National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-10-10 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, October 10, 1792.
NUMB. 99.
[We are favoured by a correspondent with the following copy of a Memorial from the New York line of the late army, to Congress, and which is to be presented early in the approaching session. The plain truths which it modestly, tho' forcibly, details, are such, our correspondent thinks, as must sink deep into the heart that has taken justice for its guide, and has not yet become callous to the feelings of gratitude towards those from whom, under Providence, all our public blessings are derived—The committee for promoting the objects of his memorial is composed of the following gentlemen: Geo. Clinton, Ebenezer Stevens, Marinus Willet, Samuel Craig, G. Leacraft, John F. Vacher, Joseph Brown, Isaac Ledyard, Nath. Laurence. ]
To the HONORABLE the SENATE and HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the United States of America, in Congress assembled.
The MEMORIAL of the OFFICERS, now residing in the state of New-York, of the late AMERICAN ARMY, in behalf of themselves and their brethren, the soldiers of the said army—
Respectfully represents, THAT your memorialists, impelled by a laudable zeal for their country, entered the late army of the United States, without paying any regard to selfish or pecuniary considerations, thinking the service to be only temporary; but finding the duration of the war to be much longer than they at first expected, and that they were making a sacrifice of property, domestic ease and happiness, encountering the rigours of the field, the perils and vicissitudes of war, to obtain blessings which every citizen would enjoy in common with themselves, without any adequate compensation, in some measure their ardor cooled; Congress being fully satisfied that further arrangements were necessary, agreed on certain stipulations, which were a proper and satisfactory provision. The army, confidently relying on the plighted faith of their country for this provision, have endured hunger, poverty, and want, without a murmur; and with cheerfulness have encountered danger: which their profession demanded, believing that at some future period a generous public would pour the oil of gratitude into their wounds, and cause their grey hairs to rejoice.
They take an honest pride in the part they have acted, and feel a gratitude to Nature and Providence, for having put it in their power to be of some use to mankind.
At the expiration of the war, so glorious to the cause of humanity, their accounts were liquidated, the balances ascertained, and certificates issued; yet, as no adequate funds were provided for payment, such pay was visionary.
The necessities of the army requiring a prompt payment, to enable them to resume their former occupations in life, on which principle was founded the basis of all their stipulations with government, for want of which they were obliged to part with the evidences of their well-earned dues for whatever public opinion stamped on them: what this was before the resources of our country could be brought in operation for their discharge, need not here be mentioned. Shadows have been given your memorialists, whilst the substance has been gleaned by a set of men whose comparative merits it is not for us to draw. The circumstances of a country may sometimes make it necessary that the voice of humanity and gratitude be sacrificed for a while to that of policy.
If other motives than those of justice could be requisite on this occasion, no nation could ever feel stronger those of gratitude. Where is the man to be found who wishes to remain indebted for the defence of his own person and property to the
exertions, the bravery, and blood of others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt of honor and gratitude? The debt now due the army is the price of their blood, and of those seats which you now have the honor to fill as the representatives of four millions of free fellow citizens; it is therefore more than a common debt; it is a debt of honor, which never can be cancelled, until fairly discharged.
If justice, good faith, honor, gratitude, and all other qualities which enoble the character of a nation, and fulfil the ends of government, be not the fruits of our establishment, the great cause which we have engaged to vindicate will be dishonored and betrayed, and its patrons and friends insulted by the votaries of tyranny and usurpation.
Your memorialists beg leave to submit in an extract of a letter, written by our illustrious and much beloved Commander in Chief, to Congress, dated at Newburgh, March 18, 1783—“For if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a farther compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have I been mistaken indeed—If the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error—If this country should not, in the event, perform every thing which has been requested in the late memorial to Congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope that has been excited void of foundation—And if, as has been suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions, the officers of the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution—If, retiring from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt—If they are to evade thro' the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor: then shall I have learned what ingratitude is, then shall I have realized a tale which will imbitter every moment of my life: but I am under no such apprehensions; a country rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.”
Your memorialists confess they felt themselves much hurt at the silence shown them in the late funding system; they, however, submitted to it, until the resources of our country should be ascertained: its abilities to discharge all its debts, more especially those which have been incurred in its defence, cannot now be doubted—an inclination, your memorialists flatter themselves, will not be wanting; particularly as the saving made to government by this system, out of the original contracts, will be more than adequate to their most sanguine wishes.
We have no doubt, from these considerations, that Congress will do that justice to the late army which shall best accord with the circumstance of their case, and the honor of the United States.
And, as in duty bound, your memorialists shall ever pray, &c.
In behalf of the late Line of the state of New-York in the service of the United States.
EBENEZER STEVENS.
New York, Sept. 1792.
GENTLEMEN,
THE officers of the late army residing in this state, were convened on the 4th day of July last, to take into consideration communications from different states, on the subject of the unsatisfied debt due from government to the late army—which meeting was adjourned to the next day, when certain resolutions were adopted, and a committee appointed, a copy of which we herewith transmit you. Another general meeting of the officers, on the same subject, was called by the said committee, to be held on the third day of September inst. when his Excell. George Clinton, and Capt. Samuel Craig, were added to the committee, and Joseph Brown, Esq. was chosen our
agent to solicit our claim, and present the inclosed memorial to Congress, early in their next session. We have every reason to expect success will attend our application.
We have the honor to be, Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servants,
GEORGE CLINTON, EBENEZER STEVENS, MARINUS WILLETT, SAMUEL CRAIG, G. LEACRAFT, JOHN F. VACHER, JOSEPH BROWN, ISAAC LEDYARD, NATH. LAURENCE.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU,
I HAVE read with sedulous attention all the late discussions about the political doctrines of the Secretary of the Treasury, (the political opinions of public men being of public importance to every citizen) and have carefully gone over his reports, so far as relating to or declaratory of his particular opinions; as well as repeatedly perused the various published extracts therefrom with the comments; and, upon the whole, I think it impossible for candour to deny, or for prudence to attempt to explain away, the following positions, or the deductions flowing therefrom. From his own showing, it is clearly his opinion,
That, tho' he cannot accede to the position “in the Attitude in which it is sometimes laid down, that public debts are public blessings,” tho’ “there may be a plethora in the body politic,” in this respect, “as in the natural body”; tho’ “there may be a state of things in which every such artificial capital is unnecessary.”
Yet that in a certain latitude, short of what is sometimes contended for, “at a critical point,” which it is impossible to doubt the existence of; and in the ordinary state of things, public debts are public blessings; and particularly, that “the proper funding of the present debt [amounting to above seventy millions] will render it [not the funding, paying, or providing for, but said debt itself] a national blessing.”
