National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-10-06 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum
VOL. I.
SATURDAY, October 6, 1792.
NUMB. 98.
FOREIGN NEWS.
[From English papers.]
Saturday last arrived at New York, the ship New-York, capt. Smith, from London, last from Plymouth, after a passage of thirty days. By this vessel we have received the following intelligence:—
LONDON, August 12.
SIX thousand Hessians are to join the confederates on the French frontiers.
The army of the emigrant princes amounts to upwards of thirty thousand men; the greater part of which is still cantoned in the principality of Leige.
The English at Geneva and Laufanne, are at present very numerous.
By the official dispatches received yesterday, from the British minister at the court of Lisbon, we learn, that the Portuguese have joined the league against France.
The same accounts mention, that every hope of the queen's convalescence was at an end; and that a place was preparing for her reception, where she is to be confined for life.
SUSPENSION OF LOUIS XVI.
By an express received in town yesterday evening from Paris, we learn, that on Thursday the motion for the suspension of the king was discussed, and there appeared against the unhappy Louis a great majority. It was then proposed, that he should be prosecuted as a traitor to the state. A long and warm debate, or rather contention, ensued; after which, it was determined, that this proposition, with the motion for his suspension, should be received until the following day, for final decision; when it was expected he would be formally suspended, and the exercise of the executive power invested in the hands of commissioners.
This may be considered as a prelude to greater enormities. The royal family, stripped of their guards, must fall an easy sacrifice to the violence of the Jacobins—and France, to atone the mighty guilt, deluged in blood.
Lord Hood's fleet is ordered into port: it is conjectured, the appearance of this squadron in the channel, had occasioned jealousies both at the courts of Paris and Petersburg, for whose satisfaction its dismantlement is determined.
It was currently reported on Friday in the city, that the would-be regicide Petion had been seized by a number of indignant citizens, and hanged at a lamp-iron; but we are sorry to find, upon enquiry, that his execution is deferred until the Duke of Brunswick's arrival. The report added, that the Jacobin traitors were dispersing, and this we have the happiness to announce, is actually the case.
Petion and the Jacobins at his tail, begin to tremble at the consequences of royal prophanation, and the last sanguinary expressions of the Parisian assassins, were merely the effects of despair. The seditionous recreant and regicide dare not remain in Paris an hour after the approach of the imperial and royal armies.
A million of livres are said to be the reward offered by the emperor and the king of Prussia, for the apprehension of Petion alive, and five hundred thousand for either his head or his decapitated trunk.
The elector of Saxony has joined the confederacy against France.
Prince Kaunitz, by the last accounts from Vienna, was not expected to recover from the effects of a severe attack of the gout in the stomach.
The scattered remains of the regicide Ankerstroem, were on the 23d ult. taken from the different places where they were exposed.
A renewal of hostilities between the Turks and Russians, is by no means improbable; the former having already broke several articles of the peace, to which they were obliged to accede, and are reported to be determined to persist, in those refrac-
tions. The empress is, we believe, too powerful and too much elated by victor, to suffer a breach of peace to pass unpunished.
Major Lambro, the Russian pirate, in the Mediterranean, has sent a manifesto from the Archipelago, to the several ambassadors at Constantinople, complaining of the Russian general's having made peace with the Turks, without rewarding him for his services. He swears to continue hostilities against the Turks, but to respect all other European powers.
The British Greenland fishery has, for some years, been greatly upon the decline. In the year 1787, the number of vessels amounted to 264, at present there are only 101.
August 17.
Advices were this day received from France, by Thelusson, the eminent French merchant, by which we learn that the capital was in a state of the utmost distraction and confusion—the king has been before the national assembly, and by them deposed!—The Swiss guards cut to pieces for their loyalty in making a last attempt to rescue their sovereign from such indignities. The queen and dauphin threw themselves upon the mercy of the national assembly.
Several of the king's friends have been taken; of whom five or six were murdered.
All the shops shut—and all communication by the post as much as possible precluded.
We shall now soon see what effects the boasted freedom and constitution of France will produce.
A letter received from Dover this morning, mentions, that since Saturday last upwards of two hundred persons have landed there from France, and that every packet brings a great number of persons, all giving most melancholy accounts of the situation in which they left their unfortunate country.
August 16.
The following letter was sent yesterday from the Secretary of State's office to the master of Lloyd's coffee-house
Whitehall, Wed. Morn. Aug. 15.
"Mr. Ault presents his compliments to Mr. Tayler, master of Lloyd's coffee house, and acquaints him, agreeably to his request, that a messenger arrived this morning from Paris, with the news of a commotion on Friday, in which the mob killed the greatest part of the Swiss guards, who defended the Thuilleries, as also several persons of distinction, amongst whom was M. Clermont Tonnerre, and destroyed the furniture of the palace, and all the outbuildings adjoining. At the beginning of the tumult, the king and queen, and the royal family, escaped across the garden to the national assembly, in a room adjoining to which they continued till Sunday, when the messenger set out. On Friday the assembly decreed, that the executive power was withdrawn from the king, and that, for the present, government should be entrusted to ministers of their own nomination. That the king should be lodged in some place of safety, and the civil list no longer continued. That the primary assemblies should be concurred from the 26th inst. in order to appoint a national convention, to meet at Paris on the 20th of September, to decide ultimately upon the forfeiture of the crown, and the mode of establishing an executive power."
After the levee yesterday, the king held a chapter of the order of the Bath, which was attended by his royal highness the duke of York, sir Ralph Payne, sir William Howe, sir William Fawcett, and sir George Howard, when his majesty invested the hon. William Augustus Pitt, brother to lord Rivers, and commander of the 10th regiment of light dragoons, and the hon. John Vaughan, brother to the earl of Lisburn, with the order.
