Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-02-10 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXXXVII.]
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1790.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.
No. LXXXVII.
"Responsibility is the main spring of public prosperity."
MOST men have too great a constitutional indolence ever to make distinguished exertions. The vis inertiae of our nature is one of the most stubborn obstacles to be overcome in acquiring eminence. There is such an aversion in the general run of mankind against making vigorous efforts, that we find few men who attempt to perform any thing bold or difficult. The greatest incentives must be suggested to induce men to engage in arduous undertakings. And unless industry is kept awake by motives of a stimulating nature, the higher employments of life would be neglected, and the important affairs of the world would stand still. It is therefore a wise expedient to put the weighty concerns of government under the controul of responsible men.
When a public officer feels himself responsible for the effect of his measures, it creates so strong an inducement to exertion and fidelity, that we may generally expect to see the public prosperity promoted in proportion to the weight of the responsibility which is imposed. The languor and inattention, which mark the movements of so great a proportion of the men employed in public business, result from the imbecility of the motives which prompt them to perform their duty. There are always certain causes in operation to draw us aside from the public good, and these can only be removed or counteracted by instituting responsible offices, where the force of the motive shall be in favor of the object to be obtained. If an office affords honor and profit; if it is held only on good behaviour; and if the public eye is at all times open upon the officer, we may calculate upon his being faithful and active. Those difficulties that would deter other people, he surmounts with alacrity. His responsibility absorbs those inferior considerations which tempt other men to oppose or neglect the public welfare.
It is well for the community to guard against intriguing men; but there is much more reason to stimulate the lazy and negligent. Wicked motives are not so common as weak motives, and there is more danger that men will neglect to do what they ought, than that they will do what they ought not. If the momentous affairs of government are not accomplished by responsible characters, they will never be done well or in season. The emoluments of office should be so alluring as to engage a respectable competition. This will bring into view the ablest candidates; and those who are unsuccessful will stand as censurers over those who get the appointments. By this means, the duties of office will be vigorously performed, and abuses either prevented or punished with a good degree of certainty.
THE OBSERVER.—No. XVI.
The re-establishment of national credit, a measure both of justice and sound policy.
WE must expect the people will be alive to all those national measures which have a direct influence on their property; this I consider not as an evil, but a great support of government, for give them time to be informed, and the whole weight of their influence will come in to aid the measures of a just and politic administration. The pain of acquiring property, and the benefits which result from possessing it, will make a prudent man careful how it is taken from him.—Avarice degrades human nature, but a love of property is a political virtue; remove this motive and civilized society, will be destroyed. An adequate provision for the debt of the nation, and for a fixed public credit, is a subject which vastly engages attention. Some diversity of sentiment is not half so strange, as that so many are united, and can think and converse amicably; neither is this diversity any evidence of dishonest intentions on either part. The particular situation of American credit, and the unhappy consequences of its past decline, have been sufficient to perplex the opinions of many worthy citizens. They are willing to be just even at the expence of all superfluities; but having only little property and that hardly earned, and thinking greater taxation needed to retrieve national credit, than will eventually be found necessary; there is a strong temptation to say, let the scene end as it hath begun.
Accustomed to see American paper of low value, they have forgot that a vast number of citizens, relying on the honesty of their country, deposited the whole savings of their industry, and dependance of their families; and that these very people or their children are now in depressed
circumstances, and kept from despair, by a hope of returning justice in their country. Many hundreds of planters who had sold their lands, that they might locate property more advantageously for a numerous family, were caught in that unlucky moment when business stagnated, and a frontier situation was dangerous; all these became public creditors.
The most honest merchants, whose feelings forbid them to violate the laws of their country, limiting the high price of foreign articles, thought it more patriotic to consecrate their property to its defence. The estate of many thousand orphans, hath been deposited in the public treasury, by those who had their patrimony in trust.
A prodigious number of private funds sacred to religion and science, have been loaned to the public.
The price of the soldiers fatigue, limbs and life is yet unpaid to him. When the nation needed every exertion of its subjects, and could make no pay, the most industrious and patriotic farmers sold their provisions for the public faith: but I will not go on with this recapitulation of sufferers, for I know that principle, and the possibility of what can be done; and not passionate feelings, must form the public mind on this subject, and be the ultimate ratio of justice.
An objection against restoring credit, in the minds of some, is that the debt hath passed from the original creditors, at a low price, and that a fulfilment of the public promises would not benefit the sufferers.
That considerable sums have been sold at a low price, and passed into circulation is a fact; but these are only a small part of the aggregate debt. As little sums of money compared with the whole cash of the country, make a great show at the raffle table, in passing several times perhaps, thro' every hand of the gambling circle: So it is a small proportion of the national paper, which hath made the show in circulation. The speculation in paper hath been a kind of gambling, artificially kept up between distant parts; a few sagacious ones have been fortunate, and many have been losers. Thus circumstanced, by many times passing and repassing, a small proportion of the public paper hath made a great appearance; and those securities which have circulated most, have much sound and little substance, being many of them liable to a tenfold deduction by scaling. The great weight of debt is still in the hands of the original holders, men who loaned or did service for the country from noble motives, who were conscious that the nation received from them an equivalent for its promise—men who had rather brave some distress in their private circumstances, than sell their just claim for a trifle; who were determined either to realize a moderate compensation, or die with the reflection that they had become poor in a good cause, and with a right to have this inscription over them, "here lies the man who sacrificed his all to support American liberty and sovereignty."
What can the supreme legislature say to such men, or to their children when supplicating their remembrance? Shall they be told the sum is great and there will be some difficulty in devising means? This allowed, but a reply is ready, is there not more difficulty and distress, in having the whole borne by a few, than by the nation at large?
Among those who have alienated their public bonds, there is a variety of cases; but a few have been obliged by necessity, from the tardiness of the national faith; the lot of such, is hard and unfortunate—if wishing and trying to devise could give them relief, every benevolent spirit would join in the exertion; but I do not know it to be possible, and may the rewarder of virtuous suffering do them right.
But this is not the case with all who have alienated their national paper. Many have done it on the principles and for the purposes of speculation; and have no reason to murmur at the consequences.
Many by improving the price of their sale in some lucrative business, have realized a greater sum, than the parent holders will ever receive from the public by the most favorable reinstatement of credit, which can be supposed; such persons may speak much of their loss, but have no right to wrangle with the event.
It is well known that the war called up a set of characters, in various departments, and in several kinds of speculation, who were calculated to thrive by public confusion, but not by persevering industry; these men held considerable sums of national paper, which they have since alienated. If the public had at that time paid them in coin, it would long since have gone from their hands, and been in possession of the very persons,
who now hold their public bonds. Men calculated to gain by such overturns of society as happened in the American war; and destitute of economy and hard industry, must fall into decline on the restoration of order, and peace. The poor are subjects of our humane commiseration, tho' imprudence be the cause of their poverty; but such as would have scattered their property, if the nation had early paid them in dollars of Mexico, have no just right to clamour against a re-establishment of public credit. The measures of a nation cannot be accommodated to the situation of one or a hundred imprudent subjects; and to attempt it would be unjust to a tenfold greater number, who have a sacred claim on public truth.
