Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-12-29 00:00:00

[—685—] Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, MARKET-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 70, of Vol. II.]
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1790.
[Whole No. 174.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. MR. FENNO,
EVERY friend to the mercantile interest of the United States must see with pleasure the exertions of an honorable member of Congress, from this State, for the improvement of the maritime and commercial law. The bill for the regulation of mariners in the merchants' service, which he brought in at the last session, does the highest honor to his patriotism and abilities, and the greatest expectations are entertained from the affreightment bill, which he is now about to lay before Congress.
It has been observed with wonder, that England, the greatest commercial country in the world, is the only one that is not in possession of a complete regular code of maritime and commercial jurisprudence; and that her judges are often obliged to borrow their notions on those subjects from the ordinances and writers of other countries. France, Spain, Sweden, Denmark, Holland and even the little confederacy of the Hanse towns, all have maritime ordinances. The ordinance of Philip the second, of Spain, and the ordinances of Bilboa are justly admired; and the ordinances of Lewis the fourteenth, of France, have stamped the fame of that monarch as a legislator, and are become in a great degree the general law of the commercial world. Was such an ordinance, suited to the particular circumstances of this country, to be compiled from the variety of rich materials that we have now before us, and be promulgated in the United States under the Presidency of a WASHINGTON, it would not diminish any thing from the great character that he has acquired as a promoter of the happiness of man. It would be highly useful and satisfactory to merchants and mariners, by establishing settled rules for their respective dealings and preventing many law-suits among them, and perhaps, and it is very probable it would be the case, we should have the honor of dictating laws to that country from which we have so long received them; for there is no doubt that if the principles established in the proposed ordinance were founded on justice and equity, Britain would adopt them in preference to those which she is now obliged to look for in the laws of other countries.
Such a work is not perhaps so arduous as some persons might be apt to imagine. A small committee of lawyers and merchants would probably be able to perfect it and report a plan to Congress in the space of two years; the expence would be trifling, the honor would be great and the utility permanent; merchants have also long wished to have particular courts appointed for the decision of their own differences; such courts are established in almost every part of the world. The court of admiralty in England was originally instituted for those purposes, but their too great attachment to the forms of the Roman jurisprudence, and the just jealousy of the courts of common law on that account prevented the desired effect. Certain it is, that matters respecting freight, insurance, bottomry, pilotage, piracy, captures, fitting out and repairing ships and vessels, mariner's wages, bills of exchange, bankruptcies and the numerous other matters that relate to maritime and commercial affairs, are sufficiently extensive and intricate to become the object of a particular court of judicature. One judge, skilled in the laws, with two assessors taken from the body of the merchants, in the principal sea-ports of the United States, might perhaps constitute a proper maritime and commercial court, with an appeal to some superior court of revision. Trial by jury might be preserved in those cases to which it properly applies; and as to the expence, there is little doubt but the merchants themselves would be glad to contribute to it, as the court would be instituted for their own immediate advantages. It would be improper to suggest more, perhaps I have already suggested too much.
A FRIEND TO COMMERCE.
FROM THE (BOSTON) COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
LATEST FRENCH ADVICES.
[An obliging correspondent having favoured us with Paris papers, from the 11th to the 14th of October, we are enabled to furnish our readers with FRENCH INFORMATION 16 days later than hath been before received.]
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, Oct. 6.
A LETTER was received from the Keeper of the Seals, informing that the Decrees which suppress the present Courts of Justice, and establish new ones, had been received by the Cham-
bers of the Parliament of Rouen, Bourdeaux, Toulouse, Douai, &c.—That the Parliament of Toulouse, on receiving them, came to the following resolution, which he laid before the Assembly.
Extract of the Resolve of the Parliament of Toulouse.
“The Court considering that the French Monarchy is verging rapidly to the moment of its dissolution, &c. Protests , in behalf of their Lord the King, the Clergy, the Nobility, and all the citizens, against all attempts on the rights of the Crown—the annihilation of the Nobility, and the total overthrow of the French Monarchy: Against all Edicts, Declarations, and Letters Patent, tending to the suppression of this Court—and the dismemberment of the province of Languedoc; against all attempts made upon religion, upon the dignity of its Ministers, and upon the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church, and its Liberties: And whereas the records made by this Chamber since the 15th November last were only provisional, they are hereby declared of no validity or effect: The said Court ordains, that the present Resolution shall be transcribed upon its records, as a testimony of their principles, and as a Memorial that the Magistrates who compose it, and the people whom they represent, are devoted to the King, and to the Nation: They also ordain, that a copy of this Resolve shall be sent to the said Lord the King. Done at Toulouse, 27th Sept. 1790.”
After it was read, Mr. Robespierre rose. “I observe, said he, that this Assembly cannot but view the Members of the Parliament of Toulouse, as weak enemies, vanquished and sunk under the weight of the public opinion. I beg that we may discover that moderation—that prudent firmness, which is the surest evidence of strength and the distinguishing trait of power. Sirs, treat the Members of this Parliament, as enemies of the Nation in a manifest delirium. I request then, they may be brought to this bar.” This proposal excited great murmurs—many Members, among others, Mr. Camus, moved, that the affair might be submitted to the committee on reports, to report the day after to-morrow; but others proposed to submit it to the Committee on the Constitution. The last motion was carried.
Oct. 9.—The National Assembly decree, that the National Loans opened by virtue of former decrees, shall be shut from the day of the publication of the decree.
The new assignats [paper-money] created by the decree of 29th Sept. shall be in Notes of 2000, 500, 200, 100, 80, 70, 60, and 50 livres each.
