National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-12-08 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 12 of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, December 8, 1792.
[Total No. 116.]
THE UNIFORM FEDERALIST.
NUMBER II.
A funded debt divides the whole of the individuals of every community in which it exists, into two great descriptions of persons, the debtor who pays, and the creditor who receives.
It of course establishes two conflicting, and irreconcilable interests: the aggregate sum paid by the debtors composes the whole fund for dividends to the creditors; it is therefore the interest of the former that this aggregate sum should be as small as possible, and of the smallest possible duration; the interest of the latter is in direct proportion to its increase and duration. Every individual who does not possess evidences of such debt sufficient by the annual interest thereof, to pay all the annual demands of the government, is a debtor; every one who possesses more than sufficient for this purpose, is a creditor. Hence it is, that every individual in the community becomes essentially interested in all questions, which affect the existence and duration of the debt. The government is the constituted arbiter between these differing interests. It is worthy of remark, that some strong, distinguishing characteristics exist, between this conflicting interest of debtor and creditor, as well in regard to its operations and effects, upon these two descriptions of persons, as in regard to its operations and effects upon the government. The interest of the debtor is indirect and dissolutive; it is indirect, as the advancement is first made to the government through the medium of public demands and consequent public taxes; it is ostensibly a debt to the government, it is really a debt from one individual to another; the government is the organ of transmission. Its dissolutive-ness is in proportion to the many who labor and pay, compared with the few who receive and spend.
The interest of the creditor is direct and sensible; he receives immediately from the public, and a portion of his fortune depends upon his receipts; any fluctuations in the quantum or value of which he instantly feels, and is able to estimate. The interest of the few therefore is more impulsive and stimulating in its operations and effects, than that of the many, proportioned to its greater magnitude and more direct propinquity to each individual affected by it.
The government should be, but never is, an impartial arbiter; the few are always the favourites, and a conspiracy has ever been known to exist between them and the government, to increase their wealth from the labor of the many. Two causes may be assigned for this effect; the one arises from the importunate and ingenious industry of the few, who are generally the most enlightened and wealthy part of the community, and who always possess talents and leisure to present themselves to the government in the most seducing posture. To this they are also impelled by the strongest possible incentives, the hope of gain and the fear of loss . The many, on the other hand, who are necessarily engaged in their common occupations, possess neither leisure nor talents to present their claims to justice in even plausible terms, or are they induced to such active exertion by the impulse of an immediate interest. The other cause is, that the government is always administered by persons selected from the class of wealthy and enlightened, who, act under the same impulse, and possess sympathetic sensations with the same description of persons; and it is natural to conclude, that all addresses to them from the same class of the community, will be pleasurable received, and favourably interpreted; while the just claims of the many, are often not mentioned, and never favorably received.
This process of reasoning has been amply verified by the government of the United States, the most popular at present existing in the world. No stronger evidence of its orthodoxy could exist, than the industry and address which have been displayed through the medium of the press throughout the United States, just previously to the elections of most of the officers of the government; and particularly of president and vice president. The first object of this description of persons is to stifle the voice of the public will . One chief mean employed to this end, is, to accomplish the re-elections of the same persons, to whose munificence they are indebted for past favours, founded upon the reasonable hope of a perpetuation thereof, and probably an addition thereto; and the rather, as these benefactions are composed of the productive labor of the many, and therefore cost the donors nothing. This hope is further strengthened by the consideration, that some of the persons in office at the time of establishing the funding system, are supposed to have made themselves mutual adventurers in the same vessel; and a doubt cannot be entertained, but that the voyage will be rendered as productive as the interested can make it. A change of men might produce a change of measures: it would certainly produce a greater probability of having the public will pronounced; and rotations in office, to a certain degree, seem essential to the completion of this object. If the people be not precluded from all share in the government, and public opinion, be admitted in any degree to influence its administration, rotation is a desirable object: it is peculiarly so at this time in the government of the United States, because it is of recent date, and the great measures have never yet been thoroughly contemplated and decided on, by the people. The individuals who gave birth to the funding system, reared it to its present state, and decorated it with its various costly trappings, are unfit judges of its merits or defects: they possess a parent's fondness for it, particularly those who have been amply remunerated for the toil, employed in its fabrication. The official attention of others therefore should be drawn to it before the public will can with certainty be pronounced about it. In pursuance of their great object, the interested advocates for a continuance of governmental measures, with a quickened activity, proportioned to the approach of elections, have had recourse to various expedients, some of them knowingly founded in misrepresentation, others heterodox in principle, and all of them intended to deceive the public; conceiving that if they should happily obscure the truth and outline the present, similar expedients will present themselves, before the next succeeding elections; and it is here strikingly remarkable, that the circumstance in a popular government, which renders it the interest of a large organized body of monied men , to prevent the due exertion of the public will , neither promises additional stability and duration to its existence, nor justice and tranquility in its administration. Amongst these various expedients, the government of the United States and its administration have been first in order made the subjects of the most fanciful panegyric; to them has been boldly ascribed all the existing prosperity of America, and the funding system has been fixed on as solely producing or principally conducing to this prosperity. These however are the mere arbitrary dictums of writers acting under the impulse of interest , who disdain to show the smallest relation or connection between the imputed causes and the produced effects. Notwithstanding the subtlety and minuteness, of the various causes of the wealth and prosperity of nations, and often their remoteness from their effects; yet in America at present, causes the most palpable and obvi-
ous present themselves, sufficient at least, to account for that degree of prosperity at present enjoyed. An extended, fertile, unexhausted country; the active, uninterrupted industry of individuals; the blessings of peace, and laws securing to each individual the exclusive use of the products of his own labor; the present distracted state of Europe, and some of the islands, &c. &c. these are the great causes, the effects of which cannot be mistaken, but which are truly ascribable to the state governments, by whose internal regulations they exist, and upon which the government of the United States reflects but a negative influence. In regard to the funding system, it is demonstrable, that it has a conflicting operation with these causes as far at least as it serves to encrase the number of unproductive , and lessen the number of productive labourers ; added to this, the real injury sustained by American citizens in their paper negotiations with foreigners, and the increased extravagance resulting from that system. A rational and impartial enquiry into the real causes of the present wealth and prosperity of the United States, is a circumstance devoutly to be wished for, as it would serve most effectually to eliminate truly, the merits or demerits of the past, and afford great lights to the future administration of the government. All those who have in any manner opposed the recommended measures of government, have next been made the themes of common declamation; the most insidious and malevolent motives have been ascribed to them, and circumstances and surmises adduced as evidences of these motives, which would hardly furnish food for the foulest jealousy to subsist on: they have been branded with the truly unpopular epithet of antifederal , and nothing less than the total overthrow of the government is said to be their object: All distinction between a bare opposition to the constitution & government & a vicious opposition to unconstitutional or unwise measures , has been discarded, and a fictitious ignorance of such a distinction affected: ambition has been imputed to this opposition, as the sole impulse to their conduct, and yet no probable object has been or can be fixed on, for the exercise of this ambition.
