National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-01-05 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 5, 1792.
NUMB. 20.
REPORT ON MANUFACTURES.
(Continued.)
THE continuance of bounties on manufactures long established, must almost always be of questionable policy: Because a presumption would arise in every such case, that there were natural and inherent impediments to success. But in new undertakings they are as justifiable, as they are oftentimes necessary.
There is a degree of prejudice against bounties from an appearance of giving away the public money, without an immediate consideration, and from a supposition, that they serve to enrich particular classes, at the expence of the community.
But neither of these sources of dislike will bear a serious examination. There is no purpose to which public money can be more beneficially applied, than to the acquisition of a new and useful branch of industry; no consideration more valuable than a permanent addition to the general stock of productive labor.
As to the second source of objection, it equally lies against other modes of encouragement which are admitted to be eligible. As often as a duty upon a foreign article makes an addition to its price, it causes an extra expence to the community, for the benefit of the domestic manufacturer. A bounty does no more. But it is the interest of the society in each case to submit to a temporary expence, which is more than compensated, by an encrease of industry and wealth, by an augmentation of resources and independence; and by the circumstance of eventual cheapness, which has been noticed in another place.
It would deserve attention, however, in the employment of this species of encouragement in the United States, as a reason for moderating the degree of it in the instances in which it might be deemed eligible, that the great distance of this country from Europe imposes very heavy charges on all the fabrics which are brought from thence, amounting from 15 to 30 per cent. on their value, according to their bulk.
A question has been made concerning the constitutional right of the government of the United States to apply this species of encouragement, but there is certainly no good foundation for such a question. The national legislature has express authority "To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare," with no other qualifications than that "all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States, that no capitation or other direct tax shall be laid unless in proportion to numbers ascertained by a census or enumeration taken on the principles prescribed in the constitution, and that no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state."
These three qualifications excepted, the power to raise money is plenary and indefinite; and the objects to which it may be appropriated are no less comprehensive, than the payment of the public debts and the providing for the common defence and general welfare. The terms "general welfare" were doubtless intended to signify more than was expressed or imported in those which preceded; otherwise numerous exigencies incident to the affairs of a nation would have been left without a provision. The phrase is as comprehensive as any that could have been used; because it was not fit that the constitutional authority of the union, to appropriate its revenues should have been restricted within narrower limits than the "general welfare;" and because this necessity embraces a vast variety of particulars, which are susceptible neither of specification nor of definition.
It is therefore of necessity left to the discretion of the national legislature, to pronounce, upon the objects, which concern the general welfare, and for which, under that description, an appropriation of money is requisite and proper. And there seems to be no room for a doubt that whatever concerns the general interests of LEARNING, of AGRICULTURE, of MANUFACTURES, and of COMMERCE, are within the sphere of the national councils, as far as regards an application of money.
The only qualification of the generality of the phrase in question, which seems to be admissible, is this—That the object to which an appropriation of money is to be made be general and not local; its operation extending in fact, or by possibility throughout the union, and not being confined to a particular spot.
No objection ought to arise to this construction from a supposition that it will imply a power to do whatever else should appear to Congress conducive to the general welfare. A power to appropriate money with this latitude, which is granted too in express terms, would not carry a power to do any other thing, not authorised in the constitution, either expressly or by fair implication.
V. Premiums.
These are of a nature allied to bounties, though distinguishable from them in some important features.
Bounties are applicable to the whole quantity of an article produced or manufactured, or exported, and involve a correspondent expence—Premiums serve to reward some particular excellence or superiority, some extraordinary exertion or skill, and are dispensed only in a small number of cases: But their effect is to stimulate general effort—contrived so as to be both honorary and lucrative, they address themselves to different passions; touching the chords as well of emulation as of interest.—They are accordingly a very economical mean of exciting the enterprise of a whole community.
There are various societies in different countries, whose object is the dispensation of premiums for the encouragement of agriculture, arts, manufactures, and commerce; and though they are for the most part voluntary associations, with comparatively slender funds, their utility has been immense. Much has been done by this mean in Great-Britain: Scotland in particular owes materially to it a prodigious amelioration of condition. From a similar establishment in the United States, supplied and supported by the government of the union, vast benefits might reasonably be expected.—Some further ideas on this head, shall accordingly be submitted, in the conclusion of this report.
VI. The exemption of the materials of manufactures from duty.
The policy of that exemption as a general rule, particularly in reference to new establishments, is obvious. It can hardly ever be advisable to add the obstructions of fiscal burthens to the difficulties which naturally embarrass a new manufacture; and where it is matured and in condition to become an object of revenue, it is generally speaking better that the fabric, than the material, should be the subject of taxation.—Ideas of proportion between the quantum of the tax and the value of the article, can be more easily adjusted in the former than in the latter case. An argument for exemptions of this kind in the United States, is to be derived from the practice, as far as their necessities have permitted, of those nations whom we are to meet as competitors in our own and in foreign markets.
There are however exceptions to it; of which some examples will be given under the next head.
The laws of the union afford instances of the observance of the policy here
recommended, but it will probably be found advisable to extend it to some other cases—Of a nature, bearing some affinity to that policy, is the regulation which exempts from duty the tools and implements, as well as the books, clothes and household furniture of foreign artists, who come to reside in the United States; an advantage already secured to them by the laws of the union, and which, it is, in every view, proper to continue.
VII. Drawbacks of the duties which are imposed on the materials of manufactures.
It has already been observed as a general rule, that duties on those materials, ought with certain exceptions to be forbome. Of these exceptions, three cases occur, which may serve as examples—One, where the material is itself an object of general or extensive consumption, and a fit and productive source of revenue—Another, where a manufacture of a simpler kind, the composition of which with a like domestic article is desired to be restrained, partakes of the nature of a raw material, from being capable, by a further process to be converted into a manufacture of a different kind, the introduction or growth of which is desired to be encouraged—A third, where the material itself is a production of the country, and in sufficient abundance to furnish a cheap and plentiful supply to the national manufacturers.
Under the first description comes the article of molasses. It is not only a fit object of revenue, but being a sweet, it is just that the consumers of it should pay a duty as well as the consumers of sugar.
Cottons and linen in their white state fall under the second description—A duty upon such as are imported is proper to promote the domestic manufacture of similar articles in the same state; a drawback of that duty is proper to encourage the printing and staining at home of those which are brought from abroad. When the first of these manufactures has attained sufficient maturity in a country, to furnish a full supply for the second, the utility of the drawback ceases.
The article of hemp either now does or may be expected soon to exemplify the third case in the United States.
Where duties on the materials of manufactures are not laid for the purpose of preventing a competition with some domestic production, the same reasons which recommend, as a general rule, the exemption of those materials from duties, would recommend as a like general rule, the allowance of drawbacks, in favor of the manufacturer: Accordingly, such drawbacks are familiar in countries which systematically pursue the business of manufactures; which furnishes an argument for the observance of a similar policy in the United States; and the idea has been adopted by the laws of the union, in the instance of salt and molasses. It is believed that it will be found advantageous to extend it to some other articles.
