Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-04-20 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 102, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 20, 1791.
[Whole No. 206.]
Discourses on Davila.—No. 31.
“Patrum interim animos, certamen regni, ac cupido versabat.”
THE two armies met in Burgundy—but the Princes, being inferior, evaded an engagement.
The Queen Mother, in 1570, had too much penetration not to unravel the manoeuvres of the Marshals de Cossé and Damville. She informed the King of them, and persuaded him to listen to propositions of accommodation. She perceived that the passions and the perfidy of these grandees, might throw the state into the greatest dangers, if the war was continued. She was still more determined by the news which she received from Germany, where the Prince Casimir began to raise troops in favor of the Hugonots. The finances were exhausted to such a degree, that they knew not where to find funds to pay the Swiss and Italian troops, to whom they owed large arrears. In short, they wished for peace; and were weary of a war which held all men's minds in perpetual alarms, which reduced a great part of the people to beggary, and which cost the state so many men, and so much money. The King held, with the Queen Mother, the Duke of Anjou, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, councils, in which they resolved to return to the project, already so many times formed and abandoned to grant peace to the Hugonots—to deliver the kingdom from foreign troops, and finally to employ artifice, and take advantage of favorable conjunctures—to take off the chiefs of the party, which they thought would yield of itself, infallibly, as soon as it should see itself deprived of the support of its leaders. It was thus, that the court would have substituted craft instead of force, to execute a design, which the obstinacy of the Hugonots, or the want of fidelity in those who commanded armies, had always defeated when recourse had been only to arms.
With such dark and horrid views were overtures of peace made, and conditions concluded. The Princes and Admiral, still diffident and distrustful, retire to Rochelle. The King endeavours to gain their confidence. To this end, he proposes to give his sister Marguerite in marriage, to the Prince of Navarre, and to make war in Flanders upon the Spaniards. The marriage is resolved on, and all the Chiefs of the Hugonots come to Court. The Queen of Navarre is poisoned. After her death the marriage is celebrated, during the feasts of which, Admiral Coligni is wounded by an assassin. The King takes the resolution that, as in extreme cases it is imprudence to do things by halves, the Hugonots should be exterminated. The night between the 23d and the 24th of August, 1572, a Sunday called Saint Bartholomew's Day, the Admiral is massacred, and almost all the other Calvinists are cut in pieces in Paris, and in several other cities of the kingdom.
Such, in nations where there is not a fixed and known constitution, or where there is a constitution, without an effectual balance, are the tragical effects of emulation, jealousies and rivalries—destruction to all the leaders—poverty, beggary and ruin to the followers. France, after a century of such horrors, found no remedy against them but in absolute monarchy: not did any nation ever find any remedy against the miseries of such rivalries among the gentlemen, but in despotism, monarchy, or a balanced constitution. It is not necessary to say, that every despotism and monarchy that ever has existed among men, arose out of such emulations among the principal men; but it may be asserted with confidence, that this cause alone is sufficient to account for the rise, progress and establishment of every despotism and monarchy in the four quarters of the globe.
It is not intended at this time to pursue any further this instructive though melancholy history, nor to make any comparisons, in detail, between the state of France in 1791, and the condition it was in two or three centuries ago. But if there are now differences of opinion in religion, morals, government and philosophy—if there are parties and leaders of parties—if there are emulations—if there are rivalries and rivals—is there any better provision made by the constitution to balance them now than formerly? If there is not, what is the reason? who is the cause? All the thunders of heaven, although a Paratonnerre had never been invented, would not in a thousand years have destroyed so many lives, nor occasioned so much desolation among mankind, as the majority of a legislature in one uncontrolled assembly may produce in a single Saint Bartholomew's Day. Saint Bartholomew's Days are the natural, necessary and unavoidable effect and consequence of diversities in opinion, the spirit of party, unchecked passions, emulation and rivalry, where there is not a power always ready and inclined to throw weights into the lightest scale, to preserve or restore the equilibrium.
With a view of vindicating republics, commonwealths and free States, from unmerited reproaches, we have detailed these anecdotes from the history of France. With equal propriety we might have resorted to the history of England, which is full of contests and dissensions of the same sort. There is a morsel of that history, the life and actions of the protector Somerset, so remarkably apposite, that it would be worth while to relate it—for the present however it must be waved. It is too fashionable with writers to impute such contentions to republican governments, as if they were peculiar to them; whereas nothing is further from reality. Republican writers themselves have been as often guilty of this mistake, in whom it is an indiscretion, as monarchial writers, in whom it may be thought policy; in both however it is an error. We shall mention only two, Machiavel and de Lolme. In Machiavel's history of Florence, lib. 3, we read “It is given from above that in all republics, there should be fatal families, who are born for the ruin of them; to the end that in human affairs nothing should be perpetual or quiet.”
