National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-09-11 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 91 of VOL. II.] WEDNESDAY, September 11, 1793. [Total NUMB. 195]
From the NEWPORT MERCURY of August 27.
Non esset hodie Serenus, si ebrietas non fuisset.
WHEN the present Constitution of Government was proposed to the Citizens of the United States for their acceptance, many serious objections were urged against the principles upon which it was constructed. A numerous and respectable party appeared in opposition to its adoption; and, on its final establishment, a powerful minority continued to impede its practical progress. Anarchy had been the evil complained of under the old system, and Energy was recommended as the remedy in the new. It is not then to be wondered at, that in receding from the one extreme, we should approach too near the other.
It was not long before the revolution of France offered to the discontented party, a prospect of redress. They beheld in the French revolution that full-grown perfection of principle, which they before possessed the desire of obtaining, without a conception of the means, or a thorough knowledge of the object; and thus the United States were almost universally divided into the blind admirers, and inveterate enemies of France. The former opposed with the greatest rancour the measures of our government, seemingly rather with a view of producing its dissolution than of accomplishing a reform, while their real & sincere wishes were, without doubt, pointed at the great object of assimilating the Constitution of the United States to an uniform and universal System of Equality and the Rights of Man. And at the same time the enemies of France were distinguished by an implicit adherence to the Constitution, and an indiscriminate admiration of its defects and virtues. Zealous in the support of what they emphatically styled an "energetic Government," they appeared resolved to destroy opposition, rather than to excite confidence and accommodate opinions.
In this situation were the United States of America at the commencement of the present war between Great Britain and France. At peace with the one, and in alliance with the other—our situation was new and almost unparalleled in the political world. The declaration of war had been made by France—as allies by a defensive treaty we were not therefore obliged to become a party to the contest. In consequence of which the President of the United States thought proper to issue a Proclamation, declaring their neutral dispositions, and enjoining on the citizens thereof to observe "a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers."
This Proclamation, thus issued, has become a subject of universal speculation—It has been ably combated by the friends of liberty, both on the ground of constitutionality and necessity. It has been considered as an assumption of prerogative inconsistent with the principles of liberty and universal right—And it appears that the result of the investigation, even on these primary questions, is at least problematical.
If, however, the President of the United States has exercised a power not altogether warranted by the Constitution, or justified by the necessity of the case, I doubt not but that the citizens of a free republic will extend their charitable indulgence to an error which could have arisen from no other than the best and most honorable motives, and I doubt not that they will consider the imperfections of a great and faithful servant of the people as the venial weaknesses of humanity, inseparable from the highest degree of wisdom short of omniscience!
But if this proclamation had been suffered to rest and take its fate with other governmental acts, in the torrent of public opinion, less anxiety might have been occasioned in the breast of that meritorious character who gave it existence.—But such is the wild and savage appetite of Aristocracy, that it is not satisfied with carrying the point in contest, but it must receive the ratification of mankind to its ambitious schemes.
In this manner have assemblies been convened in various parts of the Union, to express their approbation of this Proclamation not with the sincere design of giving a satisfaction to the President of the United States, or with a design of securing a strict observance of the neutrality; but with the mercenary view of calling an obloquy upon the French nation, and of exciting an animosity against their principles!
And, where is the propriety of calling on us to sanction that, which from its questionable nature we must first pardon? Is it not sufficient that the haggard demon of prerogative should dare erect its baneful crest for a moment in the Land of Liberty, but we must be called upon to ratify the foul corruption? I call it with confidence a "foul corruption," for whenever the power of expressing the will of the people resides in one man, this power is subversive of the principles of equality and reciprocity, and can be termed no other than a PREROGATIVE OF DESPOTISM.
Perhaps I shall now be accused with the inconsistency of palliating as pardonable in practice, that which I have execrated as a corruption in principle—but supposing a corruption to exist in the principle of our Constitution, will not this vicious principle operate as a poison upon the administrators of the government? If the instrument by which the act is deformed, will not their administration partake of its deformity? And when the bounds of duty are indefinite will they not plead the imperfection as a palliative for encroachment? To conclude, is not the Constitution of the United States in many respects, INCOMPLETE, INCONSISTENT, and SUSCEPTIBLE of AMENDMENT?
To this last question some will reply with the loud clamorous affirmation of high-toned Democracy and unrestrained licentiousness—While others with the wary reserve of aristocratic importance, or with a sneer of conscious security in the possession of unmerited honors, will caution us to be on our guard against the fanaticism of demagogues, and the enthusiasm of the vulgar—They will tell us there is a natural aristocracy in every nation, which must be represented by a superior order, and supported in superior splendor; and thus by the honest and misguided zeal of the one party, together with the impudent and arrogant presumption of the other, the mutual and reciprocal good of the whole is lost and forgotten.
And what is the cause of this animosity? The want of a liberal and enlightened system of moral and political philosophy. The want of that system which must teach mankind that the good of the whole, and of each individual, are universally reciprocal.
And if the system is attainable, to what causes are we to be indebted for its establishment? To this interesting question the philosophic mind replies without hesitation, To the Revolution of France and the prevalence of French Philosophy.—To the general dissemination of that philosophy which has established in the tumults of war and the dissolution of empires, this sacred fundamental of universal happiness and philanthropy, "Liberty consists in the power of doing every thing that is not injurious to the rights of others."
It has been argued in favour of the Proclamation, that it was necessary as a formal act of government, and at the same time that the people might retain their predilection in favour of France in their individual capacities. But, we now behold the aristocracy in a new and more formidable shape. We behold them summoning the people together for the express purpose of declaring as individuals that they will observe a "conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers," at the same time that they are bound not only by solemn stipulations of treaties, but by every tie of interest and gratitude to grant particular immunities and privileges to one of those powers in preference and to the exclusion of all the others! However such a declaration might comport with governmental policy, it was to have been hoped that the popular voice might have been unpolluted by professions in favour of tyranny.
There is one consideration which alone ought to forbid us from making a declaration in favour of the Proclamation, which is, that with such a declaration is necessarily connected an avowal of sentiments hostile to the liberties of France, and consequently to our own.—An opposition to principles inevitably involves an opposition to measures proceeding from similar principles; and as the Proclamation has been supported on principles and by persons inimical to general liberty, it is to be hoped that we shall not concur in their views and abet their designs.
By giving the sanction of the public voice to the Proclamation, we shall involve consequences which do not immediately appear on a cursory view of the subject; as in the first place, we shall ratify an assumption of power, and an infringement of the fundamental
rights of equality—Secondly, we shall by a measure so general and notorious, create a coldness with the only nation on earth to which we can look up with that confidence arising from a similarity of principles, and a mutual interest; and lastly, we shall incur the contempt of Great Britain, and all the combined powers, by such a pusillanimous adjustment of our political sentiments to the versatile and iniquitous policy of despotic courts.
Bearing then in mind, that as with France we survive, with France we perish; may we pursue that line of conduct which shall most favour her interest and our own tranquillity, which will, without doubt, be that of a system of neutrality conformable to, and under the modification of, existing treaties, and not by expressing that we will pursue "a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers."
