Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-02-29 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 88, of Vol. III.]
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 29, 1792.
[Whole No. 296.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
If a people are to be governed by force, perhaps they cannot know too little—the more ignorance, the more peace and quietness. But in a free country, the people in effect govern themselves. The more knowledge is spread among them, the better. The reason and good sense of the public, make the task light to those who administer its affairs.
Experience has verified, and is every day confirming these observations. We are to thank the good sense of the great body of the American nation for the happy constitution we enjoy. The people saw and felt the necessity of a firmer government, and their understandings approved the plan which was submitted to their consideration. All Europe saw with astonishment a whole people quietly reasoning down a defective government, and maturing a revolution which has diffused a lustre on the national character. As no other people ever did the like, it may not be deemed arrogant to conclude, that no nation has been so generally well-informed as to admit of it. The fact does more honor to the great body of our citizens, than victorious fleets and armies ever procured for a nation.
These reflections afford all the hope we have of the continuance and prosperity of the national government. At this time, it is peculiarly consoling to a friend of the country to recollect these facts, so honorable to our citizens. For the number and nature of the late publications against the government and its measures, many of them signally virulent in their spirit, and profligately bold in their assertions, would have an alarming influence upon public order and tranquility, if our countrymen in general were not greatly superior both in virtue and discernment to these writers. But as the good sense of the people caused the government to have a being, it may be relied on to support it. It is only necessary to warn them that men are not wanting who would destroy it if they could. Indeed if the numerous writers against its measures believe their own charges, they may be excused for the attempt. If from its funding law, from the impure fountains of corruption and speculation, flow streams which will poison your country and your prosperity, if under the sanction of that law plans of oppression are laid, equally injurious to the general welfare as any practised under the British jurisdiction, if thou took up arms against oppression, you are (as it is intimated) ready bridled and fuddled for your representatives, with whips in their hands, to ride you from one end of the United States to the other. The inference is natural and warrantable, that these writers with to destroy the government which is the cause of all this evil.
The newspapers have poured forth a torrent like the Ioul speciem-given above. Men of sense and virtue read these effusions with proper contempt. They deserve to be further discountenanced—for so the public is too well informed to be imposed upon by these means, yet there is a disgrace suffered by their publication. The moral state of a country may be known, and it is also considerably influenced by the manner in which political disputes are managed.
If the charges against men and measures are usually made temperately and supported by argument, you may be sure the people are thought capable of conviction by those means, and by no other. The people are some improved, and not the worse served in consequence. But when the basest suspicions are insinuated without any proof, and the most absurd and unfounded assertions are solemnly made, the writers must depend for success upon the baseness of their readers. The worst of men are the most easy to believe evil reports. It truth is treated with total disregard in the public papers, no man will doubt that the tendency is pernicious to morals. The public are in danger of being corrupted by the daily example of men who let their passions loose, and exert all their faculties to communicate them to their readers. It is the business of education to subdue the violent passions. With every precaution they are apt enough to run to excess. But this is a course of vicious education to inspire the sharpest resentments in the readers breasts, and to indulge them by the sacrifice of the objects of them.
There are some fallhoods which affront the reader by their grossness. They shew how little the writer respects him or his understanding. A writer in a late inflammatory production, says, "The public debt became so great by the measures of the speculators to enhance the nominal value of the certificates in their possession. Who can believe (says he) that they could have arisen to a 5th, or even a 10th of the magnitude, without the interference of a system of speculation? Not a small portion of them originated, like the mushroom, under cover of the night—shall we pay taxes to discharge principal or interest of debts, created principally for the emolument of speculators?"
None who can read, are so foolish as to believe that the speculators made their own certificates, or altered the face of them to increase the sum, and that the funding act, instead of providing for an old debt contracted before the newspapers were adorned with the word speculators , created a new one for the emolument of these men—If there is weakness enough to believe all this, the writer has found a market for his work of fallhood. But the discerning reader who will despise the absurdity of these assertions, will be shocked at the profligacy of the author, who in the midst of them—says, "The all-beholding eye which controls the universe pierces thro the deception of these men (speculator) and pronounces the greatest part of their representations to be lies."—Such solemn expressions in the very act of deceiving! The reader will make his own comments.
It is not easy to believe that the people can be made wiser, or the government more honest by wicked attacks upon its measures—Free enquiry can do no injury to either. The discussion of public questions cannot be expected to be kept within the bounds of moderation and candor. But writers, even of loose principles, should be made to pay some respect to truth and decorum.
L O N D O N, November 19.
THE Spanish Ambassador at Petersburg has made a present to the empress in the name of the society of commerce at Cadiz, of several tons of excellent Malaga wine. The empress accepted them very graciously, and has permitted all such wine to be imported into Petersburg, duty free, during the year 1792.
Prince Ferdinand of Prussia and all his family were lately in danger of being poisoned on their road to Aix la Chapelle, at an inn, where some provisions were dressed in copper vessels: they were all seized in the night with violent pains, and the princess Louisa was so ill, that her life
was despaired of. They are now, however happily recovered.
A vessel is now lying in the river, waiting to carry out colonists for the new establishment at Sierra Leona. About three hundred adventurers, some of them very respectable, are upon her list of passengers.
At a late meeting of the royal college of physicians of Edinburgh, there were presented to them some scarce and curious books from the honorable Lord Hailes, with a very polite letter from his Lordship to one of the fellows, in the following words:
"Some time ago you furnished me with a copy of the catalogue of the books belonging to your faculty. While putting my books in order, I found three volumes in the medical line, which are not in your catalogue.
"I beg that the college would accept of them, not as a present valuable in itself, but as expressive of my wish that private gentlemen would follow the example, and transmit the medical books of which they may be possessed to the faculty. There they may be ornamental, if not useful; in private hands they are neither. Were this plan generally adopted, I imagine that even in this narrow country a large accession of books might be obtained. I have always had a sort of enthusiastic zeal for public libraries, where a man might have hopes of finding any book connected with the studies of the society to which the library belongs."
The Royal college accepted his Lordship's present with most hearty thanks for it, and for the letter which accompanied it; the sentiments expressed in which are so just, and so truly liberal, that there can be no doubt, if they were generally known they would be as generally adopted.
DECEMBER 10.
