Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-07-23 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 117 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, JULY 13, 1793.
[Whole No. 439.]
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Hints respecting a project for establishing universal peace with the Indians.
THE purpose of the following observations is not either to criminate or panegyric the measures of the national government respecting the Indians; it is to suggest some considerations relative to Indian affairs, with views very different from those of party. But, as my soul revolts against the slavish doctrines that militate against liberal discussion, I purpose to express my sentiments in the spirit of freedom; while I respect that decorum which is due to the enlightened mind of America. And I shall first advert to measures which have already been proposed or adopted for maintaining peace with the Indians.
1. The giving of presents to the Indians , is a measure which has been sometimes employed. Perhaps particular circumstances may, in certain cases, advise its adoption. But it may be questioned whether this measure, although the practice of European powers should seem to recommend it, is, on the whole, beneficial. Its advantages are at least temporary and precarious—and perhaps it tends in the event to encourage in the Indians a disposition to depredation.
The measure of sending clerical missionaries among the Indians has had its patrons. The zeal with which this measure has been in some instances patronized, may be considered as arguing more goodnes of intention than reach of thought, or acquaintance with the history of society. I do not however object to the measure, but only to the miscalculation of its relative place and importance. Of itself, it appears inadequate at present, to the object of maintaining peace with the Indians.
3. Negotiation is one of the resources. This may be a valuable auxiliary, as conducive to the eventual establishment of peace. But considered in any other light, it may disappoint the hopes of the public. I will mention a single consideration, as authorizing a distrust of the efficiency of treaties with the Indians. After the war in which the French are now engaged had extended to the principal Maritime Powers of Europe, and had consequently become immediately interlocking to the American commerce, the President of the United States announced to his fellow-citizens, that national disposition which is declared in the national treaties and laws; publicly proclaiming, for the information and benefit of the citizens, the importance of abstaining from all acts inconsistent with that friendship and impartiality, which the faith of treaties and the authority of the law enjoined: And in the same proclamation, he gave public notice of that determination which principle dictates, the determination to execute his official and sworn duty. Yet even this measure has not escaped animadversion, and the language of censure. Such animadversions, when proceeding from misguided zeal, and not from personal disappointment, may indeed be regarded with a peculiar indulgence and generous compassion, as being the erratic effusions of an ardent passion for liberty. But, when a measure clearly constitutional, and wisely adapted to guard against the infraction of treaties and the public law, is censured, even in a country so enlightened and liberal as the United States, and by persons claiming the character of American citizens; can it be rational to repose implicit confidence in the effect of treaties over such persons as Indians—persons so ignorant, so suspicious, so irritable, so prone to plunder, so destitute of regular government? Are the majority of the Indians less adverse to the restraints of moral order, than the persons who traduce the President's proclamation?
4. The Troops of the United States are intended for the protection of peace on the frontier. But in case of hostilities on the western borders, the extent of frontier, the distance of the respective posts, and the deplorable attacks incident to an Indian war, are among the causes which render it difficult, or impossible, to completely protect the rights of the United States by adopting a system merely defensive. And in sending a regular army into the Indian country, various difficulties present themselves, as obstacles to the complete success of such a plan: the natural obstacles which impede the march of a regular army through an uncultivated country; the multiplied difficulties, as well as the expense of furnishing the army with the requisite supplies; the difficulty of ever overraking the enemy and fighting him on equal ground; the inability to surprise and defeat. And temporary excursions of volunteers, however honorable they may be, at times, to the particular, are of such a nature as to want that systematic arrangement which appears requisite to the establishment of permanent peace with the Indians.
5. The advancement of cultivation among the Indians is an object contemplated by some of the late treaties; and ought never to be forgotten. Yet this purpose, if pursued alone, must be slow in its progress: Although when fully attained it must be of eminent utility. This purpose, however, may it be imagined,
be accelerated by a measure which is yet to be suggested.
The preceding remarks point to the principal expedients which have been relied on for keeping the Indians in peace. And taken singly, or in connection, they do not appear to promise that prompt and complete establishment of peace which is desirable for the United States. These general remarks argue the difficulty of accomplishing this desirable object; as well as the propriety of adopting such further expedients as the importance and the difficulty of the object may demand.
Is there then no other measure which may be adopted, and which will aid and accelerate the main object of the arrangement now in operation? Before suggesting a specific answer to this question, I will succinctly mention some general ideas.
To establish universal peace with the Indians, it appears important that order, government, civilization, should take place among them. This consideration immediately opens into an extensive field of enquiry. I do not purpose at this time to survey and particularly delineate the whole; but simply to point to some of the main objects of attention. I shall only sketch something of an outline without even pretending to complete the representations. Persons conversant in comprehensive views of human affairs must be sensible of the variety of particulars that would require attention in minutely investigating the subject! But, as the present design is to throw out only some hints for public consideration, the observations will be of a general nature, omitting a multitude of particulars.
An opinion has, in some measure obtained, That it is impracticable to civilize the red people on the borders of the United States. But the small effect of past attempts for this purpose does not appear to warrant the opinion. The progress of mankind from rudeness to humanization is usually slow, much slower than a partial observer of society would be apt even to imagine.
It is, I acknowledge, no easy matter to form a true estimate of the space of time which, in the general course of events, must elapse, before any people, having no connection with the more civilized part of mankind, would emerge from the rudeness of savage life and advance to the civilization, the arts and humanities of polished society. Perhaps the space of a thousand years is considerably short of the truth. Let a person consider the rudeness of nations on the continent of Europe so late as the fifteenth century, and even later—then recur to the accounts to be found relative to the same nations in the writings of Tacitus, or Cæsar; and further consider the length of time which those nations must have existed, at the periods to which these writers refer! This view of only a part of mankind may abundantly evince the very slow, and almost imperceptible progress of the human race from savage rudeness to civilized conditions.
It also appears credible, that this progress in its earlier stages is much less perceptible than in its subsequent periods.
And there is one general consideration which applies very universally to the progress of civilization:—As far as my recollection now extends, history has not recorded any people that ever were civilized without the intervention of military subordination.
(To be continued.)
FROM THE COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
MR. RUSSELL.
THE Citizens whose names appeared in the letter published in your paper of Wednesday last, from the Ambassador of France, to the French Citizens in this place, do not think themselves intitled to such particular notice for any trifling assistance they may have lent to the unfortunate French Seamen, who escaped from Miquelon , and landed here. Besides, it ought to be known, that the small amount that was collected for the relief of these distressed men, was aided equally by the contribution of a number of other Citizens of the town, whose feelings are warmly interested for the success of the French Revolution, and who embraced with avidity an opportunity that would evince their sincere and grateful attachment to the patriot citizens of that great and generous nation, which had the courage to afford comfort and relief to America in the hour of her affliction and distress—and there is now sufficient evidence to believe, that had it only been hinted to the Citizens of the town, that their aid to the contribution would have been necessary, nineteen, in twenty, would have seized upon the occasion, to have manifested their friendship and affection to the children of the only true and faithful friend of the United States.
[See Gazette, 6th inst.]
Boston July 3. 1793.
NEUTRALITY.
