Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-06-06 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. XVI.
From WEDNESDAY, JUNE 3, to SATURDAY, JUNE 6, 1789.
PRICE SIX PENCE.
THE TABLET.—No. XVI.
Customs are not always so wrong as they appear to be.
IN walking the streets the other day, I overheard two gentlemen conversing; one of whom warmly reprobated the practice of pre-engaging votes for an election. The unreserved manner, in which he expressed himself, indicated a peculiar degree of frankness and honesty. I was, on the first impression, involuntarily led into a coincidence of sentiment; but upon more mature reflection, I am induced to take a different side of the question.
This is one of those political points, that can only be determined by a consideration of the circumstances, that attend each particular case. In a community made up of numerous small corporations, where the settlements are frequent, and the institutions of society so formed, that the people, as a matter of course, acquire a knowledge of characters, no benefit results from electioneering. Connecticut is a community that falls within this description. If a candidate for an office, in that State, comes forward with his pretensions, it will have, either a bad effect, or none at all.—Should it so happen, that his reputation is previously established, he has no occasion for any exertions in his own behalf. But should his character, from any cause, not be generally known, his solicitude may so operate, as to do an injury to himself, or the public. If he is a man of real, though unknown merit, he may render it suspicious, by an attempt to proclaim it to a people, who have been accustomed to seek their own objects of praise and preferment. If he is an undeserving man, it is possible he may, by some seducing arts, catch the popular humour, and carry his point, to the exclusion of one who is meritorious. As a general rule in Connecticut, it will be better for the candidate himself, and safer for the people, that he should make no bustle about his election. It may happen, however, that some extraordinary cases will authorise a departure from this principle.
In a community differently circumstanced, the reverse may be proper and beneficial. Where the districts are large, the inhabitants thinly scattered, and composed of various descriptions of people; and where the interior regulations are not calculated to render it for the inclination or convenience of men to have a general knowledge of each other, I believe the public interest is promoted by a pretty active spirit of electioneering.—The confusion and animosities that prevail on these occasions, may be disagreeable and hurtful; but they must be considered as an evil necessarily resulting from the nature of the situation. When a candidate offers himself for an office, he puts himself up as a public mark; and, as it were, calls upon mankind to investigate his character. His enemies will expose his demerits, and though there may be great intrigue and deception on both sides, yet upon the whole, if his reputation is notoriously bad, he will not probably succeed in his election. There is no other method, under such circumstances, for the people to ascertain characters. It is a poor method, but it is better than none. It is bad doing with it, but no doing without it.
Probably men would be worse than they are, if they were not restrained from vicious or imprudent conduct, by a fear that their foibles or their vices would be exposed, when they are placed in a conspicuous station. I recollect an anecdote, which may serve as a striking instance of the caution, which a prudent man observes, in offering himself to the people as a candidate of their choice. A gentleman in a neighboring state was solicited by his friends to propose himself as a representative for a certain district. His vanity was flattered with the idea that was suggested to him. He had no other objection, he said, against the attempt, than that it would bring his character to a most critical test. Though he was not conscious of any circumstance in his life that deserved censure, or that would excite ridicule; yet it was possible, some incident had escaped him, which some other person might recollect and urge to his disadvantage. "On such an occasion," said he, "the memory of one's enemy is remarkably quick and retentive; and besides, any little inadvertency, which was overlooked when it happened, may now be remembered and exaggerated in such strong colours, as will give it the complexion of a very blameable action. There is, upon the whole, a risk in defying the world to scrutinize too exactly the diversified scenes of my life." Such suggestions did not restrain his friends from repeating their solicitations; and at length he assured them, that in two days he would give his final answer. In the mean time, he had a trying interview to hold with his wife. It occurred to him as a possible event, that he might be pointed at as
a cuckold. He never entertained the least suspicion of such a thing; and was perfectly happy in his conjugal connection. If his wife had ever made a mistake of that nature, he was ignorant of it, and it gave him no uneasiness; but should he offer himself a candidate for an office, the inmost secrets of his family would be discovered. There are certain moments, when the mind of a man is so susceptible, that the possibility of an evil assumes the appearance of reality. He could not communicate the affair to his wife, without a perturbation of spirits, that indicated real jealousy. But his feelings were too critical to be suppressed, and he hesitatingly described his case. After suitable explanations the matter was amicably settled: His wife overlooked the enquiry; and he was satisfied of her fidelity. No difficulty now stood in his way. He came out boldly with his pretensions; but within three days afterwards, he was mortified to see in the newspapers, a very severe attack upon the character of his ancestors. His grandfather had, by some unjustifiable act, rendered himself odious to his neighbors; and though the circumstance was generally forgot, yet on this occasion, the whole transaction was revived; and our candidate, instead of carrying his election, had a mean epithet or nick-name fixed upon him, which to this day he wears with lively mortification.
