The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-01-05 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,  A N D  WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. XXVIII.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
MONDAY, JANUARY 5th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
No. II.
ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.
The event, which I contemplated as probable in my last number, has been verified by facts officially ascertained. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr have each an equal number of votes; and the House of Representatives, voting by states, will be called upon to exercise the constitutional power with which it is invested, of deciding which of the two shall be President.
In my last number I pointed out some of the motives which might rationally be supposed to influence the members of the legislature in preferring Mr. Burr to Mr. Jefferson. My present object is to present some of the consequences likely to ensue from such a preference; I say some of them; for were I to enumerate the whole, I should portray a picture too gloomy for any eye to contemplate without horror.
From the remarks I have made, it must be manifest to every unprejudiced mind, that Mr. Burr, if elected President by Congress, would not possess the confidence of the people. Not that I think his talents or integrity unworthy of the proudest distinctions that republicanism can confer. I am ready to acknowledge that his reputation has not only survived, but in all probability will ultimately survive the loud clamours of party resentment. But being selected by the people for the Vice-Presidency, and not the Presidency, in the exercise of the duties of the first station he would enjoy their entire confidence, while in the exercise of the duties of the last place, he would entirely be destitute of that band of union, which, in a republican government, can only proceed from the decided preference of the people, expressed in a constitutional form. It is in vain to say that the House of Representatives would express this national preference. The assertion is not true. Not a citizen of America is so ignorant as not to know that every vote given to Mr. Jefferson was as President, and every vote given to Mr. Burr was as Vice President. Now should the House of Representatives, voting by states, select a man not intended by the people, can the people be made to believe that such a selection carries with it any regard to the public will? Will they not, on the contrary, view it as an undoubted evidence of hostility to that will?
In this view of the subject, two circumstances ought to be held in view; first, that the House of Representatives chosen two years ago, as it at present stands on the verge of political dissolution, is not the Representative of the people at this time; and secondly, placing this consideration aside, if it were contemplated as the Representative of the people, still, voting by states, it would be the representative, not of the people, but of the states only.
There cannot be a doubt but that the same votes that carried, by a larger majority than has ever appeared since the division of parties, a republican President, would, if applied to the election of representatives at the same period, also have carried them. The course of elections for the ensuing Congress, were other proof wanting, is demonstrative of this fact. For from those elections for members of the House of Representatives in the ensuing Congress, that have already taken place, viz. from New-Hampshire, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-York, Vermont, Pennsylvania, Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, thirty-five of the members chosen are republican, thirty-five federal; and one for Vermont not yet elected; and if we give, in reference to those states whose members are not yet elected, the whole delegation of New-Jersey, consisting of five members, half of Maryland, consisting of four members, and one member from Virginia, which the votes on the Presidential election shew is all that can be expected from that state, to the federal party, which constitute a larger number than there is any probability of their obtaining, inasmuch as New-Jersey is doubtful, and Maryland is rapidly republicanizing, and Virginia is acquiring a sentiment of growing
manimity, the votes in the next Congress will then stand: Federal 45— Republican 50; and one from Vermont doubtful.
From this view, it appears that the real representatives of the people hold opinions absolutely in collision with their present nominal representatives ; and that the former, without making any allowance for the accommodation of federal members to a change of times, have a majority over the latter; who, in the present Congress, can scarcely be considered as possessing a majority, inasmuch as more than half their favourite measures have been defeated.
But, when, secondly , it is considered, that the H. of Representatives are to vote by states , a few plain facts will incontrovertibly shew that any vote of preference to Mr. Burr cannot rest on even a colourable expression by that body of the public sentiment.
To make a choice of a President the concurrence of 9 states is required.
To defeat an election of a President the concurrence of 8 states is required.
In the first instance, 9 states forming an absolute majority of all the states, an election is thereby effected.
In the latter instance, 8 states being for one individual, and 8 for another, the result would be no election.
Either of these results might be aimed at. If the first be aimed at, then may the states of New-Hampshire, Rhode Island, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, who have in the aggregate only 25 Representatives, carry a President against the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia and North Carolina, who have in the aggregate 81 representatives.
If the last be aimed at, then may 8 states, who have only 19 Representatives, defeat in the election of a President, the remaining 8 states, who have 87 representatives.
Can such a result as this be desired by any man of political integrity? By any man, who considers the harmony of the union as the anchor of individual happiness and national tranquility?
But to bring this serious view nearer home, let us consider, how the present question would be affected by the relative strength of parties in the present Congress.
Those states, a majority of whose representatives are republican , are eight in number; viz. New York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, the aggregate of whose representatives is 62.
Those states, a majority of whose representatives is federal , are six in number; viz. Rhode Island, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Delaware, South Carolina, the aggregate of whose representatives is 34.
Those states, whose representatives, being equally divided, would have no efficient vote, are Vermont and Maryland.
Now can any rational man pretend that an obstacle thrown in the way of Mr. Jefferson's election to the Presidency by six states entitled to 34 votes, against eight states entitled to 62 votes, can or will be considered by the people as an expression of their will, when there is not a single possible view in which it can be contemplated, that does not demonstrate it as arising from either a criminal indifference to the national feeling, or a premeditated determination to insult it.
Every thought which I devote to the subject strengthens my convictions of the improbability of the existence of any serious design by the members of our federal councils to invade the spirit of that sacred instrument, which they profess, and I hope sincerely, to respect, or to subvert the fair and decided expression of the national feeling. Many of the remarks, which I have made, and others which will follow, ought not in equity to be considered as actually applied to them, as such application can only be eventual on the occurrence of an act which every sentiment of honor, and hope of patriotism, forbid me to ascribe to men, chosen by the people themselves, as the guardians of their rights, and the protectors of their liberties.
ARISTIDES.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, December 31, 1800.
The house went into a committee of the whole, on a bill for continuing in force "an act laying duties on licenses for selling wine, and foreign distilled spirituous liquors by retail, on property sold by auction, and on carriages."
Mr. MORRIS in the chair.
Mr. VARNUM moved to limit the duration of the bill to two years from the 1st of March 1801.
The motion was supported by Messrs. Varnum, Randolph and Nicholas, and opposed by Mr. Griswold.
On the question being taken, there appeared 39 ayes, and 39 noes. The chairman declaring himself in the negative, it was lost.
