Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-04-10 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
[No. CIV.]
SATURDAY, APRIL 10, 1790.
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN.
For TABLET, No. 104, see third page of this paper.
THE WORCESTER SPECULATOR.
I WAS engaged the other day, a few hours, in conversation with a neighbour—He is an honest husbandman, and leads a peaceful life in the cultivation of his farm, and in the care of a family. —“I wish,” says he, “I was better acquainted with the real situation of my country—whether we shall probably be a happy, or an unhappy people—whether we shall be crushed by taxes.—Although,” continued he, “my attention has ever been alive to public measures, and my wishes engaged for the prosperity of my country, my present fears were awakened by the complaints of others—and what, too, increased them, was their coming, not from my own class, men who work hard for their living, but from men who, one would suppose, would hardly notice the greatest public calamity; those who appear to lead merry lives, and pass the greatest part of their time with jolly companions at taverns; if such men have cause to murmur, what will become of the poor farmer? I cannot, I confess, clearly see grounds for their complaints; my ignorance perhaps, is the reason. Though a man of little observation, I have a grateful heart; and have often acknowledged the enjoyment of many supposed public blessings: We live in a country, from the nature of the government, justly called the land of freedom; learning and virtue are everywhere promoted, and justice unerringly administered; the climate is favorable, and the soil good; For my part I have found no difficulty in supplying, from my farm, the demands of a large family, and paying my taxes; which, though, sometimes large, have never been oppressive: But how long,” added he, looking seriously at me, “this will be my case, how long before calls for the payment of our debts, will deprive me of such ability, I cannot tell; from the suggestions of others, I feel alarmed.”
His anxiety merited attention: My feelings were engaged for him, and most gladly would I have pointed out the latent sources of public advantage, had it not been taking the part of a politician farther than my abilities would justify. However, his fears of an accumulated burden from taxation, were very easily removed.—Our debt, said I, my worthy friend, according to a late report of the Secretary of the Treasury, amounts to eighty millions of dollars: The annual interest of which is upwards of four millions—the inhabitants of America amount nearly to that number—assessments by land and poll tax, with the aid of impost, have been found equal to the discharge of the annual interest of the said debt, without oppression. Our country is extensive, and the increase of population in no country more rapid—Let such interest be annually discharged—the increase of population, with the constant accessions to our improved lands, are the two great resources, which will prove an increasing sinking fund upon the principal, that will effectually discharge it—they are the storehouses, out of which, without any additional burden on ourselves, we shall make payment of our debts. “But,” inquired my honest friend, “shall the greatest resources of our country be realized by foreigners, and we excluded from any benefit of them?” By no means, replied I. Those must be creditors unheard of for their exactions, who should demand, and that a custom unparallelled for its rigor that should sanction the payment of interest for the whole debt until all was discharged: Such an idea, if entertained, would be an extravagant departure, not only from justice, but from facts. As the debt is discharged the interest must decrease, and our taxes be proportionably lightened. The two resources then constantly operating with increasing effect to the removal of the debt, must realize to us in a very sensible manner, our advantage from them: They will at length, added I, redeem themselves; and all their streams be turned to the watering their own country. Be not discouraged; let not the most frightful suggestions of the discontented scare you from your industry. Taxes, in this country, never have been, and we may confidently believe they never will be the means of imprisoning the industrious man. The case of the farmer has in some respects been hard, too small a comparative value has been set on the produce of his farm, when made the consideration of money. Too free a use of foreign commodities was the reason, the purchase of which made large and constant draughts on our specie. But against this evil we are daily strengthening ourselves: Progress in preparations for supplying our demands from among ourselves, is successfully made: The interests of the mechanic, husbandman, and artisan, are anxiously blended with the first objects of our legislators. Under their watchful protection, all the means within reach for promoting them will be hunted up. Thus will industry be encouraged and our money made more plenty.
(From the Massachusetts-Spv.)
AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.
WE are happy in inserting the following facts, corroborative of the advancement of the manufactures of our country.
The Hon. Mr. SHAW, owner of the beautiful Ship Massachusetts , designed for the East-India Trade, from an attachment to his native place, and to exemplify his disposition to promote the manufactures of his country, furnished his Ship both with cordage and sail-cloth from the Boston manufactories; of the latter he took nearly twelve thousand yards; which cloth, from the many experiments made of it, is pronounced to be superior to foreign canvas of any fabric whatever; one of its singular excellences is, that it has hitherto proved incapable of taking mildew, owing to a peculiar manner in preparing the yarns—and for firmness of texture and durableness of wear, is allowed to be far before any other cloth.
The encouragement the promoters of it have met with in their sales, has induced them to build another factory, which they have now in hand, and when completed expect soon to turn out upwards of two thousand yards a week, which they make of different denominations, from No. 1 to 8 inclusive: In addition to the above, three other Indian men have been wholly clothed with it, as well as a great number of vessels of every description.
A regular Woolen Manufactory is now established at Watertown under the direction of Messrs. FAULKNER and Co. and tho in its infancy, promises great success, as they have already made upwards of two thousand yards of Cloth, which turns out much cheaper than English Cloths of the same quality.
(Mass. Centinel.)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17.
Mr. Smith (S. C.) Speech on the report of the Committee on the memorial of the People called Quakers.
(CONTINUED.)
ANOTHER plan was to liberate all those who should be born after a certain limited period: such a scheme would produce this very extraordinary phenomenon, that the mother would be a slave and her child would be free. These young emancipated negroes by associating with their enslaved parents, would participate in all the debasement which slavery was laid to occasion. But allowing that a practicable scheme of general emancipation could be devised, there can be no doubt that the two races would still remain distinct. It was known from experience that the whites had such an idea of their superiority over the blacks that they never even associated with them; even the warmest friends to the blacks kept them at a distance, and rejected all intercourse with them. Could any instance be quoted of their intermarrying; the Quakers asserted that nature had made all men equal, and that the difference of colour should not place negroes on a worse footing in society than the whites; but had any of them ever married a negro, or would any of them suffer their children to mix their blood with that of a black?—they would view with abhorrence such an alliance.
Mr. Smith then read some extracts from Mr. Jefferson's notes on Virginia, proving that negroes were by nature an inferior race of beings; and that the whites would always feel a repugnance at mixing their blood with that of the blacks. Thus, he proceeded, that respectable author, who was desirous of countenancing emancipation, was on a consideration of the subject induced candidly to avow that the difficulties appeared insurmountable. The friends to manumission had said that by prohibiting the further importation of slaves and by liberating those born after a certain period, a gradual emancipation might take place, and that in process of time the very color would be extinct, and there would be none but whites. He was at a loss to learn how that consequence would result. If the blacks did not intermarry with the whites, they would remain black to the end of time; for it was not contended that liberating them would whitewash them; if they did intermarry with the whites, then the white race would be extinct, and the American people would be all of the mulatto breed. In whatever light therefore the subject was viewed, the folly of emancipation was manifest. He trusted these considerations would prevent any further application to Congress on this point, and would so far have weight with the committee as to reject the clause altogether, or at least to declare in plain terms that Congress have no right whatever to manumit the slaves of this country.