The Swiss guards, when attacked by the mob, were not above 700 in number; their enemy at least 100,000; nearly the
whole of the Swiss were killed, as the mob, after about a thousand of their own body had fallen, brought twelve pieces of cannon, loaded with grape-shot, to bear upon the Swiss, with which they were soon mown down; the few who survived the slaughter were taken to the bar of the assembly: a decree for their release was immediately passed, and they were declared to be under the safeguard of the law. A decree of accusation against the late war minister was then passed, for having caused the tumult, by his neglect to remove the Swiss guards from Paris.
The decrees which the national assembly have passed to allure the German soldiers to desert, offering every man a gratuity of fifty livres of ready money, and a pension of one hundred livres a year during life, with many other encouragements, have it is said had no small effect; and there have been such defections from the Austrian troops, that private letters mention, 700 men went off in one night from one of their regiments; and unless it had been counteracted by an early movement of the troops, 7000 would have gone over to the French next day.
The French rebels have evacuated Coblenz, and despair go with them.
August 18.
Yesterday morning a cabinet council was held, at which Mr. Pitt, the duke of Richmond, Mr. Dundas, and lord Hawkesbury assisted. The object of this meeting was the situation of affairs in France. A message, with dispatches to earl Gower, had been sent off previous to the assembling of the cabinet.
The reports of the day, and which chiefly engross the attention of the public, are that the queen of France has been murdered; that the populace broke open the prison of Orleans, and very deliberately put all the prisoners to death; and that the duke of Brunswick has been defeated in a pitched battle with La Fayette, with the loss of four or five thousand men killed, and three thousand prisoners, besides all his ammunition. These accounts, however, want confirmation, though given with a degree of confidence in some of the morning papers.
The duke of Dorset, accompanied by a French ecclesiastic of distinction, who arrived at Nerot's hotel, on Sunday last, had yesterday a long conference with the minister, at his house in Downing street, respecting the situation of affairs in France, since passing the decree of the national assembly for suspending the king.—Mr. Pitt's advice hitherto, has been to remain a spectator only of the French disputes, and in this, no doubt he has met the concurrence of the sovereign and the nation; but since the dethronement of the king has taken place, a change of measures, it is probable, will, sooner or later, be the consequence.
At Boulogne, a man has been seized with a letter upon him, said to be written by the king of the French to the Austrian army. This, if true, will seal the destruction of the sovereign in the present temper of the people.
The horrible excesses of Paris are hardly conceivable.—Custom has reconciled us to survey the deaths of civil contest without the indignant agony we feel at deliberate massacre. But every fibre of the heart shrinks at the recital of infamy disgraceful to humanity, and much more to sex. The temper of the Parisian women is that of tigers, or rather furies.—The conquered Swiss, leading to prison, were torn by them from the military who guarded them, and in delirious barbarity cut to pieces.
The Swiss guards who survived the massacre, are all detained as prisoners at the Palais Bourbon, until a court martial shall have decided on their fate. The massacre of the Swiss guards will certainly induce all the thirteen cantons to join the league, and declare immediate war against France.
The advices from France, brought to town yesterday evening, express, that the king had on Monday signified to the National Assembly, his wish to comply with the sentiments of the people; and desired to abdicate formally the crown, to which their confidence was no longer attached. All that he further requested was such a stipend as the nation should not think excessive for the support of his family. Retrenchment was the only hope they had left! The assembly replied, it is stated, to his majesty, that the object exceeded their powers; that the resolution of the state into its pristine elements, left every organization with the national convention, to which the royal desire must be referred.
Paris is again in a state of tranquility. No news of importance had arrived from the armies, except that Marshal Luckner had, by a fortunate and well contrived manœuvre, surrounded and taken 500 Austrians, with 220 horses, and six four pounders. This affair happened in the forest of Candel. The Austrians finding themselves overpowered, surrendered without making any resistance.
It is plain that the late outrages in Paris were concerted; and it is very dubious, that the wretches who were active in them, were hired for the purpose. What other means of livelihood indeed, have the unfortunate class of common people in Paris, than to exist by the wages which their leaders choose to hold out amongst them? Trade and commerce are fled—ruin and famine stalk the streets in their room.
Besides the manifesto published by the Duke of Brunswick with its supplement, &c. a more extensive manifesto is published in the names of the confederated kings, the summary of which is "The king of France shall cease the frontier town of his kingdom, to which he shall go; the Duke of Brunswick shall give him a guard, besides his Maison Militaire, which shall be restored to him by the princes his brothers.—The emperor and the king of Prussia do not will that the kingdom of France should be dismembered in any of its parts nor will they intermeddle in the government. They will restore the king's liberty and full authority, the ministers to their altars, proprietors to their property. The deputies to the first and second legislature shall be tried. The National Assembly, and the city of Paris, are answerable with their lives and effects for the life of the king and those of his family, from the day of the publication of this manifesto. Every man taken with arms in his hand shall be treated as a rebel and tried by military law. Every man taken, firing from his windows, or throwing stones, shall be put to the sword, and his house destroyed and burnt. We enjoin the national guards of the kingdom to preserve good order, and make them responsible with all administrators collectively and individually, on their lives and effects, for all events."
The Duke of Brunswick and the army take under their protection all individuals who shall declare for the king; it is farther forbidden to the army, to exercise any act of vengeance or justice, without having received orders.—The duke of Brunswick will take into his pay the regiments of soldiers who shall declare for the king. No pardon will be granted to any person opposing the departure of the king, and his going to any town which he shall have chosen."
The brave marshal Malachowski, duly considering the state of Poland, and viewing her cause as desperate, has published a spirited manifesto, in which he "submits to the divine justice the destinies of his country, and the proceedings of those whose pleasure it has been to do hurt to the republic."
August 21.
