National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-08-24 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 86 of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, August 24, 1793.
[Total NUMB. 190]
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MANY 'long-winded' Essays have been brought before the public, in consequence of the President's proclamation, &c. and other proceedings of our government, in which the affairs of the republic of France were affected;—there has been much unnecessary, and even tiresome declamation from the criminator and recriminator , who take up a considerable portion of their pieces in personal invective—The generality of readers would be pleased to see the arguments on both sides stated with precision, in preference to having them enveloped with such high colouring. I do not hold the infallibility of any mortal, however dignified the station to which he is exalted. When he is supposed to have erred, it ought to be told in a mild and inoffensive manner; but if he perseveres, I do not think he can be too severely reprimanded.
We have been, (I was about to say, entertained) instead of which read, disguised, with repeated expressions of fear, lest Britain should take in dudgeon any brotherly acts of friendship towards our republican allies; even though they should not exceed what is particularly stipulated for in existing treaties. How unmanly—how pusillanimous and effeminate are these fears. If Britain, or rather George III. is disposed for a declaration of war against this country, he will not defer it long for want of a pretence. If he wishes to maintain peace, no act of our government, if conformable to treaties, will provoke it; although we should even permit the French to sell their prizes in our ports; and prohibit the English from acting in the same manner. I am fully persuaded it is the wish of the great body of my fellow-citizens to remain in peace; but at the same time, I may as safely affirm, it is their desire to shew every favour to the French that can be done consistently with neutrality. These are not mere assertions, but collected from the conversation of people several hundred miles apart, and of the majority with whom I conversed in the intermediate places through which I passed. But for my single self, were my arm nerved with strength sufficient, I would give a fatal stab to the hydra despotism, which nothing will satiate but thousands of republicans for her daily repast.
A TRAVELLER.
From the GENERAL ADVERTISER,
THE late capture at sea, on her passage from New Orleans to Philadelphia, of the vessel built on the Ohio, within the state of Pennsylvania, owned by citizens of the United States, and whose cargo belonging to American citizens, confers in productions of the growth of this country, demonstrates the evident necessity of a treaty with Spain, respecting the navigation of the Mississippi.
It is a matter of fact, that the lands of the western country are much more luxuriant and fertile than those of the Atlantic parts of the United States; it will follow then that western cultivated lands will afford a larger proportion of produce for exportation than the same quantity of cultivated lands on the eastern side of the mountains; but when we take also into consideration, that most of the western inhabitants are farmers, that there are but few mechanics among them, and that they have no large towns to supply, we will readily admit that the proportion of their produce for foreign market must be still greater. It is very true that the population of the western country is inconsiderable, comparatively with the vast extent of that territory; yet the number of its inhabitants is respectable, and deserve double the attention of the supreme legislature of the Union. The state of Pennsylvania has several populous counties beyond the mountains, whose produce must go to market by the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers down the Ohio and Mississippi. Virginia is in the same situation, as to her possessions on the Ohio and Great Kanawha rivers. The state of Kentucky, which is far from being contemptible for the number of her inhabitants, has no other way to export her produce. The territory north west of the Ohio, comprehending the several settlements of Scioto, Miami, Wabash, and the villages and country of the Illinois, is in the very same predicament: and lastly, the territory south of the Ohio, containing upwards of 50,000 souls, lies altogether on the western waters, and is more conveniently situated than all the others to the navigation of the Mississippi.
At a moderate calculation then, we may well estimate half a million of people, mostly farmers, who can export none of their produce, but through the channel of the Mississippi. So great a part of the nation ought not and cannot much longer be neglected.
The pretended exclusive right of Spain to the navigation of the Mississippi is founded on no principle of equity or natural justice.—Shall a country of more extent than any of the kingdoms of Europe be debarred of its natural right of sending its produce to sea, because Spain happens to have a small town with a few subjects near the mouth of the Mississippi? How long will Americans submit to the oppression of paying a heavy and degrading tribute to a Spanish officer, for a license (in his power ever to deny) to proceed to sea with their vessel and produce? and under the restriction of making such vessels Spanish bottoms, which subjects them to be seizable by the armed ships of France.—In what a wretched situation these arbitrary proceedings of Spain place our western citizens! If they will to export their produce, they must not only make use of the most humble solicitations, but they are compelled besides to pay a very high duty for the permission of sailing out of the Mississippi under the colours of a foreign nation at war with our allies.—How degrading such restrictions! how humiliating to an American!
It is easy to foresee what will be the consequence, if a treaty be not soon, and very soon, negotiated with Spain.—The western inhabitants, whose numbers increase daily by the constant emigrations from the Atlantic states, have complained for near ten years past, of the opposition they labour under: but the confidence they had in their delegated rulers, caused them to wait till now, not without impatience, the effects of negotiation; they are a hardy, courageous and enterprising people, and though they entertain the greatest respect for the laws of their country, and though they are much attached to the federal government, yet their favorite axiom in politics is, (a maxim established unanimously in 1776, by the Congress of the United States) "that allegiance and protection are reciprocal."
Quousque tandem, Hispania, abuteris Patentiā nostrā?
X.
The Affections and Fopperies of HEROES and KINGS.
[From an English Magazine.]
THERE is no kind of folly that satire hath fastened upon with a keener tooth, than foppery. There is scarce a virtue, which hath been more highly extolled than magnificence. It is natural, therefore, to suppose, that the noble reception allowed to the last, has been the bait to seduce such numbers into the first; and yet there is no more similitude between them, than between paint and beauty.
The very essence of the ridiculous is affectation; nor would the owl and ass be treated so ludicrously, as they always are, if, over their natural dulness, they did not wear the mask of wisdom. As Sancho sagaciously declares, we are all as God made us ; and, therefore, while we continue as we are made, we are no way obnoxious to blame or laughter, for not being what we were never intended to be.
But common sense is not subject to the will of kings, and challenges a prerogative superior to theirs.
Hence it was, that even a diadem could not cover the ass-ears of Midas; through that dazzling circle they betrayed themselves, and every sycophant who approached him, laughed in his sleeve, if not in his sovereign's face.
Had his affinine majesty never slept into the judgment-seat, and undertook to be a man of taste, he had never fallen under the displeasure of Apollo, or been ear-mark'd for the ridicule of all ages.
I have ever been particularly pleased with Ovid, for having played off this pleasant piece of revenge upon a king; it has served to illustrate most effectually, that if kings are gods in power, they are men in judgment; and if most of those state idols had not been visited, like Ahab and Agamemnon, with a lying spirit, it might possibly have kept them from trespassing on their own abilities, and aspiring to be ridiculous.
But power intoxicates, as well as wine, and the phrenzy it creates, seldom evaporates, but in the sleep of death.
Thus Alexander himself, though perhaps the most magnanimous of men, ridiculously enamoured with the character of Achilles, set up the poet's phantom as his model in all things. Hephestion thus became his Patroclus, and was lodged in his bosom, rather perhaps, through affectation, pardon the simile, than affection. Thus, likewise, he piqued himself on being swift of foot; as also on his own personal valour, and the giving a free loose to the most violent of his passions. And lastly, such strength did this vain-glorious humour of his acquire by long indulgence, that, not satisfied with the real glory he had acquired by his victories, he took pains to blast the reputation of both his parents, in order to be esteemed the son of Jupiter.