Various objections, said he, had at different times been alledged against the abominable practice, as it had been called, of one man exercising dominion over another; but slavery was no new thing in the world—the Romans, the Greeks, and other nations of antiquity, held slaves at the time christianity first dawned on society, and the professors of its mild doctrines never preached against it. Here Mr. Smith read a quotation from the Roman and Grecian history, and from some accounts of the government and manners of the people of Africa, before they had any knowledge of the African traders, from which he said it appeared that slavery was not disapproved of by the apostles when they went about diffusing the principles of christianity; and that it was not owing to the African trade, as had been alledged, that the people of Africa made war on each other.
Another objection against slavery was, that the number of slaves in the Southern States weakened that part of the Union, and in case of invasion would require a greater force to protect it. Negroes, it was said, would not fight: but he would ask whether it was owing to their being black or to their being slaves; if to their being black, then unquestionably emancipating them would not remedy the evil, for they would still remain black; if it was owing to their being slaves, he denied the position; for it was an undeniable truth, that in many countries slaves made excellent soldiers. In Russia, Hungary, Poland, the peasants were slaves, and yet were brave troops. In Scotland, not many years ago, the Highland peasants were absolute slaves to their lairds, and they were renowned for their bravery. The Turks were as much enslaved as the negroes—their property and lives were at the absolute disposal of the Sultan, yet they fought with undaunted courage. Many other instances might be quoted, but those would suffice to refute the fact. Had experience proved that the negroes would not make good soldiers? He did not assert that they would, but they had never been tried; discipline was every thing; white militia made but indifferent soldiers before they were disciplined. It was well known that according to the present art of war, a soldier was a mere machine, and he did not see why a black machine was not as good as a white one; in one respect the black troops would have the advantage by appearing more horrible in the eyes of the enemy. But admitting that they would not fight, to what would the argument lead? Undoubtedly to shew that the Quakers, Moravians, and all the non-resisting and non-fighting sects, constituted the weakness of a country. Did they not contribute to strengthen the country against invasion by staying at home and joining the invader as soon as he was successful? But they furnished money, he should be told, and paid substitutes—and did not the slaves by increasing the agriculture of the country add to its wealth, and thereby encrease its strength? did they not moreover perform many laborious services in the camp and in the field, assist in transporting baggage, conveying artillery, throwing up fortifications, and thus encrease the numbers in the ranks by supplying their places in these services? Nor was it necessary that every part of the empire should furnish fighting men; one part supplied men, another money—one part was strong in population, another in valuable exports, which added to the opulence of the whole. Great-Britain obtained no soldiers from her East and West-India settlements, were they therefore useless? She was obliged to send troops to protect them, but their valuable trade furnished her with means of paying those troops.
Another objection was, that the public opinion was against slavery: How did that appear? Were there any petitions on the subject excepting that from the Pennsylvania society and a few Quakers? And were they to judge for the whole continent? Were the citizens of the Northern or Eastern States to dictate to Congress on a measure in which the Southern States were so deeply interested? There were no petitions against slavery from the Southern States, and they were the only proper judges of what was for their interest. The toleration of slavery in the several states was a matter of internal regulation and policy, in which each state had a right to do as she pleased, and no other state had any right to intermeddle with her policy or laws. If the citizens of the Northern states were displeased with the toleration of slavery in the Southern states, the latter were equally disgusted with some things tolerated in the former. He had mentioned on a former occasion the dangerous
tendencies and pernicious practices of the sect of Shaking Quakers who preached against matrimony, and whose doctrine and example, if they prevailed, would either depopulate the United States, or people it with a spurious race. However the people of South Carolina reproached the gross and immoral conduct of these Shakers, they had not petitioned Congress to expel them from the continent, though they thought such a measure would be serviceable to the United States. The legislature of South Carolina had prohibited theatrical representations, deeming them improper, but they did not trouble Congress with an application to abolish them in New-York and Philadelphia—The Southern citizens might also consider the toleration of Quakers as an injury to the community, because in time of war they would not defend their country from the enemy, and in time of peace they were interfering in the concerns of others, and doing every thing in their power to excite the slaves in the Southern states to insurrection; notwithstanding which the people of those states had not required the assistance of Congress to exterminate the Quakers.
But he could not help observing that this squeamishness was very extraordinary at this time. The Northern states knew that the Southern states had slaves before they confederated with them. If they had such an abhorrence for slavery, why said Mr. Smith, did they not cast us off and reject our alliance? The truth was, that the most informed part of the citizens of the Northern states knew that slavery was so ingrafted into the policy of the Southern states, that it could not be eradicated without tearing up by the roots their happiness, tranquility and prosperity—that if it were an evil, it was one for which there was no remedy, and therefore, like wise men they acquiesced in it: We, on the other hand, knew that the Quaker doctrines had taken such deep root in some of the states that all resistance to them must be useless: We therefore made a compromise on both sides, we took each other with our mutual bad habits and respective evils, for better for worse; the Northern states adopted us with our slaves, we adopted them with their Quakers. There was then an implied compact between the Northern and Southern people that no step should be taken to injure the property of the latter, or to disturb their tranquility. It was therefore with great pain he had viewed the anxiety of some of the members to pay such uncommon respect to the memorialists as even to set aside the common rules of proceeding, and attempt to commit the memorials the very day they were presented, though the Southern members had solicited one day's delay. Such proceedings had justly raised an alarm in the minds of his Southern colleagues; and feeling that alarm, they would have acted a dishonorable part to their constituents had they not expressed themselves with that warmth and solicitude which some gentlemen had disapproved.
A proper consideration of this business, must convince every candid mind, that emancipation would be attended with one or other of these consequences; either that a mixture of the races would degenerate the whites, without improving the blacks, or that it would create two separate classes of people in the community involved in inveterate hostility, which would terminate in the massacre and extirpation of one or the other, as the Moors were expelled from Spain and the Danes from England. The negroes would not be benefited by it; free negroes never improve in talents, never grow rich, and continue to associate with the people of their own color. This is owing either to the natural aversion the whites entertain towards them, and an opinion of the superiority of their race, or to the natural attachment the blacks have to those of their own color; in either case it proves that they will after manumission continue a distinct people, and have separate interests. The author already quoted, has proved that they are an inferior race even to the Indians.
After the last war a number of negroes which had been stolen from the southern States, and carried to England, either quitted the persons who carried them there, or were abandoned by them. Unable to provide for themselves, and rejected from the society of the common people of England, they were begging about the streets of London in great numbers; they supplicated captains of vessels to carry them back to their owners in America, preferring slavery there, to freedom in England. Many of them were shipped to Africa by the humanity of the English, and were either butchered or made slaves by their savage countrymen, or reshipped for sale to the plantations.
