Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-10-17 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LIV.]
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1780.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LIV.
“In all the labors of self-preservation, man is intent on avoiding what is hurtful to him: but in the enjoyment of what is pleasant his thoughts are relaxed and he is void of care: he can swallow a thousand delights, one after another, without asking questions; but the least evil makes him inquisitive whence it came, in order to shun it.”
THIS propensity in our nature, to be more strongly affected with the evil than with the good that happens to us, is a source of great error in our opinions and reasonings. From this cause, the prevailing notions of religion have not generally been calculated to make men amiable and happy; and the most lively impressions respecting government have been strongly marked with fear and discontent.
The dark ages of ignorance and superstition, that have covered so great a portion of the human race, have confined the influence of reason and philosophy within narrow bounds. Men have necessarily acted under the force of some prevailing delusion; and so low and debased has been the state of society, in most periods of the world, that the feelings of people have unavoidably received a tinge, unfavorable both to the character and happiness of rational beings.
As society advances from a state of barbarity, or is extricated from the shackles of despotism, people assume a greater elevation of spirit. Men act less under the impulse of their gloomy, unfocial passions. Religion presents few horrors to a mind over which reason has been accustomed to assume a sway. Government likewise is viewed in a more agreeable light as men progress in civilization.
Every man has an image of the Deity existing within himself; and though the scripture represents that God made man in his own image; yet universal experience likewise proves the reverse to be true, and we accordingly find that, Man makes God after his own image.
A savage is familiarized only to natural good and evil. The enjoyment of the former is so uniform and tranquil that it makes no strong impressions. He participates in the blessings of light and air; he is refreshed with showers, and he gathers the fruits of the earth without sensations of gratitude, or a spirit of adoration to any invisible cause. Such habitual gratifications excite no favorable sentiments respecting the Deity, because in fact they excite no reflections at all. Man seems to claim all these things as a natural right. When we view the opposite side of the picture and find a savage afflicted with evil, his temper is roused and his mind becomes inquisitive. Some invisible being is supposed to direct in the management of such dark scenes. Hence the God of a savage is generally possessed of stern, implacable attributes.
LETTERS,
Written in Holland, in the Year M,DCC,LXXX, By His Excellency THE VICE-PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
LETTER II.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 5, 1780.
SIR,
YOUR first proposition is, “to prove, by striking facts, that an implacable hatred and aversion reigns throughout America.”
In answer to this, I beg leave to say, that the Americans are animated by higher principles, and better and stronger motives, than hatred and aversion. They universally aspire after a free trade with all the commercial world, instead of that mean monopoly, in which they were shackled by Great Britain, to the disgrace and mortification of America, and to the injury of all the rest of Europe; to whom it seems as if God and nature intended that so great a magazine of productions, the raw materials of manufactures, so great a source of commerce, and so rich a nursery of seamen, as America is, should be open. They despise, Sir, they disdain the idea of being again monopolized by any one nation whatsoever: And this contempt is at least as powerful a motive of action as any hatred whatsoever.
Moreover, Sir, they consider themselves contending for the purest principles of liberty, civil and religious; for those forms of government under the faith of which their country was planted; and for those great improvements of them which have been made by their constitutions. They consider themselves not only as contending for these great blessings, but against the greatest evils that any country ever suffered; for they know, if they were to be deceived by England, to break their union among themselves, and their faith with their allies, they would ever after be in the
power of England, who would bring them into the most abject submission to the government of a Parliament, the most corrupted in the world, in which they would have no voice nor influence, at three thousand miles distance from them.
But if hatred must come into consideration, I know not how to prove their hatred better than by shewing the provocations they have had to hatred.
If tearing up from the foundation those forms of government under which they were born and educated, and thrived and prospered, to the infinite emolument of England—if imposing taxes upon them, or endeavouring to do it, for twenty years, without their consent—if commencing hostilities upon them—burning their towns—butchering their people—deliberately starving prisoners—ravishing their women—exciting hosts of Indians to butcher and scalp them—and purchasing Germans to destroy them, and hiring negro servants to murder their masters;—If all these, and many other things as bad, are not provocations enough to hatred, I would request Mr. CALKOEN to tell me what is or can be. All these horrors the English have practised in every part of America, from Boston to Savanna.
2. Your second proposition is “to shew that this is general—at least so general, that the Tories are in so small a number, and of such little force, that they are counted as nothing.”
If Mr. CALKOEN would believe me, I could testify as a witness; I could describe all the sources, all the grounds, springs, principles, and motives to Toryism through the continent. This would lead me into great lengths; and the result of all would be, my sincere opinion that the Tories throughout the whole continent do not amount to a twentieth part of the people. I will not, however, obtrude my testimony, nor my opinion: I will appeal to witnesses who cannot be suspected, General BURGOYNE and General HOWE. Burgoyne has published a narrative of his Proceedings, in which he speaks of the Tories. I left the pamphlet at Paris, but it may easily be had from London.
General Howe has also published a narrative relative to his conduct in America. Page 49, General Howe says, “The only attempt by bodies of men to form themselves in arms, and to assist in suppressing the rebellion, happened in North Carolina, in the spring of 1776, when it was absolutely impossible for me to give assistance to the insurrection. The plan was concerted between a settlement of Highland emigrants, and a body of Americans in that Province, distinguished by the name of Loyalists. (He should have said Regulators.) They engaged to obey the orders of Governor MARTIN, who proposed they should operate in favor of the troops from Europe, under Earl CORNWALLIS. The Loyalists promised 5000, the Highlanders 700 men. The former insisted upon their assembling immediately; the latter urged the expediency of waiting the arrival of the British troops, but yielded to the importunity of the loyalists, and repaired in arms to the place of rendezvous, stronger than the stipulated compliment. The loyalists, instead of 5000, did not assemble a twentieth part of that number; and two companies of these deserted, upon the near approach of the rebels. The Highlanders stood their ground, and fought bravely, but being overpowered, were defeated with considerable loss, and forced to disperse.”
“My letter of the twentieth of December, 1776, was written before the affair of Trenton, and I could have no reason to suspect the fidelity of those who came in to us from Monmouth; but I was soon undeceived. Many, very many, of these loyalists were a short time afterwards taken in arms against us, and others were killed with my protections in their pockets. In the pockets of the killed and prisoners, were also found certificates of those very men having subscribed a declaration of allegiance, in consequence of the proclamation of the King’s Commissioners for a general indemnity. These are notorious facts.”
