Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-08-24 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 129 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, AUGUST 24, 1793.
[Whole No. 451.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
TO THE PEOPLE.
HAVE the Americans a right to go a privateering against any nation, while America is at peace with all the world? That they have no such right is declared by the President; and the Judges of the supreme court are doubtless of the same opinion. But there is a party in some of the States who support an opposite opinion. They contend that an American citizen may when he pleases enter on board a foreign privateer while the United States are at peace. When we consider the conduct of this party in Philadelphia during the late trial of a privateer's-man, the proofs of joy they afterwards exhibited, and the late publications that seem to have been made by some of them, indecent beyond their usual efforts; when we consider also that the head of that party seems to have appealed to the people in opposition to the sense of the executive, with the hope, as we must suppose, of causing insurrections and overturning the government, it must be high time for every citizen to consider the subject fully and say whether he is for war or peace.
Be not deluded my fellow-citizens by the idle parade of wordy lawyers or frothy politicians, there is but one question before us.—It is the question of War or Peace—and the true object of all the privateer's-men is a general War, whatever they may pretend to the contrary, for their measures tend to inevitable war. You will be pleased to think on this subject and give your opinions.
The argument used by the party in opposition to government, I do not know whether they are usually called for the sake of distinction, privateer's-men or Genetees, is that a citizen of America, living in America, may when he pleases change his allegiance, that he may this minute be an American, and on the next minute, without change of place, he may, by a kind of locus poenitentiae or leger de main , be a French, an English, or a Dutchman. That being thus transmogrified he may ship himself on board the armed ship of his adopted foreign nation, he may go to sea and plunder or take the ships of people with whom the Americans are at peace, may bring those ships into American ports and sell them as good prizes. Let us trace the natural conclusions from this argument.—French privateers they say may be fitted in American ports and American citizens may become Frenchmen in our towns. If part of the crew of a French privateer may be Americans, nick-named French, certainly the whole crew may be of the same class. If one man may purchase and fit out a vessel for cruising against the trade of a nation with whom we are at peace, every other man may do the same thing. Our ship-owners may be transmuted into Frenchmen as well as our seamen. In this case there may soon be fifty or an hundred privateers at sea, cruising against the trade of Spain, Holland, England and Germany, making descents on their islands or their European dominions, and plundering their subjects. All the prizes or plunder must come into the United States for the accommodation of the captors when they shall think fit again to call themselves Americans. It might to happen that not a single man of all this privateering armada had ever been in France—all of them born in America and retaining the privileges of American citizens; but the people of the United States are all this time supposed to be inoffensive and peaceable! Suppose any of the injured nations should complain that Americans had taken their vessels and should demand reparation, our subtle politicians are prepared with an answer;—we are to reply that those Americans had changed their country, while they were cruising, and we disowned them? Would this, do you think, be a satisfactory answer? Old Indians make treaties of peace with us and young Indians kill our fellow-citizens; when we complain of the breach of peace, the blame is constantly laid, not upon people who ceased to be Indians, but upon disorderly young people; the nation do not make themselves answerable. The policy of our privateer's-men is an improvement on savage perfidy; their outrages will not be committed by disorderly people of the United States, but by Frenchmen who had been Americans before they went on board and will be Americans when they come on shore.
Suppose we should declare war to-morrow against England, Spain and Holland, what is to be done; it is generally supposed that our whole exertions must be confined to privateering against their commerce, but this is the very thing our politicians would effect by their new fashioned system of neutrality.—There would be no difference in substance, some difference there might be in shadow.—In one case we should cruise with a striped cockade, in the other case with a black one. In one case we should cruise under a false name, in the other case without proper name. Such a distinction may be good for children at play, for soher men or for nations it is too contemptible to be mentioned.
It is really a pity that the property, the
happiness and peace of four millions of people should be endangered by a few privateer's-men; by a class of men who being too lazy to work are desirous of robbing on the high seas. We have been told that gratitude to France will justify some little departure from the strict line of neutrality, but these very men are going to cruise against the Dutch, and we know that the Dutch suffered more on our account during the late war than the French; why does gratitude sleep when the Hollander puts in his claim? Such reasonings may be conciliative to the man who wishes for an excuse to seize property that is not his own; by injured nations they must be regarded as inult added to injury. They will not fail to discover that they have been struck by Americans.
In a word my fellow-citizens, we have no alternative; we must firmly set our shoulders against this trade of privateering, we must prevent this manufacture of American French or else we must go to war with Spain, England and Holland. If you prefer peace you will act accordingly. NESTOR.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. FENNO.
Please to give a place in your Gazette to the following observations. The Printers who may have republished the pieces signed PACIFICUS, are also requested to republish these, and will no doubt be candid enough to do so.
NUMBER I.
SEVERAL pieces with the signature of PACIFICUS were lately published, which have been read with singular pleasure and applause, by the foreigners and degenerate citizens among us, who hate our republican government, and the French revolution; whilst the publication seems to have been too little regarded, or too much despised by the steady friends to both.
Had the doctrines inculcated by the writer, with the natural consequences from them, been nakedly presented to the public, this treatment might have been proper. Their true character would then have struck every eye, and been rejected by the feelings of every heart. But they offer themselves to the reader in the dress of an elaborate dissertation; they are mingled with a few truths that may serve them as a passport to credulity; and they are introduced with professions of anxiety for the preservation of peace, for the welfare of the government, and for the respect due to the present head of the executive, that may prove a snare to patriotism.
In these disguises they have appeared to claim the attention I propose to bestow on them; with a view to shew, from the publication itself, that under colour of vindicating an important public act, of a chief magistrate, who enjoys the confidence and love of his country, principles are advanced which strike at the vitals of its constitution, as well as at its honor and true interest.
As it is not improbable that attempts may be made to apply insinuations which are seldom spared when particular purposes are to be answered, to the author of the ensuing observations, it may not be improper to premise, that he is a friend to the constitution, that he wishes for the preservation of peace, and that the present chief magistrate has not a fellow-citizen, who is penetrated with deeper respect for his merits, or feels a purer solicitude for his glory.
This declaration is made with no view of courting a more favorable ear to what may be said than it deserves. The sole purpose of it is, to obviate imputations which might weaken the impressions of truth; and which are the more likely to be resorted to, in proportion as solid and fair arguments may be wanting.
