Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-08-26 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. XXXIX.]
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. XXXIX.
“Good citizens seldom have bad magistrates.”
IN an elective government, men in office furnish a just portrait of the people, whose affairs they manage. A virtuous, enlightened nation has no substantial evils to fear from the bad management of its rulers. The representatives must bear the image of their constituents. Among a free people, it is not owing to the administration of bad men, that the State is not happy and flourishing. Those who attribute public misfortunes to the misconduct of a few individuals stop short of the mark.
When the people reproach their rulers it may with propriety be retorted upon them, and said, they are with greater propriety reproaching themselves. Because there are few instances where the people do not elect into office those men, whose opinions and manners are most likely to coincide with their own. It is not pretended that all men in public employment make the public good the main object of their views. The introduction of characters into public office, who are deficient both in knowledge and honesty, may easily happen, while those who elect them are destitute of either of those qualities. Ignorant rulers will not be countenanced by a sensible people; vicious rulers can only come from a vicious people. When by deception an improper person finds his way into authority, a change in the election will remove him before he can do much mischief.
The public opinion is the great hinge upon which public affairs must turn. Too much pains cannot therefore be taken to instruct the mass of the people in those sentiments and virtues which will lay the foundation of a just way of thinking and feeling. The government of a country may do much towards correcting the errors of the public mind, by a system of laws that militate as little as possible with natural justice and equity. Such laws by their operation will gradually lead people to an honest, industrious way of living. When this is produced, the popular sentiment will re-act upon the government and reform its abuses.
There is in every community a set of men, who make it their business to keep the people uneasy with their rulers. By exciting an indefinite kind of clamor, they prevent those calm and patient investigations which might reach the true source of disorders. Many motives prompt men to scrutinize and censure the conduct of public officers. Perhaps this propensity produces, upon the whole, more good than evil. But it would be equally beneficial, and better accord with truth, if the people would divide the blame with their rulers.
My neighbor TURBIDUS charges all the calamities, which he ever feels or sees, on the particular misconduct of persons in authority. He is an indolent, imprudent man, and therefore must be supposed poor and involved in debt, but he attributes his bad circumstances solely to the government. How can one, says he, have money to pay debts, when taxes run so high, and public officers have such enormous salaries? He loses more by idleness and neglect in one week, than the government exacts of him in taxes for a whole year. Is it not to be wondered at, that this same Mr. TURBIDUS makes many good sort of people, very unhappy and dissatisfied with public affairs? So lazy and worthless a fellow, one would imagine, could not have any influence in society. He is despised in every thing he says or undertakes, except when he is arraigning the measures of the government; and on this occasion he seems to acquire some degree of consequence. We should therefore restrain our proneness to listen to clamor, or we may be so accustomed to alarm, as to be off our guard when real danger approaches.
TO FARMERS.
To the PHILADELPHIA COUNTY SOCIETY, for the promotion of AGRICULTURE and DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES.
GENTLEMEN,
IT is with pleasure I communicate an experiment I lately made, to discover the best method of raising young hogs: Having frequently been informed that pigs would thrive best to be turned into a good clover field with the sow, but which was never verified by my own observation, I was induced to make the following accurate experiment.
A sow two years old, of the English and Guinea breed, had seven pigs; at a month old, in a state proper to make good roasters, I selected three of the best and put them with the sow into a field of ten acres, very luxuriant with red and white clover, with some little timothy and blue grass; in short they could not be in better pasture, to this
they had the advantage of shade, a fine spring of water to drink or wallow in at pleasure, and the common wash of the kitchen; their weight when turned out was 11, 12 and 13lb. the remaining four were put into a stable by themselves, they had plenty of clean straw and as much skimmed milk as they could drink, the weight of three of them was 9, 10 & 13lb. the result of the experiment was, that in three weeks time from their being put up, those with the sow with all the advantages above-mentioned, and the milk of the seven, weighed 16, 17 and 19lb. the three in the stable, 25, 22, and 19lb. which together make 14 pounds weight in favor of the latter, to which we should also add the four pounds against them when first put up, which added make 18lbs. superior to the former.
Our farmers, in general, are too negligent of their young stock of every kind, it is customary for them to suffer the mother and young to shift for themselves; all animals grow in the inverse ratio to their age, and therefore the younger they are, the more necessary to give them plenty of food, if you desire them to acquire the full growth of which their nature is capable. An animal stunted when young never thrives afterwards equal to those which have had justice done them. I am satisfied from a little experience, that a stricter attention to the raising of our cattle and stock of all kinds would give us a breed on our farms equal to any in the world, and would at the same time add greatly to our own wealth and that of our country.
I am Gentlemen, Your friend, GEORGE LOGAN.
Stenton, June 25, 1789.
To the PUBLIC in general, and the MANUFACTURERS of POT and PEARL-ASH in particular.
THE price of pot and pearl-ash for several years past has been much reduced, and does not afford the manufacturers a due compensation for their trouble, besides their being deprived of one half the profit that might be made on those ashes that are exported, called the second and third qualities. It is attended with a disadvantageous consequence to export any of them, or to let the English import any except of the first quality, as they have got into a method of refining salts and bad pot-ash in England of late, which has reduced the price of our first kind of ashes at least five pounds sterling pr. ton, besides the duty they demand of us. It is well known to be the greatest branch of manufacture that we have in the five northern States, and as the duty and freight are the same on the second and third as on the first quality, and we have works prepared for the purpose, and are ready to pay the cash for the second and third qualities, it behoves us in season to prevent foreigners from receiving three quarters of the profits of our most material cash article.
Newport, August 12, 1789.
WELLINGTON, (ENGLAND) JULY 23, 1788.
IT being now a wet season for hay, I request the following method may be recommended to farmers in general, in order to make their hay serviceable to their cattle, horses, &c. No person, whose hay has been out a long time, and received much damage thereby, should put it together before made dry, and the water quite out of it, and when putting together, take, to every three hundred weight of hay, one pound and a quarter of salt, and throw it into the rick, or hay-mow, as often as you well can, so that all the hay may receive the virtue from it. In the winter, the grazier will see the good effects, by the cattle, &c. liking the hay, and even giving it the preference to other. Wishing well to the public, is my motive.
N. W.
SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1789.
[Debate on the Amendment of the Senate to the Bill for providing for the expences of Negotiations and Treaties with the Indians, &c.]
MR. BALDWIN observed, That the matter is left undetermined, whether the treaty with the Wabash nation is to be included in the provision as reduced by the Senate or not: If it is, according to the account given by the Governor of the Western Territory of the actual expences attending treaties at which he has been present—it will fall very much short of what will be absolutely requisite to ensure the object, which the House appear to have in contemplation. He moved to amend the amendment, by adding these words, “for holding treaties with the Indians south of the Ohio.”
MR. SHERMAN said, that from information he had received, there was a large sum, forty thousand dollars, granted by the late Congress for the business of holding treaties, which has not been accounted for, and great part of which is now on hand: He supposed that the Senate had this in view when they made the amendment.
MR. FITZSIMONS replied to Mr. Sherman, and observed, that there is some mistake respecting the gentleman's information on the subject before the house: In order therefore that they might act understandingly, and obtain an accurate state of facts, he moved that the amendment might lye on the table till to-morrow.