The distinction between an opposition to the government , and the measures of government is self evident, and needs not the aid of argument to prove it. Measures have been objected to, as operating 'gainst , and not in support of the constitution and a devoted attachment to the constitution, is the true impulse of this opposition: and have there been no grounds to justify this opposition? One bill affecting the first principle of the constitution; the principle of representation, having passed both Houses of Congress, was arrested in its final passage by the President, solely upon grounds of unconstitutionality; and upon its return to the House of Representatives, where it originated, his objections were confirmed by the vote of a majority. It was the singular fate of this bill to have been rejected upon constitutional objections, both before and after the refusal of the assent of the President; and so plain was the question in favour of that decision, that it hardly furnished a loop for the human mind to hang a doubt on. Another act, after having received the assent of the President, has been declared unconstitutional by the judges of several of the circuit courts; and it is to be remembered, that other acts have been strongly suspected, and that but few have yet passed through the ordeal of a judicial decision. Other propositions have been strongly recommended; but being too glaringly unconstitutional, have failed in their progress in one or other of the two Houses. These undeniable facts evidence a freedom in the construction of the Constitution which may at least justify the exercise
of opinion in opposition, without incurring the foul imputation of a design to destroy the government. Some proposed measures have been objected to as being in themselves unwise, and others as being less wise than substitutes which were suggested. The policy of political measures, however, fur- with such scope for variation in human opinion, that it will not be attempted here to show, whether the adopted or rejected measures be the most wise and politic; but a difference of opinion in regard to their policy, furnishes no better evidence of impure motives, than the exercise of opinion upon constitutional constructions.
If the term antifederal be intended to be applied to any part of the present Congress, and by it, is meant the imputation of a wish or design to destroy, or even to weaken the influence of the general government, it may, with certainty, be pronounced, that its application is wholly unfounded, and that there is not an individual in the present Congress, who, in the administration of the government, would not go to the utmost limits of the specified authorities contained in the constitution. The true question which seems to have agitated Congress upon this point is, whether union can be more effectually secured, and the influence of the government better preserved, by a strict attention to the demarcations of the specified authorities in the constitution; or by boldly disregarding all limitations and restrictions, to assume the exercise of any authority, which it is conceived may have a tendency to stability or energy, and to shield such assumption under the indefinite and sophisticated doctrines of implication ? It is possible that distrusts on each side of this question, may have been carried to extremes. To one party have been imputed too great timidity, and moderation coupled with some latent design; for which, however, it is impossible to find an object; and it is inferred by the other, that the influence of the government will be weakened by the inefficacy of such measures. To the other has been imputed a rash, unconstitutional assumption of authorities, springing from two of the most irresistible passions in the human breast; the love of dominion in all, and the love of gain in some of that party; and it is inferred, that the influence of the government may not only be lessened, but the government radically changed, or actually destroyed by that enterprising, intrepid policy, which disdains to be hemmed in by any parchment demarcations whatever, particularly when this policy is impelled by the interest of the few, conflicting the differing interests of the many. On which side of this question wisdom or policy will ultimately be found, time and experience can only determine with certainty: on which side sworn duty and rectitude of motives appear, may be decided with certainty at this moment.
The characters of individuals, public and private, have been deemed proper instruments in the hands of one party to effect their great objects, and permanently to secure their interests. Two persons have been indecently selected: the one by name, the other by allusions too strong to be mistaken. They have been termed the leaders of all opposition, and to them has been imputed the design of subverting the government, and dismembering the union; of converting order into disorder , regularity into confusion , peace into war .
Not to mention that these two persons have ever been distinguished as lovers and promoters of order, are not desperate in their circumstances, and could not be impelled to such objects by any species of interest or ambition, whatever; it is singularly remarkable that they may be said to be, emphatically the plants of peace and to flourish only in the shade of the mild, social and philosophic virtues; that they shrink from the blazing
[For remainder see last page.]

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, November 30, 1792.
SIR, I HAVE the honor to transmit herewith a report, pursuant to two resolutions of the House of Representatives...
Your most obedient, and most humble servant, ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
The Honorable the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
IN obedience to two resolutions of the House of Representatives, one of the 21st instant, directing the Secretary of the Treasury to report a plan for the redemption of so much of the public debt...
THE expediency of taking measures for the regular redemption of the public debt, according to the right which has been referred to the government...
With this view, the first enquiry, which naturally presents itself, is, whether the existing revenues are, or are not, adequate to the purpose?
In the mean time however, and until the restoration of peace, the employment of that resource, in this way, must of necessity be suspended...
But did no such temporary necessity, for resorting to other expedients, exist, the doing of it would still be recommended by weighty considerations.
Relinquishing then the idea of an immediate application of the present revenues to the object in view...
Loans, from time to time, equal to the sums annually redeemable, and bottomed on the same revenues, which are now appropriated to pay the interest upon those sums...
But it is obvious, that to rely upon this resource alone would be to do little towards the final exoneration of the nation.
The establishment of additional revenues is the remaining resource. This, if the business is to be undertaken in earnest, is unavoidable.
Assuming it as the basis of a plan of redemption, that additional revenues are to be provided, the further enquiry divides itself into the following branches:
I. Shall a revenue be immediately constituted, equal to the full sum which may at present be redeemed, according to the terms of the contract?
II. Shall a revenue be constituted from year to year, equal only to the interest of the sum to be redeemed in each year, coupling with this operation an annual loan, commensurate with such sum?
III. Shall a revenue be constituted each year, so much exceeding the interest of the sum to be redeemed, as to be sufficient, within a short definite term of time, to discharge the principal itself...
The first plan, besides being completely effectual, would be eventually most economical; but considering to what a magnitude the revenues of the
United States have grown in a short period, it is not easy to pronounce how far the faculty of paying might not be strained by any sudden considerable augmentation...
A second plan, though much more efficacious than that of annual loans, bottomed on the revenues now appropriated for the payment of interest on the sums to be redeemed, does not appear to be sufficiently efficacious.
The last of the three plans best accords with the most accurate view, which the Secretary has been able to take of the public interest.
In its application, it is of material consequence to endeavour to accomplish these two points: 1st, The complete discharge of the sums annually redeemable, within the period prefixed...
