Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-06-13 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XVIII.]
SATURDAY, JUNE 13, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XVIII.
“One of the chief distinctions between a wise man and a fool is, that while the latter discovers whatever his fancy may suggest, the former only communicates what is proper to be known.”
A TALKATIVE, forward youth, was presented to a celebrated teacher of rhetoric, to be instructed in the art of oratory. The guardian of the intended pupil enquired of the professor, what sum he usually demanded for a course of instruction? The instructor without giving a direct answer to the question replied, that whatever was his common price for tuition, he should on that occasion ask a double sum; “for,” said he, “I shall be obliged to teach this lad to hold his tongue, before he can with propriety be learnt to speak. It is not only necessary that a person should know how to speak but when to speak. I always find trouble in managing a boy who is disposed to make more use of his tongue than his ears.”
So many essays have been written on the subject of ill-timed, indiscreet conversation, that perhaps no reader will wish to see such a topic introduced. There is, however, one question connected with this subject, that I have a mind to discuss.
Many persons are at a loss to determine which succeeds best in the world, a man of a modest , or impudent carriage. There is great difference of opinion on this point. Indeed the same person, at different times, thinks differently on it.
When one observes a man of small abilities, and a narrow spirit, whose company is courted in the most fashionable circles, merely because he says what he pleases without restraint, and fears and regards nobody, it is apt to force a conclusion that impudence has very attractive charms. On the other hand, when a person of dull genius and reserved manners, beguiles people into a belief that he possesses great wisdom and penetration, it leads to a supposition, that silence and gravity are the most infallible means to secure reputation.
What rule can therefore be formed to direct the steps of a youth, in introducing himself, with the best advantage, to the world?
Perhaps few directions can be given, that will be applicable alike to all persons and to all situations. The conduct and behaviour of any particular person must depend on his disposition, and on the objects he proposes to accomplish by his intercourse with mankind. If he has a natural volatility of spirits, and wishes to obtain those pleasures that result from being noticed in a great variety of mixed companies, he will find that prattle and vivacity will promote such views more effectually than a modest distant demeanour. The fact is, he acts in his proper character, and avoids the charge of affectation. He is trifled with, without being ridiculed; and attended to, without being respected: He is well received in many polite parties, and eats many good dinners. Sensible men say he is merry and harmless; and those who have no more understanding than himself, declare, that he is a man of wit and humour: His noise and bustle give him a consequence with the undiscerning part of mankind; while those who view him, as he deserves, do not with the trouble of disputing his pretensions to such a degree of estimation, as he acquires. In short, he becomes a privileged man; nobody offend him, or is offended at him. He says what he pleases to others; while they in their turn, say what they please to him, without any ill humour on either side.
But a person of a different temper, and who has different wishes to gratify, must model his manners upon far other principles. A man of a slow perception and grave cast of mind, can only derive importance by concealing, as much as possible, the defects of his understanding and the coldness of his heart. For this purpose, his intercourse with men should be few and reserved. He should speak little, and affect such an air of mystery as will make people imagine, that he keeps back something much more important than what he communicates. He will no doubt have knowledge enough to make some proper remarks; and he should have prudence never to make any that are improper . Those who are as dull as himself think he is a prodigy of wisdom; while those who have penetration to see through the disguise, have it not in their power to convince other people of the deception. This prudent man commits no act, and delivers no opinion that can be urged to his real disadvantage. In short, he is a negative character, which can stand the brunt of positive attacks.
What shall we say to appearances that are so contradictory? They shew the difficulty of draw-
ing general conclusions, with regard to our conduct in life. Men must act in some degree from their predominant disposition, and from their accidental situation in society. My observations thus far have supposed that these two characters; the one remarkable for sobriety and reserve, the other for jollity and loquaciousness were alike void of superior understanding or attainments. They both gain more estimation than they deserve, but for different reasons. The popularity that each of them sustains would be lost, if they were reciprocally to act the part, the other had assumed.
The subject shall be once more introduced.
CHARACTER OF THE FRENCH.
From Sherlock's Letters.
IN England the French have few friends. But they have one; and that one am I. They could, not, I acknowledge, have a feebler advocate; but while I have a tongue to speak, or a pen to write, wherever I go I'll do them justice.
Let every man who knows that nation speak of it as he found it; if he lived in their intimacy for years (as I did) and if he found them ill natured, ill-mannered, treacherous, and cowardly, let him speak his mind: I quarrel with no man who judges for himself, and who speaks the truth. But let the indulgence I grant, be granted to me again; and let me be permitted to tell the world, that, however other men may have found them, I found them good-humored, good-natured, brave, polished, frank, and friendly.
They were my friends, faithful and just to me; But Brutus says they are perfidious; And Brutus is an honorable man. I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke; But here I am to speak what I do know.
I found them all animated with a desire to please, and always ready to do me every service in their power. I owe them a thousand obligations. I had faults; they corrected them; I wanted knowledge; they informed me: I was rough; they softened me: I was sick; they visited me: I was vain; they flattered me: I had need of council; they gave me the best advice: every man has need of agreeable company; and every man may be sure to find it in France.
OF THE LADIES OF FRANCE.
By the same.
WHEN a French lady comes into a room, the first thing that strikes you is, that she walks better, holds herself better, has her head and feet better dressed, her cloaths better fancied, and better put on, than any woman you have ever seen.
When she talks, she is the art of pleasing personified. Her eyes, her lips, her words, her gestures, are all prepossessing. Her language is the language of amiableness; her accents are the accents of grace. She embellishes a trifle; she interests upon a nothing; she softens a contradiction; she takes off the insipidness of a compliment by turning it elegantly; and, when she has a mind, she sharpens and polishes the point of an epigram better than all the women in the world.
Her eyes sparkle with spirit; the most delightful sallies flash from her fancy; in telling a story she is inimitable; the motions of her body, and the accents of her tongue, are equally genteel and easy; an equable flow of softened sprightliness keeps her constantly good-humoured and cheerful; and the only objects of her life are to please, and to be pleased.