[The following very important Decree is prefaced by a lengthy speech of M. BARNAVE, in which he gives the Assembly a particular detail of occurrences in the Colonies, particularly some illegal measures of the Municipal Assembly of St. Marc, in the island of St. Domingo—At the close of which he introduced the following Decree, which was adopted—]
Oct. 12. The National Assembly, after having heard their committee on the subject of the colonies, upon the situation of the island of St. Domingo, and the events which have there taken place, considering that the principles of the Constitution have been violated, the execution of their decrees suspended, and the public tranquility disturbed by the acts of the General Assembly sitting at St. Marc—considering also that the National Assembly has promised to the colonies the speedy establishment of laws the most proper to secure them in the possession of their property; that they have in order to quiet their alarms early announced to them the intention of hearing their voice on every change which might be proposed in the laws prohibitive of commerce, and their firm determination of establishing as constitutional articles in their organization, that no personal laws should be decreed for the colonies, but upon the special and formal request of the colonial Assemblies—that they have been solicitous that the colonies of St. Domingo should realize these dispositions, by securing to them the execution of the decrees of the 8th and 28th of March, and taking every measure necessary to establish public order and tranquility—
DECLARES—the pretended decrees and acts issued from the Assembly appointed at St. Marc, under the title of the General Assembly of the French division of St. Domingo, an outrageous attempt against the national sovereignty and legislative power, and decrees that they are null and incapable of being put in execution—declares the said assembly deprived of its power, and all
its members stripped of the character of deputies of the Colonial Assembly of St. Domingo—
DECLARES—that the Provincial Assembly of the North, the citizens of the town of Cape-Francois, the parish of Croix de Bouquets, and all those who have remained faithful to the decrees of the National Assembly, the volunteers of Port-au-Prince, those of St. Marc, the patriotic troops of the Cape, and all other active citizens who have been guided by the same principles, have gloriously performed all the duties belonging to the title of Frenchmen, and are thanked in the name of the nation by the National Assembly—
DECLARES—that the governor general of St. Domingo, those officers of rank who have faithfully served under his orders, and especially the Sieurs Vincent and de Mauduit, have gloriously performed the duties of their functions—
DECREEs—that the King shall be requested to give orders, that the decrees and instructions of the 8th and 28th of March last, shall be put in execution in the Colony of St. Domingo—that in consequence they shall immediately proceed [if it has not yet been done] to the formation of a new Colonial Assembly, according to the rules prescribed by the said instructions, and to conform to them precisely—
DECREEs—that all established laws shall continue to be executed in the colony of St. Domingo, until new laws are substituted, following the steps presented by the decrees aforesaid—
DECREEs, notwithstanding, that until the organization of the tribunals in the said colony, the Supreme Council of the Cape shall be continued in the form in which it was established; and that the judgment therein rendered, since Jan. 10, shall not be set aside by reason of the illegality of the tribunal.
DECREEs—that the King shall be requested, in order to preserve the tranquility of the colony, to send there two ships of the line, and a proportionate number of frigates, and to complete the number of the regiments at the Cape and Port-au-Prince—
DECREEs also—that the members of the before mentioned General Assembly of St. Domingo, and the other persons sent from the National Assembly by the Decree of Sept. 20th, shall remain in the same condition until further orders are taken respecting them.
BOURDEAUX, SEPT. 30.
This day at noon the corporation with the Mayor at their head and preceded by the trumpets of the city and a detachment of the municipal guard on foot, proceeded to the court-house, Place de Lombuice, in conformity to the decree of the National Assembly of the 7th of this month sanctioned by the King, to set the seals upon the registry, archives, and other deposits of papers and the records of the ancient tribunal, formerly the parliament. This formality, which drew together a large concourse of spectators, was finished without the least disturbance; the officers of the corporation were received at the entrance into the court with universal acclamations. A single picquet of the National cavalry were held in readiness during this operation, which will not be one of the least brilliant epochs of our history.—Thus then is fallen that ancient oak, whose root sprung from the foundations of monarchy, and whose proud top has so often braved the thunder: The traveller contemplates with some remains of horror this enormous trunk which lately threatened to bury the state in its fall, now laying in the dust, and blesses the victorious hand which has thrown it down.
PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 7, 1790.
As the partnership of JOHN DUNLAP and DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE will expire on the first day of JANUARY, 1791, DAVID C. CLAYPOOLE proposes to publish a Newspaper, entitled
The Mail,
and
New Daily Advertiser.
(To be continued every Evening, Sundays excepted.)
THE MAIL shall be printed with an elegant new Type, procured for this particular purpose, on Paper, equal in size and quality to any of the Newspapers of Europe or America—And the Subscriber engages that no Means shall be spared to render the MAIL and NEW DAILY ADVERTISER in other respects worthy of the Public Patronage, which he now respectfully solicits.
The Price of the MAIL will be Eight Dollars pr. annum, to be paid at the end of the Year: And Advertisements will be received on such moderate Terms as to prove satisfactory to those who may be pleased to favor the Printer with their Commands in that line.
Subscriptions are thankfully received at No. 48, Market-Street, by D. C. CLAYPOOLE.

NEWBERN, (N. Carolina) Dec 9.
We hear from the territory of the United States that his Excellency Governor BLOUNT arrived there about the middle of October last, and has since visited the counties of Washington, Sullivan and Greene. The people there are very much pleased with the change of government, and have received their Chief Magistrate with every mark of respect and confidence. We have been favored with the address presented to him in Greene county.
To his Excellency WILLIAM BLOUNT, Esquire; Governor over the Territory of the United States, South of the River Ohio.
The address of the officers, and other inhabitants of the County of Greene, in the said Territory.
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY.
WE have long since been convinced of the utility of a separation from the State of North-Carolina on constitutional principles: through the liberal policy of that State, the period is now arrived. We have now obtained the completion of our wishes. A government is nearly organized under the auspices of Congress that bids fair to secure our happiness and tranquility. Permit us with the utmost sincerity to assure you, Sir, that among the various steps that conducted to bring us to our present situation, none gave us more sensible pleasure than hearing of your appointment to be our Chief Magistrate. Your patriotic, and amiable character made us readily conclude that your present important office could not confer on you any additional dignity, but might easily borrow dignity from you. Anticipating our future happy prospects we congratulated each other on an appointment so pleasing to us all. Your presence has realized our expectations and from your former steady attachment to the interest of the western country we are fully convinced that we have every thing to hope and nothing to fear. But amidst our pleasing contemplation of the happy effects of your administration under the patronage of Congress, we cannot forget that the best and wisest plans that can be framed to promote the felicity of any country will not accomplish that end without the confidence and concurrence of the people. We beg leave to assure your Excellency, that in our several stations, we will cheerfully concur in supporting the dignity and the energy of government, fully sensible that none but an efficient government can secure our true interest, honor and prosperity.
Signed by order and on behalf of the committee. JOHN SEVIER.
We learn from Fayetteville, that the general assembly go on in a manner unusually slow—they have passed an act altering the time of holding their future sessions, from the first Monday in November to the first Monday in December—and an act to prevent any member of Congress, and all other persons holding any appointment under the United States from exercising any office or appointment of emolument or trust in this State; the appointment or office of a justice of the peace excepted. They have rejected the bill for carrying into effect the ordinance of the Convention at Hillsborough, respecting the seat of government, by the vote of the chair in the Senate—they have before them a bill making alterations in the judicial system, which, it is supposed, will pass—a bill for placing in the office of the Commissioner of loans, the certificates, &c. of the state, at present in the hands of the Treasurer and Comptroller, and for purchasing others to be disposed of in the like manner—and a bill for dividing the state into five districts for the election of Representatives in Congress, which is as yet a skeleton. The Assembly, it is supposed, will sit until Christmas—great discord among the members, excited principally by the balloting for the place where the next Assembly shall be held, which is not yet determined on—Newbern has hitherto stood fair and failed; Tarborough it seems is next to be tried. No less than ten members of the eastern districts are absent.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Sketch of the Debates on the MILITIA BILL.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 22.
