Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-11-03 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 45, of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1792.
[Whole No. 367.]
A CHARGE,
Delivered to the GRAND JURY for the District of Massachusetts, in the Circuit Court of the United States, for the said District, held in the Town of Boston, on the 14th of October, 1792, by
The Hon. JAMES IREDELL, Esq.
One of the ASSOCIATE JUSTICES of the SUPREME COURT of the UNITED STATES.
Gentlemen of the Grand Jury,
IN having the honour to address you for the first time in my judicial capacity, I do it with particular satisfaction, at a period of so much dignity and prosperity to the United States:—Perhaps in no country in the world have been within so few years exemplified such awful and important lessons. We have been taught, not only the value of liberty, but what it was much more difficult to learn, that liberty itself, in order to be truly enjoyed, must submit to reasonable and considerate restraints. The unbounded liberty of the strongest man is tyranny to the weakest: The unlimited sway of a majority is oppression to the minority: Unlicensed indulgence to all the passions of men is an impious rejection of the control of reason which Providence has given for their government and direction.
True liberty certainly consists in such restraints, and no greater, on the actions of each particular individual as the common good of the whole requires. The exact medium it may be difficult to find, but we have reason to hope it is most likely to be found in that country which can draw forth, by the choice either direct or indirect of the people themselves, those characters for the immediate exercise of public trusts, in whose abilities and integrity they can place the greatest confidence. The modifications under which this important good can be effected, we have the most reason to respect, when they have been deliberately formed, and solemnly ratified by a fair and adequate representation of that people for whose welfare they are, and ought alone to be intended. Such have been these governments, as well of the States separately, as of the United States, under which we have the happiness to live.
Many nations, both ancient and modern, have had the glory of acquiring and for some time of preserving liberty by the most noble and virtuous exertions. But America, I believe, furnished the first instance of a number of powerful and respectable States, impressed with the highest sense of liberty, voluntarily relinquishing large portions of power which they separately enjoyed, for the sake of forming a more perfect union for their future welfare. The success hath hitherto exceeded the most sanguine expectations. God grant, that no subsequent disappointment may weaken the effect of so magnanimous an example.
In consequence of this great revolution, more wonderful and not less glorious than the first, we have now two governments to which we owe obedience: The respective State Governments in all instances which concern the interests of each State singly: The Government of the United States in all instances which concern the interests of the Union at large. Each of these governments is sovereign and supreme, within the definite sphere of its authority. The common object of both is the happiness of all the citizens equally and without distinction, so far as it is possible for systems of government to secure it. The peculiar object of the government of the United States is to cement by an elective, not a nominal authority, that union to which, under divine Providence, we unquestionably owe all the blessings we now enjoy, and without a preservation of which, we should too probably become a prey to intestine discord, and find ourselves the miserable victims of local and conflicting pursuits.
To consult the welfare of each citizen individually; the welfare of each State separately; the common welfare of the whole jointly; so far as they can all be rendered compatible; are great and noble objects, worthy of our most zealous care, and most ardent attention. The task is certainly not easy, but we have no reason to fear it is altogether impracticable.—Moderation and good sense, however, are necessary to perpetuate, as they were at first to assent to measures calculated to secure perhaps the greatest blessings ever devised by any human system. Let each man consider, that his liberty and property cannot be secured without forming a common interest with all the other members of the society to which he belongs; that this common interest can only be protected by the co-operation of common councils, and a submission to laws framed to give them effect; and that as each State naturally and properly is the guardian of its own separate and individual interests, so the United States can alone rightfully determine in cases in which not one State singly, but all the States have a common and united concern. Providence has designed man for society, and those who either from pride or vanity, or any worse motive, refuse to yield to the conditions it indispensably requires, contract so far as in them lies, the provisions of divine wisdom for the good order and government of mankind.
These principles should be ever present to our minds, and to a large majority I flatter
myself they constantly will be, for I am persuaded the more they are attended to, the stronger will be their impression. An enlightened sense of the true interest of each individual, will naturally lead him to a proper estimation of those principles best calculated to secure it. But it is in vain to expect, let us have what form of government we will, that the laws enacted under it, however wise and patriotic, will meet with universal, much less with respectful obedience. In all societies there will be bad men, whom no laws nor any principle can restrain; there will be weak men, easily misled by artful and imposing misrepresentations. Attempts may therefore be expected to undermine, if not to destroy the best constructed government which it is possible for human wisdom to form. When therefore a government is formed, one of the first duties incumbent upon it is to provide for its own preservation, by guarding against the machinations of evil men, either for its total destruction, or for any material injury to it in any of its operations. This gives rise to what is usually termed the Criminal Law; a law which has for its object the punishment of bad actions, by which the security or welfare of the community is in any essential degree endangered.
This being the true and only proper object of the Criminal Law, it should be calculated to meet this danger, and this alone. At the same time that it is efficacious, it should be as mild as the nature of the case will admit of. In providing for the detection and punishment of the guilty, it should be careful to secure the safety, and guard the reputation of the innocent. It being one of the most awful concerns of human legislation, and that in which personal liberty and safety are more immediately interested than any other, the utmost attention ought in a very special manner to be paid in this case, in order to prevent an abuse of authority entrusted for the most sacred purpose for which any authority can be. Every law on such a subject ought to be passed with the most trembling solicitude, lest any unfortunate individual should become the victim of injustice or oppression.
The Constitution of the United States, distinguished as it is in all its parts for an invariable attention to a true and rational spirit of freedom, has not been inattentive to it in this its most important concern. It is not trusted solely to legislative discretion. Restrictions are imposed, in order to render secure beyond the possibility of attack, the personal safety of the people in cases where it might otherwise be sometimes exposed to no small danger. A latitude of discretion, I believe, has been left in no instance where it could be safely avoided.
There is one crime in particular, which it was justly thought proper the Constitution itself should define. That is, the crime of Treason. This undoubtedly is the highest crime known in the law, because it aims at the subversion of the Government, and of course at the destruction of all the private happiness and public security derived from it. But at the same time, it is a crime in the prosecution of which great abuses are liable to be committed, if the government is left altogether without restraint, because usually the whole arm of power is exerted against the person accused, and therefore resentment may be apt to have too powerful an operation. In Monarchies, where the person of the Monarch is apparently if not directly the sole object of attack, a man under trial for this offence, may frequently expect the sympathy of the people, who in such countries often suppose (and sometimes with great truth) that their interest and that of the Monarch are far from being the same.—But in a Republic, where the Government, the subversion of which is aimed at, is truly the Government of the People, there may be great danger of the person accused being the object of a strong popular prejudice, as well as of a legal prosecution. If therefore there be at such a period any ambiguity in the definition of the crime, or the mode of trial be unfavorable to the security of the person exposed to it, there can be no reason to expect a fair and impartial trial. The Constitution has guarded against the first danger, by a plain and express definition, clearly comprehending real, and not constructive acts of treason. Against the latter, it has not only used the precaution of particularly specifying the evidence which shall alone be sufficient for a conviction; but there is in common with all other crimes, the great and inestimable security of a Trial by Jury.