These observations are with deference submitted to the public, by one who professes himself an enemy to pernicious principles, wherever they may be found, and not to mistaken men; by one who wishes well to the governors of the United States, at the same time, that (using the right of every free citizen) he disapproves of some parts of the constitutional system; by one, who imputes their ERRORS to the imperfect definition of their powers, and who is disposed to wait with patience for the happier moment of complete reform.
CALLISTHENES.
August 20, 1793.
* Although the Proclamation may possibly not be an Assumption of Power on the principles of the Constitution, it certainly is on the principles contended for by a great proportion of the citizens of the United States, and in that sense termed an "infringement of the Rights of Equality."
JERSEY-COAST INLETS.
THE sea coast of New-Jersey, like that of the greater part of the United States, consists of a frontier of sea-islands, with sounds of more or less extent within, generally from 5 to 7 feet in depth, and communicating with the sea thro' inlets that separate the islands. The islands are uniformly long and narrow, frequently mere sand banks thrown up by the sea, without a bush or a tree on them; in other parts covered with wood, particularly a small species of cedar, and more southerly with live-oak, palmetto, &c. On the coast of Georgia and S. Carolina, these islands become pleasurable retreats, and exhibit delightful and romantic scenes. The same may be said of those on the coast of Florida. The island of Amelia is a verdant Paradise.
From Sandy Hook to Cape May there is an abundance of inlets, which admit the flood tide with rapidity, but in general they are so narrow and shallow, that while the tide swells on the main beach, at an average, six feet, it scarcely rises more than two feet and an half in the sounds within.
The first inlet we meet with south of Sandy Hook, is that of Shrewsbury, which gives entrance into a river of the same name, running several miles into the country, in two branches, one north, the other south. The bar on this inlet is very dangerous, and at present only admits petticoats, and other flat vessels, of not more than 5 feet draft of water. The entrance of the river is about eleven miles S.S.W. of the light house.
Squan inlet is the next in order, about 20 miles from the Hook, very shallow and scarcely passable by the smallest boats. A few miles further we come to Barnegat inlet, which admits vessels of 6 or 7 feet draft of water into a large bay.
Cramberry inlet is the best on this part of the coast, and here at full sea a vessel with a pilot may carry in 15 feet water. The south channel is at present the best. From this inlet we enter a spacious bay, and steering westerly, Toms river, which will carry a vessel of 30 tons several miles up the country. Lumber and tar are the only articles of export from this river.
Little Egg Harbour lies 60 miles from the Hook in lat. 39. 30, and is by far the best inlet on the whole Jersey sea coast. Captain Dennis of the Vigilant cutter, has carefully surveyed this channel, and given the following directions to such as may have occasion for entering it.
"WHEN you are in the lat. 39. 30. N. and wish to proceed into Little Egg Harbour, run in for the land till you discover
two beacons on or near the extreme point of the N. beach. Bringing them in one line they will bear W N.W. from you. Run in that direction till you pass the south breaker-head, which lies on the larboard hand. You will then discover two beacons on Tucker's beach, bearing S. W. by S. at the same time Tucker's house will bear S. W. By steering in this direction, you will carry in 12 feet water over a middle ground, which lies on the starboard hand.
But in order to keep the best water, you must haul close in with the south breaker, as there is no danger within half a cable's length, where you will carry from 16 to 18 feet water, and regular soundings on the starboard hand, with sufficient room to work a top-sail vessel, that does not exceed 12 feet, but with a leading wind you may run in with a draught of 14 or 15 feet, with safety. When you are up with Tucker's beach, W. N. W. is your course to the Fox Burrs, or West Marsh, which you may lie along side of with safety, in 16 feet water. This harbour is very convenient in the winter season, being free from ice, and several other obstacles.
The beacons on the N. beach are two spars, 45 feet in length, and a sixty gallon cask half way up; and a ten gallon cask on the top, each painted black, the spars are white. Those on Tucker's beach are spars painted white and red with a plank half way up, in a horizontal direction, and black. These beacons are perceivable at six or eight miles distance."
Between Little Egg Harbour and Cape May, there are a number of inlets, but none of any considerable consequence, except that of Great Egg Harbour. On the bar there are from 10 to 12 feet at full tide; but the channel is intricate, and requires an experienced pilot.
[From the GENERAL ADVERTISER.]
IT has been said that the combined fleets of England and Spain, have failed to attack Toulon. To shew how improbable such an assertion is, we are favoured with the following account of the amazing strength of that city.
Toulon is defended by at least 700 pieces of cannon, most of which are 24 and 36 pounders. The entrance into the harbour is about two miles wide, and is defended first by a battery of 12 cannon on cape Sepet, near which is a signal tower; next by another battery of 11 Hospital, of 10, & immediately opposite this by the Grande Tour of 20. Fort La Malgue of 200 guns & among these some culverines that carry upwards of 4 miles, and are 18 or 20 feet long, is immediately behind Grande-Tour, protects also the entrance and commands the great road. De la Valette, on the side of Savoy.—Petite-Tour of 12 guns is also nearly opposite Grande-Tour, and is the last fort at the end of the arm of the sea which forms the entrance into the bay of Toulon. The passage from this place to the city, about two leagues, is extremely narrow, crooked & difficult, & can be navigated only by the assistance of buoys which mark the channel and may be easily removed. The whole of these two leagues of bay is within the reach of the cannon of Grande and Petite-Tour, or of the batteries of Toulon; which are in double tiers, the whole length of the port and extremely formidable. So much for an attack by sea, which 100 sail of the line would not be safe in attempting.
If troops should be landed to the west of Toulon, which would be very difficult from the abruptness of the shore, still they would meet with insurmountable difficulties in an attack on Toulon in this quarter. The old fortifications of this city have been strengthened by the addition of new walls against the old, and an additional ditch; fort Louis on this side presents also a formidable obstacle; but besides, in this quarter of the environs it would be impossible to attempt a siege, for breaking ground is impracticable, owing to the numerous considerable springs of water, with which the ground abounds.
On the eastern side of the city, nature has opposed few obstacles, but art has wonderfully increased them. Fort La Malgue, of 200 guns, we have already said, commands this quarter; from this fort to the city is a covered way, from which an enemy could be much annoyed, and besides these, are forts St. Marguerite of 40 guns, Artigue of 30, and Faron of 12, which all, from different heights command the road and plain below. The last mentioned

fort is situated on a rock so steep and so difficult of access, that the cannon with which it is fortified were obliged to be cast on it, the materials being carried up by the labour of men. This fort, however, notwithstanding its height, has the advantage of an unfailling spring of water.
It was on this side that in 1744, prince Eugene attacked it with a formidable land force; but after a two months' siege was obliged to abandon the enterprize. This quarter can also be protected by ships, whose cannon may be brought to bear upon an enemy beyond the covered way. This was fully experienced at the attack by prince Eugene, whose army was put in great disorder by the fire of four ships brought there during the night. Toulon has a fortified port, in which a considerable fleet may be kept secure and used in case of need, at a short warning. Its garrison is generally 12,000 men, half soldiers, half sailors.
REFLECTIONS on several SUBJECTS.
