Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-02-13 00:00:00

66 107.10 90 217.10
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Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 74 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1793.
[Whole No. 396.]
PHILADELPHIA, January 9, 1793.
Mathew Carey
Respectfully informs the Citizens of the United States, that the Maps for his intended edition of
Guthrie's Geography
IMPROVED,
Are now engraving—and as soon as a sufficient number of them are finished, to secure a regular supply during the publication, which will probably be early next Spring, the work will be put to press.
He returns his acknowledgments to the very respectable number of Subscribers, who have come forward thus early to patronize this arduous undertaking. He assures them and the public in general, that no pains or expense shall be spared in the execution of the work.
Terms of the Work:
I. It shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.
II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.
III. Besides the maps in the British editions, this work will contain nine or ten American State Maps.
IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.
V. No advance required.
VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.
VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.
** Subscriptions received in Philadelphia by the intended publisher; in New-York, by all the booksellers; in New-Haven, by Mr. Beers; in Hartford, by Mr. Patten; in Boston, by Messrs. Thomas & Andrews, and by Mr. West; in Baltimore, by Mr. Rice; in Richmond, by Mr. J. Carey; in Charleston, by Mr. W. P. Young, and by sundry other persons throughout the United States. (1awtf)
JUST PUBLISHED,
By William Young,
BOOKSELLER,
No. 52, in Second, the corner of Chestnut-Street, In two large octavo volumes, neatly bound, (Price FOUR DOLLARS)
ESSAYS
ON THE INTELLECTUAL AND ACTIVE POWERS OF M A N.
By THOMAS REID, D.D. F.R.S. Edinburgh. Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Glasgow.
IT would be improper for the publisher to mention any thing respecting the literary talents of an author, so generally known and esteemed. Nor does it appear necessary to request attention to peruse a work, whose importance is universally acknowledged. Those who have read the ancient systems and these volumes, will readily perceive, that the knowledge of philosophy, advances from a state of infancy, towards maturity; nor will it appear too much, when it is said, that Dr. Reid has divested moral science from that veil under which for so many ages, it has been concealed, by ambiguous words and the jargon of the schools. Thus he has acted that friendly part to moral science, which the ingenious Newton and Ferguson did to natural philosophy; their united and skillful efforts, render philosophy not only an useful, but a pleasant exercise, and a more safe introduction to the most important studies.—It is impracticable to insert the lengthy reviews of this work, and to give a part, would be unfriendly to the author and reviewers.
ALSO,
Neatly bound, in two volumes octavo, Price one and a half Dollar,
A COMMENTARY
ON THE BOOK OF PSALMS.
IN which their literal or historical sense, as they relate to King David, and the People of Israel, is illustrated, and their application to Messiah, to the Church, and to individuals, as members thereof, is pointed out; with a view to render the use of the Psalter pleasing and profitable to all orders and degrees of Christians. The first American Edition from the 4th British. By GEORGE, Lord Bishop of Norwich, and President of Magdalen College, Oxford.
ALSO,
ZIMMERMANN on SOLITUDE,
Price 7-8 Dollar.
ALSO,
SCOTT'S FORCE OF TRUTH,
Price, bound and lettered, 44-100 Dollar. Just come to hand,
DAVIES' SERMONS,
Complete in 3 volumes octavo, Price, bound, 5 25-100 Dollar.
Jan. 26.
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☞ The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
PHILADELPHIA.
AT a meeting of the President & Directors of the Bank of the United States, held on Friday the 5th February, 1793, the following named Gentlemen were elected Directors of the different Offices of Discount and Deposit, and to take their seats on the first Monday in March next, to wit.
In BOSTON.
Thomas Russell John C. Jones Theodore Lyman Christopher Gore J. Russell, jun. *Samuel Salisbury Joseph Barrett Caleb Davis *Henry Hill David Sears John Lowell *Sam. Parkman J. Codman, jun.
In NEW-YORK.
Rich. Harrison Tho. Buchanan *Moses Rogers Gerard Barker Thomas Pearsall *Wm. Sheldon Nich. Hoffman John Delafield *A. L. Bleeker Phil. Livingston Matt. Clarkson David Gellon William Laight
In BALTIMORE.
George Gale J. Holmes, jun. *Jos. Thornburgh David Stewart Nicholas Slaby *And. Buchanan Stephen Wilson Adrian Valck John Swan Arch. Campbell *J. P. Pleasants Tho. o. Smith James West
In CHARLESTON.
Dan. Desaussure Adam Tunno *Aaron Locock Nath. Russell David Ramsay *Edw. Darrell *John Woodrop John F. Grimké Adam Gilchrist Thomas Morris Rob. Hazlehurst Arn. Vanderhorst Edw. Rutledge
The names marked thus * are new members, and succeed the proportion appointed by the President and Directors of the Bank of the United States, to be left out at every annual election.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
OLD age has a peculiar claim on the reverence of mankind. 'Tis natural when we see or hear of a person sinking in deep declining years, and supporting at the same time the most extraordinary vigor and activity of body and mind, to enquire the means and other concurrent circumstances, how it were possible to reach a period so long in life—so protracted beyond the usual span of existence.
Such an ancient man while living, among friends and old inhabitants of the country, is considered as a perfect paragon and prodigy of his own sex. And when the invincible Death, who comes to all, shall at length beset him, there is more than anxiety with surviving relatives and friends, to embalming his remembrance—to endow it with fresh laurel—and place it secure and safe, on the never-ruining files of gratitude and fame!
The idea of detestation from succeeding generations, is dreadful in the extreme. And on the other hand, what is more amiable than to be praised and beloved, while there are men and letters in the world. Next to the Godhead itself, is the reputation and condition of a good man—the next in dignity, and next in value—He indeed is deserving of, and as surely obtains our warmest acknowledgments! 'Tis the tribute of affection justly due his names!
And as long as we think of the good, the ancient and the meritorious, and look for their faithful record in the page of story, one cannot help regarding and even adoring the various inventions the polite arts have suggested, to effectuate so noble and desirable a purpose.
