The New-York journal, and daily patriotic register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1788-01-08 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
NUMB. 7, of VOL. XLIII.]
TUESDAY, January 8, 1788.
[Total NUMB. 2185.]
HERE TRUTH UNLICENSED REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—EVEN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE Thompson's Liberty.
NEW-YORK: Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
To the SUBSCRIBERS of the New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, AND THE RESPECTABLE PUBLIC. THE Proprietor and Editor of the above-mentioned JOURNAL, hereunto subscribed, prompted by the solicitation of a respectable number of his present subscribers—and by means of the generous patronage of a few valued friends, and the public, for which he requests their acceptance of unfeigned thanks—begs leave to communicate to them his intention of printing and publishing a DAILY PAPER, under the title of—The NEW-YORK JOURNAL, and DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
By this publication it is not intended, that the idea of the WEEKLY REGISTER shall be extinct, therefore, the present subscribers, in general, will please to take particular notice, that the THURSDAY's paper will contain just such kind of matter as usual, in which the choicest pieces, and the fewest advertisements, will be inserted—and, that their papers, will of consequence be delivered or sent on, as heretofore, until they severally pay off their arrearages, and stop it, or order their respective names entered upon this new subscription paper.—The Thursday's paper, alone, will be TWO DOLLARS per annum, as usual.
The particular inducements to this arduous task need not all be enumerated—That the present is a most important CRISIS of the national affairs of this country, must be evident even to the least thoughtful, but more especially to those who nobly conceive—that the dearly purchased freedom and independence of America is a sacred deposit, to be nurtured, supported, and transmitted, unimpaired, by the present possessors, to millions yet unborn. To this end it is necessary, that the body of the people (who must ever, in free countries, be supposed the supporters of freedom) be well informed of the nature of any government that may be proposed for their adoption; therefore, free discussions on that momentous topic, as well as interesting intelligence from the several quarters of the world, are necessary to be universally disseminated.
By printing only one paper per week, as heretofore, one half of the essays communicated, and all that might be copied from other papers, were, in general, unavoidably neglected: in a Daily paper there will be room for all that may be worthy insertion. In this paper, FREE and IMPARTIAL discussion, that is, decent and well written ESSAYS, on either side of any important public topic, SHALL FIND FREE ACCESS.
As the principal support of a Daily paper is derived from Advertisements, Gentlemen in the mercantile line, and all others who occasionally Advertise, are earnestly requested to prefer this new undertaking, which shall be gratefully acknowledged by the strictest attention being paid to correctness and propriety. Advertisements shall be inserted as reasonably as by any printer in the city.
The great expence with which a Daily paper will be attended, at first, is too well known to require any apology for the REQUISITION, on subscribing, expressed in the Conditions, or for the warmth of the solicitations, for the continuation of PUBLIC PATRONAGE, with which the following PROPOSALS are introduced by the public's greatly obliged,
And very humbly Servant, THOMAS GREENLEAF. New-York, November 12, 1787.
PROPOSALS
For altering The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, Into the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
CONDITIONS. I. THE New-York Journal and Daily Patriotic Register shall be printed on the same paper, form, and type, as the Weekly Register, and shall contain the same quantity of matter.
II. The price, per Annum, will be SIX DOLLARS, one quarter part of which to be paid on subscribing, viz. One dollar and an half: after which quarterly payments to be punctually observed.
III. No subscriber is to discontinue his subscription on any other condition than the payment of arrearage subscription money, and that at the expiration of a quarter.
IV. The Daily Patriotic Register shall be delivered to the subscribers in the city every morning, and sent (as may be ordered) to those out of the city, with the greatest punctuality, they paying the expence of carriage.
Printing-Office, November 19.
THE Editor returns sincere thanks to those gentlemen who have already enabled him to form a very respectable list of subscribers to his paper, upon the plan of the above proposals. His subscriptions having been rapid, has determined him to commence the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register, THIS DAY.—From the favourable disposition of the public, already evinced, he flatters himself with a prospect of speedy and generous ADVERTISING patronage.—He anticipates the pleasure of having it in his power, in a few weeks, to present to the public, a publication that will both serve and be a CREDIT to his country, not withholding a few of his GILDED rays from the public's ever devoted humble servant, THE PRINTER.
To the Friends of Science.
IT has long been the universal wish, that the public might be furnished with an accurate Geographical and Topographical Grammar of the United States.
Geographers of foreign countries, not being possessed of the proper materials, and not equally interested in this part of their subject, have filled their accounts of these states with numerous inaccuracies. It is time these inaccuracies were corrected. We are independent of Great-Britain, and are no longer to look up to her for a description of our own country.
Several gentlemen of abilities, have, in detached pieces, gratified the public with ample and accurate descriptions of several parts of the United States; but no collective description of the whole has been attempted, except in a small duodecimo volume, published by the subscriber in 1784, which, though imperfect on account of the infant state of geographical knowledge in America, was well received by a candid public, and an edition of 1500 copies speedily sold.
This encouragement has determined him to publish again on the same subject. For the purpose of collecting more ample and accurate materials than he formerly possessed, he has travelled through all the states, and has been favoured with the communications of gentlemen well qualified to give information on so important a subject; and has likewise established a correspondence with several respectable characters in different states, from whom he has every reason to expect a valuable addition to the materials already collected; yet as all the information that can be obtained on a subject so extensively varied and interesting, is greatly to be desired, and every man of science may have it in his power to contribute some observations which may be useful, the subscriber will feel himself particularly obliged to any gentleman who will be so kind as to furnish him with answers to all, or any of the annexed enquiries, viz.
 1. The boundaries and extent of the several states, and the latitudes and longitudes of the principal places.  2. Descriptions of the rivers, their sources, courses, lengths, how far navigable, how high does the tide rise—and what fish do they produce. A description of mountains, lakes, harbours, capes, and bays.  3. General face of the country, an account of its animal, mineral, and vegetable productions, or its natural history. What are the evidences to support the opinion that the flat country in the lowlands and middle states was formerly occupied by the waters of the ocean, and that the land below the hills and mountains has been made since the flood.  4. Natural and artificial curiosities, caverns, cascades, &c.  5. State of commerce, manufactures and agriculture, exports and imports, balance of trade. The number of vessels which annually enter at the custom houses in the several sea ports of the United States.  6. Civil divisions of the several states, the number and names of the several districts, counties, and towns; their extent, latitude and longitude, number of inhabitants, and distance and bearing from the capital of the state. Particular descriptions of the principal towns are requested *.  7. Population—from whence are emigrations, to what places, and how numerous. Of what nations are the inhabitants of the states composed, or whence originated—proportion of the slaves.  8. Climate, diseases and their causes—longevity of the inhabitants—what proportion die in infancy.  9. Religion, number of churches of different denominations—by what methods are ministers supported.  10. State of the practice of law and physic.  11. Societies for the advancement of science and humanity.  12. State of literature, colleges, academies, schools and their funds.  13. Characters who have distinguished themselves in the late war by their patriotism.  14. An estimate of the damages sustained in the late war, in the several states.  15. A description of the adjacent Islands.  16. Manners, customs, diversions and diets.  17. Constitution, policy—general account of the laws—what political principles predominate in the several states.  18. Military and marine strength.  19. Public revenue and expences—mode of levying taxes.  20. Indians, their tribes, languages, numbers, characters and dispositions towards the United States.  21. The society of Cincinnati, their laws and influence and the nature and political tendency of their establishment.  22. History.  * N. B. The subscriber wishes to avail himself of the advantage of all the most accurate maps, and detached geographical pieces, which have been published respecting the United States; and will thank any gentleman to inform him where they can be procured.
