Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-01-09 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXVIII.]
SATURDAY JANUARY 9, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXVIII.
"People never misapply their economy so much, as when they make mean provision for the education of children."
THE essay, contained in this and the two following numbers of the Tablet, points out some of the most usual defects of country schools. It was written by a young gentleman, some years ago, who in travelling through the country saw, in a very forcible light, the evils he has described. The author calls it one of his juvenile performances; but the remarks are judicious, and the expressions clear and pointed. It is hoped it will prove entertaining to the reader.
"THOUGH man is said to hold the lowest rank in the intellectual system, he is still supposed to have a soul, whose powers are susceptible of endless progressive improvement. We come into the world with minds totally unfurnished with ideas; but, like white paper, capable of receiving and retaining any notions, good or bad, which education or accident first happens to impress. The perverse actions of men demonstrate the danger of imbibing wrong ideas and forming bad habits, and the difficulty of correcting or removing them afterwards. This consideration should make those who superintend the education of children, particularly cautious that their first instructions should be the best. To cultivate the faculties of the human mind, and to enlarge and improve its powers has ever been considered, by the civilized part of mankind, as an object of the utmost concern. The general institution of schools in this country is a full proof that its inhabitants are convinced of their utility and importance. But from fear of expence, from want of interest, from carelessness, from ignorance, or from some other causes, it happens that most of the schools amongst us are under very defective regulations. They are placed on so disadvantageous a footing, that the design of parents, which is to give their children the best education with the least expence, is unfortunately defeated. Having attentively observed the defects which attend the common method of education, and being fully convinced that much money is expended in that way to little effect, I am induced to make a few remarks on the subject. My observations are calculated more particularly for the common schools in the country."
In the first place, I would observe that the houses built for schools are very inconvenient, very expensive and ill adapted to answer the end for which they are intended. The design of an house seems to be to shelter us from the inclemency of the weather; and one would think, that to erect a building that would not answer this purpose, is to mispend time and to lavish away money. But the school-houses in the country are, some of them at least, such wretched thin shells, that in extreme weather, the largest fire that can be built in them will not render children comfortable, at any distance from it. Besides, the extraordinary quantity of wood, which must necessarily be consumed, in such houses, is a consideration that ought to have influence in a country, where wood is in so great demand. There is another ill consequence of more importance, though less attended to by people in general; which is, that such schools are less beneficial to the children. If the master keeps them at their business, where they ought to be kept, at a distance from the fire, they sit shivering with cold and never look on a book; and if he permits them to croud round the fire, they will push and abuse each other, and the master's ears will be stunted with the din of endless complaints. The most that a master can do, at such a time, is to prevent and redress these petty injuries; and he may think himself happy to do that to satisfaction. In such an house, where a child has no higher ambition than to get warm, it is folly to expect he will receive much benefit. As parents send their children to school for some other purpose than merely to keep warm, the house should be so comfortable, that they can have no need to approach the fire. A master might then govern them with much less difficulty, and his instructions would be attended with better success. Brick houses are much to be preferred, not only as they are cooler in summer, and warmer in winter, but because they are less liable to accident and damage from mischievous boys.
Children should likewise be furnished with drawers, locks and keys, where they might lay their books and papers in safety: Otherwise they will be obliged, as is too much the case, to throw them down upon a table or a bench, where they may be undesignedly brushed off, trodden on, and tore to pieces. When I mention drawers, I
suppose that children have books at school; for those that have none will have no need of drawers. Nothing but the absolute impossibility of obtaining books will render negligence in this respect excusable. How odd does it appear to send a child to learn to read, without a book, in expectation that he will be furnished by others! Would not a man appear exceedingly ridiculous and foolish, who should go into the field to work without tools? And if he should go, in expectation that his neighbor would furnish him, I dare say there is not a person who would not laugh at him.
It is an ill judged piece of economy to supply children with implements for writing, that are bad or indifferent. Coarse paper, pale ink and flawed quills are the common fare of lads, while they are learning to write. The expence in the first instance is lessened by such pitiful provision of materials; but they are dearest in the end, even if it should be practicable to make improvement in writing, under such disadvantages. This practice should not be continued, but the articles used at schools should be the best that can be procured. The pupil should have nothing to discourage him; and I appeal to every person who is accustomed to writing, how vexatious it is to write with a bad apparatus. The tables used at schools in general are too low, and they are often so rough that paper cannot be kept smooth. This is another inconvenience that hinders the ill-fated lad from making progress. It will occur to every person, who has tried the experiment, that writing-desks are preferable to tables. Paper, lying horizontally, exposes the person, who writes, to an awkward situation, and if this mode is persisted in, by one who writes much, it will injure his health. Such remarks may appear trivial, but they are of much greater importance, than will, at first view, be imagined.
(To be continued.)
What tones, when genius strikes the lyre!
Extract from the New-Year's wish of the Carrier of the American Mercury. [Hartford.]
FAIR LIBERTY , whose gentle sway First blest these shores, has cross'd the sea, To visit Gallia , and inflame, Her sons their ancient rights to claim. From realm to realm she still shall fly, As lightning shoots across the sky, And tyrants her just empire own, And at her feet submit their crown. Go, tell your country, she is still Heaven's care; and happy, if she will. But all must first their station fix, Nor craze their skulls with politics; His proper calling each pursue, And thus his worth and wisdom shew. Let sailors tempt the watery main, And peasants urge the soil for gain; The merchant at his counter stand; The artist keep his tools in hand; The cobler ply his last and awl; To patch old kettles tinkers bawl; Smiths at the forge their temples rub; The cooper rattle round his tub; Astronomers make almanacks; And pills and purges leave to quacks; Wise pedagogues their pupils teach, The parson be content to preach.
FROM THE GEORGIA GAZETTE.
THE FEDERAL OATH.
"I A. B. do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support the Constitution of the United States."
FEDERAL OATH.
