Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-11-21 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 50 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1792.
[Whole No. 372.]
From the AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER
As it appears by the public prints that there will be a contest for the office of Vice-President, which becomes vacant on the 3d of March next, and which must be supplied by the free suffrage of the people, it may not be deemed improper, in relation to those principles which should be held sacred, to make some comments on the relative pretensions of those who are said to be competitors for this important station. This trait in the executive department of our government, is among the most important of those which distinguish it from the monarchies of Europe; and as its preservation must in a great measure depend upon the political conduct of those who fill it, a candid enquiry into the characters of the competitors becomes a matter of public right. It belongs to a free people to guard themselves from injury; and to this great principle the forms of ceremony or complaisance for persons must, upon all occasions, yield. Even the competitors, therefore, however painful the scrutiny might be, should console themselves under the reflection, that upon the preservation of the principles, the safety of their country depends.
In particular circles several gentlemen have been spoken of for the office in question, but at present all others seem to be withdrawn from view, and the contest to rest solely between John Adams, Esq. and Governor Clinton. To their comparative merits, therefore, as the only competitors, I shall confine these observations.
To treat of them in the affirmative line would be useless, as it could lead to no satisfactory conclusion; for every person will admit that, in some respects, they both possess the requisite qualifications: that both, for instance possess an adequate capacity for the discharge of its official functions—are of sufficient age and standing in America—and have likewise rendered important services to their country. To fix the preference, their merits; must be viewed from a different ground. The objections which apply to each must be scanned, and he against whom the more weighty apply rejected.
To Mr. Adams it has been objected, that he is attached to a government of kings, lords, and commons; and that the allegation is true, it is to be presumed, will not be controverted. His writings, entitled, "A Defence of the American Constitutions," and "Discourses upon Davila," fully demonstrate it. If it could be supposed that doubts existed upon this point, extracts from those publications should be now furnished; they shall however immediately, if any intimation of the kind be given. And to Mr. Clinton, an objection of a different kind,—his opposition to the present constitution, before its adoption, has been urged. These, I believe, are the principal objections made to either: they are, however, those only upon which I shall make any comment. To whom, then, does the stronger one apply? On whose political principles, at the present moment, would the good people of these States with greater propriety bestow their sanction?
To form a sound decision upon this interesting question, two others, on which it depends, should be previously settled. First, Which of these gentlemen's political sentiments wander furthest from the present constitution; and secondly, On which side does the greater danger lie, in the progress of the government, of an undue inclination towards the form preferred by Mr. Adams, or that ascribed to Mr. Clinton?
With respect to those of Mr. Adams, it will be readily perceived, that they depart, in all the great outlines, from the present constitution. The establishment of a government of king, lords, and commons, would entirely subvert the present one, which rests on the free suffrage of the people. Two distinct orders with hereditary rights, would be erected over the rest, and their reduced to a limited portion of authority only, forming a kind of balance against those higher and hostile orders.
With respect to those of Governor Clinton, it is to be observed, that they have always ranged within the republican theory. His maxim has been, to keep the government, in all its departments, essentially connected with the people. The question about the constitution involved only a modification of this principle. Besides, it is to be presumed that many of its objections have been done away by the amendments; so that, in fact, it must be deemed, in all its parts, as nearly correspondent with his own theory, as the contrariety of sentiment, always displayed on a subject of such importance, could reasonably admit of.
The characteristic difference, then, in their political principles simply amounts to this, that those of Mr. Adams vary radically from the constitution, in the main features of the republican system; whereas those of his competitor harmonize with it in that essential point. In addition to which it is of importance to observe, that upon the establishment of the constitution, and prior to the adoption of amendments, Mr. Clinton's opposition ceased;
and that, on the contrary, since that event, Mr. Adams has, in the discourses above alluded to, endeavored, by all the arguments in his power, to inspire, in the minds of his countrymen, a distrust of a government founded on the people alone, and to prepare them for the gradual introduction of hereditary orders in the State.
In regard to the other question, on which side does the greater danger lie, of a more probable inclination towards the subversion of the republican system, by the introduction of a government of an higher tone, or too great a relaxation of its principles, I am persuaded that no person can seriously entertain a doubt on the subject. He must be little skilled in the political balance, and the true complexion of the times, who suspects in any degree, a preponderance of the latter evil. That the government may stand on its present ground, is certainly the wish of those to whom a contrary sentiment has been attributed: for let the objections of those who were opposed to it, where opposition was made, be examined, and it will be found that the space which separated the body of the opponents from that of its advocates, was a narrow one,—That, in fact, the difference in many instances, was but trifling, and that this has been generally accommodated by the amendments. The truth of this position has been so well established by events, that to doubt it, argues a mind so inveterately blinded by prejudice or interest, that the force of truth cannot reach it. No danger then of a vibration back need be apprehended; for, in truth, no person wishes it. On the other hand, it must be admitted, that the evident tendency is in the opposite direction. A particular enumeration of those measures which contribute to give this bias, is at present unnecessary, and would certainly, in their development, exceed the bounds of these observations. For the truth, however, of the remark, I beg leave to appeal to the judgment of every impartial and well-informed American.
If then, the good people of these States wish to preserve their government as at present, elective in its form and limited in its powers, can they hesitate in deciding to which of these gentlemen the preference should be given? An unequivocal declaration of their sentiments upon this point, thus expressed, would hereafter be felt by the candidates for public favor, and respected. It would give a republican tone to the American character, that might tend to preserve their liberties forever. No consideration of local attachment, should interpose to defeat a measure, which their interest requires and their judgment dictates. For the security of those great principles upon which their revolution was founded, and their present government rests, their union should be firm, solid and indissoluble. LUCIUS.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 21.
At a meeting of the Officers of the Militia of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, at the house of Michael Kitts, on the 15th of November instant, agreeable to notice, in order to receive the report of their committee appointed on the 20th of August last.
Colonel William Williams in the Chair. Colonel Shee, from the committee, presented the following report.
The committee appointed on the 20th day of August, by the Militia Officers of the City and Districts of Philadelphia, to designate the characters to whom respect ought publicly to be shewn, with the time and manner most eligible to manifest that attention,—to determine the order of funeral processions; and to report on such other subjects, as had immediate relation to them in their military capacity; with deference submit the following resolutions:—
1st. That the characters to whom it is incumbent to manifest such attention, are, the President of the United States, and the Governor of the State.
2d. That the time of presenting our respects shall be on the anniversary of those days, on which happened events, auspicious to our rising empire.
3d. That, as long as this city shall continue to be the seat of the General Government, we will annually wait on the President, on the fourth day of July, in commemoration of an era, at once propitious to our country, and glorious to him who so eminently contributed to its establishment. For this purpose we will assemble at the State-House, at eleven o'clock, in the forenoon, with side arms, and in the uniform of our respective corps. The Governor on such occasions to be requested to precede us.
4th. That at the same place and hour, and in like manner equipped, we also will annually assemble on the second day of September, being the anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution of Pennsylvania, and felicitate the Governor on an event, which, while diffusing happiness through the state, gratifies him in the means of becoming more extensively useful to its citizens.
