The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-01-20 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CLXXXVIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 20th, 1802.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR,
SOLICITS a continuation of that generous encouragement which he has experienced from the Ladies and Gentlemen of this City and its vicinity. Having procured an elegant assortment of cloths, cashmeres, swanskins, &c. and engaged workmen of superior talents, His unremitting attention shall be given to merit patronage.
Capitol Hill, next house east of Mrs. Finch's boarding house, and Pennsylvania Avenue between the President's square and Seven Buildings.
Dec. 7, 1801. eptf
Will be Published
And for sale at Mr. Duane's Book Store, a pamphlet, entitled
"Reflections on Government, Philosophy, and Education."
CONTAINING also some remarks on female education, preparatory to a series of essays explanatory of the course of instruction adopted in the Steubenville Academy.
By JAMES OGILVIE, Instructor of youth in the Steubenville Academy.
Jan. 18, 1801. ep6t
Marshal's Sale.
Notice is hereby given, that by virtue of a Writ of Venditioni exponas issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for the county of Washington, to me directed, John Ashley and Henry Pratt, against the lands and Tenements of Robert Morris, will be exposed to Public Sale,
To the highest bidder, for cash, at Rhodes's Hotel, on the third day of February next, all the said Morris's title in and to Lot No. 2, in square No. 706, in the City of Washington. Sale to take place at 11 o'clock, A. M.
DANIEL C. BRENT.
Marshal of the District of Columbia.
Jan. 18, 1802. ep5
ROBERT CHERRY,
Near the Sugar House, New-Jersey Avenue, has just received (in addition to his former stock) per the Sloop Harmony, captain Elwood, from Philadelphia.
A GENERAL assortment of groceries and liquors, viz. Pennington's loaf and lump sugar, Havanna white, Jamaica and St. Croix brown do. hylon, young hylon, hyson skin, souchong, and bohea teas, coffee, pepper, allspice, nutmegs, and cloves; hair powder, plain and scented, box and keg reams, mould and dip candles, white and brown loaves, Dixon's best mustard, shad, mackerel, and herring in barrels, dried codfish, &c.
Cognac brandy, Holland gin, Jamaica and Antigua rum, Madeira and Lisbon wine, with other articles, all of a good quality.
Also a trunk of Swandown, glass in boxes, 12 by 10 and 8 by 6, which he will sell low for cash, or barter for first quality tobacco.
The above articles have been laid in at a falling market, and shall sell the same at very reduced prices for cash.
He returns his sincere thanks to his friends and the public, for the encouragement he has already met with since his residence here, and hopes for a continuance of their favors, which will be thankfully acknowledged.
January 9, 1802. entf
By virtue of a decree of the Circuit Court for the District of Columbia in the county of Washington, in chancery sitting, in the case of George Walker complainant, against Overton Carr, defendant,
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, for ready money at Tunnicliff's Tavern in the City of Washington, on MONDAY the eighth day of February next, the following squares and lots, or so much thereof as will satisfy the decree aforesaid, viz. Squares 861 862 863, lots 1 2 3 8 9 10 11 in sq. 864. Squares 891 913, lots 2 3 10 11 12 13 14 15 and 20 in square 937. lots 3 4 5 6 7 14 15 16 and 17 in square 964. 1 2 3 6 7 20 21 and 24 in square 1077. lots 2 3 and 4 in square north east of square 1065. lots 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 lots 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 and 33 in sq. 1042. 20 21 22 and 23 in square 1042. lots 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 and 18 in square 1017. lots 1 2 6 7 and 8 in square 943. square 890, lots 1 2 3 7 8 9 15 16 17 and 18 in square 1067. The sale will commence at 11 o'clock, and will continue from day to day until the whole of this property or so much thereof as will comply with the requisites of the aforesaid decree.
PHILIP T. BAKER, Trustee.
Jan. 5, 1802. ep5
Mr. SPRIGG,
THE owner of LEBBOO, was not desirous, after the races at the City, to run against Mr. Taylor's horse LEVIATHAN, he would have thought it ungenerous to have made such a proposition. But as Mr. Taylor has declared in the public prints that "he can be accommodated for his own sum, not being less than 1500 dollars." Mr. Sprigg will run with him over the City Course, on the 13th day of May next, for 2000 dollars, the four mile heats, agreeably to the rules of racing. As major Foreman, the owner of Ranger, without an opportunity of contending with Leboo and Leviathan, he can never have a better one than at the same time and place; but if that should not be convenient, Mr. Sprigg will run Leboo against Ranger on the 13th Monday in June, over the Governor's Town Course, the four mile heats, for 3000 dollars, or for any sum between that and 1000, as major Foreman may think proper.
Jan. 13, 1802. ep6t
National Intelligencer.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Wednesday, Jan. 13, 1801.
DEBATE.
On motion of Mr. Breckenridge to repeal the act passed last session for new organising the courts of the United States.
JUDICIARY ESTABLISHMENT.
[CONTINUED]
[Mr. Mason's Speech concluded from our last.]
I shall now, Sir, trouble you with a few remarks on the expediency of repealing this law. It has been said, that there is nothing peculiarly disgraceful in this law; that there has been no public clamour excited against it; that it was enacted with solemnity on calm and deliberate reflection; and that time has not been yet given to test it by experience.
As no member, who has taken part in debate, was a member of this body, when the law passed, I will say something of its history. I am not disposed to excite the sensibility of gentlemen by any remarks which I shall make, or to call up unpleasant recollections of past scenes. But when I hear it said that this law was passed with calmness after mature reflection, and that we are now in a fit of passion going to do what was thus wisely done, I think it necessary that the public should have a correct statement.
It is true that under the last administration, when there existed (what I trust will never in an equal degree exist again) an immediate thirst for executive patronage, a proposition was made to establish a new judiciary system; a system worse than the present; as it proposed, according to my recollection, 38 judges instead of 16. This law was very near passing. It was however rejected in the House of Representatives by a very small majority. But it was circulated as a project of a law among the people. It was ill received. It was thought too rank a thing, and met with general disapprobation throughout the United States. As far as I have been able to learn. After this reception it was softened down to the plan introduced at the last session. What temper accompanied the progress of the bill in the other house I know not, or if I did know would it be proper for me here to say. But with respect to the acts of this body I am not of opinion that they added any dignity to our common course of procedure. The bill was referred to a committee, who, though it was very long, reported it without any amendment. Various amendments were offered, some of which were admitted to be proper. But they were not received. One indeed proposed by a member from Connecticut, who was chairman of the committee, and was then hostile to the plan did pass in the early stages of the bill; but on the third reading it was expunged. All amendments proposed by the minority were uniformly rejected, by a ready, inflexible and undeviating majority. I confess that I saw no passion, but I certainly did see great pertinacity; something like what the gentleman from Connecticut had termed a holding fast. No amendments were admitted—when offered we were told no; you may get them introduced by a rider or supplementary bill, or in any other way you please; but down this bill must go—it must be crammed down your throats; this was not the precise phrase, but such was the amount of what was said.
I will say that not an argument was urged in favour of the bill, not a word to shew the necessity or propriety of the change. Yet we are told that there was great dignity, great solemnity in its progress and passage!
But there is something undignified in this hasty repealing this law! In thus yielding ourselves to the fluctuations of public opinion! to we are told! But if there be blame on whom does it fall? Not on us, who respected the public opinion when this law was passed, and who still respect it. But on those who in defiance of public opinion passed this law, after that public opinion had been decisively expressed. The revolution in public opinion had taken place before the introduction of this project; the people of the United States had determined to commit their affairs to new agents; already had the confidence of the people been transferred from their then rulers into other hands. After this exposition
of the national will, and this new deposit of the national confidence, the gentlemen should have left untouched this important and delicate subject; a subject on which the people could not be reconciled to their views even in the flood tide of their power and influence; they should have forbore, till agents better acquainted with the national will, because more recently constituted its organs, had come into the government. This would have been more dignified than to seize the critical moment when power was passing from them, to pass such a law as this. If there is error it is our duty to correct it; and the truth was, no law was ever more execrated by the public.
Let it not be said pollpone the repeal till the next session. No. Let us restore those gentlemen to private life, who have accepted appointments under this law. This will be doing them greater justice, than by keeping them in office another year, till the professional butlers, which once attached to them, is gone into other channels.
[Mr. Mason went into an examination of the number of suits depending at the time the law was passed, and particularly the number brought within the twelve months preceding its passage, from the fewness of which, and their being in a state of diminution rather than increase, he inferred the inutility of the additional judges.]
He continued: If on this review, we find the number of suits decreasing instead of increasing; if the courts then established were found competent to the prompt and faithful discharge of all the duties devolved upon them, the law was unnecessary; and if unnecessary, the additional expense incurred by it was unnecessary; and all unnecessary expense should be saved. It is true that 50,000 dollars divided among the people of the United States, amounts to but one cent a man; but the principle was still the same. It has been very fashionable of late to justify every unnecessary expense by stating each item by itself and dividing it among the whole people. In this way every expense is held forth as of little consequence! Gentlemen say in this case, it is only one cent a man? In the case of the Maysville, 200,000 dollars, came to only 4 cents a man! In the direct tax, it is only 40 cents! They talk of our army, it only comes to a few cents for each person, who may feel as many cabbages to the soldiers themselves as to pay it! So in a navy. In this way are the most extravagant expenses wittled down to a mere fraction. But this kind of federal arithmetic I can never accede to. It may suit an expensive government; but it is an imposition upon the people.