On Friday night a council was held at the Secretary of State's office, Whitehall, which sat three hours, and at 12 o'clock a special messenger was dispatched with fresh

instructions from administration to earl Gower at Paris.
It is now pretty certain, that the result of the council on Friday night was to take no part in the national disputes of France, unless it was resolved by the legislature in that kingdom to take away the life of the king of France; in which case, it is understood, that both England and Holland would be ready to declare against the revolution.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU,
THE subjoined address is, I find, in general circulation throughout the counties; and, I think, it will be serviceable to publish it in the city; for which purpose it is committed to your impartial press.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, Oct. 3, 1792. Z.
To the FREEMEN of PENNSYLVANIA.
THE present mode of electing members of Congress, which has been introduced by the arts and perseverance, of some ambitious characters in the city of Philadelphia, is calculated to lead you into a choice of persons, for the guardians of your political rights and interests, in whom (as you have no knowledge of their principles or their conduct) a well founded confidence cannot be reposed. While the state was divided into districts, every part enjoyed a fair proportion of the representation; and every elector, from his own observation and experience, could estimate the comparative merits of the candidates. There was little room for cabal, or faction; a combination of interests in one quarter, could not defeat the choice of the Freemen in another; nor was it necessary to secure the benefit of election thro' the medium of an odious compromise, by which at a board of conference (that fatal market for the rights of suffrage!) the acceptance of a stranger, whom you never saw, or a tory, whom you never loved, may be made the price and condition of the bargain.
In order, however, as far as possible, to obviate the difficulties of the situation in which we are thus involved, let us, my fellow-citizens, not only freely propose the candidates, but freely investigate their merits. My present object is to call your attention, not merely to names, but to characters; & in a concise, but, I hope, a satisfactory manner, to bring to your recollection men and principles, that ought to be forever dear to the whigs and republicans of Pennsylvania. The times are changed, it is true, but you are not changed with them. You see elevated into great official distinction, many, who did not dare to appear in public view, at the period which "tried men's souls;" and an attempt is now made to dazzle you with that blaze of wealth, which the fruitful agencies of the war, and the rank speculations of the funds, have more mysteriously than honestly accumulated in the hands of individuals. But you are not by such circumstances to be awed into silence, or deluded into slavery. The spirit of the revolution is not dead, though perhaps it sleepeth. Those minds which the splendor, the power, the influence, and the corruption of the British monarchy could not captivate, subdue, or contaminate, must be superior to the arrogance of an upstart aristocracy, the machinations of the inveterate foes to independence, and the soothings of those crafty politicians, who aim at a monopoly of power.
At this time I do not mean to scrutinize the characters of the candidates who are selected from that class of citizens, which is denominated, The Gentlemen of Pennsylvania. The ticket composed by that description of men, will speak for itself; and I think it of more importance, as well as a more agreeable task, to point out the characters that deserve to be chosen, rather than those that ought to be rejected. With the utmost deference, therefore, I submit to your consideration, the following names, and the remarks that accompany them; with this only hope, as the means of ensuring your approbation, that you will think and act for yourselves.
Charles Thomson.
History presents few characters to our observation, more deserving of private esteem, and public applause, than CHARLES THOMSON. A native of Pennsylvania, and qualified by an excellent education, he had scarcely attained the age of manhood, before he became eminently useful to the community, as a scholar and a philosopher.
There are many individuals who now enjoy the fruits of his tuition, in the solace of a retired, or the honors of a public life. The records of the various literary and charitable institutions of Philadelphia, bear testimony to his zeal, liberality and abilities; while as a commercial character, he was highly esteemed and entrusted—being secretary or active member of the associations occasionally formed by the merchants of Philadelphia. His political reputation rose with the dawn of the revolution. The quickness of his perception enabled him at once to trace all the consequences of the stamp act, and the other encroachments of the British parliament, upon the rights and liberties of America; and his patriotism stimulated him to take an immediate and active part in the opposition. From that hour until the inauguration of the President of the United States, under the existing government of the union, Mr. Thomson is to be traced as a vigilant patriot, and faithful public servant, in the minutes of all our meetings and committees, on the journals of our legislative bodies, and in the archives of Congress. Few men have been so much trusted by their fellow-citizens; few men have a greater knowledge of, or participate more in, their situation and interests; and few men have been more successful in their exertions for advancing the happiness and glory of this country.
William Findley.
This gentleman's talents furnish a theme for applause throughout the Union. Educated as a mechanic, his manners and deportment, though decent and respectable, are plain and simple. The admiration excited by his reasoning powers, in the various deliberative bodies, of which he has been a member, is equalled, however, by the esteem and affection, which his conduct in private life, has impressed upon the mind of every man who knows him. He served Pennsylvania as a captain in the militia in the years 1776 and 1777, the period of the invasion; and his entry upon the political scene was in the character of Censor, in the year 1784. Since that time he has been constantly, and with great distinction, in public view, either as a legislator, an executive magistrate, or a representative in the councils of the Union. His conduct in all these stations has served to increase the confidence of his friends, and even to command the approbation of his enemies.
Frederick A. Muhlenberg.
Descended from an amiable, enlightened and revered German clergyman, Mr. Muhlenberg was naturally regarded with a favorable eye by our fellow citizens of that nation; and it is certainly a fortunate circumstance, that the object to whom the attention of so important a part of the community was directed, has proved himself capable to serve the public, and deserving of the confidence of his country. In the year 1779, when Whig principles warmed the hearts of the people, and Whig politics controuled the operations of the Government, he was elected a member of Congress; and at the expiration of that service, he was chosen speaker of the general assembly of Pennsylvania. The event by which he was placed in a situation to be speaker of the House of Representatives in Congress, will be commemorated for the honor of America, as long as the Union lasts; and for Mr. Muhlenberg's honor, the conduct which he observed in that arduous and important office ought never to be forgotten.