5th. That the order of procession in either instance, shall be regimentally, conformably to the rank of battalions and corps.
6th. That, upon the death of any commissioned officer, of the militia aforesaid, the commandant of the corps, to which he belonged, shall, if agreeable to the connections of the deceased, cause written notice to be given of the same to the several commanders of corps; mentioning the place from whence, as well as the hour, at which the funeral will depart. He likewise will cause to be published in the Gazette, an invitation to the officers, containing the foregoing information, and requesting their attendance. The officers of the regiment or corps, to which the deceased did belong, shall, if sufficiently numerous, be the bearers of the corpse; but field-officers are to be borne by those of the like description. In all processions of this nature, the officers of the youngest regiment, and of that, those of the lowest grade are to take precedence, and succeed immediately to the mourners.
7th. That, with a view to add to the respectable appearance of the militia, we will, upon our reception of a commission therefor, parade with the uniform of the corps to which we may belong, and will appear at all times in the same, when on duty, or when attending processions.
Which being considered by paragraphs, was unanimously adopted.
Ordered that the foregoing proceedings be published.
WILLIAM WILLIAMS, Chairman.
JOHN SMITH, Secretary.
Foreign Affairs.
PARIS, September 14.
SIEGE OF THIONVILLE.*
THE following is the account of the late attack of Thionville, on the 5th and 6th of September, and of the resistance of the garrison, stated in a letter which M. Merlin received from the National Assembly on Friday last, and the authenticity of which he warranted.
"The enemy had erected their batteries near the chapel of Sainte Anne, between the Luxembourg gate and that of Metz, in a small plain, which commanded the fort above La Hauteguge, on the right bank of the Moselle. The troops stationed to defend the fort, perceiving that the enemy were endeavoring to throw up works, and to form a trench, with a view of establishing their batteries in the spot abovementioned, agreed to suffer them to proceed, until a favorable opportunity for interrupting might occur. The besieged being informed that the enemy meant to give the signal of attack by firing a gun, waited patiently till midnight, each of the cannoners lying down by the side of their guns.—As soon as the besiegers gave the signal, their batteries began to play, but their fire continued only a quarter of an hour, during which time three shells fell in the town, one on the parish church, another on the house of M. Henrion, in the grand street, which did no damage, and the other in the third story in the house of M. Josse, in Hospital-street, which destroyed the furniture, and set fire to the bed.
"At the end of a quarter of an hour the batteries of the town and fort, lighted by fire-pots, played for three hours. The first discharge, which was with Langridge, killed many of the enemy, who had advanced in order to attempt an escalade, and this fire obliged the assailants to abandon the place. The garrison then being at liberty to sally forth, collected the spoils left by the enemy, among which they found the planks destined to assist them in scaling the walls. Having carried all these things into the fort, a second sally was made to destroy the works of the enemy. It is asserted that three Princes were killed.
* A strong fortified town, lying on the river Moselle, about 150 miles from Paris.
in this action, among whom was the Prince of Waldeck, who at least lost an arm; and that the enemy carried off three waggon loads of dead bodies. When the garrison made their first sortie, they found near the batteries of La Hauteguge, limbs and arms of every kind, together with cloaks, watches, &c. The enemy, satisfied with this first check have attempted nothing since. The deserters from the camp of Richemont say, that they lost in this affair 450 men, and that they would have given four thousand to preserve the Prince of Waldeck. The environs of the town are at present inundated by the river Seville, the current of which has been stopped. Fresh orders have been given to the citizens to eat down all the trees within 250 toises of the fort. The National Guard, composed now of 35,000 men, 12,000 of whom are cavalry, quitted Verdun for la Meuse last Sunday, in order to advance towards Bar. Others say that a part of this army have joined that of Dumourier, and that two columns have blocked up the King of Prussia in Verdun.
SEPTEMBER 16.
New Christening of the former DUKE OF ORLEANS.
(In consequence of desiring to have a name.)
ELECTORAL ASSEMBLY OF PARIS. Decree of the Commons of Paris, the 15th of September, 4th year of Liberty, and the 1st of Equality.
On the request of Louis Philip Joseph, French Prince, made thro' the Attorney General of the Commons, the General Council have decreed,
1st, That Louis Philip Joseph and his posterity, shall in future bear the family name of EQUALITY.
2d, That the Garden, known at present under the name of Palais Royal, shall in future be called the Garden of the Revolution.
3d, Louis Philip Joseph Equality is hereby authorised to have the present Decree entered in the public Registers, and in the Notarial Acts.
4th, The present shall be printed and affixed up for public notice.
BOULA, President. COLOMBEAU, Sec'y Register. TALLIEN, Register General.
SEPTEMBER 30.
The following communications are dated from Thursday to Friday inclusive.
Operations of the Army.
On Thursday morning the 20th, M. Servan announced to the National Assembly, that he had received a dispatch from M. Dumourier, stating that the several detachments expected had joined his army; that he was, at the moment of writing, equal in force to the enemy. That he had under his command 70,000 men, 12,000 of which were cavalry. He says, that the whole army had demanded the punishment of the runaways; that he had deprived them of their uniforms; he doubts not but that there are many in his army sold to the enemy; but that the late executions he has made, will keep the rest in their duty. That his army now is ardent to engage; and he concludes, "what may I not hope to do now, when I have been able to resist the enemy with inferior forces?"
Mr. Rules writes to the minister, that the invasion of the French territories in the department of the Lower Rhine, is reduced to a mere nothing.
The Austrians remained only a few minutes in the village of Berth. The peasants who favored the invasion, are seized and delivered up to the tribunals.
After these letters had been read, M. Merlin informed the Assembly,

that he had received accounts of the reinforcement destined for Thionville, having entered that place without the knowledge of the enemy. The following decree was passed with much applause:
1. M. Wimpfen, the troops of the line, and the volunteers who compose the garrison of Thionville, and the citizens of that town, have honourably discharged their duty.
2. An extract from the process verbal shall be addressed to them, to the 83 departments, and to the army; and also to the three hussars who while the enemy invested that town, were not afraid to brave the dangers which threatened them, and carried to the place of their destination some dispatches entrusted to their care. The executive power is ordered to devise some mode of rewarding and promoting these brave hussars.
3. A fund shall be committed to the disposal of the minister of war for erecting barracks at Thionville.
B R E S T, September 14.
Mr. La Touche, commandant of the Languedoc, has sent a letter to the Marine Minister, dated the 24th of August, at Brest, in which he acknowledges having received his instructions, and which he has taken every necessary step immediately to put into execution. That he expected to be ready to sail by the 27th at furthest, on his expedition, and hoped in the campaign, to give unequivocal proofs of his patriotism. That the nation might rely on his services, and that he would fulfil the oath he had taken, to maintain liberty and equality, and to die at his post.
LUXEMBURG, September 11.
We are informed from Clermont in Argonne that a detachment of Prussian Hussars, consisting of 100 men, having yesterday attempted to pass through a wood, near that town, was suddenly surrounded by 900 French, who had concealed themselves among the bushes, with 4 pieces of cannon. On the first discharge forty of the Hussars were killed upon the spot, the other 60 cut their way through the enemy with their sabres. A body of troops sufficient to surround the wood, were instantly ordered to march, and succeeded so well in their enterprize, that not one of the French escaped; four hundred being killed, and the rest taken prisoners; the Prussians lost only one man.
