National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-11-17 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1791.
NUMB. 6.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THOUGHTS ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A MINT IN THE UNITED STATES. By THOMAS PAINE.
THE price of the machinery and the expence of labour are referred to the conclusion. I proceed therefore to consider the Metals and the means of procuring them.
I begin with Copper.—This Metal is of too little value and of too much bulk, to answer the purposes of coin to any great extent: About ten or twenty thousand dollars worth of copper coin is, I believe, as much as can be circulated in America.
Copper may be had in America, cheaper than in any other part of the world, and in greater quantities than are necessary for coining. This copper comes from the West-Indies, it is the old boilers stills, and other utensils which being worn out, the Planters have no use for the old copper. They have not, as I am informed, the means of melting it up, or do not give themselves the trouble to do it, besides which there is a duty of 3d sterling per lb. on landing it in England.
Considerable quantities of this copper have, since the war, been bought in New-York, for 6d. per lb. York currency; but supposing ten pounds of it be bought for one dollar, it will consequently follow that ten pound weight of copper is only equal to about one ounce weight of silver; if therefore one dollar worth of copper was to be divided into a hundred parts or cents, each cent would be above the weight and size of a silver dollar. Two opposite difficulties, therefore, present themselves with respect to a copper coinage; the one is, that to give the coins, or cents, the intrinsic value they ought to have by weight, they will be too heavy and bulky for the use they are intended for; the other is, that to make them light enough to be convenient, they will not have intrinsic value enough to pass, any more than half dollars would pass for dollars.
The proportionate or relative value of silver to gold, is about 16 to one; that is, 16 ounces of silver is about the value of one ounce of gold, but the relative value of copper to silver, is from 120 to 140 to 1. which makes them too remote to represent each other in the shape of coin convenient for the pocket. Nobody would think of carrying brass pound weights about him for coin, yet he must carry copper in that proportion.
The metal convenient for a coin under the silver coin, should not differ more in its value from silver than silver does from gold—and if it differed still less it would be better: but as the relative values now stand, the difference encreases where convenience requires it should decrease. But as no such a metal, which convenience requires, exists naturally, the question is whether it will answer to produce it by composition.
Of compositions, three methods present themselves—1st. Mixing silver and copper in fusion—2d. Plating the copper with silver—3d. Plugging the copper with silver. But against all these there are very capital objections.—Wherever there is a want of satisfaction there must necessarily be a want of confidence; and this must always take place in all compounded metals. There is also a decrease in the intrinsic value of metals when compounded; one shilling worth of silver compounded with one shilling worth of copper, the composition is not worth two shillings, or what the metals were worth before they were compounded, because they must again be separated to acquire their utmost value, and this only can be done
at a refiner's. It is not what the coin cost to make, but what the coin is intrinsically worth when made; that only can give it currency in all cases. Plugging copper with silver is the least detrimental to the intrinsic value of the metals, because they are the easiest separated; but in all these cases the value of the silver put into the composition will be so predominant to the value of the copper, that it will be rather a base silver coin than a copper coin.
As therefore copper presents so many inconveniences arising from its great bulk and little value, and so small an object for establishing a mint (for people have learned the value of copper coin too well to take it as they formerly did) all the calculations for a mint must be made upon silver and gold, and whatever may be done in copper to be considered only as incidental.
It is I think pretty evident that copper has become a coin not from the want or scarcity of silver (because the value of all the copper coin in any nation is but a trifle, and never considered in the estimation of national property) but because silver does not admit of being divided and sub-divided down into such small pieces as to contain only the value of a copper or a cent. It is this only which has induced a recourse to copper.
In England, the lowest silver coin is six-pence, which is equal to twelve coppers, and therefore the resource to coppers for change, or for the purchase of small articles under the value of six-pence is frequently recurring; but if in America we were to coin silver as low as the twentieth part of a dollar, which would be pieces of five cents, the occasion for coppers would be very much diminished, and such pieces would be nearly of the size of the French silver six sous. I think the policy is in favor of keeping as much silver coin as we can in the country; and this is one of my motives for excluding copper as much as possible.
Some denomination under the five cent pieces would still be necessary—but as the occasions would be diminished, a small quantity would be sufficient. It is convenience only that ought to be considered with respect to copper coinage, and not money or riches. It was going on this last idea instead of the first one that entangled the former Congress and the several States. They attempted to do what no other nation ever thought of doing, and which is impossible to do—that of exalting copper into national wealth. Nature has fixed its boundary and we must keep to it.
It is therefore something by which to divide the five cent silver pieces, that appears to me the only thing to be considered with respect to a copper coinage. This may be done either by coining copper cents of the size and intrinsic value they ought to be, which will prevent their being counterfeited, or depreciated, or to coin or stamp small copper pieces, as a sort of treasury notes, or notes of the mint, of the nominal value of one, two, and three cents, to be exchanged, if any person chuses to exchange them, at the treasury or the mint for silver. These will be more durable than paper tickets, and capable of being extended over the continent without the danger of wearing out; and people will not compare the value of them by the metal they contain, but by the obligation to exchange them for silver if required. To prevent their being counterfeited they should not be a tender for any thing above five cents, or more than five in any one payment; As they would be merely for the purpose of dividing the silver cents by, and not for the purpose of supplying the place of silver coin in large quantities, but the mint or the treasury should always exchange them to any amount, though the amount can never be much at any one time.
To give these notes the opportunity of getting into circulation no faster, nor in greater quantities than the occasions for them require, the mint should not issue them in payment, but have them in readiness for merchants, shop-keepers, &c. to fetch away by tale in exchange for silver or gold. This used to be the way the copper coinage at the tower of London got into circulation; Every shop-keeper knew where to go to get ten or twenty shillings worth.
Congress could sustain no inconvenience, nor run any risk in exchanging those pieces for silver whenever they should be presented, because the value of them in silver would be deposited when they were first taken away. The difference between coining cents of their full value by weight, which they must have if they are to depend on their own worth for a currency, and coining copper notes, whose value is to depend upon their being exchangeable for silver at the mint, is, that the first of these methods is more than double the expence of the last, and the convenience to the public not so great, nor the security so good. If twenty thousand dollars worth of nominal cents or notes were coined, the saving in metal and workmanship would be upwards of one-half, and Congress would have the nominal value of them realized in silver. This difference between the two methods is equal to the first year's expence in establishing a mint. To consider copper only as change, or as a medium by which to divide the silver coin, and to permit it to come out no faster than it shall be called for, will always prevent inconvenience in the copper coinage. The contract for 100,000 pounds (lawful) of copper coinage, is, I believe, ten times more than can be circulated, because it will only circulate as change. Of the profits which the contractors calculated upon, I send you a specimen upon six hundred weight of copper.
