Gazette of the United States, & Philadelphia daily advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1798-04-07 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States, AND Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
By JOHN FENNO, No. 119 Chestnut Street.
NUMBER 1740.]
PHILADELPHIA: SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 7, 1798.
[VOLUME XIII.]
For Savannah, (To sail on Saturday the 7th of April) THE SHIP SWIFT PACKET, PATRICK GRIMSHAW, Master.
FOR SALE. 195 boxes white Savannah Sugar. Will be landed to-morrow, at Willings and Francis's wharf, from on board the brig Active, William Williams, master.
This Day will be Landed, At Morris's wharf, just above the Drawbridge, from on board the brig Eliza, capt. Vaughan, from Malaga— Fresh Fruits, Wine and Brandy.
PETER KUHN. The above Brig for sale if immediately applied for; she is a remarkable fine fast sailing vessel, having made her passage to and from Malaga in little more than 60 days.
Freight Wanted. FOR BREMEN. The Hamburg Brig HENRIETTA, Peter P. Schmidt, Master. NOW lying at Jesse and R. Waln's wharf—A stout, strong vessel, of about 270 tons burthen, in good order; has two thirds of her cargo ready to go on board, and begins to load to-morrow.
PRATT & KINTZING, No. 95, North Water-street. Who have JUST RECEIVED, and FOR SALE, 12 bales Ticklegreens and Oznabrigs.
For Hamburg, THE SHIP DOMINICK TERRY, John Fleming, Master. Having great part of her cargo engaged, For freight apply to Jesse & Robert Waln.
NICKLIN & GRIFFITH, At their Store on Walnut Street Wharf— HAVE FOR SALE, 58 hhd. of Jamaica Rum. Madeira Wine in pipes and hhd. Teneriffe do. in pipes. Old Port do. in hhd. Imperial Tea in quarters and eighths of chests.
For Sale or Charter, The Snow GOOD HOPE. Will carry about 1200 barrels, and is ready to take in a cargo. For terms apply to Pragers & Co.
On Tuesday, the 10th day of April next, at 7 o'clock in the evening, at the City Tavern, Second Street, in the City of Philadelphia, WILL be exposed to public sale, seventeen tracts or parcels of land situated in Point township in the county of Northumberland, and containing in the whole six thousand seven hundred and sixty-four acres and three quarters, with the usual allowance for roads.
By ELLISTON & JOHN PEROT, No. 41, North Water Street. London particular Madeira Wine, in pipes and quarter casks, 4 years old and fit for immediate use.
IMPORTED, In the Brig BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, from Bordeaux, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, Claret in casks. White wine in half casks. Sweet oil of a superior quality in boxes and baskets.
Valuable Property for Sale. THAT well known Estate, called SHREWSBURY FARM, formerly the residence of General John Cadwalader, situate on Schuylkill River, in Kent county, Maryland—containing about 1900 acres of prime LAND, upwards of 500 of which are in woods.
Escapes. BROKE the Prison of Cumberland county, in New-Jersey, and made their escape, between 1 and 2 o'clock, this morning, two Men, who were convicted of stealing—one of them calls himself James Leggs, the other Edward Gambleton.
Law Book Store, No. 319, High-street. GEORGE DAVIS, IMPRESSED with the favors shown him in his efforts to establish a Store for the sale of Law Books only, begs leave to inform the Gentlemen of the Bar generally throughout the United States, that in addition to his collection now on hand, which he supposes to be more extensive, than in the possession of any one person for sale in America, he expects daily very large supplies from London & Dublin, particularly from the latter place, having chiefly confined his importations to those editions, as being in his opinion equally correct with the London editions, and well known to be infinitely lower charged.
AT LAST. This Day is Published, by WILLIAM COBBETT, OPPOSITE CHRIST CHURCH, The Democratic Judge, OR THE EQUAL LIBERTY of the PRESS. As exhibited, explained and exposed, in the prosecution of WILLIAM COBBETT, FOR A RETENDED LIBEL AGAINST The King of Spain and his Ambassador, before THOMAS McKEAN, Chief Justice of the State of Pennsylvania. By Peter Porcupine.
FORGERIES. WHEREAS several forgeries have been committed in this city and New-York and other places by 3 or 4 men, 2 are now confined in New-York goal for life, one of them by name Dr. Gilbert, alias Smith White; another by name Dr. Gilbert, alias Lewis; forged a bill of exchange on Nicholas Cook at New-York with a letter of advice from him to Brown, Benion & Ives of Providence; they also forged 3 checks in the name of Nicholas Cook on the 2nd of March in the name of John Rathbone—William Grant is about 24 years old, light complexion, long favored, his countenance by no means expressive, but rather silly or unmeaning; breathes uncommonly hard, and frequently heaves a sigh, rather thin built, slender constitution, has a hacking cough, consumptive look, wore a green cloth coat in July '96, has a defect in one of his front teeth, liked some time clerk with Nicholas Cook in New-York.
Thomas Margatroyd, No. 11, Walnut Street. WHO HAS ON HAND, Bourdeaux Brandy in pipes. Claret in casks. Sauterne, Sauterne, and Medoc Wines in Casks.
Treasury Department, March 19, 1798. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury until the expiration of the 15th day of July next ensuing, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of October 1798, to the thirtieth day of September 1799.
TO BE LET, And possession given immediately, Agented three story brick House, No. 7, North Eighth Street, 24 feet front and 55 feet deep, with a handsome Garden—Enquire at No. 128 Spruce Street.
To the Afflicted with NERVOUS Disorders, loss of appetite, female complaints, debilitated constitutions, inward weakness, loss of spirits, feminal weakness, indigestion, decayed, weak or relaxed constitutions, pains in the limbs, poverty of blood, sinking anxieties, and tremors, which so dreadfully affect the weak, the sedentary and the delicate, every symptom of extreme debility, attendant on the indiscretions of youth, the consequences of a diffipated life; excess of pleasure or grief, change of climate, the immoderate use of tea, spirituous liquors, or any intemperance; disorders incident to young girls and women at a certain period of life—THE CELEBRATED Cordial Restorative Balm.
FOR SALE, AL that elegant three story Brick House, brick Kitchen and Lot of Ground situate on the fourth well corner of Fourth and Prune streets, containing in front on Fourth street 32 feet, and in length on Prune street 98 feet, to a four feet alley intended to be left open with common privilege of the same.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that the Subscriber, an insolvent debtor, confined in the common goal of the County of Cape May in the State of New-Jersey, hath presented his petition to the Judges of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, in and for the said county, praying that they would attend to hear what can be alleged for or against his liberation, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of this State, entitled "an act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 26th day of January 1793.
THOMAS & JOSHUA FISHER, HAVE FOR SALE, At No. 5, Dock-street, near the Drawbridge, China ware, nankeen dining sets, tea and coffee cups and saucers. Nankeens, black fatins and taffies. Pongee cloths, choppah romals, and bandannoes. China and English umbrellas.
Manchester Goods. Received by the latest arrivals from Liverpool, several trunks, suitable for the present and approaching season, which will be sold very low for cash or on a short credit, viz. 7-8 and 9-8 Printed Calicoes. Fancy Waistcoating in Marfilles, &c. Cotton and silk and cotton Hosiery, Pantaloon, &c.
Madeira Wine. A few pipes of remarkably fine Madeira, fit for immediate use, and at a reduced price—For sale by JAMES YARD.
Just Received, AND FOR SALE BY ISAAC HARVEY, JUN. (No. 5, South Water Street.) A Quantity of Georgia Cotton. ALSO, Prime Aux-Cayes Molasses. Raisins in kegs. Sugar in barrels—and A few tons of Nicaragua wood.
Just Landing, From the brig Harmony from the Isle of France, And for sale By Joseph Anthony & Co. 120 bales Bourbon cotton of a superior quality. 50 bags do. coffee. 24 casks do. Indigo.
ROSS & SIMSON, HAVE FOR SALE, A small invoice of best Triage. COFFEE, in barrels and bags. 22 bales Superior Madras, Blue Cloths. Carolina Indigo first quality. A few bales Batts, Coffees, and a quantity of Bengal COTTON. Bengal SUGAR, in bags and boxes. Jamaica and Bengal RUM.
TO BE LET, And possession given immediately, Agented three story brick House, No. 7, North Eighth Street, 24 feet front and 55 feet deep, with a handsome Garden—Enquire at No. 128 Spruce Street.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that the Subscriber, an insolvent debtor, confined in the common goal of the County of Cape May in the State of New-Jersey, hath presented his petition to the Judges of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, in and for the said county, praying that they would attend to hear what can be alleged for or against his liberation, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of this State, entitled "an act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 26th day of January 1793.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 30th, 1798. Public Notice is hereby given, THAT by an act of Congress passed on the 19th day of March, 1798, the following alterations and amendments have been made to the act passed on the 6th day of July 1797, entitled "An act laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper."
Public Notice is hereby given, THAT by an act of Congress passed on the 19th day of March, 1798, the following alterations and amendments have been made to the act passed on the 6th day of July 1797, entitled "An act laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper."
New Publication. A Sensible, Seasonable and Spirited ADDRESS, Written by a Citizen of Philadelphia—entitled, "What is our Situation? AND What our Prospects?"
Twenty Dollars Reward. THE Store occupied on account of the United States, back of No. 71, North Water-street, was on the night of the 19th instant (March) broken open, and the following articles stolen, and taken therefrom: Nine pieces Stroud, viz.
2374 20 3/4 yds. 2378 20 3/4 } Blue stroud single cord. 2379 20 3/4 } 2380 20 3/4 } 2381 20 3/4 } 2382 20 3/4 } Two cord. 2383 20 3/4 } 2384 20 3/4 } 2385 20 3/4 }
For Sale, A good situation for a Country SEAT, Forty acres of Land, On the Old York road, within eight of Germantown, and about five miles from the city; the whole being under good fence, and in excellent order as pasture ground.
For Sale, A good situation for a Country SEAT, Forty acres of Land, On the Old York road, within eight of Germantown, and about five miles from the city; the whole being under good fence, and in excellent order as pasture ground.

FRIDAY—MARCH 3.
