Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-10-31 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 44, of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1792.
[Whole No. 366.]
ON THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.
An Oration, delivered by Mr. Joseph Reed, of this City, at the late anniversary Commencement held at Princeton, New-Jersey.
(CONCLUDED.)
IT is the glory of Columbus that this great discovery can in no degree be ascribed to accident. In contemplating the origin of the arts and sciences, and those first discoveries which have extended the knowledge, the power, or the happiness of mankind, we find that most of them were the result of some fortunate accident, and, as it were, the unsought gift of heaven. Few of them were foreseen, and few of them systematically pursued. The discovery of Columbus was all his own. It was the effect of rational deduction, the offspring of a profound and penetrating mind. But genius, like his, is a flower rare to be seen, and blows, like the aloe, but once in an hundred years.
It is not my intention to detail the future conduct of this great man: his persevering exertions to extend the work he had begun—the wisdom of his establishments—his dignity under persecution, or the numerous virtues of his private life—in all, he was himself—great, original and sublime! yet Europe saw him dishonored and in chains, and meanly suffered a Florentine adventurer to bestow his name on the world discovered by Columbus.
The beneficial effects of the discovery of America are visible and striking. To trace and illustrate these would be a grateful task; but the day, which hastens to its close, and the limits assigned me, prohibit a particular detail. Suffice it, therefore, to observe, that this great event enlarged the bounds of human knowledge, and opened a wider field to the view of the philosophic mind. Cosmography was improved, navigation advanced, distant voyages rendered familiar, and the whole globe laid open to all the beneficial effects of an enterprising commerce. The precious metals which flowed into Europe from the mines of Peru and Potosi, gave a new spring to the industry, and melliorated the manners of mankind. The native productions of America, by augmenting the means of subsistence, have contributed to the encrease of mankind, and has given to Europe a capacity of supporting twice as many inhabitants as it could subsist before. To the science of medicine it has rendered essential aid, and has enriched the materia medica with the most powerful serfage in nature; and last, but not least, it has afforded an asylum to the oppressed of all nations. America, hidden for ages, is laid open to view, at the very time, when liberty, "hunted down in the Old World," was panting for the asylum she found in the New. Hither, she retired with her stern forefathers—here she preserved her sacred fires—here she beheld her patriot sons grow bold in her cause, till in the fullness of time, she announced herself to the world, and establishes her empire forever.
Oh! If amidst the sublime contemplations of a brighter world, the happiness of America can still interest the spirit of Columbus. With what elevation of mind must he behold the growing greatness of this New World. He sees that virtue and science are the broad foundation on which its prosperity must rest; and he rejoices to behold the numerous seminaries of learning which grace our land, and smiles on the illustrious characters who patronize and support them.
[Here followed the valedictory addresses to the Trustees, President, Faculty and Students of the College.]
Among these we have the pleasure of seeing your Excellency*, and you, Rev. and worthy gentlemen.† To your peculiar patronage are committed, the important interests of yonder seminary; and we who have just received its first honors, are bound to acknowledge your attention to its welfare. To extend the empire of science, and spread its blessings "o'er a shining land," are the benevolent objects of your disinterested labours. How successful you have been, let the merit of our predecessors declare! Those who have shone in the Senate and in the field—those whose eloquence blazes at the bar, or beams from the sacred desk—whose talents adorn a public, and whose virtues endear a private life.—Those—those are your eulogiums, and leave the feebleness of language far behind them. Oh! may we, while we read the distinguished names that adorn the records of Nassau-hall, from that of her earliest child, the eloquent, the illustrious Stockton, whose memory is still dear within these walls, down to those of the youngest of her sons. May we, whose names shall be recorded with theirs, like them, do honor to your care. Say, my beloved friends, while we recollect the virtues of those who have gone before us, do not our hearts burn within us, to emulate their worth? Yes, Reverend and worthy Gentlemen, we feel a generous ambition to repay your care, by a life of usefulness; and deeply impressed with a sense of our obligation, we bid you respectfully—Farewell.
* The Governor of the State.
† The Trustees of the College.
[The foregoing elegant Address, is re-published, by request, from the American Daily Advertiser.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES
THE REPUBLICAN.—No. VI.
THE people of this country certainly had several great objects in view, which they hoped to attain the more easily by adopting the new constitution. What were those objects? Establishing public credit was certainly one, and a principal one. To say nothing about the justice due to individuals and the wise policy in the long run, for a nation to perform its promises, it is plain that there is nothing to be got nor saved even at present by the foul trick a government could play, short of blotting out the public debt at once. For good credit has proved already of more value than any saving that could have been made by chicanery. By means of it the rate of interest is reduced both at home and abroad.—One per cent. interest saved is equal to a sixth part of the public debt forgiven or released to the people of the United States.—We pay less than five per cent. now; formerly we paid six or even more. So far then the constitution and the revival of credit have answered the expectations of the people when they ratified it. It has lessened their burdens at least a sixth.—This is not all—we can borrow even at home now at five per cent. The United States Bank has actually lent to government at that rate and a large sum too. This capacity is useful every way, to nation in paying off our debt, and to provide for present and future emergencies. This power to borrow easily and on good terms is no light matter, and will not be thought so by those who remember the distresses of the late war. America had need of all its faculties to sustain it; every nervous cord was strained and overstrained till it had lost its spring—yet all was want, confusion and distress; the army had neither bread nor shirts nor shoes.—What would not such a government and such a state of credit as we now possess have been deemed worth could we then have enjoyed them? Would not such a weight thrown into our scale while the balance hung doubtful have been expected to turn it in our favor.—Much of the expenses of the war might have been prevented by an orderly government relying for supplies on ready money. A National Bank at such a time operating like that of the United States would have been inestimable—That of North-America, under every disadvantage was found very beneficial.