OUR neutral Flag is in all climes unsurp'd— And fails some while terrors rock the world; O how f: preciously cost, the wretch who tries To wrest from commerce such a glorious prize.
FROM THE WESTERN STAR,
Published at Stockbridge (Mass.) by L. ANDREWS.
IT has been justly observed, that the terms "LIBERTY and EQUALITY" have been flagrantly perverted, by the construction given to them by some who make great pretensions to patriotism and political sagacity—Liberty gives the privilege of enjoying in peace and security the fruits of industry—it opens wide the door to honorable preferment, to those who pursue the paths of integrity and political rectitude—it favors the dissemination of that knowledge which enables the community to distinguish between real and pretended merit, and which directs the public attention to the former, whether found in the low wall'd cottage, or in the lofty edifice of wealth and affluence—Liberty invests a people with the right of electing their own rulers, whose talk is to enact laws for the general good—and it enjoins upon the community a strict and punctilious obedience to them, without which, neither private nor public happiness can long be considered in any other view than as empty sounds.—The aforementioned are among the many privileges which are allotted to a nation whose citizens rightly observe and use the advantages which freedom and independence place within their reach—For such liberty our heroes fought—for such liberty our martyrs fell—for such liberty our patriots have performed the duties of the cabinet, and such liberty it may long be our happiness unmolested to enjoy.—Equality constitutes a barrier against the assumption of undelegated power—it gives the same security for the protection of the middling and lower class, in the exercise of their rights, as it does to the rich and affluent, and renders the seat of justice accessible to all ranks of citizens.—Some honest but weak and uninformed characters, propagate an idea that liberty consists in every man's doing that which is most agreeable to the dictates of inclination, whether conformable to the laws, or not—that national regulations, calculated for the wisest purposes, must, without giving time to experience their effects, be rendered subservient to the whims and caprice of a set of complainers, who have sufficient art to deceive the unwary, and baleful enough to endeavor to render the public discontented with the operation of a free and just government. The views of the last mentioned are, to introduce disorder and confusion, that, amidst its raging, they may themselves seize the helm of power—this effected, their tone would alter—and while they fought principally their own aggrandizement, the people would be called on to obey their mandates, as the infallible oracles of political rectitude. What these demagogues, before their exaltation, would fain liberty and equality, viz. the right of the populace to assemble and overawe the proceedings of the freely elected legislators of the nation, they would afterwards declaim against as unlawful and seditious. But the former ideas, when once generally disseminated, especially among an uninformed multitude, are apt to carry their influence beyond the control of reason, and finally produce the most alarming consequences.—Unhappily, this line of conduct has been too much pursued by our Gallic allies, whose noble struggles in the cause of human nature cannot but be interesting to every American.
Those who delight in the diffusion of that happiness concomitant on the establishment of wise and wholesome laws, must heartily wish that the original principles which induced France to throw off the fetters of tyranny, may yet inspire them to the pursuit of those measures which are necessary to secure liberty and its blessings on a just and permanent foundation.—There are those who condemn as Aristocrats , all who do not join in the huzzas of a Paris mob, and unhesitatingly approve the proceedings in toto of the French Jacobin club—but many, very many, who think that the conduct of the former is disgraceful, and that of the latter hostile to all true principles of liberty, pray with more honest hearts for the success of the great cause of freedom, than those who accuse them with being favorites of Aristocracy , &c. &c.—But these declaimers must have a cant phrase, and Aristocracy will answer their purpose as well, and perhaps better, than any other.—Ask some of this class for a definition of their favorite word, and they will be as likely to tell you it means one thing as another—but the definition is of no consequence— Aristocracy is the rallying sound, the bye word of the party, and that is sufficient.—Those who, through honest ignorance, assign to themselves the part of prejudicing the public mind against such whole political opinions as are consistent as their own, claim the indulgence of pity—while some who, from less honest motives, employ their time to answer similar ends, deserve, in some instances, the severest censure, in others, contempt.
That the mist of ignorance, which has so long darkened and overspread the greatest part of the habitable globe, may speedily vanish before the bright rays of the sun of freedom, and the whole human race participate in the rich blessings of equal liberty, law and justice, must be the fervent desire of every philanthropic heart.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
FRANCE, the rival time immemorial of Great-Britain, had in the course of the war, which ended in 1763, suffered from the successful arms of the latter the severest losses and the most mortifying defeats. Britain from that moment had acquired an ascendancy over France in the affairs of Europe, and in the commerce of the world, too decided to be endured without impatience, or without an eager desire of finding a favorable opportunity to destroy it, and repair the breach which had been made in the national glory. The animosity of wounded pride conspired with calculations of the interest of the State to give a keen edge to that impatience and to that desire.
The American Revolution offered the occasion. It attracted early the notice of France, though with extreme circumspection. As far as countenance and aid may be presumed to have been given prior to the epoch of the acknowledgment of our independence, it will be no unkind derogation to assert, that they were marked neither with liberality, nor with vigour; that they wore the appearance rather of a desire to keep alive disturbances, which would embarrass a rival power, than of a serious design to assist a revolution, or a serious expectation that it would be effected.
The victories of Saratoga, the capture of an army, which went a great way towards deciding the issue of the contest, decided also the hesitations of France. They established in the government of that country a confidence in our ability to accomplish our purpose; and as a consequence of it produced the treaties of alliance and commerce.
It is impossible to see in all this anything more than the conduct of a rival nation, embracing a most promising opportunity to repress the pride and diminish the dangerous power of its rival; by seconding a successful resistance to its authority, and by lopping off a valuable portion of its dominions. The dismemberment of this country from Great-Britain was an obvious and a very important interest of France. It cannot be doubted, that it was the determining motive, and an adequate compensation for the assistance afforded us.
Men of sense, in this country, deduced an encouragement to the part which their zeal for liberty prompted them to take in our revolution, from the probability of the co-operation of France and Spain. It will be remembered, that this argument was used in the publications of the day; but upon what was it bottomed? Upon the known competition between those powers and Great-Britain, upon their evident interest to reduce her power and circumscribe her empire; not upon motives of regard to our interest, or of attachment to our cause. Whoever should have alleged the latter, as grounds of the expectation held out, would have been then justly considered as a visionary, or a deceiver. And whoever shall now ascribe the aid we received to such motives would not deserve to be viewed in a better light.
The inference from these facts is not obscure. Aid and co-operation founded upon a great interest, pursued and obtained by the party affording them, is not a proper flock upon which to engraft that enthusiastic gratitude, which is claimed from us, by those who love France more than the United States.
This view of the subject, extorted by the extravagance of such a claim, is not meant to disparage the just pretensions of France upon our good will. Though neither in the motives to the succours which she furnished us, nor in their extent (considering how powerfully the point of honor in such a war reinforced the considerations of interest when she was once engaged) can be found a sufficient basis for that gratitude which is the theme of so much declamation: Yet we shall find in the manner of affording us those succours just cause for our esteem and friendship.
France did not attempt, in the first instance, to take advantage of our situation to extort from us any humiliating or injurious concessions, as the price of her assistance; nor afterwards in the progress of the war, to impose hard terms as the condition of particular aids.