“Various offers of raising men were made to me, nor did I decline any of those offers that brought with them the least prospect of success: but I must add, that very few of them were fulfilled in the extent proposed.”
“Mr. OLIVER DELANCEY, who was reputed to be the most likely man in New-York to induce the loyalists of that province to join the King’s troops, was appointed a Brigadier-General, and authorised to raise three battalions, to consist of 1500 privates, placing at the head of each the most respectable characters, recommended as such by himself and by Governor TRYON. Every possible effort was used by those gentlemen, not only in the districts possessed by the King’s troops, but by employing persons to go through the country, and invite the well-affected to come in. Several of the officers (as I have since been informed) anx-
ous to compleat their corps, sought for recruits even among the prisoners, who were then very numerous, and ventured to hold out to them the temptations of pay, liberty, and pardon. Notwithstanding all these efforts and encouragements, Brigadier General Delancey, at the opening of the campaign in 1777, instead of 1500, had raised only 597.”
“Mr. COURTLAND SKINNER, who was acknowledged to possess considerable influence in the Jerseys, where he had served the office of Attorney-General with great integrity and reputation, was also appointed a Brigadier-General, and authorised to raise five battalions, to consist of 2500 privates, under the command of gentlemen of the country, nominated by himself. The same efforts were made as for the raising of Delancey’s corps; but at the opening of the campaign of 1777, Brigadier-General Skinner’s numbers amounted only to 517, towards his expected battalions of 2500.”
“In November 1777, Brigadier-General Delancey’s corps encreased to 693, and Brigadier-General Skinner’s, to 859. In May 1778, their progress was so slow, that the first had only advanced to 707, the latter to 1101.”
“Several other corps were offered to be raised, and were accepted, in the winter of 1776, making in the whole thirteen, to consist of 6,500 men, including the Brigades of Delancey and Skinner. But in May, 1778, the whole number in all these thirteen corps, amounted to only 3,609, little more than half the proposed compliment, and of these only a small proportion were Americans.”
“Upon our taking possession of Philadelphia, the same, and indeed greater encouragements, were held out to the people of Pennsylvania. Mr. WILLIAM ALLEN, a gentleman who was supposed to have great family influence in that province; Mr. CHALMERS, much respected in the three lower counties on Delaware, and in Maryland; and Mr. CLIFTON, the chief of the Roman Catholic persuasion, of whom there were said to be many in Philadelphia, as well as in the rebel army, serving against their inclinations; these gentlemen were appointed commandants of corps, to receive and form for service all the well-affected that could be obtained. And what was the success of these efforts? In May, 1778, when I left America, Col. Allen had raised only 152 rank and file; Col. Chalmers 336; and Col. Clifton 180; which, together with three troops of light dragoons, consisting of 132 troopers, 174 real volunteers from Jersey, under Colonel VANDYKE, amounting in the whole to 974 men, constituted all the force that could be collected in Pennsylvania, after the most indefatigable exertions during eight months.”
“To make the conclusion as easy as possible, I shall state a very strong fact, to shew how far the inhabitants were anxious to promote the king’s service, even without carrying arms.”
“As soon as we were in possession of Philadelphia, my intention was to fortify it in such a manner, as that it might be tenable by a small number of men, whilst the main army should keep the field and act against Gen. WASHINGTON. To effectuate this purpose, I sent orders from Germantown to the chief engineer, to construct redoubts, and to form the necessary lines of communication. That the work might be expedited, and the labor of the soldiers spared, I at the same time directed him to employ the inhabitants, and pay them eight pence a day, besides a ration of salt provisions each, without which, I was convinced, they could not have been persuaded to have worked at all. Mr. GALLOWAY, whom I had previously talked with upon the subject, had assured me there would be no difficulty in finding 500 men for this business; and, I presume, he exerted himself to fulfil the expectations he had given me. But with all the assiduity of that gentleman, and all the means made use of by the chief engineer, the whole number that could be prevailed on to handle the pickaxe and spade, for the construction of the redoubts and abatis, amounted, each day, upon an average, to no more than between seventy and eighty men.”
“I have quoted to you General Howe’s words; and one would think this was sufficient to shew how much or how little zeal there is for the British cause in North America. When we consider, that in the period here mentioned, the English army had been in possession of Boston, Newport, New-York and Philadelphia, and that they had marched through the Jerseys, part of Maryland, and Pennsylvania; and with all their arts, bribes, threats and flatteries, which Gen. Howe calls their efforts and exertions, they were able to obtain so few recruits, and very few of these Americans; I think that any impartial man must be convinced that the aversion and antipathy to the British cause is very general, so general, that the Tories are to be accounted but a very little thing.”

The addresses which they have obtained to the King and his Generals, when their army was in Boston, Newport, New-York, Philadelphia, Savannah and Charleston, shew the same thing. It is very well known, that every art of flattery and of terror, was always used to obtain subscribers to these addresses. Yet the miserable numbers that they have obtained, and the still more despicable character of most of these small numbers, shew that the British cause is held in very low esteem. Even in Charleston, the capital of a Province, which contains two hundred thousand whites, they were able to obtain only two hundred and ten subscribers, and among these there is not one name that I ever remember to have heard before.
I am sorry I have not BURGOYNE's narrative; which shews, in the same point of light, the resources the English are likely to find in the tories, to be nothing more than a sure means of getting rid of a great number of their guineas.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
To learn the present state of America, it is sufficient to read the public papers. The present state of Great Britain and its dependencies may be learned the same way. The omnipotence of the British Parliament, and the omnipotence of the British navy, are like to go the same way.
MR. GALKOEN.
JOURNAL OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. (CONTINUED.)
THURSDAY, March 19, 1789.
The Hon. WILLIAM PATTERSON, from the State of New-Jersey, appeared and took his seat.
FRIDAY, March 20.
Present as yesterday: Adjourned to 11 o'clock to-morrow morning.
SATURDAY, March 21.
Present as yesterday: The Hon. RICHARD BASSETT, from the State of Delaware, appeared and took his seat. The number sufficient to constitute a quorum not appearing—adjourned from day to day, until
SATURDAY, March 28.
