The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-12-05 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 5th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, sailed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexecuted delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments no safer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the Press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As on the one hand, the conduct of public men and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indecent ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or enlivened by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to him, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of PROPOSITIONS, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The FOLLOWING are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subject to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
1st. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good paper, and with a new type.
2d. The annual subscription shall be FIVE DOLLARS paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and SIX DOLLARS paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.
3d. All Letters to be post paid.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expence and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare.
this, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exceptions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
October 31st, 1800.
LEGISLATURE OF MARYLAND.
THURSDAY, Nov. 27.
The house proceeded to the order of the day, when the clerk read the memorial of sundry merchants and others, citizens of Baltimore; in which the memorialists state as their opinion the inadequacy of the powers of the legislature to extend relief to insolvent debtors, holding such relief as a violation of the federal constitution, which declares that the state legislatures shall make no laws "impairing the obligations of contracts;" and praying a hearing from the honourable house, by council at the bar. The house assenting that the memorialists should be heard:
Mr. HARPER rose in their behalf. He defended the opinions of the memorialists with much ingenuity and ability, and in a masterly strain of refined and dignified eloquence. He contended that the part of the constitution cited in the memorial took from the state governments the power of making insolvent laws, other than for the relief of the persons of "languishing prisoners," absolutely confined in jail at the time of making their application. He read the 8th section, 1st article of the federal constitution, which gives to congress the power of "establishing uniform systems of bankruptcy," and which, in his opinion, took from the state legislatures the power of relieving other than the persons of insolvents "actually confined in prison;" and proceeded to recite the statutes of this state in cases of insolvency from the year 1694, down to 1793, all of which were special acts for the relief of persons actually in a state of confinement. Mr. Harper was very elaborate and ingenious, and did infinite justice both to himself and his employers.
Mr. BOYD opposed Mr. Harper; he supported the legitimate powers of the state governments to pass insolvent laws; and drew a wide distinction between bankrupt and laws of insolvency: the former being limited in their operations to a certain description of persons; the latter of more general extent, and operating in cases where the former could not reach. Mr. B. spoke much to the purpose, but so fast that it was scarcely possible to sketch a note from him.
Mr. S. CHASE, jun. supported Mr. Boyd with very considerable ingenuity; his feelings appeared to possess a strong interest in behalf of the insolvents, and the constitutional powers of the state. He could not admit that the restricted operation of the bankrupt law of the United States could supercede the state insolvent law; or that granting relief to the insolvent applicants, in any manner clashed with the declaration of the United States constitution prohibiting the individual states from passing laws "impairing the obligation of contracts."
Mr. KEY, in a speech of about two hours
length, did great honor to his cause, and to his extensive abilities and brilliant talents. He took up the prohibitory expression of the federal constitution, relative to the state legislatures passing acts "impairing the obligation of contracts," upon entire new grounds. He confined such acts to the emission and depreciation of paper bills of credit, to the passing of tender laws, installment laws, shutting up the courts of justice, &c. and drew a wide and apposite distinction between the nature of bankrupt and insolvent laws. He gave the most convincing evidence of the legitimate powers of the state to grant relief to the insolvent applicants, and shewed that they had no other resource than from the state exercising that power. At the conclusion of Mr. Key's speech, the house adjourned.
Friday, November 28.
The order of the day was re-assumed; Mr. Luther Martin rose as counsel for the petitioning insolvents; Mr. M. displayed much legal information, and contended with great ability the constitutional powers of the state to make and exercise insolvent laws to their fullest extent; In a most masterly and pathetic manner he detailed the sudden transition of fortune which had occurred to the unfortunate applicants. He stated their immense losses, and the causes which gave rise to them. In more than one instance he drew forth the big tear of sympathy, and excited a many commiseration in the hearts of every one but the stinty creditor; all the energies of his great mind appeared to be excited to action; and a speech of more than two hours length received the most marked and undivided attention.
Mr. HARPER, by special leave of the house, was admitted to reply. He displayed extensive legal information, and if possible, defended his positions with more energies than the day previous. When Mr. H. concluded the house adjourned.
Saturday November 29.
The house resumed the order of the day after some desultory debate.
Mr. Smith, (Baltimore,) rose and spoke at considerable length, in favor of the counter-memorialists, and against the power of the state to pass insolvent laws, to release other than "the person" of the insolvent.
Colonel Mercer with his usual eloquence replied to Mr. Smith; and the house, at a late hour took the question on a resolve somewhat to this effect,
Resolved, That the constitution of the United States does not prohibit the power of this state from passing insolvent laws, or from granting relief to insolvent debtors.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 5th, 1800.
CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, DEC. 4.
The Speaker informed the House that the Chaplains had proposed, if agreeable to the house, to hold divine service every Sunday in their chamber.
Mr. HILL presented a memorial from Samuel Harrison Smith and Thomas Carter, representing that they had undertaken to report the Debates of the House, that contrary to their expectation, on the suggestion of inconvenience to the members, they had not received permission to occupy a situation within the bar, without which they were unable to state with fidelity the proceedings and debates; and praying the permission of the House to be admitted within the bar.
As soon as the Memorial was read, the SPEAKER rose and observed, That feeling
himself responsible to the House for the faithful discharge of the duties attached to his situation, he thought it proper to state the line of conduct he had pursued in this business. He stated that he was applied to by letter on the first day of the session by Mr. Stewart, requesting permission to occupy a place within the bar; that he immediately took the request into consideration; that in the mean time similar requests were made by other individuals; that on observing the structure of the room and the arrangement of the furniture, it at once appeared to him inconsistent with the dignity of the house, or the convenience of the members to grant the permission asked; that the area was too small to afford the necessary accommodation; that the position considered as the least inconvenient to the house was within the window frames; that, in his opinion, this position would not be agreeable to the Stenographers, as the view of the members on the opposite side of the house from either window would be obstructed; that if a position was assigned in any other part of the house, the Stenographers would be between the chair and some of the members, which would render the preservation of order impossible; that he had stated these reasons, and informed the applicants that, if agreeable to them, he would assign a place in the Gallery, which should be set apart for their exclusive use; and that he considered that to be the most eligible position. He concluded by repeating, that it was in his opinion absolutely impossible to preserve the dignity of the house, and to maintain the convenience of the members, if the requested permission were given. Such was his firm, his invariable opinion. It was unaltered—it was still the same.