The House being in a Committee of the Whole, on the bill providing the means of intercourse with Foreign Nations, and Mr. Nicholas's amendment being under consideration;
Mr. BAYARD.
I shall not follow the example of the gentleman who is just fat down (Mr. R. Williams) in assigning reasons against the vote which I design to give, but shall content myself in stating and maintaining the grounds upon which I am opposed to the amendment under consideration. I had thought and still believe that the principles upon which gentlemen differ, are well understood. We do not deny the power of this house in the appropriation of money, nor the discretion which they may constitutionally exercise in fixing the proper amount of a salary for a minister plenipotentiary, or for any other officer employed by the government. On the other hand, gentlemen who differ from us, do not contend that 5000 dollars per annum is too great a salary for a minister plenipotentiary, but they say that no minister is necessary at Berlin or Lisbon, and therefore they will not appropriate for their support. If this house has not a right to judge of the grade of ministers, or of the places at which it is proper to employ them, no reason will remain for our refusing to appropriate in the manner contemplated by the bill in its original shape.
The first question therefore, which naturally presents itself in this discussion, is whether the power of fixing the number and grade of foreign ministers, belongs in any degree to this house, or exclusively to the Executive.
By the constitution, the right of receiving foreign ministers is given to the President, nor is there any pretence under which this house can claim a share of that right or its incidents. The obligation to appoint foreign ministers may frequently arise from the communications they make to the power which receives them. The powers therefore of appointing and receiving seem to me co-relative, and essentially to belong to the same branch of government.
But the power of appointing is as expressly given to the President, as the power of receiving ministers. As ministers, however, cannot be employed abroad, without money being appropriated for their support, as money cannot be appropriated but by law, it is therefore said we may enquire into the propriety of the appointments before we appropriate.
Now, Sir, I apprehend wherever an office, created by the constitution, or by law, is legally filled by the President, that we are bound to provide a reasonable compensation for the officer. The gentleman from Pennsylvania, however, has told us, that the office of foreign minister is created by the President, and does not exist under the constitution. This is one of those bold assertions which we so often hear from that quarter, and intended to impose upon the easy credulity of a part of the house. I ask the gentleman whether the power of creating offices is of an Executive nature? And, if not, I beg him to point out to me the clause in the constitution which in any case gives such a power to the President? But in order to oppose the assertion, I will beg leave to refer to the provision of the constitution on the subject.
[Mr. B. here read the following passage from the 2d sect. of the 2d art. of the constitution:—“He,” the President, “shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law.”]
By this clause it explicitly appears that the power of appointment extends only to offices provided by the constitution, or which afterwards should be established by law.—The place of minister then, is an office created by the constitution. But it is contended by this gentleman that ministers stand upon the same ground with judges of the Supreme Court, and, as we had limited the number of the latter, so we have a right to restrain the number of the former. Now, Sir, by referring again to the Constitution, I apprehend I can show, that the cases stand on different grounds, and that there is a power given to us to interfere in the case of judges, which does not belong to us in the case of ministers.
[Mr. B. here cited the 3d art. of the constitution, sect. 1st. as follows:
“The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme and such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time establish.”]
It appears from this clause, that a supreme court is provided, but the mode of its establishment is expressly left to congress. Beside, it is evident from the constitution, that the framers of it frequently referred to things as known. As when they provide in criminal cases that the trial shall be by jury, it was understood that the jury should consist of twelve men, and a verdict be the unanimous opinion of the whole. And so in the case of the supreme court, that the number of judges could not be indefinite, and of consequence must be limited by congress. This is certainly not the case as to foreign ministers. Their number can be no more limited than the number of foreign powers. By lessening the number of independent nations (which is a work going on very fast) the constitutional power of the President on this subject will be restrained.
If the doctrine be founded, that this house has a right to refuse to appropriate for the salary of foreign ministers, I ask gentlemen to reconcile it with their admission, that no such right to refuse exists in the case of the President or judges? A dis-
tinction has been attempted. It is said, that in the case of these officers, the constitution has provided that their compensation shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. But it strongly appears to me, and I do insist, that by conceding that in the case of the President and judges we are bound to appropriate, the whole argument on the other side is given up. Because it allows, that notwithstanding we have an express power on the subject of appropriation, that yet there are cases in which that power must be passively exercised, without the use of the discretion which it is strongly contended essentially belongs to it.
And now, Sir, as to the distinction between judges and ministers, I beg leave to remark, that in the case of judges, the provision of the constitution goes only to the quantum of the salary, and prohibits the diminution of it during their continuance in office. But as to the principle that a reasonable compensation shall be allowed, the cases stand on the same footing. The only difference is, that in the case of the judge we have not the power of saying the salary is too great, but we are bound to appropriate to the last farthing; whereas, in the case of a minister, we have the right at all times of reducing the amount of his pay. I believe, Sir, it can hardly be denied, that when the framers of the constitution created an office, or gave a power to create one, and directed the office to be filled by the President, that they contemplated a reasonable compensation being provided for the officer. It was a thing so well understood, that it would have been folly to have expressed it, as great folly as to have provided that it should be the duty of the judges to expound the law. And, therefore, I hold that in the case of ministers and all other officers legally appointed, that this house is bound to concur in an appropriation for a reasonable compensation.
In order to maintain their ground, gentlemen, on the other side, have deflected largely on the subject of checks, and persuaded themselves that the right to refuse an appropriation in the present case, sprung from the general spirit of the constitution, which designed that one branch of the government should operate as a check upon another.
The doctrine as contended for, has emphatically been filed an imported doctrine, but I hope it will not be smuggled into this house without inspection and examination. The cases of checks to be derived from the constitution, I apprehend may be classed under three heads.
1. Where an express power is given to one branch to control the operations of another. 2. Where a branch of the government exceeds its powers. 3. Where a general power is given to one branch, and a substantive power included within the terms of it given to another. Thus, in the first case: in the legislature, the senate is a check upon this house, and this house upon the senate, and the President upon both. In the executive, the senate on the President, as to treaties and appointments. And in the judiciary, one court upon another. Upon the second head, a case mentioned by the gentleman from Virginia, and much relied on, furnishes a striking example. Even the judges, the gentleman said, are a check upon the legislature. This arises from the nature of the legislature, the powers of which are limited. If the legislature transgress the bounds of their authority, their acts are void, and neither the people nor the judges are bound by them. So if the President should commission, after an appointment non-concurred by the senate, the commission would be void. And in all cases where an act is done without power, a check may be found wherever we please to look for it. The third case which has been mentioned is, where the general power of one branch is controlled by a particular power given to another branch. To this head may be assigned another case much relied on by the gentleman from Virginia. The case I refer to, is that of a treaty made by the President having war for its object. Now, as the exclusive power to declare war is vested in congress, I have no hesitation in saying, the President has not the power to make a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance. For though such a power may be embraced in the general terms giving the power to make treaties; yet, as the right to declare war is distinctly given to congress, it must operate as an exception to the general treaty-making power.
These are the cases of legitimate checks which occur to me. But as to the wild doctrine which had been contended for, that whenever any branch of government possesses any degree of power, that a discretion necessarily accompanies the exercise of it, nothing I conceive can be more dangerous, or have a more dire tendency to disorganization. If the principle were asserted by each branch, the operations of the government must cease. The president might say, he was not bound blindly to execute laws which he conceived to be absurd or impolitic. We create offices, he refuses to fill them; we appropriate money, he refuses to apply it; we declare war, he refuses to carry it on, because, consulting his own judgment, he conceives our measures to be unwise, and that it would be better for the country to check us, by refusing the aid of his constitutional power to carry our schemes into effect. I beg leave to put a case which I conceive comes up to the strongest point of the argument on the other side.
Suppose congress declare war. This can be done by a majority of both houses. The president participates the power of appropriating money. Now suppose we actually declared, by a power competent and expressly allowed to judge of its expediency, and the president afterwards concurred the war to be unjust, or the declaration premature, refuses to concur in an appropriation to support it. In such case, we should be constitutionally at war, and constitutionally restrained from carrying it on.
Such are the absurdities which flow from the imported doctrine of checks. Consequences which tend to paralyze the powers of the constitution, and effectually to stop the wheels of government.
I have no doubt, Sir, for my own part, that this house has no right to interfere upon the principle of the amendment; but I will, notwith-
standing, consider the expediency of the measure it contemplates.
It has been contended by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that it would be better for this country to renounce all foreign intercourse. This, I conceive, is going far beyond any point of discussion before the committee. The amendment is not designed to abolish foreign intercourse. It supposes three ministers plenipotentiary, and as many ministers resident and consuls as the president shall think proper to appoint. Indeed it effects only the grade of the ministers at Lisbon and Berlin.
Sir, I could have wished to avoid any imputation upon the motives which produced the present amendment. But it strikes me as singular that gentlemen should be satisfied with restraining its operation to two characters, and that their mighty efforts should be made to accomplish an object attended with little loss to the treasury, and at best equivocal, as they must acknowledge, as to its operation abroad. I cannot well account for what I have seen, but in recollecting that the minister at Lisbon was formerly a distinguished member of this house, whose eminent talents having been employed in the support of government, has rendered him obnoxious to the friends of the amendment; and that the minister at Berlin is the son of the President of the United States, a man as much hated by one party as venerated by the other. I should have been willing to have discarded any insinuations which his recollections occasioned, had I been able to discover any plausible reason at this time for introducing and so strongly maintaining the amendment.
Gentlemen have talked of annihilating foreign intercourse. Do they call to mind our sea cost of 1700 miles? Do they remember the commercial temper and habits of our people? Do they recollect how many imported articles, though perhaps once luxuries, are now become necessaries of life? Do they calculate the portion of our food and raiment which is brought across the ocean? Can they sit down to a meal in the day, or examine the cloths on their backs, without being sensible of the strength of our foreign connections? I beg gentlemen, after having duly appreciated these considerations, to tell whether they seriously imagine, that any force in the government could break our connection with foreign countries? I believe, for my part, that while the ocean is navigable, that our people will be commercial, and that foreign connections cannot be prevented. The only question which seems to exist is, whether, as there will be intercourse with foreign countries, it does not admit of beneficial regulations from the interference of government.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania has considered this subject under two heads, commercial and political, and has endeavoured to show, that our connections with Europe, commercial or political, do not require a diplomatic establishment.
