The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-11-18 00:00:00

The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CLX.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 18th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE
Address to Subscribers
ONE year has elapsed since the first appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. During this period domestic events of the first importance have occurred. The political scene, so far as it relates to persons, has been completely changed, and so far as it relates to principles and measures materially altered. Public opinion, decisively expressed, has called for a reform, and a reform has been made.
There is something so interesting, and even sublime in a Nation, now composed of millions, and destined hereafter to be unrivalled in numbers, making off by Herculean efforts the chains of foreign despotism, and then with unexhausted vigor defending the rights of its citizens from internal invasion, that the mind cannot too often pause, and trace the admirable connection between cause and effect whereby the interesting spectacle is produced.
To obtain distinct views of the nature of our government, to discern its necessary connection with true national glory and personal felicity, is the basis of the only correct patriotism that can animate the human heart. Such sentiment, founded on the immutable principles of reason and truth, once embraced, becomes a permanent rule of action, and republicanism finds an impregnable fortress in every breast.
European philosophers have told us "That man, to be free must be virtuous."—They have mistaken the cause for the effect; and should have said, "That to be virtuous he must be free." For if virtue be a moral principle, and man be a free agent, can that be virtue which does not flow spontaneously from the heart? Can that be virtue, however specious, which slavery compels? Away then with the false, the dangerous dogma the constant plea of tyrants, and the perpetual terror of slaves. It is the interest of all nations to be virtuous, and all nations would pursue their interest, did not political fraud lead them astray. To detect this political fraud, to guard against machinations, to inspire man with a consciousness of his dignity and his power; these are ends which true wisdom ought incessantly to pursue, undismayed by adversity, unrelaxed by prosperity. Her means should be reason and truth. These are the only irresistible weapons that rational agents can wield. The sword may subvert an Empire. But reason alone can re-establish and give stability to its glory.
The distinctive feature of American governments is the representative principle. It is by the operation of this principle, that the nation can at any time express its opinion of public men and public measures, and will their continuance or suspension. It is by the operation of this principle that they have expressed such opinion and by its expression have silently and tranquilly produced a reform, which in other states would have been denominated a revolution, whose achievement could only have been imperfectly effected by the sword. Cherish, then, fellow-citizens, a sacred regard for this holy principle.—Let every heart habitually feel its value. Let every mind frequently reflect on the inestimable good that it produces. And when the wreck of other governments, falsely styled republican, are held up as evidences of the perishable nature of all political systems, and it is inferred that ours too must go to decay, recollect that our system is the only one that has ever existed, whose basis is a true representation of the people.
To uphold this great principle, to recommend whatever tended to render its application more general, and to make it more the object of popular affection, has been the leading motive, which has decided the character of the National Intelligencer. Those men have been supported with reason, with truth, and with moderation, who have often, and it is believed sincerely, professed their attachment to this principle, and whose whole political career has demonstrated a hatred of arbitrary power, and a regard to the public welfare. And while such men and measures have received support, their opponents have been treated with invariable respect and candor. For, it is the belief of the Editor that neither exclusive virtue or talent are to be found on one side, and it is his hope, fortified by numerous recent illustrations, that the great mass of each party only requires a temperate and rational disclosure of its errors to abandon them.—From the accumulating triumphs of republicanism, he beholds with joy the dawn of national harmony, and does not despair of reaching the period, when the nation will be undivided in political opinion. We cannot, it is true, expect to be exempt from the occasional intrigues of ambitious men; but the great body of the people may be so enlightened as to pursue their true interests, unmoved by the turbulence of ambition.
The same auspices, under which the National Intelligencer has hitherto been conducted, will still preside over its character.
While it fears not to examine with intrepid calmness the measures of public men, it will disdain to notice the foibles of the vices of private life.
From the encouragement which the Editor has received, and from his desire to render the paper a more comprehensive vehicle of information, its size will be from this day greatly enlarged.—The original plan of the Paper will be preserved with this addition that its maturity will enable the Editor to furnish the earliest notices of many of the most interesting domestic events, and of foreign events connected with the measures of the United States, in a shape of unquestionable authenticity. It will accordingly contain, beside the ordinary contents of a newspaper,
 I. The official acts of the General Government, including the acts of Congress.  II. The debates at large.  III. As far as a scrupulous adherence to truth will admit, an exposition of the motives of the most important legislative and executive acts of the government. 
TERMS.
 1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on Super Royal Paper.  2d. The annual subscription shall be five Dollars, paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and six Dollars paid by those who reside in the City who do not pay in advance; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.  3d. All letters to be post paid. 
In consequence of the laborious duties of the Editor of a public Print, and from the necessity of recruiting health, unavoidably impaired by a constant devotion to business, the transmission of the National Intelligencer to distant subscribers will every year, at the close of the summer, be suspended for four weeks; unless some very interesting events should occur, in which case an extra paper will be published.
As during the proposed period of suspension there is usually a stagnation in foreign as well as domestic politics, but little interesting matter will be lost.
During the four weeks a small paper will be regularly issued, on the usual days, and delivered to the subscribers in the City and in Georgetown, containing advertisements, and a concise notice of intelligence.
A NEGRO MAN
To be hired by the year, half yearly or quarterly.
A SOBER well disposed man about 26 years of age, cleanly, and has been many years employed as a coach driver, stable boy, and occasionally waiting at table, and working in the garden. His master wishes to hire him out in or about the city of Washington, he having a wife living near the District. He has never been accused or suspected of dishonesty.—For further information apply to the printer.
October 23. epit
FOR SALE.
A TRACT of land containing 2,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORN ON, Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is wavy high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out-houses, all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk.—There are two good mill seats for grist, or saw-mills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which if sawed up into scantling will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land.
The terms will be made easy to the purchaser or purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary.—Apply to
RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 85, Walnut-street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 17. epit
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Extract of a letter from a respectable character in Virginia to the Editor.
"I have just received a letter from one of my highly enlightened friends, who says, "The Grand Jury of Washington, have presented SMITH for a Libel on the Federal Judiciary. It would seem that the friends of order being beaten out of the executive and legislative posts, are about to mount their cannon en barbette, and play upon all the Republicans from the Gibraltar of the Judiciary Department.—Surely some amendments to the constitution of the United States, will be brought forward next session." No doubt several amendments are desirable, but a genuine republican construction put upon the constitution would render amendments unnecessary for several years. As to the particular object supposed to be in the view of my friend, there would be no occasion for an alteration of the constitution if the people, the state legislatures, the President and Congress, and particularly the Senate, that high court of impeachments, would but think as I do, that Congress can give no powers to the Judiciary of the United States, which are not expressed in the constitution; that they have no more to do with libels than they have with sheep-stealing, &c. than when they undertake to try the authors of libels, they encroach upon the rights and prerogatives of the state courts, and are factiously introducing the common law of England as cognizable in our federal courts, where, especially what relates to libels cannot possibly be cognizable, with any degree of safety to the freedom of the press, the sovereignty of the people, or to the independence of their respective states. The common law of England may and ought to guard its Hereditary Executive, and all its appendages, against libelous attacks, and its established Church, the Ally of the State, against calumnies and criminations respecting its doctrine, discipline and worship. It must be wise in England to forbid all complaint against an hereditary executive, and an hereditary branch of the legislature; and even against laws enacted by a legislature constituted as the British Parliament are. But in the United States, it must be the right and duty of every citizen, to censure and expose to public view every violation of the constitution, (or as general Washington, in his private letter to Mr. Banister a member of Congress, expressed it, to censure error whether committed by this or that man in the prerogative of freemen) and to point out error in the administration and even defects in the constitution. For by the constitution that instrument itself is open to amendments, and the people or their deputies having a right at certain stated periods to dismiss their President, Senators, and Representatives; and moreover to impeach the President, Vice-President, or any civil officer of government, at any time for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors, who on conviction of any of these crimes may be removed from office and declared incapable of holding any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States, "and shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law." I lay in the United States where this is the case, it seems to me an absurdity to suppose that the courts of the United States, should have any check on, or controul, in the least degree, over the press, or the opinion of citizens or others, respecting the President, Congress, Judiciary, the Constitution, or in short, respecting any subject whatever. From the nature of the government of the United States, it can not stand in need of any restriction of the freedom of the press; And as on the one hand it cannot stand in need of those powers claimed by the Judiciary, so on the other they cannot be entrusted with them, and be enabled thereby to extend those powers, and gratify the wishes of the legislative and executive, to whom they may look up for the rewards of their obsequiousness. Some such combination and treacherous plotting against the rights of the people and their constitution and laws, must be necessary where the government is that of a simple state, and is founded on such false principles as would endanger its existence, were it not constantly supported by an armed force, aided by corruption, and by the powerful influence of religious and political delusions, but no such thing can be necessary or admissible in the government of the United States; which is not that of a simple single sovereign state, intended to be permanent and unaltered; invested with powers necessary for its constant firm support, and for its protection against attempts to change or displace its chief magistrate, and an hereditary branch of its legislature; or, even against a complete revolution, and change of government; but it is on the contrary,
