Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-11-21 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LXIV.]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LXIV.
“People are never more vexed, than when the thing that offends them is what they must not complain of.”
TEARS and complaints are among the sources of relief that lie open to the afflicted and unfortunate. Those people, who can vent their grief in either of these ways, feel less oppression of spirits, than those who conceal their misfortunes through a temper of pride, or cherish their sadness under such a close contexture of heart, as cannot readily let loose its sorrows.—But one meets with innumerable ills and vexations in the world, about which, it would be weakness to sigh, and indelicacy to complain.
An epicure, in dining with his friend, sometimes finds no dish that suits his palate. The cookery may in every respect be different from what he relishes. To be sure, he is placed in a situation, which, to him, is a very unpleasant one. Nothing could vex him more, and yet he must not complain. He must disguise his feelings, or he will offend those of his friend.
An old man, connected with a young wife, whom he durst not quarrel with, is perpetually exposed to vexations, which he cannot even mention without being ridiculed. His natural disposition may be sullen and reserved; and those characteristics may be heightened by age and infirmity. Her temper may be peculiarly gay and volatile, and her desire for company and amusement may be increased, by living with an husband, whose character and wishes are so different from her own. Both of them feel a state of uneasiness, which they can neither hope to escape, nor cease to lament. And yet their disquiétudes are of such a nature, that any complaint would excite contempt rather than pity. The evil admits of no remedy: It meets with no compassion. It can be no mark of discernment for persons voluntarily to plunge into a situation so tedious and hopeless.
The secret of living happily depends very much on knowing how to avoid the description of evils to which I allude. In the choice of intimate friends and companions, one will fall into disagreeable mistakes, unless he acts with great discernment and caution. A similarity in circumstances, a coincidence in political sentiments, and many other causes may induce men to form circles of acquaintance, into which perhaps not a single ray of real friendship ever penetrates. One should not number among his particular friends, those persons with whom he becomes acquainted, only through accident or convenience. If he does, he will commit an error, that will involve him in all the difficulties, I am exhorting him to shun. Before any man is recognized as a familiar associate, he ought to give unequivocal proof, that he possesses purity of principles, and generosity of heart. There should be a resemblance in taste and habits between those who often come together for the relaxation of their mutual cares. When there is a disagreement in this respect, their scenes of mirth and festivity will soon degenerate into fullness and discontent. It is not material, that there be a similarity of age, understanding, or natural temper. It is only requisite that their habits and inclinations should be formed with a view to similar modes of gratification. Nothing is more common than for an old man to be less sprightly and enterprising than his young friend, and yet both may take delight in the same course of business and amusement. A man prone to silence and gravity may be happy in companions of an open unreserved temper. If they are both alike well-bred, and familiarized to like customs, their difference of temper may probably never prove a source of much vexation to each other. But persons living together will soon disagree, if they have been accustomed to a different style and manner of enjoyment, and have modelled their taste and fashions by a different level of circumstances.
When I visit my friend, it is of no importance to my happiness, that he should know as much, or talk and laugh as much as I do. But if he gives me bad wine, and a dinner not so well dressed, as I could have got elsewhere, I undergo a vexation, against which I have no remedy. This shews how much of our pleasure in life depends on avoiding habitual familiarities with persons, who will incessantly counteract our prevailing taste and inclination. I may view a man with respect and veneration for his talents and virtues, and yet no degree of acquaintance may be able to interest any of the tender sentiments of my heart. We may both applaud each other for our respective good qualities, but we must commit force upon ourselves if we attempt to pass a social hour together.
It cannot be too much contemplated how many of the irksome moments of life are occasioned by
incidents, that appear too trifling to be ranked in the catalogue of misfortunes. No man could ever move one sensation of pity in the breast of another, because his fellow-lodgers chose a different hour of dining, or a different sort of provisions from himself; and yet many a man has suffered more actual vexation from such a cause, than he probably has realized in all the losses and disappointments that have perplexed his plans of business.
When a man is assailed by those heavy misfortunes which engage the attention of mankind, he may flatter his pride, by the manly fortitude he discovers, and assuage his grief, by the tender sympathy he excites. This source of consolation however is not open to another man, who is vexed and mortified by a thousand untoward accidents, which embitter every moment of his life, and which he cannot think of, without sentiments of shame, nor declare without exposing himself to derision. Men may be so incessantly teazed with incidents of this stamp, as to fall into habits of peevishness and caprice, and become a torment to themselves and those, with whom they associate. I have seen two men, who from motives of convenience in business become fellow-lodgers. Their taste in living was so opposite, that they were never both pleased with precisely the same thing. It is incredible how a petulance of temper grew upon them, and how soon they disliked each as companions. It was no relief, under such vexations, that they were both sensible, well-informed men, and both sustained an excellent character. Had one of them been a fool and the other a wife man, they had probably lived more harmoniously together, if their taste and habits had coincided better. These reflections will, I hope, lead my readers into an examination of the causes, that contribute to happiness and tranquility. I am confident that with a little precaution, men may make life pass away more agreeably, and escape innumerable sources of disquietude, in which a great portion of the human race are involved.
FRANCE.
Copy of a letter from the Marquis de CASEAUX to the Editor of the Paris Journal, and which he has transmitted to the Provinces.
PARIS, AUGUST 30.