The substance of the first piece, sifted from its inconsistencies and its vague expressions, may be thrown into the following propositions:
That the powers of declaring war and making treaties are, in their nature, executive powers:
That being particularly vested by the constitution in other departments, they are to be considered as exceptions out of the general grant to the executive department:
That being, as exceptions, to be construed strictly, the powers not strictly within them, remain with the executive:
That the executive consequently, as the organ of intercourse with foreign nations, and the interpreter and executor of treaties, and the law of nations, is authorised, to expound all articles of treaties, those involving questions of war and peace, as well as others;—to judge of the obligations of the United States to make war or not, under any casus federis or eventual operation of the contract, relating to war;—and, to pronounce the state of things resulting from the obligations of the United States, as understood by the executive:
That in particular the executive had authority to judge whether in the case of the
mutual guaranty between the United States and France, the former were bound by it to engage in the war:
That the executive has, in pursuance of that authority, decided that the United States are not bound:—And,
That its proclamation of the 22d of April last, is to be taken as the effect and expression of that decision.
The basis of the reasoning is, we perceive, the extraordinary doctrine, that the powers of making war and treaties, are in their nature executive; and the more comprehended in the general grant of executive power, where not specially and strictly excepted out of the grant.
Let us examine this doctrine; and that we may avoid the possibility of mistating the writer, it shall be laid down in his own words:—a precaution the more necessary, as scarce any thing else could outweigh the improbability, that so extravagant a tenet should be hazarded, at so early a day, in the face of the public.
His words are—“Two of these [exceptions and qualifications to the executive powers] have been already noticed—the participation of the Senate in the appointment of officers, and the making of treaties. A third remains to be mentioned—the right of the legislature to declare war, and grant letters of marque and reprisal.”
Again—“It deserves to be remarked, that as the participation of the Senate in the making treaties, and the power of the legislature to declare war, are exceptions out of the general executive power, vested in the President, they are to be construed strictly, and ought to be extended no farther than is essential to their execution.”
If there be any countenance to these positions, it must be found either 1st, in the writers, of authority, on public law; or 2d, in the quality and operation of the powers to make war and treaties; or 3d, in the constitution of the United States.
It would be of little use to enter far into the first source of information, not only because our own reason and our own constitution, are the best guides; but because a just analysis and discrimination of the powers of government, according to their executive, legislative and judiciary qualities are not to be expected in the works of the most received jurists, who wrote before a critical attention was paid to those objects, and with their eyes too much on monarchical governments, where all powers are confounded in the sovereignty of the prince. It will be found, however, I believe, that all of them, particularly Wolfius, Burlamaqui and Vattel, speak of the powers to declare war, to conclude peace, and to form alliances, as among the highest acts of the sovereignty; of which the legislative power must at least be an integral and pre-eminent part.
Writers, such as Locke and Montesquieu, who have discussed more particularly the principles of liberty and the structure of government, lie under the same disadvantage, of having written before these subjects were illuminated by the events and discussions which distinguish a very recent period. Both of them too are evidently warped by a regard to the particular government of England, to which one of them owed allegiance; and the other professed an admiration bordering on idolatry. Montesquieu, however, has rather distinguished himself by enforcing the reasons and the importance of avoiding a confusion of the several powers of government, than by enumerating and defining the powers which belong to each particular class. And Locke, notwithstanding the early date of his work on civil government, and the example of his own government before his eyes, admits that the particular powers in question, which, after some of the writers on public law he calls federative, are really distinct from the executive, though almost always united with it, and hard to be separated into distinct hands. Had he not lived under a monarchy, in which these powers were united; or had he written by the lamp which truth now presents to lawgivers, the last observation would probably never have dropt from his pen. But let us quit a field of research which is more likely to perplex than to decide, and bring the question to other tests of which it will be more easy to judge.
2. If we consult for a moment, the nature and operation of the two powers to declare war and make treaties, it will be impossible not to see that they can never fall within a proper definition of executive powers. The natural province of the executive magistrate is to execute laws, as that of the legislature is to make laws. All his acts therefore, properly executive, must pre-suppose the existence of the laws to be executed. A treaty is not an execution of laws: it does not presuppose the existence of laws. It is, on the contrary, to have itself the force of a law, and to be carried into execution, like all other
The chapter on prerogative, shews how much the reason of the philosopher was clouded by the royalism of the Englishman.
laws, by the executive magistrate. To say then that the power of making treaties which are confessedly laws, belongs naturally to the department which is to execute laws, is to say, that the executive department naturally includes a legislative power. In theory, this is an absurdity—in practice a tyranny.
The power to declare war is subject to similar reasoning. A declaration that there shall be war, is not an execution of laws: it does not suppose pre-existing laws to be executed: it is not in any respect, an act merely executive. It is, on the contrary, one of the most deliberative acts that can be performed; and when performed, has the effect of repealing all the laws operating in a state of peace, so far as they are inconsistent with a state of war: and of enacting as a rule for the executive, a new code adapted to the relation between the society and its foreign enemy. In like manner a conclusion of peace annuls all the laws peculiar to a state of war, and revives the general laws incident to a state of peace.
These remarks will be strengthened by adding that treaties, particularly treaties of peace, have sometimes the effect of changing not only the external laws of the society, but operate also on the internal code, which is purely municipal, and to which the legislative authority of the country is of itself competent and compleat.
From this view of the subject it must be evident, that although the executive may be a convenient organ of preliminary communications with foreign governments, on the subjects of treaty or war; and the proper agent for carrying into execution the final determinations of the competent authority; yet it can have no pretensions from the nature of the powers in question compared with the nature of the executive trust, to that essential agency which gives validity to such determinations.
It must be further evident that, if these powers be not in their nature purely legislative, they partake so much more of that, than of any other quality, that under a constitution leaving them to result to their most natural department, the legislature would be without a rival in its claim.
[The residue of this number will appear in our next.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. FENNO.
I HAVE observed with some pleasure the gradual dereliction of certain terms formerly in use amongst us, invidiously calculated to distinguish some men, possessing uncommon merit in public stations, or eminently virtuous in private life, from others, in whom those qualities are not so conspicuous, and having a dangerous tendency to destroy that equality without which we cannot be said to be altogether free.
In the room of these disparaging epithets, we have happily introduced other phrases so congenial to the spirit or freedom, that having at the best no meaning at all, they may be moulded by a temporizing incendiary to the purposes, first of misleading his followers, and, when his party becomes strong enough, of bearing down his opponents.
It is not without satisfaction that I find the term President becoming so very offensive to some citizens, though I must confess, that my joy is considerably abated on this occasion, by the mortifying reflection that few or none of the true citizens of the United States have adopted this odium, or include in it, the person of our chief magistrate—the rape of modern liberty having not, as yet, entirely destroyed that reverence for eminent talents and virtue which have heretofore been deemed necessary in our rulers.
I have unfortunately made use of the word magistrate , and indeed, as matters are yet circumstanced—I could not well get over it—it has an ugly sound, and a more destructive meaning than President, which signifies no more in this country, even in the mouths of modern reformers than one man unanimously chosen by his fellow-citizens to preside over a government rationally free and framed by themselves—by which his power and duty is unequivocally prescribed.—Whereas the other being applicable under various modifications to all governments, gives us a general idea of order, and the shameful necessity of submitting to it.—An alarming idea! which strikes at the very root of “the plant we have laboured to rear”—our darling mongrel exotic, Liberty and Equality.