   600 wt of West-India copper in utensils, at 8d pr. lb. York, or 6d lawful money £15 0 0   Melting, Casting, and plating.   Four hands at casting, \frac{1}{2} lb. £0 10 0   One hand at plating 0 3 0   50 bushels coal 0 10 5   Salt 0 1 0   Molasses 0 1 0   1 5 5   Coining.   One man cleaning and boiling 0 2 6   Four at the cutting mill \frac{1}{2} lb 0 10 0   Fifteen at stamping do. 1 17 6   2 10 0   Six shillings the dollar £18 5 6  
Three English coppers new from the mint at the tower (London) weigh 1 ounce avoirdupoise—consequently 1 lb. wt. copper coins 48 coppers, and 600 wt. coins 28,800, which at 108 to the dollar is £80 0 0. All these estimations are at 6s the dollar. From this may very easily be calculated the profits which the contractors expected to make upon £100,000. The expence of the machinery is to be added, as I have only stated the manual expence and materials.
Quitting this part of the subject, I come to make some considerations on the silver coin.
Opportunities for procuring silver and gold for coining do not present themselves like those for copper; but they undoubtedly would present themselves more frequently if a mint was established. As every nation puts some value upon its coin, the coin passes for more than the metal is worth—if, therefore, we are charged for the expence of making Spanish dollars, we had better make dollars for ourselves, provided we can procure the silver in bars. But until we have a mint the importation of silver will continue to be made in coin, because what can a merchant do with silver or gold in bars or ingots where there is no mint.
It therefore rests to know whether silver in bars or gold in ingots, or any other way not coin, can be procured cheaper than in coin, and what the difference is.
The most effectual method to acquire this knowledge and to procure silver in bars, is to establish a mint, and to deliver to every importer of bars, or other person, the nett produce in coin which his bars shall produce.
The price of silver in bars at the bullion-office in the bank (London) is \frac{5}{11} 1-2—the price of silver in new Mexican dollars is \frac{4}{11} 1-2—the difference is 2d. or the 27th part of a dollar. It is hardly to be supposed that we pay to the amount of this difference at the Havannah or elsewhere in receiving dollars instead of silver unmanufactured into coin—if we do, we pay above four times the price we can manufacture the coin for ourselves, provided we can procure the silver in that proportion.
Twenty-five men will be able to complete 4,000 dollars per day from the bars. A million of dollars, coined within the space of about a year and a half, at one cent per dollar, will pay all the expence of labor, and the price of machinery necessary for such an operation, after which the expence per dollar will diminish, provided the men are kept employed.
The following is given to me as a tolerable proportionate estimate of the expence of coining copper, silver and gold, into cents, dollars and half-joes; The labor of 25 men will
coin, per day, about 10,000 coppers, or 4,000 dollars, or 2,200 half-joes.
By this it appears that the expence of coining copper is about forty times greater than that of silver, and about two hundred times greater than that of gold. This furnishes an additional reason against copper coinage.
It may perhaps be asked, that if the importer of silver in bars is to receive the exact produce of his bars from the mint, in coin, where will be the advantage? I answer, that the advantage in the first instance will be to the importer, because he gets more dollars for his cargo than he would by receiving dollars at the place of sale, and this is his inducement to bring in bars. The advantage in the second instance, is to the whole country, because it makes a greater quantity of money than there would be by importing the silver in coin. If the difference is 1-27th in a dollar, and bars can be procured instead of Spanish dollars, the increase of silver money in the country would be as 112 is to 108.
There is another circumstance by which money would increase in the country if a mint were established, which is from the old silver plate which is now sent to England, and it is not improbable that some old silver plate might come from the West-Indies. But until there is a mint, we must remain ignorant of the resources by which silver and gold are to be obtained.
The whole apparatus of a mint can be made in America. The only thing necessary to import will be a small quantity of cast-steel, which is an article not made in America.
The following is a tolerable estimate of the expence of as much machinery as will be sufficient to begin with, as it can occasionally be employed in gold, silver, and copper,
   1 coining mill 450 Dols.   2 cutting mills 180   1 plating mill for copper 270   1 do. for silver 180   1 do. for gold 180   1 set of ingots, cast-steel, small tools, &c, 250   1500  
Coining is a new business in America. Those who have proposed contracts,

knew, either of themselves, or from those who were to execute, what they were doing, but they supposed Congress to know nothing of the matter. Accident and a turn for mechanics have thrown me into a knowledge of their plans, and the profits they expected to make.
Whenever Congress goes into this business it will be best to do it on their own account. The experience will cost something, but it will be worth obtaining, and the cheapest way of obtaining it. The fact is, that the American coiners can afford to manufacture coppers and send them to England cheaper than the English coiners can send them to America. In England copper is about 10d or 11d-2 sterlings per lb. but old copper from the West-Indies is not half that price. When copper coining first began in the New-England states, a person concerned in that business has since told me, that he sent his son to the West-Indies to see after copper—that in the possession of one person, at Providence, he found upwards of 50 tons, which was offered him at the rate of 15lb. for a dollar. When it is considered how great the exportation of copper utensils must annually be from England to the islands, and that they are a drug after they are worn out, and have no market for the old copper, but in America, it will be easy to account for the plans, schemes and proposed contracts that have been lately set on foot.
In contemplating the extent of a mint, I carry my mind a little further than the business of coining. The introduction of such a machinery as coining requires, will serve to bring forward those kind of arts which are connected with it, such as making buttons of various kinds. The mint may also be an Assay office for wrought plate, which will considerably contribute towards defraying the expence of the mint, at least it will be a convenient appendix to it—and the having an Assay office will promote the manufacture of plate in America, and prevent that branch of business going to England, which it now does from the want of that confidence in the purity of the metal which an Assay office would give. An Assay office is much wanted in Philadelphia. Before the war a bill was brought into the assembly to appoint an Assay master, but the Governor refused passing the bill unless he had the appointment of the person, and the matter dropped, and has not been since revived—But it ought to be connected with the mint, as the standard for metals comes properly into that department. The silversmiths who bring the plate pay something for the stamp, and the office, as well for the seller as the buyer is a very necessary one.
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, November 14.
Petitions were laid before the House from Thomas Baker, Daniel Forbes, Jonathan Guy, Adam Koch, John M. Kinsey, Thomas Napier, David Henderson, Alexander Low, and Isaac Robertson, praying compensations for wounds received, &c. in the army of the United States, during the late war.
