Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-07-04 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXIV.]
SATURDAY, JULY 4, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXIV.
[Conclusion of the Letter began in the last number.]  "After the middle age of life, it is not probable a man will find happiness in such objects, as have before been unpleasant to him."
I DO not blame my situation, but my temper for the discontentment I feel. My reflections all terminate in self-disapprobation. I suspended every enjoyment in my younger days that I might amass a fortune, with which I could experience the delights of leisure and indulgence without interruption. But I am now satisfied that the only way to be happy in old age is to cultivate habits of innocent amusement in youth, and to taste enjoyment as we go along. By this means, we need not in the latter part of life counteract the customs that have become familiar to us in the former.
"My misfortune consists in having, in my early years of mankind, rejected and despised the passing pleasures of the day, that I might be more completely prepared for an undisturbed indulgence in future gratification. Sadly however am I deceived! I can form no relish for such new objects as my new situation presents."
"Leisure is dreadful; because I have hitherto been intensely busy. Reading does not destroy such tediousness; because I have not formerly been delighted with books. Conversation is uninteresting; because I used to shun it, in order to follow my business. Rural occupations and scenes captivate me not; because I did not suffer myself to be pleased with them, when I was young."
"If I visit my neighbours and find how contented they are, and how they envy my easy circumstances, I am out of all patience with myself. It is now the chief object of my care to impress on the minds of my children the necessity of habituating themselves to love conversation; to love innocent past-time and amusement; to cherish an inclination for books; and indeed to raise an attachment to many other habits that are always within the reach of every one, and which are inoffensive if not immediately useful. By this practice of genuine philosophy, they become gradually and safely familiarized to enjoyments, of which they mean to participate more liberally, when advance of fortune will permit, and an advance of years will authorise."
"Those who pass away life as they ought will find all parts of it more equally pleasant than is commonly imagined. The disgusts and loss of pleasure attending old age are principally occasioned by improper habits and false hopes, that are formed in our youthful days. Men begin a career of life which, they will tell you, is unpleasant or perhaps vicious, resolving to lay aside their vices or improve their pleasures at some future time, when it is more convenient. Here lies the mistake; they are so controuled by custom that they must end their days, as they began them; and consequently they will not probably be happy and virtuous when they are old, if they were not so, when they were young. Whenever we see an old man miserable, we must not of course conclude that age is the cause of it, but must attribute it to the prevalence of past errors."
"I have never habituated myself to take satisfaction in any thing but pursuits of business. My activity in some measure fails me, and toil and anxiety are becoming insupportable; but still I can find no substitute that is not more disagreeable. None of the habits of my youth are suitable to carry with me into old age. The last periods of my life will therefore yield me little consolation. Every man should accustom himself to enjoy the innocent pleasures that fall in his way, as they present themselves, even if a little interferes with acquisitions of property. I am far from advising a person to a course of extravagance or dissipation, or to an indolent, vicious life; but there are many gratifications not incompatible with virtue, and not materially detrimental to interest. Men destined to hard labour have not much occasion for this precaution, as any change of circumstances with them will be for the better. I am speaking of those who are extensively engaged in profitable operations; and who constantly subject themselves to self denial, with a view, as they say, of enjoying life hereafter in greater perfection. But let me tell them from experience that no incident can afford them pleasure, that counteracts their past habits; and that the true art of happiness consists in innocently snatching it, as we go along, from whatever offers. Those who gain satisfaction from anticipating happy days are in a fair way to disappointment. No days are happy to a mind disqualified by old habits from tasting such gratifications, as the present period or present circumstances can afford."
The reader will determine for himself whether my correspondent or my preacher has taken the best side of the question.
On the COIN of the UNITED STATES.
IF the unit dollar was made worth exactly 100 dimes of the value of the English half-pence, it would be then 50d. sterling—and sterling standard is, according to Sir Isaac Newton (master of the mint, in 1716) the standard of England, France, Holland and Spain; which I therefore call the commercial standard, or the standard of the commercial countries, which ought to be observed by us who are to trade chiefly with them. Our Congress dollar has more of alloy than the commercial standard, the gold has the same alloy: Yet one dollar has so little of alloy more than sterling, that it is of less consequence than the former deviation in the cent weighing but 157 1-2gr. of copper, when the English halfpence is 166 gr. of copper. If one cent was 166 grains, it would be equal to the English halfpence; and then 100 cents or halfpence making a dollar, would give it the sterling value of 50d. (or 100 cents or half pence.) The division into tenths of account and coin, is wonderfully convenient. How easy to multiply and divide 16849 cents by dots alone—a dot reduces it to dimes and cents—another dot to dollars, &c. thus: 16. 8. 4. 9 are eagles, dollars, &c.
The coin of the United States reduced into sterling, (which is the standard fineness of the great commercial nations, France, Britain and Holland, with whom we must traffic) would stand thus:
   Mills. Cent. Di. Dol. Eag. s. d. Sterling.     10 0 1-20   100 10 0 1-2   1000 100 10 5   10000 1000 100 10 4 3/4   1 8  
Monies of account are dollars, dimes, cents; and are wrote
   Dol. di. cent.     463 9 8   689 6 4   1153 6 2  
But money of account may be kept in only one column, that is in cents or mills; which are instantly thrown into other denominations by the simple application of dots, thus—You receive 3 Eagles, 9 dollars, 7 cents—Enter those figures in your book without any dot, when they will be read 3907 cents, the cypher filling the place of dimes; or read it 3 eagles, 9 dollars, 7 cents; or 39 dollars, 7 cents.
Mills, cents and dimes in columns never have more than one figure in the line; for, as often as they amount to 10, the tens are carried forward and the units are placed in the column. The above table is of a dollar of the value of 50d. although we are to have dollars coined that are fractional respecting both English and French monies: 52d. 64-100ths do not answer exactly to livres, and less to sterling pence or shillings.
The Congress division of monies being in an exact decimal method, admits of multiplication and division by only placing dots or taking them away. It is the quickest, most certain and easy way of reduction, both for the learned and unlearned. Those who can read figures, may avail themselves of the simple application of dots for throwing Congress money from mills or cents into dollars, dimes and cents, or into eagles, dollars, dimes, cents, and mills, thus—14689 cents are changed into the higher denominations, by dots: A dot on the left of the unit's place gives dimes and cents, 1468.9; another dot on the left of the ten's place, gives dollars, dimes and cents 146.8.9. If eagles are to be paid, another dot on the left of the hundred's place, give eagles, dollars, dimes and cents 14.6.8.9.—These are again thrown into money of account by writing or reading the figures without the dot for eagles, 146.8.9; or if your accounts are kept in only one column, of cents, omit all the dots, 14689.—Interest and commission how easily reckoned! —5 per cent. on the above sum of 146.8.9 or 14689, amounts to 7dol. 3di. 4cent. 45-100.
