Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-05-08 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 8, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, MAY 8, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 112.]
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: AT THE SECOND SESSION,
Begun and held at the city of New York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT for regulating the Military Establishment of the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the commissioned officers herein after mentioned, and the number of one thousand two hundred and sixteen non-commissioned officers, privates and musicians, shall be raised for the service of the United States, for the period of three years, unless they should previously by law be discharged.
And be it further enacted, That the non-commissioned officers and privates aforesaid, shall, at the time of their enlistment respectively, be able bodied men, not under five feet six inches in height without shoes, nor under the age of eighteen, nor above the age of forty-six years.
And be it further enacted, That the commissioned officers herein after mentioned, and the said non-commissioned officers, privates and musicians, shall be formed into one regiment of infantry, to consist of three battalions, and one battalion of artillery. The regiment of infantry to be composed of one Lieutenant Colonel Commandant, three Majors, three Adjutants, three Quarter Masters, one Pay Master, one Surgeon, two Surgeon's Mates, and twelve companies, each of which will consist of one Captain, one Lieutenant, one Ensign, four Sergeants, four Corporals, sixty-six privates and two Musicians. The battalion of Artillery shall be composed of one Major Commandant, one Adjutant, one Quarter Master, one Pay Master, one Surgeon's Mate, and four companies, each of which shall consist of one Captain, two Lieutenants, four Sergeants, four Corporals, sixty six privates and two Musicians. Provided always, that the Adjutants, Quarter Masters, and Pay Masters shall be appointed from the line of Subalterns of the aforesaid corps respectively.
And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States may from time to time appoint one or two Inspectors, as to him shall seem meet, to inspect the said troops, who shall also muster the same, and each of whom shall receive the like pay and subsistence as a Captain, and be allowed ten dollars per month for forage.
And be it further enacted, That the troops aforesaid shall receive for their services, the following enumerated monthly rates of pay, Lieutenant Colonel Commandant, sixty dollars: Major Commandant of Artillery, forty five dollars: Majors, forty dollars: Captains thirty dollars: Lieutenants, twenty two dollars: Ensigns, eighteen dollars: Surgeons, thirty dollars: Surgeon's Mates, twenty four dollars: Sergeants, five dollars: Corporals, four dollars: Privates three dollars: senior Musician, in each battalion of infantry, and in the battalion of artillery, five dollars: Musicians, three dollars. Provided always, that the sums herein after specified shall be deducted from the pay of the non-commissioned officers, privates and musicians, stipulated as aforesaid, for the purposes of forming a fund for clothing and hospital stores. From the monthly pay of each Sergeant and senior Musician, there shall be deducted for uniform clothing, the sum of one dollar and forty cents; and the farther sum of ten cents for hospital stores; and from the monthly pay of each Corporal, for uniform clothing, one dollar and fifteen cents, and the farther sum of ten cents for hospital stores; and from the monthly pay of each Private and Musician, for uniform clothing, the sum of ninety cents, and the farther sum of ten cents for hospital stores.
And be it further enacted, That the subalterns who may be appointed to act as adjutants, shall each receive for the same, in addition to their regimental pay, ten dollars per month, and quarter and pay-masters so appointed each five dollars per month.
And be it further enacted, That the commissioned officers aforesaid shall receive for their daily subsistence, the following number of rations of provisions, to wit, lieutenant-colonel commandant, six; a major, four; a captain three; a lieutenant, two; an ensign, two; a surgeon, three; a surgeon's mate, two, or money in lieu thereof, at the option of the said officers, at the contract price at the posts respectively where the rations shall become due.
And be it further enacted, That the commissioned officers herein after described shall receive monthly the following enumerated sums, instead of forage: Lieutenant Colonels Commandant twelve dollars: major commandant of artillery, majors and surgeon each ten dollars, surgeon's-mates each six dollars.
And be it further enacted, That every non-commissioned officer private and musician, aforesaid shall receive annually the following articles of uniform clothing: one hat or helmet, one coat, one vest, two pair of woolen, and two pair of linen overalls, four pair of shoes, four shirts, two pair of socks, one blanket, one stock and clasp, and one pair of buckles.
And be it further enacted, That every non-commissioned officer, private and musician aforesaid shall receive daily the following rations of provisions, or the value thereof: One pound of beef or three quarters of a pound of pork, one pound of bread or flour, half a gill of rum, or brandy, or whiskey, or the value thereof at the contract price where the same shall become due, and at the rate of one quart of salt, two quarts of vinegar, two pounds of soap and one pound of candles to every hundred rations.
And be it further enacted, That if any commissioned officer, non-commissioned, private or musician aforesaid, shall be wounded or disabled while in the line of his duty in public service, he shall be placed on the list of the invalids of the United States, at such rate of pay, and under such regulations as shall be directed by the President of the United States for the time being: Provided always, That the rate of compensation for such wounds or disabilities, shall never exceed for the highest disability, half the monthly pay received by any commissioned officer, at the time of being so wounded or disabled; and that the rate of compensation to non-commissioned officers privates and musicians, shall never exceed
five dollars per month: And provided also, That all inferior disabilities shall intitle the person so disabled to receive only a sum in proportion to the highest disability.
And be it further enacted, That every commissioned officer, non-commissioned officer, private and musician aforesaid, shall take and subscribe the following oath or affirmation, to wit: "I. A. B. do solemnly swear or affirm (as the case may be) to bear true allegiance to the United States of America, and to serve them honestly and faithfully against all their enemies or opposers whomsoever, and to observe and obey the orders of the President of the United States of America, and the orders of the officers appointed over me, according to the rules of war."
And be it further enacted, That the commissioned officers, non-commissioned officers, privates and musicians aforesaid, shall be governed by the rules and articles of war, which have been established by the United States in Congress assembled, as far as the same may be applicable to the Constitution of the United States, or by such rules and articles as may hereafter by law be established.
And be it further enacted, That the "Act for recognizing and adapting to the Constitution of the United States, the establishment of the troops raised under the resolves of the United States in Congress assembled, and for other purposes therein mentioned," passed the twenty-ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, be, and the same is hereby repealed.
Provided always, That the non-commissioned officers and privates continued and engaged under the aforesaid act of the twenty-ninth day of September, one thousand, seven hundred and eighty-nine, and who shall decline to re-enlist under the establishment made by this act, shall be discharged whenever the President of the United States shall direct the same. Provided further, That the whole number of non-commissioned officers, privates and musicians, in the service of the United States at any one time, either by virtue of this act, or by virtue of the aforesaid act, passed the twenty-ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, shall not exceed the number of one thousand two hundred and sixteen.
And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of aiding the troops now in service, or to be raised by this act, in protecting the inhabitants of the frontiers of the United States, the President is hereby authorized to call into service from time to time such part of the militia of the States respectively, as he may judge necessary for the purposes aforesaid; and that their pay and subsistence while in service, be the same as the pay and subsistence of the troops above-mentioned, and they shall be subject to the rules and articles of war.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States. and President of the Senate. APPROVED, APRIL THE THIRTEENTH 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY, APRIL 1, 1790.