A petition of James Jackson, of Georgia, complaining of the undue election and return of Anthony Wayne, one of the Representatives in Congress from said state, was read, as follows:
To the Hon. the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives of the United States:
The petition of JAMES JACKSON, humbly sets forth,
THAT at the late election for members to represent the state of Georgia, in your Hon. House for the present Congress, General Anthony Wayne and your Petitioner were candidates for the Lower or Eastern District of the said state: That an improper and undue return has been made to your House of the said election: For, that the county election of Effingham, in favor of the said Anthony Wayne, was illegal; there being nine votes more than voters at the same, and two of the three persons presiding thereat, not qualified magistrates: For that the return for the county of Glynn, in favor of your petitioner, was suppressed: For that a false return was made to the executive of the state, for the county of Camden, exceeding the numbers of the legal poll, which amounted to twenty-five votes, by the number of sixty-four votes, all of which were in favor of the said Anthony Wayne, and added together with the legal poll, far exceeds the whole number of male free inhabitants, entitled to vote therein: and for that an illegal or pretended poll was held, after the legal poll was closed; and on which illegal poll the aforesaid false return was founded: and the legal return, after being duly certified by the proper officers, was either suppressed or destroyed.
He therefore prays your Hon. House to postpone any determination on the
return of the said Anthony Wayne, for such reasonable period, as will enable your petitioner to bring forward such proofs respecting the premises, as the nature of his case may require:
And he will pray, &c. JAMES JACKSON.
A petition of Moses Hazen, praying the settlement of a claim against the United States, as an officer in the late army.
A message was then received from the President by Mr. Secretary Lear, as follows:
United States, Nov. 11. 1791. Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives,
I HAVE received from the Governor of Virginia, a resolution of the General Assembly of that commonwealth, ratifying the first article of the amendments proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the United States; a copy of which, and of the letter accompanying it, I now lay before you.
Sundry papers relating to the purchase by Judge Symmes, of the lands on the Great Miami, having been communicated to me, I have thought it proper to lay the same before you, for your information on that subject.
GEO. WASHINGTON.
It was then ordered that the papers relative to the Miami purchase, be referred to the committee for establishing offices for granting lands within the territories of the United States.
A petition of the distillers of spirits in the town of Baltimore, praying a reduction of duties, and revision of the law, laying duties on spirits distilled within the United States.—Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A petition of Stephen Zacchau, of Baltimore, praying relief from the payment of additional tonnage and duties on a vessel and cargo, the property of said Zacchau, which, through mistake, was not registered according to law.—Referred for examination to a select committee, to report thereon.
A letter from the Secretary of State was laid before the House, with his reports on the petitions of William How, and Charles Colville. These being read, it was ordered that said How have leave to withdraw his petition; and that the report relative to Colville's petition remain for further consideration.
A letter and report were then read from the board of commissioners for settling the accounts between the United States and individual states.
Several papers were presented by Mr. Parker, respecting the disposal and sale of the Marine Hospital in Virginia.—Referred for examination to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A petition was laid before the House from sundry inhabitants of the state of New-York holders of bills of credit emitted by Congress in 1780, praying provision to be made for redeeming the principal and interest of said bills.
A report of the Secretary at war was taken up, on a former petition of Rufus Hamilton, upon consideration of which, it was resolved, that the prayer of the petition cannot be granted.
Mr. Livermore, from the committee of elections, reported, that, the committee having examined their certificates, the following gentlemen are declared duly elected members of the House, viz. Nathaniel Niles and Israel Smith, from Vermont, Andrew Gregg and John W. Kittera, from Pennsylvania, William Barry Grove and John Baptist Ashe, from N. Carolina, Thomas Sumpter and Robert Barnwell from South-Carolina, and Anthony Wayne and Abraham Baldwin from Georgia.
According to the order of the day, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the schedule of the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States; Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.
Mr. Findley and Mr. Giles urged a variety of arguments in favor of a numerous representation, and concluded with declaring for the ratio of one to thirty thousand.
Mr. Boudinot was against a very numerous representation, and moved to strike out of the bill the words "thirty thousand," for the insertion of any greater number that the House should fix upon.
The committee rose, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again.
TUESDAY, Nov. 15.
The petition of John Davis was presented and read, praying compensation for services rendered as surgeon in the
army during the late war. Referred for examination to the Secretary at War.
Mr. Sedgwick presented, from the committee appointed, a bill respecting fugitives from justice, and from the service of masters; which being twice read, was committed to a committee of the whole house on Friday next.
The house again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the schedule of enumeration, Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.—Motion before the house that the ratio of representation should be one for every thirty thousand inhabitants; with an amendment to strike out the words thirty thousand.
Mr. PAGE was for having the question decided by a general convention, called for the purpose. He considered a numerous representation as the greatest security of liberty in a republican government, and questioned the propriety of the number being reduced, even by a convention. He concluded with expressing his hopes that the amendment would be rejected.
Mr. STEELE, thought that a numerous representation was not always the criterion of stability in national councils. He said, there would be little danger of corruption in the house while the present pure system of representation continued; and that the large representation in the state legislatures ought not to be a rule for Congress, as it evidently precluded the necessity of their adopting a similar plan. He thought a large ratio the most eligible, as a member of a free assembly always considers himself the more responsible for his conduct in proportion to the number that watch over him. This was proved in the representatives of petty boroughs in England, who were ever easier to be tampered with than the representatives of great cities.
Mr. CLARKE, urged several arguments against a very numerous representation, and hoped a larger ratio would be fixed on than one to thirty thousand. Improper elections (he observed) are the great causes of any nation losing its liberty; and if Congress take care to guard against abuses of this kind, such a step would operate much more powerfully against corruption than an exorbitant increase of representation. He hoped no gentleman would consider him as a friend to aristocracy for opposing the ratio of one to thirty thousand. If, however, he had really caught the aristocratical infection, it had been since his admission into the house.
Mr. VINING declared, himself in favor of the ratio of one to thirty-four thousand. He thought a trifling difference in the number could not possibly affect the liberties of America; and as to corruption in that house, he saw no good grounds for laboring under apprehensions of this kind.
Mr. HILLHOUSE, said there could be no danger of corruption, so long as the right of election remains in the people; a representation of eighty or one hundred members he thought amply sufficient for the preservation of liberty, and that a larger representation would rather embarrass the government, than answer any valuable purpose.
Several other gentlemen having declared their sentiments on the subject of the ratio, Mr. Muhlenberg reported, that the committee had come to a resolution thereupon, as follows:
Resolved, That the number of representatives shall, until the next enumeration, be one for thirty thousand.—The question being put, whether said resolution be agreed to by the house, it was carried in the affirmative—yeas 35, nays 23.
The votes in the affirmative, are, Abraham Baldwin, Egbert Benson, John Brown, William Findley, Thomas Fitzsimons, Elbridge Gerry, William B. Giles, James Gordon, Andrew Gregg, Samuel Griffin, Daniel Heister, Daniel Huger, Israel Jacobs, Aaron Kitchell, John W. Kittera, John Lawrance, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, James Madison, Andrew Moore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, John Page, Josiah Parker, Joshua Seney, Upton Sheridine, Thomas Sumpter, Peter Sylvester, Thomas Tredwell, Thomas Tudor Tucker, Abraham Venable, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Anthony Wayne, Alexander White, and, Francis Willis.
