Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1794-05-01 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States  AND  EVENING ADVERTISER.
[No. 119 of Vol. V.]
THURSDAY, May 1, 1794.
[Whole No. 515.]
FOR SALE, BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118. Market-Street.
An Essay on Slavery,
Designed to exhibit in a new point of view its effects on morals, industry, and the peace of society. Some facts and calculations are offered to prove the labor of free men to be much more productive than that of slaves; that countries are rich, powerful and happy, in proportion as the laboring people enjoy the fruits of their own labor; and hence the necessary conclusion, that slavery is impolitic as well as unjust.
Price 25 Cents.
February 15.
The following Certificate
of the funded three per Cent Stock of the Domestic Debt of the United States standing on the books of the Treasury of the said United States, in the names of Donald and Burton of London, merchants, and signed by Joseph Nouie, Register of said Treasury, to wit:—No. 5476, dated 24th August 1792 for 2959 dollars and 53 cents was transmitted from London in the ship Peter, Paul Hulley, master, bound for New York; and has been lost. The Subscriber intending to apply to the Treasury of the United States to have the same renewed, desires all persons who are interested in the said certificate, to make their objections thereto, if any they have.
Francis Macy.
Philad. March 27.
Excellent CLARET,
In hogsheads and in cases of 50 bottles each.
ALSO:
A few cases Champaigne Wine; MADEIRA,
In pipes, hogsheads and quarter casks,
FOR SALE BY
JOHN VAUCHAN,
No. 111, South Front Street.
Jan. 2, 1794.
Just Imported,
In the Ship Edward, Capt. Crandon, from St. Petersburg in Russia, and now landing at South-street Wharf, viz.
HEMP, BAR IRON, RUSSIA SHEETING, RAVEN'S DUCK, RUSSIA DUCK, HOG'S BRISTLES.
AND FOR SALE BY
John Donaldson,
No. 22, Walnut-street.
March 4, 1794.
The Ground Plan
OF THE City and Suburbs
OF PHILADELPHIA.
TAKEN FROM ACTUAL SURVEY.
IT is with pleasure that the publisher has to inform his subscribers and the public in general, that the plate is now under the hands of the engraver, and in greater forwardness than was at first contemplated. At the same time he begs leave to remind them, that subscription papers are still open at most of the noted book-stores in the city; and that he hopes from the whole of them to be enabled to form such a respectable catalogue of names, as will do a credit to the work, as well as afford a reasonable encouragement to the undertaker. Those who are desirous of further information are requested to call on
Benjamin Davies,
No. 68, Market Street.
April 14.
FOR SALE,
BY THE SUBSCRIBER,
Old Lisbon Wine of a
superior quality in pipes, imported in the ship Wilmington.
OLD SHERRY WINE of the first quality in quarter casks, imported in the brig Nancy capt. Gwin. from Cadiz.
SHELLED ALMONDS and a few kegs of RAISINS, imported in ditto.
Particular TENERIFFE WINES, in pipes and quarter casks, imported in the ship Thomas, capt. Skinner.
A few quarter casks of old particular bill of exchange MADEIRA WINE.
George Meade,
Who has also, just arrived and for sale
A SMALL CARGO OF
Lisbon Salt.
A quantity of empty BAGS for sale.
April 5. w&esm.
To be Let,
For Merchants Counting Houses or Public Offices,
Two brick 3 story Houses,
HAVING 6 rooms in each, with fire places beside garrets, situate on the south westerly side of Dock Street, between Pear and Walnut Streets. Enquire of
BENJAMIN W. MORRIS.
April 17.
Just Imported,
In the Ship Apollo, Capt. Fitzpatrick, from Amsterdam, and now landing on Walnut-street wharf, viz.
GIN in pipes,
A few bales Holland Duck,
Ditto Osnaburgs,
Holland Sheeting,
Juniper Berries,
Glass Ware, viz. Tumblers and Mugs, various sizes.
Sheathing Paper,
Sweedes Iron, square and flat bars,
Hair, Rabband, No. 4,
Dutch Great Coats,
A quantity of Yarn and Oakum, &c. &c.
FOR SALE BY
THOMAS KETLAND, Jun.
The above-mentioned Ship is for Sale—should application be made within a few days; otherwise she will take freight for Amsterdam.
March 1, 1794.
d—tf
The Profits arising from the following publication are for the benefit of the Poor. Just published, printed by R. Aitken and Son, and sold by J. Crukshank, W. Young T. Dobson, and the other Booksellers,
MINUTES
OF THE
Proceedings of the Committee,
Appointed on the 14th September 1793, by the Citizens of Philadelphia, the Northern Liberties, and the District of Southwark, to attend to and alleviate the sufferings of the afflicted with the Malignant Fever, prevalent in the City and its vicinity.
WITH AN APPENDIX;
CONTAINING
A list of persons admitted into the Hospital at Bush-hill, showing the times of their admission, death and discharge.
Number of Houses, Deaths, &c. in the respective streets, alleys, and courts in the city of Philadelphia, Northern Liberties, and District of Southwark.
A list of the Interments in the Burial grounds in the city of Philadelphia, Northern Liberties, and District of Southwark, with a meteorological account of the weather.
A summary of donations in cash and provisions, received from sundry persons and places, for the use of the poor and afflicted.
April 2.
d3v
For Amsterdam,
The new fast-sailing, copper-bottomed SHIP ADRIANA,
K. Fitzpatrick, Master.
BUILT of live oak and cedar and was intended for a Liverpool Trader, will sail with all convenient speed. For freight or passage, having excellent accommodations, apply on board at Walnut-street wharf, or to
THOS. & JOHN KETLAND.
N. B. Passengers will be landed in England if required.
March 6, 1794.
dff
For Norfolk & Fredericksburgh,
The Brig
LITTLE SALLY,
JOHN EARL, Master.
A staunch good vessel, will sail in a few days. For freight or passage, apply to the master on board at Chestnut-street wharf, or to
JOSEPH ANTHONY & SON.
March 31.
dff
For Sale or Charter,
The Ship
ANDROMACHE,
(An American bottom)
John Moore, Master.
IS a stout good vessel, about two years old, burthen 232 tons, has only made three voyages, and may be sent to sea at a small expense. She may be seen at Vine-street wharf, and the terms made known by application to
WHARTON & LEWIS.
March 24.
dff
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES
MR. FENNO,
The following article, lately appeared in a Baltimore paper—it contains observations pertinent to the present posture of affairs in the United States. Observations which in my opinion, are more worthy of attention, than the contents of a thousand columns of European intelligence—we reprobate transatlantic connections, politics and manners in appearance—but what is the fact? If we could receive an uninterrupted supply of European Newspapers, it may be doubted whether it would appear from the American publications, that the people of the United States, existed as a nation; or had a government, or any independent interests of its own. C.
From the Maryland Journal.
WE shall take the conversation of to-day from the work of a celebrated modern author, varying only in a few particulars from the original.
The young Lyfis had listened to the declamations of the sophists against public measures and the most virtuous members of the Republic, till he conceived himself qualified to manage its affairs.
