National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-11-28 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1791.
NUMB. 9.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
A Political enquiry into the best means of improving the Commerce of the American States. [Continued from our last.]
THERE are two classes of people in this country, who, I foresee, will have very little relish for the opinions I have been endeavoring to establish, in the preceding part of my address. These are, first , prejudiced people, who will never quit the old track, be it ever so inconvenient; and, secondly , interested persons, who will naturally raise objections to whatever seems to interfere with their favorite schemes.
The southern states (say some) are too warm; and those to the north and north-east, too cold, for the breeding a sufficiency of sheep to supply a large woolen manufactory in America.
In answer to this objection, I observe, that the southern provinces of Spain are exposed to a still greater excess of heat than those of the United States of America, and yet support immense manufactures of woolen, for the purposes of commerce. The northern parts of Germany are extremely cold in winter, and yet they likewise excel in the manufacture and exportation of woolens. These are truths so well known in the commercial world, that I suppose nobody will dispute them.
It would be worth while to remark, in respect to the qualities of wool, that in the north as well as the south of Europe, there are a particular breed of sheep, whose wool is finer, longer, and bearing a greater resemblance to silk, than that of any other sort. It is observed, too, that difference of climate and the many varieties of pasture are productive of three sorts of wool, the best, the indifferent, and the worst. These three varieties may be considered as the principal support of the cloth manufactures, and are, we may say, the golden fleece for any nation, that knows how to turn to the best advantage the resources which a well directed industry puts into their hands.
Wool is the better in quality for the fleece not being shorn too early in the season. The ancient laws of the kingdom of France fixed the time of shearing to the tenth of June. It is remarkable that the fleeces shorn about this time yield at least about one-fourth more from the loom, than those taken later, and better preserve that natural silky gloss, which is very imperfectly imitated by the use of gums. Another advantage in shearing sheep about this time, arises, from the fleece being then arrived to a state of maturity, which makes the cloth more susceptible of the dyes and stiffening.
It has cost every manufacturing nation in Europe abundance of trouble to bring their woolen fabrics to the necessary degree of perfection. Even Sweden, notwithstanding the rigour of her climate in winter, has succeeded not only in her endeavors to propagate the breed of English sheep, but also in improving the aboriginal stock, by introducing rams from abroad. If there be only moderate care taken to protect these animals from the severity of storms, and keep them under shelter during winter (as is the case in Sweden) in order to prevent the rain from breeding a rot in the wool, there is no danger but that it will always be excellent in its quality.
It may be objected that a strict national attention to the propagation of sheep would divert too many people from the duties of agriculture, inasmuch as even to injure, ultimately, the progress of the woolen manufacture itself. I answer, that one man, with two dogs, is at all times sufficient to feed and oversee six hundred sheep, capable of producing to the value of £600 a year in
wool, besides manure proper for fertilizing the ground. This quantity of wool wrought into fine broadcloths, would, with proper management furnish a circulation of more than £6000 in trade, and give subsistence to a multitude of people in the towns, who might at all times be kept busy, while those in the country might be profitably employed in the winter, when agricultural labors are suspended.
If such methods were adopted, there would be no danger of the lands suffering for want of cultivators; so far from it, that these are the very means to increase the number of husbandmen, and consequently the quantity of land in tillage. It might further be observed, that mountains and heights inaccessible to the plough, are the most proper for the support of sheep. Certain it is, that these animals are much fonder of the pasture on elevated situations, than the contrary; since here they breathe a clear wholesome air, which contributes not a little to their growth and the fineness of their wool. The Pyrenean mountains, the Alps, and the most rugged parts of Switzerland, are everywhere covered with flocks of sheep, whose fleeces supply the manufactures, and enrich a country naturally churlish and barren. It is clear, then, from these instances, that the raising of sheep can neither injure the public, nor be prejudicial to agriculture. On the contrary, a woolen manufacture, well established, would be an inexhaustible source of wealth, a fund constantly increasing, and flowing from the hand of industry to circulate through the country at large, and serving as the ground-work for the establishment of an extensive commerce.
Persons inclined to raise difficulties, and throw obstacles in the way of this plan, may possibly object, that the population of America is too inconsiderable for projects of this kind at present; that our flax, our silk, our wool are too trifling in quantity to build such schemes upon, &c. A thousand instances, however, prove the contrary to these assertions. Geneva and Liege were much more scant of people, in proportion to their extent, than the United States, when industry and the patronage of government caused their infant manufactures to begin to prosper. A small town, or village, that sets itself in earnest about any manufacture, is equally capable with the largest of advancing it to the utmost possible degree of perfection. Whoever has travelled through Europe, will subscribe to the truth of my observation, where an infinite number of very considerable establishments in manufactures are carried on in villages.
In regard to the growing of flax, although there are vast quantities of this article raised, it is certain, that a greater demand from the manufactures would at once increase the quantity, as was the case a few years ago in Prussia. To speak candidly, the culture of flax does not appear to be properly attended to in all parts of the United States. The land for this purpose ought to be of the very best kind; the clod should be broken fine, and the ground as well prepared with dung, &c. as you would a spot for a garden. The flax-seed may then be sown as thick as you would sow grass-seed in a meadow; but when it is about six inches high, it should be carefully weeded, without which, grass and other vegetable substances would be apt to impede the growth. In the Austrian Low Countries, they often secure their flax by sticking it; that is to say, the branches or tuckers are tied to little stakes, about a foot high, to keep it from falling down, or lodging, and consequently losing much of its good quality. In this manner, too, they secure their flax in Flanders and Zealand, where it grows to the greatest perfection, and
furnishes materials for lace, cambric, and other fine textures, from its being very long and of a fine fibre. There is also another sort, perhaps, little known in America, called the Everlasting Siberian flax : This species of flax (like the sugar cane) grows several years from the same root, always springing up anew, as soon as the old stalk is cut off. Naturalists have observed that there are, in common, from thirty to forty stalks, in this kind of flax, growing out from the same root. Experience has proved, that the general qualities of this plant, for manufacture, are fully equal to those of the best flax of other kinds more generally known in Europe. The only defect is, that its fibres cannot be spun into the finest sort of thread—but there are abundance of uses for which a coarser texture is equally valuable with the other; mankind standing in need not only of superfine linens, but, much more generally, of those that are coarse and stout.
The cultivation of Siberian flax, should be a national object, then, in America; for this plain reason, that the annual expence, in the common way, of preparing and sowing the ground would be saved, except at long intervals of time; it being only necessary to sow it once, and it will yield the most abundant crops for a great number of years.
