Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-09-09 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XLIII.]
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XLIII.
"The passions and prejudices of men often mask themselves under the names of virtuous qualities."
MY last number exhibited to the view of the reader two characters, who, without any bad intentions, were instrumental in keeping alive a spirit of jealousy and uneasiness among the people, relative to the affairs of government. I shall now introduce some more of my acquaintance, whose motives perhaps are not quite so unexceptionable.
The noisy FUMOSUS is more troublesome, if not more dangerous, than either of the characters just mentioned. His passions are so tumultuous that he can never examine any circumstance with candor, and deliberation. He carries every thing to extremes. Whether he is in or out of office, he creates many enemies against the government, by his rashness and indiscretion. If he or some of his particular friends should happen to have a leading influence, he runs into a vehemence of applause on public men and measures. Should the reverse be the case, the whole fury of his passions takes a different course. He joins the discontented and seditious, and reprobrates public proceedings with acrimony and revenge. Though he enters into no system to overthrow the government, and though his passions will vary or subside, yet he is a great fomentor of jealousy and uneasiness among the people. His petulance does not, like that of INFELIX, waste itself in indefinite clamor, but he points his arrows at particular objects, and hunts after them with eagerness and rage. Different passions and feelings at times are uppermost. By turns he shews jealousy, envy, resentment, antipathy, and attachment; and which ever of them prevails, it does not stop short of the highest degree of excess. When disappointed, he raves at the administration; when successful, he idolizes it, and threatens perdition to its enemies. Upon the whole, FUMOSUS, though he is not a man of knavery and intrigue, is still a dangerous character. The impetuosity of his conduct is calculated to excite undue prejudices against the government, and frighten many well-meaning people with false alarms.
My acquaintance PROFUNDUS puzzles many people exceedingly. No person can penetrate more readily into the view of another.—He is cool, designing and mysterious. His favorite theories must not be called in question; and he approves or disapproves of any public transaction, according as it will promote or frustrate his peculiar system of politics. Such characters as PROFUNDUS are not common. It requires researches so elaborate, and an attention to objects so minute and persevering to form abstract systems, that a small proportion of mankind will ever make the attempt. Few men have patience and application, and fewer still have the abilities and address to proceed systematically.—Such speculative men often lead others astray; because their plans, when compared with practice and experiment, are fallacious. I entertain a good opinion of the talents of PROFUNDUS, and I have no reason to scruple his integrity. But he is so dark and incomprehensible, that when he happens to take a wrong way of thinking, he draws others into the same error, by starting difficulties, with which common minds are perplexed and alarmed. I would recommend it to the honest part of my readers, who love tranquility, to have little to do with men, whom they cannot understand. Plain, practical politicians, who are more noted for good actions than for loud or fair words, are the safest guide and counsel.
The vanity and ostentation of OPINUS is very disgusting. His dislike to public measures proceeds from an affected singularity of opinion. It is his highest aim to recommend himself to the world as a person of more than ordinary discernment. This easily accounts for the spirit of opposition which is so predominating a part of his character. If he should acquiesce in any measure, which he did not originally propose, it would prevent the pride and triumph of opposing the current opinion of mankind, and making his own sagacity more conspicuous. The only conclusion that can be drawn from his disapprobation of any measure, is, that he did not introduce it; but it is no argument that the thing is wrong.
Thus have I delineated some of the motives and qualifications of a few individuals, for whose friendship, I have a great value. Their conversation, however, sometimes makes unfavorable impressions; and I find that some of their associates catch their foibles. The peevishness of INFELIX soures the temper of some people against the government. The incapacity of BENEVOLUS, makes him unqualified to give such advice, as the mildness of his disposition tempts his acquaint-
ance to ask of him. The turbulence of FUMOSUS, frightens his companions into a dread of imaginary evils. The mystery of PROFUNDUS entangles many an honest man in doubts. The vanity and pomp of OPINUS allures the shallow and fickle-minded into error and instability.
It would be well for people to obtain a satisfactory solution to this question; whether there are not more causes that induce public men to seek the public prosperity, than probably influence either of the characters marked out in this speculation.
NEW-YORK, SEPTEMBER 9, 1789.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES,
MONDAY, AUGUST 31.
In committee of the whole on the JUDICIAL BILL.
THIRD SECTION UNDER CONSIDERATION.
MR. LIVERMORE: I think this law will entirely change the form of government of the United States.
Several observations have been made on the clause: It is said to be the hinge on which the whole turns: Some of the objections which I have thrown out, have been attempted to be answered—among others the great expence—by expence I do not mean the salaries of Judges—this will however be greater than the whole expence of the Judiciary throughout the United States; but I refer to the general expences, which must be borne by the people at large, for jails, court houses, &c.—the expences of jurors and witnesses, and other incidental charges, will be another great burthen: This is at present borne without repining, as the people receive compensation in personal security and public justice; but if all these are to be doubled throughout, it will be justly considered as intolerable. Another burthen is the rapidity of the course of prosecution in these courts, by which debtors will be obliged very suddenly to pay their debts at a great disadvantage: Something like this, occasioned the insurrection in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts: In other States similar modes of rapidity in the collection of debts have produced conventions: This has been the case to the Northward, and as I have been informed, has also to the Southward.
This new fangled system will eventually swallow up the State Courts, as those who are in favor of this rapid mode of getting debts will have recourse to them. He then adverted to the clashing circumstances which must arise in the administration of justice, by these independent courts having similar powers. Gentlemen, said he, may be facetious respecting dividing the horse—but these are serious difficulties—the instances mentioned by the gentleman from South Carolina, do not apply—the officer here is the same—the same Sheriff has the precepts committed to him—and the execution does not clash—the same goal answers for both, &c.
I do not think that the difficulties have been answered by any of the examples brought for the purpose:
As to the instance of the trial for piracy in the State of South Carolina, that was a particular case, which could not otherwise be provided for; but these so rarely happen, that no precedent can be drawn from them, to render it necessary to establish these perpetual courts.
He then referred to the observation which had been made respecting those who are opposed to the clause, offering a substitute, and said, he thought upon the whole that the motion made by an Hon. Gentleman from South-Carolina, (Mr. Burke,) that there should be no district courts, is better than any substitute.
It may be proper here to refer to the Constitution: He then read the clause upon this subject—The Supreme Federal Court is to have original jurisdiction only in certain specified cases—in all other, it is to have only appellate jurisdiction: It is argued from this, that there are to be Inferior Federal Courts, from which these appeals are to be made: If the Constitution had taken from the State Courts all cognizance of federal causes, something might be said; but this is not the case. The State Courts are allowed jurisdiction in these cases.
It has been objected that bonds taken by the Judges of the Supreme Court, cannot be sued in the State Courts: I do not see why this cannot be done: Similar processes have been usual among us in times past, and there has been no difficulty.