EXTRACT FROM "AMERICAN ESSAYS."
On COMMERCE.—[Continuation.]
THE Dutch were so early possessed in favor of Commerce, and distant colonies, that even at that critical period, when they were considered as dependent provinces, and were involved in a long, expensive, bloody war, in order to shake off the Spanish yoke, they never lost sight of those important objects, by which, and a due attention to the importance of a NAVY, they were enabled, not only to support the expences of that war, but even greatly to enrich themselves; and at the same time, to furnish HENRY the IVth. with men and money, to co-operate with them against the common enemy, the King of Spain, who was at that period so rich, and powerful, from Commerce, and his colonies, that he only wanted less bigotry, with common prudence, to have enabled him to give laws to all Europe.
Although nature has been extremely parsimonious of her favors to Holland, not only with respect to her coast, which is very dangerous, and her harbours few, and barred, (but the country itself seems of right to belong more to the ocean than to terra firma, and is only preserved from inundation by dint of constant struggle, labor, and immense expense) yet it now abounds in productions and resources of every kind, the natural fruits of industry, extensive Commerce, and flourishing colonies.
The Dutch merchants, individually considered, are universally acknowledged to be the richest in the world, and Amsterdam may, at this day, be considered the second grand mart in Europe; and the great Store House of the commercial world; and it is computed, that the city of Amsterdam alone, pays more than one third part of all the taxes of the United Provinces. Yet in all emergencies and exigencies of the States, the Dutch have ever kept in view the importance of Commerce, and necessity of observing great moderation in laying duties or imposts on trade; having always considered it their primary and most certain dependence; and the event has fully proved the measure to be wise and politic.
Manufactures, of almost every kind, are now carried on to great advantage in Holland; and at the same time, Amsterdam can furnish the manufactures of all Europe, nearly as cheap as the countries where they are made.
This idea is worthy the contemplation of the citizens of the United States of America. We have very rich neighbors, who begin to open their eyes to their own particular interest: We cannot have better customers; and nothing is more natural, or probable, than a very extensive and advantageous commercial intercourse, when it shall be known that we are possessed of the means to support and encourage it.
Insurances are now publicly made in London, on vessels and cargoes from that port bound to the coast of Brazil to be sold to the Portuguese, the underwriters take all risks, at 10 pr. cent. The necessity of a drawback, on the exportation of all goods, which pay a duty on importation, is therefore too evident to be controverted, without which it would be fruitless to attempt a foreign commerce, on which the prosperity of America principally depends: Should heavy duties on importations into the United States be early attempted, it is greatly to be feared, that it will encourage attempts at smuggling, which would be greatly fa-
cilitated by our innumerable safe ports and inlets; because Commerce, in its present infant state, cannot be sufficiently productive to support the number of officers, that would be necessary effectually to guard all those ports; and at the same time, answer the more essential purposes of revenue: If therefore only moderate duties are imposed, they will of course be more cheerfully paid—will discourage all illicit attempts, and be certainly productive of much greater revenue: Smuggling is known and practiced more or less in all countries: There are many who affect to think it no crime to rob the revenue; and it is well known, that many captains of vessels have not scrupled to swear to the truth of false manifests and invoices; and have often not been ashamed to avow the perjury, pretending to believe a custom-house oath less sacred than any other; and thereby impiously denying the ubiquity of the Deity; but however infamous the name of an Informer may have founded in the ears of the people of America before the revolution, and however venial the offence may have then appeared to cheat a king, the case is now widely different: In robbing the revenue at this day, we cheat ourselves; an Informer is therefore our best friend; a Smuggler is incontrovertibly a public injury, and therefore deserves the most ignominious punishment; the fair trader is a public benefit, and therefore deserves the greatest encouragement and support; and as a contraband trade, with every other species of fraud by which the revenue is robbed of its dues, directly tends to the ruin of the fair trader, as well as to the injury of the state, surely no honest man can hesitate which side to take, or doubt whether he shall support a friend, or an enemy: None but an enemy to the country will attempt to injure it; none but an enemy will encourage, or even conceal the attempt.
