Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-03-03 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. XCIII.]
WEDNESDAY, MARCH, 3, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
For the TABLET see third page.
From the AMERICAN MERCURY.
The APOLOGIZER—No. II.
AS my enquiries are extended into the nature of anti-federalism, and of the motives which actuate such people, I become more convinced, that my design of a general apology for them is very meritorious, and ought to have been made long ago; and I cannot conceive the reason why it hath never been publicly attempted, unless it be the extreme difficulty of an investigation. In all other political subjects a writer may deduce his arguments and leading principles, from public utility, and from a number of moral maxims, which the courtesy of the world hath for many ages allowed to be sacred; but on attempting I find these sources fail me; to supply the want, I must have recourse, in my own meditations, to the situation, abilities, particular interests, and passions of certain characters; this method of actual experiment, I conceive to be a sure way of coming to the truth, but the progress is slow, and the public patience may be exhausted before the completion of this undertaking.
The last anti-federal subject, which I have had under inspection, furnished me some curious information in what philosophers have called, the scale of being, or a series of existencies with increasing sense and reason, from an oyster up to those genii of the air, which can play with mountains and hurricanes as a child doth with a rattle box. To my great surprize I found this gentleman, under a natural necessity, of being anti-federal or dishonest, and I can now assure my readers upon the strength of this experiment, that the popular opinion of at least a small degree of roguery, being at the bottom of anti-federalism, is not true in all cases, for I have found one honest man in this class of people, and whenever I find another, notice shall be given of the discovery. In this examination nothing appeared different from what is found in other men, except a strange limitation of all the seeing and judging faculties within very narrow dimensions.
The mind acted and judged vigorously on small objects, but was utterly incapable of extending its views to the policy of a nation, or the benefit of so great a number of people as inhabit the United States; neither could he conceive any kind of advantage from a communication between people so distant in situation. He feared much the same consequences from the union, as might happen from building a bridge to the moon, which would only serve as a pass way for lunatics and other dangerous enemies. After attempting a whole day to enlarge his understanding, I found my work in vain, and that no man can see further than nature has enabled him. From this I have taken the hint to form a scale of minds, which I have thrown into four grand divisions, viz.
Parish intellects, County intellects, State intellects, and Federal intellects.
The sub-divisions in each of these classes, must be formed from future experiments, and when the scale is compleated, I think it will be an infallible guide to all honest electors.
I would humbly propose to the respectable public, that when the scale is completed, the party terms of whig and tory, federal and anti-federal, republican and democrat, should be thrown aside, and every man's political opinions be described by the scale of his intellects. Names of men's invention cause much offence in the world; but I think no man can be offended, when we describe him by the standard of nature itself. Where there is no reason for blame there ought not to be any odium. Nature has made monks, men and angels—still we know that a monkey is not a man, nor a man an angel—each of these grades are made to see, move and be happy in the communion of their own order; and should we describe to a monkey the community of angels, with their constitution and laws, Pug would very honestly be anti-federal, and declare off from the union.
BON MOT.
A PERSON soliciting a citizen to be security to a friend of his for 500l. mentioned amongst other circumstances as testimonials of his credit, &c. that he had been twice round the world with Capt. Cook. If that is the case, replied the former, I would not be security for so many farthings for him! For he that would submit, for a trifling consideration, to be penned up in a compass of a few yards, twice three years together, would not value lying in goal all his life time for 500l.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, FEB. 18, 1790.
IN Committee of the whole, on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Madison's motion for a discrimination, still under consideration.
MR. MADISON next rose, and observed, that the opponents of his proposition had imposed on its friends not only a heavy task, by the number of their objections, but a delicate one by the nature of some of them. It had been arraigned as embarrassing measures which ought to be facilitated, and producing discussions which might end in disagreeable consequences. However painful it might be to contradict the wishes of gentlemen, whom he respected, he could promise nothing more, in the present case, than his endeavors to disappoint their apprehensions. When his judgment could not yield to the propositions of others, the right to make and support his own was a right which he could never suffer to be contested. In exercising it, he had studied to maintain that moderation and liberality which were due to the greatness of the subject before the committee. He felt pleasure in acknowledging, that the like spirit had in general directed the arguments on the other side. Free discussions, thus conducted, were not only favorable to a right decision, but to a cheerful acquiescence of the mistaken opponents of it. They might have the further advantage of recommending the result to the public, by fully explaining the grounds of it. If the pretensions of a numerous and meritorious class of citizens be not well founded, or cannot be complied with, let them see that this is the case—and be soothed, under their disappointment, with the proof that they have not been overlooked by their country.
He proceeded to review the grounds on which the proposition had been combated; which, he said, he should do without either following those who had wandered from the field of fair argument, or avoiding those who had kept within its limits.
It could not have escaped the committee, that the gentlemen to whom he was opposed, had reasoned on this momentous question, as on an ordinary case in a court of law; that they had equally strained all the maxims that could favor the purchasing, or be adverse to the original holder; and that they had dwelt with equal pleasure on every circumstance which could brighten the pretensions of the former, or discredit those of the latter. He had not himself attempted, nor did he mean to undervalue the pretensions of the actual holders: In stating them he had even used as strong terms as they themselves could have dictated; but beyond a certain point he could not go. He must renounce every sentiment which he had hitherto cherished, before his compliance could admit that America ought to erect the monuments of her gratitude, not to those who saved her liberties, but to those who had enriched themselves in her funds.
All that he wished was, that the claims of the original holders, not less than those of the actual holders, should be fairly examined and justly decided. They had been invalidated by nothing yet urged. A debt was fairly contracted: according to justice and good faith, it ought to have been paid in gold or silver: A piece of paper only was substituted. Was this paper equal in value to gold or silver? No: It was worth in the market, which the argument for the purchasing holders makes the criterion, no more than one-eighth, or one-seventh of that value. Was this depreciated paper freely accepted? No: The government offered that or nothing. The relation of the individual to the government, and circumstances of the offer, rendered the acceptance a forced, not a free one. The same degree of constraint would viciate a transaction between man and man, before any court of equity on the face of the earth. There are even cases where consent cannot be pretended; where the property of the planter or farmer has been taken at the point of the bayonet, and a certificate presented in the same manner. But why did the creditors part with their acknowledgment of the debt? In some instances from necessity—in others from a well-founded distrust of the public. Whether from one or the other, they had been injured; they had suffered loss through the default of the debtor; and the debtor cannot, in justice or honor, take advantage of the default.
Here then was a debt acknowledged to have been once due, and which was never discharged, because the payment was forced and defective. The balance consequently is still due, and is of as sacred a nature as the claims of the purchasing holder can be; and if both are not to be paid in the whole, is equally entitled to payment in part.
He begged gentlemen would not yield too readily to the artificial niceties of forensic reasoning; that they would consider not the form, but the substance; not the letter, but the equity; not the bark, but the pith of the business. It was a great and an extraordinary case. It ought to be decided on the great and fundamental principles of justice. He had been animadverted upon, for appealing to the heart as well as the head: He would be bold, nevertheless, to repeat, that, in great and unusual questions of morality, the heart is the best casuist.