Part of the army of the Princes, having Monsieur and the Count d'Artois at their head have quitted the camp of Hetange, near Thionville, to join the army of the Duke of Brunswick, near Verdun. The Prince de Hohenlohe has marched for the same purpose, with a great part of the Austrian army under his command.
GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY.
B R U S S E L S, Sept. 18.
On the 11th, the army under the command of General Count Clairfayt, having quitted the camp of Romayne, went and took post on the heights which command Baricourt Besancy.—The head quarters were established at Nouach. A part of the Prussian army, which had been encamped in the environs of Cierges, made a movement almost in a parallel direction to that of the army of General Clairfayt.
Next morning the two armies directed their march past Besancy, towards the post occupied by the French troops, a detached body of whom engaged with the Prussian column at the entrance of a wood. The Austrian army having then formed in order of battle, made some movements, during which the enemy disappeared, so that only a few piquets of hussars and chasseurs were able to engage in light skirmishes with the dragoons and advanced posts of the French army. The latter however, attempting towards evening to fall back upon the right of our army, were prevented by a company of chasseurs, supported by cavalry, infantry and artillery. The badness of the weather, and the darkness of the night prevented any further operations.
On the 14th in the morning, M. Dumourier attacked us at the post of Roux aux Birs, with about 6000 men; but our troops defended themselves with their usual bravery, and that post having been reinforced by two battalions and two squadrons, the enemy were repulsed with considerable loss, and obliged to pass the river Aisne in the greatest disorder.
The advantage which we have gained by this affair, cannot compensate for the loss we sustained in the death of Prince Charles de Ligne colonel of the engineers, whose excellent character, military talents, intrepidity, and great activity, makes him justly regretted, hurried on by the ardor of his zeal and courage, he marched forward with a few men only, towards the enemy's artillery, and was killed by a bullet (a cartache) which unfortunately struck him.
Our loss besides consists of 4 officers wounded and 30 rank and file either killed or wounded.
L O N D O N, September 22.
The Savoyards, it is said, are deserting in great numbers from the King of Sardinia's army. Nine hundred and fifty of them, if the accounts may be believed, went over to the French in six days.
From PARIS, Sept. 20.
This country continues to be drenched in blood; and the genius of this once polished people, seems to suffer a gradual deterioration; their cruelty exceeds belief, and they every day give new and shocking proofs of their ingenious barbarity. In my last I had occasion to mention an order of the National Assembly, for transferring the State Prisoners from Orleans to Saumur: the banditti of Marseilles, whom the sanguinary chiefs of the capital sent to escort them, received and disobeyed the legislative and municipal mandate, marched on to Versailles, where they arrived yesterday, with their devoted victims—they led them in great pomp thro' the principal streets, until they came exactly opposite to the War Office, where, dreadful to tell! they put every soul of them to death, without even the formality of a mock trial! the prisoners, fifty-three in number, were all either Bishops, Dignitaries of the Church, or Officers in the army.
The ruling faction in Paris has intimated in writing to the Duke of Brunswick, that his attempt to approach the capital shall be the signal for murdering the King and Queen of France.
Letters from Barcelona state, that five sail of French ships of the line were at anchor off Nice the 24th of last month, for the avowed purpose of bombarding that place on the first movement of the Sardinian troops to join the confederate army.
Advices received yesterday from France mention, that it was reported that the Duke of Brunswick had encountered the French army under command of Dumourier in a general action near Chalons, and obtained a decisive victory: near 10,000 of the French being said to be cut to pieces. War was declared by Spain against France on the 2d of this month, and Messrs. Rubi, Alvarez, and Delafey, are appointed to be his Catholic Majesty's Generals.
Sept. 27. A letter from Verdun, of the 17th September, says, that General Clairfayt has put Dumourier to flight, dislodging him from his post with only 17,000 men, tho' Dumourier had 22,000; that the latter had retreated to another body of 30,000, making in the whole 52,000 men, with which he fled with such precipitation as to abandon all his out posts, with his military chest, containing 50,000 livres in crown pieces, besides assignats, and 60 waggon loads of provision. The money is said to have been divided among the Huians.
In consequence of the imminent danger to which the lives of the royal family of France are exposed, the underlined ministers have presented the following note to Lord Grenville, on the subject. The measures must appear to every person
extremely wise and expedient, and we trust that it will be attended with salutary consequences.
Translation from the original.
The underlined envoys extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary of his Imperial Apostolic Majesty and of his Majesty the King of the two Sicilies, in consequence of the ties of blood and friendship which attach their Sovereigns to the King and Queen of France, have the honor to address Lord Grenville, to represent to him the imminent dangers which threaten the lives of their Most Christian Majesties, and their royal family, and the apprehensions they have too much cause to entertain, that the atrocities which the factious in France practice against these august personages, will not cease until the crime is completed. They are authorised to express the wish of their respective courts, that his Britannic Majesty in the event of such an horrible attempt, will not permit the residence, nor give any protection or asylum to those persons who may be known to have participated in such a step.
Signed, CTE STADIANS, PRINCE CASTELICALA.
Sept. 20, 1792.
To this application Lord Grenville sent the following answer.
"The underlined, Secretary of State, in answer to the official note of yesterday's date, which he has received on the part of the Count de Stations & the Prince of Castelicicala, Ministers Plenipotentiary, and envoys extraordinary of his Imperial Apostolic Majesty, and of his Sicilian Majesty, has the honor of renewing to those Ministers the expression of the sincere interest which the King has always taken in whatever personally regards their Most Christian Majesties; an interest which cannot help being increased by the unfortunate circumstances of the situation in which their Majesties find themselves at present.
"It is the King's most ardent wish, that the fears declared in the note of the Count de Stations and the Prince of Castelicicala, may not be realized, but if happily the event should prove otherwise, his Majesty will not fail to take the most effectual measures to hinder the guilty persons of so atrocious a crime from finding an asylum in the states of his Majesty. The King feels a pleasure in formally giving to Princes so closely united by the ties of blood to their most Christian Majesties this assurance, which his Majesty regards but as the immediate and necessary consequence of the principles and sentiments which have always directed his conduct.