Mr. BIRD disliked that part of the bill which gave to the judicatories of the several states the right of taking cognizance of suits for duties payable under it. He declared himself averse to this investment of judicial power, on the ground of expediency; but said that he should not on this occasion oppose the bill for that reason. But he deemed the judicial power as delegated by the bill, to be unconstitutional. The bill must be amended, before it could obtain his vote. He therefore moved so to amend the 1st section, as to confine all judicial power exercised under the bill to the federal courts.
The constitution expressly declares that "the judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, &c." If the judicial power extended to all cases , surely it must extend to the present case. The constitution further declared "that the judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts, as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish."—It was self-evident, that the state courts could not be embraced by the expression one supreme court . And as to the expression, inferior courts , he would ask whether the state tribunals could come within its meaning. It was evident to him that they could not, as they were not appointed by congress; as no cause of error lies from the state to the federal courts, or writ of mandamus . It followed that they were not included in the true meaning of the term inferior courts ; they were neither ordained or appointed by congress.
Further, the constitution prescribed, that the judges should receive fixed salaries payable by the United States, and hold their offices during good behaviour . This direction of the constitution precluded all other but federal courts.
Besides these constitutional injunctions, which on his mind were irresistible, on a view of the expediency of the delegated powers, it would appear that extensive and great inconvenience attended the exercise of it. Under the jurisprudence of the several states, such a variety of laws and mode of procedure existed as produced the greatest embarrassments. Besides, it was not unfair to suppose in the succession of events the occasional existence in particular states, of a spirit of hostility to some measure of the federal government.
On the whole, Mr. Bird said, that he considered congress as equally incompetent to transfuse into the state courts, the right of judging on cases that occurred under the constitution and laws of the federal government, as they were to transfuse executive or legislative power, derived from that constitution, into the hands of the executive and legislative organs of the state government.
Mr. DENNIS was so impressed with the importance of a full and fair discussion of the point submitted to the house by the
gentleman from New-York, that he recommended a suspension of any consideration of it, until the judiciary bill came before them. Then the question might be met directly. He therefore moved that the committee rise, report progress, and sit again, which was accordingly done, and leave to sit again granted.
On motion of Mr. H. LEE the house went into a committee of the whole on the bill in relation to
THE TERRITORY OF COLUMBIA.
Mr. MORRIS in the chair.
M. Randolph moved to strike out the first section, which is in these words:
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled—That the laws of the state of Virginia as they existed on the first Monday of December in the year 1800 shall be and continue in force in that part of the District of Columbia which was ceded by the said state to the United States, & by them accepted for the permanent seat of government; and that the laws of the state of Maryland, as they existed on the said first Monday in December, shall be and continue in force in that part of the said district which was ceded by that state to the United States, and by them accepted as aforesaid."
Mr. H. LEE said, that he was far from considering this bill as an act of usurpation. The constitution had prohibited the states of Virginia and Maryland from legislating for the territory; and it now became a question, whether the existing laws of those states were in force; which question might come before the judiciary. To obviate all doubts, this bill in the shape of a declaratory one was reported.
Mr. NICHOLAS. This bill is not in my opinion merely an act of supererogation, but an act of immense mischief. I do not agree with my colleague in the construction he gives the constitution. He is of opinion, that the powers given to congress on this subject must be exercised by them. I think differently. These powers are like many others conferred, which may or may not be exercised . It had never been contended, that we are obliged to carry into execution all the powers with which we are invested. It is true, that we have nearly exhausted the letter of our charter, in the extent to which we have gone. But this fact furnished no reason for going still further.
A construction contrary to that contended for had been given by Congress in the exercise of their power. The act of acceptance passed by Congress confirming the cessions made by Virginia and Maryland expressly declares "that the operation of the laws of the state within such district shall not be affected by this acceptance, until the term fixed for the removal of the government thereto, and until Congress shall otherwise by law provide."
Great force was attached to that part of the constitution that gave Congress exclusive legislation over the territory. But the same clause of the Constitution gave the same power over forts, magazines, arsenals, &c. Yet this power had never yet been assumed by Congress. The possession of the right had heretofore been considered as sufficient; the exercise of it was reserved until peculiar circumstances should occur, which rendered it necessary.
I believe the committee are not prepared to sanction this bill. To sanction it would be to place the inhabitants of the territory in a situation for which they would not be thankful. It would impose upon them all the laws of Virginia and Maryland, as they existed on the 1st Monday of December, without those improvements which experience may suggest.
If this bill passed, it would leave a considerable portion of the inhabitants of the territory without any judicial authorities to which they could appeal. There were parts of Fairfax, Montgomery, and Prince George Counties, which would have no courts to which they could apply.
Another consequence that would result from the construction attempted to be given
(Continued on last page.)

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 1, 1801. (Debate concluded.)
On motion of Mr. Kittera, the house unanimously resolved that, each member should wear a crape on his left arm for one month in testimony of their respect for the memory of THOMAS HARTLEY, a member.
The engrossed bill "concerning George Washington", was read a third time, and on the question "shall the bill pass".
Mr. DAWSON moved to recommit it—Lost, 36 Ayes—44 Noes.
Mr. RANDOLPH moved to refer the bill to a select committee.—Lost, Ayes 32.
Mr. SPAIGHT and Mr. Davis then assigned their reasons for voting against the bill.
The question was then taken on the passage of the bill and carried, Yeas 45—Noes 37.
On motion of Mr. Harper the title was altered, so as to read "An act to erect a Maulolam for George Washington."
FRIDAY, JANUARY 2d, 1801.
Mr. HARPER presented two papers; one of which was a defence by Governor Sargent of himself against charges preferred against him by a member of the House of Representatives; being a letter to the Secretary of State, put by him into the hands of Mr. Harper; and the other, the presentment of a grand jury in the N. W. Territory on charges made against Governor Sargent, &c.
The papers were read and referred to the committee of inquiry into the official conduct of W. Sargent; as was a message of the President, enclosing a copy of laws passed in that Territory between June 30, and December 31, 1799.
Mr. HARPER moved the following resolutions, which were read, and referred to the select Territory of Columbia.
Resolved, That it is expedient for Congress to assume, forthwith, the jurisdiction of Columbia.
Resolved, That the laws of Virginia and Maryland now in force in the parts of the said district contained within the limits of those states respectively, ought to be continued in force therein, until Congress shall otherwise provide by law.
