National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-12-22 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1791.
NUMB. 16.
AUTHENTIC.
(Never before printed.)
COPIES OF THE LAWS
Passed in the TERRITORY of the UNITED STATES, North-west of the River Ohio, By the Governor and Justices thereof, Agreeably to the Ordinance of Congress of July 13, 1787, and made out from the Original Re- cords in the Office of the Secretary for the said Territory.
II.
A LAW for establishing General Courts of QUAR- TER SESSIONS of the PEACE (and therein of the Powers of single Justices) and for establishing County Courts of COMMON PLEAS; (and therein of the power of single Judges to hear and determine upon small debts and contracts;) and also a Law for establishing the Office of SHERIFF, and for the appointment of SHERIFFS.
PASSED AUGUST 23d, 1788.
[Continued from our last.]
County Courts of Common Pleas.
A NUMBER of suitable persons not exceeding five nor less than three shall be appointed in each county, and com- missioned by the Governor under the seal of the Territory to hold and keep a Court of Record, to be styled the coun- ty court of common pleas; which courts shall be held at two fixed periods in every year, and in each county respect- ively, at the places where the general courts of quarter sessions of the peace shall be kept.
That for the county of Washington shall be held upon the third Tuesdays of March, and first Tuesdays of Septem- ber.
The judges so appointed and Com- missioned, or a majority of them shall hold pleas of assizes, scire facias, repli- vins, and hear and determine all manner of pleas, actions, suits and causes of a civil nature, real, personal and mixed according to the constitution and laws of the territory.
The said court shall, and are hereby empowered to grant under their seal and signed by the clerk, replevins, writs of partition, writs of view, and all other writs and process upon pleas and actions cognizable therein as the case may re- quire.
The court shall and may issue subpoe- nas under their seal, and signed by their clerk for the same purposes, in the man- ner and under similar penalties, as the courts of general quarter sessions of the peace are empowered to issue the same. And for the more speedy recovery of small debts and demands contracted within the Territory, it shall and may be lawful for one or more of the Judges of the court of common pleas in their respective counties to hear and deter- mine all debts and demands contracted as aforesaid whether upon bond, bill, note, book account or assumpsit in fact or law, wherein the sum demanded shall not exceed five dollars. And such Judge or Judges shall issue execution under his or their hands and seals di- rected to the Sheriff or other proper of- ficer for executing the judgment so given, returnable in thirty days from the test thereof.
SHERIFFS.
There shall be appointed and commi- ssioned by the Governor in each county of the Territory a sheriff who shall take the oaths of allegiance to the United States, and of office, and shall give bond with two sufficient sureties in the penal sum of four thousand dollars for the faithful discharge of the duties of his office.
The duties of each Sheriff shall be, to keep the peace, by causing all offenders against law, in his view, to enter into recognizances, with sureties for keep- ing the peace and appearing at the next general quarter sessions in the same county, and to commit in case of refu- sal; and which recognizances shall by
the said Sheriff be returned and certified before the said quarter sessions. It shall also be his duty to quell and suppress all affrays, routs, riots and insurrec- tions; and for which end, he shall and is hereby empowered to call to his aid, the power of the county. He shall pur- sue apprehend and commit to gaol all Felonies and Traitors; he shall execute all warrants, writs and other process which by law shall appertain to the du- ties of his office, and which shall be di- rected to him by legal authority.
He shall duly attend upon all courts of record at their respective terms or ses- sions in his county.
III.
A Law establishing a Court of Probate, pas- sed August 30, 1788.
There shall be appointed one Judge of probate in each county whose duty it shall be to take the proof of last wills and testaments; and to grant let- ters testamentary and letters of admin- istration, and to do and perform every matter and thing that doth or by law may appertain to the probate office, ex- cepting the rendering definitive sentence and final decrees.
The Judge shall hold four sessions in each and every year, and may adjourn from time to time, or appoint a special ses- sions, and at such place in the county as he may deem expedient, whenever the cir- cumstances of the people may require it. The sessions for the county of Washing- ton shall be held at the city of Mari- etta upon the first Monday of January, April, August and October annually. In all cases wherein it shall be necessary to render a definitive sentence, or to render a final decree, and upon a point contest- ed, the Judge shall call to his assistance, two of the Justices of the court of com- mon pleas of the same county; who, to- gether with the Judge shall constitute the court of probate; a majority of whom shall have power to render final senten- ces and decrees in all matters cogniza- ble before said court, provided however that from every definitive sentence and from every final decree, rendered by the court there may be an appeal to the gen- eral court of the territory, the appellant giving bond with two sufficient sureties to prosecute his appeal with effect, which appeal shall be entered upon the second day of term of the court appealed to and next held for the county in which the appeal was taken.
The Judge previously to his entering upon the duties of his office shall be sworn before the Governor to a true and faithful discharge thereof.
The Judge shall record last wills and testaments, and make entries of the grant- ing of letters testamentary, and letters of administration, he shall receive, put on file, and carefully preserve all bonds, inventories, accounts and documents necessary to be perpetuated in his office.
All bonds that by this law are, or by law shall be directed to be given in the court of probate, or probate office, shall be made to the Judge, and shall be in trust to and for the use of all persons concerned or having interest therein: and the benefit thereof shall be extend- ed from time to time, to and for the relief of the injured.
The Judge shall deliver a certified copy of any bond taken by him as afore- said to any person interested, and re- questing the same, and he shall also pro- duce the original bond in court upon any trial that shall be had for the breach of, the conditions thereof whenever re- quired by such court and upon refusal or delay herein the Judge shall forfeit and pay to the injured treble damages.
And there shall be appointed a clerk of said court of probate who shall be sworn to a faithful discharge of the du- ties of his office, before he enters into the execution thereof; and the clerk shall record all sentences and decrees of
the court of probate, and make entries and records of all matters proper to be entered and recorded in his office.
[To be continued.]
[Translations from French Papers.]
NAPLES, August, 26.
The French Ambassador at this court is upon the point of his departure. A few days ago he received a circular let- ter from Mr. Montmorin, tending to jus- tify to the court of Naples the conduct of the National Assembly toward the King of France. This letter was com- municated to M. Acton, who expressed his pointed disapprobation of its con- tents, and wished M. Montmorin to be informed that "the whole French Na- tion was held in execration in the two Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily both on account of their behaviour toward a sovereign of the family of the Bourbons, and their unremitting endeavours, by means of emissaries and infamous wri- tings, to promote revolt and sedition in other Kingdoms and states."—M. Ac- ton added, that the French Consul's Se- cretary at Palermo had been convicted of making treasonable propositions to the citizens of that place; and that in consequence thereof, he had given or- ders to imprison and punish him in a manner the most exemplary.
Brussels, Sept. 20. The French Emi- grants here were struck with astonish- ment when they heard the news of the King's acceptance of the constitution. The letters, however, of Monsieur, and M. d'Artois to the King of France their brother, have a little revived their drooping spirits. These letters are en- dorsed by Leopold 2d. the King of Prussia and the princes of the family of Conde. We now again hear of nothing but vengeance, massacres and counter revolutions.—If the King acts the part he ought to do, he will no doubt write to them to renounce their odious pro- jects and to quit a strange country, where want of business, debts and despair assail them on every side.
A project is set on foot in Brabant, which will doubtless meet with many opponents; to annihilate that hereditary representation, which has for a long time saddled us with lots and fanatics for governors; and to divide the pro- vince into counties, each of which shall choose its own representatives: The laws to originate with the Prince, which having been agreed to by the states, shall be acknowledged by the sover- eign council of Brabant.