SIR,
THE question of the Royal Negative, the most important of all the questions, after that of deliberating by individuals or by orders, may, in my opinion, be reduced to very simple terms.
The people is every thing. No legitimate power can exist but from them and for them; or rather, all that which bears the character of public power, whatever may be its shape, can be no other than the people acting by representation of one kind or another.
In a monarchy, the people have two kinds of representatives, both equally essential: the National Assembly, and the King. This is the reason why their persons should be held equally sacred and inviolate; and it is evidently for the public good that this inviolability should be established.
Each of these representatives would be desirous, sooner or later, to govern the other; such is the nature of man. This is the reason why the people say to them both—Ye shall be able to do nothing, but when ye agree.
In the mean time that they may severally know what they ought to do when the public interest requires that they should act, the people say to the one, “It is your province to discuss, and to present your labor to the King.” They say to the other, “Do you examine, and after you have examined, if you sanction, it shall be my will; that is, it shall be LAW. If you shall reject that which the other body present you, do you send it back to me, that I may re-examine it; if I shall approve of that which you have rejected, I shall send back the same body to present it to you again, and they shall signify to you, KING! OBEY! If on the contrary, I shall think that you had good reason for rejecting it, I shall chuse and send you other representatives, who shall lay before you the bill altered, and they shall signify to you that we are satisfied with the manner in which you have exercised the prerogative that WE THE PEOPLE have confided in you.
We see by this statement whether the assent and dissent of the King were given to him for his own advantage, or for that of the people: or rather we may see whether the National Assembly has the right to deprive the King of a prerogative which guarantees the sovereignty of the people, to whom alone the sovereignty belongs.
In the mean time, a wicked Assembly, and a wicked King, might easily at one time or another, agree together to deceive the people. This, there-
fore, is the reason why the people say to the King and the Assembly, “The liberty of the press shall be as sacred and inviolable as your august persons, because it is my interest that it should be so.”
Let us reflect then whether it is not the mere childhood of democracy to be afraid of a King, when he is watched by a free press, and by the National Assembly, who hold the purse-strings of the nation.
If it is not a childish fear of despotism to be alarmed at a National Assembly, when it is watched by the press and the King.
If it is not the mere childhood of visionary prebyterianism, to be afraid of the concord and harmony, which ought to subsist in an enlightened age, between an unmoveable King, and a National Assembly, to be convened annually, when both of them are watched by the inviolable freedom of the press.
These are three tribunals of the people, without which there can be no true monarchy, and with which monarchy, of all the governments that exist, will ever be that in which the interests of the people will be best watched over, and best balanced, and in which they will run the least risk of being sacrificed, either to a King, or to an Assembly.
Such is the simplification of the idea of a constitution! I have the honor to be, &c.
LE MARQUIS DE CASEAUX.
Discourse delivered at the National Assembly on the 7th of September, 1789, by the female citizens who came to make an offering of their jewels and other ornaments as a voluntary distribution towards the discharge of the public debts.
MESSEIGNEURS.
THE regeneration of the State is a work committed to the National Representatives.
The liberation of the State should be the care of every good citizen.
In order to enable the Senate to fulfil a vow that was made by Camillus to Apollo before the capture of Vienne, the Roman ladies made a voluntary offering of their ornaments to the Republic.
But no vows can be more sacred than engagements contracted with the creditors of the State, the public debt should be scrupulously discharged, but the means should be rendered easy to the people.
It is in that view that several citizens, wives or daughters of artists, came to offer to this august National Assembly those ornaments, which they would blush to wear, when patriotism bids them sacrifice them to the public good. What woman is there, worthy of the title of citizen, who would not prefer to the insipid parade of vanity, the inexpressible pleasure of converting the ornaments of her person to so excellent a use?
Our offering is no doubt of small value; for among the votaries of the fine arts, glory rather than riches is the pursuit: our offering is in proportion to our means, but not to the sentiment that animates our breast.
May our example be followed by many citizens of either sex, whose circumstances are far more opulent than ours! and our example will, my Lords (Messieigneurs) be followed, if you will but deign graciously to accept, if you will procure the facility of making voluntary contributions, by establishing from this moment a bank, for the sole purpose of receiving patriotic gifts in money or jewels, to be invariably applied to the discharge of the national debt.
Reply of M. Le President of the National Assembly, to the female citizens who have made an offering of their personal ornaments towards the discharge of the public debt.
THE National Assembly beholds, with infinite satisfaction, your generous sacrifice, which emanates from motives of true patriotism.
May the more noble example which you offer us at this present moment, communicate to all ranks of citizens the heroic sentiment from which it proceeds, and may it find as great a number of imitators as it does admirers!
You are far more adorned by your many virtues, than you could be by the precious ornaments which you sacrifice to the good of your country. The National Assembly will take into consideration the plan which you propose, with all the warmth which it inspires.
A true copy. Signed, HENRY DE LONGUEVE, Sec. Nat. Ass.
DESCHAMPS, Sec.
A correct list of the ladies (wives or daughters of celebrated artists) who, on Monday the 7th of September, 1789, delivered to the National Assembly, their jewels and other female ornaments, as a voluntary contribution towards the discharge of the public debt.
Married Ladies.
Moitte, president and first mover of the patriot

Thème, Vion, De la Grenée the younger, Suvée, Berrner, Du Vivier, Belle, Fragonard, Vestler, Peron, David, Vernet the the younger, Desmar-teaux, Beauvallet, Oornedecers, the wife of a merchant.