Signed, "GRENVILLE." At Whitehall, } Sept. 21, 1792. }
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
A WRITER in the American Daily Advertiser of the 14th inst. under the signature of LUCIUS, says, "it appears by the public prints that there will be a contest for the office of Vice-President, which becomes vacant on the 3d of March next. For the honor of our country, particularly as referring to its consistency of character as a REPUBLIC, it is to be hoped that this "contest" will not appear among the independent electors, whatever importance it may assume in "the public prints."—The electors of President, and Vice-President will probably be men of information, liberty and independence; they will think and judge for themselves notwithstanding all the arts employed to bias their opinions, and to place in an unfavorable point of view the present occupant of "the important station" of Vice-President. The calumniators of Mr. Adams pretend to be perfectly satisfied with the administration of the President of the United States—and while they discover great solicitude to depreciate the former in the public estimation, they scarcely risk a whisper against the latter ; to say nothing of the monarchical features, strongly impressed on this mode of conduct, a few simple questions will set its invidious qualities in a striking point of view.—Has not the administration of the supreme executive given the highest satisfaction to the friends of our republican constitution? Is not the Vice-President, so far as his "station is of importance" fully implicated in all the applause so justly paid to the chief magistrate? Has the eagle eye of jealousy discovered a single trait in the conduct of these gentlemen, during the period they have been in office together, which sullies their fame, or throws the faintest imputation on their public characters? Does not the reasoning therefore that applies to the removal of the one, apply with equal force to the removal of the other? But, say our brethren of Virginia, Mr. Adams is attached to a balanced government ; he has written in favor of the British constitution—"a go-
vernment of king, lords and commons."—[I had not gone into a defence of the principles contained in Mr. Adams's writings; they are before the public—and if his enemies would suffer the people freely to read and judge for themselves, I am fully of opinion that the result would be, to remove the mists of prejudice and error with which party has in some parts of the union clouded the public mind; the writer of this is well informed that a gentleman, in public life, of an acute penetrating understanding, and whose republican principles can never be doubted—after reading Mr. Adams's Defence last winter for the first time, was asked whether he found that work to contain the anti-republican principles imputed to the writer: he replied, "directly the reverse"—that in his opinion, "the Defence of the American Constitutions," is the best defence of a free republican government in the English language."—It is abundantly evident that the constitution of the United States is founded on similar principles with those of every State in the union—and as it is well known, that Mr. Adams's opinion had great weight in forming many of the State Constitutions , and the constitution of the United States is confessedly an improvement upon all of them; it must necessarily follow, that it has a decided preference in the judgment of the Vice-President—accordingly we find it the subject of eulogium in the last letter of the 3d vol. of his Defence. In short, his known attachment to this government has been one of the strongest objections to his political character in the minds of his enemies—but it seems to have been lately discovered that this objection will not suit the present temper of the times; a most earnest solicitude being manifested by the federal interest through the union, to retain in the public councils this firm patriot, this uncorrupt, and independent politician.
With respect to the candidate in opposition, stated originally in a pretended "extract of a letter from Camden South-Carolina," it is observable what pains the writer of LUCIUS takes to induce a change of the general sentiment respecting his political tenets—but recent circumstances serve to evince that Mr. Clinton's opinions are not changed. The house of representatives of the state of New-York, in their address to the Governor, in answer to his speech the present session, have recognized in pointed terms the blessings derived to the people, and to that state in particular, from the operation of the general government; but the reply to this patriotic and federal address, has not one federal feature in it. "Impressed (says the Governor) with a high sense of the happiness we enjoy, under our excellent constitution, it will give me pleasure to concur with you in every measure that may tend to perpetuate the blessings it is so eminently calculated to confer." Lucius says, "it is to be presumed that many of his (Mr. Clinton's) objections have been done away by the amendments"—this, "it is to be presumed," is a concession made for that gentleman, which not one thorough-paced antifederalist in the Union would make. Has one individual of that party ever made a similar concession?
The amount of all this business is, Mr. Adams must be set aside—his honest and independent principles have always been in the way to obstruct the machinations of a faction. After various consultations, it has been determined on to set up Mr. Clinton as a candidate in opposition to Mr. Adams, not as a friend to the republican interest in the United States, but as one who would concenter the greatest number of antifederal votes. In what quarter these will principally appear, it is not difficult to determine—but, should the plan succeed, is it not evident that the spirit of the constitution will be infringed?—If the state of Virginia should in effect say that Mr. Clinton shall be Vice-President of the United States, will she not dictate to all the states in regard to this important officer?
The provision in the constitution that the President and Vice-President shall be elected from different states, was not intended as an ideal business —but where is the difference between a powerful state's constituting the majority in both cases, and choosing both from among its own citizens?—Will the people of the United States consent that any one state shall give a President and Vice-President to the Union?
Mr. Adams, it is insinuated by Lucius, holds certain principles unfriendly to republicanism—all the world may know what that gentleman's principles are—He has never been in the habit of concealing his principles, either in America or in Europe —These principles are republican, in the truest sense of the word—his country has for many years, and on innumerable occasions, derived the most solid and durable advantages from those principles. Mr. Clinton, it is readily conceded, has rendered important services to his country; that country has remunerated those services—and there must be a change, or a serious prospect of a change, in regard to his present situation, before he will relinquish the profitable government of the state of New-York, for the honor of being Vice-President of the United States, or the writer is very much mistaken.—It is not to be presumed that this idea has escaped the advocates for his election in a particular part of the Union,—but there was great difficulty in coalescing in favor of any other competitor to Mr. Adams.—The consequence, a choice by a very small proportion of the electors, in case a division could be excited among the northern electors, was not considered of the smallest importance, however subversive of republicanism.—The real republicans of our country are happily apprized of all these manœuvres—the designs of those who, under the pretence of fostering republican principles, would destroy every barrier of freedom, by rendering the government of the Union contemptible, are fully comprehended—even in that state in which it has been said, that Mr. Adams would "not have one vote"—"To give a republican tone therefore to the American character, that may tend to preserve our liberties forever," let the enlightened electors of the several states still distinguish by their suffrages, those illustrious patriots, WASHINGTON and ADAMS—men, whose lives have exhibited one continued series of sacrifices and services, for their country's happiness, freedom and honor—whose uprightnes and integrity are the subjects of extorted panegyric from those who would make a supposed political opinion the foundation of a prefer upon the public favor. MARCUS.
Nov. 19, 1792.

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, November 19.
Mr. Mercer from Maryland took his seat this day.
A bill received from the Senate by Mr. Otis, their Secretary, on Friday, entitled "an act to regulate foreign coins and for other purposes" passed the Senate, was read the first and second time, and made the order of the day for Monday next.—Interim to be printed for the use of the house.
A report was read from the trustees of the fund for reducing the public debt, stating their progress in the business pursuant to the acts of Congress.—Ordered to be printed for the use of the house.
A petition was read from the executor of the estate of the late general Schrievner, of Georgia, stating the loss of certain continental securities, the property of the heirs of said deceased;—referred to the committee of the whole on the subject of lost certificates.
Several petitions from invalids were read and referred to the committee already appointed on similar applications.
A memorial was read from the society of the people called Quakers, respecting the Indian war, suggesting the importance of an investigation of the grievances of the Indians, and of peace on just and equitable terms.—This memorial was from the delegates of the society assembled from New-Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and part of Maryland and Virginia.—Laid on the table.
Mr. Williamson called the attention of the house to the subject of American seamen—he observed, that it was of the greatest importance that the number of native seamen should be encreased, and measures adopted promotive of that object; he stated the inconveniencies the American commerce laboured under in consequence of the great number of British seamen employed in navigating American vessels: he recited several instances in point, which have occurred within a short period, and which have been published in the newspapers.—These facts respected the violent taking of British sailors from American vessels. After hinting at the inseparable connection between agriculture and commerce, he suggested various modes by which native seamen might be encreased; he adverted to the necessity of provision for sick and infirm seamen:—that hospitals should be erected, and a fund provided for the purpose in such way as on mature consideration shall appear advisable.
