Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-04-13 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 100, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13, 1791.
[Whole No. 204.]
Discourses on Davila.—No. 29.
(Concluded.)
THE affairs of the Hugonots were in a critical situation. It was not doubted but that, after the death of the Prince, the Admiral would be chosen for their Chief, both because of the distinguished employments which he had held in the party, and the reputation which his prudence had acquired. After the battle of Dreux, when the Prince was made prisoner, the whole party, with unanimous consent, had deferred to Coligni the honour of the command. But at present there were several gentlemen, who, by their birth, their riches, or their other qualities, thought themselves not his inferiors. Some of these tore his reputation with slanders; some detested the austerity of his character, manners and habits. Unhappy Admiral! thy fortune however is not singular. Merit, talents, virtues, services, of the most exalted kinds, have in all ages been forced to give way, not to family pride, for this alone would be impotent and ridiculous, but to the popular prejudice, the vulgar idolatry, or the splendor of wealth and birth, with which family pride is always fortified, supported and defended. The Admiral had lost, by malignant fevers, his brother Dandelot and his friend Boucard: deprived of these two, the party which interested itself in the grandeur and elevation of the Admiral, was considerably weakened. But Coligni surmounted all obstacles by his address—he began by renouncing in appearance those chimerical titles with which a vain ambition would have been satisfied, proposing however, in fact, to preserve all the authority of the command. He resolved to declare Chiefs of the party and Generals of the army, Henry Prince of Navarre, and Henry Prince of Condé, son of the deceased Prince. During the childhood of these, the Admiral remained necessarily charged with the conduct and administration of all affairs of importance. It was, among Protestants, as well as Catholics, in the cause of liberty as well as that of tyranny, the only means of repressing the ambition and pretensions, the envy, jealousy, malignity and perfidy of the grandees; the only means of answering the expectations of the people, and of uniting minds which the diversity of sentiment had already very much divided.
In this resolution, without demanding what he felt, he could not obtain—The Admiral intreated the Queen of Navarre to come to the army, representing to her that the moment was arrived for elevating the Prince her son to that degree of grandeur for which he was born, and to which she had long aspired. The Queen was not wanting in courage or fortitude: already resolved at all hazards to declare her son the head of the party, she came with all the diligence which a stroke of so much importance required, and appeared with the two Princes at the camp at Cognac. Discord reigned in the army, notwithstanding the necessity of union and unanimity, to such a degree that it was on the point of disbanding. The Queen of Navarre, after having approved the views of the Admiral, assembled the troops; she spoke to them with a firmness above her sex, and exhorted all those brave warriors to continue constant and united, for the defence of their liberty and their religion. She proposed to them for Chiefs the two young Princes, who were present, and whose noble air interested the spectators; adding, that, under the auspices of these two young shoots from the royal blood, they ought to hope for the most happy success to the just pretensions of the common cause. This discourse animated the courage of the army, who appeared to forget in an instant the chagrine caused by the loss of the battle, and by the dissensions which had followed it. The Admiral and the Earl of Rochefoucault were the first to submit, and to take an oath of fidelity to the Princes of Bourbon; the nobility and all the officers did the same, and the soldiers, with great acclamations, applauded the choice which their Generals had made of the Princes for Chiefs and protectors of the reformed religion . This in human imaginations is considered, and in human language is called, DIGNITY! The greatest Statesman, and the greatest General of his age, must resign the command of his own army, even in the cause of religion, virtue and liberty, to two beardless boys, because they had more wealth, and better blood.
Henry of Bourbon, Prince of Navarre, aged 15, had however a lively spirit, a great and ge-
nerous soul, and discovered a decided inclination for war: animated by the councils of his mother, he accepted without hesitation the command of the army, and promised the Hugonots, in a concise military eloquence, to protect their religion, and to persevere in the common cause, until death or victory should procure them liberty. The Prince of Condé, whose tender age permitted not to express his sentiments, marked his consent only by his gestures. Thus the Prince of Navarre, who joined to the superiority of age the prerogative of first Prince of the Blood, became really the head of the party. In memory of this event, the Queen Jane caused medals of gold to be struck, which represented on one side her own bust, on the other that of her son, with this inscription— PAX CERTA, VICTORIA INTEGRA, MORS HONESTA—A safe peace, compleat victory, or honorable death.
Coligni remains charged with the conduct of the war, by reason of the youth of the Princes—he divides his troops, and throws them into the cities which adhered to him. The Duke of Anjou pursues his victory, and forms the siege of Cognac, which he is obliged however to raise, by the vigorous resistance of the besieged: he takes several other cities. A new army of Germans, commanded by the Duke of Deux Ponts, enters France to assist the Hugonots. Wolfgang of Bavaria, Duke of Deux Ponts, excited by the money and the promises of the Hugonots, with the aid of the Duke of Saxony and the Count Palatine of the Rhine, at the solicitation of the Queen of England, had raised an army of 6000 infantry, and 8000 horse. In the same army was William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, and Louis and Henry his brothers, who, after having quitted Flanders, to avoid the cruelty of the Duke of Alva, supported the interests of the Calvinists of France, whose religion they professed. This army marches towards the Loire, takes La Charité, and passes the river. The Duke of Deux Ponts dies of a fever, and is succeeded in command by Count Mansfeld. The Princes, and their Mentor the Admiral, march to meet this succour. The Duke of Anjou, for fear of being surrounded by these two armies, retires into Limoussin. The Hugonots, combined with their allies, follow the royal army. A spirited action at Roche-Abeille. The sterility of the country forces the Hugonots to retire. The Queen Mother comes to the camp. The resolution is taken to separate the royal army, to leave the forces of the Hugonots to consume by time: it is separated, in fact, and the Duke of Anjou retires to Roches in Touraine.
probably desirous that it may die with the opposition itself. The rule in this case says, that where the words bear no signification we must deviate a little, and as this deviation cannot be made by giving the words less than no meaning, it must be made by a more liberal construction than is given by gentlemen in the opposition. Thus their artillery is turned on themselves, for their own interpretation is an argument against itself.
