Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-01-20 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXXI.]
WEDNESDAY JANUARY 20, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXXI.
"The mind acts with most vigor when confined to a single object."
IT is obvious, upon a little reflection, that momentum of character is derived more from application than genius. Men who hold the greatest influence in political life, and who acquire the largest amount of property, are generally those whose principal characteristics are perseverance and attention. Vigor of imagination and brilliancy of talents create a lustre which dazzles the possessor, and beguiles him from that plain track of common prudence which leads to wealth and influence.
The probable reason why men of a bold, enterprising spirit so often miscarry in their projects, is that their plans of business are too diversified. It is easy to observe that men of this stamp fail in many attempts, in which the calculations are favorable, and the sacrifice only happens through want of attention. If the mind is employed on many objects it can do justice to none. The mental faculties lose part of their vigor by being occupied in unsteady and separate courses. There is a difficulty in accommodating our turn of thinking to the various transitions which are required by diffusive concerns. When a person has such a diversity of affairs to manage that they fall into confusion, he will soon break through system, and the separate branches of his business will together form one general wreck.
I have often been told by men, who had divided their attention between many different objects, that had they selected either of them singly, and attended closely to it, they would not only have been less exposed to risque and fatigue, but have gained property far more rapidly. The same causes, that render the division of labour so useful in mechanical operations, may be applied to most of the employments of society. Every individual should reduce the sources of his care to as small a number as possible. It is much easier, and more profitable to pursue one plan of business to great extent, than to manage two upon a less extensive scale. The mind cannot act with vigor or regularity when it is frequently making transitions from one subject to another. The ideas become scattered, and the power of combination is sensibly weakened. Many capable men lose the benefit of all their efforts by attending partly to several things, but effectually to nothing. They enter the chace with a fair prospect of game, but before they overtake it, a new scent diverts them, which they follow till their career is turned to a course still more alluring. The most anxious cares and severe toils are often endured without producing one substantial advantage. The miscarriages of men in important schemes of business are generally owing to their having so many concerns on hand, that some if not all must be neglected. No employment can be profitable without attention, and few men can attend to more than one, with propriety. Care and industry will overcome the difficulties of almost any occupation, and poverty is only to be feared by the indolent, the fickle and the knavish.
There are, it must be confessed, some men of such comprehensive talents, that they can at once conduct numerous and distinct operations. This results from a faculty of intuition that only has to glance at an object to understand it. And when a comparison of ideas is requisite, an elevated genius combines so rapidly as to be ready to decide and act, in any turn of circumstances. As few men possess such faculties, it should not be inferred, that the bulk of mankind will not prosper best, in a narrow sphere of action.
The defects of the human mind can have no other remedy than a judicious assignment of parts to the different characters of society. If every man were to attempt to do many things, most men would do nothing effectually. Wherever we turn our eyes, we find instances of men laboring under the difficulties of a complex or an unsuitable task. They never arrive at perfection, either because they are not properly employed, or because they have too many employments. It would be well to examine whether the regulations of this country are not deficient in that proper division of duties among the citizens, which in the highest degree promotes the prosperity of individuals, and encreases the resources of the community.
PHILOSOPHICAL APPARATUS.
ON Thursday the 25th ult. arrived at New-Haven, safe and in good order, from London, a Philosophical Apparatus, for Yale College. As soon as it was received, it was deposited in the Apparatus Chamber of the College. The University is thus furnished with a complete set of instruments and machines, for exhibiting a whole course of experiments in Natural Philosophy and Astronomy. It was purchased by the liberal donations of a number of gentlemen, friends to literature; among whom the Rev. Dr. Lockwood was the principal benefactor.
THE GUEST.—No. XIII.
May he who makes you glorious source of day, Life, light, and blessings to the world convey, Dispel the clouds that shade the human mind, And Earth's great family in concord bind.
A NARROW, and censorious spirit, is the common attendant of a gloomy, and self-opinionated temper: It is always connected with a want of charity for those, whose sentiments are not cast in the same mould with its own. I have known persons of this stamp who suspend the salvation of their neighbors, on the belief of certain particular tenets, upon which the world at large are infinitely divided. Some persons of this description, would merit pity for their ignorance, were they contented with being their own tormenters; but they disturb the happiness of society, by disseminating their principles, and raising doubts in the minds of others, respecting the benevolence of the Deity to the whole human race. There are some of this character, who limit the mercy of the Divine Being to a very narrow compass: Tho' they may possess so much modesty as to confess that they never were admitted to the councils of Heaven, yet they can without hesitation consign to future misery all those whose faith varies from their own—And as to those, who by the dispensations of Providence never enjoyed the light of revelation, their minds are not irradiated by a single ray of hope respecting their future fate: But can we rationally suppose, that he, whose "tender mercies are over all his works," can approve such a judgment? How can it be reconciled to the principles of justice, that those should be condemned for not obeying, what they never enjoyed an opportunity of knowing. Altho' it is reasonable, that those who are favored with superior advantages, should consider themselves as accountable for the improvement of their privileges, yet sacred writ assures us, "that he that feareth God, and worketh righteousness, in every nation, is accepted of him"—and there can be no doubt, but that the favor of Heaven will be extended to every son of Adam, whose disposition is conformed to the spirit of that gospel, which is "peace on earth, and good-will towards men," whether they have been favored with the written word or not. "The Judge of all the earth will do right"—and as "those that have sinned in the law, shall be judged by the law," so those who have been a law unto themselves, or which is the same thing, have followed the dictates of that law, which God hath written on the heart of every man, even those who have never enjoyed the light of Revelation, shall find favor with him, who not without reason, "hath never left himself without witness of his divinity in every nation under heaven." The world is approximating to that glorious period, when mankind shall not be divested of charity towards each other, for a difference in opinion, any more than they will reproach one another for not being all of one color, one size, or one universal set of familiar features. The sentiments of bigotry, are opposed to the best interests of mankind: To gratify its ignorant and contracted propensities, it will counteract the most benevolent designs, even to its own disadvantage, lest those of opposite principles should be benefited thereby. We may differ in sentiment, but when we suffer, our particular opinions, or prejudices to guide our decisions in matters of benevolence, and public utility, we justly merit the appellation of the enemies to society.
