The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-12-26 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XXV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 26th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, DEC. 23.
MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY.
Debate concluded.
The motion made on Friday by Mr. Davis, to refer to the committee to whom had been referred a memorial of the House of Representatives of the Mississippi Territory on the official conduct of Governor Sargent, the following resolution; (concluding a specification of unconstitutional laws enacted by the governor in conjunction with the judges, and of sundry oppressive acts committed by him) viz. "Resolved that the laws passed by the Governor and Judges of the Mississippi Territory, and the petition of Cato West and others, heretofore presented to the house, together with all the documents relative thereto, be transmitted to the President of the United States," was taken up and on the question of reference,
Mr. RANDOLPH, in a tone of voice which did not enable us from our remote situation distinctly to hear him, made some remarks on the reference of the memorial of the House of Representatives of the Mississippi territory.
The SPEAKER said the question was on the reference of the resolutions, and not the memorial.
Mr. RANDOLPH replied that his observations had respected a resolution founded on the memorial, and requested that it should be read.
The SPEAKER put the question whether it should be read, which was carried.
The parts of the resolutions before the house requested having been read;
Mr. RANDOLPH again rose. I do not find any assertion made in these propositions, the truth of which may not be substantiated by every member from the documents before the house. The first proposition is predicated on the resolutions of the citizens of the Mississippi territory; and with respect to the other propositions, which gentlemen say may possibly be true , if they would give themselves the trouble of turning to the code of laws for the Mississippi territory, which had been laid before them in an official shape by the President of the United States, they will find no charge founded on them, that is not completely substantiated.
I do not consider the resolutions as covering dubious ground, but as resting upon firm facts; and the gentleman from Kentucky, who introduced these resolutions, ought to be contemplated as discharging his duty as a member of this house, as an upright citizen, and as a neighbour to the oppressed territory. There is no misapplied feeling expressed in the resolutions; on the contrary they contain little more than abstract propositions. I trust, therefore, that this house, will throw no impediment in the way of examination. I trust they will be referred to a committee, and that such committee will present the whole affair before the people and the government.
The government was called upon, if it regarded its honor, to enquire into these charges. They were high and serious ones; and if true, required immediate and decisive redress. The gentleman from Massachusetts ought to co-operate in the accomplishment of this end, without involving in the discussion considerations of federalism of which he may consider himself as the primary orb, and other gentlemen as the satellites.
Mr. OTIS explained. He had made no such allusion either to himself, or the gentleman from Kentucky, of whom he had only spoken as of one who inhabited a satellite, meaning by that phrase Kentucky.
Mr. RANDOLPH. I did not assert what the gentleman denies. I did not say the
gentleman actually did , but may , consider himself as the primary orb.
I hope the house, after what I have said, will no longer be insulted by the declaration on this floor, that laws officially communicated may have been passed. I hope that in any event, effectual measures will be adopted, which shall not even wound the squeamishness of gentlemen.
When this officer was appointed, these charges were made and supported, the unconstitutional laws existed, still he was armed and fortified with destructive power. Sir, said Mr. Randolph, I never with to blunt the sword of justice by directing it against innocence or virtue. I will only turned against the criminal. The object of the resolutions is to acquit governor Sargent, if innocent; to convict him, if guilty. Is not this fair; is it not honorable; and ought not this house to promote it?
Mr. HARPER. I apprehend that the honorable member has totally mistaken the course of the business. He was corrected when he rose; but he still persists in error. The people who complain ought to be heard; they will be heard; they will obtain justice. What is the object of the motion? Does it not embrace a string of resolutions traducing a high public officer? This was the object of it. There was no other object. If there be another, what is it? The motion is not in the form of an address to the President desiring from him the removal of an officer who had violated his duty; but it offers you a string of preambulatory stigmatizing remarks, and concludes with directing certain laws, alleged to be unconstitutional, to be transmitted to the President. Does the President want these laws? Is he ignorant of them? Had he not them before we received them from him?
Are we then by this side-wind to hint to the President that we with the governor of the Mississippi Territory removed? It would be more consistent with the ideas of honor expressed by the gentleman from Virginia, to come forward fairly and avowedly with such an address. Such a measure would certainly be novel; but still it might be right.
These were not the plain, fair means pursued for the attainment of an avowed end. The means were very different. They tended solely to the traduction by this house of a public officer.
The gentleman from Kentucky had called the governor of the Mississippi Territory, after heaping reproaches upon his character, a vein of the great trunk. The allusion did not answer his purpose; but if it did, I will ask the gentleman, whether, even if the vein were removed, the great trunk would not still remain. The simile was therefore nugatory.
This same question had been before the house at the close of the last session. It had been then offered on the very last day. It had been laid aside. The same circumstances, then existing, attend it still. It is inherently the same.
The contents of the resolution had gone forth to the world. They had carried with them that weight that was derived from their having been offered by a member of this house. They struck at the honor and integrity of a man, who to the age of fifty six years sustained a character, not only unimpeached, but embellished with many virtues. Though this character may be impaired by more recent incidents, since his appointment to the government of the Mississippi Territory, of which Mr. Harper was entirely ignorant, all the charges now made were opposed by the preceding acts of his life.
Upon the whole, if a proper plan be pursued, instead of sanctioning these resolutions by a reference of them, a committee may be appointed, who may enquire extensively into the subject; after reporting to us all the information they can collect, the gentleman from Kentucky can add his and a just decision be then made. This conduct will be more appropriate than any implied address to the President. For if the charges are true, we should be lost to political integrity, and should betray our trusts, if we did not immediately take higher ground; if we did not proceed ad homi
nem , and impeach the flagrant violator of his duty. And I pledge myself, that in such event, if no other member shall, to move his impeachment.
