Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-09-19 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XLVI.]
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLE T.—No. XLVI.
“Numberless are the devices made use of by people of fashion of both sexes to avoid the pursuit of the vulgar.”
IT is rather difficult in this country to fix any criterion, that will determine the different ranks people should hold in society. There seems to be a blend of different qualifications, which elevate persons above what is called the vulgar part of the community. The great object in view with fashionable folks is to be as unlike as possible to those, whom they deem inferiors. Perhaps this may be one reason of the frequent fluctuation and expensive change of fashions. Some among the lowest class of people are not destitute of ambition; and have the vanity to attempt an equal appearance with those, who are supposed to be one degree above them. This makes the latter imagine they are crowded out of their places, and in order to avoid a resemblance with the low herd that are imitating them, they progress a step further. Thus another grade is interrupted, and has no way to retaliate the injury it feels in being so jostled, but by displacing its superiors.—People of the first rank are perpetually vexed and mortified at such imitations, and change their fashions as often as their inferiors assume them. I have known a young coxcomb change the buttons of his coat half a dozen times while it was in wear. The reason he gave for putting himself to this expence was, that he did not chose to appear too vulgar.
The term gentleman is so indefinite that there will always be a clashing of pretensions. There can be no exact line drawn that will settle the dispute. If the matter could be reduced to a certainty, and there could be any established rules to determine, who was, or who was not a gentleman , the difficulty could be got over. Those who come within the description would have some claim to keep their fashions, either of dress or amusements among themselves. And should those who bear not the evidences of this character presume to encroach upon the privileges belonging to it, they would be pointed at and despised as intruders and interlopers.
Professional men have certain badges or insignia that denote the characters they have assumed.—The world seem to give in to their claims, and allow them the exclusive right of modelling their own customs, and shutting out from imitation all, who have not an official admittance. The advantages of such a regulation are obvious and great. It puts it in the power of professional persons to preserve their distinction, and keep those pretenders at a distance without much trouble or expence.
For instance, a clergyman with a small income retains his influence in society, and is not obliged to be frequently changing his apparel to avoid too near a resemblance with people, in the lower walks of life. Should any man, not of that order, appear in the clerical attire, the cause of the clergyman would be defended, and the intruder meet with the contempt he deserved. In like manner, military men keep up their distinction, and prevent the vulgar crowd of mankind from attempting to appear on a level with them. A uniform coat may be worn till it is thread bare, and still declare to the world that the owner is no common man. Other professions also have certain marks, which cost them little, and remain a great while as indications of some elevation or superiority over the great mass of the people.
It were to be wished for the convenience of those who would be thought the fashionable part of the community, that they could adopt some less expensive mode of maintaining their dignity and importance. They are so liable to have their claims called in question, and to have the vexation of seeing those, they affect to despise, make a better figure than themselves, as to mar their happiness, and damp the pleasures of vain ambition. Still however the propensity to excel in appearance is not extinguished. It tries a thousand methods to seize upon objects, that can not be contaminated by vulgar hands. Large houses, expensive furniture, carriages, and livery servants, require such an expence as to exclude the possibility of losing their attractions by too frequent an adoption. These therefore form the ultimatum of aspiring hopes. When any one can arrive at that pinnacle, he may look down upon the vast crowds below him, and feel secure against general imitation.
MONITORIAL.
THERE was much truth in the observation of a late polite writer: “You had better refuse a favor gracefully than bestow it clumsily.” And in the essential duties of religion, great regard is to be had to the disposition of the mind.
To bestow alms on the poor in such a manner as to make it seem to them that you are the obliged person, is, if possible, a greater virtue than the charity itself: sure, he who does thus is more blest than the receiver; for “God loves a cheerful giver.” But when done with haughtiness and insult, it becomes a crime.”
EUROPEAN ACCOUNTS, BY THE LAST ARRIVALS.
CONSTANTINOPLE, JUNE 1. The plague continues in the Bagnio, and it is now certain has made its appearance on board one of the ships of the fleet, which is detained by a change of the wind near the entrance of the channel.
Among a great number of the rich favorites of the predecessor of Selim III. the Chief of the black eunuchs and Treasurer, who were disposed to peace, have been strangled. The new Sultan disapproves of all that was done previous to his advancement to the throne.
Very affliction news is received from the Black Sea, where the Russian corsairs have ruined our commerce; and we learn that a Russian fleet approached Constantia, bombarded the port, and seized the grain destined for our capital, where there is a great scarcity of that article.
COPENHAGEN, JUNE 27. Thursday last the Russian and Danish fleets failed for the Baltic, but they are now laying at anchor in the bay of Kioge. There now remain in the road only two Russian ships of the line and three frigates.
HAGUE, JUNE 2. Extract of a letter from an English naval-officer at Smyrna, dated the 13th of April, 1789, by a courier arrived the day before from Constantinople.
“The Turks rejoice much, and place much confidence in their present Grand Signior, which arises not only from the inclination he shews for war, but likewise from a prophecy made some years ago, which says, that the Ottoman empire should flourish, and the Crimea be in their possession, under a Sultan Selim, which is the name of the present Sultan.
PARIS, JULY 12. His Most Christian Majesty has appointed the Baron de Breteuil to be President of the Council of Finances; in the room of Monf. Neckar; the Duke de la Vauguyon Secretary of State for the department of Foreign Affairs, in the room of M. de Montmorin; and the Marshal de Broglio, to be Minister of the War department.
LONDON, JULY 7. CONVULSIONS IN FRANCE.
THE Nobles, who cabal against the popular proceedings, have had continual interviews with the King, and we are sorry to declare, that his Majesty's orders have been issued, commanding the Duc de Broglio to march with all possible dispatch to Paris, at the head of all the foreign troops in the service of France, that can be collected in Alsace and Lorraine. This army will amount to 25,000 men, and such was the consternation it occasioned in the National Assembly, that the Comte Mirabeau arose, and declared, there could be but one purpose that the Court had in view, and it became the people to consider in time where their remedy lay. The uproar this occasioned is beyond description. Repeated meetings were held with the Duc d'Orleans, on the part of the people, and when the packet which brought this intelligence to the Duke of York, at York house, came away, the Duc d'Orleans, it was understood, was looked up to by 30,000 military men in arms, who considered him as their leader.
JULY 14. A camp of 35,000 men, under marshal de Broglio, with a large train of artillery, is already formed, and stationed between Paris and Versailles, as a security to the King.