It has been urged with some force by the gentlemen from New-York and Connecticut that the small number of suits is an evidence of the efficacy and ability of our courts of justice. I am willing to admit the force of this remark; but I must apply it very differently from those gentlemen. I must apply it to the state of the dockets when this law passed; and from their being very few at the time, I must infer that the system existing then was an excellent one, as it wielded the power of the laws so effectually, that there was but little necessity for enforcing the law against delinquents.
From the remarks made by the gentleman from Connecticut it might be inferred that we were about to destroy all our courts, and that we were in future to have no courts. Is this the case? Are we contending for breaking down the whole judiciary establishment? On the contrary we barely lay the courts you had before the passage of this law, were sufficient; return, therefore, to them. This law which we wish repealed, imparts no new authorities to your judges; it clothes them with no additional terrors; it adds not to their axes, or increases not the number of their rods. It only enlarges their number, which was before large enough.
The gentleman from New-York has amused himself with a great deal of handsome rhetoric. But I apprehend without bearing much upon the question. There is one idea, however, which he has seized with extacy, the idea of a great state kneeling at the altar of federal power; and he deplores that this spectacle, the most sublime that his imagination can conceive, is vanquished forever. But if he will consult those stores of history with which he so often amuses and instructs his audience, he will find still more splendid humiliations. He will find the proud monarchs of the east, surrounded with all the decorations of royalty, dragged at the chariot wheel of the conqueror. In more modern times he will behold a King of England and of France, one holding the stirrup and the other the bridle, while the
Pope mounted his horse.—If not contented with the contemplation of these illustrious degradations, he may resort to sacred writ, to which he so often appeals; and in the very book of judges, he will behold a famous king of Jerusalem, surrounded by three score and ten dependent kings, picking up the crumbs from under his table, and what made the humiliation more charming, all these kings had their thumbs and great toes cut off.
But if the gentleman from New-York wishes to be gratified with a more modern idea of sovereign degradation, I would refer him to the memorable threat of an individual, a servant of the people, to humble a whole state, a great state too, in dust and ashes. A state upon her knees before six venerable judges, decorated in party-coloured robes, as ours formerly were, or arrayed in more solemn black, such as that they have lately assumed, hoping, though a state, that it might have some chance for justice, exhibits a spectacle of humble and degraded sovereignty, far short of the dreadful denunciation to which I allude! If the gentlemen feels, as I know many do, rapture at the idea of a state being humiliated and tumbled into the dust, I envy him not his feelings. At such a thought I acknowledge I feel humbled. If the degradation were confined to kings and tyrants, to usurpers who had destroyed the liberties of nations, I should not feel much commiseration; but when applied to governments, instituted by the people for the protection of their liberties, and administered only to promote their happiness, I feel indignant at the idea of degraded sovereignty. I should feel the same interest for any state, large or small, whether it were the little state of Delaware herself, or the still more insignificant republic of St. Marino.
After a few additional remarks, and asking the indulgence of the house for the want of method imposed upon him from the necessity of replying to the arguments of gentlemen as they had stated them, General Mason sat down.
Mr. Stone, of North-Carolina. The importance of the present question might I presume justify any member in delivering his sentiments without apology. But from the able manner in which the subject has already been discussed, I should have been induced to adhere to my usual course since I have been a member of this body, and leaving its elucidation to others of greater experience and more talents, have been contented with a silent vote. As however, the state whose servant I am, and whose faithful servant I wish at all times to be found, has instructed her members on this subject, I will endeavor in the plain way of which alone I am capable to assign the reasons for my vote. And in doing this, I rather wish than hope that I may state any thing worthy the consideration of this enlightened assembly.
The argument upon this question has naturally divided into two parts, the one of expediency—the other of constitutionality. If the repeal of this law shall be deemed expedient; the Senate will doubtless consider it their duty to repeal it if no constitutional objection opposes it; but if it shall be deemed unconstitutional to repeal it, then no considerations of expediency can stand in the way of that solemn instrument, we are all sworn to support.
Before entering into an examination of the expediency of the repeal; it may be proper to remark that gentlemen who have spoken against the repeal, whose talents and eloquence I highly admire, have not correctly stated the question. The true question is, not whether we shall deprive the people of the United States of all their courts of justice; but whether we shall restore to them their former courts. Shall we, or shall not we, continue an experiment made, or attempted to be made, I will not say improperly, because my respect for this body and for my country forbid the imputation; but I will say that the length of time we remained without this system, and the repeated ineffectual attempts made to establish it, present strong reasons for inferring that there are not those great apparent reasons in favor of it that have been stated. A system, somewhat similar to the present, had been rejected by the legislature because they preferred the former system. Another evidence to the same purport is, that during the last session when the subject was again revived, and the present plan adopted, an amendment was offered, to amend by extending and enlarging the former establishment.
[Here Mr. Stone read the amendment proposed, which augmented the number of judges of the Supreme Court, and assigned their circuits.]
This amendment was rejected, and
from the vote entered on the journal of that day, it appears that the difference of votes against the amendment was formed of those gentlemen, who were nominated to appointments made vacant by the promotions under the new law. I do not flatter this circumstance as an evidence that these gentlemen were influenced by improper motives; but to shew that the manner in which the new system was formed was not calculated to establish in the public mind a decided preference of it over the old system.
Having made these remarks on the great deliberation said to have been manifested in the adoption of this plan, I hope I may be permitted to express my perfect coincidence with the gentleman from Connecticut, that courts are necessary for the administration of justice, and that without them our laws would be a dead letter.
But it appears to me essential to the due administration of justice, that those who preside in our courts should be well acquainted with the laws which are to guide their decisions. And I apprehend that no way is so much calculated to impart this knowledge as a practical acquaintance with them, by attending courts in the several states, and hearing gentlemen, who are particularly acquainted with them, explain and discuss them. It is, therefore, absolutely necessary in my mind, that the judges of the Supreme Court, whose power controls all the other tribunals, and on whose decisions rest the property, the reputation, the liberty, and the lives of our citizens, should, by riding the circuits, render themselves practically acquainted with their duties. It is well known that the knowledge of the laws of a state is not to be suddenly acquired, and it is reasonable to conclude that that knowledge is most correctly possessed by men whose whole life has been devoted to the acquisition. It is also perfectly well known that the knowledge of the modes and principles of practice, in the different states, or of any state, is most effectually to be acquired in courts, where gentlemen of skill and experience apply those principles to the upon existing points.
This defect then, of the present plan is in my opinion, so radical, that of itself it would decide with me the question of expediency.
With regard to the expense of this new system, I will say that it weighs as much as it is worth. The single consideration of an expenditure of 30,000 dollars may not be deemed of much importance, when weighed with the benefits derived from an administration of justice over this extensive country. If this great object can be better effected with the additional expense, then it is proper to consider whether the amelioration is worth the price; but if it is not better effected, it surely cannot be the wish of any gentleman to incur a useless expense. If, when this law passed, the business, to the transaction of which the old courts were fully competent, was lessening, then surely there was no occasion for additional tribunals.
The more important consideration involves the constitutional question: Can we, according to that sacred instrument, repeal this law, and destroy the offices created by it? If we cannot, I hope the Senate will reject the proposition on your table.—But if we can, as an examination I think we may; I trust the resolution will be adopted.
The gentleman from Kentucky, who introduced this subject, has so fully and forcibly stated that part of the argument which establishes, that the office of judge being declared by the constitution to be during good behaviour, must evidently apply to existing offices, and not to constitute the power of the legislature in doing away offices, that I shall not touch it.
I have taken a view of the constitution, which though new in its argument, appears to me to be correct and conclusive. The 4th section of the 2nd article of the constitution declares that "the President, the Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors."