If these opinions seem to be contradicted in any manner or degree, by the other observations of this officer, namely, that “the creation of debt should always be accompanied with the means of extinguishment,” and “that there should be a constant effort to reduce the present and avoid new debts, as far as may be,” it is most fairly to be explained, by allowing for a more cautious language latterly, produced by the public alarm taken at such doctrines; and also by the expectation, that there will be no fear of having enough of this national blessing, “as the vicissitudes of nations beget a perpetual tendency to the accumulation of debt”; and “as there is too strong a propensity in the government of nations, to anticipate and mortgage the resources of posterity, rather than encounter the inconveniencies of a present increase of taxes.”
October 8.
TRUTH.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE
AMONG the various tricks used by a certain faction, made up chiefly of the speculators, and their tools and patrons, to impose on the people, one has been, to call themselves the best friends of the government, and particularly of the illustrious person at the head of it. Now, be it remembered, that when the Bank Bill was in suspense, and a final loss of it was feared, the rancorous suggestions and daring menaces, conditioned on that event, which broke out both in this city and New-York, among the six per cent speculators, and a few others, predicted the most
open and raging war on the President, in case their ravenous, insatiable appetites should have been disappointed of the expected prey, and clearly shewed what sort of friendship their's is, both to the government and him; and how it will turn out when brought to a disinterested trial.
CAUTION.
Philadelphia, Oct. 6th, 1792.
[From the Leyden Gazette, of July 31.]
THE opinions of the Swiss are divided in respect to France. The decision of the diet of Frauenfield proves, however, that those cantons inimically inclined are less considerable in power, than those that entertain favourable intentions. Basle, Zurich, Lucerne, Valais, and a part of the leagued Cantons are decidedly for France. The existing government of Geneva , always siding in opinion with Berne and the court of Turin , notwithstanding its protestations of neutrality, may afford some room for apprehension. Under the frivolous pretext of supporting public tranquillity, which they suppose in danger, the Genevans are making dispositions to receive Sardinian troops into the territory of the republic. The walls of the city are repairing, barracks getting ready, and about 3000 Sardinian troops are stationed at Carrouge and St. Julian , about half a league from Geneva . The vicinity of these troops is the more dangerous, as from hence to Lyons the whole country is open. A strict eye ought therefore to be kept that the Genevans do not open their gates to the Sardinian forces; on which subject some strong representations have already been made.—Of all the powers of Europe, the friendship of Great Britain is the most desirable to the free and regenerated French. The alliance of the two nations, could it be realized, would give them a decided preponderance in the political scale, and the other powers of Europe would to no purpose league themselves against the liberties of France. Since the revolution, the old antipathy of the two nations is in a great measure done away, and the better they become acquainted, the more they seem disposed to an alliance. By the notification of neutrality from that court, it would seem that the British ministry had changed their system. The national conduct of France towards Britain has been most scrupulously cautious, so as not to give the least cause of complaint; the most ready justice has been done in all disputes between individuals of the two nations; the treaty of commerce has been faithfully observed; and in short every thing done that might establish a firm alliance for the happiness of both kingdoms.—Till now, a perfect neutrality seemed to be the system of the states general of the United Provinces; but the re-inforcements of Austrian troops and the Prussians , that have marched into those provinces, would lead us to suppose that their neutrality is delusive, and that Holland is granting a real, though secret protection to the enemies of France, either in transferring to the Austrian service those German regiments in her pay, in purchasing arms and ammunition, or by preventing the exportation of articles of that kind intended for France.—There are some other powers whose sincere friendship for France is proof to all court-intrigue. Among these are reckoned the United States of America. The familiarity of their situation, and principles, and a congenial love of liberty, will always constitute the firm friendship of brothers and friends between the French and the Americans. Unfortunately, the distance that intervenes, and the scanty limits of American population, will wholly preclude France from expecting any military assistance from that quarter. But it is in the power of those States to render an assistance not less valuable: and in facilitating supplies to the colonies in the

lands, in these days of distress and trouble, they will sufficiently acquit themselves, in regard to France, of their debt of gratitude and friendship. Poland has shown the same energy and contempt of danger in the attainment of liberty, as France; and has, indeed, the same enemies to contend with. These circumstances bind her indissolubly to France, and might serve as the basis of an alliance, were not the distance of the two countries so great. To reap the blessings of such an alliance, an intermediate power should exist between Poland and France, whose political interests are the same, and by means of which the communications from one to the other might be made more easy, and attacks upon the enemy more expeditious and certain. This intermediate power can be no other than the Turk, the old and faithful ally of Poland and France for upwards of two centuries. There is no doubt that the warmth of former friendship between Turkey and France is somewhat abated, as well as the hatred that subsisted between the Turks and the two imperial courts. But it will be at all times easy to revive both the one and the other, and to recall the Turk to his real interests—one thing is certain, that the Porte can never forget the sacrifices she has been obliged to make, both before and during the late war. Such is the situation of Europe. This sketch presents to view many enemies, few faithful allies, and still fewer friends—but the union of sentiment that is every day gaining more and more ground in France, will at length work the utter ruin of that diabolical league of powers that now threatens her—courage will arise in the hearts of all true patriots, from a consciousness of the internal strength of the nation, and which will prevent a spirit of despondency on the one hand, and an imprudent security on the other.
[From the VIRGINIA GAZETTE.]
Richmond, Virginia, Sept. 10, 1792.
TO THE PEOPLE.
WHEN I endeavoured to rouse the spirit of Virginia, and stimulate an enquiry into her own fundamental principles and natural rights, by the short essay which has been published, I neither expected a republication in other papers, nor wished to provoke the malignity and discontent of those who blandly admire, or interestedly support every congressional act: But since it has been so, and the watchful Argus of aristocracy, and advocate for congressional impositions and speculations, has given an alarm through the medium of his ministerial, deceiving, anti republican paper,* and since I have thus been forced into discussions on things, the minute knowledge of which I acquire with difficulty, I shall convey to the public, as suits me, from time to time, a detail of facts, and make those deductions and inferences which are rational and obvious.
It is true that the term Speculating Congress , which has been offensively used, may be applied to the Congress of America—it is also a general expression, and may be applied to any assembly or meeting of people: But I neither ask nor wish to be shielded under this general conclusion; because, not only common report, but positive facts lead to a direct application, at least to some of the members.
