National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-08-07 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 81 of VOL. II.] WEDNESDAY, August 7, 1793. [Total NUMB. 185.]
From the (Boston) INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE, of July 25.
Interesting Observations on SUING the STATES.
THE question which now agitates the public mind, is big with the welfare, peace and harmony of the Federal Government in general, and of each State and individual in particular. It is a question which involves in it, the most interesting and alarming consequences, as it relates to the sovereignty of the Commonwealth, and the liberties and property of every citizen:—For should it be admitted that the States may be sued in the Federal Judiciary, the numerous prosecutions that will immediately issue from the various claims of refugees, Tories, &c. will introduce such a series of litigation, as will throw every State in the union into the greatest confusion. Our resentment would be naturally excited, to see our Governor, and attorney general constantly arraigned before the federal tribunal; and we could not but feel an indignity while reading the mandate, which COMMANDS and enjoins them to attend on this business. Can any thing be more wounding to the freemen of Massachusetts, than the title of the summons?—It is couched in terms too humiliating to be here repeated. It might at least have carried in it a common decency of language. The executive is "COMMANDED" let the emergencies of the commonwealth, be what they may, and "laying aside all other matters," to attend at his peril, on the claim of a William Vassall. This "ORDER" is so peremptory, that nothing is to hinder him; and notwithstanding the summons is so urgent, it remained from February to June, before it was served. His excellency has now nothing more to do, than hastily to attend to the trifling calls of the commonwealth, within the limits of about six weeks, and then attend his important duty at the federal court, to answer to the claims of an absentee.
Legislators of Massachusetts! consider whether by adopting the constitution, we intended to place the commonwealth of Massachusetts, in such a contemptible situation!—We conjure you, if the sovereignty and dignity of the state must fall, let them expire with some degree of decency, and do not let the summons of their dissolution, be couched in terms so pungently humiliating.
The late action commenced against this commonwealth, is founded upon the idea, that the federal constitution, admits an individual to sue a state. But in order to judge on this question, as it respects the commonwealth, it is proper to take into consideration the debates in the state convention, on this particular subject. The sentiments then delivered ought to have their full weight, even at this period; as the principles then advanced were undoubtedly the opinions and intentions of "THE PEOPLE." Admitting then that the judges have peremptorily decided, on the "suability" of a state, this state, if we are to conclude from the determinations of the convention never adopted the constitution upon any such acknowledgment; but on the contrary, all the members expressly declared themselves opposed to the principle. If the decision of the judges has a tendency to give an operation to the constitution, contrary to what the convention conceived, the constitution as now explained, is not the constitution adopted by "THE PEOPLE" of this commonwealth. It is presumed, that no advantage is to be taken of a subsequent construction but that the declared intention of the convention ought to have such a degree of solemnity and force, as to free this state from contending principles, which were in the first instance acknowledged both by the supporters and opposers of the constitution, as never being within its construction. Every person that attended the debates, knows that this question was agitated in the convention, and that it was treated as a visionary, antediluvian idea; and that both parties mutually and cordially consented, that the "suability" of the state was not contemplated by the framers of the constitution; that it never could be exercised, and in fact could never bear that construction.
This being the determination of the whole convention, it was passed over without any opposition. It was so universally reprobated, that if any man had at that time come forward with any degree of fer-
riousness, to vindicate contrary principles, he would have become an object of universal ridicule.
A further proof that no such idea was entertained by the convention is, that no amendment was proposed on this article: If there had been any doubt on the subject, this would have been among the foremost articles in the amendments; the total silence therefore, shows clearly that it never entered into the mind of any man, that it should ever take place.
These being the real facts, can it be said that the construction of the constitution, as given by the judges, is a just explanation, as it respects this commonwealth? Can it be argued that we ought tacitly to acquiesce in a decision, so contrary to what was UNANIMOUSLY acceded to in the convention. In the common concerns of life, provided the parties expressly object to the construction of a paragraph in any agreement previous to signing of it, justice would not oblige them to comply with a decision, diametrically contrary to the principles upon which the articles were originally fabricated.
But it may be objected that we are not to say what we meant at the time we adopted the constitution; but we must submit to the construction now put upon it by the judges. This kind of reasoning may do, among a set of sharpers, negotiators, or bank-scrip speculators, who are ever plotting to impose on each other; but when we are considering a subject on which the liberty, harmony, and prosperity of a community depends, it is expected that other sentiments will operate in the decision. It cannot be supposed that the constitution was offered, to entrap "The people," or surprise them into a measure which they never contemplated; or that the supporters of the constitution, conceded to the opposers of it, merely to take an advantage of their credulity. When the objection was made, the first characters (even learned in the law) pledged themselves, that the idea was erroneous, and that no prosecution of a state ever could commence on the principle of its own SOVEREIGNTY. After these solemn asseverations, is it a fair mode of reasoning, to say that we have adopted it with all its imperfections, and it is now too late to remedy our complaint?
No freeman will be satisfied with such paltry arguments. Massachusetts stands too respectable in the federal system, to be thrown from its elevated situation by such trifling reasoning. She will not be deprived of her sovereignty, and reduced to the contemptible state of a parish corporation, by any advantages that may be taken by constructions, contrary to what they themselves meant should be substantiated. Are we to suffer the commonwealth, together with the property of every individual, to become the support of every litigious pettifogger; and admit our SUPREME EXECUTIVE, to be perpetually harassed with innumerable prosecutions in the federal court, by admitting a construction, in direct opposition to what "THE PEOPLE" by their representatives, openly, and expressly declared against? Every freeman must reply—we will not lose our liberties in so ignominious a manner.
The declaration made by each member of the general court is, "That the commonwealth of Massachusetts is, and of right ought to be, a free, sovereign, and independent state." We then retain our sovereignty completely excepting so much as is given up to Congress. To ascertain the degree of sovereignty we retain, we must examine what particular powers are exclusively given to Congress; and so far as the states are expressly restricted, so far, and no farther have we relinquished our sovereignty. Suppose then (for argument sake) it is admitted, that an individual can sue a state, it cannot be in any other case, than where the United States have an exclusive right of judging.
For example, each state is forbid by the constitution "from coining money;" "emitting bills of credit;" "passing ex post facto laws, &c." Should a state presume to pay a creditor in a paper currency, of its own issuing, or pass an ex post facto law, in all such cases the individual has his remedy in the federal judiciary.