My son, said Apollodore, I learn that you burn with a desire to reform the laws and change the administration. I wish it, replied Lyfis, hesitatingly. It is a beautiful project, said his father, to give to the republic better laws than it enjoys at present, and more virtuous men to conduct its affairs than those who have served it with so much celebrity in its most disastrous periods, and so much prudence and wisdom since being vested with civil authorities. If it succeeds you will be enabled to be useful to your relations, to your friends and to your country. The Republic will no longer consider Solon as the wisest legislator, nor Aristides as the justest citizen.
At these words the young man trembled with joy. To accomplish that object, continued Apollodore, will it not be necessary to carry into the General Assembly a great variety of information, and to have rendered eminent services to the republic, in order to obtain the confidence of the people? Without doubt, said Lyfis. What services then, replied his father, have you ever rendered the people, that they should withdraw their confidence from those who have served it, to repose it in you, who have not? Lyfis was silent to prepare an answer. After waiting some moments his father continued, you do not rank among your useful informations, what you have collected from the declamations of the sophists, nor the facility with which you can repeat their insinuations.
If you believe what they say, you must be in possession of the proofs upon which they support it. Lyfis seemed disconcerted, he had never heard of the proofs. But waving this point, said Apollodore, if the matter was to promote the welfare of a mercantile house, you would first think how you could furnish it with a capital, and establish its credit: In like manner, you would think of serving the state by increasing its wealth, and establishing its credit. Such is my idea, said Lyfis. Tell me then the amount of the revenue of the republic; upon what objects this revenue is raised; whether it serves to encourage industry; whether some objects are not too highly taxed; whether others might not be rendered more productive; or whether it would not be to the advantage of the republic to derive the whole revenue from other objects than those which at present produce it?
You have no doubt, fully considered these points. No, my father, I have never thought of them. These things have not occupied the sophists. You know at least to what purposes the revenue is applied, and certainly your intention is to diminish all improper expenditures. I cannot say that I have clearer ideas upon this article.
The sophists tell you, said Apollodore, that the public debt consumes a great part of the revenue and think that those to whom the Republic gave its bonds, ought to have received the money due upon them, and not the persons to whom they have been assigned. You understand this objection no doubt. Clearly said Lyfis. You can resolve me then, whether the public would have been less taxed by paying the one in preference to the other. Lyfis was again silent.
Since, Lyfis, you know so little concerning the receipts or expenses of government, let us renounce, for the present, the design of procuring new wealth to the republic by increasing the one or diminishing the other. But, my father, would it not be possible to increase the wealth of the republic by going to war? That would depend on the advantages gained over the enemy, and the richness of the countries you might conquer compared with the wealth which the republic must expend in obtaining these advantages; but to obtain them, and before determining on war, is it not necessary to calculate the force which you can employ against the enemy, and ascertain the force which he can oppose to yours.
You are right, said Lyfis. Tell me then what is the state of our army and marine, whether it ought to be increased, and how in time of war the money is to be raised to maintain it. You will inform me also of the troops and vessels of the enemy. I cannot recite to you the whole at once, said Lyfis. Perhaps you have it in writing. I should be very glad to see it. No I have not.
I presume then that you have not yet time to apply yourself to such calculations, had the situation of our frontiers has without doubt attracted your attention: you know the number of soldiers we maintain in the different posts; you know also that certain points are not sufficiently defended, and that there are others absolutely without defence; you will of consequence urge in the General Assembly the necessity to augment this garrison and reform that, I, replied Lyfis, I shall say that the whole ought to be disbanded; they have not discharged their duty. And how are you sure that our defences are badly guarded? Have you been upon the ground? No, but I conjecture it. It is proper then to re-consider this matter, and in place of conjecture to have certainty.
You have heard that the commerce of the Republic by the pillars of Hercules, is greatly interrupted by pirates. Do you think that the state ought to fit out some galleys to protect it in those seas? I think, said Lyfis, that it will be much better to restrain it. But as the republic has no gold and silver mines to resort to, you are aware that the only legal way in which it can obtain money to supply its wants or promote internal industry is by trade; in these modern times the power and prosperity of a state depends greatly on its wealth, and that wealth upon its commerce. If you restrict the latter you unavoidably lessen the former.
Alas! my father, one would never be a politician if it is necessary to attend to all these details. Is there a head of a house, replied Apollodore, who does not watch incessantly over the wants of his family and the means to supply them? But if all these frighten you, suppose in place of undertaking the care of 800,000 families (the amount of those of the Republic), you were to try whether you can put in order your uncle's house, whose affairs you know are in very bad condition. I could bring it about immediately if my uncle would follow my advice. And can you sincerely believe, Lyfis, that all the Athenians, your uncle included, would be more easy to be persuaded? Beware, beware my son, lest a vain love of being distinguished by the capricious multitude should make you gather shame instead of laurels. Are you not conscious how imprudent and dangerous it would be to undertake the great interests of a state without understanding them; and how much you would have been ridiculed had any other person but a father been a witness to your folly? Numerous examples will teach you, that in offices the most important, admiration and esteem are the fruit of knowledge and wisdom, blame and contempt of ignorance and presumption.
Lyfis took leave of his father, and rejoined the declaimers, who excited the multitude to disorder and disobedience, as the shortest road to popularity and a share in the administration.
I shut a book which I never open without receiving instruction, to seek amusement in the conversation of my fellow-citizens. I listened, and heard in all companies, complaints on the depredations on our trade, by the subjects of powers who would have the United States to consider them as friendly; but among the various modes of relief, which were every where suggested, none of them seemed to me capable of obtaining justice or affording protection.
The present is certainly a critical moment to this country, and the aspect assumed by Great Britain well calculated to lead to hostilities. Admitting, however, the spoliation of her subjects to have been authorized by their court, still by prudence and firmness, and solid preparations, we may compel retribution, and avert war; but to procure the one and prevent the other, it will be absolutely necessary to combine and employ the whole efficacy of these several agents. Our prudence will lead us not to ask too much; our firmness not to relax from what is right; and our preparations to enforce our demands.
The general interest is no doubt connected with the preservation of peace; nothing therefore, should be neglected which may conduce to that end; nor any thing attempted which might rashly disturb it; but as substantial preparations to repel hostilities and obtain justice, have always been found one of the most effectual means which a nation can employ to prevent war, it becomes therefore the general interest, that provisional military preparations should be entered into with a spirit and vigour proportioned to the case.
But in such a situation of things, may we not safely repose in the measures which Congress may adopt, and upon the wisdom of our executive, to give them that operation best calculated to avert the storm, or direct it against those on whom it ought to fall? In the mean while are we not bound as good citizens, to conduct ourselves individually, according to the strict rules of neutrality, till such time as Congress shall declare us no longer at peace; for unless the behaviour of individuals corresponds with that of government, all attempts of the latter to prevent war must become abortive.
Baltimore March 14, 1794.

