The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1800-11-05 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL. No. III.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 5th, 1800.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
Abstract of Mr. Hamilton's pamphlet.
The universal attention, which Mr. HAMILTON's "Letter concerning the Public Conduct and Character of JOHN ADAMS, Esq. President of the United States," has excited, is a sufficient proof of the interesting nature of its contents.
So decidedly does it tend to impeach the official character of Mr. Adams, that it should, at this interesting crisis, be read by every citizen; that, if true, it may have its due weight on the ensuing election; if false, that charges so hostile to his reputation, should be repelled by more correct information.
It is the duty of the press to diffuse the contents of such a performance. This purpose would be best answered by the entire publication of the pamphlet which is not long; thereby avoiding any imputation of incorrectness or misrepresentation which might be thrown upon partial or mutilated statements. But this is unfortunately forbidden. The copy right is vested in Mr. Lang of New-York. Under this restriction the best alternative seems to be to furnish an abstract of the most important parts. It will be fairly given, without regard to party views.
The performance begins with an avowal of its object.
"Some of the warm personal friends of Mr. ADAMS are taking unwearied pains to disparage the motives of those Federalists who advocate the equal support of General PINCKNEY at the approaching election of President and Vice-President. They are exhibited under a variety of aspects equally derogatory. Sometimes they are veratile, factious spirits, who cannot be contented with any man that will not submit to be governed by them: Sometimes they are intriguing partisans of Great Britain, who devoted to the advancement of her views, are incensed against Mr. ADAMS for the independent impartiality of his conduct."
"In addition to a full share of the obloquy vented against this description of persons collectively peculiar accusations have been devised to swell the catalogue of my demerits. Among these, resentment of disappointed ambition forms a prominent feature. It is pretended, that had the President, upon the demise of GENERAL WASHINGTON, appointed me Commander in Chief, he would have been, in my estimation, all that is wise, and good, and great."
"It is necessary, for the public cause, to repel these slanders; by stating the real views of the persons who are calumniated, and the reasons of their conduct."
"In executing this task, with particular reference to myself, I ought to promise, that the ground upon which I stand is different from that of most of those who are confounded with me as in pursuit of the same plan. While our object is common, our motives are variously dissimilar. A part well affected to Mr. ADAMS, have no other wish than to take a double chance against Mr. JEFFERSON. Another part, feeling a diminution of confidence in him, still hope that the general tenor of his conduct will be essentially right. Few go as far in their objections as I do. Not denying to Mr. ADAMS patriotism and integrity, and even talents of a certain kind, I should be deficient in candor, were I to conceal the conviction, that he does not possess the talents adapted to the Administration of Government, and that there are great and intrinsic defects in his character, which unfit him for the office of Chief Magistrate."
"To give a correct idea of the circumstances which have gradually produced this conviction, it may be useful to retrospect to an early period."
After these remarks Mr. Hamilton observes "that he was one of that numerous class who had conceived a high veneration for Mr. Adams, on account of the part he acted in the first stages of our revolution."
In the course of the war Mr. H's opinion of Mr. A. was changed, from the attachment of the latter to the annual enlistment of troops, and his desire that a new commander of the army should be annually appointed, both of which measures Mr.
Hamilton considered as injurious.
Just before the close of the war, Mr. Hamilton became a member of Congress. He there discovered "symptoms of a party already formed, too well disposed to subject the interests of the United States to the management of France." He at once determined to resist this bias; and to this resolution he ascribes the political persecution he has since experienced.
Mr. Adams was one of the commissioners for treating of peace with Great Britain. The commissioners received from Congress instructions dictated by a regard to France, under which sentiment they were directed, if required, to make certain concessions to France. "Mr. Adams had the fortitude to break through the fetters which were laid upon them by those instructions; and there is reason to believe, that, by doing it, they both accelerated the peace with Great Britain, and improved terms, while they preserved our faith with France."
This conduct of Mr. Adams inspired Mr. Hamilton with high respect for him; though to Mr. Jay is due the greatest credit for the "lead he took in the several steps of the transaction."
"But this did not hinder me from making careful observations upon his several communications, and endeavoring to derive from them an accurate idea of his talents and character. This scrutiny enhanced my esteem in the main, for his moral qualifications, but lessened my respect for his intellectual endowments."
"I then adopted an opinion, which all my subsequent experience has confirmed, that he is a man of an imagination sublimated and eccentric; propitious neither to the regular display of sound judgment, nor to steady perseverance in a systematic plan of conduct; & I began to perceive what has been since too manifest, that, to this defect are added the unfortunate foibles of a vanity without bounds, and a jealousy capable of discoloring every object."
"Strong evidence of some traits of this character is to be found in a Journal of Mr. ADAMS, which was sent by the then Secretary of Foreign Affairs to Congress. The reading of this Journal extremely embarrassed his friends, especially the delegates of Massachusetts, who more than once interrupted it, & at last, succeeded in putting a stop to it, on the suggestion that it bore the marks of a private and confidential paper, which, by some mistake, had gotten into its present situation, and never could have been designed as a public document for the inspection of Congress. The good humour of that body yielded to the suggestion."
Mr. Hamilton's opinion of Mr. Adams did not prevent him from cordially supporting him for the Vice Presidency.
"But it was deemed an essential point of caution to take care, that accident, or an intrigue of the opposers of the government, should not raise Mr. ADAMS, instead of General WASHINGTON, to the first place."
"Great was my astonishment, and equally great my regret, when afterwards, I learned from persons of unquestionable veracity, that Mr. ADAMS had complained of unfair treatment, in not having been permitted to take an equal chance with Gen. WASHINGTON, by leaving the votes to an uninfluenced current."
Mr. Adams was elected Vice President; and Mr. H. declares himself to have been well satisfied with the official deportment of Mr. Adams, who, as a one of the Trustees of the Sinking fund, gave him his decided support against the systematic opposition of Mr. Jefferson.
"The epoch at length arrived, when the retreat of Gen. WASHINGTON made it necessary to fix upon a successor. By this time, men of principal influence in the Federal Party, whose situation had led them to an intimate acquaintance with Mr. ADAMS's character, began to entertain serious doubts about his fitness for the station; yet, his pretensions, in several respects,
were so strong, that after mature reflection, they thought it better to indulge their hopes than to listen to their fears. To this conclusion, the desire of preserving harmony in the Federal Party, was a weighty inducement. Accordingly it was determined to support Mr. ADAMS for the Chief Magistracy."
With Mr. Adams, it was agreed by the Federalists to support Thomas Pinckney. It was understood that both these gentlemen should be supported by the undivided strength of the federal party.
Mr. Hamilton does not disguise his preference of Mr. Pinckney to Mr. Adams. He appeals to his confidential friends in corroboration of this, and as proof that his "disapprobation of Mr. Adams has not originated in the disappointment to which it had been un candidly attributed."