Much indebted are we indeed to the refined arts in general for their aid and assistance in this line. And without disparaging any species of them, allow me to think, there is none more commanding an impartial fancy, than the pleasing art of Wax-Work. Here, as in a mirror, we see man in his natural and best appearance and attire, entirely divested of those ornamental trappings, which, like gloses in a skillful hand, are but too apt to flatter, if not mislead, the human eye. We there behold our beloved friend or acquaintance nearly in the same manner in which we once conversed or familiarized with him. Struck with the majestic scene, who can then refuse his admiration of such representations of art and genius!
Take out a view of the respective personages in this favored city, done in Wax, in Mr. Bower's Exhibition Room, in 8th Street, you there see the representations of the Brave, the Good, the Beautiful, the Noble, and the Just! You view, without restraint, the most natural figures of the best and brightest gems that adorn the western hemisphere!
In his extensive collection, you may see among the rest, a strong, full, exact likenesses of the old Mr. Hutton, lately deceased—one of the longest livers in this country. He is there fixed in Wax, with his silver hair, his tobacco-box, pipes, and usual vestments, and in a situation resembling life itself. So engaging is the figure—His great age demands observation: I am told he reached 110 years—a truly venerable age for any man in this or any country. Let strangers boast of the temperature and healthiness of their own climates, or of the length of years of mortals and welcome, this instance affords a demonstration highly favorable to our own. May his and every good old man's memory be preserved in the bosom of wax-work, or other satisfactory registries, from the corroding hand of time.
A PENNSYLVANIAN.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, January 28.
The Bill to authorize a Loan in the Notes or Certificates of the several States which, on a final Settlement of Accounts shall have a Balance due to them from the United States—having been read the third time—the Question, shall the Bill pass? was put by the Speaker:
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. Madison remarked, that an amendment now incorporated in the bill has changed its principle altogether—it was contemplated by the original bill to provide for debts incurred only for the support of the war; but by this amendment, debts are to be subscribed to the loan which were created subsequent to the period in which those debts originated that have been hitherto called debts of the United States.
Another amendment has been added, which postpones the subscription to a period so distant as to anticipate the proper business of a subsequent legislature, which will be more competent to decide upon it than this house is.
The gentleman who brought forward this motion, assigned as a reason, that by this postponement the Senate would have a controul over the business, which they would not have without passing the bill, and with this amendment. Mr. Madison reprobated the idea of controuling the deliberations of a subsequent legislature. He said the ground of the bill was changed. The postponement of the subscriptions renders it entirely unnecessary for the present Congress to decide upon it;—he was in favour therefore of postponing it—and of the previous question.
Mr. Gerry said he did not expect this opposition to the bill, at this stage of the business; especially from gentlemen who had advocated the very principle on which the bill is founded, viz. a provision for the balances which shall be found due on a final settlement of the accounts.
The motion for the previous question is founded on the remonstrance of the State of Virginia—a state which justly has the reputation of being wife in her councils and decisions; but on the present occasion is single and alone in her conduct in regard to this business. No other state has come forward with such a remonstrance—a remonstrance against the act and doings of the branches of the national legislature. He concluded therefore, that in this instance at least, that state is in an error; especially as the grounds of her complaints have been obviated. He then adverted to the general provisions of the bill, and shewed that they were perfectly consonant to the existing provisions made by former acts of the government respecting the balances which shall appear to be due to the several states. He alluded next to the several provisos and amendments of the bill which had been ingrafted in it, to accommodate it to the wishes of those who, notwithstanding, appeared to be as much opposed to it as ever. He was really surprised and confounded at the conduct of gentlemen in the opposition. He noticed briefly the justice of the claims of the creditors, and concluded by observing, that there were already sufficient difficulties to embarrass the operations of this government; and he conceived that the opposition to measures calculated to do justice in this particular case, were calculated to increase those difficulties and embarrassments.
Mr. Ames reprobated the idea of putting the previous question; after a discussion of three weeks, it is now proposed to prevent a decision of the subject; he considered this as a very unfair and unjustifiable mode of procedure—such an one as the gentlemen in opposition to the bill on more mature reflection would not themselves justify. He then noticed the scope of the arguments offered in support of the previous question, and urged a variety of considerations to shew that the present was the most favourable time to decide the question. He deprecated the consequences of a postponement, it would be considered as a denial of justice on the part of the present legislature, and as placing the creditors in the most uncertain situation as to their future fate; in short he conceived it was such an evasion of justice as might put the country in a flame.
Mr. Giles replied to Mr. Ames; he conceived the consequences would be directly the reverse from those he had anticipated; he thought those who were to be benefitted, who were comparatively but a small number, would not put the country in a flame; the danger was that those who would suffer by the burthens which would result from the measure, would be thrown into a flame. He then entered into a general consideration of the subject, and urged a variety of reasons against the bill, and in favour of putting the previous question. Mr. Giles enlarged on the impropriety of precipitating the business the present session.
†Mr. Page had called for the reading of the proceedings of the legislature of the state of Virginia relative to the funding system, particularly the assumption of the state debts. These proceedings were accordingly read.
Mr. White said he had last session voted against the bill for assuming the state debts, but he should vote for the bill now under consideration; in this he thought he was perfectly consistent, that there was a radical difference between the two; the former was a proposition for assuming all the debts of all the states, the same which had been originally proposed at New-York, and which he had uniformly opposed. The present is only for assuming to the amount of the balances which may be due to creditor states; this he always approved. He said he had heard but one argument against the propriety of coming to an immediate decision which appeared to have any weight—that was the unequal and imperfect representation; this, he said, was a circumstance which he felt as sensibly as any member of the house, and if the proposition was to impose burdens on the people, or to change an established system, he should hesitate before he agreed to it; but neither of those was the present case;—no additional sums were to be raised by the bill, and no change made in the mode of payment of the balances without the approbation of the states to which they may be due.