MR. SEDGWICK said, when this business was before under consideration, I was surprised to find the majority of the house in favor of the sum then moved for, as The President in his message appeared to have in contemplation a treaty with the Creek nation only—and why we should exceed the sum necessary for that purpose, without any previous estimate, is to me perfectly incomprehensible: To vote a sum of money in this stage of the government, double to what is necessary for the immediate object, and when the circumstances of our Treasury are such, that we cannot make any provision for the public creditors, is a very extraordinary appropriation: It very rarely happens that a government exceeds in economy—the sum in the amendment will be amply sufficient—and if we were to vote the largest sum, we have reason to suppose that the business would be protracted till the whole is expended.—I hope the house will concur with the Senate.
MR. SUMPTER was in favor of a concurrence, as he thought that 20000 dollars would be fully competent to the object.
MR. MADISON replied to Mr. Sedgwick: He controverted his sentiment with respect to economy, as applied to States—he doubted the assertion that government may not exceed in the practice of it—and he was not sure that in the present instance it would not eventually appear, that unnecessary additional expence was incurred by too great caution not to exceed in the grant: He seconded Mr. Fitzsimons' motion to defer the decision till to-morrow.
MR. BOUDINOT was opposed to the motion—It is a principle with me (said he) from which I do not mean to deviate, that in all our appropriations we ought to have special regard to the state of the treasury.—What estimate have we to shew that so large a sum as 40,000 dollars is necessary for this business? I presume none.—The number of Indians to be provided for, is much beyond the number requisite to give the treaties all possible validity: In the former discussion of this subject, the gentleman from South-Carolina (Mr. Sumpter) fully convinced me that so large a number is quite unnecessary—We ought to consider upon this occasion, that such large grants will influence in future appropriations.—If the sum mentioned in the amendment should be found insufficient, the PRESIDENT will give us notice accordingly, and the deficiency may be supplied—but if we appropriate a sum that is more than sufficient in the present state of our treasury, we shall find that we subject ourselves to very great inconveniences, and cannot justify such a step. I am of opinion that 20,000 dollars will be found fully sufficient with what is now on hand: I hope therefore, that we shall not agree to the motion for postponement—the time fixed for holding the treaty is the fifteenth of September, that is fast approaching: What would be the consequence should the warriors return home after appearing on the ground, and not find the commissioners there to meet them?—To lose a single day, may be attended with fatal effects.
MR. LAURANCE was in favour of the motion for postponement: He wished, he said, that accurate information may be obtained, respecting several circumstances which had been mentioned: Time must be allowed for this; and by to-morrow the house may be in possession of such facts as will enable them to act more understandingly in the business. I trust Sir, said he, that I am as averse as any member in this house, to taking money profusely, or unnecessarily out of the public purse; but this is an important subject: The house appear to be fully sensible of this, and therefore making such provisions as may be commensurate to the object in the first instance, is the most likely way to ensure that object, and will turn out to be the most saving method in the end.
The motion for postponement being put, was negatived.
MR. BALDWIN's motion to insert the words south of the Ohio was then taken up.
MR. SCOTT: It may perhaps be wondered at, Mr. Chairman, that as I live upon the frontiers, and may be supposed to know something of the

Nature of Indian affairs, I have been silent upon this occasion—but, Sir, it is because I have no opinion of Indian treaties—and I hope that if we vote any sum more than sufficient to support the Commissioners, and feed the Indians, while the treaty is holding, that it will be embezzled; for I consider it as the worst kind of policy, to spend a large sum of money in making presents to those savages; it never produces any solid advantages, but constantly the reverse. The Indians have reduced war and treaties to a system of commerce and traffic. By giving them presents, we make them strong to fall upon our defenceless frontiers; and it has often been found to be the case, that the arms and ammunition which they have received at a treaty of peace, have been employed to the destruction of the donors: the sum of 20000 dollars, I think, will be large enough.—I hope we shall concur with the senate.
Mr. MOORE was in sentiment with Mr. SCOT; he reprobated the system which had been adhered to, of making presents to the Indians.
Mr. BALDWIN said, in answer to Mr. SCOT, that the gentleman's observations are of a general nature; the superintendent of Indian affairs, and the secretary at war has made a statement, and it is to be supposed upon the best information he can obtain; if this is defective, if it is too much, let the particulars be pointed out in which the excess lies: His estimate states that 25000 dollars are requisite for holding treaties with the southern tribes; if this provision is intended to defray the expences of holding treaties with both northern and southern Indians, it appears demonstrable, that we shall fail for want of the means of effecting our object, in both.
Mr. SUMPTER observed that the number on which the estimate is founded arose from misinformation: So large a number is not necessary: such a number will not be assembled; they cannot be provided for, they would run a risk of suffering very much: I have no doubt Sir, that the business may be well done without assembling such a number, and it will be well done if we do not make too large provision. I hope we shall support the dignity of the United States, and let those Indians know that treaties in future shall not be violated with impunity; that we will treat with them upon generous and reciprocal terms; that while we guard them from depredations from our frontiers, they shall strictly observe the stipulations on their part. Some trifling presents may be necessary, the custom is of long standing; but extravagant and profuse presents I am opposed to; they are unnecessary. The sum of 20000 dollars, I think will be sufficient.
Mr. BALDWIN's motion being put, was negatived.
The amendment of the senate was then agreed to.
SATURDAY, AUGUST 22.
Several petitions were read and laid on the table. Representations from the citizens of Trenton, in New-Jersey, York-Town, and Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, were presented to the House, stating the advantages they possess in soil, climate, situation, population, cultivation and buildings; and proffering their respective towns with the circumjacent territory, of ten miles, to Congress, for the permanent seat of the federal government.
The amendments to the Constitution as altered and agreed to by the House, were read.
Mr. TUCKER then proposed the following amendment in substance: That Congress shall not exercise the power of levying direct taxes, except in cases where any of the States shall refuse, or neglect to comply with their requisitions.
Mr. PAGE said, although I wish the way may be always open for every member of this house to propose amendments to the Constitution—yet as the business is so far completed with respect to the report of the committee, I think it will be best to proceed and finish this report, and in the mean time refer this to the select committee of eleven.
Mr. TUCKER: I hope, Sir, the proposition will be attended to at the present time—as the house is upon the subject, and considerable progress is made, this amendment may be added with ease, if it should be agreed to—I think it best to finish the whole business now Congress has it before them.
Mr. JACKSON opposed the proposition: I hope, Sir, that the experience we have had will be sufficient to prevent Congress ever divesting themselves of this power—This experience forcibly points out the impropriety of adopting this amendment—requisitions upon several States it is well known, tho made several years since, remain uncomplied with to this day; and no inducements in future can ever be supposed to be sufficiently operative, to induce so universal a compliance with requisitions, as to secure the public good, if a sense of common danger, war, and the facility of payment in a paper medium were not sufficient to do it: But this plan of requisitions is pregnant with difficulties of various kinds—it will excite jealousies—insurrections—and civil war, dissolve the Union, and expose us to the contempt and invasion of foreign powers: For if this power is taken from Congress, you divest the United States of the means of protecting the Union, or providing
for the existence and continuation of the government.
Mr. LIVERMORE supported the motion: He said, it is more important than all that has been agreed to: This is an amendment to some purpose, and which a number of the States have particularly called for: Without some to more purpose is held out to the people, that I have the honor to represent, they will consider these as a mere musketo bite—they will not give a pinch of snuff for them all.
Mr. PAGE observed, that this proposition is one about which the warmest friends to amendments have differed in opinion: Some of them have entirely ceased urging it, and others have become the most strenuous advocates for the reverse; and now say that the government ought never to give up this power: For my part, experience has fully evinced that no dependence can be placed upon requisitions: If in a time of war, and when we made paper money by hogsheads full, they were disregarded, I have no expectation that any dependence in future can be placed in them—I shall therefore be against the proposition.
Mr. GERRY moved, that it be referred to a select committee.
Mr. TUCKER objected to this motion, he said the subject of amendments is still open—as the report of the committee is not yet completed.
Mr. GERRY advocated the object of the motion; but he did not think that object fully comprehended in the motion now before the house: He then entered into a general discussion of the question, and pointed out the consequences of the exercise of this power by the general government, as involving the annihilation of the State governments.
Mr. TUCKER: I do not see the arguments in favour of giving Congress this power in so strong a light as some gentlemen do: It will be to erect an imperium in imperio ; which is always considered as subversive of all government. Whenever Congress shall exercise this power, it will raise commotions in the States; whereas the mode of requisitions will operate in such an easy way, by being consonant to the habits of the people, that the supplies will be sooner realized into the public treasury in this, than by the other mode. Much time must be spent in forming a uniform system of taxation, which shall operate equally and justly through all the States; if it is possible to form such a system.—It is said that requisitions have not been complied with in former times; but it is to be expected that there will not be so much difficulty in future. The requisitions will be greatly diminished by reason of the supplies from the impost; besides, should any of the States not comply, they will in that case be liable to the exercise of the power of Congress in the very heart of such States as are delinquent; this power would be so disagreeable, that the dread of it would serve to stimulate the States to an immediate and prompt compliance with the requisitions. This amendment is proposed by several of the States, and some of the most important; and for this, and other reasons which have been offered, I hope the amendment will be adopted.
Several methods of disposing of this question for the present were proposed, but the motion for its lying on the table being put and negatived, Mr. PARTRIDGE, referring to his instructions, was solicitous that this amendment should not be too suddenly decided upon, moved the previous question, which was negatived.
Mr. SEDGWICK observed, that he believed he felt the force of the instructions from his constituents which they ought to have upon his mind, and to as great a degree as other gentlemen; but Sir, said he, a government entrusted with the freedom, and the very existence of the people, ought surely to possess, in the most ample manner, the means of supporting its own existence; and as we do not know what circumstances we may be in, nor how necessary it may be for Congress to exercise this power, I should think it a violation of the oath I have taken to support this constitution, were I now to vote for this amendment.
Mr. SHERMAN observed that if congress should exercise this power, the taxes would be laid by the immediate representatives of the people; nor would there be any necessity for adopting one uniform method of collecting direct taxes: The several states may be accommodated by a reference to their respective modes of taxation.
The question upon the paragraph being called for from all parts of the house, the ayes and noes stand thus:
AYES.
Messrs. Burke--Coles--Floyd--Grout--Hathorn--Livermore--Van Ranselaer--Sumpter--Tucker--9.
NOES.
Messrs. Ames--Benson--Brown--Cadwallader--Carroll--Clymer--Fitzsimons--Foster--Gale--Gerry--Gilman--Goodhue--Hartley--Heister--Jackson--Laurence--Lee--Madison--Matthews--Moore--Muhlenberg--Page--Parker--Partridge--Shureman--Scott--Sedgwick--Seney--Sherman--Sylvester--Sinnickson--Smith (M)--Smith (S.C.)--Stone--Sturges--Thatcher--Trumpull--Vining--Wadsworth--39.
Mr. TUCKER then proposed some other amend-
ments, from those proposed by the state of South Carolina; which were severally negatived.
Mr. GERRY proposed the two following, viz.—Congress shall not establish any company or companies of merchants with exclusive privileges.—The other to prohibit the officers of the general government from accepting any title of nobility from any foreign power. These were both negatived.
Mr. BENSON introduced a resolution to this purport: Resolved by the house of representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, that the following amendments to the constitution of the United States having been agreed to by two thirds of both houses, be submitted to the legislatures of the several states; which when ratified in whole or in part by three fourths of said legislatures, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as parts of said constitution. This resolution was referred to a committee, consisting of Mr. BENSON, Mr. SHERMAN, and Mr. SEDGWICK, who were directed to arrange the said amendments, and report.
Mr. GOODHUE moved that the report of the joint committee on the adjournment be made the order of the day on Monday next: Passed in the affirmative.
The committee on the part of the house appointed to confer with the senate on their amendment to the treasury bill being called on to report, Mr. MADISON reported verbally, that the committee had met and conferred upon the subject; that the members on the part of the senate stated the reasons on which their amendment was founded; which not being satisfactory to the committee on the part of the house, they then submitted certain propositions to the committee of the senate, who on their part offered none: Mr. MADISON further reported that it is the opinion of the committee on the part of the house, that it would not be best for the house to recede from their disagreement.
A petition was presented from the inhabitants of the town of Alexandria, setting forth that a certain clause in the collection bill operates unequally upon the citizens of that port, and praying for alteration therein. Laid on the table.
Adjourned.
MONDAY, AUGUST 24.
A memorial from the inhabitants of George Town, on Patowmac, was introduced by Mr. CARROL, which being read, was referred, with a petition from the inhabitants of Alexandria, to a committee, consisting of Messrs CARROL, LEE, and GOODHUE.
Mr. MADISON presented a petition from JOHN HURT, a CHAL-LAIN in the late Southern army, which was read and laid on the table.
Mr. FITZSIMONS of the committee appointed to bring in a bill for establishing the salaries of the officers in the executive departments, brought in a report which was read the first time.
  To the Secretary of the treasury. 5000 Dollars.   Secretary of foreign affairs 3500   Secretary of the department of war 2500   Comptroller 2000   Auditor 1500   Treasurer 1600   Register 1250   Superintendent of Indian affairs 1000   Governor of the Western Territory 1000   Assistant to the secretary of the Treasury 1600   Chief clerk to the secretary of foreign affairs 800   Chief clerk in the war department 600 
The committee appointed to arrange the amendments agreed to by the house, and to prepare a resolution as a preamble to the same, made report: The resolution is the same brought in yesterday—which was accepted. The amendments as arranged were then read.
The order of the day on the report of the joint committee on adjournment was moved for.
Mr. VINING was opposed to taking up this report: He observed, that it appeared absurd to take up a discussion of the question at this moment—it would necessarily involve a great deal of debate and loss of time, and would counteract the object of gentlemen entirely, while so many important subjects were yet undecided, which must be attended to and finished, previous to a recess: He moved for a postponement, in order to take up the Treasury Bill.
Mr. HARTLEY observed, that the gentleman's remarks furnished the best argument for coming to a determination upon the adjournment at the present time, as it was the best way to confine the attention of the house to the essentials, which claimed their immediate notice and decision.
Mr. SEDGWICK advocated taking up the report immediately: He contended that it would expedite the public business, and (he observed) his observation was founded on experience: when the time is once fixed, and gentlemen are fully impressed with the importance of dispatching business in a given time, he had known as much transacted in the assembly of Massachusetts in one week, and as well done as had been before in THREE. He further observed that many gentlemen were anxious to go home; that the fickle season was approaching, and that if an adjournment does not take place, the members will be thinned off so that in all probability a much less number than the present will be left to do the business.
