National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-01-23 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, JANUARY 23, 1792.
NUMB. 25.
Translations from the Leyden Gazette: Octob. 14—28.
FRANKFORT, Octob. 24.
An attentive observer of events cannot but consider it as something singularly peculiar to the present period, that ever since the commencement of the French revolution, foreign powers have continued mere spectators of that unparalleled event. It is also not a little remarkable that emigrations from France were confined only to those characters who were under apprehensions for their personal safety. Now, however, when the revolution is accomplished, and the king himself has put his seal to it, when good order begins to be re-established, and no man need be afraid of excelses similar to those which attended the first efforts of the nation to vindicate itself into liberty, is it not surprizing that now, when the matter is thus as good as finished, that the different courts of Europe should, be privately contemplating the ruin of the new government of France, and emigrations should be increasing to a degree of popular phrenzy?—It is well known that the leaders of the ex-patriated French nobility have done every thing in their power to alarm the minds of such of their rank as remained in France, and by means equally ungenerous and illiberal. They hold up to them the idea of national honour; but which is in fact nothing more than idle prejudice in favour of themselves, who have been long taught to consider the people as their inheritance.—This ex-patriated nobility have even had the insolence to threaten those that remained in France with a forfeiture of their titles and estates, if they did not instantly join them; and even to degrade them to the class of vassals, when they come to be re-established in their ancient rights, which they seem to consider as a matter certain. They have indeed gone so far as to call in question the courage of the home nobility, and have insulted them with emblematic engravings, of men sitting at spinning wheels and twirling the distaff, &c. This accounts for the multitude of French emigrants that are daily pouring in upon us, not only of the nobility, but also of the Tiers etat , who, inconsiderable as they are, have been in part prevailed upon to associate with the exiles, under the idea of being restored to equal rights with them, upon the re-instatement of the old government.
Coblence, Octob. 29. Yesterday arrived here no less than twenty-six coaches, laden with French emigrants, mostly of the citizen class. For some time past, these people, together with their Noblesse , have come in such crowds, that we are distressed to find them lodgings even in the city or the suburbs. Their present design, is, it is said, to form themselves into a Royal National Guard. Be that as it may, it is certain that such preparations are making by, and about the two princes (brothers of Louis 16th) as indicate some extraordinary enterprize. On the 17th instant they received dispatches from the Empress of Russia, assuring them that they may rely upon her friendship and protection. The Emperor of Germany is more sparing of his promises than Catharine, and it is certain there has no movement of his troops taken place that portends anything like hostilities against France. For the honour of humanity, we have good grounds to say, that the greater part of the European princes are not less pacific in their principles than Leopold.—“But (say some) it is the interest of every European power to unite in exterminating this political monster (the new French government) which threatens, after filling France with horror and violence, to ravage Europe from one end to the other.”—It is, doubtless, the interest of sovereigns, as well as their people, to calm what they may
deem political madness, but what might more justly be called the effervescence of liberty. This, however, can only be done by acts of moderation. By attending to this idea, Louis the 16th has gained more in one month only from his subjects, than he would have gained in two years by obstinate opposition; and by such means he will recover the entire confidence of his nation, and, perhaps, as much respect as ever. In regard to the other potentates of Europe, who are inclined to indulge noble sentiments , it is hoped they will now apply themselves to alleviating in some degree the miseries of their subjects, and the suppressing every species of vassalage; to quench the ardent spirit of military enterprize, which only tends to make the world miserable; and to shew themselves, in reality, the fathers and shepherds, and not the butchers of their people.—Such must be, eventually, the happy influence of the French Revolution upon the several Empires, kingdoms, and states of Europe.
Leyden, Octob. 28. We may say with truth, relying upon the information of history, that wars in general have hitherto solely depended upon the whims, the caprice, or the ambition of a small number of individuals; and that it does not seem agreeable to right reason or the rights of nations for one power to interfere, by force of arms, in the domestic quarrels of any other independent nation. The Arch duke Francis must have been of this opinion when he, lately, made the following answer to a courtier, who observed to his highness, that “the public flattered themselves the Emperor, his brother, would revenge the indignities offered to his sister, the Queen of France, by the democrats of that nation”—“The Empire of Germany (replied the Arch duke) knows no such relation as sister; and private affronts are not an object of public resentment.”
Exclusive of the grand cause of monarchy, the states of Germany have considerable matter of complaint against the National Assembly. They have been deprived of many rights in France; but, when applied for, have not as yet been refused an indemnification. The prince of Lowenstein is an instance. He has made a compromise with the new government for all his losses in that kingdom, particularly in the province of Lorraine. The indemnification is fixed at one million five hundred thousand livres, in two payments during the year 1792.
Paris, Octob. 21. Notwithstanding the present apparent public peace and tranquillity, it is visible that no small uneasiness exists relative to the very considerable emigrations that have taken place these some weeks past. It is a matter of serious concern also to see such quantities of cash every day transferred into foreign countries, which ought, in justice, to remain in the kingdom.—There is no doubt of the reality of the preparations making by the French ex-princes; and however discouraging their prospects may seem, they are by no means destitute of powerful friends. The passages leading to the French frontiers are as much thronged by people, night and day, as the road between Paris and Versailles. The French inhabitants on the frontier provinces are extremely exasperated against the fugitives, and have unanimously declared, that upon the first authentic news of an invasion, they will immediately burn and destroy the buildings and possessions of the old nobility, and will give no quarters to any person whatever, who is found in arms, and in favour of restoring the old government. It is certain, that if a civil war does break out (and as far as depends on the emigrants, that will certainly be the case) it will be one of the most bloody that has ever happened in the annals of mankind.
Bread, and grain of all kinds are excessively high, and still rising. Such of the departments of the kingdom as had good crops last season are so apprehensive of being scanty in supplying those where the crops failed, that they have prohibited any further exportation of the article of bread corn. This seems to be one of the bad consequences of distributing the kingdom into departments, districts, and municipalities. Each of these is in reality, a diminutive republic, and their idea of separate independence tends to detach them from the general interests of the nation—as to money, small change is engrossed by speculators as much as ever; even to pieces of a single Sol. The mint that has been established at the old convent of the Barnabites, delivers daily eight hundred thousand pieces, which disappear in an instant, and are never seen in the hands of the public.
The first important discussion of the new legislative assembly has been on the subject of emigration from this kingdom. A sort of epidemical malady has seized upon a vast number of French, who are quitting their country, against all probability of success in the object they have in view. The debate, on this subject began yesterday. M. Lequinio spoke first, and arranged his discourse under the four following interrogatory heads.—1. Ought we to prohibit emigrations? 2. Ought we to punish the emigrants?—3. In what manner ought they to be punished?—4. Is it necessary to take any precautions against the attempts of the emigrants?—As the subject is interesting, we will give a short abstract of Mr. Lequinio's observations thereon.—“The legislature of France (said he) possesses no right to shackle the national rights of man, by preventing him from quitting a place which he finds improper for his residence, in order to remove to another. The claim of such a right would be in direct opposition to the principles of our constitution; and the prohibition of emigration would operate as the principal cause of preventing the establishment of liberty in France. Neither is it the interest of the legislature to prevent emigration: it is a real benefit that the nation should be purged of its foul and corrupted blood, and rid of a number of perfidious wretches, who if they remained, would be more dangerous to us than any attack they can make from without. It is the wish of the nation to see their enemies in open day, and not to be pestered with a multitude of vermin who are invisibly gnawing upon their entrails. Supposing we were to make laws to retain them in the kingdom; would such laws convert them to honour or honesty?—Such an opinion would betray a shameful ignorance of the nature of the human heart. These men in quitting their country are no longer entitled to the honorable appellation of Frenchmen . Let us then turn our backs upon them. The more of them that go from amongst us, the greater will be the ferment in the neighbouring nations, and the sooner will the revolution of the whole world be accomplished!
