The New-York journal, and daily patriotic register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1787-12-29 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register.
NUMB. 82, of VOL. XLI.]
S A T U R D A Y, December 29, 1787.
[Total NUMB. 2177.]
HERE TRUTH UNLICENSED' D REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—E'EN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE! Thompson's Liberty.
NEW-YORK : Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
To the SUBSCRIBERS of the New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, AND THE RESPECTABLE PUBLIC. THE Proprietor and Editor of the above-mentioned JOURNAL, herewith subscribed, prompted by the solicitation of a respectable number of his present subscribers—and by means of the generous patronage of a few valued friends, and the public, for which he recalls their acceptance of unfeigned thanks—begs leave to communicate to them his intention of printing and publishing a DAILY PAPER, under the title of—The NEW-YORK JOURNAL, and DAILY PATRIOTIC REGISTER.
By this publication it is not intended, that the idea of the WEEKLY REGISTER shall be extinct, therefore, the present subscribers, in general, will please to take particular notice, that the THURSDAY's paper will contain just such kind of matter as usual, in which the choicest pieces, and the fewest advertisements, will be inserted—and, that their papers, will of consequence be delivered or sent on, as heretofore, until they severally pay off their arrearages, and stop it, or order their respective names entered upon this new subscription paper.—The Thursday's paper, alone, will be TWO DOLLARS per annum, as usual.
The particular inducements to this arduous task need not all be enumerated—That the present is a most important CRISIS of the national affairs of this country, must be evident even to the least thoughtful, but more especially to those who nobly conceive—that the dearly purchased freedom and independence of America is a sacred deposit, to be nurtured, supported, and transmitted, unimpaired, by the present possessors, to millions yet unborn. To this end it is necessary, that the body of the people (who must ever, in free countries, be supposed the supporters of freedom) be well informed of the nature of any government that may be proposed for their adoption; therefore, free discussions on that momentous topic, as well as interesting intelligence from the several quarters of the world, are necessary to be universally disseminated.
By printing only one paper per week, as heretofore, one half of the essays communicated, and all that might be copied from other papers, were, in general, unavoidably neglected: in a Daily paper there will be room for all that may be worthy insertion. In this paper, FREE and IMPARTIAL discussion, that is, decent and well written ESSAYS, on either side of any important public topic, SHALL FIND FREE ACCESS.
As the principal support of a Daily paper is derived from Advertisements, Gentlemen on the mercantile line, and all others who occasionally Advertise, are earnestly requested to prefer this new undertaking, which favor shall be gratefully acknowledged by the strictest attention being paid to correctness and propriety. Advertisements shall be inserted as reasonably as by any printer in the city.
The great expence with which a Daily paper will be attended, at first, is too well known to require any apology for the REQUISITION, on subscribing, expressed in the Conditions, or for the warmth of the solicitations, for the continuation of PUBLIC PATRONAGE, with which the following PROPOSALS are introduced by the public's greatly obliged,
And very humbly Servant, THOMAS GREENLEAF.
New-York, November 12, 1787.
PROPOSALS
For altering The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register, Into the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register. CONDITIONS.
I. THE New-York Journal and Daily Patriotic Register shall be printed on the same paper, form, and type, as the Weekly Register, and shall contain the same quantity of matter.
II. The price, per Annum, will be SIX DOLLARS, one quarter part of which to be paid on subscribing, viz. One dollar and an half: after which quarterly payments to be punctually observed.
III. No subscriber is to discontinue his subscription on any other condition than the payment of arrearage subscription money, and that at the expiration of a quarter.
IV. The Daily Patriotic Register shall be delivered to the subscribers in the city every morning, and sent (as may be ordered) to those out of the city, with the greatest punctuality, they paying the expence of carriage.
Printing-Office, November 19.
THE Editor returns sincere thanks to those gentlemen who have already enabled him to form a very respectable list of subscribers to his paper, upon the plan of the above proposals. His subscriptions having been rapid, has determined him to commence the New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register, THIS DAY.—From the favourable disposition of the public, already evinced, he flatters himself with a prospect of speedy and generous ADVERTISING patronage.—He anticipates the pleasure of having it in his power, in a few weeks, to present to the public, a publication that will both serve and be a CREDIT to his country, not withholding a few of its GILDED rays from the public's ever devoted humble servant,
THE PRINTER.
To the Friends of Science.
