National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-09-01 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
SATURDAY, September 1, 1792.
NUMB. 88.
[From a late London paper.] PAINE'S LETTERS to DUNDAS.
Sir, As you opened the debate in the house of commons, May 25th, on the proclamation for suppressing publications, which that proclamation (without naming any) calls wicked and seditious; and as you apply those opprobrious epithets to the works, entitled, RIGHTS OF MAN, I think it necessary to offer any other reason for addressing this letter to you.
I begin then at once, by declaring, that I do not believe there are to be found in the writings of any author, ancient or modern, on the subject of government, a spirit of greater benignity, and a stronger inculcation of moral principles than in those which I have published. They come, sir, from a man, who, by having lived in several countries, and under different systems of government, and who, being intimate in the construction of them, is a better judge of the subject than is possible that you, for the want of those opportunities, can be; and besides this, they come from a heart that knows not how to beguile.
I will further say, that when that moment arrives in which the best consolation that shall be left will be that of looking back on some past actions, more virtuous, more meritorious than the rest, I shall then with happiness remember, among other things, I have written the rights of man. As to what proclamations, or prosecutions, or place men, or place expectants—those who possess, or those who are gaping for office, may say of them, it will not alter their character, either with the world or with me.
Having, sir, made this declaration, I shall proceed to remark, not particularly upon your own speech upon that occasion, but on any other speech to which your motion on that day gave rise; and I shall begin with that of Mr. Adam.
This gentleman accuses me of not having done the very thing that I have done, and which (he says) if I had done, he should not have accused me.
Mr. Adam, in his speech, says, "That he had well considered the subject of constitutional publications, and was by no means ready to say (but the contrary) that books of science upon government, though recommending a doctrine or system different from the form of our constitution (meaning that of England) were fit objects of prosecution: that if he did, he must condemn (which he meant not to do) Harrington for his Oceana, Sir Thomas More for his Utopia, and Hume for his idea of a perfect commonwealth. But (continued Mr. Adam) the publication of Mr. Paine was very different, for it reviled what was most sacred in the constitution, destroyed every principle of subordination, and established nothing in their room."
I readily perceive that Mr. Adam had not read the second part of the rights of man, and I am put under the necessity, either of submitting to an erroneous charge, or of justifying myself against it; and I certainly shall prefer the latter. If then I shall prove to Mr. Adam that, in my reasoning upon systems of Government in the second part of the Rights of Man, I have shown, as clearly, I think, as words can convey ideas, a certain system of government; and that not existing in theory only, but already in full and established practice, and systematically and practically free from all the vices and defects of the English government, and capable of producing more happiness to the people, and that also with an eighteenth part of the taxes, which the present system of the English government consumes: I hope he will do me the justice when he next goes to the house to get up and confess, he had been mistaken in saying, that I had established nothing, and that I had destroyed every principle of subordination. Having thus opened the case, I now come to the point.
In the second part of the Rights of Man, I have distinguished government into two classes or systems; the one the hereditary system; the other the representative system.
In the first part of the Rights of Man, I have endeavoured to shew, and I challenge any man to refute it that there does not exist a right to establish hereditary government; or, in other words, hereditary governors; because hereditary government always means a government yet to come, and the case always is, that the people who are to live afterwards have always the same right to choose a government for themselves; as the people had who lived before them.
In the second part of the Rights of Man, I have not repeated those arguments, because they are irrefutable; but have confined myself to shew the defects of what is called hereditary government, or hereditary succession, that it must, from the nature of it, throw government into the hands of men totally unworthy of it, from want of principle, or unfitted for it, from want of capacity. James the II d . is recorded as an instance of the first of these cases; and instances are to be found almost all over Europe to prove the truth of the latter.
To shew the absurdity of the hereditary system still more strongly, I will now put the following case: Take any fifty men promiscuously, and it will be very extraordinary, if out of that number, one man should be found, whose principles and talents taken together (for some might have principles, and others have talents) would render him a person truly fitted to fill any very extraordinary office of national trust. If then such a fitness of character could not be expected to be found in more than one person out of fifty, it would happen but once in a thousand years to the eldest son of any one family, admitting each, on an average, to hold the office twenty years. Mr. Adam talks of something in the constitution which he calls most sacred; but I hope he does not mean hereditary succession; a thing which appears to me a violation of every order of nature and of common sense.
When I look into history & see the multitudes of men, otherwise virtuous, who have died, and their families been ruined, in defence of knaves and fools, and which they would not have done had they reasoned at all upon the system; I do not know a greater good than an individual can render to mankind, than to endeavour to break the chains of political superstition. Those chains are dissolving fast, and prosecutions will serve but to hasten that dissolution.
Having thus spoken of the hereditary system, as a bad system, and subject to every possible defect; I now come to the representative system; and this Mr. Adam will find stated in the second part of Rights of Man, not only as the best but as the only theory of government under which the liberties of a people can be permanently secure.
But it is needless now to talk of mere theory, since there is already a government in full practice; established upon that theory, or, in other words, upon the Rights of Man, and has been so for almost twenty years. Mr. Pitt, in a speech of his, some short time since, said, "that there "never did, and never could exist a government established upon those rights, "and that if it began at noon, it would "end at night." Mr. Pitt is not yet arrived at the degree of a school boy in this species of knowledge. His practice has been confined to the means of extorting revenue, and his boast has been—how much? Whereas the boast of the system of government that I am speaking of is, not how much, but how little.
The system of government purely representative, unmixed with any thing of hereditary nonsense, began in America.
I will now compare the effects of that system of government, with the system of government in England, both during and since the close of the war.
So powerful is the representative system; first, by combining and consolidating all the parts of a country together, however great the extent; and secondly, by admitting of none but men properly qualified into the government, or dismissing them if they prove to be otherwise, that America was enabled thereby totally to defeat and overthrow all the schemes and projects of the hereditary government of England against her. As the establishment of the revolution and independence of America is a proof of this fact, it is needless to enlarge upon it.
I now come to the comparative effect of the two systems since the close of the war, and I request Mr. Adam to attend to it.
America had internally sustained the ravage of upwards of seven years of war, which England had not. England sustained only the expense of the war; whereas America sustained, not only the expense, but the destruction of property committed by both armies. Not a house was built during that period, and many thousands were destroyed—The farms and plantations along the coast of the country, for more than a thousand miles, were laid waste—Her commerce was annihilated—Her ships were either taken or had rotted within her own harbour—The credit of her funds had fallen upwards of ninety per cent. that is an original hundred pounds would not sell for ten pounds. In fine, she was apparently put back an hundred years when the war closed; which was not the case with England.