But some persons have been of opinion that if the further importation of slaves could be prohibited, there would be a gradual extinction of the species. Having shown the absurdity of liberating the popinati without extending it to all the slaves old and young, and the great absurdity and even impracticability of extending it to all, I shall say a few words with regard to the extinction; that would be impossible, because they increase—to occasion an extinction, Congress must prohibit all intercourse between the sexes; this would be an act of humanity they would not thank us for, nor would they be persuaded that it was for their own good, or Congress must, like Herod, order all the children to be put to death as soon as born. If then nothing but evil would result from emancipation, under the existing circumstances of the country, why should Congress stir at all in the business, or give any countenance to such dangerous applications. We have been told that the government ought to manifest a disposition inimical to this practice which the people reprobate. If some citizens, from misinformation and ignorance have imbibed prejudices against the southern States, if ill-intentioned authors have related false facts, and gross misrepresentations tending to traduce the character of a whole State, and to mislead the citizens in other States, is that a sufficient reason why a large territory is to be depopulated, merely to gratify the wish of some misinformed individuals? But what have the citizens of the other States to do with our slaves? Have they any right to interfere with our internal policy?
This is not an object of general concern, for I have already proved that it does not weaken the Union; but admit that it did, will the abolition of slavery strengthen South-Carolina? It can only be cultivated by slaves; the climate, the nature of the soil, ancient habits, forbid it by the whites; experience convinces us of the truth of this. Great-Britain made every attempt to settle Georgia by whites alone and failed, and was compelled at length to introduce slaves; after which, that State increased very rapidly in opulence and importance. If the slaves are emancipated, they will not remain in that country—remove the cultivators of the soil, and the whole of the low country, all the fertile rice and indigo swamps will be deserted, and become a wilderness. What then becomes of its strength? Will such a scheme increase it? Instead of increasing the population of the whites, there will be no whites at all; if the low country is deserted, where will be the commerce, the valuable exports of that country, the large revenue raised from its imports and from the consumption of the rich planters? In a short time the northern and eastern States will supply us with their manufactures; if you depopulate the rich low country of South-Carolina and Georgia, you will give us a blow which will immediately recoil on yourselves. Suppose that 140,000 slaves in those States, which require annually five yards of cloth each, making 700,000 yards at half a dollar a yard, this makes 350,000 dollars, besides the articles of linen, flannel, oznaburgh, blankets, molasses,

Sugar and rum for the use of the negroes; now, either the eastern and middle States will supply us with all these articles or they will receive the benefit of the impost on them if they were imported from foreign countries. Without the rice swamps of Carolina, Charleston would decay, so would the commerce of that city; this would injure the back country. If you injure the Southern States, the injury would reach our Northern and Eastern brethren; for the States are links of one chain: if we break one the whole must fall to pieces. Thus it is manifest that in proportion to the increase of our agriculture will our wealth be increased; the increase of which will augment that of our sister States, which will either supply us with their commodities, or raise a large revenue upon us, or be the carriers of our produce to foreign markets.
(TO BE CONTINUED.)
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 7.
Several petitions were read.
In committee of the whole on the bill providing for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States.—Mr. LIVERMORE in the chair.
Several sections of the bill were discussed.
The clause which enacts that counterfeiting the securities of the United States, or uttering counterfeits knowingly, shall be punished with death, by being hanged, it was moved, should be amended by striking out the words "punished with death by being hanged," to admit a less punishment for uttering or passing, than for counterfeiting.—The degrees of criminality in the two cases were accurately defined by Mr. SHERMAN.
Mr. SEDGWICK observed, that he thought the degrees of punishment ought to be proportioned to the malignity of the offence.
He enlarged on the pernicious consequences of counterfeiting: He considered it as a crime against the most important interests of society—and of a peculiarly malignant tendency in the present and probable situation of the United States. Persons addicted to forgery, are seldom, if ever, reclaimed—the security of the society therefore appears to depend, on a capital punishment.—The idea is strengthened when we reflect on the mischief and ruin which have already ensued from forgery.
Mr. SEDGWICK afterwards conceded to the clause as it stood.
Mr. FITZSIMONS was opposed to the motion—He adverted to the practice and experience of Great Britain—the injurious and fatal consequences to credit which result from Forgery, are considered in England in so serious a point of light, that the Bank pays notes which they know to be counterfeit. Hence the inexorable rigor of the laws of that country in cases of forgery. He could not see so clearly, as some gentlemen appear to, the difference between forging, and simply uttering what is known to be counterfeit—the mischief is not completed till the forgery is uttered.
He enlarged on the idea of guarding public paper by every possible expedient.
Mr. WHITE observed, that he was opposed in general to inflicting Death, except for murder, or crimes which might terminate in murder; but in the present case, he thought there were degrees of guilt, and the punishment ought to be proportioned. He was moreover opposed to a capital punishment in this case, as he conceived it would tend to prevent convictions.
Mr. SHERMAN said he had known persons who had been convicted of this crime, that had afterwards reformed.
Mr. SMITH and Mr. BURKE were opposed to the motion. They severally dilated on the injuries which society was liable to, from the ingenuity of these unprincipled persons—the extreme difficulty of guarding against their depredations rendered it highly expedient they should be cut off.
The vote being taken on the motion, it was negatived—and the clause retained.
Further progress was made in the discussion—but the committee rose without going thro the bill. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, APRIL 8.
Sundry petitions were read and referred.
In committee of the whole.—The bill on crimes and punishments was further discussed—but not finished at 3 o'clock—when the committee rose—and the House adjourned.
FRIDAY, APRIL 9.
Mr. GILMAN of the committee of enrolment, informed the House, that the Act for the encouragement of useful arts was laid before The President for his assent, the 8th inst.
Mr. GOODHUE presented a memorial from the merchants and traders of the district of Newburyport, respecting the duties on tonnage—which was read and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. Also a petition from the Proprietors of the Cotton Manufactory, in Beverly—praying a reduction of the Impost on Cotton—which was referred to a committee of Five Members, viz. Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Sylvester, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Gale.
The committee, to whom was referred the accounts of the Printers, for newspapers, reported, That those accounts be paid out of the appropriation for contingent expenses—and that in future no more newspapers be supplied the House on the public account.
The committee to whom the accounts of the Treasurer of the United States were referred,
brought in a report, which is, that the accounts are properly stated, and the expenditures agreeable to appropriations made by law.
In committee of the whole.—The bill on crimes and punishments under consideration. The discussion was finished this day—The committee rose and reported the bill with sundry amendments. It was then moved that the bill with the amendments be referred to a select committee. This motion was lost. The amendments were taken up by the House, and some of them agreed to—others rejected—and to-morrow assigned for the third reading of the bill.
A message was received from the Senate with the bill for further suspending part of the Collection Law, passed with amendments, in which they request the concurrence of the House.
Mr. SMITH, (S. C.) moved, that a joint committee be appointed to consider and determine at what time the commissions of the Members of the two Houses shall expire—motion laid on the table.
Mr. AMES of the committee of conference, on the disagreement between the two Houses, respecting a clause in the bill for the mitigation or remissions of fines, penalties and forfeitures in certain cases, reported that the committee had attended that service—but had come to no agreement.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill for further suspending part of the Collection Law were read, and agreed to by the House.