THIS oath is very simple, and yet there is a hue and cry raised against it. Whether ignorance or design generated the objection I know not. It is, however, objected, that "this oath obliges the oath-taker to comply with and obey all the laws of Congress, although some of those very laws may be so framed as to deprive the citizens of their breeches and petticoats, and other civil rights and privileges to which they have a natural or a federal claim."
This is so strange a sophisticated inversion of the words of the oath that something besides ignorance appears to have had a share in the inversion; for their true intent and meaning do not pass her comprehension. The Constitution of the States, and the laws of their Congress are inherently, as different as the aforesaid articles of dress; and, as decency most positively commands all her subjects to cover their nakedness, so does this oath positively oblige all Federalists (who take it) to expose the nakedness of that law which has anything in it contrary to the Constitution.
Should it ever, unhappily be the curse of these States, to have a Congress, weak and wicked enough to enact laws evasive of one single section, or even clause of the Constitution, the Members of that Congress, by enacting such laws, will betray the great trust reposed in them by their fellow citizens, and consequently become traitors
to the States. Can folly conceive, or credulity believe, that this oath enjoins obedience or support to such laws? As well may you believe that the robber, who knocked you down, and took your money, did the one to relieve you from care, and the other to cure you of the headach.
We shall here, perhaps be told of the excellencies of Jealousy, which (say its advocates) is a certain preservative of our liberty, and has done such great things for our political welfare, that it is boldly asked, What has it not done?
Be it even so, my good trumpeters; but, in running over the beadroll of your guardian's virtues, you forget, or pass unnoticed, some of her most remarkable achievements.
This patro-theos, or tutelar saint, of yours, had well nigh wrested Independence from the States; They were floating, in a tempestuous sea, on the last plank of the wreck, and, to prevent sinking, they were forced to solicit aid from their new alliance: By this aid, it is true, they were enabled to regain the shore of safety; but the requisition left a foul stain * upon the States; because, in the beginning, an army sufficient for the great purposes of the Union might have been raised, and kept complete to the end of the war: But, it seems, this tender eyed guardian of our liberty could not behold a standing army !
Such, Jealousy, are thy mighty works! for which let the United States extol thy glorious name, and the inhabitants thereof obey thy wise commands?
From these premises, then, this conclusion is clear, that jealousy is an excellent sentinel, but a very bad commandant . Arm it, then, as a sentinel ought to be armed, at all points; but make it forever obedient to the orders of Reason, which the SUGREAT PREME hath been pleased to make Commander in Chief in the Republic of Man.—If you supercede, or disobey his great commander, instead of laurels you will secure to yourselves disgrace, perhaps ruin.
In the delightful realms of Hymen, if Jealousy be ever admitted, it turns to bitterness the choicest sweets, poisons the delicious banquet, and revels in mischief like a devil unchained: So likewise, in the world of politics, if it ever gain the ascendant, it throws every thing into a ferment, destroys mutual confidence, and rages like Lucifer, with all his imps at his heels.
The dignity, the order, the happiness, of such a government, are obvious; and, if they enchant the wise and good, where lies the wonder?
But tho' ill-founded jealousy, or jealousy contrary to reason, should be considered, as in fact it is, the fruitful source of evil, yet it is by no means prudent or safe to repose on the pillar of security, when the ax is laid to the root.
The advice of Apollo, "All extremes avoid,"† merits general adoption; though short, it is comprehensive, and applies to every case; for all extremes are vicious, and there are certain boundaries on neither side of which it is possible to avoid error.‡ It is the region of Folly, and amidst the infinite variety of her flower-strewed paths there is not one in which the man of rectitude can walk.
Such a country as this of Folly's, is that in which Jealousy reigns supreme: Yet this difference should be observed: In the suite of Folly, Malice is but rarely seen; but, in the suite of Jealousy, there are numberless spirits as malicious as old Belzebub can make them.
Scorn then, my countrymen, to commit yourselves to such a ruler: Consult Reason, and hearken to the voice of Experience. A Constitution all-perfect and complete is not to be expected, and a Legislature instantly reprobate to every good work, for which it was created a Legislature, is not to be apprehended: Like the Lindamira Indamora of Scriblerus, they are both out of nature.
But suppose the worst, however improbable it may be; suppose that, contrary to the usual progress in villainy, you should have a Legislature that shall violate their oaths as soon as taken, and pounce with the rapidity of an eagle upon your precious quarry, yet why despair of the Commonwealth? Such conduct might and should alarm you: But, if you will be but just to yourselves, I mean, if you will be but true to your oath, much mischief they cannot do to the States; for, you being their political creators, you have in your own hands an effectual remedy: You can clap an extinguisher upon them, and put them out.
A FEDERALIST.
NOTES.
* This remark applies only to the troops of France: Her ships were essential; for a naval force it was not in the power of the States to establish.
† A standing army! Was there ever a more absurd idea conceived even by Folly? It was to stand only during the conflict, and that, every one knows, is necessary to insure success.
‡ Medio tutissimus ibis. Ovid.
§ Est modus in rebus. Suncerti denique fines, &c.

EUROPE.
FRANCE.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
PARIS, October 17.
ON Wednesday the 14th, a deputation from the Jews of Alsace and Lorraine desired to be heard on the persecutions to which they are subject; and after some debate, being admitted to the bar, presented the following
ADDRESS.
"GENTLEMEN,"
"IT is in the name of the eternal author of justice, and of truth; in the name of that God, who, by giving to all the same rights, hath prescribed to all the same duties; in the name of humanity, outraged for so many ages, by the ignominious treatment which the unfortunate descendants of a people the most ancient of all have undergone, in almost every country on earth, that we this day come to conjure you to vouchsafe to take their deplorable destiny into consideration.