No nation upon the globe is possessed of so many natural advantages for the great purposes of Commerce, and Colonization, as the United States of America: Her coast, and almost innumerable harbors, from her most northern boundaries to the river St. Mary, which divides Georgia from the Spanish territories, are throughout their vast extent, the safest, most navigable, and most commodious in the world. There is no part of the globe where ships may with equal safety navigate, where the risk is so equal in all seasons of the year, notwithstanding the severity of the winters on the northern coast, or where navigation sustains so few injuries: Nothing more is wanting to ensure our prosperity, but to find markets to take off our almost inexhaustible, and still encreasing superfluities: These markets would probably be most effectually secured by planting distant colonies, where we could establish a certain exclusive interchange of commodities, to mutual advantage—or by establishing factories in some of the Asiatic provinces, or elsewhere, totally independent of any European power—to barter with the natives for such articles, as may either serve for our own use, or to remit where our own produce will not sell, or is prohibited.
The establishment of colonies, or even factories, in advantageous situations, particularly in Asia, (though I would by no means confine my views to that quarter of the globe) is evidently an object of vast importance to the United States, as naturally tending to promote the rapid increase of their naval strength, which would soon render them too formidable to dread any unprovoked injury, or insult. I am well aware, that the present exhausted state of our public finances precludes the idea of any early public exertions in support of the prosecution of any new schemes, however advantageous they may appear; but there are private merchants in America, of abilities, enterprise, and fortunes, equal to any possible undertaking; and government is always able so far to promote every measure tending to the public good, as to secure to the first patriotic adventurers, certain privileges and immunities, that shall ultimately compensate to them, or their heirs, the risk, trouble and expence.
The world is wide, and immense tracts in Asia, Africa, and America, perhaps some of the richest, remain yet unknown, or unexplored: these may hereafter fall to the lot of Americans to discover and possess; and thereby open new sources of riches—and be a new stimulus to our industry.
E. C.
AMERICAN MACHINE.
It is said, that there is now in the possession of William Poirier, Esq. of Philadelphia, a valuable spinning machine on a new construction, and far superior to any thing of the kind, which has yet appeared in Pennsylvania. British emissaries have, on former occasions, purchased and sent off from this country, machines calculated to promote the manufactures of America. Doubtless the present proprietor of this machine will be sufficiently on his guard against negotiations so prejudicial to the United States.

DOMESTIC ARTICLES.
[RICHMOND, May 27.] DIED, on Monday the 18th instant, in the 32d year of his age, Mr. JOHN M'LEAN, Printer, at Norfolk, a native of Glasgow. In this amiable Character were blended, the polite Gentlemen, kind Master, most affectionate Friend, and the universal Philanthropist.
Now mourn ye sweet Nymphs of the Dale, For the Pride of our Village is fled: Let Tears of Affliction prevail, And descend like the Dew on his head. Why withers yon Rose in its Bloom, And why twinkle yon Stars thus so dim? The Light which they borrow'd is gone, And Affliction is fill'd to the Brim. A Dawn of bright Hope yet appears, And though our dear Stephon's no more, The Heart that dispell'd others Tears, Shall be fill'd with Bliss evermore.
[PHILADELPHIA, JUNE 3.] We hear the business of calico printing, is likely to be undertaken by some Europeans here. There is a great field for profit, it being supposed, that one hundred and sixty-five thousand pieces are annually imported.
Extract of a letter from a Swedish gentleman in London, to his friend in this city, dated Feb. 15.
"All Europe is amazed at the nefarious, and never hitherto heard of disobedience in the Swedish army, which has frustrated the best designs. The malcontents have long ago rued their criminal folly. The people have with a laudable zeal supported the King in defence of the country. Corps of volunteers are formed every where. The little Island Oland * has armed 5000 young country fellows: all the other provinces have done in proportion: the interior parts of the country, which are sheltered from invasion, have made large contributions of money and provisions. I have with the warmest emotions of joy perused the Swedish Gazettes for some time past, and am persuaded that the nation in general feel for their King and country as true Swedes.—Sweden, like all other countries, is pestered with some sordid creatures, who cannot resist the allurements of avarice and ambition. These impudent traitors pretend to be champions for public liberty, but every body knows that they were purchased by Russian rubles and splendid promises of independence in Finland†.
* An island in the Baltic, 80 miles long and 9 or 10 wide.
† The Empress of Russia had formed a plan for separating this country from Sweden, under colour of making it independent.
[NEW-HAVEN, MAY 27.] A few days since, a Mr. Pritchard, of Waterbury, being on his land digging a ditch, dug up a root, which his curiosity led him to taste of—he soon found himself disordered, and returned to his house (with the root in his hand) which, as soon as he entered, informed his wife that he had eat of it, and apprehended he was poisoned—on which he fell down, was suddenly seized with convulsions, and expired in a few hours. The root proved to be what is commonly known by the name of wild parsnip.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 6, 1789.