Mr. VINING's motion was withdrawn. Mr. MADISON proposed the following resolution, viz. Resolved, That when this house does adjourn on the _____ of Sept. next, they will adjourn to the first Monday in December next.
Mr. SCOTT objected to this: He said it was too short a period—it would not admit of the members who lived at the extreme parts of the Union going home and returning again by the time mentioned.
Mr. LIVERMORE also objected to it; and proposed to adjourn on the First day of September.
Mr. GOODHUE said, that he believed, that gentlemen who talked of adjourning the first of September, did not wish for any adjournment at all: He contended for a short adjournment as proposed by their resolution: Some relaxation from business is necessary: It is also expedient to consult our constituents: Some alterations may be necessary in the laws we have enacted: We can judge better of that necessity from observation, and conversation in our respective States.
Mr. AMES supported the motion, and proposed to fill the blank with 22d which was carried in the affirmative.
Mr. SUMPTER objected to the shortness of the time of adjournment: The business now before us cannot be completed (said he) if we may judge by what has already taken place: The recess will be so short, that none of the advantages to be derived from consult-

ing our constituents can be realized by those from a remote distance. Short recesses are attended with great expense, and we cannot give a suitable account of our conduct in adjourning for so short a time, and leaving so much business unfinished: Gentlemen talk of their private concerns—I believe no member has made a greater proportional sacrifice than I have; but the public good is to be chiefly regarded: Our own affairs ought not to influence us: I hope some plan of accommodation will take place.
Mr. AMES introduced the foregoing resolution in the following form, viz. That the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, do adjourn the respective Houses of Congress on the 23d of September next, to meet on the first Monday in December next.
Mr. JACKSON observed, that the time was too short; it will not admit of the members who come from a distance, consulting their constituents, and so far the advantage of an adjournment will be lost: Let us view the matter in another point of light, will have gone forth respecting the compensations—this will increase those alarms, for a very great expense, it will be said, is needlessly incurred: If we sit two months longer, we shall so far complete the public business, as to supercede the necessity of meeting in December: I think the adjournment ought to be to the first Monday in March, and the Constitution will warrant this: Mutual concessions for the accommodation of all, ought to be made: At the time proposed the cold season will be advanced—and snow will prevent gentlemen at the eastward and northward from attending to their private business—hence that season will be adapted to their convenience; but let us look to the members from the southward—it ought to be considered that their relaxed constitutions will be greatly exposed by the severe cold of this northern climate; besides it will then be their busy season for planting, &c. Some concessions ought to be made: The southern members would sooner forfeit their seats in this house, than be obliged to come here in the winter: This will operate to deprive the remote parts of the Union of their representation: I move therefore that the time be extended to the first of March.
Mr. GERRY was opposed to so short an adjournment: He stated the expense that would attend it, and made it 20000 dollars, a sum that would pay Congress for fifty days attendance: This he observed, rendered it demonstrable that it is most prudent for Congress to continue the session, and finish the business. If it is absolutely necessary for any particular gentleman to go home, leave may be granted. I trust, said he, that there is no one that thinks himself of so much consequence, that the government cannot proceed without him, or that Congress thinks so, if they should, when such a member departs, the public business must stand still: Reference has been had to out-of-door conversation, and we are cautioned to beware of exciting public clamor; but, Sir, I trust that ideas of this kind are not to influence in the deliberations of this assembly, or deter us from deciding what we think is just and best.
Mr. JACKSON said, that he was surprised to hear a gentleman cautioning the house against being influenced by popular clamor, and the opinion of people without doors, especially as that gentleman has within a fortnight past, raised more bugbears from that source than all the house besides.
Mr. GERRY made some reply to Mr. JACKSON, which was not heard distinctly.
Mr. BOUDINOT said, that he supposed that the time between the adjournment will be sufficient to complete the organization of the judiciary and executive departments. The adjournment will in the common course of events, allow the members from Georgia three or four weeks at home: A short recess is absolutely necessary: A long one will be highly injurious.
Mr. VINING recapitulated a number of articles, now pending before Congress, upon which it is presumed, said he, that it is not necessary to consult our constituents: We already know their sentiments: This business must absolutely be attended to, and completed previous to a recess: I am opposed to the motion for adjourning till March; but on a conciliatory plan will move for the first of January.
Mr. TUCKER said, I conceive that the business is taken up wrong; the resolution proposed is entirely improper: It puts it in the power of the Speaker, in case the senate concurs, to adjourn the House on that day, let circumstances be what they may: This is unprecedented, and cannot be agreed to.
Mr. JACKSON called for the previous question on Mr. AMES' motion—and on the question, Shall the main question now be put? it passed in the affirmative.
The main question then being put, it also passed in the affirmative, by a large majority.
The amendment of the Senate to the Treasury Bill, was taken into consideration: And Mr. MADISON of the committee of conference made a verbal report, as mentioned in Saturday's sketch.
Mr. VINING moved, that the house should now adhere to their disagreement to the amendment of the senate.
Mr. SHERMAN, Mr. PAGE, and Mr. GERRY made a few observations against the motion, which however was carried in the affirmative.
The house then went into a committee of the whole on the judiciary Bill—Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.
Mr. BENSON moved, that the word "Federal" in the preamble should be struck out, which was voted in the affirmative.
Mr. LIVERMORE moved that the word "four" before "judges" be struck out and three inserted.
Mr. SEDGWICK was in favour of the word four, the points to be discussed and settled by the judges are of the first magnitude. It is a most desirable object, said he, to have it determined by the most respectable authority, what is law.
Mr. JACKSON said that the number should be either increased or diminished; for when they are equally divided, no decision can be had: He was therefore in favour of striking out the words.
Mr. SEDGWICK adverted to the courts in Great Britain, where there were four judges, and where no difficulties had been experienced.
Mr. JACKSON said that we were not bound to follow the custom of the British courts, where it was liable to exception. The question on striking out the words was lost.
Mr. LIVERMORE moved another amendment which was not seconded.
Mr. BURKE moved that "chief justice" should be struck out; it is a concomitant of royalty, said he. It was observed by Mr. BENSON, that this is a provision of the constitution; Mr. BURKE withdrew his motion upon this information.
Mr. TUCKER moved to strike out the whole clause, dividing the United States into districts for the purpose of instituting inferior federal courts. He said that the state courts are fully competent to purposes for which these courts are to be created; and that they will be a burthen some and useless expense: Seconded by Mr. SUMPTER.
Mr. LIVERMORE said he was not in favour of striking out the whole clause; he wished to have the United States divided into districts, but he concurred in the other idea of the gentleman; he wished for all the districts, except Kentucky, to be established for the sake of establishing a court of Admiralty in each; authorized not only to take cognizance of all marine concerns, but also of all seizures.
Mr. TUCKER said he did not move to strike out the districts to prevent the establishment of admiralty courts; he was in favour of such courts; but he presumed the states compose sufficient districts. The motion was negatived.
It was then moved, by Mr. LIVERMORE to strike out the words "one to be called Kentucky district." He observed that as the matters would be chiefly of a marine nature that would come under the cognizance of these courts, Kentucky would, from its situation, have nothing to do with such matters; and to establish such courts there will be a needless expense. This was negatived.
Mr. LIVERMORE moved that the whole paragraph respecting establishing district courts should be struck out. This establishing district courts, said he, to hold four sessions annually, will
lead to the necessity of establishing a new system of jurisprudence for the United States; it will be establishing two distinct systems of judicial proceedings; one must finally destroy the other. It is a prevailing opinion that law and courts are an abridgement of liberty; this is a sentiment with a great many, and it will not be wise to excite an increase of such ideas. I do conceive these courts are unnecessary; we have courts already fully sufficient for all the purposes for which these courts are to be established; and appeals may be made to the supreme federal court. We shall prejudice the people against the government; we have imposed duties of impost, and are raising revenue upon them: now if in addition to this we create useless courts, with a new set of judges, sheriffs or marshalls, clerks, constables, &c. will it not be considered as laying a heavy and unnecessary additional burthen? We must also erect a new set of goals; for we cannot put the criminals and prisoners to be tried by these courts, into the county goals.
The juries, judges, &c. &c. will be a great and useless expense; and these courts will have a tendency to create universal uneasiness among the people.
Committee rose and reported progress. Mr. STONE asked leave of absence from 1st Sept. Granted. Mr. SYLVESTER asked leave of absence for three weeks. Granted. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, AUGUST 25.
The bill for establishing the salaries of the officers in the executive departments was read a second time, and referred to a committee of the whole, to be taken up on Friday next.
The report of the committee on the elections of New-Jersey is made the order of the day for Monday next.
In committee of the whole, Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair. The bill to provide for the safe keeping of the acts, records and great seal of the United States, &c. was taken into consideration. This bill states that the department of "foreign affairs" shall be denominated THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE, to which a variety of duties of a domestic nature are to be annexed, and the principal officer therein to be denominated THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Considerable progress was made in the discussion: several clauses were altered, and others struck out; but the time not admitting of its completion, the committee rose, and the chairman reported progress.
A message was received from the senate by Mr. SECRETARY OTIS, informing the honourable house, that they concurred in the resolution for fixing the time of adjournment. Also that the senate had receded from that part of their amendment to the treasury bills to which the house had disagreed. Adjourned.
LATEST EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
LONDON, MAY 5, 1789.
CHINA TRADE.
In a Foreign Journal just published, it appears, the number of ships arrived in the road of Wampo, near China, last year, amount to sixty-five, viz. Fifty-one English, five Dutch, three French, two Swedish, two Americans, one Prussian, and one Italian.—Twelve European ships arrived at Macao, viz. Five English, four Portuguese, two French, and one Austrian.
In 1756, the trade of China employed only 15 ships in all, viz. Six Dutch, five English, one French, one Dane, one Swede, and one Prussian. The Chinese profit by this encroach very well; but the Europeans will probably be ruined by it—as they are obliged to buy with ready specie.
Tea, which then sold for 24 3/4 tales the pecul, now sells for 36 tales; and the English have contributed to lay this burthen upon the other Europeans; for not being provided with money sufficient to carry their trade on, they have bought on credit, and given bills to the Chinese on the East-India Company.—The Chinese, eager for money, charge the bills at 15 and 16 per cent. loss to make up for which they raise the price of all their merchandise proportionably, and thus recover what they appear to have lost.
JUNE 10. On the 12th of May, Marshal Laudohn appeared at the head of the Imperial army, in Croatia.
Next day he sent a letter to the Turkish Pashas and Commandants, proposing a milder treatment of prisoners on both sides, and especially that the Austrian prisoners should not be mutilated, as he must make use of reprisals.—But the Turks will not pay any regard to his proposals.
A letter from Ancona mentions, that the Russian fleet has destroyed the first division of the Turkish fleet, near the port of Warnar.
Dispatches are received from Sir Robert Ainslie, his Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople, which confirm the accounts that the Sublime Porte, under the new Sultan, is preparing to prosecute the war against Russia and her ally with the utmost vigor; but that they are endeavoring to cultivate the best understanding with all the other christian powers.
JUNE 15. The Duke of Normandy, has been declared Dauphin by the King of France.
The Court of Denmark has received the answer of the Empress of Russia, in respect to the mediation of our Court, and that of Prussia, to prevent the Danes from acting hostily towards Sweden. The answer is said to be, "that her Majesty considers Denmark to be bound by every principle of honor, to support its treaty with Russia, that she has full right to rely on its being fulfilled with alacrity, and that Denmark should furnish the assistance agreed upon between the two powers, particularly the succours by sea, as no just reason had, or could be assigned for a breach of faith and promise."
JUNE 18. Tuesday the Marquis de la Luzerne, ambassador from the court of France, delivered to the duke of Leeds copies of letters written by his most Christian majesty to the British court, on the death of the Dauphin.—The mourning in France is to last only ten weeks; consequently it will be but of short duration here.
CHALESTON, AUGUST 10.
Late accounts from Cuba inform, that the port of Havanna is open for the importation of slaves in the vessels of all nations, and that the ports of Principe and St. Jago were also to be open for the same purpose in a few days, under certain restrictions, the purport of which were daily expected to be announced by a proclamation at the Havanna. This step is taken to encourage two merchants of Liverpool, who have promised to give Spain a monopoly of the slave trade, if Great-Britain throws it up.
To our knowledge of America, a large and valuable addition may soon be expected, for several of the inhabitants of Canada had the spirit, about two years since, to fend at their own expence, different persons to traverse that vast continent, from the westward to the opposite shore.
PHILADELPHIA, AUGUST 20.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress to his friend in this city, dated August 17.
"In accepting seats here, it was a reasonable expectation that so much free-will would have been left as that without being questioned, reviled and threatened, we might in a dollar matter at least have determined on our own judgment. Any proof to the contrary will serve to correct our notions as to the respect and honor supposed to be annexed to them. I believe sincerely that Congress have been directed by other motives than a care of their own interest or disregard of the public money in the late determination respecting salaries and wages."
"High emoluments do not in themselves, it is true, make a government respectable; but their tendency is certainly to bring respectable men into it. The competition for places is always in an inverse ratio of its benefits, contrary to the hypothesis of some politicians. Be the worth of an office £1,000 a year the candidates
will be few and respectable—let the same at £100 the applicants will be as ten to one; and perhaps as mean as numerous. It is a consciousness of pretensions, not common to many, that generally incites to high claims. This principle, I suppose, was kept in view, but after all what has been done under it? I believe no calculation will justify an opinion that any man's fortune will be made—let us try—after the first year it will be impossible to employ more than 60 or 70 days in the public business—the amount for a representative then will be
  70 days at 6 dollars 420   The average mileage 140 
560—£210
out of which he may with economy save £110—to compensate, if a professional man, the loss of patients or clients risked by the chasm in his business—or if a merchant the greater risk of loss in crazing his brain with politics—or if a man merely of fortune, to make up those deficiencies which always follow even transient neglects of his affairs. When prudence and not enthusiasm shall govern, as it generally will do—to stay at home or leave it, will be a question of less difficult debate, than it has been during the present year. As to the Speaker it is supposed he is to keep a public table. The clerk must have industry, professional skill and ability, and must give the whole year to his business, in and out of session—He ought to be as respectable as any practising attorney whatever, and with such qualities to go to market, he might perhaps make a better bargain with the world at large. The door-keeper is, out of his three dollars, to pay a herd of satellites with brooms, brushes and wheelbarrows, and so on.
"I believe my friend the object is not obtained even by this extravagant vote and that after a short time Congress may be filled by single men and unsuccessful professors in every branch of business—those to whom as I said before a trifle abroad will be better than nothing at home, and to whom indeed any spot is equally a home."
