Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-01-22 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 77, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, JANUARY 22, 1791.
[Whole No. 181.]
FROM THE GENERAL ADVERTISER.
MR. BACHE,
I HAPPENED lately to be in the company of several young ladies, where the following curious conversation took place:—
Sophia. Mercy on our poor Congress! I really fear that some of them will return home crack-brained or hysterical. Our body politic is so very sore, that it cannot bear to be handled, though ever so gently; every part cries, touch me not : Don't pull my hair, Sirrah , hallos one: You tread on my toes , squeals another: Your confounded elbow kicks my stomach , roars a third: I'll pay you for pulling a gentleman's nose , thunders the fourth. If Congress attempts a duty on rum and whiskey, they are hissed, as if they would tax the milk of sucking babes. If Congress will teach our young men to defend their mothers and sweethearts, they are called pick-pockets and cut-throats.
Charlotte. Indeed I sincerely pity our national guardians. Their pupils are more whimsical than young girls, and some of them as froward as naughty boys. The militia act seems to displease every one. The great body of Quakers dislike it: The trades-people want exemption for their apprentices: The students expect immunity: The young farmers will not bear the burden alone. I suppose that we young women must learn militia duty, and turn out with both musket and bayonet.
Thalestris. Upon my word, I long for this happy change of affairs. We shall then expunge the odious obey from the wedding ceremony. Should I ever be unlucky enough to get a husband, savage as an Indian, and strong as Goliath, I'll keep him quiet as a mouse, by flashing my gun in his face. Then, my girls, we shall first be absolute mistresses of our houses, and then in a very short time govern the state also. We shall in this western hemisphere set up a FEMALE EMPIRE, that shall laugh at all the male governments in the world.
Roxana. My dear girl, let me kiss you for that greatness of soul. Oh, may the glorious day soon dawn, when our sex shall be delivered from an ignominious slavery of 6000 years: a slavery founded upon the story of our first mother's eating a forbidden apple: a slavery exercised by pedants, sophists, blockheads, drones, drunkards, sops, gamblers, bloods, bigots, rakes, voluptuaries over the far more virtuous, sensible, lovely part of the human species. In fifty quarto volumes of ancient and modern history, you will not find fifty illustrious female names; heroes, statesmen, divines, philosophers, artists, are all of the masculine gender. And pray what have they done during this long period of usurpation? Busy they have been with a witness: They have written ten thousand unintelligible books: They have laboured 1000 years to establish erroneous systems, and worked hard again for another 1000 years to pull them down: They have been cutting each other's throats all over the globe, and murdered at least one hundred millions in quarrels about idols, titles, gold lace, nutmeg and rum: They have disputed for many centuries about the best form of government, without producing one good pattern—I boldly affirm, not one, not even in this country; because the federal constitution has the great defect of being too good , that is, of supposing more virtue in the people than they really have; of supposing them wise, generous, brave, when they cannot see their true interest, when they love self, and hate martial exercises.
Thalestris. I am exceedingly pleased, my dear, with your congenial sentiments, and hope that we have 100,000 sisters in the United States. I anticipate the glorious day when American ladies shall be Commanders, Presidents of Congress, Ambassadors, Governors, Secretaries of State, Professors, Judges, Preachers; when the golden age of the Poets, and the millennium of the Christians shall be realized in America.
Amelia. Yet ladies, you must in the execution of this splendid plan, employ the men, at least in subordinate parts.
Thalestris. Yes, yes, we will make them hewers of wood and drawers of water; they shall cook for us, make our shoes, knit stockings, wash our linen, &c. &c. We shall perhaps employ some of them as pioneers and sutlers in our camps, mere quill-drivers in the petty offices, door-keepers, messengers, sextons, and so forth.
Amelia. But will they submit to this inferiority.
Roxana. Inferior minds will be fitted for inferior stations. We shall keep the sword and the purse in our own hands. We shall moreover keep them ignorant, and from infancy bend their mind to servility.
Amelia. But, after all, is not woman made for man? and would you be the wife of such a pufillanimous creature? If not, how would you preserve this noble race of females, and the grand empire you talk of.
Thalestris. I confess you puzzle me. However, we must pick out the least defective males, or else import from Europe some of their best men, cost what it will.
Amelia. This would still be a very partial supply; nine in ten of the women must die old maids.
Roxana. It is so. We must make that use of the men which nature intended. I hope also, that this necessary evil will not spoil the offspring; because the great Linnæus has proved that we derive the mental part from our mothers. Admitting that the bodies of our children should be the worse for the imbecility of their fathers, we can harden them by cold baths, exercise, &c.
Maria. My dear friends, your schemes are utopian. The laws of Providence are immutable: Man must do the rough work of society: Woman shines in the tender cares and elegant arts of domestic life. Let us carry a counter-petition to Congress, signed by ten thousand fair Americans ; let us boldly declare, that we will never marry a man who cannot, in case of need, protect us and our children.
The lady proceeded in sketching this petition; it was arranged within an hour, and is now circulating over the country for subscription: I shall shortly give you a copy of it.
Your friend,
C.
The following intelligence was received by the December British Packet, arrived at New-York on Sunday last.
L O N D O N.
PARLIAMENTARY INTELLIGENCE.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
F R I D A Y, NOVEMBER 26.
AT twenty minutes after two, his Majesty came into the house, and being seated upon the throne, Sir Francis Molyneaux was directed by the Lord Chancellor to proceed to the House of Commons, and command their attendance upon his Majesty.
Black Rod returned, with Mr. Addington, the Speaker, who approached the bar, between the Master of the Rolls and Mr. Phillips, followed by upwards of 200 members; after bowing reverentially to the throne, he addressed his Majesty as follows:
" Most Gracious Sovereign , IN obedience to your Majesty's commands, your faithful Commons have proceeded, in conformity to their antient privileges, to elect a Speaker; and their choice has fallen upon me, whom they now present to your Majesty for your royal approbation.
The arduous situation in which I am placed, will require abilities and judgment infinitely beyond what your Majesty may expect from the Speaker of your House of Commons. It is with great reverence that I bend to your Majesty, when I appear before you to receive your royal approbation."
The Lord Chancellor approached the throne, and having received his Majesty's commands, declared his Majesty's full approbation of the unanimous choice his faithful Commons had made.
The Speaker then bowed to the throne, and on behalf of the Commons, prayed his Majesty to grant their antient privileges, freedom of speech, &c.
The Lord Chancellor again approached his Majesty, and replied to the Speaker—"His Majesty has, in the most ample manner, confirmed all your antient rights and privileges.
His Majesty then made the following most gracious speech from the throne:
My Lords and Gentlemen , IT is a great satisfaction to me to inform you, that the differences which had arisen between
me and the court of Spain, have happily been brought to an amicable termination.
I have ordered copies of the declarations exchanged between my ambassador and the minister of the Catholic King, and of the convention which has since been concluded, to be laid before you.
The objects which I have proposed to myself in the whole of this transaction have been, to obtain a suitable reparation for the acts of violence committed at Nootka, and to remove the grounds of similar disputes in future, as well as to secure to my subjects the exercise of their navigation, commerce, and fisheries, in those parts of the world which were the subject of discussion.
The zeal and public spirit manifested by all ranks of my subjects, and the disposition and conduct of my allies, had left me no room to doubt of the most vigorous and effectual support; but no event could have afforded me so much satisfaction, as the attainment of the objects which I had in view, without any actual interruption of the blessings of peace.
Since the last session of Parliament, a foundation has been laid for a pacification between Austria and the Porte, and I am now employing my mediation, in conjunction with my allies, for the purpose of negotiating a definitive treaty between those powers, and of endeavouring to put an end to the dissention, in the Netherlands, in whose situation I am necessarily concerned, from considerations of national interest, as well as from the engagement of treaties.
A separate peace has taken place between Russia and Sweden; but the war between the former of those powers and the Porte, still continues. The principles on which I have hitherto acted, will make me always desirous of employing the weight and influence of this country in contributing to the restoration of general tranquility.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons ,
I have ordered the accounts of the expence of the late armaments, and the estimates for the ensuing year, to be laid before you.
Painful as it is to me, at all times, to see any increase of the public burthens, I am persuaded you will agree with me in thinking, that the extent of our preparations was dictated by a due regard to the existing circumstances, and that you will reflect with pleasure on so striking a proof of the advantages derived from the liberal supplies granted since the last peace, for the naval service. I rely on your zeal and public spirit to make due provision for defraying the charges incurred by this armament, and for supporting the several branches of the public service on such a footing, as the general situation of affairs may appear to require. You will at the same time, I am persuaded, shew your determination invariably to persevere in that system which has so effectually confirmed and maintained the public credit of the nation.
My Lords and Gentlemen ,
You will have observed with concern the interruption which has taken place in the tranquility of our India possessions, in consequence of the unprovoked attack on an ally of the British nation. The respectable state, however, of the forces under the direction of the government there, and the confidence in the British name, which the system prescribed by parliament, has established among the native powers in India, afford the most favorable prospect of bringing the contest to a speedy and successful conclusion.
I think it necessary, particularly to call your attention to the state of the Province of Quebec, and to recommend it to you, to consider of such regulations for its government, as the present circumstances and condition of the Province may appear to require.
I am satisfied that I shall, on every occasion, receive the fullest proofs of your zealous and affectionate attachment, which cannot but afford me peculiar satisfaction, after so recent an opportunity of collecting the immediate sense of my people.
You may be assured, that I desire nothing so much on my part, as to cultivate an entire harmony and confidence between me and my parliament, for the purpose of preserving and transmitting to posterity, the invaluable blessings of our free and excellent constitution, and of concurring with you in every measure which can maintain the advantages of our present situation, and promote and augment the prosperity and happiness of my faithful subjects.

NOVEMBER 30.
The Duke of Orleans's defence has just made its appearance in an English dress; together with the advice of his Counsel, who recommended him to commence an action against the King's Attorney for a malicious prosecution; and against several of the witnesses for perjury. In an introductory advertisement these circumstances are applied to a celebrated trial now depending.
Alexander Maconochie, Esq. is to succeed the late Dr. Adam Smith as one of the Commissioners of the Customs in Scotland.
On Wednesday last the Lord Provost, Magistrates, and Council of Edinburgh, unanimously agreed to address his Majesty on the continuation of peace, in consequence of the convention entered into between the Courts of Great-Britain and Spain.
It was yesterday determined in the Court of King's Bench, that a man marrying a widow is not bound to maintain her children by her first husband.
Ireland, in the ten last years, has paid to Sweden and other countries, the enormous sum of five millions for Iron alone, which their own mines were adequate to produce.
Letters from Vienna confirm the victory obtained by the Generalissimo of her Imperial Majesty over the Turks in the Cuban. This victory is represented to have been very complete, and will, no doubt, have its weight in the negotiations with the Porte.
Immediately after the convention has been taken into consideration, the following important objects will be submitted to Parliament by the minister, viz.
The forming of two distinct governments for Canada and Brunswick, in North-America.
The appointment of an Ambassador to the United States of America. And
A revision of the laws of Guernsey and Jersey.
We hear that Mr. Elliott, father-in-law to Admiral Digby, is to be the Ambassador to America, with a salary of 3000. a year.
The church lands and houses in France have sold for a larger sum than could be fairly expected.
On the 31st of October, M. Blanchard, being then at Prague, made his 37th aerial excursion in his balloon, accompanied by one of the members of the Royal Society of Prague. The balloon was filled with 9000 cubic feet of gas; and at 4, P. M. he ascended from the plain Baumgarten, in presence of a multitude of spectators. They were provided with several instruments for making observations, but the machine was scarcely at the height of 1000 feet, before they were all broken, or thrown down from the gallery by a violent motion of a stream of wind, which tossed the machine in all directions—Notwithstanding their apparent danger, they descended in perfect safety.
A private letter from the East-Indies, just received, mentions that a war has begun between our troops and Tippoo Sultan, who now styles himself Shah Allum, or king of the world.
In consequence of a duel which took place, Nov. 12 between M. de Castries, of the aristocratic, and M. Lameth, of the patriotic party, in France; it has been proposed to the Assembly, that the practice of duelling be made capital. M. de Lameth was dangerously wounded, and in revenge, the mob have demolished the house of M. de Castries, who had previously made his escape.
The following extracts are translated from the LEYDEN GAZETTE.
HAGUE, Nov. 23—30.
“We are waiting with the greatest impatience for news from Brabant, where we expect the Austrian army are at this moment arrived. The Belgic Congress, weary of the fanatical obstinacy of Van der Noot, Van Eupen, and others of that cast, have concluded, at last to make an attempt to avoid an absolute submission to the Emperor, and preserve their ancient constitution without having recourse to military exertions. From all appearances, the Belgic Congress have no other resource left them but to accept the re-establishment of their old constitution, with every guarantee for the strict observance thereof that can reasonably be desired—the two superior orders of the nation, see the absolute necessity of accepting those terms immediately, and nothing but the influence of the inferior clergy over the dregs of the people, keeps alive the present disturbances, and prevent the low countries from enjoying the blessings of peace.”
“On the 13th inst. the Belgic Congress met to debate upon the Emperor's manifest. Van Eupen and Van der Noot, concluded their harangues with a solemn oath never to enter into any accommodation whatever with the emperor, or to return under his sovereignty, and advised the other members to follow their example; but this was peremptorily refused; and the delegates from Hainault, Flanders, Tournay and Tournesis and from Malines, joined the other members in their refusal, adding, “that they were ordered by their constituents to accommodate matters,
if possible, with their ancient sovereign.” And thus the Belgic nation is split into two parties, the more moderate under the controul of the most numerous and violent, hurried on by a blind impetuosity and a few designing leaders.”
“Letters from Vienna, dated Nov. 13, mention a complete victory gained by the Russians over the Turks in the Cuban, on or about the tenth of October. Notwithstanding the superiority of the Turks in numbers, they were totally vanquished, and their whole camp with their artillery, consisting of more than 300 pieces of cannon, their baggage, provision, and even the Seraskier and all his family, fell into the hands of the conquerors.”
STATE PAPER.
The following Ministerial Paper, signed by the Plenipotentiaries of the three allied Powers, England, Prussia, and Holland, in answer to the Belgic deputies, is too interesting, in the present juncture of affairs, to be omitted:
YOUR constituents seem to doubt our having received positive instructions, and sufficient powers to assure to your nation, the means which ought to precede the cessation of hostilities, and that we have not spoken ministerially in our verbal answers. To set a side all such scruples and uncertainty, we here speak for the third and last time, assuring you that we do it ministerially, in the name of our respective sovereigns. “That it rests only with the Belgic nation to see their legitimate constitution re-established, such as it existed, in the greatest purity, before the commencement of the last reign, with all its privileges, civil and religious, and a perfect oblivion of every thing, that has passed during the late troubles. We are moreover authorised to add, that if your constituents enter again frankly and willingly into obedience to the Emperor's government, his Imperial Majesty is disposed to grant such farther concessions as shall essentially alter the constitutions. But we are obliged to declare openly, that no longer a term than twenty one days, from the date of this letter, is allowed to accept their propositions.
If you permit this time to pass, or if in the interval you give occasion for any new hostile aggression, we protest, that our respective Sovereigns can no longer guarantee your fate.
Done at the Hague, the 31st of Oct. 1790.
(Signed)
AUCKLAND, KELLER, VAN DE SPIEHEL.
NEW-YORK, Jan. 18.
Extract of letter from London, dated Nov. 24.
By these inclosed papers you will see that the so much talked of revolution of the Belgic Provinces has come to nothing. Every effort has been made to oppose the Emperor, but to no purpose. The desertion of the Belgic army is almost universal; and the consternation occasioned by a conviction of the utter impossibility of resisting troops so infinitely superior in discipline and courage to their own, has obliged the people to yield to irresistible necessity. So it would have been with you in your contest with this country had not the wide Atlantic and some other circumstances interposed to save you.—As to ourselves, we are congratulating each other on certain imaginary advantages gained in our negotiation with Spain, such as the right of fishing for whales in the middle of the South Seas, and erecting fortresses in a barren country at the extremities of the Globe, which even by our own accounts is not worth possessing, except on account of an article of commerce which must soon be exhausted.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Jan. 11.
(Continued from our last.)
In committee of the whole, on the bill repealing after the last day of next the laying duties on distilled spirits, &c. and imposing others in their stead. Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
MR. WILLIAMSON adverted to the publication of the resolutions of the assembly of North-Carolina, in which business he said, some misinformation had taken place. He then alluded to the assumption, and observed that since the United States had made the State debts the debts of the union, it becomes necessary to provide for them, and he supposed some sort of excise was necessary. He reprobated a land tax—and then observed that excises according to the constitution, ought to be equal; he proposed to equalize them by imposing a tax on beer and cyder. If there will be an excess in the revenue, as appears pretty evident, let the duty on our own produce be struck out. He insisted on the injustice of laying this duty on those States, which had been averse to the assumption.
He suggested other sources of revenue—mentioned newspapers, on which he supposed if a duty was laid, it would be advantageous to the public and to the printers. He concluded by saying he hoped the 13th section would be struck out.
Mr. Ames offered a few remarks, to shew the obligation of the government to provide permanent funds for the payment of the interest of the debt agreeable to the spirit of the law passed the last session—nor did he conceive that a casual surplus was any sufficient reason for not making complete provision; annual grants for the purpose of supporting the public credit had been sufficiently proved inadequate to the object.
Mr. Bloodworth observed that if prejudices do exist, whether well founded, or not, they produce all the mischiefs of a well founded opposition till they are removed; he said a universal opposition to excises, exists in North-Carolina, and he dreaded the consequences of this measure's being urged; North-Carolina has been well disposed to the government—what is the reason this is not at present the case? It is owing sir, to the measures which have been pursued by the government. The assumption was a measure universally odious to the people of that State, and he believed it was so to many other persons in the Southern States. With respect to the observations of the gentleman from Massachusetts, that North Carolina knew when she adopted the Constitution that the general government had a right to lay excises, he observed, that North Carolina expected that some attention would have been paid to her proposed amendments: On the whole he hoped the clause would be struck out—and if an excise is thought to be necessary, let it be laid only on foreign spirits, and spirits manufactured from foreign materials.
Mr. Lawrance replied to Mr. Bloodworth's observations respecting confining the duty to foreign spirits: He said this would operate to produce a very great deficiency in the revenue—The importation of foreign spirits will be destroyed, and the revenue derived from that source will be lost.
He adverted to certain objections which had been urged against the bill, from the experience of Great Britain—he shewed, that none of these applied on the present occasion: The bill is divested of those qualities, commonly supposed to be connected with Excise Laws. He took notice of the accounts of uneasinesses which are said to exist in some of the States—and counterbalanced them by the tranquility and satisfaction which appear in others: In those which it is presumed bear at least a full proportion of the burdens already imposed by government.
He contended, that the operation of the bill would be to equalize the public burdens—and when this is realized, as it will be, he doubted not a spirit of conciliation and good humor would be the consequence.
Mr. Jackson said that the funding law had appropriated the revenue for the payment of all the debts original and assumed—and the faith of the United States is pledged only to make up such deficiency as may happen. It appears from the calculations before the committee, that no such deficiency will be to be provided for. He wished gentlemen to shew some plausible reason for this additional burthen on the people—The estimates he had offered cannot be invalidated.
Mr. Parker said he had heard nothing to induce him to change his mind respecting this bill. He had been uniformly opposed to excises—and he should not withdraw his opposition at the present time.
He then adverted to the unequal operation of an excise, especially on the Southern States, which he said rendered it entirely contrary to the spirit of the Constitution.
He doubted not the revenue would encrease, notwithstanding the supposititious defalcations which had been mentioned. He urged the unpopularity of the measure—the cultivation of the southern orchards ought to be encouraged by the northern states, as the southern states had encouraged their navigation and fisheries. But if this partial duty is to be pressed upon us in this manner, I shall not think it my duty, said he, to be equally zealous in their favour in future.
Mr. Livermore observed, that several estimates had been offered to the committee—they cannot be all right because they disagree. He observed that it had not been noticed by any person that the present duty on foreign rum would be taken away by this bill, and the whole sum to be raised from that article is from the bill now under consideration. But suppose a surplusage of revenue of 1 or 200,000 dollars should be in the Treasury, which I wish with all my heart may be the case, are there not ways enough to apply this surplusage to the advantage of the United States? He instanced a variety of ways in which such a surplus might be applied; but he did not seriously contemplate such a surplus. He then adverted to the objection on account of the inequality.—He said the duty on spirits distilled from molasses is agreed to—why should not the spirits distilled from peaches in the southern States be also subject to a duty: This he considered as unequal—and discovered a want of candor in the gentlemen from the southward.
Mr. Parker asked the gentleman if molasses was an article of the produce of this country? the southern states have nothing by which they can procure molasses: If the gentleman would consent to excise filth, he would consent to an excise on peach brandy.
Mr. Fitzsimons observed, that the deficiency occasioned by the alteration in the duty on foreign rum, would occasion a very considerable addition to the deficiency of the revenue. With respect to the inequality mentioned, he said there was no probability that the southern states would ever pay an over proportion of the revenue.

Mr. Williamson stated certain particulars to shew, that a just idea of the sum paid by North-Carolina could not be known by any statements from the public offices—their business is carried on coastwise—To judge of their consumption, recourse must be had to the exportations of that State—He said the exportations of North-Carolina amounted to a million of dollars annually.
Mr. Clymer said that a gentleman from Georgia had mentioned the aversion that the people of Pennsylvania bore to an excise law. Such a law he observed had been in force in the state for upwards of 50 or 60 years, and that the excise officers were vested with as much power as it was proposed to give them by the bill before the house; that some resistance had been offered to those officers acting in the line of their duty; but that those who opposed them in the execution of their business were severely fined.—He was not convinced that the duty which it was proposed to lay on spirits by the bill under consideration was odious to a majority of the states;—they most of them had excise laws of their own, and he conceived the present bill was as well guarded as possible, by wholesome provisions against every objection—From the statements which had been produced, there would be no great excess in the revenue, he apprehended; but if there was, it would be well applied in lessening the public debts.
Mr. Madison remarked on the observations of Mr. Fitzsimons, respecting the southern States not paying their proportion of the Impost: He shewed that the trade of the southern states was carried on by the eastern and northern States—That the consumption of the southern States was proportioned to their numbers, and in this way they bore their full proportion of the public burdens.
Mr. Jackson replied to Mr. Clymer, and said, that if the people had been severely fined for a breach of the Excise Law in this State, he had been well informed, that the fine had been severely remitted.
The question on striking out the 13th section, was negatived—33 to 17. Adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 19.
A bill, declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the State of Maryland, being read a second time, was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Mr. Sedgwick, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill, authorizing the President of the United States to cause the debt due to foreign officers, the interest whereon is now payable in Paris, at the rate of 6 per cent. per annum, to be paid and discharged—being read a first and second time, was referred to a committee of the whole, and made the order of the day for to-morrow.
A letter from the Directors of the Library Company of Philadelphia, making an offer of the use of the Books in said Library to the Members of both Houses of Congress, was communicated by the Speaker.
Mr. Huntington presented a memorial from the Baptist Association in the State of Connecticut, requesting the interposition of Congress to prevent incorrectness in future editions of the Bible, published in the United States—read and laid on the table.
A petition from sundry surgeons and surgeon's mates, in the service of the United States, during the late war, was read and referred to the Secretary at War.
A petition from William Dewees, and a petition from William Blackledge, were referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Another petition from the same person, praying that certain claims against the state of North Carolina be discharged, was referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Fitzsimons, from the committee appointed to consider the petition of Joshua Barney, late an officer in the American navy, reported a resolution, that a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill, to allow to Capt. Joshua Barney, the sum of dollars.
Agreeable to the order of the day, the House proceeded in the further consideration of the amendments proposed to the new Revenue Bill. A motion to recommit the bill was negatived: It was then moved to re-commit the fourth section, which specifies the compensations to the inspectors—this also was negatived: The debates were spun out to a considerable length—but an adjournment being called for, the further consideration of the bill was postponed.
THURSDAY, Jan. 20.
Mr. Fitzsimons presented a memorial from the merchants of Philadelphia, trading to India, and China—praying that an additional duty may be laid on all goods imported into the United States from India or China in foreign bottoms—this was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A petition of Robert Mead was presented by Mr. Lawrance, which was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A petition of C. and J. Sands, and W. Livingston in behalf of themselves and associates, praying compensation for damages sustained by a contract, for supplying the army with provisions—read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis, their Secretary—informing, that they have passed a bill for incorporating the subscribers to the Bank of the United States.
The house resumed the consideration of the amendments proposed to the new revenue bill—and after some debate the latter part of the fourth section, referring to the compensation of the inspectors, was struck out.
A motion was again made to re-commit the bill generally to a select committee, this was lost—30 to 27.
Mr. Lee then moved that it should be re-committed for the purpose of inserting a clause devising a mode of collecting the revenue—this was negatived, 33 to 24.
Several amendments proposed by Mr. Fitzsimons were adopted—Some sections were expunged—The further consideration of the bill was postponed till to-morrow.
Mr. Sedgwick laid the following motion on the table, that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for making compensation to the inspectors of the duties on distilled spirits.
Mr. Tucker, Mr. Partridge, and Mr. Lee were appointed a committee on the part of the House, to join a committee of the Senate to consider of and report a time for the commencement of the next Congress. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, Jan. 21.
The act to incorporate the subscribers to the bank of the United States received from the Senate yesterday, was read the first and second time, and referred to a committee of the whole house on Wednesday next.
Mr. Madison presented the petition of W. C. Webb and Conyers Wythe, which was read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Williamson reported a bill for preventing the invalid pensions from falling their pensions before they shall become due; read a first and second time, and made the order of the day on Thursday next.
Mr. Sedgwick's motion for a committee to bring in a bill to provide for the compensation of the inspectors of the duties on distilled spirits, was taken into consideration, and a committee consisting of Messrs. Sedgwick, Madison and Lawrance was appointed.
The house proceeded in the consideration of the amendments proposed to the bill laying duties on distilled spirits.
A motion was made by Mr. Jackson, in the following words: And be it further enacted, That if any inspector or other officer or person concerned in the collection of the revenue to be raised by this act, shall, by word, message or writing, or in any other manner whatsoever, persuade or endeavor to persuade, an Elector to give, or dissuade or endeavor to dissuade any from giving his vote for the choice of any person to be a member of the House of Representatives, member of the Senate, or President of the United States—such inspector or other person so offending, shall be forever disabled from holding an office under this act, and shall be subject to a penalty of dollars.
This motion occasioned a lengthy debate. The yeas and nays being required by Mr. Jackson, were, Ayes 21—Nays 37. The further consideration of the bill was postponed till to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary, informing that they have concurred in the vote of the house, in appointing a committee on their part to consider and report a time for the commencement of the next Congress. Adjourned till to-morrow.
MR. FENNO, CALLED this morning for the first time, to hear the proceedings of the House of Representatives of the state of Pennsylvania; and was much surprised to find them warmly engaged in a business that in my humble opinion; and I believe in the opinion of their constituents generally, they had no more to do with than with the King of Great-Britain's late speech to both Houses of Parliament.
The contention was about passing a set of resolutions laid to relate to a law pending in the house of representatives of the United States, respecting revenue. No person will pretend to question the right of the house in expressing their sentiments on the public measures of the national legislature; but in the present case, I very much question if there was a necessity for such caution, and much more the propriety of the mode of exercising it.
We trust it will never be disputed that the Assembly of a free State have a right to bear testimony against any law, that is "established upon principles, subversive of the peace, liberty, and rights of its citizens;" but did the gentlemen, who offered the resolutions, make it appear that the proposed law was founded on such principles, or that it would have such a tendency? I believe it will be acknowledged, they did not, either in the debates or otherwise, only by an indirect charge or insinuation, contained on the face of the resolutions. If there was real cause of complaint, why not come forward and remonstrate boldly and openly; and if there was no cause, why found an alarm, and take up so much time about a visionary evil that did not exist?
If popularity was the object the gentlemen had in view, the good sense of the people of Pennsylvania will certainly disappoint them; for it is not to be doubted, that they have as well-founded a confidence in their representatives in the one body as in the other.
It is notorious that the members of that body, with regard to whose conduct and views too many endeavor to promote jealousy and distrust, have at all times evinced the most sacred regard to the rights and liberties of the people; and from their means of obtaining information, are more likely to be able to judge on questions which have for their object the general interests of the nation. Philadelphia, Jan. 20, 1791. A PENNSYLVANIAN.
Philadelphia, Jan. 22.
The advocates of the present government, before it was adopted by the people, were thought to be very sanguine in their anticipation of the blessings which would result from its establishment. It has turned out on the trial, however, that the event has exceeded the expectation—more is perhaps fulfilled than was promised: But many who allow that our situation was deplorable before the union was secured by the new government, and that it is at present more prosperous than the most sanguine could then have expect-
ed, yet will not give all the credit of the change to the new Constitution. But a correspondent thinks it useful to remark, that there is one point in which all parties may agree, which is, that whether the surprising prosperity of the country is, or is not, in any degree, the work of the national government, it is plain, that nothing can secure the continuance of that prosperity but the preservation of the government: Weakening the government, or overthrowing it, would immediately change the condition and prospects of the people. While we enjoy so much, and hope for much more than we enjoy, we should reverence our government, and consider any attempt to excite the people to destroy it, as more injurious to our wealth, than the Hessian Fly in our wheat-fields. That insect attacks but one grain, and not every species of that: But anarchy and civil discord spare nothing. The insect takes the seed—violence would seize the crop. The adoption of the Constitution saved us from these evils: By supporting it we may hope in future to avoid them.
Before the Constitution was adopted, it was charged with tending to oppression and tyranny: A man who believed all that he had heard against it, must have expected in 1791, to wear wooden shoes, and to want spirit to say his soul was his own.—How things are changed!—The government has been tried: And what is said against it now?—That it does injustice?—No: But that it does more than justice exacts of it.—It pays debts, which say the accusers, it did not owe; but which are allowed to be honestly due—which on settling the accounts, this government stood bound to pay, and which the worthy creditors would have been likely to lose, if it had not consented to admit, without delay.—So much for its tyranny, and treading on men's rights and property.—Now for its oppression: Why; that its revenue is so ample, that new taxes are declared to be superfluous.—Americans, you have tried your government: You have tried to do without one:—Which do you like best?
A correspondent observes, that agreeable to the sketch of the debates in the Pennsylvania house of Representatives, as published in Mr. Dunlap's paper—the cause of the union, so far as it depends on revenue to support it, is in a very sickly condition.—A torrent of oratorical declamation in favor of interfering with the legislature of the United States, is counteracted by a few detached sentences; and the "industry" of an individual federalist only—it even appears that when called upon to give their reasons, the federalists do "not offer any particular arguments."
It appears to be the general wish of the legislatures of the several states, that the debates of the Senate of the United States should be public.—North-Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New-York have expressed that sentiment.
According to some recent resolutions passed in the legislatures of particular states—we appear to be in a fair way to get rid of the expence of supporting a federal government; especially as the work of legislation for the whole union appears to be better understood, by detached bodies than by the concentrated wisdom of the states—even in the opinion of some who are sworn to support the federal constitution.
We hear from Albany that the convention of Vermont made a house on the 6th inst. in order to deliberate upon the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. From the degree of unanimity which appeared among the members, it is (says the Albany account) probable that they adopted the constitution on Saturday, the 8th inst.
The Governor of this state has been pleased to appoint Alexander James Dallas, Esq. his Secretary.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
Table with 4 columns: Security Type, Price, Unit, and Remarks. Includes entries for 6 pr. Cents, 3 pr. Cents, Deferred 6 pr. Cents, Final Sett. and other Certificates, Indents, and N. and S. Carolina debts.
WANTED, TWO OR MORE
Convenient ROOMS,
in Chesnut-Street, or as near the Bank as possible. Enquire of the Printer. (cont.)
South-Carolina Lands for Sale,
ABOUT one hundred miles from Charleston, for any kind of Goods. One third part of 63 Tracts of Land, containing 51,900 acres, lying near the rivers of Savannah, Big and Little Salt Cohatches, and the fork of the Edisto: These Lands are a dark, or a copper-coloured soil, in an inhabited part of the State.
Also 5 tracts of Land in Ninety-Six district, 4 in Orangeburg district, 6 in Camden, all containing 7,600 acres, all good land, with streams of water running through them. These Lands will be sold so low, that a man may make his fortune in buying them, for the purpose of selling them again, as emigrants are daily arriving there from Europe, to settle.
Duplicate Plots and Grants may be seen, and indispensible titles will be given by the subscriber. FREDERICK KING. Morristown, Jan. 1791. (77-6w1w.)
Forty Dollars Reward.
LOST by the Subscriber, on the 12th day of January 1791, between Penolopon and Freehold, in the county of Monmouth, and State of New-Jersey, the following Certificates, issued by the said State, to sundry Soldiers, for the three-fourth parts of the decimation of their pay; all of which are signed by John Stevens, jun. Treasurer, and countersigned by James Ewing, Auditor, viz.
Table with 4 columns: No., Dated, Payable to, Amount. Lists 10 specific certificates with details.
Any person who may have found the said Certificates, and will return them to the subscriber, living at Penolopon aforesaid, shall receive the above reward; and in proportion for any part of them which may be returned.
All persons are hereby cautioned against purchasing any of the above Certificates, as payment is stopped at the public offices. If any of them should be offered for sale, the person to whom they are offered is requested to stop the same, and give notice thereof to their humble servant. KENNETH HANKINSON. Monmouth County, New-Jersey, Jan. 15, 1791.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
December 13, 1790.
In obedience to the order of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the 9th Day of August last, requiring the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to prepare and report, on this Day, such further Provision as may, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the PUBLIC CREDIT — the said Secretary further
RESPECTFULLY REPORTS,
(CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.)
To procure for the landholders the assistance of loans, is the great desideratum. Supposing other difficulties surmounted, and a fund created, composed partly of coin and partly of land, yet the benefit contemplated could only then be obtained, by the bank's advancing them its notes for the whole, or part, of the value of the lands they had subscribed to the stock. If this advance was small, the relief aimed at would not be given; if it was large, the quantity of notes issued would be a cause of distrust, and if received at all, they would be likely to return speedily upon the bank for payment; which, after exhausting its coin, might be under a necessity of turning its lands into money, at any price that could be obtained for them, to the irreparable prejudice of the proprietors.
Considerations of public advantage suggest a further wish, which is, that the bank could be established upon principles, that would cause the profits of it to redound to the immediate benefit of the State. This is contemplated by many, who speak of a national bank, but the idea seems liable to insuperable objections. To attach full confidence to an institution of this nature, it appears to be an essential ingredient in its structure, that it shall be under a private not a public direction, under the guidance of individual interest, not of public policy; which would be supposed to be, and in certain emergencies, under a feeble or too sanguine administration, would really be, liable to being too much influenced by public necessity. The suspicion of this would probably be a canker, that would continually corrode the vitals of the bank, and would be most likely to prove fatal in those situations, in which the public good would require, that they should be most found and vigorous. It would indeed be little less than a miracle, should the credit of the bank be at the disposal of the government if in a long series of time, there was not experienced a calamitous abuse of it. It is true, that it would be the real interest of the government not to abuse it; its genuine policy to husband and cherish it with the most guarded circumspection, as an inestimable treasure. But what government ever uniformly consulted its true interests, in opposition to the temptations of momentary exigencies? What nation was ever blessed with a constant succession of upright and wise administrators?
The keen, steady, and as it were magnetic sense of their own interest as proprietors, in the directors of a bank, pointing invariably to its true pole, the prosperity of the institution, is the only security that can always be relied upon for a careful and prudent administration. It is therefore the only basis on which an enlightened, unqualified and permanent confidence can be expected to be created and maintained.
The precedents of the banks established in several cities of Europe, Amsterdam, Hamburg and others, may seem to militate against this position. Without a precise knowledge of all the peculiarities of their respective constitutions, it is difficult to pronounce how far this may be the case. That of Amsterdam however, which we best know is rather under a municipal than a governmental direction. Particular magistrates of the city, not officers of the republic, have the management of it. It is also a bank of deposit, not of loan, or circulation; consequently less liable to abuse, as well as less useful. Its general business consists in receiving money for safe keeping, which if not called for within a certain time, becomes a part of its stock, and irreclaimable. But a credit is given for it on the books of the bank, which being transferable, answers all the purposes of money.
The directors being magistrates of the city, and the stockholders in general its most influential citizens, it is evident, that the principle of private interest must be prevalent in the management of the bank. And it is equally evident, that from the nature of its operations, that principle is less essential to it, than to an institution constituted with a view to the accommodation of the public and individuals, by direct loans and a paper circulation.
As far as may concern the aid of the bank, within the proper limits, a good government has nothing more to wish for, than it will always possess; though the management be in the hands of private individuals. As the institution, if rightly constituted, must depend for its renovation from time to time on the pleasure of the government, it will not be likely to feel a disposition to render itself by its conduct unworthy of public patronage. The government too, in the administration of its finances, has it in its power to reciprocate benefits to the bank, of not less importance than those which the bank affords to the government, and which besides are never unattended with an immediate and adequate compensation. Independent of these more particular considerations, the natural weight and influence of a good government will always go far towards procuring a compliance with its desires; and as the directors will usually be composed of some of the most discreet, respectable and well-informed citizens, it can hardly ever be difficult to make them sensible of the force of the inducements which ought to stimulate their exertions.
It will not follow from what has been said, that the state may not be the holder of a part of the stock of a bank, and consequently a sharer in the profits of it. It will only follow that it ought not to desire any participation in the direction of it, and therefore ought not to own the whole or principal part of the stock; for if the mass of their property should belong to the public, and if the direction of it should be in private hands, this would be to commit the interests of the state to persons not interested, or not enough interested in their proper management.
There is one thing, however, which the government owes to itself and to the community; at least to all that part of it, who are not stockholders; which is to reserve to itself a right of ascertaining, as often as may be necessary, the state of the bank, excluding however all pretension to controul. This right forms an article in the primitive constitution of the bank of North-America; and its propriety stands upon the clearest reasons. If the paper of a bank is to be permitted to insinuate itself into all the revenues and receipts of a country; if it is even substituted for gold and silver in all the transactions of business, it becomes in either view a national concern of the first magnitude. As such, the ordinary rules of prudence require, that the government should possess the means of ascertaining, whenever it thinks fit, that so delicate a trust is executed with fidelity and care. A right of this nature is not only desirable as it respects the government; but it ought to be equally so to all those concerned in the institution; as an additional title to public and private confidence; and as a thing which can only be formidable to practices that imply mismanagement. The presumption must always be, that the characters who would be entrusted with the exercise of this right on behalf of the government, will not be deficient in the discretion which it may require; at least the admitting of this presumption cannot be deemed too great a return of confidence for that very large portion of it which the government is required to place in the bank.
Abandoning therefore ideas, which however agreeable or desirable, are neither practicable nor safe; the following plan for the constitution of a National Bank, is respectfully submitted to the consideration of the house.
[For this plan, see No. 69 of this Gazette.] (To be concluded in our next.)
THE Copartnership of HEWES and ANTHONY having expired the gift ultimo, they request those, who have any demands, to exhibit their accounts and receive their money; and those who are indebted, are desired to make speedy payment, to either of the Subscribers, at their Compting-House, No. 5, Chestnut-Street-Wharf.
JOSIAH HEWES. JOSEPH ANTHONY.
Philadelphia, Jan. 15, 1791.
N. B. They have yet on hand, and for SALE, at their STORE abovementioned,
 HYSON, Souchong, and Bohea TEAS,  Three cases Caffa,  Pimento in bags,  Muscovado Sugar,  A few Cases old Batavia Arrack,  One cask of Durham Mustard,  New England Rum in hogheads and barrels,  A quantity of prime Boston Beef,  Spermaceti, right whale and tanners' Oil,  Belt pickled Mackerel,  6 by 8—7 by 9—8 by 10—9 by 11—and 10 by 12 Window Glass,  A quantity of excellent carrot Tobacco,  And an elegant CHANDELIER. (22w6w.) 
New Line of Stages.
THE Subscriber has established a line of STAGES from Hartford to Boston, by way of Norwich and Providence, which will run twice a week during the Winter Season, and three times a week during the Summer Season.
Good Carriages, Horses, and careful Drivers are provided. Passengers pay three Pence per Mile, and are allowed 14 pound Baggage each.—Extra Baggage pays at the rate of three Pence per Mile for every 150 wt. As the Mail is to go in these Stages for the year 1791, fixed hours for starting from the respective Stage Houses is absolutely necessary—from which there can be no deviation.
Norwich, Dec. 14, 1790.
 The Stage for the Eastward leaves  Hartford—Mondays and Thursdays,  Norwich—Tuesdays and Fridays,  Providence—Wednesdays and Saturdays,  For the Westward, leaves Boston—Mondays and Thursdays,  Providence—Tuesdays and Fridays,  Norwich—Wednesdays and Saturdays.  69—1w3m JESSE BROWN.
MASSACHUSETTS STATE LOTTERY.
THE Managers of the STATE LOTTERY, present the Public with the First Class of the Massachusetts Semi-annual State Lottery, which will commence drawing in the Representatives' Chamber, in Boston, on the Seventeenth of March next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of.
SCHEME.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE.
25,000 Tickets, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
   Prizes. Dollars. is Dollars.     1 of 10000 are 10000   2 3000 6000   3 2000 6000   6 1000 6000   10 500 5000   30 200 6000   80 100 8000   90 50 4500   100 40 4000   120 30 3600   161 20 3220   200 10 2000   7585 8 60680   8388 Prizes. 125000   16612 Blanks.   25000.  
TICKETS may be had of the several Managers, who will pay the Prizes on demand—of the TREASURER of the Common wealth—of JAMES WHITE, at his Book-Store, Franklin's-Head Court-Street, and at other places as usual.
 BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun.  DAVID COBB,  SAMUEL COOPER,  GEORGE R. MINOT,  JOHN KNEELAND,  Managers.
Boston, July 28, 1790.
Tickets in the above Lottery are to be sold by Stephen Austin, corner of Front and Pine Streets, Philadelphia.
PLEASE TO NOTICE.
FOR the accommodation of those who would wish to become Adventurers in the First Class of the MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL STATE LOTTERY, letters, post paid, directed to SAMUEL COOPER, at his Office, North side State-House, Boston, enclosing Philadelphia, New-York or Boston Bank-Bills, or other good Bills, will be particularly attended to, and Tickets forwarded immediately upon the receipt of such letters.
Boston, Dec. 22, 1790.
N. B. A List of Prizes will be deposited with the Printer hereof, immediately after the drawing is completed. 71 raw tf
HENRY KUHL,
At No. 143, Second-Street, near Race-Street,
BY advice of his friends in New-York and Philadelphia, has opened an office for the purpose of buying and selling, on commission, the different species of Stock, and of liquidated and unliquidated paper in the market.
He will obtain such Certificates as are required by the funding law, for those who have unliquidated Securities; and transfer Stock from and to the Treasury and the Offices of the Commissioners of Loans, on moderate terms.
Having for several years past been employed in the Treasury of the United States, he is well acquainted with its operations and forms; and flatters himself that on that score he has a decided advantage in transacting business here. He is fully impressed with the truth of the adage that "dispatch is the soul of business," and will always make the interest of his employers an object of the first importance.
Philadelphia, December 29th, 1790.
Subscribers for Mrs. Warren's Poems, are requested to call on the Editor for their books.
AMERICAN CLOTHS.
SUPERFINE and ELASTICS, CONGRESS BROWN, LONDON SMOKE, LEAD DRAB, BLUE and OTHER fashionable Colours,
Manufactured at Hartford, (State of Connecticut,) just received, and are now offered for Sale, at the
CHEAP STORE, No. 38,
North Third Street,
At which Store are also opening a large and general assortment of EUROPEAN and INDIA GOODS.
 CLOTHS,  Linens,  Cambrics,  Painted, sprigged, tamboured book, and jaconet Mullins,  Chintzes,  Cottons and Calicoes,  Silks,  ELEGANT Velt Patterns—adapted to the season,  Silk, Cotton, and Worsted Hose,  Corduroys,  Velverets, and Royal Ribs,  Best Buck, Beaver, and White Kidd Gloves, 
A Variety of STUFFS.
And many other Articles, too numerous to insert in an Advertisement; all of which are now selling by Wholesale and Retail, on follow terms, as to make them an object to the purchasers.
N. B. A few Barrels of MACKAREL, and Nova-Scotia HERRINGS. Philadelphia, Jan. 12, 1791.
EBENEZER HAZARD and JONAS ADDOMS have entered into partnership, and opened an OFFICE, at No. 173, in Market-Street, a few doors above Fourth-Street, where, under the Firm of
HAZARD and ADDOMS,
They purchase and sell all kinds of CERTIFICATES—PAPER MONEY, and BANK STOCK.
N. B. Transfers made at the Public Offices, and Business in general transacted on Commission. December 29.
PROPOSALS,
By JOHN TRUMBULL, For Publishing by Subscription,
TWO PRINTS,
From original Pictures painted by himself; One representing the DEATH of General WARREN, at the Battle of Bunker's-Hill.
The other, the DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, in the Attack of Quebec.
In the battle of Bunker's-Hill, the following Portraits are introduced—
 American:  Major General WARREN, PUTNAM.  British:  Gen. Sir WILLIAM HOWE,  Sir HENRY CLINTON,  Lieut. Col. JOHN SMALL,  Major PITCAIRN, and  Lieut. PITCAIRN.  In the Attack of Quebec, are seen—  General MONTGOMERY,  Colonel THOMPSON,  Major MACPHERSON, and  Capt. CHEESMAN. 
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
The prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, Three Guineas for each print; one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed.
SUBSCRIPTIONS are received in this city by Joseph Anthony, jun. Goldsmith and Jeweller, No. 76, Market-Street.
These prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American Revolution.
No period of the history of man, is more interesting than that in which we have lived. The memory of scenes in which we have laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must ever remain dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. History will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which it is written must be understood—the language of painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expence, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success:—That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor; and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec, are—
 * The DECLARATION of INDEPENDENCE,  * BATTLE at TRENTON,  * BATTLE of PRINCETOWN,  SURRENDER of General BURGOYNE,  TREATY with FRANCE,  BATTLE of EUTAW SPRINGS,  * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN,  TREATY of PEACE,  EVACUATION of NEW-YORK,  RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON,  THE ARCH at TRENTON,  INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES. 
Each picture will contain portraits of the principal characters who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with stars, are considerably advanced; and the prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers.
Wanted, a good Cook,
either Man or Woman.—Enquire at No. 209, Second-Street, opposite the New-Market.
THE Subscribers for this paper, in the city of New-York, are respectfully informed, that the charge of the papers proving inconvenient to Mr. Wetmore, at the Post-Office, the Editor has engaged Mr. Samuel Campbell, Book-seller, Hanover-Square, to receive them and superintend their delivery—by whom Subscriptions and arrears will be received.
The price of this paper is 3 dollars per annum.