National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-10-20 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU; Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
SATURDAY, October 20, 1792.
NUMB. 102.
[From the (Lond.) MORNING CHRONICLE.]
UNIVERSAL military despotism is, beyond all doubt, the system to be enforced and propagated by the continental powers combined against France. From hence one would be led to enquire in what manner this universal military despotism will injure the several orders of society, the interests of inferior princes, and the persons and families of despots themselves. With regard to aristocracy, in Turkey "there is none of it subsisting as to families, it being the policy of that government to interrupt successions. In Russia, the great by birth are discountenanced, and live for the most part discontented at Moscow; while new men, foreigners, and favourites, find their way at court. In Spain, the grandees are not permitted to quit the court or capital; or else when they wish to travel, even within Spain itself, they are obliged to give an account of their motions; and new men are daily starting up to supplant them in court favour. Even in France, they were all lately obliged by a sort of etiquette, which was the result of a court system, to serve in the army, at the same time that the allurements of a polished and enlightened capital were sufficient of themselves to insure their residence in the neighbourhood of the court. I need not say more as to the aristocracy.—Next come the clergy, whose dignitaries, even in France, were looked at with a jealous eye, when they pretended to reside at their post of duty in the provinces. In Russia, it was the boast of Czar Peter to have reduced his clergy to much more submissive terms than Louis XIV. had done. In the dominions of the Austrian family, notwithstanding the pretended devout character of the late empress, the clergy are plundered, and rendered daily more and more impotent, by every branch of her descendants in their different dominions; and the pope has experienced repeated insults or litigations from them all. The decline not only of religious credulity, but even of religious faith, daily weakens the support of the clergy; and their present riches are a perpetual temptation to needy princes, or source of discontent to the subject; and that part of these riches therefore which is tenable, will be assumed by the despot; and that part which is unpopular, will be surrendered to the people, to soothe them in some moment of dissatisfaction; and be replaced probably in some inadequate manner, or else end in the clergy being thrown upon the people for voluntary contributions. As to the powers and privileges of the hierarchy, we know from the cases of Henry VIII. of England, and Czar Peter, how fashionable it will seem to despots, to be declared the supreme heads of their respective churches; and supposing that they should be inclined to contemplate the clergy, rather as a source of support, than of hostility, it is still natural that they should think of making this order at once obedient and economical; for which the method is perfectly simple, and free from the objections suggested by Mr. Hume. I mean, by reducing the whole clerical establishment to its gospel simplicity, and appointing all the members of it; giving them a previous bigotted and enslaved education, rendering the chiefs of it few, and utterly dependent, proscribing all novelties, making its ceremonies payable out of civil funds, and obliging civil and military personages to give such a character of ostentation to religion, as it is thought necessary it should receive. So much for the clergy.—Next comes the senate, compounded in part of the preceding orders. Civil power we have supposed extinct, for inter arma leges silent , or what use then is the senate? To do good, it is inadequate; and when there is no public, it cannot even expect the pay given to mercenaries, for the evils it might otherwise sanction, as an intermediate body.
To see the extremity of the evil, let it be remembered that Caligula made his horse into a consul; and that Didius after having bought the Roman Purple, which was openly put to auction by the pretorian guards, went straight to the senate to tell them in express words, that they wanted an emperor, and he was the man to answer their purpose; and Charles XII. of Sweden, when he was wandering about Germany and Poland, wasting the forces and treasures of his people, and embroiling their interest, sent word to his senate, that if they refused obedience to his orders, he would send back his boot to govern them.—As to the third estate, it wants its name, when the second is extinguished. But even in its more expanded shape, of private citizens, what is it but the mere substratum of power; beings who are to labour, but not to enjoy; who are to suffer and not to complain, and who are to contribute without receiving any other protection for it, than is suggested by caprice, or commanded by interest. Safe neither in property nor in person; denied the power of locomotion for their own purposes, but forced to abandon their homes and families for the objects of power; dragged even into wars against their inclinations, there to provoke the revenge of an enemy, or to confirm their own slavery and that of other nations; their property and their labour pressed into the service of the despot or his subalterns, whenever it suits their purposes; no utterance allowed to any of their wrongs, each man being too wise to speak openly, and yet afraid of his neighbour in private; these and a thousand similar circumstances, are so ordinary in despotic countries, as scarcely to excite notice: but madmen indeed are those, who are content to let such a lot become their own.—Trade, commerce, agriculture, and the arts, cannot exist where capital, laws, activity and knowledge are wanting. We might as well expect the vegetable and animal world to exist without the vivifying power of the sun.—Besides, tyranny never will allow that long continuance of tranquility and confidence, and that identity of laws, which are necessary for the slow processes of industry, and that sisterhood in it, without which there is little of it which can prosper. Arts of amusement, such as music, and watch making, which last was the occupation of the grave Charles the Fifth; or else the military profession, while attention to it is found necessary; together with certain establishments of a public nature, which though profusely or unskillfully conducted, yet will be sure of protection, because in the hands of him who is master of every thing, may to a certain degree flourish; and botany, chemistry, and mathematics may retain a hazardous existence, because they may be cultivated without lending any spring and extension to the human mind, and therefore without causing umbrage; but accident alone can lead us to expect any great enlargement of this catalogue of objects beyond mere articles of necessity.—The effect of an inroad upon the lois is too easily comprehended to require much illustration; yet even here I shall observe, that from the judicial and legislative branches resting in the same hands, in the case of despotism, the administration of justice must necessarily require much instability; the violence and caprice of the despot will add to this evil; and still more his favouritism and the venality of his subalterns. Courts of law in these situations only afford a more expensive mode of arriving at injustice , and have the single advantage of bringing suits to some issue. Be it observed, however, that under these circumstances forensic talents have little chance of making progress, unless under the wing of favour; and that the professional pay of the lawyer is here small, and his consideration in his country trifling, compared with what is known in England, where the law has been the foundation of
many noble and wealthy families, as well as of the most splendid reputations: some of our very barristers, for example, having been known in many parts of Europe. We now come to two critical bodies, ministers and the army. In England we have seen a minister capable of holding his sovereign at bay; and one of the common modes of attaining a post in administration is, by becoming important in opposition; the career to high offices also is open to all; and to be ejected from ministry is no disgrace, but may even produce honor. How different is this from despotic countries, where ministers live by the breath of a tyrant; where death, banishment, or disgrace, mark a reverse of fortune; where it is commonly an etiquette, never to reinstate the fallen; and where they are often treated with such contempt in the concerns of their office, that the late king of Prussia is affirmed once to have said to his ministers, Canaille, arrangez vous . No senate opens a road to power; and to think of alarming the public on public topics, would be instant death. In this state of things there is nothing to expect but from prostitution, from bribery, and from intrigue; and the dispenser of offices and power, is commonly a mistress in male courts, a paramour in female ones, and pimps, panders, domestics, flatterers and intriguers in all of them.—Lastly, we are to speak of the army; for the army at least, as the instrument of all, will be thought an order in the state, not only sure of protection, but of solid encouragement. By no means. The common soldier is no where more oppressed, than in despotic states; for to give room, for to keep up many troops, he is poorly paid; and to supply the want of inclination, he is made a mere machine, and the moving power of which is his fear. In all armies too, there is the distinction of body guards or pretorian bands on the one side, and the marching regiments or troops of the line on the other. The former may be caressed, and the latter neglected: The former are near the source of court favors, hold the sovereign in their hands, and are the commencement of revolutions; but the latter are considered as little more than ordinary subjects; and when any part of them are discontented, the rest are made to oppose them; which, in a vast army, is perfectly easy. Who can deny too, that favourites proceed by a rapid progress to principal commands, in defiance of veteran pretensions; and that civil suspicions and punishments are easily extended to military persons. Besides, who is there likely to rebel from civic feelings in a despotic army, made up by policy from vagrants and banditti, from foreign or from savage materials, and where every thing is kept as much insulated and disconnected as possible, unless where any of the parties possess kindred principles and interests with the despot? In short, a great army is easily kept under by civil and military laws, and a few executioners. What then is to be the new privilege, or consolation of the soldier or officer, who in addition to his military duty is employed to wring taxes from the poor, to enforce the rigours of punishment, to act perhaps against his friends or his native province, and to take up his quarters in abject or deserted countries?—Thus we have gone through the principal orders of society, as situated under the blasting operation of a wide spreading despotism. Let the man who believes it, go and live in Turkey and Morocco, as places congenial to his soul. Let us, in this part of Europe at least, lift against it not only our faces, but our swords."