Adjourned till Monday next.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS a Convention for defining and establishing the functions and privileges of the respective Consuls and vice-Consuls of his most Christian Majesty and of the said United States, was concluded and signed by the Plenipotentiaries of his said Most Christian Majesty and of the said United States, duly and respectively authorized for that purpose, which Convention is in the form following, viz.
Convention,
Between HIS MOST CHRISTIAN MAJESTY and the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, for the purpose of defining and establishing the functions and privileges of their respective Consuls and vice-Consuls.
HIS Majesty the Most Christian King and the United States of America, having by the 29th art. of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce concluded between them, mutually granted the liberty of having, in their respective States and Ports, Consuls, Vice-Consuls, Agents and Commissaries, and being willing, in consequence thereof, to define and establish in a reciprocal and permanent manner the functions and privileges of Consuls and Vice-Consuls, which they have judged it convenient to establish of preference, His M. C. Majesty has nominated the Sieur Count of Montmorin of St. Herent, Marechal of his Camps and Armies, Knight of his Orders and of the Golden Fleece, his Counsellor in all his Councils, Minister and Secretary of State and of his Commandments and Finances, having the Department of foreign affairs, and the United States have nominated the Sieur Thomas Jefferson, Citizen of the United States of America and their Minister Plenipotentiary near the King, who after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, have agreed on what follows:
ART. I. The Consuls and vice-Consuls named by the M. C. K. and the U. S. shall be bound to present their commissions according to the forms which shall be established respectively by the M. C. K. within his dominions, and by the Congress within the U. S. there shall be delivered to them, without any charges, the Exequatur necessary for the exercise of their functions; and on exhibiting the said Exequatur, the Governors, Commanders, Heads of justice, bodies corporate, Tribunals and other Officers having authority in the ports and places of their consulates, shall cause them to enjoy immediately, and without difficulty, the preeminences, authority and privileges, reciprocally granted, without exacting from the said Consuls and vice-Consuls any fee, under any pretext whatever.
ART. II. The Consuls and vice-Consuls and persons attached to their functions that is to say, their Chancellors and Secretaries, shall enjoy a full and entire immunity for their Chancery and the papers which shall be therein contained: they shall be exempt from all personal service, from soldiers billets, militia, watch, guard, guardianship, trusteeship, as well as from all duties, taxes, impositions, and charges whatsoever, except on the estate real and personal of which they may be the proprietors or possessors, which shall be subject to the taxes imposed on the estates of all other individuals: and in all other instances they shall be subject to the laws of the land as the natives are. Those of the said Consuls and vice-Consuls who shall exercise commerce shall be respectively subject to all taxes, charges and impositions established on other merchants. They shall place over the outward door of their house the arms of their Sovereign: but this mark of indication shall not give to the said house any privilege of asylum for any person or property whatsoever.
ART. III. The respective Consuls and vice-Consuls may establish Agents in the different ports and places of their departments where necessity shall require. These Agents may be chosen among the merchants either national or foreign, and furnished with a commission from one of the said Consuls: They shall confine themselves respectively to the rendering to their respective merchants, navigators, and vessels all possible service, and to inform the nearest Consul of the wants of the said merchants, navigators and vessels, without the said Agents otherwise participating in the immunities, rights and privileges attributed to Consuls and vice-Consuls, and without power under any pretext whatever to exact from the said merchants any duty or emolument whatsoever.
ART. IV. The Consuls and vice-Consuls respectively may establish a chancery, where shall be deposited the Consular determinations, acts and proceedings as also testaments, obligations, contracts, and other acts done by, or between persons of their nation,
on, and effects left by deceased persons, or saved from shipwreck. They may consequently appoint fit persons to act in the said chancery, receive and swear them in, commit to them the custody of the seal, and authority to seal commissions, sentences and other consular acts, and also to discharge the functions of notary and register of the Consulate.
ART. V. The Consuls and vice-Consuls respectively shall have the exclusive right of receiving in their chancery, or on board of vessels, the declarations and all other acts, which the captains, masters, crews, passengers, and merchants of their nation may cause to be made there, even their testaments and other dispositions by last will: and the copies of the said acts, duly authenticated by the said Consuls or vice-Consuls, under the seal of their consulate shall receive faith in law, equally as their originals would, in all the tribunals of the dominions of the M. C. King and of the United States. They shall also have, and exclusively, in case of the absence of the testamentary executor, administrator or legal heir, the right to inventory, liquidate and proceed to the sale of the personal estate left by subjects or citizens of their nation, who shall die within the extent of their consulate: they shall proceed therein with the assistance of two merchants of their said nation, or, for want of them, of any other at their choice, and shall cause to be deposited in their chancery, the effects and papers of the said estates; and no officer military, judiciary, or of the police of the country shall disturb them or interfere therein, in any manner whatsoever: but the said Consuls and vice-Consuls shall not deliver up the said effects, nor the proceeds thereof to the lawful heirs or to their order, till they shall have caused to be paid all debts which the deceased shall have contracted in the country; for which purpose the creditors shall have a right to attach the said effects in their hands as they might in those of any other individual whatever, and proceed to obtain sale of them till payment of what shall be lawfully due to them. When the debts shall not have been contracted by judgment, deed or note, the signature whereof shall be known, payment shall not be ordered but on the creditor's giving sufficient surety resident in the country, to refund the sums he shall have unduly received, principal, interest and costs: which surety nevertheless shall stand duly discharged after the term of one year in time of peace, and of two in time of war, if the demand in discharge cannot be formed before the end of this term against the heirs who shall present themselves. And in order that the heirs may not be unjustly kept out of the effects of the deceased the Consuls and vice-Consuls shall notify his death in some one of the gazettes published within their consulate, and that they shall retain the said effects in their hands four months to answer all demands which shall be presented: and they shall be bound after this delay to deliver to the persons succeeding thereto what shall be more than sufficient for the demands which shall have been formed.
ART. VI. The Consuls and vice-Consuls respectively shall receive the declarations, protests and reports of all captains and masters of their respective nation on account of average losses sustained at sea; and these captains and masters shall lodge in the chancery of the said Consuls and vice-Consuls, the acts which they may have made in other ports on account of the accidents which may have happened to them on their voyage. If a subject of the M. C. K. and a citizen of the U. S. or a foreigner are interested in the said cargo, the average shall be settled by the tribunals of the country and not by the Consuls or vice-Consuls; but when only the subjects or citizens of their own nation shall be interested, the respective Consuls or vice-Consuls shall appoint skilful persons to settle the damages and average.