The sittings of the national assembly on the 8th inst. were uncommonly tumultuous. The encampment became the subject of debate. M. de Mirabeau, in a speech of two hours, described the critical situation in which the assembly was placed, by the arrival of this army. “The station of these troops,” says he, “is subversive of the liberty of this assembly, contrary to the true interests of the King, and an infringement on the privileged orders. The purpose for which they are assembled cannot be the re-establishment of tranquillity in Paris: besides, his Majesty must be aware, that to provision 35,000 men, in this time of famine, must only increase the public misfortunes. The King is ill-advised by some wicked traitors to the constitution, and it behoves us to seek the best remedy in our power.” M. de Mirabeau, then moved, “That an address be presented to the King, praying that he would take into consideration his own interest, as well as the national liberty, and that under the circumstances of the present famine, he would order the troops back, with their train of artillery, to those places from whence they came; that should his Majesty be fearful of any disturbances at Paris or Versailles, he might raise companies of armed burghers in those towns, who would be at his orders, and a sufficient protection.”
The question was immediately put, That a committee should be appointed to present M. de Mira-
beau's motion, in the form of a petition, to the King, which was carried by 830 against 3.
The deputation who waited on the King, it is reported, received from his Majesty, in substance, for answer, “That he did not think it advisable at present to comply with the address of the National Assembly.”
A report prevails in Paris, that the King of Spain has offered the French King as many thousand men, and as much money, as he shall find necessary to support his dignity and rights against the attempts of any set of men.
At Lyons, there has been a dreadful riot—on the arrival of the news of the Union of the three orders, the rejoicing was universal, and continued without any mischief; but on the third, the multitude repaired to the house of the intendant, and committed many acts of violence, from thence they proceeded to the offices of the collectors of government, at the gates of the city, &c. &c. pillaging and destroying every thing, throwing the books, papers, and ever ything they could lay hands on, into the Rhone. A regiment of dragoons was sent for (there is no garrison at Lyons, the citizens always mounting guard) but instead of producing any effect, they were insulted, several wounded, and at length obliged to fire on the people. A dreadful slaughter followed, the multitude continued firm, wounded and killed many of the dragoons, and threw others in to the Rhone: at length they retreated, and took post out of the town, on an eminence.
A report prevails, that M. Mirabeau, and M. de Espremenil, have accused M. Neckar, in the National Assembly, of being the principal cause of the present scarcity of corn, and have actually impeached him, offering to give positive proofs of the charge.
The Marshal has entered on his command with great firmness and intrepidity. He had not been long arrived, before his activity was called into action—on an insurrection the last week at Versailles, the mob threw large stones at a party of Hussars, who were sent to disperse them. They were on horseback with their swords drawn, and finding themselves resisted, they put up their sabres and withdrew. On receiving further instructions from Marshal Broglio, and having been joined by two additional companies, they returned with orders, that if the mob would not disperse they should ride over them sword in hand. This was done, and one of the leaders taken up and sent to prison. The mob soon rallied a fresh, and were proceeding towards the prison, when M. de Broglio sent them word, that if they did not immediately desist, the prisoner should be produced to them, but hanging at the window. This threat had its effect, and the mob dispersed.
The Swiss troops and the French guards do not at all agree together, and there have been already some skirmishes between them.
The French Minister has compelled 15 officers of the French guards (who refused to do duty round the House of Assembly of the States General to prevent the Members from entering) to resign their commissions. It has been thought proper, however, to restore them—and Count de Guiche has accordingly reinstated them.
JULY 18. On Saturday, the populace of Paris attacked the guard at the Palais Royal, and cut some of the officers to pieces. The rage this violence generated, naturally increased, and the people attacked one of the camps near Paris, a circumstance which necessarily provoked resistance, and a general affray ensued. Pending this, a man employed by the government, obtained admittance into Paris, and proceeded to paste some placards or proclamations from the King, about the public streets of the city. He had not affixed many to the walls of gates, and other great edifices, before he was seized by the mob, and sacrificed in the cruelest manner to the fury of the moment.
On Saturday at noon, M. Neckar, and M. Montmorin, received their dismission. The former, it is imagined, set off immediately for Switzerland. Others think he was put into confinement, as he has not since been seen.
When the express left Paris, the city was suffering a cannonade from the Boulevards which the messenger heard continue for a considerable time, while he was pursuing his route to Calais.
On the road from Paris to Calais, he was stopped at almost every town, and would not have been suffered to proceed, but that the Duke of Dorset had luckily furnished him with the passport of a messenger. The mob, however, every where obliged him to cry out, VIVE LE TIERS ETAT!
The tumults in France are so great, that no public business is going forward. The funds fall considerably. The whole route from Paris to Versailles, which is twelve English miles, is lined with troops and cannon.

His Majesty's answer to the National Assembly, on the subject of their representation to dismiss the Swiss troops, is to the following effect:
"That he considered them necessary for the preservation of order and tranquility; that the Assembly had no reason to be under any constraint on their account; and that if the troops encamped in the neighborhood of Paris were disagreeable, his Majesty would on a request from the States General, remove their fittings to Soissons, or Noyon, in which case he would himself repair to Compeigne, in order to be at hand to correspond with the States."
The shock thus given to the warm hopes of the people stupified them for a time; but the people crowded to the Palais Royal. The French troops declared their resolution to act for the people. Towards the evening of Sunday the Palais Royal was surrounded by the Swiss troops, and the messenger who brought dispatches to M. de Calonne, and who set out two hours later than Lady Elizabeth Foster's servant, confirms, that the troops had begun to fire on the multitude, and that the people had attacked one of the camps. It was reported also, that an arrest was issued for seizing the Duc d'Orleans, and several attempts made to take him, but all miscarried. The charge was, that he had issued 110,000 crowns, on a pretence of relieving the wants of the people in respect to the scarcity of corn, but that in reality it was employed to encourage insurrection.
The palace of Versailles is guarded by three lines of soldiers, and the King has little to fear while the Marshal de Broglie is about him. The latter is determined to act vigorously, and to give no quarters to the mob. The Swiss guards are in a fine state of discipline.
The capital of France stands not alone noticeable at this time for riot and confusion. Private letters from Amsterdam yesterday brought intelligence of a violent tumult having arisen there, on account of the scarcity of bread. The military was called out, and a momentary gust ensued from it, all is not yet so peaceably established as that nothing may be apprehended in future.
The following news from Paris was brought by express late last night. The disturbances are further from adjustment than when the last accounts arrived from thence.
The power of the King is daily abating. The Irish brigade alone, are steadfastly attached to royalty. How long in this general defalcation, their attachment may last, is uncertain.
