Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-08-01 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXXII.]
SATURDAY, AUGUST 1, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET—No. XXXII.
Amusement and expense, only answer a good end, when restrained within suitable limits.
As a certain degree of pleasure and recreation are essential to the health and vigour of the human constitution, it is of importance that those purposes should not be defeated by the mode of gratification. The institution of holidays established by law is attended with singular advantages. It excites an inclination to indulge in amusement to a certain extent, without fixing habits of dissipation. Men may rest on Sunday without endangering their love of exercise, on other days. Such a periodical respite from labour does not terminate in habitual indolence. Were certain holidays authorised in every country, which it should be disreputable not to observe, it would stimulate people to industry, that they might procure some spare money for the occasion, and the limitation of such days within proper bounds would prove a security against excess. It should be a prevailing rule, that men who had not such ample fortunes as to live independent of their own exertions, should confine their amusements to those established days. This restriction would save many an estate from destruction, and prevent vagabonds descending from wealthy and industrious parents.
Nothing can excite more unpleasant impressions than to observe a fortune, that has been acquired by honest industry, wasted in idleness and extravagance. If a proper system of education were adopted, there is reason to suppose, that the offspring of opulent families would be more likely than others to manage their property to advantage. The example of industry and economy in a parent, certainly must have an influence on the conduct of a child, unless he is so educated as to destroy the force of it. A rich lubber may become an intolerable coxcomb by being unrestrained in his expenses; who, had he been confined in his proper sphere of business and frugality, might have made a useful, thriving citizen. Perhaps it will be said, that in a republican government it is a public benefit, that property should often change its master.—There is however a dangerous degree of refinement in extending the argument so far, as to encourage sloth and vice in the children of prosperous men. A thousand accidents will occur to deprive rich men of their estates, without promoting so bad an expedient as idle, dissolute manners.
SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
ALTHOUGH present appearances do not seem to support the assertion, my ears are yet dinned with the cry we not long since heard, "let us have a government adequate to the purposes of the Union, that we may no longer be the dupes of other powers, but that we may be able to prove ourselves of some importance in society, have our commerce subject to our own laws and regulations, and not subservient to the caprice of any particular state, or guided by foreign interest."—That certain kinds of traffic may be advantageous to some individual adventurers, and yet of general injury to the public, is fully manifested by our present impolitic commercial intercourse with Great Britain, which, upon an aggregate view, will be found to leave a heavy balance against this country, and unless put upon a more reciprocal footing, ought to be totally annihilated:—Our circulating medium is daily drained off in exchange for every frippery and foppery that the fertile invention of men has been able to produce.—Reason and common sense loudly proclaim for a remedy against so great an evil.
We proceed to examine some of the means by which America has it in her power to effect this remedy; and as I think a presumption upon the favorable disposition of Great Britain can be no longer contended for, it will be proper to examine those parts of her trade with us, the loss of which she will not readily consent to, as grounded upon her essential interest, which we have reason to conclude from her permitting it to exist.—In a former paper, I mentioned our pot and pearl ashes and flax-seed as necessary to their manufactures, and which we know from the test of experience, she cannot obtain so advantageously elsewhere—as the superior quality of these articles from this country find a market even at a greater price, than those from the northern parts of Europe, where they produce but little flax-seed, and that of an inferior quality, owing to the necessity they are under for the supply of their duck and other manufactures, of suffering the flax, in order to obtain a due degree of fibrous strength, to remain in the ground beyond the proper time for extracting good seed.—The large quantities of tobacco, rice, &c. imported from this country into Great Britain, and from thence exported to the various parts of Europe—employs so many of their ships—forms so advantageous a vend for their manufactures in its purchase, and gives so good a commission to their merchants that they would not very willingly relinquish a trade of such importance, while neither the Bruls or the Indies can supply them
with equal advantage thro' the interference of the Portuguese in the former, and the distance of the latter, which would cause the freight to exceed the price of the article in this country—nor do they from their situation, require so great a share of their manufactures.—In respect to their whale fishery, it is to exorbitant premiums, and the weakness of our former government, and the skill of our citizens employed in their service, they owe any material progress in procuring an article so essential in their consumption—notwithstanding the utmost exertion of their pride during the war to conceal the fact and hush their complaints—and though by illicit traffic not a few of their goods were introduced among us, the distresses of their manufacturers, owing to the want of a regular communication between the two countries, were severely felt, nor will they want only consent to a similar interruption.—So large a surplus of manufactures were on hand at the commencement of the peace, that a fair face and fine coat, formed sufficient credentials for a credit of thousands of pounds—which proves, that they had not during eight years found any other market to supply the loss of our's.—But granting that their trade with us was of no material importance to her European dominions, the most sanguine will not draw the same conclusions as it respects their West-Indies and other colonial possessions in this country: and it is a fact which will meet the assent of their own citizens inhabiting these places, that were it not for that traffic, carried on legally in their own bottoms, with us, some contraband also, and the rest through neutral ports, they could not subsist, notwithstanding Lord SHEFFIELD's imaginary inundations of lumber, fish, grain and other supplies from the British provinces of Canada and Nova-Scotia—while the superior quality of Irish beef and butter is no longer a counterbalance for the difference of freight from that country or this—In proportion therefore as these different channels of trade are rendered more difficult, will the interest of the West-India planters be urged in concert with our exertions to effect a more liberal commerce between the two countries.
AMERICANUS.
ORIGINAL SPECIMENS OF ELOQUENCE.
[Continued from our last.]