In respect to the coalition of powers against France, and the natural rights of man, it may be compared to Aaron's rod, which will swallow up the forces of every other power. This mischief will happen, without care, before the world suspects it; and no care is sufficient, but that of demanding an immediate cessation of the
concert of princes; for if the concert proceeds, and attains its object, despotism, unknown (I will do the parties the justice to suppose) to the wishes of the original actors, will rapidly produce its effects. Scruples will not long delay the horrid tragedy, which however may pass to be acted in its last scenes into new and other hands. But causes will always accomplish their consequences; and despotism having always the same materials to work upon in those ruling and ruled, will generate those consequences, with a celerity of which I shall give but two instances. The first is that of Alexander, who was in many respects the boast of antiquity, but who instantly after the successful contest which his father and himself had had with the free nations of Greece and Thrace, tho' he had Philip for his father, Aristotle for his tutor, a civilized world which he much admired for his judges; though he had peculiar magnanimity, talents, and love of science, yet in the course of conquering the world, killed his friend in drink, burned a city to amuse a trumpeter, and sighed when his cruel and fantastic power was checked for want of objects. The second example is drawn from Rome, where, after the calm in human affairs produced by Augustus, none could have suspected a sudden reverse; yet, in what quick succession did four monsters appear, rivalling and surpassing each other in wickedness and mischief, and tormenting not only foreign nations and their subjects, but carrying slaughter into the bosom of their own families? Soon indeed was it found, that Julia, Messalina, and Faustina shewed that women in a scene of unbounded license could be as execrable as men; and still farther to prove that levity and cruelty were easily to be associated in the same breast, the same characters which either formed the wish that Rome might have but one neck, or were ready to execute the full purport of it, sought to play the part of buffoons and gladiators upon the stage before their subjects, as the great object of their ambition.
In one word, (I address myself to the friends of liberty and virtue) beware. You are in no common times. Powerful princes, instead of attacking each other for booty, have begun upon the system of attacking you. Unite on your side, for it is a common cause. It is in vain to think when this new mischief is once under way, that you can say to it, go thus far and no farther . The parties are possessed of this peculiar advantage, that they not only can produce large forces, but they keep large forces always on foot , and therefore are ready to act at a moment's warning, in order to secure their objects. After their system has obtained a certain progress, they will be hurried on in it, and become unable to stop themselves. And do not flatter yourselves that it will ever be retrograde, particularly on account of the apparent civilization of mankind. We who are to be devoured indeed are civilized; but remember that those who are to devour us were yesterday only Tartars and Cossacks, and other savage clans; and that although a few of their leaders have that outside polish, which you see is consistent with stony hearts: yet that when these leaders die, or become corrupted, the flamina of their people are such, as fit them for supporting any project of any nature.
LOVES OF THE PLANTS.
A VERY curious system of the relative economy of plants, was some years since published by Sir Charles Linnaeus , of Sweden, who may justly be styled the author of the sexual system of botany. His system has since been improved on and embellished by Mr. Darwin , of Great Britain, who has published a poetical work on the subject, adorned with most elegant engravings. His leading idea is that one plant of each natural order was created

in the beginning, and that the intermarriages of these produced one plant of every genus or family, and that the intermarriages of these generic or family plants, produced all the species; and lastly, that the intermarriages of the individuals of the species produced the varieties. The idea of this whole system is wholly rational; but considered only as a work of fancy, Mr. Darwin's poem is exquisitely beautiful and entertaining. The following is his description of the MIMOSA , or sensitive plant.
Weak with nice sense, the chaste Mimosa stands From each rude touch withdraws her timid hands; Oft as light clouds o'erpass the summer glade, Alarm'd, she trembles at the moving shade, And feels, alive through all her tender form The whisper'd murmurs of the gathering storm, Shuts her sweet eye lids to approaching night, And hails with freshen'd charms the rising light. Veil'd with gay decency and modest pride, Slow to the Molque she moves, an eastern bride, There her soft vows unceasing love record, Queen of the bright Sera'lio of her lord— So sinks, or rises with the changeful hour The liquid silver in the glassy tower!
Oct. 18.
FOREIGN NEWS:
LONDON, Aug. 14—20.
A temperate reform in church and state is now called for, almost universally, by men of literature and science. Establishments, well adapted to an age of barbarism, ought to be reviewed in an age of civilization, and rendered compatible with the progressive improvement of the christian world.
The creed of Athanasius , with the concomitant anathemas , can hardly now be pronounced from the pulpit by any learned divine; nor is it consistent with the genius of our holy religion, to condemn whole tribes of mankind to all eternity, because they differ from others in some points of metaphysics. Yet superstition still adheres to liturgies and solecisms to creeds ; nor have the penal laws, respecting religion, hitherto ceased to disgrace the statute book of England, though brought under the review of the legislature, by a statesman, of the first rank of abilities in the British Senate.
Such absurdities, however, cannot be long maintained; and a propensity to reform is likely to originate within the bosom of the established church. Mr. Stockdale , in addressing his diocesan, has described genius, literature, and science, as almost invincible obstructions to ecclesiastical preferment. Nor does he exhaust his eloquence in general declamation, but has specified individuals, under episcopal patronage, whom we shall not presume to describe. M. B. perhaps, may come forward as their counsel, but the brother of Alderman Curtis is not mentioned in the list. The dignitaries of the church ought, surely, to be patrons of learning, detectors of superstition, not its advocates, and the propagators of moral truth. But the doctrines of real religion, by being incorporated with superstition, have too often been exposed to derision. Preserve them in their genuine purity, and they must infallibly command respect. A reform then in the church, if conducted with propriety, would tend as effectually to adorn ecclesiastics, and to confer true dignity on them as prelates, as a reform in the state would redound to the honor of the people at large, and exalt the dignity of the superior orders. Happy, said Plato , will the people be, when their rulers are philosophers. That era seems now to have commenced in both hemispheres; and in the progress of civilization, the prediction of Plato will be realized in the government of nations.
In an American paper, which lately came to hand, we find the following paragraph: New Hampshire, Keene, March 22.
"A singular fact—We hear from Enfield, in the upper part of this county, that as two men were crossing a pond in pursuit of a moose-deer, one of them being thirsty, and perceiving a hole which had been cut through the ice by some fishermen, he stooped down to drink, but being possessed of a long red nose, a fish (supposed he had some bait, and made bold to snap at it, when the man suddenly throwing his head back, drew out a trout, which weighed three pounds four ounces!"
Since the discovery of the circulation of the blood there has not been a discovery equal to this—nothing which will tend more to facilitate the art of angling, and render the implements of fishery so cheap. Immediately on reading this account a gentleman went to the New-York coffee-house, and enquired if any persons had very lately arrived from America. He found several, who confirmed the truth of this fact, by producing other newspapers, into which it had been copied. The evidence was now complete, and he immediately sat down to improve upon the discovery. The leading fact here established is, that "red noses are a good and sufficient bait for trout." We will not stop here to dissert on the moose-hunting,
which probably is a diversion peculiar to Enfield, in New-Hampshire, as hunting the sloeple is in some provinces in England, not to speak of chasing butterflies and emperors of Morocco—but will proceed to observe upon the fact itself, that if due encouragement is given to the breed of red noses, catching trout will soon be as easy as taking snuff. To ascertain the fact, however, by experiment, which, now and then, is a pretty certain way of proving facts, the gentleman went down to his country seat in Surrey, where he has an excellent fish pond. On his arrival he called together his tenants and servants, that he might find a proper person, that is, a person with a proper nose, long and red, as described in the New-Hampshire account. With some difficulty he discovered a nose of the proper dimensions, namely, three inches and an half long, and at the broadest part, one inch and three quarters. A better nose could not be conceived as to length, but it wanted redness. He was surprised at this, because the fellow who owned the nose, had often been brought before him, as a justice of peace, for getting drunk and romping with the maids. His servant, however, whispered him, "your honour will please to remember that you took away the spirit-licence from the public house last year." This accounted for the matter at once. He took the fellow into the house, and sending to town for a six gallon keg of true British spirits, he pretended to make this fellow keeper of it. The scheme answered, for in less than a month he had reason to think his nose a sufficient temptation to any trout in the kingdom. He then took him to the pond, and instructed him how to proceed. He lay for an hour with his nose about half an inch in the water, but nothing came. The gentleman encouraged him, however, to persevere, and to his utter joy, a trout of the precise weight, described in the printed account from New-England, in an unguarded moment, seduced by a crimson concupiscence, made a bite at the fellow's nose; who throwing his head back, as he had been taught, produced the fish. The fact was so plain that the gentleman made him repeat the experiment, and it was always attended with equal success.
Algiers. —The conditions prescribed by the Dey, and accepted by Mr. Schultenbrand, the Swedish consul, are as follows:
 1. To pay immediately to the Dey the sum of 50,000 Algerine sequins, and proportional sums to the great officers of state.  2. Sweden engages to furnish the Dey with 24 pieces of cannon, 24 pounders.  3. Sweden engages to pay annually the sum of 120,000 sequins in money, or the value in ammunition, to be determined by the choice of the Dey.  4. If the regency of Algiers should be in want of vessels, Sweden undertakes to procure. The price of freight to be regulated by the Dey.  5. Every two years the consul shall distribute among the court a present of diamonds, watches, gold stuffs, and woollen cloths, instead of the money which was formerly distributed at the same period. 
Amsterdam, Aug. 17. —The recent events in France have thrown all the men of discretion in the United Provinces into confusion. At Amsterdam and Rotterdam it is much feared that several private fortunes are totally sacrificed, and that France will gradually find herself more and more unable to fulfil her pecuniary engagements with foreigners. As yet, however, the funds have not suffered.
M. de Maulde, minister of France having wished to depart on the 16th of August, for his ordinary, with the grand pensioner, was induced to shut up his doors, on its being signified that he was no longer recognized, as a minister, since the suspension of the king of France. It is thought that the same conduct will be followed by all the other powers, and that that kingdom will thus have no minister acknowledged on any side. It is further said, that the ship builders in Holland are preparing in haste all the vessels of war. It is a question whether a fleet shall put to sea, and as the English minister is frequently seen in conference with the state members of the republic, it is concluded that Great-Britain will likewise take a part in the attack of France for the establishment of the throne.
As to the armies of Prussia and Austria, their generals become very uneasy on the subject of desertion. They fear that a great part of the soldiers will join the French, when the action shall be about to commence. It is certain, that if the armies of Prussia and Austria shall experience great defections, it will not be possible for the sovereigns to form others.
The court of Orange is always at Breda—The young princesses employ their time in the entertainments of the theatre; but their mother, the consort of the stadholder, holds an active correspondence with the principal cabinets of Europe. The court will return to the Hague on the 27th of August.
[Extracts from French papers.]
Metz, Aug. 10. —An incident lately took place on the frontiers which cannot fail to set French bravery in a striking point of view. A peasant having been taken prisoner by a party of Italians , was conducted to their colonel, who, as soon as he came into his presence, demanded what was his
opinion of the war, and whether he thought favourably of the French? The rustic looking at him with a stern countenance, asked in his turn, if he might be allowed to speak his mind with freedom? Yes, (replied the colonel) say whatever you have a mind—I wish to know then (said the countryman) Whether you intend to march to Paris? "Certainly, answered the colonel, but all in good time, friend." In case you attempt it, said the other, your masters must raise two hundred thousand fresh recruits every month, and even then they will have to support a twenty years war, upon the strength of a treasury that is already well nigh exhausted—besides, they will have seven mountains to march over, each of which is the next thing to inaccessible. The colonel, with some surprize, asked what mountains these could be? Mountains! said the fellow; why, they are mountains that will be raised of the carcasses of three millions of patriotic Frenchmen, who have sworn to prefer death to slavery! The officer, in an agony of rage, drew his sword and menaced to cut off the countryman's head—He then cried out— You promised to hear me patiently; I have spoken the truth, and nothing but the truth—strike then, and welcome! These words, displaying an unexpected dignity of soul, entirely disarmed the colonel of all further resentment, who immediately wrote him a discharge, and sent him home to his friends and family.
Madrid, Aug. 8. —A new maritime expedition has been lately set on foot. The vessels are abundantly supplied with provisions, able seamen, and experienced officers; the fleet consists of eight brigantines, destined to be absent six years on a voyage of Science the result of which, if they are successful, cannot otherwise than be highly conducive to the advancement of the nautical art, geography, astronomy, natural history, and the knowledge of the globe we inhabit. This squadron undertakes four separate expeditions, whose object is nearly the same, to determine with all possible precision that immense length of coast which bounds the Spanish Empire in all parts of the globe. This object however, is not the sole one: from their observations is to be compiled a maritime Atlas, cleared of all that multiplicity of errors which disgrace the works of the ablest navigators of former times; they are enjoined to make exact charts of all seas, islands, continents, &c. that shall be in their several routes, during the course of their immense voyage. The ardour of these our modern Argonauts is redoubled by the news lately received of the squadron under the command of Don Alexander Malaspina. This officer, after traversing the vast Ocean that bounds the northern coasts of the western side of America, and surveying those coasts with all possible exactness, returned by the same route, and anchored in the port of Acapulco, on the Mexican ocean. There he caused two light vessels to be built, with which he undertook to sail northward again, coasting the American shores, with a view to decide the famous question, whether there existed a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.
The repeated attempts of the English on the eastern side of North America, together with the efforts of the celebrated Cooke in his last voyage on the western, had the same object in view. After his death captain Clerke, King, &c. attempted it; the Russians and Spaniards had also made a multiplicity of voyages for the same purpose; from all of which it was incontestibly proved that no such communication existed by any gulph or inlet into the continent from the main ocean, as was formerly believed to be the case. But it still remains doubtful, whether there may not be such a passage by some river which discharges itself into the western ocean from the northern continent of America, communicating with the northern Atlantic through Baffin's, or rather Hudson's bay, which extends much the farthest into the continent. These two small vessels may be supposed to be now on their discoveries; and to prevent any failure, no navigable river on the whole northern coast is to be left unexplored, to the head of navigation, and even every branch is to be examined with the most scrupulous care. The solution of this grand question is in every respect worthy of the Spanish nation, possessing such prodigious tracts of colony as they do in America. It is also hoped that every enlightened nation, whose interests are the same with ours, will aid us in such an extensive undertaking. The crews of the vessels destined for these long voyages, are in the best health; and during three years, that most of them have been at sea on different expeditions, not a single man has died of the scurvy, which is so frequently fatal in voyages to the remote western regions. The officers of every grade have received signal marks of favour from the king, presents, pensions, and honours in abundance. It is now sincerely hoped that Spain will at length deviate from that line of policy, (so long observed by her) not to publish the discoveries made in her nautical expeditions , and that voyages undertaken upon so philosophical a plan may not fail of their deserved success; but may add some valuable pages to the book of human science and the knowledge already attained. At any rate, it is to be hoped that the lot of these navigators will be more fortunate than that of M. de la Peyrouse.
The late session of the American Congress, at Philadelphia, affords matter for a variety of interesting reflections. From the accounts we have received of their proceedings, no small part of their time has been taken up in fixing a new mode of representation, according to the last census of the inhabitants of the United States. —The plan proposed on this occasion would have been adopted by the House of Representatives, but the Senate proposed an amendment favourable to the interests of a majority of their body, and contrary to the letter as well as to the spirit of the constitution. The firmness with which they persisted in the amendment, finally obliged the H. of Representatives to adopt it, and the bill, thus amended, was ordered to be passed into a law, when the President thought proper to refuse giving it his assent. This was the first time the supreme magistrate of the United States had made use of the prerogative granted him by the constitution. His conduct in this instance was very generally approved, as the bill, thus amended, was, beyond all doubt, extremely odious to the people in general. The House of Representatives immediately ordered another bill to be drawn up, which having received the assent of the Senate, was sanctioned by the President. By this law the number of representatives in the next Congress is rated at one member for every thirty three thousand inhabitants, which from the tariff of enumeration will fix the number to one hundred and five members. —The spirit that governs the two houses was fully manifested of late on occasion of a bill for the striking a national coin. The Senate had determined, that besides the arms of the United States, the coin should be impressed, with the President's head, with his name inscribed and the date of his presidency. This paragraph of the bill was warmly attacked in the House of Representatives. The most popular members declared, that it was the design of the Senate to bring the people gradually and insensibly under a monarchical government; and proposed to substitute, instead of the head, a figure emblematical of liberty: the head of the President on the coin they considered as a dangerous precedent, in regard to the future first magistrates of the commonwealth. The amendment they proposed was accordingly adopted by a majority of one third of the house. The Senate however, persisted in their first resolution; the bill was sent back again by the House of Representatives, and at length their amendment adopted by the Senate. —This temper of the House of Representatives, manifested itself in a similar manner in an almost unanimous resolve on the 4th of April. The public were much agitated at the defeat of the American army on the Ohio: A member rose and demanded that an executive enquiry should be made into the causes of the defeat. This motion was rejected by a great majority, and one was adopted instead thereof, to appoint a committee to pursue the enquiry: This was the first time that such a right, stipulated by the constitution for the House of Representatives, was exercised thereby. —It is observable, from an impartial view of American Congressional proceedings, that as the Representative chamber of their legislature becomes more and more democratic, the Senate is fortifying itself in certain principles, which the very imperfect analogy between its organization and that of the British house of lords has rendered them fond of adopting. Notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of an enlightened public, and the urgent requisitions of the most important states in the union, they seem fully determined not to admit the public to attend at their deliberations, and to keep them as private as ever. Such an unpopular perseverance gives us, in France, a high idea of the firmness of the Senate, but nourishes in secret, among their constituents, a spirit of disgust—which adds new strength to the House of Representatives; and in times of tempest and trouble, if such there should be, will no doubt terminate fatally for the Senators. The conduct of the American Senate, in these various circumstances of things, cannot then but afford cause for profound reflection on this side of the Atlantic. In their conduct we may see how strong is the tendency in mankind to abuse their delegated powers:—we may even see how far dangerous the institution of these two houses is to the cause of liberty; particularly in a country where the people seemed to have fixed herself upon a basis that would defy the ravages of time and be proof to the machinations of intrigue; where the natural equality of man would not be obscured by fantastical distinctions of birth, or others of a like kind, which almost every where separate man from man: and where, in one word, the organization of both houses should have been combined with every precaution that human ingenuity could devise, to shun the dangers and preserve the advantages of a republican system of legislation. What an example is this! and how much is it to be wished that this lesson may tend to let those men a thinking who live in a country where inveterate prejudice has formed debasing distinctions between fellow citizens. If this spirit be not checked, the two American bodies of legislation will inevitably be transformed into an upper house of privileged characters, and a lower one of tubidial auxiliaries.
[Gazette de France.]
It is with great pleasure we observe that literature and useful knowledge is extending itself gradually over the universe. This observation we apply to a proposition lately made to the American Congress, to establish a uniformity of weights and measures throughout the United States. They are proceeding upon an idea exactly similar to what has been broached in

France, and the execution of which is only deferred, to a more proper opportunity. [Gazette de France.]
Aug. 16—M. Charles Lameth, who is arrested at Bauntine, in Normandy, his brother Alexander Barnave, and all the Ministers of the 1st of November, were impeached last night in the Assembly. By the ministers of the 1st of November are meant Du Port, du Tertre, Dupontail, Montmorin, &c.
The king has already spent in advance two years of the civil list. Bankers sent him the money on the security of the public grant.
It appeared that the court party were aware of the designs intended to be executed by the Jacobin faction, on the night between the 9th and 10th, and were counterplotting to defeat their intentions.
The queen and prince royal accompanied the king in the review of the troops on the morning of the 10th, M. de Vromani it was proved, was at the head of the plot. He had assured himself of 100 chosen men, who could each answer for five, who again could each answer for ten, M. Duchatlet (not Achilles) was appointed commander, and they name as men who were to serve under him, M. Puysegur, the old Maréchal de Mailly, M. de Poix, D'Affry, father and son, Milfort, D'Osseville, Tourzel, Champceney, Clermont Tonnerre, Pout L'Abbe, D'Armengery, de Brige, Fleureau, Salvère, Adrien Dupont, &c. They were all ordered to be in the Thuilleries on the famous night, between the ninth and tenth, and a counterplot was given to the leaders.
The following order was given on the morning of the 10th.
"The colonel of the 29th division of the Gendarmerie, will attack the column (of the citizens) in the rear. He will divide them in all possible directions—and then charge them. The first cannon shot will be fired in the Thuilleries. The battalion of the Natoire will join the attack. The colonel of the 29th division will concert measures with the commandant of that battalion."
GEORGETOWN, Oct. 13.
The public sale of lots in the city of Washington, commenced last Monday and ended on Thursday. The sales we understand, turned out highly satisfactory to the commissioners, and all those immediately interested in the progress of the city; those made by single lots, we are informed, averaged ninety some odd pounds, those in squares, nearly seventy-five pounds for each lot. Several private companies have made offers to the commissioners for many hundred lots each, and on terms to evince their confidence in the rapid growth of the city; but whether any of these offers have been, or will be accepted, we have not been able to learn. It is urged by some, that it would be better policy and more likely to afford that satisfaction and justice due to the citizens of every part of the union, who all have a common interest in this their metropolis, for the commissioners themselves to establish offices for the sale of lots, in the different large towns in America, for the accommodation of such as cannot conveniently attend the public sales here, rather than suffer it to be done by private individuals; on the other hand it is strongly contended, that it ought to be the object of the commissioners to interest largely as many powerful individuals as possible, in the different states, in the fate of the city, as the most likely means to insure its immediate rise—An argument in which there would have been real weight, if the solemn act of government, as liable as the government itself, had not placed the city in the very centre of the United States, on the head navigation of one of the finest rivers in the world, affording with the many inferior rivers which discharge their riches into it, an inland navigation now nearly complete, of at least 600 miles, through countries as fertile as any in America; the produce of which, even in the short period of two years, must be brought to this city for exportation—advantages certainly sufficient, without other aid, to insure to it every thing its warmest friends can wish it.
The corner-stone of the President's house is to be laid this day at 12 o'clock, and the greater part of the materials being already on the spot; this edifice will be finished as expeditiously as the requisite attention to the security of the walls, in a building of such magnitude, will permit.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
"FACTS SPEAK LOUDER THAN WORDS."
It is a fact, that the more immediate object of the people in velling the Federal Government with adequate powers, was the rescue of our trade from its foreign trammels.
It is a fact, that those powers have produced no measures apparently designed or actually tending to that object.
It is a fact, that the unequal restrictions of the nation that reaps the greatest harvest from our trade, are still in vigorous operation.
It is a fact, that the exclusive regulations in her [Great Britain's] West-India trade, still triumph over our obsequious councils.
It is a fact, that the navigation-laws of an allied nation, who commenced in the kindest dispositions towards this country, have been narrowed into a most injurious system, in consequence of the impolitic measures adopted, or the politic measures omitted, by Congress.
It is a fact, that no compensating change for the better is seen in a greater reciprocity and freedom of our trade elsewhere.
It is a fact, in our interior economy, that it is a declared opinion, that "the present debt (amounting to seventy millions, and supported by imposts and excises) is a national blessing."
It is a fact, that the principal measures of the government have been planned, under the influence of that malign opinion.
It is a fact, that immense wealth has been accumulated into few hands; and that public measures have favoured that accumulation.
It is a fact, that public money appropriated to the sinking of the debt, has been laid out, not so as most to sink the debt, but so as to favour gamblers in the funds, who had made from 500 to 800 per cent on their capitals.
It is a fact, that the bank has given a bounty of four or five millions of dollars to men, in great part, of the same description.
It is a fact, that a share of this bounty went immediately into the pockets of the very men, most active and forward in granting it.
These, Mr. Franeau, these are killing facts!—not calumniating misrepresentations, nor dark surmises, nor presumptive circumstances—they are FACTS, severe, stubborn, notorious facts. They speak, louder than words, a baleful fatality of some sort on the foreign policy of the national legislature. They speak an alarming effort within towards a monied aristocracy, and a government by artifice and influence. They speak to every part of the union—to the north, and to the south, to the east, and to the west—to the towns, and to the country. They speak to every citizen who feels for the dignity of his country, the republicanism of the constitution, the purity of the government, the freedom of posterity, the happiness and rights of man.
CAMILLUS.
Philad. Oct. 18th. 1792.
PHILADELPHIA.
OCTOBER 20.
We hear from Newark (N. J.) that on Friday the 12th inst. Nicholas Low, Esq. was chosen governor of the national manufacturing society; and that John Bayard, Esq. was chosen deputy governor of the said society.
"A Treasury Paper, as remarkable for the sagacity as for the novelty of its discoveries, has discovered that a national debt is a national benefit, and that the taxes imposed to pay the interest, bearing equally upon all, bear in reality upon none. What may not a head of such acumen discover, if it but meet with proper treasury encouragement!"
A Virginia paper mentions an extraordinary instance of longevity in a person now living in Prince Edward county, in that state. His name is John Holloway, who was born in the year 1600, consequently now 123 years of age. He is said to enjoy good health and spirits, and a remarkably cheerful temper. His mode of living has nothing singular in it, except that he often drinks freely of spirits and is very fond of sweets, particularly honey. He lately lost a wife, near one hundred years of age, whom he married, a widow, in his seventieth year, who tho' childless before, bore him a son within one year after their marriage. Old Mr. Holloway can now, without fatigue, walk twelve miles a day, and from all appearance may yet for several years bid defiance to the scythe of time.
The hon. John Steele, one of the Representatives in Congress from the state of North-Carolina has declined serving, if re-elected, in the next representation.
The situation of France (says a Boston print) furnishes an excellent lesson for this country. Though the high monarchical and aristocratical men are endeavouring to undervalue a republican government, yet the distresses of France evidently show that this is the most substantial system to secure peace and tranquility to a nation. Men opposed to the republican principles, draw their conclusions from the present state of that country; but we should consider that the high measures pursued by the king and nobles under their former government, drove the people to their present state of desperation. The lesson for the Americans is, to support their constitution, by adhering to its fundamental principles; and choose such rulers as will attend to far to the interests of their constituents, as not to lay burdensome taxes on them for the purpose of maintaining their public officers in opulence, and paying them unreasonable compensations.
The following paragraph appears in the Boston Apollo of the 12th inst. "By Capt. Aigre who is arrived at Kennebeck in thirty days from Liverpool, we are informed, that accounts had been received from France, just prior to his sailing, that the king of the French was beheaded."
We feel for the situation of our country (says a letter from S. Carolina) in finding our frontiers insulted and our citizens murdered by a savage banditti, whose existence
would at once be annihilated, were not our hands, in a manner tied from acting against them with the necessary vigour. Twelve hundred men, under the most experienced officers would instantly march into the midst of their territory, and lay all waste, were the proper authority once received for the purpose."
[Extracts of letters from New-Jersey Oct. 15th.]
"On the 10th of May last the wife of Mr. Griggs, of Middlesex county, New-Jersey, was delivered of 3 children; two females and a male—I have seen them and think they are as fine children as I have generally observed of the same age, when only one at a birth."
"Died, on Wednesday the 3d inst. William Burnet, Esq. of Middlesex county, New-Jersey, a bachelor, upwards of 80 years of age, who hath left an estate, as is generally believed, of more than thirty thousand pounds—he died intestate, and had not any person nearly related to him in this country and probably not in Europe, as the whole family removed together to America, being originally from Scotland."
"Notwithstanding the above circumstances, he hath lived penuriously in a very retired manner for a number of years, was very much conversant in pecuniary affairs, and loaned out money the very week he died; he will be considerably missed in the adjacent parts as he frequently put out money to persons in abject distress; and was not devoid of true compassion, but listened to and assisted those in real distress, which is not very frequently the case with persons similarly circumstanced—yet he had frequently sustained losses by his kindness, notwithstanding which he did not become callous and steeled against human wretchedness."
On the 8th of October arrived at New-York, in 22 days from Aux-Cayes, the sloop Friendship, capt. Reeves, by whom we are informed, that affairs are at present in a state of tranquility. The whites were under the necessity of giving freedom to 2 chiefs and 800 negroes without the town, and to 200 negroes within, but would not give them the coffee land they demanded. A chief, with about 200 negroes would not accept freedom without land, and have retired to the mountains. The planters were to take possession of what settlements remained undestroyed the day the Friendship failed.
On the 11th inst the House of Representatives of Virginia unanimously resolved to instruct the delegates from that commonwealth to the Senate of the United States, to use their interest and exertions to have the doors of that honorable body opened to the citizens of the Union.
A letter from Calvert county, Maryland, mentions "immense damage to have been done to the tobacco and other produce in that county and St. Mary's, the beginning of October instant; near one third of the tobacco in Anne Arundel county is destroyed. There never was so gloomy a prospect for the planters. Great damage is also done by the premature frosts in Montgomery county, and generally over the state."
Dr. Ramsay has published proposals, in England, for a History of the American Revolution. [Bost. Cent.]
Extract of a letter from an English gentleman at the Hague, date June 5.
"In making a tour of some weeks thro' that part of the Prussian territory which is contiguous to the frontiers of the Republic, I have had an opportunity to judge of the sentiments of the people, and the spirit which at present prevails in this country."
"The French constitution is in general regarded with a favourable eye at Cleves, at Wessel, at Creveld, &c. nor are the inhabitants at pains to conceal their partiality. At the very moment that a regiment of Hussars entered, as was said, for the army of Brabant, was passing through Creveld, I was assured at a Table de Hote, of more than 20 covers, that these preparations were merely for the sake of form; that they would produce nothing, and that the king of Prussia would take care not to sacrifice his own subjects for the gratification of Austria, who, in case of success would alone profit by the advantages of the war."
We are favoured by a correspondent with the following totals of returns of votes for representatives in Congress from all the counties in Pennsylvania, excepting Alleghany, Mifflin, and Huntingdon.—Findley 29268, Mullenberg 25345, Irwine 25149, Hartley 22995, Heister 25515, Kittera 23308, P. Muhlenberg 16875, Armstrong 15398, Scott 15970, Fitzsimons 16625, Montgomery 14895, Sitgreaves 14882, Gregg 14690, Smiley 14072, Wynkoop 14412, Barclay 12333, Sergeant 13024, Bingham 12278, Thomson 12085.
** The salary the Editor of this paper receives as Translator for the Department of State, being a perpetual theme of animadversion to several writers in the Gazette of the United States, who are endeavouring to inculcate an opinion that it is a pension; to prevent misapprehensions on the subject, it may be proper to explain what the duty of this translator is, for the recompense of 250 dollars a year.
His duty is to render a fair translation of all letters of a public nature, state papers, reports, and other documents transmitted in foreign languages to the Secretary of State, and which, in the judgment of the Secretary, are necessary to be translated. If translations should be required from the German, Swedish, Spanish, or any other language of which the stated translator may not have a competent knowledge, or be wholly ignorant, it is expected that he should procure a translation of such papers at his own expense, and, if necessary, he must have the translations examined and attested.
When the public are informed that the above services are required of the clerk of foreign languages in the department of state, it may be left to every candid person to decide whether it is probable that a salary of 250 dollars a year, on such terms, can be supposed to influence the Editor in the publication of the National Gazette. The National Gazette is supported, and only supported, by upwards of thirteen hundred subscriptions from honest and independent citizens of the United States, through every part of the Union—the end and tendency of this paper is to countenance the great revolutionary principles of America—principles that the Editor will adhere to and support, independent of all influence, in every possible circumstance and situation, and for the dissemination of which, or any abuse of which, he considers himself responsible to the public, to whose republican interests he is forever devoted.
The Editor of the National Gazette.
NEW-YORK, October 13.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia, to his correspondent in New-York.
"Doctor Barton will deliver a course of lectures on the Materia Medica this winter, which he intends to connect with Botany, and at the same time add such collateral information as will render it not only agreeable, entertaining and extensively useful, but totally different from the insipid, dry, and harsh manner, in which it is at present taught."
"The students of medicine who resort to Philadelphia, and attend the present professor of the Materia Medica, in expectation of becoming acquainted with the virtues of the indigenous plants of our country are generally disappointed, and may, like a Scotch student at Edinburgh, who having paid the professor, and left the university as ignorant as he came there, exclaim, "the De'il take him; he is got more from me than ever I got from him."
"Botany is too much neglected by the practitioners, as well as by the students of physic, hence the many egregious blunders which deservedly expose them to the ridicule of the votaries of this beautiful science."
"I have heard of a physician and a professor too, who asked in public company, to what class in Botany the Hessian fly belongs; and I have read of another who wrote a learned dissertation on the virtues of the plant called Pissellon Barbadiensis, Barbadoes tar."
"If we mean to avoid such shameful and disgraceful blunders, let us cultivate Botany. If we do not mean to enter into the depths of the science, let us imbibe a tincture of it. Let us remember the millions of acres of land in our own country, which as yet have never been marked by the feet of the Botanist. Let us turn our eyes to the western country, and think of the variety of medicinal plants, which bloom on the banks of the Monongahela, the Allegany, the Ohio, the Miami, and the Wabash, and then ask ourselves, is Botany a useless science?"
"Such of the students of medicine as mean to attend the lectures on the Materia Medica, will find it to their advantage to attend Dr. Barton—To be sure the Doctor is not a professor, but let the lovers of science remember two things—that science is better than a diploma, and that the Cowl does not make the Monk."

A Statement of some Objections to the Administration of the Federal Government.
[From the Gazette of the United States.] [Continued from our last and concluded.] To save the writers in the Gazette of the United States, the trouble of misunderstanding me, I will in the most explicit manner explain what I do, and what I do not object to, in the funding system; I will begin with the negative part of my declaration because that will require the fewest words.
1st. I do not object to the payment of the just public debts, and in a manner fully adequate to the contract, merit or matter, out of which the debts originally grew.
2d. I do not object to the mode of raising the public revenue by an impost on imported goods, I only wish that the impost might be confined to imported luxuries, or such articles as are mostly used by the rich, and that the consumption of the poor may be free of burden as far as may well be, consistent with the ends and uses of the tax. Indeed I don't know but I claim that mode of revenue as my original thought or invention, which I published and explained in my sixth essay on free trade and finance in 1783, long before any particular mode of general revenue was discussed, or even proposed in Congress, which ever came to my knowledge.
3d. I do not object to the institution of banks, but think the bank of the United States an infringement of the public faith plighted to the bank of North America, and an ungrateful retribution for the great merit and exertions of that bank for the salvation of our country in the time of its greatest danger and distress.
4th. I now come to the positive part of my objections to the funding system. I object to the mode of raising a revenue by an excise on either the produce or manufactures of the country—the excise on home distilleries includes both; the labor is that of our own people, and the raw materials are all, except foreign molasses, the produce of the country; I object to this duty, 1st, because the nature of its collection requires an authority in the excise officer to enter the domains of every individual, inspect his private business and concerns, and even search his most retired apartments, bedrooms and closets—and 2d, because the collection is not only thus irritating, but is also very expensive; I am told that the collection of the present excise costs about 12 per cent. besides all the wrangles about it, which are in themselves ever expensive as well as pernicious; 3d, because the duty is almost wholly paid by the poor, especially by the frontier people who are a useful set of men, help to people, cultivate and defend the country, but from their situation necessarily have a harder lot than the more interior inhabitants, and I think it cruel to begrudge them a little whisky of their own distilling to comfort their hearts under all their trials and hardships, or to diminish their enjoyment by adding expense and other odious circumstances thereto. But my greatest objection is more to the disposal of the money, when it is collected, than to the existing mode of assessing or collecting it—the money when collected from the labors of the people, is given by the funding system, not to the men who originally earned it, nor to the men to whom the public faith was plighted over and over again, not to men who contributing their substance and services, saved our country, saved us all in the time of deepest distress—but by this fatal system a title is given and payments actually made of an immense treasure—the dear earnings of the forementioned patriots, not to them, I say, but to a parcel of speculators who never earned a shilling of it, or paid any adequate compensation for it, or even set up any kind of title to it, grounded either on their merit, earnings, services, or any purchase for valuable considerations paid, but they claim and receive it under a most extravagant construction of an old rule of law, strained, and stretched far beyond every reason on which the law ever was and is now grounded.
The following is a plain statement of the facts which I offer in the face of all the world, and challenge all your writers, and every body else to deny or controvert them if they can.
1st. The public faith was plighted in most solemn manner to the original public creditors for the payment of such supplies and services as they rendered to the public.
2d. In the settlement of their accounts the balances due to them were adjusted, ascertained and recorded in the public books, where they stand open to inspection at this day.
3d. When their respective balances became due, they were no otherwise paid than by depreciated certificates, worth at their current exchange about 2/6 in the pound, which ought to be debited to their accounts, and the remaining balances paid in good money; for public bills or paper credit are ever to be valued at their exchange, and no more, and all nations negotiate them in that way alone.
But, 4th. The funding system plights the public faith for the payment of the whole original debt, to the holders of the certificates, most of which have been sold for a trifle by the original holders, and are now found in the hands of purchasers, who never earned the money or paid any adequate consideration for it, but are entitled by this system to receive it all.
This, besides injustice, ingratitude, and violation of public faith plighted to the real creditors, involves mischiefs and brings on consequences very hurtful to the prosperity of the nation.
1. Payment to the real original creditors would have been an act of justice, and some reparation to many worthy citizens, who have long suffered by the public deficiency—would have animated their industry, and in very many instances delivered them from actual dependence for a support either on object servitude, or the charity of their neighbors;—whereas payment of the same monies to the speculators, raises a few men to sudden wealth, which they never earned, and which, as they are not qualified by habit or education to enjoy properly, does them more harm than good.
This, as far as it goes, accumulates the money of the country in a few useless hands, and at the same time lessens that diffusive circulation which would animate the industry and increase the wealth and happiness of the people in general through the nation.
2. As Congress sat at New-York when the funding system was under discussion, the specula-
tors there and in the vicinity first caught the secret of that magical logic—which was to turn 2/6 into 20/6, and diligently improved the precious moment, and sent off large orders to the southern states for buying immense quantities of certificates, for the trifle which was then their current value; and when they brought them to the northward, the funding system made them all payable to the holders there—to the northern people will receive all the cash for them, whilst the burden of raising the money will press equally hard on the southern as on the northern states.
This, in effect, will make the southern states in a manner tributary to the people of the northern states in a large sum of annual interest; and as this must continue as long as the system lasts, it becomes a serious matter, big with consequences hurtful enough both to the union & to the southern people, and obvious enough to render a prophetic detail unnecessary here.
3. As our 6 per cents and other funds are set at an higher interest than can be obtained for money loaned in Europe. Very great purchases have been made by Europeans in our funds, and they have remitted vast sums of money for that purpose, which has made money, and consequently luxury, extremely plenty with us at present—and this blessed plenty of money is by some people with great doubt assigned as one of the blessed effects of the funding system; that it is a natural effect of that system, I readily admit; but as to the blessedness of it, we shall be better able to judge a little while hence, when our country comes to be drained of its cash in vast sums, which must be sent out of it (never to return) to pay the yearly interest of the immense remittances which we now receive, together with that of our public foreign loans.
This country has never yet experienced a drain of its cash by exportation of it abroad, without receiving remittances of value either previous or subsequent to the sending it away. Importations of goods from abroad, have sometimes exceeded the resources of the country, and made cash somewhat scarce. But the final loss did not all rest on the country—much of it fell on the foreign merchants, by the bankruptcy of their correspondents here. We cannot yet well judge how great the blessedness of these effects may be, but I have had one taste of them, which has quite cloyed my appetite, since which I have not had a wish for a repetition of the blessing. One thing we know by experience, that when sterling bills rise above 75 per cent. it will be the interest, and of course the practice of people who have remittances to make to Europe, to send away cash rather than bills, in which case the real money will go out of the country perhaps faster than it now comes in. In fine, if these facts and observations are true and well founded, they deserve the serious attention of every man.—If otherwise, any man who will disprove them, will give me sincere pleasure, and relieve me from many painful anxious feelings. If any one desires my true name, he shall have it; I am not ashamed of it—but I believe I am sufficiently known by my old signature, A Citizen of Philadelphia.
Prices Current at Philadelphia. [Dollars equal to 100 cents.]
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include: Ashes, Bacon, Bees wax, Brandy, Butter, Coffee, Coals, Cotton, Cheese, Chocolate, Cordage, Duck, Ruffia, Dutch sail duck, Salt cloth, Flaxseed, Flour, Common, Burr middlings, Meal Indian, Rye, Ship stuff, Gin, Ginseng, Grain, Buck-wheat, Indian corn, Rye, Herring, Hoops, Barrels, Hemp, American, Hides, Indigo, Iron, Castings, Nail-rods, Pigs, Sheet, Leather, Logwood, Lard, Lead, In pigs, Red, White, Mackerel, Madder, Myrtle wax, Molasses, Nails, Nutmegs, Oil, Olive, Sweet best in baskets, 30 flasks.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include: Spermaceti, Train, Whale, Pepper, Pimento, Porter, Pitch, Pork, Carolina, Raisins, Sun do., Rice, Rosin, Rum, Barbadoes, New-England, Jamaica, Windward Island, Salmon, Scantling, Shingles, 3 Met, dressed, 13d. to 15d. Salt, Cadiz, Lisbon, Liverpool, Skins, Deer, Red, Snake-Root, Sugar, Brown, Muscovado, Lump, Loaf, Tallow, Tin, Tar, Turpentine, Tea, Hylon skin, Soufong, Congo, Bohia, Tobacco, Inferior, Old, Rappahannock, Coloured Maryland, Dark, Long leaf, Eastern Shore, Carolina, old, Carolina, new, Wine, Madeira, Lisbon, Teneriffe, Fayal, Port, Sherry.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, October, 1792.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H., Bar., Ther., Wind., Weath. Rows for Wednesday 10, Thursday 11, Friday 12, Saturday 13, Sunday 14, Monday 15, Tuesday 16.
THOSE gentlemen that yet remain possessed of subscription papers of Howell's large Map, are hereby notified (as well also the public in general) that no subscriptions will be received or accepted after the date hereof, and that they be pleased to transmit the said papers to the subscriber as soon as safe opportunity shall serve, as the Maps which are now received will be delivered at his own house in North Fifth-street, Philadelphia. READING HOWELL. Oct. 15.
TAKE NOTICE.
WHEREAS a mulatto man named LUKE, the property of the subscriber living in Accomack county, Virginia, ran away from him on the first day of September last, and was taken up and committed to the gaol of Newcastle county, in the State of Delaware, on the 14th day of September, where he remained until the 4th of this instant, October, when a Mr. Jones, who said he lived in Frederick Town, in the county of Cecil, in Maryland, appeared and produced a Benjamin Ferguson, who made oath that he suspected the said slave to be a freeman, named John Wright, who had sailed with the said Ferguson in a schooner belonging to the said Jones, and had committed a burglary on board of her in July last, in consequence of which the said slave was delivered by order of the hon. David Finney, a supreme judge of the said state of Delaware, to the said Jones, to take his trial for the said supposed offence. As I am fully convinced from the description of the said slave, given to me by the gaoler, that he is my property, and that the said Ferguson has mistaken him for Wright, I do hereby direct the said Mr. Jones, and Ferguson, to return the said slave to the place from whence they took him, and to inform me thereof, otherwise I shall proceed according to law. JOHN CROPPER, Jun. Oct. 16th. 1792.
Manufactured and for Sale, At No. 11, North Sixth-street, Fashionable Round Top and Flat BUTTONS, Warranted superior to any imported of equal price. Country Store-keepers supplied either in small or large quantities, By S. POST & Co. N.B. Conkhel Buttons, Buckles, &c. Oct. 17.
New-York and Philadelphia STAGES AND PACKETS.
The proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia Land and Water Stages, beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of the passengers, they have removed their different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet Wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-street; from whence a convenient packet boat starts for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and returns on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordentown or Burlington; each place taken alternately. Fare for passengers from Philadelphia to New-York 15s. For goods do. do. per cwt. 6s. Van Emburgh and M'Kean, David Williamson, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Bordentown. Jacob Myers, Amos Hutchin, Nicholas Schenck, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia stages, by the route of Burlington. Bordentown, Oct. 1. For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to M'Kean and Van Emburgh; Who have for sale at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-street, Ole Madeira, Teneriffe, Mountain, Jamaica Spirits, Antigua, Montserrat & Newbury, Rochelle Brandy, in pipes, cases and demijohns, Gin in pipes and cases, Muscovado, Loaf, and Lump, Molasses, Coffee, Chocolate, Bohia Tea, Burlington Pork, Hams, Flour, Bar Iron, &c. &c. &c. Orders for Grain, Staves, Bills of Scantling, or other Lumber, punctually attended to. For freight or passage to Lamberton or Trenton, apply at said wharf to Thomas Almon, William Douglass, John Almon or Alexander Douglass, (Masters on board) or as above, to M'Kean & Van Emburgh. Philadelphia, October 6, 1792.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé, SAVOIR, soixante cinq milles, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Méridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Saluoa, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles, il n'est peut-être guéres possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluoa, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.