Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-02-03 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXXV.]
WEDNESDAY FEBRUARY 3, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXXV.
“From annexing different ideas to words, men must always be at variance in their speculative reasonings.”
A LITERARY correspondent has favored the editor with the following Essay respecting the use of certain terms as applied by some religious sects. The learning and good sense it discovers, induce us thus early to lay it before the public.
FOR THE TABLET.
IT is said that the manichean system of Theology, excluding a few absurdities, forms a part of our orthodox creed. The principal difference in the two systems is this—that the Manicheans believe the evil principle to be co-equal with the good principle ; and both supreme in their respective departments; one the sovereign author of good; the other, of evil. The christian scheme places this point on a consistent footing, by informing us that there is but one supreme ; but at the same time, it makes the devil, a subordinate being, the immediate author of evil. It informs us that the first sin in paradise was caused by the instigation of this evil spirit or principle, and the whole tenor of scripture proves that he has still a material influence over human actions.
The heathen systems of mythology all supposed a number of created inferior deities, or demons,* both good and bad spirits, which were instrumental in executing the purposes of the Supreme Being. The scripture declares this to be a fact—the angels are ministering spirits, and the devil and his fellow apostates may be permitted to execute the decrees of heaven upon the wicked.
All nations seem to have had some notions of a chaos, prior to the creation. The scripture says the earth was without form and void, and darkness was upon the face of the deep. The Edda, † which contains the opinions of our Gothic ancestors, says, “Before creation, all was one vast abyss.”
The scripture tells us that the “world and all things that are in it shall be destroyed by fire.” The Edda says, “Surtur, the black, shall come at the end of the world—vanquish the Gods, and give up the universe a prey to the flames.”
The bible informs us, that woman was made out of the man’s side or rib. The Edda, represents, that Ymer, the first man or giant, slept and fell into a sweat, and from the pit of his left arm were born male and female.”
The scripture gives us a particular account of a deluge that destroyed the whole human race, except eight persons. The Edda says, “the sons of Bore slew the giant Ymer, and all the giants of the frost were drowned, except Bergelmer, who was saved in his bark.” In all these particulars, we can see a striking analogy of ideas; and a strong proof of some original revelations, from which these notions were derived.
The ancient northern nations believed in one supreme being; but they supposed that in the Agard or divine abode, he had twelve names, of which Allfader ‡ was the first or most considerable. They had likewise some idea of a place of misery, as opposed to the Agard , the abode of the Gods. This they called Hela , which signifies, Death , and is the origin of our word hell . The English therefore, like the Latins, who used inferi or imius , for the inhabitants of the lower regions, as well as for the regions themselves, have no word for hell which signifies any thing more than the place of the dead .
The opinions which nations had of a Deity may be collected from the names which they used to denote his existence. The Greek word Theos is derived from a verb that signifies to run, to move ones self —a term that proves they considered him as a self-moving power ; but it is said this word was originally appropriated to the stars which they worshiped as deities. The Latin word Deus is perhaps a derivative of Theos ; the Romans however did not use it to express the One Supreme; but generally to denote one God of many. It was equivalent to le Dieu in French, or the God ; and it implied a plurality of Gods. The
NOTES.
* The word dæmon originally signified a good spirit as well as a bad one. So it is used by Herodotus, Book 7, speaking of the Grecian oracle, he says “Such was the will of the Dæmon.”
† This is said to have been written in Teutonic or Scandinavian language, by Snorro Sturleson, an Icelander, who lived in the 12th century. It was translated into French by Mon. Mallet.
‡ This word may be a compound of all-father , that is father of all , like the Jupiter of the Greeks; or it may be a Hebrew-Gothic word, from el and fader ; el signifying the beneficent .
Greeks and Romans seem to have had some idea of a supreme, independent, self-existing power; but their Theoi, Dei, Dii and Demones , were considered as spirits merely superior to man, and having an influence over their actions and the events of the natural world.
Were the English to found their theological creed upon the literal meaning of the two words God and Devil , they must all be Manicheans ; for originally God was the same word as good , and DEVIL is but the contraction of THE EVIL , or DE EVIL .
Our northern ancestors therefore made use of the word good , to convey their idea of the cause of all good ; & of the word evil , to express their belief of the existence of a malignant spirit or principle. They were not indebted to christianity for the names, nor the ideas expressed by the names; for both existed among the ancient Scandinavians, long before their knowledge of the christian religion.*
Christianity has corrected our ideas of those beings, and the appropriations of the names—for we do not use the word God by way of eminence, merely to express an idea of superior excellence; but we use it to express the scripture ideas of Je-hovah , the supreme self-existent being. The word devil , or the evil one we use to denote the demons or bad spirits mentioned in scripture, and particularly to denote the chief of the apostate angels.
Much depends on the copiousness of a language. The Ethiopians had but one word for nature and person ; consequently were not capable, on the promulgation of christianity, of comprehending the doctrine of Christ’s incarnation. The Chinese, it is said, have no word for Deity but that which signifies sky .
Mr. Heriot, who was one that attempted a settlement in Virginia, under Sir Richard Grenville, in 1585, observes that in explaining the christian religion to the savages, he found their curiosity excited, but he could not make them understand the scheme, on account of the poverty of their language. Hence the absurdity of an attempt to christianize the savages, before their languages are enlarged and rendered capable of expressing metaphysical ideas. It is doubtless impossible to convert rude nations into rational christians, till their minds are in some degree improved by science, and their languages enriched with words for expressing abstract ideas.”†
NOTES.
* The word good was originally spelt God , and varied in the Saxon form. Nom. god. Gen. godis, &c. See Hicke’s Saxon Grammar. In the German, the name of the Supreme Being is Gott ; d being changed into t after the usual manner.
† Languages, in their infant state, contain few words but names of sensible objects.
THE OBSERVER.—No. XV.
