National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-08-08 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, August 8, 1792.
NUMB. 81.
OBSERVATIONS
On the policy of keeping shut the doors of the Senate of the United States.
[From the UNIVERSAL ASYLUM.]
THE Senate having hitherto persevered in keeping their doors shut, the public must not expect much information respecting the deliberations of that branch of the federal legislature. Like the mysteries of free masonry, the reasons of their conduct, it seems, are never to be divulged. Even the arguments against opening their doors, (if any such arguments have been used) have not been made public; altho' this would seem proper, for the satisfaction of that numerous class of citizens, who have publicly expressed their disapprobation of the secret manner in which legislative questions are decided upon in that house. May not a greater part of those murmurings, and of that want of confidence in the government, which have, for some time past, been gaining ground amongst us, be justly ascribed to this mysterious conduct of the Senate — We apprehend they may — And, if so, the evil will probably increase, while its cause is suffered to exist. It is indeed, impossible that a free government should long be maintained, in any country, the citizens of which are kept in the dark, with respect to public measures. If rulers will exact obedience from the people, they must not treat them like slaves; they must convince them of the reasonableness and propriety of the laws, or they will not continue to respect and obey them. If they should, they would be unworthy of freedom. If, like the idolaters, who erected an altar "To the unknown God," a people are content ignorantly to obey, they are slaves, in the worst sense of the word — slaves, of their own choice. We feel too deep an interest in the freedom and welfare of our country to suppress these sentiments. We, however, advance them with the more confidence, because we are convinced that they are not our sentiments alone, but those of a large majority of our fellow citizens, throughout the United States. If, as it has been contended by many, the state governments are likely to have their powers encroached upon, by that of the union, it would be an injustice to the state-legislatures, to suppose, that they will be so negligent of their own or the people's rights, as to reflect any of their federal senators, who have voted against opening the doors of that body. The house of representatives might, with equal propriety, shut their doors also; but this they will scarcely attempt, while they are immediately responsible to the people, by being rendered dependent upon them for their seats, at the end of every two years.
ON GOVERNMENT.
IT is very singular that any discussion or difficulty could ever have arisen among moral or political reasoners, concerning the natural equality of man, or that the promulgation of a proposition so evident, should ever have been necessary of the one part, or should ever have given offence of the other; since the slightest view of this subject should have determined that the very idea of government includes the idea of the equality of man, as of a first principle.
"It is admitted that no government or no society, even among bands of robbers, could subsist for a moment, if Justice were entirely banished; and, that with justice, though every other virtue were proscribed, as is generally the case among lawless confederacies, society may yet be sustained: the great principle then of the social union or government, is Justice ; without it none can subsist, with it, all may. But if we look into the nature of this principle, so essential to society, we shall
find it to be necessarily connected with the equality of man; inasmuch, that equality is the cause, without which, justice, the effect, could not possibly have place. Why is Caius just to Titus? or why does society compel him to be so, if he is not? it is because there is a natural equality between Caius and Titus: but you say, the interests of the community require that it should be so, and not the natural equality of the persons; to this I answer, that the interests of the community are only an intermediate cause, which itself depends upon the equality of the persons; there can be no interests where there is no reciprocity, and there can be no reciprocity where there is not equality; else, why is the idea of Justice common only among the human species? Why is it not extended by men to the birds of the air and the beasts of the field? It is because the boundaries are here clearly distinguished, and the natural inequality of these parts of the animal creation to man, would render the idea of justice, as between man and such parts of the creation, too absurd to be entertained; and as it is the natural inequality of such distinct species, which prevents them from ever coalescing and uniting in a commonwealth with man; so it is the natural equality of man, which giving birth to Justice enables the human species to unite, to form commonwealths, and to reciprocate happiness.
"All men then are equal: this every government must suppose, or none could stand, for none could stand without justice, which has for its basis equality. But men cannot be equal in some respects, and not equal in others; therefore, they are equal in all respects. Therefore, whatever government establishes differences among men, or grants privileges to some which it withholds from others, departs from its true principle. This, indeed, is the case with most existing governments; the spark of life which has kindled them into existence, is quite extinguished, or, faintly glimmering in the obscure recesses, is discovered only by the keen eye of philosophic research. [ Morn. Chron. ]
CHARLESTON, July 17.
Saturday last, being the anniversary of the French revolution, The members of the French Patriotic society, with several other French gentlemen, descendants from French families, and other friends of liberty and the French constitution, agreed to celebrate that auspicious day, by dining together in public; in order to unite, by that means, themselves, their sentiments and affections, with their brothers in France.—At noon they went to the church of the French protestants, to assist at the Te Deum, which was sung there. After the Te Deum, Mr. Coste preached a very eloquent sermon. When the ceremony was over, they returned to the exchange, where Mr. Luby delivered a discourse well adapted to the occasion.
At 3 o'clock they sat down to an elegant dinner. Good humour and cheerfulness prevailed until the moment of separation.
A number of convivial and patriotic songs were sung; and during the entertainment the following toasts were given.
 1. The memorable 14th of July 1789.  2. The national assembly of France.  3. The federal army.  4. The agriculture and commerce of France.  5. The United States.  6. The American Congress.  7. The President.  8. The heroes, la Fayette, Washington, Rochambeau, and Luckner, defenders of liberty.  9. The memory of the worthies who have fallen in support of the rights of mankind.  10. May the alliance between France and America be eternal. 
 11. The English nation.  12. The Polish nation.  13. To the memory of Montesquieu, Voltaire, Rousseau, Franklin, and Mirabeau. 
14. Paine, M c Intosh, the author of the lesson to a young prince, and all other advocates of the rights of man.
15. The state of South-Carolina.
16. May the bountiful genius, which enlightened the French people, enlighten in like manner all the people of the earth, (who groan under the yoke of kings) and give them a sufficient degree of energy to produce their regeneration.
17. May liberty and peace forever reign unbounded on the globe.
18. All the patriotic societies.
After sunset a transparent piece of painting by Mr. Odin, was exhibited, which contains the following allegories.
1st. Which is at the right hand of the picture, represents France as at the foot of the national altar, led by wisdom, who promises to support her liberty and empire.
2d. Mars on the right hand of France, with his insignia, offering his protection.
3d. Liberty above the national altar, extending her arms over the two hemispheres, holding in her right hand a cap of liberty, and in her left the French national colours.
4. Between Liberty and the altar, the five nations who have preserved or acquired their liberty, viz. America, England, Switzerland, Holland and Poland, represented by their tutelary genii, each holding the colours of his relative nation: they appear to congratulate France on her success, and swear, in the name of their respective nations, to live free or die.
