The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-10 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. V.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 10th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 6.
Last evening arrived the ship America, captain Swain belonging to Messrs. Nicklin and Griffith from London. The America left London the 5th, the Downs the 12th, and Lands-end the 15th of October, and made the Light-house the third of November—a passage we believe at this season of the year almost unparalleled.
The COURIER of the 6th October, 1800, contains the following paragraph.
“Paris, Oct. 3d, 1800.”
“A CONVENTION of Amity and Commerce, between the French Republic and the United States of America, was signed the day before yesterday (First of October) by the French plenipotentiaries Joseph Buonaparte, C. P. Claret, Fleurieu, and Riederer, and the American commissioners Oliver Ellsworth, W. R. Davey, and W. V. Murray.”
“(Official.)”
October 3.—It was less necessary to revert to the past than to revive, between the two nations, useful and honorable relations; the treaty has fulfilled this object.—The French Ministers, convinced that the prosperity of America could not but add to the prosperity of France, have been led particularly to consecrate maxims most favourable to the rights of neutrality, and most conformable to the regulations of '78. The first Consul in restoring force to those regulations four months ago, fulfilled the wish of Justice and of Europe, and undoubtedly it will be delightful to him to evince himself anew faithful to his principles, by not lying the treaty concluded by the Ministers of the Republic, at a moment in which Europe resounds with the violation of neutral flags.—The American Ministers, on their side, appreciated the advantage of being allied to a Nation, governed, at length by wisdom and firmness. Every thing announces that a strict and durable friendship is about to reanimate the mutual Commerce of the two Nations.
PARIS, Sept. 25.
TELEGRAPHIC DISPATCH.
Line of Strasburg.
General Moreau, commander in chief of the army of the Rhine, to General Buonaparte, First Consul of the Republic.
“I have concluded a new armistice. The three places of Ingolstadt, Ulm, and Philippsburg will be given up in five days, and evacuated in ten.”
(True Copy)
“CHAPPE.”
Army of Batavia—Right Wing.
Order of the day of the 1st Vendemaire. The army is informed, that there is a prolongation of the Armistice for 45 days on condition of the surrender of the three places of Ulm, Ingolstadt and Philippsburg, which has been consented to by the Emperor.
(Signed)
ANDREOSSI.
MODENA, Sept. 15.
Lucca has been entirely evacuated by the French—the Austrians have also evacuated Ferrara and re-passed the Po.—Before they left it they exacted a contribution of 80,000 crowns.
VIENNA, Sept. 10.
On the news that the armistice was prolonged, our state papers rose 8 per cent.
What must greatly contribute to promote peace, or should it not be concluded, must have a great influence on the consequent events, is the armed intervention of two great courts, which in certain circumstances will take place. We have now received certain information, that two numerous Russian armies, which will amount together to not less than 130,000 men, are assembling on the Russian frontiers of Volhynia and Lithuania. We are also assured that another powerful court will not see with indiffer-
ence, the French carry the war into Bohemia.
LONDON, Sept. 29.
Yesterday were received Paris papers to the 26th instant. The intelligence they present is of the very first importance, as having the strongest appearance of peace.
The Hamburg mail due on Wednesday last arrived yesterday, and brought a confirmation of the prolongation of the armistice between France and Austria, the intelligence of which reached us on Wednesday in the Paris papers. The Emperor, according to the Vienna article, has sent to Paris a modification of the terms proposed by Buonaparte; and this circumstance has considerably revived the hopes of peace at Vienna. While an expectation of a favourable issue of the negotiation prevails, the means of defence are not however neglected; and his Imperial Majesty is making great and important changes in his army, which he now commands in person.
The following intelligence was brought by the Hamburg mail which arrived yesterday:
“Riga, Sept. 10, 1800, N. S. Publication.”
“The Emperor of Russia having learned that the English have made a violent attack upon Denmark, and have impeded the passage of the Sound, by sending a squadron of men of war to Elsinore, whereby the commerce of the Baltic Sea appears to have sustained an interruption, is hereby pleased to order that English property or capital in his Imperial Majesty's dominions be sequestered or detained, and that no part of it be suffered to be remitted nor sent out until his Imperial Majesty shall have ascertained what the real views of England are, or that his Imperial Majesty shall have given his special permission to the contrary.”
“None of the property of the English shall, however, be taken from the possessors; nor shall any interruption be given to the private concerns of the merchants possessing British property.”
Extraordinary as this measure may appear to be, yet, as the motives which are alleged as having given rise to it have now ceased, it is to be presumed, that the edict directing it would be revoked almost immediately after it had been issued.
Luneville, the place proposed for a meeting of the plenipotentiaries of Austria and Great Britain, is a town of Lorraine, 14 miles ESE. of Nancy.
The mail of Friday brought us letters from the combined British and Turkish fleet off Alexandria, dated the 9th of July, stating that Sir Sidney Smith had sent Lieut. Wright, of Letigre to Cairo, charged with dispatches to General Menou.—The Grand Vizier was encamped with about 30,000 men at Jaffa, and was engaged in preparations to advance against the enemy, should the mission of Mr. Wright fail to induce them to evacuate Egypt. Sir Sidney Smith had only two English ships, but two others were hourly expected to join him.
Letters from Lubeck, of the 15th mention the arrival of an English vessel there from Riga: so that the embargo stated to have been imposed on our vessels in the Russian ports must have been but of short duration.
October 1.—Nothing has transpired since our last with respect to the negotiations which are now upon the tapis for a maritime armistice between this country and France. The answer of the consulate to the last dispatches of our government on this subject is expected to arrive in the course of to-morrow.
The negotiation between the courts of Petersburg and Berlin for an armed mediation to settle the affairs of the continent, have been carried on for some time past with great activity. It is reported, from a very confidential source, that the strenuous exertions of the Emperor Paul have not been effectual, the latter having very recently transmitted his refusal to the application. It is thought the King of Prussia has been promised a boon by the Chief Consul at the general peace.
The latest and most confidential letters from Spain mention, that troops are marching from all quarters of that kingdom towards Portugal. Since the peace between the Emperor and the French Republic, the situation of Portugal is evidently become much more critical than before.
October 3.—On Wednesday Mr. Hertslett, a King's Messenger, arrived from Copenhagen with the ratification of the Convention signed in that City on the 29th of August, by their Excellencies Lord Whitworth and Count Bernstorff, on the part of their respective Courts.