MR. FENNO,
As the reasoning in the House of Representatives against Mr. Clark's motion for prohibiting British commerce has not appeared in the public papers, you are requested to give a place in your paper to the following, which contains the substance of Mr. Dexter's arguments against it:
Mr. Dexter introduced his observations by remarking that he had never risen with so great reluctance on any former occasion. At so late an hour when patience seemed exhausted, when reasoning had given place to invective, when to oppose the resolution was but soliciting reproaches, when the friends of it, confident of a majority, were from all sides of the House impatiently calling for the question, when the mover of it heard arguments against it only that he might treat them with contempt, and their authors with insult, he said it was in vain to ask for an attentive hearing. He should not have risen but for a remark just fallen from a gentleman from New-Jersey (Mr. Dayton) which had forbidden him to be silent. That gentleman, said Mr. Dexter, has told us that the present measure is a stepping-stone to sequestration of British debts. Viewing it therefore as the beginning of a system of hostility, which is to be so conducted as to sacrifice not only our interest and peace, but our national honor, the duty to resist it becomes indispensable. Whatever may be thought of making laws to annihilate the ties of honor and personal confidence, and to dissolve the moral obligation of contracts—Whatever may be thought of the modern usage of nations, which probably from general consent has become a law, which cannot now be violated without perfidy—whatever may be thought of the odium it might bring on our national character, and the complete destruction to our credit at a moment when we shall probably need the utmost extent of it; we have not taken those previous steps for pacific accommodation, which the custom of nations and all writers of authority hold to be first in order and indispensable. We have not made that demand for a recompence, which ought to precede every species of reprisal. —After the observations for, which I made in the beginning of the debate, it will not be thought strange that I suffer on the present occasion an unusual conflict of reasoning and of feeling. I then stated with the frankness which I felt, and with the zeal which the hazardous crisis of our country inspired, the reasons and passions which kept my mind in a state of vibration. Struggling with indignation at the injustice and folly of Britain, I said we have suffered until confidence is folly—until patience is a crime. Believing that the resolution involved a principle, which might be useful both for obtaining justice and preserving peace; but that the present shape rendered it not only useless but injurious; believing too that it is improper for this branch of our government to begin a negotiation with a foreign nation and preremptorily dictate the terms of it, I proposed an amendment, which left the principle in all its force and avoided some of the objections. We have heretofore heard much of a spirit of accommodation; but the friends of this resolution have not discovered it. After wearying themselves in hunting for a reason against the amendment, it was negatived without any. They will agree with us, but it must be precisely on their own terms. This is the language of accommodation—hear and believe whatever we reach—sloop down and bear whatever we impose. Victory is in our own power—a triumph is better than peace. If it, it be connected with discord and public calamity, the laurel is too withered to excite my envy.—If amid the fire which rages, we have not forgotten the cause which produced it, we must remember that the condemnations of our vessels in the West-Indies in consequence of the orders of the British government of the sixth of November, are the great and immediate cause of complaint. Have we not demanded a recompence for this injury, and waited a reasonable time for an answer? So far is this from fact, that we have not taken one step towards this, nor have we even heard from Britain since it was known that any condemnations have taken place.
Our last dispatches from our minister at London tell us, that Lord Grenville declared that he presumed no condemnations
would take place in consequence of those orders—The words themselves certainly do not justify any.
Have we any right to say that a demand of recompence would be fruitless, when the injuries we complain of, are thus expressly disavowed by the minister? Did we know that a demand would be fruitless, still we ought to make it in conformity to the usage of nations, from a decent respect to their opinion, and to convince them in case of a war that our enemies are altogether the aggressors, and that we have been just and circumspect. We are judging in our own cause, and we ought not to trust ourselves to deviate from established principles, lest prejudice should mislead us. But it is said, that we have negotiated in vain, respecting the breaches of the treaty of peace, and that the delays here, are sufficient to justify immediate war. Do we not know in, that there are two sides to that negotiation? Have not they made demands on us for breaches of the same treaty? The negotiation is still pending in the ordinary train. We have never given them our ultimatum on the subjects of it. It is now under the direction of the Executive, which is the constitutional authority. It is not proper for us to assume to put an end to it by an act of legislation. Who, sir, that calls himself an American, would dare to pursue a measure which may tarnish our national honor? If any one would take even a doubtful step, "Shame ought to burn his cheek to cinder." To prevent, being misunderstood or misrepresented, perhaps I ought to say here, that I by no means deny our right to regulate or prohibit American commerce. I only mean that if the present controversy should end in war, we cannot justify engaging in it without first demanding justice, and if we make this demand with circumstances which forbid success, we do not comply with the spirit of this rule, but evade it. Taking the measure now proposed, would forbid Britain to treat with us on the subject. We know that we should refuse in similar circumstances. Are we more proud than Britain? Did any nation ever begin negotiation with threats? The external forms of regard on such occasions are so excessive, that nothing but custom prevents this appearing ridiculous. Humanity as well as usage requires that every peaceful method should be tried, and that too in the form best calculated to be successful. Faithfulness to our constituents, requires this. Their interest and their wishes are against courting war. But sir, we are told that negotiation is pusillanimous. Passion is called American feeling. We hear much about energy, and some seem to think that the occasion calls for insult. Sir, noise and declamation, are very distinct from fortitude and patriotism. The bravest men do not bluster and threaten. Why should it be thought too tame a measure to state the injury, and with manly firmness demand a recompence? The pride, the petulance of Kings, has always submitted to this, but the moderation of a Republic forbids it. More proud than Kings—more insolent than Tyrants—we despise this law of humanity, this compact of mankind.—Where is the despot, the crinined monster, who dares to spread desolation and havoc, without demanding first his right? And where sir, is the difference between not demanding at all, and demanding in such a way as to insure a refusal?—How much justice there is in the charge of pusillanimity, which has been so often and liberally made, I will not undertake to determine. Perhaps he who pursues with decent firmness the steps, which propriety, humanity and general consent have provided, and while he feels the strongest indignation, is too proud to throw dirt or threaten, but places himself in the best posture of defence, left war should follow unsuccessful negotiation, is as truly magnanimous, as he who talks loudly of revenge, avows passion as his principle, calls hard names to produce conciliation, and gives blows to keep peace, who at the same time does every thing to provoke war, and opposes every measure to prepare for it. Left the difficulties of the present crisis, and the attack on the pride of Britain, by prefacing our demand with a threat, should not be sufficient to prevent a recompence & provoke to war—old causes of controversy are added. The breaches of the treaty of peace, by detaining the posts and negroes, are old subjects of complaint. Why they are brought forward now,
and made an indispensable preliminary of treaty, when Britain is aided by a powerful confederacy, and the world is like tinder, is difficult to conceive, unless we wish to kindle here the flame of war.—Further sir, this throws such an unequal burthen on our Merchants, as amounts to oppression. They have already suffered extremely from British and other depredations. They bear the principal burthens in raising our Revenue. Is it right to add to all this, and forbid many of them to exercise that business, by which they get their bread, until Britain shall not only make compensation for their recent injuries; but also settle all the old matters of difference precisely on our own terms? We are connecting matters which our interest requires should be separate. Britain, following our own example here, will say that by the treaty, all British debts were to be paid; but the State laws and the Courts of Virginia have prevented this. They will offer to set off these against the injuries suffered by our merchants, and perhaps the balance will be against us. Will this be protection to the sufferers? Yet if we connect these claims together we cannot object to their doing the same. It is throwing on the merchants all the political evils and burthens of America. Yet we who oppose this measure, have been charged with wanting feeling for their suffering. Provoking an unnecessary war will sacrifice all their property now abroad, and deprive them of all hope of recompence, for that which has been already condemned. Going to war is surely no way to induce Britain to make compensation; and it is as certain, that this Country will be under no obligation to do so, if war shall be the issue. This Country is bound to indemnify them only when we refuse to obtain satisfaction from Britain, or to avenge their wrongs. What inconvenience should we experience from the delay occasioned by the usual forms of seeking redress? Can Britain run away, like a private malefactor, so that we cannot catch her to punish her? We should at least, be better prepared for war. If the reasons for it are strong, they will not suffer by our taking time to examine them. Are we afraid that passion will cool, which we hear avowed as the principle which governs, and ought to govern our counsels? Or are we apprehensive that passion on this occasion is popular? I suspect this last idea, has no small influence. We ought to judge that nothing will be popular which is not right. I have more respect for my constituents than to believe that they will run mad, and then become so myself to please them. That I should continue in this seat, is of very small importance to me, and of none to the public; But it is of infinite moment to preserve our peace and national honor. The path of rectitude is the way to honor. The man who walks in it without deviating, will generally meet the public approbation. But if he should fail in this, his own feelings will reward him.
(To be Continued.)
Foreign Intelligence.
ST. PETERSBURGH, Feb. 1.
Our ambassador at the Porte, has not yet received any precise answer to the several very interesting points presented to the Divan. The Turks express great uneasiness respecting the preparations making on the frontiers of Russia, where we on our side are establishing immense magazines. In the ports of Sebastopol, Oczakow, and Cherson, there are several ships of the line and frigates ready to sail. It is thought the Empress meditates another expedition on the Dniester, to deprive Poland of all communication with Turkey. It is probable that the Divan itself has given birth to this object by the ambiguity with which it answered our demands on the last partition of Poland. Probably our court also itself perceived that the Porte would endeavour to establish a league with some other powers, which might easily become prejudicial to the repose of the North.
NANTES, February 15.
Vielaris has been shot at Noirmontiers, the guillotine continues to be occupied, and the Commission ad hoc dispatches by 400 and 500 at a time the wretched banditti which they bring us from all parts; they shoot or drown them, and bury them 40 and 50 in a grave, which occasions such a stench that we fear some contagious disorder breaking out; fresh graves are digging, and the others covering with earth; this will purify the air, but the victims are still very numerous, particularly towards the quarters of Chelme.
BASLE, February 5.
The contributions and provisions which the French have collected in the Palatinate are supposed to be more than necessary for the support of the army of the Rhine for one year. But, profiting from past experience, they have sent them all into the interior of France, to defeat the purpose, as they say, of any future treasons.
The Piedmontese, after a fruitless campaign, have retired from the Col de Tende, and have dispersed their troops in the neighbouring quarters. The king of Sardinia has begun and ended his campaign at Saorgio!
PARIS, February 27.
THE enquiry after subsistence is invariably the order of the day, and the cause of our distress begins to be very clearly seen through by those who are capable of reflection. Formerly we consumed 400,000 weight of stock-fish; an immense quantity of rice was brought us from the Levant, and our herring fishery went a considerable way towards our nourishment. At this time we are absolutely deprived of all these articles, which must be replaced by productions of our own growth; and the quantity of these also has been lessened in a degree on which it is impossible to calculate. The game and tame fowls, which heretofore formed an important part of our support, are almost entirely annihilated. Last year, it was found necessary to thresh the corn in the month of September instead of December, inasmuch that there has been an anticipation of no less than three months in the corn destined for the present year's nourishment. There can, therefore, be no longer any surprise respecting the difficulties of procuring subsistence.
On the other hand, those who deal in the most necessary articles of consumption, refuse to conform to the law against monopolists, notwithstanding the punishment of death annexed to it. The law of the maximum is very generally infringed; and in the Fauxbourg, St. Antoine, the populace lately stopped a waggon laden with butter, cheese, and eggs, brought from the distance of 18 leagues. 'Tis true the Constituted Authorities had these articles valued and distributed among the crowd, but this was done amidst the repeated exclamations of the women— "a la lanterne."
Heretofore all the departments of France have been sacrificed to Paris, and their provisions withdrawn from them to feed that focus of the Rebellion. But now that every resource and every supply is exhausted, Paris begins to feel, in common with the rest of the nation, all the horrors of a scarcity. The want of butchers meat, at this time, occasions the greatest distress. Chaumette and Hebert vainly endeavored to lay to the account of the aristocrats, and the criminal plans of Mr. Pitt, the famine which now prevails in Paris. The people saw through these idle declamations, and it became necessary to search the evil in its source.
We learn from Colmer, that forty of the richest Jews resident in that city have been all of them guillotined.
Gen. Pichegru writes, that he waits with impatience for muskets for the troops of the first requisition, who are without arms.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
February 8.
The people of colour resident at Paris, appeared at the bar to congratulate the convention on the abolition of slavery in the French West-India Islands.
"This decree," exclaimed the Orator of the deputation, "has restored to liberty, and consequently to happiness, one million of the human race, who have hitherto groaned under the chains of slavery. You have made us forget the wrongs of two centuries! We mean not to return you thanks—Republicans acknowledge no ceremonies of that kind. We shall only declare that you have deserved well of your country, and of the whole world."
The people of colour were received with the loudest applause. In a second petition, they declared that they meant to devote themselves to the care of the wounded soldiers.
Jean-Baptiste-Belle, a black, Deputy from St. Domingo, entered into a long detail of the cruelties which the people of colour had suffered at St. Domingo, and requested the arrest of the chiefs of the Colonial Assembly, which was the only method, he said, of saving the Colonies.—Referred to the Committees of Public and General Safety.
DEPARTMENT OF PARIS.
30th Pluviose.—Feb. 18.
We are in the utmost astonishment at the news which we frequently find in the English newspapers, in the pay of government. Simon who had been employed in the care of young Capet, amused the municipality the other day, by reading an account to them of his arrival in London, though in fact he has

not been out of Paris, and is at this present moment in a state of requisition, to make shoes for the soldiers.
GENERAL PICHEGRU, Commander in Chief of the Army of the North, to the
SOCIETY OF THE JACOBINS.
Brethren and friends, as soon as I had received my appointment to the command of the northern army, I resolved, to come among you for the purpose of repeating the oath which is engraved on my heart, and of assuring you that I will defend to the last drop of my blood, Liberty and Equality and the unity and indivisibility of the Republic. Orders, however, which have been transmitted to me and which command me to set off instantly for the army, deprive me of the pleasure which I had proposed to myself.
"I fly to my brethren in arms, determined never to separate from them till we have bowed to its base the column of despotic power. I glory in the successes of the army of the Rhine, and I am convinced that the soldiers of the army of the North have equal courage and equal patriotism. A French Republican fighting for liberty must be invincible.
