The New-York journal, and daily patriotic register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1787-12-25 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
NUMB. 78, of VOL. XLI.]
TUESDAY, December 25, 1787.
Total NUMB. 2173.
HERE TRUTH UNLICENSED REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—EVEN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE! Thombs's Liberty
NEW-YORK: Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
To the SUBSCRIBERS of the New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, AND THE RESPECTABLE PUBLIC. THE Proprietor and Editor of the above-mentioned JOURNAL, heretofore subscribed, prompted by the solicitation of a respectable number of his present subscribers—and by means of the generous patronage of a few valued friends, and the public, for which he requests their acceptance of unfeigned thanks—begs leave to communicate to them his intention of printing and publishing a DAILY PAPER, under the title of—The NEW-YORK JOURNAL, and DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
By this publication it is not intended, that the idea of the WEEKLY REGISTER shall be extinct; therefore, the present subscribers, in general, will please to take particular notice, that the THURSDAY's paper will contain just such kind of matter as usual, in which the choicest pieces, and the fewest advertisements, will be inserted—and, that their papers, will of consequence be delivered or sent on, as heretofore, until they severally pay off their arrearages, and stop it, or order their respective names entered upon this new subscription paper.—The Thursday's paper, alone, will be TWO DOLLARS per annum, as usual.
The particular inducements to this arduous task need not all be enumerated.—That the present is a most important CRISIS of the national affairs of this country, must be evident even to the least thoughtful, but more especially to those who nobly conceive—that the dearly purchased freedom and independence of America is a sacred deposit, to be nurtured, supported, and transmitted, unimpaired, by the present possessors, to millions yet unborn. To this end it is necessary, that the body of the people (who must ever, in free countries, be supposed the supporters of freedom) be well informed of the nature of any government that may be proposed for their adoption; therefore, free discussions on that momentous topic, as well as interesting intelligence from the several quarters of the world, are necessary to be universally disseminated.
By printing only one paper per week, as heretofore, one half of the essays communicated, and all that might be copied from other papers, were, in general, unavoidably neglected: in a Daily paper there will be room for all that may be worthy insertion. In this paper, FREE and IMPARTIAL discussion, that is, decent and well written ESSAYS, on either side of any important public topic, SHALL FIND FREE ACCESS.
As the principal support of a Daily paper is derived from Advertisements, Gentlemen in the mercantile line, and all others who occasionally Advertise, are earnestly requested to prefer this new undertaking, which favor shall be gratefully acknowledged by the strictest attention being paid to correctness and propriety. Advertisements shall be inserted as reasonably as by any printer in the city.
The great expence with which a Daily paper will be attended, at first, is too well known to require any apology for the REQUISITION, on subscribing, expressed in the Conditions, or for the warmth of the solicitations, for the continuation of PUBLIC PATRONAGE, with which the following PROPOSALS are introduced by the public's greatly obliged,
And very humbly Servant, THOMAS GREENLEAF. New-York, November 12, 1787.
PROPOSALS
For altering The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, Into the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
CONDITIONS.
I. THE New-York Journal and Daily Patriotic Register shall be printed on the same paper, form, and type, as the Weekly Register, and shall contain the same quantity of matter.
II. The price, per Annum, will be SIX DOLLARS, one quarter part of which to be paid on subscribing, viz. One dollar and an half: after which quarterly payments to be punctually observed.
III. No subscriber is to discontinue his subscription on any other condition than the payment of arrearage subscription money, and that at the expiration of a quarter.
IV. The Daily Patriotic Register shall be delivered to the subscribers in the city every morning, and sent (as may be ordered) to those out of the city, with the greatest punctuality, they paying the expence of carriage.
Printing-Office, November 19.
THE Editor returns sincere thanks to those gentlemen who have already enabled him to form a very respectable list of subscribers to his paper, upon the plan of the above proposals. His subscriptions having been rapid, has determined him to commence the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register, THIS DAY.—From the favourable disposition of the public, already evinced, he flatters himself with a prospect of speedy and generous ADVERTISING patronage.—He anticipates the pleasure of having it in his power, in a few weeks, to present to the public, a publication that will both serve and be a CREDIT to his country, not withholding a few of its GILDED rays from the public's ever devoted humble servant,
THE PRINTER.
To the Friends of Science.
IT has long been the universal wish, that the public might be furnished with an accurate Geographical and Topographical Grammar of the United States.
Geographers of foreign countries, not being possessed of the proper materials, and not equally interested in this part of their subject, have filled their accounts of these states with numerous inaccuracies. It is time these inaccuracies were corrected. We are independent of Great-Britain, and are no longer to look up to her for a description of our own country.
Several gentlemen of abilities, have, in detached pieces, gratified the public with ample and accurate descriptions of several parts of the United States; but no collective description of the whole has been attempted, except in a small duodecimo volume, published by the subscriber in 1784, which, though impeded on account of the infant state of geographical knowledge in America, was well received by a candid public, and an edition of 1500 copie speedily sold.
This encouragement has determined him to publish again on the same subject. For the purpose of collecting more ample and accurate materials than he formerly possessed, he has travelled through all the states, and has been favoured with the communications of gentlemen well qualified to give information on so important a subject; and has likewise established a correspondence with several respectable characters in different states, from whom he has every reason to expect a valuable addition to the materials already collected; yet as all the information that can be obtained on a subject so extensive, varied, and interesting, is greatly to be desired, and every man of science may have it in his power to contribute some observations which may be useful, the subscriber will feel himself particularly obliged to any gentleman who will be so kind as to furnish him with answers to all, or any of the annexed enquiries, viz.
 1. The boundaries and extent of the several states, and the latitudes and longitudes of the principal places.  2. Descriptions of the rivers, their sources, courses, lengths, how far navigable, how high does the tide rise—and what fish do they produce. A description of mountains, lakes, harbours, capes, and bays.  3. General face of the country, an account of its annual, mineral, and vegetable productions, or its natural history. What are the evidences to support the opinion that the flat country in the southern and middle states was formerly occupied by the waters of the ocean, and that the land below the hills and mountains has been made since the flood.  4. Natural and artificial curiosities, caverns, cascades, &c.  5. State of commerce, manufactures and agriculture, exports and imports, balance of trade. The number of vessels which annually enter at the custom houses in the several sea ports of the United States.  6. Civil divisions of the several states, the number and names of the several districts, counties, and towns, their extent, latitude and longitude, number of inhabitants, and distance and bearing from the capital of the state. Particular descriptions of the principal towns are requested *.  7. Population—from whence are emigrations, to what places, and how numerous. Of what nations are the inhabitants of the states composed, or whence originated—proportion of the slaves.  8. Climate, diseases and their causes—longevity of the inhabitants—what proportion die in infancy.  9. Religion, number of churches of different denominations—by what methods are ministers supported.  10. State of the practice of law and physic.  11. Societies for the advancement of science and humanity.  12. State of literature, colleges, academies, schools and their funds.  13. Characters who have distinguished themselves in the late war by their patriotism.  14. An estimate of the damages sustained in the late war, in the several states.  15. A description of the adjacent Islands.  16. Manners, customs, diversions and dress.  17. Constitution, policy—general account of the laws—what political principles predominate in the several states.  18. Military and marine strength.  19. Public revenue and expences—mode of levying taxes.  20. Indians, their tribes, languages, numbers, characters and dispositions towards the United States.  21. The society of Cincinnati, their laws and influence and the nature and political tendency of their establishment.  22. History. 
