the United States, to whom the cession will prove of immense value in the redemption of the public debt, whilst it will harmonize between the two sovereignties, and destroy those animosities which certain individuals find it their interest to ferment. You have three firm republicans for your commissioners opposed to monopoly, the bane of all republics, and zealous for your interests, open the doors of investigation by a new act extending their powers, and the commissioners of the United States, on due examination, if they be sincere and unprejudiced, must be convinced of the impossibility of our closing with their present propositions, and of the necessity there is for the United States to accede to more liberal terms; to use the language of one of our commissioners, they cannot get along in their Mississippi government on any principle of justice without us.—But should the present commissioners persist, it is more than possible that from a change of administration, a change of the commissioners may take place, and to be prepared for which will be politic and necessary, you can reserve a ratification of the cession for the legislature.
And here let me remind you of the great and important duty which you have to provide for in the choice of electors of president and vice-president of the United States; in right and justice this choice should lay with the citizens at large; but the change of the time of our general election, and your knowledge of the difficulty of collecting the people so recently after a general election, so as to obtain a fair election and general voice, will probably throw the important burthen on your shoulders.
I have the satisfaction to inform you, that the decrees of the supreme court of the United States in the cases which affected our confiscation act, and in which I was authorised to employ counsel, have firmly established its validity and constitutionality, whereby the state is relieved from the apprehension of refunding an immense sum of money to the purchasers of confiscated property, and those who betrayed their country are forever barred in their expectations of a recovery of the property which was so justly forfeited.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1800.
The storm, which has so long raged in the political world, has at length subsided. Parties have tried their strength, and victory has crowned with success, in the Presidential election, the efforts of the REPUBLICANS.
To Republicans it must be a cause of sincere felicitation that their country has surmounted, without any other agitation than that of the public sentiment, the choice of their first magistrate. The example is au-
spicious to the destinies of the world. For while other nations, the victims of monarchical or aristocratical error, on similar occasions invariably appeal to the sword, America presents the august spectacle of a nation, enlightened and jealous of its rights, discharging with dignity the most interesting duty which republican institutions enjoin.
On such a result as this, every true American, every lover of his country, will reflect with encreasing satisfaction. Beholding in the system of representation, founded on an extensive right of suffrage, the source as well as the palladium of his political rights, he will rejoice to behold the confirmations of experience imparting new stability to the structure. And while he mourns over the tottering ruins of European states, he will, with proud philanthropy, present his own system to the old world as a cure for all her evils.
Among the enemies of republicanism are found two descriptions of individuals. The first are hostile to its spirit, because it tends to diffuse in equal masses those portions of power, which under different systems would be accumulated in the hands of a few. The second description consists of men of limited views and timid spirits, of men nurtured in the old school, who make no allowance for the improved condition of the human race, and who sincerely believe that nations are precisely like individuals; and, that what has occurred in past periods will continue to occur in those which are to come.
The first class are in general governed by their interests; while the second are subdued by their fears.
The motives of each are so different, that while the one challenges our censure, the other excites our commiseration. The first will probably continue to exist till the end of the world; for it would perhaps be the infatuation of philosophy ever to expect the arrival of that era, which shall fully extirpate the seeds of selfishness so closely interwoven with the elementary principles of some characters. Though the ground, which true knowledge is gaining, be rapidly and unceasingly on the increase; and though this knowledge, correctly imbibed, never fails to establish the indissoluble connection between private and public interest, it is too languine to expect that all men will be equally enlightened, or even sufficiently enlightened, to feel the force of this great truth, and obey it in their actions.
But from this class of men republicanism can have little to dread, unassisted by the latter description of men, who will not hesitate to repair to her standard on a decisive manifestation of her triumphs. For the same spirit, that created their opposition to republicanism when in a state of depression, will command their support when she is elevated to power and distinction.
