Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-01-05 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 63 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 1793.
[Whole No. 385.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Friday, December 28.
REDUCTION OF THE MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT.
Mr. Steele, agreeably to notice, called up his motion, which is in the following words: "Resolved, that a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill, to reduce the military establishment of the United States to regiments or corps, consisting each of non-commissioned officers, privates, and musicians, with such proportion of commissioned officers, as the President may think proper to continue in service; and to repeal so much of an act passed the 5th of March, 1792, intitled "An act for making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States," as may contravene this intention."
Mr. Steele declared he did not rise to say much on this motion. The opinions of members must be made up from observations on facts that have come within their own knowledge, therefore, what he could advance, he did not suppose, would change their opinions. The house is in possession of the motion, and every member stands responsible to his constituents, and to his own conscience for the part he shall act upon it.
He prefaced some observations on the nature of governments in the progress of their administration. Time brings abuses into most, and he never was so sanguine, he said, as to expect, that the federal government would be exempt from them. But when abuses did creep into the administration of a government, silence he considered as criminal, and a quiet acquiescence worse;—a free people, however, were incapable of seeing them without remonstrating, and the people of America possessed enough of the true spirit of freemen, not to suffer the progress of a ruinous war system, or to bear the burthen imposed on them to support expensive projects of ambition without remonstrating. The people of the United States are peaceful, they are attached from education and habit to regularity and peace; he was sorry, he said, that part of our administration did not appear to be guided by the same spirit. Chimerical projects had been set on foot without regard to the public opinion;—armies have been raised and maintained without affording protection to the frontiers, and the expence of this system has justly roused the indignation of our citizens. The motto of a republic should be 'Economy and Peace.' With these cardinal qualities, any nation may be happy, without them no government can be tolerable. He should proceed, he said, to enquire how far they had dictated the measures of our government. For this purpose he turned to the approbations, for the purpose of defraying the expences of the Indian war. He read some notes, taken from the existing laws of appropriation and the estimate presented for the ensuing year, from which it appeared, That
For 1789, 137,000 dolls. were appropriated for the war dep. & 20,000 for treaties. 90, 181,792 20,000 91, 702,885 74cts. 20,000 92, 1,205,949 76 25,000 93, 1,171,719 50,000
Making a total of 3,534,347 : 200 for the support of the system since the establishment of this young government. He invited the house to take notice of this enormous sum; the public, he said, had done so already; and this money had been or was to be appropriated without
scarcely enquiring how former appropriations had been applied. He hoped the house would do something to check this growing evil; if they did not, he should invite, he said, the Secretary at war himself, to take a retrospect for 20 years into the history of the frontier, and enquire into the expence of defending it when the defence was entrusted to each individual state, and to compare that expence with what has already been incurred under the present system. It would be difficult, he said, to point out and justify the causes of their material difference. There was no good reason why so expensive a system as that now pursued should be necessary; and if the expences of the war-department could not be reduced, the country, he conceived, would not be able to bear them.
His motion was intended, and his motives in making it, were, to afford effectual protection to the frontier, to diminish the expence at present incurred for that object, and apply the savings to the reduction of the public debt. He was firmly of opinion that if an economical system was pursued, the defence of the frontiers could be effected and a sinking fund established that would begin to operate 4 or 5 years sooner than was at present contemplated by the secretary of the treasury, and that without any additional tax. He could not approve of any sinking fund that must be entirely supported by new taxes—much less of one which was to depend solely on loans.
He next turned to the mode of warfare adopted since the establishment of the federal government against the Indians. The history of the frontier from Braddock's defeat to the present day amply proved, that regular armies are improper for that kind of war. If this history had been attended to, and the fate of that commander had been considered and placed to its true cause, three millions of dollars and many valuable lives might have been saved to the United States. A regular army is an expensive machine, and in its operations unwieldy and tardy, composed of men without the necessary enterprize, constitution and activity to combat a savage foe, accustomed to fatigue and fighting for their all.
He quoted a passage from a communication from the Secretary of war himself to the house, to shew the opinion he entertained of the enemy. Their sobriety and activity, and our ignorance of the country and mode of warfare. The house, he said, had not sufficiently attended to the inadequateness of regular armies in opposition to such an enemy, as demonstrated by experience, and that pernicious facility of borrowing had induced to pass with too little difficulty appropriation upon appropriation, to pursue it. If taxes had been demanded to make these provisions perhaps the legislature, he suggested, would have been more cautious how they proceeded.
He again adverted to the mode of warfare which regular armies necessitated; one expedition can only be effected in one year, and indeed, it had been found, that even one could not be accomplished this year; but one expedition could afford no effectual protection to the frontier. Besides the motions of a regular army are easily watched and known; Indians, well knowing when to expect their enemy, will collect in full force, and beat us as they have done, and will do again, if the same system is pursued.
He was of opinion, that if such a measure would be admissible on principles of benevolence and policy, that the Indian war might be formed to the state of Kentucky, and completely terminated, for one half of the sum now about to be appropriated to support the present futile system. He appealed for the justice of the position to those gentlemen acquainted with the feelings and habits of the people of that state.
Upon the success of his motion he conceived the success of the war depended. Regular troops could never fight in the woods. If the system is not changed the war will be a seven or ten years war. Active and enterprising frontier militia alone were equal to opposing Indians.
In his motion, as offered, there was, he said, a blank for the number of regiments to remain on foot. He should propose, at a proper time, he intimated, to fill this blank up with two, which would give 2120 privates, regulars, quite enough, even if the President should think it necessary to garrison all the posts which have been established for the protection of the frontiers.
He enumerated these posts as follows: Fayette, Hamilton, Stuben, Knox, Tammany, Telfair, Harmar, Franklin, Jefferson, St. Clair, Marietta, Massachusetts, Matthews and Knoxville.