It had been laid, by a Member from Massachusetts, that the proposition was founded on a new principle in Congress. If the present Congress be meant, that is not strange, for Congress itself is new: If the former Congress be meant, it is not true, for the principle is found in an act which had been already cited. After the pay of the army had, during the war, been nominally and legally discharged in depreciated paper, the loss was made up to the sufferers.
It had been said, by a member from New-York, that the case was not parallel, there being no third party like the present holder of certificates. This objection could not be valid. The government paid ten dollars, worth in fact but one, to a soldier: the soldier was the original holder. The soldier assigned it to a citizen: the citizen then became the actual holder. What was the event? The loss of the original holder was repaired, after the actual holder had been settled with according to the highest market value of this paper.
He did not mean, however, to decide on the whole merits of this last transaction, or to contend for a similitude, in all respects, between the two kinds of paper. One material difference was that the bills of credit, by more frequent transfers, and by dividing the change of value among a great number of hands, rendered the effect of less consequence to individuals, and less sensible to the public mind. But this difference, whatever force it might give to the claims of the purchasing holder of certificates, could diminish nothing from the claims of the original holders who had assigned them.
It had been said by another member, from Massachusetts, that the old government did everything in its power. It made requisitions, used exhortations, and in every respect discharged its duty; but it was to be remembered, that the debt was not due from the government, but the United States. An attorney with full powers to form, without the means to fulfil engagements, could never by his ineffectual, though honest efforts, exonerate his principal.
He had been repeatedly reminded of the address of Congress in 1783, which rejected a discrimination between original and purchasing holders. At that period, the certificates to the army, and citizens at large, had not been issued. The transfers were confined to loan-office certificates, were not numerous, and had been in great part made with little loss to the original creditor. At present the transfers extend to a vast proportion of the whole debt, and the loss to the original holders has been immense. The injustice which has taken place has been enormous and flagrant, and makes redress a great national object. This change of circumstances destroys the argument from the act of Congress referred to; but if implicit regard is to be paid to the doctrines of that act, any modification of the interest of the debt will be as inadmissible as a modification of the principal.
It had been said, that if the losses of the original creditors are entitled to reparation, Congress ought to repair those who suffered from paper money, from the ravages of the war, and from the act barring claims not produced within a limited time. As to the paper money, either the case is applicable, or it is not: if not applicable, the argument falls; if applicable, either the depreciated certificates ought to be liquidated by a like scale, as was applied to the depreciated money, or the money, even if the whole mass of it was still in circulation, ought now to be literally redeemed like the certificates. Leaving the gentleman to make his own choice out of these dilemmas, he would only add, himself, that if there were no other difference between the cases, the manifest impossibility of redressing the one, and the practicability of redressing the other, was a sufficient answer to the objection. With respect to the towns burnt, and other devastations of war, it was taught by the writers on the law of nations, that they were to be numbered among the inevitable calamities of mankind. Still, however, a government owed them every alleviation which it could conveniently afford: but no authority could be found that puts on the same footing with those calamities, such as proceed from a failure to fulfil the direct and express obligations of the public. The just claims barred by the act of limitation were, in his opinion, clearly entitled to redress. That act was highly objectionable. The public which was interested in shortening the term, undertook to decide that no claim, however just, should be admitted, if not presented within nine months. The act made none of the exceptions usual in such acts, nor even in favor of the most distant parts of the union. In many instances it had been absolutely impossible for the persons injured to know of the regulation. Some of these instances were within his own knowledge. To limit the duration of a law to a period within which it could not possibly be promulgated, and then take advantage of the impossibility, would be imitating the Roman tyrant, who posted up his edicts so high that they could not be read, and then punished the people for not obeying them.
It had been said, that if the purchased certificates were funded at the rate proposed, they would fall in the market, and the holders be injured. It was pretty certain that the greater part, at least, would be gainers. He believed that the highest market rate, especially with the arrears of interest incorporated, well funded at 6 per cent. would prevent every loss that could justify complaint.
But foreigners had become purchasers, and ought to be particularly respected. Foreigners, he remarked, had themselves made a difference between the value of the foreign and domestic debt: they would therefore the less complain of a difference by the government here. It was his opinion that the terms stated in the proposition, would yield a greater profit to the foreign purchasers than they could have got for their money advanced by them in any of the funds of Europe.
The proposition had been charged with robbing one set of men to pay another. If there were robbery in the case, it had been committed on the original creditors. But, to speak more accurately, as well as more moderately, the proposition would do no more than withhold a part from each of two creditors, where both were not to be paid the whole.
A member from New-York had asked whether an original creditor, who had assigned his certificates could in conscience accept a re-embursement in the manner proposed? He would not deny that assignments might have been made with such explanations, or under such circumstances, as would have that effect. But in general the assignments had been made with reference merely to the market value, and the uncertainty of the steps that might be taken by the government. The bulk of the creditors had assigned under circumstances from which no scruples could arise. In all cases where a scruple existed, the benefit of the provision might be renounced. He would in turn ask the gentleman, whether there was not more room to apprehend that the present holder, who had got his certificate of a distressed and meritorious fellow-citizen, for one-eighth or one-tenth of its ultimate value, might not feel some remorse in retaining so unscrupulous an advantage?
Similar propositions, it was said, had been made and rejected in the state legislatures. This was not fact. The propositions made in the state legislatures were not intended to do justice to the injured, but to seize a profit to the public.
But no petitions for redress had come from the sufferers. Was merit then to be the less regarded, because it was modest? Perhaps, however, another explanation ought to be given. Many of the sufferers were poor and uninformed. Those of another description were so dispersed, that their interests and efforts could not be brought together. The case of the purchasing holders was very different.
The constitutionality of the proposition had been drawn into question. He asked whether words could be devised that would place the new government more precisely in the same relation to the real creditors with the old? The power was the same; the objection was the same: the means only were varied.
An objection had been drawn from the article prohibiting ex post facto laws. But ex post facto laws relate to criminal, not civil cases. The constitution itself requires this definition, by adding to a like restriction on the states, an express one against retrospective laws of a civil nature.
It had been said that foreigners had been led to purchase, by their faith in the article of the constitution relating to the public debts. He would answer this objection by a single fact: foreigners had shewn by the market price in Europe, that they trusted the nature of the foreign debt more under the old government, than the nature of the domestic debt under the new government.
Objections to the measure had been drawn from its supposed tendency to impede public credit. He thought it, on the contrary, perfectly consistent with the establishment of public credit. It was in vain to say that government ought never to revise measures once decided. Great caution on this head ought, no doubt, to be observed: but there were situations in which, without some legislative interposition, the first principles of justice, and the very ends of civil society, would be frustrated. The gentlemen themselves had been compelled to make exceptions to the general doctrine: they would probably make more before the business was at an end.

