Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-07-25 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXX.]
SATURDAY, JULY 25, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXX.
"Sagacity and good humour are among the essential qualities of an accomplished instructor of youth."
SOME author in treating upon education, introduces the following story.
"Plato in one of his dialogues tells us, that Socrates, who was the son of a midwife, used to say, that as his mother, though she was very skilled in her profession, could not deliver a woman, unless she was first with child, so neither could he himself raise knowledge out of a mind, where nature had not planted it."
"Accordingly the method this philosopher took, of instructing his scholars, by several interrogatories or questions was only helping the birth, and bringing their own thoughts to light."
The principle contained in this quotation should not be carried too far. Indolent teachers are too apt to persuade themselves, that every scholar who actually does not make progress in learning, is naturally incapable of it. This belief induces them to neglect those youth who do not manifest tokens of genius, as unpromising sprouts. They huddle a number of them together and assign them tasks to delve upon; and reprove their dulness, rather than strive to blow the latent sparks of genius into a flame. The talents of some people lie so deep, and are of such a texture that it is difficult to bring them into view. Many a lad passes through a collegiate education without any pleasure or reputation, who after he is left to himself, and can exercise his own judgment, in the application of his own abilities makes a respectable figure in society, and becomes more useful and eminent, than many sprightly geniuses who despised and discouraged him, when promiscuously employed in the same course of study.
When the instructors at any University or school have not a thorough knowledge of human nature, the youth committed to their care will become averse to learning from the manner in which instruction is communicated. Such professors or tutors as do not gain the love and respect of their pupils cannot expect their tuition will be advantageous. It is of importance therefore that the instructors should not only possess learning and genius, but that they should be distinguished by an amiable, discreet deportment. If under the direction of such men the academicians are discontented, idle or vicious, it furnishes a presumption that they are not employed in that kind of literature which is suitable for them. We must either draw this conclusion, or we have no other alternative than to suppose, that they have such dulness of understanding, or such perverseness of disposition as can never be reclaimed. To distinguish which of these causes operates in producing such indolence and aversion in any youth, we must attend to his conduct and temper in other respects. If a refractory and vicious inclination marks his general character, we must not ascribe his depravity to an improper treatment in his scholastic exercises. But if in the usual tenor of his life, he manifests a tractable and ingenious spirit, and can be restrained from dissolute manners, we must suppose his hatred of learning and his not making proficiency in it, results from an injudicious assignment of his studies. It can generally be known whether the fault lies in the task itself, or in the manner of imposing it, or in the natural sterility of the subject on which it is imposed.
The bad habits and vices contracted at public seminaries may seize such hold of the mind, that they can never be eradicated through life. In whatever station a man acts, he will discover traits of his education. It is to be regretted that a better foundation is not laid to render the transitions from youth to manhood, and study to business more easy and natural. There seems to be a chasm which it is difficult and often impracticable to fill up. Some bright scholars never become useful men; and many promising youth dwindle as they grow old, into insignificance and contempt. Is this the inevitable decree of nature? or is it the effect of erroneous education. My next paper shall touch upon the question.
FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS CENTINEL.
[The following ORATION was delivered at the South Grammar School, Bolton, on the last Visitation Day, by Master CHARLES WILLIAMS WINDSHIP.]
ON THE PROGRESS AND ADVANTAGES of a GOOD EDUCATION.
DEPENDING on the candour of those respectable guardians of literature, and patrons of youthful genius, before whom I have the honor to exhibit, I with diffidence beg leave to offer a few hints upon the progress and advantages of an early education.
The theme is copious and variegated, and may perhaps be compared to a landscape, where a beautiful profusion of objects captivates the eye, and diversifies the scene; while I like an untaught Juniper, just beginning to wield the pencil, rather feel the ambition than the ability to depicture the prospect. How amiable does a youth appear whose parental guides have qualified him with the
graces of obedience, and filial respect, and allured him to the love of virtue by exemplifying her charms—who have early formed him to habits of virtue, and taught him to be delighted with instruction.—After parental care and tenderness have thus advanced him from the dawn of life, to the period for literary pursuits, he is placed under the tuition of a careful instructor, who nurtures the pliant bud of genius, and teaches the young idea how to shoot. His inclinations are directed to rule and order, and his reason led to acquiesce in the necessity of subordination. His hope is quickened into expectation of reward suitable to his merit; and his ambition stimulated to surpass in every laudable pursuit: He is patient and diligent in his studies, and endeavours to lessen the task of his instructors by the docility of his disposition, and the placidness of his temper: Competitors excite his emulation: He becomes susceptible of honor, and is actuated by generosity and the finer sentiments of a cultivated mind. Though he finds the first stages in the road to science rugged and difficult, and meets with more thorns than roses, yet as he advances, the way becomes pleasant, and new prospects rise, decked with all the luxuriance of thought, and the pleasing images of imagination. Being conscious that he is travelling the road to fame, as well as intellectual pleasure, he becomes invincible in his resolution for distinction, and assiduous in his progress. He now considers his accident and grammar, and the rudiments of language, as avenues to the temple of Knowledge—for being no longer embarrassed by mere words, he ascends to the ideas they represent. His understanding gradually unfolds and brightens, and he becomes enamoured with knowledge by its increase. Now the harmonious diction and chaste sentiments of VIRGIL win his approbation; now the address and politeness of HORACE begin to charm, and now the sublime majesty of HOMER, and the transcendent eloquence of immortal TULLY fire his bosom with scientific rapture. At this period he looks back with surprise upon the dark state of his ignorance, and is charmed with the light of erudition. And the sensation it produces in him, may perhaps not unaptly be compared to those which travellers experience, who after wandering in some dreary desert, fatigued with the aperiency of the way, are suddenly transported into a cultivated country adorned with blossoms productive of delicious fruits, vocal with melodious birds, fanned with salubrious gales, resplendent with sunbeams, and replete with objects of the purest delight.