ART. VII. In cases where by tempest, or other accident, French ships or vessels shall be stranded on the coasts of the U. S. and ships or vessels of the U. S. shall be stranded on the coasts of the dominions of the M. C. K. the Consul or vice-Consul nearest to the place of shipwreck shall do whatever he may judge proper, as well for the purpose of saving the said ship or vessel, its cargo and appurtenances, as for the storing and the security of the effects and merchandise saved. He may take an inventory of them, without the intermeddling of any officers of the military, of the customs, of justice, or of the police of the country, otherwise than to give to the Consuls, vice-Consuls, captain and crew of the vessel shipwrecked or stranded all the succor and favor which they shall ask of them, either for the expedition and security of the saving and of the effects saved, as to prevent all disturbance. And in order to prevent all kind of dispute and discussion in the said cases of shipwreck, it is agreed that when there shall be no Consul, or vice-Consul to attend to the saving of the wreck, or that the residence of the said Consul or vice-Consul (he not being at the place of the wreck) shall be more distant from the said place than that of the competent Judge of the Country, the latter shall immediately proceed therein with all the dispatch, certainty, and precautions prescribed by the respective laws; but the said territorial Judge shall retire, on the arrival of the Consul or vice-Consul, and shall deliver over to him the report of his proceedings, the expences of which the Consul or vice-Consul shall cause to be reimbursed to him, as well as those of saving the wreck. The merchandise and effects saved shall be deposited in the nearest custom house, or other place of safety, with the inventory thereof which shall have been made by the Consul or vice-Consul, or by the Judge who shall have proceeded in their absence, that the said effects and merchandise may be afterwards delivered (after levying therefrom the costs) and without form of process, to the owners, who being furnished with an order for their delivery from the nearest Consul or vice-Consul, shall reclaim them by themselves, or by their order, either for the purpose of re-exporting such merchandise, in which case they shall pay no kind of duty of exportation, or for that of selling them in the country, if they be not prohibited there, and in this last case, the said merchandise, if they be damaged, shall be allowed an abatement of entrance duties proportioned to the damage they have sustained, which shall be ascertained by the affidavits taken at the time the vessel was wrecked or struck.
ART. VIII. The Consuls or vice-Consuls shall exercise Police over all the vessels of their respective Nations, and shall have on board the said vessels all power and jurisdiction in Civil Matters, in all the disputes which may there arise, they shall have an entire inspection over the said vessels, their crew and the changes and substitutions there to be made. For which purpose they may go on board the said vessels whenever they may judge it necessary. Well understood that the functions hereby allowed shall be confined to the interior of the vessels, and that they shall not take place in any case which shall have any interference with the Police of the ports where the said vessels shall be.
ART. IX. The Consuls and vice-Consuls may cause to be arrested the Captains, Officers, Mariners, Sailors, and all other persons being part of the crews of the vessels of their respective Nation who shall have deserted from the said vessels in order to send them back and transport them out of the country. For which purpose the said Consuls and vice-Consuls shall address themselves to the Courts, Judges, and Officers competent, and shall demand the said deserters in writing, proving by an exhibition of the registers of the vessel or ship's roll that those men were part of the said crews: and on this demand so proved (saving however where the contrary is proved) the delivery shall not be refused; and there shall be given all aid and assistance to the said Consuls and vice-Consuls for the search, seizure and arrest of the said deserters, who shall even be detained and kept in the prisons of the Country, at their request and expence until they shall have found an opportunity of sending them back. But if they be not sent back within three months, to be counted from the day of their arrest, they shall be set at liberty, and shall be no more arrested for the same cause.
ART. X. In cases where the respective subjects or citizens shall have committed any crime, or breach of the peace, they shall be amenable to the Judges of the Country.
ART. XI. When the said offenders shall be a part of the crew of a vessel of their nation, and shall have withdrawn themselves on board the said vessel they may be there seized and arrested by order of the Judges of the Country: these shall give notice thereof

the Consul or vice-Consul, who may repair on board if he thinks proper; but this notification shall not in any case delay execution of the order in question. The persons arrested shall not afterwards be set at liberty until the Consul or vice-Consul shall have been notified thereof; and they shall be delivered to him, if he requires it, to be put again on board of the vessel on which they were arrested or of others of their nation, and to be sent out of the country.
ART. XII. All differences and suits between the subjects of the M. C. K. in the U. S. or between the citizens of the United States within the the dominions of the M. C. K. and particularly all disputes relative to the wages and terms of engagement of the crews of the respective vessels, and all differences of whatever nature they be, which may arise between the privates of the said crews, or between any of them and their captains, or between the captains of different vessels of their nation, shall be determined by the respective Consuls and vice-Consuls, either by a reference to arbitrators, or by a summary judgment and without costs. No Officer of the country, civil or military, shall interfere therein or take any part whatever in the matter: and the appeals from the said consular sentences shall be carried before the tribunals of France or of the U. S. to whom it may appertain to take cognizance thereof.
ART. XIII. The general utility of commerce having caused to be established within the dominions of the M. C. K. particular tribunals and forms for expediting the decision of commercial affairs, the merchants of the U. S. shall enjoy the benefit of these establishments; and the Congress of the U. S. will provide in the manner the most conformable to its laws the establishment of equivalent advantages in favour of the French merchants, for the prompt dispatch and decision of affairs of the same nature.
ART. XIV. The subjects of the M. C. K. and citizens of the U. S. who shall prove by legal evidence that they are of the said nations respectively, shall in consequence enjoy an exemption from all personal service in the place of their settlement.
ART. XV. If any other nation acquires by virtue of any convention whatever, a treatment more favourable with respect to the consular pre-eminencies, powers, authority and privileges, the Consuls and vice-Consuls of the M. C. K. or of the U. S. reciprocally shall participate therein, agreeable to the terms stipulated by the ad. 3. and 4th. articles of the treaty of amity and commerce concluded between the M. C. K. and the U. S.
ART. XVI. The present Convention shall be in full force during the term of twelve years to be counted from the day of the exchange of ratifications, which shall be given in proper form, and exchanged on both sides within the space of one year, or sooner if possible. In faith whereof we Ministers Plenipotentiary have signed the present Convention, and have thereto set the seal of our arms.
Done at Versailles the 14th. of November one thousand seven hundred and eighty eight.
SIGNED. L. C. De MONTMORIN. (L. S.) THOMAS JEFFERSON. (L. S.)
And whereas the said Convention has been duly ratified and confirmed by me on the one part, with the advice and consent of the Senate, and by his most Christian Majesty on the other, and the said ratifications were duly exchanged at Paris on the 1st day of January in the present year:— Now therefore, to the end that the said convention may be observed and performed with good faith on the part of the United States, I have ordered the premises to be made public, and I do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing office, civil or military, within the United States, and all others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said Convention and every clause and article thereof.
In testimony whereof I have caused the Seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Given at the City of New-York, the ninth day of April in the year of our Lord 1790, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States the fourth.
GEORGE WASHINGTON. By the President, THOMAS JEFFERSON.
THE TABLET.
No. CIV.
"It is an infallible consequence of all industrious professions, to beggar frugality, and make the love of gain prevail over the love of pleasure."