This section being added to the article establishing the executive power, evidently operates as a restriction and curb to that power—to prevent the President, Vice-President or any officer in the appointment of the President from remaining in office, when, in the opinion of the legislature, the public good requires them to be displaced. The practical construction put upon this article in connection with other parts of the constitution, is, that all officers in the appointment of the President may be removed at his will; but that those officers, together with him

self and Vice-Presidents, shall be removed upon impeachment and conviction by the legislature. No part of the constitution expressly gives the power of removal to the President; but a construction has been adopted and practiced upon necessity, giving him that power in all cases in which he is not expressly restrained from the exercise of it. The judges afford an instance in which he is expressly restrained from removal. It being declared by the 1st section of the 3d article of the constitution, that the judges both of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour. They doubtless shall (as against the President's power to retain them in office) in common with other officers of his appointment, be removed from office by impeachment and conviction; but it does not follow that they may not be removed by other means. They shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and they shall be removed from office upon impeachment and conviction of treason, bribery and other high crimes and misdemeanors. If the word impeachment of high crimes and misdemeanors, be understood according to any construction of them hitherto received and established, it will be found that although a judge, guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, is always guilty of misbehaviour in office, yet that of the various species of misbehaviour in office, which may render it exceedingly improper that a judge should continue in office, many of them are neither treason, nor bribery, nor can they properly be dignified by the appellation of high crimes and misdemeanors. And for the impeachment of which no precedent can be found; nor would the words of the constitution justify such impeachment. To what source then shall we resort for a knowledge of what constitutes this thing called misbehaviour in office? The constitution surely did not intend that a circumstance so important as the tenure by which the judges hold their offices, should be incapable of being ascertained. Their misbehaviour certainly is not an impeachable offence; still it is the ground upon which the judges are to be removed from office. The process of impeachment, therefore, cannot be the only one by which the judges may be removed from office, under and according to the constitution. I take it, therefore, to be a thing undeniable that that there relies somewhere in the government a power to declare what shall amount to misbehaviour in office by the judges, and to remove them from office for the same without impeachment. The constitution does not prohibit their removal by the legislature, who have the power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the constitution in the government of the United States. But, says the gentleman from New-York, the judges are officers instituted by the constitution to live the people from their greatest enemies, themselves—and therefore they should be entirely independent of, and beyond the control of the legislature. If such was the design of those wise men who framed and adopted the constitution, can it be presumed they would have provided an effectual barrier as these judges can readily be shown to be? It is allowed on all hands, the legislature may modify the courts—they may add judges, they may fix the times at which the courts shall sit, &c. Suppose the legislature to have interests distinct from the people—and the judges to stand in the way of executing any favorite measure. Can any thing be more easy than for the legislature to declare that the courts instead of being held semi-annually, or oftener, shall be held only once in six, eight, ten, or twenty years; or in order to free themselves from the opposition of the present Supreme Court to declare, that court shall hereafter be held by thirteen judges. An understanding between the President and the Senate would make it practicable to fill the new offices with men of different views and opinions from those now in office. And what, in either case, would become of this boasted protection of the people against themselves. I cannot conceive the constitution intended to feeble a barrier—a barrier so easily evaded.
What danger is there to the people from the legislature which the courts can control? The means of oppression are at hand to the legislature, and which afford the iron, the temptation to their use, are, the raising extravagant and unnecessary sums of money, and the embodying large and useless armies. Can the courts oppose effectual checks to these powers? I presume not. The constitution permits their exercise to any extent within the discretion of the legislature.
The objects of courts of law, as I understand them, are, to settle questions of right between suitors—to enforce obedience to the laws—and to protect the citizens against the oppressive use of power in the executive officers. Not to protect them against the legislature; for that I think I have shown to be impossible with the powers which the legislature may safely use and exercise; and because the people have retained in their own hands the power of controlling and directing the legislature, by their immediate and mediate elections of Presidents, Senate and House of Representatives.
It is not alone the sixteen rank and file, which the gentleman from New-York has so ludicrously deplored, that I apprehend immediate danger from, but it is the principle which converts the office of judge into an hospital of incurables, and declares that an expiring faction, after having lost the public confidence, may add to those sixteen until they become 1600, or 16,000; and that the restored good sense of the legislature, the whole government and constitution retains no means of casting them off, but by destroying itself and resorting to revolutionary principles. The legislature may repeal unnecessary taxes, may disband useless and expensive armies, may declare they will no longer be bound by the stipulations of an oppressive treaty; and if war should follow the constitution is still safe. But if the construction which gentlemen contend for be correct, a band of drones to any amount in number under the denomination of judges, may prey upon the substance of the people, and the government retains not the power to remove them but by destroying the constitution itself.
I believe this enlightened assembly to pause before they adopt a construction capable of producing so great mischief, and so effectual to the ends proposed.
The question is not now, as it would seem from the arguments of gentlemen, they understand it to be; whether we shall abolish offices without compensating the officers for the facilities they may have made. If a proposal to compensate them shall be brought forward, the legislature will surely do what honor and justice shall require.
If I possessed equal powers of speech with the gentleman from Connecticut, I might be tempted to make as impressive an address to the feelings of the Senate. Sure I am, I feel as deep an interest in, and solicitude for, the constitution, as that gentleman. I view it with him as the bond of our union and the foundation of our safety. But it must be supported on reasonable and practical grounds. My understanding is incapable of seeing how the absurdities and evils of the construction contended for, can be avoided. I hope therefore that the power of the legislature to put down as well as to build up, courts of justice, as the public good may require, will be established.
Not having accustomed myself to deliver my sentiments in this or the other branch of the legislature, I may not have comprised them in so short a compass, nor in such orderly shape, as would be proper in submitting them to this enlightened assembly. If, however, I have succeeded in stating intelligibly the grounds of my conviction, I am satisfied. If my remarks have contributed to elucidate the subject to others, I shall rejoice; but if failing in this, they also are mixed with error, I trust gentlemen will set them right.
FOR SALE.
THE subscriber is authorized to sell a tract of land containing four hundred acres, lying in Prince George county, on Oxen Run, adjoining the district of Columbia, and about two miles from the City of Washington, with a good road to that part of the Eastern Branch over which a bridge is to be built. This land is healthy and abounds with springs of excellent water.
There are between twenty and thirty acres of meadow ground, with a fine stream through it, which may be prepared for timothy at a small expense, and at least two hundred acres in wood and timber. The wood itself will more than pay for the land. The cleared land, except a small part indeed, is of an excellent quality, and has on it a large tobacco house, and several houses suitable for the accommodation of labourers. This land has on it some elegant situations for country seats, commanding a view of the river and the city. If this land be not sold at private sale, before the 10th day of March next (and if it be, timely notice will be given) it will on that day, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter be sold to the highest bidder on the premises. The greater part of the purchase money will be required down; a credit of three months will be given on the balance, the purchaser securing the punctual payment of the balance at the expiration of that time. Persons disposed to make a private purchase, may know the terms by application to Wm. Cooke, of Baltimore Town, of Mr. James F. Leitch of Manchester, Virginia, Mr. John Addison at Leesburg, near the City of Washington, or to the subscriber in the city of Washington.
PHILIP B. BAKER, Attorney for J Addison.
Jan. 18, 1802
eps
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY on Saturday night the 26th of last month, a Mulatto named CYRUS, about 21 or 22 years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, with dark bushy hair. He has served an apprenticeship with a millwright, and is a good workman. He stole from Popes Creek, the estate of Daniel McCarty, Esq., in the county of Westmoreland, a small sorrel horse, a neat light saddle, not much worn, made by James Smock, Fredericksburg, and a small bridle, with a variety of wearing apparel. He has for wife a maid belonging to general Lee of Stratford, and it is conjectured he will endeavor to secret himself in the neighbourhood of the City of Washington, in expectation of meeting with his wife. Whoever will apprehend the said slave and deliver him to me, shall receive the sum of fifty dollars; and I will also give a farther reward of ten dollars to any one who may restore the horse and saddle.
JOHN ROSE.
Virga. Leeds, Jan. 11, 1802.
wat
[From the Baltimore American.]
Washington, Jan. 10, 1802.
On January 1, 1802, the Mammoth Chees was presented to the President: accompanied with the following address.
THE GREATEST CHEESE IN AMERICA, FOR THE GREATEST MAN IN AMERICA.
Sir, Notwithstanding we live remote from the seat of the national government, and in an extreme part of our own state; yet we claim the right of judging for ourselves.
Our attachment to the national constitution is strong & indissoluble. We consider it a description of those powers, which the people have submitted to their magistrates, to be exercised for definitive purposes, and not a charter of favors, granted by a sovereign to his subjects. Among its beautiful features, the right of free suffrage, to correct all abuses—The prohibition of religious tests, to prevent all hierarchy—The means of amendment, which it contains within itself, to remove defects as fast as they are discovered, appear the most prominent. But for several years past, our apprehension has been, that the genius of the government was not attended to in sundry cases; and that the administration bordered upon monarchy. Our joy, of course must have been great, on your election to the first office in the nation; having good evidence, from your announced intentions and uniform conduct that it would be your strife and glory to turn back the government, to its virgin purity. The trust is great! The task is arduous! But we console ourselves, that the Supreme Ruler of the universe, who raises up men to achieve great events, has raised up a Jefferson for this critical day, to defend republicanism and battle all the arts of aristocracy.
Sir, we have attempted to prove our love to our President, not in words alone, but in deeds and truth. With this address, we send you a cheese, by the hands of Messrs. John Leland and Darius Brown, as a pepper-corn of the esteem which we bear to our chief magistrate, and as a sacrifice to republicanism. It is not the last stone in the Bastille, nor is it of any great consequence as an article of worth; but as a free-will offering, we hope it will be received. The cheese was not made by his lordship, for his sacred majesty; nor with a view to gain dignified titles or lucrative offices; but by the personal labour of free-born farmers (without a single slave to assist) for an elective President of a free people—with the only view of calling a mite into the scale of democracy.
The late triumphant return of republicanism has more animated the inhabitants of Cheshire, to bear the burthens of government, and treat the characters and persons of those in authority with all due respect, than the long list of alien—sedition—naval, and provisional army laws ever did.
Sir, we had some thoughts of impressing some significant inscription on the cheese; but we have found such inconvenience in stamps on paper, that we rather chose to send it in plain republican form.
May God long preserve your life and health, for a blessing to the United States and the world at large. Signed by order of all Cheshire, Daniel Brown, Hezekiah Mason, Jona. Richardson, John Waterman, John Wells, jun. } Committee. P. S. The cheese was made, July 20 1801.—Weight 1235 lbs.
THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY.
To Messrs. Daniel Brown, Hezekiah Mason, Jonathan Richardson, John Waterman, and John Wells, jun. a committee of the town of Cheshire, in Massachusetts.
Gentlemen,
I concur with you in the sentiments expressed in your kind address on behalf of the inhabitants of the town of Cheshire, that the constitution of the States is a charter of authorities, and duties, not a charter of rights to its officers; and among its most precious provisions are the right of suffrage, the prohibition of religious tests, and its means of peaceable amendment. Nothing ensures duration of this fair fabric of government so effectually as the due sense entertained by the body of our citizens, of the value of these principles and their care to preserve them.
I received with particular pleasure the testimony of good will with which your citizens, have been pleased to charge you to me; it presents an extraordinary proof of the skill with which those domestic arts, which contribute so much to our daily comfort, are practiced by them, and particularly by that portion of them most interesting to the affections, the care, and the happiness of man.
To myself this mark of esteem from freeborn farmers, employed personally in the most useful labors of life, is peculiarly grateful, having no wish but to preserve to them the fruits of their
labour, their sense of this truth will be my highest reward.
I pray you, gentleman, to make my thanks for their favor acceptable to them, and to be assured yourself of my high respect and esteem.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Jan. 1, 1802.
The agents have been highly gratified with the simple plainness with which they have been received in the presenting of the cheese; which they conceive to be the dignity of republicanism; and take this opportunity of acknowledging the polite usage they have received from men of public spirit, through the whole line of removals, from Cheshire to Washington.
A LIST OF LETTERS, Remaining in the Post Office, Washington City, on the 1st January 1802.
A. Thomas G. Addison. B. Lieut. Lewis C. Bailey, 2, Joseph Boone, David Brown, James Burnides Mary Retton Parker Bowen, junr. John Buchanan, Thomas Boys, Hetta Bankson, Richard Brinkhouse, David Bates, William Bayley, capt. Lloyd Beall, John Brown, Edward P. Ball, Ignatius Boone. C. Dabney Carr, 2, James Clarke, 2, John Coles, Chauncey Camp, hon. William Cushing, Chacot Grose, Michael Clarke, David Ciles, Charles Collins, James Campbell, Joseph Coffleton, Dr. Crocker, Commissioner of the navy loan, Lieut. Richard Chandler, care of Caleb Swan, Lieut. Howell Cobb, Gabriel Christie. D. John Dawson, Messrs. Duncanton & Ray, Cato Duy, 2, Lucy Deaton, Philip Delany. E. Nathan Edmondson, Robert Eagan, Joseph Evans, Eli Elston. F. Robert Flinn, 5, Joseph Field, 2, James Frazer, 2, Zephaniah Farrell, Robert Flanagan, Gabriel Ford, Fidilla Frond, (care of William Vidler) Samuel B. Eagan, or Joseph Switts, Michael Forman, (care of Mr. Garboos) Philip Fitzhugh. G. Samuel Gothard, Jacob Grose, Bennett Green. H. Walter Hellen, 3, Richard Hutchinson, William Howard, Upton Hobbs, William Hull, capt. Charles Hyde, John Hall. I. Capt. James Johnson, Joseph Jeffries, Sarah Jacques. K. Peregrine Knotts, William Keefe, John and William Kennedy, John L. Keais, Mrs. John Kane, Alex. Kelly. L. Capt. John Legatt, E. W. Laught Nicholas Long, Joseph Levy, Townsend Lamborn, (care of Messrs. Sharpeless & Smith) Samuel Llewellyn, Messrs. William and John Lee, Capt. C. Lyman. M. Charles Minifree, Cormac McNancy, James M'Nenon, Richard M'Clure, Elizabeth M'Coey, Capt. M'Keel, (care of Messrs. Gibbs and Rofs.) N. Samuel Nicholson, John Neilson, 2 Edward Neufville, Thomas Niles, Lewis Nicholas. O. Alexander Offutt. P. Richard Peters, junr. John H. Purviance, Capt. Pratt, Winlow Parke, junr. J. A. Pearson, Charles P. Folk, Daniel Patterson. R. Samuel Ringgold, Samuel Reif, John Rodgers, Robert Ritchie, John Richards, Benjamin Rhodes, John H. O. Rideout, John Read, John Rofs, William Rofs. S. Peleg Sanford, 2, Thomas S. Stephens, 2, Mr. Spalding, Erickson Hale Stone, John C. Scott, James Shanly, John W. Smoot, Margaret H. Scott, John Stickney, Matthew Shaw, James Stevens, William Slater, 2. T. John Tayloe, 2, Emily Thompson, Thomas Tracey, Francis L. Tancy, James Taylor, Jane Isabella Thompson, William Thorn, Capt. John Thompson, Mrs. Tidyman, 2, Dr. Philip Tidyman, Thomas Truxton. W. Eli Whitney, 2, maj. Jonathan Williams, 2, Almon Wading, Miss F. Williams, Amos Wilkinson, Mrs. S. Wragg, Hugh Wilson, Capt. W. H. Washington, Richard W. West, Thomas White, (care of Mr. Duckwith) Mr. Wilde, Baill Wood, William Wright. Y. Patrick Yznardy. Z. Jacob Zimmer.
Jan 3, 1802.
eps 1237aw
Estimate of the expenses necessary for carrying into effect the Convention between the United States of America and the French Republic, of the 30th of Sept. 1801.
Dolls. For captures made prior to the date of the treaty on which no final condemnation had then passed, and of which the property was brought into the United States, 137,770 For captures made subsequent to the date of the treaty, 70,331 For captures, where the property was not brought into the United States, nor any condemnation had, 122,156 For cases of capture not at present known, & for a possible excess of the indemnities to be paid above the estimate, say 19,723 Dolls. 350,000
NOTE.—The sum of 2000 dollars per annum, to cover the allowance to an agent at Paris to perform the office of soliciting the claims for restitution under the Convention, has been included in the general estimate for the service of the year 1802.
The repairs put upon the Corvette Bercéau before her delivery to the French Republic, are not included in the above estimate:—They amount to, Dolls. 32,839 54-100.
Respecting City of Washington.
MESSAGE.
from the President, delivered on the 11th instant.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives,
I now communicate to you a memorial of the commissioners for the City of Washington, together with a letter of later date, which, with their memorial of January 28, 1801, will possess the legislature fully of the state of the public interests, and of those of the City of Washington, confided to them. The monies now due, and soon to become due to the state of Maryland, on the loan guaranteed by the United States, call for an early attention. The lots in the City, which are chargeable with the payment of these monies, are deemed not only equal to the indemnification of the public, but to ensure a considerable surplus to the city to be employed for its improvement, provided they are offered for sale, only in sufficient numbers, to meet the existing demand; But the act of 1796 requires, that they shall be positively sold in such numbers as shall be necessary for the punctual payment of the loans—9000 dollars of interest are lately become due; 3000 dollars quarterly-yearly will continue to become due; and 50,000 dollars, an additional loan, are reimburseable on the 1st day of November next. These sums would require sales so far beyond the actual demand of the market, that it is apprehended that the whole property may be thereby sacrificed, the public security destroyed, and the redundant interest of the city entirely lost. Under these circumstances I have thought it my duty, before I proceed to direct a rigorous execution of the law, to submit the subject to the consideration of the legislature—whether the public interest will be better secured in the end, and that of the city saved by offering sales commensurate only to the demand at market, and advancing from the treasury, in the first instance, what these may prove efficacious to be replaced by subsequent sales, reserving for the determination of the legislature; if indulgence for the funds can be admitted, they will probably form a resource of great and permanent value; and their embarrassments have been produced only by overstrained exertions to provide accommodations for the government of the Union.
TH: JEFFERSON.
January 11, 1802.
Charlottee Hall School,
SCHOOL will open on the 8th day of January next. The trustees at their quarterly meeting, held on the 30th of November, having taken into consideration the great increase of the School, and thinking that the moral conduct, and improvement of the pupils might be best promoted by the residence of the principal in the family, have induced him to undertake this duty; therefore the Rev. GEORGE RALPH, with proper assistants, will receive boarders, at Charlotte Hall, on the terms heretofore established, by the trustees, viz. Board, lodging, and washing, 27 50 c. Or, by furnishing bedding, 25 per annum. The payments, as usual, will be expected to be made quarterly, and in advance. Signed by order, NEALE M. SHAW, Reg. Cool Springs, Dec. 28, 1801. 2aw2w
FOR SALE.
A Servant about twenty-five or twenty-six years of age, who has been accustomed to serve as BUTLER, in a Gentleman's family, for 10 or 12 years. He is also an attentive body Servant. Apply to the subscriber, at Stelle's Hotel. SKELTON JONES. Washington Dec. 14, 1801. ep3w

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1802.
The Debate in the Senate on the interesting subject of the judiciary has at length closed; and that body have decided, that it is expedient to repeal the act of the last Session, and have by implication also decided the constitutional power of the legislature to vacate all judicial appointments made under that part of the constitution, that authorises the creation of inferior tribunals.
The decision will be a memorable one, as well from the importance of the point decided, as from the cool, dignified, and enlightened deliberation by which it was reached.