5. At the right hand of the altar, the genius of equity, consuming with fire the books of the ancient arbitrary law, the titles of nobility, and other abuses which existed in France.
6. At the top of the picture, the genii of France and America, holding in their hands the treaty of alliance betwixt the two nations.
7th. On the left of the picture truth, which from the one hand throws on the ground the fanatic monster, holding in his hands the book of the dark science, which so many centuries have not rendered more clear, and which, instead of enlightening men and rendering them better, did nothing but distract their minds more and more, and cause them to commit the most dreadful crimes. The snakes which surround fanaticism, are the emblem of the ensnaring and venomous discourses which the fanatics used in order to seduce the people and to incline them to civil war, to support their interests and their ambition, under the pretence of supporting the cause of God and religion. The bloody poignard which it holds in the other hand, calls to our minds the assassinations, parricides, and murders committed during the crusades, the league, the revocation of the edict of Nantz, and St. Bartholomew's day; and to give us, by that means, an idea of all the infamous crimes which it has inclined men to commit. The light which is placed on the head of Truth, is designed to direct France and all other nations to avoid those fatal rocks.
8th. Above fanaticism appears the shade of Mirabeau, who resorts to the Elysian fields, where he is kindly received by Henry the fourth, Voltaire, Rousseau, Franklin, &c.
9th. On the same side of the picture, appear the shades of some aristocrats, who beg of Charon a place in his boat, in order to cross the river Styx, & resort to the Elysian fields; But Charon having learnt that they had been aristocrats, drives them out with some strokes of his oar, from his boat, and casts them into the river as unworthy to enter the Elysian fields.
The society believes itself obliged to render public the patriotism which Mr. Feraud, captain of a French vessel named
Le Bois de Cery, of Marseilles, & M c Guillan-tan, captain of the brig Les Trois Amis, of Nantz, have displayed on this occasion; they saluted the day with a discharge of cannon on board of their vessels, and hoisted the three different colours, American, English and French; at noon, when the members of the society with the subscribers, were repairing to the French church, they gave another discharge, they fired at the toasts, and terminated the day & the feast with repeated volleys.
The society was the more satisfied, at M c Charles Pinckney, governor, and the other chief officers of the state, having honored the company with their presence.
We are happy to add, that no untoward accident happened to damp this scene of gaiety; but that the day closed with that harmony and decent mirth and festivity, for which the French are so remarkable.
AUGUSTA, (Georgia) July 14.
Greenborough July 7. Wednesday last being the 4th of July, a number of gentlemen and ladies convened at the town spring to celebrate the anniversary of American independence. At three o'clock they sat down to an elegant dinner. Colonel Henry Karr, President, and Doctor Elihu Lyman, Vice President, when the following toasts were given under a discharge of a cannon viz.
The fifteen United States.
The President.
The Senate and House of Representatives in Congress.
May this anniversary be remembered with honour to the latest ages.
May Congress relinquish their oppressive grasp upon the territorial rights of this state.
The commander in chief of the western army.
The governor, State, and fair daughters of Georgia.
Louis 16th and national assembly of France.
The Marquis de la Fayette.
The author of the Rights of Man.
The memory of General Warren.
The memory of General Greene.
The memory of Doctor Franklin.
The memory of all those brave heroes who have fallen in defence of Liberty.
The county of Greene.
The day was spent with festivity and mirth.
The following is an extract of a letter from a person who served in the affair of Mons to his father at Havre de Grace. It was dated Valenciennes, and we insert it as throwing some additional light on that unfortunate days warfare.
"On the 28th of April we received orders to march towards Mons:—Nine thousand of our men were ordered to make an attack upon the town; we encamped about a quarter of a league from the enemy, and the next morning, at day light, the army was divided into three divisions; upon our march through the first German village, called Quievrain, we planted the tree of liberty, after having turned out the enemy;—we were well received by the inhabitants, and the Germans on our passing through, shouted "live the French liberty, live the nation," and warmly encouraged our attack upon Mons. At three o'clock we began the attack, and continued until night, when the firing on both sides ceased. Early the next morning, the attack was renewed, but an unaccountable terror had seized the dragoons of the Queen's regiment—they fired solely three pistols, and running off, cried "save themselves who are able;"—this caused so much disorder in the army, that they immediately retreated in the utmost confusion, but kept up a small running fire, exposing the battalions upon the left, who were detached near the woods; the bat-

caillon of Paris, in which I am, was also exposed to the fire of the enemy, and somewhat injured. We had four pieces of cannon, with which we resisted their whole force, tho' they surrounded us upon every quarter. The spirited behaviour of our soldiers upon this occasion, secured the retreat of the French army, who returned the same day for Valenciennes.
M. Rochambeau, who commanded our army, has been charged to have caused this defeat—many of the soldiers upon their retreat, cried "treason."—It seems a similar misfortune has happened to the small army commanded by M. Dillon, who was the same day making a false attack upon Tournay, to facilitate taking of Mons:—The soldiers enraged at being betrayed by their commander, cut him in pieces upon the spot, and burnt him to ashes. From that time we have made no further attempt. We are now assembling an army of greater force. The German troops daily enter our small villages bordering upon the line. Our army will consist of fifty thousand men, and will march in a few days—this second attempt will no doubt succeed. Marechal Luckner will have the command of this army, as M. Rochambeau has gone to Paris, in order to resign his commission, on account of private orders given to M. Dillon, upon the first attack, by the king and minister, without the knowledge of M. Rochambeau, who was commander in chief."
Extracts from English papers to June 10.
L O N D O N, June 9.
Party cabal is busily employed in endeavouring to turn Count D'Aranda out of the Ministry. The under-strappers of Count Florida Blanca have increased the number of those enemies, that ignorance and superstition formerly raised against D'Aranda; great pains are taken to inculcate the idea, that his chief reason for adopting a pacific system with respect to France, is because the new constitution abolishes the clergy and the monks; and that he intends to do the same thing in Spain. Absurd as these insinuations are, there is reason to fear, that when artfully enforced by intriguing courtiers, and by certain sanctified characters, they will produce their effect, and deprive Spain of the services of the only man who is capable of successfully promoting her prosperity.
The new regulations for the French army are, in many particulars, very severe. Whosoever, within reach of the enemy, speaks a word, or utters any exclamation contrary to order, is condemned to be put in irons for 6 years. Marauding is rigorously punished, and also the harsh treatment of prisoners. Death is the punishment of any soldier, who cries out "we are cut off," "we are betrayed," or any thing of similar tendency. No man in command is to be afterwards questioned for acts of severity, which may become necessary during an engagement. This article is thought hard: but it is thought indispensable in the heat of action.—Officers are subject to double the punishment incurred for any fault which they neglect to repress, or any act of disobedience to which they give way.