ACTIVE property usually centers in those places, which art rather than nature has made rich. There is scarce any thing more ridiculous than for an indolent man to boast of natural advantages as a source of wealth. The most fertile soil and mildest climate will never confer opulence on an indolent people; nor can any defect of natural resources hold an industrious people in poverty. That superiority which one nation maintains over another in point of useful wealth, and operative strength, is the result of art and industry. Men will not subject themselves, in the first instance, to severe labor, unless their situation renders it unavoidable. Prompted by necessity, they become industrious; and when they are accustomed to it, they will choose to be so from habit. When industry ceases to be irksome, men begin to grow rich. As soon as the love of gain obtains an ascendancy over the love of idleness, men will acquire more than they have occasion to consume. Property collected in this way will seldom be expended in folly and extravagance; because if a man had been disposed to be foolish and extravagant, he would not probably have been industrious. While any one is in the habit of industry he will of course be frugal, and by this means frugality will likewise become an habit. The skill and contrivance that grow out of experience will render labor more productive; but the increase of advantage will not abate the ardor of exertion. We must therefore look to that part of a nation where industry is most prevalent, for active wealth, and for the best accommodations of living.
In those parts of a country, to which nature has been liberal, people content themselves with few improvements of art, because they have never been compelled by necessity to rise above that indolence of character which makes men naturally prefer an easy life to a useful one.
NEWSPAPERS — AN EXTRACT.
I WAS not a little pleased, the other day, upon paying a visit at the house of a person of distinction in the country, to find the family assembled round a large table, covered with maps, and globes, and books, at the upper end of which sat a young lady, like a young professor, reading from the chair. In her hand she held a newspaper. Her father told me he had long accustomed her, while reading one of those vehicles of intelligence, to acquaint herself with the several towns and countries mentioned, by turning to the names in Salmon's Gazetteer, and then finding them out upon the globe, or a map; in which she was become so great a proficient, as to be at that time in truth giving a lecture in geography to her younger brothers and sisters. It was his farther intention he said, that from Campbell's Present State of Europe, she should acquire a sufficient knowledge of the history of the kingdoms around us, as well as our own, to form an idea of their importance and interests respectively, and the relation each bears to the rest. Verily, thought I to myself, this is reading a newspaper to some purpose.
Children, very early in life, are eager for the fight of the newspaper. By being called upon in a free and easy way, for some little account of what is in it, they may gradually be brought to read with attention, and to fix upon those articles which are most worthy of notice; as also to remember what they have read, from one day to another, and put things together.
While we are in the world we must converse with the world; and the conversation, in part, will turn on the news of the day. It is the first subject we begin upon, as a general introduction to every thing else. All mankind, indeed, are our brethren, and we are interested, or ought to be interested, in their pleasures and their pains, their sufferings, or their deliverances, throughout the world. Accounts of these should produce in us suitable emotions which would tend to the exercise of different virtues, and the improvement of our tempers. We should accustom ourselves hereby to rejoice with those who rejoice, and sympathize with those who mourn.
EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
BRUSSELS, January 8.
A N action, a few days ago, was fought in the Ardens, between the Patriotic and Imperial troops, the former amounting to 16000 men, under the command of General Vander Mersel, the latter to but 2000, commanded by either General Dalton, or by General Bender. Yet, as another proof, how inefficacious undisciplined valour is in the present improved state of tactics, General Vander Mersel was routed, with the loss of 1500 men, and, as report says, obliged to retire towards Namur; 5000 men were immediately sent from hence to join him at Arlon, and as they were all of them deserters from the Imperial army, well disciplined, and good soldiers, the greatest expectations are formed of their success.
L O N D O N, Feb. 6.
The Viceroy of Mexico has transmitted home a packet to Spain, containing several letters, and other papers, which had been taken out of some English, Portuguese, and Russian vessels, to the number of 36 sail, by a Spanish frigate, which had met the said fleet in S. lat. 40 degrees, going as is supposed to found a colony. The Captain of the Spanish frigate had also taken the Commander of the fleet.
Extract of a letter from Ghent, of the 5th January, 1790, to a gentleman in Liverpool.
"We are well advanced, and hope soon to arrive at the liberty which you enjoy. Our monarch has done many things contrary to his oath to the states of the low Countries at his inauguration, which has been proved in a proclamation made yesterday, from a theatre erected for the purpose in the great market place, where there met about 50,000 people, whose cries were all for the states and liberty, so that we look on all to be concluded, and think that your court and that of Berlin, with Holland, will interfere if necessary."
Contrary to that idea, which gives consequence to most European States, the Americans pique themselves upon having no standing army or heavy navy. They rely on their own internal strength for protection in case of war, and are, in the mean time freed from the burthens of permanent taxes.
They are at present employed in a great national undertaking, that of cutting through an extent of 40 or 50 miles across the country, to one of their great lakes, which will unite several large rivers, and communicate with the Ohio, a circumstance that will be highly favourable to navigation and commerce.
NEW-YORK, APRIL 10.
A correspondent observes that as revenue is not a subject of Rhetoric—but of Arithmetic, he has been puzzled at the long declamations which have been made on the business in a certain house.
The principles laid down by the Secretary of the Treasury in the introductory part of his report, being admitted, as they have been almost universally—the business of finance resolves itself into calculation; this being the case, it is hardly possible that any essential errors should be committed; if any should take place they must be voluntary.
The government of the United States being now organized—the several executive departments filled, the influence of the laws, being felt—and their salutary effects generally realized, universal content pervades the union—and the prospect is, that our country will enjoy a long continuance of peace.—If the public tranquility is secured, it is hardly possible to conceive how rapidly our resources will encrease, and with what facility our debts will be discharged, when they shall once be funded; from that moment, the real weight of the burden will begin to diminish; and there can be no doubt on the mind of any unprejudiced person, that tho a public debt, is in itself, not eligible, yet in the present circumstances of our country, a circulation of property will be the consequence of funding, that will give a universal spring to industry; a circulation that would not be induced from any other cause whatever; a circulation, which will facilitate every mechanical, agricultural and commercial operation; a circulation, the want of which, is the source of every embarrassment under which the above important interests at present labor.
A correspondent observes that the most striking distinction without a difference, is that made between the Continental and State Debts.
The Hon. JOHN WALKER, Esq. is appointed a Senator of the United States, in the room of the Hon. Col. William Grayson, deceased.
Married, on Sunday, the 28th ult. Mr. ROBERT CORNELL, late of Elphinstone, to the amiable and accomplished Miss ANN LYONS, daughter of the Reverend Mr. James Lyons, of Brookhaven, Suffolk County; a young lady of fortune, and possessed of every qualification necessary to render the marriage union happy.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THIS number completes the FIRST VOLUME OF THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. An INDEX is preparing, and will be published as soon as possible: Those Subscribers who intend to have their numbers bound, may be accommodated, by sending them to the Editor.
This Gazette will be continued upon its original PLAN, viz.—Be published, WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at the seat of the Federal Government—contain Sketches of Debates in the National House of Representatives—and the result of the deliberations of Congress—THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES—Essays and Paragraphs on Politics, Finance, Government, Education, Arts, Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures—Domestic and Foreign Intelligence, &c.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
Three dollars per annum, exclusive of postage: Payments to be Six Months in advance.
The Editor acknowledges, with gratitude, the favorable reception which the GAZETTE has received from a generous public. His interest must powerfully impel to such exertions as may ensure a continuance of general approbation. The favors of his correspondents he hopes will be continued: Some new sources of supply he expects will be opened—every hint for the improvement of the publication will be attended to—that it may subserve the interests of Virtue, Science, Freedom and Government.
Subscribers may be furnished with papers to complete their sets, as far as the files of the Editor can supply them—gratis.
Saturday, April 10, 1790.
ARRIVALS SINCE OUR LAST.—NEW YORK.
Brig, Novel, Noble, London, 46 days. Schooner, New-York, Packet, Barnard, Boston, 10 days
James F. Sebor, and Co.
Have removed from No. 59, to No. 187, Water-Street, near the Fly-Market.
WHERE they negotiate all kinds of PUBLIC SECURITIES—BILLS OF EXCHANGE, &c. as usual. New-York, April 8, 1790. t. f.
To be SOLD,
For CERTIFICATES, Or exchanged for LAND, TWENTY-TWO acres of ground in the City of New-York, fronting Great George-Street, Bowry-Lane, and Greenwich-Lane. On the premises is a brick dwelling house containing ten rooms; a smaller brick house with four rooms; a house with a brick front with two rooms: In each house is a Kitchen, and under the whole four cellars; a never failing spring is near one of the kitchens; a frame stable and a coach-house with stables. From the dwelling house both the North and the East rivers are plain to the view. Additional improvements have been made this Spring, the ground has been laid out for pleasure as well as for utility; it is provided with variety of orchard and other fruit; part of the land has also been sown with timothy and clover. To be sold for certificates of the national debt, which will be received at the nominal value, Dollars at 8s. Or for good upland, even if covered with wood, provided it is situated on the following rivers, or on creeks as far as navigable, communicating with the same, viz. At the Potomac above Alexandria; at James River above Richmond, in South-Carolina, about one hundred miles from the sea shore, on Santee Edisto or Ponpon river, or on Savannah river. If not sold at private sale before the 15th of May, it will then on the above terms be disposed of by Public Vendue at the merchants Coffee-House.—For further particulars enquire of Mr. PELLNITZ on the premises. New-York April 10, 1790.

ELEGY ON THE DEATH OF MISS CAROLINE CAMPBELL, DAUGHTER OF THE RIGHT HON. LORD WILLIAM CAMPBELL. (By General CONWAY.)
SINCE 'tis the will of all disposing Heaven, To seize the boon its kinder hand had given; Whether on earth thy friendly spirit rove, 'Midst the once happy partners of thy love; (Scenes where thy virtues reign'd, thy talents shone, And fond affection made each heart thy own) Or, bounding swift, has wing'd its airy flight To the pure regions of eternal light; Look down, fair Saint, and Oh, with pity see, Where sad remembrance lists each thought to thee: Accept the heaving sigh, the trickling tear, The last best offerings of a heart sincere. What though no costly hecatombs should bleed, Nor lengthen'd train in fable pomp succeed; Yet shall the sweetest flowers thy grave adorn, Wash'd by the kindest tears of dewy morn. There shall each friend thy heav'nly virtues made, With pious dirge invoke thy gentle shade; Like fragrant incense the soft breath shall rise, And smooth thy passage to thy kindred skies.
Severely kind, Oh, why did adverse fate Grant such vast bounties with so scant a date! Give such sweet fragrance to this short liv'd flower, The virtues of an age, to last an hour! It gave her wit might grace a Muse's tongue, The charm of numbers, and the power of song; Th' angelic touch to strike the trembling string, And tune such notes as its own seraphs sing. But Oh! o'er bounteous, with that sacred art It gave each nicer movement to the heart; And her soft breast, with strong sensibility fir'd, Felt the keen impulse which those arts inspir'd. Too great a portion of celestial flame Strain'd the frail texture of her weaker frame; The subtle fire too pow'rful forc'd its way Thro' the soft yielding mould of mortal clay; As the clear air in chrysal prison pent, Oft bursts its fair but brittle tenement; While in the dust the glittering fragments lie, The purer ether gains its native sky.
Ere the stern sisters cut the vital thread, I saw, and kiss'd her on the fatal bed, Just as her gentle spirit took its flight, And her faint eyelids clos'd in endless night: No strong convulsions shook her parting breath; No tremors mark'd the cold approach of death: Her heart still heav'd, with vital spirit warm, And each soft feature wore its wonted charm.
Ah me! in this perplexing maze of fate, This doubtful, erring, varying restless state; Tho' guilt with swelling sail clate shall steer, With pomp and pleasure crown'd, its full career; Tho' worth like thine no pitying power shall save From sickness, pain, and an untimely grave; Yet stay, rash mortal, nor presume to scan By thy imperfect rule th' Almighty's plan. Oh censure not his sovereign, high behest, But prostrate own, Whatever is, is best. Judgment's the part of Heaven; submission, thine; We may lament, but we must not repine. Each has his lot, (for so does Heaven ordain) His staid share of happiness and pain; And mortals best its just commands fulfil, When they enjoy the good, and patient bear the ill.
PREACHING — AN EXTRACT.
THE French are certainly our masters in pulpit eloquence; and I think the observations of the Bishop of Cambray, with respect to the structure of sermons, are to be preferred to those of the celebrated Blair. The former objects against the practice of formally laying down a number of heads, with their attendant subdivisions; the latter is an advocate for it, and compares the heads in a sermon to the mile posts on a journey; "these," says he, "give as much ease to the hearer as those to the traveller." This must suppose the whole discourse painful and laborious to the hearers, and that therefore, they rejoice at the little resting places. Can this be comparable with true eloquence, which never fatigues the hearer, and therefore requires no resting place for him to blow, pant, or get his breath at? Sermons thus fabricated and laid down, according to Mr. Blair's plan, with seven heads and ten horns, will never cease to be stiff, cold, tedious, and phlegmatic. It is much better for the preacher to reserve than apprise the audience of the heads of his discourse; for, when once they are furnished with them, they begin to anticipate what is to be said upon the subject, and then take a nap to themselves; but, where we are not at once presented with a chart or draught of the sermon, the pleasure of novelty, which is constantly breaking in upon us, commands attention.
(From the Georgia Gazette.)
FURTHER EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE, By the last Arrivals.
THE trial of WARREN HASTINGS, Esq. has re-commenced in Westminster-Hall.
The Dissenters, so called, are about petitioning Parliament for a repeal of the Test Laws—and are forming "Provincial Meetings," to act more unitedly. It is shrewdly suspected, that other grievances will be discovered, when they once begin their operations. Conventions, Committees of Correspondence, &c. are searching expedients. The Hon. CHARLES FOX, appears the advocate of the pretensions of this formidable body.
Intelligence of the Emperor's death was received at Carlton-House the 14th Feb. The King of Prussia, it is said, looks up to this exalted station. One of the Electors, the Duke of Bavaria, being dead, there are only eight to determine the succession. A treaty is said to be formed between the King of Prussia, and the Grand Siegnior.
The King of France in Feb. last, went to the National Assembly, and addressed them in a most masterly speech—in which he deplores the troubles of the kingdom—and in the most unequivocal manner sanctions the proceedings of the assembly, and the great principles of the Constitution, so far as it is completed.
General D'ALTON is removed from his command, and is to be tried for suffering the revolt in the low countries.
An alliance between Prussia and Poland has been announced to the Court of Vienna.
The Patriots have gained the advantage in several actions with the Imperialists.
A deputation from the National Assembly, with the President at their head, had waited on the King and Queen, and were received with great expressions of affection and confidence.
The Turks are preparing to prosecute the war with vigor. The Sultan is to march out with the prophetic standard.
The conferences for a peace at Jassy are broken off.
SPEECH of M. de la FAYETTE.
The following is a translation of the Speech of M. de la Fayette, to a certain illustrious character.
MY LORD, "Public report accuses you of aspiring to the throne * You no longer fear the King—perhaps because you see that he is almost destitute of power. You may possibly imagine, after the scene of Monday (the 9th of October,) when the soldiers, deaf to the voice of their commanders, united with an hireling mob, in order to force me to head them to Versailles, that I am no longer an object to be dreaded. I however forwarn you, that you will find in me your greatest adversary. No person has struggled with greater courage than I have against arbitrary power; no person has bestowed more applause than I have on the wise attempts of the National Assembly to efface it, even to its last vestige—but as much as I have exerted myself in the destruction of despotism, so much will I still exert myself for the preservation to the king of the lawful power which he has received from the hands of the nation, the security of which is necessary to him for the maintenance of the laws and public tranquility. You deceive yourself if you believe that a state of actual anarchy will be favorable to your views. I defy you to derive any advantage, either by usurping the public force, or by dividing and rendering it useless. The moment that you declare yourself to a mob at hand, all the citizens and soldiers will flock to my standard, because the natives of France will have for their chief a King, and not an Usurper.
"Without pretending to predict the catastrophe of this event, I dare to inform you, that the situation of affairs is such, that it can only terminate three ways—either I shall lose my head, or you will lose yours, or you must quit the kingdom."
The _____ of _____, astonished, only spoke these words, "How would you have me act?" M. la Fayette said, "Sir, I will tell you. If you remain, you know my forces and my sentiments. I am your enemy, because you are the enemy of the State. You have thought, and you may perhaps still think it in your power to put me to death.—You will then be the King of the mob for three days, and on the fourth your death will revenge mine. I therefore think you would act with most prudence in quitting the kingdom."
NOTE.
* The _____ of _____, was about to interrupt him, but M. de la Fayette imposed silence.
ANNIVERSARY OF THE FALL OF MAN.
THIS has been celebrated a few days since, by a denomination of religionists, who as a new holiday, were the first who pretended to a discovery of the anniversary of the Creation. They rest the merits of both upon an improvement in chronology, have a service adapted to each day, and significantly wear mourning upon the latter. (From a London Paper.)
HINT TO ELECTORS.
WHEN ancient Rome flourished, it was customary, upon the election of any public officers, for the persons presenting themselves to be chosen by the people, to be clad in a white robe or garment, denoting the purity of their morals, whence from the Latin word Candidus (white) we derive the word Candidate. Would it not be better if this matter was a little more attended to? And though the Candidate does not wear the white robe externally, yet for the Electors to hold it indispensably necessary that he should have the inward purity alluded to?
(From the Concord Herald.)
OF JAMES II.
JAMES the IId. when he was Duke of York, made a visit to MILTON. In the course of their conversation, the Duke asked Milton, "Whether he did not think the loss of his sight was a judgment upon him for what he had written against his father, CHARLES the 1st." Our immortal Bard made the following reply—"If your Highness thinks that the calamities which befall us here, are indications of the wrath of Heaven, in what manner are we to account for the fate of the King, your father? The displeasure of Heaven must, upon this supposition, have been much greater against him than me; for I have only lost my eyes; but he has lost his head."
MONTEGO-BAY, (Jamaica,) Dec. 19.
Of the immense quantities of French Cotton-wool which our neighbours find a vent for in this colony, the reader may form some estimate, when acquainted, that there is now landing at Mr. Lindo's wharf, at Kingston, a cargo, which completes the number of 96, consigned to that gentleman within the present year. Averaging these, as we may safely do, at 2000l. each, the produce of that cotton only, will be 192,000l.
NEWBERN, March 11.
Yesterday, the Custom-House of the United States in this town was opened, John Daves, Esq. having received from the President of the United States a commission of collector of this district, and having been qualified according to law.
By a gentleman from Hispaniola, we are informed that the inhabitants of Cape-Francois have declared themselves independent from the King and National Assembly of France—raised an armed force under the name of "The Patriots of Cape-Francois"—established a House of Legislature and appointed a Governor. The first operation of the new administration has been to declare their port open to the vessels of every nation and to permit the importation of all sorts of commodities.
NEW-YORK, APRIL 6.
The Circuit Court of the United States was yesterday opened in this city by the hon. JOHN JAY, Esq.; Chief Justice of the United States—the hon. WILLIAM CUSHING, Esq.; associate justice, and the Hon. JAMES DUANE, Esq.; Judge of the Federal Court for the district of New-York.
The late mutiny on board the brig Morning-Star, Capt. Kermis, being cognizable before this Court, notice was taken of the same; and a grand jury and petit jury ordered to be summoned for attendance on Monday next, to which day the Court stands adjourned.
Capt. Taylor, of the brig Atalanta, from Virginia to Lisbon, which arrived at this port on Sunday last, was unfortunately lost overboard 12 days after said vessel sailed from the Capes on the outward voyage.
A particular account of British encroachments on the Eastern frontiers of the State of Massachusetts has appeared in the Boston papers—The British Sheriff from St. Andrews, a settlement on the Eastern side of St. Croix River, has served a precept on a Mr. Tuttle an inhabitant of Moose Island, near the Western Shore.
PHILADELPHIA, April 1.
This day was landed, from the ship Amsterdam Packet, a large quantity of dollars. The balance of trade, formerly so much against us, appears now to be in our favor. Instead of European vessels entering our ports loaded, and returning with the specie of our country, we now find them coming to us for lading, and bringing specie to pay for it.
From the Federal Gazette.
MR. BROWN,
On reading in your paper of Thursday an account of the 5 hundred guineas wager, between Col. Tarlton and the Duke of Queensbury, I felt no small satisfaction in drawing a parallel between our illustrious citizens and the great men in England. While many of these squander their time and money in cock-fights, jockey-feats, riding on the backs of each other, and building dog-kennels for 10,000 pounds, our American worthies are planning constitutions for the new world.
May heaven preserve us from that corruption, which must necessarily spring from too great inequality in the conditions of men, from gaudy brainless lords, from droves of hungry beggars, from pampered prelates, India nabobs, and swarms of genteel prostitutes.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.