National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-06-07 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, June 7, 1792.
NUMB. 64.
The following is the substance of the observations delivered by Mr. MERCER, in the House of Representatives, in the course of the debate on the Frontier Bill.
I originally opposed the reference of this subject to the secretary of the treasury on principles supported by the constitution, by the theory of free government, and from practical observation on the progress of our own, and I believe the result now before us, will fully exemplify every evil predicted.
Let any man examine this bill, and compare it with the terms of the original reference—Let it then be asked, Whether the submission to devise ways and means to provide for the defence of the western frontier, authorised the plans proposed by the treasury department, that we are now giving sanction to. Did it authorise a perpetual tax, irrepealable by the whole legislature, without a breach of faith according to received doctrine: At least, so far placing the purse-strings in the hands of the executive, who may refuse an assent to the repeal—in the power of the Senate also, and consequently beyond the reach of the Representatives of the people, who alone are deputized by, and may be recalled by the great mass of society, and to whom the constitution expressly confines the power of originating money bills? Have we in truth originated this money bill? Do we ever originate any money bill? If a reference, such as made to the Secretary, was proposed to the Senate, who are a branch of the legislature, nearly of equal importance with ourselves, would it not be held a breach of the constitution? Were they to propose such a plan as this to us, would it not be received with indignation? Why so little jealousy of the executive department, separated by the constitution with so much care from us? Of the treasury department too, which is considered in other countries as possessing and exercising the means of corruption?—It is in my judgment a direct infraction of the letter and spirit of the constitution, of the principles of free government—and I have heard no attempt to defend it, but on the ground of pitiful evasion, more dishonorable to ourselves and dangerous to the public than an open violation, that would rouse their resentment, and ensure opposition.
But did the submission of a provision to defend the frontier, authorize a system for the encouragement of manufactures? thereby placing the occupations and productive labour of our citizens under the direction of government, and rendering the living of the artist and subsistence of the farmer, so far equally dependent on and subservient to the views of administration? Did it authorise an entire provision for the public debt, past, present, and to come? Did it authorize a plan for supplying former deficiencies, which it is admitted do not exist? Lastly, did it authorize an extensive increase of the sinking fund, which we are informed is one of the principal objects? It would be an affront to common sense to answer one of these queries in the affirmative—it authorized none of them: And yet these are all its offspring; these are the great objects it produced. It is true there are in the bill two or three little clauses that were authorized, and which relate to the submission, and which might well have escaped my attention, and would probably never attract the observation of the public, but for the title—a bill for the protection of the frontiers.—By these clauses 523,000 dollars of the whole monies to be forever raised from this perpetual revenue, are appropriated for this year's campaign. After that sum is expended, we must even the next year look out for new taxes, and upon the same principles, as long as the Indian war conti-
nues (and by the enlistments it is not contemplated to be of very short duration) new taxes must be provided, for the residue of these taxes are by this bill appropriated to other purposes, for ever, after 523,000 dollars are paid. This appropriation is unalterable even by the whole legislature, unless by a breach of public faith or providing other equal revenue. Should every year's Indian war, and every national disaster excuse administration for laying a perpetual tax, equal to the encreased annual demand, it would be selling us defeats at a very high price; and if administration are paid so well, they may be tempted to repeat the tragical representation.
But what is the reflection that naturally arises from a contemplation of this bill—that administration will not even permit us to defend the helpless women and children of the frontier from the brutal ferocity of the savage foe, but on condition that the representatives surrender up for ever the sacred trust of the constitution, and place in the power and under the controul of the executive and senate, a perpetual tax—unless they throw the power of regulating the labor and industry of their fellow citizens into the hands of government, and into a mean dependence on administration; and unless they furnish a large sum of money, under the denomination of a sinking fund, for the purposes of speculation, in order to raise and fall the price of stocks at pleasure, or as may suit the views and interest of the band of favorites that are in the secret.
Hard and oppressive conditions!—was this the object of the reference to the secretary? It was not the avowed one, nor could it have been suspected, from a simple proposition to devise ways and means to defend the frontier. A mighty fabric has been erected on this slight foundation—to hurry us into the adoption, we have been officially (I suppose) informed that the money for the war department is almost expended—that the preparations for the western expedition must stop unless we pass the bill immediately—and thus with the tomahawk suspended over our heads, we must give up to administration the dearest interests of the people, and sacrifice the most sacred rights of the constitution.
If any thing can equal the boldness of this measure, it is the injustice. I have long remarked in this house that the executive or rather the treasury department was really the efficient legislature of the country —so far as relates to the revenue, which is the vital principle of government—the clause of the constitution confining to the immediate representatives of the people in this house, the origination of money bills is converted into a committee-ship of sanction, that never withholds its assent, a convenient cloak to divert the blame of odious measures from the real authors. We have heard of corrupt majorities in British parliaments—I will not suppose an improper motive in any member of this body, but I am free to say, that we appear better train'd than any house of commons I have yet read of. For if a minister with them was to attempt to supply all the ordinaries and extraordinaries of government by perpetual taxes, I am persuaded he would risk his head. The representatives of the British nation, the immediate agents of the people, dare not vote away the rights of their principals and the power of their successors. They preserve the purse-strings in their own hands by laying taxes for the support of government from year to year—they know no permanent taxes except those pledged for certain debts, and even those the whole nation now exclaims against as the mortal poison of the constitution, and the settlement for the support of the crown
given in exchange for the feudal and constitutional rights relinquished by the king.
When the tax law made its first appearance from the treasury department, petitions against it from the great commercial capitals of America, convenient to us, were presented. The petitioners represented the impositions on commerce as already oppressive and intricate. Their particular representatives seemed to sympathize at first with these sentiments. I hope it was not intended to enhance this measure as a boon in order to demand some greater sacrifice as an equivalent. But certainly when these objections were admitted to be valid, and a proposal was made to render the evils temporary, by limiting the bill to a short period, and in order that it might be commensurate with the original purpose, the Indian war , the encouragement of manufactures, stability in commercial arrangements, a variety of new purposes for money, former deficiencies, and a sinking fund were then vaunted forth as the objects of the measure. These were certainly never the objects of the reference, and shew, at one view, how iniquitous and dangerous it is to blend temporary objects with permanent regulations, and connect necessary and indispensable provisions with measures of doubtful, if not unjust, policy. Independent of the constitutional question of the right of Congress, why should we be compelled to consider the extensive range and delicate refinement of encouraging manufactures by extensive duties operating as in direct bounties, under the pressure of providing for an Indian war? putting out of view the general and irrefragable principle, that industry will almost always select the most beneficial channels for its streams to flow in, and that for government to attempt to divert its courses, as it can only be done by obstructing in one part and opening in another, is not only impolitic and imprudent, but unjustifiable and tyrannical—yet even such encouragement, if proper, should certainly not be permanent. A manufacture that will not, after a sufficient stimulus, support itself, ought not to be encouraged; when it no longer needs the aid, it ought to be withdrawn; but as there is no limitation proposed, as the law is perpetual, a repeal at any time would be construed into a breach of faith, by those who embarked capitals on the supposed proffered encouragement; but for one moment we should recollect, that this not only operates unequally in the same states, between the farmer and the mechanic: the staple states are unequally represented in this government, that we are differently therefore interested with respect to manufactures, that these bounties are in fact paid from the staples of the southern states by producing retaliating regulations in their only markets abroad, and raising the price of what the planters must buy at home. In fine, such precipitate measures seem calculated to sow discontent, in order to reap confusion, and out of confusion it is said order arises, that is, it gives countenance to the abuse and desolation of all free government, and the introduction of despotism in its stead, with respect to stability in commercial regulations as necessary to mercantile calculations—if duties have a certain limit, calculations may as well be made on that limitation as on permanency; but surely these arguments have been advanced by the advocates of the bill with one eye shut, they have not even squinted at the part of this same bill which limits the continuation of the encreased duties on three fourths of the articles of importation to a short period—their hearers are to be compelled to forget all the arguments on the first part before they are allowed to consider the second.