In all these lights, as likewise in his weeping for more worlds to conquer, as well as his ambition to excel all men in all things, even Alexander himself becomes as eminently ridiculous, as exclusive of his follies, he was eminently worthy of admiration.
The affectations and absurdities of Alexander were, however, those of a hero; the Achilles he imitated was the Achilles of Homer; the god he was desirous to be derived from, was the king and father of the set. Glory was the deity he worshipped; and the contest of generosity between him and Porus bears witness, that he desired to have a reputation founded on virtue, as well as victory.
Even Cæsar, the man of reason, as well as enterprize, could not help being dazzled with the glittering figure of this human Phoenix: this is evident by his bursting into tears, on recollecting that he himself was scarce known to the world, at an age when Alexander was both the wonder and master of it. Cæsar, however, did not suffer his admiration to hurt his discretion; and if he emulated his virtues, he carefully avoided his extravagancies.
Charles XII. of Sweden, likewise, apparently copied the military part of Alexander's character; in consequence of which, war became his element, and to dispose of kingdoms, not possess them, what he principally aimed at, as the fruit of his victories: but as Cæsar studied only the excellencies of Alexander, Charles was enamoured even with his faults; and as all defects in a line original are aggravated in a servile copy, so if Alexander was rash, Charles was rashness itself; which he carried to such an extremity, that while in the field, scarce any thing less than a continual series of miracles could have preserved him from day to day. He is not, however, to be upbraided with Alexander's debaucheries; and if the Greek was continent once, the Swede was so always. Alexander again found leisure, in the midst of a camp, to cultivate the arts and sciences, to be elegant, to be magnificent, (let it be remembered, I do not say, to be prodigal or ostentatious) whereas Charles was so immersed in the drudgery of war, that he forgot the dues of decency, and in his figure more resembled ancient Pistol, as dressed for the stage; in Shakespeare, than a great king and mighty conqueror. The Spartans were never so spruce, as in the day of battle; nor can I see any necessity that a great hero would be as great a sloven. To faith with this royal Swede: as Alexander had his Hephestion, Charles had his prince of Wittenberg: a circumstance which I mention only to shew, that Peter the Czar had authorities of all sorts for calling him, tho' somewhat in scorn, the Alexander of the north.
Eng. Mag.
NEW-YORK, August 17.
To the honourable John Jay, Esq. Chief Justice of the United States, and the honourable Rufus King, Esq. a member of the honourable the Senate of the United States.
Honourable Gentlemen,
THE very interesting information contained in your card published in Monday's Diary, and the very condescending manner in which you have deigned to make the communication, demand the most solemn five acknowledgments of all your fellow 'subjects.' When the chief-justice and a senator of the United States stoop so far, as to address themselves immediately to the people, who that is not callous to the sentiments of gratitude, does not perceive and confess the important obligation? Receive then, dignified Sirs, the thanks due to you for so obligingly importing to us the very indecorous language used by Citizen Genet. But for you, we should yet have been groping in the dark, and fatiguing
ourselves with useless conjectures; and yet some captious people among us, take exception at your card. They say, that after spending so many days, in the wording of it, they expected much fuller information respecting the minister's conduct; they ask in what manner this language was used, upon what occasion? Whether in writing, whether by word of mouth, whether they were addressed directly to the President, whether to his own republic, whether to his own family, whether to yourselves, (which appeared most probable, as you do not speak from information) whether to your friend the secretary of the treasury, or whether they were dropped (as some say) in a private table conversation. To silence these cavillers, we tell them, you were not obliged to declare the whole truth, and that you have disclosed quite as much as the vulgar ought to know.
Others assert, there is a want of candour in your trying to palm the report on others; it must be confessed, there is a studied ambiguity in this particular; the card says that 'a report having reached the city, you were asked so and so.' It took me half an hour to convince an obstinate anti-federalist, that this expression contained no direct denial of your being the authors of it; that the phraseology was sufficiently clear for the well born, and that men in exalted stations, never aimed at being comprehended by those of plebeian understanding.
Another fellow, (as bad an anti-federalist, as either of the former) pretended that you were ashamed of raising the report, because you wanted us to believe that you had been silent until applied to, on the subject—else why say 'you were asked, and answered so and so'—This could not in every instance have been true, says this carper, for the chief justice, on the morning Genet was expected, stopped an acquaintance of mine, and told him the whole story, although he was asked no questions about it.—Why you blockhead, said I, don't you observe, that although the card is calculated to make an illiterate person believe they had not volunteered this information, yet a man liberally and genteelly educated, will easily discover on a third or fourth reading, that they had in some instances graciously made the communication to some persons who did not trouble themselves to ask any questions about it. It is well replied, said this creature, you have satisfied me on this head, for I was busy, and had made considerable progress in obtaining certificates, that the chief justice, as soon as it was in contemplation to address Citizen Genet, became as busy as a bee in circulating the story, which with some weak persons had the desired effect.
This impertinent fellow was scarcely dispatched, when another of the same anti-federal stamp, strutted up and made his saucy remarks on your card. 'Methinks,' says he, Jay and King, (for I protect he gave neither of you a title, which shocked my federal delicacy not a little) had better mind the business they are paid for, than to propagate such idle tales against the minister of our good allies.' This was pronounced with a look so fierce and angry, that I dared not open my lips in your favour, for fear of being huffed out of the coffee-house.
The moment this furious jackanapes stalked away, another ruder still stepped up, and with a temerity, assumed only by anti-federalists, questioned even the purity of your motives.—'What end can it answer,' said this impudent railer, 'at this critical moment to provoke a war between France and America, by treating their minister with open disrespect—Our papers teem with libels against him—Not content with anonymous scurrility, the officers of government come forward, and by ambiguous and dark innuendoes endeavour to deprive him not only of public confidence, but of the common civilities of life—Had half as much been said of the English ambassador, the printers would have been prosecuted for a libel, and we should have seen the federal judges as unanimous against them as they were in the case of poor Hensfield. If Mr. Genet has acted improperly, in God's name why don't the President resent it? If the people are to judge him, why is not his offence more accurately defined? Surely they are not to give a verdict upon the loose jesuitical testimony already before them.' 'For my part,' continued this brawler, 'I do not see what the people have to do with this business. While our government receives Mr. Genet as ambassador, it is indecent in others not to

be civil to him. I can excuse our great officers of state who, except the President, hate the revolution, for she winging their contempt of him, but I hope they will not be imitated by the republican sons of Columbia who love liberty, and had rather fight for it than see France conquered. This democrat then expatiated on liberty, republicanism, patriotism, national gratitude and good faith, and declaimed so loudly against monarchy, aristocracy, and slavery, that I am sure, good Sirs, you would have been as glad as myself to have escaped from his company without attempting a reply.
The object of this address is to supplicate you to employ some person to attend daily at the coffee-house to explain your card, and to defend it against the contumelious and anti-federal criticisms levelled against it.
I have only to assure you, noble Sirs, that I am not at all shaken in my anti federal principles, nor in my detestation of the French revolution and liberty, which so honourably distinguish our party.
I have the honour, honourable and well born Sirs, to be, with all that submissive respect which becometh an American subject, and with all suitable aristocratical devotion and submission,
Your very obedient servant, An Anti Gallican Federalist.
LONDON, May 19.