Extract of a letter from Madrid, May 7.
"Monsieur de Bourgoing has been received as Minister Plenipotentiary of the King of the French. He was well received at court, and has received and paid all the customary visits. The admission of that minister is equivalent to a formal recognition of the new constitution: wherefore the refugees and their adherents loudly complain of having been deceived in their expectations. This success is owing to the wisdom of the Spanish ministry, as well as to the prudent conduct of M. de Bourgoing, and to the delicacy for some time past observed by the French government, towards the court of Madrid. We cannot however conclude from the admission of a minister plenipotentiary, that Spain is disposed to perform all the conditions of the treaties by which she is united to France: but at least we may expect she will remain neutral, and that a perfect harmony will subsist between the two nations."
"Every mind here seems struck with astonishment to observe how deep an interest the court of Prussia appears to take in the affairs of France: nor can people conceive why Prussia thinks herself obliged to exert her whole force. It is suspected that the Prussian monarch is only the tool of another power that skulks behind the curtain, but is much more interested than he, in the ruin of France. So generally prevalent is this opinion, that even Spanish loyalty itself could not refrain from demonstrations of contempt for those Frenchmen who rejoice at the league formed against their native country. It is certain, that the refugees, who have called in assistance even of the enemies of France, have proved themselves infamous traitors, and that the irregular conduct of the factious citizens (to which they themselves had given rise) cannot possibly palliate their guilt."
Letter from Marshals Luckner and Rochambeau, read before the National Assembly of France, relative to the repelling of the French frontier town of Bayay.
On the 17th of May, at day break, the patroles of the post at Bayay returned, reporting, that they had not observed anything. Not long after a body of the enemy, of about three thousand men, made its appearance in three columns, coming out of the forest of Sarthe;—one column marching towards the road to Maubeuge, the other towards the road of Valenciennes, and the third keeping between the other two, opposite to the centre of that part of the town of Bayay that fronts the forest of Sarthe; their cannon were brought to play upon the town, which hoisted national colours.
The French detachment of 30 men, stationed at Bayay, shewed much courage, and killed and wounded some of the enemy: but, according to the declaration made by the municipality to Marshal Luckner, they deviated from the express orders of Marshal Rochambeau, who had directed them to occupy the centre of the town, to fall back before a superior force, and consider themselves simply as a patrole. The detachment on the contrary, attempted a vigorous opposition, instead of withdrawing by the gate of Louvigny, on the side of Quesnoy, and were made prisoners of war.
An officer and some men of the third regiment conducted themselves with more prudence and propriety. They fell back, only after the surrender of the town, waited for the infantry behind Louvigny, but finding that they did not arrive, fell back through Quesnoy upon Jallin.
As soon as the Marshals were informed of the movement of the enemy, they gave orders to M. Noailles to march immediately with a van guard, composed of 3 squadrons of hussars, 3 companies of the 1st regiment of chasseurs, 2 of the 5th, 2 pickets, and 2 pieces of artillery. Marshal Luckner went forward with the van guard and M. Noailles.
At the same time, Marshal Rochambeau, determining to take Bayay, whatever forces the enemy might defend it with, put in motion the battalions of the 5th, 27th, and 74th regiments of infantry, 2 squadrons of the 17th regiment of dragoons, and 4 eight pounders. The marshal ordered at the same time, a detachment to move from Maubeuge and one from Quesnoy: the first with artillery. They took an advantageous situation before Jallin, while the troops that were to co-operate moved forward.
The Marshal gave orders to the van guard to reconnoitre the position of the enemy, to enter Bayay if evacuated, and to summon it to surrender if otherwise.
Marshal Luckner informed Marshal Rochambeau, by M. Montpensier, as an express, that the van guard had entered Bayay at 11 o'clock—two hours after the enemy had left it; that they (the enemy) had taken with them 6 carriages full of wounded. The enemy entered Bayay 2,300 in number, with 6 pieces of artillery.
Too much praise cannot be given to the silence and rapidity of the movements of the van guard, under General Luckner, as well as of the troops immediately under General Rochambeau.
N. B. The enemy wished to pillage Bayay; but the Austrian officers opposed with great severity the wish of the soldiery.—They took with them the arms of the inhabitants. They fell back with expedition behind the forest of Sarthe whence they came. The Marshal left a small body of troops at Bayay, which will be reinforced as circumstances may require.
(Signed) Marshals Luckner and Rochambeau.
[From France, June 1.]
It has been proposed to reinforce the French armies with interior camps, covering and supporting those which are advanced towards the enemy's frontier. This may be easily done: as France has now not less than four hundred thousand men in arms.
The French have much to hope from the jealousies of their enemies: the Austrians and the Prussians are not only diffident of each other, but decline acting with the emigrant princes and their troops. This faction prevails among the aristocrats as well as in the heart of the National Assembly.
Political, like religious institutions, flourish by persecution. Thus it is with the friends of the people, who augment daily in numbers.
The transactions of the French National Assembly have presented very little that is interesting for this few days past. The answer of his Britannic Majesty, asserting in the most positive terms the absolute neutrality of England, and the strict adherence of that court to the terms of the existing treaties was read in the Assembly, on Thursday last, and gave great and universal satisfaction.
From all parts patriotic contributions are coming for the support of the war. The city of Bourdeaux has sent 77,000 livres, chiefly in specie; the 46th regiment of infantry, 2,608 livres in specie, and 640 livres in assignats. In its address to the Assembly, this corps gallantly declares, that it deposits its silver on the altar of its country—its steel it reserves for the enemy.
In about six weeks, it is reckoned that the emigrant army will be ready to make an irruption into France. It is their intention to penetrate by the Black Forest, which joins that of Ardennes; and to endeavour, through Champagne, to force their way to Paris.
The National Assembly, on Saturday, settled the future salaries of the Ministers. It was decreed, that the Minister for Foreign Affairs should have an appointment of 75,000 livres (about three thousand guineas) a year, the other Ministers 50,000. This, though an ample allowance, does not exceed the emoluments of the chief clerks in the public offices of England.
In the course of this sitting, the War Minister laid before the Assembly the plan of another federation, to be formed in a camp to the northward of Paris. Each canton to send five men, clothed and armed, to renew the oath to live free or die, one of these men to be a horseman; thus a national cavalry might be formed, and a camp of 20,000 men, which would cover and protect Paris.