Previous to the assumption of the state debts (a measure which was evidently calculated to enlarge the field of speculation within the federal vortex, and to exact from Virginia an apportionment of the debts which ought to be paid by other states, without any recompence or credit, either for the heavy taxes which the people had patiently paid since the peace, or the very large sums which were given to the requisitions of the old congress) many of the members who were theretofore of indigent circumstances, have evidently, without the intervention of any obvious or justifiable event, taken their stand among the men of wealth and pecuniary intrigue. After the first failure in the house of representatives, a species of speculating bribery and indirect corruption was set on foot, such as never offered in any other country, and for which every member of either house, who was directly or indirectly concerned, ought to be eternally stigmatized.
Instruments of writing were prepared by certain favorite brokers in New-York, which invited a member to subscribe to the amount of 100,000 dollars, on the very favorable terms that the subscribing member might be interested in the issue of that sum; the broker would advance all which was necessary to purchase it, without fee or reward; to the member to take the risk of loss, and to be entitled to all the gain. At that time the state debts (particularly of North-Carolina) were low, perhaps at 2/6 or 3/ in the pound. The assumption by congress, thus secured by a few recruits, would immediately increase their value to twenty
* Mr. Feane's Gazette of the United States.
shillings or more per pound; the people of the south were ignorant of congressional intrigue, or of the new fangled doctrine of assumption; but the speculators, brokers, &c. had previously concerted their plan in private conclave: Pilot boats and expresses were dispatched to different quarters, so that before the promulgation of the law, and when official characters were writing public letters that it would be rejected, a very great proportion of the public paper was picked up by their agents. Public credit then became the political text, and the honest opponents to the nefarious trick were borne down by numbers. By this sad and reprehensible event, a few have accumulated immense wealth; while exactions, excises, standing armies, and other impositions and oppressions, rendered more impalatable by the pride and insolence of the successful, present themselves to every prophetic mind.
I will not personally charge any individual of congress with this duplicity of conduct; but when I reflect on the original poverty of some of the members; first find them opposing the assumption, then advocating it, as if by divine inspiration—when I see them largely interested in the different stocks, associating, negotiating, and trafficking with men who live on the losses and misfortunes of others; and also reflect on the policy of the New-York brokers, I cannot fail to conclude that some of them are guilty, nor that such members are unfit for future public trusts.
Although I may continue to offend those who will not see, or seeing, cannot feel these impositions, it does not therefore follow that they should not be communicated to the public: And although we cannot be able to redress the past, we may, by avoiding those from whom they have proceeded, also avoid new and future injuries.
Thus, as to the origin of the assumption—the law being passed—the certificates being purchased—and drawn to the great centre of speculation, such public men as had engaged in the purchase, had two objects before them—indigence and ruin on one hand—wealth and power on the other. The barriers of representative confidence being broken down by the speculation, they, without much difficulty, would embrace every new object which presented itself by which loss would be prevented, or gain made: Hence arose heavy duties, excise, &c. The people of America, persuaded that those in whom they had confided, could not be guilty of any latent conduct calculated to enrich themselves at the expence of their constituents, and believing that congress could never bottom a law on the opinion that a public debt was a public blessing, or that the exigencies of government should be equal to her resources, patiently acquiesced, and would still acquiesce to more disgusting exactions even than the excise, if the opinion of political necessity and actual exigency would authorise them. But when we see an army set on foot, which in two years will cost three millions of dollars, will deprive the community of the labour of five thousand men, and the greater portion of them valuable mechanics; when half, or more than half of the expence will have accrued before the troops can be brought to the scene of action; when we know that this army is to fight Indians, (if they can catch them) or be a useless burthen on the community, our enquiries are put on foot, and at once beget complaints.
If the temper of the Indians was found so extremely predatory that nothing short of offensive war could check it, why was not one tenth, or one fifth of the sum appropriated to those people who live near, and have been used to Indian warfare, who have, without the aid of millions, without the wish to have a regular army, established themselves in despite of those very Indians, in a wilderness; and have so increased in numbers, as to take rank in the political world. Yes, the people of Kentucky have done this: and if either remuneration for actual services, or compensation for the attempt, had been authorised, the volunteers of that country would either have extorted peace from them, or forced them beyond the limits of the federal territory; but if the ministers of the federal government had done this, that wealth of which I have spoken, not having its full value without power, would have ruined in their hands; a great portion would have had no intrinsic value; wealth was got; power was wanted; the army and the excise presented themselves; the objects, being pleasing, were embraced. But the genius of America is awake, and I trust will never more be lull'd to sleep, until every seed of aristocracy is rooted out, and until it is universally known that man has not any natural prescriptive right to rule and govern his fellow MAN.
HENRY BANKS.
[The subsequent Address to the Republicans of the United States (under the signature of Columbus) appeared in the New-York Journal of the 3d instant.]
IT will be evident to every observer, that there are two parties at present existing in the United States—One composed of persons who are endeavouring to lay the foundation of a monarchical government, by in-
silling into the minds of the people, sentiments inconsistent and unfriendly to republicanism.
The other class consists of the real supporters of independence, friends to equal rights, and warm advocates of a free, elective government. The first description are generally known by the title of Aristocrats, the latter will ever retain the glorious name of Republicans.
As a free government must rest entirely on the will of the people, and as this will can only be obtained through their representatives, it earnestly behoves the citizens to be watchful and cautious in the choice of their servants; careful of the men they place in the first offices of government, and attentive to all their proceedings. Should you discover an inclination in any of your representatives to betray the sacred trust confided to them, and deviate from the genuine principles of freedom, instantly place others in their room, nor suffer a single person to remain in office who is favourable to aristocratic establishments.
It is generally believed, that the electors will be unanimous in the choice of the President for the ensuing four years. No one, it is presumed, will hesitate to declare, that the present worthy chief magistrate is justly entitled to the confidence and esteem of every American.
Some suppose the present Vice-President will be hard run at the next election.
The supporters of tottering monarchy, and the friends of different orders in the nation, would certainly wish to bring forward a man whose principles were congenial to their own. If such a character could possibly be found, either at Boston, N. York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, or Charleston, he would undoubtedly, obtain the suffrages of the well born, and the cringing congratulations of the anti-republicans.
But I trust the friends of liberty will rally round the altar of freedom, and disappoint the expectations of their enemies. Many look to John Hancock, of Massachusetts, others to James Madison, of Virginia, and not a few imagine, that George Clinton, of New-York, will be the fittest person to preside in the senate of the United States. The republicans should endeavour, by all means, to unite, or else the foes of a free government will undoubtedly succeed in choosing one friendly to their own schemes.