Unmarried Ladies.
Vassé de Borrecuil, Veltier, Gerard, Pithoud, De Viefvilla, Hautemps.
Sept. 1. The Palais Royal has been a scene of tumult the whole day, chiefly owing to the discontented members of the district having chosen the different Coffee-houses as convenient places to discuss points that belong to the Districts only, which nevertheless drew vast crowds about the doors, and rendered the Arcades absolutely impassable.
About 7 o'clock, 300 French guards took possession of the garden, cleared the principal Coffee houses, and shut them up, cut off the communication between the Arcades and the garden, by locking all the gates under the arches, but at the principal entrance, then divided into companies, and patrolled the rest of the evening, dispersing the people, by marching through every knot of men, that chance or curiosity drew together.
About 11 o'clock, an extract from a verbal process of the Assembly of Representatives of the Commons of Paris, was distributed among the people.
In this extract the Assembly declares its indignation at the proceedings of Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, in the Palais Royal, laments that the abode of a Prince, whom they love and cherish, should be profaned by the encouragement of the most atrocious calumny, and of such bloody purposes, as revenge or ignorance may wish to see executed. It reminds the people of their influence on the great provincial towns, warns them against the ill consequences that such disorderly meetings must necessarily bring on; and authorizes the Marquis de la Fayette, to use the power entrusted to him by the good citizens of Paris, for quelling all disturbances in the streets, and to take into custody those that appear to be most active in misleading the people, that they may be immediately tried and punished, according to the nature of their offence.
This Extract is signed, VAUVILLIERS, } Presidents. BLONDEL, } VINCEMDON, } BROUSSE DESFAUCHERTS, } Sec'rs. DE JOLY, }
The method of silencing the leaders is worthy of relation, it being as ingenious and original, as exempt from violence, M. de la Fayette was determined not to leave them even the popular merit of persecution.
A message was sent to the mad Marquis de St. Huruge, requesting his presence at the Hotel de Ville; and on his appearing, M. de la Fayette addressed him with his usual urbanity, acquainting him, that rumors were spread abroad injurious to his character as a man of rank, and an officer (he has the cross of St. Louis) as well as of the good citizen, which he was persuaded were destitute of foundation. On his replying that they certainly were unjust, "Of that we are all convinced (answered the Marquis) and it is for that very reason that we are desirous of availing ourselves of your military experience and talents, and of giving you an opportunity, which you certainly will readily embrace, of silencing the voice of calumny, by offering you the command of a patrole of citizens in this quarter of the Palais Royale."
There was no flinching from such a proposal; and he was thus ingeniously compelled to appear at the head of the patriot citizens, to appease the tumult he himself had instigated but twenty hours before.
The committee of the National Assembly, however, not deeming this amende honorable a sufficient punishment, in a few hours after he came off guard, had him apprehended and committed to the State Prison of the Abbaye de St. Germain, as a warning to the rest of the idle or factious Motion-makers.
The failure of Quidors, the late Inspector of the Police, has astonished every body. In this fellow's books were registered the names of all the women of ill fame in Paris, who lived by prostitution. He seldom had fewer names at one time of this description of persons, than forty thousand; and from every one of these wretches he annually got something. No sum, however small, was beneath his acceptance.
BRUSSELS, Sept. 3.
Two days since, the shops, ware-houses, and houses of all the printers and booksellers in this province, were searched for seditious pamphlets, hand-bills, &c. in consequence of which, two booksellers in this city, and one printer at Antwerp, were imprisoned.
The garrisons are withdrawn from Ghent, Bruges, Ostend, and Nieuport, towards the centre of Brabant. Those of Brussels, Malines, Louvain, and Antwerp, are changed to prevent the formation of those habits of familiar intercourse which are acquired with the inhabitants, by long resi-
dence. In short, the multiplied precautions of the Government indicate its feebleness and evince its fears. The character of its policy is marked by those petty exertions that irritate and inflame, without being distinguished by those severe and decisive steps that intimidate and overawe a people.
No taxes have hitherto been collected, and the first refusal of the illegal imposition, "some village Hampden," will probably prove the first signal of revolt.
Vander-Noot, proscribed and exiled, to apprehend whom, the Emperor has offered a million of florins, watches at Breda for the moment when he can give assistance to his country: and there is reason to expect an insurrection as general, and as well concerted, as there is any example of in history.
The House of Austria will learn too late the value of these provinces, which they have equally neglected and oppressed.
WARSAW, August 24.
Prince Repnin is marching hastily forward to meet the army under the late Captain Pacha, which is intended to attempt the retaking of Oczakow, cost what it will; so that a battle seems inevitable. Thirty Turkish ships of war have posted themselves in such a manner off Oczakow, that the Russians are blocked up in Cherson, and will find it very dangerous to attempt to sail out of that port. This may bring on an engagement.
LONDON, September 8.
The Marquis de St. Huruge, who is imprisoned at Paris, for having raised a tumult at the Caïse de Foy, was formerly confined on account of insanity. He has occasioned much trouble at the popular meetings by his enthusiastic ardour. Breteuil was his enemy, and during his administration, he suffered much.