Those gentlemen, who may be so obliging as to favor the above design, by communications, are requested to forward them to Messrs. R. Aiken, or W. Spotswood, Philadelphia; Messrs. Spotswood and Clarke, bookellers, Baltimore; Rev. Mr.
* This enquiry is made for the purpose of collecting the proper materials for a Gazetteer of the United States, which makes a part of the general plan in view. It is obvious that a book of this kind, compiled from accurate information, would be exceedingly useful. This might easily be done, if one well-informed gentleman, in each town, would spend one half hour for the purpose. In this time the gentlemen might throw together every important circumstance relative to the towns, in which they respectively reside.
Keith, Alexandria; the honorable H. Williamson Edenton, North-Carolina; the honorable D. Ramsay, Messrs. Wright and Co. Charleston; the honorable A. Baldwin and Joseph Clay, Esquires. Georgia; Samuel S. Smith, D. D. Princeton, Mr. Loudon, Printer, New-York; and the Rev. Samuel Aullin, or Jedidiah Morse, New-Haven, with their names subscribed, and the places of their residence, that the author may have the pleasure of knowing to whom he is indebted for their friendly assistance.
JEDIDIAH MORSE If the several Printers, in the United States, feel disposed to favor the above design, and will give this Advertisement a place in their respective papers for a few weeks, and will receive and forward to New-Haven, any communications which may be handed them by friends to the design, they may thereby contribute to the public good, and will peculiarly oblige their humble servant. Philad. Aug. 7, 1787. J. M.
WHEREAS Nicholas Bayard, Esq. of the city of New-York, by his certain indenture of lease, under his hand and seal, duly executed, bearing date the sixteenth day of September, in the ninth year of the independence of the United States of America, and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, for the consideration therein mentioned, did demise and to farm let unto John Calling, all those three LOTS OF GROUND, No. 279, 280, and 281, situate in the outward, at the corner of Moll Street, and Bayard-Street, to have and to hold the said three Lots unto the said John Calling, for and during and until the end and term of twenty-one years from thence next ensuing: and whereas the said John Calling had erected on said three Lots of Ground a dwelling house; and whereas the said John Calling, on the twenty-eighth day of February, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, by indenture of mortgage, did convey unto John Egberts, of the city of New-York, house, carpenter, all the before mentioned Lots, No. 279, 280, and 281, with the buildings thereon erected to hold for and during the residue and remainder of the said term of twenty-one years then to come and unexpired, to secure the payment of fifty pounds, with the lawful interest:—NOTICE is hereby given, that in pursuance of an act of the governor, council, and general assembly of the late colony of New-York, passed the nineteenth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, entitled, "An act for the more effectual recovery of debts due from persons who have been or may be at any time indebted to the public, or mortgaged estates,"—the residue and remainder of the term of years yet to come, and unexpired, of, and in the said three Lots of Ground, with the buildings thereon erected, will be SOLD at PUBLIC VENDUE, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the twenty-fifth day of February next.—The sale to begin at twelve o'clock. The condition of sale will be made known at the time of the vendue, and a deed executed to the purchaser or purchasers, subject to the proviso, in the said act, in favor of other mortgagees, judgments at law, and decrees in equity, prior to the said sale.
JOHN EGBERTS.
New-York, August 23, 1787. t. th. 6m. By Order of the Honorable RICHARD MORRIS, Esq. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York:
NOTICE is hereby given to Moses Franks, and to all others whom it may concern, that on application and due proof made to the said Chief Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, he hath issued his warrants to the sheriff of the city and county of New-York, and the sheriff of the county of Suffolk, commanding them to attach, take, seize and safely keep all the estate, as well real as personal, of the said Moses Franks, an absent debtor, of what kind or nature forever, and every or any part or parcel thereof in whatever part of their balliwick the same can be found, with all evidences, books of accounts, vouchers, and papers relating thereto. And that unless he the said Moses Franks shall appear by himself, or attorney, and discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, all his estate, real and personal, will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, this twenty-sixth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven. 41 m. th. 15w
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to PETER BERRIAN, of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Peter Berrian, their accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said Peter Berrian, previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to PETER BERRIAN, or to JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—t. th. 3m.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to JAMES MYER, jun. of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the aforesaid James Myer, jun. their accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said James Myer, jun. previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to the subscriber. JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—t. th. 3m.
JUST IMPORTED, In the Montgomery, Capt. Bunyan, from London, and other late vessels from Great Britain, and to be SOLD on very reasonable terms,
By Robert Hodge,
No. 237, Queen-Street, the corner of King-Street, A large and choice collection of BOOKS;
Among which are, ELEGANT folio family bibles, with near 900 cuts in each, Burkitt on the new testament, Brown's self-interpreting bible, 2 vols., Cruden's concordance, Warden's system of divinity, Whitby's commentary, Blair's Cart's, Erskine's, Bolton's, Wilton's, Atterbury's, &c. sermons, Neilson's festivals, Cullen's, Duncan's, and Hoffman's, practice of physic, Van Swieten's, commataries, 18 vols. Boerhaave's aphorisms, 6 vols. Smellie, and Hamilton's midwifery, Leake on the diseases of women, 2 vols. Quincy's medical lexicon, Fourcroy's, chemistry, &c. Ainsworth's, Young's Cole's, and Besides the above, a great variety, Consisting of History, Divinity, Law, Philosophy, Mathematics, Biography, Geography, Poetry, Physic, Surgery, Agriculture, Nautical Books, Dictionaries, Architecture, Novels, Miscellanies, Plays, &c. &c. Also an excellent collection of STATIONERY Genuine Writing Paper of all sizes, Receipt Books, Bonnet and Cards, &c. &c. Commissions from the country are thankfully received, and carefully executed. 51
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to THOMAS WHITE of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Thomas White, their accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said Thomas White, previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to Thomas White, or to JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—t. th. 3m.
JACOB REED, jun. At his OFFICE, No. 20, Queen Street, near the Fly-Market. BUYS, SELLS, and EXCHANGES. SECURITIES of the United States, and of this state, and furnishes on the most reasonable terms, such certificates as are receivable on the sales of public lands, and for the arrearages of quit rents within this state. Also, certificates that will pay for the lands lately sold, as well as those granted to certain companies, by the United States. In fact, every transaction, both in the Continental and state FUNDS, negotiated with dispatch, and on the most easy terms.
