Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-02-24 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. XCI.]
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
THE TABLET.
No. XCI.
(Continued from the last number.)
"We are apt to form general conclusions from too small a number of particular cases."
AS some striking instances can be produced of the hardships sustained by original claimants, it leads us to imagine that original creditors, who have alienated their certificates, are a class of people, entitled to general relief. But those who are intimately acquainted with the history of public securities must have formed a very different opinion. The heaviest losses that have accrued by the fall of stocks, have happened to intermediate holders. I know a person who purchased thirty thousand dollars in final settlements, at the army, for ten shillings on the pound: He sold them, two years afterwards, for one fourth part of the sum he paid for them. This distinguished sufferer makes little complaint and excites no pity. The soldiers who sold their claims on unfavorable terms, excited attention because they complained loudly. Many of the certificates, it should be remembered, were originally issued in small sums; and an hundred thousand dollars sold at a disadvantage brings forward numerous individuals to complain; and yet the aggregate losses of such complainants bear no proportion to the aggregate amount of certificates, sold on beneficial terms by original creditors. Those who negotiated their paper early got a good price. They are contented and nothing is said about them.
The most considerable branch of the domestic debt consists of loan certificates. These must have sold without any discount, during the whole period that the loans were opened. It is evident that while the United States were daily making new loans, certificates must have been negotiated at par; for if a person could purchase at market, at any given discount, why should he lodge his money at an office and take out securities at par. The fact proves itself, that while the public could sell certificates at par, no person was compelled to sell at much discount. The principal transfers that original holders of such certificates have made, must have been while they commanded a good price.
The army debt is that, in which, the principal injury is supposed to have happened to the original claimants. There are perhaps more hard cases among the soldiers than among any other portion of the creditors; but still the aggregate amount of their loss is not so considerable as has been imagined. The soldiers of the main army have not generally any reason to complain. They anticipated their pay long before it was received, and obtained from eight to ten shillings on the pound. There were many traders and speculators about the main army, who raised a competition in the purchases, that operated in favor of the soldier. Those troops that were detached from the main army, had not the benefit of selling to speculators, in such season, as to obtain the best price. It happened unfortunate for the southern army under the command of General Greene, that they were not in a country, where adventurous monied men speculated in public paper. By this means, that part of the army made great sacrifices, in the disposal of their securities. This was unavoidable; but it does not authorize a conclusion that other creditors who were not so situated, suffered similar inconveniences. As these facts are generally known to men of observation, I have no occasion to enlarge.
In my next number, I will examine the question, whether original creditors have generally been compelled by necessity to sell their certificates.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. FENNO,
THIS is an awful crisis. The decision of Congress on the public debt renders it eminently so. To retain the confidence of the wife, the well-informed and the honest of the whole world, Americans and Foreigners, is the task assigned them. To their native stock of wisdom and virtue let them carefully, assiduously and anxiously strive to add all the information they can obtain. A well-informed conscience is the best human guide. The Legislator who errs, with that conductor, is lightly censured by his constituents, and will be forgiven by Heaven.
However solicitous Congress may be for public credit as the indispensable means of maintaining the future prosperity of the nation, they must not lay themselves open to opinions that they have done more than the preservation of public credit requires. An enquiry should be instituted to determine the substantial justice of the original contract, for public credit requires no more to be rendered to any man, whether a purchaser, a lender, or a renderer of services. Gratitude may suggest more, but public credit will be completely maintained by the performance of substantial justice fairly and accurately ascertained. Far be it from rulers of a generous people to still the hallowed voice of gratitude; but let us
suspend our obedience to its dictates till the more sacred requisitions of justice be fulfilled. It may be necessary to exemplify the idea here contemplated. Many contracts were formed in August 1777, for example, between the United States and individuals, which, by the present regulations, are considered as specie, tho' it is a fact easily to be ascertained, that the money by which the obligation was created in some instances, and in which it could have been justly discharged in all the rest, was really and truly worth but 35 to 40 pr. cent. Does then substantial justice require more to be paid? Does public credit require more to be funded? Will a well-informed conscience permit the holder of the certificate to ask more? Will a wise legislator, with a perfect idea of public faith, if at the same time he has a due regard for the ease and property of the people, consent to give more. If Congress should finally allow one hundred dollars in specie for that which in no way whatever would have brought, on the day of the contract, more than thirty five or forty dollars, will they manifest to their constituents and to foreign nations, the necessary ability to estimate the true value of their obligations, and a sufficiency of that prudent regard to economy, which, while it is perfectly reconcilable with strict and substantial justice, is indispensably necessary to preserve the public confidence? Will they not appear willingly to sacrifice their constituents to a sworn demand of mistaken or mistated Justice? Let us consider what will be the consequence of such opinions arising among foreigners. It is to be feared that they will think us an inconsiderate or necessitous nation, with whom any terms may be made for ready money; or that our councils are corrupted, and that from venal causes hath proceeded a law, which, while it grants them unnecessarily 60 or 65 pr. cent. provides the same for secret owners of certificates among the members of our government. Let us also well consider what would be the consequence of such opinions should they arise among the people of America.
If an examination were carefully made into the operation of this unexceptionable touch stone of substantial justice, upon the various debts of the union and of the States, a great and rightful reduction of their immense amount will be the consequence. Let it not be said that it will produce too much delay, for justice is the object. Let not an ill judged economy of time occasion a profusion of public money. Let not the husbandman be twice condemned to pay, by the sweat of his brow, the debts occasioned by the late distressful war.
NECKER.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, FEB. 16, 1790.
IN committee of the whole, on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury.—Mr. Madison's motion for a discrimination under consideration.
Mr. JACKSON, observed that—although as young a politician as any on the floor, and that he was convinced the weight of experience was against him—on so important a national subject he could not be silent; particularly as he had the honor of seconding the gentleman's motion (Mr. Madison) now before the house; that it would be therefore expected he should bring forward his reasons, and the principles which actuated him to it. He confessed that had he not before leaned to the side of a discrimination, the arguments of that able gentleman would have induced him to support the plan he had brought forward. He was induced on another motive to rise, to show that the numerous arguments of the gentlemen in opposition yesterday, had not convinced him of the impracticability or injustice of the composition.
The house said he, were told much yesterday of the moral obligation we are under of paying our debts, and the impolicy and injustice of interfering with private contracts. The obligation, I believe is no where denied; the debt is of the highest nature; it is the price of our independence; the only difficulty is, how that debt shall be discharged. I would here observe, that the justice of the plan before the house has not been so fully objected to as the impracticability, although it has been asserted unjustly by some of the gentlemen who have spoken.
I will consider the justice of the proposition. The house has been told the nature of those contracts, and the valuable considerations of them. The contract, falls under the legal terms of do, ut des ; I give that thou mayest give—or, I give that I may receive. In all contracts there are three requisites: 1st. The agreement; 2d. The consideration; 3d. The thing to be done or omitted. The consideration is, to be an equivalent or full recompense for the thing to be performed. Let us examine what this thing to be done is, and what these considerations are. The creditor, who has to perform the third article of the contract, held 20s. which was to be given for a valuable consideration; what was this consideration? 2s. 6d. I argue, that if this 20s. was worth no more than 2s. 6d. the contract was fair and substantial; but if gentlemen carry the idea farther, and declare this 20s. was money of equal value with the 2s. 6d. given, I contend that the contract was destroyed: equity would believe, would declare it an unrighteous bargain, that there was not an adequate compensation, and would set aside the contract.
But a gentleman (Mr. Lawrance) has told us that equity has fixed rules, and that none of those rules would apply. I agree with him, that it is
as necessary for a court of equity to be confined by rules as a court of law; but exclusive of the former case I have mentioned, there are two others under which the present case comes—misfortune and oversight. I would quote, Blackstone, did I not expect, as in former instances, to be complained of by that gentleman for it. Here, has been one of the greatest of misfortunes; a calamity attending a whole community, a government unable to pay its debts. Here is likewise an oversight equal to it. Is it possible for the poor soldier, uninformed, to foresee, when he sold his certificates, that they would rise to the present value? or that he could anticipate the present day, and a second revolution? Equity, then, requires some mode of justice, and the tribunal exists somewhere. I believe with my friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. Scott) that we are the tribunal; for equity must exist somewhere, or the government is at an end. The courts of law, and common courts of equity, have no power to interfere; they cannot compel us to their mode of funding our debts. The injury cries aloud for redress; iniquity is in the land, and we are bound by every principle of justice, to step forward, and do what justice we can.
But perfect justice cannot be done, say gentlemen, and therefore we should not attempt the business at all. The consequences of this doctrine are fatal—they tend to a deprivation of all courts of justice—for there is no instance which can be adduced, where what is termed perfect justice is reconciled to the opinions of all, and where some objection cannot be raised.
But there is no government on earth, say gentlemen, which ever interfered with assignable contracts. This doctrine has been both countenanced and denied by gentlemen in the opposition. In their relation of the South Sea scheme, one gentleman told us that it did not apply, because the government was not concerned, and that it was in consequence of their agents villainous practices only; another acknowledged the government was concerned, and bid us take warning from it. I contend that the case is in point; but if there is any difference, it is in its exceeding the bounds of the present. The government of England were accessory—the parliament of England received 7,000,000l. for the privilege of permitting the company to take in the public debts—and allowed them to fund many millions on a footing not subject to their private debts; yet after all this countenance, the omnipotence of parliament assumed the supreme powers of equity—compelled compensations, discharged debtors, and punished those who had done no more than comply with the letter of the law.
This doctrine was not then novel: in 1712 parliament interfered between the Royal African Company, and its creditors—not when the company was in a state of bankruptcy, but for years before. The different nations of the world, besides, notwithstanding what gentlemen have advanced with respect to the constitution, and the impairing contracts—and the states here, have followed it, have passed statutes of limitation to actions, although it was not implied in contracts. The house has a right likewise to guard against frauds.
Public justice, he observed, has not been done; the soldiers, the original creditors, have not been paid; they have received but 2s. 6d. and there was 20s. due them. Many of those creditors, and the war-worn soldier, are pining in retirement, in the most cruel situations, and condemning the injustice of that country which, in consequence of their exertions, are legislating here this day.
If then public justice (which he contended the plan promoted) should be done, public credit would follow—for justice is reason, and credit is a natural consequence of reason; if the interest, as gentlemen have told the house, is paid in paper or not, I do not conceive that the plan would in the least affect it. It has not injured Britain in the example before the house.
Public faith, the house is informed, makes no distinction; the public faith, is pledged to the soldiery and citizens, who furnished supplies. It never has been fulfilled, 2s. 6d. was not the 20s. they were entitled to. This principle was even settled at home by that very Congress, some gentleman pay so much honor to. The soldiers were paid with depreciated money during the war; that Congress reliquidated their accounts.
A gentleman (Mr. Smith) has observed, that this plan places those who have alienated in a better situation than the present original holder, by adding the 10s. to what he formerly received. I contend that the present original creditor would not be injured, nor would they grumble at seeing

justice done their more distressed brethren; those who sold, did it in most instances from necessity; those who hold at present are the more wealthy.
The same gentleman has observed, that had the market price risen to 20s. that this plan could not have been adopted. I allow the difficulty which would arise, but contend that in that case the public faith would not have been discharged; but the case is the reverse, the house knows the market price, and has it within their compass to do justice. But, says the gentleman, the soldier might have kept it to the present moment, and then it would have been worth the 20s. Unfortunate, foolish soldier, indeed! Why didst thou not feel thy feelings against the wife of thy bosom, and behold thy beloved children without a murmur or an exertion, straying on a dunghill? then thou mightest have kept thy nominal 20s. until it became a real one. But is this the language of mercy, or of justice? what will a man not give in exchange for his life? and, if he has feelings, for that of his wife and children?
But public opinion is vague, say gentlemen; and the house has been cautioned against pamphlets and newspapers, as if the plan had been composed from thence. The abilities of the honorable gentleman will give a serious refutation to this charge. For my part, I have the candor to assure the gentleman that I have taken hints, and that I always will take hints, whilst in public life, from any valuable information given in either: like the berry on the brier, if I could pluck it with safety, I would; and, if a valuable hint is encircled with a torrent of abuse, I would accept the hint whilst I would despise the remainder.
Sir, said he, public opinion divided us from Britain; public opinion induced us to oppose her arms; public opinion induced us to change the former for the present constitution; public opinion brought us here to legislate; and public opinion can replace us in our former situations; and however public opinion may be censured by some gentlemen, I trust she never will need an advocate on this floor.
This public opinion is in favor of the original creditor; it is impossible to be otherwise. The people of America are a grateful people, and they cannot, with indifference, view the earnings of those who established their independence converted to the coffers of the wealthy and ambitious. The speculator is already more than satisfied, if it is only on the principle of interest which has accrued for 6, 7 and 8 years past, and which they have speculated on since.
Conceiving the objections raised by the opposition refuted, the next consideration is the impracticability.
The gentleman that brought the plan forward, is more capable of answering the numerous obstacles thrown in by the phalanx of orators yesterday; but I shall undertake to answer a few of them.
A gentleman (Mr. Boadnot) has declared it impracticable, because the quarter masters of the late army, and the clerks of office, received the certificates in their own names; and, as an instance, quotes himself as having received large sums in that manner. But, are not the books, the documents remaining? Is there not evidence still existing of the original creditor? That gentleman's own objection proves it. We will call him as an evidence; and there is no doubt but mankind are not so debased, but that many other similar confessions will come forward. Besides, there can be a touchstone applied equal to what the highest court of equity used, and there is little fear but the truth would be found out, and a detection of the fraudulent claim. The impracticability, is out of the question, with respect to the speculator, who would receive the highest market price.
But the public accounts are many of them lost. Make it worth the time of the original creditor, and this would be in a great measure obviated.
Again, says a gentleman (Mr. Sedgwick) the certificates are in fictitious names, and he knows an instance in Boston: then that gentleman is likewise good evidence; and the claim, from his testimony, would be invalidated; but if not, the same equitable proof would be required.
Mr. Jackson observed, that here, Proteus like, the gentlemen changed their reasoning, and declared the public would be gainers by the mode. He, however, asserted that it would not be the case by their account. If the claimant did not come forward, he could not contend that the public, nor the speculator, ought to be the gainer; that the public here, would possess the same right as to an estate left without an heir.
But it has been advanced, that the money would be again generally distributed among the poorer class of people, and that speculators would be flying to every part of the union to reap second crops. Such a distribution would be a public blessing, and by the measure, the rears of the afflicted would be dried up, and the widowed heart be made to sing for joy. The lesson I believe has been now taught, and will prevent the extremes of speculation in future. The second crop cannot be so injurious to the community, or prove so plentiful a harvest to the speculator, as the first.
It is necessary, it is said, and we shall consequently have an host of officers. Mr. Jackson denied that necessity: and there are numbers of officers in the treasury department who might attend to the business; and a small fee, which would be cheerfully paid, would find officers, if necessary, of responsibility and character in the different states.
But it is an ex post facto law. This I deny to be the case: no law has yet passed for funding the debt; we have a right to fund the debt as we please. Some gentlemen, opposed to the present principle, join the Secretary in opinion for lowering the interest; we have been threatened, under that idea, not to fund at all; and we cannot compel subscriptions without the holders consent.
It is again said, that if government do this now, they may take the same step hereafter: this, is reasoning on surmise. It is not probable, if within the sphere of possibility, that America will ever have a debt in the same situation. Loans, if exigencies should arise, will be procured on adequate provisions; and foreigners, from viewing our justice and the unanimous resolve respecting them, will place a value and dependence on us. If America is wise, said he, few wars will arise; situated as we are, in a remote country from the warlike nations of Europe, the wars we may expect will be with a few tribes of Indians; great loans will therefore not be required. But, supposing all these possible exigencies, the soldier is as necessary a requisite as the supply: will he trust again your broken faith?
The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Ames] has charged the favourers of the motion with church-yard terrors; with what propriety I cannot judge, unless that gentleman, like a man passing through a church yard saw an apparition, and had the impression so strongly on his mind that he insisted on it that all his neighbours saw it also.
The dangers that have been magnified are on the other side. We have been told of the 15s. in the pound, paid by foreigners in Holland; and one gentleman (Mr. Gerry) has denounced against us the terrors of the ultima lex regnum . Are we, said he, independent or not? If we are, we have a right to modify our own debt. What would Britain or Holland say, should we interfere with their funds? Would they not suppose us deprived of reason, or laugh at our imbecility in attempting it? Those who have purchased in our domestic funds are on the same footing with our own citizens. If we are not independent it is high time to make ourselves so, whatever power might oppose us. The gentleman who brought forward the motion, has been charged with addressing the passions: this might be retaliated; for declaration has been used for argument on the other side.
Equity, said he, if the cause be equal, will suffer, in many instances, the heart to decide. The gentleman from S. C. (Mr. Smith) has declared, that what he has seen written on the subject had been as much on the one side as on the other; if so, the heart, in this instance, ought to govern; and gratitude and humanity, its noblest principles, are in favor of the original creditor. I have been, said he, against the funding principle at this present moment; but as the house has determined on it, it becomes my duty to acquiesce, but on principles of honor and justice. And it is to be remembered, that the landholder of America is the person ultimately to pay this debt, and his property will be mortgaged for it; for although commerce may immediately supply the revenue, the landholder is the consumer: I therefore hope the debt will be funded on principles congenial with their wishes. That class of people, when they contemplate their independent situation and their domestic happiness, although they would revolt at the idea of filling the pockets of the speculator, will cheerfully advance their proportion for the payment of the soldier and the citizen, whose exertions have procured them the blessings they enjoy.
Mr. White said he agreed with the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Sedgwick) in the principle, that if a contract is made for a valuable consideration, and with the understanding of both parties, the legislature ought not to interfere in it; and should it appear that the transaction, between the original holders of certificates and the purchasers, was a fair one, the dispute in his mind was at an end; but no gentleman had attempted to show that this was the case, though all the arguments against a discrimination were founded on that supposition. Perhaps it might be said, that every argument ought to be considered as fair, unless the contrary be proved; but where one man has obtained the property of another, to the amount of 100l. for 10l. or 12l. 10s. the transaction, he said, must be explained to him, before he would believe it to be honest. What was the present case? The original holders, who have parted with the evidences of their debts, were principally common soldiers, militia-men and farmers, in indigent circumstances. Who were the purchasers? The Secretary of the Treasury tells us, that the most enlightened among our citizens are the creditors of the United States; common soldiers cannot be comprehended in this description. What must have passed, he asked, between the soldier, the militia-man or farmer, and the purchaser? What reason could the purchaser assign for offering 10l. for a paper which specified an obligation to pay 100l.? It must be something like this: The states will never pay you; if they do, it will be at a very remote period, so long as to be useless to you; but to relieve your present necessities, I will take the risk on myself and give you 10l. Now, could any enlightened man, he asked, in 1783, or at any subsequent period, in which time the transfers took place, believe that the independence of America was in danger? or that the debts would not be provided for? He said he knew so many instances of transactions like that which he had stated, that he doubted not the greater part of certificates had been obtained by similar means. Indeed he could not conceive any other by which they could be obtained.
He said we were perhaps without a precedent in any other nation that would be applicable; but he desired gentlemen to determine for themselves, whether, under such circumstances, the man who had rendered services to his country should be deprived of his reward, or whether the purchaser ought to receive it. He said it was very different in the common transactions of life. If a man purchased a tract of land for 100l. paid the money, and took a bond for the conveyance, a third person, by informing the purchaser that the seller could not make a title, or by other false suggestions, should obtain a transfer of the bond in consideration of 100l. and get a conveyance and possession of the land; yet, on repaying the 100l. the conveyance would be set aside, and he would be restored to his land.
Mr. White gave some other instances of a similar nature, and said he believed, if a bond, whether due, or to become due, was assigned under such circumstances, that the obligee would be justifiable in contesting it in a court of law, and that the injured person would, on application, obtain redress. He said, that in cases of extreme hardship, courts of equity would give relief without express proof of fraud. That this was the law of the kingdom of Great Britain, and was agreeable to the principles of the civil law. That the Roman jurists, he believed, had fixed the point of extreme hardship to one half of the value of the property transferred; in England the court was to judge.
He said he did not think the present holders were strictly entitled to anything more than the original purchasers: That here the maxim quoted on the other side of the question, that the assignee stands in the shoes of the assigner, properly applied: You cannot place another on more advantageous ground than that on which you stand yourself: That the plea of an innocent purchaser could not take place; the nature of the transaction must appear evident to every man concerned in a transfer.
He said the reverse of this did not hold: That an assignee was not always in as advantageous a situation as the assigner: and instance the case of his testator's bond at an under value; and who, he said, could not retain in his hands the amount of the sum specified in the bond, which the creditor might have recovered, but only the sum which he actually paid for the bond.
Mr. White said, that though in his opinion the present holders of certificates were strictly entitled to no more than what had been paid to the original holders, yet—as an investigation of that circumstance would be involved in inextricable difficulties, and since we were (as had been very properly observed and well expressed by a gentleman from S. C. Mr. Burke) settling the business of a family—he was willing to acquiesce in the motion of his colleague. He said that arbitrators often gave the injured party less than his due, for peace sake; and he was willing to act on the same principle. He doubted not but courts of justice would give relief in particular cases; but, in a matter of that magnitude, he thought the interference of the legislature very proper. The S. Sea business he thought, in that respect, a good precedent. Two gentlemen had mentioned the business: he would not say they had mitigated the transaction, but he thought their accounts imperfect. They said they had the documents under their hands; he wished they had been read; he had them not, but would state from memory what he thought applicable to the case in question. The directors of the S. S. Company, by various arts, induce the people to give as high as 100l. for 100l. stock; in many instances the money was paid, in others it was contracted to be paid. A gentleman has said, that Parliament interfered not to violate, but to perfect the contract: But what did parliament do? They confiscated the estates of the directors, and applied the amount to the relief of those who had actually paid their money, and suspended suits against those who had not paid; and authorised the debtors to discharge their debts by the payment of 10 per cent. or the real value of the stock subscribed for. But if he was wrong in supposing the present holders ought to stand in the place of the first purchasers, they could be considered only as having purchased in market, a paper of indefinite value: if then they get the highest market price, they are not injured.
(To be continued.)
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 22.
Mr. Schureman presented a petition of James McComb, relative to certain inventions, which was read.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill for enumerating the inhabitants of the United States, were read.
The enumeration is to commence on the first of August next, and to be completed within nine months. Returns to be made on or before the first of September, 1791. The second schedule was struck out by the Senate; these amendments were agreed to, excepting those which reduced the compensations.
The order of the day being called for, the House went into a committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
The question being put upon Mr. Madison's amendment to the second resolution, brought in by Mr. Fitzsimons, it was negatived by a large majority.
The question on the second resolution was then put; several amendments were proposed, which were negatived, and the resolution carried in the affirmative without amendment, viz.
"Resolved, That permanent funds ought to be appropriated for the payment of the interest on, and the gradual discharge of the domestic debt of the United States."
The third resolution was then read, viz.
"Resolved, That the arrears of interest, including indents, issued in payment thereof, ought to be provided for on the same terms with the principal of the said debt."
Mr. Lee proposed an amendment, "that appropriations of the lands in the Western Territory be assigned for the purpose of discharging the interest due on the debt of the United States."
This amendment was not seconded.
Mr. Gerry said, that it appeared to him that the indents, in the several State Treasuries, and which thro' negligence have not been paid into the Public Treasury agreeable to the requisitions of the late Congress, ought not to be included in the provision. He moved an amendment to the resolution to that purport: This occasioned considerable debate; but the motion was finally negatived.
The question on the third resolution was then put, and carried without amendment by a large majority.
The fourth resolution was then read, viz.
"Resolved, That the debts of the respective States ought, with the consent of the creditors, to be assumed and provided for by the United States."
It was then moved that the committee rise, &c. which motion was adopted.
A message from the Senate, informing the House that they recede from their amendments to the enumeration bill, which had been disagreed to by the House. Also, that the Senate have accepted of the cession of territory made by the State of North-Carolina; in which acceptance they request the concurrence of the House.
The memorial of the commissioners for settling accounts between the United States and the individual States respecting the salaries of the Clerks in their office, was read the second time, and referred to a committee of three, viz. Mr. Gerry, Mr. Trumbull, and Mr. Goodhue.
The House then adjourned.
TUESDAY, FEB. 23.
A report from the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Francis Bailey was read—this report states that the invention of the petitioner in typographical printing may in their application, render the pernicious practice of counterfeiting much more difficult than it has heretofore been—that the request of the petitioner, to be employed in using his invention in the public service, must be left to the discretion of the Legislature—laid on the table.
In committee of the whole House on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Mr. Benson in the Chair.

The resolution for the assumption of the State debts under consideration.
The affirmative of this resolution was supported by Messrs Lawrence, Ames, Sherman, Clymer, Burke, Goodhue, Smith, (S. C.) Fitzsimons and Gerry.
And opposed by Messrs Livermore and Stone.
The discussion was continued till 2 o'clock, when on motion of Mr. Lawrance the committee rose—so that no decision was had on the resolution.
Mr. Fitzsimons of the Committee appointed for the purpose, brought in a bill providing for the regulation of the Post-Office, which was read the first time.
In committee of the whole on the bill to establish a uniform rule of naturalization. The committee made some progress in the discussion of this bill: but rose without completing it, and the House adjourned.
EUROPE.
MANIFESTO of the PATRIOTS in AUSTRIAN FLANDERS.
The People of Brabant, through the organ of the Ecclesiastical State and of the third order of the three chief Cities, in conjunction with many Members of the Noblesse,
To all those who shall see or hear read these presents, HEALTH.
FINDING ourselves under the hard necessity of declaring the Emperor Joseph II. Duke of Lorraine, Brabant, and Limburg, to have forfeited his right of sovereignty and dominion over the said countries, it is our indispensable duty to exhort and recommend to all in general, and to every one in particular, to concur in the common safety of their country; in consequence we expressly warn and forbid every one to take part with those who belong to the government of the said late Duke, or with the late Duke himself under pain of being punished as an enemy to his country.
We in like manner forbid the disturbing of the public repose and tranquillity under whatsoever pretext, on pain of being prosecuted and punished as enemies of the nation.
We exhort all and every citizen able to bear arms in defence of the liberty of the nation to send their names to Chiefs established and known, that instructions may be given them, and they may repair to the place assigned them, and submit themselves to the orders to be given them.
On the other hand we forbid all crows and mobs tending to pillage; declaring moreover, that all convicted of pillaging, or attempting to pillage any house, or shop, even belonging to an enemy of the country, shall be punished the same as an enemy to the country.
We declare that all who shall be convicted of laying any plot, or holding discourse tending to favour the despotick plans of the said late Duke, shall be punished rigorously as disturbers of the public tranquillity, and as enemies to the country.
We command and order the present Manifesto to be printed, published, and fixed up, in the Province of Brabant and its dependencies, to the end it may be known, and that no one may pretend ignorance of it. We give it in charge to all those whom it may concern to observe, and cause to be observed, the contents of these presents, for the good and safety of the country require it.
And as the great seal of the state is seized by force by the said former Duke of Brabant, and as we have authorized, by our manifesto of this day, our Agent Plenipotentiary to make use of the seal of his arms in lieu of the seal of the States, until it be in our power, we have furnished the said seal.
Done at Hoogstraten in Brabant, Oct. 24, 1789. (Signed) H. C. N. VAN DER NOOT.
P A R I S.
On the 1st of September a letter was read in the National Assembly of France from the officers of the regiment of Touraine, of which the Viscount de Mirabeau is Colonel, stating, that an old soldier of 95 years old, was presented to the King last year at Paris, and had a pension of 300 livres granted him, desires to resign that pension to his country. So sublime an example was instantly followed by all the officers, and, amongst others, by M. de Montalembert, who had his for the loss of an eye in a naval engagement last war in America. The Assembly, as might be imagined, would not accept of the old warrior's renunciation, but ordered the fact to be transcribed on their registers.
Nov. 24. The harbour of Cherbourg is now so far compleated as to be able to contain 103 sail of line of battle ships, and to screen them from the severest gales. There are 200 vessels constantly employed sinking stones and rubbish to strengthen the foundation.
The American trade grows better in every sense; the orders increase, and the payments are much more certain than heretofore.
The productions of our country increase in value in America daily. The last ships from Philadelphia, and other ports, brought large sums for our merchants.
The representatives of the Commons of Paris indicted, on Thursday last, at the Chatelet, M. Barentin, the late Keeper of the Seals, M. Paysecur, late Secretary at War, Marshal Broglio, and Messrs. Autichamp and Besenval.
Paris is supposed to be provided with corn for six months at least.
A letter from Madrid, of the 9th of November, says that the Court had actually met the preceding day in the palace of the Archbishop of Toledo. The Count de Campomanes, who presided in the Assembly as the King's Commissioner, made every Member take an oath of secrecy relative to every thing that should pass in the Assembly.
Government has received an express from Madrid, containing, as we understand, very important intelligence. We have not yet heard all the particulars, but we learn that the King, dreading the effects of the spirit of liberty, which all his art and power have not been able to stifle in the kingdom, has countermanded the proclamation for the assembling of the Cortez. This indication of his terror will, however, not strengthen his cause. The people have caught the sacred flame, and, being fairly kindled, it is not in the mercenary phalanx of an army that a King can trust for the preservation of authority inconsistent with the rights of man. We shall soon be able to give a full account of Spain. Intelligence, that can be trusted to, from that kingdom, comes, necessarily, by private hands, for every post letter is opened.
The flame of liberty is rapidly spreading. The troops in Savoy are said to be in motion to assert a claim to the Pays de Vaud, as is pretended; but as is generally believed, to prevent the growth of a spirit among the Savoyards, which has already shewn itself in several places. Wherever men feel themselves oppressed, they want only an example to assert their rights.
On Thursday last was effected the greatest object of internal Navigation in this kingdom. The Severn was united to the Thames by an intermediate Canal, ascending by Stroud, through the vale of Chalford, to the height of 343 feet, by 40 locks: there entering a funnel through the hill of Saperton, for the length of two miles and three furlongs, and descending by 22 locks, it joined the Thames near Lechlade.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE LOVERS RAMBLE.
A WAY! away! ye giddy throng, List not to my peaceful song; Come ye loves and play around me! Busy care, no more confound me! Let my thoughts be all at ease, Ev'ry bubbling passion cease! Love alone some feize my soul, Fill and now possess the whole, Whilst I sing how hand in hand On the sea-reounding strand, I, with lov'd LOUISA stray'd, Tender, beauteous, blue-cy'd maid. "See you smoothly shelving plain, Scarce descending to the main; So smooth to easy descent, So full of seeming sweet content, Spreading wide and tempting play, Is ruin's all-alluring way." So appears the sea of vice, Calmly smiling to entice; Enter'd—deeper down ye go, No more shelving, soft and slow, Mud the bottom; chang'd from sand; Vain your wish again for land; Mired in the filthy slume; Caught like birds, in pleasure's lime; Soon the tide comes rushing on— Heedless mortals—ye are gone!" Blythe along the bank we trip; See my love! Sure that's a ship, Rising from this bed of tears, Sails, and last the hull appears; Some one on yon deck may stand, Sending sighs towards the land; Hope and fear and joy by turns, Seize his heart, which chills and burns; Slow the rapid ship must move, Tow'rd the shores where rests his love; Faithful he for five long years, Bath'd her image with his tears; Morn and night thro toil or rest, Her image pendant at his breast." "Oh may he find LOUISA cried, Equal raptures in his bride!" Fancy made the picture real, Down her cheek sweet forrows steal; Scandal had no tattle near, I, gently kiss'd the trickling tear. Would you HENRY (from me torn) Five long years ne'er cease to mourn? I each morn and ev'ry eve Would my sorrowing-joy receive, From this Toy which bosom'd near I would gaze at with a tear, Kiss and to my heart close pressing, Ask for HENRY ev'ry blessing; Would you at the rising morn, Think of her that's from you torn? Drawing from your faithful breast, Let this to your lips be prest; Thinking; at the self same hour, If bounteous Heav'n grant me pow'r, The self same action would be mine, Love's tear I'd drop at virtue's shrine. Fancy, you would to me waft, Sweet'ning absence bitter draught: Wondrous pow'r of Heav'n born art! Thus to ease the lover's smart: Whilst I see your form portray'd, Glowing health throughout display'd, I'm assur'd that, so you look, Reading peace in this sweet book." While the much lov'd maiden spoke, Sounds that all my soul awoke, To gratitude and pure delight, Other objects fled my sight: The ship forgot—no longer seen— I view no more the beauteous scene: But all my senses fix'd on her, I hardly breathe—I hardly stir— Softly sighing mute I stood, While she appear'd my lov'd reign good.
W. D.
FROM THE FREEMAN'S JOURNAL.
To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
SIR,
THE subject, on which I have taken the liberty of addressing you, is so important in its nature, that I think any apology, for the freedom taken, is unnecessary.
If the hearts of our benevolent citizens have been melted in sympathy to our fellow creatures in Europe on account of their being involved in the distressing scenes of famine ; what must be our feelings when the same dreadful calamity begins to threaten our own country, or at least the populous maritime cities and parts adjacent?
Wheat is now 10 3/4 per bushel in Philadelphia, and flour proportionably high; and it is generally believed, that, by the month of May next, wheat will not be less than 2 dollars a bushel, if the exportation is not immediately stopped; as the demand from Europe is growing greater every day.
The moderate price of beef, mutton and other articles of provision has in some degree rendered the high price of bread less felt; but a dearth of these will soon follow that of bread, and indeed in our last markets there is an evident advance in their price; which, if it continues, will shortly put it out of the power of poor mechanics or manufacturers, to purchase with their daily earnings subsistence for themselves and families; the consequences whereof, will be a depopulation of our cities, with all the train of calamities incident to such a misfortune.
By a timely interference of the executive of the union, the distressing scenes of misery produced by famine may be prevented. It is therefore to you, Sir, that our manufacturers, mechanics, and industrious poor, look, to avert the impending danger, by stopping the exportation of grain and flour, by an embargo, for such time, as to you in your wisdom shall seem right.
HUMANITAS.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 16, 1790.
NEW-YORK, FEBRUARY 24.
Extract of a letter from Benjamin West, to Doctor Franklin, dated London, Oct. 8, 1789.
"SIR,
"The bearer of this letter is our ingenious countryman, Mr. John Trumbull, who has resided in London to study painting; and I have the happiness to acquaint you, and his countrymen in general, that thro' force of genius, and industry, he has already attained that excellence in painting, which places him in the first class of men of that profession now living. He visits his native climate to perpetuate the faces of some of his distinguished countrymen, and I hope he will meet with their approbation, both as a gentleman and an artist, of equal worth and esteem."
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, Feb. 15.
"I found fault latterly with my correspondents in New-York, for not answering letters by the return-post, and they have informed me it is in a great measure owing to a regulation of the post-master of that place, by which the mail is closed at 9 o'clock in the evening, although it does not leave the city until 8 o'clock the next morning."
This regulation deprives us in a great degree of the advantages we expected to derive from a daily post, and at the same time diminishes the revenue of the Post-Office; for instance, if the southern Mail does not arrive at New-York until the evening, there is not time to answer letters and a post is lost, and we cannot get the debates of Congress which are usually in the next mornings papers, until the second post after they are published. This is considered as an inconvenience and real injury both to the merchants and community at large, and obliges people to look out for private conveyances to send their letters. We have also to lament the very great irregularity in the carriage of the Mail to the southward of this City.
The Philadelphia society for promoting agriculture have unanimously adjudged their premium of a GOLD MEDAL for the greatest quantity of cheese, not less than 500 pounds weight, made on one farm in any of these States—to Joseph Matthewson, Esq. of Coventry, Kent County, Rhode Island—Fourteen cheeses presented by this gentleman, weighed 500 pounds—and on his farm is annually made from 5 to 6000 weight.
The society directed one of the cheeses to be sent to the President of the United States—as a specimen of the perfection to which the manufacture of cheese has attained in this country.
The public prints from all quarters contain accounts of the celebration of the birth day of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
The commissioners appointed in behalf of this state, have, within this few days past, been in treaty with the commissioners appointed on the part of Vermont, in respect to the declaring of the independence of that part of this state, but we regret that they have terminated their business without effecting the purpose for which they were appointed.
"Where there is charity (without which all religion is vain) the general happiness of mankind will be a dearer object, than self interest—therefore let men be ever so specious in the formal professions, and externals of religion, if they are guilty of such things as are against morality, or are destructive of the happiness of society—If they unfeelingly violate the laws of justice, and benevolence—If they say to a fellow mortal in distress, "be ye fed and be ye clothed, but do not the things they say"—We may call their professions craft or policy , but can with no propriety call it religion.—Hypocrisy is the paint but not the complexion of honest actions."
THE 14th of April next will conclude a year since this paper was first published. The terms were, that the first half year should be paid in three months.—The Editor will find himself obliged to consider those subscribers, as discontinuing the paper, who shall not have made any payment at the end of the Year.

REPORT
of the SECRETARY of the TREASURY to the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Jan. 9, 1790.
[CONTINUATION FROM NO. 89.]
THE same fact affords a security to the merchant, that he is not likely to be prejudiced by considerable duties on such articles. They will usually command a proportional price. The chief things in this view to be attended to, are, that the terms of payment be so regulated, as not to require inconvenient advances, and that the mode of collection be secure.
To other reasons, which plead for carrying the duties upon the articles which have been mentioned, to as great an extent as they will bear, may be added these; that they are of a nature, from their extensive consumption, to be very productive, and are amongst the most difficult objects, of illicit introduction.
Invited by so many motives to make the best use of the resource, which these articles afford, the essential enquiry is—in what mode can the duties upon them be most effectually collected?
With regard to such of them, as will be brought from abroad, a duty on importation recommends itself by two leading considerations; one is, that meeting the object at its first entrance into the country, the collection is drawn to a point, and so far simplified; the other is, that it avoids the possibility of interference between the regulations of the United States, and those of the particular states.
But a duty, the precautions for the collection of which should terminate with the landing of the goods, as is essentially the case in the existing system, could not, with safety, be carried to the extent, which is contemplated.
In that system, the evasion of the duties, depends as it were, on a single risk. To land the goods in defiance of the vigilance of the officers of the customs, is almost, the sole difficulty. No future pursuit, is materially, to be apprehended. And where the inducement is equivalent to the risk, there will be found too many, who are willing to run it. Consequently there will be extensive frauds of the revenue, against which the utmost rigor of penal laws, has proved, as often as it has been tried, an ineffectual guard.
The only expedient which has been discovered, for conciliating high duties with a safe collection, is, the establishment of a second or interior scrutiny.
By pursuing the article, from its importation, into the hands of the dealers in it, the risk of detection is so greatly enhanced, that few, in comparison, will venture to incur it. Indeed every dealer, who is not himself the fraudulent importer, then becomes, in some sort, a centinel upon him.
The introduction of a system, founded on this principle, in some shape or other, is, in the opinion of the Secretary, essential to the efficacy of every attempt, to render the revenues of the United States equal to their exigencies, their safety, their prosperity, their honor.
Nor is it less essential to the interest of the honest and fair trader. It might even be added, that every individual citizen, besides his share in the general weal, has a particular interest in it. The practice of smuggling never fails to have one or two effects, and sometimes unites them both. Either the smuggler underfells the fair trader, as, by saving the duty, he can afford to do, and makes it a charge upon him; or he sells at the increased price occasioned by the duty, and defrauds every man, who buys of him, of what the public ought to receive. For it is evident, that the loss falls ultimately upon the citizens, who must be charged with other taxes to make good the deficiency, and supply the wants of the state.
The Secretary will not presume, that the plan, which he shall submit to the consideration of the House, is the best that could be devised. But it is the one, which has appeared to him freest from objections of any, that has occurred of equal efficacy. He acknowledges too, that it is susceptible of improvement, by other precautions in favor of the revenue, which he did not think it expedient to add. The chief outlines of the plan are not original, but it is no ill recommendation of it, that it has been tried with success.
The Secretary accordingly proposes, That the duties heretofore laid upon wines, distilled spirits, teas and coffee, should, after the last day of May next, cease, and that instead of them, the following duties be laid—
 Upon every gallon of Madeira Wine, of the quality of London particular, thirty-five cents.  Upon every gallon of other Madeira Wine, thirty cents.  Upon every gallon of Sherry, twenty-five cents.  Upon every gallon of other Wine, twenty cents.  Upon every gallon of distilled Spirits, more than ten per cent. below proof, according to Dica's hydrometer, twenty cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits under five, and not more than ten per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, twenty-one cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits of proof, and not more than five per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, twenty-two cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits above proof, but not exceeding twenty per cent. according to the same hydrometer, twenty-five cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than twenty, and not more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, thirty cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, forty cents.  Upon every pound of Hylon Tea, forty cents.  Upon every pound of other Green Tea, twenty-four cents.  Upon every pound of Souchong and other black Teas, except Bohea, twenty cents.  Upon every pound of Bohea Tea, twelve cents.  Upon every pound of Coffee, five cents.  That upon Spirits distilled within the United States, from Molasses, Sugar, or other foreign materials, there be paid—  Upon every gallon of those Spirits, more than ten per cent. below proof, according to Dica's hydrometer, eleven cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits under five, and not more than ten per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, twelve cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits of proof, and not more than five per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, thirteen cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits, above proof, but not exceeding twenty per cent. according to the same hydrometer, fifteen cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits, more than twenty, and not more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, twenty cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, thirty cents.    That upon Spirits distilled within the United States, in any city, town or village, from materials of the growth or production of the United States, there be paid—  Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than ten per cent. below proof, according to Dica's hydrometer, nine cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits under five, and not more than ten per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, ten cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits of proof, and not more than five per cent. below proof, according to the same hydrometer, eleven cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits above proof, but not exceeding twenty per cent. according to the same hydrometer, thirteen cents.  Upon every gallon of those Spirits more than twenty, and not more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, seventeen cents.   
Upon every gallon of those Spirits, more than forty per cent. above proof, according to the same hydrometer, twenty-five cents. That upon all Still employed in distilling Spirits from materials of the growth or production of the United States, in any other place, than a city, town or village, there be paid the yearly sum of sixty cents, for every gallon, English wine measure, of the capacity of each Still, including its head. The Secretary does not distribute the duties on Teas into different classes, as has been done in the impost act of the last session; because this distribution depends on considerations of commercial policy, not of revenue. It is sufficient, therefore, for him to remark, that the rates, above specified, are proposed with reference to the lowest class.
LETTER.—No. II.
MR. FENNO,
IN my first I believe I have shown, that the beings of animated nature have positive characters, marked out by strong colours, tints, and shadows, plain to the observing eye, and, that the established order, is incontrovertible. Conscious as I am, that these features are founded on truth—in nature, I could here rest the subject of philosophical enquiry. I must however not leave unattended an argument, which in the new, as well as in the old world, has gained powerful advocates: it is in substance, that instruction is able to correct the character of nations, and will make them all alike.
Strong as this appears to be, it is but applicable, to single examples of individuals; these are of the inferior species of mankind, the diminutive Newtons, Franklins, and Rittenhoues; a more particular review of nations, will show, that it cannot be admitted as a conclusive, and general argument. When Europe was in the state of barbarity—when even the names of the tribes therein living were unknown, then China was eminent in sciences and arts. China has had but few civil wars, and it was but once conquered—by the Manchoe Tartarians; except the cutting of the hair, to which the Chinese were compelled; the conquerors adopted all other laws, morals and the language of the conquered. In that empire, peace has almost constantly followed the sciences, but notwithstanding this, and that the Chinese, were introduced several thousand years since into the temple of Apollo, they have made no progress, they stand nearly on the same ground, where Foha and Confoecoc, their Solon, and Tripolemus left them—whilst in a few centuries, the Europeans have set their oriental models far behind them.
The origin of the never conquered Arabians, is wrapped in dark antiquity; in the remotest ages we find them acquainted with sciences, and Europe has been enlightened partly by them: but although their mind was strengthened by learning, the ordinary consequence of it, civilization, could never introduce itself among the Arabians; war is their element, and liberty their boast.
Our savage indigenous Americans, have lived, some among us, some live still next to our frontiers, treaties and trade keep the connection alive; our civilization, cultivation, and the benefits arising from it are before their eyes, yet this makes little impression upon them; the American savage is, and will remain, the devouring wolf of the woods.
The African wool hairy prince, makes war for to sell his species, and when prisoners are wanting, will sell his subjects; the man his wife and children, the mother her offspring, chiefly for spirits; want of energy, drunkenness and laziness, are the leading features in that species of men.
Imperfect as this sketch is, I believe however that it confirms my general theory. Among us a Julius Cæsar, a Washington, a Locke, a Frederic the IId. of Prussia, &c. &c. show—that even in the species avowedly the same, the differences of powers and genius are striking. In the national character of the Chinese, the Arabian, the savage American, the wool hairy negro, is exemplified, that nature has set diverse limits to the powers of mind in the different species of men; and the whole refutes the argument, that instruction is able to set the character of nations on an equal scale.
By drawing a picture of other nations, it would appear in a still stronger light, that the wool hairy African negro stands in the established order of nature, in the lowest class of mankind; but then in lieu of fugitive letters, I should write treaties; thus, except certain striking conclusions which I reserve for my next, we will therein investigate the subject of the wool hairy negro on political grounds. RUSTICUS.
THE REPUBLICAN.
No.—III.
IN a former number it was incidentally remarked that government is an art rather than a science. This remark is so obvious, that it needs neither explanation nor argument to support it. Government is well known to be in its nature more practical than speculative; and even its improvement and perfection depends not so much on theory as experiment. The same is true of almost all the several branches of knowledge. In the common affairs of life experience is acknowledged to be the surest guide. He who relies upon the abstract speculations of the closet, to govern his conduct, makes frequent mistakes, and meets with a thousand mortifying disappointments, which are avoided by another, who has no better natural talents, but has been educated in the school of experience. Those writers too, who have been real speculators or actors in the scenes, which they describe, easily command our attention and belief. Who does not give more credit to Chesterfield's observations on men and manners, altho' he is justly condemned for the licentiousness of his principles, than to the dry precepts contained in the writings of metaphysicians and moralists, or the fanciful inventions, that are to be found in romances and novels? Why are Cicero's writings on oratory read with so much eagerness; unless it is, because they are believed to be the result of his own experience? We feel a peculiar satisfaction in attending to Mr. Locke's directions concerning the right conduct of the understanding, not only for their solidity and good sense, but also, because they are recommended by the experience of a man, who conducted his own understanding so judiciously, and so greatly enlarged the circumference of knowledge by his researches into the powers of the human mind. For a similar reason, we derive a double pleasure from Sir Isaac Newton's rules of philosophising, from Sully's memoirs of the art of negotiation, or Necker's maxims and calculations of finance. A respectful attention is no more than is due to experience. For its dictates are infallible. They stand the test of examination, and never vanish before the light of new discoveries. But the systems of mere theorists are in general little better than ingenious castles in the air. A historical review of the celebrated theories of philosophy and government, which have successively had their day of admiration and been exploded one after another, would afford matter of amusement, and would not be entirely barren of instruction. Plato could discourse like an angel on truth, virtue, sentimental love and other moral subjects; but he seems to have been crazy, or certainly in a dream, when he projected his ideal republic. So wild is the most enlightened genius, when it is not guided by experience! The Utopia of Sir Thomas More, who was a man of letters and virtue too, is nevertheless so romantic that it has long been proverbial for its impracticability. The learned Vice-President of the United States has by historical deductions fully demonstrated the absurdity of several other more modern systems formed without any practical acquaintance with the subject. But perhaps there never was a more egregious example of the impotence of speculation unassisted by practice, than the justly celebrated Mr. Locke. That great and good man, who was confessedly the subtlest logician of his age, and the ablest champion of civil liberty, having boldly fought and fairly slain the giant of divine he-
reditary right; afterwards, at the request of the proprietors, undertook to construct a Constitution for Carolina. For this purpose he retired to his study, and following the ignis fatuus of abstract speculation, instead of consulting the oracles of history, and human nature, produced from his own brain a chimerical scheme, which in its operation tended to the opposite points of tyranny and anarchy. The Carolinians struggled with its imperfections, until their patience was spent; and at length were impelled by the necessity of their situation to resist. A revolution ensued: and a royal government, with all its train of oppressions, was preferred to their fine-spun proprietary form. A plain American Farmer, of common education and abilities, who has read the numerous publications contained in news-papers and pamphlets for ten years past in this country, and has attended and assisted in legislative assemblies and conventions for forming or adopting constitutions, might be more safely entrusted with the important business of framing a government, than the illustrious Locke, with all his logic and learning, but void of experience.
PRICE CURRENT.—NEW-YORK.
   FEBRUARY 24.—DOLLARS at 8s.     JAMAICA Spirits, 5/6. Do. 22 inch do. 11. 6/.   Antigua Rum, 4/9. a 5/. Do. 18. inch do. 18/.   St. Croix, do. 4/8. Butt white oak staves, 35/.   Country, do. 3/. Pipe do. do. 9/.   Molasses, 2/9. Hoghead do. do. 61. 10/.   Brandy, 6/6. a 6/3. Do. do. heading, 81.   Geneva, 5/. Irish barrel do. staves, 31. 5/.   Do. in cases, 28/ a 29/. Hoghead red oak do. 51. 5/.   Muscovado Sugar, 80/ a 72/. Do. French do. 51.   Loaf, do. 1/3. Hoghead hoops, 41.   Lump, do. 1/1½. White oak square timber } red.   Pepper, 3/3. per square foot, }   Pimento, 1/ a 1/9. Red wood, per ton, 28/.   Coffee, 1/7. a 1/8. Fusick, 10/.   Indigo, (Carolina) 3/ a 6/. Beaver, per lb. 12/ a 16/.   Do. French, 18/. Otter per skin, 9/ 32/.   Rice, 21/. Grey fox, 4/7.   Superfine Flour, 64/. Martin, 4/10.   Common do. 56/. Raccoon, 3/6 a 7/6.   Rye 'do. 26/ a 28/. Muskrat, 10/ a 14/.   Indian Meal, 18/ 20/. Beaver hats, 64/.   Rye, 4/9. pr. bush. Castor do. 48/.   Wheat, 10/6. Chocolate, 14/.   Corn, (Southern) 4/. Cocoa, 70/ a 80/.   Do. (Northern,) 4/3. a 4/6. Cotton, 1/9.   Beef, first quality, 45/ a 48/. Tar, pr. bar. 11/ a 12/.   Pork, first quality, 70/ a 75/. Pitch, 16/.   Oats, 1/7. Turpentine, 18/ a 20/.   Flax-seed, 5/9 a 6/. Tobacco, James River, 4d. a 3 3/4d.   Ship bread per cwt. 21/. Do. York, 4d. a 3 3/4d.   Country refined } 28/ a 30/. Do. Rappahannock, 2d a 3 3/4d.   bar-iron, } Do. Maryland, coloured, 3 3/4d.   Do. bloomery, 25/ a 26/. Do. Western-shore, 2d a 3 3/4d.   Swedes do. 45/. Lead in pigs, pr cwt. 60/.   Russia do. 30/. Do. bags, 68/.   Pig-iron, 81 10/ a 91. Do. Sack, 68/.   German steel, per lb. 9d. Red l. do. 68/.   Nails American, by cask. } 14/. White do. dry, 95/.   per. lb. 4d. } White do. in oil, 51. 12/.   Do. do. do. 6d. 12/. Salt-petre hams, 7 3/4/.   Do. do. do. 8d. 9 3/4/. Spermaceti candles, 3/.   Do. do. do. 10d. } Mould do. 11/ a 1/.   Do. do. do. 12d. } Tallow dips, 9 3/4/.   Do. do. do. 14d. } Soap, 5d. a 8d.   Do. do. do. 24d. } Castile soap, 9d. a 10/.   Pot ash, per ton, 39/ a 40/. English cheese, pr. lb. 15/.   Pearl ash, 48/ a 50/. Country do. 5d.   Bees-wax per lb. 2/. Butter, 1/.   Mackerel per barr. 26/ a 30/. Hylon tea, 9/6. a 10/.   Herrings, 18/. Sequin do. 6/6.   Mahogany, Jamaica, } 10/. Bohea do. 2/8. a 2/9.   per foot, } Ginseng, 2/ a 2/6.   Dominico, do. 9d. Starch Poland, 7d.   Honduras, do. 7d. Snuff, 2/3.   Logwood unchipped, pr. ton. 81. Allum salt, water mea- }   Do. chipped. 14/. sure, pr. bush. }   2 inch white oak } 10/. Liverpool do. 2/.   plank, per m. } Madeira wine, }   1 inch do. 5/. pr. pipe, }   2 inch white pine plank, 81. Port, 46/.   1 1/2 inch do. 61. 10/. Lisbon, pr. gal. 5/.   1 inch do. 31. 10/. Teneriff, 4/.   2 inch pitch pine do. 10/. Fyall, 3/3.   1 1/2 inch do. 61. 10/. Dutch gun-powder, pr. cwt. 8/.   1 inch do. 41. Nail rods, pr. ton, 34/ 36/.   Pitch pine scantling, 31. 8/. Linseed oil, pr. gal. 4/.   Cypress 2 feet shingles, 11. 10/. Whale do. pr. barrel, 50/ 45/.   Do. 22 inch do. 11. 8/. Spermaceti do. 61.   Cedar 2 inch do. 11. 10/. Shake-down hlds. 3/6.  
To be LET, And possession given the 1st of April, for one or more years, (two miles and half from this city, on the Greenwich road.)
THAT NEW TWO STORY HOUSE—four Rooms on a floor; with six fire places; a new Barn, and Well of excellent Water; a young Orchard of Fruit Trees, with 7 1/2 acres of Land, the most part Meadow. For particulars enquire at No. 7, Maiden-Lane. New-York, February 20.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
(Price Six Shillings, bound and lettered) And to be sold, by appointment of the Author, by Messrs. BERRY and ROGERS, No. 35, by A. M'LEAN, No. 41, (Franklin's Head) Hanover Square, and by the Editor hereof, No. 9, Maiden-Lane,
GEOGRAPHY MADE EASY:
BEING AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY.
CONTAINING, ASTRONOMICAL Geography: Discovery and General Description of America: General View of the United States: Particular Accounts of the Thirteen United States, in regard to their Boundaries, Extent, Rivers, Lakes, Mountains, Productions, Population, Characters, Government, Trade, Manufactures, Curiosities, History, &c.
TO WHICH IS ADDED, A Geographical Account of the European settlements in America; and of Europe, Asia, and Africa.
Illustrated with eight neat MAPS and CUTS.
Calculated peculiarly for the use of Schools in the United States.
BY JEDIDIAH MORSE, A. M.
Minister of the Congregation in Charlestown, near Boston. Second Edition. Abridged by the Author.
A work which has long been wanted, to accommodate Schools; and for the use of children in families. Geography now claims a very general attention—and that of our country in a particular manner; for in proportion as this is understood it will inspire the rising generation with elevated ideas of their own character, when contemplating the magnificent theatre on which they are to act the parts assigned them: Hence the propriety of the observation—
Let all foreign climes alone, Till you understand your own.