Resolved, That for the administration of justice within the said district, there ought to be established two Inferior, and one Superior court; the Inferior courts to sit at Alexandria and the City of Washington for such parts of the said district as lie on the different sides of the river Potomac respectively; to have a limited civil and criminal jurisdiction with competent powers; and to be composed of three judges each; and the Supreme court to be held at the city of Washington, to have full powers as a court of Equity, original jurisdiction in all cases civil and criminal not within the jurisdiction of the Inferior courts, and appellate jurisdiction from the said courts in all civil cases above the value of dollars; and to be composed of a Chief Justice, who shall also be Superintendent of police for the said district with competent powers, and two associates.
Resolved, That the salaries of the said judges ought to be established by law, and to be paid by the United States.
Resolved, That provision ought to be made for the appointment of a marshal for the said district, and of clerks and other officers for the said courts, for the preservation of records, and for the due confinement and security of persons committed or imprisoned.
Resolved, That for the better ordering of affairs in the said district, it ought to be divided into three townships, so that one township shall include Alexandria, one Georgetown, and one the city of Washington; and that a corporation ought to be established within each of the said townships, to be composed of a suitable number of persons annually elected by the freeholders within the same; and to be vested with power to make provision within their respective townships, by bye-laws respecting streets, high-ways, markets, and other matters of a similar nature to be particularly described; the said bye-laws to be subject to the revision of the Superior court of the District, and to be annulled thereby, upon complaint by any person or persons aggrieved, notice to the proper officers of corporation, and cause shewn.
On motion of Mr. Griswold the house went into a committee of the whole on the Judiciary Bill; the house dividing—Ayes 44, Noes 33.
Mr. RUTLEDGE in the chair. The bill was read through, when the committee reported progress, and asked and obtained leave to sit again.
The report of the committee of Revision and unfinished business to continue for 2 years the Sedition law, was taken up.
A motion was made to refer it to a committee of the whole, and carried by Yeas and Nays, Yeas 47, Nays 33.
Made the order of the day for Tuesday.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The following is a proposition of THOMAS PAINE, made recently in France, on a subject of acknowledge importance.
MARITIME COMPACT;
Or an Association of Nations for the protection of the Rights and Commerce of Nations that may be neutral in time of war, addressed to the neutral Nations, by a neutral.
WHEREAS the inconvenience and injuries to which the commerce and rights of neutral nations are exposed in time of maritime war, render it absolutely necessary that a law of nations be formed to prevent a continuation or repetition of those injuries, in all times to come, and to secure to neutral nations the exercise of their just rights we, the following, association and compact, establishing thereby a law of nations with respect to the sea.
ART. I.
That the common rights of nations, such as are exercised by them in time of peace, in their intercourse with each of other, are, and ought to be, the rights of neutral nations at all times; because they have not forfeited them, and cannot, right be lost to them, in consequence of war breaking out between any two or more nations.—Such war being altogether the act of the nations making it, and not of the neutral nations, cannot in itself, or in its consequences, affect the rights of the nations neutral and continuing in a state of peace.
II.
That the ships or vessels of nations that may be neutral during such war, have a right to pass unmolested on the seas, as in time of peace, (it being peace with them) and to enter the port or ports of any of the belligerent powers, with the consent of that power, uninterrupted, unvisited, and unsearched, by the party or parties with which that nation is at war.
III.
For the maintenance of the aforesaid rights, we the undersigned powers declare, and for the performance thereof bind ourselves in honour to each other, that if any belligerent power shall seize, or molest, or search any ship or vessel belonging to the citizens or subjects of any of the powers composing this association, that all and every of the parties composing this association, will cease to import and will not permit to be imported in any ship or vessel whatever, any goods, wares or merchandise, from the nation so offending against the law of nations hereby established.
IV.
That all the ports appertaining to the powers composing this association shall be shut against the flag of the offending nation.
V.
That no remittances in money, goods or bills of exchange, shall be made by any of the citizens or subjects of any of the powers composing this association, to the citizens or subjects of the offending nation for the term of one year, or until reparation be made.—The reparation to be in times the amount of the damage received.
VI.
When any ship or vessel belonging to the citizens or subjects of any of the powers composing this association shall be seized by any ship or vessel of any belligerent power, or be forcibly prevented entering the port of their destination, or be seized, or molested in coming therefrom, or forcibly prevented proceeding to the place where she is next bound, to be searched or visited by any person com-
ing from on board such ship, the executive government of the nation to which the vessel so seized or molested belongs, shall, on ascertaining the fact, make proclamation of the same, and send a copy thereof to the executive of each of the Governments composing this association, who shall publish the same through his dominions, and proclaim, that at the expiration of days after the date thereof the execution of the execution of the penal articles against the offending nations shall commence.
VII.
If reparation be not made within the space of one year, the proclamation to be renewed for one year more, and so on.
VIII.
The association establishes a flag for itself to be carried by the ships and vessels of every nation composing this association, in addition to its proper national flag. The flag to be a broad pennant at the head of the main-mast composed of the same colours as compose the rain-bow, and arranged in the same order as they appear in that Phenomenon.
IX.
And whereas it may happen that some one, or more, of the nations composing this association may be, at the time of forming it, or in some future time, in a state of war, the ships and vessels of such nation shall omit carrying the flag at the mast-head, but it shall be bound round the main-mast to denote they are members of the association and respectors of its laws.
We the undersigned powers declare these articles to be a law of nations at all times, until a Congress of nations shall meet to form some law more effectual;
And we do recommend that immediately on the breaking out of war, between any two or more nations, that deputies may be appointed by all the neutral nations, whether members of this association or not, to meet in Congress or in some central place to take cognizance of any violations of the rights of neutral nations by the belligerent powers.
It may be judged proper for the order of business, that the association of nations have a President for a term of years, and to pass by rotation thro' all the parties composing the association. In that case, and for the sake of regularity, the first President to be the executive of the most northerly nation composing the association, and his Deputy or Minister at the Congress to be President of the Congress; and the next most northerly to be Vice President who shall succeed at the expiration of the term, and so on. The line determining the geographical situation to be the latitude of the capital of each nation.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
From the Albion, Oct. 27.
According to the treaty between the United States of America and France, the conditions of intercourse between these States, as maritime trading nations, are alike explicit and generous. Every citizen of the two countries may know the extent of the immunities, and the nature of the privileges the treaty guarantees to him: and certainly so much is conceded on both sides, to secure the rights of property, the policy is so liberal which confers its character on the system of mutual influence and mutual check, that we may justly anticipate a long succession of acts of reciprocal benefit and favour to exalt and confirm the good understanding which happily has been restored between the regenerated commonwealths of the old and new world. America and France ought never to have experienced a moments cessation of the blessings of friendship.
