National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-01-09 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 21 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, January 9, 1793.
[Total No. 125.]
From the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES of December 22.
IF perseverance can supply the want of judgment, Mr. Jefferson has an excellent advocate in the writer of his "VINDICATION." But I mistake, if his last attempt is not found to involve still more deeply the character he wishes to extricate.
To repel the imputation on Mr. Jefferson, arising from the advice which he gave to Congress respecting the debt to France; he not only labors to shew, that taken in all its circumstances it is not of the exceptionable complexion under which it has been represented, but endeavours to insinuate a belief, that the sense of the extract originally communicated, has been altered by the interpolation of certain words as well as by the suppression of a part of the paragraph, from which the extract is derived.
It will strike the most careless observer, as not a little extraordinary that a person (who by undertaking to state the contents of a letter, with precise accuracy, and even to detect a minute verbal deviation, must be understood to have access to the original) should, instead of submitting to the public eye a literal transcript of that original, content himself with giving his own paraphrase of it, and should expect that this would be accepted, upon the strength of his assurance, that it exhibits the genuine contents of the letter, on the point in dispute contained in one paragraph only—"That the arrangement of the idea is the same, and that in substance, nothing has been added to, or taken from it, thus modestly offering his own construction to substance, the very thing in question, for the thing itself."
That the extract, as given by me, is correct in every material expression, is proved by the statement in the VINDICATION. That it is literally correct, I must continue to believe, until something more to be depended upon than conjectural substance, is offered in lieu of it.
The information I possess, is drawn from two sources; one a memorandum in the hand writing of a friend, which was given to me as an extract transcript of the words of the letter, and which was copied verbatim, in the second of these papers; the other, a document of unquestionable authenticity, not long since consulted, which states the contents of Mr. Jefferson's letter in the following form:—
Mr. Jefferson suggests that "if there be a danger of the public payments not being punctual, whether it might not be better that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company."
"That the credit of the United States is found in Holland, and that it would probably not be difficult to borrow in that country the whole sum of money due to the court of France; and to discharge that debt without any deduction, thereby doing what would be grateful to the court, and establishing with them a confidence in our honour."
This statement in the document alluded to, serves to confirm the memorandum, in form as well as substance. Speaking in the third person, it represents Mr. Jefferson as suggesting, "whether it might not be better, &c." whence it is natural to infer, that speaking in the first person in the letter, the terms are, "I submit whether it may not be better, &c."
The form of conveying the idea by way of question, is common to both vouchers; and the word "whether", which is also common to both, presupposes the words "I suggest," or "I submit," the last being the most accurate, and in that view the most likely to have been used.
It is observable, also, that the same statement disconnects the two propositions, and gives them a distinct and independent aspect. The conjunction "But," which is alleged to be in the original, does not appear in that statement.
It is possible nevertheless, that some immaterial departures from literal precision, may have found their way into the transcripts, which are relied upon. But while this concession, as a bare possibility is made, it is not intended as an escape from a rigorous responsibility for the essential accuracy of the disclosure. If there be in what has been communicated as a literal extract, any expression the least material, tending to the crimination of Mr. Jefferson, which is not to be found in the original, it is admitted to be inexcusable.—But not having been possessed of the original, as has been several times stated, any accidental variation of expression, not affecting at all the sense of the quotation, or not affecting it disadvantageously to Mr. Jefferson, cannot be admitted to be of moment; in regard either to the merits of the discussion, or to the fairness of procedure. To press such a variance, as an objection, is to cavil, and betray a consciousness of weakness.
Now it happens, that the variance, which is alleged to exist, if it has any influence upon the meaning of the passage, has one favourable to Mr. Jefferson; taking it for granted, that his apologist has given a true account of it. This will be seen by carefully contrasting the phraseology, in the two cases.
The extract, as stated by me, is in these words: "If there be a danger of the public payments not being punctual, I submit whether it may not be better, that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company."
The statement in the vindication represents, that Mr. Jefferson, "Having stated the proposition as above (reverting to the proposition for the purchase of the debt) observes further upon it, in its relation to this country, that if there be a danger our payments may not be punctual, it might be better, that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company."
All the material and exceptionable phrases are the same in the two statements.—The only difference between them is, that in the first Mr. Jefferson is made to submit in the modest form of a question, "whether it might not be better," the identical sentiment or advice, which, in the last, he is made to convey in the affirmative tone of an observation, that "it might be better." The last mode of expression is certainly stronger than the first, and is the sentiment conveyed, as it undoubtedly is, an improper one, the censure due to it is increased by the greater degree of decision with which it is expressed, as being an indication of a more decided state of mind concerning it.—This remark, which might otherwise appear nice and critical, is naturally drawn forth by the attempt to have it understood, that the words, "I submit whether," which are said to have been interpolated, have an influence upon the sense of the clause injurious to Mr. Jefferson.
The result is, that the alteration of terms said to have been made, if real, must have been casual, because it either does not vary the sense, or varies it favourably to Mr. Jefferson: and consequently that the charge which has been brought rests upon him in its primitive force, unmitigated by the alleged change of terms.
In like manner admitting the statement of what is said to follow as a part of the same paragraph, to be truly represented in the vindication—It either corresponds with the view I have heretofore given of the matter, or it implicates Mr. Jefferson, in greater reprehensibility than has yet been charged upon him—It either presents an alternative proposition predicated upon the supposition of a state of things different from that which is the basis of the first, namely, the danger of a deficiency of means for punctual payment, and in that case does not derogate from the first; or proceeding upon the supposition of the same state of things, it contains advice to Congress to avail themselves of the yet found state of their credit in Holland, treacherously to induce individuals upon the invitation of the government to lend their money on the ordinary terms, for the purpose of making full payment to France, in order to guard her from loss, and preserve her confidence, in direct contemplation of not being able to render the stipulated justice to those individuals. If this was the advice of Mr. Jefferson, it leaves his conduct without even those slight extenuations which have been supposed to afford a semblance of apology. It takes away the feeble pretences deduced from the offer having originated with the company, and from their gaining a considerable boon in the first purchase.
The last I acknowledge, is the construction best warranted by the structure of the paragraph as delineated in the vindication.—This, as it there stands, would be the most obvious and natural reading.—If there be a danger that our payments may not be punctual, it may be better that the discontents which would then arise should be transferred from a court of whose good will we have so much need to the breasts of a private company. But still it has occurred to me that we may do what is preferable to accepting the proposition of the Dutch company. We may find occasion to do what would be grateful to the court of France, and establish with them a confidence in our honour. Our credit is good in Holland—may it not be possible then to borrow there the four and twenty millions due to France, and pay them the whole debt at once. This, besides transferring the discontents, to be expected from the want of punctual payments, from the court of France, to the breasts of individuals would have the further advantage of saving that court from any loss on our account. It is in this sense only, that the first suggestion can be considered as over-ruled by, or absorbed in the last, and that Mr. Jefferson can be said to have countenanced the proposition made by the Dutch company. If this be the meaning intended to be contended for, no pains will be taken to dispute it; and the comment will be left to Mr. Jefferson's most partial admirers.
