Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-07-11 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXVI.]
SATURDAY, JULY 11, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXVI.
“Few men are fit for every part of education, and yet every sort of education is made in one instance or another to suit every sort of men.”
IN one of my former numbers it has been suggested that some men, from natural incapacity, are debarred from gaining any knowledge, that is just and useful. In another of my papers it has likewise been suggested, that many people fail of valuable attainments, by sacrificing their time upon studies that are of no kind of importance. But there is still another class of people, who do not miscarry from either of these causes, and yet whose most diligent pursuits realize very little advantage. They fail of arriving at any great degree of excellence from an inaptitude of talents to the objects about which they are employed. It falls to the lot of few to have extent of capacity to excel in more than one art or profession; and most people, though, in the first instance, they should be lucky enough to give their genius its true direction, and follow a right track closely through life, would nevertheless fall short of perfection in their particular employment. How unfortunate then must it be, when their abilities take a wrong turn and counteract their natural tendency! Still more unfortunate must it be, when men pursue many different objects, neither of which suit their capacity.
Parents too little consult the peculiar bent of genius in designating employments for their children. Before it is known what is best adapted to the talents of a child, the parent anticipates that knowledge, and determines at all events what profession he shall follow. This predisposition in favour of any calling so biases people, that they cannot judge with propriety, whether it is suitable or not. In making an experiment which does not prosper, they thwart the course of nature, damp the ardour for improvement, throw the mental faculties into confusion, produce fickleness of temper, and perhaps never ascertain the real propensity of genius, till it is too late to give it a proper direction. There is a most striking impropriety in gratifying such a predilection, before a child has given some symptoms of the peculiar cast of his talents. Though there may never be indications of such a temperament of mind, as will encompass, by the severest study, any general knowledge of the arts and sciences, he may still have ingenuity for some mechanical occupation, and may even so far excel in some branch, as to become useful to society and profitable to himself. But by mistaking his natural bias he blunders through life, always acting against the stream, and never gaining any honour or profit by his pursuits. It cannot be supposed that so great a proportion of mankind, from any natural defect of understanding, are inevitably doomed to such a series of hardships, disgraces, and disappointments, as seem so often to embitter human life. It saves the trouble of investigation, and is an easy solution of the matter, to charge the blame to nature, and to rest contented in the belief, that no institutions can be adopted for lessening the calamities and vices, of which so many ill-fated men participate. I have confessed, that some people can never be wrought into any character that is useful or respectable; but the number, who come within this description, is smaller perhaps than is usually imagined.
In most of the Universities or academies in this country there are certain classical studies, which are imposed as a task on each student, whether they are accommodated or not to his particular genius and inclination. The effect of this undistinguishing manner of instruction is, that a considerable proportion of the pupils derive little or no advantage from their education. It is beyond doubt, that no person can make proficiency in any study, which does not coincide with his wishes; and it is no less evident, that one cause of the indolence and aversion observable in so many students, is, that they are set about that kind of literature, for which they have not an aptitude of faculties. In thus counteracting the natural bent of their capacity they become disgusted and idle.
It deserves a serious enquiry, whether there can really be any reformation in the mode of academic education. If it is believed any remedy can be applied to remove the inconveniencies, that result from a misapplication of faculties, it will be granted, that every attempt to introduce a more perfect plan should be applauded and patronized. I make even these delusory remarks with reluctance; and shall refrain from a minute investigation of the subject. This important task should be entered upon by those, whose profession and situation are adapted to discussions of this kind. Any sketches, however loose and immature, on so interesting a matter, should be received with candour, and examined with attention.
Those who have the management of schools and Universities are in the habit of believing that the present regulations are judicious if not perfect. Few, if any, of those characters are willing to allow, that in the distribution of studies, any reference should be had to the difference of genius or inclination, in different students. Many reasons are offered why an uniform method should be observed in apportioning the task to each individual. In my next number these reasons shall be noticed and the subject further illustrated.
MR. FENNO,
AMERICANUS has again favoured the public in the XXIVth No. of your paper, with some of his observations relative to the Western country. I have read his remarks with great attention, but must candidly confess, that many of them, if they have any relation to that subject, are far beyond my comprehension. He makes mention of people “ quitting habitations now unsettled; ” which is the same thing as to say, EMIGRATING FROM AN UNSETTLED COUNTRY. I question much if this has ever been the case in any part of the world. This expression of our author puts me in mind of two acts of assembly—the one imposed a considerable penalty on any person, “ who should alter the mark of an unmarked hog; ”—the other ordered that a certain piece of ground, in the city of Philadelphia, should “ be enclosed by a brick wall, and left open forever. ”
There are but two arguments brought forward by Americanus in the number alluded to, which in any measure apply to the subject of the Western country. The 1st. is, that when the territorial jurisdiction of a country is greatly extended, the emanations of power from its source becomes in the extremities proportionably weak and inefficient. This observation will generally hold good in monarchical governments; but is not the case in confederated republics; and the present general system has by guaranteeing a republican form of government to all the States, that may become members of the Union, left each individual State at liberty to enforce its own particular regulations, with all the energy necessary to ensure liberty, and render government respectable. By this truly valuable part of our general political system, it must be plain that all North America, might be brought into the same general union; and yet each State superintend its own particular concerns, with as much decision as if the confederacy had no existence. This writer might as well say, that it is impossible for the State of Georgia to be as efficiently governed as the State of New-York. In bringing forward this point, he has run into an error, by forgetting that the several States in the Union retain a very considerable part of their efficient jurisdiction. If the executive of the State of Georgia has equal powers with the executive of the State of New-York, it will be the fault of the State executive, and not owing to its distance from Congress, if the government of Georgia is not equally as efficient as the government of New-York. The same reasoning will apply with equal force to any part of the Western territory, great part of which is not more distant from the present seat of Congress than the State of Georgia. If Americanus will please to attend to these facts, his metaphorical adder, which has so much alarmed him, will be changed into an innocent and useful animal.
The 2d. argument, is contained in these words—“ it is in the power of government to oppose the removal of the inhabitants of the Atlantic States, by making it their real interest to continue at home, it being a fancied interest which leads them abroad. ” This point is so far from being established, that it has no precise idea prefixed to it: It is one of those cases in which every man has a right to judge for himself, and in which government cannot be otherwise than silent. It would certainly be idle in the extreme, to undertake convincing a man who had been surrounded by a number of children, and unfortunate in his circumstances, and who by removing into the Western country had provided amply for himself and family, that he had not attended to his “ real interest. ” Cases similar to this are innumerable.
Americanus is generally unfortunate when he brings the Western country before the public: He tells us that he does not expect “ the concurrent opinions of land-jobbers, monopolizers of the hard-earned wages of the poor foldiers, and other harpies upon the public. ” This insinuation proceeds from a want of information, and is so far from being well founded, that some of the principal opposers of a land office for the Western country, and the most decided advocates for Americanus, are the very SPECULATORS he mentions. They are already supplied with land in abundance, and that at the expense of the United States, and would now, if possible, prevent the attention of Congress being directed to that country, until they had disposed of their speculations. I am well acquainted with many of the principal advocates for establishing a land office, for the disposal of the Western territory; but I do not know one of them, who has not uniformly distinguished himself as a friend to the liberty, and “ real interests ” of his fellow citizens, and however strange such disinterested conduct may appear to Americanus, he may rest assured, that they are not interested in the lands in the Western territory. A. E.
ANECDOTES of the DUCHESS of GLOUCESTER.
ABOUT the year 1730, Mr. Edward Walpole (afterwards Sir Edward, Knight of the Bath) returned from his travels on the continent, where the munificence of his father, the famous statesman, had enabled him to make a brilliant figure; and so very engaging was he found by the ladies, that he had no other appellation in Italy, than that of “ the handsome Englishman. ” Amongst more transient connections with the lovely Signoras, he formed one tender one with a lady of the name of Laura; which name he afterwards (professedly for her sake) gave to his eldest daughter, the present Mrs. Keppel.
Mr. Walpole had lodgings taken for him, on his return, at a Mrs. Rennie's, a child's coat-maker, at the bottom of Pall Mall. On returning from visits, or public places, he often passed a quarter of an hour in chat with the young women of the shop. Amongst them was one who had it in her power to make him forget the fair Laura, and all the beauties of the English court; her name was Clement; her father was at that time, or soon after, postmaster at Darlington, a place of fifty pounds per annum, on which he subsisted a large family. This young woman had been bound apprentice to Mrs. Rennie, and was employed in the usual duties of such a situation, which she discharged (as the old lady used to do) honestly and soberly. Her parents, however, from their extreme poverty, could supply her but very sparingly with clothes or money. Mr. Walpole observed her wants, and had the address to make her little presents in a way not to alarm the vigilance of her mistress, who exacted the strictest morality from the young persons under her care. Miss Clement was beautiful as an angel, with good, though uncultivated, parts. Whatever sentiments or principles of virtue she might be supposed to bring with her from Darlington, it is no great wonder that they were a little shaken, when attacked by a man whose father was ruling Europe, and whose personal endowments were so great, that they
gave her for rivals every woman of birth and beauty in the kingdom. Whether her virtue had been subdued before her lover left his lodgings, is not known; the lodgings were only a transitory thing till his house could be prepared for him, to which he now removed, and about the same period received the honor of knighthood.
Mrs. Rennie had begun to suspect that a connection was forming, which would not be to the honor of her apprentice. She apprised Mr. Clement of her suspicions, who immediately came up to town to carry her out of the vortex of temptation. The good old man met his daughter with tears, he told her his suspicions; and that he should carry her home, where, by living with sobriety and prudence, she might chance to be married to some decent tradesman. The girl, in appearance, acquiesced, but whether her distaste to the dismal scenes at home gave her the resolution to sacrifice every thing rather than return, or whether she had before sacrificed so much that she thought character only not worth retaining, cannot be ascertained; this, however, is certain, that whilst her father and mistress were discoursing in a little dark parlour behind the shop, the object of their cares slipped out, and without hat or cloak ran directly through Pall Mall to Sir Edward's house at the top of it, (now inhabited by Mrs. Keppel) where, the porter knowing her, she was admitted, though his master was absent. She went into the parlour, where the table was covered for dinner, and impatiently waited his return. The moment came at last: Sir Edward entered, and was heard to exclaim with great joy, “ You here. ” What explanations took place were of course in private; but the fair fugitive sat down that day at the head of his table, and never after left it.
The fruits of this connexion were Mrs. Keppel, the eldest; the Royal Dutchess, the second; lady Dysart, the third; and Col. Walpole, the fourth, in the birth of whom, or soon after, the mother died. Never could fondness exceed that which Sir Edward always cherished for the lovely mother of his children; nor was it confined to her or them only, but extended itself to her relations, for all of whom he some way or other has provided. A sister he took into the house, and who still lives with him with unblemished reputation. His grief at the loss of his wife (for such in effect she was) was proportioned to his love: he constantly declined all overtures of marriage, and gave up his life to the education of his children. He had often been prompted to unite himself to Mrs. Clement by legal ties, and was prevented only by the reflection that the children he then had would, should he have others after marriage, be considered in a light so different from those others, that his strong parental affection could not bear to create the difference. Some have alleged, that the threats of his father, Sir Robert, prevented his marriage; who avowed, that if he married Mrs. Clement, he would not only deprive him of his political interest, but exert it against him. It has been, however, always said, by those who had access to know, that had Mrs. Clement survived Sir Robert to the age in which it might be expected she would cease to become a mother, that she would then have been certainly lady Walpole.
About the year 1758, his eldest daughter, Laura, became the wife of the Hon. Frederick Keppel, brother to the Earl of Albemarle, and afterwards Bishop of Exeter. His first passion was for Maria; but not making the progress in her affections which he expected, he transferred his vows to her sister, by whom they were instantly accepted. Though this was no great match in itself, considering the fortune which Sir Edward gave his daughters, (Mr. Keppel having at that time very little church provision, and no hereditary fortune) yet in its consequences it became highly important.
The Miss Walpoles now took a rank in society in which they had never before moved. The sisters of the Earl of Albemarle were their constant companions, and introduced them to people of quality and fashion; they constantly appeared at the first routes and balls; and, in a word, were received every where but at court. The stigma attending their birth shut them out from the drawing room, till marriage (as is the case of Mrs. Keppel) had covered the defect, and given them the rank of another family. No one watched their progress upwards with more anxiety than the Earl Waldegrave. This Nobleman (one of the proudest in the kingdom) had long cherished a passion for the all-conquering Maria; her education and manners made any idea of her being prevailed on to copy the false steps of her mother, on any terms, too improbable to be nourished; and he saw that the only term on which he could hope to obtain a hearing from the lady, were those of marriage—and that he would hear him even on those terms was very doubtful, for his Lordship was above twenty years older than the object of his admiration. The struggle between his passion and his pride was not a short one, nor is it clear which of the two would have been victor in the contest, had not the marriage of Mrs. Keppel, and the subsequent importance of her sisters thrown the over-balance into the scale of love.
Having conquered his own difficulties, it now only remained to attack the lady's. The Peer made his approaches in form, and was flatteringly received. The lady had no prepossession; and Lord Waldegrave, though not young, was not disagreeable; his manners were polite, and his offers suited to his rank. A few months elevated the lady into a sphere which, looking back, must have astonished her. As a Countess, she had a more extended vortex, and of course the number of her admirers increased: and it is probable that many men of fashion now wondered that they let such a jewel escape them. Her very amiable conduct through the whole life of her Lord added respect and esteem to the warmest admiration. “Young, beautiful, an old husband and a Countess.” What a constellation of temptations must she have been surrounded by? yet she retained, amidst them all, the purest manners and the purest name. Amongst others who fighed for her in hopeless ardours, was the Prince of Mecklenburgh, brother to our gracious Queen. He made no secret of his passion; it was talked of every where; and Lord Waldegrave, in the triumph of his heart, used jestingly to entreat his lady to have compassion on the Prince.
About five years after their marriage, the small-pox attacked his Lordship, and proved fatal. His Lady found herself a young widow, and, what may appear strange, inconsolable! Had Lord Waldegrave possessed every advantage of youth and beauty, his death could not have been more sincerely regretted by his amiable relict. At length she emerged again into the world, and love and admiration every where followed her. She refused many offers; amongst others, the noble Duke lately at the head of administration loudly proclaimed his discontent at her refusal. But the daughter of Mary Clement was destined to royalty! Whether his Royal Highness first endeavoured to obtain her good wishes on easier terms than those of marriage, will always remain doubtful; but certain it is that the Duke of Gloucester and the Dowager of the Earl Waldegrave were married some years before she took the title of Princess, or their marriage was announced.
This alliance now is acknowledged in every court in Europe; many of which the royal pair have distinguished by their residence. Two children, a Prince and Princess, are the fruits of their marriage; and it is within the bounds of probability, that the descendants of the postmaster at Darlington may one day sway the British sceptre.
These authentic anecdotes may be important to the future historians of this country; and to them they are dedicated.
(British publication.)

FABLE.
[THE absurdity of attempting such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as will remove the objections of every individual, was not better ridiculed in the celebrated fable of the BREECHES, than it is by the following, taken from Professor GELLERT'S FABLES.]
A VILLAGE in Germany had the privilege of choosing their own minister. At one of their meetings, after the decease of their old pastor, it was moved and seconded by some honest peasants, to give the place to nobody, but to such a one, who, by the power of his prayers, would be able to make rain or sunshine, according to the wishes and true welfare of his parishioners: as it was found in the Bible, that some prophets of old had been entrusted with such powers; and St. James observed, that the energy of the prayers of Elijah were not unattainable by other men. The whole assembly perceived the advantages of such a resolution, and adopted it. It required some time before they could meet with such a subject, though they spared no means to make their intention known; but at last they succeeded; a candidate professed to be possessed of such powers, and, upon his solemn promise to exercise them whenever required, was initiated. Not long after they met and resolved to try the expediency of the said measure, and the minister was called. Sir, said the foreman, we will now that you perform your promise, and make us the weather for to-morrow. With all my heart, said the minister, what weather do you wish to see to-morrow? Why, sir, replied Stephen, a little rain would assist the crop amazingly. Not now, said Godfrey, by any means; for some of the village have begun the hay-making business: I should prefer clear weather. A cloudy day, said Hans, and rain in the evening, would be favorable both to the hay and the crop. Sir, said Thomas Hizkopf, I speak with impartiality: we cannot help that some of our people were premature in cutting their hay: plentiful rain the crop requireth; and plentiful rain we will have by my honor. Let me speak one word, said Christian Klug: you all, brethren know my experience in the farming way, as long as I can remember I have found the greatest benefit from thunder showers, only not mixt with hail at this season of the year: let us agree to that, reverend Sir, answered Wilhelm Plauderer, I hope you, as a divine, see the malicious tendency of the proposal: there are bad people in your flock, Sir: they will to ruin their neighbours—Stop, my dear hearers, said the young parson; don't quarrel here: as soon as you can come to an agreement among yourselves I shall be ready to make you the weather. The man, it is said, enjoyeth still his living in peace, unsuspected of having promised more than he was able to perform.
MR. FENNO.
You are desired to insert the inclosed in your paper: It may either prove to be a remedy against the Hessian Fly, or may lead to the discovery of one.
An Extract from the printed report of the Privy Council of Great-Britain, of their enquiry about the Hessian Fly.
Method of destroying the flying Weevil in Bavaria, in a letter from Mr. WALPOLE, Minister from the Court of Great-Britain, at Munich, to the Marquis of CARMARTHEN, Secretary of State.
"A PERSON put on a heap of corn, thyme and sweet marjoram, and changed each of these plants every 24 hours, in hopes of discovering one which would answer his purpose. Hemp was also tried: He took a handful and put it on a heap of corn, and found the next morning that the hemp was full of Weevils. These little black animals seem to have the smell of a curious nature, since they find the bad scent of hemp agreeable, and it appears they like the soft rind of it. This handful of hemp was picked out of the grainery and winnowed, and put again on the corn. The result was that in five days afterwards there were no Weevils to be seen in the said heap of corn. In the season when there was no green hemp, they made use of mouldy old hemp and with equal success, except that it required a longer time to destroy these insects. When the Weevils appeared again in the month of May the following year, in less quantities, and at that period, there was only the tow or heads of hemp that was already prepared to spin; nevertheless the success was the same, and in eight days time all the weevils were removed. Perhaps linen might be used, steeped in the juice of hemp where the hemp is not cultivated, and the event might turn out equally successful. However, it is necessary to shake the hemp well that is put on the corn, and to stir the corn if it is in great quantities, in order to bring the Weevils to the surface. This experiment was made also in a rainy summer, when it was necessary to collect together the sheaves which were very wet, and carry them into the grainery, which of course produced a fermentation in the barn as well as the grainery, and from that cause, many Weevils. Hemp was made use of very early in the spring, and the corn stirred at the same time, and as the excessive heat arose from it the Weevils disappeared."
LITERARY ARTICLE.
MADAME la Baronne DE VASSE is about to publish at Paris, a History of the Revolution, in America, La Revolution de l'Amerique, &c. in two vols. octavo—price to subscribers 10 livres (14/2.) It will include a period of 27 years, beginning at 1760; and Madame DE VASSE assures us, that the information it conveys may be relied on—it being compiled from authentic documents, and indisputable authorities alone, by an unprejudiced and impartial writer. We are also told, that it has been approved by Dr. FRANKLIN and other American gentlemen, who have seen it in manuscript; and that an English author of some distinction in the literary world, has so high an opinion of it as to be engaged in translating it.—It is just published.
NATIONAL PARAGRAPHS.
THE revenue system of Great Britain is a system of CHECKS: This is founded on the longest experience that any commercial country can boast: It is the result of an accurate knowledge of human nature; and is placing matters upon the only principle that can ensure the least prospect of a punctual collection of the impost.