"The considerations which had reconciled me to the success of Mr. PINCKNEY, were of a nature exclusively public. They resulted from the disgusting egotism, the distempered jealousy, and the ungovernable indiscretion of Mr. ADAMS' temper, joined to some doubts of the correctness of his maxims of Administration. Though in matters of Finance he had acted with the Federal party; yet he had more than once, broached theories at variance with his practice. And in conversation, he repeatedly made excursions into the field of foreign politics, which alarmed the friends of the prevailing system."
Mr. Adams was elected President.
"It is a fact, which ought not to be forgotten, that Mr. ADAMS, who had evinced discontent, because he had not been permitted to take an equal chance with Gen. WASHINGTON, was enraged with all those who had thought that Mr. PINCKNEY ought to have had an equal chance with him. But in this there is perfect consistency. The same turn of temper is the solution of the displeasure in both cases."
"It is to this circumstance of the equal support of Mr. PINCKNEY, that we are in a great measure to refer the serious feuds which have since grown up in the Federal party."
"Mr. ADAMS never could forgive the men who had been engaged in the plan; though it embraced some of his most partial admirers. He has discovered bitter animosity against several of them. Against me, his rage has been so vehement, as to have caused him more than once, to forget the decorum, which, in his situation, ought to have been an inviolable law. It will not appear an exaggeration to those who have studied his character, to suppose that he is capable of being alienated from a system to which he has been attached, because it is upheld by men whom he hates. How large a share this may have had in some recent aberrations, cannot easily be determined."
More recent occurrences strengthened Mr. Hamilton's conviction of the unfitness of Mr. Adams for the station he held.
"The letter which has just appeared in the public prints, written by him, while Vice-President, to TENCH COXE, is of itself conclusive evidence of the justness of this sentiment. It is impossible to speak of this transaction in terms suitable to its nature, without losing sight that Mr. ADAMS is President of the United States."
"This letter avows the suspicion, that the appointment of Mr. PINCKNEY to the court of London, had been procured or promoted by British Influence. And considering the parade with which the story of the Duke of Leeds is told, it is fair to consider that circumstance as the principal, if not the sole, ground of the odious and degrading suspicion."
Mr. Hamilton, at some length, repels the insinuations made by Mr. Adams in his letter, and endeavours to show that the inference deduced of the existence of British influence is futile and absurd. After several pointed remarks he asks
"But a more serious question remains: How will Mr. ADAMS answer to the government and to his country, for having thus wantonly given the sanction of his opinion to the worst of the aspersions which the enemies of the administration have impudently thrown upon it? Can we be surprised that such a torrent of slander was poured out against it, when a man, the second in official rank, the second in the favour of the friends of the government, stooped to become himself, one of its calumniators?—It is peculiarly unlucky for Mr. ADAMS in this affair, that he is known to have desired, at the time, the appointment which was given to Mr. PINCKNEY. The President declined the measure, thinking that it was compatible neither with the spirit of the constitution nor with the dignity of the government, to designate the Vice-President to such a station."
"This letter, better than volumes, develops the true, the unfortunate character of Mr. ADAMS."
"The remaining causes of dissatisfaction with him respect his conduct in the office of President; which, in my opinion, has been a heterogeneous compound of right and wrong, of wisdom and error."
After condemning as temporising the inaugural speech of Mr. Adams, Mr. H. takes a view of his measures in regard to our foreign relations.
On the refusal by the French government to receive General Pinckney, "as a final effort for accommodation, and as a means, in case of failure, of enlightening and combining public opinion, it was resolved to make another and a more solemn experiment, in the form of a commission of three."
"This measure (with some objections to the detail) was approved by all parties; by the antifederalists, because they thought no evil so great as the rupture with France; by the federalists, because it was their system to avoid war with every power, if it could be done without the sacrifice of essential interests or absolute humiliation."
Mr. Adams's conduct thus far receives the unqualified applause of Mr. Hamilton.
"The event of this experiment is fresh in our recollection. Our envoys, like our minister, were rejected."
"The friends of the Government were not agreed as to ulterior measures. Some were for immediate and unqualified war; others for a more mitigated course; the dissolution of treaties, preparation of force by land and sea, partial hostilities of a defensive tendency; leaving to France the option of seeking accommodation, or proceeding to open war. The latter course prevailed."
"The latter conduct of the President forms a painful contrast to his commencement. It has sunk the tone of the public mind—it has impaired the confidence of the friends of the Government in the Executive Chief—it has distracted public opinion—it has unnerved the public councils—it has sown the seeds of discord at home, and lowered the reputation of the Government abroad.—The circumstances which preceded, aggravate the disagreeableness of the results. They prove that the injudicious things which have been acted, were not the effects of any regular plan, but the fortuitous emanations of momentary impulses."
"The session, which ensued the promulgation of the dispatches of our commissioners, was about to commence. Mr. ADAMS arrived at Philadelphia from his seat at Quincey. The tone of his mind seemed to have been raised, rather than depressed."
"It was suggested to him, that it might be expedient to insert in his speech to Congress a sentiment of this import: That after the repeatedly rejected advances of this country, its dignity required that it should be left with France in future to make the first overture; that if, desirous of reconciliation, she should evince the disposition by sending a minister to this government, he would be received with the respect due to his character, and treated with in the frankness of a sincere desire of accommodation."
(Continued on last page.)

the expediency of relinquishing him. It is even apparent, that a large proportion still retain the attachment which was once a common sentiment. Those of them, therefore, who are dissatisfied, as far as my information goes, are, generally speaking, willing to forbear opposition, and to acquiesce in the equal support of Mr. Adams with Mr. Pinckney, whom they prefer. Have they not a claim to equal deference from those who continue attached to the former? Ought not these, in candor, to admit the possibility that the friends who differ from them, act not only from pure motives, but from cogent reasons? Ought they not, by a co-operation in general Pinckney, to give a chance for what will be a safe issue, supposing that they are right in their preference, and the best issue should they happen to be mistaken? Especially, since by doing this, they will increase the probability of excluding a third candidate, of whose unfitness all sincere federalists are convinced. If they do not pursue this course, they will certainly incur an immense responsibility to their friends and to the government."
"To promote this co-operation, to defend my own character, to vindicate those friends, who with myself have been unkindly aspersed, are the inducements for writing this letter. Accordingly, it will be my endeavour to regulate the communication of it in such a manner as will not be likely to deprive Mr. Adams of a single vote. Indeed, it is much my wish that its circulation could for ever be confined within narrow limits. I am sensible of the inconveniences of giving publicity to a similar development of the character of the Chief Magistrate of our country; and I lament the necessity of taking a step which will involve that result. Yet to suppress truths, the disclosure of which is so interesting to the public welfare as well as to the vindication of my friends and myself, did not appear to me justifiable."