THE house took into consideration the report of the committee of the whole on the Militia Bill. The amendments were read by the clerk. An amendment to the amendment proposed by Mr. Heister was moved by Mr. Boudinot—that the persons of the militia should be exempt from civil process on the days of rendezvous.
Mr. Livermore opposed the motion—he conceived it was an unconstitutional interference with the internal police of the individual states. The states have an exclusive right, said he, to regulate the times of training the militia; and Congress has no right
to say that the citizens shall or shall not be liable to a legal arrest on such occasions.
Mr. Boudinot admitted that there was some weight in Mr. Livermore's objections; but at the same time observed, that the principle once admitted that Congress has a power to discipline the militia, every incidental power to carry that idea into effect must follow—he should however reserve himself to offer some further remarks on the subject.
The question being taken, it passed in the affirmative. The amendment, as thus amended, was put and carried.
Mr. Bloodworth proposed an amendment to the 2d section, by which all persons exempted by the laws of the respective states, should also be exempted by this law. This was objected to by several members.
Mr. Livermore said it was so general, that it opened the door to an almost universal exemption—it likewise involved an uncertainty with respect to the present and future laws of the several states, which ought not, in his opinion, to be admitted.
Mr. Bloodworth said he moved the amendment, because he was fully persuaded that the United States had nothing to do with the exemptions heretofore usually made by the particular states. It is proper for Congress only to exempt their own particular officers; but he considered the bill of a very important nature, one that will undergo the strictest scrutiny, and may either be made very agreeable to the states, or very much the reverse. He adverted to the constitution, and said that the powers of Congress only extend to the mere arrangement of the militia; but, in its present form, it is a government bill, and goes to the minutiae of the regulations in the militia.
Mr. Giles objected to the motion: he considered the section, as it stood without the amendment, useless, and therefore the amendment is unnecessary; for if the states possess the power of making the exemptions in themselves, they cannot be deprived of it. He was consequently against the present motion, and should move to obliterate the whole, so far as it interferes with the power of the particular states.
Mr. Sherman was opposed to the particular interference of the general government, any further than they are expressly warranted by the Constitution. The powers of Congress he contended were very much limited in respect to the militia. He moved a more general modification of the section; by which the officers of the general government, such as the Members of Congress, the Executive Officers, Post-Officers, and Mail Carriers, should be designated, and all other persons that are, or shall be exempted by the laws of the several States.
Mr. Bloodworth acceded to this modification. Mr. Giles objected to the proposition as amended, as blending and confounding the powers of the general government with those of the particular States. He objected to it as it went to extend the privileges of the Members of Congress, whose privileges are defined in the Constitution. He objected to it also as it violates the principle which had before been laid down, that the law-makers ought to sympathize with those on whom the laws are designed to operate, and pursuing the idea said, Congress may go on to exempt themselves from every public duty.
Mr. Williamson advertising to the Constitution said, that it was plain Congress are to provide for arming and disciplining the militia; but who are the militia? Such men he presumed, as are declared to be so by the laws of the particular States, and on this principle he was led to suppose that the militia ought to consist of the whole body of citizens without exception. If this construction be just, the propriety of the motion is apparent. He did not anticipate an abuse of the power of exemption on the part of the States: He thought the period far distant when the United States would trust their defence to mercenaries. He objected to the numerous exemptions proposed to be made by the general government, and observed that he feared great impositions and evasions would be practiced in consequence of them—the power will be exercised by the States, and ought not to be by Congress.
Mr. Burke said no man was in favor of an efficient and competent militia more than he was; but the various exemptions contended for are so many, that he conceived the consequences would be subversive of the whole plan: Observations had been thrown out which he was sorry to hear, that except these exemptions took place, the bill would be lost. He then mentioned the several classes proposed to be exempted, by which he said the whole country would in effect be divided into two tribes—and the rich, the governors, and rulers of the land, would be relieved from the burden, while the mechanics, the farmers, the laborers, the hard-working part of the community, would be made to sustain the whole weight of the service in defending the country: He was opposed to exempting Members of Congress; in the recess they may attend militia duty; it was agreeable to the practice of S. Carolina; he had himself performed militia duty during the recess. He thought that all should equally be made to turn out in the ranks, high and low, rich and poor, old and young, and thus make the militia honorable. I know said he it is the policy of the day to make the militia odious; but I hope such policy will not be adopted by this house. He was not however opposed to all exemptions; he would exempt the people called Quakers, and all persons religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, Stage-Drivers, and Instructors of youth; but their pupils, the students in colleges and seminaries of learning, should not be exempted: Youth is the proper time to acquire military knowledge. He hoped that the house would not make too distinct tribes or classes of people.—There ought to be no such distinctions in a free country.
Mr. Jackson said he was sorry that his hon. friend was so determined to have two tribes of people; but he sat out with that resolution and now concludes with the same idea.—He then adverted to the exemption of Quakers, provided for in the bill. He said that the operation of this privilege would be to make the whole community turn Quakers, and in this way it would establish the religion of that denomination, more effectually than any positive law could any persuasion whatever.—He enlarged on the obligations which every man owes to society, to afford his personal services to assist and defend the community; protection and service are reciprocal. Those who are exempted ought to pay a full equivalent on every principle of justice and equity.—He then adverted to exemptions generally, and advocated those of the Members of Congress; but with respect to all others, he was absolutely opposed to them; and said they were so numerous as to destroy the militia bill altogether. The consequence would be, we must resort to a standing force for the general defence.
Mr. Vining was opposed to giving the general power of making such exemptions as they please to the several States: The legislature of the Union is competent to making such as are necessary. He enlarged on the mischievous consequences of delegating this power: It will, said he, destroy every appearance of uniformity; Nor is there any danger that the members of the house will abuse this power by undue exemptions. With respect to the Quakers, he replied to some observations of Mr. Jackson, who had asked, what will become of our boasted independence in case of the exemption of the Quakers? He asked, were there no Quakers in the late war?—He adverted to the conduct of the first settlers of Pennsylvania, who were Quakers; their peaceful principles were productive of the happiest consequences; and in this view their conduct has been an example, which, in proportion as mankind shall recede from the force of turbulent passions, will be more and more imitated. He however supposed that an equivalent might be assessed on these people, without difficulty, and which from their numbers, supposed to be one twentieth part of the people, would amount to a sum sufficient to support a militia; at least to furnish them with arms, drums, colors, &c.