Raw silk may be justly reckoned one of the principal materials for a national manufacture. With regard to this commodity, however, there are people amongst us not ashamed to assert, that it cannot be produced, in any considerable quantities, in cold countries. The example of Prussia, where industry is every day making unrivaled progress, is amply sufficient to destroy a prejudice, which has indeed antiquity on its side, but has been ruinous to this branch of art. Ever since the king encouraged the planting of mulberry-trees, Prussia has raised silk enough to supply her whole national manufactures in that article. But it must be remarked here, that it was not merely the good wishes of the court that established this noble manufacture in Prussia; it was in its infancy assiduously encouraged, and directed by laws and regulations favorable to those employed in the nurture of silk-worms, as well as to the manufacturers of the silk. In tracing the procedure of the Prussian government, relative to the silk manufacture, we shall uniformly find that the Prussian monarch was deeply impressed with the importance and utility of such establishments, to the welfare of his nation. In the next place, to prevent the exportation of raw silk from his dominions, he issued a mandate in 1749, in which his subjects were forbidden, under pain of severe penalties, to sell any of their raw silk to foreigners, or to export any the least quantity out of the kingdom, upon any pretence whatever; but to carry it to the national manufactures, where they would find a ready market for it, there to be wrought up into the various stuffs for home use, as well as exportation. The severity of this law was extended even to velvets made abroad, the wearing of which was prohibited by an edict which decreed, that all foreign velvets found in the kingdom that should be proved to be of foreign manufacture, should be torn to pieces and burnt by the hands of the common executioner. By the same edict, the Prussian taylors were forbidden to make up any suit of imported velvet. This was done, pointedly, with a view to exclude the productions of the neighboring silk manufactures of other nations; and it was no uncommon thing for the monarch himself to refuse an audience to any person, who was clothed in a suit of any foreign manufacture whatever.
But it is not Prussia alone, among the
northern powers of Europe, that has found the good effects of a careful attention to the culture of the white mulberry-tree; very lately all the other civilized states, still further north, have strenuously endeavored to free themselves from a dependence upon the more southern nations, for the article of silk. The several circles of the German empire, as well as Denmark, have at present an abundance of the species of mulberry trees above mentioned, which they cultivate to the greatest degree of perfection.
These examples must convince every body of the fallaciousness of the idea, that the establishment of silk manufactures is only practicable in warm countries. In France there is not, at this day, a single province which has not a considerable number of these most valuable trees; and not a few of the principal roads through the kingdom are planted with them for many hundreds of miles in length, on each side. Besides all this, the government has taken care mulberry nurseries should be continually in growth, to supply, gratis, every person that should think proper to plant them on his lands.
[The remainder of this translation in our next.]
PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 23.
A report was read from the Secretary at War, on the petitions of the legal representatives of William Bondt, Wadleigh Noyes, Charles Motte, Barnard Elliott, Samuel Wise, Benjamin Hunger, John Bush, and Richard Shubrick, officers slain in the service of the United States during the late war.
Referred to the committee for making compensations to widows, orphans, and invalids.
Petitions were read from Peter Huber and James Pettigrew, praying the renewal of certificates lost or destroyed. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Petitions from John Blake and Michael Rapp, praying compensation for advances and supplies, during the war.
A petition from Paul Weyandt, of Pennsylvania, praying receipt of the pay due to his son, lieutenant Jacob Weyandt, who died in the United States' service during the war.
A petition from Juliana Shulz and Philip Zeiber, executors of George Shulz, deceased, for allowance of the rent of a tenement, the property of said Shulz, appropriated for the use of the medical department during the war.
Ordered, severally, to lie on the table.
A memorial was read from the people called Quakers, in Virginia, stating their objections to certain parts of the militia bill, now depending. Referred to the committee of the whole house on said bill.
The house then proceeded to the consideration of the amendments reported yesterday by the committee of the whole house to the "bill apportioning the representation of the people of the United States, according to the first enumeration." The first of which amendments was, in substance, that from March 3d, 1793, the House of Representatives should be chosen by the people, in the proportion of one representative for every thirty thousand persons; viz. 4 from New-Hampshire; 15 from Massachusetts; 7 from Connecticut; 2 from Rhode-Island; 2 from Vermont; 11 from New-York; 5 from New-Jersey; 14 from Pennsylvania; 1 from Delaware; 9 from Maryland; 21 from Virginia; 2 from Kentucky; 11 from N. Carolina; and 2 from Georgia.

A motion was made to insert thirty-four thousand , instead of thirty thousand —The question being put on this motion, it passed in the negative. Yeas, 21. Nays 38—The yeas and nays being demanded, those who voted in the affirmative are as follows: Fisher Ames, John B. Ashe, Robert Barnwell, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Jonathan Dayton, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James Hillhouse, Aaron Kitchell, Samuel Livermore, Nathaniel Niles, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, Israel Smith, William Smith, John Steele, Jonathan Sturges, George Thatcher, and Artemas Ward.
Those who voted in the negative are, Abraham Baldwin, Egbert Benson, John Brown, William Findley, Elbridge Gerry, William B. Giles, James Gordon, Andrew Gregg, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, Thomas Hartley, Daniel Heister, Daniel Huger, Israel Jacobs, John W. Kittera, John Lawrance, Amsa Learned, Richard B. Lee, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Andrew Moore, F. A. Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, John Page, Josiah Parker, Cornelius C. Schoonmaker, Joshua Seney, Upton Sheridne, Thomas Sumpter, Peter Silvester, Thomas Tredwell, Thomas T. Tucker, Abraham Venable, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Anthony Wayne, Alexander White, Hugh Williamson, and Francis Willis.
The second amendment was, that upon the return of the census of the inhabitants of South-Carolina, the President of the United States shall notify the executive of said state of the number of representatives therein to be elected, according to the proportion aforesaid of one representative for every thirty thousand inhabitants; which being read, was agreed to, and ordered to be engrossed, and read the third time to-morrow.
According to the order of the day, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee of elections, relative to Mr. Pinkney's resignation, and Mr. Mercer's certificate of election in his room, from the executive of the state of Maryland.
A great deal of debate took place, relative, first , to any legal obligation Mr. Pinkney might be supposed to lie under to the acceptance of his appointment to a seat in the house of representatives; and, secondly , in respect to the constitutionality of Mr. Mercer's election.
In the opinion of several speakers, Mr. Pinkney was not bound by the words of the constitution to accept his appointment; that any obligation on that score could only be remotely deduced by implication, and that unless the right of resignation had been denied expressly in the constitution, Mr. Pinkney was independent of any compulsion of this kind. He had infringed upon no contract; and tho' it was in the power of the house to inflict a penalty on such occasions, no rule for that purpose had as yet been established; and therefore Mr. Pinkney had been left perfectly at his liberty in this matter, to act as he pleased. Mr. Pinkney's case appeared to them to be plain and simple; they could see no inconveniences likely to arise from accepting his resignation, and hoped the report of the committee would be adopted.
After some time spent in further debating on this subject, the chairman of the committee reported an amendment, which report and amendment were twice read, and agreed to by the house, and are as follows:
"It appears that at an election held for the state of Maryland on the first day of October, 1790, William Pinkney was duly elected a representative for that state, to serve in the House of Representatives of the United States.
"That the certificate of his election has been duly transmitted by the executive thereof, and heretofore so reported by your committee.
