Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-09-11 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 134 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, September 11, 1793.
[Whole No. 456.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
TO THE SIEUR GENET, Minister of France.
CLOATHED with a diplomatic character, and received, by the first functionary of the United States, as the accredited Minister from a great nation, you sustain, sir, an office to which the policy of the American republic, religiously observant of the universal law of nations, assures eminent immunity. Regarding you in this high character, a republican now claims to address you.
To announce, in this address, the name by which I am personally known, might be arraigned as ostentatious: neither is it required by the usages of the American press. But the man of honor, sir, disdains to communicate through the press what he would not avow at the command of propriety. And, although ideas of delicacy may now advise me to conceal my name even from the printer, I spurn the idea of shrinking from the charge should justice and honor forbid such concealment. Yet, while my language does not offend against the principles of morality, I trust that I may fairly claim to be the sole depository of my own secret.
Deriving no personal emolument from the fiscal system of the United States, and holding no office under their national government, I am not the dependant of any of the chiefs of departments, and living in a land of liberty, I disdain to be the slave of party. A plain man, I speak in the character of one of the people. Conscious that the sovereignty of the United States resides in the people, and that the authority of their government is an emanation from their will, I purpose neither to disregard the dignity of your representative office, nor to violate the decorum that becomes the character which I now personate before an enlightened public.
That you are not destitute of talent, is obvious from communications which the press has submitted to the public eye. That you have been unfortunate since your arrival in America, is probable from the same communications. And God forbid, sir, that any part of the American people should, for this cause, offer you indignity!
You have been indeed unfortunate, if, erring through ignorance, and not from intention, you have prejudiced the cause which duty and disposition urged you to benefit. And to prevent your being thus beguiled by error, is not inconsistent with the principles of real friendship.
That you should err in your ideas of the American public, is a misfortune, against which an extensive acquaintance with the history of departed empires, or with the actual state of society in Europe, could not, alone, completely secure you. In the United States, sir, the human character has assumed a form superior to whatever authentic history has recorded of Greece, or Rome; countries in which ferocious manners characterized a rigid aristocracy, and profligate populace, who struggled for domination, and alternately outraged the law of moral order: And to convince you that the speaker's opinion is consonant to that of a philosopher whose talents ought to command your respect, I refer you to Jefferson's "notes on Virginia."—The feudal despotisms of Europe, in which hereditary usurpation has emasculated the energies of mind and yet reigns over vassals and slaves, are strangers to that force of character which resides in the citizens of America.—And the French ardour for liberty yet wants that temperance of mind which characterizes the republicans of the new world.
Feeling in the cause of liberty that ardor of spirit which distinguishes your nation, and arriving among a people whose love of liberty is the strongest sentiment of their soul, you seem, sir, to have been ignorant, how much the American passion for liberty is under the discipline of an exalted reason. The American passion for liberty is not the Roman pride of domination; a criminal pride, that claims liberty for one nation, and denies it to a conquered world. No! The American citizens are friends to the cause of universal liberty, which, in their estimation, is inseparable from the equitable empire of law. And the adherence to that liberal order which the law of republicanism prescribes is estimated, by them, as being friendly to virtue, and requisite to the good of universal society.—Glorifying in republican principles, persuaded that all the tyrannical thrones of Europe must ere long fall before the united forces of philosophy and liberty, they proudly claim for themselves that national independence which they acknowledge to be the right of all the nations of the globe. And, while they exult in the hope of the universal funeral of monarchy, they recognize, within the circle of their own empire, no sovereign but themselves.
The first functionary of this sovereign, sir, is that veteran patriot, WASHINGTON. To him is unanimously confided the helm of empire. Yet, if he is guilty of violating that constitution which cloathes him with the executive power and prescribes the rule of his
duty, if he is faithless to that high trust to which he has sworn to be faithful,—do I injure you, thou first citizen of America, by supposing an impossibility?—If I say, even Washington is thus guilty, he knows, and we all know, that he is constitutionally responsible. But, as to this point, the people of the United States want no foreign interference: and our fair swords will never permit him, or any other man, in this country, to be arbitrarily accused, arraigned, and ordered to death, by a tyrant who bears the name of National Convention. As the only sovereign, the people know that the legitimate power of their constituted authorities essentially emanates from their will, which is announced in the constitution. And sir, as they have provided for the constitutional punishment of their highest officer if guilty of high crimes & misdemeanors, they, on the other hand, as men of honor feel themselves pledged to support him in the performance of his constitutional functions: and, as men who are not dastards, they must and will thus support him. As to the constitutionality of the measures which the President has adopted, relative to France, and her enemies, I see no cause to charge him with having misconducted. No man, I am confident, who has correctly developed the principles of universal law, if he will honestly speak his opinion, will say, that the President's proclamation was unconstitutional. The book of universal nature, being a chef d'œuvre , is the only work which the American people recognize as being of indisputable authority in all political questions. And I presume, that, after fully consulting this authority, you would not be able to prove from it that the President has misconducted as to France. Except that I am not an orator as you are, and if a man who never had an office at Versailles, and who in the simplicity of nature speaks right on, were adequate to maintain an argument against the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, I should hope, were it proper and necessary, to be able specifically to maintain the present sentiments against even yourself.
The measures of the President being constitutional, his enlightened fellow citizens, as men of principle, would support him, had he never been the Chief of their patriot army. Independently of their attachment to the first of Generals, their personal and public honor is, by the very principles of the social contract pledged to support their own officer in executing the service which their country has assigned him. And they know that the principles of political arrangement and national prosperity prescribe the establishment of public authorities, as being requisite to the beneficial administration of their common affairs, as essential to their capacity of acting in concert, and as indispensably necessary to the maintenance of their own independent sovereignty.
Sir, the sovereign of the United States acts by constituted representatives, and not otherwise. This sovereign, as such, simply wills: And it is done.
On mature deliberation, the American sovereign, in adopting a general constitution for the empire, has determined not to have "any direct correspondence" with foreign powers. And the President, as the organ of the whole American nation, immediately represents the whole people for the purposes of national intercourse. Their sovereign will, as manifested in the national constitution, has pronounced, that it is neither wise nor beneficial to admit any application from foreign States except through the organ of the executive. Their general plan of policy being delineated in the constitutional chart, its specific execution is committed to the respective authorities, who are the constituted organs of the sovereign in the business of administration. The American sovereign, sir, has such a sense of his own character that he disdains the idea of being personally called upon to act in questions that merely concern the actual administration of affairs.
The principles of liberty forbid the sovereign, who wills, to also act. Philosophy forbids it—National dignity, and justice, forbid it—The necessary principles of republicanism forbid it—And, notwithstanding the example of the French National Convention, it is not in the power of the collected talents of all Europe, to make the enlightened sovereign of America guilty of thus outraging the principles of liberty, philosophy, dignity, justice, republicanism. We refuse to negotiate except through the agency of our executive; not because we fear the President as our master, for he has no such character, and we have no such fear; nor because we are such idiots or cowards as to think the power of government superior to our own, for we know that the power of government is derived from our delegation; but we refuse any other mode of national negotiation, because we judge this mode to be wisest, best, just—and, especially and above all, because such is our sovereign will. And should the maintenance of this will require the sword of the people, you and all mankind may be assured, that it must not, will not, and shall not sleep in the scabbard.