Now that Congress have entered on the subject of amendments to the constitution, says correspondent, and as the avowed purposes of amending it are still further to secure the rights of the people, and to remove the fears of those who are dissatisfied with it in its present form, one important amendment which has not yet been suggested might be made—Instead of leaving it in the power of Congress to fix their own wages, let the constitution do it for them. Let them be allowed a reasonable compensation for their services; but suffer them not to riot on the ruins of their country, or to draw from the treasury enormous sums, such as are inconsistent with republican economy—inconsistent with republican liberty—and such as are glaringly inconsistent with the honor and justice of the United States, while the services of her citizens, in the late war, are suffered to go unrewarded, while her foreign and domestic creditors are not even paid the interest of that money which they generously lent her in the hour of distress.—If none of these reasons are sufficient to come in competition with the Epicurean entertainments of gentlemen in Congress let them survey that poverty which pervades every part of their country.
NEW YORK, AUGUST 26.
FROM CORRESPONDENTS.
It is a most excellent observation of an Hon. Gentleman, that certain abuses are more likely to take place under the State governments, than under the general government.—This remark is founded on facts and an intimate acquaintance with human nature—It is to be regretted therefore, that there are not more restrictions imposed upon the individual governments by the constitution to secure the equal rights of the people.
Is it not astonishing that the only idea of abuse of power which some persons seem to apprehend, is from the general government? And therefore, to use the expression of another Hon. Gentleman, "the Talons of the Eagle must be pared," when in retracing a few pages of very modern history, we find that individual States have been guilty of stretches of power and acts of oppression, which should the general government be so abandoned and infatuated as to commit, would immediately produce another revolution.
A correspondent who heard the debates of the national representatives yesterday, on the subject of the final authentication of bills, perceived that a diversity of opinions prevailed on that point. It is undoubtedly of importance that this should be performed with solemnity, and attended with certainty. To combine both these objects, what better expedient can be suggested, than for the President to attend about the close of each session, in the presence of both houses, and recognize his signature and approbation? For this purpose the heads of the acts could be recited by the Secretary or clerk, and the President could in this solemn manner, acknowledge his assent. This would give a dignity to the laws, and contribute to impress the public mind with veneration and respect for legislative proceedings.
The prosperity of a government depends very much on the fidelity and exertions of executive officers. It has been found necessary in all governments to make such liberal provision as to excite a degree of competition. This brings forward the ablest candidates, and begets a watchfulness over the conduct of the officers in the various departments.
We are informed that a meeting was lately held in Philadelphia, of the principal schoolmasters and instructors of youth; to deliberate and fix upon some uniform method of teaching our vernacular language—a sub-committee was appointed to determine upon some grammar extant, or to prepare and report a system for general use: This committee we are further informed, reported in favor of adopting Mr. WEBSTER'S.
The collector of Boston district has ordered, that none but American paper be used in the Custom-House of that place.
N. B. Mr. MADISON's observations in committee of the whole, under the 18th. amendment, were made after the motion to insert the word "expressly" as moved by Mr. GERRY in the house. The insertion of that word was the question agitated in the Convention of Virginia, to which Mr. MADISON referred: See No. 38.
The Essays on coins, weights, and measures for the United States which have appeared in this paper, were taken from the PENNSYLVANIA MERCURY, published by Mr. D. HUMPHREYS.
ARRIVALS. NEW-YORK.
 Saturday Schooner Adonis, Durham, St. Vincents. Sloop Polly, Bartlet, Wilmington,  Sunday Brig Betty, Colley, Boston.  Monday Brig Betty, Mitchell, Halifax. Sloop Commerce, Muffin, Quebec. Schooner Catherine, Willson, Shelburne. Sloop Experiment, Whitney, St. Martin's.  Tuesday Snow St. Nicholas, Melida, Bilbao. Brig Recovery, Macey, Dunkirk. Schooner Eagle, Jackways, Shelburne. 

THE RIGHT CONSTITUTION OF A COMMONWEALTH EXAMINED.
(CONTINUATION.)
A SEVENTH reason, why a people qualified with a due and orderly succession of their supreme assemblies, are the best keepers of their own liberties is, "because, as in other forms, those persons only have access to government who are apt to serve the lust and will of the prince, or else are parties or compliers with some popular faction; so in this form of government by the people, the door of dignity stands open to all, without exception, that ascend thither by steps of worth and virtue: the consideration whereof hath this noble effect in free states, that it edges men's spirits with an active emulation, and raiseth them to a lofty pitch of design and action."
This is a mass of popular assertions, either hazarded at random, or, if aimed at a point, very little guarded by the love of truth. It is no more true, that in other forms those persons only have access to government who are apt to serve the lust and will of a prince or a faction, than it is that, in our author's form, those only would obtain elections who will serve the lusts and wills of the most idle, vicious, and abandoned of the people, at the expence of the labour, wealth, and reputation of the most industrious, virtuous, and pious. The door of dignity, in such governments, is so far from standing open to all of worth and virtue, that, if the executive and judicial powers are managed in it, virtue and worth will soon be excluded. In absolute monarchy the road to preferment may lie open to all. In an aristocracy, the way of promotion may be open to all, and all offices in the executive department, as in the army, navy, courts of justice, foreign embassies, revenues, &c. may be filled from any class of the people. In a mixed government, consisting of three branches, all offices ever will be open, for when the popular branch is designed expressly to defend the rights of the people, it is not probable they will ever consent to a law which shall exclude any class of their constituents. In this kind of government, indeed, the chance for merit to prevail is greater than in any other. The executive having the appointment to all offices, and the ministers of that executive being responsible for every exercise of their power, they are more cautious; they are responsible to their master for the recommendations they give, and to the nation and its representatives for the appointments that are made: Whereas a single representative assembly is accountable to nobody. If it is admitted that each member is accountable to his constituents for the vote he gives, what is the penalty? No other than not to vote for him at the next election. And what punishment is that? His constituents neither know nor care any thing about offices or officers but such as lie within the limits of their parish; and let him vote right or wrong about all others, he has equally their thanks and future votes. What can the people of the cities, counties, boroughs, and corporations in England know of the characters of all the generals, admirals, ambassadors, judges, and bishops, whom they never saw, nor perhaps heard of?
But was there never a Sully, Colbert, Maleſherbes, Turgot or Neckar, called to power in France? nor a Burleigh, nor a Pitt in England? Was there never a Camillus appointed by a Senate, nor a De Ruyter, Van Tromp, nor a De Witt by an aristocratical body? When a writer is not careful to confine himself to truth, but allows himself a latitude of affirmation and denial, merely addressed to an ignorant populace, there is no end of ingenuity in invention. In this case his object was to run down an exiled king and a deposed nobility; and it must be confessed he is not very delicate in his means. There are, in truth, examples innumerable of excellent generals, admirals, judges, ambassadors, bishops, and all other officers and magistrates appointed by monarchs, absolute as well as limited, and by hereditary senates; excellent appointments have been also made by popular assemblies: but candour must allow, that very weak, injudicious, and unfortunate choices have been sometimes made by such assemblies too. But the best appointments for a course of time have invariably been made in mixed governments. The "active emulation" in free states is readily allowed: but it is not less active, less general, or less lofty, in design or action, in mixed governments than in simple ones, even simple democracies, or those which approach nearest to that description: And the instances alleged from the Roman history are full proofs of this.
