Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-07-08 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXV.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 8, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXV.
"It is the humour of many people to be singular in their dress and manner of life, only to the end that they may be taken more notice of."
THE desire of being distinguished is so strong, that some men had rather be ridiculed, than not to be noticed at all. Those who set themselves up as a gazing stock to the rabble, and excite a species of admiration by affecting some frivolous distinction from other people, are under the influence of the meanest kind of ambition. Nothing can sooner destroy the real respectability of a man, than an affectation of singularity in opinions or customs, which are in themselves indifferent. But I do not know a more ridiculous shape that ambition and vanity can assume, than when it prompts people to depart from common fashion in their dress and style of living. There are obvious advantages from having some uniformity established in the customs, which relate to our common transactions in life. Those therefore who depart from them, may in some measure be considered as disturbers of the tranquility of other people.
Some persons are too apt to refine in their ideas of following the dictates of sound judgment. They will say that no wise man will trouble himself to pursue any custom, however public it may be, unless some reason can specially be offered in its favour. This rule should be reversed, and in all indifferent matters, one should follow the fashion, unless some special reason can be alledged against it.
To differ from the rest of mankind in any immaterial thing may indicate more pride or ill-humour than others possess, but it is no mark of superior understanding. There must be a degree of indifference in every instance of singularity, that does not originate in duty or convenience. I even question whether a man is not under obligations to fall in with, or at any rate, not to oppose the established customs of society, unless he believes them unreasonable or inconvenient. This probably will never be the case, for I doubt whether the prevailing taste and feelings of the community may be looked upon as altogether arbitrary and capricious. When any custom predominates, for a considerable length of time, it is a tolerable evidence, that there is some foundation in reason for its existence, though perhaps the real advantages of it may not be perceived or acknowledged.
(N. B. In Tablet No. 24, second line of second paragraph, for "mankind" read "manhood.")
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
I shall send you occasionally extracts from a performance that I have in my hands, which I conceive will correspond with the general design of your paper.
"OWE NO MAN ANY THING."
THE motto is an injunction from scripture, and like many other passages of that sacred deposit of moral and divine instruction, contains one of the most useful lessons of human life.
I shall mention the most likely means of paying what we owe. The first means is diligence in business: Most men depend on business for an honest livelihood—success in which depends on early attention, skill and diligence—a due distribution of time and labor, and a punctilious adherence to our calling, are means of diligence: Yield not to languor, the importunity of companions, or to a tale for pleasure however innocent, so far as to break an engagement, or neglect the duties of your profession.
There are a few professions where the reward is not in exact proportion to diligence. Servants of the public, and the clergy, have usually a fixed salary. If a sense of duty does not influence them, they may consider diligence as a means of advancement, and extreme negligence, of degradation: If negligence is indulged it will soon grow extreme. They may further consider, that a habit of inattention to the duties of their office, will gradually extend to their domestic affairs, and all will go into disorder.
The second means of paying what we owe, is frugality, or the avoiding unnecessary expense. Many studies depend on small profits, and the ordering a household is a detail of minute particulars. He that despiseth small things, shall fall by little and little.
They who have families, and a growing expense, must study to regulate them so as to render to all their due. It is one of the duties of the communal state to unite in this study.
Of a virtuous woman it is said, the heart of her husband doth safely trust in her; while providing for his family abroad, he trusts in her management at home.
She will do him good and not evil all the days of her life; her frugality is not interrupted by fits of sloth, nor frustrated by fits of extravagance. She looketh well to her household; takes the charge and oversight of every thing with a watchful eye. She worketh with her hands; neither eating the bread of idleness herself, nor allowing her children or domestics to eat it.
Before you begin to plant or to build, it is prudent to count and provide the cost: He that buildeth his house with other men's money, is like one that gathereth himself stones for the tomb of his burial.
Apply first to profitable undertakings in husbandry, or trade, or arts. The ornaments of a house, and the pleasures of the table, should be the last expense, and the fruit of the labour of every honest man.
A third means of paying what we owe, is exactness. The fruits of diligence and frugality may be lost by confusion: "Put all in writing (says the son of Syrac) that thou givest out, or receivest in." This is a memorial of what we owe, it is a means of knowing how matters stand, and where the danger lies. If there appears a tendency to exceed, we review all the articles, and judge where it is fittest to retrench.
To finish one thing, before beginning another, to put everything in its place, to keep discharges, and vouchers, are apparently small matters; and yet by being duly attended to, much time is saved, the reputation of honesty is maintained, which often suffers by derangement—much trouble, many losses, disputes and law suits are avoided.
Exactness among friends and relations is a means of preserving love. Friends and relations, in the flow of mutual affection, may think exactness unnecessary; but affection ebbs again, and selfishness returns. When an account is of long standing and perplexed, both sides are apt to be suspicious: Suspicion of one who was trusted and loved, cuts deep. Quarrels among relations are the bane of existence. Many of those quarrels may be avoided by exact accounts. (The subject to be continued.)
FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS CENTINEL.
B. RUSSELL,
SOME eminent modern patriots have pointed out the imminent DANGER OF TITLES; but I think they don't go far enough; and therefore to complete their good design, I propose to make one sweep of the whole feed, arms, legs, teeth, and toes of aristocrats and tyranny, by knocking away all the rubbish and stuff of TITLES at one stroke, that nothing may remain to dim the eternal reign of LIBERTY. Henceforth, let US, (I mean the true uncontaminated whigs) lift nothing but the pure names of men. However high in office, they are still servants to the people, (but we must even take care how we talk or make use of the word servant in this sense, lest tyranny should creep in at this end of the horn) and therefore plain John Anybody should be our address.
It is not enough that we avoid the titles of Majesty, Excellency, Honorable, Esquire, &c. but in short every thing.—Mr. signifies Master, and leads to slavery;—therefore away with it. No Reverends, nor V. D. M's, nor A. M's, nor Mrs, or Miss,—for we may be enslaved by petticoats as well as breeches.
Now I defy any Aristocrat to show me a country ever enslaved where there never were any titles? These are the seed of the political white weed, which overspreads the fair fields of creation—when some wear titles, the people will think they are not all equal, and if equality is lost, the scale of liberty kicks the beam. Wherefore every man should think himself equal (at least, perhaps a little better) to any man in the nation. This I call the pure, unadulterated spirit of freedom. In such a State, I'll warrant there will be no Aristocrats to cloud the political sky, but sun, moon and stars will shine clear, and forever. ARGOS.