Even admitting the suability of a state, the sphere of its jurisdiction, appears confined to such cases as the several states are expressly restricted to by the constitution; & this distinction determines the exact quantity of sovereignty relinquished, and forms a precise boundary, how far the right of an individual extends in summoning a state before the federal judiciary.
This construction is much more reasonable, than to subject a state to be sued indiscriminately in all cases; and to oblige the executive to obey the summons of a marshal to the exclusion of all the duties of his office; and to render the commander in chief of every state a mere itinerant, to dance attendance in Federal courts, to answer every trifling action that may be brought by litigious prosecutors.
If the state is subject to such prosecutions in all cases, it is the highest absurdity to talk of our sovereignty; for if this is admitted, there is not a single trait remaining. If we surrender ourselves into the Federal court, "in all cases whatever," it is but little short of the British claim, "to tax us in all cases whatever," and will, in time, operate as destructive to the RIGHTS and PROPERTY of the people. If this is admitted in the latitude now pleaded for, it is an imposition on our senses, to talk of our sovereignty; for a nation surrenders its sovereignty, as far as it relinquishes the right of final judgment—and if in all cases, we have done it, we have made by the adoption of the constitution, a complete surrender of it to the federal judiciary; as the power of final decision is the essence of sovereignty. Wherever this decision is placed, there the sovereignty must be found.
But admitting still, (for argument sake) that the constitution does allow an individual to sue a state, in all cases, it will not follow that he can in those cases that originated between him and the state previous to the adoption of the constitution—For the words are, "that the judiciary power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under this constitution." Admitting then, that an individual may sue a state, it must be only in such instances, as took place after the adoption of the constitution; for this is the period when the states entered into this political situation. No rational man can suppose, that the states have made themselves liable to answer before the Federal court, for transactions they did, before they had surrendered this right.—Provided this is the extent of the federal claim, a door is opened for prosecutions, from the first landing of our forefathers at Plymouth, to the present day. Unless we fix the point of time when the state became "suable," the heirs of Sir Edmund Andros have equally as good a claim upon this state as the heirs of William Vassall.
I have in the foregoing remarks endeavoured to state the sentiments of the state convention on this question; to draw a distinction between the sovereignty retained and relinquished; what actions are cognizable before the federal judiciary: and whether a state can be sued for any transactions previous to the adoption of the constitution. The subject is new, but of infinite importance to the rights and property of every individual citizen. For should we acquiesce in the decision, or take no measures to check its progress, the boasted liberties of our country, which have cost so much blood and treasure to preserve, will become a "SOUND, AND NOTHING ELSE."
A REPUBLICAN.
From the NEW-YORK DIARY.
I HAVE read with attention the various sentiments that have been promulgated through the channel of newspapers, respecting the Proclamation first issued by the President of the United States, declaring the disposition of United America as to the powers now at war, and having lately passed from Philadelphia through this capital, have had an opportunity of collecting the opinions of men of ability in both, on this interesting question. The result of my reflections, upon mature deliberation, with that confidence which every freeman ought to feel, I shall now submit to the consideration of him who is most interested in the enquiry.
The President when he issues a proclamation, does it in virtue of the powers given to him by the constitution, the words of which are, "he shall take care that the laws shall be faithfully executed." Being then but the mouth piece of the law, it was that and that only, to which the proclamation should have adverted; a reference to existing treaties and a recommendation to the people of the United States strictly to observe them, would have been a more consonant exercise of those powers with which he is invested, than any declaration of what he might conceive to be the disposition of the people.
That man who is at the helm of state, that will see with his own eyes and govern himself, may be truly said, to be the life and soul of a state: While he who trusts to the integrity and abilities of those around him, and suffers himself to be governed by such as have gained an ascendancy over him, will ever be liable to deception and imposition. It is easy to judge of the genius and capacity of him who serves us; but it is almost impossible to do the same of his fidelity and disinterestedness.
The impressions of the moment produced the measure, which on mature reflection I am sure he must condemn.
If the proclamation had not been published would the people of America have misconstrued the treaty, (or in other words the law.) Has it thrown any light upon it, by which they may discern its meaning? Shall it in itself be considered as the law? Will it not give offence to those who are in alliance with us? Is it not indirectly recommending measures for our prosperity to be pursued at the expence of our integrity? And should we in future stand in need of aid to oppose the suppression of our infant tree of liberty in this its only asylum, by the combination of tyrants, will we not be looked upon as perfidious is not complying with our treaties, and be treated with scorn? Let him answer, who gave it its existence.
Some are of opinion that the republic of France will be crushed by the weight of the powers opposed to her—I am not. If France does not succeed, it will be owing to her intestine divisions. Their common dangers will, I trust, produce an unity of sentiment. Their population is too great to admit the idea of a subjection by foreign force.—And the strength of their country, aided by genius and art, renders them perfectly secure from foreign foes.—From Brabant to Dauphine is a double chain of redoubts—And the frontiers next to Germany, says the great Frederick of Prussia, resemble the jaws of a lion with two dreadful rows of teeth ready open to devour any invader.
But admit for the moment that she may be conquered—What will our strict neutrality then avail us?—Great Britain will be among the conquerors—Will she have no claim upon the combined powers for the aid and support she has given in the subjugation of that country?—And will they not be willing in their turn, to root up that bitter weed which this soil first nurtured, and now vigorously supports? Yes: And she will with a too well grounded confidence, declare to them, that in the bowels of this very country they will find a cheerful and willing support, by a numerous host of her devoted minions, to assist them in the work. Should the project be pursued, will not that irrefutable declaration of neutrality, to avoid a present inconvenience, work our ruin?
I do not wish that this country should again be involved in war; to be neutral is our best interest: This interest may be pursued without a violation of our treaty, or a charge of ingratitude: Nay, by the law of nations we may shew to our allies and friends, that we feel for, and will aid and assist them as brethren in danger and distress, without the powers at war having a right to take offence at it. It is supposed by some, that he who assists either of the powers at war, with money, troops, or in any other manner, becomes the enemy of the opposing power, and that such conduct gives the opposing power a right to make war against him. Such a supposition is cruel, and destructive of the tranquility of nations. It cannot be supported by principle, and the practice of nations is directly the reverse. If by a treaty, concluded at a time when there was no war subsisting between the now contending powers, or preparation making for one, certain privileges have been stipulated to be granted on the part of this country to France, neither of the other powers can require that we should neglect to fulfil our solemn engagements, which we have had an unquestionable right to conclude without any injury to either. It is paying a debt; we do them no wrong in discharging it; and consequently give them no just cause of complaint.
