The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-12-10 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XVIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 10th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Having read history till my mind revolted at the frequency of cruelty & wars, having read divinity till my mind was shocked at the recurrence of persecution and inverteracy, having heard conversations till my mind was disgusted at the repetition of incongruity and contradictions, I at length began to consider whether Providence had ordained that man should be always in a state of uncertainty, opposition and hostility. I took the commandments as the law of God, and examined the conduct of every nation internally and externally by that test. Is every one permitted to seek out his salvation by worshipping God according to the dictates of his conscience? Is every one permitted to pursue his own interest by industry according to the impulse of his reason? Is every one punished by laws for violation of these moral principles and inherent rights?
Is every compact with other nations founded on fixed principles of justice applicable to all men at all times?
I examined the various governments and found that all the discordance which has occurred upon the earth arose from a violation of God's commandments.
America, though composed of the most heterogeneous materials, and though by no means possessed of the most benign climate, has prospered more than any other nation hitherto, because these moral principles are most conformed to.
Human, (or as they termed themselves) rational beings have destroyed each other for this or that leader, and fathers and sons, have reciprocally massacred each other for individuals wearing a white or red robe, &c. without any real interest in the event. Were these conflicts conformable with the laws of Providence? They have also murdered each other to compel this or that outward form of worship, and Priests have sung "Te Deum" on both sides when victory ensued—Is such conduct consistent with true piety?
An avaricious passion has occasioned conquests, colonization and innumerable scenes of devastation—Has not God said "love thy neighbor as thyself." Does not man's prosperity and happiness consist in mutual interchange and reciprocation of benefits? Investigate the short-sighted policy of nations, when they pursue a partial interest in opposition to the general good—If one nation obstructs the admission of another's products, the other nation will adopt a similar system, and thus both are injured—America flourishes by a federalism of states, and the whole world would prosper by a federalism of nations. The sea, that common high way where neutrality should be respected, nay which hostile nations should not violate, is claimed as the dominion of this or that empire, and if force could reach to the winds particular classes would claim the sole privilege of using them—Can peace and good will exist amongst men when such doctrines are admitted?
Let it not be urged that man is by nature ferocious and depraved, and let us not judge from effects without tracing consequences to their causes. National animosities have originated from erroneous and contracted views of self-interest, and by the excitement of those feelings (which are given to oppose violence) to the commission of wrong—Instead of looking upon other nations as fellow-creatures and brethren of the same common parent, we have been taught to attribute to ourselves superior wisdom and goodness, and to brand others with every opprobrious epithet; in short to mark virtues and vices by a geographical chart—Providence has allotted to distinct parts of the same species different portions of the earth. The negroes are suited to a warm climate, and might exchange their produce with the whites in harmony. But ancient philosophers have asserted that they were destined for slavery—It is dreadful to consider what barbarity has been exercised under this idea, and how much both black and white men have suffered by it.
The laws of Providence are invariable, and founded in justice. Time, therefore, will unfold the inevitable calamities that must ensue from these measures, and perhaps the period is not far distant, when the
Africans will become an independent people. The nations of Europe are enfeebling themselves and subverting their influence in distant colonies, who are waiting the opportunity to throw off their yoke—America, instead of pursuing the pure principles which at first actuated her, is involving herself in the intricacies of foreign connections. Independent as she is of the partial temporary interests of other countries, she should proceed unbiased and according to the golden rule. In some respects she has set a great example to the world, but one desideratum remains to be accomplished, and that is a federalism of nations. The object seems to me easily attainable, and the present crisis peculiarly favorable. Let the Congress through the President transmit to all governments the following simple propositions. "Do you agree that the high seas out of soundings are common property? Will you refuse communication with that nation which refuses to acknowledge this general right?"
Truth needs but to be divulged that all disinterested persons may acquiesce in it; and by degrees it obtains general compliance, for all are ultimately benefited—At first some of the states rejected the federal union, but at length they all perceived its happy effects and desired to be admitted. The attempt is worth making, as it cannot be productive of any hostility and may be attended with success; and until such a plan is embraced, naval armaments, plundering privateers, and all the derangements of commerce incident thereto, must exist to the injury of all nations. Blessings will be showered down on those who can bring about this important, benevolent measure, calculated to do away the ruinous exertions that are made, vain gloriously, impiously, and destructively to rule the waves.—I forbear to expatiate; those who have the power will use the means best suited to obtain an end so devoutly to be wished.
Treaties in antient times were only private compacts, defying the limits of territories, or forming family compacts, or combinations offensive and defensive; in the course of time the usages of barbarous nations became precedents, which we now with a misnomer term laws . Before navigation had enlarged the intercourse of nations, wars being confined to the land, any neighbor, sending supplies to one nation at war, was deemed an enemy, or at any rate the supplies were confiscated—Since that period ships of war have deemed themselves entitled to examine neutral ships, and by degrees certain articles have been allowed to be transported to an enemy's country, and only certain prohibited articles termed contraband, are seizable. The armed neutrality formed by Russia, &c. was founded on the rights of nations , because it is evident that two nations at war ought not to molest the commerce of all the world. This was the first step to a federation; but as it was taken more from private pique than from a public view to the general interests of mankind, it has not progressed, and powerful fleets and predatory privateers still molest useful merchants on the high seas, and render every article dear—by checking interchange and by causing heavy insurances, &c. &c.
(To be continued.)
Report of the Commissioners of the Fund for Navy pensions and half pay, pursuant to the act for the better government of the navy of the United States. Read in the House of Representatives, December, 2, 100.
In pursuance of the act, entitled "an act for the better government of the navy of the United States," the secretary of the navy, the secretary of the treasury, and the secretary of war, respectfully report to Congress—
That on the 30th day of June, 1800 there had been received into the treasury, the sum of 23,859 dollars, 88 cents, being the proportion of prize money, so far as the accounts had been rendered, then belonging to the United States; which sum they have caused to be invested in stock of the United States, through the agency of George
Simpson, cashier of the bank of the United States, (except the sum of 32 dollars, 76 cents, still remaining in his hands).
That since the 30th of June, and prior to the 1st of October, the further sum of 6024 dollars, and 32 cents, has been received at the treasury, and is now to be invested.
That other sums have been received at the treasury since the 1st of October, which will be applied in the same manner as directed by law, as soon as the forms of office will admit.
On behalf of the board, BEN. STODDERT.
City of Washington, November 25, 1800.