Mr. NICHOLAS said that the members of the house must feel a common interest in having the debates taken with fidelity. If the debates were taken, they ought to be taken with precision. Those who took them should not be debarred from the best means of hearing with accuracy. For his part he could not discern the inconvenience alleged to exist. The desk, which it was necessary to admit within the bar, would not project beyond the window frame; and as to the remark of the Speaker respecting the inconvenience of such a position to the Stenographers, it was easily obviated by the consideration, that any inaccuracy which might occur in the report of the individual who took them on one side of the chair, would be checked by the reporter situated on the other side.
He thought the desire of the memorialists ought not to be passed over lightly. They had a right to the best place which the house could assign. He moved the reference of the memorial to a select committee.
Mr. HILL observed that as the memorial contained no facts that required the investigation of a committee, and as the house possessed all the information that could guide their decision, he did not discern the propriety of the proposed reference. He had prepared a resolution, which, if the motion for a reference were withdrawn, he would offer.
Mr. NICHOLAS immediately withdrew his motion. Mr. HILL then proposed a resolution substantially to this effect: that Mr. Speaker be requested to assign places within the bar for the Stenographers.
Mr. OTIS was sorry the gentleman from Virginia had withdrawn his motion to refer the memorial to a select committee, as he thought the subject required examination before a decision was made. There appeared to him much weight in the ideas of the Speaker. Grant, for the sake of argument, that four persons may be accommodated at the windows. Might there not be other applications? Was any gentleman prepared to say how many would be made? If the permission were once granted to one, would it not be necessary to extend it to all? Would the house suffer any individual to have an exclusive benefit whereby a stamp of authenticity would be fixed on his statements?
This business, in one shape or other, had often been before the house; and all conversation respecting it had always issued in

leaving it to the regulation of the Speaker. This appeared to him the best termination it could receive.
From the attention he had paid to the debates reported this session, he believed them to be better and more accurately taken, than they had been on former occasions. This to him was proof that the present situation of the stenographers was a good one. He acknowledged at the same time, that the ability with which the debates were taken entitled those who took them to the best accommodation the house could afford. He concluded with renewing the motion for a reference to a select committee.
Mr. NICHOLAS replied that no debate had taken place which could test the accuracy of the stenographers. From his own experience he pronounced the situation at present occupied utterly inconvenient. What he had some days since remarked had been mistated. He well knew that this did not arise from the inability of the reporter to state correctly what occurred. He knew him to be intelligent, and fully capable of conceiving and conveying the meaning of any remarks which could be made in that house. But it arose from his situation, from which it was impossible to hear distinctly.
He declared the objections of Mr. Otis in relation to the number of applicants, perfectly chimerical. Did the gentleman suppose that the number would be so great as to make a demand on our seat? As well might he imagine this, as that they would swell to the ideal compass he had given them. It was known to the house, that at Philadelphia the number was small; seldom more than two, and often not more than one persevered during the session, though a greater number appeared on its earliest days. Fact and experience, therefore, demonstrated the fallacy of the danger apprehended from this source.
A question was then taken on the reference to a select committee, and carried, Ayes 42, Nays 34.
And a committee of five, viz. Messrs. Otis, Nicholas, Platt, Morris and Hill, was appointed.
FRIDAY, December 5.
The house resolved itself into a Committee of the whole on the bill for erecting a MAUSOLEUM TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
The first section being read, which determines the form and dimensions of the Mausoleum,
Mr. ALLSTON moved an amendment, substituting a MONUMENT, in the place of a Mausoleum, to be erected in the Capitol.
A spirited debate ensued; in which the amendment was supported by Messrs. Allston, Nicholas, Nott, and Macon; and opposed by Messrs. H. Lee, Otis, and Griffith.
The committee rose without coming to any decision, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again.
On Wednesday the Electors of Maryland assembled at Annapolis, and gave their votes as follows:
For Thomas Jefferson 5 votes. John Adams 5 Aaron Burr 5 C. C. Pinckney 5
Letter from a Member of the Legislature of North Carolina, to a Member of Congress.
Raleigh, Nov. 28.
The republican spirit runs high in our present legislature. We have elected DAVID STONE a Senator to supply the place of Mr. Bloodworth; there was no nomination for that appointment Stone, Davie, Spaight and Locke, and we got Stone the first balloting. Votes stand thus, Stone 94, Davie 72, Spaight 8, Locke 1.
BENJAMIN WILLIAMS is re-elected Governor of North Carolina. Fifty-four votes were given to Joseph Taylor and John B. Ashe.
GEORGE JACKSON is elected a Senator of the United States for Georgia.
A Letter received from a gentleman of the best information at Columbia (S. C.) dated the day on which the Legislature of South Carolina convened at that place, states that an undoubted republican majority exists in the Legislature of that State.
A full return of the votes given in Rhode Island for Electors, gives to the Federal Ticket a majority of 272 votes; and George Champlin, Edward Manton, Oliver Davis, and William Green, are, therefore, chosen.
A Frankfort (Kentucky) Paper states that on the close of the poll for the county
of which that town forms a part, Charles Scott had 75 votes, and Caleb Wallace 44 for Elector of a President and Vice President. Both the candidates are republican.
Accounts from Lancaster (Pennsylvania) state the two branches of the Legislature of Pennsylvania have agreed to a mode of appointing electors which virtually gives the choice of eight electors to the House of Representatives, and seven to the Senate.