a complicated government, instituted for the express purpose of securing to a number of other governments their independence and sovereignty, and their right to choose and enjoy a republican form of government; of governments too, which have with it, in some cases, a concurrent, and in others an exclusive jurisdiction; and which have the appointment of one branch of its legislature, and the right of directing the mode of electing the executive of that government; governments within whose territory the inhabitants according to their respective regulations by their laws, do by their direct votes elect that branch of its legislature which can alone originate money bills; it is the instrument by which the people of the several confederated states of America intended to preserve to their respective states their independence, and to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of liberty: and it is the organ by which they resolved to express their will whenever they should think proper to alter the present form of their federal government; in short it is the servant and not the master of the confederated states; and therefore cannot be entrusted with a power to check enquiry into the conduct of the officers of government, and to controul the press, so as to make it an engine of despotism instead of a bulwark of liberty. But if the federal courts had the right to punish the authors of libels on them or the government, there could be no occasion to exercise it; as the state laws, and the common law as received in the different states afforded ample means for the correction of calumny.—"Every libelous writing might receive its proper adequate punishment in the state courts from juries summoned by an officer, who does not receive his appointment from the President, and who is under no influence to court the pleasure of the general governments, in courts which are alike open to all who consider themselves as injured," and I will add, which must be as willing to punish the authors &c. of false, scandalous, and malicious libels, and seditious writings, as the federal courts. The peace, harmony and happiness of the confederated states, and the honor and reputation of the general government, and of all its officers, must be equally dear to the state and federal courts. The only difference there can be as to any danger of a bias in either, is that the state courts might be suspected of having a fellow-feeling for the people and the particular objects of the prosecutions before them; and the federal courts of similar feelings for the President, officers of the general government, and all concerned in the prosecutions and trials before them. And as the People and States are with respect to the United States, the Sovereign, and not the President, it must be just, and also politic, to run the risk of that bias which is or may be in favor of the People and States, the many, and the sovereign also, than of that, which may favor the ambitious tyrannical views of a few, and those too the servants of the people."
GIBRALTAR, Sept. 4.
In his majesty's brig of war the Thomas Paisley, which arrived here on Wednesday last, came passenger, capt. Hallowell, lately commanding his majesty's ship Swiftsure, captured by the French squadron under rear admiral Gantheaume. The Swiftsure failed from Alexandria with 2 cartel ships conveying French prisoners, and some other transports with invalid soldiers from Egypt. But captain H. having received intelligence, from a small vessel, of the unsuccessful attempt of admiral Gantheaume, to land a body of French troops on the coast of Africa, judged it most advisable to leave this unimportant convoy, for the more essential object of endeavoring to form a junction with Sir John B. Warren. Soon afterwards the Swiftsure fell in with the French squadron, and observing two line of battle ships at some distance to leeward of those nearest to him, captain Hallowell bore down towards them, in hopes that if he should succeed in disabling one or both of them, he might have the good fortune to escape. These two ships, which proved to be the Indivisible and Dix Huit (tenth of August) opened their fire upon him, when at about half gun shot distance; and maintained a brisk cannonade until he came so close almost to touch.
At this period, the other two line of battle ships approached near, and the Swiftsure having had the misfortune to have all her masts wounded, her gallant and distinguished commander, (whose justly established reputation, did not require to be supported by an ostentatious and fruitless display of resistance in such circumstances) had the mortification to find it necessary to strike his colors to this greatly superior force. The action continued one hour and 7 minutes, in which time the Swiftsure had 3 men killed and several wounded. We do
not find that any officers suffered the enemy had any of their ships as we had reason to believe when our Chronicle went to press; though between 30 and 40 men were killed in each of the two French ships engaged, besides a proportion of wounded. The captain and officers of the Swiftsure, were treated in the handsomest and politest manner, by admiral Gantheaume, who did not permit them to be plundered of their private property.
Captain Hallowell is exchanged for capt. Beaulieu, late commander of the Carrere. The Carrere of 40 guns was captured by his majesty's frigate the Pomone, off the island of Elba, after an action of 20 minutes. She had a quantity of ordnance stores on board, and was conveying a number of transports, to Elba, several of which were also taken, loaded with guns, mortars, shells, &c. for the siege of that place. The Carrere is now in commission; and commanded by capt. Maitland.
Elba is defended by a garrison of about 2000 men, and likely to hold out a considerable time.
September 11.
To shew how generously the privateers and gun boats on the other side, treat vessels belonging to nations at peace with them, we insert the following account of the capture of the American ship Molly, commanded by John Miller, from Philadelphia, laden with flour and bale goods.—This statement was given by him to an English officer, likewise captured and carried into Algeziras.
Ship Molly, at Algeziras, July 26, 1801. At half past one P. M. we discovered 8 gun boats under the land, standing out for us. The headmost bore down upon us, having a French flag, and a red flag flying. When within musket shot, he fired a shot at us; upon which we hoisted our colours, and fired a shot. He immediately began firing upon us, under the above mentioned colors, round and grape (without ever having made an attempt to hail us) from a 24 pounder. We immediately gave him the contents of our broadside, and drew two of the aftermost guns for stern chases. A quarter before two, we discovered several other boats, coming out on us, as well as a fleet of them from the Barbary shore. The wind being light, they came up with us very fast, bearing down upon us in succession, keeping up a continual fire of round and grape, from 9 to 32 pounders. We having good steerage way up, and fell off to get our guns to bear, and gave them the contents of 7 broadsides of round and grape double headed shot, which they not resisting, threw overboard, fell upon our quarter and stern, still keeping up their fire. Finding they were determined not to look at our beam, and it being out of our power to get our main-deck guns to bear, we were obliged to maintain a running fight with our stern chases.—The guns being much too light for the weight of shot, recoiled with so much violence, as to tear the carriages to pieces, drawing the bolts from the ratchets, and dismounting themselves every 5th or 6th shot. In this situation we were obliged to constantly replace them with the quarter-deck guns, by which we lost considerable time. At a quarter before three, finding the gun boats encircled to the number of 16; and more bearing down upon us under a constant fire, having eight of our carriage guns dismounted, and rendered totally useless, the wheel carried away by the capsizing of one of the stern chases, our sails, spars, running and standing rigging considerably damaged, the wind light, and no prospect of escaping, we thought it most prudent to strike. As soon as our colors were hauled down, the commander of the gun boat under French colors (by this time he had also hoisted a Spanish flag) notwithstanding he still kept his bloody flag flying, ceased firing; but the Spaniards kept up the fire, after we struck, and we received fifteen shot before they ceased firing, the ship rounded to immediately. Upon boarding us, they began pillaging every thing they could lay their hands upon, and in the course of an hour, there was not a bed or a hammock, or a second change of clothes left in the ship. The number who boarded us, we suppose, amounted to 100 men, landing over us with pistols and drawn sabres to our breaks, while they were taking our watch from us, and our handkerchiefs from our necks, threatening to take our lives if we attempted to make the least resistance. Being exceedingly exasperated at the reception they had met with, not supposing we should have maintained an action against so many boats, they insulted us, driving our men below with their sabres and stripping their clothes from their backs. After having pillaged what they could from the cabin and state-rooms, most of them returned to their boats, and the ship was ordered to Algeziras, where she arrived at 7 P. M. The commander of the French gun boats, when on board, insulted me, struck

FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
"The evil men do live after them."
THE omnipotence of the British nation has been so long a subject of exultation, and from political motives generally admitted, that an attempt to place America in an attitude of opposition to her Marine mandates, is considered by some as the height of arrogance, if not of madness. But no country has been more over rated in its real commercial strength; provided other nations would exercise those national advantages which they possess. The United States, by exaggerating the power of Britain, and lessening their own energies, have originated the errors they have committed, and substantiated the benefits obtained by England in our commercial negotiations. The fears excited by the friends to the British treaty, that war would be the consequence of refusing it, were derogatory to our national character, as it exhibited a pusillanimity on our part, which stimulated Great Britain to further excesses. The declaration of our apprehensions of her resentment, and the dread we displayed at her prowess, led the government to pursue a system of deprecation, unawed by any measures of retaliation from the American administration. Our language on that occasion was that of timidity; we became suppliants to their clemency; we openly crouched to the treaty, though we secretly detested its principles; and thus governed by fear, we ignominiously surrendered every neutral right to the unconstrained management of a supercilious English judiciary.
So far from considering Britain as omnipotent either in her marine, commercial or manufacturing station, I believe there is no power in Europe more completely dependant, as they relate to these particulars. Her marine depends greatly on Russia, and her commercial and manufacturing interests are principally supported by her connection with America. The immense quantity of manufactures yearly imported into the United States, together with the export of our staple articles to the West Indies, and within her own dominions, gives such a balance of trade, in the various directions of her commerce, as would (if for a short time stopped) strike a fatal blow to the revenue and mercantile transactions of that country. The benefits arising from the commerce of England, are allowed by all the authors who have written on the subject, and the dread excited during the short period of our embargo, proves the propriety of its elimination in the American scale.
This principle was strongly urged in the State Conventions on the question of the Constitution; it was ever considered the palladium of our national importance. Mr. JOHN ADAMS (the late President) when in England, asserted in my hearing, that the commerce of America was the most powerful weapon to attack Britain; and further declared, that if the United States would unite in a navigation act, that we could force the Ministry to our own terms. These are sentiments which that gentleman vindicated when residing at the Court of St. James's; he regretted that no commercial system was adopted by the American states, and often spoke with a degree of enthusiastic confidence on the power of this country to controul the influence of Britain.
England, instead of being omnipotent, is in the power of Russia and America, who could (in alliance) enforce their demands, upon the most extensive principles. These two countries are the locks which invigorate the strength of this vindictive SAMSON; a vigorous determination to maintain their neutral rights, would operate too powerfully on the funds, the manufacturers, and the people at large, to be treated with levity. It would press with a ponderancy which could not easily be shaken off, and the various interests of the British nation would experience such a convulsion, as to alarm the ministry for the political and commercial existence of the government.
The treaty lately concluded between England and Russia, sufficiently evinces the apprehensions of England on the Northern Confederacy. Russia being the principal nation dreaded by Britain, the terms concluded on are highly favorable to the neutral position of that country. It is founded on liberal principles, and brings the business respecting the navigation of their respective subjects to a precise explanation; it determines without any equivocation, the specific articles of contraband; it declares in the most express manner, what characterizes a blockaded port; that their vessels shall not be stopped but upon just cause, and evident fact; that the right of search shall be confined solely to ships of war, and shall never extend to privateers, or any other vessels though armed for the purpose of war. Every precaution is taken to prevent any ill consequences by the meeting of their respective ships of war; they shall keep out of the reach of cannon shot, and the commander of the belligerent vessel shall send a boat on board the convoying ship, and the utmost order and regularity are provided in proceeding on the examination. If there appears a reasonable suspicion for search, the commander of the convoy has a privilege to nominate and appoint one or more officers to assist in searching, which shall be done in his presence, conjointly with one or more officers named by the commander of the vessel of the belligerent party. If just and sufficient reason appear for detention, the
commander of the convoying ship shall have power to order an officer to remain on board during its legal investigation, which shall take place in the nearest and most convenient port, and proceeded to with all possible dispatch. If upon further examination, it shall appear that the said vessel was detained without just and sufficient cause, the commander shall be accountable not only to the owners of the ship and cargo, for a full and satisfactory compensation for all losses, charges, damages, and expenses, occasioned by such detention, but shall be liable to punishment for all acts of violence, or any other faults, which he may have committed.
These are the principal outlines of the Russian and British Treaty. The parties are secured in their property by the most minute detail in their procedure; the contraband are specified; the search limited; the term blockade accurately defined; and to prevent a wanton detention, the captors are liable to cost, damages, and punishment.
Where now is the boast of the Anglo-Federalists in the United States? In what particular has England gained an advantage over Russia? Their trade is admitted upon the most extensive principles, as it relates to property of its own subjects; nothing is left to chance in a court of law, nor depends on vague authorities, promulgated by interested judges. The Treaty stands on a permanent basis, and the subjects of both countries know how far to pursue their commerce, by an inviolable guarantee, as to the articles of condemnation.
These Anglo-Federalists, while exulting at the advantages gained by Britain over Russia, absurdly eulogize the blessings of our Treaty with England. If Russia is imposed on, what must be our situation? If their negotiation has succeeded the power of England over the sea, what must be the extent of our surrender? Nearly every ground which is explicitly laid down in one, is omitted in the other; our contraband articles are extended; the term blockade is undefined; our trade is exposed not only to ships of war but privateers; and to compleat the whole, even if the capture is unjust, the poor American is obliged to pay costs of suit. In short, to compare the Russian Treaty with the American, will give us the strongest abhorrence of this detested instrument.
We have not only surrendered those neutral rights guaranteed to Russia, but we have exposed ourselves to innumerable difficulties, attached to other articles in this compact. We have restrained ourselves from laying any farther duties on their manufactures, without counteracting ones on their part; we have subjected ourselves to heavy demands for old debts, contracted by private merchants; we have placed English factors and temporary residents on a footing with our own merchants. We have, in fact, not only sacrificed our neutral commerce, but have fore-closed ourselves from using those means, which the commercial resources of this country abundantly furnish in case of future emergencies. The truth is, we have established a pretended legal plea, which operates just as the judges see fit to use it. The treaty is the doom's-day-book, by which we are judged, and its terrors are denounced in almost every cranation since its adoption.
The subject is so mortifying, that it is wounding to the feelings of an American to contemplate; yet, as it has produced consequences so fatal, it is our duty to lament over them, even though the reflections are poignant to our bosoms. It is a curse entailed on us and our children, and posterity will execrate its remembrance. OLD SOUTH.
It is beyond the reach of ordinary sagacity to penetrate the purposes of the present ruler of France. He is accustomed to deliver dispatches to an aid-de-camp on the most important affairs, and without previous consultation with any other person. When the object is about to be realized, the mystery that preceded it is unravelled. We mention this fact only to show how little likelihood there is of being apprized, or even judging with common probability, of the real purposes of this extraordinary statesman. Men of all parties agree in the uncertainty of Buonaparte's desire to attempt invasion, if practicable, but some deny the practicability at this late season of the year. But those opinions are not formed from experience, but prejudice. The expedition of Hocht in December 1797, with an inferior fleet, would be sufficient to shew the practicability. But there is an older case much more in point, and in which the invaders were successful, though after repeated baffling by wind and weather—we allude to the expedition of the Prince of Orange, which was only commenced in October, who, after going to sea and losing all his horses, embarked for the expedition, returned into port, and failed again on the 1st of November 1688, with an east wind. The original design was to land near Hull on the coast of Suffolk, but the Prince of Orange determined to land in the Channel, which he effected in spite of a superior naval force in the British ports, and the landing was accomplished on the 5th of November in Torbay in Devonshire. William landed without cattle or carriages to transport baggage, and the soldiers were obliged to carry their own tents and provisions, while the British king had a powerful and well provided army on Salisbury plain. Yet by the tenth of December, a handful of Dutchmen, with about 14,000
English, gave the island a Dutch king, and discharged the old one. These facts illustrate the practicability of the means and the little obstacles that the seasons throw in the way of enterprizes. [Aurora.]
Josiah Meigs, President of the University of Georgia, has forwarded to Dr. Mitchell a dried preparation of an American animal, which seems to be a non-descript. The letter which accompanied the specimen is dated Augusta, July 13, 1801, and states that "for the space of about one hundred miles, between Savannah and Augusta, the land on each side of the road is almost covered by the heaps of loose earth raised by it." The creature is of the order of the Gilres . He is a mus and belongs to the division of the ericti , or hamsters ; and is thus described by John Milledge, Representative in Congress from the state of Georgia.
"One of the little animals that burrows in the pine land, only known in Georgia, was caught by Stephen Pierce, living midway between Augusta and Savannah. Its body is of the length and thickness of a common brown rat, and of the same color; the head between that of a rat and mole, with small whiskers and short snout; the tail without hair, but shorter than that of a rat; the fore feet like those of a mole, with nails near an inch long; the hind feet like those of a rat, but shorter nails, each foot having 5 claws; very sparkling small eyes; short ears; teeth like a squirrel, and full as long. On both sides of the jaw, externally, are sacks or wallets, where it deposits its food, and will contain as much as can be put in a large table-spoon. Little or no fur, and the hair of the length of a wood-rat. The whole face of the pine country is covered with little mounds made by this animal, of the circumference of a peck, and from six to eight feet high. It is by no means active, but remarkably fierce. No common wooden place of confinement can hold it long, as it gnaws its way out. It lives entirely on roots, and is very fond of the sweet potatoes, and often proves injurious to the planter by getting under his stacks. It appears to move nearer the surface in the spring and fall than at any other season. It is surprising, that the work of this creature is seen throughout the country, in the region of the long-leaf pine, and in that region only, yet such is its skill in burrowing, and acuteness of hearing, that there is no animal in all our State so seldom caught or seen."
This account, which does not wholly correspond with the character of the Mus Grietus Germanicus , leads to the belief of its being a new species. But in order to be quite satisfied of this, it is necessary to be more particularly acquainted with its manners and way of life. (N. York Gaz.)
TRENTON, Nov. 10.
On Friday the 30th ult. a joint committee of both houses of the legislature waited upon his excellency RICHARD HOWELL, Esq., to know what progress had been made in procuring field artillery for the use of the state, agreeable to a law of the legislature, of 1799. Of his answer we have obtained a copy, which we publish for general information.
It has so happened, gentlemen, that I am confined to my room as yet, after a severe and unusual spell of sickness, which immediately followed a very long court of chancery, in very hot weather, before I had completely recovered from that which ensued directly after the duties of the adjourned sitting. That alone has given the legislature the trouble of sending a joint committee to enquire about the progress of the cannon foundry, &c. as otherwise, by mingling with them as usual, I could have satisfied the enquiries of every individual. After premising that I was highly gratified with the expectation of procuring good and handsome pieces for the state, which would carry my name with them, and not disreputably, I used all practicable means to procure proper materials to begin the work, as there were no guns of the proper calibre or quality to be had, as appears by my letter or report to the legislature of the 18th Nov. '99. Having so long since as before the battle of Lexington, served in a company of cadets, and read a course of Muller under a pupil of his who commanded it, I had a confidence that from some science and several years experiments in metals, I should be able to satisfy the expectations of the state; but determined to proceed without involving myself in any greater expense than the preparation of the hearth, flues, former's fuel, &c. and sufficient to cast a proof, as well to judge of the composition, as to correct any faults or make any improvements necessary in the form, after engaging more if liked on essay.
Copper being very scarce, I could not engage such as would probably do, till the 17th September, 1800, after examining foreign copper from Smyrna, &c. as appears by my second letter or report, to which I must refer. Much complaint has, I am told, been circulated about delay; I believe if it is remembered, that there were no proper cannon to be bought; that the materials were procured and secured as soon as it could be done; that a part of the iron furnace, without which it could not be in blast to make the apparatus, viz. the bridge was burned down, that as soon as it was repaired, I attended with much labour and expence, and after
many trials got a sufficient hearth, cast so much of a proof gun (though not entire, from a blunder of a common workman) as was satisfactory to the composition, and furnished an improvement for a new model which has been made, and a mould for it now stands ready; and when it is recollected that I was then called off to the legislature; it will hardly be thought by many that I was so far voluntarily negligent or dilatory. After my arrival here, the house knew how I was employed, and they know the complaints of chancery delays, and on what shoulders they are often unjustly thrown; of course they will agree with me, that I was not at liberty to omit my duty as a special court of chancery, appointed six months before at Newark, where I went in the worst of winter weather, sat through a long and busy court, and returning, was taken ill, and so continued till the adjourned sitting, since which I have been confined near 4 months, until the heat of the season made it impossible for a convalescent to stand the fire.
A long court of chancery, in extreme hot weather, before I was recovered of my former illness, has confined me ever since; so that I must, of course, be under all the inconveniences I was subject to last sitting. However others may judge of it, I think the state has the means of obtaining safe and good cannon, by proceeding after the pains and expence they have already taken; and if they chuse, I will proceed in the business at the risk of what I have, as their agent, and with due precaution. If not, as soon as I have recovered strength enough to go to the works, settle the accounts, prepare the copper already once cast for market, and find out the waste of tin in the operation, I will deliver three accounts, subject to their revision, to whom they please, and subject my property, of every kind, to do justice to the state, as well as all who have claims upon me. When I made reports to the legislature, and they took no exceptions, I thought it enough; nor do I think it necessary yet to go to every individual who taking upon himself the care of the state, pleases to suggest things he knows nothing of, and try to convince him, for fear of private influence. I meant to do what was right, but will wait the orders of the legislature.
As my waiting on the business of the legislature prevents me from endeavoring to recover strength by exercise in a chair, and it might be thought necessary to prepare for a joint meeting, it may for the business by my informing both houses, that on account of my late very variable health, I decline being again nominated as a candidate for the government.
RICHARD HOWELL.
Trenton, Oct. 31, 1801.
PUBLIC SALE.
By virtue of an order of the Orphans' Court of Washington County, District of Columbia, will be sold to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 26th of November, at the late dwelling of James Robinson, deceased, about one mile from the Eastern Branch Ferry.
The personal property of the said James Robinson, deceased—Consisting of Household Furniture, kitchen and farming utensils, some wearing apparel and other articles. Terms of sale, where the property bought by any one purchaser does not amount to twenty dollars—ready money. For all purchases above that sum, a credit of six months; the purchaser giving Bond, with good security for the payment of the money with interest, in six months from the day of sale. Hour of sale, 11 o'clock A. M.
LEWIN TALBUNT, Admr.
Washington County, Novemb. 11, 1801.
epf
Thirty Dollars Reward
THE following criminals who made their escape from the prison of Washington County, in the City of Washington, on Sunday night the 1st inst. have not yet been apprehended.
FRANCIS HIGDON, a slender man, about 5 feet 6 inches high, fair complexion, black hair, and 26 or 27 years of age. It is supposed he has endeavored to get among his relations in Charles or St. Mary's County.
JAMES SCULLY, about 5 feet 5 or 6 inches high, stout made, fair complexion, an Irishman by birth, had on a blue suit of clothes quite new; and of a coarse quality. He is about 43 years of age, talks thick, has short, bushy hair, and is very much marked with the small-pox.
HARRY, a negro man, of light complexion, 23 or 24 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, well made; had on when he went away, a new white cotton shirt, and new coarse, blue, cloth jacket and trousers.
It is supposed this fellow is gone to Port Tobacco, where, I am informed, his master resides, whose name is Lanty Maddox. Ten dollars will be paid for the delivery of either of the above men, or thirty dollars for the whole of them.
DANIEL C. BRENT,
Marshal of the district of Columbia.
Washington, Nov. 11.
POST-OFFICE.
Washington, November 7, 1801.
THE Winter Establishment will commence at this Office tomorrow and continue until 12 May next, agreeably to which the Northern Mail is to arrive every day (Tuesday excepted) at four o'clock P. M. and close every day (Saturday excepted) at five o'clock P. M.
The Southern Mail is to arrive every day (Sunday excepted) at seven o'clock P. M. and close every day (Saturday excepted) at five o'clock P. M.
No alteration will take place in other mails from this office.
THOMAS MUNROE, P. M.
epf
ately drew his sword upon me would take my life. The conduct was explained by his having killed a man wounded with a grape-shot, and the gunner on the head being capizing of one of the stern chases, neither of them dangerous. Had our ship been sufficiently heavy to stand fire, we have every reason to suppose we could have fought our way to Gibraltar, the Rock light, and having powder and ball to maintain the action an hour.
Our men acquitted themselves with honor—None attempted to quit their quarters; but, on the contrary, were resolutely determined to stay by their guns till they saw the necessity of hauling down our colours with reluctance. I am much indebted to the cool conduct of lieutenant Maley during the action, who pointed several of the guns, and made them tell on the gun boats.
Mr. John Gibson, supercargo, was very active on all occasions, rendering every assistance during the action.
(Signed) JOHN MILLER.
PARIS, September 9.
Citizen Lugan, the captain of a frigate, sailing under his command the Heliopolis, failed on the 14th July from Alexandria on board the Pink La Santa-Madonna Didra, manned with twenty good French seamen. He escaped the enemy's cruisers, touched at Capraria, and landed at Tarentum. Citizen Lugan delivered to general Soult dispatches from general Menou, which have been transmitted to Paris by an extraordinary courier.
Intelligence of the capitulation of Cairo had been just received at Alexandria. Generals Menou, Rampton, Friant, Soult, Sanlon, Destaing, Vajoucheich, Fouchier, and all the other officers, had embraced the resolution of burying themselves under the ruins of that place, rather than accede to a capitulation which they considered shameful, because they did not think it necessary.
Alexandria was fortified with upwards of 600 pieces of cannon, and possessed of an abundance of provisions, particularly a considerable quantity of rice. There was enough bread and biscuit for the garrison for the winter, and vice for several years. The soldiers labored with uninterrupted, and with extraordinary activity, to augment the fortifications. The number of French in the place, including seamen and the members of the different administrations, who had taken arms, was estimated at 3000 men.
General Menou bestows very high encomiums on the zeal and activity displayed by captains Villeneuve, Barre, and Richer, of the navy.
The fortress of the column of Pompey had acquired, by the extraordinary works carried on for four months, the same strength as Fort Crepin.
The forts constructed on the different islands, and the gun boats which had been conveyed from the port of Alexandria, rendered us masters of the Lake Mareotis.
The entrenched camp, chosen by general Menou, was proof against a coup-de-main and defended the approaches to the place. It was impossible for the enemy to approach in any other way than by the cuts of trenches.
The generals of artillery and engineers, considering local obstacles, and the works which had been thrown up, were, upon very reasonable ground, justified in thinking the place secure from every attack. [Moniteur.]
NOTICE.
Several citizens of this place being desirous to have A BRIDGE Erected as early as possible over the POTOMAC, From Maryland Avenue to Alexander's Island, a book is opened at Bell's Hotel, where it is hoped that every person who wishes to encourage so useful a work for this City, will subscribe their names before the first day of December next, also the number of shares they are willing to take, calculating them at two hundred dollars per share. Washington Nov. 11. epf
For Sale or Rent,
A VALUABLE Lot in Washington City, on square No. 686, on Delaware Avenue, near the Capitol, opposite general Washington's building. This lot contains 5932 square feet, with a commodious three story brick house thereon, completely finished in a handsome style. Sale of old property will be preferred for part cash, and the balance well secured. For terms apply to Messrs. Kurrack and Percival, in Philadelphia, or to the subscriber in Washington City, in New Jersey Avenue. BENJAMIN BURCH. Nov. 11. epf
DAVID JACKSON, DRUGGIST AND APOTHECARY.
INFORMS his friends and the public, that he has removed from Chestnut, to No. 26, fourth street, directly opposite the Post-Office, where he is opening a general assortment of genuine Drugs and Medicines, Surgeons' Instruments, Painters' Colours, and Patent Medicines of every description. Orders of Physicians and country Merchants executed with punctuality and care, and upon the most advantageous terms. Philadelphia, Nov. 2, 1801. epf

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, November 18, 1801.
Naval Victory.
Yesterday captain STERRET, commander of the Schooner Enterprise, part of the Mediterranean Squadron, arrived here, with dispatches for the Secretary of the Navy.
On the 1st of August, the Schooner Enterprise, commanded by captain Sterret, and carrying 12 six pounders and 90 men, bound to Malta for a supply of water, fell in with a Tripolitan cruiser, being a ship of 14 six pounders, manned by 80 men.
At this time the Enterprise bore British colours. Captain Sterret interrogated the commander of the Tripolitan on the object of his cruise. He replied that he came out to cruise after the Americans; and that he lamented that he had not come along side of some of them.
Three times, during the action, the Tripolitan attempted to board the Enterprise, and was as often repulsed with great slaughter, which was greatly increased by the effective aid afforded by the Marines.
When for the third time, this treacherous attack was made, captain Sterret gave orders to sink the Tripolitan, on which a scene of furious combat ensued, until the enemy cried for mercy.
Captain Sterret, listening to the voice of humanity, even after such perfidious conduct, ordered the captain either to come himself, or to send some of his officers on board the Enterprise.
After numerous supplications & protestations the boat was sent: The crew of the Tripolitan was discovered to be in the most deplorable state. Out of eighty men, 20 were killed, and 20 wounded.
When we compare this great slaughter, with the fact that not a single individual of the crew of the Enterprise was in the least degree injured, we are lost in surprise at the uncommon good fortune which accompanied our seamen, and at the superior management of Captain Sterrett.
All the officers and sailors manifested the truest spirit, and sustained the greatest efforts during the engagement. All, therefore, are entitled to encomium for their valor and good conduct.
After administering to the relief of the distresses of the wounded Tripolitans, and the wants of the crew, Capt. Sterrett ordered the ship of the enemy to be completely dismantled.
On the arrival of the Tripolitan ship at Tripoli, so strong was the sensations of shame and indignation excited there, that the Bey ordered the wounded captain to be mounted on a Jack Ass, and paraded thro' the streets as an object of public scorn.
So thunderstruck were the Tripolitans at this event, and at the apprehended destruction of their whole marine force, that the sailors, then employed at Tripoli on board of cruisers that were fitting out by the government, all deserted them, and not a man could be procured to navigate them.
But one cruiser, to wit a ship of 16 guns, remained out. She was reported to be off Sicily, but had not been seen by any of our squadron.
Capt. Sterret brings the latest intelligence respecting Egypt. When at Malta he was informed that Alexandria had not capitulated; nor was it expected that it soon would capitulate, as the French had received a full supply of water, of which before they had been in the greatest need.
Capt. Sterret states this upon verbal information, which was, however, fully credited by the English officers at Malta.
The following are the particulars of an insurrection that happened at Algiers about
the 18th September. When the Dey was in his mosque at prayers with his aids, 10 Turks entered the palace, armed, took possession of his seat, hauled down his colours, secured the palace doors, hoisted a flag for a new dey, and, from the windows above, offered a reward of 10,000 sequins to any person who would take his life.
List and particulars of American vessels under adjudication at Gibraltar, on the 14th September, 1801.
1. The Schooner Charlotte, John Haynes commander, from Baltimore, with cocoa, &c. for Cadiz, libelled for a breach of blockade, or otherwise, she was never warned, and what they go upon, was that of several shot being fired at her before she brought to, and was close in with Rot.
2. The ship Apollo, Samuel Thornton commander, from Leghorn for the Isle of France, with a cargo of oil, soap, &c. the ship and cargo the property of Messrs. S. Smith and Buchanan, of Baltimore—She was flopped just after anchoring in the port, for coming from an enemy's port and bound to another enemy's port.
3. Brig Sally, of Beverly, William James commander, with a cargo Buenos Ayres hides, tallow, copper, horns, &c. loaded at Lisbon on freight (though apparently the captain's, as he has declared) for this port and Trieste, flopped as being a suspicious cargo.
4. The Schooner Mary, William Ward commander, for a breach of blockade, flopped coming out of St. Lucar with a cargo of wine for New-York—he was not warned when going in.
RACES.
On Thursday the 12th inst. the Races commenced in the City of Washington.
First day's subscription Purse of 160 Doll. four mile Heats.
Mr. Osborn Sprigg's b. h. Lee Boo, by Gragg's imported Highflyer (6 years old.) 1. 1
Mr. John Tayloe's gr. g. Leviathan by the flag of truce (aged.) 2. 2
Second day's subscription Purse of 150 Dollars, three mile Heats.
Mr. Gabriel Duvall's b. f. Catchpenny by Grey Diomed. 1. 1
Mr. Benj. Oden's gr. f.—by Grey Diomed. 3. 2
Mr. Thomas Hanson's s. f.—by Hamblet. 4. 3
Mr. Tayloe's s. f.—by Bedford. 2. diff.
Third day's subscription Purse of 120 Dollars.—two mile Heats.
Mr. Thomas Peter's gr. c. Diamond by Grey Diomed 2. 1. 1
Mr. Tayloe's b. f. Bellissima by Melzar. 1. 2. 2
DIED—On the 7th inst. Mrs. MARY HARRIS, wife of Theophilus Harris merchant, of Alexandria. A lady whose mild and amiable deportment endeared her to all her acquaintances; in the character of a wife, a mother, and a friend, she excited the esteem and admiration of every one; as a genuine and sincere Christian, she breathed the spirit and temper of her divine master in a very eminent degree, and in the whole of her demeanor through life was well worthy the example and imitation of all who knew her.
"She taught us how to live, and Oh, how great, The pain of dying, taught us how to die."
On Thursday morning last, in the 50th year of his age, after a long and painful illness, which he bore with Christian fortitude and resignation, Mr. Jasber de Carmag, a respectable inhabitant of this city. We are desired to say, that a funeral discourse will be delivered on Sunday next.
Extract of a letter dated Louisville, (Geo.) November 5, 1801.
"We have just had an election for governor. Col. TATNALL, republican, is elected by a large majority—Say Tattall 41—Carnes, federal, 21—Irvin 7."
This election illustrates the decided political sentiments that prevail in Georgia. Col. Tattall is well known for his uniform adherence to republican principles.
EARTHQUAKE.
A considerable shock of an Earthquake was experienced in Philadelphia on the night of the 12th inst. a few minutes before 12 o'clock. It was accompanied by a severe explosion, followed by rumbling distant sound. A slight agitation was perceptible in several houses—No injury of any kind has been sustained.
A letter by the way of Maryland, from London, as late as September 23, lays—That the negotiation for a PEACE between England and France was broke off—Also, that the price of Grain and Flour continued to fall.
The Legislature of RHODE-ISLAND have terminated their autumnal session, and have adjourned till February next.
1. Amendment to Federal Constitution. During their session, the legislature took into consideration the amendment to the federal constitution respecting the choice of electors of a President, &c. proposed by the state of Maryland, and referred it to a committee of ten members, to report thereon at the next session.
2. Militia Law.
In discussing the provisions of a militia bill, Mr. C. Green advocated the propriety of paying those citizens who attended as militia men by a general tax on property. After a short debate, the motion to this effect was negatived.
This proposition is noticed for the purpose of soliciting the attention of intelligent persons to the subject. It seriously becomes the legislature of the United States, and those of each state, in the exciting period of tranquility and total freedom from alarm, to devise and put into a train of execution an energetic and wise militia system.
The subject, at any rate, is interesting, and merits the consideration of an enlightened mind.
3. Thanksgiving Day.
A resolution was introduced by Judge Bicknell, for the appointment of a day of Thanksgiving.
Mr. Pittman rose, and said that he must oppose the resolution, for he was decidedly against a legislative appointment of any particular day for that purpose. It seemed too much like the molton calf, which Aaron shewed, and said these are thy Gods, O Israel.
4. Legislative confidence in the Governor.
The following resolution was passed by the house: Forasmuch as several publications have of late been made, in a certain newspaper printed at Providence by Bennet Wheeler, called the United States Chronicle, slandering and defaming the governor, supreme court, and other constituted authorities of this state, one of which publications was subscribed by John Dorrance;
Resolved, That in the opinion of this General Assembly, the said publications tend to discredit this state abroad, and to disquiet the good people of this state, by weakening public confidence in the constituted authorities thereof.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this general assembly, his excellency the governor, the supreme court, and the other constituted authorities of this state, are well entitled to the public confidence, and have deserved well of their fellow-citizens, by a faithful and meritorious execution of the trusts reposed in them by the people.
Without questioning the justness of the opinion expressed by the legislature, we cannot but deprecate the impolicy, and even pernicious tendency of a legislative body stooping to interfere in newspaper discussions—We think it at once futile and undignified.
Dissolution of Partnership.
THE Partnership of Washington & Dowson, did by mutual consent dissolve on the 10th day of October last. All those indebted to the said concern are requested to make immediate payment to Baily Washington, living on the Capitol Hill, New-Jersey Avenue who is authorized to settle the business of the concern.
BAILY WASHINGTON, JOSEPH DOWSON. Nov. 22. 1aw3t
the charter of this state, other words are made use of, as if it had been intended to preserve that right with more fulness and certainty. It is true, said he, it bears the semblance of a recommendation; but this is the first step to a religious tyranny.
Mr. C. Green observed that he was very sorry to have occasion to speak again upon that subject in the legislature of Rhode-Island. He believed it to be an unauthorized interference, and an objectionable assumption of power.
In discussing the provisions of a militia bill, Mr. C. Green advocated the propriety of paying those citizens who attended as militia men by a general tax on property. After a short debate, the motion to this effect was negatived.
The subject, at any rate, is interesting, and merits the consideration of an enlightened mind.
3. Thanksgiving Day.
A resolution was introduced by Judge Bicknell, for the appointment of a day of Thanksgiving.
Mr. Pittman rose, and said that he must oppose the resolution, for he was decidedly against a legislative appointment of any particular day for that purpose. It seemed too much like the molton calf, which Aaron shewed, and said these are thy Gods, O Israel.
4. Legislative confidence in the Governor.
The following resolution was passed by the house: Forasmuch as several publications have of late been made, in a certain newspaper printed at Providence by Bennet Wheeler, called the United States Chronicle, slandering and defaming the governor, supreme court, and other constituted authorities of this state, one of which publications was subscribed by John Dorrance;
Resolved, That in the opinion of this General Assembly, the said publications tend to discredit this state abroad, and to disquiet the good people of this state, by weakening public confidence in the constituted authorities thereof.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this general assembly, his excellency the governor, the supreme court, and the other constituted authorities of this state, are well entitled to the public confidence, and have deserved well of their fellow-citizens, by a faithful and meritorious execution of the trusts reposed in them by the people.
Without questioning the justness of the opinion expressed by the legislature, we cannot but deprecate the impolicy, and even pernicious tendency of a legislative body stooping to interfere in newspaper discussions—We think it at once futile and undignified.
Dissolution of Partnership.
THE Partnership of Washington & Dowson, did by mutual consent dissolve on the 10th day of October last. All those indebted to the said concern are requested to make immediate payment to Baily Washington, living on the Capitol Hill, New-Jersey Avenue who is authorized to settle the business of the concern.
BAILY WASHINGTON, JOSEPH DOWSON. Nov. 22. 1aw3t
TO LET.
On Capitol Hill, adjoining Mr. Tunnicliff's Hotel. A convenient two story brick dwelling house, with good cellar, garret, kitchen and servant's rooms, a carriage house, and stable for three horses, &c. For terms apply to the subscriber at his store, north E street, near the President's square.
JOHN KEARNEY. Who has for sale some valuable building lots on laid street, and on square 491, Pennsylvania Avenue. He has as usual a general assortment of wines, groceries, liquors, &c. November 18. 1aw3t
Ten Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY from the subscriber near Piscataway, Prince George County, Maryland, on the 24th of this month, a Negro Woman named NELL, thirty-eight years old, dark complexion, of middle size, has two or three lumps on her head rather below the collar bone, occasioned by a burn when young, held on the top of her head, but always wears a cap or handkerchief to conceal her baldness, has a very simple time when talked to; took with her a variety of clothes—ranaway once before and was gone some years, was taken near the Red House, 60 miles above Alexandria, and lived in that neighbourhood some years and passed as a free Woman by the name of LINN. The above reward will be paid to any person securing her in any jail so that I get her again.
NICHOLAS YOUNG. October 4. 1aw3t
WANTED.
A person who can come recommended for his honesty, sobriety, and attention; and who can give good security for the faithful discharge of the duties of the Office of JAILOR. November 11. 1aw3t
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR.
Has just received a handsome assortment of Cloths, Cassimeres, Swansdown, &c. Of Superior Quality.
GENTLEMEN who favor him with their orders, may rest assured of first attention, and the best & most fashionable workmanship and materials, and on reasonable terms. Military and Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits made with elegance. City of Washington, between the President's House and the seven Buildings, Pennsylvania Avenue. October 21, 1801. 1aw1f
CONVEYANCERS OFFICE, AND OFFICE FOR SALE OF CITY LOTS.
On the Pennsylvania Avenue fronting the President's Square, near Rhodes's tavern, City of Washington. THOMAS HERTY has connected with the business of drawing Conveyances of Land, Wills, Mortgages, Leases, Bonds, Assignments powers of Attorney, petitions, and every other species of deed or contract in the profession; that of buying, selling and leasing lots and houses in the City, negotiating loans, &c.
His long experience as a draftsman, and knowledge of the laws relative thereto—the knowledge which he has acquired by residence of the situation of City Lots, and how their titles have been acquired, or are liable to be affected; together with his impartial and first regard to the interest of those who may be pleased to employ him, will, he hopes, secure to him a continuance of public patronage.
Titles to real property investigated, and opinions given thereon when required. 57 For sale a great variety of Lots, in desirable situations in the City.
N. B. At the above office may be had, his Abridgement of the Laws of Maryland, price 6 dollars. Also his Digest of the Laws of the United States, price 3 dollars. As the Laws of Maryland are in full force on this side the Potomac, it behoves settlers to avail themselves of that information which affects their lives, liberties and property. He who is without a knowledge of his "rule of conduct" is like a stranger in his native land. May 4. 2aw4w. 1aw3
NOTICE.
The following slaves have been committed to the jail of Washington County in the District of Columbia, viz.
JOHN MAYNARD—Twenty-nine years old, a bright mulatto, 5 feet 10 inches high, says he was formerly the property of David M'Macken, Esq. of Baltimore, who sold him to a Mr. White, a Mr. Bingham, and a Mr. Sargent from Georgia.
JIM WILMER—Twenty-five or 27 years of age, very black complexion, 5 feet 8 inches high, says he was formerly the property of Mr. Cumberland Dugan, of Baltimore, who sold him to a Mr. White, Bingham and Sargent—Both of these men have on coarse negro clothing, not much worn.
CHARLES—25 years of age, about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, well made, and has a good countenance; says he belongs to a Mr. Urbanan, of Benedict, in St. Mary's county, Maryland—has on coarse negro clothing, a good deal worn.
The owners of the above slaves are desired to come and take them away, or they will be sold to pay their prison expenses, according to the provision of the law respecting runaways.
DANIEL CARROLL BRINT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Washington, October 21, 1801. 1f
Charlotte Hall School, October 29, 1801.
IN consequence of the resignation of the rev. Mr. Ralph, the present principal of Charlotte Hall School, notice is hereby given, that the trustees will, on the 30th day of November next ensuing, proceed to the appointment of a person to succeed him for the ensuing year—The salary will be 800 dollars per annum, paid half yearly. The person to fill the vacancy must produce recommendations as to his moral character, as well as the other necessary qualifications for so important an office.
N. B. A thorough acquaintance with the Latin and Greek languages, is among the essential qualifications. Nov. 16. 1aw3t

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER
[A small work, written by VOLNEY, has lately been re-printed in this country, entitled, "Lectures on History, delivered in the Normal School of Paris &c." We have not had sufficient leisure to peruse the whole of it, much less to form a correct opinion of its general execution. But we have read passages, which convey just ideas on interesting topics. The following extracts will be found to justify our remark.]
It now remains for me to consider the influence which historical works have on the opinions of succeeding generations, and on the conduct of nations and governments. A few examples will serve to illustrate the nature and power of this influence. Every one knows the effect produced on the mind of Alexander by the Iliad, which is a history in verse. The son of Philip becoming the enthusiastic admirer of the valour of Achilles, made it his model, and, carrying the historical poem in a golden box, nourished by its perusal his military passion. In tracing effects to their causes, it is not absurd to suppose that the conquest of Asia depended on this simple occurrence of the reading of Homer by Alexander: the conjecture, at least is probable. But another fact, which is not less memorable, and more certain, is, that the History of Alexander, written by Quintus Curtius, was the principal cause of the terrible wars which agitated all the north of Europe at the end of the last and the commencement of the present century. All of you have read the History of Charles XII. King of Sweden, and you all know that it was the work of Quintus Curtius that inspired him with the desire of imitating Alexander. The effects of this passion, which first shook, and finally consolidated the Russian Empire, may be said to have been transferred from Asia to Europe; for, had it not been on account of the war with Sweden, Peter I. would probably have remained at Moscow, and never have thought of founding Petersburg: but had the historian and the poet accompanied their narrations with judicious reflections on the military which conquests produce, and, instead of profaning the name of virtue by applying it to military affairs, pointed out the extravagance and criminality of war, it is probable that the minds of the two young princes, of whom we have spoken, would have received another direction, and that their activity would have been employed in the acquisition of solid glory, of which the Czar Peter, notwithstanding the defects of his education, had formed by far the most just and noble idea.
I have cited individual examples; I shall now notice popular and national instances of this influence. Whoever has read with attention the History of the Eastern and Western Empires, and that of Modern Europe, must have observed, that in all the convulsions of nations, in all the wars, in all the treaties of peace and alliance that have taken place within fifteen centuries, there has invariably been a reference to transactions recorded in the books of the Hebrews. If Popes pretend to anoint and consecrate Kings, it is in imitation of Melchisedeck and Samuel. If Emperors do penance for their sins at the feet of Pontiffs, it is in imitation of David & Hezekiah. It is in imitation of the Jews, that Europeans make war upon Infidels. It is in imitation of Ahaz, Eglon, and Jotham, that individuals assassinate princes to obtain the palm of martyrdom. In the fifteenth century, when the art of printing promulgated those works which before existed only in manuscript, and rendered them books of general use, this influence was double, and produced an epidemic mania of imitation. You know the dreadful effects to which this passion gave rise in the wars promoted by Luther in Germany, in those which Cromwell conducted in England, and in those of the league which was terminated by Henry IV. Even in our own times, we have seen a striking example of the power of those effects exhibited in the war of the Americans against Great Britain. The passages of the Bible in which Moses and Samuel expose the abuses of royalty, served not a little to support the insurrection, as they had formerly assisted in overthrowing the throne of Charles. Thus the principal mover of the deluge of the universe, the Normal rule of an immensity of generations, has been drawn from the history of a petty nation, almost unknown to antiquity, and whose twelve tribes, consisting of a mixture of Arabs and Phoenicians, inhabited only 275 square leagues. Even Solomon, in the height of his glory, never possessed more than 400 leagues of territory, one half of which was desert, and never governed more than 800,000 people, and consequently commanded only 200,000 soldiers. Suppose those books had never been known, then the system of Mahomet, which is an imitation of that of Moses, would never have existed. The movement of the Roman world for those two centuries past, would have had a different direction. Suppose likewise that the first Press had given birth only to good moral and political works, the spirit of nations and of governments would have received another impulse.
At last true philosophy, philosophy which is the friend of peace and of universal tolerance, had extinguished the ferment, and the eighteenth century seemed to approach the finest epoch of humanity; when a new
tempest, hurrying men's minds in an opposite extreme, has overthrown the rising edifice of Reason, and has furnished us with a new example of the influence of History, and of the abuse of its comparisons. You must be aware that I allude to that mania of citations and imitations of the Greek and Roman history, which within a few years has struck us as it were with a vertigo. Names, surnames, dress, manners, laws, seem all about to become Spartan or Roman. Ancient prejudices alarmed, and recent passions irritated, have pretended to discover the cause of the phenomenon in a philosophic spirit, of which they are ignorant; but that philosophic spirit, which is merely observation disengaged from passion and prejudice, easily recognizes its real origin in the system of education which has prevailed for a century and a half in Europe. The celebrated poets, orators, and historians of Greece and Rome, placed without consideration in the hands of youth, have inspired them with their principles and their sentiments. Those books, extolling certain men and certain actions as models of greatness or perfection, inflame the mind of the student with the natural desire of imitation. Habituated under the collegiate lash to admire certain beauties real or supposed, but which in either case are equally above his comprehension, he becomes inspired with the blind passion of enthusiasm. We have seen this enthusiasm, at the commencement of the present age, manifest itself in a ridiculous admiration of the literature and arts of the Ancients. Other circumstances have now turned this admiration towards politics, in which it displays a vehemence proportioned to the interests that are brought into action. Varied in its form, in its name, and in its objects, it is still the same passion; so that we have done nothing more than to change idols, and substitute a new worship for that of our ancestors. We reproach them for their superstitious adoration of the Jews, and we are guilty of an adoration no less superstitious of the Greeks and Romans. Our ancestors swore by Jerusalem and the Bible; and the new sect swear by Sparta, Athens, and Titus Livy.
It is not a little remarkable that the apostles of this new religion are far from having a just idea of the doctrine they inculcate, and the models they propose to us are quite inconsistent with the object they wish to promote. They boast to us of the liberty and spirit of equality which prevailed in Rome and Greece; but they forget that at Sparta an aristocracy of thirty thousand nobles held two hundred thousand serfs under a yoke of the most cruel oppression; that of four millions of persons, which was all the population of ancient Greece, more than three millions were slaves; that civil and political inequality was the dogma of the people and their legislators; that this principle was consecrated by Lycurgus and Solon, professed by Aristotle and the divine Plato, and propagated by the generals and ambassadors of Athens, Sparta and Rome, who speak in Polybius, Livy, and Thucydides, like the ambassadors of Attila and Tchingizkhan. They have forgotten that the same manners and the same government prevailed in what is called the most glorious days of the republic; that this pretended republic varying according to its epochs, was always an oligarchy, consisting of a noble & sacerdotal order possessing almost exclusively the land and public employments, and a plebian mass oppressed with usurers, having only four acres of ground a-head, and differing from their slaves only by the right of flogging them, growing old, or dying in the gardens of their centurians, in the slavery of camps, and in the midst of military rapine; that in those states, pretended to be founded on liberty and equality, all political rights were concentrated in the hands of the indolent and factious inhabitants of the capitals, who viewed their allies and associates only in the light of tributaries.
The more I have studied the celebrated constitutions of antiquity, the more have I been convinced that the governments of the Mamalouks of Egypt and the Dey of Algiers do not differ essentially from those of Sparta and Rome; and that the Greeks and Romans, we so much venerate, want only the names of Huns and Vandals to excite in us the ideas we have been taught to form of those nations. Eternal wars, the murder of prisoners, massacres of women and children, breach of faith, internal factions, domestic tyranny and foreign oppression are the most striking features of the picture of Greece and Italy during five hundred years, as it has been portrayed to us by Thucydides, Polybius, and Titus Livy. The war against Xerxes, the only just and honorable one in which the Greeks were ever engaged, was scarcely finished when the insolent vexations of Athens on the sea commenced; next comes the horrible Peloponnesian war; then the Theban; to these succeed the wars of Alexander and his successors; then follow those of the Romans, without affording the mind the satisfaction of repose over half a generation of peace.
The legislation of the ancients has been highly praised—but what was its object, what its effects? It was calculated to form men for acts of savage barbarity, as ferocious animals are trained to fight lions and bulls. Their constitutions are admired—but what was the constitution of Sparta? Cast in a mould of brass, it condemned a nation of thirty thousand people, never to increase in population or territory; a regulation worthy of the Monks of La Trappe. Greek and Roman models are proposed to
us—but what analogy exists between a country like France, consisting of 27,000 square leagues, and containing 25,000,000 of people, and Greece? The Peloponnesus contained six federal independent states within 700 square leagues of territory. Lacedemon, which according to Thucydides, formed two-fifths of the Peloponnesus, consisted only of 280 leagues. Attica, including the 20 leagues of Megaris, consisted only of 165 leagues. The whole Grecian continent, including Macedonia, did not extend beyond 3850 square leagues, that is to say, one-sixth of France, consisting of a territory which is not generally fertile. What comparison can there be formed between the manners and habits of the inhabitants of a number of small and semi-barbarous states, poor and piratical, divided, and enemies by birth and by prejudice—and one great consolidated nation which is the first in history to exhibit a population of 25,000,000, speaking the same language, following the same customs, and whole various convulsions, during fifteen centuries, have only served to produce more conformity of manners, and more unity of government?
The modern Lycurguses have spoken to us only of bread and of iron. The iron of pikes produces nothing but blood, and bread is only produced by the iron of ploughs. The poets step forward to celebrate what they denominate warlike virtues. Let us reply to the poets by the howlings of the wolves, and screams of the vultures, that gather the dreadful harvest of battles; or by the lamentations of widows and orphans, expiring with hunger on the tombs of their husbands and fathers. Writers have endeavoured to dazzle us with the glories of war: But unfortunate are the people who shine with splendour in the pages of history! Like the heroes of the drama, their celebrity is acquired at the expence of their happiness.
The friends of the arts have been seduced by the magnificence of some ancient works; but they forget that the temples and other great edifices of Athens were the first cause of its ruin, and the fruits of a system of extortion, they at once provoked the resentment and the defection of its allies, the jealousy & cupidity of its enemies; besides, those masses of stone, however elegantly constructed, are a barren employment of labour, and a ruinous absorption of wealth. The palaces of the Louvre, Versailles, and the multitude of other vast buildings with which France is overloaded, have contributed to increase our taxes, and to produce disorder in our finances. Had Louis XIV. expended on highways and canals the 4,500,000,000 livres which his palace, already in decay, cost, France would neither have known the bankruptcy of Law, nor its ruinous consequences now reproduced among us.
Let us cease, then, to admire those Ancients whose constitutions were oligarchies, whose policy consisted in the exclusive privileges of cities, and whose morality was founded on the law of force, and the hatred of all foreign nations.
City of Washington, Commissioners Office, 2d October, 1801.
By virtue of an act of Assembly of the state of Maryland, entitled "A further Supplement to the act concerning the Territory of Columbia and City of Washington," the Commissioners will expose to public sale for ready money, at William Rhodes's Tavern, in the said city, on the EIGHTH day of DECEMBER next, the following Lots in the said city, to wit: Nos 3 & 4 in square no 99, nos 1 2 4 7 8 9 14 15 and 16 in square no 396, no 10 in square no 347, nos 1 & 29 in square no 535, no 4 in square no 217, nos 8 15 16 17 18 & 19 in square no 37, no 8 in square no 40, no 2 in square no 43, no 4 in square no 59, no 1 in square no 60, nos 2 & 3 in square no 72, nos 1 2 3 9 10 11 12 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square no 76, nos 9 & 20 in square no 77, no 3 in square no 83, nos 16 17 & 18 in square no 85, nos 1 & 8 in square no 6, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 & 20 in square no 20, nos 1 2 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square no 33, nos 15 16 17 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square no 105, nos 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square no 141, nos 14 15 & 16 in square no 166, no 1 in square north of square no 380, no 1 in square north of square no 583, nos 1 & 2 in square no 107, nos 2 & 12 in square no 23, no 12 in square no 288, no 2 in square no 317, no 7 in square no 345, no 6 in square no 409, no 13 in square no 535, no 3 in square no 579, nos 4 & 14 in square no 580, nos 2 & 18 in square no 583, nos 5 7 8 9 10 12 13 14 15 17 18 & 19 in square no 585, nos 9 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square no 643, nos 4 & 5 in square no 734, no 3 in square south of square no 823, no 10 in square no 799, no 2 in square 821, no 13 in square 846, no 2 in square 847, nos 12 and 13 in square 874, nos 15 and 19 in square 102, no 1 in square south of square no 104, nos 6 7 & 8 in square no 120, nos 24 25 26 & 27 in square 126, no 7 in square 142, one half of square 18 in square 143, nos 3 and 4 in square 170, nos 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 172, nos 1 2 5 6 10 11 12 13 16 17 and 21 in square 185, nos 8 9 10 and 14 in square 256, nos 2 3 17 18 in square no 290, nos 2 5 6 13 14 in square no 321, nos 1 3 5 and 9 in square 323, nos 1 2 5 6 10 11 15 and 16 in square no 348, nos 5 6 7 12 13 14 19 20 24 25 and 26 in square 457, no 2 in square 9, nos 1 and 3 in square no 7, nos 6 7 8 10 11 12 and 13 in square 75, nos 4 5 and 6 in square 119, nos 1 9 12 and 13 in square 222, no 7 in square 432, nos 2 and 3 in square 796, no 6 in square 432, no 5 in square 461, no 2 in square 1064, nos 1 2 3 4 6 and 7 in square south of square no 744, no 1 in square 461, no 2 in square 644, no 16 in square 799, no 17 in square 728, no 1 in square 1291, no 2 in square 47, nos 15 and 16 in square 198, nos 3 5 6 7 9 10 12 13 and 14 in square 317, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 and 7 in square 343, nos 2 3 4 5 and 6 in square 344, nos 1 2 3 4 15 16 17 18 19 20 in square 374, nos 1 4 5 8 9 and 12 in square 403, nos 3 4 5 6 7 in square 401, nos 2 3 6 7 10 and 11 in square 427, nos 2 3 4 5 and 6 in square 428, nos 7 8 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 and 21 in square 534, nos 5 6 7 8 9 10 and 11 in square 535, no 20 in square 585, no 15 in square 587, no 2 in square 643, no 1 in square south of square no 825, nos 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 and 26 in square 826, no 2 in square 997, no 3 in square south of square no 1019, nos 2 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 in square 1020, no 2 in square 1021, no 1 in square 1022, nos 1 2 3 12 13 and 14 in square 1023, nos 5 and 6 in square 1024, nos 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 and 11 in square 1045, nos 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 and 14 in square 1046, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 and 28 in square 1047, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 and 24 in square 1048, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1049, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1050, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1051, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1052, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1053, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1054, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1055, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1056, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1057, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1058, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1059, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1060, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1061, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1062, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1063, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1064, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1065, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1066, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1067, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1068, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1069, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1070, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1071, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1072, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1073, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1074, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1075, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1076, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1077, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1078, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1079, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1080, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1081, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1082, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1083, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1084, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1085, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1086, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1087, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1088, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1089, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1090, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1091, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1092, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1093, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1094, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1095, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1096, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1097, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1098, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1099, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1100, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1101, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1102, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1103, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1104, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1105, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1106, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1107, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1108, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 in square 1109, nos 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 1