Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-05-19 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 11, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, MAY 19, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 115.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, APRIL 22, 1790.
On the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. SHERMAN's motion for assuming a part of the State debts, under consideration.
MR. Madison. It is not without much reluctance that I trouble the committee with any observations on a subject which has been so long under discussion, and may be thought to be entirely exhausted. I must refer for my apology to the uncommon perseverance with which the advocates for an assumption adhere to their object, notwithstanding the difficulties which oppose it. On the supposition that the measure in question were ever so eligible, if it could be so modified as to be acceptable to the general sense of the government, and of its constituents at large, every member ought I think to be struck with the impropriety of pressing a matter of such peculiar importance and delicacy, by a bare majority.
The proposition now under debate is liable to all the objections to the former one, as well as to the many others that have been stated against it. From the explanation given by the gentleman from Connecticut, it is evident that this proposition may in the result assume the shape of the original one. It may therefore be fairly combated by all those arguments that were brought either against the original proposition, or against the very objectionable manner in which the blanks are proposed to be filled up.
I am not insensible that an assumption of the state debts is under certain aspects, a measure not unworthy of a favorable attention. If it had not at least plausible recommendations, I do not think it could have obtained so respectable a patronage here: I am sure it would not have originated in the quarter which proposed it. But, Sir, it is a question that must be considered and reconsidered in all its various points of view, and the more it has already been investigated, the more objections have multiplied, and the more solid they have appeared. The arguments used in favor of the measure have been supposed weighty, but, Sir, I consider them as unsupported. It has been contended that the state debts are in their nature debts of the United States; that they were only from different offices, and have borne a different denomination, but that in justice they are the debts of the United States, and that the individual creditors can of right claim payment of the same from the general government.
I deny the principle, Sir, and I think it is disproved by the arguments of the gentlemen themselves. If the debts of the particular states be nothing more than the debts of the United States under another denomination, and if we are bound to provide for them precisely as for the debts of the United States, let gentlemen consider whether they are not bound to view them in this light wherever they may be found. If they are debts of the United States in the hands of individual citizens, for the same reason that the other debts in private hands are debts of the United States, must they not be debts of the United States also when in the Treasuries of the different states?
Will gentlemen say that what are called the state debts ought to be viewed in that light when in the hands of citizens, and that this quality forsakes them the moment they are received into a state Treasury. If they wish to preserve consistency in their reasoning, they must say, either that the debts are dissimilar in the hands of private citizens, or that they are similar in the hands of the states.
The debts of the particular states cannot in any point of view be considered as actual debts of the United States; and the United States are not bound by any past requisition, or any resolutions now existing to assume them, till the accounts are settled and the balances ascertained. We have been told, Sir, not only that the assumption of the state debts by the United States is a matter of right on the part of the states, and a matter of obligation on the part of the United States, but likewise that it is equitable; nay, that it is a matter of necessity.
It has been said that the United States are invested with the resources of the particular states, and that therefore they are bound to provide for the debts of those states. I think I may safely rest the issue of this question on a question of fact. Whether the states most urgent in this business are incapacitated from providing for their debts by the establishment of the present consti-
tution? If gentlemen assert that to be the case, I think it is incumbent upon them then to prove either that the resources which they have given, up would exceed their quota of the federal requisitions, or that the use of these resources by the general government will throw a disproportioned burthen upon that particular part of the community. Let us consider, Sir, what is the ratio in which the states, in their individual capacity, ought to bear the debts of the United States, and what is the ratio in which they will contribute under the taxes that it is proposed to levy. The only evidence by which we can guide ourselves in this enquiry is a statement from the several custom houses. I believe indeed, that such a statement may not be conclusive. I think it is imperfect; at the same time it is the best guide in our reach, and probably it will be sufficient to illustrate the present argument.—The state of New-Hampshire, according to this statement, will contribute about one hundredth part of what will be contributed by the whole. Her ratio of contribution according to her representation would be nearly about one twentieth. Here then, in fact, is a saving of four fifths to that state. The state may then take this saving and apply it to the purpose of discharging her domestic debt; she is relieved in that proportion, and therefore in that proportion she is more able to provide for her state debt under the new constitution than under the old one.
The state of Connecticut will contribute about one thirty-eighth; her proper quota would be about one thirteenth. Here then is a saving of two-thirds to the state of Connecticut; and in that proportion is her situation better under the new Constitution than the old. Taking the states eastward of New-York altogether, that the gentlemen say are rendered incapable of bearing the burthen of the state debts, by the adoption of the new constitution; I say, take the whole together, and they will contribute about a sixth only; whereas they would have had to contribute, a fourth, if this constitution had not been established, and they had paid their part of the debt of the United States. In my apprehension, then, Sir, as the payment of the state debts cannot be claimed as a matter of right, neither can such payment be called for on the principles of equity, or what is most of all urged, necessity. But we are told that policy is also in favor of the measure. A gentleman from Massachusetts has said, that the people of Massachusetts never would submit to a rejection of the measure; that it will create a spirit of opposition to the government; in short, that it will endanger the union itself. I confess that these are consequences that would be dreadful to me, if I could suppose they would really take place, and that evils of greater magnitude would not ensue from an adoption of the measure. It is my opinion, Sir, that if the refusal to assume the state debts would produce dangerous consequences to the union, from the discontent that it is apprehended will grow out of the measure, much more have we to fear from an assumption, particularly if hazarded by a small majority. Sir, if we could ascertain the opinions of our constituents, individually, I believe we should find four fifths of the citizens of the United States against the assumption; I believe we should find more; I believe I speak within bounds when I say, that those who would be for an assumption would not amount to one-fifth; this is indeed probable conjecture only. But on the other hand let me ask, what evidence have we that there will be any great disappointment or discontent from a non-assumption? The Legislature of the state of New-Hampshire have lately been in session; have they asked for this assumption? No; on the contrary, tho' they have not instructed their delegates to vote against it, it appears that it was thought of, and that the bulk of the members disapproved of it. The Legislature of Massachusetts have been in session; they were apprized that this matter was under consideration, and yet there has been no declaration from them, as far as I know, that can induce us to believe they wish for it; on the contrary, it would appear from the measures they have taken to provide for the payment of their state debt, that they had proceeded on a supposition that an assumption would not take place. With respect to several other states, their Legislatures have also been in session, and none of them, except South-Carolina, have made any declaration on the subject. If we are to disregard that species of evidence, and to look back to the expectations of the people, I do not think that there is a single indication that
this measure was ever thought of by our constituents. Sir, I may safely say, it was never expected by the generality of them.