The last rule mentioned relates to the spirit and reason of the law, and the Judge is of opinion "that the most universal and effectual way of discovering the true meaning of a law when the words are dubious, is by considering the reason and spirit of it, or the cause which moved the legislature to enact it." The causes which produced the constitution were an imperfect union, want of public and private justice, internal commotions, a defenceless community, neglect of the public welfare and danger to our liberties.—These are known to be the causes not only by the preamble of the constitution, but also from our own knowledge of the history of the times that preceded the establishment of it. If these weighty causes produced the constitution, and it not only gives power for removing them, but also authorizes Congress to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying these powers into effect: shall we listen to assertions that these words have no meaning and that this constitution has not more energy than the old? Shall we thus unnerve the government, leave the union, as it was under the confederation, defenceless against a banditti of Creek Indians, and thus relinquish the protection of its citizens? Or shall we, by a candid and liberal construction of the powers expressed in the constitution, promote the great and important objects thereof? Each member must determine for himself; I shall without hesitation chuse the latter and leave the people and States to determine whether or not I am pursuing their true interest.—If it is enquired where we are to draw the line of a liberal construction, I would also enquire, where the line of restriction is to be drawn? The interpretation of the constitution, like the prerogative of a sovereign, may be abused; but from hence the disuse of either cannot be inferred. In the exercise of prerogative the minister is responsible for his advice to his sovereign, and the members of either House are responsible to their constituents for their conduct in construing the constitution. We act at our peril: if our conduct is directed to the attainment of the great objects of government, it will be approved and not otherwise; but this cannot operate as a reason to prevent our discharging the trusts reposed in us.
Let us now compare the different modes of reasoning on this subject, and determine which is right, for both cannot be.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Madison) has urged the dangerous tendency of a liberal construction; but which is most dangerous a liberal or a destructive interpretation?—The liberty we have taken in interpreting the constitution, we conceive to be necessary , and it cannot be denied to be useful in attaining the objects of it: but whilst he denies us this liberty he grants to himself a right to annul part, and a very important part of the constitution. The same principle that will authorise a destruction of part will authorise the destruction of the whole of the constitution, and if gentlemen have a right to make such rules, they have an equal right to make others for enlarging the powers of the constitution, and indeed of forming a despotism.—Thus, if we take the gentleman for our pilot, we shall be wrecked on the reef which he cautions us to avoid.
The gentleman has referred us to the last article of the amendment proposed to the constitution by Congress, which provides, that the powers not delegated to Congress or prohibited to the states shall rest in them or the people: And the question is; what powers are delegated ?—Does the gentleman conceive that such only are delegated as are expressed ? If so, he must admit, that our whole code of laws is unconstitutional. This he disavows and yields to the necessity of interpretation, which, by a fair and candid application of established rules of construction to the constitution, authorizes, as has been shewn, the measure under consideration.
The usage of Congress has also been referred to; and if we look at their acts under the existing constitution, we shall find they are generally
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, Feb. 7.
The BANK BILL under consideration.
MR. GERRY'S SPEECH CONCLUDED.
THE third rule of the Judge relative to the "subject matter" of a law, it is unnecessary to apply, because the members agree in their ideas relative to the meaning of the terms taxes, duties, loans, &c.
The fourth rule which relates "to effects and consequences" is important; and here the learned Judge observes that "as to effects and consequences, the rule is where the words bear none, or a very absurd signification if literally understood, we must a little deviate from the received sense of them." In the present case the gentlemen in the opposition generally, as well as the gentleman first up from Virginia, give the whole meaning by which Congress are authorized "to make all laws necessary and proper, &c." no meaning whatever; for they say the former Congress had the same power under the confederation without this clause as the present Congress have with it. The federalist is quoted on this occasion, but although the author of it discovered great ingenuity, this part of his performance I consider as a political heresy. His doctrine indeed, was calculated to lull the consciences of those who differed in opinion with him at that time, and having accomplished his object, he is

the result of a liberal construction. I will mention but two. The first relates to the establishment of the executive departments and gives to the President the power of removing officers. As the constitution is silent on this subject, the power mentioned by the gentleman's own reasoning, is vested in the states or the people: he, however contended for an assumption of the power, and when assumed urged that it should be vested in the President, although, like the power of appointment, it was by a respectable minority in both Houses, conceived that it should have been vested in the President and Senate. His rule of interpretation then , was therefore more liberal than it is now . In the other case Congress determined by law, with the sanction of the President, when and where they should hold their next session, although the constitution provides that this power shall rest solely in the two Houses. The gentleman also advocated this measure, and yet appears to be apprehensive of the consequences that may result from a construction of the constitution which admits of a national bank. But from which of these measures is danger to be apprehended? The only danger from our interpretation would be the exercise by Congress of a general power to form corporations: But the dangers resulting from the gentleman's interpretations, in the cases alluded to, are very different; for what may we not apprehend from the precedent of having assumed a power on which the constitution was silent, and from having annexed it to the supreme executive? If we have this right in one instance, we may extend it to others, and make him a despot. And here I think it necessary to declare, that such is my confidence in the wisdom, integrity and justice of the chief magistrate, as that I should be at ease, if my life, liberty and property were at his disposal:—but this is a trust which I am not authorized to make for my constituents; and as his successors in office will possess equal powers, but may not possess equal virtues, caution with respect to them is necessary. Again—what may be the result of the precedent relating to the session of Congress? If we had a right by law to determine where the next Congress should hold their session, one Congress may oblige another to sit at Kentucky, or in the intended state Yazoo, under the protection of a Chickasaw Chief, or his excellency Governor Tallan. It must therefore be evident, that the usage of Congress in both instances is against the gentleman, and that the dangers from the precedent of establishing a bank, are comparatively small to those resulting from the other measures referred to.