THE following Speech, remarkable for the conciliatory nature of the sentiments, and the noble simplicity of the language, was delivered by the Superintendent of Indian affairs in the Southern Department, to the Lower Creeks, on the 20th day of April, 1787. The candid reader is called upon to determine, whether it does not claim a preference over many of the Speeches transmitted from antient times, admired by the critics, and received as models for imitation in our American Colleges. It is high time to learn to place a proper value upon any thing which is really meritorious in itself; although it should happen to have been produced in our own age and country.
" FRIENDS AND BROTHERS !
" THE occasion that brings me here to see you is, I believe, partly of the same nature, as that for which you have met together. But before I enter upon the business, I cannot help expressing the pleasure I feel at seeing so many of our particular friends assembled. The Lower Towns of the Creek nation have always shewn a moderation and a prudence, which I feel and admire. If this disposition is continued it will establish such a friendship and commerce, as will be infinitely better than quarrelling and bloodshed.
" There are many present, who are already informed that I am sent here by the great COUNCIL, which in Peace and War directs the affairs of all the thirteen UNITED NATIONS of White Men; of which the Virginians, your neighbours, make a very small part. I come from the center of their government; at a distance from here of a whole MOON'S JOURNEY, on strong horses.
" BROTHERS !
" The Virginians of Georgia, who form one of the thirteen fires of our great Council, complained at the Meeting last Autumn that their Country was attacked and their People killed by some bad men of the Creek Nation—They demanded assistance, if due satisfaction was not given against the offenders—But the old and wise MEN of the great COUNCIL, the CONGRESS, before they would send out a strong army to assist in killing their brothers the Indians, with whom they had rather be at peace, wished first to enquire into the matter, and see if all things could not be amicably settled—For this purpose they have sent me out.
" Now BROTHERS !
" From Peace may we not all reap advantages?
There can be none from spilling each other's blood.—The MASTER OF BREATH, lends us that BREATH but for a little while; why then should we SNATCH it from one another SOONER THAN HE DESIGNS? For this reason, I hope both parties will be moderate.—Perhaps it hath been a little the fault of both parties that any of the human blood hath been spilled on the occasion.—I hope that now each will yield a little to the other. When our friends of the Creek Nation, who are now at Augusta, come up, they will tell you how much I inculcated this to the White People. I was happy to find them disposed to it; except a few of their mad young men, who are too apt to be disposed to war. But their nation will not be rigorous in their demands: they have presents in waiting for the INDIANS, who I hope will go down and receive the goods. I am convinced that this Nation will not in the end lose any thing, by confirming the GRANT of such lands as many of the respectable men of the Nation have thought might be spared; and have already GRANTED:—which gift it would be UNMANLY to retract—if it could be done—but it CANNOT.
" BROTHERS !
" I have carefully avoided to mention any old cause of quarrels, and I hope there will be none for the future. You will find that the HEADMEN among the Virginians have lately made provision for severely punishing any of their bad folks, who shall disturb their friends the Indians.
" I will not trouble you further, but to mention one thing, which concerns us all, and which I feel from my heart: the red People and the White are equally interested in it. We are Countrymen, we live in the same land; we breathe the same air, we should be brothers. The Kings and the People who live over the great Water will wish to subdue us all. They will use cunning and force. Perhaps, at this very time there are men employed among you to set you against us. It is not so long since, but you must remember how one of these Powers made visible efforts of this kind, even upon us, the White People their CHILDREN. But to tell you what is done by others of them to People of your colour, towards the mid day sun, would fill you with horror.
Ought we not, therefore, to grasp one another with a strong arm of friendship; the more easily to repel these Foreigners? Go down then, and receive the presents which are kept for you, as marks of friendship when you run the line; as you have agreed. You will be assured that every care has been taken by the Virginians to prevent your receiving any offence: as you, I flatter myself, will also do by them. For my part, when I return from whence I came, I shall have the pleasure to tell the great COUNCIL of CONGRESS this: then they, far from sending an army into the Creek Nation, will exert themselves to give Trade and the Comforts of life to you, and your Families. This will make the chain of our friendship brighter—and, indeed, will be better for us all.
" Before I make an end, I must inform you that our friend Chewocleymicho and his companions, the Hostages, are in good health and spirits. I have sent down to request they may be brought up; that it may not appear hard to keep our friends too long from their relations. But I hope the time passes away agreeably with them: for when I left them, they had nothing to do but to drink Rum, and be merry. If there is any just cause of complaint, I now beg it may be made known; that I may use my best endeavors to find a remedy. All we have to request is, that you go and receive your presents; and attend at running the line, according to your agreement at the Treaty."
[We have now finished the manuscript containing "Original Specimens of Eloquence"—and consider the communication as a rich addition to our miscellany.—Should the person who favored us with it, be in possession of other SPECIMENS OF ORIGINALITY, we should esteem them a very fortunate acquisition to the Gazette of the United States.]
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, of the CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, Tuesday, the 28th July, 1789.
Mr. VINING from the committee of eleven, to whom it was referred to take the subject of Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, generally into their consideration, and to report thereupon, made a report, which was read, and is as followeth.
IN the introductory paragraph before the words, "We the people," add, "Government being intended for the benefit of the people, and the rightful establishment thereof being derived from their authority alone."
Art. 1, Sec. 2, Par. 3—Strike out all between the words, "direct" and "and until such," and instead thereof insert, "After the first enumera-

tion there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall amount to one hundred; after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress that the number of representatives shall never be less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred and seventy-five, but each state shall always have at least one representative."
