National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-08-21 00:00:00

National Gazette.
M. Jo. Hopkins 130
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 85 of VOL. II.] WEDNESDAY, August 21, 1793. [Total NUMB. 189]
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Mr. FRENEAU.
THERE are in your gazette, of the 27th of July last, two pieces which ought to fix the attention of your readers; the first is the proclamation of Santhonax and Polverel, the civil commissioners of St. Domingo, by which they declare, that "the will of the French republic, and that of its delegates, is to give liberty to all the negro warriors, who will fight for the republic, under the orders of the civil commissioners;" the second is that so perfidiously promulgated, under the name of the French refugees from Cape-Francois, by which they themselves seem to decree the triumphal crown to their exterminators, by throwing upon the unfortunate Galbaud, all the blame and atrocity of that melancholy event. Such scandalous machinations are no new thing in the French revolution; and those who think to get such great advantage from them, believe, we may suppose, that they are speaking only to fanatics, who have rejected every sentiment of humanity, or to a stupid and abject people, with whom all crimes are virtues. Let us analyse, however, these two pieces with the lights of good sense alone; let us examine in few words, what really might have been the will of the republic.
It is superfluous here to investigate the public or private rights of nations, to learn that the French people, in renewing the social compact, had no other right over the different parts of the association, than that, which was given to them, by their new agreement. They have themselves set bounds to all lawful authority in their declaration of the rights of men in society. No nation, however powerful, has more right to an unlimited authority, than an individual; and it can no more act tyrannically with impunity. This tyranny would be so much the more dreadful in that, like to the hundred headed hydra, it would not even leave a hope of its extinction, with the fall of the tyrant's head. But the French republic, which corrected the first declaration of the rights of men, only to explain the sacred principles in a stricter sense, did then acknowledge, that her power and will could not, legally, be further extended.
What now is the consequence? either that the French republic ought to admit the colonists under the same guaranty of persons and property, promised and guaranteed to all the members of the new association; or that it had no right to dispose of their property without their consent, and without previously making them a satisfactory indemnity; or, in fine, it had no other power, than that of excluding them from the new association. A more powerful consequence, which we ought to ascribe to these principles, is, that their violation, in respect of the French West-Indies, has no less broken all the reciprocal rights and duties of the first association, under which they took their rise, than the same abuses and outrages, on the side of England, towards the United States of North America, has justly effected their independency. Thus, that ridiculous accusation, so often, and so profusely thrown out against the unfortunate French colonists, with the view of robbing them with impunity, is only an additional outrage to all the others of their oppressors; and they would have been justifiable in proclaiming their independency, if they had had the power of effecting it. We do not fear then, nor scruple to assert, that if such be the will of the republic, 'to give liberty to our slaves, as has been asserted by those presuming delegates, it exercises only the right of robbers, I mean that of force.' In fact, have they not already violated all the rights of civil society, in sending to us, under the title of civil commissioners, not only fiery despots, 'but blood-thirsty tax gatherers, who levy their extortions upon us, with arms in their hands, and govern us according to their fierce and savage wills?' What! could it possibly be the will of the French republic and its delegates, that more than an hundred thousand families dispersed throughout the islands, should be exterminated by sword and fire, and driven from that unhappy country, or compelled, should they remain, to prolong an existence, still more wretched! we may well exclaim with a cotemporary writer, 'what monstrous despotism has had such wretched effects! O! Rome, how do I detest thee! Let our republic once more glory in having for its founders the most ardent lovers of humanity! benevolent
Ravnal, when thou didst prophecy to the whites of the West-Indies, the dreadful vengeance of the negroes, thou didst not expect that it would be excited by whites, with souls blacker and more exasperated than those of the wretches whom they profess to revenge!
But (and this reflection brings me back to the second piece I mentioned above) is it possible to conceive, that the furious and wild proceedings of those French demons of destruction, should find apologists even on this continent? Would they attempt to cultivate here the machievellian maxim, that, the arbitrary wills of individuals, in some cases, may supply the place of existing positive laws! and if this maxim has already taken so deep root in France, what will the wretched inhabitants of that country have gained by their boasted republican constitution? formerly slaves to a king, and at present slaves to a senate, a thousand times more despotic, would not this, be their sad horoscope? In effect, the means which are practiced to secure the impunity of the commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, sufficiently testify, that they have only acted from the instructions of those, who imagining themselves to be possessed of the fate of the republic, dictate their own wills for hers. These instructions, which proceeded from some chiefs, easy to be known, without naming them, still testify that the "will" of this powerful cabal, is to be respected as the will of the nation. We have no reason to doubt then but the same hand, which directs here, all the official accounts which tend to lessen the horror of that conspiracy, which will cost France its best and largest possession, in the West-Indies, we cannot doubt, I say, but this hand is engaged in this abominable mystery; it is this hand, which has written the second piece, which charges the general Galbaud, with having been the author of the ruin of Cape-Francois.
We see, in their proclamation, the commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, putting very ridiculously, and when we consider them as republicans, we may add very awkwardly, their own will on a level with that of the republic. Their apologists does still more, he puts it above; but without examining if general Galbaud had been well or ill appointed, where is the other decree which constitutes the commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, judges of the proceedings of the executive council of the republic? Where are are their powers for deposing this general, sent to inspect their own conduct? Cromwell said, that he preferred the protection to royalty, because, said he, the English know well the extent of a king's authority, but not that of a protector. When will the French understand the bounds of the authority of a civil commissioner? on a supposition that the rivalry between general Galbaud and the commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, in exercising their respective functions, has been the principal cause of the catastrophe at Cape-Francois, justice prescribed to the writer of the above piece, the duty to consider, that those last were as culpable, as the former. But his manifest partiality makes him to reject all other accounts of this melancholy distress, which come out in justification of general Galbaud, who was not able to suborn witnesses in his favour, or purchase a venal and corrupt account of these matters; and hence it results, 'first, that it was the mulattoes who provoked the sailors by their outrages; and secondly, that it was the refusal of the commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, to listen to the remonstrance of the French admiral on this subject, which occasioned the dreadful action, the consequence of which has been the destruction of that city. In fine, it most certainly was the commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, who called to their assistance the twenty five thousand black brigands, by whose means this opulent city has been burned, and who obtained from the commissioners their liberty, as a reward of these meritorious services.' Ah! have Frenchmen ever been subjected to such atrocious extortions; have their cities ever been plundered and burnt in so barbarous a manner, under the reign of Louis the XVIth, beheaded as the last tyrant of France, as they have lately been, under the jurisdiction and in the name of the republic! But let us not calumniate the French republic in admitting such to have been its will; for where is the decree in which this will is declared? If it does not exist, it is altogether the will of the commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, and of
the infernal faction, which they serve. The national convention will be sufficiently blameable in having delegated an absurd dictatorship to such hands.
A REFUGEE.
Philadelphia, Aug. 6, 1793.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To Mr. P.
"On the wings of mighty winds" republican-like "he rode!"
Sir,
As I understand you are making preparations for your 46th aerial flight, to the celestial regions, and having an irresistible desire to contribute to the utmost in my power towards the success of your laudable and (to us) novel expedition; I send you inclosed a letter, which I beg you will deliver with your own hand, it may be of use to you.
As I have been an astronomer, an astrologer, and an almanac-maker, for these forty years past, my correspondence with and knowledge of the world above, are consequently very great; as hath often been acknowledged by most of the brightest luminaries on earth, and in a more particular manner, by that prince of astronomers Mr. R—— himself.