Those who voted in the negative are, Fisher Ames, John Baptist Ashe, Ro-
bett Barnwell, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Abraham Clarke, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, William Barry Grove, James Hillhouse, Samuel Livermore, Nathaniel Macon, Nathaniel Niles, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Israel Smith, William Smith, John Steele, Jonathan Sturges, George Thatcher, John Vining, and Artemas Ward.
Upon which it was ordered, that Mr. Page, Mr. Murray, and Mr. Macon be appointed to bring in a bill pursuant to the said resolution.
Mr. Baldwin moved for the appointment of a special committee on the petition of General James Jackson; but it being observed that the prayer of the said petition extended no farther than to a suspension of proceeding in consequence of the return of Gen. Wayne; and that the House had nothing to do in the business until the petitioner came forward with proofs—The motion was withdrawn, and the petition ordered to lie on the table.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 16.
A petition was read from the merchants and distillers of Salem (M.) praying some alterations in the law of excise—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Petitions were presented from Thomas Foulk, Eleazer Healy, and Beach, praying compensation for services rendered in the army during the late war—Referred to the secretary at war.
A memorial presented by Mr. Brown from the free inhabitants of Kentucky, relative to grievances from the excise law, by reason of their being debarred from navigating on the river Mississippi, and praying, in consequence thereof, a suspension of the law, until the navigation of said river is opened.
Referred to the secretary of the treasury for information.
A motion was then made for referring to the secretary of the treasury, the petition of certain public creditors who loaned money from September, 1777, to March, 1778.—This motion was negatived; as also a motion for referring it to a committee of the whole House—it was then ordered to lie on the table.
The petition of sundry citizens of New-York, holders of bills of credit, emitted by Congress in 1780, was called up; and on motion referred to the secretary of the treasury.
A motion by Mr. Baldwin, that the petition of Gen. Jackson be referred to a special committee, to report thereon—this was negatived.—It was then moved to be referred to the committee for contested elections—this was agreed to.
Adjourned.
Extract from L'Argus Patriote.
"Having lived to see the liberty of the press expire in England, it is with peculiar pleasure I can tell you, that I have also lived to see it revive in France. The carcass, indeed, I have left behind me in England, for worms and insects to gnaw upon, and have come to feast upon a renovated body, which I here find to be in every respect salutary. While the Constitution of France has been brought to perfection in the rigorous school of public calamity, that of England is every day becoming more and more corrupted. France is at this hour a country the most free of any in the universe; ancient prejudices are done away, and despotism has in an agony of pain yielded her last breath. Like another Peter the hermit (of infamous memory) Burke has been preaching a crusade against France, and has done every thing in his power to excite his countrymen to extirpate our patriots—it will not do; the opinion of England is fixed upon Mr. Burke's production. The nation despises it—Even the ministers are vexed with it for its extravagance, and Payne has given it its mortal wound. The world ought to know, however, that Mr. Burke has received a Pension, and is a favorite at the British court. Astonishing indeed is the Revolution that has taken place in that machine called Edmund Burke!—Only a few years have elapsed since he exerted all his powers and thundered forth in the British senate in favor of Washington and Liberty. Now, he is devoted to the court of Rome, to the despotic German Princes, to the French clergy, and to every thing that is hostile to the Rights of man!"
Signed, CHARLES THEVENEAU MORANDE, (Formerly editor of the Courrier de l'Europe.)
This Day are published.
S E R M O N S,
Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York. Sold by T. DOBSON & R. CAMPBELL. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]

PHILADELPHIA,
NOVEMBER 17.
By the late arrivals from Europe we learn, that on the 14th of September, died at Weymouth, in England, the Marquis de la Luzerne, Ambassador from the court of France. Also,
That a treaty of peace was signed between the Russians and Turks, by which the Empress retained the possession of the city of Oczakow and the district of country of that name: And
That accounts from India, mention that the army under Lord Cornwallis was still pursuing Tippoo with considerable success.
We expect shortly to lay before our readers authentic accounts of such important matters as have transpired in Europe, since the date of our latest ad-
Accounts from Jamaica, dated October 1, mention exceeding heavy rains having fallen in the eastern parts of that island, about the latter end of September. Considerable damage is said to have been done to the houses, stores, streets, &c. in and about Kingston, the water having rushed down in immense torrents from the vast extent of the Liguanea heights, and carried everything, not of a very substantial nature, before it. At St. Jago de la Vega (Spanish town) the damage was not so considerable. We do not hear of any lives lost, except three or four negroes. Most of the public roads were rendered wholly impassable for wheel carriages; and the rains did not seem to abate till about the 20th of September.
Since the death of Mr. Wesley, the founder of the Methodists, it has been discovered that the general government of the Methodist societies had been vested seven years ago, by a deed entered in a British court of Chancery, in one hundred persons, selected from the body of itinerant preachers, and who are to choose a President and Secretary annually.
The American ship Sampson, Capt. Howell, that failed some time since from Boston, for China, arrived at the Isle of France, on the 24th of April, and was to sail from thence for Canton, on the 1st of June. The ship Washington, Nicholson, was also at this time at the Isle of France. The ship Neptune, Earle, failed from the Isle of France for Madras, on the 25th of May.
Berlin was in times past the great resort of philosophy and liberality of sentiment. During the reign of Frederic the Great, books that attacked antiquated opinions were published and circulated freely, when printed there; and men who were persecuted in their own country, for presuming to think for themselves, were sure of an asylum in the dominions of the Prussian Monarch. The case at present is totally different. Frederic the third, the latest accounts advise, has made one Woelner (formerly a Theology-monger) his first minister of state. The first edict he issued, was on the subject of religion, under the signature Royal, in which the king is made to declare, that he will suffer every one to think as he pleases on religious affairs. It is pleasant to remark that the infernal inquisitions of Spain and Portugal, grant precisely the same liberty, with this prohibition understood, however, that no person shall dare to speak or publish their thoughts or opinions, if they vary ever so little from the established creed of the country. Mr. Woelner has also obtained a decree from Frederic the third, to oblige every author of a book to submit his work to the examination of certain persons appointed by the minister, previous to its going to press. Some writers at Berlin have been bold enough to ridicule and oppose the villainous tendency of the above edicts—the consequence has been that they have been harassed, persecuted, tormented, and imprisoned, through the influence of a set of men who dare to call themselves the ambassadors of the God of Peace, the lights of the world, and the instructors of the world, at the moment they are doing everything in their power to keep up delusion, and tyrannize over those whom the God of Nature has made free.
Yesterday arrived the Sloop Illinois, Capt. Story, from Dunkirk, by whom the following important intelligence is received.
