Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-01-12 00:00:00

Captain John Rogers near Bowling Green [-701-]
Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 74, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 12, 1791.
[Whole No. 178.]
From the (London) GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE, For August, 1790.
Mr. URBAN,
UPON the recent election of a Parliament, you may, perhaps, deem it useful information to lay before the public in general, and the new senators in particular, the following
STATE OF THE ENGLISH NATION.
  Population of Great Britain, viz. England and Wales, 8,000,000 } 9,500,000   Scotland, 1,500,000 }   Number of the House of Commons, 558   Number of persons to each member of parliament; or, in other words, each member of parliament represents 17,025   Number of active citizens, or sitting men between 16 and 60 years of age, one-fourth of the whole, 2,375,000   Number of active citizens to each member of parliament, 4,256 1/4   England and Wales contain square miles, according to the Statistical Tables, 54,112   Number of persons to each square mile 147 3/4   Scotland contains square miles, 25,600   Number of persons to each sq. mile, 58 3/4   Great Britain contains sq. miles, 79,712 or sq. acres, 51,015,680   Number of persons to each sq. mile, or 5 2-5 acres per head 119 1/2   The nett produce of the taxes on the average of three years, from the 5th April, 1787, to the 5th April, 1790, £. 15,846,000   Add 8 pr. cent. for charges of collection 1,267,680   The gross revenue of Great-Britain, beside tythes parish and county-rates, &c. &c. £. 17,113,580 0 0   So that each individual pays to the State, on an average, out of his income, or the produce of his labor, 1 16 0 3/4   But, if paid by the active citizens, it is a head by the year, 7 4 1 1/4   The capital of the national debt, exclusive of annuities for lives and years, is about, 240,000,000 0 0   Upon the notion that the land is ultimately charged to pay the national debt, every square mile is mortgaged for 3,010 16 9 1/4   or every square acre is mortgaged for 4 12 4 1/4   The interest of the funded debt, including the annuities and charges of management, is 9,260,000 0 0   Towards this, every square mile contrib. 116 3 4 1/4   or every square acre contrib. 0 3 6   or every individual per ann. 0 19 6 
Suppose the average rent of lands to be ten shillings an acre, and that they now sell for about 30 years purchase, every acre is mortgaged for almost one-third of its intrinsic value, and pays more than that proportion of its annual rent to the interest of the national debt.
I have not made these calculations to create discords or despondency; for I believe that the same sort of enquiries, with regard to other kingdoms, would shew that, notwithstanding our burdens appear heavy, we are not in a worse condition than our neighbours. By this view of our affairs, I mean only to stimulate our Ministers and Senators to pursue the wisest measures for strengthening this country, by thrift in the public treasure, by care of the public's trade, and by all the other honest and useful arts of peace.
It is not extent of territory that makes a country powerful, but numbers of men well employed, convenient ports, a good navy, and a soil producing all sorts of commodities. The materials for all these we have; and, to improve them to the greatest advantage, we only want the complement of men whom our land can maintain and nourish, with as much trade as our national stock and our knowledge of sea affairs is capable of embracing.
A trade so extended will naturally produce a powerful naval strength; while a large and well directed traffic, by its balance in our favor, will furnish such stores and wealth as will enable us to bear our present load of debt until the plan for the reduction of it shall have taken good root; and then the progress of that plan will proceed more rapidly than can easily be conceived by
those who have not been used to contemplate the powers of compound interest. M. W.
L O N D O N, Oct. 14.
THE Emperor of Germany wore, during his coronation, on the 9th of this month, at Frankfort, the robes of Charlemagne; but not until they had been considerably taken in and curtailed, to fit a successor in every respect more diminutive than this gigantic potentate. As a proof that even the influence of an enlightened age could not extinguish the pious credulity of the Germans, care was taken to exhibit, at this solemn celebration, the stable where Jesus Christ was born; the chains which were worn in captivity by St. Paul, and St. John; the cloth which covered the table during the Saviour's last supper; a tooth of John the Evangelist; and a little box of earth indelibly discoloured by the blood of Stephen.
Lord George Gordon was committed to Newgate on the 13th December, 1787, for five years, he has of course more than two yet before him. He is obstinate in wearing a long beard till the term of his confinement is expired; then he means to come forth with beams new shorn like the sun from behind a heavy cloud. Strange to tell, the Alcoran of late has been his principal study, in which he pretends to have found the completest system of human morality ever broached to the world.
An Italian Jew in this city, who is remarkable for nothing but a moderate share of low cunning has within the present year cleared upwards of fifty thousand pounds by his speculations on the war—he always said, by gad dare can be no var .
Lunardi, who has been reported dead, and whose epitaph was even written, and published in the newspapers, is once more risen from the dead, and in perfect health. On the 31st of July last, he made a very successful ascension with a balloon at Palermo, in Sicily, in presence of many thousands, who beheld him with admiration, among whom was Prince Caraminica, and all the principal nobility: He was in the aerial regions one hour and three quarters, one hour and a quarter of which he was hovering over the sea; his highest elevation was four miles; and descended 26 miles from Palermo safe and sound.
Several of the French writers of approved merit, have employed the first months of their liberty, in publishing works in which all religion is represented as a farce, and the holy scriptures are ridiculed in a manner which even Voltaire has not exceeded.
FRANKFORT, Oct. 17.
The emperor and the imperial family took their departure from this place yesterday, at half an hour after seven. At the moment of their setting off, the 300 cannons belonging to the citadel and ramparts began firing, and were answered by the whole artillery of the camp of Bergen: to this imperial salute were joined the acclamations of an immensity of people, who crowded every street through which their majesties passed, and who expressed all manner of good wishes that the hearts of a loyal and admiring people could dictate. Their majesties went directly for Vienna, not taking Prague in their way, as was supposed they would. The king of Naples is detained here for a short time, by a slight indisposition. The Hessian troops quit their encampment at Bergen this day.
P A R I S, Oct. 25.
On Friday, as we announced by our last letter, all the ministers [except mons. de Montmorin] sent a joint letter to the king, requesting his majesty's permission to resign their several employments: to which his majesty himself wrote the following answer.