Commercial intercourse, he continues, might be as well regulated and protected by the employment of consuls as of ministers. Very little consideration, I apprehend, will satisfy gentlemen, that consuls are inadequate to the protection of the commerce of a great country. Consuls are little more than private mercantile agents. They are frequently the subjects of the country in which they are stationed, subject to its laws, as well in civil as in criminal cases, not privileged, and scarcely noticed by the law of nations, and representing in no degree, the country which employs them. I will then ask, if consuls are competent to insist upon the rights of the nation, or its citizens, or to remonstrate against their wrongs. Whether they could demand, or are so likely to obtain justice, as if they were vested with a representative capacity of the country. Beside, let me tell the gentleman, that if our establishments abroad were reduced to consuls, in effect, they would only have foreign ministers under new names, for they would soon be employed for political, as well as commercial purposes. It would end in their exercising the powers of ministers, without their responsibility.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania has said, that the only use of ministers is to form treaties. This is certainly not true. I conceive that a government is bound to extend its care and protection to its citizens abroad, as well as at home. One purpose, therefore, of ministers is, to secure to our citizens in foreign countries, the rights which they derived from treaties, or the law of nations. They are designed also to watch the actions of foreign governments, and to discover their schemes, and to give notice to their own government of any thing which may threaten the peace or safety of their country. They are again the organ of communication between governments, by which explanations are demanded, and by which accidental differences may frequently be avoided without the extremity of war.
(This Speech to be continued.)
FRIDAY, April 6.
MR. SITGREAVES, on behalf of the managers of the impeachment against William Blount, to whom was referred certain proceedings of the Senate of the first of March, reported it as their opinion, that it would be expedient for the house to adopt the following resolutions.
“Resolved, That a conference be desired with the Senate on the subject of their resolution of the first of March last, relative to the impeachment of William Blount, and that the managers appointed to conduct the said impeachment, be the managers for this house at the proposed conference.”
“Resolved, That the managers of this house do request, at the said conference, that the Senate will appoint a day during the present session of Congress, for the return of the summons directed by their resolution of the first of March aforesaid, to be issued to the said William Blount.”
The resolutions were agreed to. The SPEAKER laid before the house a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanying two statements, exhibiting the tonnage of shipping belonging to the several districts of the United States, at the close of the year 1796; also, a comparative view of the tonnage of all vessels which paid duties in the ports of the United States each year, from 1790 to 1796, inclusively, distinguishing generally, the employments of the vessels of the United States, and the tonnage of vessels belonging to different foreign nations, in pursuance of a resolution of the 4th inst. which was ordered to be printed.
MR. SITGREAVES asked and obtained leave of absence for the next week. MR. KITTYER also obtained leave of absence for two weeks.
MR. D. FOSTER, from the committee of claims, made a report on the petition of Stephen Dayton, stating that an unfavourable report was made upon this case in a 793, by the Secretary of war, to which they refer, and to which they recommend an agreement. Concurred in.
MR. MACON moved that the house again resume the consideration of the confidential communication from the President, which motion being agreed to, the galleries were accordingly cleared.
After the doors had been closed about an hour and a half they were opened; when MR. LIVINGSTON, from the committee to whom was re-committed the bill for the relief
of sick and disabled seamen, reported a new bill, conformable to the amendments heretofore adopted, which was committed for Monday.
The same gentleman from the committee of commerce and manufactures, reported a bill for erecting a light house and placing buoys at the places therein mentioned, which was committed for Monday. This bill contemplates the erection of a light house at Old Point Comfort, in Virginia, the placing of buoys in Portland harbour and the staking out of Warren river.
The house severally resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill declaring the assent of Congress to two acts of the state of North-Carolina therein mentioned, and the bill authorizing certain officers to prescribe oaths, which were reported without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday.
MR. BAYARD moved that 1200 copies of the dispatches from our Commissioners in Paris, which were lately communicated by the President of the United States, to Congress, be printed for the use of members, which would furnish each about twelve copies for the purpose of transmitting to his constituents.
MR. S. SMITH moved to amend the resolution, by adding after the words ‘Congress,’ and ordered by the Senate to be published.
MR. DENT thought such an amendment would be very improper, as the house had no official knowledge of what the Senate had done with respect to these dispatches.
MR. NICHOLAS wished to know whether this resolution for printing was in order, as it was in effect the same with that on the propriety of publishing the papers decided, whilst the doors were closed, to be postponed till Monday.
The SPEAKER said a distinction had heretofore been made between printing and publishing. He recollected this distinction was acted upon in the confidential business relative to the Algerine treaty.
MR. GALLATIN could not see any distinction between publishing and printing 1200 copies of the dispatches in question, especially as gentlemen state them to be wanted for the purpose of sending to their constituents. He should be in favour of printing for the members' own use, as was done in the case alluded to by the Speaker, but not for publication, as that motion had already been postponed till Monday.
MR. BROOKS was surprised, when the injunction of secrecy was taken off, that gentlemen should still be opposed to the printing of these papers. Any person might now print them; and it was proper, whatever differences of opinion had been expressed as to their publication heretofore, that they should now be made as public as possible. If gentlemen are afraid of making them public, and with to confine them in the dark, or to Philadelphia alone, they act rightly in opposing the printing; but he hoped the motion would be carried.
MR. T. CLAIBORNE moved a postponement of the question, which was negatived 42 to 32.
MR. BLOUNT always thought it improper to print more copies of any papers than were necessary for the use of the members in considering the business of the house. When members wish to send papers to their constituents, they can purchase what number of copies they please for if he were to have 12 copies laid upon his desk, he should have occasion to purchase 20 or 30 more, for the purpose of sufficiently communicating the matter to his constituents.
The question on Mr. S. Smith's amendment was put and negatived. MR. BROOKS did not see why members should be put to the expence of purchasing what it would be for the public good to circulate. He therefore moved for 2000.
MR. THATCHER seconded the motion, in order to oblige the gentleman from N. Carolina (Mr. Blount).
MR. HARPER was in favour of the 2000, and if any one would move 3000, he should be in favour of it, as he should wish to send a good number to his constituents.
MR. SHEPARD hoped less than 2000 would not be printed.
MR. HARTLEY thought, after the motion for publication had been postponed till Monday, gentlemen ought to have been satisfied with having the usual number of copies printed.
MR. GALLATIN said when he was up before he had made some observations on the distinction which the Speaker had stated as subsisting between printing and publishing; but it appeared as if the gentleman from New York (Mr. Brooks) had neither attended to what he had said, nor to what fell from the chair, when he made a kind of reply. If he had, he would have seen that those observations did not go to the question of publishing or not; but to a point of order. It would be recollected that the publication of these papers had been opposed, not because they wished to prevent their publication, because they knew, though not officially, that the Senate had ordered 500 copies to be printed; but it had been opposed, because gentlemen did not wish to take upon themselves the responsibility of the publication. The question was therefore postponed till Monday. Mr. G. said his objection to this motion was, because he considered it to be the same motion which had been postponed, only in a different form. If this motion should be proposed on Monday, after the Senate have published the correspondence, he should not object to it. A large majority (of which he was one) were opposed to the publication of these papers, not on the ground of any effect they would produce on the citizens of this country, but from an idea that they ought not to be published before we know the final issue of our negotiation. He believed that every gentleman who opposed the publication, would have wished it, if the publication could have been confined to our own citizens. He thought it improper, therefore, that a contrary motive should be attributed to them.
MR. BROOKS explained. MR. FINDLEY said the distinction was very clear, between printing a paper in confidence and printing it for the purpose of sending to their constituents.
MR. J. WILLIAMS said, since they had taken off the secrecy from the consideration of the subject before them, he thought it mattered little whether 500 or 2000 copies of the papers were printed; but if as many were to be printed as each member wanted for his constituents, at least 3000 would be wanted, as he represented at least 30 towns, and he could not send less than one to each. As to the expence, he believed an hour's debate would cost more than the whole 3000 copies.
MR. M'DOWELL said, this question was the same as that which had been postponed till Monday. He was sorry the motion for postponement was carried, because the same thing is now attempted to be done indirectly, which could not be effected in a direct way. He supposed on Monday the House would receive from the Senate the usual number of copies; he hoped therefore the House would adjourn,
as there was no immediate occasion for printing.
The usual motion for adjourning till Monday being first decided, the motion for adjournment was put and negatived, 44 to 37.
MR. LYON was in favour of the largest number; and if he followed the rule of the gentleman from New-York, he might with 7000, as he represented 70 towns. But his principal reason for voting for the largest number was, because he thought the papers so trifling and unimportant, that no printer would risk the printing of them in a pamphlet; and it would take a small weekly paper, such as was printed in his district, two months to print them, if nothing else were inserted.
MR. MACON said, in endeavouring to give so much information, they would give none; for if the number proposed to be sent were to be forwarded, he should expect to hear of the mail being broken down. He hoped the usual number would only be printed. He had no objection to the publication; but he did not expect the question would have been brought forward to-day.
MR. OTIS enquired whether the gentleman from Vermont had not said these papers were so trifling and unimportant, that no printer would undertake to print them.
MR. LYON repeated what he had said. MR. GILES moved to adjourn. The motion was negatived 43 to 36.
MR. CHAMPLIN was astonished at the opposition made to the publication of the dispatches [The SPEAKER reminded Mr. C. that the question was as to the number to be printed.] He was surprised that any objection should be made to the number, especially as the additional expence could be no object. He thought proper they should speedily be published in order to do away the false impressions which erroneous publications may have produced. He did not understand how gentlemen could reconcile their wish for publicity, with their opposition to the proposed publication.
The question was first taken for 3000 copies, and negatived, there being only 14 for it; then on 2000, and negatived 42 to 38.
MR. TILLINGHAST then moved for an adjournment, which was negatived, there being only 27 for it.
The question then returned on 1200. MR. MACON moved to strike out 1200, and insert the usual number; which after some observations from Mr. BAYARD in favour of having 1200 copies, was negatived. The question was then put and carried on 1200. Adjourned till Monday.
