Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-01-14 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 75, of Vol. III.]
SATURDAY, JANUARY 14, 1792.
[Whole No. 283.]
ON TURNPIKE ROADS.
From the CALEDONIAN MERCURY, published in EDINBURGH.
MR. PRINTER, BEING frequently obliged by business to traverse different parts of this country, I sometimes offer to the public, such observations as occur, through the channel of your paper. And as I am just now returned from an excursion to the north, I beg leave to submit to your readers, a few remarks on the state of the roads, as I conceive it to be a subject of very great importance.
To the northward of the Forth, I found the roads in general bad. But beyond Perth, they were so excessively deep, as to be nearly impassable. Tired and jaded, as a traveller must be in going through a country in these circumstances, it is natural to think that that subject should be frequently started in conversation. This was my case; and I was not a little surprised to find, that among a numerous set of people, who are in general possessed of quick parts, and found understandings, prejudices should so generally prevail against the erection of turnpikes. This appeared to me one of the strongest instances of the force of habit, and early prejudice, that I ever observed. It is, I think, impossible to devise a tax, that in its operation is so fair and equitable, as a toll for making and keeping the roads in repair; because it is the persons who are to be benefited by the roads, and they alone, who thus are made to pay for it; and it is exacting only from those, who damage those very roads that the money they pay is intended to repair. Yet, in this instance, we find, that the multitude, instead of wishing to remove from themselves a heavy load, by laying a part of it upon strangers and travellers, chuse, voluntarily, to subject themselves to a very heavy tax, that others may be freed from it. Common sense would dictate that national prejudices should have been in favor of turnpikes, and against the statute labor, had not experience discovered the contrary.
In talking on this subject, I found one objection very universally urged against turnpikes, viz. that those parts of the country are yet too poor for admitting of them, and travellers too few to pay for the expence of turnpike keepers, &c. But if the country is poor, by what device can they contrive to enrich it so suddenly, as that of carrying good roads through the country? For, without roads, it is obvious, that no improvements in agriculture can be made; and if travellers are few, how can their numbers be augmented so effectually, as by making the roads so good, as to invite travellers to frequent them? These propositions are self-evident; but as in cases of this sort, one authentic fact is worth a thousand arguments, I shall here state a few facts that have fallen under my own observation, that ought to be entirely decisive on this subject.
I am old enough to remember the first turnpike act for Scotland, and to recollect the state of the roads from Glasgow to Edinburgh, and in the neighbourhood of this metropolis, as well as the state of the country, with regard to agriculture, and internal commerce, before that period. And thus it was—believe it who will, I am confident no one who then knew these things will contradict me.
At that time, a journey from Glasgow to Edinburgh was an arduous undertaking, at any season of the year. It could only be performed on foot or horseback; and, during the winter season, it was a matter of the utmost difficulty. The roads were so excessively rough and deep, that a horse then could scarcely attempt to strike a trot, and the inns were so poor and the accommodations so bad, that it made the stoutest heart shrink from attempting the enterprize; for, with the best horses, it was two days journey at the least, and often more. For the truth of what is here said, I appeal to the honorable commander in chief of his Majesty's forces in Scotland, who was sometimes obliged to undertake this journey at that period.
At present, it is well known to be an easy journey, of six or eight hours only, which can be performed by the most delicate lady, at all seasons, by night or by day, without risk or danger.
At that time, I am pretty confident, that not more than ten or a dozen carriages of any sort, carts included, passed in a year between Glasgow and Edinburgh. All the commercial intercourse being then carried on, between these two great cities, by a string of ten or a dozen pack-horses,
who went and returned once a week; the leading horse being ornamented with bells, on purpose to give notice to travellers not to enter into narrow defiles, where they could not pass this then formidable troop. Where, I could ask, is the road in the north of Scotland, leading between two considerable towns, that is so little frequented as this road then was? What is its present state?
To answer this question with exact precision, requires more knowledge than I am possessed of; but I make not a doubt, that, including the roads which lead to Glasgow, there are not fewer than a hundred carriages pass the turnpikes every day, on an average throughout the year. The money borrowed on the turnpike act, enabled the trustees to make roads, and these roads being made, have attracted travellers to frequent them, which they could not otherwise have done.
I now proceed to observe, that with respect to the improving of the country, the good roads have enabled farmers not only to carry the produce of their farms to market, but also to bring manures from a distance, at an expence greatly less than they otherwise could have done. The consequence is, that farms have risen universally in their value, to more than double their former amount, and the farmers, at the same time, are much richer than formerly. Many places are now converted into good fields of corn and hay, where nothing but heath before grew; because a market is brought to their very doors for these articles, in consequence of opening the roads. For it has been computed that no less than ten or twelve thousand pounds a year has been left upon the road between Glasgow and Edinburgh, by travellers, three-fourths of which goes to the encouragement of agriculture, in a district, that, without this circumstance, must have ever continued a desert waste.
As to the effects of the turnpikes upon the inhabitants of the towns, they have been as beneficial as on those in the country. Hay, which before that period, could not be brought from more than two miles from town, is now brought from the distance of twelve or fifteen miles all round, and the average price of that article, which used to be about 8d. per stone, is now reduced to about 4d. though the quantity now consumed in Edinburgh be perhaps a thousand times greater than at the time I allude to. Till the turnpikes had been made, it would have been nearly as practicable to rear a palace in the moon, as to erect the buildings that have been constructed within the last twenty years in Edinburgh. The hundredth part of the horses that are wanted for these fabrics, would have occasioned a famine for provender in one week's time.
The inhabitants of Edinburgh, however, like inhabitants of every other place who know no better, complained of the hardship they would be subjected to by the turnpikes, as the toll there exacted, they thought, would enhance the price of the necessaries of life that were coming to them. What has been the consequence? It has already been stated as to hay. With regard to coals; before the turnpike act, all the coals were brought to Edinburgh in sacks, upon horses backs; and the largest load at that time, I have been assured, was 400 weight. Now, the load of the smallest single horse-cart that can be exposed to sale in Edinburgh, must weigh 1200 wt. and I saw paid the other day, to a common coal driver, the price of 2300 wt. for a single horse-cart of coals. The toll on this cart is two-pence. So that, in this instance, 2300 weight of coals, or nearly six horse loads, was brought from the distance of six miles, for two-pence to the consumer. In the carriage of grain of all sorts, and merchandise of every kind, there is nearly the same saving. An ordinary load for a single cart to Glasgow, is from 2000 to 2500 weight, instead of 300 or 400 wt. as formerly.