Her vivacity may sometimes approach to folly; but perhaps it is not in her moments of folly she is least interesting and agreeable. English women have many points of superiority over the French; the French are superior to them in many others. I have mentioned some of those points in other places. Here I shall only say, there is a particular idea in which no woman in the world can compare with a French woman; it is in the power of intellectual irritation. She will draw wit out of a fool.
EXTRACT FROM “AMERICAN ESSAYS.”
ON EMIGRATION.
Cælum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt; Quod petis, hic est, Est ulubris; animus si te non deficit agnus.
HORACE, Epist. xi. lib. 1.
IT is evidently wise and prudent in the Scotch and Irish, particularly those of them who are poor; as also in the inhabitants of any other country, alike circumstanced, with respect to excessive population, and poverty, and the consequent difficulty of acquiring lands, or any other property, and many of them of procuring even the necessaries of life, to migrate to countries more fertile, and less populous; where, with a moderate share of industry, they may probably soon become lords of soil, and enjoy a plenty of all the necessaries of life, with new and pleasing sensations of independence, and consequence, never felt in the depressed and servile state of the poor in Europe: Yet it is by no means prudent, or commendable, in the present inhabitants of the eastern States, who in general enjoy all the necessaries, and many of the conveniences of life, with health, and a competent share of liberty and independence, to remove into the remote interior country, or Western territory , with the vain hope of ameliorating their fortunes or circumstances.
As I am one of those who have been induced to quit my native soil, with the hope of reaping some advantage by the exchange; and having seen many different parts of America, from Nova-Scotia eastward to West-Florida, I am induced to draw this conclusion, That the new countries, which owe their population to emigrations principally from the eastern States, are more indebted to the fertility of human invention , than to the extraordinary fecundity of their soil, or any other natural advantages; and though from a comparative view of the state of the poor in Europe, I have reason to believe, that they would make a very eligible exchange, in taking the chance of any situation within the boundaries of the United States; yet I must insist that I have yet seen no country where I conceive the industrious inhabitants of the New-England States, particularly the mechanics and farmers, could remove with the probable prospect of greater real advantages, taken in the aggregate, than they enjoy at home: It is therefore of the last importance, especially to those who have families, that they consider, and deliberate well, before they conclude to resign their old friends, their near and dear relations—their healthy, cheap, plentiful, and happy country, and proceed to the serious, momentous, and often ruinous business of plucking up stakes .
So powerful is the attachment of mankind to the place of their birth, that however poor, barren, cold, comfortless, and ungrateful their native country, yet few men emigrate without regret.—Go to the inhabitants of Nova-Zembla, and describe the rich luxuriant fruits, the fertile fields, warm suns, and constant vegetation of the tropic climes; yet, will they scorn them all, nor dare to burst their arctic bounds, but fondly hug their cruel pole, and patient delve their stubborn soil; there they contented toil a fruitless, tedious, half-year's day; and under fierce relentless skies, on beds of hard, eternal ice, wrapped in their frigid zone , freeze, sleep, and starve an equal night—few their enjoyments, and their troubles few—they know no luxury, and feel no gout.
Yet as the mind of man is informed, dilates, and expands, so his wants and desires encrease; to gratify which, he ventures, though reluctantly, abroad; still the dupe of early prejudices; he is frequently led by them into many ridiculous extravagancies; mules on the pleasures he enjoyed at home; forgets the ribs; and if he meets a disappointment, often runs home, like stricken children to their mothers, and like them often meets another scourging.
The hardy, brave, and yet unconquered Swift , hired into foreign service, met dangers, and death, in any shape, with steady front; yet there are certain tunes peculiar to their country, which are not permitted in France to be played in those regiments; their native music having been repeatedly found to produce very serious consequences, by kindling such an ardent and irresistible desire to return to their own homes, and beloved household gods, that no flattery, or threats, bribes or punishments, could prevent melancholy, mutinies, and defections.
Mr. KOLBEN relates, “That one of the Dutch Governors at the Cape of Good Hope , brought up an Hottentot according to the fashions and customs of the Europeans—teaching him several languages, and instructing him fully in the principles of the Christian religion; at the same time cloathing him handsomely, and treating him in all respects as a person for whom he had an high esteem, and whom he designed for some beneficial and honorable employment. The Governor afterwards sent him to Botavia , where he was employed under the Commissary for some time, till that gentleman died—and then he returned to the Cape of Good Hope . But having paid a visit to the Hottentots of his acquaintance, he threw off all his fine cloaths, bundled them up, laid them at the Governor's feet, and desired he might be allowed to renounce his christianity, and to live and die in the religion and customs of his ancestors; only requesting that he might be permitted to keep the hanger and collar which he wore, in token of his regard to his benefactor.—While the Governor was deliberating upon this, scarce believing the fellow to be in earnest, the young Hottentot took the opportunity of running away, and never afterwards came near the Cape , thinking himself happy, that he had exchanged his European dress for a sheep-skin, and that he had abandoned the hopes of preferment for the society of his relations and countrymen.”
“The English East-India Company made the like experiment upon two young Hottentots, with no better success.” See MILLAR , on the Distinction of Ranks in Society, chap. iii. page 119. quar. edit.
Hence we see the almost invincible attachment of mankind to the place of their birth, of which few feel the power and operation till deprived of the enjoyment; this privation we find is sometimes insupportable under the most favorable circumstances, as in the case of the Hottentots; it is therefore natural to suppose, it would not be more tolerable in cases of difficulties and disappointments, which all are sure to meet with, who are so unfortunate as to emigrate from polished life and manners, into new, rude, remote, uncultivated countries. E. C.
MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES.
[LONDON, MARCH 30.] The revolution which has taken place at Geneva is the more remarkable, as it is the first time these 35 years, that the whole republic have, with one consent, made and agreed to any laws, nor was there ever a greater day of rejoicing than the 13th ult. On the 7th the Senate laid before the council of 200, the laws required, which were approved of, in globo , by the majority of 138 against 9. On the 13th, they were carried to the Council-General, and approved of by 1327 votes against 54.
The moment the scrutiny was declared at the Cathedral, a general acclamation of joy was heard. They afterwards went to the town-house, where all parties embraced each other. The Senate was

surrounded by 400 youths in uniforms, and three discharges made from one hundred pieces of cannon. In the evening there was a general illumination, and the chief club of the old representatives finished it by giving a supper to the principal magistrates.