It has been said, too, that policy recommends the measure. It has been repeated that if the assumption does not take place, no part of the revenues drawn from the union at large will return to the distant parts of it. Sir, I thought this argument had been set aside sometime since. The very reverse will happen. The state debts have begun already to travel towards the central parts of the union, and to such an amount as to make it probable, that if they are provided for by us, nearly the whole will follow. Should this be the case, I believe such disadvantages will ensue as will prove the measure very impolitic. In proportion as the whole money contributed in the way of taxes shall center near the government, or in a particular part of the union, you increase the evil of discordant interests and local jealousies which is already too much felt. But, perhaps, this is not the worst consequence to be apprehended. I conceive that a very great part of the proper debt of the United States will go into the hands of foreigners, and that we shall be heavily burdened in paying an interest to them which cannot be expected to remain in the country; and in proportion as you increase the debt of the united States you will increase this evil.
I am of opinion also that the measure is not politic, because, if the public debt is a public evil, an assumption of the state debts will enormously increase, and perhaps, perpetuate it. It is my idea, Sir, that the United States and the several states could discharge a debt of eighty millions, with greater ease and in less time than the United States alone could do it. I found my opinion on this consideration, that after the United States shall have resorted to every means of taxation within their power, there will still remain resources from which monies may be raised by the states. Nay I will go farther, and illustrate the remark by adding, that after a state shall have extended its power of taxation to every object falling under general laws, there would still remain resources from which further taxes might be drawn within subdivisions of it, by the subordinate authorities of the state. But Sir, when we consider, that in some parts of the union there is an unconquerable aversion to direct taxes, at least if laid by the general government; that in other parts an equal aversion to excises prevails; how will the United States, so circumscribed as to the field of taxation, be able to draw forth such resources as are contemplated by the advocates of an assumption?
It has been asserted that it would be politic to assume the state debts, because it would add strength to the national government. There is no man more anxious for the success of the government than I am, and no one who will join more heartily in curing its defects; but I wish these defects to be remedied by additional constitutional powers, if they should be found necessary. This is the only proper, effectual, and permanent remedy.
Several gentlemen, Sir, have gone into another field of argument in favor of this measure. It has been said, that the constitution itself requires the assumption. One of my colleagues has asked a very proper question,—If as we have been told, the assumption originated in the convention, why were not words inserted that would have incorporated and made the state debts part of the debts of the United States? Sir, if there was a majority who disapproved of the measure, certainly no argument can be drawn from this source; if there was a majority who approved of it, but thought it inexpedient to make it a part of the constitution, they must have been restrained by a fear that it might produce dissensions and render the success of their plan doubtful. I do recollect that such a measure was proposed, and, if my memory does not deceive me, the very gentleman who now appeals to the constitution in support of his argument, disfavoured the measure at that time, and assigned for a reason, that it would administer relief perhaps exactly in proportion as the states had been deficient in making exertions. It has been also remarked, that the constitution having been established for obtaining perfect justice, it cannot be carried into effect unless full justice is done on this subject, or in other words, unless the state debts are assumed. Sir, if we are to take these words in their full extent, we must not stop merely with securing justice to the creditors of the government, we should also endeavour to secure justice to every private creditor

whatever. The gentleman says, that, by the constitution, all debts that existed against the United States at the time of the adoption of the constitution are to be as valid now as they were before its adoption.
What was the situation of the state debts before the adoption of the constitution? Was it understood that they were a part of the debt of the United States, any further than there might be found a balance on a final settlement. Was it ever supposed that they were to be thrown into one common mass, and that the states should be called on collectively to provide for them? What would have been thought of such a proposition? Would it have been considered as consistent with equity? Would it have been constitutional? I am persuaded if such a proposition had been made in the old Congress it never would have found a second; and for this reason, that the debts of the particular states were never considered as the debts of the United States. In whatever light we view the question, it appears to me that the arguments urged in support of it, are themselves unsupportable.
Much has been said of the situation of particular states in case these debts should not be assumed. Much, indeed, has been said of the distresses and exertions of Massachusetts; but if we are to be governed by enquiries of this sort we must extend them to every part of the Union, and we shall then find that an assumption will give as much dissatisfaction and work as much injustice to a majority of the states as a non-assumption may disappoint the citizens of Massachusetts. I do not wish to go into local enquiries, but the present subject seems in its nature to make them in some degree unavoidable. The conduct of gentlemen on the other side, at least renders the task on this indispensable. What would be the operation of the measure with respect to Virginia? It will not be denied that Virginia sacrificed as much during the war, in one shape or another, and contributed as much to the common defence of the states as any among them, certainly as much as Massachusetts. These are facts that can in time be proved. Since the peace, that state has made great exertions to comply with the requisitions of Congress: I might say, Sir, that she was almost unequalled in her exertions. Her specie payments into the federal treasury since the peace exceed 600,000 dollars, whereas those of Massachusetts are only between 2 and 300,000 dollars. In indents Massachusetts has indeed paid most, but by no means in such proportion as to balance the difference in the specie payments. The exertions of Virginia to discharge the debt she involved herself in by the war, have also been very great; she is not behind any of the states—she is before most of them; there can be no doubt but that she has certainly discharged more of her debts than Massachusetts, and as little doubt in the opinion of the best informed, that whenever a final settlement shall take place that state will be found a creditor to the United States.
If, during the war, she has made as great exertions, and has suffered as much as any of the states; if she has since the peace paid her full proportion of the supplies to the federal treasury, at the same time exerting herself to the utmost to discharge her state debt, and if finally she will probably be found to be in advance to the union, and would therefore if justice could at once be done, be now entitled to a reimbursement—what must be said by the citizens of that State, if instead of a reimbursement, they are called upon to make further advances. Sir, I may add here, that their contributions to the federal treasury, under the proposed system of revenue will exceed the ratio by which they would contribute, by taxes laid in proportion to their representation. I do not wish to extend this investigation any farther than has been already done; but were I to do it, the evidence would be more striking, that the payments from those parts of the union that would receive least benefit from the assumption, would be greater than from those that would receive the immediate benefit of it.