But fear not my fellow-reformers—behold Aristocrat and Democrat coming to your aid—these unmeaning giants shall work wonders for you.—The magical sounds of Aristocrat and Democrat , in the mouth of any juggler, shall turn your chaff into wheat, transform an honest man into a knave and a pimp into a patriot.
I have moreover remarked with much delight, the advancement of our cause and the augmentation of our forces from the judicious management of the words Englishmen and Frenchmen .—If a virtuous American, and consequently a lover of Peace and Liberty, should speak in general terms of the fatal calamities

ne great duty and necessity of a union to the laws, in order to... this month must by all means be stopped—but it will be unavailing to dispute with a man who has both reason and justice on his side; call him an Englishman at once—though this cannot convince, I have frequently known it to silence, and thus we are secured from the dangerous effects of his moderation. On the other hand, when one of our party has nothing to recommend him in a dispute, but his zeal—and that zeal (as it is most like to be) is carried to a ridiculous and intemperate degree—vanish him over with the name of Frenchman—and although it be but a paltry compliment to that gallant people, yet, being echoed by the tribe according to the prevailing system with us, it shall procure him the character of a found and indefatigable politician and reformer.
It will be proper to take notice, that a well timed application of the above mentioned terms, may be of great use in pumping out the sentiments of those whom you are not altogether sure of, and so deliver your associations from the danger of discreet counsels . I lately saw a very happy and ingenious display of this art; a person whose conduct had always been favorable to liberty and the welfare of his country, happening to express himself with a degree of reason and moderation on the affairs of government.—One of our brethren with his usual vehemence, immediately assailed him with the words, Subject, Aristocrat, Englishman —this had the desired effect, it put a stop to his observations, and after a pause of near a minute produced this pithy reply—"I am a citizen of the United States but subject to the laws—though this may appear criminal in your eyes I shall still dare to remain so—I disclaim all your unmeaning terms—I am neither Aristocrat nor Democrat, Englishman, nor Frenchman, but I am, what I prize infinitely beyond them all, an American and a Republican." So saying, he marched off with an air of conscious propriety.
Go on my friends and in this manner detect all your enemies, till the time shall come when liberty and equality shall prevail, when the aristocratic shackles of government and civil society shall be entirely broken, and the citizens of the United States enjoy the original Rights of Man. CATILINE.
Foreign Intelligence.
FRANCE.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
MALLARME, President.
Sitting of Sunday, 2d June.
A LETTER was read from the Minister Claviere, dated the first of June, at 8 o'clock in the morning—he complains of having been compelled by reiterated menaces to abandon his post, prays the Convention to place his person beneath the safeguard of the law, and to cause his conduct to be examined. Referred to the committee of Public Safety, with direction to report concerning the minister Claviere.
One of the Secretaries read a letter from the Commissaries of the departments of Haute Loire and of Lozere, united at Saint Chely; they announce that Marvejols is in the power of the insurgents; that Mendes is ready to fall into their hands, and that already the blood of the Patriots had been shed. The Commissaries transmitted to the Convention, an arrest which they had published for the purpose of drawing from all quarters succours of men, arms, and ammunition.
A member assured the Convention that Marvejols was not in possession of the rebels, that the town was in a condition to make a long resistance, at least that it would not be taken by surprize.
Couthon—I demand that the Commissaries sent to the department of Lozere, be authorised to take all such measures as they shall judge proper, to arrest the progress of the rebellion. Decreed.
Lanjuinais—I demand permission to make a motion of order in reference to what passes on every side of us, in regard to the condition in which we are, in relation to the generale, which we continually bear beating—(the speaker is interrupted by murmurs, the President consults the Assembly, and Lanjuinais has permission to proceed)—I will speak (said he) plain but interesting truths; not such as will be injurious to liberty, but such as will promote the safety of the Republic; it is notorious, that for three days past, you have been deprived of the power of deliberation, that you have been improperly influenced from within and without; and that an authority which rivals your's, now surrounds you with their hirelings.
[Here began violent clamours, with a cry of down, down, down .]
Lanjuinais continues—For three days past you have witnessed a thousand irregularities and disorders; an ambitious power has raised itself by your side; it has revived the troubles which it on the first day affected to appease.
Nothing has been respected, not even the inviolable secrecy of letters—they have prevented my receiving from the commune and sections of Rennes, a letter which declares that I have deserved well of my country. [Here Lanjuinais was stopped by murmurs and hootings.]
Drouet—I affirm that the fact advanced by Lanjuinais is false, and that the secrecy of letters has not been violated. The Director of the post is present, let him be heard.
Lanjuinais resumes his speech—A new committee has usurped the functions of the executive council; many other committees have in like manner assumed the places of the constituted authorities. The revolutionary committees of the sections continue to exercise the powers which you have declared not to belong to them. A provisional commandant has been named contrary to law; a new scene is in preparation; you will witness it in a few hours. On Thursday I predicted what would take place—prophesied this day by my predictions. Yesterday you were presented with a new list of proscriptions; what have you done, you have referred it to the committee of public safety—and thereby annulled the decree which declared the address presented against 22 of your colleagues to be calumnious. [Loud clamours here again interrupted Lanjuinais; Legendre and some other members rushing forward to the Tribune; the tumult continues, the President put on his hat; order is restored with difficulty]—Lanjuinais concludes, by demanding that the revolutionary authorities established in Paris, for three days past, should be abolished; that their acts should be annulled; and that henceforth any person who should usurp an illegal power, should be declared without the protection of the law, and that any Citizen might put him to death.
The debate was here interrupted—the President announced a deputation from the forty eight sections, and from all the constituted authorities of Paris, demanding to be heard at the bar—admission was instantly decreed, the deputation presented themselves, and he who spoke on their behalf, said—
Deputies of the people—during four days the people of Paris have not quitted their arms, the peace is preserved, and their perseverance applauded—but the pillars of the temple are shook, the counter-revolutionists have dared to raise their heads, let them however tremble, the thunder is heard, and it will quickly confound and destroy them. The crimes of the factious members of the National Assembly are known; we come to denounce them for the last time; instantly decree that they are no longer worthy of the national confidence—put them in arrest, we will answer it to their departments with our heads—The safety of the people is yet for a moment in your hands; preserve it; or we declare to you, that we ourselves will interpose. [Loud applauses.] The Assembly, after consultation, refers the petition to the committee of public safety.
After consulting when the report should be made, it was ordered to be within two days—The deputies of the provisional commune after this order withdrew, in the midst of reiterated applauses.