The period, to which it is conceived the plan ought to refer, is the first day of January, 1802; because then the first payment, on account of the principal of the deferred debt, may rightfully be made.
In conformity to these ideas, the following plan is most respectfully submitted; premising, that the sum redeemable for the first year of the 6 per cent. stock, bearing a present interest, is computed at 550,000 dollars.
Let an annual fund be constituted during the present session, equal to 103,199 dollars and 6 cents, to begin to accrue from the 1st of January 1793.
The proposed annuity will reimburse the sum borrowed with interest, by the first of January 1799, and will thenceforth, be free for any further application.
The sum redeemable the second year, that is, on the 1st of January 1795, is computed at 583,000 dollars.
Let an annual fund be constituted, during the second session after the present, equal to 109,391 dollars and 60 cents, to begin to accrue from the 1st of January 1794.
The proposed annuity will reimburse the sum borrowed with interest, by the 1st of January 1800, and will be thenceforth free for any further application.
The sum redeemable the third year, that is, on the 1st of January 1796, is computed at 617,980 dollars.
Let an annual fund be constituted, during the third session, after the present, equal to 115,955 dollars and 17 cents, to begin to accrue from the 1st of January 1795.
The proposed annuity will reimburse the sum borrowed with interest, by the 1st of January 1801.
The sum redeemable the fourth year, that is, on the 1st of January 1797, is computed at 655,058 dollars and 80 cents.
Let an annual fund be constituted during the fourth session after the present, equal to 122,912 dollars and 48 cents, to begin to accrue from the 1st of January 1796.
The proposed annuity will reimburse the sum borrowed with interest, by the 1st of January 1802.
The sum redeemable the fifth year, that is, on the 1st of January 1798, is computed at 694,362 dollars and 33 cents.
Let an annual fund be constituted, during the fifth session after the present, equal to 152,745 dollars and 12 cents, to begin to accrue from the 1st of January 1797.
The proposed annuity will reimburse the sum borrowed with interest, by the 1st of January 1802.
The sum redeemable the sixth year, that is, on the 1st of January 1799, is computed at 736,024 dollars and 7 cents.
Let an annual fund be constituted during the sixth session, after the present, equal to 197,680 dollars and 20 cents, to begin to accrue from the 1st of January 1798.
The proposed annuity will reimburse the sum borrowed with interest, by the 1st of January 1802.
The sum redeemable the seventh year, that is, on the 1st of January 1800, is computed at 780,185 dollars and 52 cents.
Let an annual fund be constituted during the seventh session after the present, equal to 272,848 dollars and 38 cents, to begin to accrue from the 1st of January 1799.
The proposed annuity will reimburse the sum borrowed with interest, by the 1st of January 1802.
The sum redeemable the eighth year, that is, on the 1st of January 1801, is computed at 826,996 dollars and 65 cents.
Let an annual fund be constituted, during the eighth session after the present, equal to 423,583 dollars and 64 cents, to begin to accrue from the 1st of January 1800.
The proposed annuity will reimburse the sum borrowed with interest, on the 1st of January 1802.
The sum redeemable the ninth year, that is, on the 1st of January 1802, is computed at 1,126,616 dollars and 44 cents.
The then existing means for the discharge of this sum, arising from the operation of the plan, will be—
1st. The amount of the annuity constituted the third year, which will have been liberated by reimbursement of the third loan. 2d. The arrears of interest not previously appropriated, and which are computed at 200,000 dollars.
There will consequently be a deficiency this year of 810,661 dollars and 27 cents, which will require to be supplied by a temporary loan, to be reimbursed out of the surplus of the fund, which, on the 1st of January 1802, will exist for future redemptions, and which surplus will be sufficient to reimburse this temporary loan in about thirteen years and a half.
It may be proper to remark, that this deficiency upon one year is suffered to exist, to avoid an unnecessary augmentation of revenue, materially beyond the sum permanently requisite.
The table in the schedule B, herewith submitted, will show in one view the principles and operation of this plan.
The schedule C will exhibit the means of constituting the several annuities proposed to be established. From it, will be seen, that the proposed annuities are to be composed, partly of taxes to be successively laid, at the respective periods of creating them, partly of the surplus-dividend to be expected on the stock belonging to the government, in the bank of the United States, beyond the interest to be paid on account of it, and partly of the funds heretofore pledged for the payment of interest, which will have been liberated upon so much of the debt, as will have been extinguished.
The respective amounts of the taxes to be severally laid, will be—
Table with 2 columns: Year, Amount. Row 1: In the first year 43,199 dollars and 6 cents. Row 2: In the second year 109,391 dollars and 60 cents. Row 3: In the third year 115,955 dollars and 17 cents. Row 4: In the fourth year 122,912 dollars and 48 cents. Row 5: In the fifth year 152,745 dollars and 12 cents. Row 6: In the sixth year 197,680 dollars and 20 cents. Row 7: In the seventh year 272,848 dollars and 38 cents.
Making together 691,530 dollars and 95 cents.
The sum, which will have been redeemed prior to the first day of January, 1802, will be 5,443,607 dollars and 37 cents. The sum redeemable on the 1st of January 1802, will be 1,126,616 dollars and 44 cents; and the fund, which will thenceforth exist for the purpose of future redemption (as is particularly shown by the schedule D) will be 1,210,744 dollars and 34 cents, exceeding the sum strictly necessary by 84,127 dollars and 90 cents; a fund, which including the interest from year to year liberated, will, as already intimated, be completely adequate to the final redemption of the whole amount of the six per cent. stock (as well the deferred as that bearing a present interest) according to the right, which has been reserved for that purpose.
In the mean time, a further impression will be made upon the debt by the investment of the residue of the funds, heretofore established, in the purchase of it; and it is hoped, that the restoration of peace with the Indians will enable the application of the surplus of the existing revenues, together with the proceeds of the ceded lands in our Western Territory, to the same object.
Having now given a general view of the plan, which has appeared upon the whole the most eli-
gible, it is necessary in the next place to present to the consideration of the House the requisite funds for commencing the execution of it. These will embrace a provision for the first annuity only; that alone requiring by the plan immediate provision. With regard to a provision for the subsequent annuities, which is proposed to be successive, the Secretary will content himself with this general observation, that he discerns no intrinsic difficulty in making provision for them, as fast as shall be necessary, with due convenience to the people, and consistently with the idea of abstaining from taxing lands and buildings (with the stock and implements of farms) reserving them as a resource for those great emergencies, which all for a full exertion of the contributive faculties of a country.
The following means for constituting the first annuity, are respectfully submitted, viz.