The situation of Lord Cornwallis is certainly to be pitied, opposed by the elements, and dependent on the faith of Indian allies. The integrity of his mind, and his high martial talents, must, however, always render his Lordship an object of respect and confidence.
This country, in conjunction with Prussia and Holland, at present plays the leading part in Europe. The distinction, it must be owned, is enviable, and it remains only to improve and secure its advantages by a moderate and enlightened policy.
The Americans are about to establish a Mint. This is one of the prerogatives of Sovereignty, which they have not exercised hitherto, being content to make use of the English and Spanish coin, which they procure in exchange for their commodities.
Lisbon is at present benefiting not a little by the access of English persons of distinction.—There are the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland, the Earl of Shrewsbury, and lately the Margravine of Anspach, who can afford together to spend about an hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year.
On Monday last arrived his Majesty's ship Assurance, from Halifax, with troops; which place she left 24 days ago. She parted company with the Argo on Sunday in a hard gale of wind. The Argo is not yet arrived. The Assurance's passage has been the quickest that has been made lately, having run into soundings in 11 days from her leaving Halifax.
A person under imprisonment for forgery has written a letter to the President of the National Assembly, in which he exculpates M. Varnier from the treason laid to his charge, and takes the crime upon himself. This, you will say, is a suspicious defence. True, but have patience; this affair of M. Varnier is one of the most mysterious, perhaps the blackest combination of guilt, that has sullied the steps of this unaccountable revolution. This is not the only letter—behold the history of another celebrated epistle;—M. Bazire denounced M. Varnier as guilty of having written a letter to a Monsieur Noirot, of Dijon, also in prison, which contained a plan for a counter revolution, &c.—M. Varnier being shewn the signature, acknowledged the resemblance of the hand writing, which he said was an adroit imitation, but denied it to be his. He was not shewn the contents of the letter. M. Bazire refused to explain how such a letter came into his possession till the High National Court should be assembled. M. Varnier, ignorant of the crime,
is committed to prison, where no person is admitted to see him, and where he remains.—Last night the President of the National Assembly received a letter from the Municipality of Auxonne, containing a declaration and a paper, committed to their keeping by a Monsieur Voulon, a locksmith of that town.
M. Voulon had received a letter by the post from M. Bazire, the Deputy, thanking him for the communication of M. Varnier's crime, and the honor he had done him in selecting him to be his accuser. Astonished at such a letter, having never written to Mr. Bazire, knowing nothing of any crime or imputation against M. Varnier or M. Noirot, he flies to the Municipality, where he makes such a declaration, and deposits the letter he had received.
M. Bazire, in his defence, produces the letter he had received, and which is his authority for accusing M. Varnier.
LETTER TO M. BAZIRE.
"SIR, "MY comrade courts the daughters of Madame Damont, inn-keeper, in this town; Monsieur Noirot, our tax gatherer, lodges at Madame Damont's—he is gone to Pontarlier for a few days; my comrade having been to see the daughter of Madame Damont, found her putting Monsieur Noirot's room to rights; he saw upon a table a letter which Monf. Varnier had wrote to him for a Counter Revolution.
He took the letter, and has given it to me; I send it to my cousin at Paris, that he may deliver it to you, for the purpose of your accusing the author.
(Signed) "VOULON."
The Assembly, upon the reading of this letter were naturally embarrassed and alarmed with a thousand successive and contradictory thoughts and opinions upon this dark affair. Will it be believed that, instead of liberating M. Varnier who has no longer any accuser, whose original accuser is demonstrated to be a liar and a forger for the worst of frauds, that they finished with referring the papers to the Archives, from whence they will be taken by the Grand Jury, and proceeded to name the Solicitors of the National Assembly in this mock trial. Mr. Garran de Coulon was chosen. There was not in favor of any other person that majority which the Constitution requires.
The High National Court is therefore to be formed, and to sit at Orleans for the trial of Monf. Varnier.
The King has refused his sanction to the sanguinary bill brought in against his brothers, officers, and nobles, who have placed the Rhine between them and the usurped authorities, which seem to exist only to denounce and provoke vengeance and forfeiture on their heads!
But when once the High National Court is instituted, the Assembly may, according to the Constitution, denounce and accuse any person before them; and it is not Monsieur Varnier, but Monsieur , and the Princes of France, the Emigrants and the Non-conformists, who are to be accused at this tribunal. Thus is an engine of terror erected against the Nobility, the Church and even the Throne, who having there no negative, no power of pardon, may see its best and most faithful friends ignominiously dragged to a popular trial, where an accusation is the sure and dreadful harbinger of a sentence.
I cannot comment upon this abominable attempt; may its violence, its evident injustice and fraud defeat its purpose; may the Clubs of Jacobines, and the Jacobines of the Assembly, detected and detested, give up their horrible enterprize in despair; but let their attempt never be forgotten!
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, Dec. 2.
The Commissioners of the Fund of Extraordinaries stated, that the sales of national property for November, amounted to 136,269,000, making with the former sales 1,117,000,000 of livres.
M. Duportail, the Minister at War, sent a long memorial on the various objects of his department, in which he announced his resignation, and the King's acceptance of it.
Several Members complained that he had not accompanied the notice of his resignation with an account of what the law required of him, and moved, "that he should not leave the kingdom before giving an account of his administration;" observing that M. Montmorin was no longer in their power.

CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 20.
In committee of the whole, on the Fishery Bill.
[CONTINUED.]
MR. WILLIAMSON.—It has been urged with great propriety, in favor of the bill now submitted to our consideration, that the operation of our laws should in all cases tend to encourage useful industry; that while we are giving back the duties on all other foreign goods which are exported, it would be unjust and cruel to refuse a full drawback of the duties on salt which may be exported, especially when the circumstances of its exportation, are attended with an increase of riches and strength to the nation. Impressed as I am with the force of these arguments, and desirous as I am to protect and encourage the native seamen of America by all prudent, practicable, and constitutional means, I shall nevertheless find it my duty to vote for striking out the first section of the bill, because it proposes to give a bounty for the encouragement of the vessels employed in the fisheries.