Having thus obviated this objection, he said, he would give the reasons which induced him to believe the matter ought now to be decided; he observed, that perhaps it might have been well had the business not been brought forward, considering the opposition which had taken place; he did not, however, censure the gentleman who introduced it, that gentleman had, as well as himself, been acquainted with the proceedings respecting the assumption from the commencement. And he declared he did not expect, when the resolutions were laid on the table, that an objection would be made to them; and it was probable as little apprehension was entertained by the mover of the resolutions; but he thought the manner in which the bill had been opposed, and in which it had been supported required an immediate decision. It had been made the criterion of the public faith of the government, and of the fidelity of its officers. Those who were in favour of the bill alleged as one reason in support of it, that when the balances were known, the debtor states would not agree to make provision for those balances agreeably to the existing law. He believed that this suggestion was unfounded, he did not believe it was possible that any man, whom the confidence of his fellow citizens should place on this floor, would ever refuse to carry that law into effect. He considered it as one of the pillars of the constitution—A solemn compact between the United States and individual states; and he believed, if ever this government should be guilty of so gross a breach of faith in a matter of importance sufficient to attract the general notice of the citizens, that there was an end to the government itself; it was a government founded on opinion. And when the opinion of the people ceased to support it the government must fall. On the other hand, the bill had not been opposed on its merits. No gentleman had attempted to point out the individual or the description of men who would be injured by the operation of the bill; they had opposed it wholly on collateral circumstances; they had supposed that if the states who had debts due to their citizens should have their balances discharged by assuming those debts, that they would oppose the payment of the balances to states which have no creditors. It had likewise been alleged, that the Commissioners for settling accounts might conduct themselves in such a manner as to render a legislative interposition necessary to arrest the measures consequential of the settlement. He had no apprehension of such conduct on the part of the Commissioners, and could not legislate on a supposition that they would conduct themselves in a manner so very improper, but if they did, he could not see that the change in the payment of the balances could have any effect, if the legislature could interfere where states were concerned, they might do the same in the case of individuals; but as jealousies had taken place in the minds of the members, and as both sides of the house seemed to consider the passing this bill as giving a greater force and stability to the act for settling the accounts between the U. States, and individual states, it was a strong reason with him to give his assent to it. It had been said the passing the bill by so small a majority would occasion discontent and uneasiness among the people. This might be the case, but the same reason is equally applicable to a rejection of the bill by a small majority. But who are most likely to be dissatisfied? Those who by a rejection of the bill would feel themselves injured, at least disappointed in their expectations of advantage; or those who, notwithstanding its passage, would be left in their present condition? he believed the former, so that as far as that argument had any weight it was in favour of the bill.
Mr. Murray was in favor of the previous question—he tho' the present stage of the business was the most proper to call for that question; it would he said, have been justly exceptional had the question been called previous to debate; but now it was strictly proper; advertising to the merits of the bill; he objected to it as an infraction of the funding system—that system provides for funding the balances in favor of the States, not the individual creditors.—On the

principle he considered the bill as establishing a dangerous precedent, and as affording a pretext for future infractions and mutilations of that system.
Mr. Murray adverting to certain observations which had been thrown out respecting the unfitness which was said to exist in some of the states, informed the house, that with respect to the state he had the honor to represent, the greatest apparent satisfaction prevailed.—It is true, said he, my constituents feel the pressure of taxes in common with the rest of their fellow citizens, but they discover no disposition to complain—they consider the public burthens as the price of their liberties and independence; and under this idea, submit to them with the utmost cheerfulness, at the same time confiding in the wisdom and justice of the government, that their impositions will be regulated according to the exigencies of the nation, and that no unnecessary taxes will ever be laid.
He tho' it necessary to say thus much, as he conceived too high colouring had been given to some representations which the fancy of members had brought forward in their zealous opposition to the bill.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 7.
A message from the Senate, by Mr. Otis their Secretary, informed the House that they have concurred in the resolution for a joint committee to count the ballots returned by the executives of the several States for President and Vice President of the United States, and have appointed Messrs. King, Izard, and Strong. A memorial of Gideon Brownson and a petition of Pielder Victor, were read, praying compensation for military services. Referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Clark laid the following resolution on the table, viz.—That a committee be appointed to prepare and establish a bill to regulate fees in the Office of the Treasury for the transfer of public securities.
Mr. B. Bourn brought in a report on the memorials of sundry persons concerned in the manufacture of cordage, lines, twines and packthread. This report was in favor of the memorialists, and was referred to a committee of the whole for to-morrow.
In committee of the whole, on the bill providing compensation for the President and Vice President of the United States—Mr. Dayton in the chair. The bill being read, was discussed in paragraphs; some verbal amendments were agreed to. The first blank, referring to the President's compensation, was filled with 25,000 dollars.
Mr. Kitchell moved to strike out "dollars per annum," referring to the compensation of the Vice-President, in order to insert dollars per day during his attendance in the Senate. Some remarks being offered in opposition to the motion, it was withdrawn.
The blank for the compensation of the Vice-President was filled with 5000 dollars.
A motion to limit the act to the term of four years was negatived. This motion was made by Mr. Kitchell.
The committee rose and reported the bill with amendments, which were taken into consideration by the House and agreed to.
Mr. Mercer renewed the motion for limiting the bill to four years from the 3d day of March, and moved the ayes and noes.
Mr. Mercer supported the motion by some remarks on the impropriety of the present Congress anticipating the proper business of their successors; on the dangerous precedent which would be established by empowering the supreme executive to continue his salary in opposition to the opinion of the legislature. He considered the bill without this clause as unconstitutional.