"I have a lively feeling of the evidence you give me of your sentiments: nobody is better acquainted than myself, upon what a small foundation is conceived the uneasiness and disgust on your account. I have always seen you friends to the people, to order, to justice and to the laws. I will take your letter into particular consideration, and will make each of you acquainted with my intentions; and I expect, from your zeal for the public good, and your attachment to me, that until then you will not quit your functions."
(Signed)
L O U I S."
The democratics, already deserted in their motion in the assembly for the removal of the ministers, are not quite satisfied with this second victory gained over them by the firmness of the King.
Besides a house tax, to be paid by the tenant which is agreed on, though the proportion is not yet settled, it is decreed, that there shall be paid for a single man-servant, three livres, for a second, six livres, and twelve livres each for all above that number; and that half these sums shall be paid for female servants. Small as these taxes may appear, it is much feared that many servants will be discharged. Most families are already obliged to observe the most strict economy, and will be ill able to bear the various taxes which are under consideration, as the price of liberty.
It is likewise decreed, that for every saddle-horse and mule there shall be paid three livres, and for every coach or chaise-horse and mule, twelve livres a year. A democratic member proposed, that this tax should extend to asses—but the party thought themselves too much interested.
We have now in Paris a regular regiment of robbers, under the command of a chief, and officers of different ranks. Six of them were taken a few evenings ago.—In the pocket of one of them was found a regular set of instructions for the operations of the next twenty-four hours. This regiment appears chiefly composed of servants out of place, who, having a proper knowledge of the different houses they have lived in, and perhaps great connexions with servants still in places, may become a very dangerous body, especially at a time when there is no police whatever.
H U D S O N, Dec. 30.
The following statements of the number of inhabitants in the northern part of this state, at the several periods therein mentioned, are accurate and authentic.
[Note—The counties of Albany, Montgomery, Washington, Columbia, Clinton, and Ontario were, in 1771, comprehended in the county of Albany, and at present compose two of the great districts of this state, called the eastern and western districts.]
In 1771, a census of the inhabitants in the province of New-York was taken, by order of the then Governor, Lord Dunmore.
  Albany county contained 42,706   In 1786, a census was taken by order of the legislature.   Albany county contained 72,360 } Montgomery 15,057 } Washington 4,456 } 91,873   Increase in 15 years 49,167 
Within [which time, these districts (forming an extensive frontier) suffered from frequent and almost constant invasions of the enemy, during a 7 years war, at one time, by two formidable armies, one under St. Ledger, against Fort Schuyler, and the other, of 10,000 men under Burgoyne, who actually penetrated so far as Stillwater.
  The present census makes   Albany county 75,180 } Montgomery 28,848 } Washington 14,025 } 149,127   Columbia 27,552 } Clinton 12,22 } Ontario 3,000 }   Increase in four years 57,954 
B O S T O N, Jan. 6.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Muskingum, to his friend in this town, dated Marietta, Nov. 14.
"Our settlement here is moderately increasing, as usual: our crops of corn are very fine: I think we shall want for provision no more in this place.
"As you have made a visit to this country, I shall take the liberty to mention some of our extraordinary productions; otherwise I should not dare, lest they should be doubted. Mr. Mathewson, of Belle-Prie, has raised this year, between two and three hundred bushels of corn; and after his ground was cleared and fenced, he computed all his other labour at three shillings per day, and his corn did not cost him two pence half penny per bushel.
"I measured a Radish in one of the garrison gardens, the last summer—It was twenty inches in circumference, and twelve inches out of the ground. There are some extraordinary instan-

ces in the growth of fruit trees, pumpkins, and the like—I forget the particulars—but have mentioned enough—you know the country.
"Since you left this place, Mr. E. Backus, myself, and another person for our guide, &c. have made a tour up the Muskingum, about 100 miles, to White-Woman's Creek. We found a most beautiful country on the river; we did not go far back, to see what it was there.
"There winters in this place, a number of French gentlemen, who intend to make settlements in the Scioto purchase; they have left France in consequence of the revolution in that country. They have brought their national disputes with them, and cannot agree to settle together: I think, however, they will soon forget them, and all become Republicans.—About 500 have arrived—there are several thousands expected out next season."
N E W - Y O R K, Jan. 17.
"When thou doest an alms, let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth." Jesus Christ.
Dr. Rodgers is highly obliged to the unknown friend, from whom he received a polite letter of the 4th inst. covering a hundred dollar bank note, for the use of the poor; and while he takes this method of informing him that it came safe to hand, he assures him it shall be faithfully appropriated to the benevolent purposes of the generous Donor.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, Jan. 6.
In committee of the whole, on the bill repealing after the last day of next the act laying duties on distilled spirits, &c. and imposing others in their stead.
Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
(Continued from our last.)
MR. LIVERMORE was in favor of the bill. He said he considered it as an equal and just mode of taxation—and as such will be agreeable to the people—they will consider it as drinking down the national debt. The plan is agreeable to the expectations and sentiments of the people: So far, said he, as my observations have extended, I have not found a single individual who has objected to it.
He then obviated the objections to the bill, which he conceived arose principally from the word Excise . He thought the term very improperly applied, on the present occasion, for the duty cannot be said to be an Excise.
He then gave a description of what had been considered in times past as an excise, which to be sure, said he, is a very unequal tax, inasmuch as it fell on the poor only, who were obliged to purchase in small quantities—while the rich, by storing their cellars, escaped the duty—but this bill provides that the duty shall fall equally on the rich and poor—It is to be paid, or secured, by the importer of foreign spirits, and at the still-head on domestic spirits—This will equalize the burthen, and leave no room for complaint.
He then adverted to direct taxation—and by a variety of particulars shewed, that it was utterly impossible to lay a direct tax that would not prove unjust, unequal, and grievously oppressive.
Mr. Bloodworth spoke against the bill: He dilated largely on the present uneasiness which prevailed in the state of North Carolina: His experience, he said, was directly contrary to that of the gentlemen from New-Hampshire, the people to the southward universally condemn an Excise.