734.45
The convenience would be great in having the unit dollar at the value of 50d. exactly: a cent would then be a halfpenny sterling—If the dollar be worth more or less than 50d. equal to 100 cents, it will, without necessity, make fractions, that will be inconvenient in exchanging. The present declared dollar is worth 52d. 64-100 of a penny sterling. The value of gold and silver coins is only to the amount of the fine metal. Alloy is used only for the purpose of hardening them, and is of very minute value when separated; it otherwise is a disgrace to those precious metals. The Congress dollar contains 375 64-100 grains of fine silver, and 34 15-100 of copper. The only standard Spanish dollar discovered by Sir Isaac Newton, is the old pillar piece of eight, which contains of fine silver 385 72-100, and of alloy 31 275-100 grains, worth exactly
53d. 87-100, but passed currently for 54d.—A dollar of 358 1-10 grains fine, and 29 35-1000 alloy, would be of the same standard fineness, and worth 50d. exactly, and divides into tens, in even numbers, without deviating from well known monies of the foreigners, great in commerce, with whom we must have commerce even against prejudices.—The dollar of 52d. 64-100 agrees, nearly, with the livre; 5 of them making such a dollar within 14-100 of a penny, when the livre is at 10d. 1-2 sterling: And the dollar of 50d. agrees exactly with pence sterling; which again exactly agrees with cents: For, 50d. being a dollar, 100 cents are 50d. the one attends money that is permanent, never varying—the other regards money that is less fixed. Monies that are the least fixed, are the most suitable to gamesters and sharpers; such too are coins of inferior fineness to the standard of the great commercial nations; be it ever so small, it stamps a stigma on it; clip coins are also the best creatures of those sharpers.
The debts and contracts among some millions of people of the United States at present, generally stand stated in sterling money, or in the current monies of the respective States, under the old denomination of pounds, shillings, and pence: Some however are in dollars—that is Spanish pieces of eight of the value of 54d. sterling. Many millions of accounts of those debts are, henceforward, to be reduced from those denominations to Congress dollars, dimes and cents so as to preserve the value of the debts. How is this last to be done? Will it be as readily performed as if the Congress dollars were of the exact value of 50d. and the cent of the exact value of a halfpenny sterling?
Our citizens well know what pence sterling are; that 54 of them are equal to a Spanish piece of eight, and 108 halfpence are also of that value; and the people of every State know the par of exchange between the dollar in sterling and in the currency of the State—that the dollar of 54d. sterling is, in the middle States, equal to 90d. currency, &c.—So that if the Congress dollar was exactly worth 50d. sterling, its cents would be equal to halfpence; and all sterling debts thrown into halfpence, are at once turned into Congress money. An instance: A is to pay a debt; of £.54 6 8 sterling, in Congress money. That sum contains 13040 pence, or 26080 halfpence, that is cents; which by dots are thrown into 260. do. 8. di. o. c.—If a debt is in currency. £.90 11 1, of the United States, 7/6 the Spanish dollar, then by first reducing into halfpence, and subtracting 2-5ths, you have 26080 cent; i. e. 260. dol. 18. di. oc. equal to £.90 11 1 currency. There may be clearer and more concise methods; but, this is noted off hand.
It is not surprising that objections should be made by simple people, to the change of terms from £. s. d. to Dol. dimes, cents—But, assuredly, the divisions into tens (with those new terms) will presently become familiar, and are the most excellent above those of all other nations, for ready and correct reckoning, to the unlearned as well as the learned. It is the most natural and harmonious division ever discovered. Some object to the columns of money account requisite for separating Dol. di. cent.; that inconvenience will flow from the use of three columns, they at present using only two, for dollars and ninetieths; but, three columns they have been used to in £. s. d.—However, the Congress money admits of those people, and all others, pleasing themselves by a choice of columns from 4 or 5 down to one: Of which here follow specimens:
   Eag. dol. di. cent. mil.     6 4 8 5 8   1 8 3 6 9   12 1 0 8 7   20 4 3 1 4   Dol. di. cent. mil.   64 8 5 8   8 3 6 9   1 0 8 7   74 3 1 4   cents. mills.   6485 8   836 9   108 7   7431 4  
How plain and simple this last.—Dots will divide the sum as you please.
The eagle containing 10 dollars of 50d. (see table) is worth 2 guineas, French or English, and rather more. The English guinea, current at 21s. sterl. is only worth 20s. 8d. or 10d. according to Sir Isaac Newton, who by the bye, asserts, that the fineness of French, English and Dutch money, is so nearly alike, that he considers it the same in them all, in standard goodness. Therefore sterl. is a standard of the monies of the great commercial nations, and ought to be equalled, most exactly, by the monies of the states. B,

SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
"Extended Empire, like expanded gold, Exchanges solid use, for feeble splendour."
HOWEVER opposed it may be to the feelings and interests of some individuals, I am yet inclined to observe, that upon general principles, the policy of emigrating to distant parts, from a country itself insufficiently stocked with people, to answer the necessary demands arising in society, cannot be easily justified: Nor am I acquainted with the peculiar advantages which we are to derive from the present rage for emigration to the Western country, as a reimbursement of the vast expence of its settlement; but I presume these speculations will end like the voyage of the shaking Quakers from one of the Eastern States, who prompted by holy zeal built a ship to convey them to Jerusalem, but eventually concluded to send her for a cargo of rum to the West-Indies, as promising the greatest profit. Though it should be granted that it is not altogether within the ability of government to stop the delusive practice of quitting habitations now unsettled, to visit regions unexplored and unprotected; yet there is an essential difference between a tacit connivance, and an officious interposition to encourage such a plan. It is added, that the irresistable impulse of self interest, would prove superior to any attempts opposing so strong a hobby-horse; but if some accounts lately had from Carthagena are to be relied on, little danger can arise from giving full scope to the operation of this irresistable principle, in effecting those utopian settlements. By an express clause of the National Constitution, the republican form of government is guaranteed—and the essence and genuine principles of such a government can be best supported within a small compass, and where mutual interests are mutually understood; but when the territorial jurisdiction of a country is greatly extended, the emanations of power from its source becomes in the extremities proportionably weak and inefficient; and must either, like the parts of the human system which are removed from the influence of the blood expelled from the heart, end in their defection and final amputation; or if maintained, it will be like the provinces of Rome by the tyranny of the Viceroys and consequent oppression of the people; and it will most probably be found at some future period, that like the adder vivified by the genial warmth of the fire, this country had been cherished and reared to bite the hand of its protector.
What a sad contrast does Spain now present to her former situation, when she stood foremost among the nations of Europe: and may we not attribute this change to her rage for colonization, and the mistaken policy of her government, in encouraging it—in return for solid greatness and respectability, she possesses tinsel'd pageantry and glittering grandeur.