As to the other purposes and former deficiencies they were never suggested until some excuse was to be invented; and in this case it seems also unfortunate that this very bill, in one of the latter clauses, states, that there is an actual surplus of revenues of 150,000 dollars; surely in such arguments there is no regard to decency preserved, but in every view to lay permanent taxes, without appropriating them to specified purposes, is unsafe and unconstitutional.
As to a sinking fund, it is a pretext that will not bear inspection. If it was really meant to discharge the principal of the debt, why not early present a plan as an independent object of deliberation? it is certainly of sufficient magnitude. Why wait until the Indian war was on the tapis? but perpetual taxes are not necessary for a sinking fund: perpetual taxes were never excused upon any other principle but the providing a certain interest to give currency to a fictitious capital. That is not the case with respect to a sinking fund: that should be provided and encreased as circumstances will permit, from year to year; our successors should be left as free in this respect as we are. Besides a perpetual tax for a sinking fund is an absurdity in language, unless upon the principles of this government; It is true where we are constantly encreasing our debts, and even when we cannot encrease them fast enough, assuming debts of others, a perpetual sinking fund may be reconciled to the fact; but that fact must also prove that there is really no serious intention of our paying the debt, but that it is considered as the great engine necessary to influence the motions of government, and which must ever be preserved when once introduced; that is the real policy, the use that has been made of the sinking fund we now have, will evidently demonstrate. I have, it is true, no official documents, but it has been published in the newspapers, and not contradicted; I have before mentioned it in this house, and it has not been denied: I must therefore believe it to be true—that the treasurer of the United States and other agents for the department of the treasury, have gone into market, and given higher prices for stock than individuals purchased at—in this city 12 1/2 for 3 per cents when they sold at 10 5/8 at New-York,—12 1/2 when others could buy at 10 5/8. Is not this throwing away 3 3/4 and 4 1/2 in the pound of the public money, and betraying the confidence of the people? is it not worse, is it not deviating so much to sinister purposes? It is said that it raises the price on foreigners; the fact is directly the reverse; it raises the price of foreign property on ourselves, for they hold perhaps the greater part of this paper. But on this principle we should go on until we stimulate the 6 per cents to 30 1/2 in the pound to make it equal to money at 4 per cent, at which rate it is said foreigners now lend to us. We certainly or their own principles loose more by the difference between 20 1/2 the ultimatum to which we now go, and 30 1/2 to which we ought to go, to raise our stocks to the price of foreign loans, than we should loose between 20 1/2 and 15 1/2 or 16 1/2 which is the lowest stocks could probably descend, whilst we pay the interest quarterly. But it is asked, would government wish to give less than 20 1/2. The answer is, the money of the people ought to be laid out so as to sink the greatest quantity of the debt. But again, government had no such scruples when the debt was principally in the hands of the original holders; they bought up then at 12 1/2 13 1/2 and 14 1/2 or less, and so on. Why did they not fix then the price at 20 1/2? Why are mere speculators, (I mean not to include those who purchase to hold, for it is their interest to purchase cheap) dearer to government, than those who have gained these debts in exchange.

For their blood or their property? Why protect those who have purchased 20/ for 2/6 from the soldier and farmer, from losing perhaps a tenth of their profits? Why should government make use of the contributions of those very injured people as well as others, to encrease the advantages of those who have injured them? Why select this particular species of property to raise its value? Why not raise the price of tobacco, rice, and other articles, now so low? Have they not been as honestly earned?
In fine, we have opened a small door, and let us only observe what an host of evils have entered—and then we are told, why do we not prepare a substitute—after having compelled us to part with the subject out of our hands, and refer it to a part of the executive; after it has been cooped up out of doors, and kept back until the cravings of necessity compel the admission of part of the proposals: when we now wish to separate the necessary and useful from the pernicious parts unjustifiably blended and introduced, we are arrested by the votes of a majority, and even insulted by an abuse of an imputed incapacity, that if true, would, by degrading the whole representative body of the people, involve themselves as well as the minority, in the ignominy. But surely no two propositions can be more readily distinguished than the increase of revenue for the Indian war, and this complicated, unauthorized, unnatural, unconstitutional mixture of, manufacturing, financial, deficiency, sinking fund, and Indian war ingredients.
EUROPEAN and ASIATIC NEWS.
LONDON, April 9.
Tuesday evening an express arrived at the Secretary of State's office, from Robert Liston, Esq. our envoy at the Swedish Court, which brought the extraordinary intelligence that on the 16th of March his Majesty gave a grand masquerade, to which all persons of distinction were invited; and that during the time of their festivity, a gentleman of considerable rank fired a large pistol at the King and lodged five slugs in his groin and the bottom part of his belly.
The perpetrator of this horrid act was instantly seized; the account does not say whether or not he attempted to escape, but adds that he refused to assign any reason for what he had done.
The express was sent off a few hours after the event, at which time the King was alive, but it had been pronounced impossible for him to recover.
Information of so wonderful a circumstance instantly spread over Stockholm, for there were many hundreds present when the fact was committed. All ranks were in the greatest consternation; some ascribing the assassination to French politics, and others to the malcontents of the Diet at the late proceedings and at the general conduct and designs of the King; but from good authority we can declare, that neither of these was the cause. The author of this remarkable event is a native of Sweden, and it is supposed he was stimulated to it by disappointment, having served long in the army, without being rewarded so liberally as he conceived his merits deserved.
Gustavus the Third, King of Sweden, was born in 1746, and succeeded his father in 1790. He possesses abilities greatly superior to those of his predecessor, and had much more ambition: his understanding had been cultivated, he had an insinuating address, and a graceful and commanding elocution. He was at Paris when his father died, and soon after his arrival at Stockholm swore to preserve the constitution as established in 1772, and not to introduce absolute Sovereignty. He did every thing to gain the affection of the nobles and the people; he gave public audiences three times a week; and to have received an injury, was certain of procuring an introduction; he listened to the meanest of his subjects with affability, and entered into the minutest details that concerned them, by which means he made himself adored. But at the same time he was fomenting the differences between the States, and, by his emissaries sowing discontent among the people, until finding the business ripe, he in one hour made the whole Senate prisoners, totally overturned the mode of government, rendering himself in fact though not in appearance, one of the most absolute monarchs in Europe.