FOREIGN ARTICLES.
LONDON, APRIL 14,
The Marechal de Noailles has, without any application whatever, issued an ordinance, dated the 8th of March, in which he renounces his exclusive right of the chase and game in the environs of Perignan; and declares, that in future all proprietors of lands and estates, in that district, shall have free liberty to inspect, destroy, or otherwise take, such game on their lands, as they may think the best means for improving and cultivating the same.
The Pacha of Tangiers summoned all the consuls to attend him on the 13th of February, in order to declare the pacific intentions of his master, who has signified, that he wishes to live in harmony with the world; and therefore, when any nation wishes to break this peace, there will be four months notice given of the same.
Mr. Pitt's great and good name extends itself every where. All who before thought he wanted discrimination in his attachments, now begin to acknowledge that he wants that no longer: while his adversaries talk of his persecution and hard heartedness. Lenity to bad men is cruelty to those who are otherwise.
Yesterday morning Lord Petre, Sir Henry Englefield, and Mr. Farmer, had a conference with the minister, concerning the business which has been some time in agitation to be brought before Parliament, for easing the buthen of the English Catholics, by taking off the double land-tax, &c.
By the last advices received from Copenhagen, by Mr. Zinck, his Danish Majesty's Consul at Liverpool, it is certain that the Danish Court is peaceably disposed, and only will assist the Russians with twelve sail of the line, as stipulated by the new subsisting treaty. They are now insuring vessels at Copenhagen at the usual peace premium, which indicates no immediate rupture with Sweden.
The Russian army in Finland amounts to 53,000 men.
Extract of a letter from Constantinople, February 8.
"An amazing activity reigns at present in the arsenal; the workmen employed there amount to about 3000, exclusive of the officers who preside over them. The Captaine Pacha, who has the sole direction of these affairs, passes one part of the day in encouraging the workmen by his presence, and exciting them to it by his severity. The least shadow of idleness is punished immediately, and those who seem refractory are put to death. From what we can see, this Admiral enjoys the same favor with the Sultan as he did before his departure for the Black Sea. He has within these weeks augmented the number of those who are charged with the police of the capital during the night, and has given them strict orders to observe the proceedings of the inhabitants who are walking or spending their time in alcshoures, and every person who is suspected is taken up, and without further examination thrown into the sea."
MAY 2. On Wednesday last the gold medal was voted by the society, for the encouragement of arts to Capt. Peckingham of the navy, for his valuable invention of steering a ship, by an apparatus that can be fitted to the mast in a second, in the event of a rudder being carried away in a storm.
MAY 4. At Paris, there as been an alarming insurrection—A capital manufacturer having unintentionally offended the common labourers, they assembled in great numbers to pull down his works, &c.—He applied to the military for protection—the military came, and were attacked by the mob, who killed several of the soldiers—The military were then reinforced, and a dreadful slaughter ensued, in which more than 600 persons were killed. The scene was the Faubourg de St. Antoine.
We learn by accounts from Némours, that the bailiage of that quarter have nominated their deputies for the ensuing meeting of the States General. The viscount Noailles has been elected representative of the Noblesse, and the following articles form a small part of his instructions from that order for his conduct at the national assembly.
"The wish of the noblesse of the bailiage, before any other subject be entered upon, is, that the individual liberty of Frenchmen should be guaranteed, comprehending under this idea, a right to go, return from, and remain in, any part, within or without the kingdom, they think proper, without being subject to solicit permission for that purpose; submitting, nevertheless, to the determination of the States-General such cases where it may be necessary to restrain a liberty of leaving the kingdom. That the liberty of the press should be granted, under such restrictions as the States-General may judge proper.—That at the meeting of the states posterior to the approaching assembly, the two first orders shall be united in one and the same chamber, under the express condition that this chamber, formed of the two first orders, shall be composed of one member of the clergy to two of the noblesse; and that then every object proposed in the first and second chamber may be equally proposed, rejected or accepted, in the other, in such manner that the free consent of the separate chamber shall be necessary to give the force of law to every subject deliberated therein. In case of war, change of reign, or regency, the States-General shall be convoked in six weeks.—The periodical return of the states to be fixed at two years; reckoning from the end of the foregoing assembly.—Ministers shall be accountable to the States-General for the employment of the funds confided to them, and responsible to the States-General in all matters relative to the laws of the kingdom. There shall be no denial of justice in any case or to any person.—No loan, under whatever form it may be, circulating paper, office or commission, of any nature whatsoever, shall be created or established but by the will or consent of the nation assembled.—The States-General shall attend to the vexations and abused government of the militia, the effects of which are essentially prejudicial to agriculture. The States-General should as soon as possible determine on the suppression of the capitaineries, as they form a jurisdiction foreign to the laws of the kingdom, are a manifest violation of the sacred right of property, and which many persons who exercise those usurped privileges use in a cruel and oppressive manner. The King's chase and that of the Princes to be reduced to the simple right of chase within the limits of the lands and seigniories of their domains. The abolition of the Franc Fief to be demanded of the States-General. To exert themselves to effect an annihilation of the destructive impost of the Gabelle; and that there be in the provinces but one weight and measure."
That noble enthusiasm which always exists in the authors and inventors of useful and agreeable arts, is easily excited by public applause, but is too often forced to waste itself in obscurity, and in unavailing struggles to overcome vulgar prejudices against all new inventions. There perhaps never was an era when the spirit of improvements of all kinds was carried further than at present; nor when there was more ingenious men in all branches of the arts. We apprehend that an account of new improvements will be acceptable sometimes, also intermixed with an account of the inventors.
Sir Richard Arkwright was originally a barber, at Preston, in Lancashire, and shaved for a penny. Having been imprisoned for some doubtful conduct at a contested election, in the gaol he formed the plan of his celebrated machine for preparing and spinning cotton. It was a considerable time before he could procure money to set up his machine. An old customer of his, who had a mechanical turn, was persuaded to join with him. He carried on his improvement with so much vi-

gor, that even although he lost part of his patent, his income from his mills before the great failure last year, amounted to a revenue of 40,000l. per annum.