"Founded on the rights of man continue to propagate the love of the Republic, while we are fighting in defence of it.
"I solemnly swear that the arms of the Republic shall be triumphant, and that either the tyrants shall be exterminated, or I will sacrifice my life in the contest. My last words shall be Vive la Republique! Vive la Montagne!
(Signed) "PICHEGRU, Commander in Chief of the army of the North.
February 11.
Barrere made a report on La Vendee, not not to alarm the Convention, not to speak of the resurrection of La Vendee, a resurrection impossible, though much desired by bad citizens and the partisans of the foreign powers. Some mistakes have been committed in La Vendee, which had given fresh hopes to the remnant of the banditti; some bodies of them had collected, but the troops of the republic had already dispersed them in several places. He proposed several measures which were adopted, and a monument ordered to be erected to the memory of young General Moulin, who killed himself to prevent his falling into the hands of the royalists.
The convention decreed, that the memory of General Moulin being dear to the republic, a monument should be erected over his grave with this inscription—"Republicans! he destroyed himself that he might not fall living into the hands of the ruffians!"
The Representatives of the People with the army at the Western Pyrenees to the Convention.
"Long live the republic!—Chauvins-dragoons, Pluviôse 17 (Feb. 5.)
"This morning we were attacked by five columns of Spanish troops, composed of about 15,000 men. Their intention was to fire the barracks of the Sans-Culottes, and to penetrate into the interior; but we have vanquished, and forced the Spanish General to retreat, after having lost about 1200 men. Our loss consists in 60 killed, and 150 wounded. The battle lasted eight hours. This is one of the most glorious days of the republic. The French, attacked on all points, have triumphed every where."
February 19.
Barrere, in the name of the committee of public welfare, made a report respecting some fresh victories gained over the remains of the royalists of La Vendee. "I hope," said Barrere, "this will be the last time that I shall speak to you of that disgraceful part of the Republic." He first read a letter from the Representatives of Saumur, dated Feb. 15th, announcing, that the royalists were reduced to 7000 men at most, who were not even all armed—that the division of Charette consisted of not above 4000 men, and that of Laroche Jaquelin of 3000.
General Haxo wrote from Nantz, Feb. 15th, that General Cordelier, after the victory of Chollet, pursued and overtook the banditti near Montrevaux; the combat lasted two days; the banditti were completely put to the rout; 1500 remained dead on the field, and 1500 drowned themselves in a neighbouring river. A young woman, who seemed to command the rebels, has also been killed. This victory has been obtained over the remains of the army of La Roche Jaquelin.
February 15.
Letter of the Representatives of the People at Brest, dated Feb. 10.
The sword of the law begins to strike the guilty heads. The Revolutionary Tribunal has just condemned to death three naval officers of the faction of the infamous Lariviere, who delivered up our ships to the enemy in the Leeward Islands. They were convicted of having hoisted the white flag, and of having brought to the scaffold the patriots of those countries. In consequence, Montclair, Robert Rougemont, and Kercon, all three ex-nobles, have been dispatched here, amidst the shouts of Vive la Republique .
"The fleet is excellently disposed: it
applauds the conduct of the Convention, in having rejected all terms with the despots. The commonality of Brest some time ago contained men, who wanted to lacerate their country with the daggers of federalism, but now it only contains men worthy of liberty; and I can assure you that will for ever belong to the Republic.
"P.S. I forgot to inform you, that we hold here in the castle, converted into an house of arrest, the ex-deputy Giroud, of the department of Eure and Loire.—He disappeared in the convention on the 15th of June ult.; he probably overran the rebellious Departments. We found upon him false passports, and he hovered about among the miners of Poullaouien, some little mutinies among those miners are certainly his work. We write to the committee of Public Welfare, to know if he has not been out lawed."
Insertion in Bulletin.
Oudot, in the name of the committees of General Safety and Legislation, made his report respecting Chaudot, the Notary, under sentence of death. He read several pieces which served to convict Chaudot, and analyzed the defence made of this public functionary. He assured the Convention, that they had been misled respecting his affairs. He urged that Chaudot had received sentence, not for having signed, as a secondary agent, the loan opened for the Prince of Wales, but because he had been convicted by a Jury of being an accomplice in the plot which excited to favor the foreign enemies of the Republic, by supplying them with specie. He concluded by moving, that the decree by which the execution of Chaudot was suspended, be revoked.
Cuffroy, member of the committee of General Safety, demanded that the sentence of the Revolutionary Tribunal be annulled—and quoted many instances to prove the patriotism of Chaudot.
The Convention decreed, that the respite of the sentence of Chaudot be revoked, and himself left for execution.
Jeanbon Saint Andre presented a report in the name of committee of Public Welfare, respecting the claim of a privateer who had taken an American prize bound to England; the privateer who carried his prize into Havre-de-Grace, was there fined for having brought in that capture. The Reporter demanded, that the claims of the privateer be disregarded.—Decreed.
UNITED STATES.
NEW-YORK, April 29.
By recent intelligence from Canada, we can assure the public, that they in that quarter are not making the least preparation for war.
The following Copy of a Protest entered on the Minutes of the Council of Appointment, has been communicated for publication, by
A CORRESPONDENT.
DISCOVERING soon after the appointment of the present council, that a majority of its members entertained ideas of their powers repugnant in my opinion to the constitution, I took an early opportunity of explaining to them my construction of their constitutional powers, as sanctioned by the uniform practice of the preceding councils.—They notwithstanding proceeded to encrase the number of Civil Magistrates in several Counties, and without a hearing or any adequate cause assigned, to displace many officers. After expressing my disapprobation to them of such proceedings, I was at first content that it should only be informed by others from my omitting to subscribe the minutes in every case in which I deemed the acts of the council exceptionable; but as I conceive it my duty to bear testimony in the most explicit and unreserved manner against every departure from constitutional principles, I now deliver in writing, my reasons for dissenting from the measure pursued by the council, left my silence on the subject should be construed to sanction a precedent detracting from the powers of the executive, and injurious to the interest of the state.
The constitution vests in the governor, the supreme executive power and authority, and enjoins him to take care that the laws are faithfully executed to the best of his ability; also authorizes him, by and with the consent of the council, to appoint all officers, other than those who are directed to be appointed in a different manner, but neither expressly nor impliedly, empowers the council to increase or diminish the number; on the contrary as the execution of the laws is confided to the Governor, in his capacity of Supreme Executive, and as in the exercise of that very essential and important trust, a proportional degree of responsibility is incurred, it is to be forcibly inferred, that in every instance in which the number of officers is not ascertained by law, the power of determin-
ing what number is necessary, was intended by the constitution to be lodged in him. For if this construction is not admitted, the council has it in its power to weaken and perhaps prevent the interposition of the executive in enforcing the laws, either in a direct way by refusing to appoint such officers as are requisite for their effectual execution, or in an indirect manner by appointing more than is necessary, and thus degrading the respectability, and diminishing the energy of the magistracy. The constitution declares that all officers, the duration of which is not particularly ascertained, shall be held during the pleasure of the council. By the pleasure of the Council is intended in my opinion not a capricious, arbitrary pleasure, but a sound rational discretion to be exercised for the promotion of the public good; a contrary doctrine renders the constitution unsafe, and its administration unstable, and whenever parties exist, may tend to deprive men of their office, because they have too much independence of spirit, to support measures which they suppose injurious to the community and may induce others from an undue attachment to office, to sacrifice their integrity to improper considerations.