Considerable debate took place on this motion, and the ayes and noes being at length called, it was determined in the negative, ayes 27 to 33, the ayes and noes being as follow—
   A Y E S.    Mess. Ashe, Mess. Macon,  Baldwin, Madison,  Clark, Mercer  Findley, Moore,  Giles, Muhlenberg,  Gordon, Parker,  Gregg, Schoonmaker,  Griffin, Steele,  Grove, Sumpter,  Hartley, Sylvester,  Heister, Treadwell,  Jacobs, Venable,  Kitchell, White, 27.  Lee,  
   N O E S.    Mess. Ames, Mess. Murray,  Barnwell, Niles,  Benson, Page,  Boudnot, Sedgwick,  S. Bourne, J. Smith,  Bourn, I. Smith,  Dayton, W. Smith,  Fitzsimons, Sturges,  Gerry, Thatcher,  Gilman, Tucker,  Goodhue, Wadsworth.  Hillhouse, Ward,  Huger, Williamson,  Key, Greenup,  Lawrance, Leonard,  Learned, Hindman, 33.  Livermore,  
The following bills were read twice and committed for to-morrow: A bill to refund to Jacob Bell, certain duties on pickled fish. A bill for the remission of the duty on a quantity of wine, the property of W. and J. Simms. A bill for the relief of Simeon Thayer. Mr. Moore, of the committee upon enrolled bills, reported that the two bills signed yesterday by the Speaker were this day laid before the
President of the United States for his approbation, and signature.
A report on the petition of Robert Eden, was taken into consideration, agreed to, and a committee appointed to report a bill.
The report on a petition of the inhabitants of Newark was taken up in committee of the whole—Mr. Murray in the chair. The report was read, and is in favor of the petitioners, who pray for compensation for an academy destroyed during the late war.
A motion was made that the committee should agree to the report. After some debate the question being put, the motion was negatived. The committee rose and reported accordingly, and the house adjourned.
FRIDAY, February 8.
A bill for the relief of Elijah Bostwick, was read twice, and committed for Monday next.
A bill providing compensation to the President and Vice-President of the United States, was read the third time and passed.
Mr. Boudnot presented the petition of John Green, which was read.
A memorial was presented by Mr. Sumpter, from the officers of the South-Carolina line of the late army—similar to those from the officers of other states—read, and laid on the table.
A number of reports on petitions from the Secretary of War, were read, and ordered to be printed.
On motion, the committee on the petition of John Rogers was discharged, and the petition referred to the Secretary of State.
In committee of the whole, on the bill for granting half pay for years, to the widows and orphans of those officers of the army which have been killed since the day of or who shall hereafter be killed in the service of the United States. Mr. Dayton in the chair.
The bill being read, Mr. Hartley moved to fill the blank with the 4th day of March, 1789.
Mr. Williamson moved to strike out the words "of the army," and insert, in the service. This motion was agreed to.
Mr. Hartley's motion was then put and carried. The blank referring to the term of half-pay, was filled with five years.—It was moved to add after "officers," non-commissioned officers and privates.—After some debate, this motion was agreed to.
Another motion was made and carried, to extend the provision to the officers, non-commissioned officers and privates of the militia. Several other amendments were agreed to, and then the committee rose and reported the bill as amended—Laid on the table.
Mr. Clark's motion for a committee to prepare and bring in a bill to establish fees in the Treasury Department, for the transfer of public securities, was taken up, agreed to, and a committee appointed to report a bill.
Mr. Parker presented a memorial from the merchants and inhabitants of the town of Norfolk, respecting the encroachment of infirm and disabled seamen, and praying that some provision may be made in the case. Read, and referred to the committee of the whole on the bill making provision for sick and infirm seamen.
Mr. W. Smith gave notice that he should call the attention of the house to the subject of making provision for the reduction of the public debt, on Monday next.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to remit the duties on a quantity of wine, the property of W. and J. Simms. Mr. White in the chair. The bill was reported without amendment. The House took the same into consideration. After some debate, the question for engrossing the bill was put, and lost.
A message from the Senate, by Mr. Otis, their Secretary, informed the House that they have considered the bill relative to certain claims not barred by any act of limitation, and concur therein with an amendment. This amendment being taken into consideration, was agreed to.
Another message from the Senate informed the House, that they have passed the coasting bill, with sundry amendments. Also, that they have considered the bill for determining the Northern Boundary of the State of North-Carolina, and resolved that they do not concur therein.
Mr. Moore reported as truly enrolled, the bill entitled, An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of masters. The Speaker signed the same. Adjourned till to-morrow.
SATURDAY, Feb. 9.
Mr. Jacobs presented the petition of James Beeker, which was read and laid on the table.
The petition of Sarah Greaton, presented by Mr. Ames, and the petition of Peter Rockyfellow, presented by Mr. Lawrance, were read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Wadsworth presented a petition of the French inhabitants of Gallipolis, praying to be established in their right to the lands on which they have settled, and for which they have paid, relying on the faith of the government of the United States. This petition was referred to a select committee of five, viz. Messrs. Wadsworth, Sedgwick, Findley, White and Barnwell. Mr. Heister, from the committee on enrolled bills, reported as truly enrolled, the bill relative to claims against the United States, not barred by acts of limitation. The Speaker signed the same.
Mr. Willis presented a memorial from the Georgia line of the late army—read, and laid on the table.
A message from the President of the United States, by Mr. Secretary Lear, informed the House that the foreign intercourse bill had received his approbation and signature.
The House took into consideration the amendments of the Senate to the coasting bill—these being read, on motion they were referred to a select committee to examine and report.
In committee of the whole, Mr. Dayton in the chair, the report of a select committee on the petitions of the manufacturers of cordage in Philadelphia and Providence, was taken into consideration. This report contains two resolutions, which propose a drawback on exported cordage, lines, twines and packthread, made of imported hemp. After considerable debate, the question on the two resolutions was put, and they were separately disagreed to. The com-
mittee then rose and reported accordingly, and the House adopted the report.
A message from the Senate informed the House, that the act for regulating foreign coins, and for other purposes, had received the approbation and signature of the President of the United States.
A bill to establish fees to be paid on the transfer of public securities, was twice read, and committed for Tuesday next.
In committee of the whole, on the bill for the relief of Simeon Thayer. Mr. Steele in the chair.—The bill was read by the chairman—one amendment was made, which, with the bill, was reported to the House—The House agreed to the amendment—the bill was then ordered to be engrossed.
The committee to whom the amendments of the Senate to the coasting bill were referred, recommended verbally an agreement with the Senate—on which the House took the amendments into consideration, and concurred therein.