Mr. Lawrance observed that it appeared to him that the object of the motion is to revive a subject which has already been decided in the committee; he had not however altered his opinion, he still thought that it would be impolitic if not dangerous to delegate a power which they can exercise themselves.
He adverted to the observations of Mr. Giles, that Congress cannot extend their privileges—and observed that the clause in the constitution refers to the privileges of being exempt from arrest, that they may not be precluded from attending their duty in Congress; with respect to its being an extension of their privileges to provide for their exemption—there cannot be any force in this, as it is conceded that Congress may designate the age of the militia—now if their ages are restricted from 18 to 45, it effectually exempts all the members of Congress—but this exemption from arrest is not the only privilege that members of Congress possess—and he had no doubt of their right in the present case to exempt themselves; the expediency of the measure, is abundantly sanctioned by the practice of every State in the union.
Mr. Boudinot asked what is the object of the bill? It is to provide a uniform militia, competent to the defence of the country—it is not to take money out of the pockets of the people. He then adverted to the idea that was maintained by several gentlemen, that the militia ought to consist of every person in the United States, and said that this, so far from conducing to the formation of a national defence, would prove the reverse; for it would necessarily include persons religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, men in years not able to bear them, and a great variety of characters not suitable to bear them.
With respect to exemptions he contended, that the right of Congress to make them is already conceded; for it is already agreed that the militia shall consist of persons of particular ages, consequently all under 18 and above 45 are expressly exempted; the reverse of this principle will give the states the absolute controul of the general government. He then observed that the amendment ought not to be adopted; because it would be throwing a burthen on others, which Congress ought to bear themselves; because it will destroy every idea of uniformity; because it invests a power in the states to impose fines and penalties which may operate grievously on many descriptions of persons; because it invests a power in the states to impose fines and penalties which may operate oppressively on many descriptions of persons, because it invests the states with a power to make partial exemptions, create invidious distinctions, and excite unwarrantable competitions among different classes and professions.—He then adverted to the Quakers, and asked, what would become of our independence, if one thousand troops were to attack us, and we had an army of 20000 Quakers to oppose them: What dependence can be had on men, who are forced into the field? He had trusted that the rights of men were so well defined at this enlightened period, that the principles which had been advanced, would not have been applied on this occasion. He entered into a defence of the exemptions generally provided for, and justified them on principles of justice and policy. He was sorry that the distinctions mentioned by the gentleman from S. Carolina, had been brought forward. He had no idea of different tribes or classes: The members of this house at the end of every two years, revert to the mass of the people, and then become liable to bear their proportion of militia duty as well as their fellow-citizens.
Mr. Madison moved to insert, among the exemptions, persons conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. It is the glory of our country, said he, that a more sacred regard to the rights of mankind is preferred, than has heretofore been known. The Quakers merit some attention on this delicate point, liberty of conscience: When they had it in their own power to establish their religion by law, they did not: He was disposed to make the exemption gratuitous, but supposed it impracticable. He replied to Mr. Jackson's observation, that exempting such persons would induce the people generally to turn Quakers. He did not believe that the citizens of the United States would hypocritically renounce their principles, their conscience, and their God, for the sake of enjoying the exemption.
Mr. Sherman seconded this motion. He said that persons conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms, could not be compelled to do it; for such persons will rather suffer death than commit moral evil; they may be punished it is true, by fines and penalties; but whether this would be eligible or not remains to be determined. We however have the sense of these people on the subject. He suggested whether some expedient cannot be devised to operate as an indemnity, by excusing part of the militia from a poll tax, so as to equalize the exemption, if made gratuitous.
Mr. Livermore said he disliked the whole amendment. He also disliked the bill, on several accounts, more particularly as it interfered too much with the regulations of the several States.—The present proposition he thought would come in more properly in the second section.
Mr. Jackson said he was glad that the motion of the gentleman from Virginia had been brought forward; it would serve to ascertain the sentiment of the house, on this important subject. He observed, that in his opinion the gentleman had not argued with his usual ingenuity and knowledge of the human heart, in respect to the exemptions proposed in favor of the Quakers. It is too evident that mankind stand in greater dread of present evil, than of future punishment: The influence of conscience is a weak defence against the powerful temptations of pecuniary advantages; and as he had been informed since he came to this city that one Quaker will convert ten men to quakerism, where ten of a different persuasion will not convert one Quaker; with the assistance of this law, the converts said he, will be ten times as numerous—he conceived that the natural operation of it would be to destroy the whole militia bill. He insisted on their being liable to a penalty in lieu of personal service, and enlarged on the reasonableness of paying their proportion to the general defence. He replied to Mr. Boudinot's query respecting 10,000 Quakers; they would all run away said he, and 1000 men in that case would subjugate the country.
Mr. Giles observed that he was opposed to the exemption of the Quakers, and gave his reasons; protection and personal services result from society: they are due from every individual, and it is a violation of moral duty to withhold this personal service. He was in favor of exempting every man from doing that, which his general conduct evinced was contrary to his conscience: but it cannot be said that it is against the conscience of a Quaker to hold and possess property; therefore every man who receives the protection of the laws, ought to contribute his proportion to the support of the laws. He then entered more fully into a consideration of the subject, and objected to the exemption as creating an unwarrantable distinction between the citizens; throwing a burthen on the majority, to relieve the minority; giving the minority privileges for shrinking from their duty: What criterion is there said he to determine whether a man is under the impression of conscience? and concluded by saying a fine can only determine the existence of this principle.
Mr. Vining was in favor of the exemption, but did not think it would be satisfactory to the people without qualifying it by an equivalent. Quakers said he are easily distinguished—every man knows them.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) This debate seems to be detailed when gentlemen appear to think very much alike upon the subject. The question is how the fine or penalty shall be assessed; tho' some appear disposed to exempt those people not only from personal service, but from all commutation. It then seems necessary that the question should be first determined whether an equivalent shall be paid or not. According to the sentiments of some gentlemen: It is proposed to go further than even this state has, in which the greatest number of these persons exist—for when

in convention the question was taken for striking out the penalty, only 7 or 8 members rose in favor of it.—But he thought this proposition improperly added to the first amendment, and wished it might be withdrawn, till the question whether the exemptions should be made by the states or by the general government is determined.
Mr. Madison, replied to Mr. Smith, he said that he conceived his motion a proper amendment at this place—as the gentleman from Connecticut only moved that the exemptions made by the several states should be sanctioned by the general government:—but it is conceded that this exemption is not made by the several states, and therefore ought to be here specified. He said he should acquiesce in an equivalent—tho' he would prefer a gratuitous exemption.