Our liberty may be put a second time at risk, and a wise nation, pursuing the principle of self-preservation, ought to prepare every means of security. It was the saying of a good Prince that he chose his subjects should keep their money in their own pockets, for he would so govern them according to their affections that he could command it all when necessary for the exigencies of the nation. Congress by pursuing honest measures for the support of credit bring every dollar in a condition to be called for when wanted to secure the liberty and safety of the country.
This then was the point to be gained: it was the great immediate interest of the people to gain it. There is nothing fanciful, no round about distant conjecture to be made much of in order to prove what has been asserted. For want of a good government and good credit, our debt was going on even in time of peace, heaping interest on principal—till the interest only amounted to no less than thirteen millions of dollars. Congress has caused the growing interest to be paid regularly, and already the sum of two millions four hundred thousand dollars of the debt is sunk. As our imports are increasing to a surprising degree, the revenue will become in a few years equal to paying off immense sums of the debt. It may safely be asserted that no nation in the world is more able to pay off its debt, or has manifested a stronger disposition to do it; perhaps considering what is due and how much is actually paid off, no nation has made greater progress. When it is considered that the government is new and the revenue of very recent operation, the people judging from what has been done have no small cause to confide in the power and intentions of Congress to free them from debt.
It is strange to hear men talk of the debt as they do—as if Congress had made it, for the convenience of having one: as if the first duty of Congress and the principal expectation of the people were a trick of State. Neither the debt nor the occasion of it are yet forgotten. Therefore this suggestion against the good intentions of Congress in providing for it may be disregarded.
When we framed the new government we expected to see the trade and manufactures of our own country protected and encouraged. The duty on imported fabrics has eminently advanced our manufactures; so far the expectation of the people has been realized; by this means we are safer than formerly. In case of a war, an army might be clothed, and furnished with gun-powder and military stores chiefly from our own workshops and mills. To those who remember how wretchedly we began and indeed carried on the war, these considerations will seem weighty. Our trade and navigation have risen in consequence of national protection to a pitch that was never before attained.
A small force is kept up to defend the frontiers against the Indians.—To provide for the common defence and protection is one of the duties which the people have enjoined upon Congress by the constitution; yet this little army, not half a match, says experience, for the Indians, is an overmatch, says cowardice or folly, for the freemen of the country, those freemen who laughed at British and hiring German armies.
These were the duties of the government. America had a right to exact from their rulers a performance of them. The public expected, and impatiently too, to see them performed. They are
performed, forcefully and without a pressure to the country. On the contrary, the country is growing in wealth and people faster than ever was known at any former period.
Certain persons however write, not very calmly, against all these measures, and those who supported them, and those who execute them.—They are sure that they are anti-republican measures and founded in ill design against liberty. They are told that their arguments conclude against the constitution, as they accuse Congress of the crime of doing what the constitution made their specific duty, and what all America expected. They complain of this answer as severe and not just. They say they are friends to the constitution, but opposed to the measures alluded to. It will not be easy however, to persuade us that men are in their hearts friendly to the constitution, and yet enemies to the measures conforming to it, and to the sense of America when it was adopted.—Be that as it may, the people have the happiness to see their hopes realized and their condition every day improving.
FROM THE MARYLAND JOURNAL.
TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND.
A PUBLICATION, in the Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, of last Tuesday, signed "A Citizen," contains the following paragraph: "We all, as men of gratitude, are, I doubt not, interested in the re-appointment of the present worthy President; but as men, who have a sense of equality and a disgust of supercilious superiority, are, I am in hopes, linked as a strong chain against the Vice-President.—In fact, taking such for granted, permit me to recommend Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, Esq. as meriting the appointment of Vice-President."
To a recommendation so pointed and unexpected, in Maryland, as that to turn out the Vice-President, it may not be thought unseasonable to offer a few remarks for consideration.
I observe, my fellow-citizens, in the first place, that those men in the several states, who have been opposed to our constitution, have, ever since its establishment, incessantly applied themselves to depreciate the character of Mr. Adams; because his abilities and principles were formidable to their views and ambition; and because to prevent his re-election would be a point gained over the constitution itself. Little sagacity is requisite to perceive, that every man of ability, who can be turned out of the administration, or kept out of Congress, adds strength to their cause and vigour to their hopes; and that against the most eminent of those their heaviest batteries have been raised, and their principal mines sprung. To prove the justness of this charge, I appeal to your recollection for the miscellaneous publications you have read, and travelling whispers you have heard, calculated to destroy the well-earned fame of Mr. Adams. Some of you are also acquainted with what virulence an anti-government faction have treated a HAMILTON, whose attachment to the constitution is unquestionable, and whose virtue and integrity are equalled only by his great capacity and extraordinary powers. From the master-workman in this craft, down to the meanest of his laborers, each in his way, or in his district, has something to object, to surmise, to insinuate, that may irritate sensibility, and lead to resignation; or that, floating on the popular gale, may infect that general esteem and confidence he possesses, which no patriot has ever acquired with greater purity of conduct, or held by a more unexceptionable title. From the same quarter also you see sometimes to descend, upon the President himself, a thin and subtle mist, which would soon increase to the solidity of absolute censure, was not the radiance of the character too powerful to be obscured, and the veneration of the people too strong to bear an open attack with impunity. These circumstances are notorious; they are to be found in print; they are in the mouth of almost every antipederalist from New-Hampshire to Georgia; they are the ingredients of their incantations, and the spells by which they would transform our best patriots into our greatest enemies! These circumstances, taken together, prove, beyond a possibility of doubt, a systematic and organized plan to drive from the administration of our affairs all those who have rescued us from anarchy, and restored us to the dignity of men, and the various advantages of an efficient government. It will not be said, that known friends to the constitution and the laws are engaged in the combination against Mr. Adams. I deny that any such are engaged, and call upon the opposition to name a single individual of that description, save, perhaps, a few who know Mr. Adams through the medium only of the misrepresentations of his enemies; a delusion which, in men of candour, must yield to better information.