MONEY EXCHANGES. The paper money of this state at all times exchanged for specie, which is re-exchanged for paper money, at only half per cent. advance from the giving rate. New-York, Dec. 13, 1787. 69—e. d.
MARSHALL'S Porter and Oyster-House, IS now opened at the corner of Courtlandt and Greenwich-Streets, opposite Powles-Hook Ferry-House, at the North-River—where every exertion will be put in force to render those who will favor him with their commands agreeable. New-York, Dec. 12, 1787. 69—t. th.
TO BE LET, BY Moses Gomez,
A VACANT LOT, for one or two lots of vents, in Hage-Street; 48 feet in length, and 21 feet six inches in front, and 19 feet in the rear.
A VACANT LOT, in Ferry-Street, seventy-five feet wide, and one hundred feet long. It faces Cliff and Chapple-Streets. The said Lot will be let, either whole or in two separate Lots, as best suits the applicant. MOSES GOMEZ.

To the PEOPLE of the STATE of NEW-YORK.
ALTHOUGH I am of opinion that there would be no real danger of the consequences, which seem to be apprehended to the state governments, from a power in the union to controul them in the levies of money; because I am persuaded that the sense of the people, the extreme hazard of provoking the resentments of the state governments, and a conviction of the utility and necessity of local administrations, for local purposes, would be a complete barrier against the oppressive use of such a power: yet I am willing here to allow in its full extent the justness of the reasoning, which requires, that the individual states should possess an independent and uncontroulable authority to raise their own revenues for the supply of their own wants. And making this concession, I affirm, that (with the sole exception on imports and exports) they would, under the plan of the convention, retain that authority in the most absolute and unqualified sense; and that an attempt on the part of the national government to abridge them in the exercise of it, would be a violent assumption of power unwarranted by any article or clause of its constitution.
An intire consolidation of the states into one complete national sovereignty, would imply an entire subordination of the parts, and whatever powers might remain in them would be altogether dependent on the general will. But as the plan of the convention aims only at a partial union or consolidation, the state governments would clearly retain all the rights of sovereignty which they before had, and which were not by that act exclusively delegated to the United States. This exclusive delegation, or rather this alienation of state sovereignty, would only exist in three cases; where the constitution in express terms granted an exclusive authority to the union; where it granted in one instance, an authority to the union, and in another, prohibited the states from exercising the like authority; and where it granted an authority to the union, to which a similar authority in the states would be absolutely and totally contradictory and repugnant. I use these terms to distinguish this last case from another which might appear to resemble it; but which would in fact be essentially different; I mean where the exercise of a concurrent jurisdiction might be productive of occasional interferences in the policy of any branch of administration, but would not imply any direct contradiction or repugnancy in point of constitutional authority. These three cases of exclusive jurisdiction in the federal government may be exemplified by the following instances: The last clause but one in the 8th section of the 1st article provides expressly, that Congress shall exercise "exclusive legislation" over the district to be appropriated as the seat of government. This answers to the first case. The first clause of the same section, empowers Congress "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises;" and the 2d clause of the 10th section, of the same article, declares, that "no state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except for the purpose of executing its inspection laws." Hence would result an exclusive power in the union, to lay duties on imports and exports, with the particular exception mentioned; but this power is abridged by another clause, which declares, that no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state; in consequence of which qualification, it now only extends to the duties on imports. This answers to the second case. The third will be found in that clause, which declares, that Congress shall have power "to establish an uniform rule of naturalization throughout the United States." This must necessarily be exclusive; because if each state had power to prescribe a distinct rule there could be no uniform rule.
A case which may perhaps be thought to resemble the latter, but which is in fact widely different, affects the question immediately under consideration. I mean, the power of imposing taxes on all articles other than exports and imports. This I contend, is manifestly a concurrent and equal authority in the United States, and in the individual states. There is plainly no expression in the granting clause which makes that power exclusive in the union. There is no independent clause or sentence which prohibits the states from exercising it. So far is this from being the case, that a plain and conclusive argument to the contrary is to be deduced from the restraint laid upon the states, in relation to duties on imports and exports. This restriction implies an admission, that if it were not in-
serted, the states would possess the power it excludes, and it implies a further admission, that as to all other taxes, the authority of the states remains undiminished. In any other view it would be both unnecessary and dangerous; it would be unnecessary, because if the grant to the union, of the power of laying such duties implied the exclusion of the states, or even their subordination in this particular, there could be no need of such a restriction; it would be dangerous, because the introduction of it leads directly to the conclusion which has been mentioned, and which, if the reasoning of the objections be just, could not have been intended; I mean that the states in all cases to which the restriction did not apply, would have a concurrent power of taxation with the union. The restriction in question amounts to what lawyers call a negative pregnant; that is a negation of one thing, and an affirmation of another; a negation of the authority of the states to impose taxes on imports and exports, and an affirmation of their authority to impose them on all other articles. It would be mere sophistry to argue, that it was meant to exclude them absolutely from the imposition of taxes of the former kind, and to leave them at liberty to lay others, subject to the controul of the national legislature. The restraining or prohibitory clause, only says, that they shall not without the consent of Congress, lay such duties; and if we are to understand this in the sense last mentioned, the constitution would then be made to introduce a formal provision for the sake of a very absurd conclusion, which is, that the states with the consent of the national legislature might tax imports and exports; and that they might tax every other article unless controuled by the same body. If this was the intention, why not leave it in the first instance to what is alleged to be the natural operation of the original clause conferring a general power of taxation upon the union? It is evident, that this could not have been the intention, and that it will not bear a construction of the kind.
As to the supposition of repugnancy between the power of taxation in the states and in the union, it cannot be supported in that sense which would be requisite to work an exclusion of the states. It is indeed possible that a tax might be laid on a particular article by a state, which might render it inexpedient that thus a further tax should be laid on the same article by the union; but it would not imply a constitutional inability to impose a further tax. The quantity of the imposition, the expediency or inexpediency of an increase on either side, would be mutually questions of prudence; but there would be involved no direct contradiction of power. The particular policy of the national and of the state systems of finance, might now and then not exactly coincide, and might require reciprocal forbearances. It is not however a mere possibility of inconvenience in the exercise of powers, but an immediate constitutional repugnancy, that can by implication alienate and extinguish a pre-existing right of sovereignty.
The necessity of a concurrent jurisdiction in certain cases results from the division of the sovereign power; and the rule that all authorities of which the states are not explicitly divested in favor of the union, remain with them in full vigor, is not only a theoretical consequence of that division, but is clearly admitted, by the whole tenor of the instrument which contains the articles of the proposed constitution. We there find, that notwithstanding the affirmative grants of general authorities, there has been the most pointed care in those cases where it was deemed improper that the like authorities should reside in the states, to insert negative clauses prohibiting the exercise of them by the states. The tenth section of the first article consists altogether of such provisions. This circumstance is a clear indication of the sense of the convention, and furnishes a rule of interpretation out of the body of the act which justifies the position I have advanced, and refutes every hypothesis to the contrary.