The former snatched liberty from the devouring embrace of a rapacious cabinet, and the latter, from the hired supporters of a despot and a fool. But if we rejoice to perceive that principles at once just, manly, and open, have infused their spirit into that State Paper, we must not be supposed to regard it as a light matter that not only France and America, but Great-Britain, and the whole of maritime Europe are to find their reciprocal rights, as trading powers, recognised or respected. Not one provision in the treaty has for its object to disturb the privileges we now enjoy by virtue of our treaty with the United States. Hence it is obvious that the present go-
vernment of France is studious, on all occasions, to abstain from wanton violation of the rights of other nations. France and England are to enjoy in common the advantages of the most favoured nations, so that neither can the Consulate nor the Presidency be with any colour of justice accused of having sacrificed even the interests of rival countries in that treaty of reciprocal commerce and friendship.
One of the articles will doubtless excite peculiar interest.
In order to prevent captures on frivolous suspicions, and the damage thence resulting, it is agreed, that when one of the two powers shall be at war, and the other neutral, in case the ships of the neutral power be under convoy, the intention of the party being to observe all the respect due to the flag hoisted on board ships of the state, no visit shall be made. But the verbal declaration of the commander of the escort, that the ships under his convoy belong to the nation whose flag he carries, and that they have not any thing contraband on board, shall be taken by the respective cruizers as amply sufficient. The two parties bind themselves reciprocally not to admit under protection of their convoys, any vessels carrying contraband merchandise destined for an enemy.
Thus the question which has recently so much agitated maritime Europe has been dexterously drawn into that treaty, and the claim of the nations of the North recognized and admitted. The profound combining mind of the Chief Consul of France is easily to be traced in the whole of that article. Evidently he has for his object to conciliate the esteem of some, and confirm the friendship of other of those powers; and when we recollect how much the Courts of St. Petersburg, Stockholm and Copenhagen have sought to establish the principle of the armed neutrality, there seems to be no policy better suited to such purposes. Our cabinet may however disappoint the Consulate of part of the advantages she may expect to derive from that deep stroke of diplomacy. To do this we need only recognize the claims of Denmark and the other States of the Baltic, which we may do without injury to our commerce, and without diminishing our means of legitimate warfare; the recognition of those claims would give to us that ascendancy in those cabinets which the Chief Consul now labours so assiduously to attain. But unfortunately there seems but too little reason to expect that our councils will be speedily guided by wisdom and prudence.
The following is a correct copy of the several Resolutions moved by Mr. Ryder and agreed to by the English House of Commons.
Resolved, That there be given on every quarter of wheat weighing 424lbs which shall be imported into the port of London, or into any of the principal ports of each district of Great-Britain, before the first of October, 1801, a bounty equal to the sum by which the said average price in London, published in the Gazette, in the third week after the importation of such Wheat, shall be less than 100s. per quarter.
Resolved, That there be given on every quarter of Barley, weighing 352lbs. which shall be imported into the port of London or into any of the principal ports of each district of Great-Britain, before the first of October, 1801, a bounty equal to the sum which the average price in London published in the Gazette, in the third week after the importation of such Barley, shall be less than 45s. per quarter.
Resolved, That there be given on every quarter of Rye, weighing 408lbs. which shall be imported into the port of London or into any of the principal ports of each district of Great-Britain, before the first of October, 1801, a bounty equal to the sum by which the said average price in London, published in the Gazette, in the third week after the importation of such Rye, shall be less than 65s. per quarter.
Resolved, That there be given on every quarter of Oats, weighing 280lbs. which shall be imported into the port of London, or into any of the principal ports of each district in Great-Britain, before the first of October, 1801, a bounty equal to the sum by which the average price in London, published in the Gazette, on the third week after the importation of such Oats, shall be less than 30s. per quarter.
Resolved, That there be given on every barrel of superfine wheaten flour, of 199lbs. weight, which shall be imported in such ports, before the first of October 1801, and sold by public auction, within two months after importation, a bounty equal to the sum by which the actual price of each barrel of such flour so sold, shall be less than 70s.

Resolved—That there be given on every barrel of fine wheaten flour, of 196 lbs. weight which shall be imported into such ports, before the first of October 1801, and sold by public auction, within two months after importation, a bounty equal to the sum by which the actual price of each barrel of such flour so sold, shall be less than 68s.
Resolved—That there be given on every hundred wt. of rice which shall be imported into such ports in any ship which shall have cleared out from any port in the East Indies before the 1st of September 1801, and which shall be sold by public auction, a bounty equal to the sum by which the actual price of each hundred weight of such rice so sold shall be less than 32s.
Resolved, That there be given on every hundred weight of rice from America, which shall be imported in such ports before the 1st of October 1801, and sold by public auction, within two months after importation a bounty equal to the sum by which the actual price of each hundred weight of such rice so sold shall be less than 35s.
[In consequence of the above resolutions and the scarcity of provisions, the price of American flour had risen to 3l. 15s per bbl.]
PARIS, Oct. 24.
Citizen Pichon is appointed French Com- missary General to reside at Philadelphia. He will act as Charge d'Affairs until am- bassador is sent out.
HAGUE, October 14.
It is confirmed that three great Russian armies are to be formed; and we are as- sured that his majesty the Emperor will command one of them in person, should circumstances render it necessary for them to be employed.
CADIZ, Oct. 26.
Lord Keith, with his fleet, has withdrawn from before this city. It is said the con- tagion which has prevailed here, has made its appearance, in an alarming manner, on board the English ships.
LONDON, Nov. 4.
An expedition destined against South- America, is nearly ready. Sir Home Popham will command it. Five or six re- giments will be employed.
Nov. 11.
The King has issued his proclamation for convening the united Parliaments, pur- suant to the union with Ireland, on the 32d day of January.
November, 17.
Malta is made the grand deposit of pro- visions, military stores, cloathing, &c. for all our troops in the Mediterranean.
LANCASTER, Dec. 24.
The following motion, made by Mr. Roberts, and seconded by Mr. Boileau, is now on the table of the House of Rep- resentatives; which, on account of its im- portance, as a means of breaking the chain which still binds us to the system of the British government, is well deserving of the attention and applause of all true republi- cans.