Public Sale of Lots, IN WASHINGTON CITY. WILL be sold at public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the 10th day of December next, at William Tunnicliff's Hotel, ONE HUNDRED LOTS, situated eastward of the Capitol and near to the Eastern Branch ferry. The terms will be one half cash and the other half at 60 days on notes negotiable at the bank of Columbia satisfactorily endorsed.
An indisputable title will be given by GEORGE WALKER. Washington, November 26. }
NOTICE. The 27th. instant being the anniversary of St. John the Evangelist, the members of Federal Lodge No. 15 are requested to meet the master and wardens of the said lodge at their lodge room in the dwelling house of Mr. Cunningham in the New-Jersey Avenue, from whence they will walk in procession to the Church of the Rev'd Brother Andrew Thomas McCormick, who will deliver a discourse Suitable to the day.
By order of the Lodge ALEXANDER COCHRAN Sec'y. City of Washington, 8th December, 1800. N. B. all master Masons are invited to attend.
BOARDING AND LODGING. May be had for three or four gentlemen during the session of Congress by applying to Mr. Claxton, or at the Three Buildings 4 doors East of the Navy office, to WM. O'NEAL. City of Washington Dec. 2, 1800. 3*
TO BE RENTED. FOR a few months, a Two story brick house with 4 rooms, together with, mahogany chairs, bureau, sofa, bedstead, looking glasses &c. enquire of HENRY INGLE, New-Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill. Who has just received a few coal Grates in addition his assortment of Hardware. H. INGLE. Dec 8, 1800. 2w
JUST IMPORTED, IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690. A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cutlery, Sadlery, Brass Wares and Building Materials. Among which are the following Articles. Iron pots, frying pans, chafing dishes, Brass iron and Japaned Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, waiters and Bread baskets, sad irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and cross cut Saws. 56, 28 and 14lb Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. HENRY INGLE. November 24th, 1800.
This day is Published and for Sale
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE, Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A FEW remarks on Mr. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President, price 25 cents. The BEGGAR GIRL and her Benefactors 3 Vols. by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh heiress Juvenile indiscretions, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howrell. price 3 dollars, neatly bound.
JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT MAKER FROM PHILADELPHIA.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has removed his BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Footees, dress and undress Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials. December 3d. 3tw.
CONVEYANCER'S OFFICE. THOMAS HERTY has opened an office a few yards from the CAPITOL, on the New Jersey Avenue, where he will attend daily till 3 o'clock during the sitting of Congress, and in the afternoon, at his office opposite the LITTLE HOTEL—Conveyances of land, wills, mortgages, leases, assignments, copartnership deeds and dissolutions, marriage settlements and separations, letters of licence and composition, bills of sale of vessels, slaves, and other chattels, bonds of conveyance, and other bonds, powers of attorney, awards, manumissions, partitions, exchanges, petitions, annuities, post obits, seamen's wills and powers, and all other instruments in the above line, are drawn according to the legal import of the same respectively, with the utmost punctuality, accuracy, secrecy, and dispatch, and on moderate terms. Titles investigated, and opinions given where necessary. N. B. Herty's Abridgment of the laws of Maryland, approved and sanctioned by the Attorney General and Legislature of Maryland, may be had at the above office, price Six Dollars neatly bound and lettered; also Herty's Digest of the Laws of the United States, price Three Dollars, neatly bound and lettered December 5, 1800. twtf.
JOHN BARNES, FROM PHILADELPHIA, Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz. Imperial, Large Hylon, Young Hyson, Hysonkin, Souchong and Bohea. SPICES. Nutmegs, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Four bags fresh Almonds. LIQUORS. Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port, Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica spirits, and Holland Gin.
COFFEE. Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings. He has likewise for sale, ten cases well assorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes. English and American playing cards, Pasteboard per gross, Wrapping paper per ream, A case of 7-8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece. Nov. 14th, 1800.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE. RAPINE, CONRAD, & Co. Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store, Letters from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States. Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity, Arts and Sciences, Classics, School books, Novels, Romances Biography, &c. &c.—With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium, demy, and foolscap writing paper, thick and thin post, blue & common wrapping paper, best Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink, black lead pencils, parchment, playing cards, blank books, &c. &c.—All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices. Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders. Nov. 17th, 1800.
CONRAD & McMUNN HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey Avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses.—They hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 10th, 1800.
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has this day published at full length the Debates, which took place, yesterday in the House of Representatives, on a memorial presented by him in conjunction with Thomas Carpenter. While the Memorial was undecided upon, he forbore to take other notice of the subject, than that which arose from a statement of the proceedings of the house, under the hope that the representatives of the people would not hesitate to grant a request, considered then, and still considered by him as rational. The event has disappointed his expectations.
To their decision he implicitly submits. But the remarks made by several members, render a statement of his motives and conduct necessary, and a regard to the interests of the people of the United States forbids him to be silent.
The next paper will contain a statement of facts, with elucidating remarks thereon.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, DEC. 9.
The Speaker read a Letter from Mr. Condé, the present clerk, informing the house through him that the state of his health did not permit his continuance in the office of clerk, which he resigned, with expressions of regret for the necessity that imposed this conduct upon him, and of thanks for the kindness and indulgence which he had received from the House.
The House then proceeded to the Election of a Clerk; Messrs. Champlain and Newtellers, who having counted the ballots, reported them as follows:
For John C. Oswald, 51 votes. John Beckley 42
JOHN C. OSWALD appeared and was sworn by the Speaker.
The House then took up the report of the Committee to whom was referred the Memorial of Samuel H. Smith and Thomas Carpenter, desiring admission within the bar to report the debates and proceedings of the House.
The report is in substance—that it is not expedient that the House should take any order on the memorial presented.
It will be recollected by the reader, that the original motion made was by MR. HILL, which was that Mr. Speaker should be requested to admit the Stenographers within the bar.
Mr. CHRISTIE moved the reference of the report to a committee of the whole.
Mr. GRISWOLD opposed the reference.
The House divided; for the reference 43; against it 46.
Mr. JACKSON made several remarks, which we heard so indistinctly, that justice to him forbids the attempt to report them. He concluded with moving that the yeas and nays be taken; for which purpose a sufficient number of members rose.