Annual surplus of the dividend on the stock of government in the bank of the United States, beyond the interest to be paid out of the said dividend, estimated at 60,000 dollars.
Tax on horses, kept or used for the purpose of riding, or of drawing any coach, chariot, phaeton, chaise, chair, sulkey or other carriage for conveyance of persons; excepting and exempting all horses, which are usually and chiefly employed for the purposes of husbandry, or in drawing wagons, wains, drays, carts or other carriages, for the transportation of produce, goods, merchandise and commodities, or in carrying burthens in the course of the trade or occupation of the persons to whom they respectively belong, and the horses of persons in the military service of the United States, viz.
For every horse, not above excepted and exempted, at the rate of one dollar per annum—where only one is used or kept by the same person, with an addition of fifty cents per annum per horse, where more than one and not more than two horses are kept or used by the same person—with an addition of one dollar per annum per horse, where more than two, and not more than four are kept or used by the same person, and with an addition of one dollar and a half dollar per horse, per annum, where more than four are kept or used by the same person: Provided that this addition shall not be made in respect to horses usually employed in public stages for the conveyance of passengers.
This progressive increase of rates on the higher numbers has reference to the presumption of greater wealth, which arises from the possession of such higher numbers.
The product of this tax will probably be about equal to the residue of the proposed annuity, which is 43,199 dollars and 6 cents. How near the truth this estimate may prove, experiment alone can, in to ascertain a case, decide.—An aid to this fund may be derived from the surplus dividend on the bank stock, for the half year ending the last of December next, which it is presumed will be not less than 20,000 dollars. Should a deficiency appear upon trial, it can be supplied by a future provision.
Proper regulations for the collection of this tax will, it is believed, be found not difficult, if the tax itself shall be deemed eligible. Its simplicity has been a considerable recommendation of it.—Qualified as it is, it is not likely to fall on any but such who can afford to pay it. The exemption from the tax, in regard to horses which are appropriated to the purposes of husbandry, or of any trade or occupation, or to the transportation of commodities, seems to obviate all reasonable objection.
If however, there should appear to the legislature, reasons for preferring a tax on carriages for pleasure, which, it may be observed, will operate on nearly the same description of persons, the sum required may, it is believed, be produced from the following arrangement of rates, viz. Upon every coach, the annual sum of four dollars.—Upon every chariot, the annual sum of three dollars.—Upon every other carriage for the conveyance of persons, having four wheels, the annual sum of two dollars;—and upon every chair, sulkey or other carriage for the conveyance of persons, having less than four wheels, the annual sum of one dollar.
The collection of this tax will be as simple and easy, and perhaps more certain, than that which has been primarily submitted.
With regard to the second object referred to the Secretary, namely, the plan of a provision for the reimbursement of the loan made of the bank of the United States, pursuant to the Xth section of the act by which it is incorporated;—the following is respectfully submitted, (to wit,) That power be given by law to borrow the sum due, to be applied to that reimbursement; and that so much of the dividend on the stock of the government in the bank as may be necessary, be appropriated for paying the interest of the sum to be borrowed.
From this operation, it is obvious, that a saving to the government will result, equal to the difference between the interest which will be payable on the new loan, and that which is payable on the sum now due to the bank. If the proposed loan can be effected, at the rate of those last made in Holland, the net saving to the government may be computed at the annual sum of 35,000 dollars; which saving, whatever it may be, is contemplated as part of the means for constituting the proposed annuities.
The benefit of this arrangement will be accelerated, if provision be made for the application of the proceeds of any loans, heretofore obtained, to the payment suggested on the condition of re-placing the sums which may be so applied out of the proceeds of the loan or loans, which shall be made pursuant to the power above proposed to be given.
It will also conduce to the general end in view, if the legislature shall think proper to authorise the investment of the funds, destined for purchases of the debt, in purchases of 6 per cent. stock at the market price, though above par. The comparative prices of the several kinds of stock have been, and frequently may be, such as to render it more profitable to make investments in the 6 per cent. than in any other species of stock.
All which is humbly submitted. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
Treasury Department, Nov. 30th, 1792.
** The Tables referred to in the above, will appear in our next.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
LONDON, September 28.
It is impossible to form an adequate idea of the cruelties the clergy every where experience in France that refuse to take the national oath. A few days since arrived at Ostend a small open boat, with upwards of fifty French priests on board, who made their escape in the disguise of sailors and domestics. If the combined armies do not restore the monarchy in France, it is feared the old clergy will become perpetual wanderers in foreign lands, as the very name of priest (in conformity with their new fangled politics) is become odious to the nation.
We now see, in Paris, the late duke of Orleans metamorphosed into Monsieur Philip Joseph Equality! That wretched man who has proved a traitor to his family, is now one of the members of the National Convention, but watched with an eye of the strictest scrutiny by the jealous French republicans. Let which side that will, prevail, it does not appear that this apostate from royalty can long survive. If the Duke of Brunswick becomes master of Paris, Mr. Equality will be made a severe example of—if the French gain their point, their suspicions will soon put an end to his existence.
The Russians and Spaniards are both engaged in equipping fleets, which undoubtedly have France for their object, the ensuing spring.
Great Britain declines intermeddling in any degree, in the affairs of France, but the king, as elector of Hanover, is obliged to furnish his quota of troops to the Imperial army.
A great number of the heaviest pieces of artillery, great guns and mortars, have lately been sent from Luxembourg to forward the siege of Thionville. Should the besieged continue refractory, red-hot balls are to be employed against them.
M. de Calonne, the great friend and counsellor of the emigrant princes, has took his departure for Italy.
The following are the sentiments of M. Condorcet, Vice-President of the French National Convention, respecting a naval armament. "It is said that the Porte has refused to receive M. Semonville in the character of the constitutional ambassador of France, and insists that M. de Choiseul shall retain that situation. It is clear then that the Porte is deceived; and this is an effect of the intrigue set on foot to deprive us of that ally. Let us then recal both M. Semonville and M. de Choiseul; and fit out ten more ships to cruise in the Mediterranean."
"If the Grand Seigneur is so attached to M. Choiseul, why in God's name let him keep him, and welcome. If Choiseul disobeys a letter of recall, and prefers Constantinople to Paris, let him stay there; but let him not expect to receive any salary from us. If he had rather intrigue for Calonne and Pitt, than live in his own country, we cannot hinder him from playing the fool, and being the dupe of his folly. But the dignity of the French Nation will not suffer any Court to dictate to it the choice of its Ministers, or refuse to receive them."