By letters from Hamburg and Stockholm, we learn, that the King of Sweden died of his wound on the twenty-ninth of March. The Prince Royal has been proclaimed King. During the minority, the kingdom will be governed by the Duke of Sudermania in the capacity of Regent.
The news of the death of the King of Sweden is confirmed in the most positive manner. This intelligence has influenced public credit, for no sooner did it reach Hamburg, but it produced a rise of the exchange with France. It is to be presumed that Sweden, in the embarrassments of a minority, will not attempt to join the league of princes to which Gustavus was so much attached,
and that this event will lighten the ardour of the Cruzados against the liberties of France.
Exchange at Paris on the 16th of April. For 100 liv. hard money, 156 liv. in assignats, at louis d'or costs 40 liv. 4 sols in assignats.
LIVERPOOL, April 5.—On the sixth of January, as the Turkish Grand Sultan was at prayers in the mosque of Santa Sophia, a leaden ball of one pound and an half was thrown at him by an Arab, which narrowly missed him, but was aimed with so much violence as to break one of the balustrades upon which he was leaning. The man, as has uniformly been the case through Europe, for sometime past, in respect to attacks upon sovereignty, was found to be an outrageous lunatic; but the habits of suspicion which distinguish the dark policy of the Turkish government, forbid every idea of mercy on this occasion. He is considered as a member of a conspiracy formed to produce a revolt, in the capital; and, that there may be no revolt, the Grand Sultan seems to wish, that there should be no people.
The Police have orders, which they execute with very willing rigor, to seize and force from the metropolis all persons, whom they do not know and approve. Every day since that of the assault, hundreds of persons have been accordingly transported into Asia, at the will of the police officers; and the inhabitants live in a state of the utmost terror, being uncertain each night that they may be permitted to remain with their families till the morning.
Many persons of considerable property have been thus removed, and upon this occasion, the ordinary favour arising from religious distinctions has ceased, the Mahometans being treated with no less severity than Christians and Jews.
LONDON, April 3.—An artist of this country has succeeded in applying the steam engine to the business of coining. The difficulty of its construction, and its expensiveness, render it impossible that it should ever be employed by those who counterfeit coin. Its advantages over the common machines are various. It works much more quickly: it cuts out the blanks: it stamps the milling, the face, and the reverse of the piece, at once: the ground receives a fine polish from its pressure alone; all the pieces are exactly of the same diameter: it may be worked by boys, and its use requires little practice.
BOMBAY, November 19.—A few evenings ago, at the camp near this place, a woman had herself burnt to death on the same pile with her deceased husband. She came on horse back, attended by her relations and friends, to the spot where the pile was building. It was constructed of dry sticks, straw, cow-dung, and bundles of faggots, &c. and so contrived as to resemble a hut. After taking leave of her friends, and distributing presents among them, she seated herself on the one side of the deceased in a hut, and being furnished with a torch, fired the inflammatory articles below her. This victim to a barbarous custom was a handsome woman, about thirty years of age, who as long as any remains of animation were perceivable in her countenance, appeared perfectly calm and resigned, and buoyed up with the certain hope of receiving in a few moments the reward of her fidelity.—The spectacle was horrible—and leaves us only to admire at the power of superstition, which conquers the first principle of natural feeling.
[The following paragraphs are from the Leyden Gazette.]
NUREMBERG, March 2. Since the two Margraviats of Anspach and Bareith were taken possession of by the King of Prussia, the sessions of the commissioners of the circle of Franconia, which were held there, have been suspended. The deputation to Bamberg received the same order. These orders, however, were disregarded by the commissioners, and they remain assembled. From hence we may hazard an opinion, that upon certain subjects, the whole circle of Franconia will be soon be of one way of thinking. Among these is, the friendly reception of the French emigrants and their attendants, to which Frankfort, in particular, seems wholly averse; not chusing to follow the example of certain sovereigns, who while they pretend to discourage their arming themselves for actual war, do nevertheless approve their hostile designs. In consequence of such conduct Franconia is over run with French emigrants.
PARIS, March 4. At one of the late days of session of the National Assembly of France, it was proposed by one of the members, that no one of their body should attend either at the club of the Jacobins or Feuillans during the time of session—another member went still further, and demanded, that no delegate to that assembly should appear in any public place whatever during the hours of session—neither of these propositions was carried, but set aside by the order of the day. The idea, however, if adopted, would be beneficial in its effects. From the members intermingling with these violent societies, a spirit of disunion has been gradually generating between the members of the legislative and executive powers—This continually excites uneasiness among all good citizens. "What will become of us (say they) if the court has one plan, the Jacobins another, and the National Assembly, a third." The court party
cannot possibly entertain an idea of restoring the old despotic form of government in all its extent; it is equally impossible that the constitution, such as it is now, should ever meet their approbation—it is likewise, perhaps, impossible, that the constitution itself can long subsist, constructed as it now is upon the plan of a limited monarchy, and including in itself the principles of democratical government, intermixed as it is with the unnatural patch-work of royalty. The Minister was so changeable in his opinions, and bandied about by parties, that the minds of the people were soured against him. The cause of his dismissal from office, as well as that of M. Gahier de Gerville, may be more particularly attributed to the popular resentment against him for uttering his sentiments too freely against clubs, and especially the Jacobin. As to the last mentioned famous association, which seems to increase in boldness (if not in strength) in proportion as it receives re-iterated attacks from small bodies of well meaning citizens, it is evident that if it be suffered to proceed as hitherto, it will occasion a fermentation in the kingdom, more fatal to the cause of the revolution than all the host of its other enemies put together. The King's Negative (granted him in the constitution) has been the sole cause of this ruinous faction, who execrate it in every shape. Upon a full review of French affairs, the majority of the nation seems to desire and insist upon a union of all parties, which if delayed will put France into a dangerous situation. In the midst of apparent peace and tranquility nothing is to be seen here but preparation for war—the wheels of government are clogged at every step—Liberty is the universal cry; but misunderstanding each other on the subject (whether voluntarily or not, we presume not to say) the nation, in the mean time is running the risque of every species of anarchy. The stagnation of impôts, to which the Assembly seems to pay little or no regard, is preparing the kingdom for innumerable difficulties and calamities—every month presenting a deficiency from 25 to 30 millions of livres in the public expenditures; which if not soon remedied, must prove the gulph of the immense resources of national property. The substitution of paper for metallic money is another evil, which gives a shock to the prosperity of France. In fine if there is not the most speedy, sincere, and hearty re-union of parties (which becomes daily less probable) we may count upon as certain, the political dissolution of the noblest state in the European world.
The account of our new coinage of copper and bell-metal stands as follows—Total value, in livres, 5,662,623—In pieces of 15 sous and 30 sous, to the value of 12,014,995 livres.