"During the vassalage of the Romans under kings, we read not of any notable exploits, but find them confined within a narrow compass; oppressed at home, and ever and anon ready to be swallowed up by their enemies." It is really impossible to guess where this author learnt his history. The reigns of the kings are a complete confutation of his assertions. The vassalage was to the nobles, if to any body, under the kings. The kings were friends and fathers of the people in general. If the people were oppressed at home, it was by the patricians; but they appear to have been much less oppressed than they were under the aristocracy which succeeded the abolition of monarchy as our author himself confesses. "But when the people were made free, indeed, and were admitted to a share and interest in the government, as well as the great ones, then it was that their power began to exceed the bounds of Italy, and aspire towards that prodigious empire." Was Rome ever a free state, according to our author's idea of a free state? Were the people ever governed by a succession of sovereign power in their assemblies? Was not the senate the real sovereign, through all the changes, from Romulus to Julius Cæsar? When the tribunes were instituted, the people obtained a check upon the senate, but not a balance. The utmost that can with truth be said is, that it was a mixed government composed of three powers; the monarchical in the kings or consuls, the aristocratical in the senate, and the democratical in the people and their tribunes, with the principal share and real sovereignty in the senate. The mixture was unequal, and the balance inadequate; but it was this mixture, with all its imperfections, that "edged men's spirits with an active emulation, and raised them to a lofty pitch of design and action." It was in consequence of this composition, that "their thoughts and power began to exceed the bounds of Italy, and aspire towards that prodigious empire." In such a mixture, where the people have a share, and "the road to preferment lies plain to every man, no public work is done, nor any conquest made, but every man thinks he does and conquers for himself," in some degree. But this sentiment is as vivid and active, surely, where the people have an equal share with the senate, as where they have only an imperfect check by their tribunes. When our author advances, "that it was not alliance, nor friendship, nor fashion, nor riches that could advance men," he affirms more than can be proved from any period of the Roman or any other history. If he had contented himself with saying, that these were not exclusive or principal causes of advancement, it would have been as great a panegyric as any nation at any period has deserved. Knowledge, valour, and virtue, were often preferred above them all; and, if we add, generally, it is as much as the truth will bear. Our author talks of a preference of virtuous poverty; but there was no moment in the Roman, or any other history, when poverty, however virtuous, was preferred for its own sake. There have been times and countries when poverty was not an insuperable objection to the employment of a man in the highest stations; but an absolute love of poverty, and a preference of a man for that attribute alone, never existed out of the imaginations of enthusiastic writers.
From the DAILY ADVERTISER.
SKETCH OF THE "PHILOSOPHY OF HOUSE KEEPING."
Addressed by Doctor MITCHELL to Miss S.
IN many parts of the country, BREAD OF A BAD QUALITY is so commonly eaten in families, that it seems surprising why the people do not learn the art of making it better. The grand faults are two—1. IN MANUFACTURING THE FLOUR, which must
necessarily be bad, if the wheat is foul, the millstones illly set, or the bran imperfectly bolted out. 2. IN MAKING THE BREAD, where the best flour may be spoiled by laziness in kneading, by lack of fixed air, and by an half heated oven.
When I was engaged the other day in taking care of my harvest, I put into my mouth a few grains of wheat and chewed them; as I ground them to pieces between my teeth, the pulp, slurred about by the motion of my jaws, and mixed with the spittle was made to separate into three different parts: at first a subtle powder was disengaged from the mass, and diffused through the fluid, tinged it with a white hue, and when left at rest, falling to the bottom in the form of flarch ; after this some scaly husks were set loose, that were tasteless and harsh, and composed of the outer covering of the seeds, being evidently the bran ; and lastly, a quantity of dough was left behind, which was thick, viscid,ropy, tough, and elastic, and by drying became gluey, hard and brittle, consisting of paste , or the glutinous part of the meal. I persuaded myself that this analysis was a fair one, and that for these experiments the human mouth was preferable to all the artificial chemical apparatus in the world. Thus it appeared that wheat, the grain affording the best bread, consisted of flarch , bran and paste .
But here you will be ready to ask, what a young lady has to do with the analysis of wheat and chemical experiments? Have a little patience and you shall be informed. It may soon happen that you will become the mistress of a family, and then may find it consistent both with economy and prudence to have an eye to domestic affairs. You may perhaps at that time recollect with some degree of satisfaction, these hints, calculated to assist you in providing wholesome food for your household, and in preserving the serenity of your temper, in spite of the misconduct of Bakers.
The fault of the first class, that is, in the manufacturing of flour must be prevented by the farmer and miller, chaff should be removed by the fan; dust by winnowing, and cockle, drips, rye &c. by screening; besides, I have remarked at the Albion mills near London, that wheat to be made perfectly clean, is brushed, washed and kiln dried. The operations of grinding and bolting make fine the parts, mix them mechanically together, and separate the bran from the flarch and paste .
As to the faults of the second class, of making the bread, you will naturally be led by the principles laid down, to avoid them. Hence may be assigned the reason why biscuit and unleavened bread of all sorts, made by mixture with water alone, is so dry, hard and solid; because the paste throughout the mass when moistened, attracts the flarch , and on the evaporation of the water, they bind and cement more firmly together. In like manner you can explain why they ought to be kneaded; to the end that the two ingredients now joined with water may be brought into chemical union, and be more intimately blended together. And hence it may be understood why some bread after baking, shortly becomes ill tasted, and on breaking exhibits slender threads reaching from piece to piece, like cobwebs; because through deficient kneading, the flarch is not well incorporated with the paste , which remaining in considerable masses by itself throughout a moist loaf soon ferments and spoils. Why are barm, yeast, leaven and other like substances necessary to raise fermentation in bread? It is not necessary that bread undergo fermentation in order to be good, but it is simply requisite that a quantity of fixed air should be extricated to raise and puff it up; this divides and parts asunder the dough, and renders it porous and soft, prevents excessive toughness and hardness, and makes the bread easy to be broken, cut and eaten; further, fixed air, although a poison, when applied to the organs of smell and respiration, is an agreeable stimulous when taken into the stomach, and may operate when an ingredient in bread, just as it does in porter and other malt liquors. What good does pot-ash do in cakes? Pot-ash contains a great portion of fixed air, which is set at liberty by the heat necessary to bake the cake, and therefore pot-ash supercedes the use of fermenting mixtures.—How is the water of the Saratoga spring useful? In the same manner, the water decomposed by the heat, lets go the fixed air, which insinuates itself into part of the bread and causes it to be light and spungy. For what reason are holes pricked into loaves of bread? The heat of the oven not only sets free a large quantity of fixed air, but also greatly rarifies it; if therefore there is no outlet given to it, the loaf would be burst in an unsightly manner, or an extensive blister would be formed beneath the upper crust, to the damage of the bread. Why is a moderate degree of heat necessary to prepare bread for the oven? The component parts of bread as has been said ought to act upon each other and become chemically assimilated, and there can be no chemical action of bodies without heat. Whence does it happen that bread made of cornell and the branny part of wheat is so coarse, so apt to crumble, and so destitute of nourishment? Pure bran contains very little more of nutritious matter than faw-dust, on which account it becomes fit to be eaten only in proportion to the quantity of flarch and paste mixed with it; but these are chiefly lifted out when cornell is manufactured; therefore bread made of such matter must be defective in sweetness, cohesion and nutriment. To what is it owing then that other kinds of grain, although capable of being made into bread, fall so far short of wheat in goodness? The general cause of this seems to be that Indian-corn, barley, rice, oats and buck-wheat have too small a proportion of paste in their composition, and consist almost wholly of bran and flarch ; now when the bran comes to be separated, and the flarch left alone, it is not to be wondered at, that the bread made of it should be inferior in quality, since it is destitute of that capital ingredient, the paste .