A message from the Senate by Mr. Otis, informed the House, that they have considered the bill to authorize the settlement of the accounts of Lewis Garanger, and do not concur in passing said bill. Adjourned.
MONDAY, February 11.
The bill for the relief of Simeon Thayer, was read the third time, and passed.
Mr. White presented two petitions from French inhabitants in the territory of the United States northwest of the Ohio. Referred to the committee on the petition of the inhabitants of Gallipolis.
A petition of the administrators of William Camp, late of New-Jersey, was read, praying compensation for sundry buildings burnt in the town of Newark by the British during the late war.
Mr. Thatcher presented the petition of Wm. Morton, of the District of Maine, praying an exemption from the payment of 112 dollars and 36 cents, due from him to the United States, for reasons offered. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A representation was read from the Post-Master-General, stating certain inconveniences attending the transmission of the mail thro' the State of New-Jersey, in consequence of a law of that State, which subjects stage coaches to a tax. Referred to the committee on the post-office law.
Mr. Heister, of the committee on enrolled bills, reported as truly enrolled, An act for licensing and enrolling of ships or vessels employed in the coasting trade, and for regulating the same—And an act providing compensation for the President and Vice-President of the United States. The Speaker signed the same.
Mr. W. Smith, of the joint committee appointed to determine on the mode of counting the votes for President and Vice-President made report—which is, that the House should repair to the Senate chamber on Wednesday next, at 12 o'clock, and there the tellers to be appointed should count the votes—and that the President of the Senate should declare the persons elected. This report was accepted, and Mr. W. Smith and Mr. Lawrance appointed tellers by the House.
A message from the Senate, by Mr. Otis, their Secretary, informed the House, that they have passed the bill providing compensation for the President and Vice-President of the United States.
In committee of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, containing a plan for the reduction of the public debt.—Mr. Dayton in the chair.
A debate ensued on reading the report, occasioned by a motion that the committee should rise. At 3 o'clock the committee rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again. Adjourned.
Foreign Affairs.
FRANCE. NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Letter from Gen. Kellerman. Paris, November 29.
Citizens Representatives,
I AM going to carry to the Romans the blessings of Liberty, which has been too long exiled from their country. I shall cause our motto to be strictly observed:—War to castles, peace to cottages, and respect to the masterpieces of the arts. I ask only one favor of the National Convention, that is, if calumny should pursue me, that I may be allowed to confound my calumniators.
KELLERMAN.
DUBLIN, December 4.
Yesterday morning, the Catholic Delegates met at the Taylors'-Hall, Back-lane, to consult on the best mode of carrying into effect the measure for which they were chosen; which, after all the clamour, misrepresentation and invective, to which they have given rise, is nothing more than simply this: To prepare a petition to the Legislature, laying before them the humble request of all the Catholics of Ireland, that in consequence of their tried loyalty, and long continued uninterrupted good conduct, they may be admitted to the rank of citizens, and share, in common with their countrymen, the advantages of the Constitution.
BRUSSELS, Nov. 30.
Extract of a letter.
"Gen. Dumourier entered Liege on the 28th, after a very long and obstinate engagement, fighting even to the very streets of the town. The action, however, has been attended with little loss on either side."
PARIS, December 12.
The following is an extract of the report of the Commune, concerning the transferring of LOUIS CAPET, to the Bar of the National Convention.
"At one o'clock the Mayor and Secretary went up into the apartment of the late King, and said to him, "I am charged to declare to you, that the Convention wait for you at their Bar, and I am appointed to conduct you." The Secretary then read these words, "Decree of the National Convention, of the 6th of December: ART. 5. LOUIS CAPET shall be brought to the bar of the National Convention on Tuesday the 11th, to answer the questions which shall be put to him by the President." This being done, the Mayor asked Louis if he would go down, he appeared to hesitate a little, and said, "My name is not Louis Capet; my ancestors bore that name, but I never was called so; it is however, like all the treatment I have experienced these four months past by force. This morning my son has been separated from me, it was an enjoyment of which they have deprived me. I have been expecting you these two hours."
The Mayor, without returning any answer, invited him again to go down, which he determined at length to do. Being in the carriage, which was lined with thick cushions in order to be musket proof, he kept silence all the way, till the carriage was stopped by some misunderstanding among the guards, who escorted him on the Boulevard.
When he was near the gates of St. Martin and St. Dennis, he asked if these two triumphal arches would not be demolished? He was answered that the gate of St. Dennis, being a master-piece, would be preserved.
He arrived at the Convention at 2 o'clock—He appeared dressed in a brown great coat, and did not seem at all troubled. The Mayor and Procureur de la Commune were on each side of him; behind him were Sannerre, Berruyer, and other officers. After his interrogatory, he was conducted into the Conference Hall, and accepted a bit of bread, observing that he had not broken his fast. He afterwards got up into the Mayor's carriage, and spoke little on his return. There was a very numerous armed force, but the concourse of people was not so great as might have been expected.—The greatest order and silence reigned among the guards and spectators.
He arrived at his apartment at half past six. He repeatedly asked the Mayor, that the Decree granting him a Counsel, which was refused to nobody, might be speedily communicated to him. It has since been resolved in the commune, that Louis should have no further communication with his family, and that his Counsel should hold their conference with him alone, and always in the presence of the Municipal officers.
Louis has chosen for his Counsel, Target, and in his default Tronchet.
TRIAL OF THE KING. NATIONAL CONVENTION.
DECEMBER 11.
The sitting commenced by reading the Act of accusation against LOUIS XVI. which was presented by Barbaroux, in the name of the Commission of twenty-one. It contained an enumeration of the principal charges made against the unfortunate Monarch; and each charge was followed by a list of the pieces on which the proofs are to be founded. When it was read, several new charges were proposed by several of the members, and some which appeared to have little weight, or to be ill founded, were expunged.
The Convention were much surprised to hear Marat become its some measure the voluntary defender of LOUIS XVI. by requesting that all those charges alluding to crimes committed before his acceptance of the Constitution, should be omitted in the act of accusation. He spoke also of the amnesty which followed that acceptance, but the Convention paid no attention to his observations.
The Convention decreed that the act of accusation should serve as the ground of those questions which were to be put to LOUIS XVI. and that after each question the President should say to him WHAT HAVE YOU TO ANSWER? The President was authorised also to propose such questions as might arise from the King's answers, and to make him sit down at the bar.
Barrere the President announced to the Convention that LOUIS XVI. was at the door, and requested the Representatives of the People to assume a dignity worthy of the grandeur of their functions. He reminded them, that they formed a tribunal on which the eyes of Europe were fixed, and whose sentence would be judged by posterity. He forbade them to shew any signs either of approbation or disapprobation, and desired them to remember that coolness and silent dignity, with which they received the King after his return from Varennes.
At half past two Sannerre informed the Convention that LOUIS was arrived, and was waiting the orders of the Assembly.
The President gave the order to introduce him. The most profound silence reigned in the Hall. LOUIS appeared at the bar, attended by two Municipal Officers.
When LOUIS appeared at the bar, the President mentioned to him the decree by which the Convention established a tribunal to try him. Malhe, one of the Secretaries, read the act of accusation, charge by charge, and at each the President asked LOUIS what he had to say in his own defence? The unfortunate Monarch did not, like Charles I. of England refuse to acknowledge the authority of the Convention; he delivered no speech, and contented himself with giving answers to each question in a few words. He asked for copies of the act of accusation, of the pieces which are to serve as proofs, and of his own examination; and requested also that he might be allowed Counsel.
His answers were in general pertinent and short, nor did he appear in the least embarrassed. He replied with great readiness, and at some questions appeared a little chagrined.

EXAMINATION OF LOUIS.
President. "Louis! the French nation accuses you—The National Assembly decreed the 3d of December that you should be tried by them; and on the 6th, that you should be brought to the bar, to hear the accusation read, and to give your answers."
The President then read the articles of the act, one by one, calling upon Louis to answer each of them separately.
Accusation. Louis, the French people accuse you of having plotted and formed a multitude of conspiracies to establish tyranny in destroying Liberty. On the 10th of June, 1789, you made an attack on the sovereignty of the nation, by suspending their representatives, and by expelling them with violence from the place of their meetings.
Answer. There existed then no law. Acc. On the 23d you surrounded the representatives of the people with troops; you presented a Declaration ordering them to cease their meetings and separate.
The same answer as to the preceding article.
Acc. You ordered an army to march against the citizens of Paris to shed their blood, and you did not dismiss that army till the revolution had been effected.
Ans. I had at that time a right to order troops to march according to my will; it never was my intention to cause the effusion of blood.
Acc. You suffered the National Cockade to be trampled under foot before your eyes, and the white cockade to be worn. You constantly rejected the constitution.
Ans. As to the decrees, I made the observations I then thought I ought to make; as to the cockade, the fact is false.
Acc. You took an oath at the Federation of the 14th of July, which you did not keep: you seduced Mirabeau to cause an insurrection in the departments.
Ans. I do not remember all that passed at that time, but I know that the whole was prior to the acceptance of the constitution.
Acc. You distributed money to the Fauxbourg St. Antoine, that the people might favor your escape.
Ans. This accusation is absurd. I ever took a pleasure in giving money to the people. There was nothing in my conduct that had the appearance of a plot for a counter-revolution.
Acc. Was it not in consequence of the same project that you feigned an indisposition to facilitate your retreat to St. Cloud.
Ans. No.
Acc. You swore to maintain the constitution; and on the 21st of June you attempted to escape with a false passport, and ordered your ministers to sign no act of the legislature.
Ans. I do not remember what passed at that time; but for my journey to Varennes, I refer to the answers I made to the deputies of the constituent assembly, who accompanied me on my return.
Acc. You conferred with La Fayette; you hired writers of journals, and spent considerable sums of money to overthrow the constitution.
Ans. I recollect writing one letter to Fayette, but have no knowledge of the rest.
Acc. You favored the rebellion at Arles.
Ans. The ministers did all that, and the assembly proposed ministers to me I knew nothing of.
Acc. You made no attempt to stifle the plots of counter-revolution, which were manifested in several parts of the Republic.
Ans. I was not apprised of these things, I was informed of nothing; besides, it would require time for me to answer all these questions.
Acc. You paid your ci-devant body guards at Coblenz, and you sent considerable sums to Rochefort and to your brothers.
Ans. I ceased giving them any thing as soon as they passed the Rhine.
Acc. You refused your sanction to a decree for forming a camp near Paris; you ordered them to be stopped in their march; the army was not complete—you ordered no recruiting.
Ans. I presented at the time the statements to the assembly; if they were mistaken it is not my fault.
Acc. You threw confusion and disorder in the army.
Ans. I cannot answer this accusation.
Acc. Why did you defer so long to inform the legislative body that fifty thousand Prussians were marching against France?
Ans. My diplomatic correspondence was carried on by the ministers, therefore it is not my fault.
Acc. You suffered our navy to go to ruin; all the officers emigrated; there is scarcely one left for the service.
Ans. I did not send away those officers.
Acc. The state was torn by the factions of the fanatic priests; you shewed yourself openly their protector, and manifested a design of recovering your former power.
Ans. I cannot answer that, having no knowledge of it.
Acc. The legislative assembly passed a decree against the factions priests, you suspended its execution.
Ans. I had a right to do so.
Acc. There were in Paris clandestine associations to operate a counter revolution, paid by the civil list.
Ans. I have no knowledge of these facts; the project of a counter-revolution never entered my head.
Acc. Who were the members of the constituent assembly you endeavored to corrupt?
Ans. I never endeavored to corrupt any.
Acc. On the 10th of August, you passed in review the Swiss troops, at 5 o'clock in the morning, and on that day they fired on the people.
Ans. The constituted authorities were assembled at the castle; I had demanded a de-
putation to proceed with me to the legislative assembly: when I saw that they did not come, I repaired thither with all my family.
Acc. Why, some days before the 10th of August, did you order all the posts of the Swiss guards at the Tuileries to be doubled?