From the Leyden Gazette, Sept. 20, 1791. Extract of a letter from Paris, of Tuesday the 13th of September, at 9 o'clock in the evening,
"We hasten to inform you of the acceptance made this day, by the King, of the Constitution. To-morrow will bring us the completion of this good news, and we foresee nothing now but a happy futurity for France, and perhaps for all Europe. At present we shall only give you a short account of what passed this day in the National Assembly.
"The sitting of the 13th began at 10 o'clock, A. M. It had been remarked, that on the presentation of the constitutional act to the King, his Majesty, and several persons round him, were decorated with the ribbon of the Holy Ghost. M. Goupil therefore moved that the Constitutional committee should immediately give their opinion on the question whether the members of the
heretofore order of the Holy Ghost should continue to wear its distinctive badge? M. Beauzat said, that it was useless to refer this question to the committee, since there was no doubt that the order not subsisting any longer, all its exterior badges should likewise be abolished. Mr. Goupil proposed, that the ribbon of the Holy Ghost should be exclusively reserved to the French Princes, and M. Languinais that none but the King and Prince Royal should be allowed to wear it. M. Dandré supported this opinion, on the ground that it was necessary to give an exterior mark of distinction to the King, as first public functionary, and to the presumptive heir of the crown. The Assembly decreed, that the King and Prince Royal only, should be allowed to wear the blue ribbon.
"The Assembly was proceeding on other business, when the Minister of Justice entered in his robes of ceremony, and delivered a message from the King to the President, who is now M. Thouret. The President read it immediately. It is all in the King's own hand writing, and the contents thereof are as follows:
From a Paris paper, entitled Le Courier Extra-ordinaire, ou le premier arrive , by M. Du-plain; of September 14, 1791.
Letter from the King to the Assembly. Gentlemen, I have attentively examined the Constitutional Act which you have presented to me. I do accept it, and will cause it to be executed. This simple declaration might at another time have been sufficient: but now I am bound to make my motives known; it is a duty which I owe to the Nation and to myself.
For a long time I had conceived the design of fixing the happiness of the people on invariable bases. I truck with several abuses which weakened the springs of government; struck above all with the disproportion which existed in the financial department, between the receipts and expenditures, I determined to subject all the parts of government to uniform rules. But sensible that I could not alone reach this great object, I summoned the nation to my assistance.
In the course of the events of the revolution, and when you began to issue constitutional decrees, I did not wait to give my assent to them until the constitution should be completed. I favoured as much as was in my power the establishment of its several parts, even before I could judge of the whole: and if, in the course of your operations, disorders came to afflict my mind, I hoped that the law would resume its empire and its force, and that the people would show it that respect and that confidence which alone can insure their happiness.
I persisted a long while in this expectation, and my resolution did not change until hope forsook me. Let every one recollect the era at which I left Paris: opinions then, far from uniting in a common centre, branched out into several parties; disorders and the licentiousness of writings were then at their height; no authority was respected, I could no longer discern nor recognize in the midst of that chaos, the real will of the French Nation.
When you had presented the constitution to me, I should not have thought that the interest of the people ought to induce me to accept it. I had but one sentiment, but one wish—that of keeping at a distance from all parties, and thus to know, in a very precise manner, the will of the nation.
The motives which then directed me, do not now subsist any longer; you have manifested your will to maintain order; you have revised the constitution, and you have modified some articles of it which appeared to me to be liable to inconve-
niences. You have subjected its revision to legal forms; in fine, the will of the people cannot be any longer doubtful to me, I have seen them constantly give their adhesion to this constitution which you have made for me. I do therefore accept this constitution and I engage myself to defend it against enemies from within and from without; I shall cause it to be executed by all the means which it puts into my power.
Knowing that it is agreeable to the wishes of a very great majority of the nation, I do declare, that in adhering thereto, I renounce the concurrence which I had at first claimed in this business, and that being the only person who is responsible to the nation only, no other, when I make this renunciation, has a right to complain of it.
I should, however, be wanting in regard for truth, if I did not say that I have thought I perceived in some parts of your work, a want of that energy which is indispensable to give all the necessary activity to the laws, and to preserve the necessary unity throughout all the parts of a vast empire; but in this respect, experience alone has a right to be the judge, and when I shall have bona fide caused the laws (the deposit whereof is trusted to me) to be carried into execution, it will remain for the nation to explain themselves by all the means which are referred to them.
But, gentlemen, for the securing of liberty, for the security of the constitution, for the individual security of all Frenchmen, their respective and common interests must be united in the re-establishment of order, and in the respect due to the laws; all Frenchmen must combine together, and now that the constitution is terminated, we have no enemies to fear but disorder and anarchy, and I will combat those common enemies.
Those whom persecution has kept at a distance ought, in returning to their country, to be sure of meeting with the protection of the laws, and in order to extinguish all animosities, and to unite all the parties which such a revolution must have produced, let us consent to forget all the past.
Let the accusations and prosecutions which have sprung from the events of the revolution be extinguished by a general reconciliation. Could you see culprits in those who have shown an attachment to my person? As to those who by a guilty
or indiscreet zeal have drawn upon them the rigour of the laws, I feel that I am for them the King of all Frenchmen.
(Signed) LOUIS.
September, 13, 1791. P. S. I have thought, gentlemen, that it was in the midst of the Representatives of the Nation, and in the very place where the constitution was made, that I ought to pronounce my acceptance in person. In consequence, I give you notice, that to-morrow at noon I shall repair to the Assembly of the Representatives of the Nation, solemnly to pronounce that acceptance."
Loud plaudits had frequently interrupted the reading of this letter; but when it was finished, they began with redoubled force, and with shouts of Vive le Roi!
Then M. la Fayette rose and said: "Let it be permitted to me to join here my wish to that of the King, and to move the adopting of his sentiments. I move, that all persons accused and arrested by reason of the King's departure, be set at liberty; that all criminal prosecutions be withdrawn; that the prohibition respecting passports, and the law concerning emigrations, be repealed; and that the constitutional committee and the committee of criminal jurisprudence bring in to-morrow a bill conformable to these propositions."
This motion was received with transport, several members rising to support it.
M. Goupil then moved, that a deputation of sixty members should immediately be sent to express to the King the satisfaction of the Assembly, and inform him that they would be ready to receive him to-morrow. We must all go, exclaimed several members, and immediately the Assembly passed the following decree:
"The National Assembly, after reading the King's message accepting the constitutional act, adopting the sentiments which the King has expressed respecting the cessation of all prosecutions relating to the events of the revolution, decrees as follows:
 1st. All persons arrested, or accused on account of the King's departure, shall be immediately set at liberty, and all prosecutions shall cease with respect to them.  2d. The constitutional committee and the committee of criminal jurisprudence shall to-morrow, at the opening of the sitting, bring in a draught of a decree to abolish immediately all proceedings relative to the events of the revolution.  3d. There shall be likewise brought in a draught of a decree to abolish the use of passports, as well as every other restriction of the liberty which the Constitution assures to all French citizens, of going and coming as well within as without the kingdom.  4th. A deputation of sixty members shall immediately repair to the King, to present to him the above decree. 