The Hamburg Mail due on Sunday arrived yesterday morning. The intelligence it brings, being of a date prior to that before received by the Paris papers, cannot be very interesting. It does not come down to the 20th of September, the date of the Convention by which the armistice was prolonged. We only find, that the hope of this prolongation had caused a great sensation in Germany, and produced a rise of two per cent. in the State paper of Vienna. The Emperor, on his arrival at the army, did not take command of it himself, but appointed his brother, the Arch-duke John, general in Chief, until, say the letters from Vienna, the Arch-duke Charles shall be sufficiently recovered to take his place.
The Mail brings a confirmation of the Emperor Paul's having taken off the sequestration on the effects of British subjects; it is to be regretted that it should have been so hastily imposed, and that a disposition should have been manifested for which no provocation had been given.
The Emperor, after signing the last Convention with the French, gave notice of his intention to set out for Italy, to review the Austrian Army in that country. He was expected at Verona on the 16th of September.
The flag of truce which arrived the night before last, brought to Lord Grenville the answer of citizen Talleyrand to the dispatches sent on Friday last to Paris, relative to the proposed Naval Armistice.
Respecting the particular points of restriction or equivalent, which are the present subjects of delay in the Negotiation of the Naval armistice, nothing certain will transpire till that object shall be finally accomplished or refused. Ministers by admitting and attempting to modify a similar proposition, evince their desire of procuring a general peace at the Congress of Luneville. Much difficulty will attend the present discussions, which naturally embrace so many parts of the world, where France is in various modes coerced and confined by our maritime superiority. Many flags of truce therefore will pass, no doubt, and repass, before such an armistice can be finally concluded, and a renewal of speculation and imposture, to which, during every species of negotiation, it is always exposed.
The last Paris papers mention that Gen. Berthier arrived at Madrid on the 3d ult. at ten in the evening. As he proceeded to the Hotel prepared for his reception, he was followed by an immense concourse of people, all eager to see him, and martial music played as he alighted from his carriage. He left Madrid next day, to go to St. Ildefonso; as he passed through the city, shouts of applause resounded from every corner. On his arrival at St. Ildefonso, he was presented by the Ambassador Alquier, to M. D'Urquijo, Chief Secretary of State. General Berthier then went to Court, and was presented to the King and Queen, by both of whom he was received with the most distinguished marks of honor.
The French army in Bavaria now consists of 70,000 infantry, 18,000 cavalry, and 4000 artillery.
When general Moreau passed through Ratisbon, he invited the Ministers of Prussia, of Sweden, and the two Houses of Hesse, to dine with him. The invitation was sent by an Aid-de-Camp.
October 6.—Malta has at length surrendered to the English. On the second of Sept. a Council of War was held, at which, on account of the total want of provisions, it was agreed to send a flag of truce to major general Pigot, with a proposal to
surrender the island. On the 5th the articles of capitulation were agreed to and signed. The garrison are considered as prisoners of war, and are not to serve again until his Britannic Majesty until regularly exchanged. This event is of considerable importance, as it removes one of the obstacles to the arrangement of a naval armistice, and will enable G. Britain to negotiate with more effect at the Cong. of Luneville.
The Emperor is gone to Vienna. Count Lehrbach is daily expected at Strasburg, on his way to Luneville, where very active preparations for the Congress are making. The Chief Consul's brother Joseph Buonaparte, is to be the Negotiator on the part of France.
The affair of the capture of the Spanish Frigates in the harbour of Barcelona, by two English Frigates, has been taken up by the court of Spain in the most serious manner.
Our readers will recollect that the frigates were captured by means of a Swedish ship on board of which a strong party of English officers was put who got the ship alongside one of the frigates, boarded, took her, and turned her guns against the other frigate which was obliged to strike. The circumstance of converting a neutral vessel into an instrument of hostility, has been considered by Spain as a violation of the rights of neutral nations.
A Circular letter has been addressed to all the foreign ministers at Madrid, enclosing a letter to the Swedish minister of Foreign Affairs. The court of Stockholm is desired to demand reparation, and the restitution of the Spanish Frigates, and is informed, that if its representations to the court of London are not attended with the due effect, before the end of the year, his Catholic Majesty will adopt measures of precaution towards the Swedish flag.
On the 30th and 31st of August, Lord Keith sailed from Minorca with 15,000 troops. He proceeded to the eastward, and is supposed to be gone either to Naples, or Egypt. Two of the Frigates which did so much damage on the coast of Africa have been taken.
The Convention signed by the Emperor produces a great sensation in Germany—the Malcontents, and Partisans of England, accuse him of having abandoned the interests of the Empire, which is not true.
Date of the events which have occurred in Egypt from the treaty of L'Arish.
1. Treaty concluded at L'Arish, on the 25th of January, and ratified by the general in chief, on the 29th of the same month at the camp at Salachich. 2. Conferences of Sebille Hallen, near Matharich. They continued from the 12th of March to the 17th of the same month. 3. The letter of lord Keith printed and announced to the army on the 17th of March, with the proclamation of the general in chief Kleber. 4. The rupture officially notified to the Vizier on the 18th of March. 5. The battle of Matharich, or Heliopolis, gained on the 17th of March over the army of the Grand Vizier 60,000 strong—20 pieces of cannon taken. 6. The aid-de-camp Beaudot sent on a parley during the action, was maltreated, and detained a prisoner, contrary to the rights of nations. 7. Insurrection of Cairo on the 19th of March, 6 hours after the departure of the army. It was fomented by some Osmanlis who had introduced themselves into Cairo after the convention of L'Arish. 8. Arrival of Nasif Pacha in this city on the 29th of March. He had escaped from the defeated army, and making a great detour, entered Cairo by the gate Bab-el-Nafs, called the gate of Victories. 9. Arrival of the French army at Belbeys on the 20th of March, the enemy, constantly pursued, kept flying before it. 10. Surrender of the fort of Belbeys on the 22nd of March, 600 Turks prisoners of war—8 pieces of cannon taken. 11. The affair of Goreid on the 23rd of March. 12. Arrival of the army at Salachich on the 24th of March. Taking of twelve

pieces of cannon belonging to the Grand Vizier's camp, and an immense quantity of baggage abandoned by the enemy in his precipitate retreat across the desert, which he strewed with dead bodies. The number of men that perished from Salachich to Gazza is estimated at 18,000. Departure of the general in chief, Kleber, on the same day for Cairo.
13. His arrival at Cairo on the 27th of March.
14. First capitulation of Cairo agreed to on the 4th of April. The Turks refuse to leave the place, and continue to fight.
15. Arrival of Osman Bey L'Oscar and an officer of Nafif Pacha, on the 20th of April, on a parley. A mine dug by the French blew up a large house, in which there were between 4 and 500 Osmanlis.
