The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-12 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. VI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 12th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
In the violence of party animosity the sincere attachment of Mr. Jefferson to the pure principles of republicanism has been doubted; and it has been asserted that his sentiments were once very different from those which he now professes. How true this assertion is, let the following extracts from his "Notes on Virginia" decide.
Page 181, after stating the defects of the Constitution of Virginia, he observes:
"In enumerating the defects of the constitution, it would be wrong to count among them what is only the error of particular persons. In December 1776, our circumstances being much distressed, it was proposed in the House of Delegates to create a dictator, invested with every power legislative, executive and judiciary, civil and military, of life and death, over our persons and over our properties: and in June 1781, again under calamity, the same proposition was repeated, and wanted a few votes only of being passed. One who entered into this contest from a pure love of liberty, and a sense of injured rights, who determined to make every sacrifice, and to meet every danger, for the re-establishment of those rights on a firm basis, who did not mean to expend his blood and substance for the wretched purpose of changing this master for that, but to place the powers of governing him in a plurality of hands of his own choice, so that the corrupt will of no one man might in future oppress him, must stand confounded and dismayed when he is told, that a considerable portion of that plurality had meditated the surrender of them into a single hand, and, in lieu of a limited monarchy, to deliver him over to a despotic one! How must he find his efforts and sacrifices abused and baffled, if he may still by a single vote be laid prostrate at the feet of one man! In God's name from whence have they derived this power? Is it from our antient laws? None such can be produced. Is it from any principle in our new constitution expressed or implied? Every lineament of that expressed or implied is in full opposition to it. Its fundamental principle is, that the state shall be governed as a commonwealth. It provides a republican organization, proscribes under the name of prerogative the exercise of all powers undefined by the laws; places on this basis the whole system of our laws; and by consolidating them together, chuses that they should be left to stand or fall together, never providing for any circumstances, nor admitting that such could arise, wherein either should be suspended, no, not for a moment. Our antient laws expressly declare, that those who are but delegates themselves shall not delegate to others powers which require judgment and integrity in their exercise. Or was this proposition moved on a supposed right in the movers of abandoning their posts in a moment of distress? The same laws forbid the abandonment of that post, even on ordinary occasions; and much more a transfer of their powers into other hands and other forms, without consulting the people. They never admit the idea that these, like sheep or cattle, may be given from hand to hand without an appeal to their own will. What is the necessity of the case? Necessities which dissolve a government, do not convey its authority to an oligarchy or a monarchy. They throw back, into the hands of the people, the powers they had delegated, and leave them as individuals to shift for themselves. A leader may offer, but not impose himself, nor be imposed on them. Much less can their necks be submitted to his sword, their breath to be held at his will or caprice. The necessity which should operate these tremendous effects should at least be palpable and irrefutable. Yet in both instances, where it was feared, or pretended with us, it was belied by the event. It was belied too by the preceding experience of our sister states, several of whom had grappled through greater difficulties without abandoning their forms of government. When the proposition was first made, Massachusetts had found even the government of committees sufficient to carry them through an invasion. But we at the time of that proposition were under no invasion. When the second was made, there had been added to this example
those of Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania, in all of which the republican form had been found equal to the task of carrying them through the severest trials. In this state alone did there exist so little virtue, that fear was to become the motive of their exertions and the principle of their government? The very thought alone was treason against the people; was treason against mankind in general; as riveting for ever the chains which bow down their necks, by giving to their oppressors a proof, which they would have trumpeted through the universe, of the imbecility of republican government, in times of pressing danger, to shield them from harm. Those who assume the right of giving away the reigns of government in any case, must be sure that the herd, whom they hand on to the rods and hatchet of the dictator, will lay their necks on the block when he shall nod to them. But if our assemblies supposed such a resignation in the people, I hope they mistook their character. I am of opinion, that the government, instead of being braced and invigorated for greater exertions under their difficulties, would have been thrown back upon the bungling machinery of county committees for administration, till a convention could have been called, and its wheels again set into regular motion. What a cruel moment was this for creating such an embarrassment, for putting to the proof the attachment of our countrymen to republican government! Those who meant well, of the advocates for this measure, (and most of them meant well, for I know them personally, had been their fellow-labourer in the common cause, and had often proved the purity of their principles,) had been seduced in their judgment by the example of an antient republic, whose constitution and circumstances were fundamentally different. They had sought this precedent in the history of Rome, where alone it was to be found, and where at length too it had proved fatal. They had taken it from a republic rent by the most bitter factions and tumults, where the government was of a heavy-handed unfeeling aristocracy, over a people ferocious, and rendered desperate by poverty and wretchedness; tumults which could not be allayed under the most trying circumstances, but by the omnipotent hand of a single despot. Their constitution therefore allowed a temporary tyrant to be erected, under the name of a dictator; and that temporary tyrant after a few examples, became perpetual. They misapplied this precedent to a people mild in their dispositions, patient under their trial, united for the public liberty, and affectionate to their leaders. But if from the constitution of the Roman government there resulted to their senate a power of submitting all their rights to the will of one man, does it follow, that the assembly of Virginia have the same authority? What clause in our constitution has substituted that of Rome, by way of residuary provision, for all cases not otherwise provided for? Or if they may step ad libitum into any other form of government for precedents to rule us by, for what oppression may not a precedent be found in this world of the bellum omnium in omnia?—Searching for the foundations of this proposition, I can find none which may pretend a colour of right or reason, but the defect before developed, that there being no barrier between the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments, the legislature may seize the whole: that having seized it, and possessing a right to fix their own quorum, they may reduce that quorum to one, whom they may call a chairman, speaker, dictator, or by any other name they please.—Our situation is indeed perilous, and I hope my countrymen will be sensible of it, and will apply, at a proper season the proper remedy; which is a convention to fix the constitution, to amend its defects, to bind up the several branches of government by certain laws, which when they transgress their acts shall become nullities; to render unnecessary an appeal to the people, or in other words a rebellion, on every infraction of their rights, on the peril that their acquiescence shall be construed into an intention to surrender those rights.
MADRID, Sept. 28.
The affair of the capture of the two frigates at Barcelona, has been taken up very seriously by our government. Every one is indignant here at the event, and we know not how to characterize the spirit which influenced the English on this occasion.