Cambon—The committee of public safety are now assembled, and if you will give us half an hour, we will present you the measures necessary to save the Republic.
Rochon, made a motion, for a decree for a provisional arrest of the deputies who had been denounced, in order thereby to prevent the misfortunes with which they were threatened—the tumult continues. It is demanded that the sitting of the committee of public safety should
be permanent until they report on the state of Paris.—Decreed.
Levalleur opens the discussion concerning the arrest of the denounced deputies.
Lacroix offers the plan of a decree necessary to remedy the evils experienced in the departments of the inferior Loire—Let the National Convention recall the Citizen Coustard, and let them decree that those persons who have been set at liberty after having been seized as suspected, should be again confined until we are able to obtain more full information. This plan of a decree was adopted. Julien, of Toulouse, demanded as an amendment that the commissaries sent into the department of Loire, should also be recalled. Decreed.
Barrere had permission to present measures to be adopted for the public safety—he proposed to the deputies who stood denounced, to make a sacrifice of their rights to the public safety, and to deposit, for a time, their powers upon the altar of their country—You are not ignorant, said he, addressing himself to them, that your presence interrupts our deliberations, and stops the labors of the Convention—give to your constituents this mark of your love of your country, and the country shall be saved. He finally proposed the following decree:
1st. The National Assembly pronounces the suspension of the members who have been the cause of the inquietudes of the people.
2d. They shall be under the protection of the department of Paris.
3d. The Convention shall employ itself during their present sitting to nominate the ministers to replace Bouchotte, Le Brun and Claviere.
Isnard declared that he suspended himself, and immediately took his seat on the bench of the petitioners—Santhonax and Dufaulx followed Isnard's example—Fauchet, my life is at the disposal of my country; I am willing to offer it as a sacrifice.
Barbaroux—I declare that I cannot suspend myself from a power that is not my own.
Lanjuinais—I have proved that I love my country, I will not now belie myself—therefore you are not to expect my voluntary suspension or dismissal—I can make no sacrifice; we are now in the midst of bayonets, and before the mouths of cannon; the debate is resumed respecting the project of a decree offered by Barrere; frequent interruptions took place, a tumultuous debate arose in relation to the armed force with which the hall was surrounded, and which hindered the deputies and the citizens of the tribunes from passing the threshold of the door; of a sudden all the deputies exclaimed that they were no longer free!
At seven o'clock the President broke the sitting by adjourning the project of Barrere; the Assembly immediately rushed out in a body to fraternize with the armed citizens who surrounded the national palace; after which they re-entered their hall—Couthon, all members of the Assembly should possess a confidence that they are free; you have just found on all sides, and at every step, a people who are good, but irritated, and desirous of justice.
I do not at this time vote in favor of the decree of accusation against the denounced members, but seeing that the opinion is strongly manifested against them, I demand that they be put in arrest in their own houses; I comprehend in my motion the commission of twelve, and the the ministers Le Brun and Claviere; this proposition was adopted.
The members arrested are Vergniaux, Barbaroux, Salles, Gensonne, Guadet, Petion, Brissot, Chambon, Buzot, Biron, Lidon, Lasource, Gorsas, Lanjuinais, Grangeneuve, Lehardy du Morbihan, Lefage, Louvet, Valaze, the members of the commission of twelve, excepting those who did not sign certain orders of arrest, and the ministers Claviere and Le Brun are also arrested.
The sitting adjourned at ten o'clock.
United States.
RICHMOND, August 15.
The following question is proposed for discussion at the next meeting of a certain society—WHETHER the late Proclamation recommending to the citizens a strict neutrality, tends to produce Good or Evil?—In other words—Whether depriving some few very warm Patriots of the chance of filling their purses by privateering, and some others of filling high stations in the line and staff, can be compensated by saving two or three millions of peaceable citizens from the bloodshed, losses, and distress, which a state of war will certainly bring on them?—
O, the glorious times of coalition, marching, counter-marching, impressing, and drafting! When Negro property in particular, will be so insecure that those who are without may have Negroes for a long.
The Captains of the three Independent Companies of Horse, Grenadiers and Light-Infantry of this city, request Mr. Pleasants, editor of the Richmond and Manchester Advertiser, to contradict a paragraph in his paper of Monday last, viz. (that their Independent Companies paraded on Saturday the 10th of August, to celebrate that day). They never did, nor never intend to celebrate the bloody massacre of thousands of their fellow-creatures.
JOHN WILSON, Capt. Grenadiers.
WM. RICHARDSON, Capt. Inf.
WM. AUSTIN, Lieut. Lt. Drag.
Richmond, August 14, 1793.
GEORGE-TOWN, August 17.
By a census of the inhabitants of the City of Washington, taken on the 12th inst. it appears, that the number exceeds 820, and that for the last six months, there has not the death of either man or woman taken place in the city; it is to be observed, that of the above number a great proportion are artists in the different branches of building, and from different parts of America and Europe, the climate agrees with their constitutions, and they enjoy in this city equal if not superior health, to what they have experienced in any part of the Continent.
Signed in behalf of the inhabitants of the City of Washington, and at their request.
August 12, 1793.
JAMES HOBAN,
COLLEN WILLIAMSON,
ELISHA O. WILLIAMS.
TRENTON, August 21.
The directors of the Society for establishing useful Manufactures, have resolved to erect a Lottery for raising 100,000 dollars, agreeably to an act of the Legislature of the State of New-Jersey. It is expected all the tickets will soon be sold, as the plan appears to be the best and most eligible for the purchasers of tickets, of any which has been offered to the public for a long time. There are but one and a quarter blanks to one prize, and every assurance and precaution has been taken to have the monies paid by the managers from time to time as received, into the banks at New-York and Philadelphia, to remain there for the purpose of paying the prizes, which are to be immediately discharged after the lottery is drawn, by a check upon one of the banks. There are three classes—the first prize in the first class is 5000 dollars; ditto in the second class is 3000 dollars; ditto in the third class is 1500 dollars.
The directors of the society have appointed the following persons as superintendents and directors of the drawing of the lottery, viz.—Nicholas Low, Rufus King, Herman Le Roy, James Watson, Richard Harrison, Anijah Hammond and Cornelius Ray, of the city of New-York—Thomas Witting, Joseph Ball, Matthew M'Connell and Andrew Bayard, of the city of Philadelphia—Elias Boudinot, James Parker, John Bayard, Samuel W. Stockton, Joshua Wallace, Joseph Bloomfield and Elisha Boudinot, of New-Jersey.—John N. Cumming, of Newark, Jacob R. Hardenbergh, of New-Brunswick, and Richard Wells, of Gloucester, are appointed by the superintendents as immediate managers, who have given bonds each in 20,000 dollars, with four sufficient securities, for discharging with fidelity and punctuality the trust reposed in them.
