Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-07-07 00:00:00

Capt. John Ogden
513
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 25, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 7, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 129.]
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA.—No. XII.
Think We, like some weak Prince, th' eternal cause Pronc, for his favorites, to reverse his laws?
EMULATION, which is imitation and something more—a desire not only to equal or resemble, but to excel; is so natural a movement of the human heart, that wherever men are to be found, and in whatever manner associated or connected, we see its effects. They are not more affected by it, as individuals, than they are in communities. There are rivalries between every little society in the same city—between families and all the connections by consanguinity and affinity—between trades, faculties, and professions—between congregations, parishes and churches—between schools, colleges, and universities—between districts, villages, cities, provinces and nations.
National rivalries are more frequently the cause of wars than the ambition of ministers, or the pride of kings.—As long as there is patriotism, there will be national emulation, vanity and pride. It is national pride which commonly stimulates kings and ministers.—National fear, apprehension of danger, and the necessity of self defence, is added to such rivalries for wealth, consideration and power. The safety, independence, and existence of a nation, depends upon keeping up, an high sense of its own honor, dignity and power in the hearts of its individuals, and a lively jealousy of the growing power and aspiring ambition of a neighboring State.—This is well illustrated in the Political Geography, published in our newspapers from London, within a few weeks. “The jealousies and enmities, the alliances and friendships, or rather the combinations of different States and Princes, might almost be learned from a map, without attention to what has passed, or is now passing in the world. Next neighbors are political enemies: States, between which a common neighbor, and therefore common enemy intervenes, are good friends. In this respect Europe may be compared to a chess board, marked with the black, and with the white spots of political discord and concord.—Before the union between England and Scotland, a friendship and alliance subsisted for centuries, between the latter of these kingdoms and France, because they was both inimical to England. For a like reason, before a Prince of Bourbon, in the beginning of the present century, was raised to the Spanish throne, a good understanding subsisted for the most part, between England and Spain, and before the late alliance, there was peace and kindness, with little interruption, for the space of centuries, between England and the Emperor. An alliance has long subsisted between the French and the Turks, on account of the intervening dominion of the Austrians. The Swedes were long the friends of France, on account of the intervention of Holland and Denmark—and because Sweden the friend of France, was situated in the neighborhood of the Russian territories, a friendship and commercial intercourse was established, from the very first time that Muscovy appears on the political theatre of Europe, between England and Russia. It is superfluous to multiply instances of this kind. All past history and present observation will confirm the truth of our position—which, though very simple, is like all other simple truths, of very great importance—for, however, the accidental caprices and passions of individual Princes, or their ministers, may alter the relative dispositions and interests of nations for a time, there is a natural tendency to revert to the alteration already described. We have been led into these reflections by the treaty offensive and defensive, that has been formed between Sweden, Prussia, and the Sublime Porte—between Prussia and Holland—and the report which is very probable, that a treaty offensive and defensive is on the point of being concluded between Turkey and Poland. In this chain of alliances we find the order of the chess-board adhered to, in some instances, but passed over in others. It is observed there should be an alliance between Russia and Sweden—and also that there should be an alliance between Poland and Turkey, because Russia intervenes between Turkey and Sweden, and Hungary between Turkey and Poland—but that there should be an alliance between Poland and Prussia is owing to particular and accidental circumstances. The two former alliances may therefore be expected to be lasting—the latter to be only temporary and pre-
carious. In general the chain of alliance, that is formed or forming, among the Swedes, Prussians, Poles, Dutch, Turks, and we may say the English, is a most striking proof, of the real or supposed strength and influence of the two imperial courts of Russia and Germany.”
The writer of this paragraph might have added the alliance between England and Portugal, and that between the United States of America and France. The principle of all these examples is as natural as emulation, and as infallible as the sincerity of interest. On it, turns the whole system of human affairs. The Congress of 1776 were fully aware of it. With no small degree of vehemence, was it urged, as an argument for the declaration of Independence: With confidence and firmness was it foretold, that France could not avoid accepting the propositions that should be made to her; that the Court of Versailles could not answer it, to her own subjects, and that all Europe would pronounce her blind, lost, and undone, if she rejected so fair an opportunity of embarrassing herself, from the danger of so powerful and hostile a rival, whose naval superiority held all her foreign dominions, her maritime power, and commercial interest, at mercy.
But why all this of Emulation and Rivalry?—Because, as the whole history of the civil wars of France, given us by Davila, is no more, than a relation of rivalries, succeeding each other in a rapid series, the reflections we have made will assist us, both to understand that noble historian, and to form a right judgment of the state of affairs in France at the present moment. They will suggest also to Americans, especially to those who have been unfriendly, and may be now lukewarm to their national Constitution, some useful enquiries, such as these for examples. Whether there are not emulations, of a serious complexion among ourselves? between cities and universities? between North and South? The middle and the North? The middle and the South? between one State and another? between the governments of States and the National government? and between individual patriots and heroes in all these? What is the natural remedy against the inconveniencies and dangers of these rivalries? Whether a well-balanced Constitution—such as that of our Union purports to be, ought not to be cordially supported, till its defects, if it has any, can be corrected, by every good citizen as our only hope of peace, and our ark of safety?—But it shall be left to the contemplations of our State Physicians to discover the causes and the remedy of that “fever, whereof our power is sick.” One question only shall be respectfully insinuated: Whether equal laws, the result only of a balanced government, can ever be obtained and preserved without some signs or other of distinction and degree?
We are told that our friends, the National Assembly of France, have abolished all distinctions. But be not deceived my dear countrymen. Impossibilities cannot be performed. Have they levelled all fortunes, and equally divided all property? Have they made all men and women equally wise, elegant, and beautiful? Have they annihilated the names of Bourbon and Montmorency, Rochefaucalt and Noailles, la Fayette and la Moignon, Neckar and de Calonne, Mirabeau and Bailey? Have they committed to the flames all the records, annals, and histories of the nation? All the copies of Mezerai, Daniel, de Thou, Veilly, and a thousand others? Have they burned all their pictures, and broken all their statues? Have they blotted out of all memories, the names, places of abode, and illustrious actions of all their ancestors? Have they not still Princes of the first and second order, Nobles and Knights? Have they no record nor memory who are the men, who compose the present National Assembly?—Do they wish to have that distinction forgotten? Have the French officers who served in America melted their Eagles, and torn their ribbons?