Further information has been received from TENNESSEE, that John Cocke, the Republican candidate for Hamilton District, obtained an unanimous vote.—One other District remains to be heard from, but there is no doubt, but that General Smith, the firm friend of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr, has been elected.
LEGISLATURE OF Maryland.
WEDNESDAY, November 26.
After the reading of several private petitions, &c. Mr. Wilson, of Worcester introduced a bill, proposing to the legislature of this state, to instruct their senators in the congress of the United States, to use their influence, in that body, to adopt an amendment to the federal constitution, by which to establish an uniform mode of choosing President and Vice President of the United States, by granting to Congress the power "from time to time," to lay out the several states to be divided into as many districts as the number of electors constitutionally allotted. Ordered to be printed.
A bill was received and read, from the senate, supplementary to an act for incorporating the Bank of Baltimore, annulling so much of that act, as relates to the ineligibility of five of the directors to be re-elected to the directory of each successive choice of directors; read a second time by special order.
R. SMITH, of Baltimore, advocated the bill, he stated to the house the peculiar advantages in obtaining large discounts, which resulted to the directors of the banks; and the inconveniences and probable losses which might be sustained by the bank, in being obliged to "nurse" the credit of such directors, as must be left out by the present mode of election.
COL. MERCER opposed Mr. Smith — he held rotation in office in all establishments, as most consistent and compatible with the principles of our government. He could not conceive upon any principle of commercial justice, why a few men should receive the great advantages which Mr. Smith stated, and others be excluded from them; if gentlemen in the directory of the bank of Baltimore were entitled, for one year, to discounts, as Mr. S. stated, of 4000 dollars per week, he could see no plausible reason why others should not participate in the same advantages. For his part he was decidedly against the bill.
The question was then taken, and lost by a large majority.
BY JOHN ADAMS,
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, between the United States of America and his majesty the King of Prussia, was concluded and signed at Berlin, on the eleventh day of July, and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, by the plenipotentiaries of the said United States and of his majesty the King of Prussia, duly and respectively authorized for that purpose; which Treaty is in the words following, to wit:
And Whereas the said Treaty has by me, on the one part, by and with the advice and consent of the senate of the United States, and by his majesty the King of Prussia on the other part, been duly approved and ratified: And whereas the ratifications thereof were duly exchanged at Berlin, on the twenty-second day of June last past; Now THEREFORE, to the end that the said Treaty may be executed and observed with punctuality and the most sincere regard to good faith, on the part of the United States, I DO HEREBY make known the premises, and enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or military, within the United States, and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, to execute and observe the said Treaty accordingly.
In Testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my
hand. Done at the City of Washington, the fourth day of November, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred, and of the Independence of the United States the twenty fifth.
JOHN ADAMS.
By the President,
JOHN MARSHALL, Secretary of State.
TREATY
OF AMITY AND COMMERCE,
Between His Majesty the King of Prussia, and the United States of America.
HIS Majesty the king of Prussia, and the United States of America, desiring to maintain upon a stable and permanent footing, the connections of good understanding, which have hitherto so happily subsisted between their respective states, and for this purpose to renew the treaty of amity and commerce concluded between the two powers, at the Hague, the 10th of September, 1785, for the term of ten years, his Prussian majesty has nominated and constituted as his plenipotentiaries, the count Charles William de Finkenstein, his minister of state, of war, and of the cabinet, knight of the orders of the black eagle, and of the red eagle, and commander of that of St. John of Jerusalem; the baron Philip Charles d'Alvensleben, his minister of state, of war, and of the cabinet, knight of the orders of the black eagle, and of the red eagle, and of that of St. John of Jerusalem, and the count Christian Henry Curt de Haugwitz, his minister of state, of war, and of the cabinet, knight of the orders of the black eagle, and of the red eagle; and the President of the United States has furnished with their full powers, John Quincy Adams, a citizen of the United States, and their minister plenipotentiary at the court of his Prussian majesty.
Which plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good and due form, have concluded, settled, and signed the following articles.
Article I. There shall be in future, as there has been hitherto, a firm, inviolable and universal peace, and a sincere friendship, between his majesty the king of Prussia, his heirs, successors and subjects, on the one part, and the United States of America, and their citizens on the other, without exception of persons or places.
Art. II. The subjects of his majesty, the king of Prussia, may frequent all the coasts and countries of the United States of America, and reside and trade there, in all sorts of produce, manufactures and merchandise, and shall pay there no other or greater duties, charges or fees whatsoever, than the most favored nations are or shall be obliged to pay. They shall also enjoy, in navigation and commerce, all the rights privileges and exemptions, which the most favored nation does or shall enjoy, submitting themselves nevertheless to the established laws and usages, to which are submitted the citizens of the United States, and the most favored nations.
Art. III. In like manner the citizens of the United States of America may frequent all the coasts and countries of his majesty the king of Prussia, and reside and trade there, in all sorts of produce, manufactures and merchandise, and shall pay, in the dominions of his said majesty, no other or greater duties, charges or fees whatever, than the most favored nation is or shall be obliged to pay; and they shall enjoy all the rights, privileges and exemptions in navigation and commerce, which the most favored nation does or shall enjoy; submitting themselves nevertheless to the established laws and usages, to which are submitted the subjects of his majesty the king of Prussia, and the subjects and citizens of the most favored nations.