Mr. NICHOLAS. In a government like ours, the theory of which is republican, and the practice of which, he hoped, would always continue to be republican, he considered the representatives of the people responsible to the people, by whom they were created. It was necessary to give efficacy to this responsibility that the people, who were to judge, should possess the purest information, as to, not only the acts, but the motives of the public agents. It was of little consequence to them to know what laws are enacted, compared with a knowledge of projects that were attempted or prevented, and the grounds on which they were supported or opposed—Nor could the merit of the acts themselves be understood, unless the reasons for them were stated. It was therefore, of the highest consequence that the reasons for our conduct should be clearly understood, that our measures may be comprehended, and our motives also known, that our constituents may judge whether we have faithfully discharged our duty.
Under this view of the subject, he thought it extremely indelicate to resist the admission within the bar of those persons who thought themselves qualified to take the debates and proceedings of the house. But what rendered the attempt still more improper was, its being an innovation on the practice of the house. For since he
had been a member of the Legislature, individuals of this description had been placed by the house at their ease, in a situation convenient for hearing what passed. Why is this practice, hitherto unopposed, now to be broken in upon? For such an innovation and departure from the established practice of the house, there ought to be the strongest reasons; particularly when the attempted innovation respected, and was made by, those, whose conduct was to be scrutinised.
It was not without deliberation that the practice of the house had been instituted and adhered to. Some gentlemen had, some time since, contemplated the employment of a particular individual, whose services were to be paid for by the house. But the idea was abandoned, from the supposed sanction given by such an act to his statements; whereby the house might be made responsible for his accuracy and talents.
The difficulty attending the business he acknowledged to be great. But for the reasons he had assigned, he thought the house had acted right in forbearing to interfere further than by merely assigning a convenient place to the stenographers. It was deemed safest to confide the business to persons not known officially to the house, whose own individual interest would constitute the best pledge for their fidelity. Tho' no precise resolve had been passed to this effect, it was well understood that this was the course the house meant to pursue, after having given the subject a deliberate and solemn consideration.
Shall we now, said Mr. Nicholas, after this mature consideration, on the mere suggestion of personal inconvenience, on a subject of such importance as to invite a gentleman from a considerable distance, [referring to some old plan] shall we, after the sanction of an uniform practice, fortified by the long period for which it has been observed, on the suggestion of a trifling inconvenience, which, he believed, on examination, would not be found to exist at all, adopt the innovation proposed by the report of the committee? For his part he thought they were all deeply interested in having the debates well taken, as it was not in their power altogether to prohibit their being taken.
He had heard but two objections made to the old plan. The first was, that by passing a resolve, admitting the Stenographers within the bar, the house gave a sanction to the reports published by them. The second was, that as the Speaker had heretofore had the management of the business, as it would be wrong to take it out of his hands.
As to the first objection, he thought it altogether incorrect. The resolution, submitted by the gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. Hill) which he wished the house to adopt, does not propose the selection of any particular person. It admits generally those individuals, who wish to take the debates. Can this admission make us responsible for the conduct of men we do not know, and over whom we have no controul? Have we heretofore been considered as responsible? And wherein consists the difference between our past situation, and the situation we shall be in, if the motion of the gentleman from North Carolina be adopted? We shall then only have done that, which before had been done by the Speaker. Governed by a sense of duty, the Speaker had refused admission within the bar. It become therefore necessary, in order to admit, for the house to pass a resolution. But it did not follow that the least responsibility would arise from such an act.
Indeed by admitting the stenographers within the bar, the responsibility of the House would be diminished; for if the house admitted them, no one could then say that it had done any thing that interfered with a faithful report of the debates; whereas by excluding the stenographers, the unavoidable inaccuracies committed might be charged to the house.
The second objection made to the resolution of the gentleman from North Carolina, was that as the Speaker had heretofore had the management of the business, it would be wrong to take it out of his hands.
Mr. NICHOLAS, in reply to this objection, observed that the power, heretofore exercised by the Speaker on this subject, had not been expressly delegated to him by the house. It had often been thought of, but no decision had heretofore been made. As the object asked related to the convenience of the members, he thought they were the best judges of the propriety of granting it. The inconvenience alleged to exist was entirely a matter of opinion. He thought it had either no existence or a very limited existence. As he had remarked before the subject was extremely delicate. He would
not consent to furnish room for being charged with a will to suppress the means of making an enquiry into his conduct. He believed that the innovation, contended for, would be so viewed—so far, therefore, from considering it as innocent, he viewed it as wrong in itself, and likely to be mischievous in its effects.
Mr. Otis was one of those who was not disposed to make a strong stand against the resolution offered by the gentleman from N. Carolina. He did not view the point in so interesting a light as did the gentleman who had preceded him. It appeared to him in the shape of a question of convenience; and as to his own situation it could not be affected by any permission given to the Stenographers to come within the bar. Many of the arguments he had heard implied that the situation at present occupied by the stenographers was exclusive of all others; whereas if that were inconvenient they might take any other, so that they did not come within the bar.
It is true that the stenographers have hitherto been admitted within the bar. They were admitted because there was room. But in our present chamber the room was less; nor could they occupy a part of that little without materially interfering with the convenience of the members.
In his opinion the proper question for the house to consider was, whether an admission should take place independent of the Speaker, or whether he should decide its propriety. It did not follow, if the Speaker retained the management, that the exclusion would apply to all occasions. It was true that the places, desired by the stenographers, were generally assigned to the high executive officers of the government, and the foreign ministers. But if, in consistency with their accommodation, the indulgence could be granted, during any important debate, he had no doubt of the Speaker's readiness to admit them, and they might thus obtain a temporary place within the bar.
Mr. Otis thought the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia covered too much ground. They ascribed to the friends of the report an attempt to preclude the people from obtaining all information of what passed in this house. No such design existed. For his part he wished the people to know every thing that occurred within these walls. There was no doubt of the debates, as heretofore given, being an inadequate organ of the ideas of the members—they had been taken for nearly twelve years; and sometimes they had been accurate, and at other times terribly inaccurate; and so complete had the distortion of sentiments often been that had it not been for the name that was attached to a particular speech, the member, to whom it was ascribed, would not have known it to be his. Mr. Otis would, notwithstanding, not deny the ability of a person who read the debates to form a tolerable idea of the arguments used on a particular subject.
The charge of innovation, Mr. Otis thought unjust. He proposed to leave the business as it had heretofore been left, free from any resolve of the house, to the controul of the Speaker. By this conduct no sanction would be given to the performances of any reporter; but, on the other hand, if the house passed a resolve, divesting the Speaker of his previous power, they would render themselves responsible, and would virtually give a sanction.
If it were resolved that the house should interfere, he would much rather select and pay an individual, competent to the business, and appeal, for the faithful discharge of his trust, to his candour and impartiality.
If the house passed the resolution admitting the Stenographers within the bar, Mr. Otis asked whether they would not in fact be officers of the house. The only difference between them and the other officers would be that one would be paid, while the others would not.
Mr. Otis said that, in his opinion, the most inconvenient position in the house had been taken by the Stenographer. It was near the clerk's office, between which and the bar there was a perpetual passage of the members. If an experiment were made of a position on the other side, or in the upper gallery, he was persuaded it would be found very convenient. Are not, said Mr. Otis, the galleries constructed for the express purpose of hearing? Are they not intended for the good people of the United States? And if they can hear in them, can not the stenographers also?
Mr. Otis concluded by stating the extreme inconvenience that would arise from admitting the Stenographers, the interference it would produce with the assignment of seats to the Secretaries of our Government and the foreign ministers, and with declaring his opinion that it was most expedient to adopt the report of the Committee.
Mr. NICHOLSON said, that if he understood the objections made by the Gentleman from Massachusetts to granting an admission of the Stenographers within the bar, they might be all classed under three heads
1. It would be against precedent. 2. It would prevent the members from having elbow-room. 3. There is a possibility that the Speaker may indulge the Stenographers.
As to the first objection, he would ask whether the house had not a right to exercise any power themselves that was exercised by the Speaker. Hitherto the Speaker has exercised the power, and admitted the Stenographers within the bar; he now refuses to do it, and we are called upon to perform what he refuses. If we think it proper to admit them we have a right to do it. The power heretofore exercised by the Speaker, was derived from us, according to the well known maxim, Qui facit per alium, facit per se.
But, we are told that the admission would interfere with the accommodation of the four Secretaries and the foreign ministers. Suppose it should, said Mr. Nicholson. I ask whether the convenience and the interest of the people of the United States are to be prostrated by our compliance to the Secretaries and foreign agents? It is our duty to enable the people to obtain the best information of what is doing here, that we can supply. Shall we abandon our duty, shall we sacrifice the interest of our constituents, to a sense of politeness to these Gentlemen? It would be much better to submit to the inconvenience experienced by the Secretaries and the foreign ministers, if there is not room for them within the bar, than to conceal from the people the knowledge they have a right to possess. Let, then, the foreign ministers, if there be such a competition, retire into the Galleries.
He considered the subject as of high importance both to the country, and the members themselves. They all ought to desire their conduct to be rigidly inspected.
Gentlemen say that the debates have been heretofore imperfectly taken. Will they remedy the evil by excluding the Stenographers from places within the bar? If, heretofore, notwithstanding the favourableness of their position, when silliness and silence reigned, they have been unable to take the debates with precision, can it be expected that, driven to a distance from most of the members, surrounded by a crowd in perpetual motion, they will be able more successfully to accomplish their object? Sir, said Mr. Nicholson, the expectation is absurd. It cannot be done. I have placed myself without the bar, and I declare it impossible to hear correctly. If, then, you are determined to exclude them from their usual places, you had infinitely better turn them out of the house altogether.
As to the convenience of the galleries for hearing, Mr. Nicholson was not able from a trial made by himself to decide upon it. But he had heard but one uniform opinion, which was that owing to the constant passage of persons, and the frequent crowd it would contain, it was impossible to hear there with any distinctness. With respect to the remarks made by the gentleman from Massachusetts, on this point, he thought them altogether inapposite. The gallery was not constructed by us, and if it were a bad place for hearing, it arose not from any fault to be ascribed to us. All that we did, was to open our doors to all citizens, who conducted themselves with decorum.
The personal inconvenience to members alleged, did not in the opinion of Mr. Nicholson exist. He thought there was ample room. The chamber they occupied was similar to that in Philadelphia; and the positions desired by the Stenographers were relatively the same as those in Philadelphia.—By advancing the clerk's table three feet, every difficulty would be removed.
Mr. RUTLEDGE said that the members, who had preceded him, had talked much about the necessity of giving the people correct information of the transactions of that house. He believed there was not a single member, who did not wish to impart to the people all the knowledge they could receive, and who did not highly prize the means of information furnished by the proceedings of that house. On this point there was no division. No one was desirous of excluding the Stenographers, or prohibiting the publication of debates. The only question really before the house was, whether they should persevere in the old plan; whether they should confide in the integrity and the talents of the Speaker, who had hitherto merited their confidence, or whether divesting him of his pow-

er, they should exercise a right themselves hitherto attached to his office.
Such a mode of procedure as had been pursued on this occasion was not conformable to that heretofore practiced. An application somewhat similar had been, sometime since, made to the Speaker. The Speaker decided, and the house, without debate, acquiesced in his decision. A Stenographer had grossly misrepresented a member, and when required to correct his false admission, if the speaker approved it. They stated, had intentionally refused to do it, and added to the previous injury of misstatement insult of the contumelious kind. The Speaker dismissed him from his place for this barefaced misconduct. Some of his friends made an appeal to the house. The house acted wisely, and with becoming dignity refused to interpose.
Now, said Mr. Rutledge, if any other stenographer, like the one I have alluded to, shall make it his systematic practice to misrepresent, and he continue, as heretofore, to hold his place at the tenure of the Speaker's permission, he may be dismissed by the Speaker without troubling the house. But should the motion made by the gentleman from N. Carolina prevail, we shall be perpetually appealed to, and occupied in debate. For these reasons we trusted the report would be agreed to.
Mr. HILL next spoke for several minutes, what he said was not heard, further than that he declared he considered the subject as simply involving an address to the sentiments of the members on the ground of personal convenience, and that on that ground he was ready to sacrifice any little inconvenience to the accommodation of the stenographers; stating, at the same time, his entire reliance upon the integrity and talents of the Speaker.
Mr. GRISWOLD's introductory remarks were not heard. Having raised his voice, his first words, as heard, were,—This is nothing less than an appeal from the chair. To the Speaker has heretofore been committed the regulation of the admission of all persons whatever within the bar. This is the only correct mode in which such an object can be accomplished. The Speaker must exercise the discretion hitherto vested in him, otherwise the order of the house cannot be preserved. The object now is to take this power from the Speaker, and to open the area of the house to the Stenographers, without the Speaker's approbation. It is said that only two persons at present apply. But if the door be once opened to admission in this way there may be no end to intrusion. The Speaker being divested of power to act, and the necessity of acting being evident, the house will be perpetually troubled with appeals.
In his opinion the power, confided to the Speaker, had been exercised in this case with great propriety. It must be apparent to every body that the area was too small to justify the admission of the Stenographers. He believed it to be an idle pretence, that the Stenographers could not hear. He believed it to be a mere matter of pride, which would be gratified by an appeal from the chair and a reversal of the decision of the Speaker by the house.
Mr. THATCHER, persuaded that all the information derived from the debates of this house, was of little comparative importance, when viewed in relation to the general mass of information possessed by the people, cared but little for the event of the resolution before the house. Upon this ground he felt no anxiety whatever. As a matter of order it might perhaps be of some importance. As to the convenience of position, he doubted whether a more correct account of the debates could not be given from a situation from without the bar than within it. His reasons were these. It was well known that for four or five sessions after the organization of the federal government, stenographers never came within the bar; and their positions, during that period, were as remote from the members as they are at present. Yet if any one man would appeal to the debates then taken, he would find them as correctly taken as they have been at any time since. It is true, there were complaints of inaccuracy, but the debate-takers never assigned, as a justification of their errors, the inconvenience of their situations; on the contrary they declared that they did as well as they could, and contended that their reports were as correct as the nature of the case permitted.
When the seat of government was transferred to Philadelphia, and the stenographers occupied places within the bar, complaints increased, the debates were taken more incorrectly, and two or three of the stenographers were actually turned out of the area within the bar; one of whom, he believed was sent into the upper gallery.
The incorrectness of the published debates did not arise so much from an inability
to hear, as from an inability to take down a rapid speech.
Mr. Thatcher said he believed the debates as taken down by Mr. Lloyd, were as accurately taken, as any taken before or since. The conclusion he drew from these facts was that if the stenographers were admitted by the house within the bar, the public would gain nothing by it. He had however no objection to their taking as far as he cared, take any place in the house; even seats along side of the speaker.
Mr. DAVIS had expected to hear substantial reasons in support of the report of the committee. None such had been offered. It was said that the Stenographers could hear very well from their present positions. He denied it. The reporter could not possibly hear. Though himself nearer to the gentleman he had not heard a word that fell from the gentleman from North Carolina.
He trusted the house would admit the Stenographers within the bar. If not admitted, the conversation and passage of the members around them, will at once prevent the debates from being well taken, and be a perpetual excuse for their errors. But if admitted they will have no such apology, and they will be within the power of the house.
The great mass of our citizens are too remote to attend your debates. They rely on those who report them. Not more than forty or fifty persons transiently appear in the galleries, who are not equal to diffusing a knowledge of your proceedings. Exclude the Stenographers and you may as well shut your doors. It may be said that you print your journals. But who reads them? They are scarcely read by the members themselves. On great national questions the people ought to know, not only what you do, but also the principles that guide you.
The gentleman from S. Carolina was willing to place the Stenographers under the coercion of the Speaker, but was averse to placing them under the coercion of the house. For his part he thought differently. He did not wish to see them at the mercy of the Speaker.
Several allusions had been made to the treatment of a reporter at Philadelphia who had been driven from the house by the Speaker. He recollected the affair, and in his opinion the Speaker had in this case been actuated more by personal enmity, than by any other motive.
Mr. H. LEE next rose. He spoke for some time, without our being able to hear him; and through the whole course of his speech we occasionally lost a sentence. He said, he put it upon the candour of his colleagues from Virginia to declare, whether, in his opinion, any gentleman in that house wished to suppress his sentiments, or was disposed to shrink from an avowal of them. If an individual were to judge from the debate of to day, he would infer that it was the desire of some members on that floor to conceal their sentiments from the people. No such thing was the case. We are as anxious, as those who differ from us, that the people should know what we think, say, and do.
The only question was, whether the Speaker shall exercise a certain power, which he can conveniently, and which he has hitherto honorably, exercised, or whether we shall assume it with all its inconveniences. He hoped we should not. He feared no inaccuracy so long as the debates published received no sanction from the house.
Have you, said Mr. Lee, no greater objects to engage your attention, than whether this man, or that man shall go out of your bar, or remain within it. He thought the house might be better employed.
Mr. MACON understood the subject before the house very much as his colleague did. The question was simply whether we will take upon ourselves inconveniences alleged to exist, or keep the Stenographers without the bar. He was convinced that the situations occupied by the Stenographers were badly calculated for hearing, as even within the bar the members could scarcely hear each other.
One reason had great weight with him. It was, that if the house made a rule in relation to the admission of the Stenographers, it would be placing law in the room of discretion. He ever preferred a certain rule, to a vague discretion.
The danger apprehended from a crowd of Stenographers was farcical. Since he had been in Congress he had never seen more than three or four. And if the number admitted should prove inconvenient, it would be time enough, when the inconvenience was experienced, to remedy it.
Mr. S. SMITH said, the question was entirely one of convenience. He would not ascribe to any member a desire to sup-
press his sentiments. The speeches never went forth as delivered. Yet it was desirable to assign to the Stenographers the most convenient places. He had heard Gentlemen on both sides of the chair declare they would experience no inconvenience from the admission of the Stenographers. For himself, from his situation, he could experience none. He believed, indeed, that the members could be heard from any part of the house; and nearly as well in one place as in another—But as other Gentlemen hold a different opinion, and the Stenographers had hitherto been admitted within the bar, he had not the least objection, and would vote for their admission.
In this stage of the Debate the SPEAKER rose, not, he said [the connexion of his words was here lost]—not to enquire into the consequences of the house acting in the business; but again to repeat the line of conduct he had pursued, and the motives that had influenced his conduct; he did this for the information of members not in the house at the time he had before addressed the house. The Speaker then repeated what he had before stated, for which we refer our readers to the National Intelligencer No. 16, with some additions: viz. that on being applied to by Mr. Stewart, he had declared to him his decision before any other application had been made; that he had spoke to many members, all of whom without a single exception had approved his ideas; and concluded with again declaring, as he had before declared, that the Stenographers could not be admitted within the bar without violating the order of the house, and the convenience of the members. It was, he said, for the house to decide—to them only was he responsible.