From these facts it is clearly demonstrated, that turnpikes are the greatest blessings that can be conferred on a country; and that, instead of proving burdensome, either to the inhabitants of a town or the country, they are in the highest degree beneficial to both. Were it possible to set aside the turnpikes, and bring the roads back to their former state, in the south of Scotland, an universal bankruptcy of tenants, landlords, and artisans, must be the immediate consequence. How short-sighted then must those people be, who by opposing turnpikes, strive to continue them-
selves in the same degree of debasement, to which these would be reduced in case of such an event having taken place.
With regard to travellers, they are equally benefited by turnpikes as every other active order of the people—For although it seems to take money from them, yet it actually saves to them, upon the whole, a great deal that they must otherwise have given out. Here too, facts shall speak for themselves.
Perhaps the easiest mode of computing the expence of travelling is, by comparing the price for a seat in the fly or stage-coach from one place to another, equally distant, when with or without turnpikes.* For as the undertakers pay for the turnpikes, where there are any, this forms a part of the expence in one case, which they are not under the necessity of paying in the other—By this rule then let us compare the expence of travelling with or without turnpikes.
From Glasgow to Edinburgh, the nearest road is 44 miles; the price of a stage ticket is eight shillings; which is something less than two-pence farthing a mile.
From Edinburgh to Aberdeen is 128 miles. The price of a stage ticket two guineas; which is a small fraction less than four-pence per mile. In the first case there are turnpikes; through the greatest part of the road to Aberdeen there are none. In this last case, the travelling charge is nearly double to that from Glasgow to Edinburgh. Yet, notwithstanding this extravagant charge, in consequence of the badness of roads, the loss of horses, the breaking of harness, the repairs of machinery, &c. are so great, as to leave the undertakers so little profit, that they are usually obliged to give it up for some months each winter; during which time, nothing less than 4 horses can drag along, even an empty carriage. He that hath ears to hear, let him observe; and if these facts do not convince his understanding, let him continue to be an object of derision by every man of common sense.
VIATOR.
* To travellers, who are men of business, the mere difference of stage hire is not the most important advantage. The journey being sooner performed, they are enabled to transact their business more speedily, and to save much time, which to them may be more valuable. There is also a considerable saving in travelling expences.
LONDON, October 11.
THE old labels, at our goldsmiths' windows, of Light Guineas bought here , are mostly all now taken down, and in their stead the new labels of Louis d'Ors bought here , every where appear. From this it would appear, that the French Revolution has done some good to this country.
The ensuing winter is expected to be uncommonly brilliant, from the arrival of the Duchess of York. Should the Prince Royal of Prussia accompany his sister—as it has been reported at Berlin—he intends to do—the Ladies in Waiting very justly observe, it is impossible to say what may happen .
A most extraordinary and truly eccentric character has lately appeared in the Province of Westphalia, in Germany: He is a young man, under thirty, and has the wonderful faculty of distinguishing colours in the dark.—Several public experiments have been made, and every precaution taken to detect him as an impostor, but in vain; he tells the colour in a moment, and with the greatest exactness.
PERSIA.
This kingdom has long been distracted with intestine wars, and the one which at present exists, threatens to prove more destructive than any former one.
The party of the son of the late Jaffer Khawn daily increases, and most of the provinces have espoused his cause. His opponent, however, retains Shiraz, and with it the provinces of Candahar, Jorgan, Jessetten, and two others. He is at the head of 100,000 men, but so universally detested, that most of his own family are continually plotting against him. One of his brothers was, a few months since, put to death, for being concerned in a conspiracy against him.
Ispahan, once esteemed the noblest city of the East, has been made the scene of action.—Its inhabitants, within a few years, were estimated to amount to one million; at present, the city and suburbs do not contain half that number.

CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THURSDAY, December 22.
In committee of the whole, on the bill relative to the choice of electors of President and Vice-President; also determining what officer shall act as President in case of vacancies in the office both of President and Vice-President.
THE bill was read by the Clerk—the first section was then read by the Chairman.
Mr. Tucker moved to amend this clause by striking out these words, “except in cases in which an extraordinary election of President and Vice-President shall take place, as hereinafter specified;” this motion was agreed to.
Mr. Sedgwick made some general observations on the great objects of the bill, and adverting to the term proposed for the choice of electors of President and Vice-President—observed that he had his doubts whether it would not be best to give a longer time. He enlarged on the disagreeable consequences which would probably ensue, in case there should not be a choice by the electors; as the business must then be determined by the House, voting, according to the constitution, by States. He distanced on the pernicious consequences which might result from the collision of parties, and the working of passions in the breasts of men whose ardor would probably be excited to the greatest degree on such an occasion; he said every reasonable measure should be adopted to prevent the evils which he deprecated; he therefore moved that the words thirty days should be struck out, in order to give the people a longer time to give in their votes for electors.
Mr. White objected to the motion; he conceived it was calculated to produce the very mischief the gentleman appeared to deprecate. If it had been possible, he could have wished that the electors should meet and give in their votes on the very day of their being chosen; he wished as much as the gentleman to adopt measures to prevent the evils he mentioned—but did not think the motion would conduce to that object; he thought the time should rather be contracted than extended.
Mr. Dayton also objected to the motion; he thought 14 days would be a more proper time; it was the design of the constitution, though it is not expressed, that the President should not know the characters to whom he is indebted for his election.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that the objections would be very proper was it certainly known that the electors would always agree in a choice; but this he conceived, it was hardly possible should always be the case—and what will then take place? The election devolves on this house, and the electors will then be known, and liable to all that intrigue and cabal which has prevailed in other countries. He left it to the consideration of the committee to determine on the immense importance of providing in season against the evils of a contested election, in the case now before them.