16. Definitive capitulation for the evacuation of Cairo by the Turks agreed to on the 21st of April.
17. On the 21st of April adjutant general Rene, and citizen Tiouh, officers of the staff, sent hostages for the evacuation of the capitulation, and exchange in the square of Etchekier against Osman Bey L'Oscar and the Kiaya of Nafif Pacha. The Turks and the Osmanlis insult them in the city, and they are obliged to take refuge in a mosque, where Ely Bey, who was entrusted to guard them, defended them against the attempts of the furious multitude.
18. Departure of the Turks to the number of 5000, on the 24th of April.
19. Assassination of general Kleber on the 14th of June.
20. Execution of the assassin and his accomplices on the 17th of June.
Peace was concluded with Mourad Bey during the siege of Cairo. The provinces of Girge and Assuan were ceded to him. He enjoys them under the title of prince governor for the French republic. It should be remarked, that during the battle of Heliopolis, Mourad Bey kept constantly on a height, near the field of battle. He had said that he would make no movement, and he kept his word.
The tails of several Pachas have been taken at Matharich, Belbeys, and Salachich.
After the battle of Heliopolis the troops marched to retake Damietta; which had been given up to the Turks in consequence of the convention. Twelve hundred Osmanlis were killed there. The remainder fled by Lake Menzale and the desert.
Preliminary Articles of Peace.
Rejected by the EMPEROR.
His majesty the Emperor, King of Hungary and Bohemia, &c. &c. and the first Consul of the French Republic, in the name of the French people, equally animated with the desire of putting an end to the evils of war by a speedy, just and solid peace, have agreed on the following preliminary articles:
Art. 1. There shall be peace, amity and good understanding between his majesty the Emperor and King and the French Republic.
II. Until the conclusion of a definitive peace, the armies will remain as well in Germany as in Italy, in the position respectively they now are in, without extending any more towards the South of Italy. On his part, his Imperial Majesty engages himself to concentrate all the forces which he may have in the Papal states, in the fortress of Ancona, to put a stop to the extraordinary levy which is making in Tuscany, and to prevent all disembarkation of the enemies of the French republic at Leghorn or at any other point of the Coast.
III. The treaty of Campo-Formio shall be taken as the basis of the definitive pacification, excepting such changes as have become necessary.
IV. His Imperial majesty makes no opposition as to the French republic preserving the limits of the Rhine, such as it had been agreed at Rastadt, viz. the left bank of the Rhine from the place where the Rhine quits the territory of the Batavian republic; and engages himself moreover to cede to the French republic the sovereignty and propriety of the Frickthal, and all that belongs to the House of Austria between Zurzach and Baile.
V. The French republic does not mean to keep Cassel, Kehl, Ehrenbreitstein, and Dusseldorf. Those places are demolished, on condition that there will not be erected on the right bank of the Rhine, for the distance of three leagues, any fortification, either in masonry or in earth.
VI. The indemnities which his majesty the Emperor and King was to have in Germany, by virtue of the secret articles of the treaty of Campo-Formio, will be taken in Italy; and though it is reserved to agree at the time of definitive pacification, on the position and of the quota of said indemnities, it is however established here as a basis, that his majesty, the emperor and king shall possess, besides the countries granted to him in Italy by the treaty of Campo-Formio, an equivalent to the possession of the archbishoprick of Salzburg, and of that part of the circle of Bavaria, situated between the archbishoprick of Salzburg, the rivers Inn and Salza, and the Tyrol, including the city of Wasserburg on the left bank of the Inn with a space of three thousand fathoms round, and of the Frickthal which he cedes to the French republic.
VII. The ratification of the present preliminary articles, shall be interchanged at Vienna, before the 27th Thermidor.
VIII. Immediately after the exchange of the ratification, the negotiations for the definitive peace shall be continued. The place for negotiation shall be fixed upon by both parties. The preliminaries shall be sent thither twenty days, at the latest, after said exchange.
IX. His majesty, the emperor and king and the first consul of the French republic reciprocally engage on their word of honour to keep the present articles secret, until the exchange of the ratifications.
X. The powers of M. de Saint Julien being contained in a letter from the Emperor to the first Consul, the full powers invested with the usual formalities shall be exchanged with the ratifications of the present preliminaries which will not bind the respective governments till after the ratification.
We the undersigned have agreed to and signed the present preliminaries of peace at Paris the 9th Thermidor, 8th year of the French Republic, (28 July, 1800.)
(Signed) Ie Comte de SAINT JULIEN, Gen. Ch. M. TALLEYRAND.
is, that his majesty, the emperor and king shall possess, besides the countries granted to him in Italy by the treaty of Campo-Formio, an equivalent to the possession of the archbishoprick of Salzburg, and of that part of the circle of Bavaria, situated between the archbishoprick of Salzburg, the rivers Inn and Salza, and the Tyrol, including the city of Wasserburg on the left bank of the Inn with a space of three thousand fathoms round, and of the Frickthal which he cedes to the French republic.
VII. The ratification of the present preliminary articles, shall be interchanged at Vienna, before the 27th Thermidor.
VIII. Immediately after the exchange of the ratification, the negotiations for the definitive peace shall be continued. The place for negotiation shall be fixed upon by both parties. The preliminaries shall be sent thither twenty days, at the latest, after said exchange.
IX. His majesty, the emperor and king and the first consul of the French republic reciprocally engage on their word of honour to keep the present articles secret, until the exchange of the ratifications.
X. The powers of M. de Saint Julien being contained in a letter from the Emperor to the first Consul, the full powers invested with the usual formalities shall be exchanged with the ratifications of the present preliminaries which will not bind the respective governments till after the ratification.
We the undersigned have agreed to and signed the present preliminaries of peace at Paris the 9th Thermidor, 8th year of the French Republic, (28 July, 1800.)
(Signed) Ie Comte de SAINT JULIEN, Gen. Ch. M. TALLEYRAND.
The refusal of his majesty the emperor to ratify the above preliminaries, having necessitated the rupture of the armistice, the same has been signified the 14th Fructidor inst. (1st. Sept.) by the generals in Chief Moreau, Brune, Angereau and Macdonald to the enemy's generals.
PARIS, Sept. 25.
On the 19th of September his Majesty the Emperor gave powers to Count Lehrbach and to Baron Lauer to treat with the General of Brigade Laborie.
On the following day, the 20th September the following act was signed:
Convention for the prolongation of the suspension of arms between the French army of the Rhine and the army of his Imperial Majesty in Germany.