But these emigrants consist of two classes—such as having no absolute connexion with their country, who go off through fear or persuasion; and, secondly, those who are in office, and yet base, by their dereliction, violate those sacred ties.—The first of these are only in the exercise of general liberty, established by the constitution itself; the second comprises those perjured characters, those parricides who have deserted the standard of liberty to range themselves under the banners of despotism. They continued in France as long as they had any hopes of corrupting the soldiery, under their command; they have dared to lift up their perjured hands towards heaven, and at the moment they were taking the oath of fidelity to their coun-
try, meditated to plunge a dagger into her breast. They have broken their oaths, exposed the army to trouble and disorder—and are therefore severely culpable; and ought to be punished, especially such as have fled from the kingdom since the date of the general amnesty.
“Besides these, we may trace another class of emigrants,—those who are actually preparing for an attack upon their country. But the first shot that is fired against France will be the signal for a confiscation of their property. Were intentions punishable, we should have no room to hesitate a moment—the intentions of thousands amongst us are apparent, but the law directs us only to punish those who have quit their standards since the publication of the general pardon. What ought this punishment to be?—This is my third question, and the answer is by no means difficult.—They should be declared incapacitated from holding any public office, and deprived of the rights of citizenship. This punishment would be proportioned to their crime.
“In the fourth place: Ought the assembly to use precautions against the designs of the emigrants?—The only precautions, in my opinion, ought to be our acting with wisdom and firmness—not to be above suspicion of danger, nor yet alarmed at every apprehension of the multitude, who are too often the dupes of concealed traitors—to attend to the duties of our station, to preserve a good understanding among ourselves, and with the executive power; to keep the national interest ever in view; to have a strict eye over the officers of government, without disquieting them; to assist ministers in the straight line of duty, without exciting unjust and trifling complaints against them; to pay the strictest regard to public opinion, and to consider ourselves as the guardians of the wisdom of the nation, and the great support of public dignity.
“Let it be our speedy care also to replace without delay the desertions from the army. It is better that the posts should be but indifferently filled than not filled at all—and in the last place, let us determine to send commissioners to the army on the frontiers, to publish an exact account of their situation, & prevent all uneasiness to the public on that head.”
October 28. Notwithstanding the very considerable number of French officers that are reported to have deserted their posts on the frontiers (some say 30 or 40 thousand) it is proved that these accounts are exaggerated. A letter from the minister of war to the national assembly, states the matter as follows. The total number of officers in the French army is from ten to eleven thousand, from which have deserted not more than two thousand, exclusive of the bodyguards of the king and princes, which are something short of 1500; and perhaps eight or nine hundred more from the old reformed corps; so that the whole number of deserters is between four and five thousand; who have resorted to the several rendezvous of the ex-princes.—It is certain that the number of soldiers that have deserted to the party of the princes is not near so considerable as that of the officers, and considering the obstacles that the German states have thrown in the way of recruiting for the French princes, it does not seem probable that they will ever be in a condition to invade France with any prospect of success,
LONDON, Nov. 15.
Notwithstanding the Royal acceptation, it is the opinion of many that Louis the 16th has no sincere love for the new constitution. The people will never believe that he has, in reality, a regard for it. A government cannot long

continue free where the governing part of the nation are not attached to the constitution, and where the governed have not a confidence in those who administer the laws: if such a confidence does not exist, the people oppose the execution of the laws, and there is anarchy. On the other hand, if the head of the executive power does not esteem the constitution, he endeavours to prevent its execution. This is what Louis the 16th. has been doing these two years, and will continue to do behind the curtain, till it shall be safe for him to throw off the masque. To keep the nation in a good humour, there is no doubt but he will show a temporary submission of the decrees of the assembly, and may even venture upon patriotic actions; but this hypocritical submission and coaxing patriotism will only be the more dangerous to the nation.
With regard to Great Britain little remarkable has occurred during the present vacation of parliament, either to arouse the attention of the people, or excite the curiosity of the politician. The late armament, like the baseless fabric of a vision, has now almost vanished; the greater part of the ships are paid off; and the seamen being discharged, such of them as prefer vice and idleness to industry and labour, will seek a livelihood by rapine and plunder. The expenses of this armament, which must be considerable, will no doubt form a topic of discussion in the course of next session; the abolition of the slave trade in all probability, will be also revived.
It would be dangerous for the king of Spain at this time, to support any scheme for overturning the new government of France: many of the Spanish troops, posted on the frontiers to prevent suspicious strangers from entering the kingdom, have deserted to France. Should Spain commence hostilities against that country, a general defection might be the consequence; the people, unawed by a military force, might advance their pretensions to a greater share of liberty; the prisons of the Inquisition might share the fate of the Bastille; anarchy and confusion take place, and all those mischiefs ensue, natural to popular insurrections. If despotic princes reflect seriously on their real interests, instead of aiming any blow at the liberties of France they will endeavour to manage the reins of government in their own dominions with moderation; they will gradually introduce such reformati ons into their states as the present enlightened condition of mankind seems to require; they will encourage trade, commerce, and manufactures; banish intolerance as well as oppressive distinctions; and by these means prevent the necessity of revolutions, which, however salutary to the people, are, for the most part, accompanied with acts of atrocity and violence, which the man of humanity would wish to see avoided.
In many particulars, we think the new constitution of France much better than our own; and especially in those most important points, which relate to the election and duration of the representative body, and to the entire separation of religion from politics. On the subject of this last article one cannot but admire at the pertinacious stiffness of our civil and ecclesiastical rulers. Our countrymen are but two visibly cramped in their religion, violated in their morality and insinuated in their consciences. If this island should still persevere in imposing tests and subscriptions, after the unnatural and unhallowed alliance of church and state is no less wistly than virtuously dissolved in a neighboring kingdom (France) it will be disgraceful to us, as Protestants, if we continue to impede, and confound and embarrass the kingdom of Heaven by mixing it with the kingdom of this world, after they have been severed by an Assembly, which some among us do not scruple to stigmatize as an assembly of infidels and Atheists, it will be disgraceful to us not only as Protestants, but as the disciples of Christ, and as the servants of the living God.