Thus the young pupil goes on in his happy progress, until the approbation of his instructors pronounces him fit to be transferred to a higher seat of literature, the University—in expectation of which, some of us are soon to bid adieu to this institution, from which we have derived so great advantage, and to offer an affectionate farewell to our much respected instructors. I feel that I never had more to say, nor was it ever less in my power to express myself upon any occasion—Will you then, ye guardians of literature, deign to accept the tribute of conscious gratitude.
Venerable fathers of the town, under whose auspices we commemorate this anniversary, permit us to return you our filial thanks for your presence this day: May our schools and colleges never want patrons to support them, nor friends to protect the cause of virtue and religion. And now to you my companions, and to myself, I wish that happiness that must result from completing an early education, and the advantage and pleasure that will spring from the pursuit of that science and virtue, for the attainment of which we have received so many paternal indulgencies—Then shall we gladden the guides of our youth—then will the robe of honor clothe the friend approve—and the parent bless us.
ORIGINAL SPECIMENS of ELOQUENCE.
I.
THE Editor, solicitous to mingle novelty, variety and utility in his original Miscellany, hopes the following examples of Eloquence, exhibited in the negotiation of Treaties with the Indians since the ratification of the Independence of the United States, will be acceptable to his readers.
At a Meeting of the Commissioners of the United States, in Nov. 1785, with the Head-Men and Warriors of all the Tribes or Towns of the Cherokees, the former addressed the latter in the following words:
"HEAD-MEN AND WARRIORS OF ALL THE CHEROKEES!
"WE are the men whom you were informed came from CONGRESS to meet you the Head-Men and Warriors of all the Cherokees, to give you peace and to receive you into the protection and favor of the United States; and to remove, as far as may be, all causes of future contention and quarrels—that you, your people, your wives and your children may be happy; and feel and know the blessings of the new change of Sovereignty over this land, which you and we inherit.
"We sincerely wish you to live as happily as we do ourselves, and to promote that happiness as far as is in our power; regardless of any distinction of colour, or of any difference in our manners, or particular situation.
"This humane and generous Act of the United States will no doubt be received by you with gladness, and held in grateful remembrance: and the more so, as many of your young men, and the greatest number of your warriors (during the late war) were our enemies, and assisted the King of Great-Britain in his endeavours to conquer our country.
"You yourselves know that you refused to listen to the good talks Congress sent you; that the cause you espoused was a bad one; that all the adherents to the King of Great-Britain are compelled to leave this country, NEVER MORE TO RETURN.
"CONGRESS is now the SOVEREIGN of all our country, which we now point out to you on the map. THEY WANT NONE OF YOUR LANDS, or any thing else which belongs to you; and as an earnest of their regard for you, we propose to enter into articles of a treaty PERFECTLY EQUAL, and conformable to what we now tell you.
"If you have any grievances to complain of,
we will hear them—and take such measures in consequence thereof as may be proper. We expect you will speak your minds freely, and look upon us as the Representatives of your FATHER and FRIEND the CONGRESS, who will see justice done you.—You may now retire and reflect on what we have told you; and let us hear from you to-morrow, or as soon as possible."
The next day the TASSEL of CHOTA arose and addressed the Commissioners thus:
"I am going to let the Commissioners hear what I have to say to them. I told you yesterday, I would do this to day. I was very much pleased with the talk you gave us yesterday—it is very different from what I expected, when I left home. The Head-Men and Warriors are also equally pleased with it.
"Now I shall give you my own Talk. I am made of this earth, on which the GREAT MAN ABOVE placed me to possess it: and what I am about to tell you, I have had in my mind for many years.
"This Land, we are now on, is the Land we were fighting for during the late contest, and the GREAT MAN made it for us to subsist upon. You must know, the Red People are the aborigines of this land, and that it is but a few years since the White People found it out. I am of the first stock, as the Commissioners know, and a native of this land. And the White People are now living on it as our friends. From the beginning of our first FRIENDSHIP between the White and the Red People BEADS were given as an Emblem thereof: and these are the BEADS I give to the commissioners of the United States, as a confirmation of our friendship; and as a proof of my opinion of what you yesterday told us.
(A STRING OF WHITE BEADS.)
"The Commissioners have heard how the White People have encroached on our lands, on every side of us that they could approach.
"I remember the Talks I delivered at the Long Island of Holston: and I remember giving our lands to Col. Christie and others, who treated with us, and in a manner compelled me thereto, in 1777. I remember the Talks to Col. Christie, when I gave the lands at the mouth of Cloud's Creek eighteen springs past. At that treaty we agreed upon the line near Lime-Stone. The Virginia line and part from the mouth of Cloud's Creek to Cumberland Mountain, near the Gap, were paid for by Virginia. From Cloud's Creek a direct line to the Chimney-top Mountain, thence to the mouth of Big Lime-Stone on Nolichucky, thence to the first Mountain about six miles from the river on a line across the sun, was never paid for by the Carolina, which joins the Virginia line.
"I wish the Commissioners to know every thing that concerns us, as I tell nothing but the truth. They, the People of North Carolina, have taken our lands for no consideration; and are now making their fortunes out of them. I have informed the Commissioners of the line I gave up. The People of North Carolina and Virginia have gone over it; and encroached on our lands expressly against our inclination. They have gone over the line near Little River, and they have gone over Nine-Mile Creek, which is but nine miles from our TOWNS. I am glad of this opportunity of getting redress from the Commissioners. If Congress had not interposed, I and my people must have moved. They have even marked the lands on the bank of the river near the Town where I live; and from thence down in the fork of the Tennessee and Holston.