The French paper money is now at as great a discount as it has been at any period since the revolution; the patriots, however, have no cause to despond. It should be remembered, that the paper money of the Americans was under a depreciation of at least ten times greater; and they, instead of only failing of their purpose in two or three slight skirmishes, were beat in every successive engagement for two years together.
Copy of a letter from General FAYETTE to the Minister of War, dated Hamptonne, near Florennes, May 24.
SIR,
When I left camp for Valenciennes, I gave orders to a body, detached under the orders of Camp-Marshal Gouvion, to take possession of some forage intended for the enemy, but to make sure of a retreat upon Philippeville.
The day before yesterday upon my return, I learnt that this expedition has perfectly succeeded. Colonel Lallemand commanding the foraging detachment, had the same day been followed, but not interrupted by the enemy.
Yesterday at day-break, M. Gouvion was attacked at Hamptonne, near Florennes, by a force greatly superior, that had collected from several quarters.
He had only under his command here, the first battalion of National Volunteers of the Cote-d'Or, the second of Marne, the 55th and 85th regiments of regular infantry, the 9th of light infantry, six squadrons of the 3d and 11th of mounted Chasseurs, a company of the 6th regiment of Hussars, and 8 four pounders; in all less than 4000 men.
The enemy more than double the number, had with them a formidable train of artillery; but, notwithstanding this great superiority, M. Gouvion declined retiring without first making some opposition.
I subjoin an extract of the account this General officer has given me;—it follows:
The Austrian vanguard was at first, twice driven back by a detachment of light infantry, grenadiers of the 55th and one squadron of the 11th regiment, the whole under the orders of a lieutenant colonel, who only gave way at the third attack, and then formed a junction with two companies of volunteer grenadiers posted in the village of St. Aubin.
While the defence of that village was pursuing, M. Gouvion, seeing that the enemy displayed a superior force, put his camp in motion towards Philippeville, leaving behind about 20 tents, which could not be taken for want of a sufficiency of carriages.
The cannon of both bodies played for a considerable time on each other; and a column of the enemy having displayed on the right of our troops and there established batteries, M. Gouvion, to prevent their crossing a hollow road, placed upon his wing the 11th regiment of chasseurs under Col. Lallemand; the 3d under Col. Victor Latour-Maubourg and the company of the 6th regiment under Capt. Blondeau. These troops were exposed to the fire of the enemy's artillery, but stood firm and shewed the most cool courage. But as the enemy were preparing in great force to cross the hollow road, which separated them from the infantry, the volunteer battalions of Cote-d'Or under Lieut. Col. Cazote; of la Marne, under Capt. Degaule, and the 55th and 85th under Col. Devillone, and Lieut. Col. Champolon, were formed in columns, by half battalions and retired exactly in the order intended; each body preserving its proper distance,—the cavalry covering the infantry while performing this manoeuvre, and the artillery making use of every advantageous situation to annoy the enemy.
During this retreat of half a league, three pieces of cannon did execution to the last moment (one of which fell into the hollow road) but were taken, their horses having been killed. A fourth was saved under a heavy fire by artillerymen, and a few volunteers of Cote-d'Or. The enemy having then fallen back to the place from which they started, were so closely followed, that their cavalry of the rear guard attacked three times the detachment that pursued, and the field of battle was occupied by our detachments two hours after the action.
The artillery of the van guard was commanded by subaltern officers M. de Mannecourt, commanding at Philippeville, managed with much skill four pieces of cannon belonging to that place.
I inclose an account of our killed and wounded. The enemy's loss is greater than ours, because our advanced detachments were defended by hedges and villages, that our artillery was admirably managed, and that it was thought best, rather to risk its being taken, than to diminish its execution.
Such is, Sir, the account given me by M. Gouvion. I cannot speak too highly of his conduct in the command of the corps under him. The head officers, Col. Demottes, the officers, subalterns and soldiers all deserve great credit.
I have the more pleasure, Sir, in communicating to you an account of this affair, as, for five hours, not one man left his ranks, and as the troops preferred perfect silence, composure, and shewed all the courage that could have been expected from veterans.
I brought here yesterday evening a body of reserve, composed of some companies of grenadiers and squadrons, under the command of Camp-Marshal Maubourg. The armies have not renewed the attack, but have withdrawn.
(Signed) FAYETTE.
London, June 10. A patent is making out to create Lord Thurlow an Earl of Great-Britain.
In Poland there prevails a spirit of the greatest ardour and unanimity. Every thing is put upon a warlike footing. All the regiments which are not yet employed are preparing to join the great armies, and by a late decree of the Diet all the militia are incorporated with the troops of the line.
The inhabitants of Guernsey have sent a formal declaration to the French National Assembly to contradict the reports of their intending to fit out privateers under the Austrian colours; and solemnly affirming them the very contrary is the case, and that they have not only their warmest wishes, but that whilst England and France are at peace, they wish to live on the most friendly terms.
A letter from Warsaw, dated May 15, says, "in the last session every thing was decided respecting the indemnification of the creditors of the loan for 30 millions negotiated to defray the expence of the war. The present and future revenues of the Starosties are to be appropriated to that purpose. The Polish Lords who have protested against the constitution and who are at Peterburgh, have returned to Moldavia."
His Royal Highness the Duke Regent of Sweden has declared to M. Dumas, the Envoy from the French emigrant Princes, that Sweden, in the present circumstances, cannot interfere in the differences between the French nation and those Princes, unless an attack is made on the Germanic empire, which the Duchy of Pomerania will require him to protect.
Extract of a letter from Berlin, May 22
"Yesterday and this day, the king reviewed the regiments lately arrived from the neighbouring garrisons, when his majesty made many promotions, both in the cavalry and infantry."
"The Court is going into a three weeks mourning for the death of the Empress Dowager of Germany."
"The general bank has furnished 200,000 golden Fredericks to the army which is to act on the Rhine; next week, 300,000 more will be delivered."
"The Prince de Hohenloe, general of artillery in the Austrian service, arrived here yesterday from Potsdam."
"The equipage and horses of the Prince de Sacken are gone to Frankford on the Main."
STATE PAPER.
Translation of an official note lately presented by M. Chauvelin, the French Minister at the Court of London, to Lord Grenville, on the 24th ult.
THE under-signed Minister Plenipotentiary from the King of the French to his Britannic Majesty, has the honour to inform Lord Grenville, Minister of state for the foreign department,
"That the Royal Proclamation published on the 21st of the present month, and communicated to the two houses of parliament, contains some expressions, which appear (no doubt contrary to the intentions of the British ministry) to give credit to the erroneous opinions which the enemies of France strive to propagate, relative to the intentions of Great-Britain."