AN assumption of the State debts, is an event which many think must eventually take place: there may be doubts, and difficulties to obviate, which will occasion a delay; but the efforts of the Union, and of the States, to systematize their treasuries, will probably ultimate in this measure.
Doubtless there will be persons enough to raise objections, and with an honest design; for there needs much deliberation to see the propriety of new measures, which will have so extensive an effect. If any of the States should now think the measure against their interest, a short time will open their eyes, by the confusion which must ensue from a continuance in their present situation. If the State debts should be assumed, it will become a serious question, how shall funds be provided for the aggregate sum? Every possible revenue from trade will be inadequate, and the Treasury of the United States, must be furnished with other ways and means. The people will cheerfully pay what justice requires, for it must be as much their interest as it is their duty; and a principal difficulty will be in conciliating the public feelings to a system of uniform operation thro the whole.—I will mention the several propositions which have occurred to my hearing. There yet remains a very small number, who tell us that the old method of requisition is best; leaving every State to its own way of taxing and collecting the sum demanded.—They say further, that Congress now possesses the power of coercion, and after a State hath proved delinquent, will be a proper time for the general government to exert its coercive authority, and enforce a payment.
The very proposition appears to me to be fraught with evil, and must soon end in a subversion, either of the general, or of the State governments, and probably of the latter. To make a requisition on the States will be easy; but there is every reason to suppose some of them will prove delinquent, which must lead to universal
delinquency. In this case who is the subject of coercion? If it be the delinquent State in its corporate capacity, it can be done only by levying war on the whole people, and subverting their existence as a State; if the private citizens considered as subjects of the United States are to be coerced, the process will be loaded with a thousand difficulties, for which an antidote cannot be provided. Perhaps the delinquent State has made a grant of the demanded sum; part is collected and in the State treasury, part in the hands of speculating collectors, over whom the general government hath no power, and part unpaid in the hands of the people; some districts have contributed their whole quota, and others no part of it; in this stage of the business how shall the general government take hold and coerce a collection? and to new assess the whole sum on the people, would be a manifest injustice by the operation of the two governments.
Or suppose the delinquent State neglects to make any grant of the requisition; will it not be an ungrateful business, and have a most powerful tendency to destroy all respect to State authority, for the United States to come in and tell the people “we have made our demand on your legislature, and they have not done their duty—they have shewn themselves to be either ignorant or dishonest; we are therefore under a necessity of taxing you directly without their intervention, your sister States have paid their proportion, and criminate your delay, blame not us but your own assembly.” Will a measure of this kind be pacific in its tendency? Will it not look like a kingdom divided against itself? Will it not be a source of contention, and either destroy the union, which I think cannot now be done, or annihilate all respect to the State government where it happens? Ye friends to the dignity of your own States, be careful how you spread a snare to destroy their legislative reverence?—The doctrine of requisition on the States, in every point of view, is a dangerous and impracticable one. Those who tell us, that it is become feasible, since the general government have a power of coercion, either do not foresee consequences, or intend gradually to subvert the government of individual States.
That the general government possesses a coercive power over an individual State, is allowed on all hands; but the matter ought to be so conducted, that they may never have occasion to use it. In a conflict of this kind, we know that any one State must ultimately bow to the joint decision of all the others; but I should consider such an event unpropitious. If we intend to preserve a respectableness to the separate States, we must give the United States, original and sole jurisdiction and executive power of all matters in their nature national; and a general system of finance, and providing for the payment of the whole debt, by whatever name called, is conceived to be such. If the general government must ever use coercion, let it be to execute their own laws and grants; and let individuals and not States be the subjects of it. These truths must lead every friend of the union and of the separate States to reject the idea of requisitions. If we design to preserve a respectableness to the State legislature and executive, let us cordially, and in the first instance give up all those matters, which may be better conducted, by a national assembly and executive.
I have also heard another proposition which is this. Let there be an apportionment to each State of its quota of the sum needed; let Congress directly tax the inhabitants, following in each State the mode of taxation and collection, which is used by their own government. This, it is said, will be more familiar and pleasing to the people than any other possible method. On this I observe, that the proposition keeps up the idea of a previous apportionment on the States; which ever hath been, and while continued must be a source of jealousy. By such jealousies nothing is gained and much endangered.
This plan proposes as many modes of taxing and collecting, as there are States, for no two have a similar procedure—there must be thirteen bodies completely organized with limbs, joined to one head, the treasury board of the United States—is it possible for this head to preserve order, controul and give motion to so great a number of bodies? Is it possible for the treasury board to comprehend and act on so complex a system? Is the general government to have a complete set of officers of their own appointment, or to make use of those appointed by the States? If the former, their number will be immense; if the latter, they will feel no dependence on the union and cannot be brought to account.
The operation of a taxing system is much more expeditions in some, than it is in other States; in some it often runs into an arrearage of years.

Can a general system stand with any punctuality upon such uncertainties? Will it not be in the power of a single state, by altering its own laws, at any time to disconcert the general treasury arrangement? Will the treasury officers ever be able to give an exact account of the national revenue, in whose hands monies are, or whether in a safe situation? I will propose a question which to the people is still a more serious one—Those public officers intrusted with the revenue, and with the disposition of monies, ought to be placed in the most accountable situation; from the integrity of those now in office, we cannot infer the honor or honesty of their successors; and will not so complex a plan as we are now considering, give the greatest room for evasion and fraud, that can never be detected? Whoever considers these questions, in some of them, will find unanswerable objections, against apportioning to the States, and adopting in each one, its own method of taxing and collecting.
If neither of the above methods are feasible, the general government must adopt a system of its own, on plain principles, which may operate thro' the whole with equal expedition and justice.