I observe, in the second place, that Mr. Adams has been as firm and uniform a patriot as America can boast to have reared in her bosom. In the first years of our revolution, when the colonies stood alone against Great Britain, he acted a bold and distinguished part in favor of the liberties of the people. Congress, sensible of his merit as a politician and patriot, created him Minister to the United Netherlands. His celebrated memorial to their High Mightinesses, the large loans of money he procured under the eye of a British Ambassador,
and their treaty with us and acknowledgment of our independence, which cost them the capture of St. Eustatius and a war with England, form a pyramid of services far more interesting to mankind than those built of stone by the Kings of Egypt. View him next as joint Minister to the court of France, and you see him conspicuously eminent for watchfulness, industry and talents, especially in negotiating and bringing to a close the treaty of peace with England, which gained from her commissioners a greater extent of territory for the United States, than had ever entered into the mind of the most sanguine American to expect. Having finished these high trusts, he was appointed Minister to the court of London, where, finding that he could not induce them to listen to a commercial treaty, on terms of equal privileges, like an honest citizen, true to the dignity and interests of his country, he requested of Congress leave to return; previous to which, he suggested measures, since adopted by our government, that have drawn from England a Minister, to treat formally here of subjects she would not there condescend to discuss. The knowledge he acquired, in these several missions, of the interests and views of the courts of Europe, fit him in a peculiar manner to fill, to the greatest advantage, the station he now occupies, where these interests and views, as they respect the United States, come so often under deliberation. To these facts may be added, that in his letters from England, and on his return to America, he expressed not an equivocal, but decided, approbation of the constitution of the United States; and that in his writings he is liberal in praise of those state constitutions formed as ours with checks and branches, and divisions of power; those real barriers against encroachments upon liberty, hasty projects, and dangerous ebullitions of popular bodies. Take for example his introduction to Abbé de Mably's observations on the government and laws of America. "If human wisdom (says Mr. Adams) can ensure the duration of the only forms of government which are consistent with the dignity of human nature, the American constitutions bid fair to be lasting; nor can any thing, except an excessive partiality to the ancients, prevent our discerning their infinite superiority to the boasted republics of Sparta and Rome." Again, "it is possible that some few additional regulations, arising from local and other accidental circumstances, might be made with advantage; but of the exact propriety of these, it is impossible for any to judge, who are not immediately on the spot: And the principles of these constitutions are so obviously excellent, that every one who understands the nature, and loves the enjoyment of liberty, will acknowledge them to surpass every thing the world has hitherto seen."
Such, my fellow-citizens and countrymen, are the sentiments of Mr. Adams respecting our governments, where reign superiority of rights with personal equality, and distinction of office without nobility of birth. Where, then, would be American gratitude, were the friends of order and good government to be "linked as a chain against him," whose principles, or political creed, is no more than the expression or picture of our own constitution?
I would further remark, that to bring forward, at this late hour (unconsulted too) one of the best and worthiest of our citizens as his competitor, wears rather a doubtful and invidious aspect. Is it done, it may be asked, in order to deprive Mr. Adams of ten votes, and thereby defeat his election; or from a sincere desire to have Mr. Carroll elected? If the latter, "Citizen" ought to be convinced himself, and be possessed of facts to convince others, that a sufficient number of electors, in the different states, will vote to place Mr. Carroll in the Vice-President's chair; for on no other ground could any rational Marylander hazard a vote against Mr. Adams, or venture to risk losing his election without a certainty of carrying Mr. Carroll's. But can any of you think it likely, or even possible, that the antipederalists of New-York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, &c. would desert, for example, Governor Clinton, their favourite, to give their votes for so distinguished, so decided, so unshaken and incorruptible a federalist as Mr. Carroll? To change Mr. Adams for Mr. Carroll, would neither promote their views nor increase their numbers in the Senate; who then among you so credulous as to imagine that they would give a single vote to accomplish it?—Whoever can believe so, knows little of their temper, and still less of their tricks. No, my fellow-citizens, Mr. Carroll or Mr. Adams suit not their purposes, and are not to their taste; nor will they ever vote for either with a view to their election. It is a very different character they mean to carry, and your esteem for Mr. Carroll is used only as a convenient engine to withdraw you from Mr. Adams.
To these observations I think I may venture to subjoin, that it is not to disgrace a worthy and patriotic citizen that will draw Mr. Carroll into the lists of competition; and to predict, that if he ever becomes a candidate for continental favour, his merit and high qualifications will raise him to a more dignified station. But who can look forward to that moment, when we shall stand in need of all his merits and all our courage; when the United States will be convulsed to their centre by embryo Caesars, struggling for empire, and scarcely saved by the

friends of order and virtue? Who, I say, can anticipate that solemn crisis, of which this is only the prelude, without devoutly wishing to the present beloved Incumbent the years of the Patriarchs who lived before the flood?