It will be memorable, too, for the style in which gentlemen on each side conducted the discussion. It was opened by Mr. Breckenridge, in a speech addressed exclusively to the understanding. Resting the subject upon facts, and fair inference, he sunk into no needless appeal to the passions or prejudices of his hearers, or the nation. For he did not pretend to say, though he directly addressed the Senate, his arguments were exclusively intended for them. He knew, that after accomplishing their due effect with the legislature, they would go to the nation, to be by them confirmed or reversed. Nor does his respect appear to have been the least impaired by the thought. Nay, if we may judge, from the temperate and argumentative style he adopted, his respect was augmented by this consideration. His speech, therefore, was, as we have already stated it, a pertinent speech. It neither descended to common place declamation, nor soared into the lofty and obscure regions of romance. It addressed itself entirely to the reason. We hesitated not, therefore, to call it a chef-d'œuvre in parliamentary oratory; and we predicted, what experience has verified, that it would be the text that would regulate the debate.
Mark the contrast. Among those, who followed Mr. Breckenridge, we must be permitted to throw Mr. Morris into the most prominent view. To his speeches, therefore, our remarks will be particularly applied; though, in the general, they equally apply to the style of the other gentlemen on his side.
Scarcely were the provisions of the constitution on the point under discussion read, than a cry of "invasion of the constitution, and the threat of a dissolution of the Union" were echoed and re-echoed in every shape that ingenuity could devise, or eloquence embody. The crisis approached, when the people left to themselves would become their greatest enemies, and when every honest man would fly to our shores! The fall of other States, to whom the principle of representation was unknown—was depicted with labdubbing pathos; and the glowing portrait of the United States, the only genuine republic that ever existed, hurled into ruin by an imitation of the states of Greece, was drawn with the most exquisite colourings of the fancy. The heart of the hearer was struck at, and we saw tears trickle down the cheeks of a representative of the people.
We pronounced the speech of Mr. Morris one of the most splendid specimens of eloquence ever delivered in a deliberative assembly. The verdict of others, of more enlarged observation, has fully justified our remark.—But as to argument we find nothing, nor shall we now say anything. We are perfectly willing to let the nation appraise its admiration, according to its estimate of the relative value of intellect and fancy: the former of which may be compared to the valuable though unornamented iron of our mountains; while the latter may not inaptly be likened to the useless, though brilliant lustre of the diamond, extracted from foreign climes.
To the nation be the appeal, who has the rightful side; let them decide whether it belongs to those who are for burying the feelings into imaginary fears; or to those who, building their foundation on the understandings of men, erect an edifice that no storm of party can shake.
Memorable this discussion will ever be, if the people, with becoming vigilance, mark their enemies from their friends. On what depends their happiness? On their union. Who are for prostrating this happiness, if they are not, who, as soon as their political views are thwarted, cry out a dissolution! a dissolution! Were these exclamations meant for the winds? No; they were meant for the people.—Let the people, then, hear, and remember them; and let them on this, and on all other occasions, mark that representative of the people, who, ever he be, whether federal or republican, who holds out a threat to dangerous to their peace.
SENATE OF UNITED STATES.
FRIDAY, January 15, 1802.
The Debate on Mr. Breckenridge's motion respecting the Judiciary was continued.
Messrs. Baldwin and Wright spoke in favor of, and Mr. Hillhouse against the repeal of the law of the last session.
On a motion to postpone the consideration of the motion by Mr. Dayton, 14 members were for, and 14 against the postponement; when the Vice-President decided in favor of the postponement.
MONDAY, Jan. 18, 1802.
Mr. DAYTON moved to postpone the consideration of Mr. Breckenridge's motion till to-morrow.
Agreed to.
TUESDAY, January 19, 1802.
The Senate resumed the consideration of Mr. Breckenridge's motion, when Messrs. White, Chipman, Wells, and Calhoun, delivered their sentiments against it.
Mr. Calhoun, at the close of his speech, moved the substitution of a resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire whether any, and what amendments are necessary to be made in the federal judiciary system.
The Vice-President, declared that it was not in order to receive a new resolution, until the old one was disposed of.
Mr. Dayton then moved to amend the resolution of Mr. Breckenridge, by striking out "repealed," and inserting, "revised and amended."
On which amendment the yeas and nays were called; and were Yeas, 13—Nays, 15. As they were the same as on the main question, it is useless to state them.
The question was then taken on the original motion, for the repeal of the Judiciary Act of the last session, and carried—Yeas 15—Nays 13.
YEAS. Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Ellery, T. Fuller, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, S. T. Malon, Nicholas, Stone, Sumter, Wright.
NAYS. Messrs. Calhoun, Chipman, Dayton, D. Foster, Hillhouse, Howard, Morris, J. Malon, Olcott, Sheaf, Tracy, Wens and White.
Extract of a letter from a respectable character in Kingston, Jamaica, dated Dec. 8, 1801.
"We have lately received an augmentation of five sail of the line, and some more are expected; and $5,000 men more may be expected in all this month, to attempt a landing at Hispaniola."
AMERICAN CONSULATE.
Havanna, December 23, 1802.
CIRCULAR.
Sir, By an order of the government of this island, published this day, the admission of American, and all other foreign vessels into its ports, is prohibited from this date.
You will be pleased, Sir, to give immediate publicity to this information for the government of the merchants and traders of your district.
I remain, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
JOHN MORTON.
[Consul of the United States.
The Collector of the port of Baltimore.
LETTER.
From the Secretary of War, accompanying a statement of the present military establishment of the United States.
WAR DEPARTMENT, 23d Dec. 1801.
Sir, In obedience to the resolution of the house of representatives, of the 22d inst. I have the honor of transmitting herewith a statement of the present military establishment of the United States (marked A) and an estimate of all the posts and stations for which garrisons will be expedient, and of the number of men requisite, in my opinion, for each garrison (marked B) and request you to lay the same before the house.
I have the honor of being,
With respectful considerations, Sir,
Your very obedient servant,
H. DEARBORN.
The Hon. the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
The army of the United States, according to the statement of the Secretary, actually consists of one brigadier general, one quarter-master-general, one paymaster-general, one inspector of the army, one inspector of artillery, one division quarter-master, two brigade inspectors, one aid-de-camp, one judge advocate, four lieutenant-colonels commandant, fifteen majors, sixty-eight captains, eighty-nine first lieutenants, thirty-one second lieutenants, six paymasters, six quarter-masters, six adjutants, six sergeants, seven surgeon's-mates, nine cadets, twelve forageants majors, eleven quarter-master sergeants, five senior musicians, two hundred and thirty-four sergeants, two hundred and twenty-two corporals, fifty-nine drummers, forty-seven fifers, one trumpeter, one hundred and thirty-three artists, three thousand five hundred and five privates, making an aggregate of four thousand and sixty-one. There is wanting to complete the present military establishment an aggregate of 1284 officers and privates, that establishment containing when complete 5133 persons.
The army now consists of
  General staff officers, 10   Dismounted cavalry, 160   First regiment of artillery and engineers 694   Second regiment of artillery and engineers 936 
  First regiment of infantry 502   Second regiment of infantry 686   Third regiment of infantry 494   Fourth regiment of infantry 625 
Total, 4051
REPORT ON NAVY FUND.
The Secretary of the Navy, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Secretary of War. Commissioners under the "Act for the better government of the Navy of the United States."
Respectfully report to Congress.—
That since the 29th of Nov. 1800, the date of the last report of the board, the sum of $4,878 51-100 dollars, accruing to the United States, from the sales of prizes, has been applied to the purchase of stocks of the funded debt of the United States, as exemplified in the statements herewith, No. I. II. which stocks, together with all those stocks previously purchased, are placed on the books of the Treasury to the credit of the commissioners, as per statement No. III. These stocks produce an annuity of $6,688 44-100 dollars. The gross amount of interest and dividends accruing from the time when they were purchased to the end of the present year, is $2,337 69-100 dollars, as per statement No. IV.
That the pensions of the persons placed on the invalid list of the naval establishment amount to an annual sum of 1604 80-100 dollars, and that the aggregate of all those which either have been paid, or are payable to the end of the year 1801, amounts to the sum of 1730 23-100 dollars, as per statement No. V. which deducted from the gross amount of interest and dividends as above, will leave a balance unapplied of $507 41-100 dollars. There are, however, several applicants to be placed on the list, whose cases have not been decided on, and it is presumed that other cases will occur. But taking into view all circumstances, the Commissioners entertain the opinion that the present stocks of the fund are sufficient to meet all the cases contemplated by the act.
For and in behalf of the Board, RT. SMITH.
Navy Department, 31st Dec. 1801.
The following Proposals of amendments to the Federal Constitution, are now before the legislature of Virginia.