How far checks may be provided which shall operate in the different States, so as to affect the general interest of the union, or whether every particular State must not be provided with a system of this kind, which shall extend no farther than the limits of such State, is perhaps worthy of attention; but except this principle is interwoven in the texture of our plans of revenue, we shall find ourselves guilty of a most essential omission—and the system like the old confederation, will prove a rope of sand.
Every honest man will readily recognize the obligations which are imposed upon him by law, for the faithful discharge of the duties annexed to any office to which he may be appointed; and this he will do, not only from a judicious regard to his own reputation, but also to sanction those checks which it is absolutely necessary, that a great proportion of characters should be controuled by, who will always find methods to introduce themselves into public departments: Checks can never injure the feelings of a good man, and every one acknowledges, that they are requisite to deter the unprincipled, by making it their interest to be just and honest.
The proceedings of Congress have hitherto been so open, unreserved, candid and explicit—the spirit of the constitution (so far as all parties have generally agreed in it) has been so strictly adhered to, and the subject of amendments has been taken up at so much earlier a period than the dissatisfied expected, that there is every reason to suppose the seceding States will have every objection done away; and will very soon come into the Union, by ratifying the system.—Not one inauspicious anticipation has been realized—nor is there the shadow of reason to suppose, that the wishes of the free citizens of these States will not be fully gratified, by having the constitution made more perfect than it now is, if possible.
It has been said that society has not yet arrived to its highest degree of perfection—Improvements are to be made, and this last polish appears to be reserved for the inhabitants of these rising States. It is true we are yet too much trammelled with the ideas and systems of European countries; but their influence is daily diminishing, and will undoubtedly finally be done away: The immense ocean that rolls between us and the old world, operates as a most powerful impediment to the encrease of exotic habits and manners. America should establish her character for originality upon principles which will admit of boundless improvements. Europe, and particularly Great-Britain, has passed her zenith, and is evidently on the decline; but America is in the morning of her glory—here society shall see its ne plus ultra , and the display of the powers of the human mind be extended to limits hitherto undefined.
The domestic trade of the United States is an object of the greatest importance: It arrests the attention of every patriotic mind: Independent of the numerous advantages that will accrue to the several States, and to the revenue, from having a wise system adopted to regulate the intercourse between the different parts of the Union—the political consequences are of a very salutary and extensive nature. It is Commerce that forms the chain of connection between distant countries—and has contributed to civilize and polish the mind of man, and encrease the pleasures of society. A more frequent and intimate intercourse between the inhabitants of these States will be attended with similar effects; besides giving them a more perfect knowledge of the resources of their country, for all the purposes of commerce, manufactures, agriculture, and independent happiness.
"There is that withholdeth more than is meet, but it tendeth to poverty."—The truth of this is often verified, but its bad policy may be more strongly exemplified in respect to public officers than in any other instances that can be cited: Generous salaries are the most powerful inducements to fidelity in the servants of the public: They command the best abilities, and the fairest characters: They cut off a powerful temptation to dishonesty, and give respect, dignity, and energy to the government. If we would have our public offices well filled, we must pay well: In the Revenue, in particular, it will be found the wisest, cheapest, and most productive plan.
Drawbacks of the duties on goods exported, open a door to frauds: It has been said that more Tobacco has been exported from a particular port in Scotland, and the drawback received on the same, than had been imported in the same time into the whole kingdom: Nevertheless, drawbacks are necessary:—Hence the necessity of trusting nothing to apparent principles; but depending solely on the most energetic vigilance.
MR. FENNO,
A WRITER in the Daily Advertiser of yesterday, has thought proper in an apologetical essay, to assign some very extraordinary reasons for the slow progress that Congress makes in transacting public business: This writer's information respecting murmurs on this account may be authentic; but it appears to me, very different suggestions would come nearer the truth of fact. From the ardour and expectation in the minds of the citizens at large, complaints were anticipated, should occasion call for them; but what says experience? Scarce a murmur has been lisped—the good sense of the people discerns the innumerable difficulties that obtrude themselves on every hand, and patience and candour triumph over the peevishness of human nature.
But the most surprising idea that could enter into the imagination of a timid politician, and which is assigned as a reason for extra caution and deliberation is, the "precarious establishment of the constitution; the peculiar vigilance with which all parties observe its motions, and the hostilities which lie in ambush to watch the moment of exposure, and to blast its ripening, but tender growth." Thanks to that good Providence, which has hitherto guarded America, these sentiments have no place in the minds of the present Federal Congress .—Ideas like these, would necessarily lead to weak, wavering, and indecisive conduct; and we might wait till the morning of the resurrection, before we should realize that we were blessed with any government at all.—The constitution of the union, is, however, established upon so solid a basis, that an entire revolution of sentiment in the public mind, with respect to an object from which they derive every expectation of political happiness, must precede every possible danger of precariousness in its establishment. That the constitution should be watched with vigilance is the duty of its friends; and it is true, there is an unusual vigilance at the present moment; but it is directed to the operations of Congress, from a desire that they should act up to the spirit and meaning of the system with vigour, energy, and dispatch—on this all our hopes are founded.
As to the "hostilities which lie in ambush" it is not possible to conceive what can be meant.—There never was a formidable party against the constitution; and at the present moment those who have had their doubts, are as anxious as its warmest advocates for its speedy operation.
Suspicion gives birth to party; and of all the evils that attend government, there is none pregnant with more fatal effects than indecision and timidity: There never was a people so thoroughly informed as we are in the principles of government, or more satisfied with the nature and tendency of their own constitution. The firm and immovable establishment of this whole plan, is suspended upon giving its principles a complete operation: to recede, or to move with a dilatory, doubting step, will create factions, will sanction complaints, and render nugatory all that has been done.
ONE OF THE PEOPLE.
FROM THE CONNECTICUT COURANT.
Messieurs PRINTERS,
I OBSERVE you have republished the account of the new invented shuttle, that runs on wheels, and by means of which cloth 10 quarters wide may be wove. It may not be amiss to inform your readers that there are now in this place three broad and one narrow loom constantly worked with the spring or fly shuttle—the extra expence of fitting a loom in this manner for a shuttle and iron work, is from twelve to fifteen shillings, according to the size of the looms. By means of this invention, a single person can weave cloth three yards wide—a few hours practice is sufficient to learn a common weaver to throw the shuttle—Any carpenter who is used to make the common looms, can from inspecting these, erect the broad looms, and add what is necessary to carry the fly shuttles. There is neither mystery or difficulty attending the working them when once observed. All looms designed to weave cloths a yard wide and upwards, should be worked in this manner. It is much to be wished that the country weavers would get reeds and harness to make their cloths 1 1/2 yard wide in the loom, so that they may be 2 yards wide when full and dressed. The flannels of this width would always command cash in this city—which will soon be the staple of woolen cloth as well as of wool for this State. If the principal weavers in each town would erect, say two or three broad looms to a town, where the yarn, made out of the wool that is too coarse for the fabric of fine cloths, might be wove into blankets and coatings, they would net much more to the farmers than making it into yard wide flannels, as is now practised. Such flannels would always sell at the factory in this town—and in this way immense quantities of coarse cloths might soon be made, even for exportation. The whole expence of a broad loom and the necessary apparatus, may be four pounds. Hartford, July 3, 1789.
FOREIGN ARTICLES.
LONDON, APRIL 27.
Extract of a letter from Paris, April 12.
"The elections are still going on very peaceably, in general. Bretagne is the only province in which we hear of any disturbance on this account. The nobles are there still as much at variance with the Third Estate as they were at the beginning; information that we do not find that any deputies are yet elected. This delay will, however, make no difference in the assembly of the States-General at Versailles, which is still determined for the 27th of this month. All the furnished lodgings at Versailles are already taken by government, for the accommodation of the deputies, some of whom are already arrived. The meeting is to be held in the room in which the notables assembled; considerable additions are, however, making, not only for the number of deputies, but for the accommodation of the public; a large gallery is erected, sufficient to contain three thousand persons, who will be admitted by tickets, and a large space is left for the people in general."

THE RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
Appius who secretly intended to have himself continued, seeing those great persons, who had passed through all dignities, so eager in pursuit of this, was alarmed. The people, charmed with his past conduct while decemvir, openly clamoured to continue him in preference to all others. He affected at first a reluctance, and even a repugnance, at the thought of accepting a second time an employment so laborious, and so capable of exciting jealousy and envy against him. To get rid of his colleagues, and to stimulate them to refuse the office, he declared upon all occasions, that as they had discharged their duty with fidelity, by their assiduity and anxious care for a whole year, it was but just to allow them repose, and appoint them successors. The more aversion he discovered, the more he was solicited. The desires and wishes of the whole city, the unanimous and earnest solicitations of the multitude, were at length, with pain and reluctance, complied with. He exceeded all his competitors in artifice: He embraced one, took another by the hand, and walked publicly in the forum, in company with the Duillii and Icillii, the two families who were the principals of the people, and the pillars of the tribunate. His colleagues, who had been hitherto his dupes, knowing these popular condescensions to be contrary to his character, which was naturally arrogant, began to open their eyes: but not daring to oppose him openly, they opposed their own address to his management. As he was the youngest among them, they chose him president, whose office it was to nominate the candidates to offices, relying upon his modesty not to name himself; a thing without example, except among the tribunes. But modesty and decency were found in him but feeble barriers against ambition: he not only caused himself to be elected, but excluded all his colleagues of the last year, and filled up the nine other places with his own tools, three of whom were plebeians. The senate and whole patrician body, were astonished at this, as it was thought by them contrary to his own glory, and that of his ancestors, as well as to his haughty character. This popular trait entirely gained him the multitude. It would be tedious to relate the manner in which they continued their power from year to year, with the most hardened impudence on their part, the most silly acquiescence of the people, and the fears of the senate and patricians. Their tyranny and cruelty became at length intolerable; and the blood of Virginia, on a father's dagger, was alone sufficient to arouse a stupid people from their lethargy.
Is it not absurd in Nedham to adduce this example, in support of his government of the people by their successive representatives annually chosen? Were not the decemvirs the people's representatives? And were not their elections annual? and would not the same consequences have happened, if the number had been one hundred, or five hundred, or a thousand, instead of ten?—"O, but the people of Rome should not have continued them in power from year to year." How will you hinder the people from continuing them in power? If the people have the choice, they may continue the same men; and we certainly know they will: No bounds can restrain them. Without the liberty of choice, the deputies would not be the people's representatives. If the people make a law, that the same man shall never serve two years, the people can and will repeal that law; if the people impose upon themselves an oath, they will soon say and believe they can dispense with that oath: In short, the people will have the men whom they love best for the moment, and the men whom they love best will make any law to gratify their present humour. Nay more, the people ought to be represented by the men who have their hearts and confidence, for these alone can ever know their wants and desires: but these men ought to have some check to restrain them, and the people too, when those desires are for forbidden fruit—for injustice, cruelty, and the ruin of the minority:—And that the desires of the majority of the people are often for injustice, and inhumanity against the minority, is demonstrated by every page of the history of the whole world.
We come next to the examples of continuing power in particular persons. The Romans were swallowed up, by continuing power, too long in the hands of the triumvirates of emperors, or generals. The first of these were Cæsar, Pompey and Crassus. But who continued the power of Cæsar? If the people continued it, the argument arising from the example is against a simple government of the people, or by their successive representative assemblies. Was it the senate, was it the standing permanent power in the constitution, that conferred this continuance of power on Cæsar? By no means. It is again necessary to recollect the story, that we may not be imposed on. No military station existed in Italy, lest some general might overawe the republic. Italy however, was understood to extend only
from Tarentum to the Arnus and the Rubicon. Cisalpine Gaul was not reputed in Italy, and might be held by a military officer and an army. Cæsar, from a deliberate and sagacious ambition, procured from the people an unprecedented prolongation of his appointments for five years; but the distribution of the provinces was still the prerogative of the senate, by the Sempronian law. Cæsar had ever been at variance with a majority of the Senate. In the office of prætor he had been suspended by them: In his present office of consul he had set them at open defiance. he had no hopes of obtaining from them the prolongation of his power, and the command of a province. He knew that the very proposal of giving him the command of Cisalpine Gaul for a number of years would have shocked them. In order to carry his point he must set aside the authority of the senate, and destroy the only check, the only appearance of a balance, remaining in the constitution. A tool of his, the tribune Vatinius, moved the people to set aside the law of Sempronius, and by their own unlimited power name Cæsar as pro-consul of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum for five years, with an army of seven legions. The senate were alarmed, and in vain opposed. The people voted it. The senate saw that all was lost, and Cato cried, "You have placed a King, with his guards, in your citadel." Cæsar boasted, that he had prevailed both in obtaining the consulate and the command, not by the concession of the senate, but in direct opposition to their will. He was well aware of their malice, he said. Though he had a consummate command of his temper, and the profoundest dissimulation, while in pursuit of his point, his exuberant vanity braved the world when he had carried it. He now openly insulted the senate, and no longer concealed his connection with Pompey and Crassus, whom he had over-reached to concur in his appointment. Thus, one of the clearest and strongest examples in history, to shew the necessity of a balance between an independent senate and an independent people, is adduced by Nedham in favor of his indigested plan, which has no balance at all. The other example of Augustus, Antony, and Lepidus, is not worth considering particularly; for the trial between them was but a struggle of arms, by military policy alone, without any mixture of civil or political debates or negotiations.
(To be continued.)
AN ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
[Continued from our last.]
I. That the tax be laid with such judgment and prudence, and different weight on different articles, that the consumption of no articles shall be diminished by it, beyond what the good and true interest of the nation requires; for 'tis certainly better for the merchant to deal with his customers in such articles as are useful to them, and in such way that they shall derive real benefit from their trade with him, than to supply them with articles that are useless and hurtful to them, and which of course impoverish them. In the first case he will make his customers rich, and able to continue trading with him; and to make him good and punctual payments: In the other case he makes his customers poor, and of course subjects himself to the danger of dilatory payments, or perhaps to a final loss of his debts.
II. That the tax be universal and alike on every part of the country, for if one state is taxed and its neighbour is not, the state taxed will lose its trade. And
III. That the tax be universally collected. Smuggling hurts the fair trader; favour and connivance of collectors, to particular importers, through bribery, friendship or indolence, has the same effect; the person who avoids the tax can undersell him who pays it, therefore 'tis the great interest of the merchant, when the duty is laid, to make it a decided point, that every importer shall pay the duty; and I am of opinion, that when the body of merchants make it a decided matter to carry any point of this nature, they are very able to accomplish it; they certainly know better than all the custom house officers and tide waiters on earth, how to prevent or detect smuggling, and to discover and punish the indulgence or connivance of collectors, who may be induced to favour particular importers, and they have the highest interest in doing this, of any set of people in the nation; and therefore I think it good policy to trust this matter to their prudence, with proper powers to execute it in the most effectual way. From a pretty extensive acquaintance, I am convinced, there is a professional honor in merchants which may be safely trusted, and I apprehend 'tis a policy both needless and cruel, to subject the persons and fortunes of merchants, the great negotiators of the nation's wealth, and a body of men at least as respectable as any among us, to the insults of custom house officers and tide waiters, the rabble of which, I believe, are generally allowed to be as corrupt, unprincipled, intolerable, and low lived a set of villains as can be scraped out of the dregs of any nation; and to set such fellows to watch and guard the integrity and honesty of a most respectable order of men, and subject our honorable and useful fellow citizens to such
mortifying inspection, appears to me to be such an insult on common sense,—such an outrage on every natural principle of humanity and decency,—such a gross corruption of every degree of polished manners, that I should imagine it must require ages to give it that degree of practice and establishment which has long taken place in Great Britain. The quickest way to make men knaves is to treat them as such. 'Tis a common observation, when a woman's character is gone, her chastity soon follows. Few men think themselves much obliged to exhibit instances of integrity to men, who will return them neither credit, nor confidence for their uprightness. Let every man have the credit of his own virtues, and be presumed to be virtuous till the contrary appears. Honesty is as essential and delicate a part of a merchant's character, as piety is of a clergyman's or chastity of a woman's, and you wound them all alike sensibly, when you shew by your conduct towards them, that you even suspect that they are wanting in these characteristic virtues. I conceive nothing more is necessary to make the collection of this tax easy, than to convince the merchants and indeed the whole community, that the tax is necessary for the public service,—for the essential purposes of government; and that every one who pays it, receives a full compensation in the benefits he derives from the union; and that the management of the affair be committed to the merchants, to which, from the nature of their profession and business, they are more adequate and qualified, than any other men; and as it falls directly within the sphere of their business, it seems to be an honour, a mark of confidence to which they are entitled, indeed let the community at large be convinced, that the money proceeding from that tax is necessary for the public service, and that it can be collected with more ease to the people in this way, than in the mode hitherto proposed, and the collection will be easy and natural. The tax will cease to be considered, like the tax formerly imposed on us by the British parliament, unconstitutional in their assessment, and useless in their expenditure, (for they plagued us with taxes only to satisfy their harpies, little or none of the money ever reached the British treasury) this tax is imposed by our own people,—by our own representatives: It must be imposed by Congress indeed. As the authority of any particular assembly cannot be adequate to it, in as much as it must operate alike in all the states; be alike universal in its effects, and uniform in its mode of assessment and collection; and must therefore proceed from the general authority which presides over the whole union, i. e. from the Congress, but 'tis a Congress of our own appointment: For the members of Congress are as much our representatives, and chosen by our people, as the members of the several state assemblies; and the end and the use of the tax is our own public service, to secure the benefits of our union, without which 'tis impossible we should obtain respectability abroad, uniform administration of civil police at home, an established public credit, or full protection against domestic or foreign insult. I never knew any measure of government opposed in its execution by the people when a general conviction took place among the people, that the measure was properly planned, and was necessary to the public good. We have had full proof through the war, what great burdens our people will very cheerfully and even without complaint, bear, when they are convinced that the exigencies of the state and the public safety make them necessary.
(To be continued.)
THE NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. XIV.
"The interests of men are various, but not incompatible with each other."
THE wise and benevolent Creator of the world effects the best good of mankind, by the variety of his operations: The differences of climate—soil, and produce, of the several parts of the earth—the diversity of genius—habits, and objects, which distinguish the inhabitants of one country, from those of another, are circumstances which conduce to this great design. We could scarcely conceive of any necessity for the existence of enterprise, activity and ingenuity, from which mankind derive their most refined enjoyments, did nature exhibit a perpetual, and perfect uniformity in all quarters of the globe. This would supersede the commercial intercourse of distant nations; and prove an effectual preventative of improvements in trade, arts, and navigation. It would repress the ardour of the human mind in all those pursuits which spring from a spirit of emulation, and laudable ambition—it would "chill the genial current of the soul"—confine to narrow limits the sphere of action, and extinguish the prospects of human life.
The American traveller, whose object is to acquire an adequate knowledge of the various parts of this continent, will be struck with the beautiful provision which the Author of Nature has here made for the foundation, and completion of the most independent empire that the world hath ever beheld. America in herself contains the seeds of her own greatness,—all that is necessary to constitute strength, confer power, and give dignity and happiness to an independent empire; and should the time arrive, when her transatlantic connections shall become of trifling importance to her, as will very probably be the case, she will then possess exhaustless resources for an extensive, and flourishing commerce. There will always exist certain local circumstances to form a line of distinction between the inhabitants of the different parts of the Union: These distinctions will be so far from militating with the best interest of the whole, that they will most essentially contribute to promote it: Under the auspices of ONE GOVERNMENT, which shall be constituted by the genius, abilities, and patriotism of the union, a salutary direction will be given to the spirit of competition, and rivalry in the several States; by which, their resources will be brought forth, their growth and improvements greatly accelerated, and their wealth individually promoted. C.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[Adol. pr. an.]