The last clause of the eighth section of the first article of the plan under consideration, authorises the national legislature, "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers by that constitution, vested in the government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof;" and the second clause of the sixth article declares, that "the constitution and the laws of the United States, made in pursuance thereof, and the treaties made by their authority, shall be the supreme law of the land; anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding."
These two clauses have been the sources of much virulent invective and petulant declamation against the proposed constitution; they have been held up to the people in all the exaggerated colors of misrepre-
sentation, as the pernicious engines by which their local governments were to be destroyed, and their liberties exterminated—as the hideous monster, whose devouring jaws would spare neither sex nor age, high nor low, nor sacred nor profane; and yet, strange as it may appear, after all this clamor, to those who may not happen to contemplate them in the same light, it may be affirmed with perfect confidence, that the constitutional operation of the intended government would be precisely the same, if these clauses were entirely obliterated, as if they were repeated in every article. They are only declaratory of a truth, which would have resulted by necessary and unavoidable implication from the very act of constituting a federal government, and vesting it with certain specified powers. This is so clear a proposition, that moderation itself can scarcely listen to the railings which have been so copiously vented again this part of the plan, without emotions that disturb its equanimity.
What is a power, but the ability or faculty of doing a thing? What is the ability to do a thing but the power of employing the means necessary to its execution? What is a legislative power, but the power of making laws? What are the means to execute a legislative power, but laws? What is the power of laying and collecting taxes but legislative power, or a power of making laws, to lay and collect taxes? What are the proper means of executing such a power but necessary and proper laws?
This simple train of enquiry furnishes us at once with a test by which to judge of the true nature of the clause complained of. It conducts us to this palpable truth, that a power to lay and collect taxes must be a power to pass all laws necessary and proper for the execution of that power; and what does the unfortunate and calumniated provision in question do more than declare the same truth, to wit, that the national legislature, to whom the power of laying and collecting taxes had been previously given, might, in the execution of that power, pass all laws necessary and proper to carry it into effect? I have applied these observations thus particularly to the power of taxation, because it is the immediate subject under consideration, and because it is the most important of the authorities proposed to be conferred upon the union. But the same process will lead to the same result in relation to all other powers declared in the constitution, and it is expressly to execute these powers, that the sweeping clause, as it has been affectionately called, authorises the national legislature to pass all necessary and proper laws. If there is any thing exceptionable it must be sought for in the specific powers, upon which this general declaration is predicated. The declaration itself, though it may be chargeable with tautology or redundancy, is at least perfectly harmless.
But suspicion may ask, why then was it introduced? The answer is, that it could only have been done for greater caution, and to guard against all cavilling refinements in those who might hereafter feel a disposition to curtail and evade the legitimate authorities of the union. The convention probably foresaw that it has been a principal aim of these papers to inculcate that the danger which most threatens our political welfare, is, that the state governments will finally sap the foundations of the union; and might therefore think it necessary, in so cardinal a point, to leave nothing to construction. Whatever may have been the inducement to it, the wisdom of the precaution is evident from the cry which has been raised against it; as that very cry betrays a disposition to question the great and essential truth which it is manifestly the object of that provision to declare.
But it may be again asked, who is to judge of the necessity and propriety of the laws to be passed for executing the powers of the union? I answer first, that this question arises as well and as fully upon the simple grant of those powers, as upon the declaratory clause: and I answer in the second place, that the national government, like every other, must judge in the first instance of the proper exercise of its powers, and its constituents in the last. If the federal government should overpass the just bounds of its authority, the people, whose creature it is, must appeal to the standard they have formed, and take such measures to redress the injury done to the constitution, as the exigency may suggest and prudence justify. The propriety of a law in a constitutional light, must always be determined by the nature of the powers upon which it is founded. Suppose by some forced constructions of its authority (which indeed cannot easily be imagined), the federal legislature should attempt to vary the law of descent in any state; would it not be evident, that in making such an attempt it had exceeded its jurisdiction, and infringed upon
that of the state? Suppose again, that upon the pretence of an interference with its revenues, it should undertake to abrogate a land tax imposed by the authority of a state; would it not be equally evident that this was an invasion of that concurrent jurisdiction in respect to this species of tax, which its constitution plainly supposes to exist in the state governments? If there ever should be a doubt on this head, the credit of it will be intirely due to those reasoners, who, in the imprudent zeal of their animosity to the plan of the convention, have laboured to envelope it in a cloud, calculated to obscure the plainest and simplest truths.
But it is said, that the laws of the union are to be the supreme law of the land. But what inference can be drawn from this, or what would they amount to, if they were not to be supreme? It is evident they would amount to nothing. A law, by the very meaning of the term, includes supremacy. It is a rule which those to whom it is prescribed are bound to observe. This results from every political association. If individuals enter into a state of society, the laws of that society must be the supreme regulator of their conduct. If a number of political societies enter into a larger political society, the laws which the latter may enact, pursuant to the powers entrusted to it by its constitution, must necessarily be supreme over those societies, and the individuals of whom they are composed. It would otherwise be a mere treaty, dependent on the good faith of the parties, and not a government; which is only another word for political power and supremacy. But it will not follow from this doctrine, that acts of the larger society, which are not pursuant to its constitutional powers, but which are invasions of the residuary authorities of the smaller societies, will become the supreme law of the land. These will be merely acts of usurpation, and will deserve to be treated as such. Hence we perceive that the clause which declares the supremacy of the laws of the union, like the one we have just before considered, only declares a truth, which flows immediately and necessarily from the institution of a federal government. It will not, I presume, have escaped observation, that it expressly confines this supremacy to laws made pursuant to the constitution; which I mention merely as an instance of caution in the convention; since that limitation would have been to be understood, though it had not been expressed.
Though a law, therefore, for laying a tax for the use of the United States, would be supreme in its nature, and could not legally be opposed or controuled; yet a law for abrogating or preventing the collection of a tax laid by the authority of a state (unless upon imports and exports) would not be the supreme law of the land, but an usurpation of power not granted by the constitution. As far as an improper accumulation of taxes on the same object might tend to render the collection difficult or precarious, this would be a mutual inconvenience not arising from a superiority or defect of power on either side, but from an injudicious exercise of power by one or the other, in a manner equally disadvantageous to both. It is to be hoped and presumed, however, that mutual interest would dictate a concert in this respect, which would avoid any material inconvenience. The inference from the whole is—that the individual states would, under the proposed constitution, retain an independent and uncontroulable authority to raise revenue to any extent of which they may stand in need, by every kind of taxation except duties on imports and exports. It will be shown in the next paper, that this concurrent jurisdiction in the article of taxation, was the only admissible substitute for an intire subordination, in respect to this branch of power of the state authority to that of the union.
PUBLIUS.
I FLATTER myself it has been clearly shewn in my last number, that the particular states, under the proposed constitution, would have co-equal authority with the Union in the article of revenue, except as to duties on imports. As this leaves open to the states far the greatest part of the resources of the community, there can be no color for the assertion, that they would not possess means as abundant as could be desired for the supply of their own wants, independent of all external controul. That the field is sufficiently wide will more fully appear when we come to advert to the inconsiderable share of the public expenses, for which it will fall to the lot of the state governments to provide.