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ADDRESS of the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY to the PEOPLE OF FRANCE.
FEBRUARY 11th, 1790.
(CONTINUED.)
SUCH, people of France, is the prospect of happiness and glory which is opened before you! Some steps yet remain to be taken, and it is here where the detractors of the revolution expect to surprize you. Be on your guard against
an impetuous vivacity; oppose all violence, for every disorder may be fatal to liberty. You cherish this liberty, you are in possession of it at this moment: shew yourselves worthy of preserving it; be faithful to the spirit, to the letter of the decrees of your representatives, accepted or sanctioned by the King; distinguish carefully between the duties that are abolished beyond redemption, and the redeemable duties yet existing. That the former be no longer exacted, but that the latter be not refused. Think on the three sacred words which guarantee these decrees: The Nation, the Law, the King. The Nation is yourselves, the Law is still yourselves, it is your will: The King is the guardian of the Law. Whatever falsehoods may be propagated, rely on this union. They have formerly deceived the King, they would now with to deceive you. The King's goodness is afflicted at it: he wishes to preserve his people from flatterers whom he has removed from his throne; he will defend the cradle of his son against them; for, in the midst of your representatives, he has declared that he will make the heir of the crown the guardian of the constitution.
Let them speak no longer to you about two parties. There is but one; we have all sworn it; it is that of liberty. Its victory is sure, attested by the conquests which daily multiply. Let obscure blasphemers circulate reproaches and calumnies against us; but, only reflect that if they praised us, France would be undone. On: take care not to revive their hopes by misconduct, by disorders, or by forgetting the laws. Observe, how they triumph at some delays in the collection of the duties. Do not prepare a cruel joy for them! Reflect that this debt—No! It is no longer a debt; it is a sacred tribute, and it is the country that now receives it for you and your children; who will no longer leave it at the mercy of depredators who would have drained the public treasury, but have it no longer in their power. They wished for calamities which the magnanimous bounty of the King has rendered impossible. People of France, second your King by a firm and immovable respect for the laws, defend his happiness, his virtues and his true glory; show him that he never had any other enemies than those who were enemies to liberty—show him that for liberty and for him, your constancy will equal your courage; that you will never be weary, and will be ever indefatigable in support of that liberty, of which he is the guardian. Your relaxation was the last hope of the enemies of the revolution; they have lost that hope: Pardon their groans; and deplore, without hating, this last weakness, this wretchedness of humanity. Let us find out, let us plead some excuses in their favor. Consider the numberless causes that might prolong, support, and almost perpetuate their illusion. What! is not some time requisite to obliterate from their memory, the phantoms of a long dream, the dreams of a long life? Who can triumph in an instant over the habits of the mind, the opinions inculcated in infancy, supported by the exterior forms of society, a long time favored by the public servitude, which was thought eternal, dear to a kind of pride which was imposed as a duty, in short, placed under the protection of personal interest, which was flattered in so many ways. To lose all at once these illusions, these hopes, these dearly cherished ideas, a part of their fortune; is it in the power of many men to be able to do it, without some regrets, without efforts, without resistance, at first natural, and which a false honor afterwards imposes. If among this class, heretofore so favored, some should be found, who cannot submit to so many losses all at once, be generous; recollect that in this very class there are men, who have dared to elevate themselves to the dignity of citizen, intrepid defenders of your rights, and in the bosom of their families, opposing to their tenderest sentiments, the noblest enthusiasm of liberty.
Lament, people of France, the blind victims of so many deplorable prejudices; but under the empire of laws, let the word vengeance be no more pronounced. Courage, perseverance, generosity, the virtues of liberty, we expect them from you in the name of this sacred liberty, the only conquest worthy of man, worthy of you, by the sacrifices you have made for it, by the virtues which are intermixed with the inconveniences inseparable from a great revolution: Do not delay, do not dishonor the fairest work, which

LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
AT THE SECOND SESSION:
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
AN ACT providing the Means of intercourse between the United States and foreign Nations.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States shall be, and he hereby is authorised to draw from the treasury of the United States, a sum not exceeding forty thousand dollars annually, to be paid out of the monies arising from the duties on imports and tonnage, for the support of such persons as he shall commission to serve the United States in foreign parts, and for the expence incident to the business in which they may be employed: Provided, That exclusive of an outfit, which shall in no case exceed the amount of one year's full salary to the minister plenipotentiary or chargé des affaires to whom the same may be allowed, the President shall not allow to any minister plenipotentiary a greater sum than at the rate of nine thousand dollars per annum, as a compensation for all his personal services and other expences; nor a greater sum for the same than four thousand five hundred dollars per annum to a chargé des affaires; nor a greater sum for the same, than one thousand three hundred and fifty dollars per annum to the Secretary of any minister plenipotentiary: And provided also, that the President shall account specifically for all such expenditures of the said money as in his judgment may be made public, and also for the amount of such expenditures as he may think it advisable not to specify, and cause a regular statement and account thereof to be laid before Congress annually, and also lodged in the proper office of the treasury department.
And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force for the space of two years, and from thence until the end of the next session of Congress thereafter, and no longer.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States,
and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JULY THE FIRST, 1790.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
(TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
AN ACT to satisfy the Claims of JOHN M'CORD against the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there be paid to John M'Cord, out of the duties arising on import and tonnage, the sum of eight hundred nine dollars seventy-one cents, being the amount of his account against the United States, as settled and admitted by the Auditor and Comptroller of the Treasury, on a bill of exchange dated the 20th of August in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, drawn in Canada for supplies by General William Thompson, General William Irvine, and other officers, in favor of William Pagan, on Messieurs Meredith and Clymer of Philadelphia—and the further sum of five hundred dollars, in full of all his claims and demands against the United States, as well for lands and rations granted by several resolutions of Congress, to Canadian sufferers, as on any other account whatsoever.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States,
and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JULY THE FIRST, 1790.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
(TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
An ACT for the relief of NATHANIEL TWINING.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the penalty, amounting to five hundred and sixty-seven dollars and forty one cents, incurred by Nathaniel Twining for a failure, in neglecting to transport the mail between Charleston and Savannah, from the month of September one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, until the first of January one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, pursuant to a contract made with the late Post-Master-General, shall be, and the same is hereby remitted.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States,
and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JULY THE FIRST, 1790.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
(TRUE COPY)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
THE TABLET.—No. CXXIX.