It had been urged that if government should interpose in the present case, an interposition would be authorised in any case whatever, where the stock might fluctuate; the principle would apply as well to a fall of 60 or 70 per cent. as to a fall of 600 or 700 per cent. He could not admit this inference. A distinction was essential between an extreme case and a case short of it. The line was difficult to be drawn; but it was no more incumbent on him, than on his opponents, to draw it. They themselves could not deny that a certain extremity of the evil would have justified the interposition. Suppose that the distress of the alienating creditors had been ten times as great as it was; that instead of 2, 3 or 4s. in the pound, they had received a farthing only in the pound; and that the certificates lay now in the hands of the purchasers in that state, or even at a less value: was there a member who would rise up and say, that the purchasers ought to be paid the entire nominal sum, and the original sufferer be entitled to no indemnification whatever?
Gentlemen had triumphed in the want of a precedent to the measure. No government, it was said, had interposed to redress fluctuations in its public paper. But where was the government that had funded its debts under the circumstances of the American debt? If no government had done so, there could be no precedent either for or against the measure, because the occasion itself was unprecedented. And if no similar occasion had before existed in any country, the precedent to be set would at least be harmless, because no similar occasion would be likely to happen in this.
If gentlemen persisted, however, in demanding precedents, he was happy in being able to gratify them with two, which, though not exactly parallel, were on that account of the greater force, since the interpositions of government had taken place where the emergency could less require them.
The first was the case of the Canada bills. During the war, which ended in 1763, and which was attended with a revolution in the government of Canada, the supplies obtained for the French army in that province were paid for in bills of exchange and certificates. This paper depreciated, and was bought up chiefly by British merchants. The sum and the depreciation were so considerable, as to become a subject of negotiation between France and Great Britain at the peace. The negotiation produced a particular article; by which it was agreed by France that the paper ought to be redeemed, and admitted by Great Britain that it should be redeemed at a liquidated value. In the year 1766 this article was accordingly carried into effect by ministers from the two courts, who reduced the paper in the hands of the British holders, in some instances, as much as 75 per cent. below its nominal value. It was stated, indeed, by the reporters of the case, that the holders of the paper had themselves concurred in the liquidation; but it was not probable that the concurrence was voluntary. If it was voluntary, it shews that they themselves were sensible of the equity of the sacrifice.
The other case was of still greater weight, as it had no relation to war or to treaty, and took place in the nation which has been held up as a model with respect to public credit. In the year 1713, the civil list of Great Britain had fallen into arrears to the amount of 500,000l. The creditors who had furnished supplies to the government had, instead of money, received debentures only from the respective offices. These had depreciated. In that state, they were assigned in some instances; in others, covenanted to be assigned. When the parliament appropriated funds for satisfying these arrears they inserted an express provision in the act, that the creditors who had been obliged by the default of government to dispose of their paper at a loss, might redeem it from the assignees, by repaying the actual price with an interest of 6 per cent. and that all agreements and covenants to assign should be absolutely void. Here then was an interposition on the very principle, that a government ought to redress the wrongs, sustained by its default, and on an occasion trivial when compared with that under consideration; yet it does not appear that the public credit of the nation was injured by it.
The best source of confidence in a government was the apparent honesty of its views. The proposition on the table could not possibly be ascribed to any other motive than this, because the public was not to gain a farthing by it. The next source was an experienced punctuality in the payments due from the government. For this support to public credit, he relied on what had been experienced by a part of the foreign creditors; on the provision to be made for the residue; and the punctuality which he flattered himself would be observed in all future payments of the domestic creditors. He was more apprehensive of injury to public credit from such modifications of the interest of the public debt, as some gentlemen seemed to have in view. In these the public would be the gainer, and the plea of inability the more alarming; because it was so easy to be set up, so difficult to be disproved, and consequently for which the temptations would be alluring.
The impracticability of the measure was the remaining ground on which it had been attacked. He did not deny that it would be attended with difficulties, and that perfect justice would not be done; but these were not the questions. It was sufficient that a grievous injustice would be lessened, and that the difficulties might be surmounted. What he had in view was that, for the convenience of claimants, some authority should be provided and properly distributed thro' the union, in order to investigate and ascertain the claims; and that for the security of the public, the burden of proof should be thrown on the claimants. A scrutiny on this plan, aided by original settlements in the books of the army department, and the state commissioners, and other office-documents, would be a remedy at once for all the difficulties started with regard to fictitious names, certificates issued as money by commissaries and quarter-masters, due bills, &c.
For some particular cases special provisions might be requisite. The case of loan-office certificates, alienated at early periods, before they were depreciated fell under this description. Legacies might be another. He should have no objection to some special regulation, as to the payments of debts in certificates to persons within the British lines, said to have been authorised by the laws of New-York; though he presumed few such payments had been made, and that of these few the greater part had by this time passed from the creditors into other hands. There might be a few other cases equally entitled to some particular attention in the details of the provision. As to the merchants who had compounded for their debts in certificates, or persons who had exchanged bonds for them, it could not be doubted that the transactions had reference to the market value of the paper, and therefore had nothing peculiar in them.
The expence incident to such a plan of investigation ought to form no difficulty. It bears no proportion to the expence already incurred by commissioners, &c. for effecting a less proportion of justice. Rather than justice should not be done, the expence might be taken out of the portion to the original sufferers.
The danger of frauds and perjuries had been worked up into a formidable objection. If these had always been equally alarming, no provision could have ever been made for the discharge of public debts. He reminded the committee of the frauds and perjuries for which a door had been opened by the final settlements, &c. of the frauds and perjuries inseparable from the collection of impost and excises: yet these were all submitted to as necessary evils, because justice could not be done without them. The frauds and perjuries incident to this supplementary provision for justice, must be very inconsiderable in number; and still more so, when compared either with the object to be attained, or with the like evils already encountered in pursuit of a like object.
Great ingenuity and information had been exerted, by gentlemen on the other side, in raising difficulties: He was sure that, after an adoption of the proposition, the same exertion would be used in removing them, and with such aid the idea of impracticability would vanish.
Mr. Lee: The gentlemen, he said, who had argued against the proposition of his colleague, seem to have resorted to those rules
which are found necessary to regulate the intercourse between man and man in civil society, without regarding the great law of political associations, which had for its object the safety and happiness of every individual in the community. The end of government was certainly to accommodate all, and not to aggrandize a few; and every class of citizens ought to be regarded in the distribution of national justice. And nothing is more common in the history of the most virtuous and renowned republics, when brought into calamitous circumstances, than to see this great law superceding the forms established to regulate civil intercourse. Without such exercises of power, justice could not have been done, nor the nation preserved. And in such a situation, no wise people will ever be bound by the ordinary maxims of government: So that he had no doubt of the right of the government to interfere on the present occasion.