A power to alienate property, is one of the rights of man, which government ought not to invade either directly or indirectly by any of its measures. Suppose I hold a government bond of 100 dollars, fairly obtained; is not such bond my own property? Have I not the same right to alienate this, as any other kind of property? Am I not my own judge of the time, place, and price of exchange in sale? Every man knows best his own opportunities, and may advance his interest by selling at a large discount, and this has been done by many who have sold. For government to interpose arbitrarily in these matters is destroying its own credit, and an indirect way of frauding those who patiently depended on the public truth. A power of alienating and transferring is one consideration which gives value to any kind of property, had there been more traffick in national paper, it would always have brought a greater price. So long as much the greater part of the public obligations remains with the original loaners; as the transfersals which have taken place were without fraud; considering also that in many instances, it was more advantageous for the seller to alienate than to retain his property; I cannot determine that it is either just or politic for government to intermeddle in the matter.
It is not possible for a nation, or any branch of its executive to overlook all the private bargains of jockies, speculators and dunces—No rule of right can be ascertained—the expence of attempting it would bring a new debt on the country, ten fold greater than all the savings which can be made: these people must do their own business; if they practice knavery the law is open, and the judges of the land will punish them. The faith of a nation is sacred, and its measures ought to be stable, and not diverted from their course by a little traffick in public paper.
It is from seven to fifteen years since the national paper was issued; in a period of this length, nature and the necessary changes of society, in any country, will produce a considerable revolution of property; and I believe it to be a fact, that a less proportion of this paper, than of any other kind of property which can be named, hath changed its owners. Even in improved lands, which are the most stable kind of property; fix upon a number of contiguous acres in any inhabited part of America, of value equal to the national paper when it issued, and we shall find a greater proportion of these lands than of the national and States debts, hath been alienated and passed over to other owners; this appears to me an irrefragable evidence, that there hath been in the body of the people, notwithstanding all which hath taken place, a serious dependence on the public faith, and that it is still their expectation it will be re-established. In the sale of these lands, there have been many unprofitable bargains to the sellers; and many who alienated have spent the whole amount in folly; but these are the matters in which government cannot safely interfere—business, commerce and the exchange of property must have their course. One quarter of the bargains made are detrimental to one, and some of them to both parties; they were made in folly, but for national policy particularly to inspect them would be greater folly, and a most unmanageable and endless business.
The considerations suggested in this paper, with many others which I may hint in future, lead me to suppose, notwithstanding all the objections I have ever heard, the re-establishment of public credit, is a measure of justice due to the creditors, and that it hath always been expected by the most honest part of the community, and by those persons best acquainted with the nature, operation, and events of political society.
In my next number, I will endeavour to shew, that the restoration of credit which justice claims, is also a measure of sound national policy, and the only possible means of preventing very extreme evils.
[From the American Mercury.]

MR. FENNO,
A CANDID view of the circumstances and causes which have heretofore tended to give impressions unfavorable to the American public character, may probably lead to an investigation of the means by which a remedy is to be effected—a future confidence established—and the respectability of this country placed on an immovable basis.
It is not the least surprising to the thinking mind, that the critical situation of public affairs, during a long and perilous war, should deprive these States of an opportunity to examine nicely, the texture of those forms of government which were erected during that period, or how far their principles promised stability and firmness in their operation—nor is it more to be wondered at, by those who are acquainted with human nature, that after the object which originated the late contest was obtained, and before cool reason had confirmed a Union which common danger only had prompted, that each branch in the copartnership should discover an inclination to rid itself of its proportion of the price of our Independence—and a jealousy relating to the share each would have in the advantages resulting from it, while the collective whole should appear to have no other idea of a future well established government, but as the erection of a tyranny at home in lieu of the one they had just rid themselves of from abroad, arising from the vibrations of the pendulum to the opposite extreme.
The aforementioned causes jointly operated to produce imbecility, error, and in some instances, fraud in our public acts—to destroy mutual confidence among our citizens, and to bring upon us the contempt of foreign powers; the general interest became a sacrifice to the contracted policy of each State—the little views of some individuals, and the licentious hopes of many others.
Happy for America a different scene now opens to view—and the dark shades in the picture just given, are fast dissipating under the operation of a free, but efficient national government—and every heart must dilate with joy at our prospects, while with reason we can anticipate all those blessings which must necessarily accrue from a speedy restoration of public faith and honor upon the establishment of an adequate system for funding the debt of the United States.
As communities are but the collection of individuals, the same principles and practices which tend to advance the interest of each individual in his private capacity, must lead to their corporate welfare—nor can any thing morally wrong be politically right—the contrary maxim has been often inculcated—its mischievous consequences have ever been manifest—while the principle itself of adhering strictly to the dictates of justice in public affairs, must influence the well disposed Statesman—he will find the policy of his conduct also evidenced in the former splendor of the ancient States of Greece and Rome, and the modern one of Great-Britain, who by a sacred regard to her public promises, has been able to command resources astonishing to all the world, and to carry on a series of wars which would have made bankrupts of all the other powers of Europe.
Among the preliminary steps to an adequate funding system in America, will be the assumption of the State debts by the Union. The history of France from the earliest stage of her political existence, is pregnant with evils resulting from the division of power in her government, and the exclusive rights vested in the provincial parliaments: The present deranged state of her finances may be in a great measure traced to the same sources—while the opposite of the whole scene, as exhibited in Great Britain, is owing to the reverse of her political economy. To produce firmness, stability and vigor in national measures, it is expedient that all interests should be as far as possible united with one general concentration of power—a division in either case, is productive of jarrings and discord, and consequent languor and indecision: From this it will appear evident, that one uniform system of Finance in this country is not only a necessary but an indispensable measure—the mode once confirmed, the next consideration will be as to the means by which government shall be enabled to comply with its promises, and appropriations—and here the propriety of an excise, in addition to the impost, appears palpable, as the former will be insufficient to answer the above purposes, though (as I have observed in some former papers) a reduction of the interest should take place under the new establishment.
The product of both Impost and Excise I also conceive to be virtually depending on the extension of our commerce, and having our intercourse with other nations secured by explicit treaty or contract—no longer to be subject to the uncertain tenure of legislative acts—while commercial agents are deputed abroad to guarantee the observance of such contracts, and to protect the interests of individuals trading to foreign ports.