Art. 1, Sec. 6—Between the words "United States," and "shall in all case," strike out "they," and insert, "But no law varying the compensation shall take effect until an election of representatives shall have intervened. The members"
Art. 1, Sec. 9, Between par. 2 and 3 insert, "No religion shall be established by law, nor shall the equal rights of conscience be infringed." "The freedom of speech, and of the press, and of the right of the people peaceably to assemble and consult for their common good, and to apply to the government for redress of grievances, shall not be infringed."
"A well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, being the best security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed, but no person religiously scrupulous shall be compelled to bear arms."
"No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war but in a manner to be prescribed by law."
"No person shall be subject, except in case of impeachment, to more than one trial or one punishment for the same offence, nor shall be compelled to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law, nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation."
"Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted."
"The right of the people to be secure in their person, houses, papers and effects, shall not be violated by warrants issuing, without probable cause supported by oath or affirmation, and not particularly describing the places to be searched, & the persons or things to be seized."
"The enumeration in this constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people."
Art. 1, Sec. 10, between the 1st and 2d par. insert—"No State shall infringe the equal rights of conscience, nor the freedom of speech, or of the press, nor of the right of trial by jury in criminal cases."
"Art. 3, Sec. 2, add to the 2d par.—"But no appeal to such court shall be allowed, where the value in controversy shall not amount to one thousand dollars; nor shall any fact triable by a jury according to the course of the common law, be otherwise re-examinable than according to the rules of common law."
Art. 2, Sec. 3—Strike out the whole of the 3d par. and insert—"In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence."
"The trial of all crimes (except in cases of impeachment, and in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger) shall be by an impartial jury of freeholders of the vicinity, with the requisite of unanimity for conviction, the right of challenge, and other accustomed requisites; and no person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment by a grand jury, but if a crime be committed in a place in the possession of an enemy, or in which an insurrection may prevail, the indictment and trial may by law be authorized in some other place within the same state; and if it be committed in a place not within a state, the indictment and trial may be at such place or places as the law may have directed."
"In suits at common law, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved."
Immediately after Art. 6, the following to be inserted as Art. 7."
"The powers delegated by this Constitution to the government of the United States, shall be exercised as therein appropriated, so that the Legislative shall never exercise the powers vested in the Executive or the Judicial; nor the Executive the powers vested in the Legislative or Judicial; nor the Judicial the powers vested in the Legislative or Executive."
"The powers not delegated by this Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively."
Art. 7 to be made Art. 8.
Extract from the Journal,
JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk.
ADDRESS TO HUMANITY.
PARENT of virtue, if thine ear, Attend not now to sorrow's cry, If now the pity streaming tear, Should haply on thy cheek be dry, Indulge my votive strain, O! sweet HUMANITY!
Come ever welcome to my breast, A tender, but a cheerful guest.— Not always in the gloomy cell, Of life consuming sorrow dwell; For sorrow long indulg'd and flow, Is to HUMANITY a foe; And grief that makes the heart its prey, Wears sensibility away. Then comes, sweet Nymph, instead of thee The gloomy fiend stupidity. Oh may that fiend be banish'd far, Tho' passions hold eternal war! Nor ever let me cease to know, The pulse that throbs at joy or woe. Nor let my vacant cheek be dry, When sorrow fills a brother's eye: Nor may the tear that frequent flows, From private or from social woes, E'er make this pleasing sense depart, Ye cares, O! harden not my heart! Howe'er exalted or depress'd, Be ever mine the feeling breast. From me remove the stagnant mind, Of languid indolence, reclind; Alike the foolish and the vain, Are flagrant to the SENSE HUMANE.
It comes: it fills my labouring breast; I feel my beating heart oppress'd. Oh! hear that lonely widow's wail! See her dim eye! her aspect pale! To Heaven she turns in deep despair, Her infants wonder at her pray'r, And mingling tears they know not why. Lift up their little hands and cry; Oh God! their moving sorrows see! Support them sweet HUMANITY! Life, fill'd with grief's distressful train, Forever asks the TEAR HUMANE. Behold in yon unconscious grove, The victim of ill-fated love! Heard you that agonizing throes? Sure this is not romantic woe! The golden day of joy is o'er, And now they part to meet no more. Assist them hearts! from anguish free! Support them sweet HUMANITY! If Heav'n in every purpose wise, The envied lot of wealth denies, If doom'd to drag life's painful load, Thro' poverty's uneven road; To thee HUMANITY, still true, I'll with the good I cannot do, And give the wretch that wanders by, A soothing word—a tear—a sigh.
Parent of virtue, if thine ear, Attend not now to sorrow's cry; If now the pity streaming tear, Should haply on thy cheek be dry, Indulge my votive strain, O SWEET HUMANITY.
FOREIGN MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES.
FRANKFORT, APRIL 24.
Letters from Peterburgh advise, that great preparations are going forward for opening the campaign. It is asserted, that the army to be opposed to the Swedes will be composed of 50,000 men, supported by 150 galleys and armed sloops.
PARIS, MAY 7.
On Tuesday last about twelve o'clock at noon, his Majesty opened the Assembly of the States General, by a speech from the throne, which was received with loud acclamations. The Queen was seated near the King, on his left hand; Monsieur, and the Comted'Artois, at a small distance on the right; Madame, and Madame Elizabeth (his Majesty's sisters) with Mesdames Victour and Adelaide (his Majesty's aunts) on the left hand behind the Queen. The other Princes of the blood, with some Dukes and Peers, were also on the right; the Marshals of France, with others of the same rank, were on the left; the Garde des Sceaux were also on the left, and the other great officers of state were on the right of the throne. The Duc d'Orleans, who is the only Prince of the blood chosen deputy to the States General, took his seat as such amongst the nobility. The Ministers were seated close under the platform on which the throne was placed. As soon as his Majesty had finished his speech, the Garde des Sceaux and Monsieur Necker addressed his Majesty and the assembly; and at about four o'clock in the afternoon the King rose from his seat, and adjourned the meeting to the following day.