VIII. The encouragement of new inventions and discoveries, at home, and of the introduction into the United States of such as may have been made in other countries; particularly those which relate to machinery.
This is among the most useful and unexceptionable of the aids which can be given to manufactures. The usual means of that encouragement are pecuniary rewards, and, for a time, exclusive privileges. The first must be employed, according to the occasion, and the utility of the invention, or discovery. For the last, so far as respects "authors and inventors," provision has been made by law. But it is desirable in regard to improvements and secrets of extraordinary value, to be able to extend the same benefit to introducers, as well as authors and inventors; a policy
which has been practised with advantage in other countries. Here, however, as in some other cases, there is cause to regret, that the competency of the authority of the national government to the good, which might be done, is not without a question. Many aids might be given to industry; many internal improvements of primary magnitude might be promoted, by an authority operating throughout the union, which cannot be effected, as well, if at all, by an authority confined within the limits of a single state.
But if the legislature of the Union cannot do all the good that might be wished, it is at least desirable, that all may be done which is practicable.—Means for promoting the introduction of foreign improvements, though less efficaciously than might be accomplished with more adequate authority, will form a part of the plan intended to be submitted in the close of this report.
It is customary with manufacturing nations to prohibit, under severe penalties, the exportation of implements and machines, which they have either invented or improved. There are already objects for a similar regulation in the United States; and others may be expected to occur from time to time. The adoption of it seems to be dictated by the principle of reciprocity. Greater liberality in such respects might better comport with the general spirit of the country; but a selfish and exclusive policy in other quarters will not always permit the free indulgence of a spirit, which would place us upon an unequal footing. As far as prohibitions tend to prevent foreign competitors from deriving the benefits of the improvements made at home, they tend to encrease the advantages of those by whom they may have been introduced; and operate as an encouragement to exertion.
IX. Judicious regulations for the inspection of manufactured commodities.
This is not among the least important of the means, by which the prosperity of manufactures may be promoted. It is indeed in many cases one of the most essential. Contributing to prevent frauds upon consumers at home, and exporters to foreign countries—to improve the quality and preserve the character of the national manufactures, it cannot fail to aid the expeditious and advantageous sale of them, and to serve as a guard against successful competition from other quarters. The reputation of the flour and lumber of some states, and of the potash of others, has been established by an attention to this point. And the like good name might be procured for those articles whereover produced, by a judicious and uniform system of inspection, throughout the ports of the United States. A like system might also be extended with advantage to other commodities.
X. The facilitating of pecuniary remittances from place to place.
Is a point of considerable moment to trade in general, and to manufactures in particular; by rendering more easy the purchase of raw materials and provisions, and the payment for manufactured supplies. A general circulation of bank paper, which is to be expected from the institution lately established will be a most valuable mean to this end. But much good would also accrue from some additional provisions respecting inland bills of exchange. If those drawn in one state payable in another were made negotiable, every where, and interest and damages allowed in case of protest, it would greatly promote negotiations between the citizens of different states, by rendering them more secure; and, with it the convenience and advantage of the merchants and manufacturers of each.
(See last page.)

EXTRACTS from the LEYDEN GAZETTE, &c:—Sept. 9—1790.
THE proceedings of the national assembly in opposition to strict republicanism, have plainly manifested their intention that the constitution shall stand or fall with the revolution. They have also determined seriously to restore to the executive, if not its former splendor, at least a sufficiency of energy to preserve the public peace and good order. In leaving out of the constitution the article concerning the right of granting pardons, they showed a proper deference to the will of the king, whom the nation is willing to consider the defender, as well as the restorer of the liberties of France. Three circumstances occur at present in establishing the happiness of the nation upon the success of the constitution: These are, the king's acceptance thereof; the general pacification abroad; and the judicious choice of members for the new legislature. The queen and madame Elizabeth have made the best of matters, but have suffered much in parting with some of their spangles of royalty—The king seems to carry off the loss of absolute authority with a cold indifference; and from hence it may be inferred, that women, in general, find it much harder to part with power than men, if their external behaviour on such occasions may be admitted as a test of their feelings. Previous to the king's acceptance of the constitution, the queen saw many difficulties in the way of the combined princes from completely restoring the old government. If they had failed, the circumstances of the royal family would have been much worse than at present; had they succeeded, they would most assuredly have governed France themselves, or at least obliged Louis 16th to become their creature. Monsieur (the king's brother) it is said, would have been regent, and the count d'Artois, lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and commander in chief of the land and sea forces. M. de Noailles' report on the state of the army is published, and is very alarming; it is, however, much exaggerated in point of their bad state, and therefore not regarded with much attention. As to the new representatives, they are enlightened characters, virtuous, and men of moderation, and may therefore be expected to reap the same success from their labors as their predecessors in legislation.
Berlin, Sept. 8. It is generally supposed here, that at the late conferences held at Pilnitz, where the affairs of Poland were discussed between the king of Prussia, the king of Poland, and the elector of Saxony, there was less said in opposition to the new constitution which Poland has given herself, than some have imagined. The real object of this particular conference was, a reciprocal renunciation of any pretences to the crown of Poland, in case the elector should die without leaving male issue; which pretences, if they should take effect, would have some influence in causing a war, to preserve the balance of power in Europe. As to the French affairs, the presence of M. d'Artois and M. de Calonne are a sufficient proof that they have not been passed over in silence. Advices from Dresden positively assure us, that a resolution has passed to attempt nothing at present by force of arms with a view to overturn the new constitution, full consideration having been taken on the uncertainty of the event, the difficulty of proceeding on such an expedition, and the danger that would inevitably attend even success itself.
Warsaw, Sept. 15. Previous to the emperor's leaving Vienna for the conference at Pilnitz, he had stipulated with his Prussian majesty, that their respective courts should recognize as firm and valid, the new constitution of Poland, ratified on the third of May, 1791, particularly that article relative to the succession. It was further agreed, that both the sovereigns should renounce, in the name of their sons, all views of appending the crown of Poland to their own families, by means of the Princess of Saxony, infanta of Poland. The empress of Russia to be also invited to make the same stipulation for her descendants. It is thought by some that certain neighboring powers will demand some explanation on the subject of succession, as well as on the armed
force kept up by the Republic, amounting to an hundred thousand men. It is hoped the prudence of Stanislaus Augustus, added to the wisdom of his counsellors, may overcome every obstacle to the permanent and complete happiness of our country.
Leyden, Sept. 29. It is somewhat strange that the Declaration signed by the Emperor and the King of Prussia, at Pilnitz, which is, in fact, no more than merely conditional, should have been counted upon by the French Princes as an absolute promise to restore the old government in France. They speak thus in their letter to their brother, the King of France—"In consequence of our remonstrances, the powers of Europe have determined to employ their collected strength against the French nation; the Emperor and the King of Prussia, in particular, have entered into a reciprocal engagement for this purpose."—With what face can these Princes ever return to France, under favour of their general amnesty, after having done their utmost to lay waste their country, merely to gratify a resentment against the nation for having recovered its liberties! When men will go such lengths to regain the loss of power and family consequence, it is no wonder that all well regulated governments begin to lay it down as an essential principle in politics, that no man shall be entrusted in any degree with a species of power that renders him independent of the will of the people. The letter of the Princes to the King, their brother, will remain a lasting monument of family-foolly.