A post is an enthusiast in jest, and an enthusiast is a poet in good earnest."
ENTHUSIASM denotes a bold, independent mind. It not only dares to disown the restraints of laws and ceremonies; but disdains to listen to the voice of reason, or to observe the rules of prudence. There is no doubt, a natural propensity in the mind of every person to be more or less of an enthusiast. Those who discover the fewest traces of such a character may still have had as strong an original bias to it, as others in whom the impulses are more lively and glowing. The difference between them may partly exist in natural constitution, but it is more the effect of a different set of habits acquired in education, or by their not having had equal advantages in mingling with rational, enlightened society. There have been good as well as bad consequences resulting to mankind from the effusions of an enthusiastic temper. We commonly use it, rather as a
the annals of the world have transmitted to us. What have you to fear? Nothing, no, nothing but a fatal impatience; yet, a few moments—It is for liberty! You have given so many ages to despotism! Friends, Citizens, a generous patience, in the place of servile patience. In the name of the country—you have one now; in the name of your King—you have a King; he is your's: no longer the King of some thousands of men; but the King of Frenchmen—of every Frenchman. How must he now despise despotism! How must he hate it! King of a free people, how must he recollect the errors of those deceitful illusions maintained by his Court, who called themselves his people! Prejudices scattered round his cradle, comprehended designedly in the royal education, and which they have at all times endeavoured to instil into Kings, to make their errors, the patrimony of the Court. He is your's: how dear is he to us! Since his people have become his court, would you refuse him the tranquility and happiness he merits? Let him no more hereafter hear of those violent scenes, which have so much afflicted his heart; let him find, on the contrary, that order revives, that property is every where respected and defended; that you receive, that you place under the protection of the law, the innocent, the culpable—the culpable, there is none, unless the law pronounces them such. Let your virtuous monarch see some of those generous traits, those noble examples, which have already illustrated the cradle of French liberty. Astonish him by your virtues, give him the reward of his own, by hastening the moment of public tranquility and the sight of your happiness.
As for us, pursuing our laborious task, devoted, consecrated to the great work of the constitution, your work as well as our's, we will terminate it, assisted by all the wisdom of France, and overcoming every obstacle. Satisfied with our consciences, in the conviction and anticipation of your approaching happiness, we will place in your hands this sacred deposit of the constitution, under the guard of new virtues, whose seeds implanted within your breasts will spring up, will spring up, at the first dawn of liberty.
(Signed) BUREAUX DE PUSSY, President. Laborde de Merveille, Abby Espilly, Viscount de Noailles, Guillotin, Baron de Marguerites, Marquis de la Coste, Secretaries.
LONDON, April 1.
To console the declining hours of Gen. WASHINGTON, he can reflect with triumph, that he receives, at this moment, familiar honors to those paid to Timoleon, by the people of Syracuse, after he had rescued them from Dionysius:—His voice in the Assembly of the States, is always followed by an undivided Vote!
Extract of a Letter from the Curé of St. PAUL, concerning the Widow and Children of the Marquis de FAVRAS.
"On the 2d of March I passed the day with Madame de FAVRAS, a visit I was led to pay from a motive of pity, and a desire to offer such consolations to her as were in my power.—She sent for her son—"Behold," said she to him, "our Pastor, he who received the last sentiments of your father, he who received his last sighs;—beg of him to adopt you for his son, and by that act to soften the affliction of having lost the tenderest of fathers."—The child seconded the demand of the mother, and, by his innocent expressions, affected me extremely. On the heart of the distressed mother his behavior had a still stronger effect: her tears flowed in abundance, she took my hand, and said, "If the prayer of my son is not powerful enough to determine you, let the tears of the most unhappy of widows prevail—refuse me not, I am earnest in this request." In fine, I promised, and this adoption shall be to me a sacred duty;—it shall be one of the sweetest obligations of my life, if God grants me the power of becoming the comforter of the widow, and the tutor of the son of M. de FAVRAS."
APRIL, 15.
The method mentioned in the papers by which an impression of the key to the Iron chest at D'Aubigny's was obtained, is a known practice amongst the ill-disposed, and can with certainty be performed in one minute on the most intricate and secure locks that can possibly be constructed on the principle of fixed wards, and is an evil which art hath not yet found means to defeat, in locks fabricated on that system. It may therefore be acceptable to the public to acquaint them, that a pamphlet has lately passed through our hands entitled, "A Dissertation on the construction of Locks, by Joseph Braman, Engine maker, of Piccadilly," wherein is a description of a lock, which bids defiance to the practice above alluded to, and also every other effort that is in the power of human ingenuity to invent. The contrivance is simple, yet possesses all the properties essential to inviolable security.
A Laplander, has lately arrived in the metropolis, who proposes to furnish the Lords of the Admiralty with proper winds, upon any future occasion. This ingenious foreigner, it is said, has made several experiments, and has received so much praise from their Lordships, that he means shortly to obtain a Patent, after which he will exhibit his various winds to public inspection in the house where Dudley Broadstreet formerly went into a pint bottle.
PARIS, March 10.
General Paoli, on his way to Corsica, arrived here. He was received at once into the Constitutional Club; and on the eighth instant, was presented to the King.
term of reproach than applause, but strictly speaking it does not convey either. I call every man an enthusiast who entertains a belief in any point, either of religion, politics, business, literature or pleasure, stronger than the general sense of unprejudiced people will authorize. If the reader conceives this definition is too loose, I will thank him to qualify it to his own liking. Men may fix their attention upon some particular object, perhaps accidentally in the first instance, and by contemplating too intently upon it, their minds cherish an extravagant idea of its importance. They make the warmth of their feelings in its favor, a criterion by which to judge of its excellence. It lies uppermost in their thoughts, and becomes, in an high degree their darling hobby-horse. They control none of its motions and obey all its impulses. But we must not too soon or too severely pass our censure upon such a conduct. It will be found that many of the most useful institutions that exist in the world, and many of the most salutary reformations that have been accomplished, owe their origin solely to efforts, stimulated by the ardor of enthusiasm.