Mr. NICHOLAS understood it to be the object of those who supported the admission of the Stenographers within the bar to place them upon the same footing they had heretofore held. This was his object. All the remarks, therefore, made, respecting their independence of the chair, were inapplicable. They would still be subject to his control, except as to the single point of situation. In short the business would be restored to its old form.
His colleague had made an appeal to his candor. He wished to know whether he (Mr. Nicholas) thought that he, or any Gentleman in that house, wished to suppress his sentiments, or was disposed to shrink from an avowal of them. He would answer the appeal made by his colleague, and would tell him that he did not feel himself at liberty to form conjectures respecting the opinions of others, but decided from facts. If he heard Gentleman make use of arguments so weak as those which he had heard that day in defence of their sentiments, he would say that their feelings differed essentially from his. He would say that, judging them by their arguments, they do not wish publicity to be given to the Debates of this house.
What does the Gentleman tell us? Does it not amount to this, that their complaint for the Speaker suffer him to judge for themselves, in a case where they are the best judges; and would not this complaint go to this length, that if the Speaker should judge wrong, they will not interfere to correct his error?
We are told by a Gentleman just up, that the application made proceeds from pride, and that it can proceed from nothing else. But the Gentleman has not assigned his reasons for this extraordinary charge.
It is contended that any place without the bar will be convenient for the Stenographers. Let the place be pointed out. Let the gentlemen who urge this shew us a place without the bar inaccessible to the whispers of the members and the pressure of a crowd. Do they imagine that any particular place can be assigned, to which they can ensure a profound silence, and from which every person can be withheld? Do they not know, have they not experienced, that when business presses, when subjects of importance are discussed, a crowd is produced, noise ensues, and interposing obstacles render it impossible either to hear or see the members. In such cases, by far the most interesting that can occur, a recess within the bar can be their only protection.
The Gentleman from Massachusetts had put the business upon a very extraordinary footing, a footing that he did not expect from him. He represented that it would be safe to trust the reporters to the speaker's indulgence. For his part he did not think it would be safe in such hands. Shall the speaker have the discretion of saying what debate shall be taken, and what shall not? Shall he, and he only have the public bar? Could the speaker desire this? Surely
he could not. He ought rather to desire the house to decide generally than thus impose upon him such an invidious task.
Mr. Nicholas said he considered those who report the debates as appearing in this house on the behalf of the people of the United States, to whom they communicated what passed here. The people were entitled to this information; and it, as observed by the gentleman from Massachusetts, either foreign ministers, or secretaries, or any other gentlemen in long robes, interfered with such an object, they ought to give way. He knew not wherein consisted the propriety of assigning them particular seats—what right had they to exclusive seats? He knew no connection that subsisted between them and this house. Be the right as it may, he was not for sacrificing a solid benefit to mere complaisance.
But a Gentleman has told us that one Stenographer, for his misrepresentation and insolence, had been discharged by the Speaker. In the course of the debate Mr. Nicholas said, he had ludicrously avoided any allusion to this circumstance. Nor would he now say any thing about it, as he thought it altogether foreign from the present question.
The respect which gentlemen expressed for the Speaker appeared to him to lead them from the object they professed to have in view. For at present the Stenographers are not under the control of the Speaker. But admit them within the bar, and if they are guilty of misconduct, if they infringe any of the rules of the house, the Speaker has them within his power.
Some gentlemen apprehend the admission of a crowd of Stenographers. The thing is morally impossible. When Congress met in a large populous city, where several daily papers were printed, we saw but two reporters. Here, removed from the busy world, where the demand for that description of labour which arose from publishing the debates was not nearly so great, and of consequence the profit less, it could not be expected that there could be more.
Mr. Nicholas concluded by declaring that, in his opinion, it was the duty of the house to decide in this case. The Speaker had changed the established practice of the house. It became, therefore, the house to enquire whether he had done what he ought to have done, which, if he had omitted to do, it devolved on them to see effected.
Mr. WALN spoke in favour of the adoption of the report. The beginning of the speech we were totally unable to hear; nor did we distinctly hear it in its progress. We forbear, therefore, the attempt to report it.
The question was then taken by Yeas and Nays, on agreeing to the report of the select committee, and carried by the CASTING VOTE OF THE SPEAKER.—There being AYES, 45, NOES 45.
THE YEAS AND NAYS IN OUR NEXT.
James Lloyd, Senator of the United States for Maryland, has resigned.
Accounts from SOUTH CAROLINA derived from the fight of several recent letters, one of which is dated as late as Nov. 27, at Columbia, authorise us in saying that a regard to principle and not a spirit of local attachment prevails in the legislature of that state; from which it may be inferred, that, if the majority of the Legislature be republican, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr will be elected.
The Electors of President and Vice President of the United States for the state of New-Jersey, have given their suffrages as follows:
For John Adams 7 Charles C. Pinckney 7
We hear, without being able to vouch for its authenticity, that a FRENCH MINISTER has arrived at Norfolk.
A Letter received by a Gentleman high in Office in this City, from General C. C. Pinckney, dated Columbia (S. C.) Nov. 29th, states that owing to the absence of ten Federal members, arising from sickness and other causes, it is highly probable that MR. JEFFERSON and MR. BURR will have every vote in South Carolina.
INFORMATION WANTED.
ALEXANDER INNES, a Hatter by trade, was sometime ago on board the Constellation frigate and was in 1793 in Norfolk, Virginia. He has not since been heard of. His friends would be thankful if any persons who know anything of his situation or residence, would communicate it by letter, per post, addressed to Robert Innes, jun. merchant Easton Pennsylvania. P. S. Printers to the Southward of Pennsylvania are requested to give the above a place for a few times.
November 23, 1800.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
PARIS, October 7.
It was only this morning that Citizen Louis Buonaparte set out for Berlin.
Letters from Marseilles announce that the garrison of Malta arrived there on the 8th Vendemaire, to the amount of 6,000 men, and performed quarantine.
They write from Cadiz that an English fleet, composed of about 180 transports, convoyed by six ships of the line, had appeared before the port of that city, and were making preparations for a descent. The consternation was the greater, as the means of the defence of Cadiz are weak.
The epidemic disorder, which has made such ravages for some time, has destroyed a part of the only Spanish regiment which was in garrison. The only hope of the inhabitants is in the contagion, which they think will terrify the enemy and prevent their landing.
October 8.
The fortress of Philipsburg was delivered up on the 2d October to our troops, and General Laborde made his entry into it.
October 10.