Abandoning the system of active expeditions by regular troops, and giving to each of these an equal portion of the 2128 men, composing the two regiments, each post would be protected by 152 privates. This number would be quite sufficient, and greater than that now defending some of those posts: But he wished it left discretionary with the President to distribute them.
He stated, that the only objection of the secretary at war, even to employing the militia in this war, was the expence. He wished to refute that objection, and went into a reasoning of some length on the subject. Regular troops, when enlisted, must be paid, cloathed, &c. during the whole time of their enlistment, whether in actual service or not; the militia, tho' more expensive while on foot; yet being on the spot, executing an expedition in forty or fifty days, then returning to their homes, and immediately on their return being out of pay, would be found in the end much less expensive as well as much more effectual. Five expeditions, he computed, could be made in each year by a militia on or near the frontier, and 30,000 dollars he set down as sufficient to pay the expence of each of these expeditions.
To give an idea of the expence of regular troops, and to shew the alarming progress of expence on this score, since the establishment of the new government, he gave the following items from appropriation laws past, and reports of estimates of what will be necessary for the ensuing year.
Contingencies for the War Department. For 790 including expressies, &c 3 000 91 5 000 92 20 000 Estimate for 93 50 000
Quarter Master's Department. Appropriations for 1790 15 000 91 25 000 92 50 000 Estimate for 93 100 000
Hospital Department. Appropriations for 1790 1 000 91 1 635 20 92 6 000 Estimate for 93 25 000
Ordnance Department. Appropriations for 1790 7646 66 91 6303 66 92 7204 64 Estimate for 93 23,835 64
The provision for the last mentioned department, he conceived, bore a very ludicrous appearance. He considered it as absurd to attempt fighting Indians with artillery. Not all the artillery of Europe would avail against such a foe. He could not see that either reason or policy would warrant an appropriation of upwards of 23,000 dollars in the present session for the purchase of artillery for such a war. And added that it seemed strange, that the ordnance procured by the United States to carry on the British war had not
been sufficient to defend the Frontier garrisons, without calling upon the government to appropriate in four years the sum of 44,988 dollars for this purpose.
He next turned to the pay, subsistence and cloathing of the troops. He premised on this head, that it was well worth considering, whether those articles kept up an exact proportion with the encrease of the troops, in the items he shall give;—they certainly should, he conceived. If the proportion of the sums latterly appropriated according to estimates for these articles proved greater, there must be, he contended, abuse somewhere, and it certainly is the duty of the House of Representatives to examine where the blame lies.
   Pay of the Troops Subsistence.     Appro. 90 59,028 42,552   91 74,916 59,787   92 102,686 119,688   Est. for 93 304,308 312,567 75   Cloathing. Total.   24,440 126,020   23,772 80 158,475 80   48,000 270,374   112,000 728,875 75  
He was at some loss to account for the want of proportion in the items above stated, compared with the number of troops employed,—perhaps more officers were under pay than the public service required; these things deserve thorough investigation.
He proceeded to shew what would be saved to the United States by a change of system. He shewed, by a quotation from a report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that it was the opinion of that officer, that the current service of the ensuing year would probably require the whole of the revenue; but that he contemplates a valuable surplus for the redemption of the debt should a termination be put to the Indian war. He made some observations on the importance of redeeming the public debt, as speedily as possible, and complimented the Secretary of the Treasury, in respect to the disposition he had shewn on this subject.
He was of opinion, that with peace and economy the resources of the country would be sufficient to accomplish its total redemption in ten years, by purchases and regular instalment payments.—Under the present system of warfare, a beginning cannot be made without levying a new tax, and a new tax cannot be granted, until the abuses of the war department are considered and corrected.
He proceeded to shew the economical effect of the reduction he proposed, on our finances, by comparing the appropriation of 92 with the estimate for 93 for the war department.
Contingent Expences, As settled at the treasury, 1792, 10,229 Per estimate 1793, 50,000 Difference 39,771
Quarter-Master's Department. 1792, 50,000 1793, 100,000 Difference 50,000
Hospital Department. 1792, 6,000 1793, 25,000 Difference 19,000
Forage for Cavalry, &c. 1792, 4,152 1793, 44,856 Difference 40,704
Ordnance Department.
The whole provision for this department, he conceived, might go out however, to pursue his plan, he took the difference.
1792, 7,204,640 1793, 23,135,640 Difference 16,631 [See last page.]

From the AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
No. VI.
VINDICATION OF MR. JEFFERSON.
I DID not expect, after my last paper, that the public would have been longer wearied, at least upon the same terms, with a continuation of those invectives which have for some time past been issued, through the Gazette of the United States, from a writer under the signature of Catullus.
The impartial public will however take into view, on each side the object of this controversy. They will mark its commencement, and its several stages; the nature of the charges exhibited and of their support, together with the present dilemma of the writer.
Whether it would be prudent for the author of Catullus to give his name to the public, and take on himself the credit of those performances, which bear that signature, he alone should decide.
Yet if truth had been the sole object in view, in the immediate point of discussion between us, I was, and still am persuaded, I had placed it within the reach of fair and easy attainment.
And will the author of these pieces leave us in suspense, upon the important concerns of his veracity and fame, until they shall have gained the attention of the character, at whom they have been principally pointed?
* This, it is to be hoped, will be deemed a sufficient apology to the public, for departing from the resolution with which the last number was closed.
impropriety in the sentiment ascribed to Mr. Jefferson. Let it be admitted, for the sake of argument, that he advised Congress upon the prospect of the failure of punctuality, in the payments, to agree to the transfer of the debt from the French court, to the Dutch company;
In fact, a change of the debt in some shape or other, either by the negotiation of the French court, or the Congress, with money-lenders in Holland, seemed to be the necessary consequence of the relative situation and interests of the several parties.