Present as on the 21st: The Hon. JONATHAN ELMER, from the State of New-Jersey, appeared and took his seat. The number sufficient to constitute a quorum not appearing, adjourned from day to day, until April the 6th; when the Hon. RICHARD HENRY LEE, from the State of Virginia, appeared and took his seat in the Senate.
MONDAY, April 6.
The Senate assembled: Present,
 From New-Hampshire, { Mr. LANGDON, and { Mr. WINGATE,  Massachusetts, { Mr. STRONG,  Connecticut, { Mr. JOHNSON, and { Mr. ELLSWORTH,  New-Jersey, { Mr. PATERSON, and { Mr. ELMER,  Pennsylvania, { Mr. MACLAY, and { Mr. MORRIS,  Delaware, { Mr. BASSETT,  Virginia, { Mr. LEE,  Georgia, { Mr. FEW, 
Being a quorum, consisting of a majority of the whole number of Senators of the United States.
The Credentials of the afore-mentioned Members were read, and ordered to be filed.
The Senate proceeded by ballot to the choice of a President, for the sole purpose of opening and counting the votes for President of the United States.
JOHN LANGDON, Esquire, was elected.
Ordered, That Mr. ELLSWORTH inform the House of Representatives that a quorum of the Senate is formed—that a President is elected for the sole purpose of opening the certificates and counting the votes of the Electors of the several States in the choice of a President and Vice President of the United States; and that the Senate is now ready in the Senate Chamber, to proceed, in the presence of the House, to discharge that duty: And that the Senate have appointed one of their Members to sit at the Clerk's table to make a list of the votes as they shall be declared; submitting it to the wisdom of the House to appoint one or more of their members for the like purpose.
Mr. BOUDINOT, from the House of Representatives, communicated the following verbal message to the Senate:—
"MR. PRESIDENT,
"I AM directed by the House of Representatives to inform the Senate, that the House is ready forthwith to meet the Senate, to attend the opening and counting the votes of the Electors for President and Vice President of the United States."—And he withdrew.
Ordered, That Mr. PATERSON be a teller on the part of the Senate.
The Speaker and the House of Representatives attended in the Senate Chamber, for the purpose expressed in the message delivered by Mr. ELLSWORTH—And after some time withdrew.
The Senate then proceeded by ballot to the choice of a President of their body PRO TEMPORE.
JOHN LANGDON, Esq. was duly elected.
The President elected for the purpose of counting the votes, declared to the Senate, that the Senate and House of Representatives had met and that he, in their presence, had opened and counted the votes of the Electors for President and Vice President of the United States—which were as follows:—
   GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq. JOHN ADAMS, Esq. SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. JOHN JAY, Esq. JOHN HANCOCK, Esq. ROBERT H. HARRISON, Esq. GEORGE CLINTON, Esq. JOHN RUTLEDGE, Esq. JOHN MILTON, Esq. JAMES ARMSTRONG, Esq. EDWARD TELFAIR, Esq. BENJAMIN LINCOLN, Esq.     New-Hampshire, 10 5 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   Massachusetts, 10 10 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   Connecticut, 10 8 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   New-Jersey, 10 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   Pennsylvania, 10 8 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   Delaware, 10 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   Maryland, 10 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   Virginia, 10 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   South-Carolina, 7 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   Georgia, 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1   Totals 69 34 2 9 4 6 3 6 2 1 1 1  
Whereby it appears, that GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq. was unanimously elected PRESIDENT, and JOHN ADAMS, Esq. was duly elected VICE PRESIDENT, Of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Mr. MADISON came from the House of Representatives with the following verbal message:
"MR. PRESIDENT, "I am directed by the House of Representatives to inform the Senate, that the House have agreed, that the notifications of the election of the President and of the Vice President of the United States, should be made by such persons, and in such manner, as the Senate shall be pleased to direct."
Whereupon the Senate appointed CHARLES THOMPSON, Esq. to notify GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq. of his election to the Office of President of the United States of America, and Mr. SYLVANUS BOURNE, to notify JOHN ADAMS, Esq. of his election to the Office of Vice President of the said United States.
A letter from JAMES DUANE, Esq. was read, enclosing resolutions of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonality of the city of New-York, tendering to Congress the use of the City Hall. Adjourned.
(To be continued.)
THE NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. XXII.
FREEDOM an exile—forc'd the world to roam, In these blest States, at last hath found a home: For her abode, we've rear'd a noble pile, In which her presence shall reward our toil; Here safe from treason, anarchy and strife, If we are wise she'll pass her future life.
THERE is a natural propensity in mankind to find fault—more particularly with the administration of public affairs.—In free governments this spirit is peculiarly apt to shew itself:—The citizens, while they enjoy the high privilege of electing their civil officers, seem to think that a right to criminate is as essential to their happiness, as the right of free suffrage.
There is in all communities a proportion of restless, carping, self-sufficient characters, who never think that any thing is well done, that they have no share in directing: Such persons will on all occasions depreciate the merit, arraign the conduct, and impeach the motives of those who are in office—and the world will never go right, till placed under their infallible guidance!—A small degree of attention to the general principles, the past conduct, and present manœuvres of such persons, will afford an antidote to the mischief which might otherwise result from their poisonous insinuations.
There is another class of beings whose motives to mischief, tho' quite different from the above, are productive of as great, if not greater evils to society:—These are your daring, ambitious spirits, who possessing a vain confidence of their own superior merit and abilities, will never let their neighbors, and fellow-citizens, live in peace, and enjoy security and happiness under a good government, so long as they conceive themselves neglected.—If, under the favor of Heaven the public mind can be tranquilized—if the people can be brought to make so just an estimate of the blessings that will flow in upon them, under the operation of the new system of government, as to reject the counsels and opinions of unprincipled men at least for a season—their machinations in future will meet with such general contempt, as to discourage the most hardy and inveterate votaries of confusion in the pursuit of their projects. It is devoutly to be wished that the good sense of the people may lead them to give the government of their own election a fair chance,—that we may know whether it is possible to enjoy the oft-described, but seldom-realized advantages, that are said to be connected with leading a quiet and peaceable life, under the auspices of the most perfect state of Liberty, that is compatible with the existence of any legal restraints.