Though this course was certainly dictated by policy; yet it was an honorable and a magnanimous policy; such a one as always constitutes a title to the approbation and esteem of mankind; and a claim to the friendship and acknowledgment of the party, in whose favor it is practiced.
But these sentiments are satisfied on the part of a nation; when they produce sincere wishes for the happiness of the party from whom it has experienced such conduct, and a cordial disposition to render all good and friendly offices which can be rendered without prejudice to its own solid and permanent interests.
To ask of a nation so situated, to make a sacrifice of substantial interest; to expose itself to the jealousy, ill will, or resentment of the rest of the world; to hazard in an eminent degree its own safety, for the benefit of the party, who may have observed towards it

the conduct which has been described would be to ask more than the nature of the case demands, more than the fundamental maxims of society authorise, more than the dictates of sound reason justify.
A question has arisen, with regard to the proper object of that gratitude, which is so inculcated upon us; whether the unfortunate Prince by whom the assistance received was given; or the nation of whom he was the Chief or the organ. It interests the national justice to form right conceptions on this point.
The arguments which support the latter idea are as follows.
"Louis the XVI was but the constitutional agent of the French nation. He acted for and on behalf of the nation; 'twas with their money and their blood he supported our cause." 'Tis to them therefore, not to him, that our obligations are due. Louis the XVI, in taking our part was no doubt actuated by State-policy. An absolute Prince could not love liberty. But the people of France patronized our cause with zeal, from sympathy in its object. The people therefore, not its monarch are entitled to our sympathy."
This reasoning may be ingenious, but it is not founded in nature or fact.
Louis the XVI, though no more than the constitutional agent of the nation, had at the time the sole power of managing its affairs, the legal right of directing its will and its forces. It belonged to him to assist us, or not, without consulting the nation; and he did assist us without such consultation. His will alone was active; that of the nation passive. If there was any kindness in the decision, demanding a return of kindness from us, it was the kindness of Louis the XVI; his heart was the depository of the sentiment. Let the genuine voice of nature then, unperverted by political subtleties, pronounce whether the acknowledgment, which may be due for that kindness, can be equitably transferred from him to others, who had no share in the decision. Whether the principle of gratitude ought to determine us to behold with indifference his misfortunes, and with satisfaction the triumphs of his enemies.
The doctrine that the Prince is only the organ of his nation is conclusive to enforce the obligations of good faith between nation and nation; in other words, the observance of duties stipulated in treaties for national purposes—and it will even suffice to continue to a nation a claim to the friendship and good will of another resulting from friendly offices done by its Prince; but it would be to carry it too far and to render it too artificial to attribute to it the effect of transferring that claim from the Prince to the nation, by way of opposition and contrast. Friendship, good will, gratitude for favors received have so inseparable a reference to the motives with which and to the persons by whom they were rendered, as to be incapable of being transferred to another at his expence.
From the New-York Daily Gazette.
MR. M C LEAN, EVERY benevolent heart must be agitated with mingled sentiments of compassion and horror, at the late well authenticated accounts of the massacre of eight or ten thousand white people, men, women and children; and the total destruction of the city of Cape-Francois. And what has occasioned this horrible carnage and devastation? It appears, from what we have been able to learn, that it originated in a dispute between the commissioners Sonthonax and Polverel, and the Governor Galbau, all acting under the authority of the National Convention. Galbau, it seems, had been received at the Cape, and instated in the government, before the arrival of the commissioners. This was deemed by these humble Citizens an infringement of their authority, a deprivation of some part of their dignity. To support their cause in opposition to the Governor, the mulattoes are introduced, the negroes are excited to wrest the arms out of the hands of their masters, and a general destruction of the defenceless inhabitants ensues without any distinction of sex or age. These are the men who talk so much of equality; but when they come to act, we find that, rather than endure the least supposed diminution of their power, they will hazard the total demolition of a great and flourishing city, and the shedding of the blood of all its inhabitants.
Man! proud Man! Drest in a little brief authority, Most ignorant of what he's most assur'd, Like an angry ape Plays such fantastic tricks before high Heaven, As makes the Angels weep.—
It is reported, that at least two thousand of the wretched fugitives from that devoted place, are on their way to seek an asylum in the peaceful abodes of this happy country—they are coming with no more
property than what could be bro't off by poor wretches flying in consternation from a general massacre. I have observed in some of the papers, an invitation to the French people residing in this city, to meet at Corre's Hotel, for the purpose of celebrating the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille. Would it not be a much more becoming specimen of their patriotism, as well as humanity, to save the expence of a sumptuous entertainment, and make provision for the reception of their wretched countrymen, who will soon be here in a state of nakedness and poverty? JUBA.
Foreign Intelligence.
FRANKFORT, April 28.
THE French, with an eye to a diversion, having re-entered Deux Pons, and spread their forces from Saar-Louis to Bitche, the Duke of Brunswick has pushed forward to reconnoitre the ground they occupy, and was followed yesterday by the King of Prussia in person. His Majesty, attended by the Duke of Deux Pons, proceeded to Carlesberg, the French having in the mean time retreated back to the heights that border on the Duchy. Cusline has published a proclamation, in which he endeavors to prove, that he is not the greatest public robber in existence.
The Clubbists at Mentz, endeavor more than the French themselves, by every possible expedient, to prevent a capitulation; and the National Deputies, to keep up the appearance of delusion, have declared in a proclamation, that they expect a succour of sixty thousand men. The French have plundered the peasants at Hombach, and committed every possible enormity.
Prince Maximilian, of Deux-Pons, makes the campaign with the Prussian army.
We have possession of a battery very near Mentz, formed on the ruins of an ancient entrenchment, from which we play on the fort, and the Bastion named Phillipe. We have contrived by means of the relicks of an old Roman aqueduct, to inundate the enemy's mines.
General Dumourier is still at Stuttgart.
TOURNAY, May 3.
On the first, the French under Dampiere, attacked Gen. Clairfait's posts at Raimes and Vicogne, with considerable force. Their intention probably was to relieve Conde, which they would have succeeded in, had they taken these posts. They made four several attacks from five in the morning till the evening, but were repulsed with the assistance of a detachment from the Prussians under General Knobelsdorf, sent from their camp at Maulde, notwithstanding a French corps which was posted in front of the camp to keep them in check. The two battalions of Prussians had left the camp near Tournay, to reinforce those posted at Maulde. The affair was severe, and the loss great on both sides; but the French were completely repulsed.
The same day the French also left their camp at Famars, and attacked Prince Cobourg's Posts at St. Sauve and Urmaining, probably with a view to prevent his giving any assistance to Clairfait.
The infantry advanced with an intention of turning the left of the Austrians, and at the same time kept up a violent and heavy cannonade and feint attack from the right, but were so well received from the right by the Austrians, that they fell back into two villages in great disorder, to the amount of 15,000, and were some time exposed to a heavy cannonade, by which they lost 5 or 600 men, without daring to move out until their cavalry advanced and covered their retreat, which they made in great confusion, and were pursued by the Austrians beyond the last height before their camp at Famars, which the latter would have forced, had they been stronger. The French have lost 12 pieces of cannon, among which were two 16 and three 12 pounders—the
rest were 3 and 6 pounders. These attacks which were gently meant to relieve or raise the siege of Conde, by turning out exact contrary to their expectation, will probably hasten its surrender.