The gentleman from Virginia has endeavored to support his interpretation of the constitution, by the sense of the federal convention; but how is this to be obtained? By applying proper rules of interpretation? If so the sense of the convention is in favor of the bill; or, are we to depend on the memory of the gentleman for an history of their debates and from thence to collect their sense? This would be improper, because the memories of different gentlemen would probably vary, as they have already done, with respect to those facts; and if not, the opinions of the individual members who debated are not to be considered as the opinions of the convention. Indeed if they were, no motion was made in that convention, and therefore none could be rejected for establishing a national bank: And the measure which the gentleman has referred to, was a proposition merely to enable Congress to erect commercial corporations, which was and always ought to be negatived.
The gentleman's arguments respecting the sense of the State conventions, have as little force as those relating to the federal convention. The debates of the State conventions, as published by the short hand writers, were generally partial and mutilated; in this, if the publications are to be relied on, the arguments were all on one side of the question, for there is not in the record which is said to contain the Pennsylvania debates, a word against the ratification of the constitution: Although we all know that arguments were warmly urged on both sides. The gentleman has quoted the opinions, as recorded in the debates of this State and North-Carolina, of two of our learned judges: But the speech of one member is not to be considered as expressing the sense of a convention; and, if it was, we have no record which can be depended on, of such speeches. Indeed had even this been the case, the union was at that time divided into two great parties, one of which feared the loss of the union, if the constitution was not ratified unconditionally, and the other the loss of our liberties, if it was. The object on either side was so important, as perhaps to induce the parties to depart from candor, and to call in the aid of art, flattery, professions of friendship, promises of office, and even good cheer, were resorted to: And when these failed, the federal Bull was published, denouncing political death and destruction to ant federal insidels.—Under such circumstances the opinions of great men ought not to be considered as authorities, and in many instances could not be recognized by themselves.
Mr. GERRY then observing that the sense of the States respecting a bank would be best ascertained by their legislative acts, shewed from the journals of Congress, that when restrained by the confederation from exercising any powers but what were expressly delegated, Congress had without any authority established a bank, whose capital might extend to ten million dollars; and had not only pledged the faith of the union not to erect any other, but had recommended it to the States to prohibit any State establishment of the kind, and had also determined that the bank bills should be receivable in the taxes and duties of every State: That the States did not remonstrate against or tacitly acquiesce in, but actually supported the measures of Congress relative to the bank, whilst the war continued and after the peace: That this was the strongest evidence the States could give, that they thought the measure salutary, and had no objection to it, on the ground of its being constitutional. He then urged that if the States and the people at large had no objection to a bank in that case, they certainly could not in this; and enquired whether there was any evidence of their disapprobation of such an institution in the debates of their conventions or propositions for amendments? To this he answered in the negative, and urged that whilst the conventions were silent on this subject, and had no objections to such a measure, several of them had proposed amendments to the constitution, for restraining Congress from establishing commercial corporations; which evinced their disapprobation of such institutions and admitted at the same time, in some degree, the power of Congress, under the existing constitution, to form them.
Mr. GERRY then shewed, that as a monopoly has been urged as an objection to the bill, no such consequence could result from it: For the bill does not restrain State or private banks, or even individuals, from negotiations of a similar nature with those permitted to the stockholders; nor does it restrain the States from forming similar corporations. This plan has not a feature of monopoly, and the gentlemen who oppose it, contend for a bank which according to its original institution was founded in monopoly.
He then answered the argument urged against the authority of Congress, to enable corporations to hold lands, when they had no power themselves of purchasing and holding land; and shewed that although Congress are restrained from purchasing lands (except in certain cases) and from exercising over the same exclusive legislation ; yet that they may hold lands obtained by execution, conquest, and by other means as well as by those clauses of the constitution which relate to lands now belonging to the union; and that Congress had often invested others with powers which they themselves could not exercise.
He then noticed the argument, that, by a law of Virginia, notes payable to the bearer, or order, could not circulate in that State; and observed that this law could not be supposed to extend to bank notes; and if it did, it would be null and void, because the constitution of the union and laws, made in pursuance thereof, were paramount to the laws and constitutions of the several States. Having considered the arguments against the constitutionality of the bill, he entered into the policy and utility of the measure.—In his remarks on this head we shall not follow him.
The foregoing Speech of Mr. Gerry is copied from the General Advertiser.
LONDON, February 8.
LAST week, when the new Bishop of Versailles was about to take the civic oath before the National Assembly, on his promotion, with unpowered hanging locks, a lady exclaimed "What a nasty ill-combed Bishop!" to which a gentleman near her answered "The time is over, Madame, when W——s bestowed Bishoprics; they are now conferred on virtue, and virtue needs no ornament."
Of all enemies, the Empress most dreads that of Prussia—and her officers and soldiers entertain similar apprehensions. To fix the Black Eagle on the walls of Constantinople is a common idea at Petersburg—but to mention Berlin, makes a Russian shrink within himself.
In the last year, woolen goods were manufactured in the district of Yorkshire, taking Rochdale (a space of ground not more than 30 miles square) to the value of three millions four hundred thousand pounds.
A quantity of ambergris, to the amount of 360 ounces (which has since sold for 19s. per ounce) has lately been found in the head and body of one whale. Hitherto the whales were supposed to contain little or no ambergris, and the quantity of this article brought to market was said to be found floating on the surface of those seas where whales were supposed to reside. The particulars of this very useful and valuable discovery have been attested before the privy council, and an account of it was read on Thursday night last at the Royal Society.
Col. Smith, who was one of the aids-du-camp
to General Washington, is now in London, and though he has not appeared in any public capacity, is supposed, in some measure, to supply the place of an Envoy from the United States.
Every one has heard of the voyage round the world, undertaken some years ago by Mr. Peyrouse, by order of the King of France, as well as of the misfortunes attending the ships employed in that enterprise; the crews of which not having been heard of, for these last two years, from any part of the world, it is imagined they may possibly have been shipwrecked on some island.
In this hope, an address was presented to the National Assembly by the Society of Natural History at Paris, petitioning that some new vessels might be fitted out for the double purpose of seeking those unfortunate men, if they yet exist, and pursuing the same researches in Natural History and Geography that the unfortunate Peyrouse was commissioned to investigate.
