National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-04-30 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, APRIL 30, 1792.
NUMB. 53.
In the Debate on
THE NEW REPRESENTATION BILL,
The House being in committee of the whole,—
On motion to fill up the blank for the ratio of Representation with thirty-three thousand,—
MR. GILES observed, that although this subject has been heretofore thoroughly discussed, and the minds of gentlemen probably fatigued with the discussion, yet he could not help trespassing upon the patience of the committee, by mentioning some of the principal reasons which would influence his vote against the motion, and in favor of that ratio which will afford the greatest number of representatives, authorized by the constitution. He was induced to do this from an opinion, that in the usual course of things arguments will have an effect upon the public mind in some measure proportionate to their own solidity, and the purity of the motives which actuate them. That the compound of these qualities form a common standard by which all arguments would and ought to be measured by the great majority of the people; and he had no objections to submitting his reasons to the application of this common standard; he meant however to confine himself to general remarks, and not to fatigue the committee unnecessarily with a minute exemplification of them.
He proceeded by observing, that the expression in the constitution induced and justified the general expectation amongst the people of the United States, that one representative for every thirty thousand persons was secured to them by the constitution—that a definite certainty in the number of representatives, as well as the manner of procuring them, is its nature of constitutional and not of legislative provision, and affords a reason against varying the ratio mentioned in the constitution, although that ratio be expressed in terms of latitude—that Congress had confirmed the general expectation in the public mind by the proposed amendments to the constitution, and had at least given a solemn opinion in favor of the ratio of one to thirty thousand, until the number of representatives should amount to one hundred, after acquiring which number by that rule only, a qualified discretion is admitted—that the opinions of the great bulk of people of America were in favor of an increased representation, at least as far as the utmost limits prescribed by the constitution—that this circumstance was evidenced by the conventions which adopted the constitution; that it was further evidenced by the several legislatures which adopted the proposed amendment before alluded to—that it was still further evidenced by the number of representatives in the respective state legislatures; that this last circumstance is rendered peculiarly forcible by a comparative view of the objects of legislation chartered to the government of the United States, and those retained to the state governments: the objects of legislation chartered to the government of the United States, are wholly national and important; the objects of legislation retained to the state governments are comparatively local and subservient; those peculiarly prompt temptation and invite corruption; these offer no inducements to either. In the government of the United States, the interests of the constituents of the representative body are complex and diversified; in the state governments, they are comparatively simple and assimilated. That a sympathy with the feelings of the people should characterize this branch of the government; wisdom is the expected characteristic of the senate, and dispatch of the executive.
To the inequality of representation relatively to states suggested to result from the application of this rule, Mr. Giles replied that the inequality complained of is rather ideal than real; that to determine how far this consideration really ought to exist amongst states, from the reason and nature of the case, it is right and proper to ascertain the whole comparative governmental influence of the respective states proportioned to numbers; to do this it is necessary to inspect the whole organization of the government, and the issue of this enquiry will be, that those states, in whose favor the rule is said to operate, possess the least governmental influence in the Senate, proportioned to numbers; and that the casual gain here is no equivalent for the certain loss there; as far, therefore, as the governmental influence of states in relation to numbers, is to operate, it will furnish a motive of preference for the rule he contended for.
It has been said, continued Mr. Giles, that the representation of the states in the Senate, is strictly defined by the constitution, and that therefore the consideration of the relative influence of the states there , should not be resorted to as an argument in the apportionment of representatives to this house, but it should be observed that the rule contended for, though not so strictly defined, is equally within the pale of the constitution, and the most extended use to be made of this consideration, is to manifest the impropriety of resorting to the pretended inequality amongst states, as a conclusive argument, to vary that ratio of representation for this house, which is admitted to be the most proper upon its intrinsic merits, and when viewed without a reference to that consideration. This particular subject suggests a peculiar equity and propriety, in taking into consideration the comparative governmental influence of the states in the Senate proportioned to num-
bers, because it is in consequence of a representation by states there that they gain this unequal influence, and nothing more is contended for by this rule than a representation of the people thro' the medium of the several states here . The rule of representation is not the cause of the pretended inequality, as far as it may appear to exist, it is a mere contingent circumstance, depending upon arbitrary facts and numbers, which cannot be rendered subservient to any general rule; it should also be remarked, that most of the states supposed to be favored by the operation of this rule, have heretofore been unequally represented in the extreme, and from the extent and rapid population of these states, comparatively to others, it may be concluded with certainty, that previously to the expiration of the present apportionment, the real inequality of representation in this house, as well as the senate, will continue to bear particularly hard upon them. Perfect equality is unattainable, and the proposed ratio is in the principle equally subject with any other to all the inconveniencies which it is intended to remedy.
The inconveniencies of the rule he contended for, in their utmost extent can never be very great, because the same rule is applied in the same manner to the respective states, and the most extended scope for its unequal operation, must be confined to the casual result of the fractional numbers within the several states. In reflecting upon this argument of inequality of representation in relation to states, an idea had presented itself to his mind which seemed to him both novel and important, and that is, that a quality exists in the government, from its peculiar organization, which enables a minority of constituents, through the medium of a majority of representatives, to give law to a majority of constituents, absolutely against the will of their minority of representatives. This quality of the government arises from the state representations in the senate, and it exists not merely in speculation or idea, it has been sensibly felt in practice, and there is a real tendency in the government, from its peculiar texture, to make it still more so. The very bill now under consideration will probably furnish one strong evidence of its efficacy in practice; it would have passed very differently from the present proposition if it had not met with this unnatural check; and I am concerned, said he, to remark, that in almost every important measure of the government, the minority of the people of the union had given law to the majority of the people, against their consent, as far as this can be evidenced through the medium of their representatives. This, it is to be feared, is a radical evil in the government, and its magnitude would be in a great measure proportioned to the extension of the objects of legislation by this government. If the people be the only legal source of governmental authority, and the rights of individuals be equal, this is certainly a heterodox principle in the government. He would not pretend to say, however, that this was a cancer upon the body politic, too inveterate and vital to admit of a cure; but he conceived it to be a sore of that sort, which it would be unwise to irritate or tamper with; and he conceived also, the present proposition not to be without its irritating qualities.
Mr. Giles then proceeded to consider upon general principles, the expediency of increasing the representation in this House to the full extent authorized by the constitution, and particularly with a view to the necessity of establishing, in this branch of the government, a permanent sympathy with the landed interest. He observes that all representative governments appeared to possess a natural tendency from republicanism to monarchy, or aristocracy, that great inequalities in the distribution of wealth amongst individuals, consequent upon the progress of all governments, appeared to have been the true cause of these political evolutions, that no competent remedy against this evil had been heretofore discovered, or at least practically applied by any government, that perhaps this great political light may first shine forth thro' the medium of the American constitutions, and serve, as some others have previously done, to illuminate not only the American, but the European world.