The populace have seized the arsenal, and taken from it all the arms and ammunition, a step that has obliged the King's troops to retire to some distance from the capital.
The King has dissolved the meeting of the National Assembly, but in defiance of this authority, the Assembly continue to set and act.
The University is levelled to the ground. The King it is further said has erected a standard for his partisans to flock to, but they are few who resort to it. Such is the spirit of the times.
The address presented by a deputation of the National Assembly to the French King, on the subject of the introduction of foreign troops, and the forming of the camps so near the capital, is from the pen of the Count Mirabeau, and a very masterly composition. His Majesty's answer is at once conciliating, ambiguous and vague.
A French Nobleman of high rank, is arrived here this morning, who brings advice, that the party of the people carry every thing before them at Paris. The French guards have openly declared on that side. They, with the populace, attacked the bastille; many of them entered, when Mons. de Lannoy, the Governor, drew up the bridge, enclosed those who had entered, and cut them to pieces. The troops and people without, finding their companions detained, attacked the place, and forced it open—and finding what had happened to their party, took the Governor out, led him through the streets, obliged him to make the amende honorable to the people, and then cut off his hands and his head. The foreign regiments, frightened by the violence of the commotion, have all laid down their arms, or fled, except one regiment of Hussars, which alone remains to guard the person of the King. The Queen and the Count d'Artois, are both fled, and a reward is offered for their heads. Many of the principal nobility, who side with the King, are likewise proscribed, and gone off. In short, it appears that the King is at the mercy of the Tiers Etat , and must submit wholly to their terms. Such are the effects of Popular commotions when they get a head in despotic countries.
The bastille is burnt, and all the prisoners set at liberty; the hotel of the Prince de Conte, that of the Count d'Artois, and several other edifices are destroyed by fire.
Many people have been killed in the affrays and skirmishes which have happened. Almost all the shops are constantly shut, and a general distrust rules there. People press in crowds to get their money from the Caisse d'Escompte . M. Neckar is gone off at the King's command, and he is very fortunate to have escaped from a scene of such confusion. It is said the King himself is gone from Versailles.
It is confidently asserted, that the dismissal of Mons. Neckar, and the Comte de Montmorin, was effected by the intervention of the French Queen, and the Comte d'Artois: that the restoration of the Baron de Breteuil was owing to the same interference, and that the doctrine of his counsels was the coercion of the people.
The King, from the aspect of affairs, appears to have been entirely under the guidance of his consort; and so generally was this understood, that the Tiers Etat insisted on the banishment of the Comte d'Artois, a stop put to the ruinous interference of the Queen, and that her creatures, the Polignacs, should be dismissed.
The Comte de Mirabeau's patriotic endeavors to cause the troops to be withdrawn, were in vain, all he could urge, and other members in favor of the people, tended only to increase a spirit of resistance to the Court; and it is not exaggeration to say, that the most dreadful anarchy is on foot!
The foreign regiments, among the forces above mentioned, were stationed in situations most contiguous to the gates of Paris and Versailles; and they very soon proceeded to insult the people; riots ensued, and a great multitude assailed the Palais Royale! The officer and guard were killed on the spot; the troops advanced into the city, and a continued engagement ensued, in which the people made a stand with astonishing intrepidity. Before Rosli (which is the name of the courier) left Paris, the populace had repeatedly attacked the Comte d'Artois' residence, with a view to burn it, and also some of the offices of State; and a number of lives on both sides were lost in these conflicts. A part of the multitude was on their way to Versailles, and the Palace was threatened to be laid in ashes.
Several persons, possessed of military skill, appeared as leaders to the populace; and the names of patriotic noblemen were in circulation, as being disguised among them; which latter rumor seemed to impart particular animation. Against the Queen and the Comte d'Artois very general vengeance was denounced.
The French King has requested the aid of England. Our Charles the First made a like demand of France—and yet lost his HEAD.
Letters received from Amsterdam to day, bring an account that an express is arrived there with news of the Swedish fleet being out from Carlscrona, in force 21 sail of the line, and 16 frigates. If so, they will prevent the junction of the Russian fleet, which sailed from Copenhagen, with their grand fleet, off Revel.
The Emperor's situation is described by all the private accounts from Vienna and Luxemburgh, as truly desperate. By the same channel we learn that his death is expected to put an immediate termination to the war.
It is impossible to ascertain, with precision, the state of the Emperor's health; the cruel disorder with which his Majesty is afflicted, having taken so many turns. The melancholy which remains at Vienna is increased by the last news from Luxemburgh which is not favorable. An universal admiration prevails at the noble resignation with which his Majesty bears his affliction. He
reads all his dispatches, and even signs himself the most important. The characteristics of the present Emperor of the Ottomans are described to be violence and rashness: This accounts for his rejection of all pacific overtures, his taking the Pacha from the command of the fleet, and determining to prosecute the war.
His Swedish Majesty reached Borgo, in Finland, the 8th of June, notwithstanding the vigilance of the Russians to intercept him.
His first act after he had joined his army, was an act of severity. He caused the whole Swedish camp to turn out under arms. The regiment of Abo was then marched to the centre of a hollow square, formed by the army. They were ordered to ground their arms, and to strip off their regimental coats, and then their colors were torn in pieces. After this they were marched off in single files, whilst the rest of the troops were ordered to let up and keep up a general hiss, till the last man of the last file had got out of the hollow square.
The privates, however, were not disbanded, tho' the regiment was—They were drafted into the different corps of artillery in arms.
The crime which brought on this regiment so severe a military punishment was, that it did not do its duty in the affair of Fredericksham.
INTELLIGENCE BY THE LAST MAIL.
KINGSTON, (JAMAICA) JULY 25.
The brig Mentor had a passage of 28 days from the Bay of Honduras. By her we are favored with a letter from that place, and the following is extracted therefrom:
The jealous Spaniards have been among us, and laid waste most of our plantations; not a plantation tree, or any thing else that was of service, have they left standing, as far as they have gone; so that nothing but ruin awaits us. This behavior of the Dons has caused great confusion, and what the event may be God knows!"
RICHMOND, SEPT. 8.
A correspondent has furnished the following extraordinary marriage, which took place on Thursday se'nnight. Edward Wade to Elizabeth Thurmon, originally of Hanover county, whose ages added together would nearly extend to the settlement of this State. They recollect when Hanover was the frontier of Virginia, and when the merchants at the falls of James river, glutted the market by the importation of 1500. worth of goods. These antic lovers began their courtship about 50 or 60 years ago, but were not joined together in the holy state of matrimony till the 27th ult.