Mr. Pitt, to his honor be it recorded, has made the proceedings in the trial of Warren Hastings a government question, and the friends to the present administration will therefore support the vote of the House of Commons when taken into consideration by the House of Lords. The minister, with the rest of the impartial part of mankind, thinks, that if it was justice to bring Mr. Hastings to trial, it is but justice to finish that trial in a legal manner.
The Duke of Marlborough's book of Gems is perhaps the most valuable that ever was published—not so much for the fineness of the printing, as for the beauty of the copper plates. The book consists of two volumes, and contains 100 engravings, all of them done by Bartolozzi. Only 200 copies have been worked off, and they are so scarce, that 150 guineas have been offered for a copy.
The Duke of Marlborough has presented all the crowned heads in Europe with a copy of his book, which has likewise been sent to the two Universities here, and the principal Academies abroad. The explanation of the plates is in Latin and French.
Feb. 15—24. M. Conde and Artois are still absent from Paris, and the former is said to be making the tour of Italy, the latter to be stationed at Venice. They have refused to comply with the decree which enjoins them to take the Civic Oath on pain of forfeiting their pensions; and this circumstance, with their removal from Turin to the Southward, preserves the hopes of the Aristocrats that a counter-revolution will be attempted.
M. de la Fayette is nearly recovered, and is expected to appear soon at the Club des Jacobins.
Four millions due, though almost upon a dormant claim, to the family of Orleans, will it is supposed, be paid to the Duke by the National Assembly, upon a condition, that it shall be appropriated to the payment of his debts.
The murderers of the Abbe du Bois who was absurdly charged with a design of assassinating the Count d'Artois, are to be tried in the ensuing month.
The Cardinal de Rohan, once so much the topic of conversation, has written a silly letter to the National Assembly, who will shew very little resentment of his folly.
The late Archbishop of Paris has sent a seditious letter to the press, which has been returned by the Printer.
Extract of a letter from Petersburg, Dec. 22.
"An authentic list has been published here of the forces of the Russian empire, with a statement of the losses suffered, both by the land army and that of the sea, during the last three years. This loss, including the sick and deserters, is estimated at 130,000 men.
"The Russian army consists of four parts, the guards, the Campaign Troops, the Garrisons and the Irregular Troops. The Guards amounted to 9967 men, but the Swedish war has reduced them to 5036 men; the Campaign Troops were 48,441 cavalry, whom the war has reduced to 25,300; and 121,554 Infantry, which now amount to only 61,300. The garrisons, which were 103,226 men, are reduced to 69,100; the Irregular Troops were 127,000 strong, but now are reduced to 63,500. The army of the Empress, therefore, before the war, amounted to 409,978 men; her losses amount to 223,180; but as above 100,000 recruits have been raised, the army has not lost above 130,000 men, and of course there still remain about 280,000 men at present."
A case is said to be preparing to be laid before the Royal Society, of a person in a severe paroxysm of the hydrophobia, who was effectually cured by oil, taken internally, and applied outwardly, as an unguent, for three days, without remission.
Opinion of the Judges on the protesting of bills.
The court were clearly of opinion, that inland bills of exchange, drawn after sight, could not be protested for non-payment, as those only which were drawn after date were within the words of the statute of King William, by which protests were introduced, and for which, it expressly says, that sixpence only shall be taken.
The Court were also unanimously of opinion,

that bills subject to be protested, could not by law be protested, until the day after the day on which they became due.
Two of the judges also were of opinion, that there is no difference between the contract created by a bill of exchange, and any other contract, as by mortgage, bond, lease, &c. &c. where the party has the whole of the last day on which he undertakes to discharge himself from the obligation.
But one of the judges differed in opinion on this point, and thought a bill of exchange was not like a condition to pay money on a certain day, but was a contract only to pay the money on the day, if the bill was presented for payment. The demand, he said, ought to be made in a reasonable time of the day; for that if an acceptor had the whole of the day, the Bankers clerks would be in a terrible situation, for they would then be obliged to be at every man's house until the last period.
The other judge declined giving his opinion on this point of the case.
At length the National Assembly have adopted the British mode of trial by jury, and viva voce evidence is approved as the best and safest method of answering all the ends of justice. Upon the account thereof being spread throughout Paris, the people instantly testified their joy and approbation of the long looked for and happy event by every means in their power, and all that festivity and mirth peculiar to their character.
At a Protestant meeting in Strasburg, the following prayer is offered up twice a day, for the National Assembly:
"Almighty God! animate by thy power the Deputies of the Franks! Cherish, in their hearts, that indefatigable zeal which is so necessary to accelerate the accomplishment of our welfare! Be their Guide! Be their Chief! Open thine hands, and pour out that measure of felicity of which each community in the universe is susceptible! and prosper, with thy boundless protection, all their virtuous, spirited, and painful labours!"
WHITEHALL, Nov. 20.
The King has been pleased to approve the appointment of William Knox, Esq. to be Consul for the United States of America, in the city of Dublin, and in such other parts of the kingdom of Ireland as shall be nearer to the said city than the residence of any other Consul and Vice-Consul of the said United States.
Dec. 7. This day, in pursuance of the King's pleasure, his Royal Highness William Henry, Duke of Clarence, Captain in his Majesty's Navy, was promoted to the rank of Rear Admiral of the Blue Squadron of his Majesty's fleet.
DUBLIN, February 2.
The establishment of that most commendable institution, the Orphan-House , reflects the brightest lustre on the benevolent founders. The amiable example they have given, should excite a spirit of imitation in this kingdom.
The erecting of asylums, to which those forlorn and comfortless children of adversity may fly for safety and for succour, must exhibit to foreign nations, an emphatic picture of Irish philanthropy.
Extract of a letter from Captain Lewis, of the Union, dated Foynes, Jan. 18, to a gentleman in Dublin.