“Whereas precedents, adjudications, and reported cases, which have arisen out of the Statute laws of Great-Britain, being inapplicable in this commonwealth, on account of the difference in the nature of the government, and in the habits and manners of the people; and as all useless delay, is a denial of justice, it becomes necessary, for the furtherance thereof, to prevent the time of the courts from being taken up by re- ferences to such precedents, adjudications, and reported cases: And whereas the seve- ral courts of this commonwealth, notwith- standing our separation from Great-Britain, retain many of the intricate modes practised under that government; which, on account of abstruse and technical phrases, is ill suited to the plain and simple nature of a re- publican form of government, where the in- tention of the people, in its adoption, must have been to adopt the interest of the citizens at large. And as it is evident, under existing difficulties, that several years study are necessary to enable citizens to pursue their own causes through a court; it can- not be supposed, that those who are deprive- d of an opportunity of that study, can re- ceive the benefits from our courts, as fully as it was intended they should, under our valuable political institution. Therefore.
“Resolved, That a committee be ap- pointed to bring in a Bill, to prevent the reading, in the courts of the common- wealth, of any precedent, or reported case of any adjudication, that may have been estab-
lished, or that may have taken place in any court of Great-Britain, of any nature or kind whatsoever, and to authorize, and re- quire the governor to employ a suitable character or characters to simplify; or, if he should deem it more expedient to re- quire from the judges of the supreme court, a simplification of the proceedings of the seve- ral courts within this commonwealth; in order that the obtaining of justice, in any case, may be more plain, cheap and certain; and make report to this house.
There is also a motion, which was brought forward yesterday, lying on the table, Resolving, that a committee be ap- pointed to examine and report the most convenient, proper, and advantageous place to fix the permanent seat of the govern- ment of the commonwealth of Pennsylva- nia: having a due regard to the future as well as the present population thereof.
WASHINGTON CITY.
MONDAY, January 5, 1801.
The SENATE have confirmed the nomina- tion by the President of Samuel Dexter, as Secretary of the Treasury, in the room of Oliver Wolcott, resigned.
The President of the U. States, has for- mally recognised J. H. C. Heineken, as Commercial Agent to the Batavian Re- public.
From the votes of 37 towns in the First Eastern district of Massachusetts, there appeared to be 525 votes for Mr. Lee, 507 votes for Mr. Dearborn, and 32 scattering votes for a member of H. of R. of U. S.
   Republican. Federal.     Burlington 704 2648   Bergen 699 906   Essex 3,440 984   Morris 2,697 679   Hunterdon 213 279   Middlesex Major. 676   Somersest do. 750   7,755 7,122   7,122   633 Present republican Majority.  
The total return of the Electors in New-Jersey for members of H. of R. of U. S. gives the republican ticket a major- ity of 892 votes.
The Board of Health of Philadelphia have directed that no vessel from any Spa- nish port in Europe shall approach near- er that City than Marcus Hook, without the special permission of the Board.
A regulation has taken place at CALCUT- TA, by which all news papers are not per- mitted to be published till they have first been inspected by the Secretary of the go- vernment, and every article expunged that he may disapprove.
The Emperor Paul appointed Prince Wolkonsky governor of Malta, and sent with him a chosen body of grenadiers to garrison the place: but in the Bosphorus they learned that the English would not give it up to them; upon which they re- turned into the Black Sea.
The losses which the princes of the Em- pire will sustain by the Peace with France, are computed at 472,000 square miles, and 1,144,523 men.—The Ecclesiastical States will lose 1,112,000 square miles, and 1,344,650 men. In Germany, 2500 men are reckoned to a square mile; and 29,000 men in the ecclesiastical States.
Capt Barclay arrived at New York from St. Sebastians informs that all intercourse between France and Spain is stopped, in consequence of the plague which rages in all parts of the latter kingdom. All Ameri- can vessels are obliged to perform quaran- tine; and what is very singular, they at- tribute the introduction of their calamity to vessels from this country.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon, dated No- vember, 9th to one of the first Mercan- tile Houses in the City.
“The Plague continues at Cadiz, Se- ville St. Lucar, and Malaga, and is getting fast into the interior of Spain.”
This Day is Published.
TO BE SOLD at the Office of the Nation- al Intelligencer, and at Rapine Conrad and Co. Book-store—price 25 Cents—Also at Michael Roberts's Book-store, George- Town, and by the Editor of the Times, Alexandria.
Considerations on the Government of the Territory of Columbia; as they recently appeared in the National Intelligencer un- der the Signature of Epaninondas.
January 5, 1801.
Kid, Eliot & Co.
HAVE received by late arrivals, a general as- sortment of Hard ware and Ironmongery, which they offer for Sale at their Store opposite the Great Hotel.
 They have also on hand  Madeira, } Wines.  Sherry & } Wines.  Lisbon } Wines.  Cogniac Brandy.  Jamaica Spirits.  Holland Gin.  Loaf and Brown Sugar.  Tea, Coffee, &c. &c.  Washington, Dec. 18. tf. 
Kid, Eliot & Co.
At the Brick Store opposite BLODGETT'S HOTEL.
HAVE received by the Brig UNION, Capt. Leonard, from Liverpool, a large supply of Crockery Ware. Some of which is well assorted in small casks for the country.
 Also, by the same Vessel.  White Lead, ground in oil.  Spanish Brown do.  Red Lead, Patent yellow, &c. &c.  They expect by the Roba and Betsey arrived at Norfolk, an additional Invoice of crockery and a large assortment of Glass ware. All which will be sold at the Philadelphia prices.  December 28. 
THE SUBSCRIBER
BEGS leave to inform the Public in general, that he has opened a Beef-steak and Oyster House, on Capitol Hill, City of Washington, in the House lately occupied by Brown and Snow- den as a Printing Office, a small distance from the Capitol, where Gentlemen may be accom- modated at any hour in the day or Evening, with Beef steaks, Oysters, Sausages &c. at the shortest notice and on the most reasonable terms. Like- wise the Subscriber has taken particular pains to lay in a stock of Good Liquors, and flatters himself that by paying strict attention to the business to Merit the favour of the Public in General.
WILLIAM TONKIN.
December 28. tf.
JOHN MINCHIN, BOOT MAKER
FROM PHILADELPHIA.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints his FRIENDS, CUSTOMERS, and the PUBLIC, that he has re- moved his BOOT and SHOE MANUFAC- TORY from near the Eastern Branch, to New Jersey Avenue, on the hill, near the Capitol, where he makes Gentlemen's Boots, Bootees, dress and undress. Shoes on the shortest notice, in the neatest manner, and of the best materials.
December 3d. trw.
TO JOURNEYMEN SHOEMAKERS. WANTED, a number of Journeymen Shoemakers, to whom constant employment and good wages will be given.
CABINET AND CHAIR MANUFACTORY.
WILSON AND HANDY,
HAVE commenced the above business at their shop on New Jersey Avenue between the Episcopal church and Sugar House. As they are confident from the ex- perience they have had in the principal shops in Europe and America, that they shall be able to give general satisfaction to those who will please to favour them with their custom. They have on hands, viz.
 Secretary Desks,  Portable Writing Desks,  Dressing Chests,  Card Tables, &c. 
N. B. Orders from country or city thankful- ly received and faithfully executed.
December 30. trw
JUST IMPORTED,
IN the ship Missouri, via Philadelphia, and now opening for Sale at the Subscriber's Store on New Jersey Avenue Capital Hill, Square 690.
A General Assortment of Ironmongery, Cut- lery, Sadlery, Brais Wares and Building Mate- rials.
 Among which are the following Articles.  Iron pots, frying pans, chafing dishes, Brass iron and Japaned Candlesticks, patent metal tea kettles and sauce pans; japanned tea trays, wait ers and Bread baskets, fad irons, wind up Jacks, Sweeping, scrubbing, hearth and shoe brushes; Mathematical instruments, mahogany knife cases, filled with ivory handled knives and forks, Cruet stands, ladies dressing cases; mill, pitt and cross cut Saws, 56, 28 and 14lb. Iron weights. Also scale beams to weigh from 5 to 10 cwt. at an end. 
HENRY INGLE November 24th, 1800.
FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber will sell at private sale, two Three story Brick Houses, adjoining each other, 28 feet front each, by forty feet deep, on Capitol Hill, Lot No. 6. Sq. 386—A fine com- modious lot 61 feet front, by 196 feet deep, run- ning back to an alley 30 feet wide, and may be occupied as one or two tenements, they are finished in a plain, but substantial manner, and built of the best materials—a credit of three, six, and nine months, on giving approved notes, nego- tiable at the bank of Columbia, or in Baltimore to—apply to Daniel Carroll, or in Baltimore to HENRY H. CARROLL. Washington, Jan. 5, 1801.
JUST ARRIVED AT BARNEY'S TAVERN, GEORGE-TOWN,
J. B. DUMOUTET,
From the corner of Chesnut and Second streets, Philadelphia, with an elegant assortment of Jewellery, such as,
GOLD Necklaces, Lockets, Ear Rings, Bracelets, Finger Rings, set with dia- monds, fine pearls enamelled with topaz stone in the centre, mourning and plain with the fame. Ladies' and gentlemen's gold watches and seals. Also the above articles gilt. Black and coloured neckla- ces, crofles, &c. Stone knee-buckles, and several other articles too tedious to men- tion.
Whoever wishes to gives orders is re- quested to send them before Wednesday next, as he intends to set off that morning, Jan. 5, 1801.
WASHINGTON BOOK-STORE.
RAPINE, CONRAD, & CO.
Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
HAVE just received, and for sale at the above store Letters from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States
Also, just opening, a choice assortment of books in History, Law, Medicine, Divinity, Arts and Sciences, Classics. School books, No- vels, Romances Biography, &c. &c.—With a good assortment of super royal, royal, medium, demy, and foolscap writing paper, thick and thin post, blue & common wrapping paper, bell Dutch quills, wafers, sealing wax, ink powder, red and black ink, black lead pencils, parchment, play- ing cards, blank books, &c. &c.—All which they will dispose of at the very lowest prices.
Public officers and others, who will please to favour them with their custom, may rely on having the strictest attention paid to their orders. Nov. 17th, 1800.
This day is Published and for Sale
BY
RAPINE, CONRAD & Co.
AT THE WASHINGTON BOOK STORE,
Corner of South B. Street and New Jersey Avenue, near the Capitol.
A FEW remarks on MR. HAMILTON's late Letter, concerning the Public conduct and character of the President, price 25 cents.
The BEEGAR GIRL and her Benefactors 3 Vols. by Mrs. Bennet author of Welsh heiress, Juvenile indiscretions, Agnes De Courci, and Ellen Countess of Castle Howell. price 3 dollars, neatly bound.
JOHN BARNES, FROM PHILADELPHIA,
Has just opened for sale the following articles at his store opposite Mr. Semmes's tavern, in Georgetown, a general assortment of Fresh Teas of the first quality, viz.
 Imperial, Large Hyson,  Young Hyson, Hysonkin,  Souchong and Bohea. 
SPICES.
 Nutmegs, Mace,  Cinnamon, Cloves,  Four bags fresh Almonds. 
LIQUORS,
 Madeira, six years old, Dry Sherry & Port,  Brandy, 4th proof Jamaica Spi-  rits, and Holland Gin. 
COFFEE,
Pennington's best refined sugars. With a handsome assortment of gentlemen's fashionable London Hats and trimmings. He has likewise for sale, ten cases well as- sorted STATIONARY, consisting of writing paper of different qualities, Quills, Wafers, and Ink powder, in packages from 80 to 180 dollars on the most reasonable terms for cash or approved notes.
 English and American playing cards,  Pasteboard per gross,  Wrapping paper per ream,  A case of 7-8 and yard wide Irish Linen per piece. 
Nov. 14th, 1800.
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that two Tracts of land belong- ing to CHARLES GRANDPRE lying in the County of Pickering in the Mississippi Territory, and adjoining land belonging to Adam Bingham, are attached by a Foreign attachment at the suit of Joseph Calvet for a debt of 2063 dollars 50 cents
JOSEPH CALVET.
Nov. 28, 1800.

(Continued from first page.)
to the constitution, was the deprivation of the inhabitants of all participation either in federal or state legislation. As by the construction, they would cease to be the subjects of state taxation, it could not be expected that the states would permit them, without being taxed, to be represented.
Could any man desire to place the citizens of the district in such a state? To deprive them of the common right of participating in the passage of laws which all the citizens enjoyed?
If the construction be found, that we are bound to legislate, then all the judicial proceedings which had taken place since the 1st Monday in December, whatever affected either property or persons, were mere nullities. I do not, however, believe the construction to be found. I believe it opposed both to the spirit of the constitution, and to the construction hitherto given by Congress. But were the construction just, to adopt the proposed bill would be to act in a way inadequate to the importance of the subject, which involving in it a system of government for a large portion of citizens, ought not to be acted upon with precipitation, but ought to be conducted by the collected wisdom of Congress derived from mature and deliberate reflection.
Mr. H. LEE. My colleague is wrong in supposing this bill a part of a permanent system. It is only intended to cure an evil which some persons have supposed to exist, from the doubtful jurisdiction of the states of Virginia and Maryland.
Mr. OTIS. Though I respect the talents of the committee who brought in the bill, yet I cannot discover that it contains a single new view or provision. Though myself at a loss to account for the necessity of the bill, the committee were certainly right, if they entertained doubts, to attract the attention of the house to them.
By the first act of Congress accepting the cession the United States have legislated in the very way the gentleman from Virginia now proposes. As it appeared at that time impossible to form a code of laws, those of Maryland and Virginia were confirmed till Congress should legislate.
If it were true that Congress were bound to legislate themselves, an equal obligation existed at that time with that which existed at present. Their not having done so was a strong argument against the construction now contended for.
To pass such a law as that now offered, instead of removing, would be the very mean of exciting doubt. The time may arrive when Congress must go into the subject in detail, and make those provisions that were necessary for a great city. But at present such a step was not called for: the territory had gone on very well for ten years without the interposition of Congress, and I have no doubt it will continue for some time to come to do well without it.
Mr. BIRD. This question, in my opinion, is susceptible of a very clear and precise solution. Did the acts of cession by the states, and of acceptance by Congress, take away the jurisdiction of those states, and vest it in Congress? The acts of Maryland and Virginia, make a complete cession of soil and jurisdiction to Congress. This cession has been accepted by Congress. What is the consequence of one sovereign transferring all jurisdiction to another sovereign? Does not the power that cedes give up all right whatever to that which accepts? The words of the constitution are that Congress shall exercise exclusive legislation. If Congress exercise exclusive legislation, does it not follow that no other body can exercise any legislation whatever.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) does not deny the power altogether, but limits it as a power, that may or may not be exercised by Congress; and in illustration of his opinion, instances the power to naturalise and to pass bankrupt laws. But the cases are not analogous. These last are powers that Congress may or may not exercise. The constitution does not apply to them the term exclusive ; nor are they shut out by the actual words of that instrument, or by necessary inference.
Over some objects Congress have partial authority; but in this case their authority is absolute and exclusive of all other; from which irresistibly follows the absolute cessation of all power in the ceding body.
It was undoubtedly the intention of the framers of the constitution that after this territory became the actual seat of government, no authority, but that of Congress, should be in force.
The act of cession by the states, after stating the terms of cession, contains a proviso, that the power of legislation thereby vested in Congress shall not impair the force of the laws of Maryland and Virginia till Congress shall otherwise by law pro-
vide. A proviso is to prevent something from being done, that without it would be done. Congress declared the same thing, when they accepted the cession with the same proviso. This proviso tends to supercede the cession. Having this effect it must fall as conflicting with the act to which it is a proviso. It must be considered as absolutely void. A proviso is intended to prevent the operation of a particular thing, not to give an operation to it. It may prevent the enactment of a particular law, but it cannot re-enact that law.
A difference of opinion seemed to exist as to the period when the powers of the states were superceded. It was the opinion of some gentlemen that they ceased on the completion of the act of cession. The committee consider them as ceasing on the 1st Monday in December of the present year. It became the house solemnly to settle this point, before they entered into the consideration of a complicated system of governments.
If the legislative powers of the states had ceased, it follows as a necessary consequence, that the judicial powers had also ceased.
For these reasons I think it will be best to declare that things shall remain in statu quo. If the ordinary jurisdiction established be not competent, it may easily be made so.
Mr. RANDOLPH was not prepared to enter into a discussion of the important point before the committee. He would only state the dilemma in which the inhabitants of Columbia would be placed by the construction given to the constitution by his colleague, who was of opinion, that all legislative and judicial powers derived from Virginia and Maryland, ceased on the 1st Monday of December. If this construction were true, was it not equally true that the bill now proposed would be of the same validity, and of no more validity than the act of acceptance passed by congress.
From his unpreparedness, what he offered was submitted more in the form of hints than of correct arguments. But it seemed to him that if the construction contended for should prevail, it would disfranchise the corporations of George-town, and Alexandria, and all other corporations within the district. Would it not place the territory in a situation of he acquired country? According to this construction, the territory was in a state of anarchy, and murder, if committed, would be no crime.
Further, if the constitutional provision is obligatory upon us to assume exclusive legislation, are we not bound to establish uniform laws throughout the entire district, and of course are we not prohibited from establishing one system in one place, and a different system in another?
One other objection merited the gentleman's notice. The laws of Virginia precluded every officer under its government from holding any federal office.
From the impression made on his mind by these considerations Mr. Randolph said, he would be wanting to himself and to his country if he agreed to the bill. He hoped, therefore, that the committee would rise and not precipitate a decision.
Mr. HARPER was in favor of the motion that the committee should rise, for the purpose of recommitting the bill to a select committee. He would state his reasons. The object of the first section was to assume the jurisdiction. That was his object. He wished the establishment of a judiciary, competent to the carrying into effect the laws now existing. He wished this object to be accomplished in a fair, open, direct way. At some future period, congress might find it necessary to enter on a system of legislation in detail, and to have established numerous police regulations. At this time the present exigency would be provided for by confirming the laws of Virginia and Maryland, and by giving effect to them by the institution of a competent judicial authority.
Mr. NICHOLAS said, that he should vote for the committee rising from a different motive from that which actuated the gentleman from South Carolina. He hoped the business would be suffered for the present to sleep.
The construction given to the constitution by the gentleman from New York, did not render it merely expedient in congress to assume jurisdiction, but rendered it an absolute duty. In reply to his remarks the gentleman had alleged that the authority given by the constitution in relation to this territory, differed from the other powers vested in congress inasmuch as the former investment of power had connected with it the word exclusive ; whereas the latter had not. The
meaning which Mr. Nicholas affixed to this word, was altogether different from the one now contended for. The constitution does not say, congress shall possess exclusive power of legislation : but that they shall have power of exercising exclusive legislation .
The acts of cession and acceptance contained a construction directly opposed to that now made. They declare that the laws of Maryland and Virginia shall continue till congress shall alter them. Their cessation is made to depend on an uncertain event, viz. whether congress shall legislate or not. Not a title in the constitution or in our practise under the constitution, infringed our liberty to act or not to act.
What would be the effect of this law on the inhabitants of the Territory? It would impose on them the laws of Maryland and Virginia, as they existed on a particular day, without any capability of improvements from the improved code of those states.
Mr. Nicholas had heard of no inconveniences which had arisen from the non-assumption of power by Congress. The people in the territory of Columbia had been a happy people for more than a hundred years under their state governments; and he had no doubt would remain so without the interposition of Congress, who, at present, were unqualified to act.
After some remarks by Messrs. Harper and H. Lee, the question was taken on the committee rising, and carried without a division.
The committee rose, the chairman requested leave to sit again, which was not granted. Mr. HARPER, then moved to recommit the bill to the same committee that introduced it.
Mr. HARPER. The objection made by the gentleman from Virginia to an assumption of power by Congress goes to say that the constitutional provision, the acts of cession of Maryland and Virginia, and the act of acceptance by congress, shall be all a dead letter; and that the territory shall continue, as heretofore, under its old jurisdiction. This was to all intents and purposes the amount of the gentleman's remarks. He asked, what necessity for the exercise of power by Congress? Had not the citizens lived happily for a hundred years under the state governments? This Mr. H. did not dispute. It was probably true that they had lived as happily as other portions of citizens under the state governments. But the provision of the constitution on this subject had not been made with this view. It was made to bestow dignity and independence on the government of the union. It was to protect it from such outrages, as had occurred when it was differently situated, when it was without competent legislative, executive, and judicial power to insure to itself respect. While the government was under the guardianship of state laws, those laws might be inadequate to its protection, or there might exist a spirit hostile to the general government, or at any rate indisposed to give it proper protection. This was one reason, among others, for the provisions of the constitution, confirmed and carried into effect by the acts of Maryland and Virginia, and by the act of Congress.
The object of the gentleman was to defeat all these acts, and all these arrangements, in subversion of that provision which the constitution had made, and of that necessity which it had foreseen.
The gentleman from Virginia requires more time. He thinks we are not prepared to legislate. But if his (Mr. H's.) ideas were adopted, there would be no occasion for this. The territory has laws; and Mr. H. believed these laws would answer very well for fifty years, without giving Congress much trouble to modify them.
The establishment of a judiciary would be very easy, and would require little time. As to a police, it may be necessary hereafter. At present it was not necessary. With regard to a corporation, he was against it at present, and did not think it would ever be necessary.
Mr. NICHOLAS did not consider the power imparted by the constitution as imperative. He therefore could not fairly be charged with a desire to deviate from the designs of its framers. The power was like a coat of armour, intended to protect the government in periods of danger, and not to be worn at all times for parade and shew.
Remarks had been made to shew that the dignity and independence of the government required the assumption. All such arguments when set against the happiness of the people were inconclusive. Mr. N. had always been taught to consider the true dignity of the government as indissolubly connected with the happiness of the people; and was unable to unlearn all that he had heretofore acquired to this effect.
Mr. CRAIK agreed with the member from South Carolina as far as his remarks went; but he did not think that they extended far enough. He was himself friendly to the institution of a local government for local purposes, leaving all federal powers to Congress. If the bill should be re-committed, he would be prepared to offer a plan conformably to these ideas. He felt no alarm at the doubts suggested of the validity of the laws of Maryland and Virginia. He believed that they were still in force; and did not think there was any absolute necessity for Congress to act at all at present. Still he thought that delay would only multiply the inconveniences already experienced in the formation of a plan of government. A plan might be so framed as, to protect the general government, as well as in some degree, the inhabitants of the territory from any tyranny that some gentlemen supposed might be exercised by Congress.
He concluded by expressing a hope that a completely organized system might be formed and adopted.
Mr. DENNIS coincided with his colleague in desiring an assumption of jurisdiction by Congress. But before he committed himself by an opinion he wished to see an entire plan submitted. As to the bill before the committee it was little more than an abstract proposition.
Mr. Dennis believed that the assumption by Congress would be agreeable to the inhabitants, if a good system were adopted.
Mr. C. GOODRICH advocated the recommitment of the bill, that a more complete system might be devised, and submitted to the house in a more direct way.
The question of recommitment was carried, and two members were added to the original committee.
The committee of Revival and Unfinished business reported it as their opinion that it would be proper to continue the Sedition Law, which expires with the close of this session, for two years longer.
Ordered to lie on the table.
CONRAD & McMUNN HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. LAW, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern ranch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses. They hope to merit public patronage. Cit of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800.
BOARDING AND LODGING. TWO gentlemen can be accommodated with genteel Board and Lodging in a good and comfortable Two story Brick house, a few yards from the end of the New Gravel Walk on New Jersey Avenue, and on moderate terms by JAMES VANSANDT. December 28. 3t.
Thomas Carpenter, TAYLOR,
GRATEFULLY acknowledges the numerous favours conferred on him, and informs his friends and the public that he has entered into partnership with CHARLES VARDEN, likewise from Philadelphia, on Capitol Hill, opposite Mr. CARROL's buildings, where, as well as in Pennsylvania Avenue, between the President's House and George Town, from their long and extensive experience in Military, Naval and Fancy dresses, and in Ladies Habits &c. and from their having procured the best of workmen and materials, the utmost taste and punctuality might be expected.
Two apprentices wanted. Washington, Dec 22. tt.
Notice is Given
THAT I shall attend at the Eastern Branch Ferry on Monday, the 29th inst. for the purpose of renting the Fishing Landing. If any person should want to rent it, with whom I am not acquainted, security will be required.
JOHN WALLACE, of Wm. December 22, 1800.
20 Dollars Reward.
RAN away from the subscriber, living in Frederick County, Virginia, a Mulatto boy named Tom, about twenty years of age, of a sturdy make, about five feet nine inches high, he has no particular mark. He will endeavour to pass for a free man. He has a mother, a black woman, slave to Mr. Frederick Conrad, living in the Federal City; where it is conjectured he will harbour. The above reward will be paid on his being brought home, or Ten Dollars if procured in any jail and information given to
A. LINCOLN. December, 22. 1w. 2t.