A flagrant instance of cruelty and injustice toward the poor, is the practice of impressing. The labour of the poor man, constitutes the whole of his wealth, and his domestic connections almost the whole of his happiness. But on a sudden, under the dubious authority of a press warrant, he is cut off from his peaceful habitation and domestic society, and forcibly dragged on board the floating prison of a tender: he is compelled to labour in the dreadful service of murdering his fellow creatures at the command of his superiors, and paid such scanty wages, not as he can earn or deserve, but as the niggardly system of government finance thinks fit to allow. His family meanwhile, who look up to him for comfort and subsistence, ignorant of his misfortune, are anxiously expecting his wonted return; perhaps their hourly repast for the night depended on his earnings for the day; but his usual hour of return to his family is gone by; each passing footstep, each noise of distant similarity, is eagerly listened to in vain; hope, still draws out the lengthened evening till a sleepless night of lamentation and despair succeeds the dreary melancholy hours of successive disappointment and fruitless expectation. The next or succeeding day brings the mournful tidings of his destiny; and leaves the widowed wife (perhaps the pregnant mother) to eke out a comfortless existence under the accumulated pressure of want, and labour, and sorrow, and disease.
Innumerable are the cases of this nature, that must of necessity attend the practice of impressing for soldiers and mariners. But the miseries of the lower classes of society are borne in torpid silence, and patient resignation! The feeble voice of suffering poverty can seldom extend beyond the humble limits of her own habitation; still less can it penetrate the joyous mansions of the great, or intrude on the pompous occupations of the statesman; other wise it might truly suggest, that even if wars be necessary, this tyrannical system of violence and robbery is not so. It is the offspring of state-parsimony alone. Why not add a fourth or a half to the common wages, to induce volunteers? Why not double the pay?—Why not?—Because the overgrown fortunes of the rich landholders, the monopolizers of wastes and commons, would experience an almost imperceptible diminution. While, by the good old fashion of dragging away the poor by means of a pressgang, no taxes are laid upon the wealthy; and a due portion of the swinish multitude, the scum of the earth, are periodically swept away as food for powder.
Such are some among the numerous hardships of which the British poor have too much reason to complain. Indigence, one would think, is of itself a sufficient evil to an inhabitant of society, without being held out as a reproach, or converted into a crime. Why then should slavery be added to poverty, and the rights of man be involved in the misfortunes of the citizen? A citizen indeed is an improper appellation; the poor man is not a citizen: for being denied, even by the spirit of the constitution, the privilege of representation, he is subject to those who make, and the power of those who execute the laws; and he is at best but an inhabitant of his native land, for the benefit of his richer neighbour.
BERMUDA, July 27.
This port is open for the importation of all kinds of provisions, naval and military stores, in foreign bottoms, until the 1st of January next.
The Assembly is prorogued to Monday the 7th of October.
A fleet of 150 homeward bound Jamaican men, under convoy of four frigates, &c. were spoke with 4 days since, a few leagues to the westward of Bermuda, by a vessel from New-York.
Yesterday arrived the Fox privateer from a cruise; she re-captured on Thursday the brig Carriere, Archibald McDonald late master, of Glasgow, bound to St. Vincents; the brig was captured by the L'Ajax French privateer, of 26 guns and 260 men, of Bourdeaux, off the Western Isles, about 3 weeks since; she was ordered to Baltimore, to get American papers, load with flour, and sail immediately for France; the privateer took out of the brig all the merchandise, consisting of about 55 bales and packages; she is a very fast sailing, fine brig, and worth about 3000. sterl. The captain of the French privateer behaved with great civility to the crew of the brig Carriere, and the crew of the Fox treated the French crew taken prisoners with equal humanity and attention, by giving up all private property. By the above French prisoners, we learn, that there are 4 stout privateers, of 28 to 44 guns each, cruising off the Western Islands, which send all their prizes for America.
The crew of the Fox go into the privateer ship EXPERIMENT, which is to be launched on Thursday next, and which is expected to out-sail any thing ever built.
August 3.
By the sloop Perseverance, Williams, arrived yesterday in 14 days from Barbadoes, we learn, that the packet brought orders to stop admiral Gardner from sailing to Halifax, where he was bound during the hurricane months; and that 2000 more troops were expected daily at Barbadoes, the British being determined to reduce all the French possessions in the West Indies.—That three French ships of the line were arrived at Martinique.—That ten sail of the line, with 10,000 troops on board, are arrived at the Havannah.—And that the homeward-bound fleet from St. Kitts, were to sail the first of August.
The Hornet privateer has brought in the brig Phoebe, bound to Philadelphia, from the Cape, with coffee, a chest of dollars, two chests of plate, 36 negroes, and dry goods, belonging to the French. The brig left the Cape the 19th July; the negroes had then full possession of that place; the brig lay just out of reach of the guns, 14 days, to endeavour to procure water, with many other vessels. She had 60 white passengers on board.
BOSTON, August 15.
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, dated July 24, 1793.
“A year ago, and the merits and importance of the French revolution, were confined in their effects to but few speculative politicians even in this country. But at present, to the infinite mortification of concealed enemies to the free principles, on which it is established, thousands who were then scarcely affected by its animating influence, are now warmed and invigorated in the cause of “Liberty and Equality,” to a degree scarcely below the genuine and salutary standard of 1775—The lines of partition are drawing fast; and it is with pleasure, I can assure you, that their circumlocution is every day more and more limited. It is very visible here (I know not how it is in Boston) that within them are to be found, every ancient enemy to the free principles which illuminated the dawn of our revolution. Among this description you find, conspicuous and revealed, every old tory, to a man, (to give the devil his due, they are wonderfully consistent) and every halfway, timid, hesitating whig of the eleventh hour, joined and incorporated with the train band of speculators, (with some exceptions) and the merchants in the British trade, in about the same proportion. Let me know how it is in Boston. Do you not see there the same leaven at work, openly or secretly, as will best suit their designs? Under the plausible exterior of national independence of foreign connections, do you not perceive the English influence in full operation, to vilify the only European power, that from principle, interest and inclination, can wish well to American liberty.—If this power is subverted, with what other nation can we form a union? Would the Spaniards assist us in a future contest with the British? Or could they, if they would? Would they wish to see this country rise to the height, and importance of which it is susceptible, with the green eyed jealousy which even now distorts every object in nature or society?—Would the Dutch?—Alas! the patriots with whom we negotiated our provisional treaty, in the late war, or rather, who negotiated for us, are either dead, or in exile. Some of them, like VAN BERKEL or CAPELLAN, obliged to abscond by the power of the Orange faction.—Some others like DENEUVILLE, obscure and unfortunate in America. Can we expect assistance from the Russians, the Prussians or Austrians? They have no marine for our assistance; and the Swedes and Danes are too remote.—In fact, my good friend, it is the British nation to which we must revert, according to the system of these gentlemen—and then their schemes will be matured, under the fostering, maternal care of this amiable government? our President, like that of the Dutch, may be rendered hereditary; our Senate independent—our Representatives corrupt and venal, immersed in the vor-
tex of intrigue and speculation—But all this is absurd—you’ll say;—How absurd! Has it not happened before? Is it not, precisely the case in Holland? Are the Dutch, at this moment, any more than the satellites of the British? Even in this combination against France, have they not been forced into the war contrary to their inclination or interest, by the British? Did they not wish to negotiate the affair of the Scheldt? And were they permitted to do it by the Cabinet of St. James?—All these truths are evident and indisputable—But still irritate, irritate, perplex and abuse the French, till we are drawn into a war with them, and the end will be obtained. God forbid I should be uncharitable; but I firmly believe this is the view of some—some mean nothing—for they never had a meaning—Still my good Sir, the sound part of the Americans will not be corrupted by the rotten and defective—You must be vigilant & decided however—REMEMBER the freedom of North America can be lost only in France, and the dissolution of the Gallic republic, will renew the convulsive struggle for our rights.