(Signed) GEO. CLINTON. In Council of Appointment, Albany, 27th March, 1794.
PHILADELPHIA, MAY 1.
Extract of a Letter from Cowes, (England) dated 18th February, 1794. It may be depended on as authentic.
"I have now to inform you that Government has issued an order to their collectors of the customs, to stop all ships having on board pot or pearl ashes, and to prevent their departure till further orders; in consequence of this the Iris, from Boston, arrived here on Sunday, is stopt for the present, as her cargo consists in part of the above articles."
In the debates in the British Parliament, the conduct of the government of the United States has been brought forward with distinguished marks of approbation, as well by members of the administration as by those in the opposition: The following passage occurs in a speech made by the Marquis of Lansdowne in the House of Lords against the war:
"The conduct of the Republic of America was worthy the emulation of every other power. The Americans could not brook the insult offered by England, and while the spirit of the people was willing to meet the misfortunes of war, the wisdom of that great, that good and wise man, his Majesty (I mean General Washington) called them back, and they unanimously agreed to accede to his recommendation to preserve their neutrality. If it were argued that they were in want of money, he would ask what was the situation of Holland? Its credit was so low, that it could not borrow money at five per cent. and her debt had accumulated so much, that she could not borrow money in future, at the most exorbitant interest. The king of Prussia was in a worse state, and the Emperor was reduced to the expedient of encouraging private donations, which did not promise by any means to replenish his coffers. The noble marquis intreated his majesty's ministers to beware how they incurred a war with America: there were various reasons why the measure should be most cautiously avoided; and at the present it was well known to ministers, that Jamaica was obliged to open her ports, to receive heavy timber, and other important articles from America. There was a time when the West-India islands were valuable to this country, but that period, in a great measure, had passed away. The French had given freedom to the blacks, and the spirit of liberty was not only diffusing itself in St. Domingo, but throughout all the West-India islands. The West-Indies will become so many money traps; and though the monopoly may be advantageous to them, it cannot longer be an advantage to this country. If ministers were of a different opinion, why not conciliate America, as the best and most useful ally in that quarter."
Lord Grenville in his speech in support of the war—has the following remarks:
"As to America, which the noble lord had said was disposed to go to war with us, his lordship said that he had reason to be of a different opinion; on the contrary, he was persuaded, that if she departed from her neutrality, it would be on the side of her allies."
"He declared that he wished well to America—was desirous that the utmost harmony should subsist between the two
countries, and earnestly wished to obliterate and wipe away, by every act of goodwill and friendly intercourse, that animosity, which the unhappy contest with this country had last upon the minds of the people."
His Lordship here said, that there was one thing which had fallen from the noble Lord, respecting America, which astonished him beyond measure, and gave him the utmost concern, namely, that it had been the policy of the British government to excite the savages of America to commit hostilities against the Americans. This was a charge of so detestable a nature, and so unwarrantable an assertion, that he thought it his duty to declare it was a gross falsehood: so far from stimulating them to war with the Americans, the British officers and the governors of Upper and Lower Canada had interfered and negotiated, and done the utmost they could to settle their differences, and to bring about a lasting peace between them.
By this Day's Mail.
NEW-YORK, April 30. ARRIVED.
Ship American Hero, Macey, London. Capt. Macey, of the Hero, spoke, in lat. 32, the ship Active, of this port, and parted with her off the Banks of Newfoundland. The Active is full of passengers, many of whom have the small-pox; a young lady, passenger, died on board the Active, and her body was committed to the deep.
BALTIMORE, April 29.
A gentleman who arrived here from Norfolk on Sunday last, informs us, that a Danish sloop attempted to sail from that port—that Captain Blaney, in a schooner manned with volunteers, immediately pursued and overtook her—and that on their return they saluted the French frigate, when a swivel bursted and killed one of the volunteers. Our informant adds, that on the schooner's arrival at Norfolk, a person (being made acquainted with the melancholy accident) expressing a wish that every one who assisted in saluting the frigate, might share the same fate, was tarred and feathered, and led through the principal streets.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
PARIS, February 13.
On the 31st of January the whole division of Maubeuge was almost barefooted, and without stockings or boots.
A letter from Morlaix, dated January 22, states that three French Frigates, including the Carmagnol, had carried into that port 30 vessels bound to England.
The head-quarters of general Hoche are now at Saarlouis, where the army of the Mozelle has collected in great force. It is said that it will shortly attack Treves in three columns. There is also a considerable army collecting about Thionville.
The House of Representatives of the United States has been principally engaged for several days in discussing the report of the committee on the ways and means
The ship George Barclay come up to the city this day.
NEW THEATRE.
TO-MORROW EVENING, May 2.
Will be performed,
A TRAGEDY, called
O T H E L L O, The MOOR of VENICE.
 Duke of Venice, Mr. Wignell  Brabantio, Mr. Green  Gratiano, Mr. Warrell  Lodovico, Mr. Cleveland  Othello, Mr. Fennell  Cassio, Mr. Moreton  Iago, Mr. Chalmers  Roderigo, Mr. Bates  Montano, Mr. Harwood  Senators, Messrs. De Moulin, Bisset, &c. &c.  Desdemona, Mrs. Morris  Emilia, Mrs. Shaw 
To which will be added, A COMIC OPERA, written by the Author of the Poor Soldier, called
Peeping Tom of Coventry.
BOXES, one dollar—PITT, three quarters of a dollar—and GALLERY, half a dollar.

ADVERTISEMENT.  SALES at NEW-YORK, by A. L. BLECKER & SONS, On Thursday the 15th May next at Twelve o'clock at the Tontine Coffee House,  THE FOLLOWING  Tracts of Land, In Warren and Platte's purchase, in the county of Tioga, state of New York. The following containing acres.   Southwest quar. of Township No. 2. 9,424  Northwest do. do. 4,597  Northeast do. do. 6,525  Southwest do. do. 7,900  Southwest do. do. 8,350  Northwest do. do. 8,650  Southeast do. do. 9,650  Southeast do. do. 10,900  Northwest do. do. 10,475   70,521
These lands are rapidly increasing in value, large settlements are already made in several of the townships; the goodness of soil, and the advantages in point of situation being so well known, render any further description unnecessary. A map of the tracts and conditions of sale may be seen at No. 10, Queen street, New-York. April 10. tuth&s 114M
—NO. 21— Second street, between Market and Chestnut streets, Philadelphia.  POYNTELL'S AMERICAN MANUFACTORY OF  PAPER HANGINGS,
WHERE he keeps up a constant stock of ten thousand pieces for sale, comprising every variety of colours, in grounds and figures, of the most modern and tasteful patterns, for every part of a house. The perfection attained in this manufactory, in peculiar neatness of workmanship, durability of colours, variety in designs, and good quality of the paper, will be found to exceed any European papers at the same moderate prices. An elegant variety of rich fancy festoon & narrow borders, and of stucco and other coloured panel papers. Plain grounds made to any colour or shade. Wholesale orders for any quantity, from the country or for exportation, executed on a short notice, on advantageous terms, on usual credit. In addition to the above assortment, he has a beautiful variety of  French paper hangings of very superior quality, (Paris manufactory) with a variety of Rich Borders. April 25. tuth&s 2w
A New Novel.
To the LADIES of Philadelphia. This Day is Published by  MATHEW CAREY, 118, Market street, Price, bound, five-eighths of a dollar, sewed in arable paper, half a dollar.  Charlotte, a tale of Truth, IN TWO VOLUMES. By Mrs. ROWSON, of the New Theatre, Philadelphia, Author of Victoria, the Inquisitor, the Fille de Chambre, &c. Of Charlotte, the Reviewers have given the following character. It may be a Tale of Truth, for it is not unnatural, and it is a tale of real distress.—Charlotte, by the artifice of a teacher, recommended to a school, from humanity rather than a conviction of her integrity, or the regularity of her former conduct, is enticed from her governess, and accompanied a young officer to America.—The marriage ceremony, if not forgotten, is postponed, and Charlotte dies a martyr to the inconstancy of her lover, and treachery of his friend.—The situations are artless and affecting—the descriptions natural and pathetic; we should feel for Charlotte if such a person ever existed, who for one or scarcely, perhaps, deserved so severe a punishment. If it is a fiction, poetic justice is not, we think, properly distributed. Said Carey has just published,
A 2 sheet map of Kentucky compiled by Elisha Barker, price one dollar and two thirds. War Atlas, containing maps of France, Germany, Spain, Italy, the United Provinces, the Netherlands, and the West Indies. Price two dollars. Map of New Jersey—Half a dollar. Maps of Vermont, Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia—Price three eighths of a dollar each. April 29. tuth&s 3w
Concluding Sales. THE Subscriber having entered into Co-partnership with Mr. John Bartholomew in the business of Sugar Refining, will dispose of the Remaining Stock on hand CONSISTING OF Silver, Plated, & Japan Wares, Plated Coach & Saddle Furniture, &c. &c. By Wholesale at Prime Cost for Cash.  John Dorsey, No. 22, North 3d street. April 12. tuth&s 6w
The Public are cautioned to beware of counterfeited Five Dollar Bills of the Bank of the United States, and Twenty Dollar Bills of the Bank of North America, several of which have been in circulation within a few days past; they are a good general imitation of the genuine Bills, but may be distinguished by the following  M A R K S.
Five Dollar Bill of the Bank of the United States. ALL that have appeared have the letter F. for their Alphabetical Mark. The Texture of the Paper is thicker and whiter and it takes the ink more freely than the genuine paper. The O. in the word Company is smaller than the M. and other letters of that word, so that a line extended from the top of the O. to touch the top of the M. would extend considerably above the range of the whole word. In the word United the letters are narrower and closer together than the rest of the bill. The i and f in the word promise are not parallel, the f inclining much more forward than the i. The engraving is badly executed, the strokes of all the Letters are stronger and the device in the margin particularly is much coarser and appears darker than in the true bills. Some of the counterfeits bear date in 1791—Whereas the Bank was not in operation till December, and no five dollar bills were issued in that year.  Twenty Dollar Bills of the Bank of North America. ALL that have appeared have the letter B. for their alphabetical mark. They are printed on a paper nearly similar to that of the counterfeited Five Dollar Notes above described; the engraving is better executed, and they approach nearer to the appearance of the genuine bills. The fine ruled lines through the word Twenty, in the body of the bill, are in number thirteen in the genuine bills, and but twelve in the counterfeits. The word Company is much like the same word in the Five Dollar Bills as described above, the a being less than the m, and others following. There is no stroke to the t in the word North whereas in the genuine bills the stroke is well defined. The letters ent in the word Twenty, to the left hand at the bottom, do not come down to the line, but are so cut as to give an irregular appearance to the word, the Tw and the y going below them. The signature J Nixon, has the appearance of being written with lamb-black and oil, and differs from other inks used in printing the bills and the cashier's signature. It is supposed these forgeries were committed in some of the Southern States, as all the counterfeits that have appeared, have come from thence, and two persons have been apprehended in Virginia, on suspicion of being the author of them. The reward of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS will be paid to any Person or Persons who shall discover and prosecute to conviction the several offenders of the following descriptions or any of them, viz. The person or persons, who manufactured the paper on which the Bills are printed. The person or persons, who engraved the plates. The printer or printers, of the bills. Every person who has acted as a principal in any other way, in the counterfeiting and uttering the said bills. Philadelphia, March 28, 1794. April 22, 1794.
Other counterfeit bills
of the Bank of the United States have appeared in circulation. The denomination is of TWENTY DOLLARS, and the alphabetical mark is the letter B. They may be distinguished from the genuine by the following MARKS: The paper of the counterfeits is of a more tender texture and glossier surface than the genuine, and there is no water mark in them. The letter C. in the word Cashier, in the true bills is strongly marked, whereas in the counterfeits, the whole letter is a fine hair stroke, evidently in an unfinished state. The letter a in the word demand, is badly formed and the whole word ill done, and there is no comma at the end of it, as there is in the genuine bills. The marginal device, is much darker in the false, than in the genuine bills owing to the shade strokes being coarser, much nearer together, and consequently much more numerous. This difference strikes the eye at first view. The same reward of ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS, will be paid for apprehending & prosecuting to conviction the several above described Offenders in respect to this, as to the last described bills. THOMAS WILLING, President of the Bank United States. JOHN NIXON, President of the Bank of North America. By order of the Committees of the respective Boards.
TO BE SOLD,  A large elegant House, and Lot of Ground, IN an eligible situation,—also a Country Seat within 6 miles of the City, with 9 acres of land, or 42 acres of land and meadow, the House is not exceeded by many in the vicinity of the city, in size, or convenience. For particulars apply to the printer. m&thtf
Just Published, In one handsome volume, 12mo. Price 5s AND FOR SALE BY  JOHN ORMROD, At Franklin's Head, No. 41, Second Street, AN ESSAY ON THE  Natural Equality of Men, On the Rights that result from it, and on the Duties which it imposes.