Persons of curiosity, and such as are fond of reading fresh news from foreign parts, will regret, that through a great part of the north of Europe, there is not a single Gazette in existence, to afford them even a limited detail of the various interesting events continually taking place in those parts. At Warsaw itself, there is never any thing of the sort published except some obscure paragraphs, almost always contradictory and proved false by succeeding accounts. Hence we are wholly in the dark, on the affairs of the regenerated kingdom of Poland.—To obviate this shameful defect, two gentlemen have set out for Warsaw with an intention to publish a newspaper four times a week in that city, to begin the fifteenth of September. The editors are determined to support the liberty of the press to the utmost (one of the privileges granted by the new Polish constitution) and to publish every species of information that can be useful to mankind, without falling into that licentiousness, so common in our days, which almost justifies the severe measures some governments take in restraining the press altogether.
The restoration of the Jews to the rights of free citizenship in France is one of the most shining acts in the whole proceedings of that celebrated body, the national assembly. It must be confessed, however, they are possessed of unexampled effrontery, in daring to proceed in direct opposition to certain ancient prophecies relative to the Jewish people. Many begin to think, that, if these prophecies be authentic, they are to be understood in a figurative rather than a literal sense:
Thus, the promise to the Jews that they should be restored to their original country after a certain number of ages spent in wandering up and down the world, means in all probability, not that they shall be sent back to the miserable rocky territory called Judea or Palestine, but in after times (which times, it may be supposed, are now beginning) that mankind in general should become sufficiently enlightened to set aside partial and cruel laws enacted in barbarous ages; and be convinced, that the supreme power created all mankind brethren, and sheds his natural bounties alike upon all, whether Jews, Christians, Turks, Indians, or Chinese. If the Supreme Being has been thus impartial and his benevolence universal, man therefore should imitate him in this respect, and no longer uphold those odious distinctions, and countenance those doubtful prophecies which have been kept in credit for so many ages past merely by the policy of priests and despots, whose custom it has constantly been in the great game for the rights of mankind, to play into each others hands, and to accomplish almost whatever predictions they pleased, of this kind, by a union of their forces.
PHILADELPHIA, CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Jan. 2.
The bill for extending the time limited for settling the accounts of the United States with the individual states, was read a third time, and sent to the Senate for their concurrence.
The petitions of Emanuel Ebbs and William Hassell were read, praying compensation for services rendered during the war, in the army of the United States.
Also a memorial of Benjamin Lincoln, for himself, Cyrus Griffin, and David Humphreys, late commissioners for treating of peace with the Indian tribes south of the Ohio, praying for the settlement of an account of authorized expenses, incurred on their mission, amounting to the sum of sixteen hundred dollars over and above the allowance made them.—Referred, together with the petitions, to the Secretary at war.
A message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Lear, accompanied with an official statement of the expenditures to the end of the year 1791, from the sum of 10,000 dollars granted to defray the contingent expenses of government, by an act passed the 26th of march, 1790—which statement was ordered to lie on the table.
The House then went into committee of the whole on the bill sent from the Senate, providing for the election of a President and vice President of the United States, in case of vacancy by death or resignation.
After some time spent on the bill, the chairman of the committee reported two amendments, which being read, one was agreed to and the other disagreed to.
Several amendments were proposed to the ninth section of the bill, which provides, that in case of resignation or inability both of the President and vice President of the United States, the President of the Senate pro tempore, and in case there shall be no president of the Senate, then the speaker of the House of Representatives for the time being shall act as President of the United States, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
The question being put for striking out the words, "the president of the Senate pro tempore"—it passed in the negative, yeas—24, nays—27.
The question being put for striking out the words, "and in case there shall be no President of the Senate, then the speaker of the House of representatives for the time being"—it passed in the affirmative, yeas—26, nays—25.
Several amendments to the bill, were proposed, which being gone through by the committee, was ordered, together with the amendments to lie on the table till to morrow.—Adjourned.
TUESDAY, Jan. 3.
The statement received yesterday from the President of the United States, relative to the expenditure of 10,000 dollars for governmental contingencies, was read from which it appeared that there was still a residue in his hands of eight thousand seven hundred and thirty-four dollars, and thirty ninetieths of a dollar—Ordered to lie on the table.
The committee of enrollment reported, that they had presented to the President of the United States, for his assent, the bill for carrying into effect the contract entered into between the United States, and the state of Pennsylvania, for the purchase of lands on lake Erie.
A message was received from the President that he had signed the said bill; by which it is passed into a law of the United States.
A petition was read from Christiana Rush, Cyrus Pierce, and Michael M'Clary, severally praying compensation for services &c. during the late war—Referred to the Secretary at war.
Mr. J. Smith, from the committee of reference on the 17th and 18th sections of the post office bill, made his report, which was read, and the House proceeded to take the same into consideration.
After discussing several amendments and alterations, it was proposed, and agreed to by the House, to insert a clause
in the bill, directing the Post-Master General to advertise for contracts for carrying the mail—The House soon after rose, without coming to any further decision on the bill.—Adjourned.
SECOND CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT for carrying into effect a Contract between the United States and the State of Pennsylvania.
FOR duly conveying to the state of Pennsylvania a certain tract of land, the right to the government and jurisdiction whereof was relinquished to the said state by a resolution of Congress of the fourth day of September, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, and whereof the right of soil has been sold by virtue of a previous resolution of Congress of the sixth day of June in the said year;
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be authorized, on fulfilment of the terms stipulated on the part of the state of Pennsylvania, to issue letters patent, in the name and under the seal of the United States, granting and conveying to the said State forever the said tract of land, as the same was ascertained by a survey made in pursuance of the resolution of Congress of the sixth day of June one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
Approved, January the third, 1792. G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
BALTIMORE, December 22.
A French Gentleman, who came passenger in the Schooner Bee, Captain Snyder, arrived here from Port-au-Prince, furnishes the following melancholy intelligence:—That "on the 22d of November, a negro soldier, belonging to the corps of armed mulatto citizens, who were quartered in the old Government-House, having quarrelled with a white soldier, of the company of Artillery, the mob instantly seized the negro, and hung him on the Municipality Lantern.—The day following, one of the mulattoes, belonging to the Barracks, fired on one of the Artillery, which occasioned great disturbances in the town.—The municipality assembled, and ordered the regular national troops to march against the mulattoes.—When these troops approached the barracks, the mulattoes put themselves into a posture of defence, and immediately dispatched several deputies to know the reason of the menaced hostility. They received for answer, that it was to demand satisfaction for the insult above mentioned. The Deputies offering to deliver up the offenders, the principal officer of the white corps expressed their entire satisfaction, and tranquility appeared likely to be restored; but, as the deputies were returning to their Quarters, some of the white people rashly fired on them. The mulattoes returned the fire, and a sharp engagement immediately commenced between the white and mulatto troops.—The former prevailed, and took possession of the Posts of the latter. Several of both parties lost their lives in this unhappy conflict, among whom are M. Taillefer, a respectable elderly Gentleman (merchant of the town) and one officer of the regiment of Artois. The mulattoes, in their flight, set fire to everything in their power, and a dreadful conflagration took place in every quarter of the town. The damage, as yet, cannot be estimated, as the richest and most capital quarter of that ill-fated (once flourishing) town, is now a heap of ruins."