MAY 14.
THE ARRET that excludes the substitutes, (the suppleans) from being admitted to the Assembly of the States General, positively declares that none shall have the privilege of attending the meeting but in cases of the incumbent's disease, and in such cases, if no subject should have been named to succeed the Representative, the Electors are to be convened for the purpose of choosing another.
The States have hitherto been taken up in examining their Deputies commissions. It was first proposed to have this operation performed by the three orders in common; but the nobility and clergy insisted on each Order examining its own members. This was done with a view to baffle the pretensions of the Commissions, who would fain have all matters relative to the states to be decided, not as formerly by the plurality of orders, which would make but three votes, but by the majority of voices, which would produce as many votes as the assembly is composed of members; and in this case the third class would be always sure of a great majority; for, besides that their number is equal to the two other orders, many partizans may be found among these ever disposed to favor the views of the Tiers Etat.—Many worthy rectors of parishes, most of whom have been unanimously approved of by the people, are openly espousing the interest of the third class, and express a manifest antipathy for all the dignitaries, viz. Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and their connections. The same spirit may be said to exist in the inferior nobility. This is the reason why the commons were so earnest in soliciting government to grant them a more equal representation than they enjoyed in former assemblies; alledging, that as they actually constituted the nation, and their number was, in proportion to the other Orders, more than 24 to 1, the least they could expect was to form one half of the General Assembly. This claim seemed so just, that His Majesty granted it, notwithstanding the contrary decision of the Notables, who had been previously assembled to examine their claim, and who voted by a great majority, in favor of the form used in convening the last Assembly of the States General in 1614. This was looked upon by every body as a real and signal victory gained by the Commons, nor was it in the least abated, but that at the meeting of the States, every thing would be decided by the plurality of votes taken individually; for it would have been needless and illuory to increase their number, if they were not to acquire an additional influence in the Assembly; and such must certainly be the case if the suffrages are to be taken collectively from the three Orders. Mr. Necker in his speech at the opening of the Assembly, seemed inclined, to the great astonishment of the public, to favour the latter mode of voting, and although he palliated the matter, by saying, that in some cases the former might be preferable, such a doctrine was very much against his own principles in the King's Council, where he openly avowed a different opinion.
The above short paragraph will serve to explain why the three classes, or more properly speaking, the high ranks of the nobility and clergy are not to agree, for it is they, who being extremely rich, would be loth, in all probability, notwithstanding their specious condescensions, to have an act pass that might expose them to pay strictly what they ought.
The Clergy of this metropolis have closed at last their scrutiny. The Archbishop of Paris and four exemplary Rectors were unanimously chosen among the number.
Mr. Guy Target, as well known for his philanthropy, as he is celebrated for his eloquence and enlightened mind, has been elected a Delegate to the States General, for the Eastern district without the walls of Paris.
The Commons of Provence have lately had a medal struck in honor of M. DELA TOUR, their Intendant: Though unadorned, yet its inscription must be highly pleasing to so good, so upright a citizen—"The Commons of Provence offer this small, but sincere token of their gratitude to CHARLES DE LA TOUR, who has been their friend these forty years." In the letter which accompanied the medal were these words—"As in the days of Henry the Great, his brave soldiers had but to look at his conspicuous plume of white feathers in order to rally and pursue the path of glory—so let this medal, distributed among us, by recalling to our minds the unanimous sentiment which inspired the adjudging it to that worthy citizen, become a warning to us in the political career we are going to enter, that we may have no other object in view but the welfare of our country."
LONDON, MAY 18.
A Russian cutter has taken a Swedish brig from Bostock, off Elsinore, and carried her to Copenhagen, which is the first signal of the marine war commencing again.
Russia has strengthened herself not only by making new levies in her own dominions, but also by debauching the troops of Poland: Ten thousand Cossacks have actually declared for Russia, and marched to join Field Marshal Romanzow.

FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. PRINTER,
I AM one of those who mind my own business, and let the world jog on as it pleases, provided I suffer no molestation from it in my favorite mode of life: I am a friend to good government, because I realize that there are some persons in my neighbourhood, who do not know the extremes that the workings of envy at my imaginary wealth, would lead them to, were they not restrained by the laws. Having had considerable experience among mankind, and being convinced that Government is a very happy invention—that the security of my life, and all I possess, depends upon its stability and energy, I have had my quiet a little interrupted of late, (which by the by is the reason of my troubling you with this writing) for I have heard some strange doctrines about magistrates, and Governors, and Senators, and Representatives—it is said by some, who I believe and hope do not understand a word they say, that they are all going to be mixed up together and there is no distinction to be observed—and they are all a going to sit and smoke together—and talk over matters—and to make laws in the very cheapest, and most expeditious manner—and are all to have the same pay—and wear the same sort of coats, and to cut off all their hair, but not to wear any wigs—and are to call one another by their christian names—and so to relieve the burdens of the people, by doing the public business in about a week, or fortnight, or so: These will be glorious times my neighbor Tom Trotter says; but I assure you, Mr. Printer, these things make me feel plaguy sober—for I very much doubt whether they will answer. I am so faithless, that if an Angel was to come down from Heaven and tell me that mankind were grown so wise, so moderate, so just, so clever, and so every thing that's good, that they would all be made happier by throwing every thing into a common stock, my little all among the rest, I should look very sharp to see whether he had not a cloven foot, before I would believe him.