To which a MEDAL was adjudged, by the Teylerian Society at Haarlem. Corrected and Enlarged. By WILLIAM LAWRENCE BROWN, D. D. Professor of Moral Philosophy, and the Law of Nature, and of Ecclesiastical History; and Minister of the English Church at Utrecht. Aliquid semper ad communem utilitatem afferendum. CICERO. The First American Edition. THE grand principle of Equality, if rightly understood, is the only basis on which universal justice, sacred order, and permanent freedom, can be firmly built, and perfectly secured. The view of it exhibited in this essay, at the same time that it represses the influence of office, the tyranny of pride, and the outrages of oppression; confirms, in the most forcible manner, the necessity of subordination, and the just demands of lawful authority. So far indeed, from loosening the bands of society, that it maintains inviolate, every natural and every civil distinction, draws more closely every social tie, unites in one harmonious and justly proportioned system, and brings men together on the even ground of the inherent rights of human nature, of reciprocal obligation, and of a common relation to the community. March 18. tu&tf
Scheme of a Lottery,
To raise 39,900 Dollars, on 266,000 Dollars, deducting 15 per Cent. from the Prizes—this Lottery consists of 38,000 Tickets, in which there are 14,539 Prizes and 23,461 Blanks, being about one and an half Blanks to a Prize. THE Directors of the Society for establishing Useful Manufactures, having resolved to erect LOTTERIES for raising ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS, agreeably to an Act of the Legislature of the State of New Jersey, have appointed the following persons to superintend and direct the drawing of the same, viz. Nicholas Low, Rufus King, Herman Le Roy, James Watson, Richard Harrison, Abijah Hammond, and Cornelius Ray, of the city of New-York—Thomas Willing, Joseph Ball, Matthew M'Connell and Andrew Bayard, of the city of Philadelphia—His Excellency Richard Howell, Esq. Elias Boudinot, General Elias Dayton, James Parker, John Bayard, Doctor Lewis Donham, Samuel W. Stockton, Joshua M. Wallace, Joseph Bloomfield, and Elisha Boudinot, of New Jersey, who offer the following Scheme of a Lottery, and pledge themselves to the public, that they will take every assurance and precaution in their power to have the Monies paid by the Managers, from time to time, as received, into the Banks at New-York and Philadelphia, to remain for the purpose of paying Prizes, which shall be immediately discharged by a check upon one of the Banks.
S C H E M E:   1 Prize of 20,000 Dollars is 20,000  1 10,000 10,000  2 5,000 10,000  5 2,000 10,000  10 1,000 10,000  20 500 10,000  100 100 10,000  300 50 15,000  1000 20 20,000  2000 10 20,000  3000 7 21,000  8100 10 81,000  14,539 Prizes. 262,000  23,461 Blanks. First drawn number, 2,000  Last drawn number, 2,000  38,000 Tickets at 7 Dollars each is 266,000 
The drawing will commence, under the inspection of a Committee of the Superintendents, as soon as the Tickets are sold, of which timely notice will be given. The Superintendents have appointed John N. Cumming, of Newark, Jacob R. Hardenberg, of New-Brunswick, and Jonathan Rhea, of Trenton, as immediate Managers thereof, who have given ample security for discharging the trust reposed in them. In order to secure the punctual payment of the Prizes, the Superintendents of the Lottery have directed that the Managers shall each enter into bonds in 40,000 dollars, with four sufficient securities, to perform their instructions, the substance of which is. I. That whenever either of the Managers shall receive the sum of Three Hundred Dollars, he shall immediately place the same in one of the Banks of New-York or Philadelphia, to the credit of the Governor of the Society, and such of the Superintendents as live in the city where the monies are placed, to remain there until the Lottery is drawn, for the payment of the Prizes. II. The Managers to take sufficient security for any Tickets they may trust, otherwise to be responsible for them. III. To keep regular books of Tickets sold, Monies received and paid into the Bank, abstracts of which shall be sent, monthly, to the Governor of the Society. Paterson, January 1, 1794. On application to either of the above gentlemen, information will be given where tickets may be had. February 24. tu&tf
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 16, Wall-Street, NEW-YORK. THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE & SALE of STOCKS on COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch. Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to. LEONARD BLECKER. Philad. April 22, 1794. *** Notice, agreeably to charter, is hereby given to the members of the Corporation for the Relief of Poor and Distressed Presbyterian Ministers, and of the Poor and Distressed Widows and children of Presbyterian Ministers, that a meeting of said corporation is to take place, on the 22nd day of May next, in the Second Presbyterian church in the city of Philadelphia, at 4 o'clock P. M. for the dispatch of all such business as may then be brought before the board. ASHBEL GREEN, Secretary of the Corporation. tu&tf 6t
Just Published, AND TO BE SOLD BY  THOMAS DOBSON, At the Stone house, No. 41, South Second Street,
Historical Collections: CONSISTING OF  STATE PAPERS, And other authentic Documents, intended as materials for an History of the United States of America. By EBENEZER HAZARD, A. M. In two large quarto volumes, price ten dollars in boards. Subscribers will be furnished with the 2d. volume on paying three dollars and a quarter—having paid five dollars and a quarter on receiving the first. This second volume comprehends, among other interesting particulars, a complete copy of the Records of the United Colonies of N. England, in which the conduct of the commissioners respecting the general concerns of the colonies—the neighbouring Indians—and the Dutch at Manhattan (now New-York) is particularly detailed. *** Materials are collected sufficient to form a THIRD VOLUME. The time of publishing will depend on the encouragement to be derived from subscriptions which will be received by Thomas Dobson, Philadelphia; Jere. Libbey, Portsmouth, New Hampshire; Thomas & Andrews, & Dav. West, Boston; Issac Thomas, Worcester; Isaac Beers, New-Haven; Timothy Green, New-London; Jacob Richardson, Newport; John Carter, Providence; Hugh Gaine, Thomas Allen, and Samuel Campbell, New-York; Frederick Craig, Wilmington, Delaware; James Rice, Baltimore; Mr. Lindley, Norfolk; David Henderson, Fredericksburg; John Grammar, Petersburg; Augustine Davis, Richmond; F. X. Martin, Newbern, N. C. John Bradley, Wilmington; and William Price Young, Charleston. April 4. mw&tf 3w
Treasury Department, Revenue Office, April 16th, 1794.
Communications by post or otherwise, will be received by way of information at the Office of the Commissioner of the Revenue from persons willing to supply iron Cannon, Cannon Balls, and Shells, for the fortifications and Ships of War. The fitness of the metal for cannon, and the capacity of the founders in smelting, in preparing and mixing the metal, and in casting and boring the cannon (which are to be cast solid) will require to be particularly stated. Similar communications will also be received from any persons willing to supply live oak and red cedar timber for the construction of the ships of war. Different plans of procuring and supplying the same may be proposed. The convenience of the situation in regard to navigation, and the state of the timber whether already fallen or hereafter to be cut, will require to be noticed. All the necessary particulars in regard to the several articles which are wanted, will be specified in contracts intended to be grounded in part on the information, which is hereby sought.
PASSAGE POUR ST. DOMINGUE. Tous les François qui se sont présenté ou voudront se présenter pour avoir une prompte passage pour St. Domingue, sont instamment priés de laisser leurs noms aujourd'hui ou demain, dans le comptoir de James Mc. Curach & Co. No. 42 Dock Street, qui se proposent d'envoyer son bâtiment le Samedi prochain 3 de Mai; le bâtiment est tout prêt pour faire à la voile avec des bonnes accommodations pour prendre passagers 2 bord. April 29. 3 t.
NANKEENS. Nankeens of Superior Quality, FOR SALE AT No. 40, north Fifth Street. April 21. mw&tf PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED BY JOHN FENNO, No 3 South Fourth Street.