Mr. Sedgwick said he was unhappy to hear that discontents prevailed in any part of the United States. He could assure gentlemen that he did not contemplate the execution of the laws by military force. He was sure that in no part of the legislature were entertained designs inimical to the public liberty. In framing the present bill, great attention had been paid to prevent its being attended with those qualities which, in other countries, rendered taxation by excise justly obnoxious to popular resentment. He relied on the good sense and well-informed understandings of the people in every part of America, for the execution of such systems for the support of public credit, and for the diminution of the national debt, as should be devised by the wisdom of their representatives. For the same purposes, he said, he confided in the patriotism of the gentlemen who came from those districts of country where uneasiness was said to exist. He believed there was indeed a considerable deficiency to be provided for, for the support of government and of the public credit. This belief was founded in his confidence in the information received from the Secretary of the Treasury. But if there was
no deficiency, his disposition to support the bill would be the same; for he had never believed that a public debt was a public benefit. Is it not then the duty of those to whom the people have delegated the important trust of guarding their prosperity, in a season of profound peace, to liberate them from the burden and pressure of debt?—Therefore the only question to be determined is, whether the proposed duties are a proper source from whence we might derive the necessary aids to provide for the payment of the interest, or the diminution of the principal of our debt? He believed, he said, that of all the subjects of revenue which were within the power of Congress, none was so proper as the duty on ardent spirits, contemplated by the bill. In this sentiment, he believed, he concurred with that of the great body of the people. The several species of taxation, said he, may be divided into the four following—by impost—a tax on internal negotiations—direct taxes—and that now under consideration, excise. The impost duties had been extended as far as was, in the opinion of any gentleman, dictated by sound policy. The tax on internal negotiations, which could not be carried to any considerable extent without the intervention of stamps, was subject to the objection brought against the present bill, and that in a degree incomparably beyond it, of being opposed by public opinion. Direct taxes, said he, are still more objectionable on that account, at least in every part of the country to which his knowledge extended. They are of all taxes the most unequal, and in this country would be found the most oppressive. They are unequal, because with whatever exactness they might be apportioned upon capital or income, the only two principles on which an apportionment can be made; they may and will be very unequal as to the burden imposed; because a man's ability to pay taxes is not in proportion either to his capital property or to his income, but to that part of his income which is over and above his necessary expenses, according to the usual manner of living, for persons of his degree in the community. They will be oppressive in this country, because in many of the states the plentiful circulation of money, and the facility of obtaining it, does not extend to the interior parts, nor could it be obtained by many of our citizens without a great sacrifice of property. It may be added, that from the extent of our settlements compared with the number of our citizens, the expence of collection would be immense.
In regard to excises, Mr. Sedgwick said that in all insensible modes of taxation, it should be observed, that a much greater sum would be obtained from an individual than by any mode of direct imposition: this, without entering into a discussion of the reasons on which it was founded, is demonstrated by fact. He instanced the porters of London, from whom, in the single article of beer, was drawn ten times as much as could be procured by the most rigorous mode of direct exaction. With regard to the proposed duties, though the well-meant consideration of morality which had been urged by some gentlemen weighed but little with him, because he doubted whether it was well founded; yet, if the consumption should be lessened, he did not believe it would be attended with any sensible inconvenience. The consumption at present amounts to an enormous quantity: from these considerations, said he, as the measure is dictated by sound policy, he hoped and believed it would be supported by a good degree of unanimity.
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) adverted to the funding system, to shew, that the faith of the United States was pledged to raise a sufficient revenue to discharge the debt, which by that system, they have engaged to pay. The Secretary's statements point out a deficiency: Those statements he had no doubt were as accurate as the nature of things would admit. Gentlemen who find fault with the proposed plan, do not offer a substitute. He then entered into a defence of the bill, and shewed in what respects it differed from the English plan of an Excise.
He said the present bill was not so exceptionable on account of its violating private property, as the Collection Law.
He instanced, in a particular clause of that law, the power of entering houses by warrant from a Justice of the peace—Trial by Jury is secured by this bill—and other provisions friendly to personal rights are added.
Direct taxes, said he, are as much objected to by North Carolina as the Excise—and tho' direct taxes are mentioned, no plan is offered.
He then enlarged on the importance of punctuality in paying the interest of the public debt, and of having a surplus revenue in the treasury. He doubted not the gentlemen in favor of the bill were as patriotic as those who are averse to it:—Difference in opinion is to be expected—but he had a better opinion of the good sense of the community, than to suppose they would be led away by a sound—They will see and judge for themselves—and when they see that the law is free from all those obnoxious qualities which have been suggested, they will submit to it without
complaint, especially when they realize that the tax is equal—and the only effective resource within the present command of the government—the general government is authorised to lay excises: North Carolina knew this when she adopted the Constitution. The opposition he suspected was against the object to which the money is to be appropriated.
Mr. Giles said, the sentiments of the people of the southern states, have been so differently represented, from what he conceived to be the state of facts, that in justice to them he conceived himself bound to take some notice of the observations which had fallen from gentlemen.
He then stated certain principles on which taxation should be formed—Taxes should be necessary—and raised on a plan consistent with the principles of liberty.
He adverted to the necessity, which he observed was abundantly apparent, from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—but he did not confine his opinion to what had fallen from him. He instanced other reasons which would occasion a necessity for replenishing the public treasury. The expediency of the present mode he argued from the Impost's being carried to the utmost—from the approbation of this mode by a majority of the people—and tho' uneasiness might prevail in some of the southern states, he considered them as originating altogether from the want of due information—Possessed of that information he could pledge himself to the committee, that they would cheerfully acquiesce in whatever the legislature should decide to be for the general interest.
With respect to the bill's being agreeable to the principles of liberty and republicanism, this would more properly come into view when that part of the bill which designates the mode of collection, comes under consideration. At present he would only say, that he had observed with pleasure, that there appeared to be a universal disposition in the members of the house, to manifest the most scrupulous attention in all their deliberations, to the liberties of the people.
On the whole he had no doubt that on mature reflection the people would acquiesce in the present plan, when the honor, security and peace of the United States appeared to be essentially connected with a further provision for the public exigencies.