The necessity of these regulations become more apparent when we reflect that the rapid increase of this country in population and wealth, and the
enterprise of its inhabitants, will naturally excite the observation of the European powers, and soon give rise to all the jealousies of commercial rivalry. Our commerce with them, unsupported by treaty, would probably feel all those injurious fluctuations which such jealousies have a tendency to produce—while our commerce will be greatly assisted by the foreign regulations just attended to, the importance of a code of well constructed inspection laws at home is equally obvious—and these ought no longer to be executed by those who value neither faith or honor; but by men of established reputation, and who will not consent to sacrifice their character at the shrine of avarice—till this is the case our inspection laws will only serve to encrease the evils they are intended to prevent.
Most of the nations of Europe, sensible of the importance of commerce, are using every means for its extension and liberal establishment, and the removal of those impediments to it, which have heretofore existed in France, are among the most conspicuous improvements of her late enlightened policy. The advantages reaped by Great-Britain from this source need no comment.
Examples brought from abroad will have their due weight—but the good information, and political knowledge possessed, abstractedly by Congress, must suggest the propriety of an early attention to the subject here treated of, as involving the most essential objects which gave rise to the late revolution in our government, and as intimately connected with the general prosperity and welfare of the American Empire
AMERICANUS.
PRESIDENT SULLIVAN'S MESSAGE.
To the Hon. SENATE and HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, [of NEW-HAMPSHIRE.]
GENTLEMEN, HAVING been informed, that doubts have arisen in the minds of some, whether my having accepted the office of District Judge has not disqualified me from acting as President of the State, until a new election takes place, I confess that I have never been able to discover any incompatibility in the two offices. But as some have attempted to prove this by urging the words of a Constitution framed for the purpose of establishing over the people of New-Hampshire a free, sovereign and independent government—I must observe, that this government has since been changed by the voice of the people, who have agreed that their safety depended on their relinquishing many of the powers retained by the people in that Constitution, to a General Government established for the people of each and every State who should adopt it; which to them was to become the general law of the land. The people of this State did, in the most solemn manner, adopt and ratify that Constitution; and from that event, THIS CEASED TO BE A FREE, SOVEREIGN, AND INDEPENDENT STATE; and upon my being elected to the office of President, I was only sworn to perform and fulfil the duties incumbent on me as President of a free and confederate State; and I was at or near the same time sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, by virtue of a law enacted by yourselves.
While I was continuing to preside in this State, I was appointed under that Constitution which the people of New-Hampshire had adopted for themselves, a Judge of the Federal Court. My own inclinations were far from leading me to wish to continue in both offices; but I was put in by the people, and could not devise a way of resigning the trust committed to me, but into the hands who honoured me with it. I well knew that the time for electing a new President was near at hand, when the people might have an opportunity of declaring who should preside over them; and all the public papers having been entrusted to my care, and the affairs of the State unfolded to me, I could not, without an unpardonable breach of trust, neglect to lay them before you. I also considered, that while I was living in the State, no other person could, by your own laws, administer the necessary oaths to you, to qualify you to act as Legislators, while the time for which I was chosen was not expired; and as I knew that this would probably be the last session of this Court, for the present year; and I had no inclination to propose myself as a candidate for another—I concluded delicacy would have prevented some persons from pursuing the methods they have adopted, for gratifying a spirit which ought never to lodge itself in the branch of a Legislature.
GENTLEMEN, You will see the situation I am in, and may easily conceive of my feelings upon this subject, being brought forward, at every opportunity, to satiate that spirit which has often, before this session of the Court, displayed itself before me, and used every effort against me.
The President and Senate of the United States were, at the time of my appointment, well acquainted with my having to finish my year in presiding over this State; but no hint has ever been given to me of my acceptance of an office under the present general government, rendering
void any State appointment; even though I have had the honour of being often, since my acceptance of the office of District Judge for New-Hampshire, in company with the President of the United States, who knew I was the President of this State, and treated me as such, although he at the same time knew that I had long before accepted the office of Federal Judge.
I know the candour and justice of the members of both branches; and I have too high an opinion of their integrity and uprightness to suppose, that they will suffer themselves to be influenced by the efforts of one or more, who cannot avoid at every opportunity, discovering the spirit which actuates them in their conduct. I have the honour, &c. JOHN SULLIVAN.
Dec. 29, 1789.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1790.
A Memorial from Hon. Robert Morris, late superintendent of finance, enclosed to the speaker was read—the enclosure contained a request that the memorial might be entered on the journals of the House—laid on the table.
The memorialist after stating a variety of facts relative to the business of which he had been appointed superintendent—the difficulties, delays, and embarrassments which had prevented a final adjustment and settlement of his accounts—petitions that commissioners may be appointed for that purpose.
Mr. Goodhue presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of Salem—stating that thro' a very particular construction of a section in the coasting law, vessels owned by the citizens of the United States, and as they thought properly qualified as such, had been obliged to pay the alien duty in some of the southern States—and praying relief or a refund of the duty so paid—laid on the table.
Several petitions and memorials were read, from persons who had made sundry discoveries, and invented certain machines praying encouragement, and a securing of the benefits of their inventions—laid on the table.
On motion of Mr. Sedgwick the committee of the whole house was discharged from any further discussion of the bill providing for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States. It was then voted that the blanks in the bill should be filled up.
The first blank respected the time to be allowed for completing the enumeration—6, 4, and 3 months were proposed.
Mr. Sedgwick observed, that as so long a time is to elapse before the assistants are to enter upon the business, the work of preparation will be completed in such a manner, that he conceived three, two, or even one month will be sufficient.
Mr. White said that he was very sure that in many of the States, two, three or four months will not be sufficient—and six months will be found short enough to complete the enumeration in those States—in the eastern States the business may be finished in a much shorter period—but when the time shall be elapsed, that is allowed by law, and the enumeration is completed in some of the States, and the numbers fully returned, it cannot be supposed that those States who have not completed theirs, should acquiesce in any regulations, and establishments founded on so imperfect a census.
Mr. Burke was in favor of allowing the longest period—and stated a great variety of obstacles and impediments in the way of completing the enumeration within so short a time, even as six months; and the census when returned in so incomplete a state, it could not be supposed would be satisfactory; it would create uneasiness and terminate in absolute injustice.
Mr. Jackson adverting to the peculiar circumstances of the southern States, particularly Georgia; and the recent accession of North-Carolina; the extensiveness of the territory of those States, and the dispersed situation of their inhabitants—contended that six months would be but a short time to complete the business in.
Mr. Madison observed that the situation of the several States was so various, that the difficulty of adopting a plan for effecting the business upon terms that would give general satisfaction, can only be obviated by allowing sufficient time. Some of the States have been in habits of taking an enumeration of their citizens; others have never done it at all; to the former the business will be easy, and may be completed within perhaps the shortest period; in the others, it will be attended with difficulties at present unforeseen. In addition to these, there is a variety of other considerations to be taken into view; there must be a greater number of assistants employed in the southern States; there are many contingencies that cannot be provided against; the assistants may die, and leave the business unfinished; it may be necessary to appoint others; the returns from so many persons, from such extensive districts, will require such a length of time, as leaves no probability that it can be completed in a shorter period than six months.