Watts and Bolton. Mr. Watts is a native of Scotland. He was not bred to mechanics; but to the construction of mills, and the application of steam to machinery, has made improvements, of which the use to the arts are unlimited. And what renders his merit the greater, is, that his improvements are not the effect of accident, but of long and persevering investigation, depending wholly upon scientific principles. He has obtained a patent, in which Mr. Bolton is included, and in a few years will establish a revenue of 10,000 per annum.
MAY 5. The report of the Emperor of Germany's death, was again very prevalent in town yesterday, but no official accounts were received.
After the election of Caen, the Duke de Coigny gave a grand entertainment to the Three Orders: during the desert, the Duke calling to a farmer of Falaise, who is one of the deputies of the lower order, said, "Well Mr. Poullain, as you are about to sit in our national assembly, have you thought of the requisition you are to make?" "Certainly, my Lord," and what do you mean to propose? "First of all, I shall require the suppression of pigeons, rabbits and friars." After a hearty laugh, occasioned by this odd sally, he was asked his reasons. "Why, said he, the pigeons destroy our corn in the seed, the rabbits in the blade, and the friars in the shock."
MAY 6. The French Court, by an order of Council, dated the 20th ult. to be in force from the 1st of May to the 1st of September, have doubled the bounties, granted by that of the 11th of January, upon the importation of corn and meal from the different parts of Europe, and extended to importations by the frontiers. The present bounties are, 30 sols per quintal on wheat, 40 sols on wheat flour, 34 sols on rye, 32 sols on rye flour, 20 sols on barley, 27 sols on barley meal; and all vessels without distinction, which within that time shall import any corn of the species above mentioned, shall be exempted from freight duties.
MAY 7.
POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS.
Europe is at this day divided into several parties, whose interests are so complicated, it is scarcely possible to establish an equilibrium betwixt them. The American revolution has originated two factions.
On the one side, France and Spain—on the other side England.
England has also drawn Holland and Prussia into her party.
As strangers to this contest, Germany and the other northern states preserve a neutrality.
But they likewise form two confederacies:—The one consisting of Prussia and the other states of Germany, who league for the purpose of checking the Emperor's encroachments:—And the other between the latter and the Empress, whose stipulations bind them to such defensive operations as the last confederacy may occasion, and both to offensive measures against Turkey.
England and Spain are almost wholly unconcerned in these two leagues—France alone can consider herself interested in them; but in case she should engage herself in these consequences, what aid would she derive from Turkey?
Supposing, notwithstanding the consanguinity of the Houses of Austria and Bourbon, and the complaints of France against Russia, France should accede to the Germanic League, Turkey must remain useless to the latter power, because Russia would always keep a check over her, and could also harass Sweden and Prussia.
But is it to be supposed, that England would not seize an opportunity of avenging the injuries that were rendered her in America?
On Sunday se'nnight an unlucky accident happened at the Caisse d'Escompte, at Paris. A courier with the King's livery arrived, and asked for one of the Directors, M. Vincent, to whom a letter was addressed, signed Neckar, and sealed with that Minister's arms. The purport of the letter was, that the said M. Vincent, was desired to deliver to the bearer 100,000 livres (5000l.) for the use of his Majesty. Upon enquiry the signature was forged, that is to say, Mr. Neckar's Secretary's hand was imitated to a wonder. As none would presume to wear the King's livery, various are the conjectures about this extraordinary occurrence.
AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
KINGSTON, (JAMAICA) MAY 16.
Extract of a letter from Aux-Cayes, dated 26th May, 1789, "We have the honor to inform you that this port has been made free for the importation, by vessels of all nations, of negroes, salt provisions, flour, and every other species of merchandise hitherto prohibited—and the exportation of the produce of the colony, cotton, coffee, indigo, &c. under no other restrictions than paying the same duties as the subjects of France—this privilege commences the first day of August next, and is to continue for the term of five years—We congratulate you upon this appearance of union by commercial ties, &c."
NASSAU, [N. P.] JUNE 6.
The Underwriters at New Lloyd's Coffee-house, in London, lately presented to Capt. Todhunter,
of White-Haven, a piece of Plate, on which was an inscription, testifying the grateful sense they had of his animated exertions, in relieving the ship Ellen, bound from New-Providence to Liverpool, when in the greatest distress, and of his generous, humane attention to the passengers and crew.
FREDERICKSBURGH, JUNE 25.
We learn that very material injury has been done to the wheat and other small grain in the lower parts of the counties of Orange and Culpepper, and the upper part of Spottsylvania, by a very severe storm of hail which happened the 17th inst.
PHILADELPHIA, JULY 2.
A ton of pot-ash [manufactured by Messrs Boyd and Willson, of Northumberland county] is now in this city, and of so good a quality, that 40l. has been offered for it, and refused.
Of near 2000 of citizens of the United States who lately emigrated to Carthagena, in Spanish America, only 140 have returned, the rest having all died, except a few men who enlisted in the Spanish army.
BOSTON, JULY 1.
In the Hospitals and Foundlings in Paris, there are daily maintained, on an average, 35,341—a number which to the whole inhabitants of the city is as 1 to 18 3/4.
GEORGIA—
Harassed as she is, by the faithless bipeds of the wilderness, must look up to the Federal Government for succour and support. And who shall say, that the strong arm of the Union will not be stretched out, in the defence of so federal and patriotic a branch of the GREAT FAMILY.
COMMERCIAL.
The odious Guinea trade, is one of the most advantageous branches of traffick we enjoy—it furnishes us a ready market for our country rum, &c. European vessels frequently load therewith in our own ports. One ship which is now taking her cargo on board, will pay therefore near 20,000 dollars.
MIDDLETOWN, June 20.
The General Assembly of this State, in May last, passed a resolve, That all further proceedings, by virtue of, or under the licence granted to certain persons in New Haven county, to manufacture copper coin, be, and the same is suspended from and after the 20th June, instant, until the rising of the General Assembly in October next.
NEW-YORK, JULY 8, 1789.
