Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-01-07 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 73, of Vol. III.]
SATURDAY, JANUARY 7, 1792.
[Whole No. 281.]
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AT THE FIRST SESSION.
Begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
AN ACT for carrying into effect a Contract between the United States, and the State of Pennsylvania.
FOR duly conveying to the State of Pennsylvania a certain tract of Land, the right to the government and jurisdiction whereof was relinquished to the said State by a resolution of Congress of the fourth day of September, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, and whereof the right of soil has been sold by virtue of a previous resolution of Congress of the sixth day of June in the said year :
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be authorised, on fulfilment of the terms stipulated on the part of the State of Pennsylvania, to issue letters patent, in the name and under the seal of the United States, granting and conveying to the said State forever, the said tract of Land, as the same was ascertained by a survey made in pursuance of the resolution of Congress of the sixth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, JANUARY THIRD, 1792.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
The following ADDRESS was presented to the President of the United States, by the Right Worshipful Grand Officers of the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania, on Tuesday last.
To his Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
SIR AND BROTHER,
THE ancient York Masons of the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania, for the first time assembled, in general communication to celebrate the feast of St. John the Evangelist, since your election to the chair of government in the United States, beg leave to approach you, with congratulations from the East, and in the pride of fraternal affection, to hail you as the great master-builder (under the Supreme Architect) by whose labors the temple of liberty hath been reared in the West; exhibiting to the nations of the earth a model of beauty, order and harmony, worthy of their imitation and praise.
Your knowledge of the origin and objects of our institution—its tendency to promote the social affections and harmonize the heart, give us a sure pledge that this tribute of our veneration, this effusion of our love, will not be ungrateful to you; nor will Heaven reject our prayer, that you may be long continued to adorn the bright list of master-workmen which our fraternity produces in the terrestrial Lodge; and that you may be late removed to that celestial Lodge, where love and harmony reign transcendant and divine; where the Great Architect more immediately presides; and where Cherubim and Seraphim, waiting our congratulations from earth to Heaven, shall hail you Brother!
By order and in behalf of the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania, in general communication assembled in ample form.
(Signed) J. B. SMITH, G. M. Seal. Attest. (Signed) P. LE BARBIER DU PLESSIS, G. Sec.
To which the President was pleased to give the following answer:
To the ancient YORK MASONs of the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN AND BROTHERS, I RECEIVE your kind congratulations with the purest sensations of fraternal affection: and from a heart deeply impressed with your generous wishes for my present and future happiness, I beg you to accept my thanks.
At the same time I request you will be assured of my best wishes and earnest prayers for your happiness while you remain in this terrestrial mansion—and that we may hereafter meet as brethren in the eternal temple of the Supreme Architect. G. WASHINGTON.
FROM THE UNITED STATES CHRONICLE.
DESCRIPTION OF NIGHT.
Verified from an ancient writer in the Gallic language.
LOUD howls the wind—the showers descend, The mountain Spirit screams— The windows flap—the tall woods bend— And roar the rain-swol'n streams: To ford the torrent, fad the wand'rer tries— But hark! o'er-whelm'd, he shrieks—he dies. Swift down the hill rugged and steep, The affrighted bealts retire— The hunter rouses from his sleep, And wakes the slumb'ring fire— He bars the wind—'round the hearth the while His wet dogs smoke—companions of his toil. Sad on the distant mountain's side, The lonely shepherd sighs— And bids, his wand'ring steps to guide, The ling'ring moon arise— While all around the forest roars, And down the rock the headlong torrent pours. The Ghost rides lightly on the storm— Loud are it's cries, and shrill; The house-dog barks—the shadowy form Flies o'er the misty hill: Cold, dark, and gloomy is the scene, Arise, my friends, and let the wand'rer in.
MARC.
City-Hall, Philadelphia, Jan. 3, 1792.
WE the Subscribers, appointed by the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States, to preside as Judges at the election of twenty-five Directors for the said Bank, do hereby certify, that the following Gentlemen were duly elected, agreeably to the number of votes annexed to their respective names.
  William Smith, S. C. 3870 James Watson, N. Y. 3998   Samuel Johnston, N. C. 8618 Archibald M c Call, Penn. 3170   Fisher Ames, } Mass. 3602 *Andrew Craigie, } N. Y. 3061   *Tristram Dalton, } Mass. 3500 Nicholas Low, } N. Y. 3043   Joseph Ball, Penn. 3585 *R. C. Livingston, } Penn. 2870   John Lawrence, } N. Y. 3477 William Bingham, Penn. 2815   Rufus King, } Penn. 3470 *P. R. Fendall, Virg. 2386   Thomas Willing, Penn. 3445 *Isaac Wharton, Penn. 2313   George Cabot, Mass. 3389 *Henry Nichols, Mary. 2278   Jeremiah Wadsworth, Con. 3423 J. C. Fisher, } Penn. 2205   Joseph Anthony, } Penn. 3384 *Mat. M c Connell, } Penn. 2026   Robert Smith, } Penn. 3348 Charles Pettit, } Penn. 1891   Herman Le Roy, } Penn. 3300 
IN witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands and seals, the day and year first above written.
D. SEARS, (L. S.) JOHN DELAFIELD, (L. S.) GEORGE LATIMER, (L. S.)
Those with this (*) mark are new Directors.
AT a meeting of the Society for promoting the improvement of Roads and Inland Navigation, held on Monday the 2d of January, 1792, at the State-House in the city of Philadelphia, the following Officers were chosen, viz.
President—ROBERT MORRIS. Treasurer—SAMUEL MEREDITH. Secretary—TIMOTHY MATLACK.