THURSDAY, Dec. 23.
The Amendments to the Militia Bill under consideration.
The subject of exemptions was further discussed this day.
Mr. Madison withdrew for the present his proposition in favor of persons religiously scrupulous of bearing arms. The question then was, whether the power of exempting should be exclusively vested in Congress, or be exercised partly by the several States.
The question being called for, Mr. Stone moved that it should be divided, and the question for striking out the words "except as herein after excepted," in order to admit the proposed amendment, being put, was negatived—the substitute was superceded of course.
Mr. Moore proposed as an amendment to the first section, to add these words, "or with a good rifle, a shot bag, &c." which was agreed to.
The amendments to the second section being read, the debate on exemptions was renewed.—The amendment by which the particular States are empowered to exempt from militia duty, the legislative, executive, and judicial officers of the respective States, was agreed to by a great majority.
Mr. Madison then renewed his proposition in favor of persons religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, in a different form from that before offered, and to the following effect: "That all persons religiously scrupulous of bearing arms, who shall make a declaration of the same before a civil magistrate, shall be excused from performing militia duty; but be liable to a penalty of — dollars, to be appropriated as the monies arising from the post-office are appropriated."
This amendment was seconded by Mr. Boudinot, and objected to by Mr. Jackson, and Mr. Smith.
After some debate, Mr. Madison proposed that it should lie on the table for consideration—and the House adjourned.
MONDAY, Dec. 27.
Mr. Goodhue presented the petition of Isaac Osgood, which was read, and referred to the secretary of the treasury.
Mr. Burke's motion respecting a bill for altering the time of the meeting of Congress, was taken into consideration and negatived.
Several petitions, praying compensation for services rendered during the late war, were read, and referred to the secretary at war.
Mr. Fitzsimons from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill, to ascertain how far the owners of ships or vessels shall be liable to the freighters; read a first time.
On motion, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into consideration the report of the secretary of the treasury, on the means of making further provision for the support of public credit.
Mr. Livermore took the chair, and the committee agreed to the following resolutions, viz.
That an additional duty of 8 cents per gallon, be laid and collected upon all distilled spirits of common proof, and in like proportion for all other distilled spirits which shall after the — day of — be imported into the United States.
Also, that from and after the — day of — next, a duty of 11 cents per gallon be imposed upon all spirits of the first class of proof, distilled within the United States, from sugar, molasses or other foreign materials—Also, a duty in like proportion on all other classes of proof.
Also a duty of nine cents upon all spirits, of the first class of proof, distilled within any city, town or village within the United States, from materials of the growth, or production of the United States, also a duty in like proportion on all other classes of proof.
That for each still employed in distilling spirits in any other place than a city, town or village, there to be collected and paid, a yearly sum of — cents for every gallon, English wine-measure, of the capacity of each still, including its head.
After which the committee rose and the chairman reported the resolutions, which were read and agreed to by the house.
And a committee of five members was appointed to prepare and bring in a bill agreeable to
said resolutions. The committee appointed, are Messrs. Sedgwick, Trumbull, Lawrance, Wynkoop, and Mr. Smith of Maryland.
The committee of the whole was then discharged from further consideration of said report. Mr. Fitzsimons moved, that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill on the other parts of the report, for altering the mode of collecting the duty on wines and teas, and to allow a longer time for collecting the same, this motion was referred to the foregoing committee.
In committee of the whole.—Mr. Livermore in the chair.
On the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the establishment of Land-Offices for the disposal of the vacant lands belonging to the United States. After some discussion of the subject, the committee rose, and reported progress.
A message was received from the Senate, informing, that the President of the United States has this day approved and signed the act, making further provision for the debt of the United States.
On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, a committee of three was appointed to prepare and bring in a bill, to enable the collector of the district of Pennsylvania, to permit the landing of goods, at other places within this district than the port of Philadelphia, the river being obstructed by ice.
TUESDAY, Dec. 28.
The affreightage bill was read the second time, and referred to the committee of the whole.
A memorial and remonstrance of the public creditors of the United States in the county of Burlington, and town of Trenton, in New Jersey, was read.
Mr. Lee, of the committee appointed for the purpose, reported a bill directing the mode in which the evidences of the debt of the United States, which shall be lost or destroyed, shall be renewed—which was read the first time.
Mr. Lee also reported, from the committee on the petition of William Robinson, that the case would come within the cognizance of the bill now reported. The committee was discharged from any further consideration of the said petition—and the petitioner had leave to withdraw the same.
The petition of John Philip De Haas was read, and referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Fitzsimons reported a bill authorizing the unloading of goods, wares, and merchandise, at places, other than at the port of Philadelphia—read the first and second time—and referred to the committee of the whole, to morrow.
In committee of the whole House on the state of the Union.—Mr. Boudinot in the chair.
The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subjects of a Land-Office, and the unappropriated lands in the Western Territory under consideration. Further progress was made; but the discussion not finished. Adjourned.
ANNAPOLIS, (Maryland) Dec. 23.
BY THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES, DECEMBER 16, 1790.
On motion, the question was put, That it is the opinion of this house that the assumption of the State debts by the United States, is a measure dangerous in its consequences to the governments of the several States? The yeas and nays being called for by Mr. Forrest, were, Affirmative 32—Negative 26.
On motion, the question was put, That it is the opinion of this house that the said assumption is particularly injurious to this state? The yeas and nays being called for by Mr. Forrest, were, Affirmative, 30—Negative, 28.
The following question being propounded to the house, viz. That it is the opinion of the house that the said assumption is in no manner authorized by the constitution of the United States? the previous question was called for and put, That the said question be now put? The yeas and nays being called for by Mr. Denwood, were, Affirmative, 26—Negative, 33.
Ordered, That the said resolutions, with the yeas and nays, together with the third proposition, and the yeas and nays on the previous question relative to the same, be published in the Annapolis, Baltimore, and Easton newspapers.
December 21.
The following proposition being propounded to the house, viz. That the resolutions on the propositions respecting the assumption of the state debts, and the subsequent proceedings thereon, be and they are hereby rescinded and annulled? The previous question was called for and put, That the said question be now put? The yeas and nays being called for by Mr. Forrest, were, Affirmative, 26—Negative, 26.
The house being equally divided, it was declared in the affirmative by the honorable the speaker.
The main question was then put. The yeas and nays being called for by Mr. Forrest, were, Affirmative, 27—Negative 26.
PROVIDENCE, December 11.
On Saturday last the circuit court of the United States for Rhode-Island district was opened at the court-house in this town. On the following Monday, the court, consisting of chief justice JAY
and justice CUSHING, of the Supreme court of the United States, and justice MARCHANT, of this district court, proceeded to business.