The greatest evil is to be expected from a plan which either gives discretionary power to subordinate officers of government, in dividing the taxes on the people; or is so complex in its principles and operation that they cannot understand it. No good man will murmur when he sees himself treated on principles of equality; but lawgivers ought to remember, that for the common citizens to see this, the mode of taxation must be very plain. It is but a few, who have a thorough knowledge of the principles and influence of the tax laws in their own States, and this they have acquired by living long under them. Should the general government adopt a complex system, by detaching the most eligible parts, from all the local customs within the union, it would still appear to the people a proper object of jealousy, and not seeing an equal operation on others, they would suppose themselves injured. If there be any kind of property which is the basis of wealth throughout the union, and bears a near proportion to the ability of the people who must pay; if this kind of property cannot be secreted, and may be charged on principles of greater equality than any other; if the nature of the property be such that every man may previously calculate his taxes, and detect an overcharge; if it admits a more easy and cheap collection than any other; if its produce must forever be in demand, which will enable the person charged to pay his taxes; this property on some plain principles ought to be the subject of direct taxation.
P A R I S, Nov. 5.
THE final decision of the grand question on the property of the Clergy, was agitated in no less than nine different Assemblies, and has produced most violent debates. The importance of the decision, brought back all ranks of people to Paris, and it was finally determined in the fullest meeting that has assembled since the first opening of the States General, there being no fewer than 964 Members present.
The Count de Mirabeau, closed the debate with the following pertinent remarks, tending to shew the revenues of the Clergy were the property of the people.
"These revenues says he, have been given to the Clergy, either by Monarchs or private persons, or purchased by them. If Monarchs gave them, in that case, they originally belonged to the people; if private persons—they bestowed them on the Clergy for the use of the public worship, which belongs to the people; if the revenues have been purchased, it was done with the saving of money, the amount of which belonged to the people.
The question was then carried in the following words:
First, "That all the Ecclesiastical property is at the disposal of the nation, at the Charge of providing in a proper manner for the propagation of religion, to maintain its Ministers, and ease the poor, under the inspection, and conformable to the instructions of provinces.
Art. II. "That in the dispositions to be made for maintaining the Ministers of Religion, no Curate shall have less than 1200 livers per annum, exclusive of his lodging and garden."
  In favor of the Decree 578   Against it 346   Majority 232 
The Caisse d'Escompte still does honour to its notes; about 30,000 of them are daily paid; they are chiefly of 1000 livers each (about 40 guineas.) Foreign bills of exchange, and drafts, are generally paid at the Caisse d'Escompte; bankers have sent almost all their cash to that bank.
L O N D O N, November 9. The Imperial forces in Brabant under General d'Alton, have hung up every person they have found in arms. At Louvain, several of the Insurgents have been executed on a temporary gallows.
MR. FENNO.
IN looking over the letters I received a few weeks ago from Europe, I find one of my correspondents has made some strictures on the debates of Congress. As his remarks are dictated with candor, and perhaps may not be deemed uninteresting, I send you an extract from this letter, which if you please you may insert in your paper. A. Z.
New-York, Feb. 2, 1790.
LONDON, November 2, 1789.
DEAR SIR,
I THANK you for the news-papers you sent me, containing the debates of Congress. Your Legislature, in their first session, made good progress. The most interesting subjects however are yet to be brought forward. The present complexion of your public affairs appears favorable, and if Congress in their second session pursue their determinations expressed in the first, your system will be complete; your friends in this country have strong expectation that the American government will soon assume the most respectable character of any on earth. There are now no difficulties in the way. If your Legislature make the most of their situation, your country will rise into honor and prosperity.
"I have perused the debates of Congress, with most critical attention. They do honor to your Representatives, who generally have given indications of abilities and integrity; but I must confess I am in some respects a little disappointed. The debates disclose less independence of spirit than I expected from men so favorably situated for giving scope to their talents: I will explain to you my ideas on this subject.
"In the first place it may be remarked, that the speakers in Congress have not yet acquired confidence in themselves; they speak as if they thought themselves unequal to the task they had to accomplish. In many instances, we find good arguments lose their weight from not being more confidently urged; and the members appear to want resolution more than sense or honesty. They view their situation in a light, so new and untried, as to create a distrust of their own abilities to act in it with propriety. This diffidence may be commendable from the motive that gives rise to it, but it will retard public measures and beget unreasonable precautions. Your Legislators have good ground of confidence in themselves. The world think favorably of them, and believe them competent to the part they have assumed.
"Another circumstance observable in the debates is, that your representatives appear not to have confidence in their constituents. The speakers often express fears how a measure will affect the feelings of the people. There is more evil to be apprehended from this kind of diffidence than from any other source; and yet there is little foundation for cherishing such a diffidence. The people of your country will submit to any thing that promotes the public good. There is no formidable opposition against the government; and your Legislators have no reason to doubt that such measures, as are intrinsically the best, will be the most universally approved. Whatever is just and useful will not among so enlightened a people, for any length of time, be unpopular. The disposition of your citizens is as favorable as can be wished, and they will cheerfully acquiesce in all the honest measures of the government. The resources of your country are immense, and no part of the globe has such inherent advantages for revenue. Where is the mighty difficulty in establishing public credit, and in that way, acquiring an honorable character and realizing all the benefits that your situation affords? The Legislators of the United States have nothing to fear from their constituents while the plans of the government are founded in wisdom and honesty. The public opinion is scarcely formed on the most important subjects, and it is the business of the Legislature to impress the public mind with virtuous principles, before vicious ones have gained a prevalence." (To be concluded in the next paper.)
FROM THE CONNECTICUT JOURNAL.
THE common custom of Farmers in this State, is to sow on good land, from one to one bushel and an half bushel of seed on an acre of ground. "They that sow sparingly shall reap sparingly," is a maxim well applicable to our farmers who raise flax.—I believe the general produce of an acre sown at this rate is, on an average, one hundred and sixty weight of flax when dressed. And this flax is generally short and coarse.
A Gentleman of undisputed veracity, in a neighbouring State, lately gave this account.—"That he had two acres of good ground, which he designed to sow with flax; and that one of his neighbors asked the privilege of sowing it to halves, which he granted, on condition that he should put five bushels of seed upon it;—he accordingly did—and that in autumn he received for his half, five hundred weight of well dressed flax;—that it was very long, and much finer than common."
This is more than three times the quantity of flax that is commonly raised from an acre of ground, with only the additional expence of one, or one and a half bushel of seed. But this expence would be more than compensated by the additional quantity of seed produced.
If this hint should prove of any service to those who cultivate flax, I shall think this not written in vain. AGRICOLA.
FAYETTEVILLE, Jan. 1790.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London, to his friend in this town.
"The new federal duties are smart, but they will assist Congress to bring about an efficient government—your state keeping aloof from so respectable a body is too ridiculous to make any comment upon the absurdity of the idea. This country will not long tamely submit to America laying duties on our shipping; this I can tell you of a truth, having been the other day closeted with some of our great men on that head. This idea was received, I could plainly see, from a self-interested merchant, and not the breathings of a liberal patriot and politician! indeed I was told something must be done, and if America had any thing to offer, let her do it, for that other alien nations had asked the ministers of this kingdom, and requested an answer—"Why is not America treated as an alien nation, supposing her a favourite one too, and the same alien duties imposed upon her exports as are levied upon ours." You see how the physic works, our general committee is this day summoned upon the business by the laws of trade; your pot-ash will I am afraid, be an object."
To the Author of the Guest.
SIR, AT a friend's house where I was lately visiting, some person present observing a negro child capering in the yard—exclaimed—what a sprightly little devil it is!—the circumstance led to a train of reflections, of which I send you the result.
It is a very general observation that mulatto and negro children discover a greater degree of vivacity and cunning, than white children of the same age; and many persons are at a loss to account for the difference, when they observe that as the former encrease in years, the reverse appears to be the case,—for a negro who was lively and ingenious in childhood, is observed to lose these qualities as he advances in life—and old negroes are generally reserved, dull and stupid.
The history of this business I conceive to be this—the Creator hath endowed all animals with a principle of activity—this discovers itself with the greatest force while they are young—hence children of all colours, are forever in motion, when awake—this activity is equally observable in all—and affords one incontestible evidence, that in the distribution of active, and ingenious powers, nature does not confine its gifts to hair, or wool—what then occasions the difference in after life? Education entirely—education is but another word for discipline—the natural versatility of the human mind by the influence of rules and orders is corrected; the wanderings of the fancy is restrained: and that propensity, which unchecked, ripens into mischievous ingenuity, and monkeyish adroitness, is made subservient to useful acquirements, under the hand of parental tenderness, and unremitting care, and vigilance—But the ill fated sable race, are generally neglected, or if attended to, the attention has a very unpropitious aspect on their future fate—accustomed to consider Africans as property, but little superior to four legged animals, their proprietors too often treat them as such—as mere machines of temporary amusement—hence their infant gambols, monkey tricks and perverseness, are encouraged by smiles and laughter—some carry the fatal humour so far, as never to discourage the infant buddings of artfulness, tricking and lying—thus nurturing and hardening them in vice—without the smallest efforts to instill into their minds, contrary principles.—This is the mode of treatment generally adopted towards black and yellow children—the consequences are such as all the world is acquainted with—the wretched effects have given rise to an idea, that blacks are deficient in mental powers—but I leave it to the sober judgment of every candid white person, whether similar treatment would not necessarily produce the same apparent incompetency in the whites. There are some persons, who, in many respects conduct towards their children, agreeable to the above mode of treating blacks—essential instructions are omitted; but what is called sprightliness, manliness, &c. are encouraged, till a pert boldness, a knack at swearing, and a taste for dissipation, comprehend the whole circle of the sciences to young masters. You shall hear from me again shortly. Your's, C.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEB. 1, 1790.
MR. GALE, member from Maryland, took his seat this day.
The bill for defining and punishing certain crimes against the United States, was read a second time, and made the order of the day for Friday next. Ordered, that 100 copies be printed for the use of the House.
The order of the day being called for, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill for securing to authors and proprietors the copy right of their works.
Mr. Baldwin in the chair.
The bill was read and discussed in paragraphs. The committee then rose, and reported the same with amendments. It was moved that the bill should be re committed. This was objected to.
The motion for re-commitment was withdrawn, and the House proceeded to consider the amendments—to all of which they agreed. It was then ordered that the bill be engrossed for a third reading to morrow.
Mr. White of the committee appointed to examine into the measures taken by Congress respecting lands granted by the State of Virginia, for the troops of that State, brought in a report which was read.
A message was recived from the President of the United States, by his Secretary, communicating a letter from the Gov. of North Carolina, with a copy of the act of that State, ceding to the United States, certain Western Lands, therein described.
The message with the accompanying act were read—and on motion of Mr. Smith, (S. C.) referred to a committee to report thereon. The following gentlemen were appointed accordingly, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Gale, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Matthews.
Mr. Hartley moved that a committee should be appointed to bring in a bill providing for a general system of Bankruptcy in the United States.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) objected to taking up the subject immediately, as he conceived the present situation of the country is such, as to render a general law on this subject a more intricate and perplexing business than the gentleman is aware of. He thought it best to defer the business till the public debt should be funded, and banks established, without which it is difficult to conceive how arrangements can be made to facilitate the payment of debts, or the operation of such a law.—He said the insolvent acts in the several States would answer at present.
Mr. Hartley replied, that the constitution required that an act should be passed by Congress on the subject; but he was not for hurrying it through the house the present session, he was desirous however that some steps should be taken to shew that the Congress had the credit of the country in view.
Mr. Sedgwick followed Mr. Smith in a similar train of observations, and adverting to the present state of that country from whence many of our

precedents are derived, said, that since the adoption of their present system of bankruptcy, that nation had enjoyed a degree of tranquility and domestic happiness, unknown for a century before; but recurring to the obvious difference in the circumstances of the two countries, with respect to commercial transactions within that kingdom, said, that in his opinion we are not prepared at present to go fully into the subject, or to adopt similar regulations. When there appeared to him to be a greater facility in recovering debts he would not be backward in voting for the measure.
Mr. Hartley consented that the motion should lie on the table.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) recited the following clause in the constitution, viz: Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other State, and the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof, —and moved that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill or bills pursuant thereto; this motion being adopted, the following gentlemen were appointed the committee, viz. Mr. Page, Mr. Jackson, and Mr. Thatcher.
Mr. Heister moved that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill or bills, making provision for the inalienable pensioners of the United States, this being adopted, Mr. Heister, Mr. Partridge, and Mr. Hathorne were appointed.
On motion of Mr. White, a committee of elections was appointed, viz. Mr. Ames, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Benson, Mr. Stone, Mr. Page, Mr. Wynkoop, and Mr. White.
A message from the Senate by their Secretary with a bill for giving effect to the laws of the United States, in the State of North-Carolina, returned with amendments, in which the Senate requested the concurrence of the House.—These amendments were concurred in, with one amendment only.
By the amendments of the Senate to the foregoing act, a clause is introduced for the purpose of farther suspending the operation of the tonnage act with respect to vessels of Rhode-Island till the first day of April next. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 2.
Mr. Bland of Virginia took his seat this day. The engrossed bill for securing the copy right to authors and proprietors was read the third time.
On motion this bill was recommitted to a select committee, and Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Sherman, and Mr. Sylvester were appointed.
Several petitions were read and laid on the table.
Mr. Foster of the committee on the bill providing for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, reported sundry amendments to said bill, which were read—These amendments included the schedules proposed by Mr. Madison.—The House proceeded to consider the same.
The amendments preceding the schedules were agreed to—those being read.
Mr. Livermore observed that he was apprehensive it was impracticable to effect an enumeration upon a plan that was to specify so many particulars.—He conceived it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible to make the distinctions proposed—the schedules contemplate too minute an enumeration of the various arts, and professions, if it comprized a smaller number it might answer—but he was afraid that calling for so particular a detail might excite some disagreeable ideas in the minds of the people.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that the object which the Hon. Gentleman had in view in moving for the recommittal of the bill, was to obtain more accurate information, not only with respect to the numbers of persons, but also to ascertain more particularly the actual state of society in the United States.—He could have wished therefore that the learned professions had been included, more particularly the lawyers, as he thought it would have contributed materially to the object.
Mr. Madison observed that the most important advantages would be derived to the government in all its future operations, from knowing the actual state of the various numbers employed in the several arts and professions. It would assist the legislature in forming the laws, and enable them to do more equal justice: and had they been in possession of facts in this line in times past, it would perhaps have led to different decisions in many points.—With respect to including the learned professions he should be in favor of the addition.
Some further objections were made to these schedules, but on the question being put they were adopted—as were the other amendments proposed by the committee.
The bill as thus amended, was then read by the Speaker.
Mr. Burke moved an amendment so as to increase the allowance to the assistants employed in this business, viz.—To receive one dollar for every 150 persons returned from the country, and one dollar for every 250 in towns of more than 5000 inhabitants.—A considerable diversity of opinion appeared on this motion—and the ideas
formerly suggested were again repeated—The motion was at length adopted.
Mr. Jackson moved that the clause which empowers the marshals, by permission of the district judges, to allow the assistants one dollar for enumerating 100 persons, in parts where the inhabitants are greatly dispersed, should be amended, so as to allow that sum for enumerating 50 persons.
This motion after considerable discussion was carried in the affirmative.
Mr. Thatcher moved, for a variety of reasons which he offered, that 150 dollars, the allowance to the marshal of the district of Maine, should be struck out, and 250 inserted.
Mr. Boudinot objected—as the adoption of this motion would lead to enhancing the allowances to the other districts—which would encrease the expence beyond the ideas of gentlemen, and the abilities of the United States in the present state of the Treasury.
Mr. Wadsworth supported the motion, and said he did not think the business could be performed for a less sum than 250 dollars.
Mr. Sedgwick observed, that the whole ground of the motion was on the idea that the marshals must peregrinate to all parts of the district,—whereas no such principle is contemplated in the formation of the bill; the marshal is merely to receive the returns—I think the allowance in full proportion to what the others are to receive.
Mr. Goodhue said, that comparing the district of Maine with that of Massachusetts, and taking into consideration the difficulties which must attend transacting the business in the former—he should rather undertake to number the people of Massachusetts for 250 dollars, than those of Maine for that sum.
Mr. Livermore was opposed to the motion, and thought that gentlemen magnified the difficulties beyond reason—described the duty which he supposed the marshal would have to perform, and made it appear so inconsiderable, as that 150 dollars would be an ample compensation.
Mr. Jackson spoke in favor of the motion.
The motion was divided, and 150 dollars were struck out.—It was then moved to insert 250 dollars—this was negatived, and 200 inserted.
Mr. Boudinot moved that 150 dollars, the allowance to the marshal of the district of New-Jersey, should be struck out, and 200 inserted—which was carried in the affirmative.
The bill being gone through, and sundry amendments adopted, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A message from the Senate by their Secretary, with the bill for giving effect to the laws of the United States, in the State of North-Carolina—and concurring with an amendment, to the amendment proposed yesterday by the House,—which amendment of the Senate was agreed to. A committee on enrolled bills, consisting of Mr. Gilman and Mr. White was appointed.
CINCINNATI PROCEEDINGS.
At a general meeting of the New-York State Society of the Cincinnati, held at the Holland Lodge Room, in the City of New-York.
FEBRUARY 1st. 1790.
A Petition having appeared in the public papers, as proposed to be signed by a number of officers of the late army of the United States, and presented to the national legislature, praying that in the system for funding the national debt, a discrimination may be made in favor of the original holders of public securities.