Yesterday the following ADDRESS from the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, in the United States, at their late Meeting in Philadelphia, was presented by a committee of that body, consisting of The MODERATOR,
The Rev. Dr. M'WHORTER, The Rev. Mr. ROE, JOHN BAYARD, } Esquires. JOHN BROOME, }
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. SIR,
THE general assembly of the Presbyterian church, in the United States of America, embrace the earliest opportunity in their power, to testify the lively and unfeigned pleasure which they, with the rest of their fellow-citizens, feel on your appointment to the first office in the nation.
We adore Almighty God the Author of every perfect gift, who hath endowed you with such a rare and happy assemblage of talents, as hath rendered you equally necessary to your country in war and in peace.
Your military achievements ensured safety and glory to America, in the late arduous conflict for freedom; while your disinterested conduct, and uniformly just discernment of the public interest, gained you the entire confidence of the people. And in the present interesting period of public affairs, the influence of your personal character moderates the divisions of political parties, and promises a permanent establishment of the civil government.
From a retirement more glorious to you than thrones and sceptres, you have been called to your present elevated station, by the voice of a
great and free people; and with an unanimity of suffrage that has few if any examples in history. A man more ambitious of fame, or less devoted to his country, would have refused an office in which his honors could not be augmented, and where they might possibly be subject to a reverse.
We are happy that God hath inclined your heart to give yourself once more to the public. And we derive a favourable presage of the event from the zeal of all classes of the people, and their confidence in your virtues; as well as from the knowledge and dignity with which the federal councils are filled. But we derive a presage even more flattering from the piety of your character. Public virtue is the most certain mean of public felicity, and religion is the surest basis of virtue. We therefore esteem it a peculiar happiness to behold in our chief magistrate a steady, uniform, avowed friend of the Christian religion; who has commenced his administration in rational and exalted sentiments of piety, and who, in his private conduct adorns the doctrines of the gospel of Christ; and on the most public and solemn occasions devoutly acknowledges the government of Divine Providence.
The example of distinguished characters will ever possess a powerful and extensive influence on the public mind; and when we see, in such a conspicuous station, the amiable example of piety to God, of benevolence to men, and of a pure and virtuous patriotism, we naturally hope that it will diffuse its influence, and that eventually the most happy consequences will result from it. To the force of imitation we will endeavour to add the wholesome instructions of religion. We shall consider ourselves as doing an acceptable service to God in our profession, when we contribute to render men sober, honest, and industrious citizens, and the obedient subjects of a lawful government. In these pious labours, we hope to imitate the most worthy of our brethren of other Christian denominations, and to be imitated by them; assured, that if we can by mutual and generous emulation, promote truth and virtue, we shall render essential service to the republic; we shall receive encouragement from every wise and good citizen, and above all, meet the approbation of our divine master.
We pray Almighty God to have you always in his holy keeping; may he prolong your valuable life, an ornament and a blessing to your country; and at last bestow on you the glorious reward of a faithful servant.
Signed by order of the General Assembly. JOHN RODGERS, MODERATOR. Philadelphia, May 26, 1789.
To which the PRESIDENT was pleased to return the following answer.
To the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH in the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
GENTLEMEN,
I RECEIVE with great sensibility, the testimonial, given by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, of the lively and unfeigned pleasure experienced by them, on my appointment to the first office in the nation.
Although it will be my endeavor to avoid being elated, by the too favorable opinion which your kindness for me may have induced you to express of the importance of my former conduct, and the effect of my future services: Yet, conscious of the disinterestedness of my motives, it is not necessary for me to conceal the satisfaction I have felt upon finding that my compliance with the call of my country and my dependence on the assistance of Heaven to support me in my arduous undertakings, have, so far as I can learn, met the universal approbation of my countrymen.
While I reiterate the professions of my dependence upon Heaven as the source of all public and private blessings; I will observe that the general prevalence of piety, philanthropy, honesty, industry and economy seems, in the ordinary course of human affairs, particularly necessary for advancing and confirming the happiness of our country.—While all men within our territories are protected in worshiping the Deity according to the dictates of their consciences; it is rationally to be expected from them in return, that they will all be emulous of evincing the sincerity of their professions, by the innocence of their lives and the beneficence of their actions.—For no man who is profligate in his morals or a bad member of the civil community, can possibly be a true christian or a credit to his own religious society.
