National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-09-12 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
WEDNESDAY, September 12, 1792.
NUMB. 91.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
PARIS.
Particular detail of the irruption into the Thuilleries by the Paris mob, on Wednesday the 11th. July.
THE King agreed, conformably to the constitution to receive a deputation of 20 persons, and pointed out himself the manner in which they should be introduced. They were to pass through the gate of the Feuillans, and go out of the gate du Menage.
These orders of the king were sent to the commander in chief, who opposed to them the orders received from the municipality, enjoining him to receive, under the standard of the national guards, people of all denominations, dressed in all kinds of uniforms, and provided with any kind of arms.
The pikemen in their march had taken the declaration of rights, which was carried before them. The colours of the Bastille, and the men of the 14th of July appeared among them. For a banner they had an old pair of breeches, from the mob perhaps being called here, "Sans Culottes."
By three o'clock they had desiled through the hall of the assembly, in the rear of the palace, through the garden, the guard having refused to oppose them, and round by the Quay to the place de Carrousel, in front of the Chateau. Here they were joined by eight pieces of cannon, and two caissons of ammunition. After half an hour spent in parlying, the entrance being refused them, they proceeded to force. The commandant of the guard required authority from the mayor and municipality to repel them, but was refused.
The matches were lighted, and every thing seemed to prelude a formal battle, when the officer returned to announce his having received no orders. The gates were instantly forced, no resistance being made and the people in thousands precipitated themselves into the palace: the doors at the entrance of the king and queen's apartments being closed without waiting to have them opened, they shattered them to pieces.
The queen retired to a second apartment with the dauphin in her arms, and threw herself upon the protection of a reserve of grenadiers of the national guard. Here a third door was broke open. The crowd became so great, that with difficulty the queen found a corner of the window to escape from the great press. Here, exposed to all the gross and vile language that imagination can conceive, she was obliged to remain for several hours, during which they presented her and the dauphin with a national cockade, which she immediately wore.
During this scene, another of a different nature went forward in the king's apartment: one of the chiefs of this mob presented the king a red bonnet, adorned with national cockades, and demanded the retraction of the Veto which the king had placed on the decree against the priests, and for the establishment of a camp. His answer was noble and manly; "If the welfare of the nation consists in wearing a red cap, I have no objection to wearing it. Pure in conscience, I have no dread; as to the decrees, this is no time to speak of them!"—Some one having remarked that he was afraid, he seized the hand of a grenadier near him, and clapping it upon his heart, he said, "Tell me, my friends, does my heart beat like a man in fear?" He immediately seated himself between the windows of his apartment, that looked towards the Thuilleries, and put on a red cap. One of the mob offered him a glass to drink to the health of the nation; he accepted it, and drank it without seeming to have the smallest apprehension.
The crowd began to press upon him. A national guard was nearly forced
out of his place, near his majesty. "The King," cries this brave fellow, "is our safeguard, I would not desert him, for a hundred thousand crowns!" A municipal officer attempted to speak, but could not be heard. Several members made the same attempt without success.
M. Santerre then tried what he could do; a roar ensued, of "Long live Pethion! Long live the good, the worthy Pethion!" The good, the worthy Pethion then addressed the king. The people (says he) have appeared with dignity, and with dignity they will depart. Your majesty may make yourself easy." Santerre ordered the deputation to come forward.
The spokesman accordingly demanded that the patriotic ministers be re-instated—that the Veto be retracted relative to the two obnoxious decrees.
The King answered: "I have sworn to maintain the constitution & I will defend it at the risk of my life." Clamours were renewed of "Long live the nation! Long live Sans Culottes! Long live liberty! No Veto!"
The eyes of the leaders of the mob, and of many of the mob themselves, glistened with rage. "Long live Santerre!" A grenadier attempted to quiet them, the king told him, "Let them alone, my friend; let their words be ever so injurious, it is all the same to me."
By this time several deputies, alarmed at the state of the royal family, had assembled, and a deputation of 24 members was named to surround the person of the king, and to be replaced every half hour by a fresh deputation, so as to inform the assembly of the state of his majesty. M. Pethion arrived about the same time with the deputation. The people still continued their clamours, for the restoration of the late ministry and the sanction of the decrees; but in vain; the king retained the same manly firmness & conversed with the deputation without the smallest appearance of inquietude. By persuasions and intreaties, the mayor and four of the deputies prevailed upon the people to withdraw. They had passed all over the palace, the roofs were covered with the multitude, they hung in clusters to the windows; and except the breaking of some doors and windows, no other mischief was done, no accident even ensued.
Towards night-fall the Palace was entirely cleared, the deputies had previously profited of an interval in the affluence of the crowd, and conducted the king to his bed chamber. Towards ten o'clock all was quiet; the citizens all retired peaceably to their respective homes and the night was passed in the utmost tranquility.
*M. Santerre is a brewer. Letter from M. La Fayette to the king, dated June 16. Paris.
"SIRE "I have the honor to send your majesty the copy of a letter to the national assembly, in which your majesty will find the expression of sentiments that have animated my whole life. The king knows with what ardour, with what constancy, I have been at all times devoted to the sacred principles of humanity, equality, and justice. He knows that I was always the adversary of Factions, the enemy of licentiousness, and that no power, which I thought unlawful, was ever acknowledged by me. He knows my devotion to his constitutional authority, and my attachment to his person. Such Sire, are the basis of my letter to the national assembly; such will be those of my conduct towards my country and your majesty, amid the storms which so many combinations, hostile or factious, strive to draw upon us.
"It belongs not to me, Sire, to give to my opinions or my measures a higher degree of importance, than the unconnected acts of a simple citizen ought to possess; but the expression of my thoughts was always a right, and on this occasion becomes a duty; and although I might have
fulfilled this duty sooner, if, instead of being to be heard from the midst of a camp, my voice had been to issue from the retreat from which I was drawn by the danger of my country, I do not think that any public function, any personal consideration, releases me from exercising this duty of a citizen, this right of a freeman.
"Permit, Sire, strong in the authority which the nation will have delegated to you, in the generous resolution of defending the principles of the constitution against all their enemies. Let this resolution, supported by all the acts of your private life, as by a firm and full exercise of the royal power, become the gage of harmony, which, above all in the moments of crisis, cannot fail to be established between the Representatives elected by the people and their hereditary representative. It is in this resolution, Sire, that for your country and yourself are glory and safety. There you will find the friends of liberty, all good Frenchmen, ranged around your throne, to defend it against the machinations of the rebellious, and the enterprizes of the factious. And I, Sire, who, in their honorable hatred, have found the recompence of my persevering opposition—I will always merit it by my zeal to serve the cause to which my whole life is devoted, and by my fidelity to the oath which I have taken to the nation, the law, and the king.
"Such, Sire, are my unalterable sentiments—to which I subjoin the duty of homage and that of my respect.
(Signed) "LA FAYETTE."
July 3.—The plan of the operations of the war, is now entirely changed. The French army have abandoned all their acquisitions in Flanders, and returned to their own territory. Henceforth they mean to confine themselves entirely to the defensive and not make any attempt to carry their force against the enemy. Need we seek the reason of this change of measures: it is easily found in the late distractions of the internal government. Each part of the executive power has become tired of its office, and desirous to shift responsibility from itself. Already the ministers had expressed their desire to get rid of all responsibility and leave to the generals the whole conduct of the war. Luckner has now declared, that unless the ministers point out to him the plan of operations which he is to follow, he must be under the necessity of resigning his command—In fact a general despondency seems to have seized all who are placed in public situations. From the temper of the times and the prevalence of the violent party, they are reduced to that worst of all despair—the despair of being useful. The conduct lately observed to M. la Fayette has not a little contributed to produce this sensation. He has not only been the object of the most unqualified abuse in private conversation, and at the meetings of the clubs, but has been denounced to the assembly in the speeches of members, and in petitions presented against him; and yet who could have foreseen that this La Fayette, to whose activity and zeal the revolution is so indebted, should have become the object of popular odium and accusation, and at the moment too when he was engaged at the head of his army, in defence of that constitution which he had so greatly contributed to establish.
The retreat of the army in the present instance to the French territory, was perhaps no more than what prudence and policy required. They had been far from meeting from the inhabitants of Flanders with the reception which they expected; those in general, to use the expression of Luckner, shewed themselves in different, if not hostile to their cause. Besides, there was danger that had they remained longer or advanced farther into the country, they might have been surrounded by the forces of the enemy, and thus cut off from the possibility of retreat.
The Austrian and Prussian armies are now advancing in full force, and it has become necessary for the troops of La Fayette and Luckner, who had joined in order to act in concert and with more effect, to separate and return to the stations which they formerly occupied, that they may cover the whole of the frontiers, and leave no opening to the enemy. It is probable therefore, that the history of the campaign may now take a different turn from that detail of petty skirmishes with which it has hitherto been occupied. The plan of the additional forces proposed to substitute the twenty thousand men, which the assembly had decreed to convene at Paris, is not yet settled.
The plan of the war is totally changed. As soon as the new ministers were fairly seated, they adopted the only plan that could be with wisdom adopted, and that ought to have been originally so—the plan of a defensive war. It was not the business of France to go into Flanders, and to excite insurrection. It was calculated to make the English and Dutch governments their enemies, who could not see with indifference an attempt to destroy the barrier between France and Holland.
France also is to be assailed on the side of Alsace and Lorraine, by which avenue she is easily accessible. In Flanders she is strongly fortified, and so secured against invasion that she has little to dread; but from the Rhine the country is open, and an army might march to Paris with little interruption. Ninety thousand veteran troops, Austrians and Prussians, will be ready to invade France from this side in a fortnight or three weeks. It was time, therefore, to oppose to this formidable power all the strength of the kingdom.
The plan is, that one of the two armies in the North shall march to the Rhine, and that marshal Luckner shall resume his command. He has retired from Austrian Flanders with all his force, in consequence of this arrangement. M. de Bobernais is arrived at Paris, to concert measures with the war minister, and we expect M. Luckner himself to take this route in passing to the army on the Rhine.
The Jacobins are exerting every nerve to recover their power by inflaming the populace, but we have no doubt government will now go on with order and firmness.
There is an event in agitation at present, which appears to engage the attention of every society and conversation.—Some Englishmen, strenuous in the cause of liberty and the French, have formed an association, to assist the army in person, on the frontiers. They are to be a detached body and have a commander of their own, who is to be elected from the party by vote. The promoters of this enterprise are Mr. Newton, and Mr. Bailey, of Cambridge. The former served in the last Russian war, under prince Potemkin.
In order finally to complete this undertaking, there is to be a meeting held on Tuesday next, at which, it is supposed, several other Englishmen, at present residing here, will attend. When a sufficient party is formed, they intend presenting themselves to the national assembly, to request their sanction in the undertaking. A petition is to be framed, and presented by a most popular patriot. If they succeed in their wishes, they intend clothing themselves in the national uniform, accoutred only with a fusi. They are to continue here to assist at the ceremony of the federation, and the next day to march to the frontiers.
George Town, June 2, 1792. A NUMBER of LOTS in every situation which may be desired in the city of Washington, will be offered for sale, by the Commissioners on Monday the 8th day of October next. One fourth part of the purchase money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, July 25. Clerk to the Commissioners.

For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
MUCH declamation has been indulged against certain characters, who are charged with advocating the pernicious doctrine, that "public debts are public blessings," and with being friends to a perpetuation of the public debt of the country.
That officer, it is very certain, explicitly maintained, that the funding of the existing debt of the United States would render it a national blessing: And a man has only to travel through the United States with his eyes open, and to observe the invigoration of industry in every branch, to be convinced that the position was well founded.
It is known, that prior to the revolution, a great part of the circulation of the country was carried on by paper money; that in consequence of the events of the revolution that resource was in a great measure destroyed, by being discredited, and that the same events had destroyed a large proportion of the monied and mercantile capital of the country, and of personal property generally.
To infer, that it would have such an effect, was no more to maintain the general doctrine of "public debts being public blessings," than the saying, that paper emissions by the authority of government, were useful in the early periods of the country, was the maintaining, that they would be useful in all the future stages of its progress.
But to put the matter out of all doubt, and to shew how destitute of candor the insinuations against the secretary of the treasury, on this head, have been, I have extracted and shall insert here some passages from three of his reports to the house of representatives; by which it will be seen, that his conduct, as well as his language, have been in uniform opposition to the doctrine charged upon him.
Extract from a report of the secretary of the treasury, on the subject of a provision for the public debt, presented the 14th of January, 1790.
"Persuaded as the secretary is, that the proper funding of the present debt, will render it a national blessing; yet he is so far from acceding to the position, in the latitude in which it is sometimes laid down, that "public debts are public benefits," a position inviting to prodigality, and liable to dangerous abuse,—that he ardently wishes to see it incorporated, as a fundamental maxim in the system of public credit of the United States, that the creation of debt should always be accompanied with the means of extinguishment.
Extract from a report of the secretary of the treasury on manufactures, presented the 5th of December, 1791.
After using several arguments to illustrate the operation of a funded debt as capital—the secretary concludes thus:—"There are respectable individuals, who, from a just aversion to an accumulation of public debt are unwilling to concede to it any kind of utility, who can discover no good to alleviate the ill with which they suppose it pregnant; who cannot be persuaded, that it ought in any sense to be viewed as an increase of capital, least it
should be inferred, that the more debt the more capital, the greater the burthens, the greater the blessings of the community."
"But it interests the public councils to estimate every object as it truly is; to appreciate how far the good in any measure is compensated by the ill, or the ill by the good; either of them is seldom unmixed."
"Neither will it follow, that an accumulation of debt is desirable, because a certain degree of it operates as capital. There may be a plethora in the political, as in the natural body; there may be a state of things in which any such artificial capital is unnecessary. The debt too may be swelled to such a size, as that the greatest part of it may cease to be useful as a capital, serving only to pamper the dissipation of idle and dissolute individuals; as that the sums required to pay the interest upon it may become oppressive, and beyond the means which a government can employ, consistently with its tranquility, to raise them; as that the resources of taxation, to face the debt, may have been strained too far to admit of extensions adequate to exigencies, which regard the public safety."
"Where this critical point is, cannot be pronounced; but it is impossible to believe, that there is not such a point."
"And as the vicissitudes of nations beget a perpetual tendency to the accumulation of debt, there ought to be in every government a perpetual, anxious and unceasing effort to reduce that, which at any time exists, as fast as shall be practicable, consistently with integrity and good faith."
Extract from a report of the secretary of the treasury relative to additional supplies for carrying on the Indian war, presented the 16th of March, 1792.
"The result of mature reflection is, in the mind of the secretary, a strong conviction that the last of the three expedients, which have been mentioned (that was the raising of the sum required by taxes) is to be preferred to either of the other two."
"Nothing can more interest the national credit and prosperity, than a constant and systematic attention to husband all the means previously possessed for extinguishing the present debt, and to avoid, as much as possible, the incurring of any new debt."
"Necessity alone, therefore, can justify the application of any of the public property, other than the annual revenues, to the current service, or the temporary and casual exigencies of the country—or the contracting of an additional debt, by loans, to provide for those exigencies."
"Great emergencies indeed might exist, in which loans would be indispensable.—But the occasions, which will justify them, must be truly of that description."
"The present is not of such a nature. The sum to be provided is not of magnitude enough to furnish the plea of necessity."
"Taxes are never welcome to a community. They seldom fail to excite uneasy sensations more or less extensive; hence a too strong propensity in the government of nations to anticipate and mortgage the resources of posterity, rather than encounter the inconveniences of a present increase of taxes."
"But this policy, when not dictated by very peculiar circumstances, is of the worst kind.—Its obvious tendency is, by enhancing the permanent burthens of the people, to produce lasting distress, and its natural issue is in national bankruptcy."
"It will be happy, if the councils of this country, sanctioned by the voice of an enlightened community, shall be able to pursue a different course."
Here is example, added to precept; In pursuit of a doctrine, the opposite of that which is charged upon him, the secretary did not scruple to hazard the popularity of his administration with a class of citizens, who, as a class, have been among the firmest friends of the government, and the warmest approvers of the measures, which have restored public credit. The circumstance indeed has been a weapon dexterously wielded against him by his enemies; who in consequence of the increase of duties proposed have represented him as the oppressor of trade. A certain description of men are for getting out of debt; yet are against all taxes for raising money to pay it off; they are amongst the foremost for carrying on war, and yet will have neither loans nor taxes. They are alike opposed to what creates debt, and to what avoids it.
In the first case, their meaning is not difficult to be divined; in the last it would puzzle any man, not endowed with the gift of second sight, to find it out, unless
it be to quarrel with and pull down every man who will not consent to walk in their leading strings; or to throw all things into confusion. FACT.
Sept. 11.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
CIVIS to MERCATOR.
LITTLE other notice of the futile reply of MERCATOR to CIVIS is necessary, than merely to put in a clear light the erroneousness of the standard, which he has adopted for calculating the arrears of interest to the end of the year 1790.
He takes for his standard the present annual interest on the whole amount of the public debt, as provided for under the funding system—that is, 1st. upon the former principal of the foreign and domestic debt:—2d. upon the arrears of interest of that principal, which on the 1st of January 1791, and not before, became principal, by the provisions of the funding law:—3d. upon the whole amount of the assumed debt—that is 21,500,000.
Now the fact is, that the only arrears, which can colorably be computed, are those on the principal of the foreign and domestic debt, according to the terms of interest, which they actually bore, up to the 1st Jan. 1791.—1st. because, in fact, the arrears of interest on that principal did not bear interest till the 1st Jan. 1791, and consequently no interest whatever accrued upon them. And 2d. because the government of the United States took up the state debts, as they stood at the end of the year 1791.—If arrears of interest accumulated, in the mean time, 'twas the affair of the state governments, which were the debtors and alone responsible for a provision for it, not of the government of the United States, which only became responsible by virtue of the assumption, from the time that it took effect, that is from the 1st of January 1792; from which period the interest has been punctually paid. This is the true view of it, unless it can be shewn, that the government of the United States is answerable for the neglects and omissions of the state governments.—But, what arrears may have really accumulated on this part of the debt is unknown; as it is understood, that there were in some states a provision for the interest.
Calculating then the arrears, which did actually accrue, that is on the principal and interest of the foreign and domestic debt, the former, according to the various rates which were stipulated upon it, and the latter at 6 per cent. the rate which it then bore, from the 1st of August 1789, to the 1st of January 1791, from which period interest has been paid—the amount is 3,003,378. 47 dollars, that is 1,032,980. 72 dollars less than the amount of the arrears stated for the same period by Mercator. This statement is not made from any secret sources of information, but from documents long since in possession of the public. If Mercator has been inattentive to the means of information, he ought not to come forth the instructor of his fellow-citizens.
In a mere question of the increase and decrease of the public debt, if the arrears of interest which accrued on the assumed debt up to the period, from which the United States began to pay interest upon it, be placed on one side of the account—the saving or reduction, by the nature of the provision for it, ought to be placed, on the other side; and the balance will be in favor of the United States.
Had Mercator stated an account with the treasury department, on his own principle candidly applied, namely, that of setting off the surplus of revenue, to the end of the year 1790, against the amount of the debt redeemed by purchases and payments—the account would have stood thus—
   Debtor Side.     To amount of surplus revenue dols. cts.   to the end of the year 1790, 1,338,875.84   Credit Side.   By the amount of the sum which appears by the statement of the Register of the Treasury to have been redeemed and paid off 1,845,217.42   By sum remaining to be applied 397,024.13   2,242,241.55   Balance 903,366.71  
being the amount of the public debt actually reduced, beyond the amount of the funds remaining on hand, at the commencement of the operation of the funding system, in virtue of antecedent provision, and exclusive of reductions on the rates of interest.
As to the concluding remarks of Mercator, they depart from the question. 'Tis no matter, in reference to that, whether the items which were mentioned are circumstances of temporary expedient, or results of the soundest policy. They constitute positive savings and gains to the nation.
But it was not sufficient for Mercator to assert; he ought to have shewn what sacrifice of justice or principle was involved in them.—Not having done it, 'tis sufficient to observe, that one good effect of the measures of finance, which have been adopted by the present government, is at least unequivocal—The public credit has been effectually re-
stored. This may be, in the eyes of Mercator, of little moment. There are certain Theorists, who hold both private and public credit to be pernicious.—But their disciples are not numerous: at least among sober and enlightened men.
The actual benefits or actual evils of the measures connected with the treasury department, present and future, would be cheerfully submitted to the TEST of Experience.—Happy would it be for the country, honorable for human nature, if the experiment were permitted to be fairly made. But the pains which are taken to misrepresent the tendency of those measures, to inflame the public mind, to disturb the operations of government, are a decided proof, that those, to whom they are attributable, dare not trust the appeal to such a TEST. Convinced of this, they have combined all their forces, and are making one desperate effort to gain an ascendancy, in the public councils, by means of the ensuing election, in order to precipitate the laudable work of destroying what has been done.
Philadelphia, Sept. 11.
CIVIS.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
A WRITER in the Gazette of Saturday last, after several observations, with regard to certain charges, which have lately been brought forward against the Secretary of State, proceeds to make or insinuate several charges against another public character.
As to the observations which are designed to exculpate the Secretary of State, I shall do nothing more than refer to the discussions which have taken place and appear to be in a train to be pursued, in the Gazette of the United States.
As to the charges which have been bro't against the other public character alluded to, I shall assert generally, from a long, intimate, and confidential acquaintance with him, added to some other means of information, that the matters charged, as far as they are intelligible, are either grossly misrepresented or palpably untrue.
A part of them, is of a nature to speak itself, without comment, the malignity and turpitude of the accuser, denoting clearly the personal enemy in the garb of the political opponent.
The subject and the situation of the parties naturally impose silence—but this is not the first attempt of the kind that has been made; fruitlessly hitherto, and I doubt not equally fruitlessly in time to come. An opinion on the experience of fifteen years, the greatest part of the time, under circumstances affording the best opportunity for an accurate estimate of character, cannot be shaken by slanderous surmises. The charge of which I shall take more particular notice, is contained in the following passage—"Let him explain the public character, who, if uncontradicted fame is to be regarded, opposed the Constitution in the Grand Convention, because it was too republican, and advocated the British monarchy as the perfect standard to be approached as nearly as the people could be made to bear."
This I affirm, to be a gross misrepresentation. To prove it so, it were sufficient to appeal to a single fact, namely, that the gentleman alluded to, was the only member from the state to which he belonged who signed the Constitution, and it is notorious, against the prevailing weight of the official influence of the state, and against what would probably be the opinion of a large majority of his fellow-citizens, till better information should correct their first impressions—how then can he be believed to have opposed a thing, which he actually agreed to, and that, in so unsupported a situation, and under circumstances of such peculiar responsibility? To this I shall add two more facts; one, that the member in question, never made a single proposition to the Convention, which was not conformable to the republican theory; the other, that the highest-toned of any of the propositions made by him was actually voted for by the representations of several states, including some of the principal ones, and including individuals, who, in the estimation of those who deem themselves the only republicans, are pre-eminent for republican character—more than this I am not at liberty to say. It is a matter generally understood, that the deliberations of the Convention which were carried on in private, were to remain undisturbed. And every prudent man must be convinced of the propriety both of the one and the other.—Had the deliberations been open while going on, the clamors of faction would have prevented any satisfactory result. Had they been afterwards disclosed, much good would have been afforded to inflammatory declamation. Propositions made without due reflection, and perhaps abandoned by the proposers themselves, on more mature reflection, would have been handles for a profusion of ill-natured accusation.
Every infallible declaimer taking his own ideas as the perfect standard, would have railed without measure or mercy at every member of the Convention who had gone a single line beyond his standard.
The present is a period fruitful in accusation. Much anonymous slander has and will be vented. No man's reputation can be safe, if charges in this form are to be

lightly listened to. There are but two kinds of anonymous charges that can merit attention—where the evidence goes along with the charge—and where reference is made to specific facts, the evidence of the truth or falsehood of which, is in the power or possession of the party accused, and he at liberty to make a free use of it. None of the charges brought forward in the present instance, fall within either of these rules.
A M I C U S.
Sept. 11.
L O N D O N, July 16.
Extract of a letter from Lisle , June 27.
Not only the interior state of affairs begins to wear a most unfavorable aspect, but the exterior transactions seem ominous of no better success, and M. Luckner's main army, instead of proceeding to the attack of Tournay, finds no little difficulty in maintaining their feeble post at Courtray.
The Austrians advance every day in parties, and annoy the French on the very ramparts. On Saturday morning some peasants having brought information of a column of Austrians advancing from the Tournay side, Messrs. Carle and Jarry, who command the advanced guard, put themselves at the head of their troops, and marched out against the enemy; a slight affair ensued, in which the loss on both sides amounted to about twelve killed, and as many prisoners.
Marshal Luckner, who had already paid his visit to the post, was returned to Menin; but, on the news of this affair immediately went back to Courtray with the general officers, and marched to the attack; he exposes himself with much temerity, and excites, on that account, a great deal of anxiety.
Yesterday morning the Austrians returned to the assault in greater force, and a more serious affair occurred; it began at five, and lasted two hours; during which great courage was displayed on both sides. The French had twenty men wounded, and about twelve killed; amongst the former, Lt. Gen. Du Chatelet received a cannon ball, which took off the calf of one leg, and killed his horse under him; an aid-de-camp also received a wound in his head. The French remained on the field till eleven o'clock, when the enemy having disappeared, they returned to the camp; but strong rumours prevailed, that the Austrians were resolved upon coming in still greater force to renew the attack.
Unless the main army moves from Menin (which is two leagues off) where they are still encamped, to reinforce their advanced guard at Courtray, no doubt but great slaughter will uselessly take place there, the Austrians not being at all afraid to dismantle Tournay of the force in its garrison: but it seems that M. Luckner's operations have been limited, otherwise he would before now have marched his whole force against Tournay.
Mean time the odious scenes transacted at Paris within these few days, have so generally disgusted all the few remaining respectable commanders in the army, that they talk of giving in their dismissions.
Four officers have deserted from Courtray since Friday; amongst whom are the Colonel of the first regiment of Chasseurs, on horse back, and two adjutant-majors. Besides this, in many of the battalions, there reigns an obstinate spirit of disobedience and drunkenness; in short, their extent of patriotism seems to be the measure of their clamor in bawling "C A I R A."
It appears to have been a misstatement in the public prints, which represented that the States General had signified a disposition to join the cause of Austria and Prussia against France, and that in this the province of Holland stood much forward: on the contrary, the prevailing politics of that province are more disaffected towards the existing government of the States, than those of any other, hence we may conclude, that the wish of that quarter would rather be in favor of the French; however, the fact seems to be, that the Stadtholder and his friends have no design to concern themselves at all in the affairs of France, but unite in sentiment with England, and preserve a strict and honorable neutrality; at the same time, this conduct will best answer the purpose of their own internal politics, as to keep the disaffected in Holland in awe requires all the vigilance of government.
The new minister of Spain has relaxed somewhat of the usual severity respecting the prohibition of the French and other foreign newspapers; the pretended watchfulness is still kept up, but exceptions are easily obtained. Complaints having been received from the ports of the ignorance in which this prohibition kept the merchants respecting foreign affairs, has been a principal cause of this relaxation of severity on the part of government; and moreover, it appearing, that such a prohibition more strongly excited curiosity, at the same time that the political principles enforced in the foreign papers might make a deeper impression, if clandestinely studied in private, than if permitted publicly. On these accounts the vigilant eye of government is turned from all papers which are not of a direct seditious tendency.
Sunday morning was decided, in a field behind Kilburn Wells, an affair of honour
between the Earl of Lauderdale and General Arnold.
The dispute arose from the following part of Lord Lauderdale's speech in the House of Lords.
"If apostasy is a recommendation to command, the Duke of Richmond, of all officers, is the best entitled to that of the camp at Bagnor, provided the name of General Arnold be first struck off the list."
The principals, with their seconds and surgeons, arrived upon the ground about seven o'clock, occupying a post-coach and two post-chaises. Having taken their stations, Lord Lauderdale refused to toss up with Gen. Arnold. As the General thought himself injured, his Lordship insisted upon receiving his fire first.
When General Arnold had discharged his pistol, Lord Lauderdale declared, that he never had said or meant anything against his private character, and having no personal enmity towards him, would not fire. The seconds then interfered; and such being the disposition of the parties, it is easy to perceive that the affair was soon settled.
The seconds were, to Lord Lauderdale, Mr. Fox; to Gen. Arnold, Lord Hawke.
In consequence of a signal victory gained by the allied army, under the command of Earl Cornwallis, (in the vicinity of the city of Seringapatam) over that of Tippoo Saib, on the 6th of February last, preliminaries of peace between the confederate powers, and the sultan Tippoo, were settled and exchanged on the 23d of the same month. The following is a copy of the articles, as transmitted to England by Lord Cornwallis, and published in the London Gazette extraordinary of the 5th of July:
Copy of the Preliminary Articles, agreed upon and exchanged, dated February 22, 1792.
ART. I. One half of the dominions which were in the possession of Tippoo Sultan, at the commencement of the present war, shall be ceded to the Allies, adjacent to their respective boundaries, and agreeable to their selection.
II. Three crores, and thirty lacks of sicca rupees, shall be paid to the allies, agreeably to the following particulars, viz. First, one crore, and sixty-five lacks, shall be paid immediately in pagodas, or gold mohurs, or rupees of full weight and standard, or in gold and silver bullion. Second, the remainder, one crore, and sixty-five lacks, at three instalments, not exceeding 4 months each, in the three coins before mentioned.
III. All subjects of the four several powers, who may have been prisoners from the time of the late Hyder Ally Khan, to the present period, shall be fairly and unequivocally released.
IV. Until the due performance of the three articles above mentioned, two of the three eldest sons of Tippoo Sultan shall be given as hostages, on the arrival of whom, a cessation of hostilities shall take place.
V. When an agreement, containing the articles above written, shall arrive, bearing the seal and signature of Tippoo Sultan, counter agreements shall be sent from the three powers; and, after the cessation of hostilities, such a definitive treaty of perpetual friendship, as shall be settled by the several parties, shall be adjusted and entered on. Signed, &c.
Second affair in India between a French and English Frigate.
A Frigate, mounting 40 eighteen pounders, commanded by M. St. Felix, who served the whole of last war under M. Suffren, arrived the latter end of last month at Mahe, from port l'Orient. The second day after his arrival, M. St. Felix sent an officer on board the Minerva, who was directed to say to the Commodore, "that the French frigate under his command was going to the port of Mangalore, and requesting to know whether, in case he proceeded to sail to that port, the commander would be imprudent enough to attempt searching the ship." The Commodore answered, "that as she was going to an enemy's port, he certainly would." With this answer, the officer returned to M. St. Felix, who in a few hours sent him back, with orders to inform the Commodore, "that he meant to get under weigh early the next morning, and that he was well assured that the commodore would not presume to impede him was he unsupported by the other ships of his squadron."
The commodore instantly made a signal for all his lieutenants, and gave orders for the whole of the squadron to get under weigh, and proceed to sea on a cruise for eight days. The officer returned, and early the next morning the French frigate was seen under her topsails, in the offing of Tellicherry roads, standing in. The tompons were out of her guns, and her people at their quarters. That the commodore, who instantly weighed anchor, was equally prepared, there can be no doubt. The people of the French frigate were decidedly of opinion, that they had no right to obey the dictates of a democratic enthusiast; or venture their lives in engaging a British ship at the moment of profound peace with that nation. The Captain threatened them with the vengeance of military power, in which, after some consultation among themselves, and some gentle but ineffectual remonstrances with M. St. Felix, they came in a body on the quarter deck, confined him to his cabin, put the ship about, and stood out to sea. She was seen the next
morning at anchor in Mahe roads, where the Resolu still remains a mere wreck from the damage she received in her action with the Phenix.
The Yeomanry, where they have come forward to the public meetings, have given an honest negative to the addresses. They have no influence upon their minds, but that of truth; unconnected with the court, and out of the reach of its beams, they are actuated by the impulses of honest patriotism. Thus in Northumberland they withheld at once the combined torrent of royal, ministerial and aristocratic power; and thus, wherever they are moved, they will demonstrate to their country their irrefragable superiority.
Letters, received over land yesterday from Bombay, via Suez, state, that the confederate powers had settled their respective shares of the three crores and thirty lacks, paid by Tippoo, as follows:
  The Nizam 4-16ths   Peshwa 5-16ths   East-India Company 7-16ths 
They likewise confirm the report respecting Gen. Meadows, who, as soon as the sons of Tippoo reached the camp, lodged 3 balls in his own body, two of which have been extracted. The General has determined to quit India, and is now most probably on his passage to Europe.
THE CONSTITUTION AS IT IS.
THE King's patronage, now exerted—in placing and pensioning rather more than two-thirds of the house of lords.
In placing and pensioning a great majority of the Commons.
In placing and pensioning the great influence in elections.
In placing and pensioning the petty Borough Mergers, or their relations in nominal and useless offices—such as making tide-waiters, &c. of persons for London and other places, who never perform any services at those places; whereby in total the few persons who elect the majority of the house of commons, and the house of commons and lords themselves, are in majority the placemen and pensioners of his majesty—Witness the red book.
The house of lords; gradually declining into Guelphs; for it is a matter of common supposition, that all persons bearing that name, and ornamented with a royal escutcheon, will be made peers.
Peers—created by batches, at convenient times, just as if nature had, at once, started a set of beings to perform good and great things at once entitling them to peerages.
A house of lords; indefinite and innumerable, at present encumbered to between two and three hundred, which, at the will of his majesty, may be to-morrow two or three thousand. Why should the house of lords be unlimited while the number of the commons is fixed to a certainty?
The house of commons; consisting of 558 members; 280 members a majority of the whole house of commons are elected by so few as 500 persons, who choose the majority of the commons, who are so influenced by only about 70 proprietors of the soil and houses, belonging to the petty boroughs, that it may be said, that about 70 persons by their influence, actually nominate and elect the major part of the commons; so that 70 persons make laws and taxes for the whole kingdom, by means of the house of commons.
What signifies quibbling, where the effect is the same; bribery is called corruption and iniquity, because it supposes a contract for a b c purpose. Influence, however, is not to be branded with any stigma. Bribery is an undue, illegal influence, but that influence which cannot be detected as a contract of bribery, however such influence may be in effect, is not bribery.
It is really requisite to discuss the matter, otherwise placing and pensioning the majority of the lords and commons would be called bribery. No! no! places and pensions are not bestowed, as fops for betraying the rights, and sacrificing the interests of the people, but are very proper, very purgative, very legal fops, such as all kings heretofore have practiced very wisely, and very appositely: The taxes of this nation are high proofs of the propriety of the Royal Alimony!
Advices have been received at Warsaw of a second victory obtained by the Polish over the Russian troops.
These were written immediately after the action, and tell only in haste, that the Russians attacked General Wielhorski, at the head of a division of the Polish troops under the Ukraine; that the Poles were upon the point of yielding to the superiority of the enemy, when the General, Prince Joseph Poniatowski arrived with a reinforcement; and that this party then fell upon the enemy's flank, obliging them to retire precipitately, and to abandon the field of battle as well as 14 pieces of cannon.
Our accounts mention also the unanimity of the Polish nation in the present war, notwithstanding the endeavours of the Potocki aristocracy. The peasants have refused to receive payment for the forage furnished by them to the army of the republic; and the generals in some instances have been obliged to deposit the money in their houses by force. At Wilna, in Lithuania, the ladies have raised fifteen hundred ducats, by subscription, towards the expences of the
war. The members of the Diet have subscribed 400 ducats, and sent them to the 300 soldiers, who repulsed the Russians in the first contest.
The conductors of the Gazette Nationale, at Warsaw, have engaged to furnish 1000 florins, per month, during the war. The wife of the Grand Chancellor of Lithuania has promised an hundred ducats annually, during the same time; and the Nonce for Posenia has sent 300 ducats, together with a gold watch and chain, which are to be the reward of the first officer, whose corps gains an advantage over an enemy double in number to his own.
During the action between Gen. Wielhorski and the Russians, the magnificent palace of the traitor Potocki at Tulczyn, near which the battle was fought, was set on fire, it is not known by whom, and burned to ashes. Potocki is supposed to have been with the Russian army, and to have witnessed the conflagration.
The king of Poland has declared the republic to be in such a state of defence, as the enemy may find it very difficult to disturb. Meanwhile the Poles may mingle, with their patriotic ardour, the comfortable hope, that their hoary persecutor will soon be dragged off that stage of existence, which, for the sins of Europe and Asia, she has been permitted to drench with human blood so long.
PHILADELPHIA.
SEPTEMBER 12, 1792.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Danville (Kent.) to his friend in this city, dated Aug. 10.
"By two men who were made prisoners at St. Clair's defeat, and who ran away from an Indian town on the St. Joseph's river, about the 10th of July, we are assured, that all our flags have been sacrificed by the enemy. They inform that major Trueman, of the regular troops, who bore one of the flags, reached the Glaze river, where the chiefs of many nations of Indians were assembled to hold a grand council; that he delivered to them a belt and talk, which was read to them by an Englishman; upon which a council was held which ended in a determination to reject every offer of peace; and to put to death every American that should fall into their hands; that accordingly major Trueman and his party were tomhawked, and their bodies thrown into the river. They also inform that colonel Hardin, one of the most valuable citizens of this state, who carried another flag, was killed by the Wiandots, and that that tribe, the Sanduskeys, Pattawatamies, Chippe ways, Hurons, Maumees, Delawares, and Shawanese, are decidedly for war. I have every reason to believe the above intelligence may be depended upon, as it is in a great degree supported by information received through different channels. General Putnam came out instructed, it is said, to proceed to the Omeo to press upon the savages the necessity of their going to Philadelphia: but information of the fate of poor Hardin and Trueman, and of the hostile disposition of the Indians, has determined him to decline his mission. Depredations have been incessantly committed by the Indians upon the whole extent of the western frontier, on both sides the Ohio river. Within the bounds of this state alone, between forty and fifty persons have been killed or made prisoners in the course of the spring and summer. Nor have the regular troops altogether escaped. A party of 18 who were making hay near Fort Jefferson, were lately attacked, and one only made his escape; four that were made prisoners were burnt by the Shawanese the next day. Mr. Bille, commenced the purchase of cavalry horses the last of June, and in ten days purchased 250, the number required. The horses are cheap and well adapted to the service; but as yet there are no men either to mount or train them."
To the Editor of the National Gazette .
THRO' the channel of your impartial paper I please to communicate the genuflements of a large majority of the county of MONTGOMERY.
A county meeting is advertised to be held at the house of John Wentz, in Whipain township on the 29th inst. and also that committees from townships be chosen the 22d. to attend this meeting. The meeting that passed this resolve was partial and by no means expressive of the sense of the county. Eleven townships only having attended out of 28, and some of them were sent by three persons only. The majority of the electors are averse to committees, and determined never to give up their constitutional rights of choosing their own Representatives, both in Congress and Assembly; and they look upon every would-be-Nabob, with contempt, that would by artful insinuations filch from them their most invaluable privileges. You are therefore requested to insert the following: The Independent Electors of the county of Montgomery, are desired to meet individually at the house of John Wentz in Whipain township, on Thursday the 4th. of October next, to consult on a ticket for Representatives in the General Assembly of Pennsylvania for the ensuing general election; also, for Representatives in the Congress of the United States.
N. B. It is expected that no committees from townships will attend.
Montgomery County, Sept. 10, 1792.

FROM THE INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE.
THE GREAT MEN.
A GREAT man, uncle Ethan! who would with to be a great man? S. A. was a great man, in 1775, and in 1776: The people consider him as a great man now; or as a good man, no matter which. But the Boston people would not hear him speak in town meeting, against their natural theatrical rights. J. H. was a great man, and he remains so now in the minds of the people, but he has been evilly treated in that vehicle of abuse called the Centinel. J. A. was a great man, when he made peace for his country, but they say he went to England, and there wrote a book, about three natural orders of men; they write against his book in the Gazette of Ben Edes; that pure, chaste, peaceable, discreet, clean, tidy, impartial paper—the upper order, as the book lays, are haughty, they have got the six per cents, and Bank stock; the middle order do the business, and grumble; the lower scold and vote—poor J. A. uncle, I do not know how he will get along.
Those people who were opposed to the revolution, love to batten on those who brought it about, and when they see the taste of the people turned against one of these old republican leaders, they enjoy it finely—where one of these old republican grandees are to be found at war with another, it is rare sport.—Then huzza!—take sides!—form a ring!—hate both equally, but imitate the falling one.—There are some old whigs uncle, whose politics run to mightily upon orders of men, upon kings, lords, and commons, that the anti-revolutionists love their principles, though they hate the men; and they write and talk in their favor: But when principles are established quite opposite to those of the revolution, then these old politicians will be proved to have been fools or madmen, and will be laid aside.
There is Tom Jefferson, uncle, he is a Secretary they say; you know he composed the Declaration of Independence, and moved for it first in Congress. He was an old whig, attached to republican principles. He had a great lead in time of the war, and he made the peace, they say he is a very particular friend of the President—but they abuted him in the Centinel the other day—they bring high charges against him—they say he was in France when the constitution of the general government was offered to the people for consideration, and he, as one of the people, presumptuously, dared to think for himself—Oh monstrous! He ventured, they say, as one of the people, to propose amendments, with an intention to make it plain, certain, unequivocal, and intelligible, and thereby to secure, better, the rights of the people.—It is a great pity that he did not succeed; for if he had succeeded, the great men, who gingle the bell to the tune of five thousand dollars a year, might have understood the meaning of it, whereas, now, they go down to New-Hampshire, laying doubt eggs in every nest on the road, then go back to Philadelphia to get aid in their incubative faculties, and when they return they hatch—Nothing.—But they say, uncle, that Tom is at the head of an important office in the general government, and keeps a printer to find fault with the administration; not his own I suppose—this is a serious charge—if he prints falsehoods, he may be detected, if he reasons wrong upon agreed facts, they may point out his errors, and the people will not mind him—But here is the rub, uncle; these men say the people are not judges, and are not fit to be trusted.—A man when he accepts an office, is supposed, according to the rules of the old world, to give up the feelings of a citizen, and is never to complain of the mal-administration of his co-adjutors.—The end of placing a man in office is to buy him into silence; and he is never to alarm the people when corruption prevails in the government. For a man at the head of one department, to say to his most confidential friend, that the man at the head of another, might have done full justice to the public speculating creditors, and saved half the public debt, is high treason, whether it be true or not.—To say, as Congress in the year 1774, in their address to the people said, that “intenable taxation has a tendency to corrupt the government, and to enslave the people,” is an unpardonable crime. To say that all this pretended plenty of money, is imperceptibly drawn from the toil of the laborious part of the community, to enrich stockholders, will never be forgiven, for the truth is not to be spoken at all times.—For a man at the head of a department, to say that it was corrupt in the man of state to be purchasing up public securities, at a low price, from the original holders, while they were contemplating, and had agreed upon the funding system, is very wrong, for the king can do no wrong. To say that some members of a late Congress invented a kind of machinery, called a Bank, and contrived to have the shares filled up in one day, to exclude the greater part of the community, and to raise mountains of wealth for themselves, and a few others, whether it be true or false, is a daring insult upon parliamentary, and governmental privileges;—they say he and his printer, find fault with an assembly of men, who have led the people in the day of their danger and distress and who have justly earned their confidence. But old Harry Sly-Boots says, that a late assembly had some men in it, who were formerly the people's enemies, and who never had a true relish for civil liberty, and always were at war with the revolution, and with republican principles. Some others who were boys, when the people were in danger, and knew nothing about the contest—Tom may look upon these with contempt when they way fancy.
There is another great man, uncle, his name is George Clinton, he has been guilty of possessing the confidence of the people for many years; he is a most abominable democrat—a terrible republican, he led the assemblies and the armies of the people in 1774, and so through the war; he was the foul of liberty in the state of New York—pull him down say the old tories—he may have thought, that the administration of a government, which by a magic operation raises mountains of wealth for some men, on the powerful labour of the people at large, is not a good administration—down with him say the speculators—he is against kings, lords, aristocrats, consolidation of govern-
ments, and all these fine things, as well as T. J. Halloa!—The Centinel is hungry for abusive pieces, write them down—pell mell, they are no men for us.— When I see any more Great Men, I will band them to you Uncle.
KIBROTHATAAVAH.
FROM THE NEW-YORK JOURNAL.
To the CITIZENS of the UNITED STATES.
THE election for President and Vice-President will soon take place; and as it is the duty, so it is the interest, of the people of United Columbia to fix upon proper persons for electors of the above mentioned officers of government.
As to a President, there can be no doubt but our illustrious WASHINGTON will be continued in that important and honorable station, and that the voice of thousands will yet hail him as the father and supporter of freedom. The office of Vice-President will, doubtless, create a contention, and it will rest with the independent citizens of these United States to declare, whether true republicanism shall prevail and flourish, or the seeds of aristocracy be permitted to take deep root in this soil of freedom. In all governments slavery has made gradual and almost imperceptible encroachments, under the specious pretext of energy and stability. Tyrants seldom rise up in a day, and seize upon the privileges of the people; but artfully endeavour to lull them into security, and represent to their imaginations the blessings and advantages of monarchical or aristocratical government—Of such men beware! whether they assume the name of patriots, and are exalted to dignified stations in your government, or arrogate to themselves the title of republicans, in order to carry their designs more fully into execution.
Remember, my countrymen, this important crisis—recollect the inestimable blessings you so long contended for, and forget not, that there are men among you who are anxious to overthrow the glorious fabric of freedom, and erect on its ruins that deformed monster, Aristocracy.
Among the candidates likely to succeed for Vice-President, the following gentlemen may, with propriety, be ranked.
Examine, critically, their respective characters; seriously consider who is the man most likely to maintain the republican interest, and which one is the greatest enemy to monarchy. Have either of them, by writing or otherwise, supported principles opposite to the pure spirit of liberty? which person among them has advocated hereditary establishments, and endeavored to prepare the minds of the people of America for a king and nobility? If the above questions cannot be answered in the affirmative, with respect to the undermentioned, then you may safely choose either of them, and rest satisfied with their administration. But if it is alleged, that there is danger in placing power in the hands of a man opposed to a republican form of government, and who is favorable to European systems, and that such a person is in the list now held up, reject him from your councils, and place, in the second office of your government, one favorable to independence, liberty, and the Rights of Man.
CANDIDATES.
The President of the United States. GEORGE WASHINGTON. Vice-President. John Adams, Thomas Mifflin, George Clinton, James Madison, John Jay, John Hancock.
PUBLIC REPORTS
FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May, 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAINE, the publishers, No. 209 Market-street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States. May 24.
FOR SALE,
ABOUT 100,000 acres of Land, lying near Whitesboro, in the state of New-York, on the north side of the Mohawk river, adjoining Nobleborough, and will be sold either in parcels or together, as may suit the purchasers.
N. B. The above tract of land is of the first quality in the state, chiefly timbered with beech and maple, well watered, and contains many mill seats. The peculiar advantages of this tract, situated within a few miles of Whitesboro (which contains upwards of five thousand inhabitants) with an easy and convenient water carriage to Schenectady, Albany, and New-York, make it an object for any persons inclined to settle it, and render it an extremely advantageous purchase for persons inclined to realize their money in land of an increasing value. The whole tract or any part of it, will be sold very low for cash, or for part cash, and the remaining payments at distant periods. Enquire at No. 229 Queen-street, near the Fly-market New-York. July 19.
** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York Price 5/7 1-2.
BOOKS,
Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement, in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven volumes. Price, nearly bound and lettered, Seventeen dollars and three shillings.
This work which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that “a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement.” The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.
2. Smith's letters to married women, on nursing and the management of children. “We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed.” Monthly Review, Vol. 38, Page 101. Price bound five shillings of a dollar.
Duncan's elements of logic. three shillings of a dollar.
4. Beauties of Fielding, 50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair, 50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennington's advice; Marchmont's of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
7. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L.L.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three shillings of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69. p. 628) say: “We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful.”
9. Beauties of Poetry, Price four shillings of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons, Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four shillings of a dollar.
12. Examination of the observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five shillings of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five shillings of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal, Price three shillings of a dollar.
15. American Jest Book, three shillings of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul, half a dollar.
17. The Douay Translation of the vulgar Bible in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2—plain, six dollars.
Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again.
May 17. 6m. 12. w.
Society for establishing useful Manufactures.
NOTICE is hereby given to the holders of stock in the said Society, that the following arrangement has been made by the Deputy Governor and Directors thereof, by a resolution of the eighteenth day of May, 1792.
The second installment for the payment of shares in the stock of this Society, may be made in the following manner, viz.
The amount of the said second installment, being 20 13-100 dollars each share, may be paid in three payments, on condition that the lawful interest of 7 per cent. per annum, be calculated and paid with each proportionate part of the said payment, that is to say, on or before the thirteenth day of August next, the sum of 6 71-100, with the addition of 12 cents, being the interest of one month on 20 13-100 dollars—on or before the 13th of September next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 8 cents, being the interest for one month on 13 42-100 dollars—and on or before the 13th of October next, the sum of 6 71-100 dollars, with the addition of 4 cents, being the interest on the same for one month. The said payments are to be made at the following places, viz. In the city of Philadelphia, at the bank of the United States—at New-Brunswick, in New-Jersey, to John Bayard, or John Neilson, Esqrs—and in the city of New-York, at the bank of New-York, or either of the said places, which may be most convenient to the stock holders.
By order of the direction, JAMES GRIFFITHS, Clerk. July 24.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by the Printer, JOHN M'CULLOCH, at No. 1. North Third-Street, and by most of the Book-Sellers in this city, (Price 3/9)
MODERN CHIVALRY: Containing the Adventures of Capt. John Farrago, and Teague O'Regan, his Servant.
VOLUME II.
By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE.
Quicquid agunt Homines, nostri, Farrago libelli. Juvenal.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And for Sale at the Printing-Office, No. 209, Market-Street, and at Thomas Dobson's Book-Store in Second-Street, Price Three-Eighths of a Dollar,
ADVICE
TO THE
PRIVILEGED ORDERS,
in the
SEVERAL STATES OF EUROPE,
Resulting from the necessity and propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government.
By JOEL BARLOW, Esquire.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé,—
SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce, dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre, où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour Supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Saluda, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles. Il n'est peut-être guères possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat, on les rendra très commodes. S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six—It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 12wtf
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