Such assistance is now not looked on as an act of hostility, if extended even to the permission of raising volunteers. How often has Switzerland granted levies to France; at the same time she refused such an indulgence to the House of Austria, though both powers were in alliance with her—How often has she allowed them to one Prince and denied them to his enemy, when in no

alliance with either—She granted or denied them as she judged expedient to herself, and she never has been attacked on that account.
Let us then discharge that debt of gratitude which we owe to our brethren of France, with faithfulness and integrity—Always remembering, that while we are true to those who have a just claim to our favour, we may expect ever to receive a grateful return, let what will be their condition. A victory is seldom so complete that it enables the conqueror to lay aside all respect both for decency and justice. But if they with whom you are allied are worsted, they will still continue firm to you, and assist you upon occasion, if in their power.
Foreign Advices.
Ostend, June 1. —A column of 5000 French troops arrived before Furnes about seven o'clock yesterday morning; the garrison, composed of near twelve thousand Dutch, opposed them very bravely for four hours. They had only three pieces of cannon, three pounders, whilst the French had more than twelve eight pounders in this action. The losses of the French are unknown. The Dutch, after having had six men killed, and ten wounded, were obliged to retreat, which they effected in good order, and arrived here this evening with their cannon and baggage. The French, after having plundered the principal inhabitants, left Furnes at ten o'clock last night taking with them the Bailiff, Burgomaster, and five magistrates, as hostages for the contributions, which they demanded in cattle, corn, &c. The Dutch, having been informed of their retreat, returned hither this afternoon; and intelligence is since received that a number of German troops have arrived at Furnes from Ypres and Courtray.
The transports with the British dragoons arrived here the day before yesterday; and upon receiving the above intelligence, were perfectly ready in less than an hour to proceed on reconnoitring parties.
Bodenheim, May 21. —On the 13th inst. the advanced posts of the French were repulsed from Briesbach by Colonel Sockul. Whilst the advanced posts were thus engaged, Marshal Houchard endeavoured with 20,000 infantry and a considerable corps of cavalry, to turn Prince Hohenlohe's camp near Homburg, and to take possession of the important position of Kayserlautern; but Prince Hohenlohe, having received intimation of that intention, quitted Homburg, and returned with the greatest expedition to Kayserlautern, where he arrived only half an hour before the French army, and thus secured that position. The country of Deux Ponts, Homburg, and Calbsberg is consequently again abandoned; and the French, upon taking possession of the several towns deserted by the Prussians, committed great devastations.
Manheim, May 25. —The formal siege of Mentz will commence in about ten days hence. The batteries of the allies are already so near it, as to be able to reach it with twelve pounders. The besiegers are daily reinforced; and the Anspaches, Palatines, and other troops of the Circle, are just arrived.
London, June 8. —Last night Mr. Major one of the king's messengers, arrived express from the Head Quarters of his Royal Highness the Duke of York. The despatches are dated the 4th in the evening. The siege of Valenciennes had not then commenced, as had been intended.
By letters from Ostend we learn, that the Hereditary Prince of Orange, at the head of 13,000 men, with 60 pieces of artillery, was about to make an attack upon Gevel, a French post in the neighbourhood of Dunkirk.
Letters from Ostend say, that in a Paris paper, the Moniteur of the 31st ult. it is stated, that on the 26th ult. Gaston at the head of the Breton Royalists, had gained a very decided advantage over the Republicans in the neighbourhood of Fontenay, in consequence of which it was apprehended that Rochelle must fall into the hands of the former.
Wednesday there was a numerous meeting of noblemen and gentlemen, at the Crown and Anchor tavern, to take into consideration the long and faithful services of Mr. Fox, and to devise the means of recompensing in some measure, the essential services he has rendered his country. Mr. Serjeant Adair was called to the chair, several resolutions were entered into, and the meeting adjourned to a future day.
On Thursday morning, the inhabitants of Hythe were alarmed by the drum beating to arms, in consequence of a privateer being discovered close in land; several pieces of artillery were immediately drawn down to the shore, and a number of shot fired, on which the sneered off. A person on shore was wounded by a shot from the privateer.
Cork, May 29. —The brig Mercury, of Whitehaven, failed last Monday from this port for the West Indies, was captured the same night, a little west of Cape Clear by a cutter privateer of ten guns belonging to Brest. Said privateer had also
captured a ship from Belfast for the West Indies, a sloop from Dingle laden with barley for Cork, and another vessel. The crews of the three vessels were put on shore at the Cape.
On Monday last about sun-set, three ships of war, consisting of two frigates and a cutter, were descried off the mouth of the harbour from one of the batteries, which the mariners there, declared to be French.
June 2. —The last advices from the combined armies leave them before Valenciennes, and are of the 27th. Nothing material has happened since the 23d, nor had the siege then commenced in form. Some shots had been expended, but the regular siege was not expected to begin till the 20th; in the interim the most vigorous preparations were making. The next advices will probably bring an account of the fall of this place.
The citadel of Valenciennes is of strength to resist a formidable army for months even after the city has surrendered, and the approaches to it are undermined in every direction.
In August last when Dumourier held the command at Maubeuge, he went to inspect this fortress, on which an attack was every day expected from the Austrians. The commandant, Marechal Ferraud, amongst other proofs of preparation, blew up more than forty feet square of surface, at the distance of a mile from the citadel.
The French in a late action, are said to have had 1000 men killed on the spot; 400 privates, one general, two lieut. colonels, one major, five captains, and seven lieutenants, were taken prisoners.
The French executive council has ordered a number of cannon to be sent from Douay to Paris, in order to place that city in the best possible state of defence should the counter-revolutionists pass the Loire.
June 8. Count d'Artois is said to have passed from Hull by land to Falmouth, from whence he took shipping to Spain, and returns to France via Pyrenees at the head of the Spanish and emigrant armies. It is reported he visited the first personage in the metropolis.
Letters received from Flanders give us very strong reason to believe that Conde and Valenciennes will soon fall to the combined armies. The former place was to be attacked in form on the 17th instant; and being a kind of a key to Valenciennes, the latter cannot in that case long hold out. All the necessary artillery belonging to the Austrians is now arrived at their head quarters.