N. B. The subscriber wishes to avail himself of the advantage of all the most accurate maps, and detached geographical pieces, which have been published respecting the United States; and will thank any gentleman to inform him where they can be procured.
Those gentlemen, who may be so obliging as to favor the above design, by communications, are requested to forward them to Messrs. R. Aitken, or W. Spottwood, Philadelphia; Messrs. Spottwood and Clarke, booksellers, Baltimore; Rev. Mr.
* This enquiry is made for the purpose of collecting the proper materials for a Gazetteer of the United States, which makes a part of the general plan in view. It is obvious that a book of this kind, compiled from accurate information, would be exceedingly useful. This might easily be done, if one well-informed gentleman, in each town, would spend one half hour for the purpose. In this time the gentlemen might throw together every important circumstance relative to the towns, in which they respectively reside.
Keith, Alexandria; the honorable H. Williamson, Edenton, North-Carolina; the honorable D. Ramsay, Messrs. Wright and Co. Charleston; the honorable A. Baldwin and Joseph Clay, Esquires-Georgia; Samuel S. Smith, D. D. Princeton, Mr. Loudon, Printer, New-York; and the Rev. Samuel Austin, or Jedidiah Morse, New-Haven, with their names subscribed, and the places of their residence, that the author may have the pleasure of knowing to whom he is indebted for their friendly assistance.
JEDIDIAH MORSE.
If the several Printers, in the United States, feel disposed to favor the above design, and will give this Advertisement a place in their respective papers for a few weeks, and will receive and forward to New-Haven, any communications which may be handed them by friends to the design, they may thereby contribute to the public good, and will peculiarly oblige their humble servant.
Philad. Aug. 7, 1787. I. M.
Just published by M. CAREY, In Philadelphia, and now to be SOLD, By THOMAS ALLEN, Book-Seller, in Queen-street, New-York (By whom Subscriptions are received) THE
American Museum,
FOR NOVEMBER, 1787. CONTAINING, Strictures on the new Federal Constitution. OBJECTIONS to the proposed plan of federal government. By an officer of the late continental army.
 1. Answers to the preceding objections.  2. Address to the inhabitants of New Jersey.  3. The federalist.  4. Rural Concerns.  5. Address from the Philadelphia society for promoting agriculture.  6. Chinese method of curing ginseng.  7. Tartarian ditto.  8. Instructions for the culture and use of maize, or Indian corn, as fodder for cattle. By mons. St. John de Crevecoeur.  9. Description of a plant of great utility the improvement of poor and exhausted lands.  10. A valuable, cheap, and easily-procured winter food for cattle.  11. On raising potatoes.  12. On cotton planting.  13. Advantages of preserving parsnips by ng. By the Rev. Jeremy Belknap.  14. Receipts for preserving turnips from insects. By Philip Schuyler, Esq.  15. On the method of rearing young cattle.  16. On bee-keeping.  17. Receipt to preserve butter perfectly sweet whole year.  18. Quere addressed to the lovers of cyder.  19. Letter from Mr. Decius Wadsworth to Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth, relative to the Hessian fly.  20. Letter on the same subject. 
Medical Essays.
 21. On the use of mercurial preparations in the scarlatina anginoso. By Dr. William Currie.  22. Observations on the cause and cure of the tetanus. By Dr. Rush.  23. Letter from Dr. Thomas Bond to Dr. Fothergill, on the use of bark in scrofulous cases.  24. Relation of a cure performed by electricity. Communicated to the medical society in London, by Dr. Caldwell.  25. Receipts for the cure of a dysentery. 
Law information.
 26. Statement of a cause decided in the court of common pleas, Charleston, March 5, 1785.  27. Statement of an important and interesting cause decided in the court of king's bench, London, July 20, 1787.  28. Interesting decision of the court of common pleas, in Philadelphia, August 3, 1787.  29. Law report—Green and Pollard vs. Shaffer. Judgment pronounced, Oct. 7, 1787. 
Humour.
 30. On the use of butlers.  31. Susannah Tapes's complaint of the badness of the police.  32. On pronouncing dictionaries.  33. Plan for a wax-work legislature.  34. Address to Gen. Burgoyne.  35. The old bachelor, No. I. 
State and other public Papers.
 36. Letter from the Hon. Roger Sherman and the Hon. Oliver Elsworth, Esqrs. to governor Huntington.  37. Letter from the Hon. Elbridge Gerry, one of the delegates from the state of Massachusetts in the late federal convention, containing his reasons for not signing the new constitution.  38. General Burgoyne's pompous proclamation.  39. Speech of governor Hancock, October 18, 1787.  40. Premiums offered by the board of managers of the Pennsylvania society for the encouragement of manufactures and the useful arts.  41. Resolutions of the assembly of Virginia relative to a paper currency.  42. — of respectable inhabitants of Berkeley county.  43. — of the inhabitants of Fredericksburg, Virginia.  44. — of the freeholders of Frederic county, Virginia.  45. — of the inhabitants of Petersburg, Virginia.  46. Memorial of the college of physicians of Philadelphia. 
Interesting Laws.
 47. Act for the receipt of tobacco in payment of taxes.  48. Act for the establishing religious freedom in Virginia.  49. Act to prevent the further importation of slaves into Virginia.  50. Act to prevent the slave trade, and to encourage the abolition of slavery in Rhode-Island. 
Resolves of Congress.
 Resolve relative to the devices and inscriptions of the federal copper coin.  relative to the Indian war in Georgia.  53. — relative to foreign consuls.  54. — relative to the Hon. John Adams Esq.  55. — relative to the chevalier John Paul Jones.  56. — relative to the territorial claim of N. Carolina and Georgia.  57. — relative to a complaint made the Dutch minister. 
Miscellanies.
 58. An oration delivered at Peterborough, Virginia, July 4, 1787, in commemoration of American Independence.  59. Account of the late revolution in Sweden.  60. Obs. on the means of extinguishing a fire.  61. Address to the ladies of America.  62. On the use of tobacco and snuff.  63. Account of three volcanos in the moo By W. Herschell.  64. Observations on the numb fish, or torporific eel. By H. C. Flagg.  65. Extract of a letter from the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, to Dr. Stiles.  66. Observations on the leech worm.  67. Letter relative to the devices and inscriptions of American medals. By Col. Humphreys.  68. Extract from an act to punish blasphemers. 
Poetry.
 69. Epistle to his excellency General Washington.  70. On the death of Col. John Laurens. By Philip Freneau.  71. Prospect of South-Carolina. By the late Dr. Ladd.  72. The man of sorrow. By William More Smith, Esq. 
The subscription for the American Museum is 18s. per annum, for two volumes, of 624 pages. This Work is also SOLD by Messieurs Berry and Rogers, Mr. Hodge, and Mr. Loudon. New-York, Dec. 17, 1787. 66—c.d.
By his EXCELLENCY, GEORGE CLINTON, Esquire, Governor of the state of New-York, general and commander in chief of all the militia, and admiral of the navy thereof.
A Proclamation.
WHEREAS, pursuant to a law of this state the legislature are to meet at Poughkeepsie, in Dutchess County, on the first Tuesday in January next; I have therefore thought fit, by these presents, to proclaim the same, that all persons concerned may be apprized thereof, and govern themselves accordingly.