He also thought, that in all the deliberations of the House, the nature of our government should be attended to. It was the government of the people, and nothing like a coercive principle was found in it: In order therefore to render the administration
luary and honorable, our measures should be calculated to secure popular approbation. Paying taxes was a serious thing. And to induce a free people to pay taxes, they must be convinced of the necessity and equity of them. And if the proposition on the table was calculated to reconcile the public mind to the requisite degree of taxation, every class of the public creditors would probably be finally benefited by its adoption. If, on the contrary, our measures should appear irreconcilable to the popular idea of equity and right, it is probable that they would meet with that hearty support from the community, which, under our government, is essential to a prosperous administration of it. The general opinion of the people should have its due weight in all our deliberations; and he believed that the calm and unbiased expression of the public mind, would be always found the best index of that which was just and politic. For his own part, he declared, that he had always been convinced of the equity of such an arrangement as that proposed by his colleague; but that he had considered doubts with regard to the practicability of such a plan, which were not yet altogether removed. But this appeared to him by no means a sufficient reason to prevent us from recognizing the principle. This would be a declaration to the world, and to our constituents, that we did not disregard the great principles of natural equity; and if hereafter, on further investigation, the plan should be found impracticable, this would be a sufficient justification to us for relinquishing it.
He concluded with observing, that he had been unexpectedly induced to appear on the floor, and had hastily expressed ideas which were the ebullitions of the moment, and hoped that in future, the debate would be conducted without intimating, in the most remote degree, that any gentleman was influenced by unworthy motives. For his own part, when he entered the house, he considered himself as entering into a sanctuary; and that every motive or passion, which had not for its object the public good, should be left behind. He did not doubt that every gentleman took his seat here with similar impressions; and expressed a hope, that the final result of their deliberations would be that which would contribute most to the national honor and advantage.
(To be continued.)
Our readers will please to incorporate the following correction in the speech of the Hon. Mr. PAGE, inserted in our last.—Mr. Page endeavored to shew, that Mr. Madison's motion did not deserve the harsh expressions used against it by Mr. Ames; that so far from being an infamous, unjust proposition, he thought his colleague might have said, that should Congress adopt it, they might, with a safe conscience, stand before the tribunal, not merely of a superior order of beings, but before the Great Judge of the whole Earth. Mr. Page said nothing like threatening his opponents with divine justice: He only endeavored to moderate their zeal, and to justify his colleague's motion.
MONDAY, MARCH 1.
Mr. Sumpter took his seat this day. A message was received from the President of the United States, by the Secretary for the Department of War, with sundry communications relating to the present situation, and prospects of the Western Frontiers in respect to the Indian Tribes.
Mr. Scot presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of Pennsylvania, holders of old paper money—this petition was lengthy, and entered into a particular discussion of the subject. stated the pretensions of those who are creditors of the United States in consequence of holding this money, especially such as had been compelled to receive it by virtue of tender laws, and laying great stress on the specific promise impressed on the face of the bills.—Laid on the table.
Sundry petitions and memorials were read and referred. The bill for securing to Francis Bailey, the exclusive right of using certain inventions in Typography, was read the second time, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
A resolution of the Assembly of the State of South Carolina, respecting the establishment of a military guard at Fort Johnston, was read a second time, and ordered to lie on the table.
In committee of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
The proposition for assuming the State debts, and the amendments proposed thereto, under consideration.
Mr. Madison withdrew the motion he made on Friday: He then moved one to the following effect: That the amount of the debts actually paid by any State to its creditors since the day of — shall be credited and paid to such State on the same terms as shall be provided in the case of individuals.
Mr. Ames offered the following resolutions, which he desired might be laid on the table, to be taken up after the propositions under consideration had been decided on.
Resolved, that effectual provision be made for the settlement of accounts between the United States and individual States.
Resolved, that in the said settlement, the States respectively be charged with the advances to them severally made by the United States, liquidated to specie value, with interest thereon at the rate of six per cent. per annum, and that they be also charged with the amount of their respective debts (which with the consent of the creditors shall have been assumed by the United States) with the interest thereon to the time from which interest shall be payable by the United States.
Resolved, that in the said settlement the said States respectively be credited with all monies paid and supplies furnished to or for, and debts incurred on account of the United States, and in general with all expenditures whatsoever towards general or particular defence during the late war between the United States and Great Britain, with interest thereon at the rate of six per cent. per annum.
Resolved, that the said settlement be made under the direction of commissioners whose authority shall continue until the said settlement shall be effected, and whose decisions shall be final and conclusive upon the United States, and upon the several States.
Resolved, that in case a ratio for adjusting the contributions of the respective States shall not be prescribed by Congress during the present session, the said commissioners shall have full power to settle such ratio, and shall also have power to determine in all other respects the principles of the said settlement in conformity to these resolutions.
Resolved, that the several States may exhibit their claims against the United States until the — day of — next, but not afterwards; and that the said commissioners shall, as soon as may be after the said day, proceed to a final adjustment of the said accounts; whether the whole or the claims of the respective States shall have been then exhibited or not.
No decision this day.
TUESDAY, MARCH 2.
The bill to secure to Francis Bailey the exclusive right to his inventions in typography, was brought in engrossed, read the third time, and passed to be enacted.
A report from the Secretary of the Treasury, containing an estimate of the appropriations necessary for the year 1790 was read—on motion of Mr. Page it was ordered that this report be printed for the use of the House.
It was then moved that a committee of ways and means should be appointed, and that this report should be referred to that committee.
This motion occasioned a considerable debate—in the course of it, Mr. White moved the following, in substance, viz. That the Secretary of the Treasury should be directed to ascertain the resources that may be applied to the payment of the State debts, should they be assumed by the United States. The motion on this question after considerable discussion was put, when the House was equally divided—and the Speaker gave the casting vote in favor of the motion.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury relative to appropriations was referred to the committee on appropriations.
Mr. Ames presented a memorial from the manufacturers of cordage in the town of Boston.
A petition of Abraham Skinner late Commissary General of prisoners, was read and laid on the table.
A memorial of George Scriba, in behalf of himself and others, containing a proposal for purchasing a tract of land in the western territory, of not less than 3 or more than 4 millions of acres—at the rate of 20 cents per acre, was read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Stone introduced the following resolution, which was adopted, viz. That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House the amount of the impost and tonnage received in the several States, from the commencement of the collection to the 31st December last.
In committee of the whole House, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—the assumption of the State debts under consideration; Mr. Madison's amendments to the original proposition being read, the debate was renewed—His last proposition, viz. That the amount of the debts actually paid by any State to its creditors since the — day of — shall be credited and paid to such State on the same terms as shall be provided in the case of individuals—Mr. Smith (S. C.) moved should be amended, by inserting the words principal and interest —which after some debate was carried in the affirmative.
The question on this amendment, as thus amended, being taken, was negatived.
The committee then rose—and the House adjourned.
FROM THE CONNECTICUT JOURNAL.
MESSRS. PRINTERS.
THE writer, who, in your last paper, attempted to ridicule the pompous account of the Western Territory, has dealt so much between jest and earnest, that one is in the event at a loss for his object.
Your readers may be pleased with a fine picture, even though it have no original in nature, but when the proportions are horrid and impossible, they must be disgusting—These anecdotes might figure among the Arabian Night's Entertainment—but among us can never be entitled to a symptom of credibility.