If indeed this were acknowledged to be the will of heaven, as Machiavel seems to assert, why should we entertain resentments against such families? They are but instruments, and they cannot but answer their end. If they are commissioned from above to be destroying angels, why should we oppose or resist them! As to “the end” there are other causes enough, which will forever prevent perpetuity or tranquility, in any great degree in human affairs. Animal life is a chemical process; and is carried on by unceasing motion. Our bodies and minds, like the heavens the earth and the sea, like all animal, vegetable and mineral nature; like the elements of earth, air, fire and water, are continually changing. The mutability and mutations of matter, and much more of the intellectual and moral world, are the consequence of laws of nature, not less without our power than beyond our comprehension. While we are thus assured that in one sense nothing in human affairs will be perpetual or at rest; we ought to remember at the same time, that the duration of our lives the security of our property, the existence of our conveniences, comforts and pleasures, the repose of private life and the tranquility of society are placed in very great degrees, in human power. Equal laws may be ordained and executed, great families as well as little ones, may be restrained. And that policy is not less pernicious than that philosophy is false, which represents such families as sent
by heaven to be judgments: It is not true in fact. On the contrary they are sent to be blessings—and they are blessings, until by our own obstinate ignorance and imprudence, in refusing to establish such institutions as will make them always blessings, we turn them into curses. There are evils it is true which attend them as well as all other human blessings, even government, liberty, virtue and religion. It is the province of philosophy and policy to increase the good and lessen the evil that attends them as much as possible. But it is not surely the way, either to encrease the good or lessen the evil which accompanies such families, to represent them to the people as machines, as rods, as scourges, as blind and mechanical instruments in the hands of divine vengeance, unmixed with benevolence. Nor has it any good tendency or effect, to endeavor to render them unpopular; to make them objects of hatred, malice, jealousy, envy or revenge, to the common people. The way of wisdom to happiness is to make mankind more friendly to each other. The existence of such men or families is not their fault. They created not themselves. We, the Plebeians, find them the workmanship of God and nature like ourselves. The constitution of nature and the course of providence has produced them as well as us: and they and we must live together; it depends upon ourselves indeed whether it shall be in peace, love and friendship, or in war and hatred. Nor are they reasonably the objects of censure or aversion, of resentment, envy or hatred, for the gifts of fortune, any more than for those of nature. Conspicuous birth is no more in a man's power to avoid, than to obtain. Hereditary riches are no more a reproach than they are a merit. A paternal estate is neither a virtue nor a fault. He must nevertheless be a novice in this world who does not know that these gifts of fortune, are advantages in society and life, which confer influence, popularity and power. The distinction that is made between the gifts of nature and those of fortune appears to be not well founded. It is fortune which confers beauty and strength, which are called qualities of nature as much as birth and hereditary wealth, which are called accidents of fortune: and on the other hand it is nature which confers these favors, as really as stature and agility.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
[Continued from our last.]
IF a man has power over me, and a person convinces me that he is my adversary, his power immediately becomes an object of fear: Fear speedily becomes hatred, and I am incited to destroy the power, which so disturbs me. The power of a good government is naturally an object of love and admiration. Every man confiding in the benevolent disposition of his rulers, considers their power as his own—and we consider our own power with great complacency and regard. But when a state legislature passes a censure upon Congress, how does it operate upon men's opinions? The citizen may say, this Assembly has power over my life and property—it decides on other laws wisely, and without being disobeyed—why should it be less competent to decide on this law, which it has called a bad one, than upon other occasions: Those who make bad laws, and attempt to subvert liberty, are certainly very bad men, and very unfit to hold the reins of authority any longer.
What sentiments will succeed these impressions? Those who understand human nature will say, this man will fear and hate the government, and as soon as he thinks he has malecontents enough on his side to support him, he will despise and disobey it. But what if this appeal to his passions should be made at the moment when a law, indispensably necessary to the union, but highly obnoxious to the fears and prejudices of the people, is going into operation! If the gunpowder should not happen to take fire, we are not to thank those for our escape who throw firebrands.
What renders this practice of States remonstrating against the laws of the union peculiarly delicate is, the nature of our confederation—one government over many governments: What can keep them from interfering, but their mutually shunning one another's walks. But if they will take up in one house the business of another, and decide it in opposition to Congress, one of two things will take place—either the censure will have no effect, and be disregarded, which by abating the dignity and respectability of the censoring body, is an injury to the cause of good government, and brings it into contempt: Or if it has any effect, it must be to the prejudice of the body censured—making it appear ignorant or ill-intentioned—destroying men's confidence in it, and of course abating the influence of the laws: This effect is pernicious—but it is infinitely worse in violent party times; for when a state ranges itself on the side of one party, and fulminates censures against the other, the dignity of a great body-politic gives the contest the aspect of a national quarrel. In this state of things, the address of a few bad men, and the violence of many weak ones, may push it to the decision of the sword, which usually arbitrates between angry societies. Let the candid and discerning lovers of peace and good order weigh this tendency of our affairs. Every free man has his weight with our elective government; leave him
by remonstrance to seek redress, he will not want advocates: Besides the man of his choice, champions enough will espouse his cause, and make a merit of their zeal in it; at least the enquiry will be fair, and the decision will be submitted to the calm unbiaffed judgment of the public.
[To be continued.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, Feb. 8.
The BANK BILL under consideration.
MR. MADISON
OBSERVED, that the present is a question which ought to be conducted with moderation and candor—and therefore there is no occasion to have recourse to those tragic representations, which have been adduced—warmth and passion should be excluded from the discussion of a subject, which ought to depend on the cool dictates of reason for its decision.
Adverting to the observation of Mr. Smith, (S. C.) “that it would be a deplorable thing for the Senate of the United States to have fallen on a decision which violates the constitution,” he enquired, What does the reasoning of the gentleman tend to shew but this, that from respect to the Senate, this house ought to sanction their decisions? And from hence it will follow, that the President of the United States ought, out of respect to both, to sanction their joint proceedings; but he could, he said, remind the gentleman, of his holding different sentiments on another occasion.
Mr. Madison then enlarged on the exact balance or equipoise contemplated by the constitution, to be observed and maintained between the several branches of government—and shewed, that except this idea was preserved, the advantages of different independent branches would be lost, and their separate deliberations and determinations were intirely useless.