"Every where persecuted, every where despised, and though always held in subjection, never rebellious; among all nations, objects of indignation and contempt, though deserving toleration and pity—the Jews whom we represent at your feet, have ventured to hope, that, in the midst of your important labours, you will not reject their prayers, you will not disdain their complaints; that you will listen with some degree of feeling, to the timid remonstrances which they dare to form in the bosom of that profound humiliation in which they are buried.
"We should waste your time, gentlemen, by enlarging on the nature and justice of our claims. They are recorded in the memorials which we have submitted to your inspection.
"May we be indebted to you for an existence, less miserable than that to which we are condemned! May the veil of obloquy, which hath covered us so long, be at length rent from our heads! May men look upon us as their brethren! May that divine charity which is so particularly recommended to you, extend also to us! May a complete reform take place in the ignominious institutions by which we are enslaved; and may this reform, hitherto so in effectually desired, which we now solicit with tears in our eyes, be the work of your labor, the gift of your country!"
The President returned for answer:—
"THE grand principles to which you appeal in support of your demands, do not permit the Assembly to hear them with unconcern. The Assembly will consider your request, and be happy to restore your brethren to tranquility and happiness; and of this you may inform those whom you represent."
The committee of enquiry reported, that they had found no proof of the charges against the Baron de Bezenval, and moved that he be discharged. The motion meeting with opposition, the Duke de Liancourt offered to pledge himself for the Baron's appearing to take his trial, if required.
M. de Mirabeau proposed appointing a new committee, to collect the proofs against the prisoner, which were sufficient to support a charge of high crimes against him, in order that he might be tried by the new tribunal, to be established by the constitution. But the number of persons in custody for similar offences, and the expense of guarding the Baron, induced the Assembly to resolve,
"That the Châtelet of Paris shall be authorised provisionally, to institute and prosecute to judgment, criminal processes against all persons accused of, or in custody for, treason."
LONDON, Nov. 5.
In consequence of the number of prisoners held in custody in the goals of Paris, for various crimes, M. de la Fayette made a virtuous and seasonable attempt to reform the criminal process in favor of the culprits. At his instance the representatives of the Commons of Paris sent a deputation to the National Assembly, requesting them to confirm a resolution, which they had come to for granting the accused the right of chusing their own counsel—that the prosecution should be public—that persons accused should have the right of furnishing proofs of their innocence; and that sentence should be given with the consent of a majority of the Judges on the bench. The National Assembly referred this application to a committee of seven.
An extraordinary mode of depredation was practised a few evenings since upon a gentleman that was going through Stepney-fields between six and seven o'clock. He was accosted by a person of genteel address by his moving off his hat, and telling him that as he believed that the trifle he lent him at the last Epiphany races, had slipped his memory, he should thank him now to repay it. The gentleman, struck with surprise, protested that he had never been there! but was prevented from proceeding, by the coming up of another confederate, to whom, as the first appealed, he swore he remembered the Gentleman and the circumstance perfectly well, when two other shab-
by looking fellows coming up likewise, the gentleman being intimidated, thought it prudent to say he recollected something of the debt, which they being pleased to say was three guineas and a half, he suffered them to take it within a few shillings, [all he had about him] after which, wishing him a good evening.
A manuscript, said to be found in the Bastile, asserts, that the man with the iron mask, was Lewis de Bourbon, Count de Vermandois, born the 2d Octo. 1667, of the Duchess of la Valliere.
A Hint.—A friend to humanity begs to inform the public, that in the dangerous case of pins swallowed by accident, swallowing one egg, undressed, and in the course of an hour after another, is an infallible remedy for carrying off the pins, if done immediately after they have been swallowed, i. e. before the pins have worked themselves into the coats of the stomach.
The King of the Two Sicilies, the oldest Monarch in Europe, is yet the youngest man in it who wears a crown, except Selim IIId. and Lewis XVI. He has been a King since the year 1759, and was born in 1751, so that he has worn a crown ever since he was eight years old.
His father, the late King of Spain, governed more countries successively, than any Prince that ever lived before him. He was Sovereign of Parma, and ceded it to his brother, Don Philip.
He was Sovereign to Tuscany, and ceded it to the Emperor.
He was Sovereign of the Two Sicilies, when his eldest brother Ferdinand VI. King of Spain, died without issue; the Spanish Monarchy thus devolved upon King Charles, who gave his two kingdoms of Naples and Sicily to his third son, Ferdinand, then a child, who now reigns over them.
The present King of the Two Sicilies had two elder brothers, Don Philip, Duke of Calabria, who being an ideot, was declared incapable of inheriting his father's dominions.
And Don Carlos, now King of Spain, whom the late King, his father, took with him from Naples to Spain, created Prince of Asturias, and declared Heir Apparent to the Spanish Monarchy, to which Providence was pleased to make him lately succeeded.
When the Austrians took possession of the fortress of Belgrade, they found 1280 of the garrison dead, who had been killed in the course of the three preceding days, but whom the garrison had not time to bury. During the same period 1700 of the Turks were drowned.
Good men, in all ages, have been endued with a prophetic Spirit!
HOUSE OF COMMONS, Dec. 21, 1775.
LONDON.
LORD NORTH'S PROHIBITORY BILL.
MR. HARTLEY.