Committee of Correspondence—The Rev. Dr. WILLIAM SMITH, WILLIAM BROWN, of Kishacoquillas; WILLIAM MONTGOMERY, of Northumberland; WILLIAM FINDLEY, TENCH COXE, GEORGE CLYMER, JOHN ADLUM.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
PEOPLE govern their opinions, and, in the event, their conduct by their feelings and wishes.—In company, you will see men of sense and merit taking part against authority, and on the side of those who insult and resist it on almost every occasion; they seem to think it a duty to do so, because they wish to strengthen the cause of the people: and in the second place, government being always strong enough, often so strong as to encroach, is not the worse for being abused and pelted back somewhere within its lawful boundary line—it is thought at any rate, but indulging a good propensity. This may be very honest conduct, but is it wise and proper?
Under a bad government the people have something to get—scorn and calumny and public hatred may controul the minions of despotism, and make the government afraid to go to extremities.
In America, the government is as free as can be desired, or reasonably conceived. The proper care of the people is, not to extend their own ground, not to attack the government, but if possible to make it immortal: As in France, so in America, the constitution is the sanctuary where liberty takes shelter from violence; it is not what has been got from the people—it is what they have got for themselves and mean to lay up and lock up as they do their jewels and treasures. When the newspapers tell us of the
minions of power and of overgrown individuals in office and of other cant which seems to be copied from an English opposition print, what are we to think? In this country men are honored with public trust because they possess public confidence; as this trust should be discharged in a manner to deserve the character of honest and able men, the public approbation is at once the reward of their exertions, and a new pledge given to the public that they will continue to deserve their favor. Very bad men are not the most solicitous to acquire ingenuous praise. Why then should the public be so often addressed as it is, to make the government suspected and the men who administer it odious?
In Turkey a good son of liberty would wish to see a revolution. The same principle would lead him in this country to fortify the government. CIVIS.
CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, DECEMBER 19.
DEBATE ON THE REPRESENTATION BILL.
[Continued.]
[The Senate had amended the bill by increasing the ratio from 30,000 to 33,000; the House had disagreed to this amendment; the Senate voted to adhere. It was moved in the House this day, that they should recede from their disagreement.]
MR. MADISON, after making a few prefatory observations, said he felt himself impelled to take some notice of the arguments that had been used this day, on the subject before the House: he would not, however, attempt any reply to the gentleman from New-Jersey, nor pretend to follow him in his flights of imagination respecting the New-Jerusalem or the umpirage of Pennsylvania, but leave it to those to whom such observations might have been addressed to draw their own conclusions. He was sorry that it almost always happened, whenever any question of general policy and advantage to the union was before the House, when gentlemen found themselves at a loss for general arguments, they commonly resorted to local views; and at all times as well as the present, when there was most occasion for members to act with the utmost coolness, when their judgments ought to be the least biased—it was to be regretted that at those times they suffered their feelings, passions and prejudices to govern their reason. Thus it is that the most important points are embarrassed, the northern and southern interests are held up, every local circumstance comes into view, and every idea of liberality and candor is banished.
The gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Lawrence) when he introduced this subject at the commencement of the present session, did it on the most generous plan, and disavowed every principle of calculation so much, that he then declared he had not so much as made a single calculation of the different fractions which have since been introduced into the debate—his only object was to fix a rule on general principles, agreeably to the constitution and to the preservation of the rights of the people; and this idea was approved by two of the gentlemen from New-Jersey, who have since altered their opinions, although they then had no objections but as to the expence: the idea of fractions was not then contended for, but has since become the very essence of the opposition; and we are called on to violate the constitution by adopting a measure that will give representatives for those separate and distinct fractions in the respective states; and afterwards are told it is not to the fractional numbers in the states that they refer, but to the aggregate of the fractions in the United States. If this reasoning is good, why do the gentlemen stop at this boundary of a representation by states? why not proceed to erect the whole of the United States into one district, without any division, in order to prevent the inequality they conceive to exist in respect to individual states!

He would not encroach upon the time of the House by protracting the debate, which had already swelled to an immoderate extent. Upon the whole, he said that this was a great question, wherein attention should be paid to the people, and a strict eye kept towards the public good, divested of prejudice; but he had heard with pain how much had been said to divert the House by an attention to fractions, from the true object of general welfare—yet he hoped that the government would be equally administered—that none of those predictions or threats thrown out in the course of the debate, that no mutilation of the union, would take place; but on the contrary, that harmony would guide the decision of this question, free from every local consideration.
Mr. Hillhouse.—It has often been said this government is a government of confidence—and taking this for granted, can it ever be supposed that a plan of representation, which is unequal and unjust, can excite this confidence. This ratio of 30,000 throws an additional weight of 7 representatives into the scale of the large states. If this principle can be established on this occasion, it may be also extended to taxation. Northern and Southern interests have been mentioned—he was sorry the idea had ever been suggested—but as it had, there was no impropriety in adverting to it—let a line then be drawn at any given place, and a ratio established which will do equal justice to the members on both sides of that line—a representation that will deviate from such a principle, it cannot be expected, will give satisfaction or be cheerfully submitted to by the people.—The ratio of 33,000, figures will shew it, will give a more equal representation than that of 30,000,—and there has not, and, in his opinion, he said, could not be any good reason assigned why it should not be adopted.
Mr. Boudinot said he was pleased when gentlemen were desirous of appealing to candid and fair argument, in determining important questions.—In the present case, he thought there was propriety in examining the principles of the bill and amendment, by the terms of the constitution.—It had been said by gentlemen, that the ratio, when adopted, must be applied to the number of citizens in the individual states, and that no regard was to be paid to the fractions occasioned thereby, because not regarded by the constitution.—This he thought, was by no means conclusive.—The House of Representatives was to consist of members chosen every second year, by the people of the several states—these members not to exceed the proportion of one to 30,000.—It appeared to him that the whole number of representatives, to be chosen by the whole people of the union, was the subject contemplated by the constitution; as constituting this branch of the legislature, while by another part of the constitution, it becomes the duty of Congress, to apportion them when so ascertained, among the several states in proportion to their respective numbers.—As an instance, suppose for arguments sake, the aggregate number of the citizens of the United States, to be exactly three millions, by applying the ratio of 30,000, the constitutional number of this House would be found 100—Congress should then proceed to apportion (for he could apply no other meaning to the word) the 100 members among the States, as their respective numbers bore a proportion to the whole number of three millions.—Thus the representatives from every state would bear an exact proportion to each other, according to the number of inhabitants in the state; and the whole representation would stand on principles of perfect equality. An equal representation appears to have been the desirable object of the framers of the constitution—it is the very spirit of our government. He insisted that this was the only mode of applying the ratio, and making the apportionment that would hold good at all times, and under all circumstances. It cannot be said with propriety, that the constitution does not proceed on principles of perfect equality in this House, yet if the ratio be applied to the numbers in the individual states, it will always produce (as has been fully shewn by several gentlemen) very great inequality, by large fractions being unavoidable—in one state we now find one upwards of 29,000. He acknowledged the amendment did not proceed on this principle any more than the bill, for which reason he fully approved of neither, but as the ratio of 33,000 in the amendment produced a much greater equality, and came in effect nearer to his principle, (by reducing the fractions made by the bill nearly two thirds) he should prefer it, as he must vote for the one or the other.
It had been said that they were making distinctions between the north and the south—between the large and small states—He observed in answer, that if gentlemen would introduce principles of inequality, that bore unconstitutionally hard on individual states, they ought not to take it amiss, that the suffering states would complain of the injustice—The injured must complain, and the fault, if any, lies with the first framers of the principle.
If gentlemen wished for equality, let them ad-
here to the principles of the constitution. Apply the ratio to the whole number of citizens, by which you find the number of representatives to constitute this House, and then apportion those representatives among the individual states according to their respective numbers.
When gentlemen advert to the Senate, and say that the equal representation of the small states there, should be taken into the account, they do not consider the relative situation of the states as represented in that House—there the sovereignty of each state is represented, and not the individual citizen—sovereignty is perfectly equal in every state—As sovereigns there are no great or small, and if his information had been right, it was on that principle that the Senate was originally constituted, but that House was a representative of every individual citizen. On the whole, he was of opinion that by agreeing to the amendment of the Senate, they would secure the great principle of equality better than by the bill.
Mr. Boudinot thought the construction he had given the constitution was a true one—It supported the spirit of the confederation between the states, which was on the footing of perfect equality in proportion to numbers—It coincided with the spirit of our government, which was equality—And although by it, the number of members constituting the House was first ascertained from the whole people aggregately considered, without respect to the division of states, in their political capacity, yet by the after apportionment among the respective states in that capacity, the wisdom of the constitution appeared in thus providing a general government for general purposes, and at the same time making each individual state (as a state) essential to the existence of that government, thereby preventing in the most effectual manner an unnecessary entire consolidation of the union. Mr. B. said he had originally objected to the bill on account of a too numerous and expensive representation, as well as of an unequal one, but chiefly relied on the last as unconstitutional, and therefore should still prefer a concurrence with the Senate.
Mr. Gerry observed, that it had been fashionable to speak of the ratio of 30,000 as a federal number; he did not know what name to give to the amendment of the Senate, unless it were called the fractional number. He then took notice of an argument which had been used to create suspicion, that there was danger to be apprehended from a combination of the larger states; but this would appear a weak argument when it was considered that the power and influence of the smaller states are equal in the Senate to those of the greater states—the thing is impossible, and if attempted it could not succeed.
He wished to know whether it was the opinion of gentlemen, that there was less judgment and less firmness in the House of Representatives than in the Senate? He hoped an equipoise would be preserved in the two branches, and that the balance would not be destroyed by constantly giving up the judgment of the House to every whim of the Senate. If a latitude be now admitted, that we may increase the ratio, before the expiration of the first ten years, the gentlemen in favor of the Senate's amendment may insist on a ratio of 50, or 60,000; but this is ground they know they cannot yet touch upon; and the same reason that should prevent us from adopting this extreme, operates against the amendment. The whole expence of Congress, from adopting the ratio in the bill, will not amount to two cents upon each citizen of the United States annually, and as population encreases it will be lessened, Surely the gentlemen in favor of the amendment cannot object to this trifling expence. They speak of a liberal policy; I wish they would shew us an example by agreeing to the bill with a better grace than they seem to have exhibited hitherto.
Mr. Murray. The subject has gone through a very ample discussion. When the question of representation first came on, the theory of the government was ably resorted to by those who urged a large representation. Sir, I most heartily agreed in the principle on which by a large majority this House made 30,000 the ratio. As I still am of that opinion, I shall be indulged by this House while I give my reasons for adhering with a firmness which may be deemed by some tenaciousness, to a rejection of the amendment of the Senate.
I voted for 30,000 because I saw in that ratio the constitutional wishes and expectations of the people. I deemed the largest possible ratio allowed by the constitution to be the source of national government, and its best security. Nothing, Sir, which I have yet heard has convinced me to the contrary. It is unnecessary to recapitulate whatever has been said on this point. I must remark, however, that during the discussion, the members of this House who suggested that principle appeared to me to be convinced. They seemed to be masters of their own opinions, and to agree in this idea, without advertting to the doctrine of fractions, that the sole question was a point of theory rather than a measure of expedience; and they decided by a very large ma-
jority, that in this House, immediately warm from the very bosom of the people, the ratio of 30,000 was theoretically correct and practically useful. The bill was sent up to the Senate, who returned it with an amendment of 33,000 as the ratio. I voted against that amendment, because it was an attack upon the principle of an enlarged representation; and because the idea of fractional representation aimed at by the amendment, was but a commutation of the evil of fractions from one State to another, from the eastern on the southern; and contained a surrender of the principle without an attainment of convenience.
Sir, it has been in the course of debate foretold, that that honorable body would be averse to an enlarged representation here. Whatever has been augured, has been verified by experience; nor can any man be at a loss to see that the temper against large representation, though not openly avowed, for that would have been impolitic, has been covertly and successfully exerted under the semblance of equality of representation, by this doctrine of fractions. It was sent down into this House in the form of jealousy and suspicion—and it has produced its effects. It has roused the latent and local interests from their plans, and we have had debates entirely constructed on the tenets of northern and southern interests and influence.
A proposition was made by a member from New-York, (Mr. Benson) and reiterated by the gentleman from Delaware. The object of this proposition was to sum up the fractions, and from the aggregate take seven members. Sir, if I was surprised, I confess I was delighted to see men who a few days before had opposed in theory the idea of a large representation, come down with moderation, and suggest this great principle even in a bad form. I imagined they were converted. I voted against this proposition, because I thought it, first, unconstitutional, inasmuch as it could have been contemplated but in the consolidation of states; and because I tho't it contained a solecism in politics. I deemed it unconstitutional, as the constitution calls for a representation of the people of the respective states in a ratio of 30,000; and if this had obtained it was to be done by collecting the fragments of constituents from states widely separate, and giving a representation of their fractions thus divided to that state which had the largest fraction. Thus, Sir, the two from Delaware would be chosen by less than the constitution contemplates, as there are not 60,000; and it is in vain to say that the member chosen by 25,000 is elected by the addition of 5,000 in any other state in order to complete his proper number of constituents, for they do not elect him: and if it be said that he nevertheless does represent them as his constituents, it can only be by the idea of a consolidation having pre-existed, which no man has yet openly averred to be the doctrine on this subject. The very first and most intelligible principle of representation in government is that the representative is responsible to his constituents; but, Sir, this, though an abstract truth, must be shown to the people not in a fiction, but in a solid and practical mode, congenial with their habits, and palpable to their understandings.
In the adoption of this extraordinary proposition, the idea of virtual representation is the only one which at all protects it. No man, however, who knows the country, will tamper and trifle with so solid a part of government as that of actual representation and actual responsibility. I never, Sir, could consent to commute a known and practical measure of good, for a flimsy speculation which could only have been invented to serve particular views, and was never thought of till it was discovered in what manner the fractions would affect particular states.
For these reasons, Sir, I voted against that proposition. I shall now vote against the amendment of the Senate, because I find no cure, but a partial one, for the inconvenience of fractions; and even this is to be obtained at the expence of principle. Though this amendment may gratify some States, as New-Jersey, that may have large fractions, it throws off the evil from them on other States. The fraction of Massachusetts may be smaller, but the State of Maryland loses a member and will have a large fraction. Sir, I can find nothing in this amendment but the design to accomplish what I humbly conceive an unwholesome end by improper means, and shall therefore vote against the proposed amendment.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
WEDNESDAY, January 4.
Several petitions for compensations, pensions, &c. were read and referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Lawrance from the committee to whom was referred the petition of Brigadier-General Josiah Harmar, in behalf of himself and a number of other commissioned officers, praying an augmentation of their pay, made a report in favor of the petitioners, which was read and laid on the table.

The committee on the petition of John Stagg, jun. chief clerk in the office of the Secretary for the Department of War, reported that his salary be augmented to the sum of 800 dollars per annum, to commence from the 1st of January inst. which report was laid on the table.
Mr. B. Bourne presented a memorial from the legislature of the State of Rhode-Island, praying a further assumption of her State debt, which was read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury for information.
Mr. Livermore of the committee, appointed to bring in a bill agreeably to the report of the committee on the petition of George Webb late receiver of continental taxes in the State of Virginia, reported a bill for that purpose, which was read the first time.
A report was read from the Secretary at War, on the memorial of Benjamin Lincoln in behalf of himself, Cyrus Griffin and David Humphreys, Commissioners for treating with the Indians, south of the river Ohio, and referred to a select committee of Mr. Ames, Mr. Boudinot and Mr. Steele.
Mr. Benfon, laid on the table a resolution, to this effect, that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill apportioning representatives among the several states, according to the first enumeration, &c.
THURSDAY, January 5.
Read a second time, a bill granting further compensation to certain receivers of continental taxes, and referred to a committee of the whole house on Wednesday next.
Several petitions for compensations, pensions, &c. were read and referred to the Secretary of War.
A petition of Daniel Freer, praying the renewal of certain certain certificates of public debt which had been destroyed, was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The committee to whom was referred the report on the memorial of Benjamin Lincoln and others, reported in favor of the prayer of the memorial, which was read and laid on the table.
The House proceeded in the consideration of the post-office bill.
The section offered by Mr. Fitzsimons which provides that the stages which transport the mail, shall be authorized to carry passengers was further discussed, after considerable debate Mr. Barnwell offered a proviso—suspending the operation of the clause in those states in which certain persons are vested with an exclusive privilege, by the law of the state, to carry passengers in stage waggons or coaches, till the expiration of their patents. Further debate took place on this proviso, which was finally negatived—the Ayes and Noes being as follow:
A Y E S.
Messrs. Baldwin, Barnwell, Griffin, Huger, Lawrance, Madison, Murray, Seney, W. Smith, Sterrett, Sturges, Sumpter, Thatcher, Vining—14.
N O E S.
Messrs. Ames, Ashe, Benfon, Boudinot, B. Bourne, S. Bourne, Brown, Clark, Findley, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Giles, Gilman, Gordon, Gregg, Grove, Heister, Jacobs, Key, Kitchell, Kittera, Learned, Lee, Livermore, Macon, Moore, Muhlenberg, Niles, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Sylvester, Treadwell, Venable, Wadsworth, Ward, Wayne, White, Williamson, Wyllis—43.
The question was then taken on the proposition offered by Mr. Fitzsimons—which was also negatived—the Ayes and Noes being as follow:
A Y E S.
Messrs. Ames, Benfon, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Findley, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Gordon, Gregg, Huger, Kittera, Lawrance, Learned, Livermore, Macon, Muhlenberg, W. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatcher, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward—25.
N O E S.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Barnwell, Boudinot, Brown, Clark, Giles, Griffin, Grove, Heister, Jacobs, Key, Kitchell, Lee, Madison, Moore, Murray, Niles, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Seney, J. Smith, I. Smith, Sterrett, Sumpter, Treadwell, Tucker, Venable, Wayne, White, Williamson, Wyllis—33.
Several new amendments were offered, and rejected.
It was then ordered that the bill be engrossed for a third reading.
The house proceeded in the consideration of the bill relative to the election of President and Vice-President, &c.—An amendment to the 10th section was proposed by Mr. Gerry—and Mr. Giles moved to recommit two of the sections—but without deciding on either, the House adjourned.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 6.
The petition and memorial of John Churchman, presented a few days since, was taken into consideration, and, after some debate, a motion for referring it to a select committee was agreed to, and Messrs. Page, Wadsworth and Wayne, appointed accordingly.
Mr. Benfon's motion for the appointment of a committee to report a new representation-bill, was taken into consideration.
Mr. Gerry moved an amendment to the motion by inserting the ratio of 30,000; this occasioned considerable debate; Mr.
Ames moved another amendment which was to insert 119 members as the whole number to be chosen by the union. These motions were superceded by a motion from Mr. B. Bourne, to refer the original motion with the amendment proposed by Mr. Gerry, to a committee of the whole House, which being agreed to, the subject was made the order of the day for Thursday next.
The House proceeded in the consideration of the bill relative to the election of President and Vice-President, &c.
Mr. Gies moved to recommit the whole bill, which, after some debate, was agreed to, and made the order of the day for Tuesday next.
Mr. Lawrance reported a bill to ascertain and regulate the claims to half-pay, and to invalid pensions—this bill provides for a partial repeal of the limitation ordinances of the late Congress, and makes the most ample provision for the cases of all those who have claims on the public justice—read the first and second times, and made the order of the day on Wednesday next.
The report on the memorial of Benjamin Lincoln and others, was taken into consideration—this being in favor of the memorialists, it was moved that a resolution should be adopted pursuant thereto, which was for granting a sum of money equal to defraying their reasonable and necessary expenses—After considerable debate, a substitute for this motion was proposed, in moving that a committee should be appointed to bring in a bill, appropriating 1611 dollars, pursuant to the prayer of the memorial.—The House, without deciding the question, adjourned till Monday next.
LONDON, November 8.
On the 31st ult. M. de Montmorin went to the National Assembly, in obedience to orders, to inform them how the King's acceptance of the constitution had been received by foreign powers.
The letters written in answer to the King's notification by the Emperor, by the Kings of England and Denmark, by the States-General of Holland, by the republic of Geneva, by the Electors of Treves and Saxony, and by the Dukes of Deux Ponds and Brunswick, simply with the welfare of the King of France and his subjects.
The Elector of Treves says formally, that "as to any thing else he has no answer to give."
The King of Spain says in plain terms, that "the King was not free when he accepted the constitution."
The King of Sweden "refused to receive the packet which was officially sent to him." And he assigned, as the motive of his refusal, "his own will and pleasure not to receive any mission from France."
M. de Montmorin observed, that as soon as Louis XVI. was informed of this answer, he had ordered his ambassador to renew his application to his Swedish Majesty; that if Gustavus should persist in his refusal, to quit Stockholm without taking leave.
This resolution of the King was highly and loudly applauded.
The Empress of Russia, the court of Rome, the King of Sardinia, the Queen of Portugal, the Swiss Cantons, and the Elector of Mayence, have not returned any answer.
The National Assembly have decreed thanks to the King of Great-Britain, to the English nation, and to Lord Effingham, Governor of Jamaica, for his generous conduct in relieving the planters of St. Domingo, from the horrors of famine, and furnishing them with arms and military stores, against their rebel negroes.
The Prince of Wales, it is reported, has cleared ten thousand pounds by the present meeting at Newmarket!
HARTFORD, December 26.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Cape-Francois, to the Editor, dated Nov. 19, 1791.
"The day before yesterday, a 74 gun ship and one frigate, arrived at this port, to assist in quelling the disturbances, but have only made them greater—the officers being of the Aristocratical party, the Assembly have demanded them—and I am informed that the seamen have risen and delivered them to the guards of this place, that they may be sent to France."
BALTIMORE, December 30.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Cape-Francois, to his friend in this town, dated the 1st inst.
"The mulattoes were driven from Port-au-Prince by the regiments of Artois and Normandy, and were, when the dispatches came off, encamped at the Croix de Bouquet—Report says above 180 of them were left dead in the streets. A terrible pillage attended the fire. The women and children were taken on board the King's ships; and, we are told, few have sustained other injury than the loss of property."
Extract of another letter from a respectable mercantile house in the same place, to a gentleman in this town, dated the 3d inst.
"Further particulars from Port-au-Prince have come to hand since our last. We learn, that from 30 to 32, instead of 27, squares are destroyed, (the town is composed of 44) and these the most valuable. All Captain's-street is consumed, and but very few, if any, of the principal merchants have escaped. Not one of the sufferers had time to save his books or papers. We are momentarily expecting further information. We are, as yet, quiet here, and have little to apprehend from the mulattoes. At Fort-Dauphin they have delivered up their cannon, and joined our army in that quarter. We have every reason to suppose that Aux-Cayes has suffered the fate of Port-au-Prince. The insurgents were in the neighbourhood of the town, when advices, received last evening, were dispatched—Fort St. Louis was
then in their possession. It is said they had warned the planters to retire to their plantations, on pain of fire and sword. The whites, at Leoganne and Petit-Guave, are disarmed. St. Marc has, probably, experienced the same fate."
Philadelphia, January 7.
Reports from India, via France, say, that Lord Cornwallis has found it necessary to retire, Tippoo having laid waste the country in such manner as to impede his march.
At the Revolution Society Dinner in London, Mr. Paine gave the following Toast—"The REVOLUTION OF ALL THE WORLD."
Accounts from Detroit, received by a gentleman from the Gennessee country, say the Indians in the late battle at the Weyward, amounted to between 3 and 4000—That they were commanded by one of the Mifflalago Tribe, who had been in the British service the late war—that he planned and conducted the attack—That the account of the commencement and continuance of the action, agrees with Gen. St. Clair's letter to the Secretary of War.
A late account from Port-au-Prince, published in a New-York paper, says, that it was not the people of colour, who burned the town, but that it was done by the inhabitants—and that it was a premeditated plan of the Aristocrats!
How often is the saying contradicted in fact , that no man is an enemy to himself!
The following resolution was adopted in the House of Representatives of this Common-wealth, and sent to the Senate for their concurrence, on Thursday last.
That in commemoration of the important and meritorious services rendered to his country by GEORGE WASHINGTON, whose character and conduct have triumphed in proportion to the difficulties they have encountered, and have attracted the admiration and respect of all nations where valour and virtue are held in estimation, there be procured at the public's expence, a full length portrait painting and marble bust, expressive of his person, and as far as possible characteristic of his talents.
Resolved, That the said painting and bust be deposited wherever the Legislature shall deem expedient.
Prejudices are battered down by writers—yet, prostrate in the dust, they maintain their authority over the multitude. They resist reason, but they yield to time. They must be suffered, even in the counsels of nations, to wear out. No truth is better proved, than that trade should be free: yet not one nation has fully yielded obedience to the principle. Commercial restrictions and prohibitions are even multiplying, and the hands of industry, (one would almost tear) are going to be bound faster than ever. This is the golden age, tho' not in the fabulous sense. The desire of wealth governs politics, as well as trade; the assembly house, as well as the work-shop. The enquiry, in the former, is only, how shall we make a law to increase the riches of the people? The answer is, by letting them alone—give their industry room to act in, without the obstruction of government's meddling, and it will find its own reward. The European nations, unfortunately for them, and for the world, have colonies; the system of commercial monopoly follows the system of conquest. 'Tis there that one abuse is made to produce, and to justify, another. Every trading nation needs some naval defence; but the ambition and avarice of the great maritime powers, have carried these burdens to an oppressive extreme. A great navy, they pretend, must be kept up to defend colonies, and seamen must be hired to catch cod-fish and whales, at three times their worth, to man a navy. All their ships barely suffice to defend their monopoly; a tenth part of them would protect a free trade. But it is fortunate for mankind that the excess of these abuses is providing a cure for them. The colony and monopoly system of Europe has kindled their wars; their navies have been the chief instrument and heaviest charge of them. Their national debts have been contracted, in a great measure, to defray that charge. They have drained all that the monopoly of trade could supply, and more is still wanting; and now they begin to perceive, that free trade only can furnish it.
Before the constitution of the United States was adopted, or even published, the opinion of the public was settled on this point, that the old form of government was carrying us hastily forward into anarchy and ruin; men of sense and virtue were zealous and active in using arguments and persuasions to get the constitution received by the people. Then they watched and laboured long and hard and succeeded; they felt an affection for the work they had so much assisted: But now the government is going prosperously forward, it is to be apprehended, that such men will withdraw their attention and affection, at least in a great degree; they will say let it now take care of itself, it is able to do it—But they may have cause to lament their neglect; a thousand occasions happen in which a good government would almost stop its course if it was not assisted by the zeal and virtue of the men of abilities and merit who live under it.
The only reason assigned for enhancing the postage of newspapers sent more than 100 miles, fifty per cent. is, that it will prevent a monopoly of the business on the part of those Printers who publish at the Seat of Government, to the injury of the Printers at the Southward, where labor and materials in that line, are dearer than at the Northward. This is one of those bad rules that will not work both ways—for if it would tend to equalize the matter at the Southward, it will entirely prevent any papers being sent to the Northward.
The half cent originally proposed as a postage on newspapers, would be found fully competent to defraying every expence. All that is to be considered with respect to the contracts for carrying the mail, is the weight —the trouble would not be increased, provided all newspapers were lodged in the post-office, as they ought to be—but it has never yet been made to appear that the newspapers might not be included in all the mail contracts, without one farthing's addition to the expence.
A writer in the Farmer's Journal, printed at Danbury, (Conn.) says—Were some regulation established whereby editors of periodical works might receive communications free of postage, the publishers of the NATIONAL PAPERS would, undoubtedly, receive many entertaining and instructive essays, from every part of the Union, which are now withheld for want of a proper conveyance.
FOREIGN APPOINTMENTS.
Pierre Francois Barbe de Marbois, Vice-Consul from his Most Christian Majesty within the states of Connecticut, New-York and New-Jersey, to reside in New-York.
Charles Gottfried Paleske, Consul-General from the King of Prussia, within the United States of America.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
FUNDED DEBT.
  6 pr. Cents 23/4 pr. £. 116 3/4 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 13/10 69 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 14/ 70 do. 
UNFUNDED DEBT.
  Final Sett. and other Certificates 20/6 102 1/2 do.   Indents 12/6 62 1/2 do.   Bank Stock—half shares 97 per cent premium. —whole shares from 50 to 55 per cent. 

AN ADDRESS TO THE CITIZENS OF WESTMORELAND, WASHINGTON, FAYETTE AND ALLEGHANY COUNTIES. ON THE REVENUE LAW. BY JOHN NEVILLE, INSPECTOR OF THE REVENUE, SURVEY NO. 4, DISTRICT PENNSYLVANIA.
FIFTH objection. "The duty in question is a tax on a Domestic Manufacture which good policy would rather encourage than consider as a source of revenue."
Answer. Congress have given strong proofs in every session of their anxiety to encourage manufactures of all kinds which promise to be successful. When domestic manufactures are in their infancy, it is impolitic to make them an object of revenue; but when they have attained to maturity, and the products of them are in general consumption, then they become as fair objects of revenue as any that can be imagined.
This principle is so clear and so well established, that it is not possible to understand and yet to dispute it, and the consequence of it is, that the law in question, instead of bearing hard upon the domestic manufacture, is a positive, direct, and great encouragement of it.
Spirits distilled from domestic materials go into market, therefore with an advantage over those distilled in the United States from foreign materials, greater, by two cents per gallon, and with an advantage over foreign imported spirits, greater by eleven cents per gallon, than if there was no duty upon any of them.
But in fact the advantage accruing from the law to spirits distilled from domestic materials is still greater than has been mentioned. It is ascertained, that those stills which have full employment, by paying sixty cents per gallon of the capacity of the still, do not pay any more than about five cents per gallon on spirits distilled.
Hence it is evident that the committee have, in this respect really mistaken the true effect of the law, which, instead of injuring, is calculated to promote the domestic manufacture: the same remark applies to the presentment of the grand jury of a county of South-Carolina, the only grand jury who have noticed the law.
The committee point their complaint to the duty on spirits distilled from domestic materials, and seem not unwilling that the duty on spirits distilled from foreign materials should remain. Will not this clearly prove to us, how liable we are to error, when, under the influence of a local view of a subject, we censure laws founded on general information and a knowledge of the circumstances of all parts of the community?
Your distance from a market, cannot, as is alleged, render the duty more burdensome to you than to others. As to the part which you shall consume at home the effect of the law will only be to add the duty to the price, and the same thing will happen every where else: as to what you may send to a distant market, the expence of transportation will be no greater by the duty than it was before; and as you will find an increased price there, in proportion to the duty, you can lose nothing; you will even gain whatever the makers of spirits in the vicinity of those markets are able to add to the price by way of advance to the duty.
It appears, then, that you will not pay a larger part of the duty than others, unless it can be shewn that you drink more ardent spirits than your fellow-citizens in other parts of the country. This I hope and believe is not true. It would be an indecent imputation against you, which could not fail to excite your indignation, to represent you as the least sober and temperate part of the people of the United States.
If it be said that other parts of it drink other liquors in greater quantity, it may be answered, that this is not the case as a general rule, and that as far as it is true, the difference is much more than made up on the higher duties which are laid on those articles.
Fellow-citizens, I know too well the justice and generosity of your tempers, not to be convinced, that you will sufficiently feel the force of this reflection, when it is brought into your view. If it should be even true (as it does not appear to be) that you pay something more in proportion of the duty in question, than your fellow citizens in other quarters, how long a list of articles is there upon which those fellow-citizens as consumers pay heavy duties, which either affect you not at all, or very little indeed.
Sixth objection. "The scarcity of cash renders the duty a particular grievance. It is questionable whether all the circulating cash in the country would be sufficient to pay it."
Answer. This, if true, is an objection, not to the particular duty in question, but to any other duty or tax whatever. It cannot, therefore, be urged as a special or particular objection to this particular tax. The people of this part of the country do not expect to share in the peace, security and protection of government, without contributing any thing to its support. They expect to be guarded from foreign subjugation, and from savage depredations; but they are too just to admit that the money ought to be taken out of the pockets of their fellow-citizens throughout the United
States, to pay the troops for their defence, and to purchase their produce for the subsistence of those troops, without bearing any part of the burden; or it must be alleged that you are totally unable to contribute, and will accept protection from the rest of the people of the United States.
Such expectations, fellow-citizens, are really the amount of the objection last stated. You are too reasonable, and have too much honest pride and spirit, to be willing to owe your security to the bounty and protection of others, without contributing your proportion of the necessary means.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
Bank of the United States.
DECEMBER 3, 1791.
NOTICE is hereby given that the Bank of the United States will be opened on Monday the 5th instant.
Transfers of the subscriptions to the stock of said Bank may then be made.
On Monday the 12th instant, deposits will be received, and on Tuesday the 20th instant, discounts may be made.
By order of the President and Directors,
JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
All Bills or Notes offered for Discount shall be delivered into the Bank on Mondays or Wednesdays, the Discount shall be settled on Tuesdays and Thursdays, and shall be made known the next succeeding days.
AT A MEETING OF THE DIRECTORS OF THE BANK OF THE UNITED STATES,
DECEMBER 5, 1791.
RESOLVED, THAT the payment of the portion of the Capital Stock of the Bank of the United States, consisting of Specie which will be due on the several Shares on the first Monday of January next, may be made at the respective Banks of Massachusetts and New-York.
Provided, That any Stockholder claiming the benefit of such payment, shall, on or before the first Monday in January next, exhibit to the Cashier of the Bank of the United States, a Certificate signed by the Cashier of the Bank into which such payment shall have been made—any thing in the regulations heretofore established to the contrary notwithstanding.
By order of the President and Directors,
JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
BOULTING CLOTHS.
An extensive Assortment, of very superior texture, suitable for every branch of the business, just imported from Amsterdam, and for Sale by
DANIEL TYSON,
No. 114, SOUTH FRONT-STREET;
Where Millers and others may always be supplied with the best Cloths, and large allowance made to those who purchase in quantities to sell again.
Also for Sale, a Quantity of Particular
MADEIRA WINE,
Of the first Quality, fit for immediate use, in Pipes. Philadelphia, December 6, 1791. [12w1m]
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
TEAS,
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c.
Of the first quality—by retail,
No. 19,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
A few TICKETS in 3d and last Class of the NEW-JERSEY LOTTERY.
TO BE SOLD,
On the Waters of Tye River, a Branch of James River, in the County of Amherst, and State of Virginia,
About 7,000 acres of rich Land,
Well adapted to produce every kind of grain and grass a farmer can wish to cultivate, distant from navigation twenty miles. For terms apply to JAMES ROSE, residing on the Land. Amherst County, Virginia, Dec. 10, 1791. (4t)
TO BE SOLD,
BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, PEAR-STREET,
A COLLECTION OF
Scarce and Valuable
BOOKS,
Which may be seen every day, until five o'clock, P. M. Among them are the following:
Folio. HOMER, Xenophon, Plato, Plutarch, Eusebius, Sozomen, Theodoret, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Paternus, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thefaurus Ciceronis. Biblia Junii and Tremelli. Bible de Martin, Wells's Maps, Scapulae—Phavorini—Martini—Hoffmani Lexica, Vossii Etymologicon, Antiquit. Eccles. Britannica, &c.
Quarto. Pindar, Cyropaedia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phaedrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Ciceronis op. om. Caeser, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ars Gram. Cluverii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c.
Octavo et infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poetae minores Gr. Isocrates, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Plautus, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Asconius, Buchanan, Sallust, Curtius, Flourens, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hist. August. Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars, &c. &c.
Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Bookfellers, Market-street, or of JOHN CAREY. October 31. (ep tf.)
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY, some time in August 1789, a yellow NEGRO MAN, named ABRAHAM, late the property of Nathaniel Wickliff, deceased—about forty-five years of age, about five feet eight or nine inches high, pretty well set, with a large woolly head and large beard, walks with his knees bent, often complains of pains in his feet and ankles—by trade a bricklayer, stone mason and plasterer. He is a very handy fellow as a house-waiter, and is fond of such business. He is a great dissembler, and no doubt pretends he is a freeman. He has been eloped so long that no description of his present clothing can be given. It is supposed that he went to the Northern States, as he often mentioned having friends there. Twenty Dollars reward will be given to any person that will secure said Negro in any jail, so that the subscriber may get him again; and reasonable charges will be paid—or Thirty Dollars will be given if he is brought to Prince William County, Virginia, to Mr. JOHN KINCHELOE, by
CHARLES WICKLIFF, Administrator.
October 12, 1791.
(12w9w)
American Lead Manufactory.
STEPHEN AUSTIN, & Co.
HAVE just now opened their LEAD-WAREHOUSE, two doors south of Walnut-street Wharf, adjoining their New Factory—where they have now made, and ready for sale, a general assortment of SHOT of all sizes, with SHEET and BAR LEAD, the production of the Mines in Virginia. As they have employed a number of experienced English workmen, they warrant it to be equal in quality to any manufactured in Europe, and at a reduced price from the cost of imported.
They also continue to manufacture all the above articles at Richmond, in Virginia. All orders addressed to either of the above Factories, will be thankfully received, and executed on the shortest notice.
N. B. Wanted, industrious, sober, Labouring Men, at the said Mines, where constant employ, good wages, and other encouragements will be given, means of conveyance being provided, and houses for their reception.
For further particulars enquire of Messrs. Moses Austin & Co. at their Factory in Richmond, or as above. Philadelphia, December 3, 1791. (tf)
GEORGE MEADE
Has for SALE, at his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF,
A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old bills of exchange Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, hoghead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old.
Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hoghead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter chests of first quality Hyson TEA.
He has just received by the Pigou, Loxley, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, Capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted; a few bales of red and white FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality.
He has also to dispose of, a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will, through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HAND-SPIKES. He is purchasing FLAX-SEED and BEES-WAX, and will give the highest price for them.
N. B. A few hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just received, and to be disposed of. Philadelphia, November 16, 1791. (ep 6w.)
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
JOHN PINTARD,
SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER, PURCHASES and SELLS
PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission, at the following rates:
ON the Specie amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent.
On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent.
On remittances, ditto.
Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest.
For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer.
Such persons as may incline to favor the subscriber with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch. His long experience and extensive dealings in the public stocks, together with a well established correspondence throughout the United States, enable him to conduct his operations with peculiar benefit to his employers.
JOHN PINTARD, New-York, No. 57, King-Street.
October 15, 1791.
TO BE SOLD,
THAT beautiful and elegant situation on the banks of the Potomack, adjoining the town of Alexandria, whereon the subscriber now resides; about 25 or 30 acres will be sold with the improvements, which are a neat and commodious two story house, completely finished from the cellar to the garret, a kitchen, laundry, meat-house, dairy, two story barn, and ice house, all finished in the best manner, together with several other necessary out-houses, the yard and garden neatly paled, and a skillful gardener now employed in putting it in fine order; the land well enclosed with a post and rail fence; a well, and Springs of excellent water—the prospect is equalled by few, and excelled by none in America—its contiguity to Alexandria, the Federal Town, and George-Town, having a fine and full view of each place, must render it in a few years of great value, being directly in a line of communication from Alexandria to the other two towns. Should a purchaser offer before the 15th of February next, a cheap bargain may be had. An indisputable title, clear of all encumbrances, will be made by the subscriber. I will also sell with this place, 220 Acres of Wood Land, about 3 miles distant, which will suit well to support the above in wood and timber. December 14, 1791. (tf) BALDWIN DADE.
HOLY BIBLE.---Royal Quarto.
MR. THOMAS, of Worcester, Massachusetts, most respectfully informs the public, that he has this day completed the Old and New Testaments of his Royal Quarto Edition of the HOLY BIBLE. The Apocrypha and Index, &c. will be finished with all the dispatch the nature of the work will admit.
Such Gentlemen as hold SUBSCRIPTION PAPERS, he begs will return them to him at Worcester, or to him and Company at Boston, by the last day of November next, and as much sooner as they conveniently can.
He is happy to inform the public, that the work has been examined by many gentlemen, clergymen and others, and has met with their highest approbation; both as to the execution of the printing, its correctness, and its cheapness compared with English copies of the same size and quality.
As this very laborious and exceedingly expensive undertaking, is carried on solely at his own cost, he is led to hope that all those who wish to possess a large Family Bible, will so far encourage this laudable undertaking of their countryman, as to add their names to the subscription.
Worcester. Sept. 29, 1791.
ISAIAH THOMAS.
The price of this Paper is 2 Dollars per ann. One half to be paid at Subscribing.