We had yesterday small affair with the French at Raimes. The French chose to attack, and were fools enough to bring a cannon, which they had tin to fire but once, the Austrian cavalry falling in sword in hand before they could load again, and took the cannon, and ammunition waggons with eight horses. The French had 15 or 16 killed, and 14 taken, among whom was an artillery officer. The French made a confused stand on the road and fields; but on the arrival of two Hanoverian cannon, and firing a couple of rounds at them, they took to their heels, and retired to a village, into which we fired a couple of shots more, which frightened them to such a degree, that they ran and did not stop until they got to Orchies. The guards and Hanoverian horse were not there, being at too great a distance to arrive in time. We had only a battalion of Hanoverian foot, and some Austrian cavalry. Our loss only one Austrian killed, and one horse.
PARIS, April 25.
Six thousand Marseillois, at the instigation of the Jacobins, are marching to this capital. You will see in the details of the convention I enclose you, that Marat was yesterday acquitted. He lost no time in resuming his seat in the convention, whither he was followed by a formidable mob, who had previously placed on his head a civic crown.
This farce will most probably be followed by a tragedy, on the arrival of the Marseillois, who will see Marat in the light of a much injured patriot.
NATIONAL CONVENTION, APRIL 23.
The Deputies returned from Valenciennes stated, that they had taken every precaution to counteract the ill effects of the extreme dearth of provisions experienced in that city, thro' the treachery of Dumourier, who had conveyed stores to the enemy. The frontier towns, they added, were in a respectable state of defence. They had narrowly escaped being shot by a set of counter-revolutionists, whilst haranguing the troops.
Referred to the committee of public safety.
Barbaroux impeached Monge, the marine minister, whom he thought guilty of unpardonable negligence, in allowing seventeen merchant ships belonging to the port of Marseilles, and returning thither from the colonies, to be captured by the English and Spanish fleets, notwithstanding sixteen sail of French ships of the line were cruising in the Mediterranean.
April 24. Chales, a National Deputy from the department of Maine and Loire, represented the parade and luxurious manners of General Berruyer, which he thought incompatible with the command of Sans Culottes. The soldiers of the General's army were in a state bordering on insurrection, and demanded the appointment of their own officers.
Sitting of the Jacobins.
Robespierre, the younger, denounced Le Brun, the minister, who was guilty, he said, of the crime of leze-nation, when he presented to the convention the proclamation of the Prince of Saxe Cobourg.
LONDON, May 7.
General Cusline, at the head of 20,000 men, is ready to attack the Electorate of Treves, and his advanced posts are already on the Electoral frontiers.
English Stocks, 7th May—3 per cents. 76.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED at the PORT of PHILADELPHIA. Brig Pallas, Richmond, Polly, Clark, Sloop Salem, Elkins, Thomas, Buck, Berney, Bell, Industry, Town, Schu. Ann, Cheseloman, Newport, Portsmouth, New-York, Virginia, St. Mary's, Boston.
AMERICA.
BASSETTERRE, (St. Christopher's) June 3.
Died on Thursday last, Monsieur Louis Nicholas Durand de Surmond, a French royalist. Harassed by the democratic party of Guadalupe, and unable to reside in that island with any kind of comfort, he disposed of a small estate, and was about to retreat to America, there to seek an asylum from the storms, by which in common with his countrymen of the same political principles with himself, he had been three years buffeted—in a brig bound to Bolton, he embarked himself, his wife, and his children—in the same vessel was deposited all his worldly effects,—the price of his plantation,—scarce had they got without sight of land when they fell in with an English privateer from St. Vincent, and were captured—no discrimination could be observed—his fortune became the property of the captors; and he was brought into this port, despoiled of the means of subsistence: In this truly pitiable situation with a heart torn with anguish, and a body emaciated by sickness and fatigue, unable to bear the ills of fortune, he lingered a few days and died, lamenting the miseries of a helpless wife and children. Being known by some of his countrymen among us to have been a member of the ancient and honorable fraternity of Free and Accepted Masons, his remains were followed to the grave by a respectable number of the order, and were buried with all the honors of masonry.
ST. JOHN's, (Augusta) June 4.
It is a fact, we understand, it coming from the best authority, that a French frigate was in the beginning of May, lying at anchor in the Delaware, to surprize all British vessels going in or coming from Philadelphia. A fine ship, the Grange of Liverpool, was captured by her a few miles below that city, as was also a brig owned in Bermuda. The prizes were sent into Philadelphia. There is another frigate said to be off Charleston with similar views.—These extraordinary proceedings, will we hope, soon be seriously noticed by our ministry.
We are sorry to announce the death of his excellency Gen. Woodley; who died on Sunday last, at St. Christopher's.
The honorable John Stanley, as President of St. Christopher's, succeeds to the chief command for the time being.
Yesterday arrived from New-York the Rev. Mr. Lindsey, his mother, and lady, and Miss Meredith.
GEORGETOWN, June 22.
Died, the 21st instant, in Georgetown, Mr. Thomas Nicholls, jun. His premature exit affords an instructive lesson to all; but particularly to those addicted to gaming. It seems Mr. Lewis Coxen and Mr. Nicholls had been playing billiards; a dispute arose between them about the trifling sum of one quarter of a dollar; blows succeeded, Mr. Nicholls received a blow from his antagonist which fractured his skull, and in a very few days brought him to his end. Ye gay licentious youth, and all ye who accustom yourselves to gaming, look at this, and suddenly break off, from so mischievous a practice.
From a St. Eustatius Paper of May 31.
Captain William Hall, who anchored here last evening from Antigua, where he was carried in, and the whole of the French property on board being condemned, consisting of 90 hogheads and 4 tierces of clayed sugar, 9 bales Cotton, 9 barrels of Coffee, his freight and expenses were paid him punctually and the greatest attention to justice was made use of by the officers of the King. Also by the officers of the Governor Lydia, and by Mr. Robert M C ready, owner of the said privateer.

NEW-YORK, July 9.
Captain John Fanning of the brig Union, arrived on Sunday in 14 days from Cape-Francois, gives us the following melancholy particulars respecting the fate of that unhappy Island.
On the 18th June the civil commissioners, Messrs. Sonthonax and Polverel, arrived at the Cape from Port-au-Prince; they immediately suspended M. Galbaud, the Governor and Commander of the troops at that place, and sent him on board ship; on the 18th a number of mulattoes were encouraged by these gentlemen to come into the town, who by unfair means armed all the negroes belonging to the citizens, and encouraged them to assist in destroying the whites, which scene, it is said, actually begun on the 20th about noon, when a most horrid massacre ensued, neither women nor children were spared, upwards of 10,000 white inhabitants were butchered, and about 2,500 saved themselves in the French and American vessels in the harbor; the wretches then began to plunder the town—after which they set fire to it, and on the 22d when Captain Fanning sailed, the burning was going on, and there was only the church, government house, de Caterne and Gregarie saved; they left there the Amerique of 74 guns. Capt. Fanning sailed in company with about 150 sail of vessels, bound to different ports in America, under convoy of two French 74s and 4 frigates, who were bound, as supposed, to Boston or Newport, so that we may soon expect to hear of their arrival. On Sunday last he fell in with the Ambuscade, off Barnegat, who detained him for three hours, and then ordered him to proceed on. Capt. Fanning's register and all his papers were burnt at the Cape.