One of my colleagues seems to be of opinion that the measure will be favorable to the interest of Virginia; but he seems to me to have grounded his opinion on the erroneous supposition, that the proposed plan will embrace the whole of the debt as they existed at the close of the war, or that the state of Virginia will contribute less, on the plan of deriving revenue from consumption, than she would if derived according to the constitutional ratio. I believe, on the contrary, that if the assumption should take place as originally proposed, that there would be a claim on Virginia for five millions, whereas if there is no assumption, her citizens will have to provide for about three millions only; and thus, instead of bearing her proper burden, which is about one seventh, she would have to bear a burden in the ratio of one fifth. He seems to think that his own particular district would be benefited by this measure; but if he be right in his other opinion, that that part of the state will consume more than the other parts, he will find, Sir, that instead of relieving his constituents, compared with the rest of the state, that he would still more augment their burdens; so that it would come to this at last, that
the state would have to pay five millions, instead of three—and that the particular part of the state he represents, instead of paying their proportion of three millions, would have to pay more than their proportion of five. I admit, however, that he is the most proper judge on that subject. But the citizens of Virginia would not only be called upon when already in advance, and to an amount beyond their proper ratio, but in a mode that is peculiarly obnoxious to them—I mean that of excise. Sir, the people of that state are as averse to excises as those of any other state can be to direct taxes, and in my own judgment with far more reason, where the article excised is not by some peculiarity free from the common objections. Excises are unequal with respect to different parts of the union: They are also unequal to various parts of the same state. This mode of collection gives arbitrary powers to the collectors, and exposes our citizens to vexatious searches—it opens a door to frauds and perjuries that tend equally to vitiate the morals of the people, and to defeat the public revenue. Besides Sir, excises are more expensive in the collection than other kinds of taxes. The collection of the excise in Great Britain costs 10 per cent. That of her direct taxes is computed at 3 per cent. only. I will not positively say that a similar disproportion in the expence of collecting would be incurred in this country; but in some parts of it I am sure that the expence of excises would be greatest, and on some articles in view, would, if the collection were made at all, exceed the revenue obtained from it.
Sir, there has been an argument of another kind advanced in support of the assumption. Gentlemen have thought it a matter of consequence that not only justice should be done, but that the condition of the people should be equalized; that no invidious comparisons might be made between the inhabitants of one state, and those of another, and that no oppressions or embarrassments should force the people to emigrate from one state to another. It would be a comfortable reflection, if every part of the union could be assimilated in this instance; but, Sir, I think we have no authority to sacrifice essential considerations, to obtain these advantages. Nor do I know that we should obtain them by assuming the state debts. Supposing that measure to be adopted, let us reflect, what would be the situation of the different parts of the union. I do not, at this moment, consider the question as it respects justice, right, or general policy, but in reference merely to the particular consequence of equalizing the circumstances of the people. Let us take a view comparatively, of the people of the United States.—Massachusetts owes a debt of several millions. The public debt, when you come to analyze it, at least where it is due to citizens and not to foreigners, is a debt from one part of the people to the other. The government is the collector from the pockets of the debtors to pay it into the hands of the creditors. If, Sir, the state debts should be assumed, Massachusetts will then get rid of her embarrassments; but what would be the situation of Virginia? Besides her public debt, I believe that her citizens owe, one to another, debts to an amount, equal to the whole public debt of Massachusetts, perhaps I might say to the amount of both the public and private debts of that state. In addition to all this, the people of Virginia are indebted to foreigners to a greater amount than the whole debt of Massachusetts. Sir, I firmly believe that though Virginia is less oppressed with public debt than Massachusetts, yet when we take a view of all the difficulties she labors under, and weigh them against those of Massachusetts, it will be found that Virginia ought to be relieved herself instead of being expected to relieve others.
But, supposing all objections of another nature to be laid aside, I freely confess that after a more minute examination into the subject, I am much inclined to doubt whether the assumption can possibly be carried into execution. Difficulties are continually arising when I survey this question, for which I can find no solution, without departing from every principle by which we ought to be guided. It never yet has been shown in what manner a remedy could be provided for a partial subscription. Suppose the state creditors were part of them to subscribe and part to refuse. Suppose those of one state subscribe, and those of another should not. Again, Sir, by what method would you discriminate the debts that come under the definition, from those that will be excluded by it? Where will you invest this important discretionary power. I really think that great difficulties will be found before this can be effected. There is another objection, to which I have never heard a satisfactory answer, although it has been repeatedly urged by a member from Georgia. There are debts existing in some of the states that do not bear interest, that have got into circulation without any title to it, and have been received by the present holders without any other expectation than that in some reasonable time the principal would be paid. Would it, Sir, be proper or necessary to consider these as debts of the union, bearing interest, or to provide for the immediate funding of them? But there is a case, in my opinion, far more difficult, I mean the paper money issued to redeem the state debts. The state of North Carolina has taken up its certificates with these paper bills. They are not proposed to be included in the assumption. They are clearly excluded by the present motion, yet they are as much a state debt to be sunk by taxes as certificates, and the taxes may as much interfere with those of other states. Some of the states, Sir, have not only assumed the debts recommended by Congress for making up the depreciation to the army, but they have gone further and have made up the depreciation, where it was not recommended. Other states have not done this. The debts existing in some states I take it for granted comprehend these depreciation notes. Would it not be unjust to call on those states that have not made this provision for their army that other states have done, would it not be hard to call upon those officers and soldiers who have not received this additional compensation, to pay it to those of other states, who have? I would not here be understood to cen-
sure the states that made this compensation; I rather commend them for it. It is a proof of their magnanimity and justice that does them honor, but at the same time this does not alter the nature of the objection. In some states, in order to reward the army, they have done it by several aids that do not constitute any part of the state debts. In some of the states there are debts still unliquidated. If you declare that, when liquidated, they shall be assumed, you afford a temptation that has been hitherto cautiously avoided, that of making the states less exact in the settlement of their accounts. I do not find that any gentleman has proposed, on the contrary most of them seem to have rejected the idea of making provision at this session for fulfilling the engagements in case we enter into an assumption. I think it would be a powerful and unanswerable objection against assuming the state debts at this time, that we do not see or are not prepared to decide on the means of providing for them. There is not a more important and fundamental principle in legislation, than that the ways and means ought always to face the public engagements; that our appropriations should go hand in hand with our promises. To say that the United States should be answerable for twenty-five millions of dollars without knowing whether the ways and means can be provided, and without knowing whether those who are to succeed us will think with us on the subject, would be rash and unjustifiable. Sir, in my opinion, it would be hazarding the public faith in a manner contrary to every idea of prudence. It is very true, Sir, that a variety of funds have been proposed, yet they are nothing more than mere suggestions, and I think they are as good as could be expected in the time, I really believe that some of them, at least, if they can be carried into execution at all, will disappoint the calculations on which they are founded.