I tell some grumbling folks that it is hardly so easy to make laws in a chimney corner, as it is to fight battles there; and that though we in this country may be wiser than the rest of mankind in the old countries, where the common people, as they are called, are brought up in ignorance, yet that they, by long experience, have found out some things of advantage to them, and among the rest that they cannot live very happily without government—in which some must rule, and others obey: I also inform them that some of the greatest tyrants that ever lived used to coax and cajole the people in the first place—my paper is full, or I would write more.
Your's, SIMON DOUBTFUL.
AN ACROSTIC.—BY A LADY.
W HERE is the man, whose blooming laurels shine, A nd form a wreath his temples to entwine? S teady, yet active, thro' a gallant war, H e rode victorious in the martial car; I n council cool, determined, modest, wise; N o guardless moment took him by surprise; G reat were his dangers—thorny was his way, T o reach the goal, where PEACE and GLORY lay— O ppression fled, blest Freedom now abides, N or e'er shall roam while WASHINGTON presides!
BOSTON, JULY 25.
While the soil of America is propitious to the production of genius, Europe appears no less propitious to its growth and maturity. Poets, Painters and Mechanics seek in the old world those rewards which cannot be bestowed on them in the new. Our West, Copley, Brown, Trumbull, &c. seem to have taken up their abode in those climes, where the ingenious and benevolent Mrs. Wright breathed her last. The inventor of the Quadrant, Godfrey, though he lost the credit of the invention, was there handsomely rewarded—and within a few weeks past, the indefatigable and ingenious POPE,* the improver on the Planetarium or Orrery—one of which he lately finished—set out for London, in order, by observation or encouragement, to extend the sphere of his inventive genius—and while benefiting himself, add honor to the country that encourages, and to the land in which he was born.
* This Gentleman is one of those "belittled" but self-taught American Geniuses, who, maugre the wonderful discoveries of certain European philosophers, bid fair to carry the palm of knowledge from all competitors, however self-magnified, of the Eastern hemisphere. Mr. POPE was bred to the Clock and Watch-making business—and although he had never seen the Orrery of our celebrated RITTENHOUSE, or any other machine of a similar kind, he invented, constructed, and completed his PLANETARIUM, which a celebrated genius from France, lately in this country, pronounced superior to any thing of the kind in Europe. This noble Machine now forms part of the Apparatus of Cambridge University.
The officers, civil and judicial, throughout this State, are taking the oath prescribed by a late Act of Congress.—On Tuesday at the Court of Common Pleas in this town, the same was administered by the Hon. Judge SULLIVAN, to the Judges thereof, Attorneys, &c.
From New-York.—July 19.
Yesterday the Senate passed the Bill for the establishment of the department of foreign affairs with one very small alteration respecting the chief Clerk to the Secretary—the principle of the bill is not varied.—The question on the President's power of removal from office was very warmly debated, and in voting the members divided exactly even to and 10—The President of the Senate
gave the casting vote in favour of the clause as it came from the House, by which the power of the President, to remove from office (as contained in the Constitution) is recognized—for I consider the act as nothing more in this point than a recognition of a principle interwoven in the texture of the system.—Heaven has been all gracious to America in guiding this people to the choice of their first and second magistrates—this determination of his Excellency, is in perfect conformity to his sentiments, nor do I think he would sacrifice them for the Empire of the world.
NEW-YORK, AUGUST 1, 1789.
A government founded upon right principles, in order effectually to guard the rights of an enlightened people, should be strong in its construction, and energetic in its operation: Those amendments therefore which shall have a tendency to lessen the force of our National Government are to be deprecated.
The subject of amendments to the Constitution is very delicate in its nature, and dangerous in the experiment. So long as it remains as it is, the people will have a definite idea of the instrument—and it will be considered as the great Charter of their privileges—but if it should suffer such alterations as will place the whole, or its various parts, in a constructive point of light, the benefit of a Constitution will be lost. The much admired British Constitution is to be found only in that infinity of precedents which are scattered through an innumerable multitude of musty folios.
If history and experience did not fully explain the mystery, it would be extremely difficult to account for that opposition which some characters, in some of the States, make to necessary official Titles and Distinctions—for these persons, from education, habits and natural disposition, discover that they possess the most sovereign opinion of their own individual importance. To such opposers of the legal honors which the people are always disposed to confer upon their civil rulers, may be applied the words of Dean Swift—
Their altitude offends the eyes Of those who want the pow'r to rise.
Disinterested patriotism is a contradiction in terms—to this assertion the example of the Dæti, and others, who sacrificed their lives for their country, may be opposed—but it is well known that the force of very inferior motives has stimulated men to such a sacrifice—vanity and vain glory have produced many very brilliant actions. Wise legislators calculate their regulations of society upon quite different principles—they know that interest is the great object of mankind—hence they have always found it necessary to hold out inducements of various kinds; to stimulate to exertions, and to ensure obedience to the laws. These inducements are requisite in proportion to the freedom which is enjoyed—in arbitrary governments the feelings of the people are consulted, as convenience may dictate—and their interest is always a secondary consideration—but in a free republic, though there is every local, general and personal consideration to influence, yet the people have always found it necessary to confer titles of honor and distinction on their civil Rulers—for public offices, in proportion to the equality and freedom of the people, are never to be considered in a lucrative point of view. And until human nature is differently constituted from what it now is, there must be a substitute for pecuniary rewards, to induce men to enter into the public service—mankind have never yet devised any other than official distinctions by honorary Titles.