We have been told that the name is improper; that it is simply a drawback of the duty upon salt, and gentlemen have produced a very ingenious calculation, by which they attempt to prove, that in some years it may happen, that the whole duty on the salt will not be repaid; but they admit that in some years the drawback or bounty will exceed the duty. It is certainly their opinion, and in this we are perfectly agreed, that the money to be paid will be more than that received, else there had been no use for so large an appropriation. We shall not trouble the committee with calculations on this subject. It is conceded that the encouragement to be given probably, will exceed the full drawback of the duty on salt. In other words a douceur or a proper bounty is to be given—let us call it one thousand dollars per annum. Is it within the powers of this Congress to grant bounties? I think not, and on this single position, I would rest the argument.
In the constitution of this government there are two or three remarkable provisions which seem to be in point. "It is provided that direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers." It is also provided that "all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;" and it is provided that no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another. The clear and obvious intention of the articles mentioned was, that Congress might not have the power of imposing unequal burdens, that it might not be in their power to gratify one part of the Union by oppressing another. It appeared possible and not very improbable, that the time might come, when by greater cohesion, by more unanimity, by more address, the representatives of one part of the union might attempt to impose unequal taxes or to relieve their constituents at the expense of other people. To prevent the possibility of such a combination, the articles that I have mentioned were inserted in the constitution. Suppose a poll tax should be attempted, suppose it should be enacted that every poll in the eastern states, shall pay a tax of half a dollar, and every poll in the southern states should pay a tax of one dollar. Do you think we should pay the tax? No, certainly. We should plead the constitution, and tell you that the law was impotent and void.
But we have been told that Congress may give bounties for useful purposes:—that is to say, they may give bounties for all imaginable purposes, because the same majority that votes the bounty will not fail to call the purpose a good one. Establish the doctrine of bounties and let us see what may follow. Uniform taxes are laid to raise money—and that money is distributed—not uniformly; the whole of it may be given to the people in one end of the Union. Could we say in such a case that the tax had been uniform—I think not—There is certainly a majority in this house who think that the nation would be stronger and more independent, if all our labor was performed by free men. This object might be promoted by a bounty. Let a poll tax be laid according to the constitution of one dollar per poll; in this case sixty cents must be paid for each slave, and the number of slaves being 680,186, their tax would amount to 334,911 dollars. To encourage the labor of citizens, let Congress then give an annual bounty of one dollar to every free man who is a mechanic, or who labors in the field. We might be told that the bounty was
small, and the object was good, but the measure would be most oppressive, for it would be a clear tax of rather more than three hundred thousand dollars on the southern states.
Perhaps the case I have put is too strong. Congress can never do a thing that is so palpably unjust, but this sir, is the very mark at which the theory of bounties seems to point. The certain operation of that measure is the oppression of the southern states, by superior numbers in the northern interest. This was to be feared at the formation of this government, and you find many articles in the constitution, besides those I have quoted, which were certainly intended to guard us against the dangerous bias of interest and the power of numbers.—Wherefore was it provided that no duty should be laid on exports? Was it not to defend the great staples of the southern states, tobacco, rice, and indigo from the operation of unequal regulations of commerce or unequal indirect taxes: as another article had defended us from unequal direct taxes.
I do not hazard much in saying that the present constitution had never been adopted without those preliminary guards in it. Establish the general doctrine of bounties, and all the provisions I have mentioned become useless. They vanish into air, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a trace behind. The common defence and general welfare, in the hands of a good politician, may supersede every part of our constitution, and leave us in the hands of time and chance. Manufactures in general, are useful to the nation, they promote the public good and general welfare; how many of them are springing up in the northern states? Let them be properly supported by bounties, and you will find no occasion for unequal taxes. The tax may be equal in the beginning, it will be sufficiently unequal in the end.
We are told that a nursery of seamen may be of great use to the nation, and the bounty proposed is a very small one. These sir, are the reasons why I have marked this as a dangerous bill: the most dangerous innovations are made under these circumstances. To begin with a great bounty would be imprudent, and to give a small bounty for a doubtful purpose, might deserve a worse epithet. Half a million of dollars per annum, would have been too much for a beginning, and perhaps a bounty on the use of sleighs, though they are convenient for travelling in winter; or a bounty on stone fences, though they are durable, would not at this time be prudent. The object of the bounty, and the amount of it, are equally to be disregarded in the present case: we are simply to consider whether bounties may safely be given under the present constitution; for myself I would rather begin with a bounty of one million per ann. than one thousand: I wish that my constituents may know, whether they are to put any confidence in that paper, called the constitution.
You will suffer me to say, that the southern States have much to fear from the progress of this government, unless your strength is governed by prudence; the operation of the funding system, has translated at least two millions of dollars, from the southern States, that is to say from Georgia, the Carolinas, and Virginia, to the Northern States. The interest of that sum, when it shall be six per cent. will be 120,000 dollars; but the quota of those States, is at least one third of the whole; whence it follows, that they must pay forty thousand dollars every year, in the form of interest to the northern States. This, it seems, is not sufficient; and other measures are to be adopted for draining the southern States. Bounties to promote the general welfare, are already brought forward; we shall not hear of a bounty for raising rice, or preparing naval stores. If that was the question, the general welfare would not have such prominent features. Unless the southern States are protected by the constitution, their valuable staples, and their visionary wealth, must occasion their destruction. Three short years has this government existed; it is not three years, but we have already given serious alarms to many of our fellow-citizens; establish the doctrine of bounties; set aside that part of the constitution, which requires equal taxes, and demand similar distributions; destroy this barrier, and it is not a few fishermen that will enter, claiming ten or twelve thousand dollars, but all manner of persons—people of every trade and occupation may enter at the breach until they have eaten up the bread of our children.
Perhaps I have viewed this project in too serious a light, but if I am particularly solicitous, on the subject of finance, that we do not even seem to depart from the spirit of the constitution, it is because I wish that the union may be perpetual. The several States are now pretty well relieved from their debts, and our fellow-citizens in the southern States, have very little interest in the national funds; press them a little with unequal taxes, and the remedy is plain.