The writer of the vindication continues to insist, that Mr. Jefferson was only the vehicle of communication, assigning as reasons for this assertion, that the transaction had taken place between the parties, before any mention was made of it to him, and that in communicating it to Congress he only made known to that body the desire both of the company and of the French court; That the opinion which he gave arose out of the proposition, was in furtherance of the views of the parties, and that in fact no decision could be formed on it, either by the Congress, or himself, without a comparison of the parties as creditors of the United States. But these reasons do not prove that Mr. Jefferson was only the vehicle of communication; they prove the contrary; that he was both the vehicle of communication, and the patron, though not the author of the proposition. The precise difference between being the mere vehicle, and being both the vehicle and the patron of a proposition consists in this; that in the first case the agent does nothing more than communicate the proposition—in the last he gives an opinion arising out of it, in furtherance of the views of the proposers; which is exactly what is acknowledged to have been done by Mr. Jefferson.
* The words "might not be better," are also said to have been interpolated—though all but the "not" are in the quotation made by the Vindicator; a specimen of his accuracy.
The plea that there could be no immorality or indecency in espousing a proposition coming from the parties interested, amounts to nothing. The charge is not, that advice was given to accede to the proposition, but that advice was given to accede to it on a ground which was discreditable and unjust. It is the condition upon which the acceptance is advised, that constitutes the culpability.
In No. 4 of the vindication, the attack upon Mr. Jefferson is said to proceed from private revenge. In No. 5 it changes its nature, and becomes an attack upon principles; a monarchical plot against the republican character of the community. How long, and how often are the people of America to be insulted with this hypocritical rant? When will these political Pharisees learn, that their countrymen have too much discernment to be the dupes of their hollow and ostentatious pretensions? That the citizens of the United States know how to distinguish the men who serve them, from those who only flatter them, the men who have substantial claims to their confidence, from those who study to conceal the want of qualities, really solid and useful, under the mask of extraordinary and exclusive patriotism and purity?
It is curious to observe the pathetic wailings which have been produced by the animadversions in these papers. It would seem as if a certain party considered themselves as the sole and rightful censors of the republic; and every attempt to bellow praise or blame not originating with them, as an usurpation of their prerogative, every friction on any of their immaculate sides as a breach of their privilege. They appear to think themselves authorized to deal out anathemas, without measure, or mercy, against all who dare to swerve from their standard of political orthodoxy, which are to be borne without remonstrance or murmur. And if any symptom of either shews itself, they are sure to raise the dismal cry of persecution; themselves the first to assail and the first to complain. But what is not permitted to men who have so clearly established a title, little less than divine, to a monopoly of all the patriotic virtues!
The only answer, which is due to the feint of offering to enter into arrangements, for ascertaining whether the writer of these papers has in the instance under consideration been guilty of misrepresentation—and the breach of an official duty—is to remind the public that in my first paper I declared myself willing to be known on proper terms to the officer concerned. To this I adhere, in the spirit of the original intimation, but I deem a personal disclosure to any subaltern of his improper; nor do I perceive that it is in the present case necessary to an investigation of facts. The writer of the vindication admits in substance what is alleged, and as to his collateral statements, it has been shown that they imply more blame on the character meant to be exculpated, than was originally charged. I forbear any comment on the indecency of naming upon conjecture the person who has been named as the author of these papers, or upon the palpable artifice of making an avowal of them, by that particular person, the condition of a disclosure of the name of the writer of the vindication.—Indecency and artifice are the proper weapons of such adversaries.
CATULLUS.
NUMB. VI.
[Continued from No. 117 of this paper.]
I DID not expect, after my last paper, that the public would have been longer wearied, at least upon the same terms, with a continuation of those invectives which have for some time past been issued thro' the Gazette of the United States, from a writer under the signature of CATULLUS. I thought I had placed the point in controversy between us in such a light as must compel him to bring it immediately to a close. But this writer has disappointed my reasonable expectations in this respect, by shewing that he was capable not only of a malignant assertion, of the character in question, but likewise of a shameless effrontery in the mode of conducting the discussion.
The impartial public will however take into view, on each side, the object of this controversy. They will mark its commencement, and its several stages; the nature of the charges exhibited and of their support, together with the present dilemma of the writer. They will likewise pardon the trouble I shall give them, in pursuing him through every shift. A strict analysis of his performance may perhaps render some service, otherwise than by the mere exculpation of the citizen assailed. The merits of the assailant are
* This, it is to be hoped, will be deemed a sufficient apology to the public, for departing from the resolution with which the last number was closed.
now likewise before them, and of which it may tend eventually to fix a more precise estimate than has heretofore been furnished.
Whether it would be prudent for the author of CATULLUS to give his name to the public, and take on himself the credit of those performances, which bear that signature, he alone should decide. He possesses the right to act in this respect as he pleases, and no person can deprive him of it. There is a difference between a suspicion and the confession of guilt, which every culprit may avail himself of. To submit to the judgment of his peers, after the charge shall be fairly established against him, by evidence he has endeavoured to repel, is all that can be required from even the most profligate of men.
Yet if truth had been the sole object in view, in the immediate point of discussion between us, I was, and still am persuaded, I had placed it within the reach of fair and easy attainment. And the mode suggested in my last seemed to be proper, as it might respect either the putative or any other author of those pieces. Were the public interested in the charges exhibited against the Secretary of State, supposing they contained in them any thing culpable? If they were not, why trouble them with what, in that view, must be deemed the effect of a mere personal animosity? And if they were, will it be honorable for the author, when his facts are denied, his veracity questioned, and a fair mode of investigation pointed out, to sculk behind a mask, and deny himself to any one, even the most humble of his fellow-citizens? All that can be deemed necessary for the establishment of truth is, that some person, in whom the public may confide, should be announced, that he might accompany the author, whether Mr. Hamilton, or any other person, to the proper source, for the purpose of obtaining from it an authentic copy of the original. Would the grade or station of the character thus notified, be it what it might, increase or diminish the confidence of the public in the result, provided it were suitable in other respects? and in the situation of the author, asserting at one time one thing, and at another yielding it up, perpetually shifting his ground and owning himself guilty of palpable inaccuracy, and of course of misrepresentation, might it not rather have been expected, he would have caught with avidity at the opportunity furnished, of establishing what was in reality the truth, as the means of preserving in some degree the appearance of candor with the public?