This excellent method of trial may, in respect to criminal cases, be considered as divided into branches. 1. For the purpose of accusation. 2. For the final decision. The first, Gentlemen, is the high and important character now devolved on you. No person is to be held to answer any capital or other infamous crime of a civil nature, committed within this district against the laws of the United States, except upon your presentment or indictment. Any person, without distinction, may, upon your authority, be put upon his trial for such. From your impartiality there is the utmost reason to expect that no prosecution will be commenced without grounds, or forborne from any undue motive. As members of the society yourselves, you will not fail to consider the necessity of a
due maintenance of the laws of it: As men who may be affected by your own precedents, you will feel the importance of establishing none that may be applied to an oppressive purpose. These circumstances, in themselves so favorable to impartiality, added to the solemn obligation of duty, will naturally inspire the public with confidence, the guilty with terror, and save the innocent from alarm.
But, Gentlemen, how noble is the thought, how consolatory the reflection, that after you have deliberately weighed, and solemnly presented, an accusation against any man, another trial yet remains, a public one, in the face of the accused; a trial by another jury of his fellow citizens, with the full assistance of counsel, with the right and the opportunity of summoning witnesses for his defence, with the right also, in capital cases, of peremptorily challenging a large number of the jurors, called upon his trial, (in treason thirty-five, in other capital offences, twenty) accompanied also with other privileges, I believe never granted in the same extent in any other laws, the having delivered not only a copy of the indictment and a list of the jury, and witnesses in prosecutions for Treason, but a copy of the indictment and a list of the jury, in other capital prosecutions, a certain time before the trial. In most cases of treason and misprision of treason, all these advantages exist in England, in their fullest extent. But in all other capital cases, (astonishing as it is) at this very day, in that enlightened country, counsel are not allowed to speak to any but questions of law, and it is considered a matter of favor in the court, to permit them even to ask questions for the prisoner. It is indeed a most melancholy consideration, that long after liberty had been contended for, and to a great degree obtained, as to other objects, the personal safety of individuals should have been so little regarded. It was thought to require laws in England, some years after the revolution, in 1688 (one indeed even so late as Queen Anne) to entitle a prisoner to have witnesses examined on oath, in his defence. According to an inquisitorial practice originally introduced, as there is great reason to believe, without any colour of law, prisoners had not only been excluded from this privilege, but also from being allowed a full defence by counsel; and this unprincipled practice had so long prevailed, that it at length acquired the pretext of an unremovable prescription. Happy are that people whose liberties depend, not on the mercy or discretion of courts, but upon written provisions, too plain to be misunderstood, and protected in the most sacred manner, by guardians too watchful and too powerful to be overcome!
The Constitution itself, together with amendments to it, which have received the requisite consent, secure the invaluable benefits I have mentioned, of a trial by jury, of a public trial in the face of the accused, of having process for witnesses, and the assistance of counsel. The other advantages enumerated, form part of the Criminal Code, derived from the Legislature alone, and partake of that discerning zeal, for the real security and true happiness of all the citizens, which so eminently distinguishes a Government, founded on the very basis of freedom and justice.
Another protection, gentlemen, in laws whose spirit of mildness and liberality we cannot too much admire, is a limitation of time for the prosecution of offences. No capital offence (murder or forgery excepted) is to be prosecuted but within three years after the commission of it, nor any prosecution for any offence not capital, or for any fine or forfeiture under any penal statute, but within two years after the commission of the offence, or the incurring of the forfeiture. There is an exception, however, in both instances, of persons fleeing from justice. This also, in its extent, is an improvement, I believe, on former systems.
The crimes, gentlemen, of which you are to enquire, are crimes committed against the United States within this district. These are defined and the punishments prescribed, in certain acts of Congress, passed in virtue of powers contained in the Constitution of the United States. They will be found, I trust, all of them congenial to the spirit of a free people, the principle of whose aim it invariably is, and ought to be, to unite all the energy necessary for the support of Government, with an inflexible attention to the proper security and protection of individuals. It does not appear to me material now to point them out particularly to you, not only because I presume you are well acquainted with most if not all of them, and can have easy access to them, but because I have reason to hope you have no occasion at this time to present many, if any particular offences. The very favorable accounts I have every where heard, since I have had the pleasure of being on this Circuit, of the good order and respectful submission to the laws which universally prevail in it, have given me the utmost satisfaction. In addition to my own personal observations, they have impressed me with the highest respect for a people who have had the good sense so happily to combine an invincible spirit of freedom, with an enlightened regard for such a government and such laws as can alone be adequate to secure it. May this ex-
cellent disposition forever prevail! May it be rewarded with as much happiness as it is possible for men to enjoy! And may the true spirit of freedom and order united, actuate all virtuous citizens of the Union, to the end of time!!
FROM THE AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
MR. DUNLAP, Be pleased to insert the following, as a Supplemental Note to No. 11, in your paper of the 10th inst.
WHEN the extracts explaining Mr. Jefferson's political principles, respecting the constitution, were sent to the press, with an intimation that the originals should be made accessible if necessary, it was with reason concluded that no man of candor would entertain any doubt of their authenticity.—A writer, under the signature of Catullus (who, notwithstanding his ridiculous transfer of his authorship, is evidently the original writer under the signature of An American) has been so far wanting in this virtue, as to contradict so rational a supposition. To put an end to all possible cavil on this subject, notice is now given, that any gentleman of known honor and delicacy, who shall be named to the Editor of the American Daily Advertiser, shall have an opportunity of examining not only the passages extracted, but the entire contents of the original letters. It fortunately happens, that from the writer's practice of mentioning in every letter the date of the preceding one, it is demonstrated by the letters themselves that they form the whole of this correspondence within the necessary period. The propriety of requiring witnesses in this case of the above description accounts for itself. In the freedom of an extensive correspondence with a confidential friend, it could not but happen that many things must be included not only irrelative to the subject in question, but to any other of a public nature, and which though unexceptionable in their place, should never leave the depository of private honor. With respect to the letter of July 6, 1788, published in your paper of the 10th instant, this sagacious commentator has been as unlucky, as in all his other inferences from presumptive circumstances. It is neither the letter spoken of by Mr. Pendleton, nor written to the same person. Had the critic, however, been possessed of less sagacity, with the smallest particle of candor, he might easily have reconciled the statement given by Mr. Pendleton with the extract in question. The bill of rights mentioned in the latter might surely be called, either by Mr. Jefferson, in another letter, or by Mr. Pendleton, stating, in his own language, the contents of the one he saw, an enumeration of the amendments wished to be secured. Every particular right secured is, in fact, an amendment, and is so designated in the amendatory supplement to the constitution. It is painful to waste a moment in explanations which seem to be so unnecessary; yet, as a specimen of the manner in which the attack on an illustrious patriot is conducted, it may not be unworthy of attention.
Foreign Affairs.
BRUSSELS, August 24.
MLA FAYETTE was taken in the following manner:—On the 19th, at ten in the evening, a parole, consisting of seven men, belonging to the advanced posts of Rochefort, in Ardennes, in the Bishoprick of Leige, where M. Harnoncourt commands, met with a number of French officers, followed by about twenty domestics. They were on the point of being fired at by the picquet guard, but instantly one of the strangers quitted his company, and was conducted to M. Harnoncourt.