We have long enough been tossed on the waves of uncertainty and perplexity—We have long enough been fluctuating between jarring and opposing systems:—Our purposes have been broken off—our plans of trade have proved abortive—our manufactures have languished—our agriculture has been without support—our rich men have shrunk from public exertions, and their wealth has retreated out of circulation, for want of confidence in the public faith, and from the dread of annihilation by tender laws, and other plans of iniquitous import:—This has diminished the quantum of the circulating medium—while the mechanic and laborer, (their hands not being sufficient for their support) have been compelled to quit their country to find employment:—Surely it is time for us to be at peace among ourselves—to coalesce under some system that shall not be subject to those vibrations that are productive of evils which threaten depopulation, or the loss of that Freedom, which hath cost the treasure and best blood of our country.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
AN ACT to provide for the payment of the INVALID PENSIONERS of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the military pensions which have been granted and paid by the States respectively, in pursuance of the acts of the United States in Congress assembled, to the invalids who were wounded and disabled during the war, shall
be continued to be paid by the United States, from the fourth day of march last, for the space of one year, under such regulations as the President of the United States may direct.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives, JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER 28, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
In pursuance of the above recited law, information is hereby given to all the invalid pensioners of the United States, that the amount of one year's Pension from the fourth day of March last will be paid to them, or their attorneys respectively, in two equal payments, the first of which will be made on the fifth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety; and the second on the fifth day of June following; at such places in each State, and by such persons as shall hereafter in due season be publicly made known.
The payments will be made agreeably to the following regulations: To wit:
The returns which have been or shall be made to the Secretary for the department of War by the several States of the Pensions which have been granted, and paid by them respectively will together with the vouchers herein required be considered as the evidence whereon the payments are to be made.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the State specifying that the person possessing it, is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2dly. An affidavit agreeably to the following form: To wit:—A. B. came before me one of the Justices for the county of _____ in the State of _____ and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the State to be recited.)
That he served in _____ (regiment or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the _____ and county of _____ and has resided there for the last _____ years, previous to which resided in _____
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney must, besides the certificate and oath before recited, produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form: I A. B. of _____ county of _____ State of _____ do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of _____ my lawful attorney to receive in my behalf of _____ (the first or second moiety) of my annual Pension, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal, this
Signed and sealed in the presence of
Acknowledged before me
Applications of executors or administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalid died, whose Pension they may claim.
By Command of the President of the United States of America.
H. KNOX, Secretary for the Department of War.
WAR-OFFICE, OCT. 13, 1789.
The Printers throughout the United States are requested to insert this information for the benefit of the brave men who have severely suffered in the cause of their country.
EUROPEAN ACCOUNTS.
VIENA, JULY 22.
Letters from Mohillon, on the Niesler, mention a smart engagement which has taken place between four divisions of hussars of the army under General Kamenskoi and 3000 Turks from the garrison of Bender, in which the Turks were obliged to return to that fortress, with the loss of many of their men, who were taken prisoners.
PARIS, JULY 31.
Every part of the Bastille was searched by a committee from the Town-House, accompanied by the turnkeys, that no poor wretch might be forgot and left in the caverns and dungeons of that dreadful place of confinement, which is now levelled to the ground; and, it is said, a noble hall will be built on the spot for the Assembly of the Deputies of the French Nation.—The papers found in the Bastille, though shocking to humanity, are still very interesting, and will bring many curious anecdotes to light; there are among the rest 140 folio volumes of Lettres de Cachet.
LONDON, AUGUST 7.
The brave Fusileer of the French guards, who first ascended the walls of the Bastille on the 14th of July, who was decorated by the cross of Saint Louis, which had appertained to the Governor of the fortress, is since dead of his wounds, and has been publicly interred.
AUGUST 8. To the Marquis de la Fayette, may the present emancipation of the citizens of the commonwealth of France, be more justly attributed, than to any other of their patriotic characters. His long residence in England and America gave him just ideas of government—and he has been

taught the relative rights of the Ruler and the ruled, in the continual correspondence he has kept up with his adopted father, General WASHINGTON—the hero and the statesman,
“Who with enlightened patriots met, “On Schuylkill’s banks in close divan, “And wing’d that arrow sure as fate, “Which ‘ascertain’d the rights of man.’”
AUGUST 9. Baron de Bezenval is to be tried immediately. He is in safe custody. He was general of the King’s troops in the district of Paris at the time of the revolution; was in all the secrets of the court party, and was the person who wrote to the Governor of the Bastille to defend the garrison but for twelve hours, and all would be safe. The people are most inveterate against him.
M. de Bezzenval was second in command under M. de Broglio, a particular favorite of the Queen, with whom he had the confidence to remain until the King returned from Paris. It was this gentleman who peevishly observed to his majesty, that as there was no further occasion for him, he would call his carriage, and go home; to which an old nobleman replied, “Your carriage! a post-chaise and eight you mean.” It now appears, that for his own safety he should have followed the old veteran’s advice.
According to letters from Nantz, received on Thursday, eleven vessels arrived there from America, the 29th of last month, laden with wheat and other corn. Their cargoes were disposed of the morning after their arrival, and the ships were unlading as fast as possible, to return home for fresh cargoes, grain being very plentiful in the American States.
AUGUST 10. Accounts from Brest, transmitted to the National Assembly, mention that the inhabitants, uniting with the military and the admiralty, guard that valuable dock and harbour with the utmost vigilance, as well as the sea ports on the coasts of Brittany and Normandy; not from apprehension of their friends the generous English, but to prevent any black act of treachery on the part of their wicked and implacable international enemies. They request a chief to be sent them, and express a wish that it should be M. D’Estang. The Assembly have consequently seconded their desire by a deputation to the King.
All advices from Vienna agree that the revolution in France has entirely changed the politics of the imperial cabinet, and a speedy peace is now the general expectation; the flame of freedom is spreading fast in the Low Countries, and it is high time for Joseph to look at home.
The inquisition is now the only grand engine of tyranny remaining in Europe. But that is very far from possessing the power it formerly had: the late King abridged them so far, that every proceeding is obliged to be laid before him, and no person punished without full proof of the fact.—By a gentleman who lately resided in Spain, we are assured that the inquisition is now little more than a bugbear; there has been no Auto-de-Fé for many years. The last one worth mentioning was above a century ago, in the year 1680.
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 17.
By the SANDWICH PACKET, Capt. —, who left Falmouth the 7th ult. we have received Papers to the First September—from which we have time to select only the following articles.