Given under my hand, and the privy seal, at the city of New York, this third day of December, in the twelfth year of the independence of the said state, 1787.
GEORGE CLINTON.
The UNITED STATES, IN CONGRESS assembled, July 23, 1787.
RESOLVED, That all persons having unliquidated claims against the United States, pertaining to the late commodities, quartermasters, cloathiers, or marine department, shall exhibit particular abstracts of such claims to the proper commissioners, appointed to settle the accounts of those departments, within eight months from the date hereof; and all persons having other unliquidated claims against the United States, shall exhibit a particular abstract thereof to the controller of the treasury of the United States, within one year from the date hereof; and all accounts not exhibited as aforesaid, shall be precluded from settlement or allowance.

MISCELLANY.
MR. GREENLEAF,
By inserting the following you will oblige
MANY.
From the CHRONICLE of FREEDOM.
(Printed at Philadelphia.)
To the real PATRIOTS of America.
THE history of mankind teaches us how sudden and easy the transition is from liberty to a state of slavery. The Romans, the bravest people the world ever yet saw, after all their struggles and contentions, found themselves under the absolute direction of a Nero, a Caligula, a Tiberius, and a Domitian.
Governments, as they are the workmanship of man, so they partake of the changeableness of his nature; but the changes which happen, have been more frequently from liberty to slavery, than from slavery to liberty. When once a community are fast bound in chains and in misery, there must be great efforts, and the effusion of much blood, to liberate them from their wretched condition.
America is now free—she now enjoys a greater portion of political liberty than any other country under heaven. How long she may continue so, depends entirely upon her own caution and wisdom. If she would look to herself more, and to Europe less, I am persuaded, it would tend to promote her felicity. She possesses all the advantages which characterize a rich country:—rich within herself, she ought less to regard the politics, the manufactures, and the interests of distant nations.
When I look to our situation, climate, extent, soil, and its productions, rivers, ports; when I find I can at this time purchase grain, bread, meat, and other necessaries of life, at as reasonable a rate as in any country; when I see we are sending great quantities of tobacco, wheat and flour to England and other parts of the globe, beyond the Atlantic; when I sit on the other side of the western mountains, and see an extensive country, which for its multitude of rivers and fertility of soil, is equal, if not superior, to any other whatever; when I see these things, I cannot be brought to believe, that America is in that deplorable, ruined condition which some designing politicians represent; or that we are in a state of anarchy beyond redemption, unless we adopt, without any addition or amendment, the new constitution proposed by the late convention; a constitution which, in my humble opinion, contains the seeds and scions of slavery and despotism.
When the volume of American constitutions first made its appearance in Europe, we find some of the most eminent political writers of the present age, and the reviewers of literature, full of admiration, and declaring they had never before seen so much good sense, freedom, and real wisdom in one publication. Our good friend Dr. Price was charmed, and almost prophesied the near approach of the happy days of the millennium. We have lived under these constitutions; and, after the experience of a few years, some among us are ready to trample them under their feet, though they have been esteemed, even by our enemies, as "pearls of great price."
Let us not, ye lovers of freedom, be rash and hasty—perhaps the real evils we labor under, do not arise from these systems—There may be many other causes, to which our misfortunes may be properly attributed—Read the American constitutions, and you will find our essential rights and privileges well guarded and secured. May not our manners
be the source of our national evils? May not our attachment to foreign trade increase them? Have we not acted imprudently in exporting almost all our gold and silver for foreign luxuries? It is now acknowledged that we have not a sufficient quantity of the precious metals to answer the various purposes of government and commerce; and without a breach of charity, it may be said, that this deficiency arises from the want of public virtue, in preferring private interest to every other consideration.
If the states had in any tolerable degree been able to answer the requisitions of Congress; if the continental treasury had been so far assisted, as to have enabled us to pay the interest of our foreign debt, possibly we should have heard little, very little about a new system of government. It is a just observation, that in modern times, money does every thing. If a government can command this unum necessarium from a certain revenue, it may be considered as wealthy and respectable; if not, it will lose its dignity, become inefficient and contemptible. But cannot we regulate our finances, and lay the foundations for a permanent certain revenue, without undoing all that we have done, without making an entire new government? The most wise and philosophic characters have bestowed on our old systems the highest encomiums. Are we sure this new political phenomenon will not fail? If it should fail, is there not a great probability, that our last state will be worse than the first? Orators may declaim on the badness of the times as long as they please, but I must tell them, that the want of public virtue, and the want of money, are two of the principal sources of our grievances; and if we are under the pressure of these wants, it ought to teach us frugality—to adopt a frugal administration of public affairs.
It has been said, that the civil list of expences of the several states, have enormously exceeded what they formerly were prior to the late revolution. Will the new system, which really comprehends an imperium in imperiis, be administered at a less expence, than we now experience? Can we create new offices without an accumulation of expences? Shall we enjoy a greater degree of political freedom and happiness under the proposed plan? If these and other advantages are not quite evident, we ought to be extremely cautious, how we change our condition. Systems may be very specious in theory; but fail us in practice. Government is a science which consists more in experience than in national knowledge. What will suit the different manners, habits, and interests, of a wide extended country like America, can only be known by an experiment; and if that should fail, our liberties might fail with it. Cannot we be a number of confederated states, confederated for the purpose of defence and commerce, without erecting a fabric, more like an empire, than like a republic? Empires are considered as despotic, and is there no danger of despotism in the establishment of one so great and complicated as the American will be?
Most liberal authors would dissuade us from so great and dangerous an experiment. I shall conclude at present, with a quotation from * one of them; "vast empires are in many respects unnatural: but particularly in this, that they ever so well constituted, the affairs of the many must, in such governments, turn upon a few; and the relation be
* The Characteristics.
less sensible, and in a manner lost between the magistrate and the people, in a body so unwieldy in its limbs, and whose members lie so remote from one another, and distant from the head. It is in such bodies as these, that strong factions are aptest to engender. The associating spirits, for want of exercise, form new movements, and seek a narrower sphere of activity, when they want action in a greater. Thus we have wheels within wheels, and in some national constitutions, notwithstanding the absurdity in politics, we have one empire within another."
ALFRED.
From the GENERAL ADVERTISER.
[By desire.]
THE FEDERALIST, No. XXVI.
To the PEOPLE of the State of New-York.
IT was a thing hardly to be expected, that in a popular revolution, the minds of men should stop at that happy mean, which marks the salutary boundary between power and privilege, and combines the energy of government with the security of private rights. A failure in this delicate and important point, is the great source of the inconveniences we experience, and if we are not cautious to avoid a repetition of the error, in our future attempts to rectify and ameliorate our system, we may travel from one chimerical project to another; we may try change after change, but we shall never be likely to make any material change for the better.
