Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-07-24 00:00:00

533-1 Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.
[No. 30, of VOL. II.]
SATURDAY, JULY 24, 1790.
[WHOLE No. 134.]
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA. — No. XV.
(Concluded from our last.)
First follow nature and your judgment frame By her just standard which is still the same.
AMERICANS! In your Congress at Philadelphia, on Friday, the 14th day of Oct. 1774, you laid down the fundamental principles, for which you were about to contend, and from which it is to be hoped you will never depart. For asserting and vindicating your rights and liberties, you declared, "That by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English Constitution, and your several charters or compacts, you were entitled to life, liberty and property: that your ancestors were entitled to all the rights, liberties and immunities of free and natural born subjects in England: that you, their descendants, were entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as your local and other circumstances, enabled you to exercise and enjoy. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free government, is, a right in the people, to participate in their legislative council. That you were entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by your peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law. That it is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English Constitution, that the constituent branches of the legislature, be independent of each other." These, among others, you then claimed, demanded and insisted on, as your indubitable rights and liberties. These are the principles, on which you first united and associated, and if you steadily and consistently maintain them, they will not only secure freedom and happiness to yourselves and your posterity, but your example will be imitated by all Europe, and in time perhaps by all mankind. The nations are in travail and great events must have birth. The minds of men are in movement from the Boristhenes to the Atlantic. Agitated with new and strong emotions, they swell and heave beneath oppression, as the seas within the polar circle, at the approach of spring. The genius of philosophy with the touch of Ithuriel's spear, is trying the establishments of the earth. The various forms of prejudice, superstition and servility, start up, in their true shapes, which had long imposed upon the world, under the revered semblances of honor, faith and loyalty. Whatever is loose must be shaken; whatever is corrupted must be lopt away; whatever is not built on the broad basis of public utility, must be thrown to the ground. Obscure murmurs gather and swell into a tempest; the spirit of enquiry like a severe and searching wind, penetrates every part of the great body politic; and whatever is unsound, whatever is infirm, shrinks at the visitation. Liberty, led by philosophy, diffuses her blessings to every class of men; and even extends a smile of hope and promise to the poor African, the victim of hard impenetrable avarice. Man, as man, becomes an object of respect. Tenets are transferred, from theory to practice. The glowing sentiment, the lofty speculation, no longer serve "but to adorn the pages of a book;" they are brought home to men's business and bosoms; and what some centuries ago, it was daring but to think, and dangerous to express, is now realized and carried into effect. Systems are analysed into their first principles, and principles are fairly pursued to their legitimate consequences."
This is all enchanting.—But amidst our enthusiasm, there is great reason to pause, and preserve our sobriety. It is true that the first empire of the world is breaking the fetters of human reason, and exerting the energies of redeemed liberty. In the glowing ardors of her zeal, she condescends, AMERICANS, to pay the most scrupulous attention to your maxims, principles and example. There is reason to fear she has copied from you, errors, which have cost you very dear. Assist her, by your example, to rectify them before they involve her in calamities, as much greater than yours, as her population is more unwieldy, and her situation more exposed to the baleful influence of rival neighbours. Amidst all their exultations, AMERICANS and FRENCHMEN should remember, that the perfectibility of man, is only human and terrestrial perfectibility. Cold will still freeze, and fire will never cease to burn: disease and vice will continue to disorder, and death to terrify mankind.
Emulation next to self preservation will forever be the great spring of human actions, and the balance of a well ordered government, will alone be able to prevent that emulation from degenerating into dangerous ambition, irregular rivalries, destructive factions, wasting seditions and bloody civil wars.
The great question will forever remain, who shall work? Our species cannot all be idle. Leisure for study must ever be the portion of a few. The number employed in government, must forever be very small. Food, raiment and habitations, the indispensable wants of all, are not to be obtained without the continual toil of ninety-nine in an hundred of mankind. As rest is rapture to the weary man, those who labor little will always be envied by those who labor much, though the latter, in reality, be probably the most enviable. With all the encouragements public and private, which can ever be given to general education, and it is scarcely possible they should be too many or too great, the laboring part of the people, can never be learned. The controversy between the rich and the poor, the laborious and the idle, the learned and the ignorant, distinctions as old as the creation, and as extensive as the globe; distinctions which no art or policy, no degree of virtue or philosophy can ever wholly destroy, will continue, and rivalries will spring out of them. These parties will be represented in the legislature, and must be balanced, or one will oppress the other. There will never probably be found, any other mode of establishing such an equilibrium, than by constituting the representation of each, an independent branch of the legislature, and an independent executive authority, such as that in our government, to be a third branch and a mediator or an arbitrator between them. Property must be secured, or liberty cannot exist: but if unlimited, or unbalanced power of disposing property, be put into the hands of those, who have no property, France will find, as we have found, the lamb committed to the custody of the wolf. In such a case, all the pathetic exhortations and addresses of the National Assembly to the people, to respect property, will be regarded no more than the warbles of the songsters of the forest. The great art of lawgiving consists in balancing the poor against the rich, in the legislature, and in constituting the legislative, a perfect balance against the executive power, at the same time, that no individual or party can become its rival. The essence of a free government consists in an effectual controul of rivalries. The executive and the legislative powers are naturally rivals: and if each, has not an effectual controul over the other, the weaker, will ever be the lamb in the paws of the wolf. The nation which will not adopt an equilibrium of power, must adopt a despotism. There is no other alternative. Rivalries must be controuled, or they will throw all things into confusion: and there is nothing but despotism, or a balance of power, which can controul them. Even in the simple monarchies, the nobility and the judicatures, constitute a balance, though a very imperfect one against the royalties.