When Dives was in torment, he kindly sent to his brethren to shift their course—happy for us, if the desperate settlers of the Georgian Territory were as humanely disposed.
To people acquainted with new countries I need only observe, that with all possible advantages from nature, the first settlers must have a Benjamin's mess of the curse of Adam, before they can receive the fruit of their labours.
Deprived of the blessings of neighbourhood and social intercourse, at a distance from markets, in constant fear from savages, they may pick strawberries larger than those of Chili—may reflect that in the latitude of their lands lie many delightful countries on the other Continent—Their imagination may represent, Age resuming Youth—all the Seasons resolved into one eternal Spring—the waters of a modern Bethesda, healing with a preter christian rapidity—the most painful disorders flying at the first draught—rivers clear as chrystal stocked with all kind of fish—they may conceive of trees reaching far above the atmosphere, with diameters like the planet Mars—these bearing spontaneously, all manner of fruits, in abundance, transcending calculation—A second and much improved edition of Eden may please their mendacious fancies, but call these poor wretched beings to their bitter, barren reality. Alas! "The apprehension of the good gives but
"the greater feelings to the worse;— "Who can hold a fire in his hand by think- "ing on the frosty Caucasus? or cloy the "hungry edge of appetite by bare imagi- "nation of a feast—"
These raging accounts have been foisted into public notice by the emissaries of land jobbers—

these men have bought the lands at a very small price, and are very much disposed to get your valuable farms in exchange for them. Various insidious arts have been employed to ensnare and betray the unwary.—Let me counsel you my countrymen, to stay at home, content with that support which honest industry will secure to you in any populated part of the United States.
Your emigration to these lands will be as injurious to your country, as emigration to another Planet. In a political view, these lands may perhaps, be made productive of money, if sold abroad, and reserved for foreign emigrants—but in a commercial and agricultural view, they are, at this moment, very injurious—they open a resort for all who would escape from debt and from industry—they weaken the effect of penal laws throughout the Union, by receiving and protecting their just victims. There no law reaches, no curse descends—but in lieu of them a complication of miseries necessarily attendant on settlers in a new territory.—Convinced I am, that if those lands were overflowed by the lakes—or sunk in the ocean—or turned into a desert—we should be a richer people.
On the subject of the immense compliments to our Western Territory, I pledge myself, (if fairly challenged, under this signature,) to prove, that the accounts have been, for the most part, absolutely false and insidious. Stay, then, my countrymen, in your honest callings, and never be caught, standing like Shakespeare's blacksmith, with suspended hammer, and out-stretch'd mouth, swallowing a taylor's news.
A REPUBLICAN.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
THE critical moment is at hand. Whether the new government will stand or fall: Whether the United States will rise into respectability, or sink into contempt, will be decided, when the question, respecting public credit, shall be determined. If justice and true policy shall appear among the leading features of this all important determination, our government will obtain energy, our legislators merit the confidence of their constituents, and the people be happy. But should this not be the case, the laws of Congress will be treated like the creatures of a day, and its members appear only as cyphers. I do not with a government that is not founded in justice; and I am sure we shall have no other to continue long, except it be in tyranny.
I would be far from impeaching the worthy character of the Secretary of the Treasury: It would be with reluctance, should I disapprove the plan contained in his report, in which he has displayed so much ingenuity. But I wish to make some remarks upon letter-writers and correspondents who seem to applaud his plan.—It is applauded, because it probably cost him much labor; and it is the performance of one in whose abilities and fidelity we have reason to confide. But we have a right to call to mind, that the author of the report is one who is not wholly exempted from the common imperfections of human nature. It is possible that he should err.
By whom a letter-writer is authorized to say, That the public creditors will be content with receiving an interest of 4 per cent. when they loaned their money to the States upon condition of receiving 6 per cent.—or how he can say that they have expected no more, I am not able to conceive. I know that some of the public creditors will not be content with this: I have not heard one say, that he would be content with it. Money is let, and has been, and will be let at an interest of 6 per cent. Is it not rare patriotism that inclines a man to let his money at a less interest to the States than to his neighbors?
I think the present servants of the public, do not serve the States for less wages than they would serve individuals. When we loaned our money to the States, we might have loaned it to private persons at 6 per cent. and continued it so to this time, and as much longer as we please. How then is it rational to conclude that the creditors of the public will be content to receive only an interest of 4 per cent. upon those obligations which solemnly promise 6? I believe that if Congress propose this, and they consent to it, it will be because they think they can do no better with the ultima lex regum .
Would Congress know whether the public creditors are willing to continue their money in the loan, or subscribe to the new projected fund, at an interest of 4 per cent. let them make a fair trial. Let them offer full payment of principal and interest already arisen, in real specie, and say, will you accept it, or continue your property in the loan at 4 per cent.? Unless the public debt be continued upon an interest of 6 per cent. and provision made for the annual payment of it. I shall not view the foundation of our government as laid in justice: Except the consent of the public creditors to a lower interest is obtained in the manner just mentioned, or some other as fair. That the States have any right to depart from an original contract made with any of their subjects, without the consent of the subject fairly obtained, is, for me, as difficult to understand, as that either party, in a private contract, has a right to make alterations without the consent of the other. If the States can make a saving of interest in a manner that is just and fair, let them do it; but in any other manner it ought to be reprobated.
The letter-writer further observes, that only 4 per cent. interest is within the compass of the ability of the United States. This I deem a mistake in him, and a falsehood in fact. The States are not yet reduced to bankruptcy. They are not under the necessity of compounding with their creditors at one third discount. Let not an idea, so false, and so ruinous to our credit be suggested or cherished. To be sure, if the States are not able, to pay any more than two thirds of the interest they owe, the creditors who are but a small part of the States are not able to lose one third. They must bear a part in paying this two thirds, at the same time they must lose one third, and no body to bear a part with them.
I do not suppose the letter-writer means that there is not property or resources enough in the States to pay their debts honestly, but it will be too heavy: If they be really able, it will be more pinching than they can bear. I hope we are not so destitute of virtue yet. The creditors may be able to lose a part of their dues, but will it not be heavy and pinching to them? Were power upon their side, they might say with a like poisonous air—It is too heavy for us. If they are deprived of one third of their interest, they are deprived of one third of their principal too. Certainly if 300 dollars draws no more interest in the public funds than 200 in a private fund, it is worth no more than 200, it will sell for no more. Is not this too heavy upon the creditors? If any suppose that in years to come interest will be no more than 4 per cent. in common through the States: Yet let us wait till that time: It will then be soon enough to reduce the interest of the public fund: The creditors will then be willing for it. That period is no doubt ages distant from us. In such a new and extensive country as this, there are, and for a long time will be, ways for people to dispose of their money to a greater advantage, than letting it even at 6 per cent. I need only mention the increasing value of lands.
If the people will not bear a burden heavy enough to do justice, let us know it. If their character is known, future generations will not be deceived and cheated as the present has been. Should this sentiment be declared and patronized, that the States are not able to do justice to their creditors, it would give as fatal a blow to public credit as the want of justice. I think my neighbors as unwilling to trust a man whom they suppose unable to pay them again, except in part, as they are one who is able, but unwilling, till forced upon them by law. I fear the States will never be able to obtain another loan, if once they shall by any means reduce their creditors to a necessity of accepting a less rate of interest than was originally agreed upon. For what they do now may be done again. This will stand as a precedent. The character which they get fixed upon themselves now, will probably be imputed to them for a long succession of generations.
If the States think they pay too high interest, or could borrow at less, let them do as a prudent subject would in such a case, pay up their former loan and contract a new one. Should any say, this is not a fair proposal, because it is what they cannot do—the present state of our treasury is not sufficient for such a thing: I answer, let them get the money into the treasury by opening a new loan. Let them, by advertisements through the States, desire the monied subjects to deposit their money in a public fund at 4 per cent. interest, and with the money thus obtained, pay off the obligations which have been given at 6 per cent. If money cannot be thus obtained, it will prove that monied men can do better with their money; and if so, it proves it unjust and impolitic to reduce the public creditors to the necessity of taking less than 6 per cent.
Why this class of citizens should be called to make a sacrifice to the public, or why it should be expected from them I know not. They have suffered as much during the war, in other ways, as any class of people; they have for many years suffered beyond others, by having no interest paid them, or that which in value has been next to none. I believe them not behind others in patriotism: but it seems to me they are the last class of citizens that should be called to make so great a sacrifice; They have been not only the nominal but actual friends of their country in the time of her greatest necessities. There could be much better arguments produced in favor of an advanced interest than of a reduced one; but let justice take place, I ask no more.
A CONNECTICUT MAN.
BY AUTHORITY.
PROCLAMATION of the KING of FRANCE,
For granting Bounties on the importation of Grain.
NOVEMBER 5th, 1789.
THE King being informed that in many of the Ports of his Kingdom, the merchants would be disposed to import foreign grain, if they could expect to receive the like Bounties as were granted until the first of September last; His Majesty being desirous to induce the merchants to pursue measures so conducive to the supplying his people with provisions, has thought proper to grant this Encouragement: His Majesty has therefore ordained, and does ordain as follows.
ARTICLE I.
That there shall be paid to all French and Foreign Merchants, who from the 1st December, 1789, to the 1st July, 1790, shall import Wheat, Rye and Barley, and the Flour thereof, from the different Ports of Europe, or of the United States of America, the following Bounties, viz. thirty sous per quintal on Wheat— forty sous per quintal on Wheat Flour— twenty-four sous per quintal on Rye— thirty-two sous per quintal on Rye Flour— twenty sous per quintal on Barley, and twenty-seven sous per quintal on Barley Flour.
II.
The said Bounties shall be paid by the Receivers of the Farm-Duties in the Ports of the Kingdom, where the said Grain and Flour shall arrive, on the Declarations furnished by the Captains of the Vessels, who shall be bound to annex thereto a legal copy of the Bill of Lading of their cargo.
III.
All the Vessels indiscriminately, which, during the space of time above specified, shall import into the Kingdom Wheat and Flour, coming from the different Ports of Europe, and those of the United States of America, shall be exempt from the Duty of Freight, on account of the said importations. His Majesty enjoins the persons employed in the Farms to conform to, and carry in to execution the present Proclamation, which shall be read, published, &c.
Done at Paris, the fifth of November, 1789.
[SIGNED] DE SAINT PRIEST.
LONDON, December, 31.
Extract of a letter from Rome, Nov. 21.
Yesterday morning a courier arrived from Bologna, with news of the death of the Duchess of Albany, natural daughter of the late Pretender, who sent for her from France some time before his death, and had her legitimated. Her complaint was an abscess in the side, and is attributed to a fall from her horse some time before she left France. She was the last direct descendant (if a natural child can be so called) of the Stuarts, except the Cardinal of York; who since his brother's death has assumed the title of Henry IX.
The patriotic furor of freedom which so highly dignifies the present period, has at length ex-
tended to the British islands of Jersey and Guernsey; in both of which the standard of liberty is erected. The points resolved upon are grand juries, trials by juries, and an abolition of appeal and jurisdiction. The friends of government have strenuously endeavored to oppose those resolutions, but the patriots carried them by a prodigious majority.
The loss sustained by the Grand Vizier in the action with Prince Potemkin, is about 20,000 men, most of whom were drowned; the Reis Effendi and many principal officers were among them.
At Rome, the middle of November last, the weather suddenly became so cold, that the inhabitants were obliged to button themselves in their great coats. A circumstance so unusual in those climates, may lead to a conjecture, that the rivers which are described by the Roman Poets to have been frozen over in the day of Augustus, may shortly exhibit the same phenomenon.
A detachment from the Russian grand fleet in the Norto passed the Straights of Gibraltar on the 23d ult.
A patent has just passed the Great Seal to a Mr. Hancock for a most valuable invention: It is a portable, compact machine, for winnowing and cleaning all sorts of corn. It will do eight quarters in an hour ready for the market, prevents all waste, and gives the Corn a lighter colour than the usual mode.
THE TABLET.
No. XCIII.
"It is a difficult task to get above a desire of being applauded for things that should be wholly indifferent."
THERE is no circumstance in the conduct of a person that requires more discretion, than to regulate that part of conversation which relates to himself. The love of commendation is so strong in the minds of most men, that it often tempts them to praise their own qualities or actions. Though applause which one bestows on himself may denote vanity, it is no mark of a perverse disposition, unless the things which he applauds, are such as deserve censure, rather than praise. I am apt to believe, that when a person is left to the necessity, either of speaking in his own commendation, or of having nothing commendable said of him, that he will be vain of qualifications that are vicious or useless.
What are we to think of a person who takes a pride in boasting that he can drink a greater quantity of wine than any of his acquaintance without intoxication? It is natural to infer, that he wishes applause, and that as he is not conscious of any real merit, he had rather be remarkable for vice or folly, than not to be distinguished at all. A person likewise who is vain of any peculiarity of dress or manners, shews a desire to be applauded for things, about which he should be indifferent. Few men are capable of regulating their love of applause in such a manner, as not sometimes to doat upon trifling qualifications; and to seek commendation in points, which prudence would direct them to conceal. But we should be on our guard against the fascinating influence of admiration, or it may lead us into actions that may lessen our character in the view of those, whose esteem and approbation are most to be valued.
NEW-YORK, MARCH 3.
FROM CORRESPONDENTS.
When it is considered how highly the public expectations were raised at the adoption of the New Constitution—and how greatly those expectations have been realized in the administration of the government thus far, a doubt cannot be entertained respecting the adoption of such measures in future, as will ensure the most essential object, the establishment of the PUBLIC CREDIT. As a leading step to this great event, every national and patriotic motive, concurs to enforce the assumption of the State Debts. This will prove a most important link in the chain of our Federal Union—and which, if not done, will be a dereliction of the interest of a very respectable class of the most distinguished Patriots of our Country.
Local politics were universally decried but a short time since, as the disgrace and curse of our country—all the members of our present enlightened National Legislature, in all their deliberations on the great questions that come before them, especially those relating to FINANCE, discover minds superior to all selfish, State attachments. So that the interests of all, appear to be equally dear to all. When this is the case, how glorious is the prospect of our country!
"A chain of self interest is no better than a rope of sand. There is no cement, nor cohesion between the parts—there is rather a mutual antipathy and repulsion—hence we see this chain is always ready to fall in pieces, and on any sudden concussion to break into an infinity of factions."
"When this comes to be the case with a community, we find that no public measure, however salutary, can be carried into effect, if it clash with any foreseen particular interest."  Brown's Estimate.

FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
LETTER.—No. IV.
MR. FENNO,
IN my last I have stated the example of blacks, who intermar- ried by force of conquest with two European nations—happy was it for the conquered, that their colour only changed on this account—however as we all admit full blood, three quarters, and half blood, in our hounds and horses—it will not appear a para- dox, if I lay it down as a general rule, that when in animated na- ture higher orders intermix with lower ones, the original charac- ter is gradually debased, and finally lost; this leads me to an ex- amination of what would happen if negroes were made freemen, living among us.
Different notions have been held on the manumission of negroes —let us select one, and suppose that it was granted on all sides, that the children of the slaves which will be born the next year, are to be free. As the law can, I believe, make no difference be- tween citizens of the empire, of what colour they may be, a gradual intermarriage of the whites and blacks will happen of course; Where is, among our citizens, the mother of a family blessed with beautiful daughters, who will not shudder when she thinks, that there might be only a probability, that her great grand daughters will have black muzzles and crooked figures; moreover this is but the smallest part of the bitter fruits with which black citizenship would be pregnant—it would be unclosing Pandora's box.
Although I believe that the new black citizen would feel grate- ful for his manumission, yet this sentiment will soon subside, and be fully extinguished in the next generation; the difference in corporal and intellectual qualities would be felt by the black, the consciousness of his inferiority would extinguish gratitude, and jealousy would be his prevailing passion—should any invasion hap- pen, the enemy would purchase the blacks on easy terms, and without any foreign attack this jealousy would have the most fa- tal effects, and cause constant disturbances in the empire; tranquil- ity would fly from Columbia, and not be re-established until inter- marriage had dyed the nation nearly one and the same colour! But then the original character of the nation will only stand re- corded in the historic page, when it speaks of the times of their ancestors becoming renowned in the annals of mankind by repel- ling tyranny, and assuming their independency with spirit; when by gigantic strides they rose into consequence, and outshone even their originals in arms, in sciences and arts—when they crowned the liberty of the citizen by a uniform federal government: then genius was a native of this happy soil—and the foreigner glo- ried to be an American freeman. RUSTICUS.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
I AM a sheep-hairy negro, the son of an African man and woman; by a train of fortunate events I was left free, when very young, and by the interposition of the most generous of mankind, I have received a common English school educa- tion, and have been instructed in the christian religion—I am master of a trade whereby I get a comfortable living: My leisure time I employ in reading, it is my delight, and I am encouraged by several spirited, noble and generous American freemen, who are pleased to praise me for employ- ing my time so much more rationally (as they say) than most of the white men who are in the same station of life that I am: And do not consider me as the link in the creation by which the mon- key hangs to the gentleman. I esteem it among the blessings of my situation, that by my industry as a tradesman, I am enabled to purchase your interesting publication, and by my assiduity as a student I am enabled to read it with profit: But I fear all my application has not made me equal to the task I have undertaken, of penning a let- ter, which shall appear to you worthy of a place in your next number; the arduous task of appear- ing as an opponent to the philosophic Rusticus.—
Had this philosopher advanced any thing new I should not dare to step forward; but to his present hackney'd theme, I shall oppose the ar- guments of such as have written against the idea of our inferior nature, particularly Mr. Clarkson:
The philosopher's chain is a rusty affair; I shall take little notice of his bulls and wild ducks—I would willingly come to the point: Rusticus goes upon the principle which Lord Kaims labored very hard to establish, that the variety of colour, fea- tures, &c. in the human species, proved them to be derived from various stocks, and not as the old fash- ioned erroneous scriptures assert, all the descendants of Adam. His next is the principle of links— in which if I mistake not his idea—he and his brethren of European extraction, stand or hang inferior to none but angels—to them follow the other nations of the earth.—As, effeminate Asiat- ics—long haired savages of America—sheep- hairy Africans—Africans with wolfs muzzles— and next I suppose the various kinds of the mon- key, &c. &c.—Now if I can prove by the assist- ance aforementioned, that the first is a false prin- ciple, and that Europeans, Asiatics, Americans and Africans are all the descendants of Noah— The second principle will fall of course, at least so far, that because I have a black skin (tho' by the by my skin is already whiter than my father's was) flat nose, thick lips and sheep-hair, I shall not be hook'd on at the lower end of the chain of human beings.
It is really amusing, not to say laughable, to see with what eagerness Lord Kaims pursues his fa- vorite discriminating plan: I will instance one of his proofs that there are different species of men by nature totally distinct from each other. "The Gi- agas" says this great critic "a fierce and wand- ering nation in the heart of Africa" (only notice what a fruitful and convenient soil Africa is for monsters) "are in effect land pirates at war with all the world. They indulge in polygamy, but bury all their children the moment of birth, and chuse in their stead the most promising children taken in war. There is no principle among ani- mals more prevalent than affection to their off-
spring: Supposing the Giagas to be born without hands or feet, would they be more distinguishable from the rest of mankind?"—So blindly did the Author of the elements of criticism pursue his fa- vorite system, that he never considered that if the Giagas destroyed all their children, and a- dopted the children of various strange nations, of course this distinct species of men were ex- tinct after the first generation, and all the various nations that they incorporated with themselves, were precisely of the same extraordinary, distinct and monstrous nature.—So idle are the specula- tions of the wisest men when they wander from the pure light of reason and religion.
I shall now bring forward in as concise a man- ner as possible, a few of the arguments made use of by Mr. Clarkson, in opposition to the main principle of Rusticus.
The first argument by which it is attempted to be proved "that the Africans are an inferior link in the chain of nature," is the supposed in- feriority of their capacities—The argument is so weak it does not deserve notice, neither would it become me.—The second is drawn from color and features, nay, "even the hair of their heads is brought into the account"—My parents born in Africa, have not the white skin, the rosy cheek, the prominent nose and black teeth of Rusticus, therefore are not only a distinct, but an inferior species of animal: The worthy author before me (Mr. Clarkson) says "It is an universal law, observable throughout the whole creation that if two animals of a different species propagate, their off- spring is unable to continue its own species." By this admirable law, the different species are preserv- ed distinct. Now if we apply this law to those of the human kind, who are said to be of a dis- tinct species from each other, it immediately fails. The mulatto is as capable of continuing his spe- cies as his father; a clear and irrefragable proof that the scripture account of the creation is true, and that "God, who hath made the world, hath made of one blood all the nations of men that dwell on all the face of the earth." This law of nature will not suit Rusticus—who says, "na- ture goes not from one species of animal abruptly to the next: There are beings who separate one sort from the other and partake in their form and habit something of both; these I call interme- diate beings"—Nature knows no such intermediate beings—the animals Rusticus enumerates (such of them as we know to exist) are distinct species of animals, and are divided by the above men- tioned law.