The Count De Lehrbach, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Imperial, Royal, and Apostolic Majesty in the Empire and with his army in Germany, and the Baron De Lauer, Field Marshal of the armies of his Majesty, on the one part, and the general of Brigade of the French army of the Rhine, Victor Faman Laborie, on the other part, charged reciprocally with the full powers necessary for concluding and signing a convention relative to the prolongation of the suspension of arms, have agreed as follows:
Art. 1st. His Imperial and Royal Majesty, on the demand of the First Consul of the French Republic, and with the view of giving a proof of his desire to stop the scourge of war, consents that the fortresses of Philipsburg and Ulm, with the fortresses which depend on them, and that of Ingolstadt, which are comprehended within the line of demarcation which was fixed on by the convention of the 15th of July last, shall be put at the disposal of the French army, as a pledge of his intentions.
2d. The garrisons which are in the fortresses shall depart freely with all that belongs to them, and shall go to the Imperial army of Germany.
3d. The evacuation of these places, as well of the garrisons as of the stores of every kind, shall take place without delay, within ten days at farthest. There shall for this purpose be furnished by the French army, all the accommodation, which are in its power to the means of making transports of every kind, which shall be at the charge of his Royal and Imperial Majesty. As to the occupation of one of the gates upon the principal communications, they shall, after the interval of five days, be given up to the French army. The choice of them shall be determined by delegates, who shall be immediately sent, with the shortest possible delay, to examine their state.
4th. The warlike stores, and those of provisions, and the military chests, shall also be removed. The same thing shall be done with the artillery, with the exception of that of the Empire. This latter shall be examined & certified by delegates appointed for the purpose.
5th. It shall be determined without delay by a particular convention, what shall be the means of transport, and of the evacuation of these places, as well as what shall be
the means of subsisting and removing the sick, who cannot be transported with the garrisons.
6th. By means of the above arrangements, there shall be a prolongation of the armistice, and of a suspension of hostilities between the army of his Imperial and Royal Majesty and his allies, and the army of the Rhine of the French Republic, for forty-five days, to count from to-morrow, and comprehending fifteen days for intimation of the resumption of hostilities, if they are to be resumed.
7th. The General in Chief of the army of the Rhine, engages to procure a cessation of hostilities on the part of the army of the French Republic in Italy, in case they have there been resumed.
8th. The line of demarcation fixed by the Convention of the 15th of July, is preserved in all its details under the modification comprehended in the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th articles of this agreement, and under those herein after mentioned.
9th. The French army of the Rhine shall return, and be stationary on the two banks of the Rhine, and the Imperial army of Germany upon the two banks of the Inn, each at the distance of 3000 toises, either from the rivers, or from places upon their course. There shall only be placed a chain of advanced posts upon the line of demarcation fixed by the convention of the 15th of July last.
10th. The dispositions of the above-mentioned convention shall be executed in every thing which is not contrary to the present. Article 8th of that convention, of the 15th of July, is not only applicable to the inhabitants of the places above mentioned in all its dispositions, but the General in Chief is at the same time invited to take into consideration the situation in which these inhabitants have been placed by the misfortunes of war.
11th. The present convention shall be sent by couriers to all the commanders of corps of the respective armies, both in Germany and Italy, with the greatest expedition, so that not only hostilities may be, and may remain suspended, but so that the putting it in execution may be begun immediately and finished in the term absolutely necessary, regard being had to distance.
12th. There shall be named, by the generals in Chief of the two armies, Delegates for the execution of the articles of the above convention, who shall see to that execution.
Interchanged at Hohenlinden, September 20, 1800.
(Signed) COUNT DE LEHRBACH. LAUER, Field Marshal. VICTOR F. LABORIE. (True Copy) MOREAU, Gen. in Chief.
LONDON, October, 1.
A letter from Barcelona dated the 7th of September, in the French papers, states that the disorder which rages at Cadiz, is neither the plague nor the yellow fever.
We are extremely sorry to learn, by authentic letters from Cadiz, of the 5th ult. the latest date in town, that the mortality in that city has been much greater than there was reason to suppose. The epidemic disorder, or, as some suppose it the plague, which prevails there, carried off no fewer than 3600 persons between the 18th August and the 5th September, on which day 207 persons died. The disorder generally carries off those whom it attacks on the 3d or 4th day. The first symptoms are a pain in the limbs and bones, and violent vomiting. About 33,000 inhabitants have fled the city, and about 40,000 remain in it. No person is now suffered to leave Cadiz, and a cordon of troops is drawn along the peninsula to prevent any intercourse with the country.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Are the PEOPLE of the United States so divided in opinion, as would appear from the reiterated language of party?
It will readily be discerned that this is an enquiry of the most interesting character as its elucidation may disclose the present state and future prospects of our country.
Truth ought ever to be sought with a spirit of temperate and candid deliberation. It has stood eternally aloof from every sect, and will continue to stand aloof, so long as personal interest, and the gratification of ordid passions characterise sectarian associations. It is with this spirit that I propose to enter upon a discussion of these points. Let it, however, be remembered, that decision is so far from being incompatible with moderation, that it generally is inseparable from it. If therefore, my ideas be conveyed in terms of energy, let me not be upbraided for intemperance.
Are the PEOPLE of the United States so divided in opinion, as would appear from the reiterated language of party?
To answer this question, it is necessary to consider those points in which a people may be divided. A division may arise, 1. From the difference of language. 2. From difference of education and early habits. 3. From dissimilar or opposing interests.
1. The languages spoken are the English, the German, and the Dutch. I omit, as unworthy of notice, the French, further than merely to observe that this language has but a limited existence, and almost every Frenchman speaks more frequently English than French.
The German and Dutch languages are almost exclusively confined to the middle states. Even in these but a small part of the population consists of Germans and Dutch. Of this small portion, by far the greater part are well acquainted with the English language. With but few exceptions it is universally spoken, and very generally read. Though there exist a national attachment to the language of the country of their ancestors, yet a regard to interest and comfort has gradually undermined the prevalence of the German and Dutch languages, and the remaining partiality that is cherished for them is rapidly fading away. The solid virtues of the Germans, their integrity and their wealth, protect them entirely from that reproach, which is too generally cast by men who speak one language upon those who speak another. While the Germans in their turn so far from viewing with a jealous spirit the other part of the community, hold with them the most familiar and unreserved intercourse.
It follows then that no essential division, arising from difference of language, exists among the people.