Freemen, be active and unanimous in the cause of liberty; recollect that much is yet to be done; the tree must be pruned of the poisonous twigs that at present spring up and retard its growth, or it will wither and decay. Lop off every unfruitful branch, and root out of the soil of freedom all the noxious weeds of aristocracy. Attend to the voice of the fair goddess. Independence, who once called upon you with a loud voice; but now gently whispers, that Liberty is in danger.
With an eagle's eye watch the gradual approach of slavery, and ever repel the assaults of mad ambition.
Translations from the Leyden Gazette. [continued from our paper of Oct. 3d.] to July 27.
Ever since the reign of Ferdinand 4th, the French have been but on indifferent terms with the Two Sicilies. The revolution has not abated the misunderstanding. At Naples it was that French merchants and even travellers were first arrested and interrupted on account of their revolution principles; and here it was that the emigrants were received with open arms, and even assisted to molest and vex their countrymen there resident. Her war establishment is now on foot, with a design by no means equivocal. As to the Pope, he is become the irreconcilable enemy of France. Irritated at the enforcement of the decrees against the clergy, at the loss of his influence, and the tributes that were heretofore paid to the chancellor of Rome, he has made the most urgent demands for the re-union of Avignon to the papal see. For this purpose he has addressed every court in Europe, and has even applied to Russia for assistance in re-instituting him. He refuses to receive at his court any French agent, under any diplomatic title whatever. So that France may consider herself as at actual variance with the papal power, who is now only waiting for the attack of the temporal princes upon France, to join them with the holy thunders which are now lying ready for fulmination in the chambers of the Vatican. The republic of Venice has declared to the courts of Vienna and Turin, that "she persists in her former principles of neutrality, but nevertheless, altho' having concluded a treaty of peace with the regency of Tunis, she will not disarm her fleet, but will engage to exclude all armed French vessels from the Adriatic." Her neutrality is therefore fallacious, since in this case the Austrian ports of Trieste and Fiume, situated on the Gulph are to be defended from molestation. Genoa, Florence, and Malta have declared a perfect neutrality. Spain seemed to be separating herself entirely from her connexions with France, under the ministry of Count Florida Blanca. He it was that urged the famous edict against foreigners, and authorized every species of that ill usage which the French for a time experienced in Spain; but since his dismissal and the appointment of Count d'Aranda to the ministry, the persecution has ceased. The minister of France
has been allowed to make his just requisitions; the greater part have been agreed to, and it is reasonable to hope that the delays and evasive answers he has experienced, are not in any degree to be attributed to Count d'Aranda, but to some other (unknown) cause. From the evasive answers and innuendoes that have been given, we may suppose the Spanish court rather inclined to neutrality than hostility. It is far from being probable, however, that France will obtain the assistance stipulated for in the family-compact, a compact which France in the midst of the embarrassment of a revolution generously offered to adhere to. But a good deal is gained, in France having influence to prevent Spain from joining the concert of powers. As to the political relation between France and Portugal, it is hardly worth noticing. The French ambassador at that court has been desired to announce, in its name, that Portugal earnestly desires the tranquility and happiness of France, and will do her utmost to preserve an inviolable neutrality.
Whatever resistance the troops of Poland may be enabled to make to the progress of the Russians, the superiority of the latter, in point of numbers only, is so great, that no success whatever on the part of the Poles can be decisive in their favor. For fear of being surrounded by the Russians the two Polish armies have been obliged to manoeuvre in a most fatiguing manner, and in general to be on the retreat, tho' slowly. The unexpected declaration of the courts of Vienna and Berlin has infinitely embarrassed the affairs of Poland; when the new government was planned and adopted, no one had the least suspicion of the speedy peace that has been struck up between the Empress and the Turks, still less the alliance between Austria and Prussia, and least of all, the good understanding that has taken place between Russia and Prussia, who were at that time such bitter enemies to each other.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
PARIS Aug. 11.
Several causes have concurred towards the dethroning of Louis XVI, and completely estranging the affections of the nation from the monarch. Time, that sooner or later unfolds every thing will probably discover that the king has acted completely the political hypocrite. There is no doubt but himself, the queen, and some others of the royal family had contrived to hold a steady correspondence with the combined enemies of France, and the national spirit was in consequence roused to dethrone him, and endeavour to unite upon some solid plan of resistance to the combined despotic forces, before it became too late. The main charge against the king was, that he had interested himself in preventing supplies being sent to the army, by which means he expected they would fall an easy prey to the invaders, who were to replace him on the throne.
August 12. — "In the engagement on Friday between the populace and the guards, there remains no doubt but the Swiss fired first, but not until they were pressed upon in the most violent manner & their guns forcibly turned round, & planted against the palace. M. d'Affry gave the order to fire. The federates of Brest and Marseilles rushed forward, and in a few minutes there was a dreadful slaughter. The Swiss retreated to the palace, and kept a most fatal fire from the windows. The dead lay in heaps. The quays were full of people armed and unarmed, and directing their fire deliberately into this multitude—the massacre was dreadful. It did not, however, intimidate the assailants. Seven pieces of cannon were played on the Thuilleries and the Louvre. They made breaches in the old walls in a short time; but their impetuosity from the place de Carrousel was irrepressible. They broke in, and in a few minutes the multitude filled the palace; every Swiss that came in their way perished; but numbers found temporary safety in the cellars and garrets, and were with difficulty saved from the rage of the people. I can give no perfect account of the dead. From the number yet unburied, or thrown into the Seine, or burnt; for a fire was made in the place de Carrousel, in which the furniture, the tapestry &c. of the palace was consumed; and into which, in the wantonness of cruelty, many dead bodies (such as they knew to be gentlemen) were thrown; I suppose there were not fewer than 2500—some carry the number much higher—and others diminish it to a very small number indeed—but this will bye and bye be ascertained. The names I have heard, are those of M. d'Affry, the Abbe Bouillon, Carle, Mandat, &c. The palace is completely dismantled. The day was excessively hot; and they regaled themselves on the king's wine: They brought it out in immense quantities; and it was not uncommon to see men and women, after their own draught, put the bottles to the mouth of the dead lying in mangled heaps, with the spirit of furious sport which they have all along exhibited, crying—"Here, take your last drink!—Drink to the nation!"—The horrors of the day cannot be described to you in adequate language, for the beginning of our career in July 1789 was exceeded.
M. Maudart, the commander of the national guard, was arrested going down the stair-case of the Hotel de la Ville. He was seized by the

people, beheaded, and his head fixed upon a pole and carried through the streets.
In about an hour from the commencement of the attack on the palace, not one Swiss was left. Ninety-six who survived their colonel, and Gen. d'Affry, demanded quarters, but they were conducted to the Place de Greve, and there put to death. About three hundred Marseillois have fallen, and near a thousand citizens, among which were several women and children whom curiosity had led towards the scene of action.