The proposed Senate of France is not to be composed entirely of Nobility, in which particular it differs from our House of Lords; it is, besides, elective, and not hereditary; and the age of 35 is, perhaps, a wise precaution, to guard against the precipitancy of youth. No person was permitted to take a seat in the Roman Senate until he had completed his 40th year.
At Paris every thing seems quiet. The Marquis de St. Huruges, who was the promoter of the late tumults, is arrested and in prison. The frequenters of the Palais Royal are frightened at it, and we hear no more of those who have, for some time past, excited such alarms.
The Countess of Artois left Versailles yesterday morning, about nine, in order to meet the Count at Turin, who will, it is supposed, arrive there to day or to-morrow.
The Queen has shown a degree of resolution by staying in France, which might have been expected only from the daughter of Maria-Theresa. The mob set a price upon her head; and she was every day not only called Brunehalt, but threatened with the fate of that wicked Queen.
But Maria-Antoinetta resolved, with a manly resolution, to brave a storm from which so many Princes of the Blood, and able Generals, had thought it prudent to fly. This spirited resolution is of service to her—she is at this moment much less unpopular than at any time during the last three months; and it is expected that she will soon be restored to the popularity which she formerly enjoyed.
The French funds have lately risen two per cent. in consequence of some patriotic regulations proposed by M. Neckar, for raising the new loan of 80 millions, which is become very popular on that account, and the progress making by the National Assembly in re-establishing order and tranquillity through the kingdom.
A letter from a merchant in Leghorn on Monday last, and dated the 11th inst. mentions, that a Tuscan frigate, mounting 36 guns, had just returned into that port, after having had an engagement off the island of Corsica with an Algerine corsair, carrying 24 guns, besides carronades: the engagement lasted three hours; the Algerine was full of men, and fought desperately, but a shot from the Tuscan frigate having taken the corsair between wind and water, she sunk and every person on board perished. The frigate had thirty men killed, and several wounded: her rigging was much damaged, and she will take some time to refit.
LIEGE.
SEPT 12. A rescript from the Imperial Chamber of Witzlaer has arrived here, ordering the Prince Bishop to be immediately re-established in all the prerogatives which he enjoyed before the revolution; and also to replace the former magistrates.
This being read in public, caused very serious alarm at first; and it was asserted, that if this order of the Sacred Imperial Chamber was not complied with, it would be the King of Prussia's duty to send a body of troops to enforce it.
An Assembly was immediately held at the Hotel de Ville, where spirited and patriotic resolutions were entered into; which were carried to the Hall of the Third Estate, and that of the Noblesse, in an instant.
These propositions and resolutions were readily agreed to.
It was then proposed to send a deputation to Witzlaer, to testify, that "the revolution was unanimously applauded, and received without opposition of any kind whatever."
This proposition was readily agreed to, and the First State nominated for its Deputy the Lord l'Houlaymont, de la Chagelle; and the Third, the Chevalier de Chestret, reigning Burgomaster of Liege; to be assisted with Mess. de Leclercme, and Bassenge, Counsellors.
However, this momentous alarm has produced its good effects, by binding by new ties the three States, and that of all parts of the Principality.
In consequence of the proposition made by the Magistrates of this place to the Third Estate, to renew the ancient alliance and confederation of the city and the country towns, they have one and all eagerly consented; and by a solemn act, entered into the first instant, between the deputies of Liege and those of the twenty-two Towns of the Lower Countries, they have agreed to make it a common cause; and have sworn to each other in the name of the Almighty God, and by their Country, to maintain their ancient constitution with their fortunes, and at the risk of losing their last drops of blood, according to the fine expression of their ancient alliances.
"Sans cesse les uns auxpres des autres."
This act has been sealed, signed, and mutually exchanged, declaring, "that it was done without any rank or distinction whatever, regarding themselves as brethren who had only one right, and one interest in common."
The Commissioners appointed by act of Parliament for erecting four light houses in the Northern part of Great Britain, have now completed that important business; descriptive particulars of which will be forthwith made public, for the information of mariners. The following are the situations on which these lanterns are erected:
 One on Kinnaird's Castle,  One on the Mull of Kintyre.  One on the North Ronaldsay, in Orkney,  One on the Point of Scals. 
The two first have been lighted some time; the lighting of the other two will take place on the 10th of next month.
PARIS, September 15.
The order of the day being read, and the question put, whether the National Assembly should consist of one or of two Chambers; 89 votes appeared for two chambers, 349 for one; 122 Members who would not vote. The idea of a Senate, as proposed by Monsieur de Lally, is therefore laid aside.
Mons. D'Estaing having made the proper disposition of the militia, as well for the security of the Assembly, as for the tranquillity of the town, received the thanks of the House, in a polite letter from the President.
The order of the day was scarce read, when a letter was received from M. Neckar, containing a report made in the Council on Thursday. The reading of this report was immediately opposed, and a long debate ensued on the propriety of the King's interference in the business of the Assembly. The result was, that the report contained in M. Neckar's letter should not be read.
The affair of the Royal Sanction was now resumed, and the question proposed, whether the King can refuse his consent to the edicts of the legislative body? it was determined in the affirmative, by 730 votes against 143.
Another question then arose, in case the King should refuse his consent, would his refusal be suspensive or determinate? The suspensive refusal was adopted by 673 against 325.
On this a new question arose, how long the suspension should last? It being now late in the evening, this matter was referred to another day.