"I have given in to you a detail of the abuse and encroachments of these two States. We shall be satisfied if we are paid for the lands we have given up: but we WILL NOT, nor CANNOT give up any more—I mean the line I gave to Col. Christie.
"I have no more to say—but one of our beloved women has, who has borne and raised up Warriors."
The WAR-WOMAN of Chota then addressed the Commissioners:
"I am fond of hearing that there is a Peace; and I hope you have now taken us by the hand in real friendship. I have a Pipe and a little Tobacco to give the Commissioners to smoke in friendship. I look on you and the Red People as my CHILDREN. Your having determined on Peace is most pleasing to me; for I have seen much trouble during the war. I am old, but I hope yet to bear children—who will grow up and people our nation; since we are now to be under the protection of Congress, and shall have no more disturbance.
"The talk I have given is from the Young Warriors I have raised in my Town, as well as myself. They rejoice that we have Peace; and we hope the chain of friendship will never more be broken."

By Authority.
ORDINANCE, RESPECTING LIBERTY TO TRADE WITH THE SOUTHERN PART OF ST. DOMINGO.
NINTH OF MAY, 1789.
Extract from the Registers of the Superior Council of St. Domingo.
THE tour which the Governor General has lately made to the southern parts, has enabled him to judge personally of the situation to which they are reduced, as well as of the only efficacious means to raise them to that degree of splendor they are susceptible of.
That on the other hand, this quarter which is as fine as the northern and western, only requires in order to become as fruitful, a degree of strength which it now wants;
On mature reflection of all these considerations, the unanimous wish of the inhabitants for a free importation of negroes, the perfect confidence we have, that it will produce the best effects,
ARTICLE I.
Reckoning from the 1st of August, 1789, to the 1st of August, 1794, foreign vessels of 60 tons burthen and upwards, shall be admitted into the ports of Jeremie, les Cayes, and Jacmel, with negroes, flour, lumber of all sorts, sea-coal, live stock of all kinds,
II.
All the Southern quarter shall benefit from the importation of negroes, and the other articles set forth in the preceding article, as far as and comprehending St. Michael du fond des Negres, Aquin, Baynet, Jacmel, and des Cayes de Jacmel.
III.
French merchants and owners of vessels, whether belonging to the kingdom or to the French Islands and Colonies, who shall be inclined to import the commodities pointed out in the 1st article, shall be likewise admitted.
IV.
The payment for negroes and other commodities which shall be sold by foreigners, to the inhabitants of the southern quarter, comprehended within the line of demarcation, may be made in sugar, or other produce of the colony.
V.
All merchandise, whose importation and exportation are permitted to foreigners by the 1st and 4th articles in the aforesaid three ports of entry, shall be subject to the established local duties, and shall pay moreover one pr. cent. of their value, excepting negroes which shall not pay this last duty of one pr. cent.
VI.
Foreign vessels shall pay for the whole duty of entry into the said ports, forty-five livres for every negro they shall import.
VII.
Foreign vessels shall be subject to the payment of the western duty for the merchandizes they shall export from the ports mentioned in the second article, and such as the French vessels pay in France, for the colonial produce they import there.
VIII.
Every foreign vessel going out from the three ports of entry without having paid the duties above mentioned in the three preceding articles, and which shall be taken by His Majesty's vessels, or others commissioned for that purpose, shall be conducted to one of the ports of the Admiralty, to be there impeached and condemned to confiscation and a fine of three thousand livres tournois.
IX.
French vessels, whether belonging to the kingdom or to French islands and colonies, shall pay for the importation and exportation of the merchandizes mentioned in the first article, the established local duties.
X.
Every foreign vessel detected in landing negroes and other commodities, in other places of the colony than those designated in the 1st article, shall be confiscated and condemned in a fine of ten thousand livres colony money.
XI.
In order to secure the effect of the fines mentioned in the 8th and 10th articles, every captain of a foreign vessel shall be bound to have a French correspondent at his arrival in one of the ports of entry designated in the 1st article, who shall be obliged to give bond for this purpose, which bond shall be fully cancelled one month after the sailing of the vessel from the port where it shall have been given.
XII.
Every negro imported belonging to foreign vessels, and who shall be taken beyond the limits established by the 2d article, shall be confiscated to the King's use:
XIII.
Every imported negro who shall be found without the limits established by the 2d article, among the inhabitants other than those mentioned in the said article, shall be confiscated to the use of the King, and the proprietor condemned (par corps) in a fine of
fifteen hundred livres, to be applied to the hospitals de la Providence, of Port-au-Prince and the Cape.
XIV.
Every foreign vessel which arrives at one of the three ports of entry may depart before the expiration of eight days, with new commissions for another of the aforesaid ports designated in the present Ordinance.
XV.
There shall be established in each of the said ports of entry a sufficient number of commissioners to receive the declarations of cargoes, which shall be made by the captains, which declarations they shall register in a book kept for that purpose.
XVI.
Captains of foreign vessels, besides the declarations they shall make to the commissioners of the offices of entry, shall likewise make them to the secretary of the admiralty;
XVII.
The proceeds of the fines and confiscations mentioned in the 8th and 10th articles shall be attributed, one moiety to the King, and one moiety to the commissioner who shall have occasioned the seizure, if the transgression happens in the ports of entry.
XVIII.
We expressly prohibit and forbid all French belonging to the leeward islands lending their names to make foreign vessels pretend French bottoms, under penalty of a fine of three thousand livres, to be applied to the hospitals de la Providence in Port-au-Prince and the Cape,
XIX.