In the proposition for a new arrangement with another party, the door would be open for stipulations in every respect more suitable to us.
To me it has appeared perfectly immaterial, which of the expedients was that of Mr. Jefferson; for I can conceive no possible impropriety in either;
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
WE have seen in a late paper, under the conspicuous article of COMMUNICATIONS, some general remarks which appear designed by their author to excite suspicions in the minds of the people, with regard to their servants acting under the general government.
vague insinuations are not likely to answer any valuable purpose, and evidently proceed from the painful passion of envy, that rankles in the mind of him who is grieved at the success of certain public measures, and the well-earned fame of those who planned them.
Generally speaking, the number of reformers for each of the states, is about equal to those who wish to get into places of public trust;
From the nature of the union, and the real or supposed separate state interests, there is little reason to fear that the movements of the general government will not be carefully watched;
We shall not be displeased if the members of the legislature of the United States will watch one another; and the organization of the Treasury Department is known to excel any thing of the kind in the individual states,
It is believed that the people have much more to fear from mal-administration in the state, than in the national government;
These gentlemen are constantly finding fault with the provision made for the public debt; notwithstanding every state had a funding system under the old confederation, that taken together, cost the people double the expense of the present one.
The National Bank is also a terrible eye-sore, and is to destroy every thing; yet if we may judge of the opinions of the people from the acts of their legislatures, the business of banking does not appear unpopular, but directly the contrary;
How the public "gave away four millions" that is said to have been made by the bank subscription, and which it is acknowledged they never possessed, is a matter that requires explanation.
AN ENEMY TO MOONSHINE POLITICIANS.
Foreign Affairs.
ROME, September 20.
IN this place the friends of the French are more numerous than you can imagine, and the people want nothing but a leader to crush the Papal authority, and rescue themselves from superstition and oppression.
Four thousand men were last week raised, and ordered to the banks of the Tyber. They desired to know for what purpose they were embodied, but their requisition was denied.
The statue of St. Peter, in St. Peter's church has been stripped of its gorgeous and costly apparel, in which the Saint is annually dressed, in compliment to the birth day of his Holiness the Pope.
L I S L E, October 10.
The fire of the enemy ceased on the morning of the 6th, but they did not abandon the villages of Fives, Hellemmes, Ansppe, and other places in the neighborhood till the 8th.
They began their entrenchments, on Tuesday, Sept. 25th. Nothing could be more beautiful or better disposed than their works, and every one who has seen them is astonished that they were able to form them in such a short space of time.
P A R I S, October 12.
M. Manuel visited Louis XVI. the day before yesterday, and informed him that he was no longer a King.
"I spoke to him of our conquests: I told him of the capture of Spire; of the surrender of Chamberry, Nice, &c. and I announced to him that the fall of Kings was as near at hand as that of the Laws."
"I also told him, that every precaution should be taken for his safety; but that he might depend upon being treated with all that humanity which a free nation ever exhibits towards a citizen, who is unfortunate enough to be a prisoner."
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
GAUDET, PRESIDENT.
Read an Address from the Society of the Friends of Liberty and Equality, formed at Chamberry:
Legislators of the World!
The Society of the Friends of Liberty and Equality assembled at Chamberry, proud of the rights which they have recovered; liberated by your genius, and the courage of your warriors;
Legislators, our hearts yet bleed with the torments we have suffered; the shocking captivity in which we have groaned, which is constantly in our remembrance, and which will serve as the eternal aliment of our patriotism.
French Legislators, Savoy, liberated by your goodness, expresses a supreme desire for her reunion with the French Republic.
The President and Secretaries of the Society, DORRET, MORAS, and BERNIER.
The convention ordered it to be printed in German, English, and Spanish.
A letter from the commissioners of the convention, dated at Verdun, the 16th of October, says, that the city has abounded with traitors, and that the convention ought to make a grand example;
Letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Oct. 20. I have received a dispatch from General Montesquieu, in which he gives me the result of several conferences which he has had with the city and Republic of Geneva.
N A M U R, October 11.
Some people are arrived from the army of Gen. Clairfayt, such as commissaries, sutlers, &c. They say, that the troops have undergone the greatest distress, that they were four days without eating, that at last they killed and eat their horses, and that if a truce had not been made, they must all have surrendered;
B R U S S E L S, October 17.
We hear from the provinces of Namur and Luxemburg, that the army of their Royal Highnesses Monsieur and the Duke D'Artois, is disbanded, as well as that under the command of the Duke de Bourbon;
V I E N N A, October 6.
The Police of Vienna redoubles its utmost attention, to watch foreigners as well as the subjects of the Emperor, who may be infected with the spirit of Liberty.
According to the observations which have been some time making, it has been discovered, that those citizens whose attachment to the country was most depended upon, are the declared enemies of Monarchical government, and have every where endeavored to make proselytes to this opinion.
L O N D O N, October 9.
On Friday night, his Excellency Baron Jacobie, the new Prussian Envoy, arrived at Lothian's hotel, in Albemarle-street, from Berlin.
Yesterday the Imperial Envoy, and M. Calonne, transacted business with Lord Grenville, at his office, Whitehall.
Oct. 16. The Assembly of the Ministers of the different powers of Europe, is, it seems, to commence its functions about the 20th inst.

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, January 2.
Mr. Ames of the committee to whom the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the petition of Joseph Henderson was referred, brought in a report, which was read: this was partially in favour of the petitioner. Laid on the table.
The petition of John Roland was read, praying compensation for services performed, and disabilities incurred during the late war. Laid on the table.
The committee on the petition of Ebenezer Cowell, brought in a report, which was against the prayer of the petition. This report was accepted.
The following engrossed bills were read the third time, and passed, viz.
