Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-05-09 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. VIII.
From WEDNESDAY, May 6, to SATURDAY, May 9, 1789.
PRICE SIX PENCE.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
SKETCH of the POLITICAL STATE of AMERICA.
NUMBER V.
BUT once more alarmed by a sense of common danger, the citizens of America were led, in spite of a supposed competition of interests, seriously to reflect on those causes, which had reduced their country to such an unfortunate situation, and to seek a remedy for those evils, which were daily increasing upon her—the necessity of a due commercial system throughout the United States, appeared to be the prevailing sentiment, both as intimately connected with raising a revenue for the support of government, as to give a spring to Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce: To effect this purpose, a special deputation from the several States, convened at Annapolis in Sept. 1786; but upon a mature investigation of their powers, they were found to be altogether inadequate, to either the express or implied object of their mission—and it was by them wisely judged, that a radical cure, rather than a partial remedy, was necessary to the future happiness and prosperity of their country, and in order to effect this laudable plan, they recommended a General Convention from the States, at some future period, who, while they were deeply impressed with causes of our national disease, should be instructed to provide an efficacious remedy. Their recommendations were readily complied with, as proceeding from the best of motives, and the reason of them was already anticipated by the conviction, in every person's mind, of their necessity—and a Convocation of the first Worthies and Patriots of America, was held in May, 1787, at Philadelphia—directed to make such additions to the system of Confederation, as were necessary to relieve America, from those embarrassments, which had resulted from a weak and inefficient form of government; but upon a candid discussion of the whole plan of their business, and what was expected from the result of their deliberations, it was thought to be dangerous to the future liberties of their country, to vest those powers which ought to be vested in all governments, to answer the end of their institution, to one, constituted as the existing Confederation—Congress being but a diplomatic body, and not under those checks and restraints, which might be made to arise from a plan differently constructed; and although a delicacy of sentiment, arising from a fear of exceeding the limits of their commission, produced some objections to a radical alteration of the confederated system, yet as the salvation of their country was thought to depend upon it—they determined to recur to first principles, and present, for the approbation of their fellow-citizens, such a plan of future government as would answer the great objects of society; and a spirit of mutual concession and compromise for the general good prevailing, they happily united in a system, which does honor to their hearts as men, and their heads as politicians; nor till gratitude has lost a place in the bosoms of Americans, can their exertions, to save a decaying land, be forgotten. In this System we find the energy of a good government united with the freedom of the people, and containing certain great characteristics peculiar to itself, and which presage much future happiness to the subjects of its controul—those great traits, as also the important objects, which must be involved in its administration, will form the subject of my future numbers.
AMERICANUS.
(To be continued.)
EXTRACT FROM "AMERICAN ESSAYS."
The IMPORTANCE of the PROTESTANT RELIGION politically considered.
Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in illis.
THE Religion which the citizens of America in general profess, is that, for the sake of which our virtuous Fore-Fathers resigned all the honors, the pleasures, the comforts, and almost all the necessaries of life, which many of them enjoyed in abundance in the old world; and traversed the vast and perilous Atlantic, to transplant themselves and families in this then rude, uncultivated wilderness, swarming with savage beasts, and far more savage men—It is therefore that Religion which laid the foundation of this new and great Empire: It is the Religion of all others the most favourable to Industry, Commerce, the Arts, Science, Freedom, and consequent temporal Happiness of Mankind: It is the professed religion of the greatest, wisest, and best men this world has produced; and it is the Religion of which we acknowledge GOD to be the author. These will surely be admitted as powerful claims to our particular reverence and respect: To this Religion Britain is principally indebted
for that happy reformation, and subsequent glorious revolution, which were the harbingers of her present distinguished greatness: To this Religion, and its worthy professors, it must be acknowledged, much is due, in bringing about the late glorious American Revolution: Inspired by this Religion, our truly patriotic Clergy, boldly and zealously stepped forth, and bravely stood our distinguished Sentinels to watch, and warn us against approaching danger: They wisely saw that our religious and civil liberties were inseparably connected; and therefore warmly excited and animated the people, resolutely to oppose and repel every hostile invader: These are some of the temporal blessings flowing from our Religion; and yet many of those pious Christians, to whom, under God, we owe much of that fortitude, zeal, perseverance, and inspiration, which carried the American Soldier through difficulties and dangers, apparently insurmountable, may at this day be ranked among the most needy and dependent men in the community: This is an evil greatly to be deplored; and urgently demands every possible public and private exertion, for the sake of those who have thus generously embraced a life of certain indigence, for the cause of religion and mankind—for the sake of their widows and offspring, who are often left in the most distressed circumstances, and for the honor and security of that Religion, to which we are largely indebted for this happy country. The generality of mankind, are more or less influenced and attracted by the power and splendor of riches; and there are too many of all ranks in every community, who annex an idea of contempt to the appearance of poverty: This is too evident to be controverted: If therefore poverty is often treated with contempt, and always with neglect, what may we not fear for that Religion, of which, in this country, poverty is a distinguishing badge! The mass of mankind are ever captivated by external appearances and shew—barren minds receive no light from within, and therefore cannot so easily be informed and convinced, of the intrinsic worth of true Religion, as they may be caught and insnared by the tinsel and trappings of any other; it is therefore worthy of consideration, what may be the probable effects of the introduction of other religions, and how far their effects, if in any view dangerous, may be counteracted, consistent with the just and generous principles of Toleration.
The ignorant and illiterate, constitute a large majority in all communities—these are awed, their excesses controled, and their opinions biased, more from the exertions of religion, and the visible respect paid to it by those, whom they deem their superiors, than from its immediate, sensible influence on their own minds: It is therefore well worthy the attention of those who assent to the importance of the PROTESTANT RELIGION politically considered, and who conceive that it has had any share in producing the temporal blessings we now enjoy, to honor it with every possible distinguishing mark of pre-eminence and respect, not repugnant to the true spirit of Toleration; and liberally to aid our religious Fathers, in the glorious work of supporting this IMPORTANT BULWARK OF OUR CONSTITUTION; and in the commemoration of those great events, conducive to the revolution and independence of America; may the virtue, zeal, and patriotism of our Clergy, be ever particularly remembered; for it is a truth, as sacred as the idea is serious and alarming, that as our Protestant Clergy shall sink into contempt or neglect, however undeserved, the learned will decline the profession; and then adieu to Religion, Morality, and Liberty; and while in conformity to the benevolent precepts of true religion, as well as the liberal principles of our Constitution, Americans hold out religious liberty to all the various sects, who may be disposed to become our fellow-citizens, let us not be wanting in that attention and respect, due to the Religion we profess, lest it should be suspected, that our tolerant spirit, proceeded more from a total indifference to all religion, than from that liberality of sentiment and god-like Charity, which true religion inculcates and inspires, and which it is hoped will never be dislodged from the generous and benevolent breasts of AMERICANS.