The affairs of Poland remain in the same state of uncertainty as they have done for some time past.
Dispatches have been received from Gibraltar, which were brought over in the Active Cutter, arrived off the Start. They are dated the 10th inst. and contain an account of two Barbary corsairs having passed that place with an American bark in tow; the corsairs were under jury-masts, and that provisions were very plenty and reasonable.
Extract of a letter from Paris, March 16.
"The Prince of Nassau set off for Madrid on the 5th. charged, it is thought with some commission from the Empress to the King of Spain, he being the only Monarch whose mediation Russia has not rejected. The expedition of the Prince of Nassau is extraordinary; for in less than forty days he will have paid his court to five Sovereigns. He stopped three days at Warsaw, five at Vienna, seven here, in eight days he will be at Madrid, and thinks on returning to Peterburgh before the 8th of May. It is thought that the King of Spain, who, when Prince of Asturias, had a great regard for him, will appoint him a Lieutenant-General, two of his Cadets, Camp-Marshal, having already been raised to that rank. He will likewise have the order of the golden fleece, which was promised by the late King. Though still young, his hair, owing to fatigue, begins to become grey, but he is in good health, and will certainly be in the Black Sea before the month of June, ready to face the Captain-Pacha again."
COMMERCIAL.
The silks imported from Piedmont into Great Britain, in the course of last year, amounted to not less than two hundred thousand pounds. Piedmont and Bologna furnish the very finest wrought silk in Europe. One grand advantage which we have in the commerce of the Levant, is, that the Sicilian silks are confined to a particular season of the year, whereas those of the Levant are brought at all times. The January caravans are very richly loaded with the very finest silks; those of February and March contain an inferior sort. The Dutch, in the course of last year, imported seven thousand bales of silk from Cassembazar in the East-Indies. This place furnished, in the whole, that year, upwards of twenty thousand bales; each bale weighed one hundred pounds. The French, in the same year, imported into Lyons six thousand bales of silk, sixteen hundred of which came from Sicily.
MR. NECKAR,
During the time of his retirement, wrote a very excellent work on the importance of religious opinions, calculated to stem the torrent of infidelity which so generally prevails in Europe. "It appears to me," says he in the introduction, "that there are interests which may be considered as patriotic by intelligent and feeling beings; and while the inhabitants of the same country, and the subjects of the same prince, employ themselves diligently in one common plan of defence, the citizens of the world ought to be incessantly anxious to give every new and possible support to those exalted opinions on which the true greatness of their existence is founded; which preserves the imagination from that frightful spectacle of an existence without origin, of action without liberty, and futurity without hope. Thus after having, as I think, proved myself a citizen of France by my administration, as well as my writings, I wish to unite myself to a fraternity still more extended, that of the whole human race; it is thus, without dispersing our sentiments, we may be able, nevertheless, to communicate ourselves a great way off, and enlarge, in some measure, the limits of our circle; glory be to our thinking faculties for it! to that spiritual portion of ourselves which can take in the past, dart into futurity and intimately associate itself with the destiny of men of all countries, and of all ages. Without doubt a veil is thrown over the greater part of those truths to which our curiosity would willingly attain; but those which a beneficent God has permitted us to see, are amply sufficient for our guide and instruction; and we cannot for a continuance divert our attention without a species of slothful negligence, and a total indifference to superior interests of man. How little is every thing indeed when put in competition with those meditations which give to our existence a new extent, and which in detaching us from the dust of the earth, seem to unite our souls to an infinity of space, and our duration of a day to the eternity of time! Above all it is for you to determine, who have sensibility, who feel the want of a Supreme Being, and who seek to find in Him that support so necessary to your weakness; that defender, and that assurance, without which painful inquietude will be perpetually tormenting you, and troubling those soft tender affections which constitute your happiness. The whole of this excellent work deserves a very attentive perusal."
[LONDON-DERRY, MARCH 17.] It is with the sincerest pleasure we inform the public, and especially the citizens of Derry, that in consequence of the laudable exertions of the corporation, to forward the erection of a bridge over the river Foyle, Mr. Thompson and Mr. Cox, of Boston, in New-England, arrived in this city yesterday. They are strongly recommended for their knowledge in bridge building; and, we understand that they entertain not the smallest doubt of being able to construct a bridge over our river, upon the same plan of those which they lately erected near Boston.
The corporation and citizens of Derry have now an opportunity of accomplishing a measure of the greatest public utility. Every exertion should, therefor, be used to arrange matters for beginning a business, which promises to encrease the trade and prosperity of the city of Derry, and the adjacent country.
March 24. Since our last the engineers who lately arrived here from America, have found the river across at the Ferry-quay, and we have authority in saying, that it is their decided opinion, a wooden bridge, on the construction of those lately erected near Boston, is very practicable at said place.
The late KING of PRUSSIA's Character of GEORGE II.
GEORGE was firm in his purposes, more covetous than economical, capable of labour, but destitute of patience, violent, brave, and governing England by the interest of his electorate, yet too little master of himself to direct a nation whose idol is liberty.
Character of the KING of PORTUGAL, by the same.
THIS country, in the year 1740, made no figure in Europe. Don Juan was remarkable only for his extraordinary passion for the ceremonies of the Church. By the Pope's brief, he obtained the right of having a Patriarch, and by a second brief, that of saying mass. Ecclesiastical functions formed his whole delight; his buildings were convents, his soldiers monks, and his mistresses nuns.
The character of CZAR PETER, and of the RUSSIANS, is described as forcible in fewer words.
"THE Czar operated on the Russians like aqua fortis on iron."
The political rank of HOLLAND is also painted by a single stroke.
AFTER England comes Holland, which takes its direction from the former, like a small shallot from a ship of war to which it is attached."
His Prussian Majesty thus characterises the POLES.
"POLAND is in a state of perpetual anarchy. The great families have all of them separate interests, and all preferring themselves to their country, they agree only in severity towards their vassals, whom they treat more like beasts than human creatures. The Poles are vain, insolent in good fortune, servile in adversity; they stick at nothing to amass money, which having obtained unjustly, they spend it prodigally; as fickle in their judgments as frivolous in their tastes, their measures are adopted capriciously, and abandoned without reason. The unsteadiness of their characters is continually plunging them into difficulties. They have laws; but no one observes them, for want of coercive authority."