SIR, upon this pause which is offered to you by the return of this bill from the Lords, I confess that I feel a kind of superstition to wish for one last word to deprecate the fatal blow, and that our unremitted opposition and remonstrance from the first to the very last stage of this bill may remain as a memorial, that some of us, at least, lament this fatal separation of America with an affectionate regret. We are overpowered by numbers, and all our entreaties and remonstrances are in vain. An inflexible majority in Parliament have now declared all America to be an independent hostile State. Disputes originally between administration, and America, are become, thro' ministerial influence, the ground of a parliamentary war with America. The sense of the nation is not with that war, and I trust it never will be. However speaking in Parliament to ministers as they seem determined to drive all things to extremities, I must ask whether you are to expect that while you burn their towns, take or destroy their ships, and property, they will sit with their arms folded, or whether they will not be driven to repel injury by injury. You have found their active powers of defence by the experience of the last campaign, when by your orders the shedding of the first civil blood was precipitated on the fatal 19th of April, before your pretended conciliatory motion could be proposed to any of the American assemblies? Why were you found unguarded in Canada? Two regiments are taken prisoners. Your officers are hostages, and yet you proceed in this unjust and unnatural war, with fire, sword, and rapine. What farther hostages may fall into their hands at Boston, or what blood of our fellow subjects may be shed there, I contemplate with horror. I dread some fatal event there. Public report threatens. When
the provincials shall hear the fate of their late and last petition, and when they see all prospect of peace become desperate, what can you expect but that they should exert every power to destroy your land forces in America during the severity of the winter, before you can support or relieve them. Who will be answerable for these things. When this bill of rapine, which now lies before you gets to them, they will set themselves to retaliate upon your fleet. Your land force has been disgraced and annihilated in the first campaign, notwithstanding all your boastings; are we not then to expect, that those ministers of vengeance who shall press on a naval war with America, shall be responsible to their country, for the consequences of their head-strong and wilful measures, if the navy of this country should be brought to disgrace and defeat? Weigh the consequences. If you send large ships they will not be able to act. If small ones may they not be overpowered?—Consider the distance of your operations. Every port in America will be a Dunkirk to you. We know their skill and bravery as privateers in the last war. In any case you are laying the foundation of an hostile marine in America, which has been, and ought to be the source of the marine of Great-Britain.
I cannot be an adviser, or a well-wisher to any of the vindictive operations of the administration against America, because I think the cause unjust; but at the same time I must be equally earnest to secure British property and interests from destruction; neither a victory of Great-Britain over America nor of America over Great-Britain can afford to us any matter of triumph. Both are equally destructive. If nothing can abate your fury against the Americans in this ministerial war, we shall expect at least that you should guard our own vulnerable parts. Are you guarded at Newfoundland? Are you prepared against any expedition of retaliation if the provincials should meditate any thing to the destruction of your fisheries there?
Administration have been the aggressors in every thing, step by step. By this fatal bill of separation you now declare the Americans to be enemies in form, therefore it is yourselves that force upon them the rights of enemies. You must now be responsible to your country for the events of your own war, to which they have been so reluctant and you so precipitate. When this country shall come to open its eyes, to see and feel the consequences, they will know of whom to require an account. Sir, I shall now move you, instead of agreeing to the amendments of the Lords, to adjourn the consideration of them for six months; I confess with very little hopes of averting this bill, but from a superstitious feeling in my mind, to perform the last ceremonial office of affection and everlasting farewell to peace, and to America. The fate of America is cast. You may bruise its heel but you cannot crush its head. It will revive again. The new world is before them. Liberty is theirs. They have possession of a free government, their birth-right and inheritance, derived to them from their parent state, which the hand of violence cannot wrest from them. If you will cast them off, my last wish is to them; may they go and prosper. When the final period of this once happy country shall overtake ourselves, either through tumult or tyranny, may another Phœnix rise out of our ashes!
When
The bird of wonder dies, the maiden Phœnix, Her ashes new create another heir, As great in admiration as herself. So shall she leave her blessedness to one, (When Heav'n shall call her from this cloud of darkness) Who from the sacred ashes of her honor, Shall starlike rise, as great in fame as she was, And so stand fix'd. Peace, plenty, truth, love, terror, That were the servants of this chosen infant, Shall then be his, and like the vine grow round him. Wher'er the bright sun of heav'n shall shine, His honor, and the greatness of his name Shall be, and make new nations. He shall flourish, And like the mountain cedar, reach his branches To all the plains about him. Children's children Shall see this and bless Heav'n.

NEW-YORK, JANUARY 9, 1789.
CONGRESS.
JANUARY 6.
In addition to the Members of Senate, mentioned in our last, Mr. Maclay, of Pennsylvania, being arrived, a quorum of the Senate was formed. A sufficient number of the Members of the House of Representatives, were also in town; but through the indisposition of one of the gentlemen, they did not proceed to business, and adjourned.
JANUARY 7.
Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Patterson, of the Senate, arrived and took their seats.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Sturgis, Mr. Van Ranseelaer, Mr. Carroll, and Mr. Matthews, appeared and took their seats.
A message was sent to the Senate, informing them that a quorum of the House was now assembled.
Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Sherman, and Mr. White, were appointed a committee to report the unfinished business of the last session.
A resolution was received from the Senate, by which Mr. Strong and Mr. Izard is appointed a committee on their part, to wait on, and inform the President of the United States, that the two Houses of Congress are now formed, and request to know of him, what time he will assign to meet them in the Senate Chamber, to lay before them the business he has to communicate. The House concurred in this resolution, and appointed Mr. Gilman, Mr. Ames, and Mr. Seney, a Committee on their part.
On motion, Resolved, that two Chaplains of different denominations, be elected for the present session—one by each House, to interchange weekly.
Mr. Gilman of the committee appointed to wait on the President informed the house that the President had assigned To-Morrow, 11 o'clock to meet, and address both Houses of Congress, in the Senate Chamber. Adjourned to half after 10 o'clock, to-morrow morning.
JANUARY 8.
Mr. Wynkoop appeared this day, and took his seat. The House being assembled, adjourned to the Senate Chamber. At 11 o'clock, THE PRESIDENT of the United States, attended by his Aids, and Secretary, was received by the two Houses of Congress in the Senate Chamber, when he was pleased to make the following SPEECH:
FELLOW-CITIZENS of the SENATE, and HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES.
I EMBRACE with great satisfaction the opportunity, which now presents itself, of congratulating you on the present favorable prospects of our public affairs. The recent accession of the important state of North-Carolina to the Constitution of the United States (of which official information has been received)—the rising credit and respectability of our country—the general and increasing good-will towards the government of the union, and the concord, peace and plenty, with which we are blessed, are circumstances, auspicious, in an eminent degree to our national prosperity.
