Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-08-19 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXXVII.]
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXXVII.
(CONTINUATION.)
"Innumerable causes conspire to divide and agitate the public mind."
IF some intelligent being, unacquainted with human affairs, and yet capable of forming definite ideas from language, were to hear the conversation of a promiscuous crowd of people, he would have no conception that they were inhabitants of the same world, or that they had any similarity of principles or feelings. While one man would represent to him, a very virtuous and flourishing state of society, another would exhibit only the dark shades of the picture, and lead him to imagine that he had entered upon a scene of discord, misery and vice.
After some experience however he would find out, that these contradictory mortals, who talked so differently, approached nearer to each other in views and sentiments, than appearances indicated. A great part of the clamours of one set of men, and the applauses of another, are mere sayings of course, that are uttered without any determinate meaning. The good humored and fortunate among mankind represent the community better than it is; and the morose and ill-fated run into the contrary extreme. One praises the world and the other condemns it, pretty much according to the fare they have met with, in their passage through it. If we could analyze the motives from which they act, and try their conduct by any intrinsic standard, we should not find their real intentions so unlike as their words. He who reprobrates the government is not perhaps its enemy, and he who flatters it, is not always its friend.
The other evening, I was in company, where the conversation turned upon politics. It happened as is usual in such companies, that two or three men did most of the speaking. The two who distinguished themselves on the occasion were PLACIDUS and IGNATIUS. There seemed to be a difference of opinion respecting the public measures of the day. IGNATIUS spoke like a man of much bitterness of spirit, and nothing escaped the darts of his spleen and severity. The new constitution, he said, was only a scheme of the great and artful to ensnare the common people, and gradually take away their liberties. As soon as the plannings of it had provided well for themselves and friends, we should hear no more about the public welfare. The only struggle then will be, who shall get the most, and perform the least. PLACIDUS had quite another way of thinking. He appeared satisfied that the framers of the Constitution had the liberties and happiness of the community at heart. Great and small are all embarked in the same bottom, and must stand or fall together. The principles on which the government is established are not unfavorable to the rights of man, and we shall continue to be blessed with able and virtuous rulers. He disapproved of the ill-nature discovered by his neighbour, and said it originated only in jealousy. But IGNATIUS was the most plausible, and his remarks gained most attention. I have observed him several times in the streets, and he generally has a crowd of people about him, whom he will poison with his envy and discontent, unless they are taught to be on their guard against his insinuations and complaints.
It would be a good rule for every individual, when he hears private or public men slandered or condemned, to enquire into the character of the persons who thus find fault. I took this method, and am now proof against the secret whispers, or open clamours of IGNATIUS. He is not a man of much property, and therefore has little to fear from public commotion. He does not possess considerable knowledge, and therefore can be no accurate judge of political propriety. He has no friends in important offices, and therefore is not without some envy and prejudice. I am told that IGNATIUS will not utter palpable falsehoods, and that in his private concerns, he observes some honesty and fairness. But he is constantly out of temper with public affairs, and endeavor to make his neighbours as restless and petulant as himself. He wishes to save some appearance of character, and this makes him the more dangerous. In short he is the perpetual marplot of men, who are trying to lead a quiet, contented life.
The tranquility of the public is liable to a thousand causes of interruption. It must be supposed that the rulers of the people participate of the same frailties and imperfections, as the people themselves possess. IGNATIUS avails himself of all little mistakes and inadvertencies, and represents them in glaring colors, while he artfully conceals all meritorious actions. Jealousy is so irritable a spring of the soul, that such men, keep the public mind in fluctuation and alarm. The friends of good order and virtue should watch and counteract all their attempts.
If people would use the same common sense in judging of public measures, as they do in their common concerns, these clamorous men would have no influence.
One must conclude that the virtuous feelings are mild and conciliating, and that bustle, and a captious disposition are no pledges of patriotism. Our government has commenced in prosperity, and there are no special circumstances which at present threaten to disturb it. But as our citizens are composed of the same ingredients as other people, it is well to anticipate the sources of disquietude and complaint, from which no portion of the human race can be long exempted.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER.
WEIGHTS.
THE grain is the basis of the weights used in Europe; and a pound weight is generally there used. Divisions of pounds and ounces into fourths, &c. are inconvenient fractions that accident seems to have produced, and habits have continued among the old nations; but which America is in the finest situation to avoid, and to give a preference to the more simple and harmonious divisions in tens.
The French have their pound of 16 ounces, or 2 marcs; the marc being equal to 8 ounces; the ounce 8 gros; the gros 3 penny weights; the penny weight 24 grains: with these are weighed gold, and other fine articles. Another pound weight they have for less valuable commodities: it is divided into half pounds; the half pound into quarters; the quarter into eights; the eighths into 2 ounces; and the ounce into half ounces.
The English have their grains, scruples, drams, ounces, pounds, quarters, quintals, and tuns. Their pounds is divided into 4ths, 8ths &c. as are their ounces. Tables of their weights follow:
"A table of the pound troy and its parts; by which gold, silver, jewels amber, bread, corn, liquors, &c. are weighed; and by which the proportion of gravity in philosophical experiments is usually tried; as of water to quick-silver, gold to silver," &c. according to English writers: yet, that avoirdupois (their large weight) is sometimes used in these cases, the tables of specific gravity in Robertson's mensuration, Ferguson's lectures, the late Dispensatories, &c. and corn, we know, is weighed by avoirdupois —not by troy weight.
  Grains.   24 | Pennyweight.   480 | 20 | Ounces.   5760 | 240 | 12 | Pounds. 
"A table of such parts of a pound troy , as apothecaries use; commonly called Apothecaries weight ."
  Grains.   20 | Scrupule.   60 | 3 | Dram.   480 | 24 | 8 | Ounce.   5760 | 288 | 96 | 12 | Pound. 
"A table of the pound called Avoirdupois , and its parts; by which are weighed drugs, butter, meat, grocery, metals, &c."
  Drams.   16 | oz.   256 | 16 | lb. { This lb. contains 7000 grains.   7168 | 448 | 28 | qr.   28672 | 1792 | 112 | 4 | cwt.   573440 | 35840 | 2240 | 80 | 20 | tun. 
These are the weights that have hitherto served us in America, complex as they are; and the tables of them are here given, that we may the better see how preferable are the weights now to be proposed. The denominations of troy , apothecaries and avoirdupois pounds, are dropt. One only weight, with its parts, is retained; which is the American pound. Excepting grains and half tuns, all run in tens. The grains begin the table, with 70 to the net weight, called a prime (or what you please.) The quantity of the grain is not to be altered from what it always was, and the mint pound is most conveniently to be continued the same as the old common pound of 7000 grains.
A Table of Weights, proposed, for the United States of America:
  70 Prime. The first that runs into tens.   700 10 Ounce.   7000 100 10 Pound.   70000 1000 100 10 Demif. ore.   700000 10000 1000 100 10 Cwt.   7000000 100000 10000 1000 100 10 | half tun. 