“But the French, under the re-established order of despotism, would still be our friend.” This hypothesis is lunacy in the extreme—What! After seeing the pillars of monarchy shaken, and even prostrate, would a future monarch of France tamper with the very contagion which had once before effected the destruction of the ancient establishment in his own kingdom? You might as well persuade me, that a LEO or a CLEMENT, or any other infallible successor of the papal power, would have joined in a crusade of Protestants, soon after the reformation of LUTHER, to limit the authority of a Catholic potentate. More likely—for that they began a new expedition, to extinguish the only remains of real liberty in the world, in this country; for they never have felt from this source, what they never even imagined to be possible, when the court of Versailles first undertook to sustain the tottering cause of American Liberty.”
“Notwithstanding the mean & contemptible insinuations in yesterday’s Centinel , respecting the reception of Citizen GENET at New York, we doubt not, and we think we can be justified in asserting, that should that gentleman pay a visit to this metropolis, he would be received by every real republican, with that friendship and cordiality which is due to the minister of a great and magnanimous ally.
The several paragraphs which constantly appear in the Centinel , apparently under the British influence, and evidently calculated to lessen the affection of the friends of Liberty, to the cause of France, are as base and infamous, as the authors of them can be despicable and wretched—they are treated by every independent citizen with the contempt they merit.
One would in last suppose, by reading the Centinel , that the Editor of that paper was employed by Great Britain, or some other of the combined powers, to propagate stories unfavourable to France; as every paper teems with the most bitter invectives, either against the nation at large, or against their minister now in this country.”
Extracts from late French papers.
1. “The English are now at war with the French, but the time is not remote when that nation shall do itself ample justice upon its corrupt ministers, and their scaffolds will soon smoke with the blood of the Lunds and Straffords of the present day, who will suffer the doom of common robbers. At present we have in a manner the world combined against us; we have not a single ally; or to speak more truly, the people of every country are our allies, but the governments are our enemies. The people however can render us no essential service of themselves, till unettered from their chains, and this it must be our business to effect.
2. “The victories of our armies, and the general good aspect of our affairs, have been the cause of much exultation among the inhabitants of the United States: there are at New-York and Philadelphia a number of aristocrats and royalists, who grate their teeth at the probability of our success, and utter execrations for the death of Louis; but in general the downfall of the tyrant and tyranny is highly approved of. Our successes against the league of despots, are so much the more acceptable to Americans, as they consider themselves as our elder brothers in the great work of Liberty. From what we hear, however, it is still in our power to give them several lessons on this subject. For example, the aristocratical alphabet of the English is still too prevalent among the Americans. A number of words are still pronounced among them that cannot but wound the ears of every good republican, your honour, worshipful, excellency, reverend, &c. &c. It is pity that having thrown aside the pompous trappings of their old government, they should still retain trifling decorations which can only set easy on the shoulders of puppies, and neglect the honorable title of Citizen. The phrase Citizen has made, we are told, many Americans smile; wise men, however, it has set a thinking. We find nothing that is a better criterion of
the general sentiments of the American than their toasts published in the newspapers. From these it is wonderful to learn, that they still hesitate to pronounce La Fayette guilty of treason against the nation!
3. “Andreas Chenier has given the nation a sublime, animated tragedy, entitled, PENELON . This piece, in the representation, has been attended with the completest success. It abounds with the purest and most amiable morality; and the author of Telemachus there appears, as in his book, the same virtuous character, the friend of mankind, and the friend of liberty. A vast number of particular verses in this work have met with the most unbounded applause, and are worthy to be engraved upon every man’s memory. Among these may be reckoned the following— Dieu fit la liberte, l’homme a fait l’esclavage . God made liberty; man only is the author of slavery!
PHILADELPHIA.
SATURDAY, August 24.
Letters from Paris mention, that several Englishmen residing there have lately been denounced to the Committee of Safety, for having been more free in their conduct and conversation against the present order of things than was prudent. Amongst the number is a captain Grimstone, of Yorkshire, formerly of the British Guards, and now an half-pay officer, who is in confinement. He would have been guillotined sometime ago (say our accounts) had not Thomas Paine, (who was the person chiefly reproached) in the most liberal manner exerted himself to save his life.”
Extract of a letter from Chester county, August 17.
“I do by no means hold your project to be either weak or chimerical of introducing the French language into general use in this country, and thereby superceding the English. The purposed to be answered by such a change are great and desirable; particularly, it would put us in a fair way of ridding ourselves of numberless prejudices now, and for a long time past, inbibed from the literary productions of a nation, which in some sort govern the understandings of Americans, and lead many of them to suppose, that nothing excellent ever did or can exist out of England, and that the best way of rendering ourselves acceptable to God, is to murder and destroy our fellow men. No time can be preferable to the present for setting about this great work, the country being in a manner full of French people, the far greater part of whom mean to settle in the states, and become American citizens, so that in every village, and almost on every farm, the inhabitants will have an opportunity of becoming practically acquainted with this elegant language. Let no one despair at difficulties in their first attempts: Doctor Franklin learned to speak the French fluently after he had passed his seventieth year. I am told the most of our federal executive speak it; by their setting the example, and allowing no other to be used in their families, the people at large would soon come into the general use of it, and the next age would see the French tongue the vernacular idiom of this country.”
Extract of a letter from Capt. Brooke, of the Schooner Harriet, to Capt. St. cum, (of Alexandria) her owner—St. Kitt’s, July 20.
“There is all the reason in the world to complain of the treatment the Americans have received in this place from the people of the island; and I hope our friends will take it into consideration so as to give us some satisfaction for such treatment.”
“There are about thirty American vessels here (all of them in the event of admiralty); and it is much feared that many of them will suffer on account of the approaching hurricane months. The court has been employed all this week in trying three vessels, but no determination has yet taken place. If they do not get thro’ the business faster than they have done, some of our countrymen will not get away before next spring. Five or six American ships and brigs hope to sail in about ten days; but what they will do for hands I know not. Their hands have been induced to leave them by the owners of the privateers, although American citizens, and every assistance given the hands they could with for to recover their wages by law. Some masters have been sent to gaol, on refusing to pay such demands; but at last, were permitted to land some part of their cargoes, and sell them at vendue, in order to raise the money for those fellows, and pay their gaol fees, as they had no money when brought into this place. Such usage, I hope, will remain in the breach of every true American.”
“When I was first brought into this place, they took me on board, in order to undergo an examination; but the court not being prepared, I was ordered to give no one any satisfaction who might wish to speak to me concerning the vessel and cargo; and was moreover prevented from speaking to any American until my trial.”

should be over. This I considered as a great grievance; but no numbers have been treated in a more distressful manner than myself. Some American masters have been detained in the harbour four or five days on board the privateers, and not allowed to put their foot on shore, because the court was not ready to give them a hearing. This is considered by those who are gentlemen [God knows! but few they are] to be a very unlawful proceeding. Besides this, all the American vessels brought here, whether they have French property on board or not, are obliged to enter claims for their vessels and cargoes, and have a trial for them in the court of admiralty before they are set at liberty, and have no satisfaction made them for the detention. I have been in this place near eight weeks.