"The restraints to which I submit, are a proof of my disposition to sacrifice to the professions of those, with whom I have heretofore thought and acted, and from whom in the present question I am compelled to differ. To refrain from a decided opposition to Mr. Adams's re-election has been reluctantly sanctioned by my judgment; which has been not a little perplexed between the unqualified conviction of his unfitness for the station contemplated, and a sense of the great importance of cultivating harmony among the supporters of the government; on whose firm union hereafter will probably depend the preservation of order, tranquility, liberty, property; the security of every social and domestic blessing."
The two letters addressed to Mr. Adams follow; for which our readers are referred to our first number.
In the above abstract, some parts of the pamphlet have been published, which previously appeared in the National Intelligencer. It was considered more eligible to re-insert them in their proper order, than to make references which might not be conveniently consulted.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
RUPTURE OF THE ARMISTICE.
H. 2. at Soden, near Frankfort, 10 Fructidor, Aug. 28.
Order of the day in the Batavian army.
The army is informed, that the emperor having refused to subscribe to the conditions of the preliminaries of peace, which had been signified by his plenipotentiary at Paris, the government is under the necessity of continuing the war. The armistice is in consequence broken off, and it will cease to have effect the 20th inst. (Sept. 7) at one in the afternoon.
GEN. MENOU TO BUONAPARTE.
H. Q. Cairo, July 3, 1800.
Citizen Consul,
"A horrible event which has few examples in the annals of history has raised me to the provisional command of the army of the East. Gen. Kleber was assassinated the 14th June last. A wretch dispatched from Gaza about 48 days ago, by the Aga of the Janissaries of the Ottoman army, pierced with four thrusts of a poignard the General in chief, at the moment when he was walking with citizen Protain the architect, upon the terrace which from the garden of the head-quarters commands a view of the place Ezbekjer. Citizen Protain, in attempting to defend the general, was himself pierced with six strokes of a poignard. The first blow which Kleber received was mortal. He has fallen. Protain is still alive. The general who was
giving orders for the repair of the head-quarters, and of the garden, had with him no aid-du-camp, none of the corps of guides.
"It was his wish to be alone. He was found expiring. The assassin, discovered under a heap of rubbish, and brought to the head-quarters, acknowledged that he had been solicited to commit the crime by the Aga of the Janissaries of the Ottoman army commanded by the Grand Vizier in person. The Vizier unable to conquer the French fairly in arms, employed for his revenge the dagger, the weapon of cowards. The assassin called himself Soleymann el Aleppi. He came from Aleppo; arrived at Cairo after having crossed the desert on a trocadero, he lodged at the Grand Mosquee. Eleazar, from which he came out daily to watch an opportunity to commit the crime. He confided his secret to four subordinate chiefs of the law, who sought to divert him from his purpose, but who, not having informed against him, have been arrested in consequence of the depositions of the assassin condemned to death, and executed the 17th of last month."
[Menou then relates the trial and execution of the assassin, and his confidants. The former was impaled and the latter beheaded. It appears by general Menou's letter that general Kleber had capitulated a second time, (April 21st) for the evacuation of Egypt. Since then Menou is determined "to preserve to the Republic the magnificent colony of Egypt."]
General Kleber's obsequies were celebrated in great military pomp. At the place of interment the Staff of the army knelt to pray, to salute the remains of their General; and the military of all ranks advanced spontaneously to the tomb on which they strewed crowns of cypress and laurel, accompanying this last homage with expressions of the most sincere regret. Citizen Fourier pronounced his funeral oration.
FROM EUROPE.
The state of uncertainty, as to peace, on the eleventh of September in London, was the same as on the eighth of the same month, to which date the accounts detailed in our last were confined. We have now by captain Jameson, from Liverpool, papers three days in advance. They contain the "official notice" of the French generals to the Austrian armies, that "hostilities will be renewed on the seventh of September, if such an answer is not returned to the pacific proposals of the first consul, as is compatible with the honour and interest of the French Republic." The English papers very generally represent the affairs of the Austrian government so completely deranged, fiscal as well as military; their treasury so exhausted, and their army so dispirited by the events of the last campaign, as to make it impossible for the war to be renewed with any reasonable hope of such a termination as will justify that court in persisting in its blind impolitic devotion to the British faction. This faction, led by Thugut, the minister, and supported by the Queen, is indefatigable in its efforts to prevent a peace; although the dominions of Germany are threatened with a dreadful and most extensive invasion of two hundred and fifty thousand soldiers, in the service of their enemies, which are now quartered in their most fertile provinces.
It is agreed on all hands, that their armies as well as citizens pant for PEACE; that the pride, pomp, and "circumstance of glorious war," have lost their former charms; and that the scourge of GOD now appears in its native deformity to the oppressed subjects of that iron despotism, bleeding in every vein to gratify the venal ambition of a monster, and the vanity of a woman.
In Vienna the Emperor has been repeatedly insulted at the theatre. On the representation of a play called the Peace of Pruth , this fascinating found was echoed and re-echoed in every quarter; and their Serene HIGHNESSES were obliged to retire in confusion. Whether more brutal force will be yet necessary to stop this torrent in favour of PEACE, is equivocal—a few days will solve the problem.
In one of the papers it is asserted that an armed neutrality has been actually signed between the Russians, Swedes and Danes; while the British report and affect to believe, that the Danes, lately insulted by them, have shamefully submitted to the terms which they had dictated.
The British are forming secret expeditions abroad, while the poor are riotous and starving at home.
The assassination of Gen. KLEBER is officially confirmed by letters from General MENOU.
As to the American Envoys, they seem nearly lost in the cloud of events, which overspread the European Continent; and it is scarcely noticed in the papers that they yet have a "political existence."
[INDEPEND. CHRONICLE.]
LONDON, September 8.
Orders were received on Friday at Plymouth for all the men of war in readiness in this port, to sail immediately to join the Channel fleet. The Royal Sovereign, Prince George, Princess Royal, and Bellerophon accordingly put to sea. These orders have given rise to a report that the combined fleets are about to put to sea.
According to letters from Vienna of the 20th, a courier had arrived in that city from Naples, with the news of an insurrection having broken out in Sicily, which had obliged the King to retire to an English squadron: and that a considerable body of insurgents had marched to Palermo, and demanded that the King should be delivered up to them.
By the Naples Gazette of the 20th July, the insurgents had considerably increased, as well at Naples as at Palermo, since the French had entered Italy. More than 400 arrests had taken place at Naples between the 13th and 17th of July.
LONDON, Sept. 11.
ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
The point in discussion between this country and France, is the demand of an armistice by sea. The chief consul has expressed his willingness to treat with Great-Britain and Austria jointly, provided that demand is acceded to. Undoubtedly an armistice by sea would be much more advantageous to France than Great-Britain, because it would enable the former to obtain many naval supplies of which the combined fleets are in want, and which they cannot procure during the blockade of Brest. But there is one point which should not be excluded from our consideration. The equinoctial gales will set in soon, and a continuance of the blockade will be extremely difficult, if not impossible. France will then be able to obtain the necessaries she is in want of, and to send out ships and squadrons. There is another thing which deserves to be considered.—Is it deemed a desirable object to negotiate jointly with Austria? Undoubtedly it is.—We must therefore take into the account, that the superiority of advantage in the armistice between Austria and France, is on the side of the former, and thus we must set off the advantages which our ally enjoys, against the benefits which would accrue to France from an armistice with this country. We failed yesterday, and every thing tends to confirm the opinion, that it is to bring the question of this armistice by sea to a point that Buonaparte has given notice to Austria of the termination of the armistice by land. If we accede to his demand hostilities will not be renewed, and a joint negotiation will be immediately opened.—There is another question of material importance. It is of singular advantage to a nation in the outset of negotiation to give a proof of her being influenced by a sincere desire for peace. Such a proof we should afford to France, and to all Europe, by consenting to an armistice, because it would be obvious that we could only be actuated by motives of the most pacific nature.
SUMMARY.
Admiral Keith is said to be gone to Minorca to bring away the English troops.—Buonaparte approves the late revolution in Switzerland—and requests no constitution may be established till after peace, as her territory may be altered.—General Abercrombie is at Leghorn with troops corresponding with the Austrian general Melas. The French have again possession of Romagna.—Buonaparte is said to expect to send the fleets out of Brest, when the equinoctial gales prevail.—Napper Tandy is again indicted.—The report of a change of ministry at Vienna gains ground.—The Cis-Alpine Constitution is finished but not to be carried into operation till peace.—Buonaparte has sent Duroc to Berlin on a mission.—Admiral de Winter is the Batavian Charge des Affairs at Paris.—The English are getting fresh troops in readiness for embarkation.—One paper reports that sixty thousand troops are to go by the way of the Red Sea to drive the bur-like French out of Egypt.—A line of gun boats is moored before the Sound, Hamoaze and Cawland Bay.
Upon a review, therefore, of the whole question, not blind to the benefits France would enjoy, yet believing that those benefits would be balanced by the prevention of the renewal of hostilities between France and Austria, by the advantages of a joint negotiation, and by the proof we should afford of our sincerity, we are of opinion that it would be a wise policy to assent to the demand of the Chief Consul.
FRANCE AND PORTUGAL.
A Lisbon mail arrived this morning, brought by the Prince Adolphus packet in twelve days. The private letters inform us that all hopes of peace between France and
Portugal are at an end; the latter having rejected the Chief Consul's offer. An invasion is expected.—General Berthier and his suite have arrived at Madrid; a passport was applied for by the General to proceed to Lisbon in order to have a conference with the Prince Regent. The request however was refused, because it was suspected that Berthier's real object was to reconnoitre the state of the country. The communications between the courts of Lisbon and Madrid are frequent. General Abercrombie is expected at Lisbon with 10,000 men. The situation of Portugal is represented, in the letters by the mail, to be deplorable. Provisions are scarce, and the vintage and harvest have entirely failed.
DENMARK & GREAT BRITAIN.
Government have declared that the statement contained in the letters brought by the Hamburg mail, of the conditions of the Convention between this country and Denmark, is erroneous in almost every respect. No part of the Convention with that power stipulates that the damages sustained by the Danish frigate shall be repaid at the expense of Great Britain, nor is there any reserve stipulated by Denmark for its convoys in the Mediterranean. The only point which was in dispute between this country and Denmark, the practice of attempting, by sending convoys, to exempt Danish vessels from search, has been adjusted entirely to the satisfaction of His Majesty's Government. [The Danish frigate has gone into an English dock to be repaired.]
PARIS, Sept. 6.
Government has received by the ship Osiris from Egypt, official letters from the army.
It is said that Russia and Prussia will march 100,000 men in order to conclude a peace.
August 18.
It is now known that captain Baudin has set out to proceed on a voyage round the world or rather to complete the voyage of M. Peyrouse; and that he will be respected by every friendly power, neutral and belligerent. This conduct of the minister of the interior is above all praise. It is impossible to go too far in the love of justice and the respect due to humanity.
LUBEC, August 24.
We have just witnessed a truly curious sight in a Protestant country. The religious of the order of La Trappe, in France, had at first taken refuge in Switzerland, where they had formed a small establishment, and even founded a house of their order for women.
They quitted that asylum to go to Russia, where tempting offers were made them—but upon their arrival on the frontiers, they announced pretensions which displeased the emperor. Paul I. embarked them at Koenigsberg, after having supplied their wants. They have just landed at our port. Judge of the eagerness of all the inhabitants to see men whom devotion and piety have rendered so famous. They hurried in crowds to the river side; 70 men and 50 women landed, all equally silent & modest, and avoiding the gaze of the multitude. The women were treated with exemplary charity by the inhabitants; the men were lodged at the entrance of the town.
These religious persons appear to be singular in every thing. Upon their arrival, their interpreter requested that they might be kept at the expence of the town. The magistrates acceded to this request; but collections were made for them throughout the town. They will remain here until they have received intelligence from England, where there is an idea of establishing them. If, however difficulties should arise, they will seek an asylum offered them in the United States of America.
Mademoiselle de Bourbon, the daughter of the Prince de Conde, is among them. It is known that when the order were at Friburg her father had much trouble in prevailing upon her to let him see her.
Close to the dizzy edge Of Criffel's Cliff, that overhangs its base, On hands and knees the giddy babe had crept.
Lysippa saw!—With agony too great To speak, feeling as mothers feel, she stood All motionless with grief. What could she dare?
To stir was death: and not to stir—Great God! Sure 'twas Thyself who didst into her soul Inspire the sudden thought: she bar'd her breast,
Still motionless with hope. The well known treat Caught the child's eye. Lysippa softly stepp'd, And seiz'd the boy. Still, Nature's softest food, Thou art a mother's bribe to save her babe."

WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 5th, 1800.
In Pennsylvania, at the late election, seven senators were chosen, six of whom are republicans, and one federal; and seventy eight members of the House of Representatives, 55 of whom are republicans, and 23 federal.
The legislature of New-Jersey have unanimously re-elected RICHARD HOWELL governor.
On the 30th instant, they proceeded to the choice of Electors of President and Vice President, when the votes stood thus:
 Isaac Smith, of Hunterdon 38  William Griffith, Burlington 34  Richard Stockton, Somerset 36  Dr. Sam. Stanhope Smith, Middlesex 35  Joshua L. Howell, Gloucester 35  Matthias Williamson, jun. Essex 35  Thomas Sinnickson, Salem. 36  James Mot, Monmouth 14  Moore Furman, Burlington 14  William Woodhull, Morris 10  William Helms, Sussex 14  Samuel Hay, Essex 13  Henry Southard, Somerset 15  John Cobb, Morris 13 
The first seven gentlemen formed the federal ticket.
The general Assembly of Rhode-Island are now in Session.
The bill vesting the choice of Electors for President and Vice President in the Legislature of Connecticut, has passed the House of Representatives of that state by a very great majority—there being in favour of it 147—against it 27.
The votes for Representatives to Congress in Vermont taking both districts together give the republican candidate, 5491 the federal 5091. So that if chosen by a general Ticket, the republican would have a majority of 400.
Extract of a letter from Vermont, Oct. 21
Our Legislature, which is now in session, has convinced us of its federalism, by again electing Mr. Paine to represent us in the Senate of the United States; General Bradley was the democratic candidate—Mr. Paine obtained a majority of 34. Mr. Jefferson will not receive a vote in Vermont at the ensuing election."
Thomas Lowndes, Esq. is elected to represent the city of Charleston, S. C. in the seventh Congress of the United States, vice Major Pinckney, who declined a re-election.
Gen. C. C. Pinckney is elected to represent the city of Charleston in the Senate of the State of South Carolina. John Dayton, lieutenant governor of South Carolina, has issued his proclamation, summoning the Legislature of S. Carolina, to convene, punctually, at Columbia, on the 24th inst. to make choice of Electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States—which by law must take place on the 28th.
Extract of a letter from Lewes, Sussex, in England.
The situation of this Country, at this time, is really dreadful, the bulk of the people are oppressed beyond all description, the taxes are so heavy, that numbers of industrious tradesmen are obliged to apply for parochial assistance, while others who have a spirit above that with their families are in a state of literal starvation:—Still they are all Mum! —They dare not open their mouths to say a word against the cause of it; for a numerous garrison is quartered in every town ready to cut them down, if they dare even to murmur.—The quarter loaf is 1s. 6d. per lb. But soldiers have bread for 1d 1-2 per lb. Beef and Mutton, is 9d. and 10d. per lb. Soldiers have it for 5d. per lb.— John Bull pays the overplus, but must not grumble! Distrust and dejection sit on every countenance, for Sword and Bastiles hang over their heads by a thread, from the dread of which they appear in a fallen state of apathy.
DIED.—at the Poor-house, near Wilmington, (Del.) on the 21st inst. Sarah Lea, aged 102 years. Her youngest son was at Braddock's defeat, and was then 21 years of age.
From the 21st of August to the 25th of October, there died at Baltimore 1197 persons, of whom 978 were adults, and 219 children, agreeably to the statement published by the commissioners of Health.
children, agreeably to the statement published by the commissioners of Health.
Since the latter end of May 21 privateers and French letters of Marque, have been captured, and several American vessels recaptured, by our cruisers on the Guadaloupe station.
The Baltimore sloop of war, capt. Cowper, has arrived at Norfolk, after a cruise of thirteen months, during which time she has captured three French vessels, recaptured three American, and safely convoyed upwards of 300 sail. The crew are in remarkable good health, having lost but two men in that time, one of whom (a marine) was killed by a musket ball, in a brush with a French privateer.
FOR THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
Since the termination of the war which achieved our freedom, I have lived in retirement. It was my wish to have died as I had lived. He who has struggled with a storm requires repose: The tranquil pleasures of retirement indispose him to a precipitate participation in the turbulent scenes of active life. Enjoying happiness myself, I have hitherto persuaded myself that my country also was happy.
Not altogether inattentive to the affairs of the world, and the hostile opinions of different descriptions of men, I have however strove to believe that as far as this difference existed in the United States, it sprang more from ignorance than vice, and that the violence of party feeling ascribed views and actions totally untrue.
As my heart had even rejoiced in the prosperity of my fellow men, its most ardent hope was that the representation of their felicity was just. This hope triumphed over my judgment, and I really believed them to be happy.
I know the close connection between the happiness of a nation and the goodness of its government; and I did not hesitate to believe that government to be the best administered which produced such beneficial effects.
But still the storm of hostile opinion continued to rage. The voice of calumny against the men in power, and their measures, became loud and indignant. The lofty tone in which it addressed the people roused my attention, and awoke me from my lethargy. The first question I asked myself was "Have I been deceived?" The second was, "Who have deceived me?"
My memory retraced, with unalloyed satisfaction the memorable events of the Revolution. I beheld with exultation a band of statesmen, collected from the different quarters of America, unconected by any other interests, unswayed by any other motives, that those which centered in the common welfare of their country. Their deliberations, conducted with prudence, issued in the declaration, and were followed by the successful assertion of the unalienable rights of nature—of those rights whose existence proves while it protects all that is dear to man.
The principles, laid down in the declaration of independence, were diffused with the rapidity and energy of lightning. Wherever they took effect, they produced the most decided convictions of the truth of republican institutions, and the most determined spirit to establish and support them. Monarchy became an object of alternate indignation and derision.
During the whole period of the revolutionary war there appeared to be no serious division among our citizens. For those differences which arose in relation to the military operations do not deserve the name. One mind presided in our councils, one soul animated the people. The effects were mighty and glorious. The sword of invasion fell impotent to the ground, and the haughty chieftans of Britain crouched beneath the irresistible spirit of freedom.
What were the principles that produced these happy and honorable effects? They were,
 1. That all men are free by nature, and that the exercise of no just power can impair their freedom.  2. That freedom consists in the enjoyment of equal rights, and can only exist in a Republic.  3. That governments are prone to commit abuses, and that unless restrained by the vigilance and spirit of the people they become instruments of oppression, instead of being, as they ought to be, the guardians of the general happiness.  4. That to insure the existence of this vigilance, and to embody and apply this principle, the liberty of the press should be sacred and inviolable. 
5. That as every nation is independent of all others, its government should adopt measures with an exclusive view to its own happiness, so far as its promotion does not injure other nations.
6. That the best way of preserving the purity of our political institutions, and of securing the blessings of peace, is to avoid all unnecessary political connections with all foreign nations whatever.
In addition to the frequent assertion of those principles by the American Congress, we find the repeated declaration that man is in a state of progressive improvement; and that with the development of the powers of his mind, he naturally rises by regular gradations to a more perfect state. That change, therefore, in political institutions, so far from being pernicious or dangerous, is beneficial and secure; inasmuch, as if it be made with prudence and intelligence, it produces a harmony between the opinions and actions of the citizens, and the laws, whereby the latter are regulated.
He who reviews the records of the revolution will find these principles perpetually recurring; he will find them impressed with solemnity, he will find them undisputed. After constituting the glory of our ancestors, they became the legacy of their children.
But how have they been received? Have they been received with approbation, and cherished with unshaken regard? Has every voice spoken their praise, and every heart beat at their recollection? Has the path of national glory opened by our ancestors, been undivertingly pursued by us? Or have we, regardless of the prize we possessed treated it, now with indifference, and now trampled it under foot?
These are awful questions—I wish I could answer them in the affirmative. For God knows that my Country is dear to me as my life, and her honor is only prized as inferior to my own.
Let us then, my dear fellow citizens, make this interesting inquiry with coolness, but with a sacred regard to truth.
For my own part, I hesitate not to declare that my convictions are unshaken, my independence of mind unimpaired. Governments gave it not to me, nor shall governments deprive me of it. Chains may control the freedom of my body, instruments of torture may inflict pain or death, but my will no human power can control or subdue.
A FREEMAN.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The appearance of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER has been protracted to this day, by the unavoidable, though unanticipated embarrassments attending the removal of a Printing Office. The vessel, which contained the greater part of the materials, failed from Philadelphia on the 20th of September; but did not arrive in this City till the 25th inst. owing to her having been driven on shore by the violence of the late storm. This information is given to remove any censure that may have been thrown upon the Editor for his unexecuted delay.
The Editor, at the commencement of his duties, considers it as not improper to state the nature of the plan, which he intends to pursue, and concisely to notice the principles by which he proposes to regulate his own conduct, as well as those by which it is expected that Correspondents will regulate theirs.
Various political opinions divide the civilized world. These opinions in some cases are diffused by the press; in others by the sword.
Amidst this collision of hostile sentiments, no surer safeguard of human happiness exists, than the liberty of the press.
There is truth in the declaration the venerable CONGRESS of 1774, who in their address to the inhabitants of Quebec, speaking of the freedom of the press, say "The importance of this consists, besides the advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in general, in its diffusion of liberal sentiments on the administration of government, its ready communication of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential PROMOTION OF UNION AMONG THEM, whereby oppressive officers are shamed, or intimidated into more honorable and just modes of conducting affairs."
But while the Editor classes with our dearest rights the Liberty of the Press, he is decidedly inimical to its licentiousness.
As, on the one hand, the conduct of public men, and the tendency of public measures will be freely examined, so, on the other, private character will remain inviolable, nor shall indelicate ideas or expressions be admitted, however disguised by satire or envenomed by wit.
No sentiments whatever, on the prevalence of which the general good depends, will be excluded from enquiry and discussion. Guided by this principle, the editor need not caution the public against ascribing to him, a belief in all the opinions which may occasionally be supported, or a disbelief of those which may be opposed. For as he means not to surrender his own sentiments, so he does not expect that those who write for the National Intelligencer will surrender theirs.
In the admission of compiled as well as original articles, it will be his object to be impartial, and to exhibit, as they exist, the varying opinions and actions of men. Let it, however, be considered, that impartiality does not consist in the ACTUAL ADMISSION of as much political matter on one side as the other; but in a readiness to insert articles of merit on either side.
Aware of the equivocal character of professions, and convinced that the public judgment will be formed, as it ought to be, from the manner in which the National Intelligencer shall be conducted, the Editor will add only one remark. His Paper will be PURELY AMERICAN. It will be his effort to promote the true interests of his own Country, uninfluenced either by foreign attachments or enmities.
The following are the TERMS on which the National Intelligencer will be published, subjoined to which is the address which accompanied the Proposal Papers.
 1. The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER shall be printed three times a week on good cemi paper, and with a new type.  2. The annual subscription shall be Five Dollars paid constantly in advance by all subscribers not residing in the City of Washington, and Six Dollars paid by those who reside in the City; in which case the payment shall be half yearly. It being understood that subscribers, residing at a distance from the City of Washington, are invariably to pay for a year in advance, and in every such case the transmission of the Paper will cease as soon as the period shall expire for which payment shall have been made. No paper will be forwarded in any instance until the money is actually paid.  3. All Letters to be post paid. 
The Editor of the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, impressed with the great importance of the present crisis, and with the strong necessity of having conducted, at the seat of the General Government, a newspaper, that may claim the reputation of being useful, by diffusing unperverted facts, and correct political ideas, has determined to enter upon the arduous duties which such an object involves. He is well apprised of the expense and exertion which such an establishment requires. But he confides in the prompt and energetic co-operation of the friends of truth and of their country in the different parts of the Union. As it is his firm determination, that nothing shall be admitted into the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER, which shall wound national, or calumniate private character, so it is his unalterable purpose freely to insert, and earnestly to invite, whatever shall promote the general welfare. His, and this only, shall be the motive by which his professional deportment shall be guided.
Hitherto, in the management of the UNIVERSAL GAZETTE, the Editor has confined himself, agreeably to the original plan, to recording events as they occurred, with but little animadversion on their causes or effects; and as far as opinions were involved, to relating those of others rather than his own. The Universal Gazette will still be continued on the same plan; the only change that takes place, will arise from its being printed at the seat of government at Washington, instead of Philadelphia; whereby its value will be appreciated rather than impaired.
With respect to the National Intelligencer, another plan will be pursued. Over a faithful and comprehensive detail of facts will preside a spirit of investigation, a desire to enlighten, not only by fact, but by reason. The tendency of public measures, and the conduct of public men, will be examined with candour and truth.
In addition to the mass of information, formed by domestic and foreign events, and especially by a detailed statement of the debates and proceedings of Congress, as much original matter will be furnished as the exertions of the Editor shall be able to command. And if he be not deceived, he can promise the readers of the National Intelligencer, an organ, which shall communicate the language of truth with accuracy, with dignity, and with spirit.
The NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER is this day presented to the Public. It is the first Paper printed in WASHINGTON; and from the vicinity of the Editor to the Capitol, the seat of the public bodies, he expects to be enabled to furnish the earliest and most correct notices of their deliberations. The crisis of national affairs is deeply interesting, whether contemplated in relation to our internal or external situation. Fully impressed with the sacred duties of the press in such times, and sensible how much good or mischief may be effected by the virtuous or vicious application of the power with which public opinion has invested it, truth and truth only , shall be the guide of the Editor. In many instances he will doubtless be deceived. But in all instances a consciousness of error will be followed by a candid renunciation of it.
The design of the National Intelligencer is to diffuse correct information through the whole extent of the union. From the whole extent, therefore, of the union, it must derive the patronage that shall sustain it; and every friend to its plan is invited to promote it, by making known its nature and character to his fellow citizens in his neighbourhood.
For this sole purpose, not in the unworthy spirit of solicitation, it is intended to forward a few of the early numbers to citizens of respectability in the several states, who are requested to use their good offices, if they consider the Paper worthy encouragement.

"The suggestion was received in a manner both indignant and intemperate."
"Mr. Adams declared as a sentiment which he had adopted on mature reflection; That if France should send a minister to-morrow, he would order him back the day after."
"So imprudent an idea was easily refuted. Little argument was requisite to show that by a similar system of retaliation, when one government in a particular instance had refused the envoy of another, nations might entail upon each other perpetual hostility; mutually barring the avenues of explanation."
"In less than forty-eight hours from this extraordinary sally, the mind of Mr. Adams underwent a total revolution—he resolved not only to insert in his speech the sentiment which had been proposed to him, but to go further, and to declare, that if France would give explicit assurances of receiving a minister from this country, with due respect, he would send one."
"In vain was this extension of the sentiment opposed by all his ministers, as being equally incompatible with good policy, and with the dignity of the nation—he obstinately persisted, and the pernicious declaration was introduced."
Mr. Hamilton assigns, in detail, his reasons against this assurance of the President. As they are such as have been often urged, it is not necessary in this place to state them. After their enumeration he observes:
"Yet upon this loose and vague foundation, Mr. Adams precipitately nominated Mr. MURRAY as envoy to the French Republic, without previous consultation with any of his ministers. The nomination itself was to each of them, even to the Secretary of State, his Constitutional Counsellor, in similar affairs, the first notice of the project."
"The precipitate nomination of Mr. MURRAY, brought Mr. Adams into an awkward predicament."
"He found it necessary to change his plan in its progress, and instead of one, to nominate three envoys, and to supperadd a promise, that, though appointed, they should not leave the United States till further and more perfect assurances were given by the French government."
"This remodification of the measure was a virtual acknowledgment that it had been premature. How unseemly was this fluctuation in the Executive Chief. It argued either instability of views, or want of sufficient consideration beforehand. The one or the other, in an affair of so great moment, is a serious reproach."
A new revolution took place in France, and new Directors were appointed.
"Yet our envoys were dispatched without a ratification of the assurance by the new Directory, at the hazard of the interests and the honor of the country."
"Again, the dangerous and degrading system of not consulting ministers, was acted upon."
"When the news of the revolution in the Directory arrived, Mr. Adams was at his seat in Massachusetts. His ministers addressed to him a joint letter, communicating the intelligence, and submitting to his consideration, whether that event ought not to suspend the projected mission. In a letter which he afterwards wrote from the same place, he directed the preparation of a draft of instructions for the envoys, and intimated that their departure would be suspended for some time."
"Shortly after he came to Trenton, where he adjusted with his ministers the tenor of the instructions to be given; but he observed a profound silence on the question, whether it was expedient that the mission should proceed. The morning after the instructions were settled, he signified to the Secretary of State that the envoys were immediately to depart."
"Giving Mr. Adams credit for sincerity, the desultoriness of his mind is evinced by the very different grounds upon which, at different times, he has defended the propriety of the mission."
"Sometimes he has treated with ridicule the idea of its being a measure which would terminate in peace; asserting that France would not accommodate, on terms admissible by the United States, and that the effect to be expected from the mission, was the demonstration of this truth, and the union of public opinion on the necessity of war."
"Sometimes and most frequently, he has vindicated the measure as one conformable with the general and strong wish of the country for peace, and as likely to promote that desirable object."
"There are some collateral incidents connected with this business of the mission, which it may not be useless to mention, as
they will serve still farther to illustrate the extreme propensity of Mr. Adams's temper to jealousy."
"It happened that I arrived at Trenton a short time before the president—Chief Justice ELSWORTH a short time after him. This was considered as evidence of a combination between the heads of departments, the Chief Justice and myself, to endeavor to influence or counteract him in the affair of the mission."
"The truth, nevertheless, most certainly is, that I went to Trenton with general WILKINSON, pursuant to a preconceived with him of some weeks standing, to accelerate, by personal conferences with the Secretary of War, the adoption and execution of arrangements which had been planned between that general and myself, for the future disposition of the Western Army."
"The circumstance which next presents itself is the dismissal of the two secretaries, PICKERING and M c HENRY. This circumstance, it is known, occasioned much surprise, and a strong sensation to the disadvantage of Mr. Adams."
"It happened at a peculiar juncture, immediately after the unfavorable turn of the election in New-York, and had much the air of an explosion of combustible materials which had been long prepared, but which had been kept down by prudent calculations respecting the effect of an explosion upon the friends of those ministers in the state of New-York. Perhaps, when it was supposed that nothing could be lost in this quarter, and that something might be gained elsewhere by an atoning sacrifice of those ministers, especially Mr. PICKERING, who had been for some time peculiarly odious to the opposition party, it was determined to proceed to extremities. This, as a mere conjecture, is offered for as much as it may be worth."
"One fact, however, is understood to be admitted, namely, that neither of the dismissed ministers had given any new or recent cause for their dismissal."
"A primary cause of the state of things which led to this event, is to be traced to the ungovernable temper of Mr. Adams. It is a fact that he is often liable to paroxysms of anger, which deprive him of self-command, and produce very outrageous behavior to those who approach him. Most of the members of the two houses of Congress, have been humiliated by the effects of these gusts of passion."
"This violence, and the little consideration for them which was implied in declining to consult them, had occasioned great dryness between the President and his ministers, except, I believe, the secretary of the navy."
"The neglect was of course most poignant to Mr. PICKERING, because it had repeatedly operated in matters appertaining to his office. Nor was it in the disposition of this respectable man, justly tenacious of his own dignity and independence, to practice condescensions towards an imperious chief. Hence the breach constantly grew wider and wider, till a separation took place."
"The manner of the dismissal was abrupt and uncourteous; ill suited to a man, who in different stations, had merited so much from his country."
"Admitting that when the president and his minister had gotten into a situation thus unpleasant, a separation was unavoidable; still, as there was no surmise of misconduct, the case required a frank politeness, not an uncomprehending austerity."
"But the remark most interesting in this particular, to the character of the President is, that it was by his own fault that he was brought into a situation which might oblige him to displace a minister, whose moral worth has his own suffrage, and whose abilities and services have that of the public."
"The dismissal of this minister was preceded by a very curious circumstance. It was, without doubt, announced as a thing shortly to happen in an opposition circle, before any friend of the government had the slightest suspicion of it. This circumstance taken in connection with the period at which it happened, naturally provokes the conjecture that there may have been some collateral inducements to the step."
"The dismissal of the Secretary at War took place about the same time. It was declared in the sequel of a long conversation between the President and him, of a nature to excite alternately pain and laughter; pain, for the weak and excessive indications of a Chief Magistrate of the United States; laughter at the ludicrous topics which constituted charges against this officer."
"A prominent charge was, that the secretary, in a report to the House of Representatives, had eulogized general WASHINGTON, and had attempted to eulogize general HAMILTON, which was adduced as
one proof of a combination, in which the Secretary was engaged, to depreciate and injure him the President."
"Wonderful! passing wonderful! that an eulogy of the dead patriot and hero, of the admired and beloved WASHINGTON, consecrated in the affections and reverence of his country, should, in any shape, be irksome to the ears of his successor!"
"Singular, also, that an encomium on the officer, first in rank in the armies of the United States, appointed and continued by Mr. Adams, should in his eyes have been a crime in the head of the war department, and that it should be necessary in order to avert his displeasure, to obliterate a compliment to that officer from an official report."
"Another principal topic of accusation was, that the secretary had, with the other ministers, signed the joint letter which had been addressed to the President respecting a suspension of the mission to France. It was often said, how he or they should pretend to know any thing of diplomatic affairs ; and it was plainly intimated that it was presumption in them to have meddled in such affairs."
"A variety of things equally frivolous and outré passed. By way of episode, it fell to my lot to be distinguished by a torrent of gross personal abuse; and I was accused of having contributed to the loss of the election in New-York, out of ill will to Mr. Adams: a notable expedient truly for giving vent to my ill will. Who is so blind as not to see, that if actuated by such a motive, I should have preferred by the success of the election, to have secured the choice of electors for the State of New-York, who would have been likely to co-operate in the views by which I was governed? To those who have not had opportunities of closely inspecting the weaknesses of Mr. Adams's character, the details of this extraordinary interview would appear incredible; but to those who have had these opportunities, they would not even furnish an occasion of surprise. But they would be to all who knew their truth, irrefragable proofs of his unfitness for the station of Chief Magistrate."
Mr. Hamilton, in the next place, censures with strong severity the pardon of Fries , and reproaches Mr. Adams with flagrant inconsistency. After dwelling on the necessity of making an example in vindication of the violated laws, he adds,
"Of this, Mr. Adams appeared to be sensible, that while the trials were pending, he more than once imprudently threw out, that the accused must found their hopes of escape either in their innocence or in the lenity of the juries; since from him, in case of conviction, they would have nothing to expect. And a very short time before he pardoned them, he declared with no small ostentation, that the mistaken clemency of Washington on the former occasion had been the cause of the second insurrection, and that he would take care there should not be a third, by giving the laws their full course against the convicted offenders."
"Yet he thought proper, as if distrusting the courts and officers of the United States, to resort through the Attorney-General to the counsel of the culprits, for a statement of their cases; in which was found, besides some objections of form, the novel doctrine, disavowed by every page of our law books, that treason does not consist of resistance by force to a public law; unless it be an act relative to the militia, or other military force."
"And upon this, or upon some ground, not easy to be comprehended, he of a sudden departed from all his former declarations, and against the unanimous advice of his ministers, with the Attorney General, came to the resolution, which he executed, of pardoning all those who had received sentence of death."
In page 45 Mr. Hamilton says, "I freely submit it, Sir, to your judgment, whether the grounds of the opinion I have expressed, are not weighty; and whether they are not sufficient to exculpate those Federalists, who favor the equal support of Mr. Pinckney, from all blame, and myself in particular, from the unworthy imputation of being influenced by private resentment."
He acknowledges at the same time that he has strong grounds of personal dissatisfaction.
"The circumstances of my late military situation, have much less to do with my personal discontent than some others. In respect to them, I shall only say, that I owed my appointment to the station and rank I hold, to the express stipulation of General WASHINGTON, when he accepted the command of the Army, afterwards peremptorily insisted upon by him, in opposition to the strong wishes of the President;
and that, though second in rank, I was not promoted to the first place, when it became vacant, by the death of the Commander in Chief."
"On other topics, my sensations are far less neutral. If, as I have been assured from respectable authorities, Mr. Adams has repeatedly indulged himself in virulent and indecent abuse of me; if he has denominated me a man destitute of every moral principle; if he has stigmatized me as the leader of a British faction; then certainly I have a right to think that I have been most cruelly and wickedly traduced; then have I a right to appeal to all those who have been spectators of my public actions; to all who are acquainted with my private character, in its various relations, whether such treatment of me, by Mr. Adams, is of a nature to weaken or strengthen his claim to the approbation of wise and good men; then will I so far yield to the conscientiousness of what I am, as to declare, that in the cardinal points of public and private rectitude, above all, in pure and disinterested zeal for the interest and service of this country—I shrink not from a comparison with any arrogant pretender to superior and exclusive merit."
"Having been repeatedly informed, that Mr. Adams had delineated me as the leader of a British faction, and having understood that his partisans, to counteract the influence of my opinion, were pressing the same charge against me, I wrote him a letter on the subject, dated the first of August last. No reply having been given by him to this letter, I, on the first of the present month, wrote him another; of both which letters I send you copies."
"Of the purity of my public conduct in this, as in other particulars, I may defy the severest investigation."
Mr. Hamilton declares that he "never advised any connection with Great Britain other than a commercial one";—that in 1793 he recommended one definitive effort to terminate differences by negotiation, to be followed, if unsuccessful, by a declaration of war; that when the British Treaty arrived, it was not without hesitation that he resolved to support it; and that he advised the President to ratify the treaty conditionally only, that is, with express instructions not to exchange ratifications, unless the British government would disavow a construction of the instrument authorizing the practice, [of seizing provisions going to the ports of France, not in fact blockaded,] and would discontinue it; that after the rejection of Mr. Pinckney, and long before the measure was taken, he urged a member of Congress, then high in the confidence of the President, to propose to him the immediate appointment of three Commissioners, of whom Mr. Jefferson, or Mr. Madison should be one, to make another attempt to negotiate; and that he has been disposed to go greater lengths to avoid a rupture with France than with Great Britain.
"Let any fair man pronounce whether the circumstances which have been disclosed, bespeak the partisan of Great-Britain, or the man exclusively devoted to the interests of this country. Let any delicate man decide, whether it must not be shocking to an ingenuous mind, to have to combat a slander so vile, after having sacrificed the interests of his family, and devoted the best part of his life to the service of that country, in council and in the field."
"It is time to conclude—The statement which has been made, shews that Mr. Adams has committed some positive and serious errors of Administration; that in addition to these, he has certain fixed points of character which tend naturally to the detriment of any cause of which he is the Chief, of any Administration of which he is the head; that by his ill humors and jealousies he has already divided and distracted the supporters of the Government; that he has furnished deadly weapons to its enemies by unfounded accusations, and has weakened the force of its friends by decrying some of the most influential of them to the utmost of his power; and, let it be added, as the necessary effect of such conduct, that he has made great progress in undermining the ground which was gained for the government by his predecessor, and that there is real cause to apprehend, it might totter, if not fall, under his future auspices. A new government, constructed on free principles, is always weak, and must stand in need of the props of a firm and good Administration; till time shall have rendered its authority venerable, and fortified it by habits of obedience."
"Yet with this opinion of Mr. Adams, I have finally resolved not to advise the withholding from him a single vote. The body of Federalists, for want of sufficient knowledge of facts, are not convinced of
(Continued on second page.)