The petition was read—whereupon it was Resolved unanimously,
THAT this society disclaim the principles contained in the said Petition—conceiving it inconsistent with the character they have uniformly maintained, to seek any advantage to themselves, which might be incompatible with the principles of an honorable policy.
Resolved unanimously, That the foregoing resolution be published in the several newspapers in this city.
Extract from the Minutes. JOHN STAGG, jun. Sec.
NEW-YORK, FEBRUARY 3.
Extract of letter from a House of respectability in Bordeaux, dated Nov. 17, 1789, to a Gentleman in Philadelphia.
“Matters are now perfectly quiet and peaceable at Paris, and the National Assembly daily adopting measures to render this once of the most respectable and flourishing countries in Europe—There is not the shadow of danger of a national bankruptcy, and private property is as secure as in any part of the world.”
On Thursday last arrived in this city, from Massachusetts the Hon. William Cushing, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States.
On Saturday the Hon. James Wilson, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court, arrived here from Philadelphia.
Yesterday the Hon. John Blair, and the Hon. Edmund Randolph, arrived in this City from Vir-
ginia. The former is a Judge of the Supreme Court—and the latter Attorney General for the United States.
THE SUPREME COURT,
Of the United States, convened on Monday in this City; but a sufficient number of the Judges not being present to form a quorum, the same was adjourned till yesterday.
The Hon. John Jay, Chief Justice of the United States.
The Hon. William Cushing, and The Hon. James Wilson, Associate Judges, appeared on the bench.
John M’Kesson, Esq. acted as clerk.
The Court Room at the Exchange was uncommonly crowded.—The Chief Justice and other Judges of the Supreme Court of this State; the Federal Judge for the district of New-York; the Mayor and Recorder of New-York; the Marshal of the District of New-York; the Sheriff and many other officers, and a great number of the gentlemen of the bar attended on the occasion.
Yesterday the Supreme Court of the United States met at the Hall in the Exchange, a quorum of the Judges with the Attorney-General attending, their respective commissions were read—and the court then adjourned till this day at one o’clock.
The subject of the Secretary’s Report engrosses the public attention universally: It is the topic in all companies: The principles of the proposed system are perpetually in discussion—and it is highly probable that the legislature will take up this business under greater advantages the present session, than they could have at any former period—or than there is any reason to suppose they can at any future time.
We have long been studying the book of experience, and bitter things are therein written against us; especially in the chapter on Public Credit. It is high time to turn over a new leaf, and see what can be inscribed on the fair pages of the future history of our country. The American character stands high in every particular but one, and it is in our power to wipe off every stigma, and to convince the whole world that we are honest, as we are brave, enlightened and free.
The situation of our public debts, and the very great embarrassments which attended all our concerns on that account, were the principle causes of that revolution which hath given us the Constitution: The affirmative therefore of the question, Whether the public debt shall be placed on such a footing, as to retrieve and establish the honor and credit of the United States, is in fact anticipated, by the adoption of the Constitution—and from this consideration it follows, that the great question on this subject, involves a discrimination not only between the friends and enemies of the General Government; but also between those who with the peace, honor, and happiness of our country, and those who would rejoice to see it in the most contemptible state of degradation, and involved in all the horrors of confusion and bankruptcy. The mode to be adopted is therefore the only subject of discussion; for the Constitution hath precluded all altercation on the principle.
The Commonwealth of Massachusetts has lately extinguished its foreign debt. The last payment was 6000 dollars specie.
EXTRACT.
Why has the world through all ages and nations universally ascribed heroism and glory to conquest?—It is through the respect that they have for power. Man is by nature weak; he is born in and to a state of dependance; he therefore naturally seeks and looks about for help; and, where he observes the greatest power, it is there he applies and prays for protection. Now, though this power should be exerted to his damage, instead of defence, it makes no alteration in his reverence for it; he bows while he trembles, and while he detests, he worships; in the present case, it is with man as it is with God; he is not so awful and striking, he is not so much attended to, in the sunshine and gentle dews of his providence and benignity, as in his lightnings and thunders, his clouds and his tempests.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
The “FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT BALLADS” does not come within the limits of our plan—besides it would be a “twice told tale” to a great proportion of our readers.
“A NEW-JERSEY MAN” came too late for this day’s Gazette. The articles on “JUSTICE” in the Daily Gazette, do not apply, as the reflections on the Printers of this city, are a figment of the author’s own brain.
The “LINES TO A LADY” in our next.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Saturday. Brig Chatham, M’Lean, Port au Prince. Brig Charles, Pigeon. St. Peterburgh, 4 months. Schooner Rambler, Wheeler, St. Martins, 24 days. Schooner Hope, —, Cape-Fare, N. C. 12 days. Tuesday. Sloop Maria, Elliott, Charleston, 8 days.
BOOKS.
At the Auction Room of Messrs SMITH and BRADFORD, No. 22, Wall Street, will be disposed of, at public sale, on Friday Evening the 5th of February, a large and very valuable assortment of BOOKS—consisting of History, Divinity, Law, Physic, Poetry, Novels, Miscellany, &c. &c.—Catalogues will be delivered previous to the sale. New-York, Jan. 1790.
WILLIAM TAYLOR,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muffs 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacksonet do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cassas, Chintzes, Seerfuckers, Gingham, Boglapores.
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS.
With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
JANUARY 9, 1790. t. f.

REPORT
Of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Jan. 9, 1790.
[CONTINUATION.]
THE general principle of it seems to be equitable, for it appears difficult to conceive a good reason, why the expences for the particular defence of a part in a common war, should not be a common charge, as well as those incurred professedly for the general defence.
This plan seems to be susceptible of no objection, which does not belong to every other, that proceeds on the idea of a final adjustment of accounts. The difficulty of setting a ratio, is common to all.
The existing debt of the United States is excluded from the computation, as it ought to be, because it will be provided for out of a general fund.
The only discussion of a preliminary kind, which remains, relates to the distinctions of the debt into principal and interest. It is well known, that the arrears of the latter bear a large proportion to the amount of the former.