NEW-YORK, Aug. 22.
New-York, 13th Aug. 1793.
2d Year of the Republic.
Citizen GENET, Minister Plenipotentiary from the French Republic to General WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
SIR, INTRUSTED in this part of the world with the interests and rights of the French people, as you are with those of the citizens of America, I have sworn to my country, and imposed it as a sacred duty on myself never to permit private considerations or other motives foreign from the general weal to impede me in what I conceived the line of duty. My conduct has accordingly been marked with all the energy and frankness which ever characterize a true republican. To you alone, through the Secretary of State, have I complained of the principles you have adopted, and remonstrated against decisions which have resulted therefrom. To you alone have I declared that the Federal government, far from manifesting any regard for our generous conduct towards this country—for the new advantages which we were offering to her commerce—or for the reiterated demonstrations of our real and disinterested friendship, were sacrificing our interests to those of our enemies, by their interpretation of the treaties which exist between us. To you have I represented without reserve that this conduct did not appear to correspond with the views of the people of America, with their desire to observe with fidelity their public engagements or with their affectionate regard for the cause of liberty, upon which their very existence and prosperity depend. Certain decisions of your tribunals and verdicts of your juries, added to the sentiments of your fellow-citizens publicly express-

ed, might permit me without a crime to draw this inference.
Nevertheless certain persons, actuated by views which time will develop, despairing to attack my principles, have descended to personal abuse. In hopes of withdrawing from me that esteem which the public feel and avow for the representative of the French republic. They publish with great warmth that I have insulted you and that I have threatened you with an appeal to the people, as if you would permit any one with impunity to treat you with disrespect, or as if the slightest hint of an appeal, which a magistrate deserving of his high office, should ardently desire, was to you the greatest offence I could offer.
It is become necessary, Sir, to dissipate these dark calumnies by truth, and publicity. I dare therefore to expect from your candor and probity an explicit declaration, that "I have never intimated to you an intention of appealing to the people; that it is not true that a difference in political sentiments has ever betrayed me to forget what was due to your character or to the exalted reputation you had acquired by humbling a tyrant against whom you fought in the cause of liberty."
A publication of your answer will be the only reply, which shall be given to those party men, who never fail to confound the individual with affairs of state, which they too often make use of as a pretext for their zeal and a reason for dastardly appearing under anonymous signatures.
As to myself, I have always openly declared what I thought, and signed what I had written, and if others have supposed they could advance my views, by newspaper publications and paragraphs they are much deceived. A good cause needs no advocate—Time and Truth will make it triumph in spite of its implacable enemies, and the present cold indifference of some who were its ancient friends. I have the honor, &c.
Mr. JEFFERSON'S Answer. Philadelphia, August 16, 1793.
SIR, THE President of the United States, has received the letter which you addressed to him from New-York, on the 13th instant, and I am desired to observe to you, that it is not the established course for the diplomatic characters residing here, to have any direct correspondence with him—The Secretary of State, is the organ through which their communications should pass.
The President does not conceive it to be within the line of propriety or duty for him to bear evidence against a declaration which, whether made to him or others, is perhaps immaterial, he, therefore, declines interfering in the case.
I have the honor to be with great respect,
Sir,
Your most obedient,
And most humble servant,
TH: JEFFERSON.
The Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of France.
The brig Cheltenham of Dublin, which arrived here last Saturday, a prize to the French privateer Caramagnole, is seized by order of his excellency the governor, and a company of soldiers put on board of her.
From the DIARY.
GENTLEMEN,
AMONG the various subjects which at present occupy the attention of the public, the conduct of the company of the Jupiter seems to be none of the least interesting; the speculative mind of the public is held in suspense, and not knowing the motives on which they have acted cannot form a proper judgment of their conduct.
The following addresses, therefore, as they tend considerably to elucidate this subject, cannot fail of being acceptable.
The first which was sent to Citizen Genet requires little explanation. The company of the Jupiter, anxious to investigate the causes and to discover the authors of the late enormities committed at Cape Francois, in which they were influenced to bear a part, and of which we may every moment witness the miserable consequences, have on just grounds of suspicion arrested their commander, admiral Cambis, whom they are determined to conduct, with general Galbaud, to the national convention, to answer for their respective conduct before that august tribunal, and in order the better to effect this purpose they are determined to sail, as soon as possible for France.
The minister on the other hand, solicitous for the safety of admiral Cambis, and perhaps with a view towards the reestablishment of order and union in the fleet, held a council of war, at his lodgings on Friday evening last; when among other matters, no doubt of equal importance, it was determined that the prisoners should be liberated, and that the Jupiter, with some other vessel of the fleet, should be sent on a cruise.
The result of these deliberations were verbally communicated to the company of the Jupiter, who finding them diametrically opposite to their intentions, thereupon sent the following address to the ambassador.
The French Republicans of every denomination, on board the vessel of the republic the Jupiter
To Citizen Genet, minister from the Republic, to the United States of America.
CITIZEN, THE season of deception is passed—there is not a French citizen who is unacquainted with his own rights or yours—We have penetrated through the obscurity of the council of war held yesterday at your house, we were too much interested in the event not to succeed in our investigation. Mystery was well suited to the old government, but it is used to little purpose towards patriotic citizens. We know all, we are no longer to be deceived, neither will we be engaged in any seduction. We are accused of being the authors of those very crimes which we have endeavoured to prevent. The national convention alone can be our judge, and we will no longer remain here under the pressure of the most grievous accusations however great the glory, or however brilliant the laurels which you promise. We have no confidence but in the nation, and we declare to you, that being determined to go and demand at her tribunal Justice and Vengeance, neither you nor any other shall detain us longer in the American seas.
Galbaud, that citizen whom you, no doubt are unacquainted with, since we know that you yourself calumniate him, shall go with us to the convention.
Cambis, although he wishes to avoid it shall go there also, the son of Polverel & le Blanc whom you wish to escape from on board the L'Ecole, we will in like manner conduct to that dread Convention.
Galbaud, and ourselves, as we are conscious of our innocence, are not afraid to appear before that just tribunal.
Citizen minister, attend then to the consequences. You consider us as culpable, and before we have justified ourselves to the national convention, you say that you will here make us serve the republic—She should have no servants, no defenders but such as are worthy of her, and when we shall have proved to her that we are her true children; then, when we shall be worthy to combat her enemies, we will encounter them.
It is then to no purpose that you employ against us and the other republicans of our fleet, those arts and machinations of the old policy, which though they might indeed be suitable to the Cabinet of Versailles that receptacle of lies and tyranny, are not agreeable to the principles of Republicans.