The idea of restraining the legislative authority, in the means of providing for the national defence, is one of those refinements, which owe their origin to a zeal for liberty, more ardent than enlightened. We have seen however, that it has not had thus far an extensive prevalence: that even in this country, where it has made its first appearance, Pennsylvania and North-Carolina are the only two states by which it has been in any degree patronized; and that all the others have refused to give it the least countenance, wisely judging, that confidence must be placed some where; that the necessity of doing it is implied in the very act of delegating power; and that it is better to hazard the abuse of that confidence, than to embarrass the government and endanger the public safety, by impolitic restrictions on the legislative authority. The opponents of the proposed constitution, combat in this respect, the general decision of America; and instead of being taught by experience, the propriety of correcting any extremes, into which we may have heretofore run, they appear disposed to conduct us into others still more dangerous and more extravagant. As if the tone of government had been found too high, or too rigid, the doctrines they teach are calculated to induce us to depress, or to relax it, by expedients which upon other occasions have been condemned or forborne. It may be affirmed, without the imputation of invective, that if the principles they inculcate on various points could so far obtain as to become the popular creed, they would utterly unfit the people of this country for any species of government whatever. But a danger of this kind is not to be apprehended. The citizens of America have too much discernment to be argued into anarchy. And I am much mistaken if experience has not wrought a deep and solemn conviction in the public mind, that greater energy of government is essential to the welfare and prosperity of the community.
It may not be amiss in this place concisely to remark the origin and progress of the idea which aims at the exclusion of military establishments in time of peace. Though in speculative minds it may arise from a contemplation of the nature and tendency of such institutions fortified by the events that have happened in other ages and countries; yet, as a national sentiment, it must be traced to those habits of thinking, which we derive from the nation from whom the inhabitants of these states have in general sprung.
In England, for a long time after the Norman conquest, the authority of the monarch was almost unlimited. Inroads were gradually made upon the prerogative, in favour of liberty, first by the Barons, and afterwards by the people, until the greatest part of its most formidable pretensions became extinct. But it was not until the revolution in 1688, which elevated the Prince of Orange to the throne of Great-Britain, that English liberty was completely triumphant. As incident to the undefined power of making war, an acknowledged prerogative of the crown, Charles II. had by his own authority kept on foot in time of peace a body of 5,000 regular troops. And this number, James II. increased to 30,000; which were paid out of his civil list. At the revolution, to abolish the exercise of so dangerous an authority, it became an article of the bill of rights then framed, that "the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless with the consent of Parliament, was against law."
In that kingdom, when the pulse of liberty was at its highest pitch, no security against the danger of standing armies was thought requisite, beyond a prohibition of their being raised or kept up by the mere authority of the executive magistrate. The patriots, who effected that memorable revolution, were too temperate and too well informed, to think of any restraint on the legislative discretion. They were aware, that a certain number of troops for guards and garrisons were indispensable, that no precise bounds could be set to the national exigencies; that a power equal to every possible contingency must exist somewhere in the government; and that when they referred the exercise of that power to the judgment of the legislature, they had arrived at the ultimate point of precaution, which was reconcileable with the safety of the community.
From the same source, the people of America may be said to have derived a hereditary impression of danger to liberty from standing armies in time of peace. The circumstances of a revolution quickened the public sensibility on every point connected with the security of popular rights; and in one instance raised the warmth of our zeal beyond
the degree which consisted with the due temperature of the body politic. The attempts of two of the states to restrict the authority of the legislature in the article of military establishments are of the number of these instances. The principles, which had taught us to be jealous of the power of a hereditary monarch, were by an injudicious excess extended to the representatives of the people in their popular assemblies. Even in some of the states, where this error was not adopted, we find unnecessary declarations, that standing armies ought not to be kept up, in time of peace without the consent of the legislature—I call them unnecessary, because the reason which had introduced a similar provision into the English bill of rights, is not applicable to any of the state constitutions. The power of raising armies at all, under those constitutions, can by no construction be deemed to reside any where else, than in the legislatures themselves; and it was superfluous, if not absurd, to declare that a matter should not be done without the consent of a body, which alone had the power of doing it. Accordingly in some of those constitutions, and among others in that of this state of New-York; which has been justly celebrated both in Europe and in America as one of the best of the forms of government established in this country, there is a total silence upon the subject.
It is remarkable, that even in the two states, which seem to have meditated an interdiction of military establishments in time of peace, the mode of expression made use of is rather cautionary than prohibitory. It is not said, that standing armies shall not be kept up, but that they ought not to be kept up in time of peace. This ambiguity of terms appears to have been the result of a conflict between jealousy and conviction, between the desire of excluding such establishments at all events, and the persuasion that an absolute exclusion would be unwise and unsafe.
Can it be doubted that such a provision, whenever the situation of public affairs was understood to require a departure from it, would be interpreted by the legislature into a mere admonition, and would be made to yield to the necessities or supposed necessities of the state? Let the fact already mentioned with respect to Pennsylvania decide—What then (it may be asked) is the use of such a provision, if it cease to operate the moment there is an inclination to disregard it?
Let us examine whether there be any comparison, in point of efficacy, between the provision alluded to, and that which is contained in the New constitution, for restraining the appropriation of money for military purposes to the period of two years. The former, by aiming at too much, is calculated to effect nothing; the latter, by fleeing clear of an imprudent extreme, and by being perfectly compatible with a proper provision for the exigencies of the nation, will have a salutary and powerful operation.
The legislature of the United States will be obliged by this provision, once at least in every two years, to deliberate upon the propriety of keeping a military force on foot; to come to a new resolution on the point; and to declare their sense of the matter, by a formal vote in the face of their constituents. They are not at liberty to vest in the executive department permanent funds for the support of an army; if they were ever incautious enough to be willing to repose in it so improper a confidence. As the spirit of party, in different degrees, must be expected to infect all political bodies, there will be, no doubt, persons in the national legislature willing enough to arraign the measures and criminate the views of the majority.
The provision for the support of a military force will always be a favourable topic for declamation. As often as the question comes forward, the public attention will be roused and attracted to the subject, by the party in opposition: and if the majority should be really disposed to exceed the proper limits, the community will be warned of the danger, and will have an opportunity of taking measures to guard against it. Independent of parties in the national legislature itself, as often as the period of discussion arrived, the state legislatures who will always be not only vigilant but suspicious and jealous guardians of the rights of the citizens, against encroachments from the federal government, will constantly have their attention awake to the conduct of the national rulers and will be ready enough, if any thing improper appears, to sound the alarm to the people, and not only to be the voice, but if necessary the arm of their discontent.
Schemes to subvert the liberties of a great community require time to mature them for execution. An army so large as seriously to menace those liberties, could only be formed by progressive augmentations; which would suppose, not merely a temporary combination between the legislature and executive, but a continued conspiracy for a series of time. Is it probable that such a combination would exist at all? Is it probable that it would be persevered in and transmitted along, through all the successive variations in the representative body, which biennial elections would naturally produce in both houses? Is it presumable, that every man, the instant he took his seat in the national senate, or house of representatives, would commence a traitor to his constituents and to his country? Can it be supposed, that there would not be found one man, discerning enough to detect so atrocious a conspiracy, or bold or honest enough to apprise his constituents of their danger? If such presumptions can fairly be made, there ought to be at once an end of all delegated authority. The people should resolve to recall all the powers they have heretofore parted with out of their own hands; and to divide themselves into as many states as there are counties, in order that they may be able to manage their own concerns in person.
If such suppositions could even be reasonably made, still the concealment of the design, for any duration, would be impracticable. It would be announced by the very circumstance of augmenting the army to so great an extent in time of profound peace. What colorable reason could be assigned in a country so situated, for such vast augmentations of the military force? It is impossible that the people could be long deceived; and the destruction of the project and of the projectors would quickly follow the discovery.