A FAMILIAR EPISTLE.
TO MRS. VIRGINIA, alias THE ANCIENT DOMINION.
Dear Sister,
WE have lately seen some letters, which two of your confidential servants have sent you, calculated entirely to make mischief in the family. We have always allowed your claim of rank, as our eldest Sister; and when your children and servants have pretended that your power was the greatest, your purse the heaviest, your farm the largest, and yourself a woman of more sense than any of your Sisters, we have never contradicted them, because we did not wish to quarrel about the matter—though we were sensible that a great part of your farm was untenanted and going out of repair, that you were constantly running in debt for your annual expences, and whenever the robbers have broke into your house, you were very poorly able to defend yourself, and could only alarm the neighbourhood, by dismal outcries, of "Help, Murder and Rape." But you ought to remember that we established our Copartnership on terms of perfect equality, and that we have advanced at least our equal shares in the public stock. You cannot therefore pretend any right
to govern us in the business. As to your boy, Dickey, we have known him many years. He is a goodnatured fellow when he can have his own way, but as fractious as Satan when he is contradicted. Besides, you are sensible, that he never could endure it, that we formerly appointed your Son, George, Steward of the household, and have lately given him a full Power of Attorney to manage the concerns of the company—when Dick, in the simplicity of his heart, always believed himself the fittest man of the two—Whereas you and all the world know, that George is worth as many of him, as Omnipotence could create to all eternity, if it had no other business to attend to. And now Dick and Bill are finding fault with the contract of Copartnership, because it does not give you a controlling power over the whole transactions; and they are out of all patience and temper, because we are not willing to alter it. In the same manner some of your servants lately threatened that you would break your contract, and set up for yourself, unless we would send all our head-servants and agents to reside in your dominion under your immediate eye and inspection. We have always wished to proceed in business in perfect union and equality; and notwithstanding these foolish speeches sometimes thrown out by your people, we have no idea, that you are in the least inclined to follow the example of our profligate Sister, who has run away from the family, and now keeps a house of evil fame, at the Sign of C****n's Head in Rhode-Island. We are still willing, as a matter of etiquette, to allow your superiority in point of age, rank and precedence, but shall not submit to the insults of your domestics. We wish you to take these matters into your serious consideration, and teach some of your servants a little better manners.
We have the honor to be, With the most cordial esteem, Your affectionate Sisters, NEW-ENGLAND, NEW YORK, PENNSYLVANIA, CAROLINA, &c.
(From the Connecticut Courant.)
EUROPE.
PARIS, November 8.
The Count de Mirabeau's motion on Friday last in the National Assembly, to admit the Cabinet Ministers as Members of the Assembly, was yesterday rejected by a very large Majority, and to shew their disapprobation of it, M. de Lanjuinais moved.
"That, for the future, no Member of the Assembly could accept of any place in Administration, nor any other place which might be offered him by the executive power, pending the duration of the existing session of Legislature, nor for three years after."
This motion, of course, called up M. de Mirabeau, who seemed much nettled at this indirect attack on himself—The Assembly would not suffer him to speak till his motion of the preceding day was first rejected. On M. de Lanjuinais motion being put,—
M. de Mirabeau was admitted to speak. He considered the motion as directed by a secret purpose; in which case, says he, I propose to limit the exclusion of those persons whom the author has in view by it. I know but two who can be the object of it, himself and me. He has no doubt the same opinion of himself as I have of myself. I am not therefore astonished that he should think me incapable of such a function. I therefore begin by proposing to limit the exclusion of this motion to M. de Mirabeau.
In other parts of his speech, M. de Mirabeau entered into the absurdity of such a motion. "Shall it, "says he, "be supposed, that the election of a whole nation cannot comprehend within it a good Ministry? Shall the confidence of the Nation towards a citizen be a title of exclusion to the confidence of the Monarch? The declaration of rights gives every man access to all employments. Shall we then derogate from this principle, by excluding the National Representatives? Shall what is a means of public safety to our neighbours be a source of misfortune to France?"
All this fair reasoning and argument could not obstruct M. de Lanjuinais motion being carried, and it accordingly passed as we have given it, except with the omission of the last words, nor for three years after, which were referred to future consideration.
Thus has the towering ambition of Mirabeau been completely frustrated. Though he has the art sometimes to persuade by his subtle reasoning, it is evident he has not had sufficient art to

masquerade the secret view of his boasted patriotism. Every unprepossessed mind, while it listens to him with admiration, hears him with fear and trembling.
This unexpected decision does honor to the National Character of the French, and will, if any thing can do it, preserve the nation from final destruction. It will probably secure the present Ministry in their places, which will be the greatest blessing our neighbours can enjoy. It will besides serve as a balm to the wounded heart of the unfortunate Monarch, who must have shuddered at the very idea of having such a man as Mirabeau in his Councils.
This motion being disposed of, the Keeper of the Seals acquainted the Assembly, that his Majesty had given his sanction to all decrees presented to him by the National Assembly.
L O N D O N, October 30.
In the scuffle at Versailles between the Parisian troops and the King's Body Guard, the Duc de Guiche, who commanded the latter in the absence of the Duc de Luxembergh, was wounded in his arm by a cutlass. It was fortunate for him that he escaped the mob, who were continually crying out to murder him. He next morning decamped in great haste for Switzerland.
Orders are given for using the utmost severity against the Distributors of Seditious Papers. The Heralds have proclaimed publicly in Paris a prohibition against mobs, and have authorised the military to disperse them.
The Marquis de la Fayette has represented the necessity of the augmentation of the city troops, the present number not being equal to the service since his Majesty's arrival, and the expected arrival of the Assembly.
THE NATIONAL MONITOR.
No. XXXIV.
While PEACE and FREEDOM on our Country pour, Heav'ns choicest blessings in a ceaseless show'r, While the whole world beholds our glory rise, The trump of ANARCH blows a blast of lies.