IT has long been the universal wish, that the public might be furnished with an accurate Geographical and Topographical Grammar of the United States.
Geographers of foreign countries, not being possessed of the proper materials, and not equally interested in this part of their subject, have filled their accounts of these states with numerous inaccuracies. It is time these inaccuracies were corrected. We are independent of Great-Britain, and are no longer to look up to her for a description of our own country.
Several gentlemen of abilities, have, in detached pieces, gratified the public with ample and accurate descriptions of several parts of the United States; but no collective description of the whole has been attempted, except in a small duodecimo volume, published by the subscriber in 1784, which, though imperfect on account of the infant state of geographical knowledge in America, was well received by a candid public, and an edition of 1500 copie speedily sold.
This encouragement has determined him to publish again on the same subject. For the purpose of collecting more ample and accurate materials than he formerly possessed, he has travelled through all the states, and has been favoured with the communications of gentlemen well qualified to give information on so important a subject; and has likewise established a correspondence with several respectable characters in different states, from whom he has every reason to expect a valuable addition to the materials already collected; yet as all the information that can be obtained on a subject so extensive, varied and interesting, is greatly to be desired, and every man of science may have it in his power to contribute some observations which may be useful, the subscriber will feel himself particularly obliged to any gentleman who will be so kind as to furnish him with answers to all, or any of the annexed enquiries, viz.
 1. The boundaries and extent of the several states, and the latitudes and longitudes of the principal places.  2. Descriptions of the rivers, their sources, courses, lengths, how far navigable, how high does the tide rise—and what fish do they produce. A description of mountains, lakes, harbours, capes, and bays.  3. General face of the country, an account of its animal, mineral, and vegetable productions, or its natural history. What are the evidences to support the opinion that the flat country in the Southern and middle states was formerly occupied by the waters of the ocean, and that the land below the hills and mountains has been made since the flood.  4. Natural and artificial curiosities, caverns, cascades, &c.  5. State of commerce, manufactures and agriculture, exports and imports, balance of trade. The number of vessels which annually enter at the custom houses in the several sea ports of the United States.  6. Civil divisions of the several states, the number and names of the several districts, counties, and towns, their extent, latitude and longitude, number of inhabitants, and distance and bearing from the capital of the state. Particular descriptions of the principal towns are requested *.  7. Population—from whence are emigrations, to what places, and how numerous. Of what nations are the inhabitants of the states composed, or whence originated—proportion of the slaves.  8. Climate, diseases and their causes—longevity of the inhabitants—what proportion die in infancy.  9. Religion, number of churches of different denominations—by what methods are ministers supported.  10. State of the practice of law and physic.  11. Societies for the advancement of science and humanity.  12. State of literature, colleges, academies, schools and their funds.  13. Characters who have distinguished themselves in the late war by their patriotism.  14. An estimate of the damages sustained in the late war, in the several states.  15. A description of the adjacent Islands.  16. Manners, customs, diversions and dress.  17. Constitution, policy—general account of the laws—what political principles predominate, in the several states.  18. Military and marine strength.  19. Public revenue and expences—mode of levying taxes.  20. Indians, their tribes, languages, numbers, characters and dispositions towards the United States.  21. The society of Cincinnati, their laws and influence and the nature and political tendency of their establishment.  22. History. 
N. B. The subscriber wishes to avail himself of the advantage of all the most accurate maps, and detached geographical pieces, which have been published respecting the United States; and will thank any gentleman to inform him where they can be procured.
Those gentlemen, who may be so obliging as to favor the above design, by communications, are requested to forward them to Messrs. R. Aitken, or W. Spotswood, Philadelphia; Messrs. Spotswood and Clarke, booksellers, Baltimore; Rev. Mr.
* This enquiry is made for the purpose of collecting the proper materials for a Gazetteer of the United States, which makes a part of the general plan in view. It is obvious that a book of this kind, compiled from accurate information, would be exceedingly useful. This might easily be done, if one well-informed gentleman, in each town, would spend one half hour for the purpose. In this time the gentlemen might throw together every important circumstance relative to the towns, in which they respectively reside.
Keith, Alexandria; the honorable H. Williamson Edenton, North-Carolina; the honorable D. Ramsay, Messrs. Wright and Co. Charleston; the honorable A. Baldwin and Joseph Clay, Esquires-Georgia; Samuel S. Smith, D. D. Princeton, Mr. Loudon, Printer, New-York; and the Rev. Samuel Austin, or Jeddiah Morse, New-Haven, with their names subscribed, and the places of their residence, that the author may have the pleasure of knowing to whom he is indebted for their friendly assistance.