BENNINGTON, December 26.
A gentleman from Canada, lately arrived in town, informs, that when he passed St. Johns, he observed three vessels on the stocks; which on enquiry he was informed, were designed for vessels of force; one of them to mount 28, one 24, and the other 18 guns. The posts on our western frontiers are yet in the hands of Britain: several Indian Chiefs have lately been to London—and reports of their returning with sentiments unfriendly to the United States [perhaps more than bare reports] are circulating: when we add to this, that the most hostile tribes are near the neighborhood of the western posts, withheld from us by Britain, and that they have lately fought with a degree of regularity unknown before to Indians, the surmise appears probable, that they have not only received supplies but assistance from that quarter.
A few Copies of the Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale Fisheries—may be had at the office, No. 239 High-street.

PHILADELPHIA,
JANUARY 5, 1792.
On Tuesday last the ice entirely disappeared in the Delaware.—The same day, several vessels failed on their respective destinations; and a number have since arrived, who had been detained at Reedy Island by the obstructions common to the season.
A letter from Bermuda mentions the arrival there of a yawl about fourteen feet in length, with the Captain and crew of a French ship which foundered in lat. 22, 15. lon. from London, 42 deg. 30 min. W. about 1100 miles to the eastward of Bermuda. The number of persons in the yawl was fifteen, who upon the ship's going down, took to this small boat, with a compass, a sail, a keg of biscuit, a trifling supply of provision and water, and a little brandy. During thirteen days they steered a west course, in which time they sailed about 700 miles. They then fell in with an English brig from Nova-Scotia to Grenada, who bore away with them for Bermuda. Having arrived in sight of that island, the people again took to their boat, and reached in safety one of the harbors of this friendly cluster, which altho' but a speck in the immense expanse of the ocean, has been a refuge to thousands of unfortunate wretches in similar circumstances.
There are at present in the United States 240 regular itinerant Methodist preachers, one superintendent, sixty-one elders, and seventy-two deacons—all others of these ranks are unordained. The regular members of their church are computed at 62,100. There are a large number of located and lay-preachers not included in the above estimate.
Letters from Jamaica mention that "the spirit of revolt among the negroes had at length reached that island; that the white inhabitants were seriously alarmed for their safety, had proclaimed martial law, and were taking every precaution in their power to prevent a general insurrection. The flame is spreading, and threatens the West-India islands with ruin and devastation, unless a powerful effort of European strength is made to reduce those miscreants; and, what would be still more desirable, to devise some better method of supplying the world with the tropical commodities, than from the labor of wretches, whom nature seems to have designed only for the inhospitable deserts of Arabia."
Mr. Peter Zacharie, of Baltimore, has invented a machine to clean the docks and harbours, which is said to be superior to any other in use for that purpose. All the machines we have hitherto seen for effecting the design, require one, two or more horses, and several men. Mr. Zacharie's machine requires only one man, who by walking in a hollow wheel, is enabled to raise a ton of mud, during the time another receiver (or spoon as it is called) is let down to take in a like quantity. The inventor has obtained a patent from government for the machine, and offers his services to the several officers concerned in the police of the different harbours of the United States.—It has been mentioned that one of the first efforts of Mr. Zacharie's skill is to be tried in the Basin of Baltimore, where the water has become so shallow as scarcely to admit a vessel of nine feet draught, further than Fell's Point.
"There seems to be a war of colours the world over, (says an Albany paper.) The British whites, under Lord Cornwallis, are at war in India, with the tawny Asiatics, under Tippoo Sultan. In the West-Indies, the French whites and the African blacks, are now in open hostility—and in the United States, our white countrymen, are engaged in a bloody war with the copper-coloured Aboriginals of the country."
"The Indians, in their furious attack on our artillery, appear still to possess their former ideas of its effects—and literally to have fulfilled the command of a far-famed Sachem, in his funeral song:
"Remove those Gods who vomit fire."
* The whole passage alluded to runs thus—in the supposed words of King Tammany:
"Rage and revenge inspire my soul, And passion burns, without controul; Hence, strangers, to your native shore! Far from our Indian shades retire, Remove these gods, that vomit fire, And stain with blood the savaged glades no more."
[From a correspondent.]
As without breath we cannot exist, so without liberty we cannot enjoy any degree of happiness. The wretch who groans beneath the load of oppression, without any cheering prospect to himself or descendants, is truly miserable, if possessed of sensibility, and instructed by education. Should he be ignorant, he is so far not unhappy with respect to mental feelings; but his corporeal sufferings are undoubtably great. He toils without hope, and is consigned to the grave without compassion. His body is emaciated by tyranny; and, to make use of a scriptural phrase, the iron has entered into his soul. The period however will shortly arrive, when philosophy and religion shall deliver a suffering race from those evils; and when the gradual progress of reason will unite nation with nation, and colour with colour, blending the rights of man with the expectations of policy and commerce. But let us not be premature in our hopes. This happy event must be the work of deliberation and time. War must first relinquish his fury, and the operations of avarice be restrained; humanity must prove triumphant, and the purest religious system be more generally adopted than at present. Till this glorious period shall arrive, let us exercise that greatest of virtues, "Charity," and mildly lament an evil, which cannot be suddenly removed without convulsing a considerable part of the world.
By a return made on the 2d instant to the governor of this State, from Mr. James Read, inspector of flour for the port of Philadelphia, the quantity of flour shipped therefrom, during the year 1791, amounts to 315,785 barrels of flour and 5793 of middlings.
Five resolutions have passed the Georgia House of Representatives [in consequence of a motion made by Gen. Jackson on the 24th. November] to the following effect: That as the liberties and properties of the citizens of Georgia depend on uninfluenced elections, either for general or particular representatives, so it was the duty of that House to interest themselves in maintaining that great bulwark of liberty, to the extent of their power, and that a violation of the privilege of election in any degree ought to be considered by them as a crime of the deepest dye, and tending to annihilate the rights of posterity. That it appeared to the House that there is sufficient cause for an enquiry into the election held on the first Monday in January last, for a member to represent the lower district of Georgia in the Congress of the United States, and that all proofs, and other documents relative thereto be referred to nine members to report their opinion thereon to the House.