Mr. Williamson accordingly moved, That a committee be appointed to prepare and report a bill for the relief of sick and infirm seamen; this motion was agreed to, and Messrs. Williamson, Lawrence, Goodhue, B. Bourn and Barnwell were appointed.
On motion of Mr. Parker, the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on marine hospitals—also the report of a select committee on the same subject were referred to the same committee.
Mr. Williamson then offered the following motion, that a committee be appointed to prepare and report a bill for promoting commerce, by the encrease of American seamen: agreed to and referred to the above committee.
Mr. Boudinot moved that a committee be appointed to prepare and report a bill or bills providing a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States.
This motion was laid on the table. In committee of the whole on the President's speech to both houses, (Mr. Lawrence in the chair.) The speech was read by the clerk, and then in paragraphs by the chairman.
On the first paragraph, respecting the Indian war, Mr. Boudinot after adverting to the confidential communications received from the supreme executive, relative to Indian affairs, proposed a resolution expressive of the satisfaction of the house at the measures which have been pursued by the executive to effect a peace with the hostile tribes—this motion was withdrawn for the
purpose of bringing it forward in the house.
Mr. Parker moved this resolution—That it is the opinion of this committee, that provision should be made for the widows and orphans of those persons who may have been killed while under the protection of flags of truce to the Indian tribes, which was agreed to.
Mr. Sedgwick moved, that it be resolved as the opinion of this committee, that that part of the President's speech which relates to the Judiciary system, be referred to a select committee, to consider and report. Mr. William Smith proposed an addition, by incorporating in the motion the clause in the speech, which refers to a description of offences against the laws of the United States—This addition was waved, that it might be made the subject of a separate and particular reference.
Some conversation ensued respecting the most eligible mode of taking up this business, whether by a committee of the whole, or by a select committee; the result was, the withdrawing of the motion by Mr. Sedgwick, for the present.
On the paragraph of the speech relative to the intercourse with foreign nations, Mr. W. Smith moved a resolution to this purport, That provision ought to be made for that object. This resolution was agreed to.
The paragraph relative to the foreign loans being read, Mr. Fitzsimons proposed a resolution to the following purport: Resolved, that it is the opinion of the committee, that measures ought to be taken for the redemption of so much of the public debt, as by law the government has a right to redeem; and that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report a plan for that purpose.
This motion occasioned a debate, particularly with respect to the last clause, referring to the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Madison, Mr. Mercer, Mr. Findley and Mr. Page, objected to, and Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. W. Smith, Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Williamson, Mr. Hillhouse and Mr. Murray, in various views supported the proposition. A motion to strike out the words, toward the close of the debate, was not decided when the committee rose, and reported progress.
Mr. Murray moved that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to alter and amend the clause in the Militia Law relative to arming—A difference of opinion taking place between Mr. Murray and some other gentlemen respecting the extent of the revision of that law, and the hour of adjournment being past, the motion was not decided on.
TUESDAY, Nov. 20.
Mr. Murray renewed his motion respecting a revision of the Militia Law. He offered a resolution in the following words—"That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill supplementary to the Militia Law, passed the last session."
This resolution was altered, on motion of Mr. Williamson, and by consent of Mr. Murray, to read, "a bill to amend the Militia Law."—Some debate ensued on the question to agree to the resolution—Mr. Murray, Mr. Greenup, and Mr. Mercer, supported the motion; Mr. Williamson, Mr. Hillhouse, and Mr. Fitzsimons, opposed it. On taking the question, the motion was negatived.
Mr. Murray then laid the following motion on the table—"That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to repeal so much of the Militia Law as relates to the arming of the Militia."
On motion of Mr. Ames, the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Joseph Henderson, was taken into consideration—this report being read, the following resolution was submitted, viz.
Resolved, That there be allowed per annum, to Joseph Henderson, for his services as Naval-Paymaster to the Navy Board for the Eastern Department, from 5th August, 1778, to 1782.
This resolution, with the Secretary's report were referred to the committee of the whole, to-morrow. The petition of Mirandus Stiegler was read, and referred to Messrs. Giles, Macon and Niles.
The memorial of William Constable and Co. merchants of New-York, was read—stating, that owing to an unavoidable accident, they have not been able to furnish, compleat, the requisite formalities, to obtain the draw-back of the duties on a quantity of tea, actually exported from New-York to Dunkirk, and not re-landed in the United States—and praying relief in the premises; referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The petition of Dr. John Bartlet was read and referred to a select committee, consisting of Mr. B. Bourn, Mr. Clark and Mr. Kittera.
The petition of William Mackay was read, and laid on the table.
In committee of the whole on the President's speech—Mr. Lawrence in the chair—The consideration of the resolution submitted by Mr. Fitzsimons yesterday, was resumed—The motion for striking out these words, "and that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report
a plan for that purpose," was further debated—and on the question to agree to this motion, it was negatived; 31 to 25.—An amendment was proposed by Mr. White, in these words, "so far as respects the present revenue of the United States." This motion was negatived.—The original resolution was then put, and accepted.
The paragraph of the Speech relating to the loan of the bank of the United States being read, Mr. Dayton proposed a resolution to the following purport—
That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report a plan for reimbursing the loan of the bank of the United States, agreeable to the provisions made by law—This resolution was agreed to.
The Speech being gone through with, the committee rose and reported that they had come to sundry resolutions on the same—The report was laid on the table, and the House Adjourned.
Philadelphia, Nov. 21.
By the ship Fanny, Capt. Braine, from Glasgow, arrived at New-York, London and Glasgow papers are received to the 4th October—By these it appears that the National Assembly closed its career the 21st September—On that day an address to the National Convention was agreed on by the Assembly—After the address was read, and approved, a deputation from the National Convention having entered the Hall, their spokesman said,
"The National Convention has sent us to inform you, that they are constituted, and that they are going to repair hither, to commence their sittings."
M. Francois, who was in the chair, informed the deputation, that the National Legislative Assembly had just decreed, that they should proceed in a body to the Thuilleries, to serve as a guard to the Convention—All the members immediately rose up, and thus terminated, after the existence of a year, the National Assembly, under which the French nation marched with giant strides towards Republicanism.
The first sitting of the National Convention was on Friday, the 21st of September—M. Petion, President—The Secretaries, Messrs. Camus, Condorcet, Vergniaud, Brissot, Laurence, and Rabaut-de-St. Etienne.
Two propositions by M. Manuel and Mathieu, caused a long debate—the first moved that the President, whom he called the President of France, should reside in the National Palace; that he should always be preceded by the badges of the law; and that when he entered the Hall, the people should always honor the National Sovereignty, represented in his person, by rising up.—The latter moved, "that the Convention, invested with the Sovereignty of the People, should begin its proceedings by a grand act of that sovereignty.—It must, (said he) annihilate in their name all those authorities which subsist in the empire, in order that the power may revert to the people."