It is very generally believed that the combined armies will not attack Lisle, but that after the capture of Conde and Valenciennes, they will move towards France, leaving Lisle behind them, and an army of observation to watch the motions of its garrison.
Letters from Madrid advise, that all the English merchant ships that had been recaptured by the Spaniards in the Mediterranean, &c. to the amount of 300,000, are ordered to remain in the Spanish ports till the fate of the St. Jago Register ship has been finally determined in England.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
[From a Correspondent.]
1. "WHEN an Attorney General is brought forward, in an extra-official manner, to 'profane the sacred hall of justice,' with a political declamation, calculated to alarm the fears of a jury, and to substitute political expediency for justice and the law of the land; when the bench, instead of prohibiting such an unwarrantable proceeding, not only listen to the declaiming orator with pricked up ears, but afterwards address the jury in terms equally indecent and arbitrary, telling them, that if they do not pronounce a fellow citizen guilty, they are instrumental in plunging their country into all the horrors of war; in fine, when the most alarming measures are adopted, to stifle the calls of justice, and to intimidate an American jury into a verdict consonant with the wishes of a court-party, or British faction, it is high time for the virtuous citizens of America to be aroused to a sense of the dangers with which one of their dearest privileges, that of impartial trial by jury, is openly menaced. In the instance alluded to, an independent jury have firmly withstood the violence of that aristocratic torrent, whose sluices were opened upon them; they have set bounds to the declamation of an attorney general, and to the sophisticated pleadings (for pleadings they were) of an arbitrary judge; "thus far shall your rages go, but no farther." But, it is to be feared, that further efforts will yet be made to establish the infamous doctrine, that American citizens, (like some European subjects) are slaves, attached to the soil; and cannot, without leave from their masters, enter into the service of France, or of any other foreign power. Should the attempt again be made, I trust my fellow citizens will repel it, as has already been done, with the spirit of men who know the value of their privileges, and are determined to guard them, with that patriotic jealousy, which ought ever to characterize the citizens of a free country.
2. "It is worthy of remark, that altho' more than three months have elapsed since
the President's proclamation was issued; and altho' every governmental nerve has been strained to induce the merchants of America (who are, more than any other class of citizens, friends to Great Britain) to signify their approbation of the measure; yet the number of those who have expressed that approbation, is comparatively trifling. In Boston, before any vote could be carried, respecting the neutrality declared by the proclamation, it was found necessary to premise a declaration, in which the sacred obligation of our treaties was fully recognized. And even then, the meeting went no further than to express a disapprobation of American citizens being owners of privateers, employed to cruise against any of the belligerent powers.—They, it seems, do not conceive it a crime in an American citizen to enter into foreign service; else it is not likely that they would have been silent on a subject of so much importance."
3. Why are the devotees of a certain party so anxious to have the proclamation echoed by every mercantile town in the United States? Is it that the approbation of a few merchants may be substituted for the sanction of the American people, to give some kind of force to a pusy instrument, which, in itself, is as totally devoid of authority, as it is unauthorized by law? If, instead of convening Congress, this new species of representation and legislation is to be imposed upon us, would it not be equitable, that the agricultural interest should have a voice in the business, as well as the mercantile? Surely, if one class of citizens express their opinion, it is not only proper, but necessary, that the opinion of all should be known. To effect this desirable end, let meetings of the citizens be immediately had, in convenient districts, throughout the United States; and let the general voice of America determine, as to the propriety of those measures, which have either been enjoined, or connived at, by the executive, during the last three or four months!
Abstract of Foreign Intelligence.
Several Danish vessels have been taken and carried into different ports of England with French property on board. The English court has offered to pay the freight, but the Danish ambassador insisted on a complete indemnification.—The hereditary prince of the Palatine of the Rhine was very near being made prisoner by the French on the 14th of May, in the neighbourhood of Newkirchen. They plundered his palace of its contents, and carried off the hereditary princes, and all the ladies of the court, with the counsellors of the regency and finances. They took possession of Newkirchen, and still occupied it when these accounts came away. Lord Hood's fleet was looked for daily at Naples about the middle or latter end of May, to be joined by the Spanish fleet then cruising off Genoa. It was thought their united force would be directed against Corsica, or perhaps Toulon, or Marseilles. A large body of insurgents in Normandy had been defeated by the troops of the French republic near port St. Pierre. In consequence of this defeat, the communication was again opened along that part of the coast. The army destined to quell the insurgents in the district of the Loire and Vendee, consisted of 80,000 men, commanded by generals Biron and Canclaux. The general of the Alpine army had defeated a body of 2000 rebels, collected above Annecy, and completely dispersed them. The siege of Valenciennes was an object of important expectation to the combined powers. The duke of York was appointed to command the siege, and the necessary troops are raising against the town. The French had thrown 10,000 fresh men into it, and were determined not to surrender it while a gun remained mounted. Conde had been summoned for the last time. On the 21st of May one of the armies of the combination, to the number of 80,000 men, commanded by princes Coburg & Hohenlohe, lay within eight miles of Famars, where the French, to the amount of 100,000 men were strongly entrenched, and defended by various batteries of heavy artillery. On the night of the 22d, a further movement of the allied forces took place, who possessed themselves of different stations and positions near Famars. On the 22d at day-break the prince of Coburg's advanced guard attacked the advanced camp of the French, took two redoubts, seven cannon, and killed and took a number of men, after a most obstinate resistance. The battle continued with impetuosity the whole day, during which sixteen pieces of cannon were taken from the French. At nine in the evening the French camp was forced, and at five in the morning the last redoubt carried, sword in hand, when the French retreated to Valenciennes and Bonchain. It was said the French lost in the whole, 30 pieces of artillery, several of large bore. On the 24th the entrenchments of mount Aulin were carried, which it was thought would greatly facilitate the capture of Valenciennes and Conde. (This is a short abstract of the Austrian account of affairs.)
A motion was made in the National Convention on the 25th of May, for exchanging all the remains of the royal family of France, now prisoners in the temple, for the four commissioners, betrayed by Dumourier.
The army of prince Cobourg consists at present of 35,000 men: at the commencement of the campaign it was estimated at 80,000 men. It is supposed that this campaign alone has already carried off, on the part of the whole belligerent powers, 120,000 men. But this is nothing to what must follow, before France can be subdued, when we consider the great number of fortified towns that must be taken before the combined armies can take a single step into the French territories.