PARIS, August 27.
WE are come to the fatal crisis at last—bread is very scarce: To have a two pound loaf, or half a four pound one, the maids are forced to go and stand before the bake-houses at four o’clock in the morning, and wait there in their turn; each of them receives a number, according to priority of time. So equal a distinction now prevails in the anti-chambers of men in power, or distinguished personages; if any body, for instance, presents himself to the Marquis de la Fayette, a number is given him, and he is obliged to wait till that number is called. It has lately happened that a person has been three days before his turn came: Such has been the hurry of business with that General, whose esteem and admiration are daily increasing.
Mr. BRISOT DE WARVILLE has presented to the Hotel de Ville the new plan for the municipality of the town of Paris.
The plan of municipality has been read to all the districts, and with some few exceptions appears to be generally approved of.
Children, always striving to imitate grown persons, are constantly parading on a Sunday or holiday, the streets and gardens of Paris, in a kind of militia-patrole. In order to have every thing complete, they were carrying last Sunday in the Luxemborg two dead cats fixed on poles.
The celebrated painter, M. DAVID, has been advised not to send his picture of Brutus, sacrificing his two sons, to the exhibition this year. The same advice has been given to M. BARBIER, who has drawn the portrait of the Grenadier who hoisted the colors on one of the Bastille-towers.
Some balls have been found in the walls of the Bastille, levelled against that tremendous castle, by the great CONDE, in the minority of LEWIS XIVth. They have been sent, by the engineers, to the Marquis de la Fayette, with the following compliment:—The present we offer you, Sir, is worthy of you only; it is neither gold, nor jewels: It is iron and balls; balls that have been discovered in the ruins of the CAVE OF DESPAIR, AND THE DUNGEON OF GRIEF AND BONDSAGE: Vouchsafe to accept them; the spoils of despotism are the noblest trophies one can dedicate to the citizen, and the hero, whom public liberty has found for a defender in both hemispheres.”
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, August 23.
The 16th, 17th, and 18th articles of the Declaration of Rights, from the 6th bureau, contained the liberty of religious opinions. These were examined this morning. All the members agreed that opinions ought to be free; the difficulty was, to know how far public worship should be so. The following questions were debated with great warmth, and rendered the arguments extremely interesting on both sides:—Can opinions be free when the public worship is not? Or is that free when liberty is not equal for all? Can there be a predominacy or preference of a part, without there being some obstructions or servitude in the other?” Viscount MIRABEAU was of opinion, that the liberty of religious opinions
should be separated from what concerns the public worship; the former to be mentioned in the Declaration of Rights, the latter in the Constitution. The Rector of Vieux Ponsange said, that a religion, which was charity itself, ought to be inclined to toleration, and was even for admitting different manners of worship, provided they did not trouble the public order. M. RABAND DE ST. EDENNE rose, and resting his argument on the very first words of the Declaration of Rights, “Men are born and remain equal in rights,” concluded that they had an equal right to the liberty of their opinion, and public worship. There can be no liberty, says he, without that of opinions, nor any liberty of religious opinions without that of worship. If the predominant worship dominates otherwise than by truth and persuasion, all others are oppressed and no longer free.” The Bishop of Lyda spoke very sensibly on toleration, but shewed the necessity of setting some bounds to it. He introduced the examples of England and Holland, where Protestantism was the predominant religion, in the midst of liberty which is highly respected. “How is that liberty highly respected in England, shrewdly remarked a member, when a man who celebrates a mass is hung?” There would be no end were we to report all the changes, alterations, and even new articles that were proposed. The President read the following article, which forms the tenth of the Declaration, and was approved of by a majority of the members. “No person is to be molested for his opinions, not even for his religious ones, provided his manifesting them does not trouble the public ones established by the law.” The amendments constituted two thirds of the sentence. Religious , was the first; even the second ; provided his manifesting them does not trouble the public order, the third: and established by the law, the fourth. These discussions plainly evince that the Clergy, are masters of the field now, and in a specious manner they can get any amendment passed, one after another.
M. NECKER did not go to the Assembly yesterday, on account of his health. He sent the following apology: I had presumed too much, Mr. President, on my strength and my health, in announcing to you that I should wait this day on your honorable assembly: I shall address to you to-morrow the reflections I intended to read. Deign, Sir, to accept the homage of my excuses, and the inter-pretation of my regret.”
M. de MONTMORENCY proposed the 13th article for the Declaration, containing a power of changing the Constitution after a limited time, as Solon and Locke were of opinion. The debates on this subject were postponed till the next meeting.
L O N D O N, Sept. 1.
Let those who indulge themselves in ridicule of the French Assembly consider, first
That they have abolished the game laws that still disgrace Britain.
That they have abolished tythes, that in every part of the southern kingdoms, as well as in Ireland, grind the industrious yeomanry, and oppresses agriculture.
That they have abolished all pensions, except those conferred for actual services rendered to the country.
That they have made it an article that no Minister nor civil placeman shall be permitted to sit and vote in the National Assembly.
That they have abolished all heriots, fines, recoveries, and other rights of superiority, which are still in this kingdom the subject of incessant hardship and litigation.
That they have declared every citizen, whatever may be his religious persuasions, eligible to every office of State, and to every honor in the gift of the crown.
Without referring to the grand revolution which they have accomplished, who will assert that these things are frivolous?
DIFFERENCE OF TIMES.
In 1655, when the Parliament of Paris were assembled on account of some edicts, Louis XIV, who was at that time not above seventeen years of age, went from Vincennes in a hunting dress, attended by his whole Court, and entering the Parliament chamber in jack boots and a whip in his hand, made use of these very words, accompanied by such a look, that, as a French historian remarks, “his eyes spoke more sensibly than his mouth.”
“The mischiefs your Assembly produces are well known. I command you to break up those you have begun upon my edicts—and, Mr. President, I forbid you to permit these Assemblies, and any of you to demand them.”
The command or controul that Louis XVI. has on the Three Estates of the Kingdom, is too well known to need any comment.
The King has given six thousand muskets to the city guard of Paris.