To argue upon abstract principles that this co-ordinate authority cannot exist, would be to set up supposition and theory against fact and reality. However proper such reasonings might be to shew that a thing ought not to exist, they are wholly to be rejected, when they are made use of to prove that it does not exist, contrary to the evidence of the fact itself. It is well known, that in the Roman republic, the legislative authority in the last resort, resided for ages in two different political bodies; not as branches of the same legislature, but as distinct and independent legislatures; in each of which an opposite interest prevailed; in one the Patrici-

an—in the other the Plebian. Many arguments might have been adduced to prove the unfitness of two such seemingly contradictory authorities, each having power to annul or repeal the acts of the other. But a man would have been regarded as frantic, who should have attempted at Rome to disprove their existence. It will readily be understood, that I allude to the Comitia Centuriata and Comitia . The former, in which the people voted by centuries, was so arranged as to give a superiority to the Patrician interest: In the latter, in which numbers prevailed, the Plebian interest had an entire predominance. And yet these two legislatures co-existed for ages, and the Roman republic attained to the utmost height of human greatness.
In the case particularly under consideration there is no such contradiction as appears in the example cited; there is no power on either side to annul the acts of the other. And in practice there is little reason to apprehend any inconvenience; because in a short course of time the wants of the states will naturally reduce themselves within a very narrow compass, and in the interim the United States will, in all probability, find it convenient to abstain wholly from those objects to which the particular states would be inclined to resort.
To form a more precise judgement of the true merits of this question, it will be well to advert to the proportion between the objects that will require a federal provision in respect to revenue; and those which will require a state provision. We shall discover that the former are altogether unlimited; and that the latter are circumscribed within very moderate bounds. In pursuing this inquiry, we must bear in mind, that we are not to confine our view to the present period, but to look forward to remote futurity. Constitutions of civil government are not to be framed upon a calculation of existing exigencies; but upon a combination of these, with the probable exigencies of ages, according to the natural and tried course of human affairs. Nothing therefore can be more fallacious, than to infer the extent of any power, proper to be lodged in the national government, from an estimate of its immediate necessities. There ought to be a capacity to provide for future contingencies, as they may happen; and as these are illimitable in their nature, it is impossible safely to limit that capacity. It is true perhaps that a computation might be made, with sufficient accuracy to answer the purpose of the quantity of revenue requisite to discharge the subsisting engagements of the Union, and to maintain those establishments, which for some time to come would suffice in time of peace. But would it be wise, or would it not rather be the extreme of folly to stop at this point, and to leave the government entrusted with the care of the national defence, in a state of absolute incapacity to provide for the protection of the community against future invasions of the public peace, by foreign wars or domestic convulsions? If we must be obliged to exceed this point, where can we stop short of an indefinite power of providing for emergencies as they may arise? Though it be easy to assert, in general terms, the possibility of forming a rational judgement of a due provision against probable dangers; yet we may safely challenge those who make the assertion to bring forward their data, and may affirm that they would be found as vague and uncertain as any that could be produced to establish the probable duration of the world. Observations confined to the mere prospects of internal attacks can deserve no weight, though even these will admit of no satisfactory calculation; but if we mean to be a commercial people, it must form a part of our policy to be able one day to defend that commerce. The support of a navy, and of naval wars, would involve contingencies that must baffle all the efforts of political arithmetic.
Admitting that we ought to try the novel and absurd experiment in politics of tying up the hands of government from offensive war founded upon reasons of state: Yet, certainly we ought not to disable it from guarding the community against the ambition or enmity of other nations. A cloud has been for some time hanging over the European world. If it should break forth into a storm, who can insure us that in its progress a part of its fury would not be spent upon us? No reasonable man would hastily pronounce that we are entirely out of its reach. Or if the combustible materials that now seem to be collecting, should be dissipated without coming to maturity, or if a flame should be kindled without extending to us, what security can we have, that our tranquillity will long remain undisturbed from some other cause, or from some other quarter? Let us recollect that peace or war will not always be left to our option; that however moderate or unambitious we may be, we cannot count upon the moderation, or hope to extinguish the ambition of others. Who could have imagined, at the conclusion of the last war, that France and Britain, wearied and exhausted as they both were, would so soon have looked with hostile an aspect upon each other? To judge from the history of mankind we shall be compelled to conclude, that the fiery and destructive passions of war reign in the human breast with much more powerful sway than the mild and beneficent sentiments of peace; and that to model our political systems upon speculations of lasting tranquillity, is to calculate on the weaker springs of the human character.
What are the chief sources of expense in every government? What has occasioned that enormous accumulation of debts with which several of the European nations are oppressed? The answer plainly is, wars and rebellions—the support of those institutions which are necessary to guard the body politic against these two most mortal diseases of society. The expenses arising from those institutions which are relative to the mere domestic police of a state—to the support of its legislative, executive and judicial departments, with their different appendages, and to the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures (which will comprehend almost all the objects of state expenditure) are insignificant in comparison with those which relate to the national defence.
In the kingdom of Great-Britain, where all the ostentatious apparatus of monarchy is to be provided for, not above a fifteenth part of the annual income of the nation is appropriated to the class of expenses last mentioned; the other fourteen fifteenths are absorbed in the payment of the interest of debts, contracted for carrying on the wars in which that country has been engaged, and in the
maintenance of fleets and armies. If on the one hand it should be observed, that the expenses incurred in the prosecution of the ambitious enterprizes and vain-glorious pursuits of a monarchy, are not a proper standard by which to judge of those which might be necessary in a republic; it ought on the other hand to be remarked, that there should be as great a disproportion between the profusion and extravagance of a wealthy kingdom in its domestic administration, and the frugality and economy, which, in that particular, become the modest simplicity of republican government. If we balance a proper deduction from one side against that which it is supposed ought to be made from the other, the proportion may still be considered as holding good.
But let us advert to the large debt which we have ourselves contracted in a single war, and let us only calculate on a common share of the events which disturb the peace of nations, and we shall instantly perceive, without the aid of any elaborate illustration, that there must always be an immense disproportion between the objects of federal and state expenditures. It is true, that several of the states separately are encumbered with considerable debts, which are an excrescence of the late war.—But this cannot happen again if the proposed system be adopted; and when these debts are discharged, the only call for revenue of any consequence, which the state governments will continue to experience, will be for the more support of their respective civil lists; to which, if we add all contingencies, the total amount in every state, ought not to exceed two hundred thousand pounds.
In framing a government for posterity as well as ourselves, we ought, in those provisions which are designed to be permanent, to calculate not on temporary, but on permanent causes of expense. If this principle be a just one, our attention would be directed to a provision in favor of the state governments for an annual sum of about 200,000 pounds; while the exigencies of the union could be susceptible of no limits, even in imagination. In this view of the subject, by what logic can it be maintained, that the local governments ought to command, in perpetuity, an exclusive source of revenue for any sum beyond the extent of 200,000 pounds? To extend its power further, in exclusion of the authority of the union, would be to take the resources of the community out of those hands which stood in need of them for the public welfare, in order to put them in other hands, which could have no just or proper occasion for them.