Art. IV. More especially, each party shall have a right to carry their own produce, manufactures, and merchandise, in their own or any other vessels, to any parts of the dominions of the other, where it shall be lawful for all the subjects and citizens of that other freely to purchase them, and thence to make the produce, manufactures and merchandise of the other, which all the said citizens or subjects shall in like manner be free to sell to them, paying in both cases, such duties, charges, and fees only, as are or shall be paid, by the most favored nation. Nevertheless, his majesty the king of Prussia and the United States, respectively, reserve to themselves the right, where any nation restrains the transportation of merchandise to the vessels of the country, of which it is the growth or manufacture, to establish against such nation retaliating regulations; and also the right to prohibit in their respective countries the importation and exportation of all merchandise whatsoever, when reasons of state shall require it. In this case, the subjects or citizens of either of the contracting parties shall not import or export the merchandise prohibited by the other. But if one of the contracting parties permits any other nation to import or export the same merchandise, the citizens or subjects of the other, shall immediately enjoy the same liberty.
Art. V. The merchants, commanders of vessels, or other subjects or citizens of either party, shall not within the ports or jurisdiction of the other, be forced to unload any sort of merchandise into any other vessels, nor to receive them into their own, nor to wait for their being loaded longer than they please.
Art. VI. That the vessels of either party, loading within the port or jurisdiction of the other, may not be uselessly harassed or detained, it is agreed, that all examinations of goods, required by the laws, shall be made, before they are laden on board the vessel and that there shall be no examination after; nor shall the vessel be searched at any time, unless articles shall have been laden therein clandestinely and illegally, in which case the person by whose order they were carried on board, or who carried them without order, shall be liable to the laws of the land in which he is, but no other person shall be molested, nor shall any other goods, nor the vessel be seized or detained for that cause.
Art. VII. Each party shall endeavor by all the means in their power to protect and defend all vessels and other effects, belonging to the citizens or subjects of the other, which shall be within the extent of their jurisdiction by sea or by land; and shall use all their efforts to recover, and cause to be restored to the right owners, their vessel and effects, which shall be taken from them within the extent of their said jurisdiction.
Art. VIII. The vessels of the subjects or citizens of either party, coming on any coast, belonging to the other, but not willing to enter into port, or who entering into port are not willing to unload their cargoes or break bulk, shall have liberty to depart, and to pursue their voyage, without molestation, and without being obliged to render account of their cargo, or to pay any duties, charges or fees whatsoever, except those established for vessels entered into port, and appropriated to the maintenance of the port itself, or of other establishments for the safety and convenience of navigation, which duties, charges, and fees, shall be the same, and shall be paid on the same footing, as in the case of subjects or citizens of the country, where they are established.
Art. IX. When any vessel of either party shall be wrecked, foundered, or otherwise damaged on the coasts or within the dominions of the other, their respective citizens or subjects shall receive, as well for themselves as for their vessels and effects, the same assistance, which would be due to the inhabitants of the country where the damage happens, and shall pay the same charges and dues only as the same inhabitants would be subject to pay in a like case; and if the operations of repair shall require unloading, they shall pay no duties, charges or fees upon the part which they shall reload and carry away. The antient and barbarous right to wreckers of the sea, shall be entirely abolished with respect to the subjects or citizens of the two contracting parties.
Art. X. The citizens or subjects of each party shall have power to dispose of their personal goods within the jurisdiction of the other, by testament donation or otherwise, and their representatives, being subjects or citizens of the other party, shall succeed to their said personal goods, whether by testament or ad intestato , and may take possession thereof, either by themselves or by others acting for them, and dispose of the same at their will, paying such dues only as the inhabitants of the country, wherein the said goods are, shall be subject to pay in like cases. And in case of the absence of the representative, such care shall be taken of the said goods, as would be taken of the goods of a native in like case, until the lawful owner may take measures for receiving them. And if questions should arise among several claimants, to which of them the said goods belong, the same shall be decided finally by the laws and judges of the land, wherein the said goods are. And where, on the death of any person, holding real estate, within the territories of the one party, such real estate would, by the laws of the land, descend to a subject or citizen of the other were he not disqualified by alienage, such subject shall be allowed a reasonable time to sell the same, and to withdraw the proceeds, without molestation, and exempt from all rights

of detraction on the part of the government of the respective states. But this article shall not derogate in any manner from the force of the laws already published by his majesty the king of Prussia to prevent the emigration of his subjects.
Art. XI. The most perfect freedom of conscience and of worship, is granted to the citizens or subjects of either party, within the jurisdiction of the other, and no person shall be molested in that respect, for any cause other than an insult on the religion of others. Moreover, when the subject or citizens of the one party, shall die within the jurisdiction of the other, their bodies shall be buried in the usual burying grounds, or other decent and suitable places, and shall be protected from violation or disturbance.
Art. XII. Experience having proved, that the principle adopted in the twelfth article of the treaty of 1785, according to which free ships make free goods has not been sufficiently respected during the two last wars, and especially in that which still continues, the two contracting parties propose after the return of a general peace to agree either separately between themselves, or jointly with other powers alike interested, to concert with the great maritime powers of Europe, such arrangements and such permanent principles as may serve to consolidate the liberty and the safety of the neutral navigation and commerce in future wars. And if in the interval, either of the contracting parties should be engaged in a war, to which the other should remain neutral, the ships of war and privateers of the belligerent power, shall conduct themselves towards the merchant vessels of the neutral power, as favorably as the course of the war then existing may permit observing the principles and rules of the law of nations, generally acknowledged.
Art. XIII. And in the same case of one of the contracting parties being engaged in war, with any other power, to prevent all the difficulties and misunderstandings, that usually arise respecting merchandise of contraband, such as arms, ammunition and military stores of every kind no such articles carried in the vessels, or by the subjects or citizens of either party, to the enemies of the other, shall be deemed contraband, so as to induce confiscation or condemnation and a loss of property to individuals. Nevertheless it will be lawful to stop such vessels and articles, and to detain them for such length of time as the captors may think necessary to prevent the inconvenience, or damage that might ensue from their proceeding, paying however, a reasonable compensation for the loss such arrest shall occasion to the proprietors; and it shall further be allowed to use in the service of the captors, the whole or any part of the military stores so detained, paying the owners the full value of the same to be ascertained by the current price at the place of its destination. But in a case supposed of a vessel stopped for articles of contraband if the master of the vessel stopped will deliver out the goods supposed to be of contraband nature, he shall be admitted to do it, and the vessel shall not in that case be carried into any port, nor further detained, but shall be allowed to proceed on the voyage.
All cannons, mortars, fire arms, pistols, bombs, grenades, bullets, balls, muskets, flints, matches, powder, salt-petre, sulphur, cuirasses, pikes, sword, belts, car-touch-boxes, saddles and bridles, beyond the quantity necessary for the use of the ship, or beyond that which every man serving on board the vessel or passenger, ought to have; and in general whatever is comprized under the denomination of arms and military stores of what description soever, shall be deemed objects of contraband.
Art. XIV. To ensure the vessels of the two contracting parties, the advantage of being readily and certainly known in time of war, it is agreed, that they shall be provided with the sea letters and documents hereafter specified:
1. A passport expressing the name, the property and the burthen of the vessel, as also the name and dwelling of the master, which passport shall be made out in good and due form shall be renewed as often as the vessel shall return into port, and shall be exhibited whensoever required, as well in the open sea as in port. But if the vessel be under convoy of one or more vessels of war, belonging to the neutral party, the simple declaration of the officer commanding the convoy that the said vessel belongs to the party of which he is, shall be considered as establishing the fact, and shall relieve both parties from the trouble of further examination.
2. A charter party that is to say, the contract passed for the freight of the whole vessel—or, the bills of lading given for the cargo in detail.
3. The list of the ship's company, containing an indication by name and in detail of the persons composing the crew of the vessel.
These documents shall always be authenticated according to the forms, established at the same place, from which the vessel shall have failed.
As their production ought to be exacted only, when one of the contracting parties shall be at war, and as exhibition ought to have no other object than to prove the neutrality of the vessel, its cargo and company, they shall not be deemed absolutely necessary on board such vessels, belonging to the neutral party, as shall have failed from its ports, before or within three months after the government shall have been informed of the state of war, in which the belligerent party shall be engaged. In the interval, in default of these specific documents, the neutrality of the vessel may be established by such other evidence, as the tribunals authorised to judge of the case may deem sufficient.
Art. XV. And to prevent entirely all disorder and violence, in such cases, it is stipulated, that when the vessels of the neutral party, sailing without convoy, shall be met by any vessel of force public or private of the other party, such vessel of war shall not send more than two or three men in their boats on board the said neutral vessel, to examine her passport and documents. And all persons belonging to any vessel of war, public or private, who shall molest or insult in any manner whatever, the people, vessels, or effects of the other party, shall be responsible in their persons and property for damages and interest, sufficient security for which shall be given by all commanders of private armed vessels before they are commissioned.
Art. XVI. In times of war, or in cases of urgent necessity, when either of the contracting parties shall be obliged to lay a general embargo, either in all its ports or in certain particular places, the vessels of the other party, shall be subject to this measure, upon the same footing, as those of the most favoured nations, but without having the right to claim the exemption in their favour stipulated in the 16th article of the former treaty of 1785. But on the other hand, the proprietors of the vessels which shall have been detained, whether for some military expedition, or what other use soever, shall obtain from the government that shall have employed them, an equitable indemnity, as well for the freight as for the loss occasioned by the delay. And furthermore in all cases of seizure, detention, or arrest, for debts contracted or offences committed by any citizen or subject of the one party, within the jurisdiction of the other, the same shall be made and prosecuted by order and authority of law only, and according to the regular course of proceedings usual in such cases.
(To be continued.)
CHARLESTON, Nov. 13.
Such is the rage for betting in this city, on the election of President and Vice-President, that even the ladies stake fashionable trifles on the occasion. Many new fashioned BRUTUSES (wigs) will be lost and won in March next.
NOVEMBER 15.
A Sea horse was caught this morning in Geyer's dock, by one of the custom house boatmen. It is now alive, in the possession of captain Thompson, the boarding officer; and is perhaps, as great a curiosity as has ever been seen in this country.
The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER is this day presented to the Public. It is the first Paper printed in WASHINGTON; and from the vicinity of the Editor to the Capitol, the seat of the public bodies, he expects to be enabled to furnish the earliest and most correct notices of their deliberations. The crisis of national affairs is deeply interesting, whether contemplated in relation to our internal or external situation. Fully impressed with the sacred duties of the press in such times, and sensible how much good or mischief may be effected by the virtuous or vicious application of the power with which public opinion has invested it, truth and truth only, shall be the guide of the Editor. In many instances he will doubtless be deceived. But in all instances a consciousness of error will be followed by a candid enunciation of it.
The design of the National Intelligencer is to diffuse correct information through the whole extent of the union. From the whole extent, therefore, of the union it must derive the patronage that shall sustain it; and every friend to its plan is invited to promote it, by making
known its nature and character to his fellow citizens in his neighbourhood.
For this sole purpose, not in the unworthy spirit of solicitation, it is intended to forward a few of the early numbers to citizens of respectability in the several states, who are requested to use their good offices, if they consider the Paper worthy encouragement.
Oct. 31st. 1800.
The Managers of the WASHINGTON DANCING ASSEMBLIES inform the Subscribers that the SECOND Assembly will be held at MR. STILLE'S HOTEL, on Tuesday Evening next the 9th Instant half after 5 o'clock, and that an Assembly will be held at the same time and place every two weeks thereafter.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE.
RAPINE, CONRAD, & Co. Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store Letters from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States
Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity, Arts and Sciences, Classics, School books, Novels, Romances Biography, &c. &c.—With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium, demy, and foolscap writing paper, thick and thin post, blue & common wrapping paper, best Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink, black lead pencils, parchment, playing cards, blank books, &c. &c.—All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices.
Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders. Nov. 17th, 1800.
Public Sale of Lots, IN WASHINGTON CITY.
WILL be sold at public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the 10th day of December next at William Tunnicliff's Hotel, ONE HUNDRED LOTS, situated eastward of the Capitol and near to the Eastern Branch ferry. The terms will be one half cash and the other half at 60 days on notes negotiable at the bank of Columbia satisfactorily endorsed.
An indisputable title will be given by GEORGE WALKER. Washington, November 26.
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for sale at the Subscriber's store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690.
A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials.
Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chassing dishes, Brass iron and Japan Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, sad irons, wired up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pit and cross butt Saws. 56, 28 and 14lb Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end HENRY TINGLE. November 24th, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
FIVE or Six gentlemen can be accommodated with Genteel Board and Lodging, in a good and comfortable House, on New-Jersey Avenue, at Mr. Law's former residence Also good Stabling wherein twenty horses can be accommodated by, SAMUEL BOOTES. Nov. 26th, 1800.
INFORMATION WANTED.
ALEXANDER INNES, a Hatter by trade, was sometime ago on board the Constellation frigate and was in 1798 in Norfolk, Virginia. He has not since been heard off. His friends would be thankful if any persons who know anything of his situation or residence, would communicate it by letter, per post, addressed to Robert Innes, jun. merchant Easton Pennsylvania.
P. S. Printers to the Southward of Pennsylvania are requested to give the above a place for a few times. November 28, 1800.
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that two Tracts of land belonging to CHARLES GRANDPRE lying in the County of Pickering in the Mississippi Territory, and adjoining land belonging to Adam Bingaman, are attached by a Foreign attachment at the suit of Joseph Calvet for a debt of 2063 dollars 50 cents
JOSEPH CALVET.
Nov. 28, 1800.
CONRAD & M C MUNN
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. LAW, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue leading from hence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
CONVEYANCERS OFFICE.
THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the LITTLE HOTEL—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, letters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, seamen's, wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms.
Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary.
N. B. Herty's Abridgment of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Herty's Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered December 5, 1800. twtf.
JOHN MINCHIN,
BOOT MAKER
FROM PHILADELPHIA.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Footees, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d. 3tw.
This day is Published and for Sale
BY
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE,
Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A FEW remarks on Mr. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President, price 25 cents
The BEGGAR GIRL and her Benefactors 3 Vols. by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh heiress, Juvenile indiscretions, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howell. price 3 dollars, neatly bound.
LOTS BY AUCTION.
A number of the best situated lots in sq. 688.
BOUNDED ON THE
CAPITOL SQUARE
In the City of Washington and between the President's House and the Capitol will be sold at Tunnicliff's Hotel on the 10th December next.
Terms of sale will be made known on the day preceding the sale. 25th November, 1800.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
FOR SALE, Lot No. 9, in Square 122.
THE above is inferior to few lots in this city, being but two squares west of the President's Square commanding an extensive view of the Potomac, it is a corner lot, and fronts 155 feet 10 inches on F. Street, and 59 feet and an half inch on 20th Street.—An indisputable title will be given on receiving the amount of the purchase money. For terms apply to the subscriber a few doors east of the Little Hotel.
JOHN KEARNEY.
N. B. I will also sell Lot No 4, in Square No. 491, fronting 55 feet 3 inches on the Pennsylvania Avenue, and extending back 150 feet to an alley of 30 feet wide, with the advantage of a 15 feet alley along side of it; and Lot No. 24, in Square No. 378, fronting 51 feet 5 inches on Ninth street, and running back 107 feet 2 inches to a 30 feet alley. West India goods will be taken in payment for a considerable part of the above property.
I. K.
November 17, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the members of the ensuing Congress and the Public, that he has taken the two houses in square No. 690, on the New Jersey Avenue opposite the house at present occupied by Thomas Law, Esq. where he can accommodate either single Gentlemen or those who have families. The houses were finished last spring, so that no danger can be apprehended from damp walls. He has stabling for several horses and two good Carriage houses. ROBERT W. PEACOCK.
City of Washington, October 31st 1800.

It may be deemed an act of temerity in an individual to question the justness of political Institutions which undoubtedly originated in the best talents of the country. But notwithstanding the deepest conviction of respect for the great outlines of our systems of government, I cannot apply to all the subordinate traits my unqualified approbation. Many of them have arisen more from a spirit of imitation, than from the deliberate results of conviction; and are to be viewed not so much as the offspring of the talents of our ablest legislators, as an evidence of their desire to avoid too precipitate an innovation on principles long established in the old world. They well knew, that in embracing and fortifying the strongholds of republicanism, by declaring all power to be inherent in the people, by prohibiting privileged orders, by rendering taxation equal, they adopted principles, which would inevitably in their application develop the most perfect systems of government, and lead to their ultimate adoption.
Under the impression of these sentiments, and with a respect almost sacred, for the founders of our republic, permit me to question, without the imputation of attempting to impair their fame, the legitimacy of those ideas, which, in the establishment of the legislative body, have determined the different characters of the Senates & Houses of Representatives of the United States, as well as of most of the individual states. It is not my intention to contrast the different powers delegated to these bodies. Though they vary in some respects, they are in the main alike. Both participate in the passage of every law, which requires the sanction of each.
It is on that feature of the Senate which arises from the duration of its existence, and from the description of citizens by which it is elected, that I mean to remark.
The only true reasons, which can be assigned for constituting a legislature, under a republican government, of two branches, are, that thereby more knowledge, deliberation and caution are combined, than could be expected from a single branch.
Reasons, however specious, which may deviate from these, are unfounded or spurious.
Let us enquire, whether, all these ends would not be as fully attained, if the two branches were chosen by the same description of citizens, and for the same periods, as they are at present in those states, where different principles prevail.
By narrowing the right of suffrage, as well as the qualifications for the Senate, you necessarily diminish the circle of citizens from which a choice is to be made, and diminish the number of those who are to make it.
It will not be contended (for it would be absurd to contend) that more knowledge or virtue is to be found in a small body of men than in a large one, when those citizens, who constitute the former, are embraced in the latter. On the contrary, it is self evident, that where the whole mass of citizens are constitutionally eligible, society can command, in the first place, the services of all those which a more contracted system would exclusively render qualified, and in the second place, it can command the services of those, who not being possessed of a certain portion of wealth, constitute by far the largest class.
The first principle on which our republican institutions are erected is an equality of rights; and on this equality of rights it is correctly said depends the perpetuity of freedom, and of course an exemption from oppression. For though the nation, represented by its rulers, has the power of imposing the heaviest burthens; there is no danger that such a power will be exercised while those who impose the burthen are themselves to bear it.
But, in deviating a single step from this equality of rights, we establish an aristocracy; we establish distinct and clashing interests; we subject the fair inheritance of freedom, nominally enjoyed by all, to the inroads of power, not derived from merit entitled to command from the good which it invariably produces, but derived from wealth, the plastic instrument, sometimes it is granted of much good, but more frequently of extensive mischief.
There might be some shadow of reciprocity in restricting the right to elect, and that of being elected into the Senate, were what is called the popular branch chosen exclusively by, and from among those who possessed either very little, or no wealth whatever.
Nor can it, in my opinion, be denied, that if a preference be given to any class of citizens, it should be, particularly in a
republican government, to that class, who depend for the preservation of their rights and happiness, altogether upon their political rights or their physical strength.
Wealth universally confers power. It is immaterial what the form of the government or the state of society are, wealth, always an object of admiration or fear, perpetually confers authority. Whereas the man who has no wealth requires some extraordinary incident to put him on a footing with his rich neighbour, without which the uninterrupted experience of history demonstrates his inability to acquire or preserve those rights on which his happiness entirely depends.
Republican governments, established on true principles, form the great corrective of this evil. Men of this description, impotent alone, become powerful by union. In choosing representatives from their own ranks, in elevating the talents of obscure virtue to distinction and power, they excite a laudable self-respect, and lose much of that false esteem for the wealthy and the well-born, which has diffused so much awe among the nations of the old world.
Men, possessed of high political rights, and in the constant exercise of them, feel a pride in making themselves acquainted with, and in defending those institutions from which they are derived. Hence they are generally contented. They feel happy—a spirit of tranquility and amity is cultivated. But deprive them of these rights, without depriving them at the same time, of the conviction of their value, and you render them dissatisfied, you take from them the ambition of improving their minds, you render them the willing tools of lawless ambition, and you hurry them into excesses in which, relying on their physical strength, they either overturn the government by their successes, or by their defeats pave the way for the establishment of tyranny.
A monopoly of political power in the hands of a few is like a monopoly of any other kind. It never, for any considerable period, remains stationary. The spirit of monopoly is incessant encroachment. And it always does encroach, step by step, grasping objects not originally designed for its use, until it is opposed by a spirit of resistance, which, in its turn, is prone to attempt not only the subversion of the monopoly itself, but to go still farther, and to invade the residuary and legitimate rights of the instruments of the monopoly.
So true is it that error always, sooner or later, produces its own punishment. Thus power never is less secure than when it lawlessly transcends the ordinary bounds of its exercise; the despot, who takes one unguarded step on the ground of national prejudice, finds a dagger at his breast; and the slave, in the extravagant fervors of unbridled resentment against the tyrant, who has trampled upon his rights and destroyed his happiness, unconsciously plunges himself still deeper in the miseries of servitude.
It becomes men diligently to consult the oracles of truth. Her voice is the voice of reason and moderation. Her temple is the whole world, her children the human race. She unceasingly points to nature, who confers the same benefits upon all men—her language is, and would to God that all men would use no other language, do thou likewise.
FRANKLIN.
Extract of a letter from a respectable house in London, to their correspondent in Charleston, received by the Mississippi, via Virginia.
London, September 8, 1800. "We feel it our duty to trouble you with this letter, that you may recommend to the most serious consideration of the planters a greater care and attention in the gathering, cleaning and preparing their cotton for the British market.
"The complaints made by our manufacturers are nearly as follow:
 1st. The mixing the stained and unstained together.  2d. The mixing the white cotton and that which is of a blue or blueish cast.  3d. The quantity of dirt and dust in the cotton.  4th. The number of seeds & hard lumps and knots in the cotton. 
"No fault is generally found with the bagging or the condition of the cotton, so far as the packing is concerned, but we recommend bags to weigh from 250 to 280lbs. being more handy to move, and less liable to expense in repairs. From the defects above mentioned the London buyer is afraid to purchase Georgia cotton without inspecting every bag, whereas he is in the habit of buying the West India or Brazil, after looking at a few of the bales; and even when he does purchase a large
parcel of Georgia, he is sure to be blamed by his principal in the country, for buying such mixed parcels; for this reason he commonly insists on picking, by which means essential injury is done to the whole and what remains on hand goes off at a very inferior price.
"When a buyer comes to you, the first thing he says to you is, "I would rather buy your Bourbon, Demarara, Surinam, if you have any; when I purchase them I know what I buy, which is not the case with Georgia."
"If the Carolina planter thinks that the trouble of preparing his cotton nicely is too great, and therefore resolves to take less pains and be content with a smaller price, he will find himself deceived, and is not aware of the evils that will follow, and which will amount to little less than the ruin of this great staple of the southern states.
"So long as the Carolina planter will prepare his cotton in the very best manner for market, he need fear no competition. The natural superiority is such, that no influx from the East or West Indies, the Brazils or Smyrna, materially affect it. The merchant in Charleston does not rely entirely on his correspondent in England, and wait for his information, but looking, principally to Charleston and Savannah the quantities made and other local circumstances of shipping, &c. offers a price accordingly; and if the planter chooses to consign, the consignee in England is happy to receive his consignment, and will be sure to dispose of it to advantage.
"But if the Carolina planter neglects to prepare his cotton, he must be content to be on a level with other planters in other parts of the world; the consequence will be that the sale of his cotton (which would be in a great measure, independent of the crops of other countries) must depend entirely on the prospects in other parts of the globe, with this certain disadvantage of always being artificially inferior in point of preparation. The merchants in Charleston, therefore, will be afraid to buy—the consignees in England will be afraid to receive consignments, and the manufacturer will only purchase Georgia, when he can purchase none other.
"Thus Georgia and Carolina will meet with a dull and uncertain, instead of a sure and rapid sale, and that cotton which has usually fetched 18d. and upwards, will not perhaps net more than one shilling.
"Major Butler has been this year so very highly commended for his great care in preparing his cotton in every respect, that we recommended him as a model to all planters. We are not connected with that gentleman, we only repeat the language of all the great purchasers. We have also received some very fine parcels, but it is not sufficient in a national point of view, that few planters should be skilful and attentive in preparing their cotton—all should be so that a general national confidence should be established.—If one half or more are negligent this will injure those who are ever so careful and adroit.
"A similar complaint existed in Pernambuco in Brazils, and their cotton was sinking very fast, at length it was resolved to establish an inspection, which we believe takes place previous to the actual bagging. This removed the evil and their cottons are bought in proportion to quality with avidity and confidence.
"We do therefore most seriously recommend the establishment of inspections, if practicable, and at all events a greater care and attention. This advice is the result of some experience, and much inquiry and conversation with the different buyers, and is dictated by a sincere and anxious wish to promote the prosperity of Carolina."
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
PARIS, Sep. 6.
A treaty of alliance and of commerce has been concluded between his Prussian majesty and the emperor of Russia, for the term of eight years.
Several assassinations of French officers have taken place in the Cisalpine republic. Adjutant general Hector was stabbed by a wretch who made his escape. In consequence of these and similar outrages, the police on the night of the 8th and 9th, caused several hundred suspected persons to be arrested.
ACTS OF GOVERNMENT.
Arrete of 7th Fructidor 3d year, (Aug. 25.) The consuls of the republic decree— Art. 1. Counting from the 1st Vendemaire the service of the counsellors of state
shall be distinguished into ordinary service, or service of the council of state, and extraordinary service, consisting either in permanent functions, or in temporary missions.
2. There shall not be employed in the ordinary service, or service of the council of state, more than forty counsellors of state.
3. The counsellors of state, appointed in any extraordinary service, shall preserve their title.
4. When a member of the council of state shall be entrusted by the chief consul, with any extraordinary office, he shall not continue on the list of counsellors of state in ordinary service.
5. Every three months the chief consul shall make out a list of the counsellors of state in ordinary service.
6. The counsellors of state in extraordinary service, when they return from their mission, shall not be at liberty to take a seat at the council table till the beginning of three months when they are inserted in the list of counsellors of state in ordinary service.
The chief consul, (Signed) BUONAPARTE. By the chief consul, (Signed) H. B. MARET, Secretary of state,
Decree of the fifth complementary day. Buonaparte chief consul of the Republic, decrees that the list of counsellors of state, in ordinary and extraordinary service, for the three following months, shall be regulated as follows, viz.
Ordinary service. Section of Legislation—Boulay de la Meurthe, President—Berlier, Emery, Real, Portalis, Thibadeau.
Section of the interior—Citizens Rœderer, President—Benezech, Crete, Chapital, Regnaud, St. John de Angely, Fourcroy, Joseph Buonaparte, Miot, Francois de Nantes, Shee.
Section of War—Citizens Lacue, President—St. Cyr.
Section of the Marine—Citizens Fleurieu president—Champigney, Redon, Najac, Trugent.
Section of Finance—Les Citoyens Demeremont, president—Duchatel, Devaines, Dufresne, Regnier, Barbe Marbois.
Extraordinary Service. Brune, general in chief of the Army of Italy.
Dejean, minister extraordinary to the Ligurian Republic.
Marmont, commandant of artillery of the army of Italy.
Petit, minister extraordinary to the Cisalpine Republic.
Bernadotte, general in chief of the Army of the West.
Gantheanne, vice admiral, commandant of a division of the Brest fleet.
Cassarelli Dufalga, maritime prefect at Brest.
Desellier, maritime prefect at L'Orient.
Dubois, des Vosges, prefect in Gironde.
Jolivet, prefect of Mont Tonnerre, and commissary general to the departments on the Left Bank of the Rhine.
Moreau de St. Mery, resident of the Republic of Parma.
Another decree of the same date. Citizen Jean Baptiste Moysse Jolivet, counsellor of state, is appointed prefect of the department of Mont Tonnerre, commissary general in the departments on the left bank of the Rhine—vice citizen Shee.
Citizen Dubois des Vosges, counsellor of state, is appointed prefect of la Gironde.
The following persons are nominated counsellors of state; citizen St. Cyr, lieutenant to the general in chief for the war department; citizen Portalis, commissary of government to the council of prizes, for the section of legislation; citizen Miot, member of the tribunal for the section of the interior; citizen Francois de Nantes, prefect of Charente Inferieure, for the section of the interior; citizen Shee, commissary general to the departments on the left bank of the Rhine, for the section of the interior.
Citizen Moreau de St. Mery, counsellor of state, is appointed resident of the Republic at Parma.
The minister for Foreign Affairs is charged with the execution of this decree.
STRAYED or STOLEN A BLACK MARE with a white streak down her face, with a bunchy mane and tail. No other particular marks that I know. About thirteen hands high, about twelve years old, very heavy made and in good order, FOUR DOLLARS reward and all reasonable charges paid if left either with the Subscriber, or at JAMES TIMMONS Liberty Street Baltimore,
By JAMES USHER, Greenleaf's Point.
Washington City, Nov. 10, 1800.