And will the author of these pieties leave us in suspense, upon the important concerns of his veracity and fame, until they shall have gained the attention of the character, at whom they have been principally pointed? Would it be proper for the Secretary of State, to lay bare the files of his department, and publish a secret document even in his own defence? For although perhaps of but little importance in the present instance, circumstanced as things now are, yet in relation to those rules, which should be observed in the government of a public office, might it not subject him to the imputation urged with such propriety against the Secretary of the Treasury, in case these publications have proceeded from him? Can no other mode then be devised that might tend to relieve him from this painful embarrassment? I can suggest none; perhaps his own ingenuity may be more fertile; but to me it appears probable that unless this delicacy with respect to rank should be dispensed with, his situation must continue to be an unpleasant one. The mind of man is naturally active, and disposed to pursue its object; it will form some conclusion relative to this attack and its author. To the claims of fair and honorable indulgence it will yield its prompt and ready assent; but when charges are exhibited against the character of a respectable citizen, facts asserted which are not supported, and the obvious means of proof when pointed out snulked from, upon a mere point of etiquette, fashionable as is the age in which we live, they must recoil with accumulated force upon the assailant. I have, I presume, shewn in a former paper that upon any statement yet given, if its true import only were regarded, there was in reality no impropriety in the sentiment ascribed to Mr. Jefferson. Let it be admitted, for the sake of argument, that he advised Congress upon the prospect of the failure of punctuality in the payments, to agree to the transfer of the debt from the French court, to the Dutch company; that he even originated the proposition, and presented it to their view, without an alternative, wherein was the impropriety? Is a nation inhibited by any principle of morality, from borrowing money for the most necessary purposes, in case there is a possibility of failing in the repayment, precisely at the time stipulated? If this were the case, how can the original loans, of the whole foreign debt from France and Holland, be justified? The prospect of ultimate reimbursement, whilst the issue of the contest, and our independence were at stake, was certainly more distant and equivocal, than after that happy event was accomplished, and the whole resources of one of the most extensive, fertile and productive countries in the world, under our command. Yet although doubts may have existed whether, under those circumstances, any person would lend, I believe no one ever hesitated, whether if we could, we would borrow. How can the practice of our own government in borrowing money in Holland,

from one set of men to pay the interest becoming due to another at the very period of this letter be justified? In short I take it to be well established, that if there be a moral competency, at the time a proposition for a loan is made, for fulfilling the proposed stipulations, there cannot be any impropriety in the measure. The turpitude consists in not doing afterwards what we have it in our power to do. Did he give any admonition to his countrymen to this effect? Did he advise them not to pay the debt, or to relax in any degree, in their efforts, for that purpose?
In fact, a change of the debt in some shape or other, either by the negotiation of the French court, or the Congress, with money-lenders in Holland, seemed to be the necessary consequence of the relative situation and interests of the several parties. France was distressed for money; nearly exhausted by a laborious effort, in favor of our independence, and daily impoverished by an expensive court and profligate minister, she grasped with avidity at every resource, however trifling, to support her declining credit. Our debt was becoming due by large instalments. To indulge us was beyond her power; to have claimed it, would have stained our national character with ingratitude. On the other hand, we were at the time unable to pay. Our requisitions were slighted—our government was feeble and without resource. But we possessed beyond a doubt, under wise arrangements, the means of fulfilling more extensive engagements; and the sage and deliberate councils of our country, were rapidly maturing that important change in our system, which must give us the command of those resources. Holland, therefore, in this situation, became the object of both parties. To the exigencies of France she could yield relief; to us she could give time. Was it not then natural, we should look to that quarter, for the means of satisfying our ally, and relieving us from embarrassment?
In the proposition for a new arrangement with another party, the door would be open for stipulations in every respect more suitable to us. The reimbursement of the principal, which was becoming due by great instalments to France, was the true cause which endangered our punctuality. With the Dutch, this inconvenience might be guarded against. To protract the repayment to a distant day, has been heretofore as desirable to them as eligible for us. And that this was the object contemplated by Mr. Jefferson, no reasonable man can doubt. In this point of view, his conduct was not only strictly proper, but highly laudable; and nothing but the most fallacious statement could throw the smallest shadow of doubt on it. This has been attempted in the instance before us, by supposing the essential difference between the time, at which the old debt was, and that at which the new debt might be made payable, and like every other attempt dictated by the motives which govern Catullus, must recoil on the author.
To me it has appeared perfectly immaterial, which of the expedients was that of Mr. Jefferson—for I can conceive no possible impropriety in either; nothing but what was warranted by the most delicate sentiment of honor, and the practice of our government, from the declaration of independence to the present day. Upon principle, therefore, I should not have noticed a difference. I did it for the sake of truth, and to shew, that whilst he wished the accommodation of his own country, it was in a manner that might do justice, and evince our gratitude to the French nation. I did it likewise, for the purpose of shewing the fallacy of the writer, and his eagerness to wound that gentleman's fame, by every plausible misrepresentation in his power. Upon the whole, therefore, I must consider this, as one of the most illiberal and contemptible efforts to injure the character of a respectable citizen, that has occurred. That the ground has been in every respect the most trifling and frivolous that could be, and that nothing but a great deal of malice against principles, as well as the person entertaining them, could have given birth to it—unless Catullus shall demonstrate that malice cannot exist in the same mind against both, at the same time. I shall conclude this paper by observing, how much it is to be wished, this writer would exhibit himself to the public view, that we might behold in him a living monument of that immaculate purity, to which he pretends, and which ought to distinguish so bold and arrogant a censor of others.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To Mr. JAMES BLANCHARD.
SIR,
AFTER having served your country with distinguished honor and integrity, during the late arduous contest for freedom and independence, you have now nobly and intrepidly stepped forth, to vindicate your own rights and those of your fellow soldiers, by calling on your country for that justice to which they have so righteous a claim and which has so long been denied—you have attacked speculation in its strong hold, no doubt the nest you have disturbed
will send forth a howling tribe about your ears, but persevere in the good cause—be not deterred by the open threats or secret frowns of men in office—we have long been amused with hints and insinuations respecting the dark intrigues of Congress-men—It was reserved for you Sir, to point out the culprits. Neither names nor stations should screen public plunderers from public execrations; go on, Sir, in the noble work you have begun—state facts, produce your vouchers, name your men, lay open the whole scene of iniquity and let vengeance fall on the guilty—strip off the mask that conceals the speculator under the guise of the patriot—drag forth to daylight the men let them be who they will; whether they be Presidents, Vice-Presidents, Judges, Senators, Representatives, Secretaries, Comptrollers, Auditors, Commissioners, Register, Clerks, Collectors, Supervisors, Inspectors, Agents, Contractors, Quarter-masters, Generals, Colonels, Governors, State Comptrollers, Treasurers, Accountants, or whatever else may be named. Let the Augean stable be cleansed, tho' the world be turned inside out or topsy-turvy—order will spring out of confusion, light will flash out of chaos, rogues will be exposed, justice shall appear, and the worn-out soldier, the penniless officer, and the long cheated real public creditor shall bless the name of Blanchard. Having entered on the arduous undertaking, having collected materials in your late southern tour, having an able friend adv. for and counsellor in that independent and truly disinterested friend of the poor soldier, the author of "the poor soldiers' plea"—you must be armed at all points, your enemies cannot assail you with advantage; they shall retire from your attack, and the whole herd of speculators, from the first man in the government, to the despicable wretch who prowling thro' the country for prey, has bought the soldiers or widow's mite for a song, shall crouch and refund their ill-gotten gains—cloath'd with the impenetrable armour of honour, faith, a good conscience and an unspotted character, you will effect your object, tho' Appollyon and all his host of treasury blood suckers should stand in your way.