Mr. William Augustus Bowles, who, some time ago appeared in London in the character of an Indian Chief, was not an Indian by birth, but an Anglo-American, from Maryland; who being of an unsettled, roving, and enterprising disposition, attached himself to one of the Indian nations, became enamoured of a savage life, and, which is per-
haps more excusable, of a savage girl, whom he married; then settled among her friends, and is now by adoption, though not by birth, an Indian warrior. Excepting France at the present moment never was there a country fuller of political writers than England. Hundreds of these suppose themselves qualified to write on the highest subjects, without being furnished with the requisites necessary to write with propriety on the lowest; that is, without a competent knowledge of orthography, grammar, and the elements of ratiocination. This is particularly instance in a late book, entitled, "a comparison of the opinions of Mr. Burke and Monsieur Rousseau, on government reform." The author's comparison between Mr. Burke's reflections and Rousseau's tract on the government of Poland is about as just and ingenious as honest Fletchlen's comparison between Monmouth and Macedon: "There is a river in Macedon; and there is also moreover a river at Monmouth; it is called Wye at Monmouth, but it is out of my prains, what is the name of the other river; but 'tis all one, 'tis so like as my fingers is to my fingers, and there is salmons in both." (See Shakespeare's Henry V.)
The high-strained republican opinions of Mr. Paine were not to the general taste of the Parisians. Few people there could relish his idea of changing the monarchy into a republic, or as others would have it, into eighty-three confederated republics. Being a good deal harassed by the news writer Morande, and other sticklers for royalty, he has returned to this country, where he will find twenty republicans for one in France. It is remarkable that Mr. Paine was taxed in France with having exerted himself on a former occasion for the establishment of aristocracy in America—against which charge we do not yet learn that he has justified himself. Those who examine the French constitution attentively, will find, that it comprises all the advantages which any republic, ancient or modern, could ever boast of, without those disadvantages which are as natural to all republics as a shadow is to a solid body. It is folly to be afraid of a king, when a ministry are responsible for his conduct, and besides that responsibility can be changed whenever a legislature, chosen by the people, finds them acting contrary to the interest of the nations.
PHILADELPHIA. CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, Jan. 18.
A bill to reimburse certain extra-expences of the late commissioners for treating of peace with the Creek Indians, was read the second time, and ordered to be committed to a committee of the whole House on Wednesday next—and that the Comptroller of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House a copy of the account of the said extra-expences,
Mr. Laurance, from the committee, to whom was referred the written message from the President of the United States of the 28th. ult. inclosing a copy of the Attorney General's letter to him, made a report, which was ordered to lie on the table.
A message was received from the President of the United States by Mr. Secretary Lear, as follows:—
United States. Jan. 18. 1792. Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives,
I LAY before you a copy of an exemplified copy of an act of the Legislature of Vermont, ratifying, on behalf of that state, the articles of amendment proposed by Congress to the constitution of the United States; together with the copy of a letter which accompanied said ratification.
GEO. WASHINGTON.
Which message, with the papers therein referred to, were ordered to lay on the table.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the communications from the President respecting the western frontiers—whereupon the doors were ordered to be shut.
THURSDAY, Jan. 19.
The House met at the usual time, and entered upon the confidential business communicated by the President of the United States—after some time, the galleries were opened, and a resolution was moved by Mr. Fitzsimons, that "the President of the United States be requested to direct the Secretary of the Treasury to lay before the House such information with respect to the finances of the United States as will enable the legislature to judge whether any additional revenue will be necessary in consequence of the proposed increase of the military establishment."—This resolution was agreed to, except the words "that the President of the United States be requested to direct"—which upon debate, were thought best to be omitted.
It was then ordered that a committee be appointed to consider and report what alterations ought to be made in the act for establishing the Treasury and War departments—Mr. Smith (S. C.) Mr. Wadsworth, and Mr. Benson to be the committee.
A petition was read, from Robert Byers, of Pennsylvania, praying compensation for four waggon horses, which were drowned, while in the service of the United States during the late war.—Referred to the Secretary at War.
FRIDAY, Jan. 20.
A petition was read, from Jediah Morgan, praying compensation for services rendered, in the late war—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. Also a petition from Philip Long an invalid soldier, which was referred to the Secretary at War.—A petition from Griffith Jones, tanner, of Philadelphia, praying compensation for leather supplied to the United States—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.—Petitions were also presented from William Elliott, an invalid soldier; and from Myer Scudder, a wounded soldier, which were read and referred to the Secretary at War—as also the petition of Benjamin Titcomb, an officer in the American service.
Mr. Bourne informed the speaker, that the committee on enrolled bills had presented to the President of the United States, for his approbation, a bill to extend the time limited for settling the accounts of the United States with the individual states.
The order of the day being read, the House in committee of the whole agreed to take up the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Catharine Greene, widow of the late Major Gen. Nathaniel Greene.
After some time spent in debating on this subject, the committee rose, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again—adjourned till Monday.
KNOXVILLE, Nov. 19.
About the 10th instat, a company going thro' the wilderness to Cumberland, was met on the road by a party of Indians. Upon first sight the men (being seven in number) rode off with the utmost precipitation, and left the women (four in number) who were to testify that they were unable to proceed. The Indians came up, shook hands with them, and told them they should not be hurt, made a fire for them, and caught a studehorse, that one of the company had jumped from, which they tied to a tree. They then went after a small boy, who was attempting to make off, and brought him back to the women. Four of the company did not stop till they reached the settlement—the other three returned to the women after some time.
[The above extract is taken from a Gazette printed a Knoxville on the Holstein, in the territory of the United States, south of the Ohio; and we have a pleasure in hearing that the women, who had been deserted by their fellow travellers, were indebted for this remarkable proof of friendly attention to a hunting party of Cherokees; the nation with whom governor Blount made a peace last summer.]
ALBANY, January 9.
"Let quakers petition, and speculative characters who glide only on the surface, say what they will on the subject of an Indian warfare, the plain English of the business is, that we can never obtain a permanent peace with these barbarians, till we have reduced them to the feet of Congress. The origin and justness of our cause are now totally out of the question. It is indeed to be sincerely lamented, that we could not have obtained a peace by fair treaty; but every one who knows any thing of the nature of savages, must know that this desirable event can never be obtained, while they are riding triumphant in the arms of victory. It will therefore be the policy and interest of Congress, in our own defence to make a decisive effort the ensuing campaign. It is supposed 6,000 men, to begin an early campaign by penetrating into the heart of their country from the Ohio, and half that number to proceed through the interior of this state thither, to establish posts on lake Erie, or to form a junction with the southern army, so as to distract the savages between two fires, would be completely competent to every purpose; but perhaps it would be better for America, even to double this force, rather than to linger along two or three feeble and undecisive campaigns.
The following singular incident, we are informed from respectable authority, occurred on the late field of battle in the west. A young officer at the close of the action secreted himself in the hollow of a large tree, where he remained undiscovered by the Indians the remaining part of the day of the battle—and through a small knot-hole—he witnessed—a conduct that would disgrace devils broke loose from the infernal regions.—The Indians proceeded to strip and scalp the dead, leaving the unhappy wounded languishing under the double tortures of body and mind, till they had glutted their savage vengeance on the dead—after which they dispatched all the wounded with their tomahawks. Under the friendly veil of the succeeding night, the officer made his way through pathless forests to rejoin his surviving comrades.
NEW-YORK, Jan. 17.
Yesterday morning the following plan for a NEW BANK in this city, first made its appearance. At ten o'clock a number of citizens assembled at Corré's Hotel, and appointed Alexander Macomb, Brockholts Livingston, Abraham Duryee, Moses Rogers, and John M'Vickar, esquires, commissioners to receive the subscriptions. It was then proposed and agreed to, that the books should be opened, and continued to till twelve o'clock, at which time it appears, by a report of the commissioners made last evening, that upwards of twenty thousand shares were subscribed; being an excess of nine millions of dollars, beyond the proposed capital of the bank. The first payment of two hundred dollars on each share is to be made on Thursday, and on Friday the stockholders are to proceed by ballot to the choice of 13 directors.