Suppose then, the convention had been inclined to proceed upon the principle of a repartition of the objects of revenue between the union and its members, in proportion to their comparative necessities; what particular fund could have been selected for the use of the states, that would not either have been too much or too little; too little for their present, and too much for their future wants. As to the line of separation between external and internal taxes, this would leave to the states, at a rough computation, the command of two thirds of the resources of the community to defray from a tenth to a twentieth part of its expenses; and to the union, one third of the resources of the community to defray from nine tenths to nineteen twentieths of its expenses. If we defer this boundary, and content ourselves with leaving to the states an exclusive power of taxing houses and lands, there would still be a great disproportion between the means and the end; the possession of one third of the resources of the community, to supply at most one tenth of its wants. If any funds could have been selected and appropriated equal to, and not greater than the object, it would have been inadequate to the discharge of the existing debts of the particular states, and would have left them dependent on the union for a provision for this purpose.
The preceding train of observations will justify the position which has been elsewhere laid down, that, "a concurrent jurisdiction in the article of taxation, was the only admissible substitute for an entire subordination, in respect to this branch of power, of the state authority to that of the union." Any separation of the objects of revenue, that could have been fallen upon, would have amounted to a sacrifice of the great interests of the union to the power of the individual states. The convention thought the concurrent jurisdiction preferable to that subordination; and it is evident that it has at least the merit of reconciling an indefinite constitutional power of taxation in the federal government, with an adequate and independent power in the states to provide for their own necessities. There remain a few other lights, in which this important subject of taxation will claim a further consideration. PUBLIUS.
Some Regulations, insinuated by his Most Christian Majesty, relative to his Exences, &c.
MILITARY DEPARTMENTS.
ALTHOUGH his Majesty, since his accession to the throne, has made great reductions in his military department; nevertheless, unwilling to neglect any thing that can contribute to the ease of his subjects, and not to retain any thing of the splendour which surrounds him, but what is absolutely essential to the dignity of his crown, he has resolved, that the gens d'armes and light horse of the king's ordinary guard, be reformed.
The officers of these corps, thus reformed, will be replaced, according to their rank, in his Majesty's troops: they shall preserve their establishment to that period, or to that of their promotion to the rank of Marshal of the camp; and shall either in one case or the other, be reimbursed their income. His Majesty has resolved, that the company
of the guards de la porte, be reformed likewise.
BUILDINGS.—In acquiring new residences, his Majesty has always intended to part with several houses, which have been the residences of the king's predecessors, and which were in consequence in the department of the works.
In consequence, he has resolved upon the demolition, or sale, of the castles of Chaify, La Muett, Vincennes, and Boiss; and at the same time, he has ordained, that all the houses which he possesses at Paris, except those comprehended in the plan of the Louvre, be sold.
Besides the reduction of the expenses that result from the possession of the said castles, His Majesty has ordained, that the general estimate of the expenses of buildings, should be submitted, annually, to the council of finance, before it be resolved upon, as it is mentioned in the regulation relative to the said council.
His Majesty has ordained, that the said estimate be reduced to what is necessary; and particularly with regard to repairs, the neglect of which would rather expend than economize.
THE QUEEN'S HOUSEHOLD.—The Queen, actuated with the same wishes as the King, for the ease of the people, having herself equitied into every department of her household, her able bed chamber, and mews, have undergone a considerable reduction. All useless places have been suppressed; and although several of these places require a equipment, and some unavoidable curtailments, the actual benefit to the Royal treasury, resulting from these reancements, ordered by the Queen, will exceed nine hundred thousand livres.
Signed, LOUIS. New-York, January 8.
BY private accounts from Portsmouth, we hear, that it was expected there would be a house, in the general assembly, by this day. Thus, the period fast approaches, wherein the impatient curiosity of all ranks of politicians will be fully satisfied, respecting the fate of the proposed constitution, in this state.
The following is copied from a Portsmouth (N. H.) paper, of Dec. 26:—On Friday night last arrived in this port, in three days from Shelburne, the Schooner Charlotte, Capt. Harwood, who informs, that the governor at Halifax has procured a number of workmen from different parts of Nova-Scotia, and they work with the most unremitting industry on the fortifications—Likewise, that they were impressing seamen at Halifax. The day before he sailed, Capt. Atkins, in a Schooner from Philadelphia, arrived at Shelburne, and advised, that off Cape Henlopen he spoke an English letter of marque, carrying 18 six pounders, commanded by Capt. Thomson, from Liverpool for Philadelphia, by whom he was informed, that he expected war was, by that time, proclaimed in England, as it was hourly expected before he sailed.
APology.—Neither Brutus nor a COUNTRYMAN can possibly appear before the day after to-morrow.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for this paper (printed every day at Six Dollars, and once a week at Two Dollars per annum) are received, in this city by the Printer hereof, by Mrs. Bradford, at the merchants Coffee house and by Messrs Hodge, and Allen, booksellers; at Newark by Col Cummings; at Elizabeth-Town by Mr. Kollock, printer, & Mr. Trentice; at New-Brunswick by Major Egbert; at Princeton by M. Hamilton; at Trenton by Mr. Singer; at Philadelphia by Col. Oswald printer; at Albany by Mr. Lansing postmaster; at Boston by Joseph Greenleaf, Esq. &c.
To be LET, until May Day, And entered on immediately, ONE half of the Dwelling House, in Cherry-Street, No. 7. This house is made convenient for two families. For terms enquire at said house—where may be had GENTLE BOARDING and LODGINGS, or either, for two or three gentlemen. New-York, January 7, 1788. 84—c.d.
For St. CROIX, The BRIG ESOPUS, Sailing at Ten O'Clock, Wharf, HE will positively fill her 14th inst. great part of her cargo being already engaged.—For freight or passage apply to the Master on board, or to the subscriber, No. 41, Roosevelt-Street. PETER WYNKOOP. New-York, Jan. 8, 1788. 85 90 c.d.
WANTERS. TWO JOURNEYMEN PRINTERS—one of whom, at least, must be a single Man, who can subject himself to the Customs of a Second Table in bachelor's Hall; both must be steady Printers, willing to work at all Seasons requisite; their Pay shall be as good as the Season will admit of. The one must apply by Tuesday next; and the other within three Weeks. Enquire at this Office. January 5, 1788. 83—c.d.
NOTICE is hereby given, by Solomon Goodale, of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, and by all the petitioning creditors of the said Solomon Goodale, to all the creditors of the said Solomon Goodale, to show cause, if any they have, before John Waley, Esquire, one of the aldermen of the city and county of New-York, and one of the judges of the court of common pleas of the city and county of New-York, commonly called the mayor's court, by Friday the eleventh day of January inst. why an assignment of the estate of the said Solomon Goodale should not be made, and the said Solomon Goodale discharged, pursuant to the provisions of a certain act of the people of the State of New-York, represented in senate and assembly, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 19th of April, 1786. New-York, Jan. 7, 1788. 84 88 c.d.