MUCH is said on the subject of the state governments; and some persons appear to entertain apprehensions for their safety, dignity, and consequence. Attempts are made to excite jealousies in the minds of the citizens, lest they should depreciate and finally be lost in the power of the general government. But if it should be granted, which cannot be the case, that the individual governments should dwindle into insignificance, when compared with that of the United States, it can hardly be supposed that those who appear so desirous of keeping down and depreciating the importance of the latter, are really concerned for the liberties of the people as connected with the former; for it is very evident that the uncontrouled sovereignty of particular states has for a considerable time past been exercised in such a manner, as cramped their commerce, arts and manufactures, encreased their debts, and deranged their finances; and would eventually have precipitated the whole continent into inextricable difficulties, discord, and confusion. What then, is it gives rise to the fears of these persons? It is nothing more than a foreboding of the extinction of their own individual importance; and there can hardly be supposed a want of candor in this observation. Before the revolution we were considered as part of the British empire—we gloried in the name of Englishmen—we were politically connected with, and dependant on them, while we received laws, and governors of their enacting and appointing. We triumphed in their victories, we felt all their misfortunes, and their prosperity, fame and dignity, were dear to us. Under all these impressions—under all the humiliating circumstances which attended our relation to that country, did the idea ever enter into any man's head that our individual dignity as men, or importance as political societies was lessened? Did we feel a conscious inferiority to any other part of the empire; or did we apprehend that the exercise of constitutional authority, or the power and grandeur of the whole people had any tendency, in the nature of things, to destroy the freedom or diminish the dignity of any particular part? No such ideas were entertained. Excited by the pressure of exigencies, the people of the United States have transferred a controuling power over the Union, to a government of their own instituting, not three thousand miles off, but in the midst of them—a power which every part of the Union felt the want of—a power which is defined, and limited to certain objects, with the attainment of which, the peace, the honour and dignity of the whole are inseparably connected—a power which has already begun to extend its salutary influences over our public affairs; and if it continues to be exercised agreeable to the spirit of the constitution, as it doubtless will, this government will remove our local prejudices, nationalize, and carry the American people to the pinnacle of human glory and happiness.—Of this power we are urged to be jealous, to depreciate, to traduce; and all the bright and pleasing prospects which open upon us, under its auspices—the perfecting the Union, the establishment of our credit, and the general tranquility of our country, are con-
sidered as symptomatic of an annihilation of the dignity and sovereignty of the State governments! The meaning of which is, that the operation of the general government will so lessen the business of the particular States, that from A to Z are in danger of losing their individual consequence, to the saving of thousands in the pockets of the people. If proper attention is paid by the citizens to those who revile the rulers of the nation—who contradict the evidence of our senses, when they deny that we realize greater blessings than we anticipated under the Constitution—and you will find them disappointed expectants, persons who dread losing their State popularity, those who would be easy under no government at all, and the credulous dupes of such characters.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 20.
SUMMARY VIEW of the REPORT of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY, submitted to the Hon. House of Representatives of the United States, on Thursday last.
THE Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, after premising, in a forcible manner, the importance of PUBLIC CREDIT, to the character and prosperity of a Nation—the impolicy, as well as the impracticability of making a distinction between the various classes of Public Creditors—the obligation which the public are under, either of discharging the interest due on the debt, or of funding it, on the same terms with the principal—and the propriety of assuming the State Debts, not only on the principles of justice, but in order to facilitate a fair and equitable settlement of accounts between the States and the Union, and of preventing that competition in the raising of Revenue, which would prove either injurious to both, or oppressive to the people—proposes,
That a Loan should be opened for the full amount of the debts, as well of the particular States, as of the Union, upon the following terms, viz.
1st. That for every Hundred Dollars subscribed, payable in the debt, (as well Interest as Principal,) the subscriber should be entitled, to have two thirds funded on an yearly interest of Six per Cent, (the capital redeemable at the pleasure of the Government, by payment of the principal,) and to receive the other third in lands of the Western Territory, at the rate of Twenty Cents per acre—Or,
2d. To have the whole sum funded at a yearly interest of Four per Cent, irredeemable by any payment, exceeding Five Dollars per annum, on account both of principal and interest, and to receive, as a compensation for the reduction of interest, Fifteen Dollars and Eighty Cents, payable in Lands, as in the preceeding case—Or,
3dly. To have Sixty Six and Two Thirds Dollars funded at a yearly interest of Six per Cent. irredeemable also by any payment exceeding Four and Two thirds Dollars per annum, on account both of principal and interest—and to have at the end of Ten Years, Twenty Six Dollars and Eighty Eight Cents funded at the like interest, and rate of redemption—Or,
4thly. To have an annuity for the remainder of life, upon the contingency of living to a given age, not less distant than Ten Years, computing interest at Four per Cent.—Or,
5thly. To have an annuity for the remainder of life, on the contingency of the survivorship of the youngest of two persons, computing interest in this case also at Four per Cent.
6thly. In addition to the foregoing Loans, the Secretary proposes a Loan of Ten Millions Dollars, payable one half in specie, and the other half in the debt, (as well principal as interest,) bearing an interest of Five per Cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding Six Dollars per annum, both of principal and interest.
And also (by way of experiment) a TONTINE, upon the following principles, viz.
THAT the Classes should be Six, composed respectively of persons of the following ages:
First Class. Of those of 20 years and under.
2d. do. Of those above 20, and not exceeding 30.
3d. do. Of those above 30, and not exceeding 40.
4th. do. Of those above 40, and not exceeding 50.
5th. do. Of those above 50, and not exceeding 60.
6th. do. Of those above 60.
Each share to be Two Hundred Dollars.—The number of shares in each Class to be indefinite.—Persons to be at liberty to subscribe on their own lives, or those of others, nominated by them.
   Dollars. Cents.     The annuity upon a share in the 1st Class, to be 8 40   Upon a share in the Second, 8 65   Upon a share in the Third, 9   Upon a share in the Fourth, 9 65   Upon a share in the Fifth, 10 70   Upon a share in the Sixth, 12 80    —The annuities of those who die, to be equally divided among the survivors, until Four Fifths shall be dead, when the principle of survivorship
shall cease, and each Annuitant thenceforth enjoy his dividend as a several annuity, during the life upon which it shall depend.
On the Loans where interest is payable, it is proposed, that the payment of the same should be quarterly—not only for the benefit of the creditors, but in order to promote a more rapid circulation of money.