The papers further state that the Prince de Cobourg has gained a victory over the Turks, in which they left 1600 dead on the field. The Turks also lost 100 waggons loaded with military stores.—That two capital houses have failed at Petersburg, for one million roubles.—That the National Assembly of France have agreed to a bill of rights, and resolved that all inferior officers of government should be equally responsible as the heads of it; and that the CHIEF should be alone excepted.—That Count Lally had proposed, the Assembly of 1200 members being unwieldy, that it would be advisable to reduce the whole representation to 300 or 400 members.—That the Swedes have beat the Russians in the late naval engagement.—Buckles, rings, &c. are made in Paris, set with stones taken from the ruins of the Bastille; and are called Constitution buckles, &c. The triumph of liberty in France is now considered as certain:—That she is spreading her benign influences.—The subjects of the Bishop of Liege has demanded and obtained a recognition of their rights.—The inhabitants of Avignon request to be freed from the dominion of Rome.—The cities and towns in the Austrian Netherlands talk of uniting themselves with France.
That Spain also from its renowned honor, foresight, and deliberate courage, may be expected to begin a political reformation. Repeated accounts from Seville, Barcelona and Lisbon prove beyond a doubt that the seeds of liberty are planted in the opinions of the gentry, nobility, and common people of those places.—Two thirds of the Bastille are down, and 700 men labor from six in the morning to six in the evening to demolish the remainder. The King of France has lately had a suit of cloaths made which are the Paris militia uniform.—The funds of St. Luke’s Hospital, London, amount to ninety thousand eight hundred sixty four pounds two shillings and ten pence, exclusive of the buildings, &c. The Grand Vizier has lately been beheaded at Constantinople, and his property, amounting to one million sterling, confiscated: His wife, mother, brother, and sister, were put to the torture, in order to discover their riches! May the fire of Liberty soon be enkindled in this region of infernal despotism! Great disturbances and outrages appear to have taken place in various parts of France, but then they appear to have been perpetrated by a banditti of draggletails: The provinces are taking equal measures to suppress them: The provincial assemblies are pouring in their addresses to the National Assembly; and heartily joining them in all their plans for establishing the freedom of the country; and eradicating every vestige of feudal tyranny.
BOSTON, OCTOBER 10.
A letter from a gentleman, a native of Halifax, to his friend in this town, Sept. 16, 1789, shews, in the following observations, that even in the chilly regions of Nova-Scotia, the ideas of liberty are beginning to be entertained, viz.—“By the papers we find, that the French are making still greater and more rapid strides towards a revolution. What a glorious political light have the Americans held forth to the benighted Europeans, hitherto stumbling in the darkness of bigotry—that fatal veil, which has long prevented the bright beams of knowledge from visiting their minds. The blessings of American freedom seem already to spread its influence far and wide; doubtless its national character will be held in high estimation by all succeeding ages, and its name revered by generations yet unborn.”
The regiment which piques itself on being the oldest military corps not only in France, but in the world, claiming to have existed as a body since the days of Pontius Pilate, to whom the regiment had served as guards, has refused to serve against the people. When questioned on that head by their officers, they said, “Our regiment has always borne the glorious name of the regiment without spot or stain; and it shall be our care never to make it forfeit so honorable a name, by imbruing our hands in the blood of our countrymen.”
We read, in a London paper of the 8th of August, that Mr. SHERIDAN has openly accused Mr. PITT of having employed more than two millions in fomenting the intestine divisions of France. If the Minister is thus accused, and can not shew how that sum has been employed which is deficient in the treasury, it will be no longer difficult to account for the very great anxiety of the Duke of DORSET.
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 17.
Last Thursday morning the PRESIDENT of the United States sat on his tour east, in his chariot and four, accompanied by T. LEAR, Esq. and Major JACKSON, two of his Secretaries, on horseback.
The Chief Justice of the United States, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Secretary at War escorted the President a few miles on his journey.
To the innumerable instances of more than paternal attention to the interests of the United States, the present journey is now added; and the universal approbation of the measure, expressed by all ranks of citizens, affords the happiest presages of its being attended with those salutary consequences, the hope of which originated the design.
Not for the purposes of empty parade, or to acquire the applause of gaping multitudes—Not for the display of royal pageantry and courtly magnificence—Not to exact the homage of a depressed and impoverished people, or the blind adulation of a host of slaves—Not to interrupt the labors of the industrious in their several occupations, or to disturb the tranquility of domestic life, by being attended with a splendid mercenary military guard.—No.—Far other objects give rise to the present excursion. Safe in the protection of Heaven, and the affections of a grateful people, he wants, he has no other guard; being attended only by his Secretaries, and a few servants; and though the spontaneous and affectionate respects of an enlightened community are the richest reward of patriotism, yet we have every reason to suppose, that the President will receive it as the highest evidence of attachment to his person for the people to dispense with every species of parade that may prove inconvenient to themselves, or may interfere with the prime object of his journey.
Extract of a letter from Richmond, Virginia, Oct. 7.
We had a severe frost here on the night of the 1st inst. which destroyed the greatest part of the Tobacco which was not cut: Some suppose there will be near half the crop lost through the State.
“LET THE PUBLIC BE FOREWARNED that the time is now come, in which jealousy will begin to throw out her suspicions. There have been almost innumerable applicants for public offices, many of them men of no genius, and generally of no industry; who wished to live an easy life on public support. All these are disappointed, and will wish to revenge themselves, by insinuations against the designs of government, and the favored persons who manage our great interests. Like an honest people, let us despise every attempt of this nature, until the government hath had time to operate, we shall then know its excellencies, and can remedy its defects if there be any.”
It may be of service to observe the different operations of the human mind, with respect to the same object. While the friends to the new Constitution are anticipating every benign effect from its influence and operation, its enemies paint to their frighted imaginations, a horrible group of tyrants, state locusts and all the concomitants of slavery.