Mr. Sedgwick said he had no wish to precipitate the business: The equalizing the representation ought to be a matter of serious contemplation to every gentleman, it is peculiarly so to the delegation from those States who are so unequally represented: I wish for a full and competent enumeration; and am for allowing full time to complete it in: But there does not appear to me to be any force in the objection raised from the contingency of the death of the assistants: The longer the period, the greater the probability of such events: And I am clearly of opinion that extending the period will not conduce to obtaining finally so accurate an enumeration.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) Mr. Burke, and Mr. Jackson made a few additional observations, when
The question being taken on "six months," it was carried in the affirmative.
The assistants failing to make returns to the marshals within the time limited by this act to forfeit 200 dollars.
The marshals to make returns of the aggregate amount to the President of the United States, by the first day of June next, under penalty of 800 dollars.
Some other blanks were filled in amendments which had been adopted—The bill being gone through.
It was passed, to be enacted.
A message was received from the President of the United States by his Secretary, with the act for giving effect to the laws of the United States in the State of North Carolina, and for other purposes, which has received the President's assent and signature.
In committee of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury relative to a provision for the support of the public credit—Mr. Baldwin in the chair.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) after premising a mode which he deemed eligible in taking up the subjects contained in the report, read certain resolutions which he proposed to lay on the table: These resolutions he supposed would bring the several objects of discussion to a point, so that the committee might proceed with more accuracy in the business.
These resolutions referred to the principal objects of the report—laid on the table.
Mr. Boudinot entered into a consideration of the subject of the debt: He adverted to the resolution of the last session, and to the answer of the House to the President's speech; by which he conceived the United States have pledged themselves to make adequate provision for the support of the public faith: He thought the mode pointed out by the gentleman from South Carolina, would

bring the business before the committee in a proper point of view: He conceived the subject of his first resolution, viz. to fund the debt the present session, was the first question to be taken into consideration. In order to bring before the committee a just and adequate idea of the debt, he recurred to the journals of the late Congress: He commenced his researches with the year 1779; and read the resolves, declarations, addresses and engagements of Congress from period to period relative to the loans, services, supplies, &c. He then said, that he conceived that there was not a person within the sound of his voice, possessing the feelings of honor and humanity, who would harbor an idea against funding the debt of the United States: He touched on the public sentiment—the present situation of the country; and after repeating some of the observations contained in the report of the Secretary, said, he doubted not that the question for funding would meet the ideas of a decided majority of this house: The manner how this should be done will be an after consideration: He concluded by observing that he felt full confidence that before the present session should be closed, the arduous and important business would be completed.
Mr. Fitzsimons read in his place several resolutions affirmative of the great objects contained in the report of the Secretary, which he laid on the table: They are as follows:
Resolved, That adequate provision ought to be made for fulfilling the engagements of the United States in respect to their foreign debt.
Resolved, That permanent funds ought to be appropriated for the payment of interest on, and the gradual discharge of the domestic debt of the United States.
Resolved, That the arrears of interest, including indents, issued in payment thereof, ought to be provided for on the same terms with the principal of the said debt.
Resolved, That the debts of the respective States ought, with the consent of the creditors, to be assumed and provided for by the United States.
Resolved, That it is advisable to endeavor to effect a new modification of the domestic debt, including that of the particular States, with the voluntary consent of the creditors, by a loan, upon terms mutually beneficial to them and to the United States.
Resolved, That for the purpose expressed in the last preceding resolution, subscriptions toward a loan ought to be opened, to the amount of the said domestic debt; including that of the respective States, upon the terms following, to wit:
That for every hundred dollars subscribed, payable in the said debt (as well interest as principal) the subscriber be entitled, at his option, either
To have two thirds funded at an annuity, or yearly interest of six per cent. redeemable at the pleasure of the government, by payment of the principal; and to receive the other third in lands in the Western Territory, at the rate of twenty cents per acre.
Or, To have the whole sum funded at an annuity or yearly interest of four per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum on account both of principal and interest; and to receive as a compensation for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable in lands, as in the preceding case.
Or, To have fifty-six dollars and two thirds of a dollar funded immediately at an annuity or yearly interest of six per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding four dollars and two thirds of a dollar per annum, on account both of principal and interest; and to have, at the end of ten years, twenty-six dollars and eighty-eight cents, funded at the like interest and rate of redemption.
Or, To have an annuity for the remainder of life, upon the contingency of living to a given age, not less distant than ten years, computing interest at four per cent.
Or, To have an annuity for the remainder of life, upon the contingency of the survivorship of the youngest of two persons, computing interest, in this case also, at four per cent.
Resolved, That immediate provision ought to be made for the present debt of the United States; and that the faith of government ought to be pledged to make provision, at the next session, for so much of the debts of the respective States, as shall have been subscribed upon any of the terms expressed in the last resolution.
Resolved, That the funds which shall be appropriated according to the second of the foregoing resolutions, be applied, in the first place, to the payment of interest on the sums subscribed towards the proposed loan; and that if any part of the said domestic debt shall remain unsubscribed, the surplus of the said funds be applied, by a temporary appropriation, to the payment of interest on the unsubscribed part, so as not to exceed, for the present, four per cent. per annum; but this limitation shall not be understood to impair the right of the non-subscribing creditors to the residue of the interest on their respective debts: And in case the aforesaid surplus should prove insufficient to pay the non-subscribing creditors, at the aforesaid rate of four per cent. that the faith of government be pledged to make good such deficiency.
Mr. Page moved that the report of the Secretary should be read. The Clerk then commenced reading, and having proceeded as far as the 11th page—It was moved that the committee should rise: They accordingly rose, and the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 9.
The memorial of sundry inhabitants of the town of Salem, presented yesterday, was on motion of Mr. Goodhue taken up for a second reading, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Benson presented the memorial of Brigadier General Donald Campbell, praying that an investigation of his claims against the United States may be made.
Mr. Boudinot presented a petition from the contractors for carrying the mail through New-Jersey, which was read, and referred to the committee appointed to take into consideration the regulation of the post-office.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Page proposed that those gentlemen who had brought forward certain resolutions, should direct the attention of the House to those parts of the report to which they mean particularly to refer, that such part may be read.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) withdrew the propositions which he laid on the table yesterday.
The resolutions proposed by Mr. Fitzsimons were then read by the Clerk.
The first resolution being read by the chairman; and the question being taken on the same, it passed in the affirmative unanimously.
The second resolution was then read, on which Mr. Jackson rose and observed, that tho' he had as great a sense of the merit of our public creditors, those who had fought our battles, and had effected the independence of America as any man; yet there is a question on the subject before the House, which he conceived of as great consequence as any that had been suggested, and that is whether the present is the season for funding the domestic debt of the United States. He then reprobated funding systems altogether: Adverted to the effects which had been experienced from them in Florence, Genoa, and Great-Britain; and asserted that some of those States had lost their independence through the debts which had thereby been entailed on them. Great Britain by adopting a funding system, has accumulated a debt which they never can get rid of.
From these remarks he inferred the pernicious consequences of a system for funding the debt of the United States; and referring to the present unrepresented State of North-Carolina, and the uncertainty with respect to the quantum of the debt; the state of the western territory, &c. concluded by moving that the report should lie on the table for further consideration.
Mr. Sherman observed that the present question before the committee is simply, whether the debt shall be funded: The various
particulars to which the gentleman last speaking alluded, are not now before the committee: Whether the debt shall be placed upon irredeemable funds, is a subject of future consideration.
Mr. Smith made some observations in reply to Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Jackson moved that the committee should rise, which motion being put, was negatived by a great majority.
Mr. Bland enquired why there was a difference in the phraseology of the two first resolutions? He could not see the propriety or justice of making a discrimination between our domestic and foreign creditors. We have pledged ourselves by adopting the first resolution to fulfil our engagements to our foreign creditors, before we have ascertained whether we are able to do it; but the resolution respecting our domestic creditors, leaves them in a very different situation. He wished to be informed for what reason the difference was made, as he meant to propose a substitute for the resolution now under consideration.
Mr. Fitzsimons in reply informed the committee that the circumstances of the foreign debt were such, as left no alternative, but that of coming to a precise and definite resolution upon the subject. With respect to the domestic debt, agreeable to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, a different plan of procedure is offered; still the modification proposed is to be submitted to the option of the creditors.
Mr. Bland then read a resolution respecting the domestic debt, which was similar to that adopted respecting the foreign debt; this he proposed as a substitute for the second resolution.
Mr. Livermore entered into a consideration of the circumstances under which the domestic and foreign debts were incurred, and gave it as his opinion that the United States are not under obligations to make a specific provision for the domestic debt agreeable to the face of the securities which are considered as the evidences of the debt. With respect to the foreign debt, it is for loans received from persons no ways interested in the revolution of the country, and it must be paid. He was opposed to the resolution in its present form, as it went to make an unqualified provision for the domestic debt.
Mr. Bland said, there was no man who will go further than himself in fulfilling to the utmost of his power, every public contract, and to pay the bona fide debts, both foreign and domestic, of the United States, to the utmost farthing. On this principle it was, that he proposed the resolution he had offered, as it appeared to be the only way of bringing the subject fairly before the committee. He could not see the propriety of the discrimination made by the gentleman last speaking, between the foreign and domestic debt, as the fact is, that by transfers the foreign debt is now become in part the property of the citizens of the United States, and on the other hand great part of the domestic debt is alienated to foreigners. He therefore offered the resolution which he had read—if he was seconded he should be glad, if not, he should set down contented.
Mr. Scott in a speech of some length on the subject, observed, that the legislature of the United States is to be considered on this occasion as sitting as referees in a case of equity and justice—the only enquiry therefore is, what is the sum which the United States absolutely and bona fide owe—if on enquiry it is found that the ostensible demand is double what ought in justice to be paid, they will determine accordingly, and strike off that half, nor can we answer it to our constituents to make provision for paying one farthing more than the sum which on a full investigation of the subject shall appear to be due—He concluded by moving an amendment to the resolution by adding the following words, viz. as soon as the same shall be ascertained, and duly liquidated.
Mr. Boudinot replied to Mr. Scott—and controverted the principle he had advanced that Congress was to be considered as a judicial body on this occasion—He stated the terms on which the debt had been contracted, the dependence which the creditors had of obtaining final justice from their country; the pernicious consequences that would result from adopting such a principle, as it would destroy every vestige of confidence in the honor of the United States, and put it entirely out of our power to effect any future loans, let the emergency be ever so great.
Mr. Lawrance said, that the object of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, appears to be a re-liquidation of the debt of the United States, on a supposition that the evidences which the creditors have obtained are for a larger sum than they ought to have received for their supplies and services; but what is the tendency of such an investigation of the business—does it not involve the grossest impeachment of that government under which the debt was contracted—does it not tend to throw an equal proportion of the burdens incurred in the acquisition of our independence upon one particular class of citizens, whose merits and services certainly entitle them to different treatment—the whole body of the people have received an equivalent for the whole debt—and this scheme of re-liquidation will produce a discrimination which will prove cruelly injurious to a class of citizens who have contributed perhaps the most to the success of the country in their late arduous struggles, by reposing the fullest trust and confidence in the justice and honor of the States.
Mr. Jackson observed that however the idea of a discrimination may be reprobated by the gentleman last speaking, the question will certainly come before the House. There is a discrimination between the foreign and domestic debt, which every man must acknowledge. The foreign debt is due from those who are creditors to the United States: Surely these creditors will be willing to pay; or make provision to pay their debts, before they will clamor against the government for their demands. This shews that the consideration of the domestic should be deferred, while the foreign debt ought to be immediately provided for.
Mr. Ames went into a particular examination of the doctrine advanced by Mr. Scott, and shewed the pernicious consequences that would result from its operation, as being subversive of every principle on which public contracts are founded. That the evidences of the debt possessed by the creditors of the United States, cannot in reason, justice, and policy, be considered in any other light than as public bonds, for the redemption and payment of which the lands, the property, and labor of the whole people are pledged. The public in this case, is as it were personified; nor is there any conceivable difference, except it is in favor of the creditor, between the public and an individual in this case. On this idea the public is trusted; and for them to assume the office of judge on the occasion, is a meer arbitrary act of power, which never can be exercised, but to the destruction of the essential interests of the people, and must terminate in a dissolution of the social compact.
Mr. Sherman said that he agreed in sentiment with the gentleman from Pennsylvania in part, but could not extend the operation of the principle to such an extent as he did. The Legislature must necessarily act in a judicial capacity in some cases: It judges of accounts exhibited against the government, and determines upon them: He instance in a variety of particulars, the interference of this power, and which, said he, cannot reasonably be objected to; but this power cannot be extended to judge upon debts that are acknowledged by the government; in this light he considered the liquidated debt of the United States: On which the Legislature can have no more right to judge than an individual who is a party to a private contract: For if they can thus interfere, the credit of the United States is placed in a very deplorable situation indeed. He moved to confine the provision to that part of the debt which is already liquidated.
Mr. Goodhue reprobated the idea of discrimination, and reliquidation. He observed, that if the object is to take advantage of the depreciated rate of public securities, it will be wisest to defer all further consideration on the subject at present, for the purpose of availing ourselves of a still lower rate of depreciation.
Mr. Scott enforced the general ideas of his former speech, and to justify the sentiment adduced sundry instances of the conduct of the parliament of Great-Britain, in erasing houses and making high ways over the places where they stood, and other invasions of private property—he contended the debt stood on a similar footing.
ing with other contracts on which questions of equity and justice may arise and be determined with the greatest propriety.
The debate was continued, by several of the gentlemen speaking repeatedly on the amendment—Mr. Stone, Mr. White, and Mr. Sedgwick added a few remarks. The time being expended, and several gentlemen expressing a wish to revolve the subject still further in their own minds—a motion was made that the committee should rise—which being put was carried in the affirmative—The House then adjourned.
EXTRACT
Of a Letter from London, dated November 2, 1789, continued from No. 85, of this Gazette.
THE objects that rise into view, in reading the debates of Congress impress a most favorable idea of the situation of America. Your citizens seem to be contemplating useful points in the science of morality and government. Every subject is discussed on rational grounds, and decided upon the real merits of the question. The important truth seems to be acquiesced in, that public honesty is the only basis of public happiness. What improvements may not be expected from a people who are so fast progressing into habits of order, economy and justice! This is the more pleasing to the philosophic mind, as this reformation in your affairs is effected by the free consent of the people at large. There is no force or deception in the matter. The citizens of the United States, having experienced most bitterly the effects of a want of public credit, and of deranged finances, come forward voluntarily and enter into arrangements to bind themselves to be honest and virtuous. It is a noble triumph of reason over error. It reflects the highest honor on your country, and if this spirit of reformation can be kept alive till your public credit is effectually established, your nation will be held up as a model to all the world. The name of America will sound gratefully in the ears of every philosopher on earth.
“The approaching session of your Legislature will be an interesting one. From the measures then to be adopted, your government must take its character. The executive officers will no doubt faithfully collect information relative to their different departments; and I presume the Legislature will weigh with candor, the plans that may be suggested. The greatest danger to be apprehended in your public affairs, is a jealousy between the different branches of government. I could perceive by the debates that the representatives were not free from a suspicion, that the executive officers would establish too powerful an influence. It is very certain that men of abilities and rectitude will have influence in whatever department they are placed. This circumstance should not create so much jealousy as to prevent men of talents from acquiring confidence, and promoting the public good by their exertions. All men in office should be controuled by certain checks that are interwoven in the institutions, under which they act; but it will always be found that a temper of suspicion indulged by individuals against public characters; or by one branch of the government against the other, will impede public business and be attended with no useful consequence.”
NEW-YORK, FEBRUARY 10.
Yesterday the President of the United States was pleased to nominate, and by, and with the advice and consent of the Senate to appoint the following persons to office in the State of N. Carolina.
 Wilmington, James Read, Collector.  John Walker, Naval Officer.  Thomas Callender, Surveyor.  Newbern, John Davis, Collector.  Beaufort, John Easton, Surveyor.  Washington, Nathan Keais, Collector.  EDENTON DISTRICT.  Edenton, Thomas Benbury, Collector.  Hertford, Joshua Skinner, jun. Surveyor.  Murfreeboro, Hardy Murfree, Surveyor.  Plymouth, Levi Blount, Surveyor.  Skewarkoy, Henry Hunter, Surveyor.  Wynton, William Wynns, Surveyor.  Bennets Creek, John Baker, Surveyor.  CAMDEN DISTRICT.  Plank Bridge, on Sawyers Creek, Isaac Gregory, Collector.  Nixonton, Hugh Knox, Surveyor.  Indian-Town, Thomas Williams, Surveyor.  Palquotank River Bridge, Edmund Sawyer, Surveyor.  Newbiggin Creek, Elias Albertson, Surveyor.  FROM CORRESPONDENTS.
It was made an objection to the new Constitution, that the elections of Representatives should be biennial; but happy will it be for our country, if we do not find that that period is too short. To ensure their future election is often found the influencing motive of conduct to too many in the last session of an existing Legislature: Hence that independency of spirit, that sacred regard to truth, that inflexible adherence to the best measures, popular or unpopular, which distinguish the real patriot, are seldom found to govern the decisions of those, who feel conscious that a fortuitous concurrence of circumstances, and not merit, has made them the objects of the people's suffrage in times past.
The principle of responsibility has a very powerful operation with such characters, when they are about to revert to the mass of the people; but what kind of responsibility is it? Not to account for the free and independent exercise of their own judgment, on the important subjects of deliberation in the Legislature; but to satisfy their particular constituents, that they have made it their study to fulfil the particular wishes of their creators. Hence the people! the people! is often the burden of the song to those who never gave any other evidence of their patriotism but a prostitution of every principle of honor at the shrine of popularity.
I remember to have heard an old veteran in the cause of freedom say, he always suspected the honesty of that man's principles, who is to devilish peopleish : For certain it is, that those Legislators who are only solicitous to please the present humors of the people, must often advocate measures subversive of their essential rights.
If Legislators are to be considered as the guardians of the public liberty, it necessarily follows, that as communities, as well as individuals are liable to infatuation, the upright patriot must stem the popular impulse on such occasions, tho' he will thereby render himself odious for a time.
On Monday the Grand Jury for the United States of this district, gave a very elegant entertainment to the Chief, Associate, and District Judges, the Attorney General and the officers of the Supreme and District Courts, at France's Tavern in Courtland-Street. The liberality displayed on this occasion and the good order and harmony which presided gave particular satisfaction to the respectable guests. After dinner the following toasts were drank.
 1. The President of the United-States of America.  2. The Vice President of the United-States of America.  3. The National Judiciary. 4. The Senate of the United-States.  5. The Speaker and House of Representatives of the United States.  6. The late National Convention.  7. The Constitution of our Country: may it prove the solid Fabrick of American liberty, Prosperity and Glory.  8. The Memory of those Heroes who fell in the defence of the Liberties of America.  9. His most Christian Majesty and the People of France.  10. Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands.  11. The friendly powers of Europe and the friends of liberty throughout the Globe.  12. May the blessings of peace be long the happy lot of our Country, and every Citizen of America, feel himself deeply interrested, in the due execution of the laws of the Union.  13. The Convention of Rhode-Island. May their wisdom and integrity soon introduce our stray sister to her station in the happy national family of America. 

REPORT
Of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Jan. 9, 1790.
[CONTINUATION.]
IN addition to the foregoing loan, payable wholly in the debt, the Secretary would propose, that one should be opened for ten millions of dollars, on the following plan.
That for every hundred dollars subscribed, payable one half in specie, and the other half in debt (as well principal as interest) the subscriber be entitled to an annuity or yearly interest of five per cent. irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars per annum, on account both of principal and interest.
The principles and operation of these different plans may now require explanation.
The first is simply a proposition for paying one third of the debt in land, and funding the other two thirds, at the existing rate of interest, and upon the same terms of redemption, to which it is at present subject.
Here is no conjecture, no calculation of probabilities. The creditor is offered the advantage of making his interest principal, and he is asked to facilitate to the government an effectual provision for his demands, by accepting a third part of them in land, at a fair valuation.
The general price, at which the western lands have been, heretofore, sold, has been a dollar per acre in public securities; but at the time the principal purchases were made, these securities were worth, in the market, less than three shillings in the pound. The nominal price, therefore, would not be the proper standard, under present circumstances, nor would the precise specie value then given, be a just rule. Because, as the payments were to be made by instalments, and the securities were, at the times of the purchases, extremely low, the probability of a moderate rise must be presumed to have been taken into the account. Twenty cents, therefore, seem to bear an equitable proportion to the two considerations of value at the time, and likelihood of increase.
It will be understood, that upon this plan, the public retains the advantage of availing itself of any fall in the market rate of interest, for reducing that upon the debt, which is perfectly just, as no present sacrifice, either in the quantum of the principal, or in the rate of interest, is required from the creditor.
The inducement to the measure is, the payment of one third of the debt in land.
The second plan is grounded upon the supposition, that interest, in five years, will fall to five per cent. in fifteen more, to four: As the capital remains entire, but bearing an interest of four per cent. only, compensation is to be made to the creditor, for the interest of two per cent. per annum for five years, and of one per cent. per annum, for fifteen years, to commence at the distance of five years. The present value of these two sums or annuities, computed according to the terms of the supposition, is, by strict calculation, fifteen dollars and seven hundred and ninety-two thousandth parts of a dollar; a fraction less than the sum proposed.
The inducement to the measure here is, the reduction of interest to a rate, more within the compass of a convenient provision; and the payment of the compensation in lands.
The inducements to the individual are—the accommodation afforded to the public—the high probability of a complete equivalent; the chance even of gain, should the rate of interest fall, either more speedily or in a greater degree, than the calculation supposes. Should it fall to five per cent. sooner than five years; should it fall lower than five before the additional fifteen were expired; or should it fall below four, previous to the payment of the debt, there would be, in each case, an absolute profit to the creditor. As his capital will remain entire, the value of it will increase, with every decrease of the rate of interest.
The third plan proceeds upon the like supposition of a successive fall in the rate of interest. And upon that supposition offers an equivalent to the creditor. One hundred dollars, bearing an interest of six per cent. for five years; of five per cent. for fifteen years, and thenceforth of four per cent. (these being the successive rates of interest in the market) is
equal to a capital of 122 dollars, 510725 parts, bearing an interest of four per cent. which, converted into a capital, bearing a fixed rate of interest of six per cent. is equal to 81 dollars, 6738166 parts.
The difference between sixty-six dollars and two thirds of a dollar (the sum to be funded immediately) and this last sum is 15 dollars, 0172 parts, which at six per cent. per annum, amounts at the end of ten years, to 26 dollars, 8755 parts, the sum to be funded at the expiration of that period.
It ought, however, to be acknowledged, that this calculation does not make allowance for the principle of redemption, which the plan itself includes; upon which principle the equivalent in a capital of six per cent. would be by strict calculation, 87 dollars, 50766 parts.
But there are two considerations which induce the Secretary to think, that the one proposed would operate more equitably than this: One is, that it may not be very early in the power of the United States to avail themselves of the right of redemption reserved in the plan: The other is, that with regard to the part to be funded at the end of ten years, the principle of redemption is suspended during that time, and the full interest at six per cent. goes on improving at the same rate; which for the last five years will exceed the market rate of interest, according to the supposition.
The equivalent is regulated in this plan, by the circumstance of fixing the rate of interest higher, than it is supposed it will continue to be in the market; permitting only a gradual discharge of the debt, in an established proportion, and consequently preventing advantage being taken of any decrease of interest below the stipulated rate.
Thus the true value of eighty-one dollars and sixty-seven cents, the capital proposed, considered as a perpetuity, and bearing six per cent. interest, when the market rate of interest was five percent. would be a small fraction more than ninety-eight dollars, when it was four per cent. would be one hundred and twenty-two dollars and fifty-one cents. But the proposed capital being subject to gradual redemption, it is evident, that its value, in each case, would be somewhat less. Yet from this may be perceived, the manner in which a less capital at a fixed rate of interest, becomes an equivalent for a greater capital, at a rate liable to variation and diminution.
It is presumable, that those creditors, who do not entertain a favorable opinion of property in western lands, will give a preference to this last mode of modelling the debt. The Secretary is sincere in affirming, that, in his opinion, it will be likely to prove, to the full as beneficial to the creditors, as a provision for his debt upon its present terms.
It is not intended, in either case to oblige the government to redeem, in the proportion specified, but to secure to it, the right of doing so, to avoid the inconvenience of a perpetuity.
The fourth and fifth plans abandon the supposition which is the basis of the two preceding ones, and offer only four per cent. throughout.
The reason of this is, that the payment being deferred, there will be an accumulation of compound interest, in the intermediate period against the public, which, without a very provident administration, would turn to its detriment. And the suspension of the burthen would be too apt to beget a relaxation of efforts in the mean time. The measure therefore, its object being temporary accommodation, could only be advisable on a moderata rate of interest.
With regard to individuals, the inducement will be sufficient at four per cent. There is no disposition of money, in private loans, making allowance for the usual delays and casualties, which would be equally beneficial as a future provision.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The following lines were addressed to a Lady, a short time before her marriage.
FROM the bright regions of Oberon's nations, Come I, by Oberon's orders, to you; From evergreen meads, where in fantastic fashions, Sport loving Fairies to measures dance true. Some ride on bees, some on bats, some on swallows, Some ride on watery beams from the moon, Some playing hide and seek, skulk in the hollows Made for wrens nests, and whistle her tune. Puck am I call'd;—Robin Goodfellow named:— Seldom by sin-fully'd mortals I'm seen; Ne'er since for Shakespeare the wild bees I tamed, Dancing with Mab, 'fore his eyes on the green. Oft did I seal up his senses in slumbers, Waiting his soul to the silver-fac'd moon, Oft did I teach him to sing in sweet numbers, Fairy love songs, to the nightingale's tune. Oft would I show him my love-ruled master, Oft on my mistress's state would he peep; Then would I hurl him down faster and faster, Shewing him wonders that lurk in the deep. Such lovely maid is the sprite who salutes you:— My royal master, well pleas'd with your port Hitherward comes, and much damsel it boots you, Fily to seem in the eyes of his court. Soon as the moon thro' the forest trees peeping— Speeding on bats backs we'll merrily fly— More swift than fancy in dreams when you're sleeping, Air cutting swallows we'll glide thro' the sky. Dancing wild carrols the mansion we'll circle, While Henry seizes your heart-giving hand: Mine shall the task be to crown ye with myrtle, Much favor'd mortals, belov'd by our band. D.
Extract from the NEW YEAR'S WISH of the CARRIERS of the Massachusetts Centinel.
IN '89, kind Heav'n be prais'd You've seen TWELVE ample PILLARS rais'd: Seen fix'd as Fate, beyond mutation, The grand PALLADIUM of our nation: Beheld COLUMBIA'S HOPE and STAR, Her PRIDE in Peace—her STRENGTH in War, Leave Vernon's ever rural seat, The ills of publick life to meet: And seen the SOLOM of our age, Again with publick cares engage.
FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS CENTINEL.
MR. GORE'S RESIGNATION.
FRIDAY, JAN. 29.
The following letter from CHRISTOPHER GORE, Esq. one of the Representatives of Boston, to the Hon. Speaker, was read.
SIR, Boston, Jan. 29, 1790. THE last time I had the honor to address you, on the floor of the House, I took the liberty of declaring to you, and to the Hon. House, that after an examination of the Constitution of this Commonwealth, I was of opinion, that the office I had been honored with, from the President of the United States, did not vacate my seat in the Legislature. A question being then proposed to the House, as I thought preparatory to a determination, respecting myself, I conceived it my duty to declare my own sentiment—at the same time I retired, in expectation, that whether my seat was vacated or not, would soon be judged by the House.
The ninth article of the bill of Rights, declares, That "all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth having such qualifications as they shall establish by their frame of government, have an equal right to elect officers, and to be elected for public employments." The offices, an appointment to which, and the acceptance whereof, will render vacant a seat in the House of Representatives are expressly named in the Constitution, and are offices under the government of the Commonwealth only.
My qualifications are the same as when chosen, and I cannot conceive that any constructions of the Constitution can bring the office I hold under the United States, within the disqualifications pointed out in the Constitution. I say this, on the supposition that any man or assembly of men had authority to extend the disqualifications by construction, which I cannot admit, and which must be considered inconsistent with the rights of the people. These, Sir, are the grounds on which I claim my right to a seat. On a further investigation of the subject, I am confirmed in the opinion I declared to the House—and can say, with great truth, that I know no right to which I have a more constitutional claim than to a seat in the Hon. House of Representatives.
A fortnight has elapsed since I retired from the House, and no determination has taken place declaring my seat vacated. I must therefore conclude, that the House consider my right as unequivocal—But, knowing, Sir, that the sentiments of many Members are different from mine on this subject, and hearing that in some debates which have been had in the House, they have been pleased to express their disapprobation of an officer under the United States holding a seat in the Legislature of this Commonwealth, convinced that my feeble exertions for the public good, would be rendered less efficient, I hold it an indispensable duty to that town which has honored me with their confidence, to ask leave of the Hon. House to resign my seat as a Representative of the town of Boston.
At the same time permit me to declare to you, Sir, and to the Hon. House, that, from the confi-
dence which has been placed in me by the Government of the Union, I feel conscious of new obligations to preserve the Constitution of this Commonwealth, and the rights of my fellow citizens, and sure I am, that no man can hold that Constitution, and those rights more sacred than I now do, and ever have considered them.
With great respect for you, Sir, and for the Hon. House, I am, Sir, your very obedient Servant, C. GORE. Hon. DAVID COBB, Esq. Speaker, &c. &c.
INDEPENDENCE.
THERE is a sort of Independence in conduct and behavior which is assumed by many persons from motives, which strange as it may appear, arise from the most abject slavery to the opinions of the world; lest they should be thought dependent on those, whose counsels and opinions it would conduce to their dignity and happiness to follow, they shamelessly fly in the face of every moral and social obligation: Such conduct is strikingly exemplified in the 71st No. of the WORCESTER SPECULATOR, which concludes thus.—
"The persuasions—the reproofs—and the commands of parents must be disregarded from similar motives. Characters of this kind always remind me of the poor henpecked husband who refused to eat his supper because his wife told him it was ready—he had been in company from home, and had been rallied by his neighbors for letting his wife wear the breeches, as they termed it—he returned with a determined resolution that no one should ever in future have any occasion to suggest the supremacy of his wife—she on his return like a kind and goodnatured wife, supposing him hungry, prepared a bowl of milk, knowing him to be fond of it—crumbed the bread—set it upon the stool—and asked him to eat his supper—he sprang like a mad man—swore he knew when to eat his supper without her direction—she had wore the breeches, he said, long enough—and he would have her to know that he was master in his own house—and was not to be ordered about by her—kicked over the stool—broke his bowl—spilled the milk—and went to bed half starved—but as independent as a prince."
PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
DOCTOR GOLDSMITH writing on the subject of free schools, among other observations has the following.
"It is hardly possible to conceive the ignorance of many of those who take upon them the important trust of education.—Is a man unfit for any of the professions, he finds his last resource in commencing school-master.—Do any become bankrupts in trade, they set up a boarding school, and drive a trade this way, when all others fail; nay, I have been told of butchers and barbers, who have turned school masters, and more surprising still, made fortunes in their new profession.
Can we think ourselves in a country of civilized people—can it be conceived that we have a regard for posterity, when persons wholly incompetent, and with whom we ourselves would not deign to associate, are permitted to take the charge of the morals, genius, and health of those dear little pledges, who may one day be the guardians of the liberties of our country—and who may serve as the honor and bulwark of their aged parents?—Is the care of our children below the dignity of the State? Of all professions in society, I do not know a more useful or more honorable one than a Schoolmaster; at the same time I do not see any, more generally despised, or men whose talents are so ill rewarded.—But while the deserving ought to be rewarded, those who are unqualified, should be dismissed from their employment. In short, to make the business of schoolmaster respectable, their salaries should be adequate to inducing persons of abilities to enter into the profession—when this is done, and proper vigilance is exerted by the State, candidates of this description will never be wanting."
ALL persons who have not accounted for the expenditures of public money and stores, received from HUGH HUGHES, either in the capacity of Commissary of Military Stores, Assistant and Deputy Quarter Master General to the army of the United States, or Deputy Quarter Master for the State of New-York, &c. or Deputy Quarter Master to the Eastern and Main Army, are requested, by the said Hughes, to exhibit their accounts and vouchers, properly stated, as early as possible, to the Auditor of the Treasury of the United States, in the city of New-York, that a final settlement of the same may be made.
The Executors, or Administrators, to the estates of any of the persons first mentioned, will be pleased to attend to this notification. January 1790.
NOTICE is hereby given to all the creditors of THOMAS EATON, WILLIAM PELLS, JABEZ SAYRS, ANTHONY SAYRS, and GEORGE WELCH, Insolvent Debtors, now confined in the common gaol of Newark, in the county of Essex, and State of New-Jersey, that they are requested to appear on Monday the Twenty-Second Day of February next, at Nine o'Clock in the forenoon of said day, at the Court-House in New-Ark aforesaid, before the Judges of the Inferior Court, and shew cause, if any there be, why an assignment of the above insolvent Debtor's Estates should not be made, and they, the Insolvents, be discharged agreeable to law.
THOMAS EATON, WILLIAM PELLS, JABEZ SAYRS, ANTHONY SAYRS, GEORGE WELCH. Newark, 18th Jan. 1790.