"I suppose you have heard of the American vessels being brought in here with the Union down. This has been done repeatedly, and I have seen it several times, with the masters on board, and they dared not a tempt to reverse the colours for fear of being ill-treated. I make no doubt our countrymen will take such insults into consideration, and know the reason of them."
Extract from the Journal and Log-Book of the Schooner Liza, Capt. Nathaniel Fanning.
"On the morning of the 17th of July, we sailed from Cape-Francis in company with the brig Mary, belonging to Philadelphia. At 10 P. M. we were fired at and brought to by an armed sloop, and did not perceive that she shewed any colours—her boat boarded us with a number of armed men and took possession of our vessel, they told us the privateer was from Jamaica, commanded by David Harris, called the Joseph and Mary, and mounted 8 guns. On the following day their boat came on board again, they broke open our hatches and fore scuttle, and took out a considerable part of our cargo, which were hides. Not finding any thing to render our cargo suspicious of being French property, they put the hides down again and closed our hatches, some of them however we endeavoured in consequence of the sea that was then running. Having 18 French passengers on board, they broke open their trunks and took all the money, plate and jewels they could there find. The captain of the privateer seeing a sail, gave chase to her, and ordered us to follow after him, he soon came up with and took her: she proved to be the vessel we had sailed in company with from the Cape, and had 150 French passengers on board. On the 20th, they anchored us both at that wild and uninhabited place called Great Heneaga. They proceeded to search our vessel again, re-examined the trunks, not excepting the captain's, tore up the after cabin floor and bottom of the lower births. Having now taken all the money, plate and jewels they could find, besides five negro girls and some small articles, and having drank most of the passengers wine, they gave us a discharge, with orders to depart immediately. We had no sooner got under way, than a person by the name of Ananias Mac Dougal, came on board; he commanded a Schooner privateer from New-Providence, called the Brothers, mounting 10 guns. He roared like a madman, and took possession of the vessel: upon being asked by what authority he did it, he answered in the following manner: 'I do not choose to shew every one my authority, when your vessel is along side of my guns I may do it.' The captain then shewed him the discharge he had received from the other privateer, he said he did not care a damn for it, he had often got good pickings out of others leavings, then ordered his boat off for twenty men with loaded guns and cutlasses, part of which soon after came armed as ordered. We were now taken close under our capturer's guns, and several other privateers which appeared to be in concert."
"On the succeeding day, our hatches were once more broke open, and our cargo taken out to the dunnage. Our water casks were scuttled, and about 500 dollars taken out of them, which our French passengers had there secreted. We were now once more released. Our passengers lost none of their cloaths, except a few handkerchiefs; Capt. Fanning lost a hat, which one of our people saw on the head of the prize-master of the Joseph and Mary, when on board of her, which he in the presence of the captain asked for, but they refused to return it. In the evening of the day we sailed from Heneaga we were spoke with by the said Ananias M. Dougal, who informed us, that he in company with five other privateers had taken the American ship called the Harmony, belonging to Baltimore, and on the succeeding day we saw them anchor her under Atkins Key."
We learn from a Norfolk paper, that a 16 gun ship of war had arrived at St. Kitts in 26 days from Liverpool, with the intelligence that peace was established between France and England. What gives some degree of probability to this news, is, the total inability, as well as inactivity of Holland, in prosecuting the war against France; the Spaniards nearly inactive; England left to support nearly the whole expence of the league, and the combined powers discouraged, their subjects on the
point of revolt, and their united force not able to drive even Celine out of Germany. Intelligence is received from England, through the above channel, that Mr. Fox had resigned his seat in parliament, on which occasion the friends of liberty had set a subscription on foot for him, and already raised 40,000. A number of additional failures had taken place in London, Bristol, &c. as also in Scotland, and the mercantile part of the kingdom were in the greatest consternation. In Ireland public affairs were in a more deplorable situation than ever; the price of cloth and yarn reduced almost to nothing, and provisions of every kind higher than ever before known in that island.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in New-York to his friend in this city, dated August 18, 1793.
"This to be sure is an age of wonders—It is wonderful that the American revolution was effected with so little bloodshed, with such small resources, with so little expence, and in so short a time. When we contemplate the assistance which France rendered us, it may abate a little of this wonder: for it will hardly be supposed, that singly we should have been a match for Great-Britain. It is wonderful that the immense services which we received from France should so soon be effaced from the remembrance of many pretended patriots among us—But this wonder may suffer a diminution when we consider that France has become a Republic, and that the establishment of her republican government may be the destruction of aristocracy and inequality throughout the European world, and may extend its influence across the Atlantic. It is wonderful that those who were the most distinguished for maintaining the sovereignty of the states should be the first for a consolidated government, when to hint that a consolidation was in contemplation was branded with the character of ant federalism—It is wonderful that those men who were the most vehement declaimers for liberty, against the encroachments of Great Britain, should be the first to aim at inequality now we have become an independent nation, and they have become powerful among us, and that they should aim at aggrandizing themselves at the expence of the general happiness of America. It is wonderful that there should be a difference of sentiment between the people of a free country and their magistrates, and that the magistrates should think themselves a superior order of beings to those who created them—The natural order of things would lead to an opinion that the people ought to be supreme, that their voice ought to govern, and that whenever there was an opportunity of consulting that voice, nothing ought to interpose—We might naturally imagine that there ought to be no secrets in a free government; that whatever interested the people ought to be made known to them; that as they were the source of authority, that as they must feel the good or ill effects of the management of their magistrates, they ought to be informed of the motives which produced their actions. It is wonderful that attempts should be made to calumniate the minister of France, in order to disgrace the nation of which he is the representative, & that such attempts should be made by those who ought rather to conciliate than endeavor to produce a misunderstanding between France and the United States; but, perhaps, this wonder may be weakened when we consider, that a most abandoned traitor to his country, a perfidious fugitive, should be caressed by the officers of a free government: Treason against liberty may be well supposed where a T—receives attention; & a conspiracy against our republican allies may be presumed when he has familiar access to the influential characters of our country: Our political horizon appears to be strewed with wonders: Who was more loud in favour of the rights of man than Judge W—, and yet he is the first to attack those rights in their strong hold—in the trial by jury. The man who will say to the jury, This is the law (giving his opinion) "and you must decide according to it" aims a dagger at the vitals of liberty, and this blow was aimed on the trial of Gideon Henfield."
—Among many other wonders we may reckon a departure of some in high station from republican simplicity and ease, and their assuming a stately stile of superiority over the people—What are levees, seclusion from the people, the distinctions of table, distance and reserve, the splendor which surrounds them—what are they but the traits of monarchy? Ought the servants of the people in any instance to assume a state above them? Surely not, for if they do, they are no more the men of the people, but acting only for themselves. It is a circumstance of regret that the characters whose fame and whose glory could receive no addition, should, by their conduct, have occasioned suspicions that their republicanism was not of the best kind, and by means of a change in their deportment should have alienated the affections of many worthy citizens. It may be said, that there is nothing wonderful in these things, that they are necessary results from the circumstances of our country; but altho' there may be nothing wonderful in them to those who are hackneyed in the deceits of men, to an
honest and ingenuous mind they convey the idea of wonder.