"If individuals of this kingdom have entered into a foreign correspondence, tending to excite troubles, and if, as the proclamation seems to insinuate, some Frenchmen have joined into their views, this is a circumstance unconnected with the French nation, the legislative body, the king and his ministers: it is a fact entirely unknown to them, entirely repugnant to all the principles of justice, and which, on being shewn, will be universally condemned throughout France."
"Independently of those principles of justice, from which a free people ought never to depart if any one is anxious to reflect candidly on the true interests of the French nation, is it not evident that they must be anxious for the eternal peace, and

the source and duration of the constitution of a country which they already look upon as a natural ally?
"Is not this the sole reasonable wish which a people can form, who perceive so many efforts exerted against their liberty?
"The minister plenipotentiary of France, profoundly penetrated with these truths and maxims of universal morality, has already developed them in an official note presented to the British ministry by the express order of his court, on the 15th of the present month.
"The honour of France, the desire which she entertains to preserve and augment the good intelligence between the two countries, and the necessity of obviating all doubts on this subject, requiring that it should acquire all possible publicity, the under-signed minister plenipotentiary, begs Lord Grenville to obtain permission from his Britannic Majesty to communicate the present official note to the two houses of parliament, before they deliberate on the proclamation of the 21st of May. He also seizes this opportunity to renew the testimonies of his high esteem and respect for his excellency.
"CHAUVELIN.
"Minister Plenipotentiary of France."
PROCLAMATION of the King of Great Britain, &c. forbidding his subjects taking any part in the war between the King of France and the King of Hungary.
"WHEREAS hostilities have broken out between the Most Christian King, and the King of Hungary; his Majesty, for the preservation and continuance of friendship and amity between him and their said Majesties, doth, by this his royal proclamation, (with the advice of his privy council) prohibit and forbid all his subjects whatsoever, to take any commission at sea, from any foreign prince, against any other foreign prince or state now in amity with his Majesty, or their subjects, or by virtue or under colour of any such commission already taken, or hereafter to be taken, to set out or employ any vessel or ship of war, or to serve as marines in any ship or vessel which shall be employed against any prince or state now in amity with his Majesty, or their subjects, during the present war: and all his Majesty's subjects are required to take notice of his royal command, and to conform themselves to the same, upon pain of incurring his Majesty's high displeasure, and of being punished with the utmost severity of law and justice. And whereas the Most Christian King hath cauted application to be made to his Majesty, that his Majesty would, conformable to the third article of the treaty of navigation and commerce, concluded at Versailles the twenty-sixth of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six, renew and publish, in all his dominions and countries, the strict and express prohibition contained in the said article: His Majesty doth hereby strictly forbid all his subjects to receive any commission for arming and acting at sea as privateers, or letters of reprisals, from any enemy of the Most Christian King, or by virtue or under colour of such commissions or reprisals, to disturb, infest, or any ways damage his subjects; or to arm ships as privateers, or go out to sea therewith, under the severest punishment that can be inflicted on the transgressors, beside being liable to make full restitution and satisfaction to those to whom they have done any damage.
Given at our court at St. James's, the twenty-fifth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, in the thirty-second year of our reign."
VIENNA, May 26.
It is a singular circumstance, that the Hungarian nation has made an offer to march an hundred thousand men, and, should there be occasion, to support them several years at their own expence. One Hungarian Gentleman has offered to furnish alone 100 men, 1000 measures of oats, and 20,000 florins. The King returned him thanks, and created him a Baron.
On the arrival of dispatches from Turin and Milan, the Aulic council of war ordered 400 gunners to be detached, and sent immediately to Piedmont. For the sake of expedition they were sent in carriages.
The troops of the King of Sardinia will be assembled by the 25th of June, and will be in a state for action about the same time with our own, and those of the King of Prussia. Before this period no great operation can take place, unless the French should anticipate us, which does not appear probable, even according to accounts of their own generals.
WARSAW, May 20.
The grand blow, which we have so long expected, is struck. Russia, seeing war declared between Austria and France, and finding herself likely to be called upon to fulfil her engagement with the former of those two powers, has now avowed her intentions; which are to overturn the present constitution of Poland, and give to it a form of government which may best suit herself. An official declaration has been declared to our government on this subject, dated the 18th of this month, and filling 12 pages in three languages, Polish, French, and Russian. It announced therein the entrance of the Russian troops on the territory of Poland, and the formation of a new confederation.
War is there-fore declared. The republic, assured that all Europe is fully convinced that it neither merited nor provoked such a step, has taken such measures as may supply the deficiency in point of forces; and among other resolutions adopted by the diet, a decree was issued the 11th of this month, entitled, "a measure for a just concurrence of citizens for the general defence of the country; the substance of which is, that whoever in the present war suffers by the inroads of the enemy, shall be indemnified by a fraternal contribution of the whole nation, agreeably to report of an extraordinary commission, which shall be appointed to examine their claims; but those Poles who prove rebels and traitors to their country, shall forfeit their fortunes, and suffer the death they deserve."
PHILADELPHIA.
AUGUST 8, 1792.
Copy of a letter from Germantown, August 6, 1792.
"The Editor of the National Gazette will oblige his friends here by inserting the following account of the blowing up of the powder-mill at Lower Merion; the accounts hitherto published being greatly mis-stated.
"On Thursday morning last, a little after 9 o'clock, this town was alarmed by a most tremendous explosion, from the blowing up of the powder-mill, lately erected by Messrs. Frailey and Keyser in Merion, near Schuylkill. The people ran from all quarters, and, shocking to relate, found four persons killed on the spot, and two wounded, one of whom is since dead; the other was Mr. Frailey's daughter, who had her leg broke by a piece of wood thrown from the buildings to the distance of near one hundred yards.—Mr. Joseph Evans, who was the only one in the mill, saw the fire catch in the mortars, and threw himself flat on his face, hoping to escape the flash, but was so much burnt, that he languished till Sunday afternoon, and then died. The persons killed were, Mr. Keyser, one of the proprietors of the works; a Mr. Carr, and a Mr. Miller, both young men; and also one Mr. Bloom, a married man, who has left behind a wife and five or six children, the wife being pregnant. The three persons last mentioned were in the drying-house at work, where were two tons of finished powder, which also catching from the mill, although at a great distance, blew up the whole building, dained the people to pieces, burning them almost to cinders, and not leaving a vestige of the building on the spot. Mr. Keyser was at a spring near the mill, when a piece of timber from some of the works came and nearly took off his head. Mr. Frailey was standing in the door-way of a small building near the centre of the whole, and providentially received no hurt. A cousin of Miss Frailey was close by her when she was struck, but received no injury. Thus, in a moment, as complete a set of works as any in the United States were levelled to the ground—five persons hurried into eternity, and the sixth in a very dangerous situation.—The wife and family of Bloom being left in the most indigent circumstances, any charitable donation for their use will be thankfully received by Thomas Forrester, Esquire, in Germantown, Mr. Nathan Levering, in Roxborough, or Hilary Baker, Esquire, in Philadelphia.