LETTER from MR. JEFFERSON, Secretary of State, to the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY of France.
Philadelphia, March 8, 1791.
SIR, I HAVE it in charge from the President of the United States of America, to communicate to the National Assembly of France, the peculiar sensibility of Congress to the tribute paid to the memory of Benjamin Franklin, by the enlightened and free Representatives of a great nation, in their decree of the 11th of June 1790.
That the loss of such a citizen should be lamented by us, among whom he lived, whom he so long and eminently served, and who feel their country advanced and honoured by his birth, life, and labors, was to be expected. But it remained for the National Assembly of France to set the first example of the Representative of one Nation, doing homage by a public act to the private citizen of another, and, by withdrawing arbitrary lines of separation, to reduce into one fraternity the good and the great, wherever they have lived or died.
"That these separations may disappear between us in all times and circumstances, and that the union of sentiment, which mingles our sorrows on this occasion, may continue long to cement the friendship and the interests of our two nations is our constant prayer. With no one is it more sincere than with him, who, in being charged with the honour of conveying a public sentiment, is permitted that of expressing the homage of profound respect and veneration, with which he is,
Sir, Your most obedient And most humble servant, TH. JEFFERSON. The President of the National Assembly of France.
REPORT of the Diplomatic Committee of the National Assembly of France.
GENTLEMEN, YOU have been made acquainted with the sentiments of the Americans, and their expressions of grateful respect and particular good will towards you.
The honest and upright moral character of that people are to us the best pledges of their sincerity and affection.
Our interests and theirs must in future be considered the same; and we are reciprocally attached to each other by every tie of duty and regard.
We have assisted them in repulsing their enemies and vindicating themselves into freedom. In return they have taught us a just and humane spirit of legislation, to respect the obligation of oaths, to pay obedience to the laws—to honor in man the dignity of his species, and even to
undervalue the brilliancy of genius, whether displayed in legislation or successful warfare, when set in competition with the horrors of sanguinary contests and brutal violence. They have also taught us how to pay a proper regard to the lives and honors of our fellow creatures, as well as their fortunes; and lastly, they have set us the example in a quiet submission to lawful authority.
A nation actuated by such ideas can boast of being more than the conquerors of a world. They are at once our great example and support. Into their ports and marts of trade then, to the peaceable and happy country they inhabit, should it be our great endeavor, in preference to all others, to introduce our merchants: to inform themselves in the nature of their commerce, and imbibe the virtues which alone can cause it to flourish, that is to say, economy, simplicity, purity of morals, integrity, and honesty.
From the foregoing considerations it is the opinion of the committee, that the National Assembly should use every possible means to cherish and encourage a reciprocal commercial intercourse between France and America.
Lewis the sixteenth having gained the title of Restorer of the Liberties of France, may with no less justice lay claim to that of Benefactor of the new world. So far then are you from infringing his royal prerogative in being the first to notify him of your intentions on this head, that, on the contrary, your views and his perfectly coincide, and co-operate in the glorious plan which he has so much at heart, to draw closer than ever those ties of connexion which unite the French nation to the brave citizens of the United States of America, whose uniform and generous spirit of equity, next to the justice of their cause, the energy of their exertion, and their invincible courage, was heretofore, as it is at this day, the only firm support and the surest pledge of their independence.
Decree of the National Assembly, June 23, 1791.
The National Assembly having heard a letter read from the Minister of the United States of America, that was addressed to their President, signed "JEFFERSON"; and also another letter from the Representatives of the State of Pennsylvania, dated the 8th of April last, and by them addressed to the President of the Assembly, together with the report of their official committee,
Ordered—That the two letters above mentioned be printed and inserted in the Journals of the session.
The President is requested to answer the letter from the Representatives of the State of Pennsylvania, and to inform the Minister of the United States of America, that it is the earnest desire of the National Assembly to strengthen more and more the ties of friendship and brotherly affection which at this day constitute a bond of union between the two Nations.
Decreed, finally, that the King be prayed to cause to be negotiated with the United States, a new treaty of commerce that may tend to strengthen those mutual relations of friendship and good understanding, so highly beneficial to them both.
Signed, BESSE, Curate of St. Aubin, Secretary. RICARD, Dep. de Toulon.
The Number of Sou's in the Territory of the United States north-west of the river Ohio, in 1790.
 In the seven ranges of townships - -  Ohio Company purchase - 1000  The French settlement opposite Kanhawa - -  Symmes' settlement - 1300  Clarksville at the Rapids of Ohio - 60  Vincennes on the Oubashe, inclusive of Riv- ver du Chy station - 1000  Kaskaskias - 315  Cayhokia - 365  At the Grand Ruisseau, village of St. Phi- lip, and Prairie du Rochers - 240  4280 
N. B. In the town of Vincennes, upon the Oubashe, are about 40 American families, and 1 slaves; and upon the Mississippi are 40 American families and about 73 slaves, which are included in the above mentioned estimate.
Upon the Spanish side of the Mississippi, above the confluence of the Ohio, are
 At Genievieve, Labine, and a small new vil- lage (the half of which are blacks) - 850  St. Louis (130 of which are blacks) - 720  A small settlement 12 miles west - 100  A settlement 20 miles up the Missouri Ri- ver - 150  1820 
[The following lines convey the substance of a satirical French Epitaph upon Frederick the second, King of Prussia. The king principally lies in glancing at the well known aversion of that monarch to the female sex; and his having died without leaving an immediate heir to the throne.]
HERE rests a King—his mortal journey done; Through life, a tyrant to his fellow man, Who bloody wreaths in bloody battles won, Nature's worst savage since the world began.
Millions were doom'd beneath his sword to die: No art, no care his blasting breath could shun— Did he one man for all his waste supply—? No!—tell the world—He never gave it one!
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cow and Whale Fisheries—may be had at the office, No. 239, High-street.

For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THE PRUDENT PHILOSOPHER.
[Occasioned by the conduct of some gentlemen, at the inauguration of a certain Southern Court-House, during the session.]
WHEN from the dome where lawyers spoke, Issued the mingled flame and smoke, Marcella at her window sate, Gazing towards the Dome of State— That cost the laborer many a tear— That ne'er would be rebuilt—that's clear; And thence she sigh'd, and smote her breast To see their squabbles so distrest; To see in such a little while To ashes turn'd so fine a pile!