PHILADELPHIA.
JUNE 7, 1792.
On Monday last the gentlemen appointed to receive the six hundred subscriptions (at thirty dollars each) for establishing a turn-pike road from Philadelphia to Lancaster, met in the state house in this city. By eleven o'clock, at night, two thousand, two hundred and seventy six shares were subscribed for, and the money paid in, amounting to near seventy thousand dollars—There being an excess of one thousand six hundred and seventy-six shares, the names of all the subscribers were on Tuesday put into a lottery wheel, and drawn. The 600 fortunate subscribers are to be considered as (in part) a company incorporated for the purposes mentioned in the act of assembly. It is said the value of each share is already advanced to one hundred dollars.
During the few days of hot weather we have experienced, two persons had nearly fallen victims to their imprudence by too plentiful a use of ice and cold water.
On Saturday last, the DILIGENCE fire engine, (contrived on a new plan by Mr. Richard Mason, of this city) was again made trial of for the satisfaction of those who wished to be eye witnesses to its wonderful effects in the discharge of water.—When played horizontally, the water was thrown to the distance of one hundred and eighty feet; and, in a perpendicular direction, to the height of one hundred and sixty-six feet. The superiority of this engine over all others ever used in America, seems to give it a decided preference to those in common use.
An ingenious mechanic in England has invented a wooden Automaton, in the human figure. It is about five feet in height, walks about the room (by means of springs) and plays upon several musical instruments in the most natural manner imaginable.—It is said the artist is now engaged in putting together a figure to represent a singing clerk, which when finished, is to sing a number of psalm tunes, not exceeding twenty-four.
Who would have believed (says a correspondent) in 1788, when so many appeals were made to the friends of republican government in favor of the federal constitution, that in 1792 a struggle against anti-republican and anti-constitutional measures should be branded with the epithets which
have been lately dealt out on the... rapid change for so short a time; and of a kind that merits the serious attention of the real friends to the constitution in its republican form! Not less rapid, it is to be hoped, will be the demonstration that an enlightened people will watch over the republicanism of the constitution they have adopted, and distinguish between its real friends, and the monarchy-jobbers and stock-jobbers who endeavor to usurp the name.
The whole number of votes in the souther district of New-York, for governor are 4620—out of which Mr. Clinton has a majority of 138 against Mr. Jay.—2305 for Mr. Van Cortlandt as Lieutenant Governor, and 1773 for Mr. Van Rensselaer—In Ulster county, Mr. Clinton has 947 votes, Mr. Jay 654—Mr. Cortlandt 943, Mr. Van Rensselaer 642—Great numbers of votes are said to be lost for want of legality in the returns.
On Tuesday arrived here the brig Nancy, Capt. Hathaway, from Havre de Grace. This vessel left Havre the 21st of April, at which time the affairs of France appeared to be in a prosperous way. Since the death of the Emperor assignats had appreciated; and tho' it was reported that the neighboring princes held out threats, yet the people seemed to be united, and the national assembly were under no apprehensions with regard to the complete establishment of their liberties.
The state-house garden, on Monday last, witnessed a scene of great bustle and confusion. To judge from the crowd, and the impatience of the people to reach the windows, a stranger to the cause would have supposed they were pressing in to give their votes in a contested election for Chief Magistrate: But not so,—Subscriptions were receiving for the Lancaster turnpike road. From 11 in the morning, till 12 at night, the subscription remained open, and when closed, 2276 shares were found subscribed. Each subscriber advanced thirty dollars on his share, this multiplied by the number of shares, makes the sum of 68280 dollars, subscribed and paid in about twelve hours. This shews no scarcity of cash. Six hundred is the number of shares limited by law; a lottery was therefore instituted to reduce the subscriptions to the legal number: the thirty dollars returned to those advanced to be excluded by that lottery. [Gen. Adv.]
The buckle-makers (says a London paper) who now humbly presume so much with their petitions against shoe-straps, may thank themselves for the present object of their complaint giving them any disturbance. A very few years since a gentleman could not wear a pair of costly buckles (half the price of which he paid for pattern) a week before he was thrust out of the fashion by the intrusion of a new Birmingham design. This at length tired out the patience of the public, as it exhausted their pockets upon the most insignificant article of dress, when they resolved to repay themselves by adopting a cheaper article, less intrusive to the eye, and more easy to the wearer.—This was no other than the restored and not newly invented shoe-strings, the graceful appendage to English drapery before puppyism, or which it has been lately charged as the mark, obtained footing among us.
Want of assurance is not the fault of some writers.—To employ a country paper in openly recommending an abolition of the freedom of the press, one would imagine, required a peculiar stock of effrontery. When dragged into the glare of day, and exposed, the authors of such opinions ought at least to be quiet, or, by a public recantation of their errors, make some atonement for the crime. Instead of that, however, or instead of answering any of the direct charges made against them, they come forward, under fictitious signatures, with insolent inuendo and silly insinuations, without once attempting to defend their absurd idea, that the liberty of the press ought to be abridged by government; in direct violation of the constitution, which left the press perfectly free, and its real abuses punishable only by the laws of the land.
A gentleman lately from the interior parts of the state of Pennsylvania, informs that the country in general bears the most promising appearance of a plentiful harvest. The rye, especially between Lebanon and Lancaster, is an instance of extraordinary growth. Its height is so great as to give the oldest apple orchards the appearance of a low shrubbery, by entirely concealing the trunk and lower branches of the tallest trees. Some stalks of those rye fields actually measured seven feet nine inches.—
Letters from the Havanna say, that Gen. Bowles, continues under close confinement in the Moro castle, and is treated with all that rigour which the Spaniards have never failed manifesting towards any person that is found molesting the peace of their settlements in the new world. No foreigner, on any pretence whatever, is admitted to talk with him, nor is he suffered the use of pen, ink, paper, or any other means to correspond with his friends in other parts of the world.

By an arrival at Boston from Liverpool, English prints are received to the 14th of April. Among others a paragraph dated Hague , April 3, contains the following interesting intelligence:
"You must have already been informed of the dreadful event that has occurred in Sweden. The first news of this event was brought here by the courier despatched by Mr. Liffon, the British Ambassador at Stockholm. The number of accomplices arrested amounts nearly to 40. But what is most important, there is a talk of a revolution, which is on the point of breaking out in the kingdom; the major part of the orders of the State have, it is said, already been gained over. The King had alienated almost all his subjects by the manner in which he had held and conducted the Diet. In the mean time we are assured that not the smallest degree of credit is due to the accounts of the pretended tranquillity in which the Diet is terminated. On the contrary, it is certain there never prevailed a greater ferment in Sweden."
Some of the persons taken into custody resolutely declared that the King had merited his fate, and that there were an hundred persons eager to contend for the honour of giving him the mortal blow, for the welfare of mankind.
This action certainly cannot be justified, but it is, at the same time, a striking and dreadful lesson to sovereigns, who think to sanction tyranny by law, and regard the rest of men as a vile herd, whom they may dispose of at their pleasure.