A CONSISTENT FEDERALIST.
Annapolis, October 19, 1792.
FROM THE PITTSBURGH GAZETTE.
Mr. Scull.
Queries, in your last, from the Albany Gazette, lead me to make the following observations.
WHAT has produced the present war with the Indians? Is it not the claim of the United States to the country west of the Ohio? Cede this, and we have peace. Shall it be said, that the object of the forces raised is the protection of these settlements?—The fact is, if at the treaty of Fort McIntosh in the year 1784, the commissioners had said, we relinquish all claim beyond our former purchase, and are satisfied with the Ohio as a boundary, we should have had no war.
The contrary was the language—it was said, that territory is ours; we claim it by conquest; and you must give it up, allowing you only a small corner as a hunting ground and settlement, and a few goods as a bounty, not as a price.
Surveys and settlements under the United States of this territory, has been an enforcement of the claim, and has provoked the Indians, and has engaged them in continual war. The older settlements have been the victims of this claim of the public. Shall it then be said, that it is to protect the western country that the army is on foot? Let the Congress instantly announce to the Indians a relinquishment of claim to this territory, and we shall ask no troops to protect us: we shall have no trouble.
But the Congress claim it; and have made, and with to make sales; and the frontiers must bear the inroads of the savages provoked on account of this; they must be harassed with militia service; taken from the labour of their farms at times unseasonable; and yet be told by uninformed persons abroad, that they contribute nothing towards the expence of a war, which is thus brought on them by the public.—What? because they do not submit to an excise; when by submitting to it they would pay more than ten times their proportion of the revenue.
We have seen the President's proclamation, which is all right; and he has seen ours, which is, that we will neither eat nor drink with an excise officer. Let the President do his duty, and we will do ours. It is his to enforce; it is ours to defeat. We hope to have no difference on the occasion, but each to carry his point if he can. We flatter ourselves the power of opinion is stronger than the laws; and when a tax is unequal, unjust, unpopular, oppressive, in a free government, it cannot exist long, or be carried into complete effect. Z.
Miller's Run, October 16, 1792.
Foreign Affairs.
PARIS, August 21.
DE NARBONNE, the gallant M. and gay Narbonne, has been taken into custody:—we do not hear, however, that any weighty charge is laid to his account. When he tho't the King in danger he hastened to his aid; he had on a national uniform, and was found under arms at the door of the apartment allotted to the King and his family. We rank his proceedings among the pia fraudes , more worthy of compassion than of condemnation.
The Prince de Poix was reported to have been in the same predicament; but we find, on closer enquiry, that he has hitherto escaped the Argus eye of the Police.
M. de Biron, in order to encourage desertion among the enemy's troops, sent them the translation of the decree, which is so well calculated to allure them to the standard of liberty, on account of the singular advantages it holds out to them.—The decree is conveyed into the allied camps in bottles of strong Nantz brandy, a powerful bait for a northern soldier!—In war, as in love, every wile that is practicable is fair.
On Thursday the Special Tribunal, established by the law of the 17th of August, passed sentence on Louis-David Connot, alias d'Anglemont.—After a trial of 39 hours, by a jury of his own countrymen, he was convicted of debauching the allegiance of several Frenchmen, and condemned to die in expiation of his crime.
When judgment was pronounced, M. Offelin, President, thus energetically addressed the culprit:—"Condemned by a severe, though just law—go bravely to death: your life and sincere repentance are all that your country requires of you!"
During the trial, the prisoner at the bar urged very powerful and some subtle arguments in his defence. He appeared with elegance, ease, and in classical language; but his fortitude abandoned him when his doom was pronounced. He was executed at half after ten at night, on the square
of the Carouzel, by light of torches. Though the crowd was immense, not a single accident took place.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
AUGUST 21.
A petitioner came forward and arraigned Gen. Arthur Dillon's conduct. He said, he was La Fayette's accomplice, and thought it advisable to order his correspondence to be seized upon. He was invited to sit within the bar.
A member read a letter from the council of the district of Douay. The military commandant of Douay had handed them a letter, in which M. A. Dillon renewed his oath to the nation, to the law, and to the King, exhorting him to do the same. The general council, after having heard the letter read, resolved to send a copy of it to the National Assembly.
The Assembly decreed, that the proceedings of the general council should be mentioned with distinction on the journals; and, on M. Duham's motion, they declared, for the second time, that General Arthur Dillon had lost all public confidence.
On M. La Source's motion, the following decree passed the house:
All Generals, General Officers, and superseded Officers, whether they be suspended by the executive power, or by the legislative body; shall be obliged to remain ten leagues from the army in which they served; and cannot go nearer than ten leagues to any of the other armies, under pain of being confined during the whole course of the war.
M. Albitte moved, M. Rhume seconded, and the Assembly decreed, that all superseded officers should be removed 20 leagues from the frontiers; and that they should inform those whom it concerned of the place they had chosen for their residence.
Many citizens of the different sections, wished the Assembly would authorize them to transfer the prisoners of Orleans to Paris. The petitioners were admitted within the bar, and their request was referred to the committee.
The Assembly decreed, that three other commissioners should be sent to Luckner's army, in the room of those who were detained at Sedan. Messrs. La Porte, Lamarch, and Bruat, were the commissioners appointed.
M. Brissot brought up a report relative to the treaties between France and the Helvetic Cantons.
In the year 1764, said M. Brissot, those Cantons had engaged to furnish 13,784 auxiliaries, the number is now reduced to 10,000 men, the committee extraordinary tho' it would be prudent not to continue the treaty. The alliance of the King of France with the Swiss, was nothing more or less than a despotic contract; to break the treaty cannot be injurious to us, while we have a million of Frenchmen armed for liberty; we should therefore not hesitate to declare, that the Swiss regiments are no longer in pay. Having thus premised, M. Brissot moved, that the legislative body issue the following decree:—the National Assembly, considering it necessary that the fate of the Swiss regiments should be speedily decided, and considering that the treaties with Switzerland are expired, decree,
1st. The National Assembly, steady to the principles of French liberty, which does not allow the defence of their freedom to be entrusted to foreign troops, decree that the Swiss regiments, and the allies of the Swiss in the service of France, cease to be in the service of France.
2dly. The executive power is charged to testify to the Swiss Cantons the gratitude of France for the military services performed by the Swiss regiments.
3dly. The National Assembly, wishing to give the Swiss a token of esteem, decree that those among them, who desire to continue in the French service, and shall take on in French regiments, or legions, shall be treated like French citizens.
They shall receive, as bounty-money, in the following proportion: serjeants 300 livres, corporals 200 and soldiers 150 livres: they shall be promoted in their turn, and until their promotion they shall receive their respective pay of serjeant, corporal, &c.
4thly. The executive power is charged to watch over the safety of the Swiss officers and soldiers who shall leave France—they cannot march out but by detachments of 20 men each, and without arms; they shall be paid for their arms.
5thly. The executive power is charged to send commissioners to all the Swiss regiments to execute this law.
6thly. The executive power is charged to declare to the Swiss Cantons, that France wishes to continue in peace and amity with them.
7thly. The minister shall give an account of the state of the frontiers towards Mount Jura and the neighbouring departments.
Two young and comely female citizens, with pikes in their hands, appeared at the bar, forgetful of the weakness of their sex; they generously devoted themselves to the defence of liberty and their own country.
Commissaries from the section of L'Isle (a quarter of Paris) laid 3000 livres on the table, and testified their approbation of the Assembly's wonderful labors.
JACOBIN CLUB.
AUGUST 17.
A member of the federal committee communicated an address to the society relative to finances. The committee intended to present it to the National Assembly.
The address rested on the following basis:
1. To establish a progressive value in the paper currency, from the most considerable to the lowest sum.
2. To lay a duty upon all notes payable to order.
3. To forbid the circulation of gold or silver coin; but to encrease the copper and bell metal currency.
4. To work the gold and silver mines belonging to the nation, in order to keep up the balance of trade with foreign countries.
5. To charge a committee to examine the political Rights of Women.
6. To repeal the decrees that confirm, and guarantee the royal loans.
7. Totally to suppress all secret expenses, a disgrace to a free people, who should be candid, open, and without disguise.
8. To suppress every species of operation in finances for the national Treasury. The address concluded with an improved assertion, "that the trade with the two Indies, and the possession of the colonies, were infinitely more detrimental than useful to the French nation."
A member proposed, that the name of M. Roederer (attorney-general-Syndic of the department of Paris) should be struck out of the list of Jacobins, for having told the Swiss officers, on the 10th of August, to repel force by force, and fire on the people, if found necessary.
M. Roederer's name was effaced.
M. Montant. "The three commissioners sent by the National Assembly to the central army went towards the frontiers. They were received every where with the most unequivocal testimonies of regard, respect and attention. The decrees of the National Assembly were approved of by all the citizens they met in all the towns they went through."
At Mezieres, however, they were not received with equally flattering marks of satisfaction. The inhabitants wished for the constitution, the whole constitution, and nothing but the constitution. The 10th of August was represented to them as a day of crimes, carnage, and murder; and the oaths which the commissioners proposed did not appear to them, as it really was not, agreeable to the constitution decreed in 1789.
The general council of the department assembled for that purpose, entered into a resolution of putting the commissioners under an arrest—they confined them in a citadel.—The legislative body decreed, that the members who had voted for the illegal measure, should appear at the bar of the National Assembly. Three other commissioners were deputed to notify the decree, and to liberate Messrs. Kersaint, Peraldi, and Antonelle, the detained commissioners.
M. Robertspierre.—You have heard that the directory of the department
of Ardennes had the audacity to put three commissioners of the National Assembly under an arrest. It is not very probable, that a department would have acted thus imprudently and seditiously, if they did not expect support from some formidable quarter; and that such were their hopes, it now appears evident.—La Fayette was to have supported them—a villainous deed is to be perpetrated.
Gentlemen, have not the people been sufficiently imposed upon? Is not La Fayette known to be a vile traitor? With the words liberty and constitution, does not the monster wish to destroy the true constitution and equality? Should La Fayette march against Paris, I am sure there is one side of the National Assembly, which is now asleep, but would soon awake, if the hypocrite general held out any hopes of interest to them. Should the conspirator come at the head of his troops to the capital, liberty would cease to exist; the rotten members of the legislative body would join him. Such are the dangers you have to fear; but such are the dangers which you seem not to provide against.
M. Simon.—It is reported that the people, whose patience is worn out, mean to ring the alarm-bell this night, and excite some troubles, under pretence of accelerating the execution of the culprits of the 10th of August. Such a measure would now be totally useless: it would be dangerous and impolitic; it would be dangerous on account of the detention of the late king in the residence of the bankrupts (bankrupts were formerly confined in the Temple;) because it might be possible that, during a popular commotion, some of the faithful servants of the King might assemble and carry the bankrupt off!—it would be dangerous, as the false reports, which would undoubtedly get into the departments, might lead the people astray as to the real cause of the very useful, very sacred insurrection of the 10th of August.—The alarm-bell, which is talked of for to-night, is therefore an unjustifiable measure, and all good citizens should oppose it, they should even, if nothing else could hinder the people, go and cut the ropes of all the bells in Paris; for there are a thousand and a thousand in Paris who, as they like to live by corruption, would wish to see the splendor of the Court restored.
The king is not in such deep despair as some may imagine; for notwithstanding the vigilance of those who guard him, he carries on a correspondence, and he is still called his majesty; the letters are handed to him in different ways, sometimes in an almond wash-ball, sometimes in the fold of a shirt, sometimes in a balloon-cake, which a municipal officer buys for the Prince Royal; there have been above twenty letters intercepted in that manner—all that goes to prove that the Royalists, who hitherto have been tyrants, are now become servants, who sleep with one eye open, watching for the favorable instant to rush upon us. We must, therefore, be resolute and circumpect, and not suffer ourselves to be led into the snares laid for us, otherwise we shall soon try on new fetters, heavier than those we have so lately thrown off.
Adjourned at half past eight.
SEPTEMBER 3.
The Duke of Brunswick, upon his first appearance before Verdun, sent in a summons to the following purport:
"The Duke of Brunswick summons the town of Verdun, in the name of their Imperial and Prussian majesties, to open its gates to the army of their majesties. The troops and the inhabitants of this town, will otherwise render themselves guilty of all the evils produced by military operations, which will be pushed with the extremest vigour, in order to subject the place to the power of his most christian majesty, its legitimate sovereign. The inhabitants may be assured of the protection of their Imperial and Prussian majesties, and of the brothers of his most christian majesty, if they surrender upon this summons."

BRUSSELS, August 24.
"By letters from Vienna, dated the 15th inst. we are informed that a paper had been pasted up against the Hotel de Ville, in which the inhabitants were invited to imitate the example of the French, and to cut the throats of all the aristocrats. The discovery of this paper has been productive of universal indignation. The Emperor was expected at Vienna on the 17th instant. On the Sunday following Te Deum will be sung, and a general illumination will take place."
Our government has not yet published the official account of the taking of Longwi.
LONDON, August 23.
The Brussels Gazette contains a long and elaborate contradiction of all the French accounts, respecting the skirmishes on the Flanders frontiers, and the desertion of the Austrian troops, and the mutinies among them at Mons and Tournay. It denies in express terms every assertion of General Dillon's letter to the National Assembly; and affirms that the desertion has been confined to the light troops, and is not greater than usual. It observes that the Austrians are not in the habit of giving details of such petty encounters as the French have lately enlarged upon; and yet be it remarked, inserts an article, in which the Austrians are stated to have killed about 20, and taken 15 of the enemy.
The report of yesterday, as to French affairs, was, that a levy had taken place on Sunday afternoon in Paris, by which from 40 to 60 thousand men were raised for service upon the frontiers. Such a circumstance, whether a levy was made by force, or otherwise, could scarcely have occurred, except upon the impulse of some new danger; and it is indeed believed by those, who have the best information, that the French ministers had intelligence on Sunday morning, which they refused to communicate before measures were taken for preserving the peace of Paris.
The Duke of Brunswick is said to have cashiered several of his officers for allowing the men under their command to commit cruelties and depredations in their march.
The village of Beauville, the inhabitants of which attempted to defend themselves, was razed to the ground. The town of Longwi was spared, except a few houses belonging to known and ardent revolutionists.
Domestic Articles.
CHARLESTON, (S. C.) Oct. 16.
On Friday last Capt. Vincent, of the sloop James, arrived here from St. Mary's. While he lay there, two vessels arrived deeply laden with presents for the Creeks, and another was daily expected. Those which had arrived, failed up the river for Coldrain, where the Creeks were to meet them, receive the presents, and ratify the treaty. The running of the lines is to be entirely left to the commissioners.
The presents which arrived in the above vessels, chiefly consisted of ploughs, hoes, and other implements of husbandry.
PORTSMOUTH, (N. H.) Oct. 18.
Amoskeag Bridge was begun the 3d of August last, at which time the timber was growing, and the rocks dispersed in the river. On the 29th of September following, which makes 57 days inclusively, the bridge was passable for travellers, and is now completed.
Dimensions—556 feet in length, is supported by 5 piers and an abutment on each side—the piers are 60 feet in length and 80 in width—the outside made of hewn timber, and filled with rocks—a brace extends 20 feet from the upper end of the pier, making the whole length 80 feet at the bottom—the farthest distance between the piers is 80 feet—the top of the bridge is 30 feet from the bottom of the river—about 2,000 tons of timber were used in constructing the wood-work.
PROVIDENCE, Oct. 20.
"Mr. Nicholas Brown's generous donation of law books to Rhode-Island college has arrived; and they are placed in the office of David Howell, Esq. professor of law, agreeably to the tenor of the gift. The books were purchased in London by Mr. John Francis, of this town, and are a very complete collection of law learning."
By Capt. Taylor from Surinam, we learn, that a Sloop, belonging to Messrs. Graves and Wightman, of this town, being on the coast of Africa, the slaves on board (about 20 or 30 in number) taking advantage of the Captain being confined to his Cabin by sickness, rose upon the crew, and killed them all, except the mate and one hand, and then killed the Captain, and cut the Sloop's Cable, when she drifted on shore, and was destroyed by the natives.
Extract of a letter from Macao (China) to a mercantile House in this town, dated January 17.
"There are now at Lark's Bay, a small port a little distance from this, four vessels belonging to Boston, viz. Brig Hope, Capt. Ingraham; Brig Lady Washington, Capt. Kendrick; Brig Hancock, Capt. Croell; and Brig ——, Capt. Collidge."
BOSTON, October 22.
A letter from Mauritius, (Isle of France) dated June 3, 1792, received in town last week, says—"We arrived here 23d May. The Ship Fame, Capt. Smith, Ship Fair American, Capt. Lee, from Boston, are here; and Capt. Metcalf, in the Snow Eleonore; they are fitting out again for China and the N. W. of America; and two or three others from different parts of America.—Markets are very dull here."
  Westminster bridge contains 1200 feet.   London do. 930   Black Friars do. 1090   Charles River do. 1503   Malden do. 2000   Beverley do. Mass. 1440   Boston Pier 1750   Boston Mall 1450 
NEW-YORK, Oct. 26.
We are informed by a letter from Amsterdam of the 23d August last, that an additional duty has taken place, of one half per cent. ad valorem on all goods exported from the United Netherlands to the United States of America—and one per cent. on all goods imported into said Netherlands from the United States.
Philadelphia, Oct. 31.
Monday last arrived here the ship Niel Malcom, Capt. Gill—by this vessel London papers are received to the 8th September.—A summary of the important intelligence they contain is in the following abstract.
The Duke of Brunswick, after taking several fortified places, had marched with his army towards Paris, and was within seventy miles of that capital—in consequence of his successes on the frontiers, Longwi and several other places having fallen into his hands, the National Assembly passed a decree expressing in strong terms the danger of the country, and calling on the citizens to arm and turn out to reinforce the army—Sixty thousand men were to be raised immediately—this decree provided for a general alarm—the Tocsin was rung, and the general beat in all the sections. The citizens immediately repaired to the Camp de Mars to select their volunteers, and make their arrangements to comply with the decree for reinforcing the army.
It being suggested by one of the people, that previous to going to the frontiers to fight the enemy without, it was proper to take care of the enemy within—the idea was immediately communicated from man to man, and the whole body immediately divided themselves into parties, and spread themselves all over the city—they broke open the prisons, and put all the prisoners to death; among whom were upwards of one hundred of the nonjuring clergy, including one bishop, Col. Montmorin, &c. &c.—the confusion continued at the date of the last Paris account, which was Sept. 3d.—The garrison of Longwi consisted of 1800 men, who were all made prisoners of war.—Part of the Austrian army were besieging Verdun.—An account was published in an English paper of the 10th Sept. which was seen at Scarborough, stating that the citizens of Verdun had demanded of the commanding officer that the city should be surrendered to the Austrians, that he had been obliged to comply with this demand, and that he had in consequence shot himself.—The English papers contain accounts of different skirmishes between the French and Austrians with various success—but in an attack on
the French camp at Maulde, the Austrians were repulsed with great slaughter.—An account was circulated in Paris at the time of the massacre, which added greatly to the fury of the populace, and that was, that four thousand men belonging to the army of M. Dumourier, sent to reinforce the garrison of Verdun, had been treacherously led into an ambuscade and cut to pieces.—Another account says the garrison of Longwi consisted of 2636 men—arms and ammunition in abundance—that the whole number of the refractory clergy destroyed, is one hundred and fifty one, among whom is Cardinal de Rochefoucauld.—Among the victims in the prison called the Abbaye, were all the Queen's ladies, as Madame Lambelle, half sister to M. D'Orleans, Madame de Tarrant, &c. M. D'Affry.—M. Montmorin was slain between two members of the National Assembly who were sent to check the people. From the prisons the populace proceeded to the houses of suspected persons, & wherever they found depots of arms, or any papers that discovered a correspondence with emigrants, they slaughtered the owners.—The most moderate accounts state the slain to be 4000; the highest estimate is 7000.—The National Assembly, the public offices and the treasury, during these horrors, remained unviolated.—The temple, the residence of the King and his family, was not attacked—the guard had been doubled, and it was hoped it would remain in safety.—Though it was apprehended by many, that when the news of the capture of Verdun should arrive, the populace exasperated by this new disaster, would destroy the royal family.—The two colleges appropriated to the Irish Students in Paris, were both demolished in the tumult—the Students escaped.
The account of the capture of M. La Fayette is contained in the following:
Extract of a letter from Namur, August 20. "The advanced posts of Rochefort, commanded by M. Haroncourt, at ten o'clock last night arrested the French General M. la Fayette, accompanied by two Camp-Marshals, M. Alexander Lameth and de Laumoins; M. Victor Maubourg, Colonel of Chasseurs; C. Maubourg the elder Camp-Marshall; Lacombe, Adjutant-General and Colonel; Messrs. and Soubeyran, Captains and Aids de Camp; the two brothers Romieu, Captains of Dragoons; Gouvier, Captain Aid de Camp; Bureau de Puzy, Captain of Artillery; with all their servants, and about 40 horses. These officers, who came from Bouillon, where they were on pretence of reconnoitring the posts, arrived this day in this city. By their account the army they left is encamped behind la Chiere, between Mouzan and Stenoey."
Earl Gower, the British Ambassador, is arrived in England from Paris.—The Marquis de la Fayette is gone to Luxembourg, by order of the Duke of Brunswick.
