Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-07-10 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 116 of Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, JULY 10, 1793.
[Whole No. 438.]
To the Public.
THE Editor of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Prices Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State:—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTISING favors will be gratefully received.
TERMS.
To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next.
The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence.
In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant,
JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson, at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of Subscription papers, and by the Editor at his house, No. 34, North Fifth-Street.
Philadelphia, July, 1793.
THE EDITOR
MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible.—Those persons who have received Subscription money on his account are desired to remit the same. The arrearages for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of this expensive publication. Philadelphia, June 26.
This day is published, by
MATHEW CAREY, No. 148, Market-Street, Philadelphia,
No. IX. of
Guthrie's Geography, IMPROVED,
Embellished with a MAP of AFRICA.
THIS valuable work will contain (exclusive of the maps in the London edition of 1792) maps of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, R. Island, Vermont, N. York, N. Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, N. Carolina, S. Carolina, and Georgia.
No. 1. contains a map of the seat of war in Europe; No. 2. a map of Hungary and European Turkey; No. 3. a map of the countries round the North Pole; No. 4. a whole sheet map of the world; No. 5. a plan of the armillary sphere; No. 6. a map of South America; No. 7. a map of Switzerland; and No. 8. a chart of the world.
Such of the citizens of Philadelphia, as have not had an opportunity of examining this work, are requested to send for the numbers already published, in order to satisfy themselves how far it deserves their patronage. If, on inspection, they should not approve of it, their money will be freely returned.
Besides the great improvements in the American Geography, the accounts of France will be extracted from the French Geography, published since the revolution; the map of France will be engraved agreeably to the division into departments; the history of Russia, which, in the London edition, is carried no farther than 1775, is continued to the late execrable invasion of Poland by Catharine; the account of Sweden has been compiled anew, and numberless other improvements will be made in this edition.
** Subscriptions are received by the booksellers in Boston, New-York, Baltimore, Wilmington, Richmond, Charleston, &c. &c. July 10.
EXTRACT.
WAR may be of advantage to a race of barbarians, who have nothing to do, and nothing to lose; but, for a commercial nation, it can be nothing better than a farmer deserting his harvest to bet at a horse-race. But, in an infant government like ours, to hazard a foreign war, unless from the last necessity, would be the height of madness.
Decree of Judge Peters, concluded from our last.
IN PALACHE's case, I am aware that it is only said the vessel "was taken at sea," but if not, it rather appears that it would be more proper for a diplomatic than a judiciary examination. The general principle as to the capture is agreed; and is similar to that established in our treaty with France, which ought to have its proper weight.
"It was resolved, by the whole court of King's Bench, upon conference and deliberation, that the Spaniard whose ship had been taken by an enemy and brought into England, a friend to both parties, had lost the property of the goods for ever, and had no remedy for them in England. And relied principally upon the book, in 2. R. 3. ubi supra being of so great authority for by that book he that will sue to have restitution of the goods robbed at sea, ought by law to prove two things, 1st, that the sovereign of the plaintiff was, at the time of taking, in amity with the King of England; 2d, that he who took the goods was, at the time of taking, in amity with the sovereign of him whose goods were taken. For, if he who took them was in enmity with the sovereign of him whose goods were taken, then was it no depredation or robbery, but a lawful taking, as every enemy might take from another." 4. ins. 154.
It is true that by the laws and customs of nations, the capture if taken in neutral bounds, is not a lawful prize, but I do not see that this court can get at that circumstance without holding plea as to the lawfulness of the prize. It is the original question and not collateral matter which determines jurisdiction. The courts of common law in England will not take cognizance of any thing arising out of the question prize or no prize, "because the original cause must all come into question again." And yet the admiralty had determined that the ship was no prize.
This will be a proper subject of enquiry on the part of our government or in a court of the country of the captor. Every nation has established these courts and knowing that, if at war, they are answerable to a nation at peace or in amity, if violations of territory happen in captures, care is taken to examine into this circumstance. If on this account, the capture is illegal it is so adjudged; and the party taken is liable to damages. Whether such damages shall exceed the amount of the security given by commanders of private ships of war, or whether one nation is answerable for injuries done by its subjects to others, contrary to, or without its orders, is a matter in which there are differences of opinion among Civilians, and which it is unnecessary for me now to investigate.
It is double's contrary to the instructions of the French government, that any of the ships commissioned by them, act in a hostile manner, in a friendly and allied territory. It is to be expected by one power from another, that her courts and her administration will do justice to the rights of sovereignty and neutrality. It will be the more to be lamented if a friend and ally should disappoint this expectation.—But should this be the case, it is not for me to say what proceedings should be had. I have subjoined to this decree some extracts from the "Exposition of the Motives," &c. from the Duke of New-Castle, the British Minister's Letter to Mr. Mitchell the Minister of Prussia, and from the report and opinion of Sir George Lee, Doctor Paul, Sir Dudley Rider, and Mr. Murray, the late Lord Mansfield, on the subjects, I have mentioned, which are to be found in Magen's 463, 482, 487, 491, 496, 505.
Other authorities from British and other writers might be added, by which it appears; that when two powers have any difference between them, the affair must be treated by negotiation, and not through the instrumentality of their courts of justice.
That affairs of prizes are only cognizable in the courts of the power of making the capture, these courts being generally styled courts of admiralty; and that it never was attempted, before the subject of that controversy happened, to erect in a neutral State, courts for the trial of prizes taken by belligerent powers, even where neutrals were concerned; and that of course no court of one sovereign has a right to try the prizes taken by the ships public or private of another.
A dispute of this nature in which the King of Prussia could not prevail, who, though weak at sea was powerful at land, and had a propensity for war, would illy suit us. We have indeed, shown that we know how to war, but it is now our interest and inclination to cultivate the arts of peace.
Much has been said on both sides, to show the importance of this cause, and the necessity of caution in its determination. I am sufficiently impressed with these considerations. But I feel myself at ease in this view of the subject. I am persuaded, that any thing which affects the sovereignty and rights of our country, will not be passed unnoticed by those who have the power to regulate our national concerns. On my own account I
have no disquietude; for no error of mine can affect the nation. There is an appeal, from any determination I may give, to a superior tribunal. I am anxious for the peace and dignity of my country; but not deeming myself authorized to judge in a matter growing out of the contests between belligerent powers, nor considering this court in this instance, the vindicator of the rights of our nation, I leave in better hands the discussion on the subject of national insult, and the remedy for any invasion of territorial rights. The instance side of this court seems to have other objects. And a prize court in activity when a nation is at peace, appears to me to be a solecism in jurisprudence.
I DO THEREFORE DECREE, ORDER AND ADJUDGE, that the LIBEL in this cause be DISMISSED, and that the SHIP therein mentioned be DISCHARGED from the ARREST, the PLEA IN THIS CASE BEING RELEVANT.
(Signed) RICHARD PETERS.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
A THIRD objection to the proclamation is, that it is inconsistent with the gratitude due to France, for the services rendered us in our own revolution.
Those who make this objection disavow at the same time, all intention to advocate the position, that the United States ought to take part in the war. They profess to be friends to our remaining at peace. What then do they mean by the objection?
If it be no breach of gratitude to refrain from joining France in the war—how can it be a breach of gratitude to declare that such is our disposition and intention?
The two positions are at variance with each other; and the true inference is, either that those who make the objection really wish to engage this country in the war, or that they seek a pretext for censuring the conduct of the chief magistrate, for some purpose very different from the public good.
They endeavor in vain to elude this inference by saying, that the proclamation places France upon an equal footing with her enemies; while our treaties require distinctions in her favor, and our relative situation would dictate kind offices to her, which ought not to be granted to her adversaries.
They are not ignorant, that the proclamation is reconcilable with both those objects, as far as they have any foundation in truth or propriety.