Accounts from France, till March 28, say that the National Assembly had just received information that fresh riots had broke out in the Department de Contal; infinitely more terrible than any that had preceded.
Many have condemned the plan which was adopted on receiving subscriptions, the fourth day of July last, for shares in the Bank of the United States, as they say the payment then required of 25 dollars was too trifling a sum, and therefore furnished the greater field for speculation, by encouraging persons to venture, who were not men of property, and had no intention of becoming stockholders, but merely subscribed for the purpose of selling immediately, without ever thinking of filing up those shares.—The Canal between Schuylkill and Delaware afforded a still wider scope for speculation as to the numbers, although not as to value, for there no money was required, and one thousand shares were subscribed for by nearly 5,000 persons—so that a lottery could only decide the business.
The next Canal from Schuylkill to Delaware, it was thought, would not be so easily subscribed for, as 10 dollars were not so easily to be spared amongst the middling class of people for speculative uses—but here again we find that this precaution had no effect; as great a crowd appeared to subscribe for the second canal as for the first.
And lastly, the present Lancaster road-scheme, where 30 dollars were to be paid down, exceeded all calculation—for although there are only 600 shares, upwards of 5000 persons attended at the state-house on Monday last with 30 dollars in every man's hand—Surely this must be the richest country under the sun—for notwithstanding it may be said that many were hired on that day to pay in these 30 dollars for others—still the money was there on the ground.
The perplexities and dangers experienced by the French nation, from having a king at its head, and a part of itself, ought to make the people of the United States particularly sensible of their good fortune in being free from such an incumbrance, and watchful against all attempts that may be made, in whatever form, to bring it upon them. Whether the people of France will ever be able to get rid of the burden of royalty, or whether, all circumstances considered, it would be prudent in them to make the attempt, may be uncertain: but it is not to be doubted that if this remnant of hereditary power should ever be fairly disentangled from their system; and reason, right, and republicanism be completely established among them, a proposition to restore monarchy would be received with as much surprise and ridicule, as an attempt to revive the worship of Jupiter Ammon.
We are informed, that Col. ALEXANDER M'GILLIVRAY, the celebrated chief of the Creek nation, died sometime about the latter end of April, or beginning of May, at his residence in the Creek country. He had been for some years in a declining way, with a pulmonary consumption, which gradually brought him to the grave.
From a review of the various British newspapers, and other prints, the government of Great Britain seems to be making no small stir towards the discharge of their national debt. Whether the attempt be sincere or affected, it is a proof the doctrine is getting out of fashion there, that public debts are public blessings . What a reproach will it be to America to have picked up the out cast errors and follies of governments, to which she ought and professed to exhibit the example of a nation conducted to happiness by a pure, simple and rational plan of
public policy! The only consolation to our republican pride is, that the doctrine here was the doctrine of the interested few only, who echoed and re-echoed it along with other fallacies until it began to assume the semblance of the public opinion. The disinterested many , being at length aroused to the public interest, are rapidly shewing their abhorrence of all monarchical and aristocratical exotics, and are forcing into their government sentiments which prognosticate a change of language on the tendency of perpetual public debts, and more effectual plans and exertions under a fuller and more equal representation of the people, for the discharge of the debts of this country.
The following paragraph is copied from a Baltimore paper of Friday last.
"By the brigantine Greyhound, Captain Elias Porter, who arrived here in thirteen days from Cape-Francois, we are informed, that the situation of affairs, respecting the disturbances in Hispaniola, wore every day a more melancholy aspect—that all hopes of peace being restored, were relinquished—that the colony was, beyond a doubt, irretrievably lost—that, lately, some expectations were entertained of the arrival of more troops from France, but that every prospect of that nature had closed in despair—that attacks were made, almost every night, on the outposts contiguous to the Cape—that the military force was so enfeebled, that a general massacre was apprehended—that the whites were emigrating daily, and it was thought that in the course of a few months, not one would be found remaining on the French part of the island—that it was confidently believed, that some celebrated characters (among whom is supposed to be the well known Count D'E-----who had, a little before, arrived in a clandestine manner, from France) were the chief actors among the revolted Mulattoes; that the Colonial Assembly was in a state of the most ruinous anarchy, the members having on the day before Cap. Porter failed, carried their differences on political opinions so far that they actually drew their swords on each other, and the house would have been drenched in blood, had not the interposition of some less turbulent spirits subsided the dreadful ferment."
DIED on Sunday the 3d instant, at his seat called the Hermitage, near New-York, JOHN LEAKE, Esq. in the 81st year of his age. An old and respectable citizen of that state.
The governor of the island of Cuba has issued a proclamation, dated April 20, ordering all foreign merchants then resident in that island, to depart from thence in forty days.—This order is supposed to have originated, with many others of a like cast, from the narrow and partial policy of the (now exiled) Count Florida Blanca.—His ministry being now at an end, it is probable the condition of foreigners both in old Spain and her colonies will be much bettered.
The following is copied from the Norfolk paper of May 26.
By a gentleman just arrived from Cadiz, we are favored with the following intelligence; its authenticity being unquestionable, it plainly discovers the motives by which the populace of Marseilles was actuated to treat the Spanish consul at that port in a manner unbecoming the dignity of such a character, by pulling down the arms of Spain from over his door:—
In pursuance of different treaties with Spain, France made a considerable naval armament to assist in extricating her from her embarrassments, in consequence of the affair at Nootka-Sound—Scarcely had they emerged from that situation, when she began to violate the family compact by ignominiously prosecuting the French citizens established at Madrid, Cadiz, and other places. Count Florida Blanca, the most despotic minister that ever directed the cabinet of Madrid, instituted a tribunal of police, and employed spies to pry into and watch the conduct of the French citizens, in the most minute manner—and their reports or suggestions, though ever so ill-founded, were not scrutinized in the smallest degree, but considered as incontrovertible and avowed facts; and the French citizens were dealt with according to the magnitude of the crimes so fabricated.
In the month of June, 1791, Spain had a considerable quantity of soldiery raised and equipped, which she stationed all along the frontiers of France, and formed that famous CORDON, which the French ladies in derision, wore around their waists, and ridiculed in fancy-girdles.—In September following, the insurrection of the negroes in St. Domingo took place. Spain, if she did not excite it, sanctioned it by a warm support in a clandestine manner—Florida Blanca proclaimed in open and solemn terms, that the king his master, had formed a determined resolution against any interference in this contention:—Although by special contracts between the two crowns, they had reciprocally bound themselves to assist, mutually, in suppressing any insurrections or internal broils which might take place in either of their respective possessions in that island.—By an
order issued from the supreme JUNTA of the state, and approved by the Council of Castille, the French merchants and mechanics settled at Cadiz, Madrid, and other parts of Spain, found themselves reduced to the absolute necessity of becoming Spanish subjects; and to renounce their country in formal, positive terms, or immediately close their business, and in the short space of a month to quit Spain. This was directly contrary to all the treaties subsisting between the two nations: For since that of the Pyrenees up to the Family Compact, they had constantly a right to settle, not only in the Sea-Ports, which are free to all nations, but in all the interior towns and villages, with permission to form their establishments wherever they pleased; under the sole obligation to profess the Catholic religion.