You are the Representative of the republic, be worthy of your office, and do not keep us any longer at a distance from our country, for in spite of your efforts we will go to her, and she shall then give her judgement of that act, which you will not fail to sully with the name of disorder and want of subordination, but which we call an act of republicanism, because we hold it the first and most sacred of our duties, to vindicate our innocence before the national convention.
On board the Jupiter, the 17th of August 1793, the 2d year of the French Republic.
Signed by the head officer of each department.
* M. Genet was formerly Secretary at Versailles.
The conduct of the company of the Jupiter having been represented to their brethren of the Ambuscade, the following address is a general justification of their proceedings, together with a declaration of their patriotism, and inviolable attachment to the cause which they have undertaken to defend; the first paragraph will be unintelligible to those who do not know that the company of the Ambuscade, were to have been sent on board the Jupiter to disarm the vessel; on this occasion an address was sent to the people of the Ambuscade, to which this paragraph has reference.
Brothers and Friends;
THE moment of your arrival, convinces us that you have not received a letter which we had the honor to address to you this morning; we doubt not that your commanders have acquainted you with it, as it was addressed to the crew—neither do we doubt the patriotism of Captain Bompard or his officers.
Remember we are all children of one common mother, our country.
Remember that we all defend the same cause. The oath which we have taken
to defend Liberty and equality, is surely irrevocable.
We have been painted to you in the blackest colours, and who can prove that we have acted contrary to true patriotism.
Ah! brethren how great, how numerous are our common enemies; traverse every part of the world, and you will find in each of them beings, who under the specious mask of patriotism devise the blackest plots against the defenders of so beneficent a Republic; no sooner is one project discovered, than they contrive others which in their turn are dictated—What do they, what is their last resource? They sow the seeds of discord between the companies of the vessels of that republic, which we have all of us sworn to maintain, and we now swear that we are ready to spend our last breath in her defence.
Citizens, if we were culpable the enemies of the cause which we have bravely and firmly defended, would readily have made us return to France, to undergo the punishment which the laws inflict on all Frenchmen who are traitors to their country. Can there be any doubt of our patriotism, after having combated the opinions of the traitor Blanchelande, the flagitious La Volquiere and many others whom we shall not forget to name to the national convention.
Hear the language of reason, we who address you are Frenchmen, we are your brothers—we swear to continue so, being first persuaded that when we shall have appeared before the tribunal of justice, you will an hundred times repeat, "where are our brothers the company of the Jupiter."
Would you not be surprised citizens, should we tell you that within 2 years we have lost 50,000 men fighting to establish order in a colony, which the mother country had entrusted to our care and to our arms.
But how have they died, have they been killed bravely? No, 'tis not the sword alone, but fire and poison* has destroyed them; if you seek for justice you will find it in prisons and under the weight of irons; such are the arbitrary proceedings of those, who are entrusted with the reins of government.
At present it is impossible for us to inform you of the whole truth of the affair and until we shall have appeared before that august national convention, it never can be known. For this reason citizens, we wish to return to France; that we may make known the language of truth.
(Signed)
The Company of the Jupiter.
* Perhaps it is not known to every one that numbers of these brave patriots fell a sacrifice to poison mixed in their wine and victuals; it is of some consequence, that the perpetrators of such villainy should be detected.
Philadelphia, Aug. 24.
Last Sunday evening an affray took place in New-York, between some French and English sailors; in which some of both nations got severely wounded. The peace was not restored without the interposition of the magistrates, who committed several of them to jail. There are reports in circulation, that some of the persons concerned in the above riot, have died of their wounds.
Thursday arrived at New-Castle, the ship Ann & Susan, Capt. Duplex, with 405 passengers, from Londonderry. She was taken possession of by the Democrat & Caramagnole, for having British property and passengers on board, and escorted to New-Castle by the privateers, the Captains of both, we hear, are arrived in town.
Capt. Duplex failed from Derry on the 12th of June, and the land the 22d, but brings papers no later than the 15th.
The letters and papers brought by Captain Duplex, are in the possession of the commanders of the privateers.
An Irish paper of the 7th June, says—We have seldom on any former occasion seen a more general illumination, than that of Tuesday last, in this town (Belfast) in honor of his Majesty's birth. Several transparencies appeared in the windows, and the night concluded with every testimony of joy.
Several desperate engagements have taken place in Ireland, between the military and the people, on account of the militia act.
The American Gazette, of the 14th inst. published at Norfolk, has the following article:—On Saturday last the sloop Hope, of Antigua, Capt. Richardson, was captured by the privateer Citizen Genet, about ten leagues off the land, and sent into Philadelphia. Capt. Richardson received every politeness from the Captain of the Genet.
By a gentleman who came passenger in the above sloop we learn, that a sixteen gun ship had arrived at St. Kitt's in 26 days from Liverpool, with the intelligence that Peace was established between France and England.
The Proclamation of the President of the United States, declaring their Neutrality, is published in an Irish paper of the 7th June.
Extract of a letter from the western part of Massachussetts, dated August 13.
"It is feared in this quarter, that the conduct of some of your desperadoes, or Jacobins, will have a tendency to involve this country in the European contest; such a measure would be attended with the inevitable distress of trade, the oppression of the farmer, and the ruin of thousands. Should this be the result of the machinations of the caballers among you, it the sentiment which is prevalent among the people here, pervades the northern States in general, and which I firmly believe to be the last, the enemies of our country will carry their point, and sever the Union—an event which every friend of man must deprecate. A great noise is made about the insults some of our vessels have received from a few rascally privateers—[the plundering picaroons of New-Providence, &c.]—this same class who are thus dealing the public ear with their complaints against British insolence, would fain to the most degrading insults from Frenchmen—nav, from the latter, they would receive a bastinadoing, and ling Ca Ira under the operation."
"At the commencement of a war, the vessels of any neutral nation must expect to be subjected to some inconveniences, resulting either from the caution of principled men, in discharge of their duty, or from the temerity of the unprincipled, in search of plunder—but the crimes of the latter, cannot with propriety be laid to the charge of authority, unless indubitable proof of sanction to such conduct is rendered manifest."
"We have had some confused accounts of riots in New-York and Philadelphia—God grant that there may be sufficient energy in the executive, and inclination in the majority of the people, to oppose a barrier of might to the evil designs of those who would sacrifice the dearest concerns and interests of our country, to motives the most base and vile."
FROM A CORRESPONDENT.
It is an arduous task for a government to preserve the peace, liberty and security of the people committed to its superintendence. No greater eulogium can be paid to the administration of the government of the United States, than the actual situation of its public affairs—and it is undoubtedly the language of every real patriot, May peace continue to reign in our borders, and prosperity in our habitations.