The Spanish army on the French frontier is infected with an epidemic disorder, and great numbers of them have died of the camp fever. This has retarded their attack upon France, and in the mean time the French have collected an army to oppose them, should they attempt to pass the boundary line of the frontier.
PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, August 7.
The following is a list of the French privateers now certainly known to be on our coast, exclusive of the Republican, of 10 guns and 50 men taken off Sandy Hook by the Bolton (owing to the false or mistaken information of a pilot, who declared her to be the French frigate Concorde)—viz. The Jacobin, 12 guns 60 men—The Anti-George, 12 guns, 60 men—The Conqueror of the Bastille, 10 guns, 50 men—The Carmagnol, 14 guns, 100 men—The Little Democrat, 16 guns, 120 men—The Citizen Genet, 16 guns, 120 men—The Friend of the Law, 8 guns, 40 men—The Sans Culottes Schooner, 10 guns, 50 men—The Sans Culottes, Xebecque, 12 guns, 100 men—The Sanpareil, 16 guns, 50 men—The Impromptu 8 guns, 40 men—The Orlando Furioso, 12 guns, 70 men—The National Razor, 14 guns, 160 men.
It is mentioned in letters by the last packet from Falmouth, that the English parliament would be prorogued about the 13th of June. The earl of Carlisle is to be appointed secretary of state for the home department, in the room of Henry Dundas, Esqr.
The name of the 22 gun French ship of war, now in this port, is La Normande. That of the 40 gun ship, La Precieuse. The latter is sail down towards the Cove.
Extract of a letter from Kingston (Jamaica) June 23,
"Yesterday failed from Bluefields, the homeward bound fleet, accompanied by a very weak convoy. This is, the largest and richest fleet of merchantmen ever dispatched from this island: the vessels belonging to this town only are valued at four millions sterling. There was a meeting a few days ago of the inhabitants, to petition the governor for the admission of provisions in American bottoms, or a famine must be the inevitable consequence, for, on the most minute investigation, there are no provisions in town for a fortnight's supply, what with the numerous inhabitants, the soldiery, navy, vast number of French prisoners, thirty odd sail of Guineamen in the harbor, and a vast number of Spanish vessels to be supplied, you will naturally conclude the consumption to be very great."
The British governor of St. Vincents has issued a proclamation, dated June 28, declaring the extreme scarcity of provisions in that island, the probability of speedy famine; and giving permission to the free importation of provisions into the island for 40 days from that date. The permission extends to all vessels except those under French national colours, or belonging to persons adhering to that cause.
Letter of advice from the Minister of France to the crews of the two French ships of war now in the port of Philadelphia: dated August 3.
"The French citizens of the Normande and Precieuse are now among their good friends the Americans: it is, therefore, their duty to prove to these good allies, that the French patriots are worthy of their esteem. They will find among them both cordiality and attachment; and will, doubtless, themselves behave with decency and politeness."
The patriotic sailors ought to be upon their guard; because in this town they are constantly liable to be ensnared.
There is at Philadelphia a great number of French, unworthy of the name: enemies of their country, who will accost and caress them to lead them astray. They should, therefore, be always ready to repel the perfidious insinuations, which will be made to them.
If the French sailors are insulted, or provoked, out of respect to the American citizens, who are always ready to appear in their defence, they ought to avoid repelling force by force; and to be confident that their officers, and the minister of the French republic, will obtain justice for them.

Citizen Genet will always take pleasure in... the sailors, friendly to the French...
All French sailors, and friends to liberty in general, who wish to enter into the naval service of France...
On Friday last arrived at New-York, the French fleet... consisting of L'Eole, a 74, the Jupiter of 74 guns...
We hear from Baltimore that captain Barney worked his ship home from the West-Indies... with the hands put on board him by a Providence privateer.
Letter from Portugal mention the baptism of a young Portuguese princess at Lisbon... daughter of the prince of Brazil.
A certified instrument appears in a New-York paper, signed by six citizens, specifying that being on a sailing party of pleasure at Sandy Hook...
The weight of metal in the Boston frigate is said to be considerably superior to that of the Ambuscade... Her main deck guns are English eighteen pounders...
Extract of a letter from New York, Aug. 4. The people from this place that occupied all the sailing boats that could be found, to view the engagement between the two frigates...
The cool and systematic bravery of the Frenchman has carried all before it. The Englishmen have fled, and flying have left an indelible stain upon their boasted national character.
'Tis the act of a Briton, to bluster and threaten, Hang his tail, like a puppy, when handsomely beaten."
Substance of a letter to the Mayor of Paris, giving an account of the royalists in Brittany.
The insurgents at present occupy a part of the territory of six departments, Indre and Loire, Main and Loire, Loire Inferieure, la Vendee, les deux Seures, and la Vienne. This invaded territory forms a circle, the radius of which may be about 15 or 20 leagues.
Their armies are from twenty to five and twenty thousand men, each. They are armed with fowling pieces, and have neither swords nor bayonets.
Their women do not follow them to the field, but remain in the villages, and serve as spies, passing on from farm to farm giving intelligence of the position of the armies of the Republic.
So terrible did these men make themselves at the first onset, that whole battalions of our men fled precipitately, throwing down their arms, terrified with the report of our own guns.
The insurgents have no sort of military organization, no regiments, no gradation of officers and no plans, for campaign. They march in columns of three or four men in front, the head of each column directed by one of their chiefs...
It is certain that a short time ago the priests & ci devant nobles wished to pass the Loire and proceed straight to Paris. They trusted that with the aid of the revolutionists, with whom they knew the metropolis to swarm, they could succeed in breaking up the convention.
In the earlier part of this month, they menaced Angers, and afterwards, taking a direction to Saumur, attacked Thouars which they carried. It was then thought that they would proceed towards Chinon, and from thence to Tours.
Particulars relative to the Engagement between the Ambuscade and Boston Frigates, on Thursday the 1st of August.
The Boston frigate is said to have been sent from Halifax for the express purpose of taking the Ambuscade. Off the hook she fell in with the revenue cutter Vigilant, Capt. Dennis, being then under the French national colours, and the crew having national cockades in their hats.
The engagement a cannon ball carried off Capt. Courtney's head, together with that of his first lieutenant of marines; and about the same time most of the officers of the Boston were killed or wounded.