Last Saturday afternoon Lieut. Devin, of the Levies, arrived in town from the Western Country. He left Fort-Washington the 22d of November, at which time Forts Hamilton and Jefferson were well supplied with men and provisions, and there was no apprehension for their safety. General St. Clair continued in bad health. Most of the remaining Levies were returning home, except such as had enlisted in the regular service. The wounded had been brought to Fort Washington, and were most of them in a fair way of recovery. No account of the Indians since the action.
Lieut. Devin met General Scott, with a party of militia, within 30 miles of Fort Washington, on the 23d of November.
FOREIGN APPOINTMENTS.
Pierre Francois Barbe de Marbois—Vice-Consul from his most Christian Majesty within the states of Connecticut, New-York and New-Jersey, to reside in New-York.
Charles Gottfried Paleske—Consul General from the King of Prussia, within the United States of America.
From the Albany Gazette..
By a gentleman from the Genesee country, we learn, that previous to his departure, the Indian account of the defeat of the American arms on the Miami, had reached there, both from Detroit and Buffalo creek, and is by them stated as follows: That they killed 1200 Americans, and took 7 pieces of cannon—200 oxen, and a great number of horses, but no prisoners—and that their loss was only 36 warriors killed.
Our informant adds, that the number of Indians in the battle was not exactly ascertained, but supposed to have been between 3 and 4000; and this opinion is confirmed by a gentleman who was at Detroit when the Indians left it on their way to the Miami—who says, they were so very numerous as to create serious alarm in that garrison, and that every precaution was taken for its safety—as the Indians were exceedingly irritated with the British government for not having countenanced them in their warfare with the United States—That the Indian army was composed of some from almost every tribe from the Miami to Lake Michigan, Michellimachanac, and probably even to the Mississippi—That it was commanded by one of the Mississaga Indians, who had been in the British service, in the late war; that he planned and conducted the attack, which was even contrary to the opinion of a majority of the chiefs—and, that after the Americans began their retreat, he told the Indians they had killed enough, and that it was proper to give over the pursuit, and return and enjoy the booty they had taken—That their account of the commencement of the action and its continuance agrees with Gen. St. Clair's letter to the secretary at war.
The principal part of the above information our informant had from the Farmer's-Brother, an Indian of that name, an intelligent person, and Chief of the Senecas.
Our informant further adds, that Capt. Brandt is friendly to the United States, particularly to the inhabitants of the Genesee settlements: That the unfriendly Indians have sent him a message, that as they have conquered the Americans (as they term it) they intend paying him and the Senecas a visit, on account of their not having joined them in the war.
We are told, the Seneca tribe of Indians are able to furnish 300 of the first rate warriors, and are friendly to the United States, as are all the other tribes of the Six Nations—who would turn out with alacrity to join an American army against the Western Indians.
It is said, when the deputation of Western Indians, waited on the Gov. Gen. of Canada, Lord Dorchester, last spring, that Capt. Joseph Brandt appeared among them, and acted as their speaker, in their conferences—that his Lordship took occasion to inform Capt. Joseph, that as he was an officer in the British service, it became necessary for him to lay aside the Indian dress and assume that of his corps; for, if he insisted on retaining the former, his pay as a British captain must cease, and his name be struck off from the list of officers.—It is added, the captain wisely preferred the British pay and uniform, to the honor of remaining an Indian.
HARTFORD, Dec. 16.
Extract of a letter written at Cape-Francois to the Editor of this paper, dated Nov. 19, 1791.
The day before yesterday, a seventy four gun ship and one frigate arriv'd at this port, to assist in quelling the disturbances, but have only made them greater—the officers being of the Aristocratical party, the assembly have demanded them—and I am informed that the seamen have risen and delivered them to the guards of this place, that they may be sent to France."
Advices by the ship Camilla, Capt. Burnham, arrived at New-York on Sunday last, in 4 days from Bristol.
L O N D O N, Nov. 8.—15.
On the 31st ult. M. de Montmorin went to the National Assembly, in obedience to orders, to inform them how the King's acceptance of the constitution had been received by foreign powers.
The letters written in answer to the King's notification by the Emperor, by the Kings of England and Denmark, by the States General of Holland, by the Republic of Geneva, by the Electors of Treves and Saxon, and by the Dukes de Deux Pons and Brunswick, simply with the welfare of the King of France and his subjects.
The Elector of Treves says formally, that "as to anything else, he has no answer to give."
The King of Spain says in plain terms, that "the King was not free when he accepted the constitution."
The King of Sweden "refused to receive the packet which was officially sent to him." And he assigned, as the motive of his refusal "his own will and pleasure not to receive any mission from France."
M. de Montmorin observed, that as soon as Louis XVI was informed of this answer, he had ordered his ambassador to renew his application to his Swedish Majesty; and that if Gustavus should persist in his refusal, to quit Stockholm without taking leave.
This resolution of the King was highly and loudly applauded.
The Empress of Russia, the court of Rome, the King of Sardinia, the Queen of Portugal, the Swiss Cantons, and the Elector of Mayence have not yet returned any answer.
The National Assembly of France have just passed the following decree relative to Louis Joseph-Xavier, the King's next brother upon whose conduct that of the other French Princes is supposed to depend.
It having been before resolved, that the person entitled to the Regency would forfeit his right by remaining absent from the kingdom, it was decreed, on Sunday the 30th of October,
 1. That proclamation should be made within three days in Paris.  2. That the requisition should be notified to the Prince by no other mode than that of proclamation.  3. That, conformably to the constitutional decrees the promulgation of the law shall be made by the executive power.  4. That the supplant of the regency shall be bound to return within three months, or shall be held to have abdicated his right to the regency. 
The National Assembly have passed a decree against the emigrants in which, amongst several others, are the following articles—
"That the French assembled beyond the frontiers of the Kingdom, shall be declared suspected of a conspiracy against their country. That if, on the first of Jan. 1792, they be found in the same situation, they will be declared guilty of conspiracy, prosecuted as such, and be punished with death. That after that period all the French Princes and public functionaries shall be considered as engaged in a conspiracy against the constitution, &c. That the revenues of those convicted of contumacy shall be forfeited to the nation, during their own lives only; and, that the revenues of the absent French Princes shall be confiscated from the date of the promulgation of the decree."
The Friendship, Capt. Wright, from London and Gibraltar, for Mozadore, has been taken by two Spanish frigates, of 40 guns each, the Florentine and the Pearl, on account of having arms and ammunition on board, and was seen conveying into a Spanish port.
Varlem, the Bookseller at Amsterdam, who has been confined in prison several weeks, with his wife and children for having sold a publication in which the stadtholder was not treated with proper respect, is condemned to be whipped and branded, and to be imprisoned for the space of 25 years.
Mr. Burke is talked of as the successor of the late Baxler Gascoyne, Esq., in the office of receiver General of the Customs.
WARSAW, (Poland) October 24.
Yesterday evening intelligence was received here by M. de Belgakow, the Russian minister to this court, of the death of Prince Potemkin, which happened at Vassy, on the 16th inst.