Customs and opinions that have been long established not only acquire common consent in their favor, but the whole dexterity of the reasoning faculty is employed in framing specious arguments for their support. Some warm headed man differs from the general sentiment and calls it error, while he feels a conviction that he is specially illuminated, and pretends that his feelings are the infallible test of truth. His belief is irresistible to himself, nor can it be broken by the remonstrances of reason, or the pungency of ridicule. If he cannot clearly explain his ideas, he is still presumptuously confident they are right. He may perhaps draw other people into some reflection on the matter, even while they call it a delusion. If however the point in question should prove nothing more than the suggestions of an overheated fancy, the fervor of the enthusiast will soon subside and his project sink into oblivion. But if he is pursuing a track which reason can finally justify, though it was not consulted at the origin, he may gain some worthy adherents and perhaps succeed in carrying his object into full effect.
Men of an ardent, restless spirit may fancy they have made some new discoveries of truth, in religion or natural philosophy. The first traces of such a belief may be too indefinite to be described, but they impel the mind into pursuits with irresistible force. The person under such vigorous impressions talks incoherently, and in a manner unintelligible to every one but himself but he cannot readily be diverted from the tendency of his impulse. When he goes into company he introduces his favorite topic, and wonders how people can listen to coldly to the superior light of his conversation. In short his mind is conjured up into an irrefragable belief that his project is practicable and important, and his feelings are so invigorated, that his language assumes the most extravagant licence of poetry. The poor man, however with all his zeal and exertions may turn out unfortunate. In the course of his pursuits he may accidentally strike out light which some cooler mind discerns, and takes the business up a new with honor and success. One projector after another may in this manner furnish the world with new and important discoveries. Science and morality may progress to an higher state of perfection; when there will be less occasion for the boldness of enthusiasm to set projects on foot, as there will be less ignorance and prejudice to oppose rational attempts at improvement.
CHARACTER of the KING of SWEDEN.
THIS Monarch is generally allowed to be one of the most amiable and popular Princes in Europe. He has a particular gift to gain the heart of every one. His conversation in public is full of wit, politeness, and a kind attention to make every one easy—in private, he speaks with the cordiality and simplicity of a friend—He grants favors with apparent satisfaction to himself—and knows how to refuse without giving uneasiness.
His clemency is founded on his great sensibility, which could never yet permit him to punish with death or infamy any one personally known to him. He has often wished that he might never unavoidably be forced to such an act of severity, because the remembrance would ever make him unhappy.—It may be said that he inherits his father's heart, with the genius of his mother. Had he been a private man, he would have made his fortune either in the line of politics or literature.
His knowledge in history and diplomatics is prodigious—his public speeches in the Diets, and upon other occasions, have an uncommon force and elegance, worthy of such a speaker—and several plays he has composed for the newly constituted National Stage, are of a richness in their composition, and purity in their morals, that bespeak the Prince and the Legislator. Notwithstanding all the pains he had taken to prevent being known as the author, it soon became no secret that they were from the pen of Majesty.

TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE. Published by STEPHEN LUZAC.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
CONTINUED.
PARIS ACCOUNTS OF THE 26th FEB. LAST.
THE two parties in the National Assembly take their seats on the right and left of the President: The periodical writers distinguish them by the names of black (noirs) and enraged (enragés). A memorial was presented to the Assembly on the 16th, by the Keeper of the Seals the Archbishop of Bordeaux, informing that body of the outrages committed at Beziers, with a request from the King, that the Assembly would take into consideration some effectual means to check the like disorders, and to restore public tranquility.
This memorial occasioned warm debates, the democratic party exclaiming against pursuing any rigorous measures, and excusing the excesses of the people, whilst the opposite party painted them in the blackest colors. The declared friends of liberty, opposed likewise to anarchy, enforced their opinions, that the Constitution could never be established in the midst of carnage and disorders, such were the sentiments of the Duke de Rochefoucault, Count Clermont Tonnerre, and particularly the Marquis de la Fayette, who always like himself, spoke on the 18th, not as the pretended friend of the people, but as a man of honor, and a true citizen. The discussions produced the following Arret on the 23d.
"The National Assembly, considering that the enemies to the public welfare have deceived the people, by distributing among them false decrees, by which means they have looked on themselves authorized to commit violence against property and persons, have decreed, and do decree.
"1st. That no person whatever, under penalty of being punished as a disturber of public tranquility, shall take advantage of former acts, pretended to have been issued by the King or the National Assembly, unless they are invested with the forms prescribed by the Constitution, and unless they are published by the officers appointed for that purpose.
"2d. That the King be requested to give orders, to forward immediately to all the municipalities of the kingdom, his Majesty's speech of the 4th inst. the Address of the National Assembly to the people of France, and all the decrees as they shall be accepted or sanctioned, with orders to the municipal officers to have them proclaimed and fixed up without any expence, and to the Curates and Vicars to read them in the churches.
"3d. The municipal officers shall employ every means, which public confidence puts in their power, for the effectual protection of persons and property, public or individual, and to prevent and remove the obstacles, which may be opposed to the collection of duties; and if the security of persons or property, or the collection of Impôts shall be endangered by seditious mobs, they shall publish martial law.
"4th. Every municipality shall lend mutual assistance to each other, on requisition for that purpose. If they refuse, they shall be responsible for the consequences.
"5th. In case of any damages arising from a mob, the community shall be answerable, if it has been requested, and could have prevented them, but recourse shall be had against the authors of the mob; and the responsibility shall be judged by the tribunals of the places at the requisition of the Directors of the district, or the syndic Attorney.
Extract of a letter from Copenhagen, of 20th Feb.
Baron Sprengporten, his Swedish Majesty's Ambassador, had a particular audience with the Prince Royal on Sunday the 18th inst. in which it is said that this Minister declared, by order of the King his master, that his Swedish Majesty had thought proper to refuse the propositions of peace made by Russia, and had decided to employ all his forces to push the war with vigor, from the pacific principles of our Court it may readily be conceived, how disagreeable the continuation of the war is to it. Obligations of treaty, and gratitude, connect it with the Court of Petersburg, and it will be very painful to see that power and the Imperial Court, its ally, exposed to the combined attacks of a league, disproportioned to the balance of the powers of Europe: We know not where to attribute the assertion, circulated in the public papers, that a body of Prussian troops is about being assembled under the orders of Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick, in order to hold Denmark in respect on the fide of Holstein. Nothing as yet announces more than ordinary measures of precaution on the part of our Court. They are busy in establishing a Commissariate of War in Holstein, as also taking into the service the persons necessary for procuring provisions and forage, and the places of Ensigns, in all the regiments sent to the dutchy are filled. Field Marshal Prince Charles of Hesse, and the Prince his son will set out the day after to-morrow on a tour to Sleswidge, from whence they will return in six or eight weeks.