Mr. Stone particularly alluded to the statement offered by Mr. Jackson—by which it appeared that only the sum of 146,000 dollars were wanted—whereas the Secretary's report calls for the enormous sum of 800,000. He called on gentlemen to shew the errors of the statement offered by the gentleman—It had not been done.
He then adverted to the number of people that would probably be wanted in order to make the duty productive: He believed they would be so numerous as to be sufficient to constitute an army.
Mr. Fitzsimons read an estimate of the actual and probable produce of the present Impost and Tonnage, for the current year—by which it appears there will be a deficiency of upwards of 300,000 dollars—but taking into consideration certain contingencies, which should they take place, will diminish the amount of the present duties, it appeared that the deficiency would be much larger than the sum mentioned—but even in case of a surplus being produced by this bill, there are objects to which it can be applied, highly beneficial to the United States: He instanced sinking the deferred stock, and the three per cents: The reduction of the public debt is an object which ought never to be lost sight of.
Adjourned.
MONDAY, Jan. 10.
Sundry petitions were read and referred.
In committee of the whole on the bill, directing the mode in which the evidences of the debt of the United States, which are, or may be destroyed, shall be renewed.
Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
The committee went through the discussion of the bill; they made sundry amendments, which were reported to the house.
It was then moved that the bill be engrossed for a third reading.—This was objected to by several members, and a motion for its recommittal to a select committee, made by Mr. Seney, after some debate, was carried—and the following gentlemen were appointed the committee, Messrs. Sedgwick, Williamson, Lawrance, Carroll, Clymer, Sturges and Sherman.
In committee of the whole on the bill, declaring what officer, in case of vacancy, [by death, removal, or inability] in the office of President, and Vice-President, shall act as President.
Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
The first clause of the bill was read, which contains a blank to be filled up, designating the person who shall act as President. This Mr. Smith, (S. C.) after some preliminary observations moved should be filled with the Secretary of State for the time being.
Mr. Livermore moved to insert the President of the Senate, pro tempore .
Mr. Benson moved to insert the chief justice of the United States.

An irregular debate ensued on these several nominations, without a question's being taken on either. Some of the members appeared desirous of coming to a decision; a motion however, for the committee's rising and reporting progress was carried in the affirmative.
The committee on enrolled bills, reported the bill, intitled an act, to continue an act, declaring the assent of Congress to certain laws of the states of Rhode-Island, Maryland and Georgia, so far as it respects Rhode-Island and Georgia—which they had examined and found duly enrolled. The speaker then signed the same.
Mr. Williamson bro't forward his motion for leave to bring in a bill to prevent the invalid pensioners from alienating their pensions before they became due. A committee was accordingly appointed, consisting of Messrs. Williamson, Brown, and Griffin.
Mr. Fitzsimons presented a petition from the inspectors of the port of Philadelphia—praying for an addition to their compensation. Laid on the table.
Mr. Ames moved that a committee be appointed to consider whether any, and what further provision, shall be made to the commissioners of loans in the respective states, to defray their extra expences.
A message was received from the President of the United States, to inform the house that the act above mentioned had received his approbation, and signature. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, Jan. 11.
A petition from sundry inhabitants of the state of Pennsylvania was read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Bloodworth presented a memorial from the merchants and others of the town of Fayetteville; and another from the merchants of Wilmington, respecting the judiciary system; proposing certain alterations therein. Referred to a committee of five, consisting of Messrs. —, Burke, Bloodworth, Giles and Brown.
In committee of the whole on the bill, repealing after the last day of next, the duties heretofore laid on distilled spirits, and laying others in their stead.
The 13th section, which provides for laying a duty on spirits, distilled from materials, the produce of the country was read.
This section Mr. Jackson moved, should be struck out; a lengthy debate ensued, which employed the residue of the day; the question on striking out being at length put, passed in the negative—33 to 17—the committee then rose and reported progress.
A message was received from the Senate, informing the House, that they have passed a bill entitled an act for granting lands to the settlers at post St. Vincennes; read the first time.
Adjourned.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
A Letter from Joseph to his Friend Aminadab, on the Exemption of the Quakers from the Militia Service, &c.
MY DEAR FRIEND AMINADAB,
I HAVE to return thee my thanks for the Memorial thou hast sent me, and which our Society have caused to be presented to the Congress of the United States. I like it well, because it savoureth much of our carnal interest, and is expressive of that subtle policy which is known to guide our tender consciences. Surely we ought to be exempted from the dangers, fatigues, and expences of the militia-service, because we have, in general, been such tried friends to the independence of this country, and our conduct hath been so truly patriotic, as to merit every encouragement and distinction.
It gives me also great pleasure, friend Aminadab, to see our great men pay such attention to our Memorial, and spend whole days in debating thereon: Verily, the light will arise, and we shall be quite happy in sitting quietly under our own Vines and Fig-Trees, in having our lives and property protected, while others will be called out to the field of slaughter, and obliged to fight with the savages, in defence of our lands and possessions. This will be true Quakerism, and if not quite agreeable to the written word, yet altogether consonant to the dictates of that Monitor within our bosoms, which warneth us to take care of ourselves, and to avoid all concern with ungodly quarrels and dissensions.
I know the carnal man objecteth to our peaceable Spirit, and maintaineth the doctrine of war and self-defence, so contrary to our interest and personal safety. Hence it is, that we are often told, that being a part of the community, and receiving the advantages of defence and protection, we are bound to bear our proportion of the public burdens; and that we ought not to be indulged with an exemption from these services, because a too great extension of our principles might endanger the very existence of government. Thus it sadly grieveth us to find, there is no living upon earth without wars and fightings.
To me, Aminadab, it seemeth strange, that men should make use of scripture arguments in defence of military establishments; for they tell us, that Wars have been, and will be, in all ages, to the end of time; that the great Melchizedek met Abraham, the father of the faithful, when he returned from the slaughter of the Kings, and blessed him, which he would not have done, had he been engaged in an unlawful action; that the profession of a soldier, or militia-man is no where forbidden, or condemned in scripture:—When the Baptist was interrogated by the soldiers, as to their conduct, he said unto them, "do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages." In which reply, we do not find that in order to prepare themselves for the reception of the kingdom of God, it was required of soldiers to relinquish their profession, but only that they should beware of the vices, of which that profession was accused. The precept which follows, "be content with your wages," supposes them to continue in their situation.
How great was the encomium pronounced by the saviour of mankind on the Roman Centurion, or Captain, "I have not found so great faith, no not in Israel." The first Gentile Convert who was received into the Christian Church, and to whom the Gospel was imparted, by the immediate and especial direction of Heaven,
held the same station; and in the history of this transaction, we discover not the smallest intimation, that Cornelius, upon becoming a Christian, quitted the service of the Roman Legion; that his profession was objected to, or his continuance in it considered, as in any wise, inconsistent with his new character.
It is also asserted by these carnal reasoners, that self-defence, both in individuals and society, is justifiable. Thus when our life is assaulted, it becomes necessary for our preservation, to kill the assailant. This is evident in a state of nature, unless it can be shewn that we are bound to prefer the aggressor's life to our own; that is to say, to love our enemy better than ourselves, which can never be a debt of justice; nor any where appears to be a duty of charity. This mode of reasoning is applied to nations, who are therefore led to oppose the violence of each other.
Thus, friend Aminadab, have I suggested to thee, some of the objections to our received opinions, to the end that thou mayest be enabled to answer them, with the meekness of wisdom, and shew the reasonableness of exempting the Quakers from bearing arms, because they live in an expectation of a kingdom of peace, wherein dwelleth righteousness. I will assure thee, good friend, that these subjects have lately mightily agitated my spirits, so that one day, being in a profound meditation thereon, I fell into a sleep by the fire side, sitting in my elbow-chair: During the short time of my repose, methought I saw before mine eyes a wide extended plain, on which were gathered together an innumerable multitude of people; and in the middle of this plain, I beheld a huge mountain, on which a great number of these people were endeavouring to ascend. While I considered these things, behold a venerable man stood by me, clothed in white raiment, whole affable, agreeable countenance encouraged me to enquire the meaning of the sight I was then contemplating. He informed me, that the huge mountain was called MOUNT-EXEMPTION, and that the persons ascending the same, were the professors of various religious denominations. Observing to my good genius, that these sectaries were so numerous as to cover the mountain, he said, that it could not be wondered at, since by getting a place on the mountain, they were exempted from the fatigues and dangers of war, to which the poor folks beneath were exposed: He then gave me the following particulars, descriptive of those elect favorites, viz.
 Of the tribe of Quakers were exempted, 40,000  Of the tribe of Methodists were exempted, 40,000  Of the tribe of Mennonists were exempted, 10,000  Of the tribe of Moravians were exempted, 5,000  Of the tribe of Dunkards were exempted, 5,000  100,000 
I then looked again, and behold! the Methodists were harmoniously chanting their Hymns of triumph, for the advantages they had received over the multitudes on the plain beneath, and their song was, O, be joyful! While the Mennonists and Dunkards skipped like deviled Rams , and the Moravians like young sheep, around the mountain; but the Quakers, fearing that profane singing might hurt their tender consciences, testified their approbation, with such a strange dissonance of sounds, that the noise thereof awaked me out of sleep, and lo! it was a dream.
JOSEPH.
Elkton, the 7th day of the first month, 1791.
To the EDITOR of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
SIR, SINCE the arrival of Congress in this city, there has been a constant and general complaint of the scarcity of hackney-coaches, and of the exorbitant price demanded for their fare.
In London, the hackney-coaches (to prevent their being too numerous) are limited to 1000, and this number is always compleat. The fare is also limited, to prevent imposition; four persons taking a coach for one hour, or one mile, pay one shilling, or three-pence sterling each, and no more, although the proprietors pay a severe tax to government for their licences.
Perhaps a statement similar to the following, may induce some enterprising citizen to make his own fortune, and benefit the public.
 A good hackney-coach may cost 150  A pair of horses, 150  Keeping per year, 150  Coachman, 200  Wear of Horses harness, &c. 50  700 Dollars. 
The Coaches in this city earn at present from 5 to 10 dollars per day: Take the smallest sum—5 dollars per day, is 1825 pr. annum. 10 Coaches would bring in, at 1825 each, 18250 drs. per year. Deduct for stock, interest, and whole ann. ex. 7420
Thus may be gained in one year, 10830 drs. by any individual who may have the spirit, with the property or credit, to procure 7 or 8000 dollars on interest, for one year.
N. B. From 15 to 30 Coaches, it is supposed, would find immediate employ. A TRAVELLER.
Philadelphia, Jan. 12.
A principal cause of the low state of Agriculture is the want of capital to make improvements: The plan of the National Bank holds up the prospect of relief: Such a great capital thrown into circulation, will diffuse new health to quicken the industry of the country: Many millions of new property will be set in motion, and a new celerity given to the old stock. The farmers may now look forward to a more improved state, and of course to an higher degree of prosperity: With the means, it is to be hoped, the spirit of improvement will be diffused.
The trade, manufactures, and husbandry of a country, will remain far behind the most prosperous state to which they may be carried, until Banks and inland Canals are formed: They afford a surprising aid: They seem to assist industry, and to bear relation to the whole society, as machines do to particular arts: Our improving country will soon be equal to any attempts of this nature.
The Hon. JEREMIAH WADSWORTH, Esq. is re-elected member of the House of Representatives of the United States, for the State of Connecticut, vice PIERPONT EDWARDS, Esq. resigned.
The New-York Daily Advertiser of Monday, mentions that 150 dollars were received by Dr. MOORE—150 by Dr. LIVINGSTON, and 50 by Rev. Mr. JESSOP, from persons unknown, for the use of the poor.
The Representatives in Congress for the state of North-Carolina are to be chosen the last Thursday and Friday of this month.
The interesting view of the "state of the English nation" in the first page of this paper, is published with a view of inducing some of our ingenious readers, or correspondents, to furnish a statement of the actual situation of this country; it is presumed that a tolerably accurate account of the United States on a similar scale, would exhibit a most pleasing perspective of the American republic.
 Net amount of duties on Goods, Wares and Merchandise imported into the United States from the 1st day of August, to the 30th of Sept. 1790.  Dols. Cts.  New-Hampshire, 2,980 76  Massachusetts, 52,697 30½  Connecticut, 11,112 78  New-York, 86,215 36  New-Jersey, 1,200 32  Pennsylvania, 99,349 86  Delaware, 3,363 77  Maryland, 25,163 57  Virginia, 89,003 9  South-Carolina, 37,060 57½  Georgia, 7,011 78½ 
 Net amount of duties on Goods, Wares and Merchandise imported into the United States from the 1st day of October, 1789, to the 30th of September, 1790.  Dols. Cts.  New-Hampshire 14,550 19½  Massachusetts, 320,430 98½  Rhode-Island, 17,675 29½  Connecticut, 64,336 20½  New-York, 446,646 38  New-Jersey, 4,291 85½  Pennsylvania, 472,756 35  Delaware, 9,914 21½  Maryland, 206,750 27  Virginia, 214,341 31½  North-Carolina, 14,340 15½  South-Carolina, 102,438 62  Georgia, 15,237 64½  1,903,709 48½ 
The following comparison will shew, that what are called Charity Schools, are hostile to the interests of education and the poor.
In the city of New-York, which contains about 30000 inhabitants, there are 3 Charity Schools: In which, according to a statement published in the New-York Magazine for December 1790, one hundred and eighty-six children are instructed in reading, writing and arithmetic.
In the town of Boston, which contains about 18000 inhabitants, there is not one Charity School—but in the Public Schools of that place, supported by a tax, near FIFTEEN HUNDRED CHILDREN are taught the above branches—and in one of the Schools, Greek and Latin.
In New-York there is probably one third more children than in Boston: The number therefore of those, who are unprovided for in the former, is greatly disproportionate.—Of the fifteen hundred who are educated in the public schools in the latter, more than a thousand would be deprived of all opportunity of acquiring learning without this public provision, agreeable to the experience of New-York, with those Charity-Schools.—This makes good the old saying, that "CHARITY covereth many omissions."
Learning ought to be free as air:—This can only be effected by laws, which shall throw the burthen of supporting schools on the whole community, that the provision may be made so ample, as to be within reach of the poorest member of society—surely it is in the power of the free citizens of every capital in the United States, to devise ways and means for the education of their children without depending on charity; the foregoing example proves that it is.
The legislature of the state of North-Carolina finished their session at Fayetteville, on the 15th ult. after having passed fifty-seven laws.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
 FUNDED DEBT.  6 pr. Cents 17½ pr. £. 85 pr. cent.  3 pr. Cents 8½—8¾ pr. £. 43¾ do.  Deferred 6 pr. Cents 8½—8¾ pr. £. 43¾ do.  UNFUNDED DEBT.  Final Sett. and other Certificates 15 pr. £. 75 do.  Indents 8½—8¾ pr. £. 43¾ do.  State debts 12½—12¾ pr. £. do. 
AMERICAN CLOTHS.
SUPERFINE and ELASTICS, CONGRESS BROWN, LONDON SMOKE, LEAD DRAB, BLUE and OTHER fashionable Colours,
Manufactured at Hartford, (State of Connecticut,) just received, and are now offered for Sale, at the
CHEAP STORE, No. 38,
North Third Street,
At which Store are also opening a large and general assortment of EUROPEAN and INDIA GOODS.
 CLOTHS, ELEGANT Vell Patterns—  Linens, adapted to the season,  Cambrics, Silk, Cotton, and Worsted  Painted, sprigged, tambour- Hose,  ed book, and jaconet Mullins, Corduroys,  Chintzes, Velvettis, and Royal Ribs,  Cottons and Calicoes, Best Buck, Beaver, and White  Silks, Kidd Gloves, 
A Variety of STUFFS.
And many other Articles, too numerous to insert in an Advertisement; all of which are now selling by Wholesale and Retail, on low terms, as to make them an object to the purchasers.
N. B. A few Barrels of MACKAREL, and Nova-Scotia HERRINGS. Philadelphia, Jan. 12, 1791.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
December 13, 1790.
In obedience to the order of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the 9th Day of August last, requiring the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to prepare and report, on this Day, such further Provision as may, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the PUBLIC CREDIT —the said Secretary further RESPECTFULLY REPORTS,
(CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.)
THE support of industry is probably in every case, of more consequence towards correcting a wrong balance of trade, than any practicable retrenchments in the expenses of families or individuals: and the stagnation of it would be likely to have more effect in prolonging, than any such savings in shortening its continuance. That stagnation is a natural consequence of an inadequate medium, which, without the aid of bank circulation, would in the cases supposed, be severely felt.
It also deserves notice, that as the circulation of a bank is always in a compound ratio to the fund upon which it depends, and to the demand for it, and as that fund is itself affected by the exportation of the metals, there is no danger of its being overstocked, as in the case of paper issued at the pleasure of the government; or of its preventing the consequences of any unfavorable balance from being sufficiently felt to produce the reforms alluded to, as far as circumstances may require and admit.
Nothing can be more fallible than the comparisons which have been made between different countries, to illustrate the truth of the position under consideration. The comparative quantity of gold and silver, in different countries, depends upon an infinite variety of facts and combinations, all of which ought to be known in order to judge whether the existence or non-existence of paper currencies has any share in the relative proportions they contain. The mass and value of the productions of the labour and industry of each, compared with its wants; the nature of its establishments abroad: the kind of wars in which it is usually engaged: the relations it bears to the countries, which are the original possessors of those metals; the privileges it enjoys in their trade; these and a number of other circumstances are all to be taken into the account, and render the investigation too complex to justify any reliance on the vague and general surmises, which have been hitherto hazarded on the point.
In the foregoing discussion, the objection has been considered as applying to the permanent expulsion and diminution of the metals. Their temporary exportation, for particular purposes, has not been contemplated. This, it must be confessed is facilitated by banks, from the facility they possess of supplying their place. But their utility is in nothing more conspicuous, than in these very cases. They enable the government to pay its foreign debts, and to answer any exigencies which the external concerns of the community may have produced. They enable the merchant to support his credit (on which the prosperity of trade depends) when special circumstances prevent remittances in other modes. They enable him also to prosecute enterprises, which ultimately tend to an augmentation of the species of wealth in question. It is evident, that gold and silver may often be employed in procuring commodities abroad; which, in a circuitous commerce, replace the original fund, with considerable addition. But it is not to be inferred from this facility given to temporary exportation, that banks which are so friendly to trade and industry, are in their general tendency, inimical to the encrease of the precious metals.
These several views of the subject appear sufficient to impress a full conviction of the utility of banks, and to demonstrate that they are of great importance, not only in relation to the administration of the finances, but in the general system of the political economy.
The judgment of many concerning them has no doubt been perplexed, by the misinterpretation of appearances, which were to be ascribed to other causes. The general devaluation of personal property, occasioned by the late war, naturally produced on the one hand, a great demand for money, and on the other a great deficiency of it to answer the demand. Some injudicious laws, which grew out of the public distresses, by impairing confidence and causing a part of the inadequate sum in the country to be locked up, aggravated the evil: The dissipated habits, contracted by many individuals, during the war, which after the peace plunged them into expenses beyond their incomes: The number of adventurers without capital, and in many instances without information, who at that epoch rushed into trade, and were obliged to make any sacrifices to support a transient credit: The employment of considerable sums in speculations upon the public debt, which from its unsettled state was incapable of becoming itself a substitute: All these circumstances concurring, necessarily led to usurious borrowing, produced most of the inconveniences, and were the true causes of most of the appearances; which, where banks were established, have been by some erroneously placed to their account; a mistake which they might easily have avoided by turning their eyes towards places where there were none, and where, nevertheless, the same evils would have been perceived to exist, even in a greater degree than where those institutions had obtained.
These evils have either ceased, or been greatly mitigated. Their more complete extinction may be looked for from that additional security to property, which the constitution of the United States happily gives (a circumstance of prodigious moment in the scale both of public and private prosperity) from the attraction of foreign capital, under the auspices of that security, to be employed upon objects and in enterprises, for which the state of this country opens a wide and inviting field, from the consistency and stability, which the public debt is fast acquiring, as well in the public opinion at home and abroad, as in fact; from the augmentation of capital, which that circumstance and the quarter-yearly payment of interest will afford; and from the more copious circulation, which will be likely to be created by a well-constituted national bank.
The establishment of banks in this country seems to be recommended by reasons of a peculiar nature. Previously to the revolution, circulation was in a great measure carried on by paper emitted by the several local governments. In Pennsylvania alone, the quantity of it was near a million and a half of dollars. This auxiliary may be said to be now at an end. And it is generally supposed, that there has been for some time past, a deficiency of circulating medium. How far that deficiency is to be considered as real or imaginary, is not susceptible of demonstration; but there are circumstances and appearances, which, in relation to the country at large, countenance the supposition of its reality.
The circumstances are, besides the fact just mentioned respecting paper emissions, the vast tracts of waste land, and the little advanced state of manufactures. The progressive settlement of the former, while it promises ample retribution, in the generation of future resources, diminishes or obstructs, in the mean time, the active wealth of the country. It not only draws off a part of the circulating money, and places it in a more passive state, but it diverts into its own channels a portion of that species of labour and industry, which would otherwise be employed in furnishing materials for foreign trade, and which by contributing to a favorable balance, would assist the introduction of specie. In the early periods of new settlements, the settlers not only furnish no surplus for exportation, but they consume a part of that which is produced by the labour of others. The same thing is a cause, that manufactures do not advance, or advance slowly. And notwithstanding some hypotheses to the contrary, there are many
things to induce a suspicion, that the precious metals will not abound in any country which has not mines, or variety of manufactures. They have been sometimes acquired by the sword; but the modern system of war has expelled this resource; and it is one upon which the United States will never be inclined to rely.
The appearances alluded to, are, greater prevalency of direct barter, in the more interior districts of the country, which however has been for some time past gradually lessening; and greater difficulty generally in the advantageous alienation of improved real estate, which also have of late diminished, but is still seriously felt in different parts of the Union. The difficulty of getting money, which has been a general complaint, is not added to the number; because it is the complaint of all times, and one in which imagination must ever have too great scope to permit an appeal to it.
If the supposition of such a deficiency be in any degree founded, and some aid to circulation be desirable, it remains to inquire what ought to be the nature of that aid.
The emitting of paper money by the authority of government is wisely prohibited to the individual States, by the national constitution. And the spirit of that prohibition ought not to be disregarded by the government of the United States. Though paper emissions under a general authority, might have some advantages not applicable to the like emissions by the States separately; yet they are of a nature so liable to abuse, and it may even be affirmed so certain of being abused, that the wisdom of the government will be shown in never trusting itself with the use of so seducing and dangerous an expedient. In times of tranquillity, it might have no ill consequence, it might even perhaps be managed in a way to be productive of good; but in great and trying emergencies, there is almost a moral certainty of its becoming mischievous. The stamping of paper is an operation so much easier than the laying of taxes, that a government, in the practice of paper emissions, would rarely fail in any such emergency, to indulge itself too far, in the employment of that resource, to avoid as much as possible, one less auspicious to present popularity. If it should not even be carried so far as to be rendered an absolute bubble—it would at least be likely to be extended to a degree, which would occasion an inflated and artificial state of things, incompatible with the regular and proper course of political economy.
Among other material differences between a paper currency, issued by the mere authority of government, and one issued by a bank, payable in coin, is this: That in the first case, there is no standard to which an appeal can be made, as to the quantity which will only satisfy, or which will surcharge the circulation; in the last, that standard results from the demand. If more should be issued than is necessary, it will return upon the bank. Its emissions, as elsewhere intimated, must always be in a compound ratio to the fund and to the demand: Whence it is evident, that there is a limitation in the nature of the thing: While the discretion of the government is the only measure of the extent of the emissions, by its own authority.
This consideration further illustrates the danger of emissions of that sort, and the preference which is due to bank paper. (To be continued.)
PROPOSALS,
By JOHN TRUMBULL, FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION,
TWO PRINTS,
From original Pictures painted by himself;
One representing the DEATH of General WARREN, at the Battle of Bunker's-Hill. The other, the DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, in the Attack of Quebec.