M. GARDETTE, Dentist,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from No. 88 to No. 127, Chestnut, near Fourth street, nearly opposite the Bank of the United States. Dec. 19.
This Day are published, SERMONS,
Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D.
One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York.
Sold by T. DOBSON & R. CAMPBELL.
[Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]
The COUNTRY PRINTER.
[Concluded]
THOU, who art plac'd in some more favour'd spot, Where spires ascend, and ships from every clime Discharge their freight—despise not thou the lot Of meaner Tiers, who here has pass'd his prime At cafe andpreis has labour'd many a day But now, with years, is verging to decay.
He, in his time, the patriot of his town With Prefs and Pen attack'd the royal tide; Did what he could to pull their Lion down, Clipp'd at his tail, and twich'd his sacred hide, Mimick'd his roarings, trod upon his toes, Pelted young wheips, and tweak'd the old one's nose.
Rous'd by his page, at church or Court-House read, From depths of woods the willing rustics ran, Now by a priest, and now some deacon led, With clubs and spits to guard the rights of man; Lads from the spade, the pick-ax, or the plough Marching afar, to fight Burgoyne or Howe.
Where are they now?—the Village asks with grief, What were their toils, their conquests, or their gains? Perhaps, they near some State-House beg relief, Perhaps, they sleep on Saratoga's plains; Doom'd not to live, their country to reproach For seven-years pay transfer'd to Mammon's coach.
Ye Guardians of your country and her laws! Since to the pen and prefs so much we owe Still bid them favour freedom's sacred cause, From this pure source, let streams unsullied flow; Hence, a new order grows from reason's plan, And turns the fierce barbarian into—man.
Child of the earth, of rude materials fram'd, Man, always found a tyrant or a slave, Fond to be honour'd, valued, rich, or fam'd Roves o'er the earth, and subjugates the wave: Despots and kings this restless race may share,— But knowledge only makes them worth your care!
ROBERT SMOCK,
Woollen Draper & Mercer,
Has just received by the ship Pigou, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north east corner of Market and Third streets, Philadelphia,
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF
 SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost every colour.  Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashionable colours.  Superfine cassimers, do.  Do. and super elastic striped cloths.  Milled drabs and hunters cloths.  A variety of fancy waistcoating, in silk, silk and cotton, silk mouselkin, cassimers printed and tamboured, and superfine striped Spanish toillnets.  Mens black sattins, florentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities.  Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, assorted.  Sattins and mantuas, a beautiful variety.  Superfine rattinees, with a large collection of best trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality.  Moreens, joans spinning, durants and calimancoes.  Hairbines and camblets, &c.  9-8 wide superfine Marseilles quilting with borders.  Marseilles bedquilts and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4.  Flanders bedbunts and bedtickings.  A beautiful variety of chintzes and cottons.  An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chintzes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons.  Velveteens, velvets, corduroys, thicksets, fancy cords, flockinets, royalribs, fattinets, hair plushes, &c. &c.  Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings.  Rose blankets assorted. 
ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very general and extensive, consisting of almost every article in his line of business.—Being desirous of giving entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meriting a continuance of those customers, whose favours he has hitherto experienced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
JUST PUBLISHED,
and for sale by THOMAS LANG,
No. 21, Church alley; An Essay on
COMMERCE AND LUXURY.
Re-printed from the London edition—Price 1/6
The merit of this work will be acknowledged by every judicious reader. The re-publication of it in this country, at this time, has been advised by several enlightened patriots. These wish to promote our national commerce, on the basis of agriculture and industry, and free from the base alloy of imposition and gaming. They set a proper value on the conveniencies and ornaments of civilized life; but detest that luxury which is the offspring of a frivolous taste, and the mother of profligacy, dishonesty, poverty, of numberless private and public vices and misfortunes. Nov. 28. est. t.

XI. The facilitating of the transportation of commodities.
Improvements favoring this object intimately concern all the domestic interests of a community; but they may without impropriety be mentioned as having an important relation to manufactures. There are perhaps scarcely any things, which have been better calculated to assist the manufactures of Great-Britain, than the ameliorations of the public roads of that kingdom, and the great progress which has been of late made in opening canals. Of the former, the United States stand much in need; for the latter they present uncommon facilities.
The symptoms of attention to the improvement of inland navigation, which have lately appeared in some quarters, must fill with pleasure every brent warmed with a true zeal for the prosperity of the country. These examples, it is to be hoped, will stimulate the exertions of the government and citizens of every state. There can certainly be no object, more worthy of the cares of the local administrations; and it were to be wished, that there was no doubt of the power of the national government to lend its direct aid, on a comprehensive plan. This is one of those improvements, which could be prosecuted with more efficacy by the whole, than by any part or parts of the Union. There are cases in which the general interest will be in danger to be sacrificed to the collision of some supposed local interests. Jealousies, in matters of this kind, are apt to exist, as they are apt to be erroneous.
The following remarks are sufficiently judicious and pertinent to deserve a literal quotation: "Good roads, canals and navigable rivers, by diminishing the expence of carriage, put the remote parts of a country more nearly upon a level with those in the neighborhood of the town. They are upon that account the greatest of all improvements. They encourage the cultivation of the remote, which must always be the most extensive circle of the country. They are advantageous to the town, by breaking down the monopoly of the country in its neighborhood. They are advantageous even to that part of the country. Though they introduce some rival commodities into the old market, they open many new markets to its produce. Monopoly besides is a great enemy to good management, which can never be universally established, but in consequence of that free and universal competition, which forces every body to have recourse to it for the sake of self defence. It is not more than fifty years ago that some of the counties in the neighborhood of London petitioned the parliament against the extension of the turn-pike roads, into the remoter counties. Those remoter counties, they pretended, from the cheapness of labor, would be able to sell their grass and corn cheaper in the London market, than themselves, and they would thereby reduce their rents and ruin their cultivation. Their rents however have risen, and their cultivation has been improved, since that time."
Specimens of a spirit, similar to that which governed the counties here spoken of present themselves too frequently, to the eye of an impartial observer, and render it a wish of patriotism that the body in this country, in whose councils a local or partial spirit is least likely to predominate, were at liberty to pursue and promote the general interest, in those instances, in which there might be danger of the interference of such a spirit.
The foregoing are the principal of the means, by which the growth of manufactures is ordinarily promoted. It is, however, not merely necessary, that the measures of government, which have a direct view to manufactures, should be calculated to assist and protect them, but that those which only collaterally affect them, in the general course of the administration, should be guarded from any peculiar tendency to injure them.
There are certain species of taxes, which are apt to be oppressive to different parts of the community, and among other ill effects have a very unfriendly aspect towards manufactures. All poll or capitation taxes are of this nature. They either proceed, according to a fixed rate, which operates unequally, and injuriously to the industrious poor; or they vest a discretion in certain officers, to make estimates and assessments which are necessarily vague, conjectural and liable to abuse. They ought therefore to be abstained from, in all but cases of distressing emergency.