From the New-York Commercial Advertiser.
THE STAND—No. II.
The description of vice, by a celebrated poet, may aptly be applied to the REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT of France. It is “A MONSTER of such horrid mien, As to be hated, needs but to be seen”
Unfortunately, however, for mankind, a species of moral pestilence has so far disordered the mental eye of a considerable portion of it, as to prevent a distinct view of the deformities of this PRODIGY of human wickedness and folly. It is the misfortune of this country in particular, that too many among its citizens have seen the monster in all its dreadful transformations with complacency or toleration. Nor is it among the least of the contradictions of the human mind, that a religious, moral and sober people should have regarded with indulgence so frightful a volcano of atheism, depravity and absurdity; that a gentle and humane people should have viewed without detestation, so hateful an instrument of cruelty and bloodshed; that a people having an enlightened and ardent attachment to genuine liberty, should have contemplated without horror so tremendous an engine of despotism and slavery. The film indeed begins to be removed, but the vision of many of those who have been under its influence is not yet restored to the necessary energy on clearness.
It is of the last importance to our national safety and welfare, that the remaining obscurity should be speedily dispelled. Till this shall be the case, we shall stand on the brink of a precipice.
To exhibit the hydra in all its horrible pre-eminence of guilt and mischief, would require volumes. Slight sketches chiefly to portray its character in reference to other nations, are all that will comport with the plan of these papers.
In retracing the progress of a war which has immersed Europe in blood and calamity, it is an error as common as it is strange, to acquit France of responsibility, and throw the whole blame upon her adversaries. This is a principal source of the indulgence which is shown to the extravagances and enormities of her revolution. And yet the plainest facts demonstrate, that the reverse of this supposition is far more agreeable to truth. It required all the bold imposing pretences of the demagogues of France, all the docile partiality of a warm admiration for her revolution, to have secured a moment's success to so glaring a deception.
The origin of the war is usually charged to the treaty of Pilnitz , and to the counter-revolutionary projects of the parties to it.
To this day we are without authentic and accurate evidence of the nature of that treaty. Taking its existence for granted, there is not the least proof that it comprehended any other powers than Austria , Prussia and Sardinia . Beyond these, therefore, unless suspicion be substituted for fact, it could not afford even a pretext for hostility. It is likewise certain that after the date assigned to the treaty of Pilnitz , the Emperor, who was the reputed head of the confederacy, gave strong proof of the renunciation of its object, if hostile to the revolution; by signifying, through his ministers, to all the foreign courts, his determination to acquiesce in the constitution of 1792, accepted by Louis the XVI.
The diplomatic correspondence between France and Austria , which preceded the rupture, evinces that the treaty of Pilnitz was not the cause of the war, for it is not even mentioned. The immediate ostensible cause, as it there appears, was the refusal of Austria to disarm in compliance with the peremptory demand of France ; a demand
* I am not certain that ever Sardinia was a party. Writing from memory some minute circumstances may be mistaken. † See State paper by Debret.

to which this, apparently, very reasonable reply was given—that France had previously armed to a greater extent; and that Austria could not safely reduce her force while France remained in so disturbed and inflamed a state as to leave her neighbors every moment exposed to the enterprises of her revolutionary fervor. There is no absolute criterion by which it can be pronounced whether this reply was merely a pretext, or the dictate of a serious apprehension. But it is certain that the correspondence discovered great appearance of candor and moderation on the part of the Imperial cabinet; and it is not to be denied, that the state of effervescence of the French nation at this juncture furnished real cause of alarm to the neighboring governments.
It is then at best, problematical, whether France in declaring war, as she did at the same time against Austria and Prussia, was actuated by the conviction that it was necessary to anticipate and disconcert the unfriendly views of those powers; or whether the war, as has been suggested with great probability, was sought by the republicans party as a means of embarrassing the executive government, and paving the way for the overthrow of the royalty. Two things, well established, are instructive on this point. The one, that the king was driven against his will, by a ministry forced upon him by the popular party, to propose the declaration of war, which he considered as the tomb of his family—the other, that Brissot, the head of the then prevailing faction, some time afterwards exultingly boasted, that "but for this war the revolution of the tenth of August would never have taken place; but for this war, France would never have been a republic."
Admitting, nevertheless, that the true source of the war with Austria and Prussia is involved in some obscurity, there is none as to the wars in which France became subsequently engaged. It is clear as to them that she was the original aggressor.
It appeared from cotemporary testimony that one of the first acts of that assembly which dethroned the king, was in a pantheon of revolutionary frenzy, to declare itself "A COMMITTEE OF INSURRECTION of the whole human race, for the purpose of overturning all existing governments." This extravagant declaration surpasses anything to be found in the ample record of human madness. It amounted to an act of hostility against mankind. The republic of America, no less than the despotism of Turkey, was included in the anathema. It breathed that wild and excessive spirit of fanaticism, which would not suffer the means of establishing its favorite tenets; and which, in its avowed object, threatening the disorganization of all governments, warranted a universal combination to destroy the monstrous system of which it was the foul.
The decrees of the 19th of November and 15th December 1792, were modifications of the same spirit. The first offered fraternity and assistance to every people who should wish to recover their liberty, and charged the executive power to send orders to their generals to give that assistance, and to defend those citizens who had been or might be vexed for the cause of liberty. The last declared that the French nation would treat as enemies any people who, refusing or renouncing liberty and equality, were desirous of preserving, recalling or entering into accommodation with their prince and privileged castes.
The first was a general signal to insurrection and revolt. It was an invitation to the seditious of every country, in pursuit of chimera schemes of more perfect liberty, to conspire under the patronage of France against the established government, however free. To assist a people in a reasonable and virtuous struggle for liberty, already begun, is both justifiable and laudable; but to incite to revolution every where, by indiscriminate offers of assistance before hand, is to invade and endanger the foundations of social tranquility. There is no term of reproach or execration too strong for so flagitious an attempt.
The last of the two decrees is not merely in spirit—it is in terms equivalent to a manifesto of war against every nation having a prince or nobility. It declares explicitly and formally, that the French nation will treat as enemies every people, who may desire to preserve or restore a government of that character.
It is impossible not to feel the utmost indignation against so presumptuous and odious a measure. It was not only to scatter the embers of a general conflagration in Europe—it was to interfere coercively in the interior arrangements of other nations—it was to dictate to them, under the penalty of the vengeance of France, what form of government they should live under—it was to forbid them to pursue their political happiness in their own way—it was to set up the work of all despotisms, a despotism over opinion, not against one nation but against almost all nations. With what propriety is the interference of the powers, ultimately coalesced against France, in her interior arrangements, imputed to them as an unparadisable crime, when her leaders had given to terrible an example, and had provoked retaliation as a means of self-preservation?
These decrees preceded the transactions which immediately led to a rupture between France & the other powers, Austria and Prussia excepted.
It is idle to pretend, that they did not furnish to those powers just cause of war. There is no rule of public law better established or on better grounds, than that when one nation unequivocally avows maxims of conduct dangerous to the security and tranquility of others, they have a right to attack her, and to endeavor to disable her from carrying her schemes into effect.
* If it be true, as pretended, that Austria and Prussia first interfered in this way with France, it was notice for her to retaliate on all the rest of Europe. Great Britain in particular, as far as appears, had observed a fair neutrality. Yet the principle of the French decree was emphatically pointed against her, by the open reception of deputations, of malcontents and public declarations in her behalf of the French government, avowing the free of being all thrones overturned, of a National Convention and a Republican revolution in England.
carrying her schemes into effect. They are not bound to wait till inimical designs are matured for action, when it may be too late to defeat them.
How far it may have been wise in a particular government to have taken on the gauntlet, or in its option, to have left France to the fermentation of the pernicious principles by which its leaders were actuated, is a question of mere expediency, distinct from the right. It is also a complicated and difficult question—one which able and upright men might decide different ways. But the moment the convention vomited forth those venomous decrees, all the governments threatened were justifiable in making war upon France.
Neither were they bound to be satisfied with after explanations or qualifications of the principles which had been declared. They had a right to judge conscientiously whether reliance could be placed on any pretended change of system, and to act accordingly. And while the power of France remained in the same men, who had discovered such hostile views, and while the effervescence of the public mind continued at its height, there could not have been, in the nature of things, any security in assurances of greater moderation. Fanaticism is a spirit equally fraudulent and intractable. Fanatics may discern the better to effect their aims, but they seldom sincerely reform. No faith is due to the reformation which they may affect, unless it has been the work of time and experience.
But whether a wrong or a right election in point of expediency, may have been made by all or any of the powers, which after the passing of those decrees became engaged in hostility with France, it is not the less true, that her government was the first aggressor, and is primarily chargeable with the evils which have followed. This conclusion is greatly aided by the striking fact, that it was France which declared war, not only against Austria and Prussia, but against England, Spain, Sardinia and Holland.
Two very important inferences result from the facts which have been presented—one, that in blowing up the dreadful flame which has overwhelmed Europe in misfortune, France is the party principally culpable—the other, that the prominent original feature of her revolution is the spirit of proselytism, or the desire of new modelling the political institution of the rest of the world according to her standard. The course of the revolution also demonstrates that whatever change of system may have been at any time pretended, or however the system may in particular instances have yielded to a temporary policy—it has continued in the main to govern the conduct of the parties who have successfully triumphed and tyrannized.
TITUS MANLIUS.
From the MIDDLESEX GAZETTE.