JEDDIAH MORSE
If the several Printers, in the United States, feel disposed to favor the above design, and will give this Advertisement a place in their respective papers for a few weeks, and will receive and forward to New-Haven, any communications which may be handed them by friends to the design, they may thereby contribute to the public good, and will peculiarly oblige their humble servant.
Philad. Aug. 7, 1787. J. M.
Just published by M. CAREY, In Philadelphia, and now to be SOLD, By THOMAS ALLEN, Book-Seller, in Queen-street, New-York (By whom Subscriptions are received)
American Museum,
For NOVEMBER, 1787. CONTAINING,
Strictures on the new Federal Constitution.
OBJECTIONS to the proposed plan of federal government. By an officer of the late continental army.
 1 Answers to the preceding objections.  2 Address to the inhabitants of New Jersey.  3 The federalist. 
Rural Concerns.
 5 Address from the Philadelphia society for promoting agriculture.  6 Chinese method of curing ginseng.  7 Tartarian ditto.  8 Instructions for the culture and use of maize, or Indian corn, as fodder for cattle. By monf. St. John de Crevecoeur.  9 Description of a plant of great utility in the improvement of poor and exhausted lands.  10 A valuable, cheap, and easily-procured winter food for cattle.  11 On raising bees.  12 On the same.  13 Advantages of preserving parsnips by drying. By the Rev. Jeremy Belknap.  14 Receipts for preserving turnips from insects. By Philip Schuyler, Esq.  15 On the method of rearing young cattle.  16 On bee-keeping.  17 Receipt to preserve butter perfectly sweet whole year.  18 Query addressed to the lovers of cyder.  19 Letter from Mr. Decius Wadsworth to Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth, relative to the Hessian fly.  20 Letter on the same subject. 
Medical Essays.
 21 On the use of mercurial preparations in the scarlatina anginofo. By Dr. William Currie.  22 Observations on the cause and cure of the tetanus. By Dr. Rush.  23 Letter from Dr. Thomas Bond to Dr. Fothergill, on the use of bark in scrofulous cases.  24 Relation of a cure performed by electricity, Communicated to the medical society in London, by Dr. Caldweller Evens.  25. Receipts for the cure of a dysentery. 
Law information.
 26 Statement of a cause decided in the court of common pleas, Charleston, March 5, 1785.  27 Statement of an important and interesting cause decided in the court of king's bench, London, July 20, 1787.  28 Interesting decision of the court of common pleas, in Philadelphia, August 3, 1787.  29 Law report—Green and Pollard vs. Shaffer. Judgment pronounced, Oct. 7, 1787. 
Humour.
 30 On the use of butlers.  31 Sufannah Trapes's complaint of the badness of the police.  32 On pronouncing dictionaries.  33 Plan for a wax-work legislature.  34 address to Gen. Burgoyne.  35 The old bachelor, No. I. 
State and other public Papers.
 36 Letter from the Hon. Roger Sherman and the Hon. Oliver Ellsworth, Esqrs. to governor Huntington.  37 Letter from the Hon. Elbridge Gerry, one of the delegates from the state of Massachusetts in the late federal convention, containing his reasons for not signing the new constitution.  38 General Burgoyne's pompous proclamation.  39 Speech of governor Hancock, October 18, 1787.  40 Premiums offered by the board of managers of the Pennsylvania society for the encouragement of manufactures and the useful arts.  41 Resolutions of the assembly of Virginia relative to a paper currency.  42 ——— of respectable inhabitants of Berkeley county.  43 ——— of the inhabitants of Fredericksburg, Virginia.  44 ——— of the freeholders of Fredericks county, Virginia.  45 ——— of the inhabitants of Petersburgh, Virginia.  46 Memorial of the college of physicians of Philadelphia. 
Interesting Laws.
 47 Act for the receipt of tobacco in payment of taxes.  48 Act for the establishing religious freedom in Virginia.  49 Act to prevent the further importation of slaves into Virginia.  50 Act to prevent the slave trade, and to encourage the abolition of slavery in Rhode-Island. 
Resolves of Congress.