The grain, the prime, the ounce and the pound, will be used for gold and fine things. Coarse goods will require nothing below ounces. Work the sums in whole numbers; when dots will divide the quotient into pounds, ounces, &c. If you have the quantities already divided, write or read the sum without dots, for reducing them to suttle weight; thus:
2C. 2ds. 2lbs. 2oz. are 2222 oz. and 2222 oz. are 2C. 2ds. 2lbs. 2oz.
10 22 10
222 10 2222 Proof.
It is not meant but that the common fractions may be used at pleasure of individuals: but, the public standard will hold out more commodious fractions, which the people will soon prefer to the old fractions in common use.
   H. t. C. ds. lbs. oz.     Add 2 8 6 4   4 2 4 6  
7 1 1 0 9 What is the suttle ? Omit the dots: it is 71109 oz. or in lbs. 7110 lbs. 9 oz.
   ds. lbs. oz. ds. lbs.     Multiply 6 4 6 by 5   5 2 2  
1292 3230
33590 Which, being dotted off, makes 33C. 5ds. 9lb. 2oz.
Divide by 5ds. 2lb.) 33592 (646; that is 6ds. 4lbs. 6oz.
The whole operation in addition; multiplication and division, is exactly as if the sums were in whole numbers. If the dots confuse any one who is unacquainted with decimal operations, I advise that he write the figures down without dots, thus: 2h.t. 8C. 6ds. 4lbs. 6oz. are, without dots, 28646, that is so much suttle in the lowest denomination of the sum, which here is ounces: then say:
28646 oz. 42463 71109
This total is divided into several denominations wanted, by the application of dots; beginning with the unit: 71C. 1ds. 0lbs. 9oz. So in division 52)33592(646: all which, when dotted off, is thus, 5ds. 2lb.) 33C. 5ds. 9lb. 2oz. (6ds. 4lb. 6oz.
I hope to be excused for these minute observations, as they are designed to reconcile those who are not informed in such arithmetical operations. Any person who can read sums in figures, can change the higher weights into lower, or lower into higher, by the use of dots, applied or withdrawn: always dotting off from the right hand to the left.
The pound is the most convenient for an account column. Its parts in the same column, divided off by a dot, are ounces, thus: 48h.t. 6C. 4ds. 2lb. 6oz. are carried into the account column 48642lbs. 6oz. In my next I intend sending you a treatise on the bushel measure.
NEW-YORK, AUGUST 17.
The following is an account of the elevation of the Mercury, in a Thermometer accurately graduated according to Farenheit's scale, in this city.
ON the 7th inst. the Mercury stood at 80° at two o'clock, P. M.
  On the 8th ditto 80 ditto.   9th ditto 82 ditto.   10th ditto 84 ditto.   11th ditto 85 ditto.   12th ditto 85 ditto.   13th ditto 83 ditto.   14th ditto 88 ditto.   15th ditto 85 ditto.   16th ditto 84 ditto. 

THE BOW.
AN African Prince subdued in battle, capitulated for his bow and quiver—a bauble bought his life. A British merchant sent him to South-Carolina, where he was used as a slave. A placid countenance, and submissive manners, marked his resignation; and preserved him in all situations, the possession of his arms—the only companions he had left—the sole objects of his affections. His stateliness and strength recommended him to Colonel Mott, a humane master, in whose service he died, in steadfast faith of a certain resurrection in his native state.
The bow and quiver were preserved as relics of a faithful slave, in the Colonel's family, who gratefully remember the services, the fortitude, and the fidelity of the trusty, the gentle I AMBO.
In the campaign of 1781, the widow of Colonel Mott, (who died a patriot) was banished from her house, on the river Congaree, then fortified by a British garrison; the garrison was besieged by a small detachment from the American army, whose approaches were soon within bow-shot. The widow, who lived in a cottage in sight of the fort, was informed that the preservation of her house was the only impediment to its reduction—and she was informed of the expedients proposed.—Here, said she, (presenting the African bow and quiver) are the materials—I ambo never used these arrows and I fear they are poisoned; use them not, therefore, even against your enemies—but take the bow, any arrow will waste a match. Spare not the house, so you expel the foe. The blazing roof produced submission—the Britons dropped their arms—the Americans entered the house, and both joined to extinguish the flames.
The misfortunes of a Prince, and the heroism of a lady, are not uncommon—the novelty is the Bow—a stem of genuine bamboo—which, destined for the defence of Liberty in Africa, served the same cause in America, was preserved by an officer of the patriot army—presented to Mr. PEALE, and is now deposited in his MUSEUM.
LONDON, MAY 28. BY EXPRESS FROM PARIS.
This express contains an account of the debates of the meeting of the States-General. The result is, that the clergy are sagacious and moderate, that the commons are startled at the view of their own importance, and only want the experience of a people already free, to give them a dextrous command of their rights as subjects. All however, seem to agree in a position, once laid down by a celebrated writer of our own—a position which cannot too often be repeated, or written in letters too large or conspicuous, "THAT THE PEOPLE SHOULD BE FREE."
The nobility evidently proceeded step by step, with an ungracious distrust, in order to preserve those preferences which had been already given in their favour. Mobs have been formed in some places, and the townsmen have been obliged to protect their villages from fire; one of their officers speaks thus: "We arrived with a guard, and were received by 80,000 people in confusion of tears and applause, clapping their hands, and crying, 'God save the king and Monsieur Caraman'; this was indeed a triumphal entry; never was a people more affectionate and submissive. The General had left the army without, and only entered the city with his two aid-du-camps."
We will venture to add to the above, with that precaution which distinguishes our paper, that the dauphin of France is not yet dead, however strongly it may have been reported.
On the 13th instant the Sultan, attended by all the Grands, went on horseback to the mosque of Elub, where the ceremony of girding on the Imperial Cimitar was performed with the usual pomp, amidst a great concourse of people. In the procession from the seraglio through the city, a sum of money to the amount of fifteen thousand pounds in small silver pieces, loaded on ten mules, was thrown amongst the populace; and what has not always been the case on similar occasions, no one lost his life in the scramble. His highness returned by water down the harbour, and was saluted by all the ships as well Christians as Turks. The first entertainment given by the sultan was a tournament, as more consistent in time of war than music and dancing.
JUNE 7. SELIM the third, the present Grand Seignior, has had an education very different from that of his predecessors, for which he was indebted to his late uncle; he speaks French and Italian decently, and has read the best works in both languages; but he is more particularly acquainted with European tactics, which he was taught by a French officer of great ability. He has often been heard to declare that it was the duty of the Emperor of the Turks, to be at the head of his army, and from thence it is concluded, that he will not derogate from the Ottoman race.
JUNE 8. An unexpected change in the ministry has taken place; Lord Sydney has retired
from the office of secretary of state for the home department. He attended the council yesterday at Kew palace, where he resigned. His lordship is appointed one of the chief justices, in Eyre, the profits of which are reckoned at 3000 a year.