1. There is a certain party in this country, who in politics maintain the same persecuting spirit as actuated the old catholics a century or more ago in matters of religion. Enemies to free discussion, they gnash their teeth at all who presume to speak a different language from themselves, or even hint their dissent from what is very absurdly called the reigning politics of the land. Are the United States in a flourishing condition? It is instantly ascribed to the wisdom of the party, when it is evident that peace, industry, and our increased population are the real causes of what prosperity there is among us, rather than dark paper tricks and jobbing contrivances. — This party also call themselves the government: and are angry if the most unlimited confidence is not reposed in them. Hence faith and not truth , becomes their political motto, and (as in all religions established by law) they take care to substitute mystery for knowledge , and require a blind idolatry, where even simple belief ought only to proceed from the most enlightened conviction.
2. The funding system will for ever remain a blot upon the character of the administration by which it was framed. The intent of it was to enable speculators and moneyed men to defraud the public of the paper securities they possessed. There was a time (may it never return) when speculators could calculate events in Congress! The wounds suffered by individuals from paper money were healing, but by converting this ideal fabric of wealth into a system, a few cunning individuals have been able to speculate on the property of a nation. The assumption is a striking feature of this system. The people asked for no such thing, nor did any urgency press it. But it favoured the views of administration; state debts sold at a low rate and therefore might easily be monopolized. In short, the funding system was intended to effect what the bank was contrived to accelerate; viz. an accumulation of great wealth in a few hands; a political moneyed engine; and, lastly, a suppression of the republican state assemblies, by depriving them of the political importance resulting from the imposition and dispensation of taxes. The whole original design then of this system was to destroy the constitution, and to erect upon its ruins a usurpation, not sanctioned by the national will, or acknowledging the fundamental principle, that the people are the only legitimate fountain of civil government.
3. It should be one great object of every honest government to counteract and discountenance a certain love of distinction, generally most observable in the vain and worthless members of a community, but more or less prevalent in all mankind, and always operating towards the support of aristocracy in any government, especially where softened by influential or governmental men. We are told the Saviour of the world was unacceptable to the Jews principally because his mission was not amid the blaze of temporal and princely splendor, but rather in the garb of humility and despised poverty. The French constitution being founded upon the broad basis of equality of political rights, or in other words, giving the poor man the same rights as a rich one, in point of political privilege, has consequently become odious to the royalists and aristocrats of every country. Perish their principles with them! and may that system speedily fall into ruin, which establishes the happiness of a small part of the human species upon the misery, and degradation of millions.
4. As the ancient enemy of mankind took his seat on a certain occasion among the sons of God, it cannot be denied that abundance of paper men have, in times past, in like manner been introduced into Congress, or been changed into paper-men after they got in. From that moment, as far as lay with them, the public good was sacrificed to their private interest. Hence too, an unnatural alliance took place between certificate and bank-stock holders. The public money is deposited in the bank, and the higher the taxes, the more of this money is lodged therein, and consequently the more paper the bank can circulate on its credit, the greater will be its profits.
If the bank will stick by a minister, a minister will stick by the bank. The amount of taxes and loans are known from the minister's estimates, and when these are laid before Congress, paper-men in abundance step forward to support them, having a private interest in the accumulation of public burthens; and thus the measures escape that strict discussion which they ought ever to meet with from unbiased representatives. If a minister should in this way accommodate the bank, and turn bank stock-holders into members of Congress, the bank and such members, may also accommodate him and his friends. Occasional accommodations of money, operating to acquire an influence in Congress, may be easily obtained by means of a good understanding; and a good understanding is easily formed between good friends, united by the strongest of all ties, mutual support .
5. Those who observe the events of the present day, will reflect with horror and indignation, that the moment a good understanding began to manifest itself between the people of the French and English nations, the court powers of both set themselves in direct opposition to every idea of their mutual friendship. The British court, being still in existence, have well succeeded in reviving the old popular animosity, and all the virulence of national hatred against their gallic neighbours. Hence we see their sailors still actuated by a ferocious and cruel spirit; a Frenchman when in their power, is treated as their natural enemy , a term of English growth, and which, as Paine well observes, can, and ought, to be applied to the devil only; & not to any nation of our fellow men. This destructive principle, however, of national animosity, excited by the artful and malevolent spirit of monarchy, is growing out of fashion, and we shall certainly find that when a general friendship prevails between the people of different nations, courts and kings will instantly be annihilated, or rather their fall will be a natural consequence of a friendly coalition among mankind, founded upon the basis of free and universal commerce.
LONDON, JULY 10.
Particulars of accusation against M. L. EGALITE (late Duke of Orleans.)
The act states, Philip Joseph Egalite, accused of having made many journeys to England with a design to engage the British court to arm against France; of having proposed the marriage of his daughter with an English prince, to promote which he endeavoured, in concert with the court of London, to get possession of Brittany, to separate it from France, and to unite it to England; of having monopolized the French corn, and exported it in foreign vessels; of having by means of intrigue, elevated Necker to the situation of comptroller general; of having, after the resignation of Necker, excited the people by a profuse distribution of money, to reinstate him in the ministry; of having intrigued with Mirabeau, in order to get himself proclaimed king of France; and of having promised him millions if he could by any means in his power prevail on the constituent Assembly to place him on the throne by the expulsion of the reigning prince; of having kept up, by force of gold, a numerous party both in Paris and in the Provinces; of having caused to be secretly made many millions of military dresses; and buttons numbered for different regiments that he proposed to raise, and which have been since found in the cellars and subterraneous passages of the house of Villers, Cotterets, Du Raincy, and Mousseaux; of having collected together some of the finest horses that could be procured, for the purpose of furnishing himself with cavalry; of having distributed money among emissaries, during the transactions of the 5th and 6th of October, with the design of exciting the people to go to Versailles for the purpose of murdering the then existing royal family; of having kept up an anti-patriotic connection, and holding a criminal correspondence with the ci-devant monseigneur; of having been informed of the departure of Louis XVI. and his family in the month of June 1791, and of concealing it from the constituent assembly; of having constantly had private communications with all the ministers; the agents of the executive power, to impede the operations of the legislators; of having kept up a continual correspondence with Montmorin, Delessart, and Jabbe; of having constantly perjured himself at the federative fetes, in the oath which he took to maintain the French constitution, while he endeavoured to overturn it; of pretending to have had an open rupture with, and a decided enmity for Conti, Penthièvre, and his other relations, for the purpose of deceiving the legislators and the people, while it was with these relations, that he was forming a project to destroy all those who had shaken off the yoke of despotism; of having favoured the escape of the paricide Lambeſe, of Polignac, and of Calonne; of having abetted the divisions and animosities that prevailed in many provinces of the Republic, by keeping in pay a
band of intriguers; of having engaged writers, by means of pecuniary recompences and particular protection, to sing his own praises, and vilify M. de la Fayette, the then commander of the Parisian Guard, with the design of being himself elevated to the throne; of having carried on an epistolary correspondence with the ci-devant count d'Artois, for the purpose of engaging the kings of Spain and Sardinia to enter into a league with the emperor, the kings of Prussia, England, and Portugal, with Russia, and the electors, to attack our armies, to invade the French territory, to annihilate the constitution, and to establish monarchy; of having assisted at private midnight meetings, and those of Buzot's wife in the Fauxbourg St. Germain, which were composed of Dumourier, Roland and his wife, Vergnieux, Brissot, Genconne, Gorsas, Louvet, Pétion, Gaudet, &c. of having openly received Dumourier at his house last winter, as his most intimate friend; of having concerted with him the first operations of the campaign; of having engaged to make our troops retreat from Holland, Belgium, and Brabant, and to give the Prussians and Austrians every opportunity of entering on the territory of the Republic; of having engaged his eldest son to follow the example of Dumourier; of having corresponded with that general at the very moment that he was preparing to deliver up the magazines and the various treasures of Belgium, and even the town itself; of having voted the punishment of Louis XVI. with an intention of reviving royalty after the death of his relation: of having lately travelled through the Provinces and the different departments of Brittany and Normandy: of having, by himself and his agents, corrupted the inhabitants, by exciting them again to demand a king, under the pretext that they would be more happy under a Monarchy than under a Republic, where every one wished to rule, and by engaging them to receive and join such of the English as should land there; of having conspired with the generals Valence and Dumourier against the patriots of the National Convention; of having by his influence, caused the nomination of all his partisans, the ci-devant nobles, and the enemies of the Republic, of liberty and equality, to the command of the French armies; in fine, for being the author of the disturbances which have taken place relative to the scarcity of bread, for the purpose of promoting a civil war; of driving away the National Representatives, and of making the people again cry out for the ancient government: of having exerted all his endeavours to annihilate the constitution and the Republic, and of being guilty of high treason.