BALTIMORE, SEPT. 11.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Danville, (Kentucky) to his friend in this town, dated the 9th of last month.
"It is with great concern I communicate to you the following truly melancholy intelligence:—About three weeks ago, Mr. Richard Chenoweth, had six or eight men allowed him, by the officer of the garrison at the falls, to guard his exposed plantation, at Bear-Crab Settlement, below the Falls. In the evening of their arrival, before they had taken their situation as a guard, a number of Indians rushed into Mr. Chenoweth's house, killed two of the soldiers and three of Mr. Chenoweth's children, and tomahawked and scalped his wife, leaving her, on the floor, for dead. Mr. Chenoweth (who had his arm broken by the savages) with the rest of the men made their escape. There was one of Mr. Chenoweth's children sick, in a chamber, and it is reported, she never heard any thing of the dreadful massacre; but, next morning, crawling down stairs, she was inexpressibly shocked at the sight of a beloved parent almost breathless. Mr. Chenoweth returned the next day to his house, and carried his wife to a neighboring plantation, where they are both likely to recover, and, what is remarkable she wants to return to her own house.—The savages have been very troublesome in this neighborhood.—A small company are gone to White river, to extirpate 80 or 90 Indians, who, as spies have informed, have upwards of 300 horses, &c. at that place."
PHILADELPHIA, SEPT. 16.
The following Association, to prevent smuggling, is now universally signed by the merchants and traders of this city.
Philadelphia, 15th of Sept. 1789.
WE the subscribers, Merchants and Traders of the city of Philadelphia, do hereby pledge ourselves to each other, and to our fellow citizens at large, that we will not be concerned directly or indirectly in any trade contrary to the revenue laws of the United States; but will, by every effort in our power, discourage such illicit practices, by not employing, or by dismissing from our service, any Master or Mate of a vessel, or any Pilot, who shall be engaged in a contraband trade, or in aiding or abetting others in such collusive employments.
BOSTON, SEPT. 12.
It is said, that the Admiral of the His Most Christian Majesty's squadron intended to have passed this season at Newport, but learning that Rhode-Island was not now one of the United States, he altered his intention.
HARTFORD, SEPT. 14.
Extract of a letter from Gamden, South-Carolina, dated May 29.
"A most fatal tragedy has just been acted at this place, which has filled every mind with sorrow. I have just returned from the funeral of Jacob Brown, Esq. attorney at law, of Winthro-
rough, (late of Massachusetts) who died between twelve and one o'clock this morning. At six the last evening I assisted in performing the same service to the remains of Capt. Thomas Baker of a long time at variance, and from a number of concurring circumstances, their resentment had become implacable. About four weeks ago Mr. Brown sent Capt. Baker a challenge to fight him with pistols, which was refused. They did not however come to an explanation, or any terms of peace, but every day became more and more inveterate. The 26th inst. Capt. Baker sent a challenge to Mr. Brown who accepted it, and appointed the morning of the 28th, at this place, to make a final decision—a fatal decision it was. They met on the race ground adjoining the town before sun rise, with seconds and pistols, and fired nearly at the same time, at the distance of ten yards and both fell. Capt. Baker was shot through the centre of the body, and expired on the field in about twelve minutes, while Mr. Brown was weltering in his blood by his side; he was shot in the lower part of his belly, and the ball cut out of his left side by a surgeon who attended. Sensible of their speedy dissolution, they conversed calmly together after they fell, and mutually forgave all that had passed. Happy would it have been had this forgiveness taken place sooner! Mr. Brown lived about twenty hours. They both appeared to be perfectly cool and determined which occasioned such execution. It is the first instance I ever knew of each party being killed the first shot. Thus fell these two men in the prime of life! Capt. Baker was a widower, and has left two children to bemoan his untimely loss."
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES,
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1789.
Mr. WHITE moved as an amendment to the second section of the Judicial Bill, that the two counties on the eastern shore of Virginia, and the eastern shore of Maryland, be added to the State of Delaware, to compose one District.
Mr. PARKER said, that he was bound to oppose this motion, being confident that such a division would be disagreeable to his constituents.—The question on this motion, was put, and negatived. (Omitted in our last.)
Mr. SENEY moved as an amendment in the third section, to strike out Easton, and insert Chester-town as the place for the holding the district court, which motion was lost—The ayes and noes being called are—
AYES. Messrs Benion, Floyd, Gerry, Goodhue, Hartley, Heister, Lawrance, Livermore, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Parker, Scott, Sney Smith, (M.) Smith, (S. C.) Sylvester, Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wynkoop. 20.
NOES. Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Contee, Fitzsimons, Foster, Gale, Gilman, Griffin, Hethorn, Lee, Madison, Matthews, Page, Van Ranselear, Schureman, Sherman, Sinnickson, Stone, Sumpter. White. 23.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 16.
The bill for the temporary establishment of the Post-Office, was read the first time.
Mr. GOODHUE, Mr. SHERMAN, and Mr. CONTEE were appointed to bring in a bill to repeal that part of the collection act, which ascertains the value of the Rouble.
The petition of the merchants of Portsmouth was referred to the above committee.
A committee consisting of Mr. BURKE, Mr. MOORE and Mr. LAWRANCE, was appointed to bring in a bill to establish the salaries of the judicial department.
The consideration of the bill sent down from the senate, providing for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States; and of the bill to establish hospitals for the sick and disabled seamen, was postponed until next session.
The act to suspend part of the Collection Law, and the act to provide for the safe keeping of the Acts, Records, and Seal of the United States, were received from the President of the United States, with his signature and approbation.
The following message from the President of the United States was received by the Hon. Secretary at War.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
The Governor of the Western Territory has made a statement to me of reciprocal hostilities of the Wabash Indians and white people inhabiting the frontiers bordering on the river Ohio, which I herewith lay before Congress.
The United States in Congress assembled, by their acts of the 1st day of July 1787, and of the 12th day of August 1788, made a provisional arrangement for calling forth the militia of Virginia and Pennsylvania in the proportions therein specified.
As the circumstances which occasioned the said arrangement continue nearly the same, I think proper to suggest to your consideration the expediency of making some temporary provision for calling forth the militia of the United States for the purposes stated in the Constitution, which would embrace the cases apprehended by the Governor of the Western Territory.
GEO. WASHINGTON.
New-York, September 16, 1789.

SIR, The constant hostilities between the Indians who live upon the river Wabash, and the people of Kentucky, must necessarily be attended with such embarrassing circumstances to the government of the Western Territory, that I am induced to request you will be pleased to take the matter into consideration, and give me the orders you may think proper.