I desire you to accept my acknowledgments for your laudable endeavors to render men sober, honest and good citizens, and the obedient subjects of a lawful government; as well as for your prayers to Almighty God for his blessing on our common country, and the humble instrument which he has been pleased to make use of in the administration of its government.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Pacificus will be attended to next week; as will the continuation of an Essay on Trade and Finances.
His Excellency GEORGE CLINTON, is elected GOVERNOR—and
His Honor PIERRE VAN CORTLANDT, Lieut. Governor of the State of New-York.
The SENATORS are,
Philip Livingston, John Cantine, Philip Schuyler, Alexander Webber, Volkert P. Douw, Edward Savage. James Carpenter,
THEATRE—JOHN-STREET.
Last Evening was presented that excellent Comedy the CLANDESTINE MARRIAGE.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States and his Lady—the Most Honorable ROBERT MORRIS and Lady—the Gentlemen of The President's Suite—Honorable General KNOX and Lady—Baron STEUBEN—and many other respectable and distinguished characters, honored the THEATRE by their presence.
The reiterated plaudits bestowed on the various parts of the performance, designated the merit of the actors—and it is but just to say, that, animated by the countenance of such illustrious auditors, the characters were supported with great spirit and propriety.—Mrs. HENRY and Mrs. MORRIS, played with their usual naivete and with uncommon animation.
One great reason why people are disposed to evade payment of taxes for the support of government, is, because they do not realize, that individual delinquency enters into a total subversion of the public peace, happiness and security. Such invaluable blessings must be paid for: It is the ordinance of Heaven—and they are worth the purchase.
The GREAT WHOLE, being constituted by the distinct members of society—it is of infinite importance, that every one should feel their integral consequence in the community: They should realize that they have important rights to be defended: These can be supported only by just and equal laws; and that government alone, is competent to their preservation.—That their personal security, and that of their property, are the principal objects for which laws are instituted: These ideas should enter very deeply into the mind of every citizen.—Reflections of this kind, would make the importance of good government appreciate in their estimation, and induce a cheerful and cordial payment of those revenues, without which, these important blessings cannot be realized or enjoyed.
There is neatness, conciseness, and perspicuity, in the first ACT which has passed the National Legislature: These constitute the true sublime! May those ambiguities, subtleties, verbosities, and redundancies, which are the source of endless perplexities, never confound the minds of our citizens while learning their duty from the LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
IF the great principles of religion, honor, and public spirit, are weak, or lost, what effectual check can there be, to controul the unbounded pursuits of avarice, ambition, and vanity?
The effects that are naturally produced by the vanity, dissipation, and rapacity of a dissolute people, are, carelessness with respect to their public affairs—debility of genius—and a senseless sacrifice of their dearest interests—till they become involved in a maze of perplexity, and embarrassments, and finally fall into the hands of a proud usurper.
A defect in national principles, and manners, generally precedes the ruin of a people: This deficiency is a worm at the root of national union, strength, and dignity.
Every great national scheme must depend ultimately, in every free State, upon corresponding sentiments in the great mass of the people; for the vigour and success of public measures, are suspended upon the general opinion of the eligibility of those measures in the minds of the great agent, the people: In despotic governments, this is by no means the case, for there the people are only the machines of the powers that be.
On the 3d ult. the legislature of the State of Connecticut, by act, prohibited the exportation of wheat, rye, Indian corn, wheat and rye flour, and Indian meal, out of that State, by land or sea. In consequence of this act, his Excellency the Governor of that State has issued his proclamation, commanding all persons within the State to yield implicit obedience to said act.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
Wednesday, Brig Swansey, Slater, Cork, 42 days. Schooner Polly, Travers, Baltimore, 9 days. Sloop Fanny, Ingram, Turks Island, 22 days. Sloop General Green, —, Alexandria, 13 days. Thursday, Ship Ann and Susan, Seeds, Bourdeaux, 42 days. Brig Patty, Maltby, St. Thomas, 20 days. Brig Sally, Raymond, Cape-Francois, 18 days. Schooner Lark, Lewis, St. Martins, 16 days. Sloop Amity, Dickenson, Turks Island, 19 days. Sloop Rainbow, Cunice, N. Providence, 17 days. Sloop Active, Greenleaf, St. Thomas, 20 days. Friday, Brig Isabella, Taylor, Newfoundland, 14 days. Schooner Pilgrim, Robins, York-Town, 7 days. Sloop Betsey, Goffinger, Richmond, 7 days. Sloop Dispatch, Summers, Philadelphia, 3 days.