I cannot finish my observations on this subject, Sir, without advertising to one particular, which I would with gentlemen to attend to, not so much for our sakes as their own. I would recommend to them no longer to assume a pre-eminence over us in the nationality of their motives; and that they would forbear those frequent assertions, that if the state debts are not provided for, the federal debts shall also go unprovided for; nay, that if the state debts are not assumed, the Union will be endangered. Sir, I am persuaded that if the gentlemen knew the motives which govern us, they would blush at such intemperate as well as inconsistent language. I am sure that if they knew the emotions with which it is heard, they would at least see the inutility of it. I hope, Sir, that whatever may be the decision on this question of assumption, that patriotism and every other noble and generous motive will lead the minority to acquiesce in measures which will tend to establish public credit by a due provision for the public engagements. The committee then rose.
NOTICES OF DR. FRANKLIN.
HE long lived retired, and as it appeared, forgotten by the world, because from his situation, incapable of being noticed by it—his death removed this barrier—and it is astonishing how the whole city was moved—His funeral was as crowded as at the entry of Gen. Washington; all seemed as if they had lost a parent, or a friend, and such indeed he was to more than the world knew. The different Institutions, which conceived themselves benefited by him, without previous concert, appeared to honour his remains. It appeared that almost every institution was represented and held him as Founder or Benefactor. They cast lots for places—The Philosophical Society, got the first—The University, I believe, the next—The Printers 3d—the two former yielding to the latter, as he had been a Printer. The Philosophical Society met, and have appointed Mr. Rittenhouse, and Dr. Smith, to form an eulogium on his memory. The state officers, &c. go in mourning. We were jealous lest strangers should be the first to honor a character to which we were so much indebted—Such honors reflect as much light upon those who bestow, as those who are thus noticed with esteem and veneration. His general character is too well known to need any thing to be said—He was a practical Philosopher, whose doctrines, theories, and practice, all had one ultimate grand view—making mankind better, happier, and more independent. Every day was marked with some useful project, and the perdidi Diem , I believe could not have been repeated by him at any period of his long life—His life was more governed by reason, than that of any person we have heard of—and he was an example to others of what he wished them to be. His fortune was the effect of Industry and Savings; not of Avarice or desire of Wealth, but from a strong principle of practical economy, as the necessary part of a good citizen, and a necessary principle to make a State thrive.
I remember a circumstance happened one evening, when I was at his house—a fresh taper was brought wrapped in paper, the child attempted to throw the paper in the fire, the Doctor saved it, made her cut it into stripes, and put it on the mantle piece, observing that it would always be ready to light the taper without wasting useful paper, which she had often done, and made a lesson of economy the child will never forget, nor shall I. It was his happy talent to draw instruction from every thing. He died, as he lived, doing good. Beloved whilst alive, he will be canonized now dead, in the hearts of those who cherish the memory of the benefactors to mankind. Some men leave fortunes to pious uses, as a species of compensation for their uncharitableness whilst living. Few, like Dr. FRANKLIN made usefulness, and promoting publick felicity, the great object of their lives—Numbers have, as public men, endeavoured to promote publick good; few, like the Doctor have, as it were, entered into the family, and by perfecting the parts, operated the good of the whole. His sentiments were honoured whilst living, now he is dead, they will become more honored—more sought after, and I hope be more generally adopted. He was buried near his wife, in Christ Church burying-ground, by his desire. Mr. HILL, Mr. DUFFIELD, Judge JAY, and Judge HOPKINSON, are his Executors.

LONDON, MARCH 10.
THE Portuguese are said to have discovered some new mines of silver, iron, and coal, near St. Ubes.
The GRAND SIGNOR was to be at Adrianople towards the beginning of March, from thence he proceeds on to the Grand Army. Lord STANHOPE's Church Reformation Bill, is expected to come on in the course of next week. The noble earl would have introduced this bill earlier in the session, but that he was so busily employed in preparing a vessel to sail against WIND and TIDE, for which he has lately got a patent!
A Gentleman was asking a Member of Parliament the other day, when Mr. Sheridan proposed bringing forward his motion upon Finance—
"I suppose he waits for the appearance of the expected Comet to enlighten the subject," replied the Member, "for last year he totally obscured it by calculations."
The idea of banishment from Scotland has long been a subject of ridicule, especially among our southern neighbours. But why the affection for one's native soil should be less in Scotland than elsewhere, is not easy to be defined. In a recent trial in the court of Judiciary, this prejudice was ably combated by a Judge, equally conspicuous for his love of literature as his knowledge of the laws. The maxim that one's own country is always the best, is founded in nature and reason; and it is a matter of indifference whether it is Iceland or Scotland, the South of England or the South of France, on the banks of the Arno, or on the banks of the river Senegal.
YET, where to find that happiest spot below, Who can direct when all pretend to know? The shudd'ring tenant of the frigid zone Boldly proclaims that happiest spot his own, Extols the treasures of his stormy seas, And his long night of revelry and ease; The naked savage, panting at the line, Boasts of his golden sands and palmy wine, Basks in the glare, or stems the tepid wave, And thanks his gods for all the good they gave. Nor lets the patriot's boast where'er we roam, His FIRST, BEST COUNTRY, EVER IS, AT HOME. GOLDSMITH.
MARCH 11.
Extract of a letter from Dr. PRICE, to the Duke of ROCHEFOUCAULT.
"Hackney, near London, Nov. 9, 1789.
THE Address to the National Assembly, which is annexed to this, having been proposed by Dr. Price, he hopes that the Duke of Rochefoucault will not be displeased to learn, that it was received with an ardor difficult to be described, by an Assembly composed of the Earl of STANHOPE, of the Lord Mayor of London, of many Members of the Parliament of England, and of more than three hundred persons of distinction, assembled upon the occasion of the anniversary of the English Revolution, in order to celebrate that event. If the expressions of their admiration; if the wishes of prosperity, which they request the Duke of Rochefoucault to present, should appear temerity on their part, they hope the National Assembly of France will yet execute it, as the effect of an effusion of zeal, in the general cause of public liberty, that no apprehensions of inconvenience could restrain. The Representatives of the French nation labour for the universe as well as for France, the whole world is interested in their success."
Copy of a letter from the Earl of Stanhope, to the Duke of Rochefoucault, of the 6th November, 1789.
SIR, IT is with great satisfaction I have the honor of conveying to you two unanimous resolutions of a Society established in England, to celebrate the famous revolution of 1688.—These motions were received with the most marked approbation, and reiterated acclamations. Shall I venture, on the part of the Society, to request you to present these resolutions to the National Assembly of France? I entreat you to believe me with the greatest respect and sincerest attachment, Sir, your's, &c. (Signed) STANHOPE."