It has been said, that the provision, which limits the appropriation of money for the support of an army to the period of two years, of two would be unavailing; because the executive, when once possessed of a force large enough to awe the people into submission, would find resources in that very force

sufficient to enable him to dispense with supplies from the vote of the legislature. But the question again recurs: Upon what pretence could he be put into possession of a force of that magnitude in time of peace? If we suppose it to have been created, in consequence of some domestic insurrection, or foreign war, then it becomes a case not within the principle of the objection; for this is levelled against the power of keeping up troops in time of peace. Few persons will be so visionary, as seriously to contend, that military force ought not to be raised to quell a rebellion, or resist an invasion; and if the defence of the community, under such circumstances, should make it necessary to have an army, so numerous as to hazard its liberty, this is one of those calamities for which there is neither preventative nor cure. It cannot be provided against by any possible form of government: It might even result from a simple league offensive and defensive; if it should ever be necessary for the confederates or allies to form an army for common defence.
But it is an evil infinitely less likely to attend us in an united than in a disunited state; nay it may be safely asserted that it is an evil altogether unlikely to attend us in the latter situation. It is not easy to conceive a possibility, that dangers so formidable can assail the whole union, as to demand a force considerable enough to place our liberties in the least jeopardy; especially if we take into our view the aid to be derived from the militia, which ought always to be counted upon, as a valuable and powerful auxiliary. But in a state of disunion (as has been fully shown in another place) the contrary of this supposition would become not only probable but almost unavoidable.
PUBLIUS.
For the DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
The FEDERALIST, No. XXVII.
IT has been urged in different shapes, that a constitution of the kind proposed by the convention, cannot operate, without the aid of a military force to execute its laws. This however, like most other things that have been alledged on that side, rests on mere general assertion; unsupported by any precise, or intelligible disquisition of the reasons upon which it is founded. As far as I have been able to divine the latent meaning of the objectors, it seems to originate in a presupposition, that the people will be disinclined to the exercise of federal authority in any matter of an internal nature. Waving any exception that might be taken to the inaccuracy, or inexplicitness of the distinction, between internal and external; let us enquire what ground there is to presuppose that disinclination in the people. Unless we presume, at the same time, that the powers of the general government will be worse administered, than those of the state governments, there seems to be no room for the presumption of ill will, disaffection, or opposition in the people. I believe it may be laid down as a general rule, that their confidence in, and obedience to a government, will commonly be proportioned to the goodness or badness of its administration. It must be admitted, that there are exceptions to this rule; but these exceptions depend so intirely on accidental causes, that they cannot be considered as having any relation to the intrinsic merits or demerits, of a constitution. These can only be judged of by general principles and maxims.
Various reasons have been suggested in the course of these papers to induce a probability, that the general government will be better administered, than the particular governments; the principal of which reasons are, that the extension of the spheres of election, will present a greater option, or latitude of choice to the people; that through the medium of the state legislatures, who are select bodies of men, and who are to appoint the members of the national senate, there is reason to expect, that this branch will generally be composed with peculiar care and judgment: that these circumstances promise greater knowledge, and more extensive information in the national councils; and that they will be less apt to be tainted by the spirit of faction, and more out of the reach of those occasional ill humours, or temporary prejudices, and propensities, which in smaller societies frequently contaminate the public councils, beget injustice and oppression of a part of the community, and engender ichemes, which, though they gratify a momentary inclination, or desire, terminate in general distress, dissatisfaction and disgust. Several additional reasons of considerable force to fortify that probability will occur, when we come to survey with a more critic eye, the interior structure of the edifice, which we are invited to erect. It will be sufficient here to remark, that until sufficient reasons can be assigned to justify an opinion that the federal government is likely to be administered in such a manner as to render it odious, or contemptible to the people, there can be no reasonable foundation for the supposition, that the laws of the union will meet with any greater obstruction from them, or will stand in need of any other methods to enforce their execution, than the laws of the particular members.
The hope of impunity, is a strong incitement to sedition; the dread of punishment a proportionately strong discouragement to it.—Will not the government of the union,
which if possessed of a due degree of power, can call to its aid the collective resources of the whole confederacy, be more likely to repress the former sentiment, and to inspire the latter, than that of a single state, which can only command the resources within itself? A turbulent faction in a state may easily suppose itself able to contend with the friends to the government in that state; but it can hardly be so infatuated as to imagine itself a match for the combined efforts of the union. If this reflection be just, there is less danger of resistance from irregular combinations of individuals, to the authority of the confederacy, than to that of a single member.
I will, in this place, hazard an observation, which will not be the less just, because to some it may appear new; which is, that the more the operations of the national authority are intermingled in the ordinary exercise of government, the more the citizens are accustomed to meet with it in the common occurrences of their political life; the more it is familiarized to their sight, and to their feelings; the further it enters into those objects which touch the most sensible cords, and put in motion the most active springs of the human heart; the greater will be the probability that it will conciliate the respect and attachment of the community. Man is very much a creature of habit. A thing that rarely strikes his senses will generally have but a transient influence upon his mind. A government, continually at a distance and out of sight, can hardly be expected to interest the sensations of the people. The inference is, that the authority of the federal government, and the affections of the citizens towards it, will be strengthened, rather than weakened, by its extension to what are called matters of internal concern; and that it will have less occasion to recur to force, in proportion to the familiarity and comprehensiveness of its agency. The more it circulates through those channels and currents, in which the passions of mankind naturally flow, the less will it require the aid of the violent and perilous expedients of compulsion.
One thing, at all events, must be evident, that a government like the one proposed, would bid much fairer to avoid the necessity of using force, than that species of league contended for by most of its opponents; the authority of which should only operate upon the states in their political collective capacities. It has been then shown, that in such a confederacy there can be no sanction for the laws but force; that frequent delinquencies in the members are the natural offspring of the very frame of the government; and that as often as these happen, they can only be redressed, if at all, by war and violence.
The plan reported by the convention, by extending the authority of the federal head to the individual citizens of the several states, will enable the government to employ the ordinary magistracy of each in the execution of its laws. It is easy to perceive that this will tend to destroy, in the common apprehension, all distinction between the sources from which they might proceed; and will give the federal government the same advantage for securing a due obedience to its authority, which is enjoyed by the government of each state; in addition to the influence upon the public opinion which will result from the important consideration of its having power to call to its assistance and support, the resources of the whole union. It merits particular attention, in this place, that the laws of the confederacy, as to the enumerated and legitimate objects of its jurisdiction, will become the SUPREME LAW of the land; to the observance of which, all officers, legislative, executive, and judicial, in each state, will be bound by the sanctity of an oath. Thus the legislatures, courts, and magistrates of the respective members, will be incorporated into the operations of the national government; and, as far as its just and constitutional authority extends, will be rendered auxiliary to the enforcement of its laws. Any man who will pursue, by his own reflections, the consequences of this situation, will perceive that there is good ground to calculate upon a regular and peaceable execution of the laws of the union, if its powers are administered with a common share of prudence and circumspection. If we will arbitrarily suppose the contrary, we may deduce any inference we please from the supposition; for it is certainly possible, by an injudicious exercise of the authorities of the best government, that ever was or ever can be instituted, to provoke and precipitate the people into the wildest excesses. But though the adversaries of the proposed constitution should presume the national rulers to be insensible to the motives of public good, or to the obligations of duty; I would still ask them, How the interests of ambition, or the views of encroachment, can be promoted by such a conduct?