"You have, no doubt, been informed of the uneasiness in this city occasioned by the assertion that Mr. Genet had said "he would appeal to the people." Among the foremost of those who are indulging themselves in the abuse of the minister, is William Wilcocks, the very man who addressed him alone from this city, and who, to show his consequence and his zeal, wire-drew his address into a breathless length. Such absurdities are nothing for him, and as he is of little importance in the scale of things, he has attracted little attention: and from the minister, nothing more than compassion for his weakness. Round assertions are made respecting Mr. Genet, and I have authority to assert as roundly that the reports of him are FALSE and MALICIOUS, raised to injure the cause of France, by men who dread the triumph of republicanism."
Fredericktown, Aug. 3. —Just as this paper was going to press, a gentleman arrived in town from the westward, who informs, that general Wayne had left Fort Jefferson, and that general Scott had joined him with 2000 militia from Kentucky, and intended to march directly into the Indian towns.
Charleston, Aug. 6. —On Saturday evening last arrived here the snow Hope, captain West, in 63 days from Philadelphia, but last from the Havanna, where she was not suffered to enter: she put in here in a leaky condition. On the 27th of July, being the day before she left the Havanna, the sloop Ranger, captain Barrett, of Philadelphia, arrived there, and was also denied admittance into that port.
The Boston, is an old ship of 32 guns: and sailed from Jamaica, by order of the British naval commander there, in quest of the Ambuscade: She came to off the entrance of Halifax harbour, and sent in for a pilot; but did not anchor, or take on board any men there. Capt. Courtney was killed by a splinter from the quarter-rail, the ball which made it, killing an officer of marines. [Boston Paper.]
"Every falsehood that malice could invent, every pitiful charge that invention could conjure up (says a correspondent) has been circulated by a designing faction in several mercantile towns, to injure the minister of France in the estimation of the people of this country. Such miserable attempts may have a momentary effect to his prejudice, but in the end the people (who always judge right) will see through and despise the puny efforts of a herd of unprincipled slanderers, who have been enemies to the French revolution from the beginning, and at present find no better way of gratifying their enmity than by spitting their venom at the representative of the French nation."
[By Request.]
DIED, on Friday the 19th of July, at his seat in Menolapon, Monmouth (N. J.) JOHN ANDERSON, Esq. aged 91—For a number of years, preceding his death, his situation was uncommonly helpless; his body was reduced almost to a skeleton, and his mind correspondently impaired; and it may be emphatically said, he had reached the age of second childhood and mere oblivion—he had a very imperfect and faint recollection, even of his nearest neighbours, when informed of their names. The partition which separates this from the next state of existence was perhaps more slender in him than ever existed, for an equal space of time, in any of the human race: but the barrier was at length broken down, and he journeyed for that land from "whose bourne, no traveller returns".
Queries to Messrs. Jay and King, in consequence of their declaration, respecting Mr. Genet. (See National Gazette, No. 188.)
Candid answers to the following questions are absolutely necessary, to enable the public to form an adequate judgment respecting Citizen Genet's conduct. Had you been explicit when you dragged the minister before that awful tribunal, much trouble and uncertainty would have been avoided. I never saw the propriety of your appealing to the people in a matter cognizable only by our worthy President, in whose hands America cheerfully and with confidence reposes the executive duties of government—He knows how and when to resent an insult offered to him, and when to call on the aid of his fellow citizens, whose ardent affection for him is such, that at a word or hint from that quarter, they would in a moment rally round his standard. But as the people have not the same reason to place such implicit confidence in you, especially when you appear before them in so exceptionable a manner, they meant to suspend their opinion until Mr. Genet's offence is more accurately defined, and better authenticated. The subsequent interrogatories tend to a disclosure of the whole truth, which the people, no less than Mr. Genet, have a right to exact from you.
Having volunteered your testimony, lame as it is, in support of the libelous publications against the minister of France, what claim will you have to the character of candid men, if you prove unwilling witnesses upon your cross examination?
First—Who informed you that Mr. Ge-
net said, He would appeal to the people from certain decisions of the President? And what were the decisions from which he threatened to appeal?
Secondly—When did you first receive this information?
Thirdly—Have you ever conversed with the President on this subject? What information did you receive from him? Relate the whole that passed, without any mental reservation whatever.
Fourthly—Did the President desire you to make public the information he gave you, or was his communication confidential?
Fifthly—Upon what occasion, and to whom did Mr. Genet make the threat? Was it to the President—to the Secretary of State—to the Governor of Pennsylvania—to the Governor's Secretary, or to any other person? How was it made, in writing or by word of mouth? in public or private? as minister or a private gentleman? deliberately and coolly, or in a passion? or in any other way? Reserve nothing, but declare the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.
Sixthly—When did you first spread the report in this city? Did you say any thing about the matter until we talked of addressing Citizen Genet?
Seventhly—Was it from public or private motives that you circulated the report? Was it to prevent Citizen Genet from being addressed, and to please Mr. Hammond? Or was it really because you thought it your duty to run about and tell the story?
Eighthly—Do you with well or ill to the French revolution? Do you wish to see America at war with France? Do you believe abusing her minister, and treating him with disrespect, will have a tendency to alienate the affections of the French, and break the alliance between us?
Ninthly—Have either of you visited Citizen Genet since his arrival in this city? Have you dissuaded others from visiting him? Does your hatred and incivility towards him proceed from your hatred and detestation of liberty and the French? or from any other and what cause? Declare firmly your motives for abusing this minister, and your attempts to make other people do the same.
Tenthly—Are you authors of any of the libels which your publication is intended to support? Relate which you have written, and particularly whether the pieces signed W. Wilcocks, on this subject, are of your composition? [N. York Journal.]
On a late memorable NAVAL ENGAGEMENT. [Concluded from No. 188.]
THEN to it they went, with a bloody intent
The fate of the day to decide, By the virtues of powder—(no argument louder
Was e'er to a subject apply'd) A Gaul with a Briton in battle contends, Let them stand to their guns, and we'll see how it ends.
As the Frenchman shot past, Boston gave him a blast,
Glass bottles, case knives, and old nails, A score of round shot, and the devil knows what,
To cripple his masts and his sails— Madam Boston suppos'd it the best of her play,
To prevent him from chasing—if she ran away.
The Frenchman most cool, not a hot-headed fool,
Return'd the broad-side in a trice, So keen was his logic, he brought down their cro'jick,
And gave them some rigging to splice, Some holes for to plug, where the bulldogs had gone,
Some splinters to draw—and some heads to put on.
Three glasses and more, their cannons did roar,
Shot flying in horrible squads;
'Midst volumes of smoke the Republican spoke,
And frighten'd the Anglican gods—
Their frigate so maul'd, they no longer defend her,
And Courtney shot down, they bawl'd out for surrenders.
O damn their French thunder, said captain O'Blunder,
I think with the devil he deals,
But since we dislike to surrender or strike,
Let us try the success of our heels;
We may save the king's frigate by running away—
The Frenchman will have us—all hands—if we stay.
So, squaring their yards—on all captain Bombards
A volley of curses they fled;
Having got their discharge, they bore away large,
While the Frenchman pursu'd as they fled;
But vain was his haste, and vain was his speed.
He ended the fray in a chace,
The Gaul had the best of the fight, 'tis agreed,
The Briton—the best of the race,

Description of the BOHON UPAS, or Poison Tree, in the Island of Java, in the East Indies. By a Gentleman who resided many years in that place.