"I am sorry to inform you that on Sunday night, in a heavy squall, my vessel went on shore on the Point of Durness, near Robertstown creek; that about seven or eight o'clock last night the mob assembled, and came down to the vessel, and drove the people on board out of the vessel by a continual firing of musquets; they then boarded her, and plundered every thing they could get, and cut away as much of the rigging as they could, split one of the pumps down to the deck, and began to cut the foremast away, took all the provisions, bread, &c. in fact plundered her of every thing they could, and then scuttled her. John Hunt, Esq. went off with his armed men, and exchanged a few shots with them, dispersed and obliged them to quit the vessel."
The above vessel was bound from Boston to Bristol, and put into the river Shannon in distress.
Extract of a letter from a Rome, dated January 3.
"There are many French Bishops here at present, and 36 more are expected. They chose rather to leave France, than assent to the decrees of the National Assembly. His Holiness maintains them in the most honorable manner—and Prince Borghese offers to support 26 at his own expence."
According to the latest accounts from India—the company's affairs do not appear to be in a very flattering situation; at the outbreak of the war with Tippoo, the governor General has been obliged to borrow money at 12 per cent. to raise the necessary supplies.
"WOMEN'S WIT IS QUICK." Anon.
The following circumstance is said to be a fact:—A few days ago the Walthamstow stage coming to town late in the evening, the discourse happening to turn on robbers, one gentleman expressed his fears, that he should lose ten guineas; an elderly lady, who sat next him, begged him to take his money from his pocket, and slip it into his boot, which he did.—Not long after, a highwayman rode up to the window (on the lady's side) and demanded her money. She declared she had none; but, if he could cut that
gentleman's boot, he would find therein ten guineas. The gentleman was obliged to submit patiently; but, when the robber departed, loaded his fellow traveller with abuse, declaring her to be in confederacy with the highwayman.—She said, certainly appearances were against her; but that, if the company in the stage would sup at her house the following evening, she would explain a conduct which appeared so mysterious. After much debate between themselves, they consented to go the next evening according to her address. They were ushered into a magnificent room; a very elegant supper was prepared; after which the lady taking a pocket-book from out of her pocket, shewed that it contained various notes, to the amount of several hundred pounds, and, addressing herself particularly to the gentleman who had been robbed,—"I thought, Sir, said she, it was better for you to lose your ten guineas, than me the valuable property, which I had about me last night;—as you have been the cause of my saving it, I entreat your acceptance of this bank bill," which was one of an hundred pounds.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
S O N N E T.
BEHOLD that woe-wild Maiden in yon Cell! Poor hapless Maiden! once the Village boast! O'er ev'ry Gals her name was sung the toast, The praise of KATE on every tongue would dwell. Her bosom tender as the callow Dove, She list'ned to the tale of WILLIAM's tongue; Her Eye would dart the pensive-looks of love, And only WILLIAM charm'd her with his song. But when the faithless Lover, caught her heart; Loft to the laws of honor, voice of truth, Loft to the generous sentiment of youth, Her name he sullied by a villain's art; Remorse now forces the nerve-shaking sigh, While fiercest madness fires her sparkling Eye. B I R T H A.
P A T C H W O R K.
HE that has merit of his own, Need take no pains to make it known; The world will give him credit, ample, And cite him for a bright example— But some from house to house will run, To stun you with the feats they've done; And in a rising cloud of lies, Portray their public sacrifice! And not content with this will teize you, Till you subscribe to what don't please you, A fulsome flattering commendation, Vile fallhoods known to halt the nation! By arts like these, they patch their name, But weak and sickly is their fame— It thrinks from truth's remotest touches, And hobbles like a wretch on crutches.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
YOUR correspondent has favored me with some remarks upon mine in answer to his former strictures on the subject of the proposed Bank of the United States. I was to be sure wrong when I appealed to private feelings, or to the passions of men, in favor of an old and venerable Institution, to which time had given its sanction, and the country was greatly indebted for its freedom; for what are passions, or the finer feelings, when compared to the all-subduing cry of National Policy, or expediency, against which very often not even the voice of reason has been found to prevail: There are, however, those, who think that on this occasion, the national gratitude might well have been made consistent with the national policy; and that the Bank of North-America would have proved fully commensurate to all the purposes of government, had government been pleased to resort to it: Since, however they have resolved otherwise, I am clear for supporting the Old Bank, in memory of what it has done; and I have no doubt of its meeting with all the countenance of the monied and commercial interests of the State, that will be necessary to preserve it on its present very respectable footing; for this I rely on the enlightened minds of our citizens in general, who cannot but see the hazard of risking all in one bottom, and the greater chance they have of being well served by a salutary competition between two: I rely also on the wisdom of the State, that cannot do better than to patronize its own Bank, as its pecuniary facilities must be so greatly dependant upon it, and accordingly in the present session the legislature have fully shown their conviction of the truth and solidity of this reasoning.
As to the observation "that the Bank of North-America have accepted and acted under a new Charter from the State of Pennsylvania, materially variant from the original one, and which so narrows the foundation of the Institution, as to render it an incompetent basis for the extensive purposes of a National Bank," and the inference drawn from all this fine reasoning, that another Bank was essential, it is only necessary to answer, That it was no fault of the Bank that Pennsylvania abrogated its original charter; and as it was no fault of the Bank's, it ought not to operate to its prejudice; nor was it necessary that it should, since Congress could just as easily, the State Charter notwithstanding, have extended the foundation of this narrowed Institution, as they could establish the so broad one they have at present projected.
In fact there is no essential difference between the two Banks, but what lie in the compass of the following circumstances: The introduction of a capital of 2 public debt in the New Bank—the narrowing of the privilege of voting of persons not resident in the Union—the power of branching out the Bank over America—the latitude of carrying it on wherever the Directors choose—the extending their number to 25—the forcibly turning one fourth of them out every year—and the compelling the subscription for bank stock to be kept open until 25000 shares are subscribed; and I will venture to say, that in every one of these particulars, the Bank of North-America is on a better footing for the concerned, than it is possible the new one should be, if the following positions be true, and I believe they are, to wit. That gold and silver are a better basis for a Bank than paper of any kind whatever—that freedom of votes in all the Stockholders is the palladium of the safety of all—that a Bank limited in its operations to one certain place, is more secure and stable, than one liable, like the winds of Heaven, to be wafted every where—that twelve Directors are a more responsible body, than twenty-five, of which seven may form a quorum—that a perfect freedom of election is better than a forced change of it, and that a stock limited by the Stockholders to the amount of their wants and business, is better than one compelled by necessity to be left open, till an amount be subscribed beyond any possible scale of utility or of profit.
The reasonings of the Secretary of the Treasury, in his report on the subject of the Bank, are with me as inconclusive, as were his positions on the subject of the deferring payment of part of the interest of the national debt—both measures I have ever thought unnecessary and inexpedient.
I think it was as needless at present to erect a new Bank on the plan proposed, as I thought it impolitic in the latter part of his first Report, to see him propose any thing short of the fullest and amplest justice contemplated in the beginning of it. Time however must do its own office, and shew who has been right in these theoretic discussions. I am willing to take my chance in the long run for its approbation, and hope that in its progress, the Bank of
North America will evince, by the profit and extent of its operations, that my efforts in its service have not been without use: To protect this Institution, I have thought a laudable undertaking; I am sure to preserve it on its present ground is of consequence; and having thus had in view only systems of public utility, no way incompatible, but rather auxiliary to the support of the general government, I shall be consoled by my motives, whatever may chance to be their issue.
I can not conclude without noticing the very sublime productions of the Bard, who has introduced the Bank of the United States, into his Flower Garden of the Muses: He certainly deserves credit at least for the novelty of the design, since like the "Observer," he was disposed to play upon the fancy, he cannot but greatly excel him, having chosen a vehicle so much better suited to the purpose; yet I would recommend to the ingenious author to direct his flights in future, rather over the roseate and vernal Banks that are preparing on the Schuylkill, than to waste his powers on a subject so unpromising and sterile as a monied bank seems, by its very nature, calculated to prove to the finer and more delicate organs of a poet.
INFORMATION
To owners of shallops and other small vessels concerned in passing up and down the river Delaware.
"The wreck of some vessel being lodged on the Horse-Shoe, near the upper end of League-Island, very near, or in the Shallop Channel, whereby several small vessels have received injury: in consequence of which, a Buoy has been placed about ten feet to the eastward of said wreck, for the purpose of directing vessels how to avoid the danger: and will remain there during the summer season."
Philadelphia, April 13.
Extract of a letter from Greenburgh, Westmoreland county, dated April 1.
"On the 22d March a party of Indians came to the Alleghany river, opposite to Owen's Island, where there was a few families settled; there were five Indians came into the house of one Cutwright, and asked for victuals, which was immediately given them; and as soon as they were done eating, one of the Indians (called Capt. Bullet) told Cutwright he must give him his gun, the other refused, and immediately he drew his tomahawk and killed Cutwright; then Cutwright's son struck the Indian with an axe and killed him; immediately another Indian struck young Cutwright, and the three fell together: and it is said by a number of women and children, who made their escape, there were two other Indians killed, and fourteen made their escape: several of whom have made oath that these savages were Senekes, and that they were well acquainted with them."
The culture of silk is pursued with great advantage in several parts of the United States, particularly in Connecticut—from the nursery of Messrs Aspinwall and Dewitt, on the Ridge Road 1 1/2 mile from this city, any quantity of White Mulberry Trees may be had at three pence each, or twenty shillings per hundred, or nine pounds per thousand, by applying to ROBERT TOWERS, No. 68, High-Street, or to JOSEPH CRUKSHANK.
At a Meeting of the Alderman on Monday last, for the purpose of choosing a Mayor for the ensuing year, Samuel Miles, Esq. was unanimously re-elected, but declined serving;—whereupon John Barclay, Esq. was elected.
The bill pending before the Legislature of this State, making appropriations for erecting FEDERAL BUILDINGS in this City, is postponed by the Senate to the next Session.
Died on the third inst. at Little Britain, in Ulster county, (N.J.) in the fifty-seventh year of his age, Doctor CHARLES CLINTON, brother to his Excellency the Governor.—He was a gentleman of learning and respectability in his profession, and highly esteemed for his virtues—for many years he was in a declining state of health.
CHARACTER OF THE LATE GEN. M. OGDEN, OF ELIZABETH-TOWN NEW-JERSEY.
"GEN. OGDEN took a very early and decided part in favor of the rights, and in support of the liberties of his country. He joined the main army at Cambridge, and was actively employed in the first campaign before Boston. He undertook and performed the difficult and trying march with Arnold, through the woods to Canada; was engaged in the attack upon Quebec, and taken wounded, from the field of action. On his return from Canada, he was appointed to the command of a regiment, and continued in military service until the peace, when, on account of his services, he was honored with the commission of a Brigadier-General.
"He was a man highly distinguished for his philanthropy and benevolence, considering and treating all mankind as his brethren. He was remarkable for his liberality; generous in its extent, and judicious in its application. He possessed a disposition universally amiable, which, with his other good qualities, had endeared him exceedingly to his numerous acquaintance at home and abroad."
ARRIVALS at the PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
 Sloop Betty, Shurtliff, Virginia, 6 days.  Do. Nancy, Osborne, New-York, 8.  Do. Betty, Ellwood, Virginia, 7.  Schooner Nancy, Swain, Virginia.  Do. Adventure, Trefethen, Portsmouth, 8.  Do. Two Sisters, Etheridge, N. Carolina, 10. 
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17 3/4. pr. £. 85 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 9 1/2. 45 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9/. 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 16/. 80   Indents 9/. 45 do.   N. and S. Carolina debts, 12 1/2 15/. do.  
GALLAUDET and EWING,
No. 54, SOUTH SECOND STREET,
HAVE imported in the Lady Walterstorf , from London, Manchester and Adriano from Liverpool, and the Birmingham Packet from Bristol, a GENERAL ASSORTMENT of
SEASONABLE GOODS,
which they will sell on reasonable terms.—On hand for sale, a few hogheads of OLD JAMES'S RIVER TOBACCO. Philadelphia, April 9, 1791. 100 epim

LAWS OF THE UNION.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
AT THE THIRD SESSION, Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, on Monday the sixth of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT supplementary to the Act, making provision for the reduction of the Public Debt.