It was in consequence of those two letters, that the Duke of Rochefoucault communicated to the National Assembly the address of the revolution Society. See, with pleasure, how this distinguished Member of the National Assembly answered these two spirited, liberal, and philosophical English citizens.
Paris, Wednesday, Dec. 2, 1789. "IT truly belonged to the illustrious apostle of liberty, Dr. PRICE, to propose a motion tending to offer up to that liberty the most distinguished homage—that of national prejudices. The address of felicitation, which the Earl of Stanhope has done the Duke of Rochefoucault the honor of transmitting to him, was received by the National Assembly with the liveliest applause. The Assembly perceived in it the dawn of that beautiful day, when two nations, which, in spite of their political divisions, and the diversity of their governments, have always esteemed each other, will form a close and intimate connection, founded on the similarity of their opinions, and supported by their common enthusiasm for liberty.—The Assembly has accordingly charged their President to write to the Earl of Stanhope."
"The Duke of Rochefoucault, happy to have been selected for this honorable commission, has, with zeal, given an account of it to the National Assembly, and has made known to it the title, which a society, whose object is so noble and patriotic, has to the esteem of the French nation."
"He takes the liberty of requesting a copy of the Doctor's sermons; every thing that proceeds from his pen is precious. Doctor Price surely sees, with satisfaction, the principles of their common friend, Mr. TURGOT, propagated for the happiness of France, and of the human race."
"The Duke of Rochefoucault has the honor of presenting his sincere compliments to Mr. Price."
The National Assembly having desired that mention should be made, in the letter of the President, to the revolution Society of England, of the desire of extinguishing that ancient jealousy, which no longer becomes nations free and enlightened—Upon this principle it is, that the Archbishop of Aix; President, has written the following letter to the Earl of Stanhope, President of the Revolution Society:
"IT is, indeed, my Lord, worthy of a celebrated Society, and of a people happy and free, to interest themselves in the progress of public liberty and happiness."
"It is now some time since the French nation has felt the influence of its progress in knowledge and in arts. It directed its Government by its opinions, long before its opinions influenced its laws. It pursued, with ardor, useful truths; and, shedding every day fresh lights upon all the parts of its administration, it seemed impelled, by one universal motion, to those changes to which it has been indebted for its consistency and strength. A King, whom we may truly call the best of men, and first of citizens, encouraged by his virtues the hopes of the nation; until an unanimous concurrence of sentiment has at length established a permanent Constitution, founded upon the unalienable rights of men and of citizens."
"It doubtless belongs to our age, in which reason keeps pace with liberty, to extinguish forever, national jealousy and hatred. Let not wars, and the other mischievous errors of government, be any longer the effects of prejudices, which are the shame of nations; and may the two most enlightened people of the world feel it their duty to shew, by their example, that the love of their country is incompatible with the sentiments of humanity!"
"The National Assembly has discovered, in the address of the Revolution Society, those principles of universal benevolence,
which ought to unite, throughout every country of the world, the real friends of the liberty and happiness of nations. It has given the strongest testimony of the deepest and most lively sense of it, in a solemn resolution, which I am charged to communicate to you."
LISBON, Dec. 30.
On the 16th inst. the Queen, in taking a walk, perceived some uniforms with cockades that were not known to her. Her Majesty demanded of what nation they were; and being told they were the crew of a French ship destined for the coast of Guinea, she gave orders for the prohibition of French National cockades.
THE TABLET.—No. CXV.
"The main secret of being sublime, is to say great things in a few and plain words."
WORDS, like dress, are often used to adorn that, which, without the aid of ornament, would be deemed of little value. We are not more frequently deceived in the worth of characters by decorations of attire, than we are in the importance of sentiments by embellishments of style. To know the value of a man or a book, we must strip them of their external glare, and view them under that simplicity which shews nothing different from what it really is. An interesting thought will continue to be such, however simple may be the expressions that convey it.
Many writers aim at a sublime style, and suppose they attain it, by using a redundancy of epithets, and giving an harmonious cadence to their periods. Where this false notion prevails, people will only study to make their compositions sound well. Why should they be at the pains of deep contemplations, when a flowing pompous turn of expressions will be taken as an equivalent for sublime thoughts. But they are in reality very different things. No magnificence of words can give importance to a trivial thought; nor can any simplicity of expression deprive a great idea of its intrinsic excellence.
SHAKESPEARE is allowed to excel any other author in the force of his descriptions. But it is well known that he was extremely careless in his style. We are compelled to admire him, though he wrote like one who did not seek admiration. His conceptions were naturally bold and lofty, and though his language was often coarse and vulgar, yet his works will live as long as men do. Let every one believe, that it is more necessary to study things than words; and that to think well is better than to speak smooth.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, MAY 17.
The committee to whom was re-committed the bill to regulate the trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, having reported the draft of a new bill, the same was read the second time, and referred to the committee of the whole house.
Mr. Huger presented a letter addressed to the members of the House from the State of S. Carolina, containing a representation from the Commissioners of the pilotage of harbors of S. Carolina. This was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The report of the Committee on the petition of Thomas Jenkins, and Co. was read the second time, and the same committee was ordered to bring in a bill pursuant to the report.
The report of the joint committee on the disagreement between the two houses in the amendments proposed by the house to the "bill for adapting to the State of N. Carolina the act therein mentioned, and for amending said act" was read. This report proposes that the house should recede from those amendments. The house agreed to recede from the first amendment, and the district Court for the state of N. Carolina, is now to be held at Newbern, only. The second amendment was, to provide for the holding of the district Court alternately at Exeter and Portsmouth, as in the Judiciary bill, it was moved to recede from this amendment. This was opposed by Mr. Foster and Mr. Gilman, and advocated by Mr. Livermore.
The question for receding being put, was lost; and the house voted to insist on their amendment.
The house then took into consideration the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill for the encouragement of learning and agreed to the same.
The report of the joint committee, respecting the terms for which the President, Vice-President, Senators, and Representatives of the United States, have been chosen, &c. and which has been agreed to by the Senate, was taken into consideration. The report was read.
Mr. Seney observed, that this report related to a subject of very great importance. It has not been made the order of the day—he believed gentlemen had not sufficiently attended to it, to be prepared for such a discussion as its importance demands; for his own part he should wish for further time.
Mr. Gerry moved that it should be referred to a committee of the whole house. This was voted in the affirmative, and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
The report of the committee on the arrears of pay due to certain officers and soldiers of the Virginia and N. Carolina lines of the late army was read the second time.
This report occasioned an interesting debate. Some amendments were made, and the report finally adopted, and returned to the Senate for their concurrence. The report as amended is as follows
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be forthwith transmitted to the executives of the states of Virginia, N. Carolina, and S. Carolina, a complete list of the officers, non-commissioned officers and privates of the lines of those states respectively, who are entitled to receive arrears of pay due for services in the army, in the years 1782 and 1783, annexing the particular sum that is due to each individual with a request to the executives of the said states to make known to the claimants, in the most effectual manner, that the said arrears are ready to be discharged on proper application.
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause the Secretary of the Treasury to take the necessary steps for paying, within the said states respectively, the money appropriated by Congress, on the 29th day of Sept. 1789, for the discharging the arrears of pay due to the troops of the said states respectively.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury, in cases where the payment has not been made to the original claimant in person, or to his representative, be directed to take order for making the payment to the original claimant, or to such person or persons only as shall produce a power of attorney duly attested by two Justices of the Peace of the county in which such person or persons reside, authorizing him or them to receive a certain specified sum.
A motion was made that the last paragraph should be referred to a select committee for the purpose of reporting a bill. This was negatived.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) moved for the Ayes and Noes on the Resolutions, but an adjournment being called for, precluded their being called.
TUESDAY, MAY 18.
Sundry petitions and memorials were read and referred.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the select committee respecting the terms for which the President, Vice-President, Senators, and Representatives have been respectively chosen.
This report occasioned a lengthy debate, which lasted till the time of adjournment. It was opposed by Mr. Williamson, Mr. Stone, Mr. Bland and Mr. Vining.—Mr. Gerry proposed several amendments, one of which only was adopted, viz. that "Senators and Representatives" should be struck out, and, "Senate and House of Representatives" inserted in lieu thereof. The report was advocated by Mr. Benion, Mr. Lawrance, Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Livermore, and Mr. Sherman.
In the opposition it was said, that the Constitution was explicit in declaring that the members of the house should be chosen every year, plainly implying that they were elected for two years—that it was a dangerous precedent for Congress to construe the constitution; that if the report is adopted, the State of North Carolina will not, in all probability, be represented in the next Congress; as the circumstances of that State do not admit of their assemblies being convened more than once a year—that the session is commonly in November, and if a new election should then be ordered, it will be unconstitutional, as it would be holding two elections in one year, instead of their being biennial. That the report is not true in fact—as North Carolina was not represented in Congress on the 4th March, 1789. It was further observed that there is no necessity for the interference of Congress in the business, as every successive house must be the sole judge of the qualification of its members, and the next Congress will determine for itself, let the present Congress pass what laws they please; that the report contained a direct breach of the Constitution, as that expressly declares the members shall be chosen every second year, whereas the State of North Carolina, in order to be represented, must hold two elections within one year. It was further said that the Constitution does not explicitly say any thing about a New Congress; the report was an interference with the rights of election, and as such would contravene the sentiments of the people.
In support of the resolution it was urged, that from the contrariety of opinions which appeared on the subject, it was absolutely necessary that some regulations should be agreed upon, previous to such questions as have now been stated being brought before Congress—agreeable to the observations now offered in objection to the report, there never will be an entire change of the representation—this induces a principle incompatible with the nature of a democratical body—it changes it into an aristocracy, and gives it a perpetuity entirely unknown to any of the States in the union—it prevents the formation of a new Congress, and a rotation in the elections of the people; with respect to N. Carolina, no physical or natural impossibility has been pointed out, to shew that that state cannot be represented in the next Congress, and if the state should be remiss in making a reasonable provision in this respect; the Constitution invests Congress with powers to do it.—It was further said, that if no determination was now made, it may happen, that no new election for that state may take place, and therefore to secure its representation, the necessity of the report is apparent, as it is not probable that members chosen for one Congress, will by virtue of such choice be permitted to take a seat in the next succeeding Congress. It was said that the term specified refers to Congress as a body, and not to the particular members, that as the Constitution by a fair construction contemplates a succession of distinct assemblies, it clearly follows that a dissolution must precede a new election of such assemblies, which necessarily involves a cessation of the political existence of the members, &c.
A motion in the midst of the debate, for the committee's rising, was negatived—as was also a motion made by Mr. Williamson, to strike out the word "Representatives."
The committee then rose, and reported the resolution, with one amendment only, as above.
The House immediately took the same into consideration when the debate was renewed—but it was agreed to, without further amendment, and referred to a select committee, who were directed to prepare a bill or bills agreeable thereto.—Adjourned.
NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, MAY 19.
Since the 12th of March three persons have died in Charleston of the Hydrophobia—a disorder scarcely known in that state, a few years since.
A correspondent observes that every public spirited attempt to disseminate useful knowledge, in every branch of science, and to extend beneficial improvements in agriculture, mechanics, manufactures is laudable to the highest degree.
On this principle extraordinary productions should be duly noticed—as they may suggest hints of the greatest importance.
The recent publication of Doctor Stiles, on the subject of raising silk, does honor to him as a patriot—and the efforts of other gentlemen in this line, must meet the applause of every friend to the manufactures of our country.
However divided as to the mode of effecting the object—the members of the legislature of the United States appear to be universally impressed with the importance of establishing the PUBLIC CREDIT. It may fairly be presumed that the union of the states is most firmly established—for you cannot meet with a person who has attained to the years of common understanding, who will not readily acknowledge that on this union, our political existence is suspended—the operation of so universal a sentiment, must be paramount to every impediment in the way of our public prosperity. Still there remains this one thing needful to be done—and we trust in Heaven it will be soon accomplished, in such way as will bring forth the top stone of the glorious fabric we have reared with shouting.
"In forming and cementing the union of these states, a superior agency hath been visible. Our reliance ought still to be on that protecting Being which hath never forsaken us—that he will cause our national character to be permanently ennobled, and the union of these states to become the standard of freedom, faith and good government."
The perfection of our state governments will consist in their approximating more and more towards the standard exhibited in the national government. Of this the people appear to be sensible, and are taking measures accordingly, to effect this desirable object in the fullest manner. The elections to both governments should be directed to characters unequivocally attached to the union of all the parts of this great Empire, to the whole—those who would establish the general government upon the depreciation, or ruin of the state governments are equally enemies to both; and those who attempt to sow the seeds of jealousy between them, are, without all controversy, the greatest enemies of the people of the United States. Let the state governments therefore be dear to the people, and their constitutional importance be constantly held up to view, as epitomes of that great model to the whole, from whence we can alone expect to derive our character, and consequence as a nation.