The KING's character of HIMSELF, in a letter to Voltaire, 1737.
MY dear Cesarion has given too advantageous an account of me. How fortunate it is to have such a friend! But allow me to undeceive you, and to trace my own character in a few words. I have but little merit and little knowledge, but I have an extraordinary love for both, and an inexhaustible fund of esteem for persons of distinguished virtue. Together with these qualities, I feel myself capable of all that constancy which true friendship requires; with judgment sufficient to do justice to your great talents, but not enough to hinder me from writing bad verses."
AMERICA.
MARYLAND.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Old-Town, to his friend here, dated May 6.
[FREDERICK-TOWN, MARCH 20.] "It pleases me much to find the Patowmack navigation in so flourishing a state. I arrived here, on my way to the western country. This place puts me very much in mind of a sea-port, so many sailors, or rather boatmen, in their short jackets and caps, walking the streets, and the masters running up and down, disposing of their cargoes of rum, wine, &c. and purchasing wheat and bacon to take down again. Since the navigation of the Patowmack is so far advanced, we have great reason to hope the work will be fully completed, and then the country about the head of Patowmack will flourish amazingly."
Extract of a letter from Berlin, a town on the Patowmack River, on the Maryland trail, dated May 21.
MAY 27. "A few days ago passed by this town, five boats, from Opequan, the South-Branch, and Old-Town, together with a large raft of pine plank, which floated from above 100 miles back, with several horses on it. One of the boats belonging to Mr. Joseph Sprigg, of Old-Town, came from that place with 24 hogheads of tobacco to Watt's Branch, near the Great-Falls, in one day and an half, reckoned to be 180 miles."
[BALTIMORE, JUNE 2.] Last Saturday morning, (at a Villa in the vicinity of this town) Mr. John Dublain, a gentleman from Cape Francois, being in a state of insanity, put a pistol to his existence, by shooting himself through the head with a musket.
[PHILADELPHIA, JUNE 10.] The wonderful exertions of this country in economy and industry afford the most heartfelt satisfaction to the patriots in every situation: Men in public stations in almost every State are clothing themselves in the manufactures of the country—the old branches are daily improving—new ones introduced—and domestic manufactures extending beyond any thing ever known heretofore. This silent progress of industry in this latter way has been evidenced by the wonderful sales of spinning wheel irons in this city, which in the year last past, in two stores only, have amounted to 5860 sets. It is with high pleasure we add, that a great number of wheels have been shipped in the coasters to the shores of the Chesapeake.
It is supposed that the great reduction in the prime cost of cotton goods in Europe is owing to the infant establishments in that line in this country, which the European manufacturers naturally will by all means to discourage. If they will maintain a fair rivalry of this kind we cannot blame them, but let it spur us to due exertions.
Last week John Lucas, Esq. of Boston, subscribed five shares to the manufactory in this city, and the legislature of the State have subscribed one hundred shares. The principal objects of attention have been cottons dyed and printed, fustians, jeans, denims, cottonades, waistcoat patterns and federal ribs, all of which have a cotton filling and flaxen warp.
The manufactory of Taylors threads has been attempted here, and executed with great perfection by three very valuable citizens of the society of "Friends." Their operations are principally by machines.
We hear that five additional paper-mills are now erecting in this State, and that the company of paper hanging printers from France have commenced their establishment near this city.
INFORMATION FOR WEAVERS.
An improvement on the weavers shuttle has lately been made in Scotland. Four friction wheels, somewhat thicker than a dollar, are inserted in it so far, as just to enable the shuttle to run upon the projecting parts with great ease and velocity. The axis of the wheels is made of wood, and the wheels of cast steel. Two of the wheels are inserted at one end and two at the other end of the shuttle, which makes it run very steady. Cotton cloths of ten quarters, and of great fineness, have been woven with this shuttle, which works with great ease with a fly.
Many things (says a correspondent) formerly supposed to be absolutely necessary to maintain authority, and to command respect, are now found to be unnecessary, or wholly nugatory. Swearing was once deemed necessary to govern a ship's crew, and laced common people. There is now an end of both these absurd opinions. Sailors are best governed where there is least swearing, and the common people honor liberal manners in a gentleman, much more than ever they did gold or silver lace. The same observation will, we hope, soon be applied to TITLES. The United States have rejected them, wisely preferring rather to raise the people to the standard of truth and propriety, than to stoop to the absurd notions of any part of them. It is an insult to the new government, as well as to the citizens of the United States, to suppose that titles are necessary to the splendor of the one, or to the obedience of the other. It would be more rational to present our Chief Magistrates with a piece of gingerbread, or a rattle, when
we address them, than with a high sounding title. Away then with Highness, Excellency, Esquire, and Honorable, in its positive, comparative, and superlative degrees, and let our rulers hereafter, when they see them, suppose that they are only intended to assist them.
Extract of a letter from a person of experience and judgment in the planting and settling a new country, dated the 25th of April, at Cooper's Town, on Lake Oriskago.
"I think it would be advisable to take effectual steps towards erecting pot-ash works in your neighbourhood, (on the lands in Pennsylvania, near the state line and New-York government) not only for your own advantage, but that of the settlers. The people here ask for clearing our heaviest timber'd lands, four pounds per acre, and find themselves—or to have the ashes for their pay. But those who live convenient to pot-ash works choose to pay the above price, rather than give up the ashes. So that it is reduced to a certainty, that the ashes will pay for clearing any land in this country."
In order to shew the extreme danger of trusting all the legislative power of a State to a single representation, we beg leave to transcribe a few sentences from a letter, written by the Honorable JOHN ADAMS, Esq. Vice-President of the United States, to one of his friends in North-Carolina, who requested him to favor him with a plan of government for that State, in the year 1776. This illustrious citizen, who is second to no man in America in an inflexible attachment to the liberties of this country, and to republican forms of government, writes as follows:
"I think a people cannot be long free, nor ever happy, whose government is in one Assembly. My reasons for this opinion are as follows.