There is good reason to conclude, that the impressions of many are more favorable to the claim of the principal than to that of the interest; at least so far, as to produce an opinion, that an inferior provision might suffice for the latter.
But to the Secretary, this opinion does not appear to be well founded. His investigations of the subject, have led him to a conclusion, that the arrears of interest have pretensions, at least equal to the principal.
The liquidated debt, traced to its origin, falls under two principal discriminations. One, relating to loans; the other to services performed and articles supplied.
The part arising from loans, was at first made payable at fixed periods, which have long since elapsed, with an early option to lenders, either to receive back their money at the expiration of those periods, or to continue it at interest, 'till the whole amount of continental bills circulating should not exceed the sum in circulation at the time of each loan.
The other parts of it were chiefly for objects, which ought to have been paid for at the time, that is, when the services were performed or the supplies furnished; and were not accompanied with any contract for interest.
But by different acts of government and administration, concurred in by the creditors, these parts of the debt have been converted into a capital, bearing an interest of six per cent. per annum, but without any definite period of redemption.
If this view of the subject be a just one, the capital of the debt of the United States, may be considered in the light of an annuity at the rate of six per cent. per annum, redeemable at the pleasure of the government, by payment of the principal.
Wherefore, as long as the United States should pay the interest of their debt, as it accrued, their creditors would have no right to demand the principal.
But with regard to the arrears of interest, the case is different. These are now due, and those to whom they are due, have a right to claim immediate payment.
From this view of the matter, which appears to be the accurate and true one, it will follow, that the arrears of interest are entitled to an equal provision with the principal of the debt.
The result of the foregoing discussions is this—That there ought to be no discrimination between the original holders of the debt; and present possessors by purchase—That it is expedient, there should be an assumption of the state debts by the Union, and that the arrears of interest should be provided for on an equal footing with the principal.
The next enquiry, in order, towards determining the nature of a proper provision, respects the quantum of the debt, and the present rates of interest.
   Dollars. Cents.     The debt of the union is distinguishable into foreign and domestic.   The foreign debt as stated in the schedule B. amounts to principal 10,070,807   bearing an interest of four, and partly an interest of five per cent.   Arrears of interest to the last of December, 1789, 1,640,071 62   Making together, dollars 11,710,878 62   The domestic debt may be sub-divided into liquidated and unliquidated; principal and interest.   The principal of the liquidated part, as stated in the schedule C, amounts to 27,583,917 74   bearing an interest of six per cent.   The arrears of interest as stated in the schedule D. to the end of 1790, amount to 13,030,168 20  
Making together, dollars 40,414,085 94
This includes all that has been paid in indents (except what has come into the treasury of the United States) which, in the opinion of the Secretary, can be considered in no other light, than as interest due.
The unliquidated part of the domestic debt, which consists chiefly of the continental bills of credit, is not ascertained, but may be estimated at 2,000,000 dollars.
These several sums constitute the whole of the debt of the United States, amounting together to 54,214,464 dollars, and 56 cents.
That of the individual states is not equally well ascertained. The schedule E. shews the extent to which it has been ascertained by returns pursuant to the order of the House of the 21st September last; but this not comprehending all the states, the residue must be estimated from less authentic information. The Secretary,
however, presumes, that the total amount may be safely stated at 25 millions of dollars, principal and interest. The present rate of interest of the state debts is in general, the same with that of the domestic debt of the union.
On the supposition, that the arrears of interest ought to be provided for, on the same terms with the principal, the annual amount of the interest, which, at the existing rates, would be payable on the entire mass of the public debt, would be,
   Dol. Cents.     On the foreign debt, computing the interest on the principal, as it stands, and allowing four per cent. on the arrears of interest, 542,599 66   On the domestic debt, including that of the states, 4,044,845 15  
Making together, dollars 4,587,444 81 (To be continued.)
A FUNERAL ORATION,
On the Most Worshipful and Hon. Major-General RICHARD CASWELL, Grand Master of the Masons of North Carolina.
And all Judea and Jerusalem mourned for Josiah.—Ch. B. 2, v. 24. By FRANCOIS-XAVIER MARTIN.
Worshipful SIRS, And worthy BROTHERS,
BEREFT of him who conducted our works, we are met to discharge the tribute of a tear due to his memory. How deeply the rest of the community sympathizes with us, on this melancholy occasion, the attendance of a respectable number of our Fellow-Citizens fully testifies.
Shall our griefs terminate in sterile tears? Shall this Discourse, sacred to the Memory of the Most Worshipful and Honorable Major General RICHARD CASWELL, Grand-Master of the Masons of North-Carolina, be, like the song of the untutored savage, the mere rehearsal of a Warrior's achievements? No. In admiring the virtues that have rendered his death, like Josiah's, lamented in Judea and Jerusalem, let us, as Christians and Masons, be stimulated, not to offer idle adulation to his Manes, but, to imitate, in the practice of every virtue, so bright a pattern.
Nothing excites more powerfully to virtuous deeds, than the examples of those whom they have rendered conspicuous. Man generally desires what he finds, applauded in others. And, either because Virtue appears more noble, when he hears it praised, or less difficult, when he sees it practiced, he is stimulated thereto—as the labour is not without reward, and remissness would be without excuse.
The examples of the Dead are no less powerful than those of the Living. We look upon the Virtues of the former with a greater degree of veneration. As we view those of the latter with a greater degree of envy; perhaps, because, Death having crowned them, we are willing to believe that posterity praises without flattery, as it praises without interest—or rather (for, why should the real reason be concealed in this temple of truth?) because, our pride will not suffer us to acknowledge them.
To convene the people when some illustrious popular Character had terminated his career, and to improve the opportunity of exciting them to Patriotic Virtues, is an ancient custom, frequent instances of which occur in sacred and profane history. The heart of man, however obdurate, when operated upon by grief, or the idea of a future state is prepared to receive such favourable impressions; as the stiff and close grained stone becomes pliant and ductile, when heated by the fire of the furnace.