At a meeting of the subscribers to the Million Bank, held last evening at Corré's hotel, Robert Troup, Esq. was requested to take the chair.—The commissioners appointed to receive subscriptions reported, that twenty-one thousand seven hundred and forty shares appeared to be subscribed, and that in their opinion it would be proper to reduce the number of subscriptions to the following ratio: 30 to have 3 shares, under 30 and above 19, two, and 19 and under, one. The question was then taken on the above proposition which was agreed to.
On motion, the names of the subscribers were then read.
On a suggestion that some amendments were necessary, and that improvements could be made in the constitution of the society, it was resolved, that Melancton Smith, B. Livingston, C. J. Bogart, R. Troup, and R. Lenox, be a committee to revise and report such alterations as they may think proper to be made in the constitution; and that they should make their report on Monday evening next.
It was then resolved, that the first payment should be postponed till after the report of the committee; and that the election of the directors should also be postponed to the same time.
The meeting then adjourned till Monday evening at 5 o'clock, to meet again at Corré's.
A CARD.
** Gentlemen who have been unfortunately disappointed in not obtaining the number of shares, they subscribed for in the Million Bank, are informed that a new plan is now preparing for another Bank, the capital of which will be sufficiently large to accommodate all who wish to be interested either with a view to honor or profit.
ORIGINAL ANECDOTES.
When the Count d'Artois, eldest brother of the King of France, and the first of the French emigrants, was about taking his leave of the nation, the King, his brother asked him, "Why he need be in such a hurry to quit the kingdom—why (said Louis) cannot you stay and share my fortune?"—Stay! (replied the Prince) I know you so well, that I am sure if the nation were to ask for my head to-morrow, you would be the first to surrender it to them without further ceremony!
One of the Professors at Trinity College, Dublin (beyond all doubt, an Irishman) some time ago undertook to abridge a certain work that had been published in two volumes. Instead of abridging, however, the professor had, it seems, been so well pleased with his work, as to convert it into three volumes of the same size with the original. Soon after this event, one of the students of the University brought an oration, or some exercise of that kind, to the professor to correct.—The professor complained of the student's idleness in having made the oration much too short—O, sir, (said the student) if that's all, I must beg the favour of you to abridge it.
This Day are published, SERMONS, Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York. Sold by T. DOBSON, R. CAMPBELL, & M. CAREY. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]

PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 23, 1792.
On Saturday last his excellency General St. CLAIR, Governor of the Western Territory, arrived in this city.
Paragraphs appear in some late English papers, complaining of emigrations from the United States into the Highlands of Scotland, with a view to persuade away the honest Caledonians to America, to be starved or enslaved. A correspondent begs leave to remark upon these paragraphs, that as far as his enquiries have informed him, there never yet came a Scotch Highlander to America, who repented of his emigration.
The duties on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the district of Providence, Rhode-Island, between the last day of June 1791, and the first day of January 1792, together with the duties on the tonnage of vessels, amount to twenty-three thousand four hundred sixty-nine dollars and seventy-three cents.
The following particulars, relative to the late engagement with the Western Indians, are mentioned by a gentleman of Massachusetts, who was at Niagara when the news of the defeat of general St. Clair's troops arrived—"That in the engagement the Indians lost but 56 of their number; that they captured 350 of our troops, and estimate our loss, killed and taken, at 1200—that the Indians were commanded by a Miffasago Chief, a man much in their confidence, who has been a renowned and fortunate warrior—That the next day after the engagement, 700 Indians from the westward, joined their victorious brethren; they came armed with bows, arrows, and spears; a circumstance which indicates that they have hitherto had but little or no acquaintance with the use of fire arms—That colonel Brant was not, (as has been imagined by many,) with the Indians in the late action, but lay very sick, at a small distance from Niagara: that the Indians were much exasperated against him, and threatened to use him and his nation as they had done the whites."
The circumstances above mentioned, in conjunction with many others, probably not widely variant from the truth, strikingly evince the necessity of speedy, efficient, and decided measures being entered into by the general government, to check the progress of savage depredation, and protect the inhabitants of the western country. A second defeat may involve in its consequences the ruin of thousands, and the waste of almost unnumbered acres, now cultivated by the hardy hand of industry.
The following is copied from a Pittsburgh paper of the 14th instant—"The whole amount of our fighting men in the late engagement with the Indians was fourteen hundred men, out of which were killed in the field six hundred and sixty-six, and three hundred and thirty-four wounded. This is a true statement which was received from head-quarters, and under good authority. It was expected and reported that Gen. Scott was to take the command of the militia from Kentucky, with what regulars there were at Fort Washington. The militia from the county of Columbia and adjacent settlements turned out, and their exertions gained them great applause from general St. Clair, but the Kentucky militia declined coming forward by reason of some misunderstanding among them about a commanding officer, in consequence of which the expedition fell through."
"On Thursday, the 15th instant, (says the same paper) a large supply of provisions for the garrison at Fort Franklin, was forwarded by the contractors, under convoy of a number of volunteers from Washington and this county, commanded by Capt. Hughes.—The last accounts from Fort Franklin came to hand on Saturday, the 7th instant.—There appears to be no further intelligence respecting the hostile Indians, than what has already been published."
A Baltimore paper of the 17th has the following paragraph—"A vessel arrived at Norfolk, in Virginia, the 13th instant, from Cape Francois, by which we are informed that the insurgent negroes, after burning one hundred and thirty-five plantations, had agreed to deliver themselves up and submit to mercy. This surrender was to take place three days after the vessel sailed, which brings this account."
Late papers from London mention a declaration of war by the Dey of Algiers against the king of Sweden, which was formally done on 15th of October. The Swedish ships were allowed forty days to depart from his ports and the Mediterranean, after which they were made liable to seizure, if captured. The Swedish consul had arrived at Leghorn from Algiers, having been obliged to depart upon a very short notice.
The latest advices from France mention numerous defections from their army on the frontiers; these defections are however confined to the officers, seduced by the French ex-princes. The common soldiery remain faithful to the cause of their country. The army on the frontiers consists of 146,000 effective men. Of these, 27,000 are cavalry, and 8,000 artillery. There consequently remain 111,000 infantry; two-thirds of which (says a Leyden paper) are distributed upon the frontiers of Germany, and along the Rhine. To the above are added the national guards, actually under pay and ready for service. These amount to 107,000, making in the whole an effective army of two hundred and fifty three thousand men; a force, it is thought, fully sufficient to check any attempts of the ex-patriated princes upon the kingdom of France.
Extract of a letter from Albany, Jan. 15.
"A very extraordinary deception was a few days since practised on the citizens of Schoharie, by a knowing villain. He put up at Ingolt's tavern, and in conversation with young Ingolt, told him he would give him six new dollars for three old ones—A bargain was, of consequence, immediately struck. This was soon noised abroad, and brought many people together, to trade with this extraordinary man for his new dollars; and he exchanged with them to the amount of some hundreds, all real good dollars; telling them at the same time that he coined the new dollars himself, and that he made a great profit in giving two for one, and that if they would furnish him with any sum of old dollars, he would give the receipts therefor, and in three weeks return to every one double the sum they had given him.—His conduct so infatuated the people of Schoharie, that some of them mortgaged their lands to borrow money, others sold off their horses and oxen, and, it is said, a merchant advanced him eighty pounds; others fifty, twenty, ten, five, &c. to the amount of about 500l. He then hired a sleigh and gave the man a dollar for every six miles to drive him to the Hudson, wherewith to purchase some things of the apothecaries, in order to make his dollars—Here the story ends, and the citizens of Schoharie are left to repent, when too late, their unparallelled credulity."
By the last accounts from Europe, on the continent, the French emigrants in Germany, at the head of whom are the self-exiled princes of the blood royal of France, had been very much checked in their attempts to raise recruits and form themselves into an army for the purpose of attacking their country. The emperor's minister plenipotentiary at Brussels, in answer to several memorials of the emigrants, has informed them, through their deputies, 1st. That the government cannot permit them to raise recruits in any part of the emperor's dominions in the Low Countries. 2d. Liberty is allowed to all Frenchmen, with passports, to travel singly through the Imperial dominions, but not in armed bodies, even to the amount of fifteen men. 3d. French officers may pass into the province of Luxembourg, to transact any private business there, but not to act under the authority of any commission whatever. 4th. French soldiers passing and re-passing thro' the Imperial dominions in the Low Countries, without passports, to be considered as deserters, and given up to France in virtue of the cartel settled between the two powers of France and the emperor. 5th. French gentlemen and officers not to meet in collective bodies—Such meetings being entirely inconsistent with the laws of hospitality which government is determined to preserve. From this 5th article it would seem, that the purposes of these collective bodies, were to wreak their vengeance upon such adherents to the National Assembly, as they should find in the emperor's dominions.
The above restrictions, it may be worth while to observe, are nearly as degrading and humiliating as those laid on the negroes in the West-Indies; and indeed one would be led to think that the person who drew it up, had the Jamaica negro laws before him as a precedent. No stronger proof could be desired, than these restrictions, of the sincerity of the emperor's professions in favor of the new government of France.
From a Correspondent.
Since the 3d day of March, 1789, between 6 and 700,000 children have been born in the United States—How prolific is the general government?
During the first year of the government, the price of produce was 100 per cent. higher than at any time before—A happy proof of the beneficial system of Congress.
Of late the same articles have fallen 50 per cent. lower than before the government was established—What a rapid degeneracy has taken place in the Congressional systems!
PARTIES.
IN every political society, parties are unavoidable. A difference of interests, real or supposed, is the most natural and fruitful source of them. The great object should be to combat the evil: 1. By establishing a political equality among all. 2. By withholding unnecessary opportunities from a few, to increase the inequality of property, by an immoderate, and especially an unmerited, accumulation of riches. 3. By the silent operation of laws, which, without violating the rights of property, reduce extreme wealth towards a state of mediocrity, and raise extreme indigence towards a state of comfort. 4. By abstaining from measures which operate differently on different interests, and particularly such as favor one interest at the expence of another. 5. By making one party a check on the other, so far as the existence of parties cannot be prevented, nor their views accommodated.—If this is not the language of reason, it is that of republicanism.
In all political societies, different interests and parties arise out of the nature of things, and the great art of politicians lies in making them checks and balances to each other. Let us then increase these natural distinctions by favoring an inequality of property; and let us add to them artificial distinctions, by establishing kings, and nobles, and plebeians. We shall then have the more checks to oppose to each other: we shall then have the more scales and the more weights to perfect and maintain the equilibrium. This is as little the voice of reason, as it is that of republicanism.
From the expediency, in politics, of making natural parties, mutual checks on each other, to infer the propriety of creating artificial par-
ties, in order to form them into mutual checks, is not less absurd than it would be in ethics, to say, that new vices ought to be promoted, where they would counteract each other, because this use may be made of existing vices.
Late Advices from Europe, to the 15th November.
The ravages of the plague have been terrible during the last summer and early part of the fall at Constantinople and other parts of Turkey. In Egypt, particularly, the effects of it have been severely felt, the number of persons destroyed by it being estimated at two hundred thousand, among which are twenty thousand of the soldiers, and twelve Bays.
Some rebels to the Turkish government in Egypt have made themselves masters of Al-caire, (commonly called Grand Cairo) the capital of that province. No resistance has been made on the part of the people, and by the most authentic accounts, the government of the whole country is already in the hands of the rebellious party.
Letters from Aleppo, in Syria, mention the arrival there of two thousand Turkish troops to quell some insurrections that had taken place: the inhabitants revolted against them, and after an engagement of three days, obliged the Turkish troops to quit the city.
A peace has been concluded between the emperor of Morocco and the court of Spain—a treaty of pacification has also taken place between the dey of Algiers and the same court, in consequence of which the latter is invested with certain privileges, for which the Spanish commercial company trading to the coast of Barbary are to pay once every two months two thousand sequins of Algiers. The dey has declared war against the king of Sweden, and the ambassador of the latter power has failed for Leghorn, being only allowed five days for his departure.
It is now confirmed by a variety of letters both from Paris and Berlin, that Mr. Dumoutier, French envoy at the court of Prussia, is intended to succeed Mr. de Montmorin, as minister for foreign affairs.
The following is an official paper from the Imperial court.
"The government-general being informed that M. M. the French officers, continue to take refuge in great numbers in the Low Countries, that they assemble in the cities and towns of the frontiers, that they form new corporations distinguished by new uniforms, and that they perform military exercises and evolutions, which, though they are not armed, cannot fail to produce a sensation too strong for that state of ferment, in which the disturbances of the provinces have left many minds; the minister plenipotentiary thinks himself bound to inform M. M. the French refugees, thro' M. le duc d'Uzes, to whom he has the honor to address the present note to this effect;
"That it cannot be permitted that M. M. the French officers should assemble in the town of Antwerp, or that they should form a body of too great a number in the same spot, particularly on the frontiers;
"That it cannot be permitted that they should perform in a body, even without arms, military evolutions; and still less that they should retain, on any part of the territory of his majesty, soldiers, deserters from the French troops; and that instruction shall be given to the officers commanding the troops of the emperor, to watch over these objects, as well as every part of the conduct of M. M. the French officers, which may extend beyond the hospitality which they have demanded. They may be well persuaded that there is no intention entertained to deprive them of the asylum which has been granted them."
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MR FRENEAU,
Sir, When this country was a part of the British Empire, the British parliament was admitted to have the power to regulate trade. Partly by virtue of this power, partly by an abuse of it, imposts and restrictions were so laid as to favour or discourage this or that article of industry or produce, in this or that place, according to the particular views of her policy or interest. It being impossible in many cases to separate from the regular operation of this power on commerce, an incidental and indirect operation on internal objects, her unfair regulations, though sometimes murmured at, were not opposed, nor very rigidly scrutinized. Taking courage from this liberal acquiescence, she at length set up a claim to legislate, directly on all internal objects according to her discretion. Then it was that the quick sightedness and spirit of Americans showed themselves. They soon made the world sensible that usurped power could neither cheat them by sophistry, nor awe them by force, giving a noble lesson to their posterity, ever to watch against governmental encroachments, and to stifle them in their birth. Every citizen ought to be proud of this distinguished trait in our national character.