"That, by letter dated the twenty-sixth of September, 1791, directed to the governor and council of that state, William Pinkney resigned that appointment; and that, in consequence of such resignation, the executive issued a writ for an election, to supply the vacancy thereby occasioned, and have certified that John Francis Mercer was duly elected, by virtue of that writ, in pursuance of the law of the state of Maryland in that case provided.
"Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that John Francis Mercer is entitled to take a seat in this house, as one of the representatives for the state of Maryland, in the room of William Pinkney."
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, Nov. 24.
The petition of Jacob Brandt was read, praying relief in consideration of a wound received in the American navy during the war.
A petition of Catharine Schreinmaker, praying to receive certain arrears of pay and depreciation which were due to her late husband, Francis Schreinmaker, serjeant-major in the late army. A petition of Margaret Sneyer, praying reimbursement for advances made by her husband, Henry Allis, deceased, (late a captain in the army) on account of the United States; and also praying that the half-pay of the deceased may be extended to her, and the orphan children of said Allis.
The above petitions were, severally, referred to the Secretary at War.
A petition of Beverly Winslow and Joseph Hawkins, was read, praying reimbursement for advances made and supplies furnished to the convention troops and guards at the barracks at Albemarle, in Virginia, in the late war.
A petition of William Arnold, praying renewal of a loan-office certificate, his property, destroyed by fire.
Referred, severally, to the Secretary of the Treasury, for report.
A petition of Hendrick Doyer, geneva distiller, in New-York, praying that the act for laying a duty on distilled spirits may be so modified and amended, that the duty on geneva imported from abroad, may be augmented; and the duty on the said article, distilled within the United States, reduced.—Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, for his information.
Mr. Dayton, from the committee, presented a bill to extend the time limited for the settling the accounts of the United States, with the particular states—Read a first and second time, and committed to a committee of the whole on Tuesday next.
Mr. White, from the committee, presented a bill to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes—read a first and second time, and committed to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
The engrossed bill, apportioning the representation of the people of the United States, according to the first enumeration, (of one representative to thirty thousand inhabitants) was read the third time; and on the question being put, it was carried in the affirmative:—YEAS 43—NAYS 12.
Ordered that the Clerk carry the said bill to the Senate for their concurrence.
According to the order of the day, the House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the committee's report relative to James Jackson's petition, complaining of the undue election and return of Anthony Wayne, from Georgia.—Mr. Muhlenberg in the Chair.
Before any of the resolutions was taken into consideration,
Mr. Wayne rose, and observed, that about eleven months were now elapsed, since the election, which is at present called in question, had taken place;—that the House was already upwards of four weeks in session;—that the petitioner must surely have had time sufficient to come forward, at the first meeting of the House, to support the charges contained in his petition;—that it could hardly be imagined, the want of time prevented him from advancing—no!—it was rather to be supposed, that he was kept back by the want of evidence, to substantiate those charges; and perhaps by the expectation of procuring a majority in the legislature of Georgia, to countenance his claims:—these were facts, which, he believed, were not unknown to some gentlemen in the House:—the same arts, the same practices, the same manœuvres, which had procured a presentment from the grand jury, against the election in question, and even against some of the acts of the general Government, might perhaps be expected to prevail at length with the legislative body.
The news-papers (he observed) have teemed, on this occasion, with testimonies and affidavits, procured during several months past:—as to the manner,
in which they had been obtained, that he said, was a subject of investigation for a future day:—some of them were under the signatures of persons, who had never read, nor were capable of reading them:—he felt for the situation of some of those individuals, as they were already presented for perjury on that occasion.
He declared that he entertained not the most distant desire to procrastinate an enquiry into the merits of the election:—but he must observe, that it could not but be obvious to every gentleman on the floor, that no other country in the world would countenance the mode in which Mr. Jackson had proceeded, by the publication of ex-parte evidence, on a subject, that was to come under the investigation of the House.
He concluded by declaring his unwillingness to trespass on the time of the committee:—he would therefore only beg leave to recapitulate, that eleven months were elapsed, since the election took place; and that the petitioner had, ever since, been industriously employed in procuring evidence:—if the committee should be disposed to indulge the gentleman with further time for that purpose, he would not, for his part, make the smallest objection to granting him that indulgence: should they think proper to adopt the report now under consideration, which seemed to contemplate and even to invite the advances of that gentleman, he would have no objection to meet him upon that ground, or upon any other, provided it were honorable ground.
The Speaker then resumed the chair, and Mr. Muhlenberg reported, that the committee had taken the report into consideration, and made progress therein.
Resolved, That the House will again, to-morrow, take the report into consideration. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, Nov. 25.
Mr. Philip Key, a new member from Maryland, appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Wadsworth, from the committee, presented a bill for making compensation to widows, orphans, and invalids, in certain cases.
Read a first and second time, and committed to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
Mr. Wadsworth, from the committee for compensations for invalids, &c. presented a bill for the relief of David Cooke.
A petition of William Dolby was read, praying relief in consideration of a wound received, in the United States' service, during the war.
Also a petition of Alice Weir, late relict of lieutenant Samuel Kenny, deceased, praying to receive the pay due to her said husband, who died in captivity with the enemy, during the war.
A memorial of John Elliot and Abner Prior, praying farther compensation for their services, as surgeons-mates in the late army of the United States.
Referred severally to the Secretary at War, to report thereon.
According to the order of the day, the House, in committee of the whole, resumed the consideration of the report of the select committee, on the contested election of Anthony Wayne, from Georgia.
After some debate on this subject, the committee rose, and reported amendments to the said report, which were read, and, in part, agreed to.
The report being further amended, and the question put thereupon, was agreed to, as follows:
Resolved, That the first Monday of February next be assigned for the trial of the articles alleged in the said petition against the said return.
Resolved, That the evidence, which may be offered on the part of the petitioner, shall be confined to the proof of the articles of charge exhibited in the said petition, against the validity of the return of the said election.
Resolved, That on the trial, the deposition of a witness shall be received, which shall have been taken more than twenty-five days prior to the day assigned for the trial, before any justice or judge of the courts of the United States, or before any chancellor, justice or judge of a supreme or superior court, mayor, or chief magistrate of a city, or judge of a county court, or court of common pleas of any of the United States, not being of counsel or attorney to either
the said Anthony Wayne or the petitioner: Provided, That a notification from the magistrate, before whom the deposition is to be taken, to the adverse party, to be present at the taking the same, and to put interrogatories, if he think fit, shall have been first made out and served on the adverse party, or his attorney specially authorised for the purpose, as either may be nearest, if either is within one hundred miles of the place of such caption, allowing time for their attendance, after notified, not less than at the rate of one day, Sundays exclusive, for every twenty miles travel. And every person deposing shall be carefully examined and cautioned, and sworn or affirmed to testify the whole truth, and shall subscribe the testimony by him or her given, after the same shall be reduced to writing, which shall be done only by the magistrate taking the deposition, or by the deponent in his presence. And the depositions so taken, together with a certificate of the notice, if any, given to the adverse party, or his attorney, shall be sealed up by the said magistrate and directed to the Speaker. Provided nevertheless, that no ex-parte deposition shall be used on the trial of the said petition, which shall have been taken at any time before the 26th day of December next. Provided also, That evidence taken in any other manner than is herein before directed, and not objected to by the parties, may, with the approbation of the House, be produced on the trial.