The public may be assured that the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES is recovering from his indisposition.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK
 Packet Suffrin, Legrand, Bourdeaux, 53 days.  Brig Sally, Post, Cape Francois.  —Eliza, Armour, Amsterdam, 60 days.  —Recovery, Barnard, Port au Prince.  —Springfield, Gunnell, Tobago, 21 days.  Schooner John and James, Mathews, Philadelphia.  —Lilley, Heard, St Martin's, 18 days.  Sloop Betsey, Gracie, Washington, (N. C.) 9 days.  —Sally, Carey, Peterburg, Virginia, 7 days.  —Union, Watson, Philadelphia, 4 days.  —Anon, Phipps, Savanna, 14 days. 
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET. A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.

O forceur de se distinguer, que ne pouvez vous point!
THE labour and anxiety, the enterprizes, and adventures, that are voluntarily undertaken in pursuit of gain, are out of all proportion to the utility, convenience or pleasure of riches. A competence to satisfy the wants of nature, food and cloaths, a shelter from the seasons, and the comforts of a family, may be had for very little. The daily toil of the million, and of millions of millions, is adequate to a complete supply of these necessities and conveniences. With such accommodations thus obtained, the appetite is keener, the digestion more easy and perfect, and repose is more refreshing, than among the most abundant superfluities and the rarest luxuries. For what reason then, are any mortals averse to the situation of the farmer, mechanic or laborer? Why do we tempt the seas, and encompass the globe? Why do any men affront heaven and earth, to accumulate wealth, which will forever be useless to them? Why do we make an ostentatious display of riches? Why should any man be proud of his purse, houses, lands, or gardens? or in better words, why should the rich man glory in his riches? What connection can there be, between wealth and pride? The answer to all these questions is, because riches attract the attention, consideration and congratulations of mankind ; it is not because the rich have really more of ease or pleasure than the poor. Riches force the opinion on a man that he is the object of the congratulations of others; and he feels that they attract the complaisance of the public. His senses all inform him that his neighbors have a natural disposition to harmonize with all those pleasing emotions, and agreeable sensations, which the elegant accommodations around him are supposed to excite.
His imagination expands, and his heart dilates at these charming illusions: and his attachment to his possessions increases, as fast as his desire to accumulate more: not for the purposes of beneficence or utility, but from the desire of illustration.
Why, on the other hand, should any man be ashamed to make known his poverty? Why should those who have been rich, or educated in the houses of the rich, entertain such an aversion, or be agitated with such terror, at the prospect of losing their property? Or of being reduced to live at an humbler table? In a meaner house? To walk instead of riding? Or to ride without their accustomed equipage or retinue? Why do we hear of madness, melancholy and suicides, upon bankruptcy, loss of ships, or any other sudden fall from opulence to indigence, or mediocrity? Ask your reason, what disgrace there can be in poverty? What moral sentiment of approbation, praise or honor, can there be in a palace? What dishonor in a cottage? What glory in a coach, what shame in a waggon? Is not the sense of propriety, and the sense of merit as much connected with an empty purse as a full one? May not a man be as estimable, amiable and respectable, attended by his faithful dog, as if preceded and followed by a train of horses and servants? All these questions may be very wise; and the stoical philosophy has her answers ready. But if you ask the same questions of nature, experience, and mankind, the answers will be directly opposite to those of Epictetus, viz. that there is more respectability in the eyes of the greater part of mankind, in the gaudy trappings of wealth, than there is in genius or learning, wisdom or virtue.
The poor man's conscience is clear; yet he is ashamed. His character is irreproachable, yet he is neglected and despised. He feels himself out of the sight of others groping in the dark. Mankind take no notice of him: he rambles and wanders unheeded. In the midst of a crowd, at church, in the market, at a play, at an execution, or coronation, he is in as much obscurity, as he would be in a garret or a cellar. He is not disapproved, censured or reproached: he is only not seen. This total inattention is to him, mortifying, painful and cruel. He suffers a misery from this consideration, which is sharpened by the consciousness that others have no fellow feeling with him in this distress. If you follow these persons however into their scenes of life, you will find that there is a kind of figure which the meanest of them all, endeavors to make; a kind of little grandeur and respect, which the most insignificant, study and labour to procure, in the small circle of their acquaintances. Not only the poorest mechanic, but the man who lives upon common charity, nay the common beggars in the streets; and not only those who may be all innocent, but even those who have abandoned themselves to common infamy as pirates, highwaymen and common thieves, court a set of admirers, and plume themselves on that superiority, which they have, or fancy they have, over some others. There must be one indeed who is the last and lowest of the human species. But there is no risque in asserting that there is no one, who believes and will acknowledge himself to be the man.—To be wholly overlooked, and to know it, are in-
tolerable. Instances of this are not uncommon. When a wretch could no longer attract the notice of a man, woman or child, he must be respectable in the eyes of his dog. "Who will love me then?" was the pathetic reply of one, who starved himself to feed his mastiff, to a charitable passenger who advised him to kill or sell the animal. In this "who will love me then," there is a key to the human heart; to the history of human life and manners; and to the rise and fall of Empires. To feel ourselves unheeded, chills the most pleasing hope; damps the most fond desire; checks the most agreeable wish; disappoints the most ardent expectations of human nature.
Is there in science and letters, a reward for the labor they require? Scholars learn the dead languages of antiquity, as well as the living tongues of modern nations. Those of the east as well as the west.—They puzzle themselves and others with metaphysics and mathematics. They renounce their pleasures, neglect their exercises, and destroy their health; for what? Is curiosity so strong? Is the pleasure that accompanies the pursuit and acquisition of knowledge so exquisite? If Crusoe, on his island, had the library of Alexandria, and a certainty that he should never again see the face of man, would he ever open a volume? Perhaps he might: but it is very probable he would read but little. A sense of duty; a love of truth; a desire to alleviate the anxieties of ignorance, may, no doubt, have an influence on some minds. But the universal object and idol of men of letters is reputation . It is the notoriety, the celebration, which constitutes the charm, which is to compensate the loss of appetite and sleep, and sometimes of riches and honors.
The same ardent desire of the congratulations of others in our joys, is the great incentive to the pursuit of honors. This might be exemplified in the career of civil and political life. That we may not be too tedious let us instance in military glory. Is it to be supposed that the regular standing armies of Europe, engage in the service, from pure motives of patriotism? Are their officers men of contemplation and devotion, who expect their reward in a future life? Is it, from a sense of moral, or religious duty, that they risque their lives, and reconcile themselves to wounds?