A charge was given to the grand jury by the chief justice—full of good sense and learning, though expressed in the most plain and familiar style.
A number of actions were commenced in this court; but they were either settled or continued, without a trial on the merits of any of them, either before the court or jury. And on Tuesday evening the court adjourned, to meet again according to law.
At length have the mild beams of national justice begun to irradiate this State, and opened a dawn of hope for better times.
All descriptions of people, who witnessed the proceedings of the court, discovered their entire approbation.
Philadelphia, Dec. 29.
OF FRANCE.
The following order was taken by the National Assembly, on the bold protest of the Parliament of Toulouse against their proceedings.
October 9, 1790.
"On the report of the committee on the Constitution, the National Assembly DECREES, That the members of the heretofore-court of Parliament of Toulouse, who passed the Resolves of the 25th and 26th of Sept. last, shall be impeached before a Tribunal forthwith, to be established, to take cognizance of High Treason against the Nation. And considering the nature of the Charges against them, furthermore Decrees, That the KING shall be intreated to give the necessary orders for apprehending all the persons concerning in said Protests."
A request has been made by the inhabitants of LOUISIANA—a district of South America, belonging to the crown of Spain, to be taken under the protection of, and to receive the benefit of the laws of the National Assembly of France.
The first 400,000,000 of Assignats, issued by the French National Assembly, bore an interest of five per cent. October 8, the Assembly decreed that the interest should cease, after the 16th of that month. Some call this an ex post facto law.
The National Assembly, in some of the French papers, is denominated the Long Parliament. They labour incessantly, Sundays and all days—but they seem to be weaving the web of Penelope—
"Who though she stoutly did beshir her, Her finishing was ne'er the nearer."
Every citizen of the United States is interested in the rise of the public paper—whether a proprietor or not; for in proportion as its value approaches to that of specie, an additional medium is introduced, by which every person who has any thing to do with trade, commerce, agriculture or manufactures, is benefited.
It is undoubtedly a fact, that this country has never been in possession of a sufficient quantity of the precious metal to constitute a competent circulating medium, without the auxiliary of paper money; hence, before the revolution, the principal part of the then provinces, had their particular emissions, funded on various principles—to this circumstance may perhaps be chiefly attributed the facility with which the immense emissions of continental paper slid into circulation; and though an unfunded debt is the bane of a country, because it will encrease, and because it will depreciate; yet, an addition to the present medium of the United States of bank paper, bottomed on substantial funds, such as, through the favor of heaven, are now within our reach, will most undoubtedly invigorate every spring of industry and enterprize that can possibly be set in motion.
PRICE CURRENT.—PUBLIC SECURITIES.
   FUNDED DEBT.     6 pr. Cents 18 3/4 pr. £. or 90 pr. cent.   3 pr. Cents 9 3/4 or 45 do.   Deferred 6 pr. Cents 9 3/4 45 do.   UNFUNDED DEBT.   Final Sett. and other Certificates 15/6. 16 3/4 89 do.   Indents 9 3/4 45 do.   State debts 12 3/4 62 1/2 do.  
The purchases of public debt made yesterday by the Treasurer of the United States, were at the following rates: Funded, 6 per cents a 18 3/4. Deferred, 6 per cents, and 3 per cents at 9 3/4.
THE Subscribers for this paper, in the city of New-York, are respectfully informed, that the charge of the papers proving inconvenient to Mr. Wetmore, at the Post-Office, the Editor has engaged Mr. Samuel Campbell, Book-seller, Hanover-Square, to receive them and superintend their delivery—by whom Subscriptions will be received.
HENRY KUHL,
At No. 143, Second-Street, near Race-Street,
By advice of his friends in New-York and Philadelphia, he has opened an office for the purpose of buying and selling, on commission, the different species of Stock, and of liquidated and unliquidated paper in the market.
He will obtain such Certificates as are required by the funding law, for those who have unliquidated Securities; and transfer Stock from and to the Treasury and the Offices of the Commissioners of Loans, on moderate terms.
Having for several years past been employed in the Treasury of the United States, he is well acquainted with its operations and forms; and flatters himself that on that score he has a decided advantage in transacting business here. He is fully impressed with the truth of the adage that "dispatch is the soul of business," and will always make the interest of his employers an object of the first importance.
Philadelphia, December 29th, 1790.

(CONCLUDED FROM OUR LAST.)
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, December 13, 1790.
In obedience to the Order of the House of Representatives of the Ninth day of August last, requiring the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and report, on this day, such further provision as may, in his opinion, be necessary for establishing the public credit—the said Secretary Respectfully Reports,
AMONG other substantial reasons, which recommend, as a provision for the public debt, duties upon articles of consumption, in preference to taxes on houses and lands, is this—It is very desirable, if practicable, to reserve the latter fund for objects and occasions, which will more immediately interest the sensibility of the whole community, and more directly affect the public safety. It will be a consolatory reflection, that so capital a resource remains untouched by that provision, which, while it will have a very material influence in favor of public credit, will be also conducive to the tranquility of the public mind in respect to external danger, and will really operate as a powerful guarantee of peace.
It may not be unworthy of reflection, that while the idea of residuary resources, in so striking a particular, cannot fail to have many beneficial consequences; the suspension of taxes on real estates can as little fail to be pleasing to the mass of the community; and it may reasonably be presumed, that so provident a forbearance on the part of the government will ensure a more cheerful acquiescence on that part of the class of the community immediately to be affected, whenever experience and the exigency of circumstances shall dictate a resort to that species of revenue.
But in order to be at liberty to pursue this salutary course, it is indispensable that an efficacious use should be made of those articles of consumption, which are the most proper and the most productive; to which class distilled spirits very evidently belong; and a prudent energy will be requisite, as well in relation to the mode of collection, as to the quantum of the duty.
It need scarcely be observed, that the duties on the great mass of imported articles, have reached a point, which it would not be expedient to exceed. There is, at least, satisfactory evidence, that they cannot be extended farther, without contravening the sense of the body of the merchants; and though it is not to be admitted as a general rule, that this circumstance ought to conclude against the expediency of a public measure; yet when due regard is had to the disposition which has enlightened the class of citizens manifested towards the national government—to the alacrity with which they have hitherto seconded its operations—to the accommodating temper with which they look forward to those additional impositions on the objects of trade, which are to commence with the ensuing year, and to the greatness of the innovation, which in this particular, has already taken place in the former state of things, there will be perceived to exist the most solid reasons against lightly passing the bounds which coincide with their impressions of what is reasonable and proper. It would be, in every view, inauspicious to give occasion for a supposition, that trade alone is destined to feel the immediate weight of the hand of government, in every new emergency of the treasury.