Education has always been an object of the first consideration with the most enlightened nations. During the existence of the degrading feudal system, the importance of Education was lost, for the commonalty being the property of their chieftains, it became the interest of their imperious lords to keep their vassals in a state of ignorance: When mankind began to emerge into day, and learning acquired its possessors influence and respect, the wealthy found means to appropriate its advantages to themselves—Hence rose the institutions of expensive colleges, and universities, from which the poor derived little or no advantage—and by the help of superior endowments of mind, the rich added to their immense wealth, and perpetuating the remains of feudal tenures, kept the people still in a state of slavery. This system did not however long continue, for learning soon spread its benign influences among the inferior orders, and in its progress opened the way for freedom: Ignorance and slavery are not more intimately connected, than knowledge and liberty. The institution of inferior schools for the benefit of the people at large, must depend on the will of an enlightened majority of the people: In a free country therefore, the people must look to themselves for those institutions with which their own particular advantages are most intimately connected: The rich, as they have it in their power, can always avail themselves of the means of learning for their own children, and if the people are negligent and remiss, they must suffer the consequences. I do not know any reason that can be assigned, why colleges, which are supported by all, should be so constituted, that the rich only can be benefitted by them—or why there should be any particular place, or city, in the United States, where there is no public provision for the education of the poor.
DIED—at Berlin, on the 2d of June, in the 59th year of his age Baron KNAPHAUSEN, the Hessian General in America.
ARRIVALS—NEW-YORK.
Wednesday, Ship Hudson, Folger, Dieppe, 50 days. Brig Friends, Moore, Liverpool, 66 days. Brig Sandwich, Butler, Trinidad, 36 days. Friday, Packet Sandwich, Falmouth, 39 days. Schooner Betsey, Duggins, Honduras, 31 days. Brig Industry, Conklin, Cape Francois, 28 days.
WANTED, to complete Files of this paper, numbers 30, 40, 43, 44, 46, and 48: Six pence each will be paid for either of those numbers at the office of the Editor. October 27,

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED, (IN CONTINUATION.)
OUR author is no where so weak as in this reason, or under this head. He attempts to prove his point by reason and examples, but is equally unfortunate in both. First, by reason. "The people," says he, "must be less luxurious than kings, or great ones, because they are bounded within a more lowly pitch of desire and imagination: Give them but panem et circenses, bread, sport and ease, and they are abundantly satisfied." It is to be feared that this is too good a character for any people living, or that have lived. The disposition to luxury is the same, tho' the habit is not, both in plebeians, patricians and kings. When we say their desires are bounded, we admit the desires to exist. Imagination is as quick in one as in the other. It is demanding a great deal to demand "bread, and sports, and ease." No one can tell how far these terms may extend. If by bread is meant a subsistence, a maintenance in food and clothing, it will mount up very high; if by sports be meant cock-fighting, horse-racing, theatrical representations, and all the species of cards, dice, and gambling, no mortal philosopher can fathom the depth of this article; and if with "bread" and "sports" they are to have "ease" too, and by ease be meant idleness, an exemption from care and labor, all three together will amount to as much as ever was demanded by nobles or kings, and more than ought ever to be granted to either. But let us grant all this for a moment; we should be disappointed; the promised "abundant satisfaction" would not be found. The bread must soon be of the finest wheat; poultry and gibbier must be added to beef and mutton; the entertainments would not be elegant enough after a time; more expence must be added:—In short, contentment is not in human nature; there is no passion, appetite, or affection for contentment. To amuse and flatter the people with compliments of qualities that never existed in them, is not the duty or the right of a philosopher or legislator; he must form a true idea and judgment of mankind, and adapt his institutions to facts, not compliments.
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES. (Continued from No. LIII.)
THE scheme of issuing any more continental money, I take for granted, no body will think of, and therefore I conclude, that all the ways and means which have hitherto been tryed, have proved utterly insufficient for the purpose: And I further conceive, that it will be allowed, that the mode I propose, if put into practice, would be sufficient. I further contend, that no other mode within our reach, is or can be equally easy to the people, and equally productive of sufficient money for the various purposes of our union; this is then the only practicable way our union can be supported, and of course the union depends on it, and without it, must inevitably fall to pieces. To say all this, may be thought very great presumption in an individual; be it so, still I am safe, for no man can contradict me, who is not able to find and explain some other way of supply, equally easy to the people, and equally productive of all the money which the support of the union requires: But in as much as the eagerness of enquiry for several years past has not been able to discover any such other mode, I conclude there is no such, and of course, the one I have proposed is the only one that can be adopted, to save our union from dissolution; and under the impression of this full persuasion, may I be permitted to address our public administration, not only in Congress, but in all the states, in the strong language of Lord Chatham; set me down as an ideot, if you do not adopt it, or rue your neglect; and 'tis not certain that, our posterity in the next age, and all our neighbours in the present, will not set you down for ideots, if you don't adopt it soon, before the mischiefs it is designed to obviate, shall grow up to such degree of magnitude and strength, as to become incapable of remedy; for what can they think, when they shall see that you suffer our union, which is committed to your care, to fall to pieces under your hands, because you will not attempt to give it that support, which to say the least of it, is in its nature practicable, and the due practice of which would produce the great remedy required.
But you will say perhaps, we admit your principle to be just and good, but we cannot raise our ideas up to your height of scale or degree of import; your tax is too high, it grasps too much, and is thereby in danger of losing all, it will scare our people out of their wits. I don't think much of this, if the wits which the people now have, are not sufficient for their salvation, it matters little how soon they are scared out of them; but 'tis not certain that their wits are so volatile, their is at least a possibility, a chance that they may have wit enough to adopt the remedy, that will prevent those calamities, which (if not prevented) will soon drive them out of their security—
their property—their national honor—their country and wits too; at least I think it needless for you to loose your wits, for fear the people will loose theirs. But I would ask you seriously, do you think that a less scale of tax than that which I propose, would be sufficiently productive for the publick service, or the support of the union? I think you must probably say no, on the bare presumption, (for the produce of an untryed tax, can't be reduced to a certainty) to what purpose then, I further ask, would it be to set on foot so expensive and troublesome an operation, which when computed, would be utterly inadequate to its purposes; or what funds have you, out of which you expect to draw the deficiency?
If there is any wisdom or effort in our councils and plans, they must reach through; they must connect the means with the end, and make the one adequate to the other. Would you not laugh at a sailor, who should moor a ship with an inch rope, and so loose the ship, for fear his owners should find fault with him for wetting a cable. Where means are inadequate to their end, they become ridiculous, especially when adopted in matters of consequence, people lose all confidence in their effects, and therefore lose all courage and inducement to use strong efforts to make them operate. I am clearly of opinion, if our people have lost their confidence in our public councils, and are backward in pushing them into practice, the reason is, not because they are stupid and blind to their interests, or wanting in zeal to promote them, but because their courage is all worn out and their patience exhausted, by a seven years course of visionary, ineffectual, ill contrived and half digested plans, which promised little in theory, but constantly in practice, proved the baseless fabrics of a vision, and vanished at last, not only without use, but with consequences very detrimental to our national character of integrity and wisdom, as well as to the interests and morals of our people; not the least discouraging of all which, was this constant effect which they all had, viz. that those states or individuals, which promoted them with most zeal, ardor and effort, always lost most by them.