On the opening the Assembly on Saturday, the Cardinal de Rohan took his seat, and was received with great applause.
The first question of consequence was, the referred question of the duration of the King's suspension, when a member desired that it might first be determined how long each Parliament should last; that is, whether their Parliaments should be annual, biennial, triennial, &c. Many arguments were adduced in favor of each of these terms; and, after debating the matter the whole morning, it was determined in favor of Triennial Parliaments.
UNITED STATES.
SALEME, NOVEMBER 10.
We omitted to mention in our last, that on the day of the President's arrival in this town, in order to communicate the general joy to the very abodes of wretchedness, "and light up a smile in the aspect of wo," the Committee of Arrangements ordered an excellent dinner of plumb puddings, roast beef, &c. for the tenants of the poor-house and prison.
A correspondent was highly pleased at the elegant display of the Washington Sashes at Concert Hall, in this town, on the evening the President attended the Assembly—The respects of the LA-

ties must be considered among the richest tributes paid to our illustrious Chief.
Some of the Members of Congress, in their debates on amendments to the Constitution, talked of the discontents of the people on account of some obnoxious parts of it, as though they were on the eve of an insurrection: but we could never find in what part of the country these discontents existed: among all the addresses presented by the people to our beloved President, not a single wish for amendments is suggested, though most of them express the highest satisfaction at the government under which we live. The operation of the government will no doubt discover some defects, and those perhaps where they are least apprehended; and the people seem universally disposed to wait the direction of time and experience, to know where to apply remedies. If the government should be found to affect the freedom or happiness of one, it will of all; and the grievance being general, the sentiment for redress will be equally so, and the remedy will follow of course.
The Archbishop of Bourdeaux, in delivering to the National Assembly of France the report of the Grand Committee appointed to prepare the form of a Constitution, speaking on the subject of a Declaration of the Rights of Man, and of the Citizen, to precede the Constitution, observed, that "this noble idea, conceived in another hemisphere, should in preference be first transplanted among us. We have concurred in the events which have given liberty to NORTH AMERICA; she points out to us on what principles we should build the preservation of our own, and it is the NEW WORLD, whither we formerly carried nothing but chains, which now teaches us to guard against the misery of wearing them ourselves."
BOSTON, NOVEMBER 11.
The report respecting Gen. SHEPHERD's having been fired at, in a late review, we are assured by the General himself is totally destitute of foundation. Moreover, we are informed by several gentlemen, that no circumstance whatever has transpired, but what demonstrates, that the militia of Hampshire, to a man, revere and love their Major-General, as an officer whose humanity has ever been as conspicuous as his bravery.
By Captain SAMUEL PRINCE, who arrived here last Saturday from Martinique, we are informed, that the inhabitants of that island had chosen nine Deputies to wait on the General for permission to sing TE DEUM on account of the late GLORIOUS REVOLUTION IN FRANCE. After some little altercation, permission was granted. In consequence of which, a solemn procession took place at Port Royal of the inhabitants, to which the Americans in the harbor were invited, and requested to join their flag with the National one of France. The religious ceremony being over, the procession passed through the principal streets, and returning to the Church, the flags of the two nations were solemnly consecrated, and placed in the Altar, there to remain as the emblems not only of mutual friendship, but as ensigns of virtue, honor, patriotism and liberty. After the procession was over and the flags disposed of, the General the Count de VIOMENIL gave the Americans a polite invitation to dine with him and his officers, at his house; and shewed them on this occasion every mark of attention and affection.
NEWPORT, November 1.
The opposition of the people here to the Constitution arises from misrepresentation of it by designing men, and a want of information with regard to the essential springs of a good government.
The undeniable truth, that suitable characters cannot be obtained to fill up the various posts in government, without salaries proportionable to the ability and integrity, requisite to perform the duties of them, is not known here from experience, and therefore not much believed; we have been accustomed to give trifling or no salaries to the most important offices, consequently we must be incompetent judges of what is requisite in the national establishment;—No wonder then, at the clamour here against the salaries established by Congress, it is a favorable topic of inflammatory men, and an alluring bait to those of narrow purse-strings;—We foolishly compare the National Government with our small republic, and a true principle with a false one. The United States in Congress, have by their establishments been actuated by this truism, that every man who accepts an office makes a sacrifice of his time to the public, and that it is but just they should be paid for it, and that no officer can be responsible for his trust unless he has a full compensation for his services.—While we expect that the United States can be governed as we have been,—instead of an honorable support to induce an acceptance of an office—it is the influence of party, or the baser principle of private interest—hence have we experienced continual revolutions in our laws and our credit. What man of abilities and integrity would accept of the office of Governor of the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, for the pitiful sum of one hundred and fifty dollars per annum? None; unless it was in time of danger; and then virtue and the importunities of his fellow citizens might bring forth a suitable candidate for office.
When the citizens of this State rightly consider these points, they must be convinced, that the salaries established by Congress are not only requisite, but that we shall never be governed well, unless we make an honorable and permanent establishment, that will induce men of character and responsibility to accept the offices of the State.—Till this is done, the annals of our State, will be little else but the annals of faction.
WORCESTER, NOVEMBER 12.