"The Printers of the Daily, and other papers, in Philadelphia, will render an essential service to the distressed and bereaved family of Bloom, by republishing the foregoing true state of facts, that the charitable and benevolent, by being acquainted with their situation, may be induced to relieve them."
Other European advices, additional to those under our foreign heads, are reduced to the following abstract.—Preliminaries of peace have been signed between the republic of Venice and the regency of Tunis.—A fleet failed from Lisbon about the middle of June to cruise against the Algerines in the Mediterranean, having on board the Portuguese ambassador to the court of Tunis.—The National Assembly had decreed the transportation of all the non-juring clergy, as a matter of public safety.—The enemies of France were collecting fast toward the frontiers, and artillery and every species of military stores were daily arriving, and every appearance of a serious attack upon France in a short time.—The Russian ambassador to Poland had delivered the Empress's declaration to the Diet on the 18th of May, stating, among many other things, that the Empress had ordered part of her troops to enter the territories of the republic, as friends, for co-operating in the re-establishment of the rights and prerogatives of the republic.—The Dutch were drawing their troops from the garrisons to form a body on the Austrian frontier, to act only on the defensive, the state of parties in the Seven Provinces not allowing the Stadtholder to join in the royal concert against France.
The supreme court of the United States met in this city on Monday last. It is said several questions of magnitude are agitating before the court at this time, and such as include very extensive importance.
[From Baltimore.]
"THE time is fast approaching when we shall be called upon to say, who shall represent us in the great national assembly. To some this may appear a matter of small moment, but to others it appears a matter of the greatest importance, as in it our welfare, as a nation, our respectability both at home and abroad, nay our very liberties are existing in our state government, are materially involved.
If then it is a matter of such consequence that we should have virtuous and wise representatives, let us diligently inspect the abilities, wisdom, and integrity of those who may offer themselves as candidates for that high and honorable station.
The state of Maryland has hitherto been fortunate in the choice of her representatives; abilities and virtue have hitherto had a great influence upon the voice of the people; but how far or how long they may continue to have their weight, is not in the power of any man to say. The great dangers arising from the powers vested by the constitution in the executive branch of our national government, are chiefly to be apprehended from the ignorance and corruption of the representatives of the different states. If ever it once happen that the majority of them are so weak in understanding, as to be led away by the artful and designing schemes of the aristocratic few, who, under the mask of extending the privileges of the people, are laying the foundation of their own greatness; or, if ever once they become so venal, as that their votes are capable of being purchased, farewell to American liberty! Encroachments on the state governments will immediately ensue, and a consolidation of the different governments will be the direct consequence. These things may be objected to as scarcely possible of ever happening in this free and enlightened country. Alas! happy would it be for mankind in general, if the history of past nations (once as free and as enlightened as we are now) did not testify the contrary. Great-Britain is even at this very moment labouring under all the curses of a government afflicted by the venality of its representatives. No sooner does an active, aspiring and ambitious man appear on the popular side, than he is immediately darted at by the court party, who seldom miss their object, except he be something more than mortal.
The great leading qualities of a representative ought to be wisdom and integrity. If either of these are wanting, nothing can compensate the loss. Riches, in a country where all men are constitutionally equal (and where he who has no other quality to recommend him ought to be despised even in common life) should have no weight in the scale of a representative. When we see men possessed of this qualification, unacquainted with any other, making forth and offering themselves as proper objects of the confidence of the people, I would ask what heart throbs not within? who can contain himself? with how much propriety might we cry out, in the language of Cicero, O Tempora, O Mores! Nothing would operate with me as a stronger argument to prove the degeneracy and low state into which a nation was fallen, than to see men of the cast I have above described, meeting with the least countenance from the people.
These sentiments, however absurd or improper they may seem to some, have yet flowed from a pure and honorable source, Amos Patria. I have no other object in view but to put you, my fellow-citizens, on your guard against such men, if they do offer; and I trust that in so doing, you will shew that honest indignation which has heretofore characterized the citizens of this state, in rejecting those who offer riches instead of merit or abilities, as a qualification for the national legislature."
Copy of a letter from JAMES MAURY, Esquire, Consul of the United States at Liverpool, to the Secretary of State, dated 8th May, 1792.
SIR,
I request you to have it made known, that no tobacco-laden vessel whatever, under one hundred and fifty tons register, can enter an Irish port without being subject, with cargo, to confiscation, even if only touching for orders to a market. This is precisely the predicament of the Defiance, capt. Hatton, touching at Cork the 26th past, for the orders of the consignee here—under seizure for being under size; but I hope will be soon liberated.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MAURY.
[Intelligence from Baltimore, August 4.]
A gentleman of veracity, who arrived in town late last evening, from Fort-Pitt, has furnished us with the following melancholy intelligence:—That on Sunday last a faithful Indian, that served under Gen. St. Clair, and was taken on the 4th of November last, had arrived there—who informed, that all the commissioners (Major Truman, of this state, Col. Hardin, of Kentucky, and others sent out to invite the Indians to treaty, were massacred by them;—that a sergeant and 12 men, employed in making hay, in the neighbourhood of Fort-Jefferson, were all cut off;—and that two light-horsemen, who were with them, barely escaped into the fort.
It is mentioned in a letter from Columbia, in Kentucky, that the Indians continue to steal horses from the inhabitants, so as greatly to distress the agriculture. Upwards of 3,000 value in horses is said to have been stolen since the settling of this new country.
Venality and corruption are already so far advanced in this country, that, with certain characters, it is thought impossible for a man in any the least degree connected with government to act, in other respects, from disinterested motives. Judging from themselves, and what would be their own conduct in a similar situation, they suppose every act, word, and thought of such a man must be rendered hypocritically conformable to the ideas of a supposed majority in the government, which, according to them, ought to maintain a complete sovereignty over the minds of those who may have been appointed to the performance of some of its duties. When places and posts are held on such conditions, and servility becomes the leading qualification, it may easily be judged what will be the complexion of a government, and how far the principles and motives of its various officers are consistent with the purity of a republican administration.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
THE melancholy howlings that have for some time past been heard through the dreary regions of the Gazette of the United States, are a full and clear proof that all is not right with certain lofty minded persons that fondly imagined their ambitious career was to proceed, without check or interruption, to the summit of their wishes.
"The devil rageth when his time is short." The ensuing elections in many places present prospects not at all to the liking of those who will probably be disappointed in their plans for influencing them as they expected. The hackneyed cry of "the government is in danger," has been too often repeated to have much effect, the people by acting for themselves, seeing with their own eyes, and hearing with their own ears will, it is hoped, keep in proper subjection an influence that has long been gathering strength to the prejudice of the country at large.
It is foreseen that the word antifederal will be artfully used to prejudice the uninformed. Be it known then that no such party as the antifederal exists in the United States. It is a word without a representative in society, and only to be found in the mouths of interested characters, or their humble servants, who fear a change in certain measures, in which they suppose the ruin of their own importance will be involved.
The funding system has had its day, and it would be strange indeed if those who have been benefited by such a system would not exert their tongues, and pens in favour of that, and other degrading and pernicious systems, no matter with how little truth, temper, or decency. It will be the part of future legislatures, individually the real representatives of the people, to develope the system of iniquity that has robbed the soldier of his just dues, and in its various disguises and consequences, has not spared to the orphan, the widow, the halt or the blind, the helpless or the infirm, the wretched pittance that opportunity presented a chance of snatching from their unsuspecting hands.
Philadelphia, August 6.
L.
SUNDAY SCHOOLS.
THE Society for the institution and support of First-Day, or Sunday Schools in the city of Philadelphia, and the districts of Southwark and the Northern Liberties, having established two schools for boys, under the care of Mr. John Poor, and Mr. John Barry, and one for girls, under the care of Mr. John Ely; the Board of Visitors do hereby earnestly solicit all their fellow-citizens, who cannot otherwise avail themselves of educating those under their care, to send them to those schools, to receive that instruction which is so necessary to qualify them for usefulness in civil society.
Firmly persuaded of this great truth, that to disseminate knowledge, is preparing mankind for virtue, freedom, and happiness; the Board do therefore also earnestly request, that all their fellow-citizens who have experienced the advantages of education, will use their influence with those whose circumstances prevent the instruction of their children, to send them to those schools, that they may thereby derive the advantages intended by the society.
Philadelphia, 5th July, 1792.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS,
   AUGUST, 1792.   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weath.     Wednesday, 1. 6 29. 75 67 S. W. Cloudy.   9 29. 8 81 do. Rain.   Thursday, 2. 6 29. 9 69 N. Fair   9 30. 0 79 N. E. do.   Friday, 3. 6 30. 1 68 N. E. Fair.   9 30. 19 72 do. do.   Saturday, 4. 6 30. 1 64 N. W. Fair.   9 30. 1 77 N. E. do.   Sunday, 5. 6 30. 1 66 E. Cloudy.   9 30. 1 78 S. E. do.   Monday, 6. 6 30. 0 65 N. N. E. Cloudy.   9 29. 9 75 do. do.   Tuesday, 7. 6 30. 0 70 Calm Fair.   9 30. 1 87 S. W. Fair.  

CONSTANTIA.
SICK of the world, in prime of days Constantia took a serious fit— Resolv'd to shun all balls and plays And only read what faints had writ— To Bethlehem's walls she would repair And be a pensive sister there.
A sailor, loitering from his crew As chance would have it, pass'd along— She told him what she had in view, And he reply'd—"Fair maid, you're wrong, "Let faded nymphs to Bethlehem go "Where kisses freeze and love is snow.
"The barren oak and cluster'd pine "Afford a gloomy, sad delight; "But why that bloom of health resign, "The mingled tint of red and white: "In cloister'd cells the flowers expire "That on the plain all eyes admire.
"With such a pensive, pious train "Who, but a hermit, could agree— "Ah, rather stay to grace the plain, "Or wander on the wave with me: "For you the painted bark shall wait "And I would die for such a freight."
No wandering seaman [she reply'd] Can tempt me to forego my plan; No barque that wafts him o'er the tide, Nor many a better-looking man: Go, wanderer, plough your gloomy sea, Constantia must a sister be.
"To gain so fair a flower as you, [The Tar return'd] who would not plead? Nor shall you, nymph, to Bethlehem go While love can write what you must read: Come, to yon' meadow let us stray, I have some handsome things to say."
Love has his will when reason fails— In vain he sigh'd, in vain he strove: "Forsake [said she] those swelling fails If you would have me—think of love: Great merit has your failing art, But absence would distract my heart."
What else was said, we secret keep; The Tar grown fonder of the shore, Neglects his prospects on the deep, And she of Bethlehem talks no more: He slyly quits the coasting trade; She pities her—that dies a maid.
July 30.
Address of the Constitutional Society of Manchester, in England, to the Club of Jacobins in France; by their Deputation delivered on the 13th of April.
BROTHERS AND FRIENDS,
"WE feel a lively satisfaction in communicating to you the resolution by which our brethren of the constitutional society of Manchester have appointed us their deputies to the patriotic societies of France. At the very moment when all the despotic powers of Europe act in concert to destroy the cause of liberty, and to annihilate the rights of men, it will, no doubt, afford you pleasure to know, that there exist every where (even in that country which the intrigues of kings and of courtiers have too often falsely represented as your enemies) men who ardently interest themselves in your cause, not only as the cause of Frenchmen, but as the cause of all mankind.
"The lights which you have diffused over the true principles of politics, are the natural rights of men, lights, which, from the judicious position you have exhibited them in, begin to shine more brightly in England, and which ought to convince us, that the time is come to abolish all national prejudices, and to embrace as brothers, free men of all nations. Too long have the artifices of despots opposed themselves to nature, they have falsely taught men to regard each other as enemies.
"Addressing the club of the Jacobins, not merely as friends to the French constitution, but under the still more respectable name of friends to mankind, we solicit on behalf of the constitutional society of Manchester, an amicable communication and correspondence with them, as the continuation at least, if not as the commencement, of that general federation amongst the patriotic societies of Europe, whose sole object is the paternal union of men. Our society will rejoice to unite its efforts with yours, to spread abroad those important principles of universal liberty, which alone can fix, on a firm and immovable basis, the empire of peace and the happiness of mankind.
"We congratulate the Jacobin club on the involuntary homage which one of the despotic courts of Europe has already rendered them, by pointing them out as the most determined enemies of arbitrary power.
"Pursue, gentlemen, your glorious philanthropic cause, and continue to deserve at once the execrations of tyrants, and the blessings of the rest of the human race!
(Signed) THOMAS COOPER, JAMES WATT."
"This address was received with unbounded applause at every paragraph; and the President (M. De Carra, who took the chair as Vice-President, in the absence of the society's President) returned the following answer:
BRETHREN AND FRIENDS,
"It is just a century since the English afforded a glorious example to the universe, in humbling the despotic pride of kings, and exhibiting the first glimpse of a declaration of the rights of man in their constitutional charter. At that time the other nations of the globe were surrounded with the thick clouds of ignorance, and bent down under the galling yoke of the most shameful slavery. At this day the French have imitated it with a degree of perfection, which it was certainly not then possible for you to attain; their superior success arising from the natural and successive progress of human reason.
"At this day, it is the English again, who commence the general alliance of all nations, an alliance which, we may rest assured, will shortly make one family of the whole human race. Yes, brethren and friends! the English and the French henceforward, and forever, united by the ties of justice and humanity, and the most tender affection, will fight together as brothers, for the support of their common liberty, and for the amelioration of their respective governments.
"In vain the ebullition of despotic rage, among the tyrants of Europe, flatters itself as formerly, to set nations against nations, thereby to augment the number of their slaves, or to gratify their revenge. The hour of their errors, and of illusion, has passed away. National animosities, fomented by the intrigues and imposture of courts, are beginning to be extinguished. The French people, the French soldiers, and the sailors, now behold none but brethren among the same classes of the English, whom they earnestly desire to embrace, and contract with them upon the pure gospel of the rights of man, an eternal compact of concord and peace. Already the English flag, reunited and entwined with the three-coloured flag of France, and the starry flag of the brave Americans, is suspended from the roofs of almost every patriotic society in France; already numerous civic feasts have been celebrated, in almost every department of this empire, consecrating the alliance which we have sworn to observe with all the patriots of England, in the person of the deputies of the celebrated town of Manchester.
"Friends! tell your fellow citizens—tell your countrymen—those men whom the genius of industry and of patriotism have rendered so praiseworthy, and so dear to every lover of the arts, of commerce, and of humanity—tell them! you have here beheld Frenchmen, whose natural character has long been kept under by slavery, but now arisen and displayed by the most energetic sense of their rights and of their liberty—breathing philanthropy, looking upon all mankind as brethren, upon every people as their relations. Tell them, that our courage, and our perseverance, are not to be surmounted, and that we are determined to act up to the oath we have taken, TO LIVE FREE, OR DIE.
"Tell them again, though the tyrants of Europe redouble their rage, that the politics of the true patriots of France, of the Jacobins, so dreaded by the traitors and enemies of liberty, do not consist in desiring the glory and the prosperity of the countries which gave them birth, but the prosperity and the liberty of every nation upon earth. Yes, this is the perpetual unremitting object of the French Jacobins, that is, of a very great majority of the whole nation; and in virtue of this happy disposition, the friends of the constitution at Paris, in this our name, and in the name of all the patriotic societies of the French empire, tie themselves by an inviolable promise to the constitutional society of Manchester.
"This assembly invites you to assist at their sittings during the whole of your stay at Paris. The society, on ordering these two speeches to be printed, also ordered copies of them to be sent to all its affiliated societies, as also to the constitutional society at Manchester, the 13th of April, 1791, in the fourth year of liberty.
(Signed) CARRA, Vice-President. DUCOS and SALADIN, Deputies to the National Assembly. DE PERRY ROT and D'OFFET, Secretaries.
To be published by Subscription,
THE AMERICAN REMEMBRANCER, OR PROCEEDINGS OF THE Old Congress,
From their first Meeting in September 1774, to their final dissolution in March 1789, COMPRISING at full length, every important resolution, order, address, declaration, &c. contained in the thirteen volumes of their journals—a concise summary of the less interesting parts,—an alphabetical list of appointments, promotions and resignations—a collective view of the public expenditures, &c. &c.—the whole intended to serve as a satisfactory substitute for the original journals, which are now out of print, and of which the entire substance, unincumbered with official formalities and repetitions, will here be given in about one fourth of their present bulk, accompanied with one complete general Index:—To which will be added, a copious and valuable collection of original
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MODERN CHIVALRY: Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, his Servant.
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NEW-YORK & PHILADELPHIA STAGES Via Bordentown and Burlington, And SHREWSBURY & PHILADELPHIA STAGE, Via Bordentown.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia land and water Stages beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of passengers, they have thought proper to remove the different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-street, from whence, on the first day of July next, and afterwards, a convenient packet-boat will start for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordentown or Burlington, each place to be taken alternately. Fare for passengers from Philadelphia to New-York 15s.—For Goods pr. cwt. 6s.
VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, DAVID WILLIAMSON, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia Stages, by the route of Bordentown. JACOB MYERS, AMOS HUTCHIN, NICHOLAS SCHENK, Proprietors of the Shrewsbury and Phila. Stages, by the route of Burlington. The Shrewsbury Stage will leave Philadelphia in the months of July and September, on every Sunday and Wednesday, and return on every Tuesday and Friday. In the month of August, it will leave Philadelphia on every Sunday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday and Saturday.
VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, DANIEL LOT, Proprietors of the Shrewsbury and Phila. Stage. Bordentown, June 25, 1792. For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to M'KEAN & VAN EMBURGH, at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-street; by whom orders for the purchase of all kinds of grain, flour, or other country produce, are punctually attended to. For freight or passage to Lambert or Trenton, also apply as above. Philadelphia, June 27. IAW T
Society for establishing useful Manufactures. NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792. The second instalment for the payment of shares in the stock of this society, may be made in the following manner, viz. The amount of the said second instalment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brunswick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs.—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders. By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk. July 24. tf.
TO THE PUBLIC. THE Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine second and elastic cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices, VIZ. Best Superfine navy blue 34/; Ditto, ditto. Scarlet 36/; Common colours superfine 32/; Elastic stripes 9/; London buff and white cashmers 15/6; Ditto, coloured do. 15/; Yorkshire do. do. 13/6; Striped toletens 14/; Rattinets 3/; Striped Nankens 3/4. A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low Fancy buttons and trimmings do. London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24/. The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers, by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD. Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment. A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14. 22w. tf.
George Town, June 2, 1792. A NUMBER of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in the city of Washington, will be offered for sale, by the Commissioners on Monday the 5th day of October next. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners. July 25.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
*** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York Price 5/7 1-2.
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