Wants Employment, A YOUNG Gentleman, versed in the FRENCH and ENGLISH LANGUAGES & MERCHANTS ACCOUNTS. In either of these branches he would be glad to engage. Having already officiated as teacher of the above languages, and been fortunate enough to give satisfaction, he would prefer that mode of living in future, either in a private family or as an assistant in some school—but if he fails in this, being perfectly acquainted with BOOK-KEEPING, he would accept of a place in a store, for a longer or shorter time, as may best suit the employer. New-York, January 3, 1788. 81—c.d.
TO BE SOLD, THIS DAY, The eighth of January, at twelve o'Clock, at the House of ISRAEL HONEYWELL, Jun. near Dobb's Ferry, the Farm and Tract of Land, In Esopus, now in the Occupation of the said ISRAEL HONEYWELL; CONTAINING two hundred acres more or less, together with the flock and household furniture of the said Israel Honeywell, consisting of a great variety of valuable articles, which will be sold by virtue of an execution, issued at the suit of Alice Archer, against the said Israel Honeywell. JOHN THOMAS, Sheriff.
Ten Dollars Reward. Ran-away, from Cape Francois, A MULATTO MAN, Named JACQUES or JAMES, A CREOLE, from Martinico, AN excellent kitchen and pastry COOK, 26 or 27 years of age, about 5 feet 9 inches high, middling thick, his legs are much warped, much pock-marked, a very large mouth, small eyes and funk, a large forehead and long necked; he has a kind of ring-worm on one of his arms, and has a difficulty in his speech, stammering a little—He left Cape Francois in the beginning of May last, and was supposed to have taken passage for this continent. Whoever secures said Mulatto Man, and gives intelligence, will be handsomely rewarded, at all reasonable charges paid. Enquire at No. 15, Queen-Street. 73—c.d.
Masters & Owners of Vessels
Are hereby informed, THAT they may be supplied with cables, large or small of any length, and cordage of all sizes, made of Petersburg hemp, first quality, at Ivers's Rope-walk, at the head of Mott-berry-Street, the first left hand turn above the Tea-Water Pump, on such favorable terms as to merit the attention of any gentleman that would wish to lay out his money to the best advantage. Cables spliced, with the addition of any length required, white rope of every sort for city or country use, hawser lines, deep sea lines, 1 and lead lines, log lines, houseline, and machine, &c. &c. by H. IVERS, Ropemaker.
N. B. The above articles, whether in large or small quantities, will be delivered to any part of the city without expense of carriage to the buyer. New-York, Dec. 7, 1787. 58 d.c.
I. Greenwood, SURGEON DENTIST, No. 190, Water-Street, opposite the Coffee-house, Performs all Operations incumbent to the TEETH and GUMS, Takes and Substitutes Artificial Teeth.
Attends abroad upon sending Direction. The AMERICAN MAGAZINE, For December, 1788. Just Published in this City. Sold at this Office, price Two shillings.

POET'S CORNER.
The following beautiful description of the river St. Lawrence, is taken from Mr. Barlow's Vision of Columbus. WHEN, hoarse resounding thro' the gaping shore, He heard cold Lawrence' dreadful surges roar, Tho' softening May had wak'd the vernal blade, And happier climes her fragrant garb display'd, Yet howling winter, in this bleak domain, Shook the wide waste, and held his gloomy reign; Still groans the flood, in frozen fetters bound, And ills of ice his threatening front surround; Cloth'd in white majesty, the foaming main Leads up the tide, and tempts the wintry chain; Billows on billows lift the maddening surge, And seas and clouds in battling conflict join; The dashing wave, struggling, heaves its swelling sweep; Wide o'er the portals of the frozen deep; Till, forc'd aloft, high-bounding in the air, Moves the bleak ice, and sheds a hideous glare; The torn foundations on the surface ride, And wrecks of winter load the downward tide.
THE MONKEY'S TOOTH.
In the island of Ceylon the natives formerly paid their adoration to the most fantastick deities; amongst others a magnificent temple was erected, and daily sacrifices offered to the all-powerful, spirit supposed to reside in a monkey's tooth; on the continuance of any drought, or the prevalence of any epidemic disorder, the sacred tooth was still brought forth, and borne in solemn procession, and the return of rain and health was constantly attributed to its powerful interposition; but shortly after the Dutch had taken possession of the island, by one of those accidents against which no human prudence can guard, the hollowed tooth was mislaid, and baffled the most diligent search, both of the priests, its guardians, and the natives. This calamity occasioned a general mourning, and the priests were decreed to suffer death, when a crafty Hollander, who had seen the deity, produced to the natives a tooth entirely similar, which he assured them the God Whyang had presented to him in a dream. It was received with the most rapturous gratitude, and the Dutchman was rewarded with goods to the value of 20,000l. with which he returned to his own country. He ever afterwards spoke of the deity with becoming veneration and gratitude, and his first toast each day after dinner, was, constantly—"the monkey's tooth."
Affize of BREAD,
As Established December 5, 1787. A Loaf of inspected superfine Wheat Flour to weigh Two Pounds Five Ounces for Six-pence. A Loaf of Rye Flour to weigh One Pound Twelve Ounces for Three-pence.
HIGH WATER.
This Day, January 8. 9h. 2m. Morn.
THOMAS SMITH, BOOT and SHOE MAKER, LEATHER CUTTER, AND CURRIER,
Queen-Street, No. 179, Corner of Beckman or Chapel Street,
BEGS leave to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he carries on the above branches in an extensive manner. He makes an sells the following articles, wholesale and retail, viz.
   £. s. d.     Gentlemen's best boots with the best English legs and bend-foles, bound with Morocco, 2 12 0   Gentlemen's best boots turned down tops, best English legs and bend-foles, 2 10 0   Gentlemen's best boots with the best York legs and bend-foles, bound with Morocco, 2 8 0   Ditto best plain, ditto, York legs and bend-foles, 2 4 0   Ditto, ditto, with York legs and foles, 2 0 0   Belt water boots with bend-foles, 2 0 0   Gentlemen's best calf-skin shoes with bound tops, 0 11 0   Mens strong shoes, from 8/ to 0 9 0   Ladies best silk shoes, 1 0 0   Ditto ditto, stuff-ditto fatinet or calimanco, 0 10 0   Ditto ditto leather lined and bound, 0 9 0   Ditto do. do. common, 0 8 0   Boys, Girls, and childrens shoes of all kinds.   As also, all kinds of leather, whether for shoemakers, fadlers, or harness-makers use.—English boot-legs, bend-foles as usual.   He wishes to inform the public, that, as he is determined to sell on the most reasonable terms, no credit on any account will be given, except to those of his former customers.   And likewise, that no shoes will be sent to any one for trial, except they be very well known, as he has already suffered too much loss on that account.   Country store-keepers, and others, will find it to their advantage to deal at the above store, as they can be supplied with upper leathers, foles, half foles, &c. by the dozen, on the most reasonable terms.   Black-ball of excellent quality for cleaning boots or shoes, wholesale and retail.   N. B. Rough leather taken in and carried on the most reasonable terms. 24 ed. 5w.  