But such was the event, that the same representative system of government, though since better organized, which enabled her to conquer, enabled her also to recover; and she now presents a more flourishing condition, and a more happy and harmonized society under that system of government, than any country in the world can boast under any other. Her towns are rebuilt, much better than before; her farms and plantations are in higher improvement than ever; her commerce is spread over the world, & her funds have risen from less than ten pounds the hundred to upwards of one hundred & twenty. Mr. Pitt and his colleagues, talk of the things that have happened in his boyish administration, without knowing what greater things have happened elsewhere, and under other systems of government.
I next come to state the expence of the two systems, as they now stand in each of the countries; but it may first be proper to observe, that government in America is what it ought to be, a matter of honor and trust, and not made a trade of for the purpose of lucre.
The whole amount of the nett taxes in England (exclusive of the expence of collection, of drawbacks, of seizures and condemnations, of fines and penalties, of fees of office, of litigations and informers, which are some of the blessed means of enforcing them) is seventeen millions. Of this sum, about nine millions go for the payment of the interest of the national debt, and the remainder, being about eight millions, is for the current annual expences. Thus much for one side of the case. I now come to the other.
The expence of all the several departments of the general representative government of the United States of America, extending over a space of country nearly ten times larger than England, is two hundred and ninety four thousand, five hundred and fifty eight dollars, which, at 4/ 6d. per dollar, is 66,725 l. 11 s. sterling and is thus apportioned:
Expence of the Executive Department.
  The office of the presidency, at which the President receives nothing for himself,  5625  0    Vice President,  1125  0  
  Chief Justice,  900  0    Five associate Justices,  3937  10    Nineteen Judges of districts, and attorney general,  6873  13  
Legislative department.
  Members of congress, at 6 dollars (11. 7s.) per day; their secretaries, clerks, chaplains, messengers, doorkeepers, &c.  25,815  8  
Treasury Department.
  Secretary, assistant, comptroller, auditor, treasurer, register and loan office keeper, in each state, together with all necessary clerks, office keepers, &c.  12,825  6  
  Department of State including P. Affairs. Secretary, clerks, &c. &c.  1406  3  
Department of War.
  Secretary, clerks, paymasters, commissioners &c.  1462  10  
  Commissioner for settling Old Accounts. The whole board, clerks, &c.  2568  13  
  Incidental and Contingent Expenses. For fire wood, stationery, printing, &c.  4036  16  
  Total,  66,275  11  
In account of the incursions of the Indians on the back settlements, Congress are, at this time, obliged to keep 6000 militia in pay, in addition to a regiment of foot, and a battalion of artillery, which it always keeps; and this increases the expence of the war department to 390,000 dollars, which is 87,795 l. sterling; but when peace shall be concluded with the Indians, the greatest part of this expence will cease, and the total amount of the expence of government, including that of the army, will amount to one hundred thousand pounds sterling, which, as has been already stated, is but an eighteenth part of the expence of the English government.
I request Mr. Adam and Mr. Dundas, and all those who are talking of constitutions, and blessings, and kings, and Lords, and the Lord knows what, to look at this statement. Here is a form and system of government, that is better organized and better administered than any government in the world, and that for less than one hundred thousand pounds per annum, and yet every member of Congress receives, as a compensation for his time and attendance on public business, one pound seven shillings per day, which is at the rate of nearly five hundred pounds a year.
This is a government that has nothing to fear. It needs no proclamations to deter people from writing and reading. It needs no political superstition to support it. It was by encouraging discussion, and rendering the press free upon all subjects of government, that the principles of government became understood in America, and the people are now enjoying the present blessing under it. You hear of no riots, tumults and disorders in that country; because there exists no cause to produce them. Those things are never the effect of freedom, but of restraint, oppression and excessive taxation.
In America there is not that class of poor and wretched people that are so numerously dispersed all over England, and who are to be told by a proclamation, that they are happy; and this is in a great measure to be accounted for, not by the difference of proclamations, but by the difference of governments and the difference of taxes between that country and this. What the labouring people of that country earn they apply to their own use; and to the education of their children; and do not pay it away in taxes as fast as they can earn it, to support court extravagance, and a long enormous list of placemen and pensioners; and besides this, they have learned the manly doctrine of reverencing themselves, and consequently of respecting each other; and they laugh at those imaginary beings called Kings and Lords, and all the fraudulent trumpary of courts.

When placemen and pensioners, or those who expect to be such, are lavish in praise of a government, it is not a sign of its being a good one. The pension-list alone in England (see Sir John Sinclair's history of the revenue, page 6 of the appendix) is one hundred and seven thousand four hundred and four pounds, which is more than the expences of the whole government of America amounts to. And I am now more convinced than before, that the offer that was made to me of a thousand pounds, for the copy-right of the second part of the Rights of Man, together with the remaining copy-right of the first part, was to have effected, by a quick suppression, what is now attempted to be done by a prosecution. The connection which the person who made that offer, has with the King's printing-office, may furnish part of the means of enquiring into this affair, when the ministry shall please to bring their prosecution to issue. But to return to my subject—
I have laid in the second part of Rights of Man and I repeat it here, that the service of any man, whether called King, President, Senator, Legislator, or any thing else, cannot be worth more to any country, in the regular routine of office, than ten thousand pounds per annum. We have a better man in America, and more of a gentleman than any king I ever knew of, who does not occasion even half that expence; for though the salary is fixed at 5625l. he does not accept it; and it is only the incidental expences are paid out of it. The name by which a man is called, is, of itself, but an empty thing. It is worth and character alone which can render him valuable, for without these, kings, and lords, and presidents, are but jingling names.
But without troubling myself about constitutions of government, I have shewn in the second part of Rights of Man, that an alliance may be formed between England France, and America, and that the expenses of government in England may be put back to one million and an half, viz. Civil expence of government £.500,000 Army 500,000 Navy 500,000 1,500,000
And even this sum is fifteen times greater than the expences of government are in America; and it is also greater than the whole peace establishment of England amounted to about an hundred years ago. So much has the weight and oppression of taxes encreased since the revolution, and especially since the year 1714.
To shew that the sum of 500,000l. is sufficient to defray all the civil expences of government, I have, in that work, annexed the following estimate for any country of the same extent as England.
In the first place, 300 representatives, fairly elected, are sufficient for all the purposes to which legislation can apply, and preferable to a larger number.
If then an allowance, at the rate of 500l. per an. be made to every representative, deducting for non-attendance the expence, if the whole number attended six months, each year would be 75,000
The official departments could not possibly exceed the following number with the salaries annexed, viz.
 Three officers at 10,000l. each, 30,000  Two do. at 5,000l. each, 50,000  Twenty do. at 2,000l. each, 40,000  Forty do. at 1,000l. each, 40,000  Two hundred do. at 500l. each, 100,000  Three hundred do. at 200l. each, 60,000  Five hundred do. at 100l. each, 50,000  Seven hundred do. at 75l. each, 52,500 
£.497,500
If a nation chose, it might deduct four per cent. from all the offices, and make one of twenty thousand pounds per annum, and stile the person who should fill it, King or Majesty, or Madjesty, or give him any other title.
Taking, however, this sum of one million and an half, as an abundant supply for all the expences of government under any form whatever, there will remain a surplus of nearly six million and a half out of the present taxes, after paying the interest of the national debt; and I have shewn in the second part of the Rights of Man, what appears to me the best mode of applying the surplus money; for I am now speaking of expences and savings, and not of systems of government.
I have in the first place estimated the poor rates at two millions annually, and effectual steps would be
to abolish the poor rates entirely (which would be a saving of two millions to the house keepers) and to remit four million out of the surplus taxes to the poor to be paid to them in money, in proportion to the number of children in each family, and the number of aged persons.
I have estimated the number of persons of both sexes in England of fifty years of age and upwards at 420,000, and have taken one third of this number, viz. 140,000 to be poor people.
To save long calculations, I have taken 70,000 of them to be upwards of 50 years of age, and under 60; and the other to be 60 years, and upwards: and to allow 6 pounds per an. to the former class, and 10 pounds per an. to the latter. The expence of which will be.
 70,000 persons at 6l. per an. 420,000  Do. do. at 10l. per an. 700,000 
£.1,120,000
There will then remain of the four millions, 2,880,000. I have stated two different methods of appropriating this money. The one is, to pay it in proportion to the number of children in each family, at the rate of 3 or 4 pounds per annum for each child; the other is, to apportion it according to the expence of living in different countries; but in either of these cases it would, together with the allowance to be made to the aged, completely take off taxes from one third of all the families in England, besides relieving all the other families from the burthen of poor rates.
The whole number of families in England, allotting five souls to each family, is 1,400,000. of which I take one third, viz. 466,666 to be poor families, who now pay four million of taxes, and that the poorest pays at least four guineas a year; and that the other thirteen millions are paid by the other two thirds. The plan, therefore, as stated in the work, is, 1st. to remit or repay, as is already stated, this sum of four millions to the poor, because it is impossible to separate them from the others in the present mode of collecting taxes on articles of consumption; and, 2d. to abolish the poor rates, the house and window light tax, and to change the commutation tax into a progressive tax, on large estates, the particulars of all which are set forth in the work, and to which I desire Mr. Adam to refer for particulars. I shall here content myself with saying, that, to a town of the population of Manchester, it will make a difference in its favor, compared with the present state of things, of upwards of 50,000 pounds annually, and so in proportion to all other places throughout the nation. This, certainly, is of more consequence, than that the same sums should be collected to be afterwards spent by riotous and profligate courtiers, and in nightly revels at the Star and Garter tavern, Pall Mall.
I will conclude this part of my letter with an extract from the second part of Rights of Man which Mr. Dundas (a man rolling in luxury at the expence of the nation) has branded with the epithet of "wicked."
"By the operation of this plan, the poor laws, those instruments of civil torture, will be superceded, and the wasteful expence of litigation prevented. The hearts of the humane will not be shocked by ragged and hungry children, and persons of seventy and eighty years of age begging for bread. The dying poor will not be dragged from place to place, to breathe their last, as a reprisal of parish upon parish. Widows will have a maintenance for their children, and not be carted away on the death of their husbands, like culprits and criminals, and children will no longer be considered as encreasing the distresses of their parents. The haunts of the wretched will be known, because it will be to their advantage, and the number of petty crimes, the offspring of poverty and distress, will be lessened. The poor, as well as the rich, will then be interested in the support of government, and the cause and apprehension of riots and tumults will cease. Ye who sit in ease, and solace yourself in plenty, and such there are in Turkey and Russia, as well as in England, and who say to yourselves, are we not well off? Have ye thought of these things? When ye do, ye will cease to speak and feel for yourselves alone."
—Rights of Man. Part II. page 136. After this remission of four millions be made, and the poor rates and house and window light tax be abolished, and the commutation tax changed, there will still remain nearly one million and an half of surplus taxes; and as, by an alliance be-
tween England, France and America, armies and navies will, in a great measure, be rendered unnecessary, and as men, who have either been brought up in, or long habituated to, those lines of life, are still citizens of a nation in common with the rest, and have a right to participate in all plans of national benefit, it is stated in that work (Rights of Man, part II.) to apply annually 507,000l. out of the surplus taxes to this purpose, in the following manner:
 To 15,000 disbanded soldiers 3s. per week, clear of deductions, during life 117,000  Additional pay to the remaining soldiers per annum 19,500  To the officers of the disbanded corps, during life, the same sum of 117,000  To 15,000 disbanded sailors, 3s. per week during life 117,000  Additional pay to remaining sailors 19,003  To the officers of the disbanded part of the navy, during life 117,000 
£.507,000 The limits to which it is proper to confine this letter, will not admit of my entering into further particulars. I address it to Mr. Dundas; because he took the lead in the debate, and he wishes, I suppose, to appear conspicuous; but the purport of it is to justify myself from the charge which Mr. Adam has made.
This gentleman, as has been observed in the beginning of this letter, considers the writings of Harrington, More, and Hume, as justifiable and legal publications, because they reasoned by comparison, though in so doing they shewed plans and systems of government, not only different from, but preferable to, that of England; and he accuses me of endeavoring to confute, instead of producing a system in the room of that which I had reasoned against; whereas the fact is, that I have not only reasoned by comparison of the representative system against the hereditary system, but I have gone further; for I have produced an instance of a government established entirely on the representative system, under which greater happiness is enjoyed, much fewer taxes required, and much higher credit is established, than under the system of government in England. The funds in England have risen since the war only, from 54l. to 97l. and they have been down, since the proclamation, to 87l. whereas the funds in America rose in the mean time from 10l. to 120l.
His charge against me of "destroying every principle of subordination," is equally as groundless, which even a single paragraph from the work will prove, and which I shall here quote:
"Formerly, when divisions arose respecting governments, recourse was had to the sword, and a civil war ensued. That savage custom is exploded by the new system, and recourse is had to a national convention. Discussion, and the general will, arbitrates the question, and to this, private opinion yields with a good grace, and order is preserved uninterruptedly."—Rights of Man, Part II. p. 173.
That two different charges should be brought at the same time, the one by a member of the legislature, for not doing a certain thing, and the other by the attorney-general for doing it, is a strange jumble of contradictions. I have now justified myself, or the work rather, against the first, by stating the case in this letter, and the justification of the other will be undertaken in its proper place. But in any case the work will go on.
I shall now conclude this letter, with saying, that the only objection I found against the plan, and principles contained in the second part of the Rights of Man when I had written the book, was, that they would beneficially interest at least ninety-nine persons out of every hundred throughout the nation, and therefore would not leave sufficient room for men to act from the direct and disinterested principle of honor; but the prosecution now commenced has fortunately removed that objection, and the approvers and protectors of that work now feel the immediate impulse of honor, added to that of national interest.
I am, Mr. Dundas, Not your obedient humble servant, But the contrary, THOMAS PAINE.
Foreign Intelligence by a late arrival at New-York.
PARIS, June 13.
A letter from Rochelle, dated the 2d instant, states, that the preceding Monday was the day fixed upon by the Protestants, the Jacobins, and the constitutional priests, to drive from that place all the priests who had not consented to take the oaths. In the morning two battalions of national guards arrived, and every thing remained pretty quiet till three o'clock, when a mob assembled in the Rue des Augustins. By degrees the people became inflamed, and at length, armed with sabres, assailed the church. Those within side, endeavoring to fly, were severely handled, and two men were trod to death. They afterwards went to the house of Mr. Trimouille, whom they would have killed, had it not been for the Mayor's interposition.
The municipality formed a decree, by which it was ordered, that every priest who
had not taken the oaths, should leave the department in three days, or to be driven from thence by public force.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, Monday, June 11.
Resignations.—The minister at war informed the Assembly by letter, that when the regiment of infantry, ci-devant, Newcastrie, passed through Lyons, six officers gave in their resignations, and demanded passports, which had been granted by the municipality, who, however, took care to record on the face of them, "that they had abandoned their country, during a moment of danger."
The soldiers of the regiment had seized on this occasion to testify their patriotism, and had renewed the civic oath.
AN ACTION WITH THE AUSTRIANS. Letter from LA FAYETTE to the Minister at War.
Entrenched Camp at Maubeuge, June 11.—Fourth Year of Liberty.
"I now sit down, sir, to send you an account of the affair near Maubeuge. The day before yesterday, our light troops had a skirmish with those of the enemy, in which the latter lost three men, and a few on both sides were wounded."
"The enemy attacked my advanced guard this morning, which they doubtless hoped to surprise: but M. Gouvion, who was informed of their intentions in good time, sent off the baggage towards Maubeuge, and began a skirmish during his retreat, in which his infantry was continually covered with hedges, and the enemy's columns suffered greatly from our artillery, and particularly from four pieces, d'Artillerie a Cheval, under Captain Barrois."
"The 3d and 11th regiments of Chasseurs, and the 2d of Hussars, manoeuvred most admirably; the latter cut up a detachment of Hulan which advanced against it."
"A violent storm, that prevented us from hearing the signal guns, retarded our knowledge of the attack. The moment intelligence of it was received in our camp, a column of infantry under M. Ligneville, and another of cavalry under M. Tracy, were conducted by M. Narbon, towards the enemy's left flank, while the reserve, led on by M. Mauberg, advanced to the succour of the advanced guard."
"I immediately ordered nine troops to advance, and the enemy, after abandoning the field of battle to us, and also part of their killed and wounded, retreated to their former camp."
"We marched upwards of a league beyond the station formerly occupied by the advanced guard, which resumed all its former posts."
"I should have felicitated myself with the little success accruing from this attack, if it had not by a most cruel fatality been the means of snatching from his country one of the best of citizens, from the army, one of the most useful officers, and from myself, a friend of no less than fifteen years standing. I mean M. Gouvion, whose virtuous life was terminated by a shot from a cannon. He is bewailed by the soldiers, and by all the army, and indeed by every body conscious of the value of pure patriotism, an unalterable faith, and the happy union of courage and abilities. I speak not of my personal chagrin on this occasion, my friends will pity me."
"The loss of two lieutenant-colonels of the department of Cote d'Or, also call for my just regret: one was M. Cazotte, aged 75, who had seen 50 years of service: he was killed in the late affair, while assisting M. Gouvion to save a dismounted cannon."
"The remainder of our loss consists in 25 wounded; the number of the killed is inconsiderable. The enemy has suffered much more considerably than us. We have made some prisoners, and I have received no account of any being taken on our side."
"This is the most exact relation that I am able to transmit you, previous to the receipt of official and authentic accounts."
(Signed) "LA FAYETTE, "General of the Army."
The Assembly instantly ordered the committee of public instruction to bring in a report, in what manner the esteem and gratitude of the nation might be testified towards the memory of M. Gouvion.
WORCESTER, August 23.
Extract of a letter from a patriotic and distinguished literary character, near London, to his correspondent in the state of New-Hampshire, dated May 2, 1792.
"It gives me the most sincere pleasure to hear, as I frequently do, of the growing prosperity of the United States. Long may that prosperity continue; and long may your respectable seminary of learning, with every similar institution, in North-America, continue to participate in the general welfare of that country, to which I have ever been a most ardent well wisher."
"Let me not close this letter without congratulating you, as a friend to the best interests of mankind, on the great step that hath been taken in France toward the diffusion of general freedom over every habitable part of the globe. May no unfortunate turn of affairs, no injurious blight, prevent this glorious blossom of the sacred tree of liberty from perfecting its choicest fruit!"

"It pains me, however, to add, that I am not without some apprehensions, from the powerful union of the neighbouring despots, who are breathing out threatenings and slaughter against a brave people, who are struggling for the maintenance of those blessings which all men have an undoubted natural and unalienable right: In asserting which, America set them no noble an example!"
BALTIMORE, August 24. To the PUBLIC.
On the first Monday of October next you are to appoint your Delegates to Congress: This may be a matter of more consequence than perhaps you may imagine; and it behoves every voter to guard against a particular set of men, generally known by the appellation of SPECULATORS. You will find there is one of those characters put up for every District in the Union. Invidious comparisons are odious to me; therefore I hope this Hint will be sufficient WARNING; for, believe me, their interest is not with yours. A PLANTER.
PHILADELPHIA. SEPTEMBER 1, 1792.
On Tuesday the 21st inst. arrived at Boston, the Schooner Harmony, Capt. Drew, from Bourdeaux. By letters received per this arrival, dated June 19, we are informed that the young King of Hungary and Bohemia was dead, supposed by poison—That there were commotions in Prussia, which it was thought would operate in favour of the French revolution—That assignats have appreciated from 63 to 40 per cent. discount: that, notwithstanding, business was almost stagnated, and the nation seemed in a state of anxiety for some great event—That desertions from the old troops of France had become more common than heretofore, owing to bad management in the commissary and quarter-master's departments; but that the spirit of the people was very far from being in the least depressed.
Doctor Joseph Priestly, so well known by his valuable writings, and especially for his attachment to the French constitution, sent his son, in June last, to present his respects to the National Assembly of France, with a request for his son's adoption as a citizen of France. The young man was admitted to the bar, and in a discourse written with energy, asked to be adopted by the nation and become a French citizen. He was admitted to the honors of the sitting amidst loud plaudits. A motion was then made in pursuance of the request, and the committee of legislation were ordered to report in three days, the draft of a decree for that purpose.
We hear from North-Carolina, that preparations are making to erect a university, near the centre of that state.
The libel bill, in England, has at length been determined on in their parliament. The right of deciding on all cases of libels is now taken from the judges, and left to juries; so that Peter Pindar, Mr. Paine, and others in their situation, will probably come off better than has generally been expected.
A writer in a Vermont paper, in an electioneering piece, says, "I remember, when the judges of the county courts were first to be appointed, a certain would-be judge, in one of the counties, was asked, Who would be appointed judges? He readily nominated four (there were to be five at that time)—he could not name a man qualified for the fifth. Being asked, if he would not himself accept the appointment? he freely consented—but the people did not approve the nomination. This same man would, no doubt, have thought, that many of those who were nominated, were fit for governors—generals—any thing, which did not interfere with his present ambition."
The Grand Jury of Baltimore county, after having examined the jail, observe, "That they found the prisoners (debtors and criminals) thrust in together in one promiscuous crowd without distinction, or respect to person or character; that a custom prevails in this unhappy mansion (as well as in most others of the same kind) of mulcting each new guest with a sum of money, termed GARNISH, and on failure of payment to strip the unfortunate stranger of his clothing, which, in the cold season of the year, may prove an evil of a very serious nature, and if possible, ought to be suppressed."
"The jury observe with pleasure, that the gaol is kept as clean as the nature of the case will well admit; and that there is no complaint among the prisoners on account of short allowance, or unwholesome food."
"The jury also conceive, that the present gaol is too small to admit of a suitable distribution of the unfortunate prisoners, agreeable to their sex, characters, and causes of confinement. They therefore beg leave to represent it as an object worthy of legislative attention."
Extract of a letter from Amsterdam, June 8. "An express arrived this morning at one of our principal commercial houses, brings the news, as interesting as unexpected, of a revolution in one of the principal courts of Germany. In consequence of the discontent that broke out against the system pursued for some time, the sovereign dismissed two ministers who enjoyed his confidence
on a footing of the most intimate friendship. A third person, honored with his affection, has, it is said, quitted the capital. This, event, if it should prove true in all its circumstances, would be favorable for Poland, who seemed to be left to herself; and the league against France would be considerably weakened."
On this article we have only to observe, that the Leyden Gazette, from which it is taken, cautiously avoids naming the court of Berlin, the court certainly alluded to, which is easily accounted for by the connection between the king of Prussia and the Stadtholder: that the revolution means the removal of Bismarck, and his party, from the administration, and that the principal consequence will be a complete change in the system of politics, the protection of Poland against Russia, and the dissolution of the concert with Austria against France.
It was not likely to be inserted in the Leyden Gazette without some foundation; but we have no direct assurance of its authenticity.
The court of Vienna is said at length to have granted permission to the French emigrants to embody themselves against their country, and to have advanced them a sum of money for that purpose, on condition of submitting their military operations to the direction of the Austrian commander in chief.
During the march of La Fayette's army, two of the private soldiers attempted to excite a mutiny, by crying out that they were betrayed, and requiring to know whither they were marching. They were instantly seized, tried by a drum head court-martial, condemned, and executed in sight of the army.
A writer in a Virginia paper makes the following observations in an address to Mr. Banks, of Richmond: "I am equally alarmed with yourself at the proceedings of the federal government; and here, I fear, neither the voice of the people is attended to, or their interests consulted. The rulers appear to me to possess a quite different interest from that of the people; if this be the case, (and I fear I am not deceived) tyranny must inevitably ensue. The evils we suffer from the general government, have become insupportable; an excise is laid, an iniquitous and oppressive tax; oppressive, because it is a tax on labour; and iniquitous, because it is a partial one: A funding system is established, calculated to enrich a few speculators on the small pittance of the soldier, who had a right to expect from Congress some sympathy, and from whose supposed integrity, he could apprehend no wrong—An assumption of the state debts, has taken place, an unjust law, as the remonstrance of the Virginia assembly will evince. LIBERTY dwells not in that country, where an excise is suffered; where a national debt is looked upon as a national blessing; and where the liberty of the press is restricted. Our taxes have now become burthensome, and rendered perpetual; notwithstanding this, were the causes which produced them just, there is too much virtue in Americans to complain: Submission, however, to wicked and unjust laws, does not prove a right to pass them. Of two evils it is most advisable to choose the least: submission is sometimes a lesser evil than opposition; but when our submission is inconsistent with the liberty and interest of the country, our duty commands us to oppose. In such a situation, the conduct of a people ought to be influenced by a regard for their freedom and happiness. The experience of every country clearly demonstrates, that arbitrary power once established, even over the bravest of nations, they quickly degenerate into mean and wretched slaves."
Intelligence of the death of the King of Hungary is received both by the way of London and France. We cannot, however, give it to our readers as authentic—but as an event extremely probable.
From the St. Christopher's Gazette. M A D R A S, March 1. This moment the important intelligence of a peace with Tippoo has been announced to the public under a discharge of 21 guns from the wall of the Fort—a peace that whilst it restores the long wished for tranquillity of our possessions in India, secures the most honorable advantages to the British empire.
The following particulars are said to form the preliminary articles: Tippoo cedes to the allies one half of his dominions, the selection to be left to their own choice, and be made from those parts that lie contiguous to the territories of the respective parties; and all below the Ghauts, both on this side the Peninsula and on the Malabar coast, to be possessed by the company.
Tippoo to pay 3 Crores, and 30 lacks of rupees to the allied armies, as a reimbursement of the expence of the war, and to release all prisoners in his possession of every description, subjects of Great-Britain, without reserve.
His two sons are to remain as hostages in the Carnatic for the due observance of the treaty in all its parts.
On the morning of the 24th the young princes arrived in camp, in pursuance of the preliminary articles of the treaty.—They were conducted to the tents pitched for their reception.
Captain Welsh with his battalion has the charge of the young princes.
The following are the general orders issued by Earl Cornwallis on this great occasion.
CAMP, SERINGAPATAM, February 24, 1792. Lord Cornwallis has great pleasure in announcing to the army, that preliminaries of peace have been settled between the confederate powers and Tippoo Sultan, containing conditions highly honorable and advantageous to the Company, and the British nation; and in consideration of the uncommon valor and firmness that has been shewn manifestly by the officers and soldiers of the king's and company's troops, during the whole course of the war, it is his lordship's intention to take upon himself to order a handsome gratuity to be distributed to them in the same proportion as prize money, from the sum that Tippoo has bound himself to pay to the company. It has been agreed that from this day hostilities shall cease on both sides, but the army is not only to retain its present posts till further orders—but his lordship likewise enjoins in the strongest manner, that no troops, nor persons belonging to Tippoo shall be allowed to pass the picquet and approach the encampment without a passport or permission regularly notified, and in general, that the same vigilance and strictness that has been customary during the war, shall be observed by all officers and soldiers in the execution of every military duty, until the troops shall arrive at the post that shall be allotted to them, in the company's territories. His lordship thinks it almost unnecessary to desire the army to advert, that moderation in success, is no less expected from brave men, than gallantry in action, and he trusts that the officers and soldiers in his army, will not only be incapable of committing violences in any intercourse that may happen between them and Tippoo's troops, but that they will even abstain from making use of any kind of an insulting expression towards an enemy now subdued and humbled.
TO THE FREEMEN OF PENNSYLVANIA.
FELLOW CITIZENS, THERE are certain duties which we all owe to our country—among those duties is the one which now operates upon me, that of declaring my opinion, with a republican freedom, on the present great political concern. The question before you embraces every thing important, inestimable, and dear to an American, and is of a nature, extremely distinct from that, in which it has hitherto been viewed—It does not appear to me to be a question of federalism or antifederalism ; but it is the Treasury of the United States against the people —It is, whether the Treasury shall be paramount to the people, or whether it shall be proper station allotted it in the government of our country: I say paramount to the people; for by making reports, previously to the origin of a bill, draughting bills, and entailing for ever an enormous debt upon the citizens of the United States, the Treasury is exalted above you thro' your representatives and marked under its banners, a phalanx of speculators who are assisting in forging endless chains for posterity—you surely, my fellow citizens, will not subscribe to that more than machiavellian maxim, that " a public debt, is a public blessing ," and consent to drain yourselves of the vital fluid of the nation to prepare a draught of perpetual ease for speculators and strangers to your country. The influence which the treasury has on our government is truly alarming; it already forms a center, around which our political system is beginning to revolve; and shall we give impulse to this attraction by delegating men to Congress, who shall give energy to the present corrupt principles? The state of our country is critical, and the present moment big with the most important consequences. Tho' in the infancy of a government we have begun, and are seeking to engrati upon it all the vices of profligate and debauched age. We are said to be a free people; but can that people be free, who have bound themselves and their posterity for ever ? It, as has been asserted, a public debt is " a public blessing ," Great-Britain must be the happiest nation upon earth; but I believe it will scarcely be denied, that her debt is like a mill-stone around the neck of her citizens, which will finally sink them to the bottom of destruction. To none is the present period of more consequence than to the mechanic; already have monopolies been established at his expence, and should the plans of the Secretary of the Treasury be executed, they will engulf within their destructive bosom every useful art. Tho' he might not propose a monopoly of thought, I should not feel surprize, should the present measures be pursued, at a monopoly, at least, of the publication of them. What will be the fate of any private manufacturer, who shall see a national manufactory rising into existence, whose workmen shall receive the smiles of government, and have exclusive privileges, such as exemption from militia duty, &c.? Is not this striking at the root of his subsistence? Fellow-citizens, beware—beware I repeat how you marshal yourselves under the Splendid banners of the treasury by an election of men, who shall adopt the opinions of its secretary upon trust , who favor the present pernicious funding system, and who are sticklers for monopolies; but let your choice fall upon such as are not interested in speculation, who are independent and republican in principle, and will not be the creatures of a minister; who are enemies to exclusive privileges, the friends of equality, and will pursue every just means to make you prosperous and happy. Aug. 31. BRUTUS.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
REMARKS on a late authentic Document, published by the Treasury Department, under the signature of JOSEPH NOURSE, Register.*
THE object of this publication seems to be, to impress the public mind with a belief, that under the present administration of its fiscal concerns, the public debt has been actually reduced to the amount of 1,845,217 dols. and 42 cents; and that the sum of 397,024 dols. and 15 cents remains to be applied to the same object. That this is not the case, but that the public debt, instead of being diminished one farthing, has been really augmented to the amount of upwards of one million and a half dollars, since the present administration commenced, will I think manifestly appear by a reference to a few plain facts and documents not less authentic than the one signed by Mr. Nourse.
The Secretary of the Treasury in a report to Congress, dated 23d January, 1792, states that the whole expenditures or demands against the government from the beginning of the year 1791, to the end of the year 1792, amount to dols. 7,082,197. 74
That the amount of the nett product of the public revenues during the years 1791 & 1792 is 7,089,755. 26
Leaving as a deficiency against the government dols. 52,442. 48
It appears by Mr. Nourse's document, that the whole amount of the revenues of the United States from the time the first impost law took effect, which was the 1st of August 1789, until the 31st Dec. 1790, was dols. 3,026,070. 65
That the total demands upon that, agreeable to the appropriations made by Congress, exclusive of any interest on the public debt, was 1,687,194. 81
Leaving a surplus in favour of the revenue, of dols. 1,338,875. 84
It appears too, from Mr. Nourse's document, that the treasury department claims credit for having disposed of the said surplus of 1,338,875. 84, so as to purchase and redeem to the amount of 1,845,217. 42 of the public debt, and to have left 397,024 dollars and 15 cents to be applied to the same object.—Be it so; I admit the fact in its fullest force—but what follows? That if the treasury claims credit for the use and whole amount of the revenue of the United States, from its commencement on the 1st of Aug. 1789, to the 31st of Dec. 1790, towards lessening the public credit; so it ought to be debited with the whole amount of the interest, that accrued on the public debt, during the same period, which by the treasury returns amounts to 4,036,359 dols. and 19 cents. I am aware that in objection to this it will be said, that agreeable to the act of Congress, no interest was payable on the public debt until January 1791.—Granted; but what became of this interest? Has it been paid? No.—Does it remain to be paid? Yes.—Was it added to and made a part of the principal of the public debt, thereby encreasing that debt to the amount of 4,036,359 dols. and 19 cents, in addition to its former principal? Yes.—Did not the Secretary of the Treasury himself propose that it should be so added? Yes.—Is it not therefore an efficient act of his administration, and can he now claim credit with the public, upon the fallacious idea of having bona fide reduced the public debt upwards of two millions, when, as I have shewn above, he has produced an actual addition to the public debt of more than one million and a half of dollars?
A simple state of the case with the Treasury department stands thus—
   D E B I T.     For the amount of interest which accrued on the public debt between the 1st of Aug. 1789, and 31st Dec. 1790 4,036,359. 19   For the deficiency of revenue to answer the demands of government in 1791, and 1792 52,442. 48   Dollars 4,088,801. 67  
   C R E D I T.     By the amount of public debt redeemed and discharged out of the surplus of the revenue arising between 1st Aug. 1789, and 31st Dec. 1790 1,845,217. 42   By balance of surplus remaining on hand of dollars 397,024. 15, and which may probably redeem 500,000   By a deficiency against the treasury department, since its establishment, which forms an actual addition to the public debt 1,743,584. 25   Dollars 4,088,801. 67  
That the facts and conclusions above mentioned are just, and that it is a sad and serious truth that the public debt has encreased, and is encreasing in the hands of its present administrators, is also manifest to two important classes of men in the community, I mean the MERCHANTS and FARMERS, by the present amount and encreasing weight of the duties of Impost and Excise. Aug. 30, 1792. MERCATOR. * See the Last Page.

PHILADELPHIA,
AUGUST 29.
THE following authentic Documents respecting the Progress which has been made by the present Government of the United States, towards extinguishing the Debts contracted under the former Government, will, it is presumed, be very acceptable to the people of the United States; and it is hoped, that the different Editors of Newspapers will give the Information the general Circulation which its Importance merits.
I.
Treasury Department, Register's Office, 24th August, 1792.
SIR,
I HAVE the honor to enclose an abstract statement of the debt incurred by the late government, and which has been paid off from the funds of the present government, amounting to one million eight hundred and forty-five thousand two hundred and seventeen dollars forty-two cents; but this sum will be increased, when the balance of three hundred and ninety-seven thousand twenty-four dollars thirteen cents remaining to be appropriated in the farther purchase of the public debt, shall be applied, and which more particularly appears by the subjoined statement.
With every sentiment of the highest respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient, And most humble servant, JOSEPH NOURSE, Reg.
Honorable Alexander Hamilton, Esq; Secretary of the Treasury.
II.
Statement of the Balance which remains to be applied in the further Purchases of the Public Debt.
By the act passed 12th August, 1790, making provision for the reduction of the Public Debt, section 2d, it is enacted, that all such surplus of the product of the duties arising from import and tonnage to 31st December, 1790, after satisfying the several appropriations therein specified, shall be applied to the purchase of the public debt:
THE product of said duties, were, Dollars, 3,026,070 65 1-3 The total appropriations were, 1,687,194 81 The surplus fund to 31st December, 1790, Dollars, 1,338,875 84 1-3 Deduct the amount paid for dollars 1,456,743 38-100 of the public debt extinguished as per abstract, 941,851 69
Leaves a balance which remains to be applied to the farther purchases of the public debt, 397,024 15 1-3
III.
An abstract statement of the sum extinguished of the Public Debt, also of the payment from the Funds of the present government of certain claims, which were incurred by the late Government.
Purchases of the Public Debt: Dollars. Amount thereof extinguished 1,456,743 38 Warrants drawn by the Board of treasury under the late government, and which have been discharged in pursuance of the act of Congress of 29th September, 1789. 157,789 94 Civil list: for various payments made upon accounts which originated under the late government, 25,768 50 War Department, being for arrearages of pay due to military officers of the army, and for provisions furnished, 7,308 40 Abraham Skinner, late Commissary-General of Prisoners, for the board of American prisoners of war, at Long-Island; appropriated by Congress, per their act passed 12th August, 1790. 38,683 13
Old accounts, viz:
Representatives of Mous. Debou-Gray, balance of pay, 2,977 24 Do. Hon. John Lawrence, his salary on an embassy to the French Court, 6,017 31 Francis Dana, salary on an embassy to the Court of St. Petersburg, 2,410 3 Benfou, Smith and Barker, their expenses attending the embarkation of the British troops at New-York, 1,000 His most Christian Majesty, for military and ordnance stores supplied the American ships of war in the French West Indies, 23,029 68
Oliver Pollock for balance due him for supplies at New - Orleans with interest thereon, in conformity with the several acts of Congress, 108,605 Mous. Gardoqui & Son, balance due for supplies furnished in Spain, 502 86 Bills of exchange, which had been drawn on foreign commissioners, and not paid by them, 4,185 50 Timothy Pickering, late quarter-master-general, being on account of the appropriation of 40,000 dollars, paid July 1, 1790, 2,077 89 Grants of Congress, viz. John M'Cord, per act of Congress of 1st July, 1790, 1,309 71 Jehoiakim M'Tock- sin per act of Congress of the 26th March 1790, 120 Baron de Glaubeck per act of 29th September, 1789, 140 26 Seth Harding, per act 11th August, 1790, 200 Caleb Brewster, ditto, ditto, 348 57 Dollars, 1,845,217 42 Treasury Department, Register's Office, August 23, 1792. JOSEPH NOURSE, Reg.
GIBRALTAR, May 10.
Affairs in Barbary still wear an unsettled appearance.
Six of the late Emperor's sons have been proclaimed in various parts of the empire (Sidi Mamomet) each afraid to strike the first blow, while their miserable country is falling a victim to the wild fanaticism brutality of an uncivilized and ungoverned multitude. The roads have been infested with assassins and robbers that travelling was totally impracticable; and even Tangiers the consuls hardly think themselves safe in their houses and under the protection of their colors.
The cruelties which have been exercised by Maley Yezid were so numerous, so enormous, and so unprecedented, that the people are become very cautious about the choice of another Sovereign, and perhaps they never will have so favorable an opportunity as the present of accomplishing a revolution in their government. But they are too blind and ignorant to avail themselves of it. It is fortunate for this garrison that their troubles do not affect our supply. We still continue to receive provisions from Barbary; and those totally reasonable.
* When he found that his wounds were mortal, and that he must die, he ordered his black guard to put to death 7 or 800 of his subjects in cold blood; some were nailed to the walls alive; others had their eyes torn out, other their flesh cut out, and afterwards were shot at, like so many birds. The cries of the women and children enraged him the more, for all that went to him were killed.