 Resolve relative to the devices and inscriptions of the federal copper coin.  —— relative to the Indian war in Georgia.  53 ——— relative to foreign consuls.  54 ——— relative to the Hon. John Adams Esq.  55 ——— relative to the chevalier John Paul Jones.  56 ——— relative to the territorial claim of N. Carolina and Georgia.  57 ——— relative to a complaint made the Dutch minister. 
Miscellanies.
 58 An oration delivered at Peterburgh, Virginia, July 4, 1787, in commemoration of American Independence.  59 Account of the late revolution in Sweden.  60 Obs. on the means of extinguishing a fire.  61 Address to the ladies of America.  62 On the use of tobacco and snuff.  63 Account of three volcanos in the moon By W. Herscheil.  64 Observations on the numb fish, or torporific eel. By H. C. Flagg.  65 Extract of a letter from the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, to Dr. Stiles.  66 Observations on the leech worm.  67 Letter relative to the devices and inscriptions of American medals. By Col. Humphreys.  68 Extract from an act to punish blasphemers. 
Poetry.
 69 Epistle to his excellency General Washington.  70 On the death of Col. John Laurens. By Philip Freneau.  71 Prospect of South-Carolina. By the late Dr. Ladd.  72 The man of sorrow. By William More Smith, Esq.  The subscription for the American Museum is 18s. per annum, for two volumes, of 624 pages. This Work is also SOLD by Messrs. Berry and Rogers, Mr. Hodge, and Mr. Loudon. New-York, Dec. 17, 1787. 66 — e.d.
By his EXCELLENCY,
GEORGE CLINTON, Esquire, Governor of the state of New-York, general and commander in chief of all the militia, and admiral of the navy thereof.
A Proclamation.
WHEREAS, pursuant to a law of this state the legislature are to meet at Poughkeepsie, in Dutchess County, on the first Tuesday in January next; I have therefore thought fit, by these presents, to proclaim the same, that all persons concerned may be apprized thereof, and govern themselves accordingly.
Given under my hand, and the privy seal, at the city of New-York, this third day of December, in the twelfth year of the independence of the said state, 1787.
GEORGE CLINTON.
THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS assembled, July 23, 1787.
RESOLVED, That all persons having unliquidated claims against the United States, pertaining to the late commodities, quatermasters, clothiers, or marine department, shall exhibit particular abstracts of such claims to the proper commissioner, appointed to settle the accounts of those departments, within eight months from the date hereof; and all persons having unliquidated claims against the United States, shall exhibit a particular abstract thereof to the controller of the treasury of the United States, within one year from the date hereof; not exhibited as aforesaid, shall not be entitled to settlement or allowances.

THE ADDRESS AND REASONS OF DISSENT OF THE MINORITY OF THE CONVENTION OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA, TO THEIR CONSTITUENTS.
[Continued from Thursday.]
THE continental convention met in the city of Philadelphia at the time appointed. It was composed of some men of excellent characters; of others who were more remarkable for their ambition and cunning, than the patriotism; and of some who had been opponents to the independence of the United States. The delegates from Pennsylvania were, six of them, uniform and decided opponents to the constitution of this commonwealth. The convention sat upwards of four months. The doors were kept shut, and the members brought under the most solemn engagements of secrecy.* Some of those who opposed their going so far beyond their powers, retired, hopeless, from the convention, others had the firmness to refuse signing the plan altogether; and many who did sign it, did it not as a system they wholly approved, but as the best that could be then obtained, and notwithstanding the time spent on this subject, it agreed on all hands to be a work of haste and accommodation.
Whilst the gilded chain were forging in the secret conclave, the meane instruments of despotism without, were busily employed in alarming the fears of the people, with dangers which did not exist, and exciting their hopes of greater advantages from the expected plan than even the best government on earth could produce.
The proposed plan had not many hours issued forth, from the womb of suspicious secrecy, until such as were prepared for the purpose, were carrying about petitions for people to sign, signifying their approbation of the system, and requesting the legislature to call a convention. While every measure was taken to intimidate the people against opposing it, the public papers teemed with the most violent threats against those who should dare to think for themselves, and tar and feathers were liberally promised to all those who would not immediately join in supporting the proposed government, be it what it would. Under such circumstances petitions in favor of calling a convention were signed by great numbers in and about the city, before they had leisure to read and examine the system, many of whom, now they are better acquainted with it, and have had time to investigate its principles, are heartily opposed to it. The petitions were speedily handed in to the legislature.