Cape Francois was a neat well-built city, the buildings chiefly of stone, said to be as large as New-York. The large church has escaped the flames, being all of stone, and covered so as the fire cannot make any impression. The government house has suffered much from the cannon-shot; the soldiery were still engaged in fighting in town. It is supposed that this disastrous affair proceeded entirely from the difference between the two commissioners, who assumed the power, and Governor Galbaud, who thought his rightful authority invaded. He headed a number of sailors from the ships, who made the first attack, and repulsed the mulattoes, but having at hand a number of negroes with arms, they repulsed the sailors and whites.
Capt. Fanning observes, that he could have carried off loads of plunder when he came away, as the inhabitants had left their houses and property to save their lives. Capt. Fanning parted with the fleet the 30th June.
Philadelphia, July 13.
The PRESIDENT of the United States arrived in town from the Southward on Thursday last.
The produce of the Circus THIS DAY, is to be applied to the benefit of the Poor.
The citizens of Baltimore have appointed a committee of six gentlemen, French and American, to devise ways and means of affording succour and relief to the people from Cape-Francois.
The members of the French Society of the Friends of Liberty and Equality, in this city, have had a special meeting for a like purpose; a subscription being opened, 800 dollars were subscribed immediately.—There has been a special meeting also of the French benevolent Society, on the occasion.
There cannot remain a doubt that the sacred spirit of benevolence, will catch from city to city thro' the continent, till effectual provision is made to succour these unfortunate fugitives from fire and sword.
The Earl of Dunmore, Governor of the Bahamas, has issued a proclamation allowing and permitting, for six months, computing from the 11th day of April last, into the ports
of Nassau, Exuma, and Turk's-Lands, as well in foreign as British bottoms, the following species of provisions, viz. corn and all sorts of grain and pulse, flour and bread, rice, and every species of salt provisions, cattle, live stock, and lumber of all kinds.
On Sunday last arrived at Baltimore the ship Atlantic, Captain Hugh Wilson, in 6 weeks from Lisbon; by whom we learn, that, when he failed, there was in that port, ready for sea, a fleet of 16 ships of the line, which, it was reported, was bound to Ferrol—that the French Ambassador failed from Lisbon to Havre-de-Grace in the ship Columbus, of this port—That Frenchmen who were heard speaking favorably of French politics, were immediately committed to prison—That on the 2d of May last, the Princess Royal was delivered of a daughter, on which occasion every house in the city was splendidly illuminated for three nights, as was also the shipping in the harbor, and decorated with the colours of different nations; the admiral had 1000 lamps on board, and the rest in proportion.
We learn from Baltimore that a French ship of 74 guns arrived in Chesapeake bay, on Thursday week, from Cape-Francois, and a brig of 20 guns, with 1100 passengers, bound into Hampton road.—The brig Lily, of this place, was the same day off Cape Charles, with several other vessels unknown.
On the 29th ult. arrived at Norfolk, Virginia, the Spanish brigantine Santa Catalina, a prize to the French schooner Sans Pareil, Capt. Bouche, carrying 14 swivels, and 50 men. The privateer was out 15 days from Cape-Francois, and fell in with the Santa Catalina off the mouth of Mantanzas, 25 leagues to the leeward of the Havana, loaded with cedar and mahogany for the king's yard at the Havana. On being ordered to strike to the French Republic, the Spaniard said he would not; when the privateer immediately fired into her, and five men were killed, and the captain and four men jumped into the water from out of the cabin windows, and were drowned. The privateer took 5 vessels that day (June 12) viz. the above brig and four schooners. On the 13th they captured an English brig from Jamaica, her first voyage, loaded with rum and sugar, which they sent into Charleston.
On Tuesday arrived here, the schooner Cleopatra, I. Williams, master, from Spain, and last from Coruna, in 56 days. By this vessel, we learn, that on May 1st, there had been an engagement between St. John de Luz and Bayonne, in which the Spanish forces had met with a severe repulse, and were driven back to St. John de Luz, which is on the frontier; and in their retreat they were obstructed by a river, and not having a sufficient number of boats, they were forced to swim, and great numbers were drowned. The head quarters of the French army being at Bayonne, after the engagement the French troops retired to that place—their number in that garrison consists of a formidable army.
It is reported, says a correspondent, that seven or eight British vessels have failed from this port since the commencement of hostilities between France and England, with a greater number of guns, &c. than they had on board when they arrived—and that this has been known to the minister of France.—However this may be, we do not hear that any representation on the subject has been made to the executive of the United States—At any rate, we may rest assured, that no transaction whatever will be suffered to pass unnoticed on the part of the government, that interferes with the strictest neutrality on the one hand, or an honorable recognition of the rights of treaties on the other.
The following very extraordinary observations are copied from a piece signed "JURA," in the National Gazette of Wednesday last. The attempt therein made, by a correspondent, to make a distinction between the people of the United States and their own government, is perfectly hostile to every republican idea; and the exhortation to the Minister of France, is little short of a proposition to transfer all the powers of the executive to a foreigner. It is evident from this sample of the politics of a certain party, that their object is a dissolution of the Union.
THE EXTRACT. "The Minister of France, I hope, will act with firmness and with spirit. The people are his friends; or the friends of France, and he will have nothing to apprehend; for as yet the people are the sovereign of the United States. Too much complacency is an injury done his cause, for as every advantage is already taken of France, (not by the people) further condescension may lead to further abuses. If one of the leading features of our government is pusillanimity, when the British lion shows his teeth, let France and her minister act as becomes the dignity and justice of their cause, and the honor and faith of nations."
A writer in the General Advertiser, who very properly signs himself "a Jacobin," says, "It is no longer possible to doubt, that the intention of the executive of the United States, is to look upon the treaty of amity and commerce which exists between France and America as a nullity, and that they are preparing to join the League of kings against France." What a gullet that can swallow this!
It may be recollected, that when the treaties with France were formed, it was said that some of the articles were ambiguous. This appears to have been a well-founded suggestion; for tho' it was well known that our commissioners would never have dared to show their faces in this country, had they made an explicitly offensive treaty—yet it now appears, according to a lineal exposition, that this was intended to be the case.
It may be safely affirmed, that the lies are as ten to one in the account current kept between the friends and enemies of neutrality, to the debit of the latter.
COMMUNICATIONS.
The friends of neutrality compose the great body of the people of the United States; of this truth there need be no demonstration—indeed, a contrary position implies the existence of the most monstrous absurdity.—For it is impossible that an enlightened people should not discern its best self, when the whole world is pouring its treasures into its bosom.—A strict neutrality then in the mouth of every one—but in the hearts of few restless and uneasy souls, who will never be at peace while their country is at rest, a costly idea is cherished—Hence the outrageous bluster against the declaration of this general element of the Union through its proper organs—hence the vile abuse of those who take measures to shew that the country is sincere in its declarations.—We may be neutral, but it dastardly conduct to say so—and the merchants of America are the tools of British emissaries taking measures to secure to their own and themselves the immense advantages arising from the Independence and political situation of the United States!!