An event of an extraordinary nature, though perfectly natural, will probably re-establish harmony between Spain and Portugal. A Portuguese fleet set out from Brazil for Lisbon, at the same time that five Spanish vessels went from Plata to repair to Cadiz. The fleets met. The commanders, ignorant of the line of conduct agreed upon by their respective sovereigns, proceeded in company, and arrived together at Lisbon. The Spanish vessels laden with 12 millions of piastres, will be deemed a lawful prize if the war takes place; but Spain, which is in want of money, will consent to a peace to obtain them.
LUNEVILLE, Oct. 6.
General Clarke, the bearer of the orders of Government, and who is to command extraordinarily at Luneville and in the department of the Meurthe, is arrived. After having conferred with the sub-prefect and the mayor, he visited in person all the houses of the best appearance; and spared no pains to procure for the members of the congress lodgings and accommodations suitable to their dignity.
FRANCKFORT, Oct. 3.
The general in chief Angereau has imposed on the city of Aschaffenburg a contribution of 600,000 livres. The elector is to pay 250,000 for his part. The first payment was made the day before yesterday.
BORDEAUX, October 1.
There passed this way in the afternoon of the day before yesterday an extraordinary courier from Paris with dispatches from the French government to citizen Alquier, ambassador from the republic to the court of Spain. He is said to be the bearer of a Treaty of Peace concluded with Portugal, at the intercession of the court of Madrid.
HAGUE, October 3.
Reports from Berlin speak of the departure of Mr. De Dohm for the Congress of Luneville.
ALGIERS, September 6.
Admiral Keith has not carried into effect his threats of presenting himself before Algiers with a squadron. A single frigate, accompanied by two boats, arrived there the 31st of August, and landed Mr. Falcon, the English consul, who three months before had no inclination to debark on finding that the Dey was not disposed to accede to the demands with which he was charged. They were chiefly for the purpose of obtaining the gratuitous discharge of about 270 Maltese, Neapolitan, and Milanese slaves, taken with English passports. The request was refused.
The Dey has coldly received Mr. Falcon, and given him positive proofs that the menaces of Admiral Keith had not intimidated him.
The new consul has made presents of great value, and renewed the treaties. A new clause has been added to them. It expressly states that Algerine property shall be respected under every kind of flag, even though it should be destined for a blockaded port. The English are to furnish in 15 days a frigate to carry to Constantinople the Vekilargi with the usual presents. On the 4th September Mr. Falcon was installed in his mission; and the same day the frigate Carolina, which brought him, set out with 22 prisoners, alledged to have been repurchased.
The following is the state of Malta, according to the last statistical accounts: The Island, which is 12 miles long by 8 in breadth, has a superficies of 9 square German miles. The population amounts to 150,000 souls. Its revenues, which are completely balanced with its expenses, amount to 30,000l. per annum. The military force which can be raised in time of war, in case of emergency, can be rated at 12,500 fighting men. The number of ships of war and galleys in 1789, consisted of ten; but from the return of those found in the harbour of La Valette it appears that their late visitants, the French, must have borrowed a few of the most serviceable, and that the remainder has been suffered to moulder into decay.
The heat in Malta is so excessive, both day and night, that the water breeds great numbers of gnats, which are the plague of that country. The town which is the Capital, is very strongly fortified—it is a Bishop's See, and is the residence of the Grand Master and knights of the Order, and has a magnificent hospital. It is divided into three parts, which are so many peninsulas, consisting of a solid rock, and separated from each other, by channels, capable of receiving large fleets. The streets are spacious, and the houses built with white stone. It is seated on the sea side, facing Sicily.
LONDON, October 13.
There is a report at Lisbon, that Berthier has prevailed upon the King of Spain to lend all his Ships to the French. It is said here, that Sir Ralph Abercromby and Sir James Pultney, with a considerable force are off Cadiz.
Accounts from Copenhagen state that the Dey of Algiers has given up, without ransom, the three Danish ships taken by his corsairs, a circumstance that has afforded the greatest satisfaction to the merchants of that city.
A letter from Italy mentions, that the King of Naples has restored Ponte Corvo to the Pope—and has given orders that Bonavento shall also be restored.
LONDON, October 14.
Yesterday a deputation of the Malt' distillers waited on Mr. Pitt, at his house in Downing Street, to endeavour to prevent, by some compromise, the proclamation proposed to be issued for stopping the distilleries.
We understand that the millers yesterday came to a determination not to raise the price of flour, although the market rose in the sale of wheat.
The board of trade have represented to the Court of Directors. "That a new and extensive market has been opened for the Cinnamon, &c. of Colombo, in the eastern parts of our Asiatic territories, and that the merchants purchasing these spices give bond, with approved securities, that they will not dispose of them to any port or place to the southward of Bay of Bengal."
It is reported that the Russian Charges d'Affaires in this country has applied for a passport to quit Great Britain. Should this prove true, it bodes evil; but we hope there is no foundation in the rumour.
October 15.
Rumours of a very gloomy kind respecting Russia were circulated yesterday evening and this morning. The return of the British Consul, who was not permitted to land at Cronstadt, was considered as a pledge of more hostile measures; and it was added, even that the Russian Charge d'Affairs had applied for a passport to leave this country. Glad, indeed, shall we be, if these rumours prove untrue; and if it shall be found that the Russian Charge d'Affairs, if he be going from this country at all, is only as some have said, going to Lisbon for the benefit of his health; and that the refusal to permit the British consul to land, was on account of the informality of his passport.
LONDON, October 18.
We learn upon more minute inquiry than could be made on the day of Mr. Shairp's return from Cronstadt, that he was permitted to land; and he remained on shore several days. The first order from Petersburg contained permission for him to proceed on his journey; but just as he was preparing to set out, a second order came for Mr. Shairp to re-embark.
The French journals state, that His Sicilian Majesty has published an Edict against the subjects of Spain, amounting to a virtual declaration of war. In this edict he is said to declare, that all
the Spanish vessels taken by his cruisers shall be considered as good prizes, and to give instructions to the Commandants, of his forts and batteries to fire upon all Spanish ships of war which shall desire to approach them.
LONDON, Oct. 18.
The American mail of the 1st instant is still detained at Falmouth for sailing orders.
On Saturday arrived at Plymouth, Sir J. B. Warren, with the squadron under his command, consisting of the Renown, of 74 guns; the Impetueux, Sir E. Pellew; the London, and the Courageux.—The transports, with the troops on board, are gone to Gibraltar.