PUBLIUS.
* The sophistry employed to show that this would endanger the existence of the state governments, will be fully examined hereafter.
American Occurrences.
BOSTON, December 14. A CORRESPONDENT of Marblehead observes, that as the several catastrophes which befell that distressed town, have had a place in the public prints, to excite the sympathy and engage the prayers of the charitable and pious, it is a dictate of gratitude that a public mention should be made of the remarkable preservation they have lately experienced.
Of 800 persons, and upwards, who have been employed in the business of fishing, the year past, not a single one has died, by sickness, through the whole term; not a single one has been taken off by any of those innumerable casualties, which are continually threatening their safety. And what renders the mercy still more distinguishing, they all arrived previous to the anniversary festival—An event, with the circumstances of it, not to be paralleled by another instance within the memory of the most aged among them. This rendered the joy of the day complete; and not only demands from them their united acknowledgments, in the highest strains which humanity will admit, but this public rehearsal in honor to the divine protection, and to draw forth the praise of every Christian reader in concert with them.
PETERSBURG, Dec. 6. By the last accounts from the western country, we learn, that the Indians are determined to continue their hostilities on the frontier settlements and it is feared, if something is not done to settle a permanent treaty with them, a general Indian war will be the consequence.
We are informed, that the General Assembly, finding there appeared a sum of money, amounting to about 15,000l. in the hands of the Treasurer, which was appropriated, agreeable to the requisition of Congress, for the purpose of raising a body of cavalry, but which Congress afterwards found unnecessary, have directed that it shall be applied to the purpose of purchasing continental facilities, in order to enable this State to fulfil, on their part, the requisitions of Congress, with respect to the domestic debt.
We also learn, that the General Assembly have passed an act, complying with the recommendation of Congress relative to the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States; with a proviso, that it is not to be in force until Great Britain shall shew a disposition, on her part, to fulfil the said treaty.
NEW BERN, (N.C.) Nov. 22. We hear from Tarbourough, that both Houses of the General Assembly were opened to be formed on Monday last; and that the Federal Constitution seemed to meet with an almost universal approbation.
ELIZABETH-TOWN, Dec. 19. Last Friday evening some nocturnal villains came to the house of Mr. William Smith, near Ash-Swamp, plundered it of a very considerable sum of money, and then retired exulting in their success.
New-York, December 25.
A CORRESPONDENT observes, that he does not recollect the time, when this city was so dull, upon the eve of Christmas, as at this juncture: the markets, however, are plentifully supplied, and cheap; but, as almost every individual is waiting, with anxious expectation, for interesting European intelligence, it is expected, that none but grim faces will be seen, until some authentic and positive information, respecting the butchering of our fellow creatures, shall arrive.
Yesterday arrived the sloops Dolphin and Christene, Captains Carhart and Thomas, from Philadelphia.
Last Wednesday evening departed this life, in the 88th year of his age, Mr. Abel Hardenbrook, a worthy and respectable citizen.
The following, says a Boston paper, argues strongly the importance of encouraging our own manufactures:— By every ox horn sent from America to Europe, there manufactured into combs, buttons, &c. and those again sent back to America, the European merchant and manufacturer clears, at a moderate calculation, 1000 per cent. which would be saved in America were those articles manufactured here. Now, suppose there are 20,500 neat cattle killed annually in the United States, the neat proceeds of the horns, if exported, will not exceed 10,000 dollars, the profits on this sum at 1000 per cent. is 10,000,000 dollars. Too much to lose in so inconsiderable an article!
Sailed from New-London, on Thursday last, brig—Timothy Sage, and on Friday, Brig Patty, Josiah Lee, both for Ireland.
On Saturday the 8th inst. the ship Grand Turk, sailed from Salem, with a valuable cargo, for the Isle of France, in the East-Indies.
THEATRE.
By the OLD AMERICAN COMPANY. TO-MORROW EVENING, Will be performed, A COMEDY,
CALLED THE RIVAL, A COMMIC OPERA, called, The POOR SOLDIER,
With the Original Overtures, &c. The doors will be opened at half after five, and the curtain drawn up precisely at a quarter after six o'clock. BOX 8s.—PIT 6s.—GALLERY 4s. VIVAT RESPUBLICA.
NOTICE is hereby given by the petitioning creditors of Isaac Vanduzer, an insolvent debtor, to all the creditors of said insolvent debtor, that they do appear before me Benjamin Blagge, Esq. one of the judges of the mayor's court of the city of New-York, at his office in Newman's Street, on Monday, 31st inst. at ten o'clock in the morning, to show cause, if any they have, why an assignment of the estate of Isaac Vanduzer should not be made for the benefit of Vanduzer and the said Isaac Vanduzer be all his creditors. Pursuant to the directions of an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th of April, 1786.
ISAAC VANDUZER. Dated this 13th day of December, 1787. 73—e.d.
Ran-away, from Cape Francois, A MULATTO MAN, Named JACQUES or JAMES, A CREOLE, from Martinico, AN excellent kitchen and COOK, 26 or 27 years of age, about 5 feet 9 inches high, middling thick, his legs are warped, much pock-marked, a very large small eyes and sunk, a large forehead and necked; he has a kind of ring-worm on one of his arms, and has a difficulty in his speech, stammers a little—He left Cape Francois in the beginning of May last, and was supposed to have taken passage for this continent. Whoever secures said Mulatto Man, and gives intelligence, will be handsomely rewarded, and all reasonable charges paid. Enquire at No. 15, Queen-Street. 73—e.d.
NOTICE is hereby given by the petitioning creditors of DANIEL STRANG, of Rye, in the county of West-Chester, and state of New-York, late merchant, an insolvent debtor, to show cause to the said Chief Justice, at his chamber, situate in Nassau-Street, in the city of New-York, on Thursday, the third day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon of the same day, why an assignment of the said debtor's estate should not be made, and the said debtor discharged, according to the form of an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th day of April, 1786. DANIEL STRANG. Dated this 13th day of Dec. 1787. 65—e.d.
Masters & Owners of Vessels
Are hereby informed, THAT they may be supplied with cables, large or small of any length, and cordage of all sizes, made of Peterburg hemp, first quality, at Ivers's Rope-walk, at the head of Mulberry-Street, the first left hand turn above the Tea-Water Pump, on such favorable terms as to merit the attention of any gentleman that would wish to lay out his money to the best advantage. Cables spliced, with the addition of any length required, white rope of every sort for city or country use, hambro lines, deep sea lines, hand lead lines, log lines, houseline, and marline, &c. &c. by H. IVERS, Rope-maker.
N. B. The above articles, whether in large or small quantities, will be delivered to any part of the city without expence of cartage to the buyer. New-York, Dec. 7, 1787. 58 e.d.
By order of BENJAMIN BLAGGE, Esquire, alderman, and one of the judges of the mayor's court of the city of New-York.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of James Barnett Porter, an insolvent debtor, that they show cause, if any they have, by the twenty-seventh day of December instant, before the said alderman, why an assignment of the said debtor's estate should not be made for the benefit of all his creditors, and he thereupon discharged, pursuant to an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th day of April, 1786.
JAMES BARNETT PORTER. Dated New-York, the 20th of Dec. 1787. 70—72 e.d.