The several orders of the day were further postponed until Monday next. Adjourned.
PARIS, Sept. 9.
Last night count Lichtenstein arrived here from Vienna, charged with dispatches from the emperor, and, as it is believed, with the important result of the interviews which have been held there on the subject of France. While the public are daily agitated with alarming notices of armies marching, magazines forming, and treaties made to counteract the revolution, the intelligent politician observes, that a more prudent policy governs the councils of Germany, and that, profiting by the lesson of France, the emperor and the king of Prussia have determined to take the only means of avoiding the introduction of the French disease, namely, that of reducing their enormous armies, and by a thorough economy in all the departments of their expence, to ease the burthens of the people, and turn them to objects of industry and manufacture. It is said, that the reduction of their armies is to be carried to 100,000 men each, and so much the yoke under which the empire groans is to be lightened. All this is to be set down to the credit of the French revolution.
LONDON, September, 10. EXCULPATION of the CHURCH.
As an idea has pretty generally prevailed, that some of the clergy of the church of England have been busy in fomenting that spirit which has broke out into such illegal violences against Dr. Priestley, and his dissenting Friends, we are happy to find it completely obviated by the following Address, which breathes a spirit of liberality and good sense that is truly edifying. We rejoice, that the clergy have taken so proper a step; and hope, that however appearances may have favoured the idea of their having exulted in the late events, they will now be entirely exculpated by the candour of a discerning public.
Address, not yet signed, from the Bishops and Clergy of the Church of England to the Rev. Dr. Priestley.
WHEN outrages against the public peace have been committed, which bear the strongest presumptive marks of having been fomented by a particular body of men, it becomes all of that body who possess the sentiments of moderation and justice to enter their protest against such outrages, and to disclaim the authors and abettors of them. We, therefore, the ministers of the Gospel of peace, think it our duty to express our regret and indignation that the cause of the church of England has been made the pretext for disturbing the peace of society, violating the property, and endangering the lives of individuals, and disgracing our country in the eyes of all Europe. We have to lament, that there still exists so much of the spirit of bigotry, and that our pious labours have failed of enlightening the people in so material a point. With regard to yourself, Sir, we cannot be insensible to the enmity you bear against our hierarchy, and we shall be glad to see you silenced by your answerers, but we would not have you burnt by the mob. We owe you no affection, but we conceive we have no right to do you injury. We enjoy too much ourselves from the favour and protection of the law, to wish to throw down its fences; and we are sensible that when our own houses are of glass, it would be bad policy in us to begin breaking of windows. We beg you to believe that, as most of us have studied at the University, we are able to understand a figure of speech, and

can distinguish between real and metaphorical gunpowder; that we do not think hard words properly answered by throwing stones, or arguments confuted by pulling down houses. We are of opinion, that a pen is a lawful, and a bludgeon an unlawful weapon; and that as pamphlets, however severe, break no bones, they are unfairly retaliated by a shower of brickbats. We cannot help suspecting there is an absurdity in a man's shewing his zeal for the Constitution, by breaking the King's peace, nor can we think that any project of mending the laws is quite so dangerous as the open violation of them. Moreover we consider ourselves as connected with you by the collateral studies of our profession, and though we cannot join with you as a theologian, we respect you as a philosopher. We sincerely lament the loss the learned world has sustained by the destruction of your labours, and the instruments of your future labours, and we feel shame and indignation at the thought, that while other nations are improving in science and liberality, this country will be branded with the reproach of fanaticism worthy only of barbarous ages and nations. As churchmen we cannot but dislike you, but as men, we sympathize with you—as scholars, we venerate you—as christians, we admire the meekness with which you have expressed yourself on so trying an occasion—and as Englishmen we regret, that after having done honour to you, we should be called upon to forgive your country. We are sensible that nothing can bring to great an odium upon your opponents as the late proceedings; and we do not love you well enough to wish you the crown of martyrdom. With regard to our own interests, we can desire nothing better than to keep things quiet, and are sensible, that the agitation of the public mind, would in the end be less formidable to you than to ourselves.
Signed, &c.
Sept. 22. An American Schooner, commanded by Capt. Metcalf, which made a successful voyage to China, called at the Sandwich islands in November last, on her return home—the crew were surprised by the natives, and every one murdered.
Spain has involved herself in a war with Morocco, at a time when all her vigilance requires to be exercised at home, to prevent a universal spirit of discontent from breaking out into action in her own provinces. The late edicts directed against the French inhabitants of Spain have (and little else could be anticipated) set the natives to enquire what this liberty is which provokes such a spirit of persecution; but the advocates for freedom in Spain have a stubborn foe to contend with in the clergy, who are a much more powerful body than ever they were in France; moreover, the French being expelled the kingdom, they have no philosophical leaders to urge them on; the Spanish people of weight and consequence being at present by no means remarkable for that liberal manner of thinking which has long distinguished their Gallic neighbours.
Five vessels have failed this season from several parts of the Highlands of Scotland, with emigrants for America. Such is the spirit of emigration from those parts, that there is every prospect of a general depopulation of the Highlands in a few years.
Information has been received over-land from the East-Indies, of the capture of the important fortress of Darwar by the British troops. This event took place the latter end of March last. Darwar is in the Mysore country, on the side of the peninsula next to Bombay.
On the 14th inst. the king of the French went in form, accompanied by his ministers, and took the necessary oath, to maintain the new constitution, before the national assembly. This was done in the presence of an immense multitude of spectators, and the ceremony was accompanied by a general discharge of the artillery belonging to the national guards. The king did not appear with his blue ribbon; giving as a reason, that "he did not wish to be distinguished by any external mark of dignity from the rest of the citizens."
The empress has issued orders for disbanding the major part of her Asiatic forces, and for sending them home. Each man, exclusive of his pay, is to have a certain quantity of agricultural implements, by which means, it is hoped, that the, at present, barren deserts of Siberia, will be cultivated on the return of the peasantry, who have been in some degree civilized, by visiting the more western and southern climes.
The king of Prussia has concluded a commercial treaty between Prussia and the United States of America, and M. Pelske, a respectable merchant at Philadelphia, is appointed his majesty's consul general. It is said that he is to propose a treaty of alliance between the two countries, so that the Prussian manufactures may be imported into America under great advantages.
Nothing could be more dexterous than the art by which La Fayette seized the moment of the assembly's joy at the royal acceptance, to procure from them an amnesty. This was availing himself of a very favorable circumstance. Any delay, indeed, from the tumultuous clamours of the Enragees, might have proved fatal to that wise and magnanimous measure. It remains to be ascertained, whether the haughty spirit of the princes and nobles of France will suffer them to re-enter their country as pardoned criminals.