By ceding to the proposition that government has no right to oppose by any legislative interference, this strange spirit for division and elopement which pervades this country, would be virtually contradicting the practice of other nations, and denying some of the essential prerogatives of government, of the first importance to society. The power it must necessarily possess to check the ill-directed pursuits and mistaken views of individuals when militating with the general good—the power of preserving a due balance between the several interests of a community, and of directing the operation of the labor and industry among a people into proper channels and for public benefit—the principle of self defence, which is superior to any other, is directly opposed to a division of power in this country—and though I expect not the concurrent opinion of land-jobbers, monopolizers of the hard earned wages of the poor soldier, and other harpies upon the public, I must still maintain, that those hands who are daily emigrating to distant places, being employed in the various branches of agriculture, manufactures and commerce on the Atlantic shore, would add more to our national strength—more efficaciously assist in the discharge of our public debt—more completely cement our present union, and prevent our future division and dissention, than will result from any view of their present pursuits; and it is in the power of government to oppose their removal by making it their real interest to remain at home, it being a fancied interest which leads them abroad.
AMERICANUS.
NEW INVENTED LOOM.
Extract of a letter from Edinburgh, April 18. "A loom of a new and very singular nature has lately been invented and set to work at Paisley, on the principles of a model constructed some time ago by Dr. Jaffray, with the improvements that have since occurred to him and Mr. Barr. This loom is to be driven by machinery, set in motion by water, steam, &c. and not only takes the cloth from the lay with such regularity that no part of the web can have more wool driven into it, or be thicker than another; but if a thread in the warp breaks, the machine instantly stands still. It is said to be capable of weaving all kinds of cloth,
from silk to canvas; and, if report be true, it is so simple in its construction as not to cost more than double the expence of a common loom, while it is so sweet in its motions, and easy to be managed, that one man working a wheel can set five or six of them in motion, and an attentive boy or girl may tie threads and change pirns to three, if not four. The web at present in the loom is a ten hundred muslin. The beauty and regularity of its fabric have given much satisfaction to those gentlemen in Glasgow and Paisley, to whom specimens of it have been shewn: and we may venture to say, that nothing hitherto devised to improve and extend the art of weaving, to add new energy to the labor and ingenuity of the country, and to give a decided command of market, ever demanded a more serious attention from all concerned."
For the GLORIOUS ANNIVERSARY of INDEPENDENCE.
"WAR's horrid sounds no more assail our ears, Elate with bar'b'rous hopes, or chill with fears; Far from the States her threat'ning thunder roars, While Heaven-born Peace smiles round our tranquil shores. Cheer'd by her presence Commerce spreads the sail, Forsakes the port and courts the favouring gale; Exulting bears what distant lands produce, And sports the varied treasure for our use."
Protected too from rapine, fee the swain, Bears to his growing stores the teeming grain; Joyful he takes what nature's bounty yields, And sings contented in his native fields; He knows no fear from stern oppression's dart, To damp the warm emotions of his heart."
Cherish'd by Liberty, around the land, Content and Industry walk hand in hand, Alike on all the heaven-born Goddess smiles, The rich protects, the poor man's care beguiles; In every walk of life can spread a charm, Redress misfortune, and her sting disarm."
Thus to behold, must warm each patriot breast, The nation prosp'rous, and the people blest."
O Liberty! thou guardian of the State, Eternal blessings in thy presence wait; Unlike the transient flowers which fortune rears, They still improve and gather strength by years, No despot here can force unwilling awe, Spurn at control, or trample on the law; Before thy presence fee the tyrant flies, And proud oppression hangs her head and dies! Hail happy land! where justice ever reigns, Protects the weak, the lawless hand refrains; With fol'ring wing secures the poor man's home, And cheers alike the cottage and the dome."
Since then from Liberty our blessings flow, Let's prize the source those blessings can bestow; Within our breasts her sacred altar rear, And own her still the gift of Heaven most dear. Let us whilst mem'ry dwells upon the day, Which saw fair Freedom's form expiring lay, Revere the saving hand which bade her rise, And gild with radiant beams these Western skies!"
FOREIGN MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES.
FRANKFORT, APRIL 1.
We learn from Vienna, that the last division of the Emperor's suite set off the 19th of March for Pest.
NAPLES, FEBRUARY 21.
We learn from Messina, that on the 7th instant, at 35 minutes after five, two shocks of an earthquake were felt there, the first of which was very violent.
DENMARK, MARCH 31.
After the Irish Captain O'Brien had been removed from the town-hall to the Citadel, on Saturday night last, one of his accomplices, named Scheel was taken into custody. He is a native of England, but had resided many years in Sweden. This man on whom were found many papers relating to Benzenstierna, is confined in the Citadel.—The prisoners are daily interrogated in the house of the Governor of the Citadel, and when the examinations are concluded, a commission will be appointed for proceeding against the offenders.
PARIS, APRIL 2.
Though every thing is quiet respecting political affairs, the dearness of bread has given occasion to very violent tumults in some of the southern provinces. At Aix, Marceilles and Toulon, the riots have been carried to a great height. The Comte de Montferat, who had rendered himself obnoxious to the people, was obliged to retire to his house: Here he was pursued and besieged; and unfortunately firing on the multitude, by which a man was killed, he was at length dragged from his house, and literally torn in pieces by the populace. The Bishop of Sisteron narrowly escaped with his life, but was so ill-treated, that it is supposed he will not long survive. On the other hand, the Count de Mirabeau (the Wilkes of the people) has been everywhere conducted in triumph. On his entry into a town where he was elected a deputy for the Third Estate, the windows were let at two guineas, for seeing the procession; not only the horses, but the wheels also were taken from his carriage, and he was thus carried on the people's shoulders.
ST. PETERSBURGH, MARCH 24.
On Sunday last the bathaw of Oczakow, with a numerous suit, was presented to her Imperial Majesty, and very graciously received.
MANHEIM, APRIL 2.
An account is just received of the death of the Prince of Birkenfeld Gelnhausen, the last Protestant Prince of the Palatine Family.
VIENNA, APRIL 4.
The Emperor, who had been some time indisposed, is almost compleatly recovered.
April 17. The Emperor's indisposition has returned with such alarming symptoms, that he has expressed a desire to have, and has had, the sacrament administered to him.
7000 Turks have began hostilities, by attacking the advanced post of Vallie-mulier—They were well received, and finally routed—Their loss 253 killed—our's 10.
LONDON, APRIL 25.
The benevolent institutions in this kingdom for the relief of distress, and the encouragement of virtue, are, it must be allowed, very numerous, and supported with a spirit that does honor to the humanity of the inhabitants at large. In addition to those, one has lately been instituted in this metropolis, called the Philanthropic Society , for the effectual relief of those who are strongly termed the out-casts of society —that is, the children of the vagrant and profligate poor, who, in their present condition are destined to succeed to the hereditary vices of their parents, and to become the next race of beggars and thieves.