2. In what degree is such a division produced by education and early habits?
It would not be unnatural for a theoretic writer to ascribe to the different classes of our citizens the varying manners, customs, and sentiments that prevail in the several countries from which they or their ancestors emigrated. But this ascription would be unjust. It is certainly true that many of the manners and customs are retained, but few of the sentiments. The former are insensibly acquired, and once acquired, abandoned with difficulty and reluctance. They do not, in the main, arise so much from the influence of moral principles, as from unobserved and accidental causes. But with respect to sentiments embraced, they are the result of moral principles, and he who entertains them can generally assign a satisfactory reason for his belief. A large portion of the foreigners in this country fled from real or apprehended persecution. The sentiments they entertained were opposed by the governments of their own country, and they chose rather to resign their country than resign the freedom of their minds. Another portion of foreigners chose this country from the prospects it disclosed of improving their conditions in life. The preference given to the United States, being, in their case, so strong as to overcome the love of country, it may surely be conceded that with this attachment fell most of not all of those prejudices of education and early association, that are its invariable fuel. These are not the visionary suggestions of theory; they are the substantial and undeniable deductions from reason and fact. Of whom did the whigs of 1776 consist? Did not the Germans, the Dutch and the Irish form a large part of their integral number? Did not the Irish risk their lives with unhesitating courage, and the Germans contribute their wealth without murmur? And yet who were their enemies? In their ranks they met their own countrymen. Yet, did they waver? No, But little deference dis-raced the Irish, and the Hessians were universally detested by their countrymen.
There is truth in the splendid declaration of Dr. Franklin, "WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS THERE IS MY COUNTRY". So thought, so felt the virtuous and grateful foreigner. Having exchanged the miseries of slavery, for the blessings of liberty, he could not enjoy the latter without reflecting on the former. Under this impression, surrounded by a family, every member of which in the happiness it enjoyed was a standing monument of the superior blessings of freedom, he thought, felt, and acted like a rational being. His country was not the miserable spot which gave him involuntary birth, and then manacled him with chains—but a soil whose least boast is its fertility in natural productions; a soil, rendered still more fertile in the happiness it diffuses, by protecting and rewarding industry, by exciting and exercising the energies of the mind.
It will, perhaps, be said that no people differ more in their religious opinions than the people of the United States, and at-

coming to us the deductions made from European experience, it will be inferred that the inevitable result must be discord and contention.
But this argument is entirely fallacious. It supposes what does not exist; and even if it did exist, no such inference can correctly be drawn. It is altogether unnecessary to prove the untruth of the assertion, that the people of the United States differ more on religious points than any other people. For argument's sake, let it be granted. In one point they are universally agreed; and that is that religion ought to be kept distinct from politics. Hence no establishment exists. No man has been daring enough to propose one. There can be no doubt that some men, from interested, and others from mistaken views, desire an establishment. But so irrefragably hostile has been the sense of the people, that an absolute silence has been imposed on its friends. Better proof cannot be desired of the decision of the public opinion.
Now, all the persecution, malevolence and wars, which bigotry has produced, have flown from an association between the church and the state. No such association does exist; no such association can exist in this country. Of consequence while the old world has been reddened with the blood of contending enthusiasts, the new remains to this day unspotted.
In my next I will enquire, in the third place, whether the alleged difference exists among the people from dissimilar or opposing interests.
TIMOLEON.
The following extracts are made from a series of essays, published in Connecticut, under the signature of BURLEIGH. The author is reputed to be John Allen, a representative in Congress. Their object is to shew that the election of Mr. Jefferson to the presidency will be followed by a dismemberment of the union. By whom will this dismemberment be effected? Take the declarations of Burleigh as your guide, and you must answer by the New England states. But Burleigh is mistaken. The reform of America do not desire a division, nor will they suffer it to take place. It is only dreaded by men of weak nerves, and can only be promoted by men under the influence of mistaken or depraved motives.
Conclusion of Burleigh, No. 13.
To avoid sharing in all these calamities and perhaps with a hope of saving their government, the Northern states will probably be disposed to separate the Union. This, though an evil of mighty magnitude, is less, far less than anarchy or slavery. Should such an event take place, where the border will be is not for me to say. That it will be a dreadful place, no one can doubt. Perhaps the Potomac, the Delaware or the Hudson, like the Rhine, may part two rival, hostile nations, and the shores of one of them be perpetually crimsoned with the blood of the inhabitants. As the animosities of those who have once been friends are the bitterest; so the recollection that these two powers were once united by the bonds of amity, will whet their enmity, and increase their rage.
Difficulties, however, will attend us, whether we divide at the Potomac, the Delaware, or the Hudson. The states of Pennsylvania and New-York are among the most Jacobinical States in the union. They are large, wealthy, and powerful. They have many men of intrigue and talents among them, desperate in their fortunes, ambitious and unprincipled. It will be hard to induce them to join a peaceable body to the north; and if they do join, it will be harder still to keep them quiet. They will be dangerous neighbors, and perhaps more dangerous allies.
The United States, weakened by division, and wasted by domestic hostilities, present the fairest temptations to the governors of France. Means will easily be found to transport the troops to our coasts, for a Jacobinical administration will have destroyed our navy, disbanded our seamen. Picture to yourselves, countrymen, the situation of this country, with 50 or 100,000 Frenchmen in arms, landed on our shores, urged on by the hopes of plunder, and stimulated by a resentment for our having dared to stand in our defence. Do not the cries of distress, the groans of the dying, the shrieks of the virgin, and the heart-rending voices of your expiring offspring already found in your ears—whilst a band of ferocious monsters, more savage than the tyger, more blood-thirsty than the hyæna, march with the terrors of a volcano, and with the destruction of the pestilence through your devoted country. Here, in colors of blood will be traced the united horrors of Holland, Suabia, Italy, and Switzerland. Will distance save you? Neither Alpine frosts, nor African sands—neither the
mountains of Switzerland, nor the deserts of Arabia, have hitherto restrained their fury, or checked their career. Equally ferocious in the salubrious gales of Italy, and the putrid atmosphere of Egypt—in vain shall we look for security with internal weakness, and enmity to invite them, and nothing but the ocean to part us."
Conclusion of Burleigh, No. 14.
The fate of Frenchmen will be the fate of Americans. The French boasted that they were the most civilized, and humane people in the world. We can say no more ourselves. Their Jacobins were wicked, cruel, profligate, and atheistical; ours are the same. Their pretence ever was, to consult the good of the people; ours make the same. The people in that country have been robbed, enslaved, and butchered; we shall be served in the same manner, unless we arouse instantly, and rescue our government from the fangs of those who are tearing it in pieces. The struggle will be great, but if successful on our part it will also be glorious. Look at your houses, your parents, your wives, and your children. Are you prepared to see your dwellings in flames, hoary hairs bathed in blood, female chastity violated, or children writhing on the pike and the halbert? If not, prepare for the task of protecting your government. Look at every leading Jacobin, as a ravening wolf, preparing to enter your peaceful fold, and glut his deadly appetite on the vitals of your country. Already do their hearts leap at the prospect. Having long brooded over these scenes of death and despair, they now wake as from a trance, and in imagination, seizing the dagger and the musket, prepare for the work of slaughter. Great God of compassion and justice, shield my country from destruction."