Affairs were in this situation, when on the 28th of September last, a resolution was proposed to the assembly by a member of the house who had been also a member of the federal convention, for calling a state convention, to be elected within ten days, for the purpose of examining and adopting the proposed constitution of the united states, though at this time the house had not received it from congress. This attempt was opposed by a minority, who, after offering every argument in their power to prevent the precipitate measure, without effect, absented themselves from the house, as the only alternative left them, to prevent the measures taking place previous to their constituents being acquainted with the business. That violence and outrage which had been often threatened, was now practiced; some of the members were seized the next day by a mob, collected for the purpose, and forcibly dragged to the house, and there detained by force, while the quorum of the legislature formed, completed their resolution. We shall dwell no longer on this subject, the people of Pennsylvania have been already acquainted therewith. We would only further observe, that every member of the legislature, previously to taking his seat, by solemn oath or affirmation, declares, "That they will not do or consent to any act or thing whatever that shall have a tendency to lessen or abridge their rights and privileges, as declared in the constitution of this state." And that constitution which they are so solemnly sworn to support cannot legally be altered but by a recommendation of the council of censors, who alone are authorized to propose alterations and amendments, and even these must be published at least six months, for the consideration of the people. The proposed system of government for the United States, if adopted, will alter, and may annihilate the constitution of Pennsylvania; and therefore the legislature had no authority whatever to recommend the calling a convention for that purpose. This proceeding could not be considered as binding on the people of this commonwealth. The house was formed by violence, some of the members composing it were detained by force, which alone would have vitiated any proceedings, to which they were otherwise competent; but had the legislature been legally formed, this business was absolutely without their power.
In this situation of affairs were the subscribers elected members of the convention of Pennsylvania. A convention called by a legislature in direct violation of their duty, and composed in part of members, who were compelled to attend for that purpose, to consider of a constitution proposed by a convention of the United States, who were not appointed for the purpose of framing a new form of government; but whose powers were expressly confined to altering and amending the present articles of confederation. Therefore the members of the continental convention, in proposing the plan, acted as individuals, and not as deputies from Pennsylvania; the assembly who called the state convention acted as individuals, and not as the legislature of Pennsylvania; nor could they, or the convention chosen on their recommendation, have authority to do any act or thing, that can alter or annihilate the constitution of Pennsylvania (both of which will be done by the new constitution) nor are their proceedings in our opinion, at all binding on the people.
* The Journ. of the conclave are still concealed. † The continental convention, in direct violation of the 13th article of confederation, have declared, "that the ratification of nine states shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution, between the states so ratifying the same." Thus has the plighted faith of the states been sported with! They had solemnly engaged that the confederation now subsisting should be inviolably preserved by each of them, and the union thereby formed should be perpetual, unless the same should be altered by mutual consent.
The election for members of the convention was held at so early a period, and the want of information was so great, that some of us did not know of it until after it was over, and we have reason to believe that great numbers of the people of Pennsylvania have not yet had an opportunity of sufficiently examining the proposed constitution. We apprehend that no change can take place that will affect the internal government or constitution of this commonwealth, unless a majority of the people should evidence a wish for such a change; but on examining the number of votes given for members of the present state convention, we find, that of upwards of seventy thousand freemen who are entitled to vote in Pennsylvania, the whole convention has been elected by about thirteen thousand voters, and though two thirds of the members of the convention have thought proper to ratify the proposed constitution, yet those two thirds were elected by the votes of only six thousand and eight hundred freemen.
In the city of Philadelphia, and some of the eastern counties, the junta that took the lead in the business agreed to vote for none but such as would solemnly promise to adopt the system in toto , without exercising their judgment. In many of the counties the people did not attend the elections, as they had not an opportunity of judging of the plan. Others did not consider themselves bound by the call of a set of men who assembled at the state-house in Philadelphia, and assumed the name of the legislature of Pennsylvania; and some were prevented from voting by the violence of the party who were determined at all events to force down the measure. To such lengths did the tools of despotism carry their outrage, that in the night of the election for members of convention in the city of Philadelphia, several of the subscribers (being then in the city to transact your business) were grossly abused and insulted, while they were quiet in their lodgings, though they did not interfere, nor had any thing to do with said election; but, as they apprehend, because they were supposed to be adverse to the proposed constitution, and would not tamely surrender those sacred rights which you have committed to their charge.