I will therefore take the liberty of giving you a few simple directions: At the beginning of your diurnal evolution, after you have passed the perigum, and proceeding through the different windings of the zodiac-circle, be cautious of approaching too near Scorpius.
By all means avoid the Sun's disk, as its heat will be too vehement, and may scorch your sicken tabernacle.
Take great care of the Dragon's tail, fiery and poisonous effluvia issue from it. Tell Mars, our good and potent ally, to display his flag and hurl his thunder bolts on the heads of the combined despots; tell him there's almost an universal combination of the sons of gun-powder in this terraqueous globe, against France and liberty: tell him that in spite of them, France will still hold up her head and be triumphant! and tell him, the tremendous and undoubtable hero! the BRUNSWICKEAN QUIXOTE, is discomfited and lunk like a fallen star, to rise no more!
Avoid Venus, she is a coaxing slut, and exceedingly fond of silk petticoats. Greet the Planets, salute the Moon in your passage, and enquire of her, what mean those spots on her disk?
Whether they be beauty spots, silver mines, water, earth, vulcanos, or the broken fragments of an old solitary, decayed world?
Whether she be a maid? (if so, she must be a very old one indeed, and I'll have nothing to do with her) if not,
Whether the Man in the Moon, (as is vulgarly expressed) be her husband? if not,
Whether she be a widow? if so, and she hath any inclination to enter into a conjugal state, I'm her man: and the next trip you take, I will accompany you, and no doubt, when she beholds my ephemeral phiz, we shall instantly agree upon a match, to ours and the worlds mutual advantage; for, as I am at least 5376 years younger than she; I have the vanity to think, I can add lustre to her charms, and double the number of stars in the firmament.
If you see Enoch, Elias, Moses, Lazarus, Mahomet, Descartes, Galileo, John Clare, Tom Jacobs, Tom Godfrey, or Sir Isaac Newton, (for they were all balloon-men) pray present my compliments to them, and if they have any thing to communicate in the almanac-way, I shall be infinitely obliged.
Again, when you have ascended as high as Cassiopeia, and mounted the Bear's-tail, endeavour to find the opening of the Galaxy, (the entrance into the third heaven) through which they say St. Paul passed, for, as that Milky-way is composed of an innumerable number of half-bora stars, (like shad-roe in embryo) that touch each other, there will be no possibility of pushing through, unless through that aperture. You need not ascend so high as the Georgium Sidus, that being a royal emigrant star, and you a French citizen and republican, perhaps you may quarrel, and one or both of you be decapitated, or a-la-lanterned.
Neither soar so high as Saturn, as he will receive you but coarsely, (it at all) he'll not so much as offer you a drink of whiskey, he's a dull, leaden headed, melancholy, phlegmatic old slubberdegullion, and a rank autocrat.
Beware, above all, of running foul of the star Wormwood, as mentioned in the book of Revelations; 'tis a bitter star, and you may rue it.
Should you be constrained to take up your lodgings and abide a night, or so, and Venus and you can't agree, on moderate terms, (as she will expect, doubtless, an extravagant price for her favours)—shun her, and try to find out jolly old Bacchus's quarters, who, I'll warrant, will receive you with joy and hospitality, lend you one of his most favourite nymphs, carouse with you the whole night, and swim in nectar and ambrosia.
Should you find your balloon likely to be exhausted of dephlogisticated air, apply to Boreas, who will supply you at first cost, at his wind shop and original ware-house, at the sign of the Bellows, somewhere about the north, or north-west corner.
Now, as I am full as well acquainted with St. Peter, as I am with St. Patrick, the former, on the receipt of the above-mentioned letter, will no doubt furnish you (should there be occasion) with his old net, as he hath long since left off catching fish, to wrap round your balloon to secure it from accidents, and should a storm arise, he will also open wide the gate for you.
But should you fail in this, as his net is probably, by this time, worn out or lost, Jacob will lend you his ladder, if it be not broken, and should that be the case, you must then cry aloud for father Abraham, who will take you in his benevolent bosom, balloon and all, and waft you safe to Jove's splendid palace.
Wishing you an agreeable ascent, and anxiously waiting your safe return, I am, Sir, your most obedient unknown friend, and humble servant,
An old ALMANAC-MAKER.
P. S. Pray enquire of Sir Isaac, what has become of the Comet, we so long expected, and whose appearance, as we calculated from his tables and logarithms, would be in the year 1789?
We astronomers have been shockingly out in our chronology, and are laughed at and called loggerheads by every one. I am terribly afraid it will hurt the sale of my next year's almanacs—do let me know how it is.
Whether there has not been some unaccountable revolution, or wars in the planetary system?
Whether Comets ever sleep, or get tired? or,
Whether he has not in his rapid course, left the beaten track, and perambulated through unknown worlds and dreary regions, (hitherto unexplored, nor even contemplated by Jupiter himself) lost himself, or been stopped in his career, by some strange, unknown, unorthodox, unmethodized, uncreated monstrous body, far mightier than himself, and in a dreadful conflict, have been transmuted, (swallowed up, or crushed to invisibility!
A. O. A. M.
Philadelphia, Aug. 16, 1793.
To the EDITOR OF THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SIR,
WHY all this outcry against the minister of France for saying he would appeal to the people? Is the President a consecrated character, that an appeal from his decisions must be considered criminal; or are the people in a state of monarchical degradation, that to talk of consulting them must be considered as great an offence as if we were under a dominion equal to that of the old monarchy of France? What is the legislature of the Union but THE PEOPLE in Congress assembled; and is it already an offence to appeal to them in case of a conceived wrong by the President? Should opinions of this sort obtain already in our infant government, dreary indeed has become our prospect of liberty—If this is a government of the people and not of individual will, they ought to be consulted, nay they, and they alone, ought to determine every momentous question; and on a question which respected their tranquility, no hesitation ought to be discovered in taking their opinions. The backwardness which has been discovered in consulting the people in their representatives, has opened a large field of conjecture; I have heard several members of Congress express much surprize at it, and indeed they were totally at a loss to comprehend its meaning.
If there is a difference of opinion between the executive and the minister of France on the treaty, who ought to determine this difference but the people? The

PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, August 21.
The following is a list of the privateers referred to in the circular letter (inserted in our last) to the collectors of the customs. 1. Citizen Genet—2. Sans Culotte—3. Vainqueur de Babille. (These three were fitted out at Charleston)—4. Petit Democrat, fitted out at Philadelphia, a prize to the Ambuscade: 5. Carmagnol, Delaware.
The national convention of France have passed a decree, excepting the American flag, and the America only, from the operation of their decree of May the 9th, by which they declared that neutral vessels should not cover an enemy's property.
The flux rages to an extreme degree in several counties of Virginia adjacent to the head of the Potomack navigation, and George-town. Upwards of 500 persons have been swept off within a few weeks, and in some parts more than two thirds of some families have fallen the unhappy victims of this depopulating disorder.
It must be obvious that the two gentlemen (see our last) who have asserted that the minister of France declared he would appeal to the people from certain decisions of the executive of the United States, have cautiously kept out of view every circumstance of time, place, manner, and occasion, and therefore rendered it impossible for the friends of the minister to disprove the charge, for want of its being more specific. The publication of Mr. Jay and Mr. King appears to be principally intended as a justification of certain persons, for spreading a report against Mr. Genet, under their authority, without averring that it was a fact with their own knowledge, but merely a recital of what they once said, and not of what they now affirm to be true. (N. York paper.)