WHEREAS it hath been made known to Congress that the President of the United States, in consequence of "An Act making provision for the reduction of the public debt," hath caused a certain loan to be made in Holland, on account of the United States, to the amount of three millions of florins, bearing an interest of five per centum per annum, and reimbursable in six yearly instalments, commencing in the year one thousand eight hundred, and ending in the year one thousand eight hundred and six, or at any time sooner, in whole, or in part, at the option of the United States.
And whereas it hath been also stated to Congress, that the charges upon the said loan have amounted to four and a half per centum, whereby a doubt hath arisen, whether the said loan be within the meaning of the said last mentioned act, which limits the rate of interest to five per centum per annum:
And whereas it is expedient that the said doubt be removed: Be it enacted and declared by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress, That the loan aforesaid shall be deemed and construed to be within the true intent and meaning of the said act, intituled "An Act making provision for the reduction of the public debt," and that any farther loan, to the extent of the principal sum authorized to be borrowed by the said act, the interest whereof shall be five per centum per annum, and the charges whereof shall not exceed the said rate of four and a half per centum, shall, in like manner, be deemed and construed to be within the true intent and meaning of the said act.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, MARCH THIRD, 1791. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. Deposited among the Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
An ACT supplemental to the Act "establishing the Treasury Department," and for a farther Compensation to certain Officers.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the eighth section of the act, intituled, "An Act to establish the Treasury Department," passed the second day of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine, shall be, and the same is hereby extended to all and every of the clerks employed in the Treasury Department, as fully and effectually as if they and every of them were specially named therein, except as to the penalty in such section mentioned, which in case of any such clerk offending against the provisions of the said section, shall be five hundred dollars, and removal from office.
And be it further enacted, That each and every Clerk and other Officer, already appointed in any of the Departments of the United States, (and who have not, since their appointment, taken the Oath or Affirmation hereafter mentioned) shall within fifteen days after the passing of this act, and those who shall hereafter be appointed, shall before they enter upon the duties of such appointment, take an Oath or Affirmation before one of the Justices of the Supreme Court, or one of the Judges of a District Court of the United States, to support the Constitution of the United States, and also an Oath or Affirmation, well and faithfully to execute the trust committed to him, which Oaths or Affirmations, subscribed by such Clerk, or certified by the person administering the same, shall be filed in the Office of the person employing such Clerk.
And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the Principal in any of the Offices of the United States, who is authorised by law to appoint Clerks under him, to allow to each Clerk such compensation for his services, as he shall, in the opinion of such officer, deserve for the same:
Provided, That the whole sum to be expended for Clerks in any such office (except the chief clerk) shall not exceed a sum equal to five hundred dollars per annum for every Clerk employed therein.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That there shall be allowed for one year, commencing with the passing of this act, to the Register, two hundred and fifty dollars, and to the Auditor, the Comptroller of the Treasury, and the Attorney-General, four hundred dollars each, in addition to their respective salaries, and to be paid in the same manner.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, MARCH THIRD, 1791. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. Deposited among the Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
NOTIFICATION.
Colonel THOMAS PROCTER, Lieutenant of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, being necessarily absent from the city, his Excellency the GOVERNOR hath thought proper to authorise me to discharge the Duties of that Office until his return:—
NOTICE is therefore given, to the MILITIA of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, the Northern Liberties of said City, the Townships of Moyamensing and Passyunk, that they are to meet and exercise under their respective Officers on the following Days, viz.
 First Battalion on the 2d Day of May next,  Second Battalion on the 3d of do.  Third Battalion on the 4th of do.  Fourth Battalion on the 5th of do.  Fifth Battalion on the 6th of do.  Sixth Battalion on the 9th of do.  Seventh Battalion on the 10th of do. 
ELEAZER OSWALD, Lieutenant, pro tem. of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia.
Philadelphia, April 6, 1791.
FOR SALE,
In the City of New-Brunswick,
A Commodious TWO STORY HOUSE, almost new, pleasantly situated on the banks of the Raritan, together with a large Lot in the rear, and a very good Wharf immediately in front of the House. Said House is thirty-four feet square has four rooms on each floor, with entries between the same, and a good stone cellar under the whole.
Any person inclining to purchase may have possession the first day of May next, and know the price and terms of payment which will be made early by applying to LEWIS FORMAN, in said city, or the subscriber in Borden Town. J. VAN EMBURGH.
N. B. If not sold, to be rented from 1st day of May next.
By the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
A Proclamation.
WHEREAS by a Proclamation bearing date the 24th day of January of this present year, and in pursuance of certain acts of the states of Maryland and Virginia, and of the Congress of the United States therein mentioned, certain lines of experiment were directed to be run in the neighbourhood of Georgetown in Maryland, for the purpose of determining the location of a part of the territory of ten miles square for the permanent seat of the Government of the United States, and a certain part was directed to be located within the said lines of experiment on both sides of the Patowmac, and above the limit of the Eastern branch prescribed by the said act of Congress.
And Congress by an amendatory act, passed on the 3d day of this present month of March, have given further authority to the President of the United States, "to make any part of the territory below the said limit, and above the mouth of Hunting Creek, a part of the said district, so as to include a convenient part of the Eastern branch, and of the lands lying on the lower side thereof, and also the town of Alexandria."
NOW THEREFORE, for the purpose of amending and completing the location of the whole of the said territory of ten miles square, in conformity with the said amendatory act of Congress, I do hereby declare and make known that the whole of the said territory shall be located and included within the four lines following, that is to say—
Beginning at Jones's point, being the upper Cape of Hunting Creek, in Virginia, and at an angle, in the outset, of 45 degrees west of the north, and running in a direct line ten miles for the first line: then beginning again at the same Jones's point, and running another direct line, at a right angle with the first, across the Patowmac, ten miles for the second line: then from the terminations of the said first and second lines, running two other direct lines, of ten miles each, the one crossing the Eastern branch aforesaid, and the other the Patowmac, and meeting each other in a point.