The convention met, and the same disposition was soon manifested in considering the proposed constitution, that had been exhibited in every other stage of the business. We were prohibited by an express vote of the convention, from taking any question on the separate articles of the plan, and reduced to the necessity of adopting or rejecting in toto . It is true the majority permitted us to debate on each article, but restrained us from proposing amendments. They also determined not to permit us to enter on the minutes our reason of dissent against any of the articles, nor even on the final question our reasons of dissent against the whole. Thus situated we entered on the examination of the proposed system of government, and found it to be such as we could not adopt, without, as we conceived, surrendering up your dearest rights. We offered our objections to the convention, and opposed those parts of the plan, which, in our opinion, would be injurious to you, in the best manner we were able; and closed our arguments by offering the following propositions to the convention:
First. The right of conscience shall be held inviolable; and neither the legislative, executive nor judicial powers of the United States, shall have authority to alter, abrogate, or in any way any part of the constitution of the several states, which provide for the preservation of liberty in matters of religion.
Second. That in controversies respecting property, and in suits between man and man, trial by jury shall remain as heretofore, as well in the federal courts, as in those of the several states.
Third. That in all capital and criminal prosecutions, a man has a right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, as well in the federal courts, as in those of the several states; to be heard by himself and counsel; to be confronted with the accusers, and witnesses; to call for evidence in his favor, and a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinity, without whose unanimous consent, he cannot be found guilty, nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; and that no man be deprived of his liberty, except by the law of the land or the judgment of his peers.
Fourth. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel nor unusual punishments inflicted.
Fifth. That warrants unsupported by evidence, whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded or required to search suspected places, or to seize any person or persons, his or their property, not particularly described, are grievous and oppressive, and shall not be granted either by the magistrates of the federal government or others.
Sixth. That the people have a right to the freedom of speech, of writing and publishing their sentiments, therefore, the freedom of the press shall not be restrained by any law of the United States.
Seventh. The people have a right to bear arms for the defence of themselves and their own state, or the United States, or for the purpose of killing game, and no law shall be passed for disarming the people of any of them, unless for crimes committed, or real danger of public injury from individuals; and as standing armies in the time of peace are dangerous to liberty, they ought not to be kept up; and that the military shall be kept under strict subordination to and be governed by the civil powers.
Eighth. The inhabitants of the several states shall have liberty to fowl and hunt in seasonable times, on the lands they hold, and on all other lands in the United States not enclosed, and in like manner to fish in all navigable waters and others not private property, without being restrained therein by any laws to be passed by the legislature of the United States.
Ninth. That no law shall be passed to restrain the legislatures of the several states, from enacting laws for imposing taxes, except imposts and duties on goods imported or exported, and that no taxes, except imposts and duties on goods imported and exported, and postage on letters, shall be levied by the authority of Congress.
Tenth. That the house of representatives be properly increased in number; that elections shall remain free; that the several states shall have power to regulate the elections for senators and representatives, without being controuled either directly or indirectly by any interference on the part of Congress; and that elections of representatives be annual.
Eleventh. That the power of organizing, arming and disciplining the militia (the manner of disciplining the militia to be prescribed by Congress) remain with the individual states, and that Congress shall not have authority to call or march any of the militia out of their own state, without the consent of such state, and for such length of time only as such state shall agree.
That the sovereignty, freedom and independency of the several states shall be retained, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this constitution expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.
Twelfth. That the legislative, executive, and judicial powers be kept separate; and to this end, that a constitutional council be appointed, to advise and assist the president, who shall be responsible for the advice they give; hereby the senators would be relieved from almost constant attendance; and also that the judges be made completely independent.
Thirteenth. That no treaty which shall be directly opposed to the existing laws of the United States in Congress assembled, shall be valid until such laws shall be repealed or made conformable to such treaty; neither shall any treaties be valid which are in contradiction to the constitution of the United States, or the constitutions of the several states.
Fourteenth. That the judiciary power of the United States shall be confined to cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers or consuls; to cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more states; between a state and citizens of different states; between citizens claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state or the citizens thereof and foreign states; and in criminal cases, to such only as are expressly enumerated in the constitution; and that the United States in Congress assembled, shall not have power to enact laws, which shall alter the laws of delicts and distribution of the effects of deceased persons, the titles of land or goods, or the regulation of contracts in the individual states.