Mr. Grenville, the speaker of the house of commons, appointed to lord Sydney's place, yesterday acted in that capacity. Mr. Henry Addington, member for the Devizes is chosen speaker.
Mr. Richard Fold, of Birmingham, has very lately presented to the Society of Arts, an essay, in which he points out a method, demonstrated by a variety of successful experiments, that horses may be inoculated for the strangles, with the same certainty of success that the human species are for the small-pox.
We are sorry to inform our readers, that last night the beautiful edifice of the opera house was burnt to the ground. We happened to be present when the fire burst out, and must declare that we never saw any thing comparable to the rapidity with which it spread itself. It broke forth from the three domes of the roof, at one and the same instant, and in less than three minutes the whole building was an entire flame; there were neither water nor firemen to interrupt its progress, and in a quarter of an hour the whole was totally demolished.
The flames spread to the adjoining houses, seven of which were destroyed, and the fire reached to the entrance into Pall-mall, but did not go up the Haymarket.
Extract of a letter from Constantinople, dated April 20.
"All the propositions for peace, renewed under the present reign by the two courts of Bourbon, have been rejected, the Sultan having declared that he has taken an oath to re-conquer the Crimea, so that without the preliminary restitution of that peninsula all proposals are vain."
PARIS, JUNE 4.
His royal highness the dauphin died between twelve and one o'clock this morning, in the eighth year of his age, to the great grief of their most Christian majesties and the royal family.
The dauphin was in his eighth year; for four of which he has been almost constantly afflicted with diseases which baffled the art of the first physicians, and have now terminated in his dissolution. His royal highness's remains will be interred in the burying place of the Kings of France, in the church of Notre Dame in Paris. All the public places of amusement are shut up, and will remain so till after his burial. The Due de Normandie, the now only son of his Most Christian Majesty, is a fine child about five years old, and bids fair to become in due time the king of France.
The present heir apparent of the crown of France, and Maria Therese Charlotte, born December 19, 1778, are the only remaining children of their Most Christian Majesties.
NEWYORK.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 14, 1789.
Sketch of the Debate on Amendments to the Constitution. In COMMITTEE of the whole.—The first article of the report being read, Mr. GERRY rose and objected to the sentence, "Government being intended for the benefit of the people."
THIS, said he, holds up an idea, that all government is intended for the benefit of the people: This is not true—for if we examine, we shall find that not one government in fifty, is constituted upon this principle. Most of the governments, ancient or modern, owed their existence to either fraud, force or accident, and are designed for the purposes of oppression and personal ambition. I wish to have nothing to do with this body as a maxim, which is not true in fact. He moved to amend the clause by inserting the words "of right." This motion was negatived.
Mr. TUCKER observed, that the preamble is no part of the Constitution: The object is to amend the Constitution; The preamble is no more a part of it, than the letter of the President which is annexed to the Instrument—and I cannot see that the committee has anything to do with it.
Mr. SUMNER moved that the consideration of the preamble should be postponed till the whole amendments are gone through, and then we shall know what introduction may be proper.
Mr. SMITH, (S. C.) observed, that the amendments proposed to the preamble, had been recommended by three States, which renders it proper.
Mr. PAGE said, that in his opinion the original preamble will not be altered for the better, by this amendment, and therefore I hope it will remain as it is.
Mr. SHERMAN said he was satisfied with the original clause: If the Constitution was a grant from another power it would be proper; but as the right is a natural and unalienable right, and inherent in the people, it is quite unnecessary to give any reasons for forming the Constitution. It is the act of their own sovereign will. The words "WE THE PEOPLE" contain in themselves the principle fully, and the alteration proposed will injure the preamble.
Mr. MADISON observed, that the proposed amendment is a truth, and I conceive there is a propriety in inserting it; besides several of the States have thought proper to mention the preamble in their ratifications, which renders it proper to be attended to. I can see no difficulty in associating the amendment with the preamble, without injuring the beauty or sense of the paragraph: The principle it is acknowledged on all hands is self evident, and can derive no force from this expression, still for the reason before suggested it may be prudent to insert it.
The question on this amendment was carried in the affirmative. Second amendment: From art. 1, sec. II, par. 3, strike out all of, insert "after the first enumeration there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall amount to one hundred; after which, the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that the number of representatives shall never be less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred and twenty-five; but each state shall always have at least one representative."
one hundred and twenty-five; but each state shall always have at least one representative."
Mr. VINING: The duty which I owe to my constituents—my anxiety on the subject of amendments, and the justice, propriety, and policy of the measure, lead me to propose, after the words, "one hundred and twenty-five," to insert these words; "that where the number of inhabitants of any particular State, amounts to 45000, where they shall be entitled to two representatives." This was negatived without a division.
Mr. AMES moved, that the word "thirty" should be struck out, and forty inserted—so that the ratio of representation should be one for forty thousand. I am induced, said he, to make this motion, because I think the present number sufficiently large for the purpose of legislation—that number which is found adequate to the objects to be preferred: The people it is presumed are universally satisfied with the present number, which falls short of what would, on this proposition, actually constitute the house, upon an exact apportionment upon the present supposed number of inhabitants: Experience has taught, that all the information necessary, both of a general and local nature, may be found in a body not more numerous than the present legislature: The expense of a numerous representation would soon become dissatisfactory to the people, and be considered as an intolerable burden: The ratio of one to every 30000 will swell the representation to an enormous mass, whose support will be insufferable, and whose deliberations will be impracticable: The present population will on the first census produce upwards of 1000—the augmentation will be very rapid: It therefore appears proper to fix the proportion immediately, to prevent these evils. By enlarging the representation, we lessen the chance of selecting the most competent characters, and of concentrating the wisdom and abilities of the United States, which alone can support the importance and dignity of that branch in which the people are more peculiarly interested: The responsibility of any assembly, is in proportion to the number: In large representations the weight, the consequence, and responsibility of individuals is diminished. Numerous representations engender parties, are subject to peculiar fermentations, delay the public business, and by increasing the expense, lead the people to consider government rather a curse than a blessing. The parties may promote the public good, they often give rise to very alarming evils. Whether it is possible to constitute a popular assembly as to be aught or refrain to any considerable degree, a spirit of faction, is an important enquiry. This however is certain, that in proportion as the assembly is encreased, the opportunity for intrigue and cabal, to influence weak and unscrupulous characters, and to attach them to the views of ambitious men, is encreased. It may also be observed, that responsibility is in some proportion to the numbers represented. A representative of a large body of people will feel in a higher degree the weight of the charge he undertakes, and will thereby be more interested to support a virtuous fame, and redouble his exertions for the public good.