The honesty of those who say they are friends to the neutrality of the United States, is strikingly exemplified by their conduct on the President, merely for pronouncing that neutrality.
A writer who pleads truth in a conspicuous situation may be sure having her daubed with the paltry productions of those who are made uneasy at having their ignorance and folly exposed.
It is not to be wondered at that those who have been perpetually at work to excite sedition and opposition to peace and government in this country, should be the persons who cry out against every measure to preserve the peace and neutrality of the United States during the present European war. The enemies of peace and union, write, and write—let them build a pyramid of it—let them assail the confidence of the people in government which realizes to them all the blessings of independence they enjoy; without which, that independence would have been the fruitful parent of all possible misery to the people of America.—I say, says a correspondent, let all this scribbling, and defaming and lying, form the long columns of the vehicles of antirepublican slander, for weeks months and years in succession—and all is very well.—But, if the villainy of these counter-revolutionists, who are striving to bring the people back to the degrading periods of committer-me, anarchy and distress, should be exposed—if the things that make for the lasting peace and prosperity of the people are set before their eyes, in a striking point of view—if the fallacy of those principles is unfolded, the weakness of that judgment exposed, and the incompetency of those systems developed, which the enemies of our government oppose to experience and sense—a hue and cry is raised—and we hear the most pitiable lamentations concerning long-winded essays, and labored investigations! The wirings of the serpent however, shew that he is mortally wounded.
At this important crisis, what would have been the fate of this country, had not the infinitely wise arbiter of the fate of nations previously inspired the people of the United States to adopt the New-Constitution?
If we are to be saved from the horrors of war, it will be owing to the confidence of the people in the wisdom of the government—if not, but patriotism spurns the idea—although the infernally wicked sentiment has been broached, that the people and the government have different interests.
ADVERTISEMENT.
Shortly to be published, an impartial account of the characters, principles and practices of the Group—or Knot of politicians to whom the people of the United States are indebted for all that mass of political slander with which they have been favored since the month of January last.
This work will be highly interesting, as it will serve to develop the secret springs of action in those who never subscribed to the declaration of Independence, in which there is this abominable expression, That the United States will consider the people of Great-Britain as they do the rest of the world—"Enemies in war—in peace Friends"—It will shew that "Peace, Liberty and Safety," now the envied lot of this happy country, never were the object of these persons, in the late war—but a blind, inveterate and eternal war with the people of Britain—It will also explain the motives of that rancor, which these persons hold towards the men who were the instruments of securing the liberties of America, and confirming our independence on the basis of a glorious peace—whom, for these things they will never forgive.—It will explain the principles of that opposition to the new constitution, and of the administration formed under its auspices; which alone gives birth to every unfavorable idea that soils the annals of the United States. An opposition which is bred in the bone of certain persons among us, who never could find the center of gravity for their posteriors, since chairs were first in fashion. Thus far the work will have reference to native malcontents.
The second part will relate to a few geniuses, whom the demon of discord has transplanted into this soil of freedom—as thorns in the fields of America, to repress the exuberance of our growth.—This will be the most wretched part of the whole production—as our author cannot advance one step, without encountering the whole legion of ingratitude, falsehood, perjury, roguery, impudence and ignorance. The whole to conclude with a serious and dispassionate address to the Understanding of the people of the United States—in which it will be shewn, that there is the highest reason to suppose, that those who enjoyed their confidence in the "Times that tried Men's Souls," and have since discovered their abilities and patriotism, by promoting the best interests of their country in every possible direction—are probably as good friends of the people, as men who have uniformly opposed every step towards a stable and just government—or, as persons who know not what and of whom it may be said, that it would have been happy if we had never known them.
Sung at Elizabeth-Town, N. J. at the celebration of Independence, July 4. 1793.
TUNE—"Rule Britannia," &c.
WHEN exil'd Freedom, forc'd to rove, sought refuge on Columbia's shores, The lovely wand'rer found a home, And this the Day that made Her ours.
Hail Columbia! Columbia hail! to thee The praise is due that MAN IS FREE!
In her defence, the patriot crowd, Rush'd to the field, and frown'd on Death: They seal'd her triumphs with their blood, And hail'd her with their dying breath.
Hail Columbia, &c.
'Twas not Columbia's cause alone; At stake, the Rights of Mankind lay: That cause, shall distant Nations own, And hail, with joy, this festive Day.
Hail Columbia, &c.
'Tis the World's Day-Star, and shall last Till Slav'ry's Shadows be withdrawn: And lo! that Night is almost past, And Europe's Day begins to dawn.
Hail Columbia, &c.
How bright will be its noon-tide ray! When Universal Freedom reigns; When not a Despot clouds the day, And not a Slave on earth remains.
Hail Columbia, &c.
Mankind shall ne'er this Day forget, Its brave Defenders' worth shall own; Shall love the Memory of FAYETTE, And shout the Name of WASHINGTON.
Hail Columbia, &c.
BOOKSELLERS' TOASTS.
THE Company of Booksellers of Dublin lately dined together, when the following toasts were drank:
 1. The King's and all the great heads of the empire.  2. Fertility to brains and insatiable appetites to curiosity.  3. A literary war, a smart press, and devastation to ink and paper.  4. Empty stomachs, attic apartments and clear intellects to the republic of authors.  5. Dr. Priestly, and the whole society of book-wrights.  6. Mr. Burke and his friends, and perpetual Paine to them.  7. The liberty of the press, and the press of liberty.  8. Mr. Pitt's works bound in Turkey, with Russian bands.  9. The enemies of Ireland bound in Morocco.  10. Our favorite volumes in sheets.  11. Combustion to the libraries of Ireland.  12. May every wit want his dinner who won't dig in his brains for it.  13. Perpetual war amongst the pamphleteers.  14. The triple alliance of ink, paper and calfskin.  15. The memory of Dr. Faustus, and prosperity to the black-art.  16. The intrigues of Parnassus—the foundling hospital for wit, and the accoucheurs of the muses.  17. May the stomachs of the epicures be transferred to their heads, that intellect may feed while gluttony does penance.  18. The enemies of Ireland out of print, and no new edition.  19. A handsome preface, ingenious introduction, good title, bold impression, strong binding, and general circulation to friendship and hospitality. 
Philadelphia, July 9. 1793.
AT a meeting of a number of Citizens, to consult on measures for the relief of the distressed citizens of Cape-Francois, arrived and expected to arrive in this city.
JOHN WILCOCKS in the Chair.
It was proposed that nine persons be a committee to enquire into the circumstances, and ascertain the numbers of the persons to be relieved.
The following gentlemen were accordingly appointed:
 Peter S. Duponceau, Jacob Shoemaker, James Vanuxem, Ambrose Vasse, Peter Lemaigre, John G. Wachsmuth, John Vaughan, Andrew Petit, and Robert Ralston. 
Who are authorised to afford temporary relief, and be reimbursed out of the contributions to be raised hereafter.
The foregoing committee are requested to make report of their enquiries to the Chairman, who, with the advice of the committee, will call a general meeting of the citizens when occasion may require.