Just published by M. GAREY, in Philadelphia, and now to be SOLD, By THOMAS ALLEN, Book-Seller, in Queen-Street, New-York (By whom Subscriptions are received)
THE American Museum,
FOR NOVEMBER, 1787.
CONTAINING
Sketches on the new Federal Constitution. OBJECTIONS to the proposed plan of federal government. By an officer of the late continental army.
 2 Answers to the preceding objections.  3 Address to the inhabitants of New Jersey.  4 The federalist. 
Rural Concerns.
 5 Address from the Philadelphia society for promoting agriculture.  6 Chinese method of curing ginseng.  7 Tartarian ditto.  8 Instructions for the culture and use of maize, or Indian corn, as fodder for cattle. By mous. St. John de Crevecoeur.  9 Description of a plant of great utility in the improvement of poor and exhausted lands.  10 A valuable, cheap, and easily-procured winter food for cattle.  11 On raising potatoes.  12 On cotton planting.  13 Advantages of preserving parsnips by drying. By the Rev. Jeremy Belknap.  14 Receipts for preserving turnips from insects. By Philip Schuyler, Esq.  15 On the method of rearing young cattle.  16 On bee-keeping.  17 Receipt to preserve butter perfectly sweet whole year.  18 Query addressed to the lovers of cyder.  19 Letter from Mr. Decius Wadsworth to Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth, relative to the Hessian fly.  20 Letter on the same subject. 
Medical Essays.
 21 On the use of mercurial preparations in the scarlatina anginoso. By Dr. William Currie.  22 Observations on the cause and cure of the tetanus. By Dr. Ruhl.  23 Letter from Dr. Thomas Bond to Dr. Fothergill, on the use of bark in scrofulous cases.  24 Relation of a cure performed by electricity. Communicated to the medical society in London, by Dr. Caldwell.  25 Receipts for the cure of a dysentery. 
Law Information.
 26 Statement of a cause decided in the court of common pleas, Charleston, March 5, 1785.  27 Statement of an important and interesting cause decided in the court of king's bench, London, July 20, 1787.  28 Interesting decision of the court of common pleas, in Philadelphia, August 3, 1787.  29 Law report—Green and Pollard vs. Shaffer. Judgment pronounced, Oct. 7, 1787. 
Humour.
 30 On the use of butlers.  31 Sufianah Tapes's complaint of the badness of the police.  32 On pronouncing dictionaries.  33 Plan for a wax-work legislature.  34 Address to Gen. Burgoyne.  35 The old bachelor, No. 1. 
State and other public Papers.
 36 Letter from the Hon. Roger Sherman and the Hon. Oliver Ellsworth, Esq's. to governor Huntington.  37 Letter from the Hon. Elbridge Gerry, one of the delegates from the state of Massachusetts in the late federal convention, containing his reasons for not signing the new constitution.  38 General Burgoyne's pompous proclamation.  39 Speech of governor Hancock, October 18, 1776.  40 Premiums offered by the board of managers of the Pennsylvania society for the encouragement of manufactures and the useful arts.  41 Resolutions of the assembly of Virginia relative to a paper currency.  42 ——— of respectable inhabitants of Berkeley county.  43 ——— of the inhabitants of Fredericksburg, Virginia.  44 ——— of the freeholders of Frederic county, Virginia.  45 ——— of the inhabitants of Peterburgh, Virginia.  46 Memorial of the college of physicians of Philadelphia. 
Interesting Laws.
 47 Act for the receipt of tobacco in payment of taxes.  48 Act for the establishing religious freedom in Virginia.  49 Act to prevent the further importation of slaves into Virginia.  50 Act to prevent the slave trade, and to encourage the abolition of slavery in Rhode-Island. 
Resolves of Congress.
 Resolve relative to the devices and inscriptions of the federal copper coin.  ——— relative to the Indian war in Georgia.  53 ——— relative to foreign consuls.  54 ——— relative to the Hon. John Adams Esq.  55 ——— relative to the chevalier John Paul Jones.  56 ——— relative to the territorial claim of N. Carolina and Georgia.  57 ——— relative to a complaint made the Dutch minister. 
Miscellanies.
 58 An oration delivered at Peterburgh, Virginia, July 4, 1787, in commemoration of American Independence. 
 59 Account of the late revolution in Sweden.  60 Obs. on the means of extinguishing a fire.  61 Address to the ladies of America.  62 On the use of tobacco and snuff.  63 Account of three volcanos in the moon By W. Herschell.  64 Observations on the numb fish, or torporific eel. By H. C. Flagg.  65 Extract of a letter from the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, to Dr. Stiles.  66 Observations on the leech worm.  67 Letter relative to the devices and inscriptions of American medals. By Col. Humphreys.  68 Extract from an act to punish blasphemers. 
Poetry.
 69 Epistle to his excellency General Washington.  70 On the death of Col. John Laurens. By Philip Freneau.  71 Prospect of South-Carolina. By the late Dr. Ladd.  72 The man of sorrow. By William More Smith, Esq. 
The subscription for the American Museum is 18s. per annum, for two volumes, of 624 pages. This Work is also SOLD by Messieurs Berry and Rogers, Mr. Hodge, and Mr. Loudon. New-York, Dec. 17, 1787. 66—e.d.
THIS DAY, IS PUBLISHED in this City, The American Magazine,
For the Month of DECEMBER.
CONTENTS.
 INTRODUCTION, On education, Gen. Lincoln's letter from Jemima Loveleap, Anecdote of the Duke of Gordon, Advice to masons, and to husbands that have scolding wives, and wives that have peevish husbands, Principles of government and commerce. On bills of rights, Letter to Doctor Stiles, accounting for the fortifications west of the Allegany, Abridgment of Smith's History of Virginia.  On education, Letter from Jemima Loveleap, Floretta, or the Fountains, Life of Sir William Jones, Kt. Titus Blunt, on fashion, Anecdote of a sailor, Letter from Philander, on marriage, Dr. Dwight's valedictory address, &c. Mr. Pope's letter to the Bishop of Rochester, Letter from Guy Grimbleton, Curiosities, London review of Dr. Adams's defence. 
POETRY.
 VERSES on the New Year, Lydia, The Virgin's first love, The seasons moralized, On a lady's striking a fly with her fan, The rare adventures of TomBrainless; shewing what his father said of him; how he went to college, and what he learnt there; Subscriptions twenty shillings a year, ten shillings for six months advanced.  How he took his degrees and went to keeping school; how afterwards he became a great man and wore a wig, and how any body else may do the same, Invocation to the Nightingale, Foreign intelligence, American intelligence, Marriages and deaths. 
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