IMPOST LAW OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
An ACT for laying a DUTY on GOODS, WARES, and MERCHANDIZE imported into the UNITED STATES,
WHEREAS, it is necessary for the support of government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the first day of August next ensuing, the several duties herein after mentioned shall be laid on the following goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States, from any foreign port or place—that is to say:
 On all distilled spirits of Jamaica proof, imported from any kingdom or country whatsoever, pr. gallon. 10  On all other distilled spirits, pr. gal. 8  On molasses, pr. gal. 2 1/2  On madeira wine, pr. gal. 18  On all other wines, pr. gal. 10  On every gallon of beer, ale, or porter in casks, pr. dozen. 5  On all cyder, beer, ale, or porter in bottles, pr. bushel. 20  On malt, pr. pound. 10  On brown sugars, pr. pound. 1  On loaf sugars, pr. pound. 3  On all other sugars, pr. pound. 1 1/2  On coffee, pr. pound. 2 1/2  On cocoa, pr. pound. 1  On small candles of tallow, pr. pound. 2  On all candles of wax or spermaceti, pr. pound. 6  On cheese, pr. pound. 4  On soap, pr. pair. 2  On boots, pr. pair. 50  On all shoes, slippers or goloshes made of leather, pr. pair. 7  On all shoes or slippers of silk or stuff, pr. pair. 10  On cables, pr. 112wt. 75  On tarred cordage, pr. 112wt. 75  On untarred ditto, and yarn, pr. 112wt. 90  On twine or pack-thread, pr. 112wt. 200  On all steel unwrought, pr. 112wt. 56  On all nails and spikes, pr. pound. 1  On salt, pr. bushel. 6  On Manufactured tobacco, pr. pound. 6  On snuff, pr. pound. 10  On indigo, pr. pound. 16  On wool and cotton cards, pr. dozen. 50  On coal, pr. bushel. 2  On pickled fish, pr. barrel. 75  On dried fish, pr. quintal. 50 
On all teas imported from China or India in ships built in the United States, and belonging to a citizen or citizens thereof, or in ships or vessels built in foreign countries, and on the 16th day of May last wholly the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, and so continuing until the time of importation, as follows:
 On bohea tea, pr. pound. 6  On all souchong, or other black teas, pr. pound. 10  On all hyson teas, pr. pound. 20  On all other green teas, pr. pound. 12 
 On all teas imported from Europe in ships or vessels built in the United States, and belonging wholly to a citizen or citizens thereof, or in ships or vessels built in foreign countries, and on the 16th day of May last wholly the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, and so continuing until the time of importation, as follows:  On bohea tea, pr. pound. 8 cents.  On all souchong, and other black teas, pr. pound. 13  On all hyson teas, pr. pound. 26  On all other green teas, pr. pound. 16  On all teas imported in any other manner than as above mentioned, as follows:  On bohea tea, pr. pound. 15  On all souchong, or other black teas, pr. pound. 22  On all hyson teas, pr. pound. 45  On all other green teas, pr. pound. 27  On all goods, wares and merchandise, other than teas imported from China or India, in ships not built in the United States, and not wholly the property of a citizen or citizens thereof, nor in vessels built in foreign countries, and on the 16th day of May last wholly the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, and so continuing until the time of importation, 10 3/4 pr. cent. ad valorem.  On all looking-glasses, window and other glass, except black quart bottles,  On all China, stone and earthen ware,  On gun powder, 10 pr. centum ad valorem.  On all paints ground in oil,  On shoe and knee buckles,  On gold and silver lace, and on gold and silver leaf,  On all blank books,  On all writing, printing, or wrapping paper, paper hangings and pastboard,  On all cabinet wares,  On all buttons,  On all fiddles,  On all gloves of leather,  On all hats of beaver, fur, wool or mixture of either  On all millinery ready made,  On all castings of iron, and upon flit and rolled iron,  On all leather tanned or tawed, and all manufacture of leather, except such as shall be otherwise rated,  On canes, walking sticks and whips,  On clothing ready made,  On all brushes,  On gold, silver and plated ware, and on jewellery and paste work,  On anchors, and on all wrought tin and pewter ware,  On all playing cards, pr. pack 10 cents.  On every coach, chariot or other four wheel carriage, and on every chaise, solo, or other two wheel carriage, or parts thereof, 15 pr. centum ad valorem.  On all other goods, wares and merchandise, five per centum on the value thereof, at the time and place of importation, except as follows: Salt-petre, tin in pigs, tin plates, lead, old pewter, brass, iron and brass wire, copper in plates, wool, cotton, dying woods and dying drugs, raw hides, beaver and all other furs and deer-skins.  And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the first day of December, which shall be in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, there shall be laid a duty on every one hundred and twelve pounds weight of hemp imported as aforesaid, of six cents; and on cotton per pound three cents.  And be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all the duties paid, or secured to be paid upon any of the goods, wares, and merchandise as aforesaid, except on distilled spirits, other than brandy and geneva, shall be returned or discharged upon such of the said goods, wares or merchandise, as shall within twelve months after payment made, or security given, be exported to any country, without the limits of the United States, as settled by the late treaty of peace; except one per centum on the amount of the said duties, in consideration of the expence which shall have accrued by the entry and safe keeping thereof.  And be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That there shall be allowed and paid on every quintal of dried, and on every barrel of pickled fish, of the fisheries of the United States, and on every barrel of salted provision of the United States, exported to any country without the limits thereof, in lieu of a drawback of the duties imposed on the importation of the said employed and expended therein, viz.  On every quintal of dried fish, 5  On every barrel of pickled fish, 5  On every barrel of salted provision, 5  And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That a discount of ten per cent. on all the duties imposed by this act, shall be allowed on such goods, wares and merchandise, as shall be imported in vessels built in the United States, and which shall be wholly the property of a citizen or citizens thereof, or in vessels built in foreign countries, and on the sixteenth day of May last, wholly the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, and so continuing until the time of importation.  And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That this act shall continue and be in force until the first day of June, which shall be in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety six, and from thence until the end of the next succeeding session of Congress, which shall be held thereafter, and no longer.  FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.  JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.  Approved—July 4, 1789.  GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.  SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.  In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.  MONDAY, JULY 6, 1789.  A letter to the Speaker, from His Excellency BEVERLY RANDOLPH, Governor of Virginia, enclosing an account of the exports and imports of that State, from January 20, 1788, to January 20, 1789, was read, and referred to the committee appointed to prepare estimates, &c.  A memorial from ANDREW ELLICOTT, surveyor, addressed to both Houses of Congress, introduced by PAGE—was read, and referred to a committee consisting of Mr. PAGE, Mr. SCOTT, and Mr. BALDWIN.  A motion which had lain on the table since the beginning of last month, for prefixing a correct copy of the constitution of the United States, to the first volume of the laws, was called for by Mr. WHITE. The vote being taken upon the same, it passed in the affirmative, and was sent to the Senate for their concurrence.  A message was received from THE PRESIDENT by his Secretary, Mr. LEAR, who informed, that he was directed by The President to return to the Hon. House the bill, which had passed. 