However the old cry of federalist and antifederalist may be artfully kept up (says a correspondent) by designing characters, it is certain that these two, and all other parties that have existed in the United States, are now clearly resolvable into republican and anti-republican only. No other parties do in reality exist, and which of these two shall predominate, depends in no small degree upon the success of the present campaign on the frontier of France.
A small sloop was built on the Monongahela a few months ago, a little above Pittsburgh, and was loaded on the western waters with tobacco and peltry. She then passed down to New Orleans, where the owners were compelled to land their goods, and pay 15 per cent on their supposed value. Their vessel was there to be made a Spanish bottom, or no clearance could be obtained. Five per cent more was to be paid for liberty to bring off the goods; a Spanish captain and people were to be slapped, and the sloop then navigated, failed for Philadelphia, the real owners of the goods, citizens of one of the western countries of Pennsylvania, being on board as passengers. On her passage, this vessel, the first adventurer in this meritorious expedition, was taken by a French privateer, the Little Democrat, and brought into this port, as appearing to be Spanish property. We hear a guard was ordered on board her, by the governor, on Friday last, and in all probability the legality of her capture will be litigated.
Many reports (says a New-York paper) have been circulated, injurious to the public character of the minister of France; particularly that "he would appeal to the people on certain decisions of the President"; of which last report Mr. Jay and Mr. King are the declared authors; but their word alone, without any proof or circumstance given, ought not to be sufficient to fix a charge of this kind, which every man of information knows to be utterly unfounded."
There has been lately advertised to be seen in Baltimore, an East India animal called a Maygot, supposed to be the same with the man of the woods, described by Buffon and others. The Maygot nearly resembles the human species, and is endowed with every faculty of man except speech. He will take a cup, or glass, and drink with the same decorum as any intelligent being; he can ride on horseback, climb a tree and dance the rope with amazing agility; understands any thing that is said to him; his sagacity is surprising to all beholders; is remarkably tame, if not unnecessarily provoked; in short his uncommon qualities are such as far exceed description. He is about three feet and an half high, remarkably strong built, his hands and feet exactly resembling a man. When ladies honour him with their company, he is crested in his coat, jacket, & crowsers.
Madrid, June 14. On the 6th instant, Don Ventura Caro, general of the army of Navarre, ordered an attack on the French, who were posted on three mountains, nearly inaccessible. After a bloody engagement of four hours, our troops dislodged the enemy, and took their position, capturing fort Pinon, and pursued them as far as the village of Quiza, where the
executive, from its distance from the people, can speak no opinion but its own, and that immediately within its vortex; but as Congress emanate directly from the people, they would speak the sentiments which ought and will govern, the sentiments of the sovereign, THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.—The present difference, if it should be true, may lead to an unhappy issue, and may be the means of plunging this country into a war with France; should this be the case, there can be no doubt, that had the people been consulted this would have been averted; for so favourably are they disposed towards France, that they would have admitted the most liberal construction of the treaty—France wishes the neutrality of the United States, but she wishes them to behave with honor and fulfil their engagements with her, and this may be done without becoming a party in the war.
What the specific embarrassments are which have been thrown in the way of the minister, I am not informed, but there is too much reason to believe that some of our executive gentry have been exercising their abilities for cavil , and that he is aggrieved, or he would not (if he has done it) have spoken of an appeal to the representatives themselves; for to suppose he meant an appeal to the aggregate body of the people from New-Hampshire to Georgia, is too great an absurdity to require refutation.
But while we raise our voices here against the minister of France, for his just veneration for the people, we seem to slumber over the conduct of our minister in France.—Not content with speaking, he has acted, and was deeply concerned with the king in forming a constitution for France, previously to his decapitation, in which an attempt was made to bring the nation back nearly to her original despotism!! This intermeddling in the affairs of France by our minister; this criminal attempt to enslave a people has not excited that just revenge which it merited: neither has our government shown any disapprobation of the thing, or they would have recalled a man from an embassy who is better calculated to be the ambassador of the grand Signior than the representative of a free people. We crouch to Great-Britain but we seem disposed to tantalize France, that generous and gallant nation who gave us a political existence—We talk of our incapacity to go to war against Great-Britain for the reiterated insults and injuries we have received from her, but we act as if a war with France was desirable. Absurdities thicken upon us, and I much fear that the studied secrecy which obtains in our government, has partial and not public good for its object; for where the people are supreme they ought not to be kept in ignorance respecting their dearest concerns, any more than a servant should be at liberty to veil his transactions from his master—The transactions of the Divan are not more impenetrable than the transactions of our executive; for it appears to be a tenet that the people have no right to be informed, and that it would be lessening the dignity of government to explain its actions to them—This is republicanism modernized with a witness, when the servant shall be greater than his master, and the creature greater than the creator! From the prevalence of such republicanism may Heaven defend us!
Aug. 17th, 1793. JUBA.
An Essay read in a Literary Society in this city, Aug. 15, by one of the members.
IT must afford singular satisfaction to the friends of freedom, to contemplate the havoc, which, since the American revolution, has been made amongst those numerous customs and prejudices which swayed the sceptre over our aristocratic and oppressed ancestors. It is, however, an equal cause of regret, that so many opinions, usages, and laws, still exist in our country, which can be justified only by the circumscribed reasonings of a Burke, and which, if they are suffered to remain unhanded, may gather increasing strength, and ultimately open the sluices for an inlet of political heresies, that may inundate our country, and involve our citizens in ruin.
In a republican government, it is the interest and duty of each individual to pass strictures upon any proceedings which he may deem inconsistent with the public weal, as well as to propose such measures as he may think conducive to the general welfare.
Convinced of the truth of the preceding observations, any attempts to combat principles which may sow the seeds of aristocracy, but more particularly endeavours to display the alluring, but venomous reptile that affords nutriment to monarchy, must be considered as laudable in themselves, and worthy the attention of the candid republican, who, nevertheless, is still entitled to the equal right of being indulged in the defence of a contrary principle. When the sentiments of the people are the laws of the land, it is of the highest importance that those opinions, which embrace the welfare of thousands, should be the result of mature and rational deliberation. What could more contribute to produce this desideratum, than the free publication of sentiments, however eccen-
tric they may be from the language of the citizens in general? * What object could more advance this purpose, than the public discussion of questions, in whose decisions are involved the fate of the unalienable rights of freemen?
I am sensible that controversies of this nature, have sometimes been attended with no beneficial effects, and, when held out to the public through the medium of a newspaper, have, by a refusal of publication, been timely stopped in a career which would have no better tendency than to involve the parties in disgrace: this has been, when personal resentment gets the better of a zeal for the public good. To a candid mind, however, this can be no disparagement to the principles which I advocate. So long only, as arguments are conducted with cool deliberation, dispassionate reasoning, and republican moderation, are they worthy the attention of the citizens. For my own part, whenever a writer deviates from his professed subject, and launches forth into a licentious train of malevolence, personal calumny, and abuse, I immediately accede to the opinion, that he either lacks ability to defend, or is convinced of the injustice of the cause he attempted to espouse. But when well-intentioned persons step forward and vindicate opinions, however contrary to the vulgar prejudice they may be, they are still entitled to a share of the candour and esteem of their fellow citizens, and any infringement of the exercise of such a right, should be considered as a direct attack upon the liberties of the people.