Published by order of the meeting, ROBERT RALSTON, Sec'y.
The manufacture of Morocco-Leather has been brought to a high degree of perfection in this state. The red, black, green, and other colours of Morocco-Leather which is now exposed for sale, and was manufactured by Mr. David Callaghan, merchant in this city, is said to exceed any imported from Turkey. The expence which has been incurred in bringing this manufacture to its present state, is very considerable, and well worthy government encouragement.
Various other manufactures established in several of the states, deserve to be noticed, particularly that of shot, by Mr. Stephen Dufren; for in this, as well as many other useful undertakings, the first expence has been great, and as there can be little doubt but that this article will be furnished at a cheaper rate than any imported, we hope to see merit and industry duly rewarded.
The Boston papers printed last Saturday and Monday, due by the Mail of yesterday, were not then received. We are at a loss to account for their failure—whether it is owing to any negligence on the part of the printers, or to their detention at the Post-Office in New-York.
It is to be regretted, that one object in the Post-Office regulations, by which the mails pass with so much celerity between this city and Boston, should, at this interesting moment, be so frequently defeated.
Extracts from the Laws of the "Associated Reformers, &c." shall appear in our next.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  6 per Cents, 17/9   3 per Cents, 9/9   Deferres, 10/9   Fall shares Bank U. S. 5 per cent. adv. 

By THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARROLL, Esquires, Commissioners appointed by Government to prepare the Public Buildings, &c. within the City of Washington, for the reception of Congress, and for their permanent residence after the year 1800—
A LOTTERY FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY.
Table with 3 columns: Prize Description, Amount, and Number of Prizes. Includes Superb Hotel, Cash Prizes, and various ditto prizes.
By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers, and yet the federal City will gain its object thereby, in a magnificent building designed both for public and private convenience.
Although some expense must necessarily attend the conducting of the lottery, (which expense will be taken from the principal prize) the Commissioners having agreed to present in return a sufficient quantity of excellent free-stone, together with the best adapted lots for the hotel and for the out-houses, the value of the lottery entire may be fairly rated at something more than par.
N. B. ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given for the best Plan of an elegant and convenient HOTEL or INN, with hot and cold Baths, Stables, and other out houses, if presented on or before the 10th of April next; and a preference will be given to the Artist for a Contract, provided he be duly qualified to complete his plan.
S. BLODGET, Agent for the affairs of the City. March, 61793.
FOR SALE, BY MATHEW CAREY, At his Store, No. 118, Market-Street, PHILADELPHIA.
THE AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January, 1787, to its termination in December, 1792, in twelve volumes, price, neatly bound and lettered, nineteen dollars and one fifth.
The opinion of the President of the United States, respecting this work, is as follows: "I believe the American Museum has met with extensive, I may say, with universal approbation from competent judges; for I am of opinion, that the work is not only eminently calculated to disseminate political, agricultural, philosophical, and other valuable information; but that it has been uniformly conducted with taste, attention, and propriety."
GENERAL POST OFFICE, Philadelphia, May 27, 1793.
500 Dollars Reward.
WHEREAS a certain THOMAS SLOSS GANTT, has lately made his escape from Baltimore County Gaol, to which he was committed under a charge of having robbed the Eastern Mail, on the 28th day of January last; Notice is hereby given, that a reward of five hundred dollars will be paid at this Office, to any person or persons who shall apprehend the said Thomas Sloss Gantt, and deliver him into the custody of the keeper of the said Gaol, or into the custody of either of the Marshals within the United States, so that the said Thomas Sloss Gantt may be effectually secured, and forth coming to answer the above mentioned charge.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, Post-Master General.
The following is a description of the above-named THOMAS SLOSS GANTT: He is about six feet high, straight and well made, has light coloured hair, red behind, fair complexion and has a down look when spoken to.
BANK of the UNITED STATES. INSURANCE COMPANY.
NOTICE is hereby given that there will be paid at the Bank after the instant, to the Stockholders or their Representatives duly authorized, FOURTEEN DOLLARS and FIFTY CENTS for each Share, being the dividend declared for the last six months.
As the members of this Company are much dispersed throughout the United States, the Printers in the several States are requested to give the above a place in their newspapers.
R U L E S To be observed in transacting Business with the Insurance Company of NORTH-AMERICA.
1st. All orders for Insurance must be given in writing... 2d. All policies shall be ready for delivery in twenty-four hours... 3d. Notes, within approved endorsees, for all premiums, must be given in ten days... 4th. Losses will be paid in ten days after proof and adjustment...
NOTICE. THE STOCKHOLDERS in the SOCIETY for ESTABLISHING USEFUL MANUFACTURES, are requested to take notice...
That the subscriber is duly authorized to make the requisite indorsements upon the certificates of shares, and that books of transfer are opened at his office in Front-Street. NICHOLAS LOW. New-York, June 12, 1793.
City of Washington. JANUARY 7th, 1793.
A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners, on the 17th day of September next. One fourth part of the purchase money is to be paid down, the residue at three equal annual payments with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Com'rs.
Extract of an Act of the General Assembly of Maryland, concerning the Territory of Columbia, and the City of Washington. "Be it enacted, That any foreigner may by deed or will, hereafter to be made, take and hold lands within that part of the said Territory which lies within this State, in the same manner as if he was a citizen of this State; and the same lands may be conveyed by him, and transmitted to and be inherited by his heirs or relations, as if he and they were citizens of this State: Provided, That no foreigner shall, in virtue hereof, be entitled to any further or other privilege of a citizen."
P L A N S OF THE City of Washington, Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.
T I C K E T S In the FEDERAL CITY LOTTERY, May be had at SAMUEL COOPER'S Ferry.
To the Public. THE Editor of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, proposes publishing the Paper, under that Title, every Evening, Sunday's excepted.
To render it interesting as a Daily Publication, it shall contain foreign and domestic, commercial and political Intelligence:—Essays and Observations, local and general:—Maritime information:—Prices Current of Merchandise and the Public Funds. Also a summary of the proceedings of Congress, and of the Legislature of this State:—with a sketch of Congressional Debates, &c.
ADVERTISING favors will be gratefully received. To be printed on paper of the demy size; but a larger size shall be substituted in December next. The price Six Dollars per Annum, to be paid half Yearly.
When a sufficient number of Subscribers is obtained, the Publication shall commence. In the interim, the Gazette will be published twice a week as usual.—Subscriptions are respectfully solicited by the Public's humble servant, JOHN FENNO.
Subscriptions are received at the City Tavern, South Second Street—by Mr. Dobson at the Stone House—by other persons who are in possession of subscription papers, and by the Editor at his house, No. 33, North Fifth-Street. Philadelphia, July, 1793.
THE EDITOR MOST earnestly requests those of his distant Subscribers who are in arrears for the Gazette, to make payment as soon as possible.—Those persons who have received subscription money on his account are desired to remit the same. The arrearages for the Gazette have accumulated to a serious amount—Serious, as they are the only resource to discharge very serious engagements incurred in the prosecution of this expensive publication. Philadelphia, June 26.
Albany Glass-House. The Proprietors of the Glass-Manufactory, under the Firm of M'CLALLEN, M'GREGOR and Co.
BEG leave to inform the public, that they have now brought their WINDOW-GLASS to such perfection, as will be found, on comparison, to be equal, in quality, to the best London Crown Glass. Having fixed their prices at a lower rate than imported Glass, they are induced to believe, that importations of this article will be discontinued, in proportion as their works are extended. They propose to enlarge the scale of this business, and as the success of it will depend on the patriotic support of the public, they beg leave to solicit their friendly patronage in the pursuit of a branch which will interest every lover of AMERICAN MANUFACTURES.
All orders for WINDOW-GLASS, of any size, will be received at the Store of RHODES and M'GREGOR, No. 234, Queen-Street, New-York, and at the Glass Warehouse, No. 48, Market-Street, Albany, which will be punctually attended to. WANTED, six smart active LADS, not exceeding 16 years of age, to be indentured as Apprentices, and regularly instructed in the various branches of Glass-Making. Also, three Window-Glass Makers, to whom great encouragement will be given. May 1, 1793.
TO THE PUBLIC. THE EDITOR proposes to continue the publication of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, for distant circulation, after the first of December next, on the following terms, viz. It shall be published on WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, on paper of the Medium size—which is larger than the present.
The price, Three Dollars per annum, exclusive of postage. Subscriptions to be received by the respective Post-Masters throughout the Union, or such other persons as may see proper to collect them. The papers to be forwarded by post twice a week. No packets to contain less than six papers—and no subscriptions to be received for a less term than six months.—Payments to be constantly six months in advance.—Twenty per cent. deduction from the price of the GAZETTE, will be allowed to those who collect and forward the subscription money, free of expense, in full of all charges for their trouble in the business.
The publication will contain as usual, a variety of original essays—foreign and domestic intelligence, and a summary of the proceedings of the Legislature of the Union, &c. &c.—Attention will be paid to dispatching the papers with punctuality, and Subscribers may depend on receiving them as regularly, as the posts arrive. June 8.
Hercule De Sercey, From Leogane, Island of St. Domingo.
MAKES and sells all sorts of Mugs, Jacks, Porringers, Cups, Stew-Pans, Lamps, &c. in Tin, plain or japanned—He also mends old tin work. As he works cheap, he hopes for the public encouragement. No. 23, Race-Street, near Front-Street. June 22. HERCULE DE SERCEY, Leogane, Isle de St. Dominique, travaille en fer Blanc, de toute sorte de manieres a commande et a bon marche. A Philadelphia, le 22 Juin, 1793. No. 23, Race-Street, pres Front-Street.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, June 26, 1793.
NOTICE is hereby given, that proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, until the fourteenth day of September next inclusive, for the supply of certain Rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January to the thirty-first day of December 1794, in the days inclusive, at the places, and within the districts hereafter mentioned, viz.
1. At any place or places betwixt York-Town and Carlisle, in the state of Pennsylvania, and Pittsburgh, & at Pittsburgh, York-town & Carlisle. 2. At any place or places from Pittsburgh to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, and at the mouth of Big Beaver Creek. 3. At any place or places from the said mouth to the upper falls of the said Big Beaver, and at the upper falls. 4. At any place or places from the said upper falls to Mahoning, and at Mahoning. 5. At any place or places from the said Mahoning over to the Head Navigation of the river Cuyahoga, and at the said Head Navigation. 6. At any place or places from the said Head Navigation to the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga, and at the said mouth. 7. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Big Beaver Creek, to the mouth of the river Muskingum, and up the said river to the Tuscarawas, and at the Tuscarawas, and thence over to the Cuyahoga river, and thence down the said river to its mouth. 8. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the river Muskingum and the mouth of the Scioto river, and at the mouth of the said river Scioto. 9. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of Scioto river & the mouth of the Great Miami, at the mouth of the Great Miami, and thence to the rapids or the falls of the Ohio, and at the said rapids. 10. At any place or places betwixt the mouth of the Great Miami, up the said Miami to and at Pique Town. 11. At any place or places from Fort Washington to Fort Hamilton, and at Fort Hamilton. At any place or places from Fort Hamilton to Fort St. Clair, and at Fort St. Clair. 12. At any place or places from Fort St. Clair to Fort Jefferson, and at Fort Jefferson. 13. At any place or places from Fort Jefferson to the field of action of the 4th of November, 1791, and at the said field of action. 14. At any place or places from the said field of action to the Miami Villages, and at the Miami Villages. 15. At any place or places from the said Miami Villages to the falls of the Miami river, which empties into Lake Erie, and at the said falls, and from thence to its mouth, and at its mouth. 16. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Miami river of Lake Erie, to Sandusky Lake, and at Sandusky Lake. 17. At any place or places from the said Sandusky Lake, to the mouth of the river Cuyahoga. 18. At any place or places from the mouth of the said river Cuyahoga to Presque Isle, and at Presque Isle. 19. At any place or places from Presque Isle to the stream running into Lake Erie from towards the Jadagheque Lake, and thence over to and at the said Jadagheque Lake, and thence down the Alleghany river to Fort Franklin. 20. At any place or places from Presque Isle to Le Beuf, and at Le Beuf. 21. At any place or places from Le Beuf to Fort Franklin, and at Fort Franklin, and from thence to Pittsburgh. 22. At any place or places from the rapids of the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash river, and from the mouth of the said Wabash river to the mouth of the river Ohio. 23. At any place or places on the East side of the river Mississippi, from the mouth of the Ohio river, to the mouth of the Illinois river. 24. At any place or places from the mouth of the said Wabash river up to Fort Knox, and at Fort Knox. 25. At any place or places from Fort Knox up the said Wabash to Ouitanon, and at Ouitanon. 26. At any place or places from Ouitanon, up the said Wabash, to the head navigation of a branch thereof called Little River, and at the said head navigation of Little River. 27. At any place or places from the said head navigation of Little River over to the Miami Village. 28. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Tenesse to Ocochappo or Bear Creek, on the said river, inclusively. 29. At any place or places from the mouth of the river Cumberland to Nashville, on the said river, and at Nashville. 30. And at any place or places within thirty miles of said Nashville to the Southward, Westward or Northward thereof. Should any rations be required at any places, or within other districts, not specified in these proposals, the price of the same to be hereafter agreed on betwixt the public and the contractor. The rations to be supplied are to consist of the following articles, viz. One pound of bread or flour. One pound of beef, or 3/4 of a pound of pork, One quart of salt, Mwo quarts of vinegar, Two pounds of soap, One pound of candles, The rations are to be furnished in such quantities as that there shall at all times, during the said term, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at each of the said posts, for the space of at least 3 months in advance, in good and whole-some provisions, if the same shall be required. It is to be understood in each case, that all losses sustained by the depredations of the enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States, shall be paid for at the prices of the articles captured or destroyed, on the depositing of two or more creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, ascertaining the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation is claimed. The contract for the above supplies will be made either for one year, or for two years, as may appear eligible. Persons disposed to contract will therefore confine their offers to one year, or they may make their propositions so as to admit an election of the term of two years. The offers may comprise all the places which have been specified, or a part of them only.