Such, sir, are sentiments which the American people hold forth to nations. And, from those
sentiments, the French ought not to desire or expect America to depart, although her sovereignty should be invaded by all the powers of Europe, followed by the rest of the world, like hell with blackest insurrection, at their heels!
Judge then, sir, what must be the sentiments of Americans, on examining the published letter which you have recently addressed to the chosen representative of the whole American nation! A plain man as I am, expect not that I should speak on this subject with that sublime and impassioned eloquence which has been cultivated in France more than in any other modern nation! Therefore, permit me to speak plainly, and freely, as I feel, and because I feel I without undertaking, however, to pronounce a panegyric on myself, a business at which Americans are not expert, I leave it to others, to estimate whether I evince any portion of "the energy and frankness which ever characterize a true republican."
Unfortunately indeed may you be deemed, if you have been led, from any cause whatever, to indulge the visionary idea of a separation between the President, and the people of America. And yet, sir, you appear, from your own words, to have indulged this idea. For instance, in the late official communications relative to this subject, be understood to charge him, sir, with being unfriendly to the cause of liberty?—with wishing to be the sultan?—with a design, by his construction of treaties, to aid the league of powers against France? Or would you be understood to charge him with fearing the power of Britain, or any other nation, and with publicly manifesting the character of America? He has been proved, sir, not only in the calm hour of peace, but amidst the storm of war.—And no inconsiderable part of his countrymen have been proved by his side. Yet, if you think the young Americans, who have never tried "the flinty and steel couch of war," are dastards; and if you would know how the fact is; if too you think that such conduct on your part will promote the objects of your mission; let their fathers be insulted! you may then know whether the sons are dastards.
Do you then mean to publicly charge the President with violating the obligations of our nation? To him, to you, to us, the charge is seriously interesting.
Have not our judicial officers, by their opinion, sanctioned his interpretation of existing treaties? And are not the judges the constitutional expositors of all our laws of every description? And are not treaties part of the law of the land? After our judges have expounded the law, do we recognize, as relative to our own conduct, any ulterior tribunal of adjudication? And do you imagine, that any foreigner whatever shall, within the circle of our empire, be eventually permitted to act, in any case whatever, in opposition to such interpretation? Do you deem it advisable to appeal, on a national question, from our constituted authorities, whose decisions we acknowledge to be obligatory on ourselves, to us who have constituted those authorities? The procedure, sir, would not accord with the established order of things in this country. But if, while sustaining the character of minister plenipotentiary, you choose to avail yourself of that general liberty which every person has of publicly stating whatever any printer will publish, there is no law in the United States which can, in the first instance, prevent the thus calling upon the American people to judge of the conduct of the President. But such a mode of procedure, in a question between our nation and a foreign power, being of the nature of a "direct correspondence" with the sovereign, is not conceived by the people, "to be within the line of propriety or duty." Our sacred regard, however, to the liberty of the press, renders the procedure practicable. And if a foreign minister should, before the tribunal of public opinion, thus impeach our highest officer of disloyalty to his sovereign, that sovereign will indeed decide on the merits of the appeal, and with a spirit worthy of an enlightened sovereign. If the officer has been guilty of befriending tyranny, guilty of violating his official duty and our plighted faith by sacrificing the honest interests of our friends to those of their enemies, we must and will be satisfied. If our national integrity be appealed to, and national justice is publicly demanded against Washington, by our honest swords we declare, that, if constitutionally proved guilty, he shall be punished. Although he has grown grey in the service of his country, yet we have the firmness to feel our hearts for the moment, and to dare be just even against him. But by the same swords, which we hope will never have cause to blush for their owners, we further declare, that the foreign minister, who thus severely invokes our justice, makes an experiment upon us which he must never repeat! For, on this subject, no foreign power shall use us for sport. And if you have ever once thought of adopting such a measure, let me, if you are pausing on the banks of the Rubicon, request you to consider its consequence. In case of its adoption, yourself or Washington, must be condemned. Should you demand of us to sit in solemn judgment on the man who commands our united hearts, you must in the event, seal either his, or your, political damnation! Should you publicly appeal Washington of national disloyalty, be sure you furnish damning proofs against him! be sure, you
prove him false to his trust! Or by the wrath of injured friendship, * * * * *
Sir, you have been received as minister plenipotentiary from a nation whose friendship we value, and purpose to deserve. Yet, as proud as delicate on the subject of friendship, the American mind can feel the implications contained in your letter to the President of the United States. Then, sir, if you would not alienate the mind of America, forbear, on this theme, the language of reproach! Goad not the spirit of Americans, by accusing their common representative and friend of cold indifference to the cause of liberty! nor charge him with want of fidelity to their public engagements! It is the pride of the American nation, sir, to observe its treaties of commercial amity, and yet be just to every nation under heaven: Its firmness too is equal to its pride.
If you value the American estimation of the French, it is hoped, that you will never, in future, mention the disinterested friendship of France to this country in the very same sentence in which you complain that the American government has not, by way of requital, manifested a regard for your interest: for, except in relation to the under part of mankind such as are to be well treated, the Allegany, it is not the American fashion to talk of gifts which are to be paid for.
It is further mentioned, for your reflection, that the American researches have not yet discovered, in any of the regions of science, that the obligations of gratitude are perfectly compulsory like those of justice. Nor has moral philosophy as yet taught them, that it is a proof of delicate generosity to speak of measures under the professed idea of being generous, and yet, at the same time, demand a specific retribution. It is presumed, that the humane Americans, who never enquired whether any of the unfortunate fugitives from one of the French islands were called aristocrats, but at once honored themselves and their country by their generous beneficence to them all, will never give cause to doubt the professed motives of their conduct, by urging their generosity as the basis of a legal demand. This, however, is a subject, sir, on which I leave you to feel sentiments which wounded delicacy cannot easily express.
ALFRED.
EXTRACTS,
From the Columbian Centinel.
Notwithstanding the great diversity of political sentiment on many subjects, all concur in opinion, that the prosperity of our country disappoints the wishes of her enemies, and surpasses the hopes of her most sanguine friends.
The husbandman finds an high price, and increasing demand for the products of his soil. The mechanic has constant employ, and full compensation for his labour and skill. The merchant visits every part of the globe, in successful pursuits of gain; and while the nations of Europe are engaged in destroying each other, his ships can alone supply them with the bread that feeds, or the apparel that covers them.
Free from restraint, and welcomed to every shore, the American seaman can securely, and almost exclusively, carry the produce of the world, and command a recompence equal to his wishes. In Europe, the sailors are employed in navigating their ships of war—the artisans, instead of fabricating the conveniences of life—the husbandmen, instead of tilling the soil, and producing subsistence for themselves, and others, are busied in mutual destruction. Americans enjoy almost a monopoly of feeding and carrying for the richest, and most populous nations of the earth. This enviable condition the people of the United States know well how to estimate: and, in justice to themselves and posterity, cannot, will not put at hazard. They have too lately experienced the horrors of war, and too dearly paid for peace and good government, to risk their present tranquility.
From the COLUMBIAN GAZETTEER.
In the days of contest between the characters of Whig and Tory, it was often asked, (and sometimes very gravely) to which of them we should suppose the Apostle Paul adhered—and a positive answer to this would have decided the opinion of most who made that enquiry.
The same implicit confidence is given at the present day, to the decisions of those of the first standing in the State, and a proportionable degree of it is always bestowed on men of eminence in every station; this, by many is supposed to be a very rational mode of judging, in cases where one is not sufficiently acquainted with the merits of a cause to judge of it himself.—But there is a different class of mankind who suspect the judgment of all who go in a higher walk of life, and that from a strange idea, of which they seem to be very fond, that goodness and greatness are incompatible, and that no one can be wise who knows more than themselves, or honest who holds more property.

THE logic employed by the writer on this occasion, will be best understood by accom- modating to it the language of a proclamation, founded on the prerogative and policy of sus- pending the treaty with France.
Whereas a treaty was concluded on the day of _____ between the United States and the French nation, through the kingly government, which was then the organ of its will: And whereas the said nation hath since exercised its right (no wise abridged by the said treaty) of changing the organ of its will, by abolishing the said kingly government, as inconsistent with the rights and happiness of the people, and estab- lishing a republican in lieu thereof, as most fa- vorable to the public happiness, and best suited to the genius of a people become sensible of their rights and ashamed of their chains: And whereas, by the constitution of the United States, the executive is authorised to receive ambas- sadors, other public ministers and consuls: And whereas a public minister, duly appointed and commissioned by the new Republic of France, hath arrived and presented himself to the execu- tive, in order to be received in his proper cha- racter: Now be it known, that by virtue of the said right vested in the executive to receive am- bassadors, other public ministers and consuls, &c of the rights included therein, the executive hath refused to receive the said minister from the said republic, and hath thereby caused the activity and operation of all treaties with the French nation, hitherto in force as Supreme law of the land , to be suspended until the executive, by taking off the said suspension, shall revive the same; of which, all persons concerned are to take notice, at their peril.
The writer, as if beginning to feel that he was grasping at more than he could hold, endeav- ours, all of a sudden, to squeeze his doctrine in- to a smaller size, and a less vulnerable shape: The reader shall see the operation in his own words.
"And where a treaty antecedently exists between the United States and such nation (a nation whose government has undergone a revo- lution) that right (the right of judging whe- ther the new rulers ought to be recognized or not) involves the power of giving operation or not to such treaty . For until the new govern- ment is acknowledged, the treaties between the nations, as far at least as regards public rights , are of course suspended."
This qualification of the suspending power, though reluctantly and inexplicitly made, was prudent, for two reasons; first, because it is pretty evident that private rights , whether of judiciary or executive cognizance, may be carried into effect without the agency of the foreign government; and therefore would not be sus- pended of course by a rejection of that agency. Secondly, because the judiciary, being an inde- pendent department, and acting under an oath to pursue the law of treaties as the supreme law of the land, might not readily follow the execu- tive example, and a right in one expositor of treaties , to consider them as not in force , whilst it would be the duty of another expositor to consider them as in force , would be a phenomenon not so easy to be explained. Indeed as the doctrine stands qualified, it leaves the executive the right of suspending the law of treaties in relation to rights of one description, without exempting it from the duty of enforcing it in relation to rights of another description.
But the writer is embarked in so unfound an argument, that he does not save the rest of his inference by this sacrifice of one half of it. It is not true, that all public rights are of course suspended by a refusal to acknowledge the gov- ernment, or even by a suspension of the govern- ment. And in the next place, the right in question does not follow from the necessary sus- pension of public rights, in consequence of a re- fusal to acknowledge the government.
Public rights are of two sorts; those which require the agency of government; those which may be carried into effect without that agency. As public rights are the rights of the nation, not of the government, it is clear that wherever they can be made good to the nation, without the office of government, they are not suspend- ed by the want of an acknowledged govern- ment, or even by the want of an existing gov- ernment; and that there are important rights of this description, will be illustrated by the following case:
Suppose, that after the conclusion of the treaty of alliance between the United States and France, a party of the enemy had surprised and put to death every member of congress; that the occasion had been used by the people of A- merica for changing the old confederacy into such a government as now exists, and that in the progress of this revolution, an interregnum had happened. Suppose further, that during this interval, the states of South-Carolina and Georgia, or any other parts of the United States, had been attacked and been put into evident and imminent danger of being irrecoverably lost, without the interposition of the French arms; is it not manifest, that as the Treaty is the Treaty of the United States, not of their government, the people of the United States could not forfeit their right to the guarantee of their territory by the accidental suspension of their govern- ment; and that any attempt, on the part of France, to evade the obligations of the Treaty, by pleading the suspension of government, or by refusing to acknowledge it, would justly have been received with universal indignation, as an ignominious perfidy?
With respect to public rights that cannot take effect in favour of a nation without the agency of its government, it is admitted that they are suspended of course where there is no govern-
ment in existence, and also by a refusal to ac- knowledge an existing government. But no inference in favour of a right to suspend the op- eration of Treaties, can be drawn from either case. Where the existence of the government is suspended, it is a case of necessity; it would be a case happening without the act of the ex- ecutive, and consequently could prove nothing for or against the right.
In the other case, to wit, of a refusal by the executive to recognize an existing government, however certain it may be, that a suspension of some of the public rights might ensue, yet it is equally certain, that the refusal would be with- out right or authority; and that, no right or authority could be implied or pro- duced from the unauthorised act. If a right to do whatever might bear an analogy to the necessary conse- quence of what was done without right, could be inferred from the analogy, there would be no other limit to power than the limit to its in- genuity.
It is no answer to say that it may be doubtful whether a government does or does not exist; or doubtful which may be the existing and act- ing Government. The case stated by the wri- ter is, that there are existing rulers; that there is an acting Government; but that they are new rulers; and that it is a new Government. The full reply, however, is to repeat what has been already observed; that questions of this sort are mere questions of fact; that as such only, they belong to the executive; that they would equal- ly belong to the executive, if it was tied down to the reception of public ministers, without any discretion to receive or reject them; that where the fact appears to be, that no Government ex- ists, the consequential suspension is independent of the executive; that where the fact appears to be, that the Government does exist, the execu- tive must be governed by the fact, and can have no right or discretion, on account of the date or form of the Government, to refuse to ac- knowledge it, either by rejecting its public mi- nister, or by any other step taken on that ac- count. If it does refuse on that account, the refusal is a wrongful act, and can neither prove nor illustrate a rightful power.
I have spent more time on this part of the discussion than may appear to some, to have been requisite. But it was considered as a pro- per opportunity for presenting some important ideas, connected with the general subject, and it may be of use in shewing how very super- ficially, as well as erroneously, the writer has treated it.
In other respects so particular an investiga- tion was less necessary. For allowing it to be, as contended, that a suspension of treaties might happen from a consequential operation of a right to receive public ministers, which is an express right vested by the constitution; it could be no proof, that the same or a similar effect could be produced by the direct operation of a construc- tive power .
Hence the embarrassments and gross contra- dictions of the writer in defining, and applying his ultimate inference from the operation of the executive power with regard to public min- isters .
At first it exhibits an "important instance of the right of the executive to decide the ob- ligation of the nation with regard to foreign na- tions."
Rising from that, it confers on the executive, a right "to put the United States in a condition to become an associate in war."
And, at its full height, authorises the execu- tive "to lay the legislature under an obligation of declaring war."
From this towering prerogative, it suddenly brings down the executive to the right of " con- sequentially affecting the proper or improper ex- ercise of the power of the legislature to declare war ."
And then, by a caprice as unexpected as it is sudden, it espouses the cause of the legislature; rescues it from the executive right "to lay it under an obligation of declaring war"; and asserts it to be " free to perform its own duties, according to its own sense of them ," without any other controul than what it is liable to, it is liable to, in every other legislative act.
The point at which it finally seems to rest, is, that "the executive in the exercise of its consti- tutional power , may establish an antecedent state of things, which ought to weigh in the legislative decisions ; a prerogative which will import a great deal, or nothing, according to the handle by which you take it; and which, at the same time, you can take by no handle that does not clash with some inference preceding."
If "by weighing in the legislative decisions" he meant having an influence on the expediency of this or that decision in the opinion of the legisla- ture; this is no more than what every antec- edent state of things ought to have, from what- ever cause proceeding; whether from the use or abuse of constitutional powers, or from the ex- ercise of constitutional or assumed powers. In this sense the power to establish an antecedent state of things is not constituted. But then it is of no use to the writer, and is also in direct con- tradiction to the inference, that the executive may "lay the legislature under an obligation to decide in favor of war."
If the meaning be as is implied by the force of the terms " constitutional power ," that the antecedent state of things produced by the ex- ecutive, ought to have a constitutional weight with the legislature: or, in plainer words, imposes a constitutional obligation on the legislative decisions , the writer will not only have to combat the arguments by which such a prerogative has been disproved; but to reconcile it with his last con- cession, that "the legislature is free to perform its duties according to its own sense of them ." He must show that the legislature is, at the same time, constitutionally free to pursue its own judgment and constitutionally bound by the judgment of the executive .
HELVIDIUS.
Foreign Intelligence.
FRANCE. NATIONAL CONVENTION. JUNE 20.
Insurrection in Corsica.
BARRERE, in the name of the committee of public safety, made a report respecting the trou- bles in Corsica. "The whole island, said he, is in a state of counter-re- volution, and your commissioners have been obliged to act on the de- fensive in the maritime parts of the republic, which yet remain faithful. You recollect the decree against Paoli; perhaps it was impolitic; and although you suspended the ex- ecution of it, Paoli found means to interest the inhabitants in his favor, by making them believe you would give them up to the Genoese, whom the Corsicans dread and abhor; or that you would crown the ci-devant Duke of Orleans, who is equally de- tested by the Corsicans, who love li- berty, although they have been led astray by Paoli and the priests. Your two commissioners, Aniboul & Baux, have been stopped at Aix, in the name of the federative republic of the south."
The following letter from your commissioners at Bastia, in Corsica, dated from that town, June 27, will more fully explain to you the trou- bles in this island:
Letter from the Commissioners.
"All is lost—the counter-revolu- tion is compleated. Paoli is named generalissimo, that is to say, sove- reign of the island. The clergy have been reinstated; the emigrants have re entered. Paoli, under the mask of religion, has abased himself to be elected President of the con- sulta (an extraordinary convocation of all the deputies of Corsica): the inhabitants have been led astray, respecting the situation of France, and the intentions of the conven- tion. The insurgents are armed to the number of 1000, or 1200, and maintain themselves at the expence of the republic. They have seized on the stores and treasure, and those who show attachment to the French republic are shot. The towns in the interest of the republic, are de- clared rebels, and are kept in awe by strong garrisons placed in them. Paoli has published a writing against the Convention, whom he calls the agents of the Genoese. St. Florent, Bastia, and Calvi, are still in the re- publican interest, and well garri- soned with republican troops."
"The consulta opened on the 26th May. Paoli was declared Pre- sident, Leonardo Vice-President, & Pozi di Borgi Secretary."
"Paoli has published a pretended letter from Marseilles, which, among other things, asserts, that all the communes of France have declared themselves in insurrection against the capital."
(Signed) "DALCHER, Comm'r." Couthon.—"Do you not see, that Paoli holds the same language in Corsica, as Gaudet, Vergniaux, Gen- sonne, and other conspirators did in the Convention? It is time that France should know who are her friends."
Lacroix—"Couthon might have said more. There exists a document in the committee of public safety, in which a conversation is repre- sented to have taken place on the first of April last, between Dumou- rier and the Prince de Cobourg; in which the latter proposed, that Ma- rat should be declared in a state of arrest, the primary assemblies be convened, and the Convention trans- ferred to some other place than Pa- ris. It is worthy of remark, that in this month propositions of a similar tendency were made in this assem- bly, by Gaudet, Gensonne, Brissot, and others, whom you have declar- ed in a state of arrest."
Barrere.—"Your committee has charged me to present you the pro- ject of a decree, which ought to be carried into immediate execution. Your committee has thought fit to cashier this consulta of Corsica, whose power would soon vie with your own. We have annulled all its acts, as being high treason against
the sovereignty of the people. You must send succours to those towns in Corsica which remain faithful to the republic. Your committee has like- wise thought fit that you should en- lighten the people by sending com- missioners among them; for, accord- ing to every report, they are not in- imical to the republic, but only mis- led by the rich. Every thing gives us reason to hope, that within one month all will be right, and that we shall be able to strike some decisive blow against the counter-revolu- tionists."
Barrere then presented a decree, conformable to the above principles. Decreed.
Chabot—"Rouyes and his col- league have been recalled from their commission, but are not returned. They have remained behind, in or- der to foment troubles in the de- partment of Herault, and have pro- tested against the Decrees of the Convention of the 31st of May. I move that they may be displaced."
A deputy contradicted this state- ment, and the Convention passed to the order of the day.
Decreed, that the Armies should in future be paid in bills on the Treasury instead of assignats.
JULY 1.
The Envoy of the United States having demanded a suspension of the decree which permits the priva- teers of the Republic to attack Ame- rican ships:—In consequence, the committee proposed the following decree:
The National Convention, desir- ous to maintain the union establish- ed between the French Republic and the United States of America, declares, that the vessels of the United States are not included in the dispositions of the decree of the 9th of March, according to the 16th ar- ticle of the treaty made on the 6th February, 1788.—This decree was adopted.
LONDON, July 27.
It has frequently been asserted, and with great appearance of truth, that without good air, good exer- cise, and good hours, scarcely any person has good health, or attains old age; yet on Sunday last died at Chonies, in the county of Bucks, after a life of 92 years of unint- rupted health, Mary, widow of William Baidwynne, who had been mother, grandmother, and great- grandmother to above 200 persons, more than 150 of whom are now alive. The greatest part of her life she passed in a sick room; as her employment until within these ten years, has been that of nursing the sick, in which situation she was fre- quently many months without go- ing into a bed, and took the little sleep she had in the day more fre- quently than in the night. The writer of this paragraph asked her by what expedient she had, in such an employment, enjoyed such a share of health, and had so long a life: her reply was memorable:—"I have never, during my whole life, drank any thing in the night, except tea; I have never suffered any event, however calamitous, to depress my mind or prey upon my spirits; and I have made it my constant endeavor to live in as good a humour with myself and all around me, as I possibly could."
Prince Ernest had lately a very narrow escape before Valenciennes. A cannon ball had passed so near as to kill a grenadier in the file behind him.
General Dampierre's Monument in the camp of Famars is not yet destroyed; on the contrary, a sen- tinel has been placed over it, to protect it.
A Courier, who arrived lately from Vienna, brings intelligence that the Emperor is very ill with a spitting of blood.
United States.
WILMINGTON, Sept. 7.
We are informed that the Com- mittee of Correspondence have late- ly received from John Dickinson Esq. of the State of Delaware, 200 Dollars, for the relief of the fugi- tives from St. Domingo.

FROM PORTO-RICO.
St. John's, August 13.
A French schooner of 18 guns, and a sloop of 14, entered a small port, the west end of Porto-Rico, and took out 17 sail of Spanish vessels, and afterwards demanded and obtained a ransom from the town of 14,000 dollars. These vessels then sailed round the south and east side and picked up all the vessels they could find.
CHARLESTON, August 10.
Two Sharks were caught yesterday morning at Crafts's Lower wharf, and were exhibited for some time on the wharf. They are said to be the largest ever seen in this harbor, one of them measuring 12 feet in length, the other 9 feet, but much thicker.
BOSTON, August 31.
We are happy to announce the safe arrival in this town, of Mr. Robert Williams, after his sufferings in Arabia. After parting from the Captain, and some of the crew in the Deserts, he arrived at Bombay, having in his toilsome journey, experienced every species of misery and distress, that man seems capable of sustaining. From Bombay he took passage for England, in a British ship, but hearing at St. Helena, that a war was declared, he went on board the American ship Eliza, of Boston, from Isle of France for Dunkirk. This ship was captured by an English privateer and carried into Portsmouth, in England, from whence he arrived in the Industry, Capt. Barnes, in good health, to the inexpressible joy of his family and friends.
WINCHESTER, Sept. 2.
Extract of a letter from a correspondent of veracity, to the Editor hereof, dated German-Creek, Territory South of the Ohio, August 16.
"On the 4th inst. Col. Daugherty, of Jefferson county, with 180 men, crossed the Tennessee to the Valley Indian Towns, killed nine fellows and two squaws, took and brought in seven prisoners, burnt twenty towns and villages, and destroyed a vast quantity of vegetables. The whites had five men wounded. The inhabitants on the frontiers are in close forts, expecting a visit from the Indians when the volunteers are tired of harassing them. Indeed the spirit of volunteering seems to be on the decline; only 40 men paraded on a signal for an expedition, a few days ago; tho' I think a large company might be raised, under the sanction of government; and it is absolutely necessary to give them a severe flogging, in order to bring them to a sense of their duty, and teach them to pay some respect to treaties."
A variety of concurring circumstances tend to confirm a belief, that the volunteers now raising in this State, will very shortly receive marching orders, consequently, a report now in circulation, that there will be no campaign against the Indians this season, is without foundation. Ken. Gaz.
On the 1st inst. the Indians stole a number of horses belonging to the Quarter-Master, at Fort-Hamilton; they were pursued by a party of dragoons and rifle men, to the distance of about 40 miles, where the Indians appeared in such force, that the pursuers thought prudent to decline coming to action. The Indians being in such force near the out-posts, is an argument that the treaty has failed, and of course the army will very shortly receive marching orders.
PROCEEDINGS relative to the PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION of NEUTRALITY. NEW-BRUNSWICK.
At a meeting of the citizens of the counties of Somerset and Middlesex, in the State of New-Jersey, at the White-hall in the city of Brunswick, on 30th August, 1793. Delegates from the several townships of the counties of Somerset and Middlesex, attended in consequence of a circular letter from a committee of the citizens of New-Brunswick, dated the 29th of this month, to take into consideration the President's Proclamation, with regard to the Neutrality to be observed by the United States in the present European war.
From the township of Piscataway, Middlesex county—Benjamin Manning, Justice Dunn. Rocky Hill, western precinct of Somerset county—Henry Van Dyke.
Grigg's Town, eastern precinct of Somerset county—Christopher Hoagland, Abraham Van Doren, John Baird.
Princeton, western precinct of Somerset county—Rev. Dr. J. Witherspoon, Enos Kelley, Richard Stockton.
Six Mile Run, eastern precinct of Somerset county—John Stryker, Isaac Ogden.
Upper part of the eastern precinct of Somerset county—Barnabas Garrison, Philip Fulkerson, Nicholas Johnson.
Township of Hillsborough, county of Somerset—Nicholas Dubois, Garret G. Garrison, Gilbert D. Lew.
Bedminster township, Somerset county—John Bryant, Joseph Annis, John Mechem.
Bernards township, Somerset county—Clement Wood, Samuel Haines, Dr. Hugh McCowen.
Township of Cranbury, county of Middlesex—David Chambers, George M'Elroy, Richard Handlin, Garret Snidicker, David Williamson.
Windsor township, Middlesex county—Rev. Dr. Samuel S. Smith, Ezekiel Smith, Jonathan Combs, James Anderson.
City of Perth Amboy, Middlesex county—Rev. David Kearney, John Raton.
Township of South Brunswick, Middlesex county—Isaac Vanpeit.
Township of Woodbridge, Middlesex county—John Conway, John G. Will.
The city of New-Brunswick, and northward of the township of Brunswick, in Middlesex county—John Neilson, John Bayard, Moses Scott, Anthony W. White, Lewis Dunham.
Col. JOHN BAYARD, was chosen Chairman, and RICHARD STOCKTON, Secretary.
The circular letter from the Committee of New-Brunswick, and the New-Brunswick resolves, were read.
The Delegates of the several Townships above mentioned, appeared and produced their credentials and instructions, which were publicly read and approved of. A number of other citizens of the said counties, and of the city of New-Brunswick, also appeared in their private capacities.
Every person present was called upon to deliver his sentiments upon the subject of the meeting.
The following gentlemen were then appointed a committee to prepare and report resolutions to be submitted to this meeting, viz.—The Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, the Rev. Dr. S. S. Smith, Col. John Bayard, Col. Lewis Dunham, and Richard Stockton, Esquire. The committee withdrew to prepare their report. The committee returned, and reported the following resolutions; which, after being first generally and then separately read and maturely considered, were adopted.
Resolved, 1st. That the commercial, agricultural and mechanical interests of these counties, are fully represented in this meeting.
2dly. That we feel ourselves happy under the existing government of the United States, and as far as our observation extends, an entire satisfaction with the present administration prevails among all classes of citizens in the State of New-Jersey.
3dly. That altho' vigilance with regard to the executive departments of government be laudable, and a virtue in republics; yet calumny and sedition are vices, and tend to the subversion of that liberty which they profess to support.
4thly. That the proclamation of the President, enjoining on the citizens of the United States a conduct friendly and impartial towards the present belligerent powers of Europe, was a measure well-timed and prudent, just and constitutional; wisely calculated to promote the welfare and preserve the peace of this country.
5th. That an exact and uniform observance of existing treaties, and of the terms of neutrality, enjoined in said proclamation, is both our duty and interest; and that we will use all proper means to discourage and bring to justice, every person who shall contravene the same, and to preserve in its full energy that efficiency of government so necessary to our honor, our safety and our happiness.
6th. That the Minister from the French Republic had a right to judge for himself, whether that proclamation in any part was contrary to the rights of France by treaty with us or not; that if he thought it was, he ought to have applied by memorial to the Secretary of State, and if the answer given him was not satisfactory, he had a right to send it to his constituents, and receive their directions for his future conduct. But, 7th. For any Minister to threaten, or attempt an appeal, as it appears has been done, from the constituent authority of this country to the people at large, is an act of the highest insolence and injustice, and an insult, not only to the executive authority, thro' which the Union speaks to such Minister, but to the whole people of the United States.
8th. That we fully expect, and rely for it on the wisdom and fortitude of the Executive of the United States, that such conduct will meet with the treatment it deserves.
9th. That in the present predicament of the United States, no citizen under the pretended right of expatriating himself at pleasure, can legally enter on board any vessel of war with an intention to commit hostilities against any power in amity with us; because, as no law exists acknowledging the right and prescribing the forms of expatriation, the offended power has no means of discriminating the expatriated from the real citizen, and the whole community is liable to be involved for the crime of one; the laws of nature and nations, therefore, and the principles of society, annul such pretended rights, and criminate such actions in the existing circumstances of the United States.
10th. That we sincerely pray for the success of the cause of liberty in France, and in all nations, freed from the evils of licentiousness; but, as it is not in our power to render her effectual aid by embarking with her in the present war, and as we are not required thereto by any treaty, the strictest neutrality is our wisest and most honorable conduct.
11th. That Elisha Lawrence, Esq., Vice President of this State, is entitled to our acknowledgments for his early attention to the proclamation of the President of the United States.
12th. That these resolves be published in the public papers.
Signed by order of the meeting, JOHN BAYARD, Chairman.
Philadelphia, Sept. 11.
The following sketch contains a statement of the transactions in France, as related in the proceedings of the National Convention, in June last.
A letter of the 6th June to the President informed that CHARRIER, the chief of the rioters in La Lozare, with his aid de camp La Porte were taken prisoners.
BARRERE proposed to send hostages to the departments for the security of the arrested members—this was opposed by Robespierre the younger—and was not agreed to. He proposed following up the decree of arrest, by the subsequent measures.—June 9, the following letter was read:—
"Bordeaux, June 6, at midnight."
"Citizens Representatives,"
"The details of your sitting of the 3d of this month are known in this city, and cries of fury and vengeance resound in all our public places, and even within the place of our meeting. A general movement of indignation and despair hurries all the citizens to their sections, and deputations throng around us. There is no desperate measure which is not proposed to us. We cannot answer for the consequences of this transport."
Durant-Mallane said, that in order to know the public opinion on the late events, all the addresses and all letters relating to them should be read.
Levasseur opposed this, observing, that all these addresses were signed with names, which indicated that they came from rich people, and consequently from suspicious persons, as the real Sans Culottes cannot write. The Convention decreed, that all addresses should be referred to the committee of public safety.
A secretary read the following letter:—
"Rennes, June 6."
"The department of Ille and Villaine, have just learned with indignation and terror, the re-creation of several representatives of the people. The constituted authorities and all the citizens immediately met, and drew up an address, the principles of which they will support until death, and decreed the departure of an armed force.—We have sent you a copy of their address and decree."
This address was read, and the decree of the department of the Ille of Villaine, for raising a battalion to go to Paris.
Next follows the address from Rennes, which contains substantially, the sentiments contained in the address of the arrested members to the French nation.—See Gazette of the 4th inst.
To this address is annexed a decree of the administrative and constituted bodies of the city of Rennes, for raising an armed force to march to Paris, "to release the Convention from the oppression of the anarchists." The battalion to be raised by this city was to have a tri-coloured flag with, Liberty and Equality, inscribed on one side, and hatred of Royalty and Anarchy, on the other. The popular society of Rennes was dissolved by an armed force. These papers were referred to the committee of safety. The department of Finisterre no longer acknowledges the Commissioners of the Convention.
Wednesday, June 12.—Accounts were read in the Convention, of great commotions in the city of Bourdeaux, in consequence of the arrest of the members. The same day an account of the taking of Saumur by the royalists on the 10th was received. In consequence of these details of the proceedings of the insurgents vigorous measures were adopted by the municipality of Paris, to put that city into a posture of defence, and to reinforce the army in the departments.
A proposition was made in the Convention on the 9th June by Thuriot.—That the French should be invited to observe a Civic Lent for the month of August, to lower the price of provisions.—Referred to the committee of public safety.—The Convention has decreed that the troops of the line shall be incorporated with the volunteers.—On the 18th June a letter was read from Santerre, in which he says, "I do not speak of our misfortunes, nor of the action of the 9th—although we fought 8000 against 30,000, we sustained a considerable fire from these vagabonds for six hours: They are justly named the Army of Plunderers, for they steal, murder, violate, and pillage, in the name of Louis XVIII. and of God."
June 20.—Complaints were made, of the Administrators of the Opera, because they had refused to play the Siege of Thionville. The Council General resolved, that this piece should be played gratis, and solely for the amusement of the Sans Culottes.
Desforges has been appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Department of State.
I HEREBY Certify, that I have received official communication of a Decree of the National Convention of France, whereof the following is a translation:—
"Decree of the National Convention of the 23d of May, which declares that the vessels of the United States are not comprehended in the purview of the decree of the 9th of May."
The National Convention, after having heard the report of its committee of public safety, wishing to maintain the union established between the French Republic, and the United States of America, decrees that the vessels of the United States are not comprehended in [les dispositions] the purview of the decree of the 9th of May, conformably to the 16th article of the treaty executed the 15th of February 1778. A true copy.
LE BRUN.
Given under my hand, this 9th day of September 1793.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Sunday morning last between three and four o'clock a very alarming fire broke out in the buildings back of Mr. Kennedy's house, in Second Street, between High and Chehnut Streets which was soon communicated to Mr. Dobson's Printing-Office and other buildings contiguous.—The confined situation of the fire rendered the exertions of the citizens unavailing, till great destruction of property had taken place—all the back buildings of Mr. Kennedy, and several others and their contents being entirely consumed. Mr. Dobson's Office nearly in the same situation. The citizens displayed their usual spirit and alacrity on this occasion. The officers and men from the French frigate La Prettieuse, and the Ind. ship La Ville de L'Orient, merit very particular acknowledgments for their intrepidity and essential services on this occasion.—They brought their engines with them and by means of the hose, conveyed the water through smoke and flames to the very spot where the fire raged; Mr. Dobson is peculiarly indebted to these intrepid sons of Neptune for the preservation of his dwelling house—as it was extremely difficult and entirely impossible in some directions to bring the large city engines in immediate contact with the fire.—Two persons were killed at the time of the fire, by the sudden falling of a brick wall, and some others wounded.—The loss of the sufferers, Mr. Kennedy in particular, is very great—and that of Mr. Dobson is heavy, as he had a very large amount in types, &c. exposed and destroyed.
The sufferers by the above fire, and others, who were in imminent danger, have publicly, and personally acknowledged their obligations to their fellow-citizens, and particularly to the French seamen, for their benevolent and spirited exertions whereby the flames were arrested in their course, and great property preserved.
The Mayor has informed the citizens—That from the returns made to him, and which have been pretty accurate, the number of persons which have been taken off by the prevailing disorder do not exceed one hundred and forty from the first death which happened, to the second instant.
The Mayor has also informed the citizens that the African Society have humanely agreed to furnish nurses for the sick—apply to Absalom Jones or William Gray, members of said Society.
It appears from the Gazettes, that the prizes captured and sent into the several States by the privateers bearing French Commissions, which have been fitted out in any part of the union have been seized by the respective Governors, pursuant to instructions from the President of the United States.
The Governor has issued new instructions to Nathaniel Falconer, Esq., Health-officer of this port—in which he is directed to be vigilant in regard to the patients in the hospital, and to employ additional means to prevent the introduction of malignant distempers by sea.
The ship Belvidere arrived at New-York, from London, last Sunday. She had 41 days passage from the Land's end—and has probably brought some news—The New-York papers of Monday, however, contain none.
By letters received in town from Madrid, dated the 11th July, it appears that Belguarde surrendered to the Spaniards on the 24th June, and that Nice was evacuated by the French, upon the approach of the Spanish fleet, with great loss.
The Spanish fleet of 30 men of war was joined by the British of 27 sail of the line in the Mediterranean.
Monday last was the day appointed for commencing the drawing of the FEDERAL CITY LOTTERY; from the preparations which we are informed had been made, we expect to hear in a few days that the business began at the time appointed.
Yesterday the President of the United States left town, on a visit to Mount Vernon.
There is a noble magnanimity of spirit which in times of danger and of death is manifested in the conduct of some persons.—While fear petrifies the rest of the world, these heroically encounter every risk in discharging the offices of benevolence and humanity.—May a discerning public distinguish by favor and rewards those intrepid sons of Galen who have not deserted their posts, but have promptly obeyed the summons of the sons and daughters of affliction—and may virtue drop a tear to the memory of those who have fallen victims to the calls of duty and compassion.
COMMUNICATION.
The conduct of the revilers of our government is as absurd as it is impudent—for some time the cry was, the sense of the people is not to be collected from the inhabitants of the seaports—and these citizens were called old Tories, Speculators, British Merchants, Office hunters, &c.—but what is the rone, since it appears that the agricultural interest have discovered that they have as high a sense of the importance of neutrality and peace, as the mechanical and commercial parts of the community?—The following compliment on the understanding and proceedings of the people at large on this occasion, is to be found in the usual repository of similar productions, the National Gazette of the 4th instant:
"By the help of your name, I'll raise a hell flame;
For stockholders, fools, and addressers, Each Township will vie, To confirm the d—d lie, And we shall be gorg'd with caresses."
Died, Dr. JAMES HUTCHINSON, an eminent Physician of this city.
Business in the funds appears to be suspended.—In our last were published the latest prices at which any considerable sums had been bought.

Treasury Department,
August 27, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given that proposals will be received until the 15th day of October next, inclusively, by David Henly at Knoxville, in the Territory South West of the Ohio, for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December, 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
 1. At any place or places from the mouth of the River Tenesse to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said River inclusively.  2. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville.  3. At any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the southward, westward or northward thereof.  4. At Bledsoe's Lick, or any place or places between the said Lick and Nashville.  5. At any place or places from Bledsoe's Lick to the crossing of Cumberland river, along the new Trace, at or near the great Salt Lick, and at the said crossing place over Cumberland river.  6. At any place or places along the said Trace, from the crossing of Cumberland river to the mouth of Clinch river, and at the said mouth of Clinch river.  7. At any place or places between the said mouth of Clinch and Knoxville, and at Knoxville.  8. At any place or places on the north-western frontiers of Washington and Hamilton districts, in the Territory South of the Ohio, from the mouth of Clinch to the Virginia line.  9. At any place or places on the southern frontiers of the said districts of Washington and Hamilton.  10. At any other place or places in the territory South of the Ohio, not herein mentioned. 
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.
 One pound of bread or flour,  One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork,  Half a pint of brandy, rum or whisky,  One quart of salt  Two quarts of vinegar  Two pounds of soap  One pound of candles 
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each fort or other stationary post, which is or may be established for the space of at least three months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemies, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the deposition of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
Those who may become proposers are requested to transmit without delay to the Secretary of the Treasury duplicates of their proposals. The proposals will be decided upon at Knoxville, where the said David Henly will make known the offer which is accepted, and will conclude the contract.
Treasury Department,
August 10, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the 14th day of September next inclusively, to furnish by contract the following articles of Cloathing, for the use of the United States, viz.
 4,800 Hats,  5,120 Stock,  5,120 Stock-Clasps,  20,480 Shirts,  5,120 Vests,  5,120 Coats,  9,600 Woollen Overalls,  9,600 Linen ditto,  19,200 pairs of Shoes,  9,600 pairs of Socks,  5,120 Blankets,  320 Caps,  320 pairs of Leather Breeches,  640 pairs of Boots,  320 pairs of Spurs,  640 pairs of Stockings,  1,520 Rifle Shirts. 
The cloathing to be delivered at the city of Philadelphia; one fourth part of the whole number of suits on or before the 15th of February, one fourth on or before the 15th of April, and the remaining half on or before the 15th of June, 1794.
The articles must be agreeable to such patterns as shall be directed by the Secretary for the Department of War. Payment will be made as soon as the whole of the articles shall have been delivered. ept14S.
War Department,
August 1st, 1793.
INFORMATION is hereby given to all the Military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are intitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of March last, and which will become due on the 5th of September next, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans, within the States respectively under the usual regulations.
By Command of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. H. KNOX, Secretary at War.
N. B. The Printers in the respective States are requested to publish the above in their newspapers for the space of two months.
T I C K E T S In the FEDERAL CITY LOTTERY, May be had at SAMUEL COOPER'S Ferry.
To the Public.
THE EDITOR of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Prices Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State:—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTISING favors will be gratefully received.
TERMS.
To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next.
The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence.
In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant,
JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of subscription papers, and by the Editor, at his house, No. 34, North Fifth Street.
THE EDITOR
MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible.—Those persons who have received subscription money on his account are desired to remit the same. The arrearages for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of a expensive publication. Philadelphia, June 26.
SEAT of WAR.
For Sale, at M. CAREY'S Store, No. 118, Market-street,
A Sheet Map of the French, Austrian and Dutch Netherlands, in which the progress of the present War may be traced.—Price three eighths of a dollar.
And a Map of the Three Northern Districts of France, divided into Departments.—Price 3/4 of a dollar.
Maps of the United States
—Any public spirited gentlemen, possessed of materials for correcting and improving the Maps of the several States, will lay M. Carey under very particular obligations, by communicating them. He is in immediate want of some for New Jersey and Delaware; of which States he is now preparing Maps.
Guthrie's Geography:
The subscription for this work will be continued open, at the present rate of twelve dollars, till the first day of November next; after which, it will be raised to fourteen dollars.
August 14. 120000
DISTRICT of PENNSYLVANIA, to wit.
BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the thirteenth day of August, in the eighteenth year of the Independence of the United States of America; THOMAS DOBSON, of the said District, hath deposited in this Office the Title of a Book, the Right whereof he claims as Proprietor, in the words following—to wit:
"TRANSACTIONS of the COLLEGE of PHYSICIANS of PHILADELPHIA.—Vol. I. PART I.—Non sibi sed toti."
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, intitled, "An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during the times therein mentioned."
SAMUEL CALDWELL, Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania.
City of Washington.
JANUARY 7th, 1793.
A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners, on the 17th day of September next.—One fourth part of the purchase money is to be paid down, the residue at three equal annual payments with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid.
JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Com'rs.
Extract of an Act of the General Assembly of Maryland, concerning the Territory of Columbia, and the City of Washington.
"Be it enacted, That any foreigner may by deed or will, hereafter to be made, take and hold lands within this State, in the same manner as if he were a citizen of this State; and the same lands may be conveyed by him, and transmitted to and be inherited by his heirs or relations, as if he and they were citizens of this State: Provided, That no foreigner shall, in virtue hereof, be entitled to any further or other privilege of a citizen."
Jan. 19.
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 16, Wall-street, New-York.
THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE & SALE of STOCKS on COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to.
(t.f.) LEONARD BLEECKER.
By THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARROLL, Esquires,
COMMISSIONERS appointed by Government to prepare the Public Buildings, &c. within the City of Washington, for the reception of Congress, and for their permanent residence after the year 1800—
A LOTTERY
FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
50,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, are 350,000 dollars. LIST OF PRIZES, viz.
  1 Superb Hotel, with baths, out houses, &c. &c. to cost 50,000   1 Cash Prize 25,000   1 ditto 20,000   1 ditto 15,000   1 ditto 10,000   2 ditto 5,000 are   10 ditto 1,000   20 ditto 500   100 ditto 100   200 ditto 50   400 ditto 25   1,000 ditto 20   15,000 ditto 10   150,000 
16,737 Prizes Dollars 350,000 33,263 Blanks
50,000
By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers; and yet the federal City will gain its object thereby, in a magnificent building designed both for public and private convenience.
Although some expence must necessarily attend the conducting of the lottery, (which expence will be taken from the principal prize) the Commissioners having agreed to present in return a sufficient quantity of excellent free-stone, together with the best adapted lots for the hotel and for the out-houses, the value of the lottery entire may be fairly rated at something more than par: In this important instance it will be found, on examination, to exceed all the lotteries that have ever been offered to the Public in this or perhaps in any other country. The keys of the Hotel, when compleat, will be delivered to the fortunate possessor of the ticket drawn against its number.—All the other prizes will be paid, without deduction, in one month after the drawing, by the City Treasurer at Washington, or at such Bank or Banks as may be hereafter announced, for the convenience of the fortunate adventurers.
The drawing will commence on Monday the 6th of September next, at the City of Washington.
Tickets may be had of Col. Wm. Dickens, City Treasurer of Washington; Thayer & Bartlet, of Charleston, South-Carolina; Gideon Denison, Savannah; Messrs. James West & Co. Baltimore; Mr. Peter Gilman, Boston; and at such other places as will be hereafter published.
N. B. ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given for the best Plan of an elegant and convenient HOTEL or INN, with hot and cold Baths, Stables, and other out houses, if presented on or before the 10th of April next; and a preference will be given to the Artist for a Contract, provided he be duly qualified to compleat his plan. The ground on which the Hotel and out houses are to be erected, will be a corner lot of about 90 by 200 feet, with a back avenue to the stables, &c. Sections and estimates of the expense will be expected with the elevations, &c. compleat; and 50,000 dollars must be regarded by the Architect as the utmost limit in the expense intended for this purpose.
S. BLODGET, Agent for the affairs of the City March, 6, 1793.
Hercule De Sercey,
From Leogane, Island of St. Domingo.
MAKES and sells all sorts of Mugs, Jacks, Porringers, Cups, Stew-Pans, Lamps, &c. in Tin, plain or japanned—He also mends old tin work. As he works cheap, he hopes for the public encouragement.
No. 23, Race-street, near Front-street. June 22.
HERCULE DE SERCEY,
DE Leogane, Ile de St. Domingue, travaille en fer Blanc, de toute sorte de manieres a commande et a bon marche.
A Philadelphia, ce 22 Juin, 1793. No. 23, Race-street, pres Front-street.
INSURANCE COMPANY.
PHILADELPHIA, July 1st, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given to the members of the Insurance Company of North America, that the Directors have declared a dividend (to this day) of six per cent on the amount of the first instalment, and of one per cent per month, on the sums paid towards the second and third instalments, calculating from the first day of the month following that in which these payments were made. The Dividend will be paid to the Stockholders or their Representatives, at the Company's Office, (No. 119, South Front-Street) at any time after the 7th inst.
EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y.
As the members of this Company are much dispersed throughout the United States, the Printers in the several states are requested to give the above a place in their newspapers.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
By THOMAS DOBSON,
At the Stone House, No. 41, South Second-Street,
Medical Transactions
OF THE
College of Physicians
Of Philadelphia:
VOLUME I. PART I.
Price in boards One Dollar.
Also lately published by T. Dobson,
DR. UNDERWOOD'S TREATISE
On the diseases of Children, with general directions for the management of infants from the birth, adapted both for the use of Medical Practitioners and private Families.
TWO VOLUMES IN ONE.
Price one dollar neatly bound.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 26, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusively, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, both days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Carlisle, in the State of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-town & Carlisle.
2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek.
3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls.
4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning.
5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cayahoga, and at the said Head Navigation.
6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cayahoga, and at the said mouth.
7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and up the said river to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cayahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth.
8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto.
9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and from thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids.
10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town.
11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton; At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair.
12. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson.
13. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action.
14. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages.
15. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth.
16. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake.
17. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cayahoga.
18. At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cayahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle.
19. At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadaghuque Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadaghuque Lake, and thence down the Allegany river to Fort Franklin.
20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf.
21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh.
22. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio.
23. At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river.
24. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox.
25. At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Ouittanon, and at Ouittanon.
26. At any place or places from Ouittanon, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River.
27. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Villages.
28. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tenesse to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively.
29. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville.
30. And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the southward, westward or northward thereof.
Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor.
The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz.
One pound of bread or flour,
One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork,
One quart of salt,
Two quarts of vinegar,
Two pounds of soap,
One pound of candles,
The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required.
It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemies, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the deposition of two or more credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed.
The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years.
The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.