A bill to authorize the settlement of the accounts of Lewis Garanger, for military services, during the late war.
A bill to amend the act establishing a mint, so far as respects the coinage of copper. And
A bill to allow the payment of interest, on a claim of the persons therein mentioned.
Mr. Sedgwick, of the committee appointed, reported a bill to compensate John Tucker.—Read twice, and committed for to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Gerry, the several petitions of the officers of the late army, were referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
A letter was read from the Secretary of State, containing a list of the Clerk's employed in his department, and the salaries received by each, communicated pursuant to a resolution of the house of Monday last.
In committee of the whole, on Mr. Steele's motion for reducing the military establishment of the United States, &c.
Mr. White in the chair.
The motion was read by the Chairman, and debated till near three o'clock. They then rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again.
In committee of the whole, on the bill making compensation to the widows and orphans of persons killed while acting under the sanction of flags of truce.
Mr. Dayton in the chair.
The committee discussed the bill. They then rose, reported progress—and the House adjourned.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 3.
The petition of Charles King, praying to be placed on the pension list, was read and laid on the table.
Mr. W. Smith, of the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill to regulate claims to invalid pensions, which was twice read, and committed for to-morrow.
A letter was read from the Secretary of War enclosing a list of the several persons employed in the Department of War, with the salaries allowed to each. Laid on the table.
The report of a select committee on the petition of Joseph Henderson, was referred to a committee of the whole house to-morrow.
In committee of the whole, on the bill making compensation to the widows and orphans of persons killed, bearing flags of truce to the Indians.
Mr. Dayton in the chair.
The committee filled up the blanks and made several amendments to the bill, which were reported to the house, and laid on the table.
The House then, in committee of the whole, Mr. White in the chair, resumed the consideration of Mr. Steele's motion, for reducing the military establishment of the United States. The motion was again read, and debated. Mr. Steele and Mr. Clark supported the motion; Mr. Milledge and Mr. Findley opposed it. A motion for the committee's rising and reporting progress, after some opposition, was carried.
Mr. W. Smith moved, that when the House adjourn, they should adjourn to meet at Ten o'clock. After some remarks from Mr. Livermore, on the want of punctuality in attending at Eleven o'clock, the usual hour of adjournment,—he suggested, as an expedient, the calling over the names of the members at Eleven o'clock. Mr. Smith withdrew his motion to substitute the idea of Mr. Livermore, and made a motion accordingly, in the following words;
That there be a call of the members at the usual hour of adjournment, and that the names of those then absent, be entered on the journal.
This motion was laid on the table. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, Jan. 4.
Mr. Sterrett Member from Maryland, took his seat this day.
The bill providing compensation for the widows and orphans of the persons who were killed, while acting under the sanction of flags of truce to the Indians, was further discussed in committee of the whole; additional amendments were made, which the committee reported to the House—the House took the same into consideration; they made further amendments, and then the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
A letter was read from the Secretary of the Treasury enclosing lists of the persons employed in the Treasury Department with the salaries allowed to each;—also a statement of the several Loans made by the executive of the United States, pursuant to law, with the appropriations of the same; ordered that 200 copies of this communication be printed.
In committee of the whole, on the bill to regulate claims to invalid pensions—Mr. Dayton in the chair—The bill was read by the chairman.
A motion by Mr. Livermore, to strike out a clause which provides that applications from persons whose cases have heretofore been decided upon, and their claims rejected, should
not be again received and allowed—was after some opposition negatived.
Mr. Venable moved an amendment, the object of which was to invalidate the doings of the judges, acting as commissioners in the cases of applications for pensions, pursuant to the law passed the last session—and to place those pensioners on the same footing with such as are the subjects of the bill now under consideration—this motion occasioned a debate which continued till the time of adjournment—the committee rose and reported progress, and the house adjourned till to-morrow.
RICHMOND, Dec. 26.
We are concerned to be under the necessity of following up our accounts from the western territory, with more disagreeable intelligence from thence.
Some time in the last month, Captain Handley with his company of (dismounted) militia, and an escort under their care, marched from Knoxville for Cumberland; on their route they were surprised on the Cumberland trace, between Knoxville and Nashville, by a party of Indians, consisting of about 200;—on their first fire, Capt. Handley and eleven of his men fell, and the remainder of the company and the escort instantly dispersed;—of which twenty-four are still missing, supposed to be killed or taken prisoners.
The militia had no suspicion of being near an enemy, until they received the fatal fire, which brought their commander and so many of their fellow soldiers to the ground.
It is barely justice to the memory of Capt. Handley, to mention, that he had served his country, in a military capacity, five campaigns with distinguished reputation and applause; and that equally in public and private life he lived beloved and respected, and has died universally lamented.
NEWBURYPORT, Dec. 19.
Last week a piece of timber, designed for mast of a large India ship, was drawn over the new Bridge, by upwards of twenty oxen, without so much as causing the least crack to be heard in the Bridge, notwithstanding the enormous weight of the load.
Philadelphia, Jan. 5.
The Directors of the Bank of North-America have declared a dividend of seven and an half per cent. for the six months ending January 1st.
Tuesday afternoon, a number of friends of equality and of the French revolution, Americans and French, partook of a splendid entertainment at Mr. Oeller's hotel, in commemoration of the intelligence lately received of the success of the Gallic arms against those of despotism.
Tickets of admission to the aerostatic experiment by the celebrated Mr. Blanchard, will continue to be sold till Wednesday next, at Oeller's Hotel. Tickets for the first places, five dollars—second places, two dollars.
Since the celebration of the successes of France on the 1st inst. at Oeller's Hotel, a correspondent has observed, that a number of persons have been decorated with the tricoloured ribbon at their button-holes. The blue ribbons talked of, have not yet appeared.
Extract of a letter from Columbia, (S.C.) Dec. 9.