William Montgomery.
With simple and unaffected manners, domestic habits, and an undaunted spirit, this gentleman combines a complacent disposition, an extensive knowledge of men and things, and a liberal regard for the honor and energy of a free government. The celebrated Pennsylvania Farmer acknowledgements, in his letters, that he derived great advantage from the communications which were made to him by Mr. Montgomery, who at that time resided in the county of Chester; and, indeed, the abhorrence, with which he viewed the encroachments of Great Britain, together with the natural texture of his mind, rendered him on every occasion a zealous and serviceable friend to the liberties and independence of America. A character of this class could not fail, during the contest to obtain the love and support of the Freemen of Pennsylvania: and, accordingly, Mr. Montgomery having received the most flattering marks of the attachment of his fellow citizens in Chester, was equally honored and entrusted by the inhabitants
of Northumberland, upon his fixing his abode in that county. He has been a conspicuous member of our legislative and other public bodies; and was once elected as a delegate in Congress; but declined, for some domestic reasons, accepting that appointment.
General Heister.
On the military and political services of Mr. Heister, no encomium seems at this time to be necessary; as, by a general concurrence of opinion he is selected for one of the Representatives in Congress. Let it be recorded, however, as a testimony of the personal esteem that the writer of these sketches entertains for him, that as an officer in the Militia of Pennsylvania, his conduct during the war was eminently useful to his country; and that in the various legislative departments which he has filled since the peace, he has greatly contributed to the fame and prosperity, that he enjoys.
John Smiley.
If republican virtue, pure and inflexible, has any claim to our respect, the gentleman at present under our consideration, must be admitted to a distinguished rank, among the candidates for political honors. View him in private life, he is artless, friendly and industrious; view him in public life, he is vigilant, firm and sagacious. To the insolence of authority and the encroachments of power, he has offered an opposition, uniform and successful. The proprietary thralldom, with its feudal badge of quit-rents and tenures, he lent an active arm to overthrow; while he joined his fellow citizens to encounter the monarchical outrages of Great Britain, with courage in the field, and wisdom in the cabinet. In the years 1776 and 1777, he served as a private in the militia; and continued in that situation during the most critical periods of the war. His political career may be traced in the earliest voluntary associations of the citizens, as well as in the organized legislative bodies of the government. He was deputed to represent the county of Lancaster first as a member of the committee of conference, and afterwards as a member of the general assembly. When he removed from Lancaster to Westmoreland, carrying with him the same virtues, he obtained the same popularity; and was likewise repeatedly chosen a representative from the latter county: and since his residence in Fayette, we find him upon every occasion the choice of his neighbours as the trustee of their civil rights, or the agent in their personal transactions. It appears from this review, that wherever Mr. Smiley has been most known, he has been most esteemed; and were it not for the prejudices created by his patriotic conduct during the war, his election would undoubtedly be unanimous. But, it is to be lamented, that there still exists among some men, a sentiment unpropitious to the Whig of 1776. To such, however, let it be observed, that Mr. Smiley's conduct arose from a sense of duty, from a love of his country; that he who was an ardent promoter of the bill for the gradual abolition of slavery, could not be destitute of humanity; and that he who with effect contended for the abolition of the tender and the payment of the debts incurred by government, could not be insensible to the importance of public credit.
William Irvine, of Cumberland.
The principles and abilities of Gen. Irvine have been tried, as well in the field as in council; and his country has uniformly had occasion to be pleased with the object, and the fruits of her confidence. He was early invited to a distinguished rank, in the armies of the United States; and acquitted himself with such propriety, that, while his public services commanded the respect and favor of government, his private conduct conciliated the affections and friendship of all around him. As a soldier, he was vigilant, brave and enterprising: as a citizen, he was patriotic, upright and liberal. He knew how to enforce discipline without severity; and to render the operations of war compatible with the rights of property, and the calls of humanity. He continued in a military station until the final acknowledgment of the independence of America; and, ever since that period, he has been employed in a faithful discharge of the most important civil offices, to which the esteem and confidence of his fellow-citizens could elevate him. His conduct as a delegate in Congress, under the late confederation, was honorable to himself and useful to the state; and we may presume that his merits have been equally regarded in the scale of federal business; since we find him at the present time engaged by Congress as a commissioner, in the arduous, confidential and important trust of settling the accounts between the union and its constituent members.
Peter Muhlenberg.
General Muhlenberg was designed by nature for the military scene. Tho' born in Pennsylvania, he was appointed by Virginia to the rank of colonel in the troops of her line, and afterwards created brigadier-general in the continental service. Having served through these gradations with the highest honor during the war, he returned to his native country, by which he has been constantly employed (with equal reputation) in the offices of civil life; particularly as vice-president of Pennsylvania, and as a member of Congress, under the existing constitution.
Jonathan D. Sergeant.
The political principles and conduct of this gentleman are so well known, and, among the genuine whigs of the union, so highly approved, that I should think it unnecessary, but for the form of my undertaking, to detain the reader with a recapitulation of his public services. His active and useful opposition to the British encroachments, commenced in the neighbouring state of New-Jersey, of which he is a native. He was then considered as an important leader in the patriotic committees and conventions, that preceded the dissolution of the dependent connection which bound America to Europe; and in the most critical period of the contest, he was an intelligent, industrious and firm member of Congress. Soon after he had chosen his residence in Pennsylvania, he was appointed attorney-general; and in that character (which some of the leading political lawyers of the present day were then afraid to put on) he acquitted himself with fidelity towards the government, and with humanity towards the unfortunate objects of prosecution: But the task was inconceivably arduous, on account of the violence of the times; for, on questions of state, the public officer could not expect to discharge his duty without incurring the hatred and resentment, not only of delinquent individuals, and their immediate friends, but of the whole anti-revolution faction—opulent, powerful, and vindictive. The proofs of the professional abilities of Mr. Sergeant, are seen in his reputation at the bar, in the success of his clients, and in the affluence of his fortune. But the last of these advantages has never elevated his mind into a contempt for his fellow-citizens, nor altered those temperate habits and unaffected manners, which at once designate and adorn a true republican.
Andrew Gregg.
Mr. Gregg is qualified by an excellent education to discharge the duties of political life; and has, accordingly, been selected for that purpose by his fellow-citizens of the district in which he lives. His principles, with respect to the late contest, were those of a whig; and with respect to the present government, are those of a republican.
Thomas Hartley.
This gentleman's political conduct and character are so well known, that it seems superfluous to remind his fellow-citizens, that he was an early whig; an active officer; that his talents are respectable, his manners cordial, and that he has uniformly enjoyed the favor and confidence of his neighbours.
John W. Kittera.
Of this gentleman the most favorable sentiments are entertained, and the best expectations are excited. Politically, he was a whig, and is a republican;—Professionally, as he is learned without pedantry, so he is faithful to his client without being false to his conscience; and Personally, he is diffident, liberal, and sincere.
John Barclay.
Mr. Barclay is a respectable merchant, who, without claiming an ostentatious superiority, is surpassed by few of our citizens in a knowledge of the principles of American commerce, in talents for business, and in an industrious attention to the duties of public and private life. He was an uniform and zealous whig. As mayor of Philadelphia, devoting all the emoluments of his office to the purposes of Police, he maintained an unprecedented degree of order, peace and harmony in the city; and as a private gentleman, displaying an unaffected disposition for benevolence and hospitality; he enjoys an uncommon portion of the love, friendship and good wishes of his acquaintance.
Having thus briefly reviewed the characters of those candidates, whose success involves, in my opinion, the honor and interest of the state, and of the union, I leave the subject to the consideration of my fellow-citizens, who are certainly capable and entitled to decide for themselves. They will, however, permit me to remind them, that the names which I have presented to their view, are those which were familiar to them, as friends and associates, in the hour of danger; as faithful servants, who came to their assistance when the timid, the slavish, and the wealthy fled. Such were the men, whom you happily entrusted to contend for the liberties of America; and surely such are most able, and must be most desirous to cherish and protect what they have laboured to acquire. It is time, then, to be on your guard, to rouse from your lethargy; for, behold! the Tories of 1776 are the aristocrats of 1792! And every patriotic mind ought to weigh well this ques-

tion,—whether those who then opposed our being free, ought now to be entrusted with the palladium of our freedom? They have failed, it is true, in their efforts to keep us the slaves of Britain; but, beware! that they do not make us slaves to themselves.
M E N T O R.
To the Freemen of the County of Philadelphia.
Fellow Citizens,
A TICKET is published for your consideration, said to be the result of a meeting of a number of the inhabitants of the county, but which in fact was determined by a few, and those from two of the smallest districts in the county. Many of the electors knew not that a meeting was to be held, and few of those who knew it attended. The southern district, comprehending Southwark, Moyamensing, &c. was represented but by two persons, and the district over Schuylkill was without a single voice. The upper district has for several years past exerted itself to the utmost to give a representation to the county. The inhabitants from that quarter generally appear in full force at the county meeting, knowing that the proceedings of the meeting give a cast at the general election. They are the better enabled to appear at Germantown, and give a complexion to the representation, as they generally have horses—If the decision at Germantown is to influence the general election, we had better, without further trouble, yield the right of election to Buxton and its neighbourhood! The following ticket was proposed by some of the most respectable citizens of the county, viz—Robert Hare, John Lardner, William Robinson, jun. Thomas Forrest, and William W. Burrows, and it is hoped will receive the support of every independent elector at the general election. If legislation is among the most difficult sciences, and requires not only extensive information of men and things, but talents and capacity, you will not hesitate a moment in giving a preference to the above ticket. "Legislation (says Blackstone) is the greatest power one man can have over another;" let us then beware how we delegate the important, the sacred trust; for as much real injury often arises from ignorance as from deliberate villainy. Attempts have been made, and no doubt will again be made to bully us into the adoption of certain characters, but the spirit of freemen will never submit to be driven into measures by the malicious and dishonorable efforts of any aspiring demagogue whatever.
An Independent Elector.
Phila. county, Oct. 5.
PHILADELPHIA.
OCTOBER 6.
Died lately in Charleston, General Mordecai Gist—and since Mrs. Ann Timothy, proprietor of the South-Carolina Gazette.
M. Spiller, the celebrated English foot traveller, who is now engaged in exploring the interior of America, and means to proceed, if possible, from sea to sea, arrived at Augustine in East Florida about the 1st of July, and requested leave of the governor to explore that province for the purpose of botanical researches. Altho' otherwise treated with civility his request was refused, under pretence of rigid orders to suffer no strangers to come there except for the purpose of settling under the Spanish government.
The new settlers in East Florida (says the Charleston City Gazette) begin to feel their situation exceedingly irksome, from the restraints which are imposed on them by the Spanish government, and to which they have been hitherto unaccustomed. Most of them heartily wish themselves back at their former homes. No person, though a resident in St. John's, is suffered to go to St. Augustine, without a passport, in procuring of which it is not uncommon to spend two or three days, besides paying two or three dollars to the sercano for drawing a petition.
The patriotic citizens of London have entered upon a very large subscription for the relief of the people of Poland, suffering from the late invasion of the Russians. Subscriptions were also raised throughout England with such success as to afford a prospect of a contribution becoming the opulence and dignity of England to offer, and a spirited people, struggling against regal tyranny, to receive.
