Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-10-27 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 43, of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1792.
[Whole No. 365.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE REPUBLICAN. No. V.
THE friends of good order maintain that nothing but actual oppression will make a government. Believing that power in the hands of the people themselves, exercised by their responsible servants, will never furnish just occasion for its own subversion, they consider our political condition as fairly founded on a rock. They laugh at the malice of those whom they see employed to undermine it. They suffer them to scatter lies among the people, without taking the pains to expose them, relying that as the burdens imposed by Congress are light, and the advantages produced by the new constitution are great and increasing, no great harm will be done. The force of things, they say, will overpower and confound the brigand arts and puny rage of the enemies of the people. Accordingly, we see that the best friends of the new constitution have become throughout the United States imprudently inattentive to the base methods which its adversaries are industriously using to bring it into abhorrence. They have slept too long, if the principle on which they rell their hopes of national security be found in its application to our circumstances in the least questionable.
It may be true that in every other country the feeling of oppression only can rouse the multitude to resistance. Rulers will keep within any tolerable bounds, tranquility may be maintained even under a very bad system. No man on reflection will say, that the same remarks are applicable to the American nation. Lels governed by their feelings, and more capable of reasoning, they are as much inflamed by the forfright of evils as any other people have been, by actually suffering them. It is not necessary to make them feel oppression, it is enough to make them fear the design of their government, to excite them to level the best cemented structure with the dust.
It is in vain to say that a reasoning people are not easily led into destructive errors. The reasoning faculty as not infallible in its best state, not even when exercised on subjects the most susceptible of proof. We see how grossly an individual is misled in his interests and duties, when he summons all his faculties and applies all his industry to the investigation of them. A nation is infinitely more exposed to error and delusion. The want of unity of views, the want of proofs, and the want of leisure to examine and weigh them, even if they could be come at, render the full conception of political truth exceedingly crude. Experience indeed comes and puts its seal upon opinions and events—but it is a kind of after-thought—it shews the tears of those wounded which popular frenzy has made deep, and its venom has cauled to gangrene. The chance however that a thinking nation will not run mad, is infinitely favorable to liberty and order. It is a political duty which we owe the government, as well as a moral duty which we owe to man, to multiply and improve the means of education. Our reflections, after being led into this train, as well as our recollection of the causes of the late war, will convince us that actual oppression need not be suffered to dispose our people to subvert the government supposed to meditate it. If we regard facts merely, probably of all known systems of colonial government, that of Britain was the mildest and the most truly maternal. But if we attend to principles, none was ever more formidable. The claim of a right to bind us in all cases whatsoever, was of all theories of despotism the most indirect and the most unlimited. We ought to be proud of the good sense of our people which did not wait for the exercise of this claim to be convinced of its nature. But we should be persuaded by the fact, that less than intolerable oppression will overthrow a government. To this reasoning founded on the moral superiority of Americans over the greater part of the world, we may add the diversity of our habits.
To nations who have grown gray under bad systems, the very vices of their governments seem revered. That life is second nature, is a proverb. We may almost say it is more powerful than nature, for it controuls it. Centuries have passed since the theories of European governments were framed. Some oppressive change of administration seems necessary to change the obedient habits of nations. Is the case of America similar? If we have fixed habits, they are the habits of change. We have scarcely grown cold in any of our institutions. Our governments smell even yet of the hands that made them, of the yeast of that faction which leavened the mass.
On these topics much might be said. But without dilating on them, much will be thought.
The intention of these remarks is, to convince the friends of the constitution that they repose in a state of false security. They rely on a principle which is only partially true in our country. It is time for them to rouse and to oppose the wicked arts of the enemies of the constitution with that manly and watchful spirit, which, for the happiness and honor of our country, procured its adoption. Men are employed to steal this blessing from the people. Rumours that can neither be proved nor refuted, are spread on all sides.
Calumny on men and measures lies hid, like an assassin, in bye places. Resistance to the laws is openly threatened in the back parts of Pennsylvania, and in one Gazette that spirit is most impudently applauded. The middle order of society, the men who have some property and families to protect, are the trustees and keepers of the constitution of the liberties of our nation. To them it belongs to come forward, to the post of duty which they occupied when the constitution was in
its passage. The government leans on them for protection, and in turn their security and that of their children and property rests on the preservation of the government. If they neglect to support authority when they see it as at present artfully undermined and intently braved, they may have cause to lament their supineness when it will be too late. If good men were as attentive to support a free constitution as bad men are to subvert it, we might indulge the hope of transmitting it as a precious inheritance to our latest posterity. As men's passions, when inflamed, easily overpower their soundest opinions, it is necessary to balance one emotion by another, to oppose the zeal of good men for order and government to the restless activity of incendiaries. Let the former contemplate the excellence of the constitution. The people of France are risking all, for one of its worth—and while our patriots see in that image of our country all that can incite their affections, let them resolve to watch for it, and if necessary, to defend it. For the time is coming when the evil spirit of policies will be unchained, and men will have to choose whether they will prefer order, the law and the constitution, or anarchy, confusion and civil discord.
ON THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. An Oration, delivered by Mr. Joseph Reed of this City, at the late anniversary Commencement held at Princeton, New Jersey.
AT the close of a century the mind is naturally led to the contemplation of any great event which marked its commencement. Nations have chosen, at such periods, to distinguish with peculiar grandeur, the commemoration of those events from whence they date their birth, their happiness, or their glory. Such were the secular games at Rome, celebrated but once in an hundred years, which exhausted the resources of art, and to which all the citizens were invited by the voice of a herald, summoning them to a sight they had never seen before, and should never see again. But what is the foundation of a city; the establishment of an empire, or the ceasing of a plague, compared with the discovery of a world? Yet this have been often celebrated, while the year seventeen hundred and 92, a year which completes the third century since the discovery of America, passes almost unnoticed—a discovery which stands foremost among the works of genius; which once filled the world with astonishment, and must forever command the admiration of the philosophic mind. Yet the spirit of Columbus, while from his empýrean height he surveys, the rising greatness of this new world, sees no statues erected, no inscriptions made, no honors decreed to celebrate this great event. Illustrious shade! my feeble voice at least shall announce thy praise; and this enlightened audience, kindling at thy name, will inscribe upon their hearts the honors due to thine exalted worth!
True genius is a ray of divinity, which beams only on the tall and elevated mind. A capacity for bold and original discovery resembles the power of creation; and its possessor raised above the rest of mankind, approximates to the Deity. Such was the celebrated Columbus. Accustomed from his youth to adventurous voyages he often cast an inquisitive eye on the impervious ocean to the west, which, for ages, had been deemed the impassible boundary of the habitable world. Ignorance and superstition spread all their terrors over the unknown abyss, and inevitable destruction seemed to await the wretch who should venture to explore it. But Columbus, elevating himself above the errors and prejudices of his age, and collecting the scattered rays of knowledge which faintly illuminated the close of the 15th century, deferred the existence of unknown lands beyond the Atlantic, and boldly predicted the possibility of reaching them. Acquainted from our earliest years with the improvements in geography and navigation, it is difficult, at first sight, to comprehend all the greatness of this bold and original idea. To realize its magnitude, let us mark how it was received by philosophers and kings, when Columbus, eager to ascertain its truth, solicited the patronage of different courts. In Genoa, his native city, he was treated with all the contempt with which wealthy ignorance regards the suggestions of unpatronized genius. In the more enlightened court of Portugal his proposals were pronounced to be chimerical and absurd. In Spain we find him encountering the prejudices of false science, and waiting five long years in fruitless attempts to enlighten the scholars and ecclesiastical counsellors who adorned the court of Ferdinand and Isabella. But the idea was too vast for these philosophers to comprehend; and it seemed to require a genius like that of Columbus himself, to adopt a scheme so bold and uncommon. Mortified and disappointed, he retired from court; and that age was in danger of losing a discovery at once honorable and advantageous. But to the honor of female discernment be it told, that while every male monarch regarded Columbus as an idle adventurer, the generous Isabella dared to patronize and support him. Inspired with a noble enthusiasm in his cause, while her narrow minded husband withheld his aid, she offered to pledge her jewels to equip him for the voyage. Woman, modest, unassuming woman, shares half the glory of this great discovery—while
man, proud, scientific man, stands abashed in the presence of her superior discernment.
If there be an object truly sublime in nature, it is Columbus on his voyage to America! To use the language of antiquity, it is a sight which the Gods themselves might behold with pleasure. On this very day, the 26th of September, 1492, he had advanced above 700 leagues westward of the Canary Islands. There we behold him in the midst of the pathless ocean, with three small and ill-constructed vessels, steadily exploring his way where never mortal had adventured before. Amidst dangers new and unexpected, amidst appearances of nature to a mariner the most alarming, and surrounded by the terrors and superstition of his followers, we behold him displaying the most unshaken fortitude: now soothing their fears, now repressing their mutiny, and by patience and superior address establishing that ascendancy over their minds which genius alone can acquire. But in a voyage so long the resources of Columbus were at length exhausted. His officers themselves were in despair; and this wonderful man was perhaps the only one whose hopes remained firm and unshaken. Unable to repress any longer the terrors of his crew, he is obliged to promise that if land does not appear in three days, he will change his course and return to Europe. What an interesting period! a period which is to decide upon his fortune and his fame forever, which is to stamp immortality upon his name, or give him back to the scoffs and ridicule of the world! Methinks I see him in this solemn crisis standing upon the forecastle of the Santa Maria. It is midnight—but not an eye is closed—not a sound is heard, save that of the winds and of the waves—every look is anxiously cast to the west, but correspondence and distrust are painted on the faces of his crew; while confidence and hope still animate that of Columbus. Hark! What light is that which he defies in motion and points out to those who are near him? What shout is that which bursts from the crew of the foremost ship? 'Tis land! 'Tis land! The predictions of Columbus are accomplished; a new world is found, and the morning light unfolds to their eager eyes the verdant fields of Guanahani. Oh! what a moment for Columbus! I see the rapture which glows on his cheek—the tear of joy which glistens in his eye. I see him affectionately railing up his followers, who prostrate themselves at his feet, overwhelmed with astonishment, and imploring his forgiveness. I see him gazing on the simple natives, who crowd to the shore, and wonder at the winged monsters which swim on the surface of the deep. I see him anticipate the astonishment of Europe—the triumph of his return—the splendor of his reception—the applause of his contemporaries, and the admiration of ages to come. This moment—this single moment, overpays him for all his toil and distress, for eight years of mortification and contempt, and gives him those sublime transports which it is the prerogative of genius to enjoy. (To be concluded in our next.)
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
STRICTURES ON AMERICANUS.
MR. FENNO, AMERICANUS (in your Gazette of 22d inst.) thinks he has found some errors, which he has magnified misrepresentations in my statement of Oct. 10. He sets out with calling on me to point out the clause of the act which gives the excise officer an authority to enter on the domains of individuals and search them, &c. I answer—
1. That I argued from the nature of the subject, not from any statute relating to it, and of course he has no right to call on me for a statute which I have no where referred to or said anything about, but—
2d, Notwithstanding this I am willing to comply with his call, and refer him to act of Congress of March 3, 1791, Sect. 32—the words and meaning of which are very express in case of concealments "in any place whatsoever"—The officers of inspection and others are authorized "to enter into all and every such place or places," &c. and all the provisions (which are to be found in the section just quoted and in sundry other clauses of our laws) against the abuse of this odious insulting power of the excise officer, all these provisions I say clearly prove and support the actual existence of that power, while at the same time they alleviate but very little the asperities of its execution.
If I must meet an excise officer at my door with his plenary powers to enter and search every part of my house, I conceive that the warrant in his pocket or the constable at his heels, would afford very little lenient composure to my harrowed feelings; indeed I would rather the excise officer would come alone than with his constable; if I must receive insult, I would rather take it from one than from more, from few than from many.
I know very well that such high powers, in cases of high necessity must exist in every government, but I strongly object to their being made common or being ever introduced without such high necessity as alone can make them admissible.
He next complains of my objection to the
excise, grounded on the great expense of collecting it. The immense number of officers and implements which must be provided and scattered over every part of the Union must unavoidably create a very enormous expense, the actual amount of which, must in its nature be a matter of conjectural calculation, till a statement of facts can be made.—Some people in their calculations, or guesses, if you please, have estimated the annual expense of collection of the excise at 45,000 dollars, and the gross amount of the tax at 400,000 dollars, which makes the expense of collection 12 1/2 pr. cent. on the nett proceeds of it; and I believe this calculation very moderate, because Congress in their act of May 10, 1791, limited the whole allowance for this service, so that it shall not exceed 70,000 dollars for the time being, i. e. till a future law shall be made to alter it. In the same act it is stated that the allowances to officers together with the incidental expenses of collecting the duties shall not exceed 7 1/2 pr. cent. of the total product of the duties which is something more than 8 pr. cent. on the nett proceeds; but I conceive this is not designed to include all the expenses of the excise, if this was the case, it would not amount to half the sum which is provided and appropriated by Congress to that service—but when a statement of facts can be made, I shall be very well satisfied to find this expense of collection reduced lower than is expected, for I never yet feared an approaching calamity but I was very glad to find when it came, that it proved not quite so bad as I apprehended.
But what has all this to do with "misrepresentations," which AMERICANUS charges on me—I heard a calculation was made of 12 pr. cent. for collecting the excise, I told it as I heard it, I made no misrepresentation of it, and I am not accountable for the truth of it, nor have I any more right to be called on to verify that, than a thousand other calculations on public measures, which are made every day throughout all the States; and tis happy that our people are disposed to examine and calculate, for were it not so, our government would soon lose its principal checks and we should have but a feeble barrier left against a very speedy tyranny.
3. AMERICANUS goes on to another charge of misrepresentation, viz. my assertion that the public faith was pledged in the most solemn manner to the original public creditors, and pray was not this the plain fact? or have I misrepresented in the least? But he says there was a subsequent plighting of the public faith to the assignees or holders of the certificates, which must not be violated.
1. Tis true, was payment ever made to the original creditors, according to the pledged faith of the public to them? You must say, No! they never received anything but depreciated paper, worth say one tenth of the sum due to them.
2. I ask, were the original creditors ever party to the certificates? You must answer, No! the certificates were not tho' of when the contract was made by the first authority of the nation, with the public creditors—the certificates were fabricated and imposed on them long after, and without their free consent. When a certificate was offered to them, it was that, or nothing. Such an imposition on any individual, would be deemed by every body impudent injustice, as well as shameful meanness: and can you call the same thing in a nation, an empire, public justice and national honor? Or can you think such a forced trick can be deemed either payment to those creditors, or a discharge of the nation, from their promise, or faith solemnly pledged?
But as to this second promise or faith pledged, to the speculators or bearers of certificates, which AMERICANUS talks about, if such a thing ever really existed, (which I deny) it must follow that as far as the demands of the speculators extend, there must have been two promises or faiths pledged for the same debt, and the same money, which he thinks can't both be paid, and I think is too, and of course one of them is to be preferred, and the other sacrificed. This naturally leads us to consider the original merits, earnings, and valuable considerations, on which the two promises were at first grounded; and to prefer that which appears to have the best original foundation, and to reject the other, the original basis of which (to say no worse) was but a delusive vision.
To apply all this to the present case:—
1. The promise or public faith pledged to the original creditors, was grounded on their most acknowledged merits and earnings, granted for supplies and services rendered by them to our country in extreme distress—to whose virtue and efforts we are indebted for all the money we now enjoy, yea, for the very walls of the house in which we have sat deliberating whether we would pay them or not.
2. The promise made to the speculators (if any was made) was grounded on no original merits, earnings or valuable consideration paid or rendered to any body, or so much as held up or pretended by them. They first wriggled themselves into the obsolete purview of a public act, and by the most shameless sophistry which ever insulted the understanding of a nation, let up a claim to wages which they never earned, to hire, when they had not labored, and to rewards without any pretensions to the vittles and merits to which they were due.

I leave the reader to make his election which of these two faiths or promises he will prefer, and only stop to declare that I offer these things in the face of the world, as matters of public notoriety, and challenge any American, who has either conscience of right or feelings of humanity, to deny an iota of them, or to differ from me in the sentiments of his own heart, if he can.
I suppose it will be objected to all this, that the thing is done and cannot be mended—This is, indeed, an old plea, and a pretty good clincher for runaway matches; but I don't think it will apply to the present case—it will be said that the speculators are in possession, they are strong and numerous, and it will be difficult to oust them; but truth and right are stronger than they. I know they have got hold of great sums of our public money, under the name of interest, which I suppose they will keep; for I don't expect that refunding will ever make a part of our funding system. But the great capital is unpaid, and still remains in the bank and in the nation, and may be disposed of yet as national honor, faith and right shall require. But as things go on, this great capital will not rest with us long, but will soon be drained from the extreme parts into the great cities, and from thence will take its departure for Europe, never to return.
We have indeed one comfort left, that as long as our fields supply corn and flax, and our flocks and herds yield butter, cheese, milk, meat and wool, we cannot starve or want clothes.
On the whole matter, let what difficulties soever lie in our way, I pray God that the doleful cruel adage— Let the stricken deer go mourn —may never be the motto of our Union.
A CITIZEN OF PHILADELPHIA. October 24, 1792.
Foreign Affairs.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
PERMANENT SITTING.
AUGUST 12.
GEN. CUSTINE transmitted a letter, written to him, by the Prince de Conde: it set forth, that 35,000 men were before Landau; that it would be folly to resist; that the foreign troops would put all to the sword; he advised him to deliver up the place.
Gen. Custine sent no answer. He lodged the letter in the hands of the Municipality.
Three citizens came to the bar. They introduced M. Bernard, the inventor of a military machine, the effect of which was terrible: 90 shots, he said, could be fired with it. The Assembly approved of the invention, and invited the citizen to sit within the bar.
AUGUST 13.
M. Condorcet proposed an address to the French people, to the armies, and to the Ambassadors, relative to late occurrences. We shall attempt being particular in detailing the energetic address, as it may very properly be termed an epitome of all the grand events which have marked the last ten months in France.
M. Condorcet began with making pertinent observations on the state of the kingdom, when the National Legislative Assembly met. The emigrants, he said, were assembled throughout Germany in arms, vowing vengeance against the land that had given them birth, fanatic priests were exciting to a civil war in every part of the kingdom; a foreign war too threatened Frenchmen. The National Assembly, by the rigorous measures they had adopted, struck at the very root of the evil—they issued decrees both against the emigrants and against the priests; but the King baffled their good and honest intentions, by refusing to sanction them. The highest mistrust prevailed from that moment. The Assembly thought the Executive Power wished to serve the views of all the rebels. The hostile preparations of foreign Powers equally urged hostile measures on the part of France—perfidious Ministers did not even conceal the ends they had in view; their slowness in expediting the decrees was a confirmation of their guilt.
During this time the wicked emigrants of despotism attempted to extinguish the flame of patriotism in France—patriotic societies were attacked—the Legislative Body was for a time exposed to contempt—but the King, unable to carry his every point, at length bending to the general wish, called patriot Ministers about him—here the scene changed.
France declared war against Austria, whose uninterrupted hostilities, whose secret treaties, whose ambitious projects, called aloud for a signal rupture.
A kind of activity was the consequence of such a measure, half-exer-
tions—but soon after corruption crept in among the ranks, the military operations were impeded by a want of harmony between the Generals and Ministers—the patriot Ministers were dismissed!
The guard of 1300 men granted to the King by the Constitution, gave unequivocal proofs of anti-patriotic intentions.—The Legislative Body discharged them. The King praised, and gave them an increase of pay. The people became more and more uneasy in the capital. The 20th June, an immense multitude of people went to the Assembly, and called for a decree to bring Louis from the Throne. The citizens filed off before the Assembly, and then proceeded to the palace to present a petition to the King. The zeal of the Mayor of Paris restrained the energy of the people, and kept them within the limits of moderation. The Ministers thought that event might bring about a civil war! They drew up an invidious proclamation. General La Fayette came up to Paris, and spoke in the name of his army!—Several departments acted unconstitutionally, by sending flattering addresses to the King, harbingers of falsehood. Under these circumstances, the National Assembly summoned the confederates of Paris. They created a Committee of General Safety, and declared the State was in danger.
In the mean time a Prussian General published a Manifesto, and the King scarcely noticed it; and as it was, he did it indirectly. Besides those general motives, said M. Condorcet, there are particular ones, which regard the capital.—The citizens of Paris saw the King surrounded by base, vile, and cowardly conspirators. The Constitution ordered him to notify imminent hostilities; and the Assembly knew nothing of the Prussian proceedings, until their formidable death-dealing battalions were at the very gates of France. Petitions and addresses without number were presented against the King.— Dethrone the perfidious man! was the burthen of all and each of them. The Assembly could not but take the momentous question into consideration: several points were to be discussed; but the impatience of the people burst forth.—They marched like free-men towards the King's dwelling; he sought refuge in the Assembly, knowing that sanctuary would not be invaded.—Some National Volunteers guarded the Palace, but there were Swiss among them.—Frenchmen looked with an evil eye on soldiers who were in the capital in direct opposition to law.
They received orders to fire at the people, at the very moment the National Guards were carrying words of peace to the much-irritated citizens. A deputation from the National Assembly appeared among the people.—The treachery was then discovered, defeated, punished. The National Assembly, bearers of what was going forward, swore to maintain liberty and equality, and eagerly endeavored to save the state; but they wished the people to manifest their solemn, their sovereign will, by a National Convention. They adopted every possible measure to accelerate the meeting of the Convention. After having offered a series of similar facts, M. Condorcet exhorted his countrymen to union and courage. Your Representatives, said he, have done their duty; they have done every thing for liberty: they are ready to sacrifice their existence for it— "Ce n'est que trop vrai," said a man in the gallery.—The equivocal signification of those words made the right-hand side of the House smile.—Neither reproaches nor remorse can effect their memory.
The Assembly Hall echoed with applause.—The address was ordered to be printed, sent into the departments, to the army, and to all the French Ambassadors over the world.
AUGUST 14.
M. Robertspierre was introduced—he was at the head of a deputation from the Section of Vendome—He said, the statue of a tyrant covered the Place Vendome—it has disappeared—earth; it has made room for a national monument; and, what monu-
ment can be more worthy of the majesty of the Nation than a tomb, reared in a pyramidal form, in honor of the heroes who fell in the battle of the 10th of this month?
M. Cambon moved, that the Assembly should order several important letters, found among M. la Porte's papers, to be read.
M. Andrieu seconded the motion—he said he had remarked these words in one written instrument.
"Given for an advertisement to sink the credit of the assignats."
M. Bazire contended that all the papers contained more, or fewer proofs of the King's perfidy; his collusion with the enemies of the state were self-evident.
AUGUST 21.
M. SERVAN, Minister at War, informed, that the "villain" La Fayette, and all his officers had deserted. The Lieut. Col. of the 43d regiment gave him this information; which might have been expected from this imaginary hero. France, says the minister, was purged of this insignificant individual, between the 19th and 20th instant.—He, without doubt, will join his cousin, [Bouille] the gasconading destroyer—adieu then to the houses of Paris.
The minister added, "that the Commissioners of the Assembly were at liberty; and the soldiers of the late general La Fayette, had been brought to see his treasonable intentions."
M. Maran informed the Assembly, that the minister had told him, that La Fayette had endeavored to lead his soldiers into an ambuscade, to have them all butchered; but that the army, suspicious of some design, had remained faithful to their interests, and firm on their posts. M. Maran, who had heretofore considered the charges made against La Fayette, by the mob, to be unjust; said he now acknowledged his error, and freely abjured it.
The impression of the letter of the minister at war was moved—and that it be sent to the departments by express.
M. Breard thought the subject ought to undergo a complete investigation, before any order was taken on it—therefore moved, that the Lieutenant Colonel of the 43d regiment should be heard at the bar on the subject.—Adopted.
M. Saladin moved, That the President be requested to write to the army of the North, to testify to them, its approbation of their good conduct and patriotism.—Decreed.
The three last commissioners of the Assembly, wrote from Rheims, under 20th August. They announce that the administrators of the department of Ardennes have retracted their former resolution, and request, in their behalf, the pardon of the nation.
The commissioners add, that the municipality of Rheims, which had been sent to Sedan, had returned; and inform, that the Commons of Sedan, impelled by the delirium of aristocracy, had detained them prisoners seven hours, under pretence that they were factious persons.
The other Commissioners informed the Assembly, that the Northern army had courageously resisted the arts made use of to mislead and deceive them; and refused to take the oath which their insignificant general wished to impose on them.
M. Montmorin, formerly minister of Foreign Affairs, appeared at the bar—not with that haughty countenance which before had given so much offence to every freeman; but on the contrary, now excited as much pity, as he had before inspired indignation. He was interrogated by the President, relative to several transactions of which he was suspected.
The examination was lengthy, but nothing satisfactory to the Assembly transpired therein—He denied the charges that were made against him, and it appeared that he was not the Montmorin alluded to. The other Montmorin was therefore immediately taken into custody.
The examination was interrupted by M. Rolland, Minister of the Interior, who communicated a letter from the Commons of Sedan, confirming the enlargement of the Commissioners, and endeavoring to excuse
their late conduct, by alleging they had received orders from M. La Fayette to arrest the three individuals who, they said, called themselves Commissioners from the Assembly!
The Commissioners wrote that they were at liberty, but that the town had not yet an entire knowledge of the object of their mission. They also sent two letters of the "Villain of the Two Worlds," addressed to the Commons of Sedan, and with it the order of arrest. This Conspirator, they say, had the impudence to acknowledge in this letter the action, and to hold himself solely and personally responsible therefor. His reasons were, that the National Assembly, as well as the King, were governed by a faction, kept in pay for the purpose. As for himself he would give his voice for liberty and equality; but not such as had for a long time prevailed.
PARIS, August 25.
The former stately Palace of the Thuilleries, is nearly a wreck;—There is a question of levelling it to the earth, that the dwelling of so many Tyrants may no longer offend a free people, and put them in mind of the shackles which galled them for so many centuries.
Yesterday evening between five and six o'clock, M. la Porte, late keeper of the privy purse, condemned by the Special Tribunal to be beheaded on the square of the Carouzel, underwent his sentence in presence of an immense crowd of spectators.
The jury, after a trial of four and twenty hours, convicted him of having made an improper use of the civil list, in order to foment a civil war; it appeared evidently on his trial, that he had hired incendiary writers, whose poisonous productions tended to defeat the exertions of all the friends of liberty.
M. la Porte went to the block with a fortitude and a resolution worthy of a better and a more just cause. He, however, declared his innocence to the last; but the written proofs produced in court, are indelible testimonies of his guilt and perfidy.
M. la Porte was turned off slily . He was dressed in a new suit of silk clothes, and appeared with as much unconcern as if he was going to the levee of his late master.
The Common Council of this capital during M. Bailly's Mayoralty, had ordered a medal to be struck in honor of General la Fayette. M. Duvivier, a distinguished young artist, was commissioned to execute it. But unwilling to perpetuate the blasted fame of the fugitive General, he yesterday laid before the Council his unfinished work. The C. Council ordained that the effigy of the Hero of both Hemispheres should be solemnly dashed to the ground on St. Louis's day (the tutelar Saint of France) 25th August, at 10 o'clock in the morning, on the Place de Greve; and that the ceremony should be performed by the executive power , alias Jack Ketch .
This great capital is perfectly calm, though patriotism was never known to be so much alive; it is the welcome guest of every honest heart; there is no, not even the smallest appearance of the late crisis; all is harmony, concord and peace.
Louis is as careless and fat as usual. The young prince is as lively as ever; the pretty innocent never committed a crime—he does not know what remorse is. May he be always equally ignorant of vice and its concomitant evils!
General Arthur Dillon's conduct is undefinable—What he advances one day and swears to, he retracts the next: As a proof of which the National Assembly have already declared, at three different times, that he had lost the confidence of the nation. Twice they repealed their decree, on hearing that General Dillon had protested against the conduct of the superseded king. It seems, however, that he has recanted once more, and a third decree has been issued against him. The Assembly know not in what class to rank the dubious character—The world is convinced of his bravery! but that is only a professional virtue, often injurious when there wants a good head to direct.
His Excellency Lord Gower is still detained in Paris. He cannot pro-

cure his passports for himself and his attendants. The present is a tempestuous moment, and etiquette must be laid aside. His Excellency had declared he had not a French servant in his suite. Lord Gower, it seems, has been very liberal in giving passports to French people. The Assembly do not approve of such officiousness.
M. Luxeuil, late a Bernardine Monk at Paris, an ingenious and skilful mechanic, has invented an organ without bellows, the pipes being made to sound by means of a wooden piston, that ascends on touching the keys. He has executed a model with pasteboard pipes to shew the agreeable effect of the instrument.
The King has borrowed immense sums of money to support his rebel brothers and their criminal adherents. If things do not take a different turn in his favour, above twenty bankers in this capital will be obliged to stop payment; and the sums being so immense, the bankruptcies in Paris will occasion several others in all the great towns in Europe. His debts amount to at least 150 millions of livres.
There are at this moment upwards of two thousand men employed in fortifying the tower of the Temple, where the King is confined—the ditch which is to surround it, is to be 20 feet wide.
Since the 10th of August, glorious epocha! Frenchmen look, walk, sit, speak, do every thing differently; they have assumed the primeval air of liberty; and every individual now seems to say—
"I am as free as Nature first made Man, Ere the base laws of servitude began, When wild in woods the noble savage ran."
General La Fayette has prevailed upon part of his army to swear neither to abandon him nor the King; and the better to succeed in his attempt, he thus addressed the troops under his command:—"Let those who wish well to the Constitutional King join me; and such as are on King Lethion's side, withdraw from under my standard."
The citizens of St. Germain, long distinguished for their patriotism and its attendant virtues, have written to their brethren of Nancy to encourage them to proceed in their glorious career.—We select the following bold passage from their address:
"The last Frenchman shall say to his oppressor, Tyrant! thou thought'st that thou had'st conquered me—Thou hast betrayed the cause of humanity, and thou wishest to enslave thy fellow creature.—Dare look me full in the face:—Liberty is written on it in majestic and indelible characters—Nature engraved it there—she is the mother of all—Pierce my heart, and there thou wilt find the altar of freedom, which thy despicable cruelty cannot conquer."
All the suspicious priests of Paris, at least those who had not taken proper precaution to avoid the quick eye of the police, are shut up in the former Convent of the Carmelite Friars.
All the Managers of the Play-houses in Paris, are emulous in stepping forward to the relief of the widows and orphans of the brave citizens who were killed in the action of the 10th of this month.
General Montequieu, who commands the Southern army, has not as yet declared himself for or against the National Assembly. Our readers however recollect, that when he was last in Paris, and that there was question of dethroning the King, he told the United Committees he knew to a certainty, that if the National Assembly dethroned Louis XVI. there would not be an officer in the army ten days after.
STRASBURG, August 20. A Prussian army, supported by a body of 6000 Austrians, is marching towards Thionville. Another, reinforced by 12 000 French emigrants, is proceeding to Saar Louis.
Both columns consist of about 50,000 men. It seems to be their plan to divide themselves into two bodies; one third of which is to besiege the two above mentioned places, while the main army attempts to enter France. They are confident that thousands of French male-contents will flock to their standard.
Besides the 50,000, there is a Corps de Reserve of 12,000 men for each column, at about 7 leagues from the main army. Another body of emigrants, supported by near 4000 Austrians is advancing towards the duchy of Deux-Ponts. The troops in the Palatinate have orders to follow the same plan, but in different directions.
RICHMOND, October 18. Yesterday the house of delegates passed the following resolution:
"Resolved unanimously, that the speaker be requested to communicate to Richard Henry Lee, Esq. the high sense entertained by his country of the services rendered by him through the course of a long life, so usefully devoted to the public interest; to express the regret felt by this house at hearing that he is compelled by the infirmities of age to retire from public life, and their sincere wish that he may in the private scene to which he is returning, yet, long experience those enjoyments attendant on the consciousness of a faithful discharge of duty; and that he may be as happy as he is respected."
Mr. Lee was one of the Senators from this State, in the Senate of the United States, and has resigned his seat. The Hon. John Taylor is chosen in his room.
Philadelphia, Oct. 27.
ABSTRACT OF EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
PARIS, August 22. M. Oswald, a member of the National Assembly, after some preliminary remarks on the politics of Great-Britain in respect to France, proposed a fraternal address to be sent to the British nation, in which shall be unfolded the whole conspiracy of the traitor Louis XVI. and all the outrages which provoked the sacred insurrection of the 10th August. And that the address be transmitted to all the popular societies of England, Scotland and Ireland—with a request to have it re-printed, and circulated throughout the British Empire.
Thus, said M. Oswald, you will dispel the aristocratic clouds that obscure the political atmosphere of England; you will raise the spirits of your brethren, the Patriots of Britain, shackled by royal proclamations, and tyrannized over by the odious manoeuvres of an Inquisitorial Administration; and then, perhaps, England, freed from her tyrants, will at length lend you a vigorous army to eradicate aristocracy and royalty; and, in union with you, to bring about the revolution of Europe; and, finally, of the whole human species.
M. Boissayon proposed an amendment. He wished the copy of the proceedings of the National Assembly, and many copies of the papers found in the King's desk, should be added to the address proposed by M. Oswald. M. Oswald's motion, and the amendment, were unanimously carried.
M. Chabot wished all taxes to be abolished, the land-tax excepted.
August 24. All violence had ceased in Paris at this date, and the operations of the newly constituted authorities were daily increasing in vigor, distinctness and popularity. M. D'Afry the commander of the Swiss guards, said to have been killed on the 10th, has been tried and acquitted, the orders to that corps not having been given by him. M. de la Porte, intendant of the civil list was on his trial. M. Barnave has been arrested. Alexander Lameth escaped. All the King's servants are in future to be appointed by the community. A cargo of statues has arrived at Paris from Chantilly, among others that of the constable Montmorenci, which are to be melted into cannon. M. D'Avenhoult, a Member of the National Assembly at tempting to escape to the Austrians was stopped by some peasants, on which he shot himself through the head with a pistol. The affairs of Poland are settling under the direction of the Empress of Russia—The King has offered to abdicate the crown—but this offer was not accepted. The Porte, contrary to expectation, has not expressed the cause of the Poles; but on the contrary has suspended the daily allowance of Count Potocki, the Polish Ambassador, and removed his guard of honor.
The plague has again appeared in Constantinople, and in the neighboring villages. Four ships of the line have been lately put into commission by the British government. Count Mean and Beaurieux, nephew of the last Prince Bishop of Liege, is elected to that Bishoprick. Accounts from India to the 10th April, say, that Lord Cornwallis with the army moved from Seringapatam the 26th March. Tippoo's sons are to reside at Madras.
It has been proposed to level the Palace of the Thuilleries, that the dwelling of so many tyrants may no longer offend a free people. A medal had been ordered to be struck in honor of M. La Fayette, by the common council of Paris—but they have now ordained "that the effigy of the hero of both hemispheres should be solemnly dashed to the ground on St. Louis' day, 25th August, at 10 o'clock, A. M. on the place de Greve"—the ceremony to be performed by the executive power, alias Jack Kerch. It is probable that not one of the present Common Council of Paris were members of that body when the medal was ordered to be struck. Of Marshal Luckner, not
withstanding all his apparent devotion to the cause of Liberty, the Paris newspapers say that the patriots blush for their extreme credulity, who have blazoned forth his pretended virtues. M. Luckner has a son in the Imperial service. Various accounts from the French armies on the frontiers, concur in saying, that they are becoming more formidable daily—a new battalion arriving every day; recruits it is true, but ardent in a good cause. An address to the National Assembly from a patriotic society in Ireland was communicated to that body on the 18th Aug. by M. Francois, with this address, a remittance of 6850 livres was also received to assist France in carrying on the war. The Assembly testified the highest sense of gratitude for the dignified conduct of the Irish Society. M. Montmorin, late Secretary for foreign affairs, has been examined before the National Assembly and acquitted—the committee having read his correspondence, found no traces of criminality in his department. An order was issued to arrest the body of Col. Montmorin, Governor of Fontainbleau (not the ex-minister.)
A committee of the National Assembly has been appointed to report a decree for confiscating the property of M. la Fayette, both in France and the West-Indies.
In the proceedings of the National Assembly of August 20th, there is a communication from the Commissioners deputed to the army on the Rhine, in which they say they were received by the army with acclamations of joy—and Gen. Biton paid them distinguished honours—the troops took the oath of liberty and equality with visible marks of satisfaction. All the officers took the oath—General Broglie, however, Messrs. Gazarelli and Dufarge, soon after recanted; they were immediately superceded, left the contagion should spread through the troops.
The Legislature of New-Jersey are now sitting at Trenton.—The Legislature of Massachusetts will meet the beginning of next month.
By a return published in the "Augusta Chronicle" of the 6th inst. it appears that ABRAHAM BALDWIN and THOMAS P. CARMEN, Esqrs. are elected Members of the House of Representatives of the United States for that State.
WILLIAM HINDMAN, Esq. is elected a Member of the House of Representatives of the United States, for the seventh district of the State of Maryland.
PETER SILVESTER, Esq. on account of his declining health, &c. declines standing a candidate at the ensuing election of federal representatives for the state of New-York.
Jonathan Trumbull, James Hillhouse, Jonathan Sturges, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Amasa Learned, Benjamin Huntington, and Stephen Mix Mitchell, Esqrs. are chosen by the free men of Connecticut, to represent them in the next Congress.
The drawing of the New-Brunswick Lottery commenced on Monday last.
Messrs. WIGNELL and REINAGLE have published proposals in Boston for erecting a Theatre in that town, on a similar plan to that erecting in this city.
A meeting of the Officers of the late Pennsylvania line of the army, is notified to be held in this city the 20th November, at the City Tavern.
The National Gazette of last Wednesday says—"It is a melancholy consideration, that the plan for civilizing being given over, the extirpation of the Indian tribes seems now the great object in view on the part of the enlightened citizens of these states."—On which a correspondent remarks, that if this is the determination of the enlightened citizens of our country, what must that of the unenlightened part be?—It is hardly possible to conceive of a more general libel on the character of a nation, than is contained in the above extract.
We are happy in being informed, that Mr. ANTHONY HASWELL, whose Printing-Office at Rutland, Vermont, was lately consumed, has already obtained a new assortment of Types, &c. and was to commence business again in that town immediately.
A Stage-Coach for passengers now runs between Providence and Worcester (Massachusetts) in which the Mail of the United States is carried.
The late conduct of Gen. La Fayette, has excited much public attention:—And we wait in the momentary expectation of receiving a declaration from him, explaining his motives therein; and from the known Patriotism Integrity and love of Liberty, which have marked his character, since his first introduction to public life, there cannot be a doubt entertained, that it will give satisfaction to every mind not immovably fixed by prejudice. As yet we have only seen his last transaction through the distorted medium of his inveterate enemies the Jacobines of Paris—and common justice requires we should wait his defence. As his conduct heretofore has been not only wholly irreproachable, but highly meritorious—we feel a degree of confidence, that in the issue of the investigation, his last proceeding will also be found not to merit censure.
[Columb. Centinel.]
Extract of letter from Boston, dated October 13.
"We are now engaged in the business of electioneering; the old enemies of the constitution are as busy as they were at the time of the Convention, to prevent its adoption.—It is true their tune is changed, they now pretend to be friendly to the constitution itself, but reprobate the measures of the government: It ought not to be forgotten that the enemies of the doings of Congress under the constitution are generally the same persons who opposed its adoption; we have various candidates held up in our papers—but I have strong confidence that in addition to those who have been the agents in regenerating the affairs of our country, we shall elect persons of firm, federal independent principles—men who will build up and not lay waste and destroy."
"You will see by the papers that the canal in the District of Maine is prosecuting with spirit."
"The bridge over Merrimack River will be so far compleated as to be passable this year; it is a noble effort of genius.—There is a small island in the river—an arch of 160 feet diameter and 40 feet above the level of high water connects this island with the Main on one side; the channel on the other side is wider—but the center arch on this side is 140 feet diameter. This is one among the great number of stupendous works which owe their origin to that confidence between man and man which has been created, or restored by the measures of the general government."
"We hear with pleasure, that your men of property are employing their capitals in extensive undertakings which will essentially benefit the public as well as themselves.—The projected canals in Pennsylvania are plans worthy the genius of that enterprising State. I most heartily wish them success. The people of the State of New-York have caught the same glorious spirit—and will doubtless exhibit something worthy of themselves and their resources—I am informed that the canal business is prosecuting with ardor in some of the Southern States—but no particulars have reached us of late late; they must enjoy many natural advantages to facilitate enterprizes of this kind."
"A number of our citizens are turning their attention to the Federal City. Several are now on a tour to the Southward, who, I am informed, intend to purchase lots. On their return, I may be able to communicate some particulars. At present would observe, that in order to make the place designed for the permanent residence a centre of powerful attraction, the most generous terms ought to be held out to those who would become actual settlers. There must be a depot for merchandise, a scene for trade, mechanics and manufactures—and there must also be a settled country to create a demand. How far this is at present the case, I do not know; but certain it is, that the rapid settlement of any particular spot favorably situated, may be greatly promoted by liberal and judicious measures."
Mr. FRENEAU, in his National Gazette of Wednesday last, says, "that the Gazette of the United States was set up, as has ever been taken for certain, under an anti-republican patronage."
The history of the origin and progress of this Gazette is too simple a business to detail to the public—but if there is a person in this city, or in the United States, who has "taken for certain," from any circumstances that have come to their knowledge, that the above insinuation has any foundation in truth, the Editor pledges himself to prove, in a personal interview, that it is totally unfounded.
Died, the 28th September, at the Rock-Landing, Georgia, Major RICHARD CALL, of the first U. S. Regiment.
SHIP NEWS.
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General Post-Office.
PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 10, 1792.
PROPOSALS will be received at this Office until the fifteenth day of November next, exclusively, for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads, from the first day of January next, until the first day of June, 1794.
In MASSACHUSETTS and NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1. From Wilscasset to Portland in the district of Maine: The mail to leave Wilscasset every Tuesday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portland the next day by one in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Portland every Thursday by six in the morning, and arrive at Wilscasset the next day by one in the afternoon.
2. From Portland to Portsmouth: The mail to leave Portland every Monday and Thursday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday at one in the afternoon, and arrive at Portland on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening.
3. From Portsmouth to Boston: From November first to May first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon: And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by ten in the morning, and arrive at Boston the same days by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by six in the evening.
In MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT and NEW-YORK.
4. From Boston, by Worcester, Springfield, Hartford, Middletown, and New-Haven, to New-York: From November first to May first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at New-York every Saturday and Wednesday (the sixth day from its departure) by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Saturday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon: And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by three o'clock in the morning, and arrive at New-York every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday (the fourth day from its departure) by eleven in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK, NEW-JERSEY and PENNSYLVANIA.
5. Between New-York, (by Newark and Elizabethtown) and Philadelphia, every day in the week, Sunday excepted: The mails to leave New-York at noon, and Philadelphia at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Philadelphia and New-York respectively, the next day after their departure, by ten in the forenoon; excepting the mails of Saturday, which are to arrive at the same hour on Monday.
In PENNSYLVANIA and MARYLAND.
6. From Philadelphia to Baltimore: The mail to leave Philadelphia every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Baltimore each succeeding day by noon: Returning, to leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Philadelphia each succeeding day by eleven in the forenoon.
7. From Baltimore to Alexandria: The mail to leave Baltimore every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Alexandria each succeeding day by eight in the morning: Returning, to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday by four o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by ten in the forenoon.
In VIRGINIA.
8. From Alexandria to Richmond, Petersburg, Suffolk and Portsmouth: The mail to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at nine o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Richmond every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by six in the evening; at Petersburg, every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at ten in the forenoon; at Suffolk every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by six in the afternoon; and at Portsmouth every Friday, Monday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave Portsmouth the same Friday, Monday and Wednesday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Suffolk the same days by seven in the evening; and at Petersburg the next Monday, Wednesday and Friday by eleven in the forenoon; leave Petersburg the same days at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Richmond the same days by six in the evening: leave Richmond on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Alexandria the next Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by three in the afternoon.
9. From Richmond, by Williamburg, York-Town and Hampton, to Norfolk: The mail to leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norfolk on each succeeding day, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Norfolk every Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Richmond each succeeding day, by six in the evening.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
10. From Petersburg, by Halifax, Tarborough and Smithfield, to Fayetteville: The mail to leave Petersburg every Friday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening: Returning, to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Petersburg the next Friday, by eleven in the forenoon.
In NORTH and SOUTH CAROLINA and GEORGIA.
11. From Fayetteville, by Cheraw Court-House, Camden, Columbia and Cambridge, to Augusta: The mail to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, reach Camden the next day by five in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Saturday by noon: Returning, to leave Augusta every Thursday, at five in the morning, arrive at Camden the next Sunday by
five in the morning, and at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening.
12. From Augusta to Savannah: The mail to leave Augusta every Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Savannah the next Monday morning by ten: Returning, to leave Savannah every Monday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Wednesday, by five in the afternoon.
13. From Camden to Stateburg: The mail to leave Camden every Thursday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Stateburg by eight: Returning, to leave Stateburg every Saturday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Camden by six.
In MASSACHUSETTS, RHODE-ISLAND and CONNECTICUT.
14. From Boston to Providence: The mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Providence, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Providence every Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Boston, by five in the afternoon.
15. Persons offering proposals for this contract, are desired also to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Boston and Providence, three times a week, and every day in the week (Sunday excepted) in case a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
15. From Providence, by Norwich, to Hartford: The mail to leave Providence every Tuesday and Friday, by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Hartford on Wednesday and Saturday, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Hartford every Monday and Thursday, at seven in the morning, arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Providence on Tuesday and Friday, by five in the afternoon.
16. Persons offering proposals for this contract, are also desired to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Providence and Hartford three times a week, if a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
16. From New-London to Newport, thence by Bristol and Warren to Providence, thence by Greenwich to Newport, and from Newport to New-London: The mail to leave New-London every Tuesday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Newport the next day by six in the evening; leave Newport every Friday at eight in the morning, and arrive at Providence the same day by six in the evening; leave Providence on Saturday at eight in the morning, and passing through Greenwich, arrive at Newport the same day by six in the evening; leave Newport the next Monday at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London the next day by ten in the forenoon.
17. From New-Haven to New-London: The mail to leave New-Haven every Monday, at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London every Tuesday by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-London every Tuesday at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at New-Haven every Wednesday afternoon by six.
18. From Middletown to New-London: The mail to leave Middletown, from November first to May first, every Thursday morning, and from May to November, every Friday morning, by eight o'clock; and arrive at New-London by six in the evening of the day of its departure: Returning, to leave New-London each next succeeding day by eight in the morning, and arrive at Middletown by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK.
19. Between the city of New-York (by Kingsbridge, Poughkeepsie, and the city of Hudson) and Albany: The carriers, with the mails, to leave New-York and Albany every Monday and Thursday, by four in the morning, meet, and return to each place on Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the evening.
In PENNSYLVANIA.
20. From Philadelphia, by Lancaster, York-town, Carlisle, Shippenburg, Chambersburg, Bedford and Greenburg to Pittsburgh: The mail to leave Philadelphia every Saturday at noon, and arrive at Pittsburgh the next Friday by noon; remain there not less than four, nor more than five hours, and return to Philadelphia the following Friday by noon.
In the State of DELAWARE.
21. From Wilmington, by New-Castle, Cantwell's Bridge, and Duck Creek, to Dover: The mail to leave Wilmington every Monday afternoon, by five o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Dover by five in the evening of Tuesday: Returning, to leave Dover every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Wilmington by seven in the evening of the same day.
In DELAWARE and MARYLAND.
22. From Christiana Bridge, by Middletown, Warwick and George-town Cross-Roads, to Chichester-town, and thence to Easton: The mail to leave Christiana Bridge every Monday afternoon, by six o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Easton by six in the evening of Tuesday: Returning, to leave Easton every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Christiana Bridge in the evening of the same day, by eight o'clock.
23. Persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it from May first to November first, nine A. M. and reaching Easton the next day by four P. M.—and returning, leave Easton every Wednesday by four, A. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by noon: And perform the same tour, during the other half of the year, between half past nine o'clock of every Monday, and noon of the next Saturday. And also their terms for carrying an additional mail between Philadelphia and Chichester-town, leaving Philadelphia every Wednesday and Friday at half past nine, A. M. and returning the fourth day after by noon.
23. From Baltimore to Annapolis: The mail to leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday, at same days by five in the afternoon; at Annapolis the same days by five in the morning; and arrive at Baltimore the same days by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
24. From Suffolk, by Edenton, Plymouth, Washington and Newbern, to Wilmington: The mail to leave Suffolk every Wednesday at four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next Saturday, by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Wilmington every Monday by four in the morning, and arrive at Suffolk the next Thursday by six in the evening.
In NORTH-CAROLINA.
25. From Halifax by Blountville, Williamstown, and Dailey's, to Plymouth, once in two weeks: The mail to leave Halifax every other Monday by five o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Plymouth the next day by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Plymouth the next Thursday by five in the morning, and arrive at Halifax on Friday by five in the evening.
26. From Wilmington to Fayetteville: The mail to leave Wilmington every Sunday, at four in the morning, and arrive the next day at Fayetteville by five in the afternoon: Returning, leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next day by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA.
PROPOSALS will be received at the Post-Office in Richmond, until the 10th day of November next, exclusively, for carrying the mail of the United States from Richmond to Staunton—from the 15th day of the same month, until the first day of June, 1794. The mail to leave Richmond every Monday by six in the morning, and arrive at Staunton the next Wednesday by six in the evening: Returning, leave Staunton every Thursday at ten in the forenoon, and arrive at Richmond the next Saturday by seven in the evening.
27. The persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it, and leave Richmond every Wednesday at noon, and arrive at Staunton the next Saturday by three in the afternoon: Returning, leave Staunton every Monday at seven in the morning, and arrive at Richmond the next Wednesday by ten in the forenoon.
Note 1. If during the continuance of the contracts here proposed, any other times of arrival and departure of the mails should become necessary, to preserve a proper connection with other mails, the contractors are to conform to any arrangement which for that purpose shall be made by the Post-Master General, such arrangement not lessening the number of hours above allowed for carrying the mails respectively, without their consent.
2. A convenient time not less than ten minutes, nor exceeding half an hour, for opening and closing a mail is to be allowed at each Post Office, at which the time of its arrival and departure is not herein specified.
3. For every half hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, double the sum which the value of one trip shall bear to the value of the whole number of trips to be performed.
4. The mail may be carried on any of the post roads herein described, either in stage waggons or on horses; but when the state of the roads prevents travelling in waggons with the necessary expedition, the mails are to be carried on horses. Every mail-stage must have in it a box in which the mail is invariably to be carried, under lock and key.
5. News-papers, as well as letters, are to be sent in the mails; and if any contractor would wish to be authorized to carry news-papers, other than those conveyed in the mail (agreeably to the 2d section of the post-office law) he must, in his proposals, state the respective sums for which he will carry the mails with and without the emoluments which may arise from such separate carriage of news-papers.
NEW POST ROADS.
In NEW-YORK, MASSACHUSETTS & VERMONT.
An extension of the Post roads having been desired, from Connajoharrie to White-town, and thence to Kanandaigua, in the state of New-York; from Stockbridge to Bennington, in the States of Massachusetts and Vermont; and from Rutland to Windsor, and Rutland to Fairhaven, in Vermont: Proposals for carrying mails on those routes, (at the expense of the contractors) will be received at the General Post-Office, until the fifteenth day of November next, exclusively.—Persons offering such proposals, must state the days and hours when they will receive and deliver the mails at each place herein mentioned, and the length of time (which cannot exceed eight years) for which they will contract.
The contractors, respectively, will have the exclusive privilege of carrying letters and packets on these roads, for hire; and be authorized to receive, to their own use, all the postages which shall arise on letters, packets and newspapers by them carried, at the rates established by law: but must carry, free of postage, such letters and packets as by law are, or shall be declared free.
For every hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in delivering a mail, after the time agreed on, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, one dollar for every ten miles distance, as far as the failure extends.
The persons whom the contractors shall designate for Postmasters, on those routes,—previous to their acting as such, must be approved by the Post-Master General, and take the oaths required by law. They are to agree for their compensations with the contractors, to whom alone they are to account for all the postages they shall receive. The same oaths must be taken by the contractors and their riders who carry the mails.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, POST-MASTER-GENERAL.
JOHN GOULD, HAIR-DRESSER,
INFORMS his friends and the public in general, that he continues to carry on his business as usual, at No. 1, South Third-Street, near Market-Street, and thanks his former customers for the favors he has received.
Said Gould has for sale, an infallible cure for Weak or Sore Eyes, which on trial, and will be found to answer the purpose. He has it in vials from one quarter of a dollar to a dollar. Any person trying the above, if not found to answer the character given, the money will be returned. [tf]
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at No. 19, Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
Stock Brokers Office
No 45, Great Dock-street, New-York.
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE and SALE of STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of work with their business, may depend upon his dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to.
LEONARD BLEECKER. May 2.
To the Public.
THE subscriber returns his most respectful compliments to his friends and the public, for the many favors he has received, and begs leave to inform them that he has upon hand a few fine toned
FORTE PIANOS,
which he will warrant superior to any imported, and which he will dispose of on reasonable terms.
The great number of FORTE PIANOS lately imported from London and Dublin, induces the subscriber to caution the public against the artful insinuations of persons commissioned to vend them; who, for a very trifling compensation, recommend instruments that are nothing but the refuse of the European Music-Shops, and imported at a mere trifle, and sold for the same price as a good instrument, to the great disappointment of the ignorant purchaser, who generally pays as much for repairs in a year or two, as the original cost of a good instrument.
N. B. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS let out on the month or quarter, likewise Musical Instruments tuned and repaired in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms, by
CHARLES TAWES, No. 67, Walnut, near Third-Street.
100 Dollars Reward.
LOST on Cambridge Common, Massachusetts, on the afternoon of the 18th ult. a Morongo POCKET-BOOK, with a steel clasp, containing a number of valuable papers, among which were the following PUBLIC SECURITIES, viz:
Massachusetts State Notes—No. 2,426, dated December 1, 1782, payable to Thomas Greenough, for £23 16s. principal—No. 22,309, dated January 11, 1785, payable to Nathaniel Partridge, for £10 10s. principal—No. —, dated January 1, 1782, (an army note) payable to Timothy Howard, for £8 8s. 1d. principal—No. —, a Note (the number, date, and to whom payable, not known) for £3 6s. 3d. principal—One Indent Certificate for Four Dollars, and a New-Hampshire Certificate for about £12 payable to John and Daniel Jenks; also a number of Notes of Hand, one of which was for £572 given by Nathan Bond to Samuel W. Pomeroy (by whom it was endorsed) dated 1st May, 1792, and payable on the 14th August following; the others were all payable to the Subscriber. The Securities are checked at the different offices from whence they were issued, and the Notes of Hand by the different signers, they can therefore be of no use to any but the owner.
The Subscriber hereby offers a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who has found the same, and will return them to him, or leave them with the Printer hereof, and no questions will be asked.
ABRAHAM FOSTER. Salem, Massachusetts, August 1, 1792. [cpf]
Universal Tontine
Are informed, that a general meeting is to be held at the State-House in this city, on Saturday the 24th day of November next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. agreeably to the sixth article of their elevation.
By order of the Agents, EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. Philadelphia, Sept. 15, 1792. [cpf]
Universal Hymn Book
To be Sold by THOMAS DOBSON, and other Booksellers in Philadelphia,
A Collection of PSALMS, HYMNS, and SPIRITUAL SONGS; selected from different Authors, and published by Order of the Convention holding the Doctrine of the Salvation of all Men, met in Philadelphia, May 25, 1791.
Price of a single book, bound, 3-8ths of a Dollar, with good allowance to those who take quantities. August 4. [cpf]
P L A I N S
OF THE City of Washington,
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRIKSHANK.
BOWEN'S EXHIBITION OF
Wax-Work & Paintings,
AT the House lately occupied by Mrs. PINE, in Eighth-street, is now ready for the entertainment of the Public.—Among a great variety of Paintings, are a number of ITALIAN & FRENCH PIECES, which are new and very pleasing.
Also, a large collection of NEW WAX FIGURES.
The Exhibition is open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning, until nine in the evening.—Admittance HALF A DOLLAR for Ladies and Gentlemen, and half price for Children. Tickets for the season, (not transferable) Two DOLLARS.
For Sale, at the Exhibition Rooms, LIKENESSES of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, in Wax, And a variety of Elegant PRINTS in Frames. Sept. 21. [cpf]