After reading these propositions, we declared our willingness to agree to the plan, provided it was so amended as to meet those propositions or something similar to them: and finally moved the convention to adjourn, to give the people of Pennsylvania time to consider the subject, and determine for themselves; but these were all rejected, and the final vote was taken, when our duty to you induced us to vote against the proposed plan, and to decline signing the ratification of the same.
During the discussion we met with many insults, and some personal abuse; we were not even treated with decency, during the sitting of the convention, by the persons in the gallery of the house; however, we flatter ourselves that in contending for the preservation of those invaluable rights you have thought proper to commit to our charge, we acted with a spirit becoming freemen, and being desirous that you might know the principles which actuated our conduct, and being prohibited from inserting our reasons of dissent on the minutes of the convention, we have subjoined them for your consideration, as to you alone we are accountable. It remains with you whether you will think those inestimable privileges, which you have so ably contended for, should be sacrificed at the shrine of despotism, or whether you mean to contend for them with the same spirit that has so often baffled the attempts of an aristocratic faction, to rivet the shackles of slavery on you, and your unborn posterity.
Our objections are comprised under three general heads of dissent, viz.
WE DISSENT, First, Because it is the opinion of the most celebrated writers on government, and confirmed by uniform experience, that a very extensive territory cannot be governed on the principles of freedom, otherwise than by a confederation of republics, possessing all the powers of internal governments; but united in the management of their general, and foreign concerns.
If any doubt could have been entertained of the truth of the foregoing principle, it has been fully removed by the concession of Mr. Wilson, one of the majority on this question, and who was one of the deputies in the late general convention. In justice to him we will give his own words; they are as follows, viz. "The extent of country for which the new constitution was required, produced another difficulty in the business of the federal convention. It is the opinion of some celebrated writers, that to a small territory, the democratical; to a middling territory (as Montesquieu has termed it) the monarchial; and to an extensive territory, the despotic form of government, is best adapted. Regarding then the wide and almost unbounded jurisdiction of the United States, at first view, the band of despotism seemed necessary to controul, connect, and protect it; and hence the chief embarrassment role. For we knew that, although our constituents would cheerfully submit to the legislative restraints of a free government, they would spurn at every attempt to shackle them with despotic power."—And again in another part of his speech he continues—"Is it probable that the dissolution of the state governments, and the establishment of one consolidated empire would be eligible in its nature, and satisfactory to the people in its administration? I think not, as I have given reasons to show that so extensive a territory could not be governed, connected, and preserved, but by the supremacy of despotic power. All the exertions of the most potent emperors of Rome were not capable of keeping that empire together, which in extent was far inferior to the dominion of America."
We dissent, secondly, because, the powers vested in Congress by this constitution, must necessarily annihilate and absorb the legislative, executive and judicial powers of the several states, and produce from their ruins one consolidated government, which from the nature of things will be an iron-handed despotism, as nothing short of the supremacy of despotic sway could connect and govern these United States under one government.
As the truth of this position is of such decisive importance, it ought to be fully investigated, and if it is founded, to be clearly ascertained; for, should it be demonstrated, that the powers vested by this constitution in Congress, will have such an effect, as necessarily to produce one consolidated government, the question then will be reduced to this short issue, viz. whether satiated with the blessings of liberty; whether repenting of the folly
of so recently asserting their unalienable rights, against foreign despots, at the expence of so much blood and treasure, and such painful and arduous struggles, the people of America are now willing to resign every privilege of freemen, and submit to the domination of an absolute government, that will embrace all America in one chain of despotism; or whether they will, with virtuous indignation, spurn at the shackles prepared for them, and confirm their liberties by a conduct becoming freemen?
That the new government will not be a confederacy of states, as it ought, but one consolidated government, founded upon the destruction of the several governments of the states, we shall now show.
The powers of Congress under the new constitution, are complete and unlimited over the purse and the sword, and are perfectly independent of, and supreme over, the state governments, whose intervention in these great points is entirely destroyed. —By virtue of their power of taxation, congress may command the whole, or any part of the property of the people. They may impose what imposts upon commerce; they may impose what land-taxes, poll-taxes, excises, duties on all written instruments, and duties on every other article that they may judge proper; in short, every species of taxation, whether of an external or internal nature, is comprised in section the 8th, of article the 1st, viz. "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States."