MR. DUNNING, I perceive by your two last papers, that the Jacobins in this part of the state, have grown very busy about the politics of the country. It is very obvious what they would be at. The time approaches when we must make a nomination for representatives in Congress. In order to frighten us into their schemes, they tell us that the connection between the United States and France must be broken up, unless we will consent to lick the dust at the feet of our Sifter Republic, as she used to be pleased to call herself. It is beyond controversy, that there is a co-operation between the French government and the anti-federalists in this country. The treatment which our commissioners have received, clearly proves this fact. They have probably been waiting to feel the pulse of the present Congress, in order to determine what to prefer to us; and taking encouragement from the appearance of their party, have treated our envoys with great insolence and disgrace. We have not many democrats in this state, and what there are, generally, are very insignificant creatures. But they are breaking out in all the newspapers at once, in order to make us believe that the people at large are uneasy with the government, and ripe for sedition. For this purpose, as a most important step, and without which they know they can do nothing, they are addressing themselves to the Farmers, if possible to excite among them murmurs, jealousies and clamours, against the measures of government, and especially against our own representatives. Before the landed interest, which is the strength and stability of our government, will pay any attention to such an incendiary as wrote a long piece addressed to the farmers, in your last paper, they will certainly pause, and make a few enquiries of themselves. Perhaps those enquiries may be like the following:
1st. What is this government, which we are told is about to crush and enslave us? We formed a Constitution a few years since, and adopted it. We very soon found the benefit of it. Our farms were well cultivated, because we had nothing else to attend to—they produced plentifully, because God bless the labors of honest industry—this produce brought us a good price, and ready pay, because our country was at peace, and our merchants flourished—with the avails we paid our trifling taxes, supported and educated our families—discharged what little debts we owed, and laid up something every year. From whence then this noise about oppression? This outcry against the government? The government is the same. What does it all mean? Did not a party spring up a few years ago, and do all in their power to make us join the French and fight half Europe? We still recollect it—Who were of this party! The newspapers told us a good many names which we have not yet forgotten. Have not these people been disappointed in their plan? Yes. Our government, bad as it is, has kept us out of war yet. Are not the same persons, who have all along endeavored to make us join France, the same who are now preaching to us, that we are upon the point of being enslaved?
2nd. Who are the people who have been so long trying to crush us, and bring us under a king? Was it GEORGE WASHINGTON? He was at the head of our government eight years, and laid out the path which his successors are following. We have always thought better of him. He always appeared to love his country, and did more for it than any other man. But it is said our own representatives have joined in the scheme. Who are these representatives? Did any of them come from Geneva, or Ireland, or France? Were they not born, and educated in the country among ourselves; and
have they not families, relations, friends, and neighbors, which must all be enslaved, as well as we? For how long a time are they chosen? Two years. What will become of them then? They must come home, and be enslaved with the rest of us. We are well acquainted with our representatives, did we ever hear them say any thing about introducing kings into the country?
3d. Why is it we are so often reminded of France? What is France to us? Will the French buy our country produce, and pay for it when they have done? Do they show any disposition to pay our merchants for all the vessels and cargoes which they have plundered from them? If we form an alliance with them what may we expect? Have not all the nations in Europe, with whom we have had much connection, been overwhelmed, pillaged, and destroyed? Is it not a strange thing in the world that in this country it should not only be no offence to abuse, vilify and slander our own government, and countrymen, but that it should be deemed meritorious; but if any man dares to speak against the French, even for their haughty, proud spirit, their depredations, their bloodshed, and all their other monstrous cruelties, he is abused, insulted, and perhaps beaten? I might ask questions much longer, but at present I will forbear.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
FRANCE.
COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED.
January 21.
The members met at two o'clock in the new hall built for the council in the Palais de la revolution, formerly called Palais Bourbon.
The interior of the hall offers a semi-circle, around which the seats of the deputies rise in form of an amphitheatre: the latter are bordered by a colonade of the Ionian order, of white speckled flusco, and of an elegant design, behind which are the galleries for the spectators. This colonade supports a dome, wherein are large niches and within these the most celebrated legislators of antiquity and several emblems of liberty and equality are painted. There are no windows in the hall, but sufficient light enters by an opening at the top of the dome. The whole interior of the hall is encrusted with green flusco, resembling that kind of marble called Verde Antico. The doors are of mahogany wood.
The bureau (the place where the President and secretary sit) may pass for a masterpiece. It is placed in the centre of the semi-circle. The interval between the balustrade and the rostrum forms a superb vestibule of mosaic, and precious marble. The rostrum and the bureau, as well as the steps which lead thereto, are of speckled marble, and the whole is adorned with several statues and emblems of white marble of exquisite workmanship. In the front of the rostrum, attracts more particularly the eye, a figure of Liberty with her pencil, and renown preparing to sound her trumpet. Between these figures rises a zoce bearing the figure of Liberty, and that of Janus. The desk which has almost the form of a cube, is of the finest mahogany; the table is supported by four gilded cariatthides. The chair of the President is likewise of mahogany, and its borders gilded. A very fine drapery of green marble and of an antique form adorns the circular portico, where the bureau is placed.
This hall, the first that has been built according to the rules of art for a deliberating assembly, does honor to the talents of the citizens Lecomte and Gisors the chief architects. The workmanship of the rostrum alone, would be sufficient to secure a distinguished reputation to citizen Lemoit, a young sculptor, who executed it.
The council preceded by its officers, entered the hall, amidst discharges of the artillery and patriotic music executed by the band of the grenadiers of the legislative body. The members having taken their seats, the president pronounced the inauguration speech which related chiefly to subjects analogous to the festival of the 21st January.
CONSTANTINOPLE, Nov. 30.
The French frigate La Serieuse arrived here on the 22d inst. In her passage to this place she disembarked a reinforcement of about Sixty Cisalpine troops in the Island of Cerigo, which is now in possession of the French, and divided into municipalities as well as the Tino, one of the Cyclades:—The movements in the latter island give the most serious apprehension to the Divan. About the end of October the frigate La Caroline arrived there from Toulon with arms, ammunition and Executive Commissioners. Six thousand of the islanders have since that time been embodied as national guards: the tri-color flag is flying at St. Nicholas, Port-Joseph and all the other parts of the island; this new spectacle and the report of a plan of re-establishing the freedom and splendor of ancient Greece, has in a manner electrified the inhabitants of the Turkish islands in the vicinity. It has already been reported here, and is generally believed that deputations have been sent to the French commissioners at Tino by the Greeks of Candia, Naxos and several other islands, in the neighborhood.
The City Dancing Assembly, Intended for Thursday evening next is unavoidably postponed until Friday, the 13th of April when the season will be closed.
JOSEPH RICARDO.
Of this City, Merchant, has assigned his property for the benefit of his Creditors, to James C. Fisher, Samuel W. Fisher, and Thomas Wilson. All persons who have demands are requested to furnish their accounts without delay—and those indebted to make immediate payment to the Subscribers, acting Assignees.
James C. & Samuel W. Fisher. No. 13, Arch Street. march 21
The Gazette.
PHILADELPHIA,
SATURDAY EVENING, April 7.
MR. SMILEY.
This blessed patriot, this grateful admirer of French magnanimity and generosity, accepted a gentlemanaday or two since in this way—"Well I suppose now we shall have war." The gentlemanreplied that it might be probable we should, but "thank God, we shall have no reason to dread each other."
I don't know that said Mr. SMILEY—This war has been brought upon us by the conduct of our own Government, and it must be fought out by the Tories and the friends of the British Government—the old adage of '76 will hold back, unless their houses are attacked, in which case they must defend themselves." Is a man with such vile and treasonable sentiments, who will endeavour to disseminate distrust of the measures and conduct of our government, although it is the unanimous sentiment of Congress, and has been declared by Messrs. Gallatin, Nicholas, Giles, &c. that the Executive have done every thing that was possible to preserve peace with France? Is a man who will thus justify a foreign nation in the most outrageous, insolent and shameless attacks on the prosperity and independence of our country, and endeavor by a damnable calumny on the conduct of our Executive to prevent an union for common defence against a common and inveterate enemy. Is such a man any longer to hold an office of public trust, or an elimination in the breast of any honest man? The above conversation will be verified if required.—Let us bring such fellows to "LIGHT."
DIED—On Monday last at Chester Town, Maryland, captain Craig of the ship Prosperity of this port—Captain Craig's death was occasioned by a fall from his horse the day preceding. The Eastern Mail had not arrived when this Paper went to Press.
GAZETTE MARINE LIST.
PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
ARRIVED.
Schr. Two Friends, Connell, St. Martins 25 CLEARED.
Barque Mars, Hathaway, Madeira
Schr. Little Betsey, English, Charleston
Fifty sail of outward bound vessels lay at Reedy Island on Thursday last—it does not appear that any damage has been done them by the late gale.
The ship Fame, Jones, from St. Ubes and a brig from Jamaica are below.
The brig Gayoso, Bingham, of and for this port, failed four days before the schr. Two Friends.
The ship Agnes, is arrived at N. York, in 188 days from Bengal.
SALEMAN, (Mass.) March 30.
The language of exclusive patriotism.
Bache, in the Aurora of the 28th inst. with an impudence unparalleled, calls Charles Pinckney an incendiary, and John Adams [this is his style] his accomplice; Pickering's dispatch to Pinckney, the height of insolence; and the sending of Pinckney on the embassy to France, a personal affront on D. La Croix and the directory. Mr. Marshall, he says, is an unqualified enemy to the French, and John Adams had no right to have sent him. All this, and more, is in one paragraph. In another he charges John Adams with being a confidant in "Pinckney's plot." He then sanctions his treasonable stuff with a filthy extract from a blackguardly work called "Sketches of the History of America," in which the American Envoys are represented as "hypocritical rascals" with the olive branch in one hand, and a stink-pot in the other."
LEXINGTON, (Ken.) February 27.
We are informed that on Monday the 17th inst. the house and store of Mr. Even Francis of Wayne County, in Clarke County, was consumed by an alarming accident. The circumstances are as follows: A child of Mr. Francis having observed people flash powder to try its quality, had discovered where a cask stood in the store, which contained about seventy-five pounds, lighted the end of a stick in the fire, and put it in the cask, which immediately blew up: the explosion was so great, that it tore the house in pieces and threw a barrel of whiskey and some of the goods that was in the store, a great distance in the street—the child who was the means of the accident, and another child of Mr. Francis were killed; Mr. Francis's wife and two young men who were in the store dangerously burned, so that their lives are despaired of; and a young woman who was in the other end of the house much hurt by a stroke from a piece of timber. The melancholy circumstances attending this dreadful accident, it is hoped will induce every person to guard against the like in future.
The Annual Election.
FOR Directors and a Treasurer of the Library Company of Philadelphia, will be held at the Library, in Fifth Street, on Monday, the 7th of May next, at three o'clock in the afternoon, when the Treasurer will attend to receive the annual payments.