This gentleman was M. Bureau de Pusy, officer of engineers. He declared that his friends and himself were French emigrants going to Holland. M. Harnoncourt asked him, how it happened that they were not going to join the Princes? M. Bureau answered, that, differing in opinion from them, they preferred going to Holland. M. Harnoncourt told him, that they must be treated as prisoners of war. Not one of the whole company objected to giving his parole, except M. Alexander Lameth, who began a fine speech on the rights of nations, and said that they were arrested in a neutral country. They were then on the territories of the principality of Leige. M. Harnoncourt answered, that the French had been so extremely clever in confounding all kinds of rights, and the rights of nations in particular, that it was

no wonder if mistakes should be the consequence. M. de Lameth threatened to write to M. de Mercy. M. Harnoncourt was not intimidated; and those gentlemen are safe in Namur, where they are to remain until the duke of Brunswick decides on their fate. They have declared, that the army which they have quitted is encamped behind la Chiere, between Mouzon and Sterai. It is said that M. la Fayette had attempted to sound the dispositions of his soldiers, and finding that they had resolved to shoot him, and being desirous himself of living a little longer, he took the first opportunity to pass into an enemy's country.
Every day fresh prisoners are brought to Luxemburg. On the evening previous to the raising the camp at Montfort, 38 French prisoners were conducted to it, that the Prussians might see them. Among these were six peasants. The Duke of Brunswick sent for them, gave them a severe reprimand, and sent them back to their own country.
The Prussian army having, on the 18th in the morning, raised the camp at Montfort, marched four leagues towards the French territories, and effected a junction with the army of general Clairfayt. These combined forces encamped the same evening on the French territories, at two leagues distance from Thionville; their right extending as far as Longwi. The king of Prussia slept in the Chateau de Bettenburg, only one league distant from the French frontiers.
On the 19th, 18 waggon loads of bricks were carried from Luxemburg to Grevenmacher, to build ovens with, and to make a Boulangerie de Campagne.
Letters received from Luxemburg, dated the 20th instant, inform us that the fortress of Longwi is taken by the combined armies, and that on the 21st a battalion was to march from Luxemburg to garrison that fortress. By another letter we have the following details:—"The intention of the army was to scale the place; but before preparations for that purpose could be made, the garrison, whose answer to the first summons was, that every man was resolved to be buried under the ruins of the fortress, surrendered without attempting to make the least defence! They were all made prisoners of war; they were in number 1800, and were conducted to Luxemburg. The Prussian Boulangeries were immediately removed to Senger. The troops are in full march to meet M. Luckner, [now Kellerman] who is encamped with 25,000 men, under the walls of Metz.
FRANCE.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
SEPTEMBER 3.
M. Baignoux, member of the commission of general safety, read to the assembly a report made by the commissioners of the community, respecting the events of the preceding night, of which the following is an abstract: The commission assembled during the suspension of the night sitting, being informed by several citizens, that the people were continuing to rush in great numbers towards the different prisons, and were there exercising their vengeance, they thought it necessary to write to the council-general of the community, in order that they might learn officially the true state of things. The community sent back word, that they had ordered a deputation to go, and give an account to the commission of what had happened. At two o'clock the deputation consisting of Messrs. Tallion, Troupchon, and Cuiraut, were introduced into the hall of the assembly. M. Troupchon then said that the greater part of the prisons were empty; that about four hundred prisoners had been massacred; that he had thought it prudent to release all prisoners confined for debt at the prison of La Force, and that he had done the same thing at St. Pelagie. That when he returned to the community, he recollected that he had forgot to visit that part at La Force where the women were confined; that he immediately returned, and set at liberty twenty-four. That he and his colleagues had taken under their par-
ticular protection, Madame Tourzelle and Madame Saint Brice, observing that the latter was pregnant, and that they conducted these two ladies to the section (des Droits de l'Homme) of the Rights of Man, to be kept there until they are tried.
The mob proceeded next to the Chatelet, where they likewise sacrificed all the prisoners. About midnight they were collected round La Force, to which the commissioners instantly repaired, but were not able to prevail on the people to desist from their sanguinary proceedings. Several deputations were successively sent to try if they could restore tranquillity; and orders were given to the commandant general to draw out detachments of the National Guards; but as the service of the barriers required such a great number of men, a sufficiency was not left to repress the audacity of the populace. The Commissioners once more attempted to bring back the ungovernable and infatuated multitude to a sense of justice and humanity; but they could not make the least impression on their minds, or check their ferocity and vengeance.
M. Guiraud, a third commissioner, said, "We proceeded to the Bicetre with seven pieces of cannon. The people, though they exercised their vengeance, rendered justice, however, to debtors; many of them were released amidst the clashing of arms and shouts of vive la nation . The prisoners of the Palais, he added, were all empty, and that very few of those confined in them had escaped death."
M. Guiraud mentioned, that the people were searching the bodies on the Pont Neuf, and collecting their money and pocket books, to have them deposited in some place of safety—A man found stealing a handkerchief was instantly put to death. He added, that he forgot to mention one fact, which, he said, did honor to the people:—"In the different prisons they formed a tribunal, consisting of 12 persons, after examining the gaoler's book, and asking different questions, the judges placed their hands upon the head of the prisoner, and said, "do you think that in our consciences we can release this gentleman?" This word release was his condemnation. When they answered yes , the accused person was set at liberty in appearance, and immediately dashed upon the pikes of the surrounding people. If they were judged innocent, they were released amidst the shouts of— Vive la Nation ." The Assembly ordered this report to be printed.
The minister for the home-department communicated to the Assembly a letter from Sedan, which announced that the enemy had entered Ste. Menehould, and that they were preparing to attack Montmedy. The administrators of Sedan added, that the enemy were seizing the grain in the fields, and transporting it behind them to Luxemburg.
BELFAST, September 12.
The very interesting news from France, that came by this day's mail, has induced us to defer several important articles, in order to make room for its insertion. At the same time, that every man of sensibility must shudder at the transactions of the 2d instant at Paris, let it be considered, that the first accounts of all tumults are apt to be exaggerated; that of the 10th of August, for instance, was not merely exaggerated, but totally misrepresented, for the first two or three days. No doubt this, as well as every other popular ebullition, will be charged to the account of the Jacobins, although it is notorious, that the leading members both of the Assembly, and of the Municipality of Paris, are also the leading members of that Society, and all of them exerted their utmost influence, in vain, to stop the fury of the mob.
FRANCE.
(Latest intelligence from Paris.)
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY,
SEPTEMBER 4.—Morning.
The assembly charged the community of Paris to protect the Abbe Si-card, instructor of deaf and dumb, who was arrested without any proper reason.
An address from Marseilles was presented, stating that the place of sitting of the department of Aix was transferred to Marseilles, as they had been informed the enemies of liberty were plotting to make a general massacre of the patriots of that place.
M. Dalbon, commandant of St. Manehold, wrote, complaining that 10,000 men had been sent to him without arms—"We do not want courage, said he, but arms,"—Referred to the executive power.
M. Chabot said, that as reports had been spread that the National Assembly meant to re-establish Louis XVI. on the throne of France, or to place on it the Duke of York or the Duke of Brunswick, and that as these reports were propagated with a view to make the National Assembly unpopular, it was necessary to contradict them in a public manner, "Let us swear," said he, "that we abhor the doctrine ascribed to us, and let us declare, that we have suffered so much already from the vices of Kings, and from Royalty, that we hold them in detestation."
The whole Assembly then rose, and took the oath proposed by M. Chabot.
M. Dubayt—"Let us swear that no foreigner shall ever give laws to France."
M. Lariviere—"Let us swear that no King, no Monarch shall ever be a stain upon our liberty."
The Assembly again rose, and with their hands raised up, took both the proposed oaths.