[A Representative in the Congress of the United States from Maryland (Mr. Mercer) having been attacked in one of the public papers of that state on the score of opposition to certain measures of Congress, that gentleman has published his defence in the Maryland Gazette of the 28th ult. from which the following is extracted.]
"It is the most sacred principle of our constitution, and the palladium of all free government, that the people should not be taxed but by their representatives. On a proposition in congress to refer to the secretary of the treasury to report the amount of the sums of money wanted, and the manner in which it should be raised, I objected—that the right of the representatives to originate a money-bill or tax, was the soul of their existence—that it was incommu-
cable; that we could not even make such a reference to the senate (part of the legislature.) That to give the purse-strings of our constituents into the hands of the executive, who held also the sword—who were divided from us with such caution by the constitution, and to the treasury, that part of the executive possessed of the only means of corruption, was treason against the constitution, and suicide with respect to ourselves. That, although we should still have to pass on the tax-bill which he would originate, yet reason would tell us, and experience had shown us, that this was only nominal; for, when once the subject was referred, he might keep it until a majority was ready to receive it as he pleased; and to so late a period, that anxiety to get home would prevent all opposition, which those who have served in legislative bodies are all but too well apprized of; that when it made its appearance it would be as it had been; you must take the secretary's plan, or he will not be responsible; how can he be responsible for the good effects of a plan which he disapproves, and that he disapproves of yours is evident from his having proposed another—And admitting that you could convince the whole house that his plan was wrong, and that you could propose another that was undeniably better, yet as it must be committed to the execution of the secretary, who, on the rejection of his own, would feel his reputation at stake to disgrace yours, no man in his senses would risk his credit on the event—so that, in fact, all opposition would be as it had been impossible; and we were actually more insignificant, and in a less eligible situation, than the old parliaments of Paris, called up to register the edicts of the court, for they were never blamed by the people, who knew their want of power; but here we bore all the blame of odious taxes originating with others, and rightly too, because we betrayed the trust reposed in us by the constitution;" and, to illustrate this, I referred to the excise—the tax devised by the secretary of the treasury.
I considered that gentleman as the most improper person in the government to originate a tax; not appointed by the people, nor responsible to them, he may oppress them, and they cannot remove him; shut up in a luxurious city, surrounded by splendor, and at the fountain head, where the collected wealth of all America is poured out, he can neither know the interest, nor sympathize with the distress of those who earn their bread by the sweat of their brow; of those distant millions, who plant throughout the American soil, must work to harve where they first drew their breath. When the first congress under the new government exercised themselves the great power conferred on them by the people,—coming from all parts of the union with the varied and diversified information of each distant district, they brought into one view that combined knowledge that enabled them to form the first impost law; a law that gave universal satisfaction to the continent, and brought millions into the general treasury; but when they shamefully gave up their sacred trust to the secretary, he instantly introduced the most detestable of all taxes, the excise, which has alienated the affections of the people, and as yet produced only 400 000 dollars. Is it possible that any man can be so ignorant as to suppose the former objections of America to the excise to have arisen from the produce being applied to the benefit of Great-Britain? When did Great-Britain ever propose this? Is not their own excise in England, the constant curse of their own people. When first proposed among them, did they not rise up as one man and disgrace a minister till then thought to be as firmly seated as the island itself—And why? because it is infinitely more unjust and oppressive than a poll-tax; the poll tax is equality to this, for by that the richest man in the state would pay as much as the poorest; but of this excise, the poorest man in the state pays in all human probability ten times as much as the richest, as he probably drinks ten times as much whiskey. And it is also probable, that all the stockholders of America who have a mortgage on one third of our property, do not drink as much from the country still as any common warm planter or farmer. Such then is the tax devised by a man, not elected by and not responsible to the mass of society, who has only to accommodate his measures to a monied interest and a few influential individuals. Behold also, the last impost law, crammed down our throats by the tomahawk suspended over a defenceless frontier, in order to help manufacturing scrip. How partial and unjust is it in every dispensation: But so far from recommending opposition to the excise, my speeches on the floor of congress, when advocating a power to be vested in the president to call out the militia to execute the law—and in all my late addresses, furnish inconteſſible refutation. A law passed by legal authority must be executed, or it is no government, and any government is better than none. A bad law should be repealed, and so should the excise as soon as it can be done with safety. I hope an unceasing opposition may flow in the line of remonstrance, but remonstrance only.