"England, no doubt, has an interest in depriving us of the friendship of the Turks, that she may be thereby enabled to exclude us from the Levant trade which we at present carry on. But let her spin out her intrigue, the moment of our power is approaching; and then the Minister who now hates and affects to despise us, will court our alliance; and the state which employs Machiavelian policy to enrich itself, may be caught in its own snare. A nation that forces its means is nearer its fall than it may imagine."
"The necessity of our having a fleet in the Mediterranean—is founded on this principle, that we ought once for all to break the league of the petty Princes of the South and convince them of this plain and simple truth, "that we fear them not." We will afterwards think of the means of getting rid of the power of the King of Sardinia, and favouring the dismemberment of the island from which he derives his Royal Title; that expedition may be intrusted to Paoli, with three frigates and 3000 Corsicans. The Sardinians are islanders, and consequently formed for liberty; for in all times past those inhabiting islands and mountains have detested the yoke of despotism. The conquest of Sardinia will be an additional step towards universal republicanism. Then we may think of our Levant trade, so useful to our Southern Departments. Commerce is the offspring of industry, as industry is of liberty. Let us but be free, and strength, wealth, and every other good will necessarily follow. The Turks will stand in need of us; they will give us whatever we ask; and we shall find in the Levant trade ample compensation for our losses in America."
"But to effect all this we must rule the Mediterranean; it is our sea. We must be superior there to the Russian fleet, and wake the Empress from the dream in which she fondly thinks she can become mistress of Corsica, and pour her Russians into Provence."
"We must awe the confederated Bourbons of the south, and be before hand with their intended armaments for next spring."
"We must make Spain tremble; let 10 French ships of war be sent to carry the three coloured cockade, and the declaration of Rights of Man, into Catalonia."
"We must let the Bourbon of Spain know, that if he ventures to take in dudgeon what we have done, we will recover from him Navarre, which of right belongs to us, and then declare it free."
"We must be beforehand with the other crowned Bourbon, the King of the two Sicilies, and also the Great Master of Malta, who are confederating against us."
"What is wanting to accomplish all this?—ten ships of the line and some battalions of our great National Army. We have all Europe against us! Then be it so! It is a glorious fight and equally worthy of us who bear a part in it; of history, that will record it; and of posterity that will read of it;
One of the Sections of Paris has refused its assent to late Duke of Orleans being a member of the National Convention; and still less that he shall assume the name of Monsieur Equality, which, they say, is National property, and cannot be arrogated by any individual whatever."
On Monday the 13th of August, the remains of that distinguished person, general Burgoyne, were brought from his house in Hereford-street, and interred in the cloysters of Westminster Abbey, in a very private manner. He was followed to his grave by one coach, in which were four gentlemen, one of them a military character. One lady forced herself to be present, and obviously agitated, was led away, supported, from a scene that touched her nearly.
October 4. Sir John Shore, Bart. was introduced by Mr. Dundas, and killed the king's hand on being created a Baronet, and on his being nominated Governor-General of Bengal, in the room of Marquis Cornwallis.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
I HAVE observed with pain and anxiety, almost ever since peace has been fairly established in our country, that a certain set of high flying politicians, have with the utmost assiduity been endeavoring to destroy the confidence of the people, in their best, their firmest friends; the only art by which the people, in a free elective government can be enslaved. To this end the friends to the equal and common rights of man, have been stigmatized in almost every newspaper, as antifederals, demagogues, democrats, mobocrats, non-consenters, discontents, malcontents, enemies to the government, hostile to the constitution, friends to anarchy, haters of good order, promoters of confusion, excitors of mobs, fowers of sedition, &c. &c.
The fact is obvious to every one, who reads our daily publications; but to see through the design of these politicians, requires some reflection; it is to this I would now call the public attention. The piece signed Octego in Mr. Bache's General Advertiser, of the 4th instant affords us as striking a proof of the fact, and perhaps as good a clue to the designs of these pretended friends to peace, good order and good government, as any single production, that has lately appeared. In this piece Governor Clinton, a man, who is not merely a professed republican but a true and a tried one; one, that has proved his principles by his invariable practice, for thirty years past, spent in public life, during the whole of which time, he has evinced himself to be as unalterable and uniform a friend to the rights and liberties of the people, as this, or perhaps any other country ever produced, is loaded with the most unmerited abuse and calumny. That it is unmerited, I shall endeavor to shew hereafter; but shall confine myself at present to the enquiry, why this character is so much abused by this and other writers at the present time? Can it be out of affection for the interests of the people, and an honest zeal for their liberties and happiness?—No. The universally acknowledged character of the man, would give the lie to such a pretence. Is it owing to personal enmity to the man?—No, my fellow citizens, it is owing to an enmity to your liberties. They hate not the man; it is his political character is the object of their aversion: they hate his patriotism, his republicanism, his known and unshaken attachment to freedom. Is not every person, who writes or speaks against kingly salaries, irrepealable tax-laws, irredeemable debts, standing armies, and those immensely monied aristocracies called corporations, which are multiplying in our country, pointed out as a democrat, and an enemy to the government? These are facts, and facts from which you ought to reason: and facts by which if you reason properly from them, you will be enabled to distinguish with precision, your real from your pretended friends; or, in other words, the true republicans, from the masked aristocrats, who endeavor to conceal themselves under the name of Federalists.
[To be continued.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, December 4.
Read a second time, the bill for settling the northern boundary of the territory ceded to the United States by the state of North-Carolina—and made the order of the day for next Thursday.
After reading and referring two petitions, the house, according to the order of the day, went into committee of the whole on the Estimate of appropriations for the support of government during the year 1793—The Speaker laid before the house a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, inclosing the accounts of the loan-office commissioners of the United States, whereon the estimate of the expence of the loan-offices was founded—these accounts were read, and more particularly those of Massachusetts, New-York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The amount of the expence was generally complained of, and several alterations were proposed.
Mr. Steele renewed his motion for striking out the sum of fifty thousand dollars for contingencies and incidental expences of the war department, and that five thousand dollars be inserted instead thereof—which was superseded by a motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, "that the President of the United States be requested to cause information to be given to the house respecting an estimate of the expences of the war department for the year 1793, and that a statement of the particulars be included." After some debate, and an amendment proposed, the question on Mr. Fitzsimons's motion was put and carried—The committee then rose, and reported progress, to sit again to-morrow.
A report was read, from the committee to whom was referred the letter from the Secretary of State respecting the application of the fund appropriated for the support of the intercourse of the United States with foreign nations—laid on the table.