And I do accordingly direct the Commissioners named under the authority of the said first mentioned act of Congress, to proceed forthwith to have the said four lines run, and by proper metes and bounds defined and limited, and thereof to make due report under their hands and seals; and the territory so to be located, defined, and limited, shall be the whole territory accepted by the said acts of Congress as the district for the permanent seat of the Government of the United States.
IN TESTIMONY whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at Georgetown aforesaid, the 30th day of March, in the year of our Lord 1791, and of the Independence of the United States the fifteenth.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
BY THE PRESIDENT, THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Virginia, Culpeper County, 25th Jan. 1791.
To be SOLD by the Subscriber,
THE PLANTATION, where-
on he resides, laying on both sides the Carolina road, in the great fork of Rappahannock river, 36 miles from the town of Dumfries, 30 from Fredericksburg, and 28 from Falmouth; in a most healthy part of the country:—Consisting of 2,000 acres—half cleared, and in good fence, well adapted for farming and grazing—the soils good, lays well, abounding with many excellent springs and streams of water, so dispersed as to afford great opportunity of making watered meadow of the first quality, perhaps more than 300 acres—of which 120, in one body, is already in grass, and all watered and drained at pleasure by a number of ditches, for that purpose, passing through the whole. Orchards of about 2000 bearing apple trees—near as many peach trees, and a variety of most other kinds of fruit, natural to the climate. A good dwelling house, the situation whereof is remarkably beautiful and pleasant; and many other valuable improvements of divers kinds.
And one other Plantation about 5 miles nearer said towns, consisting of about 1500 acres, on which is good merchant, grist, and saw mills, where nature, labour and art, have fully conspired to render them complete; a large constant stream, on which they stand, affords them water in great abundance; convenient thereto is a kiln end house, for drying corn, a bake house, a dwelling house and several other improvements mostly new; about 300 acres of the lands are in cultivation, very good in quality; the other part thin soil, but abounding with timber, is an inexhaustible source for the saw-mill.
Also several detached tracts within said county, of about 2, 3, and 400 acres each, and though not of so fertile a soil, their vicinity to the towns render them valuable, on some of them there are small improvements, and the lands so situated, that they can easily be made convenient little farms.
The whole or any part of the abovementioned possessions will be disposed of, on very reasonable terms—a small proportion in ready money, for the balance, the payments will be made entirely to accommodate the convenience of the purchasers, who may be supplied on the same terms, with all kinds of stock, work horses, oxen, &c. &c. &c. by JOHN STRODE. [t. f.]
LOST,
BETWEEN this city and New-York, on the post road, two bundles containing the Gazette of the United States—No. 82—destined for New-York and Boston. As they can be of no use, but as waste paper, except to the Subscribers, many of whom keep files of that publication, any person who can give information to the Editor, so that the whole or any part of them may be recovered, shall receive a generous reward. The two bundles contained 300 papers.
MATTHEW M'CONNELL,
In CHESNUT-STREET, No. 66,
BUYS and SELLS all kinds of THE PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNION; has frequently occasion to NEGOTIATE INLAND BILLS OF EXCHANGE—and will receive Orders for making SUBSCRIPTIONS to the BANK of the UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, March 30, 1791. (96 tf)
MANUEL NOAH,
BROKER,
No. 91, Race-Street, between Second and Third-Streets, BUYS and SELLS
Continental & State Certificates,
Pennsylvania and Jersey Paper Money, And all kinds of SECURITIES of the United States, or of any particular State.
[All persons concerned will be pleased to take notice that the following advertisement has been varied from that published in our paper of the 23d of March.]
Treasury Department.
MARCH 22, 1791.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the first Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania and Fort Pitt, and at Fort Pitt.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort M'Intosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort M'Intosh.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort M'Intosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami, at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids.
At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie.
At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami village, before described.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.
At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village.
At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river.
At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango.
At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf, betwixt Le Beuf and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river.
At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek.
At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively.
At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazous inclusively.
At any place or places, from the mouth of the river Tenecsee, to Ocochappo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively.
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles.
 viz. One pound of bread or flour,  One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork,  Half a jill of rum, brandy or whisky,  One quart of salt,  Two quarts of vinegar,  Two pounds of soap,  One pound of candles,  per. 100 rations.
ALSO, That Proposals will be received at the said office until the first Monday in September next, inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the state of Massachusetts, and the Post of West-Point, in the state of New-York.
The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the same articles as are above mentioned.
ALSO, That proposals will be received at the said office, until the 1st Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January to the 31st day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned.
At the post on the river Saint Mary, at present commanded by Capt. Henry Burbeck.
At the post on the river Altamaha, at present commanded by Capt. John Smith.
At the post on the river Oconee, at present commanded by Capt. Joseph Savage.
At the post on the river Apalachee, at present commanded by Capt. Michael Rudolph.
At any place or places from the Rock Landing on the Oconee, up to the mouth of the main south branch of the said river, from the said mouth up to the source of the said main south branch, and from thence to the Curraheah mountain.
At any other place or places within the state of Georgia which may hereafter be occupied as permanent posts by any troops of the United States.
And for rations deliverable on the march to such future posts.
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least two months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the same articles, as are abovementioned.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depredations of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
The contracts for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years.
The proposals may be made for the whole of the above posts together, or separately for Springfield, for West-Point, for Yorktown, and the seventeen places following it, and for the posts in Georgia; and they must specify the lowest price per ration, for prompt payment.
The Printers who have published the above advertisement, are requested to reprint it with the alterations.
POST-OFFICE, Philad. April 8, 1791.
By information received this day from the Agent for the British Packet, her sailing is postponed until the 20th inst.—Letters will be received at this Office until Tuesday Morning, the 19th inst. at half past 9 o'clock.
A few copies of the CONSTITUTION of the United States, printed with Notes, may be had of the Editor.