All the Swiss, above 500, were put to death, and the people carried the remnants of their clothes on the ends of their pikes in triumph. The pavilions of the palace, near the place de Carrousel, were afterwards set on fire, as well as the Swiss barracks.
The maids of honour of the palace were conducted to the Section; the rest of the persons on duty were put to death:—The wine cellars were alone plundered. The jewels, plate, &c were brought to the assembly, and deposited in safety.
The attack at the palace began before ten o'clock: A Marseilles officer appeared at the principal door of the palace, and demanded entrance for himself and his banditti from a Swiss officer who commanded there. The Swiss replied, that his orders would not permit him to comply. The Marseilles officer instantly applied a pistol to his breast, and shot him through the heart.
M. Sulan, the Queen's Secretary, is likewise among those whose heads were cut off in the Palace.
Many of the women belonging to the palace, and some others, met an equally unfortunate fate. They had fled for safety, and had reached the bridge. Knowing that their lives were in danger, if they were taken, about twenty threw themselves over the battlements into the water, and were drowned.
The king and queen behaved themselves with great fortitude. The king's countenance throughout showed signs of the most perfect composure. The queen looked with an air of magnanimity and disdain on her enemies.
It is said that the king is to have a public trial on the 28th of this month. (August)
The new ministers, as appointed by the assembly, are—
M. Danton, Minister of Justice,
M. Le Brun, Minister for Foreign Affairs.
M. Roland, Minister of the Interior,
M. Servan, Minister at War,
M. Monge, Minister of Marine,
M. Claviere, Minister of contributions.
The king, queen and family bore their condition with great equanimity. The president's room was assigned for them, and there they have remained ever since. The palace Bourbon is converted into a prison for the Swiss, and for all the persons whom they chuse to apprehend upon suspicion. The Fuillaute & some other journals are stopped, and by opening letters they have gained a pretty general knowledge of their enemies, and they are arming them in numbers; what they really propose to themselves, whether they have any prospect of standing their ground, and trying a republic, or whether the handful of leaders mean to fly as soon as the foreign army, or the French army makes its approach, for either will be equally fatal to them, I know not.
This dreadful scene, however it may close upon the fate of France, or upon the fortune of liberty, ought to be a lesson to every government that true wisdom consists in fair dealing; and that to cajole, to trick, and to play the hypocrite with a whole people, is as weak as it is wicked; I say this, because I am persuaded, that the want of candour, more than treason in the court has brought upon them this catastrophe. They wished an increase of power, which in due time the nation would have given them, but too eager, they tried to accomplish it by secret and dishonest means."
Life, July 17. —Some little justice has been done here, at length, to the ashes of the unfortunate Dillon. A man called the Sieur Vasseur, who was one of the most active and principal in attacking the ill-fated general, and afterwards burning his body, was tried lately, and condemned to lose his head.
The sentence was carried into execution on Friday last, amidst an immense number of spectators. He appeared to be little affected at his approaching death, and walking with a steady step to the scaffold, which was erected precisely on the spot where the remains of the unfortunate Dillon were consumed to ashes.
Having ascended the scaffold, he addressed himself to the surrounding multitude, and said, with an audible voice, "that at the moment of taking part against the deceased general, he acted under a persuasion, according to the universal report on the occasion, that he had betrayed the army; and however he might have since been convinced, that the general was misrepresented, he, nevertheless, from the above mentioned conviction, at the time, could not help considering himself, in some measure, as a martyr to the cause of the nation. Consequently, he added, might have shewn his zeal amitaken one; but at the moment of his conduct, he considered himself as taking a laudable part against one who was represented, and whom he then believed to be a traitor."
He then submitted himself to the executioner, who, by an apparatus, new, at least here and called a Louison , was decapitated in an instant.
This machine is nearly similar to what was formerly used in Scotland, called a Maiden : the criminal lays his head on a
block; above is suspended a keen axe, fixed in a piece of timber, with a heavy weight at the back—two upright posts, with a groove in them, serve as conductors to the axe, to fall on the neck of the criminal, when a pulley, which suspends it, is let slip—the axe, by being suspended at a height, falls with great force and rapidity, and severs the head instantaneously and completely; and thereby saves the unfortunate sufferer from being mangled, as is frequently the case, in the common mode of decollation, when the executioner is not expert, or agitated thro' fear, or horror of the scene.
The rapid advance of the Russian troops, and the determined language of her imperial majesty, left Stanislaus no alternative; he, therefore after receiving her ultimatum assembled the nobles, communicating to them the Empress's determination, and at the same time recommended, to prevent the further effusion of blood and dismemberment of the kingdom, to submit to a temporary inconvenience, to revoke the constitution settled on the 3d of May, 1791, to restore the ancient form of government, and to submit the arbitration of the difference between the people of Poland and the Empress, to the three rebel Counts Potocki, Rzeivusky, and Branicki—and proposed, in compliance with a requisition from the Empress, the Prince Poniatowski should be recalled, and Count Banicki invested with the command of the army: but the Assembly was by no means unanimous in the adoption of these sentiments.
A strong party, of which Malacowski, Marshal of the Diet—Prince Sapicha, Marshal of Lithuania—M. Potocki, jun.—and M. Soltick, were at the head, opposed the pacific propositions of his Majesty, and declared, that the king having deserted the Constitution, the Constitution, without the king, should repel the ambitious and oppressive views of all its enemies, or sinking, should bury thousands in its ruins.
PHILADELPHIA.
OCTOBER 10.
A correspondent remarks, that the public is sometimes, and not improperly reminded, that the representatives of the people ought to be so proportioned in respect to characters and professions, as to represent, or be a copy of the different interests and classes of the constituent body; and this is used as a reason for keeping up the same proportion in the new election as exists in the present Congress. Would it not be useful, then, if some well informed person would publish a list of the members of Congress, distinguishing their respective characters and callings?—for, it is suspected and said, that there are several interests or classes of the community, but more particularly the speculating interest , that have a very undue proportion of weight in the national councils; whereas, some very great interests (particularly the landed interest which embraces nine-tenths of the people) are in comparison but as a feather in the political scale.
"Gen. Putnam (says a letter from an officer at Marietta) having despaired of a treaty with the Miamis, has gone to the Wabash, with a view of detaching some of the tribes from the general combination; but, I am sorry to add, with little prospect of success."
A French gentleman, recently from the Wabash, informs that the Indians are employed in removing their families beyond the waters of the Mississippi, in order that the warriors, upon their return, may be less encumbered for battle. We have also a report in circulation, that a party lately pushed into the French settlement of Gallipolis, and killed and scalped two or three persons. Such is the aspect of Indian affairs at this period.