The Boston Gazette of Monday last, printed by B. Edes and Son, contains the following article: "Our beloved PRESIDENT stands unmoved in the vortex of folly and dissipation, which the city of New-York presents."
[A correspondent thinks it just to observe, that the reflection on this city contained in the above, conveys neither the sentiments of the inhabitants of Boston, or the people of Massachusetts at large: Of the great number of characters from the Eastern States, whom a laudable curiosity has induced to visit New-York, at this interesting period, not a single complaint, respecting the "folly and dissipation" of the citizens, has ever been heard—and indeed it is impossible that any person of the least candor should entertain such an idea, for it would be contradicted by all their senses—every appearance both in public and private, being in direct opposition to the insinuation of this paragraphist.]
Wednesday last being the day appointed by his Excellency the Commander in Chief, of this State, for the annual inspection and review of Gen. Malcom's Brigade; they were accordingly reviewed and inspected by Colonel Fish, the Adjutant-General, on the ground belonging to Colonel Rutgers, where the whole were exercised and manœuvred in his presence. The neat appearance of the legion under the command of Col. Wykoff, their correct execution of duty—together with the orderly and respectable appearance and conduct of the battalion troops, induced him to bestow many handsome commendations, and to promise to mention their behaviour in very favorable terms in his report to the Commander in Chief.
A correspondent begs leave to recommend to the farmers wives and children, an attention to the preservation of DRIED APPLES. They are a pleasant and wholesome article of diet. Formerly they made a profitable article of remittance to the West-Indies. It is thought they would suit the East-India market, and thereby prevent some hand dollars being sent out of our country. They are best, both in taste and appearance; when they are dried in a kiln, or a stove room heated for the purpose.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
Thursday, Ship Lord Middleton, Hewgill, Shelburne, 7 days. Brig Mary Ann, Tinker, Turks Island, 12 days. Sloop Eliza, Blackburn, Cape-François, 13 days.
A new Journal, under the title of Les Etats Généreux , was published in France on the 2d inst. and was to have been continued three times a week for the space of three months at least. The subscription was three half crowns, and the number of subscribers, who all paid beforehand, was upwards of 2000. Le Jay, the Publisher, employed a scurrilous and unpleasing writer, for which reason it was suppressed by order of the King's council on Friday last, after the publication of the second number. As a specimen of its manner, take the following paragraph. "The deputies were obliged to wait from eight o'clock in the morning till after eleven, in the narrow dark lobby of the ephemeral hall, built for the States General, which really offered a view of a groupe of merchants on 'change, rather than that of the entrance of a grand assembly."
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 29, 1789.
In committee of the whole—the discussion of the bill for registering and clearing vessels and to regulate the coasting trade was resumed—further progress was made—many alterations and amendments introduced—but the business was not completed when the committee rose.
Mr. FITZSIMONS moved that leave might be given to bring in a bill to suspend the operation of the impost and tonnage bills—but this motion was not adopted. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, JULY 30.
The committee appointed to examine the enrolled bill to regulate the collection of duties on tonnage, and on goods, &c. reported that it was found correct, and laid the same upon the table. The Speaker then signed the bill.
Mr. LIVERMORE introduced a resolution that each member should be furnished at the public expence with two newspapers of this city, such as he should choose, and no more. This was laid on the table.
In committee of the whole—the discussion of the bill before them yesterday, was finished—the committee then rose, and the chairman reported the same to the house with the various amendments proposed.
A message was received from the Senate, by their Secretary, Mr. OTIS, who informed the Hon. House, that they had concurred in the bill for settling accounts between the United States and individual States, without any amendments.
The House then took up the report of the committee just made—many of the amendments were acceded to—some of them negatived and others added by the House, so that the bill was not finished when they adjourned.
FRIDAY, JULY 31.
Mr. SCOTT of the committee appointed for the purpose, brought in a bill for establishing a Land-Office for the western territory; which was read and laid on the table.
Upon motion it was voted, that a standing committee be appointed to examine the enrolled bills, and to present the same to THE PRESIDENT for his approbation and signature, and Mr. White and Mr. Partridge were accordingly appointed.
Mr. WHITE of the committee appointed to examine into the measures taken by Congress, and the State of Virginia, respecting the lands reserved for the use of the officers and soldiers of said State, &c.—brought in a report which was read and laid on the table.
The House then proceeded in the consideration of the amendments agreed upon in committee, to the bill for registering and clearing vessels, &c. which being finished, it was voted that the bill should be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next.
A message by Mr. SECRETARY LEAR was received—informing, that he was directed by THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES to return to the House, an act to regulate the collection of duties imposed upon ships and vessels—and on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States, which had received The President's approbation and signature: He then delivered in the act and withdrew.
A message was received from the Senate by their Secretary, informing, that they had passed the bill for establishing the Treasury department, with amendments.—
Also, That the Senate had appointed Mr. WINGATE as a standing committee, to join the committee appointed by the Hon. House, to examine the enrolled bills, &c.
Mr. SEDGWICK of the committee for the purpose, brought in a bill to provide for the safe keeping of the acts, records and great seal of the United States, for the publication, preservation and authentication of the acts of Congress, &c. which was read and laid on the table.
Mr. HUNTINGTON, of the committee on the memorial of Nathaniel Gorham brought in a report, which was also read and laid on the table. Adjourned till monday morning.

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from last.]
NO controversy will be maintained with our author, "that a free state is more excellent than " simple monarchy, or simple aristocracy." But the question is, What is a free state? It is plain our author means a single assembly of representatives of the people, periodically elected, and vested with the supreme power. This is denied to be a free state. It is at first a government of grandees, and will soon degenerate into a government of a junta or oligarchy of a few of the most eminent of them, or into an absolute monarchy of one of them. The government of these grandees, while they are numerous, as well as when they become few, will be so oppressive to the people, that the people, from hatred or fear of the gentlemen, will set up one of them to rule the rest, and make him absolute. Will it be asked how this can be proved? It is proved, as has been often already said, by the constitution of human nature, by the experience of the world, and the concurrent testimony of all history. The passions and desires of the majority of the representatives in assembly being in their nature insatiable and unlimited by any thing within their own breasts, and having nothing to controul them without, will crave more and more indulgence, and, as they have the power, they will have the gratification; and Nedham's government will have no security for continuing free, but the presumption of self-denial and self-government in the members of the assembly, virtues and qualities that never existed in great bodies of men, by the acknowledgment of all the greatest judges of human nature, as well as by his own, when he says, that "temptations " of honour and profit are fails to big for any " human bulk." It would be as reasonable to say, that all government is altogether unnecessary, because it is the duty of all men to deny themselves, and obey the laws of nature, and the laws of God. However clear the duty, we know it will not be performed; and therefore it is our duty to enter into allocations, and compel one another to do some of it.
It is agreed that the people are the best keepers of their own liberties, and the only keepers who can be always trusted; and therefore the people's fair, full, and honest consent, to every law, by their representatives, must be made an essential part of the constitution: but it is denied that they are the best keepers, or any keepers at all, of their own liberties, when they hold collectively, or by representation, the executive and judicial power, or the whole and uncontrolled legislative; on the contrary, the experience of all ages has proved, that they instantly give away their liberties into the hands of grandees, or kings, idols of their own creation. The management of the executive and judicial powers together always corrupts them, and throws the whole power into the hands of the most profligate and abandoned among themselves. The honest men are generally nearly equally divided in sentiment, and therefore the vicious and unprincipled, by joining one party, carry the majority; and the vicious and unprincipled always follow the most profligate leader, him who bribes the highest, and sets all decency and shame at defiance: it becomes more profitable, and reputable too, except with a very few, to be a party man than a public spirited one.
It is agreed that "the end of all government " is the good and ease of the people, in a secure " enjoyment of their rights, without oppression;" but it must be remembered, that the rich are people as well as the poor; that they have rights as well as others; that they have as clear and as sacred a right to their large property, as others have to theirs which is smaller; that oppression to them is as possible, and as wicked, as to others; that stealing, robbing, cheating, are the same crimes and sins, whether committed against them or others. The rich, therefore, ought to have an effectual barrier in the constitution against being robbed, plundered, and murdered, as well as the poor; and this can never be without an independent senate. The poor should have a bulwark against the same dangers and oppressions; and this can never be without a house of representatives of the people. But neither the rich nor the poor can be defended by their respective guardians in the constitution, without an executive power, vested with a negative, equal to either, to hold the balance even between them, and decide when they cannot agree. If it is asked, When will this negative be used? it may be answered, Perhaps never: the known existence of it will prevent all occasion to exercise it; but if it has not a being, the want of it will be felt every day. If it has not been used in England for a long time past, it by no means follows that there have not been occasions when it might have been employed with propriety. But one thing is very certain, that there have been many occasions when the constitution would have been overturned since the Revolution, if the negative had not been an indubitable prerogative of the crown.
It is agreed that the people are "most sensible
"of their own burthens; and being put into a "capacity and freedom of acting, are the most "likely to provide remedies for their own relief." For this reason they are an essential branch of the legislature, and have a negative on all laws, an absolute controul over every grant of money, and an unlimited right to accuse their enemies before an impartial tribunal. Thus far they are most sensible of their burthens, and are most likely to provide remedies. But it is affirmed, that they are not only incapable of managing the executive power, but would be instantly corrupted by it in such numbers, as would destroy the integrity of all elections. It is denied that the legislative power can be wholly entrusted in their hands with a moment's safety: the poor and the vicious would instantly rob the rich and virtuous, spread their plunder in debauchery, or confer it upon some idol, who would become the despot; or, to speak more intelligibly, if not more accurately, some of the rich, by debauching the vicious to their corrupt interest, would plunder the virtuous, and become more rich, until they acquired all the property, or a balance of property and of power, in their own hands, and domineered as despots in an oligarchy.
(To be continued.)
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
[Continued from No. XXX.]
WHEN single persons or parties counteract the laws, and disturb that peace and order of government which is established by general consent, and in which there is a general persuasion that the security of every individual is concerned, there will be no difficulty in making such examples of punishment, as shall be sufficient to curb those turbulent and factious spirits, more or less of which may be found in every community, and which would become intolerable if not kept under a rigorous restraint. In all cases of this sort, the righteous severities of government will be approved, supported, and even applauded by the general voice. Yea, if we were to suppose that the general opinion was wrong in any particular matter of importance, yet it is plain, that vicious opinion could not be controuled by force; it must continue till the ill effects of it shall produce a general conviction of its error, or till the people can be convinced by reason and argument of the danger of such an opinion, before the ill consequences are actually felt, in both which cases the people will turn about fast enough of their own accord, and the error will be corrected most effectually, and with ease, and without any danger of disturbing the public tranquility. Opinions indeed of a dangerous, hurtful nature, may spread among the people, and when they become general, are to be considered as great public calamities, but admit of no remedy but that which they carry with them, and which will prove effectual in the end, viz. their own evil tendency, and therefore must be let alone, like inundations, which however calamitous, whatever waste and destruction they make, cannot be controuled, any attempt to stop their force, increases their violence and mischief; they do least hurt when they are unmolested, and are suffered to drain themselves off in their own natural channels: In short, there is no forcing every body, and therefore I reject, with abhorrence, every idea of governing a country by a standing army, or any other engines of force. I consider every plan of this kind as a departure from the true principles of government, as destructive in its consequences, as absurd, and ineffectual to its own ends; for such a government, whenever it has been tried, instead of promoting the peace, security and happiness of the state, has generally been found to have operated by way of tyranny and oppression.
It appears from all this, that the true art of government lies in good and full information of the facts to which its ordinances are to be accommodated, and in wisdom in adopting such institutions, laws and plans of operation, as shall best suit the state and true interest of the people, and acting openly, fairly, and candidly with them. You may as well attempt, by fines, to cheat people into holiness and heaven, as into their real political interests. There are people scattered over the whole nation, who understand the great interests of the community and the wisdom of public measures, and are as firmly attached to them as those who sit in the seat of government, and who are always dissatisfied; and their confidence in the public councils is lessened, when they observe public measures are adopted, which they do not see the use of, and the ends for which they are calculated, and of course little mystery and few secrets are necessary in government. Let the administration be such as will bear examining, and the more it is examined the better it will appear.
In such a mode of administration as this, if burthens that are really heavy are necessary for the public safety, they will be cheerfully taken up, and patiently borne by the people without endangering the public tranquility.
(To be continued.)
THE NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. XV.
"Conversing with your sprightly boys, Your eyes have spoke a mother's joys! With what delight I've heard you quote, Their sayings in imperfect note! I grant in body and in mind, Nature appears profusely kind; Trust not to that; act you your part, Imprint just morals in their heart: Impartially their talents scan, 'TIS EDUCATION FORMS THE MAN."
CAY. EDUCATION is universally acknowledged to be a subject of the greatest importance to society.—The fate of individuals, and of States is inseparably connected with those institutions, which have special reference to this object.—When the public mind is so impressed with this idea, that wise, and salutary establishments are formed to diffuse the rays of knowledge and virtue among all classes of citizens, Hope can scarcely soar too high in its anticipations—the succeeding generation will be composed of kind parents, good neighbours and peaceable industrious citizens.
Education creates almost as great a difference between man and man, as there is between rational and irrational beings.—This is an observation that every person makes, who contemplates characters with any degree of attention—Riches give importance, but never inspire respect—and may we not suppose the time will come, when their only intrinsic advantage will be thought to consist in affording more competent means for the acquisition of science.
The author of my motto has beautifully sketched the outlines of that pleasing, parental partiality, which fancies it sees the buddings of genius, and the presages of wisdom in the infantine prattle of its offspring—he however cautions against trusting to early appearances—it is true that nature must sow the seed, but culture only, can bring it to perfection.
"'Tis education forms the man"—and the patriot too.—It is necessary in order to keep up a spirit of freedom and love to their country, that early principles of public virtue and patriotism should be imbibed by the rising generation.—These constituted part of the education which the youth of some of the ancient republics received; and though we would by no means quote them as a general example for the enlightened citizens of the American nation, yet in this particular they are certainly worthy of imitation. I cannot conclude this number so well in any other manner, as in the words of His Excellency the Vice-President of the United States in the third volume of his Defence of the Constitutions of the United States—he says,
"The instruction of the people, in every kind of knowledge that can be of use to them in the practice of their moral duties, as men, citizens, and Christians, and of their political and civil duties, as members of society and freemen, ought to be the care of the public, and of all who have any share in the conduct of its affairs, in a manner that never yet has been practised in any age or nation. The education here intended is not merely that of the children of the rich and noble, but of every rank and class of people, down to the lowest and the poorest. It is not too much to say, that schools for the education of all should be placed at convenient distances, and maintained at the public expence. The revenues of the state would be applied infinitely better, more charitably, wisely, usefully, and therefore politically, in this way, than even in maintaining the poor. This would be the best way of preventing the existence of the poor. If nations should ever be wise, instead of erecting thousands of useless offices, or engaging in unmeaning wars, they will make a fundamental maxim of this, that no human being shall grow up in ignorance. In proportion as this is done, tyranny will disappear, kings, and nobles will be made to feel their equitable equality with commoners, and commoners will see their interest and duty to respect the guardians of the laws; for guardians they must have as long as human nature endures. There is no room to doubt that the schools, academies, and universities, the stage, the press, the bar, pulpit, and parliament, might all be improved to better purpose than they have been in any country for this great purpose. The emanations of error, folly, and vice, which proceed from all these sources, might be lessened, and those of wisdom, virtue, and truth, might be increased; more of decency and dignity might be added to the human character in high and low life; manners would assist the laws, and the laws reform manners; and imposture, superstition, knavery, and tyranny, be made ashamed to show their heads before the wisdom and integrity, decency and delicacy, of a venerable public opinion."
A SCRAP.
Vicious habits are so great a stain to human nature, and so odious in themselves, that every person actuated by right reason, would avoid them, though he was sure they would always be concealed both from God and man, and had no future punishment entailed upon them.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, New-York.—[gdel. pr. an.]