1. "A single Assembly is liable to all the vices, follies and frailties of an individual, subject to fits of humour: Starts of passion, flights of enthusiasm: partialities of prejudice, and consequently productive of hasty results and absurd judgments. All these errors ought to be corrected, and defects supplied by some controlling power."
2. "A single Assembly is apt to be avaricious, and in time will scruple to exempt itself from burdens, which it will lay, without compunction, upon its constituents."
3. "A single Assembly is apt to grow ambitious, and after a time will not hesitate to vote itself perpetual. This was one fault of the long parliament, but more remarkably of Holland, whose Assembly first voted themselves from annual to septennial, then for life, and after a course of years, that all vacancies happening by death, or otherwise, should be filled by themselves, without any application to constituents at all."
4. "Because a single Assembly possessed of all the powers of government would make arbitrary laws for their own interest, and adjudge all controversies in their own favor."
If any thing could be necessary upon this subject, after such an authority, we might here add, that Montesquieu, Harrington, Milton, Addison, Price, Bolingbroke, and others, the wisest statesmen, and the greatest friends to liberty in the world, have left testimonies upon record of the extreme folly and danger of a people being governed by a single legislature.
* A Committee of the Convention, which formed the Constitution of Pennsylvania, published in the Pennsylvania Packet of October 15, 1776, as an apology for one of their Ordinances that was thought to be arbitrary and unjust, that it was passed "when the minds of the Convention were agitated, and their passions inflamed."
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 10, 1789.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to regulate the collection of the impost.
Mr. TRUMBULL in the chair.
On motion of Mr. MADISON, a clause was inserted, which provides, "that there shall be a surveyor at each of the ports of "delivery only," excepting certain ports to be enumerated.
The motion of Mr. AMES, which was withdrawn yesterday, was again brought forward by that Gentleman—and adopted as a clause, to be inserted in the bill—It provides, That every master or other person, having charge or command of a ship or vessel bound to any port of the United States, shall be obliged to produce, on demand, to any officer, or person authorised for the purpose, two manifests, specifying in words, the true contents of the cargo on board such ship or vessel; one of which manifests the officer is to endorse, and return to the Captain, noting the time when the same was produced to him. The other he is to transmit to the naval officer of the port where the said vessel is bound to.
Several other propositions were produced, and debated; but not accepted.
The committee then rose, and the House adjourned.
THURSDAY, JUNE 11.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to regulate the collection of the impost.
Mr. TRUMBULL in the chair.
Mr. PARKER moved to insert the following clause in the bill, viz. "Provided that no ship or vessel, not belonging wholly to a citizen or citizens of the United States, shall be permitted to enter or unload at any other, than the following ports, viz.
This clause, the Gentleman observed, was necessary to hold up a preference to our own navigation—to secure to the citizens of the States exclusively, the coasting trade; it would conduce more effectually to securing the revenue, and was a provision sanctioned by the practice of other commercial countries.
Several other observations were made, when Mr. FITZSIMONS proposed, that the clause should be amended by adding—"nor shall any ship or vessel from India, China, or beyond the Cape of Good Hope, and bound to the United States, enter, or unload, but at the following ports, viz.
This clause, with the amendment, occasioned considerable discussion. In opposition to the first, it was observed, that the restriction could not with propriety be confined to foreign vessels, on account of smuggling, as our own citizens, possessing superior advantages for that business, would more probably evade the laws than strangers: That it would operate altogether in favour of those States who employed no foreign shipping; and as sufficient had been done to encourage our own navigation, it was to be expected that the motion would be withdrawn.—With respect to the clause restricting vessels from India, it was said, that it would tend to the creating monopolies—to give an undue advantage to particular ports, to their aggrandizement and that of individuals residing in or near such ports, while it would deprive those who resided at a distance from them, and whose capitals were limited, from adventuring in those voyages, as was now the case.
In support of the clause, it was observed, That foreigners could with propriety be restricted from entering those ports, which they had not been accustomed to frequent—and for this reason no injury would be done to the persons residing at such places—but to circumscribe our own navigation within narrower limits than it had been used to, would be productive of extensive ill consequence—it will cut off a great proportion of the trade of the United States, and in a manner depopulate the sea coast: That experience of other countries was in favour of restricting foreigners to narrower limits than our own citizens; they could not be supposed to be actuated by any motives of attachment to the government or country, to induce a compliance with the revenue laws.
With respect to the restriction on India ships, it was said, That goods from that country were more easily smuggled than any other: That this restriction was of the last importance to the revenue, as one boat load of India goods, would pay a greater impost than a whole cargo from the West-Indies: That it would be impolitic to suffer this trade to be carried on from ports favorably

situated for smuggling; and that it had been found necessary to restrict British India ships to the port of London, to prevent frauds upon the revenue. Many other observations were made—when the question on the amendment proposed by Mr. FITZSIMONS being taken, it passed in the affirmative. The vote being then taken on the whole, it passed also in the affirmative. The ports to be established by this clause are not yet named. Further progress was made in the bill, and several amendments agreed to. The committee then rose, and the House adjourned.
FRIDAY, JUNE 12.
The House formed into a committee of the whole, on the bill to regulate the collection of the impost on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the United States.
Mr. TRUMBULL in the chair.
Considerable progress was made in the bill this day, by passing many of the clauses, chief of them with amendments. The committee was proceeding in their discussion, when a message from the Senate was announced—The Secretary then appeared on the floor of the House, and informed, that he had it in command from the Senate, to inform the honorable House, that they had concurred with amendments, in the bill for laying an impost on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States—and hoped for the concurrence of the honorable House in those amendments. He then delivered in the bill, with a draft of the amendments, and withdrew. These amendments were read to the House—and then the Chairman of the Committee having resumed his place, further progress was made in discussing the bill.
At three o'clock the committee rose, and the House adjourned till to-morrow.
The following are the Amendments to the New Constitution, proposed by the Hon. Mr. Madison—as mentioned in our last—viz.
Resolved, That the following amendments ought to be proposed by Congress, to the legislatures of the States, to become, if ratified by three fourths thereof, part of the Constitution of the United States.
First. That there be prefixed to the Constitution a declaration—That all power is originally vested in, and consequently derived from the people.
That government is instituted, and ought to be exercised for the benefit of the people; which consists in the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the right of acquiring and using property, and generally of pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.
That the people have an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform or change their government, whenever it be found adverse or inadequate to the purposes of its institution.
Secondly. That in article 1st, section 2, clause 3, these words be struck out, to wit, "The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one representative, and until such enumeration shall be made." And that in place thereof be inserted these words, to wit, "After the first actual enumeration, there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall amount to after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that the number shall never be less than one nor more than but each State shall after the first enumeration, have at least two representatives; and prior thereto"
Thirdly. That in article 1st, section 6, clause 1, there be added to the end of the first sentence, these words, to wit: "But no law varying the compensation last ascertained shall operate before the next ensuing election of representatives."
Fourthly. That in article 1st, section 9, between clauses 3 and 4, be inserted these clauses, to wit: The civil rights of none shall be abridged on account of religious belief or worship, nor shall any national religion be established, nor shall the full and equal rights of conscience be in any manner, or on any pretext infringed.
The people shall not be deprived or abridged of the right to speak, to write, or to publish their sentiments; and the freedom of the press, as one of the great bulwarks of liberty, shall be inviolable.
The people shall not be restrained from peaceably assembling and consulting for their common good; nor from applying to the legislature by petitions, or remonstrances for redress of their grievances.
The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed; a well armed, and well regulated militia being the best security of a free country: but no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, shall be obliged to render military service in person.
No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house, without consent of the owner; nor at any time, but in a manner warranted by law.
No person shall be subject, except in cases of impeachment, to more than one punishment, or one trial for the same offence; nor shall be compelled to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; nor be obliged to relinquish his property, where it may be necessary for public use, without a just compensation.
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
The rights of the people to be secured in their persons, their houses, their papers, and their other property from all unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated by warrants issued without probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation or not particularly describing the places to be searched, or the persons or things to be seized.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the cause and nature of the accusation, to be confronted with his accusers, and the witnesses against him; to have a compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.
The exceptions here or elsewhere in the Constitution, made in favor of particular rights, shall not be so construed as to diminish the just importance of other rights retained by the people; or as to enlarge the powers delegated by the Constitution; but either as actual limitations of such powers, or as inserted merely for greater caution.
Fifthly. That in article 1st, section 10, between clauses 1 and 2, be inserted this clause, to wit:
No State shall violate the equal rights of conscience, or the freedom of the press, or the trial by jury in criminal cases.
Sixthly. That in article 3d, section 2, be annexed to the end of clause 2d, these words, to wit: but no appeal to such court will be allowed where the value in controversy shall not amount to dollars: nor shall any fact triable by jury, according to the course of common law, be otherwise re-examinable than may consist with the principles of common law.
Seventhly. That in article 3d, section 2, the third clause be struck out, and in its place be inserted the clauses following. The trial of all crimes (except in cases of impeachment, and cases arising in the land or naval forces, or the militia when on actual service in time of war or public danger,) shall be by an impartial jury of freeholders of the vicinage, with the requisite of unanimity for conviction, of the right of challenge, and other accustomed requisites; and in all crimes punishable with loss of life or member, presentment or indictment by a grand jury, shall be an essential preliminary, provided that in cases of crimes committed within any county which may be in possession of an enemy, or in which a general insurrection may prevail, the trial may by law be authorized in some other county of the same State, as near as may be to the seat of the offence.
In cases of crimes committed not within any county, the trial may be in such county as the laws shall have prescribed. In suits at common law between man and man, the trial by jury as one
of the best securities to the rights of the people, ought to remain inviolate.
Eighthly. That immediately after article 6th, be inserted, as article 7th, the clauses following to wit:
The powers delegated by this Constitution, and appropriated to the departments to which they are respectively distributed: So that the legislative department shall never exercise the powers vested in the executive or judicial; nor the executive exercise the powers vested in the legislative or judicial; nor the judicial exercise the powers vested in the legislative or executive departments.
The powers not delegated by this Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively.
Ninthly That article 7th, be numbered as article 8th.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 13, 1789.
Extract of a letter from Virginia, dated June 1, 1789.
"I never supposed Congress would hurry over the objects committed to their deliberations. They are too important to be acted upon without being discussed; and they are too numerous and intricate to be discussed in a moment. But when I make these remarks, I do not mean to insinuate that it is not possible Congress may not in some instances attend too minutely to the detail of business. I know that the habit of discussion, like all other habits, has an imperceptible effect, and that men fall into the snare before they think of it. Those who discuss a great deal upon important subjects forget to drop a temper of discussion when they are upon points less interesting. You ask me if the patience of people this way is not exhausted, that so much time has elapsed, and so little business accomplished?—I am happy to assure you, that people do not yet complain, as they are disposed to make allowances for the difficulties that attend the first organization of the government. But how long this patience will continue is uncertain. Impatience is a weakness to which the mind of man is extremely liable; and it may, no doubt, be discovered in this as in many other instances where it ought not to be."
"Were mankind but as innocent, as blind, they would in their fondness for fashionable follies, luxuries, and extravagancies, compleatly resemble the lamb described by the poet:
The lamb thy riot dooms to bleed to day, Had he thy reason, would he skip and play? Pleas'd to the last, he crops the flowery food; And licks the hand that's rais'd to shed his blood.
The cure of evils that have taken deep root in a community requires time, patience, and resolution.—Complaints are unavailing—and perhaps in no country is it more difficult to select proper subjects, on which a general odium can be fixed with propriety, than in America: Every man would therefore do well to lay his hand on his heart, and say, "IS IT I"—for a general reformation, and universal happiness, must begin with INDIVIDUALS.
While we are obliged to delve and toil to make remittances to the merchants of Britain for manufactures, many of which we pay for, at 50 per cent. more than we could furnish them from among ourselves, we are but a little removed from a state of tributary slavery.
The young Gentlemen under the care of Mr. HARDIE, will be examined on the Greek and Latin languages, on TUESDAY next, in his school-room, near the Baptist Church, in Gold-Street. The examination will begin at 10 o'clock, forenoon, and at 4, afternoon, when their parents and guardians, and the friends of literature are earnestly requested to attend.
THEATRICALS.—John-Street.
Last night the School for Soldiers , an elegant, tender, sentimental, and well conducted Dramatic Entertainment, written by a citizen of the United States, was performed, amidst repeated bursts of applause, to a crowded house. The principal characters were extremely well supported by Messrs Henry, Hallam, and Harper—while Mrs. Henry and Mrs. Harper, added greatly to the interest of the action, and often dissolved the audience in tears. A more profound attention was never known to be given to any piece through the whole performance. A circumstance, which indicated the real interest which the gallery took in the fate of the Defeater, ought not to be omitted: as soon as the soldiers on the stage demonstrated their joy, by huzzaing, for the pardon which was announced to have been obtained from the late Commander in Chief for the Defeater, the audience in the gallery spontaneously gave the same proof of sensibility and satisfaction.
In the Farce of Who's the Dupe , Mr. Morris distinguished himself—and the whole performance was unusually correct and spirited.
LITERARY ARTICLE.
This Day is published, (Price 9/6)
And to be sold by BERRY & ROGERS, Hanover-Square, by ROBERT HODGE, Corner of King and Queen-Street, and by the EDITOR hereof;
T W E N T Y - S I X L E T T E R S, UPON INTERESTING SUBJECTS, RESPECTING THE REVOLUTION OF AMERICA.
Written in Holland in the Year M,DCC,LXXX.
BY HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN ADAMS, WHILE HE WAS SOLE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE, AND A TREATY OF COMMERCE, WITH GREAT-BRITAIN.
Never before published.
ADVERTISEMENT.
Prefix'd to the Letters.
DR. CALKOEN, an eminent Citizen at Amsterdam, to whom these letters were written, composed, by the means of them, a comparison between the revolt of the Low Countries from Spain, and the revolution of the United States of America; in which he concluded, upon the whole, that "as it was a kind of miracle that the former succeeded, it would be a greater miracle still if the latter should not."—This composition was read by him to a society of gentlemen of letters, about forty in number, who met sometimes at Amsterdam; and by its means just sentiments of American affairs began to spread in that country, and to prevail over the continual misrepresentations of certain gazettes and emissaries—The publications of General Howe and BURGOYNE, in vindication of themselves, were procured to be translated into French, and propagated, together with many other pamphlets, which assisted in the same design, and contributed to excite the citizens to those applications, by petition to the regencies of the several cities, which finally procured the acknowledgement of American Independence, the Treaty of Commerce, and a Loan of Money.
JOHN ADAMS.
The first of these Letters contains a concise account of American Affairs before, during, and after the commencement of the late war. Dr. CALKOEN's propositions and enquiries are as follows.
 1. "To prove, by striking facts, that an implacable hatred and aversion reigns throughout America."  2. "To shew that this is general, at least so general, that the Tories are in so small a number, and of such little force, that they are counted as nothing." 
3. "To shew that America, notwithstanding the war, daily increases in strength and force."
4. "Whether America, in and of itself, by means of purchasing or exchanging the productions of the several provinces, would be able to continue the war for six, eight, or ten years, even if they were entirely deprived of the trade with Europe; or their allies, exhausted by the war, and forced to make a separate peace, were to leave them?"
5. "Whether a voluntary revolt of any one or more of the States in the American confederation is to be apprehended: And if one or more were to revolt, whether the others would not be able to defend themselves?"
6. "That no person, in America; is of so much influence, power, or credit; that his death, or corruption by English money, could be of any nameable consequence."
7. "Whether the common people in America are not inclined, nor would be able, to find sufficient means to frustrate, by force, the good intentions of the skilful politicians?"
8. "What England properly ought to do, to force America to submission, and preserve her in it? How much time, money, and how many vessels, would be wanted for that purpose?"
9. "How strong the English land force is in America? How strong it was at the beginning? And whether it increases or diminishes?"
10. "How great is the force of America? The number of men? Their discipline, &c. from the commencement of the troubles? Is there a good supply of warlike stores? Are these to be found, partly or entirely in America? Or must they be imported?"
11. "How great is the present debt of America? What has the occasion for yearly to act defensively? Are those wants supplied by the inhabitants themselves, or by other nations? If in the latter case, what does America lose of her strength by it? Are they not, in one manner or other, recompensed again by some equivalent advantage? If so, in what manner? What would be required to act offensively, and by that means shorten the war?"
12. "What countenance have the finances? How much does the expense exceed the yearly income? Does the annual revenue, derived from the taxes, increase or diminish, in the whole, or in any particulars? And what are the reasons to be given for it?"
13. "Of what resources might America hereafter still make use of?"
14. "What is the quantity of paper money in circulation? What credit the inhabitants have for it, in their business? What designs the inhabitants have by maintaining its credit? What by preventing its increase? And in what manner do they realize it?"
15. "Does not the English army lay out its pay in America? At how much can the yearly benefit be calculated? Are not the prisoners provided for in America? Who has the care of their maintenance? How was Burgoyne's army supplied?"
16. "Who loses most by detersion? Do the English and German defectors serve voluntarily and well in the American army? How can those who do not enter into the army subsist?"
17. "Whether we have any information that we can rely on, concerning the population? Has it increased or diminished, since the war?"
18. "Does sufficient tranquility, contentment, and prosperity, reign in those places where the war does not rage? Can one sufficiently subsist there without feeling the oppression of the taxes? Does plenty abound there? Is there more than is necessary for consumption? Are the people well affected and encouraged to pursue the war, and endure its calamities? Or is there poverty and dejection?"
19. "Is not peace very much longed for in America? Might not this desire of peace induce the people to hearken to proposals appearing very fair, but which really are not so; which the people might be too quick in listening to, and the government forced to accept?"
20. "Have there not been different opinions in Congress, with regard to this (i.e. to proposals appearing fair, which were not so) from whence animosities have arisen?"
21. "Are there no malcontents in America, against the government, who are otherwise much inclined for the American cause, who may force the nation, or congress, against their resolutions and interests, to conclude a peace?"
22—23 "General Monk repaired the King's government in England: Might not one American General or another be able, by discontent or corruption, to do the same? Would the army follow his orders on such an occasion? Could one or more politicians, through intrigues, undertake the same with any hopes of success, should even the army assist him in such a case?"
24. "The revolution must have made a great change in affairs, so that many people, though at present free of the enemy's incursions, have lost their daily subsistence. Have the accusations, which come instead of their old ones, been sufficient to supply their wants?"
25. "Do they who have lost their possessions and fortunes by the war, endure it patiently, as compatriots, so that nothing can be feared from them?"
26. "How has it gone with the cultivation of the land, before the troubles, at the commencement, and at present? What change has taken place?"
27. "How was the situation of manufactures, manual arts and trade in general, at the beginning of this war? What change have they suffered?"
28. "Has America gained, or lost, by the mutual capture of ships? How much is the benefit, or prejudice, of it, by calculation?"
29. "What are the real damages sustained, or still to be suffered, by the loss of Charleston? And what influence it has had upon the minds of the people?"
To PACIFICUS.
IF I have appeared at any time to favour any particular sect, or religious tenets, it is, probably, for the same reason that you appear an advocate for some other; because each thinks himself right—which may be true, if it be admitted that "as a man thinks, so is he." But as in a publication, in the "Gazette of the United States," No. V. "on religious toleration," I have admitted the possibility of doubt, in all cases not mathematically demonstrable, it cannot be rationally supposed, that I should so soon after conclude, that every man was in an error who should differ from me in opinions notoriously problematical;—I will, therefore, presume, that the inferences which you have drawn from the publication to which you refer, do by no means necessarily follow:—But no consideration should induce me to engage in religious disputes; because they have been rarely found, as appears from history, and the experience of ages, to tend to the conviction of either party; but on the contrary, have only served, in general, to irritate, to inflame, and to rivet prejudices, which never fail to warp the judgement, mislead the unwary, and frequently to produce those evils, which maugre your suspicions—no man can hold in greater abhorrence than I do.—Persecution of every species, disqualification, or even discrimination for difference of opinion in religious matters, appear to me in every view totally repugnant to the great purposes of religion, as well as to justice, reason, and good policy; and would probably soon evince to America, that she had spent her blood and treasure to no good purpose:—But while you appear to be jealous, and tenacious of your particular tenets, permit me to urge a due and decent regard to those which I may possibly think of equal importance, and deserving equal reverence and respect from those who profess the same opinion; but, at the same time, I hope never to see those, or any other religious opinions, supported, defended, or inculcated, but with a spirit of meekness, and by a conduct perfectly consistent with the genuine principles of toleration; with the most liberal candor, unbounded charity, universal philanthropy, and every moral virtue.
E. C.
In the sketch of Mr. MADISON's Speech in our last, in 26th line from top of middle column 3d page, for "out of the power of the Legislature to infringe" read out of the power of the State Legislatures to infringe, &c.

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
AT the critical moment, when the Gauls had approached the capital with such silence as not to awaken the centinels, or even the dogs, M. Manlius, who had been consul three years before, was awakened by the cry of the geese, which, by the sanctity of their consecration to Juno, had escaped with their lives in an extreme scarcity of provisions.
In the year of Rome 370, fifty-five years after the execution of Melius, and five years after the defence of the capital from the attack of Brennus, Manlius is suspected of ambition. Those who had hitherto excited, or been excited by, the people to faction, had been plebeians. Manlius was a patrician of one of the most illustrious families.
Manlius is charged with envy, and with vain speeches. "Camillus could not have recovered Rome from the Gauls if I had not saved the capital and citadel." This was literally true; but aristocratical historians must brand the character of Manlius, in order to depress the people, and extol and adore that of Camillus, in order to elevate the senate and the nobles.
The truth is, an aristocratical despotism then ruled in Rome, and oppressed the people to a cruel degree; and one is tempted to say, that Manlius was a better man than Camillus or Cincinnatus, though not so secret, designing, and profound a politician, let the torrent of aristocratical history and philosophy roll as it will.
trial historians.—The Roman laws allowed exorbitant interest for the loan of money: An insolvent debtor, by the decree of the judge, was put into the hands of his creditor as a slave, and might be scourged, pinched, or put to death, at discretion.
(To be continued.)
ANECDOSE.
A Madhouse in Germany being completed upon a new plan, the architect requested the Emperor to honor him so far as to look at the internal parts of the structure before the lunatics were admitted.
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES; particularly shewing what supplies of public revenue may be drawn from Merchandise, without injuring our trade or burdening our people.
Continued from our last.
I. This mode of taxation may safely be raised to such a degree, as to produce all the money we need for the public service, or sufficiently near it; perhaps a small tax in the ordinary way would be more beneficial to the States, than none, because this tax keeps the customary avenues from the wealth of individuals, to the public treasury always open.
II. This mode of taxation, applies for money where 'tis to be had in greatest plenty, and can be paid with most ease and least pain. If we apply to the farmer, tradesman or labourer for cash, they have mighty little of it, and 'tis hard for them to raise the necessary sum.
III. This mode lays the burden of tax on that kind of consumption, which is excessive and hurtful, and lessens that consumption, and of course mends the economy, and increases the industry and health of the people. For 'tis plain, that no more money will be paid for the goods taxed, than would have been paid for the same kind of goods, had they not been taxed.
(To be continued.)
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. VIII.
"A disposition to complain, creates cause of complaint."
FROM the earliest periods of history, mankind have been as tenacious of the right to criminate or find fault, as if their happiness was inseparably connected with it.
The world has kept its usual course from age to age, "seed time and harvest, day and night, summer and winter, have not ceased."
The fate of mankind we may very fairly conclude, has not received a mitigation of its condition from the spirit of complaint.
Nor is the political world any more indebted to this ungrateful propensity. The circumstances of a free country are often brought to a very critical situation, through the injudicious exercise of this right to criminate.
It is not wise, to expect a great deal of gratification from any thing in prospect.
As no man is so perfectly master of his own measures, as to be able to provide for every contingency, so disappointments with respect to the success of those under the direction of our civil rulers, should be submitted to without complaint.
It may be asserted with confidence, that an intemperate indulgence to a spirit of complaint, with respect to our civil rulers, will produce those very evils which we fear, by discouraging the wise, the virtuous, and independent from taking any part in public life.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Osgood-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3 dol. pr. an.]