Thus we read that the corps of Cæsar, having been brought into the forum of the metropolis of the world; Anthony, holding up that Dictator's garment, addressed the Roman people. "You well know," said he, "this mantle. I remember the first time Cæsar put it on. It was on the day he overcame the Nervii. If you have tears to shed, prepare to shed them now."
With as much propriety, can I rise to day, and, addressing you, say:—
You well know these Badges. They are the Insignia of MASONRY—of a society which for its antiquity and utility acknowledges no equal among the institutions of the sons of man. Behold the White Apron that was girded on him, the loss of whom we bemoan, on the day he became a Mason. He has left it to you, unsullied. He has left it to you, decorated with those marks of dignity, to which merit alone gives title.
If you have tears to shed, prepare to shed them now.
He is no more. No longer shall he, like the eastern sun illuminate our Lodges; no longer shall he plan or direct our works.
You well know, Fellow-Citizens, that Sword, emblematical of Supreme Executive Authority. I remember the first time it was delivered him. It was on the day we shook off the oppressive yoke of British domination and became a People.
If you have tears to shed, prepare to shed them now.
He is no more. No longer shall he wield the Sword of Justice tempered by mercy. No longer shall he preside in your Councils, or lead you to the hostile Field.
To enter here into a minute detail of the services he rendered you, would be to premise that they may be obliterated from your memory—You remember them. Brothers and Fellow-Citizens, they cannot have been forgotten.
It was he who headed you on the day you broke down the superior phalanx of Scotch insurgents, at Moore's creek; and thereby preserved the cause of freedom from the deadly blow, this reinforcement would have enabled our enemies to strike.
It was he who presided in the assembly of Patriots, who framed that instrument, which, defining your rights and the authority of your rulers, has secured your liberties to this day.
It was he whom your united voices twice called to the Supreme Magistracy of this State—and it was he, whom, but a few days ago, still filled the Chair of your Senate.
If his Public character affords a vast field to the panegyrist's fancy, his Private one deserves no less our attention and praise. In it we shall always find an example worthy of imitation.
Public Virtue may procure a more shining reputation, but Domestic Virtue gives a more solid merit. The former, when unsupported by the latter, is, in the Warrior, a thirst of glory—in the Civil Ruler, a thirst of power.
A single instance of momentary intrepidity may make a name to the Chieftain; but a continued spirit of moderation alone characterises the Virtuous individual.
Valour is a noble passion, which evinces a greatness of soul. But too oft it is a vain generosity excited by ambition, and which has for its aim the mere gratification of a selfish pride; an inconsiderate boldness justified by success; a blind ferocity which stifles the voice of humanity, and by the tears it causes to flow and the blood of its victims, tarnishes the laurels of the vanquisher.
Domestic virtue on the contrary, is so perfect, that it is laudable even in its excesses. It is peaceable and constant; and springs from a meekness and tenderness which regulate desire, and, giving the virtuous individual the command of his own, causes him to reign over the hearts of others. The one excites astonishment and fear; the other commands reverence and love.
The Swede boasts of the name of Charles XII, but blesses that of Gustavus Vasa.
In him, of whom the hand of death has bereft us, public and domestic virtues were ever united. Not satisfied in watching with unremitting attention over the welfare of the community, he anxiously endeavored to promote the felicity of its members. Blest with a complacency of disposition and equanimity of temper, which peculiarly endeared him to his friends, he commanded respect even from his enemies. The tender sensibility of his heart was such, that he needed but to see distress, to feel it and contribute to its relief. Deaf to the voice of interest, even in the line of his profession, whenever oppressed indigence called for his assistance, he appeared at the bar without even the hope of any other reward, than the consciousness of having so far promoted the happiness of a fellow man.
Such is, worshipful sirs and worthy brothers, the character of one, whose lessons shall no longer instruct us, but the remembrance of whose virtues will long continue to edify us.
Such is fellow-citizens, the character of one who bore so great a share in the revolution by which you became a nation, who, during his life, was ever honored with some marks of your approbation, and whose memory will, I doubt not, be embalmed in your affections.
SHADES of Warren, Montgomery, and Mercer! and ye Shades of those other Columbian Chiefs, who bore away the palm of political martyrdom! attend, receive, and welcome, into the happy mansions of the just, a soul congenial with those of your departed heroes, and meriting alike our esteem, gratitude and tears.
NOTIFICATION.
ALL persons who have not accounted for the expenditures of public money and stores, received from HUGH HUGHES, either in the capacity of Commissary of Military Stores, Assistant and Deputy Quarter Master General to the army of the United States, or Deputy Quarter Master for the State of New-York, &c. or Deputy Quarter Master to the Eastern and Main Army, are requested, by the said Hughes, to exhibit their accounts and vouchers, properly stated, as early as possible, to the auditor of the Treasury of the United States, in the city of New-York, that a final settlement of the same may be made.
The Executors, or Administrators, to the estates of any of the persons first mentioned, will be pleased to attend to this notification.
N. B. The Printers in the different States in the Union, will render an essential service to the public by inserting this in their newspapers.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the Creditors of THOMAS EATON, WILLIAM PELLS, JABEZ SAYRS, ANTHONY SAYRS, and GEORGE WELCH, Insolvent Debtors, now confined in the common goal of Newark, in the county of Essex, and State of New-Jersey, that they are requested to appear on Monday the Twenty Second Day of February next, at Nine o'Clock in the forenoon of said day, at the Court-House in Newark aforesaid, before the Judges of the Inferior Court, and shew cause, if any there be, why an assignment of the above Insolvent Debtor's Estates should not be made, and they the Insolvents be discharged agreeable to law.
Thomas Eaton, William Pells, Jacob Sayrs, Anthony Sayrs, George Welch.
Newark, 18th January, 1790.
4 w. t.