M. Chabot communicated to the Assembly a letter which he had received from his colleague M. Merlin, one of the Commissioners employed for enrolling citizens. "My friend," said M. Merlin, "armed men spring up from the earth.—Our country is saved—I embrace you."
The Commissioners sent to the army of the South, wrote that every thing there was in the best possible state.
EVENING.—The administrators of the district of Bar-le-Duc wrote to the Assembly, confirming the news of the capture of Verdun. The enemy, they said, were advancing towards Montmedy. They added, that a detachment of Prussian Hussars having entered St. Michael, carried away the public treasure, and had made fruitless attempts to discover M. Sance, who arrested the King at Varennes on the 16th of June, 1791.
M. Lacroix moved, that the Extraordinary Commission should concert measures with the Executive Provisional Council, for making known to the Legislative body the state of the magazines and arsenals, and for giving such details respecting the plan of the campaign, as might be revealed without detriment to the public.—Decreed.
A courier from general Dumourier, who had brought dispatches to the minister of war, appeared at the bar, and informed the Assembly, that the general had posted himself in some defiles, where he would have great advantage over the enemy. He related, that a woman had destroyed 400 Hulsans, by giving them wine, in which she had infused poison.
L O N D O N, September 8.
The withdrawing of our Ambassador from Paris in the present moment was a matter of mere etiquette; but to order him to deliver such a note on his departure, is viewed by every liberal politician in this country, not merely as an insidious act, unworthy of a manly people, but as an unwise measure, calculated to involve us dangerously with France—dangerously we mean as to our permanent interests.
It is mentioned at Valenciennes, as a shocking proof of La Fayette's treachery, that his army on his departure was found to have only three days provisions. In the adversity of private men, who have filled eminent situations in the revolutions of states, accusations are quickly multiplied.
Extract of a letter from Paris, Sept. 1.
"Petion has had to appease a tumult occasioned by a decree of the assembly, which destroys the Paris municipality.—Several sections were for preserving their old commissaries,
but the majority carried the question in favor of the assembly.
"To what lengths the Jacobin Club intend to proceed, let their own resolutions speak for them. On the 27th ult. they unanimously took the following oath—
"I promise before God and my country, that wherever I may be placed, I will exert my whole force to purge the earth from the pest of Royalty."
"On the 29th of August, a motion was made by M. Manuel, that all foreigners in France, were to be kept as hostages; and in case their nations declared war, always to expose their own countrymen to their first fire. He made another motion, to except only such foreigners as were members of the Jacobin Club; but to choose of them a certain number, that were to be sent into the enemy's armies, as deserters; and, if possible, debauch their countrymen. The motions were both agreed to."
Extract of a letter from Luxemburg, August 15.
"The day before yesterday a train of 950 Prussian artillery and ammunition waggons, laden with military stores, and drawn by six horses each, passed near this place, and ranged themselves under the guns of our fortress; they occupy a space of ground further than the eye can see; others arrive almost hourly, whilst the main body of the army destined against France marches along the frontiers.
"The Duke of Brunswick, commander in Chief of the combined forces, arrived here yesterday, and after an interview with the Austrian and Prussian Generals, returned to the army.
"The King of Prussia, with his two sons, arrived here at eight o'clock this morning, and were received on the parade by the officers; and, after examining the works, returned to the camp at Montfort."
Copy of a letter from a gentleman at Dover, dated August 25, 1792, to his friend in London.
"MY DEAR FRIEND,
"I would have written to you from Paris, but did not choose to put you to the trouble of receiving a letter, which must have contained nothing; as the fear of losing my head, prevented my communicating any thing that might interest your curiosity. All letters, in the blessed capital of French liberty , are opened before delivery; and all sent from that place, undergo the same liberal inspection. I came from Paris with Mr. ——, who I know is writing to you at this moment. A gentleman who left Calais this morning at three o'clock, assures me, that Lord Gower had not yet arrived in that city. His Lordship's horses are certainly stopped at Amiens.
"Out of two thousand Englishmen in Paris, the day we left it, none arrived since at Calais but those who quitted Paris the day we did, and the day after, though we were detained there three days by an adverse wind. It is probable, that a new decree of the national assembly, keeps all persons in Paris, strangers as well as others. The people of Paris are all mad, stark mad. The whole extent of country from Amiens to Calais, is one entire corn-field; but the corn is dropping from the ears for want of hands to reap it, and many thousand acres of wheat must be lost.
"I speak to nothing but what was presented to my own eyes. Do not believe a word of any thing you see in the French papers; they dare publish nothing but what is calculated to support the present measures. Three editors, of what are called aristocratic prints , were massacred, and their presses destroyed, the day after the day . Paris exhibits a scene of nothing but incoherency, confusion, and horror:—No money—no credit—no law—no order—no religion—no justice—no virtue!!! The executive power is, to all intents and purposes, lodged in the hands of a ferocious mob. The assembly no more dare to decree any thing, though ever so wise and necessary, which the mob disapprove, than I dare have written this in Paris.
"Yours, &c. &c."

The King (Louis XVI.) is said to have been much affected on being informed of the execution of M. la Porte, the intendant of the civil list. A gentleman yesterday gave 100 guineas to receive one guinea a day until the Duke of Brunswick, at the head of a hostile army, shall arrive at Paris. This is no proof, that much confidence is placed in his operations. The person who gave the money, congratulated himself on having purchased an annuity of 365 guineas for life.
It has been said, that the Duke of Brunswick can meet with no serious resistance in his march to Paris. A whole people united, is but a trifling obstacle then to an invading foe! The truth is, tyrants will find that all their boasted discipline must be ineffectual against a nation determined to be free, and that tactics are only good opposed to tactics. A mere trial of strength and skill, presents no image of the present war in France. It is art against principle—science against the affections—the arm against the soul—and in such a contest, victory is not triumph. They may murder one million, but the remaining twenty-three millions will continue unsubdued.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Mr. Fenno. WHILE the suppression of all the presses in France, except those subservient to the views of the predominant party on the one hand, and the prejudices supposed to influence the English publications on the other, may tend to obscure the faithful delineation of the proceedings in that country. We are nevertheless capable of discerning on the whole, that the people of France have swerved from the original principles of their revolution—that the new constitution has been essentially violated—and that reason and judgment are overwhelmed by the boisterous voice of faction. How far the stings of old wounds received from the hands of despotism may apologize for their late conduct, it is not our task to determine. But what despotism bears half the ills in its train as that of anarchy and confusion, where every sacred mound raised for the security of life, liberty, and property, is levelled by the torrent of lawless power? The unhappy situation of France, while it demands our sympathy, presents a striking example of what is to be expected from the passions of men uncontrolled by government and laws. Let Americans attend to the expressive memento—and by a due observance of every social and constitutional obligation, render a just tribute of gratitude to the Supreme Governor of the Universe for the blessings they enjoy—Let them be cautious of being betrayed by the devices of those factious demagogues among themselves, who, ambitious to act over a similar scene in this country, are found vociferous for liberty, while the worst of tyranny reigns in their hearts—who wish to set the world in a flame, that they may have a better chance to plunder.
May America continue that happy country, where the majesty of the law, which constitutes the liberty of the subject, shall always be superior to the restless efforts of aspiring faction. PHILANTHROPOS.