Let us conclude with one reflection more, which shall barely be hinted at, as delicacy, if not prudence, may require in this place some degree of reserve. Is there a possibility, that the government of nations may fall into the hands of men, who teach the most disconsolate of all creeds, that men are but fireflies, and that this all , is without a father? Is this the way, to make man, as man an object of respect? Or is it, to make murder itself, as indifferent as shooting a plover, and the extermination of the Rohilla nation, as innocent, as the swallowing of mites, on a morsel of cheese? If such a case should happen, would not one of these, the most credulous of all believers, have reason to pray, to his eternal nature, or his almighty chance, (he more absurdity there is in this address the more in character) give us again the gods of the Greeks—give us again the more intelligible as well as more comfortable systems of Athanasius and Calvin—nay, give us again our Popes and Hierarchies, Benedictines and Jesuits, with all their superstition and fanaticism, impostures and tyranny. —A certain Duchess of venerable years and masculine understanding, said of some of the Philosophers of the eighteenth century, admirably well, "On ne croit pas, dans le Christianisme, mais qu'on croit, toutes les sottises possibles."
TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
PARIS.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE COLONIES, Presented to the National Assembly, in the name of the Committee appointed for that purpose, the 23d March, 1790.
By Mr. BARNAVE, Deputy from Dauphiny.
CONTINUED.
THE National Assembly having pointed out the mode of forming the assemblies, which are to present the views of the colonies, is also obliged to fix certain principles as a basis for their plans of constitution, to render as as far as possible all such as may be offered susceptible of being received.
But it is desirous to reduce its conditions to the most simple terms, to the most uncontestable maxims—and it does not wish to add any thing which may impose any limits to the liberty of the colonial assemblies, beyond what constitutes the fundamental connection between the colonies and the metropolis.
The colonial assemblies, engaged in the business of the Constitution will perceive the distinction between the legislative, executive, judiciary and administrative functions; they will examine how it will best answer to organize them in the constitution of this colony; the forms, according to which the legislative and executive power ought to be exercised, the number, composition and hierarchy of the tribunals; into whose hands the administration ought to be entrusted, the number, formation and subordination of the different assemblies which ought to concur therein; the qualifications which may be required to constitute an active citizen, for the purpose of exercising the different employments; in a word, whatever may enter into the composition of a government, the best adopted to secure the happiness and tranquility of the colonies.
The nature of their interests, which can never be entirely blended with those of the metropolis, local, and particularly objects respecting the preparation of their laws; in short, the distance of places, and the time necessary to arrive at them, establish a great difference between them and the provinces of France, and consequently occasion a difference in their constitutions.
But in endeavouring to find these out, we ought never to lose sight that they form however a part of the French empire, and that the protection which is due them by the whole national strength; that the engagements which ought to exist between them and the commerce of France; in a word, that every tie of reciprocal utility which attaches them to the metropolis, can have no kind of solidity, without the existence of political connections to serve as a basis.
From these different views, it appears with respect to the legislative power,
That the laws designed for the interior regulation of the colonies, independent of the relations which exist between them and the metropolis, may and can be prepared without any difficulty within themselves.
That these laws when they are of a pressing nature, may be provisionally executed with the sanction of the governor;
But that the right of approving them definitively, should be reserved to the legislature of France and the King.
To the legislature, because it is invested with the national power, and because it would be impossible without its participation, to be sure that the laws prepared in the colony, would not interfere with the engagements contracted with the metropolis.
To the King, because the sanction of all the functions of royalty, are attributed to him, over the colonies, as well as over all the other parts of the French empire.
It is in like manner follows, that the laws which respect the connections between the colonies and the metropolis, whether they are demanded by the colonial Assembly, or have been prepared in the National Assembly, ought to receive their existence and authority from the latter, and cannot be executed, even provisionally, until they have been decreed by it. A maxim of legislation which has no connection with momentary exceptions, which pressing and imperious wants may require, respecting the introduction of provisions.
From the same views results with regard to

AUTHENTICK INFORMATION.
(We are happy to lay before the public, the following authentic Intelligence.)
BOSTON JULY 15.
MR. RUSSELL,
SIR, YOU will receive, inclosed, some papers, which the Right Hon. Viscount DE PONTEVES-GIEN wishes you to insert in your useful and well-written CENTINEL: And you will see by them how diffident you ought to be of all the reports too easily propagated by indiscretion, or by the rivals of your commerce, and ours. The ports of our Colonies continue to be open to the Americans, as before, and upon the terms in the Ordinances of their respective Governors. You know my solicitude to make public those kind of publications so useful to the dearest interests of this port, as well as of all the other ports of my district; and I shall continue to send you their authentic information.
None of the letters which I have received from Martinique make any mention, "that the American vessels were boarded, and all the military weapons on board taken away." I am, Sir, with due regard, Yours, &c. DE LE TOMBE.
EXTRACT from the dispatches of the Right Hon. Viscount DE PONTEVES-GIEN, to M. DE LETOMBE.
"On board the ILLUSTRE, St. Pierre, June 15."
"SINCE the beginning of the troubles there has been a pointed enmity between the town of St. Pierre, and the colony, which increased continually, from the anarchy which reigned in that city. The 3d of June, after the usual procession, a quarrel took place between the free-coloured people, and a mob, which terminated by the sudden slaughter of 15 mulattoes, and three of their white officers. One hundred and twenty-seven mulattoes were afterwards confined in Jail, and their punishment was insisted upon by that unruly mob, which the Municipal body was not able to restrain. Every citizen lamented the oppressive oppression of a gang of villains which established themselves in St. Pierre: And that city, so important to commerce, was approaching to be the haunt of vagabonds of all nations: Which event, had it arrived, would have proved fatal to all the windward Islands. In this exigency, the colony held a special meeting—the colonists united, all the free coloured people armed themselves, and demanded that justice should be done: even the slaves began to stir, and every thing would have been in a deplorable situation there, if a speedy relief had not been granted. The Colonial Assembly having therefore requested the Viscount DE DAMAS to employ all the forces under his command, and to march to St. Pierre in order to deliver that town from oppression, and to restore the activity and liberty of its commerce: And myself having also been equally requested, we thereupon agreed to move on the business, the 6th inst. by land and by water. The town of St. Pierre was soon surrounded on every part, and taken possession of by our troops without firing a single gun; and every thing passed with the greatest good order. The Municipal body, and the citizens, being satisfied, have presented us addresses of thanks, which I have the honor to send you."