French Colonies in the West-Indies.
The colonies considered in themselves, have a separate interest and government. Their relation to the parent country is the foundation of their relative gov- ernment. Laws respecting their sepa- rate concerns ought to be made by them- selves; those of their national concerns, by the nation. This is the English mode of governing their colonies. Internal- ly, they are governed by colonial assem- blies, externally by the laws of parlia- ment. It appears to us, in France, that the power of the King of England of naming persons to the posts of govern- ment in the West-Indies, and thereby having an upper house at his command, is the most effectual means of retaining the colonies under his power. But the prerogative of the King of France in this respect is not so great as that of the King of England. The interior admin- istration of the government of the colo- nies is wholly given up to themselves, and consequently the officers of their government are appointed from among themselves. Our Legislature by having no actual power over the colonies pos- sesses no longer the means of retaining them. Our legislative supremacy over them is only conditional, that is, as long as we make laws to suit them so long will they obey us—colonial government
is merely artificial. It does not exist in nature, and therefore can only be sup- ported by opinion. Prejudice and op- inion only secures the obedience of the Mulattoes in St. Domingo, and not phy- sical means. If the prejudice of opinion be done away, the colonies are lost to us forever. It is, indeed, an oppressive kind of government, but it has added man- y millions to the population of France. It is even a barbarous mode of govern- ment, but violent or hasty measures to dissolve it would be attended with con- sequences still more barbarous. To re- tain our colonies, we must give them assurance that we will never interfere in their internal Legislation, and re- solve not to do any thing to abate the good understanding that has hitherto subsisted between them and us.
Sketch of a system of colonial government, presented to the national assembly by M. Barnave, Sept. 24.
Article 1. The national assembly shall have the exclusive right of making laws for the colonies, with the sanction of the King, as far as respects their external government. That is to say; the assem- bly shall make laws to regulate the com- mercial connexions of the colonies with the mother country, and to support the same in providing for the security of the trade by having the decisive right of punishing all infringements thereupon; also, to guarantee the execution of the engagements betwixt the merchants and the inhabitants of the colonies; and se- condly, the National Assembly is to enact such laws as may be thought ne- cessary to the defence of the colonies; such as relate to the military; the dec- laration of war, the administration of general government, and the marine.
Article 2. The colonial assemblies shall have the right to petition and remon- strate on all those subjects: but these shall only be considered as simple petiti- ons, and not provisional regulations— excepting only upon extraordinary and temporary occasions relative to the im- portation of provisions, and other sup- plies, when laws enacted by the colonial assemblies and approved by the governor shall be allowed to operate as the dictates of necessity.
Article 3. Such laws as relate to the situation of persons not actually free, and the political condition of Mulattoes and free Negroes, as well as the regula- tions for the execution of those laws, shall be made by the colonial assemblies, and shall be executed provisionally, with the sanction of the governors of the colonies, to be approved by the King, without any previous decree op- erating as an obstacle to the full exer- cise of the right conferred by the present article upon the colonial assemblies.
Article 4. In regard to the formalities of the execution of such laws as relate to the internal government of the colonies, and which have no relation to the con- dition of the persons designated in the preceding article, they shall be deter- mined by the supreme legislature, as well as other matters relative to the organi- sation of the colonies, so soon as the co- lonial assemblies shall be properly au- thorized to explain upon their particu- lar constitution.
Copy of a letter from Rome, Sept. 24.
The holy father has of late been very ill. Bleeding, purging, and abstinence from the duties of his high office have at length, however, set him upon his legs again. His physicians attribute his complaint to the vexations he has re- cently experienced on account of the in- terests of religion in France. He is, no doubt, chagrined that his menaces cannot be executed, as he expected. Early in September his spiritual thun- derbolts were to have been discharged upon the reformed clergy of France and upon the constitution; the Nation- al Assembly were to be by that time ex- communicated and the whole Kingdom

declared schismatic.—These days of wrath are, however, postponed; and no longer ago than yesterday his holiness declared in full council, that "he meant to pursue a system of moderation, in regard to the affairs of France, as well as patience and christian charity;" and that he "would not proceed to the most rigorous methods of executing his vengeance till all the milder means of persuasion had failed."—This was as much as to say that his anti-revolutional projects respecting France are deferred to a future day. It has been remarked, that the thunders of the Vatican never roar, unless there is a certainty of their being re-echoed and supported by the canons of the secular powers.
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, December 19.
THE several petitions of John Curley, Eliphalet Downer, William Johnston, William M'Coey, Barnabas Murphy, George P. Ranfom, Samuel Wall, James Wilson and Thomas Williams, for compensation for services rendered &c., were read and referred to the Secretary at War; as was also the petition of Thaddeus Williams for relief in consideration of a wound received.
The petition of Richard Lloyd for services as late agent to General Hazen's regiment, was referred to a committee of three; and the petition of Ludwig Kuhn, for the settlement of an account, was referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The House then proceeded to consider the message sent from the Senate on Thursday last, notifying that they insisted to their amendment to the Representation Bill.—The said amendment being read,
A motion was made by Mr. Benfom, that the House recede from their disagreement to the amendment; it passed in the negative.
YEAS.—Fisher Ames, Egbert Benfom, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Abraham Clarke, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas Fitzsimons, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, Andrew Gregg, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, Israel Jacobs, John W. Kittera, Amsa Learned, Samuel Livermore, Nathaniel Niles, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Israel Smith, Jonathan Sturges, Peter Sylvester, George Thatcher, Jeremiah Wadsworth, and Artemas Ward.—Yeas 27.
NAYS.—John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, Robert Barnwell, John Brown, William Findley, Elbridge Gerry, William B. Giles, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, Daniel Huger, Philip Key, John Laurance, Richard Bland Lee, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Andrew Moore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, John Page, Josiah Parker, Cornelius C. Schoonmaker, Joshua Seney, William Smith, John Steele, Samuel Sterrett, Thomas Sumpner, Thomas Tredwell, Thomas Tuder Tucker, Abraham Venable, Anthony Wayne, Alexander White, Hugh Williamson, and Francis Willis.—Nays 33.
A motion was then made, that the House adhere to their disagreement; it was resolved in the affirmative.
YEAS.—John Baptist Ashe, Abraham Baldwin, Robert Barnwell, John Brown, William Findley, Elbridge Gerry, William B. Giles, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, Daniel Huger, Philip Key, John Laurance, Richard Bland Lee, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Andrew Moore, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, John Page, Josiah Parker, Cornelius C. Schoonmaker, Joshua Seney, William Smith, Samuel Sterrett, Thomas Sumpner, Thomas Tredwell, Thomas Tuder Tucker, Abraham Venable, Anthony Wayne, Alexander White, Hugh Williamson, and Francis Willis.—Yeas 32.
NAYS.—Fisher Ames, Egbert Benfom, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Abraham Clarke, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas Fitzsimons, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, Andrew Gregg, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, Israel Jacobs, John W. Kittera, Amsa Learned, Samuel Livermore, Nathaniel Niles, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Israel
Smith, Jonathan Sturges, Peter Sylvester, George Thatcher, Jeremiah Wadsworth and Artemas Ward.—Nays 27.
A message from the Senate informing that they have passed the Appropriation Bill with sundry amendments, to which they desire the concurrence of the House.
TUESDAY, December 20.