The second instance in which I objected to the measures of the secretary, arose on his proposition to fund the unfulfilled debt of
the U. States, upon the principles of the former funding system, which in my conscience I did and do think, and can demonstrate, were equally ruinous to the country and the stockholders. I stated, that with respect to what had been done, it was past, and could not be recalled; but, to travel in error when the road was open to extricate ourselves, was unpardonable—The United States were free to adopt such principles as reason and experience recommended, with regard to the debt now to be funded. My objections to the old system arose chiefly from the deferred stock and irredeemable quality. The deferred stock was a dangerous novelty, unknown to the most corrupt governments, who had never dared so far to violate the rights of posterity—Unsafe, because the people could never be made sensible of the abuses of administration—That our rights over posterity were limited by natural reason—That, as all public revenue was in effect only the produce of the labour and industry of society; our deferred stock, in fact, amounted to this—That a freeman alive now has a right to the labour of a freeman born 30 years hence, and that because he may then be dead, and not able to enjoy it, that he may sell it now to a third person and spend the money. The irredeemable quality, to render familiar, I will thus explain—The United States, by an act of congress, have engaged not to pay more of their debt now, at six per cent. interest, than eight per cent. on the principal and interest yearly—and if they do not regularly pay this every year as it passes they lose the benefit for ever of the year elapsed, so that it may so happen that the six per cents may never be redeemed, and this conclusion is warranted by experience. It depends on the congress and the secretary; for, although we have had this privilege for three years, yet we have never availed ourselves of it, and those three years are lost. Why? Because, say these people, we had not the money—But they boast that they have paid great part of the French debt at five per cent. And where did they get the money? By borrowing money at four per cent. in Holland. Was there not the same means and greater propriety for borrowing at four to pay that part of our debt at six per cent. which, even by contract, we were permitted to do—And had we not had from 20 to 24 members in our house stockholders, four or five of whom are bank directors, is their any doubt but that the secretary would have been compelled to do this—But I did not name them; why should I be forced to bring 24 quarrels on my head, when every man that heard me, by turning to the year and nays on the journals of congress, might satisfy himself who they were that united in support of every measure of the secretary's department. In my argument against the irredeemable quality, I denied that congress could by a law deprive any future congress, or abridge a power conferred on them by the constitution, of paying the debts of the United States. Any engagement to abridge this power of paying, in my opinion, would be unconstitutional—it would be in effect the same as if they declared by law that the people should not pay their private debts, but should continue to pay their present creditors six per cent. even although they could borrow money of others at four, for this very public debt is, in fact, nothing but the private debt of each individual citizen if they have power to do the one, they have an equal power to do the other. I asserted, that the idea had ever been execrated in other countries, for nations generally borrow when in great distress, and when of course they are obliged to submit to any terms that avarice may impose upon them, and if they could not take advantage of the prosperous turns of their affairs, (which an irredeemable quality would prevent) and of their rise of credit, to borrow at leisure on better terms, and lower the interest, or pay off the principal debt on higher interest, they must soon be destroyed—That if Great-Britain had been so unwise as to adopt this irredeemable quality in the commencement of their funding system, they must have been ruined long ago, but by always cautiously avoiding the snare frequently laid for them, they now paid only three per cent. interest for money borrowed at eight, and this without the injury and without the consent of the creditor, by making new loans as their credit arose—and this we might effect at this instant but for this irredeemable quality, by borrowing at Holland in four per cent. (and that not by the prudent management of our secretary, for the old congress without the command of any fund whatever, in the midst of an unequal war, on the doubtful event of which all payment depended, borrowed of the Dutch once at four per cent. and never at more than five per cent.—And this our secretary, in full possession of all the productive funds of the continent, has borrowed at five per cent. and never till lately so low as four.) And this deferred stock and irredeemable quality so destructive to the country, is equally ruinous to the stockholder, for supposing he gets 22/6 for his six per cents, and 13/9 for his deferred, it is not equal to 20/ in the pound—Whereas had it been funded at five per cent. as I proposed, it would have been instantly worth 20/ of American credit, for we have borrowed of the bank at five per cent. redeemable at pleasure, and by
going to Holland, we could have borrowed at four; so that all our debt might have been reduced to four per cent. the stockholder would have got one shilling more in the pound than he can under the present system, and the landed interest and labour of society would have been relieved of all that load of deferred stock, which will be soon an insupportable burthen, I fear—for in effect it would be entirely annihilated, that is, the public would pay no more interest on the whole of what is now six per cents and deferred, than it does on the six per cents alone, and no after burthen would exist. Again, the contingent redeemable quality of the six per cents, prevents their rise to their full value at market, and as they are consequently more immediately profitable than the threes, people deal more in them, and they have become unfortunately the basis of the public credit, and keep down the threes; whereas, had the secretary rested the basis of his system on the natural value of the threes, instead of that artificial and bolstered project of fives, as they did in England, they must have soon been at par, for good public credit will be found to vibrate between two and a half and three per cent. and in Great Britain, from 1731 to 1757, before the ran so much in debt that her ability to pay became suspicious, the threes always averaged par, although, in that period, a rebellion intervened that shook the government to its foundation."
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU,
A number of the electors of the city of Philadelphia, take the liberty of proposing to their fellow-citizens, the following gentlemen as representatives in the general assembly for the ensuing year, viz.
George Latimer, John Swanwick, Benj. R. Morgan, Jacob Hiltzheimer, Henry Kammerer.
Mr. FRENEAU,
THE following Ticket for Representatives for the county of Philadelphia, will meet with an able support at the general election, as he meeting at Germantown, the 4th inst. consisted of but a small number of the inhabitants, and could not speak the sense of the county. By publishing the ticket you will oblige
A Number of Electors.
Robert Hare, William W. Burrows, Thomas Forrest, John B. Burchall, John Lardner. Southwark, 5th Oct. 17 92.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SO, Mr. Freneau, your friend Z, in your paper of yesterday, thinks that "a proclamation was issued in most convenient season." And that it seems peculiarly indelicate and improper, for any officer of the United States, to intermeddle upon the occasion of an election, for Representatives—or to foment parties, and to influence elections."
Such malignant and unfounded insinuations, as these, must always injure the party and the cause they are meant to support, in proportion as they disgrace their authors.
As the charge of interference, is of a pretty serious nature, your correspondent may very properly be called upon to explain who the officers are that he alludes to, or whether he means that it should solely apply to the President's proclamation.
From the well known connection that subsists between the leaders of a party in this city, and the persons who seem to be the object of the President's proclamation; it is fair to presume that the writer in your paper, and his colleagues, are much more displeased with the proclamation, than they were sorry for the occasion of it.
O. B. 92. Y
WARSAW, July 25.
The new constitution, the termination of which we have long apprehended, is at length at an end.
On Sunday night, the Russian minister delivered the final answer of his imperial mistress to the king, in which she declares her determination of re-establishing the ancient constitution, and of supporting to the utmost of her power, the confederation of Targovica.
Eighteen thousand Austrians form a cordon on the frontiers of Galicia. 30,000 Prussians are stationed on the frontiers of Silesia; who as the Empress in her letter declared, were ready to enforce her requisitions.