A FELLOW LABORER.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
VERY unnecessary pains have been taken of late to prove, that our brethren of the eastern states are republican in their principles, sentiments, and manners. With respect to the general body of the people in that quarter, as in all other parts of the Union, the fact could never have been called in question. But, on the other hand, that an anti-republican combination existed, and was at work in diffusing its poisonous influence, has for a considerable time been evident from the spirit of several of the presses, particularly that of the Connecticut Courant , printed at Hartford. Publications sneering at the rights of man, traducing the cause of liberty abroad, and teeming with invectives against its best friends at home, have issued from time to time, in greater or less disguise, as effrontery might prompt, or the occasion might tempt. In the following piece* the mask seems to be entirely dropped. The noble struggle of the patriotic French for republican liberty , is held up as the design of artful and aspiring demagogues. The people are abused for not sitting down content with a half-way reform under the government of a pusillanimous prince, in actual conspiracy with the despots in arms against his country. A constitutional king, and a representative assembly, are pronounced, with a note of emphasis, to be "rational liberty consisting in the government of the laws"; to be the "great bulwark of freedom which factions had broken over." In fine, the doctrine of equality is represented as chimerical, the immutability of distinctions asserted; and the works of Mr. Adams referred to for the proofs that they are inherent in society. It would be needless to stimulate the indignation which every reader, who is not a royalist in his heart, must feel at such barefaced attacks on the republican cause. But it is proper to remark, that the boldness in the writers is abundant proof that they confide in the influence, if not in the number of the party enlisted under the banners of monarchy and aristocracy. Nor can we avoid adding to this remark, how much it is to be lamented that the second officer of the United States should be liable to be claimed as the champion of principles subversive of the republican foundation on which our national government is established.
Philad. Jan. 7, 1793.
* For the Connecticut Courant.
"Homines dum vitia vident in contraria currunt."
THE present affairs of France, serve to shew in the most lively colours the advantages which the inhabitants of the United States enjoy over any European nation;—even that, which has boasted of being the most refined and polished in the world. If it is asked in what these advantages consist? the answer is; in the superior knowledge and information which is possessed by the great body of the people: for with respect to real virtue, it would perhaps be pre-
sumptuous to assert what country is the most virtuous. The United States, since their separation from Great-Britain, and in the course of about five years from the settlement of peace, have established a national constitution, which has the rarest prospect of being permanent, and several of them have formed constitutions for their respective states, without the effusion of any blood. It is now about five or six years since the people of France, stimulated as has been often represented by the example of the Americans, and perhaps in part, also excited by the gradual progress of science, attempted the reformation of abuses which were almost immemorial, and to substitute in the place of Despotism , a constitutional king, and representative Assembly; and thereby to establish rational liberty , consisting in the government of the laws. In pursuing this reformation, tending to meliorate in so great a degree the condition of the great body of the nation; the most violent contentions have arisen: and we behold with horror, among a people celebrated for their civilization and politeness, in some instances the extremes of savage cruelty: the massacres, the rapine and injustice which have been committed will blacken the page of the future historian. But faction who is the child of ignorance has been the greatest enemy they have had to contend with in so glorious a cause. From whence has this sprung, but from the want of knowledge among the people, sufficient to understand their true interests. The want of this information, ever exposes them to the designs of artful and aspiring demagogues, and while, like the waves of the sea, they are continually agitated by contending factions, they lose sight of those principles upon which they set out; are prevented from regaining their natural rights when within their power, or even from discovering in what those rights consist.
Had the people of France, been satisfied with the privileges which they had regained, and set down contented with the constitution, as framed by the constituent Assembly, and accepted by Louis XVI. in 1791, they might probably have been happy. This constitution, if not so perfect as that of the United States, contained the great principles of government, and gave as much liberty as was consistent perhaps with the genius and manners of the French nation. Not all the influence or intrigues of fugitive Princes and aristocrats, nor the menaces or feeble attacks of foreign powers could have endangered in any degree a fabric so well established and supported. But when Factions had broke over this great bulwark of freedom, and excited the people to riotous proceedings by throwing out the alluring term of equality , when by the chimerical project of equalizing the citizens, they had destroyed those natural and immutable distinctions, which a great writer and politician of our own country has asserted, and ingeniously proved, are inherent in every society; * all principles upon which a rational government could rest, were destroyed: and how much blood has been shed, or how many years it will be before France will establish a permanent constitution, is not yet ascertained:—so difficult is it in politics, as in every thing else, to attain the golden mean!
As history is "precept teaching by example;"—let us learn in this country, to diffuse the means of knowledge to all classes of people, by the encouragement of schools, public libraries, printing, &c;—being persuaded that knowledge is the surest barrier against the extremes of anarchy or oppression: and is indeed the only basis upon which a free government like our own can possibly rest.
* See Mr. Adams' Defence of American Constitutions—page 107—114.
[From a Correspondent.]
Those who are so apt to take fire at the least intimation given in any of the public prints, that republicanism has been of late somewhat obscured in certain parts of the United States , ought to curb in the violence of their resentment a little, when they are informed that it is from the general tenor of the newspapers of any state, or community, that people at a distance (however improper the criterion) take their ideas of the prevailing politics of such state, or community. When therefore there is observable in any papers (such, for instance, as the " American Mercury ", and the " Connecticut Courant ", both published at Hartford) a constant, inveterate, and most illiberal abuse of republicanism, and republican characters, selected out for the shafts of contemptible malice; can the person at a distance be much blamed who supposes that anti-republicanism and aristocracy are there prevalent? Such a conclusion, however, would be erroneous. It cannot be denied that the New England states are truly republican, both in the manners and condition, as well as in the government of their citizens.—The ebullitions of certain writers among them, (a real disgrace to their presses) ought not to stamp the leading opinion. When therefore we see such an original performance as the above in the Hartford Connecticut Courant of December 31, 1792, let us not presume from thence, or from scores of similar productions, that the great body of the inhabitants
are aristocrats or monarchy men, than which nothing can be more false. Care ought to be taken, however, by the friends of republicanism in Connecticut, that such impudent effusions of aristocracy be annually burnt in a heap, by the common hangman of the state; to shew the fixed contempt of the public, for such infamous, abusive, and unconstitutional productions.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Extract of a genuine letter from a gentleman, residing at Hammermiss, in England, dated March 1, 1792.
"I hope it is not true that the Indians have defeated Gen. St. Clair. Some people in England seem to enjoy it much. I own myself entirely ignorant of the cause and merits of the present Indian war; perhaps you'll be kind enough to inform me. I hope, however, the American States will not suffer the Indians to crow over them. I make no doubt but that a great number of people will go over to America from Europe in a few years, especially if America does not adopt the European mode of taxation. Many seem discouraged already from their having enacted the Excise Laws among you, as they think it a bad omen. Most men think, that if the excise is once introduced, it will never be abolished, but rather encrease continually. The old saying is a true one, A burnt child dreads the fire : people have long experienced the truth of this adage in this country, and therefore they conclude it will be so in America also. The tyrants of Europe are all alarmed, as well as the Old TYRANT at Rome. But the time is hastening when men will take the liberty of seeing with their own eyes, and of hearing with their own ears, and of judging of what is right and proper, and of the contrary. The above tyrants seem to combine and unite to maintain king-craft, and to stifle freedom and liberty in its very birth. But I trust it is of God, and that "he who fitteth in the heavens will laugh them to scorn."
I believe, indeed, that national vices are generally purged with national judgments or afflictions, or calamities, call them which you will. There may be much blood spilt in France, perhaps, before liberty triumphs; but triumph it shall, it must, sooner or later, I am confident. Nor do I think it will be confined to that kingdom, but rather that it will be extended to all the kingdoms and states in Europe, yea, and the whole world."
THREE things may be observed from this extract. 1st, That the flame of Liberty is now kindled in England. 2dly, That the excise laws are attended with pernicious consequences in Great-Britain, by preventing emigrations from thence to America: and 3dly, That some good people in England are concerned for the welfare of America, while others rejoice at all of the calamities attending an Indian war.