Admiralty Courts should have cognizance of all maritime matters, and cases of seizures should also be committed to their decision. I hope therefore that the clause will be disagreed to, or struck out, and that the bill may be rejected, that a short concise system may be adopted.
MR. VINING: I conceive that the institution of general and independent tribunals, are essential to the fair and impartial administration of the laws of the United States—That the power of making laws, of executing laws, and a judicial administration of such laws, is in its nature, inseparable and indivisible, if not "Justice might be said to be lame as well as blind among us." The only plausible argument which has been urged against this clause, is the expence: It is true, that expence must in some degree be necessarily incurred, but it will chiefly consist and end with the organization of your courts, and the erection of such buildings as may be essential—such as Court-Houses, Jails, and Offices, as the gentleman has mentioned—and what, at all events, do such expences amount to—they are the price which is paid for the fair and equal administration of your laws: From your amazingly encreasing system of government, causes must necessarily multiply in a proportionately extensive ratio: These causes must be tried some where, and whether it is in a State Court, or a Federal Judicature, can, in the article of expence, make but little difference to the parties: It is only (for the sake of more impartial justice) transferring the business from one tribunal to another.
The gentleman has told us, that the people do not like courts—that they have been opposed and prevented by violence—nay, by an insurrection in Massachusetts: Surely this operates as a powerful reason to prove that there should be a general, independent, and energetic judicature—otherwise, if either the State Judges should be so inclined, or a few sons of faction choose to assemble, they could ever frustrate the objects of Justice—and besides, from the different periods fixed by the Constitution of the United States, and the different Constitutions of the several States, with respect to the continuance of the Judges in office, it is equally impossible and inconsistent, to make a general uniform establishment, so as to accommodate them to your government.
I wish to see Justice so equally distributed as that every citizen of the United States should be fairly dealt by, and so impartially administered, that every subject or citizen of the World, whether foreigner or alien, friend or foe, should be alike satisfied: By this means you would expand the doors of justice, encourage emigration from all countries into your own, and in short, would make the United States of America, not only an Asylum of Liberty, but a Sanctuary of Justice: The faith of treaties would be preserved inviolately—your extensive funding system would have its intended operation—and your revenue, your navigation, and your impost laws would be executed so as to receive their many advantages—and in effect establish the public and private credit of the Union.
MR. STONE: I have given the arguments all the attention which their weight demands, considering the respectability of the characters which have spoken upon the subject.
It has been said that the clause in the Constitution is imperative—if this is the case, let us see where it will carry us: It is conceded on all hands that the establishment of these Courts is immutable; but the Constitution says, that Congress shall constitute such inferior Courts from time to time.
The Constitution gives you a right to extend the judiciary power to all those cases specified; but it does not say that these powers shall be exercised over all these cases.
He then extended this idea to the Legislative Power, which it cannot be pretended (said he) is incomplete, because it is not extended to all possible cases: Do you divest yourself of the power by not exercising it? Certainly not. This idea involves the principle mentioned by the gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Benfou,) that the establishment of these inferior tribunals or district courts, will draw the whole judiciary power along with them; so that the clause which restricts their cognizance to a certain sum, is a nullity.
State Judges may be considered in two respects, as men, and as Judges: As men, they are to submit to the modification of the Constitution, as it respects them as citizens: As Judges, they are to consider their relation as such to the Constitution, and are to administer justice agreeable to that Constitution, or they may resign. I can hardly bring myself to consider the subject in a reverse point of view: If it is admitted that the Judges of the several States cannot take cognizance of a law of the United States, because they are laws de novo , you annihilate their judicial capacity at a blow.
It appears to me that there is nothing that the State Courts are not competent to, but certain cases which are specially designated.
He then went on to shew that there was no species of treason which could be committed against

the United States, which is not committed against the individual States, and added, bonds given to the Judges of the Supreme Court, and debts due to foreigners, I believe, may be sued for in any of the State Courts. I think the inconveniencies which will attend these courts have been explained.
He then cited some instances to shew that these difficulties could not be argued from past experience—there are no instances in point.
In case of a man's being committed to a State goal, the State would not grant a writ of habeas corpus to convey the man to the goal of the United States—and this would apply also to property.
He then traced the effects of this clashing of the judicial powers to a rencontre between the two posse comitatus, till murder was committed on both sides: In which case, said he, you must hang on both sides.
He then pointed out the advantages that foreigners would have over the citizens: A citizen can now get his money in three years, with an interest of 5 pr. cent. but in these courts, foreigners can get their debts in one year, with an interest of 7 or 8 pr. cent.
From the foregoing I conceive, that this system cannot be agreeable to the people: This must suppose a revolution in the principles of their representative assemblies.
I do not think this the proper time to establish these courts: It is a measure on which the affection and attachment of the people to the Constitution will be risked: I think it best to defer the business till the necessity for these courts shall become apparent: I could therefore wish that the power should be reserved for the occasion, and that nothing should be done the present session but what is absolutely necessary.
I am for this government's moving as silent as death—that the people should not perceive the least alteration in their situation: The exercise of this power will be the most odious that can be exercised—for as a gentleman has said, of all the wheels in the machine of government, the Judicial is the most disagreeable.
Mr. GERRY was opposed to the motion for striking out the clause, and entered into a consideration of the constructions of the several State Judiciaries, by which, he said, that it is expressly against the Constitution to invest the Judges of the State Courts with authority to take cognizance of federal actions—That the Legislature of the Union being bound by oath to support and administer the Constitution—they are consequently bound to establish these courts to carry their laws into operation: As to the difficulties which gentlemen had contended will arise from the clashing of the two judicatories, these difficulties may be obviated, and a little experience will lead to the most ample provision to that point.
Mr. SUMPTER said, he did not dispute the right of Congress to exercise this authority; but he doubted the expediency at the present time.
Mr. BURKE rose to enquire of the gentleman who made the motion, whether he meant by it to knock up the bill altogether, or to offer a substitute—for if he meant to knock the bill entirely away, he would most heartily join him—as I conceive, said he, that the bill is founded in deception: It is calculated to mislead the people, for under a shew of justice, it will deprive them of their rights and privileges—I am therefore for knocking the whole of it away entirely.
Mr. LIVERMORE said that was his intention. His motion was however, as before stated, negatived by a large majority.
TUESDAY, SEPT. 1.
Substance of Mr. LAURANCE'S SPEECH on the JERSEY ELECTION.
I must confess the subject is of a nature not altogether agreeable, because if members for whom we have a personal esteem, should be excluded from a seat, the event would be attended with feelings of regret on our part. But I think it necessary that we should express freely our real sentiments. The Constitution has given this body a right to judge of the elections, qualifications, and returns of its members, though the mode of their election in the first instance has been referred to the laws of the several States. It is the business of this house, therefore, to determine, whether the election of the sitting Members has been conformable to the law which was enacted for that purpose. I presume this will be the question. If it has been agreeable to the law, it will be the duty of this house to make the declaration. If it has not, the house must declare the election invalid.