Instances of all these kinds may be found.—But if any one supposes that all or the greater part of these heroes, are actuated by such principles, he will only prove that he is unacquainted with them. Can their pay be considered as an adequate encouragement? This, which is no more, than a very simple and moderate subsistence, would never be a temptation to renounce the chances of fortune in other pursuits together with the pleasures of domestic life, and submit to this most difficult and dangerous employment. No, it is the consideration and the chances of laurels, which they acquire by the service.
The soldier compares himself with his fellows, and contends for promotion to be a Corporal: the Corporals vie with each other to be Serjeants: the Serjeants will mount breaches to be Ensigns: and thus every man in an army is constantly aspiring to be something higher, as every citizen in the commonwealth is constantly struggling for a better rank, that he may draw the observation of more eyes.
LONDON.
The purchase of Mr. Hasting's Town-house was not quite 10,000l. but the furniture is costly in the extreme; and there are suits for the different seasons. The beds prepared for casual summer visits to the metropolis are of the finest book muslin, exquisitely wrought, and lined with India diaper, dyed of various colours, and of a peculiarly beautiful texture; and one set of chairs in particular, which are of carved ivory, cost 300l. each chair, in India.
DISINTERESTED GENEROSITY.
WHEN METASTASIO's circumstances were far from affluent, and he was only known at Vienna, as a writer for the opera, under Apostolo and Zeno, a person with whom he had contracted a great intimacy, left him at his death 15000l. sterling. But Metastasio hearing that his friend had relations at Bologna, went thither in search of them; and having found such as he thought best entitled to these possessions, told them, that though the deceased had bequeathed to him his whole fortune, he could suppose it to be no otherways than in trust, till he should find out the most deserving of his kindred, in order to divide it equally among them, which he immediately did, without the least reserve in his own favor.
SHAKESPEARE.
To the very many editions of our immortal bard, one is in agitation by the BLUE-STOCKING CLUB, which consists of many of the first rate male and female geniuses, to be entitled, " The Ladies Shakespeare ." The plan of this edition is to be a familiar criticism on the sensibilities, rather than the language or learning of the author—Something in the stile of ADDISON's critique on MILTON—to be useful to all who have any relish for the poet, or moral writer.
THE DEBTOR. (By Sir John Moore.)
CHILDREN of Affluence! hear a poor man's prayer, O haste, and free me from this dungeon's gloom; Let not the hand of comfortless despair, Sink my grey hairs with sorrow to the tomb!
Unus'd Compassion's tribute to demand, With clamorous din wake charity's dull ear, Wring the slow aid from Pity's loitering hand, Weave the feign'd tale, or drop the ready tear.
Far different thoughts employ'd my early hours, To views of bliss, to scenes of affluence born, The hand of Pleasure strew'd my path with flowers, And every blessing hail'd my youthful morn.
But ah! how quick the change! the morning gleam, That chear'd my fancy with her magic rays, Fled like the garish pageant of a dream, And sorrow clos'd the evening of my day.
Such is the lot of human bliss below, And hope a while the trembling flow'ret rears, 'Till unforeseen descends the blight of woe, And withers in an hour the pride of years.
In evil hour, to specious wiles a prey, I trusted—(whom from faults is always free?) And the short progress of one fatal day, Was all the space 'twixt wealth and poverty.
Where could I seek for comfort or for aid? To whom the ruins of my state commend? Left to myself, abandon'd and betray'd, Too late I found the wretched have no friend!
E'en he, amid the rest, the favour'd youth, Whose vows had met the tenderest warm return, Forgot his oaths of constancy and truth, And left my child in solitude to mourn.
Pity in vain stretch'd forth her feeble hand, To guard the sacred wreaths by Hymen wove, While pale-eyed Avarice from his sordid stand, Scowl'd o'er the ruins of neglected love.
Though deeply hurt, yet, swayed by decent pride, She hush'd her sorrows with becoming art, And faintly strove, with sickly smiles, to hide The canker-worm that prey'd upon her heart.
Nor blam'd his cruelty—nor wish'd to hate Whom once she lov'd—but pitied and forgave, Then unrepining yielded to her fate, And sunk in silent anguish to the grave.
Children of Affluence! hear a poor man's prayer, O haste, and free me from this dungeon's gloom Let not the hand of comfortless despair, Sink my grey hairs with sorrow to the tomb!
THE UNITED STATES.
'TIS but the morning of the world with us, And Science yet but sheds her orient rays— I see the age, the happy age, roll on— Bright with the splendours of her mid-day beams!— Those beams of virtue, honor, knowledge, truth, That scatter'd thro' long periods, have illum'd The happiest days of Empires, now no more, Shall meet, and mingle in one glorious blaze— And shew the world to what supernal heights— PEACE, LAWS, and FREEDOM can exalt mankind!
ADVERTISEMENT.
BY order of the honorable John Sloss Hobart Esquire, one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. Notice is hereby given to Paul Deyrell, now or late of Long Island, Esquire, an absconding debtor, and to all others whom it may concern; that upon application and due proof, made to the said Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature, entitled "an act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, by a creditor of the said Paul Deyrell, he the said Justice has directed all his the said Paul Deyrell's Estate, real and personal, within this State, to be seized; and that unless he shall discharge his debts within three months after the publication of this notice; all his Estate real and personal will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, the twenty-seventh day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety. March 31. 1793m.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 3, QUEEN-STREET,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 || HUMHUMS, Jacketon do. || Long Cloths, Hankercchiefs, of various kinds, || Cassas, Chintzes, || Seerluckers, Ginghams, || Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
A Morning School is opened, by the Subscriber, for YOUNG LADIES, at Harmony Hall, adjoining the Baptists burying ground, in Gold Street. Hours of attendance are from 6 till 8.—For further particulars, please to enquire of the Public's Obedient Servant, GAD ELY.
N. B. The Young Ladies School which has been kept at No. 219 Queen-Street, is removed to the above place. New-York, May 8, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market, WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790. tf.
Moses Rogers, and Co.
HAVE removed their STORE to the New Building, corner of Golden-Hill and Queen-Street, fronting Burling Slip. New-York, May 5, 1790.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
THE MAIL DILIGENCE for Philadelphia leaves the Ferry-Wharf at New-York, forty minutes after Seven every Morning, except Sunday. Dines at Brunswick, and reaches Trenton before dark.