All these infractions and violations on the part of Spain, had already irritated, in a high degree, the people of France, who were neighbors to that kingdom or in their sea ports.
The French citizens thus forced to quit Spain embarked at Cadiz. It was the city of Marseilles who saw approach the shore of their country those oppressed and injured citizens—whom, the sacrifice they had made of their fortunes and professions rendered dear to her.—It was Marseilles, who by a free contribution, furnished to these generous citizens the means of traversing the different parts of France, to repair to their different departments and towns.
In Autumn last, three or four ships belonging to Marseilles, were wrecked in a storm, on the coast of Catalonia, in Spain; the Captains, assisted by the French Consul for the district, saved a part of their cargoes and effects—but scarcely had they got them to a place of safety, when the officers of the customs received orders to seize them—the captains and their crews were thrown into prison, or rather into dungeons—In vain did the French Agent exclaim against the rights of nations and hospitality violated—In vain did he demand justice—no answer could be obtained.
It was soon after this last outrage on the part of Spain, (under the pretence of contraband traffic on her coasts) when complaints were laid before the Municipality of Marseilles by the parties concerned, with incontestible documents that no fraud could possibly have been suspected, and by them forwarded to the National Assembly—that the populace of this city demonstrated their horror for, and just resentment against such proceedings by pulling down the arms of Castille from above the door of the Spanish Consul's Hotel.
It is however, a consoling reflection, that Spain, now better enlightened as to her true interests, has expelled the Minister, who sought every means to break entirely with France; and that the Count d'Aranza will probably repair, in the course of his administration, the injuries done to the French nation, and by which she was justly irritated.
PRECEDENTS.
[From Mr. Paine's Rights of Man.]
SINCE the revolution of America, and more so since that of France, the preaching up the doctrine of precedents, drawn from times and circumstances antecedent to those events, has been the studied practice of the English government. The generality of those precedents are founded on principles and opinions, the reverse of what they ought to be, and the greater distance of time they are drawn from, the more they are to be suspected. But by associating these precedents with a superstitious reverence for ancient things, as monks shew relics and call them holy, the generality of mankind are deceived into the delusion. Governments now act as if they were afraid to awaken a single reflection in man. They are softly leading him to the sepulchre of precedents, to deaden his faculties and call his attention from the scene of revolutions. They feel that he is arriving at knowledge faster than they wish, and their policy of precedents is the barometer of their fears. This political popery, like the ecclesiastical popery of old, has had its day, and is hastening to its exit. The ragged relic and the antiquated precedent, the monk and the monarch, will moulder together.
Government by precedent, without any regard to the principle of the precedent, is one of the vilest systems that can be set up. In numerous instances, the precedent ought to operate as a warning, and not as an example, and requires to be shunned instead of imitated; but instead of this, precedents are taken in the lump, and put at once for constitution and for law.
Either the doctrine of precedents is policy to keep men in a state of ignorance, or it is a practical confession that wisdom degenerates in governments as governments increase in age, and can only hobble along by the stilt and crutches of precedents. How is it that the same persons who would proudly be thought wiser than their predecessors, appear at the same time only as the ghosts of departed wisdom?—How strangely is antiquity tre-ted! To answer some purposes it is spoken of as the times of
darkness and ignorance, and to answer others, it is put for the light of the world.
If the doctrine of precedents is to be followed, the expences of government need not continue the same. Why pay men extravagantly who have but little to do? If every thing that can happen is already in precedent, legislation is at an end, and precedent, like a dictionary, determines every case. Either therefore, government has arrived at its dotage, and requires to be renovated, or all the occasions for exercising its wisdom have occurred.
We now see all over Europe, and particularly in England, the curious phenomenon of a nation looking one way, and a government the other—the one forward and the other backward. If governments are to go on by precedent, while nations go on by improvement, they must at last come to a final separation; and the sooner, and the more civilly they determine this point, the better.
[From a London Paper.]
A Yorkshire bard has recently published a sort of Dog-latin Address to sportsmen, which has occasioned much laughter among those who, from their knowledge of latin poetry, can relish this sort of wit.—If there be such things as Esquires, who understand Latin, and sporting Parsons who have not forgotten it—they will smile at what follows:—
ARMA VIRUMQUE cano, qui primo Sole bo-peeping, Jam nunc cum tabby nox languet to button her eye-lids, Cum Pointers aut Spanielsca mpos sylvasque per-errat—
Vos mihi † Brontothest, over arms small and great dominantes, Date spurs to dull poet qui dog-latin carmina condit— Artibus aque novis audax dum Sportsmen I follow, Per stubbles et turnips et tot discrimina rerum, Dum Partridge with popping terrificare minantur, (Pauci namque valent a feather tangere plumbo) Carmina si hang fire discharge them bag-piping Apollo.
Te quoque, Magne Cleator*, te memorande precamur— Jam nunc thy fame gallops super Garamantas et Indos, Nam Nabobs nil nisi de brimstone et charcoal loquuntur, Horrizophizque Tippoo sulphurea sustinet arma— Induite ecce Shooter tunica made of neat marble drugget, Que bene conveniens defluxit to th' waistband of breeches. Nunc paper et powder, et filices, popp'd in the side pocket, Immemor haud shot-bag graditur, comitatus two pointers, Mellorian retinens tormentum dextra bi-barrel'd J.
En! flat flaunch Dingo haud aliter quam fleady guide-post, Proximus atque Pero perstat se ponere juxta— With gun cock'd and levell'd, et laevo lumin-claufo, Nunc Avicida resolves haud double-strong par-cere powder.
Vos teneri Yelpherst, vos grandævique parentes, Nunc pally-pate Jovi orate to dreis to the left hand, Et Veneri tip the wink, like a shot to skim down ab alto Mingere per touch-hole totamque madescere priming.
Nunc lugete, dii, nunc Sportsmen plangite palmas Infandum flebili Musa renovante dolorem— Exsilit ecce Lepus from box cum thistles oporto— Bang! bellow'd both barrels—heu! pronus sternitur each dog— Et Puss in th' interim tips away sub tegmine thorn-bush.
† Thunder makers, * Author of an ingenious "Essay on shooting." † Young Partridges.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  Six per cents, per £. 22/   Three ditto 12 3/8   Deferred six ditto, 13 3/4   Indents 12 3/8   Final settlements, 18/6   1-2 shares Bank Stock 50 per cent premium.   Shares Bank N. A. 25 ditto. 
JUST IMPORTED,
From London, Dublin, and Scotland, A large and general assortment of BOOKS, For sale by ROBERT CAMPBELL, No. 54, South Second-Street. June 6.