We are informed, through a Virginia paper, that Col. Harden, one of the commissioners to the Indians, respecting a treaty of peace, and who was reported to have been massacred, has made his escape. It seems Col. Harden and his companion, Major Trueman, were sentenced to be burnt; which he saw executed upon the latter; and was himself, the next morning after his friend's execution, to have experienced the same fate; but was stolen from his confinement by eight young Wyandot warriors, who safely conducted him to Fort Washington.
Extract of a letter, from a gentleman in Cape Francois to his friend in this city, dated September 18.
At last the forces under the command of general Desbarbes, arrived yesterday.—they consist of 6400 men, of whom 4000 are national guards. The new civil commission arrives with them. The general appears ready to dispense with ceremony and etiquette and is anxious only for the safety of the remains of this unfortunate colony.
The civil commissioners are busy in preparing proclamations previous to exerting the strong arm of power.
It was full time that this succour should arrive, the unhappy province of Cayes is nearly ruined, and by the manoeuvres of
an infernal cabal the slaves of the parish of Gros Morne were driven to follow the example of the rebels in the northern part.
The timely and courageous exertions of the inhabitants of Borgne, aided by colour citizens have dispersed some bands and destroyed 3 or 400 insurgents besides capturing one hundred, 50 of whom have been executed; the remainder are kept for examination to endeavour at discovering the movers of the insurrection.
Capt. Macpherson of the Ship Patsy Rutledge arrived here on Sunday from Ostend, which place he left on the 26th of August, informs, that two days before he sailed letters were received by the magistrates of the city informing, that M. La Fayette and a number of his officers were taken by some peasants within the Austrian lines, and that he was conveyed and securely confined in the castle of Antwerp about 10 leagues from Ostend.—Reports in Ostend relative to this affair were various before he failed.
Some say he was on a reconnoitring party with a few of his officers and was surprised and taken by about double the number of peasants.—Another report is, that he was in disguise and endeavouring to make his way through the country towards some seaport town to take shipping for America. That he was discovered by some of the inhabitants, seized and delivered into the hands of government.—He requested, it is also said, to be removed from the scene of action on the frontiers, and chose Antwerp for the place of his confinement.—The account of his being taken and actually confined, was communicated to Capt. Macpherson by the merchant to whom he was consigned who had seen the letters received by the magistrates.—There can therefore be but little doubt of the reality of the fact. What led to his being taken is not so evident.
That a general officer should venture into an enemy's country with so little caution as to be captured by peasants is not very probable; that M. La Fayette should desert the cause at the moment it most needed his support, is more incredible.
Information received in town from Bourdeaux, via New-York, may assist in unravelling the mystery. A vessel arrived in New-York from Bourdeaux, which place she left on the last day of August, informs, that a decree of accusation against M. La Fayette had received the sanction of a majority of the national assembly. That orders were in consequence issued to apprehend him, and another commander was chosen in his stead.
M. La Fayette, it is probable receiving information of this decree, before the arm of the Jacobin party could reach him, may have taken the resolution to escape their fury.
The breach of the constitution by the Jacobins would not have been sufficient to have led him to abandon his country; but the command being taken from him by the ruling party, put it out of his power to be any longer serviceable, especially, as his arrest was decreed, which might be followed by a summary trial, condemnation, and perhaps death. An attempt to fly to this country as an asylum would be extremely natural in such circumstances, and not unworthy of himself. He will be treated with humanity by the despots into whose hands he has fallen;—not so if the emigrants had him in their power. His efforts in favour of the king, whose life he has saved more than once, will plead powerfully in his behalf; but it is much to be regretted, that if it was his plan to fly to this country, he should have been unsuccessful. Here he might have enjoyed the sweets of that liberty, in the cause of which he has been so active, and we should have had an opportunity of testifying our admiration for his character, and gratitude for his services.
Capt. Macpherson also informs, that before he came away, several of the officers of the northern army had arrived at Ostend, and among others Count Dillon. They were probably impelled to emigrate in disgust at the proceedings of the Jacobins.
The Duke of Brunswick had taken possession of several French towns, without meeting with opposition.
The last accounts from Paris, described the city as in a state of more tranquility since the deposition of the king.
The decree of accusation against La Fayette, and his capture, added to the deposition of the king, have made a change in the situation of affairs in France. The cause of the constitution expires; but that of liberty and republicanism are still to be supported.
It remains to be seen whether a majority of French citizens will support the proceedings of the Jacobins at Paris; It re-
mains to be determined whether the royalists, aristocrats and constitutionalists, will not be more numerous than republicans. If the republicans can maintain a decided superiority within, the cause of liberty and equality may still prevail, this must still be the wish of every friend to the rights of man. It is better that France should feel for a few years the evils of anarchy, than again to experience the horrors of despotism. The French, the great body of the French nation have seen the dawn of liberty, they can never bend to the yoke of tyranny. Gen. Adv.
Whilst Paine , and other American patriots abroad are labouring to reform the corrupt governments of Europe to the standard of the American constitution; what a stigma on a certain faction at home, that is sighing and intriguing to corrupt and warp our constitution to the standard of a certain European monarchy.
Abridgement of further foreign news by the latest arrivals.
The Empress of Russia has declared war in form against France; and issued her orders to all Frenchmen to do their utmost in re-instating Louis the XVIth in all his royal prerogatives: the French ambassador had also quit Petersburg on a very short notice.—The king of France was completely deposed; himself and his family removed from the palace to the hotel of the minister of justice; his person under the protection of a guard subject to the authority of the mayor of Paris, and of the commander of the national guard, who were to be responsible for the safety of the king and family: the sum of 500,000 livres to be allowed for his expenses till the meeting of the national convention.—Three old priests had been killed by the mob at Cauderan, a village near Bourdeaux, suspected of holding a treasonable correspondence with the enemies of the revolution.
The king of Poland had resolved to sign a renunciation of the constitution adopted on the 3d of May 1791, in consequence of a letter from the empress of Russia, that she would overpower him with millions of her soldiery, in case he continued obstinate: the Polish succession was to devolve on prince Constantine Paulowitz, second son of the grand duke of Russia, and his heirs male—other accounts say, that a strong party in Poland had pronounced the king a deserter of the constitution, and declared that they would, under the constitution, repel all its enemies or sink under its ruins.
On the 26th of August the king of France had not yet been brought to his trial.—The duke of Brunswick was then on the frontier of France, with a view to march towards Paris, threatening death and destruction to every opponent.—Desertion had prevailed greatly in France, but in officers only; whereas, with the Austrians it was the reverse; the soldiers deserting over to France by hundreds, and the officers only true to their despotic masters.