The bill for re-imbursing certain extraordinary expences of the commissioners to the Creek Indians in 1787, was read a third time. The committee of reference had agreed to fill up the blank with 1200 dollars; which was disagreed to; a motion to fill up the blank with 1100 dollars was also lost—a motion for 900 was agreed to—Ayes 26—Noes 20.
WEDNESDAY, December 5.
The bill for re-imbursing certain extra expences of the commissioners to the Cherokee Indians, in 1787, was read a third time; and on the question being put, whether the bill should pass? it passed in the negative—Ayes 20—Noes 21.
The report of the committee in favour of the petition of William Dunbar, in behalf of the heirs of George Galphin, late Indian superintendant, allowing a compensation of 500 dollars for services rendered—on the question for agreeing to it, it was negatived, 24 against 21.
Several petitions and memorials were read, one of which was referred; and the motions for referring the others, negatived.
The house took into consideration the report of the committee on the petition of Moses Young, secretary to Mr. Laurens on his embassy to Holland, but taken on the passage, and afterwards confined in England. The memorialist's claim on the United States was for salary, at the rate of 500l. sterling per annum, from the 18th of October 1779, to the 30th of August 1782. After considerable length of debate, the question on agreeing to the report of the committee (which was in favor of the petitioner) being put, was negatived, 27 to 23—Mr. Smith (S. C.) moved that the whole subject should be recommitted, but this motion was lost, ayes 19, noes 25.
THURSDAY, December 6.
A bill authorizing the settlement of the accounts of Lewis Garanger, was read twice, and made the order of the day for Tuesday next.
A message was communicated from the President of the United States, with inclosures relative to the war with the Indian tribes in the territory N. W. of the Ohio; which being confidential, the doors were shut till they were read.
A report was read from the commissioners for settling the accounts of the individual states with the United States; informing that they will be able to effect a final settlement by the 1st of July, 1793.
The house then went into committee, on the coasting bill. The several sections of the bill were debated by paragraphs; several amendments were adopted, which were reported, and laid on the table.
A report was brought in from the committee on the petition of W. and J. Simms, for remission of duties on a cargo lost in coming round from New-York to Philadelphia—After some debate, the petition and report, were referred to a committee of the whole on next Monday.
A letter was read from Mr. Seney, notifying his resignation of his seat in the House of Representatives, in consequence of an appointment in the judiciary of the state of
Maryland, incompatible with his retaining a seat in the national legislature.
FRIDAY, December 7.
The memorial of Timothy De Monkbrun, of Canada, an Indian agent for the United States, was read, praying compensation for services rendered, &c. referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Key called up the letter from J. Seney, Esq. and moved that it might be referred to a select committee: this caused some debate, when the question was put for commitment; 18 rose in favour of it, and 25 against it. It was then moved that "the Speaker notify the executive of Maryland that the seat of Mr. Seney is vacant by his resignation." This motion on was negatived, and the letter laid on the table.
A message was received by Mr. Secretary Lear, with copies of communications lately received by the President of the United States from the Governor of the South Western Territory. The galleries were then shut.
PHILADELPHIA.
DECEMBER 8.
We learn that the measures taken by the supreme executive of the United States to bring the hostile Indians to a conference in which all subsisting differences should be adjusted, have issued in a proposal of the said Indians to meet commissioners of the United States at Au Glaize on the Miami river which runs into Lake Erie, the next spring, at the time the leaves shall be fully out; and that in the mean time they will lay aside the bloody tomahawk. The Six Nations have invited governor Simcoe to be present at the proposed conference.
The army lately lying at Pittsburgh, have all marched for winter quarters, except a few left at that garrison. Some Indians had previously been discovered at the place intended for encampment, one of which had been fired at and wounded.
On the 23d of November a severe storm, from the north-east did considerable damage on the sea coast of Massachusetts; several vessels were lost and damaged.
Drawn by accident (says a citizen of the United States) to this great capital, and having had an opportunity to hear the sentiments of some respectable characters, I was extremely surprised to find, that there could be a diversity of opinion as to the situation of the citizens of France. A coldness of sentiment issued from the lips of some, chilling to every idea, that countenanced that resistance which grew out of the calamities we experienced during the late war. Can any of our leading characters renounce those feelings that pressed us forward to struggle against and finally overcome the oppression of Great-Britain? Have they no recollection of our past redemption? Is that good will towards the cause of liberty which so patriotically embraced and so bravely defended, swallowed up by their apparent national quiet and prosperity? Wealth and consequence, suddenly acquired, may bring on this disposition. But I trust, my countrymen at large have that honest hardness of character which detests ingratitude, and spurns at opinions unfriendly to the French nation. The standard of a monarch ought never to have a recruit in this country.—"We, the people," should be written over the doors of the Senate and House of Representatives. Congress should comfort the inhabitants of France with an address replete with good wishes. National coyness should be laid aside, and the minister of this government be directed to assure the citizens of that country, how warmly those of this, in their hearts, support their cause.
On Wednesday last the Hon. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, arrived in this city, and on Thursday took his seat as President of the Senate.
The mask is at last torn from the monarchical party who have, with but too much success, imposed themselves on the public for the sincere friends of our republican constitution. Whatever may be the event of the competition for the vice-presidency, it has been the happy occasion of ascertaining the two following important truths: first, that the name of Federalist has been assumed by men who approve the constitution, merely as "a promising essay towards a well-ordered government"; that is to say, as a step towards a government of king, lords and commons. Secondly, that the spirit of the people continues firmly republican, and if the monarchical features of the party had been sooner held up to public view, would have universally marked the decision between two candidates (equally unassailed in their private characters) one of whom is as much attached to the equal principles of liberty entertained by the great mass of his fellow citizens, as the other is devoted to the hereditary titles, orders, and balances, which they abhor as an insult to the rights and dignity of man,

[The following Stanzas are addressed to the Americans of the United States, by the French patriotic society of Charle...
Aux Americains.
DES Jacobins, la naissance Est moins nouvelle qu'on croit: C'est d'ici que dans la France Nous apprimmes notre droit.
Pour jamais perdons l'usage Des mots de prince, de roi; N'adoptons dans le langage, Que la nation, la loi;
Amis de la republique, En France vous allez voir Tout le parti monarchique Exterminer sans espoir;
November 12, 1792.
[Some of the ideas in the foregoing are transfused into the subsequent lines.]
THESE JACOBINS, that some so much de- spite Did not, like mushrooms, spring up in a night: By them instructed, France again shall rise, And every Frenchman learn his native right.
[Continued from the first page.]
lightnings and tremendous thunders of tempestuous times: it would therefore be irrational to infer a willing invitation of elements, equally unpropitious to their native constitutions, and maturer growth.