DESCRIPTION, &c.
IN Java's isle, midst circling mountains plac'd The Bohon Upas casts his deadly shade; With poisonous steams, this tyrant of the walt Taints the warm air and bids all nature fade. Each beast of prey, each bird of loftiest flight, Nay, man himself the deadly vapours seize, Bind the clos'd eye lid in eternal night, Quench the blue vein, or bid its current freeze.
THIS tree grows in the Dutch island of JAVA, in the East Indies, and renders a vast extent of country round it, noxious and sickly by its vapours. The following account of this extraordinary tree, which is found in no other part of the world, is extracted from a letter written by a gentleman of information and veracity, a surgeon by profession, who resided many years at Batavia, in the island of Java.
"In the year 1774, I was stationed at Batavia, as a surgeon in the service of the Dutch East India company. During my residence there I received several different accounts of the Bohon Upas, and the violent effects of its poison. They all then seemed incredible to me, but raised my curiosity in so high a degree, that I resolved to investigate this subject thoroughly, and to trust only to my own observations. In consequence of this resolution I applied to the governor general for a pass to travel thro' the country — My request was granted, and having procured every information, I set out on my expedition. I had procured a recommendation from an old Malayan priest to another priest, who lives on the nearest habitable spot to the tree, which is about 15 or 16 miles distant. The letter proved of great service to me in my undertaking, as that priest is appointed by the emperor to reside there, in order to prepare for eternity the souls of those who, for different crimes, are sentenced to approach the tree and to procure the poison."
This malignant tree grows about 27 leagues from Batavia. It is surrounded on all sides, by a circle of high hills and mountains, and the country round it, to the distant of ten or twelve miles from the tree is entirely barren: Not a tree, not a shrub, nor even the least plant or grass is to be seen. I have made the tour all around his dangerous spot, at about 18 miles distant from the centre, and I found the aspect of the country on all sides equally dreary. The winds are for the most part hot and sultry, at other times the atmosphere is calm and suffocating, and every thing around wears the appearance of dejection, death & melancholy. The easiest ascent of the hills is from that part where the old ecclesiastical dwells. From his house the criminals are sent for the poison, into which the points of all the warlike instruments are dipped. It is of high value, and produces a considerable revenue to the Indian emperor of the interior regions of the island.
The poison which is procured from this tree, is a gum that issues constantly out in abundance between the bark and the tree itself, like the camphire. Malefactors, who for their crimes are sentenced to die, are the only persons who fetch the poison, and this is the only chance they have of saving their lives. After sentence is pronounced upon them by the judge, they are asked in court, whether they will die by the hands of the executioner, or whether they will go to the Upas tree for a box of poison?
They commonly prefer the latter proposal, as there is not only some chance of preserving their lives, but also a certainty, in case of their safe return, that a provision will be made for them in future by the emperor. They are also permitted to ask a favour from the emperor, which is generally of a trifling nature, and commonly granted. They are then provided with a silver or tortoise shell-box, into which they are to put the poisonous gum, and are properly instructed how to proceed, while they are upon their dangerous expedition. Among other particulars they are always told to attend to the direction of the winds, as they are to go towards the tree before the wind, so that the effluvia from
the tree are always blown from them. They are told, likewise, to travel with the utmost dispatch, as that is the only method of ensuring a safe return. They are afterwards sent to the house of the old priest, to which place they are commonly attended by their friends and relations. Here they generally remain some days, in expectation of a favourable breeze. During that time the ecclesiastical prepares them for their future fate, in the eternal world, by prayers and admonitions.
When the hour of their departure arrives, the priest puts over their heads a long leather cap, with two glasses before their eyes, which comes down as far as their breast; and also provides them with a pair of leather gloves. They are then conducted by a guard, attended by the priest, and their friends and relations, about two miles on their journey. Here the priest repeats his instructions, and tells them where they are to look for the tree. He shews them a hill, which they are told to ascend, and that on the other side they will find a rivulet, which they are to follow, and which will conduct them directly to the Upas. They now take leave of each other, and amidst prayers for their success, the criminals hasten away.
The worthy old ecclesiastical has assured me, that during his residence there, for upwards of 30 years, he had dismissed above seven hundred criminals in the manner which I have described, and that scarcely two out of twenty have returned. He shewed me a catalogue of all the unhappy sufferers, with the date of their departure from his house annexed, and a list of the offences for which they had been condemned. To which were added the names of those who had returned in safety. I afterwards saw a list of those culprits, at the jail keeper's at Soura Charta , and found that they perfectly corresponded with each other, and with the different informations which I afterwards obtained.
I was present at some of those melancholy ceremonies, and desired different criminals to bring with them some pieces of the wood, or a small branch, or some leaves of this wonderful tree. I have also given them silk cords, desiring them to measure its thickness. I never could procure more than two dry leaves, that were picked up by one of them on his return; and all I could learn from him concerning the tree itself was, that it stood on the borders of a rivulet, as described by the old priest, that it was of a middling size, [another account says eight feet in circumference near the ground, and about ninety feet high] and that five or six young trees of the same kind, stood close by it; but that no other shrub or plant could be seen in its neighbourhood; and that the ground consisted of a brownish sand, full of pebble stones of a flinty kind, almost impracticable for travelling, and covered with bleached bones and dead bodies.
After many conversations with the old Malayan priest, I questioned him about the first discovery, and asked his opinion of this dangerous tree; upon which he informed me, that above one hundred years ago, the country round the tree was beautiful and verdant, but inhabited by a race of people strongly addicted to the sins of Sodom and Gomorrah: when the great departed prophet Mahomet, incensed that they led such detestable lives, applied to God to punish them: upon which God caused this tree to grow out of the earth, which destroyed them all, and rendered the country forever uninhabited.
Such was the opinion and creed of the Malayan priest. I shall not attempt a comment, but must observe that all the Malays consider this tree as an holy instrument of the great prophet to punish the sins of mankind, and therefore to die of the poison of the Upas is generally considered among them as an honourable death. For that reason I also observed that the criminals who were going to the tree, were generally dressed in their best apparel.
This however is certain, though it may appear incredible, that from 15 to 18 miles round this tree, not only no human creature can exist, but in that space of ground, no living animal of any kind has ever been discovered. I have also been assured by several persons of veracity, that there are no fish in the waters, nor has any rat, mouse, nor any other vermin been seen there; and when any birds fly so near his tree that the effluvia reaches them, they fall a sacrifice to the effects of the poison. This circumstance has been ascertained by different criminals, who, in
their return, have seen the birds drop down, and have picked them up dead, and brought them to the old ecclesiastical. I will here mention an instance which proves this fact beyond all doubt, and which happened during my stay at Java. — In the year 1775, a rebellion broke out among the subjects of the Massay, a sovereign prince whose dignity is nearly equal to that of the emperor: They refused to pay a duty imposed upon them by their sovereign, whom they openly opposed. The Massay sent a body of a thousand troops to disperse the rebels, and to drive them with their families, out of his dominions. Thus 400 families, consisting of above 1600 souls, were obliged to leave their native country. Neither the emperor nor the sultan would give them protection, not only because they were rebels, but also thro' fear of displeasing their neighbour, the Massay. In this distressful situation, they had no other resource than to repair to the uncultivated parts around the Upas, and requested permission of the emperor to settle there. This request was granted on condition of their fixing their abode not more than 12 or 14 miles from the tree, in order not to deprive the inhabitants already settled there, at a greater distance, of their cultivated lands. With this they were obliged to comply: but the consequence was, that in less than two months their number was reduced to about 300. The chiefs of those who remained, returned to the Massay, informed him of their losses, and intreated his pardon, which induced him to receive them again as his subjects, thinking them sufficiently punished for their misconduct. I have seen and conversed with several of those who survived, soon after their return. They all had the appearance of persons tainted with an infectious disorder; they looked pale and weak, and from the account which they gave of the loss of their comrades, of the symptoms and circumstances which attended their dissolution, such as convulsions, and other signs of a violent death, I was fully convinced that they fell victims to the poison.