FRANKLINIENSIS,
Mr. Freneau, Please to insert the following. A kind of an Epigram.
IN six short days the world was made, And time defin'd by light and shade; The Trio Council of the Ikes, The work completed—thus devise—"That on the seventh rest obtain, Let none the holy tide profane!"—Columbia, fir'd by great example, Resolv'd of this to give a sample, Her councils three, in whom's combin'd Pow'r immense and sense refin'd, In solemn majesty decreed, (As many hands make greater speed) Five days with them were full enough To work up all their heav'nly stuff, And on the sixth, from motives pure, The mighty Congress rest endure!
A. B.
FRANCE.
Paris, October 28. The complete freedom of religious worship is one of the greatest blessings secured to this nation by its constitution. Government therefore is under an absolute necessity of rigorously punishing any attempt that looks like a revival of persecution. Something of this kind has happened between some zealous females and the devotees of an Irish church, who were extremely ill treated by the former, being beaten and abused in a scandalous manner.—This was a direct infringement of the decree which enjoins the municipality of Paris, "to take every measure to prevent any attack upon religious liberty, and to support every individual in his natural right of worshipping God in his own manner, provided he does not in the exercise thereof, disturb the public tranquility." This decree, so pointedly in favor of religious toleration, has been succeeded by an act of the municipality still more remarkable. On the 14th of October, this body attended divine service at a protestant reformed church, in the street of St. Thomas du Louvre, where a sermon was preached on the completion of the constitution, and its acceptance by the king. Our magistrates, at the head of whom was the mayor of Paris, wished to testify by their example on this occasion, to the great truth, that in all the varieties of worship, it is still the same God that men adore. Mr. Marron, pastor of this church, preached an excellent sermon upon this occasion from the Gospel of St. John, Chap. 8, verse 32—Such a sight as this was truly affecting, as well as sublime—especially as there were present a considerable number of the descendants of those unfortunate persons, whom the fanatical despotism of Louis the 14th. had compelled to fly their native land.
The general council of the commons, to testify their sentiments of esteem and regard for M. de la Fayette, on account of the services he has rendered to his country, have issued the following decree.—1. A gold medal shall be struck in honor of M. de la Fayette; the emblems and inscriptions upon which to be furnished by the academy of Belles Lettres. 2. The statue of WASHINGTON, in marble, shall be presented to M. de la Fayette, to be placed in such a situation as he shall direct, to the end that he may at all times have his friend in view, whose conduct and patriotic character he has so worthily imitated. The decree containing these dispositions to be placed under the bust of M. de la Fayette, presented to the municipality of Paris twelve years ago, by the United States of America.
It would be useless to repeat what has been so often mentioned, the regret of the public for the loss of an officer to whom this country is so much indebted. It may however be proper to observe how well the modesty of his conduct has given the lie to his jealous enemies, who have not been ashamed to characterize him as a man of inordinate ambition, a new mayor of the Palace, whose principle it was, never to part with power, that had once been confided to him. These slanderous reports are wholly obviated by the fact itself, M. de la Fayette having quitted Paris the instant he resigned his offices and retired to his lands, situated in the province of Auvergne, imitating thereby the conduct of the immortal Washington, after he had secured the liberties of America.
The cardinal de Lomenie de Brienne, lately one of the Pope's conclave, has resigned his cardinalship and all the dignities appended to that office, to his holiness the Pope; and adhered to the reformed French clergy. The pope in a long speech before his consistory, has recommended punishing him with severity, if he continues obstinate. His holiness much regrets the loss of Avignon and the whole Comtat de Venaissin, which are now re-annexed to the kingdom of France; he has but two staunch friends left, and these are Naples and Tuscany, whose strict attachment to the holy see is chiefly owing to the engaging and amiable manners and prudent conduct of Pius the sixth.
PRICE OF STOCK.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Includes entries for Six per cents, Three per cents, Deferred six per cents, Final settlements, Interest due previous to 1788, Indents, Bank Stock 1 2 Shares 112, to 113 per cent. advance.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H., Bar., Ther., Wind, Weath. Includes entries for Monday through Sunday, January, 1792.
WANTED immediately, a JOURNEYMAN BOOK-BINDER, to go to Lancaster. Enquire of Francis Bailey, printer, No. 116, High-Street.

ON COUNTRY TAVERNS.
A COUNTRY Tavern is generally a place of rendezvous for all the choice spirits of a neighborhood. Here petty law suits are decided at least once a fortnight, and he must be an indifferent justice of peace, who presides at such trials (as they are called) who will not drink both with plaintiff and defendant, after the suit is decided: with the first to congratulate him on his success; with the latter to console him for being cast, and having costs to pay.
Happy would it be for every community if ardent spirits could be banished from amongst them. The consequences of too free a use of these are too well known to be recapitulated. It is observable, at those country taverns where liquors of that description are kept, the traveller is frequently induced to delay his journey, the neighboring ploughman to mispend his time, and the once industrious tradesman to neglect and beggar his family.
I shall conclude these observations with some lines written last winter at a country tavern, where from the introduction of a single jug of rum, conviviality and good humour were changed into madness and brutality, and numbers of the guests, who came, perhaps, only to pass a social hour, went away maimed, muttering, and lastingly embittered against each other.
THE JUG OF RUM.
WITHIN these earthen walls confin'd The ruin lurks of human kind: More mischiefs here united, dwell, And more diseases haunt this cell Than ever plagu'd the Egyptian flocks, Or ever curs'd Pandora's box.
Within these prison-walls repose The seeds of many a bloody nose, The chattering tongue, the horrid oath, The fist for fighting nothing loth, The nose with diamonds glowing red, The bloated eye, the broken head!
Forever fasten'd be this door— Confin'd within, a thousand more Destructive fiends of hateful shape Even now are planning an escape.
Here, only by a cork controull'd, And slender walls of earthen mould, In all their pomp of death reside REVENGE, that ne'er was satisfied, The TRAX that bears the deadly fruit Of maiming, murder, and dispute, ASSAULT, that innocence assails, The IMAGES of gloomy jails, The giddy thought, on mischief bent, The evening hour in folly spent,— All these within this jug appear, And—Jack, the hangman, in the rear!
Thrice happy he, who early taught By Nature—ne'er this poison sought; He, with the purring stream content The beverage quaffs that Nature meant; In Reason's scale his actions weigh'd His spirits want no foreign aid— Long life is his, in vigour pass'd, Existence welcome to the last— A spring that never yet grew stale; Such virtue lies in ADAM'S ALE.
Philadelphia, Jan. 27.
From the American Daily Advertiser.
HAVING, with deep concern, viewed the late disastrous events of the western war, I have been led seriously to investigate, by every means in my power, the causes leading to these misfortunes, by which many truly valuable lives have been lost; a very considerable expense fruitlessly incurred, and a deep and lasting wound given to the honour of the arms of the United States.
In this point of view, it is worth enquiry, whether, all circumstances considered, the modes pursued in the two late unfortunate campaigns, were the best adapted to chastise the savages, and protect the frontiers; and that, with the greatest certainty of success, and the least expence of blood and treasure.
If in this enquiry, it appears, they were not; then it may reasonably be presumed, the former modes will be no longer pursued but some other, more promising, adopted in their room.
Laying aside all enquiry, with respect to the reasons on which the war is founded, and taking it for granted, that it is founded in justice, which, by the bye, is very problematical; and that the peace, safety and security of innocent people, and not territory, nor any end, still less justifiable, is the object,
Let me here just propose a few queries; the obvious answers to which, will I think, place this business in a very clear point of view, both with respect to the measures already pursued, and those proper to be pursued in future.
What may be the necessary numbers of which an army should consist, to put the establishment of a post at the Miami Village, on a footing of moral certainty—say four thousand.
Will it not then be in the power of the savages to watch our motions, and make very probable calculations of our progress, and arrival at any given point?
Will it not, also, be in their power to discover our force, and make their arrangements accordingly?
Will it not, also, be in their power to retain any number of their people, and allies, for many weeks, in woods abounding with deer, as that country is, detached in small parties, at a proper distance from our line of march to prevent discovery, and yet so near, that at any time in a short period, they may all be collected to one point?
If these things are so, and their determination should be that we cannot be attacked with a strong probability of success—Will our army in that case find any thing more than empty huts, and cornfields? Will the destruction of those be an object worthy of such an apparatus, attended with such a profusion of expence; especially, when it is a well known fact, that, when savages have not bread, they can subsist pretty well on the flesh of
bears, deer, and buffaloes—So that even, in this event their sufferings would be trivial and temporary; the very next season re-supplying all their wants.
But if on the other hand, they should apprehend themselves superior to our people, either by their numbers, or by discovering a want of discipline in our troops; an advantageous situation for an attack, a want of vigilance in our guards, or any other unfavorable circumstance attending us; (and in these things we seldom find them mistaken) the horrors of the last defeat can only paint the probable consequence, of, to us, such an unfortunate moment.
But suppose for a moment, that from the power, vigilance and order of our army, they should decline an attack;
Are we to suppose them conquered—by no means; they would no doubt meditate a blow on our efforts of provisions: they would probably reflect, that those spaces of thirty miles between each of our posts, would give them an ample opportunity for such a blow; and that, with great probability of success; unless an army, nearly as powerful as the one by which the posts were first established were to be always employed in conveying the provisions from fort to fort, through that extensive tract of wilderness from Fort Wainsington on the Ohio, to the fort to be erected at the Miami village: the success of such an enterprise, in consequence of which, most probably, all the outward posts would fall, is horrible even in idea.
At the best, and supposing all the success which can be derived from a powerful army in the heart of a wilderness; the whole inducement to this mode of warfare, must arise, either from an expectation that the savages, not able to meet us in the field in our collective capacity, will immediately sue for peace; or that the British emissaries and traders will be kept from among them; but I cannot, I confess, see either of these suppositions as very probable. We find those tribes possessed of ferocious courage—when they are attacked in the very heart of their country—when all is at stake, and when so recently, they have been beyond measure, and probably, beyond expectation repeatedly successful, can we be so weak as to flatter ourselves that a single exertion of ours will reduce their proud spirits to submission. If we wish to know how they will probably act under such circumstances, let us for a moment reflect on our own conduct, even, in much more disastrous situations. Did we dream of submission when Britain in a manner annihilated our trade, depopulated our country, possessed our cities—No, no such idea. Though these are savages, yet they have a high sense of independence, and but little moveable property to lose. Their hunting grounds, in other words, their country is their all; and for this we may reasonably suppose they will struggle to the last extremity; nor can they, with propriety, be blamed for so doing, especially by us so lately engaged in a struggle somewhat of the same nature.
Nor can I see, so long as they continue hostile, how three or four garrisons, in woods, every way accessible, thirty miles distant from each other; and from which our people will venture but very small distances, and most probably with much caution, can ever restrain or prevent traders from the British frequenting their towns, and furnishing them with every supply in their power, without almost any chance of being in any degree interrupted by us, considering, especially, that habits of intimacy may be supposed already to exist between the British and those Indians.
As this mode of warfare has proved sufficiently disastrous, and promises little in future but extravagant expence, and very possible, if not probable disappointment, let us a little consider, whether some other mode may not be devised, less liable to uncertainty, less expensive, and at the same time much more likely to humble those proud savages; and convince them of the necessity of cultivating peace with the United States.
To that purpose let our fortifications be at present confined to the banks of navigable waters; where supplies can be taken at all times with safety, at a small expence. Let those forts be made places of real strength, where stores of all kinds, but especially provisions, may be securely deposited; sufficient to supply any body of men which may be necessary at any time to lend into the Indian country.
Prosecute a defultory war against them; let our men go mounted on good horses; and carry their own provisions. Their march in this way, will be so rapid, that their approach to the Indian towns, or other objects of attack, will probably be the first notice of the expedition. On this plan it will be utterly impossible for the Indians to continue prepared for defence for a sufficient length of time. The uncertainty of the place where, and the time when the attack will be made, together with the rapidity of our movements, whereby their women and children will be exposed as well as their warriors, will all conspire to strike them with terror; and induce them to sue for peace, with a people from whom they will find they can no longer escape.
On this plan, few national troops will be necessary; this some people only alledge will be no recommendation of the measure, but I hope better of our government. Let the mounted troops be formed from our expert woodsmen, and let them be well paid. In this way I am convinced that less than a sixth part of the number requisite to the former plan, will be fully equal to the business, as the Indians not knowing of their approach, they cannot possibly be prepared for their reception; of course it will be attended with little danger and almost a moral certainty of success; and may be so repeatedly renewed that the enemy in a short time may be reduced to the greatest imaginable distress.
The expence of such an arrangement will be merely trifling in comparison. It is no way probable that many lives will be lost; especially when we consider how such expeditions have succeeded heretofore, and how few have fallen in them. Witness Carolina against the Cherokees on several occasions; and the more recent instances of those expeditions under generals Scott and Wilkinson. When these, both as to effect and safety, as well as the very small expence attending them, are compared with the disastrous campaigns of generals Harmar and St. Clair, and that under general Sullivan in 1779, two of these proving de-
plorable defeats, the other a victory truly laughable, at an immense expence, with five or six thousand men, in a whole summer season, a dozen or fifteen Indians, chiefly old men and squaws, were killed.
Surely there can remain very little ground to doubt which plan is the most eligible. Especially when it is considered, that a defultory war will so effectually keep the Indians in fear at home, as that they will not venture to come on our frontiers.—Whereas at the end of a regular campaign, they very well know, that the danger is over for the season, and that they may with security at home, prosecute their depredations on our frontiers.
Notwithstanding, on this plan of war, women and children may be exposed; yet I would be far from recommending brutal cruelty; our system ought to be tempered with justice, and mercy; and at the same time that we attack them in the way in which they are most vulnerable, we ought to see that our cause is just—and even on supposing it just, our severity should extend no further than bare necessity; we should convince them, that their cruelty and not our insatiable thirst for dominion or territory is the occasion of the war—that we wish to live in peace with them and to pay them honestly for what we desire of theirs, and supply them on reasonable terms with the goods which they stand in need of, and receive from us.
To throw light on a subject, on which the public mind is at present much engaged, is my sole intention. If the hints here thrown out with a plainness and candour, becoming a citizen of the United States, have any influence in leading to public measures, which may prove less expensive of blood and treasure, more safe for the frontiers, and more honorable for the United States, my design will be fully answered.
To the EDITOR of the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Sir, THERE has lately been an attack made in the newspapers, by a person who signs himself A Catholic, upon a member of our state legislature, for saying that "lotteries were like the Pope's indulgencies, forgiving and permitting sins, to raise money." I conceive there is a good deal of reason in what the member asserted (for whose talents and learning I have in many respects an esteem) and am astonished at the timid and indecisive manner in which he has answered his assailant. A book was published somewhat less than two hundred years ago, by the authority of the then Pope, with a long list of indulgencies, and the prices affixed to them. An account of this book may be seen in Guthrie's geographical grammar, and various other authors. Among other absolutions were the following:
 For him who lies with a woman in the church, 9 0  For a layman for murdering a layman, 7 6  For him that killeth his father, mother, wife, or sister, 10 6  For laying violent hands on a clergyman, so it be without effusion of blood, 10 6  For him that lieth with his own mother, sister, or Godmother, 7 6 
This price current, as it has been wittily called, has been often altered. If any one will apply to Cardinal Bellarmine, and the other catholic writers, he will find that they all defend the right of the Pope to grant indulgencies. In the time of Luther, the Pope being in great want of money, conceived the expedient of raising it by the sale of indulgencies, which roused the valiant spirit of Luther to oppose the proceeding with admirable talents and learning. It is known to every one the least conversant in history, that this was the opening of that glorious reformation which afterwards abolished the world. There are people now living in America who have purchased indulgencies for their sins of the Pope. If the catholic will turn to his bible, he will find that St. Paul prophetically speaks of "the man of sin, the son of perdition, who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God or worshipped, so that he as God sitteth in the temple of God, shewing himself that he is God." If this be not meant for the character of the Pope, blasphemously, as God, forgiving the most horrible sins, I should be glad the catholic, who pretends to be a man of some learning, would tell us whom it describes. Du Moulin, in a work entitled, "New Brick for the building of Babel," tells us that Cayer, a popish writer, maintained, Que le Pape doit estre adore, "that the Pope should be adored." Some have called him "my Lord God the Pope." In another letter I may, perhaps, make some observations upon other assertions of the writer, who signs himself a Catholic. In the mean time I will observe, that I have a great respect for the good intentions of many Roman Catholics in this as in every part of the world. St. Paul says that some who followed the man of sin, were to follow him with the deceivableness of unrighteousness, that is, as I conceive, they were to suppose themselves doing what is right, when they were doing wrong.
VERUS.
I should be happy if a temperate investigation of the doctrines of popery were entered into through the newspapers. I know the good manners, and the learning of some of the Roman Catholic clergy. The pretended Protestant price current in your paper of the 19th inst. is so obviously forged, that it is not worth the while to say a word about it.
Late Donations to Mr. Peale's American Museum are as follows:
THE Antelope, or Coïne of monsieur Buffon, an inhabitant of Senegal—Presented by Mr. Darby, of Salem, Massachusetts.
A large crab, caught on the coast of Spain, weighing nine pounds—Presented by Capt. Decatur.
A tube of vitrified sand, made by a stream of lightning, found in a field belonging to Matthew Weldon, Esq. of Cape-May. About the last of July, 1791, in a thunder-storm, a stream of lightning was seen by Mr. Weldon to strike the ground, where neither tree, fence, or any thing higher than some very small shrubs and grass grew. Immediately after the flash, a smoke and
fire were discovered at the place, which made him conclude that some old tree on the ground was on fire. Several persons of the family went immediately to the spot, and found the grass for some yards around entirely consumed, in the centre of which was a hole of vitrified sand; at the entrance it was about one inch diameter, but considerably lessened under ground, & digging a small distance down, they found that the tube branched out into many branches, that were diminished in their size the deeper they pursued them, which was something more than three feet beneath the surface of the earth,—how much deeper they might have gone was not tried. In the passage of the electric fluid, such stones as were in its way were melted and cemented to the tubes.—Presented by M. Decatur.
The Violet Crab, from the West-Indies—Presented by Mr. Abraham Witmar.
Four pieces of that remarkable and stupendous work of nature, commonly called the Giants Causeway, in the county of Antrim, in Ireland—Presented by Capt. Henry Geddis.
The Monach, or Marmote, commonly called the Ground Hog—Presented by Mr. Johnson, New-Jersey.
A pair of white doves (alive) from the West-Indies—Presented by Mr. Marie.
A pair of Mogul snippers—(elegant)—Presented by Capt. O'Donnell, Baltimore.
The Noddy, a bird remarkable for falling into a deep sleep the minute it alights on a vessel, common in the West-Indies—Presented by Mr. Samuel Purveyance, Baltimore.
A beautiful Fawn (American)—Presented by Mr. Samuel Wilson, Somerset county, Maryland.
A remarkable large turnip, weighing eighty pounds, which grew in North-Carolina last season—Presented by Miss Oswald.
A pair of Elk horns. They measure in length four feet, and the width between the horns, at the extremity of the ends, is two feet 10 1-2 inches, weighing twenty-five pounds—Presented by Mr. Derick Peterson.
A Madagascar batt, measuring across the wings, extended, three feet four inches—Presented by Capt. Daniel Howland, Baltimore.
The Balance Fish, or Hammer-Head-Shark—"This is one of the most extraordinary fish in the world."—Its head is different in form from all other fish, being placed transversely to the line of the body, with large eyes placed at the two extremities of the head—Presented by Mr. Francis Gillett, mariner.
Seeds of the Mahogany tree, inclosed in its shells—Presented by Michael Hillegas, Esq.
Part of the fortification erected on Brandon-hill, by Oliver Cromwell, when he besieged the city of Bristol: and some coal of the church, built within the fort, by the Hollanders, in the first settlement of New-York, which was burnt in the negro plot—Presented by Ebenezer Hazard, Esq.
A petrified oyster, with both shells separated, which plainly shows the oyster, and the heart that was connected to each shell—Presented by Mr. Sibbald.
The Accomway Basket and Pagal, used by the natives of South-America.
And the Caribbean cudgels, which they use in close action—Presented by Mr. N. Rousselot.
The head and beak of the Iword-fish—Presented by Mrs. Egger.
A few Copies of the following REPORTS and ACTS may be had at the Office, No. 239, Market-Street.
REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, relative to a provision for the support of public credit.
Plan for the general arrangement of the Militia of the United States, by the Secretary at War.
Report of the Secretary of State for establishing a uniformity in the weights, measures, and coins of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on establishing funds for paying interest on the debts assumed by the United States.
Attorney General's Report on the Judiciary System of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale fisheries.
Abstract of the Exports of the United States for one year.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on a National Bank.
Secretary of State's Report on Western Lands.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on Manufactures.
An Act to incorporate the Subscribers to the Bank of the United States, with the Supplement.
An Act to provide more effectually for the Collection of the Duties on Goods, Wares, & Merchandise imported into the United States, and on the Tonnage of Ships or Vessels.
The Act commonly called the Excise Law. The JOURNAL of the House of Representatives for the three first sessions, with Indexes complete, may be had separate, or half bound in one vol.
The LAWS of the first three sessions of Congress (published by authority) in folio, half and whole bound, with a complete Index.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, F, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.