In proposing the foregoing terms, The Secretary appears to have been governed by the following principles:
THAT no change ought to be attempted in the rights of the Creditors, but what is sanctioned by their voluntary consent, and founded on the basis of a fair equivalent.—
That the nature of the Public Debt, (being a capital redeemable at the pleasure of the Government, which may avail itself of any fall of interest,) is favorable to the public—unfavorable to the Creditors; and may therefore facilitate an arrangement for the reduction of the present rate of Interest on the basis of a fair equivalent.—
That, from the encrease of money arising from the low Rate of Interest in Europe—that of the monied capital of the nation—by funding Seventy Millions of Dollars—the further establishment of Public Credit, and other causes, it is presumable, That the Government rate of interest in the United States will at the expiration of five years, fall to Five per Cent. and in a period not exceeding twenty years, to Four per Cent.
How far the calculations on these various modes of Loan conform to the above principles, it is at present impossible to determine; but from the general accuracy of the report, and the well-known disposition of the Secretary to support the Rights of the Creditors, and the Character of the Nation, there can be no doubt but proper attention has been paid to this point.
The period of the payment of interest on what is at present stiled the National Debt, is proposed to be from the First of January, 1791, and on the State Debts, from the First January, 1792.—The funds for the former, (which are the only ones specified in the report) are proposed to accrue from the present duties on Imports and Tonnage, encreased with respect to
imported Wines, Tea, and Spirits, Coffee, —and a duty on home made spirits.
These articles (as the Secretary justly observes) are all of them in reality luxuries—the greater part of them foreign luxuries, and some of them, in the excess in which they are used, pernicious luxuries. Although, (as before observed,) the funds for paying the interest on the aggregate of the State Debts are not pointed out; from the few articles which are proposed to constitute those for the present debt of the United States, we have good ground to hope, and believe, that the remainder of the necessary Funds will be easily found without the necessity of having recourse, either to a Land or Poll Tax.
In order that the different loans may be voluntary in fact, as well as name, provision is made in the report for paying to non-subscribing creditors, a dividend of whatever surplus may remain, after paying the interest of the proposed Loans; with a limitation however to Four per Cent. as the funds immediately to be provided are calculated to produce in that proportion to the entire debt.
The foreign and domestic debt of the United States, with the arrears of interest, together with the debts of the respective States which are estimated at 25,000,000 dollars principal and interest, form a total of about EIGHTY MILLION DOLLARS—the whole amount of the debt of the United States, after the debts of the individual Governments shall be assumed.
A foreign loan of 12,000,000 of dollars is among the articles proposed: The object of which is, to discharge the arrears of interest due on the foreign debt—to reduce the Interest on that part of the Foreign Debt, which bears an interest of more than 4 per cent.—to form a capital for a National Bank, in order to facilitate the collection of the revenue, and such arrangements as shall be found expedient for reducing the capital of the domestic debt—In aid of this operation, the revenue of the Post Office is proposed as a sinking fund.
It is proposed, that this loan be under the direction of Commissioners to be appointed by Congress.
The report stated, that the Post Office may probably be made to yield a revenue of 100000 dolls.
So much of the Impost Law as imposes duties on Wines, ardent Spirits, Teas and Coffee, it is proposed should be repealed, after the First of May, for the purpose of enacting a law, laying an enhanced duty on those articles: These enhanced duties, with the proceeds of the present revenue from Imposts and Tonnage, and a Duty on Distilleries, &c. according to the estimate exhibited, will produce the sum required for the payment of the interest on the present debt of the United States, and the support of government.
The idea of discriminating between original Creditors, and those by purchase, is reprobated—and every argument in favor of such a plan, in our opinion, is totally exploded.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, JAN. 18.
MR. SINNICKSON and Mr. STONE took their seats, this day.
A petition of James Hubbs, of the State of New-Jersey mariner, was presented to the House and read, praying a relief from a prosecution commenced against him at the suit of the United States, for neglecting to deliver manifests of goods transported from one district in the same State to another, according to law, of which he was totally ignorant.
Ordered, that the said petition together with the memorial of John Cochran, presented on Friday last, be referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A petition of — Dobbins, of the kingdom of Ireland, praying that Congress may grant him a tract of land on such reasonable terms, as may encourage him to bring settlers to this country, was read and referred to Mr. Page, Mr. Scott and Mr. Partridge.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Treasurer of the State of New-York, together with a copy of the revised laws of the said State, sent in pursuance of concurrent resolutions of the Senate and Assembly thereof, for the use of the House.
Mr. Foster from the committee appointed, presented according to order, a bill providing for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, which was read the first time.
The House adjourned early in the day, in order to give time to the committees to report upon the various matters referred to their consideration.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 19.
Mr. Ames, Mr. Wadsworth and Mr. Sturges, respectively introduced a number of petitions, which were read and laid on the table, viz. of Nathan Fuller, John Holbrook, Ruth Roberts, Jeremiah Ryan, & Lemuel Cravath, praying the interposition and relief of Congress in sundry cases of losses, depreciation, &c.—also the petition of Benjamin Bird, stating the loss of a pocket-book in the year 1781, in which were eight Continental certificates, and praying that new certificates in his favor in lieu thereof, may be issued from the Loan-Office in Massachusetts.
The bill providing for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, was read a second time: This bill provides that the business shall be specially committed to the Marshals of the several districts, who under oath are to make returns of their proceedings to The President of the United States—for which services they are to receive a stated compensation, proportioned to the extent of their respective districts.
Voted, That this bill be taken into consideration on Friday next—and that 100 copies be struck off for the use of the Members.
Mr. Sedgwick of the committee appointed to bring in a bill for making provision for persons employed in the intercourse between the United States and Foreign Countries, informed the house that the committee had their doubts respecting the object of the House in the Resolution appointing the committee, Whether the idea was to make provision for persons now employed in the public service—or whether the design was to extend the provision to appointments of such different grades, as in the judgment of The President of the United States may be necessary—and requested further instructions from the House.
It was observed that from the spirit of the Resolution, upon which the subject was taken up, it was evident that it was understood the matter should come generally before the committee, but as the business involved a variety of questions, on which the House could not determine with so much precision, as they could from the information which may be received from the Secretary of State, respecting the arrangements necessary to be made previous to making any provision, it was moved that the committee should be discharged.
This motion was objected to, as it is necessary that provision should be made for those persons now employed: The President is vested, by the Constitution, with power to make such appointments as he may think necessary—all that the House have to do, is to make such provision as may appear proper: The Legislature may at any time check an excess in such appointments, by withholding supplies for their support—That it is evident from the tenor of the President's speech that he expects the Legislature should go into a full consideration of the subject—and in the bill, make the necessary arrangements of the several officers which it may be proper to employ, and the provision proper for the several grades—the necessity of the respective appointments, must be determined by the President with the advice of the Senate.
The question for discharging the select committee was put, and negatived.
It was then moved, that the committee be instructed to make provision in the bill for the compensation of those persons now employed or that
may be employed in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.
Mr. Partridge observed, that there is a resolve on the journals of the late Congress, providing that no foreign minister higher than a Minister Plenipotentiary, should be appointed—whether that resolve is now in force he would not pretend to determine—but he supposed that the House was not then prepared to determine upon establishing a diplomatic corps of Ambassadors, Ministers Plenipotentiary, Envoys, &c.
Mr. Boudinot advocated the motion for referring the whole business to the committee, as the House in the discussion of their report would be able to come to more adequate decisions on the subject.
The motion was carried in the affirmative: The committee on the petition of — Dobbins, respecting lands, reported that the Secretary of the Treasury be empowered to locate to the petitioner a tract in the western territory, within certain limits.
The petition of Christopher Saddler having been referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, the following report was received this day.
Treasury Department, Jan. 19, 1790.
In obedience to the order of the House of Representatives of the 11th instant, referring to the Secretary of the Treasury the petition of Christopher Saddler,
The said Secretary
Most respectfully reports,
That except the letter from the Collector of the district of Boston and Charlestown, accompanying the petition, there is no evidence immediately within reach, respecting the ground of the application for relief.
That tho' that letter is entirely satisfactory to the mind of the Secretary, that the affair is of a nature to entitle the petitioner to relief; yet he does not consider it as such a document, as in point of precedent, would justify the interposition of the legislature to grant it. The Secretary will therefore take measures for a more regular authentication of the nature of the transaction, and will submit the result. To this there is the further inducement of its being necessary to ascertain whether the persons who may be interested in the forfeiture are disposed to relinquish their right.
The Secretary however, begs leave to avail himself of the occasion, to represent to the House, that there are other instances which have come under his notice, in which considerable forfeitures have been incurred, manifestly thro' inadvertence, and want of information—circumstances which cannot fail to attend the recent promulgation of laws of such a nature—and seem to indicate the necessity, in conformity to the usual policy of commercial nations, of vesting some where, a discretionary power of granting relief.
That necessity, tho' peculiarly great, in the early stages of new regulations, does not cease to operate throughout the progress of them.—There occasionally occurs accidents from which heavy and ruinous forfeitures ensue, that require the constant existence of some power capable of affording relief—the proper investment of such a power is a matter of too much delicacy, and importance, to be determined otherwise than upon mature deliberation.—Yet the Secretary begs leave to submit to the consideration of the House, whether a temporary arrangement might not be made with expedition and safety—which would avoid the inconvenience of a legislative decision on particular applications.—All which is humbly submitted.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON,
Secretary of the Treasury.
On motion this report was referred to a committee consisting of Mr. Ames, Mr. Sturges, Mr. Stone, Mr. Griffin and Mr. Wynkoop.
Mr. Wadsworth introduced the following resolution, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House such information as he may have obtained respecting any difficulties which have occurred in carrying the several laws for the collection of duties on goods, wares, and merchandise—imposing duties on tonnage, and regulating the coasting trade, into execution, and to report his opinion thereon.
Adjourned.
LEGISLATURE OF STATE OF NEW-YORK. HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.
SATURDAY, JANUARY 16, 1790.
THE Speaker laid before the House the following communication from Gerard Bancker, Esq. State Treasurer, which was read, and entered on the Journal.
State of New-York—
IN pursuance of the 11th section of an act entitled, "An act authorising the Auditor to audit certain accounts and claims, and for other purposes therein mentioned," passed the 22d day of April 1785, We the subscribers, having this day examined the Cash account of Gerard Bancker, Esq. Treasurer of this State, and counted the money remaining in the Treasury, do hereby certify that the same amounting to £.14,416 0 8 3/4 (which is the ballance according to the said cash
account) is now actually in the Treasury.—Witness our hands this thirteenth day of June, 1789.
COMFORT SANDS, HENRY REMSEN,
State of New-York, Dec. 31, 1789. To amount of account of payments made since the 31st Dec. 1788.
To balance now in the Treasury
64,676 12 7 1/2
34,522 7 10 3/4
£. 99,199 0 6 State of New-York, Dec. 31, 1789. By balance due to the State on a settlement of my account on the 31st Dec. 1788.
23,285 12 10
By amount of an account of receipts into the Treasury, since the 31st Dec. 1788.
75,913 7 8
I, Peter T. Curténus, Auditor of the State of New-York, do hereby certify, that I have examined the above account current of Gerard Bancker, Treasurer, and the accounts therein referred to, as well as the several vouchers for the payments therein charged, which are now delivered up to me; that I find them regularly stated and balanced, and that the sum of £.34,522 7 10 3/4 is the true balance this day justly due from the said Treasurer to the State of New-York.—Witness my hand this 31st December, 1789.
PETER T. CURTENIUS, State Auditor.
We, the subscribers, the committee appointed by law to assist the Auditor of this State in the settlement of the public accounts, do, in pursuance of the directions contained in the 4th section of an act entitled, "An act further to continue the Treasurer of this State in office," certify, That the balance of money due from him to the State, to wit, £.34,522 7 10 3/4 has now been produced to us, and is actually in the Treasury.—Witness our hands in New-York, this 31st December, 1789.
HENRY REMSEN, WILLIAM DENNING, COMFORT SANDS.
MONDAY, JANUARY 18.
A petition of the Mayor, Aldermen and Commonality of the city of New-York, praying to be enabled by law to raise the sum of 1000l. in the said city by tax, for the support of the Poor in the said city, and other contingent charges, was read.
Ordered that the petitioners have leave to bring in a bill for the purposes mentioned in the petition.
Another petition of the Mayor, Aldermen and Commonality of the city of New-York, praying the aid of the legislature to raise money by lottery, for the discharge of debts accrued in repairing and improving the City-Hall for the accommodation of the Congress of the United States, was read and referred to the members attending this house from the city and county of New-York.
Mr. Watts reported a bill declaring it to be the duty of the several sheriffs of the several counties within this state to receive and safe keep such prisoners as shall be committed under the authority of the United States, was read a first time and ordered a second reading.
NEW-YORK, JANUARY 20, 1790.
The several state Assemblies which have been, or now are in session, discover a most cordial disposition towards the General Government. The amendments to the Constitution have been adopted fully in some of them, and by one branch in others, particularly in Virginia; and what is singular perhaps in that State, by the immediate representatives of the people; justly considering those amendments as an earnest of what may still take place, should they be found inadequate.
Congress have discovered so tender a regard for the rights of the people, and there has been such a spirit of candor and fairness in all their proceedings, that there is an universal confidence reposed in them by the wise, judicious and patriotic characters in all the State Governments; and the honor and dignity of the Union is considered as the glory and happiness of every part of the great Republic, and of every individual citizen.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the Creditors of THOMAS EATON, WILLIAM PELLS, JABEZ SAYRS, ANTHONY SAYRS, and GEORGE WELCH, Insolvent Debtors, now confined in the common goal of Newark, in the county of Essex, and State of New-Jersey, that they are requested to appear on Monday the Twenty Second Day of February next, at Nine o'Clock in the forenoon of said day, at the Court House in Newark aforesaid, before the Judges of the Inferior Court, and shew cause, if any there be, why an assignment of the above Insolvent Debtor's Estates should not be made, and they the Insolvents be discharged agreeable to law.
Thomas Eaton, William Pells, Jacob Sayrs, Anthony Sayrs, George Welch.
Newark, 18th January, 1790.
w. 4 t*

Excises and duties on trade, imposed by individual States, inconsistent with the rights of the Federal Constitution—An extract from an enquiry into the excise laws of Connecticut.
IT is questioned by many good and sensible men, whether the excise of a particular State is consistent with the federal Constitution—I will endeavor to examine the subject, with all the candor its magnitude requires.
The clause of the Constitution, on which doubts have arisen, is in the tenth section of the first article, in these words, "No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws." The question then resolves itself into this point; whether the excise of any State is an impost or duty upon imports according to the letter and spirit of the Constitution. To determine the question, let us first discover the true meaning of the words on which the whole depends.
The taxes laid by government on goods, wares, merchandise or manufactures fall under the following denominations: duties, impost, customs, excise. Duties is a word of general import, comprehending every species of tax charged by the public upon any goods whatever. All imposts, customs and Excises, are duties.
Impost is strictly speaking a word of the same comprehensive signification. It is from the Latin impono , to lay upon or impose; or more accurately from the participle impositum , anything laid upon or imposed. It is equivalent to duty, implying any charge or price imposed upon goods, and owing or payable by law to government. This will be more fully proved afterwards. Customs is derived from the French coutum or coust , from whence we derive our word cost. It signifies originally price, charge, toll or tribute; but according to the practice of commercial nations, its proper sense is, duties or imposts upon goods imported from foreign countries, payable by law to government, by the importing merchant, at the ports of entry or delivery. Excise, from excisum to cut off, is "an inland imposition, paid sometimes upon the consumption of the commodity, or frequently upon the retail sale, which is the last stage before the consumption." Blackstone Com. vol. I, ch. 8. It was originally intended to be a duty or tax distinct from customs—customs being laid upon imports and excise upon home manufactures. In general this distinction is still preserved in England; excises being mostly laid upon articles manufactured in the kingdom, and paid at the manufacturers. In a few instances, duties are laid upon imported articles, as upon several kinds of spirits, tea, sugar, coffee, which duties are called excises; though some of them are improperly so denominated, being collected by the officers of the customs, upon the articles in bulk. This is the case with liquors imported. See Potlthwaite Dict. of Com. vol. I, article excise.
The general distinction however observed in England, where we are to recur for the true meaning of these words, is this; duties on imports, payable at the port of entry or delivery are called customs; duties on home manufactures, which are usually paid at the manufactory, are called excises. This distinction is made, where duties are laid on the same articles, and by the same act of Parliament. Thus a duty on candles imported, laid by 3 Ann. I, is numbered among the customs. A duty on candles made in Great Britain, laid by the same statute, is called an excise. The same remark applies to skins, hides, soap, and many other articles. The distinction then between customs and excise is well established. See Potlthwaite , vol. I, articles, customs and excise.
What then is the distinction between impost and excise, or is there any distinction? The distinction seems to be this: Impost is a genus, of which excise is a species. Impost is a general term, comprehending every kind of tax, duty or imposition upon goods, whether imported or home-manufactured. Excise is one species of this tax, viz. a duty on home manufactures, and in three or four instances, has been extended to the retail sale of foreign commodities.
As the foregoing definition of impost is different from the common idea of it in this State, it is necessary to show the grounds on which it stands:
That impost comprehends every species of tax or duty, whether on imports, exports, or manufactures, is deducible first, from the derivation of the word; the original denoting any duty, charge or burden upon some person or thing. Secondly, the word has been generally used in this comprehensive sense by the best English writers. If so, then excise is one species of impost, and it is so understood in England.
The best compilers of dictionaries explain impost to be any tax, toll or tribute. A land tax is an impost upon land, in the true sense of the word; and the duty upon the postage of letters, upon chinnons, or hackney coaches, is strictly speaking an impost on those articles; the duty is laid to be imposed by act of Parliament, and that which is so imposed is an impost or an imposition. This explanation is founded on the best definitions of the word in our language. But not to rest on etymology, let us attend to common practice, or the popular sense of the word.
Potlthwaite , who treats expressly of commerce, defines impost to be, "a tax or duty laid by the sovereign authority, upon such merchandise as are brought from foreign countries; it is sometimes applied to a tax imposed upon domestic productions and manufactures." It does not appear by this definition, that a particular mode of levying and collecting a tax is necessary to constitute it an impost. On the other hand, it seems that any tax or duty may be denominated an impost. To come nearer to the point; the excise itself is called an impost, in an ordinance of the Commons, dated 1649; the "impost of excise;" and Blackstone's definition of excise makes it an impost; for he calls it "an inland imposition;" imposition here signifying the thing laid, is precisely equivalent to impost. So that the best writers on the subject of duties use impost in the extensive sense before explained.
In this State, we have made a distinction between an impost and an excise; making one to be a duty payable on the first importation; the other a duty payable by the retailer. But the distinction is, in a great measure, a creature of our own; and it arises from our mistaking imposts for customs. We use impost as the English do customs; whereas both excise and customs are equally imposts. Thus the word impost does not make a distinct head of duties in English writers, for it comprehends all. Potlthwaite , Blackstone, the Parliamentary register use impost in this general sense, and class the duties payable on importation or exportation, under the head of customs—and the duties paid on the retail sale of tea, coffee, sugar and certain liquors, together with those paid by the manufacturer, under the head of excise. We have, in our practice, confounded terms, using a general term for one of the species; and it is matter of some doubt whether the United States will agree to our sense of the word, in their construction of the Constitution.
But if the word impost did not comprehend excise, so as to restrain the states from laying the duty; yet the word duty, which is used in the same clause, would extend the prohibition to every possible method of levying money on imports. This word is universal in its signification, and the Convention, in wording that clause of the Constitution, seem to have been aware of some misconstruction of the word impost, and therefore used the word duty which is of unequivocal meaning. They used two words of general import; "imposts or duties." They could not use them in different senses, for all imposts are duties; but they used duties as an explanatory term more generally understood. Thus far we meet with little difficulty. But an explanation of the subsequent part of the clause is not so easy. The question depends on the true meaning of the words imports and exports.
(The remainder on Saturday.)
SYSTEM OF PUBLIC EDUCATION.
VOTES of the COMMITTEE appointed to carry into execution the SYSTEM OF PUBLIC EDUCATION, adopted by the Town of BOSTON, 15th October, 1789.
A meeting of the said Committee, held Dec. 1, 1789.—VOTED—I. That the Latin Grammar School be divided into four Classes, and that the following Books be used in the respective Classes.
1st Class— Cheever's Accidence. Corderius's Colloquies, Latin and English. Nomenclator. Aesop's Fables, Latin and English. Ward's Latin Grammar, or Eutropius .
2d Class— Clarke's Introduction, Latin and English. Ward's Latin Grammar. Eutropius continued. Selecae Veteri Testamento Historiae , or Castalio's Dialogues. The making of Latin from Garretson's Exercises.
3d Class— Cesar's Commentaries. Tully's Epistles, or Offices. Ovid's Metamorphoses. Virgil . Greek Grammar. The making of Latin, from King's History of the Heathen Gods.
4th Class— Virgil , continued. Tully's Oration. Greek Testament. Horace . Homer . Gradus ad Parnassum . The making of Latin, continued.
That those Boys who attend the Latin School, be allowed to attend the Writing Schools in the following hours, viz. The 1st Class from half past nine o'clock, A. M. until eleven, or from half past three, P. M. as shall be found most convenient, and the 2d class in the same manner for the first half of that year.
II. That the following Books be used in the Reading Schools, viz.
The Holy Bible. Webster's Spelling Book, or first part of his Institute. The Young Ladies' Accidence; and, Webster's American Selection of Lessons in Reading and Speaking; or third part of his Grammatical Institute.
That the Masters introduce the following Books when found expedient, viz.
The Children's Friend. Morse's Geography abridged. That the News-papers be introduced occasionally, at the discretion of the Masters.
That the upper Class in the Reading Schools be instructed in epistolary Writing and other Composition.
III. That an uniform method of teaching Arithmetic be used in the several Writing Schools, viz.
Numeration. Simple Addition, Subtraction, Multiplication and Division. Compound Addition, Subtraction, Multiplication, and Division. Reduktion. The single Rule of Three, direct Practice.
[Tare and Trett, Interest, Fellowship, Exchange, &c. are considered as included in the above rules.]
Vulgar and Decimal Fractions.
That the Children begin to learn Arithmetic at 11 years of age. That at 12 years of age, the Children be taught to make Pens.
IV. That the Reading Schools be divided into four Classes. That from the third Monday in October to the third Monday in April, for one month, viz. from the first Monday in the month, the first and second Classes attend the Reading, and the third and fourth, the Writing Schools in the Morning. The first and second attend the Writing Schools, the third and fourth the Reading Schools in the afternoon. The month following, the order be reversed, and so alternately during the above time. And that from the third Monday in April to the third Monday in October, for one month, viz. From the first Monday in the month, all the Boys attend the Reading Schools, and all the Girls the Writing Schools in the Morning; that all the Boys attend the Writing Schools, and all the Girls the Reading Schools in the afternoon; the month following the order to be reversed, and thus alternately during those six months. That it be understood that from the third Monday in April to the first Monday in June, be considered as the first Month of the Summer term. That from the third Monday in October, to the first Monday in December, be considered as the first month of the Winter term.
V. That the following hours be punctually observed in all the Schools, viz. From the third Monday in April to the third Monday in October, the Schools begin at half past 7 o'clock, A. M. and continue until 11, and begin at half past one o'clock, P. M. and continue until 5. That from the third Monday in October to the third Monday in April, the Schools begin at half past 8 o'clock, A. M. and continue until 11, and begin at half past one o'clock, P. M. and continue until half past 4.
VI. That the Masters be excused from keeping school on the following days and times, viz.
The afternoon of every Thursday and Saturday throughout the year. The afternoon preceding Fasts and Thanksgivings. Four half days of Artillery Training, in the afternoon. First Monday in April. Six days in Election Week. First Monday in June. Fourth Day of July, or Anniversary of Independence. The four last days in Commencement Week. Christmas Day, and on the general Training Days.
Dec. 14, 1789, Voted, That it be the indispensable duty of the several School-Masters, daily to commence the duties of their office by prayer, and reading a portion of the sacred scriptures, at the hour assigned for opening the School in the Morning; and close the same in the evening with prayer.
Dec. 21, 1789, Voted, That the Masters never expel any boy from School, but with the consent, and in the presence of the inspecting Committee.
Voted, That the Instructor of the Latin School be entitled The Latin Grammar Master ; the Instructors of the Reading Schools be entitled English Grammar Masters ; the Instructors of the Writing Schools be entitled Writing Masters .
Dec. 28, 1789, Voted, That the several School-Masters instruct the Children under their care, or cause them to be instructed in the Assemblies' Catechism, every Saturday, unless the parents request that they may be taught any particular Catechism of the religious Society to which they belong; and the Masters are directed to teach such children accordingly.
RECOMMENDATIONS to the SCHOOL MASTERS, by the Committee appointed to carry the preceding SYSTEM into execution.
THAT the Schoolmasters consider themselves as in the place of parents to the children under their care, and endeavor to convince them by their mild treatment, that they feel a parental affection for them.
That they be sparing as to threatenings or promises, but punctual in the execution of the one and the performance of the other.
That they never make a dismissal from school, at an earlier hour than usual, a reward for attention or diligence; but endeavor to lead the children to consider being at school as a privilege, and dismissal from it as a punishment.
That they never strike the children on the head, either with the hand, or any instrument; nor authorize one scholar to inflict any corporal punishment on another.
That, when circumstances admit, they suspend inflicting punishment, until some time after the offence committed, or conviction of the offence.
That, as far as is practicable, they exclude corporal punishment from the schools; and, particularly, that they never inflict it on females.
That they introduce such rewards as are adapted to stimulate the ingenious passions of the children.
That they inculcate upon the scholars the propriety of good behavior, during their absence from school.
That they frequently address their pupils on moral and religious subjects; endeavoring to impress their minds with a sense of the being and providence of God, and the obligations they are under to love, serve, and pray to him; their duty to their parents and masters; the beauty and excellence of truth, justice, and mu-
tual love; tenderness to brute creatures, and the sinfulness of tormenting them and wantonly destroying their lives; the happy tendency of self-government and obedience to the dictates of reason and religion; the duty which they owe their country, and the necessity of a strict obedience to its laws; and that they caution them against the prevailing vices, such as Sabbath-breaking, profane cursing and swearing, gaming, idleness, writing obscene words on the fences, &c.
That, for the sake of uniformity, in the government of the schools the masters, in their conferences together, form systems of rules for the observance of the children, and present them to the Committee, for their approbation; which being approved, shall be considered as the standing Laws of the Schools.
Convention for altering and amending the Constitution of Pennsylvania.
PHILADELPHIA, January 11.
Since the committee of the whole agreed, that the Senators should be chosen in the districts by the taxable inhabitants thereof, they have farther agreed that those districts should each contain, as nearly as may be, such a number of taxables as should be entitled to elect one Senator.
The Senators are to be chosen for four years; but, when first assembled, are to be divided into four classes, and one fourth go out every year; their places to be annually supplied by new elections.
It had been proposed that the number of Senators assigned to each district, should be in proportion to its quota of public taxes, as in the constitutions of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire; but this was generally rejected. Afterwards it was proposed that the representation in the Senate, should be in a compound ratio of the number of taxables and quota of taxes of each district as in the constitution of South-Carolina, but this also was negatived.
WILLIAM TAYLOR,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP,
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
   Among which are the following Articles:     BOOK Mullins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS,   Jackonet do. Long Cloths,   Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cassas,   Chintzes, Seersuckers,   Ginghams, Boglapores.  
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS.
With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUNTERPANE, much warmer than Blankets.
JANUARY 9, 1790. t. f.
PROPOSAL, FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, MEMOIRS OF THE BLOOMSGROVE FAMILY.
In a SERIES of LETTERS from a gentleman in New-England to a respectable citizen of Philadelphia.
CONTAINING Sentiments on a MODE of DOMESTIC EDUCATION, suited to the present state of Society, Government and Manners in the United States, and on the Importance and Dignity of the Female Character.
INTERSPERSED WITH A VARIETY of interesting ANECDOTES.
CONDITIONS.
They will be printed on a good paper and type—neatly bound and lettered, in two volumes, 12mo. and delivered to subscribers at three quarters of a dollar per volume.
These Memoirs are dedicated to Mrs. WASHINGTON, by her permission. Having seen the manuscripts, and approved the plan, "She heartily wishes that every laudable effort to improve the mode of education in this country may be attended with merited success."
FROM the literary character of the reputed author of the above work, and a table of contents left with the printer hereof, being eighty-three letters on the most interesting subjects of education, life and manners, it is expected these Memoirs will prove a very valuable and interesting performance.
Subscriptions received by the Editor, at his office, and letters (post paid) duly attended to.
BOSTON STAGE.
THE subscriber informs the public, that having contracted to carry the public mail in the stage from New-York to Boston, for the year 1790—commencing January the first to go twice a week till the first of May, and three times a week from first May to first November, and to employ a person to go thro' with the mail to take care of it. He engages that this conductor shall transact all private business committed to him with fidelity at a reasonable Commission—he will carry bundles, money, newspapers, &c. And may be seen every Wednesday and Saturday Evening in New-York, at Fraunces Tavern, in Boston at the subscribers House, in Hartford at Frederick Bull's, Coffee House.
Four active men are now engaged as Conductors, who have given bonds for their faithful discharge of their trust.
January, 1790. LEVI PEASE.
The Boston, Albany, and Philadelphia Stages now put up at Fraunces' Tavern, Cortlandt-Street, where passengers will please to apply.
THE Gazette of the United States circulates in every part of the Union—being honored by subscribers in Georgia, South and North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, New-York, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, and District of Maine, Canada, Europe, and the West Indies. This extensive circulation renders it a proper vehicle for ADVERTISEMENTS of a general, commercial and governmental import:—By the particular desire and advice, therefore, of a number of its patrons, this paper will be open for the reception of advertisements of the above description, which as they will convey intelligence of an interesting nature, the Editor hopes their insertion will meet the approbation of his friends in general. Should the number at any time amount to more than a page in the Gazette, they will be given in a Supplement. JOHN FENNO.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]