On this interesting occasion, it becomes the friends of liberty to support the same spirit of equanimity, moderation, and general good will which has hitherto equally attended their triumphs and defeats. Having the general welfare at heart, and superior to the gratification of personal passions, though their joy be animated, let it be rational and unalloyed by unworthy resentment. Let them show their political opponents, that, however they may differ in sentiment, they are ready to respect virtue and talent, wherever found.
MR. DAVIE, our Envoy to the French Republic, has arrived in this City, and is the bearer of the French treaty. He left Judge Ellsworth in France.
Accounts from Rhode Island state that in that state the votes of the Electors were 4 for John Adams, 2 for C. C. Pinckney, and 2 for John Jay. This statement is probably correct, though not official.
The votes for the state of Connecticut, are as follows:— John Adams 9 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 9
On the 7th inst. the Legislature of Virginia re-elected JAMES MONROE, Governor of that commonwealth, by a large majority.
On the 2nd Inst the Electors of Virginia assembled at Richmond. Four of them being absent, the legislature proceeded to fill vacancies, which were supplied by republican citizens; there being 142 votes for the successful candidates, and only 12 votes against them. This is an evidence of the decided triumphs of republicanism in that state.
DIED—at St. Simon's (Geo.) on the 9th ult. HENRY OSBORNE.
"Concord, Nov. 26.—The legislature has this moment completed the choice of
Electors of President and Vice-President. They are: The Hon. Oliver Peabody, John Prentice, Benjamin Bellowes, Ebenezer Thompson, Arthur Livermore, and Timothy Farrar, Esquires.
Capt. Richard Derby, is appointed to the command of the United States ship of war Connecticut; vice, Capt. Moses Tryon, resigned. The Connecticut is undergoing a thorough repair.
House of Commons, North Carolina, November 24.
A message was sent to the Senate proposing the appointment of a joint committee, to draw up such amendments to the Constitution of the U. States as they may think necessary, and that they make report during the present week.
The Electors of SOUTH CAROLINA have voted as follows.
For Thomas Jefferson 8 Aaron Burr 8
JOHN DRAYTON is elected Governor of South Carolina.
JOHN EWING CALHOUN, the Republican candidate, is elected Senator U. S. for South Carolina, in the place of Mr. Read, who declined a re-election.
On the first ballot Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Ward, the federal candidate, had each 74 votes. On the second Mr. Calhoun obtained 75 votes, and Mr. Ward 73.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Dec. 12, 1800.
A Letter was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, enclosing a statement of the loans made in relation to the City of Washington, and a report from the Commissioners containing an account of the Expenditures from Nov. 18, 1799 to Nov. 18, 1800.
Referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
The report of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, allowing Robert Hooper a drawback on 14 pipes and 3 quarter casks of Madeira wine, was agreed to, and the same committee instructed to report a bill for that purpose.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the report of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures on the petition of Thomas Jenkins and Sons.
The report is as follows:
THAT the object of the petitioners is to obtain a Register for a ship built on the remains, or hulk, of a British ship, burnt at the port of New-York; three-fourths of which ship, they set forth to be built with timber, plank and other materials of the United States.
The committee are of opinion, that the prayer of the petition ought not to be granted, and that the petitioners have leave to withdraw their petition.
A Debate of some length, in which Messrs. S. Smith, and Otis supported the report, and Messrs. Bird, Huger, and Elmore opposed it, ensued.
On the question to agree to the report, it was carried.
A Letter was received from the Secretary of State, enclosing a list of impressed American Seamen, with an account of the measures pursued for their release.
Ordered to be printed.
MR. McMILLAN observed that appropriations of particular tracts of land in the N. W. Territory had been made for the establishment of Schools and the support of religion, and that in particular a tract of land six miles square had been set apart for these purposes out of a tract granted to John C. Sims & Co. One of the terms of the appropriation had been the location thereof with the consent of the government of the N. W. Territory, within a certain time, which had not been done.