[The remainder in our next.]
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
   D. H. Barom. Therm. Wnd. Weather     Tuesday, 13. 6 30 30.05 71 S. W. Fair.   3 30 0 89 W. do.   Wednesday, 14. 6 30 0 75 S. W. Fair.   3 30 05 82 S. W. Rain.   Thursday, 15. 6 30 0 72 N. N. E. Rain.   3 30 1 75 N. E. Cloudy.   Friday, 16. 6 30 1 70 N. N. E. Fair.   3 30 1 83 N. E. do.   Saturday, 17. 6 30 1 71 S. W. Fair.   3 30 0 86 S. W. do.   Sunday, 18. 6 30 1 73 calm Fair.   3 30 0 89 S. W. do.   Monday, 19. 6 30 1 72 N. Fair.   3 30 1 80 N. Cloudy.  
To be Sold or Let,
(And of this immediate possession given)
THAT handsome, well-built three story new house, situate on the east side of South Fourth-street, near the Indian Queen, Philadelphia. This situation is valuable, being in a central part of the city, and convenient to the banks and public offices. The house is 25 feet in front, and, with its offices, extends nearly 100 feet backwards. It has the privilege of an alley 4 1/2 feet wide. The offices are three stories high, and, together with the house, are built of brick: these contain five apartments, besides a wash house, and four of them have fire places. In the dwelling house itself, there are nine rooms and eight fire places: six of the rooms are spacious, and all fashionably finished. The garrets are ceiled: the stair-case is elegant. There is a good cellar under the whole, and in the yard a pump.
And to be Sold,
230 Acres of unimproved land, 18 miles from the thriving town of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. This tract lies in a valley, and is said to be very good farming land. There are one or more mills near the premises. The river Juniata is about five miles distant; whence it is boatable into the Susquehanna, and thence to Harrisburg. Also, A desirable retreat, or farm, in Newtown, the county town of Bucks, Pennsylvania; containing nearly 15 acres of land, naturally very rich, and now highly improved. It is surrounded on all sides by public streets or roads; and may, with present advantage, be converted into town lots that would prove of growing importance. There is a commodious brick house upon the premises, two stories in height, having four rooms on a floor, a spacious entry or passage throughout, and a cellar extending under the whole house. It is well accommodated with out houses. About three acres are occupied by an orchard of the best grafted Newtown pippins: distant from Philadelphia 25 miles; from Trenton 9; from Bristol 11; and is within five miles of the river Delaware. The situation is extremely healthy; the prospects are charmingly picturesque, and the neighbourhood affords a genteel society.
Besides the above,
Two corner lots in the town, of one acre each, are offered for sale, together with about 16 acres of excellent land, half a mile from the town,
under the best culture and improvement. Two or three of these acres are in timber.
Likewise to be Sold,
An estimable farm of 530 acres, in the county of Chester, 39 miles from Philadelphia: 100 acres of which are of the richest bottom. The whole of this land enjoys a kind, strong and fertile soil: is well watered, and admirably adapted to the raising of grain and all kinds of stock; at present there are nearly 30 acres of made-meadow, and 20 or 30 more of watered meadow may be made at pleasure: about 200 are luxuriantly covered with a variety of valuable timber. Upon the premises, there are a farm house, barn, &c. a never-failing stream of good water, and a most productive apple-orchard covering about six acres; the fruit of a good and lasting quality: the purchaser may be accommodated with all or any part of the stock or farming utensils upon the place. The position of this farm is important, lying on both sides of the main road, and bounded southerly by the road to Philadelphia through Downing-town; — whence it is distant 12 or 13 miles: On the north it is bounded by the road to Warwick Furnace, situate but a few miles distant. At this point, the premises enjoy a capital stand both for a store and tavern, and also an eligible situation for a village, which would here have some commanding advantages, and might be an object to any gentlemen wishing to found an extensive and profitable settlement. On the one side, it has a direct communication with Downing's town; and with the rich and populous settlement of Conestogo valley on the other, both lying within a short ride of the place. There is already a market here for produce at the Philadelphia prices — the neighbouring iron-works creating a constant demand. Plenty of good limestone may be had within 5 miles of the premises, and a right to make use of it will be conveyed by the proprietor if required. In short this farm deserves the attention of any person or persons inclined to avail themselves of advantages such as those it possesses.
The title to the several premises are indisputable; and the proprietor will warrant to defend them. The terms of sale, for all or any of the lands, will be made accommodating to the purchasers. For farther particulars, apply to the subscriber, at No. 6, south Fourth-street, or at his store, the corner of Market and Third-streets, Philadelphia.
ROBERT SMOCK.
Aug. 10.
T. w. t. f.
WARRANTED
Boultng-Cloths & Mill-stones,
For sale at No. 437 North Second-street, by OLIVER EVANS,
WHO hath viewed the Cloths and Stones in a great many of the best mills in different parts of America, and procured samples of the cloths, with an account how they proved, and collected the opinion and judgment of many of the most experienced millers respecting the quality of cloths and stone for the different purposes: therefore, if they do not prove good, and suitable for the purposes for which he sells them, they will be received again, others delivered in their stead, and the costs of carriage paid. Drafts of the best and simplest plans for boultng, and best and simplest constructions of mills now in use, will be showed to the purchasers, if required.
August 17.
T. a. w. t. f.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And to be sold by THOMAS DOBSON, WILIAM YOUNG, ROBERT CAMPBELL, Messrs. RICE and Co. and JOHN M. CULLOCH, No. 1. North Third-street,
AN EXAMINATION of the late proceedings in Congress respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; with Observations, &c. on the application of loans from Holland, negotiated under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August 1790. — The price of the above pamphlet is three sixteenths of a dollar, or 18 3/4. 1-2. April 24. zaw tf
* * The author requests his readers to correct the following ERRATA in the pamphlet above mentioned. — Page 5. line 11 — 2d. paragraph, for Coalition read Collision . — Page 25. line 11 — 2d. paragraph, instead of Bank directors read "Stock-holders."
JUST PUBLISHED,
And to be sold at the respective Book Stores of Joseph Crakbank and Thomas Dobson, and may be had at the Printing office, No. 209, Market-Street. — [Price one eighth of a dollar.]
LETTERS,
Addressed to the YEOMANRY of the UNITED STATES: Containing some Observations on Funding and Bank Systems: BY AN AMERICAN FARMER.
Allen township, Lancaster county, To whom it may concern.
WHEREAS my wife SARAH SHAW hath behaved herself in a very unbecoming manner, I have thought fit to forewarn all persons trusting her on my account, as I am determined to pay no debts of her contracting, after the date hereof.
JOHN SHAW.
August 6th, 1793.
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAINE.
AT THEIR OFFICE NO 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA