Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-24 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. XCIX.]
WEDNESDAY, MARCH, 24, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. XCIX.
"Great events give scope for great virtues; but the main tenor of human life is composed of small occurrences."
THE greater part of mankind can be conversant only in small occupations and incidents. There are few eminent stations to be filled, and few remarkable events to be noticed by men. We should therefore conclude, that the materials of our happiness, and the objects of our duty, principally consist in the due regulation of the common transactions of life. In whatever sphere a man may move, his virtue is frequently put to a trial, respecting matters which appeared too trivial to have exercised his thoughts. He departs from the line of his duty, and mars his felicity in many instances, merely because he does not view the occasion important enough, to make it material in what manner he conducts. There is no remedy against the evils which result from errors in the small concerns of life, but to acquire such virtuous dispositions and habits as lead us to prefer right to wrong, in the most immaterial circumstance that may occur.
In distinguished situations, a man may be prompted to great exertions, and restrained from vicious actions, from a regard to his character. But in the humble walks of his life he may suppose his character out of the reach of notice, and will not be on his guard against those little slips and inadvertencies, which are more prejudicial to his happiness, and indicate a want of virtuous habits, in a greater degree than errors or omissions of duty, in more conspicuous situations. The reason is obvious. We are seldom called to the performance of illustrious actions; but every day and every hour of life introduces us to common occurrences. An habit of doing wrong in these will occur so frequently that the aggregate of inconvenience will exceed what would result from a wrong procedure, in the few instances of eminent conduct, with which we may be conversant. The danger likewise of error on great occasions is diminished by the energy of motive that impels us to act with propriety.
Habits of virtue form the only security against the numerous temptations by which we are constantly surrounded. "They must be formed and supported, not by unfrequent acts, but by daily and frequent exertion, in order to their becoming vigorous and useful. Great events give scope for great virtues; but the tenor of human life is composed of small occurrences. Within the round of these lie the materials of happiness of most men; the subjects of their duty, and the trials of their virtue. Whatever is to be our profession, no education is more necessary to success, than the acquirement of virtuous dispositions and habits. Whether science, or business, or public life be our aim, virtue still enters for a principal share into all those great departments of society. By whatever arts we may at first attract the attention, we can hold the esteem, and secure the hearts of others, only by amiable dispositions, discreet habits and virtuous actions."
BRUSSELS, Jan. 1, 1790.
The following is the Copy of a Letter from the Emperor to General D'Alton, Commander in Chief in the Low Countries, dated Nov. 22. Intercepted by the Patriots.
I Received, my Gen. this day, by dispatch, your report of the 14th, and I leave you to judge if I have not reason to be surprized, that since the 31st of October, which was the date of your last letter, I have not received from you further reports of the important circumstances and state of the country that is confided to your care. I can say nothing of the events, because I am ignorant of the dispositions that are made; but they appear inefficacious, by the evil growing worse. The permitting the rebels to establish themselves in Flanders, and take Ghent, may be attended by the most troublesome consequences.
"I expect, in your next report, that the troops which arrived effected the purpose. This is not the moment to complain, but to endeavor for the general good, and establishment of order in the provinces."
"I am still ignorant of the effects the different requisitions have produced, and of the evidence against the people of distinction that are arrested, as you have not mentioned either in your reports."
(Signed)
JOSEPH."
Copy of a Letter from General D'Alton to the Emperor, dated Brussels, November 27. Intercepted by the Patriots.
"Since my report of the 20th instant, made to your Majesty, the placard of the same date, published the day after, proves that my ideas were just, upon the intentions of Government; the insolence of the people, notwithstanding does not contradict it. Not only the four companies of the regiment of Clairfayt, and two of Vierst, are detained prisoners at Ghent, and that of Captain Broporte at Bruges, but bands of Patriots are again upon our frontiers. The day after (the 21st) the insurgents, to the amount of many thousands, threw themselves into Turhout and Hoogstraeten, which they still occupy. The rebels of Flanders are entrenched at Ghent, and many of them joined those in the town of Diest after an action in which they lost two or three hundred men, but obliged Major Broeda, with a division of the regiment of Bender, which he commanded, to retire to Arschot, with the loss of nineteen men and a piece of cannon."
"The misfortune at Diest was most unexpected by me, and owing to General Count Baillet, who commanded at Louvain, deferring for twenty-four hours the dispositions I ordered to make."
"To parry the danger of the attack upon Louvain, I instantly placed a battalion on the borders of the forest of Meldert, to intercept all those inclining that way."
"General Hopencont having evacuated Mons without my orders, on the simple requisition of Colonel Blekem, who found himself threatened at Namur, I sent him, with his battalion and squadron to the right of Neville, where he now is, and from whence I may order him either to Louvain or to Brussels, as occasion may require."
"The account of the taking of Diest, determined me to assemble a force at Louvain, to drive off the insurgents; and I ordered a battalion of the regiment of Ligne to march to that garrison, and intended myself to take the executive command of four battalions, and three hundred and fifty horse, to force that troop of banditti; but the edict of the 21st inst. required infinite circumpection on my part, and not to cross the negotiations of the Minister, recommended by his letter to the people, of the 25th instant. I enclosed him a copy of the opinions of the general officers, and Colonel de Brose, assembled in council, at my house; but having received an equivocal and verbal answer, I addressed to him a note, a copy of which I enclose for your Majesty, and meeting with a similar answer, I repeated my representation; and the Minister coming to me in company with the Vice Chancellor, M. Crumpipen every reason urged could not make him alter his conduct, notwithstanding the importance of the object, under the pretext, that he should wait the effect of his letter, written the 25th, and the Edict of the 26th; however, I engaged him to make no further concession, which he promised me; I then determined to defer my expedition until the insurgents were informed of the favorable disposition of Government, although I had taken the preparatory and certain measures to reduce them, &c. &c."
"But what was my astonishment to find that the Edict of that day had been printed, and distributed to the public two hours before the Minister declared, in a note to me (the original of which I subjoin to this,) that he would not suffer it to be published, until we had determined upon that point. Such is the situation in which I find myself, and I dare to hope your Majesty will deign to see the defect of that situation. My troops, in garrisons, incessantly occupied in strengthening them, those detached, harassed, by continual marches, and my operations always counteracted, or at least stopped by the shackles of administration. Surrounded by these misfortunes, I received from Colonel Buckim an account a little satisfactory of the first advantage gained over the banditti."
"Your Majesty will find, by the original, that I have the honor to transmit to you, that it is sufficient to shew ourselves to this undisciplined mob to disperse them; and that the insurrection in the country would have long since been smothered, if my advice had been attended to, and above all, if my orders had been obeyed. I expect that my next report will prove to your Majesty, how much I had reason to think, that it is by force alone that these people are to be governed, now that administration are abandoned to the most humiliating concessions."
"In the mean time I have the honor to transmit to your Majesty a copy of a note, I this day
sent to the minister; it will, without doubt, prove to him, that I never deviated from the constant and uniform conduct I imposed upon myself, not to take any step without first consulting him; and that I have infinite cause to complain of the incessant obstacles administration throws in my way by visible delays, and other acts, to those dispositions that circumstances require."
"I shall not finish my report, without informing your Majesty, that I believe, notwithstanding all the concessions of Government, the Insurgents will not accede to the propositions, unless the future maintenance of their privileges are guaranteed by other powers."
(Signed)
D'ALTON."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MARCH 1, 1790.
IN committee of the whole House.—The proposition for assuming the State debts, and the amendments proposed thereto, being under consideration.
MR. JACKSON observed, that he had been, from the introduction of the resolutions before the committee, particularly against the one now in contemplation: That he was opposed to it, not only in its original form, but in every possible modification it might assume. That his indisposition had prevented his rising before: That altho many arguments must have been used, which it was impossible for him to know: His duty compelled him to come forward; not with an expectation that his small abilities could change the sentiments of a single member, or that he should gain a single proselyte; but to shew the reasons for which he opposed the measure, and to produce some facts arising in the State he represented. He confessed, that if he was in favor of any modification, it was the one which an honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. White) had brought forward a few days since: As he had not been present at the former part of the debate, he hoped the house would indulge him in entering on the original ground, and pointing out the light in which the business appeared to him.
The question might be viewed on three grounds: 1st. the expediency; 2d. the policy; and 3dly. the justice of the resolution. It might be expedient, either from the pressing call of the States who might complain of the grievance of their debts; or, it might be expedient from the clamors of the citizens of the respective States, complaining of the State taxation. On the first point, he believed the States had made no such request, and that therefore the expediency on that head was obviated. That he had heard indeed, that South-Carolina had made some kind of application, but that one or two States could not declare the sense of the Union; it could be known only by a majority, which did not appear to demand this assumption. That on the contrary he believed a majority of the States were against the proposition, and that North-Carolina had made an article of amendment, "that Congress should not interfere with the state debts," and that the voice of North-Carolina, as well as South-Carolina, should be attended to.
With respect to individual citizens, no complaints had been made to the house; no petitions or instructions had been forwarded to their representatives. Here he would remark, that it was on this latter principle he wished, at a former day, the postponement of the question, that the sense of his constituents might be known. The wish of individuals was therefore not ascertained by either method, and he believed that a great majority were for the State debts remaining as they were. That they were satisfied with the State taxation by known and accustomed methods, handed down to them by their ancestors. Many of the States had imposed taxes in those certificates, and had extinguished a great part of the State debts; which taxes the citizens had cheerfully submitted to: This had been done in the State he represented.
To those, he observed, he might add a third reason, why it was not expedient, the creditors themselves had not requested it; there was no petition, no evidence to warrant a construction that they wished it.
He would now consider its policy: Here the field expanded: He had as high an opinion of the Secretary's abilities as any man: They were conspicuous: The force of his genius was striking, and his talents in the report were admired; but he was one of those who did not think the Secretary infallible; as long as he possessed human nature, so long would he possess the imperfections and failings of human nature. Ambition, laudable perhaps, to do the utmost for the Union, might lead him too far, and the plan, evidently to him, in its policy, had reference to one of two points: First, that it is extended as an additional ligature to the continent, by detaching the creditors from their dependence on the state governments, and transferring that dependence to the nation, and thereby making it the interest of the remote parts of the Union to support its measures; or, secondly, by this specious method of relieving the States, to remove every pretext for taxation from them, and thereby throw that power entirely into the hands of Congress.
If we examine however the first of those positions, we shall find it will not hold its ground; for, the securities of the respective States, like those of the continent, will change their holders; nay, they are already to the fourth gone from the original creditors and are in the hands of speculators: they will like the continental securities, be drawn to a point in a few commercial cities, or travel into the hands of foreigners. The ligature, if this position is true, will therefore not hold; the tie will soon be broken.
The second will better stand its ground; and I grant that the whole powers of taxation may be absorbed by the Union. But Sir, is it policy to take all the powers of taxation from the individual States and leave them with the shadow of a government. Is it policy to reduce their power to the insignificance of a small city corporation, or will the citizens be pleased with it? A majority, I believe, will be found attached to the modes and the laws of the State governments. Some of the most zealous partisans of the present government, in the State conventions, in order to point out its excellencies, compared it to a pyramid: the foundation of which was the broad basis of the people, the middle or second story the State governments, and the top or head the government of the Union. Sir, let us beware, lest in weakening this centre work, the head itself is not in danger. The system before the committee would require a multitude of tax gatherers, who would be oppressive to the people; and at the best view what would the people gain, but a change of masters and customs which they had been used to, for masters and customs they had been unacquainted with.
The Union, he observed, had been frequently compared to a rope of sand; it was well to beware, lest the argument be carried too far the other way; lest this ligature—this cord, by its too great

extension, might snap, and be rendered more difficult to bring together than the rope of sand divided in a dozen places.
Let us look to the policy of the former Congress. Did they ever entertain an idea of taking on themselves the State debts? Did they ever pledge the faith of the continent to assume them? Nay—Did they, when they applied to the respective States for the power of preserving the Union, I mean the five per cent. ever dream of discharging those debts, or did any of the States require it? The constitution did not contemplate it; for that provides for the debts of the Union only, and many of the State debts are not of a continental nature, and ought not to be a continental charge; of this kind, I hold the Penobscot expedition from Massachusetts, and the fitting out the ship South-Carolina by that State. If States choose to run into those balloon exploits on their own account, their neighbors ought not to pay for it. The intention of the present system I imagine is to introduce all those charges.
Policy, he said, was against the assumption. Many of the States have material objections, and will view the interference with a jaundiced eye; and notwithstanding what gentlemen so frequently ridicule of monsters and hydras, jealousies will arise, and perhaps from the nature of republican governments it is necessary they should. I think, at least, that there will be a just foundation for them in the present instance—for, will the citizen who has already paid his proportion of the debt to his State, contentedly see a new burthen imposed on himself and his posterity—a burthen we know not when we shall be rid of—a burthen we know not the weight or amount of.
Again Sir, it is policy on the subject of public credit; paper of whatever denomination, whether stock or not, will be affected by the quantity in circulation, and will be depreciated accordingly. Policy on every principle forbids it—policy forbids us, in the vigor of youth, to cloatch ourselves with all the impotence, imbecility and infirmity of extreme old political age. Britain was seventeen hundred years politically old, dating from Julius Cæsar's invasion, before she had a funded debt. The United States have scarcely attained their fourteenth political year, when they are about to mortgage themselves and posterity for a funded debt; the one third, or perhaps the one half of the amount of Britain's enormous debts at this day.
Mr. Jackson observed, that the justice of the measure had as many objections.
The greatest plea of justice was, that the debt was of the same nature, and contracted for the same reasons and in the same cause. His arguments before, he said, had proved this not to be altogether the case; but supposing it was, he asked whether it was justice to compel the citizen who had already contributed, to pay a second proportion. Gentlemen had talked much of the exertions of their States—the hardships they had endured—and the ravages they had sustained. He could advance, with equal confidence, that he came from the State which had suffered the most of any in the Union; where there was no place, no corner but where the British arms had been carried; where the families had been totally driven off, and their properties had been totally destroyed; where the inhabitants had scorned the British protection, and left their properties behind them; where what the British had left, the American army had taken to subsist on, and not a certificate had been given in numerous instances. Yet those citizens whose property had been thus destroyed, had cheerfully submitted to the payment of the State debt. But would it be justice, after all those losses, and after this already voluntary contribution, to put our hands again in their pockets, and say, you must pay the debts of Massachusetts and South-Carolina. If those States have not done as they ought—if they have not extinguished their debts, they have themselves to blame for it.
Sir, in Georgia the audited debt has drawn no interest—interest has been allowed only on a small proportion of funded debt; for we also Mr. Chairman, must have our project of funding, until we were convinced by experience it would not answer, and that we could not pay a regular specific interest. By this plan, Sir, all those audited certificates will draw interest from the time of liquidation, which will greatly increase the debt of Georgia, and not benefit her citizens: for the late speculations, no doubt have changed the holders, and the very man who did the service or furnished the supply, contented with the principal sum, will now have to contribute his proportion towards payment of the interest of his own certificate and which he himself was not entitled to.
By the system before us the settlement with the States is postponed to a distant day—a day which never may arrive, and notwithstanding the balance may be in favor of the State I represent, the citizen may be forever bound for the interest of this enormous debt—the debt of other States.
There is another part of the Secretary's report which will materially injure Georgia. The proviso, that where a state shall have exchanged the securities of the continent for those of her own, no settlement shall be made until those exchanged certificates shall be brought in and surrendered. The State of Georgia little thinking of such a day as this, altho' very materially concerned, has, as it was usual with her, burnt her exchanged certificates as they have returned to her treasury. Is she, because those certificates have been sunk and sent to oblivion, and which I with our whole debt was, to suffer for her honesty, and that of her citizens?
Sir, I will not tax the Secretary with the design; I will not impute the intention to him; but I trust that we shall not run ourselves enormously in debt and mortgage ourselves and our children, to give scope to the abilities of any minister on earth to give an opening to shew the talents he possesses of managing taxes and the resources of the burthen he imposes.
Mr. Jackson concluded, by saying, that to his mind and agreeably to the reasons he had given, he was convinced the assumption of the State debts was inexpedient, impolitic, and unjust; and he trusted that it would not be adopted.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) replied to Mr. Jackson, that he should be as unwilling as that gentleman to assume debts of any State incurred for balloon schemes (as they had been termed) but he did not think the Penobscot expedition or the South-Carolina frigate came within that description; the members from Massachusetts could answer for the former, and as to the latter, he could safely say that the State of South-Carolina suffered such injury to her commerce during the war, that a naval protection was indispensably necessary—that other States were protected by vessels of war on continental establishments, while the State alluded to was unprotected, and her trade crippled by the enemy—that the equipment of that vessel had cost a much less sum than was generally believed, as but a small part of the sum demanded had been allowed by the State. He observed, that as the union were under obligations to protect every part, so were they also bound to contribute their proportion of expense, incurred by any particular part for its own defence—that this was language which had been much repeated during the last session, when the house had been called on to vote a large sum of money for the protection of Georgia from the Creeks, and which under the influence of that principle, the house had actually done. That State could have justly complained had she been left to protect herself, and to incur so heavy a burden.—Mr. Smith said the opposition of gentlemen to the measure seemed to originate in an idea that these were the private debts of the several States incurred for their own particular purposes; the fact was just the reverse—they were as much the debts of the continent, as those which were called the continental debts—they were as much the price of independence—instead of their being State debts assumed by the continent, they were in truth continental debts which the States had assumed when Congress were unable to pay them; but now Congress had in its exclusive possession the best resources of the nation, and should all those resources be applied to the payment of a few continental creditors (and they had been frequently told that all the continental securities were in the hands of a few speculators) to the total ruin of all the State creditors, it was easy to anticipate dangerous consequences; indeed such would be the dissatisfaction on the part of the State creditors, that it would considerably obstruct the collection of the national revenue. There
had been no reason assigned, and he believed it was impossible to assign any, which could establish a distinction between the one and the other class of these creditors—their claims were precisely similar, and they ought to be provided for on similar terms.
Gentlemen were mistaken, if they thought South-Carolina had made no exertions to discharge her debt since the peace—that State had levied on her citizens every year a tax, which considering her losses by the war, and the devaluations committed by the enemy, was a very considerable one, amounting to upwards of 300,000 dollars annually for the interest, besides a million and an half of dollars principal paid off, making upwards of three millions of dollars.
It had been said that Great Britain was 1700 years old before she began a funding system, while the United States were about to adopt it at the age of 14; to that he observed, that America was nearly, if not quite, as far advanced in political sagacity in her early youth as Great-Britain in her extreme old age, having the experience of Great-Britain, and of other nations during a long course of years as her guide; and that he always thought the vigor of youth was more equal to the support of heavy burdens than infirmity of age. He agreed with the gentleman that if the measure was a wrong one, the sentiments of one or two States should not influence their determination, but he was persuaded that on a discussion of its own merits, it would be found necessary for the union and tranquility of all the States.
To Mr. Smith's answer, that the State debts were all on a footing with the debts of the Union, and that on this principle, Georgia had received protection last year, and might receive more this, Mr. Jackson replied, that if Georgia had received protection, it had not been with the vote of some members from that State (S. C.) who supposing, as he would charitably allow, that the Georgians, and not M'Gillivray, were in the wrong, had withheld their voice; that however in his opinion, the cases were not the same: but he denied that Georgia hitherto had received the least shadow of protection from the union, although the most favorable report was existing of their conduct on the table.
That the cases were not similar, because in the cases of Georgia there was an invasion of the union: whilst in the case of the South-Carolina which he had mentioned, that State had done what they were not warranted in by the laws of Congress or confederation. The fitting out ships of war—that State was no contented to be on an equality with her sisters, but aimed at a high sounding fame, of possessing vessels of war in her own employ. That here he would remark that as well in this case as in that of the State vessel of Massachusetts, it could not be expected that the Union should defray their expence. He would ask if any of the prize monies of those vessels had been lodged in the treasury of the continent. He believed it had not been the case, and if it had not, the States which had reaped the benefits ought to pay the charges.
The gentleman had insinuated, that as Georgia had allowed no interest or could not pay the interest of her funded debt, she certainly could not have discharged much of her debt. He would put that gentleman right on this head, by assuring him, that altho' Georgia had not specie sufficient to discharge the interest of her funded debt regularly, yet she had sunk some hundred thousand dollars of her principal debt.
Mr. Sedgwick said that he had not the vanity to suppose anything new which he could say would authorise him to expect the already exhausted patience of the committee, in an extensive discussion of the vast subject before them. He would however, call on the candor of the gentlemen who so strenuously opposed the proposition under consideration, for, an attempt to answer some of the arguments which had been repeatedly advanced by himself and the gentlemen with whom he had the honor to act and think on this occasion.
He observed that the revolution was a common, a national cause, that therefore the expense should be equally apportioned—that whatever had been advanced towards the attainment of the object should be satisfied, if within the ability of the government. That if the whole could not be paid the loss should be sustained in equal and just proportion: That these were the dictates of common justice and common honesty, and universally considered as conclusively binding in the usual intercourse of men in civil society: That thus considering the subject, he thought the States now flagging under an unequal weight of burden, had a right to demand of this government the adoption of the proposed measure. He further observed that this demand for justice would appear the more reasonable, when it was considered that the government would not, should the resolution be adopted, sustain any loss. For that it was in fact true, as had been repeatedly stated, that should the debts be assumed, there would still remain, a balance due, to every State. Because there was no State, which since the commencement of the war had not done more than to support the expenses of its own government, and all its other incidental charges. That this would be evident, when it was remembered, that the whole with which a State, in the event could be charged, would be the debt to be assumed, together with what had been heretofore advanced to it; and on the other hand it would be entitled to a credit for all its advances and services in the war. In this view of the subject, which was the just one, he wished gentlemen would explain why the government should delay to put the citizens on a footing of equality?
He observed that the accounts of individual States with the United States would ultimately be settled, or they would not: If the former, then justice would be done to all; if the latter, the only charitable and liberal supposition would be, that the States had equally exerted themselves in their glorious struggle for freedom.
He further wished gentlemen would explain to the committee and to the world, what were their intentions in regard to the State creditors, who it had been proved were equally entitled with others to justice. He affirmed that as it respected some of the States, no efficient measures, of national finance, could be carried into execution, and at the same time leave the States an ability to fulfil their engagements—engagements entered into at a time when they were in possession of funds which were fully adequate to the purpose, and which funds were now surrendered to this government.
ERRATUM: In Mr. Ames's speech, in our last, 5 paragraph 3 column, for "130,000," read 1,300,000.
FRIDAY, MARCH 19.
Sketch of the debate on Mr. Sherman's motion for appointing a committee to enquire into the receipts and expenditures of public money during the administration of the Hon. Robert Morris, late superintendent of Finance.
Mr. Gerry observed that some how or other the House is continually recurring to the modes of procedure adopted by the late Congress, who were both a legislative and executive body; the present government is organized on quite different principles.—The President of the United States is the only competent authority to take cognizance of the conduct of officers in the executive department—if we pursue the proposed plan of appointing committees we destroy the responsibility of executive officers—and divest the House of a great and essential privilege, that of impeaching our executive officers for mal-administration. He concluded by saying he was in favor of the report of the Senate for the appointing commissioners—as placing the business in a more parliamentary and constitutional direction.
Mr. Gerry was replied to by Mr. Hartley and Mr. Fitzsimons who contended that the motion was strictly parliamentary as it was certainly just that an investigation on the part of the House of the conduct of public officers ought to precede all crimination of their conduct; this enquiry Mr. Morris has applied for—and on every principle of equity, he ought to have a fair and full hearing, that if his conduct has been such as to merit approbation, he may no longer lay under any disadvantageous or injurious imputation.
Mr. Jackson called for a reading of the memorial; which being read—He objected to the appointment of a committee, he thought it unnecessary, it would establish a precedent which would in-
volve a great variety of difficulties; he had no doubt of the honor and rectitude of conduct in the memorialist, he was ready to acknowledge that he had rendered the country great and meritorious services—and that this was the opinion of the people in general through the United States—he was for accepting the report of the committee and thus finish the business.
Mr. Vining was in favor of the motion—and observed that the report (it appears) does not come up to the ideas of the memorialist—he wishes to give particular satisfaction to the members of this house; he wishes the sanction of this house to the merit of his services, should they on investigation appear to deserve such a sanction, justice is all he asks for, and surely gentlemen will not deny that.
Mr. Fitzsimons followed Mr. Vining in a similar train of observations.
Mr. Bland was opposed to the motion: he thought the report was a full justification of the conduct of Mr. Morris; he was opposed to appointing commissioners, as creating an unnecessary expence.
Mr. Madison was in favor of the motion, he offered a variety of observations on the subject, and in support of the idea, that the House should possess itself of the fullest information in order to doing justice to the country and to public officers.
Mr. Gerry defended his first opinion, that the several branches of government should be kept separate—he was only solicitous he said that the house should not establish a precedent which would mix the several parts of the government. The memorialist requests the appointment of commissioners—and what is the objection: nothing more than the expence, which in a matter of justice, ought not to be considered.
Mr. Stone observed on the idea of expence, that if the business is easy to be settled, commissioners will not be wanted for a long time; if the business is intricate and difficult, a committee will be very improper—he was therefore in favor of commissioners.
Mr. Sherman said that for himself he was perfectly satisfied respecting the accounts of Mr. Morris; they are certified by as good and honest men as can possibly be appointed—men entirely uninfluenced and uncontrolled by any person whatever; but still he thought to give full satisfaction to the memorialist and to wipe off any aspersion which may have been cast on him, he was in favor of a committee.
MONDAY, MARCH 22.
The amendments proposed by the senate to the bill for establishing an uniform rule of naturalization, and to the bill to provide for the mitigation or remission of fines, forfeitures and penalties in certain cases, were taken into consideration. To the first bill one amendment only was proposed, which was agreed to by the house. The amendment to the other, it was said, involved an alteration of the principle on which the bill was founded; other objections were made, and on motion it was voted that the amendment should lie on the table.
In committee of the whole; the report of the select committee on the memorials on the slave trade under consideration. The sixth article was further discussed.
Mr. Scott commenced the debate this day in advocating the prayer of the memorialists, he was replied to by several of the Southern gentlemen. It was moved that the clause should be struck out, this motion being put, it passed in the negative.
The committee then agreed to the proposition.
The Seventh article was struck out of the report.
The committee then rose, and the report, as amended and agreed to, was laid on the table.
A message was received from the senate, with the bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1790, concurred in with amendments. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, MARCH 23.
Sundry memorials and petitions were presented and read.—The amendments of the Senate to the appropriation bill were taken into consideration—the first was agreed to.
The sum allowed by the house to Gifford Dally, Esq. for services performed during the recess, it was proposed by the Senate should be divided between him and Mr. Mathers the door keeper of the Senate, this amendment was objected to; after some conversation, the amendment was concurred in with an amendment.
The committee to whom was referred the petition of Richard Wells and John Hart, brought in the following report.