It is not to be expected, Sir, that the Kentucky people will or can submit patiently to the cruelties and depredations of those savages—they are in the habits of retaliation, perhaps without attending precisely to the nations from which the injuries are received. They will continue to retaliate, or they will apply to the Governor of the Western Country (through which the Indians must pass to attack them) for redress;—if he cannot redress them (and in the present circumstances he cannot) they also will march thro' that country to redress themselves, and the government will be laid prostrate.—The United States on the other hand, are at peace with several of the nations; and should the resentment of these people fall upon any of them, which it is likely enough to happen, very bad consequences may follow; for it must appear to them that the United States either pay no regard to their treaties, or that they are unable or unwilling to carry their engagements into effect. Remonstrances will probably be made by them also to the Governor, and he will be found in a situation from which he can neither redress the one, nor protect the other; they will unite with the hostile nations, prudently preferring open war to a delusive and uncertain peace.
By a resolution of the late Congress, the Governor of the Western Territory had power in case of hostilities, to call upon Virginia and Pennsylvania, for a number of men to act in conjunction with the continental troops, and carry war into the Indian settlements; that resolution, it is supposed, is now no longer in force. The revival of it might be of use, as it would tend to conciliate the western people, by shewing them that they are not unattended to;—and would in some measure justify me, in holding a language to the Indians, which might obviate the necessity of employing a force against them.
The handful of troops, Sir, that are scattered in that country, though they may afford protection to some settlements, cannot possibly act offensively by themselves.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. The President of the United States.
This message was referred to a select committee. The House then proceeded in the amendments reported by the committee, to the judicial bill, and having gone thro' the same, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow. And then the House adjourned.
THURSDAY, SEPT. 17. Sundry petitions were read and committed. Mr. BOUDINOT of the committee on the message received yesterday, brought in a bill to recognize the establishment of troops on the Western Frontiers—read the first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole to be taken up to-morrow.
Mr. GOODHUE of the committee appointed for the purpose, brought in a bill to amend that part of the Collection Law, by which the Rouble of Russia is estimated at 100 cents, and to fix it at 66 cents—this bill to be in force till the end of the next session of Congress.
The bill for the temporary establishment of the Post-Office, was read a second and third time, and passed the House.
Mr. BALDWIN of the committee of conference, on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses, respecting the salary of the Vice President, reported that the committees had come to no agreement.
A motion was then made by Mr. STONE, that the House should recede from their disagreement to the amendment of the Senate, which after some debate was negatived, and the House resolved to adhere to their disagreement.
Mr. SHERMAN, in the conversation on this motion, observed, that he had a high esteem for the person of the present Vice President, as a man of abilities, integrity and patriotism. His eminent services during the whole course of the late contest, were a sufficient eulogium, and rendered any other unnecessary. He had, he said, in an uncommon degree, one virtue which was rarely found; a faculty of uniting dignity with economy. He thought therefore that it was unnecessary, at present, to allow the Vice President so large a salary as six thousand dollars, especially, considering the present low state of our finances.
The bill for the establishing Judicial Courts in the United States with the amendments, was read the third time.
Mr. GERRY then rose, and stated a number of objections against passing this bill—these went to its principles and operation. But he further observed, that as it is acknowledged the bill is an experiment, and as it has been precipitated thro'
the House he wished if it did pass, that a clause to limit its duration might be added.
Mr. JACKSON, Mr. BURKE, and Mr. STONE also objected to passing the bill—they observed that the bill is oppressive in its nature, and will have a mischievous operation.
Mr. MADISON and Mr. BENSON made a few observations in reply.—As to the bill's being experimental, it was said, that all legislative acts are necessarily of that nature, and must be so, till mankind possess perfect wisdom and foreknowledge.—The bill may not exactly suit any one member of the House, in all its parts—but it is as good as we can at present make it.—It is absolutely necessary that a judicial law should pass the present session: Experience may point out its defects. As to its being precipitated, it was observed, that the bill had been in existence many months—had been printed for the inspection of the members, and had been a long time in their hands.—That it had undergone a lengthy discussion in committee—after which it had been taken up in the House, when numerous amendments had been proposed and agreed to.—From these considerations it was inferred, that the observation of the gentleman, that the bill had been precipitated was unjust.
On the question, Shall the bill pass? Mr. BURKE called for the Ayes and Noes, which are as follows—
AYES. Messrs. Ames, Baldwin, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Carroll, Clymer, Coote, Fitzsimons, Folsom, Gale, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Huntington, Lawrence, Lee, Madison, Moore, P. Muhlenberg, Page, Schureman, Scott, Sherman, Silvester, Sinnickson, Smith, (M.) Smith, (S. C.) Thatcher, Trumbull, Vining, Wadsworth, White, Wynkoop. 37. NOES. Messrs. Bland, Burke, Coles, Floyd, Gerry, Grout, Hathorn, Jackson, Livermore, Matthews, Parker, Van Rensselaer, Sneyd, Stone, Sumpter, Tucker. 16.
Mr. BENSON, introduced the following resolution—That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to the House an estimate of the sums necessary to be appropriated the present session of Congress for payment of the civil list—the department of war, and warrants drawn on the Treasury, which have not been discharged—and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill pursuant thereto—laid on the table.
The bill for establishing the salaries of the judicial department, was read a first and second time, and ordered to be taken up to-morrow.
   Salaries proposed are as follows: 4,500 dollars per annum.     Chief Justice, 4,500   Judges of the Supreme Court each 4,000   Judge of District of Maine 800   New-Hampshire 1,000   Massachusetts 2,000   Connecticut 1,250   New-York 2,000   New-Jersey 1,200   Pennsylvania 2,000   Delaware 800   Maryland 1,600   Virginia 2,250   Kentucky 800   South-Carolina 2,000   Georgia 1,600   Attorney General 2,000  
Mr. GERRY introduced a resolution that the Secretary of State be directed to procure, from time to time, such statutes of the several States as may not be already in his office.
On motion of Mr. GERRY, the committee of ways and means were discharged, and the several matters committed to them referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The House then, according to the order of the day, went into a committee of the whole on the bill for fixing the permanent seat of government.
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair. Mr. Vining moved that the first paragraph of the bill be struck out in order to insert one to this effect—That a district of ten miles square, comprehending the borough of Wilmington in the State of Delaware, to be located as hereafter directed, should be selected as the seat of government of the United States, until a more eligible place should be fixed on, for the permanent seat; and that measures should be taken to accommodate Congress within that district, as soon as conveniently might be. Provided that no cession be accepted till acts should be passed by the States of Delaware and Maryland, to open a water communication between the bay of Chesapeake and Delaware.