Domestic Articles.
BOSTON, October 24.
Yesterday the anniversary of the completion of the Third Century since Christopher Columbus discovered this New World, was celebrated in this town by the Historical Society—before whom, at the Meeting-house in Brattle-square, the Reverend Doctor Belknap delivered a discourse replete with useful historical information, and much ingenious and liberal observations. After which an Ode was sung by Mr. Rea and a select choir of fingers.
The ship America, lately arrived at St. Domingo with succours from France, is, we are told, the ship presented by the United States to Louis XVI.
TRENTON, October 31.
At joint meeting on Monday last, of the council and assembly of this State, His Excellency WILLIAM PATERSON, Esquire, was unanimously re-elected Governor.
On Monday last the members of the general assembly of this State met at Mr. Drake's tavern, and preceded by the Rev. the Clergy of the town, and accompanied by a number of the inhabitants, walked in procession to the State-
House, which has lately been erected in this place; where they were introduced to the commissioners appointed to superintend the building. After a pertinent prayer made by the Rev. Mr. Armstrong, at the request of the speaker, the house proceeded to business.
The assembly-room is not completely finished, but is in its present state far preferable, both for the comfort and convenience of the members, and for the accommodation of the spectators, to any in which they have ever held their former sittings in this state.
It will, we presume, give pleasure to the friends of American manufactures, to be informed that the elegant glass made use of in this building, is the manufacture of this state, being made at the works of Messrs. Hester and Carpenter, in the county of Gloucester.
Philadelphia, Nov. 3.
Abstract of further EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
In the National Assembly of France, Aug. 26, M. Guadet proposed, and it was decreed, that the title of French Citizen should be conferred on the following persons, who had rendered themselves illustrious by their love of liberty, viz.—Thomas Paine, Dr. Priestley, De la Paux, Wilberforce, Washington, Clarkson, Williams, Maddison, Hamilton, Richard Feidebert, Malachouki, Pilaski, Poniatowski, and Mackintosh.—“France declares they are her children, since they are those of liberty.”
In the same sitting, Mr. Jean de Brie presented the following proposal for destroying the king and generals who are now fighting against the liberty of France. He requested permission to raise a body of 1200 volunteers, who shall bind themselves by an oath to go and attack individually and collectively, and by every means, the kings and generals now at war with France. These tyrannicides to be called les Douze Cent (the twelve hundred,) to be armed with poniards and pistols.
This plan was decreed, and the assembly were going to settle the pay of these desperadoes, when Meiss. Verniaux, Masurier and Sers, requested that it might be sent to a committee for reconsideration, as such a measure would induce the enemy to make reprisals, and consequently give rise to a war of the most horrid kind.
After a long debate, the plan was referred to a committee.
The parts of the famous Red-Book, suppressed by the Constituent Assembly, from respect to the memory of Louis XV. and to the present King, were ordered to be printed, by the Assembly.
The Brussels account of the taking of Longwy, says the garrison consisted of 12 or 1500 men—a member of the National Assembly stated them at 3500. Longwy was taken by General Clairfayt. The garrison marched out with the honors of war, laid down their arms on the glacis of the fortress, and were then permitted to retire into the interior part of the kingdom, after having engaged not to serve during the war.
The States of Holland have ordered their Ambassadors in Paris, M. de Noailles, M. de Poix, M. de Laigneau, M. de Grave, M. de Talon, M. M. de Montmorency, M. de Liancourt, M. de Narbonne, and the ladies of M. de la Fayette, M. de Brion, and M. de Bouille, are, according to the English papers, arrived in London.—Five hundred French arrived in that city from France in one week.
The National Convention of France is to begin their business towards the month of October.
Verdun, now in possession of the combined armies, is 150 miles east from Paris—its citadel is said to have been very strong.
Great apprehensions are entertained in Paris of hostilities being about to be commenced by the Spaniards. Thirty-nine sail of ships were lying in Barcelona—these, it was expected, were to be joined by 17 sail of Portuguese. Marseilles, Collioures or Antibes, was supposed to be their object.
From the latest returns of the French armies to the minister of war, it appears that there are at least two millions of men in arms.
The crops of grain in England the last season, are said to be equal in many parts to the average quantity of two years' growth.
The encampment of the combined armies against France, near Thionville the 17th August, extended nearly 17 miles.
The Knoxville Gazette, of Oct. 10, contains an account, that on the 30th September, about midnight, a station four miles south of Nashville, at which sundry families and about 15 gunmen were collected, was attacked by a party of Creeks and lower Cherokees, supposed to consist of three or four hundred—the attack continued for an hour, the enemy were repulsed with considerable loss, without injuring man, woman or child in the station. During the whole time, the Indians were never more distant than ten yards from the block-house, and often in large numbers close to the walls of the block-house, attempting to put fire to it. One ascended the roof with a torch, where he was shot. On viewing the ground next morning, it appeared that the fellow who was shot was a Cherokee, half breed—there was much blood, and signs that many dead were dragged off. Near the block-house were found swords, hatchets, pipes, kettles, and budgets of different Indian articles. One of the swords was a fine Spanish blade, mounted in the Spanish fashion. On the 3d Oct. another block-house was attacked by surprise by another party of Indians—three whites were killed and one wounded, and a number of horses stolen.
This account concludes by saying, that “These are the fruits of the advice of the Baron de Cirondelet (Governor of Louisiana) and Governor O'Neal (of Pensylvania) and it is due to Mr. Panton, their chief instrument, to add, he has well acted his part!!!”
The Hon. JOHN TAYLOR, mentioned in last Saturday's Gazette as being elected Senator of the United States, by the Legislature of Virginia, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of the Hon. RICHARD HENRY LEE, is chosen also for the six succeeding years.
The National Assembly may have been perfectly right in deposing the king, and calling a convention to decide whether France should be governed by a republic or by a monarchy, and La Fayette may not have concurred in opinion with them, and yet not be a traitor.
The constitution as settled by the first assembly formed the limits of his political belief: he may have thought it imprudent to go further,—the National Assembly thought otherwise,—La Fayette may have been mistaken, but this does not make him a traitor.
La Fayette through the whole of his political conduct has been consistent. He here fought for our liberties, and in France took the lead in the revolution and in framing a constitution, to which he was uniformly adhered. He was averse to taking a step further and establishing republicanism on the ruins of that constitution. His conduct was firm in the line of his political faith.
The Assembly were probably right in adopting decisive measures with respect to him as soon as it was known that he did not approve of the deposition of the king. A different line of conduct would probably have produced a division of the people into two great parties, and eventually have proved the ruin of France.—This conjecture will appear extremely probable if we take a view of the proceedings of the municipality of Sedan upon the requisition sent them by M. La Fayette. This part even of La Fayette's political conduct was decided and worthy of himself: His motives were pure, he acted under the impression which a violation of the constitution, in one of its fundamental principles, must have made, he acted up to his principles, to his oath, and not like a traitor.
La Fayette finding the republican party backed by a majority in the National Assembly and army, left his country—not to join the enemy; but to avoid an impending ignominious death: And in this he acted like a man of honor and not the part of a traitor. Gen. Adv.
Monday next the 2d session of the present Congress commences in this city.—The following Members, we hear, are in town:
Senators—Mr. MORRIS, Mr. LANGDON, Mr. FOSTER, Mr. MONROE, Mr. FEW, Mr. IZARD, Mr. BUTLER, Mr. HAWKINS, Mr. SHERMAN, Mr. WINGATE.