ST. JOHN's, (Antigua) June 7.
Yesterday in the forenoon, an American East-India Brig called the Cader, and commanded by Capt. Vans, belonging to Boston, passed this Island in distress; this vessel attempted to make this port, but from her shattered situation could not effect it, and was under the necessity of shaping her course for the Island of St. Eustatius. By Mr. Davis, (a Gentleman who came passenger in the above vessel, and who has been for some time in the East-Indies), we have been favoured with the following unpleasant intelligence. That His Majesty's Frigate the Guardian, Capt. Riou, bound to New Holland, had struck upon an island of Ice, not far from the Cape of Good Hope, at a time she had all her sails set and was going at the rate of twelve knots an hour; that it was in consequence deemed necessary to put all her sails immediately aback; which measure, unfortunately however, gave the ship so much stern way, that before any thing else could be done, she again struck upon another mass of Ice, by which she was so much shattered, particularly about her stern, and made so much water that the greater part of the crew thought it necessary, for the preservation of their lives, to abandon the ship: the Captain notwithstanding and a few of the Officers and Men, by the most unremitting labor at the pumps, and their cool and excellent conduct, got the Ship into the Cape; where it is supposed she will be broken up.
One of the boats and people were taken up by a French Frigate, and carried into St. Helena; the other boat, to which the remainder of the crew that had left the Ship, had betaken themselves, got safe to the Cape.
The Cader sailed from Madras in August last, bound to Boston, on her passage she touched at Sumatra, where she remained some months; and afterwards called in at the Cape, where she lay about fifty days; from whence she encountered very severe weather, which occasioned her springing a leak, and it was with the utmost difficulty she could be kept above water.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
 Sloop Dolphin, Ticks. Philadelphia, 10 days.  —Fanny, Tillinghurst, ditto 5  —Friendship, Bowyne, Norfolk, 6  —dittto Hay, Baltimore, 6  —Aurora, Cahoon, Rhode-Island, 3  —Dilpatch, Peterfon, ditto ditto  —Nancy, Maddock, Baltimore 
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY, JUNE 1.
IN Committee of the whole on the bill providing for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individuals States.
The first clause proposed that the Secretary and Comptroller of the treasury should be associated with the three Commissioners, already appointed—This was objected to by Mr. Gerry, he observed that if the appointment of the additional Commissioners was vested in the supreme executive, agreeable to the Constitution, there can be no doubt that the appointments would be made from such different parts of the Union, as would give universal satisfaction. Upon the plan of the bill two of the Commissioners will be from South-Carolina, Mr. Kean and the Comptroller, an extreme part of the Union. This he presumed would not give satisfaction; besides, he said it was invading the prerogative of the President. He moved therefore that the words Secretary and Comptroller of the Treasury should be struck out—and the words "two commissioners" inserted.
Mr. Sedgwick rose to enquire why there should be an addition to the commissioners? He observed that encreasing the men who are appointed to transact any business, is generally found to protract the completion of such business; he had very little hope that the accounts, in the way they are now in, would ever be satisfactorily settled—he moved to strike out the whole clause.
Mr. Williamson made some observations in support of the clause.
Mr. Fitzsimons, one of the committee stated the reasons which induced them to make the association. He observed that the objections which had been now made occurred to the Committee. With respect to the objection from the Comptroller's being from South-Carolina, that was obviated by its being known that the accounts of that State were fully and very accurately made out by the late commissioner from that State, and therefore no undue influence was to be apprehended on that account: That from the Comptroller's appointment as an officer of the United States, and not of any particular State, and his being connected with the Treasury Department, there appeared to be a propriety in associating him with the Commissioners. An increase in the number of the Commissioners had been found on experience to be absolutely necessary, for a variety of reasons which he stated.
Mr. Sherman expressed his approbation of the clause in the bill. He thought the addition proposed would be a measure of utility, that it was proper in itself, and with respect to the Comptroller, he was so much acquainted with him, that he had the fullest confidence in his abilities and integrity. The proposition is eligible in another view, as it will be deriving great advantage from the abilities of the gentleman without any additional expence.
Mr. Lawrance opposed the clause on similar principles with those offered by Mr. Gerry; and with respect to encreasing the weight of public business in the hands of these officers, without an allowance for it, he could not see either the justice or propriety of it.
Mr. Vining read a clause, which he proposed to offer as a substitute for that in the bill; the object of which was to bring this business into the Treasury Department, under the superintendence of the Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of State.
This idea received the approbation of Mr. Madison. He stated the different principles, from those which under the Confederation directed the public establishments, which ought to influence the government under the present Constitution.
Mr. Gerry objected to the proposed substitute. He considered it as a very extraordinary innovation. He argued against it principally on the ground of its unconstitutionality, as interfering with the right of the President and Senate in making the appointments. He replied to the answer which had been given to his objection, from there being more than one Commissioner from a particular State; he observed the answer proved too much—he had as high an opinion of the honor and abilities of the gentleman alluded to, as any member of the committee, and he had no doubt that competent characters to form the whole board might be selected from many particular parts of the United States; but would any gentleman say he think such a measure politic or eligible? The appointments made by the President of the United States were upon a different principle; he controverted the idea of vesting such extensive powers as the substitute offered by Mr. Vining proposed, and with respect to appointments he observed that of all the branches of the legislature, the House was perhaps the least qualified to make them.
Mr. Vining supported his proposition—he observed that his motion was not a greater innovation than that proposed by the bill; he stated the incompetency of the present system, he thought the house had been too much influenced by the resolutions and regulations of the old Congress; he wished that principles and not precedents should influence the decisions of Congress in future—with respect to the present commissioners he had as high an opinion of the abilities of the gentlemen as any man, and he doubted not that they would be re-appointed; he expatiated on the necessity of a new arrangement in this business, and enforced the propriety of appointing characters eminent in the public estimation, whose decisions would be the result of a comprehensive competent view of the subject.
Mr. Gerry's idea was finally adopted by the House, and the appointments of the additional commissioners devolved on the President of the United States.
MONDAY, JULY 5.
Mr. Lawrance introduced a representation and petition from sundry persons confined for debt in the goal of the county and city of New-York, on the subject of a general bankrupt law—read and laid on the table.