sed the two branches of the legislature, imposing duties on goods, wares and merchandise, imported into the United States, to which the President had affixed his signature of approbation. In committee of the whole on the bill, to regulate the collection of the impost. Mr. TRUMBULL in the Chair.
Further progress was made in the discussion: the committee rose after 3 o'clock, and had leave to set again to-morrow—Mr. WADSWORTH had leave of absence for a fortnight.
The House then adjourned to meet to-morrow at ten o'clock.
TUESDAY, 10 o'clock, A. M. JULY 7, 1789.
The House met agreeably to adjournment.
In committee of the whole on the bill, to regulate the collection of the impost.
Mr. TRUMBULL in the Chair.
Very considerable progress was made in the further discussion of this lengthy bill this day: but there was not sufficient time to finish it. The committee therefore rose.
The Chairman reported progress, and asked leave to sit again.
A message was received from the Senate by their Secretary, informing, that they had appointed a committee to join with a committee of the Hon. House, to examine the enrolled bill laying a duty on tonnage, and to present the same to THE PRESIDENT for his approbation; also, that they had concurred in the vote of the Hon. House, for prefixing the constitution to the publication of the laws of the United States.
Mr. CONTEE desired leave of absence for four weeks, which was granted.
The House then adjourned till to-morrow morning to o'clock.
NEW-YORK, JULY 8, 1789.
ANNIVERSARY OF INDEPENDENCE.
ON Saturday last the United States entered into the fourteenth year of their Independence:—The day was celebrated by all classes of the citizens with unusual demonstrations of joy.
OF THE CINCINNATI.
This truly respectable Society, excited by sentiments which peculiarly correspond with the great occasion, paid distinguished honor to this anniversary.
They met at the city-tavern at 10 o'clock, and proceeded to the election of officers for the ensuing year—on the ballots being examined, it appeared, that
 The Baron STEUBEN, was elected President.  Col. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Vice-President.  Major JOHN STAGG, Secretary.  Col. RICHARD PLATT, Treasurer.  Capt. EDWARD DUNSCOMB, Assistant-Treasurer.  Delegates to the General Meeting in May next. 
 Baron STEUBEN, || Col. B. LIVINGSTON,  Gen. SAMUEL B. WEBB, || Gen. M. CLARKSON.  Col. WILLIAM S. SMITH.  Standing Committee.  Capt. JAMES WATSON, || Col. SEBASTIAN BAUMAN,  Col. EBENEZER STEVENS, || Dr. JOHN COCKRAN,  Col. AQUILLA GILES, || Col. BENJAMIN WALKER,  Col. MORGAN LEWIS, || Capt. THEO. FOWLER,  General MATTHEW CLARKSON.
A committee, consisting of the Baron STEUBEN, their PRESIDENT, Colonel ALEXANDER HAMILTON, their VICE-PRESIDENT, General S. B. WEBB, Col. W. S. SMITH, and Col. S. BAUMAN, were appointed to wait on THE PRESIDENT, the VICE PRESIDENT, and SPEAKER of the House of Representatives of the United States, with the congratulations of THE DAY: On the committee's being introduced to THE PRESIDENT, the Baron addressed him in nearly the following words:
"THE Society of the Cincinnati of the State of New-York have directed this delegation to present to you, Sir, their sentiments of the profoundest respect. In common with all good citizens of the United States of America, they join their ardent wishes for the preservation of your life, health, and prosperity."
"In particular, they feel the highest satisfaction in contemplating the illustrious Chief of our armies, by an unanimous vote of an independent people, elected to the highest station that a dignified and enlightened country can bestow."
"Under your conduct, Sir, this Band of Soldiers were led to glory and to conquest, and we feel ourselves confident, that under your administration, our country will speedily arrive at an enviable state of prosperity and happiness."
In answer to which the President was pleased to say—
"I beg you, Gentlemen, to return my most affectionate regards to the Society of the Cincinnati of the State of New-York, and assure them, that I receive their congratulations on this auspicious day, with a mind constantly anxious for the honour and welfare of our country, and can only say, that the force of my abilities, aided by an integrity of heart, shall be studiously pointed to the support of its dignity, and the promotion of its prosperity and happiness."
The committee then waited on the VICE-PRESIDENT of the United States, and the SPEAKER of the House of Representatives, and having returned and reported to the Society their flatter-
ing reception from The President and Vice-President—[the Speaker of the Hon. House of Representatives being absent, the Delegation was prevented paying him their respects]—the society proceeded in procession, attended by Col. Bauman's regiment of artillery, and band of musick (whose appearance was truly martial) to St. Paul's Church, where in the presence of a most respectable and brilliant audience, an elegant Eulogium on Major-General NATHANIEL GREENE, was delivered by Col. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. The Society on this occasion were honoured by the presence of the Lady and Family of The President, his indisposition (which thanks be to Heaven has nearly left him) preventing his personal attendance—the Vice-President, and ladies of his family—the Senate, the Speaker and the House of Representatives.
After the Eulogium, the Society returned (attended as before) to the city tavern, where they appointed the Orators for the next Anniversary, viz.
Col. B. LIVINGSTON—[An Oration adapted to the occasion.]
Col. W. SMITH—[An Eulogium on Gen. Montgomery.]
After which they sat down to an elegant dinner, where the following toasts were drank.
 1. The President of the United States.  2. The Vice-President of the United States.  3. The Senate.  4. The Speaker and House of Representatives.  5. Their Most Christian and Most Catholic Majesties.  6. The Stadtholder and their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands.  7. The Constitution—may its friends be firm and united.  8. The late Federal Convention, may their virtue, wisdom and firmness, be deeply engraven on the hearts of their countrymen.  9. The Companions of our Order in France and America.  10. The 17th of October, 1777.  11. The 19th of October, 1781.  12. The Fair friends of the Cincinnati.  13. The Day, and patriots who have confirmed it. 
OF THE MILITARY.
The city legion of Gen. MALCOM's brigade paraded at the fort in the morning, and marched from thence, through QueenStreet, into the fields, in the following order:
 Lieut. Col. CHRYSIE.  Cavalry, under the command of Capt. STAKES.  One piece of Artillery, commanded by Capt. Lieut. STOUTENBURGH.  Major JOHN STAGG.  Adjutant JOHN LOUDON.  The Battalion, consisting of Captains STOUTENBURGH's and SCRIBA's Grenadiers.  Capt. LE ROY's, Capt. SWARTWOUT's, Capt. VREDENBURGH's, Lieut. RUTGER's, Capt. LIVINGSTON's, and Capt. STEDDIFORD's companies of Light Infantry.  One piece of Artillery, commanded by Lieut. SUYDAM. 
After being reviewed by a number of gentlemen of distinction, they went through a variety of manœuvres and firings, with great promptitude and exactness, and made a brilliant and soldierly appearance. On their return from the parade, they passed the house of THE PRESIDENT, who appeared at his door in a suit of regimentals, and was saluted by the troops as they passed. His indisposition deprived the troops of the honor and satisfaction of being reviewed by him in the field.
At noon a salute was fired from the fort by Col. BAUMAN.
At four o'clock the officers sat down to an entertainment provided for them at Mr. Faunces' in Cortland street, when toasts suited to the occasion were drank.
At the third toast viz: THE PRESIDENT of the United States, agreeably to invariable custom, the officers rose and saluted it with three cheers; and the band immediately gave General Washington's march. Truly characteristic of the principles on which the order of the Cincinnati is founded; and designative of the sentiments which actuate those who from republican motives, in PEACE, prepare for WAR, there was a mutual interchange of respectful attentions between the gentlemen at Bardin's, and those at Fraunces' tavern, congratulating each other on return of this Anniversary, so dear to every independent American.
The business of Legislation for this extensive continent opens a boundless field of contemplation to the reflecting mind. When it is considered what a variety of objects is presented to the attention of our civil fathers—how apparently discordant the interests of the several States—what deep rooted prejudices exist in the minds of many upon this subject; producing consequences which give as it were a real existence to this incompatibility of interests—the extensive and complicated nature of those systems which are necessary in arranging the finances—establishing the great exe-
cutive departments—forming plans of revenue, and fixing the regulations inseparably connected with those plans—and all these to be so far adapted to the habits and dispositions of the people of the several States as to secure a successful operation to the new government. I say, when these things are properly considered, it will appear, that abilities, labour, patience, and deep investigation, are requisite on the part of administration; and candour, good humour, and a reasonable acquiescence are equally required from the people, to give efficacy to the laws, and success to the work of their own hands.
At this important and highly interesting period of the American history, the public mind should be constantly attentive to the great objects that present themselves on every hand—the future operation of that system of government which the people have adopted, will receive a tincture from the reception which it first meets with from the collective body of the citizens: Every possible method is taken to convey to all parts of the Union, the earliest and most authentic information of governmental proceedings—the springs, the motives on which public decisions are founded are fully disclosed—so that it evidently appears, that the real interests of the people are the principal object of pursuit to those whom the people have deputed to superintend their concerns—and it rationally follows, that a full acquiescence in their determinations will give a tone, a complexion to the government of the Union, which shall ensure the dignity, prosperity, and happiness of this great people.
Government is perhaps as difficult a subject as any upon which the faculties of the human mind can be employed.—For although it is evidently designed to be the medium of almost every blessing, that gives worth to existence, yet too many are disposed to consider it as the result of human weakness, and an unhappy necessity.—This sentiment has found so many successful advocates, that there is reason to suppose, the contrary opinion will require the long continued labors of the patriot to obtain an universal ascendancy—but this difficulty is not the most formidable that the friends of government have to encounter:—The infinite variety of ideas, as to the best methods to obtain the best ends, which prevail in the minds of those who subscribe to the sentiment, that government is the effect of the wisdom and goodness of divine providence, occasion great delays, and those inefficient systems, which too generally defeat the public expectation.
The Impost Bill having received the signature of THE PRESIDENT, will soon be a Law of the United States in operation.—The importance of this act has occasioned a lengthy investigation of its principles, and every clause has received the fullest discussion; it is therefore to be hoped, that it will meet with universal approbation.—The scale of the duties is formed upon that happy medium, which is commonly the result of mutual concession, and which in matters of revenue, experience has always proved to be just, politic and most productive.
The pithiness of the following remark will recommend it to all true federalists. "Heaven forbid any conventions for a while! I dread the work of fifteen hundred reformers in the present fluctuation of sentiments. If we must at all amend, I pray for merely amusing amendments; a little frothy garnish. But why do we not rather sit down as brothers, and feast on the substantial meat, for which we have fasted so long!"
The British Packet, Portland, Capt. JAMES, is to sail from this port the 15th instant.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
 Saturday. Brig Abigail, Harris, Londonderry, 63 days.  Schooner N. York Packet, Barnard, Boston, 7 day.  Sunday. Sloop N. York Packet, Burrows, Philadelphia.  Monday. Sloop Rambler, Peterson, Boston, 7 days.  Tuesday. Schooner Three Friends, Whitfield, Port au Prince. 
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
 Jamaica Spirits, - - - 5/6  Antigua Rum, - - - 5/.  St. Croix, do. - - - 4/9.  Country, do. - - - 2/10.  Molasses, - - 2/2. a 2/3.  Brandy, - - 5/6. a 5/9.  Geneva, - - - 5/3.  Do. in cases, - - - 29/.  Muscovado Sugar, - - 56/. a 72/.  Loaf, do. - - - 1/3.  Lump, do. - - - 1/1½.  Pepper, - - - 2/8.  Pimento, - - 1/9. a 2/.  Chocolate, - - - 1/2.  Cocoa, - - 75/. a 80/.  Coffee, - - 1/8. a 1/9.  Indigo, (Carolina) - - 4/. a 6/.  Rice, - - 28/. a 24/.  Superfine Flour, - - - 45/.  Common do. - - 42/6. a 43/.  Rye do. - - 26/. a 27/.  Indian Meal, - - - 18/.  Rye, - - 4/9. pr. bush.  Corn, (Southern) - - 3/9. a 4/.  Do. (Northern), - - 4/3. a 4/6.  Beef, first quality, - - 48/. a 50/.  — Second quality, - - - 41/6.  Pork, first quality, - - - 81/6.  — Second quality, - - - 76/6.  Hams, - - 64/. a 7d.  Carolina Tobacco, - - 24/. a 5d.  Virginia —, - - 4d. a 5d. 