"In order to justify the slaughter perpetrated the 3d inst. it was alleged that a plot had been laid by the free-coloured people against the whites. Those who were put to jail remain there—and their case will be legally scrutinized. The above is all that has taken place. We believe we have rendered an important service to the Colony, to the Metropolis, and to their respective commerce: Especially as we have been so fortunate as to succeed in this very delicate operation without bloodshed, and to the satisfaction of all the citizens. I have the honor &c. &c. (Signed) PONTEVES-GIEN."
"On board the ILLUSTRE, June 17."
"We have terminated our business here and to-morrow we shall go back to Fort-Royal, leaving at St. Pierre's a battalion, in garrison, at the request of the citizens. The greater part of the disturbers have fled; a part will be sent to France, and some will be punished according to the justice of the laws: Some have been punished by a few days imprisonment only. This important military enterprise has not cost a drop of blood. If we had denied the request, the Colonists and the coloured people would have executed that delicate piece of business without us; and whatever might have been the issue, it would have been fatal to the colony."
"I am now going to prepare for my departure for France—and should be very sorry not to have it in my power to see you soon again, where reside an HANCOCK, an ADAMS, a BOWDOIN, and a multitude of citizens, extremely affectionate and amiable; to whom I am attached by the warmest gratitude."
"Farewell, dear, Sir; I reiterate to you always, with new pleasure, my assurances of the sincere and inviolable attachment which I have avowed to you. (Signed) PONTEVES-GIEN."
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, JUNE 18.
MR. SMITH of (S. C.) Mr. Sedgwick and Mr. Lawrance having spoke against the motion made by Mr. Parker for adjourning Congress to Philadelphia, and blamed Mr. Vining for bringing it forward again after the decision of the Senate against the measure.
Mr. Parker rose and said, I take to myself Mr. speaker the blame, if the thing is blamable, for reiterating the question which my worthy friend from Delaware has supported with so much energy. I think if he is impressed with zeal on this occasion it is a laudable zeal, and worthy of that independence of spirit which the honest representative of a free people ought ever to possess; for my part I am convinced of the rectitude of his intentions, and I do not entertain an apprehension that the gentlemen in opposition, will dare to impeach the motives by which either of us are actuated.
Under an impression that it is adverse to the common interest of this great republic to have the seat of government placed in an eccentric position—I shall continue by all justifiable means to attempt the application of a remedy to an evil which, I so justly deem a grievance.
Was I the immediate representative of the city of New-York, or one of the more eastern States, I might forget in a moment like this, that I was a representative of America, but as a representative of Virginia, and far removed from the present seat of Congress, I can with more concern reflect on this improper situation. Hence I must be excused for doing my duty in advocating a removal to a place more central and more agreeable to my immediate constituents as well as to the great body of the people of United America; I am the more countenanced, Mr. speaker in this exertion by the late declared voice of this House. If I am not mistaken, when the question was last before this House, there appeared to be more than two thirds of the representatives of the people in favor of a removal to Philadelphia; and shall we sub-
From the same, views result, with regard to the Executive power.
That it may be necessary, in certain cases, that the functions attributed to the King, throughout all the parts of the French empire, should be promiscuously exercised in the colonies, by a governor who represents him.
That therefore the choice and installation of officers, which are in his nomination, the approbation necessary for the execution of the decrees of the administrative assemblies—and the other acts which require celerity, may be provisionally assigned to this governor, under the positive reserve of the King's approbation.
But that, in the colonies, as in France, the King is the only and Supreme Chief of the Executive power—that all the officers of justice, the administration, the military forces, ought to acknowledge him as their chief—and that all the powers attributed to royalty, in the French constitution, can only be exercised provisionally by those he has charged with them, and definitively by himself.
These principles being acknowledged, all the views which may concur in favor of the prosperity of the colonies, may be taken into consideration by the colonial assemblies.
The French nation does not wish to exercise over them any other influence than that of the ties established and cemented for the common utility—it is in no wise jealous to establish or preserve the means of oppression.
What sources of prosperity are offered to the patriotism of the colonial assemblies by the different parts of the labor entrusted to them. The establishment of a simple judiciary order, securing to the citizens an impartial and prompt justice, an administration committed to the hands of those who are interested in it, a plan of imposts suited to their convenience, the forms of which cannot be changed, and the quantity can only be regulated by the vote of the colonial assemblies themselves.
France, to which its commercial laws with the colonies ought to secure, with some benefit the reimbursement of the expences, which it is obliged to support for their protection, does not consider their possession as a fiscal resource. Their particular imposts shall be confined to the expences of their own government, they themselves shall propose the establishment and proportion of them.
France does not consider its colonies as the means of justifying avidity, of flattering the tyranny of some persons appointed to superintend their administration—the interests of the citizens ought to be managed by themselves, and the administration can only be entrusted to such as they have freely elected.
The expences of a complicated justice, the delays and artifices of chicanery, the removals occasioned by the too refined spring of certain tribunals, cannot suit men continually engaged in an advantageous cultivation, and the commerce of its productions—the colonies therefore require more rigorously than the metropolis, a prompt administration of justice divested of every means of despotism and oppression.