In resuming your consultations for the general good, you cannot but derive encouragement from the reflection, that the measures of the last session have been as satisfactory to your constituents, as the novelty and difficulty of the work allowed you to hope.—Still further to realize their expectations, and to secure the blessings which a gracious Providence has placed within our reach, will in the course of the present important session, call for the cool and deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firmness, and wisdom.
Among the many interesting objects, which will engage your attention, that of providing for the common defence will merit particular regard.—To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace.
A free people ought not only to be armed but disciplined; to which end a uniform and well digested plan is requisite: And their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactures, as tend to render them independent on others, for essential, particularly for military supplies.
The proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable, will be entitled to mature consideration. In the arrangements which may be made respecting it, it will be of importance to conciliate the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers with a due regard to economy.
There was reason to hope, that the pacific measures adopted with regard to certain hostile tribes of Indians, would have relieved the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers from their depredations. But you will perceive, from the information contained in the papers, which I shall direct to be laid before you, (comprehending a communication from the Commonwealth of Virginia) that we ought to be prepared to afford protection to those parts of the Union; and, if necessary, to punish aggressors.
The interests of the United States require, that our intercourse with other nations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable me to fulfil my duty in that respect, in the manner, which circumstances may render most conducive to the public good: And to this end, that the compensations to be made to the persons, who may be employed, should, according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law; and a competent fund designated for defraying the expenses incident to the conduct of our foreign affairs.
Various considerations also render it expedient, that the terms on which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of Citizens, should be speedily ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization.
Uniformity in the currency, weights and measures of the United States, is an object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly attended to.
The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, by all proper means, will not, I trust, need recommendation. But I cannot forbear intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad, as to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home; and of facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country by a due attention to the Post-Office and Post-Roads.
Nor am I less persuaded, that you will agree with me in opinion, that there is nothing, which can better deserve your patronage, than the promotion of Science and Literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one, in which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community, as in our's, it is proportionably essential. To the security of a free Constitution it contributes in various ways: By convincing those, who are entrusted with the public administration, that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people: And by teaching the people themselves to know, and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience, and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy, but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws.
Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a national university, or by any other expedients, will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the Legislature.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
I SAW with peculiar pleasure, at the close of the last session, the resolution entered into by you, expressive of your opinion, that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit, is a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity.—In this sentiment, I entirely concur.—And to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to devise such a provision, as will be truly consistent with the end, I add an equal reliance on the cheerful co-operation of the other branch of the Legislature.—It would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the character and permanent interests of the United States are so obviously and so deeply concerned; and which has received so explicit a sanction from your declaration.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives.
I HAVE directed the proper officers to lay before you respectively such papers and estimates as regard the affairs particularly recommended to your consideration, and necessary to convey to you that information of the state of the union, which it is my duty to afford.
The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed.—And I shall derive great satisfaction from a co-operation with you, in the pleasing though arduous task of ensuring to our fellow citizens the blessings, which they have a right to expect, from a free, efficient and equal government.
G. WASHINGTON.
UNITED STATES, January 8, 1790.
The President then retired—and the House returned to their own room: When The President's Speech being read by the Clerk, it was voted that the House would to-morrow take the same into consideration in a Committee of the whole on the state of the Union.—On motion, it was voted to proceed to ballot for a Chaplain, when the votes being collected, it appeared, that the Rev. Dr. LYNN was re-elected.
Adjourned till to-morrow, 11 o'clock, A. M.
FROM THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL.
IN America we have very generally adopted the principle of a balanced legislature, and have thereby most probably rescued free government from the violence, instability, and eventual tyranny, which have marked their progress in every part of the globe.—The report of the committee in the Pennsylvania convention which is now sitting for the purpose of reforming their constitution (and which is the only one in the union that centers all legislative power in a single house) contains a plan which appears to be an improvement even on our own models. Their legislature is to consist of a governor, senate and assembly, with checks on each other, nearly similar to the constitution of the United States. But other, nearly similar to the constitution of the United States. But the governor appoints all officers without any council of appointment. This is a real improvement on government in America. When appointments are confined to the executive department exclusively, and that executive is limited to a single person, there is less room for cabal and intrigue, and much greater responsibility of character. The people then can be at no loss for the person on whom to fix their censure or applause. On the plan of an executive council there may be very exceptional appointments, and the public not discover the efficient cause of them. But the more the public eye is concentrated on one person, the more he feels his reputation at stake, and the greater necessity of acting with integrity and firmness. It has been frequently remarked, that popular assemblies are apt to discover very little solicitude for that public faith, and that this must have arisen from the idea, that the disgrace attending such gross violations of moral justice, was so weakened by being divided among a large number, as to act with scarcely a perceptible influence.
There is another article in the report of the Pennsylvania committee which is without example in the original compact of any
people. It is said of Charondas, one of the ancient lawgivers of Italy, in instituting laws for the government of Sybaris, that he ordered the tons of every family to learn to read and write under masters in the pay of the public: The Pennsylvania convention have imitated a conduct which has consecrated to immortality the memory of this ancient legislator: One of the articles which are reported in their plan, requires schools to be supported in each town at the cheapest rate by teachers at the public expence. It is an obvious truth, that a free people owe all their liberties to their information. The establishment of public schools especially among our eastern neighbours, have most essentially served to disseminate among the people of this country a knowledge of their rights, and the means to defend them—and we derive all our governments and character from the seeds implanted by those generous institutions. Without very considerable information, and unless education becomes pretty general, a people cannot elect their rulers with discernment, nor will they indeed easily find men who are competent for the various duties of public life. I therefore consider it proper to make the business of education a part of the social compact. We find from daily experience that people will not do their duty voluntarily. Education, and by it here I mean the more simple and useful parts of instruction both in science and in morals, is most unaccountably neglected by the people in general in this State. It is even conjectured that our legislature will never consent to a law making it a duty of each town to support a respectable school for fear it would be unpopular. What a pity then it is we have no such article in our constitution.