While I would shun bounties, as leading to dangerous measures, I am not inattentive to every argument that has been advanced by the ho-
norable member who first rose in defence of the bill. That gentleman tells us, that more than a bushel of salt is used in curing a quintal of fish. If this fact be established, the former act should be amended by giving a greater drawback. He says, the drawback as it is now paid to the merchant, does not operate so as to encourage the seamen who have most need of such assistance. This is very probable, and the parties may be relieved by dividing the drawback in the very manner that is proposed by the bill. If it is true that the proposed bounties, will not exceed the average of the drawback that should be paid on salt, why do they contend about names, unless they are solicitous about the precedent. If our object is to encourage industry, and to increase our commerce, by sending fish to a foreign market, we must adhere to the drawback; for according to the terms of the bill, the bounty is to be paid, though every fish that is caught, should be consumed in the country; in which case we should be paying a visionary drawback, when nothing was exported; according to the terms of the bill, there is no proportion between the labour and the reward, so far as the bank fishery is concerned; the bounty in all cases being the same.
Having exercised your patience in objecting to this new system of bounties, and having hinted on some objections to the general operation of the bill, so far as industry and enterprise, may be desired; I shall in a few words, submit the outline of a plan that seems to comprehend all the useful parts of the bill, without any speculation upon bounties.
If the drawback on dried fish exported, is not equal to the duty on the salt used in curing such fish, let the drawback be increased to eleven cents or twelve cents as the case may be. Let us suppose that the drawback for the next year, will be equal to the drawback on the last year; and let that sum of money, being the expected drawback, be divided between the seamen and owners according to the terms of the bill; the accounts must be made up annually. If the drawback exceeds the allowance that had been made, the difference will be considered as advanced to the fishery, and the allowance for the next year, must be somewhat reduced, according to the actual amount of the drawback. If the fishermen are more fortunate or more active, and the exports are increased, the allowance for the next year must be raised. The rule being fixed by law, all that remains being pure calculation, may be done from year to year by the executive. Every important object of this bill that has been presented to our view, may be obtained by safe and constitutional steps. Why should a man take a dangerous and a doubtful path, when a safe one presents itself? If nothing more is desired than to regulate and protect the fishery, the bill may be altered and accommodated to that purpose, if the theory of bounties is to be established, by which the southern States must suffer while others gain; the bill informs us what we are to expect.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 23.
Mr. Macon's motion, as amended, reads thus:
"Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury cause to be laid before the House a statement of the balances, if any, remaining unpaid, which may have been due by individuals to the United States, previous to the 4th day of March, 1789; and whether any and what steps have been taken to recover the same; and also a statement of the sundry sums of public monies, which may have been entrusted to individuals, previous to the said 4th of March, and have not been accounted for."
The yeas and nays having been called on the motion for committing the same, were as follow:
A Y E S.
Messrs. Ames, Baldwin, Barnwell, Benson, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clark, Dayton, Findley, Huger, Jacobs, Kittera, Learned, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Sedgwick, W. Smith, Sterrett, Fitzsimons, Goodhue, Gregg, Hartley, Heister, Hillhouse, Sturges, Sylvester, Wadsworth, Wayne, Wyllis—31.
N A Y S.
Messrs. Ashe, Brown, Gerry, Gilman, Grove, Key, Kitchell, Lee, Macon, Madison, Moore, Niles, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Seney, J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Sumpter, Thacher, Treadwell, Tucker, Venable, Vining, White, Williamson—27.
Against the resolution as originally proposed by Mr. Macon, it was objected, that it was informal—that the law instituting the treasury department had made every competent provision in the case—that the duty of the Comptroller was particularly designated—and that if he has been deficient, the proper mode would be to call him to an account, and if found remiss, he should be impeached. The resolution contained an imputation on that officer, and yet no gentleman had come forward with any direct charges against him. It was further said that information had been received from the Comptroller on this sub-

ject—that a compliance with the resolution would operate against the interest of the United States.
The officers of the treasury are proceeding in this business; no charge of remissness has been adduced—they have already made greater progress in settling the old accounts since the new government came into operation, than had been done in many years previous thereto; and their investigations receive no interruption but what arises from the more important business of the present government.
It was enquired what would be the effect of this resolution?—it would bring forward 1000 or 1500 names of persons apparently debtors to the United States; but the principal part of whom were either creditors, or did not owe the public one farthing. What is intended to be done as a consequence of this disclosure?—is it designed that suits shall be instituted against these persons?—that would induce an unproductive expence, to an amount which cannot now be estimated. The Comptroller is empowered by law to sue every delinquent; but is he to exercise no discretion in the discharge of his duty?—It had been stated as a reason for adopting the resolution, that its object was to ascertain to what amount these balances if any, would supercede the necessity of additional taxes—but it was asked, would the government be justified in assessing one farthing less on account of these balances, which must be considered in a great measure as fictitious?—It was further said that it was utterly impossible for the officers of the treasury to make out the statement in question during the present session.
In support of the resolution it was said that it did not imply either directly or indirectly any imputation against the Comptroller—the House has undoubtedly a right to call on any of its officers for information—it is an opinion abroad, that there are large sums due from individuals, and the public has a right to be satisfied that the proper steps have been taken to recover those sums;—those steps may have been pursued, but it is not known that they have—further it was said that this information was necessary in order to being able to form a competent judgment of the state of the public accounts—that the information in question, the House had a most undoubted right to receive; and that it was a very strange idea indeed to suppose that it contained any reflection on the Comptroller, or any other officer of the Treasury; it was further said, that no difficulties ought to deter the House from going into the investigation; it was immaterial whose names were brought forward in consequence—the balances due to the public ought to be known—That similar objections to those now offered, will always lay against going into this investigation, and in proportion to the urgency of the enquiry, will be the strength and ingenuity of those objections—with respect to the disclosure of names, it was observed that the truth once known, would set every man's character in a just point of light—the enquiry, so far from proving injurious to such characters, appears to be the most direct method to do away the prejudices and suspicions that have been circulated against them. It is said to be problematical whether there are any balances due; but if it should appear that there are, they may be obtained, and a much greater sum realized than is now thought of, and new burthens on the people to that amount may be prevented.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24.
A petition from A. M'Call, and others, merchants, praying to be indulged in a longer term for the payment of the duties on a quantity of teas, by them imported from China,—was referred to the same special committee, who have already under consideration a similar petition from New-York.
A memorial was presented, from the merchants of Philadelphia, who trade to India, China, and other parts of Asia, praying the interposition of Congress to protect their trade, by making a greater discrimination in the duties imposed on Asiatic commodities, directly imported from Asia, and on articles of the same kind imported from Europe.—Referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the Union.
The house proceeded to consider the amendments proposed by the Senate, to the frontier bill;—whereupon the galleries were cleared, and the doors continued for some time shut.
After the opening of the doors,
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—(Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair)—and resumed the consideration of the resolution, proposed by Mr. Livermore, respecting the indemnification of General Greene's estate.
After some debate, the resolution (amended as follows) was agreed to;—yeas, 25; nays, 23.
Whereas the late Major Gen. N. Greene, on the 8th day of April, 1783, the more effectually to procure rations and supplies for the southern army of the United States, became bound as surety for John Banks & Co. to Messrs. Newcomen and Collet, merchants, in Charleston, for the
payment of 87431. 15s. 6d. sterling money, being the condition of the said bond; and whereas, on the first day of May, 1786, the balance of principal and interest of the said bond, being then 86881. 6s. sterling, was paid by the said General Greene:—Therefore,
Resolved, That the United States shall indemnify the estate of the said Gen. Greene for the said sum last mentioned, and the interest thereof, "or for such sum as (upon due investigation, by the officers of the treasury, of the transaction between John Banks & Co. and Messrs. Newcomen & Collet, in which Gen. Greene was security for said Banks & Co.) it shall appear, that neither Gen. Greene, nor his executors, shall have received any payment or compensation for:—Provided, the executors of the said General Greene shall account for a sum, being about 2,000l. (be the same more or less) recovered of John Ferrie, one of the partners of the said Banks & Co. to be in part of the indemnification aforesaid, to be paid for in the name of the said executors, for the use of the United States."
The committee having risen, and reported the resolution, as amended—the House adjourned.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 25.
The House proceeded to the consideration of the amendments, proposed by the Senate, to the bill making further and more effectual provision for the defensive protection of the frontiers of the United States—whereupon the galleries were cleared.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 27.
Mr. S. Bourne brought in the enrolled bill relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, &c. which was signed by the Speaker.
The order of the day on the contested election of the member for the lower district of Georgia being called for,
Mr. Wayne rose, and after observing that the last postponement had not afforded sufficient time to receive the evidence which he meant to bring forward on this occasion, offered a resolution for a further postponement to the Monday in March next.
On motion; it was unanimously voted that a seat be assigned for the petitioner Mr. Jackson, in which he might, either by himself, or his attorney, state his objections, if any, to a further postponement.—Mr. Jackson accordingly took a seat within the bar, and addressing the chair, offered several objections to a further postponement. To these objections Mr. Wayne replied; and after sundry observations from various parts of the House, the question on taking up the order of the day was put and carried.
The resolution for a postponement was then further discussed and amended, and finally agreed to in the following words, viz.
"Resolved, That the trial of the contested election of Anthony Wayne, returned as a member of this House to represent the state of Georgia, be postponed to the second Monday in March next"—36 members rose in favor of the motion.
Mr. Baldwin informed the House that he had received certain papers relative to this election from the supreme executive of the state of Georgia, which he asked leave to lay on the table agreeable to instructions.
Many objections were made to receiving these papers from all parts of the House. Mr. Baldwin, after remarking that they contained many documents which the house must necessarily recur to in the course of the trial—and that he had so far pursued his instructions, as would fully exculpate the executive of Georgia from any charge of remissness in duty on the occasion, took back the papers.
A report was received on the petitions of the importers of teas from India, which was in favor of the petitioners—and proposes extending the time for payment of the duties from one to two years—Laid on the table.
On motion of Mr. W. Smith, the laws for the government of the Western Territory, received from the Secretary of State, were committed to the committee on the petition of Judge Turner.
Mr. Murray laid the following motion on the table:
Resolved, That the Clerk, on every Monday morning, call over the names of committees to whom business has been referred. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 28.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they recede from some of their amendments to the bill making further and more effectual provision for the defence of the frontiers, disagreed to by the House, and insist on others.
A memorial was read from the inhabitants of Chester county, (Pennsylvania) in favor of the excise law—and praying it may not be repealed. This was signed by fifty persons.
Mr. Murray presented an address from J. Churchman; praying, for reasons set forth, a speedy decision on his memorial presented some weeks since, and reported on by a select committee.
The House took into consideration the message from the Senate on which it was ordered that the galleries should be shut.
The doors being opened, the House went into committee of the whole on the militia bill—Mr. Muhlenberg in the Chair.
The committee finished the discussion of the first section of the bill; the second section which designates the exemptions being read; Mr. Sumpter moved that the several descriptions therein mentioned should be struck out.
This motion was debated without coming to a decision till a motion was made for the committee to rise; the committee accordingly rose.
The House, on motion of Mr. Williamson, took up the report of the committee on the memorial of Jolin Churchman; the report being read—a motion for an adjournment was made and carried.
SOUTH-CAROLINA.
In the House of Representatives, December 20, 1791.
Resolved, That the Delegates of this State in Congress be requested to express in both Houses of Congress the sense of this State of the propriety of Congress assuming the whole of the public debt of this State, incurred in the prosecution of the late war.
Ordered, That the resolution be sent to the Senate for their concurrence.
By order of the House,
JOHN SANDFORD DART, C. H. R.
In the Senate, December 20, 1791.
Resolved, That this House do concur with the House of Representatives in the above resolution.
Ordered, That the resolutions be sent to the House of Representatives.
By order of the Senate,
FELIX WARLEY, C. S.
A true extract, and which I attest.
JOHN SANDFORD DART,
Clerk of the House of Representatives.
Columbia, December 27, 1791.
Philadelphia, February 29.
On Sunday the 19th inst. left this city, for the Cherokee country, the six Indian Chiefs who arrived here on the 29th of December last, together with the Squaw who came with them. They were attended with six waggons, containing their baggage, provision, &c. and accompanied by a white girl, who had smitten the heart of one of the chiefs, during his residence in this city; and, it is said, has consented to become his wife.
Extract of a letter dated Cape-Francois, 24th January, 1792, to a respectable house in this city, received by the brig Pratt, Capt. Florence.
"Referring to a few lines I wrote you two weeks ago, by way of Baltimore, I have now to add, that prospects here, in almost every respect, are daily growing more distressing: the troops expected from France have not yet arrived, and the people are almost ready to doubt their coming.
"I am truly sorry that I, as well as many others, have been too sanguine in my expectations, respecting matters being accommodated with the Blacks, because I am fearful it may have induced you to adventure property to this port looner than you would otherwise have done. The treaty with them is entirely laid aside, and they have again began depredations with additional vigour. Last week the Blacks revolted in the neighbourhood of Fort Dauphin, and immediately put to death all the troops, say from 40 to 50, that were stationed at a village about four leagues from that post, and have destroyed all the plantations in that quarter, except a very few adjoining the town. Two nights ago we were exceedingly alarmed, at this place by a severe attack on the out posts of this town, by the Blacks, who succeeded in getting possession of one of the small forts, when they turned the guns on the town; but fortunately it was again retaken by a party of regular troops. Last night this town was again alarmed by small parties of Blacks, but were soon repulsed."
Extract of a letter from Cape Francois, dated January 23, 1792, received per brig Pratt, Capt. Florence.
"The drums beating to arms last night was occasioned by the negroes wading through the river, and surprizing a small fort at the hospital, which they took, and fired several shot into the town; several whites were killed, and seven negroes taken prisoners, six of whom were hanged about 12 hours after, and one brutally mangled by breaking his arms and legs, made fast to a cross, and there left to die."
FROM CORRESPONDENTS.
One man may steal an horse while another must not look over the hedge.
This proverbial saying is verified in the Philadelphia papers, by the writings which of late have pointed out the ruinous effects resulting from members of Congress being permitted to be Directors of the National Bank. Many members of the State Legislatures are Directors of the State Banks—and the propriety of their conduct has not been questioned. Have these fault-finders just received the gift of wisdom to discern the evil tendency of Congress men being Bank Directors—and is that wisdom blind of one eye, so that they can see but half the evil? It seems the Directors of the State Banks have the luck to stand on the blind side of these centinels for the public.
Congress has been wicked enough to fund the debt—and so the horn is blowed, and the world summoned to arms to defend republican liberty which is sinking under its enemies, the monied men. Congress is to answer for all this. But have not several of the States even gone beyond Congress, and given an additional two or three per cent. to such of the creditors as hold the certificates of those States? These States, however, are innocent of this mischief; and though what they have done may have increased the evil, the whole sin lies at the door of Congress.—And what is the fin?—After keeping our creditors 12 or 14 years out of their dues, we promise to pay them; and to make the promise appear better than a score of old promises which we have broken, we say, we pledge certain revenues which shall remain sacred to pay the interest. Yet for having done this, certain writers have seen fit to treat the government as bad as if it was managed by pickpockets.—They insinuate that the debt was not funded till it had changed hands. If the funding act was a long time delayed, after it was first debated, it was not the fault of the advocates of that act. They would have been glad to hasten its passage. The length and violence of the debates spread through the country as general a knowledge of the act and its principles as can be expected to accompany any measure of the government.
No New-York papers were received by yesterday's mail—Some of the Boston papers reach the Editor about once a month, others not so often.
The lines addressed to a young lady we are apprehensive would give offence—there are other objections to them.
Died lately in Pencader, Newcastle County, State of Delaware, in an advanced age, Mrs. EDWARDS, consort of the Rev. Mr. MORGAN EDWARDS.
—In the Western Country, Col. GIBSON, of the wounds he received in the action on the 4th November last.
ERRATA—In Mr. Murray's speech in our last for "the payment of the Duties," read bounties: And in Mr. Gerry's, last paragraph, after the word branch, add, which stands in need of the support of government more than any other branch in the "United States."
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
FUNDED DEBT.
6 pr. Cents 24/6 pr. 7. 123 3/4 pr. cent.
3 pr. Cents 14/4 71 3/4 do.
Deferred 6 pr. Cents 14/10 74 do.
UNFUNDED DEBT.
Final Sett. and other Certificates 22/6 110 do.
Indents 14/6 70 do.
half shares Bank Stock—104 per cent premium.

MILITIA FINES.
THE Collectors of Militia Fines in the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, and the districts of Moyamensing and Passyunk, are hereby required to collect and pay into the County Treasury, all arrearages of fines, and to settle and deposit their books and vouchers in my Office, at No. 61, Walnut-Street, on or before the first day of April next.—Wherefore Notice is given, That immediately from the said first day of April, all Collectors who shall fail in complying with this requisition, will be proceeded against according to law.
THOMAS PROCTER, L'ent. of the City and Liberties.
Philad. Feb. 25, 1792.
To be SOLD peremptorily, at PUBLIC VENDUE, on Wednesday the 11th day of April next,
THE SEAT of the late Doctor Lewis Johnston, deceased, in Perth-Amboy, containing TWO HUNDRED ACRES of LAND.
This place is bounded southerly for near a mile on the river Raritan, where it empties into the bay about 18 miles from Sandy-Hook, and affords two most agreeable situations for Gentlemen's Seats. There are now on it, two brick houses, with gardens, and a good collection of fruit trees of the best kinds. The land is very fertile, and a great part of it very good meadow; and from its situation on the river, has the advantage of fish of different kinds, in their seasons, particularly of oysters and chicken clams, which may be picked in great plenty on the flats before the doors. It is a delightful, healthy situation, capable of genteel and tasteful improvements; and as Perth-Amboy is one of the best sea-ports in the United States, and within 18 miles of the sea, the prospect of its increasing in value from that circumstance, is by no means inconsiderable.
There will also be sold, other Lots, within the bounds of the city, and about Five Hundred Acres of Land on the opposite side of the river Raritan—part of which is improved by a farm—on which there is a framed dwelling-house and barn, with an orchard of grafted apple trees, and will contain about one hundred and fifty acres; the remainder will be sold in convenient lots, well wooded and timbered, and very convenient for supplying New-York and other markets with fire-wood, timber for ship building, and other uses, the transportation by water being easy and safe.—The conditions will be made known at the day of sale, and the requisite conveyances made by
JAMES PARKER and } Trustees to the said Estate. BOWES REED, }
Likewise to be SOLD, at the same time and place,
ELEVEN ACRES of LAND, adjoining the above, the property of the Proprietors of East New-Jersey, whereon the proprietary house lately stood. The elegant situation of this spot is hardly to be equalled; it affords a grand prospect of Raritan Bay, and of the Bay formed by the waters of Raritan and Hudson's rivers, where they disembogue into the sea to the East—and a most delightful one of the serpentine course of the Raritan river, for several miles, through a rich tract of meadow to the West. The great quantity of stone neatly dressed, and brick, the remains of the house lately burned, will be nearly sufficient for a new building; and a large stone cistern, and well of excellent water, with a very convenient stable and coach-house, will greatly lessen the expence of putting the place in order for the residence of a Gentleman.—There are few situations so eligible, particularly in the summer season—when the cool sea breezes, and the elevated situations, render them places of pleasing retreat, from the confinement and sultry air of the southern states and neighbouring cities.
Perth-Amboy, Feb. 15, 1792. (cp6w)
JOHN PINTARD, SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER, PURCHASES and SELLS
PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission, at the following rates:
ON the specie amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent.
On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent.
On remittances, ditto.
Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest.
For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer.
Such persons as may incline to favor the subscriber with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch. His long experience and extensive dealings in the public stocks, together with a well established correspondence throughout the United States, enable him to conduct his operations with peculiar benefit to his employers.
JOHN PINTARD,
October 15, 1791. New-York, No. 57, King-Street.
TO BE SOLD AT PRIVATE SALE,
ALL the landed estate of GEORGE WANER, deceased, consisting of a valuable Plantation and tract of Timber Land, supposed to contain between four hundred and 450 acres, about 30 of which is plow-land and 15 of drained meadow. There is on the farm a dwelling-house and kitchen, a cooper's shop and a large barn; a well of water at the door, a good apple orchard. The house stands close on a good landing belonging to the said premises; the rest of the land is well timbered and lies within one mile of said landing, and an equal distance from a saw-mill and grist-mill and also of Quinton's Bridge, bounding on the Main, Allaway's Creek, in the county of Salem, five miles from Salem Court-House.
Any person that is disposed to view or purchase the said premises, may see the place and know the terms, by applying to the subscribers near the same.
MARK MILLER and } Executors. ANDREW MILLER, }
Salem County, 2d mo. 13th, 1792.
N. B. There is likewise a lot of Meadow ground of about 25 acres, adjoining lands of Abbott Sayres, and others, the property of said deceased, to be sold in manner as above, by the said executors. (cp4w)
TO BE SOLD AT PRIVATE SALE,
A VALUABLE PLANTATION, the title indisputable, in the county of Gloucester, supposed to contain five hundred and forty acres of Meadow Land and Cedar Swamp, situate on a branch of Little Egg-Harbour River, in the township of Galloway. There is on said premises a frame house and kitchen, a small hay house and stable. About sixty acres of the land cleared, and about one hundred and ninety of woodland, and a cedar swamp, chiefly well timbered, and about 300 acres of meadow (interspersed with fresh water flowing streams) sufficient to supply one hundred head of cattle.—The situation is allowed by judges, to be capital for raising stock.—Any person inclining to purchase said Plantation, may have possession from the 25th of March ensuing. The terms may be known by applying to the subscriber, living at Quinton's Bridge, in the county of Salem; or a further description may be had, by applying to Richard Wood, senior, in Greenwich; or Joseph Sloan, Surveyor, near Hattensfield; or of James Scull, adjoining said lands.—The place above mentioned, is a pleasant healthy country, within two miles of three grist and saw-mills: And three houses appropriated to divine worship, are about the same distance. Terms of payment made easy, by
ANDREW MILLER.
Quinton's Bridge, Salem County, 2d mo. 13th, 1792.
(cp4w)
Joseph Anthony, & Son,
HAVE FOR SALE,
At their Store, No. 5, on Chestnut-Street Wharf, A FEW puncheons choice old Jamaica Spirits, Grenada, St. Kitts and Nevis Rum, Port-au-Prince, Cape-Francois and Surinam Molasses, Coffee, Cotton, and Pimento, Hyson and Souchong Tea, of the first quality, Cloves, Cassia, and Bolton Chocolate, Spermaceti Candles and Strained Oil, Salmon and pickled Mackerel, Boston Beef and Burlington Pork, Russia and Boston Canvas, A few bales-excellent Hops, Myrtle Wax Candles, St. Martin's Salt, Madeira Wine, in pipes, hogsheads and quarter casks, And a few cases old Batavia Arrack.
February 8, 1792.
(cp4w)
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
TEAS,
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c. Of the first quality—by retail,
No. 19,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market-Streets
American Lead Manufactor.
STEPHEN AUSTIN, & Co.
HAVE just now opened their LEAD-WAREHOUSE, two doors south of Walnut-Street Wharf, adjoining their New Factory—where they have now made, and ready for sale, a general assortment of SHOT of all sizes, with SHEET and BAR LEAD, the production of the Mines in Virginia. As they have employed a number of experienced English workmen, they warrant it to be equal in quality to any manufactured in Europe, and at a reduced price from the cost of imported.
They also continue to manufacture all the above articles at Richmond, in Virginia. All orders addressed to either of the above Factories, will be thankfully received, and executed on the shortest notice.
N. B. Wanted, industrious, sober, Labouring Men, at the said Mines, where constant employ, good wages, and other encouragements will be given, means of conveyance being provided, and houses for their reception. For further particulars enquire of Messrs. Moses Austin & Co. at their Factory in Richmond, or as above.
Philadelphia, December 3, 1791. (cp4w)
PUBLIC SECURITIES,
BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
Dismal Swamp Canal Company.
PROPOSALS for cutting a Canal from the waters of Elizabeth River in Virginia, to those of Pasquotank in North-Carolina, or for conducting the work, will be received until the ninth day of April next, by Robert Andrews, of Williamsburg; Thomas Newton, jun. and Daniel Bedinger, of Norfolk, in Virginia; by John Cowper, of Gates County; and Benjamin Jones, of Camden County, in North-Carolina. The length of the Canal will be about sixteen miles; the country through which it will pass, is swampy, free from bones, and covered with heavy wood. The Canal is to be thirty-two feet in width, and eight feet at least in depth, below the surface of the earth, and capable of being navigated in dry seasons, by vessels drawing three feet water.
Good security will be required of contractors; and persons making application to be employed as managers, must produce certificates (from characters of respectability) of their qualifications for a business of this kind.
By order of the President and Directors, WILLIAM A. BAYLEY, Clerk.
Norfolk, January 21, 1792.
(cp4w)
A LOTTERY,
TO raise the sum of £ 750 for the purpose of repairing the Protestant Episcopal Church in the city of New-Brunswick, agreeable to an act of the Legislature of the State of New-Jersey, passed November 1791.
S C H E M E.
   1 Prize of 2000 Dollars is 2000     1 1000 1000   2 500 1000   5 200 1000   10 100 1000   30 50 1500   90 20 1800   1675 4 6700   1814 Prizes. 16000   3520 Blanks.  
5334 Tickets, at 3 Dollars each, is 16002 Dolls. This Lottery is composed of 5334 Tickets, not two Blanks to one Prize, and subject to a deduction of twelve and one half per cent. which is more favorable to adventurers than any Lottery yet offered to the public—and it being of such evident utility, that it cannot be doubted but the undertaking will meet with the most liberal support.
The drawing will commence on the second Monday in April, or sooner if the Tickets are disposed of, in the city of New-Brunswick, under the inspection of Col. John Bayard, President of said city; James Parker, Esq. Mayor of the city of Amboy; and Archibald Mercer, Esq. Deputy Governor of the Manufacturing Society of New-Jersey.
Tickets to be had of the following persons, who are duly appointed Managers, are under oath, and have given security for the faithful performance of their duty.
A list of the fortunate numbers will be published, and the prizes paid immediately after the drawing of the Lottery.
JOHN PARKER, PETER KEENON, ANTHONY W. WHITE, } Managers.
N. B. Those prizes which are not demanded within six months after the drawing of the Lottery, will be considered as a generous donation to the Church.
New-Brunswick, January 20, 1792.
(cp 3m)
Published, and to be sold by the Editor, price 1/4th of a Dollar, TWENTY-SIX LETTERS, On the most important Subjects, Respecting the REVOLUTION of AMERICA. Written in Holland in the year 1780. By the VICE-PRESIDENT of the United States.
Blank Powers to receive the Interest, and for the transfer of the principal of public debt, agreeable to the Rules established in the Treasury Department: Also Blanks for abstracts of Certificates, to be sold by the Editor.
The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof.
S A L E S
Of the real Estate of JOHN KIDD, late of the Township of Bensalem, in the County of Bucks, Esquire, deceased, pursuant to the Directions of his last Will and Testament.
ON Tuesday the 27th of March next will be exposed to Sale, by way of Public Vendue, on the premises—One exceedingly valuable and highly improved Farm, containing about two hundred and ninety-nine acres, situate on the river Delaware; on which is erected a handsome two-story brick house, with a new piazza in the front, two kitchens, a good barn, stables, hay-house, and other convenient out-houses. A good orchard of the best kind of grafted fruit, now in its prime; a large garden well fenced in, and in good order; and a shad and herring fishery before the door. This place is remarkably well timbered, has a sufficiency of meadow, a large front on the river, and runs back to the post-road.
One other very valuable Farm, adjoining the above; containing about two hundred and seven acres, the greatest part of which is wood-land. There are on this farm a good house, barn, stables, and other out-houses, with a young thriving orchard of the best grafted fruit, and a shad and herring fishery. It has long been a well accustomed tavern; and the ferry belonging to it, known by the name of Dunk's, is noted for being well kept and much frequented. Both the above places afford the best prospects on the river, and are remarkably healthy.
One other small Farm, containing about sixty-three acres, situate in the township of Southampton, in the county aforesaid; on which are erected two log-houses. There is a small orchard, and a great sufficiency of wood-land and meadow ground.
One Lot, containing four acres, situate on the great post-road leading from Philadelphia to New-York, and ten miles from the former. On it is a good log dwelling-house, and work-shop adjoining, with a well of excellent water at the door: now in the tenure of the Widow Ward.
Also, at the same time and place, will be sold all the remaining Stock, Household-Furniture, Farming Utensils, and Wheat in the ground.
N. B. The conditions of sale will be, one-third of the purchase money to be paid down, and the remainder in two yearly payments with interest.
(cp4w) JOHN SWIFT, JOHN M. NESBIT, } Executors. SAMUEL BENEZET, }
War Department.
JANUARY 2, 1792.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are intitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of September, 1791, and which will become due on the 5th day of March, 1792, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the states respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which such he is annually entitled.
2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form: A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:
I, A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and ending the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two.
Signed and sealed in the presence of } Witnesses.
Acknowledged before me,
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim.
By command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
The Printers in the respective states are requested to publish the above in their newspapers, for the space of two months.
ANNAPOLIS, January 1, 1792.
At a Meeting of the Visitors and Governors of St. John's College, in the State of Maryland, on Thursday the 10th of November last,
RESOLVED,
THAT this Board, at the quarterly meeting in May next, proceed to elect a Vice-Principal of St. John's College.
That it be the duty of the Principal and Vice-Principal, to teach some of the higher Authors in Latin and Greek, certain parts of the Mathematics, Logic, and Moral and Natural Philosophy; and that the departments of the said Principal and Vice-Principal shall hereafter be ascertained with precision, on considerations of their mutual convenience and respective qualifications.
That the Vice-Principal shall be entitled to receive, for his services, a salary of three hundred and fifty pounds, current money, rating dollars at 7/6 each, to be paid quarterly.
That persons desirous of, and qualified for the appointment of Vice-Principal, be, by public advertisement, requested to make application to Mr. Charles Wallace, Mr. Charles Carroll of Carrollton, and Mr. Alexander Contee Hanson, all of the city of Annapolis.
By order of the Board, JOHN THOMAS, President.
N. B. The fundamental Laws of St. John's College prohibit all preference on account of religious tenets or opinions.
As the appointment of a Vice-Principal is alone wanted, to complete the plan of this rising seminary, the Board will certainly proceed to the election at the stated time; provided a person qualified, in their judgment, for this important station, can be procured. The personal attendance of the candidates, although not positively required, will be obviously proper.
It may be useful to remark, that the salaries of all the professors and teachers have hitherto been paid with entire punctuality; and that the funds of St. John's College produce a certain annual income, superior to all the appropriations, which have been, or probably will be made.
The Printers of newspapers throughout the United States, are earnestly requested to insert the above resolve and remarks, and to repeat the publication as often as convenience will permit.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR,
A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold at the Bank of the United States, showing the Value of Gold in Dollars and Cents, from One to a Thousand Pennweights—according to the Act of Congress, ascertaining the Standard and Value of Gold.