However true, as a general position, that the consumer pays the duty; yet it will not follow, that trade may not be essentially distressed and injured, by carrying duties on importation to a height which is disproportionate to the mercantile capital of a country. It may not only be the cause of diverting too large a share of it from the exigencies of business, but as the requisite advances to satisfy the duties will, in many, if not in most cases, precede the receipts, from the sale of the articles on which they are laid, the consequence will often be sacrifices which the merchant cannot afford to make.
The inconvenience of exceeding the proper limit, in this respect, which will be felt every where, will fall with particular severity on those places which have not the advantage of public banks, and which abound least in pecuniary resources. Appearances do not justify such an estimate of the extent of the mercantile capital of the United States, as to encourage to material accumulations on the, already considerable, rates of the duties on the mass of foreign importation.
Another motive for caution on this point, arises from the reflection, that the effect of an important augmentation made by law of the last session, is hitherto a mere matter of speculative calculation, and has not yet even begun to be tried.
It is presumable too, that a still further augmentation would have an influence, the reverse of favorable to the public credit. The operation would be apt to be regarded as artificial—as destitute of solidity—as presenting a numerical increase, but involving an actual diminution of revenue. The distrust of the efficacy of the present provision might also be accompanied with a doubt of a better substitute hereafter. The inference would not be unnatural, that a defect of other means, or an inability to command them, could alone have given birth to so unpromising an effort to draw all from one source.
A diversification of the nature of the funds is desirable on other accounts. It is clear that less dependence can be placed on one species of funds, and that too liable to the vicissitudes of the continuance, or interruption of foreign intercourse, than upon a variety of different funds formed by the union of internal with external objects.
The inference, from these various and important considerations, seems to be, that to attempt to extract wholly from duties on imported articles, the sum necessary to a complete provision for the public debt, would probably be both deceptive and pernicious; incompatible with the interests, not less of revenue than of commerce; that resources of a different kind must of necessity be explored; and that the selection of the most fit objects is the only thing which ought to occupy enquiry.
Besides the establishment of supplementary funds, it is requisite to the support of the public credit, that those established should stand upon a footing which will give all reasonable assurance of their effectual collection.
Among the articles enumerated in the act making further provision for the payment of the debt of the United States, there are two, wines and teas, in regard to which some other regulations than have yet been adopted, seem necessary for the security of the revenue, and desirable for the accommodation of the merchant.
With these views, it is submitted, that the term for the payment of the duties on wines be enlarged, as it respects Madeira wines, to eighteen months; and as it respects other wines, to nine months; and that they be collected on a plan similar to that proposed in relation to imported distilled spirits.
And that a third option (two being allowed by the present law) be given to the importers of teas; which shall be, to give bond without surety for the amount of the duty in each case, payable in two years, upon the following terms—
The teas to be deposited at the expence and risk of the importer in store-houses to be agreed upon between him and the proper officer of the revenue; each store-house having two locks, the key of one of which to be in the custody of the importer or his agent, and the key of the other of which to be in the custody of an officer,
whose duty it shall be made to attend, at all reasonable times, for the purpose of deliveries.
These deliveries, whether for home sale, or for exportation to a foreign country, to be warranted by permits from the chief officer of inspection of the place.
If for home sale, the permits to be granted after the duties shall have been paid, or secured to be paid.
When the amount of the duties shall not exceed one hundred dollars, four months to be allowed for payment. When it shall exceed one hundred dollars, and not exceed five hundred dollars, the term of payment to be eight months; and twelve months whenever the amount shall exceed five hundred dollars; Provided, That the credit shall in no case extend beyond the period of two years originally allowed for the entire sum. If the duties on the whole quantity deposited shall not have been paid, or secured to be paid, before the expiration of that time, it shall be lawful for the proper officer to cause a sale to be made of so much as shall be sufficient to discharge what shall remain unsatisfied. In every case, it shall be at the option of the party applying for the permit, either to pay the amount of the duties on the quantity to be delivered, or to give bond for it, with one or more sureties, to the satisfaction of the officer whose province it shall be to grant the permits.
If the deliveries are to be made for exportation, the permits to be granted upon bond being entered into to secure and ascertain the exportation. This may require some alterations of form, in the manner of proceeding, relatively to the exportation of this article.
All teas to be landed under the care of the inspectors of the revenue; the chests and other packages containing them to be marked, and certificates which shall accompany them to be granted, as in the case of distilled spirits.
To these more direct expedients for the support of public credit, the institution of a National Bank, presents itself as a necessary auxiliary. This the Secretary regards as an indispensable engine, in the administration of the finances. To present this important object in a more distinct and more comprehensive light, he has concluded to make it the subject of a separate Report, which he begs leave herewith to submit No. II.
All which is humbly submitted. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
Estimate of the probable Product of the Funds, proposed in the annexed Report.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Rows include: 4,000,000 gallons of distilled spirits imported from foreign countries, at 8 cents per gallon (320,000); 3,500,000 gallons of spirits, distilled in the United States from foreign materials, at 11 cents pr. gallon (385,000); 3,000,000 ditto, distilled from materials of the United States, at 9 cents per gallon (270,000); Total dollars (975,000); Deduct for drawbacks, and expence of collection, 10 per cent. (97,500); Net product, Dollars, 877,500.
PURSUANT to a Resolve or act of Congress of the 10th day of May, 1789, relative to the destruction of Loan-Office Certificates by accident; notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that on the 26th of December 1788, the house occupied by WILLIAM HASELTON, of the Delaware State, took fire and was consumed, in which was lodged a number of Loan-Office certificates as pr. list below, all which were destroyed by the said fire: Therefore if any person, hath any objection why the said Certificates should not be renewed, agreeable to the resolves of Congress, they must make them before the expiration of three months, from the date hereof.
Invoice of Loan-Office Certificates destroyed in the house of Wm. Haselton on the above date.
Table with 2 columns: Date, Amount. Rows include: 1788. October 24, 4873 of 500 dollars each (favor of JAMES HASELTON); 4874 of 400 dollars, (ELIZABETH HASELTON, Administratrix of JAMES HASELTON, deceased). Philadelphia, Nov. 26, 1790.
Ebenezer Hazard, At No. 128, in Second Street, between Race and Vine Streets, BUYS AND SELLS ALL KINDS OF PUBLIC SECURITIES. N. B. Persons having Business to transact at the Public Offices, may be assisted, or have their Business done for them (without the trouble and expence of a personal attendance) on very moderate Terms. November 29.