The law of New Jersey declares that the election of the members shall be in the same manner, and under the same regulations as the election of representatives for the Legislature of the State. It is necessary therefore to enquire what was that mode from which we are to conclude respecting this election. The law relative to the election of representatives in the State Assembly fixes no time of limitation for giving in the votes and declaring the election; but the practice under that law has ever been to declare the returns of the elected, previous to the meeting of the Legislature. The late law had evident respect to the
time at which Congress were to meet. By reasonable construction, therefore, we must conclude, that the intention of the law was, that the election should be declared before the day appointed for the assembling of the Congress. This is plain when we consider the uniform practice of the State.
It may be asked further, what was the sense of the people of New Jersey on the subject. It appears that a majority of the counties in Jersey did actually close their polls, and make the returns previous to the 4th of March. If we are to reason therefore from the conduct of a majority of the State, we may conclude that their opinion was agreeable to this construction. It appears also the governor gave this construction. This appears from his letter to the members of the council, requesting their attendance on the third of March, as he expected on that day the whole election-returns. He knew what reason he had to expect it. If he had not supposed it material, he was not obliged to summon them on that day. It is clear to me from these circumstances that the election ought to have been declared on the third of March, and that the authority of the Governor expired with that day. If we admit a contrary supposition, that he had a continuing authority, it would lead to abuses. If he might extend it a day, he might protract it a month, or to an unlimited time. It might defeat the election, or it might put it in the power of the Governor to determine who should be the sitting members:—In short it would put the law in the power of the Governor; but it never can be rationally contended that the law should have an operation which may defeat the design of it, or be committed to a discretion, which may produce the same effect.
But admitting that the Governor's authority was not expended, and that he had a right to delay, it becomes a question, to what time he should extend this delay. It appears from the clause in the law which confers the power on the Governor, that he is obliged to determine from the greatest number of votes of the whole State. The inference from this will be, that the Governor and Council were to wait till they had received all the votes from all the counties. But it may be said that this would put it in the power of a single county to defeat the law. Admitted—Whose fault is it? If the State would pass a law putting it in the power of a county to defeat the law, the State must suffer the consequences. The time fixed by the Governor for the second meeting of the council was arbitrary.
From these considerations, I think it must result, that the election of the present members from New Jersey was not conformable to the law, and therefore not valid. [DAILY ADV.]
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 3.
Debate on the subject of fixing the PERMANENT SEAT of GOVERNMENT.
Mr. LEE rose and observed, that the House are called on to deliberate on a great national question; and I hope, said he, they will discuss and decide on it with that dispassionate deliberation, which its magnitude requires. He then proposed the following resolution: "Whereas the people of the United States have assented to, and ratified a Constitution for their government, to provide for their defence against foreign danger, to secure their perpetual union, and domestic tranquility, and to promote their common interests; and all these great objects will be best effected by establishing the permanent seat of government in a station as nearly central as a convenient water communication with the Atlantic Ocean, and an easy access to the Western Territory will permit; and as it will be satisfactory to the people of the United States, and give them a firm confidence, in the justice and wisdom of their government, to be assured that such a station is already in the contemplation of Congress, and that proper measures will be taken to ascertain it, and to provide the necessary accommodations, as soon as the indispensable arrangements for carrying into effect the Constitution can be made, and the circumstances of the United States will permit; "Resolve 1, that a place as nearly central, as a convenient water communication with the Atlantic Ocean, and an easy access to the Western Territory will permit, ought to be selected and established as the permanent seat of the government of the United States."
I wish the principles of the government to be recognized, that the people of the United States may be able to judge whether, in the measures about to be adopted, they are carried into execution by this House. If these great principles are not preserved, it will be an unhappy fulfilment of those predictions, which have been made by the opponents of the Constitution, that the general interest of America would not be consulted, that partial measures would be pursued, and that instead of being influenced by a general policy directed to the good of the whole, one part of the Union would be depressed and trampled on to the benefit and exalt the other. Instead of accomplishing and realising those bright prospects which shone upon us in the dawn of our government, and for which our patriots fought and bled, we shall find the whole to be a visionary fancy. I flatter myself, that before the House decides
on the question before them, those principles will be recognized, if it is meant that they should be regarded.
Mr. HARTLEY supported the motion of Mr. Goodhue, and pointed out Wright's ferry on the Susquehanna, as an eligible place for the seat of government.—This I consider, said he, as the middle ground between the Delaware, which might be supposed a northern object, and the Potomac on the south.—He went largely into a display of the natural and artificial advantages which this place presented; its safety, its easy communication with the Western Country and the Atlantic, its extreme fertility, the purity of the climate, and its abundant population.
Mr. SEDGWICK: I hope, Sir, that the motion of Mr. Lee will not obtain. The gentlemen, who moved the other day to have this business brought on this session, can not fail to recollect, that they were called on and intreated to defer this business. They were told that this was not the time, consistently with the real good of the country, to determine the permanent residence of Congress. They were told that the government was not yet in operation—that the union was not yet complete—yet THAT gentleman persisted that suspending it would occasion so much dissatisfaction and agitation, that the peace and happiness of the country required a speedy decision. As my own and other gentlemen's remonstrances proved ineffectual, and it was resolved to bring the business on immediately, I am now ready to meet the gentlemen, prepared to decide upon the important subject. I shall oppose the motion of Mr. Lee, because it involves unnecessary delay.
Mr. TUCKER reprobated the motion of Mr. LEE. He wished to know what gentlemen were going about.—It seemed to him that the proposition was a preamble: Was it customary to agree to a preamble before the substance of a resolution was determined on? No—The regular way was first to agree to the substance then to the preamble.
Mr. LEE assured Mr. TUCKER that fair dealing was his object. He wished to bring forward those considerations which ought to guide their judgment. A question is to be decided which involves present and future interests, and extends to remote generations. The question is to be settled, which must determine whether the government is to exist for ages, or be dispersed among the contending winds.—Will gentlemen say, that these principles ought not to be recognized? Will gentlemen say that the centre of government should not be the centre of the Union? Shall it not be in a situation which will admit of an early communication to the ocean? Will they say that our western brethren are to be disregarded? These are the momentous considerations which should lead the House to a conclusion. If they are disregarded it will be an alarming circumstance to the people of the southern States. They have felt these alarms already. It was with difficulty on another occasion that their apprehensions on this score were silenced, and their difficulties surmounted. If this question is decided without regarding these interests, it will be said that a Congress is found, who are not disposed to recognize the general principles of the government. I have come forward, he said, with such explicit propositions as the interest of my country dictates. Some principles ought to be previously established as a guide, as a polar star to direct the House to just conclusions.