If mankind are from one stock they conse- quently had but one colour, and was that white? No—We have every reason to believe that it was a dark olive.—Then is Rusticus as far from the original colour as I am. It will now be asked what has caused the various appearances of men at present—I answer from my book "a co-ope- ration of certain causes, which have an effect upon the human frame, and have the power of changing it more or less from its primitive ap- pearance, as they are more or less numerous or powerful than those, which acted upon the frame of man in the first seat of his habitation."—Cli- mate appears to have the principal share in the variety of colour—Anatomical experiments have established it as fact, that the seat of colour is the corpus mucosum, which is found to vary with the climate throughout the world.
I must refer my reader to Mr. Clarkson's essay on the slavery and commerce of the human spe- cies for a statement of facts, and arguments that will remove every doubt on this subject, and con- vince him that our colour is no proof that we are an inferior link in the great chain of creation.
I fear I have already made my letter too long— I hope Mr. Fenno will correct my inaccuracy (if he thinks my attempt to vindicate those of my colour fit for the public eye) and excuse my art- less arrangement of my subject.—I will conclude by answering the last question of Rusticus. No human law can by intermixing species overthrow the fixed order of nature—but the American and the African are one species—The law of nature declares it—And I, a sheep-hairy African negro, being free and in some degree enlightened, feel myself equal to the duties of a spirited, noble, and generous American freeman. AFRICANUS.
LATE EUROPEAN NEWS.
SPAIN.
ESCURIAL, Nov. 9.
His Catholic Majesty went on Thursday last to Madrid, to dismiss the Cortes according to the usual form.
Nov. 16. His Catholic Majesty was pleased to declare, on the 12th inst. the civil promotions made on the occasion of his coronation, the pub- lication of which was deferred till the Cortes had finished their deliberations. Each of the Mem- bers of that Assembly, which consisted of seventy- four persons, has received a mark of the Catho- lic King's favor, according to his rank. Among other numerous promotions, are, the creation of eight grandees of Spain, nine honorary grandees, five knights of the golden fleece, one of whom is M. de Norolina, the Portuguese Ambassador here, ten knights of the great cross of Charles III. two
counsellors and four honorary counsellors of state, and twenty-two chamberlains.
LONDON, Dec. 31.
The official account of the capture of Brussels, published by the Patriots, is as under. It is dated the 12th of December.
"At length, notwithstanding the armistice, and every other pretence, 500 brave Patriots of Brussels have dared to engage in battle with 6000 Austrians. The action commenced yesterday af- ternoon, at four o'clock. The first attempt was to make prisoners of all the soldiers who guarded the Mint, and those who were quartered in the different convents. General D'Alton did his ut- most from six o'clock in the morning to negotiate an armistice. About seven o'clock, 800 men of Benden-D'Alost entered the city with two pieces of cannon, which they planted on the Grand Pa- lace. About ten o'clock General D'Alton thought proper to send a large detachment in order to release, by forcible means, the officers and pri- vates made prisoners in the Basleville. This was the signal for a new engagement, which will be ever memorable for its victory. The Patriots no longer able to contain themselves, routed the whole detachment. To the number of 500, at the utmost, they invested the great market, and after a most obstinate conflict, they made them- selves masters of the Coros de Garde, and two pieces of cannon, and took about 400 Austrians prisoners. About the same time the engagement re-commenced in all quarters of the city; and, in less than two hours, the Patriots made themselves master of the barracks of the military and of the magazines, in which they found near 2,000 mus- kets, besides cartridges, ammunition, &c. To- wards noon, they attacked the Park and the Pa- lace Royale, where the greatest body of troops were concentrated, with 12 pieces of cannon. After a very heavy firing on both sides, D'Alton perceiving that the place was no longer tenable against so much bravery, capitulated for the im- mediate retreat of his whole garrison; and the request having been acceded to, about one o'clock they departed, with great precipitation, through the Porte de Namur. But as all the soldiers are not equally inclined to follow him, at the mo- ment this is writing, they are squabbling among themselves, without the city. Already, we have got more than 3,000 prisoners; but a few killed, and no houses plundered.
Authenticitatem testor, (Signed) G. B. A. SCHELLEKENS, GREFFIER."
The slave trade is abolished in Bengal. Lord Cornwallis has just issued a proclamation, and which has been published in the different lan- guages of the country, declaring, that all per- sons who may hereafter be found, either directly or indirectly, concerned therein, shall be pro- secuted in the Supreme Court. A reward of 100 Sicca rupees is offered in the proclamation, and fifty rupees more for every person delivered from slavery or confinement by the discovery.
WHITEHALL, Dec. 19.
The King has been pleased to constitute and appoint Thomas M'Donough, Esq. to be his Ma- jesty's Consul in the states of Massachusetts's Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut and New-Hamp- shire.
The King has also been pleased to constitute and appoint John Hamilton, Esq. to be his Ma- jesty's Consul in the state of Virginia.
ANECDOTE.
WHEN the late Doctor Rock, of facetious me- mory, used to publish his medicines in the mountebank style, and was once extolling their virtues on Tower-Hill, he observed a Porter, who had attracted part of his audience to a separate circle—This not being very agreeable to the phy- sical orator, he enquired what the fellow was do- ing? "Why, Doctor," said one of the crowd, "he tells us he remembers the time when you was a porter as well as himself." "It is very true," replied Rock, "but you see he is a PORTER still!"
Wanted by the Editor of this paper, a House that will ac- commodate a large family, and the printing business—from the first of May next.
WILLIAM TAYLOR,
Has for Sale, at his EAST-INDIA GOODS STORE, No. 4, BURLING-SLIP.
A General Assortment of EAST-INDIA GOODS.
Among which are the following Articles: BOOK Muslins 8-4 6-4 5-4 HUMHUMS, Jacketon do. Long Cloths, Hankerchiefs, of various kinds, Cuffs, Chintzes, Seerfuckers, Ginghams, Boglapores. A Variety of handsome painted MUSLINS. With many other Articles, which will be sold by the Piece or Package, low for cash. And a few pair large handsome Cotton COUN- TERPANES, much warmer than Blankets.
JANUARY 9, 1790.
t. f.
To be LET, And possession-given the 1st of April, for one or more years, (two miles and half from this city, on the Greenwich road,) THAT New TWO STORY HOUSE—four Rooms on a floor; with six fire places; a new Barn, and Well of excellent Water; a young Orchard of Fruit Trees, with 7 1/2 acres of Land, the most part Meadow. For particulars enquire at No. 7, Maiden-Lane. New-York, February 20.