On the 8th of August, THOMAS PINCKNEY, Esq. minister plenipotentiary from the United States, had a private audience of the king of Great-Britain, to deliver his credentials; and on the Friday preceding, paid his first visit of form to the several members of the administration.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends, and the public for the many favours he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand, a few fine toned FORTE PIANOS , which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms.
The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons, commissioned to vend them, who for a very trifling compensation recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of European music-shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pay as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N. B. Musical instruments let out by the month or quarter, likewise musical instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES, No. 60, Walnut near Third-street; October 10. 4t
NOTICE.
THIS is to warn all masters of vessels and others, at their peril, not to take a certain mulatto Boy, named Lewis Boget, formerly of Cayenne, out of this city, he being lawfully bound and apprenticed to me, until 16th Nov. 1793; as I have reason to suspect he is endeavouring to leave this city. JAMES ROBERTSON. October 9. tf

From the (Boston) Independent Chronicle.
THE CRISIS, No. II.
Observations on the American Trade, Salaries, and Fees to Officers, &c.
To the Independent Federal Electors. It is necessary to premise, that there is a set of writers in the Columbian Centinel, & the Gazette of the United States who represent every person...
To judge whether it is thus extensively beneficial, let us examine whether the administration of the government, as it respects the American commerce, by extending our navigation, and promoting our carrying trade, has been prosecuted upon those national principles...
The patriot considers the operation of our government, as connected with the peace, liberty and independence of posterity; though the narrow minded speculator may be only anxious as to the immediate benefits resulting from his funded stock...
In the 1st number of the CRISIS, it was observed, that the principal objects of the federal government, were to promote our commerce and extend our navigation; the question now is, have any effectual national measures been adopted, to give energy to them?
It may be answered, that since the establishment of the government, our trade has revived, and our navigation has increased. That our merchants are exploring new sources of commerce, and that a general spirit of enterprise pervades every part of the Union. But it scarcely admits of a question, whether these favorable events are in consequence of any assistance given to trade by Congress.
If it is pleaded that our trade and navigation have flourished in consequence of the proceedings of Congress, let the advocates point out what substantial measures have been adopted for the purposes. Have the excessive duties on every article of importation, animated the merchant to pursue his business with alacrity?
In short, if we would wish to hear encomiums on the measures adopted, we must quit our insurance offices, our wharves and stores, and repair to the rendezvous of Bank Scrip Speculators, and stock-jobbing negotiators; within this patriotic and all important circle, we shall undoubtedly hear of the salutary efficacy of administration, in the highest strains of approbation.
Impost, excise, and direct taxation are the three great staples of revenue. They are our only sources upon the most pressing emergencies. To answer the exigencies of government two of them are already largely called for, and completely appropriated. So great a demand for revenue in our present state of infancy is rather alarming.
But wherein have we experienced the advantages then held out with such a degree of enthusiasm? The foreigner either by himself, or by consignments can now prosecute his business upon nearly similar terms; with ourselves; and our commerce is equally as contracted as before the adoption of the constitution.
have been recently laid, for the purpose of carrying on an Indian war, yet no additional tonnage is imposed on foreign vessels.
It was natural to suppose, that if an excise was levied, the duties of impost would be lessened. Instead of which, immediately on the establishment of the excise, "extra duties of impost, have taken place.
The Indian war may emphatically be styled the scourge of the revenue; as the distance of the place of operation, [however well disposed the head of the department may be] makes it difficult to bring every transaction within the latitude of strict investigation.
If our revenue is now so ample, it ought to be appropriated for the discharge of our just debts, and not applied for the purposes of generating officers, and prosecuting an unjust war.
I would not wish to depreciate from the merits of the officers of government; but that one class of men, should not be supported in affluence, to the distress of the citizens at large, is a position which cannot, in a free government, be controverted.
If we examine the merchant on one side, and revenue officers on the other, we shall find that the balance of advantages is altogether in favor of the latter. It is proper that the officers of government should have a reasonable support for their services, but it ought not to be so extravagant, that in a few years, it should evidently appear, they make more money by living on the government, than the merchant, or any other industrious citizen by supporting it.
Excessive salaries to officers were grievances complained of under the British government. The commissioners of the customs were then allowed £500 sterling, per annum, which was thought extravagant. It was then thought arbitrary and unjust, that the industrious merchant should pay this amount out of his trade, to support a set of men in luxury and dissipation.
Upon the whole, to sum up the conclusions to be drawn from the foregoing observations. The amount requisite for the maintenance of our federal government, and the payment of our just debts, might be raised by an impost on certain enumerated articles imported in American vessels, and by a competent "extra duty" on such as were imported in foreign, together with an additional duty on foreign tonnage.
An Indian war is equally as impolitic for America, as an India war was for Britain, and both of them may be considered as originating from ambition and private interest.
The foregoing observations are necessary for the consideration of the people at the present crisis.
A few cursory observations on the funding system and the national bank, will furnish matter for the next number. A REPUBLICAN.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said Society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution on the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second installment for the payment of share in the stock of this Society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second installment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100 with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk.
July 24.
Prices Current at Philadelphia.