The provisions of the letters patent of the month of October 1787, and the subsequent Ordinances and regulations respecting foreign commerce in the French islands and colonies, shall be moreover executed, as far as they do not interfere with the present Ordinance,
We request the officers of the superior council of St. Domingo likewise to register it in their office; to print and post it wherever it may be necessary;
Given at Port-au-Prince, under the Seal of our Arms, and the countersign of our Secretary, the 9th of May, 1789.
By the General. (SIGNED.) DUCHILLEAU. (SIGNED.) BONHOMME.
REGISTERED in the office of the Intendance of the French American Leeward Islands, at Port-au-Prince, the 9th of May, 1789. (SIGNED.) SENTOUT.
The present ORDINANCE has been registered in the office of the Superior Council of St. Domingo, and the request being heard that it should be executed agreeable to its form and tenor, printed, published and posted wherever it may be necessary, and copies thereof, compared with the present, sent to the seneschals and admirals jurisdictions, to be there likewise read, published, registered and posted, the King's Attorney General enjoins his deputies to assist therein, and certify the same to the Court agreeable to the Act of this date.
Done at Port-au-Prince, in Council, the 11th of May, 1789. (SIGNED.) BONVALET.
Faithfully translated from the Original, by JOHN PINTARD.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 22.
MR. BURKE, of the committee appointed for that purpose, presented a bill for allowing a compensation to The President, and The Vice-President of the United States—which was read.
In committee of the whole.
The bill providing for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States was discussed—the committee then rose, and the chairman reported, that the committee had gone through the discussion of the bill, without making any amendments.
The petition of HANNAH ADAMS, of Massachusetts, was introduced by Mr. AMES, stating that she had published a work entitled an Alphabetical Compendium of the various religious sects which have appeared in the world;
The House then, on motion of Mr. Scot, resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration certain resolves, respecting the Western territory—and after some conversation the following, in substance, were agreed to, viz.
Resolved, as the sense of this committee, that a Land-Office ought to be established, for the sale of vacant and unappropriated lands in the Western territory.
That the said office be under the superintendence of the Governor of the Western territory, for the time being—that the lands to be sold be contained within the following limits, viz.
That the tracts and parcels to be disposed of shall not exceed acres.
That the price to be required shall be pr. acre.
That every person actually settled within the said limits shall be entitled to the pre-emption of
a quantity, not exceeding acres, including his settlement.
A committee, consisting of Mr. Scot, Mr. Sylvester and Mr. Moore was then appointed to bring in a bill or bills, agreeably to the said resolutions.
Mr. CARROL moved that the report of the committee on the enrollment, attestation, publication, and preservation of the acts of Congress should be taken up.
This motion was superceded by Mr. VINING's giving notice that he should on to morrow move for the house to go into a committee of the whole, on the state of the Union, to take into consideration the establishing an executive department, to be denominated the Domestic Department.
Mr. VINING also moved, that The President be requested and authorised to provide a greater and lesser seal, with proper devices, for the use of the United States.
This occasioned some conversation: It was said that a Great Seal for the United States is already provided, and the necessity of a lesser seal is a matter of doubt—No decision took place upon the motion—and accordingly was laid upon the table.
Mr. BENSON introduced a resolution for the appointment of a committee, to bring in a bill to prescribe the forms of commissions, to be granted to the officers of the United States—laid on the table. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, JULY 23.
Mr. PATRIDGE of the committee appointed to wait on The President, and present the enrolled bill for establishing an executive department, to be denominated the department of foreign affairs, reported that said committee had attended that service.
The bill for allowing a compensation to The President and Vice-President of the United States, for their services, was read a second time, and passed to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The committee on the memorial of Andrew Ellicott, presented a second report, which was read and laid on the table.
On motion of Mr. White—
Resolved, that a committee be appointed to examine into the measures taken by Congress, and the State of Virginia, respecting the lands reserved for the use of the officers and soldiers of the said State, on Continental and State establishments in the cession made by the said State to the United States, of the territory north-west of the River Ohio, and to report the same to this House.—Committee appointed—Mr. White, Mr. P. Muhlenberg, Mr. Sney.
On motion of Mr. VINING the House went into a committee of the whole—
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.
Mr. VINING then introduced the subject of the domestic department, by proposing a resolution in substance as follows:
Resolved, as the sense of this committee, That an executive department ought to be established, to be denominated the Home Department—the head of which to be called the Secretary of the United States for the Home Department—whose duties shall be, to correspond with the several States, and see to the execution of the laws of the Union—to keep the great seal, and affix the same to all public papers when necessary—to keep the lesser seal, and to affix it to commissions, &c. to make out commissions and enregister the same;—to keep authentic copies of all public acts, and transmit the same to the several States—to procure the acts of the several States, and report on the same, when contrary to the laws of the United States—to take into his custody the archives of the late Congress—to report to The PRESIDENT of the United States, plans to promote manufactures, agriculture, and commerce—to keep a geographical account of the several States, their rivers, towns, roads, and to report what post roads shall be established, &c.—to receive and record the census—to receive reports respecting the western territory—to receive the models and specimens presented by inventors and authors—to enter all books for which patents are granted—to issue patents, &c.—and in general to do, and attend to, all such matters and things, as he may be directed to by The PRESIDENT.
This resolution was warmly opposed, by Messrs. WHITE, BENSON, SEDGWICK, GERRY, HUNTINGTON, SHERMAN, and others.
The several duties specified, were particularly referred to, and it was observed, that they would very properly come within the limits of the great branches of the legislature, or of those executive departments already established—that some of the objects were not essential—It was urged, that there are offices enough already established—that the people are viewing the proceedings of Congress with attentive solicitude—that if they observe offices created, for which there is no immediate necessity, and for the support of which, the money must be extracted from their hard earnings, they will be apt to withdraw their re-

spect and affection from this legislature—that in the expenditure of the public money, the greatest economy ought to be observed—that the burdens of the people will be sufficiently great, to provide the absolutely necessary supplies, many of the duties it was observed might be performed by the Secretary of the Senate—that encreasing offices, and providing for the minutiae of administration in this way, would supercede the necessity of a legislative body—whose expence on this plan is needless, &c. It was therefore moved that the first clause of the resolution should be struck out.