The petition of John Steward and John Davis, merchants in Annapolis, praying that the duty on a quantity of salt imported by them, which was destroyed before landing, might be remitted. Read and committed.
This being the day on which the anniversary of Independence was to be celebrated, an early adjournment took place.
TUESDAY, JULY 6.
A message was received from the President of the United States, informing, that he has given his assent to two Acts, which originated in the house, viz. An ACT for giving effect to an Act, providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States in respect to the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations; and an Act authorizing the purchase of a tract of land therein mentioned.
In committee of the whole, on the bill for determining the temporary and permanent seat of government—
Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
The bill being read Mr. Sherman moved that the following words should be struck out of the first clause, viz. "On the river Potowmac at some place between the mouths of the Eastern Branch and
Conogocheque,"—and moved to insert a clause which should include the town of Baltimore, in lieu thereof.—This motion brought on a debate, which lasted till after 3 o'clock.
Mr. Smith, of Maryland, and Mr. Carroll, moved in the course of the debate, that the petitions from Baltimore and Georgetown, should be read.
The debate was lengthy and animated—neither our time or limits will admit of giving a sketch this day.
The committee rose without coming to a decision—and the House adjourned.
NEW-YORK, JULY 7, 1790.
APPOINTMENTS.—By Authority.
The PRESIDENT of the United States has been pleased to nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate to appoint,
Henry Marchant, Judge.—William Channing, Attorney, and William Peck, Marshall of the Judicial Court of the United States, for the District of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
Ebenezer Thompson, Naval-Officer for the port of Providence, in the place of Theodore Foster, who is appointed Senator of the United States.
Job Comstock Surveyor for the port of East-Greenwich. Nathaniel Phillips, Surveyor for the ports of Warren and Barrington.
Samuel Bozworth, Surveyor for the Port of Bristol. George Stillman, Surveyor for the Port of Pawtucket-River. John Anthony Aborn, Surveyor for the Port of Patuxet,
The anniversary of Independence was celebrated by the citizens of New York on Monday last with the usual demonstrations of joy and festivity.
ST. TAMMANY.
This respectable Society assembled early in the day—and after a short address from the grand Sachem, the declaration of Independence was read—thus reverting to first principles, the causes of this glorious anniversary are recognized, and the fire of freedom catches from fire to fire.
THE MILITARY.
At 10 o'clock the Legion of Gen. Malcom's Brigade commanded by Col. Rutgers were reviewed in presence of many strangers of distinction, and of their fellow citizens—their evolutions and firings did them great honor.
Col. Bauman's Regiment of Artillery appeared in their usual veteran stile. At one o'clock they fired a federal salute and a feu-de-joie on the Battery. After which they escorted the Society of
THE CINCINNATI
to St. Pauls—where an elegant oration was delivered by BROCKHOLST LIVINGSTON, Esq. to a very numerous audience.—The PRESIDENT and VICE-PRESIDENT of the United States Members of both Houses of Congress—a brilliant assembly of Ladies and of the most respectable citizens.—The Cincinnati dined at Bardin's. After dinner the following toasts were given.
 1. The President General of the Society of the Cincinnati.  2. The Vice-President of the United States.  3. The Senate of the United States.  4. The Speaker of the House of Representatives.  5. Lewis the XVI. and the friendly powers of Europe.  6. May wisdom and integrity, in council and firmness in the field, be ever the characteristic of Americans.  7. The memory of our Brethren, who fell in defending the liberties of their country.  8. The non-commissioned officers and privates of the late army.  9. The 17th of October, 77.  10. The 19th of October, 81.  11. Perpetuity to the principles which effected the late happy revolution.  12. The pleasing recollection, that when in the field we remembered we were citizens, and may similar principles influence the conduct of every American soldier.  13. The day which gave birth to the American Empire, and may the wisdom of our National Councils cause it ever to be remembered with pleasure. 
The Grand Sachem and Father of the Council of the St. Tammany's Society were honored with an invitation to dinner by the Members of the Cincinnati, and the evening was spent with that mutual good humour and joy, which it is hoped, will ever be the concomitants of a day so remarkable in the annals of America.
The following gentlemen were yesterday elected officers of the Society of Cincinnati, for the year ensuing, viz.
Maj. Gen. Baron Steuben, President. Col. Hamilton, Vice President. Col. Platt, Treasurer. Capt. Dunscombe, Assistant do. Major Stagg, Secretary.
Delegates to Convention,
Col. W. S. Smith, Col. A. Giles, Capt. Watson, Capt. Dunscombe.
Standing Committee,
Col. Smith, Col. Bauman, Col. Christie, Col. M. Hughes, Capt. Fowler, Capt. Morris, Capt. Bleeker, Capt. Bard, Capt. Anspach.
THE Creditors of Col. ELISHA SHELTON, of Salisbury, are hereby notified, That the Subscribers being appointed Trustees of said SHELTON's estate, will attend to the business of their appointment on the first Monday of August next, at the house of JACOBUS DAVIS, in said Salisbury, agreeable to the Act of Assembly.—The interest of the creditors requires their general attendance.
HEZEKIAH FITCH, } Trustees. JOHN BIRD, }
Salisbury, (Connecticut), June 28, 1789.

THE NEW CONSTITUTION of the STATE of SOUTH-CAROLINA.
(CONTINUATION.)
ARTICLE II.
Sec. 3. A Lieutenant governor shall be chosen at the same time in the same manner, continue in office for the same period, and be possessed of the same qualifications as the governor.
Sec. 4. A member of the senate, or house of representatives being chosen and acting as governor or lieutenant governor shall vacate his seat, and another person shall be elected in his stead.
Sec. 5. In case of the impeachment of the governor, or his removal from office, death, resignation, or absence from the State, the lieutenant governor shall succeed to his office. And in case of the impeachment of the lieutenant governor, or his removal from office, death, resignation, or absence from the State, the president of the senate shall succeed to his office, till a nomination to those offices respectively shall be made by the senate, and house of representatives for the remainder of the time for which the officer so impeached, removed from office, dying, resigning, or being absent, was elected.
Sec. 6. The governor shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of this State, and of the militia, except when they shall be called into the actual service of the United States.
Sec. 7. He shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons, after conviction (except in cases of impeachment) in such manner, on such terms, and under such restrictions as he shall think proper, and he shall have power to remit fines, and forfeitures, unless otherwise directed by law.
Sec. 8. He shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed in mercy.