As there are several shares on which fines are due, the owners of them, or their representatives, are hereby notified, that they will be forfeited, agreeably to the laws of the company, unless the arrears are paid off on the said 7th day of May, or within ten days after.
By order of the Directors, BENJAMIN R. MORGAN, Secretary. April 7
Notice—Agreeably to charter.
It is hereby given to the members of "the corporation for the relief of the poor and distressed presbyterian ministers and the poor and distressed widows and children of presbyterian ministers," that a meeting of said corporation is to be held on the 16th day of May next, at 4 o'clock P.M. in the second presbyterian church in the city of Philadelphia, for the dispatch of all such business as may then be brought before the board.
ASHBEL GREEN, Secretary of the Corporation. April 7
NEW-THEATRE.
Mr. HARWOOD'S Night.
THIS EVENING, April 7,
Will be presented a Tragedy, in 3 acts, called,
THE WIDOW OF MALABAR.
Raymond, Mr. Marshall—Albert, Mr. Fox—Chief Bramin, Mr. Warren—Second Bramin, Mr. Warrell—Young Bramin, Mr. Pinnell—Narrion, (Indian Chief) Mr. Warrell, jun. Indimora, Mrs. Merry—Fatima, Miss L'Estrange.
End of the Tragedy.
DASH ON—KEEP MOVING.
An Epilogue, in the character of Young Rapid, By Mr. Harwood.
To which will be added (never performed here) a Comedy, in two acts, called,
THE HUMORIST;
Or, WHO'S WHO?
Sir Anthony Holford, Mr. Francis—Frolic, Mr. Warren—Blunt, Mr. Biffet—Beaumon, Mr. Fox—William, Mr. Warrell—Dabble, Mr. Harwood. Mrs. Matador, Mrs. Oldmixon—Diana, Miss L'Estrange—Jenny, Mrs. Doctor—Mrs. Meddle, Mrs. Francis.
Between the Comedies,
A Dissertation on Hobby Horses,
By Mr. BERNARD.
The Soldier's Hobby—The Statesman's Hobby
The Beau's Hobby—The Ladies' Hobby
The Fidler's Hobby—The Manager's Hobby
Mr. Morris's Hobby—And his Own Hobby.
After which, a favorite Farce (never performed here) in two acts, called,
THE WANDERING JEW;
Or, LOVE'S MASQUERADE.
Sir Solomon Swole-w, Mr. Warren—Major Atall, Mr. Harwood—Captain Marshall, Mr. Hardinge—Toby, Mr. Biffet—Cook, Mr. Warrell—Porter, Mr. Hunter—Servants, Messrs. Lavancy, Lafferty, &c.
Lady Swallow—Lydia, Miss Oldmixon—Camilla, Mrs. Marshall—Lydia, Miss L'Estrange—Sufan, Mrs. Doctor.
Tickets to be had at the usual places, and of Mr. Harwood, No. 85, North Eighth Street.
On Monday Evening (by desire) and for the last time this season, COLUMBUS—with Entertainments.
Mr. Morris's Night will be on Wednesday next.
Mr. Byrne's Seventh Ball,
Will be on Tuesday the 10th of April, at O'Ellers Hotel. Gentlemen's tickets one dollar, to be had at the Hotel. Ladies' tickets of Mr. and Mrs. Byrne, No. 111, South Second Street. Tuition as usual.
4th mo. 7th, 1798.
Pennsylvania Hospital,
The Contributors to the Pennsylvania Hospital, are to meet on the fourth day of next Month, being the second day of the week, at the said Hospital at three o'clock in the afternoon, to elect twelve Managers and a Treasurer, for the ensuing year.
By order of a board of Managers. SAMUEL COATES, Sec'y. April 7
For Sale, at the Stores of the Subscribers, on Walnut Street Wharf,
195 casks of nails assorted
20 bales of sail canvas, from No. 1 to 8
53 casks yellow ochre
15 tierces bottled porter, 6 to 14 doz. each
London particular } Madeira Wines
India market } Madeira Wines
Teneriffe do. in hogheads and pipes
Old Port do. in hds.
Empty Claret bottles
6 cases of Gingham, Dimities, Muslins &c. assorted for the West-India market
4, 10, and 9 inch cables and 10 coils of cordage
Writing fates, ink stands and presses
20 purchase Jamaica rum
1 bale seaming twine
160 bundles sheathing paper
THE BRIG
AMAZON,
For Sale, or Charter. Nicklin & Griffith. April 7
TO BE SOLD,
A Very Valuable Farm,
SITUATE on the Neshannoy creek, Bucks County, containing about 148 acres, of which about 30 acres are excellent wood-land; the remainder meadow and plough land, and in a highly cultivated state; the whole under pot and rail fence, chiefly new last summer. On the premises are a log-house and barn. The situation for a country seat is perhaps one of the most eligible in the vicinity of Philadelphia, lying on the Neshannoy, with the advantage of a landing place within 100 yards of the farm-house, and commanding a very extensive view of the surrounding country: it is about three quarters of a mile from the floating bridge, 17 3-4 miles from Philadelphia, and 2 1-2 miles from Bristol. For terms of sale and further information apply to Thomas Berger, Esq. in Bristol, or
WILLIAM WALN, No. 144, South Second Street. April 7
For Norfolk and Richmond,
The fast sailing Schooner
FAVOURITE,
Wm. W. Weymouth, master,
WILL sail in all next week. For Freight or Passage (having excellent accommodations) apply to the Master on board, at Fesse and Robert Wall's wharf, or to
GEORGE PLUMSTED, No. 166 South Front Street. April 5
NOW LANDING,
From on board the fchr. Charlotte from Boston,
30 chests Bohem } TEAS
30 do. Hylton } TEAS
36 do. Sonchong } TEAS
And from on board the Schooner Favourite from Richmond (Virg.)
648 bbs. superfine } FLOUR
66 do. fine } FLOUR
And also a quantity of WHEAT
For Sale on reasonable terms, by GEORGE PLUMSTED, No. 166, South Front Street. April 3
To be Let,
(And possession given on the 18th of May)
A genteel three story brick House,
22 feet front, and 40 feet deep, with back buildings and stables, at present in the tenure of Major Jackson. Enquire at 187 South Third Street. April 2
SALT PETRE.
One hundred kegs of refined Salt Petre,
For Sale by the Subscribers. James C. & Samuel W. Fisher, No. 13, Arch Street

JUST RECEIVED, FROM FORT-AU-PRINCE, And FOR SALE, by the SUBSCRIBERS, 110 hds. Coffee 46 tierces do. 100 barrels do. 100 bags do. 110 hogheads of Muscovado Sugar 80 barrels of do. 40 hogheads of Molasses 4 bales of Cotton 2 hogheads of Cocoa WILLINGS & FRANCIS, Penn-street.
March 13. FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBERS, No. 21, Penn-street, The Cargo of the Ship Ganges, John Green, commander, from Bengal, Consisting of Bastas, of various qualities and prices, Coffees Penjum Cloths Sandal Charconna Dorea Humbums Tanjib Blue Cloth Malmils Chintz and Calicoes Malmils Mamoodys Checks Maharagones Pama Hks. Giaghams Malmil do. Guzzanas Bandannos Gurrahs Silerloy Finialcoos Choppa Romals Salgatchys Sooty Gil-Romals Perians of various col. Mock Pulicats
100 tons SUGAR 90,000 lb. PEPPER. Willings & Francis. The Piece Goods Of the Ganges are now open to sale at that commodious store the north west corner of Market and Fourth-streets. Also—A few Bales of Madras Hks. of elegant patterns and best colours. February 8. dtf
A Bargain. A quantity of Window Glass FOR SALE, of different sizes, at a very large discount from the sterling cost. If this Glass is not disposed of before the 5th of April, it will be shipped from this port. For terms apply to No. 89, South Third-street. March 26. $1w
THE PARTNERSHIP OF WELLS & MORRIS, Having expired on the 11th February last, all persons having demands against the said Partnership, are requested to furnish their accounts for settlement; and those indebted to the same, to make immediate payment to the subscriber. GIDEON H. WELLS. N. B. The business will be carried on as heretofore, by the subscriber, at his Store, No. 135, Market-street. tw March 24.