It is with surprize and real sorrow that I have observed for months past, many publications charging our rulers with rashness and imprudence in commencing war with the hostile tribes of Indians.
Men are not to be censured for ignorance, when they do not enjoy the means of information; but surely that man is very blameable, who writes on any subject, with which he is unacquainted; and of this class, I must conclude, are all those persons, who have reproached our rulers for attempting to convince the savages of the impropriety of shedding innocent blood incessantly.
I suppose it is well known in several of the states, that in 1772 and 1773, I visited the Shawanee Indians and others, with a wish to civilize them, and from that time to this, I have frequently been on the waters of the Ohio, and have enjoyed such opportunities of information, that I must be better acquainted with Indian affairs than any person, even of superior abilities, who has never been in the western country.—From many considerations, I now think it my duty to exhibit a true statement of Indian affairs, as far as my knowledge extends; hoping what I may say, will be satisfactory to all good people, who are uninformed; and as for such, who are disposed to be contentious, I am fully persuaded, neither arguments nor facts will avail much.
It is well known when peace was concluded with Great-Britain, Congress thought proper to send ambassadors to the Indians, to invite them to a treaty in order to make peace. This measure was reproached by persons best acquainted with Indians, as it would impress on them an idea, that we were unable to dispute with them by arms, and therefore applied for peace. A treaty consequently was held at Fort Stanwix, at the close of which, a purchase was made of a large tract of country, and the consideration fully paid, as I suppose.
Now the tomahawk was to be buried, and peace forever established. The United States were informed of the whole transaction by proclamation, and requested to direct their conduct accordingly. But alas! notwithstanding this fine Treaty, which was not violated on our side, constant murders were committed on the Ohio

and the frontiers adjacent. It was not long before the fine blankets were worn out, and from the distressed state of affairs on our frontiers, Congress thought proper to propose a second treaty. This was held at or near the Big Miami. This was expected to be final, and every cause of uneasiness forever to be removed. Here again a fair purchase was made of the lands, by such persons as Congress confided in as qualified to transact the business. But again alas! we were disappointed, for notwithstanding the lands were purchased a second time, and no violation of the treaty on our side, cruel murders and horse-stealing went on as usual at Kentucky and elsewhere. Many worthy families were barbarously murdered, and others reduced to the greatest distress by having all their horses stolen from them, by Indians whose towns were near 200 miles from them.
Accounts of such outrages repeatedly filling the ears of Congress, no doubt, affected the heart of every man of feeling among them; and I must say, it is astonishing that their humanity and patience would bear with such horrid perfidy and wickedness any longer; but what shall I say!—such was their superlative lenity, that a third treaty was proposed at Fort Harmar, at the mouth of Muskingum. Every measure was pursued to collect the whole of the Indians, that if there was any cause of complaint, it might be removed; but here, we were in great measure disappointed, for the greater part of the Shawanees and Wiandots refused to treat.—However, a considerable number of several nations convened, and concluded the third treaty, and the lands were again purchased.
This treaty was managed by Gen. St. Clair, Gen. Butler and others, who were appointed by the United States.
How extremely ignorant, or hardened, must that man be, who has very freely censured Gen. St. Clair for using his influence to raise an army against such perfidious murderers! It is astonishing how he could forbear so long; but whoever is truly acquainted with his character, knows him to be of an easy temper, and never guilty of hasty and imprudent measures. If on this subject there is any blame, I believe it must be for moving so slowly in defence of his poor fellow creatures.
I cannot devise what is meant by the publications against an Indian war. Would such men with that those savages should murder and lay waste our western country? or do they with us to compel the western world to revolt from the United States and defend themselves? If these are not the objects, for shame let them be silent.
Jan. 5. DAVID JONES.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Jan. 4.
The bill for compensating the widows and orphans of "the persons killed by the Indians, while acting under the sanction of flags of truce," was further discussed in the committee of the whole house—several new amendments were made, reported, and taken into consideration. Further amendments being made, the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
A letter was received, and read, from the Secretary of the Treasury, enclosing six lists of the persons employed in his department, and the salary allowed to each. A statement was also received of the several loans made by the executive of the United States, pursuant to law, with the appropriations of the same.
The house then went into committee of the whole on the invalid pension bill. After some considerable length of debate on this bill the committee rose, without coming to a decision—and the house adjourned till to-morrow.
SATURDAY, Jan. 5.
Several petitions were read—1. of William Seymour, praying a pension in consideration of wounds received during the war—referred to a select committee. 2. From the merchants of the city of Hudson, praying it may be made a port of entry as well as of delivery—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. 3. A petition from Gabriel Allen, praying renewal of two 500 dollar certificates, lost—referred to the committee, before appointed for the purpose. 4. Petition of Nicholas Vrigland, praying renewal of a lost certificate—referred as before. 5. Petition of Jonas Stevens, praying compensation for services and losses, during the war—referred to the Secretary at War.
The Secretary of the Treasury's report on the petition of Timothy de Mombrun, was read—unfavorable to the petitioner—Voted, that he have leave to withdraw his petition.
The bill for compensating the widows and orphans of persons killed by the Indians, while under sanction of flags of truce, &c. was brought in, engrossed, and passed.
The house, then, in committee of the whole, went into a long debate on the sub-
ject of reducing the military establishment of the United States.
A motion to amend the original resolution being negatived (32 to 24) the question was put on the original resolution, as moved by Mr. Steele, which was also negatived, 48 against 21.—The committee then rose and reported accordingly—the report laid on the table.—Adjourned.
PHILADELPHIA.
JANUARY 9.
On Sunday evening last, the November Packet arrived at New-York from Falmouth. She brings European intelligence to the 20th of November. On the 6th of that month the French attacked the Austrian army near Mons with such impetuosity, that in the action, which continued from 8 in the morning till 4 in the afternoon, the whole Austrian army was completely routed, and retreated to Cassel, a league beyond Mons. A summons was immediately sent in to the last mentioned city by Gen. Dumourier, to surrender; which was obeyed, and on the 7th, at 12 o'clock at noon, the French took possession. By an article of the capitulation, the Austrian forces were to have evacuated the Belgic provinces (Luxembourg, Limburg, and Guelderland excepted) by the 15th of November—From these accounts, there was a complete breaking up of the combined forces; the whole Austrian army was reduced to 50,000 men, continually wasting away, and in a most feeble and dispirited condition.
On the 27th ultimo great rejoicings were made in the city of New-York, in consequence of the news of the glorious successes of Republican France against the combined forces of despotism and tyranny. The bells were set a ringing, and every token of the most animated joy was exhibited; particularly by the Tammany Society, who in the evening of the abovementioned day met at their wigwam, which they illuminated; where thirteen patriotic toasts were, during the evening, drank on this exhilarating occasion.
A correspondent under the signature of A. B. requests us to insert the following note to a writer who signs himself A Travelling Farmer , in the National Gazette , No. 118.—"Great complaints have long existed among the brethren of your profession in the middle states of America, respecting what is called by them " the jewing out of their grain ", to the great injury of their wheat crops. If you can tell us the cause, and remedy, you will merit the thanks of our country, and you shall have those of your humble servant," &c.
The committee of the Assembly of New-York, have completely gone through the examination of evidence on the conduct of the late canvassing committee for Governor, and are discharged. On the 4th instant the house were to go into a full hearing on the evidence.