Meanwhile avoiding pump and pall, (For what could one man's help avail?) Fearing to hurt his tender hand, Should he amongst the vulgar stand, Where buckets fly and engines play, Where slaves must work, and masters may; Philander to her chamber came, Thus comforting the tearful dame:
"Behold (said he) my lady fair How vain these mortal buildings are! 'Tis madness—madness—all things show To set our hearts on things below; (Thank heaven for all its stores of grace, Our TREASURE's in a safer place!) But thus the pride of man shall bend; The gods such fabrics only lend; Whether contriv'd of brick or stone, They hardly can be call'd our own: What time might spare the flame destroys, To heaven such fabrics are but toys; Life is a spark from Vulcan's store, The Indian summer of the soul: And we ourselves, with years oppress'd, In time, shall sink among the rest."
Ah! lovely nymph—no longer sigh— 'Tis true the flames are mounting high— But oh! forbear that trickling tear, For thus the world shall disappear; And temples of stupendous size, In empty vapor thus shall rise, When nature drops her weary wings To give a sad account of things; When time has run his idle round, And you and I are—under ground."
In such a view, Marcella fair, How beautiful these blazes are! From such a view of human things Philosophy her comfort brings, Instructing us when mischiefs come, When folks are burnt from house and home; When public buildings burn, or fall, To bear it with—no grief at all!"
Kind moralist (the nymph replied) Your doctrines shall not be denied; And tho' you make things mighty clear, I'm almost vex'd, to see you here: A fate like this impends o'er all— (Even high-heel'd shoes at length must fall!) But, whether preach'd in prose or rhyme, 'Twould better suit another time."
How can we justly blame the fire That gives us so much to admire! If people skull when temples burn, How can they but to ashes turn—? Such fire as this some water claims— These are, indeed, no common flames— So leave me, Love, to sigh and pout— You—run—and help to put them out!
[Communicated for Publication.]
Don JOHN NEFOMUCENE DE JUESADA, colonel of the royal armies, governor and commander in chief of the city of St. Augustine, and province of East-Florida, for his majesty, &c.
WHEREAS it has been found, that divers of the foreign settlers who have arrived here by vir- tue of the royal order granting permission to esta- blish themselves in this said province, bring with them quantities of dry goods and other merchand- ize, whereby doubts have arose with government whether such effects are their genuine property or not. In order therefore to guard against the de- triments which from such importations may ensue to the royal revenue, and to the consumption of the Spanish merchandize, I had a council con- vened of the ministers of the royal finance, and the business having been laid before them, which had been previously imparted by the contador of the royal revenue, it was agreed upon to draw up these presents, hereby notifying to all and every foreigner, whose intention it may be to repair to this province, and to swear fealty to his majesty in terms of his royal permission, that although there is no limitation made as to the property brought with them; the same must, however, be accompanied by such family as they may respec- tively have, and also by proofs taken before the magistracy of the places of their former residence, whereby it shall appear that the goods they so im- port are really and bona fide their own, and that no other person or persons whatever have any part, share or interest therein, which testimonial, toge- ther with a manifest upon oath, of the articles so imported, are to be presented to this government, at the time required for their taking the oath of allegiance. This being the form indispensably requisite for their admission, it must however be understood, that for the better advancement of the province, and in conformity to the spirit of his Majesty's orders, such settlers must positively be planters or tradesmen; but by no means will
merchants or traders be received, as the hitherto infant state of the colony, as yet but thinly peo- pled, permits only in a small degree the exercise of this employment, until the country shall be previously improved, and rendered productive by the arts and labor of the inhabitants. To the end that these presents may come to the knowledge of all concerned, and that none may pretend igno- rance this proclamation will be published with ac- customed formalities, and fixed up in the usual places. Authenticated copies of it may also be made out for such as desire the same for their par- ticular purposes.
Given at St. Augustine, in East-Florida, the 20th of June, 1791. Signed, JUAN NEFOMUCENE DE JUESADA. Domingo Rodriguez de Leon, Escribando of the government.
I do hereby certify, that the above is a true translation from the Spanish original, done by his Excellency's command.
St. Augustine, East-Florida, June 28th, 1791. MICHAEL YSNARDY, Public Interpreter.
PHILADELPHIA, NOVEMBER 17.
At a late court of quarter sessions, held some days ago at Carlisle, in this state, Thomas Smith, President of the circuit, delivered a charge to the grand jury, adapted to the occasion.—In the course of further proceedings, the President declined receiving any addresses from the gentlemen of the law, present, that had the least aspect to- wards the titular forms, in use under the old mo- narchical government.—"May it please your ho- nors"—and even the term "honorable court" were alike reprobated by the President. If we possess sufficient legal abilities (said he) and an in- timate and accurate knowledge of the practice— if we administer the laws with decision, dispatch, and rigid integrity—if we consult and promote the real and permanent interests, and social happiness of our fellow citizens, as far as in our power in our present station; the public will respect us without any titles.—But, should we appear une- qual to our office—should we betray the want of legal abilities, or should our judgments be led or influenced by our affections, or passions, or by any personal or party considerations, no titles or ap- pellations, however pompous, could secure to us the respect of an enlightened people."
Extract of a letter from Richmond, Virgi- nia, dated Nov. 5.
"On Wednesday last, the house of delegates proceeded by joint ballot with the senate, to the choice of a governor or chief magistrate of this common- wealth, in the room of BEVERLEY RANDOLPH, Esq. when a majority was found in favor of HENRY LEE, Esq."
[Mr. Lee's competitors were, Gen. Wood, and Mr. Harvey. The votes stood as follows: Gen. Wood 50, Mr. Harvey 20, Col. Lee 87—and not as stated in our last.]
Previous to the attack of the Negro camp, on the 27th of September last, at Gallifaut Plantation, the government of Hispaniola, at Cape-Francois, had received intimation of the good dispo- sition of many of the rebel blacks to re- turn to their duty, provided they could be assured of their lives.—This dispo- sition, which was founded on the cir- cumstance of a parley between a small party of the citizens and rebels about the 20th of that month, being made known to the executive power, induced him, as well from principles of huma- nity, as from the interest of the public, on the 23d to issue the following
PROCLAMATION.
Philibert Francis Rouxel De Blanchelande, Representative of the King at St. Domingo, to the revolted Ne- groes in the North
The Representative of the King, re- quires you in the name of the French nation, in the name of that King whom you love, and of humanity, to relinquish your insurrection, to retire all of you to your houses, and to resume your work.
You have acted very criminally. The massacre of your masters, the burning their lands and houses, are atrocious crimes. If you attend to your consci- ences, you will think that heaven and earth will be irritated against you; you will think that you merit, while living, a severe punishment, before that which awaits you hereafter, if you persist in your wicked intention.
I will declare and promise to you, however, as the Representative of the King, that nothing will be done to you, if you return to your habitations with the firm resolution, to live peaceably there, and to submit to your masters.