The Electors of President and Vice-President have voted for the present gentlemen in office. Major Butler is re-elected to the Senate of the United States. The gentlemen in nomination were Gov. Pinckney and Maj. Butler; the former had eight votes, the latter one hundred and eighteen;—a pretty strong evidence of the sentiments of this country in favor of Major Butler's public conduct.—There is no man possesses the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens more highly than Major Butler."
Abstract of Foreign Intelligence.
In the attack of Spires, the Austrians lost 800 men, besides a great number mortally wounded—and though they fought bravely, yet the French had only 20 killed and thirty wounded.
Spain has openly declared its disposition to co-operate with Austria and Prussia against France.
The Porte has refused permission for eight ships of the line, and the same number of frigates of the Russian navy, to pass the Dardanelles, in order to act against the French.
A grand civic feast, on account of the success of the French armies, was to be celebrated in Paris in October.
A serious rupture has taken place among the Jacobins, and it is said they have expelled Brissot, and ordered his name to be erased from their minute-book.
M. Peñon is re-elected Mayor of Paris—and M. Garat has accepted the office of Minister of Justice.
Tranquility reigns generally in Paris; a general opinion prevails, that neither Louis nor the Queen will be punished with death.—The majority of the Convention appear to be disposed to conciliate parties, rather than encourage animosity; little doubt however exists but that republicanism will remain the French form of government, till future experience shall point out its inefficacy.
M. Danton demanded in the Convention, that the country be declared out of danger; this proposition was combated and deferred.
By a letter of the Commissioners to the Convention, dated the 10th October, it appears, that the enemy had 30,000 men encamped without Verdun; and were in possession of the Heights which command that town, in which they have a great number of sick. Kellerman was making his arrangements to attack this army when it retreated.
Died, in South-Carolina, Hon. HENRY LAURENS, formerly President of Congress, &c.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Vanderhorst, Consul of the United States, at Bristol, to the Secretary of State, dated October 10.
"A very uncommon wet harvest-time here, has done much injury to the crops of grain, which were before very promising.—Corn, in consequence, has considerably advanced in price, and it is expected, will still be higher—so that there is at present no doubt among our merchants in this place, but the ports of this kingdom will, in the course of next month, be opened for the admission of foreign grain of all sorts—indeed, so confident are they of this, that many of them have already sent large orders abroad for the purchasing of corn."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Fenwick, Consul of the United States at Bordeaux, to the Secretary of State, dated Sept. 28.
"The crops of grain have proved much less than was expected; in all the southern departments of France, considerable foreign supplies will be wanting. Mr. Cathalan, Vice Consul of Marseilles, is now here—encouraged by the citizens of that place, and the prospect of the scarcity of grain, to come as far as this, and go even to America, in order to buy and procure supplies of wheat and flour; but the uncertainty of the times has deterred him from going on to America. We shall also want much in this and the neighboring departments, and I presume the prices will be high."
DECREE OF THE NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE.
SEPT. 5, 1792.
1. THE importation of every kind of tobacco in the leaf is to be permitted, from and after the first day of October next, on paying 10 livres the quintal for the tobaccos which are subject to the duty of 18 livres 15 sous; 12 livres 10 sous for those which pay 25 livres; & 15 livres for all others, except those in segars, which shall pay 25 livres. The duties of ten livres & 12 livres 10 sous, shall be levied as well on the tobacco which shall be imported, reckoning from the above date, as on those which shall then be in entrepôt. The tobaccos of the Levant shall be admitted in bales; those of Amersfort, in hampers; and those of the Colonies, in bundles.
2. Leaf tobacco imported by sea, shall have the right of entrepôt eighteen months. They may even pass, by a continuation of entrepôt from one port to another. They shall pay the duty on the actual weight, and only at the expiration of the time of entrepôt, or when they shall be taken from thence for national consumption. The whole on condition that the warehouses shall only be in the ports furnished by the merchants at their own expense, and of which the Directors of the Régie shall have a key.
3. Manufactured tobacco, which shall be sold in consequence of seizure, shall be subject to a duty of 15 livres per quintal.
4. Tobaccos seized from persons unknown, and not reclaimed, may be sold three days after notice, to the Solicitor of the Corporation, and advertising the decree of confiscation: the net proceeds of the sales shall be paid immediately to the persons seizing, and divided according to the rules established, or to be established.
5. When several seizures of tobacco shall be separately made from persons unknown within the jurisdiction of the same district-tribunal, and the value of each parcel seized shall not exceed 50 livres, the Régie may demand confiscation by a single petition which shall contain the estimate of each parcel of the tobacco, and a decision shall be issued on the said petition by one and the same judgment.
6. The resolutions in the two preceding articles shall be executed, in respect to all seizures made from persons unknown, of things which shall not have been reclaimed.
We are sorry to see (says a correspondent) the spirit of discord is so predominant in the choice of a Vice-President of the United States:—When our country is blessed with faithful disinterested servants, whose chief study is the good of mankind, change them not, lest you change for the worse; and monarchy and all its dreadful concomitants be again seen stalking among us. If the gentleman, who has the honor of filling that office, has not performed with strict justice and equity, the function allotted to him—why not made known? If on the contrary he has, why a change?—Americans be not duped by the exclamations of the Anties, who wish to plant the bitter weeds of discord in this land of liberty: Let it be engraven on your hearts, that "An honest man's the noblest work of God." Virginia Gazette.
The votes which have been given in the respective states for Vice-President (says a correspondent) will decide the state of the National pulse as to federal principles. The two candidates are represented at extreme points—the one a full-blooded anti-federalist, the other a reputed aristocrat, at the same time an honest man, the noblest work of GOD. The electors being chosen by the immediate representatives of the people, doubtless carried with them their sentiments in the aggregate—hence a very important point will be decided.