We hear from South Carolina that William Moultrie , Esq. is appointed governor of that State, for the two years ensuing, instead of Charles Pinckney , Esq. whose time is expired.
The citizens of Boston have made a second application to the Legislature of Massachusetts, for a repeal of the law prohibiting theatrical entertainments.
A considerable number of persons are still wanting to work at the canal for uniting the waters of the Schuylkill with the Susquehanna, the canal at Cone-wago, and for the Lancaster and Philadelphia turn-pike road. Five dollars a month are paid from November 1. to May 1; and six dollars a month for the other six months—provisions found, and a place to lodge in, the labourer providing his own blanket—Every person who obtains 25 men, to have one dollar for each, and 7 dollars a month.
In a late Boston paper ( THE ARGUS , of Dec. 25) a writer, who signs himself " A sober man ", addresses the printer as follows:
"THE TALE IS TRUE:—I loved my country—In 1775 my only son fought on Bunker-Hill.—I was by his side—His mother sent the chair down to carry him home—She wiped the blood from his face, and dressed the wound in his head—She washed his bosom, and dressed the wound in his breast—He died—My neighbour SMALLACRE , insulted my grief; he said, " It was the proper reward of rebellion; but that a halter would be more proper ."—I persevered in the cause of freedom. Congress wanted money.—I called in my debts, and sold all my land, excepting forty acres. In the year 1778, I had Twelve Thousand Dollars in paper money; I loaned the whole; and when they were consolidated at forty for one. I had a loan office certificate for THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS. In the year 1784, the General Court issued a large tax.—As I could obtain neither the principal, or interest of my loan office note, I was obliged to sell it. My neighbour Smallacre saved his property from the waste of a cause to which he was heartily opposed, and he appeared to
buy my note at Three Shillings for Twenty.—By this means, I paid my state tax of nine pounds ten shillings and had four pounds left for town and parish taxes.—As my son was dead, I was content to be poor, because I was not distressed.—My old chair and horse remained; they enabled my wife, who has become infirm from hard labour, and myself, who am a cripple with rheumatic disorders, to go to meeting. My Neighbour Smallacre has now become rich by the purchase of Public Securities, from people distressed as I was. He tells me, that our HANCOCKS , and our ADAMS's , and those kind of men, know how to pull down a government, but do not know how to build one.—That the strength of government depends upon a large Public Debt, which will fill the purses of a few men, who will stand ready, Lives and Fortunes , to hire mercenary troops, to kill complainers; and that by borrowing money in foreign countries, and raising Paper as Silver and Gold, cash is made plenty, the people rendered easy and contented, until the public opinion establishes the powers of government so firmly, that the Secretary of the Treasury may lay taxes upon real and personal estates, as well as upon polls; and then, they who cannot pay, may become tenants to them who can.—He says, the great and wise governments in Europe are all supported in this way. This is all too deep for me—But I know what I feel.—Neighbour Smallacre has with my note, got one for One Hundred Dollars in Six-Per-Cents—one for the same sum in Three-Per-Cents—and one for the same in the Deferred Stocks. By these, he draws nine dollars a year from the treasury. Of this, I pay, for the subsistence of my wife and myself, on 12 gallons of molasses 2s.—on four pounds of Bohea tea 4/6. on 24 pounds coffee 6/. on 30 pounds of brown sugar 2/6. on 4 gallons of rum 2/8. on our wearing apparel about 21/. making in all £11: 18. a year; which is about 13 per cent. interest for the money he received for my note. What he receives besides, makes it about 20 per cent in all.—and the property he took of me for £13: 10. will now sell for £66.—But I now find, that the Secretary of the Treasury has a New Plan, to lay a Tax of One Dollar more upon my old Chair, and another upon my old Horse. And all this does not pay the interest which my good neighbour draws for his £13: 10.— My minister tells me, that all great things are made up of small ones ."
[From a Correspondent.]
In the debates in the House of Federal Representatives on the motion to reduce the military establishment, abuses in the army were accounted for by its distance from the seat and eye of the government. In like manner, abuses in the government must be favoured by its distance from the abode and eye of the mass of its constituents, which necessarily weakens the principle of responsibility. This is an important truth which no real friend to the government will deny, or attempt to pervert. He will rather use his endeavours to promote the proper remedies for the evil—such as legal guards to prevent abuses, an investigation, and exposure of such as cannot be prevented—publicity in all governmental transactions not secret in their nature—frequent and full accounts thereof transmitted for the information of the people in the distant as well as neighbouring parts of the union. As this information cannot be otherwise conveyed, with due effect, than thro' the channel of newspapers, every real friend to the government will be a friend to free newspapers, and to all just measures for cheapening, expediting, and ensuring, the circulation thereof.
[Short abstract of foreign news by the packet.]
On the 12th of November, Ghent the capital of Austrian Flanders, surrendered to the French army under Gen. Labourdou-naye, without opposition—Gen. Valence, at the head of many thousands of his victorious troops had entered the province of Namur, the country every where submitting to the republican arms of France—The duke-regent of Sweden had acknowledged the independence and sovereignty of the republic of France—On the 11th of November Hesse Cassel was in full possession of the French—Victor Amadeus, king of Sardinia, had solicited the assistance of the Swiss Cantons against France; the answer was, that it was the determination of the Helvetic Body to preserve the strictest neutrality; and refusing any accession to the league against the French nation—Gen. Dumourier had entered Brussels at the head of his numerous army, on the 11th of November, amidst the most enthusiastic acclamations of the inhabitants—whose persons and property were held sacred on the occasion—the vermin of royalty, who had long nestled in this city, retreated at the approach of the French; the Archduchess, princes, peers, parasites, and minions, and in the rear of the train, Lord ELLEN , the most noble and puissant ambassador of England.—The volunteer corps of Ireland were rapidly on the increase, to demand a repeal of grievances, and were shortly expected to amount to 80,000 men.—On the 19th of October the French army under Gen. Custine, summoned
Mentz to surrender, which being refused, the city was battered till the morning of the 21st, when it was delivered up on capitulation—The elector had previously retired under a guard of priests, but was soon after retaken by his own hussars 12 miles on his way—The king of Prussia had ordered his troops to occupy Luxembourg till the emperor had indemnified him for the expences of the war—Gen. Custine had, in addition to his other conquests, taken Frankfort.—The national convention of France had decreed, that the French should not lay down their arms until the Austrians re-cross the Rhine.
[From a London Paper of Nov. 20.] By the Packet.
The news of the taking of Brussels arrived yesterday by three different channels; the first from a banker of Paris, who writes to his correspondent, that as he was going to seal up his letter, a private letter had been received, mentioning that Dumourier had taken possession of Brussels; the second by a gentleman who declared upon Change, that he had advice from his relations at Dunkirk, saying that three days before the 16th inst. the French had entered Brussels; the third another gentleman arrived this morning from Brussels, asserts, that on Friday last he had the pleasure to breakfast with Gen. Dumourier at Brussels; and yet the Monitor of the 16th does not mention a word of the capture of that place.
The following letter from Gen. Dumourier, dated Mons, Nov. 7, was read in the National Convention on the 9th.