The following is handed us for fact, and is one of many instances which shew that it is necessary the President of the United States should have some title, at least, to distinguish him from other great personages who may have occasion to travel either in their own or other States.—Towards the close of one day last week, a messenger was sent forward to inform the keeper of the Inn where the President intended to lodge that night, that "the President was near bye, and wished to be accommodated with lodging and a little necessary refreshment, &c." The Inn-keeper was absent; the Landlady, supposing the messenger meant by "the President," the President of Rhode-Island college, for it was in the neighbourhood of that State, and that of course he had his lady with him, and being herself unwell—she told the messenger she could not entertain "the President"—and that he must go on to the next tavern—in consequence of which the messenger, although it was late, had to send word back to the President that he had proceeded on to the next Inn, to provide that entertainment which he could not get at the first—The Landlady soon after found out her mistake, and most piteously lamented that she could not have known that it was the illustrious Washington, that intended honouring her house—"Bless me!" exclaimed she, "the sight of him would have cured me of my illness, and the best in my house and in the town should have been at his service." This Inn was in the middle of the town, and when the inhabitants who lived in the neighbourhood, heard of the affair, they could not refrain expressing the greatest mortification at this unlucky adventure, which deprived many of them of an opportunity of seeing him which they would have delighted to honour.
NATIONAL MONITOR.—No. XXVII.
"HONOR'S A SACRED TIE."
THE National and State debts of this confederated Republic appear to many honest persons, who by the way are not public creditors, to be a mountain that will finally overwhelm us: From characters of this kind, we are frequently entertained with doubts and apprehensions—and tho' they do not explicitly propose the depreciation or annihilation of the public securities, yet their fears on the one hand, and their want of promptitude on the other, in advocating the cause of justice, greatly encourage another set of people in their open attempts to destroy all public Faith and Honor at a blow. There are not wanting those who openly propose the SPUNGE as the best, yea the only mode which wisdom can devise of getting rid of the domestic debts of our country: However, the shameless and unprincipled wretches who have the temerity to avow such a plan, are as the drop of the bucket, compared to the great body of the people—which appears to be decidedly of opinion that HONESTY is WISDOM, and will prove the cheapest plan in the issue. We have suffered enormous losses in times past by our temporizing expedients, and by the want of a little magnanimity of spirit in adopting, even upon the smallest scale, the line of justice. Had our systems been squared upon the principles of honor, tho' in their infancy they had been as a grain of mustard-seed, they would have expanded, and the Strait once passed, all would have been plain sailing—difficulties would have vanished as soon as they appeared—and the bug-bear of the National Debt, would have been converted into, and realized to be, a NATIONAL BLESSING.—And what is our present situation? It is precisely such, as should lead us solemnly to declare, "THAT THO' THE HEAVENS SHOULD FALL, WE WILL BE JUST AS A PEOPLE." This being laid down as a foundation principle, the clouds will dissipate in every quarter—our prospects will from that moment become bright and encouraging—the public mind will be tranquilized—our credit will be restored—our government respected—and we shall always command with facility, the means of preserving our Freedom and Independence. It must afford the greatest pleasure, and inspire the highest degrees of confidence in the administration of our national government, to observe those measures pursued, which promise to rescue our reputation, and establish our Faith as a people upon a basis never to be shaken. The principal source from whence the individual governments derived their funds to pay the interest of the State debts, being diverted into a Continental channel, it is become in a measure necessary that State Creditors should become the Creditors of the Union—It is difficult to conceive how they can obtain Justice in any other way—their expectations are accordingly turned to the general government—and there can be no doubt but that the consolidation of the whole debt incurred on account of the war, will be a measure, as popular, as it is just and necessary.
NEW-YORK, NOVEMBER 21.
Extract of a letter from Portsmouth, (New-Hampshire) dated Nov. 4.
The illustrious PRESIDENT of the United States left this town this morning, on his return to New-York. He spent several days here, in which time he visited our river and harbor—and once disembarked on the most northern district of our Union—the old Province of Maine.—
He delighted every one—and appeared himself not to be displeased with his tour.—
Nothing could exceed the flocking together of the people, of every rank and denomination, as he came through the country, and their universal acclamations of joy and satisfaction at his appearance.—He was heard repeatedly to solicit, that the crowds who attended him, and lined the roads as he passed, would not follow him, but would return to their homes and their employ, as he could not be convinced but that it must be inconvenient to them. In these instances, however, his solicitations were fruitless: The ball as it rolled on, most rapidly encreased—even rivers, and other natural obstacles neither impeding its progress, nor diminishing its size.—
The opposition to our present system of Government was in this quarter feeble before this Prime Conductor of our affairs made his appearance here.—It is now expiring.—
If the form of our government did not recommend itself sufficiently to every one, the present chief administrator of it would reconcile all parties, till a fair experiment has been made.—
Nothing appeared to escape the President's notice as he passed—and those objects which merited his particular attention, he always stopped to observe.—His respects to every one were pointed and exact—and no one went from his presence dissatisfied.—
The addresses preferred to him by most of the corporations and different orders of men among whom he passed, and the eulogies he was constrained to hear from the clergymen at whose churches he attended, were such as the crowned heads of other countries would part with their diadems to receive.—They contained the grateful incense of honest hearts—where soul met soul together:—Indeed the great and good man appeared sometimes to be almost overwhelmed.—
The President absolutely declined, and even forbid any further parade and attendance upon him.—He left the town about sunrise, having only the gentlemen of his family, Mr. Lear, and Major Jackson—and his own servants to attend him.