This motion was negatived. Ayes 23. Noes 28. Mr. GAIEN then moved to amend the first clause, by annexing the following proviso—That no district be accepted as aforesaid, until the President of the United States should be satisfied of the practicability of effecting a navigation from the seat of government to the mouth of the said river; and that this law should not be carried into effect, until the States of Pennsylvania and Maryland should pass acts (not including any expence to the said States) providing for removing the obstructions of the same.
A division of this motion was called for, at the word "river," and the question on the first part was negatived. Ayes 25. Noes 29. The question on the second part was then put, and the committee was equally divided. Ayes 27. Noes 27. The chairman gave the casting vote in the affirmative.
The committee then rose and reported, and the House took up the report.
The amendment adopted by the committee, on the motion of Mr. GALE, was agreed to. Ayes 28. Noes 26.
Mr. GALE then moved to insert after the words "Susquehanna in the State of Pennsylvania" the words "or Maryland."
On the question upon this motion there was an equal division of the House, and the speaker gave the casting vote in the negative.
The further consideration of the bill was postponed till to-morrow, and the house adjourned.
FRIDAY, SEPT. 18. A bill making provision for the invalids of the United States, was read.
A petition from the Rev. Wm. Stoy, stating that he had discovered an effectual remedy for the Hydrophobia, and praying the house that in their wisdom they would devise some way by which the public may be benefited by the remedy, and the inventor recompensed for his expence and time in making the discovery, laid on the table.
The bill to amend the part of the Collection Law, which estimates the Rouble of Russia at 100 cents, was read a second time, and ordered to be engrossed.
The enrolled bill for the temporary establishment of the Post-Office, was brought in and signed by the Speaker.
A petition from BARNES, Attorney to JAMES RUMSEY, respecting a variety of curious discoveries, and original inventions of the said Rumsey was read, and laid on the table.
The motion of Mr. GERRY, enjoining on the Secretary of State the procuring such Statutes of the respective States as are not in his office, was read, and adopted, and ordered to be sent to the Senate for their concurrence.
The report of the committee on the motion of Mr. WHITE, respecting the cession of lands made by the State of Virginia, &c. was read, and referred over to the next session.
The House then went into a committee of the whole on the bill for establishing the salaries of the Judicial Department.
Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair. The Bill was then read, and on motion of Mr. GOODHUE to strike out 4500 dollars, the proposed salary of the Chief Justice, and to insert 3000. A lengthy debate ensued. The committee finally agreed on the following salaries, viz. pr. ann.
   Chief Justice, 4000 dollars,   Judges of the Supreme Court, each 3000   Judge of District of Maine 800   New-Hampshire, 1000   Massachusetts, 1200   Connecticut, 1000   New-York, 1500   New-Jersey, 1000   Pennsylvania, 1600   Delaware, 800   Maryland, 1500   Virginia, 1800   Kentucky, 800   South Carolina, 1800   Georgia, 1600   Attorney General, 2000  
The committee then rose. A message was received from the Senate, with the resolution respecting the Statutes of the respective States, concurred. Adjourned till to-morrow, 10 o'clock.
NEW-YORK, SEPTEMBER 19.
ADDITIONAL APPOINTMENTS SINCE OUR LAST.
The President of the United States has been pleased to nominate and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate to appoint SAMUEL MEREDITH, Esq. of Philadelphia, Treasurer of the United States; and Major WILLIAM MC PHERSON, Surveyor of Philadelphia, vice SAMUEL MEREDITH.
The Legislature of Pennsylvania has agreed upon calling a Convention for the purpose of revising and amending their State Constitution: The people of that Commonwealth are remarkably united in the measure: The Convention is to meet in Philadelphia, on the 4th Tuesday of November next.
The Legislature has also at its present session, ceded to the United States the exclusive jurisdiction over such district as may become the seat of the Federal government in that Commonwealth.
English accounts of French affairs exhibit a very uncertain state of their real situation. It appears from them that the recent compliance of the King with the demands and requests of the TIERS ETAT, was a temporizing measure, and only designed to amuse, while preparations were made to reestablish the power of the crown upon its former foundation: Should this be the case, the question is, whether it is probable that in this enlightened age the people can be so deceived? If it is, the reign of liberty is not yet commenced in France. Should the people be triumphant, may they be so wise as to establish a just and equal form of government, and not do as their neighbors, who when they had destroyed one tyrant set up another.
Mankind are prone to extremes, and too seldom learn wisdom but in the school of experience: The transitions from rule and order are infinitely easier and more rapid to licentiousness and confusion, than from the latter to the former. At the moment of peace we found ourselves in a very unenviable situation: A sense of common danger had kept us in union with each other, without the restraints of law; but the period, tho' not a long one in the age of a nation, was sufficient to relax our principles, and to infuse very pernicious maxims into the minds of a great proportion of our citizens: Many were ready to say, that a state of nature was preferable to the restrictions of civilized society, and that human nature, especially the American human nature, was so refined, and so enlightened, that we should spontaneously do right.—Experience only taught us the delusive nature of our sentiments, and so gradual has our recovery been, that almost seven years of peace have scarcely brought us back to our senses.
From realizing that we are composed of the same materials with the rest of mankind, and require the aid of government to make life tolerable, and to secure the blessings of freedom, property and peace, we have been led to the adoption of a constitution of government: It is devoutly to be wished that we may continue to discern wherein our true interest lies, by giving the government we have erected, that support which may realize to ourselves and posterity the happiness, which under its auspices we so fondly anticipate.
Monday evening last THE PRESIDENT of the United States, his Lady, and Family, and several other persons of distinction, were pleased to honor Mr. BOWEN's exhibition of WAX WORK, with their company, at No. 74, Water Street, and appeared exceedingly well pleased with the late improvements made by the proprietor.
On Wednesday morning the 16th inst. departed this life, in the 33d year of his age, JOB SUMNER, Esq. late Major in the Massachusetts line of the Continental army: His remains were on the succeeding day, attended to St. Paul's Church Yard, where they were solemnly deposited with military honors.
Order of Procession.
   Regiment of Artillery with reversed Arms.   Drums muffled and Fifes in mourning.   State Society of the Cincinnati.   Band of Music in mourning.   Clergy.   Col. BAUMAN, CORPS. Col. PLATT,   Col. WALKER, Col. SMITH,   Col. HAMILTON, Col. WHITE,   Col. WILLET, Gen. WEBB,   Mourners of { VICE PRESIDENT. {   SENATORS & REPRESENTATIVES. {   SECRETARY AT WAR. {   Other SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES. {  
With a number of respectable citizens, closed the solemn procession.