Ans. The castle was threatened; as I was one of the constituent authorities, I had a right to defend myself.
The President then asked Louis if he had any thing further to say.
Louis. I beg the Assembly to give me communication of the act of accusation: I should desire to examine it minutely: I should also wish to have a counsel.
Marat shewed him all the papers, one after another; among the papers signed by his own hand, he acknowledged but a very few.
The President asked him why he caused a hole to be made in the wall of his apartment, and to be covered over with an iron door.
He answered, that he had no knowledge of this.
The President told him, that the Assembly permitted him to retire.
Louis, on retiring, said, I have desired to have a counsel.
The Assembly then decreed, that the desire of Louis to have a counsel should be granted.
LONDON, December 13.
This being the first day of the meeting of Parliament, his Majesty went to the House of Lords, and being seated on the throne, delivered the following most gracious speech:
My Lords and Gentlemen, HAVING judged it necessary to embody a part of the militia of this kingdom, I have in pursuance of the provisions of the law, called you together within the time limited for that purpose, and it is, on every account, a great satisfaction to me to meet you in Parliament at this conjuncture.
I should have been happy if I could have announced to you the secure and undisturbed continuance of all the blessings which my subjects have derived from a state of tranquility; but events have recently occurred which require our united vigilance and exertion in order to preserve the advantages which we have hitherto enjoyed.
The seditious practices which had been in a great measure checked by your firm and explicit declaration in the last session, and by the general concurrence of my people in the same sentiments, have of late been more openly renewed, and with increased activity. A spirit of tumult and disorder, (the natural consequences of such practices) has shewn itself in acts of riot and insurrection, which required the interposition of a military force in support of the Civil Magistrate. The industry employed to excite discords on various pretexts and in different parts of the kingdom, has appeared to proceed from a design to attempt the destruction of our happy constitution, and the subversion of all order and government; and this design has evidently been pursued in connection and concert with persons in foreign countries.
I have carefully observed a strict neutrality in the present war on the continent, and have uniformly abstained from any interference with respect to the internal affairs of France; but it is impossible for me to see, without the most serious uneasiness, the strong and increasing indications which have appeared there of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and to pursue views of conquest and aggrandizement, as well as to adopt towards my allies the States-General (who have observed the same neutrality with myself) measures which are neither conformable to the law of nations, nor to the positive stipulations of existing treaties. Under all these circumstances I have felt it my indispensable duty to have recourse to those means of prevention and internal defence with which I am entrusted by law; and I have also thought it right to take steps for making some augmentation of my naval and military force, being persuaded that these exertions are necessary in the present state of affairs, and are best calculated both to maintain internal tranquility, and to render a firm and temperate conduct effectual for preserving the blessings of peace.
Nothing will be neglected on my part that can contribute to that important object, consistently with the security of my kingdoms, and with the faithful performance of engagements which we are bound equally by interest and honor to fulfil.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons, I have ordered the estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you; and I have no doubt that you will be ready to make a due provision for the several branches of the public service.
You will certainly join with me in lamenting any necessity for extraordinary expences, which may for a time prevent the application of additional sums beyond those which are already annually appropriated to the reduction of the public debt, or retard the relief which my subjects might have derived from a further diminution of taxes: but I am confident you will see that those great ends will ultimately be best promoted by such exertions as are necessary for our present and future safety and tranquility; and it is a great consolation to me to reflect, that you will find ample resources for effectually defraying the expence of vigorous preparations, from the excess of the actual revenue beyond the ordinary expenditure.
My Lords and Gentlemen, I have great pleasure in acquainting you, that the brilliant successes of the British arms in India, under the able conduct of the Marquis Cornwallis, have led to the termination of the war, by an advantageous and honorable peace, the terms of which are peculiarly satisfactory to me, from their tendency to secure the future tranquility of the British dominions in that part of the world.
Your attention will now naturally be di-
rected to such measures for the future government of those valuable possessions, as shall appear, from experience and full consideration, most likely to provide for their internal prosperity, and to secure the important advantages which may be derived from thence to the commerce and revenue of this country.
I am persuaded it will be the object of your immediate consideration, to adopt such measures as may be necessary, under the present circumstances, for enforcing obedience to the laws, and for repressing every attempt to disturb the peace and tranquility of these kingdoms.
You will be sensible how much depends on the result of your deliberations, and your uniform conduct is the best pledge, that nothing will be wanting on your part which can contribute to the present security and permanent advantage of the country.
I retain a deep and unalterable sense of the repeated proofs which I have received of your cordial and affectionate attachment to me; and I place an entire reliance on the continuance of these sentiments, as well as on your firm determination to defend and maintain that constitution which has so long protected the liberties and promoted the happiness of every class of my subjects.
In endeavoring to preserve and transmit to posterity the inestimable blessings which, under the favor of Providence, you have yourselves experienced, you may be assured of my zealous and cordial co-operation; and our joint efforts will, I doubt not, be rendered compleatly effectual, by the decided support of a free and loyal people.
Philadelphia, Feb. 13.
The British December Packet arrived at New-York the 8th inst. She had 45 days passage, and brings accounts to the 22d of December. An epitome of the intelligence is subjoined.
On the 2d December the French army under General Custine, was attacked by the Prussians and Hessians, under the command of the King of Prussia. Custine was obliged to retire; he took post in a strong position in the neighborhood of Franckfort, from which he kept up a severe cannonade on the enemy. A subsequent account says, that Prince Hohenlohe, at the head of the Hessians, had attacked Custine in his entrenchments, and carried them. Franckfort, after a violent assault, was retaken by the Prussians; and the French garrison, consisting of 1500 men, made prisoners of war; among which was one general officer, and the son of General Custine. Another account says, the city was treacherously given up by the inhabitants, and two regiments of the garrison put to the sword.
The bust of Mirabeau is now veiled in Paris, and the populace take many methods of shewing disrespect to his memory. It is said he was a creature of monarchy.
The exportation of corn from France is prohibited on pain of death: premiums on its importation are offered, of 40 sous per quintal, till 1st May, and 35 sous till 30th June.