All such taxes (including all taxes on occupations) which proceed according to the amount of capital supposed to be employed in a business, or of profits supposed to be made in it are unavoidably hurtful to industry. It is in vain, that the evil may be endeavored to be mitigated by leaving it, in the first instance, in the option of the party to be taxed, to declare the amount of his capital or profits.
Men engaged in any trade or business have commonly weighty reasons to avoid disclosures, which would expose, with any thing like accuracy, the real state of their affairs. They most frequently find it better to risk oppression, than to avail themselves of so inconvenient a refuge. And the consequence is, that they often suffer oppression.
When the disclosure too, if made, is not definitive, but controulable by the discretion, or in other words, by the passions and prejudices of the revenue officers, it is not only an ineffectual protection, but the possibility of its being so is an additional reason for not resorting to it.
Allowing to the public officers the most equitable dispositions; yet where they are to exercise a discretion, without certain data, they cannot fail to be often misled by appearances. The quantity of business, which seems to be going on, is, in a vast number of cases, a very deceitful criterion of the profits which are made; yet it is perhaps the best they can have, and it is the one, on which they will most naturally rely. A business therefore which may rather require aid, from the government, than be in a capacity to be contributory to it, may find itself crushed by the mistaken conjectures of the assessors of taxes.
Arbitrary taxes, under which denomination are comprised all those, that leave the quantum of the tax, to be raised on each person, to the discretion of certain officers, are as contrary to the genius of liberty as to the maxims of industry. In this light, they have been viewed by the most judicious observers on government; who have bestowed upon them the severest epithets of reprobation; as constituting one of the worst features usually to be
met with in the practice of despotic governments. It is certain at least, that such taxes are particularly inimical to the success of manufacturing industry, and ought carefully to be avoided by government, which desires to promote it.
The great copiousness of the subject of this report has insensibly led to a more lengthy preliminary discussion, than was originally contemplated, or intended. It appeared proper to investigate principles, to consider objections, and to endeavor to establish the utility of the thing proposed to be encouraged; previous to a specification of the objects which might occur, as meriting or requiring encouragement, and of the measures, which might be proper, in respect to each. The first purpose having been fulfilled, it remains to pursue the second.
In the selection of objects, five circumstances seem entitled to particular attention: The capacity of the country to furnish the raw material—the degree, in which the nature of the manufacture admits of a substitute for manual labor in machinery—the facility of execution—the extensiveness of the uses, to which the article can be applied—its subserviency to other interests, particularly the great one of national defence. There are however objects, to which these circumstances are little applicable, which for some special reasons, may have a claim to encouragement.
A designation of the principal raw material of which each manufacture is composed will serve to introduce the remarks upon it.—As, in the first place
IRON.
The manufactures of this article are entitled to pre-eminent rank—None are more essential in their kinds, nor so extensive in their uses. They constitute in whole or in part the implements or the materials, or both, of almost every useful occupation. Their instrumentality is every where conspicuous.
It is fortunate for the United States that they have peculiar advantages for deriving the full benefits of this most valuable material, and they have every motive to improve it, with systematic care. It is to be found in various parts of the United States, in great abundance and of almost every quality; and fuel the chief instrument in manufacturing it, is both cheap and plenty.—This particularly applies to charcoal; but there are productive coal mines already in operation, and strong indications, that the material is to be found in abundance, in a variety of other places.
The enquiries to which the subject of this report has led have been answered, with proofs, that manufactures of iron, though generally understood to be extensive, are far more so than is commonly supposed. The kinds, in which the greatest progress has been made, have been mentioned in another place, and need not be repeated; but there is little doubt that every other kind, with due cultivation, will rapidly succeed. It is worthy of remark that several of the particular trades, of which it is the basis, are capable of being carried on without the aid of large capitals.
Iron works have very greatly encreased in the United States, and are prosecuted with much more advantage than formerly. The average price before the revolution was about sixty-four dollars per ton, at present it is about eighty; a rise which is chiefly to be attributed to the encrease of manufactures of the material.
The still further extension and multiplication of such manufactures will have the double effect of promoting the extraction of the metal itself, and of converting it to a greater number of profitable purposes.
Those manufactures too unite in a greater degree, than almost any others, the several requisites, which have been mentioned, as proper to be consulted in the selection of objects.
The only further encouragement of manufactures of this article, the propriety of which may be considered as unquestionable, seems to be an encrease of the duties on foreign rival commodities.
Steel is a branch which has already made a considerable progress, and it is ascertained that some new enterprizes, on a more extensive scale, have been lately set on foot. The facility of carrying it to an extent, which will supply all internal demand, and furnish a considerable surplus for exportation cannot be doubted. The duty upon the importation of this article, which is at present seventy-five cents per cwt. may, it is conceived, be safely and advantageously extended to 100 cents. It is desirable, by decisive arrangements, to second the efforts, which are making in so very valuable a branch.
The United States already in a great measure supply themselves with nails and spikes. They are able, and ought certainly to do it entirely. The first and most laborious operation, in this manufacture, is performed by water-mills; and of the persons afterwards employed a great proportion are boys, whose early habits of industry are of importance to the community, to the present support of their families, and to their own future comfort. It is not less curious than true, that in certain parts of the country, the making of nails is an occasional family manufacture.
The expediency of an additional duty on these articles is indicated by an important fact. About 1,800,000 pounds of them were imported into the United States in the course of a year, ending the 30th of Sept. 1790. A duty of two cents per pound would, it is presumable, speedily put an end to so considerable an importation. And it is in every view proper that an end should be put to it.
The manufacture of these articles, like that of some others, suffers from the carelessness and dishonesty of a part of those who carry it on. An inspection in certain cases might tend to correct the evil. It will deserve consideration whether a regulation of this sort cannot be applied, without inconvenience, to the exportation of the articles either to foreign countries, or from one state to another.
The implements of husbandry are made in several states in great abundance. In many places it is done by the common blacksmiths. And there is no doubt that an ample supply for the whole country can with great ease be procured among ourselves.
Various kinds of edged tools for the use of mechanics are also made; and a considerable quantity of hollow wares; though the business of castings has not yet attained the perfection which
might be wished. It is however improving, and as there are respectable capitals in good hands, embarked in the prosecution of those branches of iron manufactures, which are yet in their infancy, they may all be contemplated as objects not difficult to be acquired.
To ensure the end, it seems equally safe and prudent to extend the duty ad valorem upon all manufactures of iron, or of which iron is the article of chief value, to ten per cent.
Fire arms and other military weapons may it is conceived, be placed without inconvenience in the class of articles rated at fifteen per cent. There exist already manufactures of these articles, which only require the stimulus of a certain demand to render them adequate to the supply of the United States.
It would also be a material aid to manufactures of this nature, as well as a mean of public security, if provision should be made for an annual purchase of military weapons, of home manufacture to a certain determinate extent, in order to the formation of arsenals; and to replace from time to time such as should be withdrawn for use, so as always to have in store the quantity of each kind, which should be deemed a competent supply.