Albany Paper.
We have the pleasure to announce to every well-wisher to our excellent Constitution, that the firm Patriot and Friend to the true interest of the Union JOHN ADAMS, is re-elected Vice-President by a handsome Majority.
Newport Paper.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Tho' who vindicate the federal side of the question, take it for a fact that the people are intelligent and enlightened. Therefore they offer reasons to the understandings of the people, supposing them fully capable of perceiving their force. And this has been constantly attempted against the current of prejudice and ignorance, which carries away the least informed part of our citizens in certain districts of the union. This is treating the people respectfully, and as experience has happily proved, according to their real character. It is a fact in corroboration of the remark just made, that the most enlightened part of the United States, is the most federal.
The faction, on the other hand, has treated the people as if it were easy to dupe them. They have made a property of a few words, such as monarchy, aristocracy, &c. and it is half the employment of their hiring preists to ring the changes upon them. But we are happy to see that these frequent appeals to the supposed ignorance of the country, are as ineffectual as they are insulting.
Whoever sees the conduct of another with the eyes of an enemy will find matter of blame. No man will come off clear when his enemies act as his judges. It is on the other hand no less true, that he to whom every action of a man appears wrong, is that man's enemy.—For as there is some defects in the best man's character, there is some good in the worst, and he who condemns all the words thoughts and actions of the latter, is more the foe of the man than of his faults. Apply this remark to our party scribblers and the faction that supports them. The government of the United States has, with them, no bright spot. It has done nothing praiseworthy. Its best acts, or what its admirers call its best, the restoration of public credit, an adherence to system and order, are termed a curse—a scourge, an oppression. The intention, they say too, is worse than the deed.—The very change of our affairs from adverse to prosperous and happy, they pretend, does no credit to government, and that prosperity was intended and is made the engine of deceiving and corrupting the people in order the more certainly to bind them in chains.
Yet these scribblers have lately, it is but lately, dared to say they are federalists, friends of the republican constitution we enjoy. If the government is half as bad they pretend they ought not to be its friends. No man is the friend of what he abhors, and no man will try to make others abhor what he admires. Therefore, Hypocrisy, lay aside your mask; it serves no longer to hide the mark of the beast.
It is devoutly to be wished that France may finally succeed in her form of government without a King. A great republic, wisely constituted and administered so as to secure life liberty and property, not only from violation but from the fear of it, will make the cause of liberty respectable, and in the end triumphant throughout the civilized part of the world. One reflection occurs—It is highly interesting to the happiness of the human race that great rather than small portions of the earth should be subject to one government—provided the many millions forming one nation enjoy a perfectly free constitution. There are many obstacles which small and feeble independent nations oppose to the diffusion of that principle of the fraternity of mankind, so earnestly inculcated by the French National Assembly. A great nation is a great family.—But fear, jealousy, rivalry, and the spirit of commercial monopoly which has afflicted and disgraced this age of improvement more than any other remnant of barbarism build up Alps and Pyrenees to separate the little independent States of the old world. The means they adopt to guard against evil are the worst of evils. They arm, and their security against each other requires taxes and oppression.—But a great nation not having cause to fear the loss of an independent government is less prone to quarrel with its neighbors.—For surely a free nation will not seek conquests—therefore it is happy for posterity, that America and France being great nations will have nothing to fear—being free will have nothing to wish—their power and their example will do much towards diffusing over the earth that system of peace, that fraternity among nations which will give the greatest possible scope for the improvements of science and the happiness of the people.—He therefore that would break the union of America would blast the hopes of mankind.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA, IN THE YEAR 1792.
   From Foreign Ports. From Ports in the U. S.     Ships 136 Ships 22   Barques 1 Barques 1   Polacres 1 Snows 1   Snows 11 Brigs 56   Brigs 260 Schooners 286   Schooners 107 Sloops 477   Sloops 136   Total 652 Total 843  
PRICE OF STOCKS.
   6 per Cents, 20/30   3 per Cents, 10/4   Deferred, 12/11   Full shares Bank U. S. 37 per cent. prem.  
Advertisements, &c. omitted, in consequence of the lengthy Debate in this day's Gazette, shall be attended to in our next.

  Pay, Subsistence and Cloathing.   1792, 270,374   1793, 728,875   Difference 458,501   Total saved dols. 624,607 
This was the annual saving he proposed. In his calculation, he remarked, he neglected the bounty held out to the 1600 men yet to be enlisted. As he was counting by tens and hundreds of thousands, this sum he did not think worth attending to.
He concluded, that the decision of this question would speak the sense of the house in regard to the existing system, and whether there was in the government a serious desire to obtain permanent peace, to defend the frontier effectually, and to provide, without resorting to new taxes or loans, for the regular and speedy reduction of the public debt.—An object which seems to be highly desired by the Secretary of the Treasury, and all other disinterested citizens throughout the union.
Mr. Hartley declared himself against the object of the motion. He was of opinion that at this time, when a treaty of peace was depending, it would be highly dangerous to adopt any step for reducing our military establishment. The president he said, appeared to him to have acted with the greatest economy in organizing the forces he was empowered to raise.
He stated the difficulty of raising troops in this country, and again insisted on the impolicy of disbanding those enlisted at this critical period. A respectable force kept up, might produce peace by spring, and in that case no one would regret the expence of the equipment.
The part of the country from which the gentleman who made the motion came, it was true, was not exposed to the incursions of the Indians but this was, by no means the case in other parts of the United States.
He then adverted to Mr. Steele's arguments to prove that regular troops were unequal to a contest with Indians. There was no instance in which, he answered, a body of regular troops had been beaten by an equal number of Indians. The army in the campaign of 1791 was undisciplined; the only regiment properly disciplined at the time of General St. Clair's defeat was not in the engagement; this instance therefore of the Indians' success should not, he conceived, be brought into view as a proof of the inefficacy of regular troops in such a war. It was evident that the troops on the frontiers this season had afforded very effectual protection to the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia.
He dwelt on the impropriety of employing the militia on this service; the distress that the loss of a considerable body of heads of families in a district would occasion was too serious an evil to think light of. Men enlisting as regulars, on the other hand, were chiefly adventurers and single men, the loss of whom would be much less felt.
Mr. Parker rose in favor of the motion. He adverted to the effects produced by an increase of the standing forces of this country; it immediately occasioned a proportional increase of the armies of our jealous neighbours to the North and South. He mentioned a paper that was some time since read in the House, a message or talk from Lord Dorchester to the Indians;—in it they were told that Prince Edward, a son of their friend the great King, had arrived with a chosen band of warriors to protect them. The Indians, he said, had a higher idea of the military protection of the British, and would prefer it to ours. The British were better acquainted with the effect of military parade on the Indians, and better able with their veteran troops to take advantage of those feelings. Every effort of ours to enhance our military reputation, by an increase of forces, would be followed by a similar step in the British colony; and we should, in the end, only make war on our finances. The British, he stated, were better able to afford to make a perpetual shew of military: it was more consistent with the spirit of their political institutions. A similar system was not well adapted to the sentiments of the people here, where citizen-soldiers were ready to turn out for something substantial only.
Before this last war with the Indians, depredations had no doubt been made by them on our territory, and by our people
on theirs, but nothing serious had occurred till the war was begun.
He approved of garrisoning those posts that could afford shelter to the inhabitants of the frontiers in case of attack; but did not think regular troops adequate to any other task in an Indian war. He insisted on the opinion, that the militia alone were equal to undertake an offensive war against the Indians.
Mr. Fitzsimons first spoke of the importance of the question. It strikes at a total alteration of the system adopted to preserve peace and protect our frontier citizens. He was not of opinion that those citizens on the frontiers were able to protect the country. The light which would be thrown on the subject in the course of the debate, he expected, would determine the point. He hoped the question would be amply discussed; but in the mean time he was sorry, he said, to see an attempt made to influence the opinions of members by statements and calculations, which he imagined were by no means accurate. He mentioned an instance in which they had been placed in such a point of view as might make an improper impression. The gentleman stated that the war had cost the Union upwards of 3,545,000 dollars.
Mr. Steele said in explanation, that he had asserted, that sum had already been appropriated or was called for.
Mr. Fitzsimons said the money appropriated was not all expended, and that asked for was still in the power of the House to grant or not. He could not positively say, at first view of the gentleman's calculations, whether they were all equally erroneous; but this instance, he conceived, was not much in favor of his accuracy. Circumstances might very well account for a difference in the expence of an army; troops near Fort Washington could not be provided at the same rate as in more populous parts of the states.—The depending treaty of peace, he declared, raised a great objection in his mind to the object of the motion. If on consideration, however, it should appear that the frontiers could be better defended without regulars, and a valuable saving made, he should be in favor of the motion. He reminded the gentleman, that when he quoted the amount of the saving he proposed, he had forgot to take into view the expence of the five Kentucky expeditions.
Mr. Steele said he had mentioned that these might each cost 30,000 dollars.
Mr. White expressed his dislike to regular standing forces, and that he wished more use had been made of the militia against the Indians; yet he was averse to a reduction, unless a more effectual plan of defence was offered as a substitute to that now in use.
It was moved to refer the motion to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Steele expressed his wish to see the object of the motion discussed in committee. He said something on the accuracy of his statements, which had been questioned, and again mentioned the source from which they were drawn.
Mr. Williamson, as a proof of the efficacy of militia in opposition to the Indians, cited the instance of Major Adair's resistance to a body greatly superior in numbers.
Mr. Smith, S. C. declared himself against the object of the resolution. The President, he said, had the power to disband any part of the army, when their service was no longer wanted; and his confidence in the President (a feeling which, from the unanimous vote of re-election, he had recently received, seemed to be very prevalent) led him to feel well satisfied that they would not be kept in service unnecessarily one moment.
Mr. Dayton next rose. He said he was in favor of referring the motion to a committee of the whole House. He should not, he declared, have risen, if he had not heard from the two members from North-Carolina, the strangest perversion of argument, and the most extraordinary kind of reasoning he ever remembered to have heard. The member who spoke first, from North-Carolina, decried every idea of energy and efficiency in regular disciplined troops, considering them not only inefficient, but contemptible, when employed against Indians, and to confirm his assertion had instanced the expedition and defeat under General St. Clair, when it was well known that there were not in fact two companies of regular disciplined infantry in the army of that General. The other member had as ex-
travagantly commended the back-country militia, and extolled them for their efficiency and success in Indian warfare, of which Major Adair, in a late rencounter with a superior body of savages, had, he said, furnished an evidence.
In answer to this, Mr. D. was compelled to remark, what he should otherwise never have done, that the affair alluded to, made on his mind a very different impression, and led to a conclusion directly contrary to that which the gentleman had drawn from it—The major, had unquestionably been surprized, and as unquestionably been beaten, and suffered the capture of almost all his horses and other property in his camp; but what he conceived to be still worse, it appeared that at the commencement of the action, about half of his men deserted him, and secured themselves within the garrison. This instance of the prowess of irregulars selected by the N. C. member to support his arguments would, Mr. Dayton believed, be found upon enquiry to be an unfortunate one.
As he was upon the floor, Mr. Dayton observed, that he could not refrain from taking some further notice of the laboured speech which the house had just heard from the mover of the proposition under consideration. He should, he said, be short, for no member could be supposed to be prepared to answer a speech which certainly no one could have expected to have heard within these walls; but as he thought it probable such another one would never again be uttered there, he could not omit a remark or two upon it. It was admirably calculated, and would seem to have been designed, to prejudice the people of the United States against the whole administration of the government. It would doubtless be recollected that but a few days ago, this very gentleman was strenuously contending for propriety, decorum and decency in debate, which he complained was not observed by gentlemen who were opposed to the report of the committee on the failure of the western expedition; notwithstanding this, not content with levelling the most unbounded censure against the head of the war department, he had lavished the most virulent abuse upon the President of the United States particularly, and upon a large majority of both houses of Congress.
The member had produced a variety of arithmetical statements and calculations, the accuracy and truth of which not only had been questioned, but denied by other members who had replied to him. One thing Mr. Dayton said he could not avoid remarking, which was that that gentleman had presented as unaccountable and mysterious, the encrusted appropriations for the war department for 91, 92, and 93, as if it was in any wise strange, that 2000 men should require more ordnance, hospital and quarter-master's stores than 1000, or that 5000 men should require more than them both. Yet from statements of that nature, the gentleman affected to believe, and boldly declared that there must be the grossest abuses in the administration. If the annual encrusted of our expences for protecting the frontiers, deserved the censure that had been so liberally bestowed, it ought to fall directly on the legislature who, Mr. Dayton said, had directed it by their laws, and not upon the executive who were merely the instrument to carry those laws into effect. So much for the speech, but with respect to the motion which called for a very different answer, and more mature consideration, he should only add, that however he might favor a reduction of our military establishment, if the question stood upon its own merits alone, unconnected with some recent circumstances, he should think it his duty to oppose the measure at the present, as it might tend to embarrass the executive in their pursuits and prospects of pacification, and because he well knew it to be the temper of the Indians, and indeed of every other people, to rise in their demands in the same proportion that their treating enemy quieted their fears & lessened their danger. If our establishment was determined to be lessened, It
would be known to the savages before the treaty,—in consequence of which, he did not doubt, they would become more extravagant and insolent in their terms, and that of course what was now recommended as an economical saving to the public, would eventually prove to be profusion in the extreme.
Mr. Wadsworth expressed himself in a few words against the resolution.
Mr. Ames did justice to the gentleman's industry in the collection of materials in support of his motion. An opportunity, he hoped would be given, to go over the ground he had so ably traversed.
He said something of the necessity of stability in the measures of every government; on the importance of the question which the fate of the resolution was to decide, and hoped it would meet an ample discussion.
The motion for referring the resolution to a committee of the whole was agreed to, and Wednesday was appointed to take it up. Adjourned.
THE MEMBERS of the Insurance Company
OF NORTH-AMERICA, ARE desired to take Notice, that the time for which their DIRECTORS were elected, will expire, according to the Constitution, on the second Tuesday (being the eighth day) of the present month—when another Election for Fifteen DIRECTORS is to be held, at their Office, No. 119, South Front-street, at 10 o'clock, A.M. EBENEZER HAZARD, Sec'y.
TO BE SOLD, That well-known Place, called South-Point,
LYING at the end of Sinipuxent Neck, on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, within two miles of the Inlet, in Worcester County, in the said State, being the first landing for vessels that trade in there. From the situation of the place, it is convenient for fish, clams and oysters, is open to the sea, and has every convenience that could be wish'd for. The soil is excellent for Indian corn, wheat or flax, is natural to clover, and has a good marsh pasture for stock.
Any person desirous of purchasing, may know the terms by applying to Ashton Humphreys, Esq. in Philadelphia—Mr. Benjamin Purnell , in Indian Town, Worcester County—or to Capt. Littleton Robins , near the place.
RUN-AWAY
FROM THE SUBSCRIBER, THE 12th APRIL, A NEGRO BOY, named Zeb ; slim and tall, sixteen years old; came to Samuel Lipincott's at Bordentown on the 15th, said his name was Henry , and left that place the 27th May.—On the 27th day of June, he was taken up in Bucks County, and carried before a Magistrate, said he was free, and that he lived on the Susquehannah—that a person by the name of Abraham Prall, took him three days journey from home, and turned him adrift with one dollar—He asked the Justice for a pass to go to his father, and nothing appeared to the contrary—He lived with one Thomas Paxwell till the 19th of this instant, and then made his escape from him; he called his name Peter Johnson —had on an old Grey Coating Round Jacket, lined with red baize; an old pair Leather Breeches, and an old Felt Hat. Whoever takes up said Boy, and brings him to JACOB MERSEREAU, on Staten-Island, shall receive TWENTY DOLLARS, with reasonable charges, paid by JACOB MERSEREAU, Lieut. Col. Dec. 29. 1aw 6w
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, November 20, 1792. THE Stockholders of the Bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the Bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the Bye-Laws, the Stockholders of the said Bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting at the same place, on Tuesday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening. By order of the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
To the PUBLIC.
THE Subscribers having been appointed a committee of the Board of the Trustees of the University of North-Carolina, for the purpose of receiving proposals from such gentlemen as may intend to undertake the instruction of youth in that institution, take the opportunity of making known to the public their wish that such gentlemen should signify their inclination to the subscribers.
The objects to which it is contemplated by the Board to turn the attention of the students, on the first establishment, are—The study of Languages, particularly the English—History, ancient and modern—the Belle-lettres—Logic and Moral Philosophy—the knowledge of the Mathematics and Natural Philosophy—Agriculture and Botany, with the principles of Architecture.
Gentlemen conversant in these branches of Science and Literature, and who can be well recommended, will receive very handsome encouragement by the Board. The exercises of the institution will commence as early as possible after the completion of the buildings of the University, which are to be contracted for immediately.
SAMUEL ASHE, A. MOORE, JOHN HAYE, DAVID STONE, SAM. M'CORKLE.