These temporising, pitiful attempts man- ifest the distress under which their au- thors labour, for expedients in a wicked and expiring cause, and will no doubt re- coil upon them with accumulated force.
Characters which have been scrutinized by industrious malice and ingenious calum- ny, unstrained by any one consideration of decency or delicacy, must be admitted to have been severely tested; and when the imputed crimes of a whole life time become stripped of misrepresentation and sophistry, and examined with an impartial view to the discovery of truth, and have turned out to be, some of them, emanati- ons of wisdom and virtue, and others to have dwindled into mere acts of indiffer- ence, it will be concluded that such cha- racters are almost exempt from the marks of the common fallibility of man; and A- merica will probably testify her approbati- on and joy in the possession of them, by continuing to place them in the most ex- alted and conspicuous offices of the govern- ment; whilst their calumniators will be permitted to dwindle into themselves with leisure, to enjoy the sweet contemplation of the means of their own disgrace.
It has been the object of this paper to present to the public an impartial and na- ked view of some of the measures of gov- ernment, together with the motives which probably gave rise to them, as well as the motives of opposition to them; and it
conducts us to these palpable and irresist- ible truths, that there exists a radical differ- ence of interest between the debtor and creditor part of the community; that the debtors are many; that the creditors are few; that the few have been the favour- ites of the government, and with a conti- nuance of governmental measures; that they have attempted, under the impulse of an immediate interest, to prevent the due exertion of the public will; and that the means used to effect this object have been at least indelicate and deceptive; perhaps truth would insist, that some of them have been injudicious and malevolent.
No impulse of interest or ambition ap- pears to have influenced the conduct of those who have espoused the cause of the many, except that diffusive interest which every individual possesses as a member of the community, and which is too remote to furnish an independent motive of action. Whatever opinion therefore may be enter- tained, respecting the policy or wisdom of their measures, their motives at least should be deemed correct.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D, H, Bar, Tber, Wind, Weath. Rows for Tuesday through Monday, Nov 1792.
Prices Current at Philadelphia.
ASHES, Pot per ton 90 Dols. to 100 d. Ashes Pearl 137 -- -- 140. Bacon sitches per lb. 8 cents. Bacon shoulders -- 7 do. Bees wax, per lb. 27 cents to 30. Brandy, Coniac, per gal. 1 dol. 11 c Brandy, common, 80 to 90c. Butter, in kegs, per lb. 11 c. to 12. Beef, Boston, per barrel 7d to 8d. Country ditto 6d to 7d. Coals, per bushel, 20 c. to 22 Coffee, per lb. 17 to 18 c. Cotton, per lb. 27 c. to 37 Cheese, country, per lb. 8c to 10c. English 19c. Chocolate, per lb. 18c to 20c. Codfish, per cwt. 3d. 50c. Cordage, American, per cwt. 7d 67c. to 8d. Duck, English No. 1. per yd. 28c. 1 cent less for every number Russia, per bolt 11d. 33c. Dutch sail duck, 18d. to 20d. Sail cloth, Boston No. 1. per yd. 30c. Flaxseed, per bush. 90c to 1dol. 10c. Flax, per lb. 11 to 12 c. Flour, superfine, per barrel, 5d. 83c. Common, 5dols. 7 c. Burr middlings, best, per bbl. 4d. 46c. Meal Indian 3 dols. Rye 3 dols. Ship stuff, per cwt, 80 c. to 1 dol. Gin, Holland, per case, 4 dols. 33 c. Ginseng per lb. 20 c. to 24 Grain, barley, per bushel, 1d to 1d. 3c. best shelled, per lb. 3 c. Buck-wheat, per bushel, 40 c. Indian corn, 67 c. Oats 35 c. pr. bush. Rye 44c, Wheat 1dol. 13c. Herrings, per barrel 3d. Hoops, hoghead, per M. 15d. Barrel, 7d to 8d. Hams, per lb. 10c. to 11 Hemp, imported, per ton, 120 dols. to 146 67c. American, per lb. 4 c. to 5 Hides, raw, per lb. 9 c. to 11 Indigo, Carolina, per lb. 1 dol. to 1 dol 20c. Iron, bar, per ton, 91 dols. Castings, per cwt. 3 dols. 47 c Nail-rods per ton 110 dols. to 111. Pig, per ton, 24 dols. to 26 dols. 67 c. Sheet, per ton, 173 dols 33 c. Leather, soles, per lb. 14c. to 17c. 20c. Logwood per ton 30d. Lard, hogs, per lb. 10c. to 11 Lead, in bars, per cwt. 7 dols. In pigs, -- 5 dols. 33 c. to 5 dols. 67 c. Red, -- 6 dols. 40 c. to 6 dols. 67 c. White, -- 10 dols. to 10 dols. 67 c. Mackerel, best, per bbl. 8d. Madder, best, per lb. 15c. to 20c. Myrtle wax per lb. 16 c. Molasses, per gal. 49 c. to 53 Nails, 8d. 10d. 12d and 20d, per lb. 10c. Nutmegs, per lb. 7 to 8d. Oil, Linseed, per gallon, 65 to 67 c. Olive, 87c. per case 2d. 50c. Sweet best in baskets, 12 bot. 5d. 30 flasks, in boxes 10d 50c. Spermaceti, per gal. 48c. Train 24c. to 27c. Whale, 22c. to 24c. Pepper, per lb. 38c. Pimento, -- 19c. Porter per cask, 5d. 33c. Porter, London, per dozen, 1-dol. 60 c. American, do. 1 dol. 4 c. to 1 d. 60 c. Pitch, per barrel, 1 dol. 73 c. to 2 dols. Pork, Burlington, per barrel, 10 dols. 33c Lower County, do. 10 dols. Carolina, do. 9 dols. Raisins, Muscatella, per box 2d. 67 c. Jar do. per jar 2d. 50c.