M. Luckner is reinstated in his command as Generalissimo of the French armies.—A great number of the French nobility daily arrive in England.—Longwi was taken, it is said, after a feeble resistance—complaints have been made to the National Assembly of treachery in the business.—Fifty thousand men are ordered to march from Paris to reinforce the armies.
Lord Cornwallis is created a Marquis. Gen. Meadows and Gen. Abercrombie, Knights of the Bath. And Mr. Pitt is made Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports.
The insurrection and massacre in Paris took place on the night of Sunday the second of September, and the confusion was not over at 12 o'clock of Monday the third.
Since the arrival of the new commissioners and troops from France, the negroes, in many parts of St. Domingo, have returned to their obedience, and began to work on the plantations.—Their masters it is said now treat them with more humanity than formerly.
Saturday last arrived the ship Roebuck, Capt. Bliss, from Bristol. The papers brought by this vessel are to the 25th of August, not so late as those received by the Kitty from Liverpool.
Mr. Alexander Foster, of this city, arrived in the Roebuck.
The 16th and 20th British regiments of foot arrived about the middle of August last at Jamaica, from Halifax.
About a fortnight since, at Christiana, in the State of Delaware, five or six gentlemen being together in conversation on public subjects and public characters, one of the company, a Mr. McKennan, told a story of the Secretary of the Treasury, and as he supposed upon undoubted authority, nearly in the following words:
"Colonel Hamilton, said he, applied to Governor Mifflin; and represented the propriety of restricting the democratic ascendancy in the national government, which might be effected by the introduction of aristocrats; adding, that if he (Governor Mifflin) would co-operate in the formation of this counterpoise, the Secretary would pledge himself to get him elected Vice-President of the United States."
"The Governor declined these overtures, alleging that he had never discovered to any one, and should maintain his reserve, whether he was attached to this or the other principle, in government; but he knew full well the unalterable bias of those who supported him. And, as to the Vice-Presidency, he did not hesitate to declare, that he was more ambitious of remaining at the head of Pennsylvania."
A gentleman of the State of Delaware, to whom this conversation was communicated, in order to an investigation of the truth of the story, called upon Governor Mifflin, who in unequivocal term, declared, that,
"No such conversation ever happened, nor could he recollect any circumstance that could give birth to so ridiculous a tale."
Printers willing to administer an antidote to similar poisons, will give a place in their respective papers to this sample of the unfounded rumours continually propagated to destroy the confidence of their fellow-citizens in public characters.
E L E C T I O N.
The following is a List of all the votes for Members of Congress for the State of Pennsylvania.
 W. Findley 33158  F. A. Muhlenberg 32341  D. Heister 32147  W. Irvine 32968  J. W. Kittera 29835  T. Hartley 28493  P. Muhlenberg 21784  T. Fitzsimons 17997  A. Gregg 17372  J. Armstrong 17312  W. Montgomery 17019  J. Smilie 16754  T. Scott 16657  S. Sitgreaves 15588  J. D. Sergeant 15396  J. Barclay 14953  C. Thompson 14874  W. Bingham 14482  H. Wynkoop 14348 
The first 13, it appears, are chosen.
Part of the French troops which lately arrived in the West-Indies from France, are now landed at St. Kitts; being driven away from Martinique, as stated in a former paper, they arrived at St. Kitts in distress, and asked for relief and protection, which were granted them.—After refusing to receive them, the Royalists of Martinique sent two frigates to bring them back—these frigates arrived at St. Kitts and demanded the troops of the Governor, who did not think proper to deliver them up—on which the frigates cut out the empty transports and carried them off.
We see nothing in the English papers relating to the meeting of the primary Assemblies at Paris on the 26th August, agreeable to former intimations.
By a vessel arrived here from Marseilles, which left that port the 13th September, we are informed that no accounts had been received there of the near approach of the Austrian army to Paris—and it was the opinion at Marseilles that the Duke of Brunswick would not look at Paris this winter.
As yet, no irruption has been made into France, except by the army of the Duke of Brunswick—The Prince of Hohenlohe is kept in awe by the Mons. Biron, and M. Dumourier covers the northern frontiers.
COMMUNICATION.
No truth is plainer, and if even our anarchy-men could deny it, none could produce more proofs or more believers, than that without government there can be no liberty. Weakening government, or bringing the laws into general abhorrence, is manifestly an attack on the liberty of the people—it is levelling the intrenchments round the very citadel. Yet our highflairs use every means to make the people abhor the laws, the constitution, Congress, and the executive officers. In their eyes, the vindicating the laws and public officers, is a crime—it proves meanness of spirit and corruption of principles. On the contrary, they dub themselves the friends of the people, because they labor to destroy all that the people have chosen to establish, and it is no fault of theirs if opposition is not yet made by force of arms to the execution of the laws enacted by the authority of the nation. The traitors against the constitution of Poland came with arms in their hands, and the lying pretences of liberty in their mouths, to overthrow the free government and laws of their country.
SHIP NEWS.
 ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA.  Ship Roebuck, Bliss, Bristol  Neil Malcom, Gill, Scarborough  Brig Charleston, Garman, Charleston  Virginia, Demay, Marseilles  Ann, Franklin, Barbadoes  Sch'r. Olivia & Mary, Donovan, St. Domingo  Sloop Ann, Story, St. Domingo  Newport, Kinus, N. Carolina  Abby, Ames, Boston  Josiah, Howland, New-Bedford  Polly, Barnes, Baltimore 
PRICE OF STOCKS.
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ERRATUM—In our last Gazette, in the strictures signed "A Citizen of Philadelphia," for May 10, 1791, read May 8, 1792.

PRICE CURRENT.
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