Sec. 9. He shall have power to prohibit the exportation of provision for any time not exceeding thirty days.
Sec. 10. He shall at stated times receive for his services a compensation which shall be neither increased or diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected.
Sec. 11. All officers in the executive department, when required by the governor shall give him information in writing upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices.
Sec. 12. The governor shall from time to time give to the general assembly information of the condition of the State, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary or expedient.
Sec. 13. He may, on extraordinary occasions, convene the general assembly, and in case of disagreement between the two houses, with respect to the time of adjournment, adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper, not beyond the fourth Monday in the month of November, then ensuing.
ARTICLE III.
Sec. 1. The judicial power shall be vested in such superior and inferior courts of law and equity as the legislature shall from time to time direct and establish.
The judges of each shall hold their commissions during good behavior, and the judges of the superior courts shall at stated times receive a compensation for their services, which shall neither be increased or diminished during their continuance in office, but they shall receive no fees or perquisites of office, nor hold any other office of profit or trust under this State, the United States, or any other power.
Sec. 2. The style of all process shall be the State of South-Carolina. All prosecutions shall be carried on in the name, and by the authority of the State of South-Carolina, and conclude—against the peace and dignity of the same.
ARTICLE IV.
All persons who shall be chosen or appointed to any office of profit or trust before entering on the execution thereof shall take the following oath, "I do swear, or affirm, that I am duly qualified according to the constitution of this State, to exercise the office to which I have been appointed, and will to the best of my abilities discharge the duties thereof, and preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of this State, and of the United States."
ARTICLE V.
Sec. 1. The house of representatives shall have the sole power of impeaching, but no impeachment shall be made unless with the concurrence of two thirds of the house of representatives.
Sec. 2. All impeachments shall be tried by the senate. When sitting for that purpose, the senators shall be on oath, or affirmation, and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present.
Sec. 3. The governor, lieutenant governor, and all the civil officers shall be liable to impeachment for any misdemeanor in office; but judgment in such cases shall not extend further than to the removal from office, and disqualification to hold any office of honor, trust, or profit, under this State. The party convicted shall nevertheless be liable to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment according to law.
ARTICLE VI.
Sec. 1. The judges of the superior courts, commissioners of the treasury, secretary of the State, and surveyor general shall be elected by the joint ballot of both houses, in the house of representatives. The commissioners of the treasury, secretary of the State, and surveyor general shall hold their offices for four years; but shall not be eligible again for four years after the expiration of the time for which they shall have been elected.
Sec. 2. All other officers shall be appointed as they hitherto have been until otherwise directed by law, but sheriffs shall hold their offices for four years, and not be again eligible for four years after the term for which they shall have been elected.
Sec. 3. All commissions shall be in the name, and by the authority of the State of South-Carolina, and be sealed with the seal of the State, and be signed by the governor.
ARTICLE VII.
All laws of force in this State at the passing of this constitution shall so continue, until altered or repealed by the legislature, except where they are temporary, in which case they shall expire at the times respectively limited for their duration if not continued by act of the legislature. (To be continued.)
LONDON.
Extract of a letter from Vienna, April 3.
The preparation for the inauguration which takes place on Tuesday next, are all finished. The ceremonial will be the same as was observed on the coronation of Maria Theresa. A great number of strangers of rank are here already to be witnesses of this grand gala; during the three days that the festivity will last, the King alone is to appear in a mourning habit. The people with what the Italians call a Cocagna , which is a temporary building in the form of a castle, hung round with all kinds of provisions, which at the end of the show, the people are permitted to storm; This will be erected in the Place de Garden. The fountain which is to furnish the wine is already raised. On the top of the whole building is the cypher of Leopold, with the words Opes regum corda subditorum . This inscription is not read without emotion, as in reality his Majesty has shown, in his government of Tuscany, that the sentiment is written in his heart. The medals struck on this occasion to be thrown, among the multitude, have a similar legend, Amor populi gloria regis .
LITCHFIELD, June 7.
CATHOLICISM.
Tuesday evening last arrived in town, from his seat at New-London, SAMUEL, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Connecticut —and on Wednesday he performed divine service in the Presbyterian meeting house—(which the society's committee very liberally tendered him for that purpose)—The auditory was numerous and respectable, and conducted with that pleasing demeanor which ought to characterize all professors of Christianity, and lovers of concord. Sixteen Episcopal clergy were present, the senior of whom presented Mr. Trueman Marsh , of this town, for Ordination—who was admitted into the holy order of Priesthood by the Bishop. The solemnity and deportment of the young candidate, commanded attention.—The Bishop's discourse discovered extensive erudition and native genius—and was delivered with that energy which could not fail to engage and influence his hearers—all seeming to unite in commending the ingenuity and gift of the preacher.—It was not noisy eloquence without sentiment; but solid reasoning drawn from sources of the Holy Scriptures—and pronounced, as became a workman not to be ashamed—with great ease and perspicuity.
NEW YORK, July 3.
It is with sincere pleasure we inform the public, that Major Doughty, who was reported to have been killed by the Indians, on the river Tenassee, safely arrived at Fort-Harmar, on the Ohio, the 15th of last month. This valuable officer was charged with important public business to the Chickasaw and Choctaw nations of Indians. While ascending the Tenassee, on the 21st of March last, he met a party of 40 Indians, in three canoes, having a white flag hoisted. This party were a banditti of Cherokees and Shawonees, with three Creeks.
The Major was in a barge with ensign Sedam, and fifteen non-commissioned officers and privates. The Indians appeared very friendly, and their Chief, and several others, even came on board of the barge. They received, with the greatest apparent thankfulness, presents of corn and tobacco. They endeavoured by every means in their power, to persuade the Major to land, and pass the night with them, promising to hunt turkies and buffaloes for him; but he being suspicious of their design, evaded their entreaties. After having thus passed upwards of an hour, they shook the Major by the hand, and left him: But the men had scarcely took to their oars, before they received from the Indians a severe fire, which was instantly returned, and the boat put about. The barge then floating down the stream, an incessant fire ensued for four hours. During this time the Indians manifested an intention of boarding the barge; but the cool and well directed fire of the Major's party prevented the design. The Major lost five of his party killed, and six wounded, one of whom died afterwards.
Having his force thus reduced, he was unable to return up the Tenassee, against the stream: He therefore descended that river, and the Ohio, into the Mississippi, and arrived, on the 25th of March last, at L'Ance-a-la-Graie, a Spanish post, about 45 miles below the Ohio.