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
If our author meant another affair of 453, it is still less to his purpose, or rather still more conclusively against him. It was so far from being true in the year 454, the most simple and frugal period of Roman history, "that none but honest, generous, and public spirits desired to be in authority, and that only for the common good," and that there "was no canvassing for voices," that the most illustrious Romans offered themselves as candidates for the consulship; and it was only the distress and imminent danger of the city from the Etrurians and Samnites, and an universal alarm, that induced the citizens to cast their eyes on Fabius, who did not stand. When he saw the suffrages run from him, he arose and spoke: "Why should he be solicited, an old man, exhausted with labours and satiated with rewards, to take the command? That neither the strength of his body or mind were the same. He dreaded the caprice of fortune. Some divinity might think his success too great, too constant, too much for any mortal. He had succeeded to the glory of his ancestors, and he saw himself with joy succeeded by others. That great honors were not wanting at Rome to valour, nor valour to honors." It was extreme age, not the slender advantages of honors, that occasioned Fabius's disinclination, as it did that of Cincinnatus on another occasion. This refusal, however, only augmented the desire of having him. Fabius then required the law to be read, which forbade the re-election of a Consul before ten years. The Tribunes proposed that it should be dispensed with, as all such laws in favour of rotations ever are when the people will it. Fabius asked, why laws were made, if they were to be broken or dispensed with by those who made them; and declared that the laws governed no longer, but were governed by men. The Centuries, however, persevered, and Fabius was chosen. "May the gods make your choice successful!" says the old hero; "dispose of me as you will, but grant me one favour, Decius for my colleague, a person worthy of his father, and of you, and one who will live in perfect harmony with me." There is no such stinginess of honors on the part of the people, nor any such reluctance to the service for want of them, as our author pretends; it was old age, and respect to the law only: And one would think the sentiments and language of Fabius sufficiently aristocratical; his glory, and the glory of his ancestors and posterity, seem to be uppermost in his thoughts: And that disinterestedness was not so prevalent in general, appears this very year; for a great number of citizens were cited by the Ædiles, to take their trials, for possessing more land than the law permitted. All this rigour was necessary to check the avidity of the citizens. But do you suppose Americans would make or submit to a law to limit to a small number, or to any number, the acres of land which a man might possess? Fabius fought, conquered, and returned to Rome, to preside in the election of the new Consuls, and there appear circumstances which show, that the great zeal for him was chiefly aristocratical. The first Centuries, all aristocrats, continued him. Appius Claudius, of consular dignity, and surely not one of our author's "honest, generous, and public spirits," nor one of his "single and plain-hearted men," but a warm, interested, and ambitious man, offered himself a candidate, and employed all his credit, and that of all the nobility, to be chosen Consul with Fabius, less, as he said, for his private interest, than for the honor of the whole body of the patricians, whom he was determined to re-establish in the possession of both consulships. Fabius declined, as the year before; but all the nobility surrounded his seat, and intreated him, to be sure; but to do what? Why, to rescue the consulship from the dregs and filth of the people, to restore the dignity of consul, and the order of patricians, to their ancient aristocratical splendor. Fabius appears, indeed, to have been urged into the office of Consul; but by whom? By the patricians, and to keep out a plebeian. The Senate and people were checking each other; struggling together for a point, which the patricians could carry in no way but by violating the laws, and forcing old Fabius into power. The Tribunes had once given way, from the danger of the times; but this year they were not so disposed. The patricians were still eager to repeat the irregularity; but Fabius, although he declared he should be glad to assist them in obtaining two patrician Consuls, yet he would not violate the law so far as to nominate himself; and no other patrician had interest enough to keep out L. Vo-
* Quid se jam senem, ac perfunctorum laboribus, laborumque premis, sollicitarent? Nec corporis, nec animi vigorem remanere cundum, et fortunam ipsam vereri, ne cui decorum nimia jam in se fortuna, et confidantur, quam velint humanæ res videatur. Et se glorie seniorum succeressit, et ad gloriam suam consurgentes alios latur ad spicere. Nec honore magnos viris fortissimus, Romæ, nec honoribus decesse fortes viros. Liv.
† Jam regi leges, non regere.
lumnious, the plebeian, who was chosen with Appius Claudius. Thus facts and events, which were evidently created by a struggle between two orders in a balanced government, are adduced as proofs in favour of a government with only one order, and without a balance.
Such severe frugality, such perfect disinterestedness in public characters, appear only, or at least most frequently, in aristocratical governments. Whenever the constitution becomes democratical, such austerities disappear entirely, or at least lose their influence, and the suffrages of the people; and if an unmixed and unchecked people ever choose such men, it is only in times of distress and danger, when they think no others can save them: As soon as the danger is over, they neglect these, and choose others more plausible and indulgent.