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from No. XXIII.]
In the year 302 the ambassadors were returned, and Appius Claudius, whose ancestors had always been haughty aristocrats, was chosen consul, with T. Gentius for his colleague. The senate assembled, and resolved that decemviri should be elected out of the principal senators, whose authority should continue a year; that they should govern the commonwealth with all the power which the consuls then had, and as the kings had formerly exercised, and without any appeal from their judgments; that all other magistracies, and even the tribuneship, should be abolished. This decree was received by the people with loud acclamations. An assembly, by centuries, was immediately held, and the new magistracies created, and the old ones all abdicated their offices. Thus the constitution was wholly changed, and all authority transferred to one centre, the decemvirs. It was soon exercised like all other authorities in one centre. We see here the effects of two powers without a third. The people from hatred to the consuls, and the senate from hatred to the tribunes, unite at once in a total abolition of the constitution.
The constitution of the decemvirs was precisely Nedham's idea; it was annually eligible; it was the people's government in their successive assemblies: But we find that an annual power, without any limits, was a great temptation. The decemvirs were all senators of consular dignity, and therefore, in the opinion of the people themselves, the most eminent, for talents and virtues; yet their virtues were not sufficient to secure an honest use of their unbounded power. They took many precautions to preserve their own moderation, as well as to avoid exciting jealousy in their fellow citizens: only one had the rods and axes, the others had nothing to distinguish them but a single officer, called Accensus, who walked before each of them. Their president continued only one day; and they succeeded each other daily, till the end of the year.—It is much to our purpose to enlarge upon this example; because, instead of being an argument for Nedham's inconcinnate system, it is full proof against it. The course of passions and events, in this case, were precisely the same as will take place in every simple government of the people, by a succession of their representatives, in a single assembly: And, whether that assembly consists of ten members, or five hundred, it will make no difference. In the morning, the decemviri all went to their tribunal, where they took cognizance of all causes and affairs, public and private; justice was administered with all possible equity; and every body departed with perfect satisfaction. Nothing could be so charming as the regard they professed for the interests of the people, and the protection which the meanest found against the oppression of the great. It was now generally affirmed, that there was no occasion for tribunes, consuls, prætors, or any other magistracies. The wisdom, equity, moderation, and humanity of the new government, was admired and extolled. What peace, what tranquility, what happiness were enjoyed by the public, and by individuals! what a consolation! what glory to the decemvirs! Appius Claudius, especially, engrossed the whole glory of the administration in the minds of the people. He acquired so decided an ascendancy over his colleagues, and so irresistible an influence with the people, that the whole authority seemed centred in him. He had the art to distinguish himself, peculiarly, in whatever he transacted, in concert with his colleagues. His mildness and affability, his kind condescension to the meanest and weakest of the citizens, and his polite attention in saluting them all by their names, gained him all hearts. Let it be remembered, he had, till this year, been the open enemy of the plebeians. As his temper was naturally violent and cruel, his hatred to the people had arisen to ferocity. On a sudden he was become another man; humane, popular, obliging, wholly devoted to please the multitude, and acquire their affections. Every body delighted in the government of the decemvirs, and a perfect union prevailed among themselves. They completed the body of laws, and caused it to be engraved on ten tables: They were ratified by the senate, confirmed by the people in the comitia centuriata, engraved on pillars of brass and placed in the forum. The year was upon the point of expiring; and as the consuls and senators found themselves delivered by the new government from the persecutions of the tribunes, and the people from what they equally hated, the authority of the consuls, both parties agreed in the propriety of choosing ten successors. It was pretended, that some further laws might be still wanting; that a year was too short to complete so great a work; and that to carry the whole into full effect, the independent authority of the same magistracy would be necessary. That which must happen upon all annual elections of such a government in one centre, happened in this case. The city was in a greater and more universal ferment that had ever been
known. Senators, the most distinguished by age and merit, demanded the office; no doubt to prevent factious and turbulent spirits from obtaining it. [To be continued.]
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
[Continued from No. XX.]
There may be some few among us, of no little weight, who are content, if they can obtain the services, to let the servant shift for himself, and who, when they are sure of the benefit, remember no longer the benefactor, and, as in this great argument of universal concern, I wish to find the way to every man's sense, and address myself not only to those who have virtue, but even to those who have none, I will therefore mention another advantage of this measure, which I think will, virtue or no virtue, reach the feelings of every man who retains the least sense of interest, viz. that in this way all our public creditors would be paid and satisfied, either by a total discharge of their principal, or an undoubted well funded security of it, with a sure and punctual payment of their interest, which would be the best of the two; because a total discharge of the principal at once, if sufficient money could be obtained, would make such a sudden, so vast an addition to our circulating cash, as would depreciate it, and reduce the value of the debt paid much below its worth at the time of contract, and introduce a fluctuation of our markets, and other fatal evils of a depreciated currency, which have been known by experience and severely felt, enough to make them dreaded; it would therefore be much better for the creditor to receive a certain well funded security of his debt than full payment: for in that case, if he needed the cash for his debt, he might sell his security at little or no discount, which is the constant practice of the public creditors in England, where every kind of public security has its rate of exchange settled every day, and may be negotiated in a very short time. Supposing this should be the case, stop and see what an amazing effect this would have on every kind of business in the country. The public bankruptcies have been so amazingly great, that vast numbers of our people have been reduced by them to the condition of men who have sold their effects to broken merchants, who cannot pay them, their business is lessened, or perhaps reduced to nothing for want of their stock so detained from them. Supposing then that their stock was restored to them all, they would instantly all push into business, and the proceeds of their business would flow through the country in every direction of industry, and every species of supply: in fine, the whole country would be alive, and as it is obvious to every one, that it is much better living in a country of brisk business than one of stagnated business, every individual would reap benefits from this general animation of industry, beyond account more than enough to compensate the tax which he has paid to produce it. All these advantages hitherto enumerated will put the labour and industry of our people of all occupations on such a footing of profit, and security, as would soon give a new face to the country, and open such extensive prospects of plenty, peace and establishment, throw into action so many sources of wealth, give such stability to public credit, and make the burdens of government so easy and almost imperceptible to the people, as would make our country, not only a most advantageous place to live in, but even make it abound with the richest enjoyments and heart felt delights. These are objects of great magnitude and desirableness; they animate and dilate the heart of every American. What can do the heart more good than to see our country a scene of justice, plenty and happiness? are these rich blessings within our reach? can we believe they are so absolutely within our power, that they require no more than very practicable efforts to bring us into the full possession of them? These blessings are doubtless attainable, if we will go to the price of them, and that you may judge whether they are worth the purchase, whether they are too dear or not; I will give you the price current of them all, the price, which, if honestly paid, will certainly purchase them.