A message from the President, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, who laid before the House a copy of a letter from the governor of the state of Pennsylvania, accompanied with sundry documents relative to a contract for the purchase of a tract of land bordering on lake Erie, together with a report of the Secretary of State, which is as follows:
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred, by the President of the United States, a letter from the Governor of Pennsylvania, with the documents therein mentioned, on the subject of certain lands on lake Erie, having had the same under consideration, thereupon reports,
That Congress, by their resolution of June 6, 1788, directed the Geographer-General of the United States, to ascertain the quantity of land belonging to the United States between Pennsylvania and lake Erie, and authorize a sale thereof.
That a sale was accordingly made to the commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
That Congress, by their Resolution of September 4, 1788, relinquished to the said Commonwealth all their right to the government and jurisdiction of the said tract of land; but the right of soil was not transferred by the resolution.
That a survey of the said tract has been since made, and the amount of the purchase money been settled between the Comptrollers of the United States and of the said Commonwealth; and that the Governor of Pennsylvania declares in the said letter to the President of the United States, that he is ready to close the transaction in behalf of the said Commonwealth.
That there is no person at present authorized by law, to convey to the said Commonwealth the right of soil in the said tract of land.
And the Secretary of State is therefore of opinion, that the said letter and documents should be laid before the Legislature of the United States, to make such provision by law, for conveying the said right of soil as they in their wisdom shall think fit.
TH. JEFFERSON.
Dec. 19, 1791.
The above papers and report were referred to a select committee, with instructions to prepare a bill making provision for carrying the said contract into effect.
A message from the Senate, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, informing that they "adhered" to their first amendment to the Representation Bill. [The bill is, of course, lost.]
The House having considered the amendments, proposed by Senate, to the Appropriation Bill, and concurred in them all,
Resolved itself into a committee of the whole (Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair) and proceeded to the further consideration of the Post-Office Bill.
After some debate on the subject of franking letters the committee rose, and reported progress. Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 21.
Sundry petitions were read for compensations, &c. and referred to the Secretary of Treasury and Secretary of War.
Mr. Madison from the committee appointed, reported a bill respecting a contract between the United States and Pennsylvania.
The house went into committee on the post-office bill, and made further progress therein. Adjourned.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
M O N E Y.
[OBSERVATIONS written posterior to the circular ADDRESS of CONGRESS in Sept. 1779, and prior to their Act of March, 1780.]
[Concluded.]
IT has indeed happened, that a progressive depreciation of our currency has accompanied its growing quantity; and to this is probably owing in a great measure the prevalence of the doctrine here opposed. When the fact however is explained, it will be found to coincide
perfectly with what has been said. Every one must have taken notice that, in the emissions of Congress, no precise time has been stipulated for their redemption, nor any specific provision made for that purpose. A general promise entitling the bearer to so many dollars of metal as the paper bills express, has been the only basis of their credit. Every one therefore has been left to his own conjectures as to the time the redemption would be fulfilled; and as every addition made to the quantity in circulation, would naturally be supposed to remove to a proportionally greater distance the redemption of the whole mass, it could not happen otherwise than that every additional emission would be followed by a further depreciation.
In like manner has the effect of a distrust of public credit, the other source of depreciation, been erroneously imputed to the quantity of money. The circumstances under which our early emissions were made, could not but strongly concur, with the futurity of their redemption, to debase their value. The situation of the United States resembled that of an individual engaged in an expensive undertaking, carried on, for want of cash, with bonds and notes secured on an estate to which his title was disputed; and who had besides, a combination of enemies employing every artifice to disparage that security. A train of similar events, during the early stages of the war likewise contributed to increase the distrust of the public ability to fulfil their engagements. Before the depreciation arising from this cause was removed by the success of our arms, and our alliance with France, it had drawn so large a quantity into circulation, that the quantity itself soon after begat a distrust of the public disposition to fulfil their engagements; as well as new doubts, in timid minds, concerning the issue of the contest. From that period, this cause of depreciation has been incessantly operating. It has first conducted to swell the amount of necessary emissions, and from that very amount has derived new force and efficacy to itself. Thus, a farther discredit of our money has necessarily followed the augmentation of its quantity; but every one must perceive, that it has not been the effect of the quantity, considered in itself, but considered as an omen of public bankruptcy.*
Whether the money of a country, then, be gold and silver, or paper currency, it appears that its value is not regulated by its quantity. If it be the former, its value depends on the general proportion of gold and silver, to circulating property throughout all countries having free inter communication. If the latter, it depends on the credit of the state issuing it, and the time at which it is to become equal to gold and silver. Every circumstance which has been found to
* As the depreciation of our money has been ascribed to a wrong cause, so, it may be remarked, have effects been ascribed to the depreciation, which result from other causes. Money is the instrument by which men's wants are supplied, and many who possess it will part with it for that purpose, who would not gratify themselves at the expence of their visible property. Many also may acquire it, who have no visible property. By increasing the quantity of money therefore, you both increase the means of spending, and stimulate the desire to spend; and if the objects desired do not increase in proportion, their price must rise from the influence of the greater demand for them. Should the objects in demand happen, at the same juncture, as in the United States, to become scarcer, their prices must rise in a double proportion.
It is by this influence of an augmentation of money on demand, that we ought to account for the proportional level of money, in all countries, which Mr. Hume attributes to its direct influence on prices. When an augmentation of the national coin takes place, it may be supposed either, 1. not to augment demand at all; or, 2. to augment it so gradually that a proportional increase of industry will supply the objects of it; or, 3. to augment it so rapidly that the domestic market may prove inadequate, whilst the taste for distinction natural to wealth, inspires, at the same time, a preference for foreign luxuries. The first case can seldom happen. Were it to happen, no change in prices, nor any efflux of money, would ensue; unless indeed, it should be employed, or loaned abroad. The superfluous portion would be either hoarded or turned into plate. The second case can occur only where the augmentation of money advances with a very slow and equable pace; and would be attended neither with a rise of prices, nor with a superfluity of money. The third is the only case, in which the plenty of money would occasion it to overflow into other countries. The insufficiency of the home market to satisfy the demand would be supplied from such countries as might afford the articles in demand; and the money would thus be drawn off, till that and the demand excited by it, should fall to a proper level, and a balance be thereby restored between exports and imports.
The principle on which Mr. Hume's theory, and that of Montesquieu's before him, is founded, is manifestly erroneous. He considers the money in every country as the representative of the whole circulating property and industry in the country; and thence concludes, that every variation in its quantity must increase or lessen the portion which represents the same portion of property and labor. The error lies in supposing, that because money serves to measure the value of all things, it represents and is equal in value to all things. The circulating property in every country, according to its market rate, far exceeds the amount of its money. At Athens oxen, at Rome sheep, were once used as a measure of the value of other things. It will hardly be supposed, they were therefore equal in value to all other things.
accelerate the depreciation of our currency naturally resolves itself into these general principles. The spirit of monopoly hath affected it in no other way than by creating an artificial scarcity of commodities wanted for public use, the consequence of which has been an increase of their price, and of the necessary emissions. Now it is this increase of emissions which has been shewn to lengthen the supposed period of their redemption, and to foster suspicions of public credit. Monopolies destroy the natural relation between money and commodities; but it is by raising the value of the latter, not by debasing that of the former. Had our money been gold or silver, the same prevalence of monopoly would have had the same effect on prices and expenditures; but there would not have had the same effect on the value of money.
The depreciation of our money has been charged on misconduct in the purchasing departments; but this misconduct must have operated in the same manner as the spirit of monopoly. By unnecessarily raising the price of articles required for public use, it has swelled the amount of necessary emissions, on which has depended the general opinion concerning the time and the probability of their redemption.