The French king's speech does no little honor to its author: besides the good sense and good sense which pervade it, there is an apology for the king's late elopement, intermixed with peculiar skill and effect.
The acceptance of the new constitution by the king of France must certainly be regarded as in some measure definitive, and, depriving
others of a pretext for interference, the alternative was either that he should accept upon the terms there granted him, or abdicate the throne. The act of oblivion, just now passed in France, in favor of the refugees, was certainly dictated by a wise and good policy. It will tend to soften the animosity of parties, and reconcile the minds of those who are yet averse to the revolution.
When the king of France refused to wear the decoration of St. Esprit, notwithstanding the previous permission of the national assembly, he said, "That he could not decide in regard to the prince royal, who was a minor; but he doubted not but that the eldest son of a king of France would endeavor to distinguish himself by the virtues of his heart, rather than any baubles about his person."
Numbers of French families are preparing to quit London, in consequence of the adjustment of the French constitution.
While there are so many decayed boroughs, and while so many members are originally returned, and afterwards controuled by a few rich and powerful individuals, either in or out of administration, it is impossible not to believe, that a large portion of the representatives are swayed by motives of separate private interests. Hence a minister, unless he be very obnoxious, or so imprudent as to attempt something extremely flagrant, can at all times command a majority, on almost every question; by which means those who, as deputies of the people, are intended to sit in judgment on the conduct of the executive magistrate, and to direct his operations by their supreme and unbiased legislative authority, serve only, in fact, to give a sanction to his sovereign will and pleasure. The late lord Chatham foretold, that the rotten boroughs could not out-live the present century; and from present appearances, there is no doubt but the prophecy will be fulfilled; and that the modern system of revenue, and the enormous load of debt under which the country labours, will be the great organ to effect its completion.
PHILADELPHIA, NOVEMBER 28.
The latest accounts from the western army are dated October 15, and inform that they had built two forts; one, twenty-five miles from Fort-Washington, and the other about fifty miles further on; and that the army was proceeding to the place pitched upon for the next fort. They had not been troubled with the Indians, further than their stealing a considerable number of pack horses. Early in October, Pionimgo, a great Chickasaw chief passed through Lexington, in Kentucky, with twenty warriors of his nation, to join our army, on the western expedition.
Advises from Point-Petre, in Gaudaloupe, mention some disturbances in that place on or about the 20th of September, on account of the report of certain decrees having been passed by the national assembly of France.
Extract of a letter from Princeton, Nov. 25.
It was formerly observed, in drawing the comparison between the English and French nations, with respect to literary productions, that "The weighty bullion of one British line, Drawn to French wire, would through whole pages shine."
At present, however, the literary character of these two nations, seems to have undergone a total change: The Englishman is light, flowery, and declamatory; the Frenchman is sound, laborious and convincing. What may be the cause of the declension of able writers in England, I will not pretend to say; but in France, it is evident to me, that the gradual advances towards liberty, and the change of government from despotism to a monarchy extremely limited, has done every thing. Formerly, it was dangerous for a Frenchman to employ his pen upon the great political topics which have since been started; the consequence was, that he degenerated into a mere writer of anecdotes, verses to the ladies, and other frivolous productions of the kind. I should be sorry to suppose, that the decay of good writing in England, is a forerunner of the decay of liberty; although it must be confessed, that, like the clouds of Magellan in the South seas, one is rarely seen above the political horizon unattended by the other.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool, Sept. 8.
"You enquire what are the prospects of emigration to America from these western parts of this kingdom? I might answer, very considerable, had the useful class of people the ability of removing. Old attachments, too, are not easy to be shaken off, tho' it be only to a naked rock, a barren heath, or the summit of a bleak mountain. We despise a bog for being, to all appearance, contented with a muddy fly, and yet I do assure you the Lords of the creation, in millions of instances, do so far conform to circumstances as to enjoy apparent happiness in situations very little better. Ignorance is another cause operating to prevent men from changing the most abject and wretched ways of life, for others, infinitely more comfortable, that, with a little exertion, would be in their power to attain. Such is the deplorable ignorance existing in these parts of the kingdom, that I do assure you, there are many thousands of persons here who with regard to America, are in the full persuasion that even in Philadelphia—the learned, the philosophical, the commercial Philadelphia, and that contains in her bosom the only independent legislation of the western world—that the people of that brilliant city never go to bed at night but under the terrifying apprehension of being tomahawked or scalped by the Indian Savages before morning."
A letter lately received from Charleston, (S. C.) mentions, that the rice crops of the present season, are much larger than were ever before known in Carolina. The immense annual increase in the production of this useful article, so much in demand all over Europe, may be owing to the following causes:—1st. The growing use of machines for beating out the rice; and, secondly, the introduction of ploughs in the room of hoes—by these two improvements, a surplus of negroes can be spared for preparing the rich swamp lands for rice fields, who were heretofore employed in beating out the rice by hand, or by tediously turning up the lands with the hoe. Another cause may be, (contrary to what is observed of the West-Indies) that by good and humane usage, the number of blacks are found to increase instead of diminishing; so that, while this continues to be the case, there can be no reason for engaging in the African trade to keep the old stock good, as has ever been the practice in the islands.
From the general tenor of the last European papers, the new French government is now universally looked upon as ESTABLISHED. This opinion is founded upon the following facts: "No appearance of raising troops in Germany, or elsewhere, for the purpose of invading the frontiers of France. The French refugees inconsiderable in number, unarmed, destitute of resources, and universally despised by the people among whom they have taken refuge. The only ostensible enemy on the frontiers of France are about three thousand refugees, and these are unarmed, and unacquainted with the practice of arms, if they had them; but their declarations, their manifestoes and particularly a letter to the king (lately published) plainly discover they are for restoring the absolute power of the monarch: Cringing servility to the court, insolence and oppression over the people, are the ancient principles of their order which they still adhere to; and one need only to read their present productions to be convinced, that the existence of this corps and that of a free constitution is incompatible, which would not have been the case, had this body possessed the least spirit of independence. This party is now in despair; its chiefs have endeavored to keep up their hopes by various false reports; troops have been said to be on their march from Germany for these two months past; the Russian fleet as, according to them, sailing with troops for Oltend; a body of Cossacks was on its march; the king of Sweden was gone to fetch his Myrmidons; the Russian fleet proposed an invasion, &c. &c. To the machinations of these wretches (sit only for treasons, stratagems, and spoils, or for perpetrating in darkness such horrid scenes as the massacre of St. Bartholomew, &c.) are opposed the manly efforts of twenty-five millions of freemen, who have trampled despotism under foot, and are too enlightened ever to permit her resurrection in France.
The extravagant fluctuations in the market price of bank scrip, (says a New-York paper) is clearly imputable to the indirect practices of those of the original subscribers, who only subscribed with a view to carry their subscriptions to market, for it was evidently the interest of these, to carry the market price as high as they could, and having sold at this high price, to combine for a reduction thereof, (but for obvious reasons not quite so low as would be the probable real value) that they might repurchase, and then play a second game by an artificial rise, and ultimately leave their dupes to make the best of a commodity, for which their folly or their avarice had induced them to give a price greatly beyond its real worth.