"Citizen President,
"For five days has the army of the Republic been in presence of the Imperialists; and not a day passed without an action. Victory at length crowned our arms, and Mons is the first fruit that we have reaped from it. We were received there this morning as friends and brethren: the Sovereignty of the People is the basis of every public opinion here; and the inhabitants are eager to take up arms in defence of liberty; they are every where forming new Municipal Bodies; elections are going to take place; and soon there will be no difference between the province of an Hainault and a Department of France. Our successes give weight to our arguments; and for once, reason and justice have been on the side of power.
"I cannot speak in terms sufficiently high of the superior bravery of our troops, and of their humanity after the most dreadful battle in the memory of man. Forty thousand Frenchmen have beat 28,000 Austrians strongly intrenched in woods and heights, covered by upwards of 40 redoubts, by 90 pieces of heavy cannon, and a great number of light guns and howitzers. In all the preceding actions the advantage was on our side; but the battle of Gemppe was decisive: it was one of the most general that ever was fought. Every point of the enemy's line and flanks was attacked at the same time. Every corps, I may say every individual in the army, was engaged; and after a most obstinate resistance, the French nation was triumphant in every quarter, through those means in which her strength chiefly consists—artillery and the bayonet.
"The Citizen Minister at War will give the National Convention a more ample detail of this important business. A battle so long disputed and so bravely won, could not but be attended with a considerable loss of men. I have not yet been able exactly to ascertain it; but estimate the number of killed on our side, at 300, and of the wounded about 600. The loss on the enemy's side from the 3d to the 7th, but particularly on the 6th, amounts to upwards of 1500 prisoners and deserters, and upwards of 400 killed and wounded. Nine pieces of cannon, some tumbrils, and great quantities of ammunition, have fallen into our hands, and prisoners and deserters are hourly coming in. The inhabitants of Mons, who received us as friends and deliverers, assure us that more than 1000 Austrians had concealed themselves in different parts of the city from their commanders, for the purpose of surrendering to us. I have some light horse in pursuit of the enemy, who no doubt will bring us in more prisoners. We have found here, some stores of forage and provisions. I am dispatching General Bonneron on one side with 8000 men, and General Dampierre on another, with nearly an equal force, to make themselves masters of Ath, and of the immense stores laid up in that town.
"The Austrian army has retreated in the greatest disorder towards Brussels and Brune-le-Comte: It was to have been joined the day after the decisive battle was fought by the forces under the command of General de Clairfayt: I will soon set out in pursuit of the runaways.
"The troops of the Republic, notwithstanding three nights of battle, and four days of fighting, and the absolute want of many necessaries, which cannot arrive as quick as we could wish, display an ardour and constancy, which cannot fail to overcome every difficulty. The privates, officers, and generals of this army, are all entitled to the confidence and esteem of the Nation.
Dumourier.
** MIRABEAU in our next.

Continuation of the Debate in the House of Representatives, on Wednesday, Dec. 28, relative to the Reduction of the Military Establishment of the United States.
MR. HARTLEY declared himself against the object of the motion. He was of opinion, that at this time, when a treaty of peace was depending, it would be highly dangerous to adopt any step for reducing our military establishment. The President, he said, appeared to him to have acted with the greatest economy in organizing the forces he was empowered to raise.
He stated the difficulty of raising troops in this country, and again insisted on the impolicy of disbanding those enlisted at this critical period. A respectable force kept up, might produce peace by spring, and in that case no one would regret the expence of the equipment.
The part of the country from which the gentleman who made the motion came, it was true was not exposed to the incursions of the Indians, but this was by no means the case in other parts of the United States.
He then adverted to Mr. Steele's arguments to prove that regular troops were unequal to a contest with Indians. There was no instance in which, he answered, a body of regular troops had been beaten by an equal number of Indians. The army in the campaign of 1791 was undisciplined; the only regiment properly disciplined at the time of General St. Clair's defeat was not in the engagement; this instance therefore of the Indians' success should not, he conceived, be brought into view as a proof of the inefficacy of regular troops in such a war. It was evident that the troops on the frontiers this season, had afforded very effectual protection to the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia.
He dwelt on the impropriety of employing the militia in this service: the distress that the loss of a considerable body of the heads of families in a district would occasion, was too serious an evil to think lightly of. Men enlisting as regulars, on the other hand, were chiefly adventurers and single men, the loss of whom would be much less felt.
Mr. Parker rose in favor of the motion. He adverted to the effects produced by an increase of the standing forces of this country; it immediately occasioned a proportional increase of the armies of our jealous neighbors to the north and south. He mentioned a paper that was some time since read in the House, a message or talk from Lord Dorchester to the Indians; in it they were told that prince Edward, a son of their friend the great king, had arrived with a chosen band of warriors, to protect them. The Indians, he said, had a higher idea of the military protection of the British, and would prefer it to ours. The British were better acquainted with the effect of military parade on the Indians, and better able with their veteran troops to take advantage of those feelings. Every effort of ours to enhance our military reputation by an increase of forces would be followed by a similar step in the British colony, and we should in the end only make war on our finances. The British, he stated, were better able to afford to make a perpetual shew of military—it was more consistent with the spirit of their political institutions; a similar system was not well adapted to the sentiments of the people here, where citizen soldiers were ready to turn out for something substantial only.
Before this last war with the Indians, depredations had no doubt been made by them on our territory, and by our people on theirs, but nothing serious had occurred till the war was begun.
He approved of garrisoning those posts that could afford shelter to the inhabitants of the frontier in case of attack; but did not think regular troops adequate to any other task in an Indian war. He insisted on the opinion that the militia alone were equal to undertake an offensive war against the Indians.
Mr. Fitzsimons first spoke of the importance of the question. It strikes at a total alteration of the system adopted to preserve peace and protect our frontier citizens. He was not of opinion that those citizens on the frontiers were able to protect the country; the light which would be thrown on the subject in the course of the debate, he expected would determine the point; he hoped the question would be amply discussed. But in the mean time he was sorry, he said, to see an attempt made to influence the opinions of members by statements and calculations,
which he imagined were by no means accurate. He mentioned an instance in which they had been placed in such a point of view, as might make an improper impression. The gentleman stated, that the war had cost the Union upward of 3,545,000 dollars.
Mr. Steele said in explanation, that he had asserted, that that sum had already been appropriated, or was called for.
Mr. Fitzsimons said, the money appropriated was not all expended; and that asked for was still in the power of the House to grant or not. He could not positively say, at first view of the gentleman's calculations, whether they were all equally erroneous, but this instance, he conceived, was not much in favor of his accuracy. Circumstances might very well account for a difference in the expence of the army; troops near fort Washington could not be provided at the same rate as in more populous parts of the states. The depending treaty of peace he declared, raised a great objection in his mind to the object of the motion. If on consideration, however, it should appear, that the frontiers could be better defended without regulars, and a valuable saving made, he should be in favor of the motion. He reminded the gentleman that when he quoted the amount of the saving he proposed, he had forgot to take into view the expence of the 5 Kentucky expeditions.
Mr. Steele said he had mentioned that these might each cost 30,000 dollars.
Mr. White expressed his dislike to regular standing forces, and that he wished more use had been made of the militia against the Indians. Yet he was averse to a reduction, unless a more effectual plan of defence was offered as a substitute to that now in use.
It was moved to refer the motion to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Steele expressed his wish to see the object of the motion discussed in committee. He said something on the accuracy of his statements which had been questioned, and mentioned the source from which they were drawn.