Whereas there are defects in the constitution of the United States, which from their operations heretofore experienced, have excited well founded fears to the people and the states individually, that certain principles under the influence of the defects alluded to were rapidly progressing, which were destructive of the liberty and happiness of our fellow citizens at large; and believing as we do, that a corrupt administration will at all times have in their power to give that direction which will most probably fix upon the people a system of real oppression; in order effectually to quiet those fears, and to prevent the consummation of its exuberances which may ultimately lead to the establishment of anarchy or monarchy; their considerations induce the legislature of Virginia, to suggest to the other states, the propriety and necessity of amending the Federal compact. In a way, as to secure the invaluable rights which ought to attach to a republican form of government, they think the present the most proper time to commence this highly important work, whilst they have fresh in their recollection the extreme danger from which they have emerged: and it is further their opinion if some defects should not be now corrected, that the mildness of the present administration will be such as to lull the people into a state of security, which will render any affairs of this kind fruitless and abortive, and that no further future attempt can succeed until the people are forced into it by the hand of oppression. They therefore take the liberty to propose the following amendments to the constitution aforesaid.
First.—That from and after the next presidential election, the President of the United States shall not be permitted to serve a longer period than for four years successively, and that he shall be ineligible until one complete term shall have intervened.
Secondly.—That the senators of the United States shall in future be elected for three instead of six years, and that they shall be classed as heretofore so that one third may go out of office every year.
Thirdly.—That the treaty making power shall be so contrived, as to give to the house of representatives of the United States a complete control over all treaties, whenever their agency shall be required to carry such treaty into effect; and that all such treaties are to be considered as not ratified or binding upon the government, until the sanction of the house of representatives shall have been obtained.
Fourthly.—That in all future elections of President and Vice President of the United States the characters voted for shall be particularly designated, by declaring which is voted for as President, which as Vice President.
The executive of this state are hereby directed without delay, to transmit the foregoing amendments to the different state legislatures throughout the union, to invite their cordial co-operation.
We extract from the debate in the British House of Commons, on the preliminaries of peace, the following important explanations of Lord Hawkesbury, relative to the effects of the treaty made between France and England.
Mr. Whitebread rose to ask a question of the noble lord (Hawkesbury) relative to the preliminaries of peace. This question might have an effect upon the discussion of to-morrow. He observed that considerable portions of the dominions of Spain and Holland were, by the treaty, to be ceded to this country; he therefore wished to know whether or not these cessions were made with the consent of the Spanish and French governments?
Lord Hawkesbury had no hesitation in saying, that the negotiation had been carried on direct between this country and France only, and that his majesty's ministers had no communication whatever with the governments of Spain and Holland. The cessions, however, stood on the same grounds as the restitutions. The latter could only be made with the reservation of the former.
Mr. Whitebread, "Then I understand that Spain and Holland were not parties to the preliminary articles of peace. I must, however, observe, that I did not ask the question from any intention of objecting to the preliminaries, on the contrary, I am perfectly satisfied with them."
Lord Hawkesbury wished to take that opportunity of answering a question put on Friday last by an hon. gentleman (Mr. Grey) to answer which he was not at that time prepared. The question was upon the integrity of Portugal. By the integrity of Portugal, alluded to in article 6, of the preliminaries, was meant Portugal as she stood after the treaty of Badajoz, concluded between that country and Spain. There was another treaty concluded afterwards between Portugal and France, but this subsequent treaty was not publicly known when the preliminaries between England and France were signed. The cessions contained in that treaty were of course cancelled by those preliminaries.
Mr. Grey reminded the noble lord of another part of his question, relative to allowing the importation of French manufactures into Portugal.
Lord Hawkesbury observed, that the treaty between Portugal and France had not been ratified. It was therefore uncertain whether or not any such regulation would be allowed. As to such treaty being ultimately concluded between those powers, he should only observe, that certainly nothing could prevent Portugal, in a period of peace, from agreeing to place the manufactures of France on the same footing with those of other countries. In that case, this country might chuse to place the wines of other nations on the same footing as those of Portugal, it would then be for consideration how far this might be a measure of policy.
DON THOMAS STOUGHTON, His Catholic majesty's consul for the state of New-York, and consular general pro tem. near the United States of America.—
Gives notice to merchants, captains of vessels, and others, trading to the island of Cuba, that additional regulations have been received by his Catholic majesty's minister plenipotentiary, from the intendant general of said island, which will be rigorously enforced during the commercial intercourse between the ports of the United States and those of said island.
Wherefore upon application of all those concerned, to this consulate, or any other of his Catholic majesty's consuls, throughout the union, they will be particularly informed of said regulations, as also of the documents, necessary to accompany each vessel and cargo, so as to ensure them an entry at the port of Havanna, and that of St. Jago de Cuba, which, & no others, are open for the present, in said island.
TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC SALE,
At the Union Tavern in George-Town, at 5 o'clock in the evening on the fourth Thursday, viz. 28th of January next,
THE brick house formerly occupied as a Tavern by Mr. Seumes, on a credit of six, nine, and twelve months. Negotiable notes, with approved endorsers, payable at the bank of Columbia or Alexandria, to be given at the time of sale. An unquestionable title will be made, and the papers laid before the purchasers. Any person desirous of purchasing this very desirable and valuable property at private sale in the mean time, may know the terms by applying to either of the subscribers.
PHILIP B. KET, WILLIAM THORNTON. Dec. 23, 1801.
For Sale or Rent,
Two three story brick houses in Alexandria, completely finished, on King and Columbia street, with sundry valuable property near the same, possession whereof may be had immediately. The situation for the flour and grocery business is equal to any in Alexandria. For terms apply to Henry Thomas Moore Alexandria, or to the publisher.
NICHOLAS VOSS.
Lodgings,
EQUALLY decent and one third cheaper than any in the city, separate rooms and best attendance to be had at Greenleaf's Point, where judge Symmes now lodges. Good stabling is also furnished, by
SAMUEL SPEAKE. Washington, Jan. 20, 1802.
Washington City, District of Columbia.
THIS day George Jacobs brought before me, a light bay MARE as a stray. She is about 14 hands high, blind of the near eye, black mane, tail, and legs, about 9 years old; and without any white except some saddle marks. Given under my hand and seal this 18th January 1802.
WILLIAM THORNTON. Jan. 20, 1802.
Robbery! and Reward.
WHEREAS on Saturday night the 16th inst. the store of McCormick & Cochran, on the Capitol Hill was feloniously broke open, and taken from there five pieces blue bottle green, and dark brown superfine broad cloths, three or four pieces of twandown, three and one half dozen white cotton and worsted stockings, several pieces of banna, and bag handkerchiefs and seven eighths wide trifle linen, chintz shawls, fine hats, red morocco pocket books, wide black ribbon, &c.
To the discovery of such practices and our determination of assisting in punishing those concerned, we, the subscribers, do promise to pay to any person who will discover and prosecute to conviction, those concerned in the above robbery, the sums annexed to our names respectively; with a full assurance of pardon to the persons so discovering.
   Dolls. Cts.    McCormick and Cochran, 50  Thomas Law, 10  Samuel N. Smallwood, 10  William Pross, 10  Redmond Barry, 5  Adam Lindlay, 5  William Emack, 5  David Waterbone, 5  Benjamin Lurch, 5  Trustram Dalton, 5  Gilbert Docker, 5  Pontius D. Miller, 5  John Macartney, 5  George Blagden, 5  Griffith Coombe, 5  Henry Tugle, 5  John Fownes, 5  George Brown, 5  James Barry, 5  James D. Barry, 5  Robert Cherry, 5  William Tunnicliff, 5  Daniel Rapine, 5  Albert Gallatin, 5  William Duane, 5  Samuel Harrison Smith, 5  Clotworthy Stephenson, 5  John Jack, 5  Peter Miller, 5  Daniel Carroll of Dud. 5  Jones and Co. 4  L. Washington, 4  William Blagden, 3  Benjamin Moore, 3  Henry Dunlap, 3  Joseph Hickman, 3  John Stickney, 3  Edmund Sennell, 3  Thomas Carpenter, 3  James O'Brien, 2  Charles Vardin, 2  Jeremiah Codner, 2  Robert Brown, 2  Jonathan Gibson, 5  Mr. Bowton, 5  
Washington, Jan. 18, 1802.
P. S. In addition to the above reward, one hundred dollars will be given to the person or persons discovering where the above mentioned goods are stowed, will be found by
MCCORMICK & COCHRAN
JOHN GOULDING,
Broker and Commission Merchant,
RESPECTFULLY offers his services to his friends, to the friends of his friends and to the public. He proposes to do business in this line, for the sale, purchase and transfer of real and personal property of every description, the better and c.c. change of lots, houses, &c. for merchandise, and vice versa.
He has just received and for sale, madeira, port, Lisbon, claret and Malaga wine, sherry, brandy, gin, and cherry-bounce, grapes, raisins, currants, figs, almonds, capers, olives, anchovies, citron, coles, &c. Philadelphia porter, loaf sugar, and hoes of all sizes, particularly Ladies morocco, kid and t'angled shoes. All which are for sale on reasonable terms, for cash, flour or tobacco; and again begs leave to solicit his friends, the friends of his friends and the public, to give him an opportunity, by partaking of their favors, to gratify them, in more respects than one.
George Town, next the Post Office Dec. 18, 1801. epim
JOHN MARCH, STATIONER,
High-Street, George-Town, Respectfully informs the Public, that he has received, from England, an assortment of Stationary goods of the best qualities, including:
Writing paper, from atlas to fools-cap, wove drawing paper from atlas to demy, miche paper, royal and fools-cap, co-loured and marbled do. best black lead pencils, Reeve's colours, and camel hair pencils, sealing wax, and trifle waters, best red and black ink-powder, black ebony and mahogany writing desks, letter cases, and all skin books, English quills, and an assortment of pewter, glass, leather and wedgewood inkstands, round rules, &c. Morocco, Ruffia, calf, red, green, and white sheep, very fine and large—all American papers of different qualities, at the lowest cash prices.