The same remark may be applied to the deficiency of imported commodities. The deficiency of these commodities has raised the price of them; the rise of their price has increased the emissions for purchasing them; and with the increase of emissions, have increased suspicions concerning their redemption.
Those who consider the quantity of money as the criterion of its value, compute the intrinsic depreciation of our currency by dividing the whole mass by the supposed necessary medium of circulation. Thus supposing the medium necessary for the United States to be 30,000,000 dollars, and the circulating emissions to be 200,000,000 the intrinsic difference between paper and specie will be nearly as 7 for 1. If its value depends on the time of its redemption, as hath been above maintained, the real difference will be found to be considerably less. Suppose the period necessary for its redemption to be 18 years, as seems to be understood by Congress; 100 dollars of paper 18 years hence will be equal in value to 100 dollars of specie; for at the end of that term, 100 dollars of specie may be demanded for them. They must consequently at this time be equal to as much specie as, with compound interest, will amount, in that number of years, to 100 dollars. If the interest of money be rated at 5 per cent. this present sum of specie will be about 41 1-2 dollars. Admit, however the use of money to be worth 6 per cent. about 35 dollars will then amount in 18 years to 100. 35 dollars of specie therefore is at this time equal to 100 of paper; that is, the man who would exchange his specie for paper at this discount, and lock it in his desk for 18 years, would get 6 per cent. for his money. The proportion of 100 to 35 is less than 3 to 1. The intrinsic depreciation of our money therefore, according to this rule of computation, is less than 3 to 1; instead of 7 to 1, according to the rule expounded in the circular address, or of 30 or 40 to 1, according to its currency in the market.
I shall conclude with observing, that if the preceding principles and reasoning be just, the plan on which our domestic loans have been obtained, must have operated in a manner directly contrary to what was intended. A loan-office certificate differs in nothing from a common bill of credit, except in its higher denomination, and in the interest allowed on it; and the interest is allowed, merely as a compensation to the lender, for exchanging a number of small bills, which being easily transferable, are most convenient, for a single one so large as not to be transferable in ordinary transactions. As the certificates, however, do circulate in many of the more considerable transactions, it may justly be questioned, even on the supposition that the value of money depended on its quantity, whether the advantage to the public from the exchange, would justify the terms of it. But dismissing this consideration, I ask whether such loans do in any shape, lessen the public debt, and thereby render the discharge of it less suspected or less remote? Do they give any new assurance that a paper dollar will be one day equal to a silver dollar, or do they shorten the distance of that day? Far from it: The certificates constitute a part of the public debt no less than the bills of credit exchanged for them, and have an equal claim to redemption within the general period; nay, are to be paid off long before the expiration of that period, with bills of credit, which will thus return into the general mass, to be redeemed along with it. Were these bills, therefore, not to be taken out of circulation at all, by means of the certificates, not only the expence of offices for exchanging, re-exchanging, and annually paying the interest, would be avoided; but the whole sum of interest would be saved, which must make a formidable addition to the public emissions, protract the period of their redemption, and proportionally increase their depreciation. No expedient could perhaps have been devised more preposterous and unlucky. In order to relieve public credit linking under the weight of an enormous debt, we invent new expences. In order to raise the value of our money, which depends on the time of its redemption, we have recourse to a measure which removes its redemption to a more distant day. Instead of paying off the capital to the public creditors, we give them an enormous interest to change the name of that bit of paper which expresses the sum due to them; and think it a piece of dexterity in finance, by emitting loan-office certificates, to elude the necessity of emitting bills of credit.

PHILADELPHIA,
DECEMBER 22.
The Virginia Gazette, of the 14th inst. mentions a meeting of sundry merchants of that state at Petersburg on the 1st and 3d of Dec. inst. to consider on the expediency of establishing a State Bank. At the second meeting they came to the following resolution, "That it be recommended to the citizens of this commonwealth, in general, and to the mercantile towns in particular, that they meet by their representatives in the city of Richmond on the first day of May next, to consider the propriety of an application to the general assembly for the establishment of a state bank."
On Tuesday last the bank of the United States commenced business in this city, when (it is said) discounts were made to a large amount. The specie deposited in the bank of the United States, by private persons, amounted last week to nearly one-half of the specie capital of the bank.
We hear from Brunswick, (New-Jersey) that on the 15th inst. the valuable mills upon Millstone river, belonging to Archibald Mercer, Esq. deputy governor of the manufacturing company of New-Jersey, took fire and were totally consumed, with property therein to the value of about five thousand pounds in flour, wheat, and other species of grain. The fire is said to have been communicated from an iron fire-stove which was used in severe weather to prevent the ice from clogging the wheels.
Most of the late French papers teem with accounts (extracted from foreign letters and prints) of projects, preparations, armaments, marches and counter marches, tending to induce a belief that a counter-revolution in France will be attempted early in the spring by the united powers of Russia, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland, Sardinia, the Papal territory, Great-Britain, &c. Two considerations, however, among several others, seem to mark these accounts as not worth transferring into American papers. The one is, the final acceptance of the constitution by the King of France; and secondly, the Emperor Leopold II. having directed his forts at Offend to acknowledge the new flag of the French nation, by returning the salutes fired under that flag. Add to this, that the idea of a counter-revolution, at present, is absurd, as a war to restore despotic government in France would be a war without an object, the monarch having voluntarily declared himself a sincere convert to revolutionary principles.
Extract from a New-York paper of the 14th inst.
"The claims of the American loyalists having appeared enormously great to the British parliament, and objected to on that account in the house of Commons, a Mr. Anstey was sent over to America to examine into the claims of such loyalists as were supposed to have exaggerated their losses. When Anstey arrived, the claimants entertained him with dinners and with dances; inflated him with nonsense, and gave him fair words instead of money. The consequence was, that he returned to England with a very favorable report upon their claims, and soon after his arrival the commissioners of claims allowed him three thousand one hundred and fifty pounds sterling for his services!—Of the claims of the loyalists, in general, little need now be said more than that there are gentlemen, who can make it appear evidently clear, that upwards of seven hundred thousand pounds sterling has been claimed from England by the royal refugees, more than the claimants were ever worth, in the state of New-York only."
There is the highest probability that the reports relative to the capture of Fort Jefferson, are unfounded.
It is most probable, that General Scott, with the Kentucky militia, may repair to the said post, and bring off the wounded left there; and as it appears too far advanced to be supported, the garrison may probably be withdrawn.
The public may be assured there are grounds whereon to estimate the enemy who encountered Gen. St. Clair's army, at about three thousand warriors. It is said, that upwards of eleven hundred warriors of the Ottawas and Chippewas, who inhabit the waters of lake Superior, Michigam and Huron, came to the assistance of the Miami Indians. This number, combined with the Miami Indians, the Pottawatimmas, Wyandots, Delawares, and upper Wabash Indians, would fully amount to the number above mentioned.
It is said that the Miami Indians, at the head of whom are the remnants of their towns burnt by General Harmar, in Oct. 1790, sent messages to the most distant nations of Indians, as well to the southward as to the westward, for assistance. Although it does not appear they received any assistance from the southward, as all those powerful tribes, amounting to about fifteen thousand warriors, are at peace, and have treaties with the United States; yet the hostile Indians were but two successful in their negotiations westward.
It is further said, that some of the nation of the Sues would have been in the action, had not their distance prevented. This nation are very numerous, and inhabit the country upon the upper parts of the Mississippi, and mostly to the westward thereof.
It is also said, that neither the famous Mohawk chief, Capt. Joseph Brant, or any of the six nations, joined the Miami Indians. Captain Brant was at Niagara the beginning of November, several hundred miles from the place of action.
[From a correspondent.]
IT has been observed that most of the wheat imported from Virginia this year has been found
infested with the fly. This circumstance has given rise to the following reflections, which you will please to insert in your National Gazette. Two or three years after the commencement of the late war in America, this insect began its ravages on the wheat fields of this country, particularly in the states of Maryland and Delaware, to such a degree as to render the grain nearly useless, so that during the latter years of the war, wheat became very scarce. But we know of no material damage being done since, till the present year.—The cause of the fly being so generally in the wheat at the period alluded to, during the war, must have been owing to the crops being kept in the country for a whole year succeeding the harvest, there not being a sufficient vent for them at that time to foreign countries—but the cause of their being in the Virginia wheat this year originates from the very high price that wheat rose to in the spring 1790. The extraordinary price of wheat at that time induced the farmer to let it stand in stack till late in the spring of 1791. Hence it happens that the few of this insect which are generated every year, being by this means sheltered from the winters frost, are carried out into the fields in the straw, and there deposit their eggs.—If the wheat in Virginia be kept in stack as late the spring ensuing as it was last spring, and the straw not burnt, or as effectually destroyed some other way, we may expect their next crop to be totally ruined, and the fly extend its ravages into Maryland.
It is a matter of great consequence to the interests of this country that in case of low prices the farmer should have it in his power to keep back one or more crops for better markets. But this can be done with much less waste and greater safety to the grain, by having it threshed out and deposited in granaries rather than keeping it over in the stack.—The fly has, as yet, done very little damage farther north than the state of Delaware. If therefore the states of Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware would fall upon some plan to compel their farmers to thresh out their wheat every year, in Virginia by the first of February, and in Maryland and Delaware by the first of March, and then immediately either use or destroy the straw, it is conceived that there never would be any danger from this destructive insect.
The directors of the society for promoting useful manufactures in New-Jersey, have ordered the first payment to be made on or before the 13th of January next. The said directors have also given notice that they will receive proposals in writing from any bodies corporate, township, or individuals in the said state, who may be desirous of securing the emoluments which will result from this establishment. The applicants must particularly specify the following points:
"The advantage of water, for the purpose of erecting mills and other hydraulic machines, necessary for the establishment of a cotton manufactory on an extensive scale. This statement is to be accompanied with an actual survey, showing the course of the waters, the different levels, and the nature and position of the adjoining lands. The advantages of fuel, not only for present but for future use; in this statement to be detailed the quantity and price of wood, coal or turf, within the proposed district, and the resources which may be calculated on for the continuance of a very extensive supply for a series of years. The advantages of subsistence; this statement is to show the average price of wheat, corn, rye, beef, mutton, pork and other principal articles of provision, and the means to be relied on in future, for a constant supply on reasonable terms, to a populous town.
The advantages of population; this statement is to detail with accuracy, not only the number of inhabitants within the proposed district, but of the country surrounding it for the space at least of thirty miles.
The advantage of building materials, to detail the present price of oak and pine timber, boards, plank, shingles, brick, stone, lime, &c. and the resources which may be relied on for a series of years, for a plentiful supply of those articles at reasonable rates.
The advantages of intercourse with the principal commercial towns. In this statement to be shown, the distance of the proposed district, to the following places; the city of New-York, the city of Philadelphia, the city of New-Brunswick, the city of Amboy, the city of Burlington, Trenton, Elizabeth-Town, Newark; together with the price of transportation, by land and by water, to the respective places above mentioned.
The advantages to be held up to the society for employing within the proposed district, an active capital of One Million of Dollars. In this statement the applicants to specify in particular, what quantity of land, or land covered with water, they will be willing to give or sell to the company, and on what conditions as to price and time of payment; with such other circumstances as may induce a preference to their respective proposals.
The society have fixed on the seventeenth of January next, to meet at the city of New-Brunswick, in order to determine finally on the principal seat of their manufactures.
Further accounts from Kentucky to the 22d. November, state, that the whole number of the army in the Western expedition were twelve hundred only—That Major Hamtramck with about 400 men was about 30 or 35 miles on their march to join the army—That upon hearing two firings of the cannon early in the morning, he marched on 6 miles beyond Fort Jefferson, when he met some of the retreating troops and immediately joining them, turned about, and with the foremost entered Fort Jefferson, instead of throwing himself in the rear, and giving aid to the wounded; he has been since arrested by order of Col. Dark; That soon after the action
commenced, the army was surrounded and wedged in by the Indians, and did not cover more than one and a half acres of ground, which accounts for the heavy slaughter; That Col. Dark, with his command of regular troops, forced through the enemy, and opened a retreat to the rest of the army.
We are informed that a deputation from the Creek Nation of Indians, embarked on board the brig Philadelphia, Capt. Waters, at Charleston, on the 1st December, and are daily expected here.
A detachment of recruits, under command of Capt. Cals, belonging to the second regiment, arrived on Thursday in this city, from New-Hampshire and Rhode-Island.
Extract of a letter from Marietta, of Sept. 14, 1791. received by a Gentleman in Boston.
"Our present situation is distressing, as we have no troops left here to guard us. Twenty-five of the inhabitants have enlisted for two months commanded by Capt. Joseph Prince.
"Capt. Newman, and Ensign Baich have gone down the river with a considerable number of troops, and more are expected soon.
"There have been two persons killed by the Indians here lately; a Capt. Rogers, and old Mr. Kerr, at the mouth of Duck Creek; and a son of Mr. Conyers, taken prisoner at Wolf Creek. Also one Reily killed at Beliville, and his son taken—Fort Harmer is demolished, and nothing left but one blockhouse.
"Being cooped up so thick, has made it somewhat sickly here; at Bell Pre and Wolf Creek they are huddled together much as we are, but have been more unfortunate in the loss of their cattle. The Indians have killed and drove off about 20 head from these places, and have killed some with arrows which were found in them—the arrows were pointed with tin, and very curiously made. A scout followed and overtook them, killed one, and we suppose wounded another, cut off the dead man's head, and brought it in triumphantly on a pole."
CAPE FRANCOIS, Nov. 2.
[Translated from a handbill printed at the Cape.]
A proposition was made on the 5th of October, that those persons whose property had not been destroyed by the negroes should contribute to the necessities of such as had been ruined in consequence of the revolt, and had taken refuge at the Cape, naked and destitute of every thing.—On the other hand, the Cape itself is in such a critical situation, that the inhabitants have been, in general, for some time past deprived of the means of providing the necessaries of life for themselves; and provisions are every day becoming dearer and scarcer, as the existing troubles discourage foreign vessels from coming any longer to our ports.
It would seem equitable, then, that the inhabitants of the south and west departments of the island, together with such of them in the northern department whose property has been preserved, will voluntarily announce their intentions of contributing to the relief of such of their fellow-citizens as have been ruined. Should they avow this to be their intention, the most eligible mode of raising the benefaction (after collecting a sum for the immediate relief of the sufferers) will be the fixing upon a certain proportion of the annual income of every planter, for that purpose, to be distributed among the sufferers for a number of years.
Should this proposition be fixed at ten per cent. upon the whole produce of the uninjured property, it will raise fifteen millions yearly for the use of the ruined planters, supposing the prices of produce to be as estimated in the annexed table. But the annual relief will in reality be much more considerable, as it is evident the former price of sugar will now be doubled in consequence of the ravages.
The sum total of the articles exported from this colony in 1789, is as follows:
  Clayed Sugar, 47,516,531 lb. valued 33,261,571   Grain Sugar, 93,573,300 - - 42,107,998   Coffee, - - 76,835,219 - - 76,835,219   Cotton, - - 7,004,274 - - 11,907,265   Indigo, - - 758,628 - - 7,586,280   Cacao, Hides, Molasses, and Taffia, - - 50,000 
Total value, livres, 173,748,333
The King's Grant-duty, upon which at four per cent. was £6,869,933.
The burnt quarter of the island contained 172 sugar plantations, 936 coffee ditto, 12 cotton ditto, and 14 indigo plantations, the value of whose yearly produce was about thirty millions of livres, which reduces the value of the exports from this island in 1789, to 141,748,333 livres.
So that the tea per cent from this sum will yield from fourteen to fifteen millions of livres yearly, for the relief of the actual sufferers, without mentioning the accidental increase of price in island produce, which circumstances have occasioned since that time.
By pursuing such a plan as the foregoing, the annual growth of the produce of one part of the colony, will soon repair the damages that the negro revolt has occasioned in the other.
(Signed) Le FEVRE, Deputy of the Cape.
November 3. Men actuated solely by the love of Liberty in any revolt will always manifest in their actions some tokens of the generous principle upon which the revolt is founded. This has not been the case with the Negroes in this unfortunate island. They have acted on all occasions with the most relentless barbarity—no respect has been paid to sex, and even the tender age of innocence has suffered the lingering pangs of death and torture under the banes of these inhuman miscreants. The Negro chiefs, the moment they were invested with commissions by the frantic multitude, assumed the fierce and despotic mode of military command that is customary on the Guinea coast in Africa. They have not contented themselves only with mutilating their white prisoners [in a manner too horrid to relate] be-
fore the mortal stroke was given, but even cut off the heads of their own black adherents, for the most trifling faults that can be imagined.—A most notorious villain of the negro party, named Yeanot, who had escaped from prison three years ago, and fled into the mountains, acted a notable part in this revolt: he had constantly rid in his master's coach during these troubles, and the other day cut the throat of his negro coachman, for asking his leave to sleep a little, after a forenoon's ride.—Whenever any of the negro chiefs under him returned with ill success in their engagements with the whites, it has been his constant practice to put them to death without mercy. Such plantation negroes as were detained amongst these wretches against their will, and have made their escape, have declared their present condition enviable in comparison to that under the negro government.—May the terrible history of this revolt, when published, serve as a lesson to certain philanthropists in the neighbouring islands, who, in disseminating their visionary principles, have turned loose upon a host of barbarians, whose warfare is indiscriminate slaughter.
Translations from French Papers.
Bordeaux, Sept. 20. On the 16th inst. M. Durfort, late commandant of the National guards for the department of Gironde, was arrested in his house by a detachment of the guards, by order of the municipality, and carried to the common prison, and his papers put under the custody of the seal. The same day the municipality issued a decree to the following effect: "The municipality being informed that men's vests are manufactured in this city, variegated with flowers-de-lis, and on which are imprinted the arms of the German empire, with the motto—Long live the King! Long live the Queen!—and being also informed that these vests are worn as a mark of discrimination, and as a signal for the enemies of the constitution to know each other by, upon a proper occasion—Be it therefore ordained, that the mayor and officers belonging to the municipality, after having made inquiry into, and satisfied themselves in regard to the truth of this matter, do make report to the attorney-general: and that all persons be, in future, strictly forbidden to wear waistcoats or vests, of the above description, under pain of being prosecuted as enemies of the public peace."
The motives that induced Louis XVI. to accept the constitutional code are of such a nature as not to leave the least pretext for the confederated powers to attack the revolutionists in France."
The King of Prussia has been besieged, in a manner, by the emissaries of Pitt, the English minister, as well as those of the Princes of Orange, who does not consider herself safe in her usurpation, unless a counter-revolution takes place. But the Stadtholder himself well knows that the Emperor would be the principal agent in such an attempt, and that if it should succeed Leopold would acquire the same influence in France, that the King of Prussia now has in Holland. He (Leopold) is extremely avaricious; he hates both clergy and nobility, and without a certainty of success, never would have ventured upon any expedition against France. This certainty could only have arisen from the interior circumstances and general disposition of the nation. The King is still represented as wishing to make his escape from the kingdom, could he elude the vigilance of the assembly—but those who propagate such an opinion are the very persons that, previous to his first escape, had soured his mind and embittered his peace, by alarming him with imaginary terrors, and in fact making him a prisoner for fear of treasons that did not exist in the minds of the people.
The articles sketching the outlines of colonial government, as proposed to the Assembly by M. Barnave, on the 24th September, have been decreed, only with the following amendment in the third article: "The laws relative to slaves, and the political situation of mulattoes and free negroes, as well as the regulations relative to the execution of such laws, shall be made by the colonial assemblies; and, with the approbation of the several governors of the colonies, shall be executed provisionally, during one year for the American colonies, and two years for the colonies in Asia; immediately after their passing in the colonies they are to be sent home, for the sanction of the King; their execution in the mean time not to be impeded, or the power granted to the assemblies, infringed, by any prior decree whatever."
The Holy office of the inquisition at Rome has finished the trial of M. Octavius Capelli, whom they call the Apostle of unbelief. He has been pronounced worthy of extreme punishment, and is consequently delivered up to the secular power. At any other time than the present he would have been treated with less severity, but it has been thought proper to make him a severe example, and exert the utmost rigour of the law, when impiety dares to attack the rights of the Holy See. People are waiting in anxious expectation for the Auto da fe [bon-fire] which the Holy Father is preparing, in order to execute the sentence of the thrice holy inquisition. It would seem odd, that there should be such a thing as a secular arm, or temporal power, at Rome, where the government is wholly ecclesiastical, did we not consider that thereby is meant the Lay-Magistrates, the Sbiri and Jack-ketches, to whom the Church, like a tender mother, delivers over all those of her refractory children that she has not cruelty enough to murder with her own hands.
Another tribunal, not less odious than the office of the inquisition, is established at Venice; under the authority of which an execution has taken place that has struck people with horror. A man was hanged during the night time at the column of St. Mark, and exposed to public view next morning, wrapped up in canvas, with this label.—It is thus that the Republic rewards Free Masons. This unfortunate victim of Aristocratical barbarity was the Marquis Vivaldi, well known for the secret correspondence he had held with the famous Cagliostro. Is it possible there can still be a country in the world where the people are ignorant that a judge who passes sentence, and executes it in secrecy is no better than an assassin?

THE COUNTRY PRINTER.
(Continued)
ALL is not Truth ('tis said) that travellers tell— So much the better for this man of news: For hence, the country round that know him well, Will, if he prints some lies, his lies excuse. Earthquakes, and battles, shipwrecks, myriads flain— If false or true—alike to him are gain. But if this motley tribe say nothing new, Then many a lazy, longing look is cast To watch the weary post-boy travelling through, On horse's rump, his budget buckled fast; With letters safe in leathern prison pent And, wet from press, full many a packet sent. Not Argus with his fifty pair of eyes Look'd sharper for his prey than honest TYPE Explores each package, of alluring size, Prepar'd to seize them with a nimble gripe Did not the post-boy watch his goods, and sweat That village TYPE shall only have his share. Ask you what matter fills his various page? A mere farrago 'tis of mingled things; What'er is done on madam TERRA's stage He to the knowledge of his townsmen brings: One while, he tells of Monarchs run away; And now, of witches drown'd in Buzzard's bay. Some miracles he makes, and some he steals; Half nat'ral's works are giants in his eyes: Much, very much, in wonderment he deals,— New-Hampshire apples grown to pumpkin size, Pumpkins almost as large as country inns And ladies bearing, each,—three lovely twins! He, births and deaths with cold indifference views; A paragraph from him is all they claim: And here the rural Squire, amongst the news Sees the fair record of his father's fame; All that was good, minutely brought to light, All that was ill,—conceal'd from vulgar sight!