Mr. MADISON asked if the motion of his colleague could be supposed out of order. He submitted that to the chair; does it contain any thing, said he, which is not true? I appeal to the candid judgment of the committee. Are the truths contained in the proposition inapplicable to the subject? I appeal to the justice and policy of the people of the United States. The position is strictly in order. Is it improper or inapplicable to declare the principles which ought to govern on this question, and which are properly prefixed to the motion that lies on the table?
Mr. AMES said—I am at a loss to conceive why the gentlemen from Virginia are so agitated and anxious to press the subject of these resolutions. The gentleman has asked, Is there any thing contained in the proposition which is not true? Is there any thing not applicable to the subject? And by way of conclusion, asks whether the resolution shall not therefore pass? But is such a conclusion necessary to these premises? If they are true, why be so solicitous? Does truth acquire any new authority by being frequently voted? If they are truths, will not those truths guide us? But I have, he said, another difficulty. If the House should vote these propositions, the gentleman may bring forward other abstract questions without limitation, and supported by the same arguments; and may then ask, are these things true? Are not these things applicable? And in this way the House will have upon their journals all the arguments which can arise out of this multifarious subject.—But is there any necessity for it? Will it not embarrass the committee? It is not our business, he said, to syllogize upon abstract principles, like school logicians, but to settle facts. I insist that if the principles

TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8.
Petitions from the Freemen of the towns of Providence, New- port, &c. upon the operation of the collection and tonnage laws were read, and referred to a committee already appointed to take into consideration the memorial respecting North-Carolina, &c.
Mr. BOUDINOT presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of the State of New-Jersey, chiefly practitioners in law, respecting the place pointed out in the judiciary bill for holding the district courts in East New-Jersey, and praying that Perth Amboy may be the place for holding those courts.
The House then took up the amendments of the Senate to the bill for establishing the salaries of the officers of the Executive Department.
The first amendment was to add 500 dollars to the salary of the Secretary of State—which being agreed to, his salary is 3500 dol- lars.
The second was to reduce the salary of the Auditor from 1500 dollars, to 1250—this was disagreed to.
The third, to strike out 1600 dollars, the salary of the Treasur- er, and insert 2000. Disagreed to.
The fourth, to strike out 500 dollars, from the salary of the Gov- ernor of the Western Territory.
This amendment was opposed, as involving the diminution of a salary which was annexed to two very important and expensive offices. The amendment was disagreed to.
The fifth, to strike out 1500 dollars, the salary of the Assistant of the Secretary of the Treasury, and to insert 1700. Disagreed to.
The sixth was to give the principal Clerk to the Treasurer, a sa- lary of 600 dollars. Agreed to.
The seventh was to empower the heads of the departments to appoint their respective clerks. Agreed to.
And the last was to raise the salaries of the inferior Clerks to 500 dollars—which was agreed to.
The amendment of the Senate to the bill for allowing compensa- tions to THE PRESIDENT and VICE-PRESIDENT, was next taken up: The Senate proposed that the Vice-President should receive 6000 dollars, pr. ann. This amendment was disagreed to.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill for allowing compensa- tions to the members of the two houses, and their respective offi- cers were next read. In the first amendment the Senate adheres to its former resolution respecting a discrimination.
It was then moved by Mr. LIVERMORE, that the house should recede from their disagreement to this amendment of the Senate.
This was seconded by Mr. BENSON—who observed, that the Legislature is now brought into such a situation, as that if the house should refuse to recede from their disagreement, there is the greatest danger of a dissolution of the government: And as the discrimination is not to take place till the end of six years, it may be considered as an appeal to our constituents, who will undoubt- edly determine the matter for the Legislature in that period.
The vote being taken on the motion to recede, it passed in the negative. It was then voted that a conference should be requested with the Senate upon this business—and Messrs SHERMAN, TUCK- ER, and BENSON were appointed Conferees on the part of the House.
The amendments to the bill providing for the safe keeping of the acts, records, and great seal of the United States, &c. were read and agreed to by the house.
Mr. CARROL presented a representation from the inhabitants of George Town on the Patowmac, on the subject of the perma- nent residence of Congress. Read and laid on the table.
Mr. GERRY moved a resolution to the following effect: That at monies shall not be drawn from the Treasury unless by appropria- tions, made and confirmed by Congress, subsequent to the 4th of March last. Laid on the table.
In Committee of the whole on the bill for establishing Judicial Courts. Some progress was made in the 4th section.
Adjourned.
FREDERICKSBURG, AUGUST 27.
On Tuesday, the 25th inst. died at her house in this town, Mrs. MARY WASHINGTON, aged 82 years, the venerable mother of the illustrious President of the United States, after a long and painful indisposition, which she bore with uncommon pa- tience. Though a pious tea of duty, affection and esteem, is due to the memory of so revered a character, yet our grief must be greatly alleviated from the consideration that she is relieved from the pitiable infirmities attendant on an extreme old age.—It is usual when virtuous and conspicuous persons quit this terretial abode, to publish an elaborate panegyric on their characters—suf- fice it to say, she conducted herself through this transitory life with virtue, prudence and christianity, worthy the mother of the greatest Hero that ever adorned the annals of history.
O may kind heaven, propitious to our fate, Extend THAT HERO's to her lengthend'd date; Through the long period healthy, active, age; Nor know the sad infirmities of age.
NEW-YORK, SEPTEMBER 9.
It appears by the public papers from all quarters, that the States are more and more coalescing under the new government: Their respective Legislatures and Judiciaries are taking and sub- scribing the oath to support the new Constitution: And the peo- ple are turning their eyes to its benign operations, as to their hope and confidence.
RECENT accounts state, that NORTH-CAROLINA and RHODE- ISLAND will very probably soon come into the federal Family: In the mean time the Legislature of the Union, are paying all due attention to their representations and petitions upon those parts of the revenue Laws which bear hard upon them, by reason of their present alien situation.
It has been observed that a vein of ill nature is predominant in most of the strifes upon the operations of the general govern- ment which have appeared in the papers: The motives of gen- tlemen whose characters are irreproachable, have been impeached: Opprobrious epithets have been applied: and the decisions of the majority have been reprehended in a style more indicative of spleen, party, envy, and disappointment, than of the least traces of patrio- tism: But it is a consoling reflection, that the carping of these reliefs votaries of confusion, are very generally despised and re- probated.
There is much wisdom in the Fable of the old man who sat out to carry his ass to market:—For he that thinks he can please every body, will find himself miserably mistaken.