Mr. CLAIBORNE. I cannot subscribe to the character given to Winthrop Sargent by the gentleman from South Carolina; and when that gentleman calls him amiable, I can only tell him that such an opinion is opposed by the united voice of the western world. But on this subject I must forbear, for with the whole part of Western America I have feelings that would hurry me into an expression of sentiments which a member of this house should not indulge.
The gentleman from South Carolina was not truly informed on this subject. The memorial, on which some of the charges were made in the resolutions offered by the gentleman from Kentucky, was addressed to Congress, and not to the President of the United States. It was fair to suppose that the President was unacquainted with its contents. For had he known them, it were to be hoped, that, for the sake of vindicating the rights of an oppressed people, he would have removed their tyrant.
The gentleman from South Carolina and Massachusetts declare themselves averse to the reference of the resolutions, lest by it they should give a sanction to the charges preferred. But does the house sanction the facts set forth in a petition by referring it? Do they not, on the contrary, refer for the very purpose of ascertaining them? Was not this the case every day? Was such a resolution or petition, on this ground, ever before opposed? If it had been, it was not since he was a member of the house.
If the resolutions be referred, what will be the effect? If the charges exhibited are found to be untrue, the investigation will terminate in the triumph of innocence; if, on the other hand they are proved to be true, he would proceed further, as far as the gentleman from South Carolina, and apply a constitutional corrective. By a constitutional corrective, he meant an impeachment; and he would not only have this man punished as a tyrant, but he would hold forth his punishment as a terror to others.
Mr. GRISWOLD. The remarks made by the gentlemen go to shew an indisposition in members of this house to investigate the subject. This is not the fact. We say that the investigation is in a train of being made. The petition of Cato West, and the memorial of the House of Representatives of the Mississippi territory, have been referred. Under these circumstances, the subject generally is before the committee. To go further at present, would, we say, be wrong. For if we do refer also the facts stated in the resolutions, we take it for granted that they are true, and refer to the committee the expediency of adopting an inference from them. The facts charged might be true, for any thing Mr. Griswold knew. He knew not whether they were true or not. He knew nothing of Winthrop Sargent; he was no acquaintance of his. But Mr. Griswold said, he was swayed by higher motives than those which were personal. He knew that the house had no right to pass censure upon any man, until his conduct had been fairly investigated and his criminality proved. Then, and then only, had they a right to pronounce upon the character of any man.
Never before had he seen a resolution prefaced by such a number of whereas's , only tending to place the character of this man upon the rack. This was introducing an old principle; a principle, which it was our boast that we had discarded. A rack was brought into this house; not, as of old to rack the body, but what was still worse, to rack the mind.
Gentlemen say the charges are either true or false; if false, refer them to a committee, and that committee will on enquiry tell you so, and thus you will get rid of them; and if true, they ought to be acted upon by this house. But who could depend upon their truth? Few members had investigated them in such a way as to form an honest conviction. If they shall appear to be true, after a faithful enquiry, the course proposed by his friend
from South Carolina ought to be taken. The culprit should be summoned before the bar of this house, and he should be impeached.
Mr. Griswold concluded by repeating that he was against the resolutions, not because he was averse to an investigation, but because he felt averse to censure any man for offences uninvestigated and unproved.
Mr. HARPER here explained what had fallen from him in a previous part of the debate. He had not said, or, if he had said, it had not been his design to say, that these resolutions were intended to traduce the character of an individual, but that such were their effect. He knew nothing about the intention of the mover.
Mr. DENNIS thought the question then before the house an improper one. For whether adopted or rejected, it would inadequately express the opinion of members. On the one hand, it was contended, that if agreed to, it would contain a sanction of the truth of serious charges against the character of a public officer; and if rejected, it would express an opinion that those charges were false. Mr. Dennis, who was not prepared either to approve or condemn the conduct of Winthrop Sargent, hoped the house would pursue another course: and if, in conformity to his wishes, the resolutions then offered should be dismissed, he would himself propose a more general resolution, for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the official conduct of Winthrop Sargent, and report to the house the result of their enquiries. Such a resolution would convey neither approbation or censure; and it would be free from that long string of preambles which prefaced the present resolutions. These were certainly improper; for however gentlemen might concur in certain general deductions, few men agreed in all points in the reasons assigned for any particular act.
Mr. CRAIK thought the object of the resolution itself improper. He desired to know in what part of the constitution was to be found the right to move for the dismissal of a public officer, or to impose a censure upon him? What was the view of the mover of the resolutions? He had not said that his object was to impeach. On the contrary, his real object appeared to be, to obtain from this house an expression of their censure against a high public agent; and by the expression of such censure to effect his removal. Such a step would be improper. It involved in it the exercise of powers which we did not possess. If the object of the gentleman, as professed, was to communicate information to the President, this object could be attained by the gentleman by his withdrawing the papers then before the house, and delivering them, in the capacity of a private citizen, to the President, who alone was authorised by the constitution to remove a public officer, except by impeachment.
Mr. DAVIS. The opposition to these resolutions has assumed various shapes. One gentleman is startled at the long preface, another is alarmed at the number of whereas's , and others say that by referring them, you will sanction the truth of the charges. This was not the case. They stand upon the same footing with any petition presented, which always contains some facts, to test the truth of which a reference is invariably made. The reference amounts to nothing more than an acknowledgment by this house that it is their duty to hear the complaints of the people, and when heard to enquire into their truth. Will not the committee, when appointed, compare the charges made with the facts that are proved, and from such a comparison make a report; and will not that report be open to examination, revision and amendment, by any member of this house?
The gentleman from South Carolina, as was usual with him, had made remarks on this subject, without knowing where to begin: and had asked if the laws complained of had not been presented by the President to the house? It was certainly true, that they had been so presented. But this was saying very little for the President; when it admitted that the Presi-

dent had seen the laws, that violated the constitution, and oppressed the people, without checking the officer, who had usurped unconstitutional power, and exercised flagrant oppression.
The gentlemen from South Carolina had called the charges contained in the resolution mere assertions. Mr. Davis denied the truth of the remark. There was not a charge made that was not proved. If he had told the house that he had laid hold of the threads of a conspiracy, he might have been charged with making mere assertions.
Mr. Davis was not acquainted with the early character of Winthrop Sargent. But he was acquainted, which was more material, with his late and present character. He did know that in his recent actions he had exhibited the character of a tyrant. It was very probable that before he was corrupted by power he was a virtuous man. But with him, as with many other men, no sooner had he got power, than he assumed the character of the tyrant, and oppressed those whom he had been appointed to protect.
Mr. Davis cared but little for the present fate of his motion; for let the house decide as it would on this day, a proper decision would soon be had. The reign of terror in this country would soon reach its end.
Mr. MACON. The subject already referred does not embrace the contents of this resolution. The memorial from the House of Representatives of the Mississippi territory only relates to the election for Washington county, and the conduct of the governor in relation to it: whereas the charges on which this resolution is founded are numerous and dissimilar.
The subject had been, last session, introduced at a late day, and had from that circumstance been laid aside. He was then convinced, and still was convinced, that the charges are true. They are specifically stated and supported by a reference to their proofs. Can more be required? Why not then refer them? Will not a committee inquire into their truth? And should they be found untrue will not the committee say so? A reference presented the only course whereby justice could be done to those who complain, to the country at large, and to the individual criminated.
It appeared to Mr. MacOn that it became that house to be the more attentive to these charges, as they came from a territory, unrepresented in our federal councils.
Gentlemen say, impeach this officer, if guilty. Could there be a more appropriate mode of leading to this effect, than by the appointment of a committee, on whose reported statement of facts the house would be justified in acting?
This had been the uniform mode. It had been practised in the case of the failure of the Western expedition under St. Clair. A committee had been appointed to inquire into the subject; though he granted that he did not recollect that the word whereas (so much objected to on this occasion) had been then used.
Nothing had been more common than to appoint a committee, and then give them certain instructions; this resolution was nothing more. But we are told from all quarters that we cannot pass the resolution without sanctioning the charges and staining the character of governor Sargent. It was not so. Gentlemen were mistaken. A reference involves no opinion, other than that a subject may be better investigated by a select committee than by this house.
Mr. HARPER asked whether it was in order to amend the resolution.
The SPEAKER answered that it was. Mr. HARPER. I then move to strike out the whole of the preamble, and so much of the resolution that follows, as to make it read (we are substantially though not verbally correct) "that a Committee be appointed to enquire into the official conduct of Winthrop Sargent, which shall be authorised to send for persons, papers, and records."
Mr. Harper declared his object was to bring about an impeachment of governor Sargent, if he appeared on investigation to be guilty.
Mr. CLAIBORNE said he admired the object avowed by the gentleman from Massachusetts; but he then rose to ask the Speaker whether the amendment was in order.
The SPEAKER said it was in order.
Mr. EGGLESTON. I hold in my hands the rules of the house, where I find it declared that a motion for commitment shall preclude all amendment.
The SPEAKER, after some hesitation, said it certainly was so.
Mr. RUTLEDGE said gentlemen all seemed to agree as to the essence of the case, but to differ on the mode. He thought the instance referred to by the gentleman from North Carolina fully in point, and
altogether against him. In that case a committee had been appointed barely to enquire into the causes of the Western expedition. The resolution had not been prefaced by a long preamble; it had not ascribed motives of cowardice, or other reprehensible motives to general St. Clair. The subject seemed to be entangled by the rules of the house. He approved the mode recommended by his colleague; and for the purpose of attaining that he would move the previous question.
The previous question was then put, viz. "Shall the main question be now put?" Which passed in the negative—Ayes 35. Noes 48.
Mr. HARPER then moved to strike out the preamble.
Mr. MACON moved a postponement of the question till to-morrow—Motion lost.
Mr. KITCHELL moved an adjournment to-morrow, when we meet then, what will be the question before the house? We have decided that the main question shall not be put. Can that then be the question? Where will it be? Where shall we find it?
Mr. HARPER called to order; on a motion to adjourn there could be no debate. Motion for adjournment lost.
Mr. DAVIS moved a commitment of the amendment to a select committee.
The SPEAKER declared the motion not in order.
Mr. DENT asked if it was not in order to commit the motions of both the gentlemen from Kentucky and South Carolina to a committee.
THE SPEAKER said a vote on the main question had just been put.
Mr. EGGLESTON said the vote had been on the previous question, and not the main one.
The SPEAKER acknowledged that it was so, but declared the proposition of Mr. Dent out of order.
The question was taken on striking out the preamble, and carried, 48 members rising in the affirmative.
Mr. HARPER then moved to amend the concluding resolution moved by Mr. Davis, by striking it out, and introducing in its room the motion already stated as made by Mr. Harper.
Mr. RANDOLPH desired to know, whether it was in order to move an amendment to the amendment of the gentleman from South Carolina.
The SPEAKER said it was in order.
Mr. RANDOLPH then moved the reference to the committee of the laws, documents, and other papers accompanying them.
The SPEAKER said that appeared to him to be the amount of the original resolution.
Mr. RANDOLPH replied that the original resolution was for the transmission of them to the President.
The SPEAKER acknowledged that it was so; and stated the motion of Mr. Randolph.
Mr. CHAMPLIN thought the motion out of order—
Mr. HARPER rose to call the gentleman to order. The Speaker had already decided the motion to be in order.
The SPEAKER again pronounced the motion to be in order.
A desultory debate ensued between Mr. Randolph, Mr. Griswold, Mr. Harper and Mr. Nott.
Mr. Harper's motion under consideration:
Mr. RANDOLPH would say, however hazardous the remark, that the house had never been more idly employed than on this occasion. All the gentlemen, who have spoken against the original resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky, say they are agreed as to the thing, but they dispute with tenacity every mode that we point out for accomplishing it. Whichever way we proceed, their ingenuity meets us at every step; and thus they strive to baffle every motion, whose object is a fair and full investigation.
Mr. Randolph thought the direct point should be directly aimed at. The committee proposed to be appointed by the gentleman from S. Carolina, uninstructed as to what charges they are to investigate, maybe as blind as the gentlemen themselves who had spoken. He hoped, therefore, the house would compel them to take them into view.
Mr. RUTLEDGE was in this stage of the business opposed to the amendment of the gentleman from Virginia, though he had no objection to agree to it, after the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina was agreed to.
Mr. DAVIS appealed to gentlemen, whether they were serious in wishing to send for persons and papers? Could they expect to get them during the session from a country 1700 miles off?
The SPEAKER called to order. The main question was not before the house. What-
ever was said must be on the amendment. When, said Mr. DAVIS, I will say nothing about it, and set down.
The question on Mr. Randolph's motion was then put and lost—Ayes 29.
Mr. CLAIBORNE moved to strike out of the motion made by Mr. Harper, the words, "to send for persons, documents and papers." His motive was dictated by a desire to obtain speedy justice for this oppressed people. The necessary proofs were before the house. If the committee were tied up from making a report until a message had been sent to, and returned from, the Mississippi territory, he should despair of justice overtaking this man. The committee may certainly immediately inquire into the subject; and from the documents that would be laid before them, they would be able to act with effect without much delay or great expence. To test the sincerity of gentlemen he moved to strike out those words.
Mr. HARPER said that the motion carried an implication that his friend from Tennessee would not be willing to allow; either that a criminal might escape unpunished, or an innocent man be punished.
Suppose the committee think the charges insufficient for the object of removal or impeachment, and yet are of opinion that they are sufficient to justify strong suspicion and presumption of guilt; would it not be desirable to invest them with the right of making further enquiry? Suppose, on the other hand, that the charges appear to them true, had not the experience of ages justified the propriety of the maxim audi alteram partem ? How can this dilemma be surmounted but by imparting to the committee all the powers required for making a full and fair enquiry? Unless this be done you may convict the governor without testimony, or dismiss him, though you think him criminal.
Mr. SMILIE. If extortion has been practised by Winthrop Sargent, if unconstitutional laws have been passed, it is the duty of Congress to interpose its authority, and redress these great evils. In such cases delays are dangerous. He was, therefore, for those measures that provided the most immediate and effectual remedy.
Mr. CLAIBORNE. The gentleman from South Carolina has done justice to my feelings in supposing that I would recoil at the idea of punishing an innocent man. I would recoil at such an idea. But the testimony upon which I stand forbids the indulgence of such a fear. Before the exhibition of the documents I had suspicions; but now I have convictions. The unconstitutional laws, officially communicated, are proofs whose authority I dare not resist. They are before the house. Any member may read them. I deny, pursuing the course we wish to pursue, that Winthrop Sargent can be punished unheard. The committee, after solemn enquiry, will report to us a statement of facts; on which an impeachment may be grounded; and when impeached, Winthrop Sargent will be heard in his defence, and your managers may be empowered to send for persons and papers. Let gentlemen, who hesitate on this subject, recollect that a delay of justice is often equal to a denial of it.
Mr. Claiborne's last words were scarcely uttered, when a person in the gallery clapped.
Serjeant, said the SPEAKER, see to that man.
[The Serjeant went into the gallery and took the person out, without resistance.]
We understand that he was kept in confinement by the Serjeant for about two hours; in consequence of which, and the loss of his horse, which he had fastened to a shed near the Capitol, and which was not to be found when he was released, he that very day obtained a warrant from a Magistrate against the Serjeant at arms for illegal confinement.
Though these circumstances are stated upon what is deemed by the Editor of the National Intelligencer, good authority, yet he declines a responsibility for their accuracy.]
Mr. CRAIK wished a full enquiry to be made, and of course thought the committee ought to be empowered to send for persons and papers. This measure, in his opinion, so far from evidencing an indisposition to meet the subject, was the strongest evidence of the sincerity and adherence to justice of those who supported it.
Mr. NOTT considered (as well as we could hear him) the point in dispute as of little, if any, importance.
Mr. GRISWOLD hoped the words would not be struck out; for if they were struck out the effect would then be that the committee should not send for persons or papers. He was astonished at the ideas of some gentlemen. Could they expect this house to be governed by the opinion of any one member who tells them that in his opinion certain facts exist that criminate a high public officer? If the documents are thus decisive, the committee need go no farther. If not decisive, shall they substitute the opinion of the gentleman from Tennessee in the place of their own convictions? He hoped not. If gentlemen are serious in the expression of their wishes for a fair enquiry, let them give the committee full powers.
Mr. MACON asked gentlemen in favor of retaining these words, to consider the distance to which they would have to send, which was 1700 miles, and to calculate the time occupied in going and returning from the Mississippi territory, and then to say whether a return would not be impracticable during this session. He thought it would, and from this and other reasons was for an immediate enquiry.
Mr. BIRD. Is it the intention of gentlemen that the committee, they with appointed, shall be exclusively guided by those documents, which they, as accusers, hold in their own hands? Is this their idea of justice? If it were, he differed widely from them.
Not a proposition had been made by gentlemen who desired such an enquiry as justice prescribed, but had been clogged by the suggestion of imaginary difficulties, and tortured into the most perverse meaning. It was strange that gentlemen of such talents should after wandering so long round a meander, not half an inch in diameter, come at last to the simple resolution, which appointed a common committee with common powers. He called them common; for every committee appointed on such a subject have similar powers.
It was presumption to suppose, as the arguments of gentlemen did suppose, that the committee about to be appointed will desire to exculpate Winthrop Sargent. Was it candid to imply that they would be corrupt? The supposition of a denial of justice went on the idea that they would violate their duty in screening from punishment a criminal.
If the laws are unconstitutional the committee will say so. But having done this, there remains a duty still more important. They must go into the intentions of governor Sargent. How could they be ascertained but by that comprehensive investigation that would be derived from examining persons and papers. Why then deny this authority in the first instance, when it will ultimately be necessary? The ideas on which it was opposed, such as the distance and the time it would require, were frivolous, such as he could neither admit as reasons, or argue from as premises.
Mr. RANDOLPH. The gentleman who has just set down, has impeached with unwarrantable acrimony, the purity of our motives and our candor, because we differ from him on the course proper to be taken on this subject. Mr. Randolph was truly sorry that the gentleman had suffered such an accumulation of rancour to collect in his mind, as he had just poured out upon his side of the house. Every imputation hurtful to a feeling mind had been lavished.
Since, then, said Mr. Randolph, the gentleman has become the censor morum and inquisitor of our hearts, permit me to draw the outlines of theirs.
The gentleman, after an unbroken silence during the whole debate, rises and tells this house, that they have spent their time most fruitlessly and idly, and that after wandering for hours round a meander not half an inch in diameter, they had got back to the very point from which they had started. Did that gentleman recollect that the half inch meander, of which he spoke, designated the understanding of those with whom he acted, who perpetually moving in a circle, after all their labors, arrived at the point from which they first set out?
Instead of uniting with us in an enquiry into those serious charges you have heard, instead of aiding us with their talents, instead of performing their duty, gentlemen satisfy themselves with holding up before us a mere ignis fatuus . Under the idea of desiring a substantial investigation, they are converting us into a jury on life and death; and they will not suffer us to take a single step to bring a criminal to justice, without previously possessing the most incontrovertible proofs of his guilt. It is in vain that we answer that we are an initiating body, and that our present measures lead to that stage of the business, in which legal testimony will be required, still, deaf to our reasons, they call up expedients that can only tend to defeat the measure, and have the boldness to tell us that we are moving in that very meander which they themselves occupy.
Gentlemen on this subject are unusually

hard of hearing. They will not hear, or if they do hear, they will not regard the passage of laws putting money into the hands of the governor and judges; laws warranting various descriptions of extortion; laws violating the constitution of the territory. These grievances are founded in their ears, they are informed of the necessity of immediate redress, of the danger of unredressed oppression; and they still continue to talk of justice, and yet recommend nothing but what will delay, and perhaps defeat it. They may talk then of justice and of their regard to the constitution, as they please; the people will consider a delay of justice as a denial of it; they will say that the present Congress intend to do nothing.
A motion was made to adjourn, and lost.
Mr. Claiborne's motion to strike out the words "to send for persons documents and papers" was then put and lost.
Mr. Randolph moved to postpone the question till the 3d day of March—Lost. The question was then taken on Mr. Harper's amendment by yeas and nays, and carried, there being only 11 nays.
The resolution, as amended, was then agreed to, and referred to Messrs. Harper, Claiborne, C. Goodrich, Not, Davis, Bird, and Otis.
Mr. Randolph moved that the laws passed in the Mississippi Territory, and the petition of Cato West and others, with the documents, be referred to the same committee—Agreed to.
Mr. Harper moved that the committee, to whom had been referred the memorial of the House of representatives of the Mississippi Territory be discharged, and that the memorial be referred to the committee appointed to enquire into the official conduct of Winthrop Sargent.
Notice is Given
THAT I shall attend at the Eastern Branch Ferry on Monday, the 29th inst. for the purpose of renting the Fishing Landing. If any person should want to rent it, with whom I am not acquainted, security will be required.
JOHN WALLACE, of Wm. December 22, 1800.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
GRATEFULLY acknowledges the numerous favours conferred on him, and informs his friends and the public that he has entered into partnership with CHARLES VARDEN, likewise from Philadelphia, on Capitol Hill, opposite Mr. CARROL's buildings, where, as well as in Pennsylvania Avenue, between the Presidents House and George Town, from their long and extensive experience in Military, Naval and Fancy dresses, and in Ladies Habits &c. and from their having procured the best of workmen and materials, the utmost taste and punctuality might be expected.
Two apprentices wanted. Washington, Dec 22.
20 Dollars Reward.
RAN away from the subscriber, living in Frederic County, Virginia, a Mulatto boy named Tom, about twenty years of age, of a sturdy make, about five feet nine inches high, he has no particular mark.—He will endeavour to pass for a free man.—He has a mother, a black woman, slave to Mr. Frederic Conrad, living in the Federal City; where it is conjectured he will harbour. The above reward will be paid on his being brought home, or Ten Dollars if procured in any jail and information given to
A. LINDO. December, 22. 1800.
TO BE RENTED, FOR a few months, a Two story brick house with 4 rooms, together with, mahogany chairs, bureau, sofa, bedstead, looking glasses &c. enquire of HENRY INGLE, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill. Who has just received a few Coal Grates in addition his assortment of Hard ware.
H. INGLE. Dec 3, 1800.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE, Lot No. 9, in Square 122. THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square, commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on F. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street.—An indisputable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel.
JOHN KEARNEY. N. B. I will also sell Lot No. 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 24, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth Street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property.
I. K. November 17, 1800.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 26.
OLIVER ELLSWORTH has resigned the office of Chief Justice of the United States and JOHN JAY, been nominated by the President as his successor.
DIED in this City, GUSTAVUS SCOTT, one of the Commissioners.
DIED at York-town, Pennsylvania, on the 21st inst. after a tedious illness, THOMAS HARTLEY, for a long time a member of Congress for the state of Pennsylvania, aged fifty two years.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
CONSIDERATIONS
On the Government of the TERRITORY of COLUMBIA.
No. II.
The government of the territory of Columbia must be considered under two relations; first, as it respects the federal government; and second, as it regards its local concerns.
With regard to its connection with the federal government, two enquiries present themselves; first, whether it ought to be represented in the legislature of the United States, and if so, whether in one house only, or in both; and second, whether it ought to have a part in the election of the President and Vice-President of the United States.
In order to come to a determination on these questions, it will be proper to ascertain, with precision, how far it ought to be contemplated as a state; and in what respects it differs from a state.
It must be considered as somewhat analogous to a state, in being an association of men, for civil purposes, under a peculiar and singular authority.
The constitution of the United States has provided that the jurisdiction over this territory should be exclusively vested in the United States.
If therefore any part of it is suffered to remain under the jurisdiction of any one state in the union, it is not only infractive of the spirit, but of the very letter of the constitution. The policy which was in view in the making of this provision; than which none, considering the peculiar nature of our government, could have been more proper; will be entirely abandoned, and the provision in the constitution will become nugatory and useless.
This territory however differs from a state in this particular, that whereas the federal government is entitled, by the constitution, to exercise over a state, only the authority particularly delegated to it, on certain subjects, and leaves the state in undiminished possession of its sovereignty as to others; the territory of Columbia is placed by the constitution under the absolute and uncontrollable sovereignty of the United States, and possesses in itself none of the attributes of sovereignty.
In this situation, the people of the territory of Columbia do not cease to be a part of the people of the United States; & as such they are still entitled to the enjoyment of the same rights with the rest of the people of the United States, and to have some participation in the administration of their general government.
It is contrary to the genius of our constitution, it is violating an original principle in republicanism, to deny that all who are governed by laws ought to participate in the formation of them.
The people of this territory therefore ought to be represented in the legislature of the United States; and to have a voice in the election of a President and Vice-President.
But shall they be represented in the House of Representatives only; or in the Senate also?
The Senate of the United States possesses a part of the legislative power; and it is certainly consonant to principle that those over whom that power is to operate should, if it can possibly be done, possess some voice in their transactions.
Would it be proper then to place the territory on an equal footing with a state, and give it two senators; or ought a distinction to be made?
As a distinction exists in fact between the territory and a state, it appears pro-
per to recognize this distinction in giving it a representation in the Senate. As it cannot, if a distinction is made, be on an equality with a state, and possess two votes; and as it cannot be represented at all with less than one vote; it would appear advisable, to allow it one vote, and to assign it one Senator.
The Territory will then stand in the situation as it were of half a state; and when it is considered that its population may be one day equal to some of the smaller states, for instance Delaware; it would by no means appear inequitable to give it half the weight of such a state.
At present the population of the former seat of government is little different from the population of the state of Delaware; and if the permanent seat of government had been fixed there, and an equal extent of territory taken from one or two of the states in the union, the people thus losing their representation in the Senate as a part of the state, it would be highly unjust that sixty or seventy thousand people in one place should have two votes in the Senate, and that sixty or seventy thousand in another should be deprived of any.
With respect to its representation in the other house, there can exist but one opinion. It ought to be entitled to a representation in proportion to its population. While it continues however not to contain a population sufficient to entitle it to one member, a doubt may exist. In this interval it would be highly proper to place it on the footing of the Territories North West and South of the river Ohio; giving it one member who shall be entitled to deliberate, and receive pay, but not to vote.
Those who have observed the proceedings in relation to the territories North West and South of the river Ohio, must know the advantageous effect which even this right produces in the regulation of their affairs. The vote of one member in a large body is of little consequence; but his knowledge, when added to the general mass, his presence and abilities, produce the most powerful effects.
An arrangement of this kind cannot however be made by an ordinary act of Congress. It will require an amendment to the Constitution of the United States: and as a more correct judgment can be formed on any proposition when it is before the mind in all its details, a sketch of an article to that effect will be submitted in an appendix to this number.
It may not be improper to observe with respect to this amendment, that if it only answers the object of legitimately entitling the Territory to representation in the Federal Government, the means of carrying the provision into effect, need not be a constitutional regulation. Congress having already an exclusive right to superintend the affairs of the Territory, when this privilege is given to it, the manner of exercising it must depend in a great measure on the arrangements concerning its local affairs.
The same article contains a provision for giving the Territory a voice in the election of a President and Vice President, and is liable to the same observation. Whatever alteration is made in the existing constitution on this subject, the additional article may be made to correspond with. Its only object is to place it on a footing in this particular with a state; with this difference only, that it will possess one more elector, than its mere population would entitle it to as a part of a state.
Under a system like this, the spirit of the Constitution appears to be preserved. The Territory stands in its natural and distinct situation. It is not a part of any state; and is subjected to no extraneous legislation. The Federal Government is in exclusive possession of it, free from control, and free from interference. The coterminous states regard it as no part of themselves; but as the common child of the Nation; the proud monument and great pilot of its union.
In the mean time the Territory itself sustains no disadvantages. It possesses in the administration of the federal government the full weight which its consequence and its talents, may entitle it to; and no more. Its local concerns, concentrated within its own bosom, are not subjected to an unnatural association with two different governments; whose interests vary between themselves, and vary still more from those of the Territory.
It is impossible to point out with full force the evils of any other system. Those who advocate its remaining a part of the adjoining states, are not aware of the inconveniences to which this distracted situation must reduce its inhabitants; they are not aware of the consequences it may have in the future revolutions of our government. In the one case, it is to become a source of jealousy and contention; in the other, it is
the cement of affection, the pledge of indissolubility. Every nation prides itself in its capital. A survey of the nations in Europe, if time admitted, would show that in every country where a great and flourishing metropolis has existed, it advances in science, in arts, in consequence, in stability, with a progress which is in vain imitated elsewhere. The metropolis of the United States possesses advantages superior to any one place that can be selected on the old continent; and after having done so much towards placing our country on a basis that will excite the admiration and envy of Europe, why should we relax our exertions in this most important and decisive measure?
The inhabitants of this territory have totally changed their situation; when it has become the metropolis of the union, the views of those who come to reside in it are totally different from what they would have been had it remained in its former situation.
Whilst on the frontier of two counties, in two different states, its parts possessed a common interest with the people to which they were respectively allied; and a distinct interest between themselves. Now they possess a common interest with one another; and a distinct interest from the states, from which they have been taken. An entirely new direction is given to their views, habits, and necessities; and their mode of government ought to correspond with this new direction. Instead of diverting its exertions into two different channels; it ought to unite its efforts in a common current, for the attainment of common purposes. All its affairs ought to be administered in its own limits. It ought to have the same laws, the same justice, the same punishments. The Hamburg merchant, or the Parisian manufacturer, who comes to reside in it, ought to find himself at home; and not be taken to the Chesapeake, or to James river, to be punished for his offences, or to seek redress for his wrongs.
The preceding reflections will have made sufficiently clear the connection which the Territory of Columbia has, or ought to have, with the federal government. It remains to consider the subject in its second relation, with regard to its local concerns; and this shall constitute the subject of the succeeding number.
EPAMINONDAS. Dec. 21, 1800.
RETURN OF VOTES, For President and Vice-President of the United States.
   Adams. Pinckney Jefferson Burr Sevier     New-Hampshire 6 6   Massachusetts 16 16   Rhode-Island 4 3 1   Connecticut 9 9   Vermont 4 4   New-York 12 12   New-Jersey 7 7   Pennsylvania 7 7 8 8   Delaware 3 3   Maryland 5 5 5 5   Virginia 21 21   Kentucky   Tennessee 3 3   North Carolina 4 4 8 8   South Carolina 8 8   Georgia 4 4   65 64 69 69 1  
CONRAD & McMUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. LAW, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that two Tracts of land belonging to CHARLES GRANDPRÉ lying in the County of Pickering in the Mississippi Territory, and adjoining land belonging to Adam Bingham, are attached by a Foreign attachment at the suit of Joseph Calvet for a debt of 2063 dollars 50 cents.
JOSEPH CALVET. Nov. 28, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
FIVE or Six gentlemen can be accommodated with Genteel Board and Lodging, in a good and comfortable House, on New-Jersey Avenue, at Mr. Law's former residence. Also good Stabling wherein twenty horses can be accommodated by,
SAMUEL BOOTES. Nov. 26th, 1800.

Extract of a letter from Henry William Desaussure, esq. a member of the legislature of South Carolina, to his friend in this city, dated
COLUMBIA, Dec. 4. 1800.
On Tuesday the election for electors came on, both parties avowing their purpose—the federalists to support Mr. Adams and General Pinckney—the anti-federalists to support Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr.
The anti-federal ticket stood thus:
 Robert Anderson, 85  John Hunter, 87  A. Simkins, 84  W. Hampton, 82  Andrew Love, 82  Theodore Gaillard, 85  Paul Hamilton, 87  Joseph Blythe, 82 
The federal thus:
 General Washington, 69  John Ward, 69  W. Falconer, 64  Colonel J. Postell, 66  Captain Blasingame, 66  General M'Pherfon, 65  H. D. Ward, 63  Thomas Roper, 67 
When we arrived here, we found the anti-federalists assembled in great numbers on the spot, and they immediately had a meeting, at which it was moved and carried, (about 60 members present) to support electors who would vote for Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr. This joint mode, they fastened upon every member who arrived, and who was known or supposed to be attached to Mr. Jefferson; and notwithstanding many of them revolted at the idea of abandoning general Pinckney, they by degrees won them over. As the election approached, the houses filled up to the unprecedented number of 115 in the house of representatives, and to the number of 36 in the senate. The nine seats unfilled in the house of representatives, were all from the lower country.* On examining the opinions of the members, we discovered that we could rely on about 68 or 70. The opinions of about a dozen members were not known, and on sounding them, it appeared reasonable to expect 6 or 7 of them to be with us. This would give us a bare majority. In this dilemma, the federalists had a very serious discussion of the proper measures to be pursued. On the one hand, we had a doubtful chance of carrying a ticket of electors who would vote for Mr. Adams and general Pinckney. On the other hand, it was certain that if we would give up Mr. Adams and consent to vote for electors who would vote for Mr. Jefferson and general Pinckney, we could easily secure the election of general Pinckney; for about 30 of the Jeffersonians were extremely reluctant to give up general Pinckney, and many of them requested us privately to agree to this arrangement. We should then have been certain of at least 95 or 96 votes for electors, who would unite in Mr. Jefferson and general Pinckney. After mature deliberation, we resolved to venture all on the election of Mr. Adams and general Pinckney, doubtful as it was, rather than abandon the ground deliberately agreed on by the federalists all over the continent, to support Mr. Adams and general Pinckney equally.
* The federal part of the state.
The following articles respecting the unfortunate situation of Cadiz, were handed by captain Tuisson of the ship Polly, from that port.
The greater part of the merchants had left the city, and the governor had stopped all communication with the adjacent ports, it being generally supposed that the fever raged worse in them than in Cadiz, at which place ten thousand died in the course of two weeks. I have frequently met in the streets three or four carts loaded with dead bodies, piled up so as to require two horses to draw them from the King's hospital; and have seen in the yard of the Cathedral, (where the bodies from the different houses were deposited every day, to be carried out of the gates in the night) from one hundred to one hundred and fifty. This I was a spectator of for fifteen days.
Situation of Cadiz on the 4th September, from the account of the governor's secretary.
 Population, 73,000.  Convalescent, 26,000  Died, up to the 4th September, 7,000  Sick, 8,000  Left Cadiz for adjacent towns, 33,000  Total 73,000 
Out of every six hundred deaths, according to the calculations, there were no more than twenty-six females.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
PARIS, October 16.
The city of Bourdeaux continues to enjoy the greatest tranquillity. Several circumstances have furnished the opportunity of discovering the melioration of the public spirit. The feast of the public, the translation of the remains of Michael Montaigne, the news of the prolongation of the armistice, and the discharges of the First Consul to the Envoys of the Department, have called forth a manifestation of the good sentiments with which a great majority of the inhabitants of that beautiful city are animated.
The newspapers assist the magistrates, by recommending union and the forgetfulness of past errors.
Provisions of every sort arrive in abundance; and the works which relate to salubrity, cleanliness, and embellishment, are progressing with activity.
ACT OF THE GOVERNMENT.
Arrete of the 13th Vendemaire, year 9, (October 4.)
The Consuls of the French Republic, decree:
Article I. The Army of Reserve, shall take the name of Army of the Grisons.
Art. II. The cantonment of that army shall be in the Grison country. Helvetia, and the department of Lemman.
The Minister of War is charged with the execution of the present arrete.
The First Consul.
(Signed)
BUONAPARTE.
By the First Consul,
(Signed)
H. B. MARET,
Secretary of State.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, failed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexpected delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the Inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion on of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequent al PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indelicate ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlightened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to him, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROPHESY, and convinced that the public judgment
will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be purely American. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subscribed to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good cement paper, and with a new type.
2d. The annual subscription shall be Five Dollars paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and Six Dollars paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.
3d. All Letters to be post paid.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER which shall wound national or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare, this, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
October 31st, 1800.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
HAVE received by late arrivals, a general assortment of Hard ware and Ironmongery, which they offer for Sale at their Store opposite the Great Hotel.
They have also on hand
 Madeira, } Wines.  Sherry & Lisbon,  Cogniac Brandy,  Jamaica Spirits,  Holland Gin,  Loaf and Brown Sugar,  Tea, Coffee, &c. &c. 
Washington, Dec. 18.
To RENT.
A Commodious Two Story brick dwelling house on square No. 701—the lot is well inclosed and hath every necessary out-house, and is very convenient for a small family—it may be entered on immediately, the terms made known and the premises shown by applying to BENJAMIN MORE.
Washington, New-Jersey Avenue, December 17, 1800.
JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT MAKER
FROM PHILADELPHIA.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT and SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Bootees, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d.
TO JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS.
WANTED, a number of Journeyman Shoemakers, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given.
CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE.
THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the LITTLE HOTEL—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, letters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, seamen's wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms.
Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary.
N. B. Herty's Abridgment of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Herty's Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered.
December 5. 1800
twtf.
RAN AWAY
FROM the Subscriber on the 10th inst. Negro FIDELIO, well known about the City, and it is thought he is lurking about Mrs. Young's where he has a wife. I will give a generous reward for having him put in Jail, and One Dollar for flogging him and bringing him home. All persons are also forewarned from crediting any person on my Account, without an order from under my hand, and also from harbouring my People, or permitting them to cross the Ferrys without a line from,
JAMES R. DERMOTT.
St. Elizabeth, Dec. 15, 1800.
3t
This day is Published and for Sale
BT
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE,
Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A FEW remarks on MR. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President, price 25 cents.
The BEGGAR Girl and her Benefactors 3 Vols. by Mrs. Bennet author of Wells heiress, Juvenile indiscretions, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howell. price 3 dollars, neatly bound.
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store on New-Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690.
A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chaffing dishes, Brass, iron and Japand Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, fad irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and cross cut Saws, 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE.
November 24th, 1800.
LOTS FOR SALE,
In the City of WASHINGTON.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard.
WILLIAM PROUT.
City of Washington. December 12, 1800. N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kiln of Bricks, and some Cord Wood. W. P.
JOHN BARNES,
FROM PHILADELPHIA,
Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of
Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz.
 Imperial, Large Hyson,  Young Hyson, Hysonkin,  Souchong, and Bohea. 
SPICES.
 Nutmegs, Mace,  Cinnamon. Cloves,  Four bags fresh Almonds. 
LIQUORS.
 Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port,  Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spirits, and Holland Gin.  COFFEE, 
Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings.
He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes.
 English and American playing cards,  Pasteboard per gross,  Wrapping paper per ream,  A case of 7-8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece. 
Nov. 14th, 1800.