All Lithuania opposes the restoration of the old form of government; and the people throughout the kingdom are so much attached to the new constitution, that should the Empress carry the point, a general insurrection will, undoubtedly take place, and a civil war must be the consequence.
On the 23d of July, a cessation of hostilities took place between the grand armies; and on the 29th, the treaty was to be finally ratified.
Thus it is that the courts of Austria, Prussia, and Great Britain, who a short time ago, appeared to be terrified at the idea of Turkish accession to Russia, have rarely permitted a female despot to overturn the freedom of a constitution, founded by the universal spirit of virtue, and approved of by the great majority of every nation in Europe.

COPY OF A LETTER FROM CAPT. JOHN ROGERS, TO HIS EXCELLENCY HENRY LEE, Esquire.
Treaty-Ground, District of Mero, Territory South of Ohio, August 5th, 1792.
DEAR SIR,
WHEN I got into the Holstein country, I found I was in time to accompany Governor Blount to the treaty in this district...
This country is in a deplorable situation—detached from the great body of the union—the inhabitants very dispersed...
I have procured an accurate list of the killed, wounded, and missing, since the first of January 1791...
The goods for the treaty have this day arrived safe; they were fired upon in the Teneche, supposed by a party of Creeks...
prevent the Choctaws from coming in; it in some measure has the desired effect, as only about 110 of them are here...
I have appointed to set out for the Kentucky, on Saturday next—I received your letter, with the inclosures...
[P. S. The return of persons killed and wounded in, and prisoners taken from Mero district since January 1st. 1792, stands as follows.—Fifty-two killed—13 missing—eleven wounded, one of whom is since dead.]
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
[Observations, by Mr. BANKS.]
THE Federal Constitution, bad as it is in many respects, has provided that the government should be directed by the immediate representatives of the people...
Let us here pause! and ask—Is Mr. Hamilton the present secretary of the treasury, who directs one of the principal springs of government...
If Mr. Hamilton has acquired such power in the early period of his political career, can we suppose that he will abdicate it when he shall have entrenched himself by the double operation of the purse and sword?
So far am I from condemning the secretary, and so unwilling to believe that he ought to be charged with any legislative fault...
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé—
SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cents, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Méridionale...
S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina...
August 29. iawtj
JUST PUBLISHED
By E. OSWALD,
(Price Eleven Pence)
FIVE LETTERS,
addressed to the
Yeomanry of the United States:
CONTAINING some Observations on the Scheme of Governor Duer and Mr. Secretary Hamilton, to establish National Manufactures...
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer, JOHN M'CULLOCH, at No. 1. North Third-Street...
MODERN CHIVALRY:
Containing the
Adventures of Capt. John Farrago,
and
Teague O'Regan,
his Servant.
VOLUME II.
By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines, nostri, Farrago libelli. Juvena
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
And for Sale at the Printing-Office,
No. 209, Market-Street,
and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in
Second-Street,
Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar,
ADVICE
TO THE
PRIVILEGED ORDERS,
in the
SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE,
Resulting from the necessity and pro-
priety of a General Revolution in
the Principle of Government.
By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitesboro, in the state of New-York, on the north side of the Mohawk river...
N. B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill seats.
July 19.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said society, that the following arrangement has been made...
The second installment for the payment of shares in the stock of this society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second installment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments...
By order of the direction,
JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk.
July 24.
*** Three handsome Editions of the Laws of the United States for sale at this office (No. 209 Market street) in folio and octavo.
New-York and Philadelphia
STAGE S,
Via Bordentown and Burlington.
THE proprietors of the New-York and Philadelphia Land and Water Stages, beg leave to mention, that for the better accommodation of the passengers...
Fare for passengers from Philadelphia to New-York 15s.
For goods do. do. per cwt. 6s.
Van Emburgh and McKean,
David Williamson,
Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia Stages, by the route of Bordentown.
Jacob Myers,
Amos Hutchin,
Nicholas Schenck,
Proprietors of the line of New-York and Philadelphia Stages, by the route of Burlington.
Bordentown, Oct. 1.
For freight or passage apply to the masters on board, or to
McKean and Van Emburgh;
Who have for sale at their store on said wharf, immediately next below Arch-street,
Ole Madeira, } Muscovado, } Teneriffe, and } Loaf, and } Mountain } Lump }
Jamaica Spirits, } Molasses, } Antigua, } Coffee, } Mountain } Chocolate, } Rum } Bohemian Tea, } Newbury } Burlington Pork, } Rochelle Brandy } Hams, } in pipes, cases and } Flour, } demijohns, } Bar Iron, &c. &c. &c. }
Gin in pipes and cases, } Orders for Grain, Staves, Bins of Scantling, or other Lumber, punctually attended to.
For freight or passage to Lambert or Trenton: also, apply as above.
Philadelphia, October, 1792.
BOOKS,
Printed and sold by
MATHEW CAREY,
No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement, in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven volumes.
This work which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government...
2. Smith's letters to married women, on nursing and the management of children. We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed. Monthly Review, Vol. 38, Page 101.
Duncan's elements of logic. three shillings of a dollar.
4. Beauties of Fielding, 50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair, 50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Marchioness of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6s.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
7. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, LL.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three shillings of a dollar.
9. Beauties of Poetry, Price four shillings of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons, Price two dollars.
11. Neckar's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four shillings of a dollar.
12. Examination of the observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five shillings of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five shillings of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal, Price three shillings of a dollar.
15. American Jest Books, three shillings of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul, half a dollar.
17. The Douay Translation of the vulgar Bible, in qu. 12mo. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50s. plain, six dollars.
Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms...
May 17. G.W. W.
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAINE,
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET,
NEAR FIFTH-STREET,
PHILADELPHIA.