NOTICE. THREE Certificates of Six Per Cent. Deferred Debt of the United States of the following description, viz.—No. 10033, 10034, and 10035, for 5000 dollars each, dated 8th May, 1797, and standing on the books of the Treasury of the United States, in the name of Benjamin Waddington, of Lanover House, near Abercrombie in England, Esq., have been lost by the capture of the ship Bacchus, from hence to London, in June last.—This, therefore, notifies those whom it may concern, that application will be made at the Treasury of the United States for a reissuance of the same. Waddington & Harwood. March 22. $6w
THE term of Co-partnership between the subscribers, trading under the firm of John Miller, jun. and Co. expires this day, and by mutual consent will not be renewed. The debts and concerns of the same will be settled by John Miller, jun. to whom all those indebted to the partnership, are earnestly requested to make payment to, without delay. JOHN MILLER, Jun. ALEXANDER J. MILLER. February 19. $4
LANDING, From on board the Ship SALLY, from Calcutta, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, 1600 bags prime Sugar, 800 do. Ginger 30 bales low priced piece Goods. John Miller, Jun. March 3. $
FOR SALE, BY JOHN MILLER, JUN. No. 8, Chestnut-street. A quantity BENGAL GOODS, AMONGST WHICH ARE— Gurrahs Mamedies Bastas Sannas Guzzanas Tana Coffees Guzzes Emerics Blue Cloths Calicoes Palumcoors Romall Handkerchiefs Amongst them are a great proportion of the manufacturers of Patna. British Dry Goods, Forty puncheons of high proof Rum. February 19. $
INFORM their friends in town and country, that they have opened a Wholesale Dry Good Store, at No. 64, South Front Street, Philadelphia; where they now have, and intend keeping a general assortment of Indian, German, Irish, French and British Manufactures for sale, on advantageous terms for cash or a short credit. February 19. $4
LANDING From on board the Schooner RANGER, from JACQUEMEL, 230 Bags, containing 30,000 wt. Coffee, FOR SALE BY SAMUEL HAYS, No. 127 Chestnut-street. Who has remaining on hand 60,000 pieces India NANKENS, of a superior quality. March 15. d6t
Prison Manufactory. FOR SALE, At the Prison of the City and County of Philadelphia. Cut Nails of all sizes, from 3d to 20d Flooring Brads, Spriggs, saddle and card Tacks Oakum and chipped Logwood Shoemakers and Saddlers Thread Also—Sawed Marble, suitable for currier's tables, tomb and hearth stones, hearths, chimney pieces, platforms, flasks, facia, window heads, fills, &c. All which may be had on reasonable terms. Shoes made and Weaving done at said Prison at a moderate price. Orders from a distance, directed to Daniel Thomas, agent for the prison, will be attended to. December 26. mthom
Schuylkill permanent Bridge. THE Subscribers Commissioners appointed by an Act of assembly of this Commonwealth, entitled "An Act to authorize the Governor of this Commonwealth to incorporate a company for erecting a permanent bridge over the river Schuylkill, at or near the city of Philadelphia," hereby give notice, that Books are provided at the law direct; and that we will proceed to receive subscriptions for the Company Stock, on the ninth day of April next, at the City Hall, in the city of Philadelphia. The subscriptions will be received from ten o'clock in the morning till two o'clock, P. M. of that day; and the books will continue open during those hours of succeeding days, until the number, required by the said law to enable the Commissioners to certify the same to the Governor for incorporating the stockholders, be subscribed. RICHARD PETERS, JOHN PEROT, GODFREY HAGA, MATTHEW M'CONNEL, WILLIAM SHEAFF. Philadelphia, 19th March, 1798. 27-3awtf
Ran away from the subscriber, on the 14th inst. two indentured Irish Servant Men, Thomas McGuire, about 25 years of age, and 5 feet 8 inches high, robust, stout, and well made, short black hair, remarkable for a fear on one of his temples; he is a forward, deceitful, vicious, and unprincipled fellow, and decamped from my service Jeffry Corbet, about the same age and height, but of a milder disposition, and more slender make, short brown hair; their working apparel was blue cloth over jackets, lined with coarse brown linen, check and brown linen shirts, grey yarn stockings, mixed twilled grey cloth trousers, and rusted leather shoes; they have other clothing which altogether gives them the appearance of seafaring men, but have been brought up to the farming business; no doubt will have forged passes and change their names and apparel as convenient, and have taken the post road to Philadelphia, I purchased them the last fall of capt. Kellin, in Baltimore. I will give Fifty Dollars for securing them so that I get them, and will pay all reasonable charges if brought home, or if separated, Thirty Dollars for Thomas, and Twenty for Jeffry. ARTHUR BRYAN, Head of Wye, Talbot County—March 7. march 14. 3aw3w
TO RENT, A good three story House, TWO rooms on each floor, with a convenient Kitchen—in Front, near South-street.—Enquire of the Printer. March 3-3w3w
PROPOSAL, For Publishing by Subscription, AN ENQUIRY INTO THE ORIGIN OF EPIDEMIC DISEASES. THE Letters to Dr. Currie, which I published last autumn, led me to an investigation of the origin and phenomena of pestilential diseases in other countries, as well as in the United States. In the prosecution of the subject, new facts and principles continually opened to my view, and finally determined me to trace back the history of such diseases as far as the records of history extend. For this purpose, I have examined the public libraries in New-York, New-Haven, Cambridge and Boston, with a view to obtain all the material facts which can illustrate the subject, and I have nearly collected all the materials for the proposed work.
The facts collected will enable me to demonstrate that many of the common ideas respecting pestilential epidemics, are unfounded or extremely incorrect; and this in consequence of medical writers considering an epidemic disease as a detached or isolated phenomenon in a particular country; rather than as connected with other epidemics or other phenomena of nature in various parts of the world. The facts I have collected lead to certain deductions which are surprising to myself, and which will probably be new to many others. Much light will be thrown on this dark and perplexing subject, as well as on natural philosophy. The proposed work will make a full-sized octavo volume; and executed well on fine paper, cannot be afforded at less than two dollars, bound, with the usual allowance to book-sellers. As the compilation will cost not only great labor, but considerable expense, no more copies will be printed than to supply subscribers. The book will be ready for subscribers early in the coming summer, and the holders of proposals will be good enough to return them to No. 40, Pine-street, by the first of May. Subscriptions received by the book-sellers in New-York, Philadelphia, Albany, New-Haven, Hartford, New-London, Providence, Boston, Baltimore and Charleston. NOAH WEBSTER, JUN. March 28.
Just received, and for Sale at the Bookstore of WILLIAM YOUNG, No. 52, South Second-street. A COMPLETE HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL, From the emigration of its first planters from England in 1630, to 1713. By BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D. D. VOLUME I. Embellished with a correct Map of the State, and Portraits of some of the first settlers, from original paintings. March 15. 1002w
PROPOSALS BY GEORGE FORMAN, FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A New and Valuable Work, which has been extensively six months—entitled PROOFS OF A CONSPIRACY against all the Religions and Governments of EUROPE, carried on in the secret meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and Reading Societies. Collected from good authorities. By JOHN ROBISON, A. M. Professor of Natural Philosophy, and Secretary to the Royal Society of Edinburgh. Nam tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet. THIS work will be put to press as soon as 400 subscribers are obtained, and no money required until the work is completed.—It shall be printed with an elegant new type, and on paper of superior quality, which will comprise about 400 pages neat octavo, handsomely bound and lettered—the price will be one dollar and fifty cents. Those who procure 12 subscribers, and become accountable, shall have a 13th gratis—and the usual allowance to book-sellers. Tax above work comes from the pen of J. Robison, of Edinburgh, a gentleman in high estimation in the literary world—the facts therein recorded are well substantiated, and the reasoning and arguments thence deduced, while they discover the sound judgment and penetration of the writer, are calculated to amuse as well as to instruct. A scene of villainy is developed by the author sufficient to appal the stoutest heart.—The danger to be apprehended from secret societies is clearly pointed out; the degeneracy of human nature awfully illustrated, and the hazard of every deviation from the straight path of religion and of virtue, incontestibly proved both to the politician and the christian by stubborn and incontrovertible facts. 14 Subscriptions taken in by G. Forman, No. 46, William-street, opposite the Post-Office, and by the respective book-sellers in New-York and Philadelphia. February 28.
Interpreter of Foreign Languages. JOSEPH E. G. M. DE LA GRANGE, Walnut-street, No. 110. Being duly commissioned and sworn in the above capacity, offers to translate the French, English, Spanish, Portuguese and Italian Languages; he flatters himself that his former profession, as advocate, both in France and St. Domingo, has well qualified him to translate any Court proceedings or other judicial instruments. N. B. The FRENCH CIRCULATING LIBRARY continues open at the above place. Many valuable additions having been made to this collection, it consists now of about 1500 volumes, the best adapted to answer the purpose of those who with both to improve in the Language, and obtain useful instruction and pleasure. march 30. 2w7tm
A House and Lot in Burlington. FOR SALE, A LARGE commodious two story brick House, and large well improved Garden; with a large Clover Lot, a stable, a Carriage House, and Spring House, &c. in the City of Burlington, New-Jersey. This property is allowed to be the most healthy and beautiful of any in Burlington, having a front of 300 feet upon the river, and extending 208 feet back; bounded on one side by Broad-street, and on the other by a wide alley. The house is in form of a square, fronting 54 feet upon Broad-street, and 58 upon the river—with a pump of water at the back door, besides two fine springs rising out of the beautiful bank between the garden and the river. For particulars, apply at No. 5, South Fourth-street, to GEO. WALKER. Who has also For Sale, Lots in Washington City. march 21. $
JUST RECEIVED. And for sale by W. Young, corner of Second and Chestnut-street. M. Carey 118 High-street T. Dobson, 41 South Second-street and the Booksellers generally. (Price 5-8ths of a Dollar.) BEACON HILL, A Local Poem, historic and descriptive: By a Lady of Boston. ANALYSIS OF BOOK I. Allusion to the surrounding Prospect—Invocation to the River and Sylvan Deities—to the Historic Muse—Fiction discarded—Dedication to Washington—The Action opens at the Retreat of the Columbians from Bunker's Hill—General Howe—The Memory of his Brother—Death of Warren—Persecution of Fortune and Fame—Washington at Mount Vernon—called to the chief Command—Formation of the Columbian Camp at Cambridge—Natural, moral, or political History of the several States—Their commanding Officers—Siege of Boston—Its Sufferings—Negotiation for the safe Retreat of the British Army—Its Departure—Appointment of Congress—Declaration of Independence—Character of the Columbian Soldiers—The Poet's prophetic Apostrophe to the Progress of Freedom throughout the World. march 30. $
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, (Price 25 Cents) Reflections on Monroe's View OF THE CONDUCT OF THE EXECUTIVE, As published in the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, Under the signature of SCIPIO, In which the Commercial Warfare of France is traced to the French faction in this Country, as its Source, and the Motives of Opposition, &c. march 30. $
Wanted, An active, cleanly, industrious woman to cook and do the business of the kitchen. Such a one will be allowed good wages, and no other need apply.—Enquire of the Printer. February 7. $
Notice is hereby given, THAT a petition will be made for the renewal of a Certificate of a Share in the Bank of the United States, standing in the name of the Subscriber, No. 5004, and dated July 11, 1797—the same having been lost. JOHN GRAHAM. March 5. $6w
TO LET, And may be entered on immediately, A good dry Store, Three stories high, and in an excellent stand for business. Apply to Thomas & Joshua Fisher, No. 5, Dock-street. March 7. $