CONSTANTINOPLE, May 10.
On the 3d inst. the Grand Vizir Jussuf Pashaw was deposed from that office; and is succeeded by Melek Mehemmet Pashaw of Canea, in Candia. The plague has manifested itself in every part of this residence, and the neighbouring villages. Accidents of the Contagion happen daily in Galata and Pera: It has also made great progress in the Archipelago, and many parts of Asia, particularly at Smyrna.
BRITISH NAVY.
ALFRED is mentioned as the founder of the British navy, from his having opposed the incursions of the Danes on their favorite element with success, but the reign of Elizabeth, was the first period in which the English power became respectable at sea. In the reign of Henry VIII. that prince, in order to fit out a navy, was obliged to hire ships from Hamburg, Lubeck, Dantzic, Genoa, and Venice. Elizabeth, however, built some ships of war herself, and encouraged the merchants to construct larger trading vessels than were then used, which, on occasion, were easily converted into fighting ships. In 1509, on the alarm of the Spanish invasion, the Queen equipped a fleet and levied an army in a fortnight to oppose them. This sudden armament gave foreigners an high idea of the resources of England at that period.
At Elizabeth's death, the number of ships of war amounted to forty-two. This appears a navy of some consequence, but, compared with the importance it has since attained, was very contemptible, especially when it is considered that none of the above vessels carried more than forty guns, and four only were of the number. There were but two of a thousand tons burthen, twenty-three below five hundred, some of fifty, and a few of not more than twenty tons, the whole number of guns belonging to the fleet being only seven hundred and seventy-four. In 1512 the seamen of England were computed at 14,295, the number of vessels 1232, of which there were but 217 above eight tons.
In 1588 the British fleet consisted of 83 ships, before thirty on the stocks. At the revolution the navy amounted to 173 vessels of different rates, and required 40,000 seamen to man it.
The following Remarkable Advertisement appears in a London Paper of May 28.
Speedily to be published, price One Shilling, SPEECHES of the Right Honorable WILLIAM PITT on PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, as delivered in the House of Commons in the years 1782, 1783, and 1785
Mr. Pitt may, with propriety, be called the Father of Parliamentary Reform, in his speeches are found the strongest arguments on that important subject; it was he who first awakened the idea in the minds of the people, convinced them of the necessity of the measure, and called upon them to support it. Being therefore indebted to him for every county meeting, and every association since formed, for the purpose of carrying his principles into effect, the Editor flatters himself that this pamphlet will be favourably received by the public at large, and by the friends of the minister in particular. He thinks it however necessary, for his own safety, to take the opinion of Counsel; and if they should determine, that he may print these speeches, without becoming liable to the penalties and prosecutions threatened against all wicked and seditious writings, tending to excite discontent in the minds of the people respecting the present mode of governing, he will, in a few days, give further notice of the time of publication.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into twells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29.
NEW-YORK & PHILADELPHIA STAGES.
Via Bordentown and Burlington, And SHREWSBURY & PHILADELPHIA STAGE, Via Bordentown.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia land and water Stages beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of passengers, they have thought proper to remove the different packet boats from their former stand, at the Crooked Billet wharf, to the wharf or dock immediately next below Arch-street, from whence, on the first day of July next, and afterwards, a convenient packet-boat will start for New-York, as usual, on every Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday. The passage to be made either by the way of Bordentown or Burlington, each place to be taken alternately. Fare for passengers from Philadelphia to New-York 15s.—For Goods per cwt. 6s.
VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, DAVID WILLIAMSON, Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia Stages, by the route of Bordentown. JACOB MYERS, AMOS HUTCHIN, NICHOLAS SCHENK,
Proprietors of the line of N. York and Philadelphia Stages, by the route of Burlington. The Shrewsbury Stage will leave Philadelphia in the months of July and September, on every Sunday and Wednesday, and return on every Tuesday and Friday. In the month of August, it will leave Philadelphia on every Sunday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday and Saturday.
VAN EMBURGH & M'KEAN, DANIEL LOT, Proprietors of the Shrewsbury and Philad. Stage. Bordentown, June 25, 1792. For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to M'KEAN & VAN EMBURGH, at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-Street; by whom orders for the purchase of all kinds of grain, flaves, or other country produce, are punctually attended to. For freight or passage to Lambert or Trenton, also apply as above. Philadelphia, June 27.
To be published by Subscription, THE AMERICAN REMEMBRANCER, OR PROCEEDINGS OF THE Old Congress, From September 1774, to March 1789—an authentic and original collection of Official Letters &c. Written during the late war;—and Extracts from the Secret Journals, [For particulars, see the Proposals at large.] SUBSCRIPTIONS are received by the principal booksellers, and by the Editor, JOHN CAREY, No. 26, Pear-Street, Philadelphia.
George Town, June 2, 1792. A NUMBER of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in the city of Washington, will be offered for sale, by the Commissioners on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Commissioners. July 25.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer. JOHN M'CULLOCH, at No. 1. North Third-Street, and by most of the Booksellers in this city, (Price 3/9)
MODERN CHIVALRY: Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, his Servant.
VOLUME II. By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines, nostri, Farrago libelli. Juvenal.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures. NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second instalment for the payment of shares in the stock of this society, may be made in the following manner, viz: The amount of the said second instalment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest of one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz: In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brunswick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs.—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk. July 24.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitestown, in the State of New-York, on the north side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchasers.
N.B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill seats. The peculiar advantages of this tract, situated within a few miles of Whitestown (which contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants) with an easy and convenient water carriage to Schenectady, Albany, and New-York, make it an object for any persons inclined to settle it, and render it an extremely advantageous purchase for persons inclined to realize their money in land of an increasing value. The whole tract or any part of it, will be sold very low for cash, or for part cash, and the remaining payments at distant periods. Enquire at No. 229 Queen-street, near the Fly-market New-York. July 19.
JUST PUBLISHED
By E. OSWALD, (Price Eleven Pence) FIVE LETTERS, addressed to the Yeomanry of the United States:
CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Governor Duer and Mr. Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures; by a FARMER. This pamphlet, so highly interesting at this period, may be had at the following places: at Mr. Oswald's Printing-Office, No. 156, Market-street; at No. 209, Market-street; at Mr. Dobson's, 41, South Second-street; at Mr. Cukhankes, 91, Market-street; at Mr. Aitken's, 22, Market-street; and at Mr. Young's S. W. corner of Chestnut and Second-streets. August 21.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo, either full or half bound—N.B. The Laws of the last Session, in octavo only, may be had separate, price three eighths of a dollar.
*** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York Price 5/7 1-2.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THE OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.