In describing a corporation he observed, that the powers proposed to be given, are such, as do not exist antecedent to the existence of the corporation; these powers are very extensive in their nature, and to which a principle of perpetuity may be annexed.
He waved a reply to Mr. Vining's observations on the common law, [in which that gentleman had been lengthy and minute, in order to invalidate Mr. Madison's objection to the power proposed to be given to the Bank, to make rules and regulations, not contrary to law.] Mr. Madison said the question would involve a very lengthy discussion—and other objects more intimately connected with the subject, remained to be considered.
The power of granting Charters, he observed, is a great and important power, and ought not to be exercised, without we find ourselves expressly authorised to grant them: Here he dilated on the great and extensive influence that incorporated societies had on public affairs in Europe: They are a powerful machine, which have always been found competent to effect objects on principles, in a great measure independent of the people.
He argued against the influence of the precedent to be established by the bill—for tho' it has been said that the charter is to be granted only for a term of years, yet he contended, that granting the powers on any principle, is granting them in perpetuum—and assuming this right on the part of the government involves the assumption of every power whatever,
Noticing the arguments in favor of the bill, he said, it had been observed, that “government necessarily possesses every power,”—However true this idea may be in theory, he denied that it applied to the government of the United States.
Here he read the restrictive clause in the Constitution—and then observed that he saw no pass over this limit.
The preamble to the Constitution, said he, has produced a new mine of power; but this is the

first instance he had heard of, in which the preamble has been adduced for such a purpose. In his opinion the preamble only states the objects of the confederation, and the subsequent clauses designate the express powers by which those objects are to be obtained—and a mean is proposed thro' which to acquire those that may be found still requisite, more fully to effect the purposes of the confederation.
It is said, "there is a field of legislation yet unexplored,"—He had often heard this language—but he confessed he did not understand it.—Is there, said he, a single blade of grass—is there any property in existence in the United States, which is not subject to legislation, either of the particular States, or of the United States? He contended that the exercise of this power on the part of the United States, involves, to all intents and purposes, every power which an individual state may exercise. On this principle he denied the right of Congress to make use of a Bank to facilitate the collection of taxes. He did not, however admit the idea, that the institution would conduce to that object: The bank notes are to be equal to gold and silver, and consequently will be as difficult to obtain as the specie. By means of the objects of trade on which gold and silver are employed, there will be an influx of those articles—but paper being substituted, will fill those channels, which would otherwise be occupied by the precious metals—This, experience shews is the uniform effect of such a substitution.
The right of Congress to regulate trade, is adduced as an argument in favor of this of creating a corporation—but what has this bill to do with trade? Would any plain man suppose that this bill had any thing to do with trade?
He noticed the observation respecting the utility of Banks to aid the government with loans—He denied the necessity of the institution to aid the government in this respect—Great Britain, he observed, did not depend on such institutions—she borrows from various sources.
"Banks it is said, are necessary to pay the interest of the public debt,"—then they ought to be established in the places where that interest is paid—but can any man say, that the bank notes will circulate at par in Georgia. From the example of Scotland we know that they cannot be made equal to specie, remote from the place, where they can be immediately converted into coin—they must depreciate in case of a demand for specie—and if there is no moral certainty that the interest can be paid by these bank bills, will the government be justified in depriving itself of the power of establishing banks in different parts of the union?
We reason (said he) and often with advantage from British models, but in the present instance there is a great dissimilarity of circumstances. The bank notes of Great-Britain do not circulate universally; to make the circumstances parallel, it ought to have been assumed as a fact that banks are established in various parts of Great-Britain, at which the interest of the national debt is paid—but the fact is, it is only paid in one place.
The clause of the constitution which has been so often recurred to, and which empowers Congress to dispose of its property, he supposed referred only to the property left at the conclusion of the war, and has no reference to the monied property of the United States.
The clause which empowers Congress to pass all laws necessary, &c. has been brought forward repeatedly by the advocates of the bill; he noticed the several constructions of this clause which had been offered; the conclusion which he drew from the commentary of the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Gerry, was that Congress may do what they please—and recurring to the opinion of that gentleman in 1787; he said the powers of the constitution were then dark, inexplicable and dangerous—but now, perhaps as the result of experience they are clear and luminous!
The constructions of the constitution, he asserted, which have been maintained on this occasion go to the subversion of every power whatever in the several States—but we are told for our comfort that the judges will rectify our mistakes; how are the judges to determine in the case; are they to be guided in their decisions by the rules of expediency?
It has been asked that if those minute powers of the constitution were thought to be necessary, is it supposable that the great and important power on the table was not intended to be given? Mr. Madison interpreted this circumstance in a quite different way, viz. if it was thought necessary to specify in the constitution, those minute powers, it would follow that more important powers would have been explicitly granted had they been contemplated.
The Western Territory business he observed, was a case sui generis , and therefore cannot be cited with propriety: West Point, so often mentioned, he said, was purchased by the United States pursuant to law—and the consent of the State of New York is supposed, if it has not been expressly granted; but on any occasion does it follow that one violation of the constitution is to be justified by another?
The permanent residence bill, he conceived was entirely irrelative to the subject; but he conceived it might be justified on truly constitutional principles.
The act vesting in the President of the United States the power of removability has been quoted; he recapitulated in a few words his reasons for being in favor of that bill.
The bank of North-America, he said, he had opposed, as he considered the institution as a violation of the confederation. The State of Massachusetts he recollected voted with him on that occasion. The bank of North America was however the child of necessity—as soon as the war was over, it ceased to operate as to continental purposes. But, asked he, are precedents in war, to justify violations of private and State rights, in a time of peace? and did the United States pass laws to punish the counterfeiting the notes of that bank? They did not, being convinced of the invalidity of any such law—the bank therefore took shelter under the authority of the State.
The energetic administration of this government is said to be connected with this institution. Mr. Madison here stated the principles on which he conceived this government ought to be administered—and added, other gentlemen may have had other ideas on the subject, and may have consented to the ratification of the constitution on different principles and expectations—but he considered the enlightened opinion and affection of the people, the only solid basis for the support of this government.
Mr. Madison then stated his objections to the several parts of the bill: The first article he objected to, was the duration—A period of twenty years, he observed, was to this country as a period of a century in the history of other countries—there was no calculating for the events which might take place: He urged the ill-policy of granting so long a term, from the experience of the government in respect to some treaties, which tho' found inconvenient, could not now be altered.
The different classes of the public creditors, he observed, were not all put on an equal footing by this bill; but in the bill for the disposal of the Western Territory, this had been thought essential: The holders of 6 per cent. securities, will derive undue advantages—Creditors at a distance, and the holders of 3 per cent. securities, ought to be considered—as the public good is most essentially promoted by an equal attention to the interest of all.
I admit, said he, that the government ought to consider itself as the trustee of the public on this occasion, and therefore should avail itself of the best disposition of the public property.
In this view of the subject, he objected to the bill, as the public, he thought, ought to derive greater advantages from the institution than those proposed. In case of a universal circulation of the notes of the proposed bank, the profits will be so great that the government ought to receive a very considerable sum for granting the charter.
There are other defects in the bill, which render it proper and necessary in my opinion, that it should undergo a revision and amendment before it passes into a law: The power vested by the bill in the executive to borrow of the bank, he thought was objectionable—and the right to establish subordinate banks, he said, ought not to be delegated to any set of men under heaven.
The public opinion has been mentioned: If the appeal to the public opinion is suggested with sincerity, we ought to let our constituents have an opportunity to form an opinion on the subject.
He concluded by saying, he should move for the previous question.
The previous question, " Shall the main question now be put ," being determined in the affirmative,
Mr. Gerry rose to reply to Mr. Madison—but the house discovering an impatience to have the main question put—after a few remarks, he waived any further observations.
WARSAW, (Poland) February 1.
WE have received accounts that a body of Russians have crossed the Danube, near Ismail, in order to attack the army of the Grand Vizier at Schumla; and it is said that Gen. Ribas is on his way to Warna with his fleet. Reports state, that the Russian grand fleet at Sebastopol has failed, in order to meet him, and that they will proceed to Constantinople.
PARIS, February 14.
A Schism, to all intents and purposes, reigns in this Republic; the non-juring clergy are countenanced by the minority, and the swearing priests are supported by the ruling party;—both equally contemning the ministers of the opposite creed.
The Pope has written a circular letter of condolance to the dispossessed Bishops of France;—he invites them into the papal dominions, and makes them a tender of his best offices.
An insurrection is ready to break out at Geneva; there are two parties: One wishes to see equa-
lity reign among all the citizens as in France; the other would have the republic under the French government. The latter, it is thought, will prevail. M. de Mirabeau, the younger, had raised a company of volunteers at Yverdu, in Switzerland, which, in attempting to enter Neufchatel, was cut to pieces by the inhabitants of the town; he narrowly escaped with his life.
LONDON, February 8.
ACCORDING to letters from Amsterdam, by the last mails, a stop has been put there, by authority, to the loan which was negotiating by commission for a Northern Power.
We learn from Brest, that they have for these six weeks past, had very blowing weather, which sometimes might be called a hurricane; that the lightning had fallen four times upon the ships in the road, but happily no damage was done to any of them, most of the electric matter having been carried off by the conductors.
Feb. 17, Though the Impeachment against Mr. Hastings is carried in the House of Commons, and the same Committee as before appointed to conduct the trial, it still rests with the House of Lords, "Whether they think a dissolution of parliament abates the Impeachment or not?" If they should agree in the affirmative, the trial drops of course, for then it will be the opinion of the Court.
We hear that the French Ambassador, agreeable to his instructions from the King of France, has applied to the Court of London, to release Lord G. Gordon from the pains and penalties of his sentence in Newgate, for his publication in 1786, reflecting on the then arbitrary government of France, the Bastile, and Letters de Cachet. The result of the Ambassador's application he has communicated to Lord George in his diplomatique quality; and we are very sorry to add, that the joint and direct request of the King of France himself and the National Assembly, the Representatives of a free people, in their great character of restorers of liberty, has been refused at St. James's!
The settlement of the Canada business will not wait for the arrival of Lord DORCHESTER, who is not expected home so soon as has been generally stated; all the documents relative to that business have been already received, with his Lordship's opinion thereon.
The arrival of the Swallow packet from Madras, is looked for in the course of three weeks, with dispatches from Gen. Meadows, of the utmost importance; between whom and Tippoo Saib a decisive action was immediately expected when the Houghton East-Indiamen sailed for England on the 13th of last Sept. Tippoo was at that period coming down with his whole force from the Mysore country to attack the British army.
M. Brouillet, a member of the National Assembly of France, has proposed a scheme for the abolition of the barbarous custom of duelling—He proposes that the Assembly should issue a solemn declaration: 1. That honor, as well as virtue, being personal, no citizen can be deprived of it but by his own act, and that it can in no case depend on the caprice of another.—2. That every citizen, convicted of having given an affront to another, by words, gestures, or threats, will be prosecuted and punished as a disturber of the public peace.—3. That every person who shall strike another shall be declared infamous.—4. That the laws against duelling shall continue in force, and be executed with the utmost Rigour.—5. That those are to be considered as disgraced, who, in contempt of the law, dare to give a challenge.—And, 6. That it cannot be dishonorable to refuse a challenge, as true honor consists in submission to the laws.
An ingenious gentleman who owed a friend some money, invited him to dine with him, and plied him so briskly with good wine, that the creditor generously forgave the debt. The other calls this a new method of LIQUIDATING a debt!
Motion of Mr. Burke in the House of Commons, February 14.
"That in consideration of the long period of time elapsed in the trial of Warren Hastings, Esq. it is now necessary for the obtaining of speedy judgment, to carry up no further charges except such as relate to bribes, pensions, and presents."
Mr. Fox seconded the motion.
Several amendments being moved and negatived, Mr. Burke's motion was put and carried without a division.
After Mr. Burke's original motion was put and carried, the following were also carried:
Resolved, That a Message be sent to the Lords, to acquaint their Lordships that this House is ready to proceed upon the impeachment of Warren Hastings, Esq. late Governor Gen. of Bengal, now depending before the Lords in parliament, and to request that their Lordships will appoint a convenient day for the further hearing of the same.
Resolved, That Mr. Burke do carry the said Message.

HOUSE OF LORDS, FEB. 16.
Yesterday Mr. Burke, attended by Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, and a great number of Members, presented at the bar the following message.
"My Lords,
"I am ordered by the Commons to acquaint your Lordships, that the House of Commons is ready to proceed upon the impeachment of Warren Hastings, Esq. late Governor General of Bengal, now depending before your Lordships, whenever your Lordships will appoint a convenient day for hearing of the same."
Lord Grenville some short time after rose, and having observed, the very great importance of the message which had been brought from the commons, and which in his opinion required their Lordships most serious consideration: In order that the House might profit by the experience and wisdom of their ancestors, Lord Grenville moved,
"That a committee be appointed to search for Precedents relative to the state of the Impeachment of Warren Hastings, Esq. brought up by the Commons, and proceeded upon in the last Session of Parliament, and to report their opinion to the House."
The same was, upon the question put, agreed to, several Lords present were named, and all the Lords who have been present this Session were ordered to be upon the said Committee.
There was a wicked time, in the history of this country, when a man might lose his heart in the crossing of a street. The good-natured diffidence of the present day relieves him from that danger, unless he can fix his eyes to a pair of legs, or fall in love with a curtain. As to eyes, teeth, and other ingredients of beauty, he has no more to apprehend from them, than if we were a nation of Spaniards; and it is said, "what the eye don't see, the heart will seldom feel."
The mode of attack, both in war and in love is subject to alterations and improvements. The ladies who formerly conquered by the eyes, now hide them behind a curtain, and present their irresistible beauty of short petticoats and near ancles. This transition from one extreme to another, we cannot approve— Medio tutissimus!
The damages occasioned by the fire at the Albion mills are estimated at 200,000l. independently of any delay in business, &c. The insurances made at the several offices are stated as not exceeding half that amount!
FRANKFORT, Feb. 15.
A few of the Turkish provinces in the possession of the Russian troops, will furnish them with the means of adding conquest to conquest, till the Empress, like a female Colossus, setting one foot on Asia, and the other in Europe, and grasping the isles in her hand, will assume the daring prerogative of giving law to the world.
These things ought not to be.
NEW-LONDON, April 1.
Extract of a letter from a foreign correspondent, to the Editors of this paper, dated Jan. 21, 1791.
[Concluded from our last.]
"The good crops in the United States, and in Europe, will make provisions so cheap, that many of your farmers, I presume, will feel the necessity of cultivating a greater quantity of flax and hemp this year. Providence seems to call upon you, with a loud voice, to encourage and promote manufactures. And perhaps this voice will be even louder a few years hence than it is at present. The political revolution in France will probably bring on a revolution in the agriculture of that country. The duke of Orleans has begun the English mode of farming, on one of his own estates, with English farmers. The abolition of the Corvee, and of every other part of the feudal system, will remove that load of disgrace which has hung so heavily on the French farmers, and will inspire them with new life and vigor. They will plant a much greater quantity of land, and improve their land like the English, and probably supply themselves entirely with wheat; except when their crops may fail, as in England, through unfavorable seasons. Where then will your planters find markets for their wheat, unless they can find them at home, in your manufacturing and trading towns? I wish to see the farmer well rewarded for his industry and ingenuity. Nothing will effect this so much as a great increase in the population, consisting of those who are not employed in agriculture. The manufactures of your own country will require a great quantity of raw materials, such as wool, flax, hemp, silk, cotton, hops and barley for breweries, hides and bark to tan them; iron, lead, copper, &c. Thus the farmer will have opportunity to vary his crops, and to raise what will thrive best on his soil, and what will yield him the greatest profit."
"Manufactures more than double and treble the value of raw materials. Some of them augment their value 20, some 50, and some an 100 fold. So much do the goods you manufacture add to the wealth of your country. Moreover, the wealth will not only be great, but general,
without making many individuals too rich and luxurious; and therefore is the most valuable kind of wealth. Besides, they who carry on manufactures run little or no risk of being ruined, except by their own imprudence. Whereas, merchants must venture much more, and some of them may be ruined in spite of all their prudence and attention, while others are known to acquire great wealth, and thereby promote luxury and dissipation, the bane of morals, and the ruin of empires."
"I am pleased with the rapid increase of manufactures in the United States, from moral as well as political considerations, they afford relief to a number of poor industrious people, who ought not to suffer for want, while they are willing to work;—they train up children in the habit of industry, and thereby secure them from the vices of idleness;—and they have a tendency to reclaim some who have contracted an idle habit, and yielded to the temptations of vice, and will leave them without excuse if they continue therein, or run to extremes. In this connection I may observe the solitary confinement of criminals, and the hard labour to which they are kept, by the new method lately adopted, will at once promote manufactures, and thereby make them useful members of society while they are confined, and bring them into the habit of industry, and give them time for serious reflection, and at the same time put it out of the power of all to corrupt, or be corrupted by one another."
ELIZABETH-TOWN, (M.) April 6.
THE PRESIDENT of the United States has been pleased to appoint MOSES RAWLINGS, Esquire, to command the battalion of levies to be raised in this State.
BOSTON, April 6.
On Monday last agreeably to the Constitution, the citizens of this Commonwealth, met in their respective towns, for the choice of GOVERNOR, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, and SENATORS, for the year ensuing. The votes in this town for Governor, were, for His Excellency JOHN HANCOCK, Esq. 543 The Hon. FRANCIS DANA, Esq. 81 Lieutenant-Governor. His Honor SAMUEL ADAMS, Esq. 540 The Hon. THOMAS RUSSELL, Esq. 57 The Hon. SAMUEL PHILLIPS, Esq. 26 We have received information from several towns; in all which the present Chief and Second Magistrates have been unanimously or generally voted for. In Worcester county, the Hon. Mr. GROUT, has many votes for Senator. Major FRANKS is appointed Inspector of the federal troops, to be raised in the Eastern States.
From New-York, via Providence, April 2, 1791. I am informed from good authority, that late orders have arrived from Holland to the Agents in Philadelphia, and this city, to purchase all the stock they can lay their hands on—and from some manoeuvres amongst the Stockjobbers, I am convinced of the truth of it; but I hope our countrymen will have wisdom sufficient to refuse selling the price of our country's independence for a long; and thereby prevent our becoming in fact tributary to foreigners.
ALMANACK FOR THE YEAR 1791.
The following lines, comprising twelve words, will prove out the day of the week of any day of the month of the year 1791, by observing that the first letter tells the day of the first of each month.
Sad Toilsome Troubles Follow Subjects Wrong, Foul Murders Threat'ning Savage Tumults Throng.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
S O N N E T, V.
"SAY, what is Life?" the sons of sorrow cry— "Is it to breathe a lingering age of woe "In vegetative being here below? "To eat, to drink, to sleep, and then—to die?" "Is it in Pleasure's airy rounds to fly? "To laugh, to dance?"—the fowls of Joy would know— "To plunge in lewdness, and no care bestow "On what may greatly fit us for the sky?" No.—'Tis the Twilight of a heavenly Day, Whose radiant glories opening on the Soul, Shall raise, and bear it, from itself away, Far o'er the bounds of this terrestrial pole, Wak'd to new rapture by the living lay, Where GOD informs the immeasurable whole. E L L A.
Philadelphia, April 20.
On the 13th inst. the President of the United States dined at an elegant entertainment, prepared by the citizens of Richmond, Virginia. On the day of his arrival every mark of respect and attention was paid, and every demonstration of public joy exhibited; in the evening there was a general illumination—previous to which the corporation presented a respectful address, which was answered in the usual stile of dignity, condescension and benevolence.
A letter from Fort St. Tammany, Georgia, says the treaty with the Creeks, although in some particulars disagreeable to the Georgians, has given a new countenance to the inhabitants in this quarter and will tend greatly to facilitate the settlement of this charming river.
A writer in a late paper, imputes the loss of so many ships which founder at sea, to the modern mode of constructing their stems, which are low hanging and slightly built—and recommends the Dutch method of building with pink stems, which will always scud before a turbulent sea with safety.
The superior price that YELLOW INDIAN CORN commands, is mentioned, as a hint to Farmers, to give that kind the preference in planting the present season.
A late writer judiciously observes, that he had rather be guided in his opinions by one experienced man of business, than by an hundred theorists, who are versed only in books.
A celebrated Law Professor in one of the States, once said, that it would be best to raise all public revenue entirely by a land tax, because all taxes come ultimately out of the land. The old financiers of all countries, who know mankind, would laugh at such an opinion, tho' advanced by an able law character. Some of the best arguments in Congress, on the funding system, on excise, and the bank, appear to be built on the same sandy basis, fallacious theory—otherwise it is impossible to account for the respectable opposition made to the most necessary measures of government.
A gentleman in this city has drawn three thousand dollars in the Massachusetts Semi-Annual Lottery.
Died in this city, on Saturday morning last, NICHOLAS EVERLEIGH, Esq. Comptroller of the Treasury of the United States.
Sunday last arrived here the ship Atlantic, Capt. Swaine, from Liverpool; this ship had the extraordinary run of 2086 miles in ten running days, and was only 22 days from Cape Clear, to the Capes of the Delaware.
Accounts received by this vessel are to 5th March, and state, that on the 8th January the people of Constantinople were in such a ferment, as to excite apprehensions of a revolt; that the republic of Venice is to furnish the Porte with three ships of war; that the city of Geneva was all in arms; 6000 men also in arms in the department of Gard and Ardeche, in France, the report of which did not appear to alarm the National Assembly—that Monf. de Noailles is President; that affairs in the North wear a more pacific appearance, Catharine being more disposed for peace—and that great military preparations are making in France.
We hear that a very interesting discovery has lately been made at Naples. It is said that the most violent hæmorrhages are immediately stopped by the volatile fluor alkali. Repeated experiments made in the hospital of that city have had the compleatest success. The most singular is the last, which was made on a man who had his leg cut off; cotton dipt in volatile fluor alkali was applied on the part cut, which immediately stopped the blood, and cicatrized the wound.
The nabob of Arcot has filed a bill in the court of Chancery against the East-India Company, calling them to account for seizing his country and plundering his revenues for 10 years past: how many years does a suit in Chancery require?
The number of convicts to be sent to Botany Bay this year amounts to 1200; 2-5ths of which are females; a fruitful source of emigration! But what colonists?
The hereditary general of the posts of the Empire and the Netherlands, has forbid all persons employed in these posts, to admit the circulation of a number of the French Gazettes.
Leave has been given to the British House of Commons to bring in a bill for dividing Canada into two provinces, agreeable to the King's message.
The directors of the bank of England are taking spirited measures to prevent the minister from taking possession of the unclaimed dividends.
By the above arrival from Europe we learn, that a peace is concluded between Austria and the Porte—every thing to remain as before the breaking out of the war in 1788. The Turks, so far from being disheartened at the loss of Ismael, are determined to prosecute the war against Russia, with vigor—the Sultan has accordingly ordered an immediate augmentation of his army by a reinforcement of 40000 men—and all the Bassas or Governors of Provinces, are ordered to enlist every man from 15 to 60 years of age.
The Editor acknowledges with gratitude the favors he has received from his poetical correspondents ELLA and BIRTHA; their productions would do honor to any miscellany whatever. The readers of the Gazette have doubtless been pleased, and the pleasure will be heightened to surprise, when they are informed that ELLA is but a youth of 17.—The authors are unknown to each other.
But, truth and genius boast a sovereign law, Which minds congenial to each other draw; While one bright object, centers every aim— Their muse, on Virtue, builds a deathless fame.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 17f. pr. £. 85 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 9f. 45 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9f. 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 16f. 80   Indents 9f. 45 do.   N. and S. Carolina debts, 12 1/2 15f. do.  
ARRIVALS at the PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.
Brig Ann, Smith, Norfolk, 8 days. Schooner Polly, Jacobs, Savannah, 40. Do. Polly, Coffin, Halifax, 16. Sloop Betty, Brooks, New-York. 6. Do. Harriot, Kerby, Charleston, 12. Ship Delaware, Art, Charleston, 9. Do. Atlantic, Swaine, Liverpool, 22. Sloop Polly, Valentine, N. Carolina, 12. Do. Nancy, Stolett, Virginia, 6.
The ship St. James, from New-York for Londonderry, is ashore Londonderry river.

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
AT THE THIRD SESSION,
Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, on Monday the sixth of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
AN ACT for making Compensations to the Commissioners of Loans for extraordinary Expenses.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the commissioners of Loans in the several States shall be allowed in the settlement of their accounts, such sums as shall appear to have been necessarily expended by them in the purchase of stationery for the use of their several offices, from the commencement of the same to the first day of October next.
And be it further enacted, That the commissioners of loans in the several States, shall be allowed in the settlement of their several accounts, such sums as they shall have necessarily expended for hire of clerks to assist in executing the duties of their several offices, from the commencement of the same to the first day of October next.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, MARCH THIRD, 1791.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States
Deposited among the Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State: THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
WHEREAS Congress did, by a resolution of the twenty-third day of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, recommend to the several States to pass laws making it expressly the duty of the keepers of their jails to receive and safe keep therein all prisoners committed under the authority of the United States: In order therefore to ensure the administration of justice,
RESOLVED, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in case any State shall not have complied with the said recommendation, the marshal in such State, under the direction of the judge of the district, be authorized to hire a convenient place to serve as a temporary jail, and to make the necessary provision for the safe-keeping of prisoners committed under the authority of the United States, until permanent provision shall be made by law for that purpose; and the said marshal shall be allowed his reasonable expenses incurred for the above purposes, to be paid out of the Treasury of the United States.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, MARCH THIRD, 1791.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States
Deposited among the Rolls in the Office of the Secretary of State: THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
TITLES of the ACTS passed at the third Session of the CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, with the Number of this Gazette in which each is inserted.
Table listing various acts passed by Congress with their corresponding page numbers in the Gazette. Includes acts on debts, ships, Maryland, Vermont, and more.
Table listing various acts passed by Congress with their corresponding page numbers in the Gazette. Includes acts on tea, salaries, lands, and compensations.
TO BE DISPOSED OF, BY PRIVATE SALE, A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS, In the HEBREW, GREEK, LATIN, FRENCH, and ITALIAN LANGUAGES—being part of a private Library; Among which are the following:
GALLAUDET and EWING, No. 54, SOUTH SECOND STREET, HAVE imported in the Lady Walterstorf, from London, Manchester and Adriana from Liverpool, and the Birmingham Packet from Bristol, a GENERAL ASSORTMENT of SEASONABLE GOODS, which they will sell on reasonable terms.
MATTHEW M'CONNELL, IN CHESNUT-STREET, No. 66, BUYS and SELLS all kinds of THE PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNION; has frequently occasion to NEGOTIATE INLAND BILLS OF EXCHANGE—and will receive Orders for making SUBSCRIPTIONS to the BANK of the UNITED STATES. IMPERIAL, HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA TEAS, REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, and SPICES, &c. Of the first quality—by retail, No. 17, Third Street, between Chesnut and Market Streets. A few New-York LOTTERY TICKETS come to hand, for sale.
NOTIFICATION. Colonel THOMAS PROCTER, Lieutenant of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, being necessarily absent from the city, his Excellency the GOVERNOR hath thought proper to authorise me to discharge the Duties of that Office until his return: NOTICE is therefore given, to the MILITIA of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, the Northern Liberties of said City, the Townships of Moyamensing and Passyunk, that they are to meet and exercise under their respective Officers on the following Days, viz. First Battalion on the 2d Day of May next, Second Battalion on the 3d of do. Third Battalion on the 4th of do. Fourth Battalion on the 5th of do. Fifth Battalion on the 6th of do. Sixth Battalion on the 7th of do. Seventh Battalion on the 10th of do. ELEAZER OSWALD, Lieutenant, pro tem. of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia. Philadelphia, April 6, 1791.
TO BE SOLD, THE SEAT OF THE LATE GOVERNOR LIVINGSTON, situate about a mile from Elizabeth-Town, on the public road to Morris Town. The farm contains between 90 and 100 acres of land, 15 or 20 acres of which are wood land; there is also appertaining to the said farm about 10 acres of salt meadow. Particular attention having been paid to the cultivation of fruit; there is on the farm a very large collection of various kinds of the choicest fruit trees, &c. in full bearing; the house is large, convenient, well built and in very good repair. Enquire of the Printer, for further particulars. New-York, Jan. 1791.
LOST, BETWEEN this city and New-York, on the post road, two bundles containing the Gazette of the United States—No. 32—destined for New-York and Bolton. As they can be of no use, but as waste paper, except to the Subscribers, many of whom keep files of that publication, any person who can give information to the Editor, so that the whole or any part of them may be recovered, shall receive a generous reward. The two bundles contained 300 papers.
All persons concerned will be pleased to take notice that the following advertisement has been varied from that published in our paper of the 23d of March.
Treasury Department.
MARCH 22, 1791.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the first Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned, viz.
At any place or places, betwixt Yorktown in the state of Pennsylvania and Fort Pitt, and at Fort Pitt. At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Fort M'Intosh, on the River Ohio, and at Fort M'Intosh. At any place or places, betwixt Fort M'Intosh and the mouth of the River Muskingum, and at the mouth of the River Muskingum. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and up the said River to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayoga River, and down the said River to its mouth. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the River Muskingum, and the mouth of the Scioto River, and at the mouth of the said River Scioto. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of Scioto River, and the mouth of the great Miami, at the mouth of the great Miami, and from thence to the Rapids, on the Falls of the Ohio, and at the said Rapids. At any place or places, betwixt the mouth of the great Miami, up the said Miami, to and at Piquetown, and thence over to the Miami Village, on the river of the same name which empties into Lake Erie. At any place or places from the Rapids of the Ohio, to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the said Wabash to Post St. Vincennes, at Post St. Vincennes, and thence up the said river Wabash, to the Miami village, before described. At any place or places, from the mouth of the Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio. At any place or places, on the east side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river. At any place or places, from the mouth of the Miami river to the Miami Village. At any place or places, from the Miami Village to Sandusky, and at Sandusky, and from Sandusky to the mouth of Cayoga river. At any place or places, betwixt Fort Pitt and Venango, and at Venango. At any place or places, betwixt Venango and Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf, betwixt Le Beuf and Presq' Isle, at Presq' Isle, and betwixt Presq' Isle and the mouth of Cayoga river. At the mouth of Cayoga river, and at any place or places, on the route from Fort Pitt, to the mouth of Cayoga river, by the way of Big Beaver creek. At any place or places, on the east side of the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio and the river Margot inclusively. At any place or places, from the said river Margot, to the river Yazous inclusively. At any place or places, from the mouth of the river Tennessee, to Ocochappo or Bear creek, on the said river inclusively. Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on, betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour, One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, Half a jill of rum, brandy or whisky, One quart of salt, Two quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, per. 100 rations. ALSO, That Proposals will be received at the said office until the first Monday in September next, inclusive, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at Springfield, in the state of Massachusetts, and the Post of West-Point, in the state of New-York. The rations to be supplied, are to consist of the same articles as are above mentioned. ALSO, That proposals will be received at the said office, until the 1st Monday in September next inclusive, for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January to the 31st day of December, 1792, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts herein after mentioned. At the post on the river Saint Mary, at present commanded by Capt. Henry Burbeck. At the post on the river Altamaha, at present commanded by Capt. John Smith. At the post on the river Oconee, at present commanded by Capt. Joseph Savage. At the post on the river Apalachee, at present commanded by Capt. Michael Rudolph. At any place or places from the Rock Landing on the Oconee, up to the mouth of the main south branch of the said river, from the said mouth up to the source of the said main south branch, and from thence to the Currahee mountain. At any other place or places within the state of Georgia which may hereafter be occupied as permanent posts by any troops of the United States. And for rations deliverable on the march to such future posts. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least two months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the same articles, as are abovementioned. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depositions of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed. The contracts for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years. The proposals may be made for the whole of the above posts together, or separately for Springfield, for West-Point, for Yorktown, and the seventeen places following it, and for the posts in Georgia; and they must specify the lowest price per ration, for prompt payment. The Printers who have published the above advertisement, are requested to reprint it with the alterations.
MANUEL NOAH, BROKER, No. 91, Race-Street, between Second and Third-Streets, BUYS and SELLS Continental & State Certificates, Pennsylvania and Jersey Paper Money, And all kinds of SECURITIES of the United States, or of any particular State.