It has been shown that the promise of a "friendly and impartial conduct" towards all the belligerent powers is not inconsistent with the performance of any stipulations in our treaties, which would not include our becoming an associate in the war; and it has been observed, that the conduct of the executive, in regard to the seventeenth and twenty-second articles of the treaty of commerce, is an unequivocal comment upon those terms. The expressions indeed were naturally to be understood with the exception of those matters of positive compact, which would not amount to taking part in the war; for a nation then observes a friendly and impartial conduct, towards two contending powers, when it only performs to one of them what it is obliged to do by the positive stipulations of antecedent treaties; those stipulations not amounting to a participation in the war.
Neither do those expressions imply, that the United States will not exercise their discretion, in doing kind offices to some of the parties, without extending them to the others; so long as those offices have no relation to war: For kind offices of that description may, consistently with neutrality, be shown to one party and refused to another.
If the objectors mean, that the United States ought to favor France, in things relating to war and where they are not bound to do it by treaty; they must in this case also abandon their pretension of being friends to peace. For such a conduct would be a violation of neutrality, which could not fail to produce war.
It follows then that the proclamation is reconcilable with all that those who censure it contend for; taking them upon their own ground—that nothing is to be done incompatible with the preservation of peace.
But though this would be a sufficient answer to the objection under consideration; yet it may not be without use to indulge some reflections on this very favorite topic of gratitude to France; since it is at this time we are continually invited to sacrifice the true interests of the country; as if "all for love and the world well lost" were a fundamental maxim in politics.
Faith and justice between nations are virtues of a nature sacred and unequivocal.—They cannot be too strongly inculcated, nor too highly respected. Their obligations are definite and positive, their utility unquestionable: they relate to objects, which with probity and sincerity generally admit of being brought within clear and intelligible rules.
But the same cannot be said of gratitude. It is not very often, between nations, that it can be pronounced with certainty, that there exists a solid foundation for the sentiment—and how far it can justifiably be permitted to operate is always a question of still greater difficulty.
The basis of gratitude is a benefit received or intended, which there was no right to claim, originating in a regard to the interest or advantage of the party, on whom the benefit is, or is meant to be conferred. If a service is rendered from views relative to the immediate interest of the party, who renders it; and is productive of reciprocal advantages, there seems scarcely in such a case to be an adequate basis for a sentiment like that of gratitude. The effect would be disproportioned to the cause, if such a service ought to beget more than a disposition to render in turn a correspondent good office, founded on mutual interest and reciprocal advantage. But gratitude would require more than this; it would require to a certain extent, even a sacrifice of the interest of the party obliged, to the service or benefit of the party by whom the obligation had been conferred.
Between individuals, occasion is not unfrequently given to the exercise of gratitude. Instances of conferring benefits, from kind and benevolent dispositions or feelings towards the person benefitted, without any other interest on the part of the person who confers the benefit, than the pleasure of doing a good action, occur every day among individuals. But among nations they perhaps never occur. It may be affirmed as a general principle, that the predominant motive of good offices from one nation to another is the interest or advantage of the nation, which performs them.
Indeed the rule of morality is in this respect not exactly the same, between nations as between individuals. The duty of making its own welfare the guide of its actions is much stronger upon the former than upon the latter; in proportion to the greater magnitude and importance of national compared with individual happiness, to the greater permanency of the effects of national than of individual conduct. Existing millions, and for the most part future generations are concerned in the present measures of a government:—while the consequences of the private actions of an individual, for the most part, terminate with himself, or are circumscribed within a narrow compass.
Whence it follows, that an individual may on numerous occasions meritoriously indulge the emotions of generosity and benevolence, not only without an eye to, but even at the expence of his own interest. But a government can rarely, if at all, be justifiable in pursuing a similar course; and if it does so ought to confine itself within much stricter bounds. Good offices which are indifferent to the interest of a nation performing them, or which are compensated by the existence or expectation of some reasonable equivalent—or which produce an essential good to the nation to which they are rendered, without real detriment to the affairs of the nation rendering them, prescribe the limits of national generosity or benevolence.
It is not meant here to advocate a policy absolutely selfish or interested in nations; but to shew, that a policy regulated by their own interest as far as justice and good faith permit, is, and ought to be their prevailing one; and that either to ascribe to them a different principle of action, or to deduce from the supposition of it arguments for a self-denying and self-sacrificing gratitude on the part of a nation, which may have received from another good offices, is to misconceive or mistake what usually are and ought to be the springs of national conduct.
These general reflections will be auxiliary to a just estimate of our real situation with regard to France; of which a closer view will be taken in a succeeding paper.
PACIFICUS.
* This conclusion derives confirmation from the reflection, that under every form of government, RULERS are only TRUSTEES for the happiness and interest of their nation, and cannot, consistently with their trust, follow the suggestions of kindness or humanity towards others, to the prejudice of their constituent.
† Our readers are requested to correct the following errors, which occurred in the second number of Pacificus, published last Wednesday, viz. First column, 2d paragraph, 5th line, for "incompatible," read "compatible"—3d column, 50th line from top, for "November," read "December."—Those Printers who have re-published Pacificus, are desired to publish the above corrections.
From the NORTH-CAROLINA JOURNAL.
THE CHURCH.
ON Friday last was raised in this town the frame of a Church.—The town of Halifax was incorporated in May, 1759, and the first house of public worship is attempted after 34 years. The sum subscribed, we are informed, amounts to about 4000. The subscription is still open to this useful institution.

FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. FENNO. It is recommended to the public spirited...
deadly feuds in the community, need not stand still a minute.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
ELKANAH to JONATHAN.
[See Nat. Gaz. June 1st.]
OH, JONATHAN! and art thou grown So wondrous fond of place...
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Q. C. I. F.
WITH every righteous government at odds, I swear by all the goddesses and gods...
Foreign Intelligence.
LISLE, April 5.
YESTERDAY, six cowardly deserters had the honor of being shaved close to the shoulders...
BERLIN, March 5.
A few days since, several French deserters presented themselves to the Duke Frederick of Brunswick...
PARIS, April 8.
SITTING OF THE JACOBINS.
April 6.
It was proposed to send a deputation from the Club to accompany the Commissioners of the Convention...
Human affairs are liable to many changes—it is the part of prudence to guard against such events...
from all parts of the republic.—Marat said the Brissotins had deceived the nation...
April 8.—A deputation of the section of Bonconseil, read an address, which they were going to present to the Convention.
Albitte.—I applaud with all my heart the patriotism of those citizens; but while striving to serve us...
St. Just said, 1792, I told you there was but one man that stopt our progress, his head is fallen.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
MARCH 11.
M. Garnier.—Citizens! one of the greatest Counter-Revolutionists of St. Domingo, M. Blanchelande, is arrived in Paris...
PORTSMOUTH, June 23.
By the Brig Industry, Capt. Trask, who touched at this port, on Wednesday last from Bristol...
Late European Intelligence.
VIENNA, (Germany,) April 20.
HER Imperial Majesty was yesterday delivered of a Prince, who was this day baptized by the names of FERDINAND...
PARIS, April 9.
AT four in the afternoon of yesterday the following Bulletin was delivered in the convention:
“Yesterday morning Philip Egalite was conveyed to the prison la Conciergerie, where he occupies the apartment which was once destined for the too celebrated Cardinal de Rohan.
“By the apartment a la Pistole is meant a particular room for which ten livres are paid at entrance. The furniture of this room consists of a table placed before a window...
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
APRIL 24.
A body of Citizens, petitioners, appeared before the Assembly—they announced that Marat had been acquitted by the Tribunal Extraordinary...
Permission being granted, they entered without arms, in great numbers, of both sexes, and as many as could take possession of the unoccupied seats...
At the head of the Citizens were the Gendarmes, and the Municipal Officers. At length Marat arrived, and proceeded to take his seat...
“Citizens, You see a Representative of the people whose rights have been violated, but justice has been done him.
He was loudly applauded. The Cote droit, or minority of the Assembly, had entirely left the hall.
LONDON, May 9.
Extract of a letter from Paris, April 25.
“Letters from Lyons announce that city to be in a most dreadful state of confusion; and those from Brittany contain Intelligence equally disagreeable.

Head-Quarters-General, at Quievrain, May 1, Eight in the Evening.
The French army seeing that they would be attacked, and not wishing to have the disadvantage of being on the defensive, in which they never succeed, made dispositions this day for a grand attack. The battle was general and bloody, and the defeat of the enemy was complete. All their forces were in movement before break of day. They marched against our centre, passed Saint Sauve, and advanced to Fiers. Our advanced posts not being able to resist a whole army, retired. They were, however, reinforced, and the French artillery kept up a heavy fire upon them. Our centre, which had maintained its ground till ten, being overpowered by numbers, gave way, and for half an hour fell back; but the left wing did wonders. It attacked the right wing of the French in flank, and pierced. The battle was soon renewed in the centre, & the French were driven beyond their camp. The defeat was so compleat, that part of the enemy threw themselves into Valenciennes. The carnage was very great. The regiment of Barco, above all, displayed extraordinary and invincible bravery, and avenged the barbarity with which the French had torn out the eyes of one of their comrades, who had fallen into their hands. We have taken from the enemy, 15 pieces of cannon, 22 caissons filled with ammunition, and the horses which drew them. The loss of the enemy must have been considerable: Ours does not amount to 200 men, but 3 of our officers are dangerously wounded.
"That on the 3d or 4th inst. at Farthell, Conde was to be besieged in regular form; and that a report had reached Brussels on the 3d, that the army commanded by the Duke of York had beaten the French, who were posted to defend the western part of Flanders; but that no confirmation of this intelligence had been received at the time the letters were closed."
Letters from Poland state, that 200,000 loads of wheat have been stopped at Dantzick, which the Poles were going to send to France. The prize is estimated at 50 millions of polish currency. It is to be sent to the combined armies.
The Pope has raised a new levy of 6000 men.
By the death of another Cardinal, the College of Rome has now seven hats to dispose of.
The British cavalry that embarked at Blackwall last week, have safely arrived at Ostend.
Monday evening Vice-Admiral Lord Hood arrived at Portsmouth, and immediately hoisted his Flag on board the Victory, of 100 guns, at Spithead.
The number of ships of the line in commission at this time, is 65, being nearly one half of the whole navy of Great Britain, of that description.
Extract of a letter from Donay, April 3.
"The commissioners of the Convention, victims of the perfidy of Dumourier, were introduced to the Prince de Cobourg by the traitor himself—he took Camus by the button of his coat, and led him into the room—"Will your highness (said he) permit me to introduce to you M. Camus—he is the president of the committee of pensions, of finances, of liquidation, in a word, the president of all possible committees" "Ah! is this M. Camus (said the Prince) indeed M. Camus, I am overjoyed to see you, pray M. Camus show me your citizen's diploma, M. Camus I really think that a queue behind and a little powder in your hair, would suit the air of your face wonderfully well." In this trifling and indecent manner were the commissioners treated by a petit maitre German prince."
MUSIC NOUVELLE.
At Leeds (Yorkshire, Eng.) are two young Ladies, much celebrated for a superior talent they possess of whistling: while the one performs the first, the sister accompanies with a seconda. The music, for melody and softness, perhaps is inferior to none; its novelty is no small portion of the pleasure.
KINGSTON (Jamaica) June 7.
The new governor of L'Espagnole is already at war with the civil commissaries. M. Santhonax has deposited the money, obtained from the inhabitants of Port-au-Prince, on board the America. The naval commander in chief, at the requisition of the governor, has ordered the ship round to the Cape. The commissary, who is much attached to the treasure, says, he shall not stir, and thus is the point at issue between them.
The whole naval force of the French at St. Domingo, provided there has been no recent accession from Europe, is three eighty gun ships, seven frigates, three or four armed brigs, and a corvette.
Philadelphia, July 10.
The Baltimore Evening Post of the 6th inst. contains the following account—The Schooner Citizen Genet, after taking the brig Lovely Lass, had a severe engagement with the ship Trufty, mounting 8 nine pounders, and the brig Cornwallis mounting 6 eight pounders, on the 4th inst. about 15 miles from the Capes of Virginia. The Schooner Genet and brig Cornwallis were engaged about an hour, when the latter struck. The ship Trufty also fought the Genet, upwards of three hours, but the ammunition chest having taken fire and blown up, by which six of the crew were dreadfully wounded, on board the Genet, she had to bear away for the Chesapeake, being rendered totally incapable (by the above melancholy accident) of securing the brig Cornwallis, or continuing an action with the ship Trufty, both of whom crowded all the sails they had left, and stood to the S. S. E.
Capt. Oakes, in the ship Fortune, arrived at Boston on the 2d inst. in 51 days from Ostend. By him we learn, that the French, at Paris and in the country, were in high spirits; appeared determined to defend their country to the last extremity; and that there was not the appearance of want in the Republic: That there were reports of a battle, in which the Austrians and British were defeated, with the loss of 1200 men: That a body of 1000 British dragoons, marched from Ostend, to join the combined forces, the day before he sailed: That a body of English land forces had arrived, and more were expected: The officers of these arrived, expected, they said, the French would fight with more firmness than in any former war: That all communication with France was cut off at the time of his sailing: And that on his passage he spoke the French frigate Bayonne, of 36 guns, that eight days before had fought a frigate of superior force, and had lost the Captain and 40 men.
Arrived at Boston, Capt. Trask, from Bristol—on the 6th day of his voyage spoke the French Privateer L'Esperance, which had taken two valuable prizes—the British Brig, Industry, Capt. Galt, from London, for Philadelphia—and one of the Quebec fleet.
Monday there was a very numerous meeting of the merchants and traders of this city, at the Coffee-House, to take into consideration certain measures which appear to be pursuing, tending to a breach of the neutrality of this country, and contravening the proclamation of the President of the United States. In discussing the subject, such evidence was adduced as amounted to proof, that the brig lately called the Little Sarah, had been armed in this port, and was probably bound on a cruise against the powers now at war with France—Whereupon a large and respectable committee was appointed to wait on the Governor of the State, and the heads of departments in the general government, to make enquiry into the business, and to ascertain what measures had been adopted to check a procedure so alarming to the interest and honor of the United States.
We are informed that the Governor gave the committee the strongest assurances of his having done, and that he should continue to do, every thing in his power to secure a strict adherence to the neutrality proclaimed by the President of the United States.
Spirited measures are pursuing to place the Fortifications in the river in such a situation, as that the sovereignty of the United States shall not be insulted with impunity by any foreign power, nor our neutrality violated by any of our own citizens.
It is said that the French men of war and frigates, after convoying the fleet from Cape Francois into the Chesapeake and Delaware bays, will bear away for Boston.
The brig Little Democrat, formerly Little Sarah, of 12 guns, belonging to the Republic of France, sailed from this port on Sunday last. She is commanded by Capt. Amiot.
Died, Citizen BENJAMIN TOWNES, for several years a Printer in this city.
Received From Cape-Francois by Capt. Jones, of the Schooner Eagle, who sailed from there on the 24th inst.
On the 17th and 18th of June, several disturbances had arisen between the whites and mulattoes—on those days and on the 19th the mulattoes paraded the streets in armed bodies and insulted the whites, several of whom they wounded with sabres and pistols. The whites applied to the Commissioners Santhonax and Polverel for redress, but in vain. On the 19th an officer belonging to the fleet was wounded; the commodore applied to the commissioners, who appeared in every instance to favor the mulattoes. The admirals of the fleet, upon finding the want of success of the commodore's application, called on the commissioners themselves, but without obtaining satisfaction.
On the 20th they drew up their ships with broadsides to the town, and sprung on their cables; the red flag was hoisted on board the admiral's ship, and a signal gun fired, upon which the captains of all the ships of war repaired on board the Admiral's. In consequence of the plan laid in that council, at 3 o'clock boats from the several vessels were manned, and at four about 2000 men were landed from the fleet at the Cape, commanded by Gen. Galbaud. These immediately proceeded to the Arsenal, the cannon of which they distributed throughout the city, and pointed up each of the principal streets.
They next proceeded to the government house (where the mulattoes had collected) to demand from the commissioners satisfaction. The mulattoes fired on them, the fire was returned, and kept up till dark, with great warmth.
Before the preparations for landing, the merchant shipping was ordered out of the way of injury. At dark, after the firing had ceased a drum was heard, the usual preliminary to publishing proclamations, and it was reported that the commissioners had published pardon and freedom to the revolted negroes. During the conflict, the prisons containing about 400 of the revolted brigands, were opened, and they armed to reinforce the mulattoes.
On the 21st, some cannon shot were exchanged between the two parts of the town occupied by the whites and the mulattoes, and several houses set on fire by the latter. On the 22d the conflagration increased, and on the 23d the whole town of the Cape was on fire.
From the place where the merchant shipping lay, the road from the country to the Cape is plainly seen. Along it negroes from the country were continually travelling on the 22d and 23d; supposed to be coming in, in consequence of the proclamation, to reinforce the commissioner's party.
On the 24th, all the shipping that could possibly put to sea, American as well as the French fleet of merchantmen bound to France, left the Cape under the convoy of the ships of war for this place. Many of these vessels were in want of almost every thing, for even a short voyage, it was therefore impossible for the French merchantmen to attempt to reach their destined European ports.
The commissioners, prior to these disturbances, had ordered Gen. Galbaud, but lately arrived from France as commander in chief of the island, back to France, for having acted in some respects, as they conceived, improperly, while they (the commissioners) were at Port-au-Prince.
The naval force at the Cape, Capt. Jones states at three 74's, besides some vessels of lesser force. The fleet of merchantmen, in all, upwards of 100 sail.
Capt. Jones further informs, that the officers belonging to the British sloop of war, Hyena, a prize taken into Cape-Francois, by the French men of war, were preferred by the greatest exertions. Being conducted down to the American wharf, by some of the negroes who spoke English, they immediately leaped off and were taken up by the American boats, and conveyed on board the French ships. Capt. Jones saw a number of the inhabitants of the Cape preferred in the same manner.
The brigs Active, Waters; Hope, Pool; Schooner Juno, Tanner, and two Schooners belonging to Baltimore, left the Cape with Capt. Jones—all the other vessels that were there went to leeward.
Capt. Jones made very particular enquiry for the safety of the Americans, and is happy to inform, that all escaped, except Messrs. Not and Miller, of Charleston, South-Carolina, who were missing.
It is said that the British prisoners at the Cape, amongst whom were the officers, marines, and seamen belonging to the privateer Hyena, (captured only a few days before the melancholy event took place) put themselves under the command of a British officer, and fought bravely by the side of the French soldiers and sailors under Gen. Galbaud, against the commissioners, mulattoes and negroes. If Galbaud, had stood out 5 minutes longer, it is thought he must have gained a victory; he, however, withdrew the troops and went on board the French ships of war, after fighting three days, and with him took the British officers, &c. who had so courageously assisted him.
At the same time that Gov. Galbaud quitted the scene of action, it is said the commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, also fled with the soldiery under their command into the country, and thus the town of Cape-Francois being evacuated by both armies, was immediately exposed to the depredations of the negroes, mulattoes, and brigands, who finding nothing to oppose them, rushed in with demoniac fury and set fire to it in every quarter. Had either party, Galbaud or the commissioners succeeded, this most unfortunate event would probably not have happened.
Capt. Jones further says, that more than two thirds of the shipping at Cape-Francois had put to sea before he weighed anchor, and the rest followed; that boats had been previously sent
from the men of war to bring off 21 forso who were in the arsenal and lost, with all the ammunition on board; that several American boats, with a flag of truce approaching the shore, were fired at by the blacks and mulattoes, that the most monstrous scene of plundering was exhibited—the roads were thronged with people going from the town to the country, and vice versa. That the Orleans regiment of dragoons were all taken prisoners by the blacks, and sent on board the men of war; the sailors then mounted the horses, and with boarding pikes, harpoons, &c. made great havoc among the blacks. Fortunately for the fugitives, eight sail of American vessels arrived a day or two before the fleet sailed.
It is obvious, however, that the accounts are imperfect; the number of the slain on either side could not be ascertained, as no communication was permitted with the shipping, after the embarkation took place—the particulars which originated the mischief, are not sufficiently developed—the number of the whites who took part with the commissioners is not mentioned; and that of the blacks and mulattoes is equally unknown.
Thus much appears too evidently true, that a scene of devastation and misery has been displayed, of such extent, as to harrow up the feelings of every mind susceptible of the emotions of humanity.
A writer in Mr. Dunlap's paper of Monday, speaking of the probable consequences of the foregoing events, thus expresses himself:
The citizens of this metropolis deservedly rank high as the friends and patrons of the unfortunate; and so long as human life is a cherequered scene, the opportunities will frequently occur for them to support the character they at present sustain.
The late shocking events at Cape Francois will very soon throw a great number of suffering victims, men, women and children on their bounty and compassion—and a doubt cannot exist, that the hand of benevolence will be extended for their liberal relief. The may be viewed in different directions, by positive and negative influences—their immediate sufferings will call for immediate and positive relief. On this point, much may be said, and many examples devolved, but the success of the whole, depends principally, if not entirely on obtaining the portings of those who are in circumstances to impart. And, Oh! how will the truly generous exult in an opportunity to apply the surplus of their wealth to such a noble purpose. The excess appropriated on this occasion will be put out of the reach of accident!
The negative provision is, that rents should not be enhanced—for our fellow beings must be sheltered—that the prices of the necessaries of life should not be raised—for the hungry must be fed—that the laudable spirit of acquisition should, on this occasion, suffer a temporary suspension; for though "one person's necessity is another's opportunity," yet he that takes advantage of an unfortunate multitude, makes himself a foul blot in the creation of God."
The fatal consequences, says a correspondent, resulting from setting up rival, coeval and uncontrolled authorities, have been exemplified in the experience of mankind in all ages; and the whole history of the French Revolution, from its commencement to the present day, is a striking comment on the truth of the position. Various instances of the clashing of authorities have occurred in the French West-India Colonies—these have been attended from time to time with circumstances which make the blood freeze in the veins at their recital.
So far as information has been obtained, the terrible catastrophe which has just happened at Cape-Francois, appears to have originated in a competition for power between the Commissioners, and the newly appointed Governor of Hispaniola. By this melancholy instance, we may see that nothing is sacred or humane which comes in competition with a gratification of ambition, rivalry and revenge.
The anniversary of Independence has been more extensively celebrated this year than usual. It affords pleasing reflections to the patriotic mind to observe such a spirit of union and fraternal affection among the citizens of the United States. The acknowledgment of the blessings of Independence as secured by a just and energetic government, are among the most striking sentiments expressed on this occasion; whilst a generous wish for the freedom and happiness of the whole society of man, appears to have glowed in the bosom of every assembly of citizens thro' the Union.
Powell, the celebrated pedestrian, has paid the last debt of nature. He died on the 15th April last, at his apartment at New-Inn, London. His extraordinary feats of walking, by which he might with proper management have benefited so much, never produced him enough to keep him above the reach of indigence. Poverty, which he ought always to have kept a day's march behind him, was his constant companion in his travels through life even to the hour of his death.
[Eng. Pap.]
No Boston Newspapers have been received by the Editor this week—although extracts from those due here on Monday, appear in the New-York papers of that day.
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