There is so much pleasure in the contemplation of these characters, that we ought by no means to forget Camillus. This great character was never a popular one: To the Senate and the patricians he owed his great employments, and seems to have been selected for the purpose of opposing the people.
The popular leaders had no aversion, for themselves or their families, to public honors and offices, with all their burthens. In 358, P. Licinius Calvus, the first of the plebeian order who had ever been elected military Tribune, was about to be re-elected, when he arose and said, "Romans, you behold only the shadow of Licinius; my strength, hearing, memory, are all gone, and the energy of my mind is no more: Suffer me to present my son to you (and he held him by the hand) the living image of him whom you honored first of all the plebeians with the office of military Tribune. I devote him, educated in my principles, to the commonwealth, and shall be much obliged to you, if you will grant him the honor in my stead." Accordingly the son was elected. The military Tribunes conducted with great ardor and bravery, but were defeated, and Rome was in a panic, very artfully augmented by the patricians, to give a pretext for taking the command out of plebeian hands. Camillus was created Dictator by the Senate, and carried on the war with such prudence, ability, and success, that he saw the richest city of Italy, that of Veii, was upon the point of falling into his hands, with immense spoils. He now felt himself embarrassed: If he divided the spoils with a sparing hand among the soldiery, he would draw upon himself their indignation, and that of the plebeians in general; if he distributed them too generously, he should offend the Senate; for, with all the boasted love of poverty of those times, the Senate and people, the patricians and plebeians, as bodies, were perpetually wrangling about spoils, booty, and conquered lands; which further shews, that the real moderation was confined to very few individuals or families.
(To be continued.)
THE ADDRESS of the BISHOPS of the METHODIST Episcopal Church, TO THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
WE, the Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, humbly beg leave, in the name of our Society collectively in these United States, to express to you the warm feelings of our hearts, and our sincere congratulations on your appointment to the Presidentship of these States. We are conscious, from the signal proofs you have already given, that you are a friend of mankind; and under this established idea, place as full a confidence in your wisdom and integrity, for the preservation of those civil and religious liberties which have been transmitted to us by the Providence of God and the glorious Revolution, as we believe, ought to be reposed in man.
We have received the most grateful satisfaction from the humble and entire dependence on the great Governor of the Universe, which you have repeatedly expressed, acknowledging him the source of every blessing, and particularly of the most excellent Constitution of these States, which is at present the admiration of the world, and may in future become its great exemplar for imitation: And hence we enjoy a holy expectation, that you will always prove a faithful and impartial patron of genuine, vital religion—the grand end of our creation and present probationary existence. And we promise you our fervent prayers to the throne of grace, that God Almighty may endue you with all the graces and gifts of his holy spirit, that may enable you to fill up your important station, to his glory, the good of his church, the happiness and prosperity of the United States, and the welfare of mankind.
Signed in behalf of the Methodist Episcopal Church. THOMAS COKE, FRANCIS ASBURY.
New-York, May 29, 1789.
To which THE PRESIDENT was pleased to give the following answer:
To the BISHOPS of the METHODIST Episcopal Church in the United States of America.
GENTLEMEN, I RETURN to you individually, and (through you) to your Society collectively, in the United States, my thanks, for the demonstration of affection, and the expressions of joy, offered in their behalf, on my late appointment. It shall still be my endeavour to manifest the purity of my intentions, for promoting the happiness of mankind; as well as the sincerity of my desires to contribute whatever may be in my power towards the preservation of the civil and religious liberties of the American people. In pursuing this line of conduct, I hope, by the assistance of Divine Providence, not altogether to disappoint the confidence which you have been pleased to repose in me.
It always affords me satisfaction, when I find a concurrence in sentiment and practice between all conscientious men, in acknowledgments of homage to the great Governor of the Universe, and in professions of support to a just, civil government. After mentioning that, I trust the people of every denomination, who deem themselves as good citizens, will have occasion to be convinced, that I shall always strive to prove a faithful and impartial patron of genuine, vital religion; I must assure you in particular, that I take in the kindest part the promise you make of present-
ing your prayers at the throne of grace for me, and that I likewise implore the divine benedictions on yourselves and your religious community. G. WASHINGTON.
[The following Act, being the first which has passed the two branches of the National Legislature, received THE PRESIDENT's assent on Monday last.]
An ACT to regulate the Time and Manner of administering certain Oaths.