Fresh Teas. Just Imported, in the Ship Delaware, Captain Cooper, from Canton, And For Sale, by SAMUEL HOWELL, At his Compting House, No. 54, Chestnut-street, AND BY SAM. E. HOWELL, At his Compting House, Crooked-billet wharf, Bohea, Souchong, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin, and Imperial TEAS. Also, China Ware, assorted; black and coloured Lute-rings and Saucers, Nankeens, Cassia, large garden and common Fans, fatin and lute-ringing Umbrellas, whale-bone Ricks. They have also For Sale, Ell wide Perians, Bandanna Handkerchiefs, French Cambricks and Umbrellas, Sugar in boxes. March 8. $
PROPOSALS By Arondt Van Hook, Proprietor of the Reading Room; For Publishing by Subscription, An Appeal to Impartial Posterity, By MADAME ROLAND; Wife of the Minister of the Interior in France. CONDITIONS. These scarce and very valuable Historical Memoirs, (which ran through two London editions in a few months,) will be comprised in 2 vols. octavo, of 400 pages each. They will be printed on fine paper and a new type, and delivered to Subscribers, neatly bound and lettered, at 1 dollar and 50 cents per volume—one third of the Subscription money to be paid on delivery of the first volume—the remainder when the work is complete. To Printers, Booksellers, and others, who acquire Subscriptions, the usual allowance will be made. Subscriptions are taken at the Reading-Room, No. 149, Water-street—the Printing-Office, 149, Pearl-street—and at the different bookstores in New-York—Also, by William Young, corner of Second and Chestnut-street, and the Editor of the Gazette of the United States, Philadelphia. As soon as a sufficient number of Subscribers are obtained, the work will be put to press, and completed with the utmost dispatch. November 15. $
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 1, 1798. PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, IN pursuance of the Act of Congress passed on the sixth day of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act laying duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper", and the Act passed on the fifteenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, entitled "An Act to postpone for a limited time the commencement of the duties imposed by the Act entitled "An Act laying Duties on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper", that from and after the first day of July ensuing, the several Stamped Duties hereinafter enumerated, will be levied and collected throughout the United States. I. For every skin or piece of Vellum or Parchment, or sheet or piece of Paper, upon which shall be written or printed any or either of the instruments or writings following—to wit:
   INSTRUMENTS. Dls. Cts. Mls.     Any Certificate of Naturalization. 5   Any Licence to practice, or Certificate of the admission, enrolment or registry of any Counsellor, Solicitor, Attorney, Advocate or Proctor, in any Court of the United States. 10   Provided, that a Certificate in any one of the Courts of the United States for one of the said Officers, shall so far as relates to the payment of the duty aforesaid, be a sufficient admission in all the Courts of the United States, for each and every of the said officers.   Any Grant or Letters Patent, under the seal or authority of the United States (except for lands granted for military services) 4   Any exemplification or certified copy of any such grant or letters patent, (except for lands granted for military services) 2   Any Charter-Party, Bottomry, or Respondentia Bond,   Any Receipt or discharge for or on account of any Legacy left by any Will or other testamentary instrument, or for any share or part of a personal estate divided by force of any statute of distributions, other than to the Wife, Children or Grand Children of the person deceased, the amount whereof shall be above the value of Fifty Dollars, and shall not exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars. 25   When the amount thereof shall exceed the value of One Hundred Dollars and shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 50   And for every further sum of Five Hundred Dollars, the additional sum of 1   Any Policy of Insurance or instrument in nature thereof, on any ship, vessel or goods insured from one district to another in the United States, 25   From the United States to any foreign port or place, when the sum for which Insurance is made shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 25   When the sum insured shall exceed five hundred dollars, 1   Any Exemplification, of what nature soever, that shall pass the seal of any Court, other than such as it may be the duty of the Clerk of such Court to furnish for the use of the United States or some particular state, 50   Any Bond, bill single or penal, foreign or inland bill of exchange, promissory note or other note, other than any recognizance, bill, bond, or other obligation or contract, made to or with the United States or any state, or for their use respectively,   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 10   If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 25   If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 50   And if above one thousand dollars, 75   Provided, that if any bonds or notes shall be payable at or within sixty days, such bonds or notes shall be subject to only two fifth parts of the duty aforesaid—viz.   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 4   If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 10   If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 20   If above one thousand dollars, 30   Any Notes issued by the banks now established, or that may hereafter be established within the United States, other than the notes of such of the said Banks as shall agree to an annual composition, of one per centum on the annual dividends made by such Banks, to their Stockholders respectively, according to the following scale.   On all notes not exceeding fifty dollars, for each dollar, 6   On all notes above fifty dollars, and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 50   On all notes above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 1   On all notes above five hundred dollars, 2   Any Proof or other Notarial act, 25   Any Letter of Attorney, except for an invalid pension, or to obtain or sell Warrants for Land granted by the United States as bounty for military services performed in the late war, 25   Any Certificate or Debenture for drawback of Customs or duties, for less than five hundred dollars, 1   For five hundred dollars and not exceeding two thousand dollars, 2   For more than two thousand dollars, 3   Any note or bill of lading for goods or merchandise to be exported,   If from one district to another district of the United States, not being in the same State, 10   If from the United States to any foreign port or place, 25   Any Inventory or Catalogue of any furniture, goods or effects, made in any case required by law, (except in cases of goods and chattels distrained for rent or taxes, and goods taken in virtue of any legal process by any officer,) 50   Any Certificate of a Share in any Insurance Company, of a share in the Bank of the United States, or of any State or other Bank,   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 10   If above one hundred dollars, 25   If under twenty dollars, at the rate of ten cents for one hundred dollars.  
The duties aforesaid will be collected and received by the Supervisors, Inspectors and other Officers of Inspection, in the several Districts, Surveys and Divisions of the United States, and by such other persons as shall from time to time be specially appointed and employed by the Supervisors of Districts for that purpose.
III. The Supervisors of the several Districts will, prior to the first day of July ensuing, and as soon as may be practicable, mark or stamp, without fee or reward, any quantities or parcels of Vellum, Parchment or Paper, with any of the rates of duties before enumerated, on payment of the said duties; Or stamped Vellum, parchment and paper may at the option of the Citizens of the United States, be obtained at the rates prescribed by law, by application to any Supervisor, Inspector, Officer of Inspection, or other person appointed for the distribution of Stamps, by the Supervisors of Districts. GIVEN under my Hand, at Philadelphia the day and year above-mentioned. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury. March 10.
FOR SALE, By WHARTON & LEWIS, No. 115 South Front Street. A quantity of Tanner's Oil, 4th proof Jamaica Rum, } entitled to 1st and 2nd proof Brandy, } drawback. Madeira Wine, Juniper Berries, &c. &c. Feb. 9. codtf
NOTICE. ALL persons who have any demands against the estate of WILLIAM ELSTWOOD, of Liverpool, late of Philadelphia, merchants, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly attested; and those who are indebted to the same, are desired to make immediate payment, to GEO. DOBSON, } Administrators No. 25, So. Third-street. January 4. dtf
Just Published, And to be had at the Book-stores of Messrs. Dobson, Campbell, Young and Ormerod, in Philadelphia. OBSERVATIONS On the Causes and Cure of Remitting or Bilious Fevers. To which is annexed, AN ABSTRACT of the opinions and practice of different authors; and an APPENDIX, exhibiting interesting facts and reflections relative to the Synacus Intermitens, or Yellow Fever, which has occasioned so much distress and mortality, at different periods, in several of the seaport towns of the United States of America. By WILLIAM CURRIE. Fellow of the Philadelphia College of Physicians, and Member of the American Philosophical Society. Feb. 1-3m$
Canal Lottery---No. II. WILL commence drawing Monday, the 20th inst. Tickets for Sale in this Lottery, at Seven Dollars, at Wm. BLACKBURN's Lottery and Brokers Office, No. 64, South Second-street—Tickets in the Schuylkill Bridge Lottery, at Ten Dollars, where check books are kept for registering and examining in these, the City of Washington, No. 11. and Patterson Lotteries, and information where tickets may be had in most of the Lotteries authorized by law in any of the states of the Union. N. B. The business of a Broker, in buying and selling all kinds of Public Stock and Securities, discounting Bills and Notes of Hand, sale of Lands, Houses, &c. &c. will be duly attended to, by WM. BLACKBURN. November 15. $
Salisbury Estate. THE Subscriber, proposing to contract his business, offers this Estate for sale, on moderate terms. On it are one Blast and three Air Furnaces, a complete Boring Machine, and a very good grist Mill, with two pair of stones; also a good Forge, all in perfect repair, as are all the Water Works connected with these various branches. The Air Furnaces were lately built for the purpose of casting Cannon for this State.—There are about two thousand acres of Land, one half of which is under wood, the other very fine arable Land, producing the best Hay and Pasture. The Cannon lately manufactured there, fully proves the excellence of the metal, which is superior to any in this country, and probably, equal to any in the world; for not one of sixty-nine guns lately made, although some of the 24 were bored into 32 pounders, have failed on proving. The situation is very eligible, particularly for this branch of manufacture, and a place of arms lying in the state of Connecticut, and only 39 miles from several landings on the Hudson's river, and having every advantage that can result from a plenty of water flowing from a large natural pond, very near the Furnace, and which may be converted into a cistern of other useful purposes. The purchaser can be accommodated with all the stock and utensils, and have possession on or before the first of June next, and preparation may be made the meantime for going into blast immediately thereafter, for every part will be delivered in good order, with some coal, Ore, &c. &c. For terms apply to Mr. Joseph Anthony, in Philadelphia; David Brooks, Esq. one of the Representatives in Congress for this State; Mr. David Waterman, on the premises, or to the proprietor in New-York. WILLIAM NELSON. Dec. 1. 3awtf
NOTICE. A Manufactory of yellow and dest ware, Such as never was in this Country before, has been lately erected at Tivoli, Red Hook Landing, on the East Bank of Hudson's River, State of New-York, where any article of various forms and shapes may be executed, as well as earthen floors upon a new construction, that saves three fourths of the fuel commonly used in cast iron stoves or open chimneys; they are besides very wholesome and ornamental, by applying to J. MOUCHET, Wanted a skillful hand to attend to the baking and glazing part of the said ware. Generous appointments will be given. Apply as above, or to DAVID BROOKS, Esq. No. 73 South 6th Street. Feb. 29. codtaw
Wanted, to Hire, A Large and convenient HOUSE, in or near the centre of the city—for which a generous rent will be given; to be taken for a year, or on more for a longer term. Enquire of the Printer. Oct. 17. costf