Our state of warfare not permitting the king's ministers to address complaints directly to the court of London, they have confined themselves to denouncing the fact by a circular letter to the ambassadors of all the foreign powers, who reside at Madrid, and to inform them of it, more particularly the ministers of his Swedish Majesty, whom the event concerns more than any other, exhorting him to require from the British government a satisfactory reparation for the outrage done to his flag, and the punishment of the officers concerned. The following are the papers mentioned above:
Circular letter to the ambassadors and foreign ministers to the Court of Spain.
SIR,
I have the honour to communicate to you a copy of the memorial which the king, my master, has ordered me to send to his minister at Stockholm, in order to be transmitted to the ministry of his Swedish majesty.
The principles which are established in it, and the event which has given rise to it are of a nature to interest all the commercial nations of Europe, particularly the neutral powers.
His majesty is persuaded that your government will see the affair in the same point of view, and he flatters himself that he will concur in effacing, as much as possible, from the annals of war, an attack so destructive to the confidence and hospitality, which neutral and friendly flags enjoy.
I repeat the assurances of my consideration and esteem, and I am, sir, &c.
(Signed)
CHEVALIER D'URQUIJO.
St. Ildephonso, Sept. 17, 1800.
Letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the King of Sweden.
SIR,
The King my master has seen with the greatest indignation, by a report which the Consul of his Swedish majesty at Barcelona has transmitted to the consul-general of Catalonia, containing the declaration of captain Rudbart, of the Swedish galliot the Hoffnung, that on the 4th of September last, in the afternoon, two English ships of the line and a frigate forced the said captain after having examined and found his papers according to rule, to take on board English officers and a considerable number of sailors, and to suffer himself to be towed at nightfall by several English shalops to the harbour of Barcelona, and under the cannon of its batteries.
That the English having reduced the said captain and his crew to silence, by holding a pistol at his breast, got possession of the helm, and made at 9 P. M. by means of the galliot and the shalops surrounding it, an attack upon two frigates under the Spanish flag, who were at anchor, who not suspecting that this friendly and neutral ship concealed enemies on board, and could be made use for the most attack, were taken almost by surprise and forced to surrender.
I refer you for the other particulars, and for the violence committed by the English on the Swedish ship, to the declaration of the captain hereunto annexed.
The king my master could not consider that event but as interesting the rights, and wounding the interests of all the powers of Europe, without excepting England; and above all, as the heaviest insult to the flag of his Swedish majesty.
In fact, it is evident that the belligerent powers, by admitting neutral ships into their harbours and ports, wished to soften the scourge of war, and to preserve those commercial relations between the people of different nations, which their mutual wants require.
Every thing therefore that tends to render the navigation suspected and dangerous, injures in an equal degree the rights and interests of all nations.
But in the present case, the rights and honour of the Swedish flag have been violated in so outrageous a manner, that few ex-
amples of such a violation can be found in the Naval History of Europe.
The attack, if it were to remain unpunished, would tend to embroil two friendly powers, annihilate their commercial relations, and cause the flag which should suffer it to be considered as the secret auxiliary of the enemy's power, and would thus force Spain to take such measures as the interest of her vessels and the security of her ports should command.
Yet the king, my master, wishes still to believe that the Swedish captain has not been guilty of the least connivance with the English, and that he yielded only to their force and their great number.
Under this supposition, the king has ordered me to lay before his Swedish majesty, this grievous insult committed against his flag; and not doubting the resentment which he will feel at a proceeding equally low and disloyal on the part of some officers of the British navy, he expects that the court of Stockholm will make to the English ministry the most serious representations, in order that the officers who have rendered themselves culpable upon this occasion, be punished severely, and that the two Spanish frigates surprised and carried off from the harbour of Barcelona by a stratagem equally contrary to the rights of nations and the rules of war, be immediately restored with their cargoes, as having been illegally surprised by means of a neutral ship, which served as an instrument to the assailants.
His Catholic majesty thinks himself so much the more entitled to consider the success of this reclamation as certain, as the English government even cannot dissemble that its enemies, by following a similar example, might themselves also make use of neutral vessels to infest its harbours, and do in its ports all possible damage.
But if, contrary to all expectation, the steps of his Swedish majesty, at the court of London, to obtain reparation for the injury done to his flag, as well as the restitution of the two Spanish frigates, should not have the desired success before the end of this year, his majesty will be obliged, though with much regret, to adopt towards the Swedish flag, measures of precaution which shall in future shelter his harbours and ports from an abuse so dangerous and revolting, as that which the English have just committed.
I have the honour to be, &c.
[Signed]
CHEVALIER D'URQUIJO.
St. Ildephonso, Sept. 19, 1800.
Note.—The declaration of the Swedish captain gives an historical recital of the transaction.
Note communicated by the Minister of the Interior to the Citizens assembled in the Temple of Mars, for the purpose of celebrating the Festival of the Republic.
The First Consul to the Public Functionaries, sent from the Departments.
"Preliminaries of peace were signed at Paris on the 28th of July, between Citizen Talleyrand, minister of Exterior Relations, and the Count St. Julien. These were ratified within 24 hours by the consuls. Citizen Duroc was charged with conveying them to Vienna. The intrigue of the faction hostile to peace, which still appeared to enjoy some credit there, prevented the Emperor from ratifying them. The motive of this refusal was stated to be that of a note from the king of England, demanding to have his Envoys admitted to the Congress of Luneville, conjointly with the plenipotentiaries of the Emperor. From that moment the government was obliged to break the armistice, that the remainder of the autumn might not be lost in idle conferences. Gen. Moreau was ordered to acquaint the General of the enemy with the preliminaries, the same that appeared in the Official Journal; and to inform him that if they were not ratified within 24 hours, or if the Emperor wanted further explanations, the three garrisons of Ulm, Ingolstadt and Philipsburg, should be given up to the French army, otherwise hostilities should be re-commenced. The government has also informed the king of England, that it sees no inconvenience in admitting his Envoys to the congress of

Luneville, if he should consent to a maritime truce, which presents to France the same advantages which the Emperor enjoys by the continuation of the continental truce. The government has received by the telegraph the news, that his majesty the Emperor has consented to deliver up Ulm, Ingolstadt, and Philippsburg, which places are now occupied by the troops of the republic; and that count Lehrbach, furnished with the necessary powers from his majesty the emperor, is at the head-quarters of Altelling, with orders to repair to Luneville. The difficulties naturally arising from the conditions of a maritime truce, must necessarily cause some delay; but if the two governments should not agree to the conditions of this truce, in that case France and his Imperial Majesty will treat separately for a peace, on the basis of the preliminaries. And if the English party (which there is no reason to suppose,) should again be able to influence the ministers of Vienna, neither the snow, nor the rigour of the season, shall then retard the progress of the troops of the republic; but they will prosecute the war to the utmost extremity during the whole of the winter, without giving the enemy time to form new armies.
"These are the principles of the government; extreme moderation in its conditions but a determined resolution speedily to pacify the continent. The most vigorous measures are taken to second the will of the French people in this essential object. These are all the secret politics of their government."
Preliminary Convention between the Courts of Copenhagen and London.
"Their Danish and Britannic Majesties animated with an equal desire of preventing, by a preliminary and amicable agreement, the consequences that might arise from the misunderstanding which has taken place between them, in consequence of the rencontre between the Danish frigate, the Freya, and some English ships of war, as well as of re-establishing to their full extent the relations of friendship and confidence by which they have for a long time united, have for this purpose, named and constituted for their Plenipotentiaries, on the part of his Danish Majesty, the Count de Bernstorff, his Chamberlain, and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; and on the part of his Britannic Majesty, Lord Whitworth, Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Bath; who after communicating to each other their full and respective powers, have agreed to the following articles:
"Art. 1. The question of right respecting the visiting neutral vessels without convoy, shall be postponed to a future discussion.
"2. The Danish frigate Freya, and the vessels found under her convoy, shall be immediately released; and the said frigate shall be supplied in the ports of his Britannic Majesty with every thing of which she may be in want for her repairs, according to the established usage of allied and friendly Powers.
"3. In order to prevent the renewal of differences of the same nature by similar rencontres, his Danish Majesty will suspend his convoys until a definitive Convention shall have been effected by further explanations on the same subject.
"Were it, however, to happen that rencontres of the same kind should take place before instructions intended to prevent them can be effective, it is in that case provided, that they shall not give rise to any misunderstanding; and the manner of settling their results shall be considered as comprehended in the substance of the present Convention.
"5. This Convention shall be ratified in three weeks from the present date, or earlier, if possible.
"In faith of which, we, the undersigned Plenipotentiaries of their Danish and Britannic Majesties, have signed, in their names, and by virtue of our full powers, the present Convention, and have affixed to it the seal of our arms.
"Done at Copenhagen, Aug. 29, 1800.
(Signed) "C. BERNSTORFF, "WHITWORTH."
RIOTS IN LONDON!
LONDON, Sept. 16.
We view with pain the present state of the public mind in and near the metropolis.
It now appears that the hopes we expressed yesterday of a speedy and effectual determination to the disquietude manifested by large bodies of the people in the neighbourhood of Mark-lane, and in a less alarming degree around some of the public markets, were not to be realised so soon or so happily, as all well disposed minds must
have wished. The business on the Corn Exchange, which was at first only lightly interrupted, was, towards the close of the afternoon, wholly suspended; so entirely did the populace occupy the avenues leading to Mark-lane. Some inferior acts of riot were committed by the more violent of the crowd, whose indignation appeared for some time to be chiefly excited against a Quaker, who was supposed to be a great dealer in corn, and concerning whom some irritating reports had reached the people. This gentleman was treated with much severity, and discovering that attempts were about to be made, which if they succeeded, must endanger his personal safety, he hastened to a private house, near the market for protection. Thither part of the multitude followed. The house was in a few minutes nearly surrounded; and dispositions for attack were made by the populace. This happened about three o'clock.
The agitation of the crowd becoming more and more marked for a tendency to general turbulence, a message was again despatched to the Lord Mayor, acquainting him that every thing bore the appearance of actual riot. His lordship accordingly proceeded a second time to the scene of commotion. The approaches to Mark-lane were so blocked up that his lordship and the other gentlemen found it necessary to enter by Mincing Lane, through the house of a wine merchant. He presented himself to the people at the windows, and having obtained attention, by waving his hankerchief, he addressed them.
The address seemed not to pacify the misguided crowd. Only a few appeared at all to approve it, whilst the majority renewed the tumult by their groans and hisses. A general cry of "Bread! bread!"—"A quarter loaf for Eightpence!" and "Down with the monopolizers!" now prevailed throughout the crowd. His lordship immediately proceeded to read the riot act. Mud-stones, and all sorts of matter within the reach of the populace, were now dealt about with such violence, that the magistrates, the marshall, and the constables were greatly annoyed. Some of the constables were daringly attacked; but four of the most active assailants being apprehended and conveyed to the poultry, order was, in some degree, restored. A rescue was attempted without success.
Handbill posted up by the rioters.
BREAD WILL BE SIX-PENCE THE QUARTERN. If the people will assemble at the Corn Market on Monday.
Fellow-Countrymen,
How long will ye quietly and cowardly suffer yourselves to be thus imposed upon and half starved by a set of mercenary slaves and government hirelings? Can you still suffer them to proceed in their extensive monopolies, and your families are crying for bread? No! Let them exist not a day longer—We are the Sovereignty! Rise then from your lethargy! Be at the Corn market on Monday.
Several volunteer corps had been called out in the morning, and were stationed early in the most central situations, to overawe, or, in case of necessity, repulse the populace. About 11 o'clock at night, however, 600 of the London militia proceeded to Mark-lane, whither the Lord Mayor, col. Curtis, major Rennell, and other officers, marched at their head. Detachments of the East India volunteers took their station in Fenchurch street, Billiter lane, and the surrounding avenues.
Although many rumors of riotous proceedings in other districts were propagated, except at St. Mary Axe, the people in no instance violated the rights of property. There they demolished the windows of two bakers shops, but learning that cap. Blizard's corps was advancing, they instantly abandoned their project.
The military force actually serving, or which had been called out, was considerable.
From apprehensions justly entertained in the city, 750 officers and constables were kept in readiness, yesterday at the Mansion House, Newgate, and the two Compters to assist at a moment's warning should any occasion call them. The Marshall divided the city into eight districts, in each of which two constables patroled, returning to the Mansion House every half hour, in order to make their reports.
The Lord Mayor, finding that the civil power had hitherto been found inadequate to the dispersion of the rioters, gave orders that the military should also be called out, patroled the streets in every ward, and act according to orders, if there should be occasion for it. Strong guards of constables were also placed in Bishop-gate street, particularly at the house of Mr. Wood and Co. the cheesemongers, to uniformly menaced, and by these means tranquility was main-
tained in the city through the whole of the day.
At an early hour in the morning a postbill appeared on the Quakers' Meeting-house opposite to Bishopsgate church, containing these words in large and conspicuous letters:—
"THIS MEETING WILL BE PULLED DOWN THIS NIGHT."
In addition to this menace, Mr. Wood and Co. as well as several other cheesemongers of eminence in that neighbourhood received anonymous letters in the forenoon, announcing, that if the prices of their several articles were not lowered in the course of the present week, their houses would be destroyed.
About ten o'clock several persons were observed to be assembling opposite Mr. Jones, the cheesemonger's house in Chiswell street, but apparently with no other object than to gratify their curiosity. It was, however, observed, that as one of Mr. Jones's carts was passing through the streets, some brewers' servants who were present said—"There he comes! we will have him."
About nine o'clock at night, a mob, for the third time, began to assemble in Chiswell-street, but dispersed on the appearance of the military, and repaired to Fleet market, where they were met by the Bridewell Volunteers, three deep who charged them with fixed Bayonets, and immediately put them to flight, some running up Fleet-street, and others along Shoe-lane.
The party which came up Fleet-street consisted of about 5000. A formidable body of them bent their course to Clare market, and immediately attacked the house of Mr. Cullum, the cheesemonger, whose windows had been broken a few evenings before. To oppose their progress in this quarter, the Somerset-House Corps under the command of Major Stirling, stationed themselves at the end of the market, whilst the St. Clement Danes Association, under the orders of Major Edwards, took their post in Clare street. The St. Paul's, Covent Garden, commanded by capt. Bacon and lieut. Field, took charge of Stanhope-street, and the Westminster Cavalry patroled the streets in the most proper directions under the command of Major Elliott.
When the St. Clement Danes Association entered Clare-street to protect the inhabitants, a pan-tile was thrown from the roof of one of the houses, which struck Mr. Mayns on the head. This gentleman was of course stunned by the blow, and by some accident or other, the piece going off at the very same time, the whole of this numerous mob was suddenly struck with such fright and consternation, that they fled and dispersed on every side from this terrific explosion, leaving the inhabitants to recover from their panic, and the volunteers to laugh at their easy victory.
In our account of the proceedings of the mob on Thursday night, we omitted to notice the attack made on the house of Mr. Howard, of Old-street Road. But here their reception was very different from any they had hitherto met with. The workmen being apprized of their intention, prepared themselves to repel the assailants, gave them battle as soon as they appeared, and in a very short time obtained a complete victory, without any other damage to the house than the breaking of three panes of glass.
Two Scotch regiments of Horse arrived this morning in the neighbourhood of Shoreditch, in order to assist in preserving the peace of the metropolis, should their interference be required.
SOUTHAMPTON, Sept. 19.
Yesterday morning a body of women and children assembled early in the market-place, and seized what butter was there, which they retailed at 1s. per lb. and their plan seemed to be so concerted, that they had scouts at both extremities of the town, to prevent a lodgement in any house or shop. All was hostily received seized and brought forth to the umpires, who dealt out at discretion. The potatoes from the country were also shared out at 4d. a gallon. Not satisfied then, this formidable body of innovators adjourned to opposite Mr. Granes's, a baker and mealman, where the Mayor (Sir Y. Peyton, Bt.) and two Aldermen (Mears and Dunett,) paid them a visit, and notwithstanding his worship's well-timed and elegant admonition, they were obstinately tacit, and would not avow their intention for their present station. At last his worship's patience being exhausted, he had recourse to the extremity of the law, by causing the riot act to be read once.
The volunteer cavalry and infantry beat to arms, and paraded the streets; an additional number of constables or beadles were worn in to keep the peace; but the mob
dispersed entirely about one o'clock at noon: notwithstanding the town was properly guarded, by the above force, during the night.
One of the infantry volunteers hesitated about his orders respecting firing on his fellow subjects, and was instantly commanded by his officer to deliver up his firelock and bayonet. The cavalry behaved to outrageous last night, that the magistrates were obligated to interdict their proceedings, otherwise many peaceable inhabitants would have been egregiously injured.
LONDON, Sept. 20.
The Paris Journals represent the preparations of Spain against Portugal as immense. The Spanish army they say, is on the point of marching; it consists of 70,000 infantry, and 8000 cavalry. The General in chief is M. d'Urata. They assert that he will be able to commence hostilities by the middle of October, and the court of Lisbon has nothing to oppose to such a formidable army; it is boasted that the expedition will not last more than a month, unless the Portuguese government should prevent the fate that awaits it, by concluding a speedy peace with the French Republic.
The Petersburg gazette, of the 18th ult. announces that a Russian fleet of 25 sail of the line, is now fitting out to cruise in the Baltic.
An overland dispatch was received from Bombay on Wednesday last. We learn that accounts have been received from the upper part of the Red Sea, which state that the French have placed Suez in a formidable tenable situation; and that they have strengthened it, particularly towards the sea face.
LONDON, Oct. 5.
The news of the death of general Menou, in Egypt, (says a letter from Constantinople, of the 25th of August) is not confirmed. Accounts arrived direct from the camp at Juffa, make no mention of it. They announce the continuation of the preparations for resuming operations against Egypt. The captain Pacha is again cruising before Alexandria—a reinforcement of 20,000 Albanians, part of which has already arrived at Joppa, will encrease the Turkish army to 50,000 men. The Asiatic cavalry already amounts to 20,000 men, exclusive of the reinforcements brought by the son of Baltan-Pacha. The captain Pacha, who on leaving Joppa failed to Cyprus, accompanied by Sir Sidney Smith, to obtain a supply of provisions, has resumed his station before Alexandria, where he is to wait the arrival of the light vessels which assist in making diversions along the coast. Hassan Bey, the commander of Rhodes, who served with the Admiral, having had his leg fractured by an accident, has been obliged to return to the island.
The Grand Seignior went in state on the 11th of August to Levend Teifick, half way to the Bosphorus, to be present at different military evolutions, which the new levies, who have been instructed in the European tactics, and quartered in that place, executed before him. His highness appeared satisfied with the precision of their manœuvres, and particularly those of the artillery, in the sham attack and defence of a redoubt, which was at length carried by assault. The two divisions, red and blue, of the Bostangis, formed about 3000 men, to whom the Grand Seignior caused to be distributed fifteen purses in testimony of his satisfaction.
Ghezzar Pacha is still fortified in Acre, from which he does not stir. He had added to his preparations of defence when the captain Pacha appeared on the coasts of Palestine, and touched at Jaffa.
VIENNA, Sept. 13.
After his Majesty the Emperor, with his Royal Highness the Arch-duke John, had arrived on the 7th in the evening, at the Head-quarters at Alt-Oettingen, he on the next day published the following orders:
"His Imperial Majesty, though he has put himself at the head of his brave troops, has conferred the real command of the army on his royal brother, the Arch-duke John; and hereby requires the whole army to obey his orders.
"His Majesty declares that he has constantly laboured to procure a durable peace for his kingdoms, provinces, and people; but the French Government, notwithstanding his late endeavours for the same purpose, has declared the armistice at an end; if, therefore, hostilities must again commence, his Majesty will employ every means in his power for the protection of his Hereditary States and People. His Majesty therefore requires that all the Generals, Staff, and other Officers, as well as all the troops, shall scrupulously

make every exertion their duty enjoins, to procure an acceptable peace. His Majesty at the same time expressly declares, that all conduct prejudicial to the service, or neglect of duty, from officers of the highest rank to the private soldier, shall meet with the severest punishment as an example to others; and every meritorious act be honourably rewarded, in the view of the whole army. Should there be any one in the army, whether general, staff, or subaltern officer, who shall be unable to fulfil the strict orders, either from ill health, or any other cause, it is the will of his Imperial Majesty that he should leave the army, that his Majesty may not be under the disagreeable necessity of inflicting punishment."
From the London Observer, Sunday, Oct. 5. PRICE OF CORN.
It is with sincere concern we state, that with the exception of rye, the price of all descriptions of grain in the Metropolis, experienced, during the last week, a further advance. In the country, the prices have fluctuated greatly, there being no fixed principle for their government, and the markets depending on the whim or villainy of the dealers. In some places, there has been a fall in the price of wheat to the amount of 10 or 12s. per quarter, whilst in the immediate neighbourhood, there has been an advance to still greater sums; did there exist any real cause to warrant the existing factitious scarcity, such indecision in the dealers could not prevail.
At Northampton, Wheat has advanced 20s. upon the prices quoted in our last; at Devizes 12s.; at Stamford 12s. (in consequence of which the shilling loaf has been reduced from 3lb. 4oz. 2dr. to 2lb. 15oz. 4dr.); at Lynn the price of wheat has fallen 13s. per quarter; at Lincoln 4s.; at Chester 12s.; and yet at this place the loaf of 4lb. 4oz. sells as usual at 1s. 4d.; at Shrewsbury wheat is nearly 8s. per quarter cheaper.
At Norwich, flour sells 10s. per sack during the week, in consequence of which, the shilling loaf has been increased 3oz.; at Cambridge, flour has advanced 4s. and the price of the quarter loaf was on Friday raised a halfpenny; at Canterbury the quarter loaf continues at one shilling, but at most places in its neighbourhood it sells at 14 pence; at Bath, it sells at 16 pence 3 farthings.
During the month of August and September, the averaged weekly returns of the price of wheat throughout England have been as follows: Aug. 2d, 121s. 11d.; 9th, 107s. 10d.; 16th, 90s. 2d.; 23d, 92s. 5d.; 30th, 99s. 6d.; 6th Sept. 107s. 3d.; 13th, 108s. 1d.; 20th, 107s.; and 27th, 10s.
Oatmeal is cheaper than it has been for many months, viz. 66s. 10d. per boll.
ANNAPOLIS, Nov. 6.
Monday last being the day appointed by the constitution for the annual meeting of the legislature of this state, the house of delegates accordingly met, and after qualifying, adjourned till the next morning when they made choice of Edward Hall, as their speaker.
A sufficient number of senators to compose an house attending on Tuesday morning, they met, and chose the honorable John Thomas, Esq. their president; the general assembly then proceeded to business.
PHILADELPHIA, November 7.
It is said that accounts are received by the America, that new orders have been issued by the British government, to seize and bring in for Adjudication, alias condemnation , all American vessels bound to or from an enemy's port—and that the lords of appeal have resumed their sittings, and condemn in every instance, without exception. So much for the beloved effects of our treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with Great Britain, consequent on the convention between the United States and France. We shall not be surprised to see an attempt to seize and capture all our frigates and vessels of war, without any declaration of war, or hostility, on the part of the British government.
GEORGETOWN, Oct. 31
In South Carolina the electors of President and Vice President, are appointed by the Legislature, according to a law of that state passed in '92, which directs that "The electors shall be appointed by ballot, on the Tuesday preceding the first Wednesday of December."
The legislature, of South Carolina are directed by their constitution, to assemble on the fourth Monday of November at Columbia, which is only 10 days preceding the time limited by Congress for choosing electors.
WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 12th, 1800.
The cause of the fire in the War office has not been yet fully ascertained; but there is the best reason to believe that it arose from the inattention of some person in the adjacent building, the owner of which had died that day. His corpse still remained in the house, in which a fire was kept up. From this house it is supposed to have been conducted into the private office of the Secretary at War by some pieces of joint that communicated from one building to the other.
Among the citizens, who first reached the building, was Mr. Wolcott, who hesitated for a moment whether he should burst open the door of the apartment, which was in flames, or attempt in the first instance the removal of the papers in the adjacent rooms. He, however, thought it best to force his way into the apartment, in hopes of extricating some of the papers, and accordingly did so. The act was not followed by the hoped for effect, as the flames had already consumed every thing in the room. They extended themselves with rapidity to the other parts of the building, which were soon in a general blaze.
Fortunately all the papers of the account were saved, so that little, if any derangement will take place in the accounts of the War department.
A very valuable library of books that treated chiefly of tactics were entirely consumed. This loss is the greater, as many of the best works cannot be replaced.
It is also stated, that the papers, in relation to the disposition of lands, are among those burned.
The most active exertions were made to subdue the flames. But they proved unavailing from the want of water.—Among those who distinguished themselves most, we mention with pleasure Mr. Wolcott.
On Monday the ELECTORS of President and Vice President were chosen in Maryland.
In George Town District T. Duckett, the republican candidate had 152 votes, and J. F. Deakins, the federal candidate, had 138 votes.
At Montgomery Court house Mr. Deakins had three fourths of the votes given.
At Marlborough the votes were nearly equal.
At Bladensburg, including Washington City, Mr. Deakins had 201 votes, and Mr. Duckett 91 votes.
We believe there is no doubt of the election of the federal Candidate, Mr. Deakins.
It is said though not from authority, that the federal candidate has succeeded in the district composed of Frederick Town and Frederick County.
In the town of Baltimore seven wards out of eight gave the republican candidate G. Duval 1157 votes, and the federal candidate J. T. Chase 384 votes. There is no doubt of the election of G. Duval.
In Baltimore county, in the district held at Murray's Tavern, the republican candidate, N. R. Moore had 242 votes, and the federal candidate T. C. Hunt 14 votes. There is no doubt of the election of Mr. Moore.
From the most correct information we can obtain, it appears probable that Maryland will elect five republican, and five federal electors.
In Virginia, the counties of Norfolk, Princess Anne, Chesterfield, Caroline, Brunswick and Dinwiddie, and the borough of Norfolk have given 2,091 votes for the republican, and 252 votes for the federal ticket of Electors.
NEW-JERSEY.
On the 29th ult. the legislature of the state finished their sitting, by appointing the following gentlemen to be electors of President and Vice President, viz. Kenney Johns, Esq. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court for Newcastle county; Captain Samuel White, for Kent county, and General Nathaniel Mitchell, for Sussex county—All good Federalists.
In the Fourth Western District of Massachusetts there has been no choice of Federal Representative. Judge LINCOLN only wanted ten more votes to give him a majority over all other candidates.
Luneville, the appointed seat of negotiation between France and Austria, is a considerable town in Lorraine, 12 miles S. E. of Nancy, and 62 W. of Strasburgh. The Dukes formerly held their Court at this place.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
Washington, 30th Oct. 1800.
SIR, I ENCLOSE a list of men, who alledge they are American citizens, born in the state of Maryland, and who are detained on board of British ships of war, for want of proof of their being such. I request you therefore to take such measures as you may deem most practicable and effectual to discover their relations or friends; and, in communicating to them respectively, the cause of the detention of the men, to acquaint them, that this Department will receive the proofs of their being citizens, and pursue the means proper to produce their liberation. Proof of citizenship should be in every case, accompanied with a description of the man's person to whom it relates.
I am, Sir, Very Respectfully, Your most obedient servant. (Signed) JOHN MARSHALL.
To the Collector of the Customs of Baltimore.
STATE OF MARYLAND.
   Names. Places of nativity.     John Davis, Baltimore, (F. P.)   Wm. Floyd, Baltimore,   Richard Walker, do.   Andrew Craig, do.   Archibald Hunt, Cecil county,   John Stafford, Baltimore, (O. T.)   Wm. Moore, Eastern Shore,   James Smith, Baltimore,   Wm. Ford, Unknown,   Henry Clay, Baltimore,   John Shields, Su. ex county,   John Somers, Dorset county,   John Simmonds, Unknown,   Thomas Butters, Baltimore,   James Cooper, do.   Wm. Hudson, do.   Edward Carter, do.   Benjamin Harris, do.   Burney Galey, do.   Henry Long, do.   Wm. Screvern, Queen Ann's county,   John Herner, Unknown,   George Ramey, do.   James McLinn, do.   James McLaring, do.   Horatio Gates, do.   Wm. Stanford, Caroline county,   John McDonald, Unknown,   Henry Clay, Harford county.  
THE SUBSCRIBER OFFERS FOR SALE, THE FOLLOWING VALUABLE PROPERTY. In George Town & the City of Washington. VIZ.
A BRICK HOUSE & LOT near the Union Tavern; the terms of payment as follows, one half cash, the balance in 6 and 9 months, the purchaser giving notes with approved indorsers.
—ALSO— A number of Lots unimproved; one lot adjoining the above, 47 feet front, 120 back; one lot on the causeway, near Mr. Joseph Peck's building, 26 feet front by 125 back; one fourth of the square in Thomas Beall's addition to George Town, on an elegant eminence, it being part of that square improved by Mr. William Smith; also, a lot in said addition, it being at the diagonal corner from the place of residence of Joseph Nourse, Esq. one lot in the City of Washington, square 164, fronting North K. street 66 feet 4 inches by 80 feet 10 inches on Connecticut Avenue, containing 8295 square feet, with a spring of excellent water running through said lot.
All the above property will be disposed of on the most reasonable terms, and indisputable titles will be given on the purchase money being paid. JONATHAN JACKSON. November 12, 1800.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, failed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexecuted delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor clings with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indecent ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to him, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it, however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROPOSITIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subjoined to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good paper, and with a new type.
2d. The annual subscription shall be FIVE DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and SIX DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.
3d. All Letters to be post paid.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expence and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. This, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.

To the LEGISLATURE, and ELECTORS of President, for SOUTH CAROLINA.
A production from the pen of Mr. Hamilton has appeared within these few days, condemning the late political measures of Mr. Adams, and assigning reasons for his conviction of his incompetency to the office of President. The nature of the publication, the time of its appearance, and the character of its author justify us in ascribing it to no common motives.
It is professedly a vindication of Mr. Hamilton and his friends. It is really an attempt to destroy Mr. Adams's pretensions to the Presidency.
Most of the facts it relates are of a confidential nature, the truth of which depends upon the attestation of men remote from New-York or upon the opinions of men who are no more. Mr. Hamilton, therefore, well knew, that his statement would necessarily remain either uncontradicted or disapproved until the event of the Presidential election. For, the pamphlet is published time enough to reach Carolina itself, but too late to admit of a refutation derived from authentic sources.
Can you doubt, under these circumstances, that it was intended in reality, as far as its contents could go, to deprive Mr. Adams of all support from your state?
But it sometimes happens that the most profound statesman is too cunning; and that in avoiding one evil, he becomes the victim of a much greater one.
This has been the case with Mr. Hamilton. He calculated the effect of his disclosure of facts upon your state alone; regarding its effect upon Massachusetts. The effect it has produced upon that state is an evidence of the futility of his attempts. The friends of Mr. Adams have been roused by it into a vigilant circumspection, awake to every circumstance injurious to his re-election. While they viewed General Pinckney as the candidate for the office of Vice President, they were friendly to his election; but the moment they contemplated the measures pursued by his personal friends, calculated, if successful, to elevate him to the station of President, they threw aside all reserve, and determined, at every hazard, to give to Mr. Adams their exclusive support. Having good reason to believe that every federal vote in South Carolina, owing to the influence of Mr. Hamilton's pamphlet and other conspiring causes, will be given to General Pinckney at the expence of Mr. Adams, they have resolved with one voice to give their suffrages to him to the total exclusion of Mr. Pinckney.
This may appear extraordinary to you, who, not influenced by personal or local considerations, are desirous of pursuing that line of conduct which shall best promote the good of your Country. But though on first consideration it may appear extraordinary, it is not on that account the less true. Massachusetts, heretofore, has shewn herself to be attached to Mr. Adams, to the exclusion of any other federal candidate. For at the last election, she voted for Mr. Adams, but not for Mr. Pinckney. Can you expect that what she did then, she will omit to do now? Is it in the nature of personal prejudice to decay by indulgence? Does it not on the contrary uniformly gather strength by exercise?
You will, without doubt, hear a different language from Massachusetts. The friends of Mr. Adams will assail you with letters upon letters, declaring, in terms the most solemn, their determination to adhere inviolably to the implied agreement to support both Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney.
But if you are influenced by that rational distrust, which men of observation, however painful it be to them, always entertain of the professions of those who have different objects in view, you will be slow to confide in what you hear. Surmises, whispers confidential communications will be lavished upon you in profusion. Connected with them will be names of the first respectability, names sacred in the annals of freedom. Swallow not, with dangerous credulity, tales which those who propagate them will laugh at you for believing, when their object is accomplished.
I offer not my advice to you on this momentous occasion. My great object is to guard you against inconsiderately taking the advice of others.
My ideas are different from those which are embraced and propagated by either side. While each party ascribes to the other designs hostile to liberty, I feel greater solicitude respecting a more substantial danger.
The love of wealth does not rage in any part of the world with more ungovernable fury than in our Country. It seems to ab-
sorb every other feeling. The shortest road to it is crowded with our citizens. This road is trade. Commerce, when circumscribed by rational boundaries, is productive, not only of individual, but also of national benefits. But when it transcends these limits, when it deluges us with pernicious luxuries, when it makes us dependent upon other nations, when it embroils us in war, when it paralizes the labours of the farmer and the mechanic, it degenerates into the worst of evils. And when, in addition to this, its daring spirit dictates to the government the measures which ought to be pursued, and by the force of wealth carries those measures into effect, every true friend to his country ought to feel alarmed.
It is the inevitable tendency of this extravagant spirit of trade to produce perpetual war, and war leads invariably to a loss of freedom.
It is in the Eastern states that this spirit is most cherished. A chief magistrate, therefore, from that part of the union, may be expected to encourage rather than repress its extension.
Directly the reverse of this may rationally be expected from a man taken from the southern states. Such an individual will be likely to promote the true interests of his country, by treating with the same impartial regard every species of industry.
It cannot be doubted that the opinions, the habits and the manners of the Southern states, are more hostile to war with any nation, than those of the Eastern states. This circumstance is not mentioned through disrespect for our eastern brethren, or with any view to impeach the integrity of their motives. It arises altogether from the spirit of trade, and its concomitant, the immoderate love of gain, that always prevails in commercial states; while those which are agricultural, are generally undisturbed by this active passion, and are averse to any change.
The example of England is alone sufficient to establish the point; particularly if contrasted with that of China. In the former country, the most commercial in the world, wars have succeeded each other with the smallest intervals; while in the latter, the least commercial nation, an uninterupted peace has existed for centuries.
These considerations have weight in the mind of the writer. They are submitted to you, with a full conviction of the purity of your motives, and the wisdom of your measures.
A FRIEND TO PEACE.
BURKE ON DESPOTISM.
The simplest form of government is despotism, where all the inferior orbs of power are moved merely by the will of the supreme, and all that are subjected to them, directed in the same manner, merely by the occasional will of the magistrate. This form as it is the most simple, so it is infinitely the most general. Scarce any part of the world is exempted from its power. And in those few places where men enjoy what they call liberty it is continually in a tottering situation, and makes greater and greater strides to that gulph of despotism which at last swallows up every species of government. This manner of ruling being directed merely by the will of the weakest and generally the worst man in society becomes the most foolish and capricious thing at the same time that it is the most terrible and destructive that can well be conceived. In a despotism the principal persons find, that let the want, misery, and indigence of his subjects be what they will he can yet possess abundantly of every thing to gratify his insatiable wishes. He does more. He finds that these gratifications increase in proportion to the wretchedness and slavery of his subjects. Thus encouraged, both by passion and interest, to trample on the public welfare, and by his station placed above both shame and fear, he proceeds to the most shocking outrages upon mankind. Their persons become victims of his suspicions. The slightest displeasure is death; and a disagreeable aspect is often as great a crime as high-treason. In the court of Nero, a person of learning, of unquestionable merit, and of unsusppected loyalty, was put to death for no other reason than that he had a pedantic countenance which displeased the emperor. This very monster of mankind appeared in the beginning of his reign to be a person of virtue. Many of the greatest tyrants on the records of history have begun their reigns in the fairest manner. But the truth is, this unnatural power corrupts both the heart and the understanding. And to prevent the least hope of amendment, a king is surrounded by a crowd of infamous flatterers who find their account in keeping him from the least light of reason, till all ideas of rectitude and justice are utterly erased from his mind.