To these and many more observations, Mr. VINING replied, in defence of his proposition—that he had waited till the bills for establishing the executive departments were compleated—he found that those bills did not embrace the objects of the resolutions—that these objects are of importance and ought to be noticed will be granted—this department is as necessary as any established, except that of the treasury—The President should be relieved from the burden of these inferior duties as much as possible—government is a complicated machine—The President should be at the head, to superintend the whole—he should have his mind free and unembarrassed, that he may more effectually observe the movements of the various parts.—As to the expence, he observed, that this would be a plan of economy: information on these points is necessary to be had—and the question is, whether a confidential officer is not a better medium, than vague information, by letters from persons, perhaps interested to deceive.—He then adverted to the several duties to shew their importance, that they are not comprized in any office already constituted, and could not with any propriety come under the cognizance of those departments. Mr. VINING pointedly disclaimed all personal motives, in bringing forward this business—he came forth, he observed, upon the broad basis of the public good.
The motion for striking out the clause, being put, passed in the affirmative.—The committee then rose, and the Speaker resumed the chair. Mr. SEDGWICK introduced a motion that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill supplementary to the act for establishing the department of foreign affairs—declaring that said department should hereafter be denominated
to which certain additional duties were to be annexed—such as keeping the seals, making out commissions, &c. &c.
This motion after some debate was negatived, and then the House adjourned.
FRIDAY, JULY 24.
Mr. GERRY of the committee appointed for that purpose, brought in a bill to provide for the registering, and clearing of vessels—for regulating their tonnage, and the coasting trade, which was read—voted that 100 copies be printed for the House.
The engrossed bill for allowing compensations to THE PRESIDENT and VICE-PRESIDENT, for their respective services, was read a third time—this bill provides that the Vice-President shall, in case the powers and duties of the President devolve upon him, receive the compensation allowed to the President, and his allowance as Vice-President is then to cease.
Upon motion it was voted that this bill be re-committed, and that the House will this day resolve itself into a committee of the whole for the purpose of taking the same into consideration.
The committee to whom was recommitted the bill to provide for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States, reported an amendment to said bill, which impowers the President of the United States to nominate and appoint, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, proper persons to fill such vacancies as have taken place, or may happen, in the Board of Commissioners on Accounts, appointed under the ordinance of the late Congress, also authorizing said Board to appoint a Chief Clerk, and such other clerks as the service may require.
This amendment after some debate, was adopted, and the bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next.
In committee of the whole.
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.
The engrossed bill for allowing compensations to THE PRESIDENT and VICE-PRESIDENT was then read, and amended, by more particularly specifying the time when the compensations shall commence, viz. "At the time when they shall enter on the duties of their respective stations."
The clause respecting the Vice-President's receiving the compensation of President, in case the powers and duties of that office should devolve upon him, was voted to be struck out.
The committee then rose—and it was ordered that the bill lye on the table.
Upon motion of Mr. FITZSIMONS, the estimate of supplies for 1789, was read, and taken into consideration.
It was then voted that a committee of ways and means be appointed, to which the said estimate was referred.
Upon motion it was voted that this committee consist of eleven—the ballots being collected, the following gentlemen were chosen, viz.
 Messrs Livermore, Vining,  Gerry, Smith, (Maryland)  Wadsworth, Madison,  Laurance, Smith, (S. C.)  Cadwallader, Jackson,  Fitzsimons, Adjourned. 
UPON THE MANUFACTURE OF GLASS.
BOTTLES, black or green, are the most simple of all the glass manufacture—the profit in making which depends upon the greatest number of workmen being employed at the smallest expence of fuel. From eight to sixteen blowers can work all at once, at one melting furnace, six feet diameter, which will take six cords of wood every twenty-four hours. The best constructed green glass furnace in this country is in New-Jersey—where the whole business of smelting, blowing, and cooling is done with one fire, by the particular construction of the furnace.
WHITE GLASS may also be made in the same furnace: but it is much more curious in its composition: for to make it white, it must partake of all the colours—for this reason—in smelting the purest materials, they naturally have a greenish and purplish tinge; to dislodge which a blackish fossil substance is made use of—upon this principle, that one colour in glass making will destroy another; so that at last a beautiful glass is produced called white; but like the crystalline humour of the eye, it partakes of all the colours, as may be seen in the best English white glass, which has a changeableness like soap bubbles; but in the best London crown glass, or mirrors, you will not perceive any of that sparkling, changeable power, because it would distort the object seen through or reflected, on account of the refracting power of such glass; therefore this glass is made of pure salts and sand only and has a native greyish colour, as may be seen by the broken pieces that, like water, they may reflect the objects truly.
CROWN GLASS may be made here to greater profit than any other glass—on account of the plenty and cheapness of materials—the quantity that can be made—and the great consumption of it.—The method of making which—form and dimensions of the furnace—preparations of the materials—I shall wave for particular reasons.
A GLASS-MAKER.
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES.
LONDON, APRIL 9.
It is said that the following six noblemen hold 43 boroughs at their disposal:
 Lord Lonsdale, 11  Duke of Newcastle, 8  Lord Elliot of Port Elliot, 7  Lord Oxford, 7  Lord Falmouth, 5  Lord Edgecombe, 5 
A most outrageous tumult has happened at Barcelona, in Spain, in consequence of the high price of bread. On the 1st ult. a very numerous mob began to set fire to the town magazines, where the corn is deposited. Having finished here, they burnt two houses belonging to principal corn dealers, besides some others.
The King of Sweden has received the most affectionate addresses from all parts of his kingdom, declaring how extremely ready the people are to second his wishes for carrying on the war. The Finlanders have been particularly forward, which is the more agreeable to his Majesty, as it was feared that these people would be gained over by the Empress of Russia, their ancient Sovereign. She has not been wanting in promises towards them, but they have been rejected. Even those towns which lie nearest the borders of Russia have seemed the most loyal to the King of Sweden.
This spirit, which runs through every part of the multitude, will have the most beneficial effects in the prosecution of the war.
The famous Abbe de Raynal is now living at Marseilles, in the 76th year of his age. He was requested by that city to be their representative at the States General, but excused himself on account of his age and infirmities. The following is an extract of a letter he wrote to the magistracy, as an apology for not accepting their offer:
"GENTLEMEN,
"I am now in my 76th year, and four months tedious sickness has deprived me of the small remains of physical as well as moral strength of mind, which age had left me. The least reflection weakens my enfeebled nerves. You will from thence judge, that under these circumstances, I can neither fulfil the functions of being your representative, with that dignity which is due to you, or, if I may be allowed to say it, to myself."
Last week died Jervis Gibson, Esq. senior alderman of Lincoln, aged 84. His death was occasioned by taking poison through a mistake. Having been in the medical line, he used to mix his own medicines; and, intending to take some salts, he ordered his servant to bring him a paper out of a drawer, part of the contents of which he mixed in warm water, and after drinking it off,
on finding a sediment, he was alarmed, and on examining the paper found he had taken corrosive sublimate. The proper means were tried without effect, and he died in half an hour. The coroner's inquest, on view of the body, brought in their verdict, accidental death.
NEW-HAVEN, JULY 15.
The anniversary of Independence was celebrated here the 9th inst. by the Society of the Cincinnati.—After electing their officers for the ensuing year, they went in procession to the Brick Meeting-House, where divine services were performed, by the Rev. N. Perkins—After which Col. DAVID HUMPHREYS delivered an elegant Oration—The profound attention and united and reiterated applauses of a most respectable and brilliant audience, are the best panegyric upon this ingenious, sensible and manly production.
NEW-YORK, JULY 25, 1789.
On Thursday last that venerable patriot CHARLES THOMPSON, Esq. resigned to THE PRESIDENT of the United States his office of Secretary to Congress—a post which he has filled for nearly Fifteen Years, with reputation to himself, and advantage to his country.
When Heav'n propitious smil'd upon our arms, Or scenes adverse spread terror and alarms, Thro' every change the Patriot was the same— And FAITH and HOPE attended THOMPSON's NAME.
From Georgia to New-Hampshire the public papers teem with accounts of the joyous celebration of INDEPENDENCE.—The present Anniversary appears to be considered by every part of the continent, as a most auspicious era in the history of our country—anticipating the blessings of security and good government under the administration of our excellent Constitution—Independence appears adorned with new lustre.
A correspondent observes, that there are several circumstances which concur to embarrass the circulating medium of this city—one is the excess which is put on the value of French crowns—this conduces to the advantage, not of the citizens, but of strangers, who make a profit of 11 pr. cent. upon all the crowns they bring here: This circumstance drives the change out of circulation, and the dollars out of the State.
Another embarrassing circumstance is the want of small bills of the paper money—none being issued less than five shillings: To diminish this difficulty, recourse was had to an expedient which has increased the evil—and that is the introduction of an immense quantity of copper coin:—This arrived at last to such an abuse of the public confidence that their circulation on a sudden has almost ceased; but to the cruel injury of many persons who suffer by this sudden stagnation; the injury is not much alleviated by being told that they must part with their property at a loss of 200 pr. cent. some advertizing that they will take coppers at 60 to the shilling, which have been current at 20.—These things ought not so to be.
The education of youth in all free countries, has always been a prime object of attention.—An enlightened people can never be enslaved:—The most benevolent plans for the poor are the means of acquiring knowledge:—The wise and virtuous are sometimes plunged in distress; but the wretched part of every community will generally be found to consist of those who have been neglected in their education, or who never were in circumstances to acquire information.—Every society is bound to make public provision for the instruction of the poor.
Extract of a letter from Boston, July 7.
Commencement was celebrated on Wednesday last, with the usual eclat—variety, ingenuity and taste were discovered in the several exhibitions. A most numerous and brilliant collection of ladies were present.—Forty-six young gentlemen received the Bachelors Degree.—
It is expected that the gentlemen who are chosen to represent this State in the Senate of the Congress of the United States, viz. PHILIP SCHUYLER, and RUFUS KING, Esquires, will take their seats in that honorable body in a few days. Mr. King arrived here on Wednesday, from Albany, and Mr. Schuyler it is supposed, is now on his way from that city.
The Hon. ABIEL FOSTER is elected a Representative of the United States, for the District of New-Hampshire—this choice compleats the Federal Legislature.
Several farmers, in the vicinity of Hartford, have, the week past, reaped their English grain, which proves exceedingly good: in consequence of which, old grain is plenty, and the price considerably fallen! [Con. Cour.]
☞ Americanus is unavoidably omitted.—Original Specimens of Eloquence will be continued.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
Thursday Sloop Jenny, Taylor, St. Croix. 7 days. Friday. Brig Lovely Peggy, White, Montego-Bay. Schooner Hawk, Matthews, Grenada. — Polly, Burnham, Cape Francois. 12 days. Sloop Union, Watson, Philadelphia. Sloop Unity, Simmers, Philadelphia. 6 days. Sloop Charlotte, Chase, St. John's, 24.