In order to have them, then, we must pay about a dollar and half a gallon for rum, brandy and other distilled spirits; a dollar a gallon above the ordinary price for wines; a dollar and a half for bohea tea, and about that sum above the ordinary price for hyson tea; a double price on silks of all sorts, laces of all sorts, and thin linens and cottons of all sorts, such as muslins, lawns, cambrics, jewelry of all sorts, &c. about a dollar and third a yard above the ordinary price for superfine cloths of all sorts, &c. &c. a third of a dollar a bushel on salt, (for I don't mean to lay quite all the tax on the rich, and wholly excuse the poor,) about a dollar a hundred for sugar, one tenth of a dollar a pound on coffee, the same on cocoa, above the ordinary price, &c. &c. with an addition of five per cent on all articles of importation not enumerated, except cotton, dye woods, and other raw materials for our own manufactures; for whilst importations are discouraged, our own manufactures will naturally be increased, and ought to be encouraged, or at
least be disburdened. On this state of the matter, I beg leave to observe, that the war itself for seven years past has laid a tax on us nearly equal to the highest of these, and on some articles of necessary consumption, from two hundred to a thousand per cent higher, such as salt, pepper, allspice, allum, powder, lead, &c. &c. and yet I never heard any body complain of being ruined by the war, because rum was twelve shillings per gallon, tea twelve shillings per pound, or mantua's three dollars a yard, or pepper ten shillings a pound, or superfine cloths eight dollars a yard, &c. Nor does it appear to me, that the country has paid a shilling more for rum, silks, superfine cloths, &c. for the last seven years, than was paid for the same articles the seven preceding years, i. e. the whole tax was paid by lessening the consumption of these articles. Nor do I think that the health, habits, or happiness of the country have suffered in the least on the whole, from its being obliged to use less of these articles than was before usual; but be this as it may, 'tis very certain that the country has suffered but little from the increased price of these articles which I propose to tax, except at some particular times when those prices were raised much higher than the point to which I propose to raise them, i. e. at particular times rum has been as high as three dollars a gallon, tea three dollars a pound, sugars three shillings and six-pence and coffee three shillings and six-pence a pound, mantua's four dollars a yard, &c. but 'tis observable, that the principal increased prices which have really hurt and distressed the country during the war, have been of other articles which I propose to tax very lightly, or not at all; such as salt, which has at times been six dollars a bushel, and perhaps three or four dollars on an average, coarse cloths and coarse linens, osnabrigs, cutlery and crockery wares, &c. which have often rose to five or six prices, and stood for years together at three or four, and yet the burden of these excessive prices of even necessary articles of unavoidable consumption has not been so great, if you except the article of salt, as to be so much as mentioned very often among the ruinous effects and distresses of the war. The use I mean to make of these observations is, to prove from plain acknowledged fact, that the increased price of the articles which I wish to tax, up to the utmost point to which I propose to raise them, will be but a light inconvenience, if any at all, on the people, and the diminished consumption of those articles, and the increase of circulating cash (both which will naturally and unavoidably result from the tax) will be benefits which will at least compensate for the burden of the tax, and I think 'tis very plain, will leave a balance of advantage in favor of the tax. But if you should think I conclude too strongly, and you should not be able to go quite my lengths in this argument, so much, I think, does at least appear incontrovertibly plain, that if there is a real disadvantage arising from my mode of taxing, 'tis so small, that it holds no comparison with the burden of tax hitherto in use on polls and estates, which discourages industry, oppresses the labourer, lessens the value of our lands, ruins our husbandry and manufactures, and with all these dreary evils, cannot possibly be collected to half the amount which the public services requires; but to save further argument on this head, I will with great assurance appeal to the sense, the feelings of our farmers, who make the great bulk of our inhabitants, if they would not prefer living in a country where they must pay the aforementioned increased prices on the goods I propose to tax, rather than where they must part with the same number of cows, oxen, sheep, bushels of wheat, or pounds of pork or beef, &c. which are now in the present mode of taxing, annually demanded of them to satisfy the tax. I dare make the same appeal to all our tradesmen, and even to our merchants, who, in my opinion, would have clear and decided advantages from my mode of taxing as well as the farmers. I don't see how the merchant can be hurt by the tax; but will clearly be benefited by it. [To be continued.]
EXPORTS and IMPORTS from and to the port of WILMINGTON, (Delaware) from the 1st of June 1788, till the 1st of June 1789.
   EXPORTS. IMPORTS.     21,783 bbls. superfine flour, 5,958 bushels Indian corn.   457 do. common. 755 bbls. flax seed.   256 do. middlings. 60 1/2 tiers rice.   346 do. ship stuff. 46,663 feet pine boards and scantling.   1,363 do. shipbread. 1,327 do. walnut.   41 kegs white biscuit. 130,550 staves.   238 bbls. corn meal. 10,300 shingles.   205 do. pork. 3,789 pieces wheel-timber.   3 do. beef. 1,000 windfor chairs.   10 1/2 do snuff. 1 cart.   459 do. potatoes. 50 cwt. bar iron.   323 do. apples. 90 do. castings.   4 do. indigo. 1,040 hds. hoops.   11 do. pot ash. 12 firkins butter.   2 do. onions. 2 fettees.   11 hds. hams.   156 loose do.   516 puncheons of rum. 14 bales cotton.   536 hds. sugar. 6 bbls. limes.   86 bbls. do. 106 hds. wine.   60,934 bags coffee. 5 trunks linen.   119 cales gin. 5,700 bushels salt.   201 hds. molasses.  
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN LANE, near the Oscega-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. pr. an.]