A London paper of the 20th December, gives an account of the trial of THOMAS PAINE, for a libel against the Government of Great-Britain, of which the jury found him guilty, without going out of Court. Duffin and Lloyd, mentioned in a former paper, have also been tried for a libel, and found guilty.
The executive power is to take proper measures for general safety during the course of the judgment of Louis Capet; the account lately published of his being tried and acquitted is premature.
Some riots have taken place in England; one at Manchester in which the mob were exasperated against the friends of a Parliamentary reform. In various places in the country the people have burnt Mr. Paine in effigy; on the other hand, in many places the successes of the French have been celebrated—and riots against government have taken place.
The British government are arming a large fleet—some accounts say 50 sail of the line; houses of rendezvous are opened in all the customary places; some serious internal commotion appears to be apprehended—the preparations for arming have affected the funds greatly—they have fallen 20 per cent.—The American funds had risen, six per cents 105—3 per cents 65 3/4—and deferred 63.
The guards at the Bank and at the Tower are doubled.—A board of officers was appointed to enquire into the conduct of the officers of the army—some of whom it appeared had been employed in attempts to instil seditious opinions into the minds of the soldiery—these were dismissed from the service; among others the names of Lord Temple and Col. Fitzgerald are mentioned; large rewards were offered by the government for apprehending Sampson Perry, Esq. author of a seditious pamphlet—and a Mr. Fross, who had declaimed in treasonable terms against the King. Proclamations are issued, offering encouragement to seamen and landmen to enter into the service—for embodying the militia—and for convening Parliament on the 13th December which had been prorogued to 3d January.
Associations are formed in London and various other places, to counteract the revolution societies, and to support the present constitution and government.
The Austrian and Prussian Courts are making preparation for increasing their armies—and filling their magazines with grain.
The arms of France have triumphed in most places—Namur, Liege, Antwerp and other places of inferior consequence are in their possession.
In Brussels the people have entirely renovated their government—all their officers, judges, &c. take an oath of allegiance to the people, viz. I swear to be faithful to the people my true and lawful sovereign—and to maintain liberty and equality. The day previous to the capture of Liege, which was the 28th Nov. General Dumourier had a battle
with the rear guard of the Austrians consisting of 12,000 men; the Austrians were entirely defeated, and though the account says they made a stout resistance, the French lost only 3 men killed, and 14 wounded. The wounded of the Austrians filled 37 waggons.—The Genoese are about making themselves free. The Genevans have driven the Swiss Troops, and another revolution has taken place in their government—the rights of citizens are now enjoyed on a more extensive scale; clubs and meetings have been formed and held in Canterbury, Northampton, Birmingham, London and Westminster, for supporting the government and constitution.
Nov. 19.—Died, at his house in the old Bailey, the worthy and much esteemed Mr. R. AKERMAN, keeper of Newgate.
A writer in the Fayetteville Gazette, North-Carolina thus addresses his readers.
GENTLE READER!
The Excise Law has had this great effect on this State—our fruit was formerly considered as very little worth, but now it bids fair to be an article of value and considerable export—and more distilleries have been established this two years past, than perhaps, without this act of encouragement, would have been for twenty years.
To avail ourselves of the great advantages of our former population, and fertility of soil, and that rank we sustain in the union, nothing is wanting but industry, a reverence of the Laws, and appointing those characters to represent us in the great Council of the Nation who, unmindful of faction, intrigue and self profit, endeavor, steadily to advance our great and joint agricultural, manufacturing and commercial interests.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Those who animadvert on the corrupt influence imbibed into the government from the spirit of speculation in the members, are often called upon to give names and facts in support of their charges. The true and satisfactory answer is, that the public is sufficiently acquainted with many names and facts which need not therefore be mentioned; secondly, that names and facts cannot be called for whilst the avenues to an authentic disclosure thereof are shut up against inspection. Let the subscription and transfer books of the funds, and the subscription and discount books of the Bank be laid open and names and facts will then be given as fully and clearly as may be desired.—Quere, whether the said books ought to be locked up against a knowledge of the transactions of persons in public character; so that the people cannot judge of the situation or particular views of those entrusted with their interests?
To those who will not pay attention to the transactions of government there will be an appearance of mystery in them. Those who pay attention with prejudiced and suspicious minds will find no less mystery. A man who pulls a milled cap over his eyes may well cry out, I am in the dark; for the proverb truly says, none are so blind as those who will not see. These remarks apply to those who endeavor to alarm the jealousies and fears of the people on the plea that our government is wrapped up in darkness and mystery. This charge on examination will do honor to the constitution; for all our money transactions are by that constitution and by the laws made in conformity with its spirit, as public and as carefully checked as it is possible. Accordingly it appears, that every dollar received or expended is brought to account. If it were as easy to satisfy jealousy by proof, as it is to awaken it by groundless hints and half-smothered whispers, the result of the enquiries made by the House of Representatives of the United States, would confirm the confidence of the people in the administration of their national affairs, by shewing how solid a constitutional ground it stands on. Every transaction of the Treasury is published, and the people may, if they will take the pains, by reading, see for themselves the refutation of the numberless suspicions which have been whispered against the government of our country.
The enemies of government complain of hard usage, because their noisy censures of the constitution and administration of our country are imputed to selfish motives. Doubtless there are many who act sincerely and from principle—but a mistaken one, however. But the people are called to judge at every election, whether the greater part of the furious holders forth against Congress are not candidates for appointments. They are—and he must be blind indeed who does not see that the blusterers have made all the racket merely to draw the attention of the voters. Those who hate levies and the glare of courts, the meek fools who cry equality—who say that power corrupts the possessors, and turns them into enemies of liberty, behold them inconsistently intriguing, coaxing and lying, to get an election. Pure fools—trying to get into place to lose at once their innocence and attachment to liberty, not contented with equality, they would get power which would spoil them. If lowing discord, jealousy and sedition, are to be the successful means of getting into office, there never will come a year when our political field will not bear a great crop.
** No posts were arrived when this paper went to press.
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