During the whole engagement, a little man was plainly seen, dressed in a short white jacket, walking the quarter deck of the Ambuscade, with his hands behind his back...
It is at all times the privilege and the duty of freemen to speak and write their sentiments on all great political questions in which they may be concerned.
First, then—had a necessity existed for any declaration whatever, the most constitutional mode would have been, to have convened at least one branch of Congress...
Secondly—If it is admitted that the President can assume to himself the right of judging for the people of America in one case, by collateral reasoning, it may be argued, that this right extends to all cases whatever...
Thirdly—This premature step is weak, and ill advised, because it subjects us to commercial insult and injury, by inciting the British cruisers to harass our trade, and plunder our vessels...
Fourthly—This declaration was officious and unasked—Was it made to please the English, or to evince our ingratitude to the French, and an aversion to their republican principles?
[New-York Paper.]
The frigate L'Ambuscade returned here from sea yesterday afternoon, having, as mentioned yesterday, given the BRAGADOCS OF THE BOSTON FRIGATE. A NEAT DRUBBING: which we hope will teach them a useful lesson.
[N. York Diary of August 3.]
Last Saturday, a company of artillery, went down to fort Mifflin, under the command of Capt. Fisher and Capt. Lieut. Thompson, to relieve the troops that have been stationed there for some time.
A vessel is arrived in the Delaware, from the North of Ireland with 400 passengers.—Nine weeks passage.
The Governor of New York has dismissed the Republican privateer, taken a few days ago by the Boston Frigate, thro' the false information of a pilot.
YESTERDAY a number of citizens met at the house of citizen Richardet to celebrate the victory obtained by citizen Bompard and crew of L'Ambuscade over the Boston British frigate...
1. The patriotic band of heroes who compose the CREW of the L'AMBUSCADE: May they ever be successful in defending the character of free republicans!
2. The memory of those heroes, late of the L'AMBUSCADE, who sealed their country's cause with their blood.
3. May British bombast ever meet the fate of Capt. Courtney, when opposed to the sons of freedom.
4. The armies and navy of France: may they, while engaged in the sacred cause of liberty, be successful against the subjects of tyranny.
5. The republics of America & France: may their emulation only tend to a love of each other!
TO JUSTICE,
(A writer in the Gazette of the United States.)
BECAUSE some pumpkin shells and lobster-claws (Thrown o'er her garden walls by Braintree's Duke)
Have chanc'd to fall within your meagre jaws, A dose, at which all honest men would rake: Because some treasury-luncheons you have gnaw'd Like rats that prey upon the public store, Must you for that, your crude-stuff belch abroad And vomit lies on all that pass your door?
To modern bards, wherever bards are found, If fallen JUSTICE does not give their due, Spruce tho' you be, your heels may drum the ground And make fine pastime for the sportive crew.
Why all these hints of menace—dark and sad? What is my crime that thus 'squire JUSTICE raves?— No secret-service-money have I had For waging two years' war with fools & knaves?
Abus'd at courts—unwelcome to the GREAT, This page of ours no well-born aspect wears: On honest yeomen we repose its fate: Clodpopper's dollar is as good as THEIRS.
Why would you then with barmy-hand destroy A wight that waits his ink in freedom's cause? Who, to the last, his arrows will employ To publish freedom's rights, and guard her laws
O Thou! that hast a heart so flinty hard Thus oft, too oft, a poet to rebuke, From those that rhyme you ne'er shalt meet regard, Of Braintree's dutchy you shalt be no duke.
JUSTITIA FIAT.
OFFICERS of the MILITIA of the city of PHILADELPHIA composing the first brigade, with such of the general officers as are in the city, are requested to meet at the State house on Friday evening, the 9th instant, at 7 o'clock, on business of importance.
Notice to Distant Subscribers.
ALL persons in arrears for this paper, and post masters and others who may have received subscription money on account of the same, are requested to make speedy remittances. To prevent the dues swelling to an improper amount, no papers will be continued to subscribers after the first day of November next...
Shoals of Ogechee, (Georgia) June 18:
STOP THIEF.
THE public are requested to stop a villain who calls himself Thomas Stevens, or Stevenson, is a good shoemaker, say he was born in the state of New-York, is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, fair complexion, short curled hair behind, and bald before to the crown...
SIMON DAY.
July 9. 5

PHILADELPHIA.
Communicated by a Correspondent, with a request for publication.]
S O N G S,
Sung at the celebration of the Fourth of July, 1793, in Passyunk Township, near Philadelphia, by a Select Company.
To the Tune—Rule Britannia, &c.
WHEN America first, at Heaven's command,
Arose to curb old Britain's pride, Drive Tyranny from out the land, Fair Freedom echo'd far and wide.
"Rouse America, rouse, be free, For Nature's God gave Liberty."
To thee belong the peaceful reign; Thy cities shall with commerce flow; Thy ships explore the boundless main, And Plenty laugh at every foe.
Hail America! thou art free, The universe shall trade with thee.
The nations not so blest as we, Shall in their turns to tyrants fall, While thou shalt rise triumphantly, The glory and the joy of all.
Hail America! thou art free, The slavish Britons envy thee.
Still more majestic shalt thou rise, Upheld by France's friendly wing, And view thy commerce—swift it flies, As Neptune's car—old ocean's king.
Hail America! thou art free, The sea-gods! all, are friends to thee.
Each haughty tyrant's sordid yoke, Their vain attempts to bend thee down, Shall fall beneath thy mighty stroke, With broken sceptre and lost crown!
Hail America! thou art free, Thou'lt fight and bled for liberty.
The Muses on seraphic wing, Shall to thy happy coasts repair, With laurel crown'd, and chant and sing To manly hearts, who guard the free.
Smile America! thou art free, The Muses all are friends to thee.
Congratulating bowls go round, To WASHINGTON, and never cease;
In shouts triumph, with music crown'd, To Safety, Liberty and Peace.
Smile America! thou art free, In spite of George and tyranny.
For Freedom! hearts and hands we'll join,
Blest Independence, hope and joy! The theme, how noble, how divine!
Join, join the annual fete-de-jour, Smile America! thou art free,
A race of Heroes springs from thee!
ne—God save great George, &c.
FAME, let thy trumpet sound, Tell all the world around,
Columbia's free! Tell Germaine, North and Bute,
And every other brute, Tyrannic George won't suit Her liberty.
Trump forth in joyful sound, From camp to camp resound,
Washington's fame. Hi! feat spread far and near,
That friends and foes may hear, And Britain's island fear
Washington's name.
A glorious race he's run, Th' immortal Washington,
To make us free. He vanquish'd all our foes,
The clumsy Hessian knows, And all who dar'd t' oppose, Our liberty.
The fifteen linked chain, In union we'll maintain,
'Till time's no more. Hark! how the valley ring,
"Slav'ry! detested thing, To hell with rapid wing,
Quit, quit our shore."
God grant since Washington, Our liberty has won,
Sent from above, Still may his gallant arm,
Secure us from all harm, Our grateful bosoms warm.
With joy and love.
The bloody George in vain May forge a stronger chain,
The deed is done! A greater George than he,
Hath set Columbia free, Immortaliz'd shall be,
George WASHINGTON.
A FEW COPIES OF THE
TRANSACTIONS
Of the Society instituted in the State of
AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANU-
FACTURES, May be had at this Office, [Price HALF a DOLLAR.]
A gentleman of character who has just arrived from Germany, brings the following important intelligence to the friends of liberty and equality: That in the middle or the tenth of May last, one of the most respectable merchants of Berlin, (the residence of the king of Prussia) put the following inscription over his door, in golden characters: Liberty, Equality, and the Rights of Man. His Majesty was immediately informed thereof, but through fear of his own subjects, suffered it to remain unnoticed. A remarkable circumstance which renders it probable, that this debilitated voluptuary will soon experience a similar fate with Louis the 16th. This gentleman farther relates that his mistress have already made such drafts upon his treasury that it is nearly exhausted, and they have debilitated his body, whilst he has debilitated his mind, to such a degree, that epileptic fits are his daily portion, and his inability to govern at present the greatest misfortune to his subjects. The same gentleman adds, that the combined armies are in the greatest want of money, provisions, and supplies of all kinds, whereas the French have every thing in abundance, and that the spirit of liberty and equality has made and is still making incredible progress in the German empire.
Captain Joshua Barney, who during the late war commanded the Hyd. Ali , we learn, from the best authority, is arrived at Baltimore, with ten men belonging to a New Providence privateer, whom he captured in the following manner:
On his voyage from Cape Francois to Baltimore, off the Bite of Leogane, he fell in with a New Providence privateer, which took his ship, the Sampson , as having French property on board. The captors attempted to take Captain Barney on board their vessel, but he swore they should not take him out alive—that he would stick by her while he had breath in him:—they desisted, left him on board his vessel, with four of his men, and manned her with ten of their crew.
Capt. Barney seized a favourable moment, when seven of the privateer men, attracted by their cupidity, were searching for plunder below, secured them there, mastered the remaining three, with the assistance of his four men, and has carried them into Baltimore.
This instance of cool intrepidity so characteristic of the brave Capt. Barney, is eclipsed by an action of the most distinct heroism performed by him at the Cape during the late catastrophe in that city. He, notwithstanding a continual fire from the negroes, landed in the midst of flames and saved from a merchant's counting house, valuables to the amount of many thousand dollars.
From an English paper, dated Gosport , June 5.
Britons boast of their humanity to prisoners taken in war; what will their hearts feel when informed, that, to the disgrace of our national character, some French prisoners have been so much neglected, that, but for the merest accident they must absolutely have perished with hunger? Sir Richard Worsley, the commandant of this place, happening on Sunday to visit the prison here, found six French prisoners, all officers, who from the time of being confined, viz on the Friday preceding, had not tasted food of any kind, notwithstanding repeated solicitations; nor could they have procured any but for his determined interference. This tale needs not to be dwelt upon—every feeling heart must be filled with anguish at the bare recital. Sir Richard, with that humanity which is his characteristic, immediately relieved their distress and ordered a proper enquiry to be made into the abuse. This business, of course, will be reported to the duke of Richmond, and we hope the persons who could be guilty of such inhumanity, be they who they may, will receive an exemplary punishment.
The daily rations allowed to the prisoners are only three quarters of a pound of meat, (bones included) and three quarters of a pound of very coarse ill-baked bread—a small enough allowance! and should they be robbed of this scanty pittance with impunity? In France, notwithstanding the vast difference in the present circumstances of the two countries, the daily allowance given to English prisoners, is sixteen French ounces, equal to seventeen and an half English, of meat, and a proportionate quantity of good bread; and
it would be death to the villain who should rob them of it. Is it possible that Frenchmen, who are daily represented to us as savages and barbarians, can excel Britons in generosity! in humanity! in justice?
DECREE OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION, May 9.
Art. I. Ships of war and privateers are authorised to seize and carry into the ports of the republic, merchant vessels, which are wholly or in part loaded with provisions, being neutral property, bound to an enemy's port, or having on board merchandise belonging to an enemy.
Art. II. Merchandise belonging to the enemy, is declared a lawful prize, seizable for the profit of the captor. Provisions being neutral property, shall be paid for at the price they would have sold for at the port where they were bound.
Art. III. On every occasion, neutral vessels shall be immediately released the moment the provisions found on board are landed, or the seizure of merchandise shall be effected. The freight shall be settled at the rate paid by the charterers; a proper compensation shall be granted for detention of the vessels by the tribunals, who are to adjudge the prizes.
Art. IV. These tribunals shall cause to be made out within three days after the judgment has been given, a copy of the manifest of the provisions and goods found on board to the minister of the marine and another copy to the minister of foreign affairs.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, By MATHEW CAREY
No. 118, Market-Street, Emblazoned with a MAP of South America. No. VII. Of a NEW SYSTEM OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY. OR, A GEOGRAPHICAL, HISTORICAL, AND COMMERCIAL GRAMMAR; And present State of the Several KINGDOMS OF THE WORLD.
CONTAINING
I. The figures, motions, and distances of the planets, according to the Newtonian system and the latest observations.
II. A general view of the earth considered as a planet; with several useful geographical definitions and problems.
III. The grand division of the globe into lands and water, continents and islands.
IV. The situation and extent of empires, kingdoms, states, provinces, and colonies.
V. Their climates, air, soil, vegetable productions, metals, minerals, natural curiosities, feasts, rivers, bays, capes, promontories, and lakes.
VI. The birds and beasts peculiar to each country.
VII. Observations on the changes that have been any where observed upon the face of nature since the most early periods of history.
VIII. The history and origin of nations; their forms of government, religion, laws, revenues, taxes, naval and military strength.
IX. The genius, manners, customs, and habits of the people.
X. Their language, learning, arts, sciences, manufactures, and commerce.
XI. The chief cities, structures, ruins, and artificial curiosities.
XII. The longitude, latitude, bearings, and distances of the principal places from Philadelphia to which are added.
I. A Geographical Index, with the names, and places alphabetically arranged.
II. A Table of the Coins of all Nations, and their value in English Money.
III. A Chronological Table of remarkable events, from the Creation to the present Time.
By WILLIAM GUTHRIE, Esq.
The Astronomical Part by James Ferguson, F.R.S. To which have been added, The late Discoveries of D. Herschel, and other eminent Astronomers.
The first American edition, corrected, improved, and greatly enlarged.
The publisher of this work, thankful for the patronage with which he has been honored, submits the present number to the inspection of his fellow-citizens, and lays before them The terms of publication.
I. This geography shall be published in forty-eight weekly numbers, each containing twenty-four pages of letter press.
II. In the course of the publication will be delivered the following maps:
1. The world. 2. Europe. 3. Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Finland. 4. Russia. 5. Scotland. 6. England and Wales. 7. Ireland. 8. France. 9. Seven United Provinces. 10. Austrian and French Netherlands. 11. Germany. 12. Switzerland. 13. Poland. 14. Spain and Portugal. 15. Italy. 16. Turkey in Europe. 17. Asia. 18. China. 19. Hindostan. 20. Africa. 21. North America. 22. British America. 23. West-Indies. 24. South America. 25. Planisphere of the earth. *26. Countries round the north pole. *27. Discoveries made by Captains Cooke and Clerke. *28. New Hampshire. *29. Massachusetts. *30. Connecticut. *31. Rhode Island. *32. Vermont. *33. New-York. *34. New-Jersey. *35. Pennsylvania and Delaware. *36. Maryland. *37. Virginia. *38. North-Carolina. *39. South-Carolina. *40. Georgia. *41. The S. here. *42. The Copernican system. N. B. All the maps marked with stars are added to this edition, exclusive of those in the last London edition.
That no disappointment may arise from subscribers expecting what the publisher ne ther promises nor is able to perform, he gives this early & explicit notice, that to some of the States it will be impossible for him to give maps fully accurate, no late surveys having been made; and it is hardly necessary to observe, that it falls not within his plan to go to the expense of surveys. But in every instance, he will avail himself of the best materials extant: and such corrections and additions as his utmost exertions can procure, shall be made.
III. The geography of the United States is undertaken by gentlemen of literary abilities, who have engaged to give a more full and satisfactory account of it than was ever published. It will extend to 250 or 300 pages, although in the British edition, and even in that of 1792 it makes only about 30.
IV. Should the work exceed forty-eight numbers, the surplus will be delivered gratis to the subscribers.
V. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.
VI. Such subscribers as do not choose to receive the work in numbers, are to pay three dollars at the time of subscribing.
The printer, anxious to render this work as perfect as the nature of it will allow, most earnestly requests, that such gentlemen throughout the United States, as have it in their power, will furnish him with documents for correcting the past errors in the geography of America, and for furnishing a more complete system of geography than has yet appeared.
The title page, list of subscribers asame with the account of the Newtonian system, &c. &c. will be given in the 47th and 48th numbers.
N. B. The subscribers, and the public in general are requested to consider the following very material circumstance—The London quarto edition is told here, for fifteen dollars, although it contains only 23 maps and plates, and of the geography of the United States, as has been observed above, only about 30 pages—whereas, Carey's edition will contain 42 maps and plates, and have two hundred pages of letter press more. And it need not be observed, that the seventeen maps to be added, are of more importance to America by far, than the 25 London ones. The observation will apply with equal force to the letter press additions.
The maps will be published in such order of succession as they are engraved, and directions will be printed for the proper manner of placing them by the book binder.
Just Published
By JOHNSTON and JUSTICE, No. 41, Chestnut Street, and may be had at No. 209, Market Street, Price one and four pence half penny.
Travels through America.
A Poem—by MICHAEL FORREST.
CONTENTS:
VOYAGE from Ireland to Newfoundland—Description of Newfoundland—Voyage from Newfoundland to Boston—Address to Columbia to the Bostonians, and to Bunker's Hill—Voyage from Boston to Baltimore—Observations on passing Brandywine, going to Philadelphia—A view of a youth swimming in the river Schuylkill and sporting on its margin—Description of Philadelphia—A fraternal scene—A moral deduced from the fraternal scene—Battle of the Hogs in Philadelphia—Sailing from Philadelphia to Bordentown in a stage boat—Philosophical contemplation with respect to human happiness—View of Burlington and Bristol—A delicate view of a young lady bathing in a sylvan pool—Rolanda in the grove, a rural scene—Moral from the distress of Rolanda—Address to Rolanda's inconstant swain—The approach of Winter—A Winter Storm—The approach of Spring—A view of the solar system on a fine summer night—Rural observations—Battle of Trenton—Praise of General Washington—Daphne and Strephon, a rural scene—Voyage to Charleston, South-Carolina—Description of Charleston and the Ladies of Carolina—Verses to a Carolina Lady—Siege of Charleston—Address to Fortune—Verses addressed to a young Gentleman at the Charleston College-Academy—A specimen of unlimited sublime poetry—Man shall be free, a new song.
Shrewsbury and Philadelphia STAGE.
THE Shrewsbury and Philadelphia stage, will commence to run regularly, on Thursday the fourth of July, to leave Philadelphia on that day, after which time, during the month of July, it will start from M'Kean and Van Emburgh's wharf a Philadelphia (the next wharf below Arch street) on every Sunday and Wednesday & proceed to Bordentown—the land stage to proceed on the next morning to Edington, and to return on every Tuesday and Friday. In the month of August, it will leave Philadelphia on every Sunday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday and Saturday.
Fare for Passengers from Philadelphia to Edington — two dollars & an half. For goods ditto — ditto pr. cwt. one dollar. VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, SAMUEL FORMAN.
Bordentown June 29, 1793. For freight or passage, apply to the masters on board, or to
M'KEAN & VAN EMBURGH Who have for sale as usual at their stores or said wharf, pork, hams, flour, lard, butter, rye and Indian meal, cheese, bar iron &c. &c. July 3. 2 m. taw.
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAIN.
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.