On the second of November arrived at Charleston, the brig Hope, Capt. Suter, from Newry, with 120 passengers, who it is said, have come to settle in the more interior parts of South-Carolina.
To JOSIAH HARMAR, Esq.
Brigadier-General in the service of the United States, and Lieut. Colonel Commandant of the first United States Regiment.
Sir, THE officers of the first regiment beg leave to express the warmth of their attachment to your person, and that perfect satisfaction which they have severally experienced under your command.
United as they have always been in sentiments of affection and friendship towards you, it is with extreme regret they are informed of your intention to quit the army. If, Sir, upon this interesting occasion your officers might presume their advice... or would you attend to the respectful solicitations of men anxious for your welfare... they might yet hope for your continuance in the service. But, whatever may be your final determination, that honor and happiness may attend you, is amongst their first and most ardent wishes.
We have the honor to be, With perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your very humble servants.
[Signed by twenty-six officers of the first United States Regiment.]
To the Officers of the first United States Regiment.
Gentlemen, YOUR very affectionate address of this morning, claims my warmest acknowledgments.
If I have been so fortunate, during my command, as to give satisfaction to my officers, believe me, it has been reciprocal.
I sincerely thank you, gentlemen, for your expressions of affection and friendship towards me, and of the obliging part you appear to take in my future welfare. When I tell you that I shall continue to remember you, my companions, with emotions of friendship and affection, and that my
best wishes for your happiness through life, can only cease to exist with myself, I beg you to receive it as the genuine effusion of my heart.
I have the honor to be, With the most affectionate regard, Gentlemen, Your most obedient servant, J. HARMAR, B. G. Fort-Washington, August 1, 1791.
It is asserted in a late French paper, that the Abbe Raynal was not the real author of the work entitled, "The History of the European Establishments in the East and West-Indies." It is there held up as the united production of several celebrated patriotic characters who have since appeared in the French national assembly.—At the first publication of this work in France, the period had not yet arrived when freedom of speech, or of the press, was tolerated. The consequence was, that the Abbe found himself under the necessity of flying from the kingdom, in order to avoid the fury of the clergy and titled nobility, who were alike interested in keeping the nation ignorant of the principles of liberty, so ably maintained in that celebrated performance, and which they saw, must soon shake the foundations of aristocracy, priesthood, and despotism, if suffered to be published, and disseminated thro' the kingdom.—What seems, in some measure, to confirm the truth of the above idea, with respect to the Abbe Raynal being only the ostensible author of this work, is, the insignificant part he has acted during the revolution in France; in which, in direct opposition to the manly principles inculcated in his reputed work, he took part with the concealed enemies of his country, and proved himself, by the subsequent effusions of his pen, the whining advocate of aristocracy.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS. November 1791.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H., Bar., Ther., Wind, Weather. Rows for Monday through Sunday with data for each day.
** The readers of the National Gazette may rely on the accuracy of the above observations—Mr. RITTENHOUSE having been so obliging, at the editor's request, to furnish this valuable article for every Monday's paper.
Intelligence is received from Cape-Francois till the 3d inst. at which time every thing wore the same gloomy aspect, with respect to the Negro insurrection, as heretofore. The insurgents had lost no ground, and in every skirmish and engagement with the whites, acted like men determined to die or carry their point—of becoming independent possessors of the Island. A vessel had arrived at the Cape about the 28th of October from Old France, which brought an account of an emba-kation that was to take place there, on the 12th of October, of four thousand troops, under count Dillon, for French Hispaniola, in order to join the island forces, and, if possible, reduce the revolted. On the 3d inst. flour was four and an half dollars per barrel at the Cape, and pork at ten.
Another account (Nov. 2) of the most recent proceedings in the island, is as follows: "Three camps in the territory of Limbe are taken—Yesterday we took the Camp Alquier, with the loss of six volunteers wounded and one killed. We killed 150 negroes and wounded a great number. The insurgents are now coming in daily, and a great number of white women prisoners among the Negroes have been by their means brought off, & sent to the Cape. There is every prospect of a permanent accommodation with the mulattoes, upon our granting them the enjoyment of the privileges of the decree of the 15th of May, which places their freedom upon an equal footing with that of the whites.
PRICE OF STOCKS. Funded Debt. Six per cents, Three per cents, Deferred six per cents, Unfunded Debt. Final settlements, Indents, Bank scrips.
JUST PUBLISHED, and for sale by THOMAS LANG, No. 21, Church alley; An Essay on
COMMERCE AND LUXURY.
Re-printed from the London edition—Price 1/6. The merit of this work will be acknowledged by every judicious reader. The re-publication of it in this country, at this time, has been advised by several enlightened patriots. These wish to promote our national commerce, on the basis of agriculture and industry, and free from the base alloy of imposition and gaming. They set a proper value on the conveniences and ornaments of civilized life; but detest that luxury which is the offspring of a frivolous taste, and the mother of profligacy, dishonesty, poverty, and of numbers of private and public vices and misfortunes. Nov. 28. G. C. T.

Written on the Hills of the NEVERSINK, near Sandy-Hook, July, 1791.
THESE heights, the pride of all the coast, What happy Genies plann'd, Aspiring o'er the distant wave, That sinks the neighboring land!
The lapse of time and change of lords, Beholds you still the same; You saw the angry Briton come, You saw his blasted fame.
In early days, and vanish'd years, To rougher toils resign'd, You saw me rove in search of care, And leave true bliss behind:
Your shaded springs of azure blue, What luxury to sip; As from the mountain's breast they flow To moisten Celia's lip!
Proud heights! with pain so often seen I quit your view no more; And see, unmov'd, the passing scene, Teacuous of the shore:—
SINBAT.
TO THE PUBLIC.
A Lover of useful knowledge, in London, having some time ago offered, as a donation to the American Philosophical Society, held at Philadelphia for promoting useful knowledge, the sum of two hundred guineas, to be by them vested in a secure and permanent fund, to the end that the interest arising therefrom should be annually disposed of in premiums, to be adjudged by the society, to the author of the best discovery, or most useful invention, relating to navigation, astronomy or natural philosophy (mere natural history only excepted); and the society having accepted of the above donation, hereby publish the conditions prescribed by the donor, and agreed to by the society upon which the said annual premiums will be awarded.
1st. The Candidate shall send his discovery, invention or improvement, addressed to the president or one of the vice-presidents of the society, free of postage or other charges; and shall distinguish his performance by some motto, device or signature, and subscribed with the real name and place of residence of the author.
2. Persons of any nation, sect or denomination whatever, shall be admitted as candidates for this premium.
3. No discovery, invention or improvement shall be entitled to this premium which hath been already published, or for which the author hath been publicly rewarded elsewhere.
