National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-03-05 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, MARCH 5, 1792.
NUMB. 37.
TRANSLATIONS
From French and Dutch papers to Dec. 2.
PARIS, November 29.
[The following remarkable letter is from Madame Dufailant, sister of the late patriotic MIRABEAU, to the Editor of Moniteur Universel , a newspaper printed at Paris.]
YOU will be pleased, Mr. Editor, to insert in your paper my protest against a certain oath, asserting the insolvency of M. Mirabeau, and addressed to the legislative body.—It is true, my brother left debts, and it is possible that his moveable estate may be insufficient to pay them: But all the seals are not yet taken off, and the petitioner, Mr. Frochot, who styles himself my brother's friend, and who is really the executor of his last will, ought to be informed, that M. Mirabeau, was vested, in virtue of his marriage contract, with a large landed estate, no way involved at the time of his death, and in value far beyond the amount of all his debts. It has frequently been said in my hearing that "M. Mirabeau wanted nothing to establish his character as a great man, except a declaration of his insolvency." I wish to be informed, if those who have broached this sentiment would have dared to make use of such language to my brother in his life time? M. Frochot should keep to himself these strange ideas of morality, and learn in future to pay more respect to the duties of friendship, to confine himself to his duty as executor of my brother's will, and to know so much of law-process as not to take so important a step as he has done, without the consent and approbation of the Mirabeau family."
Nov. 30. A deputation of Parisian artists (not academicians) appeared at the bar of the legislative National Assembly some time since, requesting the explanation of the decree relative to the distribution of the rewards adjudged to the artists, who have ornamented the hall of the Louvre with figures of sculpture emblematical of the renovated liberties of France. The Vice President, previous to making the necessary explanations, addressed the deputation as follows—Gentlemen! "Greece has rendered herself famous through the universe by her love for liberty, and her generous passion for the fine arts. Upon the decline of the Grecian power, both these affections were transferred to Italy, perpetuating the name of the Roman Empire;—and to this day we see men of the finest understandings running in crowds to Rome to weep over the ashes of the Cato's, and to admire their unrivalled works of genius. The French nation, hitherto shackled with the chains of despotism, but designed by nature to be great, with pleasure beholds men rising from the bosom of their empire, to dispute the palm of genius with the artists of Greece and Italy, and to anticipate to their country many ages of well-earned glory. Having vindicated ourselves into freedom, we shall now assume a more exalted national character than heretofore, and by an originality of design, lay claim to the veneration of posterity. Inflamed with the spirit of expanded patriotism, eager for liberty and honour, our hearts glow with the sentiments impressed by the revolution, and exult in the idea that the artist with his creative chisel, or the magic pencil, is preparing to transmit to the latest ages the noblest event that ever the world witnessed, and the images of those celebrated men whose wisdom and courage completed the mighty task.—Rest assured, Gentlemen, that the National Assembly will not fail to encourage, to their utmost, those arts which excite the soul to generous actions, and contribute to the happiness of mankind. We well know, that your exclusion from the Academy of arts does by no means exclude you from im-
mortality. We know also that the fires of genius cannot be easily extinguished by narrow regulations and academic monopolies; and in the additional decree which you solicit, expect that the Assembly will adopt such measures as shall enable the arts to keep an equal pace with liberty, which united, shall advance our national honour to the highest possible degree of human perfection—The assembly invites you to await its sitting."
Leyden, Dec. 1. While the English, for the sake of carrying devastation through the East-Indies, are rather slack in sending troops to their West-India settlements, to overawe the slaves, who are, without doubt, ripe for a revolt, Holland is determined to observe a directly opposite conduct, in taking measures of precaution against a spirit of insurrection in the colonies of the Republic, in the West-Indies. The grants of our West-India company having expired, a fleet will soon be sent out to take formal possession of the company's territories, in the name of the sovereignty of the States General. Besides this equipment, a frigate of 36 guns, 150 marines, and 80 soldiers, with two Brigs of 16 guns, 60 marines, and 20 soldiers, each, are to be dispatched to Surinam and Berbice. Their High Mightinesses have settled a cartel with the court of Madrid for a mutual exchange of deserters and fugitives in their respective American colonies, the articles of which [at the present juncture] seem to claim particular attention, and we therefore insert them entire. 1. It is agreed, that there shall be a reciprocal restitution of black and white deserters between the Dutch and Spanish colonies in America; more especially those the most liable to suffering by desertion, that is to say; between Porto-Rico and St. Eustatia; Cora (on the Spanish main) and Curasao; and the possessions of both parties on the Orinoco, Essequibo, at Demarara, Berbice, and Surinam.—2. The restitution above mentioned shall be legally made, at the price fixed in the subsequent article, and as soon as may be after demand made by the owner or owners, who shall nevertheless be obliged to make their claim within a year, counting from the day of desertion; but after the expiration of that term all farther claim shall be void; and the fugitives shall then belong to the actual sovereign of the country to which they have fled. 3. At the first summons to surrender the fugitive negro men or women, the chief or governor from whom the demand is made shall take every measure in his power to have the deserters seized, and delivered to their masters, who shall pay for each a reale per day, for their maintenance, till they are re-delivered into the possession of their owners, besides a premium of 25 piasters for each deserter, to re-imburse the expenses of seizure and imprisonment. 4.—The respective plenipotentiaries, actuated by motives of humanity, have irrevocably agreed and determined, that for the future, the pain of death, mutilation, perpetual imprisonment, or the like, shall not be inflicted upon any negro man or woman, merely for simple desertion; unless it shall appear they have committed crimes, over and above desertion, which for atrocity may deserve capital punishment; in which case notification shall be made, at the time they are reclaimed. 5. If the fugitive negroes, commit any crime in the place to which they may have fled, that exposes them to legal punishment, the judges of that territory shall take information thereon, and shall not give up the guilty person till justice shall have been first satisfied. If they have committed theft, they shall not be restored till the masters make good to the value of what has been stolen: and that they may not be under the necessity of paying debts contracted
by the fugitives, publication shall be made in the dominions of either party, that during the absence of the run-aways from their lawful masters, or imprisonment, they shall lie under an incapacity of contracting debts. 6. The profession of religion shall not hinder the restoration of slaves, nor serve as a pretext for a refusal to give them up in future. The fugitives from the Dutch colonies, who during their residence among the Spaniards shall have embraced the catholic religion, shall, after their return, continue to profess the same in the Dutch colonies, freely and without hindrance; as permitted by the wisdom of their high Mightinesses, throughout all their dominions. [The 7th article only respects the soldiers deserting from the garrisons of either power, who are to be given up reciprocally, without any pecuniary consideration;—the 8th is formal; advertising the governors, &c. to cause to be observed, &c.]
Nov. 29. Nothing is more difficult than to make laws, that shall be clear, precise & perfectly free from obscurity & ambiguity. The history of all nations complains aloud of the insufficiency or the errors of legislators in this respect. Nothing, however, is of more importance to the happiness of political societies. The greater part of the evils that afflict or divide them may be traced up to such a species of imperfection in laws, which, by this means, leave too much to the arbitrary decisions of an individual. This fault (want of precision &c.) seems to be glaringly manifested in the decree of the national assembly of France, relative to the non-juring clergy, in that part which relates to the oath they are enjoined to take. If, instead of the words, to maintain the constitution to the utmost of their power (which means no more than the observation of the civic oath) the assembly had substituted, obey the constitution ; perhaps there would not have existed the least difficulty on the part of the priests, since, without an open declaration of rebellion, they could not have refused to obey the constitution ; but, to maintain it to the utmost of their power conveys a different idea, to which it seems impossible to make the ecclesiastics conform, since the above words positively demand not only a simple obedience to the law, but a continued succession of active endeavours to extend and ensure the execution of the law; which is certainly going far beyond what the government has a right to expect from them. It is to be feared, therefore, that a vast majority of the clergy will reject this new measure, which may involve the kingdom in trouble and disaster.
Nov. 30. Magnanimous as the general proceedings of the national assembly may appear, there can be no doubt that a spirit of intolerance exists among them. This spirit seems to have dictated the decree against the emigrants, and accounts for its not being sanctioned by the king. To put a host of men under the trying alternative of committing perjury or perishing of hunger, seems too much, and unbecoming an age of philosophy. However severe the decree against the non-conforming clergy may be supposed, it cannot be dissembled that this body of men having highly provoked the utmost severity of the law. The greater part of the troubles which at this moment distract the several districts of the kingdom, are absolutely of their exciting, and however inclined we may be to indulgence, it is impossible not to see, that it is neither a spirit of religion, nor a zeal for holy things that directs their actions; but, on the contrary, avarice, rage, and an ardent thirst for revenge. To the account of the priests may be set down the horrid scenes transacted at the town of Caen. The noblesse , who swarm in that place, wished to render it the scene of a counter-revolution, and made use
of the priests to accomplish their designs with more certainty. For this purpose many of the noblesse , who had till then known nothing more of mass than the name, became in an instant extremely devout.—Their projects however have all vanished, and left them covered with shame and confusion, but no contrition or conviction.
LEGISLATURE of the UNITED STATES. House of REPRESENTATIVES.
(The following are the heads of the proceedings in Congress on the Militia Bill , on Tuesday last)
THE first section was amended, by restricting the militia to "free able-bodied 'white' male citizens;" it having been said, that the militia would be brought into contempt, by permitting free negroes to stand in the ranks, and perform military service with the whites.
Mr. Fitzsimons moved further to amend the section, by the addition of the following clause:
"Provided that where any militia-man, so enrolled, shall produce a certificate from two magistrates of the county, in which he resides, that he is not of sufficient ability to purchase the arms and accoutrements herein directed to be provided, every such militia-man shall be excused from the payment of any fine on account of the want of such arms and accoutrements, so long as his inability to procure the same shall continue."
To this it was objected, that the officers of the company would be more proper judges; and an amendment was accordingly proposed to Mr. Fitzsimon's amendment.
On the other hand, a certificate from a magistrate was thought preferable, and less liable to a charge of partiality.
Again it was said, that no man, who has not a family, can possibly be so poor, as not to be able to purchase the arms and accoutrements required. [These are, a good musket, firelock, or rifle, a bayonet and belt, two spare flints, and a knapsack, a pouch and cartouch box.] It was accordingly moved, to amend the amendment, by adding the words " having a family ."
This amendment having failed,
It was observed, that there are in many places, magistrates, who are conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms, & might be inclined to grant certificates where others would not.
It was said likewise, that as the amendment contemplated a certificate from any magistrates of the county, in which the militia-man resides, and as in some counties the justices of the peace are numerous, this circumstance will give each man an opportunity of choosing his own judges, and going the rounds through the whole county from one magistrate to another, until at last he may obtain a certificate, though at first refused.—The officers, who are thought competent to command a company of militia, ought surely to be thought competent to decide whether the men under their command are able to purchase arms or not.
Various substitutes were offered, in lieu of the " two magistrates ."—viz. a majority of the commissioned officers of the company,"—the field officers of the battalion;" a majority of the commissioned officers, and one of the field officers of the regiment."
Before the question was taken on any of these amendments.
An objection was made to having the militia-men obliged to provide their own arms and accoutrements. The expense, it was said, would prove an enormous tax upon the community: and the whole United States cannot furnish a sufficient quantity of such arms as the bill prescribes, to supply the number of men, who will be enrolled in the militia.

A motion was now made, to strike out all that part of the section, which relates to the armature of the militia-men.
The expense of equipping themselves was looked upon as a kind of capitation or poll-tax—but a poll tax unequally laid, as it is to be borne by a certain description of men only, who, besides expending their money, will also contribute their personal services, for the common defence, whilst other descriptions of citizens will be exempt.—Suppose 500,000 men to be enrolled in the militia, and the armature of each man to cost him only four dollars; here would, in the first instance, be a tax of two millions of dollars:—Suppose again, each day, which is devoted to militia duty, to be valued at half a dollar, there being four days in every year allotted for that purpose, here would again be an annual tax of another million of dollars borne by less than one fifth part of the community, for the defence of the whole.
The question was taken on the motion for striking out, and passed in the negative.
The question being taken on the proviso, passed in the affirmative, with an amendment, making the field officers the judges of each man's ability to equip himself—and exempting him from fine or forfeiture for the want of arms, only so long as his inability to purchase them shall continue, or "until they can be procured for him."
A motion, made by Mr. Kitchell, to strike out the description of the bore of the fire-arms, gave rise to a short debate in which it was observed, that if the object in view was to have the arms uniform and all of the same caliber, that object would not be attained by the clause under consideration; as it still leaves a latitude, saying only "of a bore not smaller than — balls to the pound." —If it was meant to have the mulkets all of the same bore, it would be difficult to procure them for a long time to come, and the expense would be enormous; it would be extravagant in the extreme to throw away as useless all the arms in the United States, and incur at once an expense of perhaps ten millions of dollars.
After further remarks on the inconveniences that must result from too strict an attention to uniformity of bore,
An honorable Gentleman arose, and expressed his disapprobation of the bill in general.—It had been said (he observed) that the only safe and substantial defence of the United States was a good militia:—when the new government was formed, a militia system had been broached:—A bill had been framed, and taken into consideration: but it was soon found, that nothing like the militia at first contemplated, could be obtained: session after session, the proposed militia law had been discussed, debated, altered, amended, till at length it was pared down to its present form; and it would be difficult to find such a milk and water thing , as it now is. If the United States are to have no better militia than what will be raised under this law, recourse must be had to what is called 'a standing army.'—A militia, armed with fowling pieces and squirrel guns, would never answer any good purpose: during the late war, this had been proved by experience, when more men of this description had been buried, than would, if properly armed, have been sufficient to have carried on the whole war.—If the militia are to be no better armed, than is now proposed, it is best to say a short prayer over the bill, and let it die in peace.
To these remarks, an honorable gentleman replied, that many had perished during the late war for want of comfortable clothing and other necessaries; but he had not heard of any dying for want of heavy mulkets on their shoulders.—He wished to see a democratic militia, not an aristocratic one:—the militia to his mind, is a militia of freemen, possessed of their own arms, and capable of making good use of them.
The question being taken on striking out the description of the bore, and having passed in the negative,
It was proposed to fill the blank, for the number of balls to the pound, with 18, 20, 22, and 32.
After some remarks on the different sizes, &c. the blank was left to be filled up, after the rest of the bill is gone through.
A motion was then made to strike out the whole of the second section, which enumerates the different descriptions of persons, who are to be exempted from militia duty.
A short debate ensued, after which, without taking the question, the committee rose and reported progress.
[The remainder of the proceedings of Congress, for the last week are unavoidably postponed till our next.]
REMARKS ON CAIUS;
[From the Virginia Gazette of the 22d. ult.]
To make a nation happy, and at the same time respectable, is not an easy task. To raise it from obscurity into splendour, and from apparent insolvency into actual and extensive credit, requires infinite labour, real talents, and a profound and comprehensive knowledge of national affairs. The individual who shall attempt to accomplish these important ends, must possess, together with the other qualifications of a
statesman, a large portion of stability and mental firmness to support him, under the numerous and trying attacks which he must expect to receive, from the ignorant, the disappointed, and the malicious. Experience informs us, that these descriptions of men are to be found in all countries—and in all countries have distinguished themselves by their illiberal attempts to injure in the public opinion, the virtuous and deserving part of their fellow-citizens. A recent example of this is to be found in the publications which have lately appeared in a Philadelphia paper, under the signature of Caius. The unmanly intemperance of this writer hurries him beyond the boundaries of every thing but reason: her sacred confines he has not touched upon. But personal invective and scurrility have felt the potent effects of his exhausting pen. Caius demands of the world admiration for his fervent eloquence; but by the deliberate and judicious part of mankind he will be considered as an empty declaimer, pursuing literary fame, and the gratification of private pique or resentment, rather than the public good.
When Caius disapproves the systems of the Minister of Finance (for a Minister he will have him, though he affects to detest both borrowed names and principles) he disclaims the usual modes of logical proof, and endeavours to establish his point, by a figurative dogma. It would have been more satisfactory to the considerate part of the American public, if this writer had proceeded dispassionately to examine the principles of our financial system—to point out its errors, and those parts of it particularly from which such imminent danger is to be apprehended. Nor ought he to have stopped here. The duty of a public friend urged him still further—it said to him—Caius, you have alarmed your country—you have infused or have attempted to infuse disquiet and distrust into the minds of your fellow-citizens. It is now your duty to place them in a better and more safe situation, or at least to restore to them that quiet which you have taken away. But Caius seems to have had other things to do; and indeed if we may judge of the depth of his political science, from the specimen which his writings, hitherto, have exhibited, he is not completely fitted for the discharge of this latter part of his duty.
I am well aware, that the perfection of political schemes of any kind, is not to be effected, but by a gradual amelioration; and that there must be some to find out, and publish errors, and others to correct them. I blame not Caius therefore, merely because he has not undertaken the discharge of this complicated office; but because, by his thundering reprobation of our fiscal arrangements, and the censure which he pours upon the Minister of the Treasury, it would seem, that he was not only acquainted with the defects and dangers of the existing system, but had also been accustomed to contrast it with one of his own projection, better calculated for the public good. Why then has he not favored us with the lights of his invention? He tells us, that he can see; and that we are out of our way: but why, Caius, since it is dark to other travellers, and you can discern the track which they are in quest of—Why, my dear Caius, do you not put them right?
As I am not so well skilled in the knowledge of human affairs, as those over whom more suns and seasons have revolved, and am willing to confess my comparative ignorance of those things which are contained in the book of experience; I beg leave to ask, for the sake of procuring information,
Whether there be within the great circle of terrestrial affairs, a single good, pure, and unmixed with evil? Abstract reasoning upon practical subjects, is, at best, but an idle thing. It does well enough for the exercise of the schools; though there perhaps, it might find a better substitute; but, it is a shame to bring it from the dusty shelves of the pedagogues into the light of actual life.
I perceive, Caius, that you and I differ widely in our political opinions, and therefore I shall not pursue the subject into which I was about to plunge, any farther at present; because it deserves to be treated by itself; and as I shall never again address myself to your person, or your manner, but if ever I write to you or concerning you in future, shall confine myself to "the matter of the text," with which you shall be pleased to furnish me. Permit me, without affront, for I assure you that I intend none, to indulge the impulse of a fraternal regard for all the gentlemen writers and declaimers throughout this vast continent, and even throughout the world, by offering for your consideration, a query;—to which I have undertaken to add, a short sentence of salutary monition.
Do you think Caius, because it is cold weather, that no information will be accepted—no counsel adopted by your country, but that which is conveyed to her in fire? If you do—abandon the thought—for believe me, that he who hopes to bear down the judgment of the American people, by swelling the tide of the blood, is a stranger to their temper and constitution.
A. C.
FOR THE NATIONAL GAZETTE. Republican distribution of Citizens.
A PERFECT theory on this subject would be useful, not because it could be reduced to practice by any plan of legislation, or ought to be attempted by violence on the will or property of individuals: but because it would be a monition against empirical experiments by power, and a model to which the free choice of occupations by the people, might gradually approximate the order of society.
The best distribution is that which would most favor health, virtue, intelligence and competency in the greatest number of citizens. It is needless to add to these objects, liberty and safety. The first is presupposed by them. The last must result from them.
The life of the husbandman is pre-eminently suited to the comfort and happiness of the individual. Health, the first of blessings, is an appurtenance of his property and his employment. Virtue, the health of the soul, is another part of his patrimony, and no less favored by his situation. Intelligence may be cultivated in this as well as in any other walk of life. If the mind be less susceptible of polish in retirement than in a croud, it is more capable of profound and comprehensive efforts. Is it more ignorant of some things? It has a compensation in its ignorance of others. Competency is more universally the lot of those who dwell in the country, when liberty is at the same time their lot. The extremes both of want and of waste have other abodes. 'Tis not the country that peoples either the Bridewells or the Bedlams. These mansions of wretchedness are tenanted from the distresses and vices of overgrown cities.
The condition, to which the blessings of life are most denied is that of the sailor. His health is continually assailed and his span shortened by the stormy element to which he belongs. His virtue, at no time aided, is occasionally exposed to every scene that can poison it. His mind, like his body, is imprisoned within the bark that transports him. Though traversing and circumnavigating the globe, he sees nothing but the same vague objects of nature, the same monotonous occurrences in ports and docks; and at home in his vessel, what new ideas can shoot from the unvaried use of the ropes and the rudder, or from the society of comrades as ignorant as himself. In the supply of his wants he often feels a scarcity, seldom more than a bare subsistence; and if his ultimate prospects do not embitter the present moment, it is because he never looks beyond it. How unfortunate, that in the intercourse, by which nations are enlightened and refined, and their means of safety extended, the immediate agents should be distinguished by the hardest condition of humanity.
The great interval between the two extremes, is, with a few exceptions, filled by those who work the materials furnished by the earth in its natural or cultivated state.
It is fortunate in general, and particularly for this country, that so much of the ordinary and most essential consumption, takes place in fabrics which can be prepared in every family, and which constitute indeed the natural ally of agriculture. The former is the work within doors, as the latter is without; and each being done by hands or at times, that can be spared from the other, the most is made of every thing.
The class of citizens who provide at once their own food and their own raiment, may be viewed as the most truly independent and happy. They are more: they are the best basis of public liberty, and the strongest bulwark of public safety. It follows, that the greater the proportion of this class to the whole society, the more free, the more independent, and the more happy must be the society itself.
In appreciating the regular branches of manufacturing and mechanical industry, their tendency must be compared with the principles laid down, and their merits graduated accordingly. Whatever is least favorable to vigor of body, to the faculties of the mind, or to the virtues or the utilities of life, instead of being forced or fostered by public authority, ought to be seen with regret as long as occupations more friendly to human happiness, lie vacant.
The several professions of more elevated pretensions, the merchant, the lawyer, the physician, the philosopher, the divine, form a certain proportion of every civilized society, and readily adjust their numbers to its demands, and its circumstances.
March 3.
NEWPORT (R. I.) Feb. 11.
Last Monday arrived here, the sloop Newport packet, Capt. Shaw, in six days from Charleston, who informs that just before he sailed, a vessel arrived here in 19 days from the Cape, and brought an account of the arrival of the French fleet, with a large body of troops, &c.
Extract of a letter from Cape-Francois, Jan. 23.
"A ship from Nantz is arrived at the Aux-Cays, after a passage of 29 days, and brings an account, that on the 15th of November 18,000 troops, together with men of war, frigates, &c. failed for this place and Port-au-Prince, which agrees with the accounts brought by the frigate Lafine, arrived some time ago.
PHILADELPHIA.
MARCH 5, 1792.
Copy of a letter from a gentleman of the best information at Cape-Francois, to his correspondent in this city, dated Jan. 21.
Sir, "UNDER the 28th Dec. ult. I did myself the honor to acquaint you that the Brigands were apparently weary of their horrid pursuits and that tranquility appeared to be dawning on the northern district of this unhappy colony. I am very sorry now to acquaint you that the flattering prospect has been recently obscured, by unexpected depredations of the insurgents. For about a fortnight past those remorseless savages have been going over their ground again to glean what had hitherto escaped the sickle of destruction. They have amused themselves by setting fire to the ripe cane-fields which burn as readily as dry forests of pitch-pine, and revive the melancholy idea of the greater conflagration which destroyed the valuable buildings on the same plantations. Indeed this second burning seems to throw almost as great a damp upon the spirits of the inhabitants as the first did; because they had flattered themselves with the hope that they should make a partial crop of sugar this season, which would have relieved their immediate wants; but thro' the unaccountable delay of the expected assistance from France, this resource is now cut off, and the disappointed planters must submit to a greater degree of humiliation than they had any previous idea of. Though five months have now elapsed since the insurrection commenced, yet no forces have arrived to the succour of the colony. The Brigands observing government thus dilatory, are encouraged to perpetrate further mischief. They even persuade themselves that France gives up the colony entirely, and that therefore they may continue to harry the legal proprietors and destroy the gleanings of their wasted property with impunity.—Last week they fell upon a place called St. Suzanne, in the south-east part of this district. That place being inhabited principally, if not altogether, by free people of colour, had hitherto escaped destruction; but every habitation that was there is now laid in ashes. On Saturday night or Sunday morning last, a party of the insurgents surprised an advanced post near Fort-Dauphin, where an officer of the Regiment du Cap was stationed with about fifty men, mostly belonging to that regiment. When the alarm was given, M. Touzard, the commandant in that quarter, made a force to succour the post, but was unfortunately too late. He found the dead bodies of the officer and forty-five of the men, in the redoubt, stripped naked and mangled in a most horrid manner. Finding the Brigands in force all around him, the commandant thought it most prudent to retreat into Fort Dauphin as speedily as possible. He has since sent down an express to acquaint government that if he has not an immediate reinforcement of two to three hundred men, he cannot answer for the safety of his present post. That day (Sunday last) the victorious insurgents burnt the parishes of Ouanaminthe and Mirabarau, and it is said, every other habitation quite to Fort-Dauphin. Thus about sixty sugar plantations, and two hundred and twenty of Coffee, are added to the catalogue of those destroyed.
On Wednesday last two of the national commissaries went in person aboard the different American vessels in the port and solicited with the utmost earnestness for the assistance of about twenty men, who were wanted to be employed as cannoniers at Fort-Dauphin. The commissaries made a very affecting representation of the distress situation of the colony, and requested the captains to take it into consideration. Many of the captains agreed to permit any of their sailors to go who chose it, and the next morning, agreeably to the request of the commissaries, sent a deputation to notify their consent. A Mr. Riley, of Connecticut, tendered his services to command the party. On Thursday twenty volunteers (sailors) turned out, and yesterday they departed for Fort-Dauphin, with Mr. Riley. I am told that two hundred French sailors went up there at the same time.
The latest accounts from the upper part of the colony do not mention any new occurrence. An evident coolness between the legislative and executive departments increases daily, which cannot but be detrimental to the general interest of the colony. It is my opinion that nothing can effectually recover this colony from its present distracted state, and settle its tranquility on a permanent basis, but a new commander in chief of great capacity, with a very respectable body of troops, who will not mingle in the political disputes of the colonists, but, by giving one party a decided preponderance will annihilate all others."
Copy of another Letter from the same Gentleman, dated Cape-Francois, Jan. 24.
Sir, ON the presumption that it would be agreeable to you to know the actual state of the commotions in this colony, I have from time to time during my residence here, taken the liberty to transmit you a concise detail of the most remarkable occurrences which have fallen within the sphere of my observation. My last was under the 21st current.
Permit me now to inform you, that on the 22d, at evening, this city was alarmed by a smart cannonade from the batteries of Petit Ance and the plantation call'd St. Michael, which are situated

ated on the south-eastern side of the bay. From 7 till 9 o'clock near one hundred shot were fired. The report ran that it was occasioned by the appearance of a considerable body of the Brigands who had the temerity to approach St. Michel, apparently with the intention of attempting to burn it and Petit Ance, as lighted torches were actually discovered in their hands. After the firing had ceased, the city became tolerably quiet. That evening my tour of duty came on at the American Corps de Garde. It was near 2 A. M. when we were alarmed by a discharge of musketry, which seemed to be near the southern entrance of the city. In a few minutes the alarm became general, and the cry, aux armes, aux armes , flew through every street. It was soon known that a party of the insurgents had forced the little river of Haut du Cap , and had surprised a small redoubt within half a mile of the city, and the hospital which is near it. A party of twelve soldiers, under command of a sergeant, who were stationed there, had been obliged to abandon their post, but kept up a ready fire as they retreated. The assailants immediately turned one or two of the guns in the redoubt upon the town, and fired several shot, but without doing any mischief. A detachment of the Regiment du Cap was immediately ordered out. The Patriotic Cavalry and Garde Nationale accompanied them, and in a few minutes dislodged the insurgents, who had by this time taken possession of the hospital, but had not set it on fire, as they at first intended. Some negro attendants at the hospital gave the sick such timely notice of the approach of their unexpected visitors, that all of them, except two, had time to crawl away and conceal themselves, and thereby escaped assassination. Two unfortunate invalids, who through the operation of fear, or corporeal weakness, were more tardy than the rest, and were inhumanly murdered.
The cavalry pushed on to the fortification at Haut du Cap , and issuing by that pass, took a circuitous route on the other side of the river and came in by Petit Ance .
A Mr. Roux, a merchant here, but an officer of a mulatto corps attached to government, who was stationed at Haut du Cap , was on his way from town to that post, accompanied by the adjutant of the Regiment du Cap ;—without any previous notice they fell into the midst of the insurgents just when the latter had forced the river, and were both cut to pieces. This was all the loss I have heard of on the part of the whites.
In the course of the skirmish and pursuit, it is said 27 of the insurgents were killed. Seven were taken prisoners. It seems the assailants were badly armed. They had some few muskets and pistols; but most of them were armed either with spears, curtain-rods pointed, poles with spike nails lashed on the end, or hard wooden lances sharpened after the manner of many other savages. One of the prisoners appeared to be a chief of his party, being dressed in a scarlet uniform coat with silver epaulets. When examined yesterday morning at the government house, he observed that his partisans obtained arms and ammunition from the Spaniards, and could have any quantity, provided they could give sugar and coffee in payment. This chief and his six fellow prisoners were publicly executed yesterday afternoon a la place d'armes .
Between midnight and one o'clock this morning a false alarm was given, which broke the citizens of a few hours rest. I expect to be harassed in this manner continually till some assistance arrives from France.
Since this bold attempt of the insurgents has terminated so favorably for the whites, it may be considered as a fortunate occurrence;—it will serve to awaken the vigilance of the citizens, and teach them the danger of despising an enemy because his resources are apparently scanty.—Desperation may sometimes supply the want of force and means."
Information is given in a Charleston paper, that Bowles, the pretended Indian Chief, and a Major Cunningham, from New-Providence, at the head of upwards of seventy renegade Indians had taken possession of the stores of Messrs. Pantan, Leflie, and Co. at Apalache, and sent off the white people in a canoe.
The South Carolina agent has claimed from the United States, for that state, on account of expenses incurred in the late war, the principal sum of 9,155,313 dollars; and the interest thereon to the 9th of December 1789, 5,176,985 dollars.
The defeat of Gen. St. Clair (says a Charleston paper) is a subject of great exultation among the Indians of the Cherokee nation, who lately concluded a treaty of peace and friendship with the United States. Bon-fires were made, and every species of savage joy exhibited on the occasion; by which it would seem that a universal prejudice against us is taking place among the Indian nations.
Several vessels are arrived in the River as far as Reedy island and Marcus hook, where they are detained by the ice.
Accounts from Frederickburg inform that Gen. Wilkinson had been appointed to the command of the second United States regiment, at whose instance a sergeant and four men were sent to reconnoitre the scene of Gen. St. Clair's defeat. The bodies were found naked and scalped. Gen. Butler's corpse, however, could not be found. No battle had taken place, as
lately reported by some idler, between General Scott and the Indians.
A petition has been presented to the Legislature of Massachusetts, by several persons, praying for the privilege of opening a navigable canal from Connecticut river to the waters surrounding the town of Boston.
On the 25th ult. arrived at Carlisle the six Indian chiefs, &c. lately departed from this city. On Sunday morning they set forward again for their own country. It is said the presents they had with them amounted to upwards of nine thousand dollars.
A report (says the Pittsburgh Gazette of the 25th ult.) is in circulation that the inhabitants of Gallipolis are in great dread of the Indians attacking them, as they have begun to steal their horses, and other property.—On the 17th ult. all was well at Fort Franklin—a discovery had been made of the approach of a party of hostile Indians to the Ohio, on this side Whelen; who were scouted out of the settlement.
The Quarter Master, Isaac Craig, at Pittsburgh is about contracting for a number of large flats, known by the name of Kentucky boats. From this it would seem, that government do not intend to take the route of Presquile, on the next march of the troops against the hostile Indians.
Accounts are received in town from Fort Washington, which mention that a sergeant and four men had lately been to the place where the bloody battle of the 4th of November last was fought, near the Miami villages, where they counted five hundred and thirty-eight dead bodies.—One piece of artillery only was to be seen, but the carriages of seven others remained on the ground: the guns, it was supposed were either buried or thrown into the water.
The party left Fort Jefferson at dusk in the evening, arrived at the place about day-break, and staying only long enough to make the above observations, left the melancholy scene.
Colonel Wilkinson, with a party of about four hundred men, left Fort Washington the 25th of January, with intent to go to the place of action and bury the dead, and it was thought would visit the Miami villages before they returned.
Fort Jefferson had a sufficient garrison, and six months provision.
Pursuant to the report of the committee of the House of Representatives on Mr. Churchman's memorial for ascertaining his magnetic theory, by a voyage to Baffins bay, at the public expense, a Bill has been ordered to be prepared and brought in for the consideration of the Legislature. The report is, in general, favourable to Mr. Churchman; the only doubt with the committee being, whether in the present circumstances of the United States, such grant shall now be made .
Revenue cutters have been talked of for this expedition. Those who are acquainted with the navigation northward of the Banks of Newfoundland, even in the summer season, will hardly deem these vessels capable of enduring the northern seas, or struggling with those bodies of floating ice, which even in the mildest season of the year are continually drifting in and about Baffins bay.—A vessel for such an expedition, ought, at least, to have a spar deck, and to be fabricated, like the whalemanship, of a solid bed of timber. If Mr. Churchman's proposal should not be finally sanctioned by government, there is little doubt but the scheme might be carried into effect, with a moderate additional expense, and as a sort of secondary object , by a company of patriotic merchants in the Eastern states.
Extract from the Records of the Custom-House of Norfolk (Virginia.)
"Amount of DUTIES on Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, imported into the district of Norfolk and Portsmouth, Virginia, and on the Tonnage of Vessels arriving within the said District, for the year 1791."
   Dls. Cts.     Duties on Merchandise, 192,700 82   Ditto on Tonnage, 16,819 02   Dollars 209,519 84    Value of sundries exported from the District of Norfolk and Portsmouth, within the year 1791.     Dls. Cts.     1028,789 67 2-3"  
[Should not a port of the above consequence be entitled to a branch of the national bank; especially when it is considered that, this is the great maritime port of Virginia, from whence it communicates by water to all the mercantile towns of the State; all of which depend on that place, in a great measure, for their supply of West India goods and bulky articles for their interior customers? A Canal is to be cut from the waters of North Carolina to communicate with the port of Norfolk, which will, in addition to its present advantages, bring to its market at least one fourth of the produce of the important State of North-Carolina.]
The census of the state of South-Carolina is now completed, and is as follows:—35,576 white males above sixteen—37,722 white males under sixteen—66,880 white females—1,801 other free persons—107,094 slaves—Total, 249,073.
Accounts from the eastward mention, that in the engagement near the Miami Towns on the 4th of Nov. last, no less than twelve hundred white Canadians were intermingled with the Indians, and disguised like them.—This intelligence was conveyed in a letter from a gentleman residing at Quebec to his friend in Massachusetts.
Letters from Boston say, the Marblehead Bank fishermen were at first averse to sign the articles, and complying with the regulations prescribed in the fishery law—efforts, however, were successfully used to convince the sailors that their true interests would be promoted by an acquiescence in the law.
Extract of a letter from a Captain of a vessel in Port-au-Prince, dated Jan. 20, to his owner in this city.
"I arrived here the 8th instant, having stopped at Port Dolphin and St. Marks, in neither of which was there any encouragement, but this place exceeds all description, there are six sail in port, loaded with flour; amongst them all, there has not been more than 50 barrels of flour sold in four weeks: what to do I cannot tell; there is no possible way to get out from here. Yesterday a Philadelphia schooner was condemned for being caught trading in one of the out bays."
I hourly expect to see Captain Webb, in the Sophia, he was turned out of St Mark's by the frigate; one vessel arrived from there just now in the same situation. The only expectation I have is the arrival of the troops; if they do not come, the consequence will be very serious to us. The only way to spend time is, to step outside of the town and see an engagement, which sometimes closes with bringing in a mulattoes head, stuck on a pole, and this afternoon they came in with seven wounded soldiers and God knows how many they left in the field, as that is kept a secret.
The idea of going to the bye ports is over, as there are so many cruisers in the bay, fitted out by the assembly; therefore I must remain here and share in the general calamity with my neighbours, trusting to the event of the troops being soon here.
The schooner Franklin arrived here yesterday morning and petitioned to go away, but I expect in vain."
Extract from the votes and Proceedings of the House of Delegates of the State of Maryland, November 1791.
"Mr. MERCER brings in and delivers the following letter, to the honorable John Henry and Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, Esq.
To the Hon. JOHN HENRY and CHARLES CARROLL, of Carrollton, Esqrs. Representatives of the state of Maryland in the Senate of the United States.
Gentlemen, IN the journal of the proceedings of the Senate of the United States, transmitted to us by authority; a proposition, that the doors of that honorable body should be open whilst sitting in their legislative capacity, appears to have been made and rejected. The reasons, however cogent, which led to a determination so opposite to the already declared sense of a considerable proportion of the confederacy, remain suppressed in that secrecy which this vote seems designed to perpetuate. Lest silent acquiescence may be improperly construed into implied approbation, and as such tend to weaken the efforts of other states, we do not hesitate to declare our sense against this determination of that honorable body.
The legislative deliberations of these states, both under their colonial and national establishments, have been generally, if not universally, open: They derived the practice from that country whence they emigrated, and habit and prejudice are now strongly in favor of a custom hitherto uninterruptedly. Innovations, which are at variance with long and approved usage, ought to be supported by substantial considerations; none such have been suggested; none such, we confess, occur to our own reflection, nor can we discern any reason why the motives of general and public acts should remain buried in silence and secrecy.
In free governments the authority and sanction of the laws in a great measure depend on the influence of opinion; the public mind, therefore, cannot be too thoroughly possessed of the reasons which influenced their adoption; and if the motives of measures fairly exposed (and generally communicated, will not secure them public approbation, they generally furnish conclusive argument against their continuance. Mystery is the garb of tyranny, whilst free government, founded on reason, derives new strength from every enquiry.
On the formation of the federal constitution, a great proportion of America viewed, with a jealous eye, the union of legislative and executive powers in the Senate of the United States; the declarations of rights of the several states had borne united testimony against this combination; and when the immense patronage, both in the foreign and home departments, attached to that body, is contemplated, it may create suspicion lest general laws may be calculated with reference to those persons who are to discharge their duties. Solicitation and canvass for office may possibly introduce a spirit of negotiation unfriendly to that disinterested conduct so indispensable to equal legislation. We know of no corrector of this effect
of the constitution of the body so powerful as the admission of the public eye. Characters will always be there found both ready and capable to detect and expose improper motives, if any such should ever arise, and the press, that modern censor of public morals, would then permissively convey information to their constituents, which the dignity and security of the body cannot allow, whilst their debates, secluded from public inspection, admit of no impartial testimony.
The duration of the time for which they are elected, and the different periods at which their offices expire, render that body in effect permanent. They admit no constitutional mode by which an entire change could be effected, should ever corruption pervade the mass or taint their proceedings, and they afford but few opportunities of withdrawing confidence once improperly reposed in individual members. These combined considerations also furnish additional and powerful motives for admitting their constituents to a knowledge of their deliberations, and to a minute inspection of their general and individual conduct, and we hold it "no found argument that the admission could extend only to the inhabitants of the seat of their deliberations. When the curtain is withdrawn, any audience will command respect from those who act on the theatre of public life, and sentiments, that would be avowed under the veil of privacy, would then shrink from inspection."
But we learn from experience, that the calls of public and private business constantly draw well-informed citizens from all parts of the union to the seat of government; these continually going and returning, would disseminate the principles of their deliberations; but above all, the press already conveys a general history of the debates of the representative branch of government, which, if not accurate, may at all times be corrected by the publications of members misrepresented, and furnishes all parts of the confederacy with an ample idea of the capacity and conduct of their immediate representatives. The same effects may be reasonably expected from the publication of the debates of that body; and although they might be protracted to a greater length, of which we doubt, as the vanity of appearing conspicuous will not probably operate so strongly on men of riper years, and as the order enforced by inspection would exclude lengthy conversations; Yet, as this branch are obliged to continue in session during the whole time occupied by the deliberations of the other, it is reasonable to conclude, that the greater number of that body, and consequently of persons who engage in debate, will consume more time than could be compensated by the greater variety of senatorial duties, if such do exist.
But whatever may have been the original policy or impolicy of the measure, it has now assumed a more serious aspect. The refusal of that honorable body to comply with the urgent desires of so respectable a proportion of their constituents, unopposed by the declared approbation of their constituents by any part of the union, can hardly, we think, be justified by any refinement of theory. If the neglect to open their doors created a jealousy, which has hitherto worn the face of remonstrance, or discovered itself in instructions requiring that their legislative deliberations should be public, their absolute refusal to comply, seems calculated to inspire suspicion: confidence leaves the bosom that suspicion once enters, and rarely returns. We, your immediate constituents, satisfied that this free communication of our sentiments will produce the desired effect, assure you, that we deem a compliance with the wishes expressed from the various parts of the union, that their doors should be open whilst sitting in their legislative capacity, as essential to the preservation of that entire confidence which the whole union ought to repose in that honorable body.
By order, W. HARWOOD, Clk. Which was read, and the question put, That the house agree thereto? The yeas and nays being called for by Mr. Chesley, appeared as follows:
Affirmative —Messieurs Thomas, Hopewell, Coemegys, N. Worthington, Mercer, Wilkinson, Chesley, Craik, Chapman, Ridgley, of Wm. Gough, Cocke, Wagaman, Denwood, Lecompte, Frazier, Eccleston, Miller, R. Bond, Hollingsworth, Oldham, T. Marshall, Clark, T. Gantt, Quynn, Seney, Wright, O'Bryon, Barnes, Dennis, Holland, J. P. Marshall, Beatty, Burkhardt, Prall, Wilson, Douglass, Lockerman, Whiteley, Ott, Swearingen, Oneall, Deakins, Crelap, Tomlinson, Jacob.
Negative —Messieurs Duvall, Key. So it was resolved in the affirmative, and sent to the senate by the clerk."
[We are informed that the Senate disagreed to the above letter, but concurred in the objects, and passed a resolution to that effect, which was afterwards acceded to by the House of Delegates.]
   PRICE OF STOCKS.     Six per cents, per £. 24 3/8. 24 9/9.   Three per cents, 14 1/2.   Deferred six per cents, 15 1/2.   Final Settlements, 2 3/4.   Indents, 14 1/2.   Bank Stock 1-2 Shares 106 per cent advance.  
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS. February, 1792.
   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weath.     Monday, 27. 7 29. 5 35 W. Cloudy.   2 29. 5 35 do. do.   Tuesday, 28. 7 30. 5 22 N.W. Fair.   2 30. 8 40 do. do.   Wednesday, 29. 7 30. 9 21 N. Fair.   2 30 25 45 S.W. do.   Thursday, 7 7 30. 15 27 s.s.w. Fair.   March 1. 2 30. 15 50 do. do.   Friday, 2 7 29. 7 40 S. Cloudy.   2 29. 65 45 S.W. Rain.   Saturday, 3 7 29. 7 36 S.W. Cloudy.   2 29. 7 50 do. do.   Sunday, 4 7 29. 9 36 N.W. Fair.   2 29. 9 46 do. Cloudy.  

The following elegant stanzas have several times appeared in print. Perhaps it is not universally known, that they were written (originally in the Spanish language) by Michael Saavedra Cervantes , the inimitable author of DonQuixote . They are supposed to be addressed by a young Lady to a Duenna, a sort of peculiar character in Spain, at once the watchful guardian, and governess, of young ladies of family and condition—
MOTHER , with watchful eye you strive, My freedom to restrain; But know, unless I guard myself, Your guard will be but vain.
It has been said, and reason's voice Confirms the ancient lay, That strict confinement's rigid hand, Enflames the wish to stray.
Love, once oppos'd, will soon increase, And strength superior gain, 'Twere better far, believe my voice, To give my will the rein— For if I do not guard myself, Your guard will be but vain.
For her who will not guard herself, No other guard you'll find; Cunning and fear will weak be found To chain the active mind. Tho' death himself should bar my way, His menace I'd disdain— Then learn, that 'till I guard myself, Your guard will be but vain.
The raptur'd heart, which once has felt A sense of love's delight, Flies like the morn's impetuous wing, To find the taper's light. A thousand guards, a thousand cares, Will ne'er the will restrain— For if I do not guard myself, All other guards are vain.
Such is the all-controlling force, Of Love's resistless storm, It gives to beauty's fairest shape, The dire Chimera's form. To wax, the melting breast it turns, Flames o'er the cheek are spread, With hands of wool she opens the door, Unfelt the footsteps tread. Then try no more with fruitless care My wishes to restrain, For if I do not guard myself, Your guard will be but vain.
On the Uncertainty of Natural Science. [Translated from a work just published at Paris.]
IT is easy to perceive that the greater part of the laws which mankind have thought fit to impose upon Nature, originate either in weakness or in pride. I will instance some of those which we hold indisputable. The Sun, as we are apt to suppose, must be the great center of the planets' motions, because, in respect to ourselves, we find it necessary to be in the center of our affairs, to have an equal eye of care upon them all. But if, in the orbits of the celestial worlds, the center naturally appertains to the most considerable bodies, how happens it that both Saturn and Jupiter, each of which are incomparably greater than the globe of the earth, should be at the extremity of our system?
As the shortest road is that which fatigues us the least, we are too apt to conclude that the case is the same with Nature. Thus, to spare the sun the trouble of travelling ninety millions of leagues every twenty-four hours, in order to give us light, we suppose the earth to turn on its own axis. This possibly may be the case. But if the earth revolves on its own axis, there ought to be a very great difference in the spaces passed over by two cannon balls discharged at the same instant, the one in an eastern the other in a western direction; the first proceeding with the earth's motion, the other directly opposite thereto. While both balls are suspended in the air and receding from each other at the rate of six thousand fathoms in a minute, the earth, during the same interval of a minute, assists the first and retards the second; turning so swiftly as to move in that time sixteen thousand fathoms, which ought to bring the spot from whence they took their departure twenty-two thousand fathoms distant for the ball shot westward, and ten thousand fathoms (the same way) for that shot eastward.
I proposed this objection to an able astronomer, who seemed angry at my asking the question. He answered me at last, like other learned doctors, that this objection had been made and refuted a thousand times.—Upon my begging him, however, to take pity of my ignorance, and to give me some sort of solution; he instanced a ball let drop from a ship's topmast while under full sail, which yet, notwithstanding her swift motion, always falls at the foot of the mast—"The earth (said he) in exactly the same manner, involves in its rotatory motion, the two bullets. If they were discharged perpendicularly, they would fall precisely in the same spot from whence they set out." As affections cost nothing, and are generally used to cut the gordian knot of real difficulty, he added, that, the motion of the larger body absorbs that of the smaller.
But if this be true, answered I, the ball falling from the ship's topmast ought not to fall at the foot of the mast; its progressive motion ought to be absorbed, not in that of the vessel, but in the motion of the earth, an immensely larger body—In this case the ball ought only to obey the impulse of gravitation; and for the same reason, in the former case, if the earth really moves upon its axis, it ought to absorb the motion of the bullet which goes with it eastward, and so much retard the other as to return into the cannon's mouth from whence it was discharged.
I am inclined to have my doubts upon systems, experiments, and even what are called axioms, or evident truths. Our planetary system, as now received, is a pretty thing enough; but it has been contrived in human weakness rather than in wis-
dom. The diurnal rotation of the earth does indeed save the sun an immense distance in travelling: I do not believe, however, that the system mankind have devised is the real system of Nature; nor can I think that she has revealed her sublimest secrets to that animal called man, who does not even clearly comprehend the principle upon which he moves his fingers.
I will declare my opinion, that I think it highly probable that the Sun has a real diurnal motion around our earth. An observation of certain British astronomers at Greenwich, adds great force to my opinion. They discovered, that a fixed star in the constellation of the Bull had a declination of two minutes every twenty-four hours. This star was not of the nebulous kind nor bearded, and therefore could not be supposed a comet. The British astronomers communicated their observations on this star to those at Paris, who found them exact; and M. Messier made a report on this subject to the academy of sciences at the first time of their assembling. [See Courier de l'Europe for May 4, 1781.]
If, therefore, the fixed stars are suns, here is a sun that moves, and its motion is an argument of no little strength that our's does the same!
The total immobility of the earth may also be argued from hence, that the fixed stars never change their apparent distances from each other in respect to us, which would certainly be the case, and sensibly too, if we travelled in the course of a year, as has been said, an orbit or circle of sixty four millions of leagues in diameter, through the regions of space. In such an immense journey, we should beyond all doubt sensibly approach some, and recede from others of them.
Sixty-four millions of leagues (say the modern philosophers) is but a point in the immensity of the heavens in comparison to the distances between us and the stars—I doubt it much. The sun, which is a million of times larger than the earth, has only an apparent diameter of half a foot at the distance of thirty-two millions of leagues from us. If this distance reduces a body of such immense magnitude to so small a diameter, it cannot be doubted that sixty-four millions of leagues, in addition to the former, would reduce it to the apparent size of a star; and it is more than probable that if we were removed sixty-four millions of leagues still farther off, the sun would disappear entirely. How comes it then, that if the earth approaches and recedes this distance alternately to and from the fixed stars, in making her annual revolution, that not a single star is magnified or diminished in respect to ourselves?
I will here produce some other observations, tending to prove that even the fixed stars have certain motions peculiar to themselves. The ancient astronomers observed in the neck of the Whale, a star which had great variety of appearance. Sometimes it would appear for three months together; sometimes for a longer term. One time it would appear great, and at another time small, without any regularity as to the intervals of appearance. The same astronomers relate, that they also discovered a new star in the heart of the Swan, which frequently disappeared and reappeared.—In the year 1600, it was equal in size to a star of the first magnitude; it diminished by degrees, and at last became invisible. M. Cassini again got sight of it in 1655. For five years it constantly increased in size and splendour; again it diminished, and by degrees became invisible. In 1670 a new star showed itself near the head of the Swan. It was observed by several first rate astronomers. It disappeared, but was seen again in 1672. Since that it has never appeared except in 1709 and 1713, when it again became totally invisible. These instances demonstrate that the fixed stars do not only move, but that they describe curves very different from the elliptical and plain circles, which we have hitherto assigned to the celestial bodies. I am persuaded that there is as great a variety in the motions of the stars, as there is among the various bodies on the surface of this earth; and that there are stars which describe cycloids, spirals, and perhaps other curves of which we have no idea.
I will not enlarge on this subject, lest I should be censured for pretending to know more of the affairs of the starry regions, than of our own on the earth. I have only expressed my doubts and my ignorance. If the stars are suns, then there are suns that have motion, and why may not our own sun move as well as the rest of them?
The maxim hitherto received by philosophers, that Nature in her operations takes the shortest method to effect her purposes , has impregnated all our systems of natural philosophy more or less with error and false opinions. In this respect, even common experience is against them. Nature has ordered rivers almost constantly to take a serpentine course, and not a direct line. The veins in the human body have incredible circumvolutions, and several bones in the same body seem to have been perforated on purpose, that some of the principal veins might pass into the fleshy parts of the limbs, without being exposed to injuries from external shocks. In fine, Nature raises a mushroom in a single night, and hardly matures an oak in a whole century. She rarely takes the shortest method to accomplish her designs, but always takes that which is the most proper.
Gen. JACKSON's Speech in the House of Representatives, on Monday the 27th ult. relative to the Georgia Contested Election.
Mr. Speaker, NEITHER governed by party, nor affected by resentment, but actuated, if I know myself, by the purest motives for the good of my country, I have appeared at your bar on the most important occasion of my life—important to myself, because I have made certain allegations which as a public man it is incumbent on me to prove, and more important to my country, because if those allegations be founded, the privileges of my fellow citizens have not only been grossly and wantonly abused, but are materially interested in the event.
It has been with much hesitation and difficulty that I brought myself to a determination of procedure—the respectability of your honorable House, and the severity the author of an unfounded or frivolous petition on so important a subject should ever meet with from you—the favor and
attention which the sitting members will always experience—the time, the expence of prosecution, and my own inability to conduct so great an undertaking, all presented themselves before me—and added to these forcible reasons indeed—the recollection of the loss of a member on this floor by the census of the United States to the representation of Georgia, made no small impression on my mind. On the other hand, the tales which I daily heard, and the letters which I continually received, giving me accounts of transactions at that election which lead to more than British corruption—the consideration of this early period of our government, the danger of corruption to any state, and the fear of so foul a practice becoming so early a precedent, prevented my being silent—I was induced to believe that silence on such an occasion would be more than common treason—treason of the most nefarious kind, and of the blackest dye—treason against the majesty of the people and their most sacred rights, the freedom of election—I considered that if I were silent, I should not deserve the greatest honor upon earth, the appellation of an American citizen.
Impressed with these sentiments, I set out from Georgia in a most dangerous and inclement season, exposed to a rude and boisterous element, and have arrived here at the risk of my life, to make good what I have alleged.
In reply to the argument of the sitting member for a delay, that it would take ten days to go to Camden, and ten days to return to Savannah, exclusive of time to take evidence in—I ask, why the gentleman did not consider this at the time of forming the resolutions? He had every advantage of me—He was present on this floor and had the privilege of objecting to every part of them, particularly as to time, and no doubt if he had objected the House would have indulged him in extending it: his silence on that subject must induce this House to believe that he thought the time sufficient. The evidence to be taken under those resolutions was to be confined to testimony taken after the 26th day of December, and twenty-five days previous to the day of trial; so that there were but sixteen or seventeen days to take evidence in. But, sir, in the speech of the gentleman on that occasion, and which I have seen in the public prints, does he not charge me with delay, and thereby prove himself to be prepared? Does he not urge me to come forward, and thereby prove himself to be ready? Nay, sir, does he not go farther, and charge me with the want of evidence, and the staying behind to influence the grand juries and the legislature of Georgia? The latter part of this charge can only injure the gentleman himself; I venture to assert that the grand juries and the legislature of Georgia are as far superior to the gentleman's insinuations, as the purity of their proceedings has been to the corruptions of the late election.
If my petition for postponement be made a ground, I answer that it was founded on an accord; an addition of twenty days was allowed by a consent of parties, entered into between the gentleman's attorneys and myself in Georgia, and for the very reason that farther delays should not be made, and it ought not to be considered on partial grounds.
The gentleman has mentioned something of procuring evidence as to other elections; if this be the reason for delay, and to deprive me from a seat, he is much mistaken in my conduct—I am actuated by higher motives than those of restless ambition or interested views; it is not the seat, but the restoration of the people's rights which I contend for; let us both go home—let the people's voice be known—let their choice be fairly made by a pure election, and if it falls on the sitting member, I shall be content.
I wish not to make this question of more consequence than it really is, or to injure the moral character of any man; I value reputation too high, and have had too many attempts to stab my own to wish to injure the reputation of others; but I am compelled to declare that the liberties and privileges of the citizens of America have been greatly abused by the election of the sitting member. There are official papers now in the hands of a representative of Georgia, whereby that state declares that the sitting member has not the voice of the people; shall the state of Georgia be represented by a member which she has declared not to be her representative? Shall the United States, to extend the idea, and to suppose him a representative for the union generally, be represented by a member said to be illegally elected? Suppose an even vote on this floor, or that the decision should be given to a law or resolution of this House by the vote of the sitting member, would not the citizens have room to doubt its propriety if not its validity? On every principle, on every view, no farther delay should take place; the publications in Georgia, so far from being a disadvantage, were an advantage to the gentleman; they shewed him the ground I meant to take; they placed him on his guard, and he might have collected counter proofs. The state of Georgia is greatly interested, and waits your decision with anxious expectation; a delay of trial will be considered by her as an evasion of justice, and the first step to a denial of justice is a delay; and I hope I shall be pardoned the observation when I say, that I shall conceive a postponement, so as to lose this session, to be an evasion of the object altogether, and a rejection of my petition. It was said in Georgia, that it was impossible to procure a decision on this point. I am come here at great expence, and hope the conduct of this House will give a falsity to the report; should however, the object be now defeated, I beg this House to consider the consequences. However barefaced the corruption, or however great the violation of the rights of election, will any citizen with such a warning as the precedent will exhibit, attempt a precarious prosecution of the people's rights—the consequences must be that corruption will be exalted, and the streams of legislation will be polluted with impunity. If permitted to proceed, I am prepared to shew that the present instance of corruption is unexampled in America, and is scarcely equalled in ancient or modern annals."
To this General Wayne replied: When the suite of resolutions on the petition of Gen. Jackson, were under consideration in the House, he took no part in the debate, but withdrew him-
self—a fact well known to most of the members; therefore did not interfere as to the time allowed for taking testimony. But it is in proof that the post was from the 29th of November, until the 31st of December, going from this place to Savannah: allow an equal time to come from that place to this, in addition to the twenty days prolongation solicited on the part of the petitioner, and agreed to by General Wayne's attorneys; from the 17th of January, say fifty-two days, it must appear evident that there has not been time sufficient for the testimony taken under that agreement to arrive at this place.
This prolonging of the time was artfully obtained by the petitioner, who as soon as he had gained his point, immediately took the deposition of three evidences, which he has brought forward, well knowing that in order to obtain testimony on the part of the sitting member on the election of the county of Camden, his attorneys had to send near two hundred miles, the greater part by water, through a long and dangerous sound, in which they may be retarded by contrary winds and tides. The inhabitants generally lived on Cumberland island, and at the mouth of St. Mary's River, on the borders of East-Florida: the distance would require twenty days to go from and return to Savannah, and thirty-two days from thence to Philadelphia, even if no accident took place; but the difficulty of passing the Savannah and other rivers in this season frequently retarded the post (who rides but once a week) for many days between Savannah and Charleston.
The gentleman talks of unheard-of corruption. I trust that gentleman will not dare to insinuate that I had any knowledge of it, should any have taken place.
The gentleman says that he has seen a speech made in this House, in which exceptions are taken against certain publications in the newspapers, and observes, that these were of advantage to the sitting member. Mr. Speaker, there were affidavits in those publications procured in a manner that would have disgraced a New-Gate Solicitor .
The gentleman also laments the disadvantage to Georgia in not being properly represented, and speaks much of his public virtue and love of country.
Mr. Speaker, I believe that I may venture to assert, that I have given the most convincing proofs to the world of my love of country, and that the public have not lost by the change."
Mr. Jackson—Whether the gentleman is or is not guilty of corruption at the election, is best known to his own conscience; but I dare to do my duty, and as long as I am a public man, I will continue to do it, notwithstanding I may meet with stern looks and menacing expressions—If improper affidavits have been made, it has not been my fault; but sir, many of them are regarded as being of the chaste nature.
[The decision is put off till the second Monday in March.]
TEN POUNDS REWARD.
RAN away, a Negro lad about seventeen years old, who left the subscriber sometime in August last. He goes by the name of LEVEN; is of a yellowish colour, and about five feet high. He is supposed to have gone to the Delaware state. Any person bringing the said negro to the subscriber, shall be entitled to the above reward; and any person giving such information as will enable the owner to recover him again, shall be entitled to one half the above sum, which will be paid by
THOMAS MILES. Feb. 14, 1792. 5t. 1 aw.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away in August 1790 from the subscriber, living in Queen Ann's county, eastern shore of Maryland, a country born Negro woman, called GRACE. She is about middle aged, very low of stature, round face, remarkable small feet, for a negro, and has lost several of her fore-teeth. The lapse of time since she has absconded renders it unnecessary to describe her cloathing. She is artful and talkative, and I make no doubt has passed for a free woman, and got into Pennsylvania or Delaware states. The above reward shall be paid to any person securing said negro, and giving information thereof to her master, and reasonable charges if brought home.
EDWARD HARRIS. Feb. 23- 8w 1aw.
This Day are published, S E R M O N S, Historical and Characteristical: By WILLIAM LINN, D. D. One of the Ministers of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, in the city of New-York.
Sold by T. DOBSON, R. CAMPBELL, & M. CAREY. [Price Three Quarters of a Dollar.]
A few Copies of the REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, of the 6th inst. on the PUBLIC DEBT, may be had at this Office.
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