[To be continued.]
PARIS, Oct. 19.
Letter from the Minister of the Home Department, to the Department of Lorient, of Leire and Cher, Indre and Loire, and Mayenne and Loire.
October 12.
The King is informed, gentlemen, that the free circulation of grain continues to experience great difficulties. The transportation on the Loire particularly are exposed to many obstacles. The situation of the inhabitants of several departments is thus affected by obstacles, which, by increasing their inquietude, at the same time occasion the high price of the small quantity of provisions which remains in their possession. His Majesty cannot see without concern the catalogue of evils which may be the consequence of these obstacles, and has ordered me to write to you, in the most urgent manner, to put a stop to them. There are few circumstances, gentlemen, by which you will be better able to distinguish your zeal, and render yourselves more useful; for it is in your power, by protecting the free passage of grain, to secure the subsistence of a part of the inhabitants of the kingdom. It is in your power to prevent the disorders to which they may abandon themselves, if they are left longer in uncertainty, with regard to the succour which is intended for them. It is in your power to relieve yourselves of all responsibility for these disorders, and to bid defiance to censure, by employing all the means which the law has put within your reach, effectually to secure the free circulation. It is even the interest of those under your administration to favor it, and it will be easy for you to render them sensible of this truth, by showing them that they would be the victims of their own example, when their wants should make them feel in their turn the indispensable necessity for the freedom of circulation.
The King, in accepting the constitution, promised to cause it to be observed. The King has promised to cause the laws to be executed; but in forming this engagement, gentlemen, the King reckoned with confidence on your zeal, on your courage, on your firmness; the King especially confided in that sentiment of honor, which induces free men to show themselves worthy of the honorable choice which has distinguished them amongst their fellow-citizens, by calling them to functions which command zeal and attachment. It is by you alone that the King can cause the laws to be executed; you are established by the constitution to act according to the orders which he gives you, and when he has transmitted them to you, his function is fulfilled, and your duty commences.
The King sees with surprise that the principles, which the National Assembly has so often inculcated on the free circulation of grain, are still disregarded; and that the attention, which his Majesty has always paid to make them public and recommend the observance of them, has not been more successful. He renewed it by his proclamation of the 27th of last month. It is your part, gentlemen, to endeavor to enlighten the people with respect to the evils which must result from so formal a disobedience to the law. Inform them how criminal they will render themselves, by persisting to oppose the free passage of transportation by your department, as well as on the course of the Loire: inform them, that you also will be criminal, if you longer employ an indulgence, which has hitherto been found ineffectual, and enable me quickly to give an account to the King of the execution of the orders, which I transmit to you by his direction.
The Minister of the Home Department. (Signed) "DE LESSART."
Letter of the King to the Commandants of the Ports, Paris, October 13.
I AM informed, gentlemen, that emigrations every day increase in the body of the marine, and can no longer delay to express to you the lively concern which I feel from this circumstance. How can it happen, that the officers of a body, whose glory has always been so dear to me, and who have at all times afforded me the most fig-
nal proofs of their attachment and of their zeal for the service of the state, should allow themselves to be misled so far as to lose sight of what they owe to their country, what they owe to my affections, what they owe to themselves?
This measure of extremity would have appeared less surprising some months since, when anarchy seemed to be at its height, and when its period could not be ascertained.
But now, that the greatest and most prudent part of the nation are desirous of the return of order and of submission to the laws, can it be possible that generous and faithful marines should entertain a thought of separating themselves from their king?
Affure those brave officers, whom I esteem, whom I love, and who have merited it, that honor and their country summon them. Affure them, that their return, which I desire above every thing, and in which I will recognize all good Frenchmen, all my true friends, will restore them forever all my affection.
It can no longer be dissembled that the strict and peaceable execution of the constitution is now the most certain method of appreciating its advantages, and discovering what may be wanting to its improvement.
What then is your duty to all? To remain faithful to your post; to co-operate with me with alacrity and loyalty, in order to secure the execution of the laws which the nation thinks must constitute its happiness; to give incessantly new proofs of your attachment to your country, and of your zeal for its service.
It is thus that your fathers became illustrious, and that you also have distinguished yourselves; such are the examples which you ought to leave to your children, the remembrance of which, never to be extinguished, will constitute your glory.
It is your king who demands of you to remain inviolably attached to the duties which you have always so well discharged; you would have regarded it as a crime to resist his orders: you cannot refuse to comply with his entreaties.
I will not mention to you the dangers, the disagreeable consequences, which a contrary conduct might produce, I will not suppose that any of you can forget that he is a Frenchman.
I charge you, gentlemen, to address, on my part, a copy of this letter, to all the officers belonging to your department, and particularly to those who may have quitted it.
(Signed) LOUIS. (And underneath) DE BERTRAND.
Proclamation of the King respecting Emigrants.
October 14, 1791.
THE king, informed that a great number of Frenchmen quit their country, and retire into foreign lands, has not been able to see, without the most lively concern, so considerable an emigration; and though the law allows all Frenchmen free departure from the kingdom, the king, whose paternal tenderness watches incessantly for the general interest, and for the interests of all individuals, is bound to inform those who remove from their country, of their true duty, and of the cause of regret which they prepare for themselves. If any of them were misled by the idea that they afford the king a proof of their attachment, let them be undeceived, and understand that the king will regard as his true, his only friends, those who co-operate with him to maintain and enforce respect to the laws, to establish order and peace in the kingdom, and confirm every species of prosperity for which nature seems to have destined it.
When the king accepted the constitution, he wished to terminate civil discord, to re-establish the authority of the laws, and likewise to secure all the rights of liberty and property. He ought to flatter himself, that all Frenchmen would second his design; yet, at this very period, emigrations seemed to multiply; a number of citizens abandon their country and their king, and are going to carry to neighboring nations those riches which the wants of their fellow citizens demand; thus, while the king endeavors to restore tranquility, and the happiness, which is its consequence, it is then that they think that they ought to abandon him, and refuse him the aid, which he has a right to expect from all.
The king is not ignorant that several citizens, especially proprietors, have quitted their country, only because they have not found in the authority of the laws the protection which was due to them; his heart has lamented these disorders; but ought nothing to be allowed to circumstances? Has not the king himself had causes of vexation? And when he forgets them, to attend only to the common happiness, has not he a right to expect that they should follow his example? How can the empire of the laws be established, if all the citizens do not co-operate with the head of the state? How can a stable and permanent order be established, and tranquility be restored, if by a sincere coincidence every individual does not contribute to terminate the general inquietude? How, in fine, shall the common interest supercede the interest of individuals, if instead of extinguishing the spirit of party, every individual persists in his own opinion, and prefers to go into exile rather than yield to the common opinion?
What virtuous sentiment, what sound interest can then produce these emigrations! The spirit of party, which has occasioned all our misfortunes, is calculated only to prolong them. Frenchmen, who have abandoned your country, return into its bosom; there is the post of honor, because true honor consists in serving our country, and defending the law. Come to afford them that support, which is due from all good citizens; they, in return, will restore you all the tranquility and happiness which you seek in vain in a foreign land.