The proposition for assuming the State debts under consideration.
MR. HARTLEY. I am, as at present informed, for the assumption, but under certain terms, or distinctions; and in this stage of the business I wish to explain myself in a few words.
The thirteen colonies (now states) united in a common defence, and afterwards declared themselves independent and sovereign states. Quotas were fixed for each state, by different resolutions of Congress, and which they ought to have paid: but when, from the heats of war, one or more states may have been obliged to expend more than such quotas in the common cause, certainly the other states became debtors for so much.
The war was carried on very unequally, raging with more violence in some parts of the United States than in others; and of course some states may have experienced more misery and distress than others, and have been forced to greater exertions. South-Carolina has some merit: She has incurred a large debt. The inhabitants of Pennsylvania have been taxed deep, for many years, to sink her share of the national debt: Nay, the exertions of that state, in the two last years of the war, were so great as to furnish the most efficient means for the support of it. Her citizens have been since distressed with taxes: I wish, if possible, to give them relief.
Quotas, as I have said, were fixed upon the several states. Those quotas, which were perhaps as just as any that could be devised, should be regarded; and, where the requisitions were not complied with, the delinquent states are debtors and would be charged. The accounts should be balanced, and due credit be given to the creditor states; and a plan such as offered by the Secretary in his first report, or some other one, might be adopted to discharge them gradually.
I think it prudent and political that both sorts of debts should be assumed, they being contracted in the common cause.
Sir, I said I was for the assumption, but in the mode of payment I am for distinctions. The debts of the United States, and for which certificates were given, are debts in strict contract; the debts of the several states are equitable claims, or, I will say, just claims, but in sound policy should be placed in a second degree.
In the administration of property, according to the English law, distinctions are often made
in the payment of debts of different kinds: those of strict contract are preferred to those of an inferior sort, and if there is a deficiency of effects the loss falls upon the last. I trust there will be no deficiency here; but let us, for a moment, suppose the worst. And I would observe here, that for the first we have complete means in our power; for the other, we have the rising greatness of America, and perhaps sufficient resources, but which would perhaps be imprudent or oppressive to call them forth at present.
I am for the assumption; I am for a complete provision in the former, and for taking reasonable steps for the gradual discharge of the latter.
I shall, however, object to some articles adopted in the committee, as well as to several articles of means pointed out in both reports, as they strongly operate against the manufactures and interests of the several states, and are contrary to the genius of the people.
Mr. JACKSON said it was intended there should be a general treasury, and that the charges for the common defence should be defrayed therefrom. He likewise granted that those charges of the particular states, which had been so incurred, were on an equality with the debts of the Continent; but many of the state charges were not of that nature, and where they were he thought the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Williamson) had proved to the House yesterday that they had been transferred. It was a fact that the individual states had assumed them and made them their own. Many of the states had provided for them, and in those provisions had sunk part of those debts.
Some gentlemen had advanced that there was no difference in the debt, and that it would not be exaggerated by the assumption proposed. He begged leave to differ from them, and to suppose, that an accumulation would take place. If the debt is assumed he believed it was contemplated to suffer the unliquidated accounts to be brought to a settlement; this has been declared by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Sedgwick) who has spoken so strenuously in favor of the measure. Can this house be partial and say that we will give this privilege to Massachusetts, and not to Georgia? At present the limitation to claims in several of the states is expired, and the citizens are contented: But if this assumption takes place, and the door is again opened, is it not the duty of those citizens, who are to be saddled with those debts, to bring forward their claims; and is it not the interests of the respective states to support them? It will become just and necessary to have all those dormant claims liquidated.
It has been said by several gentlemen, that it will be more in the power of Congress to compel a regularity of taxes, and to remove the inconveniences of individual states. He agreed as to the power, Congress could lay a direct or other tax as she pleased, but the inconveniences would be much greater than if laid by the individual states. To some states an excise would be agreeable; to other states, not in the habit of excise, it would be the most disagreeable tax. It will be so in the southern states, whilst in the northern and eastern states it might be preferred. Some states are in the habit of poll taxes, which are odious in many others, and we find by the eastern papers that direct taxes would be much complained of there. Some of those papers congratulate the farmers that they will have no direct tax to pay. Had not the individual states then better be answerable for, and pay those debts? Cannot they lay a tax or excise where excise is agreeable—a poll tax where that is the custom—and direct taxes where they have been habitual. The direct tax, I will venture to affirm, would be preferred to the Southward. If Congress take this business on themselves, they cannot do this: The tax must be uniform, and of one nature. A general plan must be taken up, which will be unequal and oppressive.
An inference was drawn yesterday on a man in private life, who would not pay part of his debts, because he knew not the amount of the whole of his debts. He would ask what would be said in private life of a man who, to keep his neighbor in subjection, would monopolize his debts. This appeared to him to be similar to the present case. Many of the states were averse to Congress taking up their debts, and if those states (for there is no knowing at present whether they are debtors or creditors) should fall in arrears, they certainly will be at the mercy of the union. He believed the case he had stated would be generally censured as deviating from principles which were right in private life. He knew no difference why it should not be so in public life. Here the house were tampering with the citizen, and debts they had nothing to do with, becoming assignees of the state creditors, and there was no knowing what the union might do at a future day.
It has been advanced on the subject of impost, that consumption depended on numbers: This he did not agree to. The consumption, as it struck his mind, depended on habit. Thus for instance, the Northern states, although possessed of greater numbers, consumed less than the Southern, because they were in the habit of their own manufactures. The Southern states had no manufactures, and consumed chiefly foreign articles.
The consumption cannot be judged of by the importation at any particular port, as Philadelphia or New York; for in those parts a great proportion of foreign articles is again shipped for other ports; and some of the southern ports are almost supplied in this manner. However vast then the revenue which some States are supposed to contribute, that revenue is paid by the consuming States; impost will then bear harder on the southern States than direct taxes.
But, sir, suppose, as the gentlemen express themselves, there will be no accumulation, let us examine how it is proposed we shall provide for this assumption. Salt is one article from which this revenue is to be drawn. This, sir, has been complained of by many of the gentlemen who have spoke in favor of the assumption, and will be very ill relished by many of the States. Another article of revenue has been declared of little value by the gentleman from North-Carolina; and although he has been answered by the gentleman from South-Carolina, yet there appears no certainty. The gentleman from South-Carolina, if the gentleman from North-Carolina has erred, has exaggerated too much the other way. Another principal article of revenue is that of manufactured tobacco, and by which the Secretary proposes to draw a large amount of dollars. But, sir, if we look to the petition on the table, from the manufacturers of that article, I think that they clearly prove we may not expect a shilling from it. I have the highest respect for the Secretary's abilities; but when the opinions of those who carry on this manufacture, and ought to know, are placed in competition, I must confess I am led to give my sanction to the latter. Those, however, are the funds the Secretary has provided for this assumption; and I am led to believe all the

funds in contemplation are in his report. If then we find the articles he values will not produce the revenue, is it not better to let the measure rest until we see the means to accomplish it. Ought we not to be satisfied of the provision? Gentlemen have argued that we should fund first, and look for the means afterwards. What, he would ask, would be said of the man who, in private life, would run thirty or forty thousand pounds in debt, and after that seek the means of paying it? Would this satisfy his creditors? Yet this was similar to the present case. Sir, let us calculate this business not from theory, but experience. Let us know the amount and the means, and then if I conceive it for the general interest it shall have my sanction.
The gentleman has enumerated the state collectors, which will be requisite if the states continue the powers of taxation. I would ask him if Congress will not require double that number, two to one, if they take the power, and an army at their back, if the tax should be disagreeable. This tax must be rendered pleasing to the people, and notwithstanding the fiat of this house, if the people say it will not be so, we shall find our fiat of little benefit. In some of the states it will be disagreeable, at any rate, and they will not suffer the money to be again taken from their pockets where they have already contributed; besides, let us consider the time and expence a continental arrangement will make necessary; take it in any sense and it will be found improper.
A gentleman has interpreted the amendment from North-Carolina to be, that Congress shall not compel her to pay twenty shillings in the pound. This he thought uncharitable, and that the gentleman should have looked to our own body first—to Congress. He would ask if Congress had paid her 20s in the pound? If her soldiers, and other creditors, had been so honorably dealt with? He was sorry it would not be found the case, and North-Carolina ought therefore to be let alone on this head. For his part he construed the amendment as diametrically opposed to the assumption, and he would leave it to the committee if it was policy to adopt the measure even on this single consideration. A bare majority, if the measure was carried, was all to be expected, and he would ask if this bare majority was to satisfy that state, or if her citizens would be satisfied with it. Suppose it carried by this majority, and they would not submit, was it intended to reduce them to obedience by force? Was this a language for freemen? He supposed not, reconcile them to the measure, bring forward your funds, shew them they are not to be oppressed, and you will accomplish the business much easier.
With respect to a settlement, it was the interest of the state he came from to procure one; but he despaired of it. He would venture to predict, if the assumption took place, a settlement would never be procured: nay, the Secretary himself had not contemplated it in his report as an event which would certainly take place: for he says, after finding out the mode eventually to be adopted, that the second or final success must depend upon the first; but suppose this settlement, have the arguments of the gentlemen answered the objections to the justice of the measure in taxing the citizens (or the states which have sunk those debts) twice over? For suppose them continental or state debts, still the injustice remains: if the former, the citizens have sunk their proportion of the continental debts, and therefore ought not to be taxed again: if considered as state debts, as they have been taxed for their own state debts, they ought not to be taxed for the debts of other states.
The gentleman last up (Mr. Hartley) has mentioned the quotas of the different states, and that they should be regarded; this he believed would not be the case if the assumption took place. The rule of apportionment, for instance, for Georgia, was at the rate of one ninetieth of the whole debts; she would pay the assumption agreeable to the rates of representation, which would be three parts of sixty-five of the whole debts. He thought it could not be injurious to postpone the assumption at the present day, and hoped it would not at any rate take place the present session.
Mr. MOORE. I rise to answer my colleague (Mr. Bland). He has mentioned, as one of the reasons which has determined him to vote in favor of the assumption, that the representation of Virginia in their state legislature is unequal; from which circumstance he appears to think it is not prudent to trust them with making provision for the payment of their state debts. He says the weight of property is in the eastern part of the state; the weight of legislative influence is from the western. He yesterday mentioned an instance in which the weight and influence of the western part of the state had occasioned a great deal of clamour and uneasiness. The case he mentioned, is the act passed in that state authorizing British creditors to sue for and recover the debts contracted previous to the war. Has the ground of complaint been, that the state has refused to pay a debt which was contracted by individuals? Or was it because they have complied with the treaty? If either of those are grievances, they are such as will not be redressed by this house. A compliance with the treaty was frequently recommended by Congress before the law passed; the present Congress have concurred in the measure; I believe it meets with the approbation of every member within these walls; I think it must meet with the approbation of every disinterested mind throughout the continent. Sir, I cannot consider it as a grievance. If the observation of my colleague has any weight, it goes to prove that the state cannot be safely trusted with the power of legislation in any case, and that the whole power ought to be vested in Congress.
My colleague has said, that the greater part of the certificates are in the hands of citizens in the eastern part of the State; that their militia have been often called into service; they have furnished provisions in a greater proportion than the western; and he is afraid that the weight and influence of the western part of the State will prevent their being equitably redeemed. Sir, I believe supplies to the army have been furnished by the western part of the state, in proportion to their property; I believe my colleague will not say that any militia in the State have more cheerfully served their country; I think they have not been wanting in patriotism, in zeal or exertions. But I will refer him to an act of the legislature of Virginia, that will show the injustice of adopting the measure in a more forcible point of view:—
The legislature of Virginia passed a law, I think, four or five years ago, laying a duty on imports to be paid in certificates. The importer had the alternative of paying one-fourth or 1-5th of the sum in specie. Every citizen in the state, I believe, considered this as the only mode by which they were ever to be paid; they never contemplated any other provision for the purposes. Under the influence of a law of the state, they have sold them to the merchants for one fifth of the nominal sum. They will be called on, by the proposition now before us, to pay the entire sum with interest: This I consider as an injustice to the citizens of every part of the state. I hope he will not be disposed to encounter those inconveniences from any ill founded apprehensions of the state legislature doing injustice.
Another reason he has displayed is, that numbers of the citizens have emigrated from Virginia to Kentucky, N. Carolina and Georgia. It would be unjust that the remaining citizens should pay the debt, so far as respects Kentucky. This reason will equally apply to Pennsylvania, North-Carolina, and other states. No more than one-third of the citizens of Kentucky are from Virginia. But, Sir, it is well known that more have come into than have removed from Virginia: When the seat of government was removed from Virginia it was often mentioned that their members were considerably increased: I then thought my colleague concurred in the opinion and considered it as an undeniable truth. Sir, I need only refer him to the returns of the militia; to prove that the numbers have increased; and from their increase in number they will pay the debt with more ease.
Mr. Chairman, gentlemen think it improper to point out particular instances in which the operation of the proposition will be injurious; I confess I am obliged, in order to make up my mind to consider its consequences; how far states, how far individuals will be injured. Gentlemen I think it ought to be considered in a national point of view.
He has said he is not surprised that the members from the western part of the state should be opposed to the assumption of the state debts. The conclusion intended, I suppose, is, that they are influenced by the interest of the particular part of the state. Sir, if he had considered the situation of that country, he would easily have seen (especially Kentucky) that to assume the debts would be in favor of them. No part of the duties proposed by the Secretary will be paid by the citizens. They will feel no part of the burthen; but if they are not assumed, they must pay their proportion by a tax.
I suppose they mean that some great, some important national advantage is to be acquired by it; that it ought to be contemplated in this view. In my opinion no expedient will be so effectual, towards giving the government permanency as a strict adherence to justice; nothing will tend so much to secure national advantage or importance. A worthy member from South-Carolina has enumerated the services rendered by the citizens of that state; I know, Sir, they have rendered important services; I know they were oppressed during the war: But they were not the only men who participated in those difficulties. The militia of North-Carolina and Virginia were also engaged. Two of the instances he mentions proves to my mind, fully the injustice of our assuming the state debts: The battle of Kings-mountain and the Cowpens.
The militia of Virginia and North-Carolina were engaged in both those. Indeed, if I am not altogether wrong informed, and I think I am not, my information is such as I can rely on, that of King's Mountain was wholly fought by the militia of Virginia and North-Carolina; at the Cowpens the same militia composed the greater part of the troops. The gentleman says they have never been paid. How were the militia of Virginia paid? Sir, I remember drawing the pay, the sum of one penny per day, for some of those militia, in state paper money, when depreciated 4, 5, or 600 for one. Is it just that the militia from Virginia who have been thus paid (and I believe they have been generally paid in this manner) should now be called on to pay (those of South-Carolina who have not been paid the principal, but have received the interest) the full amount of their claims in specie? I think it would be glaringly unjust. Sir, although I have confined my observations to a comparison of those two states, I think a similar injustice will take place in some degree through all the states.
Had this assumption taken place immediately after the war, it would have been more just. I believe some of the states, by their extraordinary exertions, have incurred a debt exceeding their just proportion; but there has been as great an inequality in the exertions of states to pay those debts. Sir, I have seen a law of South-Carolina, directing the emission of two or three hundred thousand pounds in paper money, to be loaned to such of those of her citizens as would mortgage lands for the repayment of the principal, and six per cent. interest: On their having first submitted their title papers to examination, and their lands to a fair valuation, they were entitled to one third of its value in the new emitted money on mortgage. If I am not mistaken in this law, or its operation, and I think I am not, although I mention it from a very imperfect recollection, the taxes collected in that state have not been applied to the payment of the debts contracted during the war, but have been diverted into a different channel; they have been applied to the discharge of this new created debt; and in the year 1791, the state will receive into her treasury the sum loaned to her citizens, with six per cent. interest. Sir, my colleague, some time ago, moved that the certificates which were redeemed, and in the possession of the states, should be funded in the same manner as those in the possession of individuals:—this was rejected. I suppose it is not in contemplation with gentlemen to prohibit states from becoming purchasers hereafter, and funding agreeable to the proposition now before us. What will be the comparative situation of the state of South-Carolina and Virginia? The one having paid a considerable share of her debt, is to have no credit. The other having paid no part, or very little, is to be aided by the other states in making the payment, whilst she lodges in her treasury the amount of five years taxes. This has not the appearance of justice. Sir, I think the present question may be reduced to this—Shall we suspend or delay the justice due to two states, for there are only two who complain? Or shall we do an immediate act of injustice to others? Sir, gentlemen appear to be fully agreed to pay whatever balances may appear due on a final settlement of accounts. Is it not better to delay justice to some states, when they have every assurance of redress? Sir, when I consider the question in this view, I find no room for hesitating in my mind. I am clear for rejecting the proposition.
Mr. WADSWORTH. I confess Sir, I almost begin to despair of the assumption of the State debts, and with that I shall despair of the national government. As it is the fashion to hold up to view the interest of particular States. I shall according to custom, offer some observations respecting the State of Connecticut. At the beginning of the war we were out of debt, and our funds were in such a situation, as enabled us to advance 50,000 dollars for the exigencies of the war; the paper money received by that State, for this sum from Congress, did not nett half that amount. At the close of the war, Connecticut owed nearly 4,000,000 of dollars; she has sunk about half that amount by excise and direct taxes, principally by the latter; she has no debt but what was incurred by the war, (except about 8000 dollars) and what remains to be paid was for National and State defence. To the officers and soldiers of the Continental army, she has paid and owes more than two million of dollars, a sum considerably greater than her present debt. When the Quarter Master and Commissary General owed in Connecticut 640 thousand dollars, and had neither money or credit, the State assumed that sum, which is part of the present debt; in most other States, these debts were cancelled by a final settlement of a Continental Commissioner, and are no otherwise distinguished from State debts; the State of Connecticut has long since had its accounts against the union examined, by a Commissioner, who rejected every doubtful charge, and yet there remains nearly 8,000,000 of dollars balance, after deducting every shilling the Continent had advanced the State. I consider the debt of the State of Connecticut now due, as a real Continental debt, of the most meritorious class, nor can I easily persuade myself, to provide funds for the other Continental debts, and leave the citizens of Connecticut to groan under a direct tax (their only resource) to pay a debt which they do not owe, but as sureties for the Continent; we have been sometimes told, when the interest of a particular State was in question, that if we did not comply with her wishes, she would throw herself into the arms of some foreign power, I will not say this of Connecticut, there is no power but the United States with whom we will for connection; no foreign power is our neighbor; we are firmly attached to the union, but a direct heavy tax for the debts of the union, will be felt as unjust and oppressive, and may rouse the hardy spirits of the Northern and Eastern freemen to a conduct incompatible with the peace, safety and happiness of the general government.
An argument has been drawn against the assumption from petitions on your table (Mr. Chairman); the petition of the Tobacconists has been mentioned in particular: if we are to admit petitions as arguments against a measure, we may as well give up all idea of laying any tax whatever; for I believe it will be granted that no tax can be proposed, which may not be petitioned against.
I beg leave to remind gentlemen, of a petition presented the last session from a body of men, who, considered in relation to the community at large, are of ten times the consequence that the small body of Tobacconists are, however respectable in themselves, I refer to the petition from the Distillers and Importers of molasses, their petition was not noticed; the tax was laid, and is now collected, the petitioners see their error and are satisfied.
The duty on Salt has been mentioned, the duty laid last session, was objected to, but Salt was never so low in price, and if the proposed duty is laid, it will then be cheaper than it has been on an average, for seven years past, to my knowledge. Gentlemen have contended that the measure is so important, that its adoption
ought to be by the voice of a large majority, a bare majority will not satisfy our constituents; however desirable this may be, public-bodies are often most divided upon the most interesting subjects, and if this idea is to prevail, there is an end of the great principle of a republican government, that the majority is to govern. On this principle, if a majority should decide against the assumption, I should think it my duty patiently to submit to the determination. We hear much upon the subject of general duties, that they fall heaviest upon the Southern States; they are not manufacturers, and a great consumption of luxuries takes place among the people in those states. Mr. Wadsworth asserted that the consumption of luxuries is much greater in the Eastern and Northern states; and stated a variety of particulars to prove the assertion; he appealed to the Southern gentlemen, who had travelled into the middle and Northern states for its truth.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury has been faulted on account of its calculations; and the article respecting the Post Office has been mentioned—Mr. Wadsworth read that part of the report, and observed—Here we have the opinion of the Post-Master, and not a calculation of the Secretary. If there is an error it is only in opinion—and the Secretary is not accountable for it.—The opinion however appears to me to over rate the proceeds of the department upon the present plan—I do not however conceive that the estimate over rates what may be derived from this source—seven eights of what may be produced from the Post-Office is lost by letters being sent by private conveyance and under franks—under proper regulations I have no doubt but a larger sum than that mentioned by the Post-Master-General may be realized.—Mr. Wadsworth concluded by saying that in every view of the subject the justice and policy of the measure, in making a continental provision for these debts is so apparent, that he could not but hope the affirmative of the question would be adopted.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 5.
The house receded from their amendments to the bill for the government South of the Ohio, which had been disagreed to by the Senate—they also agreed to the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill for the mitigation or remission of forfeitures and penalties accruing in certain cases under the revenue laws.
A message was received from the Senate informing the house that they have passed a bill prescribing the mode of authenticating the acts, records and proceedings of the several States.
The committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill for the collection of the additional duties on Wine, Rum, &c. as proposed by the late resolutions of the house. The said bill was read a first time and laid on the table.
The bill from the Senate, for extending the judiciary laws of the United States to the State of North Carolina, was read a second time.
The house resolved itself into a committee and made further progress in the bill for adjusting and settling the claims of the Baron Steuben.
On motion of Mr. Smith (S. C.) The Secretary of the Treasury was directed to report the amount of tonnage duty collected in each of the States between the first day of September and the first day of January last; distinguishing the foreign from the domestic tonnage.
THURSDAY, MAY 6.
A very long memorial of Nathaniel Twining was read—praying further compensation for the transportation of the mail in 1787.
Mr. Stone of the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill for funding the public debt of the United States—which bill was read a first and second time, and made the order of the day on Wednesday next.—100 copies were ordered to be printed.
In committee of the whole on the bill for adjusting and satisfying the claims of William Frederick de Steuben.
The clause which proposes an annuity of 2706 dollars during life was further discussed—sundry amendments were proposed to the bill—some of which were withdrawn, and others negatived, it was at length agreed to in Committee without alteration. This bill was opposed in its progress by Mr. Williamson, Mr. Bloodworth, Mr. Steele, Mr. White, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Seney, Mr. Sinnickson and Mr. Stone—and supported by Mr. Smith [S. C.] Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Vining, Mr. Huntington, Mr. Wadsworth, and Mr. Clymer. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, MAY 7.
In Committee of the whole on the bill for adapting the judiciary laws of the United States, to the State of North-Carolina, some amendments were agreed to, and several clauses added to the bill; the Committee then rose and reported the same; the House acceded to these amendments.
Mr. Bland after stating to the House, that in consequence of obtaining (as is supposed) a surreptitious copy from a public office, of the names of officers and soldiers in the Virginia and North-Carolina lines, of the late army, to whom arrears of pay were ordered to be made by a law passed the last session of Congress, some persons had fraudulently procured assignments of pay, for a consideration much below their value. He therefore moved a resolution to prevent the frauds' taking place; in the following words viz. Resolved, that the Secretary at war, be, and he is hereby directed to cause accurate lists to be forthwith published in the News Papers of the States of Virginia and North Carolina, of all the officers and soldiers, who are intitled to receive certain arrears of pay, due to the lines of the army of the said States, for which money was granted and appropriated by Congress, at their last session; and that the payment be made to the said officers and soldiers, or where dead, to their legal representatives, under the same regulations as have been adopted for the payment of Invalid pensions, in pursuance of an Act passed at the last session.

tion of Congress, entitled "an Act, providing for the payment of the Invalid pensioners of the United States," and that no claim of any assignee, under any transfer or power to receive the same be admitted, as valid to entitle any person to receive any part of the said arrears of pay, due to the officers or soldiers of the said lines, except as aforesaid.
This motion was committed to Mr. Bland, Mr. Williamson and Mr. Burke.
The bill for adjusting and satisfying the claims of the Baron de Steuben, as reported by the Committee of the whole, was taken up by the House. An amendment tantamount to a substitute for the whole bill, was moved by Mr. Boudinot; which proposed the payment of 7000 dollars, and an annuity of 1500 dollars during life, to commence from the first of January 1790; a motion was made, and carried to strike out 1500 dollars, to leave the sum blank.
The motion for striking out the first part of the bill, in order to admit this amendment, was determined by ayes and noes as follows.
Ayes, Messieurs Ash, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Boudinot, Brown, Contee, Floyd, Foster, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Livermore, Moore, Mullenberg, Ranfellaer, Schureman, Seney, Sherman, Sylvester, Sinnickson, Smith, (M.) Steele, Stone, Sturges, Thatcher, Tucker, White, Williamson. 28.
Noes, Messieurs, Ames, Benson, Bland, Burke, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Gale, Griffin, Heister, Huger, Huntington, Lawrance, Lee, Madison, Page, Scott, Smith (S. C.) Vining, Wynkoop. 21.
The amendment was put, and agreed to. Sunday other amendments consequent on this took place. It was then ordered that the bill be engrossed for a third reading, on monday next.
Report of the Committee, on the petition of James Price, was read, which was, that he have leave to withdraw his petition.
The memorial of N. Twining, was referred to Mr. Lee, Vining and Mr. Burke. Adjourned till monday.
THE TABLET.
No. CXII.
"Remove the excrescences of affectation, fashion, party and passion, and man will of himself subside into common sense."
WHEN a person has discretion enough not to expose his follies, there is no fear of his moving with some reputation in almost any sphere of life. Various motives prompt men to assume a part, to which their talents are not well adapted; and it is not to be wondered at, that so many waste their abilities while they pursue the dictates of passion and caprice. Men do not so often miscarry from a defect of capacity as from a misapplication of it. Common sense does not require any great portion of intellects. It consists rather in a proper exercise of moderate abilities. Brilliant talents are usually connected with such strong foibles that they prove of little real value to the possessor, or to the rest of mankind.
The greatest men are often fools in certain instances, and at certain times. The violence of the imagination leads them into absurdities, while their reasoning powers are clear and perfect. We imagine wrong much more frequently than we reason wrong. Mr. Locke in his essay on the human understanding observes; "that madmen do not appear to have lost their faculty of reasoning; but having joined together some ideas very wrongly, they mistake them for truths, and err as men who argue right from wrong principles. Thus you shall see a distracted man fancying himself a King, with a right inference require suitable attendance, respect and obedience; others who have fancied themselves made of glass, have used the caution necessary to preserve their brittle bodies. Hence it comes to pass that a man who is very sober, and of a right understanding in every thing else, may in one particular be as frantic as any in Bedlam."
Common sense, though it is partly a negative kind of wisdom, is very essential in carrying a man through the world with honor or safety. The finest parts are no security against errors of judgment or conduct. In looking into the affairs of men, we see innumerable instances of folly and imprudence accompanied with eminent talents and accomplishments. So strange a compound is man, that the same person may be both the wisest and weakest being in existence.
PARIS [France] March 4. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
A DECREE passed for encreasing the pay of the army. Each private is to receive, from the 1st of May next, an addition of 32 deniers to his present pay. Twelve deniers make a French sou; this augmentation amounts therefore, to two sous and an half and one-twentieth per man, per diem.
SATURDAY MARCH 6. A letter from Mr. Necker on the state of the Finances was read to the Assembly. The contents were far from being
agreeable. In the first place, the Members had the mortification to find that the nation was in danger of losing a Minister in whom the general confidence was placed; for he informed the Assembly that his health was so greatly impaired, that he must soon withdraw himself from the fatigue of public affairs, and go to Bareges, Spa, or some other place, to drink the waters. But that before he quitted his then exalted but painful situation, he wished to speak some comfort to the Assembly, by shewing that there was good ground for a hope that the finances of the country would again appear in a flourishing state. But lest the hopes of the nation should be too sanguine on this head, Mr. Necker informed the Assembly, that it was still in a state of distress and embarrassment, which might become critical, if effectual resources were not soon discovered.
According to his calculations, the Treasury must receive an additional supply of upwards of Two Hundred Millions of Livres (or about 8,750,000 sterling) to be enabled to make good all charges upon it to the end of the year 1790.
Mr Necker observed, that if things could go on quietly, and without any violent shock, until the beginning of 1791, the State would be out of danger.
LONDON, March 22.
Extract of a letter from the Hague, March 14. "We have just received advice from Brussels, that the propositions made by the new Sovereign of the House of Austria for an accommodation with the Netherlands, has experienced the same fate with the letters from Comte COBENZEL,—said proposal having been rejected by the Congress, to which it was referred by the States of Brabant."
NEW-LONDON, April 30.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Barbados, to the printers of this paper, March 1, 1790. "It is with pleasure I observe the rapid progress now making in manufactures in some of the States, which I have learnt chiefly from Mr. Cary's museum, but have not received so full an account of what is doing in New-England, as I could wish. Any information therefore which you may give me on this subject, will be acceptable. In particular, I beg to be informed what kind of oil your wool-combers mix with their wool. In the West of England, a thick kind of olive-oil is used for that purpose; but the Society of Arts in London has published an account of edulcorating rancid train oil to such a degree of purity as to render it fit for the woollen manufacture. If this, or any other fish oil, is used in New-England and is found to answer the purpose well, it will be of singular benefit to the country, because the manufacture of wool, and the fishery will, in that case, assist and promote each other. But if this should not be found fit for the purpose, some of the Southern States should immediately begin the culture of the olive. Mr. Jefferson says, in his notes on Virginia, that every thing hardier than the olive will thrive in that State, consequently the olive itself must thrive in the two Southern States, as it does in the southern parts of France.—When Mr. Adams resided as ambassador in England, an account was published of Mr. Corte's new method of separating the dross from iron, by which he made pig or ballast iron, remarkably tough in a short time. Mr. Adams, like a true patriot, sent over the account to New-England, and it was published in Cary's museum. You will be pleased to inform me if any persons, in the United States, have yet availed themselves of so valuable a discovery. The iron in New-England, I am told, is very brittle, therefore Mr. Corte's method of expelling the dross will be more necessary there than in Pennsylvania."
NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 8.
FROM CORRESPONDENTS.
The people of America endured various and dreadful evils during the contest with Britain. They justly expected that they should be rewarded by establishing a free government—the people of Rhode-Island made great exertions in the war, yet at the end of it, what have they obtained? Is property safe? Is it a government by law or by men? Is liberty enjoyed there—and if enjoyed, by whom—by a part, or the whole? When Boston a single town was oppressed in 1774, all America asserted her cause. If right may be violated and liberty destroyed in a part of the country with impunity and without redress, in the course of time and events it may be destroyed every where.—The distresses of Newport and Providence are truly deplorable.
Rhode-Island is divided by parties. Those who pay the duties are not the favorites of the government which imposes them, neither is much confidence placed in the wise and just disposal of the revenue; under such real necessities, and with so many causes of provocation and complaint, it is not in human nature to pay the duties cheerfully. A government so loosely and capriciously administered will not be able to prevent frauds. With ruin before their eyes, the traders will be forced upon the practice of smuggling—the State is favorably situated for illicit trade—instead of
paying duties to the national treasury, the citizens of the United States will in fact pay duties to the support of the government of Rhode-Island, for the people of the adjoining States are supplied with goods imported into that State. Frauds will multiply in proportion to the encreased rate of duties imposed by Congress; because the profit of smuggling will incite to practise them. It is rather shameful to remain tributary to that State. Their governor in his public letter to the President last September, informed that they were taking measures to pay their part of the debt. Is it not time to ask if they are ready?
The collection of the national revenue has been more popular in this country than it ever was in any other. This does some honor to the government but more to the people. It would be a great evil if this general approbation should be converted into disgust; to neglect the State creditors would not gain their good will. But merely to do nothing for them is less exceptionable than to encroach upon the State funds, and to leave them without any provision. It would be absolute injustice, and those who would suffer or even apprehend loss would feel it with impatience, and spare no industry to make others feel for them—so much discontent engendered by funding part of the debt and taking away the funds from the other; with so many active causes to extend and encrease it, will probably make the revenue the most precarious, and the collection the most turbulent, and generally obnoxious that ever was known. Between the two revenue systems, trade will be ground between the upper and nether mill-stone. What the political tendency of government scrambling against government for duties will be, it is not difficult to predict. But the extent of the evils and what the remedy will be and when it will come, cannot be foretold.
Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this city, dated April 28.
I understand the President has been indisposed lately—this is grievous intelligence, but such as I expected to hear—it is extremely difficult for a person of the best constitution, and in the prime of life to preserve a flow of health with such an infinity of care and solicitude on their mind—but in life's advance—and when the constitution begins to feel the shocks she early received in the public service, if intense application to public business is superadded at this period, the pillars of life will be undermined; and this I understand is the cause of the late indisposition; for your city is undoubtedly one of the healthiest situations in the United States, combining every advantage of climate, air and water.
A life so precious, should be watched with the eyes of Argus; Health so important, should be nurtured with the vigilance of Angels.—Constant exercise in the open air, and perpetually diversifying the scene, are as necessary as the circulation of the vital fluid.—That habit of application must be broken thro'—or the Hope of the western world will fail.
I ask pardon for a deviation from my proper line; but to the prayers of millions, the most active attention should be added for the preservation of a life, which every one feels, but no one can express the importance of.
MARRIED—At Portsmouth, (N. H.) by the Rev. Dr. Haven, TOBIAS LEAR, Esq. Secretary to the President of the United States; to Miss Polly Long, daughter to the Hon. Pierce Long, Esq. deceased.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Brig Friendship, Gardiner, Liverpool, 36 days. —Harmony, Shackelfy, St. Eustatia. —Swallow, —, Dartmouth. Schooner Patty, Lacy, Shelburne. Sloop Hancock, Brown, Rhode-Island.
As this Gazette depends on its Subscription more particularly than any other news paper—its patrons will realize that punctuality in payments is necessary to its existence.—The receipts of the first year to this time have fallen short one third of the actual expenses of the publication—so that it remains to be determined whether a newspaper can be supported in the United States, without deluging it with Advertisements.—A large impression from the commencement of the second volume is struck off, to accommodate those subscribers who may incline to take the paper from that period.
By Order of the Honorable Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the State of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to Lewis M'Donald, of Connecticut, an absent debtor, that upon application and due proof made to the said chief justice by a creditor of the said Lewis M'Donald, pursuant to an act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th April, 1786; he, the said chief justice, has directed all the said Lewis M'Donalds estate, within this state, to be seized, and that unless he shall discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, the same will be sold for the payment of his creditors. Dated the 3d May, 1790. New-York, May 7, 1790.
A Morning School is opened,
by the Subscriber, for YOUNG LADIES, at Harmony Hall, adjoining the Baptists burying ground, in Gold Street. Hours of attendance are from 6 till 8.—For further particulars, please to enquire of the Public's Obedient Servant,
GAD ELY.
N. B. The Young Ladies School which has been kept at No. 219 Queen-Street, is removed to the above place. New-York, May 8, 1790.

FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE.
To the Honorable the MEMBERS of the LEGISLATURE of PENNSYLVANIA,
(Continued from our last.)
A 70 gun ship may lie before the town and at many of the wharves, which occupy the whole east front of the city for near 2 miles, affording every vessel an opportunity of unlading and lading without the expence of lighterage. Rafts of timber, plank, boards and staves, with other articles upon them, can be brought down the Delaware from the county of Montgomery, in New-York, 200 miles above the city, by the course of the river. Some money was expended by the government and landholders in improving the navigation up towards the source, before the revolution, and there has been a survey lately begun, for the purpose of proceeding in the improvement of this and the other principal rivers of Pennsylvania, and for making communications by canals in the improved part, and by roads in the unimproved part of the State. The Pennsylvanians are much inclined to such enterprizes, having found great benefit from them. On the completion of the present plan, the State will be as conveniently intersected by roads as any other of its size in the union, which will greatly facilitate the settlement of its new lands. A slight view of the map of Pennsylvania in the Hon. Mr. Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, or the Rev. Mr. Morse's Geography will show how finely this State is watered by the Delaware and its branches, the Schuylkill, the Juniata, the Susquehanna and its branches, the Ohio, Allegany, Younghiogeny, and Monongahela. The Patowmac and lake Erie also afford prospects of considerable benefit from their navigation. Nature has done much for Pennsylvania in regard to inland water carriage, which is strikingly exemplified by this fact, that although Philadelphia and lake Erie are distant from each other above 300 miles, there is no doubt but that the rivers of the State may be so improved, as to reduce the land carriage between them nine tenths. In the same way the navigation to Pittsburg, after due improvement, may be used instead of land carriage for the whole distance, except 23 miles. By these routes it is clear, that a large proportion of the foreign articles used on the western waters must be transported, and that their furs, skins, ginseng, hemp, flax, pot-ash, and other valuable commodities may be brought to Philadelphia. The Hemp and oak timber for the Russian navy is transported by inland navigation 1200 miles, and yet the hemp is shipped from that kingdom on lower terms than from any other part of the known world. Russia, long since the settlement of Pennsylvania by civilized and enlightened people, was in a state of absolute barbarism, and destitute of these improvements. Much therefore is to be expected from the continued exertions of the prudent, industrious and sensible inhabitants of Pennsylvania, in the course of the present century.
A considerable part of the lands of this State remain for sale by the public. They are usually paid for in the funded public debts, which are at all times to be bought in the market. With all the charges upon them, to the completion of the title, they will cost the purchaser from one fifth to one third of a Mexican dollar per acre, according to the price of stock or the debts, and the lands he inclines to buy. The ready money is necessary in these cases, because the State does not sell on credit. Purchases however can be always made, partly or wholly on credit, from private persons, who take mortgages on the lands they sell to emigrants, and indulge them with a very easy credit. In these cases the price is higher of course. The Pennsylvanians having no disputes with the Indians about boundaries, and all the lands within the State being purchased at a fair and open treaty, and there being some settlements westward of Pennsylvania on the new lands of Congress, we have little apprehensions from the Indians any where, and in most of our new country there is no danger at all.
Good lands in the old counties of this State sell generally at a certain sum for a farm, including the buildings. This, before the war, was, in most of the thick settled counties within a smart day's ride of Philadelphia, from four pounds ten shillings sterling, to thirty-six shillings per acre, according to the quality, unless in situations very near the city or some town, or in cases of very valuable buildings, mills, taverns, or situations for country trade. In one or two counties, remarkable for the richness of the lands, they sold higher, sometimes considerably. Farms cannot now be sold for as good prices or good payments as could then be obtained, owing to the quantity of new lands for sale by this and several other States, and by Congress; and owing to several new and profitable uses for money, that did not exist before the revolution. Some poor lands in the old counties sell for still lower prices.
The produce, manufactures and exports of Pennsylvania are very many and various; viz. wheat, flour, middlings, ship-stuff, bran, shorts, ship-bread, white water biscuit, rye, rye flour, Indian corn or maize, Indian meal, buckwheat,
buckwheat meal, bar and pig iron, steel, nail rods, nails, iron hoops, rolled iron tire, gun-powder, cannon ball, iron cannon, muskets, ships, boats, oars, handspikes, masts, spars, ship timber, ship blocks, cordage, square timber, scantling, plank, board, staves, heading, shingles, wooden hoops, tanners bark, corn-fans, coopers wares, bricks, coarse earthen or potters ware, a very little ordinary stone ware, glue, parchment, shoes, boots, foal leather, upper leather, dressed deer and sheep skins, and gloves and garments thereof, fine hats, many common, and a few coarse; thread, cotton, worsted and yarn hosiery, writing, wrapping, blotting, sheathing and hanging paper, stationery, playing cards, pasteboards, books, wares of brass, pewter, lead, tin-plate, copper, silver and gold, clocks and watches, musical instruments, snuff, manufactured tobacco, chocolate, mustard seed and mustard, flaxseed, flaxseed oil, flax, hemp, wool, wool and cotton cards, pickled beef, pork, shad, herrings, tongues and sturgeon, hams and other bacon, tallow, hogs lard, butter, cheese, candles, soap, bees wax, loaf sugar, pot and pearl ashes, rum and other strong waters, beer, porter, hops, winter and summer barley, oats, spelts, onions, potatoes, turnips, cabbages, carrots, parsnips, red and white clover, timothy, and most European vegetables and grasses, apples, peaches, plumbs, pears, apricots, grapes, both native and imported, and other European fruits, working and pleasurable carriages, horses, black cattle, sheep, hogs, wood for cabinet makers, lime-stone, coal, free-stone and marble.
Some of these productions are fine, some indifferent; some of the manufactures are considerable, for a young country circumstanced as this has been, some inconsiderable; but they are enumerated, to show the general nature of the state, and the various pursuits of the inhabitants. In addition to them we may mention, that a lead-mine and two or three salt-springs have been discovered in our new country, which will no doubt be worked, as soon as the demand for these articles to the westward increases. We ought also to notice our great forests for making pot and pearl ashes. (To be continued.)
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FROM THE LEYDEN GAZETTE.
Published by STEPHEN LUZAC.
[A Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of Intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other similar publication.]
CONTINUED.
BRUSSELS, January, 4.
THE states of Flanders, long since united by bonds of friendship and interest with the states of Brabant, and animated by the same spirit for the preservation of their rights and privileges, have thought that the only mode of attaining their Independence, and securing their liberty, was by uniting themselves with the province of Brabant, and concluding a treaty of offensive and defensive union, under this express condition—that neither party ever enter into compromise with its former sovereign, but by common agreement.
The states of Flanders being further willing to testify their sincere friendship towards the states of Brabant, by the most unequivocal acts, agree to the proposition made to them through the hands of M. Van Eupen, to charge this union into one common sovereignty of the two states, so that all the power and exercise of it may be centered in a Congress, which shall be composed by deputies named by those parties, according to the article of organization to be agreed on hereafter, on true principles of strict justice, and dictated for the common good. The intention of the contracting party is, that from henceforward the power of this sovereign assembly shall be confined to the sole object of common defence, to the power of making peace and war, the support of a national militia, and the maintenance of the necessary fortifications for the defence of the country, to contract alliances with foreign powers, and in short to perform whatever regards the common interests of the two states, as well as those which may hereafter think fit to accede to this union.
The states of Flanders flatter themselves that the states of Brabant will find in this declaration, a sure guarantee for the loyal sentiments they profess towards the states of Flanders, and their zeal for the common cause; and they doubt not but that the states of Brabant will shew a like disposition towards them.
To this declaration the states of Brabant have published an answer, assenting to the offer on nearly the same terms as the original.
The provinces of Malines, Tournay, Namur, Hainault, and all other provinces formerly belonging to Austria, have acceded to this act, and have promised the early arrival of their deputies at Brussels, to enter more fully into the views of the states of Brabant and Flanders.
On the last day of the old year the states of Brabant assembled at the hotel de Ville, where they mutually administered to each other an oath, religiously to preserve the rights, privileges, and constitution of the country, in presence of the sovereign council of Brabant, who, in like manner took an oath from the hand of the states, as representatives of the people. A large concourse of citizens attended to see this happy ceremony, and on that night there was a general illumination throughout the city.
POLAND, December 18.
PLAN OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION. ART. I. Determines the rights of sovereignty, which belong to the nation, particularly that of electing a King.
ART. II. All landholders shall have the right of giving their suffrages in the election of representatives.
ART. III. Fixes the term of each diet to two years at the expiration of which they shall render an account of their conduct to their constituents.
ART. IV. Requires the unanimous vote of the diet in the formation of all fundamental laws, three-fourths of the votes for all political laws; two-thirds for taxes and imposts, and the simple plurality of votes for all civil and criminal laws.
ART. V. A plurality of three-fourths of the votes of the diet, shall be necessary in all questions concerning foreign alliances and treaties of peace.
ART. VI. The preservation of the laws, and the whole power of the executive government, shall rest with the King and his Council the members of which shall be responsible to the diet for their conduct.
ART. VII. The tribunals of the diet shall preserve their jurisdiction, but the limits of it shall be more strictly defined.
ART. VIII. The constitution being established on these principles, it shall be guaranteed that the confederate diet shall no longer exist, and that all laws against the principles of the above articles, shall be declared null and void.
These articles, are to be referred for future consideration.
PARIS, December 31.
The report of the Committee of Enquiry has been published, concerning the conspiracies of the months of May, June, and July last, which is contained in sixty octavo pages; it asserts, 1st, that there has been a conspiracy against the liberty of the French nation, the national assembly, and the city of Paris in particular. Second, that this conspiracy was a crime of treason against the nation, or against his majesty. Third, that the keeper of the seals of Barentin, Count de Puysegur, Marquis de Broglie, Baron Besenval and Berthier intendant of Paris, have been concerned in this conspiracy, which they directed. Fourth, that nothing can exculpate the conspirators in the eye of justice.
Dec. 28. The president announced to the national assembly, that the king had sanctioned the decrees respecting municipalities, and that, which declares the non-Catholics admissible to all civil and military employments. On Tuesday the twenty-ninth, in the evening, the deliberations on the offer of several Geneva citizens of 900,000 livres, as a proof of their attachment, was refused. Mr. Volney who spoke before on the subject on the twenty-fourth, explained his sentiments again with more energy and fulness, maintaining "that this offer was made by the heads of a people, whose servitude had been guaranteed by the ministers of France in former treaties, and that a free nation could not accept, the shameful price of the slavery of another people." This gift says he, is owing to a cause which ought to proscribe it: It is a return for the protection, which we have granted the Aristocrats of Geneva: It is the exchange for a guaranty, which they wish to perpetuate, and which you will shortly perhaps be called upon to destroy. Mr. Volney's speech which was vigorously supported by Count Mirabeau, made a great impression on the assembly, which not only ordered it to be printed together with the letters and memorials which he read to verify his assertion, but likewise unanimously decided (M. de Lufignan only excepted) "that the assembly would not accept the offer of the Geneva contribution, and that the president should communicate this decree to the first minister of the finances."
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
S C H E M E.
   PRIZE of £ 3000 £ 3000     2 1000 2000   3 500 1500   10 200 2000   30 100 3000   50 50 2500   120 20 2400   180 10 1800   7950 4 31800  
8346 Prizes, 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £ 50000 16654 Blanks, Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city. The managers presume that their fellow Citizens will cheerfully concur in promoting the sale of Tickets, especially as the success of this Lottery will relieve them from a tax, which must otherwise be laid to reimburse the corporation.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given. A list of the fortunate numbers will be published at the expiration of the drawing.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market,
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLICK SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790.
William Taylor,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP, A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Mullins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jackonet do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Calsas, Chintzes, Seeruckers, Ginghams, Boglapores.
A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash.
John Smith & Peter Wendover, SAIL-MAKERS,
BEG leave to inform their Friends and the Public in general, that they have commenced business in copartnership in their line, under the Firm of SMITH and WENDOVER, in the Sail-Loft in Front Street, opposite VAN ZANDT's Wharf (near the Coffee-House) formerly occupied by CARMER and SMITH, and lately by JOHN SMITH. Those Gentlemen who will be pleased to favor them with their custom may depend upon having their work done in the best manner, and on as short notice as can be expected. New-York, May 1, 1790.
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of PHILIP DENMAN, now confined in the common gaol of Newark, in the county of Essex, That the Honorable Court of Common Pleas, in and for said county, have appointed Tuesday the 25th day of May next, for the creditors of said Philip Denman, to meet at the Court house in Newark, at nine o'clock of the day aforesaid, and shew cause to the judge of the said Court if any they have, why an assignment of the said insolvent debtors estate should not be made, and he discharged according to the act of the Legislature of New-Jersey in such case made and provided.
PHILIP DENMAN. Newark, April 14, 1790.
Moses Rogers, and Co.
HAVE removed their STORE to the New Building, corner of Golden-Hill and Queen-Street, fronting Burling Slip. New-York, May 5, 1790.