4. The candidate shall communicate his discovery, invention or improvement either in the English, French, German or Latin languages.
5. All such communications shall be publicly read, or exhibited to the society, at some stated meeting, not less than one month previous to the day of adjudication, and shall at all times be open to the inspection of such members as shall desire it. But no member shall carry home with him the communication, description, or model except the officer to whom it shall be intrusted: nor shall such officer part with the same out of his custody, without a special order of the society for that purpose.
6. The society having previously referred the several communications, from candidates for the premium then depending, to the consideration of the twelve counsellors and other officers of the society, and having received their report thereon, shall, at one of their stated meetings in the month of December, annually, after the expiration of this current year (of the time and place, together with the particular occasion of which meeting, due notice shall be previously given, by public advertisement) proceed to the final adjudication of the said premium; and after due consideration had, a vote shall first be taken on this question, viz. "whether any of the communications then under inspection be worthy of the proposed premium?" If this question shall be determined in the negative, the whole business shall be deferred till another year: but if in the affirmative, the society shall then proceed to determine by ballot, given by the members at large, the discovery, invention or improvement most useful and worthy; and that discovery, invention, or improvement, which shall be found to have a majority of concurring
At present, David Rittenhouse, Esq. is president of the society.
The Rev. Dr. JOHN EWING, } V. Pr.
The Rev. Dr. WILLIAM SMITH, }
And THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq. }
name of the author announced as the person entitled to the said premium.
7. No member of the society who is a candidate for the premium then depending, or who hath not previously declared to the society, either by word or writing, that he has considered and weighed, according to the best of his judgment, the comparative merits of the several claims then under consideration, shall sit in judgment or give his vote in awarding the said premium.
8. A full account of the crowned subject shall be published by the society as soon as may be, after the adjudication, either in a separate publication, or in the next succeeding volume of their transactions, or in both.
9. The unsuccessful performances shall remain under consideration, and their authors be considered as candidates for the premium, for five years, next succeeding the time of their presentment, except such performances as their authors may, in the mean time, think fit to withdraw. And the society shall, annually, publish an abstract of the titles, object or subject matter of the communications so under consideration; such only excepted as the society shall think not worthy of public notice.
10. The letters containing the names of authors whose performances shall be rejected, or which shall be found unsuccessful after a trial of five years, shall be burnt before the society, without breaking the seals.
11. In case there should be a failure, in any year, of any communication worthy of the proposed premium, there will then be two premiums to be awarded in the next year. But no accumulation of premiums shall entitle an author to more than one premium for any one discovery, invention or improvement.
The premiums shall consist of an oval plate of solid standard gold, of the value of ten guineas. On one side thereof shall be neatly engraved a short Latin motto, suited to the occasion, together with these words, The premium of the London, established in the year 1786. And on the other side of the plate shall be engraved these words, Awarded by the A. P. S. to for his discovery of A. D.
President.
And the seal of the society shall be annexed to the said golden plate, by a ribbon passing through a small hole near the lower edge thereof. Republished by order of the society, at Philadelphia, the 7th day of October, 1791.
JAMES HUTCHINSON, } Sec'yrs.
ROBERT PATTERSON, }
SAMUEL MAGAW, }
JONA. WILLIAMS, }
votes in its favour shall be successful; and then, and not till then, the sealed letter, accompanying the crowned performance, shall be opened, and the
[The following POLITICAL STRICTURES and Animadversions are collected, and translated from French papers, to August 31st.]
I. FAR be it from the "enlightened people of France to establish any general principle tending to keep those persons at a distance who with to become French citizens, or that they should cast an eye or jealous suspicion upon the community of strangers that do actually reside amongst us. Such a procedure would effectually deprive us of the knowledge and assistance of a great number of men of ability, who altho' not born upon our soil, may nevertheless be considered as an acquisition to the nation.
There are, however, and must be some exceptions, that appear necessary to be made in regard to that class of strangers who are busied in instituting what they are pleased to call patriotic societies, or societies in which our national affairs are made the subject of debate. These are found to be productive of intrigues, and from the contrary interests and views of the members, they seem to do no good to the establishment of a rational liberty in France.
The time is at hand, when the people of any country whatever, that come to France, shall be considered as Frenchmen, and enjoy every privilege. This is the broad basis we go upon: this is what the enlightened philosophy of the age has taught us that we owe to mankind and to ourselves. But for the present, let us be upon our guard. No one can blame us for keeping a strict eye upon certain characters, who having no visible interest in coming among us, are yet so very officious in rendering us their services:
"Timeo Danaos, et dona ferentes."
If we consider England and her citizens in a collective view, we shall find, that it is to their public spirit alone the nation is indebted for all the superior advantages it enjoys. We shall also perceive that these advantages, for the most part, arise from causes external and artificial. What an example, then, is Great-Britain for France! A country that contains all her resources within herself, and who surpasses all her neighbours in the natural means of rendering herself happy! Whenever France shall have brought her agriculture to a certain degree of perfection, and given that energy to her manufactures, of which a free nation is capable, she will find herself nearly without taxes, and in a situation to ensure her own tranquility, without a dependance upon her neighbours.
At concluding the peace in 1763, England owed seventy millions sterling more than when the war began, in 1756. This peace was, apparently the most glorious for England that ever the had made, because she dictated the terms, and forced France, Spain, and the Emperor to accede thereto. In addition to this fantastical glory, England retained her possessions in India, insisted upon the cession of Canada, and appeased several Islands in the West-Indies to her former possessions in those parts. The peace that succeeded this war, so disastrous to France, was as glorious to England—but notwithstanding all this glory, and the relat of conquest, the consequence of their very successes would have been fatal to England, had it not been for the public spirit of the nation, which surmounted all difficulties.
Reckoning, then, that the war preceding this last mentioned peace cost the nation seventy millions sterling, this added more than two and an
half millions to the annual taxes of England, in order to keep down the interest of the war debt. The foreign possessions they required in the war, paid a very trifling part of these taxes, and even what they did pay, was through the indirect medium of commerce. As to Ireland, it never contributed any thing, and it was impossible to get any thing worth mentioning from Scotland. The taxes, however, must be paid.—it was then that they opened a mine, which was found to be an abundant source of wealth, that is to say, their manufactures. These have enabled them to extend their trade, and the extension of their trade since the year 1763, has enabled them to bear up against every calamity and conquer every difficulty—Since that period the national debt has increased one hundred and eighteen millions, sterling, and yet they still find means to lay such impositions on commerce, &c. as will pay the interest.
III. In the succeeding twenty-eight years, Britain was raised to a pitch of greatness, which would be wholly incredible to those who had not been eye-witnesses of the fact. It is true, the vessel of state suffered many severe buffetings during that long interval, but the public spirit of the nation always brought her safe into port, notwithstanding the unskillfulness of the pilots; and the same, we will venture to predict, will always be the case, if the nation is not again caught napping, as in the American war.—In the fatal 1783 it required every exertion of the people to prevent the total dissolution of the empire; but it is remarkable, that public distress in England has at all times kept an even pace with individual prosperity: while the people were enriching themselves, the most exorbitant ambition and childish projects of the ministry swallowed up all the resources which national industry had called into being.