MARSHALL'S Porter and Oyster-House, IS now opened at the corner of Cortlandt and Greenwich-Streets, opposite Powles-Hook Ferry-House, at the North-River—where every exertion will be put in force to render those who will favor him with their commands agreeable. New-York, Dec. 12, 1787. 63 e.d.
EXCELLENT LONDON PORTER, TO BE SOLD, Per Hamper, or Dozen; by George Miller, No. 23, Corner of Wall and Water-Street. 61—e.d.

POET'S CORNER.
THE FORSAKEN.
"The Song of the Heart, and the offspring of Love."
OPPRESS'D by the weight of my woe, Yet loth my fond cares to unfold; Since none with my sorrows to know, And few will regard them when told.
E P I G R A M.
WHY fays the Italian Seignor se, The Spaniard se Seignor? Because the one puts that behind The other puts before.
Affize of BREAD,
As Established December 5, 1787. A Loaf of inspected superfine Wheat Flour to weigh Two Pounds Five Ounces for Six-pence. A Loaf of Rye Flour to weigh One Pound Twelve Ounces for Three-pence.
HIGH WATER.
This Day, Dec. 25. 7h. 10m. Afternoon.
THOMAS SMITH, BOOT AND SHOE MAKER, LEATHER CUTTER, AND CURRIER,
Queen-Street, No. 179, Corner of Beekman or Chapel Street,
BEGS leave to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he carries on the above branches in an extensive manner. He makes an fells the following articles, wholesale and retail, viz.
Gentlemen's best boots with the best English legs and bend-foles, bound with Morocco. Gentlemen's best boots torn down tops, best English legs and bend-foles, bound with Morocco. Gentlemen's best boots with the best York legs and bend-foles, bound with Morocco. Ditto best plain, ditto, York legs and bend-foles. Ditto, ditto, with York legs and foles. Best water boots with bend-foles. Gentlemen's best calf-skin shoes with bound tops. Mens strong shoes, from 8/ to 9/. Ladies best silk shoes. Ditto ditto, stuff ditto fattinet or calimanco. Ditto ditto leather lined and bound. Ditto do. do. common. Boys, Girls, and childrens shoes of all kinds.
As also, all kinds of leather, whether for shoe-makers, fadlers, or harness-makers use.—English boot-legs, bend foles as usual.
He wishes to inform the public, that, as he is determined to sell on the most reasonable terms, no credit on any account will be given, except to those of his former customers.
And likewise, that no shoes will be sent to any one for trial, except they be very well known, as he has already suffered too much loss on that account.
Country store-keepers, and others, will find it to their advantage to deal at the above store, as they can be supplied with upper leathers, foles, half foles, &c. by the dozen, on the most reasonable terms.
Black-hall of excellent quality for cleaning boots or shoes, wholesale and retail.
N. B. Rough leather taken in and curried on the most reasonable terms. 24—ed. 5w.
FOR the Encouragement of the PAPER MANUFACTURES in America, the Printer hereof pays CASH, and the highest Price, for LINNEN, and COTTEN and LINNEN, RAGS.
WHEREAS Nicholas Bayard, Esq. of the city of New-York, by his certain indenture of lease, under his hand and seal, duly executed, bearing date the sixteenth day of September, in the ninth year of the independence of the United States of America, and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, for the consideration therein mentioned, did demise and to farm let unto John Casing, all those three LOTS OF GROUND, No. 279, 280, and 281, situate in the outward, at the corner of Moll-street, and Bayard-street, to have and to hold the said three Lots unto the said John Casing, for and during and until the end and term of twenty-one years from thence next ensuing: and whereas the said John Casing had created on said three Lots of Ground a dwelling house; and whereas the said John Casing, on the twenty-eighth day of February, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, by indenture of mortgage, did convey unto John Egberts, of the city of New-York, house, carpenter, all the before mentioned Lots, No. 2790 280, and 281, with the buildings thereon erected to hold for and during the residue and remainder of the said term of twenty-one years then to come, and unexpired, to secure the payment of fifty-pounds, with the lawful interest:—NOTICE is hereby given, that in pursuance of an act of the governor, council, and general assembly of the late colony of New-York, passed the nineteenth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, entitled, "An act for the more effectual registering of mortgages, and for securing the purchases of mortgaged estates,"—the residue and remainder of the term of years yet to come, and unexpired, of, and in the said three Lots of Ground, with the buildings thereon erected, will be SOLD at PUBLIC VENDUE, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the twenty-fifth day of February next.—The sale to begin at twelve o'clock. The condition of sale will be made known at the time of the vendue, and a deed executed to the purchaser or purchasers, subject to the proviso, in the said act, in favor of other mortgages, judgements at law, and decrees in equity, prior to the said sale.
JOHN EGBERTS. New-York, August 23, 1787. t. th. 6m.
Garret Rapalje,
BEGS leave to inform his friends, and the public in general; that he hath opened a commission store, at his former dwelling-house No. 2, on the east side of the Fly-Market, where he receives, and disposes of all sorts of merchandise, upon commission. He has very convenient cellars, and excellent store room for wet or dry goods, and the utmost attention shall be paid to the interest of those who may be pleased to favour him with their business.
He has loan-office certificates to sell; and two negro wenchies, which can be well recommended.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to JAMES MYER, jun. of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the aforesaid James Myer, jun. their accounts will be put in the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said James Myer, jun. previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to the subscriber. JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—t. th. m
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to PETER BERRIAN, of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Peter Berrian, their accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said Peter Berrian, previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to PETER BERRIAN, or to JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—t. th. 3m
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to THOMAS WHITE of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Thomas White, their accounts will be put in the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said Thomas White, previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to Thomas White, or to JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—t. th. 3m
JUST PUBLISHED, and to be SOLD, at T. GREENLEAF'S
PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, Water-Street. OBSERVATIONS, leading to a fair Examination of the Government proposed by the late CONVENTION, and to several essential and necessary Alterations.
A new, complete, and correct Edition of Baron Steuben's Regulations
FOR THE Order and Discipline OF THE Troops of the United States.
Part of this Edition is rendered conformable to the Military establishment of this State, [The only printed Edition with such Alterations.] and the remaining Part correct Copies of the late Editions; each decorated with a half sheet Copper Plate Engraving. Price Three Shillings.
A FEW copies of that much celebrated work of the late Rev. Dr. CHANCY, of Boston, "On the Fall, and its consequences," to be had at this Printing-Office.
JUST IMPORTED, In the Montgomery, Capt. Bunyan, from London, and other late vessels from Great-Britain, and to be SOLD on very reasonable terms,
By Robert Hodge,
No. 237, Queen-street, the corner of King-street A large and choice collection of BOOKS;
Among which are, ELEGANT folio family bibles, with near 200 cuts in each, Burkit on the new testament, Brown's self-interpreting bible, 2 vols, Cruden's concordance, Wardlaw's system of divinity, Whitby's commentary, Blair's Carr's, Erkin's, Boston's, Willison's, Atterbury's, &c. sermons, Neilson's festivals, Cullen's, Duncan's, and Hoffman's, practice of physic, Van Swieten's, commataries, 18 vols. Boerhaave's aphorisms, 6 vols. Smellie, and Hamilton's midwifery, Leake on the diseases of women, 2 vols. Quincey's medical lexicon, Fourcroy's, chemistry, &c. Ainsworth's, Young's Cole's, and Besides the above, a great variety, Consisting of History, Divinity, Law, Philosophy, Mathematics, Biography, Geography, Poetry, Phyfic, Surgery, Agriculture, Nautical Books, Dictionaries, Architecture, Novels, Miscellanies, Plays, &c. &c. Also an excellent Assortment of STATIONARY, Genuine Writing Paper of different sizes and prices, Ledgers, Journals, Waste, Letter, and Blank Books of all sizes, Receipt Books, Bonnet and Cards, &c. &c. Wrapping Paper, Sealing-Wax, Wafers, Quills, Slates, Lead and slate Pencils, Penknives, elegant Shoe Buckles, Messager Cards, &c. &c. Bennet's christian oratory, Scott on elocution, elegant extracts in verse, do. in prose Lord Littleton's letters, Klopstock's Messiah, Hutton's mensuration, Hawney's measurer.
Commissions from the country are thankfully received, and carefully executed. 51
PRIZE-MONEY, Of the Squadron under John Paul Jones, Esquire, NOTICE is hereby given to those officers and men of the Frigates Alliance and Bon homme Richard, who are entitled to a share in the prizes taken by the squadron under the command of John Paul Jones, Esq. that a division has been made of the proceeds of such prizes as were old in France, and that the shares will be paid to the respective claimants, or their legal representatives, on their producing, at this office, sufficient proof that they are the persons, or are empowered by the persons actually entitled to the shares they respectively claim. Benjamin Walker, Commissioner. Office of accounts, Marine department,
STAGE S,
Which ply between New-York & Philadelphia, Respectfully inform the PUBLIC, THAT, after this date, their stage will leave Pauls-Pool at three o'clock in the afternoon, and proceed to Elizabeth-Town; and that in order to accommodate passengers, one stage will leave Elizabeth-Town at day-light; and another stage leaves Newark at eight o'clock; and both stages go as far towards Philadelphia as the weather and roads will permit, during the winter season. December 13th, 1787. 46
THE PROPRIETORS of the STAGE S, Which ply between New-York & Philadelphia,
Respectfully inform the PUBLIC, THAT, after this date, their stage will leave Pauls-Pool at three o'clock in the afternoon, and proceed to Elizabeth-Town; and that in order to accommodate passengers, one stage will leave Elizabeth-Town at day-light; and another stage leaves Newark at eight o'clock; and both stages go as far towards Philadelphia as the weather and roads will permit, during the winter season. December 13th, 1787. 46
To the Afflicted with WORMS. LATELY received from the western country, and may be had at No. 21, Beekman-street, an extraordinary and never-failing WORM POWDER.—From long experience it has been found, that three doses of these Powders will effectually destroy the Worms, either in children or grown persons. N. York, Sept. 13, 1787. 32—e.d.
A PERSON perfectly acquainted with MERCHANT'S ACCOUNTS, would be glad of employ, in that line, either in Pottling of Books, or adjusting intricate accounts in inquiry of the Printer. New-York, October 25, 1787. 38—e.d.
This Day PUBLISHED, And to be SOLD at this PRINTING-OFFICE, [Price TEN PENCE.]
The Mother's Catechism. THIS Catechism is designed for the First, and should be taught to infants as an Introduction to those Catechisms which are not so easily understood. It is unioerfally recommended by Divines.
STAGE.
THE subscriber informs the public, and his friends in particular, that he now runs the STAGE from this to RYE, which Mr. HALL formerly ran. This stage starts from Mr. C. BEEKMAN'S, No. 49, Cortlandt-street, on Mondays, and Thursdays, at five o'clock in the morning, and returns on Wednesdays, and Saturdays, at six o'clock in the evening. As the subscriber has furnished himself with a very convenient new Wagon, and good Horses, for the purpose, he flatters himself, that he shall be able to give those Gentlemen and Ladies, who please to favor him with their custom, universal satisfaction. N. B. The subscriber likewise keeps a very genteel COACH, with a good pair of HORSES, To LETT; likewise, Horses and Chairs, and Saddle Horses. Any order, left with Mr. Beekman, or at his stable, in Cortlandt-street, will be immediately attended to, by the public's most humble servant, OBADIAH WRIGHT. Good STABLING for HORSES. New-York, Nov. 27, 1787. 49—e.d.
Craigie, Wainwright, & Co. DRUGGISTS,
No. 37, Wall-Street, Corner of Hanover-Square, Have imported in the last SHIPS from Europe, A General Assortment of
DRUGS, MEDICINE, and SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, which they will dispose of on very reasonable terms, for Cash, Bees-Wax, Snake-Root, Pot or Pearl-Alfhes. The following are Part of their Assortment; Genuine red Peruvian Bark, Peruvian Bark, Campher, Calomel, Antimony, Cream of Tartar, Flower of Sulphur, Tartar Emetie, Ippacuanha, Jalap, Rhubarb, Glauber Salts, Opium, Spanish Flies, Manna, Aloes, Aqua Fortis, Borax, Gentian Root, Flowers of Lavender, Flowers of Camomile, Senna, &c. Surgeons Instruments. Pocket Instruments, Dissecting Knives, Crooked Needles, Teeth Instruments, Lancets, Mortars, and Pestles, Spatulas and Bolus Knives, Iments. Amputating Instru-
At the same place may be had, a great variety of Genuine PATENT MEDICINE. Practitioners and Country Store-keepers may depend upon being well supplied at the above Store. Medicine chests for shipping, plantations, of iron works, with directions suited to the disorders of the country, are made up on the lowest terms. SALT-PETRE, Very low, by the hundred, to be had at the above STORE. 37 e.d.
Furniture Ware-House. INDIA Paper Hangings,
Striped Satin Hair Cloth, Plain ditto, ditto, Figured ditto, ditto, Wilton Carpets, Elegant Looking Glasses, Fringes, Tassels, Cord, and Laces. Some of the above articles are just received, and are for SALE, by William Mooney,
UPHOLSTERER, At his Furniture Warehouse, Nassau-street, where the Upholstery Business is carried on in the most extensive Manner. A general Assortment of common Paper Hangings. ** Paper Hangings put up in the best Manner, as usual. New-York, November 15, 1787.
TO BE LET, By Moses Gomez,
A VACANT LOT, for one or a term of years, in Hage-street; 45 feet in length, and 21 feet; six inches in front, and 19 feet in the rear. A L S O,
A VACANT LOT, in Ferry-street, seventy-five feet wide, and one hundred feet long. It faces Cliff and Chapple-streets. The said Lot will be let, either whole or in two separate Lots, as best suits the applicant. MOSES GOMEZ.
ALL persons are hereby forbid to trust any one on my account, without my special order, as I will not pay any debts, otherwise contracted. GEORGE CROOKSHANK Nov. 18, 1787. 45 th. 3w.
To be Sold at this PRINTING-OFFICE, B L A N K S of all Sorts.
LETTERS of INTELLIGENCE—occasional PARAGRAPHS—speculative PIECES—ESSAYS, &c.—are gratefully received at this OFFICE. For the greater CONVENIENCE and SAFETY of which COMMUNICATIONS, a LETTER-BOX is placed in the Window. SUBSCRIPTIONS for this PAPER (printed EVERY DAY, at Six, and ONCE a Week, at Two, Dollars per Annum) are also received here—and ADVERTISEMENTS, REASONABLY INSERTED. ** PRINTING, in all its Variety, performed with NEATNESS and DISPATCH.