There are several other very valuable improvements in the plan reported in the Pennsylvania convention; and if it is finally adopted, as it most probably will be, their government, from being the most unskilful, will become the most complete in the union.
EDENTON, December 20.
By accounts from Fayetteville we learn, that the General Assembly have elected the honorable ALEXANDER MARTIN, Esq. Governor of this state, in the room of his Excellency SAMUEL JOHNSON, Esq. appointed a Senator to Congress of the United States: That Fayetteville was the place for the next session of the General Assembly, and that the appointment of the other Senator had not been made, as there was not a majority of the Houses in favor of any person.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 9.
The President of the United States, when he addressed the two Houses of Congress yesterday, was dressed in a crow-colored suit of clothes, of American manufacture: The cloth appeared to be of the finest texture—the color of that beautiful changeable hue, remarked in shades not quite black. This elegant fabric was from the manufactory in Hartford.
The accession of North-Carolina to the present confederation of the states, is an event that gives sincere pleasure to the friends of our country; especially as the majority is so large and respectable—and the joy excited on the occasion, may be heightened, when the public are assured, as they are from the best authority, that the minority have discovered similar sentiments to those which have done so much honor to the principles of patriotism, and good citizenship, discovered by the minorities in some of the other states.
A noble spirit of emulation is discovering itself in the several states—well endowed colleges, and other seminaries of learning are springing up, upon liberal and enlightened plans—medical and other societies are forming to extend the blessings of useful professions, and extenuate the inevitable miseries of human life—while the principles of benevolence are exciting the sons of clemency, and compassion to devise the most feasible methods to extinguish every vestige of tyranny and slavery from off the face of the earth.—Our mechanics and artisans are forming into companies to enable them more effectually to promote their general interest.—Our merchants encouraged by the protection of the laws, and a uniform system of revenue, are extending their enterprizes to all quarters of the globe—while their patriotic associations strengthen the hands of government, and prevent the honest and conscientious traders from being sacrificed by the arts of those who would evade the laws.—To crown the whole, the great American Republic appears to realize its eligible situation, by giving the most indubitable evidence of its growing attachment to that Constitution, which with so much unanimity they have adopted—and which every day's experience proves was the great desideratum in their late embarrassed situation.
"United here, and realiz'd we see, "LAWS, INDEPENDENCE, LIBERTY! "The triple cord which binds all fast, "Like the golden chain of Jove, "Combining all below, with all above, "To make the sacred Union last."
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Wednesday, Sloop Sea Flower, Whiting, Cape Francois, 30 days. Thursday, Brig Amelia, Lewis, Cape Francois, 9 days.
A few copies of The President's SPEECH, on fine paper, may be had at the Office of the Editor.
WILLIAM TAYLOR,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS,
Among which are the following Articles:
  BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4  HUMHUMS,    Jacket do.  Long Cloths,    Hankercchiefs, of various kinds,  Cassas,    Chintzes,  Seersuckers,    Ginghams,  Boglapores.  
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS.
With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
JANUARY 9, 1790. t. f.

On Excise, or Duties on inland Trade and Business.
To balance the several branches of a national revenue, in such manner, that no order of citizens may be oppressed, and no kind of useful business discouraged, is the most difficult duty of a financier. Any man who is clothed with power, and determined on the obtainment of a revenue, may find ways and means to take it from the people; but it is only a great and prudent man, who can combine public and private interests, by enriching the national treasury, in such ways as stimulate general industry, and overburden no order of people. A genius, naturally adapted for such calculations, may fix on leading principles, and conjecture with surprising success; still it is experience which must perfect the system. That rapid growth of empire which we may expect, with such fresh resources as always appear in a new country; under the guidance of a masterly hand, and matured by a few years experience, will establish American credit in the opinion of all mankind. But to make a successful beginning, the public must exercise patience, and give time for the several parts of a system, to be brought forward in orderly succession; and when the whole is produced, there will be a fit time to judge, how near the first attempt hath approached to such perfection as we may expect, and wherein alterations may be expedient. No man, who hath abilities to provide otherwise for himself, will long serve a factious people; and when jealousy begins to arise, between the great denominations of citizens, who pursue different employments, it threatens a retirement of those characters, who are most fit to guide. The importing merchants have set a noble example of patriotism, in aiding an impost by their influence; if the retailing merchants and planters discover equal magnanimity, we may defy the predictions of our enemies, that America will be always faithless.
Impost and excise are among the names by which taxes on commerce and business have been called. In the American sense of these words, impost is a tax on merchandise, payable at the port of entry, by the importing merchant; and excise is a tax on certain kinds of business, or a duty on merchandise paid by the retailer after a sale of his goods. Though the same article be charged with both duties, there is an obvious reason for separating the times of imposition and payment. The nature of importation, requires it to be made in larger quantities of the same article, than will command an immediate sale; and an impost must be paid before the merchant can receive any returns by his business. If too high an impost be charged, it in effect prohibits importation, by requiring from the importer a sum greater than he can pay; for though he recharges it to the purchaser, there must be a previous advance of the duty, which is beyond his power. This remark will be found true in all mercantile states; but especially in America, from the prevalent custom of giving a long credit to the retailing trader. Were an impost to be imposed, of four times the present sum, it would amount to a prohibition on three fifths of our importing merchants; and throw business into the hands of a few who have great wealth. This would be destructive to many worthy merchants, and operate as a monopoly to raise prices unreasonably on the consumer. There are many articles of luxury which ought to contribute a large share to the national revenue; among these are wines, and ardent spirits of every kind. The man who will indulge his vanity and appetite, in ways which have a corrupting influence on republican virtue, is a fit subject for such kinds of taxation, as he may avoid or voluntarily take on himself. So great a tax on these articles, at the port of entry or at the distillery, as they ought to pay, would prohibit importation for the reason abovementioned; but divide the tax, let one part be paid on importation, and the other by the retailer, after an actual consumption of the article and the evil is prevented. I care not by what name this last tax is called, for names are arbitrarily imposed, and have such a meaning as the legislature is pleased to give them. Impost and excise do not mean the same thing in any two states on earth. In England, an excise means taxes on various kinds of manufacture and internal business, and is wholly different from those excises used by several states in the union, which are duties on the retail sale of imported articles. In other European countries, impost and excise have meanings as different as the several languages of the people; and by means of our general descent from that country, and a community of language, excise is an unpopular word in America; for which reason perhaps this name ought not to enter a revenue system in the United States—though our duties on inland trade and business, should be established on equitable principles, and with a most fa-
cred regard to the rights of men and citizens, the idea associated with that word, will not be removed for half a century.