J. M. has an assortment of blank and ruled books; and makes them to order, on short notice.
* Where may be had Dr. Church, Lee, and Bofley's Patent Medicines, Dec. 18.

PROPOSALS,
For carrying the MAILS of the UNITED STATES on the following Post roads , will be received at the General Post Office , in Washington City , until the 30th day of January next, inclusive.
31. From Richmond by Hanover -town, Elliott's and Bunkirk , to Tappahannock , once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 2 P M and arrive at Tappahannock on Thursday by 6 P M. Returning—Leave Tappahannock every Tuesday at 6 A M and arrive at Richmond on Wednesday by 10 A M.  32. From Richmond by Hopkins's , Powhatan c. h. Carterville , New Canton , Buckingham c. h. Bent Creek , Lynchburg , New London , and Liberty , to Fincastle , once a week. Leave Richmond every Wednesday at 2 P M, arrive at Powhatan on Thursday by 9 A M and arrive at Fincastle the next Saturday by 6 P M. Returning—Leave Fincastle every Sunday at 10 P M and arrive at Powhatan c. h. on Tuesday by 3 P M. Leave it at 4 P M and arrive at Richmond the next Wednesday by 10 A M.  33. From Liberty by Rockymount to Martinville or Henry c. h. once a week. Leave Liberty every Monday at 6 A M and arrive at Martinville on Tuesday at 11 A M. Returning—Leave Martinville every Tuesday by 1 P M, and arrive at Liberty on Wednesday by 7 P M.  34. From Powhatan c. h. by Cumberland c. h. Farnville , Prince Edward c. h. Charlotte c. h. and Halifax c. h. once a week. Leave Powhatan c. h. every Thursday at 10 A M and arrive at Halifax c. h. the next Saturday by 4 P M. Returning—Leave Halifax c. h. every Saturday at 8 P M and arrive at Powhatan c. h. the next Tuesday by 3 P M.  35. From Halifax c. h. by Pittsylvania c. h. Henry c. h. Patrick c. h. and German -ton to Salem N. C. once in two weeks. Leave Halifax every other Monday at 6 A M and arrive at Salem the next Friday by 6 P M. Returning—Leave Salem every other Tuesday at 6 A M and arrive at Halifax c. h. the next Saturday by 6 P M.  36. From Harrisville by Hicksford to Halifax N.C. twice a week. Leave Harrisville every Wednesday and Saturday at 5 A M and arrive at Halifax by 6 P M. Returning—Leave Halifax  Tuesday and Friday at 5 A M and arrive at Harrisville by 6 P M.  37. From Smithfield by Jerusalem , the Cross Keys , Goldstonville , Brunswick c. h. Gee's Bridge , St. Tamany's and Mecklenburg c. h. to Muskhallsville , and thence by Christianville , Lunenburg c. h. Edenton , Goldstonville — Hicksford , the Cross Keys and Jerusalem , to Smithfield , once a week. Leave Smithfield every Thursday at 10 A M and arrive at Goldstonville on Saturday by 10 A M. Leave Goldstonville , at half past 10 A M and arrive at Mecklenburg c. h. on Sunday noon, and return to Smithfield on Wednesday by 7 P M.
NORTH-CAROLINA.
38. From Norfolk Va. by Kempville , Va.  N. W. River Bridge , Va.  Tulls Creek , Indian Town , Jonesburg , Elizabeth City , Nixonton , and Hertford , to Edenton , once a week. Leave Norfolk every Friday at 3 P M and arrive at Edenton the next Tuesday by 10 A M. Returning—Leave Edenton every Tuesday at 2 P M and arrive at Norfolk the next Friday by 10 A M.  39. From Suffolk , Va. by Edenton , Plymouth , and Wachapreague , to Newbern , twice a week. Leave Suffolk every Monday and Friday at 1 P M and arrive at Edenton on Tuesday and Saturday at 1 P M. Leave Edenton at 2 P M and arrive at Plymouth on Wednesday and Sunday by 6 A M. Leave Plymouth at half past 6 A M and arrive at Wachapreague by 6 P M. Leave Wachapreague at 7 P M and arrive at Newbern on Thursday and Monday by 4 P M. Returning—Leave Newbern every Friday and Tuesday at 5 A M and arrive at Wachapreague by 5 P M. Leave Wachapreague by 6 P M and arrive at Plymouth on Saturday and Wednesday by 4 P M. Leave Plymouth at half past 4 P M and arrive at Edenton on Sunday & Thursday by 9 A M. Leave Edenton at half past 9 A M and arrive at Suffolk on Monday and Friday at 9 A M.  40. From Halifax by Northampton c. h. Princeton , Murfreeboro' , Winton , Coleraine , Pitch Landing and Windsor , to Edenton , once a week. Leave Halifax every Monday at 7 A M and arrive at Edenton on Wednesday by 1 P M. Leave Edenton every Wednesday at 4 P M and arrive at Halifax on Saturday by 10 A M.  41. From Halifax by Scotland , Hoghton , Williamston and Daily's , to Plymouth once a week. Leave Halifax every Monday at 2 P M, and arrive at Plymouth on Thursday by 10 A M. Returning—Leave Plymouth every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Halifax the next Monday by 10 A M.  42. From Halifax to Tarboro' once a week. Leave Tarboro' every Saturday at 6 P M, and arrive at Halifax on Monday by 6 A M. Leave Halifax every Monday at 9 A M, and arrive at Tarboro' by 4 P M.  43. From Halifax by Jonesville , Warrenton , Williamboro' and Oxford , to
Hillsboro' once a week. Leave Halifax every Sunday at 10 A M, arrive at Warrenton by 7 P M—Leave Warrenton on Monday at 5 A M, and arrive at Hillsboro' on Tuesday by 3 P M. Returning—Leave Hillsboro' every Thursday at 9 A M, and arrive at Halifax on Saturday by 6 A M.
44. From Louisburg by Nash c. h. Tarboro' and Greenville , to Washington once a week. Leave Louisburg  Saturday at 8 P M, arrive at Tarboro' on Monday by 4 P M—Leave Tarboro' at 5 P M, and arrive at Washington on Tuesday by 7 P M. Returning—Leave Washington every Wednesday at 8 A M, arrive at Tarboro' on Thursday by 9 A M, and arrive at Washington on Friday by 5 P M.
45. From Raleigh by Smithfield , Waynesboro' , Green c. h. and Kinston , to Newbern once a week. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday at 8 A M, and arrive at Newbern on Friday by 10 A M. Returning—Leave Newbern every Friday at 2 P M, and arrive at Raleigh on Monday by 5 P M.
46. From Raleigh by Haywoodboro' , Chatham c. h. Chapel Hill , Hillsboro' , Orange c. h. Martinville , Salem and Lexington , to Salisbury once a week. Leave Raleigh every Tuesday at 5 A M, arrive at Hillsboro' on Tuesday by 7 P M—Leave Hillsboro' on Wednesday by 4 A M, and arrive at Salem on Thursday by 3 P M—Leave Salem at 4 P M, and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by 10 A M. Returning—Leave Salisbury every Friday at 2 P M, arrive at Salem on Saturday by 8 A M—Leave Salem at 9 A M, arrive at Hillsboro' on Sunday by 7 P M—Leave Hillsboro' on Monday at 3 A M, and arrive at Raleigh by 4 P M.
47. From Hillsboro' by Mount Tizah , Person c. h. Leesburg , Galewell c. h. Lenox Castle and Rockingham c. h. to Germanton once a week. Leave Hillsboro' every Wednesday at 6 A M, and arrive at Germanton the next Friday by 6 P M—Leave Germanton every Sunday at 6 A M, and arrive at Hillsboro' the next Tuesday by 6 P M.
48. From Salem by Bethania , Mount Airy , Grayson c. h. and Austinville , to Englishville once a week. Leave Salem every Saturday at 9 A M, arrive at Englishville on Monday by 2 P M. Returning—Leave Englishville on Tuesday by 10 A M, and arrive at Salem on Thursday by 3 P M.
49. From Salem by Bethania , Huntville , Rockford , Wilkes and Morganton , to Rutherfordton once a week. Leave Salem every Saturday at noon, and arrive at Rutherfordton the next Tuesday by 7 P M. Returning—Leave Rutherfordton every Wednesday at 7 A M, and arrive at Salem the next Saturday by 9 A M.
50. From Salem by Statesville , Charlotte and Lancaster , S. C. to Gamden , S. C. and from thence by Lancaster , Charlotte and Cabarrus c. h. to Salisbury once a week. Leave Salisbury every Friday at 2 P M, and arrive at Gamden the next Monday by 7 P M. Returning—Leave Gamden every Tuesday at 6 A M, and arrive at Salisbury on Friday by 10 A M.