I engage to those good Negroes, who have been misled by designing and wick- ed companions, to give them my pro- tection, and to procure the pardon of their masters, who notwithstanding the injuries which they have received, will receive them as fathers and bene- factors.
I swear to you most solemnly that I will faithfully keep my word to you in all which I have promised, if when you understand the orders which the King gives you through me, you im- mediately submit.
Tremble, however, unhappy men, if you persist in your horrible revolt— You will meet no mercy—Every where the troops which I now command, and those which arrive at St. Domingo, from the Havannah, from Jamaica, N. England, &c, will exterminate you without pity, as well as the free Ne- groes and Mulattoes who are armed to march against you. Therefore choose death or pardon.
I give you from this time till to-mor- row night to return an answer. You may send Negroes to treat with me to whom I promise safe conduct; and for which I give you my word, which is as sacred as that of the King.
Cape-Francois, Sept. 23, 1791.
Many copies of the above were sent to the camp of the rebels—but from the circumstances which followed, it is probable the chiefs took care that the proclamation should not be circulated in the army: for, after the time set for receiving the answer from the Negroes had expired, a deputation of twelve dragoons, among whom were two Mu- lattoes, were sent with a commission to obtain it; but unfortunately, having advanced within the lines of the enemy, they were set upon and fired at by a large party, which seemed to be sent for the purpose of coming to terms. Five of the dragoons were killed on the spot, and two taken prisoners; the remaining five happily escaped. The sentiments of the rebels being thus pub- licly acknowledged by this piece of cruelty, dispositions were made to at- tack them in their camp, which was ac- cordingly done on the morning of the 29th. The success of this assault, which lasted one hour and a half, we have be- fore announced. On the entry of the victorious army into the camp, the two dragoons above mentioned were found with their throats cut, still bleeding fresh. It is generally thus that these more than savages have acted with those who have been so ill-fated as to fall in- to their hands—and in this manner the once flourishing colony of St. Domingo, continues to bleed by the hands of infa- tuated Africans, who have doubtless been led on by emissaries, to act this scene of murder and desolation.
Extract of a letter from Hartford, Novem- ber 9.
"Applications are making to our le- gislature for purchase of the western lands belonging to Connecticut. As the rage for speculation in lands is now high, it would seem most politic for us to take advantage of the public phren- zy, and dispose of them at once that the State may reap the advantage. It is feared, however, that the same mad po- licy, which has hitherto prevented the sale of these lands, will still govern the legislature; and that under pretence of holding them till they rise in value, they will be held till the rage of specu- lation is over, till the monied men have vested their money in other lands or enterprizes, and then a few designing men will have an opportunity of pur- chasing those lands for little or nothing."
ROME, July 29.
It is not impossible that superstition will soon have a downfall in this coun- try. As a proof of this, we would men- tion that when the officers of the inqui- sition made a public bon-fire of M. Cal- ioftro's instruments of sorcery and other goods, the populace did by no means seem affected with that horror, that the fight of heretics and heretical property had heretofore inspired; so far from it, that they burst out into a laugh, when they were told, that the Devil and M. de Calioftro had had connections together. They patiently attended this ridiculous exhibition; but it was thought, that if M. Calioftro could have been there per- sonally to plead his own cause, the in- quisitors would have been handled very roughly.
The best informed people, hardly know what to make of the Pope's con- duct in regard to France. By not con- senting to a reform, political and religi- ous, some say he will lose every thing; others assert, that, his whole safety lies in preventing any innovations of this kind:—Indeed, the Papal politics at
this time seem to be wavering, and there are not a few who think that were it not for the obstinacy of the Cardinal Bernis, he would before this time have given his sanction to the civil constitution of the French clergy.
CAPE FRANCOIS, October 22, 1791.
Estimate of Sugar Plantations, burned by the Negroes, with the amount of the Sugars that were raised on them annually.
   Plantations. lbs. Sugar.     At Port Margot 8 1,600,000   Limbe 28 5,500,000   L'Acul 19 4,600,000   Plaine du Nord 23 4,700,000   Petite Anse 29 6,000,000   Quartier Morin 33 10,400,000   Limonade 30 7,200,000   Total 165 30,000,000  
The quantity of Coffee Plantations destroyed, is not known, but it is consi- derable.
SAVANNAH, Oct. 17.
We learn from undoubted authority, that a respectable majority of the voters of Camden county have subscribed a petition to the ensuing legislature, pro- testing against the reproachful conduct of the magistrates who signed the re- turn for a member of Congress, at the election for the said county, on the 3d of January last, who, they declare, aug- mented the number of votes in favour of one of the candidates to upwards of five times the statement of the poll; and entreating the house to pursue such measures as may appear most likely to effect a reform, and prevent the like a- buses in future.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE First Number of this paper ap- peared on Monday the 31st of Octo- ber, and will continue to be regularly pub- lished on Monday and Thursday mornings.
The price to subscribers will be Three Dollars a year, the first half-year pay- ment to be made in three months from the time of subscribing; the remainder at the end of the year.
No advertisements are to be admitted ex- cept to a number not exceeding a page, with- out a supplement; the remaining three pa- ges to contain a miscellany of the most in- teresting intelligence, collected not only from the foreign and domestic newspapers, but also from original communications, letters and other papers, to which the Editor may have an opportunity of recurring for the most authentic information relative to the affairs of the United States and Europe. In addition to the above, will be inserted a sum- mary of the proceedings of the House of Re- presentatives of the United States; politics, poetry, and literary entertainment in general.
In this paper the Editor engages to sup- port, as far as a newspaper can with pro- priety be supposed to support, the great principles upon which the American revolu- tion was founded, a faithful adherence to which can alone preserve the blessings of liberty to this extensive empire—an empire, in which the grand experiment is now making, whether or not the assertion of certain European philosophers be true, that a pure republic can never subsist for any length of time, except in a very limited extent of territory.
Convinced that a dissemination of useful knowledge is the most effective means to pre- serve alive the spirit of rational liberty, in every country, no pains will be spared to make such selections, and publish such es- says as shall appear best adapted to that pur- pose.
Subscriptions for the National Gazette are received in Philadelphia at the Office, No. 239, High-Street—By Mr. Thomas Dobson, Bookseller, No. 41, South Second Street, and by Mr. Francis Bailey, No. 116, High-Street.
Advertisements, articles of intelligence, &c. are gratefully received at the Office by the Editor, P. FRENEAU.
LIVERY STABLE.
PETER WEBBERS
HAS removed his Stable from Black-Horse- Alley to Drinkers-Alley, formerly kept by Mr. HYDEL, betwixt Arch and Race-Streets in Second-Street, where he continues to take in HORSES by the Night, Week, Month or Year, &c. at the cheapest rate.
Philadelphia, Oct. 7. PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.