He also stated that in each township one lot had been appropriated for the support of schools, and one for the support of religion; but that Congress had not vested them in any particular persons. It followed that the property, not only remained unimproved, but was much injured by the encroachment of individuals.
He had been directed to apply to Congress to take the subject into consideration, that provisions might be made as would redress the existing evils. For which purpose he moved the appointment of a committee to inquire
into the situation of certain tracts of land, appropriated to the support of schools and religion, out of a tract of land granted to John C. Sims, to report by bill or otherwise what measures are necessary to be adopted to render the said tracts productive.
Ordered to lie on the table.
ALEXANDRIA, Dec. 10.
Last evening arrived here from Norfolk, citizen Dubugeac. We are informed that this gentleman lately came out from France as consul for Cape Francois. Immediately on his arrival in St. Domingo, he was sent by Toussaint Louverture, with dispatches for the government of the United States. He left this place for the city of Washington this morning.
NORFOLK, December 5.
Arrived, the Portsmouth ship of war, direct from France, on board of which is Governor DAVIE, one of the Ambassadors, with the TREATY of AMITY and COMMERCE entered into by them with the French Republic.
Having been favoured by General DAVIE with a file of French papers to the 13th of October, we make translations of such parts of them as have not already appeared in the Herald. They contain very little, or nothing, even conjectural, on the subject of PEACE; but from what we have been enabled to learn from verbal information, there is great probability that a general peace will take place, for we understand that the First Consul (Buonaparte) has waved the preliminary with Great Britain, of insisting on a Naval Armistice. That England is to send a deputy to the General Convention at Luneville, and the common report is, that Holland and Italy are to be acknowledged as Republics, which, it is supposed, England will accede to. With respect to the materials which form the Treaty between this country and France, nothing has transpired of which we have any knowledge, except that one feature is, that the American flag is to pass in all directions unmolested by that of the French.
NASSAU, (N. P.) Nov. 8.
By the Lord Nelson, Capt. Johnson, we have been informed, that about the beginning of August last, the Musqueto Indians had attacked a Spanish settlement at Black River, 15 leagues from Truxilla, on the coast of Honduras, and taken it—and that it was their intention to make a descent on Truxilla.
[OFFICIAL.]
PARIS, OCTOBER 3, 1800.
The Minister of War to the Maritime Prefects in Bourdeaux.
I make haste to inform you citizen, that a convention of Amity and Commerce between the French Republic and the United States of America has been just signed by the ministers plenipotentiaries of France and the American commissioners.
I pray you to communicate this news immediately to the military officers of the administration, as well as to the commerce of your city.
(Signed)
FORSAIT.
LOST
ON Sunday evening last, between the Capitol and Mr. Smith's Printing office, a red Morocco pocket book, with a broken clasp, containing several papers and one ten dollar note—Whoever has found, and will deliver it at Mr. Smith's Printing office—New-Jersey Avenue, shall receive a liberal reward.
THOMAS TOWN.
Dec. 12th 1800.
CONRAD & McMUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. LAW, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from hence to the Eastern ranch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses. They hope to merit public patronage.
City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
INFORMATION WANTED.
ALEXANDER INNES, a Blatter by trade, was sometime ago on board the Constellation frigate and was in 1798 in Norfolk, Virginia. He has not since been heard off. His friends would be thankful if any persons who know anything of his situation or residence, would communicate it by letter, per post, addressed to Robert Innes, jun. merchant Easton Pennsylvania. P. S. Printers to the Southward of Pennsylvania are requested to give the above a place for a few times.
November 28, 1800.

GOVERNOR MONROE'S Speech concluded from bur last.