The mediation of the Court of London and Berlin will not be able to effect a pacification in the North until Sweden and Russia, shall have tried the fortune of another war.
It is believed at Constantinople, that it was the prevalence of British interest that induced the Vizier to break with Russia. Full of this opinion, the mob assembled lately in a great body about the house of Sir Robert Ainsley, (our Minister at the Porte) and attacked it with so much fury, that it was with great difficulty his Excellency escaped with life.
It is certain that at Constantinople the present war, in which the Porte is engaged, is highly unpopular. As a proof of this, the mob, driven to madness by the news of the fall of Oczakow, and the dreadful slaughter of the Turks, ran in crowds to the palace of the Grand Vizier, which they set on fire, and reduced to ashes.
In the two forms of prayer, respecting our gracious Monarch, two singular points are very obvious. In the first, his Majesty was said to be afflicted for the sins of his people ! In the scripture quotation of the second, a high compliment, indeed, is paid to Dr. Willis, by comparing him to the SAVIOUR of the world ! Are these points decent?
The city of London was much disgraced in the late procession, by the motly figure of the train band. They were like Falstaff's regiment; and paid such an attention to discipline, that a few half-pence thrown among them, created a scramble equal to a parcel of school-boys.
It is no less extraordinary than true, that while the East-India Company have been annually exporting silver to China, for want of other commodities with which to purchase teas, the Dutch have for years past been carrying on a very lucrative trade in tin, from the island of Sumatra, which finds a universal consumption in every part of China. An ingenious gentleman who was lately in the Company's service, has explained this circumstance to the Court of Directors and the Lords of the Treasury, who have turned so attentive an ear to him, that the Company have already sent off 50 tons of tin, by the ships of the present season.
St. PAUL'S, on the Thanksgiving Day, as a subject interesting the opinions and affections of all men, is to be painted by Copley.
April 30. On the King's recovery, all is thanksgiving and joy. We can only inform the public in brief, that on Thursday last the King went in state to St. Paul's, to attend divine service: That the procession, the most magnificent London ever witnessed, consisted of 305 carriages, drawn principally by six horses each: In these were the King, Queen and all the Royal Family; all the Nobility, Commons, &c. the Lord Mayor and Representatives of London, &c. &c. That four thousand Military, and one thousand Peace Officers, were on duty, in the streets, to prevent tumult. That eight thousand fine young charity children, from different parishes, in uniform, chaunted a hymn while the immense company were entering St. Paul's: That after divine service the procession returned in the same order as they came: That the acclamations of the million were loud and loyal: That the King appeared placid and serene, at times; but was often melted into tears: That all the Royal Regiments of Guards, the Tower, Park, &c. fired a feu de joie : That the bells all rang, and that on the following evening the city exhibited one blaze of illumination, the most superb, and the most expensive ever known—the cost being upwards of 500,000. sterling; one building was illuminated by 17,000 lamps, Carlton House by several thousand flambeaux , all variegated—Merchant Taylors' Hall had 3000 lamps in it—Brook's 6000; to reflect which, looking-glasses were placed, some of which were valued at 500. 90 guineas were offered for a ticket of permission to Brook's: And that houses were rented 300l. to 500l. for the day. Seats at 10 to 20 guineas—and but for the rain would have let for more.

THE DAY!
The anniversary of Independence is to be celebrated this day with unusual demonstrations of joy, by the citizens of New-York. The Cincinnatis are to assemble at St. Paul's, at 12 o'clock, where an Eulogium to the memory of the immortal GREENE, will be delivered by The Hon. Mr. HAMILTON.
Now ye patriotic band, Independence! pleasing found! Hail your Country's natal day! Now your labors shall repay! Saviours of a happy land! Washington with glory crown'd! Sovereign, free America! 'Rise! this dear America!
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1789.
MR. SHERMAN moved, that a clause be now added to the bill for establishing the Treasury Department, which should prohibit any of the officers named in that bill from being either directly or indirectly concerned in trade or commerce: The clause was similar to the provision made in the ordinance of Congress for establishing the Board of Treasury—this was amended by adding the substance of Mr. BURKE's motion, which extends the prohibition to speculations in public securities of all kinds, or in public lands, &c.
Mr. FITZSIMONS proposed a further amendment by which these officers are not to exercise any other profession whatever, during the time they are in said department.
The proposed addition to the bill occasioned some conversation, and there appeared to be a variety of sentiments among the members; but on motion of Mr. GERRY to commit the clause, the vote passed in the negative by a great majority.
He then moved that the whole bill should be committed: This also was negatived—after which Mr. SHERMAN's motion, with an addition proposed by Mr. BURKE and Mr. FITZSIMONS, were adopted.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to morrow.
A message was received from the Senate with the bill imposing duties on tonnage—the Secretary informed the hon. House that the Senate adhered to their third, fourth, fifth and sixth amendments, but at the same time agreed to the amendment of the House for laying a duty of 30 cents per ton on vessels built in America, and owned by foreigners.
The Secretary further informed, that the Senate had appointed Mr. WINGATE to join a committee on the part of the Hon. House, to present the enrolled bill, laying an Impost on goods, wares, and merchandise, to THE PRESIDENT for his approbation.
The House proceeded to the consideration of the proposed amendments of the Senate to the tonnage bill.
MR. GERRY moved that the House should concur with the Senate in their third amendment, which was to strike out from the bill the clause which discriminates in the duty upon tonnage, between nations in treaty, and those who are not. This produced a short but animated conversation.
It was urged by Mr. SEDGWICK, Mr. LAURANCE, Mr. GERRY, Mr. JACKSON, and some others, that the House had now the ultimatum of the Senate, determined on by a large majority. That the question involved a dilemma, whether the House would concur with the Senate in amendments which they had before rejected, but which secured an abundant discrimination between American and foreign ships, or would lose this important bill, which would be so productive, so necessary to the regulation of trade, and to the just and equal balance of the whole impost system: The dilemma was easily solved. The question was, whether a small good was to be preferred to a great one—whether the whole revenue arising from the American navigation should be given up, for the sake of exercising a fanciful predilection and preference of one foreign nation over another. It was calculated that the product of the tonnage would amount to 124,000 dollars. This was too serious an object to be neglected, even for a short time, without some important compensation; and especially to be hazarded for the precarious hopes of any other measures being devised to embrace so desirable a prize. The Senate had receded in some instances; the obligation is mutual, and without these concessions no object can ever be achieved.
It was further contended, that it was improper for this House, in which the policy of a discrimination had been determined, in the last instance only by a majority of one, to persevere in opposing so large and respectable a majority of the Senate as had joined in disapproving a discrimination. It was unreasonable to force a large number of the Senate to sacrifice their principles to the opinion of a single man.
It was contended on the other side by Mr. MADISON, Mr. VINING and Mr. PAGE that a concurrence with the Senate at this time, after three full and deliberate discussions and resolutions of the House in favor of this discrimination, and without a single new argument advanced to induce a change of sentiment, was an inconsistent measure, and dangerous to the privileges of the House. It would establish, it was said, the worst
of precedents—It would establish a perpetual argument for the submission of the representatives to the Senate in any future differences.
The danger of losing the bill, it was contended, was an argument that went to destroy the balance of the constitution, as it always might be urged when the Senate chose to persevere in amending a bill contrary to the judgment of the House, or of negativing any favorite measure of this body.
To give way unconditionally in an important matter, when no other reason was offered, but the ultimate determination of the Senate, it was affirmed, was a humiliation unworthy of the House of representatives, and inconsistent with their dignity.
If it were a measure of conciliation, it was observed, much might be plead in its favor. But it bore none of the marks of a principle of accommodation; which was always understood to be a meeting of the parties on some middle line, by the mutual sacrifice of particular principles or objects.
It was further urged that it was not true that a further opposition would involve the necessity of losing the bill. It was to be hoped that it was not yet too late to devise some mode of accommodating the differences; or if it was, yet if the bill were sent back to the Senate, some considerations might induce them to recede, which, consistently with the rules of parliamentary proceedings, they might do previous to a second adherence.
On the question of concurrence, the yeas and nays were called by Mr. PAGE, and the question was carried by 31 against 19.
This concurrence being determined, the other amendments followed, and were acceded to.
The committee appointed for the purpose reported a bill to regulate light-houses, beacons, buoys, &c. which was read and laid on the table.
Adjourned.
THURSDAY, JULY 2.
MR. PARTRIDGE of the committee appointed to examine the enrolled bill, for laying an impost on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States, reported that said bill had passed examination—was corrected, and now ready for the Speaker's signature.—A similar report was made respecting the bill imposing a duty on tonnage.
A letter from The Baron STEUBEN, president of the Cincinnati of the State of New-York, addressed to the Speaker, requesting that the House would honour the Society by their presence, at the celebration of the 4th July, was read.
The engrossed bill for establishing the Treasury Department was read a third time: The House then proceeded to fill the blanks: The Treasurer is to exhibit his accounts to the House of Representatives on the "third" day of every session of Congress.
The blank in the clause which provides for his giving a bond with sufficient sureties for the faithful performance of the duties of his office, and for that of the persons employed by him, was filled with "one hundred and fifty thousand dollars."
The blank in the penalty to be incurred by the Secretary of this Department, for being concerned in commerce, speculations, &c. was filled with "five thousand dollars"—and for like delinquency in the Comptroller, Register, &c. "two thousand dollars."
The bill was then passed to be enacted, by a large majority.
The bill for establishing light-houses, regulating pilots, &c. was read a second time, and referred to the committee of the whole, and made the order of the day for Wednesday next.
In committee of the whole—
Mr. TRUMBULL in the chair—
The bill to regulate the collection of the impost was taken into consideration—and the committee having made some progress in discussing the same—rose, and the House adjourned.
FRIDAY, JULY 3.
In committee of the whole—
The bill to regulate the collection of the impost, still under consideration.
The clause which restricts foreign ships to particular enumerated ports, it was moved should be struck out—this occasioned some debate; the substance of which occurred in the former discussion of the same subject—this motion was finally withdrawn.
Mr. GERRY then introduced a motion, the purport of which was, that the names of the particular ports which were the object of the above motion, should be struck out, and the following words be substituted, "nor shall any foreign vessel enter or unlad, but at those ports, to which a Collector, Naval-Officer, and Surveyor is appointed.—This also after some conversation, was negatived.
The committee then proceeded in discussing the bill—several ports were added to the list, at which foreign vessels may enter.—The committee having made further progress—rose—the chairman reported—and the House adjourned till Monday.
THE DAY!
In commemorating the present DISTINGUISHED DAY, what additional motives to joy, and gratitude to Heaven, naturally crowd upon, and dilate the soul of every American. Our happiness on every preceding anniversary has been more or less interrupted, either by the din of war, or civil discord: All those clouds are now happily dispelled—a prospect new and splendid dawns upon us: Our common FATHER and DELIVERER, to whose prudence, wisdom, and valour we owe our PEACE, LIBERTY, and SAFETY, now leads and directs in the grand councils of the nation, for their preservation. As the CONQUERER of our enemies he is entitled to our praise: As the SUPPORTER and DEFENDER of the rights of mankind, he is the just object of our love, reverence, gratitude and esteem. As we have crowned the HERO with laurels, let us honor the PATRIOT by an humble imitation of his exalted virtues. Let us rejoice that AMERICA can boast a SON,
Whose loud-trumpet fame o'er the wide welkin rings, And wakes to virtue the proud hearts of kings; Remotest realms reverberate his name, Stern Despots kindle with a patriot flame; Their frigid bosoms new sensations warm, And against tyranny, e'en Tyrants arm. HIS sacred fire, o'er all COLUMBIA streams, And FREEDOM basks beneath THE PATRIOT's beams.
From all parts of the Union accounts agree, that THIS DAY, will be celebrated with a degree of hilarity and festivity, hitherto unknown. We have had the name of Independence—the shadow without the substance. As a nation, the Independence of the whole was suspended on the whims and caprices of a single State, and our individual, separate sovereignty and independence, were continually infringed upon by partial and local regulations, which were subversive of the dignity and independence of the Union. This idea became so general at last, that the people were convinced, that they amused themselves with a sound, while the prospect of real Independence was receding, and growing more uncertain every day. This roused us to action, to deliberation, to decision—and now we celebrate an independent Government—an original, independent Constitution! an independent Legislature, at the head of which we THIS DAY celebrate THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY—We celebrate WASHINGTON! We celebrate an INDEPENDENT EMPIRE!
"Now shall COLUMBIA lift her cheerful head, Put forth the leaves of glad prosperity, And after all her gloomy scenes of grief, And sad affliction, flourish and revive, In all the bright serenity of peace."
In congratulating our readers upon this anniversary day of their independence, we hope to excite the most pleasing emotions.—When the citizens of this nation have on former occasions celebrated this memorable day, the ardor of their festivity was checked by the gloom and uncertainty of their political prospects. As the object of the revolution was not only Independence, but Government, our success must have been deemed incomplete at any period before the adoption of the glorious constitution, which is to secure our liberty by giving rise to a system of just legislation. With peculiar propriety may this our birth day be considered as a most elevated occasion of joy and congratulation. Whether we reflect on the vast and astonishing scenes through which we have passed in our progress through the war; or whether we contemplate the conspicuous advantages that offer themselves to our view in our present situation; great must be our admiration for the past! and elevated our hopes for the future. On whatever side we turn our eyes the prospect is bright and captivating. The spirit of peace and accommodation that reign in the great bulk of our citizens; the wisdom and patriotism of our legislative fathers; the talents and integrity that will characterize the executive officers from the mode of their appointment, and noble example of their illustrious head and director, are all circumstances that authorize us to indulge in the gay scenes and amusements that are marked out for this auspicious day. It is however to be hoped that excess and indecency of every description will be restrained; and that the ennobling idea that we are a free and virtuous as well as an independent people, will prevent our staining our characters with vicious indulgence or rude mirth and hilarity, and bringing reproach on a day which should be dedicated to joy and gratitude, rather than to dissipation and intemperance. To associate in cheerful parties of festivity however is no unfuitable method of expressing the feelings which rise out of the occasion. May we long continue to enjoy equal reason for amusement and congratulations!
We felicitate the public that THE PRESIDENT is so recovered from his late indisposition, as to take the air in his carriage for several days past.
The people of the United States are distinguished from all others upon the face of the earth, for an enlightened understanding, and a just estimate of the blessings of society, and government: This can be attributed to nothing, but a spirit of universal freedom of enquiry—the general diffusion of knowledge by means of their numberless seminaries of learning, scattered through all parts of the country, and that generous concern for the public interest, which pervades all ranks of citizens.
Money is the nerve of war—and industry the soul of a commonwealth: In a free and just government, the wealth of the industrious and prosperous citizen, is the wealth of the State. For when the inhabitants of a country are under the protection of good laws, when they find their confidence is justly placed in the administration, and they realize that their persons are protected, and their property secured, advances to aid the public are always prompt, and liberal. Hence the rich become bankers for the public, and the public have an exhaustless source to draw upon.
The propriety and importance of attention to the coin of the United States is obvious: Revolutions in every line produce a temporary inconvenience—and that of an universal alteration in the currency of a country, not one of the least. The late Congress aware of this in the ordinance upon this subject, have studied that simplicity and plainness, which will obviate all difficulty, provided any attention is paid to the same by the people at large.
The general court of Massachusetts is adjourned to January next. Both branches of the legislature of Massachusetts previous to their adjournment, took the oath prescribed by law to support the constitution of the United States.
The address to THE PRESIDENT of the United States having passed both Houses of the legislature of Massachusetts, the Secretary of that State was directed to forward it to their SENATORS in Congress, with a request that they would present the same.
In Mr. VINING's speech, published in our last, instead of "Hercules rose brawling from his cradle," read, brawny—and then the sense will be, that the government, although an infant as to age, had in strength and constitution, the vigour of manhood; and should therefore consult, in its first operations, the wisdom and experience of former nations, as to its distributive powers.

GEORGIA. We the underwritten Delegates from the People in Convention met, do declare that the following Articles shall form the Constitution for the Government of this State, and, by virtue of the powers in us vested for that purpose, do hereby ratify and confirm the same.
The CONSTITUTION of the STATE of GEORGIA.
ARTICLE I.
Section I. THE Legislative Power shall be vested in two separate and distinct Branches, to wit: a Senate and House of Representatives, to be styled, "The General Assembly."
Section II. The Senate shall be elected on the first Monday in October in every third year, until such day of election be altered by law, and shall be composed of one member from each county, chosen by the electors thereof, and shall continue for the term of three years.
Section III. No person shall be a member of the Senate who shall not have attained to the age of twenty eight years, and who shall not have been nine years an inhabitant of the United States, and three years a citizen of this State, and shall be an inhabitant of that county for which he shall be elected, and have resided therein six months immediately preceding his election, and shall be possessed in his own right of two hundred and fifty acres of land, or some property to the amount of two hundred and fifty pounds.
Section IV. The Senate shall elect, by ballot, a President out of their own body.
Section V. The Senate shall have solely the power to try all impeachments.
Section VI. The election of members for the House of Representatives shall be annual, on the first Monday in October, until such day of election be altered by law, and shall be composed of members from each county in the following proportions: Camden, two; Glynn, two; Liberty, four; Chatham, five; Effingham, two; Burke, four; Richmond, four; Wilkes, five; Washington, two; Green, two; and Franklin, two.
Section VII. No person shall be a member of the House of Representatives who shall not have attained to the age of twenty one years, and have been seven years a citizen of the United States, and two years an inhabitant of this State; and shall be an inhabitant of that county for which he shall be elected, and have resided therein three months immediately preceding his election; and shall be possessed in his own right of two hundred acres of land, or other property to the amount of one hundred and fifty pounds.
Section VIII. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers.
Section IX. They shall have solely the power to impeach all persons who have been or may be in office.
Section X. No person holding a military commission or office of profit under this or the United States, or either of them, (except justices of the peace and officers of the militia) shall be allowed to take his seat as a member of either branch of the General Assembly: Nor shall any Senator or Representative be elected to any office of profit which shall be created during his appointment.
Section XI. The meeting of the General Assembly shall be annual, on the first Monday in November until such day of meeting be altered by law.
Section XII. One third of the members of each branch shall have power to proceed to business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and compel the attendance of their members in such manner as each House may prescribe.
Section XIII. Each House shall be judges of the elections, returns, and qualifications, of its own members; with powers to expel or punish for disorderly behaviour.
Section XIV. No Senator or Representative shall be liable to be arrested during his attendance on the General Assembly, or for a reasonable time in going thereto or returning home, except it be for treason, felony, or breach of the peace: Nor shall any member be liable to answer for any thing spoken in debate in either House, in any Court or place elsewhere.
Section XV. The members of the Senate and House of Representatives shall take the following oath or affirmation: "I, A. B. do solemnly swear, (or affirm as the case may be) that I have not obtained my election by bribery or other unlawful means; and that I will give my vote, on all questions that may come before me, as a Senator, or Representative, in such manner as in my judgment will best promote the good of this State; and that I shall bear true faith and allegiance to the same, and to the utmost of my power, observe, support, and defend, the Constitution thereof."
Section XVI. The General Assembly shall have power to make all laws and ordinances which they shall deem necessary and proper for the good of the State, which shall not be repugnant to this Constitution.
Section XVII. They shall have power to alter the boundaries of the present counties and to lay off new ones, as well out the counties already laid off as out of the other territory belonging to the State. When a new county or counties shall be laid off, out of any of the present county or counties, such new county or counties shall have their representation apportioned out of the number of the Representatives of the county or counties out of which it or they shall be laid off; and when any new county shall be laid off in the vacant territory belonging to the State, such county shall have a number of Representatives, not exceeding three, to be regulated and determined by the General Assembly. And no money shall be drawn out of the Treasury, or from the public funds of this State, except by appropriations made by law.
Section XVIII. No Clergyman of any denomination shall be a member of the General Assembly.
ARTICLE II.
Section I. The Executive Power shall be vested in a Governor, who shall hold his office during the term of two years, and shall be elected in the following manner:
Section II. The House of Representatives shall, on the second day of their making a House, in the first, and in every second year thereafter, vote by ballot for three persons; and shall make a list containing the names of the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each person, which list the Speaker shall sign in the presence of the House; and deliver it in person to the Senate; and the Senate shall, on the same day, proceed by ballot to elect one of the three persons having the highest number of votes, and the person having a majority of the votes of the Senators present shall be the Governor.
Section III. No person shall be eligible to the office of Governor who shall not have been a citizen of the United States twelve years, and an inhabitant of this State six years, and who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and who does not possess five hundred acres of land in his own right within this State, and other species of property to the amount of one thousand pounds sterling.
Section IV. In case of death, resignation, or disability of the Governor, the President of the Senate shall exercise the Executive Powers of Government until such disability be removed, or until the next meeting of the General Assembly.
Section V. The Governor shall, at stated times, receive for his service, a compensation which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall be elected, neither shall he receive, within that period, any other emolument from the United States, or any of them, or from any foreign power. Before he enters on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation: "I do solemnly swear, (or affirm, as the case may be) that I will faithfully execute the office of Governor of the State of Georgia, and will, to the best of my abilities, preserve, protect, and defend the said State, and cause justice to be executed with mercy therein, according to the constitution and laws of the same."
Section VI. He shall be Commander in Chief in and over the State of Georgia, and of the militia thereof.
Section VII. He shall have powers to grant reprieves for offences against the State, except in cases of impeachment, and to grant pardons, in all cases after conviction, except for treason or murder, in which cases he may respite the execution, and make a report thereof to the next General Assembly, by whom a pardon may be granted.
Section VIII. He shall issue writs of election to fill up all vacancies that happen in the Senate or House of Representatives, and shall have power to convene the General Assembly on extraordinary occasions, and shall give them from time to time information of the state of the Republic, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he may deem necessary and expedient.
Section IX. In case of disagreement between the Senate and House of Representatives, with respect to the time to which the General Assembly shall adjourn, he may adjourn them to such time as he may think proper.
Section X. He shall have the revision of all bills passed by both Houses before the same shall become laws; but two thirds of both Houses may pass a law notwithstanding his dissent, and, if any bill should not be returned by the Governor within five days after it hath been presented to him, the same shall be a law, unless the General Assembly, by their adjournment, shall prevent its return.
Section XI. The Great Seal of the State shall be deposited in the office of the Secretary, and it shall not be affixed to any instrument of writing without it be by order of the Governor, or General Assembly, and the General Assembly may direct the Great Seal to be altered.
ARTICLE III.
Section I. A Superior Court shall be held in each County twice in every year, in which shall be tried, and brought to final decision, all causes civil and criminal, except such as may be subject to a Federal Court, and such as may by law be inferred to inferior jurisdiction.
Section II. The General Assembly shall point out the modes of correcting errors and appeals, which shall extend so far as to empower the Judges to direct a new trial by jury within the County where the action originated, and which shall be final.
Section III. Courts Merchant shall be held as heretofore, subject to such regulations as the General Assembly may by law direct.
Section IV. All causes shall be tried in the County where the defendant resides, except in cases of real estate, which shall be tried in the County where such estate lies, and in criminal cases, which shall be tried in the county where the crime shall be committed.
Section V. The Judges of the Supreme Court and Attorney-General, shall have a competent salary established by law, which shall not be increased nor diminished during their continuance in office, and shall hold their commission during the term of three years.
ARTICLE IV.
Section I. The electors of the members of both branches of the General Assembly shall be citizens and inhabitants of this State, and shall have attained to the age of twenty one years, and have paid tax for the year preceding the election, and shall have resided six months within the county.
Section II. All elections shall be by ballot, and the House of Representatives, in all appointments of state officers, shall vote for three persons, and a list of the three persons having the highest number of votes shall be signed by the Speaker, and sent to the Senate, which shall from such list determine, by a majority of their votes, the officer elected, except militia officers and the Secretaries of the Governor, who shall be appointed by the Governor alone, under such regulations and restrictions as the General Assembly may prescribe. The General Assembly may vest the appointment of inferior officers in the Governor, the courts of justice, or in such other manner as they may by law establish.
Section III. Freedom of the press, and trial by jury shall remain inviolate.
Section IV. All persons shall be entitled to the benefit of the writ Habeas Corpus.
Section V. All persons shall have the free exercise of religion, without being obliged to contribute to the support of any religious profession but their own.
Section VI. Estates shall not be entailed, and when a person dies intestate, leaving a wife and children, the wife shall have a child's share, or her dower, at her option; if there be no wife the estate shall be equally divided among the children and their legal Representatives of the first degree. The distribution of all other intestate estates may be regulated by law.
Section VII. At the general election for members of Assembly, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, the electors in each county shall elect three persons to represent them in a convention, for the purpose of taking into consideration the alterations necessary to be made in this constitution, who shall meet at such time and place as the General Assembly may appoint; and if two thirds of the whole number shall meet and concur, they shall proceed to agree on such alterations and amendments as they may think proper. Provided, that after two thirds shall have concurred to proceed to alterations and amendments, a majority shall determine on the particulars of such alterations and amendments.
Section VIII. This Constitution shall take effect, and be in full force, on the first Monday in October next, after the adoption of the same; and the executive shall be authorised to alter the time for the sitting of the Superior Courts, so that the same may not interfere with the annual elections in the respective counties, or the meeting of the first General Assembly.
Done at Augusta, in Convention, the sixth day of May, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and in the year of the Sovereignty and Independence of the United States, the thirteenth.
WILLIAM GIBBONS, President and Delegate from Chatham. Afa Emanuel, Justus H. Scheuber, Chatham. Benjamin Lamer, John Green, N. Brownson, Effingham. David Emanuel, Hugh Lawson, William Little, Burke. Abraham Marshall, W. F. Booker, Leonard Marbury, Richmond. John Talbot, Jeremiah Walker, Wilkes. Launchlan McIntosh, Liberty. Alexander Biffet, Glynn. Jared Irwin, John Watts, Joshua Williams, Washington. Middleton Woods, Franklin. Joseph Carmichael, Henry Karr, Greene. Attest. D. LONGSTREET, Secretary.
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
The Address of the Ministers and Elders of the German Reformed Congregations in the United States at their General Meeting, held at Philadelphia, on the 10th day of June 1789.
WHILST the infinite goodness of Almighty God in his gracious Providence over the people of the United States of America, calls for our sincerest and most cordial gratitude to him that ruleth supremely, and ordereth all things in Heaven and on earth in unerring wisdom and righteousness; the happy, the peaceable establishment of the new government, over which you so deservedly preside, cannot fail, but inspire our souls with new and the most lively emotions of adoration, praise and thanksgiving unto his holy name.
As it is our most firm purpose to support in our persons a government founded in justice and equity, so it shall be our constant duty to impress the minds of the people entrusted to our care, with a due sense of the necessity of uniting reverence to such a government and obedience to its laws, with the duties and exercise of religion. Thus we hope by the blessing of God, to be in some measure instrumental of alleviating the burthen of that weighty and important charge, to which you have been called by the unanimous voice of your fellow-citizens, and which your love to your country has constrained you to take upon you.
Deeply possessed of a sense of the goodness of God in the appointment of your person to the high station in the national government, we shall continue in our public worship and all our devotions
before the throne of grace, to pray that it may please God to bless you in your person, your family and your government, with all temporal and spiritual blessings in Christ Jesus.
Signed by order of the meeting, W. HENDEL, p. t. Preses. F. DELLIKER, p. t. Scriba.
THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER. To the Ministers and Elders of the German Reformed Congregations in the United States.
GENTLEMEN, I AM happy in concurring with you in the sentiments of gratitude and piety toward Almighty God, which are expressed with such fervency of devotion in your address; and in believing that I shall always find in you and the German Reformed Congregations in the United States, a conduct correspondent to such worthy and pious expressions.
At the same time I return you my thanks for the manifestation of your firm purpose to support in your persons a government founded in justice and equity; and for the promise that it will be your constant study to impress the minds of the people entrusted to your care with a due sense of the necessity of uniting reverence to such a government, and obedience to its laws, with the duties and exercise of religion. Be assured gentlemen, it is by such conduct, very much in the power of the virtuous members of the community to alleviate the burthen of the important office which I have accepted, and to give me occasion to rejoice in this world, for having followed therein the dictates of my conscience.
Be pleased also to accept my acknowledgments for the interest you so kindly take in the prosperity of my person, family, and administration. May your devotions before the throne of grace be prevalent in calling down the blessings of heaven upon yourselves and your country. GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Authentic instance of the horrible barbarity of Religious Persecution. MARGARET Valois, Queen of Henry IV. of France, writes in her memoirs concerning the massacre of Paris:
"When in a found sleep, says she, I was very suddenly awakened by a knocking at the door, and calling out, 'Navarre! Navarre! My nurse, thinking it was the King my husband, hastened to the door; it was a gentleman named De Trajan, bleeding very much, being wounded in two places, and with four yeomen of the guard at his heels, who forced their way after him into my room; he ran to my bed, as a sanctuary, I leaped out, and after me, clasping me round the body by the bed side. We both cried out, one being no less frightened than the other. At length the Captain of the guards came in, and finding me in such a condition, though there was more call for pity, fell a laughing, as at something droll. In the Louvre, in the King's sister's chamber even on her very bed, gentlemen were butchered, contrary to oaths and treaties; and Niniac, who had the character of one of the worthiest men at court, laughs at the fight! He laughs in this horrible juncture! Oh! this is so execrable a day he could laugh!"
"Having shifted my linen, (adds the Princess) because I was all over bloody, and throwing a night gown over me, I went to the apartment of Madame de Lorraine, I was no sooner in her anti-chamber, than a gentleman flying from the yeoman of the guard, was struck dead with a halbert close by me."
THE NATIONAL MONITOR. No. XIII.
[The subject of the last No. continued.] IT must be conceded on all hands that the equality of circumstances which prevails in some of the United States, is more friendly to general liberty, than the disparity which is apparent in others. This idea suggests an obvious advantage, which will result to the Southern traveller, who may make the Northern and Eastern tour: Born with high ideas of birth, and educated in principles of superiority to the numerous herd of slaves which continually surround him, the opulent planter can scarcely conceive of government, obedience, and good order, among a race of freemen: But when he quits his extensive acres, cultivated by the hand of the depressed, and toil-worn slave, and traverses the highly cultivated fields of the Eastern States—when he mingles with the hardy yeomanry of the North—the industrious, free spirited mechanics, the enterprising traders and merchants of the New-England States—When he observes their various social institutions for the promotion of harmony, mutual assistance, arts, manufactures, and literature—the equal opportunities enjoyed by all ranks for the acquisition of knowledge, and improvement of the human faculties, and a variety of other objects which might be mentioned, and which will always strike the ingenious and attentive observer: I say, an opportunity to reflect upon these things, will have a powerful tendency to enlarge the mind, liberalize the views, and rectify the affections of the Southern traveller: he will, in all probability, return a more generous friend to the rights of human nature than he set out.
On the other hand, a variety of prejudices will be eradicated from the mind of the Eastern traveller, by exploring the regions of the South: He will there find many things worthy of notice, of imitation and admiration: He will see industry crowned with affluence, independence, hospitality, and liberality of manners; and notwithstanding the prevalence of domestic slavery, he will find the noblest sentiments of freedom and independence to predominate—auguring the final triumph of reason, humanity, and universal liberty! He will behold the highly cultivated plantations extensive as the horizontal landscape: He will extol the enterprize, the art, and ingenuity, which are co-operating with nature to unite extensive regions by the friendly connection of noble rivers, that meander through, and fructify the boundless intervals: He will see that nature here compensates for intemperer solar rays, by a soil that yields to easier cultivation, than subdues the globe which forms the surface of his native clime: He will compare—he will balance—he will reflect, that nature is wife, and that providence, in the distribution of its favors, is not capricious, or unjust.
This Day is published, (Price 2/6) And to be sold by BERRY & ROGERS, Hanover-Square, by ROBERT HODGE, Corner of King and Queen-Street, and by the EDITOR hereof;
T W E N T Y - S I X L E T T E R S, UPON INTERESTING SUBJECTS, RESPECTING THE REVOLUTION OF AMERICA. Written in Holland in the Year M.DCC.LXXX. By his Excellency JOHN ADAMS, WHILE HE WAS SOLE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE, AND A TREATY OF COMMERCE, WITH GREAT-BRITAIN. Never before published.
ADVERTISEMENT. Prefixed to the Letters.
DR. CALKOEEN, an eminent Civilian at Amsterdam, to whom these letters were written, composed, by the means of them, a comparison between the revolt of the Low Countries from Spain, and the revolution of the United States of America; in which he concluded, upon the whole, that "as it was a kind of miracle that the former succeeded, it would be a greater miracle still if the latter should not." This composition was read by him to a society of gentlemen of letters, about forty in number, who met sometimes at Amsterdam; and by its means just sentiments of American affairs began to spread in that country, and to prevail over the continual misrepresentations of certain gazettes and emissaries—The publications of General Howe and Burgoyne, in vindication of themselves, were procured to be translated into French, and propagated, together with many other pamphlets, which assisted in the same design, and contributed to excite the citizens to those applications, by petition to the regencies of the several cities, which finally procured the acknowledgement of American Independence, the Treaty of Commerce, and a Loan of Money. JOHN ADAMS.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]