At the INTELLIGENCE-OFFICE, No. 208, in MARKET, above 6th STREET, South side, WILL be negotiated all kinds of PAPER-MONEY and Public Securities, BUSINESS transacted in public offices in the city, and such Paper-Money and Certificates furnished, as will make payment at the Land Office equal to Gold and Silver. MONEY borrowed or loaned, and BILLS, BONDS, and NOTES of HAND discounted. HOUSES, Farms, Lands, and Lots, bought and sold, let or leased, and Houses, Rooms, Boarding and Lodging procured for Strangers, or others. BOOK-KEEPERS, Clerks, School-Masters, Waiters, Nurses, Seamstresses, Chamber and other Maids, and those of other professions, who come well recommended, may hear of employ; and Employers be supplied, by applying to FRANCIS WHITE. Dealer in Paper Money, and Public Securities.
IMPERIAL, HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA TEAS; REFINED SUGARS, COFFEE, and SPICES, &c. Of the first Quality—by Retail, No. 17, Third-Street, between Chestnut and Market-Streets.
JOHN FRANCIS, Late of New-York, respectfully informs the public, that he has opened a Commodious Boarding House, No. 53, FOURTH-STREET, one door from Race-Street, WHERE Gentlemen may be accommodated with GENTLE BOARDING AND LODGING, By the Week, Month, or Year, and on the most moderate terms. Phila. Nov. 20, 1790.
PROPOSALS, BY JOHN TRUMBULL, FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, TWO PRINTS,
From original Pictures painted by himself; One representing the DEATH of General WARREN, at the Battle of Bunker's-Hill. The other, the DEATH of General MONTGOMERY, in the Attack of Quebec.
IN the battle of Bunker's-Hill, the following Portraits are introduced—
American: Major General WARREN, Gen. Sir WILLIAM HOWE, PUTNAM, SIR HENRY CLINTON, Lieut. Col. JOHN SMALL, Major PITCAIRN, and Lieut. PITCAIRN. In the Attack of Quebec, are seen— General MONTGOMERY, Colonel THOMPSON, Major MACPHERSON, and Capt. CHEESMAN. CONDITIONS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
The prints will be engraved by two of the most eminent artists in Europe. The size will be 30 inches by 20. The price to subscribers, Three Guineas for each print; one half to be paid at the time of subscribing, the remainder on the delivery of the prints, which will be as soon as the work (which is already considerably advanced) can possibly be completed.
SUBSCRIPTIONS are received in this city by Joseph Anthony, jun. Goldsmith and Jeweller, No. 76, Market-Street.
These prints are the first of a series, in which it is proposed to represent the most important events of the American Revolution.
No period of the history of man, is more interesting than that in which we have lived. The memory of scenes in which were laid the foundations of that free government, which secures our national and individual happiness, must ever remain dear to us, and to posterity; and if national pride be in any case justifiable, Americans have a right to glory in having given to the world an example, whose influence is rapidly spreading the love of freedom through other nations, and every where ameliorating the condition of men.
To assist in preserving the memory of the illustrious events which have marked this period of our country's glory, as well as of the men who have been the most important actors in them, is the object of this undertaking. History will do justice to an era so important; but to be read, the language in which it is written must be understood—the language of painting is universal, and intelligible in all nations, and every age.
As several years of his time, and a very considerable expence, are necessary to accomplish this undertaking, it would be an imprudent sacrifice to the mere hope of reputation to go more deeply into it, without a probability of ultimate success:—That he may judge of the degree of this probability, Mr. Trumbull, by the advice of his friends, proposes this subscription, and flatters himself with a hope of meeting that patronage from his countrymen, which will justify his pursuing the object with ardor; and without which it is impossible that so expensive a work should be continued.
The subjects proposed to be represented, in addition to the two foregoing, of Bunker's-Hill and Quebec, are—
* THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, * BATTLE AT TRENTON, * BATTLE OF PRINCETOWN, SURRENDER of General BURGOYNE, TREATY with FRANCE, BATTLE of EUTAW SPRINGS, * SURRENDER of YORK-TOWN, TREATY of PEACE, EVACUATION of NEW-YORK, RESIGNATION of General WASHINGTON, THE ARCH at TRENTON, INAUGURATION of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
Each picture will contain portraits of the principal characters who were present at the scene represented. Those marked with stars, are considerably advanced; and the prints from the whole will be executed of the same size, and by the most eminent engravers.
December 14.
To the Merchants, Traders, Foreigners, and the Public in general.
GENTLEMEN, AGREEABLY to the plan which the Subscriber submitted to the public consideration, and under the most flattering assurance of public patronage, he takes the liberty of announcing, that
THE MERCHANTS, and EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE,
is now opened at the corner of Market and Water-Streets, for the accommodation of the Merchants, Traders, and other Citizens of Philadelphia.
The Subscriber deems it unnecessary to repeat the declarations of his sincere intention to prosecute his undertaking with the most respectful assiduity: But he cannot forbear making a public acknowledgment of his gratitude, for the encouragement he has already experienced; nor suppress his invariable wish, that those gentlemen who may honor his Coffee-House with their presence, will communicate such articles of intelligence received from their correspondents as they shall think proper, and in preference, will upon every occasion, point out the defects of his plan, or favor him with hints for improving its execution.
The Subscriber will prepare entertainments, either at noon, or in the evening, for select parties, upon the shortest notice, and on the most reasonable terms. He can accommodate two or three Gentlemen with lodgings; and proposes at two o'clock on each day, when the public business of the Coffee-Room is over, to provide a cheap, but good and plentiful ordinary, for such guests as shall please to honor him with their company.
I am, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and humble Servant, VINCENT M. PELOSI. Dec. 18.
This day is published, By THOMAS LANG, No. 21, Church-Alley,
And sold by FRANCIS BAILEY, JOSEPH CRUKSHANK, WILLIAM PRICHARD, and RICE and Co. in Market-Street; and by THOMAS DODSON, WILLIAM YOUNG, and ROBERT CAMPBELL, in Second-Street, Philadelphia. Price 12s. 6d. (not half the price of the London edition)
The POEMS of OSSIAN, THE SON OF FINGAL. Translated by JAMES MACPHERSON, Esq.
WHEREAS a certain WILLIAM TUFF, of Salem County, State of New-Jersey, has two nine pound notes of hand, given by Samuel Hollinhead, jun. and by certain information, it appears that my name as a security for the same is added to those notes, unknown to me. I hereby forbid any person or persons from taking any assignment of them from him; for I am determined not to answer those notes, or any assignment of them, as I know nothing of their dealings, nor will I answer for the same. REUBEN ROBINSON. Cumberland County, Nov. 30, 1790.