E. C.
"BALTIMORE, APRIL 21, 1789,
Extract of a letter from George-Town, to a gentleman in this town, dated April 17, 1789.
Yesterday passed through this town, on his way to New-York, his Excellency GENERAL WASHINGTON, accompanied by the Hon. Charles Thompson, Esq. secretary to Congress.—The former of these personages, goes to fill the seat of President of the United States of America—the last distinction, which a grateful people can bestow, or a life spent with unexampled honor and applause, can deserve.
To this illustrious appointment, he was unanimously called by the voice of his country.—The annals of history, furnishing nothing so singular in its nature, or so eminently glorious. Heroes and legislators may have enjoyed the confidence of a majority of their countrymen; but none but WASHINGTON ever unanimously pleased as the former, or was unanimously chosen for the latter.—
Whilst this very singular event displays to the astonished world, an empire of dissimilar climes, products and interests, listening to the simple and enlightened voice of reason; it on the other hand exhibits to mankind, a character in its nature so very perfect, that for its improvement, nothing can be added.
From Alexandria to George-Town, he was attended by a voluntary company of private gentlemen—neighbours, friends and children of the man, who had saved their country and themselves—Impelled by gratitude alone, and not moving, servile, at the injunction of command, they chose this method to manifest their affection for him, without whom, freedom had been nothing but a name. An attendant corps, collected together by such motives, does more honor to a man, than all the triumphs which Rome ever beheld; and the person so honored, is more illustrious, than any monarch on the globe.
The gentlemen of George-Town, emulous to display their patriotism, and to evince their attachment for the first character in America, respectfully received him at the banks of the Patowmack, and set out to escort him, until they should meet the gentlemen from Baltimore.
May this virtuous and truly great man, thus in safety be conducted to the place of his destination; and may Heaven, auspicious to his declining years, kindly smoothe over the thorns of legislation—avert from his administration the tumults of popular discord—and cause the same Sun which hath diffused around the meridian of his life so much splendour, finally to go down on his latter end in peace."
The President of the United States arrived in this place on his way to Congress, on Friday afternoon, the 17th inst. with Charles Thompson, Esq. and Col. Humphreys. This great man was met some miles from town, by a large body of respectable citizens on horseback, and conducted, under a discharge of cannon, to Mr. Grant's tavern, through crowds of admiring spectators. At six o'clock, a committee chosen in consequence of a late notification, to adjust the preliminaries for his reception, waited upon him with an address, which, with his answer, we are happy to be able to give to the public. A great number of the citizens were presented to him, and very graciously received. Having arrived too late for a public dinner, he accepted an invitation to supper, from which he retired a little after ten o'clock. The next morning he was in his carriage at half past five o'clock, when he left town, under a discharge of cannon, and attended as on his entrance, by a body of the citizens on horseback. These gentlemen accompanied him seven miles, when alighting from his carriage, he would not permit them to proceed any further; but took leave of them, after thanking them in an affectionate and obliging manner for their politeness. We shall only add on this occasion, that those who had often seen him before, and those who never had, were equally anxious to see him. Such is the rare impression excited by his uncommon character and virtues.
ADDRESS to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
SIR, WE feel the honor you have this day conferred on the town of Baltimore, by favouring it with your presence, infinitely heightened and enhanced by the desirable event which has produced it. Happy to behold your elevation, permit us to re-assure you of our purest love and affection.
In considering the occasion that has once more drawn you from the scenes of domestic ease and private tranquility, our thoughts naturally turn on the situation of our country, previous to the expedient of the late general convention. When you became a member of that body which framed our new and excellent constitution, you dissipated the fears of good men, who dreaded the disunion of the states, and the loss of our liberties in the death of our enfeebled and expiring confederation: And now, Sir, by accepting the high authorities of President of the United States of America, you teach us to expect every blessing that can result from the wisest recommendations to Congress, and the most prudent and judicious exercise of those authorities; thus relieving us in the one instance, from the most gloomy apprehensions, as when, in a different capacity, you re-crossed the Delaware; and in the other, opening to our view the most animating prospects, as when you captured Cornwallis.
But it is from the tenor of your own life, and your uniform and upright political principles and conduct, that we derive the fullest assurance that our hopes will be realized. Believing that a faithful performance of public engagements is essential to the prosperity of a people, and their implicit reliance on the promises of government, to its stability, we recollect with pleasure your well known sentiments on this subject, and have no doubt but the other branches of Congress will concur with you in placing public credit on the most solid foundation. We have also every reason to conclude, that under the administration of a Washington, the useful and ingenious arts of peace, the agriculture, commerce, and manufactures of the United States, will be duly favoured and improved, as being far more certain sources of national wealth than the richest mines, and surer means to promote the felicity of a people, than the most successful wars. Thus, Sir, we behold a new era springing out of our independence, and a field displayed, where your talents for governing will not be obscured by the splendor of the greatest military exploits. We behold too, an extraordinary thing in the annals of mankind; a free and enlightened people, choosing, by a free election, without one dissenting voice, the late commander in chief of their armies, to watch over and guard their civil rights and privileges.
We sincerely pray that you may long enjoy your present health, and the citizens of the United States have frequent opportunities to testify their veneration of your virtues, by continuing you through many successive elections in the first station of human honor and dignity. In these expressions of our affections and attachment, we are sensible we do not speak the wishes of a town only, but the united feelings of a whole people.
In behalf of the citizens of Baltimore, we have the honor to be, &c. &c.
 JAMES M C HENRY, ROBERT SMITH,  NICHOLAS ROGERS, O. H. WILLIAMS,  JOSHUA BARNEY, THOROWGOOD SMITH,  PAUL BENTALAU, WILLIAM CLEMM,  JOHN BANKSON, JOHN SWAN.  ISAAC GRIEST, 
THE ANSWER by the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.
GENTLEMEN,
THE tokens of regard and affection which I have often received from the citizens of this town, were always acceptable, because, I believed them always sincere.—Be pleased to receive my best acknowledgments for the renewal of them on the present occasion.