Mr. Baldwin objected to the motion; but said if it was struck out, he should then move to insert a clause which should assign different periods according to the circumstances of the several States, so that the electors should meet as nearly as possible at the same time in all the States.
Mr. Niles objected to the motion; and the question being put, it was negatived.
The clause which makes it the duty of the executive of the several States to cause the names of the electors to be certified, was objected to.
Mr. Niles observed that no person could be called upon to discharge any duty on behalf of the United States, who had not accepted of an appointment under their authority. He thought that this was opening the door too wide, and involves a blending of the respective powers and duties of each, which are not warranted by the constitution; and he observed that he should be sorry that the government of the United States should attempt to exercise a power which they are not competent to carrying into execution. He moved that the clause should be struck out.
Mr. Sedgwick observed that if Congress were not authorized to call on the executives of the several States, he could not conceive what description of persons they were empowered to call upon.
Mr. Niles said he considered this section as degrading to the executive of the several States; and enquired what is to be done in case those
executives should refuse to comply with the requisition?
Mr. Clark said it appeared to him that the committee was creating difficulties where none before existed. He observed that the chusing these electors was a privilege conferred on the people, and that this was merely pointing out the mode of exercising this privilege; he thought the clause stood very well and would create no uneasiness whatever.
Mr. Hillhouse said he considered the provision improper, it imposed a duty on the supreme executives of the several States, which they might, or might not execute; and thus the necessary certificates may not be made. He seconded the motion to strike out the clause, and proposed a substitute making it the duty of the electors to procure for themselves the necessary certificates.
Mr. Livermore spoke in favor of the clause; he did not consider it either as an undue assumption of power, or degrading to the executives of the respective States.
Mr. Barnwell said a small addition to the clause would in his opinion obviate every difficulty; the words he proposed to insert were—or such person as the executive may appoint.
Mr. Sturges moved to strike out “Executive,” and insert the Legislature .
Mr. J. Smith said it appeared to him that the proposed alteration would amount to exactly the same thing—for the duty of giving the certificate would eventually devolve on the executive.
The motion for striking out the clause was negatived.
The 9th section provides that in case of vacancies in the offices of President and Vice-President, the President of the Senate pro tem. or the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall act as President. Mr. White moved the section should be struck out—he said the House had formerly discussed the subject and could not agree; the first part of the bill is necessary—this he said is not of immediate importance to be attended to.
Mr. Fitzsimons said he supposed the question must be determined some time or other, and he knew of no reason why it should not be decided at this time; to strike out the clause would in effect be to declare that the House could not agree.
Mr. Williamson was in favor of striking out.
Mr. Livermore objected to the motion; he said no two subjects could possibly be more intimately connected—and the provisions of the bill are such as to render the intermission, during which this regency was to take place, as short as possible—he hoped the clause would not be struck out.
Mr. White added some further objections to the section; he said it was distinct from the bill, and though a majority of the committee were in favor of the characters nominated—yet he thought it would be best to make it the object of another bill, and of an independent discussion.
Mr. Sedgwick said he hoped the section would not be struck out, especially if there is a majority of the committee in favor of it. He observed that last session there was no decision in the case, he conceived it necessary that the business should be now decided on—and adverting to the particular characters named—he said they were as far removed from any influence of the executive as any persons that could possibly be pointed out.
Mr. Barnwell was in favor of going into a discussion of the subject at this time. He said there was a large number of the present House who had not heard the observations offered in the last Congress; he supposed the present as proper a time to consider the subject as any that could occur—if gentlemen who are opposed to the section will offer their objections, he should be glad to hear them; if they were conclusive, he should vote to strike out the section. If nothing was offered he should vote against the motion.
Mr. Sturges mentioned several objections to the section, which in his opinion rendered it unconstitutional; he could not find that the Speaker of the House or President of the Senate pro tem. were officers of the government in the sense contemplated by the constitution. The compensation of the President and Vice-President are settled by the House; the Speaker would have to decide on those compensations, this he said rendered him evidently improper. He further observed that the consequence would be, caballing and electioneering in the choice of Speaker.
Mr. White said the Speaker was not a permanent officer, if he could be considered as one in any point of view—but he was of opinion, that he was no more an officer of government than every other member of the House.
The question for striking out the section was negatived.
Mr. Sturges then moved to strike out the words “the President of the Senate pro tempore , and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.”
Mr. Giles stated the reasons which he conceived fully proved the unconstitutionality of the clause. The characters referred to he did not think were officers. If they had been considered as such, it is probable they would have been designated in the constitution; the constitution re-
fers to some permanent officer to be created pursuant to the provisions therein contained.
These persons are not permanent; a permanent officer was contemplated, the subject was not to be left to any casualty, if it could possibly be prevented.
Mr. Sedgwick said he did not know what officer could with propriety be said to be permanent; offices are held during good behavior in some instances, and in others during pleasure—but it will be impossible to say that any officer is a permanent officer, for the expression is very extensive.
He was surprized to hear the idea controverted, that the Speaker of the House, or the President of the Senate, pro tem. is not an officer.—In common parlance he was sure there was no difficulty in the business.
Mr. Gerry observed that some gentlemen had said the Speaker is not an officer—but if he is not an officer, what is he?—He then read a clause from the constitution, which says that the House shall choose their Speaker and other officers.—He hoped, however, that the Speaker of the House of Representatives would be struck out, in order to avoid blending the legislative and executive branches together.—He considered this measure as a political stroke of the Senate; but he hoped that the House would never consent to making their Speaker an amphibious animal.—He moved therefore that the words “Speaker of the House of Representatives” should be struck out.
Mr. Hillhouse objected to any officer appointed by the executive's being inserted—He said, if that should be the case, the appointments would in most cases be made with reference to that object—and hence important offices would often be filled with improper and incompetent characters—Besides, it was taking away the choice from the people, and thus violating the first principle of a free elective government. The Senate are appointed by the people, or their representatives, and hence, in his opinion, filling the vacancy would devolve with the greatest propriety on that body.
Mr. Williamson was in favor of the motion for striking out both the characters.—He observed, that this extensive construction of the meaning of the word officer, would render it proper to point out any person in the United States, whether connected with the government or not, as a proper person to fill the vacancy contemplated.
WEDNESDAY, January 11.
A message, from the President of the United States, was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, together with two reports from the Secretary of the Department of War, respecting the situation of affairs in the Western Country.—Which being confidential, the gallery was cleared.
THURSDAY, January 12.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis, their Secretary, informing that they have passed the bill sent from the House, extending the time limited for settling accounts between the United States and individual States, with amendments, to which they request the concurrence of the House.
Also, that they have passed a bill for the encouragement of the bank and other cod-fisheries, and for regulating the seamen employed therein, in which they request the concurrence of the House.
The House then proceeded to the reading of the papers and documents communicated in the President's message of yesterday—which occasioned the galleries to be shut.
FRIDAY, January 13.
The bill sent from the Senate, entitled an act for the encouragement of the bank and other cod-fisheries, and to regulate the fishermen employed therein, was read the first and second times, and referred to a committee of the whole House—to be the order of the day for the 23d instant.
A message was received from the Senate, by Mr. Secretary Otis—informing the House that they have passed a bill, entitled, “An act establishing a Mint, and regulating the Coins of the United States,” in which they request the concurrence of the House—read the first and second times, and referred to a committee of the whole House—to be the order of the day for Thursday next.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill for extending the time limited for settling the accounts of the United States with the individual states, were taken into consideration, and agreed to—These amendments provided, by an additional section, for the settlement of the accounts of the state of Vermont—said accounts to be rendered by the first of December next.
The committee on the petition of Richard Lloyd, reported, that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition.
A petition of George Blanchard was read, praying settlement and payment of an account for trucking of sundry public property, by order of the late navy board for the Eastern Department—referred to the Secretary of the Treasury—Sundry other petitions were read and referred to different heads of departments.
A petition from sundry inhabitants of the county of Frederick, Virginia, was read, praying a modification and alteration of the distilled spirits act; referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The House resumed the consideration of the report on the memorial of Benjamin Lincoln, and others, commissioners for treating with the Creeks—and agreed to the following resolution, in substance, that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to appropriate the sum of _____ dollars, to be allowed to the memorialists on account of their extra expenses in going to, and returning from said treaty; Messrs. Tucker, Giles, and J. Smith, were appointed the committee.
In committee of the whole on the bill to ascertain and regulate the claims to half pay, and to invalid pensions. The committee made sundry amendments to the bill; and proceeded through the discussion of the whole—they then rose and reported the same with the amendments, which were laid on the table, and the House adjourned till Monday next.

IF it be for the advantage of the public to be deceived with regard to facts, then the late writers against the Indian war deserve a very peculiar regard. For it is probable, that of all the ways to produce the greatest possible error on this point, and to make it last the greatest possible time, none will be found more successful than to receive the testimony of those who know nothing of the matter, and to submit to the judgment of those who would be sorry to find the truth on the side of the government, or its officers. He that is not for us, is against us; and truth on the side of our adversaries, like spectators in a mob after the reading of the riot act, is to be hunted down like any other enemy. Indeed it is the most stubborn of them.
In pursuance of the first remark, it will be proper to ask many honest men of warm hearts, whether they chuse to be convinced—Duty may say, seek truth, and be cool and slow in judging of public men and public measures. Some will take this prudent counsel; others will listen to their first feelings. Finding fault with government is a good thing—it nourishes, according to these false teachers, the spirit of republicanism—it brings down the fat of those who eat the bread of office—it keeps the world in a bustle, and makes sport. To enumerate the causes of error which lurk in the human heart, and make the first impressions unfriendly to government and to truth, would be writing an history of human infirmity:—Your Gazette would not hold it.—Let men, and wise men too, compare the first impressions of public measures with the last. Is there a man who can wash his hands, and say, I never unjustly censured the government? I never made up my judgment suddenly upon its measures, while truth was on her way to ask of me an hearing. Such a man ought to be made a judge, tho' no lawyer.
Power is never viewed with indifference. In the hands of bad men, we fear and detest it—When possessed by good men, we respect and sometimes admire it—We seldom love it; and if we did, fear is stronger as well as easier to excite than love—So that the human heart is framed to suspect, to fear, and to hate superior power more than to love the contrary. The accuser is received with favor—the advocate of government is frowned upon as a poor spirited interested deceiving creature. He who has studied mankind, need not be told how much the love of the marvellous, the thirst for vengeance, the spirit of envy, and the pride of opinion, come in aid of the first impressions against government. These considerations have their weight with men as individuals:—these combustibles are scattered in every society, because societies consist of men:—it is loose powder which every chance spark may kindle. But see them divided into parties, in State Legislatures and in Congress—There faction has ram'd down the charge, and primed it
In politics, therefore, truth has always a scurvy time of it. What sort of respect are we to pay then to writers who censure government on the subject of the Indian war? If they know all the facts, where did they obtain them? And why in their zeal for the poor Indians have they withheld them till the second campaign has ended? To these mock philosophers, is the blood that two battles have spilled not worth the saving?—Or will they confess that they are wholly ignorant of facts, and that they have abused the government, and bawled philanthropy in the dark?
It is the interest of the great body of the people to be disabused, and at last it will be their desire. In the mean time the opportunity has been singularly favorable to some few who lie in wait to wound the national government. They have eagerly seized it. The doors were shut when Congress adopted the measures—the event has been unfortunate.
A score of misrepresentations has been made to the public, as hardly as if they had been official documents. The right of the Indians to their lands, their wrongs and their virtues, the pride, rapacity and rashness of the government of the United States, and the necessity of leaving the war as it is, have been dilated upon, as if there was a merit in making the people think meanly of their own government—as if the blood of our defenceless frontier people was worth nothing—as if these savages had not for years past scattered their flesh to fatten the unclean birds of the wilderness. But to all the tales which have been circulated, a single fact may be opposed—That the government of the United States has never asked any thing of the hostile Indians but peace. It has sought no lands nor triumphs—it has sought peace in the love of it, money in hand—year after year, by every means and thro' every opening. So far from encroaching upon their possessions, it would have protected them—it would have taught them the arts of cultivated life, the use of the plough and of letters:—it sought no influence but what would have been procured for it among the savages by acts of be-
neficence and virtue.—Let the malignant come forward and disprove this if they can.
But if peace was scorned, what was to be done? Shall the tomahawk fall upon the defenceless women and children? The people of this country have nature pleading in their hearts, and will say no. They are citizens too, and understand the rights and duties of that character. They know that government is bound to protect them.
It is to be hoped that measures will be taken to lay open the conduct of government to the people. They will then see whether it has acted in a manner becoming the trust, and the distinguished confidence placed in the chief executive magistrate of the United States.
A FRIEND TO GOVERNMENT.
WINCHESTER, Dec. 24.
Tuesday afternoon arrived here from Fort-Washington, Lieutenant Stevenfon, of the Virginia battalion of levies.—He was in the unfortunate action with the Indians on the 4th ult. and has favored us with the following particulars, viz. That the number killed on our side, amounts to 637, including officers—that Majors Brown, Clarke and Gaither, Lieut. Hopper, Quarter-Masters, Ward, Reynolds and Semple, are not among the slain as formerly stated; but that Ensigns Wilson and Reeves, not mentioned before, lost their lives in the unhappy conflict—that Colonel Gibson's wounds, it is thought, will prove mortal—that Colonel Darke is but slightly wounded—that Capt. Darke, a most promising youth, received a musket-shot in his face, which fractured a jaw, and rendered him speechless, but that he is still alive—that the Kentucky militia, which were to march with General Scott, did not go; General St. Clair having signified to that officer, that the Fort had been amply supplied with provisions, and every other requisite from Head-Quarters—That Major Hamtramck, of the 1st United States regiment, is put under an arrest, for some supposed misconduct on the day of the action—that he had information of the defeat, and was detached, but declined giving the necessary succour to the retreat.*—That the enemy's loss is conjectured to be between one and two hundred.—Number of our troops engaged 1400—number of the enemy, supposed to be between two and three thousand.
* He has since been tried and honorably acquitted.
NEW-YORK, January 7.
This morning Mr. Seley, mare of the sloop Hiram, was found dead in his cabin.—He had previous to going to bed, made a fire in the stove, of charcoal, and closed the cabin in such a manner as to preclude all vent, which it is supposed occasioned his death.
Jan. 10. Yesterday morning, about 4 o'clock, this city was alarmed by a most tremendous fire, which happened at a house in Front-street, between the Fly-Market and Depeyster-street, by means of which seven dwelling-houses were consumed, and several others much damaged. Happily the wind blew in such a direction as to carry the embers from the city. The houses destroyed were occupied by Mrs. Dickey, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. Hughes, Mr. Dennis M'Cready, Mr. Lalor, and Mrs. Keeling.
The large buildings on the opposite side of the street were much scorched by the heat of the fire, particularly the one belonging to Cary Ludlow, Esq.
We learn that a subscription is opened for the relief of the sufferers.
Philadelphia, January 14.
The House of Representatives of the State of Georgia, have resolved that James Jackson, Esq. is by the free voice of the people their Representative in Congress, for the lower district of that State, and that thro' mal-practice he was not returned. The house also resolved that articles of impeachment be exhibited against the Hon. Judge Osborne, for high crimes and misdemeanors, referring to his conduct in respect to the above election.
The account of the elopement of the King of France, is dated at Washington the 26th December [not Edenton]—"The State Gazette of North-Carolina," published in Edenton on the 30th of the same month, contains no such account.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
The numerous treaties lately formed with the Indian tribes on terms so just and liberal as to occasion complaints on those very accounts; and the overtures repeatedly made to form similar treaties with those tribes now in arms against the United States, are entirely winked out of sight by those who, at this particular crisis, appear to feel so much for the rights of Indians, and so little for the numberless burnings, murders, and robberies committed for the last seven years on our frontier citizens, by those very Indians who have thus refused all terms of peace or accommodation.
There always has been a party in this country, whose interests they conceive would be essentially injured by the establishment of Manufactures among us—and every proposition that has ever been made since the peace, that embraced this object upon any plan that appeared feasible, has met with opposition; and unfortunately for our country, this opposition has hitherto been too successful. It is therefore natural to expect, in future, that the same or similar exertions will be made to defeat those extensive designs which are now on foot, to render the United States more truly and substantially independent, by establishing Manufactures on a competent scale.—But the people so fully realize their true interest in this important business, that there is the strongest reason to hope, that the influence of foreign connections, either of a political or commercial complexion, will never be permitted again to disappoint our expectations, or blast our prospects.
The zeal of some writers has occasioned them to charge Congress with enacting a funding law, imposing on the people a burden four-fold greater than was necessary. Is it not fair to ask persons who hold such language, why they did not begin their complaints against those who have granted additions to the terms of the funding system? The truth is (and it contains a full answer to these complaints) that those late legislatures and the legislature of the United States, have granted rates of interest which appeared to them just and consistent with the public interests in an enlarged view of them.
In a late publication, which discovers great apprehensions about the designs of the general government, and fears about the state governments, Congress are severely censured for leaving open a door for Bank Directors to be members of the federal legislature. This reminds a correspondent of the old saying, "that it is safer for some people to steal a horse, than for others to look over the hedge." Though not one state legislature has prohibited state Bank Directors from sitting in those bodies, it is an abominable thing for Congress to leave the same thing upon the same footing.
How jaundiced must be the eye which views the systems of Congress as pernicious to the honor, interests and happiness of our country! Although the impartial foreign world resounds with applause for the revival of our public credit—for the maintenance of honesty between man and man—for the restoration of commerce and the advancement of manufactures—tho' the resulting prosperity of our increasing agriculture is attracting the attention of the most intelligent nations of Europe—tho' our government is the frequent topic of the eulogies of the struggling patriots of the old world, the tongue of prejudice and error is incessantly recounting a different tale to the happy people of the United States. Americans, be sober-minded. Think for yourselves, and that seriously. Let not the effusions of heated minds have any influence on those reflections concerning public affairs, which it is the duty of every free citizen to make.
Liberty, like any other good thing, is to be used with discretion. Cry huzza, and down with Government—is there any liberty in this? The few who govern the many, often raise this cry, and possess themselves of the power of a multitude who join in it. But again—is this liberty, or the power of a few? In sober times, when the laws have no passions, the multitude really governs. The people, therefore, by supporting the laws, support liberty and equal right, which they already possess—by opposing the laws with force they put all at risk. Are the opposers of the excise sons of liberty?
The people cannot always watch their privileges—they cannot always create a spirit or union to oppose any encroachment upon them. Therefore it is their duty, and should be their first care to provide such securities, that liberty will be in a degree safe, while the people are about their business. Government is naturally divided into three branches. When thus divided, one branch will watch and check the others. Liberty cannot be lost by a plot; for the losing branch will surely call upon the people. We are always sure of one marplot in every scheme against liberty. In every other plan of government, we may be deceived by relying on the virtues of the best men. But on the idea of these branches the vices and passions of men may be depended on, at least so far as to resist any encroachment upon their lawful authority. Accordingly the constitutions of America have adopted this plan, and we may justly hope that our great grandsons will enjoy the blessings of it.
On Tuesday last the Directors of the Bank of North-America proceeded to the choice of a President, and John Nixon, Esq. was unanimously elected.
At the annual election for Directors of the Bank of North-America, held on Monday at said Bank, the following gentlemen were chosen for the ensuing year:
  John Nixon George Latimer   Thomas Fitzsimons John Morton   Josiah Hewes Benjamin Fullet   Mordecai Lewis Robert Waln,   Joseph Swift Miers Fisher   John Swanwick William Smith 
APPOINTMENTS—BY AUTHORITY.
Jan. 12, 1792.—The President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, has appointed
Gouverneur Morris, of New-York, to be Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States at Paris, and
Thomas Pinckney, of South-Carolina, to be Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States at London.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
  FUNDED DEBT.   6 pr. Cents 24/ pr. £. 120 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 14 3/8 73 3/4 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 15 1/4 75 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 20/6 102 1/2 do.   Indents 14/ 70 do.   Bank Stock—half shares 109 per cent premium.   —whole shares 60 per cent. 
ANNAPOLIS, January 1, 1792.
At a Meeting of the Visitors and Governors of St. John's College, in the State of Maryland, on Thursday the 10th of November last,
RESOLVED,
THAT this Board, at the quarterly meeting in May next, proceed to elect a Vice-Principal of St. John's College.
"That it be the duty of the Principal and Vice-Principal, to teach some of the higher Authors in Latin and Greek, certain parts of the Mathematics, Logic, and Moral and Natural Philosophy; and that the departments of the said Principal and Vice-Principal shall hereafter be alternated with precision, on considerations of their mutual convenience and respective qualifications.
That the Vice-Principal shall be entitled to receive, for his services, a salary of three hundred and fifty pounds, current money, rating dollars at 7/6 each, to be paid quarterly.
That persons desirous of, and qualified for the appointment of Vice-Principal, be, by public advertisement, requested to make application to Mr. Charles Wallace, Mr. Charles Carroll of Carrollton, and Mr. Alexander Contee Hanlon, all of the city of Annapolis.
By order of the Board,
JOHN THOMAS, President.
N. B. The fundamental Laws of St. John's College prohibit all preference on account of religious tenets or opinions.
As the appointment of a Vice-Principal is alone wanted, to compleat the plan of this rising seminary, the Board will certainly proceed to the election at the stated time; provided a person qualified, in their judgment, for this important station, can be procured. The personal attendance of the candidates, although not positively required, will be obviously proper.
It may be useful to remark, that the salaries of all the professors and teachers have hitherto been paid with entire punctuality; and that the funds of St. John's College produce a certain annual income, superior to all the appropriations, which have been, or probably will be made.
The Printers of newspapers throughout the United States, are earnestly requested to insert the above resolve and remarks—and to repeat the publication as often as convenience will permit.

AN ADDRESS TO THE CITIZENS OF WESTMORELAND, WASHINGTON, FAYETTE AND ALLEGHENY COUNTIES. ON THE REVENUE LAW. BY JOHN NEVILLE, INSPECTOR OF THE REVENUE SURVEY NO. 4, DISTRICT PENNSYLVANIA.
(CONTINUED.)
AFTER having shewn you that the conjecture of the committee is without foundation, I will submit to you what I suppose to be the real state of the matter.
An additional revenue was wanting to fulfil the engagements, and satisfy the exigencies of the government. Congress, upon full and mature deliberation, were of opinion, that the duties on imported articles were, in general, sufficiently high, and that it could not be had from an increase of them. They found themselves under the necessity of resorting to some internal resource of an extensive nature. None presented itself which appeared likely to be adequate to the object, but a duty on home-made spirits, which are an article of general consumption, or a tax on houses and lands. They could not, even if they had been so disposed, make use of the latter, because the rule prescribed for it, by the constitution, the number of people, was not, as before observed, then obtained. But if this obstacle had not existed, they had every reason to believe, from the strong objections, which were made before the constitution was adopted, and from the information they had obtained of the sense of the great majority of their constituents, that a duty on distilled spirits would be more acceptable to the community at large, than a tax on houses and lands, and therefore preferred the former.
This, fellow-citizens, is a very simple account of the matter, and I am firmly convinced it was the sincere judgment of Congress. As such I leave it with your candor and good sense.
Fellow-citizens, the committee have gone a great length in this business. They have assembled not merely to express what they understood to be your sentiments; to make those sentiments known to Congress, and to apply for an alteration or repeal of the law to which you object; but to give form and shape to a SYSTEMATIC COMBINATION TO PREVENT THE EXECUTION of the law, in the first instance, to render it as far as their opinion would go, disreputable for a citizen to accept or exercise an office under it, and what is still more, to compel Congress to revise a system, which they, upon mature deliberation, have deemed essential to a fulfilment of the obligations of government, to the support of public credit, to the power of procuring new aids in case of future emergencies, to the reputation of the nation abroad and at home. And they have formally invited the neighbouring country to unite in this combination; telling them in express terms, that it is not merely the DEMOLITION of an odious excise law which they have in view, BUT A REVISION of the WHOLE FUNDING SYSTEM.
Did such of you as have given countenance to the meeting of this committee contemplate all that has happened? Was it your intention to have the most important measures of Congress, relative to the most delicate concerns of the nation, rejudged and reversed? Or did you mean only to promote the alteration or repeal of a particular law? Are you thoroughly aware of all the consequences of accompanying the committee in this plan? Have you seriously weighed them, and are you prepared to meet them?
No, you certainly are not. You love your country too well; you are too good citizens and too good men, to be willing to put so much at stake for so inadequate a cause.
The committee themselves, it is earnestly to be hoped and believed, cannot have been aware of all the tendencies of their own measures.
The means proposed to defeat the law are, 1st. to express to Congress the sense of those who unite in their views; and 2dly. to discourage the acceptance of offices under the law.
As to the first expedient, the manner in which, and the express views with which their representation has been made, are, I am sorry to say, not much calculated to recommend it to Congress. In their address to that body, it is true, they assure them of "the highest veneration for the government of the United States, and for the LAWS of the late Congress in general; but in their resolutions, they express an opinion, as resulting from a consideration of those LAWS, "that in a very short time hasty strides have been made to all that is UNJUST and OPPRESSIVE; that Congress have granted Exorbitant Salaries to their officers, and Unreasonable Interest upon the public debt, and this upon principles contrary to the ideas of natural justice, contrary to the INTEREST and HAPPINESS of the States, and subversive of industry; that they have created a capital of near eighty two millions of dollars in the hands of a few persons enabling them to INFLUENCE a few occasionally in power to INVADE the constitution," and cite as a proof of their ACTUALLY HAVING DONE IT the act constituting a national bank; denouncing at the same time the excise act as the "BASE OFFSPRING of the funding system;" and in their address to the neighboring counties of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and the State of Kentucky; they avow a design to bring about a revision of the funding system; that is the subversion of one of the most arduous and important measures, which has engaged the deliberations of the government. I sincerely wish that these things were more reconcilable to each other than they appear to me to be.
But, independently of the manner, what probability is there, that this representation can be attended with success?
There is certainly no likelihood that a REPEAL of the law will be desired by any thing like the MAJOR PART of the union; because the certain alternative, a tax on lands, would be far more disagreeable; and to repeal it on the authority of a minor part of the union, would be destructive of liberty.
The committee, indeed, tell you, as if to induce a belief, that the spirit of opposition to the law was general, that in the Southern States Grand juries are presenting it as a grievance; and in the Northern, associations are forming to decline distilling altogether. In a matter of such importance, it would certainly have been proper to have spoken with greater caution. Let us see how the fact really stands.
In a SINGLE county of a SINGLE State, namely South-Carolina, ONE grand jury has done what the committee allege. Does this comport with the latitude of the terms which are used? "In the Southern States Grand juries are presenting it as a grievance."
In a SINGLE CITY of a SINGLE State, namely, New-York, some distillers have proposed an association like that which is mentioned; but it has been acceded to NO WHERE; nor has there appeared the least disposition to accede to it, but the reverse. Accordingly the business of distillation is going on in all the northern States, with a perfect submission to the law, and with as much spirit as the quantity of materials will permit. Does this true state of the fact comport with the description given of it by the committee? "Associations are forming in the Northern States to decline distilling altogether."
The account I now give you of the matter is not surmise or conjecture. It is the result of unquestionable information.
If, then, there is no appearance or prospect of a general combination against the law, how will the matter come before Congress. The necessity for revenue will be as urgent as ever. There will be as little possibility as ever of substituting another tax which will be equal to the purpose, and more agreeable to the community. The law, therefore, as far as concerns the general object of it, must be adhered to; or the public faith, the most solemn obligations of the government contracted under the old, and formally recognise under the new constitution, the credit, and
with it the reputation and future safety of the country must be abandoned and sacrificed. What will be the choice of Congress under such circumstances? What ought to be their choice?
Your good sense will answer, an adherence to the duty; that they may make some alterations in the form; but that they must adhere to the substance of the law.
What, then, is the resource which remains? "To prevent the execution of the law by rendering the acceptance or exercise of an office under it odious." Let the probability of success from this expedient be also examined.
Is it probable, that the opinion of a very inconsiderable number of persons, compared with the whole people of the United States, can render odious, or infamous offices, which in all the other parts of the union, are held and exercised by some of the most respectable citizens, and with the esteem and approbation of their fellow-citizens? Is it probable that it will prevent those who think the law a necessary and proper one, one the due execution of which is materially connected with the welfare and credit of their country from obeying their sense of duty, and lending their aid to the government of the nation.
If it should have the effect proposed, upon those citizens who reside within a particular district, will it make the same impression throughout the United States? Will there be no possibility of bringing from any other quarter, persons disposed to execute the laws of the country in those places, where some local influence obstructs their operation? Will the government of the union suffer the execution of its laws to be frustrated in a particular quarter by a combination to render its service odious, if it can find citizens of the greatest worth and estimation elsewhere who have more respect for that service? And will it not be justifiable in bringing from some other quarter, citizens to fill offices, which the inhabitants of the spot will not, or cannot accept or exercise?
What, in fine can be at most the issue of such attempts but to exclude from serving those who would be most agreeable to their fellow citizens, to make way for persons of less respectability among themselves, or for those who are in some degree strangers to them?
It is evident, then, that this expedient is not more likely to be attended with success than the former.
But perhaps there is something in reserve beyond what is expressed. The officers are not only to be dissuaded by the influence of public opinion; but they are to be deterred by the dread of personal violence and outrage.
Most earnestly do I wish that no fact had yet happened to countenance this supposition. But already has an officer, acting under the law, experienced outrage to his person, and threats of worse, if he attempts to execute his duty another time. The persons were, indeed, in disguise; but the contempt of the law, the insult to the government and people of the United States, and the injury to the officer were not the less on that account.
Consider well where this must end.
In spite of disguises the persons concerned in such measures will be known. No degree of moderation in the government will permit it to see the authority of the laws so trampled upon, without an effort to vindicate it. The essential interests of the country, the very being of the government must demand, that notice be taken of the fact. A prosecution is the unavoidable consequence.
This, then, brings the matter to a crisis. Either the offenders must suffer the penalties of the law, its authority be restored, and opposition to it come to an end, or the process of the courts must be resisted.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
War Department.
JANUARY 2, 1792.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are intitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of September, 1791, and which will become due on the 5th day of March, 1792, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the states respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers.
1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which as such he is annually entitled.
2d. An affidavit, agreeably to the following form:
A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of in the state of and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the and county of and has resided there for the last years, previous to which he resided in
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:
I, A. B. of county of state of do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of my pension for six months, as an invalid of the United States, from the fourth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and ending the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two.
Signed and sealed in the presence of
Witnesses.
Acknowledged before me,
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalids died, whose pension they may claim.
By command of the President of the United States,
H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
The Printers in the respective states are requested to publish the above in their newspapers, for the space of two months.
TO BE SOLD,
THAT beautiful and elegant situation on the banks of the Potomack, adjoining the town of Alexandria, whereon the subscriber now resides; about 25 or 30 acres will be sold with the improvements, which are a neat and commodious two story house, completely finished from the cellar to the garret, a kitchen, laundry, meat-house, dairy, two story barn, and ice house, all finished in the best manner, together with several other necessary outbuildings, the yard and garden neatly paled, and a skillful gardner now employed in putting it in fine order; the land well enclosed with a post and rail fence; a well, and springs of excellent water—the prospect is equalled by few, and excelled by none in America—its contiguity to Alexandria, the Federal Town, and George-Town, having a fine and full view of each place, must render it in a few years of great value, being directly in a line of communication from Alexandria to the other two towns. Should a purchaser offer before the 15th of February next, a cheap bargain may be had. An indisputable title, clear of all encumbrances, will be made by the subscriber. I will also sell with this place, 220 Acres of Wood Land, about 3 miles distant, which will suit well to support the above in wood and timber. December 14, 1791. (15) BALDWIN DADE.
Blank Powers to receive the Interest, and for the transfer of the principal of public debt, agreeable to the Rules established in the Treasury Department: Also Blanks for abstracts of Certificates, to be sold by the Editor.
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, PEAR-STREET, A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS,
Which may be seen every day, until five o'clock, P. M.
Among them are the following:
Folio. HOMER, Xenophon, Plato, Plutarch, Eusebius, Sozomen, Theodoret, Virgil, Horace, Livy, Tacitus, Paterculus, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thesaurus Ciceronis. Biblia Junii and Tremelli. Bible de Martin, Wells's Maps, Scapulae—Phavorini—Martini—Hoffmani Lexica, Vossii Etymologicon, Antiquit. Ecclesiast. Britannicae, &c.
Quarto. Pindar, Cyropædia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phædrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Ciceronis op. om. Cæsar, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ars Gram. Cluversii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c.
Octavo et infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poëtæ minores Gr. Isocrates, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Plautus, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Ausonius, Buchanan, Sallust, Curtius, Flavius, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hist. August. Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars, &c. &c.
Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Booksellers, Market-Street, or of JOHN CAREY. October 31. (ep if.)
PUBLIC SECURITIES, BOUGHT and SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97.
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA TEAS, REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c. Of the first quality—by retail, No. 19, Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets. A few TICKETS in 3d and last Class of the NEW-JERSEY LOTTERY.
American Lead Manufactory. STEPHEN AUSTIN, & Co.
HAVE just now opened their LEAD-WAREHOUSE, two doors south of Walnut-Street Wharf, adjoining their New Factory—where they have now made, and ready for sale, a general assortment of SHOT of all sizes, with SHEET and BAR LEAD, the production of the Mines in Virginia. As they have employed a number of experienced English workmen, they warrant it to be equal in quality to any manufactured in Europe, and at a reduced price from the cost of imported.
They also continue to manufacture all the above articles at Richmond, in Virginia. All orders addressed to either of the above Factories, will be thankfully received, and executed on the shortest notice.
N. B. Wanted, industrious, sober, Labouring Men, at the said Mines, where constant employ, good wages, and other encouragements will be given, means of conveyance being provided, and houses for their reception.
For further particulars enquire of Messrs. Moses Austin & Co. at their Factory in Richmond, or as above. Philadelphia, December 3, 1791. ff
GEORGE MEADE
Has for SALE, at his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF,
A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old bills of exchange Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, hoghead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old.
Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hoghead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter chests of first quality Hyson TEA.
He has just received by the Pigou, Loxley, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, Capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted; a few bales of red and white FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality.
He has also to dispose of, a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will, through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HAND-SPIKES. He is purchasing FLAX-SEED and BEES-WAX, and will give the highest price for them.
N. B. A few hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just received, and to be disposed of. Philadelphia, November 16, 1791. (ep 6w.)
JOHN PINTARD, SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER, PURCHASES and SELLS PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission, at the following rates:
ON the specie amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent.
On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent.
On remittances, ditto.
Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest.
For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer.
Such persons as may incline to favor the subscriber with their orders, may rely on their being executed with punctuality, fidelity and dispatch. His long experience and extensive dealings in the public stocks, together with a well established correspondence throughout the United States, enable him to conduct his operations with peculiar benefit to his employers.
JOHN PINTARD, New-York, No. 57, King-Street. October 15, 1791.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR, A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold at the Bank of the United States, shewing the Value of Gold in Dollars and Cents, from One to a Thousand Pennyweights—according to the Act of Congress, ascertaining the Standard and Value of Gold.