The distribution of arms under an act of last session was also a subject which engaged much of the time and labor of the Executive. By that act the Executive were authorized to distribute among the several regiments of militia, according to their strength, two-thirds of all the arms and accoutrements belonging to the state after caulking them to be stamped in the mode therein prescribed, comprising as well those on hand, as those that might be procured under existing appropriations. In carrying this law into effect the Executive considered it its duty, to take into view in the first apportionment, equally the arms that were contracted for as those on hand, and to make the reservation out of the latter. Had regard been shown to those on hand only, the number for distribution or reservation, was too inconsiderable to become an object in either view. The Executive was further prompted to this arrangement by the consideration that the arms at the Point of Fork, which it was proposed to reserve, were already deposited in the only place of tolerable security in the commonwealth, were many of them of the best quality, of the same caliber, and amounted to about the proportion it was proper to reserve. Accordingly an apportionment was made among the several regiments of about eight thousand stand, four thousand of which were on hand, and other four thousand daily expected, and an order given for their being stamped, in expectation that by the time these were finished the others would arrive. These latter did not arrive till lately, and being only of the quality of the former, and like them much inferior to those stipulated by the contract, were not accepted in discharge of it. They are however in Richmond, and as the Executive are disposed to purchase them at their real value, it is probable they may become the property of the state. Should this be the case, care will be taken that they be stamped and distributed as soon as it shall be practicable. The first mentioned four thousand were stamped and their distribution had commenced, at the precise time when a domestic occurrence admonished us to suspend the order. Of these, a part were necessarily committed, under the pressure of the emergency to the militia of this city and neighbourhood, from whom the whole were not till lately recovered. As soon as they were recovered the distribution was resumed and is now in a train of execution. Five thousand other stand of arms are contracted for, of which four thousand are to be supplied from Philadelphia, and one thousand from the county of Culpeper in this commonwealth. By the contract for four thousand, a number not exceeding two hundred, nor less than fifty, are to be delivered weekly, of which a part, of arms of the best quality, are already received. The remaining thousand, it is understood, are finished and ready to be delivered. These five thousand stand will also be distributed as soon as they are received.
By an act which passed in 1798, the Governor was authorised with the advice of the council to cede to the United States the marine hospital at Norfolk, with its lots and appurtenances, on receiving satisfactory proof that the balance due from the commissioners to the contractor was actually paid. In the course of the last summer that balance was ascertained in a report from the commissioners who, from a regard to the circumstances of the claimants, pressed me to make the cession to enable them to recover the amount of their claim. I immediately communicated to the President of the United States the purport of the said act, assuring him of my readiness to cede the hospital to the said States, on the conditions therein specified if he chose to accept it. By the President's answer and other circumstances that have since occurred, there is cause to believe, that this transaction will be soon closed according to the wishes of the General Assembly.
By an act of the last session, it was also made the duty of the Governor to convey to the United States a certain tract of land the property of the Commonwealth called Gosport, as soon as he should be satisfied the government of the United States was willing to pay the amount, at which the said tract should be valued, by agents to be appointed by each party. I have caused a copy of that law to be transmitted to the executive of the United States, and declared my readiness to carry the same into effect, on the conditions therein contained whenever a like disposition should be manifested on its part. Com-
missioners were appointed to make the same valuation, who performed that duty, and I shall hasten to cede the said tract as soon as I am duly notified, that the President has approved the valuation, and is willing to accept the cession.
On the 5th day of February I transmitted to the Governor of Tennessee a copy of the resolution of the 10th of January last, which proposes to settle the boundary line between the two states, in a mode and on principles which it is presumed that state will readily accede to. I have since forwarded to the Governor of Kentucky the act of the last session, which confirms the boundary line between this commonwealth and that state, as ascertained and established by commissioners who were appointed by both states. I shall not fail to communicate to the General Assembly the answers which may be received from the executives of those states.
Sometime in April last I was advised by a respectable citizen in Norfolk, that a magistrate of the borough had received from the captain of the Constellation, a frigate of the United States, a person said to be one of the mutineers on board his Britannic majesty's ship the Hermione; that he committed the said person to jail, with an order to the jailor to surrender him to the British consul, on his application; that he was surrendered accordingly to the said consul, who sent him to a British island where he was executed. A conduct so extraordinary as that alleged, could not otherwise than excite the astonishment of the executive. Every man within the jurisdiction of the state, is under certain exceptions, amenable to its laws - and entitled to its protection. If he commits an offence against the sovereignty, or other rights of the United States, he is amenable to their government and laws for the infraction. But the act which was denounced did not appear to proceed from, or be sanctioned by the authority of that government. To designate a man within the jurisdiction of a state as one not entitled to its protection, or that of the United States, to divest him of such protection, and surrender him to a foreign power, to be sent abroad, tried, condemned and executed, by the sentence of a foreign tribunal, are important acts of sovereignty, in which the character and agency of the chief public functionaries should be seen, and for which they are highly responsible. But nothing of that kind appeared in the present instance. No respectful, though strict analysis, by the competent authority, of the respective claims to jurisdiction, between the state and the United States, with respect to the fugitive, who sought an asylum here; no circumspect examination of treaties between the United States and a foreign power, which ought to precede an act derogating in some respects from the national sovereignty, were heard of. The magistrate who acted was not even an officer of the federal government, but of this state, in which light, he was in a peculiar degree responsible to its authority. The act was strictly that of the magistrate himself. As however this communication comprised the character of a consul of a foreign power, and an officer of the United States, as well as that of a magistrate of this commonwealth, the executive was careful to observe in the part it took, the utmost deference to the rights of those who were to be affected by it. The information was given in writing by a respectable citizen, but yet that did not seem to be an evidence sufficiently formal and authentic, to justify the proceeding under it. It was deemed more consistent with the principles of justice, and becoming the character of a free state, to cause the verity of these charges to be ascertained by affidavit, with due notice to the parties, before any step was taken. And as the attorney general was necessarily engaged in public business in one of the superior courts at the time, that trust was committed to George Hay, a citizen of merit on the part of the people, as could have been shown by them on a similar occasion, that degree of judgment and propriety its delicacy and importance required. I am sorry to add that the result of the enquiry, did not diminish the presumption that the charges alleged were true. It was deemed of sufficient force to impose on the executive an obligation, to refer the subject to the attorney general, with a request that he would take such measures in reference to the transaction as in his judgment might be suitable. I submit a copy of all the papers necessary to give a full view of his interesting occurrence to the General Assembly; with whose wisdom it will remain to determine, whether any further provision ought to be made by law for similar offences in future.
Some time in July last, the attention of the Executive was called with peculiar solicitude and sympathy to the situation of Norfolk, which was said to be unhappily visited by a contagious disease.
On undeniable evidence, that such was the case, I deemed it my duty, by the advice of Council, to issue a proclamation, imposing quarantine on all vessels sailing from that port, to the other ports of the Commonwealth. On subsequent information, I extended, by like advice, the same restraint to all vessels from that port also: as that restraint was imposed with reluctance, you will readily conceive it was removed as soon as there ceased to be cause for its continuance. Happily that period arrived in November last, when on satisfactory information, that the health of those Cities was restored, the said proclamation was revoked. The ordinary intercourse between them and the several ports of this Commonwealth immediately revived, and I add with pleasure, that experience has justified the act which permitted it.
The act to amend an act, entitled, "An Act for appointing electors to choose a President and Vice-President of the United States," imposed certain duties on the executive, which it was scrupulous to discharge with that degree of attention, the high importance of the trust required. Commissioners for holding elections in the several counties of the commonwealth were appointed, and commissions forwarded to them, under special precaution for their safe delivery in due time. In almost every instance, the proof of the public confidence was accepted with alacrity, by the patriotic citizens in whom it was reposed. The elections were held according to law, and returns have since been made, which enabled the executive to announce the persons who were chosen. The cheerfulness with which the law was received and executed, are strong indications that it was highly acceptable to the people, and the character of the vote given by the great body of electors, in favour of the enlightened citizens, who are chosen, is a conclusive proof of their devotion to the free elective system of their government, which happily exists among us. A system which may emphatically be styled the offspring of our revolution, and which if it did not absolutely take its origin, has certainly received its highest improvement in these states. Yon will receive herewith, a return of the persons who are appointed electors. The documents on which it is founded, are deposited in the council chamber.