If the affectionate partiality of my fellow citizens has prompted them to ascribe greater effects to my conduct and character, than were justly due, I trust the indulgent sentiment on their part, will not produce any presumption on mine.
I cannot now, gentlemen, resist my feelings so much as to withhold the communication of my ideas respecting the actual situation of our national affairs. It appears to me that little more than common sense and common honesty in the transactions of the com-

unity at large, would be necessary to make us a happy nation. If the general government, lately adopted, shall be arranged and administered in such a manner as to acquire the full confidence of the American people, I sincerely believe they will have greater advantages from their natural, moral and political circumstances, or public felicity, than any other people ever possessed.
In the contemplation of those advantages, now soon to be realized, I have reconciled myself to the sacrifice of my fondest wishes, so far as to enter again upon the stage of public life. I know the delicate nature of the duties incident to the part which I am called to perform, and I feel my incompetence, without the singular assistance of Providence, to discharge them in a satisfactory manner. But having undertaken the task, from a sense of duty, no fear of encountering difficulties, and no dread of losing popularity, shall ever deter me from pursuing what I conceive to be the true interests of my country.
MR. FENNO,
As the subject of the following Observations is undoubtedly of great importance, you will oblige your readers by a re-publication of them: The performance is taken from that very valuable Miscellany, the American Museum , published by Mr. CAREY, at Philadelphia. C. Z.
An ESSAY, on the APPOINTMENT OF PUBLIC OFFICERS.
Humbly submitted to all persons concerned in electing or appointing them.
THE perfection of government requires that every public office, in all the legislative, judicial, and executive departments, should be filled with the most suitable and fit persons.
Good government manifestly depends much more on the goodness of the men who fill the public offices, than on the goodness of the form of government, constitution, or even laws of the state; for the errors of all these, under the administration of good men, will be mended or made tolerable, either by the authority of the legislature, or favourable construction; but weak and wicked men will pervert the best of laws to the purposes of favour or oppression. And one principal thing which makes one form of government better than another, is, that there is a greater and a more natural chance of the appointment of suitable men to public offices in the one than in the other, and this makes the power of appointment, or right of election, a right of the highest importance to the community; it therefore requires the greatest wisdom in human policy, to vest this great authority in such persons, as will most probably exercise it with the most discretion and least corruption.
As the appointment of suitable men to public offices is of the utmost importance to the well-being of the state, and consequently implies a most sacred trust and duty in the electors; it may not be amiss to designate such outlines of character, as are most essentially necessary in a public officer, and especially when his office is of high rank, and very weighty concern to the community.
1. Integrity ought to hold the first place. The integer vitae scelerisque purus of the poet, is of mighty consequence in every society. A man of strict honesty and uprightness in his private life and dealings, is easily known and distinguished among men. Let this be an essential part of the character of the man, for whom you give your vote, to serve in any public office of trust and importance.
2. A good reputation, free from scandal. A man attainted of scandalous crimes, either by conviction on record, or by general opinion of his neighbours, appears with great disadvantage, in the sacred seats of public councils of law, justice, or equity. I have heard of a judge, who was generally supposed to have corrupted his neighbour's wife, and having once a very impudent offender before him, was severe in his censures of the offence, and opening the law book, read there the description of the offence and punishment; the delinquent said, with a most malignant sneer, he could wish his honor would turn over a few pages more, and see what the law said to whoremasters.
3. Religion and sincere piety. I don't think it of much consequence of what particular profession of religion he may be, whether Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Quaker, Lutheran, Calvinist, Moravian, &c. if he is reputed to be devout, sincere, and faithful to the religion he does profess. But a loose liver, or an apostate in religion, I cannot think fit to be trusted in the state, because a man who is not true to his God, will not probably be so to his country; for when the highest possible obligation cannot bind a man, it is not to be expected that he will be governed by lesser and more subordinate ones: when the grand first principle of all true morals is wanting, the practice must become too uncertain to be trusted in matters of weight and high moment.
4. Sufficient abilities, adequate to the office that is to be filled. There must be a congruity between the business to be done, and the abilities of the man appointed to do it.
5. Gravity, wisdom, and sound judgment. A grave and wise man gives weight and dignity to any department in which he is employed, inspires confidence that the business under his direction will be well managed, and what is more than this, will really do it well.
6. Decision, close attention, and perseverance. Some men are undecided in their judgment, variable in their attention, act by fits and starts, and often leave their business half done. It is very dangerous to admit men of this disposition into
public offices, where a coincidence of sundry departments is often necessary, and a failure of one will sometimes put a full stop to all the rest.
7. A great command of his passions. A man who is known to be a slave to any favourite passion, or who is too strongly devoted to gaming, the bottle, or his mistress, is not thought a safe person to trust private business with, especially business of consequence, which requires a watchful diligence, discretion, and caution; much less can such a man be fit for a public trust.
8. Public offices should be filled with men of steady attendance. There is great complaint of tardy or totally deficient attendance, especially in the members of aggregate bodies, such as Congress, councils, assemblies, &c. by which means the public business is much and often very injuriously retarded.
I hope we do not live in an age so degenerate, as to render the above characters difficult to be found. The importance of them must be obvious to every person concerned in electing or appointing public officers, and I hope will induce them to make such a choice as shall satisfy the high trust reposed in them, and such as shall effectually secure the honor and safety of the state.
Philadelphia. Sept. 1, 1788.
MR. FENNO,
THE observations of TIMOLEON, upon the subject of appointments to office, inserted in your last, coincide in general, with the sentiments of the wise and independent part of the community; but his last article is rather too strait-laced: I conceive that a man of worth and real abilities, may, with propriety, let his pretensions be known, without letting down his own character, or wounding the feelings, or delicacy of those, whose patronage he solicits.
I go further, and suppose that duty and justice to the public, may unite to impel a person of the greatest modesty, to come forward with a statement of services, from which a competency of knowledge has been acquired, to discharge the particular trust applied for.
But if the idea of Timoleon should be adopted, the most meritorious characters might rest in perpetual obscurity, while their country suffered the loss of their abilities.
Merit, Modesty, and Diffidence, are nearly allied, and the two last have deprived the community of the first, two often already—and to add to the number, by throwing additional obstacles in its way, would be cruel, unjust, and impolitic.
While the influence of men in power is solicited with ardour, and a persecuting perseverance by those, to whom ignorance gives a brazen front, let us not deprive the Supreme Executive of a counterbalance to impertinent importunity, by discouraging the applications of worth and abilities. C.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
TUESDAY, MAY 5, 1789.
In our last we stated, that Mr. BLAND had introduced the proceedings of the legislature of Virginia on the subject of Amendments—it may not be uninteresting to state the substance of the observations that occurred upon this business. On one hand it was observed, that the application of the State of Virginia was made with a view of obtaining amendments, agreeably to the 5th article of the Constitution: That although the address of Virginia had been transmitted to the several Legislatures, but few of them had thought it proper to coincide with that State—That it would be giving the address due consideration, to refer it to a committee of the whole, to be taken up at the time assigned for the House to consider amendments, of which notice had been given yesterday—That the address was from a respectable State, and merited an equal compliment at least, with other applications that had already been referred to the committee—That although this address might stand alone, yet it might be of weight in the decisions of the committee—That it rested on the basis of its own merits, and could not in the nature of its operation, if committed, contravene the spirit of the Constitution—That as it was a standing rule of the House, that they should go into a committee of the whole every day, there appeared to be a propriety in the commitment.
In reply, it was observed—That although the application was undoubtedly from the most respectable quarter, yet it appeared to be more proper, that it should lie on the table for the information of the members—That when a sufficient number of similar applications should be made, it might constitutionally come before Congress—That it ought to be treated with due respect—but that Congress had no deliberative voice, with respect to calling a Convention, agreeably to the application—That when two thirds of the States should apply, they were bound to call one—That it would not be paying proper respect to Virginia, to commit the application to a body which was not competent to deliberate or decide upon it—That as the House had been led to consider the fourth Monday of the present month as the time assigned to go into the consideration of amendments, then would be a proper season to bring forward the application—That it would be paying proper respect to it, to enter it on the journals: This was therefore acceded to with the addition, that it should be put upon the files in the Clerk's Office.
The House then resumed the report of the committee upon the article of tonnage—when
Mr. JACKSON moved, that 30 cents on foreign tonnage should be struck out, and 20 cents substituted—He enforced his idea, by observing, that as the main object to be effected by tonnage, was to raise a tax to support light-houses and other incidental charges of commerce; 20 cents per ton, he conceived, would be sufficient for the purpose.—The gentleman calculated, that upon the tonnage of Georgia only, this duty would be about £ 400. The tonnage proposed, was too high and would operate unequally and oppressively upon some parts of the Union, more especially the Southern States—That at present, when the members of that House were scarcely warm in their seats, it became them to act with caution and due deliberation—the Constitution was in its infancy—it was well known that some States were averse from it—amendments were already applied for, and if we mean to conciliate the good disposition of States
not in the Union, we should move with caution. This tone would materially affect the State of North-Carolina—South-Carolina and Georgia were situated as North-Carolina, and all infinitely worse than the northern States—Not only rice and lumber could not be exported, but 5000 hogheads of tobacco were now lying in ware-houses for want of shipping—Georgia was already borne down by the oppression of foreign impositions, and obliged to dispose of her produce under every disadvantage—in this humiliating situation, she looks to this Congress for relief—should she be disappointed, she may be sorry for the prompt and decided part she has taken in the second revolution: The Southern produce is now at a low ebb—the specie is leaving the country, and distress stares us in the face; at this time to encrease our burdens and difficulties, by encreasing the embarrassments on our produce, our only resource, will be oppressive and discouraging.—Mr. Jackson concluded with saying, that he hoped the motion would obtain.
Mr. AMES replied to Mr. JACKSON—he observed, that much had been said about prejudices and jealousies between the different States—but for his part, he conceived, the situation of matters was upon a more agreeable footing.—Britain had excited and fomented those ideas—they had their particular views in so doing—But it was very apparent, that other sentiments now predominated through the Union—our interests were mutual, and nature had so arranged the local circumstances of the southern and northern States, that commerce and agriculture were the natural pursuits of the two grand divisions of the Union—our interests were compatible—we must be united as a nation, and look with an equal eye to the good of the whole—a general idea pervades the Union—it was evident, that a greater and more extensive coincidence of opinion predominated, than had been conceived of—It was not expected, that the general interest would have been so universally acknowledged—The necessity and importance of a navy was now allowed on all hands—to effect this great and essential object, measures must be adopted—and those, the most obviously within our power, should claim our earliest attention—the encouragement of our commerce is undoubtedly among the most important articles conducive to this point.—The nursing of our navigation indispensable—the duty proposed has this principally in view, and though a small one, it holds up a necessary and advantageous discrimination between American and foreign vessels.—The voice of the continent concurs in this sentiment, and the prevalence of this and similar ideas, produced the present revolution, under the auspices of which we are now deliberating. Our navigation is not on a par with foreigners; encouragement is necessary, and every observation thrown out by the gentleman from the southward, in opposition to the duty, proves this necessity. The gentleman has said, that 5000 hogheads of tobacco are now laying in the ware-houses at the southward, for want of shipping to carry them off: What stronger reason for encouraging, and encreasing our shipping, that provision may be made to transport our produce to market. And if this is the case, are we not at the mercy of our rivals? Our Agriculture calls upon us, to make this provision; and according to the gentleman's own account, the duty will not prove in any measure so burdensome, as the loss of 5000 hogheads of tobacco. The useful body of snip-carpenters through the States are complaining for want of employ; they are reduced to the necessity of working for 30s. a day, or quit their native homes, and seek their bread among the British, in the northern parts of the continent. Mr. Ames added many other observations, and concluded by giving his negative to the motion.
Mr. BURKE observed, That the people of the Southern States entertained friendly dispositions towards their brethren at the Eastward; He could speak for the inhabitants of South Carolina at least, that they took pleasure in their prosperity—that they looked to them for future protection, and wished to see their navigation flourish: This shews, that they are not jealous—but at the same time he conceived, that their professions and feelings would not justify their submitting in silence to the present proposed imposition on tonnage, which must, in its operation, prove extremely unequal and oppressive to them: The property of Southern gentlemen, it was well known, consisted principally in their produce—this they depended upon, and if they could not get it to market, the consequences were obvious, they could neither subsist, nor pay their debts: The operation of this duty will diminish the shipping, already insufficient: The deficiency of the Eastern shipping, is conceded on all hands—so that we shall be entirely prevented from exporting our produce: We wish to employ American ships, in preference to all others; but as there cannot be a seasonable supply, time must be given, that the Southern States may not be oppressed, and borne down by the regulations of Congress in the article of Tonnage.
Mr. GOODWIN, Mr. MADISON, and some other gentlemen, added several observations in favor of the discrimination proposed, and to the following effect, That a spirit of union and tranquility was happily diffused through the Union in the present instance—the sentiment was uniform, and although a kind of incompatibility had been pointed out, yet the idea was daily subsiding, and in time would be done away—that as the country abounded in materials for ship building, it was evident that just and proper encouragement would soon produce an adequate supply—and if in consequence of new regulations, temporary inconveniences should arise, they would soon cease, for the high profits of any particular business soon reduced it to its proper level—that however, it was not owing entirely to the scarcity of American shipping, that foreigners had in a manner monopolized the carrying trade from the Southern States, but the preference they enjoyed might be traced to another cause, a very ruinous one in the issue, and that was, the credit these foreigners gave, by which means they obtained an exorbitant price for their supplies, and they freighted apparently low—yet the fact was otherwise: But to prevent the sudden rise of freight, and the consequences apprehended, Mr. MADISON proposed, That a given time should elapse, previous to the commencement of a high duty, though a decided discrimination should immediately take place—the gentleman mentioned January 1, 1791.
Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, observed, That the interest of the Southern and Eastern States were different, he conceived, in the present case: That so far from laying restrictions upon the exportation of the Southern produce, by a heavy tonnage, it was more necessary to give a bounty to encourage that exportation. South Carolina was now in a deplorable condition—her domestic debt is One Million—and she owes to foreigners 100,000 Sterl.—all which must be paid in specie: This duty falls on the produce of the country, on the exportation of which their hopes were founded to pay these debts: The duty, he contended, was out of proportion, as it would affect the Southern States, by obliging them to pay a bounty to the Eastern and Northern, for which they could not receive any compensation: More than half the produce of South-Carolina, is now carried off by the ships of Great-Britain—this duty must consequently enhance the freight unduly, for notwithstanding the shipping of all nations had access to their ports, immense quantities of rice were now laying in the stores for want of shipping; this duty would further operate to the discouragement of foreigners and the disadvantage of the Southern States, by preventing their ships from coming out on speculation with cargoes, by which means supplies were obtained, and a rivalry among the freighters produced, which in some measure influenced the price in favor of the shippers. Mr. SMITH was willing a distinction should be made, but not a large one, and as the article of tonnage had been urged against the adoption of the Constitution, it would recur to the wisdom of the House whether it would be just and politic, to confirm any of those preconceived impressions against the Constitution.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 6.
The bill for laying certain duties on Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, imported into the United States, was read, and referred to a Committee of the whole.
Mr. HESTER presented a petition from ARTHUR GRIER, of Pennsylvania, purporting, that by certain calculations, he had ascertained the mode of obtaining the longitude at sea, to a nearer degree of perfection than had before been discovered—praying the countenance of Congress, and that they would secure to him the exclusive right of using and vending his respective improvements.

On motion of Mr. SHERMAN, the bill, with amendments from the Senate, respecting the manner of taking certain oaths, was read, and the amendments adopted by the House.
Mr. LAWRENCE introduced the application of the Legislature of New-York, of 5th February last, for calling a Convention to consider Amendments, which being read, was disposed of as the Application from Virginia, by being entered on the Journals, and the original placed on the Files in the Clerk's office.
The House resumed the subject of Tonnage, and after some further debate, the report of the Committee for laying 30 cents, pr. ton, on the vessels of powers with whom treaties had been formed, was adopted.
The House then adjourned.
THURSDAY, MAY 7.
Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, from the Committee appointed to wait on the President, to know when it would be convenient for him to receive the Address of the House, reported, That they had accordingly waited on the President, and that he had been pleased to mention Friday as a day, that would be convenient to him, and he submitted it to the pleasure of the House to fix the place.
The House then resolved, that they would present their Address to the President on Friday, in the room adjoining the Representatives' Chamber.
On motion of Mr. BLAND, a Committee was appointed to confer with the Senate, on the proper mode of presenting bills, resolutions, and addresses to the President.
The House then resumed the subject of Tonnage.
A motion was made by Mr. MADISON, to reduce the tonnage on foreign ships not in alliance with the United States, from 50 to 40 cents pr. ton, till the 1st of January, 1790, and then to be raised to 75 cents.
This motion produced some debate; and on the question to strike out the 50, in order to make way for Mr. Madison's motion, it was negatived—25 to 20.
A clause was then added to the report, which is intended to prevent any vessels from trading coastwise, except those which are wholly owned by citizens of the United States.
The report as amended was then agreed to by the House—and a committee was appointed to bring in a bill.
Adjourned.
FRIDAY, MAY 8.
Upon the report of a Committee in favor of appointing a Serjeant at Arms, and nominations being called for, Mr. AMES and Mr. THACHER made some observations in opposition to the measure—contending, that the officer was super-numerary, and the post a mere sinecure.
Mr. GERRY, from the Committee appointed to prepare a bill prescribing the mode of collecting the Revenue, introduced a temporary law, which was read, and a hundred copies ordered to be printed for the House.
Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, at this moment came in, and informed the House, that The President was ready to receive their Address. The House immediately arose, and following the Speaker, attended The President in the room adjoining, where the following Address was presented by the Speaker, in the name of the House.
The ADDRESS
Of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
S I R,
THE representatives of the people of the United States, present their congratulations on the event by which your fellow-citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You have long held the first place in their esteem—you have often received tokens of their affection—you now possess the only proof that remained of their gratitude for your services, of their reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the highest, because, the truest honor, of being the first magistrate, by the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth.
We well know the anxieties with which you must have obeyed a summons, from the repose reserved for your declining years, into public scenes, of which you had taken your leave forever—But the obedience was due to the occasion. It is already applauded by the universal joy, which welcomes you to your station, and we cannot doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satisfaction, with which an ardent love for your fellow-citizens must review successful efforts to promote their happiness.
This anticipation is not justified merely by the past experience of your signal services. It is particularly suggested by the pious impressions under which you commence your administration, and the enlightened maxims by which you mean to conduct it. We feel with you the strongest obligations to adore the invisible hand which has led the American people through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty, and to seek the only sure means of preserving and recommending the precious deposit in a system of legislation, founded on the principles of an honest policy, and directed by the spirit of a disinterested patriotism.
The question arising out of the fifth article of the constitution, will receive all the attention demanded by its importance, and will, we trust, be decided under the influence of all the considerations to which you allude.
In forming the pecuniary provisions for the executive department, we shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from motives which give it a peculiar claim to our regard.—Your resolution in a moment critical to the liberties of your country, to renounce all personal emolument, was among the many presages of your patriotic services, which have been amply fulfilled, and your scrupulous adherence now to the law then imposed on yourself, cannot fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst it encreases the lustre of a character, which has so many titles to admiration.
Such are the sentiments which we have thought fit to address to you: They flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe, that among the millions we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown them.
All that remains is, that we join in your fervent supplication for the blessings of Heaven on our country; and that we add our own for the choicest of those blessings on the most beloved of her citizens.
To which THE PRESIDENT made the following REPLY.
GENTLEMEN,
YOUR very affectionate Address, produces emotions, which I know not how to express: I feel that my past endeavors in the service of my country, are far overpaid by its goodness; and I fear much that my future ones may not fulfil your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is, that they will be invariably directed by an honest, and an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond, I rely on the wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to co-operate, and a continuance of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved country.
G. WASHINGTON.
After this, THE PRESIDENT retiring, the Members of the House returned to their seats.
A motion which was laid on the table the 4th inst. respecting a request to the President, that he would procure an estimate of exports and imports, entries and clearances from the several States in the Union, for twelve months previous to the fourth of March last, was taken up, and after sundry amendments, one of which was, appointing a Committee to attend to the business, the motion was adopted.
After this, the appointment of a Serjeant at Arms was taken into consideration again—and a vote for assigning a time to come to a choice obtained—Tuesday next being appointed.
The Order of the day was then called for, and the House went into a Committee of the whole, when the second reading of the Bill, ascertaining the rates of Impost, was attended to.
Dr. TUCKER proposed, That the duty on distilled spirits, Jamaica proof, should be reduced to 6 cents, pr. gallon—this brought on a debate which lasted till the House adjourned.
NEW-YORK, MAY 9.
OF COMMENCEMENT.
ON Wednesday the 6th inst. was held in St. Paul's Church, the annual COMMENCEMENT of COLUMBIA COLLEGE.
The Proceedings on this pleasing occasion, were introduced by Dr. JOHNSON, (the President) with prayers.
The Candidates for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, then performed the parts respectively assigned them, in the following order: Viz.
 JAMES DUANE, delivered the Salutatory Oration.  MATTHEW MESIER, an Oration on The Passions.  PETER MESIER, on the Rising Glory of America.  JOHN BAMBRIDGE, on Happiness.  WILLIAM LUPTON, on the Art of Printing.  JOHN VAN NESS, on Civilization.  JOHN REMSEN, on the Progress of Government.  HENRY IZARD, on Eloquence.  WILLIAM HURST, on History. 
The Degree of Bachelor of Arts, was then conferred on the following young gentlemen, viz.
  Messrs JAMES DUANE,  JOHN VAN NESS,    MATTHEW MESIER,  JOHN REMSEN,    PETER MESIER,  HENRY IZARD,    JOHN BAMBRIDGE,  WILLIAM HURST, and    WILLIAM LUPTON,  JOHN MASON.  
The Degree of Master of Arts, on
  PETER STEDFORD,  ABRAHAM NUN,    PHILIP LIVINGSTON,  SAMUEL W. JOHNSON,    JOHN BASSET,  ROGER ALDEN.  
The Degree of Doctor of Divinity, on the
  REV. ABRAHAM BEACH,  } all of New-York.    REV. BENJAMIN MOORE,    REV. WILLIAM LYNN,    REV. JOHN D. GROSS,   
The Rev. JEREMIAH LEAMING, of Connecticut, and The Rev. JACOB R. HARDENBERGH, of New-Brunswick.
After which the Valedictory Oration was delivered by Mr. JOHN MASON.
The Performances were received with applause, by a numerous and respectable audience.
Doctor JOHNSON, the President, concluded the whole with an affectionate, pertinent, and elegant Address to the Graduates—and a fervent Prayer to the source of all Wisdom and Felicity, for their future prosperity and usefulness in life.
THE PRESIDENT—His Excellency the Vice-President—the Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States—The GOVERNOR and principal Officers of this Republic, honored by their presence, this highly useful and important literary Institution.
The late public commencement in this city, affords a conspicuous specimen of the progress of science, and the fine arts, as well as of moral and political researches. It is an happy presage to the future character and prosperity of this country, that its youth, when in pursuit of literary attainments, do not confine their attention to the dull paths of mere scholastick study, but acquire some general and useful ideas respecting commerce, policy and ethics. Under such regulations, may we not hope to be successively furnished with patriots and legislators, who will come forth into public life, endowed with such knowledge, and guarded with such principles, as will render them both the ornament and safeguard of our rising republic? Men participating of such qualities will be equally remote from wishing a government of bigotry and despotism, as of licentiousness and anarchy.
The spectators who hear the debates of our national representatives, are unanimous in their applause of the candor and impartiality which appear in the deliberations. If the measures adopt-
ed should fail of giving complete satisfaction to the virtuous citizens of this nation, it will be no argument that the legislature are not influenced by the strictest integrity, and the purest patriotism. It will only be an evidence, that the task to be accomplished, was surrounded with such various and complicated difficulties, in the adoption of plans, and had to combat such diversity of views and feelings throughout the country where they were to operate, that it would be no less remarkable in the first instance to strike upon expedients absolutely the best, than to gain the entire approbation of all classes of men, over this wide extended country. We persuade ourselves however, that wise measures will be pursued, and a very general acquiescence in them will prevail among our enlightened countrymen. They will no doubt recollect, that future legislatures may amend what is found ineligible, and correct any unequal operation, that the laws may be supposed to produce in different parts of the Union: For it is no less requisite, that a spirit of accommodation and justice should characterise the bulk of the citizens, than that it should govern those who have the management of public affairs.
On Thursday evening, the subscribers of the Dancing Assembly, gave an elegant BALL and ENTERTAINMENT. THE PRESIDENT of the United States, was pleased to honor the company with his presence—His Excellency the Vice President—most of the members of both Houses of Congress—His Excellency the Governor, and a great many other dignified public characters: His Excellency Count de MOUSTIER—His Most Christian Majesty's Ambassador—The Baron Steuben, and other foreigners of distinction, were present: There was a numerous and brilliant collection of ladies, dressed with consummate taste and elegance. The number of persons present, was upwards of three hundred, and satisfaction, vivacity and delight, beamed from every countenance.
Yesterday, THE PRESIDENT received visits of compliment at his house.
We are informed, that THE PRESIDENT, HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICE PRESIDENT, HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF THIS STATE, and many other PERSONAGES of the greatest DISTINCTION, will be at the THEATRE, on Monday night next.
A correspondent remarks, that it is doubtless very improper, to give the Title of Excellency to THE PRESIDENT: because it places him, in his official capacity, upon a level with some public officers, especially in the diplomatic line , who are to receive their commissions from him.
ELOGIUM.
DR. FRANKLIN has had the happiness of living to see science extended under his fostering hand, from one end of Pennsylvania to the other. What hath he not done in the cause of literature and freedom? Was he not a principal agent in the foundation of the first public school of any note in the State? Was he not the principal agent in the foundation of the first library in Philadelphia? What seminary hath not partook of his bounty? Hath he not after a constant exercise of his extraordinary abilities, at the very eve of life, exhibited a striking proof of the consequences of good habits, in taking by the hand an infant academy at Washington, the very extremity of the State? Did he not some time ago endow it with fifty pounds? Hath he not within a few days past directed Mr. Redick, one of the trustees of that school, to receive from the State the whole amount of his account for postage during the three years of his presidency, and which amounted to a very considerable sum? Yes, all these things he hath done. But to all these things and as much more as would fill a volume of such things, would be but the dust of the balance to what this great, this good, this ornament to human nature, hath done for man.
Thursday arrived the ship George from Glasgow. Papers brought by this vessel, give the following intelligence, viz.
March 10, The Lords Commissioners addressed both Houses of the British Parliament in a speech, by orders from the King.
At the Cabinet Council, in which this speech was considered, the King presided.
After the Council broke up, the King took an excursion for two hours on horse back.
The standard was hoisted and the guns fired at the tower, and the city illuminated on account of the King's recovery.
His Majesty's first public appearance, will be at St. Paul's Church, to offer his thanks to the power, that has restored him.
Mr. Pitt has been compared to a cocoa-nut, which has a rough out side, but much milk at the heart.
Great convulsions in Ireland, on account of the Lord Lieutenant's not forwarding the address of the Irish Parliament to the Prince of Wales.
Several thousand medals, it is said, have been struck off by the opposition—the Prince on one side, and a Crown on the other—their disappointment on the King's recovery, and consequent chagrin prevents any remarks on the indecency of their conduct.

THE TABLET.
NUMBER VIII.
"Truth will ever be unpalatable to those, who determine not to relinquish error."
TO deceive fools, and flatter knaves, is a line of conduct, that the art or the indolence of men may induce them to adopt. A crafty man may conceal the truth from sinister views; an indolent man may impose on himself as well as others, because he does not wish the trouble of knowing or communicating the truth. There are various pretexts and various forms, under which a professed politician pursues his object; while his real motive of action is generally kept out of sight. But I know of no pretence, that is more commonly or more plausibly urged by designing men, than that they desire to act agreeably to the voice of the people. It has been acknowledged, that to oppose the public opinion, when right, is imprudent; but it has also been asserted, that to cherish it, when wrong, is dishonest. To ascertain the public opinion, should be the first aim of a legislator; to coincide with it, as far as it is well grounded, is good policy; but to reform old abuses and to introduce new subjects for public reflection, is a still greater duty and a conspicuous honor.
It is often asked by sensible and honest men, whether government should controul the public opinion, or be controuled by it? The truth is, they have a reciprocal influence upon each other. Many people will say, that the formation of the new Constitution was directed, in some degree, by public opinion: This position can hardly be admitted. It is well known, that while the general Convention were in session, scarce any person ventured to predict, what would be the result of their deliberations. I mention this circumstance, to prove that there was no definite public opinion, relative to that object.—When the proceedings of the Convention were published, they were rather unexpected by the public mind, than contrary to it. There was no general sentiment pre-conceived in the matter. The weight of characters, who composed the Convention; the peculiar situation of the country, and several other causes, have rendered the new Constitution generally acceptable. But upon the supposition, that each article of it had been previously recommended by town meetings, and that it was, literally speaking, framed by the voice of the people, it would be no sufficient reason that its administration should not act with wisdom and honesty; and strive to promote the prosperity, rather than confirm the prejudices of the community.
The government of every country; when once in operation, should produce a re-action upon the public opinion. It should search for it, estimate it, trace its origin, examine its effects, endeavor to remove its errors; but what is of more importance, it should collect the scattered sentiments of the public and form them into proper shapes; and in some instances create opinions and attachments wholly anew. I do not barely confine my remarks of the re-action of government upon the public mind, to its speculative principles, but would extend my idea to a controul over the prejudices, the habits and the manners of the people.
Men are or may be, very much what the government pleases to make them. There is no fatality in the case, why people cannot be made honest, industrious and pacific; as well as turbulent, slothful and knavish. These different qualities may discover themselves, without presupposing any change or improvement in the heart. They may be the result of good political regulations. We often observe a man in some instances just and honorable; while in other respects, his conduct deserves a reverse character. The same causes, which made him partially virtuous, had they been extended, would have made him wholly so. Whenever we see a profligate man, we must conclude, either, that he was educated in a wrong manner by his parents and guardians, or that there was something wrong in the government, under which he lived. A man is not doomed, by natural necessity, to be a knave, any more than he is to be a conjurer. He may be taught both, or he may be restrained from becoming either. We must therefore conclude that a government falls short of perfection, in proportion as its citizens are deficient in the display of amiable and useful qualities. The task of a legislator, how much so ever he may have accomplished, is never finished, while his institutions have failed of producing a pretty perfect state of society. This will not be practicable perhaps in a full degree, but with proper attempts, considerable improvements will not be found inattainable.
The visionary projects of the ancient philosophers, who supposed they could subdue the passions of men, and render them subservient to reason, have beguiled many into a belief, that men always must be, just as they have been. The passions of men, it is true, can never be extinguished; but they may be diverted from objects that are hurtful to those that are beneficial. No passion of the human mind is unessential to the well being of society; and that any one is dangerous, is only because it is not properly managed. Nature furnishes passions, but it is education and government that
turn them to this or that particular object. The common remark that legislators must take mankind as they find them, does not make it excusable that they should leave men, as they find them.
From the MASSACHUSETTS MAGAZINE.
On CHESTERFIELD'S LETTERS.
If judgment, wit, and knowledge of mankind; A polish'd style, and manners most refin'd, Can make a letter, or a man complete, All these in Chesterfield united meet: But if an upright heart, religious truth, Morals and honor, form the perfect youth, From purer lights catch thou the guiding ray, And spurn the courtier, and his book away.
MANUFACTURES.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Scotland, to his Friend in Philadelphia, dated 3d Nov. 1788.
"WE have got a mill to go by water, for spinning flax and hemp; and I am informed, that a mechanic here, has just invented a Jeanie or hand-mill, that will spin flax or hemp: It can be made of any number of heads or spindles, from forty to one hundred: A woman and girl will be able to spin twenty spinell of yarn on it, every week. Mills to go by water, have also been erected at Glasgow, Derby, Nottingham, &c. for spinning long-wool, commonly called combed-wool. The cotton-mills, with a little alteration spin short or uncombed wool. Mills have lately been erected in England for grinding, wheat, corn, &c. where little or no water can be had, to go by steam engines: there is one of those mills, worked by steam engines, that drives thirty-two mill stones. These improvements, would certainly be very beneficial in a country thinly peopled, and where wages are high. Models of all new and useful improvements in husbandry, if kept at some town in a central part of the State, where all might have access to see them, might tend to accelerate improvement in the cultivation of the ground; this certainly ought to be done at the expence of the State. Brewing of malt liquors, will, I think, be providing the best market for your farmers; and protecting duties, on all articles imported from other countries will enable your manufacturers to proceed, with vigor, spirit and success: There cannot be a more certain way of giving encouragement to agriculture, than by providing, a sure, constant and steady market, for the produce of the earth: And undoubtedly manufactures at home, in this view, are a more sure and steady market than any foreign nation, who may cut out of your market with them all at once. It behoves you, therefore, to ENCOURAGE MANUFACTURES; and the government ought, certainly, to lay on heavy duties, and to give bounties upon your home manufactures: But I hope your new government will rectify all these things."
NATIONAL MONITOR.
NUMBER III.
"Common consent, gives currency to many errors."
IT has been observed, that a proper sense of the importance of government, diffused generally among the people, would prove a most powerful principle to perpetuate their freedom and happiness.
The more this idea is revolved in the mind, the stronger will be the impression of its truth; and the more extensive its application to the circumstances of human nature, the greater will be the conviction of its competency to produce the most salutary effects upon society.
It is a given principle, that the first step towards the acquisition of any object, is a feeling sense of its being necessary to our happiness: Government has been too long considered as the harbinger of human weakness, and depravity, rather than the result of the best and most exalted reasoning. Hence it is reflected upon, as "a necessary evil," when in fact, it is part of the divine economy in the plan of human nature—"Order is Heaven's first law."—A deviation from this Economy, produces the great complaint of evils in the system of morals and of humanity.—Government then is of divine origin—the divine government is absolute—is perfect; and for this reason—because it is founded in infinite wisdom, and all its operations are perfectly wise, just and good: And for this reason also, human governments never should be absolute; because the imperfections of our natures render it impossible, that a perfect government should ever be founded and administered by imperfect beings.
From this idea has mankind been inspired to devise a balance in Government, or mutual checks; by which in a gradual way, such a degree of perfection may be attained in legislation, and that security in society, for which government was originally intended by Heaven. These observations may serve in some degree to impress the necessity and importance of government upon our minds—in our next, its competency to its design, will be attended to.
P L A I N OF THE GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES. A NATIONAL PAPER.
To be published at the SEAT of the FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and to comprise, as fully as possible, the following Objects, viz.
I. EARLY and authentick Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS—its LAWS, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS communicated so as to form an HISTORY of the TRANSACTIONS of the FEDERAL LEGISLATURE, under the NEW CONSTITUTION. II. IMPARTIAL Sketches of the DEBATES of CONGRESS. III. ESSAYS upon the great subjects of Government in general, and the Federal Legislature in particular; also upon the national and local Rights of the AMERICAN CITIZENS, as found upon the Federal or State Constitutions; also upon every other Subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion. IV. A SERIES of PARAGRAPHS, calculated to catch the "LIVING MANNERS as they RISE," and to point the publick attention to Objects that have an important reference to domestic, social, and publick happiness. V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions—religious and moral Objects—Improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY—their foreign Treaties, Alliances, Connections, &c. VI. Every Species of INTELLIGENCE, which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political INTERESTS of the AMERICAN REPUBLICK. VII. A CHAIN of DOMESTICK OCCURRENCES, collected through the Medium of an extensive Correspondence with the respective States. VIII. A SERIES of FOREIGN ARTICLES of INTELLIGENCE, so connected, as to form a general Idea of publick Affairs in the eastern Hemisphere. IX. The STATE of the NATIONAL FUNDS; also of the INDIVIDUAL GOVERNMENTS—Courses of Exchange—Prices Current, &c.
CONDITIONS.
I. THE GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES shall be printed with the same Letter, and on the same Paper as this publication. II. It shall be published every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY, and delivered, as may be directed, to every Subscriber in the city, on those days. III. The price to Subscribers (exclusive of postage) will be THREE DOLLARS pr. annum. IV. The first semi-annual payment to be made in three months from the appearance of the first number.
SUBSCRIPTIONS
Will be received in all the capital towns upon the Continent; also at the City-Coffee-House, at No. 86, William-Street, and at the Printing-Office, No. 9, Maiden-Lane, near the Olwego-Market, New-York. N. B. By a new Arrangement made in the States, Subscribers at a distance will be duly furnished with papers. POSTSCRIPT.—A large impression of every number will be struck off—so that Subscribers may always be accommodated with complete Sets.
To the PUBLICK.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLICK CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Mediums of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, and are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however VARIOUS the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all GOOD MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, established upon NATIONAL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRINCIPLES—which shall take up the premised Articles, upon a COMPETENT PLAN, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with publick approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this Publication is determined to leave no avenue of Information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of Persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the publick's humble servant, JOHN FENNO.
New-York, April 15, 1789.
TWO YOUNG SPRIGHTLY LADS ARE wanted, as APPRENTICES to the Business of Printing. Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the OSWEGO-MARKET, NEW-YORK.