There is then none of these views but which the National Assembly will adopt with satisfaction whenever they shall be proposed to it by the colonial assemblies—but, after having considered what suits the interior happiness of the colonies, it remains to pay attention to their exterior interests.
The National Assembly exercises towards each of the parts of the French empire the duties which belong to the social body over all the members that compose it—every one finds in it the guardian of its interests and liberty—every one is subjected by it to the exercise of the will of the whole. The depositary of the most legitimate and most imposing authorities, the nation which has charged it with the preservation of its rights, has placed at its disposal all the force necessary to guarantee them. It is then a rigid duty, a sacred obligation to maintain them without alteration—but the more incontestable these rights are, so much the greater means has the nation which has entrusted them, to support them, and so much the less does it suit the assembly which represents it, to call to their assistance the arms of weakness and of tyranny. A timid circumspection, a vain dissimulation, would debase its character to a level with usurped or tottering powers—it can then, it ought then, in treating with the children of the country, to forget for a moment, and lay aside all the rights and all the powers which it is charged to exercise over them, to examine and discuss their interests with freedom, to attach them to their duty by the sentiment of their own welfare, and to lend to the majority of the nation it represents, the only language which can suit it, that of reason and of truth.
EXTRACT.
A FREE people are naturally high spirited; especially those who are born and nurtured in the principles of liberty; they are always governed with difficulty—and the restraints which are necessary to prevent those excesses which always precede the loss of their liberty, if they so justly prize, are seldom submitted to without reluctance; a truly independent legislator must therefore necessarily be sometimes unpopular.
mit what appears so clearly to be the desire of the majority of the people of America, to the final majority of a single member in the Senate.—We who are the representatives of the people for whom this government was instituted as the constitution expressly declares, to concede to a bare majority of the representatives of the States.—Shall we remain inactive and sink into silent apathy, because the Senate has been pleased not to concur with us in the first essay made to promote the equal distribution of the benefits of the government to all its parts—do gentlemen wish to be dragged into a state of vassalage to the Senate, and only be the mock guardians of our country's welfare—are we to sit here to do nothing but register the edicts of a body, whose councils are concealed within the impenetrable walls of a dark divan? The removal of Congress is a measure of necessity and those who feel its importance cannot, nor ought they to avoid pressing it—gentlemen tell us it is an irritating subject, but are we who sustain the oppression not excusable for being irritated? I make this appeal with confidence to the northern gentlemen, and ask if they would sit quiet if they were dragged to Halifax in North-Carolina, a place not an inch more distant from the extremity of New-Hampshire, than New-York is from the most distant part of Georgia? For myself I declare, that were we there I should join them in a removal to a place more central to the union though more inconvenient to the part of Virginia I represent; I shall consider an accommodation in this business as a strengthening bond of union. Those who are real friends to United America, will dispise their local attachments and meet on central ground. I would not like the gentlemen from the Eastern States and New-York throw embarrassments in the way of a measure so calculated to do justice to all, and which ought to give general satisfaction, and by such means cease the murmurs of those who have just cause of complaint—let those gentlemen consider that this government is a government of the people, and not of a few great men, the whole and not a part only are to receive the benefits which it is constituted to dispense; let them consider what the voice of the people is; we are the representatives of the people in unequal and just proportion—two thirds of these representatives have declared the sentiments of their constituents; Pennsylvania is evidently the present center of representation, consequently of population, and as the center of wealth for the present may be about Philadelphia, for the present I will submit to a removal there, in full confidence that when the permanent seat is fixed it will be further South, as population and migration will shortly give strength to our Southern and Western country. Who are they then Mr. Speaker, that arrest the removal to Philadelphia—The Senate? And who are the Senate? The representatives of political communities, of States unequal in their extent and population—and although I admire the propriety of their establishment and their utility in many cases; yet as this is a question in which the representatives of the people are more interested than the representatives of the States are—I think their opinion ought to prevail—and not to be blown away by the still voice of men shut up in a conclave, wrapt in secrecy their high mightinesses (for so they may be termed from their introduction of titles, &c. &c.) are they to dictate to the representatives of a free people—I trust not.
Here Mr. Parker was interrupted by several gentlemen calling to order; Mr. Smith of (S. C.) hoped the gentleman might be permitted to go on—but he would assure him he should be answered.
Mr. Parker proceeded. I do not wish Mr. speaker, to take up the time of the House, but I am strongly persuaded that in a government like ours, in a question like this, the Senate should be satisfied to let the representatives of the people select the place most convenient to the community at large; for myself I declare I have no personal objection to New-York, so far from it that was I to select a place to spend my own time, I should prefer it to Philadelphia; but as a representative of America, I have no right to consult my private happiness nor overawe the public weal with it, my advocating a removal then cannot be ascribed to private views or self-interested motives; what stimulates me is the wish of the people I represent and a conviction of the propriety of the measure. When deliberating on a national subject of great importance private wishes should be banished and the common cause consulted.
Gentlemen tell us there is no necessity for pressing this question at this time; but Sir, I think since we are embarked in it we ought to prosecute the voyage until we arrive at that place, which will restore union, harmony, and good humour; even if we now relinquish the business we have no security, but it will haunt us and meet us at every turn. Hence I think, Sir, there is an absolute necessity of removing immediately, if we with the government to left, and to some place from whence the legislature may extend its influence in an equal and regular manner to all the extremities; the people know and feel its partial operation, and it is very uneasy under it.
Gentlemen say we ought to determine the permanent residence; to me, Sir, it is a matter of indifference which is first determined, permanent or temporary residence—but as a majority have refused to consider of the permanent residence at this time, I am willing to give up to their decision, and contend for the preference only for the temporary seat. I wish this to be nearer the center of the United States than it now is; I repeat again, that whilst I have a majority of the people and their representatives, I will not relinquish my endeavor to obtain what they desire with so much anxiety and what they are entitled to on every principle of justice and equity.
It is said that no petitions are come forward praying this removal. I admit there are none—our constituents have confidence in us, and could not suppose it necessary to trouble us with petitions, in order to induce us to adopt a measure, the propriety of which must be obvious to every eye; but if we now decline to satisfy their just desires, we may expect not only petitions, but remonstrances against our culpable neglect. When people feel what it is to travel, exhausted with fatigue some hundred miles more than an equal apportionment requires, they will not only complain of us, but will have reason to curse and execrate the authors of their calamities.
The gentlemen from the Eastward may feel easy under every thing of this kind, whilst they remain in New-York; but the southern gentlemen will be guilty of great inattention to the interest of those they represent, if they remain any longer idle spectators of a game, by which their particular constituents only can be loofers. (From Lloyd's Minutes.)
WEDNESDAY, JULY 21.
The engrossed bill respecting consuls, was read the third time and passed.
A petition of John Tucker, Clerk of the Supreme Court of the United States, was read, praying to be repaid certain sums he had advanced to procure seals for the Supreme and Circuit Courts.
Mr. Sedgwick, from the committee of conference on the subject of the bill for settling the accounts between the United States and the individual states, reported certain amendments that it would be proper to make in the said bill; the house took the report into consideration, and agreed to the same, with a small alteration.
A message was received from the Senate, that they had passed the funding bill, with sundry amendments, the amendments were made the order of the day to-morrow.
Adjourned.

THURSDAY, JULY 22.
A bill for registering ships or vessels: to regulate the coasting trade; vessels employed in the fisheries and for other purposes, was brought in by Mr. Goodhue of the committee appointed to amend the revenue laws, read and ordered to be printed for the use of the members.
Mr. Gerry of the committee of conference on the disagreement between the two houses respecting the post-office bill—brought in a report which was read.
A report from the Secretary of the Treasury on the unappropriated lands of the United States in the Western territory, was read—this report contains a system for the future disposal of that property, and was ordered to be printed.
A message was received from the President of the United States informing the House, that an act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes—an act for holding a treaty or treaties of peace, with certain Indian tribes, and an act to amend an act for establishing and supporting light-houses, beacons, buoys and public piers, all of which originated in the House, had received his assent.
The report of the committee of conference on the post office bill was taken into consideration.
The first amendment of the Senate, the committee on the part of the House did not agree to. This amendment was to invest the Post-Master-General with the power to establish the cross post roads.—Mr. Hartley moved that the House should adhere to their disagreement; this was seconded by Mr. Bloodworth.
A considerable debate ensued on this motion, which was finally carried in the affirmative the ayes and noes being as follows:
AYES.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons, Floyd, Gale, Gerry, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Huntington, Jackson, Livermore, Madison, Mathews, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scot, Seney, Sevier, Sherman, Sylvester, Steele, Stone, Sturges, Sump-ter, Tucker, Vining, White.—35.
NOES.
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Cadwallader, Foster, Gilman, Goodhue, Grout, Lawrance, Leonard, Partridge, Rensselaer, Schureman, Sedgwick, Smith (M.) Smith (S.C.) Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth, Wynkoop.—20.
The other amendments were agreed to.
The House then took up the amendments of the Senate to the funding bill, and made some progress therein.—Adjourned.
FRIDAY, JULY 23.
The house proceeded in the consideration of the amendments proposed by the Senate to the Funding Bill.
On motion of Mr. Gerry, the interest on Indents was raised from three to four per cent. pr. ann.
The term of "ten years," the period at which one third of the principal was proposed to be funded, was altered to seven years. These with the rate of redemption, at 8 dolls. pr. ann. on account of principal and interest, which the Senate proposed should be at 7 dolls. pr. ann. were all the alterations made by the house this day.
On the proposition for the assumption of the State debts, being read, Mr. Jackson moved that the house should disagree to the amendment.—Mr. Jackson enforced his motion with a lengthy speech—and was replied to by Mr. Smith, (S. C.) and Mr. Sherman.
Mr. Gerry made a few remarks—and then the house adjourned without a decision—till To-morrow, 11 o'clock.
THE TABLET.—No. CXXXIV.
"Conversation is the criterion of almost every man's intellectual merit."
WE are often disposed to pay a compliment to men for their abilities and rectitude, upon a very slight and superficial acquaintance. This hasty mode of estimating characters exposes us to a degree of deception, and makes us value some too high and others too low. The talents of a man, no more than his disposition can be ascertained without a strict scrutiny, and being conversant with him on ordinary occasions, and in the familiar walks of life. While men are in the mere exercise of professional duty, or are examined only by the view they exhibit when acting in a public capacity, they assume artificial forms, and display borrowed abilities.
Some persons indeed have the address to keep their real character always out of sight. They will never expose themselves to the fulness of domestic inspection, being persuaded that they may risk the loss of reputation in private, which they have obtained in public. For this reason it is prudent for men who have acquired some fame and influence for their abilities, to adopt a cautious, reserved mode of conversation. Every person who indulges himself in an unrestrained scope of conversation, will, in some moments of inadvertency, discover follies and weaknesses, which a more discreet rule of behavior would have concealed. It is of utility to mankind that some persons in society should be viewed with an high
degree of respect, and be supposed to possess more than ordinary discernment and rectitude. It is of more importance to the world that a man should render himself respectable by his wisdom and sobriety; than that he should aim at being agreeable by gaiety and affability. The truth is, if we were intimately acquainted with all men, we should consider them as too nearly alike to pay that respect to some, and feel that detestation for others, which the good management of society absolutely requires. A high state of civilization is founded on artificial circumstances; and it can only be preserved by a forced departure from the intrinsic character of things. We must admire objects and men who possess slender pretensions to admiration; and we must reprobate others without examining too critically the grounds of detestation.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
On the late Doctor BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
TH' unnumber'd spheres o'er boundless space that roll, The busy tenants of each ball, Myriads that walk, or fly, or swim, or crawl, The compound of creation's ample whole, Are few—contracted—and confin'd, When measur'd by the GREAT CREATOR's mind.
Each being he assign'd a destin'd court, FRANKLIN to prop a sinking state. And now t' arrest impending fate, And check the lightning's force. FRANKLIN in mercy to COLUMBIA giv'n To blast a tyrant's schemes, and ward the wrath of heav'n.
What tho' retir'd from mortal ken, Each flash from heav'n conviction gives, That FRANKLIN fill in essence lives To guide, and guard the sons of men. Forever sacred be that precious earth, Which gave to such a Genius birth.
By space GREAT FRANKLIN ne'er could be confin'd, He soar'd above all human bounds, Yet when in this small sphere he walk'd his rounds, His vast capacious soul embrac'd all human kind. His fame and blessings equally extend, And the world hails him universal friend.
At length his swelling soul has burst the clod, And mounting o'er th' empyrean height, And urging on its rapid flight, Now beams an emanation of THE GOD. Henceforth distinguish'd shall COLUMBIA shine, The parent of A GENIUS more than half divine.
Let black oblivion blot th' ungenerous page Which giddy RAYNAL falsely stain'd, When he forgot the self-taught Sage, And fair COLUMBIA impiously profan'd. HOMER, the Critics say, wou'd sometimes nod, So RAYNAL might forget the NOBLEST WORK of GOD.
"On doit être étonné que l'Amérique n'ait pas encore produit un bon Poète, un habile Mathématicien, un homme de génie, dans un seul art, ou une seule science." Abbé Raynal.
PHILADELPHIA, July 9.
On Saturday evening last Colonel Marinus Willet, with Col. Alexander M'Gillivray and twenty eight chiefs of the Creek nation arrived in this city. They will shortly proceed to visit the Congress of the United States, in order to conclude treaties, which, we hope, will secure peace to our southern brethren. These chiefs were received by our citizens with every mark of attention. The bells were rung; the artillery fired a federal salute, and with the light infantry companies escorted the chiefs to the Indian Queen, where lodgings were prepared for them; and a great number of people assembled to behold the largest body of Indians, that has appeared in this metropolis for many years. Yesterday they attended divine service at Christ church.
Dr. Franklin says—(for the dead he yet speaketh)—it has been computed by some political arithmetician, that if every man and woman would work for four hours each day on something useful, that labor would produce sufficient to procure all the necessaries and comforts of life—want and misery would be banished out of the world, and the rest of the 24 hours might be leisure and amusement.
NEW-YORK, JULY 24.
CREEKS.
Wednesday last arrived in this city Col. ALEXANDER M'GILLIVRAY, and the KINGS, CHIEFS, and WARRIORS of the Creek nation, escorted by Col. Marinus Willet.
A Packet, under the direction of Major Stagg, had been dispatched to Elizabethtown-Point, by order of the Secretary at War, on board of which they embarked at that place in the morning, and landed at Murray's Wharf at about 2 o'clock.
As they passed the Battery a federal salute was fired—which was repeated at the moment of their landing.
The Society of St. Tammany in their proper dresses—accompanied by Gen. Malcolm, and a detachment of the City Artillery, and Infantry, waited their arrival, and escorted them to the house of the Hon. Gen. Knox—after which they were introduced by the General to THE PRESIDENT of the United States: They then waited on His Excellency THE GOVERNOR—and dined on the City Tavern, in company with the Secretary at War—the Senators and Representatives
of the State of Georgia—Gen. Malcolm—the Military Officers on duty—and the Officers of the Society of St. Tammany.
The public curiosity was greatly excited—and the multitude immense, which collected on this occasion.
Our visitors appeared to be greatly pleased with their polite and friendly reception—and the public demonstration of satisfaction at the occasion of their long journey to the Great Council of the States.
Names of the Chiefs of the Creek Nation, now in this City.
  1 Colonel ALEXANDER MCGILLIVRAY, } 4 Coweta Chiefs.   Tukena'ah, or big lieutenant,   6 Homatah, or leader,   Chickwockly Mico, } 5 Cuffitah Chiefs.   Mico Nomathle, and two young Warriors.   Fuskatche Mico, or bird tail King,   Fuskiah Mico, or Warrior King,   5 Nealthlock, or second Man,   Tufkeegie Tustunegie, or big fear,   Halletemathle, or blue giver.   2 Opay Mico, or the Singer, } 2 Chiefs from little Tallasee.   1 Totkehajou-Samoniah.   5 Stimaleje, or Mankiller. } Alabama Chief.   Stimafutchkee, or good humor, } From the Coofades.   and four other Warriors.   4 Chinabie, or the great Notches Warrior, } From the Notches.   and three young Warriors.   2 Ochee Hajou, or Aleck Cornel, } 2 Chiefs from Tufkabatchy.   Soholeffe, or young second Man,   2 Tallisee King, and Holatah, or the blue, } Tallisee Chiefs.   and two Tallasee Warriors, 
30 David Francis, a young half breed, kinsman to Col. McGillivray. David Tate, Nephew to Col. McGillivray. Mr. Cornel, The Interpreter.
A correspondent observes, that the situation of the Post-Office bill is truly critical.—The House of Representatives are strenuous to have sixty Post-Masters' General.—The Senate are averse to more than ONE.—But THE PEOPLE being greatly interested in this question, and the public mind having anticipated and approved the plan of SIXTY—it follows that the PEOPLE are in a fair way of having no new regulations at all—but at an expense greatly overbalancing the benefit.
If sixty Post Masters' General are sixty times better than ONE, the amendment of the Senate to the Post-Office bill is a most abominable UNPOPULAR amendment.
The Virginia Independent Chronicle gives an account of the Lead Mines in that State—in which there are between 50 and 60 men employed—there are seven pits of 70 feet in depth, which are so productive, that from 6 to 8 tons of Ore may be raised in a day—present appearances indicate that the source is inexhaustible—and that such additions are making to the works, that in the course of the ensuing year sufficient may be procured and manufactured for the consumption of the United States. From authentic information of the above tenor, the House of Representatives of the United States has been induced to enhance the duty on imported lead of all kinds.
A letter from Halifax, dated June 30, says, a vessel is just arrived from Glasgow, which left it the 28th May, when the British fleet was in full commission, upwards of forty sail of the line parading the channel—but no answer was received from the Court of Spain.
Extract of a letter from Boston, dated July 18.
"I have read with attention and pleasure the "Discourses on Davila," and think they contain excellent principles and maxims—I wish our politicians would read them with deliberate consideration.—I also wish the Assembly of France might read them, for unless they attend to the principles of government therein contained, I fear their revolution may end in tyranny."
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW-YORK.
Brig Minerva, Bell, Lisbon, 42 days — Rachel, Duff, Limrick, 44 — Satisfaction, Christie, St. Vincent, 21 Schooner Friends Adventure, Parker, Shelburne, 13 Sloop Charles, White, Norfolk, 5 — Brothers, Rhoden, St. Johns, 13.
Just published, (In II Vols. bound and lettered) and to be sold by the Editor of this paper, Price 13s.
M E M O I R S
OF THE BLOOMSGROVE FAMILY, In a series of LETTERS to a respectable Citizen of PHILADELPHIA.
Containing Sentiments on a MODE OF DOMESTIC EDUCATION, Suited to the present state of Society, Government, and Manners, in the United States of America,
And on the Dignity and Importance of the FEMALE CHARACTER. Interspersed with a variety of interesting ANECDOTES. By ENOS HITCHCOCK, D. D.
The following account of the above, is contained in a letter to a gentleman in this city.
"The design of this work is to show the great importance of early education, by exhibiting the portrait of a family in which this great object was attended to. In this family were a son and daughter, whose early education was superintended by their parents, and particularly by their mother. The several steps which were taken to instil into their young minds, sentiments of virtue, and to form good habits, are represented in such a manner, as to render the whole a most pleasing picture. The letters are interspersed with judicious observations, interesting anecdotes, and refined sentiments, tending to develop the subject. It is written in an agreeable manner, and a familiar style: Precepts are enforced by a pleasing narrative; the best way of communicating instruction. The scene is not laid in any particular place, but it is left to the reader's imagination to place it in what part of America he pleases."

The ADDRESS of the Convention of South-Carolina, presented by the Senators and Members of the House of Representatives from that State TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
SIR,
WE, the people of the State of South-Carolina, now met and sitting in Convention, beg leave to address you, and to embrace this first opportunity which has been afforded us of congratulating you on the high and important station of President of the United States.
It was the will of an all-wise Providence, that the great objects we were contending for should not be attained without some difficulty, and that we should be taught to observe and to value the virtues which spring up in adversity;
To transmit to that posterity the spirit of a free constitution in its native purity is the hope which animates us all; we hope also, that they will learn from us to cherish every grateful sentiment towards you, Sir, and that they will be proud, as we are, to participate individually in the honor which America may so justly claim to herself, of having produced a citizen, whose love of glory was devoid of ambition, whose view embraced no objects but the freedom and the happiness of his countrymen;
We will not, Sir, by thus giving way to the effusions of our hearts, any longer intrude upon that time which is devoted to the general good, but conclude with offering up our prayers to the great Father of the universe, that he may be pleased to shed his influence over all your counsels, and that having saved your country and given an awful lesson to all mankind, you may finally in the fullness of your years, close the long glories of an illustrious life,
By the unanimous voice of the Convention, CHARLES PINCKNEY, President.
Columbia, May 31st, 1790.
The PRESIDENT'S Answer.
To the People of the State of South Carolina,
FELLOW CITIZENS,
THE congratulatory address of the People of the State of South Carolina on my election to the office of President of the United States, expressed in such forcible and endearing terms, affects me with the liveliest emotions of satisfaction, and induces me to request their acceptance of my sincerest acknowledgments.
Flattering as it must have been to me to find the extraordinary unanimity of the people of the United States, in placing me at the head of their federal republic, I am still more pleased with the recollection of the manly conduct on their part, which, in the issue of an arduous struggle, put them in a condition to enjoy the blessings of a free government.
The value of liberty was thus enhanced in our estimation by the difficulty of its attainment; and the worth of characters appreciated by the trial of adversity. The tempest of war having at length been succeeded by the sunshine of peace, our citizens-soldiers impressed an useful lesson of patriotism on mankind, by nobly returning, with impaired constitutions and unsatisfied claims, after such long sufferings and severe disappointments, to their former occupations.
If there be for me any peculiarly just subject of exultation, and with honest pride I avow the fact, it is in being the citizen of a
country, whose inhabitants were so enlightened and disinterested as to sacrifice local prejudices and temporary systems for the sake of rendering secure and permanent that Independence, which had been the price of so much treasure and blood.
For myself, notwithstanding my former intentions and declarations, I could not hesitate to return to public life, when, from all the circumstances within my knowledge, I had collected it to be my duty, because it was apparently the will of a whole nation.
I pray you to be persuaded, that while I receive with great sensibility, such repeated proofs of the partiality of my fellow citizens in my favor, I feel encreasing obligations to devote my labors unremittingly to the public service; and with the benediction of the great Father of the Universe on our councils, to use my best endeavours that the American people, who have of right assumed an independent station amongst the nations of the earth, should forever remain a great, respectable and happy nation.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
United States, July 3, 1790.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. PUBLISHED
By Authority.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
AT THE SECOND SESSION. Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fourth of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT imposing Duties on the Tonnage of Ships or Vessels.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That upon all ships or vessels, which after the first day of September next, shall be entered in the United States from any foreign port or place, there shall be paid the several and respective duties following, that is to say:
And be it further enacted, That the aforesaid duty of six cents per ton shall be also paid upon every ship or vessel of the United States, which after the said first day of September next, shall be entered in a district in one state from a district in another state, other than an adjoining state on the sea coast, or on a navigable river, having on board goods, wares and merchandise taken in one state, to be delivered in another state:
And be it further enacted, That upon every ship or vessel not of the United States, which after the said first day of September next, shall be entered in one district from another district, having on board goods, wares and merchandise, taken in one district, to be delivered in another district, there shall be paid at the rate of fifty cents per ton.
And whereas it is declared by the twenty-third section of the act, entitled, "An Act for registering and clearing vessels, regulating the coasting trade, and for other purposes," That if any vessel of the burthen of twenty tons or upwards, not having a certificate of registry or enrollment, and a licence, shall be found trading between different districts, or be employed in the Bank or Whale Fisheries, every such ship or vessel shall be subject to the same tonnage and fees as foreign ships or vessels, which, from the impracticability in some cases of obtaining licences in due season, and from misapprehension in others, has operated to the prejudice of individuals;
Be it therefore further enacted, That in all cases in which the said foreign duty shall have been heretofore paid on ships or vessels of the United States, whether registered at the time of payment or afterwards, restitution thereof shall be made, and that no such foreign duty shall hereafter be demanded on the said ships or vessels.
And be it further enacted, That the act intitled, "An act imposing duties on tonnage," shall, after the said first day of September next, be repealed, and shall thenceforth cease to operate, except as to the collection of the duties which shall have accrued prior to the said repeal, for which purpose the said act shall continue in force.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States. and President of the Senate. APPROVED, JULY THE TWENTIETH, 1790. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States. (TRUE COPY) THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
CHARLESTON, July 5.
Though hitherto not so much the subject of public conversation, the prisons in Portugal are perhaps not less dreadful places of confinement than was the famous Bastille. In the year 1777, gal, was divested of all power, and together with his numerous creatures, disgraced, after having precipitated the nation to the verge of a civil war.
(a fish resembling a sprat) and broa (a very inferior kind of bread) without ever being indulged in any social intercourse, without even seeing the cheering face of man.
Among those who were liberated in consequence of the dismissal of the detested Pombal, was exhibited a striking spectacle in the person of the son of the marquis of Tavora. He was taken into custody with the rest of his family, when he was only about four or five years old; and having remained in a state of confinement till he came to years of maturity, without seeing a human creature, except his keeper; when released, he absolutely knew no language, had no ideas, but was in a pure state of nature.
FOR SALE
The IRON WORKS,
BELONGING to the Estate of JAMES HUNTER, deceased, pleasantly situated on the falls of Rappahannock River, within two miles of the town of Fredericksburg, and on of Pamunkey and Tide-Water—Consisting of a Forge, 130 feet by 54, eight fires, and four hammers—a Coal House, 80 feet by 40—a Slitting and Rolling Mill, 68 feet by 30, for Sheet, Rolled and Shear Iron. A Merchant Mill, 70 feet by 36, with two pair of stones; one whereof French Burr, and every other necessary apparatus for manufacturing Flour in the best method.
ADAM HUNTER, or } Executors. ABNER VERNON. } (3w)
Virginia, May 28, 1790.
New-York City Lottery.
SCHEME of a LOTTERY, for the purpose of raising Seven Thousand Five Hundred Pounds, agreeable to an ACT of the Legislature of the State of New-York, passed 8th February, 1790.
S C H E M E.
Table with 4 columns: Prize Number, Prize Amount (£), Number of Prizes, Total Amount (£). Includes prizes of £3000, 1000, 500, 200, 100, 50, 20, 10, 4.
8346 Prizes, } 25000 Tickets, at 40s. each, £50000 16654 Blanks, }
Subject to a deduction of Fifteen per Cent.
THE object of this LOTTERY being to raise a part of the sum advanced by the corporation for repairing and enlarging the CITY HALL, for the accommodation of CONGRESS, which does so much honor to the Architect, as well as credit to the city.
The above SCHEME is calculated in a manner very beneficial to adventurers, there not being two blanks to a prize.
The Lottery is intended to commence drawing on the FIRST MONDAY in AUGUST next, or sooner if filled, of which timely notice will be given.
Tickets are to be sold by the subscribers, who are appointed Managers by the Corporation.
ISAAC STOUTENBURGH, ABRAHAM HERRING, PETER T. CURTENIUS, JOHN PINTARD. New-York, 6th March, 1790.
THE Managers give notice that agreeable to an order of the Corporation, the drawing of the City-Lottery, will positively commence on the first Monday in August. July 24.
THE Creditors of Col. ELISHA SHELDON, of Salisbury, are hereby notified, That the Subscribers being appointed Trustees of said SHELDON's estate, will attend to the business of their appointment on the first Monday of August next, at the house of JACOBUS DAVIS, in said Salisbury, agreeable to the Act of Assembly.
HEZEKIAH FITCH, } Trustees. JOHN BIRD, } Salisbury, (Connecticut), June 28, 1789.
The Mail Diligence,
FOR PHILADELPHIA,
LEAVES the Ferry-Stairs, at New-York, Ten minutes after Eight o'clock every morning except Sunday. Stage Office, City Tavern, Broad-Way, New-York June 5, 1790.
WANTED No. 73 and 83 of this paper—Six pence each will be paid for them by the Editor.