General Custine's Letter to the National Convention, dated Cambray, July 2.
"I announce to you with pleasure, that the troops of the Republic have been attacked in various advanced posts; but the French soldiers have repulsed with great loss the Janissaries of the united despots at Pont a Marc. The action was very brisk; the enemy arrived with the confidence of certain victory; after a long and brisk action they were obliged to abandon their enterprize, and retreat very much hurt: we have lost little; the communication of Lille with Douay by Pont a Marc has been preserved. Pontarache has been attacked, as well as the Abbey of Flins; but at every post the enemy had no advantage; they were forced to retreat after a severe conflict, and without having made us lose ground, in spite of their great superiority of men and artillery. Under the reign of liberty, if we can obtain a military organization which can promise us a happy discipline, the distinctive characteristics of the military of a flourishing Republic, our success will be ensured, and soon kings and their vile courtiers will be forced to renounce their insolent pretensions of giving laws to a nation which has taught all people to know their rights and their powers. Believe, citizen President, in my entire devotion to the interests of the Republic."
DEPARTMENT OF STATE:
HEREBY certify that I have received official communication of a Decree of the National Convention of France, whereof the following is a translation.—
Decree of the National Convention of the 23d of May, which declares that the vessels of the United States are not comprehended in the purview of the decree of the 9th of May.
The National Convention after having heard the report of its committee of public safety, wishing to maintain the union established between the French Republic and the United States of America, decrees that the vessels of the United States are not comprehended in [les dispositions] the purview of the decree of the 9th of May, conformably to the 16th article of the treaty executed the 15th of February, 1778.
A true copy.
LE BRUN.
Given under my hand this 9th day of September, 1793.
TH: JEFFERSON.
PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, September 11.
Yesterday morning the President of the United States, and family, set out from this city, on a tour to Virginia.
The late General Assembly of Pennsylvania commenced the 27th of August and ended the 5th day of September following. During their session, five acts were passed, and one supplement to an act. Their sudden adjournment was occasioned by the pestilential fever prevailing in this city.
The Mayor has informed the citizens of Philadelphia, that the number of persons carried off by the above mentioned disorder, from its earliest appearance to the 2d of September (inclusive) did not exceed 140.
By letters received in town, from Madrid dated the 11th July, it appears that Bellegarde surrendered to the Spaniards on the 24th of June, and that Nice was evacuated by the French, upon the approach of the Spanish fleet, with great loss.
The Spanish fleet of 30 men of war was previously joined by the British of 27 sail of the line in the Mediterranean.
We hear the king of Spain is now raising a new regiment of Life Guards, all consisting of South American noblemen; supposed to be particularly attached to his majesty both from interest and inclination. Transibit ad meridiam stella septentrionalis.
Extract of a letter from Maryland, Sept. 5.
"Some persons are much afraid of offending Great-Britain, and thereby bringing the resentment of that nation on the United States. But what has America more to fear from Britain than from any other nation: or what has America done to draw down British indignation upon us more than that of some other powers. The favour granted to the French, to sell their prizes in our ports, extends to all the enemies of France. The fears of certain persons are therefore groundless, for nothing has been done to give the English the least offence; but the most shameful indignities have been shewn by them to the American flag. A very learned gentleman of the law, it is true, has given it as his opinion on the 22d article of the treaty with France, that we have given ground of complaint from England; but that gentleman is known of old to be extremely unwilling to say any thing against a nation whom many among us seem so afraid of offending. The language of the 22d article plainly implies, that "alho' other nations are prevented from certain privileges, yet the French by no means are," or certainly the treaty would have been more explicit; because the design of treaties is to give particular advantages to the parties forming them. It was natural, our citizen Genet's coming to a newly established republican government, in alliance with France, to expect much more of a patriotic and sympathetic spirit among a people who themselves have but just emerged from oppression, than what he has seen. The fact is, the sentiments of the people at large have not been taken, and the few who have written on a candid explanation of the treaty, were falsely accused of being influenced by Mr. Genet. The misrepresentation of the treaty, has for its object the separation of America and France, left liberty should triumph over monarchy, and equality over despotism."
In the session of the National Convention on the 4th of June, "a band of black people, of both sexes, amidst the sound of martial music and escorted by a vast crowd of Parisians, came into the hall, to return thanks to the Legislators, for having raised them to the rank of MEN. The President gave the fraternal kiss to an old Negress, 114 years of age, and mother to 11 children. After which she was respectfully conducted to an arm chair, and seated at the right hand of the President, amidst the loudest bursts of applause."
Extract of a letter from Bull's Bay Settlement, (S. Carolina) dated Aug. 15.
"The election of a Negro to serve as a town clerk of Easton, has given cause of no little disgust in Charleston, and some other places of this state. It is considered as a kind of eccentric act, and operating in some degree contra bonos mores . We have many negroes even here, whose real merit and acquirements would perhaps entitle them to be town clerks of Charleston itself; but that is not to say that the city of Charleston will ever elect a negro to be her town clerk."
Extract of a letter from London, dated July 27.