Resolved, That the possessors of the continental bills of credit, emitted by the authority of Congress, before the 18th day of March, 1780, on bringing the same into the Treasury of the United States, shall receive certificates for the same, at the rate of one dollar specie value for one hundred dollars of the said bills; and the same shall be funded on interest in the same manner as the other debts of the United States. The interest to commence on the day the said bills shall be lodged in said treasury—and all such bills in the treasury of any State exceeding its quota required by the acts of Congress of the 7th day of October, 1779; and the 18th day of March, 1780, on being brought into the treasury of the United States shall be credited to the account of such State at the rate aforesaid, on interest of six per cent. per annum—from the time it was received into the Treasury of the respective States; laid on the table.
It was then moved that the house should take up the report of the committee of the whole on the memorials of the people called Quakers.—This motion was opposed by Mr. Jackson, Mr. Smith, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Bland—they severally observed that the discussion of the subject has already excited a spirit of dissention among the members of the house—and that every principle of policy and concern for the dignity of the house, and the peace and tranquility of the United States, concur to shew the propriety of dropping the subject, and letting it sleep where it is.—On the other hand Mr. Vining, Mr. Hartley, and Mr. Page observed, that there was the same propriety in taking up the subject at the present moment, and bringing it to a conclusion as there was for first raking it up—that it has been so fully discussed, that it cannot be supposed gentlemen will go over the same ground again; it may soon be determined, to pass it over will be unprecedented, and will leave the public mind in the same State of uncertainty from which so much danger is apprehended.
The motion for taking up the report was warmly contested, in a lengthy debate, and finally passed in the affirmative, by a majority of one. This was followed by a motion for entering the report of the select committee, and the report of the committee of the whole on the journals of the house. This motion called up the speakers from all sides of the house, and was at last determined by Ayes and Noes as follow.
AYES.
  Messrs Boudinot, Hartley, Partridge,   Brown, Hathorn, Schureman,   Cadwallader, Heister, Scot,   Contee, Huntington, Sedgwick,   Floyd, Lawrance, Sherman,   Foster, Lee, Sylvester,   Gerry, Leonard, Sinnickson,   Gillman, Madison, Vining,   Goodhue, P. Muhlenburg, Wynkoop.   Griffin, Parker, 29. 
NAYS.
  Messrs Ames, Jackson, Sturges,   Baldwin, Livermore, Sumpter,   Benson, Matthews, Thacher,   Bland, Moore, Trumbull,   Burke, Page, Tucker,   Carroll, Van Ransellaer, White,   Coles, Smith, (M.) Williamson.   Gale, Smith, (S. C.) 25.   Grout, Stone, 
For the report of the select committee, see No. 96, March 10. The substance of the 1, 3, 5, and 6th propositions of this report were agreed to by the committee of the whole.
The amendment proposed by the House to the Appropriation Bill, was non-concurred by the Senate. Adjourned.

FURTHER ACCOUNTS FROM EUROPE, By the last arrivals.
OF THE PATRIOTS OF BRABANT.
A GENERAL Congress of the States of Brabant was to be held at Brussels the 5 January. A number of British officers are gone to offer their services to the Patriots in the Austrian Netherlands.
Fort Lillo, one of the two posts which was held by the Emperor's troops by the last accounts published, has been taken by the Antwerp Patriots.
The Emperor apprehending an approaching dissolution from his present indisposition, is preparing for that event, by forwarding the election of a King of the Romans.
The States of Brabant and Flanders have consolidated themselves into one body.
General VANDERMESCH is in the neighborhood of Luxembourg with 20,000 men—and a heavy train of artillery.
OF FRANCE.
A report having circulated that the Emperor of Germany had unduly received millions from the Court of France. The Imperial Ambassador at Paris has wrote to Count MONTMORIN, the French Minister, to contradict officially, this unfounded injurious rumor.
M. DESMEUNIERS was chosen President of the National Assembly in December. Among other articles in the organization of the judicial power, the following were proposed by the committee: "Justice shall be administered in the name of the King—No office shall be created in order to be sold—Justice shall be rendered gratuitously—No tribunal shall have any share of legislative power—Judges shall not be removeable but for abuse of office—Every citizen may plead his own cause—All causes shall be entered in a roll in order, as they come before the Court, and determined as they stand on this roll, without deviation, unless by consent of parties. Many wise and liberal articles are daily added to the Constitution, and notwithstanding what hireling prints assert to the contrary, the National Assembly are proceeding in the great business before them with unanimity and dispatch—and their decisions meet with unexpected and unparalled approbation from their constituents: As much peace and tranquility prevail throughout that immense kingdom, as could be expected in effecting so great and important a revolution in government. A full and complete toleration in religious matters is firmly established by the decrees of the Assembly, which enjoin that "non-catholics" shall be eligible to elect or be elected to all places of honor and profit in the public service.
Some of the venal English papers however, represent the kingdom of France as in a very deplorable situation—and even in Paris, one poor Englishman writes to his friend in London that he is afraid of starving! The Provinces, another says, are in tumults, and attempts are made to seduce the army—still without effect!! Marshal Law is proclaimed in some of the provinces; but they are afraid to proclaim it in others: That the people, under the direction of the National Assembly, are in a similar situation to what the people of England were, under CROMWELL—with a variety of such entertaining articles—and yet the National Assembly and the King appear to be on the best terms—the people are happy—plenty has flowed in upon them—and the prospect is altogether in favor of their establishing a free constitution.
TURKS AND AUSTRIANS.
Great preparations are making to prosecute the war, notwithstanding the rumors of pacification; but as the war has continued nearly long enough to exhaust the resources of all parties, it is most probable that the past winter has produced a peace—or a substitute at least.
LONDON.
In the park of the Escurial, in Spain, during the late appointment of Grandees, there were twenty fountains in full play; among them a most grand jet d'eau, affording an illustration of the doctrine of hydraulics; and there was another, playing by the elasticity of air. A marine fountain had a beautiful effect; it was formed to Sea Divinities, naiads, tritons, dolphins, &c. &c.
The Escurial used to be called one of the wonders of the world. It has eleven thousand windows, fourteen thousand doors, eighteen hundred pillars, twenty-two courts, and seventeen piazzas. It has three libraries, consisting of eighteen thousand volumes, and three thousand Arabian manuscripts. Here the King and Queen have apartments, and the rest of this superb palace is inhabited by Monks. The plan of the building is in the form of a gridiron!
Lorenzo, a famous Spanish Saint, was broiled on a gridiron! Philip II built the Escurial in memory of this Saint, and the battle of St. Quintin. At the late Royal promotion by the King, Lorenzo was invoked by the Monks to shower down blessings on the new Grandees.
The Spanish gentry are very numerous, and their families ancient; the cause of this is, all landed estates are entailed, and cannot be alienated but in failure of issue, and then not without great expence, which occasions land to be so ve-
ry dear there; it is worth forty years purchase. At the late Royal promotion, each new made Grandee was obliged to produce proof of his being clear, by four generations, of the blood of a Jew!
The Defence of the Genius of Women, an academic discourse by Donna Giuseppa Amar and Bordon, in answer to D. Gasparo Jovellanos and Don Francesco Cabarrus, Counsellors of his Catholic Majesty, and Members of the Royal Academy at Madrid (into which society they endeavor to prevent the admission of women) is a fatal blow to the affected and arrogant pre-eminence of the male sex.
This enlightened female, after demonstrating the equal powers of her sex, in literature, policy, and all the fine arts—attacks the objections of the King's Council with the most pointed wit and ridicule, insomuch that they have requested a cessation, and not only consented to the admission of women, but invited them.
Dr. CULLEN, thro' infirmity, resigned the medical professorship at Edinburg, which he has filled for 34 years, with infinite credit and ability.
On this occasion, the Lord Provost has moved, that the Magistrates and Council request his acceptance of a piece of plate, on which may be engraved such an inscription as may be thought most expressive of the high sense of the merit of the Professor, and their esteem and regard for the man.
RICHMOND, March 3.
The following address from the citizens of the county of Albemarle, was presented to the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, Esq; at his seat, the 12th day of February, 1790.
PERMIT us to present to you our most sincere congratulations on your return to your native county. We should do a violence to our feelings, and illy reward your merit, if we did not upon this occasion, give you this testimonial of our esteem.
At an early period of your life, and a very critical era of public affairs, we elected you our representative in the General Assembly. The subjects which at that time engaged the deliberations of that body, were highly interesting to our country. The controversy into which we were from necessity about to embark, involved consequences of the first importance to society, and called for the exertions of those of her citizens who were most distinguished for their wisdom, integrity and patriotism. Your conduct in the discharge of that trust, merited our warmest approbation, and in a review of the signal services you have since rendered, we have always considered it a singular instance of good fortune, that we conferred, and that you accepted the appointment. In that station, your talents and virtues became known to your country, by whom they were afterwards made more extensively beneficial to the community at large. By their appointment, you have since held a series of high political employments, and we have reason to believe that your conduct in every stage, has been as satisfactory to those whom you served, as it was in the commencement most acceptable to us.
We should wound your feelings if we entered into a detail of those acts of your public life which we highly approve. We cannot, however, decline assuring you, that we have been particularly happy to observe the strong attachment you have always shown to the rights of mankind and to those institutions that were best calculated to preserve them. Conduct like this, founded on such noble and illustrious principles, will always entitle you to, and secure you the gratitude of your fellow-citizens.
If we consult the particular benefit of our country, in a variety of instances, we should feel anxious, that you would for the future remain with us.—But America has still occasion for your services, and we are too much attached to the common interests of our country, and entertain too high a respect for your merit, not to unite with the general voice that you continue in her councils. In whatever line you may think proper to act, you will have our most earnest wishes for your welfare.
February 12, 1790.
To which he made the following reply.
GENTLEMEN,
THE testimony of esteem with which you are pleased to honor my return to my native country, fills me with gratitude and pleasure. While it shews that my absence has not lost me your friendly recollection, it holds out the comfortable hope that when the hour of retirement shall come, I shall again find myself amidst those with whom I have long lived, with whom I wish to live, and whose affection is the source of my present happiness.—Their favour was the door through which I was ushered on the stage of public life; and while I have been led on through its varying scenes, I could not be unmindful of those who assigned me my first part.
My feeble and obscure exertions in their service, and in the holy cause of freedom, have had no other merit than that they were my best. We have all the same. We have been fellow labourers, and fellow-sufferers; and Heaven has rewarded
us with a happy issue from our struggles. It rests now with ourselves alone to enjoy in peace and concord the blessings of self-government, so long denied to mankind; to shew by example the sufficiency of human reason for the care of human affairs; and that the will of the majority, the natural law of every society, is the only sure guardian of the rights of man. Perhaps even this may sometimes err, but its errors are honest, solitary and short-lived. Let us then my dear friends, for ever bow down to the general reason of the society. We are safe with that, even in its deviations, for it soon returns again to the right way. These are lessons we have learnt together—we have prospered in their practice; and the liberality with which you are pleased to approve my attachment to the general rights of mankind, assures me we are still together in these its kindred sentiments.
Wherever I may be stationed by the will of my country, it will be my delight to see in the general tide of happiness, that your's too flows on in just place and measure. That it may flow through all time, gathering strength as it goes, and spreading the happy influence of reason and liberty over the face of the earth, is my fervent prayer to Heaven.
February 12, 1790.
New-York, March 24, 1790.
Members of the House of Representatives of the United States, elected for the State of N. Carolina, are Hon. HUGH WILLIAMSON, Hon. JOHN B. ASHE, Hon. TIMOTHY BLOODWORTH, and Hon. JOHN STEELE.
Extract of a letter from Boston, March 14.
"We are all fatigued out with the slowness of congressional proceedings. Too much time is wasted in long speeches upon points, to say the least not of the greatest importance; at this rate of progression, it will consume the life of Congress to decide on the Secretary's report. Not a day should be lost, as the year will be too short for the arrangements necessary in the Treasury department—and it gives a trifling air to the measures of government to spend so much time in debating and re-debating inconsistent propositions.—The foregoing are my own sentiments—but I forbear to repeat the observations of some characters, who take pleasure in finding fault, and wish to sow the seeds of disaffection among the people."
On Saturday last the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State elect, arrived here from Virginia.
Monday the Senate of this State, concurred in the resolution of the assembly, declaring it incompatible (according to the constitution of the United States and of this State) that a member of either house of Congress, or person holding any office under the authority of the United States, should be a member of the Legislature of this State.
A vote was then passed declaring the seat of the Hon. James Duane, Phillip Schuyler, John Lawrance, and John Hathorn, Esq's. vacant.
Late accounts from London advise that the abolition of the Slave trade is yet an object of great attention to the friends of humanity in England and France, and that effectual measures to attain that object are pursuing with unremitting diligence.
A correspondent observes, that there is no sentiment that can be mentioned, in which the citizens of the United States, are so generally united, as in this—that the abolition of the Slave Trade is a duty of humanity, justice and sound policy.
Accounts from the country inform that the interior parts of the State are full of grain, and as soon as the travelling becomes good, it will be sent to the capital in abundance.
A correspondent observes that as revenue is the nerve of government for the support of PUBLIC CREDIT is the only solid basis of revenue—for the attainment of this object, our exertions were concentrated to a point, in bringing about the adoption of the new government—should procrastination or any other fatal circumstance prevent the funding system's being completed this session, the consequences are most seriously to be deprecated.
On Friday the 12th inst. died at Dumfries (Virginia) on his way to Congress, the Hon. Col. WILLIAM GRAYSON, Senator of the United States. His remains were on the Sunday following, attended by a numerous circle of his acquaintance, deposited in the family vault at the Rev. Mr. Spence Grayson's.
By the death of this gentleman the public, as well as his own family, have sustained an irreparable loss.
His abilities were equalled by few.
His integrity surpassed by none.
The Abbe Raynal, that celebrated Philosopher and friend to mankind, says, on the subject of slavery, "I will not disgrace myself by adding one to the list of venal writers, who have prostituted their pens in defence of a trade so abhorrent from the laws of universal justice. No principles of policy can justify the breach of her sacred laws. In so enlightened an age, an age where so many errors are boldly laid open, it would be shameful to conceal any truth that is interesting to humanity. We will first prove that no reason of State can authorize slavery. In doing this we shall not hesitate to arraign, before the tribunal of eternal light and justice, all those governments, who tolerate the cruel practice, or are not ashamed to make it the basis of their power. The great Montesquieu could not prevail upon himself to treat the question concerning slavery, in a serious light. In reality it is degrading to reason to employ it, I will not say in defending, but even in refuting an abuse so repugnant to it; whoever justifies so odious a system deserves the utmost contempt."
"PAUCI SED HONESTI" and other favors in our next. ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW YORK.
 Ship Henry, Shipman, London, 63 days.  Ship Hudson, Segar, Plymouth, 70 days.  Ship Nerva, Irvin, Liverpool, 58 days.  Ship Venus, Clarke, Bristol, 56 days.  Ship Fanny, Woodburn, London.  Ship Flora, Derry, Liverpool, 61 days.  Brig Morning Star, Kermut, Amsterdam, 62 days.  Brig Abigail, Harris, Havre de Grace, 74 days.  Schooner Sally, Patterson, Shelburne, 6 days.  Schooner New Hope, Cook, St. Kitts, 18 days.  Schooner America, Graham, Curacao.  Schooner Polly, Smith, Richmond, 9 days.  Sloop Unity, Watson, Philadelphia, 9 days. 

STATE-HOUSE, AUGUSTA, Dec. 22, 1789. ADDRESS of the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the State of GEORGIA, TO THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR, THE federal Constitution being adopted, it became the wish of the people of this State that you should be elevated to the Presidency of the Union; and the two branches of the Legislature take the first occasion of offering to your acceptance their congratulations on the unanimity of your election.
In the great concerns of mankind success has not always been attendant on the performance of duty; and where it has, the sanction of public approbation has frequently been withheld; but it was reserved for you in the midst of the most arduous difficulties, not only to be successful, but to have been so with universal applause.
Raised by your virtues and services to the head of a government, pervading so many independent States, the general confidence is in favor of your justice, and, while the history of nations informs that the errors of rulers have often proceeded from the want of information, we shall not hesitate to lay before you such facts and opinions respecting this State, as may appear to us to be incumbent or necessary. In doing this, it shall be our aim to unite plainness with respect, and integrity with truth.
Sir, in the course of the war which established our independence, our citizens made proportionate exertions with those of any part of the whole, and, in point of property, they suffered the most: the peace found the country a waste; with many natural advantages, we flattered ourselves with a speedy recovery, when we were attacked by the Indians.
On this subject we wish to be delicate—much has been already said—we have asserted, and it has been contradicted—removed at a distance from the centre, our actions have been liable to misrepresentation; but we trust that by this time, they are better explained—in the mean while our population has been checked, and our agriculture diminished—the blood of our citizens has been spilled, our public resources greatly exhausted; and our frontiers still open to fresh ravages. The failure of the late negotiation for a peace with the Creek Indians, and the circumstances which attended the same, are the best evidence of the necessity of our measures and a proof of the late hostile disposition of these people: but under the influence of the government and power of the Union, it is to be hoped and expected that a different conduct will on their part prevail: on our part, nothing shall be wanting to promote so desirable an establishment.
Another circumstance of additional calamity attendant on our being the south frontier of the Union, is, the facility of our black-people crossing the Spanish line, from whence we have never been able to reclaim them. This has already been productive of much injury to private persons, and if not speedily restrained, may grow into an evil of national magnitude.
We take this occasion of bringing this business into view, with a perfect reliance, that you will cause such discussions to be made, as shall be necessary to bring about a remedy.
We request you will accept our cordial wishes for your health and happiness, and that you may long continue to enjoy that confidence which has been so eminently placed in you by the people of the United States.
By order of the Senate,
N. BROWNSON, President.
By order of the House of Representatives,
SEABORN JONES, Speaker.
The President of the United States.
To the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the STATE of GEORGIA.
GENTLEMEN,
THE congratulations presented to me by the different branches of the legislature of the state of Georgia, upon my having been elected with unanimity to the Presidency of the United States, affect my mind with the most pleasing sensations; and demand my best acknowledgments.
From the observation, that, in the great concerns of mankind success has not always been attendant on the performance of duty, and that, where it has, the sanction of public approbation has frequently been withheld; I am naturally led to reflect on the unlimited gratitude which we owe, as a nation, to the Supreme Arbiter of human events for his interposition in our favor, as well as on the singular obligations which are due from me, as an individual, for the indulgent sentiments which my fellow-citizens have always had the goodness to entertain of my conduct.
Raised, as I am, to the head of a government pervading so vast a territory—and possessing, as I flatter myself I do, the confidence of the people in regard to my dispositions—I assure you, gentlemen, that nothing could be more consonant to my wishes than to be favored with such facts and opinions respecting the condition of the states as may appear proper and necessary. For I am duly
sensible that many errors which would result from want of information, may be obviated by timely and just representations.
I am not ignorant how much the local situation of your state exposed its inhabitants to suffer the distresses of the late war in a severe manner; nor how manfully they exerted themselves in defence of the common cause during the struggle which established our independence.—Wasted as your country was at the return of peace, and exposed as your frontiers have since been to the ravages of the Indians, I cannot but flatter myself that you will ere long realize the blessings which were to be expected from your natural resources, and find a compensation for your sufferings in the benefits of an efficient general government.
It will not be expected, I presume, on this occasion, that I should enter into the merits of the delicate subject to which you allude. It may be sufficient to say, that while I regret extremely the failure of the late negotiation for peace with the Creek Indians, I am satisfied that the explanations which have been obtained through authentic channels will be of eminent service. I am also convinced that nothing will be wanting on your part to concur in the accomplishment of a pacification; and I still hope, that under the influence of the general government that desirable object may be effected. With respect to this subject in general, as well as to the other calamity which you mention as resulting from your being the South frontier of the Union, I request you will be persuaded that I shall make such use of the powers invested in me by the constitution as may appear to be best calculated to promote the public good.
I am much pleased, gentlemen, with the frankness which you have manifested in regard to myself, and return you my hearty thanks for the good wishes you have expressed for my health and happiness—with a sincere prayer that the same blessings may be extended to you and your constituents.
G. WASHINGTON.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ALTHO the Sun rises and finds me unblest, By those gifts which blind fortune bestows; Altho at the eve he retires to rest, And leaves me with darkness and woes;
2. Tho sickness and pain should with poverty come; Tho worldly cares throng round my gate, Tho misfortune should under my roof fix her home, And men turn their backs on my state;
3. While blest with thy love, dear joy of my heart, (And thy love would encrease with my pain) While from me you turn aside misery's dart, And cheer with those smiles your lorn swain.
4. While united we strive thro life's dreary vale, To bless those less blest'd than ourselves; While making religion our pilot, we sail Secure amongst rocks, sands and shelves—
5. No pain, no misfortunes, no woes can remove, Or ruffle that calm peace of mind, Which I must possess, while possessing your love, And bearing good will to mankind.
SALEM, March 9, 1790.
LAST Tuesday, the District Court of the United States for the District of Massachusetts was opened in this town. No business came before the Grand Jury at this Court. Two actions, for breaches of the Revenue Law, were tried before the Petit Jury, in the name of the United States. The business being finished, the Court adjourned on Thursday morning.
At the opening of this Court, the Hon. Judge LOWELL gave a Charge to the Grand Jury—of which the following is an extract.
“AS the prevention of offences is much more useful to the community, than the detection and punishment of them, it cannot be improper, at the commencement of a new government, to make such observations to those whose business it is to inquire concerning them, and by that means to the community, as may tend to the avoidance of them.
“If the government lately established, or any national government, is necessary for the peace, safety and happiness of the citizens of America, there is one thing which especially requires their very serious attention—I mean the REVENUE—which is necessary to enable it to do justice to its creditors, to re-establish its credit, and to exercise the powers and functions of government—in short, without which it cannot exist. Before the revolution in America, when the regulation of our trade was in the hands of a government in which we had no share, and by the operations of which whatever was taken from our citizens lessened the burthen of their own, the revenue laws were considered as a grievance; and the interests and passions of individuals running in the same course with the general sentiment, and the too lax morals of some of their officers having left them open to corrupt practices, the evasion of those laws was considered by some as justifiable, and by many as but a venial fault. Ill habits are hard to break. The crooked path, once entered, is apt to lead us further astray. Have we not some reason to fear, that the sentiments so imbibed may be again brought into action? But if we consider that to defeat our revenue laws will be to destroy our government—and, that to embarrass and impede them will embarrass that government, and occasion the necessity of new laws to extend the sources and make up the deficiencies—that new checks and penalties must be created, and the expence of the collection will be thereby enormously increased—can we hesitate to declare, that it is the duty of good citizens to observe and support these laws? But when we further consider, that what we defraud our country at large of, we take from the pockets of our honest and conscientious neighbors, and being able by that means to underfell them, their fortunes and credit may be absolutely destroyed—and if we further consider, that such evasions can seldom take place, without being tinged with a false appeal to that BEING who knows our hearts, and who can certainly avenge himself—can we have less hesitation to declare, that it is the duty of every good man to aid the execution of these laws?—We are now at the beginning. Public sentiment is, with us. Each deviation will open a door for others. Would it not be happy then for ourselves and our nation, if such practices should become highly disreputable—and if the love of virtue and our country should obtain a triumph over the meaner passion of avarice, and its natural offspring, dishonesty?
FROM THE ALBANY GAZETTE. March 18.
ON Monday morning, the 15th inst. as Mr. Van Rensselaer, son of Gen. Henry K. Van Rensselaer, and his sister, were accompanying their cousins, two of the daughters of Col. John Vischer, of Green Bush, to their father's, in a sleigh, the ice of the river broke in, within a few yards of the end of their journey, nearly opposite the house of Volkert P Douw, Esq. Their cries were soon, providentially, heard by Mr. Douw's family, and his negroes ran to give assistance. When they arrived at the place—the sleigh and the hair of Mr. Rensselaer's head were alone to be seen—a board, that one of the negroes had brought, was then put under Mr. R. and he was first snatched from destruction. Miss Rensselaer immediately emerged, near her brother, and was also saved. The eldest Miss Vischer was next drawn upon the ice, but sisterly affection checked every rising fear for self-preservation, and as she was extending the hand of assistance to her expiring sister, the ice again broke, and they were both instantly absorbed by the eddy, out of every reach.---The eldest Miss Vischer was 21 years of age, and was to have been married in a few days; the younger was in her 16th year.---Every exertion has been made to find the bodies, but that of the eldest only has been found. The horses had fallen into the river with so great velocity, that they broke the traces, plunged under the ice, and were not to be seen after the negroes arrived.---This fatal spot has been open the whole winter, till within two days of the accident. The ice in it was only three inches thick, but within a few feet round, it was eighteen.
Reader! pause a moment, and lay to heart this melancholy example of the uncertainty of life. Be warned by the fate of these two amiable young ladies, that such also may be yours. Life, at its longest extent, is short. Few live to the evening of the day of Life. When haply one has seen the sun sink in the horizon, if he reflects, how many does he recollect to have dropped down in every hour of the day. Think of this, and
“Whilst thou liv'st, live well: “How short or long submit to Heaven.”
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
   SCHEME.   PRIZE of £.3000 £.3000     1 1000 2000   2 500 1500   3 200 800   10 100 400   30 50 200   50 20 80   120 10 40   180 4 16   7950 31800  
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £.50000 16654 Blanks, }
Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in August next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
To be SOLD,
At PUBLIC AUCTION, on the First Day of APRIL next, (if not disposed of before, at Private Sale.)
THAT pleasant and valuable Place formerly called COLES-FERRY, now by the name of VAN DUZER'S, on Staten Island, Richmond County, with two good sufficient Pettiaugers for the ferrying business. It is a beautiful situation, and one of the best stands for a Ferry, or Tavern, on Staten-Island, and an excellent Shad and Herring Fishery within 20 yards of the door, Black-Fish, and all other kind of Fish in their season. It is likewise the best and most convenient Ferry to Long-Island, where a number of passengers pass and repass. It lies within two miles of the Point of the Narrows, and between 8 and 9 miles from New-York. There is about 30 acres of excellent good Land, chiefly Meadow, with a very good Wharf, House, Barn and Garden—the whole being in good repair. It will also make a beautiful Country Seat, fit for any gentleman.
For Particulars enquire of JOHN ANDERSON, corner of the Exchange, or CHARLES M'LEAN, White Hall, New-York, or of Messrs BYERSS and REILLY, Staten-Island, or of the Subscriber on the premises, where the conditions of sale will be made known.
ABRAHAM VAN DUZER. Staten-Island, March 6, 1790.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles:
  BOOK Muffins 8-4 6-4 5-4  HUMHUMS,    Jacketon do.  Long Cloths,    Hankerchiefs, of various kinds,  Cassas,    Chintzes,  Seerluckers,    Ginghams,  Boglapores.  
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.