N.B. Country storekeepers may be supplied at the above place with family, common, and pocket Bibles, Testaments, Spelling-books, Watts's Psalms, Hymns, Playing Cards, Quills, Wafers, Sealing-Wax, Writing-Paper, Blank-Books, &c. &c. on the lowest terms.
[Further particulars in our next.]

THE VILLAGE MERCHANT.
[Continued from No. 62]
SOME jugs, some pots, some fifty ells of tape, A keg of wine, a cask of low-proof rum Bang'd close—for fear the spirit should escape That many a lot was waiting for at home; A gross of pipes, a case of home-made gin; Tea, powder, shot—small parcels he laid in; Molasses too, for swivel-loving wights, (Swickell, that wings dull Whacum's boldest flights)
When Echoed forth, the wild ideas roll, Flash'd from that farthing candle, call'd his soul; All these he bought, and would have purchas'd more
To furnish out his Lilliputian store; But cash fell short—and they who smil'd while yet The cash remain'd—now took a serious fit— No more the shop-girl could his talk endure But, like her cat, sat sullen and demure— The dull retailer found no more to lay, But bow'd his head, and wish'd to sneak away; Leaving his house-dog now, to make reply, And watch the counter with a lynx's eye— Our merchant took the hint; and off he went, Resolv'd to sell at twenty-five per cent.
Returning far o'er many a hill and stone And much in dread his earthen-ware would break Thoughtful he rode, and uttering many a groan Lest at some worm-hole vent his cask should leak— His cask, that held the joys of rural squire, Which even ('twas said) the parson did admire, And valued more than all the duty pages That Calvin writ, and fifty other fages;— Once highly priz'd—be-prais'd in verse and prose, But now unthun'd, enjoy a safe repose.
At dusk of eve he reach'd his old abode Around him quick his anxious townsmen came One ask'd what luck had happ'd him on the road, And one unger'd the mud-bespattered team: While on his cask each glanc'd a loving eye, Patient, to all he gave a brief reply— Told all that had befall'd him on the way, What wonders in the town detain'd his stay,— " Houses as high as yonder white-oak tree, " And boats of monstrous size, that go to sea: " Streets throng'd with busy folk, like swarming hive, " The lord knows how they all contrive to live— " No ploughs I saw; no hoes; no care; no charge; " In fact, they all are gentlemen at large; " And roads so thick on every window lie, " They all seem born to fell—and none to buy." [To be continued.]
AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An Act relative to the Compensation to certain Officers employed in the collection of the Duties of Impost and Tonnage.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the last day of June next, in addition to the fees and emoluments which may accrue to the officers employed in the collection of the duties of impost and tonnage, by the provisions already made, they shall severally have, and be entitled to the respective allowances following, to wit: The surveyors of Newburyport, Salem, Saint Mary's and Wilmington in North-Carolina, the yearly sum of one hundred dollars, each; the surveyors of Beverly, North, Kingston, East Greenwich, Warren, Bristol, Pawtucket-river, Providence, Patuxet, New Haven, Lewes-tenburg, Alexandria, Beaufort, Hartford, Winton, Bennet's-creek, Plymouth, Windsor, Skewarky, Murfreesborough, Nixonton, Indian-town, Currituck-inlet, Palquotanck-river bridge, and Newbiggen creek, the yearly sum of eighty dollars, each; the surveyor of Portsmouth, the yearly sum of sixty dollars; the surveyors of Ipswich, Portland, Newport, Stonington, Middleton, Bermuda-Hundred, Petersburg, Richmond and Savannah, the yearly sum of fifty dollars, each; the surveyors of Gloucester, New London and Swansborough, the yearly sum of thirty dollars, each; the surveyors of Hudson, Little Egg-harbor, Suffolk, Smithfield, Urbanna, and Frederickburg, the yearly sum of twenty dollars, each; the collector of the district of Wilmington in North-Carolina, the yearly sum of one hundred and fifty dollars; the collectors of the districts of Portsmouth, Gloucester, Albany, Annapolis, Vienna, Nottingham, York-town, Dumfries and Louisvillle, the yearly sum of one hundred dollars, each; the collector of the district of Fairfield, the yearly sum of eighty dollars; the collectors of the districts of Marble-head, Plymouth, Barnstable, Nantucket, New Bedford, Dighton, York, Biddeford and Peppersborough, Bath, Wiscasset, Machias, New-port, New Haven, Perth Amboy, Great Egg-harbor, Wilmington in Delaware, Chester, Cedar-point, George-town, Hampton, Quay, Washington, Plank-bridge and George-town in South Carolina, the yearly sum of fifty dollars, each; the naval officer of the district of Portsmouth, the yearly sum of one hundred dollars; the naval officers of the districts of Newburyport, New-Port, Providence, Wilmington in North Carolina and Savannah, the yearly sum of fifty dollars, each; the collector of the district of Salem and Beverly, one fourth of one per centum on the amount of all monies by him received on account of the said duties; and to the collectors of the districts of Portsmouth, Newburyport, Gloucester, Marble-head, Plymouth, Nantucket, Edgartown, New Bedford, Dighton, York, Biddeford and Peppersborough, Portland, Bath, Wiscasset, Penobscot, Frenchman's-bay, Machias, Newport, Providence, New-Haven, Fairfield, Perth Amboy, Burlington, Great Egg-harbor, Wilmington in Delaware, Oxford, Vienna, Snowhill, Annapolis, Nottingham, Cedar-point, Georgetown in Maryland, Hampton, Yorktown, Yeocomico, Dumfries, Foley-landing, Cherrystone, South Quay, Wilmington in North Carolina, Newbern, Washington, Edenton, Plank-bridge, George-town in South-Carolina, Beaufort, and Savannah, each, one half of one per centum on the amount of all monies by them respectively received on account of the duties aforesaid.
And be it further enacted, That from and after the last day of June next, the allowance of three fourths of one per centum to the collectors of the districts of Pennsylvania and the city of New-York, on the amount of all monies by them respectively received, on account of the duties of impost and tonnage, shall cease, and instead thereof, they shall, after that time, be entitled to one half of one per centum on all such monies by them respectively received.
And be it further enacted, That from and after the last day of June next, the expense of fuel, office-rent and necessary stationary, for the collectors of the districts of Salem and Beverly, Boston and Charlestown, the cities of New-York, Philadelphia and Charleston, the towns of Baltimore, Norfolk and Portsmouth, shall be paid, three fourths by the said collectors and the other fourth by the respective naval officers in those districts.
And be it further enacted, That whenever a collector shall die, the commissions, to which he would have been entitled on the receipt of all duties bonded by him, shall be equally divided between the legal representatives of such deceased collector and his successor in office, whose duty it shall be to collect the same; and for this purpose the said representatives shall deliver over to such successor all the public or official books, papers and accounts of the said deceased.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
RICHARD HENRY LEE, President pro tempore of the Senate.
Approved, May eighth, 1792.
G. WASHINGTON, President of the United States.
BOOKS,
Printed and sold by MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. American Museum, from its commencement in January 1787, to December 1791, in ten vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, sixteen dollars.
This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per annum. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.