But still the public spirit of the nation was never abated by public misfortune. While the ministry were contending the point with America, whether she should be taxed against their consent or not, the nation finding its commerce greatly diminished, turned its attention to interior objects. They fell upon new modes of agriculture, to render their lands more productive than formerly, and extended the art of manufacturing by machines to an unprecedented degree of perfection. The ministry lost America, but the public spirit of the nation saved England. By falling upon means to double the production of the soil, and exporting ten times the former quantity of some important commercial articles, they at least doubled their yearly revenue.
However ambitious a nation may be, and however arrogant its ministers, they well know that it is impossible for them to compass any sinister purpose, unless they can first deceive the people. This deception of the people was the great point with the British ministers during the whole American war. They exerted themselves to inspire the nation with that vain love of glory, that for so many ages, has made more nations than one, slaves to the whims of those who governed them. The resentment of the nation was to be roused, and as a means to kindle this resentment, they were persuaded that their interests and glory were equally concerned in the success of the American war. The intrigues of ministerial agents, the avarice of bankers and money-lenders, and above all, the prevailing hope that the Americans, in the end, would be compelled to pay a share of the heavy taxes, of which they were held up as the ostensible cause, enabled the ministry to keep up the popular delusion, and drain from the nation subsidies sufficient for the carrying on a seven years war.
IV. The repeated ill success of the British arms in the American war, only served to add energy to the national spirit. From year to year they anticipated better luck, while the Americans were imperceptibly stealing their necks from under the British yoke; and although every year added a severe burthen of new taxes to the old list, they were paid without a murmur, the nation being possessed with an idea, that the Americans would again become one people with them. Not even the revolt of the German slaves, that were sent to extinguish the liberties of America, fighting under the British standard, could eradicate this false opinion. This event, as well as many others of a fatal nature, were for a time concealed from the people; but it would not do; the matter soon leaked out; peace was unfortunately demanded; the heads of the ministry were called for; the consequence was, that the ministry abandoned their projects, and, if they kept their heads, it was only because their successors, thinking they themselves might probably be one day in the same predicament, had a fellow-feeling for their brethren, and took their measures accordingly.
Peace was concluded in 1783, with the comfortable reflection to the English, that the war had cost them near one hundred millions of pounds sterling; and that America had become a free and independent republic. The new ministry had the ability to see, that the Americans were slaves to old customs and habits, and had imbibed the prejudices of the English too deeply for them to be easily routed out: upon which they consoled the nation, by telling them, that "If America was lost to the crown of Britain, she was not so to the treasury of London." This idea was instantly caught at; the merchants began a commercial intercourse with the American states, and although ministerial policy has hitherto prevented the formation of a direct commercial treaty, yet their intercourse is every way increasing, and the connection no less valid, than if it did exist.
France is not by any means upon the same footing with the United States. But the complete annihilation of despotic power, will be the only means to insure a solid foundation for something of the kind.—We are now upon the point of establishing a free government, although it must be confessed, the principles upon which this free government is founded, are different from the principles of America. A dismemberment of the French Empire, in the person of the King is eagerly looked for by many designing people among us, and our neighbours are anxious to see it effected; but, as a nation, we do by no means possess that kind of public spirit, which could withstand such a sudden revolution, and not be ruined.
V. What could Mr. Paine have meant by endeavouring to persuade us that we have no concern or connexion with monarchy?—As long as our departments are united by a common tie and common interest; as long as their attention is restricted to objects of administration only, so long will the CONSTITUTION, which we now, without blasphemy, call the real monarch, be the central point of our strength; and if in addition to this, the executive power be faithfully administered, the officers of which are responsible for their conduct, the constitution must continue forever in all its original purity.
VI. By declaring the monarchy hereditary, we have secured the empire from the intrigues and plots of designing men, who, if they could, would sell France to foreign powers that hate us, fear us, and are jealous of our natural advantages.—This point ensures our liberty and prevents despotism from creeping into our government. What has become of Poland, with her elective monarch?—Has she not been the sport of neighbours, who have divided her best territories among them?—With such an example before our eyes, and at the moment when Poland is restoring an hereditary monarchy, how is it possible that any true friend to this country, would administer the poison of death, in holding up to us elective monarchy or republicanism? In case of adopting the latter, there would be, in reality, eighty three republics in France; and the hopeful fruits of their infernal policy.
Supposing America surrounded by ambitious neighbours; and supposing Rhode-Island, who so obstinately refused her accession to the union—to have effected a separation instead of being reunited to the other states: By this time we should have seen the distinct sovereignties of Kentucky, Vermont, and Rhode-Island, in the several forms of which would have appeared a set of turbulent demagogues, or a tyrannical aristocracy, which would have already begun the dissolution of the American empire.—And indeed to speak plainly, we can see nothing that will support their present government upon a solid foundation, except the manners and habits of the people; and this only upon a supposition of uninterrupted pacification.
VII. The political morals of Louis XVI. have been wholly founded upon what his courtiers called the Old Testament of France, meaning the ancient despotic government. It will be happy for him, if he will adopt the New Testament, given him by the people, as the only rule of working out his political salvation, and will consider it as his best title to royalty, and not hesitate to put his name to it, without further delay. His individual happiness is linked with that of France; and he will find his new authority worth far more than that which he has lost. It will not, indeed, be an omnipotency, which, as having no rational limits, may be called in question at every step he takes. Louis the sixteenth, the constitutional Louis, will now be every thing that he ought to be, since it is certain, that without the law his superior, he is nothing.
ROBERT SMOCK, Woollen Draper & Mercer,
Has just received by the ship Pique, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north east corner of Market and Third streets, Philadelphia,
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost every colour.
Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashionable colours.
Superfine cassimers, do.
Do. and super elastic striped cloths.
Milled drabs and hunters cloths.
A variety of fancy waistcoating, in silk, silk and cotton, silk mouselin, cassimers printed and tamboured, and superfine striped Spanish toinets.
Mens black sattins, fiorentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities.
Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, assorted.
Sattins and mantuas, a beautiful variety.
Superfine rattinets, with a large collection of best trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality.
Moreens, joans spinning, durants and calimancoes.
Hairbags and camblets, &c.
9-8 wide superfine Marceilles quilting with borders.
Marceilles bedquilts and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4.
Flanders bedbugs and bedtickings.
A beautiful variety of chintzes and cottons.
An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chintzes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons.
Velveteens, velvets, corourys, thicksets, fancy cords, flockinets, royal ribbs, fattinets, hair plushes, &c. &c.
Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings.
Rose blankets assorted.
ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very general and extensive, consisting of almost every article in his line of business.—Being desirous of giving entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meriting a continuance of those customers, whose favours he has hitherto experienced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale Fisheries—may be had at the office, No. 239, High-street.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.