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 10th, 1800.
On Saturday night about 7 o'clock, the three story building in which the offices of the war department were temporarily held, took fire, and was in a few hours entirely consumed, with the adjacent building of the same size. The loss occasioned by this fire may be irreparable, as all the papers belonging to the war department, except those of the accountant, were burnt. The Papers of the Accountant, being in an apartment not in imminent danger from the flames, were fortunately saved by a removal of them. It is not ascertained from what circumstance the fire arose.
Extract of a letter from Lancaster (Penn.) dated Nov. 5, 1800.
The Legislature formed to-day, chose their Speakers, same as before. Mr. Woods was unanimously elected Speaker of the Senate, and Mr. Weaver was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives by 33 votes out of 73. Every member of the Senate attended, and 75 members of the House of Representatives."
A Philadelphia print states that a passenger in the America is the bearer of dispatches from our commissioners at Paris, which are to be immediately forwarded to the seat of government.
Virginia Election for Electors.
  City of Richmond. Republican ticket 81   Federal 69   Henrico County. Republican 217   Federal 43   Prince George County. Republican 197   Federal 9 
In addition to the foregoing statements of the votes given in the Counties of Frederick, Berkley, Spotsylvania, King George, Stafford, Orange, Goochland, Fauquier, Hanover, have also been received, the aggregate of which give the republican ticket 2,641, and the federal 924 votes.
The birth day of JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States, who on the 30th of October, entered his 66th year, has been celebrated at Boston.
The act of Congress respecting the Election of President and Vice President declares that Electors shall be appointed in
each state, within the thirty four days preceding the first Wednesday in December, 1792, and within the thirty four days preceding the first Wednesday in December, in every fourth year succeeding the last election: And, that the said Electors shall meet, and give their votes, on the said first Wednesday in December, at such place in each state, as shall be directed by the legislature thereof.
Captain James Barron is appointed to command the U. S. ship Warren.
The General Assembly of Rhode Island convened at Providence on the twenty seventh of October.
A number of gentlemen at Cincinnati (N. W. Territory) have formed themselves into an association under the appellation of "Commercial Company" for the purpose of Shipbuilding, and have appointed a committee of five to receive subscriptions for carrying their object into execution.
The convention between the emperor and France, for the prolongation of the armistice, stipulates the surrender of Ulm, Phillipburg, and Ingolstadt to the republicans, within 10 days, the garrison to retire with their ammunition, &c. the armistice, which is to extend to Italy, is to last for 45 days from September 21, comprehending 15 days for notice of the resumption of hostilities: the line of demarcation fixed by the convention of the 15th July, is preserved. The French army of the Rhine shall fall back and take a position between the two banks of the Iser, and the Imperial army of Germany shall take post on both banks of the Inn, each at the distance of 3000 toises, whether from their rivers or the places situated on their course. A chain of advanced posts shall only be placed on the line of demarcation, as fixed by the convention of the 15th of last July, (26th Mesidor.)
Numerous riots have occurred in the principal towns of England, on account of the scarcity of bread. In London, Portsmouth, Birmingham, Harwich, &c. the popular excesses have been great. The military authority has been called in, and the King's proclamation issued, to suppress these alarming outrages.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, failed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexpected delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the Inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this constituent, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion, on of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor clings with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indelicate ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to HIM, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROPOSITIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The following are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subjoined to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
 1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good cambric paper, and with a new type.  2d. The annual subscription shall be FIVE DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and SIX DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.  3d. All Letters to be post paid. 
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. This, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR Apprehending and securing in any Goal, so that the Subscriber gets him again A NEGRO MAN named NACE, ran away some time in the month of October, aged Thirty years, about five feet high, light complexion, wears his hair curled, a well set trunky fellow. I have cause to believe he is in the City of Washington. It is unnecessary to describe his Clothing as he will have it in his power to change them. I will give TWENTY DOLLARS if ten miles from home, THIRTY DOLLARS if twenty miles, and the above reward if a greater distance.
ZACHARIAH SOTHORON. Charles County near Benedict, October 31.
STRAYED or STOLEN A BLACK MARE with a white streak down her face, with a bunchy Mane and tail. No other particular marks that I know. About thirteen hands high, about twelve years old, very heavy mane and in good order, FOUR DOLLARS reward and all reasonable charges paid if left either with the Subscriber, or at JAMES TIMMONS Liberty Street Baltimore, By JAMES USHER, Greenleaf's Point. Washington City, Nov. 10, 1800.
WANTED
A CARRIER TO DELIVER THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
PRINTING OF EVERY DESCRIPTION EXECUTED BY SAMUEL E. SMITH.

In 1765, when the unfortunate stamp act created so much discontent and uneasiness in America, Dr. Franklin was examined, respecting the repeal of it, before the House of Commons. The queries put to him, together with his answers, which were clear and decisive, were printed in the year 1767, under the form of a shilling pamphlet, and may be seen in his Political, Miscellaneous, and Philosophical pieces, page 255.
Governor Hutchinson, Lieutenant Governor Oliver, Charles Paxton, Esq. Nathaniel Rogers, Esq. and Mr. G. Roome, having sent from Boston certain representations and informations respecting the disputes between Britain and the colonies, to Thomas Whately, Esq. private secretary to Mr. George Grenville, the parent of the stamp act, these letters were, by some private channel, conveyed back to Boston. As soon as the Assembly of the province of Massachusetts Bay saw them, they were so exasperated, that they returned home attested copies of them, accompanied by a petition and remonstrance for the removal of Governor Hutchinson and Lieutenant Governor Oliver from their posts. On the 21st of August, 1773, this petition was transmitted by Dr. Franklin, agent for the house of representatives, to Lord Dartmouth, who having presented it to the King, his majesty was pleased to signify that it should be laid before him in his privy council.