Sun do. per keg 8d. Rice, per 112 lb. 3 dols. Rofin, per barrel, 2 dols. 78 c. Rum, Antigua, per gallon, 1 dol. Barbadoes, do. do. 80 c. New-England, &c. 65 to 67 c. Jamaica, 1 dol. 7c. Windward Island, 86c Salmon, per bbl. 6d. 50c. to 7d. Scantling, heart, per M. 23d. 33c. Sap, 8d. to 8d. 67c. Shingles, 18 inch, per M. 3d. 33c. to 3d. 67c. 2 feet, 5d 33c. to 6 3 feet, dressed, 13d. to 15d. Salt, (Allum) per bushel, 50c. Cadiz, -- 47 c. Lisbon, -- 47 c. Liverpool, -- 47 c. Skins, Deer, in hair, per lb. 20 to 30 c. Red, ditto, -- 26 to 33 c. Snake-Root, per lb. 20 c. to 42 Sugar, Havanna, white, per lb. 17 to 18 c. Brown, per lb. 11 to 12c. Muscovado, per cwt. 13 d. to 15 d. Lump, per lb. 24 c. Loaf, single refined, 25 c. Loaf, double ditto, 36 c. Fallow, refined, per lb. 9 c. Tin, per box 13d. 33c. to 67c. Tar, New-Jersey, 24 gal. to the bbl. 1d. Carolina, 32 gal. 1 dol. 33 c. to 1 dol. 67 Turpentine, per barrel, 1 dol. 67 c. to 2 dols. Tea, Hyson skin, 53 c. to 60 Souhong, 50 c. to 93 Congo, 43 c. to 50 Bohea, 33 c. to 36 Tobacco, James River, best. per cwt. 3 dols. 60 to 3 dols. 73 c. Inferior, 3 dols. 33c. Old, 4 dols. 67 c. Rappahannock, 3 dols. 33 c. Coloured Maryland, 5 d. 33 c. to 8 d Dark, 2 dols. 40 c. Long leaf, 2 dols. 40 c. Eastern Shore, 2 dols. to 2 dols. 23 c. Carolina, old, 3 dols. 33 c. Carolina, new, 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dols. Wine, Madeira, per pipe, 176 d. to 226 d. 67c Lisbon, -- 120 to 126d. Teneriffe, per gal. 63c. Fayal, -- 52c Port, per pipe, 113 dol. 33 c. Sherry, per gal. 90 c. to 11. 20c.
A Bargain!
FOR ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, WILL BE SOLD, A Private LIBRARY, Of two hundred and twenty-seven volumes, (Chiefly Greek and Latin;) Among which are, several scarce and valu- able editions of the CLASSICS. Further particulars may be learned, on personal application at No. 26, Pear-street.
CHARLES BITTERS, No. 120, South Market, near Fourth-street, Has received from New-York, and ma- nufactured by Lot Merket, A large and general assortment of Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices. Nov. 24. 2awtf
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pais bien peuplé,--
SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soix- ante et quatorze Arres, en une seule piece, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Me- ridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terre- sont situées dans une contrée agreable, et salubre, ou les fieures sont inconnues; a environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contigues a la ville de Cambridge, ou il y a un College, et Cour superie- re. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navi- gation; et il est tres probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Saluée, riviere qui arrose les terres memes. Elles sont agreable- ment diversifiees de coteaux et vallons charman- tes propres a la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs et du petit grain; et dont une proportion consider- able se peut aisement convertir en prairies fertiles il n'est peut-etre gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille piece de terre a vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat on les rendra tres commodes. S'informer a l'imprimerie de la Gazette Na- ronale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six--It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from feve- & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluée, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beauti- fully diversified into swells and vales, and is per- fectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so cir- cumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. iawtf
New-York and Philadelphia S T A G E S, AND Bordenton, Burlington, and Trenton or Lamberton P A C K E T S.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Phi- ladelphia Land and Water Stages, beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of the passengers, they have removed their different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet Wharf, to the wharf or dock im- mediately next below Arch-street; from whence a convenient packet boat starts for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and returns on every Tuesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordenton or Bur- lington; each place taken alternately. Fare for passengers from Philad. to N. York 15/
For goods per Cwt. do 6/
Van Emburgh and M c Kean, David Williamson, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadel- phia stages, by the route of Bordenton.
Jacob Myers, Amos Hutchin, Nicholas Schenck, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadel- phia stages, by the route of Burlington. Bordenton, Oct. 1.
For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to
M c Kean and Van Emburgh;
Who have for sale at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-street,
Old Madeira, } Muscovado, } Teneriffe, and } Wines: Loaf, and } Sugars Mountain } Lump Jamaica Spirits, } Molasses, } Antigua, } Coffee, } Monferat & } Rum. Chocolate, } Newbury } Bohea Tea, } Rochelle Brandy } Burlington Pork, } in pipes, cases and } Hams, } demijohns, } Flour, } Gin in pipes and cases, } Bar Iron, &c. &c. &c.
Orders for Grain, Staves, Bils of Scantling, or other Lumber, punctually attended to.
For freight or passage to Lambert or Trenton, apply at said wharf to Thomas Ash- moore, William Douglass, John Ashmoore or Alexander Douglass, (Masters on board) or as above, to M c Kean & Van Emburgh. Philadelphia, October 6, 1792.
K I D, and Co. PERFUMERS, &c.
Have just imported in the PIGOU, and other late arrivals from Europe, and now open for Sale, at their store, No. 222, in Market above Sixth-street,
A general assortment of the following GOODS, viz.
LADIES and Gentlemen's japanned dressing cases complete, of all sorts Gentlemen's shaving cases, powder bags, boxes and powder puffs, of all sorts Tortoiseshell, ivory, and horn combs, of all kinds Tooth brushes, dragon roots and tooth powder All kinds of the best cloths brushes Ladies' tortoiseshell sliders for the hair Best Windsor soap, all kinds of wash balls Powder masks and court-plaister Silk purles and gloves tops All kinds of razors, warranted Pocket, pen, and sporting knives Scissors of all kinds Pinching, curling and spring irons A general assortment of pocket-books, ladies thread-cases and etwes Best English, Ch. Shire, and Gloucester cheeses Wax, wax candles, and sealing-wax Message cards of all kinds All kinds of hair powder English, French, and other pomatums Lamboued, Cassimier and mouselinet waistcoat patterns.
An elegant assortment of Ready made Milinary,
Consisting of full dress, Caps, Hats, and Bonnets.
Fine chip hats Black and coloured beaver hats, best quality An assortment of the most fashionable ribbons And beads for trimmings and other ornaments.
Have likewise received a fresh supply of MILK OF ROSES.
They beg leave to inform the ladies, that they continue to make all kinds of ornamental false hair upon an entire new method, and of so light and easy a construction, that they look better than when a lady is dressed by the most expert hair dresser.
An assortment of elegant cut Steel Watch Chains, Seals, Watch Keys, &c. with a variety of other goods, too tedious to enumerate. November 10. 4w. 2aw.
Manufactured and for Sale,
At No. 11, North Sixth-street, Fashionable Round Top and Flat B U T T O N S,
Warranted superior to any imported of equal price.
Country Store-keepers supplied either in small or large quantities, By
S. POST & Co. N.B. Conkshell Buttons, Buckles, &c. Oct. 17. 2awtf
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAINE
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.