[Dollars equal to 100 cents.] ASHES Pot per ton 40 Dols. to 100 d. Ashes Pearl 137 — — 140. Bacon flitches per lb. 7 cents. Bacon shoulders — 6 do. Bees wax, per lb. 25 cents to 27. Brandy, Coniac, per gl. 1 dol. 20 c. Brandy, common, 1 dol. Butter, in kegs, per lb. 9 c. to 10. Beef, Boston, per barrel 7d to 8d. Country ditto 6d to 7d. Coals, per bushel, 20 c. to 22. Coffee, per lb. 18 to 19 c. Cotton, per lb. 26 c. to 40. Cheese, country, per lb. 8c to 10c. English 19c. Chocolate, 17c to 18c. Codfish, per cwt. 3d. 50c. Cordage, American, per cwt. 7d 67c. to 8d. Duck, English No. 1. per yd. 28c. 1 cent less for every number. Russia, per bolt 11d. 33c. Dutch sail duck, 18d. to 20d. Sail cloth, Boston No. 1. per yd. 30c. Flaxseed, per bush. 75 to 85c. Flax, per lb. 11 to 12 c. Flour, superfine, per barrel, 5dol. Common, 4 dols. 67 c. Burr middlings, belt, per bbl. 4d. Meal Indian 2 dols. 52 c. Rye 2 dols. 40 c. Ship stuff, per cwt, 80c. to 1 dol. Gin, Holland, per cwt, 4 dols. 67 c. Graseng per lb. 20 c. to 24. Grain, barley, per bushel, 73 to 80c. best shelled, per lb. 3 c. Buck-wheat, per bushel, 40 c. Indian corn, 50 c. Oats 35 c. pr. bush. Rye 47c, Wheat 93c. Herring, per barrel 3d. Hoops, hoghead, per M. 15d. Barrels, 7d to 8d. Hams, per lb. 8 c. to 9. Hemp, imported, per ton, 120 dols. to 146 67 c. American, per lb. 4 c. to 5. Hides, raw, per lb. 9 c. to 11. Indigo, Carolina, per lb. 1 dol. to 1 dol. 10 c. Iron, bar, per ton, 82 dols. 67 c. Callings, per cwt. 3 dols. 47 c. Nail-rods per ton 96 dols. P.G. per ton, 24 dols. to 26 dols. 67 c. Sheet, per ton, 173 dols 33 c. Leather, sole, per lb. 14c. to 17c. 20c. Logwood per ton 24d. Laid, hogs, per lb. 9 c. to 10. Lead, in bars, per cwt. 7 dols. In pigs, — 5 dols. 33 c. to 5 dols. 67 c. Red, — 6 dols. 40 c. to 6 dols. 67 c. White, — 10 dols. to 10 dols. 67 c. Mackerel, belt, per bbl. 8d. Mader, belt, per lb. 16c. to 20c. Myrtle wax per lb. 16 c. Molasses, per gal. 44 c. to 50. Nails, 8d. 10d. 12d and 20d. per lb. 10c. Nutmegs, per lb. 7 to 8 dollars. Oil, Linseed, per gallon, 65 to 67 c. Olive, 87c. per cwt 2d. 50c. Sweet belt in baskets, 12 bot. 5d. 30 flasks, in boxes 12d 50c. Spermaceti, per gal. 48c. Train 24c. to 27c. Whale, 22c. to 24c. Pepper, per lb. 30c. Pimento, — 18 c. to 20c. Porter per cask, 5d. 33c. Porter, London, per dozen, 1 dol. 60 c. American, do. 1 d. 4 c. to 1 d. 60 c. Pitch, per barrel, 1 dol. 73 c. to 2 dols. Pork, Burlington, per barrel, 11 dols to 11 d 33c. Lower County, do. 10 dols. Carolina, do. 9 dols. Raisins, Muscatella, per box 3d. Jap do. per jar 2d. 50c. Sun do. per keg 90c. Rice, per 112 lb. 2 dols. 50c. to 2 dol. 67 c. Rosin, per barrel, 2 dols. 33 c. to 2 dols. 67 c. Rum, Antigua, per gallon, 1 dol. Barbadoes, do. do. 83 c. New-England, &c. 67 c. Jamaica, 1 dol. 7c. Windward Island, 80c. Salmon, per bbl. 6d. 50c. to 7d. Scantling, heart, per M. 23d. 33c. Saps, 8d. to 31 67c. Shingles, 18 inch, per M. 20. 33c. to 2d 67c. 2 feet, 54 33c. to 6 3 feet, 115c., 13d. to 13d. Salt, (Altum) per bushel, 24 to 27 c. Caaz, — 23 to 24 c. Alban, — 25 to 27 c. Liverpool, — 29 c. Skins, Deer, in hair, per lb. 20 to 30 c. Red, ditto, — 25 to 33 c. Snake-Root, per lb. 20 c. to 42. Sugar, Hayanna, white, per lb. 17 to 18 c. Brown, per lb. 11 to 12c. Mucovado, per cwt. 13 d. to 15 d. Lump, per lb. 24 c. Leaf, single refined, 26 c. Leaf, double ditto, 30 c. Fallow, refined, per lb. 9 c. Tea, per box 13d. 33c. to 67c. New-Jersey, 24 gal. to the bbl. 1 dol. Carolina, 32 gal. 1 dol. 33 c. to 1 dol. 67 c. Turpentine, per barrel, 1 dol. 07 c. to 2 dols. Tea, Hyson, per lb. 93 c. to 1 dol. 28 c. Hyson skin, 53 c. to 67. Southons, 50c. to 93. Congo, 43 c. to 50. Bohea, 31 c. to 33. Tobacco, James River, best, per cwt. 3 dols. 60 to 3 dols. 73 c. Inferior, 3 dols. 33c. Old, 4 dols. 67 c. Rappahannock, 3 dols. 33 c. Coloured Maryland, 5 d. 33 c. to 8 d. Dark, 2 dols. 40 c. Long leaf, 4 dols. 40 c. Eastern Shore, 2 dols. to 2 dols. 23 c. Carolina, old, 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 d. 1. Carolina, new, 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dols. Wine, Madeira, per pipe, 176 d. to 226 d. 67c. Lisbon, — 120 to 126. Tencerrife, per gal. 63. Fayal, — 52. Port, per pipe, 113 d. 33 c. Sherry, per gal. 90 c. to 1 dol. 20c.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, September, 1792. Table with 5 columns: Day, D, H, Bar., Ther., Wind., Weath. Rows for Wednesday 26, Thursday 27, Friday 28, Saturday 29, Sunday 30, Monday 1, Tuesday 2.
FOR SALE, ABOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near White-town, in the State of New-York, on the south side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchaser. N. B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill seats. The peculiar advantages of this tract, situated within a few miles of White-town (which contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants) with an easy and convenient water carriage to Schenectady, Albany, and New-York, make it an object for any persons inclined to settle it, and render it an extremely advantageous purchase for persons who wish to realize their money in land of an increasing value. The whole tract or any part of it, will be sold very low for cash, or for part cash, and the remaining payments at distant periods. Enquire at No. 249 Queen-street, near the Fl market, New-York. July 19.
JUST PUBLISHED By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence) FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the Yeomanry of the United States: CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Government, and Mr. Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures, by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing Office, No 156, Market-street; at No 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Crukshanks, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-streets. August 21.
Terres à Vendre Dans un petit bien peuplé. SAVOIR, l'ixante-cinq mille, trois cents, soixante et quatorze Arres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Méridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambidge, où il y a un College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on y fera navigable le Grand Salude, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement divisées de coteaux et vallons charmans, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable peut aisément être convertie en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes. S'adresser à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE, IN a well settled Country, SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a Seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Salude, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the P-inter. August 29. rawtf
PLANS OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON. FOR SALE BY MESSRS. Dobson, Young, Crukshank, and Carey, in this city. Sept. 15.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.