His military friends, being witnesses of his abilities and virtues as a soldier, shed the tear of sorrow on his grave, and the citizens of New-York, recollecting the protection afforded them on the evacuation, by the troops under the immediate command of their departed friend, gave a sigh to his memory, and generously paid the last friendly tribute to his virtues.
Saturday 5th inst. died at the hospitable mansion of JOHN SMOOT, Esq. of Dorchester county, on the Eastern shore of the State of Maryland, Capt. JOSEPH CUNNINGHAM, late of Boston, Massachusetts.
EXTRACTS.
IF the GOLDEN LAW OF LIBERTY was observed—IF ALL WERE RESTRAINED FROM DOING INJURY TO ANY, what a Heaven we should speedily see upon earth! The habit of such a restraint, would, in time, suppress every emotion to evil. The WEAK would have the strength of this law for their support—the poor would have the benevolence of it for their riches. Under the light and delightful yoke of such a restraint, how would industry be encouraged! and how sweet would be the secure rewards of labor! how would benignity rejoice to call neighbors, friends, and strangers to come and participate of the fruits thereof.
How has the sacred name of liberty been perverted and profaned by the mouths of madding demagogues at the head of a deluded rabble, who mean nothing better than a licentious unmuzzling from all restraint, that they may ravage and lay desolate the works and fruits of peace, law, and justice.

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED, (IN CONTINUATION.)
LET us now consider what would have been the fate of Æmilius , if Rome had been governed at this time by Nedham's succession of the people's representatives, unchecked by a senate. It is plain he must have given into the common practice of flattering, caressing, soothing, bribing, and cajoling the people, or never have been successful, never commanded armies, never triumphed. An example more destructive of our author's system can scarcely be found, and yet he has the inadvertence at least to adduce it in support of his Right Constitution of a Commonwealth. It has been necessary to quote these anecdotes at some length, that we may not be deceived by a specious show, which is destitute of substance, truth, and fact, to support it.
But how come all these examples to be patricians and senators, and not one instance to be found of a plebeian commander who did not make a different use of his power?
There is a strange confusion or perversion in what follows: "Rome never thrived until it was "settled in a freedom of the people." Rome never was settled in a freedom of the people; meaning in a free state, according to our author's definition of it, a succession of the supreme authority in the people's representatives. Such an idea never existed in the Roman commonwealth, nor even when or before the people made Cæsar perpetual dictator. Rome never greatly prospered until the people obtained a small mixture of authority, a slight check upon the senate, by their tribunes. This therefore, is proof in favor of the mixture, and against the system of our author.
"Freedom was best preserved, and interest "best advanced, when all places of honor and "trust were exposed to men of merit, without "distinction." True, but this never happened till the mixture took place.
"This happiness could never be obtained, until "the people were initiated in a capacity of pre- "fering whom they thought worthy, by a free- "dom of electing men successively into their su- "preme offices and assemblies." What is meant here by supreme offices? There were none in Rome but the dictators, and they were appointed by the senate, at least until Marius annihilated the senate, by making the tribes omnipotent. Consuls could not be called supreme officers in any sense. What is meant by supreme assemblies? There were none but the senate. The Roman people never had the power of electing a representative assembly. "So long as this custom continued, and merit took place, the people made "shift to keep and increase their liberties." This custom never took place, and, strictly speaking, the Roman people never enjoyed liberty. The senate was sovereign till the people set up a perpetual dictator.
"When this custom lay neglected, and the "stream of preferment began to run along with "the favor and pleasure of particular powerful "men, then vice and compliance making way "for advancement, the people could keep their "liberties no longer; but both their liberties "and themselves were made the price of every "man's ambition and luxury." But when was this? Precisely when the people began, and in proportion as they approached to, an equality of power with the senate, and to that state of things which our author contends for; so that the whole force of his reasoning and examples, when they come to be analyzed, conclude against him.
The eighth reason, why the people in their assemblies are the best keepers of their liberty, is, "because it is they only that are concerned in "the point of liberty." It is agreed that the people in their assemblies, tempered by another coequal assembly, and an executive coequal with either, are the best keepers of their liberties. But it is denied that in one assembly, collective or representative, they are the best keepers: it may be reasonably questioned, whether they are not the worst; because they are as sure to throw away their liberties, as a monarch or a senate untempered are to take them; with this additional evil, that they throw away their morals at the same time; whereas monarchs and senates sometimes by severity preserve them in some degree. In a simple democracy, the first citizen, and the better sort of citizens, are part of the people, and are equally "concerned" with any others "in the "point of liberty." But is it clear that in other forms of government "the main interest and "concernment, both of kings and grandees, lies "either in keeping the people in utter ignorance "what liberty is, or else in allowing and pleasing "them only with the name and shadow of liberty "instead of the substance?" It is very true that knowledge is very apt to make people uneasy under an arbitrary and oppressive government: but a simple monarch or a sovereign senate, which is not arbitrary and oppressive tho' absolute, if such cases can exist, would be interested to promote the knowledge of the nation. It must, however, be admitted, that simple governments
will rarely if ever favor the dispersion of knowledge among the middle and lower ranks of people. But this is equally true of simple democracy: the people themselves, if uncontrolled, will never long tolerate a freedom of inquiry, debate, or writing; their idols must not be reflected on, nor their schemes and actions scanned, upon pain of popular vengeance, which is not less terrible than that of despots or sovereign senators.
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES. Written by a citizen of Philadelphia in 1783. (Continued from No. XL.)
TO escape the ruinous effects of this mode of supply, I think every exertion should be made to obtain our supplies at home; it is certainly very plain our country is not exhausted, it is full of every kind of supply which we need, and nothing further can be necessary, than to find those avenues from the sources of wealth in the hands of individuals, which lead into the public treasury, those ways and proportions that are most just, most equal, and most easy to the people. This is the first great art of finance, that of economy in expenditures, is the next. Any body may receive money and pay it out; borrow money and draw bills; but to raise and manage the internal revenue, so as to make the wealth of the country balance the public expenditures, is not so easy a task, but yet I think not so hard as to be impracticable; unless this can be done, the greatest conceivable abilities must labor in vain, for it is naturally impossible that any estate which can not pay its expenditures, should continue long without embarrassment and diminution, the load of debt must continually increase, and the interest will make a continual addition to that debt, and render the estate more and more unable every year to clear itself; but if the estate can pay its expenditures, it is the height of madness not to do it. If revenues can be spared sufficient to discharge the interest of the debt, so as to stop its increase, the estate may be saved, and a future increase of revenue may in time wipe off the principal; but no hope is left, if interest upon interest may continue to accumulate. And as the interest of every individual is inseparably connected with the public credit or state of the finances, it follows that this affair becomes a matter of the utmost concern and very important moment to every person in the community, and therefore ought to be attended to as a matter of the highest national concern; and no burden ought to be accounted too heavy, which is sufficient to remedy so great a mischief. It may be objected to all this, that the duties I propose are so extremely high, that first, They will hurt our trade : And second, Can have no chance of obtaining a general consent . To the first I answer—As far as this tax tends to lessen the importation of hurtful luxuries and useless consumptions, it is the very object I have in view; and it is so very light on all other articles, that the burden will be almost insensible. But as to the second objection—it is in vain to trifle with a matter of such weight and importance, or weary our people with small plans and remedies utterly inadequate to the purpose. In weighty matters, weak half-assured attempts will appear to every one to be labor lost, and a ridiculous disproportion of the means to the end; it is better in itself, as well as more likely to succeed with the people, to take strong hold, and, with a bold firm assurance, propose something, which when done, will be an adequate and effectual remedy.—Our national debt, including the supplies for the present year, I am told, by the Financier's estimate delivered to Congress, amounts to about thirty-five millions of dollars, the annual interest of which will be some what above two millions of dollars, which, I think, may be raised by the tax I propose; tho' it is impossible to tell with much precision, what the proceeds of a tax will be which has not been tried, it is very plain that the proceeds will be large, and so calculated as to be almost wholly a clear saving, not to say a benefit to the country; and if there should be deficiencies, a small additional tax may be laid in the usual way to supply them. Our annual expenditures, on the peace establishment, may, I think, be reduced to a quarter or third of a million dollars, and perhaps, if our national debt was liquidated as it ought to be, a great saving might be made both of principal and interest; but the detail of these matters is in every ones power who has leisure and proper documents to make the calculations.—Without descending to minutiae, I only mean to examine the great principles of resource and mode of supply which is within our power, and give my reasons as clear as I can for adopting a practical trial. Such a practice would doubtless discover many things which no foresight can reach, and experience only can elucidate. it is an untrodden path which I recommend, and tho' it can not be perfectly known yet it seems to have such an appearance of advantage as deserves a trial. The expense and difficulty of collection will be no greater on the high tax I propose, than it would be on a trifling one, which would produce less than a
tenth part of the supply which this would furnish, and therefore, if it should be judged prudent to make the trial, I think it most advisable to take it up on such a large scale as will make it sufficiently productive, to become an object worthy of strong effort and persevering diligence, in order to give it full effect. (To be continued.)
CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES. Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
An ACT for establishing the SALARIES of the executive OFFICERS of GOVERNMENT with their ASSISTANTS and CLERKS.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be allowed to the officers hereafter mentioned, the following annual salaries, payable quarterly at the Treasury of the United States: To the Secretary of the Treasury three thousand five hundred dollars; to the Secretary in the department of State, three thousand five hundred dollars; to the Secretary in the department of war, three thousand dollars; to the Comptroller of the Treasury, two thousand dollars; to the Auditor, fifteen hundred dollars; to the Treasurer, two thousand dollars; to the Register, twelve hundred and fifty dollars; and to the Governor of the Western Territory, for his salary as such, and for discharging the duties of Superintendent of Indian affairs in the northern department, two thousand dollars; to the three Judges of the Western Territory, each eight hundred dollars; to the Assistant of the Secretary of the Treasury, fifteen hundred dollars; to the Chief Clerk in the department of State, eight hundred dollars; to the Chief Clerk in the department of war, six hundred dollars; To the Secretary of the Western Territory seven hundred and fifty dollars; to the principal Clerk of the Comptroller, eight hundred dollars; to the principal Clerk of the Auditor, six hundred dollars; to the principal Clerk of the Treasurer six hundred dollars.
And be it further enacted , That the heads of the three departments first above mentioned, shall appoint such Clerks therein respectively as they shall find necessary, and the salary of said Clerks respectively shall not exceed the rate of five hundred dollars per annum.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, SEPTEMBER the 11th, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
THE NATIONAL MONITOR. No. XX.
Be steady patriots to your public trust, A fickle Legislature is unjust; Perverse, capricious, positive and vain, Should seraphs govern, grumblers would complain.
MANKIND generally acknowledge the necessity, and importance of government; but few will recognize their individual duty to support and defend the institution. As it originated in necessity, so its existence appears to be perpetuated more from that cause than from the reason and fitness of things. To what else can be imputed the uniform conduct of the civilized world with respect to this momentous concern. Men grow disgusted with old establishments, and clamor for new ones: They anticipate every blessing from change: But under the wisest institutions, the voice of discontent and sedition is heard. They give their suffrages for their best men, and immediately find fault with the work of their own hands—the agents of their own choice. This is not an exaggeration; experience has testified to its truth. To what shall we attribute this propensity, which militates so essentially with human happiness? It is owing to the versatility of human nature; a quality which requires all the wisdom, fortitude and address which can result from the best principles, and best experience, to counteract its baneful effects.
While the New Constitution was in its ratifying progress, this querulous temper discovered itself; for altho' the whole continent was groaning under the pressure of those evils which flowed from the inadequacy and weakness of the old confederation: And tho' the universal voice called for an alteration, yet as soon as the deliberations of that enlightened body of men, the chosen, confidential, tried patriots of America who formed the Continental Convention, were known, and the Constitution they had formed, was proposed to the people, the product of their labors was assailed, misconstrued and ridiculed; their motives were impeached; their characters traduced; their abilities depreciated; and their whole conduct in convention vitified. Which is the character among the whole, that escaped the venom of slander, and the poisoned arrows of defamation? While mankind continue what they are, a series of similar conduct may be expected.—There are many persons in every society who hold opinions hostile to all good government; there are others who are of so captious and uneasy a disposition, that it seems as if they had sworn eternal enmity to candor and peace: There are others, whose evil dispositions delight in disorder and confusion. These classes, united to a numerous body of disappointed expectants, form the phalanx of opposition to "the Powers that be." From such beings, the wisest and best institution that ever existed, will meet with assaults—and from attacking the form of the Government, the transfer of their evil offices to the administration of it. It will therefore be of great consequence to the peace, freedom and security of the Union, that particular attention should be paid to the sources, from whence originate the insinuations, the slanders and calumnies against public characters. This subject shall be pursued in a future number.