The peculiar circumstances of the United States, however, since the late revolution, and in the infancy of the American governments, favored extremely this natural principle of the growing inequality in the distribution of wealth amongst individuals; an extensive, unexhausted, fertile country furnished full scope for agriculture: the plenty and cheapness of provisions and rude materials for manufactures, and an unshackled commerce for the merchant; and to these were added the blessings of peace, and laws securing to the individual the exclusive possession of the fruits of his own industry, however abundant. These were intrinsic circumstances; there was a contingent one. A public debt, the price of the revolution itself and its consequent blessings, had been incurred, and from the imbecility of the then existing confederacy and other causes, was depreciated considerably below its nominal value; but it was then in small masses, and not very unequally spread amongst the individuals throughout the whole United States. The government of the United States, instead of managing this contingent circumstance with caution and delicacy in its administration, seized upon it with avidity, and in all its fiscal arrangements, applied it as the most powerful machine to stimulate this growing inequality in the distribution of wealth, a principle
perhaps too much favored by other existing causes. The government, not satisfied with the debts contracted by the former confederacy, assumed the payments of a great proportion of the debts contracted by the respective state governments, and established funds for paying the interest of the whole. This measure produced two effects not very desirable amongst individuals; it gathered these scattered debts, at a very inferior price, from the hands of the many and placed them in the hands of the few; and it stimulated the value of them, thus collected into greater masses, beyond all calculation, by the artificial application of fiscal mechanism. It produced a variety of serious effects with respect to the government. In opposition to the agricultural or republican, it enlisted a great moied interest in the United States, the possessors of which having embarked their fortunes with the government, would go all lengths with its administration, whether right or wrong, virtuous viciis . By rendering the debt but partially redeemable, passing perpetual tax laws, and mortgaging their products to the payment of the interest of this perpetually existing debt, it gave the executive a qualified control over the best-monied resources of the United States; not contemplated by the constitution nor founded in wisdom. It gave rise to an unauthorized incorporation of the monied interest, and placed it as far as possible from the reach of future legislative influence: it established the doctrine that one systematic financier was better able to originate money bills and tax the people of the United States, than the whole collected wisdom of their representatives with the aid of a reciprocity of feeling: it gave rise to the idea of a sinking fund without limitation, as to amount or duration, to be placed in the hands of a few trustees, and there to be protected from legislative control, by all the sanctions and securities annexed to private property. In short, it established the doctrine, that all authority could be more safely entrusted to, and better executed by a few than by many; and in pursuance of this idea, made continual draughts of authority from the representative branch of the government, and placed it in the hands of the executive; lessening by this mechanism of administration, the constitutional influence of the people in the government, and fundamentally changing its native genius and original principle. He knew of no competent remedy against the evils to be apprehended from the future operations of these unhallowed principles, but a permanent establishment of the landed or republican interest in this House; and the best chance of effecting this great object, he conceived to be a full representation of the people. His alarms, respecting these fashionable, energetic principles, were greatly increased by a prospective view of some of the proposed measures of government—he saw systems introduced to carve out of the common rights of one part of the community, privileges, monopolies, exclusive rights, &c. for the benefit of another; with no other view, in his opinion, but to create nurseries of immediate dependants upon the government, whose interest will always stimulate them to support its measures, however iniquitous and tyrannical, and indeed the very emoluments which will compose the price of their attachment to the government will grow out of a tyrannical violation of the rights of others. He would forbear to mention a variety of other circumstances, to prove that principles having a tendency to change the very nature of the government, have pervaded even the minutest ramifications of its fiscal arrangements, nor would he dwell upon the undue influence to be apprehended from monied foreigners, who had become adventurers in the funds, nor the various avenues opened to facilitate the operations of corruption. He would merely remark that acting under impressions produced by these considerations, and strengthened by others not less pertinent and important, suggested by a number of gentlemen, in the course of the discussion of this subject, and believing that a full representation of the people will furnish the only chance of remedy for the existing, and a competent protection against future evils; he should feel himself criminal if by his vote he should give up a single representative authorized by the constitution. The same impressions would have induced him to have voted for the proposition which gave 120 members, had it not been for a conscientious and paramount regard for the preservation of the constitution. The difference of the position of the members throughout the United States, which would have been assumed, by the difference in the manner of making the apportionment, never amounted to the minimum of a consideration with him against the proposition, for he felt a conviction that the agricultural or equalizing interest was nearly the same throughout all parts of the United States, and he hoped that the increased representation will furnish strong testimonies of the truth of the position. He would remark generally, that the government of the United States was now in a state of puberty. That it is at this time, she is to assume a fixed character, and he thought it in some degree rested upon the vote now to be given, whether she would preserve the simplicity, chastity and purity of her native republicanism , in which alone the true dignity and greatness of her character must consist; or whether she will, so early in youth, prostitute herself to the wenal and borrowed artifices and corruptions of a false and pampered monarchy. Whatever his own opinions or suspicions may be, respecting the tendency of the present administration, and whatever may be the de-
cision of to-day, he should still preserve a hope that the increased representation, supported by the enlightened spirit of the people at large, will form an effectual resistance to the pressure of the whole vices of the administration, and may yet establish the government upon a broad, permanent, and republican basis.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, April 25.
The amendments, proposed by the Senate, to the bill for indemnifying the estate of the late General Greene, were taken into consideration, and agreed to.
A bill (from the Senate) to compensate the services of the late Col. George Gibson, was twice read, and ordered for commitment to-morrow.
Mr. Dayton, from a select committee, reported a bill authorizing the grant and conveyance of certain lands to J. C. Symmes and his associates, which was twice read, and referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. Gerry, from the committee on his motion respecting the appointment of short-hand-writers, made the following report, which was read, and ordered to lie on the table:
“Whereas an impartial publication of the debates of the House of Representatives of the United States will be of great public utility;—
“Resolved, that three persons, skilled in the art of Stenography, be, within a week after the commencement of the next session of Congress, appointed by ballot, to take and publish impartially and accurately the legislative subjects, which may be submitted to the consideration of this House, and the debates thereon, of the members respectively,—that provision be then made for compensating the persons so to be appointed; and that they be severally qualified by oath, to a faithful discharge of the trust.”
A message was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, notifying that the Senate desired a conference on the subject of the amendments to the militia bill, disagreed to by the House, and by them insisted on; and that they had, on their part, appointed conferees.
The House, pursuant to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill making provision for calling forth the militia, when necessary; and after much debate the committee rose, and reported it with sundry amendments.
A resolution, laid on the table last Saturday, by Mr. Vining, being called up, and the blank therein filled, was agreed to, as follows:
“Resolved, that the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives do adjourn their respective Houses on the fifth day of May, to meet again on the first Monday of November next.”
The House, however, having agreed to reconsider their vote, the following resolution was adopted:
“Resolved, that the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives do adjourn their respective Houses on the fifth day of May next, to close the present session, and to meet again on such day, as may, by law, be directed.”
Mr. W. Smith then moved for the appointment of a committee, to bring in a bill for altering the time of the next annual meeting of Congress to the first Monday of November.