51. From Newbern by Trenton and Richland , to Wilmington once a week. Leave Newbern every Tuesday at 5 A M, and arrive at Wilmington on Thursday by 10 A M. Returning—Leave Wilmington every Thursday at 2 P M, and arrive at Newbern on Monday at 4 P M.
52. From Fayetteville by Elizabethtown to Wilmington , and from thence by South Washington , Sarecto and Sampson c. h. to Fayetteville once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Monday at 4 P M, and arrive at Wilmington on Wednesday by 7 P M. Returning—Leave Wilmington every Thursday at noon, and arrive at Fayetteville on Saturday by 8 P M.
53. From Fayetteville by Ander - ville to Wilmington once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Friday at 6 A M, and arrive at Wilmington on Saturday by 6 P M. Returning—Leave Wilmington every Monday at 7 A M, and arrive at Fayetteville on Tuesday by 7 P M.
54. From Fayetteville by Moore c. h. Carthage and Randolph c. h. to Salisbury , and from thence by Tindallville , Anson c. h. and Richmond c. h. to Fayetteville once a week. Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday at 8 A M, and arrive at Salisbury the next Friday by 10 A M. Leave Salisbury every Friday at 2 P M, and arrive at Fayetteville the next Monday by 5 P M.
55. From Lumberton by Elizabeth - ton to Ander - ville once a week. Leave Ander - ville every Thursday by 5 A M, and arrive at Lumberton by 5 P M. Returning—Leave Lumberton every Friday by 6 A M, and arrive at Ander - ville by 7 P M.
IN KENTUCKY.
56. From Orfville , T. by Powell's - valley , T. Richmond and Jessamine c. h. to Lexington once a week. Leave Orfville every Friday at 2 P M, arrive at Richmond the next Monday by noon, and at Lexington by 6 P M. Returning—Leave Lexington every Tuesday by 6 A M, arrive at Richmond by noon, and at Orfville , T. the next Friday by 10 A M.
IN TENNESSEE.
57. From Orfville by Knoxville by
Kingston or South-Well-Point , Fort Blount , Dixons Springs and Craigmont to Nashville once a week. Leave Orfville every Friday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Knoxville on Saturday by 1 P. M.—Leave Knoxville on Sunday by 6 A. M. and arrive at Nashville on Friday by 10 A. M.—Returning, leave Nashville every Friday at 2 P. M. arrive at Knoxville the next Wednesday by 7 P. M.—Leave Knoxville on Thursday by 11 A. M. and arrive at Orfville on Friday by 10 A. M.
58. From Sullivan c. h. by Jonesboro' , Greenville , Chucks Cross-roads and Dandridge to Knoxville once a week. Leave Sullivan c. h. every Thursday noon and arrive at Knoxville the next Monday by 5 A. M.—Leave Knoxville every Monday at 9 A. M. and arrive at Sullivan c. h. on Thursday by 10 A. M.
IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 59. From Columbia by Winnsboro , Chester c. h. York c. h. Pinckneyville , Union c. h. Spartanburg , Greenville c. h. Pickenville , Laurens c. h. Reedy , Shoal river and Newburg c. h. to Columbia once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday , at 9 A. M. arrive at York c. h. on Wednesday by 8 A. M.—Leave York c. h. at 9 A. M. arrive at Pickenville the next Thursday by 4 P. M.—Leave Pickenville at 5 P. M. and arrive at Columbia on Sunday by 6 P. M.
60. From Columbia by Orangeburg to Charleston once a week. Leave Columbia every Monday at 10 A. M. and arrive at Charleston on Thursday by 10 A. M.—Returning, Leave Charleston every Thursday at 2 P. M. arrive at Columbia on Sunday by noon.
61. From Edgefield c. h. by Southampton , Cambridge , Abbeville c. h. and Pendleton c. h. to Pickenville once a week. Leave Edgefield c. h. every Wednesday at 10 A. M. and arrive at Pickenville on Friday by 6 P. M.—Returning, leave Pickenville every Saturday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Edgefield c. h. the next Monday by 4 P. M.
62. From Augusta G. by the Upper  runs , Steele Creek , Lower  3 runs and Black Swamp to Coosawatchie once a week. Leave Coosawatchie every Wednesday at 3 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Thursday at 5 P. M.—Returning, Leave Augusta every Friday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Coosawatchie on Saturday by 6 P. M.
IN GEORGIA.
63. From Augusta by Little River , Lincoln c. h. Petersburg , Elberton , Franklin c. h. and Gilbert to Clarkboro , once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 8 A. M. and arrive at Clarkboro the next Thursday by 10 A. M.—Returning, Leave Clarkboro every Thursday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Augusta on Sunday by 7 P. M.
64. From Augusta by Columbia c. h. Washington , Greenboro , Richardsonville , Sparta , Georgetown and Warrenton to Louisville once a week. Leave Augusta every Monday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Louisville the next Thursday by 5 P. M.—Leave Louisville every Friday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Augusta on Monday by 10 A. M.
NOTES.
Note I. The postmaster General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
Note II. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
Note III. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contracts, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
Note IV. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mails: and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument and for what sum without that emolument.
Note V. Should any person making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.
Note 6. Persons making proposals are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the month of August , November , February and May , one month after the expiration of each quarter.
Note 7. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of April next, and to continue in force for one year from that time excepting such routes as have a particular note respecting the continuance of the contract.
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. GENERAL-POST-OFFICE, WASHINGTON CITY, } Dec. 7, 1801. } eop
FOR SALE.
A superb Carriole with plated Harness . ALSO a pair of young, handsome and fleet PONIES , and a capital saddle horse , who never was in harness. Enquire of the Printer . Dec. 18. eptf
Boarding House.
E. Gardner, at No. 6, of the Seven Building , will accommodate gentlemen with boarding and lodging on moderate terms. Dec. 28, 1801. eptf
For Sale,
Or to To Let, on Ground Rent for ever, FIFTY LOTS , SITUATE between the President's House and Capitol .—The titles to which is indisputable. ISAAC POLOCK. Dec. 16. eptf
A CHARIOT,
HIGHLY finished, glasses all round, Venetian blinds , plated harness , &c. in complete order: for sale at Mr. Dunlop's , nearly opposite Mr. McLaughlin's Hotel , Georgetown . Jan. 15, 1802. eptf
JOHN MINCHIN,
BOOT-MAKER, (From Philadelphia) New-Jersey Avenue near the Capitol . JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS wanted.—Also two apprentices. Dec. 7. eptf
The Subscriber
RESPECTFULLY informs the public that he has removed from George-Town to the Louisa Inn , near Rhodes's City Tavern . Where he is furnished with a good hostler , carriage house , and stabling for eighteen horses , and every thing in his line to render the accommodation of travellers agreeable.—The strictest attention will be paid by CHARLES ROGERS. N. B. Ten or fifteen gentlemen can get board and lodging on moderate terms. Dec. 23. eptf
GEORGE BROWN,
Has received at his store opposite to the house lately occupied by capt. Burch , New-Jersey Avenue, A handsome Assortment of DRY GOODS , Suitable to the present season.— Earthen Queens , and Glass Ware —Also Groceries and Liquors , Among which are the following articles—Loaf and brown Sugars , tea , coffee , pepper , mustard , nutmegs , box raisins , figs , lot shell almonds , oranges , lemons , Cranberries , Holland gin , and spirits , &c. The above goods are laid in on such terms as will enable him to sell low for cash.—He keeps a regular supply of the best superfine flour from the back country. Dec. 11, 1801. eptf
NOTICE.
THIS is to give notice, That the subscriber has obtained from the orphans' court of Washington County , in the District of Columbia , letters of administration on the personal estate of James Robinson , late of the county of Washington deceased, all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the first day of June next; they may otherwise be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 24th day of December in the year 1801. LEWIN TALBURTT, Administrator. December 28, 1801. eptf
CHARLES VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia , GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Best superfine cloths, Cassimeres , Swansdown , Toylenees , Velveretts , Fancy Cords , Coatings , Flannels , &c. N. B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice.—Washington City, New-Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store . Dec. 16, 1801. eptf
Mrs. PICK,
Takes the liberty to inform the ladies of George-Town and City of Washington , and its vicinity, that she has this day opened at Mr. Kirtz's , opposite the Union Tavern , an elegant assortment of MILLINERY , consisting of, Velvet bonnets , caps , shawls , embroidery , dress-handskerchiefs , artificial flowers , plumes , trimmings both gold and silver, bangle spangles , sacks , muffs , belts and stuffs , straw bonnets , cashmere shawls and bonnets , gold and silver thread , wigs and frizees , perfumery of all kinds, &c. &c. and other articles too numerous to mention; which she will sell on moderate terms. Dec. 23. eptf
To Rent,
And possession given immediately, A TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE , North front of the President's House , CONTAINING TWO Parlours and four Bed-rooms, with Garden, &c. It is convenient to the Public offices , and may be had furnished or unfurnished, with or without board, on reasonable terms, to an agreeable tenant. Enquire of the Printer , or on the premises. Also, Wanted Employment, For a YOUNG MAN, who would engage as an assistant in a store, having kept one of his own, of course accustomed to it. Would act as Steward and superintendent a plantation, of the like—would make himself useful in any situation.—Enquire of the Printer hereof. November 25. stamf
MICHAEL ROBERTS,
Has just received from Europe and Philadelphia , a large supply of