Mr. Williamson, as a proof of the efficacy of militia in opposition to the Indians, cited the instance of major Adair's resistance to a body greatly superior in numbers.
Mr. Smith, S. C. declared himself against the object of the resolution. The President, he said, had the power to disband any part of the army when their service was no longer wanted, and his confidence in the President (a feeling which from the unanimous vote of re-election he had recently received, seemed to be very prevalent) led him to feel well satisfied that they would not be kept in service unnecessarily one moment.
Mr. Dayton next rose. He said he was in favor of referring the motion to a committee of the whole house. He should not, he declared, have risen, if he had not heard from the two members from North-Carolina the strangest perversion of argument, and the most extraordinary kind of reasoning he ever remembered to have heard. The member who spoke first from N. C. decried every idea of energy and efficiency in regular disciplined troops, considering them not only inefficient but contemptible when employed against Indians, and to confirm his assertion had instanced the expedition and defeat under Gen. St. Clair, when it was well known that there were not in fact two companies of regular disciplined infantry in the army of that General—The other member had as extravagantly commended the back country militia, and extolled them for their efficiency and success in Indian warfare, of which major Adair in a late encounter with a superior body of savages had, he said, furnished an evidence. In answer to this Mr. D. was compelled to remark, what he should otherwise never have done, that the affair alluded to, made on his mind a very different impression, and led to a conclusion directly contrary to that which the gentleman had drawn from it—The major had unquestionably been surprized, and as unquestionably been beaten, and suffered the capture of almost all his horses and other property in his camp, but what he conceived to be still worse, it appeared that at the commencement of the action, about half of his men deserted him, and secured themselves within the garrison. This instance of the prowls of irregulars selected by the N. C. member to support his arguments would, Mr. Dayton believed, be found upon enquiry to be an unfortunate one.
As he was upon the floor, Mr. Dayton observed that he could not refrain from taking some further notice of the labored speech which the house had just heard from the mover of the proposition under consideration. He should, he said, be short, for no member could be supposed to be prepared to answer a speech which certainly no one could have expected to have heard within those walls; but as he thought it probable such another one would never again be uttered there , he could not omit a remark or two upon it. It was admirably calculated, and would seem to have been designed, to prejudice the people of the United States against the whole administration of the government. It would doubtless be recollected that but a few days ago, this very gentleman was strenuously contending for propriety, decorum, and decency in debate, which he complained, was not observed by gentlemen who were opposed to the report of the committee on the failure of the western expedition; notwithstanding this, not contented with levelling the most unbounded censure against the head of the war department, he had lavished the most virulent abuse upon the President of the United States particularly, and upon a large majority of both houses of Congress.
The member had produced a variety of arithmetical statements and calculations, the accuracy and truth of which not only had been questioned, but denied by other members who had replied to him. One thing Mr. Dayton said he could not avoid remarking, which was that that gentleman had represented as unaccountable and mysterious the encreased appropriations for the war department for 91, 92, and 93, as if it was in any wise strange, that 2000 men should require more ordnance, hospital, and quarter master's stores than 1000, or that five thousand men should require more than them both. Yet from statements of that nature the gentleman affected to believe, and boldly declared that there must be the grossest abuses in the administration. If the annual encrease of our expences for protecting the frontiers, deserved the censure that had been so liberally bestowed, it ought to fall directly upon the legislature who, Mr. Dayton said, had directed it by their laws, and not upon the executive who were merely the instrument to carry those laws into effect.
So much for the speech, but with respect to the motion which called for a very different answer, and more mature consideration, he should only add, that however he might favor a reduction of our military establishment, if the question stood upon its own merits alone, unconnected with some recent circumstances, he should think it his duty to oppose the measure at the present, as it might tend to embarrass the executive in their pursuits and prospects of pacification, and because he well knew it to be the temper of the Indians, and indeed of every other people, to rise in their demands in the same proportion that their treating enemy quieted their fears, and lessened their danger. If our establishment was determined to be lessened, it would be known to the savages before the treaty—in consequence of which, he did not doubt, they would become more extravagant and insolent in their terms, and that of course what was now recommended as an economical saving to the public, would eventually prove to be profusion in the extreme.
Mr. Wadsworth expressed himself in a few words against the resolution.
Mr. Ames did justice to the gentleman's industry in the collection of materials in support of his motion. An opportunity, he hoped, would be given to go over the ground he had so ably traversed.
He said something of the necessity of stability in the measures of every government, on the importance of the question which the fate of the resolution was to decide, and hoped it would meet an ample discussion.
The motion for referring the resolution to a committee of the whole was agreed to, and Wednesday was appointed to take it up.—Adjourned.
[To be continued.]
A FEW COPIES OF THE TRANSACTIONS Of the Society instituted in the State of New-York, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE, ARTS, and MANU- FACTURES, May be had at this Office. [Price HALF A DOLLAR.] Jan. 5.
Terres à Vendre Dans un pais bien peuplé.— SAVOIR , soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Columbia, la Capitale, et contiguës à la villa de Cambridge, où il y a College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Salude, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles, il ne reste peut-être guères possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE, IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six.—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into twells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 1awtf
Philadelphia & New-York STAGES, BY WAY OF BURLINGTON, BORDENTON, & SOUTH- AMBOY— Will start from Samuel Cooper's Ferry, opposite to Philadelphia, every Sunday and Wednesday morning, during the winter season, and arrive at South-Amboy on Monday, and Thursday evenings—where a good boat will be ready to convey Goods and Passengers to New-York. The Stage boats will leave New-York every Monday and Thursday, so as to meet the Stages from Philadelphia at Amboy, to proceed for Philadelphia next day. All Baggage belonging to passengers to be at their own risque. All Goods forwarded by the Stages on bill, to be under the particular care of the Proprietors of the Stages; but not warranted against robbery or damage—And all entering, clearing and permits, to be paid by the owners of goods. Price of a passage from Cooper's ferry to New-York, £1. 18. 9. 200lb. of Goods, to pay the price of a passage. All Way passengers, 3d per mile. AMOS HUTCHIN, } For Burlington. NICHOLAS SCHENCK, } ton line. VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, } For Bordent. and DAVID WILLIAMSON, } ton line. December 24, 1792. [1aw.ew.]
NOTICE. ALL persons having demands against the estate of Godfrey Vanderen, late of Bucks County, deceased, are requested to exhibit their accounts, properly authenticated, in order for settlement—And those who are indebted to said estate to make immediate payment, to JOHN HOUGH, Administrator. Bucks County, Dec. 28, 1792. 4t. raw
Soon will be published THE SYSTEM OF Short-Hand, Used by Mr. Lloyd, in taking down the Debates of Congress.— A SYSTEM so easy, that any man, of ordinary capacity, may clearly comprehend it in half an hour, and soon practice it, in its fullest extent, without any further instruction, than what will be conveyed in a few pages,—the whole ART being comprised in eighteen simple characters, without any of those perplexing, arbitrary marks, with which the learners of other systems are obliged to burden their memory, and embarrass their practice. Price, to Subscribers, One Dollar:—to Non-Subscribers, a Dollar and half. Subscriptions received by Messrs. Rice, Booksellers, Market-street, and by JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-street. Half a Dollar to be paid at the time of subscribing.
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette. PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAINE, AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.