But it may hereafter deserve legislative consideration, whether manufactures of all the necessary weapons of war ought not to be established, on account of government itself. Such establishments are agreeable to the usual practice of nations, and that practice seems founded on sufficient reason.
There appears to be an improvidence, in leaving these essential instruments of national defence to the casual speculations of individual adventure; a resource which can less be relied upon, in this case than in most others; the articles in question not being objects of ordinary and indispensable private consumption or use. As a general rule, manufactures on the immediate account of government are to be avoided; but this seems to be one of the few exceptions, which that rule admits, depending on very special reasons.
Manufactures of steel, generally, or of which steel is the article of chief value, may with advantage be placed in the class of goods rated at seven and an half per cent. As manufactures of this kind have not yet made any considerable progress, it is a reason for not rating them as high as those of iron; but as this material is the basis of them, and as their extension is not less practicable, than important, it is desirable to promote it by a somewhat higher duty than the present.
A question arises, how far it might be expedient to permit the importation of iron in pigs and bars free from duty. It would certainly be favorable to manufacturers of the article; but the doubt is whether it might not interfere with its production.
Two circumstances, however, abate if they do not remove apprehension, on this score; one is, the considerable encrease of price, which has been already remarked, and which renders it probable that the free admission of foreign iron would not be inconsistent with an adequate profit to the proprietors of iron works; the other is, the augmentation of demand, which would be likely to attend the encrease of manufactures of the article, in consequence of the additional encouragements proposed to be given. But caution nevertheless in a matter of this kind is most advisable. The measure suggested ought perhaps rather to be contemplated, subject to the lights of further experience, than immediately adopted.
COPPER.
The manufactures of which this article is susceptible are also of great extent and utility. Under this description, those of brass, of which it is the principal ingredient, are intended to be included.
The material is a natural production of the country. Mines of copper have actually been wrought, and with profit to the undertakers, though it is not known, that any are now in this condition. And nothing is easier, than the introduction of it, from other countries, on moderate terms, and in great plenty.
Coppersmiths and brass founders, particularly the former, are numerous in the United States; some of whom carry on business to a respectable extent.
To multiply and extend manufactures of the materials in question is worthy of attention and effort. In order to this, it is desirable to facilitate a plentiful supply of the materials. And a proper mean to this end is to place them in the class of free articles. Copper in plates and brass are already in this predicament; but copper in pigs and bars is not; neither is lapis calaminaris, which together with copper and charcoal, constitute the component ingredients of brass. The exemption from duty, by parity of reason, ought to embrace all such of these articles, as are objects of importation.
An additional duty, on brass wares, will tend to the general end in view. These now stand at five per cent, while those of tin, pewter and copper are rated at seven and an half. There appears to be a propriety in every view in placing brass wares upon the same level with them; and it merits consideration whether the duty upon all of them ought not to be raised to ten per cent.
LEAD.
There are numerous proofs, that this material abounds in the United States, and requires little to unfold it to an extent, more than equal to every domestic occasion. A prolific mine of it has long been open in the south-western parts of Virginia, and under a public administration, during the late war, yielded a considerable supply for military use. This is now in the hands of individuals, who not only carry it on with spirit, but have established manufactures of it, at Richmond, in the same state.
The duties, already laid upon the importation of this article, either in its unmanufactured, or manufactured state, ensure it a decisive advantage in the home market—which amounts to considerable encouragement. If the duty on pewter wares should be raised, it would afford a further encouragement. Nothing else occurs as proper to be added.
FOSSIL COAL.
This, as an important instrument of manufactures, may without impropriety be mentioned among the subjects of this report.
A copious supply of it would be of great consequence to the iron branch: As an article of household fuel also it is an interesting production; the utility of which must encrease in proportion to the decrease of wood, by the progress of settlement and cultivation. And its importance to navigation, as an immense article of transportation coast-wise, is signally exemplified in Great-Britain.
It is known, that there are several coal mines in Virginia, now worked, and appearances of their existence are familiar in a number of places.
The expediency of a bounty on all this species of coal of home production, and of premiums, on the opening of new mines, under certain qualifications, appears to be worthy of particular examination. The great importance of the article will amply justify a reasonable expence in this way, if it shall appear to be necessary to, and shall be thought likely to answer, the end.
WOOD.
Several manufactures of this article flourish in the United States. Ships are no where built in greater perfection, and cabinet wares, generally, are made little if at all inferior to those of Europe. Their extent is such as to have admitted of considerable exportation.
An exemption from duty of the several kinds of wood ordinarily used in these manufactures seems to be all, that is requisite, by way of encouragement. It is recommended by the consideration of a similar policy being pursued in other countries, and by the expediency of giving equal advantages to our own workmen in wood. The abundance of timber proper for ship building in the United States does not appear to be any objection to it. The encreasing scarcity and the growing importance of that article, in the European countries, admonish the United States to commence, and systematically to pursue, measures for the preservation of their flock. Whatever may promote the regular establishment of magazines of ship timber, is in various views desirable.
SKIN.
There are scarcely any manufactures of greater importance, than of this article. Their direct and very happy influence upon agriculture, by promoting the raising of cattle of different kinds, is a very material recommendation.
It is pleasing too, to observe the extensive progress they have made in their principal branches; which are so far matured as almost to defy foreign competition. Tanneries in particular are not only carried on as a regular business, in numerous instances and in various parts of the country; but they constitute in some places a valuable item of incidental family manufactures.
Representations however have been made, importing the expediency of further encouragement to the leather branch in two ways; one by encreasing the duty on the manufactures of it, which are imported; the other by prohibiting the exportation of bark. In support of the latter it is alleged, that the price of bark, chiefly in consequence of large exportations, has risen within a few years from about three dollars to four dollars and a half per cord.
These suggestions are submitted rather as intimations, which merit considerations, than as matters, the propriety of which is manifest. It is not clear, that an encrease of duty is necessary; and in regard to the prohibition desired, there is no evidence of any considerable exportation hitherto; and it is most probable, that whatever augmentation of price may have taken place, is to be attributed to an extension of the home demand from the encrease of manufactures, and to a decrease of the supply in consequence of the progress of settlement, rather than to the quantities which have been exported.
It is mentioned, however, as an additional reason for the prohibition, that one species of the bark usually exported is in some sort peculiar to the country, and the material of a very valuable dye, of great use in some other manufactures, in which the United States have begun a competition.
(To be concluded in our next.)
GEORGE MEADE
HAS FOR SALE,
At his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF, A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old biers of exchange Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, boghead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old. Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the boghead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter casks of first quality Hysen TEA. He has just received by the Pigeon, Lozley, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
by the brig Mercury, capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted: a few bales of Red and White FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality. He has also to dispose of a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HANDSPIKES. He is purchasing FLAXSEED and BEES-WAX, and will give the highest Price for them.
N. B. A few Hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just arrived and to be disposed of.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.