These propositions were combated by M. Chabot, who concluded his remarks by saying, "Declare that you will invite the French people, in the Sections or Assemblies of the Commons, to ratify or reject those decrees which you pass."
M. Couthon said, "Let us all swear to maintain the Sovereignty of the People—the whole of that Sovereignty—and nothing but that Sovereignty."
After various propositions, which occasioned some debate, the following, presented by M. Chenier, was decreed by the Convention:
"The National Convention declare, that there can be no Constitution, but that which is accepted by the people. They declare also that persons and property are under the protection of the law; that they will afterwards concert the mode which the French people at large shall pursue to manifest their opinion respecting that Constitution which shall be presented to them."
It was then moved, "that the National Convention should expressly declare, that all the authorities at present in the exercise of their functions, shall be provisionally maintained until further orders."
This occasioned some debate, and at last the principle of the motion was decreed in the following words:
I. Those laws which have not been abrogated, and those powers which have not been suspended, shall be provisionally preserved and supported.
II. The taxes actually existing shall be collected as formerly.
The Convention was about to terminate the sitting, when M. Collot d'Herbois, starting up, cried out, "There is one declaration which ought not to be deferred, even till the evening—it is THE ETERNAL ABOLITION OF ROYALTY IN FRANCE."
The Deputies all rose up, and demanded, that it might be put to the vote.
M. Bazire exclaimed against the enthusiasm which had taken possession of their minds, and requested that a question of such magnitude should be debated with that calmness and dignity becoming the Representatives of a great People.
Various plans were then offered, and the Convention at length passed the following Decree:
"THE NATIONAL CONVENTION DECREES, THAT ROYALTY IS ABOLISHED IN FRANCE."
This Decree was followed by loud and long continued applause, and the exclamations of Vive la Nation!
The process-verbal of this sitting was ordered to be sent by express to all the departments, and the armies, and to be proclaimed on the morning of the 22nd, in the City of Paris—The sitting rose at half after four o'clock.
In Saturday's sitting, the Convention decreed,
I. That all public acts shall be dated, "The first year of the French Republic."
II. That the State Seal shall be changed, and have for legend, "French Republic."
III. That the National Seal shall represent a woman sitting on a bundle of arms, and having in her hand a pike with the cap of liberty upon it; and on the exergue, "Archives of the French Republic."
IV. That all the Administrative and Judiciary Bodies should be re-elected.
"That all Judges may be chosen without distinction from among the Citizens."
Extract of a letter from Hispaniola, October 15.
"A ship is arrived at Cayes, with 350 men of the battalion of Aube. These troops, who were much abused by the enemies of the public good, appear to be well disposed, perfectly well disciplined, and shew great impatience to be led against the revolted."
"The ship St. Anne, which brings the remainder of the battalion, appeared for a moment, but has been again driven out to sea by the currents."
"It is time France should think of us—Fifteen days more and all was lost."
"We wish much for the arrival of M. de Montesquieu, to re-establish good order and enforce that obedience which is due to legal authority."
"We just now hear, and the intelligence may be depended on, that Cavillon, Jeremie, Cayemite, Petit Trout, and L'Anse a Vean, have surrounded the rebels of Petit Trout, had pursued them for nine days, and killed almost the whole of them; the survivors prayed for mercy, and all is restored to order. It should be observed that they had as commander, no agent of the old executive."
A correspondent observes, that the opposers of the re-election of the Vice-President, have carefully avoided the affirmative in their discussion of that gentleman's pretensions to the suffrages of his fellow-citizens—well knowing that his abilities and services oppose an insurmountable barrier to the force of those wire-drawn insinuations which have an influence on uninformed and prejudiced minds—but, continues our correspondent, the artifices of these theoretical and intolerant politicians, who torture opinions, not imbibed in their school, into crimes, will most assuredly fail, so long as reason and common sense shall influence the conduct of the citizens of the United States.
A correspondent observes, that the experience of the good people of this country is altogether opposed to the doctrine of those who appear so zealous for constituting a board of sixty or seventy financiers. It is not perhaps too much to say, that the public debt of this country has been enhanced one quarter part from the mode of managing the state and continental money concerns by boards and committees—and the event is devoutly to be deprecated, when the idea of responsibility, by being transferred from an individual to a collective body, shall vanish into air—into thin air.
A correspondent, who heard the motion made by the gentleman from New-Jersey, for bringing forward the business of a Bankrupt Law for the United States, cannot refrain from expressing his satisfaction on the occasion. The efforts heretofore made to bring that subject to maturity, have certainly fallen short of the exertions made on many other points, to say the least, not more interesting to the people.
BOSTON, November 7.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the Law, in London, to his friend in Massachusetts, dated July 10, 1792.
"PAINE has been endeavoring to excite the people of this country to destroy our government, and to substitute his Utopia. I fancy he knows more of the "Rights" than of the nature of man; and can have paid but little attention to the sagacious, temperate, humane and practicable doctrines of that true friend to mankind, our illustrious ADAMS. If we really suffered those grievances here which alone could sanction a revolt of the people—I mean, such as outweighed our prosperity and happiness, a MASSANIELLO or a WAT TYLER, would perhaps be more likely to carry it than PAINE; for our mob, I find, cannot understand his visions:—America, I take it, has no mob, nor ever had. In that country he spoke to a people, under the very menaces of oppression, and who were generally intelligent enough to understand his spirited sentiments: And as to the several descriptions of people here, who are superior to the mob (such people, less than any, will not be reasoned out of their feelings) I take these to feel so individually, so substantially, and so generally happy, that it will be at present impossible to persuade them that they are otherwise."
"We see plain enough how it is in France. They have liquidated out so much liberty among a people, ignorant of the use of it, that there is scarcely energy enough left in the executive power to extinguish a riot of drunken Weavers."
"Several attempts have been made here, by vain Frenchmen (and others who appear to know full as little of the genius of JOHN BULL) to make the "Ca ira" popular; but they might as well offer him a Frog—He will never pronounce the one, any more than he will swallow the other."
SHIP NEWS.
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FROM THE COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
THE LOVELY TWINS.
To say they're pretty, blooming, fair, Or praise their brilliant features, To celebrate each shape and air, And swear they're "lovely creatures,"— Are words of course—spontaneous fruit Which science yields to beauty; Nay, often, the uncultiv'd brute Thus pays his awkward duty.
II.
But when through their enchanting eye And animated faces, The man of sterling sense defies Their polish'd mental graces; When he, attentive, hears them speak In pure, mellifluous measure, Mild admiration glows his cheek, His soul dissolves in pleasure!
III.
With timid eye on either face Alternately he gazes; The fascinating charms of GRACE* His raptur'd fancy praises: But while he breathes in amorous style, He finds his wishes vary— And then, perhaps, a fleeting smile Attaches him to MARY.*
IV.
In vain his tongue essays its art, His eye its tranquil glances, For, ah! his palpitating heart Is lost in pleasing trances! The fair one by his frequent sighs His wishes may discover, And read in his responsive eyes The fond, respectful Lover!
Boston, October, 1792.
* Names of the Ladies.
COPENHAGEN, August 28.
It is difficult to express the sensation which the accounts of the events of the 10th of August, which the French Minister has received by a courier, has caused here. Our court has resolved for the present to break off all official communication with France, and not to resume it during the suspension of the royal authority. Baron de Bluhme, the Danish envoy at Paris, has by this time quitted that unfortunate capital.
TREVES, August 28.
The Swiss regiment of Chateau-Vieux, which remained in the pay of France, on the 24th of August quitted its garrison of Bitche, to repair to Toul; but when about a league from the former of these places, the officers proposed to the men to return to their own country. This was instantly acceded to; each soldier received 40 cartridges, and the regiment the same day arrived without any accident at Deux-Ponts. This corps, which lost a great number at Nancy, consists of about 600 men.
LIVERPOOL, September 8.
Doctors Priestley and Towers, with Messieurs Pain and Mackintosh, having obtained the sublime honor of being made citizens of France, we are in daily expectation of hearing of those patriotic gentlemen having taken their departure for that nation of equality, justice, and prosperity; for it is certainly the duty of every good citizen to exert himself in defence of the country he belongs to—especially when that country is under such a government, as he conceives to be the best that can be adopted.
LONDON, September 11.
The town of Versailles has raised a battalion of infantry, two companies of cavalry, and a detachment of artillery. A voluntary subscription of 20,000 livres was raised in an hour, to defray the expenses of this equipment.
Madame du Barry has been arrested at Luciennes, and conducted to Paris. She was apprehended about two o'clock in the morning of 31st ult.
A person who very properly styles himself a mad doctor, lately published an address in a provincial paper, beginning, Worthy the attention of the insane.
SEPTEMBER 22.
M. de la Fayette has published, in the Leyden Gazette, the following address to the army lately commanded by him.
"At a time, when after having concurred in two great revolutions, I enjoyed in retirement the success of my constant efforts for the cause of the people, the dangers of the country snatched me from a private life; I came in the midst of the applauses of the nation, to command the army which the king had entrusted to me; and the national assembly designed, by the organ of its president, to say to me, 'We oppose to the enemies coalesced against us, the Constitution and La Fayette.' Since this period you have had the means of judging me. Your confidence shewed me that you approved my conduct; your friendship answered to the tender attachment which I had vowed to you. Happy to defend, in the midst of soldiers dear to my heart, the principles to which my whole life has been consecrated, and the constitution which the national sovereignty gave us, I found in this resistance of a free people to so many efforts re-united against them, every thing that could satisfy my opinions and animate my zeal.
"You will remember, I fear, with uneasiness that a turbulent faction, whose movements appeared to me to correspond with those of our exterior enemies, endeavored to deprive us of that which makes the force of a free people, respect for the laws and fidelity to the constitution, which in this moment seemed to me to be our only point for rallying. My conduct was known to, and my opinions were shared by you—my frankness animated more and more against me all the enemies of the constitution; but whatever were their efforts and their menaces, the national assembly, by a majority of two-thirds, repulsed their absurd accusations heaped up against me. You know the violences offered the next day to the national assembly; those exercised on the 10th of August against the king; the state of Paris at the moment when the suspension of the king was decreed; the murders, the proscriptions which took place, not only during the battle at the Thuilleries, but even during the following days. I refer in this respect to the decrees of the department of Ardennes and of the municipality of Sedan, and to the few accounts which were suffered to pass, while all the papers, devoted to the Jacobin party, were circulated with profusion. It was evident, that the measures taken on the 10th of August were contrary to the constitution act, and that they were forced from the national assembly. This conviction guided my conduct. The administrative bodies and the municipalities required you to renew the civic oath; the constitution has determined this oath, and ordered you to obey the requisitions of the constituted authorities. It was with regret that I saw a part of the army so far from the fulfillment of this duty, that I would have spared them the evil of refusing it. The pains taken to calumniate me in your opinion, have succeeded so far as to alienate a part of your confidence. On the other side the commissioners of the national assembly, who had accepted on the 10th of August, the execution of the decrees which violence had snatched from them, deprived me of part of my command from Dunkirk to Maubeuge; and they proposed equally to destitute me of that which united me to you, and to renew against me those accusations which neither the assembly, the juries or the judges, were any longer free to decide upon, in the state to which violence had reduced them.
"In these circumstances, and when the present faction directs itself principally against the authors of the revolution, against the true friends of the constitution, I ceased to be destined to fight at your head, and I could no longer hope for an useful death. What remained for me to do? To remove from you a general, whom you would be forbidden to obey, and to preserve to liberty a defender, whose inflexibility has merited for him, in this moment, the honor of being proscribed. I separate myself, therefore, from you; I separate myself with a sentiment of grief, which it is, at least, sweet to pour into the bosoms of those of my companions in arms, who have preserved for me their affection. I took, before setting out, all the measures which could answer to me for your safety; and I go far from my country, where a party reigns which proscribes me, far from the enemies coalesced against us, and whom I hoped to combat at your head, to taste, in my retreat the consolation of a pure conscience and to form ardent wishes for the triumph of French liberty over all the factions who seek to enslave it.
(Signed)
LA FAYETTE."
This address was certified to the Editor of the Leyden Gazette by six officers of M. de la Fayette's late état major, who left France with him, but who have been released from the prisons at Luxembourg. He is still in that fortress with M. M. la Tour Maubourg, Alexander Lameth and Bureau de Puzy, who appear to be distinguished by this rigour on account of their having been members of the constituent national assembly of France. In their journey from Nivelles to Luxembourg, an Austrian officer sat in the carriage with each person, and 30 hussars escorted the party.
The other prisoners remain for further orders, either at Nivelles, or Luxembourg.
Extract of a letter from France, brought by the Mail of yesterday.
"Things in the capital remain much as they were last post; the slow approach of the combined armies gives rise to many conjectures; their friends attribute the slowness of their advance to prudent well-digested caution, whilst their enemies attribute it to fear of being surrounded, defeated and cut to pieces; but we have some reason to believe that it will turn out that the wisest councils direct their operations, and that it will appear that measures of consequence are concerted that will occasion an important change in the affairs of France; in fact, the sensible part of the nation, those who neither wish to see despotism re-established, nor the reign of anarchy prevail, but who anxiously desire to see a liberal government established, such as will do honor to human nature, are (favored by a strong party) busily employed in negotiation with the Court of Great-Britain and that of Prussia, in endeavoring to bring about a proposal from these two Courts, to acknowledge the constitution as accepted and sworn to by Louis XVIth, and upon that ground to reinstate that Monarch again upon the Throne of France, and enter into alliance with the French nation for the formation of a Government upon the above principles. It is thought that should such a proposal be made to the National Convention, they would not refuse it, as it would be grounded upon such fair principles that the nation would not suffer so glorious an opportunity of establishing a rational Government to pass by."
Extract of a letter from Brighton, August 30.
"This place, in its proportion, exhibits as many proofs of the wretched state of our Gallic neighbours, by
the number of refugees, as the capital itself; every day bringing over more or less, as their several means of escape afford them opportunity.
"Yesterday, among others, arrived Madame Noailles. This lady, whose celebrated husband is among the emigrants, has gone through incredible hardships with a fortitude almost unparallelled.