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from our last.]
AN aristocracy, like the Roman senate, between the abolition of royalty and the institution of the tribunate, is of itself a faction, a private partial interest. Yet it was less so than an assembly annually chosen by the people, and vested with all authority, would be; for such an assembly runs faster and easier into an oligarchy than an hereditary aristocratical assembly. The leading members having, as has been before shown in detail, the appointment of judges, and the nomination to all lucrative and honorable offices, they have thus the power to bend the whole executive and judicial authority to their own private interest, and by these means to increase their own reputations, wealth, and influence, and those of their party, at every new election: whereas, in a simple hereditary aristocracy, it is the interest of the members in general to preserve an equality among themselves as long as they can; and as they are smaller in number, and have more knowledge, they can more easily unite for that purpose, and there is no opportunity for any one to increase his power by any annual elections. An aspiring aristocratic therefore must take more time, and use more address, to augment his influence: yet we find in experience, that even hereditary aristocracies have never been able to prevent oligarchies rising up among them, but by the most rigorous, severe and tyrannical regulations, such as the institution of inquisitions, &c.
It may sound oddly to say that the majority is a faction; but it is, nevertheless, literally just. If the majority are partial in their own favour, if they refuse or deny a perfect equality to every member of the minority, they are a faction: and as a popular assembly, collective or representative, cannot act, or will, but by a vote, the first step they take, if they are not unanimous, occasions a division into majority and minority, that is, into two parties, and the moment the former is unjust it is a faction. The Roman decemvirs themselves were set up by the people, not by the senate: much longer time would have been required for an oligarchy to have grown up among the patricians and in the senate, if the people had not interposed and demanded a body of laws, that is, a constitution. The senate opposed the requisition as long as they could but at last appointed the decemvirs, much against their own inclinations, and merely in compliance with the urgent clamours of the people. Nedham thinks, that "as the first founders of the Roman liberty did well in driving out their kings; so, on the other side, they did very ill in settling a standing authority within themselves." It is really very injudicious, and very ridiculous, to call those Roman nobles who expelled their kings, founders of the Roman liberty: noting was farther from their heads or their hearts than national liberty; it was merely a struggle for power between a king and a body of haughty envious nobles; the interest of the people and of liberty had no share in it. The Romans might do well in driving out their king: he might be a bad and incorrigible character; and in such a case any people may do well in expelling or deposing a king. But they did not well in demolishing the single executive magistracy: they should have then demanded a body of laws, a definite constitution, and an integral share in the legislature for the people, with a precise delineation of the power of the first magistrate and senate. In this case they would have been entitled to the praise of founders of Roman liberty: but as it was, they only substituted one system of tyranny for another, and the new one was worse than the old. They certainly "did very ill in settling a standing sovereign supreme authority within themselves." Thus far our author is perfectly in the right, and the reason he gives for this opinion is very well founded: it is the same that was given thousands of years before him, by Plato Socrates, and others, and has been constantly given by all succeeding writers in favour of mixed governments, and against simple ones, "because, lying open to the temptations of honor and profit," or, in other words, having their ambition and vanity, avarice and lust, hatred and resentment, malice and revenge, in short their self-love, and all their passions ("which are "sails too big for any human bulk") unrestrained by any controuling power, they were at once transported by them; made use of their public power not for the good of the commonwealth, but for the gratification of their private passions, whereby they put the commonwealth into frequent flames of discontent and sedition. Thus far is very well: but when our author goes on, "which might all have been prevented, could they have settled the state free, indeed, by placing an orderly succession of supreme authority in the hands of the people," he can be followed by no one who knows what is in man, and in society—because that supreme authority falls out of the whole body into a majority at the first vote. To expect self-denial from men, when they have a majority in their favour, and consequently power to gratify themselves, is to disbelieve all
history and universal experience; it is to disbelieve Revelation and the Word of God, which informs us, the heart is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked. There have been examples of self-denial, and will be again; but such exalted virtue never yet existed in any large body of men and lasted long; and our author's argument requires it to be proved, not only that individuals, but that nations and majorities of nations, are capable not only of a single act, or a few acts of disinterested justice and exalted self-denial, but of a course of such heroic virtue for ages and generations; and not only that they are capable of this, but that it is probable they will practise it. There is no man so blind as not to see, that to talk of founding a government upon a supposition that nations and great bodies of men, left to themselves, will practise a course of self-denial, is either to babble like a new-born infant, or to deceive like an unprincipled impostor. Nedham has himself acknowledged, in several parts of this work, the depravity of men in very strong terms. In this fifth reason he avers "temptations of honor and profit to be sails too big for any human bulk." Why then does he build a system on a foundation which he owns to be so unstable? If his mind had been at liberty to follow his own ideas and principles, he must have seen that a succession of supreme authority in the hands of the people, by their house of representatives, is at first an aristocracy as despotic as a Roman senate, and becomes an oligarchy even sooner than that assembly fell into the decimvirate. There is this infallible disadvantage in such a government, even in comparison with an hereditary aristocracy, that it lets in vice, profligacy and corruption, like a torrent, with tyranny; whereas the latter often guards the morals of the people with the utmost severity: even the despotism of aristocracy preserves the morals of the people.
[To be continued.]
AN ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES.
[Continued from No. XXVI.]