Every day's experience shews the importance of the United States keeping detached, and standing aloof from the vortex of European politics. The people of this country have passed thro' the fiery trial of disorganization. May Heaven preserve us from a similar situation—and tho' Charity, which begins at home, should not end there, yet the most benevolent conduct which the United States can possibly observe towards those who are suffering from a dissolution of the bands of society, will be to exhibit an example of the superior blessings, derived from peace, order and good-government.
Died at New-York, Mrs. BETHZABETH FOSTER, the amiable cousin of the Rev. Dr. BENJAMIN FOSTER, of that city.
To JONATHAN PINDAR, Poet Laureat to the National Gazette.
P, in spite of all your puffers say, Your Odes for th' reading do not compensate; The paper, ink, and time, are thrown away, The pastry-cooks will scarce arrest their fate.
Your boast of kindness to th' immortal bard, Who lashes folly in celestial note, May to the Jack-daw's fruiting be compar'd, Cloath'd in the bird of Juno's golden coat.
The essence of ten thousand thousand dozen, Such spurious Pindars, if condens'd in one, Would never make his hundred thousandth cousin,
There's neither flesh nor spirit, blood nor bone.
C.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.
  Ship Ann & Susan, Duplex, Londonderry   Brig Hannah, Council, N. Providence   Sulannah, Mary, St. Kitts   Prelude, Meuse, Jacomet   Schr. Commerce, Foulk, N. Providence   Heuty, Duane, Virginia   Citizen Genet, Fort Mifflin   Sloop Philad. Packet, Hawkes, Guadaloupe   Polly, Smith, Martinique   Bob & Henry, Cox, Virginia   Two Brothers, Brown, do.   Thomas & Sally, Mitchell, do.   Sally, Griffin, St. Martins   Atlas, Jones, Jacomet 
The Jane, Capt. Morgan, and the Ann, Capt. George, that lay some time in the Bay, bound to Jamaica, are gone out to sea.
New-Bedford, August 9. Capt. Howland, arrived here from Cape-Francois, was brought two seven times on his passage, by different privateers; five English, one Spanish, & one French—ordered on board the Spanish and French; the others boarded him in their own boats—all treated him with great civility.
Brig Dunkirk, of Dunkirk, Benjamin Haws, master, from a Brazil whale cruise, has arrived here—500 barrels whale oil. Capt. Haws had completed his cruise after whale, left the ground and steered his course for Dunkirk—reached foundings—spoke with an American, who gave him the first intelligence of a war between France and Great-Britain. A British privateer in flight at the same time, caused him to put away for America; after 40 days passage, without once speaking a cruiser of any kind, he arrived here—This is running the gauntlet without a witness!
Arrived at Nantucket, ship Mary-Ann, Tristram Folger, from the coast of Brazil—1100 barrels whale oil.
Price of Stocks as in our last.

FROM THE WESTERN STAR.
Mr. Andrews,
As the subject of the Rights of Man is more generally discussed than understood, and as I am a real friend to the doctrine, (in a rational degree) permit me to enumerate, through the channel of your paper, certain rights the people of this country have, and which I hope they will forever strenuously maintain.
1. Upon the dissolution of the British government in this country, the people had an unalienable right to form their state constitutions, by which individuals gave up a certain portion of their natural liberty, to secure and perpetuate the rest for themselves and their posterity.
2. The great body of the people in the United States had an incontrovertible right to resign a certain portion of feeble state sovereignty, so as to form a national constitution; and to clothe and invigorate this government with such powers as to raise the country out of a state of confusion and contempt, and make it competent for the establishment of public credit at home and abroad.
3. The people, having thus established a government for the common good of United America, have the sole right to maintain it against all secret, wicked combinations among themselves, and open attacks from abroad.
4. There is no restraint, either in the state or national governments, upon an individual, to worship God contrary to the dictates of his own conscience—to worship as he pleases is, besides, a natural and unalienable right, and there is no power on earth to control it.
5. As the civil and religious rights of the people are defined by the constitutional frames of government—consequently, individuals must be protected in the fullest extent, according to the social compact.
6. The citizens of America are not more bound to obey constitutional laws, than they are entitled to all the benefits resulting from those laws.
7. If the legislature of the United States, or that of an individual state, make laws which militate against the constitutional right of an individual, he can oppose the will of the constitution to that of the legislature, and the judicial power is bound to carry the will of the constitution into effect.
8. As the people of these United States have a right to defend their lives and liberties, they have a right equally strong, of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property—but no man, or body of men, can have any pretence of right, upon the new doctrine of liberty and equality, to take the fruits of their industry from them, and distribute it among a set of indolent, profligate levellers.
The Quack Doctors of liberty and equality in England and France, have wrote much upon this new fangled topic; the first of them who advanced the doctrine, had nothing to lose: but in all my reading I have not discovered an instance wherein one of the advocates for liberty and equality has distributed his estate among the needy. Until an example is given by those reasoners, of a disposition of their property, if they have any, into aliquot parts, between their offspring and the beggars that present themselves to ask alms, I shall continue to believe that this position is advanced here, and abroad, by such only as are without property, or by those who consider themselves qualified to head a faction, and through that medium raise themselves to a situation of obtaining those profits and honours which emerge out of a state of confusion. "Every experimental philosopher should first try the experiment on himself, before he electrifies a whole nation."
I am Mr. Printer, a hard labouring man, and, by the sweat of my brow, have acquired a clear estate of one thousand dollars—my neighbour Hodge Podge had at least this sum when he began the world; but he being a lazy, careless fellow, (and generally roasting his shins in the winter while I am foddering my cattle) is not now worth a shilling—he daily calls on me for bread, to keep his family from starving—yet there is no one so clamorous for liberty and equality as he is. I told him, in a conversation we had lately, that if his scheme could take effect it was not likely, on account of his idle, careless way of living, that he would long enjoy the benefit of my labour—O, says he, when you acquire more property, we will divide again.
INDUSTRY.
FROM THE COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
A correspondent on seeing the list of French Prizewinners, in addition to the French public ships, was led to the following reflection:
A FLY, who long had found support, In haughty Britain's insect court, Of late from that tyrannic shore fled, To light upon COLUMBIA's forehead.
FRANCE, when she saw the FLY on wing, Suspected that he meant to sting; And ere he'd scarcely time to light, Or spit his gall and vent his spite; Her arm, with nerves of vengeance strung, A BATTLE-AX o'er ocean swung: And now, to brush away the foe, High swept in air the thundering blow, Which scarr'd the FLY, by wind in falling, But knock'd down poor COLUMBIA, sprawling!
DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, to wit.
BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the thirteenth day of August, in the eighteenth year of the Independence of the United States of America, THOMAS DOBSON, of the said District, hath deposited in this Office the Title of a Book, the Right whereof he claims as Proprietor, in the words following—to wit:
"TRANSACTIONS OF THE COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF PHILADELPHIA.—VOL. I. PART I.—Non sibi sed toti."