It is not so necessary to employ fixed air or fermentation in these kinds of bread, but it will answer to bake them immediately into cakes occasionally: The journey-cakes and buck-wheat cakes of America will do tolerable well without, but are preferable with fixed air. The common use of oat and barley meal in this form, has occasioned Scotland to be emphatically called "The Land of Cakes." Rye approaches nearer to wheat, and requires almost the same management. Can lint-seed be wrought into good bread? No, because it is composed chiefly of bran, mucilage and oil. Are potatoes capable of being worked into bread of the best quality? No, for they consist mostly of water and flarch ; there is no paste in them; yet by proper management they may be baked into brown cakes like cassada. Peas afford meal; can they be conveniently made into bread? The celebrated professor Home of the university of Edinburgh, told me that since his time, the poor boors of North-Britain used to make most of their bread from peas; but this practice has much declined since the introduction of the potatoe. If the purest and best flour contains the greatest quantity of nutritious matter in any given bulk, must it not follow that for family uses, the best flour is the cheapest. A learned and ingenious gentleman, with whom I talked on this subject not long ago, warmly contended that it was so, and his reasoning was exceedingly plausible and specious; "If, said he, one cwt. of wheaten flour cost twenty-four shillings, it contains nourishment as fix, and although Indian meal may be purchased for twelve shillings the hundred, it does not afford nutriment as three, therefore although an equal weight of maize may be bought with half the money, yet it does not yield half the quantity of nutritious matter that wheat does; food being useful only in proportion to the nourishment derived from it, the richer the food, the less will suffice; consequently wheat, with discreet management, will go farther than corn, and be cheaper to support a family upon. But the reasoning is true in speculation will certainly not be true in practice. It is vain to think that men will be confined to a strictly necessary allowance of bread, when the tempting morsels lie before them; they eat not barely to allay hunger, but to gratify their palate; nothing is more common than for men to devour two or three times as much as would be sufficient to support them; even among servants and laborers, this kind of gluttony will extend to a considerable degree in spite of all your endeavors to prevent it; and it is almost an invariable rule in house keeping that food of the best kind is soonest consumed: Regardless therefore of its abundant nourishment, a workman without theorizing on the matter at all, will swallow a
larger quantity of a wheaten loaf, than of an Indian dumpling, and suffer no injury by the redundancy. The state of the question will then be thus: The human stomach requires a bulk of food as three, and this even of maize is enough to satisfy hunger; but of wheat, on account of its preferable taste and finer look, it will receive the proportion of six; now, if the maize as three, gives nutriment enough, the surplus in the wheat as six, is clear waste. Therefore there can seemingly no doubt remain that the coarser kinds of bread are not only in appearance but in reality the most cheap and economical—I presume you will not wonder, then, in this epistle, my attention has been turned to dame Ceres, rather than to master Cupid and his mama, when you call to mind the Roman adage, without Ceres and Bacchus, Venus becomes miserably frigid and lifeless. Moreover, as Dr. Franklin has beautifully philosophized on the colours, and Mr. Brydone on the elasticity of ladies garments. I thought myself highly excusable after the example of such great men in attempting the elucidation of another important object of female attention. I am, with &c.
HUMANITY.
RULES of the Philadelphia Dispensary, for the medical relief of the poor. Instituted April 12, 1786.
1st. EACH lady or gentleman, who pays annually into the hands of the treasurer one guinea, shall be intitled to the privilege of having two patients at one time, under the care of the dispensary; those who pay annually two guineas, shall have four, and so on in the same proportion: and those who subscribe ten guineas at once, shall be intitled, during life, to the privilege of having two patients attended at one time by the physicians of the dispensary.
2d. A board, consisting of twelve managers, shall be annually elected on the first Monday in January, by a majority of the contributors. Votes may be given at all elections, either in person or by proxy. Five managers shall constitute a quorum. Their business shall be to provide medicines for the sick, and to regulate all affairs relative to the institution.
3d. Six attending, and four consulting physicians and surgeons, an apothecary, and a treasurer of the dispensary, shall be annually elected by the managers of the institution.
4th. The physicians and surgeons in ordinary shall regularly attend at the dispensary on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, from 12 to 1 o'clock; And such patients as are unable to go abroad on dispensary days, shall be regularly visited at their respective places of abode.
5th. Every case shall be duly attended, whether acute, chronic, surgical, or obstetrical, if recommended by a contributor in a written note addressed to the attending physicians, agreeably to the first rule. The attending physicians and surgeons shall have a right to apply for advice and assistance to the consulting physicians and surgeons, when they think proper, in all difficult and extraordinary cases.
6th. The apothecary shall reside at the dispensary. His business shall be to compound and deliver medicines; to keep an exact account of the names, places of abode, diseases, times of admission, discharge, &c. of the patients, for which he shall receive a salary of per annum.
Officers for 1789.
Managers. Right Rev. Dr. Wm. White, Mr. Thomas Clifford, Samuel Powell, Esq. Rev. Dr. George Duffield, Henry Hill, Esq. Samuel Miles, Esq. Lawrence Seckel, Esq. Mr. Samuel Pleasants, Mr. Thomas Franklin, Rev. Dr. Robt. Blackwell, Rev. Dr. Henry Helmuth, George Meade, Esq.
Attending physicians and surgeons. Dr. Samuel P. Griffiths, Dr. John Morris, Dr. William Clarkson, Dr. Caspar Wistar, Dr. Michael Leibe, Dr. Nicholas B. Waters.
Consulting physicians and surgeons. Dr. John Jones, Dr. Wm. Shippen, jun. Dr. Adam Kuhn, Dr. Benjamin Rush.
Treasurer. Mr. John Clifford.
Apothecary. Mr. William Forrest.
By the following returns of patients admitted, cured &c. since the institution of the dispensary, to the 15th December, 1788, the public will be enabled to form a judgment of its utility.
From April 12, to December 12, 1786. Patients admitted 719—Cured 562—Died 32—Relieved 33—Discharged disorderly 7—Removed to the hospital and house of employment 2—Discharged incurable 1—Remaining under care 82—719
From December 12, 1786, to December 1, 1787. Patients admitted 1647—Cured 1297—Died 69—Relieved 131—Discharged disorderly 24—Removed to the hospital and house of employment 13—Remaining under care 120—1647
From December 1, 1787, to December 1, 1788. Patients admitted 1596—Cured 1294—Dead 81—Relieved 84—Discharged disorderly 27—Removed to the hospital and house of employment 6—Remaining under care 97—1596.
Besides which 1280 patients have been admitted from December 1, 1788, to August 1, 1789. Total number of patients who have been attended under the care of the dispensary, since its first institution in April 1786, to the present time, FIVE THOUSAND TWO HUNDRED AND FORTY-TWO.
Published by order of the board of managers, WILLIAM WHITE, THOMAS CLIFFORD, GEORGE DUFFIELD, SAMUEL POWELL.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, near the Osgoode-Market, NEW-YORK.—[3d. pr. an.]