"She reached Dieppe about a week ago, with an infant child and its nurse; these got away without much difficulty, the woman passing the infant as her own; but it was not till yesterday the mother could effect her escape.
"During the whole time she was obliged to appear in male and mean attire. She once offered herself to a collier, to work her passage as a sailor, but was refused: at length, however, urged with despair, and disclosing her real situation to the Captain of one of the Packets, he with much humanity contrived to bring her off, by concealing her under a coil of a cable on the deck (where she was, incredible as it may seem, obliged to lie for 14 hours) and was landed safe here yesterday, exhausted with the fatigue and terrors she had undergone.
"The Prince of Wales, with distinguishable humanity and gallantry, paid every attention to this amiable stranger."
A letter from M. Luckner incloses a note, received by him from M. Dumourier, Commander in Chief of the French army at Grandpre, in which the letter states, that two principal attacks were made upon his left and right wings on the 13th inst. in both of which the Prussians were repulsed with loss. A detachment of Prussian light troops had entered an abbatis of wood, from which he had sent five battalions to remove them. At the time of his writing, he expected that another attack would be made on the same day, if the weather, which was then very bad, should permit it.
To the Public.
THE subscriber begs leave to acquaint the public in general, and his customers in particular, that he has entered into partnership with Mr. HENRY KAMMERER, and that the Printing business in the English and German languages is now carried on under the firm of STEINER and KAMMERER, No. 85, in Race-street, between Second and Third-streets.
The German Newspaper will be published by them, as usual, on Tuesdays, and all kind of Printing work done with care and expedition.
MELCHIOR STEINER.
Philadelphia, Nov. 6, 1792.
TO BE SOLD,
A PLANTATION,
LYING on the river Delaware, 2 1/2 miles above Trenton, containing 165 acres; whereon is a dwelling-house, pleasantly situated, 36 by 24 feet, having three rooms with fire-places on the lower floor, and four above, one of them with a fire-place; a kitchen adjoining, near to which is a remarkable large spring of excellent water, accommodated with a good spring-house; a barn 36 feet by 26; a wagggon, chair and smoke-houses, besides other useful out-buildings; a large orchard, chiefly of grafted fruit. The farm is well-watered, and has a proportion of wood and meadow land, thro' which the road runs that is known by the name of the River Road.
On the Premises is also erected,
A Grist-Mill,
In the midst of a good wheat country, on a never failing stream; the mill-house is 54 by 24 feet, has one water-wheel, a pair of burs and a pair of Cologne stones, rolling screen, bolts for merchant and country work, &c. and is accommodated with a cooper's shop, 18 feet square, near the mill—which is about 300 yards from the Delaware, and very conveniently situated to receive wheat, &c. from boats passing down the river.
There are also for Sale,
20 Acres of Wood-Land,
within less than a quarter of a mile of the above-mentioned Plantation, which lies in a fine high healthy country.—For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.
JOHN MOTT.
Trenton, October, 1792.
(12w4t)
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 45, Great Dock-street, New-York,
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE AND SALE OF STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to.
LEONARD BLEECKER.
May 2.
(t.f.)
ADVERTISEMENT.
This Gazette is published in North Fifth-Street, No. 34, between High and Mulberry Streets—where the Editor now resides.
A LARGE CELLAR TO LET, Sufficiently capacious to store several hundred barrels, Enquire as above.
BOWEN'S EXHIBITION OF
Wax-Work & Paintings,
AT the House lately occupied by Mrs. PINE, in Eighth-street, is now ready for the entertainment of the Public.—Among a great variety of Paintings, are a number of ITALIAN & FRENCH PIECES, which are new and very pleasing. Also, a large collection of NEW WAX FIGURES.
The Exhibition is open every day, from nine o'clock in the morning, until nine in the evening.—Admittance Half a Dollar for Ladies and Gentlemen, and half price for Children. Tickets for the season, (not transferable) Two Dollars.
For Sale, at the Exhibition Rooms, LIKENESSES of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, in Wax, And a variety of Elegant PRINTS in Frames. Sept. 21. (epst)
Grand Family Bible.
PROPOSALS FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An ELEGANT EDITION of the SACRED SCRIPTURES Of the OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS, with the APOCRYPHA, On a very large and beautiful new Type, and superfine Paper.
THE great importance of the Holy Scriptures, interesting to every individual; the divine excellence of its doctrines and precepts, and the beauty and sublimity of its passages, have so long made it a capital object of attention, as to preclude occasion or opportunity for eulogium.
The piety or enterprise of individuals has presented this invaluable book to the public in a variety of forms; in some editions it has been highly embellished with superb engravings, which have greatly enhanced its price; in others it has been accompanied with voluminous commentaries, which necessarily encreased the size; while a variety of plain cheap copies have generally diffused the knowledge of the Scripture, and made the purchase easy to every class.
Without wishing in the smallest degree to lessen the merits of the various editions, whether plain or ornamented, which the public are already in possession of, it is pertinent to remark, that very many readers of taste and judgment have expressed a wish for a Family Bible unencumbered with additions. There still appears room for another edition on a beautiful new type, superior in size and elegance to any bible that has yet been printed in the English language, and which, leaving the adventitious circumstances of ornament or comment, may exhibit the Oracles of God in their native simplicity.
SPECIMEN OF THE TYPE.
3 ¶ And God said, Let there be light: and there was light.
With respectful submission to the judgment and candour of the public, the following proposals are offered:
I. The work shall be printed with the greatest fidelity and attention to correctness both in the text and marginal references, on a superfine Paper made on purpose, with an elegant new Type cast for the work of the size of the above Specimen.
II. The work will be comprised in twenty numbers, making two elegant volumes in Folio; to be furnished to subscribers at one dollar each number. To prevent any complaints of want of punctuality, no part of the work will be delivered unless paid for.
III. The first number, containing sixty folio pages, elegantly printed, will be furnished on the first Saturday of July next, when subscribers are to pay the price of the first and second numbers, and the price of one number to be always in advance till the work is completed. The subsequent numbers to be published regularly on the first Saturday of each succeeding month, till the whole is finished.
Subscriptions will be received in Philadelphia by the Publishers, THOMAS DOBSON, No. 41, South Second-street, and JOHN PARKER, No. 299, North Second-street; and by all the Booksellers: in Charleston, by William P. Young; Richmond, by Archibald Currie; Baltimore, by James Rice; Wilmington, by Peter Brynberg; New-York, by Thomas Allen; New-Haven, by Isaac Beers; Providence, (R.I.) by William Wilkinson; Salem, by Thomas Cushing; Boston, by David West, Benjamin Guild, and Thomas & Andrews.
PLANS
OF THE
City of Washington,
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
NEW TEAS.
IMPERIAL, HYSON & SOUCHONG, Of the very first quality, and latest importation from Canton, via New-York, by retail, at
No 19,
Third, between Chestnut and Market Streets, N.B. A few Boxes of the above HYSON for sale.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR, A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold—graduated according to Law—Blank Manifests—And Blanks for the various Powers of Attorney necessary in transacting Business at the Treasury or at the Bank of the United States.