I come now to the consideration of the practicability of the mode of taxation which I proposed, and which I do conceive is a matter of capital weight in this discussion, for which I do rely on these two grand propositions. 1st. That whatever is the real, great interest of the people, they may, by proper measures, be made to believe and adopt: And, 2d. That whatever is admitted to be a matter of common and important interest, in the general opinion of the people, may be easily put in practice, by wisdom, prudence, and due management of the affairs. I do contend, that when this tax is fairly proposed to the public, with a proper elucidation of the evils it avoids, and the advantages which result from it, it will not be looked on as a burden of oppression, an imposition of power, but as the purchase of our most precious blessings, as a measure absolutely necessary to our most essential and important interests; therefore any attempt to avoid this tax, by smuggling or any other way, will be deemed by general consent, an act of meanness; an avoidance of a due share of the public burden; frustrating the necessary plans of public safety, and rendering ineffectual the public measures adopted by general consent, for the public security, tranquility and happiness. Such an action implies in it great meanness of character in the agent, and a high crime against the State, and the detection of it will be considered as a very material service to the commonwealth. Where any actions are deemed crimes, scandals and nuisances by the general voice of the people, detections and informations against them are reputable; they cease to be infamous—the infamy of an informer does not take place in such instances.
The reasons of governmental measures ought always to attend their publication so far as to afford good means of conviction to the people at large, that their object and tendency is the public good. This greatly facilitates their execution and success. 'Tis hard governing people against their interests, their persuasions, and even against their prejudices. 'Tis better to court their understandings first with reason, candor and sincerity, and we may be almost sure all their passions will follow soon. I abhor a mysterious government. I think an administration, like a private man, which affects to have a great many secrets that must not be explained, has generally a great many faults which will not bear telling; or a great deal of corruption, which will not bear examining. Government, like private persons, may indeed have secrets, which ought to be kept so; but in that case, caution should be used against any intimations or hints getting abroad, even that there are such secrets, or any secrets: for this would produce an anxious enquiry and solicitous inspection, which might make the keeping the secret more difficult, and besides bring on many other inconveniences arising from numberless apprehensions, which such a circumstance would give birth to. An oftentatious given out that there are mighty secrets in the cabinet, or many mysteries in the State that must not be pried too closely into, is the very contrary of all this, and generally is a sign of a weak administration,
and not seldom of a corrupt one; but of all public measures, which require explanations to the people, that of taxes, which touches their money, which is always a very sensible part, may stand as chief; and to make these go down any thing well, 'tis always necessary to spread a universal conviction. 1st. That the money required in taxes is necessary for the public good, and 2dly, That it will certainly be actually expended only on the objects for which 'tis asked and given, and if these two things are really true, there will rarely be much difficulty in making them to be believed through the most sensible part of the commonwealth; but of these two things, either are not really true, or not really and generally believed, I don't know that a standing army would be sufficient to collect the taxes. I am of opinion on their force, authority and influence, like the conquests of the British army, would last no longer in any place than they staid to support it. When ever they shall go away, I imagine they will find that they have left behind them infinitely more abhorrence than obedience among the people. Though I am clearly of opinion that there must exist an ultimate force or power of compulsion in every effective and good government, yet 'tis plain to me, that such force is never to be put in action against the general conviction or opinion of the people; nor indeed do I believe it ever can be so exercised, with success and final effect, for every attempt of this kind tends to convulsions and death. Such an ultimate force indeed ought to fall upon and correct those who sin against the peace, interest and security of the public, but this can be done with safety and advantage only in cases where the crime punished is against the opinions, the sentiments and moral or political principles, which generally prevail in the people; for if the most violent declaimer and mover of sedition in a government, should happen to be received by the people as a patriot, and his harangues should be eagerly adopted as the doctrines of their liberties and rights, any attempt to punish him would be in vain or useless; for either the people would interpose and rescue him, or if he was punished, they would consider him as the martyr of their cause, and thereby the public uneasiness, tumult and uproar would be augmented.
[To be continued.]
THE NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. XIV.
"Self-love but serves the virtuous mind to wake, As the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake; The centre mov'd, a circle straight succeeds, Another still, and still another spreads; Friend, parent, neighbour, first it will embrace, Its country next; and next all human race; Wide and more wide, th' o'erflowings of the mind Take ev'ry creature in, of ev'ry kind; Earth smiles around with boundless bounty blest, And Heav'n beholds its image in its breast."
THE words local attachment, and partial prejudices, have had such a peal rung upon them, that they now form the most uncertain and confused sound imaginable: But so far as they are understood with any precision, they convey an idea that is almost universally reprobated—with how much reason will appear, when it is considered that very few of the human race are without those attachments and prejudices; and if they generally were, the condition of humanity would be altered infinitely for the worse.
The truth is, those attachments are interwoven in the very texture of our natures by the Author of Existence, and subserve the most valuable and important purposes; to these we are indebted for the noblest exertions of the human mind, and they prove the spring of the finest enjoyments of life.
There are but few minds so capacious formed, as to embrace the interests of a large community, in such manner as to enter into all their enjoyments and distresses, with those lively sensations which sympathy excites for a friend, a family, or a neighbourhood. It is generally true, that in proportion to the expansion of what is called the philanthropic principle, in the same proportion it is faint and inoperative—and a person totally destitute of local and partial attachments, will want the amor patriæ in the best sense of the words.
It is not intended by these remarks to advocate a contracted and selfish principle—they are not designed to sanction that local policy, which sprouts up the best affections of the heart, and confines every benevolent wish to the spot where we were born, or to the particular circle with which we happen to be more particularly connected.—They are designed to abate that ardour of spirit which proscribes all partialities and predilections, however justifiable; for we deceive ourselves by supposing that these attachments can be annihilated, or that it would serve any valuable purpose in life if they could.
As in the general administration of human affairs, the best interest of society is promoted by every individual's pursuing with steadiness, and perseverance their own particular advantage in conformity to the laws—so the great objects of patriotism are most essentially advanced, by the attachments which are discovered by every person to the state, the country, the town, the neighbourhood, the family, &c. with which they are more immediately connected—this is nature, reason, and common sense.