BE it enacted by the SENATE and REPRESENTATIVES of the United States of America, in CONGRESS assembled, That the oath or affirmation required by the sixth article of the Constitution of the United States, shall be administered in the form following, to wit: "I, A. B. do solemnly swear, or affirm (as the case may be) that I will support the Constitution of the United States." The said oath, or affirmation, shall be administered within three days after the passing of this act, by any one member of the Senate, to the President of the Senate, and by him to all the members, and to the Secretary; and by the Speaker of the House of Representatives to all the members who have not taken a similar oath, by virtue of a particular resolution of the said House, and to the Clerk: And in case of the absence of any member from the service of either House, at the time prescribed for taking the said oath or affirmation, the same shall be administered to such member, when he shall appear to take his seat.
And be it further enacted, That at the first session of Congress after every general election of representatives, the oath or affirmation aforesaid shall be administered by any one member of the House of Representatives to the Speaker, and by him to all the members present, and to the Clerk, previous to entering on any other business; and to the members who shall afterwards appear, previous to taking their seats. The President of the Senate for the time being shall also administer the said oath or affirmation to each Senator, who shall hereafter be elected, previous to his taking his seat. And in any future case of a President of the Senate, who shall not have taken the said oath or affirmation, the same shall be administered to him by any one of the members of the Senate.
And be it further enacted, That the members of the several State legislatures, at the next sessions of the said legislatures respectively, and all executive and judicial officers of the several States, who have been heretofore chosen or appointed, or who shall be chosen or appointed before the first day of August next, and who shall then be in office, shall within one month thereafter, take the same oath or affirmation, except where they shall have taken it before; which may be administered by any person authorised by the law of the State in which such office shall be holden, to administer oaths. And the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers of the several States, who shall be chosen or appointed after the said first day of August, shall, before they proceed to execute the duties of their respective offices, take the foregoing oath or affirmation, which shall be administered by the person or persons, who by the law of the State shall be authorised to administer the oath of office, and the person or persons so administering the oath hereby required to be taken, shall cause a record or certificate thereof to be made, in the same manner as by the law of the State, he or they shall be directed to record or certify the oath of office.
And be it further enacted, That all officers appointed or hereafter to be appointed under the authority of the United States, shall, before they act in their respective offices, take the same oath or affirmation, which shall be administered by the person or persons who shall be authorised by law to administer to such officers their respective oaths of office; and such officers shall incur the same penalties in case of failure, as shall be imposed by law in case of failure in taking their respective oaths of office.
And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Senate, and the Clerk of the House of Representatives, for the time being, shall, at the time of taking the oath or affirmation aforesaid, each take an oath or affirmation, in the words following, to wit: "I, A. B. Secretary of the Senate or Clerk of the House of Representatives (as the case may be) of the United States of America, do solemnly swear or affirm, that I will truly and faithfully discharge the duties of my said office, to the best of my knowledge and abilities."
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, And President of the Senate.
Approved—June 1st, 1789.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. VII.
"To think, and to judge aright, even concerning the ways of Providence, is the lot of our imperfect nature."
A people that enjoys for a series of years, the blessings of peace, and good government, will consider every event that threatens their tranquility, as the harbinger of misfortune: without considering whether their present situation is the most eligible in which they can be placed; without enquiring whether their future prospects do not warrant, and call for public exertion and enterprise, lulled into a state of supineness, and torpidity, by the charms of indolence, they will, if not better informed than the generality of mankind has been in all past ages, rather suffer the encroachments of arbitrary power, and loss of freedom, than hazard the novelty of experiment, to extend their sphere of action and open a boundless prospect of felicity, to present and future generations. The late American war, may be considered in this point of light; enjoying domestic ease and happiness, we engaged in it with reluctance; unparellelled injuries slowly roused us to action; and while clouds and thick darkness rested upon the issue, we thought that all was against us: but, since the designs of Providence are fully disclosed, by the peace, liberty, and independence of America: more especially when those designs are contemplated in the scenes that await our country, under the administration of the new constitution.—We may well exclaim in the language of inspiration, "our enemies designed us evil: but God meant all these things for our good". C.
"So the pure limpid Stream, when foul with stains, Of rushing torrents and descending rains, Works itself clear, and as it runs, refines, Till by degrees the floating mirror shines, Reflects each flower that on its border grows, And a new Heaven in its fair bosom shows!"
† SUBSCRIPTIONS for the "COURIER DE BOSTON," a new weekly paper, published at Boston in the French Language, are received at No. 9, Maiden Lane. [The utility of a paper in this almost universal language need not be hinted to those, who wish to acquire the French tongue.]
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN LANE, near the OSWEGO-MARKET, NEW-YORK.