"The indiscriminate effects of our impress is likely to raise a serious question between this country and the United States. Protections are granted to American sailors upon affidavit of the captain, that they are natives of the said states. In many instances, however, Americans have been pressed, and in two instances have been detained prisoners, even after a writ of habeas corpus was issued for bringing them before a judge. Two Americans were

pressed a month ago at Wapping. The captain with whom they had failed had made oath before the lord mayor, of their being natives of the United States, and protection had been granted them. The same writ was granted three days after, by SIR Nath Grose, to bring their bodies before him, to ascertain the fact of their being Americans or not, but the writ has not been obeyed, and they are still kept on board. I am informed that proofs of these facts have been transmitted to America; & the cases of false imprisonment are to be brought in the mean time before a jury. There is something very singular in the sort of protection from being pressed, that is now granted to the American seamen or American ships trading to the port of London. I was a few days ago on board an American vessel, now in the Thames, and was told by the chief mate, that his protection (though he has a certificate from the American Secretary of State, declaring that he is a native of that country) did not protect him in any other place than the vessel of which he was on board; and that he was obliged to send for a taylor to measure him for a suit of cloaths on board, because he was in danger of being pressed if he went on shore; and yet this mate had property on board to the amount of many thousand pounds, and will probably be appointed to the command of a vessel in less than six months."
Last Sunday morning between three and four o'clock, a very alarming fire broke out in the back buildings of Mr. Kennedy's house, in Second between Market and Chesnut-streets, which soon communicated to Mr. Dobson's printing-office and the stables and warehouses contiguous thereto, all of which are entirely consumed. The difficulty of playing on the fire in this confined place, was found to be considerable, and notwithstanding the usual exertions of the Fire Companies and Citizens, it was one of the most obstinate fires to extinguish which we remember, indeed it is hard to say to what extent the flames would have spread, had it not been for the capital manœuvrings of the crews of the French frigate La Precieuse and the India ship La Ville de L'Orient, who came with their portable engines and forced themselves into the most dangerous stations where they could play upon those parts where our engines could not be continually applied. Too much praise cannot be given to the officers and men from these ships—two persons were killed in the dreadful catastrophe and several badly wounded—the fire was at length got down about five o'clock.
Another account of the destructive fire on last Sunday morning is as follows: "At about half past three o'clock the soap-house of Mr. Andrew Kennedy (Chandler), back of his dwelling-house in Second, between Market and Chesnut-streets, was discovered to be in flames. The citizens were soon apprized of it, but were not able to stop the progress of the fire, until it had done very considerable damage. Two buildings, the property of Mr. Kennedy, together with the works and improvements, which he has of late been at a very great expence in erecting, were entirely consumed. The fire proceeded from thence (consuming in its way two small frames, the property of Mr. Flickwir) to the printing-offices of Mr. Thomas Dobson, which were nearly destroyed, with printing materials to a large amount. We cannot form a just calculation of the whole loss, but, by the best information we can at present collect, suppose that Mr. Dobson and Mr. Kennedy, together, are sufferers to the amount of at least 2000."
"'Tis with unpleasing sensations that we add to this melancholy sketch, the fate of a young man of this city (Mr. William Cooper), near 21 years of age—who was killed by the parting of a side wall of one of the burning houses, while lending his aid to quell the conflagration. Two fine children, each about nine years of age, some time after the fire had been extinguished, were unfortunately buried, by a similar parting of the wall, in its ruins. They were both found in a few minutes:—One of them, the daughter of Mr. Wm. Richardson, was quite dead;—the other, a daughter of Mr. Roger Flanagan, shewed some signs of life—and we are since informed that hopes are entertained of her recovery."
By the ship Alexander, Woodward, from Killybegs, arrived last Saturday in 42 days, there are letters received in this city which mention great discontents prevailing among the people in the West and North of Ireland—some blood has been spilled at Sligo, the regular troops are ordered from the northern extremities of the island, to Belfast—the volunteers will not lay down their arms, and should the French make a landing near Sligo it was the opinion of many, that the Roman Catholics and Presbyterians would join them, so great is the abhorrence of the people to corrupt measures of government, particularly the Roman Catholics who feel themselves imposed on by the pretended relief offered them in the late laws.
Capt. Barrow, of the Bristol, arrived at N. York, from London, was boarded by the Thetis frigate, lat. 41. long. 31. 50.
who treated him with the greatest civility. This frigate belonged to a British squadron of 7 sail, that had taken 7 prizes, then in company, 4 of which were East-Indiamen. [New-York paper.]
Extract of a letter from Baltimore, Aug. 30. "Depend on it there is some new-plot in agitation. Letters received from N. York make mention, that Galbaud had notified the aristocratic French colonists in these states to hold themselves in readiness to embark in one month. Touzard is here, at the head of the conspirators, a person whose life has been spared by the too lenient laws of France, and who is the leader of a plot tending to the prejudice of the French cause; he is a man who has showed himself its most violent enemy on all occasions. He keeps up a constant correspondence with Galbaud, Tanguy La-boissiere, and with Borel, at Charleston; Galbaud has promised them the possession of the Jupiter. Preparations are now making, threats are held forth, and they pretend they are sure of the assistance of 2000 men. It is more than probable that the great outline of their plan is, to sail for St. Domingo, to complete the destruction of the remainder of the sailors belonging to the fleet, and even destroy the fleet itself. Many of these aristocrats have thrown off the mask, and there is not a species of slander but they vomit forth against the French republic—Some of their truely friends, nevertheless, are perpetually prating of patriotism and republicanism, than which nothing is farther from their real sentiments, and it appears they have the same object in view with the others. I shall not lose sight of the heads of this new conspiracy, but will inform you of every thing. Guard Galbaud vigilantly, for he is the soul of the "conspirators." [N. York Journal.]
Governor Moultrie, of South-Carolina, has issued a Proclamation, dated Aug. 22. prohibiting in the strictest manner, the pilots of that port, from bringing up any vessels from the West-India islands nearer than Fort Johnson; till they have undergone an examination by the Health-Officers and Physicians of the port. The same injunction is laid on the pilots of the neighbouring ports of George-Town and Beaufort.
We learn that the empress of Russia has carried her inveteracy against the French so far, as to forbid vessels bringing any French produce whatever into her dominions.
From St. John's, (Porto Rico) Aug. 13. "A French schooner of 18 guns and a crew of 14 have entered a small port, the west end of Porto-Rico and took out 17 sail of Spanish vessels, and afterwards demanded and obtained a ransom from the town of 14000 dollars. These two vessels then sailed round the south and east side and picked up all the vessels they could find."
Waterford, (Ireland) June 17. "The Romish clergy are losing their popularity fast among their own people, who say they have made a jobb of them with the government. In many places they have shut up the chapels, and sworn vengeance against the priests. In Carrick the priests have been obliged to celebrate mass behind a ditch, to a few old women and children, for none else would go to hear them. It is evident the Papists are beginning to think for themselves, and to despise the religious dreams of antiquity."
"No less than 700 bankruptcies have taken place in England and Scotland, since the commencement of the war; public credit was never so low in these kingdoms as at present; we shall be ruined if the war continues much longer."
Lexington, (Kentucky) Aug. 3. A variety of concuring circumstances, tend to confirm a belief that the volunteers now raising in this state, will very shortly receive marching orders; consequently a report in circulation that no campaign will go against the Indians this season, is without foundation.