2. Ladies' Pocket Library—containing:—Miss More's Essays; Gregory's Legacy; Lady Pennycuick's advice; Marchioness of Lambert's advice; Swift's letter to a newly married lady; Mrs. Chapone on command of temper; More's fables for the ladies—Price 6/6.
3. Smith's History of New-York. from its first settlement to the year 1732. To which is annexed, a description of the country, with a short account of the inhabitants, their religious and political state, and the constitution of the courts of justice—Price a dollar and a quarter.
4. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, LL.D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69. p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful."
5. Beauties of Poetry, British and American, containing select productions of the most eminent British and American poets. Price four shillings of a dollar.
6. Blair's Sermons, containing the whole of the three volumes of the British edition, in two. Price two dollars.
7. Neckar's Treatise on the importance of religious opinions. Price four shillings of a dollar.
8. Examination of the observations of Lord Sheffield's on American Commerce. Price, on very fine paper, five shillings of a dollar.
9. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the federal Constitution, &c. Price five shillings of a dollar.
10. M'Fingal, an epic poem, a new edition in 12mo. Price three shillings of a dollar.
11. American Jest Book, in two parts, with two very neat engravings. Price bound, three shillings of a dollar.
12. Garden of the Soul, by Bishop Chaloner. Price, bound plain, half a dollar, in calf and lettered three quarters of a dollar, plain 1-2dol.
13. The Douay Translation of the vulgate Bible, in quarto. Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 5/6—plain, six dollars.
Said Carey has for sale, a large assortment of books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms, Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again.
*** For sale at this Office, Sermons by the Rev'd Dr. William Linn, of N. York. Price 5/7 1-2.
Just imported in the ship Molly, Captain Pitt, from Lisbon—
A few Pipes and Quarter Casks of LISBON WINE, Far superior in quality to what is generally imported; and a few Tales of the very best CORKS,
To be Sold by GEORGE MEADE, Who has also for sale, Choice three and five years old Bill of Exchange Madeira Wine, By the Pipe, or Quarter Cask.
LONDON MARKET MADEIRA WINE five years old by the pipe, or quarter Cask. Choice old Sherry WINE by the quarter cask. Mels BEEF of a superior quality and such as is fit for an East India Voyage—put up in this city.
Choice first quality BEEF do. Do Second do. BOSTON BEEF equal to any from that country.
Burlington Pork of the first quality, and one hundred and fourteen hds of FLAX SEED, &c. &c. May 16 2 a. w. 1m.
THIS DAY ARE PUBLISHED, [In Octavo—Price 2/6.]
THE LAWS of the UNITED STATES, Passed at the First Session of the Second Congress.
PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.
To which are added the Ratifications of the Amendments to the Constitution, by the several ratifying States; the Armistice between the United States and Great-Britain; and the Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Cherokees, which, with those in the other octavo volume completes all the existing treaties.
Philadelphia, printed by CHILDS & SWAIN, Printers of the Laws of the United States, and sold by them, at their office, No. 209, Market-Street; also by the principal Booksellers in the city.
** The Laws are fewed in blue paper, and are intended to be bound up with those of the next session, so as to make one volume, comprising all the Laws passed by the Second Congress, when a complete Index will be added for both sessions.
The LAWS of the Three Sessions of the First Congress, With a complete Index, in one volume octavo, may be had as above. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1792.
PROPOSALS For Printing by Subscription, THE PUBLIC REPORTS FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT of the UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS,
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, eliminated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several Members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAIN, the publishers, No. 209, Market-street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States May 24.
CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGE S.
THE Eastern-Shore Stage, by way of Chestertown to Baltimore, starts regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings at 4 o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodness of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route.
JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON, N. B. Light Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen.
*** A few Copies of the Report of a Committee of Congress on the causes of the failure of the Western Expedition, under Major-General St. Clair, for sale at the Office No. 109, Market-Street.
*** Subscribers to the National Gazette, who wish to have their papers sent by any other conveyance than the public mail, are desired to notify the same to the editor (their letters on this subject to be post-paid by themselves.)
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A PREMIUM OF 500 dollars, or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings to the person who, before the fifteenth day of July next, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a President's house to be erected in this city. The site of the building, if the artist will attend to it, will of course influence the aspect and outline of his plan, and its destination will point out to him the number, size, and distribution of the apartments. It will be a recommendation of any plan, if the central part of it may be detached and erected for the present, with the appearance of a complete whole, and be capable of admitting the additional parts, in future, if they shall be wanting. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure; and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork, composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14.
Washington, in the Territory of Columbia.
A PREMIUM OF a lot in this City to be designated by impartial judges and 500 dollars; or a medal of that value, at the option of the party, will be given by the Commissioners of the Federal Buildings, to the person, who, before the fifteenth day of July 1792, shall produce to them the most approved plan, if adopted by them, for a Capitol to be erected in this city, and 250 dollars or a medal for the plan deemed next in merit to the one they shall adopt. The building to be of brick, and to contain the following apartments, to wit: A conference room } Sufficient to accommodate 300 persons each. A room for the Representatives } A lobby or antichamber to the latter. A Senate room of 1200 square feet area. An antichamber or lobby to the left. 12 rooms of 600 square feet area, each, for committee rooms and clerks offices, to be of half the elevation of the former. Drawings will be expected of the ground plats, elevations of each front, and sections through the building in such directions as may be necessary to explain the internal structure, and an estimate of the cubic feet of brickwork composing the whole mass of the walls. THE COMMISSIONERS. March 14.
TO THE PUBLIC.
The Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine second and elastic cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices—
 Best Superfine navy blue 34/.  Ditto. ditto. Scarlet 36/.  Common colors superfine 32/.  Elastic stripes 9/.  London buff and white cassimers 15/6.  Ditto, coloured do. 15/.  Yorkshire do. do. 12/6.  Striped toiletens 14/.  Ratinees 3/.  Striped Nankeens 3/4. 
A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably low, Fancy buttons and trimmings do. London best silk hose, from 22/6 to 24/.
The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first Mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers; by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD. No. 3 South Fourth-street. Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house, together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment. A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14, 22/6. 1/.
A FARM FOR SALE.
To be sold cheap for cash, a Farm situated on the Banks, and on the north side of the river Raritan in the state of New-Jersey; eight miles from the city of New-Brunswick, and one from the town of Bound Brook, containing 191 acres, and 40 acres about a mile distant apportioned to it for woodland: on this farm has lately been erected a neat and convenient house 28 by 34 feet neatly finished, built on a cellar the dimensions of the House, with a kitchen forming a wing 24 by 18 feet completed: 50 acres of it being meadow renders this place truly valuable; the healthy airy and pleasant situation makes it an agreeable seat for a gentleman: the meadow and fertility of the soil, an object for the farmer, & its being surrounded by the most wealthy and opulent farmers in the state, a very eligible stand for a store. The ride to and from Brunswick on either side of the river, is delightful: for the price apply to the editor of the National Gazette. 6w 12w.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.