To accommodate myself to the reader's understanding, I have used the word excise in my past essays, for all duties on inland trade and on certain lucrative branches of business; and I believe it is the sense of the people, that such duties ought to constitute one great branch of the national revenue.
Every principle of national policy requires, that the use of certain foreign articles should be discouraged, by a higher tax, than can be imposed at the port of entry; without forming a virtual monopoly, in favor of a few overgrown importers, or great foreign companies; who would pay any tax, if they might be richly repaid, by a subsequent sale in the country.
Every principle of virtue requires, that the superabundant use of certain articles, which are destructive to the morals, health and industry of the people, should be checked by taxation. If the intemperate, who disturb our neighbourhood, and corrupt our youth, will not benefit the public by their industry and thrift, they should be made subservient to the national good, by contributing largely to its income—So small a quantity of ardent spirits, is necessary for medicine, and the real comfort of life, that a high tax will injure no one, but those who use them to excess; and such have no right to complain of an evil, voluntarily brought on themselves.
Sumptuary laws, or laws against excess in dress and living, have been found necessary in many states, and they are needed in this country. An absolute prince, may prohibit luxury and extravagance in dress, by his positive injunctions; but the experiment will not succeed with a people, who have such ideas of liberty, as prevail in the United States—a more safe method is to discourage foreign superfluities, and encourage our own manufactures by duties judiciously imposed. It is better to enrich our revenue at the expence of prodigality, than of industry—The prodigal are self devoted to ruin, and as the event cannot be prevented, for the contagion of their example let them make the only possible atonement, a contribution to the necessities of the country which hath protected them. Wrought filks of foreign manufacture, ought to be considered as superfluities in the United States; and a duty on all these would encourage the home cultivation and manufacture, for which the middle and southern states are well adapted. To select all the articles, which ought on these general principles to be dutied, is equally beyond my present design, my information and capacity. Certain branches of business within the country, which are productive to the managers, and firmly established, might contribute a share to the national revenue. Our empire extends through a greater variety of climates than any other on earth; in some part of the whole, almost every production of nature may be found, and every work of art will soon be fabricated.—Policy leads to a preference of home productions and manufactures, and a mercantile intercourse between the northern, middle, and southern states—Until this takes place we are not an independent people, in so high a sense as we might be; and the encouragement of such intercourse, depends on the regulation of revenue. To take up these general principles and form a system of duties on inland trade and business, of general benefit, must be a work of time—the task is difficult—the scope is broad, but I firmly believe, the gentlemen, in your treasury department, have an eye of discernment which can measure it.
While on this subject, I cannot refrain mentioning the impolicy and injustice of those partial systems, which have obtained in a number of states, under the name of excise. That politicians of a little territory, pressed for expedients, should patronize them before the formation of a general government, is not so strange; but that any should persevere at the present crisis is unfortunate—Every thing of this kind is in its nature anti-national, and leads to jealousy and contention between the states—It is contrary to the spirit of our constitution, which wisely provides that commerce, with all its interests shall be under the controul of one nurturing parent—and it will give rise to counteracting schemes of revenue, which will for a time oppress the people, and in the end defeat the whole. It ought further to be observed, that the manner of collecting state excises, has been and will be such, that the rich who purchase in large quantities, escape payment, and the poor who buy of a retailer, in small proportions, are subjected to the duty. Certainly this is not good policy or justice.
P. S. Since writing the above, the Observer has heard of a little Treatise, which he would recommend to the perusal of the people of Connecticut. It is entitled, "An enquiry into the Excise Laws of Connecticut"—and is supposed to be written by a gentleman of known literary merit—in which he hath clearly proved, the impolicy and injustice of all state excises, and local systems of revenue, by commerce, and their inconsistency with the rights of a general government.
With equal eye each tender plant survey, And point their opening beauties to the day; But if perchance, some weaker than the rest, Recline their heads, by nature's hand depressed, Let double diligence thy hours employ, To make them objects too, of future joy.
THERE is a weakness that many parents discover in their conduct towards their children, which is invariably attended with unhappy effects—and that is, partiality in their deportment towards those who insensibly become the objects of peculiar tenderness, while the rest of the same flock are treated with neglect. But the ideas on this subject I would wish to impress on the minds of my readers, are contained in the following quotation from that excellent production, the "Worcester Speculator" in these observations, viz.
Parents are the trustees of Heaven; infant souls are loaned to them to form for usefulness here and happiness hereafter; in the discharge of this all important trust, the nicest attention should be paid to the forming of their minds, and they ought carefully to avoid a discovery of any partiality, as it has a tendency to irritate and sour the temper and disposition, and will indelibly stamp the character through life. To administer favours with equal liberality, ought to be the leading principle in the magna charta of every domestic republic; yet so strangely have parents, from the first formation of families, mistaken the elements of domestick police, that we have too often found them, in the most inhuman manner, detaching favourites from among their branches, on whom, they lavish every attention, unnaturally indulging the freaks of their own fancy, and suffering the scale of favour to preponderate with the most unrestrained caprice.—Inhuman gratification! ill grounded partiality! If it be bottomed on any superiority of talents, that superiority must arise from nature or from education; if from nature, parents, as the instruments of nature, ought to be the last to aggravate these misfortunes; if from education, as the guardians and instructors of their offspring, they but rebuke their own delinquency.—Unnatural and unjustifiable is the conduct of such parents—unhappy and fatal have been the consequences which ever did and invariably will result from such treatment; yet how bitter, how agonizing is the reflection to every philanthropic soul, that the baneful influence of this partiality is not confined to, nor does it all evaporate in the small sphere of domestick conv.
"Just as the twig is bent the tree's inclin'd."
The early impressions of infancy will indelibly stain our minds for life.—When children are forced, by a parent's unequal hand, into a consciousness of their inferiority, it enlarges on them with their acquaintance with mankind.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
   JANUARY 9.—DOLLARS at 83.     JAMAICA Spirits, 5/3. a 5/6 Do. 22 inch do. 11. 6/.   Antigua Rum, 4/9. a 5/. Do. 18. inch do. 18/.   St. Croix, do. 4/4. a 4/8. Butt white oak staves, 35/.   Country, do. 2/10. a 3/. Pipe do. do. 9/.   Molasses, 2/4. a 2/5. Hoghead do. do. 6/. 10/.   Brandy, 5/9. a 6/. Do. do. heading, 8/.   Geneva, 5/. Irish barrel do. staves, 3/. 5/.   Do. in cases, 28/. Hoghead red oak do. 5/. 5/.   Muscovado Sugar, 80/. Do. French do. 5/.   Loaf, do. 1/3. Hoghead hoops, 4/.   Lump, do. 1/4. White oak square timber } 10d.   Pepper, 3/3. per square foot,   Pimento, 1/8. a 1/4. Red wood, per ton, 28/.   Coffee, 1/8. a 1/9. Fustick, 10/.   Indigo, (Carolina) 3/. Beaver, per lb. 12/. 16/.   Do. French, 18/. Otter per skin, 9/. 32/.   Rice, 22/. Grey fox, 4/7.   Superfine Flour, 49/. Martin, 4/10.   Common do. 42/. Raccoon, 3/6. 7/6.   Rye do. 25/. Muskat, 10d. 14d.   Indian Meal, 18/. Beaver hats, 64/.   Rye, 4/9. pr. bush. Castor do. 48/.   Corn, (Southern) 4/. Chocolate, 14d.   Do. (Northern) 4/3. Cocoa, 70/. 80/.   Beef, first quality, 45/. Cotton, 1/9.   Pork, first quality, 70/. Tar, pr. bar. 11/. 12/.   Oats, 1/7. Pitch, 16/.   Flax-seed, 5/6. Turpentine, 18/. 20/.   Ship bread per cwt. Tobacco, James River, 4d. 33/4.   Country refined Do. York, 4d. 33/4.   bar-iron, Do. Rappahannock, 2d. 33/4.   Do. bloomer, Do. Maryland, coloured, 53/4.   Swedes do. Do. Western-shore, 2d. 33/4.   Russia do. Lead in pigs, pr cwt. 60/.   Pig-iron, Do. bars, 68/.   German steel, per lb. Do. Shot, 68/.   Nails American, by cask. Red lead, 68/.   per. lb. 4d. White do. dry, 95/.   Do. do. do. 6d. White do. in oil, 5/. 12/.   Do. do. do. 8d. Salt-petre hams, 7 1/2/.   Do. do. do. 10d. Spermaceti candles, 3/.   Do. do. do. 12d. Mould do. 11d. 1/.   Do. do. do. 20d. Tallow dipt, 9 1/2/.   Do. do. do. 24d. Soap, 5d. 8d.   Pot ash, per ton, Castile soap, 9d. 10d.   Pearl ash, English cheese, pr. lb. 15d.   Bees-wax per lb. Country do. 5d.   Mackarel per barr. Butter, 1/.   Herrings, Hyson tea, 11/. 12/.   Mahogany, Jamaica, Sequin do. 6/6.   per foot, Bohea do. 2/5.   Dominico, do. Ginseng, 3/. 4/6.   Honduras, do. Starch Poland, 7d.   Logwood unchipped, Snuff, 2/3.   per ton. Allum salt, water mea- } 3/6.   Do. chipped, sure, pr. bush.   2 inch white oak Liverpool do. 2/.   plank, per m. Madeira wine, } 60/.   1 inch do. pr. pipe,   2 inch white pine plank, Port, 46/.   1 1/2 inch do. Lisbon, pr. gal. 5/.   1 inch do. Teneriff, 4/.   2 inch pitch pine do. Fyall, 3/3.   1 1/2 inch do. Dutch gun-powder, pr. cwt. 8/.   1 inch do. Nail rods, pr. ton, 36/.   Pitch pine scantling, Lintseed oil, pr. gal. 4/.   Cyprus 2 feet shingles, Whale do. pr. barrel, 5/. 45/6.   Do. 22 inch do. Spermaceti do. 6/.   Cedar 2 inch do. Shake-down hds. 1/.  
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Gazette of the United States circulates in every part of the Union—being honored by subscribers in Georgia, South and North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New-York, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, and District of Maine, Canada, Europe, and the West Indies. This extensive circulation renders it a proper vehicle for ADVERTISEMENTS of a general, commercial and governmental import.—By the particular desire and advice, therefore, of a number of its patrons, this paper will be open for the reception of advertisements of the above description; which as they will convey intelligence of an interesting nature, the Editor hopes their insertion will meet the approbation of his friends in general. Should the number at any time amount to more than a page in the Gazette, they will be given in a Supplement. JOHN FENNO.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]