But, while on the one hand the freedom of speech and opinion should be defended, on the other, we should guard against relapsing into licentiousness. This, by the friends to mankind, is what is equally to be abhorred with a degeneracy into aristocracy. When the lives and properties of the inhabitants are subject to the tyranny of a licentious mob, their fury is more to be dreaded than the discriminate vengeance of an eastern monarch.
It is however natural, that a people, who have experienced all the horrors of despotism, should, upon a sudden change in their situation, be so fascinated with the new and pleasing objects that are presented to their view, as to slide into the other extreme. It has even been questioned by some, whether it is not absolutely necessary for the preservation of the community. When the people at large have tasted of the sweets, nay, the licentiousness of liberty, no consideration will force them to forsake its cause, till it is secured on a basis sufficiently permanent. When, in times of exigency, the populace have assumed the right of destroying traitors, few have escaped the vigilance of the public eye. When peace, however, shall have restored tranquility to a country, which thus in some measure experiences the evils of anarchy, experience will soon teach them the necessity of subordination to the voice of the people legally and properly taken.
These reflections have arisen, chiefly, from a consideration of the comparative difference between the revolutions of America and France. After considerable reflection, I am led to believe, that the celebrated work of Jonathan Swift, entitled the "Tale of a Tub," might, in many respects, serve for nearly as good an allegorical description of these two memorable incidents of the present age, as for the dissention from poverty for which it was intended —
Martin , a deliberating, self-conceited fox, and naturally attached to pageantry, when anathematized by Peter, who had excluded him from the privilege of drinking wine, after having rid himself of his brother's tyranny, proceeds with slow and cautious steps to divest himself of those trappings, which had been added to his plain coat. His timid spirit forces him to proceed with such caution, that when he completes his business there still remain numerous fripperies, fineries, and insignia of superiority, of which he is afraid to deprive his vestment, lest it should spoil its appearance.
Jack , on the contrary, of a quick and furious temper, enraged at the insults and oppression which he had experienced, resolutely determines, without a moment's delay, to rid himself of every vestige of his former gaudiness. Here flies one thing, there another, as his passion directs him, till at length, tearing with violence the lace from his coat, he gave the garment likewise a considerable rent.—
The resolute, determined, and impetuous steps which the French have taken to divest themselves of every remnant of aristocracy, may perhaps have impelled them to make a temporary trespass on the other side of reason, yet they are sufficient to insure them success in the cause in which they are engaged; and, when peace shall have crowned the martial toils of the citizens with victory, they will have sufficient leisure to mend the seam which they may have ripped asunder.
To America, it still remains to lay aside
* "In every political disquisition that comes before the public (says Mr. Erskine) it is no matter whether the parties that handle the subject reason right or wrong—it is sufficient that they do reason, and Truth springs from the collision."
many of those appendages, which, to discerning minds, serve as an ensign of our former degradation. At some future period it may have been in vain for us to have lopped off the branches, for, while the root and body remain, it must gradually, though perhaps insensibly, increase, till it at length spread forth into the majestic oak of royalty , under whose knotty boughs we have to recently reclined.
Numerous are the opinions of those who pry into the arcana of politics, respecting the existence of tyranny. Various are the causes to which they attribute its flourishing situation. Uncertain as we may be as to its origin, by recurrence to testimony and experience, established by the universal history of every age and nation in which it has prevailed, I think we may by this time discriminate the source of its continuance. May we not justly ascribe it to the advantage which has been taken by the artful and designing in the times of ignorance and barbarity, over the superstitious and credulous minds of those unenlightened sons of antiquity. Prone by nature to believe in a sovereign arbiter of the universe, any thing which was said to be stamped with the sanction of a deity, was swallowed with the utmost avidity. Thus the deceitful poison was prepared, which has ever since been the bane of mankind—thus principles degrading to the human species have been propagated—thus have sentiments repugnant to reason gained ascendancy over the minds of men—and thus have opinions calculated to mar the peace of society, taken such deep root into our breasts, that it seems to have penetrated our very nature. The decisive testimony of facts corroborates my assertion, and, provided we judge destitute of prejudice, we must pronounce every system of fanaticism, which has prevailed in the world, to contain sentiments which countenance usurpation. The force of prejudice, aided by time, is too powerful to be resisted by reason in a more uncivilized state of mankind. Universal custom soon acquires the more august form of a secondary principle of our constitution, and quickly gains an ascendancy over the thoughts and actions of men, which would almost be incredible, were it not for the numerous instances that might be adduced to prove it. The aid which time affords to the belief of a story, is too well known to need any observations upon that subject: it is not, therefore, much cause of admiration, that numbers should still remain attached to those irrational CREEDS which have been imposed on their ancestors. To purify their minds from this filthy pollution, would require more indefatigable labour from an Hercules, than to cleanse the Augean stable. Far be it from me to make an attempt of that nature, but I cannot forbear hinting at the political tendency of those opinions which are religiously imbibed.
Happy would it have been for mankind, if, on the formation of authoritative tenets, the properties and worship of a Deity had only been inculcated. But the political opinions which are every where interpersed throughout the religious, have been the foundation of inconceivable bloodshed, and of most of those contentions, which, for these eighteen centuries have disgraced Europe. So long as men are of different opinions, (and that will always be the case) that a man who implicitly believes it to be his duty to "honour the king," to "be subject to rulers," and to "compel" his brethren to "come in" to his persuasion, can, without any strain to his principles, be, at the same time, a good citizen in a republican government, appears to me an inexplicable paradox. Let enquiry be made of the reason of the opposition to the cause of freedom in France. Ask the counter-revolutionists why they will not submit to the authority of the National Convention? The answer is ready, and every one is acquainted with it. I would not wish to innuendo, (as perhaps some would assert) that I desire all religion to be swept from the earth: I conceive it to have been a good political engine, and, perhaps, may have been a barrier to the commission of crimes: it is that species of fanaticism and bigotry which I condemn, that prompts one individual to molest the tranquility of his neighbour, and unnecessarily to limit the pursuits of his happiness. A disposition of this nature, I am sorry to observe, pretty generally pervades these states. Our customs, our manners, and even some of our laws manifest it universally prevalent. The consideration of this may perhaps be the subject of another essay. I conclude at present by remarking, that a democratic spirit is entirely incompatible with religious fanaticism and bigotry. The prevalence of one is a sure testimony of the absence of the other. If the former should be the basis of our government, the latter should be entirely eradicated, as being the foundation upon which almost every anti-republican superstructure is built. They seem at the present moment, contending for the sovereignty of the Union. The former, perhaps, may have gotten the start, but unless we are vigilant, the latter may still take the lead, to the destruction of that fabric which has been reared up at the expense of the blood and treasure of our citizens, and to the eternal infamy of those who now assist them in their progress.
Aug. 17, 1793. J. D. W.

rear of the French army was encamped. The action was very bloody, for the possession of the heights, from which 4,500 Spaniards dislodged 4,000 French. The fortification of Baylen surrendered to the Spanish forces on the 3d inst. the garrison, to the number of 350, remaining prisoners of war.
By the latest accounts from Spain, it does not appear that they have succeeded in any one material instance against France. In becoming a member of the present combination, Spain has proved herself to be, what she has always been asserted to be, a feeble monarchy. She is encumbered with a national debt of near fifty millions sterling, her resources are inconsiderable, and her military efforts are every where marked with impotence and ill success. Some blazoning paragraphs have lately appeared of some of the late conquests of her armies in France, but the authenticity of these accounts is disputed. A number of fortresses in France, as strong as Vanban could make them, must be taken by regular sieges before the country can be penetrated, and when these obstacles are overcome, the Spaniards will find the country laid waste, and no means of supplying themselves with provisions but by an almost impracticable land carriage from their own country.
Extract of a letter from Hamburg, dated June 15.
"The German newspapers, I send you, are intended for one of your newspaper printers. In making use of them, I must remark, it will be necessary to observe that they are forced almost all to be partial against the French; and that their boasted victories are neither so decisive, nor so great, as is related. The war wastes terribly in lives and money, and the Emperor and Prussia are almost exhausted in point of finances. Unhappily those mischievous New-Jacobins do all they can to promote & second the measures of the German and other conspiring princes. Marat, Robespierre, and Danton, are really the greatest enemies of France. But their party begins to fail: it is entirely destroyed at Marfeilles, Bourdeaux, &c. only Paris and Lyons support it."
Letters to the 13th of June from Amsterdam, received via New-York, mention, that trade was then extremely dull, in consequence of the French being in possession of Mayence, and likely to remain so. This place commands the navigation of the Rhine, so that none of their enemy's shipping can venture either up or down that river.
There had been a battle between the Prussians and the French about the first of June, in which great numbers of the French were lost. One of the best of the Prussian generals was missing, and supposed to be killed.
A letter mentions, that Custine had a battle with the Hollanders, Austrians, and Prussians, in which Custine came off victorious, and had made great slaughter of his enemy. The battle is said to have commenced near Lisle.
Extract of a letter from London, June 5.
"I am very confident that the French cannot be subdued, and in case Conde and Valenciennes should be taken, the combined powers will not be a single step nearer the object they aim at, than they are at present; because Lisle, and several other towns are so strongly fortified, that it is impossible they should advance into the country, even were they superior in the field, which is not the case."
Capt. Gregory Powers, of the brig Hiram , arrived here last Wednesday, in 14 days from Cape-Francois, was boarded on the first of August, by the sloop Sufannah , of New-Providence, Captain Tucker, mounting eight guns, off the west Caicos, who robbed the passengers of every article they had on board; they even took two yards of linen from one of them. He robbed them of about 500 joes in cash, and nearly the same amount in plate. Six negroes were also taken by him, two of them, being favourite slaves, a girl and boy, were redeemed, at the request of the owners, by Capt. Powers, the girl for 100 dollars, add the boy for 150. Tucker had five vessels in tow, all of whom he had robbed of property. Captain Powers supposes Tucker had upwards of half a million of dollars worth of property on board, which the pickarooning miscreant had taken from distressed French families.
The British brig Chilcomb , Kavanagh, which sailed from this port for Newfoundland, loaded with 400 barrels of flour and 30 tons of bread, was taken by the Carmagnole , after ten hours chace, and sent into New-York.
The following American vessels are taken by the Democrat and Carmagnole :
The brig Pilgrim , Captain Earl, from Madras and the Isle of France, bound to Philadelphia.
The brig Gayoso , Graissberry, bound to New-Orleans.
The schooner Dairy Maid , from New-Orleans, bound to Philadelphia.
The British sloop Hope , from Antigua, and the sloop St. Alodia , from New-Orleans, sent into this port as prizes to the Little Democrat , were on Saturday last
delivered up to their owners, they being deemed unlawful prizes.
The French privateer schooner Citizen Genet , returning to this port from a cruise, was hopped at fort Millon on Friday evening last. This procedure was in consequence of certain rules issued by the executive, prohibiting French privateers fitted out in the United States, or their prizes, from coming into the American ports.
Trenton, Aug. 14. —On Friday the 2d inst. the gentlemen subscribers for the Governor's entertainment, assembled at the Indian Queen in this city, honored, pursuant to their affectionate invitation, with the presence of his excellency, where they partook of a very elegant and superb repast, provided for the occasion. And on Monday last, at the same place, assembled the ladies subscribers to the tea-drinking for the Governor, who was also pleased to favour them with her company. The circle was unusually large and respectable; Add to the subscribers the invited ladies and gentlemen, it is supposed the number must have exceeded 150 persons; and perhaps, to do justice to the citizen ladies of Trenton and its vicinity, one more brilliant and truly captivating even Europe in all its splendor could not have formed. — A grand ball concluded the entertainment.
A correspondent queries whether it would not be a mark of their attachment to republican simplicity in the governors of the several states to disperse in future with the honorary title of Excellency , so generally applied to them at this day, especially as there are not wanting some who would intimate they are very little more, in reality, than high constables of corporations. As the great officers of the federal government have virtually disclaimed this title of address, there is a paup-e absurdity in retaining it to the first magistrates of the states, who besides, in the present condition of things ought to exhibit themselves the very pink of republican plainness, to discountenance titular innovations from a suspected quarter. "His Excellency" sounds in my ear the very same thing as "His Serene Highness," His Lordship," or "His Grace"—Let us sweep it away then brethren, from amongst us with the besom of destruction,—and may its place no more be found in this land!—I do not see that it would at all derogate from the official dignity of the first magistrate of a state to be stiled simply "the governor". It may admit of a doubt however whether the wife of a governor should be entitled Governess , (as in New Jersey) the mere circumstance of being wedded to a governor, by no means constituting a lady a member of a state executive—or entitling her to go shares in managing the helm of a state— O homines, ad servitutem paratos!
At a sitting of the national convention on the 2d of June, a number of the members of the convention were put under an arrest in their own houses, charged with fomenting disquiétudes among the people of Paris, and secretly plotting a counter-revolution.
The members mentioned as arrested are Vergniau, Barbaroux, Salles, Gentonne, Guadet, Pétion, Brissot, Chambon, Buzot, Biroteau, Lédou, Lafourche, Gorsas, Lanjuinais, Grangeneuve, Lehardy du Morbihan, Lefage, Louvet, Valaze, the members of the commission of twelve, excepting those who did not sign certain orders of arrest, and the ministers Claviere and Le Brun are also arrested.
Extract from a piece signed A Farmer , in the N. Jersey Journal of Aug. 14. and N. York Daily Advertiser of Aug. 19.—"The Editor of the National Gazette even appeals to the Farmers of America to countenance his abuse of the President's Proclamation."—[A falsehood—the Editor of the National Gazette has made no such appeal.]
The brig Chilcomb , prize to the French privateer Carmagnole , fitted out at New Castle, arrived at New York on the 10th inst. The next day a party of militia was ordered on board her (said to be) in consequence of a requisition from the President of the United States, in order to have her restored to her former owners, as being an illegal prize—On this subject a writer in a New York paper queries as follows:
1st. If the twenty second article of the treaty has any meaning, what reasonable construction can be applied to it, other than that France shall enjoy in our ports, a privilege denied to nations at war with her? Will not the omission of the negative "not" give the true & obvious meaning of the contracting parties with respect to France? Does not common sense approve of this construction?
2dly. But admitting the Carmagnole trespassed upon our neutrality in the manner of her equipment, whence is derived our right forcibly to restore her prizes coming in under the sanction of a treaty; was an attempt of the kind ever made before?
3d. Instead of resorting to force in the first instance, why has not Citizen Genet been applied to?
4thly. Will a party of 30 or 40 men, if resisted, be able to board a brig lying within reach of several French frigates and line of battle ships.
5thly. If the French admiral does not resent this indignity to the national flag, (which it is hoped he will not) may we not
expect the National Convention will make reprisal on our vessels in their ports, or may they not consider this conduct, as a declaration of war against the republic?
6thly. Is our country in such a state of defence as to justify these provocations on our part?
7thly. As we are daily submitting to the most atrocious depredations on our trade by the British, and to the most flagrant breaches of the treaty of peace, had we not better connive at a few doubtful acts of our allies, then rush headlong into a war with them?
On the 9th inst. arrived at Salem (Mass.) the hull of the ship Albion of Bristol, towed and conducted in by the sloop Nancy , capt. Ingersoll, of Salem. The Nancy had been out 8 days from that place on her passage to the W. Indies, but falling in with the wreck off the coast of Virginia, and finding her an object worth attention, resolved to save her if possible. She was totally destroyed by her crew, and appeared as if she had been run down by some other vessel, being very much damaged, her mainmast and foremast gone, her starboard bow drove in even with her lower deck, and 6 feet water in her hold. The crew of the Nancy pumped her dry in a few hours, made some temporary repairs, towed her 40 leagues, then made sail upon her, and, the 7th day from their first falling in with her, arrived safe in Salem. Her cargo is cotton, sugar, rum, mahogany and logwood. By papers on board, she appeared to be one of the English Jamaica fleet, homeward bound; and is about 200 tons burthen.
On or about the 14th of July last, a party of Whites, in the territory south of the Ohio, fell in with a number of Indians on the north branch of the Tennessee. A heavy fire soon began on both sides, which galling the Indians severely, they leaped into the river, attempting to escape by swimming over. Fifteen of them were killed while in the water, besides one squaw—four squaws were taken prisoners. Not a man belonging to the white company was hurt.
Letters from Spain say, that immense numbers of French refractory priests have taken refuge in that kingdom. In Bilboa only there were seventeen hundred and sixty-seven of them, who have been since forced by the government to disperse in the country.
"Each laden with his bundle of degrees, St. Gregory's bones, and seventeen thousand fleas."
Extract of a letter from New-Jersey.
"It appears to be a pretty general expectation here that peace will take place soon between England, Holland, and France, and this I may venture to say, is the general wish. There would not then be any uneasy apprehensions for the success of France, nor are they numerous now, for we believe that Paine's observation will, upon trial, be found just, that "a whole nation interested in a war, and determined to prosecute it vigorously, is, beyond all calculation, more powerful than formerly was the case, when only the governments of two countries felt themselves interested."
The town of Portland, (Massachusetts) assembled on the 29th ult. entered into a number of resolves, expressive of their approbation of the proclamation of the President of the United States, declaring the neutrality of this country in the present European war—also their determination to adhere to the principles of neutrality as defined in the constitution, treaties, and laws of the United States, and endeavor to defeat the intentions of those who may be otherwise disposed. Since the above period many other assemblies of people have been held in different places, chiefly seaport towns, for a similar purpose.
Anecdotes —A Scotch Gentleman traveling with his wife and family from the barren hills of Caledonia towards London, stopped with them at a large tavern in one of the middle counties of England, with a design to refresh—"Weel, Maister Cook (said he upon entering) what ha' ye gat in the hoose that we can eat?"—D—n you, replied the cook, what have we got in the hoose that you can't eat?"
Mr. Dundas, during his late precipitate retreat from Perth, when the populace were preparing his effigy, was counselled by a friend to sling a purse to the people, sufficient to purchase a barrel of beer to extinguish the expected blaze. "Na, na, exclaimed the Secretary, the de'il take me an I would na be burned in a peat flask, ere they should melt a guinea out of my pocket!"
COMMUNICATION.
ADVERTISEMENT EXTRAORDINARY.
NOTICE is hereby given to whom it may concern, that an humble petition will be presented to the next general legislature of the Union, praying that an act may pass, whereby any person or persons, who may have the assurance to question the jus belli of kings, or dare infringe the ancient established maxim of
"Superior locus judicatur a nemine,"† which is now in full force in all the States subject to the jurisdiction of his holiness, the kings of Sardinia, of Spain, and in some
parts of Germany, may be subjected to further death, "without benefit of clergy." An indispensable necessity calls for the operation of this act, as Mr. GENET has lately questioned the understanding of the PRESIDENT to be equal to the collective sense of all North America; and the said Genet not fearing the supreme magistrate of these states, then and there did say, "I appeal to the people of America, that the meaning of the words in question is not so, and so—whereby he incurred the displeasure of the said President, his friends, advocates, and secretaries—but no law being in existence for punishing the aforesaid offender, this notification is published that the stranger may have some portion of equality in this case.
† "The upper seat cannot be called to an account by any members of the lower orders,"—by this maxim, superior powers have to answer for their conduct to God alone!
THE PROBATIONARY ODES OF JONATHAN PINDAR, Esq.
(Continued.)
O D E X.
To the DEMOCRATICAL SOCIETY of PHILADELPHIA.*
JONATHAN reproveth the impertinent views of that institution—Prophecies concerning a would-be great man . By comparison with the heavenly bodies , sheweth the respective merits of the GREAT HEADS, &c.
Per insidias iter est, formasque ferarum. Ovid.
SONS of SEDITION! say, what do you here, Where peace and loyalty unrival'd reign? Where wealth rewards the speculator's care And rank, and place your groveling arts disdain.
Go watch the SUN!†—See, his unsadling light Since time begun still unobscured remain! Go watch his beauteous fliter-orb of night! Go watch the planets which compose his train!
Go plant your telescopes against each star, Whose radiant sphere illumines the vast profound! Some blemish amongst them, shall easier far, Than in our bright Galaxy , here, be found.‡
Not less in lustre, as not less in size, Than a dim planet to the orb of day, Lo! next that height, to which he ne'er shall rise, Our Vice like MERCURY pursues his way.
Scowling malignant on the Indian plains, Intent to set their wig-wams all on fire, See K***, like ruddy MARS his course maintains Through lions, scorpions, & Chimæras dire.
Hugest of planets that adorns our sphere, Refulgent in his triples golden zone , See H***** like JUPITER appear, With satellites around his paper throne.
Whilst on those minor orbs his light he sheds, That borrowed light on him shall they reflect; Nor whilst he pours down blessings on their heads, With incense to repay shall they neglect.
Remov'd beyond the reach of vulgar eyes As far as human brains, or thoughts aspire, The self-illumind MINOS sweeps the skies, Like SATURN, freezing, 'midst his ring of fire.
Von concave vast behold! where wolves And bears And swans And eagles all together meet; Say, if less bright our Congress-hall appears, Prepar'd** for GEORGE to take his annual seat?
Cease then, ye elves of darkness! cease to pry Into those secrets you're forbid to know: Content yourselves to scrutinize the sky; Presume not to enquire what's done below!
* For the objects of this institution—see the National Gazette , No. 179.
† DAVID RITTENHOUSE, Esq. if not the first, at least among the first ASTRONOMERS which the world has produced since the immortal NEWTON, is President of the society.
‡ See certain strictures on this institution in Mr. Femio's Gazette .
§ Head of the Treasury; ruler of the bank; commissioner of foreign loans.
|| The orbit of Saturn being at an immense distance from the sun, it is generally supposed that the temperature of that planet is as cold, as that of Mercury is hot. The temperature of Mars is supposed to be less ardent than his ruddy look would indicate.
|| The names of several constellations. ** It is then on y to be seen in its full lustre; some of the most brilliant constellations being invisible at all other periods.
Remainder of a Song on a late Naval Engagement, and some other communications, are unavoidably deferred to our next.

For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
To Jonathan Pinar, Esq.
PRAY, Peter's Cousin, lay aside your pen, Nor in bold metre venture to expose, The creeping tricks, and hidden wiles of men. Who join in concert, underneath the rose.
Though they should blush; determin'd in their crimes, A brazen countenance again unfold, Nor can the Satire of a thousand rhymes Infuse remorse in those who may be sold.
Now having gain'd the banks and pen- sions both, Aspire with nobles, and with lords to sit, Who to resign their birth and titles loth, In proclamations dark expose their wit.
Cease then, nor with such acid tools engage Though you may all great Peter's fire possess; But seek their rankling spirits to assuage And leave such men to ravage and oppress. J. A. N.
ADDRESS of the French Citizens of New-York, to the Minister of France.
To Citizen EDMUND CHARLES GENET, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of France, to the United States of North America.
THE time is near at hand in which mankind, by force of arms and rea- son will annihilate despotism. Your appear- ance in this our hemisphere, & your mission as a plenipotentiary, from a free and virtuous people, assure us of the triumphs of the cause of humanity, and the future happiness of our mother country. Oh citizen! it is at this dear name that our hearts are roused, especially when we re- flect on the many evils which she has suf- fered for ages past, from a government of childish craft and ignorance, striving to enslave a nation whose literary fame has ever distinguished it from the rest of mortals.
In this land of Liberty you are surroun- ded with those sages, heroes, and repre- sentatives of a free and magnanimous peo- ple, who first imbibed sacred pretensions to the rights of man; those who destroyed the infernal blind folds which hid the charms of truth; this is the people who demonstrated to France, to the universe, the possibility of obtaining them—this must be, then, a people of genius; they reciprocally imparted to each other politi- cal knowledge and patriotic views, in spite of infernal forges, and an absolute power, which was frightened at phan- toms by a theory which seemed to be the emanation of the divinity.
Receive, Citizen, the sincere vows which we make you for that success in arms which the people of France ought to be crown- ed with in their vigorous efforts. Having become citizens of America we respect its laws; but the present cause being the cause of despots against freemen, we can- not foresee with tranquility and indiffer- ence, that if the republic of France should be crushed by this unprecedented coaliti- on of tyrants, we also should be threaten- ed with the same fate. The cause is com- mon to us, but we submit to the decisions of our wise legislatures, whether we ought to remain inactive, or awake around those colours to which your nation lent a propi- tious hand, and which triumph over ty- rants.
The joy which the people of this vast country have witnessed to you, are the most certain signs of their gratitude, and as to us, citizen, it confirms us in the po- sitive opinion, that you will be prosper- ous in that important embassy that the people of France have confided to you, which we all sincerely hope will be crown- ed with the happiest success
By order of the French Republican Citizens of the city of New York, (Signed) JOHN F. VACHEE. Aug. 9, 1793.
R E P L Y.
New-York, Aug. 9, 1793. 2d year of the French Republic.
CITIZENS,
BORN Frenchmen, the love of liberty drew you to America; this day, in this double capacity, you come to manifest your vows and your affections for your mother country, now become that of freemen.
The people of France have, for a long time, ardently wished to be one family
with the people of America; kindred sentiments have imperceptibly drawn them towards each other; this is well known, and in spite of all those obstacles which some have thrown in the way, they are convinced, that these two people are made to love, to esteem, and to be united to each other.
Frenchmen, look upon that epoch as great and happy in which the people of two free countries can give to the world the sublime example, of two nations mixing their interests and their affections—then will be commenced the most glorious revo- lution that ever honored mankind—then hatred of people to people, fomented by tyranny; wars which have strewed the globe with blood; and the shackles of commerce, which discourage industry and retard the progress of the social virtues, will disappear, and all the human species breathing, after a long misery, will employ themselves on the subject of their individ- ual and joint happiness, in the bosom of Peace, Abundance, and Liberty.
Citizens, the tribute of gratitude and affection which you pay your country, does you honor, and is natural; those who had the happiness to be born in France, will never forget their native country.
These particular evidences of your ef- teem are, to me, flattering encouragements; the only recompence which I hope is, to obtain that of my fellow citizens; having such a repository for my confidence, I shall be able to support their rights with un- moveable firmness, nor will any obstacle ever abate my constancy or my zeal. (Signed) GENET.
THE NEW MERCHANT: He Sells Cheap.
[From an Eastern Paper.]
THIS saying sets the world a gadding —girls and boys, old women and all, for the new store, and to see the new mar- chant.—Timothy Chowderhead, who is too lazy to hoe corn, goes to New-York, and gets a hoghead of rum, a few fans, gauzes, buttons, buckles, tapes, ribbons, &c. &c. on a credit for six months—Tim, is now coaxing his cousins, and every idle dunce, to purchase—when any person who wears half a head, might know they won't pay for them in six years; but he sells cheap —Tim. Chowderhead will, perhaps, by a deaconish story, and fair promises (which he knows he never can fulfill) get a new recruit next fall—after which, friend Tim- othy may have leisure to wind up his bob- bin, and seek a retreat in Canada or Ver- mont—And so ends this new merchant.
Peleg Waterpou, was by birthright a horse jockey of the first sort—He could drink new rum, chew tobacco, and tell negro stories—He bought Old Continent- al horses, at thirty shillings a head, at the close of a campaign, that were broken- winded, spavin'd, fore-backed, and ring- boned—kept them till spring, and with the aid of his honest father, sold them to the same hands, for good and young—His cheats were known—but what of that?— 'twas the universal cry, PELEG sells cheap —He then commenced merchant, full- blooded—Every old maid in town visited his store—'twas a new store—he trusted till after harvest, and he sold cheap—Har- vest after harvest passed, but no harvest came for Peleg—the bugs had eaten the wheat four years in advance.—Peleg goes to Vermont, and turns preacher—and he sells cheap—No taxes—no salary—who would not go to hear Peleg—he is a Jack at all trades—he can say a little of every thing—he can read without spelling—tell stories, and almost work miracles—drink new rum—chew tobacco, and tell negro stories—he does it cheap.
Peter Threashabout, is a sturdy lad, and might do honor to a broad hoe, or a ditch- ing spade—Peter has been sailor, soldier, fiddler and pettyfogger, and has twice en- tered the Stone Jug as a broken merchant —But Peter always fold cheap.
Felix Mercury, mounts an old flanking hag of a mare, with old saddle bags stuffed with nostrums and bolusses, and salves forth a Doctor at all points—the canker, rash, and belly-ache are vanquished only at the smell of him: but Felix trades cheap— If an old maid chances to have the heaves, 'tis rem. con. dignified with a polypus upon the heart—If a girl has limpy ancles, and turns her toes in, it is, to be sure, St. An- thony's dance, and she must be salivated— Felix Mercury's conundrums are all of his own preparing; and if they don't quite make the dead live, it is thought they will and often do, make the living dead—and
he still sells cheap.—Felix is a man of to- lerable bodily abilities, and wields the bladder with a good deal of eclat.—'Tis conjectured, that if Felix could be persuad- ed to confine his genius within a proper sphere, he might cut a respectable figure at a plough-tail—But he is cheap.
N. B. A Justice of the Peace has soli- cited a post next in order to Doctor Felix —however, as the measure of his iniqui- ties remains as yet unfilled, he must stand by for the present.
[From a Connecticut paper.]
MR NOTRIGHT was bred a me- chanic; his father left him, besides his trade, a small farm, on which, with a mo- derate share of labour he might have got ten a good living. But he was not satis- fied. He calculated the profits of trade. The retailers, said he, go to New York and purchase goods on credit; they sell them at 25 or 30 per cent. profit; they send produce to make remittance, on which they likewise make a profit: they must, and do grow rich amazing fast! I'll go into trade. Down to New York he went, purchased a large store of goods, put on his ruffled shirt, and opened store in the proper mercantile style; his family like- wise soon became people of fashion, and commenced good customers to the store. He went rapidly on in business, adverti- sed pompously in the papers—built an ele- gant house—enlarged his store and out houses—purchased stallions and jacks— was chosen to offices in the town—be- came a great rich man, and the people were astonished at his prosperity. But lo! the New York merchants became clamo- rous about certain old accounts of some years standing; on examining those ac- counts, there were found more than thirty To's to one By. On examining his ac- counts at home he found the case quite different, there were more than thirty By's to one To (By the way this was the first time that he ever examined any of his accounts). He was somewhat surpris- ed—What should he do? He borrowed money at 12 per cent. per annum interest; contracted new debts to pay old ones— Took up more goods than usual, and sold them at less than prime cost—went in- to more branches of trade than before— established manufactures, and seemed to be a greater and richer man than ever. But alas! a certain little man had the impu- dence, one morning, to clap this great man on the shoulder, and pronounce some very Lucy words. Here ended his career. His estate was delivered into the hands of trustees for the benefit of his creditors, who it is said, will receive ten shillings in the pound. Mr. Notright is now em- ployed in making shoes—Query, had he not better have been always thus employed?
Shrewsbury and Philadelphia STAGE.
THE Shrewsbury and Philadelphia stage, will commence to run regularly, on Thurs- day the fourth of July, to leave Philadelphia on that day, after which time, during the month of July, it will start from M c Kean and Van Em- burg's wharf at Philadelphia (the next wharf be- low Arch street) on every Sunday and Wednes- day & proceed to Bordentown—the land stage to proceed on the next morning to Edington, and to return on every Tuesday and Friday. In the month of August, it will leave Philadelphia on every Sunday and Thursday, and return on every Tuesday and Saturday. Fare for Passengers from Philadelphia to Edington - - two dollars & an half For goods ditto - ditto pr. cwt. one dollar. VAN EMBURGH & M c KEAN, SAMUEL FORMAN. Bordentown June 29, 1793. For freight or passage, apply to the masters on board, or to M c KEAN & VAN EMBURGH Who have for sale as usual at their stores or said wharf, pork, hams, flour, lard, butter, rye and dian meal, cheese, bar iron &c. &c. July 3. 2m. 1aw.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Sam- uel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, de- ceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorhees, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety two—Notice is hereby given to the said Garret Voorhees, that unless he appear an- d special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided. By order of the Court, April 17, 1aw. 1y. HOWELL, C lerk .
Notice to Distant Subscribers.
ALL persons in arrears for this paper, and post matters and others who may have received subscription money on account of the same, are requested to make speedy remittances. To prevent the dues iwe- ling to an improper amount, no papers will be continued to subscribers after the first day of November next, who shall then be indebted more than six months.—Punctu- ality in subscribers, is the first requisite in undertakings of this nature, and without which it is impossible that any publication, depending merely on subscription, can long exist.
Allen township, Lancaster county, To whom it may concern.
WHEREAS my wife SARAH SHAW hath behaved herself in a very unbecoming manner, I have thought fit to forewarn all persons trusting her on my account, as I am determined to pay no debts of her contracting, after the date hereof.
JOHN SHAW.
August 6th, 1793.
shoals of Ogechee, (Georgia) June 18. STOP THIEF.
THE public are requested to stop a villain wh- calls himself Thomas Stevens, or Steven- son, is a good shoemaker, says he was born in the state of New York, is about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, well made, fair complexion, short curled hair behind, and bald before to the crown; has a scar on the back of his head, which he says he received in Savannah in defence of Mr. Millin, his employer, by a stroke of a boot tree by a Mr. Smith in; has travelled through every state in the Union, and several of the Indian nations; he told from this place a horse Gelding, about 13 1/2 or 14 hands high, has a star in his face, branded on the mounting shoulder RM joined, paces and trotts. Likewise, a half worn double skirted sad- dle, with plated stirrups, and a flame oxide, with an iron plated buckle, and a pair of goose necked plate spurs. Whoever will bring said horse and thief to the subscriber, shall receive Ten Guineas reward
SIMON DAY. July 9. 5'
Seat of War.
FOR SALE
At M. CAREY'S Store, 118, Mar- ket-street.
A SHEET MAP
Of the French, Austrian and Dutch Ne- thlands,
In which the progress of the present War may be traced.
Price three eighths of a Dollar.
And a MAP of the Three Northern Districts of France, di- vided into Departments—Price one fourth of a Dollar.
Maps of the UNITED STATES:
ANY public-spirited gentlemen, possessed with materials for correcting and improving the maps of the several states, will lay M. Carey under very particular obligations, by communi- cating them. He is in immediate want of some for New-Jersey and Delaware; of which states, he is now preparing maps.
Guthrie's Geography:
THE subscription for this work will be conti- nued open, at the present rate of twelve dollars, till the first day of November next; after which it will be raised to fourteen dollars. August 10.
Just Published
By JOHNSTON and JUSTICE, No. 41, Chestnut-Street, and may be had at No. 209, Market Street,
Price one and four pence half penny,
Travels through America,
A Poem—by MICHAEL FORREST.
CONTENTS:
VOYAGE from Ireland to Newfoundland— Description of Newfoundland—Voyage from Newfoundland to Boston—Address to Columbia— to the Bostonians, and to Banker's Hill—Voyage from Boston to Baltimore—Observations on pass- ing Brandywine, going to Philadelphia—A view of a youth swimming in the river Schuylkill and sporting on its margin—Description of Philadel- phia—A fraternal scene—A moral deduced from the fraternal scene—Battle of the legs in Phila- delphia—Sailing from Philadelphia to Bordent- own in a stage boat—Philosophical contempla- tion with respect to human happiness—View of Burlington and Bristol—A delicate view of a young lady bathing in a tyvan pool—Rolanda in the grove, a rural scene—Moral from the distress of Rolanda—Address to Rolanda's inconstant swain—The approach of Winter—A Winter Storm—The approach of Spring—A view of the solar system on a fine summer night—Rural ob- servations—Battle of Denton—Praise of Gene- ral Washington—Dalliance and Stepson, a rural scene—Voyage to Charleston, South-Carolina— Description of Charleston and the Ladies of Ca- rolina—Verses to a Carolina Lady—Siege of Charleston—Address to Fortune—Verses ad- dressed to a young Gentleman at the Charleston College-Academy—A specimen of unlimited sublime poetry—Man shall be free, a new song.
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAIN.
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA