Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1791-11-16 00:00:00

(-229-)  Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 58, of Vol. III.]
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1791.
[Whole No. 266.]
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
IN SENATE, NOVEMBER 7, 1791.
The report of the trustees of the sinking fund, was read as follows :
THE Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate, the Chief Justice, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Attorney-General, respectfully report to the Congress of the United States of America—
That pursuant to the act, intitled, "An Act making provision for the reduction of the public debt," and in conformity to two resolutions agreed upon by them, one on the 15th day of January, and another on the 15th of August last, and severally approved by the President of the United States, they have caused purchases of the said debt to be made through the agency respectively of Samuel Meredith, Treasurer of the United States, William Seton, cashier of the Bank of New-York, Benjamin Lincoln, collector of the district of Boston and Charleston, and William Heth, collector of the district of Bermuda Hundred, to the amount of 852,677 dollars 46 cents, for which there have been paid 540,924 dollars and 14 cents, in specie, as will more particularly appear by the several documents No. 1 to 8, herewith submitted as part of this report, and which specify the places where, the times when, the prices at which, and the persons of whom the said purchases have been made.
That the statements of William Seton and Benjamin Lincoln have not yet passed through the forms of settlement, it appears by the document No. 8, being a certified transcript from the books of the Treasury, that the amount of the stock by them respectively reported to have been purchased, has been duly transferred to the said books.
That the purchases now and heretofore reported, amount in the whole to 1,131,364 dollars and 76 cents, for which there have been paid 699,163 dollars and 38 cents, in specie.
Signed in behalf of the Board,
JOHN ADAMS.
 Statement of the Purchases of Public Stock, by the Agents to the Trustees named in the Act for the Reduction of the Public Debt.    BY WHOM PURCHASED. Amount of 6 per cent. stock. Amount of 3 per cent. stock. Amount of deferred stock. Total amount of stock purchased. Amount of specie paid for the purchases.   Dolls. Cts. Dolls. Cts. Dolls. Cts. Dolls. Cts. Dolls. Cts.     Samuel Meredith, from passing of the act to December 6th, 1790, 156,308. 50 61,306. 33 61,072. 47 278,687. 30 150,239. 24   Ditto, to Jan. 11, 1791, 37,718. 68 15,402. 51 26,477. 13 79,661. 32 51,449. 38   Ditto, to Feb. 1st, 42,198. 91 14,402. 63 11,779. 18 68,771. 72 48,550. 62   Ditto, to Sept. 19th, 5,627. 94 94,487. 67 138,605. 88 238,721. 48 148,984. 71   Ditto, to Sept. 5th, 13,291. 8 173,758. 8 186,999. 96 116,542. 69   Ditto, to Sept. 12th, 12,482. 21 41,548. 82 54,031. 1 33,457. 31   Ditto, to April 24th, 37,666. 67 49,000. 67 81,666. 67 50,000.   Ditto, to March 3d, 28,720. 46 14,714. 77 74,434. 30 49,934. 9   2,712. 66 68,447. 50,005. 34   1131,364. 76 699,163. 38  
JOSEPH NOURSE, Register.
Treasury Department, Register's Office, November 4th, 1791.
The following was laid before the House of Representatives on the 7th inst. by the Secretary of the Treasury.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Nov. 4th, 1791.
SIR, I HAVE the honor to transmit herewith a Report to the House of Representatives, accompanying certain estimates of sums necessary to be appropriated for various objects therein specified, including the service of the year 1792.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, SIR, Your most obedient, and humble servant, ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
The Honorable JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Esquire, Speaker of the House of Representatives
THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY Respectfully Reports to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES The ESTIMATES Herewith transmitted, No. 1, 2, 3, 4.
   Dolls. Cts.     The first relating to the civil list, or the expenditure for the support of government during the year 1792 (including incidental and contingent expenses of the several departments and offices amounting to 328,653. 56   The second relating to certain liquidated claims upon the Treasury; to certain deficiencies in former estimates for the current service, and to provision in aid of the fund heretofore appropriated for the payment of certain officers of the courts, jurors, witnesses, &c. 197,119. 49   The third relating to the department of war, shewing the stated expenditure of that department for the year 1792, 357,731. 61   The amount of a years pensions to invalids, 87,463. 60 3/4   Pay and subsistence to sundry officers for which no appropriation has yet been made, 10,490. 36   Arrearages due upon Indian affairs for the year 1791, and the sum supposed to be necessary for the year 1792, 39,424. 71   Expences incurred for the defensive protection of the frontiers for the year 1790, and 1791, and for which no appropriation has yet been made, 37,339. 48   Amounting together to 1,058,222. 81 3/4  
As appears by No. 4, which contains a summary of the three preceding ones: exhibiting in one view the total sum as above stated, for which an appropriation is requisite. The funds out of which the said appropriation may be made, are, first, the sum of six hundred thousand dollars reserved annually out of the duties on imports and tonnage, by the act making provision for the debt of the United States, for the support of the government thereof: And secondly, such surplus as shall have accrued to the end of the present year, upon the revenues heretofore established, over and above the sums necessary for the payment of interest on the public debt during the same year, and for the satisfying of other prior appropriations. Judging from the returns heretofore received at the treasury, there is good ground to conclude that, that surplus, together with the abovementioned sum of six hundred thousand dollars, will be adequate to the object. All which is humbly submitted. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
General Estimate for the Services of the ensuing Year. CIVIL LIST.
   Dolls. Cts. Dolls. Cts.     For compensation to the president, vice-president, chief justice and associate judges, 51,500   Ditto to the district judges, 21,300   Members of the senate, house of representatives and their officers, 129,730   Treasury department, 60,300   Department of state, 6,000   Department of war, 9,600   Board of commissioners, 15,100   Government of the western territory, 11,000   Grant to baron Steuben, 2,500   Pensions granted by the late government, 2,767. 73   Incidental and contingent expenses of the civil list establishments, 20,555. 83 328,653. 56  
EXTRAORDINARIES.
   For discharging certain liquidated claims on the United States, 117,626. 70   To make good deficiencies in the civil list establishment, 49,043. 79   Clerks of courts, jurors, witnesses, &c. 5,000   Maintenance of light-houses and repairs, 16,000   Keeping prisoners, 4,000   Arranging the public securities, 2,450   Purchase of hydrometers, 1,000   Building and equipping ten cutters, 2,000  
WAR DEPARTMENT.
   Stated annual expences, 357,731. 61   Annual allowance to invalids, 87,463. 60 3/4   For former deficient appropriations, 47,829. 84   Indian department, 39,424. 71  
Treasury Department, Register's Office, Nov. 4, 1791. JOSEPH NOURSE, Register.
CANAL OF LANGUEDOC.
THE canal of Languedoc is the most stupendous work of art in Europe.—The project originated among the Romans who abandoned it as impracticable. Monsr. Riquet began the enterprize in 1666, and completed it in 1680, surmounting every obstacle in a broken uneven country, carrying his works over and through mountains, and even removing rivers which lay in his way, by aqueducts. Where the canal is carried through mountains it is curiously arched over with free stone. Descending towards the ocean there are 15 locks, and towards the Mediterranean 45, as well as 47 aqueducts and 8 bridges. Near Beziers there are 10 locks which have a pretty effect down a descent of 936 feet, and 66 feet from the level above. This amazing work cost upwards of 2 millions of crowns, half of which was paid by the king. It communicates the Mediterranean with the Bay of Biscay, passing by Bourdeaux and Montpelier, being upwards of 150 miles in length, and of the utmost utility especially in time of war, as flats carrying 60 tons burthen keep up a safe and an easy inland water communication.
PHILADELPHIA. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 10.
IN COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE. Debate on the Ratio of Representation.
MR. LAWRANCE had previously moved that until the next enumeration, the number of Representatives should be one for every thirty thousand persons.
Mr. Dayton had moved to strike out thirty before thousand—this amendment was under consideration.
Mr. Gerry observed, that in all the decisions of the legislature, we ought to follow as far as possible the opinion of the great body of the people.—If this opinion should be found to be against the ratio of thirty thousand, the amendment ought to be adopted; but if we refer to the amendments proposed by the conventions to the constitution, we shall find that five states were in favor of one representative to every thirty thousand persons, till the number should amount to two hundred. None of the propositions now moved as amendments to the motion of the gentleman from New-York, amount to that number—Several others of the conventions were of opinion that the representation was too small to secure the liberties of this country. This government, said he, is a government of representation; the people may controul their representatives, but their influence is small in respect to the senate and the executive, and still less over the officers of government—On what then do the people depend for checking encroachments, or preventing abuses? On their representatives—If these should be too few, or if they should fail them, they never can redress their grievances without having recourse to violence.—If the number is small, a majority may be the more easily corrupted—on the other hand, too large a number will be attended with difficulties; a medium then is most eligible.—An adequate number is absolutely necessary,—and to shew that one to thirty thousand would not produce more than an adequate number, he referred to the ratio of representation in England and France, in which there was a greater proportion of representatives than in the legislature of the United States.
It has been objected to an increase of representatives, that it would lead to encroachments on the part of the general government, over those of the individual governments—He tho't that the reverse of the objection was true, and instanced the opinion and plan of Gov. Hutchinson of Massachusetts, who proposed and advised a reduction of the representation of Massachusetts, as a necessary step in order to effect the designs of Great-Britain—decreasing the number, therefore, will be lessening in proportion the security of the liberties of the people.
He then adverted to the objection arising from the additional expence—but, he observed, after Congress shall have passed a few more of the most important acts, it is not probable that the public business will in future require that the sessions should be for more than four months annually—this would reduce the expence greatly, in the first instance; and agreeable to a calculation, an addition of 47 members to the present number, would make the aggregate expence but about one eighteenth part more than at present, supposing the sessions to be four months long—But he considered the objection on account of the expence as merely speculative.
Although Congress is not positively bound by the constitution to give one member for every thirty thousand inhabitants, yet he would ask, whether the citizens of the United States did not expect that this ratio would be adopted? and whether they would not consider it as an abuse of power, if Congress, instead of one to thirty thousand should settle the representation at one to forty thousand? Eight States have already adopted the first article of the proposed amendments to the constitution: and if the house should

either settle the number of the representative body, as it now stands, or reduce it, or establish it at one hundred, perhaps they might, before the end of the session, be obliged to repeal their act; as they would be bound by the amendment, as soon as it is ratified by a sufficient number of States. If gentlemen thought it probable that the proposed amendment would be ratified by the several States, they ought already to consider it as a rule for their conduct, and be restrained by it, from giving less than one representative for thirty thousand inhabitants. After the representation amounts to one hundred, Congress will, no doubt, have a right to fix it there, until it is increased by the ratio of one to forty thousand: but that is a power, which, he presumed, Congress will not exercise; but that they then will establish some ratio, by which the increase of representation shall keep pace with the increase of population, until the house consists of two hundred members.
Mr. Boudinot was convinced of the propriety of striking out the word "thirty." The House ought to consider what would be an adequate number, for doing the business of the union: and that number ought not to be exceeded, except to answer some very valuable purpose. Business would proceed with difficulty, if the representation was so numerous, as it would become by the ratio of one to thirty thousand. The present representation of the United States is in a ratio very different from that of one to thirty thousand; and yet he thought it fully adequate. From a rough calculation, he said, that the ratio of thirty thousand would produce one hundred and thirteen members; thirty-five thousand would give ninety-seven; and forty thousand would produce eighty-one. If the number once settled was to rest there, he would not be over anxious to oppose the increase: but if gentlemen would take into view the increase consequent on the next enumeration, they would find that the number must by far exceed the due bounds.
The increase of expence had been mentioned. He thought it would greatly exceed the calculation of the gentleman, and, for his part, although he was willing to tax the people for the necessary purposes of government, yet he would never consent to subject them to unnecessary burdens. Every man must see, that if the number was doubled, it would take almost double the time to do the business, as every member would have an equal right to deliver his sentiments, and thus protract their deliberations.
He thought the people of the United States would be duly represented, and to their entire satisfaction, if the ratio was set higher than thirty thousand; nor could he imagine that such an exact proportion, between the representatives and the represented, was at all requisite to secure their liberties, or to do the necessary business of government. This indeed might be the case, if the power, vested in Congress, was proportionate to their number: but since the House would possess the same powers, whether it consisted of a greater or a smaller number, he thought the people equally secure in either case. The ratio of thirty-five thousand, which would produce ninety-seven members, would, in his opinion, be a very proper one. If however the people should think otherwise, they had it in their power to correct the mistake, by ratifying the proposed amendment. Their not having as yet ratified it, was to him an argument that they thought the ratio too low; or at least that they considered the question as doubtful. Some of the States, he observed, have postponed the consideration of the amendment; and eight only have as yet agreed to it. On the whole the house might safely adopt the ratio of one to thirty-five thousand; for that the increasing population of the United States would ever supply a representation sufficiently numerous to answer every good purpose.
Mr. Clarke observed that his objection was not merely on account of the pay of the members, but an increase in the representation would bring an additional expense on the people, by increasing the number of public offices, as almost every man would wish to see his friend provided for. The liberties of America, could be in no danger from the present ratio of representation. The doors of the House are open, and the people know what their representatives are doing.
Mr. Steele was in favor of the motion for striking out thirty. In discussing the important subject before the committee, he observed that there were two enquiries to be attended to—What is the proper number to constitute a representative body for the United States, and what ratio will leave the fewest fractions in the respective states—One member to thirty thousand he conceived would give too numerous a representation; according to the present number of inhabitants it will almost double the present number; it will divide and diminish the responsibility, make the House too unwieldy, retard public business, and increase the public expences unnecessarily—An adequate representation he thought would be comprised within a much smaller number.
Gentlemen have called our attention to the
House of Commons of Great-Britain, and the National Assembly of France; but, said he, God forbid that we should draw our precedents from such examples as may be cited from European representation.
He was opposed to thirty thousand as the ratio—it would in fractions throughout the United States, leave above three hundred and sixty-nine thousand citizens unrepresented. Thirty-five thousand he thought the most eligible number, as it would leave the fewest fractions.
Some gentlemen seem to favor the ratio of thirty thousand, because that number has been recommended by some of the conventions, in their proposed amendments to the constitution; but he hoped that no decision would be founded on those subsequent amendments—It would be well to recollect the sentiments of gentlemen in the several conventions—In many of them, they were agreed to, without any wish or expectation that they should ever be taken into consideration, and therefore he thought that no argument ought to be drawn from them—Neither ought Congress, said he, to be influenced by the example of the state governments—Business is so transacted in most of them, on account of their numerous representation, that there is very little permanency, or consistency in their systems. Too numerous an assembly is perpetually liable to disorder—and when that is the case, government becomes contemptible—this consideration had greater weight with him than an additional expenditure of a few dollars. He again objected to any example from Great-Britain or France; their assemblies, said he, are too numerous and unwieldy to transact business without confusion—and compared with what he considered as an adequate number, are mere mobs.
With respect to the proposed amendments, he said that they have not been adopted by three fourths of the states; and from thence he inferred that they would be finally rejected.
He thought the amendment respecting the ratio of representatives, not so good as the original clause in the constitution—and said he would not hesitate to declare that it ought never to be adopted as a part of it. It has been said that the voice of America is in favor of the ratio of thirty thousand; were this the case, he would obey the voice of America—but he believed that the opinion of enlightened America was that forty or fifty thousand would not be too high a ratio—he should give the preference to either of those numbers to thirty or thirty-five thousand, were it not on account of the fractions that would remain—he concluded, by saying he should vote for thirty-five thousand.
Mr. Lawrance agreed that an adequate number was the great object to be attended to—but he contended that the original motion would give this number more completely than a larger ratio—and it ought to be considered that before the next enumeration, it will not be probably more than one to fifty thousand. As to the increase of expence, he observed that the great objects being accomplished, the future sessions will be short; besides which, the compensation of the members may be diminished—but he considered a necessary increase in the expence, to be fully counterbalanced by affording greater security to the liberties of the people. The firmness of a government depends on a strong executive—but this executive should be founded on a broad bottom—and the broader the basis, the more secure is the public freedom under a vigorous executive.
The existence of the Union may depend on the fullness of the representation.—The inequality in the proportional increase of the number of inhabitants in different states, ought also to be taken into consideration,—for it was very probable that in a short time, while some of the smaller states had a representative for every thirty thousand, others would not have one to forty thousand—He said he was governed by general principles, and not by any calculations of fractional numbers—the constitution contemplates the ratio he had proposed, and therefore he hoped the motion for striking out would not obtain.
Mr. Goodhue observed, that the situation and circumstances of the government of the United States were so different from those of France or Great-Britain, that no parallel could be drawn respecting them—Nor is there, said he, an absolute similarity between this government and those of the state governments. The objects of legislation which come under the cognizance of Congress, are but few compared with those which engage the British House of Commons and the National Assembly of France—A much larger representation is therefore proper, than is necessary for us in the general government.—He doubted the opinion that a large representation was less liable to corruption than a small one—some facts appear to confirm the former sentiment.—He did not consider the expence as a material objection, if an increase of the number was necessary to doing more ample justice, or for the greater security of the liberties of the people—but as he thought this was by no means the case, he was in favor of striking out 30, in order to insert a larger number.
Mr. Barnewell agreed with the gentleman last speaking; he said he should vote for striking out thirty, in order to substitute the largest number that had been mentioned.—Mr. Barnewell entered into an abstract and philosophical discussion of the principle of representation in government—the leading sentiment was, that a large proportion of representatives was not necessary to obtain the best objects of legislation, in expressing the will of the people, or to secure the liberties of the constituent body—the great point, he observed, was to combine the greatest portion of honesty, with a due degree of activity—That number which would comprise a due proportion of these, would be competent to all the purposes of legislation, whether the number for which it legislates is ten thousand, or five hundred thousand. On this principle he was decidedly against a large number, and in favor of a small one. Adverting to the British House of Commons and the National Assembly of France, with respect to the former, he said, their corruption is in a great degree owing to their numbers; as to the latter, he observed, that the National Assembly had acted in his opinion politically and wisely—they sat out with a large representation in conformity to the sentiments of the people at the moment; but on experience, finding the number too great, they have reduced it from twelve hundred to about 250. He believed, he said, that the general sense of the people was against a large representation in Congress—the inconveniences experienced from numerous bodies in the state legislatures, has led several of the states to lessen the number—He influenced Georgia, South-Carolina and Pennsylvania.
Mr. Baldwin was opposed to the motion. One representative for thirty thousand appeared to him by no means a great representation. The opinion that, of late, had been so often advanced from the press, and in public discussion, for reducing the representative branch in government to a small number, he held to be full of dangerous error. He was sensible, that the terms great and small were so merely relative in their signification, that it was difficult precisely to understand each other in the use of them. Perhaps they may most properly, both of them, be considered as extremes. No doubt representation, which of late seems to be used as the character of republican government, is a great improvement upon democracy or legislation by the whole body of the people. He could conceive that a representation might be so large as to partake of the evils of assembling the whole body of the people; but it was a very improbable and not a dangerous extreme: the other extreme was full of danger. These observations acquire much force when applied particularly to the governments of this country; enfeeble the representative part of them, and you sap the very principles of life. They stand on a different basis from the governments which have gone before them, and may justly be said to be new experiments in government; time, as yet, has scarcely given room to judge of the probable issue; but this we may pronounce with much certainty, let the principles of representation languish, and they have no chance of success.
It had not been found practicable to ground representation in the federal constitution upon any other principle than that of numbers—but extent of territory is unquestionably one of the natural principles on which it rests, and would if possible be regarded. One for thirty-four or thirty-five thousand may be deemed a proper representation in the kingdom of France, or of Great-Britain. The four millions which compose the United States, compactly settled where there was great famulus in the country, and pretty equally distributed from a common center, would be properly represented by a smaller number than in their present sparse settlement:—But still farther, the settlement of the United States is a fillet stretched along the sea coast for seventeen hundred miles, comprehending as great a variety of climate and interests as one of the other quarters of the globe. It is difficult to conceive of a situation which calls for a greater extension of the principle of representation.
It has been said that one for thirty thousand will make too large and unwieldy a body: he was sensible that was a point that did not admit of being determined by any conclusive reasoning; it was a mere matter of opinion, sound judgment only is to be used, time and experience will come on and confirm or correct the opinion. In such a case, said he, it is wise to enquire how this has been judged of by others who have had a representative body. In France 1200 was not thought too great a representation in forming their national assembly, and the number established by their new constitution for their stated legislature, was not 250, as the member last up had stated—but if he had not been misinformed by the publications in this country, it was nearly 750.
In the kingdom of Great-Britain, 500 is not thought too great a representation; and can 113, which is the greatest number contended for, be considered in this country as a huge and impracticable mass of representation.
It had ever appeared to him to be among the strongest marks of our youth and inexperience, that we grew wise too suddenly. He was afraid this instantaneous wisdom which sprung up at once, and set at nought, or removed to the extreme of absurdity and folly, the deliberate and tried opinions of the most profound and enlightened among men, in circumstances peculiarly favorable to honest decision, will itself be left by time on that extreme.
And how does this compare, he asked, with the opinion and experience of this country in the state governments? The idea had before been called up, but in his opinion justice was by no means done to the comparison. It had been said that the states in general had found their representation too large, and were diminishing it. Let another view be taken of the comparison; a state will not suffer the ordinary business of its own internal legislation to be intrusted to fewer representatives than from one to two hundred, and in some instances more, and yet in the federal government they are obliged to submit to a legislation which can much more substantially affect their happiness and property, and perhaps they have there but a single representative, or at most but five or six. The slightest comparison shews that there is no manner of proportion between them, that they are irreconcilably distorted; surely gentlemen of the opposite opinion will not have the effrontery to attempt to draw an argument from that source for diminishing the present representation.
The several state conventions which had thought proper to amend at all upon the federal constitution, had pretty uniformly expressed their wish that the representation should be increased. Theorists in government, so far as he had been informed, had generally given their opinion that this part was too small, and out of proportion. He was as far from venerating mere theories of government as any man, and was sensible they must adjust themselves to the times and circumstances of the people. But it would not be useless to enquire, how does this appear in practice? He could say for himself that it brought his own mind to the same conclusion, that it was the part of the federal constitution, of all others most defective and insecure. Thirty-three members had formed the house, seventeen was a majority, and equal to the decision of any question. Questions had already occurred, involving property to the amount of from fifty to eighty millions of dollars, and much of it in the hands of the most daring individuals, rendered desperate by their speculations. He did not say there had been any foundation for uneasy apprehensions from that quarter; but he did say, that in other countries it would be supposed to be a most dangerous experiment upon the passions and imperfections of human nature. But it had been said, and with an unexpected assurance, that increasing the numbers did not increase the security against these evils. If so, why not reduce it at once to the venerable number thirteen, or indeed three, which would give us as great a security as the whole body of the people? It is idle to pursue observations on such a point—the mind that can ask for reasoning upon it, can scarcely be supposed in a situation to be benefited by reasons.
The federal government, it must be admitted, is in fact pretty highly seasoned with prerogative—practice has already evinced

the necessity, in many instances, of increasing it, by devolving much of the legislative power upon the executive department, arising from the difficulty of making particular provisions and details in our laws, and accommodating them to the various interests of so extensive a country.
The other branch of the legislature has many traits of a perpetual, at least of a very solid constituent part of the government. He did not mention these as imperfections in the government, they are imperfections if the other parts can be in due proportion; but it is surely a sound reason against taking positive measures at this time to diminish the representative branch; for his own part he was not well satisfied as to the intention. If there is any reason to apprehend that the government will depart from the point on which it was first placed, he could scarcely suppose that any one could be honestly alarmed with the fear that the departure would be towards democracy. He concluded by expressing his hopes that the representation to the next Congress would be fixed at one for thirty thousand, as it had hitherto been, and that the motion for striking out would not prevail.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 14.
The Speaker laid before the house a memorial from General Moses Hazen, which was read and laid on the table.
Mr. Baldwin presented the petition of General James Jackson, stating that an improper and undue return has been made to the house of the election for the lower district of the state of Georgia—and praying that the house would postpone any determination on the election of General Anthony Wayne, for such reasonable period as may enable the petitioner to come forward with such proofs as the case may require.
Mr. Lawrance presented a petition of sundry inhabitants of the state of New-York, holders of the continental paper called new emission, or forty for one money—laid on the table.
A message was received from the President of the United States by Mr. Secretary Lear, with a copy of a resolution of the Legislature of Virginia, ratifying the first article in the amendments proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the United States—also sundry papers relative to a purchase of land on the Great Miami, by John C. Symmes.
Mr. Sney presented a memorial from the distillers of Baltimore, praying a modification and a reduction of the duty on spirits of domestic manufacture—read, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Sundry petitions were read, praying for pensions and compensations—these were committed to the Secretary of War, to report thereon.
The petition of Stephen Zachary, merchant, of Baltimore, was read, stating that in consequence of an unintentional error in a bill of sale of a vessel purchased at Port-au-Prince, he had been obliged to pay extra tonnage duties, and prayed relief. On motion, this petition was referred to a select committee, consisting of Messrs. Fitzsimons, Huger and Gilman.
Mr. Baldwin moved that the petition of Gen. Jackson should be referred to the committee of elections. He offered several observations to show the propriety of giving early attention to the business, particularly as the contested election took place in the remotest part of the remotest state in the Union.
It was observed that a reference to the committee appointed to bring in a bill for establishing an uniform mode of proceeding in cases of contested elections, appeared to be the most eligible.—A reference to the committee of elections was objected to, as the subject did not come within their cognizance, as that committee can only determine respecting the certificate, &c. which are required from the executive of the state to entitle to a seat in the house. A reference to the committee appointed to report a bill, was also objected to, as that committee was not authorized to take notice of past transactions, or to report a retrospective regulation.
A select committee was mentioned, agreeable to the mode adopted in the two contested elections which occurred in the first Congress—but it being observed that the petition was unaccompanied with the requisite documents mentioned in it, Mr. Baldwin withdrew his motion, and the petition was laid on the table.
The message from the President of the United States being read, the papers respecting the purchase of land in the Western Territory, were referred to the committee appointed to bring in a bill providing for the sale of vacant lands.
A report, pursuant to orders of the house, was received and read, from the Board of Commissioners appointed to settle the accounts of the United States with the individual States. The report stated that those accounts may be settled by the first of July, 1793.
Mr. Parker laid before the house sundry papers respecting a Marine Hospital which had been erected in the State of Virginia; also an act of the Legislature of that State, authorizing the sale thereof to the United States—These being read, on motion of Mr. Parker, they were referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Two reports from the Secretary of State on petitions referred to him, were read—one on that of William Howe; the other, on that of Charles Colvin.—On motion of Mr. Madison, William Howe had leave to withdraw his petition—the other report was laid on the table.
The report of the Secretary of War, made to the late Congress, on the petition of Rufus Ha-
milton, which was against the prayer of said petition, was, on motion of Mr. Ward, taken into consideration. A subsequent petition from the same person was also read—and on motion, it was voted that the prayer of said petition cannot be granted.
The order of the day, on the Census being called for, the house went into a committee of the whole.—Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.
Mr. Heister moved that the Clerk should inform the house of the state of the ratifications of the amendments to the Constitution proposed by Congress to the several States.—It appeared that nine States had ratified the first article of these amendments.
The debate was then renewed on the amendment proposed to the motion of Mr. Lawrance, for striking out thirty before thousand.
Mr. Findley and Mr. Giles spoke largely against the motion for striking out—and Mr. Boudinot replied. The committee rose without taking a vote, and had leave to sit again.
Adjourned.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15.
Mr. Wayne presented the petition of J. Davis, a surgeon in the late army of the United States; which was read, and referred to the Secretary of war.
Mr. Sedgwick reported a bill respecting fugitives from justice, and from the service of Masters; which was read the first and second times, and ordered to be committed to a committee of the whole House on Friday next—100 copies to be printed for the accommodation of the members.
In committee of the whole, on the Schedule of the Census. Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.
The motion for striking out thirty, from the resolution proposed by Mr. Lawrance was further discussed; Mr. Page, Mr. Findley, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Kitchell and Mr. Heister opposed the motion for striking out. Mr. Steele, Mr. Clark, Mr. Hillhouse, Mr. Vining and Mr. Sedgwick, were in favor of the motion; the debate was continued till 3 o'clock, when the question being generally called for it was put and negatived—and the original motion. That until the next enumeration, the number of Representatives shall be one to every thirty thousand persons was agreed to. The committee then rose and reported the resolution to the House, and on the motion to agree to the same, the ayes and noes being demanded are as follows:
A Y E S.
Messrs. Baldwin, Benion, Brown, Findley, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Giles, Gordon, Gregg, Griffin, Heister, Huger, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittera, Lawrance, Learned, Lee, Muhlenberg, Madison, Moore, Murray, Page, Parker, Sney, Sheredine, Sumpner, Sylvester, Treadwell, Tucker, Venable, Washburn, Wayne, White, Willis—35.
N O E S.
Messrs. Ames, Ashe, Barnwell, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clarke, Gilman, Goodhue, Grove, Hillhouse, Livermore, Macon, Niles, Sedgwick, J. Smith, I. Smith, W. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Thatcher, Vining, Ward—23.
A committee consisting of Messrs. Page, Murray and Macon, was appointed to report a bill pursuant to the above resolution.
Adjourned.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Number of Representatives in Congress.
WHEN the present Constitution of the United States was first formed, the Senate consisted of twenty-six members, and the House of Representatives of sixty-five. The proportion was as two to five. By the accession of Vermont and Kentucky, the number of Senators will be increased to thirty. To preserve the original proportion, the number of Representatives should be increased to seventy-five, and apportioned to the several States agreeably to the Constitution, according to the late census. Would it not be best to amend the Constitution, so that for the future the number of Representatives may be always in the same proportion to the number of Senators as at first?—That rule would ascertain the number, without the interference of Congress, which will not be done by the amendment that has been already proposed; but as that is not yet become a part of the Constitution, Congress can fix the number at the rate aforesaid for the next election, and recommend the amendment here proposed in lieu of the former.
The objects of legislation in a federal government are few, compared with those in a national or state government, and therefore will not require so great a number of Representatives. Those gentlemen who are acquainted with doing business in a legislative assembly, can judge better by experience than argumentation, what number will be most convenient to transact the public business. Any greater number would add nothing to the power of that branch of the legislature, but would render the exercise of its powers more inconvenient, and lessen the weight and responsibility of each individual member. An increase of members would also enhance the public expense. If seventy-five members can transact the public business as well as one hundred, the saving the expense of twenty-five members (which in a session of six months would amount to 26,000 dollars) would be an object worthy of attention.
A C I T I Z E N.
FROM THE GEORGIA GAZETTE, OF OCTOBER 13.
THE Light-House on Tybee Island will hereafter be regularly lighted, and the following directions are given for sailing in over the bar:
Bring the Light-House to bear West, or not more than W. \frac{1}{2} S. or W. \frac{1}{2} N. and calculate the tide, at \frac{1}{2} past 7, at full and change of the moon, to be full sea. If little wind, in standing in, allow for the tide. The ebb setting to the southward, over the south breakers, you must steer W. N. W. as soon as you shoal your water, haul up more to the northward; but be sure not to vary from the course above mentioned. Observe the flood tide sets to the northward; then you must steer W. S. W. with light winds. When you get the Light-House to bear from S. E. to S. you may bring up from \frac{3}{4} to 5 fathoms, at low water, muddy bottom, being within 1\frac{1}{2} cable's length of the shore. There you may lie safe with any but an easterly wind. When you get on the bar, you will have 18 feet at low water, with a hard bottom; at high water, from 3\frac{3}{4} to 4 fathoms. After passing the bar you will have a soft bottom. The distance from 3 fathoms water, coming over the bar, until the water deepens, is half a mile. The width of the channel, from breaker-head to breaker-head, is half a mile. Observe when you find you get either to the southward or to the northward of the foregoing directions, and have no wind, let go your anchor.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 21/10 22 1/2 pr. £. 110 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 12/6 62 1/2 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 12/ 13 3/4 66 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 12/ 95 do.   Indents 11/6 56 1/4 do.   Bank Subscriptions, 140 Dollars.  
Philadelphia, November 16.
Accounts from London, via Bermuda, are received to the 19th Sept. On the 14th of that month died at Weymouth, the Marquis de la Luzerne, Ambassador from the Court of France. A treaty of peace is signed between Russia and the Turks; the Empress retaining Oczakow and its dependencies. The King of France has accepted the new constitution, and had been put in possession of the crown; a general amnesty has been published in favor of all who assisted the King in making his escape, as well as those who have resisted the decrees of the National Assembly; passports and momentary restrictions in regard to entering into or departing out of the kingdom are done away; the gaols of the kingdom are to be thrown open on the occasion.
The King of Spain has declared war against the Emperor of Morocco. Accounts from India to the 23d March, inform that Lord Cornwallis was carrying every thing before him; the Russian and Turkish trade from England was getting into the usual prosperous channel.
It appears from the best information from Cape-Francois, that the island of Hispaniola must be lost for some time; the force not being sufficient by any means to disperse, much less conquer the revolted. The American property at the island which is of a perishable nature, must be intirely lost; no kind of provisions are wanting, it is uncertain whether the Cape is not at the mercy of the revolted when they choose to make a small sacrifice. All agree that the island can never be recovered but by a great and early exertion of France.
On Friday last Mr. HAMMOND was introduced to the President of the United States, by the Secretary of State, and presented his credentials as his Britannic Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary.
Col. HENRY LEE is elected Governor of Virginia by the Legislature of that state.
Mr. BOURNE, Consul of the United States for St. Domingo, who arrived here on Thursday last in the brig Theodolia, from Cape-Francois, informs that the Colonial Assembly had taken off the embargo from all American vessels previous to his departure from the island.
The Ship Sampson, Capt. Howell, arrived at the Isle of France on the 24th April last, and was to sail for Canton the first of June; The Ship President Washington, Capt. Nicolson, was also at the above place on the 27th May. The Ship Neptune, Capt. Earl, had failed from thence for Madras.
Much has been said about making the Post-Office the medium of news and information to the people; and it seems to be the general sentiment that, if it is practicable, this medium should be adopted for this truly patriotic purpose. It is however said, that there are very great obstacles in the way—the expense is the most formidable—another is, that it will interfere with that dispatch so necessary to give satisfaction to the mercantile interest, which is considered as the great support of the Post-Office department; and whose convenience and accommodation ought therefore to be primarily consulted. With respect to the expense, it may be presumed, that if newspapers were particularly specified in the contracts for transporting the mails, those contracts might be made on nearly the present terms; and it is universally supposed, that punctuality in receiving the papers, would induce every person cheerfully to pay such a sum over and above the subscription, as would amply compensate the deputy Post-masters for the small addition to their business, which a more particular attention than is now paid would occasion. A separate portmanteau, and separate accounts, would prevent an interference with the letters; which ought always to receive the first attention. At present, it is a mere matter of courtesy, according to the existing resolutions of Congress, that newspapers, even exchange papers between Printers, are permitted to be sent by the mail—this is so generally known, that the idea of property is scarcely ever affixed to them; at least after they once leave the Post-Offices. It seems as if it was proper that the Printers should know on what ground they stand; for their present indulgence in regard to distant subscribers, is illusory and destructive to them, and proves a vexatious deception and discouragement to their patrons.
Extract of a letter from Edinburgh, August 22.
Yesterday, a gentleman riding by the sea coast, betwixt Limekills and North Queensferry, observed three whales playing in the water. He rode directly to the ferry and gave the information to the fishermen there, who immediately launched their boats, and set off in pursuit of them. In a short time they overtook them, and the moment they struck them with their harpoons all three run ashore. In the afternoon they were brought into the North Queensferry. One of them measures sixteen feet in length, another twenty feet, and the third twenty-two feet.
At Davis's Straits, forty-six ships have caught 151 fish, which are computed to yield 1812 tons of oil, and 120 tons of whalebone. Fourteen Amsterdam vessels caught 17 fish.
GEORGE MEADE
Has for SALE, at his Stores on WALNUT-STREET WHARF,
A FEW pipes of 3 and 4 years old bills of exchange Madeira WINE, which he will dispose of by the pipe, hogshead or quarter cask.
London market Madeira WINE, 5 and 6 years old.
Old Sherry WINE of the first quality, by the hogshead or quarter cask.
Three and 4 years old Lisbon WINE, of a superior quality to what is generally imported, by the pipe, quarter cask, or larger quantity.
Choice old Coniac BRANDY, by the pipe, tierce, or larger quantity.
A few quarter chests of first quality Hyson TEA.
He has just received by the Pigeon, Loxley, master, from London, a few quarter casks of old Madeira WINE—And
By the brig Mercury, Capt. Stevens, from Dublin, a few boxes of Irish LINENS, low priced and well assorted; a few bales of red and white FLANNELS, and some GLUE.
A few boxes of Spermaceti CANDLES of the first quality, and Burlington PORK of prime quality.
He has also to dispose of, a quantity of dressed White Oak STAVES.
He means to keep a constant supply of First Quality Madeira and Lisbon WINES, and whoever is pleased to favor him with their custom, may be assured of being well served.
He will, through the Winter and Spring, buy undressed HAND-SPIKES. He is purchasing FLAX-SEED and BEES-WAX, and will give the highest price for them.
N.B. A few hampers of excellent London PORTER and Taunton ALE, just received, and to be disposed of.
Philadelphia, November 16, 1791.
(ep 6w.)

PRICE CURRENT.—PHILADELPHIA.
Table with multiple columns listing various goods (e.g., Anchors, Allum, Ashes, Beer, Boards, Candles, Grain, Iron, Lead, Oil, Tea) and their corresponding prices in dollars and cents.
IMPERIAL HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA TEAS, REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, & SPICES, &c. &c. Of the first quality—by retail. No 19, Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market Streets.
ADVERTISEMENT.
WHEREAS it appears by the proceedings in a certain cause now depending in the High Court of Chancery in England, wherein William Webb is the plaintiff, and John Parker, (executor of Thomas Brady, deceased) is the defendant, that Henry Webb was put out an apprentice to the sea trade by the Greenwich School...
HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, (To which is prefixed an accurate Map of the State) By the Rev. JEREMY BELKNAP.
Are ready for Delivery to Subscribers—who may receive their Books on application to HAZARD & ADDOMS, at the Corner of Chestnut and Third Streets. The above two volumes contain the political history of the State, from its first settlement to the adoption of the present Constitution...
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS; Consisting of STATE PAPERS, and other authentic Documents, tending to elucidate the HISTORY OF AMERICA, and particularly of the UNITED STATES. By EBENEZER HAZARD, A.M.
The price to Subscribers will be a Dollar for each Number, containing 160 large quarto pages; or Four Dollars and a Quarter for each Volume in Boards; to be paid as follows, viz. the first and second Numbers, or Volumes, to be paid for on delivery of the first; and each subsequent one (except the last) at the time of delivery.
Funds of the United States.
ALL kinds of the Public Debt of the Union, bought, sold, or exchanged; Foreign and Inland Bills of Exchange negotiated; Merchandise at all sorts bought and sold on Commission, and all other Business in the line of a Broker, transacted by WILLIAM CLELAND, At the Office next door to the Custom-House, State-Street, BOSTON.
PUBLIC SECURITIES, BOUGHT AND SOLD, on COMMISSION, by SAMUEL ANDERSON, Chestnut-Street, next door to the Bank, No. 97. MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL, AND NEW-HAVEN LOTTERY TICKETS, To be had at the same place.
JOHN PINTARD, SWORN BROKER & AUCTIONEER, PURCHASES & SELLS PUBLIC DEBT of every description, on Commission, at the following rates:
ON the specific amount of all sales at auction, one eighth per cent. On ditto at private sale or purchase, one-half per cent. On remittances, ditto. Receiving interest at the Loan-Office, one per cent. on the amount of the interest. For making transfers at ditto, seventy-five cents per transfer.
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY, some time in August 1789, a yellow NEGRO MAN, named ABRAHAM, late the property of Nathaniel Wickliff, deceased—about forty-five years of age, about five feet eight or nine inches high, pretty well set, with a large woolly head and large beard, walks with his knees bent, often complains of pains in his feet and ankles—by trade a bricklayer, stone mason and plasterer. He is a very handy fellow as a house-waiter, and is fond of such business. He is a great dissembler, and no doubt pretends he is a freeman. He has been cloped so long that no description of his present clothing can be given. It is supposed that he went to the Northern States, as he often mentioned having friends there. Twenty Dollars reward will be given to any person that will secure said Negro in any jail, so that the subscriber may get him again; and reasonable charges will be paid—or Thirty Dollars will be given if he is brought to Prince William County, Virginia, to Mr. JOHN KINCHELOE, by CHARLES WICKLIFF, Administrator. October 12, 1791.
TO BE SOLD, BY JOHN CAREY, No. 26, PEARL-STREET, A COLLECTION OF Scarce and Valuable BOOKS.
Which may be seen every day, until five o'clock, &c. Among them are the following: Folio. HOMER, Xenophon, Plato, Piatarch, Eusebius, Sophocles, Pliny, Concordantia Lat. Concordantia Gr. Thesaurus Ciceronis, Biblia Junii and Tremellii, Bible de Martin, Wells's Map, Scapulae—Phavorini—Martini—Hoffmani Lexica, Vossii Etymologicon, Antiquit. Eccles. Britannica, &c. Quarto. Pindar, Cyropaedia, Bentley's Horace, Terence and Phaedrus, Ovid, Juvenal, Manilius, Cicero's op. om. Caesar, Suetonius, Julius Pollux, Hederici Lexicon, Vossii Ars Gram. Claverii Geographia, Justinian Code, &c. Octavo and infra. Homer, Anacreon, Aristophanes, Longinus, Theophrastus, Hesiod, Poetae minores Gr. Iliocletes, Phalaris, various editions of Horace, Virgil, Terence, and Ovid, Tibullus, Propertius, Lucan, Martial, Claudian, Val. Flaccus, Ausonius, Buchanan, Sallust, Curtius, Florus, Justin, Val. Maximus, A. Gellius, Hirt. August. Scriptores, English and French Translations of some of the Classics, a great variety of Greek and Latin Grammars, &c. &c. Catalogues may be had of Messrs. Rice & Co. Booksellers, Market-street, or of JOHN CAREY. October 31.
TO BE SOLD, And possession given immediately, That pleasantly situated FARM
Whereon the subscriber now lives. It lies on the road from Princeton to Brunswick, about a mile and a half from the former. It contains 233 acres, whereof 47 are woodland, upwards of 30 meadow, and 20 more may be made. Also a young orchard of 200 apple trees, besides a variety of peach and cherry trees, and a large garden; the whole under good fence. There are on the premises a two story stone house and kitchen, with an elegant piazza, the whole painted and finished. Also, a smoke-house, work-shop, granary, wagon-house; barrack cow-houses, two stories high and 90 feet long, and a good barn, with stabling. From the buildings are charming views of Princeton, the neighbouring farms, and Monmouth hills. Any person inclining to purchase, may know the terms by applying to the subscriber on the premises, or to ISAAC SNOWDEN, No. 141, South Second-street, Philadelphia. ISAAC SNOWDEN, Junior. Princeton, October 10, 1791.
W. M C DOUGALL'S DANCING SCHOOL,
Is now opened at his School-Room, No. 28, Carter's Alley. HE returns his sincere thanks for the great encouragement he has experienced these eighteen years; hopes the reputation of his school for decorum and good order, as well as the performance of his scholars, will still ensure him a respectable share of the public favor. A number of new Cotillions and Country Dances will be taught during the season. Those who please to honor him with the tuition of their children, may be assured, they will be taught in the most approved style, and that proper attention will be paid to their carriage and manners. A general practising for the improvement of the scholars, will be held at the New Rooms, every other Wednesday; when the employers, and strangers of genteel deportment, will be admitted. These practisings will be attended with no expense. N. B. An EVENING SCHOOL will be opened for grown Gentlemen, as soon as a sufficient number offer. Philadelphia, September 14, 1791.
Forty Dollars Reward.
LAST night was broke open the Store of the subscriber, at Bordentown, and stolen from the same the following articles, viz. One hair trunk, containing womens' wearing apparel; 1 small box, containing four clocks and one dozen teapots; 1 ditto containing a bottle green cloth coat, one striped vest and breeches, two shirts and a small bag with 36 dollars and 20s. to 30s. Jersey coppers; 1 keg containing a large bible, with other small books; 1 box containing 447 real ostrich feathers, some of them large and elegant, and of different colours; 2 barrels rye meal, branded Stout and Imlay; 1 barrel pork; 1 ream paper, and 1 dozen paste-boards. Stolen at the same time, a large Batteau, with black sides. A reward of Twenty Dollars will be given for the security of the above property, so that the owners may have the articles again, or in proportion for part thereof; also a further reward of Twenty Dollars will be given for the security of the perpetrator or perpetrators, so that they may be brought to justice, by JOHN VAN EMBURGH. Bordentown, New-Jersey, Sept. 1, 1791.
MASSACHUSETTS SEMI-ANNUAL LOTTERY. CLASS SECOND.
THIS Class will positively commence drawing on Thursday the 24th of November next, at 4 o'clock, P. M. which will be completed with all expedition. The Managers pledge themselves that no consideration whatever shall induce them to postpone the drawing a moment beyond that time. Boston, October 15, 1791.
Wanted, a good COOK,
To whom genteel wages will be allowed. None need apply who cannot be well recommended. Enquire of the Printer.
Lectures on Government & Law.
THE Honorable JAMES WILSON, L. L. D. Professor of Laws in the College and Academy of Philadelphia, proposes to deliver, next Winter, two Courses of Lectures. One Course to begin on the Second Monday, the other on the Second Tuesday of December. WILLIAM ROGERS, Secretary to the Board of Faculty. Philadelphia, October 12, 1791.
Blank Powers to receive the Interest, and for the transfer of the principal of public debt, agreeable to the Rules established in the Treasury Department: Also Blanks for abstracts of Certificates, to be sold by the Editor.
The JOURNAL of the THIRD SESSION of the SENATE of the UNITED STATES, may be had of the Editor hereof. Published, and to be sold by the Editor, price 25c a Dollar, TWENTY-SIX LETTERS, On the most important Subjects, Respecting the REVOLUTION of AMERICA. Written in Holland in the year 1780, By the VICE-PRESIDENT of the United States.