Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-03-21 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 60, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 94, of Vol. III.]
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 21, 1792.
[Whole No. 302.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
THE funding system is alleged to be contrary to republican principles. I am a zealous republican. I have heard a great many high wrought speeches and have read at least a thousand cutting keen paragraphs in the new spapers shewing the danger that our principles are exposed to. What is a man good for if he has not principles? He is not fit to be hanged—or if you will, he is fit; for you may have it as you please. Now, Sir, I am perfectly found and well fixed in my principles. One is that the public is to be preferred to the individual—that is patriotic, and I may say it is modesty, it is much to my honor. Paying debts, say the papers, is anti-republican—the funding system is anti-republican. I owe debts, and with the advice of the writers in the newspapers with regard to my case.—It is a case of conscience. I am in trade, and having run in debt for my stock, I have eat and drank the profits—for a man must live you know, Sir. Whether it is anti-republican to pay private debts, as it certainly is for Congress to pay those of the public is my doubt; I do not readily see the difference—and this difficulty of my case is not to be overcome unless by confirming the opinion I incline to adopt, that the payment of my debts is improper for a republican. In some respects it is worse than paying public debts.—For the sin lies at a man's own door; he makes it his own private act. Another point seems in my affair clearer still. My creditors are very rich and are growing richer. This overgrown wealth is agreed to be improper in a state of republican equality; shall I then by paying them add to this inequality and destroy the just balance the modest and virtuous level which ought to be maintained. No, my country is to be preferred to myself; and the creditors, if they are good citizens will respect my principles and be quiet—if they are not good citizens shall I pamper them with my money? No, I will not: Therefore I do not much insist on having my case of conscience solved—for I have resolved what to do—or rather what I will forbear doing.
Having begun to scribble about principles, I find I have more to say, though I have finished the point I first intended to state. The public spirited and truly virtuous writers against the funding system do not spare the speculators. Vipers! I like to see them well threashed. The doctrine of equal rights has been strained by some to such extravagance as to admit that they have equal rights with other citizens: But every rule has its exceptions, and Congress should have made them. They should have laid in their funding law—property is found; it is every man's own, and we cannot touch it—excepting however the property of the holders of the public certificates, and also of such other persons as Congress on the ground of this precedent shall think fit by decrees from time to time to except, and as the public good in their opinion may require. The widows and fatherless should have been provided for—some persons have hastily objected to this humane plea for the widows and orphans who held certificates and have told them, that if relief had been given them, the provision for them by law would have been a funding law, and of course as unconstitutional and anti-republican as the existing act. This is a shallow objection—talking and writing in favor of poor orphans lays no tax—does no violence to the constitution or to republican equality; in fact a law might have been passed so as to create no burden. We have as much as a folio of State laws for cancelling their debts which never took a dollar out of their treasuries; and Congress might have done the like. But alas, with precept upon precept from the newspapers and the example of the States before their eyes they have wilfully offended by their funding law against justice, principle, republicanism and the poor widows. For all which it appears the newspapers will never forgive them.
GOOD CONSCIENCE.
FROM THE CONNECTICUT COURANT.
Messrs. PRINTERS,
OF late, the newspapers have offered opinions which deserve to be well considered before they are received as truths. It has been said that we must keep up a general government, because we cannot have an union of the States without it—and according to the frozen prate of these writers, the union is rather a good thing than otherwise. But we must not have a jot more of a general government than just enough for the union to rub and go, or speaking more correctly to rub and not go: because say they if you give an inch more, consolidation will ensue, and consolidation is worse than schism, that is, than no union.
According to these new fangled federalists, the movement of government in future depends on the mutual respect and love of Congress and the State legislatures. The great concern of the latter is to be left Congress should lose a part of the power necessary for the union, and Congress in this traffic of tenderness is to fear lest the States should want power to prevent a consolidation—and so there will be a great deal of love lost. It will be lost, for as the balance between the national and State governments is to be tried in money scales, and nothing according to these writers, but love and good will can keep the balance true, it will soon be destroyed. For the truest love is sometimes hot and sometimes cold, and in the first change away goes the balance, and disunion or consolidation follows in a trice. This doctrine tho' expressed in other terms has been advanced in one of the Philadelphia papers.
The insidious conclusion is manifest—if the balance of Congress and the State governments is so very nice and hard to preserve, and the dangers so very unequal, consolidation being so much worse than disunion, we have nothing to do, but to turn to the left hand path which we thought in 1787 was leading us to destruction—give the State legislatures more power, take away part of that which is allotted to Congress, oppose and embarrass its exerting what is left, and break the union as fast as we can.
It cannot be that those who found these alarms are alarmed. No encroachment on the State powers is made or threatened—there is no symptom of any disposition in the public to countenance such an attempt. Congress is not even accused of having exceeded its powers; it has repeatedly stoop short of the limits, as in the judicial law and some others: These writers see no danger on the other side; they are silent on the exclusion of federal officers from State assemblies, on the refusal of State legislators to take the oath to support the constitution—on the continuance of tender and paper money laws—on the discussions in the State assemblies of the excise law, &c. &c.—It is only Congress that usurps powers and disregards the constitution.
No friend of his country would approve the disturbing its peace by usurpation on the part of Congress. The wishes and the interests of the nation concur in keeping each government within its proper bounds. Time is daily softening prejudices and binding
more closely together the affections of our citizens. Knowledge is spreading, and liberty of course is better understood, and stands on a sounder foundation than ever. The future arrangements of our government will depend on the people themselves; and if thus enlightened, thus improving, they should be so imprudent as to make or allow an unnecessary change of the forms and powers of their legislatures, it would be strange if their case should become at once so bad that they could neither mend nor endure it—surely a free people could apply a remedy, as well as many palliatives of the evil.
It will not be denied that separate legislatures are exposed to the danger of clashing. The danger, however, is aggravated by instructing the people to look with dislike and fear towards Congress, and this they surely will if they believe that consolidation is the greatest and most probable danger they stand exposed to. The constitution is the child of the people. It is not doubted they love it too well to suffer these men to execute upon it the judgment of Solomon, and to saw it in two.
These writers have little affection for the union or a strange apprehension of futurity when they represent consolidation as worse than schism or no union at all. It is not easy to imagine what could be worse than a division of the States. The evil affords no room for palliatives. Rival or neighbour states could not remain friends. Injuries would sharpen resentments, and hatred would become hereditary. And what could be gained or hoped for? With more enemies and those within our present limits, should we have less armies or taxes? Would a weaker government defend us, or would its yoke be lighter? Should we enjoy more liberty, more tranquility, or more wealth. What can be more shocking to a nation than its dissolution, than brothers becoming enemies and seeking each other's blood.
Those writers who represent consolidation as worse than a separation of the states, are great admirers of the French revolution. France has indeed recovered its liberty, and one of the first uses it made of it was to break down the provincial governments, and to consolidate the whole nation into one body. France has fifteen times more people than the United States, a navy, colonies in every quarter of the earth, and a vast trade. The present happy order of things is not to be changed to follow the example of France—but no man will believe that it is not better to adopt that example than to suffer a separation of the union. That we may not be driven to this alternative, let us contradict those who represent consolidation as no improbable event, and yet as the worst of all political evils.
A FRIEND TO THE UNION.
[If the following remarks are not predicated on the idea that "GOVERNMENT IS A NECESSARY EVIL"—they are sanctioned by the sentiment, that "ORDER IS HEAVEN'S FIRST LAW."]
FROM THOMAS'S MASSACHUSETTS SPY, &c.
SUTTON, January 11, 1792. To Master KIDDER.
SIR,
IT is a common report, that a school district engaged you to teach their school this winter; which school you set up and taught some days; but in the mean while another teacher was consulted, and a district meeting appointed to answer the request of a certain gentleman; but his request was totally disregarded, and the time spent in disputing, whether your government should be regarded by their children, or not. And when the vote was taken, four appeared for your government, and four against it. Then one of your scholars, who was under age, put in the casting vote, which turned you out of the district; or you must give up your government, which, by judicious men, is supposed to be good.—Now, Sir, whether this report be true, or false, I know not; and who the gentlemen are, is none of my business: But the abovementioned report, is the occasion of my writing to you upon government. Neither do I wish to apply my observations upon government, to those gentlemen in particular; but to the character deserving.
Government is an institution of Heaven. When man was first formed, he was put under law and government; the violation of which, has introduced into the world, all the evil which now is, or perhaps will be; which was effected by the instigation of the devil; and by him and his emissaries, this rebellion is still going on. But the seed of the woman hath undertaken to put a check to it, and to introduce good order and government again; which he will do effectually among his children, which apparently distinguishes them from the children of the devil. Now wherever you find godly parents, the man, according to the order of Heaven, takes the lead, and the wife is in subjection; and their utmost endeavor is to subject their children to good order. For the welfare of this rising nation, depends much upon the good government of parents and school teachers, toward the blooming youth: For the want of which, the Sabbath may be violated, gals crowded, whipping posts employed, and gallows loaded, &c.
Now, Sir, a Washington placed for the defence of this nation, will be of no avail, if children may govern their parents; for parents must govern in state and town matters; and if they are governed by their children, and their children by the devil, then On whose shoulders is government?
To conclude, Sir, I was informed, that with all modesty, you stood your ground like a hero: And an hero in the field, cannot better serve his country, than you can in your school, by subjecting your pupils to good order and government.
From your friend.
SAMUEL WATERS.
Mr. ASHBEL KIDDER.
P.S. If children can rule their parents and school teachers while under age, who is there whom they cannot rule when they come to years? They feel every way qualified to rule kingdoms and states; and all must bow to them, or there are disturbances in neighbourhoods, noisy town-meetings, mobs, insurrections; and kingdoms and states, by them are disquieted. This ground also produces tavern-haunting, horse-jockeying, card-playing, thieving, robbing, rioting, murder, and all manner of vicious practices. But, will not God shorten their days? Will not the earth open her mouth quickly, and swallow them up, as she did Korah? For by them the government of Heaven is struck at: If so, the neglect of proper government, by parents, masters and school teachers, "is no less a wicked conspiracy, against both God and man."
I have only given you a general sketch of my simple thoughts upon the education of children; and more especially, some of the ill consequences which accrue from the neglect of it.—Therefore, let us, by our examples, teach them every point of piety, especially benevolence toward our enemies.
LONDON, January 7.
THE galleries in the National Assembly of France, continue the indecent practice of testifying their approbation by plaudits. Surely, one serious admonition from the President would correct this.
A merchant at Dunkirk, named Peter du Burgo, is gone off with two hundred thousand livres, the property of various creditors. He has destroyed or carried away all his books, accounts, &c.
The Parisian Volunteers, upwards of thirty thousand in number, are now become a well disciplined body. Great harmony reigns amongst them, and they are united by one great and common interest. They are for the most part strongly attached to the leading principles of the present constitution, and disposed patiently to suffer the inconvenience of its defects, until by time and experience a remedy for these can be found, without endangering the safety of the whole. In the course of the last twelve months, they have had frequent communications with each other, and the sentiments of the majority are known to each individual. They see with indignation the present effervescence in different parts of the kingdom, and the source of this they know to be in the capital.
Legislative and municipal enquiries will soon lead to a full discovery of the authors; and in the punishment of these the immediate safety of the nation depends.
The duration of the treaty between Russia and Sweden is to be for eight years. The four Swedish plenipotentiaries have each received a rich snuff-box, and 3 000 ducats in specie. The Russian general de Pahlen, has on the other hand been gratified by the king of Sweden with his picture surrounded by diamonds, and with a very valuable ring from the queen.
After a late interview between the Elector of Saxony and the King of Prussia at Cunersdorf, they sat down to a grand entertainment, in a magnificent saloon, built by his Majesty expressly for that purpose.
The Elector of Saxony insists on the following stipulations previous to his provisional acceptance of the crown of Poland.
 1st. That no decree of the States shall have the force of a law, without the royal sanction.  2dly. That the marriage of the Princess of Saxony shall entirely depend upon her august parents; and,  3dly. That the King shall command the army, and be independent of any military controul whatever. 
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Paris, to the Editor of the Gazetteer, dated Dec. 19.
The leading features in the state of this capital remain pretty much the same as they have been described in my former letters. Happily the extreme violence which lately prevailed has been attended with some good effects; an union of the moderate party has in consequence been formed, and is at present predominant in the Assembly. More prudent measures have been adopted, and the proceedings of government marked with more confidence.
The King has been exceedingly popular since his late resolutions. Nothing indeed could be better calculated to conciliate the public mind: A war against the emigrants, and those German Princes who favor their designs, is now the general cry, and instead of dreading an attack, they are eager to commence hostilities! The appointment of La Fayette as one of the Generals, affords the highest satisfaction. No person can be better qualified to defend the new constitution, than he who had so great a share in establishing it. None has been engaged in public with more advantage to the community, or a character more irreproachable to himself.
M. Pethion has commenced his office of mayor with great activity. The vigor of his proceedings against gamblers has been attended with the most useful effects. Along with the morals he has not failed to attend to the appearances of the city, and is at present busy to promote the convenience and beauty of the streets.
The state of credit is very fluctuating. The same lamentable scarcity of money remains. The late changes in the state of credit have, however, rather been for the better, and from the popularity of the measures now adopted by government, we trust will continue to improve."

CONGRESS.
PHILADELPHIA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 13.
IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE.
On the new Representation Bill.
MR. SMITH (S. C.) in the Chair.—The bill was read through by the Clerk.
The first section being repeated by the Chairman—Mr. Seney moved that the blank in the 16th line should be filled with the word thirty—which would determine that the ratio of representation should be 30,000.
This motion was opposed by Mr. Hillhouse, on the old ground of its unequal operation.
Mr. Gerry replied to Mr. Hillhouse—He observed that this apportionment on the aggregate federal number, would be more equal than by the ratio of 33,000—but this had been rejected by the Senate; and as the ratio of 33,000 would not perfectly cure the difficulty, and would operate to reduce the whole number of the representatives, he conceived that no new light had been thrown on the subject to induce the House to consent to such diminution.
Mr. Mercer entered into a general view of the subject—He supported a large representation—and urged its importance, as it respects the democratical part of the community.—The theory of government is the same, said he, whether it respects a free or a despotic government—it is not a small number that can govern in any country—Standing armies supply in despotic governments, the place of a large representation in a free government—Still the operations of government in both cases, depend on a large number of people.
The question for inserting 30,000 was carried in the affirmative, 30 to 21.
Mr. Mercer then moved to strike out the third day of March, 1793, and to insert the first day of October, 1792—referring to the period when the states shall be represented by the number arising from the first enumeration.
He informed the House that Virginia had already made provision to send forward their supplemental numbers.—He urged the right of the states respectively to fill up their representation agreeable to the enumeration, &c.
Mr. Gerry supported the motion.
Mr. Hillhouse suggested another mode—He proposed that the present Congress should expire after the present session, and a new House be elected agreeable to the census, to meet at the time to which the present Congress may be adjourned—He urged many advantages which would result from this plan.
Mr. Mercer said his idea was, that the chusing these additional members would be only filling up vacancies.
Mr. Murray was for striking out the third day of March, 1793, for the purpose of inserting an earlier day—The great objection is an inconvenience—It is said the members which now compose this House will have to continue by law another session, and the supplemental members would have to continue but to fill the intermediate space of time from the election to the third of March. He begged gentlemen to give him leave to say, that the only possible obstacle to their thinking as he did, arose from themselves:—from a desire, he would not say how disinterested, to continue in power longer than they were entitled to remain under the constitution. The act of Congress declaratory of the time which members were to continue, was the sole obstacle to the gratification of the people in one of their best rights—This act, founded in error, ought previously to be repealed, and then no difficulty either from the construction of the constitution or from inconvenience, could be raised to the wish that the additional representatives should take their seats immediately after the next general election. This act produced a mischievous and unthought-of solecism in the government—It separated representation from confidence, and violated responsibility, which is the very soul of the government.—The people could not but be astonished, that after the last general election, the members of Congress whom they had not chosen, still continued there to hold their seats, and to act as upon their confidence and trust. Surely one of the most obvious truths in a government by representation is, that election shall be the criterion of confidence—and that a continuance to discharge a trust after it is withdrawn, overturns every idea of representation. He wished the committee to reflect that the principal objection to the motion was easily removed, if members
would act a disinterested part:—and that if it be admitted that the duration of the present Congress is the objection to the admission of the supplemental members, gentlemen cannot hesitate between the gratification of what evidently appears to be the rights of the people under a fair construction of the constitution, and a declaratory law which is repealable, and which is so contrary to reason—The objection is removable—the right is permanent. It is certainly of more consequence to adhere to the principle of a just and numerous representation, and to adopt an early day to give it operation, than to give the principle the go-by, merely to support a stretched duration of our term, under a law that over-sets the most obvious truths and reasoning on representation. As to the members from Georgia, if the law giving an extra term to the seats of members were not repealed, he would still vote for Georgia's having three members till the term expired—but at all events he hoped the motion would be agreed to.
The motion was finally disagreed to.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 14.
In committee of the whole on the bill relative to the election of a President and Vice-President, &c.
A motion made yesterday, to insert a clause restricting the number of electors to the number of the present Senate and House of Representatives being put and negatived.
Mr. Gerry moved to insert a clause, which specifies that "the electors shall be equal to the number of Senators and Representatives, to which the several States may by law be entitled at the time when the President and Vice-President thus to be chosen should come into office; provided always that where no apportionment of Representatives shall have been made after any enumeration, at the time of chusing electors, then the number of electors shall be according to the existing apportionment of Senators and Representatives."
This motion with very little objection was adopted; its propriety will appear from the following remarks made by Mr. Murray who said, he was in favor of the whole, both the proposition and the proviso; the first mediates a more equal representation of the wishes of the people of America in the election of the two great officers of the State; the proviso guards against a confusion which might take place without the provision. The present representation in Congress is by no means equal—the States in their conventional deliberation produced the present proportion of representatives, more from compromise than authenticated data; no census had then measured to the public the proportions of population, which one State bore to another, and Representatives including Senators and electors of President and Vice-President, being the same in number, and the scale of Representatives being unfounded in facts and evidence, the inequality which is evident, is not to be wondered at. This proposition remedies the inequality; the proviso was not perfectly agreeable to his wishes; but as it refers the number of electors to a scale of representation ascertained by an actual enumeration, and at the same time will remove the probability of confusion by making each State uniform with others as to the rule of fixing the number of electors, he should vote for it. This was a great object attained. It is not a difficult thing to foresee, without jealousy or suspicion, that unless the States are uniform as to the rule of apportioning electors, the repose of the Union might be violated. Should this law refer to an apportionment to be hereafter made by Congress this event might take place. A disagreement might happen between this House and the Senate, and in the tumults and contumacy by which they might be agitated towards each other, no apportionment might be made; in this situation the executive would be left at the mercy of the two Houses and the order of things violently deranged.—But even if the people having a census before them, though not acted on by Congress, were to make their elections agreeably to what might be their respective ideas of the apportionment to which the census apparently entitled them, yet we are not certain that they would all act by a uniform rule—and if they acted without such rule, there might appear before the tribunal of the public two Presidents, or two men of great power claiming the Presidency of America—This would be an evil of great and alarming size—and one which he so much deprecated, that he willingly yielded to the proviso, which he thought would tend to lessen the opportunity by which designing men could effect it.
SATURDAY, MARCH 17.
The Speaker laid before the House a Report from the Secretary of the Treasury, on the petition of the trustees of Wilmington College, and a report from the Attorney General, on the petition of A. Jackson—which were read and ordered to lie on the table—as also another from the Secretary of the Treasury, in obedience to a resolution, passed on the 8th instant, directing him
to report to the House the Ways and Means, by which, in his opinion, the additional sums, necessary for the public service, ought to be raised.
In this last report the Secretary proposes an alteration in the import duties on certain foreign articles, and to have them rated as follows:
   Cents.     Madeira Wine { London Particular, pr. gall. 56   London Market, 49   Every other quality, 40   Sherry 33 cents. Operto 25   St. Luca 30 Teneriffe & Faya 20   Lisbon 25   Spirits distilled from Grain, or in which grain is the principal ingredient, Cents.   First class of proof, 28 pr. gall.   2 29   3 31   4 34   5 40   6 50   Other distilled Spirits,   Second class and under 24   3 27   4 31   5 37   6 45   Beer, Ale and Porter, 8   Steel per cwt. 100   Cocoa and Chocolate, 2   Playing Cards, 25   Shoes and Slippers, of silk and stuff, per pair, 20   Do. of leather, 10   Glass (except bottles) guns, pistols, starch, &c. ad. val. 15 per cent.   Vessels of tin, copper, &c. 10 do.   Oils, Cosmetics, Dentrice Powders, printed Books, &c. 10 do.   and all goods now rated at 5 1/2 per cent. to be raised to 7 1/2 per cent. Salt to be raised 1-6 of the present duty—from all which it is proposed to draw an additional revenue, viz. from Madeira Wine, of which the average imported is 300,000 gallons. 36,000 Dols.   Other Wines, 700,000 gallons, 31,000   Distilled Spirits, 73,000   Salt, 40,000   Malt Liquors, Cocoa, Playing Cards, other articles, ad. val. 93,500   2 per cent. addition on those at 5 1/2 250,000   Total, 523,500  
Which, with the surplus in the Treasury of the preceding year, will make up the sum wanted.
Ordered, that this report be taken up in committee of the whole on Friday next.
A motion laid on the table by Mr. Williamson, on the 6th inst. being called up and agreed to, a committee was pursuant thereto appointed, to bring in a bill to amend the import law, so far as to permit the landing of salt at certain ware houses belonging to the fisheries, and to provide for an allowance of a drawback of the duties on the salt used on provisions exported.
The House then took up for consideration the amendments proposed by the Senate to the representation bill.
The first amendment, by which the Senate propose, without any fixed ratio applicable to the respective number of inhabitants in each of the several states, to increase the representation from 112 members (the number settled by the House, at the ratio of one for every thirty thousand) to 120, by the addition of one member to each of the following states, viz. N. Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, N. Jersey, Delaware, N. Carolina, and S. Carolina,—was productive of a warm debate, in which a dissolution of the government was talked of as an event in no very distant perspective, in case the House should, in compliance with the views of the Senate, adopt a mode of apportionment, so arbitrary, and so directly tending to destroy the individuality of the states, and to swallow them all up in a general consolidation.
The question being finally taken on concurring with the Senate, it passed in the negative—Yeas 30—nays 31. Y E A S.
Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clarke, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittera, Lawrance, Learned, Livermore, Niles, Schoonmaker, Sedgwick, J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Sylvester, Thatcher, Treadwell, Vining, Wadsworth, Ward.—30.
N A Y S.
Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Barnwell, Brown, Findley, Giles, Gregg, Griffin, Groves, Heister, Hillhouse, Huger, Key, Lee, Macon, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Muhlenburg, Page, Parker, Seney, W. Smith, Sterrett, Sturges, Sumpter, Tucker, Venable, White, Williamson, Willis.—31.
The other amendments being also disagreed to—Mr. W. Smith moved for the appointment of a committee, to confer with such committee as the Senate might appoint, to consider said amendments. The motion being agreed to, Messrs. Madison, Findley, Baldwin, Hillhouse, and W. Smith, were appointed for that purpose.

A motion was laid on the table for the appointment of a committee, to bring in a bill, to confirm the award of the referees between the United States and Comfort Sands and others.
Adjourned.
MONDAY, MARCH 19.
Among a variety of private petitions, which were read, was one from Capt. John M'Pherfon, setting forth, that he has discovered an infallible method of ascertaining the Longitude to a degree of precision far beyond Mr. Churchman's pretensions; and requesting that Congress, for the purpose of enabling him to prove his theory by experiments, will send him out in the character of a gentleman, on a voyage to France, with proper recommendations to their good ally, the King of the French.—Ordered to lie on the table.
The petition of Cornelius Cooper, praying for a repeal of so much of the impost law as relates to Bristles, and the imposition of an additional duty on the importation of trunks and brushes, was referred to the committee of the whole house on the report from the Secretary of the Treasury on Manufactures.
A message from the President of the United States was delivered by Mr. Secretary Lear, notifying the house, that he had this day approved and signed "An act declaring the consent of Congress to a certain act of the state of Maryland, &c. &c."
A message from the Senate was delivered by Mr. Secretary Otis, notifying that they had agreed to the proposed conference on the subject of the disagreeing amendments of both houses, to the Representative Bill, and had, on their part, appointed managers;—also, that they insisted on some, and had receded from others of their amendments to the bill for the relief of certain widows, orphans, invalids, and other persons;—and also, that they had passed a bill for the erection of a light-house on Montaug Point, in the state of New-York—to which they requested the concurrence of the house.
Mr. Otis delivered a second message, notifying that the Senate had, with amendments, passed a bill (sent to them from the house) providing for the settlement of the claims of persons under particular circumstances, barred by the limitations heretofore established.
The order of the day, on the Georgia Election, being called for,
Mr. W. Smith withdrew the motion he had made on Friday last, for transmitting to the executive of Georgia a copy of the resolution respecting General Wayne's election:—and in lieu thereof, proposed one to the following effect:
"Resolved, That the seat of Anthony Wayne, as a member of this house, is, and the same is hereby declared to be vacant.—Ordered, that the Speaker do transmit a copy of the preceding resolution, and of this order, to the executive of the state of Georgia, to the end that the said executive may issue writs of election to fill the said vacancy."
Mr. Giles (with the consent of Mr. Smith, who waved his motion for the purpose) moved the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the petitioner, James Jackson, is entitled to a seat in this House, as a member for the lower district of the state of Georgia: and that the right of petitioning against the election of the said James Jackson, be reserved to all persons, at any time, during the term for which he was elected."
A lengthy debate took place, respecting the right of the House to pronounce a decision on General Jackson's election; and how far the illegality of one part of an election may operate to the invalidation of the whole.—Without taking the question, the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, MARCH 20.
A bill to erect a light-house on Montaug Point, in the state of New-York, received from the Senate yesterday, was read a first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill, entitled, "An act providing for the settlement of claims of persons barred by the limitations heretofore established," were taken into consideration, and agreed to.
The Senate having receded from some, and insisted on others of their amendments to the bill, entitled, "An act for the relief of certain widows, orphans, and other persons"—which had been disagreed to by the House—the House took into consideration the amendments thus insisted on by the Senate, and concurred therein.
The order of the day, on Mr. Giles' motion, respecting the Georgia Election, was taken up, and debated till after 3 o'clock—when the House (without coming to a decision) adjourned.
PROVIDENCE, March 8.
Married, on Tuesday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. Maxcy, Mr. THOMAS P. IVES, to the amiable Miss HOPE BROWN, daughter of the late Nicholas Brown, Esq. On this happy occasion, the elegant Chandelier in the Baptist Meeting-house was lighted by the Society, as well to testify their joy, on the auspicious event, as to evince their grateful sensibility to the young lady, for her truly generous Donation to the Society, by which the sacred Temple is so richly and beautifully embellished.
SALE M, March 6.
The beautiful new ship Grand Turk, 550 tons burthen, built in this town, and furnished with sails and rigging from the Salem factories, is ready to sail with the first fair wind for Calcutta, in the East-Indies: she is commanded by Capt. Benjamin Hodges.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
To criminate the proceedings of government, is a task at once easy and pleasing; easy, as it requires not the talents of inventive genius; pleasing, as it accords with the disposition to repining and complaint, so predominant in human nature.
To these causes may be traced the bitter revilings which fill many of our papers of late, against the management of public affairs. It is the misfortune of mankind that they look for happiness in every other situation than that they happen to be in; expecting to derive relief from every change, they rove from bough to bough, not like the bee, to inhale their sweets, but in search of thorns to enhance their pain.
Prior to that eventful period which gave us the form of government we now possess, the mind was borne on the wings of pleasing anticipation; this epocha was anxiously looked to as the 'period which would produce the tree of our political life; but no sooner do we find ourselves in the enjoyment of it, than the cold hand of discontent is employed to chill its blossoms, and destroy the maturity of its fruit.
Government is of too sacred and serious a nature, of too great importance to the welfare of society, to be raised up as children do their card houses, merely for the pleasure of tumbling them down again.
It is a duty incumbent on those who are so ready to rail at the present plans of administration, to offer some substitute in their stead; without this, their work is but imperfectly done; without this, their views are but half visible; or may be justly presumed to originate from flagitious principles: that the authors of them are either weak or wicked, is the necessary deduction.
What opinion should we have of a person, who, meeting us on a journey, should inform us that the road we were in was not the one leading to the place of our destination, unless he proceeded to designate the true path? Should we not suspect design masked under apparent friendship, and a wish to bewilder us, to answer some sinister purpose? We certainly should: then how superiorly aggravated must be his crime who endeavors to stagger the confidence of a whole people, in regard to those measures in which they place their safety and happiness, unless he points out the true magnet leading to these invaluable objects: happily their failure in this respect, by evincing the motives of their actions, tends to obviate the malignity of their effect.
There is a considerable number of politicians in all governments, who are always enemies to the present establishment; not because it is an ill one, or because those who administer it betray their trust, but because they themselves are not in it.
History, ancient and modern, is replete with evidences of the pursuits above alluded to, and their fatal consequences. Such have been the favorite themes of the demagogues of every age & country. Such have ever been used as flurries by which to mount into the saddle of power, to ride over the necks of their fellow-citizens—the most vociferous advocates for liberty, have been often found its first and most powerful enemies. It is to be hoped that Americans, who have a government the offspring of unbiased judgment and found understanding, will never permit the mists of party passion or prejudice to cloud the rays of reason; but that thro' the whole tenor of their political existence, they will exemplify to the world the superior power of public virtue.
VIATOR.
Philadelphia, March 21.
By the Ship Britannia, arrived at New-York, in 32 days from Greenock, accounts are received to 6th February:—They state, That the military preparations go on at Vienna, in Prussia and Sweden—That the Emperor has revoked the amnesty granted to the States of Brabant—That the Bishop of Treves has fulfilled what was required of him by the law of nations in respect to the French emigrants—That the refugees in his estates cannot be considered but as peaceable travellers and sojourners—That an embargo has been laid on all ships at Dunkirk,—this being construed by the municipality to extend to French vessels, the English shipping failed immediately—The Swallow packet has arrived from India; Lord Cornwallis's army had returned to Bangalore, where it was well supplied with provisions, and had not been molested by Tippoo—The English have taken the Fort of Ryacotah and Ossour, the place which Lord Cornwallis announced his intention to attack.
In August Tippoo attacked Coimbatore, but was repulsed—A party of the Mahrattas, who continue firm to the English, had been defeated by Tippoo, and lost 7,000 men.
It does not appear that Lord Cornwallis had re-commenced his operations for the capture of Seringapatam.
Fresh overtures of treating had been made by Tippoo—but Lord Cornwallis refused to treat in any way but that of writing. The English East-India Company has sent out this year 400,000. in specie. An embassy is intended for China, which is offered to Lord Macartney.
On the 16th January the National Assembly decreed that Louis Stanislaus Xavier, French Prince, has forfeited his right to the Sovereignty.
By accounts from Savannah (says a New-York paper) it appears that Gen. Bowles has taken a small fort belonging to the Spaniards, in consequence of which the Governor of East-Florida has offered a reward of two thousand dollars for his head.
Richard Morris, Esq. late Chief Justice of the state of New-York, is appointed Supervisor of New-York district, vice William S. Smith, Esq. who has resigned.
The superintendant of this port cautions all persons employed in conducting vessels to and from the same, from standing too close in towards the piers at Mud-Island; the outermost of the said piers having been so far destroyed by the late breaking up of the ice, that no part thereof is to be seen except at very low tides.
In the Massachusetts criminal code, but seven offences are considered as capital—in some others of the states the number may be less. According to Judge Blackstone, no less than one hundred and sixty are declared by a statute of the Parliament of England to be capital offences.
The following gentlemen are chosen Directors of the Bank of New London.
Messrs. Jediah Huntington, Joshua Lathrop, Marvin Wait, Joseph Howland, William Stewart, Daniel L. Coit, Edward Hallam, Samuel Woodbridge, Guy Richards, Joseph Williams, Samuel Wheat, Joseph Perkins, George Philips.
After which the Directors met and made choice of Jediah Huntington, Esq. President, and Mr. John Hallam, Cashier.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
"The malignant pleasure of blaming the present, and applauding the past, was charged on mankind by Tacitus , and has been continued by moralists to this day—Every warm patriot must feel in his own breast a refutation of the calumny"—as it may be extended to the situation of the United States. We cannot, however, please ourselves with the expectation of an universal approbation either of constitution, laws, men or measures—for there are, and always will be, persons of so peculiar a cast, that they seem fated to derive no satisfaction from contemplating the works of either God or man.
The public liberty should have vigilant watchmen—but its greatest dangers arise from those who cry Wolf too frequently.
While those who disseminate principles that have a tendency to make mankind better fathers, brothers and citizens, merit more from their country than those who achieve the most splendid victories—those on the other hand, who by their writings attempt to weaken the bonds of society, by teaching the principles of a selfish policy, and inculcating doctrines that confound all distinctions of right and wrong, are more injurious to the world than earthquakes which depopulate whole regions.
While the new constitution was under the consideration of the people, preparatory to its adoption, one of its bitter and persevering enemies was asked, whether he had read a particular publication, which was in favor of the instrument? His answer was, that he had made up his mind, and was determined not to trouble himself with reading any speculations on the subject.—If persons, who at the present day are so zealous and industrious in poisoning the public mind, would adopt a different line of conduct from the above, we should not see so many barefaced falsehoods attempted to be palmed on it, respecting the excise, impost, &c. &c.
Funding the public debt, is opening Pandora's box—What was to have been preferred? Why, annual provisions to pay the interest. This would have been pretty, indeed!—A debt under the management of too financiers!—The speculators have lost a glorious harvest—stop—there was a shorter cut to the end of the business.
The President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, has made the following Appointments and Promotions:
   Appointments for Twelve Companies of Infantry.   Captains. Lieutenants. Ensigns.     Vermont. William Eaton James Underhill Charles Hyde   New-York. Isaac Guion Robert Cochran Nanning J. Fisher   New-Jersey. Zebulon Pike John Read John Polhemus   Pennsylvania. Jacob Slough Robert Thompson John Paine   Delaware. James Wells M. Bines, Pennf. Wm. Diven, Pennf.   Maryland. Henry Carberry Benjamin Price Campbell Smith   Wm. Buchanan Henry De Butts Wm. Pitt Galloway   William Lewis Joseph Gough Charles Wright   Virginia. Nicholas Hannah William M'Rea Aaron Gregg   Joseph Brock Henry B. Towles Peter Grayson   John Heth Samuel Tinsley Peter Marks   N. Carolina. Joseph Kerr Thomas E. Sumner Samuel Davidson  
Promotions and Appointments in the Battalion of Artillery.
   PROMOTIONS.     Henry Burbeck, Major Commandant, vice Ferguson, killed November 4, 1791.   John Peirce, Captain, vice Savage, resigned October 15, 1791.   Moses Porter, Captain, vice Burbeck, promoted Nov. 4, 1791.   Daniel M'Lane, Captain, vice Bradford, killed Nov. 4, 1791.   George Demlar, Lieutenant, vice Spear, killed 4th November, 1791; promoted from an Ensigncy in 3d Regiment, to rank from 5th March, 1792.  
APPOINTMENTS.
   Joseph Elliot, Lieutenant, vice Peirce, promoted. (South Carolina) Percy Pope, do. vice Porter, do. (Virginia) Ebenezer Massey, do. vice M'Lane, do. (Maryland)  
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 22 1/2 pr. £. 110 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 12 1/2 63 3/4 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 13 1/2 65 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 19 1/2 95 do.   Indents 12 1/2 62 1/2 do.   Half shares Bank Stock —70 per cent. premium  
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, In the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
SYSTEM for the DISCIPLINE of the ARTILLERY in the UNITED STATES of AMERICA;
OR, THE YOUNG ARTILLERIST'S POCKET COMPANION.
IN THREE PARTS.
Part 1. CONTAINING the duty and practice of light field artillery.
Part 2. Containing the theory and practice of heavy artillery: to which will be added, an extract of a Treatise on the origin and principle of Courts-Martial, wrote by an experienced Officer in the line, and who did duty as Judge-Advocate in America.
Part 3. Laboratory duty; containing a great variety of directions for composition, and the method of making artificial fire-works, and the formation of ammunition for the different kinds of ordnance.
By WILLIAM STEVENS, Esq.
An Officer in the American Artillery through the whole of the late revolution, and since in the Militia.
CONDITIONS.
This work to be printed on good paper with a handsome type, neatly bound and lettered, in three pocket volumes, containing upwards of one thousand pages; illustrated with a great variety of explanatory plates, executed by able artists.
The price to subscribers, One Dollar each volume—to non-subscribers, One French Crown each volume: and those who subscribe for six sets, shall have a seventh gratis.
This work shall be published as soon as five hundred copies are subscribed for.
Subscription papers will be lodged with the principal Printers and Booksellers in the United States of America.

PRICE CURRENT.—PHILADELPHIA.
PER QUANTITY. MARCH 21.—DOLLARS 100 Cents each.
Table with multiple columns listing various goods (e.g., Anchors, Allam, Brandy, Boards, Candles, Cheese, Chocolate, Cinnamon, Cloves, Coal, Coffee, Cordage, Cotton, Currants, Duck, Feathers, Flax, Flour, Grain, Hemp, Hides, Indigo, Iron, Lead, Lignum vitae, Mace, Madder, Mahogany, Nails, Oil, Pepper, Pimento, Raisins, Rum, Salt, SUGAR, Staves, Tobacco, Tea, Wine, Whisky) and their corresponding prices.
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA TEAS, REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c. Of the first quality—by retail, No. 19, Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
THE EDITOR of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, most earnestly requests that those of his subscribers, whose arrearages have been accumulating for more than twelve months, would make payment as soon as possible—at farthest, before the first day of June next.
Those persons who shall be disposed to patronize this GAZETTE after the Post-Office Law shall go into operation, will please to signify their intention to the Deputy Post-Masters in the United States, who are requested to forward such subscriptions as may be received, to the Editor, previous to the said first of June.—The terms of subscription are Three Dollars per annum, exclusive of postage—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the other half to be advanced at the expiration of the first six months.
FOR SALE AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On WEDNESDAY the 11th day of April next, at the House of JOHN THOMPSON, in the City of Perth-Amboy, or at private Sale before,
A FARM, containing about four hundred acres of upland and salt meadow, lying within three quarters of a mile of said city; is a great part bounded on the found, and on a navigable creek, on which is a good mill seat. There are on the farm several eligible situations for building, with delightful prospects, excellent brooks and springs; a large apple orchard, and some fruit trees of other kinds, and a sufficient quantity of fire-wood. The soil is good for grain and most kinds of grain, and may at small expence, from the convenience of the salt meadow, and other advantages of manure, be made equal to any farm in New-Jersey. It will be sold all together, or in two or three divisions, as shall appear best to suit those inclined to purchase. For further particulars, previous to or at the time of sale, apply to the subscribers. JOHN HALSTED, and MATTHIAS HALSTED. (41)
CONTRACTS.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 6, 1792. NOTICE is hereby given, that Proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until 5 o'clock in the afternoon of Wednesday the 21st day of March instant, for the supply of the following articles of Clothing for the Troops in the service of the United States, viz.
Table listing items for the Infantry and Artillery, and the Cavalry, including hats, coats, vests, shirts, blankets, stockings, breeches, boots, spurs, and rifle shirts, with quantities and prices.
Of the above clothing, five hundred suits are to be delivered on the 15th day of April next; one thousand suits on the 15th day of May next; one thousand five hundred suits on the 15th day of June next; and the remainder on the 15th day of July next.—The place of delivery may be either at New-York, Philadelphia or Baltimore, at the option of the contractor or contractors. Proposals will be received for the whole of the above mentioned clothing, or for any one component article separately; to be furnished agreeably to patterns or specimens, which may be seen at the War Office. Good security for the punctual and faithful performance of the contract will be required. The payments will be on the delivery of the clothing; or, if necessary, such reasonable advances will be made as may be desired.
FOR SALE, BLOOMSBURY,
THAT elegant SEAT at the Falls of Delaware, in the vicinity of Trenton, in New-Jersey, occupied for many years past by the subscriber; containing upwards of 200 acres of land, besides a tract of wood-land of about 185 acres, at the distance of two miles. The farm is divided by the main street leading from Trenton to Lambertville, and Philadelphia, into two parts, nearly equal in quantity; the easterly part being arable land, is laid off in convenient fields, and in good farming order. The other part, bounded by the said street on the east, and by the river on the west, forms a square; which, from the combined effect of situation and improvement, is generally allowed to be one of the most beautiful and desirable seats in the state. The mansion-house is a handsome, well-finished brick building, 50 by 40, containing four rooms on each floor, with excellent cellars, and a two story brick kitchen; and commanding a very extensive and pleasing view of the river, both above and below, as well as including the falls, and also of Trenton and the neighbouring seats and improvements on both sides of the river. Among the out-buildings are a new stone coach-house and stables, sufficient to contain six carriages and ten horses, accommodated with a cutting and feeding room, and a capacious loft for hay; adjoining these is a very complete granary, rat proof, and a stone cow-house, upwards of 100 feet in length, containing thirty-one paved stalls, over which is a roomy loft for hay, &c. Adjoining the court-yard of the mansion-house, is a garden of about two acres, extending towards the river, in the highest state of culture, and abounding with a rich collection of the choicest fruits of almost every kind, and several large asparagus beds, highly manured. At a convenient distance from the mansion-house, and nearly in the centre of the square, is a new, well-built, stone farm-house, accommodated with a large cheese-room, spring-house, garden, &c. a complete stone smoke-house, corncribs, waggon-house, a capacious ice-house, and every other necessary out-building. The ground is properly divided into small fields, all well watered, highly improved, and chiefly under the most approved grass. This square has produced annually, for several years past, upwards of sixty tons of the best hay, besides supporting through the summer season twenty to thirty horned cattle, and eight or ten horses. It contains also two bearing orchards of good fruit. The river abounds, in the proper seasons, with great plenty of all kinds of fish usually found in fresh water in this climate, and with a variety of wild-fowl; both of which may afford a pleasing amusement to the sportsman, as well as a convenient addition to the elegance and variety of his table. The whole of the land, except the wood-land, is included and divided by good fences, great part of which is formed of red cedar posts, and rails of chestnut and white cedar. The purchaser may have the improved square separately, or the whole together, as may best suit him. There is an inexhaustible quantity of good building stone on the river shore. The purchase money, if well secured, and the interest punctually paid, will not be demanded for many years. Any person desirous of viewing the premises, may be gratified on application to SAMUEL W. STOCKTON, Esq. of Trenton, or Mr. INALLMAN, who at present occupies the farm-house and part of the land—and may know the price on application to the subscriber, at No. 213, South Second-Street, opposite to the New-Market, in Philadelphia. Philadelphia, March 7, 1792. JOHN COX. (eptl)
SALES Of the real Estate of JOHN KIDD, late of the Township of Bensalem, in the County of Bucks, Esquire, deceased, pursuant to the Directions of his last Will and Testament.
ON Tuesday the 27th of March next will be exposed to Sale, by way of Public Vendue, on the premises—One exceedingly valuable and highly improved Farm, containing about two hundred and ninety-nine acres, situate on the river Delaware; on which is erected a handsome two-story brick house, with a new piazza in the front, two kitchens, a good barn, stables, hay-house, and other convenient out-houses. A good orchard of the best kind of grafted fruit, now in its prime; a large garden well fenced in, and in good order; and a shad and herring fishery before the door. This place is remarkably well-timbered, has a sufficiency of meadow, a large front on the river, and runs back to the post-road. One other very valuable Farm, adjoining the above; containing about two hundred and seven acres, the greatest part of which is wood-land. There are on this farm a good house, barn, stables, and other out-houses, with a young thriving orchard of the best grafted fruit, and a shad and herring fishery. It has long been a well accustomed tavern; and the ferry belonging to it, known by the name of Dunk's, is noted for being well kept and much frequented. Both the above places afford the best prospects on the river, and are remarkably healthy. One other small Farm, containing about sixty-three acres, situate in the township of Southampton, in the county aforesaid; on which are erected two log-houses. There is a small orchard, and a great sufficiency of wood-land and meadow ground. One Lot, containing four acres, situate on the great post-road leading from Philadelphia to New-York, and ten miles from the former. On it is a good log dwelling-house, and work-shop adjoining, with a well of excellent water at the door: now in the tenure of the Widow Ward. Also, at the same time and place, will be sold all the remaining Stock, Household-Furniture, Farming Utensils, and Wheat in the ground. N. B. The conditions of sale will be, one-third of the purchase money to be paid down, and the remainder in two yearly payments with interest. JOHN SWIFT, JOHN M. NESBIT, SAMUEL BENEZET, Executors. (epm27)
To be SOLD peremptorily, at PUBLIC VENDUE, on Wednesday the 11th day of April next, THE SEAT of the late Doctor Lewis Johnson, deceased, in Perth-Amboy, containing TWO HUNDRED ACRES OF LAND. This place is bounded southerly for near a mile on the river Raritan, where it empties into the bay about 18 miles from Sandy-Hook, and affords two most agreeable situations for Gentlemen's Seats. There are now on it, two brick houses, with gardens, and a good collection of fruit trees of the best kinds. The land is very fertile, and a great part of it very good meadow; and from its situation on the river, has the advantage of fish of different kinds, in their seasons, particularly of oysters and chicken clams, which may be picked in great plenty on the flats before the doors. It is a delightful, healthy situation, capable of genteel and tasty improvements; and as Perth-Amboy is one of the best sea-ports in the United States, and within 18 miles of the sea, the prospect of its increasing in value from that circumstance, is by no means inconsiderable. There will also be sold, other Lots, within the bounds of the city, and about Five Hundred Acres of Land on the opposite side of the river Raritan—part of which is improved by a farm—on which there is a framed dwelling-house and barn, with an orchard of grafted apple trees, and will contain about one hundred and fifty acres; the remainder will be sold in convenient lots, well wooded and timbered, and very convenient for supplying New-York and other markets with fire-wood, timber for ship building, and other uses, the transportation by water being easy and safe. The conditions will be made known at the day of sale, and the requisite conveyances made by JAMES PARKER and BOWES REED, Trustees to the said Estate. Likewise to be SOLD, at the same time and place, ELEVEN ACRES OF LAND, adjoining the above, the property of the Proprietors of East New-Jersey, where the proprietary house lately stood. The elegant situation of this spot is hardly to be equalled; it affords a grand prospect of Raritan Bay, and of the Bay formed by the waters of Raritan and Hudson's rivers, where they disemboque into the sea to the East—and a most delightful one of the serpentine course of the Raritan river, for several miles, through a rich tract of meadow to the West. The great quantity of stone nearly dressed, and brick, the remains of the house lately burnt, will be nearly sufficient for a new building; and a large stone cistern, and well of excellent water, with a very convenient stable and coach-house, will greatly lessen the expence of putting the place in order for the residence of a Gentleman. There are few situations so eligible, particularly in the summer season—when the cool sea breezes, and the elevated situation, render them places of pleasing retreat, from the confinement and sultry air of the southern states and neighbouring cities. Perth-Amboy, Feb. 15, 1792. (epb6w)
Dismal Swamp Canal Company.
PROPOSALS for cutting a Canal from the waters of Elizabeth River in Virginia, to those of Pasquotank in North-Carolina, or for conducting the work, will be received until the ninth day of April next, by Robert Andrews, of Williamsburg; Thomas Newton, jun. and Daniel Bedinger, of Norfolk, in Virginia; by John Cowper, of Gates County; and Benjamin Jones, of Camden County, in North-Carolina. The length of the Canal will be about sixteen miles; the country through which it will pass, is swampy, free from stones, and covered with heavy wood. The Canal is to be thirty-two feet in width, and eight feet at least in depth, below the surface of the earth, and capable of being navigated in dry seasons, by vessels drawing three feet water. Good security will be required of contractors; and persons making application to be employed as managers, must produce certificates (from characters of respectability) of their qualifications for a business of this kind. By order of the President and Directors, WILLIAM A. BAYLEY, Clerk. Norfolk, January 21, 1792. (ep19a)
MILITIA FINES.
THE Collectors of Militia Fines in the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, and the districts of Moyamensing and Passyunk, are hereby required to collect and pay into the County Treasury, all arrearages of fines, and to settle and deposit their books and vouchers in my Office, at No. 61, Walnut-Street, on or before the first day of April next.—Wherefore Notice is given, That immediately from the said first day of April, all Collectors who shall fail in complying with this requisition, will be proceeded against according to law. THOMAS PROCTER, Lieut. of the City and Liberties. Philad. Feb. 25, 1792.
TO BE SOLD BY THE EDITOR, A TABLE for receiving and paying Gold at the Bank of the United States, shewing the Value of Gold in Dollars and Cents, from One to a Thousand Pennywrights—according to the Act of Congress, ascertaining the Standard and Value of Gold.