A letter from Gibraltar, dated the 10th ult. mentions that information has been received there of its being the intention of the Spaniards to make an immediate irruption into Portugal, for which purpose a large army is assembled in Andalusia. General Berthier was at Seville. It is understood that a large British force has been ordered for the defence of Portugal.
Letters from Constantinople, dated August 16, mention the receipt of letters from on board Le Tigre, dated Cyprus, July 8, stating that Sir Sidney Smith was in good health, and that the officers and ship's company were well. Letters from the captain Pacha, written the 10th, state, that he, with the Turkish fleet, in company with Sir Sidney Smith, in Le Tigre, were on their way to Alexandria, for the purpose of commencing operations against the French.
It is not true, says a letter from Hamburg, of October 3, that the Emperor has ratified the preliminaries concluded for a separate peace by Count St. Julien. Before the Emperor signed the new convention, he demanded twenty four hours of Larochelle, but signed it at the expiration of twelve hours. Before the prolongation of the armistice was known, Lecourbe attacked, on the 21st, the famous pass of Shar-nitz in Tyrol. The result of the attack remains unknown. Nothing can equal the activity with which the preparations for war are continued in the Austrian hereditary dominions. In Tyrol, and on its northern frontiers, an army of 50,000 regulars was assembled. The Hungarians are also resolved to bring into the field an army of 64,000 infantry and 18,000 cavalry, before the middle of October. There are likewise advices, of the 18th ult. from the Russian frontiers, stating that the army under General Vonderpahlen has had orders to return to its cantonments. The Emperor is said to be perfectly satisfied with the manner in which the dispute between England and Denmark has been settled.
The elector of Bavaria every day exercises and manœuvres the 18,000 troops which he has in the Upper Palatinate.
A letter from Lisbon, dated October 3d, says—"By the Spanish post of this morning information has been received, that the mortality in Cadiz is considerably decreased. From the 19th to the 23d ult. the northerly winds had prevailed, and the number of persons dying daily is reduced from 270 to about 200. I am sorry to have to add, that the same terrible disorder has extended to Seville, where it seems to be daily growing worse. Precautions are taken to prevent its entering this country. There is a report here, that Berthier has prevailed upon the king of Spain to lend all his ships to the French. It is said here, that Sir Ralph Abercrombie and Sir James Pultney, with a considerable force, are off Cadiz."
From a London Paper, Sept. 25.
A naval gentleman, we understand has discovered a method of conveying intelligence by sound or speech to any given distance with more secrecy and certainty than can be done by the telegraph, and at the rate of ten miles per minute. Last Monday admirals Young, Mann, and Gambier, together with the honorable Spencer Percival, did the inventor the honor to inspect at one of the India Ware-houses the apparatus he has constructed for shewing the principle on which his plan is founded, and the effect it is capable of producing; and they were so much convinced of the practicability of the scheme, that they were pleased to express their approbation of it. By means of this invention, an answer to any question might be obtained from Portsmouth in a quarter of an hour. The expense of the apparatus is inconsiderable, when compared with its utility; it will, it is said, not exceed an hundred pounds per mile, and when once constructed, will last for ages.
October 2.—In addition to the account we gave last week of the new discovery
for superseding the Telegraph, we have to observe that this method of conveying intelligence can be employed not only in thick, hazy, or rainy weather, but even in the night.—The same ingenious gentleman, in the course of his researches, has discovered certain means founded on philosophic principles, which may have a wonderful effect in preventing persons from being drowned when they have the misfortune to fall overboard, particularly during the time when a ship is lying at anchor in a harbour. These means, for the good of society, he has communicated to the Admiralty and the Humane Society, in order that they may be subjected to trial.
TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW-JERSEY.
Friends and Fellow Citizens,
The present mode of electing members of Congress according to the law passed at the late sitting of the legislature, is calculated to lead you into a choice of persons for the guardians of your political rights and interests, in whom (where you have no personal knowledge of their principles or conduct) a well founded confidence cannot be reposed; while the state was divided into districts every part enjoyed a fair proportion of the representation, and every voter from his own observation and experience could estimate the comparative merits of the candidates. There was little room for cabal or faction, a combination of interests in one quarter could not defeat the choice of the independent voters in another. Nor was it necessary to secure the benefit of election through the medium of compromise by which the acceptance of a stranger you never saw, or a person in whom you never had confidence may be made the price and condition of the bargain.
In order however as far as possible to obviate the difficulties of the situation in which we are thus involved, and to counteract as far as in our power the meeting and compromise made at the State-House in Trenton during the sitting of the last supreme court. We, the Delegates from the Counties of Essex, Middlesex, Somerset, Morris, Sussex, Hunterdon, Burlington, Gloucester, Salem and Cumberland, having met this day at Trenton, in order to consider upon the most eligible characters to represent you in the ensuing Congress, with great diffidence propose to you, John Cendit of Essex, Mr. Helms of Sussex, Henry Southard of Somerset, James Mott of Monmouth, Ebenezer Elmer of Cumberland. These men are farmers, have served with reputation in the Legislature, and from the assurance of their pure republican principles, and from the conviction that their occupations and interests are similar to, and connected with the great body of the citizens of New-Jersey, we are induced earnestly to solicit you to join in supporting their election.
We hope the reigns of terror and abuse are over, and that your late experience of the falsehoods raised and circulated for electioneering purposes by those who claim the exclusive title of Federalists, and have lately added what they have long reproached, the term of Republicans, will prevent similar imposition in future, and operate as an irresistible stimulus, to induce you to come forward at the approaching election, which will be on Tuesday and Wednesday the 23d and 24th day of this month.
Remember, Fellow Citizens, that as the election is to be by the State at large, every vote will be of importance. To neglect giving a vote under the belief that you are a minority in any particular district, will be a neglect of the duty you owe the republican interest throughout the State, and we therefore entreat you to let no consideration prevent you from asserting the most invaluable rights of Republicans and independent freemen.
By unanimous order of the meeting. JOSEPH BLOOMFIELD Chairman.
Attested, JOHN MORGAN, Secretary.
LOTS BY AUCTION.
A number of the best situated lots in sq. 688
BOUNDS ON THE
CAPITOL SQUARE
In the City of Washington and between the President's House and the Capitol will be sold at Tunnicliff's Hotel on the 10th December next.
Terms of sale will be made known on the day preceding the sale. 25th November, 1800.