A committee being accordingly appointed, soon after reported such a bill, which was read a first time, read a second time, ordered to be engrossed, brought in engrossed, read a third time, passed, and lent to the Senate for their concurrence.
Mr. Fitzsimons reported a bill making certain appropriations, which was twice read and ordered for commitment to-morrow; also a bill authorizing the remission of certain duties (to E. Ladd and W. & J. Simms) which was twice read, and ordered for commitment on Thursday next.
WEDNESDAY, April 26.
Mr. Gerry, for the purpose of expediting the public business, moved, that, during the remainder of session, the House should every day meet at 10 o'clock, and not adjourn till 4.—The proposed hour of meeting was agreed to; and the hour of adjournment left to be determined by the course of business each day.
Mr. Laurence, from the committee on the petition of C. Caldwell, and J. Robertson in behalf of themselves, and of certain American seamen now in captivity at Algiers, made a favorable report, which was read and ordered to lie on the table.
The House took up the amendments, proposed by the committee of the whole, to the bill for calling forth the militia, when necessary, to execute the laws of the union, to suppress insurrections, and repel invasions;—and having after much debate, gone through the same, added the following clause of limitation, moved by Mr. Boudinot, viz.
“And be it further enacted, that this act shall continue and be in force for and during the term of two years, and from thence to the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.”
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

Mr. S. Bourne, from the committee for enrolled bills, presented to Mr. Speaker, and Mr. Speaker signed an enrolled bill, to indemnify the estate of the late Major General N. Greene, for a certain bond entered into by him during the late war.
The House having taken into consideration the message from the Senate, expressive of their assenting on their amendments (proposed by them, and disagreed to by the House) to the "bill for establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States," a committee of three was appointed, to confer with the committee appointed on the part of the Senate.
A message from the Senate, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, notifying, that they had concurred in the resolution passed by the house, for the adjournment of Congress on the 5th of May.
The House then proceeded to the consideration of the amendments, proposed by the committee of the whole, to the "bill for regulating processes in the courts of the United States, and providing compensation for the officers of the said courts and for jurors and witnesses;" and having made some progress,—Adjourned.
THURSDAY, April 26.
An engrossed "bill for calling forth the militia, when necessary, to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrections, and repel invasions," was read a third time and passed.
The report of the select committee on the petition of two American seamen returned from captivity at Algiers, was referred to the committee of the whole on the bill for making further appropriations.
The House took up for consideration the amendments reported by the committee of the whole to the bill for regulating processes in the Courts of the United States, &c. and having gone through the same, and further amended the bill, ordered it to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The resolutions reported by the committee of the whole, on the excise law, were agreed to and referred to a select committee, to serve as the ground-work of a bill.
A bill, authorizing the grant and conveyance of certain lands to J. C. Symmes and his Associates, was taken up in committee of the whole, and reported with an amendment, which was agreed to by the House; and the bill, being further amended, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Gerry moved, and Mr. Madison seconded the motion, for taking up the bill for reducing the rates of postage on newspapers.—The question, for taking it into consideration, having passed in the negative.
The House took up the report of a committee on the petition of Comfort Sands and others, and having agreed to the same, appointed a select committee, to bring in a bill, to confirm the award of the Referees between the United States and the parties aforesaid.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the Bill concerning the registering, and clearing of ships or vessels.
After some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported progress.
Mr. Murray then moved for taking up the bill for reducing the rates of postage on Newspapers.
The motion being agreed to, The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the said bill; and the committee having reported it with an amendment, the House adopted the amendment, and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading.
[The bill reduces the rate of postage to half a cent for any distance, not more than one hundred miles; and three quarters of a cent for any greater distance.]
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
On the Secretary's Report on the Excise.
(Continued from our last.)
IN the 7th page of the report, the Secretary continues his vindication of the excise law, from the charge of injuring industry, and interfering with the business of distilling: but in order to give a fair investigation to the subject, I beg leave to make a small digression from the general argument, and to review the circumstances in which this manufacture is involved, together with the characters of those citizens, who are principally interested in it. The stills employed in extracting ardent spirits from grain and fruit, are, with few exceptions, of the smaller kind, in capacity generally from 50 to 100 gals. and being considered as the family vessels of the plantation are turned to many domestic uses, besides that of preparing spirits. For this purpose, however, they are frequently employed for some weeks before the frosts set in hard, and during the spring; which seasons are chosen not only because they are proper for carrying on the business, but because the other labours of the farm are not then so urgent. In those parts of the country, indeed, where the stills are most necessary, the situations of the water would not generally
permit their going on during the frost in winter, or the drought in summer: nor at those periods could the stills supply them. But even if these causes could be removed (which is impossible) there is neither grain nor fruit to keep them all employed through the season; perhaps not the tenth still that is in the country would be constantly supplied; nor would there be a demand for the tenth gallon that, in that case, might be distilled. With respect to the materials for distillation, they might be procured in sufficient quantities, not only for the whole consumption of ardent spirits in the United States, but to supply an abundant exportation to other countries; and were it brought to perfection, I repeat, that from long and attentive observation and experience, I know it to be the most wholesome, apple liquor perhaps excepted, of all ardent spirits.
That the soil is capable of producing materials to almost any given extent, will not be questioned, and that stills are owned and employed almost exclusively by the farmers [except indeed such as have been erected in the country since the excise law was originated] cannot be denied; but the extent and nature of the uses, and value of the distilleries, demand some enquiry.
During the course of the late war, the business of distilling spirits from home produce became very profitable, not only on the account of the want of a foreign demand for our produce, but also, because foreign spirits and molasses ceased to be imported as usual; and the army increased the demand for spirituous liquors; it was at this crisis that the legislature of Pennsylvania attempted to levy an excise, not so much in order to raise a revenue as to prevent a too great a consumption of wheat by distillation, least bread for the army should thereby be rendered scarce.—But as soon as commerce resumed its wonted channels at the return of peace, and foreign spirits and molasses for distillation, were imported as usual, the demand for whisky, in the old settlements, ceased; and the stills, which had there been numerous, retreated to the recesses of the mountains, and the shades of the western woods, where the use of them is the result of necessity, there being neither cyder nor beer, for an exhilarating and restorative draught, nor any other possible mode of reducing the produce of their farms into a portable form, capable of being transported to a market so distant as the only one to which they must have recourse.
The whisky is used in the families, and given to the labourers of those persons who either keep the still, or procure their produce to be distilled; but is by no means in general use in those parts of the country, from which wheat and flour are brought to the market. Those farmers, who have not stills of their own, generally bring country rum home in their waggons, for family and harvest purposes: they find, that there is more profit in selling their grain, and that a much less quantity of rum, being stronger and rougher in proportion to its proof, is sufficient for their demand.