It is impossible but that offences should come; there are political, social and civil offences, as well as sacred and theological.—If a man maintains with ardor any set of political opinions, however wise, just and benevolent, he ought to remember there are ignorant, absurd, and envious people in the world, who will assuredly take offence at his freedom; but yet, shall the virtuous and independent be deterred from advocating the best principles, because there are snarlers, and petulant carpers in the world?—The man that feels a generous sympathy for those in society, whom adverse fortune has condemned to struggle with poverty, disease and want—who from the fulness of his compassion, is led to devise, and propose plans to meliorate the circumstances of the poor, and alleviate the distresses of his fellow men, however incredible it may appear, he will give offence.—Those "who never felt another's woes"—will not fail to impute unworthy motives to the most benevolent designs.—But, neither the disapprobation of the niggard, or the sneers of the coxcomical, will avail to check the pursuits of the man "whose heart deviseth liberal things." The present is an age of speculation and improvement—the human mind is upon the stretch, and its researches and discoveries are astonishing in every art, science and profession. The science of government appears however, very justly, to claim the most distinguished attention.—To fix this upon proper and equal principles, is the most glorious pursuit of humanity.—The important interests—the life—the freedom, and prosperity of mankind, are essentially connected with a right understanding of this divine subject—and yet the labors of the wisest and best of men, those who have with independence and heroism of mind, advanced the most momentous truths, have given offence.—Still they are not to be diverted from the steady pursuit of their duty, by the clamors of the weak and unprincipled—the demagogues of the day, who flatter, to betray, and who conceal their ignorance under an impenetrable mask of impudence.
"The wealth, prosperity and importance of all this world are founded and erected on three living pillars—The TILLER of the ground, the MANUFACTURER and the MERCHANT. The tiller supplies the manufacturer, the manufacturer supplies the merchant, and the merchant supplies the world with all its wealth. It is thus that industry is promoted, arts invented and improved, commerce extended, superfluities mutually vended, wants mutually supplied, that each man becomes a useful member of society, that societies become of further advantage to each other, and that States are enabled to pay their officers and support the necessary burthens of government."
WANTED, to complete Files of this paper, numbers 30, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, and 48: Six pence each will be paid for either of these numbers at the office of the Editor. November 21.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
Thursday, Ship British King, Ellison, Shelburne, 8 days. Ship North-Carolina, Haddock, Cadez, 28 days. Brig Silas and Sally, M'Combe, London, 70 days. Sloop Providence Packet, Friby, St. Martins, 24 days. Friday, Brig Polly, Green, Copenhagen.

MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS.
LETTER XII.
AMSTERDAM, OCT. 17, 1780.
SIR, WE are now come to your twelfth head of inquiry, which is, "What countenance have the finances? How much does the expence exceed the yearly income? Does the annual revenue, deriving from the taxes, increase or diminish, in the whole, or in any particulars? and what are the reasons given for it?"
Here I am apprehensive I shall find a difficulty to make myself understood, as the American finances, and the mode of taxation differ so materially from any that I know of in Europe.
In the month of May, 1775, when Congress came together, for the first time, after the battle of Lexington and Concord, they found it necessary to raise an army, or rather, to adopt an army already raised, at Cambridge, in order to oppose the British troops, and shut them up in the prison of Boston. But they found that the colonies were but just out of debt, had but just paid off the debts contracted in the last French war. In the several treasuries of the colonies they found only a few thousand pounds. They had before them a prospect of a stagnation, or interruption of their trade, pretty universally, by the British men of war. They had a thousand perplexities before them, in the prospect of passing through thirteen revolutions of government, from the royal authority to that of the people. They had armies and navies to form; they had constitutions of government to attend to; they had twenty tribes of Indians to negotiate with; they had vast numbers of negroes to take care of; they had all sorts of arms, ammunition, artillery, to procure, as well as blankets and cloathing, and subsistence for the army; they had negotiations to think of in Europe, and treaties to form of alliance and commerce; and they had even salt to procure, for the subsistence of the inhabitants, and even their cattle, as well as their armies.
In this situation, with so many wants and demands, and no money or revenues to recur to, they had recourse to an expedient, which had been often practised in America, but no where else; they determined to emit paper money.
The American paper money is nothing but bills of credit, by which the public, the community, promises to pay the possessor a certain sum in a limited time. In a country where there is no coin, or not enough, in circulation, these bills may be emitted to a certain amount, and they will pass at par; but as soon as the quantity exceeds the value of the ordinary business of the people, it will depreciate, and continue to fall in value, in proportion to the augmentation of the quantity.
The Congress, on the 18th of March last, stated this depreciation at forty for one. This may be nearly the average, but it often passes much lower. By this resolution all the bills in circulation on that day (and none have been emitted since) amount to about one million and a quarter sterling. To this if you add the money borrowed upon loan certificates, and the debt contracted abroad in France and Spain, the whole does not amount to but little more than five millions.
Yearly income we have none properly speaking. We have no imposts or duties laid on any articles of importation, exportation, or consumption. The revenue consists entirely of grants annually made by the legislatures, of sums of money for the current service of the year, and appropriated to certain uses. These grants are apportioned upon all the polls and estates, real and personal, in the community; and they are levied and paid into the public treasury with great punctuality, from whence they are issued in payments of the demands upon the public.