The Major was received by Monsieur Foucher, Lieutenant-Commandant of the post, with the greatest politeness and attention; and every tenderness and care were shown to the wounded, three of whom were left at the post, being too badly injured to be removed.
Capt. Hart, who had been previously dispatched by the Major into the Chickasaw nation, joined him afterwards on the Ohio.
We have authority to inform the public, that M c Gillivray, the principal Chief of the Creek nation of Indians, together with a number of the Kings and head men of the upper and lower Creeks have set out from their own country, in order to visit the President of the United States, on the affairs of their nation. It is expected they will perform their journey by the way of Richmond.
The distance from the country of the upper Creeks to New-York, may be estimated at 1400 miles.
The Chiefs are accompanied by Col. Willet, who has orders to provide for their accommodation at the public expence.
Extract from the Address of the Legislature of Massachusetts to his Excellency Gov. Hancock.
"The people of this Commonwealth must ever retain a grateful sense of the virtue of their fellow-citizens who loaned their property—and a yet stronger obligation to those who have hazarded their lives for the public safety. Compassion to the sufferings of many of our creditors, exercises our most anxious attention; the solemn assurances of repayment, which bind us and our posterity together with the justice and urgency of their claims, will prompt us to exert the powers of government for their relief. Nor may we hesitate to perform this duty, from considering the situation of the public obligations, when a failure of complying with governmental promises, from the necessities of the people, have been the real cause of their depreciated value.
"With your Excellency we are fully in sentiment, that the debt contracted by this State for defence of the Union, ought to be adopted by the United States, as well from considerations of justice, as true policy.
"Possessing the powers of revenue it is but just that they should also assume the public debt; and we entertain the strongest hope from the declaration of the Legislature with the instructions which have been given to our Senators, that this desirable measure may be adopted.
"Should we however be disappointed in this expectation for the present, although we are satisfied of our inability at this time to discharge the principal of the debt, we shall conceive it to be our indispensable duty from the best resources of the State to provide for the interest."
JAMES I. was one day mounting a very unruly horse, to whom he exclaimed, "De'il take my soul, sirrah, an ye be na quiet, I'll send you to the Five Hundred Kings in the House of Commons."—James had not the art of managing!
TRUMBULL—THE PAINTER.
A letter from London, to a gentleman in this town, shews in what high esteem, as a Painter, Mr. T. is held, in Great-Britain. The writer says, "If you see Mr. TRUMBULL, I refer it to your discretion to tell him, what Mr. Horace Walpole lately told me of the "SORTE AT GIRALTAR," that "he found it difficult to be persuaded, that so fine a Picture had yet been painted in England." Though I mention it rather to give you pleasure, than from any other consideration; as it is more probable that Mr. TRUMBULL already knows it, than that his modesty has suffered him to communicate it to his friends."
ST. JOHN'S, June 11.
We have been informed that the late commotions in Martinique, were occasioned by an Edict issued by the National Assembly, to compel the planters of that Island to ship all their produce to France, for payment of debts due there—the planters claimed their accustomed privilege of selling their Sugars, in Martinique, or of shipping them to whatever port they pleased, where they could procure the best prices—Thus were two parties formed; the one consisting of the planters, the Military and the Viscount de Damas; the other of the Merchants and the rest of the inhabitants—and it is owing to this step that so much blood has lately been shed.
PROPOSALS,
For printing by SUBSCRIPTION, on a fine paper, with a new and elegant American letter, cast by JOHN BALNE, and Co.
TRAVELS
Through North and South-Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, the Cherokee Nations, and through the extensive Territories of the Muscogulges, or Creek Confederacy, and the country of the Choctaws:
CONTAINING
AN Account of the soil and natural productions of those regions, together with observations on the manners and customs of the Indians.
By WILLIAM BARTRAM, Botanist, of Philadelphia, who was employed from 1773 to 1777, by the celebrated Dr. Fothergill of London, to explore the extensive countries above-mentioned.
CONDITIONS.
I. It is expected the work will contain between five and six hundred pages of letter press, carefully executed, price to subscribers two Spanish milled dollars, in an handsome octavo volume, neatly bound and lettered.
II. Whenever names are obtained for two hundred copies, the work will be put to press.
III. The work will be interspersed with six or eight elegant copperplates, descriptive of the plants, animals, &c. peculiar to the countries through which the writer travelled, the best of the long warrior Micho-chulco, chief or great king of the Siminoles, or Lower Creeks, executed in a masterly manner, will be given as a frontispiece.
IV. Every subscriber for twelve copies, shall be entitled to a thirteenth gratis.
Subscriptions are received by James and Johnson, the printers; Philadelphia. And by the principal printers and book-sellers on the Continent.
Bethlehem Stages.
THE great number of Misses, who from the banks of the Delaware Eastward, even to Boston, are now at the young ladies Academy at Bethlehem, renders some regular, convenient and cheap mode of conveyance between that town and New York necessary. To accommodate parents who have daughters at that flourishing Academy, and others who may wish to visit that pleasing romantic hill, the subscribers are now running stages, which will continue during the summer, between Elizabeth Town Point and Bethlehem. At each of these places a stage will start every Monday and Thursday morning at 5 o'clock, meet at Covenhoven's tavern the same evening, exchange passengers, and the next day return.
Fare of each passenger from Elizabeth Town Point to Bethlehem 3 dollars—way passengers 4d per mile—15lb. of baggage the same as a passenger. Packages and letters will be received and delivered at Mrs. Winant's, White hall, where seats may be taken—carriage of a letter 3d—14lb. of baggage allowed to each passenger.
To accommodate those who may wish to take Bethlehem in their route in journeying between the Eastern and Southern states, a stage will constantly run between Bethlehem and Philadelphia, starting at Bethlehem every Monday morning.
WILLIAM CRANE. FREDERICK BEUTEL.
May 19.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market,
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
CASH, and a generous price given for Continental, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode-Island securities, of every denomination, by EBENEZER THAYER, jun. No. 59, Water-Street. New-York, April 17, 1790.
CONTINENTAL AND STATE SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, AT NO. 196. WATER-STREET. A generous price will be given for Military Rights of Land and Jersey Paper Money. May 4.
WANTED No. 73 and 83 of this paper—Six pence each will be paid for them by the Editor.