(To be continued.)
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 17.
LAST Tuesday a Deputation from the Society of Friends, waited on the President of the United States, and presented him with the following Address:—
The Address of the Religious Society called Quakers, from their yearly meeting for Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, Delaware and the western parts of Maryland and Virginia—
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
BEING met in this our annual Assembly, for the well ordering the affairs of our religious society, and the promotion of universal righteousness, our minds have been drawn to consider, that the Almighty, who ruleth in Heaven, and in the kingdoms of men, having permitted a great revolution to take place in the government of this country;—we are fervently concerned that the Rulers of the People may be favored with the counsel of God—the only sure means of enabling them to fulfil the important trust committed to their charge; and in an especial manner, that divine wisdom and grace, vouchsafed from above, may qualify thee to fill up the duties of the exalted station to which thou art appointed.
We are sensible thou hast obtained great place in the esteem and affections of people of all denominations over whom thou presidest; and many eminent talents being committed to thy trust, we much desire they may be fully devoted to the Lord's honor and service—that thus thou mayst be an happy instrument in his hand, for the suppression of vice, infidelity and irreligion, and every species of oppression on the persons or consciences of men, so that righteousness and peace which truly exalteth a nation, may prevail throughout the land, as the only solid foundation that can be laid for the prosperity and happiness of this or any country.
The free toleration which the citizens of these States enjoy in the public worship of the Almighty, agreeable to the dictates of their consciences we esteem among the choicest of blessings; and as we desire to be filled with fervent charity for those who differ from us in matters of faith and practice, believing that the general assembly of Saints is composed of the sincere and upright hearted of all nations, kingdoms and people—so, we trust, we may justly claim it from others; and in a full persuasion that the divine principle we profess, leads unto harmony and concord, we can take no part in carrying on war on any occasion, or under any power, but are bound in conscience to lead quiet and peaceable lives, in godliness and honesty, amongst men, contributing freely our proportion to the indigencies of the poor, and to the necessary support of civil government, acknowledging those that rule well to be worthy of double honor; and if any professing with us, are or have been of a contrary disposition or conduct, we own them not therein, having never been chargeable from our first establishment as a religious society, with fomenting or countenanc-
ing tumults or conspiracies, or disrespect to those who are placed in authority over us.
We with not improperly to intrude on thy time or patience, nor is it our practice to offer adulation to any, but as we are a people whose principles and conduct have been misrepresented and traduced—we take the liberty to assure thee, that we feel our hearts affectionately drawn towards thee and those in authority over us, with prayers that thy Presidency may, under the blessing of Heaven, be happy to thyself and to the people; that through the encrease of morality and true religion, divine Providence may condescend to look down upon our land with a propitious eye, and bless the inhabitants with the continuance of peace, the dew of Heaven, and the fatness of the earth; and enable us gratefully to acknowledge his manifold mercies; and it is our earnest concern, that he may be pleased to grant thee every necessary qualification to fill thy weighty and important station to his glory, and that finally, when all terrestrial honors shall fail and pass away, thou and thy respectable consort may be found worthy to receive a crown of unfading righteousness in the mansions of peace and joy forever.
Signed in and on behalf of the said meeting, held in Philadelphia by adjournments from the 28th of the 9th month, to the 3d day of the 10th month inclusive, 1789. RICHARD WALN, Clerk.
The Answer of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, to the Address of the religious Society called QUAKERS, from their yearly meeting for Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, Delaware, and the western parts of Maryland and Virginia.
GENTLEMEN,
I RECEIVE with pleasure your affectionate address, and thank you for the friendly sentiments and good wishes which you express for the success of my administration and for my personal happiness.
We have reason to rejoice in the prospect, that the national government which by the favor of divine Providence was formed by the common councils, and peaceably established with the common consent of the people, will prove a blessing to every denomination of them; to render it such my best endeavors shall not be wanting. Government being among other purposes instituted to protect the persons and consciences of men from oppression, it certainly is the duty of rulers not only to abstain from it themselves, but according to their stations to prevent it in others.
The liberty enjoyed by the people of these States of worshiping Almighty God agreeably to their consciences is not only among the choicest of their blessings, but also of their rights—whilemen perform their social duties faithfully, they do all that society or the State can with propriety expect or demand, and remain responsible only to their Maker for the religion or mode of faith which they may prefer or profess. Your principles and conduct are well known to me, and it is doing the people called Quakers no more than justice to say, that (except their declining to share with others the burthen of the common defence) there is no denomination among us who are more exemplary and useful citizens. I assure you very explicitly that in my opinion the conscientious scruples of all men should be treated with great delicacy and tenderness, and it is my wish and desire that the laws may always be as extensively accommodated to them as a due regard to the protection and essential interests of the nation may justify and permit. (Signed) GEORGE WASHINGTON.
HEALTH.
MANY persons suffer in their health from causes which might easily be avoided: Bad air is very destructive to health. I will mention a circumstance but little attended to: Many complain that their cellars will not keep meat, butter, &c.—the reason generally is, that there is no circulation of air in their cellars; confined air corrupts, and will corrupt meat or vegetables if put into it; therefore to remove the air complained of, every cellar should have windows to admit a constant stream of fresh air; in summer the windows should be the northern side the house; in winter less air is necessary, but some must be admitted.
The greatest evil arising from corrupted air in cellars is, it is constantly mixing with the air in the house, and by its poisonous effluvia endangers the health of the family. From this cause undoubtedly fatal sickness has often been produced.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Jamaica Spirits, Antigua Rum, St. Croix, do., Country, do., Molasses, Brandy, Geneva, Do. in cases, Muscovado Sugar, Loaf, do., Lump, do., Pepper, Pimento, Coffee, Indigo, (Carolina), Rice, Superfine Flour, Common do., Rye, do., Indian Meal, Rye, Corn, (Southern), Do. (Northern), Beef, first quality, Pork, first quality.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3dol. pr. an.]