IN the battle of Bunker's-Hill, the following Portraits are introduced—
  American.  British.    Major General WARREN,  Gen. SIR WILLIAM HOWE,    PUTNAM.  SIR HENRY CLINTON,     Lieut. Col. JOHN SMALL,     Major PITCAIRN, and     Lieut. PITCAIRN.   In the Attack of Quebec, are seen— General MONTGOMERY, Colonel THOMPSON, Major MACPHERSON, and Capt. CHEESMAN.
CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
The prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, Three Guineas for each print; one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed.
SUBSCRIPTIONS are received in this city by Joseph Anthony , jun. Goldsmith and Jeweller, No. 76, Market-Street.
These prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American Revolution.
No period of the history of man, is more interesting than that in which we have lived. The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must ever remain dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. History will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which it is written must be understood—the language of painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expence, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success:—That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor; and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec , are—
 * The DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,  * BATTLE AT TRENTON,  * BATTLE OF PRINCETOWN,  SURRENDER of General BURGoyne,  TREATY WITH FRANCE,  BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS,  * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN,  TREATY OF PEACE,  EVACUATION of NEW-YORK,  RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON,  THE ARCH at TRENTON,  INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.  Each picture will contain portraits of the principal characters who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with stars, are considerably advanced; and the prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers.
December 14.
This day is published,
By Carey, Stewart, and Co.
No. 22, in FRONT-STREET,
The American Museum,
FOR DECEMBER, 1790.
CONTENTS.
ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
 METEOROLOGICAL table, November, 1790.  Observations on the weather and diseases in Phil. for do.  Sketch of the nature and causes of diseases, scientifically explained.  Cursorily view of the advantages of the science of geography.  Observations on the support of the clergy. By the late gov. Livingston.  The same subject continued.  An address, delivered at the commencement in the college of Philadelphia, Dec. 15, 1790. By dr. Ruth.  Observations respecting the proposed national bank.  Extract from the second lecture of the hon. James Wilson, esq.  POETRY.  Address to the red breast. 
SELECTED ARTICLES.
PROSE.
 Essay on population.  Anecdote of an Indian.  Select maxims.  Essay on the influence of religion in civil society.  Reflections on the custom of burying the dead, and the danger of precipitate interment.  Julia—or the penitent daughter.  Description of a North Carolina ordinary.  Remarks respecting the isthmus or Darien.  Further remarks on the same subject.  Observations on female honor. By the rev. Joseph Lathrop.  Remarks on elections, and on voting by ballot and viva voce.  Thoughts on the progress of manufactures.  A hint to chemists.  A useful hint to apothecaries.  Of the enormous bones found in America.  Plan for liberating the negroes within the United States. By Mr. Ferdinando Fairfax.  Thoughts on propriety of reading.  Anecdote of a barbarian.  Anecdote of a Bostonian captain.  Anecdote of a Chinese tailor. 
POETRY.
 Stanzas addressed to the ladies.  An elegy to the memory of the American volunteers, who fell April 19, 1777.  Epilogue spoken by Mrs. Henry.  Prologue spoken by Mr. Hallam.  A winter-piece. By the rev. J. Lathrop, of West Springfield.  A christmas ode. January 1, 1791. 
HENRY KUHL,
At No. 143, Second-Street, near Race-Street,
By advice of his friends in New-York and Philadelphia, has opened an office for the purpose of buying and selling, on commission, the different species of Stock, and of liquidated and unliquidated paper in the market.
He will obtain such Certificates as are required by the funding law, for those who have unliquidated Securities; and transfer stock from and to the Treasury and the Offices of the Commissioners of Loans, on moderate terms.
Having for several years past been employed in the Treasury of the United States, he is well acquainted with its operations and forms; and flatters himself that on that score he has a decided advantage in transacting business here. He is fully impressed with the truth of the adage that "dispatch is the soul of business," and will always make the interest of his employers an object of the first importance.
Philadelphia, December 29th, 1790.
IMPERIAL, HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
TEAS;
REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, and SPICES, &c.
Of the first Quality—by Retail,
No. 17,
Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market-Streets.
WHEREAS a certain WILLIAM TUFF, of Salem County, State of New-Jersey, has two nine pound notes of hand, given by Samuel Hollinhead, jun. and by certain information, it appears that my name as a security for the same is added to those notes, unknown to me. I hereby forbid any person or persons from taking any assignment of them from him; for I am determined not to answer those notes, or any assignment of them, as I know nothing of their dealings, nor will I answer for the same.
REUBEN ROBINSON.
Cumberland County, Nov. 30, 1790.
PHILADELPHIA, JANUARY 1, 1791.
THE partnership of JOHN DUNLAP and DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE having expired this day, DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE proposes to publish a Newspaper, entitled
The Mail,
and
New Daily Advertiser.
(To be continued every Evening, Sundays excepted.)
THE MAIL shall be printed with an elegant new Type, procured for this particular purpose, on Paper, equal in size and quality to any of the Newspapers of Europe or America—And the Subscriber engages that no Means shall be spared to render the MAIL and NEW DAILY ADVERTISER in other respects worthy of the Public Patronage, which he now respectfully solicits.
The Price of the MAIL will be Eight Dollars pr. annum, to be paid at the end of the Year: And Advertisements will be received on such moderate Terms as to prove satisfactory to those who may be pleased to favor the Printer with their Commands in that line.
The MAIL will be published at the House No. 2, Lower Third Street (now occupied by Mr. J. D. Blanchard, who will shortly remove to the adjoining House, No. 4.) and at present SUBSCRIPTIONS are thankfully received at No. 48, Market-Street, by D. C. CLAYPOOLE.
EBENEZER HAZARD and JONAS ADDOMS have entered into partnership, and opened an OFFICE, at No. 173, in Market-Street, a few doors above Fourth-Street, where, under the Firm of
HAZARD and ADDOMS,
They purchase and sell all kinds of CERTIFICATES—PAPER MONEY, and BANK STOCK.
N. B. Transfers made at the Public Offices, and Business in general transacted on Commission. December 29.