Perhaps this Fable applies to no profession more aptly, than to that of Printers: But at this moment a very useful lesson may be drawn from it by legislators.—It is very desirable to give univer- sal satisfaction, but as this is impossible, the conclusion is, to act agreeable to the dictates of the best light and information that pre- sents.—This will satisfy the reasonable and patriotic mind: But carpers and popularity seekers are the most arbitrary of all man- kind, and it is in vain to expect they will ever be satisfied.
THEATRICALS.
The principal part of the entertainment at the Theatre, on Monday evening, was the new com- edy, entitled "The FATHER, or AMERICAN SHANDYISM," the production of an American, a young gentleman of this city.—This circum- stance occasioned a crowded house; and from the reiterated plaudits which followed almost every exhibited incident, it is presumed that the pub- lic taste has very seldom been gratified in a high- er degree.
The parts were very judiciously assigned, and supported with great animation and propriety.
The PROLOGUE and EPILOGUE were finely adapted, and their delivery received uncommon applause.
A correspondent observes, that sentiment, wit and comique humour are happily blended in that most ingenious performance "THE FATHER, or AMERICAN SHANDYISM;" nor is that due pro- portion of the pathetic which interests the fin- est feelings of the human heart, omitted. The happy allusions to characters and events, in which every friend to our country feels interest- ed—and those traits of benevolence which are brought to view in the most favourable circum- stances, conspired to engage, amuse, delight, and instruct the audience through five acts of al- ternate anticipations, and agreeable surprizes.—This Comedy bids fair to be a favorite entertain- ment, and a valuable acquisition to the stage.
Wise men have frequently remarked, that as vices are more ef- fectually obviated by education than by penalties, so improper customs and manners are better corrected by the mild influence of example, than by means more severe and less captivating. It is much to be wished that all whose situations and characters naturally tend to excite imitation, were well apprized of the importance of their conduct in this respect. There are doubtless many cus- toms as well as pleasures which, although lawful, are not advi- sable; and therefore had better be declined: Among these the ex- pensive and ostentatious parade of mourning on the death of rela- tions may be numbered. In whatever causes it may have origin- ated, or by whatever policy it may in other countries have been countenanced, we have much reason to believe that in America it is inexpedient. It certainly produces no good to the public, that can compensate for its inconveniences to individuals; espe- cially as foreign and not domestic manufactures are encouraged by it. The memorable Congress of 1774 thought it necessary to cor- rect the errors of this custom; and circumscribe it within the bounds of decent economy and rational simplicity. Their senti- ments were then generally adopted, and until within a few years generally prevailed: But the force of former habits, combined with certain other causes, gradually prompted so many to relapse into the preceding fashion, that the one introduced by Congress, notwithstanding all its evident advantages, has been losing ground, and would probably in the course of a few years have been laid aside, had not the example of our patriotic PRESIDENT interposed to revive it. We lament that the death of an affectionate and am- iable mother, presented the occasion: circumstanced as he is, all regard to expense must have been out of question, and filial at- tachment probably suggested and urged those conspicuous mani- festations of grief and respect which a custom but too universal seemed to require: Public considerations, however, appear to have prevailed; and it gives us pleasure to inform our fellow-citi- zens, that the President and his lady, together with all his family, wear the mourning which the Congress of 1774 recommended.
The heart that mourns needs no external sign, To speak the agony that preys within; "Small griefs are loud" and ask an outward show: Retir'd and silent is the deepest woe.
"Living under good government, we have con- fident hopes, as a people, of rising, and taking an eminent stand among the nations; of succeeding in the great interests of liberty, security in person and property, and an impartial administration of justice; and as individuals, of finding merit rewarded with honour, and abilities with profit. We have lately emerged from a long and arduous conflict, in which, while we were taught the bless- ings of peace, have been draining those sources of wealth, which, if much encreased, would proba- bly have introduced luxury and effeminacy, which are so fatal to the independence and hap- piness of a people. During the struggle we be- came poor, but were still ambitious; and by the fruitful collision of pride and poverty, were struck out those sparks of invention, which have been so improving to arts and manufactures, that our ports are already shutting against foreign merchandise.
"Our cash which has flowed in such plentiful streams to foreign markets, will now be put into the pockets of the industrious poor; and those evils, which have been so long oppressive to them will be converted into blessings, and by giving them employment will become their support. The method proposed for collecting a revenue by impost will have a tendency to lighten the bur- dens of the poor; to give a check to luxury and encouragement to industry. It is complained by some, that our government is too expensive and numerous; but "in the multitude of counsel- lors there is safety." Let us not anticipate evils that are not, and probably never will be, real. Our prospects are certainly good, and we have well grounded hopes, that, under the patronage of confederated wisdom, the good work, in which is begun our happiness, will be continued and completed. And we may presume, with the fa- vor of Providence, that we shall be prosperous; that it will soon be the triumphant and joyful acclamation of every American, that "where liberty and happiness dwell, there is my country."
(Worcester Speculator.)
A Hymn on a late sacramental occasion in our next.
The Squadron of His Most Christian Majesty's Fleet, mentioned in our last, under the Command of M. Le Vicomte De PONTEVES GIEN, arrived in Boston harbor, the third instant.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
 Sunday, Sloop Industry, Dunn, Philadelphia, 6 day.  Monday, Schooner Backus, Dekay, Quebec, 15 days.  Sloop Aurora, Cahoon, Rhode-Island, 5 days.  Tuesday, Ship Evarietta, Lindsay, Havre-de-Grace, 56 days.  Schooner Adventure, Parker, Kingston, 31 days.  Sloop Fanny, Gore, Edenton, (N.C.) 12 days.  Sloop Hudson Packet, Bencker, Edenton, 12 days.  Sloop Hancock, Brown, Rhode Island, 2 days.  Sloop Eleanora, Taylor, Leith, 70 days. 
are uncontroversially true, there was no use in inserting them.
The question was then taken on Mr. LEE's motion, and negatived.—34 against 18.
The next question was on the original motion of Mr. SCOTT.
Mr. TUCKER was opposed to settling any prin- ciples whatever. He declared that the majority for fixing on any set of principles could not gov- ern his mind with regard to the fact. If on the whole, he did not think that place the best which the principles adopted by the committee should seem to lead to, he certainly could not vote for it.
Mr. MADISON moved that the word "wealth" be struck out. He observed that population and extent of territory are the only main principles which ought to govern. Government is intended for the equal accommodation of all ranks of citizens. They ought all to be so favored, that they may easily transmit their grievances, and receive those blessings the government is intended to dispense. The rich are certainly not less able than the poor to resort to the government, or to establish the ne- cessary means of securing its advantages. If there are any superior advantages to be enjoyed from the presence of the government, I rather suppose that it ought to move towards those who most want its protection.
The question on this motion was taken and negatived.—Ayes 22—Noes 27.
The question was then taken on the original resolution of Mr. SCOTT, and carried.—Ayes 35—Noes 14. (To be continued.) (Daily Adv.)
SATURDAY, SEPT. 5.
Mr. SENEY, of the committee appointed to take into consideration the memorial of JOHN WHITE, late Continental Commis- sioner of Accounts for the State of Pennsylvania, and his Affidavits brought in a report, which was in favor of granting the prayer of the memorial.
In Committee of the whole on the subject of a permanent residence.
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.
The resolutions submitted by Mr. FITZSIMONS yesterday, were read, and taken into consideration. Several objections were made to the idea of purchasing the soil for the federal residence, as it would subject the States to a heavy expense, which might be avoid- ed. The Constitution, it was said, contemplated a cession of territory by the States for the purpose. To this it was replied, that the word cession referred to the jurisdiction, and not to the soil—and examples were adduced to show that cessions of territory do not imply any thing more than a transferring of the jurisdiction—as, after such cessions, the property of individuals is not changed.
The committee could not agree upon filling up the blank before the word "years", respecting the temporary residence, five, four, three, two, and one were negatived.—It was at length agreed to pass it over, and to take it up in the house.
The blank before the word "dollars" was filled with "one hun- dred thousand"—time, to be repaid in "twenty years"—interest at not more than 5 pr. cent. pr. ann. These resolutions were then adopted by the committee, and reported to the house.
A motion for adjournment being negatived, the House proceed- ed to the consideration of the report.
Mr. LEE introduced a new preamble as an introduction to this business—which after some discussion was withdrawn.
The first resolution (Mr. SCOTT's) was then agreed to by the House.
Mr. LEE again proposed to strike out "east bank of the Suf- quehanna" and to insert north bank of the Patowmac: This pro- duced further debate, which lasted so long as to preclude a decision this day. Adjourned.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 7.
In Committee of the whole on the subject of the permanent residence.
Mr. LEE's motion in favor of the Patowmac was taken up, and the ayes and noes being called for by that gentleman, the motion was negatived—29 to 21.
Mr. VINING moved to strike out "east bank of the Sufque- hanna" and insert the borough of Wilmington, in the State of Delaware. He enforced this motion by stating the advantages in point of situ- ation, healthiness of climate, provisions, and immediate accommo- dations: The last of which he urged with additional energy, as it would supersede the necessity of the great expense attending the Sufquehanna. On this question Mr. VINING called for the ayes and noes, which were noes 32, ayes 19—so the motion was lost.
Mr. BOUDINOT brought forward a motion founded upon some resolutions of the late Congress respecting the permanent residence. He went into a general discussion of the principles that ought to influence Congress in all its decisions, more especially on a subject of this magnitude and importance. He stated a variety of objec- tions to the Sufquehanna, and moved that it be struck out, to in- sert Patowmac, Sufquehanna, or Delaware: If this is agreed to, said he, I shall move for a committee to go to these several places, that a thorough investigation of the whole business may be had, previ- ous to a final decision. The ayes and noes being called, there ap- peared 23 ayes—28 noes—so the motion was negatived.
Mr. BOUDINOT then moved to insert on either side the banks of the Delaware, not more than 8 miles above or below the lower falls. The ayes and noes being called, were, noes 46, ayes 4.
It was then moved to strike out the word "east" before bank: This was determined in the affirmative, by a majority of one, the ayes and noes being called.
It was then moved by Mr. LEE to insert, after the words "Suf- quehanna, in the State of Pennsylvania," or Maryland. This mo- tion was negatived—ayes 26—noes 25.
Mr. VINING moved that "the borough of Wilmington" be inserted, as the temporary residence of Congress: This being se- conded, the ayes and noes were called on the question, which was lost—ayes 21—noes 30.
Mr. PARKER moved to strike out "New-York," and insert Philadelphia, as the temporary residence. The ayes and noes being called, the same was lost, there being 29 in the negative, and 22 in the affirmative.
A motion for adjournment being put and lost, the house pro- ceeded and completed the resolutions: The time to be allowed for erecting the buildings, is fixed at four years.
A committee, consisting of Mr. AMES, Mr. LAURANCE, and Mr. CLYMER, was appointed to prepare and report a bill to carry these resolutions into effect.
A message was received from the Senate with the bill for al- tering the department of foreign affairs into the department of State, and attaching thereto certain additional duties. The salary bill, for the officers of the Executive Department, the bill for compensa- ting the services of the President and Vice-President, and the bill for compensating the Members of both Houses, all with amendments.—Adjourned.
The ayes and noes upon the above interesting questions were called so frequently, that we have not room for their insertion this day; but they shall appear in our next.

NEW-YORK, SEPTEMBER 9, 1789.
LETTER from a gentleman in a neighbouring town to his friend in this city.
DEAR SIR,
THE news-papers you sent me containing two letters, wrote by some members of the House of Representatives to their constituents in Pennsylvania, upon the subject of compensation, and in justification of the same, as agreed to by the House, have come safe to hand. I have read these letters with attention and surprise; and it is difficult for me to suppress my wonder, that gentlemen can adopt such exceeding weak and inconsistent arguments in justification of a measure which they declare themselves to be convinced of the propriety of. There is scarce any one thing that gives one a more unfavorable opinion of public measures, and leads more to a doubt of their utility, than to find weak and flimsy arguments offered in support thereof, by their warmest advocates. But these letter-writers do not stop here; for their arguments and reasoning, weak as they appear to be, are yet founded upon misrepresentation, and a reference to facts which have no real existence. What can be more distant from truth than to say, as one of them does, that six dollars a day is less than was given under the articles of confederation by the States, except New-Jersey? The fact is, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and some others, for years, gave their delegates no more than five dollars a day; and this sum under circumstances very disadvantageous to the receiver. He says further "that Massachusetts gave her delegates a guinea a day and paid all their expenses of board &c. besides." This is totally false. In no period, if I have been rightly informed, did the Commonwealth of Massachusetts allow her delegates, under the old confederation, a guinea a day, and pay their expenses besides; but on the contrary, for two or three years, that Commonwealth paid their delegates only 4 3/4 dollars a day, out of which they paid their expenses. Surely this writer must have been ignorant of the facts, or he was disposed to lead his correspondents, and through them as a medium of communication, his constituents, into an error. Gentlemen who mean to reason, and draw conclusions from facts, ought to be careful that their facts are true: But in the present case, it seems not to have been advantageous to the letter-writer's object, which was to justify to his constituents, the compensation allowed themselves and under officers, to suffer the truth of fact to be known; for had he done this, they would have drawn conclusions, and justly too, the reverse of what he wished to put into their mouths. Massachusetts never gave more than six dollars a day; and but a very few years, when money was scarce half so valuable as at this time, did they come up to that sum. The same is fact with many other States.
He is equally mistaken when he advances that had a medium been struck from the guides left by the States, the wages of the members would have been nearer seven than six dollars: For if an accurate enquiry be made, I doubt not but it will appear, that a majority of the States, for half the time under the confederation or more, have given a sum under six dollars, taking into consideration the value of money during that and the present periods; and in general have verged rather towards a sum under than over six dollars. But these letter-writers drive on with one misrepresentation upon the back of another, as though they were determined to confound the understandings of their constituents with falsehoods, or run themselves out of all credit upon this subject; and I am suspicious that the latter would be the case were the whole truth to be known. In the rage of justifying their conduct to their constituents, one of them hesitates not to declare, "that the sums granted by the States to their delegates were paid during the whole year; whereas, the sum voted for us (that is the present Members of Congress) will be paid only two or three months in a year." Is the author of this assertion an honest man? If you answer in the affirmative, I must reply, he has undertaken to write upon a subject of which he is most consummately ignorant: or so prejudiced in favour of his six dollars a day, that every thing entering his mind is immediately converted into an argument to justify the measure. I think I may say with truth, that not more than two States have uniformly allowed their delegates a salary by the year. Indeed I doubt whether any State has done this, but South-Carolina. But how does this wonderful logician know that Congress will set only two or three months in a year? Admitting, however, that in some future years two or three months a year will be sufficient for Congress to discharge the duties required of them by the citizens of the United States; and that six dollars a day will be a moderate compensation for their services and time then rendered their constituents: I say admitting this to be true, how does it justify, or even look like a reason, for allowing that sum to the Members of Congress at this time, since they will be employed more than eight months a year during the present election. This writer evidently admits, that the pay of the Members ought to be in some inverse ratio of the sum to the time they shall be employed at Congress: That is if they are employed two or three months in a year six dollars is a moderate compensation. If a longer time a smaller sum will be just. But here he has forgot the force of his own argument, and fixed a sum, which would be reasonable when the members are engaged only two or three months in a year, for their pay now they are actually employed six months, and perhaps more in a year. But the real truth of the matter, I believe is this, those who advocate high pay want the money. They are sensible the sums the House has agreed upon are high, compared with the general sense of their constituents, or to the grounds on which compensation is usually founded, and they are now droveto misrepresentation and sophistry to justify their conduct.
"Our constituents," continues one of these letters, "in complaining, forget the sacrifice we make of domestic happiness, time, and even health to their service." To this I cannot help observing, I am not acquainted with any such sacrifice, by which diurnal pay or compensation can be adjusted, as an equivalent, for the sacrifice of domestic happiness; therefore, till he or some body else shall supply me with one, I am unable to say that six dollars a day is either too much or too little, on this account: I am of opinion, however, that domestic happiness is a very uncertain rule to adjust pecuniary compensations by; and were we to judge from the apparent willingness that some tarry at the seat of government, it would be doubtful whether their being from home ought to operate to the increase or diminution of their compensation on the score of domestic happiness.
As to the sacrifice of health, I don't know that a gentleman risks his health in attending Congress, where they set not more than three or four hours in a day, and frequently not more than five days in a week: That is twenty-five or thirty hours in seven days! Very tender and delicate indeed, our Members of Congress are grown all at once. If I did not apprehend the ladies would look upon it as an usurpation of their department; I would propose that these extreme delicate tender gentlemen should be recalled from the laborious, fatiguing employment of walking to the Federal Hall and setting there three or four hours in a day for five days in a week, and put to knitting; or if that be too hard for them to handling the cambric needle. Not many days since I fell in company with one of the Members of Congress, whose countenance was plenary evidence that roast beef and generous wine were his favorites; and yet he complained most bitterly of ill health and want of exercise. I asked him if he took the air every morning—for Congress not meeting till eleven, the members had abundant of time to walk or ride both for health and amusement. Oh dear, replied the ruddy picture of health and strength, I cannot rise early enough in the morning for that; my health won't admit my rising before eight or nine; and then I have barely time to dress before breakfast, which brings eleven o'clock. Poor feeble son of Mars, quoth I, I pity you; sleep and delicacy will hurt you more than the duties of your office.—So we parted.
* The letters here referred to, were first published in the New-York Daily Gazette, on the 24th and 31st of August.
Can these letter writers be serious when they offer such reasons as are contained in their letters, to their constituents to justify their conduct to them in advocating grants of money which they esteem profuse? If these arguments satisfy their constituents, I am grieved for their want of information, and confess to you that I have mistaken their character. Many circumstances have led me to believe the great body of the people in Pennsylvania to be a well informed, judicious people; whence I conclude they will resent, with just indignation, the attempt these letter writers have made to misrepresent facts, and impose error, instead of truth, upon their understandings.
I would here close my letter, for I fear it is already too long, but there is one argument made use of in these letters, which I wish to remark upon; also because it is a favorite topic with those who advocate high compensation: Indeed it has so often been employed, as appears by the news-papers and the debates of Congress, that it actually slips out on all occasions; it seems to be used like the quack's nostrum, as a remedy for all diseases. The argument is couched in the following sentence: "If that policy should govern which you speak of in your letter, you can never expect men of small fortune to accept seats in Congress, and many such possess eminent talents for public life. On the contrary your government will be administered only by a few aristocratic nabobs, who can afford to live without wages upon the income of large estates." I really with this letter had pointed out, or laid down some other clue than he has, by which these rich men, or nabobs might be found, who, he says, will be willing to serve in Congress without wages. I declare to you, Sir, I have found none of this description in the course of my acquaintance; and I have good evidence to believe there are none in America. For many years I have been attentive to the conduct of man—I have watched the rich, or as he expresses the same character, the nabobs; and the poor, or men of small fortunes; and the uniform tenor of conduct exhibited to the world by these two descriptions of men has convinced me that the position contained in the quotation is not true: Because I find that men of small fortunes, among whom, tis confessed there are gentlemen of eminent abilities for public service, are generally satisfied with less sums, by way of compensation for services rendered the public, than those nabobs, into whose hands he is fearful the administration of government will fall. Therefore, to avoid what this letter so much fears, and what all friends to their country must deprecate as the greatest calamity that can befall the people, that is the administration of our federal government by nabobs, the salaries and compensations for public services must be moderate. If the just sum could be known, it would be better for the public that the salaries and compensations should fall short than exceed that sum. Pray look round you, my friend, and see who they are that raise this cry against moderate compensations. Are they the men of small fortunes? No. They are either the aristocratic nabobs themselves; or such as wish to become nabobs, and will plunder the public rather than not gain their point.
It is an uncontrollable truth, that he who possesses much wants more in proportion to what he has already obtained. So that to satisfy these rich men or nabobs, by increasing their pay, is equally absurd, as it would be to attempt to conquer death by filling the grave with the carcasses of dead men. The expenses of rich men and nabobs are great, consequently it is such only who cry out against small compensations in favor of great ones. These cannot reside at the seat of government without expending large sums of money: They, from habits of luxury and dissipation, must keep up that department of the gentleman which peculiarly requires six or seven dollars to discharge their daily expenditures. But nabobs will never subject themselves to such an expensive situation, provided they must draw upon their own fortunes, instead of compensations from the public, for what they expend.
On the other hand, men of small fortunes, from which class of citizens we must look for men of eminent talents as well as integrity and patriotism, have been educated in a mode of life that naturally creates habits of frugality, economy, attention to business, and useful information. The expenses of these are small; their views are regulated more by the rules of private convenience and public necessity, than the va parade of a court, or the trifling, expensive round of etiquette. The expenses of these two classes of men are essentially different, being regulated on different principles: Those of the former are subject to the whim and caprice of folly and fashion—the latter to economy and prudence. Hence, if you contemplate the nature of man, with the views and passions of those two classes, that is, the nabobs and men of small fortunes, you will not hesitate to say, these letter-writers are mistaken in their reasonings and conclusions, as well as the facts they would found their arguments upon.
When this subject is duly examined, it appears to me, that America has nothing to fear from Congress fixing the salaries and compensations small and moderate. This measure will always secure the attention of men of small fortunes, whom it is an object of importance to bring into the administration. While high salaries and profuse compensation will hold out allurements to spendthrifts and nabobs, from whose sentiments and manners America has every evil to apprehend.
One principle more is held up in these letters, most pernicious to a republican government, which I shall barely mention and bid you adieu. It is that salaries and compensations should be so high as very few persons dare present themselves as candidates. However the citizens of Pennsylvania may swallow such sentiments, because they come from their representatives; I hope and trust, they will be reprobated by every true republican whose heart beats for his country's good. Good God! Are the Legislators of America advised to affix such compensations as a reward for public services, that none but the rich and the nabobs dare aspire to!—when these sentiments are adopted and practiced upon in America—then certainly we may join these despotical letter writers, and say, "farewell to the liberties of our country."
EUROPEAN ACCOUNTS, BY LATE ARRIVALS.
CONSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 7.
The second division of the fleet has left the arsenal, composed of four ships of the line, from 50 to 60 guns, and six frigates; they are waiting for sailors from the Black-Sea, where orders have been sent to enlist them. All the maritime forces are, according to the orders of the late Sultan, to join at Bujukdere, and be ready to sail by the 22d inst. but the departure of the grand fleet depends upon the return of the first division, and the designs of Selim III, which are not yet known.
APRIL 25. Among the troops that are filing off from Constantinople, five companies of Janissaries, of 1000 men each, quarrelling among themselves, on their arrival at Pontepiccoli, a dreadful massacre took place, insomuch, that of the 5000 very few arrived at the camp.
BERLIN, MAY 30.
We learn from Jassy, that the defeat of Ibrahim Rassa, by the Russian general Dorfeld, has had such an effect upon the Turks, that they have absolutely abandoned the strong fortress of Brahilow and the Russians are marching to take possession of it. Galacz is strongly garrisoned by the Russians, who have found a rich booty in that place, the capture of which cuts off all communication between Wallachia and Silistria, with Ruschuk and other places on the Danube.
LONDON, MAY 12.
A question of pretty general concern was decided on Saturday in the Court of King's Bench, viz. "Whether a person, at an auction, had a right to retract a bidding, previous to the lot being knocked down?" It was contended that he had not, upon the grounds that the conditions expressly stated that the last bidder should be the buyer, and that a person's first bidding, and being at liberty to retract, might prove injurious to property, by conveying an idea to the company that some defect had been discovered: but it was over-ruled by the court, who observed, that to make a contract binding the consent of both parties was necessary; whereas in this case, the bidding was a mere offer on one side, which was not accepted by the other until the hammer was actually down; and therefore the party had certainly a right to retract while that was suspended.
JUNE 20.
Extract of a letter from Paris, June 1.
M. De la Fayette continues to act a steady faithful part in favor of the rights of mankind. The Comte de Mirabeau, by a series of profligate, unprincipled conduct, has lost all the weight he might have had, and to which his talents and enlightened mind entitled him, on this glorious occasion.
M. le Meunier, one of the deputies for Dauphiny, and mover of the glorious revolution, last year, in that province, is looked up to with hope and confidence by the nation.
The disputes between the Three Estates are far from being in a train of accommodation. The Noblesse, at least at Paris, have resumed that hauteur which we imagined they had been inclined to lay aside. The Clergy began to repent of the concessions which they made to the Tiers Etat, who, on their side are determined to throw down every barrier between the people and the honors of the state, and to abolish every odious distinction between the various classes of citizens. A fracas happened last week on the Point Neuf, which was attended with the most serious consequence. The Count de B—lle, riding furiously, and without giving notice, in a phaeton and four, over the bridge, ran down several pedestrians. One unfortunate man lost his life, and several had their limbs desperately crushed. A general cry of "Arretez, arretez le foure," was vociferated from all sides. In a moment the carriage was stopped—the mob dragged from his seat the trembling patrician, and regardless of his cries and piteous intreaties threw him headlong from the bridge, just by the equestrian statue of King Henry the Fourth. This miserable martyr to intemperate violence, was in an instant dashed to pieces in his fall. Not satisfied with this vengeance, the populace proceeded to demolish the carriage, which they broke into a thousand fragments.
Among other privileges now contending for by the French nation, is that of trial by jury, which if once established, will for ever secure their political and personal liberties on a basis so firm as can not be overturned, but by a power that must convulse the whole kingdom, and tear up all remains of civil liberty by the very roots.
July 2. The Romulus of America, General Washington, passed, on the 21st of April last, under the Triumphal Arch erected on Trenton bridge. He was attended by a procession, part of which consisting of females, dressed in white, preceded him, strewing roses, and singing an ode.
Sir William Howe, when he left Philadelphia, carried a Triumphal Arch to be erected, under which he walked with his brother, Lord Howe, both crowned with laurel. We never heard why?
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
An ACT for settling the ACCOUNTS between the UNITED STATES and INDIVIDUAL STATES.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is impowered to nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint such person or persons as he may think proper, for supplying any vacancy that now is, or may hereafter take place in the Board of Commissioners, established by an ordinance of the late Congress, of the seventh of May, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, to carry into effect the said ordinance and resolutions of Congress, for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States.
And be it further enacted, That the said Board of Commissioners be, and they hereby are impowered to appoint a chief clerk, and such other clerks as the duties of their office may require, and that the pay of the said chief clerk be six hundred dollars per annum, and of each other clerk four hundred dollars per annum.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST the 5th, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. pr. an.]