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, intitled, "An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during the times therein mentioned."
SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
War Department,
August 1st, 1793.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are intitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March last, and which will become due on the 5th of September next, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans, within the States respectively under the usual regulations.
By Command of the
PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
H. KNOX, Secretary at War.
N. B. The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers for the space of two months.
Treasury Department,
August 10, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 14th day of September next inclusively, to furnish by contract the following articles of Cloathing, for the use of the United States, viz.
 4,800 Hats,  5,120 Stock-Cloths,  5,120 Stock-Clasps,  23,480 Shirts,  5,120 Vests,  5,120 Coats,  9,600 Woollen Overalls,  9,600 Linen ditto,  19,200 pairs of Shoes,  9,600 pairs of Socks,  5,120 Blankets,  320 Caps,  320 pairs of Leather Breeches,  640 pairs of Boots,  320 pairs of Spurs,  640 pairs of Stockings,  1,520 Rifle Shirts. 
The cloathing to be delivered at the city of Philadelphia; one fourth part of the whole number of suits on or before the 15th of February, one fourth on or before the 15th of April, and the remaining half on or before the 15th of June, 1794.
The articles must be agreeably to such patterns as shall be directed by the Secretary for the Department of War. Payment will be made as soon as the whole of the articles shall have been delivered.
ept14S.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE EDITOR proposes to continue the publication of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, for distant circulation, after the first of December next, on the following terms, viz.
It shall be published on WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, on paper of the Medium size—which is larger than the present.
The price, Three Dollars per annum, exclusive of postage.
Subscriptions to be received by the respective Post-Masters throughout the Union, or such other persons as may be proper to collect them.
The papers to be forwarded by post twice a week. No packets to contain less than six papers—and no subscriptions to be received for a less term than six months.—Payments to be constantly six months in advance.—Twenty per cent. deduction from the price of the GAZETTE, will be allowed to those who collect and forward the subscription money, free of expense, in full of all charges for their trouble in the business.
The publication will contain as usual, a variety of original essays—foreign and domestic intelligence, and a summary of the proceedings of the Legislature of the Union, &c. &c.—Attention will be paid to dispatching the papers with punctuality, and Subscribers may depend on receiving them as regularly, as the posts arrive.
June 8.
To the Public.
THE EDITOR of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Prices Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State:—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTISING favors will be gratefully received.
TERMS.
To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next.
The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence.
In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant,
JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of subscription papers, and by the Editor, at his house, No. 34, North Fifth-Street.
By THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARROLL, Esquires,
COMMISSIONERS appointed by Government to prepare the Public Buildings, &c. within the City of Washington, for the reception of Congress, and for their permanent residence after the year 1800—
A LOTTERY
FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
50,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, are 350,000 dollars.
LIST OF PRIZES, viz.
  1 Superb Hotel, with baths, out-houses, &c. &c. to cost 50,000   1 Cash Prize 25,000   1 ditto 20,000   1 ditto 15,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 ditto 5,000 are 10,000   10 ditto 1,000 are 10,000   20 ditto 500 are 10,000   100 ditto 100 are 10,000   200 ditto 50 are 10,000   400 ditto 25 are 10,000   1,000 ditto 20 are 20,000   15,000 ditto 10 are 150,000   16,737 Prizes Dollars 350,000   33,263 Blanks 50,000 
By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers, and yet the federal City will gain its object thereby, in a magnificent building designed both for public and private convenience.
Although some expense must necessarily attend the conducting of the lottery, (which expense will be taken from the principal prize) the Commissioners having agreed to present in return a sufficient quantity of excellent free-stone, together with the best adapted lots for the hotel and for the out-houses, the value of the lottery entire may be fairly rated at something more than par: In this important instance it will be found, on examination, to exceed all the lotteries that have ever been offered to the Public in this or perhaps in any other country. The keys of the Hotel, when completed, will be delivered to the fortunate possessor of the ticket drawn against its number.—All the other prizes will be paid, without deduction, in one month after the drawing, by the City Treasurer at Washington, or at such Bank or Banks as may be hereafter announced, for the convenience of the fortunate adventurers.
The drawing will commence on Monday the 6th of September next, at the City of Washington.
Tickets may be had of Col. Wm. Dickens, City Treasurer of Washington; Thayer & Bartlet, of Charleston, South-Carolina; Gideon Denison, Savannah; Messrs. James West & Co. Baltimore; Mr. Peter Gilman, Boston; and at such other places as will be hereafter published.
N. B. ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given for the best Plan of an elegant and convenient HOTEL or INN, with hot and cold Baths, Stables, and other out-houses, if presented on or before the 10th of April next; and a preference will be given to the Artist for a Contract, provided he be duly qualified to complete his plan. The ground on which the Hotel and out-houses are to be erected, will be a corner lot of about 50 by 200 feet, with a back avenue to the stables, &c. Sections and estimates of the expense will be expected with the elevations, &c. complete; and 50,000 dollars must be regarded by the Architect as the utmost limit in the expense intended for this purpose.
S. BLODGET,
Agent for the affairs of the City.
March, 6, 1793.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, By THOMAS DOBSON, At the Stone House, No. 41, South Second-Street,
Medical Transactions
OF THE College of Physicians Of Philadelphia:
VOLUME I. PART I.
Price in boards One Dollar.
Also lately published by T. Dobson, DR. UNDERWOOD'S TREATISE On the diseases of Children, with general directions for the management of infants from the birth, adapted both for the use of Medical Practitioners and private Families.
TWO VOLUMES IN ONE.
Price one dollar neatly bound.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 21, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusively, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
 1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Carlisle, in the State of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-Town & Carlisle.  2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek.  3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls.  4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning.  5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cuyahoga, and at the said Head Navigation.  6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga, and at the said mouth.  7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and up the said river to the Tuckahoe, and at the Tuckahoe, and thence over to the Cuyahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth.  8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto.  9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids.  10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town.  11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton and at Fort Hamilton. At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair.  12. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson.  13. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action.  14. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages.  15. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth.  16. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake.  17. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cuyahoga.  18. At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle.  19. At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadaghaque Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadaghaque Lake, and thence down the Alleghany river to Fort Franklin.  20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf.  21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh.  22. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.  23. At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.  24. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox.  25. At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Ouitanono, and at Ouitanono.  26. At any place or places from Ouitanono, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River.  27. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Village.  28. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tenesse to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively.  29. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville.  30. And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof.  Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.   One pound of bread or flour,  } per 100 rations.    One pound of beef, or 2/3 of a pound of pork,    One quart of salt,    Two quarts of vinegar,    Two pounds of soap,    One pound of candles,    The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depositions of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed. The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years. The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.