Representatives—Mr. FITZSIMONS, Mr. GILMAN, Mr. GERRY, Mr. STURGES, Mr. WARD, Mr. LEONARD, Mr. BOURN, Mr. PARKER, Mr. MADISON, Mr. VENABLE, Mr. GILES, Mr. BROWN, Mr. WILLIAMSON, Mr. STEELE, Mr. BALDWIN, Mr. SMITH, S. C.
His Excellency THOMAS CHITTENDEN, Esq. is chosen Governor of Vermont, and his Honour PETER OLCOTT, Esq. Lieutenant-Governor.
The President of the United States hath appointed ZEBULON HOLLINGSWORTH, Esq. of Baltimore, Attorney of the United States for the District of Maryland, vice RICHARD POTTS, Esq. resigned. Maryland Jour.
The following gentlemen are elected Representatives of New-Jersey, in the Congress of the United States:
Lambert Cadwallader, John Beatty, Elias Boudinot, Jonathan Dayton, Abraham Clark, Esquires.
Thursday last arrived the Schooner Abigail, Samuel Gooch, master, from Malaga. The captain failed from Gibraltar the 29th of Sept. and informs that it was currently reported and generally believed at that fortress, that the King of Spain was equipping 70,000 men to march against the armies of France—that the Russian army had joined the Austrians, and that there had been an engagement with the main body of the French army, in which the French troops proved victorious, having not only kept their ground, but slain immense numbers of their enemies. Particulars the captain had not in his power to relate.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in this city, to his friend in London, dated July 4.
“This country was never in so flourishing a state as at present; the increase of people, riches, and agriculture is almost incredible, except to those who are eye-witnesses of it. The present war with the Indians has for a while stopped emigration to the western territories; and, from the influx of Germans, French, Irish, &c. the scheme for deepening rivers, cutting canals, making roads, &c. which twelve months ago I thought impossible to be accomplished for ages, is now in such forwardness, that I believe this State will, in the course of 12 or 15 years, be in as good a situation, in this respect, as England; as our Assembly spares no expense, but is liberal in encouraging these improvements.
“We have at present a prospect of a good harvest. Some few manufactories have been attempted to be erected in this State; but from the high price of wages, the great plenty of provisions, and above all, the cheapness of land, they do not succeed excepting those for bulky articles, the raw materials of which are cheap, and the expence of bringing over heavy.
“The leather manufactory, for instance, is in a flourishing state; a good raw hide can be purchased in our market for 2s. (it is not long since the tanners gave as much to carry them off) and oak and bark can be had for a trifle; yet the tanners are obliged to pay such high wages to their men (from 7s. to 9s. sterling pr. day) that British leather is often imported in such quantities, as to have necessitated the tanners here to apply to Congress for relief. Congress have increased the duty on leather, and on articles made of it, from 3 or 4 to 10 per cent.
“The paper-mills, manufactories, and heavy iron goods flourish best. Glass houses and manufactories of stone ware are increasing.
“But all our manufactured goods are a mere trifle to what are imported from Great-Britain and Ireland. To the south of Virginia, no article however bulky or coarse, is manufactured; every thing used there is imported from Great-Britain, or the northern States.”
A correspondent who has read the Governor's Proclamation and a letter signed A. J. Dallas, informing the public “that there are defects in the returns, but that it clearly appears from informal returns that the omitted votes would not alter the state of the election,” requests an answer to the following queries: 1st, Whether the writer of that letter is the same gentleman who was a member of the committee of correspondence? 2d, Whether the power to judge in the abovenmentioned case is vested in him or in the House of Representatives of the United States?
Several citizens request to know whether there is not a variation between the Governor's Proclamation and his Secretary's letter, as the one sets forth that by virtue of the law requiring him after receiving the returns to publish the names—he therefore declares the several persons duly elected from the returns, which must of course mean all the returns : Whereas the other tells us that all the returns were not received, but that it clearly appeared (to the writer of the letter, I suppose) that the suppressed returns would not change the election. They request further to be informed whether in such a case the House of Representatives of the United States, can alone decide that the suppressed votes would not vary the state of the Poll, or whether it is left to the Governor or his Secretary to judge of the election?
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
  Ship American, Ewing, Londonderry   Pigou, Loxley, London   Dispatch, Hodgson, Teneriffe   Barque Caesar, Thompson, Cadiz   Brig Sally, Anderson, St. Lucie   —, Cochran, Cape-Francois   Schr. Harriot, Grant, Savannah   Friendship, Cayver, Boston   Abigail, Gooch, Malaga   Winfield, M c Nern, Virginia   Sloop Harrison, Clark, do.   Honour, Goodrich, New-York   —, Coulter, do.   Dove, Marchant, Newburyport 
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  6 per Cents, 21/4 Int. of   3 per Cents, 12/8   Deferred, 13/3   Full shares Bank U. S. 43 per cent. prem   1/2 shares, 55   Unfunded debt of the U.S. 21/6 on the principal. And on the Interest up to 1st Jan. 1788, 13/. 
GEOGRAPHY.
Mathew Carey
Respectfully submits to the Citizens of the United States, the following
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
An AMERICAN EDITION of
Guthrie's Geography
IMPROVED.
Of which these are the terms:
 I. It shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.  II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.  III. Besides the maps in the British editions, this work will contain maps of as many of the United States as can be readily procured, executed by the best engravers in the United States.  IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.—No advance required.  V. The work will be put to press as soon as 700 copies are subscribed for.  VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.  VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking. 
Perhaps there is no science more entertaining and useful than geography. It reveals the discoveries of travellers—the remarkable curiosities of all countries, in nature and art—the situation of provinces, cities, towns, villages, rivers, & mountains—in fine, the history, manners, customs, laws, forces, revenues, and government of different nations.
It is an old observation, that “there is not a son or daughter of Adam, but has some concern with geography;” and that a knowledge of this science is indispensable towards the study of history with advantage or satisfaction. Indeed a man unacquainted with it, cannot discourse on the most common newspaper topics of the day without betraying his ignorance.
So much for geography generally. With respect to the present plan, let it suffice to remark, that Guthrie's Geography has been long acknowledged to be the best in the English language; however, the account of America in it has, from obvious reasons, been very erroneous and defective. The errors of former editions will be corrected, and the defects supplied, by gentlemen of abilities, who have engaged to superintend this undertaking, and to avail themselves of all the information that can be procured, to render it the most complete edition extant.
The Printer earnestly solicits the support of his fellow-citizens throughout the United States: and as no deposit is required, and every subscriber will be at liberty to withdraw his name, if, on trial, he should disapprove of the work, he hopes the friends of science, and of American arts and manufactures, will cheerfully and early patronize this useful work, the greatest and most expensive, probably, ever yet attempted in America, in the typographical line, the Encyclopaedia excepted.
Philadelphia, Nov. 2, 1792. (12wtf)

General Post-Office.
PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 10, 1793.
PROPOSALS will be received at this Office until the fifteenth day of November next, inclusive, for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following Post Roads, from the first day of January next, until the first day of June, 1794.
In MASSACHUSETTS and NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
1. From Wiscasset to Portland in the district of Maine: The mail to leave Wiscasset every Tuesday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portland the next day by one in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Portland every Thursday by six in the morning, and arrive at Wiscasset the next day by one in the afternoon.
2. From Portland to Portsmouth : The mail to leave Portland every Monday and Thursday by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday at one in the afternoon, and arrive at Portland on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening.
3. From Portsmouth to Boston : From November first to May first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday and Friday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston on Wednesday and Saturday by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth on Tuesday and Friday by ten in the forenoon: And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Boston the same days by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Portsmouth the same days by six in the evening.
In MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT and NEW-YORK.
4. From Boston by Worcester, Springfield, Hartford, Middletown, and New-Haven, to New-York : From November first to May first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon: and arrive at New-York every Saturday and Wednesday (the sixth day from its departure) by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Saturday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon: And from May first to November first, the mail to leave Boston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by three o'clock in the morning, and arrive at New-York every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday (the fourth day from its departure) by eleven in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-York every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Boston every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday, by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK, NEW-JERSEY and PENNSYLVANIA.
5. Between New-York , (by Newark and Elizabethtown) and Philadelphia , every day in the week, Sunday excepted: The mails to leave New-York at noon, and Philadelphia at one o'clock in the afternoon; and arrive at Philadelphia and New-York respectively, the next day after their departure, by ten in the forenoon; excepting the mails of Saturday, which are to arrive at the same hour on Monday.
In PENNSYLVANIA and MARYLAND.
6. From Philadelphia to Baltimore : The mail to leave Philadelphia every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at noon, and arrive at Baltimore each succeeding day by noon: Returning, to leave Baltimore every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Philadelphia each succeeding day by eleven in the forenoon.
7. From Baltimore to Alexandria : The mail to leave Baltimore every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Alexandria each succeeding day by eight in the morning: Returning, to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday by four o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Baltimore on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by ten in the forenoon.
In VIRGINIA.
8. From Alexandria to Richmond, Petersburg, Suffolk and Portsmouth : The mail to leave Alexandria every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at nine o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Richmond every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by six in the evening; at Petersburg every Wednesday, Friday and Monday at ten in the forenoon; at Suffolk every Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by six in the afternoon; and at Portsmouth every Friday, Monday and Wednesday, by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave Portsmouth the same days by seven in the evening; and at Petersburg the next Monday, Wednesday and Friday by eleven in the forenoon; leave Petersburg the same days at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Richmond the same days by six in the evening: leave Richmond on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Alexandria the next Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by three in the afternoon.
9. From Richmond, by Williamsburg, York-Town and Hampton, to Norfolk : The mail to leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, by four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norfolk on each succeeding day, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Norfolk every Wednesday, Friday and Monday, by six in the morning, and arrive at Richmond each succeeding day, by six in the evening.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA.
10. From Petersburg, by Halifax, Tarborough and Smithfield, to Fayetteville : The mail to leave Petersburg every Friday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening: Returning, to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Petersburg the next Friday, by eleven in the forenoon.
In NORTH and SOUTH CAROLINA and GEORGIA.
11. From Fayetteville, by Cheraw Court-House, Camden, Columbia and Cambridge, to Augusta : The mail to leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, reach Camden the next day by five in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Saturday by noon: Returning, to leave Augusta every Thursday, at five in the morning, arrive at Camden the next Sunday by
five in the morning, and at Fayetteville the next Monday, by eight in the evening.
12. From Augusta to Savannah : The mail to leave Augusta every Saturday, at one o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Savannah the next Monday morning by ten: Returning, to leave Savannah every Monday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at Augusta the next Wednesday, by five in the afternoon.
13. From Camden to Stateburg : The mail to leave Camden every Thursday by four in the morning, and arrive at Stateburg by eight: Returning, to leave Stateburg every Saturday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Camden by six.
In MASSACHUSETTS, RHODE-ISLAND and CONNECTICUT.
14. From Boston to Providence : The mail to leave Boston every Monday and Thursday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Providence, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Providence every Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the morning, and arrive the same days at Boston, by five in the afternoon.
Persons offering proposals for this contract, are desired also to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Boston and Providence, three times a week, and every day in the week (Sunday excepted) in case a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
15. From Providence, by Norwich, to Hartford : The mail to leave Providence every Tuesday and Friday, by six o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Hartford on Wednesday and Saturday, by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Hartford every Monday and Thursday, at seven in the morning, arrive at Norwich the same days, and at Providence on Tuesday and Friday, by five in the afternoon.
Persons offering proposals for this contract, are also desired to state the terms on which they will carry the mail between Providence and Hartford three times a week, if a stage waggon should run so often between those two places.
16. From New-London to Newport , thence by Bristol and Warren to Providence , thence by Greenwich to Newport , and from Newport to New-London : The mail to leave New-London every Tuesday, at two in the afternoon, and arrive at Newport the next day by six in the evening; leave Newport every Friday at eight in the morning, and arrive at Providence the same day by six in the evening; leave Providence on Saturday at eight in the morning, and passing through Greenwich, arrive at Newport the same day by six in the evening; leave Newport the next Monday at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London the next day by ten in the forenoon.
17. From New-Haven to New-London : The mail to leave New-Haven every Monday, at eight in the morning, and arrive at New-London every Tuesday by ten in the forenoon: Returning, to leave New-London every Tuesday at two o'clock in the afternoon, and arrive at New-Haven every Wednesday afternoon by six.
18. From Middletown to New-London : The mail to leave Middletown, from November first to May first, every Thursday morning, and from May to November, every Friday morning, by eight o'clock; and arrive at New-London by six in the evening of the day of its departure: Returning, to leave New-London each next succeeding day by eight in the morning, and arrive at Middletown by six in the evening.
In NEW-YORK. 19. Between the city of New-York (by Kingsbridge, Poughkeepsie, and the city of Hudson , and Albany ): The carriers, with the mails, to leave New-York and Albany every Monday and Thursday, by four in the morning, meet, and return to each place on Wednesday and Saturday, by six in the evening.
In PENNSYLVANIA. 20. From Philadelphia, by Lancaster, York-town, Carlisle, Shippensburg, Chambersburg, Bedford and Greencastle to Pittsburgh : The mail to leave Philadelphia every Saturday at noon, and arrive at Pittsburgh the next Friday by noon; remain there not less than four, nor more than six hours, and return to Philadelphia the following Friday by noon.
In the STATE of DELAWARE. 21. From Wilmington, by New-Castle, Cantwell's Bridge, and Duck Creek, to Dover : The mail to leave Wilmington every Monday afternoon, by five o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Dover by five in the evening of Tuesday: Returning, to leave Dover every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Wilmington by seven in the evening of the same day.
In DELAWARE and MARYLAND. 22. From Christiana Bridge, by Middletown, Warwick and George-town Cross-Roads, to Chesapeake : The mail to leave Christiana Bridge every Monday afternoon, by six o'clock (or as soon as the mail from Philadelphia is received) and arrive at Easton by six in the evening of Tuesday: Returning, to leave Easton every Wednesday morning by five o'clock, and arrive at Christiana Bridge in the evening of the same day, by eight o'clock.
Persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it from May first to November first, nine, A. M. and reaching Easton the next day by four, P. M.—and returning, leave Easton every Wednesday by four, A. M. and arrive at Philadelphia the next day by noon: And perform the same tour, during the other half of the year, between half past nine o'clock of every Monday, and noon of the next Saturday. And also their terms for carrying an additional mail between Philadelphia and Chestertown, leaving Philadelphia every Wednesday and Friday at half past nine, A. M. and returning the fourth day after by noon.
23. From Baltimore to Annapolis : The mail to leave Baltimore every Monday and Friday, at eight in the morning, and arrive at Annapolis the same days by five in the afternoon: Returning, to leave Annapolis every Tuesday and Saturday by eight in the morning, and arrive at Baltimore the same days by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA and NORTH-CAROLINA. 24. From Suffolk, by Edenton, Plymouth, Wanchan and Newbern, to Wilmington : The mail to leave Suffolk every Wednesday at four o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next Saturday, by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Wilmington every Monday by four in the morning, and arrive at Suffolk the next Thursday by six in the evening.
In NORTH-CAROLINA.
25. From Halifax by Blountville, Williamstown, and Dailys, to Plymouth , once in two weeks:—The mail to leave Halifax every other Monday by five o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Plymouth the next day by six in the evening: Returning, to leave Plymouth the next Thursday by five in the morning, and arrive at Halifax on Friday by five in the evening.
26. From Wilmington to Fayetteville : The mail to leave Wilmington every Sunday, at four in the morning, and arrive the next day at Fayetteville by five in the afternoon: Returning, leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, by four in the morning, and arrive at Wilmington the next day by five in the afternoon.
In VIRGINIA.
PROPOSALS will be received at the Post-Office in Richmond , until the 10th day of November next inclusive, for carrying the mail of the United States from Richmond to Staunton ,—from the 15th day of the same month, until the first day of June 1794. The mail to leave Richmond every Monday by six in the morning, and arrive at Staunton the next Wednesday by six in the evening: Returning, leave Staunton every Thursday at ten in the forenoon, and arrive at Richmond the next Saturday by seven in the evening.
Persons offering proposals for carrying this mail, are desired to state the terms on which they will carry it, and leave Richmond every Wednesday at noon, and arrive at Staunton the next Saturday by three in the afternoon: Returning, leave Staunton every Monday at seven in the morning, and arrive at Richmond the next Wednesday by ten in the forenoon.
Note 1. If during the continuance of the contract here proposed, any other times of arrival and departure of the mails should become necessary, to preserve a proper connection with other mails, the contractors are to conform to any arrangement which for that purpose shall be made by the Post-Master General, such arrangement not lessening the number of hours above allowed for carrying the mails respectively, without their consent.
2. A convenient time not less than ten minutes, nor exceeding half an hour, for opening and closing a mail is to be allowed at each Post-Office, at which the time of its arrival and departure is not herein specified.
3. For every half hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, double the sum which the value of one trip shall bear to the value of the whole number of trips to be performed.
4. The mail may be carried on any of the post roads herein described, either in stage waggons or on horses: but when the state of the roads prevents travelling in waggons with the necessary expedition, the mails are to be carried on horses.—Every mail-stage must have in it a box in which the mail is invariably to be carried, under lock and key.
5. News-papers, as well as letters, are to be sent in the mails; and if any contractor would wish to be authorized to carry news-papers, other than those conveyed in the mail (agreeably to the 22d section of the post-office law) he must, in his proposals, state the respective sums for which he will carry the mails with and without the emoluments which may arise from such separate carriage of news-papers.
NEW POST ROADS,
In NEW-YORK, MASSACHUSETTS & VERMONT. An extension of the Post roads having been desired, from Connojarharrieto Whites-town , and thence to Kanandaigua , in the state of New-York; from Stockbridge to Bennington , in the states of Massachusetts and Vermont; and from Rutland to Windsor , and Rutland to Fairhaven , in Vermont: Proposals for carrying mails on those routes, (at the expense of the contractors) will be received at the General Post-Office, until the fifteenth day of November next inclusive.—Persons offering such proposals, must state the days and hours when they will receive and deliver the mails at each place here mentioned, and the length of time (which cannot exceed eight years) for which they will contract.
The contractors, respectively, will have the exclusive privilege of carrying letters and packets on these roads, for live ; and be authorized to receive, to their own use, all the postages which shall arise on letters, packets and newspapers by them carried, at the rates established by law: but must carry, free of postage, such letters and packets as by law are, or shall be declared free .
For every hour's delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in delivering a mail, after the time agreed on, the contractor to forfeit one dollar; and for the non-performance of a trip, one dollar for every ten miles distance, as far as the failure extends.
The persons whom the contractors shall designate for Postmasters, on these routes,—previous to their acting as such, must be approved by the Post-Master General, and take the oaths required by law. They are to agree for their compensations with the contractors, to whom alone they are to account for all the postages they shall receive. The same oaths must be taken by the contractors and their riders who carry the mails.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, POST-MASTER-GENERAL.
The SUBSCRIBERS to the Universal Tontine
Are informed, that a general meeting is to be held at the State-House in this city, on Saturday the 3d day of November next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. agreeably to the sixth article of their association.
By order of the Agents, EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y. Philadelphia, Sept. 15, 1792. (eptN3)
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 45, Great Dock-street, New-York, THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE and SALE of STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to.
LEONARD BLEECKER. May 2. (t.f.)
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at No. 19, Third, between Chesnut and Market Streets. N. B. A few Boxes of the above HYSON for sale.
Universal Hymn Book.
To be Sold by THOMAS DOBSON, and other Booksellers in Philadelphia, A Collection of PSALMS, HYMNS, and SPIRITUAL SONGS; selected from different Authors, and published by Order of the Convention holding the Doctrine of the Salvation of all Men, met in Philadelphia, May 25, 1791. Price of a single book, bound, 3.8ths of a Dollar, with good allowance to those who take quantities. August 4. (entl.)
BOOKS,
PRINTED AND SOLD BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, seventeen dollars and three fifths.
This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His Excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per ann. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.—Any of the back numbers may be had in order to complete sets.
2. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children.
"We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed."—Monthly Review, vol. 38, p. 101.—Price, bound, 62 cents.
3. Duncun's Elements of Logic—75 cents.
4. Beauties of Fielding—50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair—50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennington's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies, Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
8. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen.—Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful." N. B. It is introduced into the University in Philadelphia.
9. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions.—Price four-fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce.—Price, on very fine paper, 5 8ths of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal. Price three-eighths of a dollar.
15. American Jett Book. Price three-fifths of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul. Price half a dollar.
17. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto.—Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2—plain, six dollars.
18. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum—Price a quarter dollar.
19. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar.
20. Christian Economy. Price a fifth of a dollar.
21. History of Charles Grandison, abridged—Price a sixth of a dollar.
22. Poems by Col. Humphreys—Price a third of a dollar.
23. Select Poems, chiefly American—Price a sixth of a dollar.
Said CAREY has for sale, a large assortment of Books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries or to sell again.
JOHN GOULD, HAIR-DRESSER,
INFORMS his friends and the public in general, that he continues to carry on his business as usual, at NO. 1, South Third-Street, near Market-Street, and thanks his former customers for the favors he has received.
Said GOULD has for sale, an infallible cure for Weak or Sore Eves, which on trial, has and will be found to answer the purpose.—He has it in vials from one quarter of a dollar to a dollar.—Any person trying the above, if not found to answer the character given, the money will be returned. [tf]
PLANS
OF THE City of Washington,
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CROOKSHANK.
The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.