You see then it is in the power of the legislatures to raise what sums are wanted, at least as much as the people can bear; and they are usually proportioned to the public wants and the people's abilities. They are now constantly laying on and paying very heavy taxes, although for the three or four first years of the war the obstructions of trade, &c. made it difficult to raise any taxes at all. The yearly taxes, annually laid on, have increased every year for these three years past, and will continue to be increased in proportion to the abilities of the people. This ability, no doubt, increases, in proportion as population increases, as new lands are cultivated, and as property is in any way added to the common stock; it will also increase as our commerce increases, and as the success in privateering increases.
But by the method of taxing, you see that it is in the power of the legislatures to increase the taxes every year, as the public exigencies may require; and they have no other restraint or limit than the people's ability.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
MR. GALKOEN.
ADVERTISEMENT.
MR. ADAMS'S LETTERS which have appeared in the Gazette, are part of a series, 26 in number, wrote by his Excellency in Holland—the whole are published in a pamphlet of 64 pages, which is to be sold by Messrs. Berry & Rogers, Hanover-Square, Mr. Robert Hodge, Queen-Street, and by the Editor hereof.
INVOCATION TO SLEEP.
LET not the patriot, whose unwearied mind Toils for the general good of human kind, Bend at thy shrine in vain: On him attend, On him let all thy softest dews descend; And to his rapture-soaring soul be given To climb invention's highest, happiest heaven: Where Shakespeare, wand'ring, tipt his tongue with fire, Heard mystic sounds and stole a seraph's lyre. Not less in vain the virgin sacrifice Eloquent tears, and energy of sighs; O'er her fair breast the sorrow-loathing rod Gracious extend, and give her all the God: Charm her sad drooping soul; and, kissing, dry The dewy drops that glisten in her eye."
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine.
An ACT to regulate PROCESSES in the COURTS of the United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all writs and processes issuing from a supreme or a circuit court, shall bear test of the chief justice of the supreme court, and if from a district court, shall bear test of the judge of such court, and shall be under the seal of the court from whence they issue; and signed by the clerk thereof. The seals of the supreme and circuit court, to be provided by the supreme court, and of the district courts, by the respective judges of the fame.
And be it further enacted, That until further provision shall be made, and except where by this act or other statutes of the United States is otherwise provided, the forms of writs and executions, except their style, and modes of process and rates of fees, except fees to judges, in the circuit and district courts, in suits to common law, shall be the same in each state respectively as are now used or allowed in the supreme courts of the fame. And the forms and modes of proceedings in causes of equity, and of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction shall be according to the course of the civil law: And the rates of fees the same as are or were last allowed by the States respectively in the court exercising supreme jurisdiction in such causes. Provided, That on judgments in any of the causes aforesaid where different kinds of executions are issuable in succession, a capias ad satisfaciendum being one, the plaintiff shall have his election to take out a capias ad satisfaciendum in the first instance, and be at liberty to pursue the same until a tender of the debt and costs in gold or silver shall be made.
And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue in force until the end of the next session of Congress and no longer.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER 29th, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
An ACT to explain and amend an Act, entitled, "An act for Registering and Clearing Vessels, Regulating the Coasting Trade, and for other purposes."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That when any goods, wares, or merchandise of foreign growth or manufacture, shall be unladed from any ship or vessel in virtue of a permit obtained for that purpose, and shall be put into a craft or vessel, with intent to be transported to a landing within the same district, it shall be the duty of the inspector, or other officer attending the unlading of such goods, wares, and merchandise, to deliver to the master or commander of every such craft or vessel, a certificate of such goods, wares, and merchandise, having been duly entered, and a permit granted therefor; and such certificate shall contain a description of all the packages, with their marks and numbers, and shall authorize the transportation and landing of the same, at any landing within the same district, without any further fee or permit, any thing in the said recited act to the contrary notwithstanding.
And be it further enacted, That so much of the twenty-second section, of the said recited act, as exempts vessels of less than twenty, and not less than five tons burthen, employed between any of the districts of the United States, in any bay or river, and having a licence from the collector of the district to which such vessel belongs, from entering and clearing for the term of one year, be extended to vessels not exceeding fifty tons: Provided such vessels shall not have on board goods, wares, or merchandise, other than such as are actually the growth or produce of the United States.
And be it further enacted, That so much of an act, entitled, "An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the United States," as hath rated the ruble of Russia at one hundred cents, be, and the same is hereby repealed and made null and void.
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, SEPTEMBER 29, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, NOVEMBER, 21, 1789. GENERAL ACCOUNT of ANTICIPATIONS. No. II.
A PARTICULAR STATEMENT of WARRANTS drawn by the late Board of Treasury on MICHAEL HILLEGAS, late Treasury of the United States, which remain unpaid, and were comprised in the Estimate made by the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and by him reported to the House of Representatives of the United States.
Table with 5 columns: Date of Warrants, No., In whose favor, Department, and for what drawn, Dol. cts. m.
Main table of Civil List with entries for various officials and amounts, including Edward Chinn, John Hallstead, George Stanton, John White, William Winder, and others.
WESTERN TERRITORY.
Table of Western Territory entries including Thomas Hutchins, John Lawrence, and Joseph Nourse.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Oswego-Market, NEW-YORK. [3dol. pr. an.]