The people are not anxious to have a representation for every 30000: This was not the object originally in view by those who proposed this amendment; their intention was to fix a limitation, so that the representation should not be diminished by Congress in any future time, below the point of security—their object was certainly not augmentation, for in proportion as the people multiply, the representation will encrease, and their influence will be diminished; this will lessen the controul of the people over them; increasing the number therefore beyond certain limits will expose the government to factions, will lessen the agency of the understanding, and augment that of the passions. Improper characters will more easily get elected. The number of suitable persons is not great in any country, of those, many will be indisposed to serve. The United States has as great a proportion of competent abilities perhaps as any country whatever. If however the representative body is unduly enlarged, the probability of inferior candidates being elected will rise. It has been asserted that so large a territory as the United States cannot remain united under one government, even if the administration was entrusted to men of consummate abilities, and incorruptible virtue; but this idea will receive additional force, if the chance of different characters being called to the administration is encreased.
Mr. AMES added many other observations, and concluded by saying, that from the foregoing reflections upon the subject, he was led to make the motion; conceiving it to be consonant to the ideas of the people, and that it would conduce to the dignity and security of the government, and the preservation of the rights, and privileges of the people.
Mr. MADISON said, he thought differently from the gentleman last speaking: The design of the amendments is to conciliate the minds of the people to the government—prudence requires that the opinion of those States who have proposed this important amendment should be attended to. It is a fact that some States have proposed an encrease of the number—several have mentioned 20000—this renders it probable that they would not be satisfied with a less number. I do not think it necessary at this time to go into an accurate investigation of the advantages or disadvantages of a numerous representation; beyond a certain rule, the number might be inconvenient; that point is a matter of uncertainty. It is true that numerous bodies are liable to some abuses, but large assemblies are not so subject to corruption as smaller ones: If we fix the ratio at one for forty thousand, it will not prevent the abuses the gentleman apprehends, for before the second census shall be taken, it is probable that the population will be so encreased, as to make the representative body very large; there is, therefore, with respect to futurity, but little choice between one ratio, or the other. I think it will be best to retain the 30000, as attended with the least difficulty—it is the proportion contemplated by the States, and I hope therefore that this part of the report will be adopted.
Mr. SEDGWICK stated some particulars respecting instructions from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and said he hoped the article in the report of the committee would be adopted.
Mr. GERRY also replied to Mr. Ames: He controverted his calculations, and enforced the necessity of an ample and adequate representation. He observed, that the gentleman had said, "encreasing the number lessens the importance of the members;" but Sir, said Mr. Gerry, are we, in order to preserve our own dignity and importance, to sacrifice the liberties of the people? He asserted that small assemblies are more liable to fermentation than large; large representative assemblies will commonly be composed of a considerable proportion of the yeomanry of the country, who are found to be more dispassionate than persons elected from elevated walks of life.
Mr. LIVERMORE was opposed to the motion for 40000.
Mr. AMES rose to justify the motives which induced him to make the motion: He made a copious reply, and among other observations said, that he had no idea of attempting any alterations of the Constitution which would injure or weaken the system: The amendments it is to be expected will improve and make it better; this he conceived would be the case by the alteration he proposed.
Mr. JACKSON said, that what he had expected, had taken place. It is now proposed, by way of amendment to the Constitution, to restrict the number of the representative body to one for every 40000 inhabitants. In support of the argument, the gentleman says, that in a small assembly the abilities of the best men may be brought as it were to a focus: If this argument has any weight in it, why not trust one person? One representative to 30000 has been complained of—one to 40000 would certainly be less competent to doing justice to his constituents. The motion for striking out 30000, in order to insert 40000, was negatived.
Mr. SEDGWICK moved, that the words "one hundred and seventy-five" should be struck out, and two hundred inserted.
Mr. SHERMAN objected to this motion: He said that was the constitution now to be formed, he should be for one representative to every 40000 inhabitants, instead of 30000,—and upon that principle I was going to move, said he, that 175 be struck out, in order to insert a less number.

The representations of several of the states are too large, and have been justly complained of; the rights of the people are less secure in a large, than in a small assembly. The great object is information; and this may be acquired by a small number, and to better purpose than by a large.
It has been said that a future legislature will not encroach the number, should it be found necessary: If that supposition is true, the present house will not agree to this motion, unless we suppose that a future house will be less patriotic than the present: as to the largeness of the number being a security against corruption, I do not think it is; the British house of commons consists of upwards of 500 members, and yet money enough has always been found to corrupt a sufficient number for the minister's purpose.
Mr. MADISON observed that as the number 200 had been mentioned in the ratifications of several of the states and no substantial reason has been assigned why their expectation should not be complied with, it is reasonable to adopt this motion: Not, said he, that I would have the house give up their own judgement, when any substantial reason to the contrary is offered.
Mr. LAURANCE, Mr. GERRY, Mr. LIVERMORE, Mr. SEDGWICK, Mr. PAGE, Mr. TUCKER, and Mr. STONE, severally spoke upon this motion—which was finally carried in the affirmative—The paragraph as amended was agreed to by the committee.
The third amendment is "Art. 1, Sec. 2, Par. 3—Strike out all between the words "direct" and "until such," and instead thereof, insert but no law varying the compensation, shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have intervened. The members "
This clause was debated for a short time, and then the question being taken, it was carried.
Mr. LEONARD had leave of absence for one month.
SATURDAY, AUGUST 15, 1789.
In committee of the whole, on amendments to the constitution—the fourth amendment under consideration; viz. Art. 1. Sec. 9, between Par. 2 and 3 insert " no religion shall be established by law, nor shall the equal rights of conscience be infringed. "
Mr. SYLVESTER said he doubted the propriety of the mode of expression used in this paragraph; he thought it was liable to a construction different from what was intended by the committee. Mr. SHERMAN. It appears to me best that this article should be omitted entirely: Congress has no power to make any religious establishments, it is therefore unnecessary.
Mr. CARROL, Mr. HUNTINGTON, Mr. MADDISON, and Mr. LIVERMORE made some observations: The last proposed that the words should be struck out to substitute these words, " Congress shall make no laws touching religion or the rights of conscience. " The question on this motion was carried.
Fifth amendment. The freedom of speech, and of the press, and of the rights of the people peaceably to assemble and consult for their common good, and to apply to government for the redress of grievances shall not be infringed.
Mr. SEDGWICK moved to strike out the words "assemble and" This is a self-evident unalienable right of the people, said he, and it does appear to me below the dignity of this house, to insert such things in the constitution. The right will be as fully recognized if the words are struck out, as if they were retained: For if the people may converse, they must meet for the purpose. This motion was opposed by Mr. GERRY, Mr. PAGE, Mr. VINING and Mr. HARTLY; and the question being taken it was negatived.
Mr. TUCKER moved to insert these words, to instruct their representatives. This produced a long debate.
Mr. HARTLY. I could with Mr. chairman, that these words had not been proposed. Representatives ought to possess the confidence of their constituents; they ought to rely on their honour and integrity. The practice of instructing representatives may be attended with danger; we have seen it attended with bad consequences; it is commonly resorted to for party purposes, and when the petitions are up. It is a right, which even in England is considered a problematical. The right of instructing is liable to great abuses; it will generally be exercised in times of popular commotion; and these instructions will rather express the prejudices of party, than the dictates of reason and policy. I have known, Sir, so many evils arise from adopting the popular opinion of the moment, that I hope this government will be guarded against such an influence; and with the words may not be inserted.