Aug. 10. On the 1st inst. the Indians stole a number of horses belonging to the Q. M. under the pickets at Fort Hamilton; they were pursued by a detachment of dragoons and rifle-men, to the distance of about 40 miles, where the Indians appeared in such force, that the pursuers thought prudent to decline coming to action. The Indians being in such force near the out posts, is an argument that the treaty has failed, and of course the army will very shortly receive marching orders.
Baltimore, Aug. 26. Lately died, aged 63, Mr. William Baker, of Suffolk, O. E. whose remains were interred the first of June—The weight of the deceased was 30 stone, or 420lbs.—His coffin was estimated at 6 stone weight—its length on the outside was 6 feet 3 inches—its width 2 feet 5 inches and a half—its depth 1 foot 9 inches, besides a part raised on the cover for the reception of the breast and bowels, of full 7 inches and a half.
Extract of a letter from the Territory South of the Ohio, Aug. 16.
"On the 4th inst. Col. Daugherty, of Jefferson county, with 180 men, crossed the Tennessee to the valley Indian towns, killed nine fellows and two squaws, took and
brought in seven prisoners, burnt twenty towns and villages, and destroyed a vast quantity of vegetables. The whites had five men wounded.—The inhabitants on the frontiers are in close forts, expecting a visit from the Indians when the volunteers are tired of harraſſing them. Indeed the spirit of volunteering seems to be on the decline; only 40 men paraded on a signal for an expedition, a few days ago; though I think a large company might be raised, under the sanction of government; and it is absolutely necessary to give them a severe flogging, in order to bring them to a sense of their duty, and teach them to pay some respect to treaties."
Charleston, (S. C.) August 27. To the Patriots of Charleston—"The challenge which the commander of a British ship of war had sent to citizen Bompard, of the French frigate l'Ambuscade, we have to announce to our republican friends, has ended most gloriously to the navy of the French Republic. It is an event worthy to be celebrated by the friends of liberty and equality in Charleston, who are informed that a dinner will be provided at Harris's on the Bay, on Tuesday next, at 4 o'clock, to commemorate the occasion. Those who wish to partake will be pleased to provide themselves with tickets to be had at Harris's on or before Monday next."
"I have attentively perused (says a writer in the Kentucky Gazette) the publications relative to the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury.—The resolutions on that subject were framed by a member distinguished for his republican principles—were advocated by a Findley and a Madison, and were approved by one of our Representatives from this state who possesses in a high degree, the confidence of his constituents. The result of that enquiry has alarmed many of the friends of liberty, not only here, but in every part of the Union. I have heard the sentiments of many of the most enlightened citizens of Kentucky on this subject; all of whom have expressed their surprize that those resolutions should have met with any opposition. Why one of our Representatives has voted against them contrary to the opinion of his constituents, is a question which ought to be explained: The gentleman to whom I allude is now in this country, and I hope has too just a sense of the source from which he derives his appointment, to refuse or evade an explanation of the principles upon which that vote was given—His constituents should know, why an Executive officer has with impunity, violated the laws of our country—disobeyed the instructions of our first magistrate—dissipated our treasures, and insulted that legislative body, to which he is responsible for his conduct."
[From a late French paper.]
The old nobility of France are now reduced to the most abject state of beggary and alms-asking: Not that they have in reality changed their former occupation, under the monarchy; all the odds is that they now beg on foot, thro' Europe, and in a submissive tone of voice; whereas, formerly, and particularly in and about Versailles, they begged, riding in gilt chariots and in a style of extreme impudence. The following little incident passed lately at Dusseldorf, where there are constantly 8000 of these exiles. A chevalier of St. Louis, having begged alms of a poor washerwoman in a bye street, after hearing his request, she answered—"Monsieur, I am but a poor washerwoman, who subsist with difficulty by my daily labour."—"That is the very reason (replied the chevalier) why I address myself to you; it is only from the wretched and unfortunate of this world that we can get the least trifle of charity!"—Upon that, the washerwoman gave him two sous, which the chevalier had the spirit to accept. Such things happen daily: And yet there are some emigrants who are not absolutely incorrigible. In Dusseldorf there are two noted ci-devant French nobles, who condescend to labour for a living. They hire themselves by the day to a Tobacco-spinner, where they turn the great wheel from morning to night for 4 sous a piece.
The following passage is taken from the British Annual Register, for 1781.—"July 10—Yesterday was executed—and the body hung in chains—Capt. Townsend, of the Rover privateer, of Bristol, convicted of plundering the ship Victoria, a Venetian, Capt. Sylvester, of one silver watch, 30 dollars, and six cages with birds, she being a neutral vessel."
If the same justice would influence the British government at this time, the plunderers of American vessels will meet the punishment their piratical conduct justly merits."
To do justice to the crew of the French frigate PRECIEUSE and of LA VILLE DE L'ORIENT it must be said, that their exertions, by means of two portable engines were of the first consequence in arresting the progress of the flames on Sunday morning last. The size of their engines permitted them to be of service, where the water of the large could scarcely reach.
Mrs. Broadhurst, and Mr. Marshall, late of Covent Garden Theatre, Mrs. Shaw, of Drury Lane House, with several other performers, sailed for America on the 13th of July, to fulfil their engagements with the manager of the Philadelphia Theatre.—So says a London paper of July 18.
On the 8th of August, a ship of war, and twelve transports, with 2 regiments on board, arrived at Barbadoes from Halifax.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Barbadoes to his friend in Philadelphia, August 10.
"The gallant major Gordon, who was principal in taking Tobago, is since dead; He died in Dominica of a violent fever, which has raged here as well as in all the islands to a very great degree: those who have been attacked with it have never lived to see the fifth day."
THE sufferers by the late Fire, as well as those who by the vicinity of their situation were in their property and houses imminently exposed to the most alarming danger, take this early opportunity of publicly returning their unfeigned acknowledgments to the prompt care and alacrity of their fellow-citizens; and in a particular manner to the REPUBLICAN SEAMEN OF FRANCE, who, by their meritorious exertions, were highly instrumental in the preservation of several valuable buildings in Second and Chesnut-streets.
The Mayor of this city communicates to the public, that the African Society, touched with the distresses which arise from the present dangerous disorder, have voluntarily undertaken to furnish Nurses to attend the afflicted, and that by applying to Absalom Jones, and William Gray, both members of that society, they may be supplied.
For the Nursing of the Sick and burial of the Dead.
As it is a time of great distress in this city, many people of the Black colour, under a grateful remembrance of the favours received from the white inhabitants, have agreed to assist them as far as in their power for nursing of the sick, and burial of the dead; application made for either of the above purposes to Absalom Jones, living in South Third street, a little below Stamps alley, No. 165, or to Richard Allen, in Spruce street between Fourth and Fifth streets, No. 150, who have a knowledge of the nurses, and keep horses and carriages for taking the dead to the burial ground. Absalom Jones. Richard Allen.
[Particulars relative to Gen. Dumourier.]
After his infamous act of Treason, he retired into Switzerland; but the inhabitants of every canton, where he made his appearance, instantly gave him unequivocal proofs of their hatred and contempt, and forced him to quit the country. He next took refuge in Margentheim, a town of the electorate of Mayence. Wishing to remain there unmolested he writ to the ci-devant archbishop of Mayence, who returned him an answer fully expressive of the contempt in which he held him, and his surprize that such a character as Dumourier should be found in his territories, whose absence he above all things wished. Thus expelled from Margentheim, he passed over into England, but scarcely had the minister heard of his arrival, when he sent him a written order to leave the British dominions within three days. Then he returned to Brabant, where they apprehended him and sent him to a remote village. He was given to understand that he might remain there, and be at liberty, provided he would refrain from talking and not put pen to paper. This is liberty with a witness—but such is evermore the fate of traitors to their country. [Dits.]
* * * A certain poet once wrote a long poem to prove that it is "Contentment only that makes a person happy." On reading it to his patron, the latter objected to his position. Why so? said the poet—Because (replied the other) "Riches are the only source of Contentment."
ALL persons in arrears for this paper, and post masters and others who may have received subscription money on account of the same, are requested to make speedy remittances. To prevent the dues swelling to an improper amount, no papers will be continued to subscribers after the first day of November next, who shall then be indebted more than six months.—Punctuality in subscribers, is the first requisite in undertakings of this nature, and without which it is impossible that any publication, depending merely on subscription, can long exist.
THE subscriber finding his Name mentioned as a candidate for the OFFICE OF GOVERNOR, deems it incumbent upon him, in the most unequivocal terms, to decline the Election. (Signed) WILLIAM FINDLEY. Westmoreland county, Aug. 15, 1793. [The Printers throughout the United States are requested to give the above a place in their papers.]

EXTRACT.
AT a time when the friends to liberty throughout the whole world are rejoicing in the success of the French revolution, it cannot be viewed with indifference that there are some among us who see their success with anger, and rejoice at all their misfortunes. If it was but a small number they would be regarded only with contempt; but it cannot be concealed that these are the sentiments of a considerable body in the United States, and of not a few in this city. The cause of this depravation, both of the moral and political principle, is worthy of our attention.
It appears at first unaccountable, that persons living under a free government, who make the laws that govern them, and choose those who execute the laws, should refuse these same rights to another nation, much more respectable in arts, commerce and population, than that of which they are a part. If this dislike to the change in the French government was owing to a prejudice in favour of the former one, we should have at once the reason for their opinion. But I have never yet seen any man, who dared to insult the reason of mankind so much, as to speak in favour of the former French government. The politics of that court were the foundation of all the wars that have desolated Europe for above 200 years. The ambition of Louis XIV. cost France ten times more lives than have been lost in the present revolution. The people at that time had no share in the government. It was the king who made the laws; and some idea may be had of the sufferings of the people, when I assert, that from the days of Clovis to Louis XVI. a space of 1300 years, there was not one good king on the throne of France; not one who made the happiness of his people his study.—If to this we add the power of a clergy, possessing one fifth part of the lands, and devoted entirely to sensuality and indolence; and who granted pardons for all crimes, as they practised them freely themselves.—The most lively imagination cannot conceive a greater combination of evils, to afflict mankind.—And when this government, through its own insufficiency, is overthrown, and a great nation have made themselves free—to detect their cause, and with success to their enemies, can be the effect of a bad heart only; or, to use the words of a judicious writer, as applied to one person, "his anger is not the emotion of a great and good mind: It is that of Milton's fiend, contemplating the innocence of our first parents, and the possible happiness of their race."—A consideration of the characters of those who are opposed to the French revolution, will oftentimes confirm this assertion. In considering this party, I will speak freely; Truth is sufficient for their enemies, and exaggeration need not now be made use of by the most malignant. Mine is the cause of liberty, and I am not afraid to avow or support my opinions.
Though America was in general violently opposed to Great-Britain in the last war, yet there was a considerable number among us who espoused their cause, assisted them, and not a few who took up arms against their countrymen. Many of these men, after the war was finished, returned among us. An ill-judged policy has since overlooked their behaviour, and some have appeared in several offices of state. But can it be supposed that they have changed their principles? If they have not, are they fit to rule freemen? If they have, I should still be unwilling to trust them. There are converts in religion, but none in politics. It may perhaps be urged in their favour, that the knowledge of their own hearts has convinced them of the necessity of slavery, and a despotic power is the one which is worthy of their ambition; for in that only, can they exercise their favourite virtues. I accept the excuse, and trace a connexion with their whole conduct. After having attempted to destroy the liberties of their country, it may easily be supposed that they are not willing that others should be free.—Habit alone would be sufficient; and the ill success of their favourite Britain, which not even her depredations on the Americans can compensate—adds to their anger. Unable to feel, or unwilling to confess, the generosity which has signalized the French nation still more than their bravery, which has made them the terror of the armies of Europe; they dwell with peculiar plea-
ture upon excesses, which fall far short of retribution. As if they could expect, that injuries should be forgiven, because the offended were at that time unable to resent them; or insults suffered afterwards, without chastisement.
A late addition has completed the edifice, consecrated to despotism, in which pride and passion are the high priests, and virtue and good sense the sacrifices.
The present object is important. If Americans can be taught to approve the efforts of despotism, and despise the struggles of liberty, they will soon be fit for the yoke themselves. Exaggeration has been frequently made use of, to raise the pity of weak minds; and in several instances, the vanity of a man has been called forth to harangue a crowd, and to condescend to become the organ of misrepresentation and calumny, whose pride will not suffer him to associate with his equals. But the credit of the court, of which these men are the true and loyal subjects, needs now all their ingenuity for support. The ruin of the British empire, by its immense debt and the corruption of its government, was before inevitable; by the ill policy of their ministry, it is now accelerated. The awful period rapidly approaches, and the last efforts of Britain are spent, not in endeavouring to regain their former prosperity, but in attempting to drag another nation, along with herself, to destruction.
PHILADELPHIA.
A Correspondent, upon reading the narratives of the various actions between the armies of France and the combined powers, cannot avoid making the reflection, that man, where free, is equal to man on every part or point of the globe. The prejudice is now wearing off rapidly, that one Englishman is equal to three French in prowess; and we, in America, from "palpable demonstration" are convinced of the fallacy of that assertion; and are rather inclined to believe that the present emancipated spirit of the French has rendered every individual of the nation at least equal to any three of the slaves of despotism from any part of Europe. From those horrors of blood and death, displayed on the stage of human action at the present period, one would be inclined to ask, Are not mankind still in a state of political childhood; and might not the records of the present and the past ages of the world be justly denominated by a more enlightened posterity, "The HISTORY of the BIG BOYS?" All this seeming puerility of conduct, however, may be deduced from that unnatural, predominant, form of government, called Monarchy. As long as the bulk of mankind are content to look upon any individual of their species as an absolute, hereditary master, and hold their lives and property at his disposal, so long will they be base and contemptible, and liable to be set on, like blood-hounds, to destroy and massacre their fellow men, for the benefit of a few, who, while rioting in luxury, and gluttonizing on the blood, are perhaps laughing at the miseries of their deluded subjects.—America! come the day, when your benign example shall convince Europe, that all wars are merely the work of jesuitical policy, and that every national question of dispute may be more rationally as well as effectually decided by the amicable method of pacific negotiation. We, of the present day, live at a period when the strong holds of despotism are breaking up; when nations just begin to discover that all human government should be administered by the servants, and not by the "masters" of the people. Let us improve upon the hint, and let every individual be solicitous to contribute his mite to the general emancipation of his species, at this very interesting period, "Just in the dawning of these mighty times
Whose scenes are painted for eternity;— Dissensions, that shall swell the trump of fame, And ruin brooding o'er all monarchy!"