When Alexander had in his fury inhumanly butchered one of his best friends, and bravest captains; on the return of reason he began to conceive an horror suitable to the guilt of such a murder. In this juncture his council came to his assistance. But what did his council? They found him out a philosopher who gave him comfort, & in what manner did this philosopher comfort him for the loss of such a man, and heal his conscience, flagrant with the stain of such a crime? You have the matter at length in Plutarch. He told him; "that let a sovereign do what he will, all his actions are just and lawful, because they are his." The places of all princes abound with such courtly philosophers. The consequence was such as might be expected. He grew every day a monster more abandoned to unnatural lust, to debauchery, to drunkenness, and to murder. And yet this was originally a great man, of uncommon capacity, and a strong propensity to virtue. But unbounded power proceeded step by step, until it had eradicated every laudable principle. It has been remarked, that there is no prince so bad, whose favourites and ministers are not worse. There is hardly any prince without a favourite, by whom he is governed in an arbitrary manner as he governs the wretches subjected to him. Here the tyranny is doubled. There are two courts, and two interests; both very different from the interests of the people. The favourite knows, that the regard of a tyrant is as unconstant and capricious as that of a woman; and concluding his time to be short, he makes haste to fill up the measure of his iniquity, in rapine, in luxury, and in revenge. To deserve well of the state is a crime against the prince. To be popular and to be a traitor, are considered as synonymous terms. Even virtue is dangerous, as an aspiring quality, that claims an esteem by itself, and independent of the countenance of the court. What has been said of the chief is true of the inferior officers of this species of government; each in his province exercising the same tyranny, and grinding the people by an oppression, the more severely felt, as it is near them and exercised by base and subordinate persons. For the gross of the people, they are considered as a mere herd of cattle; and really in a little time become no better; all principle of honest pride, all sense of the dignity of their nature, is lost in their slavery. The day, says Homer, which makes a man a slave, takes away half his worth; and in fact he loses every impulse to action, but that low and base one of fear. In this kind of government human nature is not only abused and insulted, but is actually degraded and sunk into a species of brutality. The consideration of this made Mr. Locke say, with great justice, that a government of this kind was worse than anarchy; indeed it is so abhorred and detested by all who live under forms that have a milder appearance, that there is scarce a rational man in Europe, that would not prefer death to Asiatic despotism. Here then we have the acknowledgment of a great philosopher, that an irregular state of nature is preferable to such a government; we have the consent of all sensible and generous men, who carry it yet farther and avow that death itself is preferable; and yet this species of government so justly condemned, and so generally detested, is what infinitely the greater part of mankind groan under, and have groaned under from the beginning. So that by sure and uncontestable principles the greatest part of the governments on earth must be concluded tyrannies, impostures, violations of the natural rights of mankind, and worse than the most disorderly anachies.
ANTIQUITIES OF INTERIOR AMERICA.
[From the Manuscripts of a late Traveller.]
BESIDES those ruins on the Illinois and Wabash countries, which have been often mentioned, there are others many hundreds of miles farther west, and particularly in that country about the great falls of the Mississippi. As we approach these falls, commonly called St. Anthony's, we frequently meet with pyramids of earth, from thirty to seventy, and even to eighty feet in height. These are, most probably, the tombs of the ancient kings and chieftains of this part of America, though there are others which I am inclined to believe were erected in consequence of some signal victory, and possibly to cover the bones and carcases of the slain. In digging horizontally into several of these pyramids, a little above the base, we generally found a stratum of white substance, somewhat
like a moist lime, and glutinous withal, extending in all probability, several yards within; or perhaps nearly the whole length of the diametrical line. I had every reason to believe this consolidated chalky substance to be the remains of skeletons, buried perhaps two hundred centuries ago, and converted by time, and the operation of the elements, into their present state.
Many tokens remain on both sides of the Mississippi, of the country being, in ancient ages, as well cultivated, and as thickly inhabited, as the country on the Danube or the Rhine; which fully proves, that the literati have been too hasty, in denominating America a new world, or the original present to Europeans from the hand of rude nature.
Some years since, a copper mine was opened farther down the Mississippi, and to the great surprise of the labourers, a large collection of mineral tools were found several fathoms below the surface of the earth. Another person digging for a well, discovered a furnace of brick work five fathoms below the present surface; and in this furnace was found a quantity of coals and firebrands, which for aught we know, might have been kindled in the days of Moses or Lycurgus.
Not long since, at a spot on the shore of the Ohio, where the bank had been washed by the undermining of the water, a stone dropped out, of the hardest kind of black marble, about seven pounds in weight, having twelve equal surfaces, each surface being mathematically equilateral and equiangular five-sided figures; this does not appear to be a lusus naturæ, but a work of exquisite art, the offspring of human ingenuity.
Near the falls of the Mississippi, there is a salt spring, in the bed of a river, which has been enclosed with stone-work of unknown antiquity to keep out fresh water. In times of freshets, however, the river overflows the stone-work and mixes with the brine, so that it does not afford salt to the savages hereabouts, until the river is considerably fallen.
In several places, circular fortifications have been discovered in the same country. These are constantly enclosed with deep ditches, and fenced with a breast-work. From these, and many other similar remains of antiquity, one would be inclined to think what is called the new world to be much older than has been commonly imagined. Several tribes on the western side of the great river above-mentioned, date their national existence for more than twenty thousand moons back; and the Indians of the eastern world go infinitely farther into the depths of time, though both relate many events of these distant periods that are evidently mixed with fable.
VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY.
All the papers have spoken of the voyage of Discovery to be undertaken by the two French ships Naturaliste and Geographe, under the command of captain Baudin. One of the objects of the expedition is, to establish in a positive manner the navigation of New Holland. The French government have adopted all the means in their power to render the voyage useful to natural history, and to the knowledge of the manners of savage life. At the same time, Vaillant, so celebrated for his travels in the interior parts of Africa, will set off to explore new regions. He is to seek for the famous city which is said to be situated in the centre of the Torrid Zone, and he is to prepare or establish commercial relations with those countries, with which, hitherto, no trade has been carried on but the slave trade. The expences of his journey are to be defrayed by a company of merchants at Marfeilles, called the Society of interior Africa. This society wished to shew its respect for the persons employed in the expedition, by giving a farewell dinner to captain Baudin. Fifty persons were invited. Baudin was placed between Vaillant, who did the honors of the day, and Bourganville. All the toasts were followed by airs, played by the consular band, which was at the battle of Marengo. Vaillant gave as a toast. To the ships Naturaliste and Geographe; may they sail without danger to the farthest part of the world. Captain Baudin gave—Buonaparte, the first consul of the republic, and patron of the expedition. The expedition will set sail almost immediately.
PRINTING OF EVERY DESCRIPTION
EXECUTED BY
SAMUEL H. SMITH.