In the parts more distant, rum cannot be obtained, but at a very high price, and it is generally too of a bad quality; yet, even between 3 and 400 miles from Philadelphia, I have frequently called at taverns for a refreshment, when I could get nothing but rum;—(I have, indeed, gone into other taverns in some towns, in order to mix the water that I had to drink with whisky; finding it much easier on the stomach than such imported spirits as were in use) and, I am well informed, that this has frequently been the case, with many travellers, on their journey from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh. Whilst I am thus dealing in negatives, I will speak of the practices at some places, in which I can appeal to the Secretary himself, for the truth of what I assert. Whisky is not to be found in the taverns at New-York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore; nor is it to be found in those cities, or in similar establishments, in the houses of the wealthy, nor in the dwellings even of the poorest of the poor. I have even observed, that when the criminals were put to public labour in Philadelphia, they were not insulted with whisky, or rather, it could not be got for their supply; but they had rum carried along with them to their work. It is not exported to foreign countries, nor from one state to another by sea;—in short, wherever money is plenty, and prompt payment in fashion, there are no waggons or pack-horses loaded with whisky, to be seen visiting the markets. I ask where is the grocery, where is the tavern, where is the dram-shop in Philadelphia, in which it is to be found? In all these places, however, rum of different qualities is to be purchased in abundance. But let us reason now in the affirmative.
I will proceed to give the most accurate and candid information of the price of whisky in the different parts of Pennsylvania, though this information will be otherwise applied afterwards, when I come to treat of the justice and policy of the excise law.
I will first premise, that I do not design to take notice of the fluctuation in the price of whisky, arising from the alarming apprehensions occasioned by the first appearance of the excise law, and its unequal and de-
fective operation. The expectation of a great rise in the price to be promoted by the general resolution of the farmers to lay aside their stills, which I believe the greater number of them did for some time, and an expectation that a much greater demand would be created by the army, than actually did happen, occasioned a temporary rise in the price of whisky, with more probable reason than can be assigned for the rise of certificates last winter, however, the whisky, like the certificates, soon fell again.
But to return. The average cash price of whisky, when cash could be had, was from two shillings to two shillings and six pence, and instances have happened of its being sold at three shillings, when it was made very good and kept up until scarce, (but this depended upon chances, for I never saw any sold at that price except a very few gallons at a time, when it was scarce) but I remember, a few years ago, when I was in the Western country and stood in need of some whisky, a man brought me a load at two shillings, and I believe I could have procured much more at the same price. Even last October, when the excise law and the demand for the army had their effect, I happened to refresh myself at a tavern in the mountains beyond Bedford, when several western farmers were packing their whisky down the road, the tavernkeeper purchased a single keg at three shillings a gallon, and paid but part of the money; however, the man was glad of the opportunity, tho' he had the trouble of balancing the other keg, I believe, with a stone, consequently neither shortened his journey nor eased his horse: he came from the neighbourhood of Pittsburgh.
In the old countries, contiguous to the Susquehannah, the storekeepers have generally purchased whisky from one shilling and ten pence to two and four pence per gallon, delivered by the owner at the store, and not paid till the money could be made of it, and even then part payable in goods. I knew of an instance of eight barrels transported to a considerable distance and sold at one shilling and eight pence a gallon. Even the last year it was taken from the remotest parts of Chester county to Concord, &c. and only two shillings and six pence a gallon asked for it. For the truth of these statements I appeal to the storekeepers and distillers in the parts to which I have alluded. I have been particular in my enquiries ever since the hateful idea of an internal excise was suggested to the public; I am no distiller myself, nor have I ever been, but for three winters past I have enquired at the most respectable distillers from the western country, who were members of assembly, and others, and they have had but one voice in declaring that they did not receive as much money annually for their whisky, as would have paid nine cents a gallon on the quantity they distilled, tho' it in many respects answered the purpose of money to them. I have stated the prices of whisky from the Ohio until I came as near Philadelphia as whisky is in demand, and the result is, that two shillings and six pence is the highest average ready money price that can be admitted into calculation in settled times, even if the excise law was in operation; for it is to be observed, that the state excise law existed in the times to which I allude. But it may be said, that the state excise on home produce was not collected: granted; but though it was not collected, it was an excuse to keep up the price; and are we sure that the present excise will be faithfully collected among a people, who think it radically unjust, and have habitual prepossessions against it.
It is but just to observe that the people of Pennsylvania are well disposed to pay public taxes that are levied upon the principles of equality, this is evident by the very heavy taxes they have always paid, especially since the revolution; their compliance with the requisitions and over-proportions of public creditors they made provision for, is a proof of this; and that the western counties were not the most backward in paying their quotas, notwithstanding their recent distresses, is evidenced by the records of the late treasury. That they have been foremost in paying the heavy old arrearages to the land office, the records of that office are a standing memorial.
Whisky not being a cash article, nor a merchantable commodity in the usual haunts of commerce, and its consumption being very much limited to particular situations, its average ready money price cannot be easily ascertained: as it is rarely stored any where in great quantities, a sudden demand in a particular place may occasion a local and temporary rise in the price. However, I must make free to question the Secretary's information respecting it, he tells us in the report, page 15, that whisky is raised in the market, by the excise law, from 38 to 50 cents a gallon: I wish I knew his vouchers for this statement: he is not accustomed to admit the smallest demand against the treasury, without sufficient documents. I hope he will not expect a law to be enacted, which may endanger the peace, and has already wounded the happiness of many deserving citizens, without unquestionable authority for the facts by which the justice thereof is to be supported, I wish to know where,
under what circumstances, and in what quantities such prices have been paid. From the causes I have mentioned, it may have varied in the price, as much within a year past, as public stock has done, but these instances are no proper data on which to fix an average price.
When we reflect that, until within this ten or twelve years, whisky was usually carried from the old settlements, and sold at five shillings a gallon in the country west of the mountains; and since that time it has been manufactured and sold there in abundance at two shillings, we would expect that a wise financier, or prudent legislature would contemplate the probability of its being much cheaper as population and industry increased. When that country has advanced so much in twenty years past, under the almost constant pressures of war, what may we not rationally expect it to do in twenty years of peace?
In the old settlements, which are within the reach of the market for their produce, a prohibition of whisky would not be very severely felt: their grain and cyder they can dispose of: and the apples, which fall too soon, or which are not fit for cyder they can always give (as was the case with many during the last season) to fatten their hogs.
But let us pursue the enquiry into and over the mountains—The peculiar circumstances of the settlements in those districts have not fallen under the personal observation of the Secretary, nor of the members of the Senate; and are practically known to a very small proportion of the House of Representatives, under the existing distribution of the members. I will describe the distant settlements of Pennsylvania, however, as I am better acquainted in that quarter than in the other states; but my information enables me to discern that the situation of those settlements has a great similarity to the situation of the western parts of many of the other states, and of all the settlements on the Ohio.
In the western parts of Pennsylvania, where the people are close settled, I had a few years ago the curiosity to number the stills in particular neighbourhoods; and found, that, in some places, nearly half the farmers had either one still or a pair of stills (the latter being the most convenient number) but in other places the possession of stills was not near so common, especially among those citizens, who were far advanced on the frontier, and had been so reduced by the war, as to be unable to procure them. When the low price of land is considered, a pair of small stills, with the vessels, &c. make a considerable portion of a farmer's property; and when the stills are plenty, you will always observe, that the plantations are better improved, and the appearance of industry in general more conspicuous. But let me pause for a moment.
I think I hear some folks asking, with surprise, are not these people great drunkards?—Newspaper scraps, indeed, have sometimes, with more vulgar rudeness, than mature information, ventured upon so gross an imputation;—and the sober, the ruminating Secretary, has himself made a modest insinuation of the kind. But I presume that the inference is drawn merely from the number of stills; which is a ground of estimation highly erroneous. Clearing new lands, rollings, raisings, &c. necessarily require a greater supply of spirits, than the labor of old settlements. The heavy damps, and the greater frequency of rains, in a country but newly opened to the sun, encrease the occasion for spirits. I appeal to the experience of the most ablemious men who have penetrated the woods to survey lands, for the justification of my remark. Those who keep stills are not often drunkards; if they were, keeping them would be a dangerous snare. I am confident that the people in those countries are full as ablemious as the inhabitants of this city; although they drink their liquor (which is but of one kind) for refreshment in the day time, at their labor, or when they meet with their friend; while we drink it here, more prudently perhaps, in the evening; and indulge in a greater variety.
It is not to be denied, however, that there are worthless, drunken fellows in the distant counties; but are there not such here? Yes:—and I believe the proportion to be considerably greater.
I will now proceed to a more particular detail of the uses of this reprobated liquor. The farmer who keeps stills, prepares spirits for his own use, and pays his tradesmen and laborers as far as he can with it, and he likewise distills grain for the neighboring farmers, who keep no stills of their own; and for which he receives grain or a part of the spirits; but he prefers money if they can give it. Whisky is also sold to the tavern-keepers, who do not very generally pay for it, until long after it is drunk. It is usually bartered with the store-keepers for goods, on which it will be readily relieved a high profit is charged, as the store-keepers themselves must keep the spirits until it becomes scarce, which is generally the case after harvest, and at which time they sell it to the tavern-keepers, or to people that are trading, or moving down the river. Those persons living near the Monongahela, who make the spirits good and can keep it by them, have often a chance of selling it for money, to those who are trading to the settlements down the Ohio, or to the Spanish settlements on the Mississippi. In that case, if they

So not get the money immediately, they have the promise of it when the trader returns; which however has too often been dissolved by the loss of his life or of his cargo, by the depredations of the savages. In such settlements, I have observed whisky orders pass from hand to hand, like bank-notes, frequently funded on the credit of whisky not yet existing. With these the farmer will pay his blacksmith, and the blacksmith will pay his taylor, &c. until at last a number of small orders get condensed into 20 gallon loads of whisky. In the settlements on the great rivers, they dispose of horses, lands, &c. for a certain moiety in money, and the rest in trade. When there, I was for some time, at a loss to comprehend what they meant by trade, but I soon found that they had specially appropriated that term to whisky, or to the grain that was designed to make it.
In all the western country, indeed, you can get a field cleared, a log-house built, or any other labour performed for a compensation in whisky; but he who has money to give, can get it much cheaper and sooner done. However, to preserve a seeming equality, the barter price of whisky or grain, are kept much higher than the cash price; but as might naturally be expected, the labour, or property bartered for it, is also so much the higher. It is frequently carried four or five days journey on horseback, and sold as cheap for money or goods, as it was held at home in barter. But this brings me to point out the most important use that is made of the surplus after satisfying the demand for home consumption.
The farmers then sell some of their live stock after feeding-time, and get it made into whisky to carry to the towns below the mountain, in order to barter it there for salt, and other goods, a man will load his horses, with two kegs to a horse, each keg containing ten gallons, with his forage bags and knapsack between the kegs, or if he can afford it, take a horse to carry forage; and often travel both day and night, or when he sells at night, will tie up his horses, and lay himself down by a tavern-keeper's fire; and when he arrives at the east side of the mountain, goes perhaps from store to store, and from town to town, before he can barter it off for 2/6, or if his fortune is good, at 2/8 per gallon, for particular goods; for it is not every kind of goods they will give for whisky. That they pay a high enough import upon their salt, to procure which is the principal object of their journey, will be admitted, and that they will be charged with a high enough profit by the store keepers will not be denied. They spend no money on the road, except a few who put their horses some nights of their journey to hay, and take a bed and warm supper, or spend a grog with the tavern-keeper, at whose house they shelter. This is so general a case, that it is known to every man who travels that road in the fall or winter; very often there is not room enough on the floor for them to lay down; and these people are accustomed to live comfortably at home. And this single laborious means of participating in the enjoyments of commerce, and partaking of those things, which, in common with us, are from long habits become necessaries, was the first object of the first internal tax levied by Congress. Tell it not in the nations of Europe, lest the sons of despotism and corruption rejoice.
SIDNEY.
ADVERTISEMENT EXTRAORDINARY.
At a general meeting of the ancient and united fraternity of Shavers and Pate-Curriers of the cities of Philadelphia and New-York, convened in Philadelphia at the Barber's pole, near the Coffee-House, April 21st, 1792; the following facts and resolutions were maturely considered and unanimously agreed to.
WHEREAS the chins of certain customers have, within a few weeks past, protruded downwards to a most unnatural and unconscionable length; by which the beard has become proportionably extended, so as to double not only the consumption of soap and steel, but also the time needful to remove the excrescence:
Resolved therefore,
That as law is the perfection of reason, it shall and may be lawful from and after this day, for all Shavers (vulgarly called Barbers) to demand and receive respectively for every such beard they shall take off, double the sum hitherto accustomed.
And whereas, the head hair of many persons wearing the beards aforesaid, has within the like time become quite unmanageable, inasmuch as that such hair will, in spite of every common effort, rise up and stand on end: By reason whereof a vast consumption of the hardest pomatum, together with an increased quantum of labour, time and skill, have become indispensably requisite to keep such hair in tolerable order—and which in obdurate cases has been found to detain the operator many hours.
Resolved,
That for all such unruly heads, every Pate-Currier (vulgarly called hair dresser) shall henceforth be entitled to demand and receive from his employer, four times the sum hitherto accustomed to be taken.
Extract from the minutes.
STEPHEN STRAPANDSCRAPE, TOBIAS TAMEHAIR.
PHILADELPHIA.
APRIL 30, 1792.
The Senate have already rejected the bill for reducing the rates of postage on new newspapers. Having so soon expedited that business, they will have some spare time to think of the invalids.
It is said that there is the greatest probability of a treaty being shortly concluded between the United States and the Spanish court, by which the navigation of the Mississippi will be free to all nations.
Late S. Carolina papers teem with accounts of the heavy rains that have fallen in the upper parts of that state, whereby the Congaree and Santee rivers have swelled to a height not paralleled in the annals of that state—The water rose upwards of thirty feet in thirty hours, and inundated all the plantations bordering on the rivers; sweeping in its course, houses, mills, fences, &c. to a vast amount. Several negroes, and a great number of cattle and other stock perished. Two bridges of considerable value were borne down by the impetuous torrent. The shocking effects of this tremendous inundation were not known to the full extent when the last accounts arrived.
A Charleston paper mentions, that on information of Mr. Bowles's having taken possession of the store of Messrs. Panton, Leslie & Co. the Indians had dispatched a party to put him to death, but were prevented by the Spaniards, who previously had sent a vessel with a number of soldiers; on their approach, the boat was sent ashore, to inform Bowles that the vessel was from the West-Indies with goods for him. In consequence of this information, he came on board, when they seized him and immediately made sail for St. Augustine, where Mr. Bowles is now confined in the castle.
M c Gillivray, it is said, has given notice that he will be at the Rock-Landing about the beginning of May, with 3000 of the Creeks, in order to confirm the treaty and run the lines.
Extract of a letter from Pittsburgh, dated April 20.
"Yesterday Lieut. Jeffers arrived in town from Fort-Franklin, accompanied by 21 Indians of the Seneca nation, to which place he intends returning in the course of a few days, where he will be joined by 100 more, who are now out planting corn, for the support of their women until their return."
Two parties, say a correspondent, have shown themselves in the doings of the new government. One have evidently thought favorably of a great public debt—whereas the other have viewed it as an evil, however necessary a one.
So also, one party have considered speculation as the very soul of public credit, and as the mark of useful enterprise and thriving wealth. The other, with a contrary eye, have viewed it as the pampered child of an unruly avarice, and the prolific parent of idleness, dissipation and fraud.
Further, it has been the endeavor of one party to work the public debt into an instrument for heaping up vast wealth in the hands of a few, so as by the subtle efficacy of monied influence, to divide and rule the many. The other have stood up against this kind of policy, as unjust and unrepugnant, and as injurious to all the best interests of the country.
Again, one party have advocated the widest constructions of the constitution, so as to carry the powers of the government far beyond the obvious intent and meaning thereof, and therefore, beyond the grant of a different temper, and contended for a regular observance of the constitution, equally where it limits as where it grants powers, and for carrying it into execution in a republican spirit and manner.
Time and events have decided the controversy between these two sets of politicians; and the public voice seems to be pronouncing the decision.
It appears that a public debt is a public evil every way, more especially in such a country and government like ours. All parties now cry out for paying off the debt, as the greatest of public evils.
It appears that speculation, which in its ardor, filled the National Bank in one day, and has been kept intoxicated by the spirit of that institution, ever since; that speculation, which has drained all the natural channels of business, in order to swell the mighty torrent in which it flowed; that speculation which was born in extortion, has been nursed in the arms of an ill-fated policy, and exhibits the features of its maturity in baseness, in fraud and in swindling; it appears that this conspicuous agent in our affairs, in place of the industry, wealth and solid prosperity promised on one side, has produced all the extravagance, prostitution of morals, and devastation of the true sources of a flourishing situation, foretold on the other side.
It appears, that the schemes for throwing magnificent wealth into the undeserving hands of a favorite few, and for undermining the great republican barriers erected by the constitution, have opened the eyes
of the people, and is calling forth the demonstrations of their general sanction to the struggles made by the friends of equal rights of constitutional authority and republican measures.
These seasonable indications of the public mind are a happy proof of the force of truth among a free people; and of the sure, though slow interposition of its authority to control and correct an elective government that does not conduct according to its true principles. This general indignation against schemes that might by degrees destroy the republican constitution which binds up the people and states in one great free system, must be the more pleasing to every friend of liberty and the union, inasmuch as it shews the same desire in the people every where to maintain both, and that they all adhere to the constitution as established by themselves for that purpose, with defined powers and a republican form.
"Two things are clear—that the people adopted, and that they support the present government. It is the glory of Americans, that they have done this," &c. [Gaz. U.S.]
Yes: much praise is due to the people of America, for erecting and supporting such a noble fabric. It is strong, well proportioned, and calculated to weather many a blast. But if a set of high-flying Castle-builders over-load it with turrets and spires to rear it to the clouds, the first storm will tumble it in ruin about their ears; and the same confusion and separation will ensue, that formerly took place among the aspiring architects of Babel.
Extract of a letter from an officer of the 2d United States regiment, to a gentleman in Providence, dated Marietta, March 13.
"Such has been the severity of our winter, that the Ohio and Muskingum rivers have been passable upon their surfaces with teams;—a circumstance very unusual in this country."
"To this inclemency we may however ascribe, in a great degree, the pacific deportment of the neighboring Indians; they having been confined by the rigor of the season to their respective towns, in consequence of which we have been at leisure to erect an additional block-house; and otherwise strengthen our works."
"The garrison having been reinforced by the arrival of lieutenant Howe and 30 men from Pittsburgh, we are now in a situation to afford these bipeds of the forest a very warm reception, should they possess the temerity to provoke it."
At a meeting of the Directors of the Society for establishing useful manufactures held at Powles Hook, in the state of New Jersey, on Friday the twentieth day of April 1792.
The committee appointed to examine and report to the board, the state of the funds of the society, report as follows:
THAT the sum of 50,000 dollars appropriated by the board at their meeting in January last for the purpose of procuring the necessary articles from Europe, has been remitted, and the several articles ordered may be expected to arrive in the months of June and July.
That the sum of 5000 dollars has been appropriated for the pay of workmen and for other contingent expenses of the society and is nearly expended. And the said committee further report that they have examined the different persons employed in preparing the machinery for the society and report that the several branches are in great forwardness, some of which are ready to be put up as soon as the necessary buildings are prepared.
That the sum of 10,000 dollars which the board appropriated for procuring workmen and materials under the direction of the government has been paid to him for that purpose, and that he has given assurances that the society may rest satisfied in the security as well as the faithful application of this fund.
That the sum of sixty three thousand dollars has been invested in the deformed stock of the United States, which stock is entered in the name of the society in the books of John Cochran Commissioner of loans in the state of New-York.
That the residue of the monies received on the first payment still remain in the banks where they were originally deposited.
Ordered, That the foregoing report be published.
A true extract from the minutes. ELISHA BOUDINOT, Secr. P. T.
We hear that a special meeting of the Directors are called to meet at Newark on Tuesday the 15th day of May next, for the purpose of fixing upon the permanent seat of the said factory.
Translated from the Leyden Gazette.
The following is an extract of a letter from London, dated January 20.
"The people of England, especially the Londoners, enthusiastic as they are in the idea of a certain independence, are notwithstanding the most stupid admirers of
their court, when it affords any traits of splendor or magnificence to feast their eyes and feed their curiosity. The 18th of this month was the day fixed to celebrate the Queen's birth-day. Our public papers, ever subservient to the public taste, were stuffed with accounts of the pompous and splendid exhibitions which were to take place on this brilliant day; the dresses that were to be worn, the state-coach of the prince of Wales, and the immense number of diamonds with which this prince, the queen, the princesses and the ladies of the court were covered, from head to foot. Another circumstance, much less agreeable, is the burning of the Pantheon. This magnificent edifice, used for the purpose of public amusement, and which had made the fortune of many individuals has been reduced to ashes, on the nights of the 13th and 14th of January; only the external walls being left, of the whole of that superb pile. On the 12th inst. the messenger, Flint, was sent off to the court of Berlin with dispatches, which are said to contain the result of three cabinet consultations. The alliance about to be established between the emperor and the states general to guarantee his sovereignty in the Belgic provinces and the government established in the united provinces appears to be not so well relished by our court as by that of Berlin. The answer given thereto by the states general, has proved vague and dilatory. Besides this, our ministry seem not to be disposed to consent to the restrictions which the court of Vienna, in its ratification, had imposed upon the convention at the Hague. In the mean time, no power finds itself so much at leisure as England, to improve its financial concerns; and great things are expected on this score at the opening of the next session of parliament. In consequence our stocks are very high, Bank 203, India, 186."
BOSTON, April 19.
Netas from the West-Indies.
Since our last, several vessels have arrived here from Port-au-Prince; all of which bring the most gloomy accounts of the situation of that island; the distresses of which appear to be owing, not more to the revolt and devastation of the slaves than to the enmity prevailing among the freemen, and the want of subordination to any government.
About the 15th of March, the negroes attacked the town of Leogane, set fire to the plantations on the plain, and were joined by the negroes thereon, who had till then been in quiet servitude: after much fighting and burning, the negroes retreated. Many were killed on both sides—the lowest number, including all parties and colours is stated at 1000.
Capt. Wollman of Salem, who sailed from Port-au-Prince the 23d of March, at evening, informs, that 1000 militia and 500 regulars marched out that morning, said to be on account of the insurrection of the negroes on several plantations on the plain, who had drove their masters into town.—That they were met and opposed by the mulattoes, whose head quarters were only 4 miles from the town.—That he saw numbers of wounded brought into town while he was on shore.—That the battle continued all day—and that its issue was unknown when he failed.
A detachment of the regular troops had been called for, by the municipality, to go to Leogane, at the time of the negroes attacking that place, and boats were prepared to transport them; but the officers refused to embark—as they said their orders were to defend the town of Port-au-Prince—they therefore could not answer for their quitting their station. For the same reason, they have also refused to march to the plains around Port-au-Prince. But the clamours of the populace, and of the private soldiers, being for action, the Municipality caused the officers to be arrested, and sent to the Cape, in order to be carried to France. After this new officers being substituted, the troops marched out, as before mentioned,
This day is Published, and to be Sold by ROBERT CAMPBELL, Bookseller; No. 54, Second Street South, and by all the principal Booksellers in Philadelphia, (- Price 3-8ths of a Dollar.)
Proceedings in the House of Representatives of the United States of America, respecting the
CONTESTED ELECTION
For the Eastern District of the state of GEORGIA, CONTAINING, the Petition of General JAMES JACKSON against the election of General ANTHONY WAYNE, and the proceedings relative to the Resolutions directing the mode of conducting the Trial: with a sketch of the Debates from the commencement to the end of the business; including the Speeches of both parties; a sketch of Mr. Lewis's Defence, counsel for General Wayne; and the concluding Speech of General Jackson for which he received the applause of the auditors. Also, the subsequent proceedings of the House respecting his right to a seat after the election of the sitting member had been declared illegal.
Together with A SUPPLEMENT containing a summary of the proceedings of the legislature of Georgia relative to the impeachment of JUDGE OSBORNE, taken from the papers sent under the government seal, &c. of the state, and produced by Mr. Baldwin, which on debate were rejected.

AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT to Compensate the Corporation of Trustees of the Public Grammar-School and Academy of Wilmington in the State of Delaware, for the occupation of, and damages done to the said School, during the late war.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That as an indemnification to the corporation of Trustees of the public grammar-School and academy of Wilmington in the State of Delaware, for the use and occupation of the said School, and the damages done to the same by the troops of the United States, during the late war, there be granted to the said corporation of Trustees, a reasonable compensation, payable out of any unappropriated money in the treasury of the United States, which compensation shall be ascertained by the accounting officers of the Treasury.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate
Approved, April thirteenth, 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT concerning CONSULS and VICE CONSULS.
For carrying into full effect the convention between the King of the French, and the United States of America, entered into for the purpose of defining and establishing the functions and privileges of their respective Consuls and Vice Consuls;
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That where in the seventh article of the said convention, it is agreed that when there shall be no consul or vice consul of the King of the French, to attend to the saving of the wreck of any French vessels stranded on the coasts of the United States, or that the residence of the said consul, or vice consul (he not being at the place of the wreck) shall be more distant from the said place than that of the competent judge of the country, the latter shall immediately proceed to perform the office therein prescribed; the district judge of the United States of the district in which the wreck shall happen, shall proceed therein, according to the tenor of the said article. And in such cases it shall be the duty of the officers of the customs within whose districts such wrecks shall happen, to give notice thereof, as soon as may be, to the said judge, and to aid and assist him to perform the duties hereby assigned to him. The district judges of the United States shall also, within their respective districts be the competent judges, for the purposes expressed in the ninth article of the said convention, and it shall be incumbent on them to give aid to the consuls' and vice consuls of the King of the French, in arresting and securing deserters from vessels of the French nation according to the tenor of the said article.
And where by any article of the said Convention, the consuls and vice consuls of the King of the French, are entitled to the aid of the competent executive officers of the country, in the execution of any precept, the marshals of the United States, and their deputies, shall, within their respective districts be the competent officers, and shall give their aid according to the tenor of the stipulations.
And whenever commitments to the jails of the country shall become necessary in pursuance of any stipulation of the said Convention, they shall be to such jails within the respective districts as other commitments under the authority of the United States are by law made.
And for the direction of the consuls and vice consuls of the United States in certain cases.
Be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That they shall have right in the ports for places to which they are or may be severally appointed of receiving the
protests or declarations, which such captains, masters, crews, passengers and merchants, as are citizens of the United States may respectively chuse to make there; and also such as any foreigner may chuse to make before them relative to the personal interest of any citizens of the United States; and the copies of the said acts duly authenticated by the said consuls and vice consuls, under the seal of their consulates, respectively, shall receive faith in law, equally as their originals would in all courts in the United States. It shall be their duty where the laws of the country permit, to take possession of the personal estate left by any citizen of the United States, other than seamen belonging to any ship or vessel who shall die within their consulate; leaving there no legal representative, partner in trade or trustee by him appointed to take care of his effects, they shall inventory the same with the assistance of two merchants of the United States, or for want of them, of any others at their choice; shall collect the debts due to the deceased in the country where he died, and pay the debts due from his estate which he shall have there contracted; shall sell at auction after reasonable public notice such part of the estate as shall be of a perishable nature and such further part, if any, as shall be necessary for the payment of his debts, and at the expiration of one year from his decease, the residue; and the balance of the estate they shall transmit to the treasury of the United States, to be holden in trust for the legal claimants. But if at any time before such transmission, the legal representative of the deceased shall appear and demand his effects in their hands, they shall deliver them up, being paid their fees, and shall cease their proceedings.
For the information of the representative of the deceased, it shall be the duty of the consul or vice consul authorized to proceed as aforesaid in the settlement of his estate, immediately to notify his death in one of the gazettes published in the consulate, and also to the Secretary of State, that the same may be notified in the state to which the deceased shall belong; and he shall also, as soon as may be, transmit to the Secretary of State, an inventory of the effects of the deceased taken as before directed.
And be it further enacted, That the said consuls and vice consuls, in cases where ships or vessels of the United States shall be stranded on the coasts of their consulates respectively, shall, as far as the laws of the country will permit, take proper measures, as well for the purpose of saving the said ships or vessels, their cargoes and appurtenances, as for storing and securing the effects and merchandise saved, and for taking an inventory or inventories thereof; and the merchandise and effects saved with the inventory or inventories thereof taken as aforesaid, shall, after deducting therefrom the expense, be delivered to the owner or owners. Provided, That no consul or vice consul shall have authority to take possession of any such goods, wares, merchandise or other property, when the master, owner or consignee thereof is present or capable of taking possession of the same.
And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for every consul and vice consul of the United States, to take and receive the following fees of office for the services which he shall have performed.
For authenticating under the consular seal, every protest, declaration, deposition, or other act, which such captains, masters, mariners, seamen, passengers, merchants or others as are citizens of the United States may respectively chuse to make, the sum of two dollars.
For the taking into possession, inventorying, selling and finally settling and paying, or transmitting as aforesaid, the balance due on the personal estate left by any citizen of the United States who shall die within the limits of his consulate five per centum on the gross amount of such estate.
For taking into possession and otherwise proceeding on any such estate which shall be delivered over to the legal representative before a final settlement of the same, as is herein before directed two and an half per centum on such part delivered over as shall not be in money, and five per centum on the gross amount of the residue.
And it shall be the duty of the consuls and vice consuls of the United States to give receipts for all fees which they shall receive by virtue of this act, expressing the particular services for which they are paid.
And be it further enacted, That in case it be found necessary for the interest of the United States, that a consul or consuls be appointed to reside on the coast of Barbary, the President be authorized to allow an annual salary, not exceeding two thousand dollars to each person so to be appointed: Provided, That such salary be not allowed to more than one consul for any one of the states on the said coast.
And be it further enacted, That every consul and vice consul shall, before they enter on the execution of their trusts, or if already in the execution of the same, within one year from the passing of this act, or if resident in Asia, within two years, give bonds with such sureties as shall be approved by the Secretary of State, in a sum of not less than two thousand nor more than ten thousand dollars, conditioned for the true & faithful discharge of the duties of his office according to law, and also for truly accounting for all monies, goods and effects which may come into his possession by virtue of this act; and the said bond shall be lodged in the office of the Secretary of the Treasury.
And be it further enacted, That to prevent the mariners and seamen, employed in vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, in cases of shipwreck, sickness or captivity, from suffering in foreign ports, it shall be the duty of the consuls and vice consuls respectively, from time to time to provide for them, in the most reasonable manner, at the expense of the United States, subject to such instructions as the Secretary of State shall give, and not exceeding an allowance of twelve cents to a man per diem; and all masters and commanders of vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, and bound to some port of the same, are hereby required and enjoined to take such mariners or seamen on board of their ships or vessels, at the request of the said consuls or vice consuls respectively, and to transport them to the port, in the United States to which such ships or vessels may be bound free of costs or charge; but that the said mariners or seamen shall, if able be bound to do duty on board such ships or vessels according to their several abilities: Provided, That no master or captain of any ship or vessel, shall be obliged to take a greater number than two men to every one hundred tons burthen of the said ship or vessel, on any one voyage: and if any such captain or master shall refuse the same on the request or order of the consul or vice consul, such captain or master shall forfeit and pay the sum of thirty dollars for each mariner or seaman so refused, to be recovered for the benefit of the United States by the said consul or vice consul in his own name, in any court of competent jurisdiction.
And be it further enacted, That where a ship or vessel belonging to citizens of the United States is sold in a foreign port or place, the master, unless the crew are liable by their contract or do consent to be discharged there, shall send them back to the state where they entered on board, or furnish them with means sufficient for their return, to be ascertained by the consul or vice consul of the United States, having jurisdiction of the port or place. And in case of the master's refusal, the said consul or vice consul may (if the laws of the land permit it) cause his ship, goods and person to be arrested and held until he shall comply with his duty herein.
And be it further enacted, That the specification of certain powers and duties, in this act, to be exercised or performed by the consuls and vice consuls of the United States, shall not be construed to the exclusion of others resulting from the nature of their appointments, or any treaty or convention under which they may act.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, April fourteenth, 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plans, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A P R E M I U M
OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars, or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following apartments, to wit:    A conference room  Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each.  These rooms to be of full elevation.    A room for the Representatives    A lobby or antichamber to the latter.    A Senate room of 1200 square feet area.    An antichamber or lobby to the last. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plans, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14, 1792.
This day is published—Price 6/6.
By MATHEW CAREY. No. 118, Market-street, near fourth street.
The Ladies' Library, Containing
 1. Miss More's Essays  2. Gregory's Legacy  3. Lady Pennington's advice  4. Marchioness of Lambert's advice  5. Swift's Letter to a new married Lady  6. Miss Chapone on Command of temper  7. More's Fables for the Ladies. 
Said CAREY has lately published
 1. Mr Fingal, an epic poem, 2/6 1-2  2. Blair's Sermons, complete in two vols 15/.  3. Nectar's treatise on Religious Opinions, 6/.  4. Examination of Sheffield's Observations, 4/8  5. American Constitutions, 4/8  6. Doway Bible---neat, 6 dol., elegant 50/2  7. Vade Mecum, 1/10 1-2  8. Charles Grandison abridged, 1/3  9. Humphrey's poems, bound 2/6, in blue paper 1/10 1-2  10. American Jest Book, in 2 parts, bound, 4/6  11. Select Poems, 1/3  12. Think Well On't, 1/10 1-2  13. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, 6/  14. Beattie's elements of moral science, 5/7 1-2  15. The Christian Economy, 1/10 1-2. 
Sets of the American Museum.
As several gentlemen in different parts of the United States, have been heretofore disappointed in their applications for complete sets of the American Museum, the printer informs the public, that he is engaged in reprinting the deficient numbers of the work, and has now and will henceforward have a constant supply of sets on hand; such gentlemen, therefore, as please, may be furnished with sets neatly bound, in ten volumes, at sixteen dollars. This work will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays as any ever published in America.
Of said Carey may be had, rubblish and retail, Bibles, Testaments, Spelling-Books, Primers, Quills, Ink-Powder, Writing-Paper of various kinds, Bonnet-Paper, Pocket-Books, Ink-Stands, Message and playing cards, &c &c. 6/11/92
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