[From New-York, Sept. 6.]
"I was yesterday on board of the Concord, and the Jupiter, the latter now commanded by Capt. Bompard, who has nearly 600 men on board, and expects in about eight days to be ready for any service—He took with him, 310 of his old crew; he has 100 of the Jupiter's former hands, he has received 100 from the Concord yesterday, and 60 from the Normandie. Two of his former lieutenants are promot-
ed, viz. Lieutenant Byeman, to command the Liverpool, letter of marque, mounting 16 guns, captured last Saturday, and sent in here—and Lieutenant Connel, to command the little Cornelia.
Extract of a letter from New-Providence, dated 14th August, 1793.
"I am in this place, and arrived here the 9th inst. being taken by a cruiser from this port. I am surprized that the merchants of the United States or our government, has not sent out some power or other to protect the property belonging to the citizens of the United States, for it is going to wreck every day; and we poor devils are lodged in the hands of a parcel of ravenous wolves, not knowing who to trust here; but was there a commissioned man sent here to protect us on our arrival, so that we might be acquainted with the conduct of these people, it would be much better; as it is impossible for one vessel to escape these wolves, as I said before, for they have orders to send all in under suspicion."
Extract of a letter from Antigua, Aug. 6.
"We hear from good authority that a fleet is very shortly to sail from Fort-Royal, Martinique, consisting of 18 or 20 sail of very fine ships, under convoy of the Felicity frigate. They are to be joined by 2 ships, letters of marque, from Guadalupe, of 30 guns each. The Felicity would be, if taken, one of the richest prizes that ever failed from the West-Indies, having on board all the plate and money that could be collected, belonging to the royalists; they chuse the hurricane months for sailing, taking it for granted that all the English frigates will be in port. They are likewise fitting out there numbers of privateers, even open row boats, with 4 swivels to go among the southern islands. Several vessels belonging to Barbadoes and Grenada have been taken, besides a brig from Halifax, that touched at Barbadoes and failed for St. Vincents."
Extract from General Custine's letter to the National Convention, dated 30th of June.
"We have just learnt, that 12,000 Russians have been embarked from Peterburgh. This completes the coalition of the tyrants of Europe; but these hardy soldiers shall not terrify the Republic. Our success will be certain; for liberty will make us triumph over our enemies, if the choice of the nation falls on men of talents; if intrigues are banished from your councils, and if a war minister of talents and judgment is chosen, who is able to direct the plans of the generals, and to make them respected and executed."
"The new constitution ought to be the admiration as well as the dread of our enemies; but the Republic must have ministers of integrity and talents, and consequently very different from those we have already seen. Then will the French Republic stand on a solid basis, and plant with glory the triumphant Tree of Liberty."
Several English papers mention, that Gen. Dumourier may be speedily expected in America.—[They probably mean in Nova-Scotia, or in one or other of the Canadas.]
Baltimore, Sept. 1. The intelligence from France is better and better—the convention after having finished the Constitution, which was approved and accepted by the people, adjourned to the month of November, submitting the execution of the laws, and the management of the war to the direction of the executive.
Of all the parties engaged in the present war, the empress of Russia has the most to hope and the least to fear. If any thing is to be paid for the contest, she has fewer merchants to suffer and no territories that can be seized; if any thing is obtained, she will have a share of the prize, or will find, what is better, a pretence for another war; and, if all parties recede from it with loss, she is still a gainer.
WANTED, IN TWO OR THREE MONTHS, AN APPRENTICE TO A REGULAR APOTHECARY.
A Youth not less than fifteen or sixteen years of age, with a suitable education, and good moral character.—For further particulars enquire of the Editor. 2awtf
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New-Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorheis, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety-two.—Notice is hereby given to the said Garret Voorheis, that unless he appear and file special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such of his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided.
By order of the Court, April 17. 1aw. 1y HOWELL, Clk.
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be sold by THOMAS DOBSON, WILLIAM YOUNG, ROBERT CAMPBELL, Messrs. RICE and Co. and JOHN M c CULLOCH, No. 1, North Third-street,
AN EXAMINATION of the late proceedings in Congress respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury; with Observations, &c. on the application of loans from Holland, negotiated under the acts of the 4th and 12th of August 1790.—The price of the above pamphlet is three sixteenths of a dollar, or 18 3/4. 1-2. April 24. 2aw tf
** The author requests his readers to correct the following ERRATA in the pamphlet above mentioned.—Page 5. line 11—2d. paragraph, for Coalition read Collision .—Page 25. line 11—2d. parag. instead of Bank directors read "Stock-holders."
WARRANTED
Boulting-Cloths & Mill-stones,
For sale at No. 437 North Second-street, by
OLIVER EVANS,
WHO hath viewed the Cloths and Stones in a great many of the best mills in different parts of America, and procured samples of the cloths, with an account how they proved, and collected the opinion and judgment of many of the most experienced millers respecting the quality of cloths and stone for the different purposes: therefore, if they do not prove good, and suitable for the purposes for which he sells them, they will be received again, others delivered in their stead, and the costs of carriage paid. Drafts of the best and simplest plans for boulting, and best and simplest constructions of mills now in use, will be shewed to the purchasers, if required. August 17. 1 a. w. t. f.
Seat of War.
FOR SALE
At M. CAREY'S Store, 118, Market-street.
A SHEET MAP
Of the French, Austrian and Dutch Netherlands,
In which the progress of the present War may be traced.
Price three eighths of a Dollar.
And a MAP of the Three-Northern Districts of France, divided into Departments—Price one fourth of a Dollar.
Maps of the UNITED STATES:
ANY public-spirited gentlemen, possessed with materials for correcting and improving the maps of the several states, will lay M. Carey under very particular obligations, by communicating them. He is in immediate want of some for New-Jersey and Delaware; of which states, he is now preparing maps.
Guthrie's Geography:
THE subscription for this work will be continued open, at the present rate of twelve dollars, till the first day of November next; after which it will be raised to fourteen dollars. August 10.
At Private Sale,
To be sold a LOT of LAND,
IN Tredyffrin township, Chester county, distant from Philadelphia about 18 miles, and from Lancaster road about 3-4ths, containing TWENTY-FIVE ACRES. Of this lot about 8 acres only are cleared—the rest is woodland, consisting chiefly of young Chestnut Timber. There are on the premises a Log Dwelling House, Weaver's Shop, a double Log Barn, a young Bearing Orchard of 50 Trees, about 3 acres of watered Meadow, a good Spring, and a never-failing Stream of Water, running from a spout near the door. From its situation and the great advantage of raising the water, it is thought to be an eligible place for a Distiller, Tanner, Currier or Maltster. For terms apply near the premises to MORDECAI MOORE. September 3, 1793. 1aw3w
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.