Return then, and let the heart of your king cease to be distracted between those sentiments which belong equally to all, and the duties of royalty which are principally attached to those who obey the law. All ought to follow him, whilst he labors for the happiness of the people. The king demands this re-union, in order to support his efforts, in order to form the most dear consolation; he demands it for the happiness of all; think of the distress which an opposite conduct will occasion to your king; let it be of
some weight with you, to spare him that affliction which to him would be the most painful of all. Done at Paris in the council of state, the 14th of October, 1791.
(Signed) LOUIS. (And underneath) DE LESSART.
Letter of the King to the General Officers and Commanders of the established Troops, addressed to each Commander of a Corps.
Paris, Oct. 14.
IN accepting, sir, the constitution, I promise to maintain it within, and defend it against the enemies from without the kingdom. This solemn act, on my part, ought to banish from your mind every kind of uncertainty. It determines, at the same time, in the clearest and most precise manner, the rule of your duty, and the motives of your fidelity. My intention is, that you should announce to the troops under your command, that my determination, which I think essential to the happiness of Frenchmen, is as inviolable as is my love for them.
The law and the king now blended together, the enemy of the law becomes the enemy of the king. Under what ever pretence disobedience and want of discipline may now be coloured, I declare, that I shall regard every attempt, every infringement of the law, as a crime against the nation and against my person.
There may, perhaps, have been a time when officers, by an attachment to my person, doubtful of my real sentiments, might have thought it their duty to hesitate on the obligations which seemed to militate against their first engagements—but after all that I have done, this error ought no longer to subsist.
I cannot consider those as sincerely devoted to me, who abandon their country in the moment when it requires their best services. Those only are sincerely attached to me, who follow the same steps as myself—who remain firm to their post—who, far from despairing of the public safety, confederate themselves with me in effecting it, and are resolved to attach themselves inseparably to the fate of the empire.
Tell, therefore all those who are under your orders, both officers and soldiers, that the happiness of their country depends on their union, their mutual confidence, their entire submission to the laws, and their active zeal to enforce their execution. The country requires this harmony, which constitutes its efficacy and power. The past disorders, and the present circumstances, giving to these virtues of the warrior, during peace, an inestimable value; to them will be due every kind of distinction, reward, and testimony of public acknowledgment.
(Signed) LOUIS. (Counterfeigned) DUFOITAIL.
FRANKFORT, Oct. 6.
The result of the conferences at Pilnitz appears at length to have transpired. It is reported that the emperor was desirous that the repayment of the expenses he should incur by attacking France should be secured by a mortgage upon Alsace and Lorraine, which he was to have in deposit. It is even pretended that the French Princes, had consented to this shameful condition; but the acceptance of Louis XVI. which by direct insinuation was endeavored to be prevented, changed the face of affairs. The following are the articles which were signed by the emperor and the king of Prussia at the above meeting:
 1. The two high contracting parties shall mutually assist each other, in case of aggression, with 30,000 men, and even with the whole of their military forces, should the attacked party require it.  2. For the maintenance and exact observance of the full sitting treaties between the German empire and France, the two monarchs shall conjointly take those measures which shall appear most proper: they shall likewise concert together the representations to be made to that power on the subject of the claims of the injured princes; and if negotiations do not produce all the wished-for success, they shall invite all the circles of the empire to arm, and will themselves set the example of procuring justice by force.  3. The two high contracting parties shall settle with the court of Peterburgh the most advantageous measures to be pursued, to secure the succession to the throne of Poland in favor of the house of the elector of Saxony.  4. They reserve to themselves the power of exchanging part of their present or future possessions, provided the laws of the German empire be not thereby any ways infringed.  5. They consent from the present time reciprocally to reduce their military state, as soon as their present connections with foreign powers shall permit them to do so.  6. The king of Prussia promises and engages not to refuse his vote in favor of the archduke Francis when the election for a king of the Romans shall take place, and never to oppose the establishment of any of the other archdukes.  7. His imperial majesty promises to employ his good offices with the court of Peterburgh and the diet of Poland to induce them no longer to oppose the cession of the towns of Dantzic and Thorn to Prussia; in return to which, his Prussian majesty will neglect nothing to obtain from the court of London and the states-general of the United Provinces, the modifications desired by the court of Vienna, at the convention of the Hague, relative to the Austrian Low Countries. 
VIENNA, Oct. 5.
Prince Kaunitz has caused to be made known to the members of the diplomatic corps, that the police having to watch a prodigious number of foreigners, with whom it is impossible for it to be acquainted, it became indispensably necessary that each of these foreigners should be provided with a certificate from the ambassador, envoy, resident, or agent of the court to which he belongs. All those who shall be unprovided with these certificates, if they be not otherwise well known, shall be considered as persons without honest means of subsistence, and of consequence exposed to all the inconveniencies to which suspicious characters are liable.
GEORGE MEADE
HAS FOR SALE,
At his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF
A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old wine of ex- change Madeira WINE, which he will dis- pose of by the pipe, hogshead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old. Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hogshead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a su- perior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter chests of first quality Hysan TEA.
He has just received by the Pigeon, Lowley, master, from London, a few quarter chests of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, capt. Stevens, from Dub- lin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted: a few bales of Red and White FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality. He has also to dispose of a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of first qua- lity Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HANDSPIKES. He is purchasing FLAXSEED and BEES WAX, and will give the highest Price for them.
N. B. A few Hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just arrived and to be disposed of.
ROBERT SMOCK, Woollen Draper & Mercer,
Has just received by the ship Pigeon, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north east corner of Market and Third streets, Philada.
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF
SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost
every colour.
Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashion- able colours.
Superfine cashmere, do.
Do. and super elastic striped cloths.
Milled drabs and hunters cloths.
A variety of fancy waistcoatings, in silk, silk and cotton, silk moiré, cashmere printed and tamboured, and superfine striped Spanish toil- nets.
Mens black fattins, florentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities.
Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, afforded.
Satins and mantuas, a beautiful variety.
Superfine ratineens, with a large collection of best trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality.
Morgens, jeans spinning, durants and caliman- coos.
Hairbines and camblets, &c.
9-8 wide superfine Marcellies quilting with bor- ders.
Marseilles bedquilt and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4.
Flanders bedbunts and bedrickings.
A beautiful variety of chintzes and cottons.
An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chintzes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons.
Velveteens, velvets, corduroys, thicksets, fancy cords, flocknets, royal ribbs, fatineens, hair plushes, &c. &c.
Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings.
Rose blankets assorted.
ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very gen- eral and extensive, consisting of almost every arti- cle in his line of business.—Being desirous of giv- ing entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meriting a continuance of those cus- tomers, whose favours he has hitherto experien- ced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
This day is Published By CHILDS and SWAIN,
In one Volume Octavo;
[Price One Dollar and a half, the small Edition, and One Dollar and three quarters the large.]
LAWS of the UNITED STATES.
Collated with, and corrected by the original Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State.
With a copious INDEX; or
A complete DIGEST of the LAWS;
(Making 56 pages:)
Executed by an eminent Law Character.
To obtain this useful and necessary Part of the Work complete, has retarded the Publication.
This Volume comprises the Acts of the Three Sessions of the first Congress; also, the Federal Constitution, and the Treaties between the United States and Foreign Nations—Together with an Ap- pendix, containing the Declaration of Independ- ence, and sundry Ordinances and Resolves of Con- gress under the Confederation.
Sold by Childs and Swaine, No. 239, High- street, Thomas Dobson, Joseph Crukshank, and Robert Campbell, Philadelphia.
October 25.
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale- Fishes—may be had at the office, No. 239 High-street.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.