As soon as the requisite number of copies of the Report of the Select Committee of the last session on the Answer of several of the states to the Resolutions of the General Assembly, which passed at the preceding session, relative to the Alien and Sedition laws of the United States, and the Instructions to the Senators of this state to the Congress of the United States were printed, the executive hastened to distribute them among the several counties of the commonwealth, in compliance with the Resolution of the 20th of January last. It is believed that no public documents illustrative of public transactions, however interesting, were ever more generally read or thoroughly approved, than these were; nor can it be doubted that the light which they communicated on the very important subject to which they referred, tended to increase in a high degree, the confidence of the good people of this commonwealth, in the wisdom and policy which governed the General Assembly. In connection with that subject it is proper to add, that since your last session, the Sedition law, one of the most complained of, has been carried into effect in this commonwealth, by the decision of a federal court. - I notice this event, not with a view of censuring or criticizing the transaction has gone to the world, and the impartial will judge of it as it deserves. I notice it for the purpose of remarking, that the decision was executed with the same order and tranquil submission as has been shown by them on a similar occasion, to any the most necessary, constitutional, and popular acts of the government. The constituted authorities and the good people of this commonwealth, are attached to the union, and cherish it with their fondest wishes. The colonization of their ancestors in this Western world, was generally from the same country, at the same time, and produced by the same cause; they alike groaned under an oppression which repressed their growth and checked their prosperity: - they fought and bled in the same battles, in defence of the same rights, and have since experienced, with unexampled harmony and unanimity, a variety of interesting occurrences which admonish them, they still are and ought to remain forever united. The General Assembly, and the good people of this commonwealth, have acquitted themselves to their own consciences, and to their brethren in America, in support of a cause
which they deem a national one, by the stand which they made; and the sentiments they expressed of those acts of the general government; but they have looked for a change in that respect, to a change in the public opinion which ought to be free, not to measures of violence, discord and disunion, which they abhor.
It is my duty to inform you, that the Office of Attorney General, becoming vacant in the recess of the General Assembly, by the death of the late deserving citizen Robert Brooke, it was thought proper to supply the vacancy by an appointment which requires the approbation of the legislature. By the advice of council, I conferred that office on Philip Norborne Nicholas, a citizen of merit and talents, who is thought very deserving of it. - There are some other important subjects which claim the deliberate attention of the General Assembly, during its present session, particularly that of the late conspiracy of the slaves. I shall hasten to communicate these, being very desirous to promote by all the means in my power the dispatch of public business.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, Your most obedient & Very humble servant, JAMES MONROE.
CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE.
THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the L. T. HOTEL - Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, letters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, seamen's wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms.
Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary.
N. B. Hertys Abridgment of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Hertys Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered December 5, 1800. twtf.
This day is Published and for Sale
BT
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE,
Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A FEW remarks on MR. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President, price 25 cents.
The BEGGAR GIRL and her Benefactors 3 Vols. by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh heiress, Juvenile indiscretions, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howell. price 3 dollars, neatly bound.
JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT MAKER FROM PHILADELPHIA.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Bootees, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d. gtw.
TO JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED, a number of Journeymen Shoemakers, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given.
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of WASHINGTON. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard. WILLIAM PROUF. City of Washington, December 12, 1800 tf N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
TO BE RENTED,
FOR a few months, a Two story brick house with 4 rooms, together with mahogany chairs, bureau, sofa, bedstead, looking glasses &c. enquire of HENRY INGLE, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill. Who has just received a few Coal Grates in addition his assortment of Hard ware. H. INGLE. Dec. 8, 1800. 2w