Mr. PAGE was in favour of the motion. He said, that the right may well be doubted in a monarchy; but in a government instituted for the sole purpose of guarding the rights of the people, it appears to me to be proper.
Mr. CIYMER: I hope, Sir, the clause will not be adopted, for if it is, we must go further, and say, that the representatives are bound by the instructions, which is a most dangerous principle, and a destructive of all ideas of an independent and deliberative body.
Mr. SHERMAN said, these words had a tendency to mislead the people, by conveying an idea that they had a right to control the debates of the federal legislature. Instructions cannot be considered as a proper rule for a representative to form his conduct by; they cannot be adequate to the purpose for which he is delegated. He is to consult the good of the whole: Should instructions therefore coincide with his ideas of the common good, they would be unnecessary: If they were contrary, he would be bound by every principle of justice to disregard them.
Mr. JACKSON opposed the motion: He said this was a dangerous article, as its natural tendency is to divide the house into factions: He then adverted to the absurdities and inconsistencies which would be involved in adopting the measure.
Mr. GERRY supported the motion: He observed, that to suppose we cannot be instructed, is to suppose that we are perfect: The power of instruction is in my opinion essential to check administration which should be guilty of abuses: No one will deny that these may not happen: To deny the people this right is to arrogate to ourselves more wisdom than the whole body of the people possess. I contend, Sir, that our constituents have not only a right to instruct, but to bind this legislature—It has been contended by the friends to the constitution, that the people are foreign; if so it involves an absurdity to suppose that they cannot, not only instruct, but control the house: Debates may create factions, as well as instructions: We cannot be too well informed; this is the best method of obtaining information, and I hope we shall never shut our ears against that information which is to be derived from the voice of the people.
Mr. MADISON observed, that the existence of this right is at least doubtful—I with that the amendments may consist of an enumeration of simple and acknowledged principles: The insertion of propositions that are of a doubtful nature, will have a tendency to prejudice the whole system of amendments: The right now suggested is doubtful, and will be so considered by many of the states: In some respects the declaration of this right may be true, in others it is false: If we mean nothing more by it than this, that the people have a right to give advice or express their sentiments and wishes it is true; but still unnecessary, as such a right is already recognized: The press shall be free, and the people shall have the same freedom of speech and petitioning: but if it is meant that the representatives are to be bound by these instructions, the principle is false: Suppose a representative is instructed to do what is contrary to the public good? Would he be bound to sacrifice his own opinion? Of will not the vote of a representative contrary to his instruction be as binding on the people as a different one? If these things are true, where is the right of the constituent to instruct? or where is the advantage to result from it? It must either supersede all other obligations, the most sacred; or it can be of no benefit to the people. The gentleman says, the people are the sovereign; but who are the people? Is every small district the PEOPLE? And can the inhabitants of this district express the voice of the people, when they may not be a thousandth
part, and all their instructions may contradict the sense of the whole people besides? Have the people in detached assemblies a right to violate the constitution or controul the whole sovereign power? This would be setting up an hundred sovereignties in the place of one.
Mr. SMITH (S. C.) was opposed to the motion: The doctrine of instructions would, in practice, operate partially: The States near the seat of government will have an obvious advantage over those remote from it: There is no necessity for so large a representation as has been determined on, if the members are to be guided in all their deliberations by positive instructions; one member from a State will serve every purpose; but then the nature of the assembly will be changed from a legislative to a diplomatic body: It would in fact be turning all our representatives into ambassadors.
Mr. STONE observed that to adopt this motion would change the nature of the constitution; instead of being a representative government, it would be a singular kind of democracy; in which, whenever a question arises, what is the law? It will not be determined by recurring to the codes and institutions of Congress, but by collecting the various instructions from different parts of the Union.
Mr. GERRY observed that several of the States had proposed this amendment, which rendered it proper to be attended to: In answer to Mr. Madison's query he said, he meant that instructions should be consistent with the laws and the constitution.
Mr. LIVERMORE said that though no particular districts could instruct, yet the Legislatures of the States most undoubtedly possessed this right.
This assertion of Mr. LIVERMORE was controverted by several gentlemen—by Mr. SEDGWICK, Mr. SMITH, Mr. AMES, and Mr. WADSWORTH: The last, speaking on the subject of instructions in general, said, I never knew merely political instructions to be observed; and I never knew a representative brought to an account for it: But I have known representatives follow instructions, contrary to their private sentiments, and they have ever been despised for it. Others have disregarded their instructions, and have been re-elected, and caredless. Now if the people considered it as an inherent right in them to instruct their representatives, they would undoubtedly have punished the violation of such instructions; but this I believe has never been the case. I consider the measure as having a mischievous tendency.
The debate was continued much longer, but in a desultory way, as the speakers appeared to take it for granted, that they might touch upon collateral circumstances. The question on the motion being at length taken, it was negatived by a large majority; and then the committee agreed to the amendment in its original form.
The committee rose and the chairman reported progress. Mr. AMES introduced a motion that all questions on amendments should be determined in committee, by two thirds of the members. Laid on the table. Adjourned.
MONDAY, AUGUST 17.
In committee of the whole on the subject of amendments to the Constitution.
The 6th and 7th amendments were agreed to without alteration. In the 8th, on motion of Mr. LAURANCE, after the words "nor shall" these words were inserted, in any criminal cases . The 9th was adopted without alteration. In the 10th, on motion of Mr. BENSON, after the words "and all its" these words were inserted, against unreasonable searches and seizures . 11th, 12th, 13th and 14th, were agreed to in their original form. The committee then rose, and the house adjourned.
TUESDAY, AUGUST 18.
The committee appointed to bring in a bill to regulate the Post-Office, brought in a resolve, which, with the Preamble, was to the following effect, That as the shortness of the time previous to the adjournment would not admit of making the necessary arrangements, therefore Resolved, that the POST MASTER GENERAL be directed to continue the Post Office upon the system established by the late Congress, and that he be authorised to make the necessary contracts, &c.
Mr. GERRY introduced a motion upon the subject of amendments, to this purport, That such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as have been proposed by the different States, which are not in the report of the select committee, be referred to a committee of the whole house—and that those, with the amendments proposed by that committee, be included in one report. This motion was introduced by a lengthy speech upon the subject of amendments at large, and was seconded by Mr. SUMPTER—This brought on a warm debate, which continued till near one o'clock—when the question being called for from various parts of the house, the Ayes and Noes were required by Mr. GERRY. Upon which Mr. VINING called for the previous question, and the Ayes and Noes were then required upon that also—this occasioned a further debate—at length the Speaker directed the Clerk to call the Ayes and Noes on Shall the main question be put?
NOES.
Messrs Ames, Baldwin, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Fofler, Gilman, Goodhue, Hartley, Heister, Huntington, Lawrence, Lee, Madison, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Partridge, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Sneyd, Syluester, Sinnickson, Smith, (S. C.) Smith, (M.) Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, Wynkoop. 34.
AYES.
Messrs Burke, Coles, Floyd, Gerry, Griffin, Grout, Hathorn, Livermore, Page, Parker, Van Ranselaer, Sherman, Stone, Sturgis, Sumpter, Tucker. 16. Majority 18.
The House then went into a committee of the whole on the report of the select committee.
The five remaining amendments were agreed to by the committee, with some little variation. They then rose, and the chairman reported their proceedings, which, it was ordered should lie on the table for the consideration of the members.
A message was received by the senate by their secretary, informing the house that they had concurred with one amendment; in the bill to provide for the necessary expenses attending negotiations, and treating with the Indian tribes, &c.
The proposed amendment was, to strike out "Forty," and insert twenty, which would make the provision for the expenses twenty thousand instead of forty thousand dollars.
Mr. TUCKER presented a number of papers containing seventeen proposed amendments to the constitution; which were read and laid on the table.
The committee on the subject of the disputed election of the members from NEW-JERSEY, brought in a report containing a state of facts respecting said election, which was read, and then the house adjourned.
Some account of the Debates of 17th and 18th instant, shall appear in our next.
CHARLESTON, (S. C.) JULY II.
The commissioners appointed by the British government, to enquire into and ascertain the claims of the American loyalists, have finally determined, that no compensation shall be allowed for alleged losses on mortgages, bonds and book debts, because those debts are recoverable by the treaty of peace: so that if a loyalist was possessed of a real estate, which the commissioners allowed to be worth 2000l. mortgages, bonds, and debts, 5000l. but owed the subjects of the United States 3000l. in common justice there would be a balance in his favour 4000l. but the amount of what he owes being 1000l. more than
the value of his real estate, and nothing being allowed for his personal estate, in fact, in such an instance the loyalist will be left 1000l. worse than nothing.
BALTIMORE, AUGUST 11.
On Saturday the 1st inst. there happened at Carlisle "the most violent hurricane, tempest or thunder-storm" that was ever known in that borough, by which the Presbyterian church, and other public buildings, with the Rev. Mr. Davidson's new brick house, and several other private buildings, were unroofed, and otherwise much damaged.
PHILADELPHIA, AUG. 12.
Extract of a letter from Dr. Lettson, of London, to a friend of his in this city, dated March 6.
"I approve the zeal expressed in thy letter, for the promotion of universal liberty. When I came of age, I found my property consisted in slaves, to whom I gave freedom, and left myself penniless, this sacrifice I have never repented of. I did this act of enfranchisement from no advice whatever, but from the internal impulse of humanity, and a conviction on my mind, that the surest path to heaven was in doing to others as we would that others should do to us. I sincerely wish you and us success in softening the chains of slavery, and lessening the weight of the links, and by degrees we shall break them asunder.
The Trustees and Faculty of the College of Philadelphia have, by diploma, granted the degree of Doctor in Divinity, to the Rev. Robert Smith, Rector of St. Paul's and Principal of Charleston College, in South Carolina; the Rev. Edward Bais, Rector of St. Paul's, Newburyport, and Bishop elect of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the States of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire; and the Rev. Samuel Parker, Rector of Trinity Church, Boston.
PORTSMOUTH, AUGUST 8.
A letter from Bengal, has the following curious particulars:—"At Oude, near Fyzabad, in the province of Bengal, is a tomb of SETH, (Adam's third son) twelve feet long.
"SUJAH DOWLAH's father repaired the tomb and of JOB's adjoining it. Not more than a mile from those tombs, is a fragment of NOAH's Ark; perhaps by examining the wood, whether of Sak, or Teke, it might be ascertained whereabouts it was built, or discover a timber for ship-building, more durable than either of those."
NEW YORK, AUGUST 19.
Seventeen amendments, multiplied by fifty-nine (the number of members in a certain assembly) give a product of one thousand and three—If constitutions can be made perfect by amendments, what a blessed chance has the constitution of the United States!
The General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church met at Philadelphia, July 29th, and adjourned August 8th, to meet again at the same place, September 29.
We are informed that the greatest harmony pervades that respectable body: And that among other business, they have formally recognized Dr. SEABURY's consecration, which act they have communicated to him. It is expected he will meet the Convention in September.—That the churches to the eastward have wrote to each of our Bishops requesting them jointly to consecrate the Rev. Dr. Bais of Massachusetts Bishop, as soon as convenient. And that as the convention is not broke up, the Clergy from the Carolinas, &c. will remain at Philadelphia till the meeting in September.
Boston papers by last night's post say that—The Hon. Mr. LINCOLN, collector of Boston district has appointed JOHN RICE, Esq. deputy collector—Mr. WILLIAM SHATTUCK and PATRICK PHELON, Esq. weighers and gaugers—and Mr. JONAS CLARK MINOT, inspector for that district.
Mr. CALEB BLODGET, merchant of Boston; who was an officer in the late continental army, was unfortunately drowned in Boston harbor, last week—his death is most sincerely regretted as a loss to the community of an amiable and worthy character.
DEATHS.
On Sunday last died, Master GEORGE WASHINGTON KNOX, youngest son to the Hon. Gen. Knox, Secretary at War.
"Early, bright, transient as the morning dew, He sparkled, was exhal'd and went to Heaven."
Yesterday died Major JOHN LUCAS, an officer of distinction in the Georgia line of the late American army, and treasurer of the State Society of the Cincinnati of that state. His remains will, this afternoon be interred in St. Paul's Church-yard, attended by the State Society of the Cincinnati of New-York, and a detachment of Col. Bauman's artillery. He bore a tedious and lingering decay with all that fortitude which his character as a soldier was strongly marked with.
Citizens of Georgia, and friends of the deceased in New-York, are requested to attend his funeral at five o'clock this afternoon, from Mrs. Sebring's, No. 63, corner of Crown street, Broadway.
The members of the New-York State Society of the Cincinnati are particularly requested to attend the funeral of the late Major LUCAS of Georgia, this afternoon, precisely at 4 o'clock, at the City Tavern. Those members of other State Societies, now in this city, are also invited on the occasion. By Order of the President.
August 19th. JOHN STAGG, jun. Sec'ry
Saturday, Brig Patty, Malliby, St. Thomas's, 13 days. Schooner Hope, Clark, Cape-Francois, 11 days. Sunday, Sloop Ranger, Raibeck, St. Johns, 14 days. Schooner Nelly, Mc Neil, Barbadoes, 17 days. Sloop Elizabeth, Muffin, Turks-Island, 13 days. Monday, Sloop Two Friends, Smith, Alexandria, 4 days. Schooner N York Packet, Barnard, Boston, 8 days.

The Right CONSTITUTION of a COMMONWEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from No. 33.]
IT is agreed, that "if any be never so good a patriot," (whether his power be prolonged or not) "he will find it hard to keep himself from creeping in upon him, and prompting him to some extravagancies for his own private benefit." But it is asserted, that power will be prolonged in the hands of the same patriot, the same rich, able, powerful, and well-descended citizen, &c. as much as if he had a seat for life, or an hereditary seat in a senate, and, what is more destructive, his power and influence is constantly increasing, so that self is more certainly and rapidly growing upon him; whereas, in the other case, it is defined, limited, and never materially varies. If, in the first case, "he be shortly" to return to a condition common with the rest of his brethren," it is only for a moment, or a day, or a week, in order to be re-elected with fresh éclat, redoubled popularity, increased reputation, influence, and power. Self-interest, therefore, binds him to propagate a false report and opinion, that he "does nothing but what is just and equal," while in fact he is every day doing what is unjust and unequal; while he is applying all the offices of the state, great and small, the revenues of the public, and even the judicial power, to the augmentation of his own wealth and honors, and those of his friends, and to the punishment, depression and destruction of his enemies, with the acclamations and hosannas of the majority of the people.
"This, without controversy, must needs be the most noble, the most just, and the most excellent way of government in "free states," provided our author meant only a mixed state, in which the people have an essential share, and the command of the public purse, with the judgment of causes and accusations as jurors, while the power is tempered and controuled by the aristocratical part of the community in another house, and the executive in a distinct branch. But as it is plain his meaning was to jumble all these powers in one centre, a single assembly of representatives, it must be pronounced the most ignoble, unjust, and detestable form of government; worse than even a well-digested simple monarchy or aristocracy. The greatest excellency of it is, that it cannot last, but hastens rapidly to a revolution.
For a further illustration of this subject, let a supposition be made, that in the year 1656, when this book was printed, the system of it had been reduced to practice: A fair, full, and just representation of the people of England appears in the house of commons in Westminster-hall; my lord General Cromwell is returned for Westminster or London; Ireton, Lambert, &c. for other principal cities or counties; Monk, Sir Henry Vane, &c. for others; and even Hugh Peters for some borough;—all eyes profoundly bow to my lord general as the first member of the house; the other principal characters are but his primary planets, and the multitude but secondary; altogether making a great majority in the interest of his highness: If the majority is clear, and able to excite a strong current of popular rumours, ardor, and enthusiasm, in their favour, their power will increase with every annual election, until Cromwell governs the nation more absolutely than any simple monarch in Europe. If there are in the house any members so daring as to differ in opinion, they will lose their seats, and more submissive characters be returned in their places; but if the great men in the house should fall into pretty equal divisions, then would begin a warfare of envy, rancor, hatred, and abuse of each other, until they divided the nation into two parties, and both must take the field.—Suppose, for a further illustration, the monarchical and aristocratical branches in England suspended, and all authority lodged in the present house of commons;—suppose that, in addition to all the great national question of legislation, were added the promotion of all officers in the church, the law, the army, navy, excise, customs, and all questions of foreign alliance; let all the foreign ambassadors, as well as candidates for offices, solicit there:—The contemplation must be amusing! but there is not a member of the house could seriously wish it, after thinking a moment on the consequence. The objects are smaller, and the present temptations less, in our American houses; but the impropriety would be equally obvious, though perhaps not so instantaneously destructive.
Our author proceeds to prove his doctrine by examples out of the Roman history. "What more noble patriots were there "ever in the world than the Roman senators were, while they "were kept under by their kings, and felt the same burthens of "their fury, as did the rest of the people?"
If by the patriots are meant men who were brave and active in war to defend the commonwealth against its enemies, the Roman senators and patricians were, under the kings, as good patriots as the plebeians were, and no better. Whether they were ever kept under by their kings, or whether their kings were kept under by them, I submit to Livy and Dionysius. The whole line of their kings, Romulus, Numa, Tullus, Ancus, Lucius Tarquinius, Servius Tullius, were meritorious princes; yet the patricians and senators maintained a continual series of cabals against them, constantly conspiring to set up one, and pull down another. Romulus was put to death by the patricians; Tullus Hostilius was murdered by the patricians; Lucius Tarquinius was assassinated by the patricians; and Servius Tullius too was murdered by the patricians, to make way for Tarquin. Some of these excellent princes were destroyed for being too friendly to the people, and others for not being servile enough to the senate. If it is patriotism to persecute to death every prince who has an equitable desire of doing justice, and easing the burthens of the plebeians; to intrigue in continual factions to set up one king and butcher another; to consider friendship, and humanity, and equity, to the plebeians as treason against the state, and the highest crime that could be committed either by a king or patrician; then the Roman senators under the kings were noble patriots. But the utmost degrees of jealousy, envy, arrogance, ambition, rancor, rage, and cruelty, that ever constituted the aristocratical or oligarchical character in Sparta, Venice, Poland, or where ever unbalanced aristocracies have existed and been most enormous, existed in the Roman patricians under their kings.
What can our author mean by the senate and people's "feeling the burthens of the fury of their kings?" Surely he had read the Roman history! Did he mean to represent it? The whole line of Roman kings, until we come to Tarquin the Proud, were mild, moderate princes, and their greatest fault, in the eyes of the senators, was their endeavor now and then to protect the people against the tyranny of the senate. Their greatest fault, in the judgment of truth, was too much complaisance to the senate, by making the constitution more aristocratical: Witness the assemblies by centuries instituted by Servius Tullius.
But Nedham should have considered what would have been the fruits in Rome, from the time of Romulus, of annual elections of senators to be vested with supreme power, with all the authority of the king, senate, and people. All those persons whose names we now read as kings, and all those who are mentioned as senators, would have caballed with the people as well as one another. Their passions would have been extinguished; the same jealousy and envy, ambition and avarice, revenge and cruelty, would have been displayed in assemblies of the people: sometimes one junto would have been popular, sometimes another: one set of principles would have prevailed one year, and another the next; now one law, then another; at this time one rule of property, at that another; riots, tumults, and battles, would have been fought continually; the law would have been a perfect Proteus. But as this confusion could not last long, either a simple monarchy, or an aristocracy, must have arisen; these might not have lasted long, and all the revolutions described by Plato and Aristotle as growing out of one another, and that we see in the Greek, Roman, and Italian republics, did grow out of one another, must have taken place, until the people weary of change, would have settled under a single tyranny and standing army, unless they had been wise enough to establish a well-ordered government of three branches. It is easy to misrepresent and confound things in order to make
them answer a purpose, but it was not because the authority was permanent, or standing, or hereditary, that the behaviour of the senate was worse after the expulsion of the kings than it had been under them; for the dignity of patricians and the authority of senators, was equally standing, permanent, and hereditary, under the kings, from the institution of Romulus to the expulsion of Tarquin, as it was afterwards, from the expulsion of Tarquin to the institution of tribunes, and indeed to the subversion of the commonwealth. It was notit: permanency, but its omnipotence its being unlimited, unbalanced, uncontrouled, that occasioned the abuse; and this is precisely what we contended for, that power is always abused when unlimited and unbalanced, whether it be permanent or temporary, a distinction that makes little difference in effect. The temporary has often been the worst of the two, because it has often been sooner abused, and more grossly, in order to obtain its revival at the stated period. It is agreed that patricians nobles, senators, the aristocratical part of the community, call it by what name you please, are noble patriots when they are kept under; they are really then the best men and the best citizens: But there is no possibility of keeping them under but by giving them a master in a monarchy, and two masters in a free government. One of the masters I mean is the executive power in the first magistrate, and the other of the people in the house of representatives. Under these two masters they are, in general, the best men, citizens, magistrates, generals, or other officers; they are the guardians, ornaments, and glory of the community. (To be continued.)
MR. FENNO,
I wish the minds of the Americans to be unfettered, and must therefore request you and the printers in this country to publish the following extracts from the "Diversions of Purley," which is almost the only treatise on our language that unfolds its true principles.
"DR. LOWTH, when he undertook to write his Introduction, with the best intention in the world, most assuredly sinned against his better judgment: for he begins most judiciously thus—"Universal Grammar explains the principles "which are common to all languages. The "Grammar of any particular language, applies "those common principles to that particular language." And yet with this clear truth before his eyes, he boldly proceeds to give a particular grammar, without being himself possessed of one single principle of universal Grammar. Again he says, "the connective parts of sentences are the "most important of all"; after which he proceeds to his examples of the proper and improper use of these connectives—without having the most distant notion of the meaning of the words whose employment he undertakes to settle. The consequence was unavoidable, that having no reasonable rule to go by, and no opponent signification to direct him, he was compelled to trust his own fanciful taste, and the uncertain authority of others, and has consequently approved and condemned without truth or reason." page 284 note.
"Johnson's merit ought not to be denied to him; but his Dictionary is the most imperfect and faulty, and the least valuable of any of his productions; and that share of merit which it possessed, makes it by so much the more hurtful. It must be confessed that his Grammar and History and Dictionary of what he calls the English language, are, in all respects, except the bulk of the latter, most truly contemptible performances; and a reproach to the learning and industry of a nation, which could receive them with the slightest approbation.
Nearly one third of this Dictionary is as much the language of the Hottentots as of the English; and it would be no difficult matter, so to translate any one of the plainest and most popular numbers of the Spectator into the language of that Dictionary, that no mere Englishman, tho' well read in his own language, would be able to comprehend one sentence of it. page 267.
"Harris defines a word to be a "sound significant;" then he defines conjunctions to be "words, (that is, sounds significant) devoid of signification." Afterwards he allows that they have "a kind of signification." Mr. Harris goes farther, and says, they are a "kind of middle beings" (he must mean between signification and no signification) "sharing the attributes of both" (that is, of signification and no signification) "and conducing to link both together," (that is, signification and no signification.) "His definition of proposition is just as ridiculous. Yet this is a specimen of what Lowth calls the most perfect example of Analysis, that has been given since the days of Aristotle." page 165.
These charges, however severe, are doubleless just. Harris has published a volume called Hermes, in which he does little more than endeavor to prove that our Gothic forefathers 2000 years ago, were as great philosophers as Plato and Aristotle. The time will come when the philological treatises of these authors will be numbered with the monkish volumes of scholastic theology, and thrown among the rubbish of literature. But what then? If common sense should get the better of these absurd systems, new coxcombs and new pedants will start some others equally absurd and make proselytes to them. While we have pretended philosophers who can seriously attempt to prove that the earth was once covered with a crust, which was burst at the flood and tumbled into mountains—while they can calmly try to persuade us that the whole system of worlds which we see is surrounded with a shell of brass or copper—and while very learned men dare to believe that mankind once had tails, and went on all fours—I say while our prelates teem with such stuff as this, we are not to be surprised that grave doctors and right reverends should think savages capable of inventing words without meaning, and arranging them as eight distinct parts of speech.
SIXTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE UNION.
An ACT to establish an EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, to be denominated the DEPARTMENT OF WAR.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be an executive department, to be denominated the Department of War; and that there shall be a principal officer therein, to be called the Secretary for the department of war, who shall perform and execute such duties as shall from time to time be enjoined on, or entrusted to him by the President of the United States, agreeable to the Constitution, relative to military commissions, or to the land or naval forces, ships, or warlike stores of the United States, or to such other matters respecting military or naval affairs, as the President of the United States shall assign to the said department, or relative to the granting of lands to persons entitled thereto, for military services rendered to the United States, or relative to Indian affairs: AND FURTHERMORE, That the said principal officer shall conduct the business of the said department in such manner, as the President of the United States shall from time to time order or instruct.
And be it further enacted, That there shall be in the said department, an inferior officer, to be appointed by the said principal officer, to be employed therein as he shall deem proper and to be called the Chief Clerk in the department of war, and who, whenever the said principal officer shall be removed from office by the President of the United States, or in any other case of vacancy, shall during such vacancy, have the charge, and custody of all records, books, and papers, appertaining to the said department.
And be it further enacted, That the said principal officer, and every other person to be appointed or employed in the said department, shall, before he enters on the execution of this office or employment, take an oath or affirmation well and faithfully to execute the trust committed to him.
And be it further enacted, That the Secretary for the department of war, to be appointed in consequence of this act, shall forthwith after his appointment, be entitled to have the custody and charge of all records, books, and papers in the office of Secretary for the department of war, heretofore established by the United States in Congress assembled.
F. A. MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST 7, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
SEVENTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE UNION.
An ACT for the establishment and support of LIGHT-HOUSES, BEACONS, BUOYS, and PUBLIC PIERS.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all expences which shall accrue from and after the fifteenth day of August one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, in the necessary support, maintenance, and repairs of all light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers erected, placed, or sunk before the passing of this act, at the entrance of, or within any bay, inlet, harbour, or port of the United States, for rendering the navigation thereof easy and safe, shall be defrayed out of the Treasury of the United States: PROVIDED NEVERTHELESS, That none of the said expences shall continue to be so defrayed by the United States, after the expiration of one year from the day aforesaid, unless such light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, shall in the mean time be ceded to, and vested in the United States, by the State or States respectively in which the same may be, together with the lands and tenements thereunto belonging, and together with the jurisdiction of the same.
And be it further enacted, That a light-house shall be erected near the entrance of the Chesapeake-Bay, at such place, when ceded to the United States in manner aforesaid, as the President of the United States shall direct.
And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to provide by contracts which shall be approved by the President of the United States, for building a light-house near the entrance of Chesapeake-Bay, and for rebuilding when necessary, and keeping in good repair, the light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers in the several States, and for furnishing the same with all necessary supplies, and also to agree for the salaries, wages, or hire of the person or persons appointed by the President, for the superintendence and care of the same.
And be it further enacted, That all pilots in the bays, inlets, rivers, harbours, and ports of the United States, shall continue to be regulated in conformity with the existing laws of the States respectively wherein such pilots may be, or with such laws as the States may respectively hereafter enact for the purpose, until further legislative provision shall be made by Congress.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, AUGUST 7, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.