Various conjectures were formed respecting the manner in which these confidential letters had escaped from among the papers of Mr. Whately, at this time deceased; and some correspondence on the subject passed between Mr. Whately's brother, a banker in Lombard-street, and John Temple, Esq. Governor of New Hampshire, through the medium of the public prints. The one gentleman wishing to avoid the charge of having given them, and the other of having taken them, the dispute at length became so personal and pointed, that Mr. Temple thought it necessary to call the brother into the field. The challenge was given in the morning, and the parties met in the afternoon in Hyde Park, when the former was dangerously wounded. Dr. Franklin was not then in town, and as he could not foresee what was past, he endeavoured to prevent any further bad consequences, by the following letter, addressed to the Printer of the Public Advertiser , and dated Craven-street, December the 25th, 1773:—“Finding that two gentlemen have been unfortunately engaged in a duel about a transaction and its circumstances, of which both of them are totally ignorant and innocent, I think it incumbent upon me to declare (for the prevention of further mischief, as far as such a declaration may contribute to prevent it) that I alone am the person who obtained and transmitted to Boston the letters in question. Mr. Whately could not communicate them, because they were never in his possession; and for the same reason they could not be taken from him by Mr. Temple. They were not of the nature of private letters between friends. They were written by men in public stations, on public affairs, and intended to procure public measures; they were therefore handed to other public persons who might be influenced by them to produce those measures. Their tendency was to incense the mother-country against her colonies, and by the steps recommended, to widen the breach; which they effected. The chief caution expressed with regard to privacy was, to keep their contents from the colony agents; who, the writers apprehended, might return them, or copies of them, to America. That apprehension was it seems well founded; for the first agent who laid his hands on them thought it his duty to transmit them to his constituents.”
Dr. Franklin's conduct on this occasion whatever his enemies may have said to blacken his character, is consistent with that of a man of honour; since he gave up his name to public scrutiny, in order to prevent mischief to others, and yet did not betray his coadjutor to relieve his own fame from the severest obloquy.
In consequence of the address presented to his Majesty by Lord Dartmouth, Mr. Mauduit presented a petition to the privy council, humbly praying that he might be heard by council on behalf of the Governor and Lieutenant Governor. On the 11th of January, 1774, Dr. Franklin was examined at the council chamber, on the subject of this address; but as the Doctor wished also to have the assistance of council, the affair was put off till Saturday the 20th. The privy council having then met, Mr. Dunning and Mr. Lee appeared as counsel for the assembly, and Mr. Wed-
derburne, now Lord Loughborough, as counsel for the Governor and Lieutenant Governor. Mr. Wedderburne was very long in his answer, which related chiefly to the mode of obtaining and sending away Mr. Whately's letters; and he spoke of Dr. Franklin, who was considered as the principal actor in this business, in terms of the grossest abuse. Alluding to the duel before mentioned, Mr. Wedderburne said, “The letters could not have come to Dr. Franklin by fair means; the writers did not give them to him; nor yet did the deceased correspondent, who from our intimacy would otherwise have told me of it. Nothing then will acquit Dr. Franklin of the charge of obtaining them by fraudulent or corrupt means, for the most malignant of purposes; unless he stole them from the person who stole them. This argument is irrefragable.—I hope my Lords, you will mark [and brand] the man for the honour of this country, of Europe, and of mankind. Private correspondence has hitherto been held sacred, in times of the greatest party rage, not only in politics, but religion. He has forfeited all the respect of societies and of men. Into what companies will he hereafter go, with an unembarrassed face, or the honest intrepidity of virtue. Men will watch him with a jealous eye, and lock up their escrutiores. He will henceforth esteem it to be called a man of letters; homo trium literarum .”
“But he not only took away the letters from one brother, but kept himself concealed till he nearly occasioned the murder of the other. It is impossible to read his account, expressive of the coolest and most deliberate malice, without horror. Amidst these tragical events, of one person nearly murdered, of another answerable for the issue, of a worthy Governor hurt in his dearest interests, the fate of America in suspense, here is a man who, with the utmost insensibility of remorse stands up and avows himself the author of all. I can compare it only to Zanga, in Dr. Young's Revenge .”
“Know, then twas—I: I forged the letter, I disposed the picture: I hated, I despised, and I destroy.”
I ask, my Lords, whether the revengeful temper, attributed by a poetic fiction only to the bloody African is not surpassed by the coolness and apathy of the wily American?”
This philippic had a great effect, and the committee of the privy council having considered the petition, made a report in which was expressed the following opinion:—“The lords of the committee do agree humbly to report as their opinion to your Majesty, that the petition is founded upon resolutions formed on false and erroneous allegations; and is groundless, vexatious, and scandalous; and calculated only for the seditious purposes of keeping up a spirit of clamour and discontent in the said province. And the lords of the committee do further humbly report to your Majesty, that nothing has been laid before them, which does or can, in their opinion, in any degree, impeach the honour, integrity, or conduct of the said governor, or lieutenant governor; and their lordships are humbly of opinion, that the said petition ought to be dismissed.”
On the 7th of February, therefore, his Majesty, taking the said report into consideration, was pleased to approve of it, and to order that the petition of the house of representatives of the province of Massachusetts Bay, be dismissed the board—as groundless, vexatious, and scandalous, and calculated only for the seditious purpose of keeping up a spirit of clamour and discontent in the said province. This was a prelude to Dr. Franklin's disgrace; he was dismissed from the office of deputy post-master general for the colonies, which he had enjoyed for some time, and Mr. Wedderburne seemed in the high road for every kind of advancement. This gentleman's conduct, however, was so obnoxious to the Americans, that when they learned in what manner he had abused and insulted their agent, his effigies, together with that of governor Hutchinson, were put in a cart, and conducted through the streets of Philadelphia. On the breast of each a label was fixed, containing an inscription, couched in very violent and hostile terms, and after being exposed for several hours, they were hung, and burnt in the evening, amidst a vast concourse of people, who testified their resentment against the originals, with the loudest acclamations.
Previous to this period, Dr. Franklin had used his utmost endeavours to prevent a breach between Great Britain and America; but his counsels and advice were either disregarded or treated with contempt. Ever in the end of the year 1774, he seems to have been desirous, notwithstanding the ill-usage he had met with, of doing every
thing in his power to accommodate matters in an amicable manner. Some time previous to his departure, an intimate friend of Dr. Fothergill, being in company with a nobleman of great political experience, the conversation turned on the critical situation of the American colonies, and the latter pressed this gentleman to attempt a compromise with Dr. Franklin, before he quitted England. From a cordial wish to promote a permanent reconciliation between the two countries, the gentleman readily undertook the business, and accordingly applied to Dr. Fothergill, who heartily united in the cause. They therefore mutually invited Dr. Franklin to a conference the same evening, and after much discussion, it was agreed that they should meet again the next evening, when Dr. Franklin was to commit to paper such a conciliatory plan as he conceived America had a right to expect, and the other two were then to object to such claims as they might judge Great Britain ought not to grant.
On the appointed evening Dr. Franklin produced a paper, containing several articles, some of which being objected to by Dr. Fothergill and his colleague, were given up by Dr. Franklin, and suffered to be expunged. In this state a copy was taken, and imparted for negotiation. The answer was, that the propositions were such as appeared to demand too much, and, in consequence, several attempts were made to reconcile the subjects of contention; but as the twelfth article that “the late Massachusetts and Quebec acts should be repealed, and a free government granted to Canada,” was insisted on by Dr. Franklin, though many of the others were acceded to, the negotiation was broken off, and nothing further attempted. From this time he entertained so ardent a resentment against the conduct of England, that neither politeness nor moderation could prevent him from giving vent, in mixed companies, to the most bitter sarcasms against her measures; and, indeed, it is but doing him justice to say, that he foretold all the subsequent calamities with an almost prophetic sagacity.
In the year 1775, Dr. Franklin, returned to Philadelphia. The general assembly was sitting when his arrival was announced, and his consent being previously asked and obtained, he was chosen one of their delegates to the continental congress, and took his seat accordingly.
The principal outlines of the American war are still fresh in the memory of every one. On the 4th of July, 1776, America declared herself independent, and Mr. Silas Dean was commissioned to negotiate a treaty at Paris, and to endeavour to engage the French to afford her support in her dispute with the mother country. In the autumn of the same year, Dr. Franklin was sent by congress to Canada, to prevail, if possible, on the inhabitants to join in the common cause, and to unite with the rest of the provinces in shaking off the British yoke. Having failed in this business, the doctor returned to Philadelphia, and as congress well knew the esteem in which he was held in France, and the reputation he had acquired there by his discoveries, he was dispatched thither for the purpose of putting the last hand to the negotiation which Mr. Dean had been carrying on, but in a very private manner. Though now entered on his seventieth year, Dr. Franklin accepted this delicate and important commission, and arriving at Paris on the 16th of December, soon after took the house which had been occupied by Lord Stormont. “Never,” says a French writer, “did I see a man so pleased and so happy as Dr. Franklin was on the day when Lord Stormont, the English Ambassador, quitted Paris on account of our rupture with that court. We dined together, and the Doctor, who was generally very grave and composed, upon this occasion appeared to be quite another person.”
In February, 1777, Dr. Franklin received a regular appointment of plenipotentiary from Congress to the Court of France, and in 1783, had the pleasure of signing a treaty of peace with the English commissioners, and of seeing his country, after a long and tedious struggle, declared free and independent. To commemorate this happy event, the Doctor caused a medal to be struck, on one side of which is represented Hercules in his cradle, strangling two serpents, while a leopard, that seems amazed at his strength, and ready to fall upon him is repulsed by France, under the figure of Minerva, who turns towards him her shield in which there are three fleurs de lis . At the bottom, are the years 1777 and 1781 the epochs of the capitulations of the armies of Burgoyne and Cornwallis, represented by the two serpents; on the other side, is Liberty, emblematically pourtrayed by a fine woman; and on the exergue Libertas Americana .
Dr. Franklin had for many years enjoyed a good state of health, though often troubled with periodical fits of the gout. In 1782 this disorder became extremely violent, accompanied by a very painful nephritic cholic, and it appears, that this was the origin of the stone; with which he was afterwards attacked. Finding his maladies encrease, and having now accomplished the highest object of his ambition, he longed to revisit that country which he had been so instrumental in rendering free. He solicited Congress therefore for leave to return, and Mr. Jefferson being appointed in his stead, when that gentleman arrived, he embarked at Havre, on the 24th of July, 1785, landed the same day at Southampton, and after a slight refreshment, proceeded to Cowes, where a vessel was ready to convey him to Philadelphia. When he arrived there, which was on the 15th of September, he was received with tears of joy, and accompanied to his house by the members of Congress, amidst the acclamations of citizens of all ranks. A gentleman, who was present, says he never saw so affecting a scene. All the people shouted out “Liberty!” He was addressed by the general assembly then sitting, and afterwards by all orders of men in Philadelphia, who congratulated him on his return, and testified their approbation of his conduct by every mark of attention and respect.
For three years following, after his return, Dr. Franklin was appointed president of the state of Pennsylvania; but his great age and increasing infirmities not permitting him to apply to public business, he requested and obtained leave to retire, that he might spend the remainder of his days in philosophical ease and tranquility. The stone, with which he had been for some time afflicted, soon after this period confined him almost continually to his bed; and during the painful paroxysms of that cruel disorder, he was obliged to swallow laudanum to mitigate his tortures. In his moments of relief, however, he not only still amused himself with reading and conversing cheefully with his family and a few friends who visited him, but he was often employed in translating business of a public, as well as a private nature. On every occasion he displayed the utmost readiness and disposition to do good, and while he gave the clearest and fullest evidence of his being in possession of all his mental faculties, he not unfrequently amused those around him, by indulging in sallies of pleasantries, and by relating entertaining anecdotes. About sixteen days before his death, he was seized with a feverish indisposition, without any particular symptoms attending it, till the third or fourth day, when he complained of a pain in his left breast, which increased till it became extremely acute, with a cough and laborious breathing. During this state, when the severity of his pain sometimes drew forth a groan of complaint, he would observe, that he was afraid that he did not bear his afflictions as he ought; he acknowledged his grateful sense of the many blessings he had received from the Supreme Being, who had raised him from a low beginning to high rank and consideration among men, and made no doubt that what he suffered was kindly intended, to wean him from a world in which he was no longer fit to act the part assigned him. In this frame of body and mind he continued until within five days of his death, when his pain and difficulty of breathing entirely left him, and his family were flattering themselves with the hopes of his recovery, but an imposthume, which had formed itself in his lungs, suddenly burst. A calm lethargic state succeeded, and on the 17th of April, 1790, about eleven o'clock at night, he expired in the eighty fifth year of his age, thus closing a life spent in long and useful labours.
(To be Continued.)
ON THE VANITY OF YOUTHFUL HOPES.
IN life's gay morn, what vivid hues Adorn the animatin views, By flattering fancy drawn? No storms with gloomy aspect rise, To cloud the azure of the skies, No mists obscure the dawn. With looks invariably gay, Young expectation points the way To every bliss! shades, Where odors scent the breath of morn, Where roses bloom without a thorn, And music fills the glades. Enraptur'd with the distant view, Youth thinks its fictions beauties true, And springs the prize to gain; His grasp the gay illusion sits: Experience thus the cheat describes, And proves his hopes were vain. The path of life tho' flowers adorn, Yet often will the rugged thorn, Amidst the flowers arise; Expect not then on earth to share, Enjoyment unallay'd by care, But seek it in the skies.