As there is no one article of taxation reserved to the state governments, the Congress may monopolize every source of revenue, and thus indirectly demolish the state governments, for without funds they could not exist; the taxes, duties and excises imposed by Congress may be so high as to render it impracticable to levy any further sums on the same articles; but whether this should be the case or not, if the state governments should presume to impose taxes, duties, or excises, on the same articles with Congress, the latter may abrogate and repeal the laws whereby they are imposed upon the allegation that they interfere with the due collection of their taxes, duties or excises, by virtue of the following clause, part of section 8th, article 1st, viz. "To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof."
The Congress might gloss over this conduct by construing every purpose for which the state legislatures now lay taxes, to be for the "general welfare," and therefore as of their jurisdiction.
And the supremacy of the laws of the United States, is established by article 6th, viz. "That this constitution and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding." It has been alleged that the words "pursuant to the constitution," are a restriction upon the authority of Congress; but when it is considered that by other sections they are invested with every efficient power of government, and which may be exercised to the absolute destruction of the state governments, without any violation of even the forms of the constitution, this seeming restriction, as will as every other restriction in it, appears to us to be nugatory and delusive; and only introduced as a blind upon the real nature of the government. In our opinion, "pursuant to the constitution," will be co-extensive with the will and pleasure of Congress which, indeed, will be the only limitation of their powers.
We apprehend, that two co-ordinate sovereignties would be a solecism in politics. That therefore as there is no line of distinction drawn between the general, and state governments; as the sphere of their jurisdiction is undefined, it would be contrary to the nature of things, that both should exist together, one or the other would necessarily triumph in the fullness of dominion. However, the contest could not be of long continuance, as the state governments are divested of every means of defence, and will be obliged by "the supreme law of the land" to yield at discretion.
It has been objected to this total destruction of the state governments, that the existence of their legislatures is made essential to the organization of congress; that they must assemble for the appointment of the senators and president general of the United States. True, the state legislatures may be continued for some years, as boards of appointment, merely; after they are divested of every other function, but the framers of the constitution foreseeing that the people will soon be disgusted with this solemn mockery of a government without power and usefulness, have made a provision for relieving them from the imposition, in section 4th, of article 1st, viz. "The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations; except as to the place of choosing senators."
As congress have the controul over the time of the appointment of the president general, of the senators and of the representatives of the united states, they may prolong their existence in office, for life, by postponing the time of their election and appointment, from period to period, under various pretences, such as an apprehension of invasion, the factious disposition of the people, or any other plausible pretence that the occasion may suggest; and having thus obtained life-estates in the government, they may fill up the vacancies themselves, by their controul over the mode of appointment; with this exception in regard to senators, that as the place of appointment for them, must, by the constitution, be in the particular state, they may depone some body in the respective states, to fill up the vacancies in the senate, occasioned by death, until they can venture to assume it themselves. In this manner, may the only restriction in this clause be evaded.
By virtue of the foregoing section, when the spirit of the people shall be gradually broken; when the general government shall be firmly established, and when a numerous standing army shall render opposition vain, the Congress may compleat the system of despotism, in renouncing all dependance on the people, by continuing themselves, and children in the government. [To be continued.]

A N Antifederal piece, in No. 66, purporting to be an answer to Mr. Wilson, under the signature of Cincinnatus, "appears to me to abound" with misrepresentation, misconstruction, "and sophistry, and so dangerous, to the uniformed and less discerning readers, as for their sakes and theirs only, "to require" reprension and "refutation." "If we" reject "the new constitution, let us understand it: whether it deserves to be" rejected "or not, we can determine only by a full" and honest "examination of it; so as truly and clearly to discern what it is we are so" warmly, and I may boldly "say, indescendly called upon to" reject, and for what important reasons: such "examination," so far as the objections and reasonings of said piece have the appearance of weight or force, is the "object" of the following paragraphs.
The introduction is filled with little else but sarcastical taunts liberally bestowed both upon the constitution, and Mr. Wilson, one of its framers and advocates, which I shall pass without further notice, only requesting the reader to take the trouble in the issue to judge, whether, "the hope" of Cincinnatus "to avoid the censure of having industriously endeavored to prevent and destroy" the constitution "by insidious and clandestine attempts," is not founded on slippery ground.
His only objection to the constitution (after, we may presume, a narrow and critical search for facts) is, "the omission of a declaration of rights;" which omission Mr. Wilson, and with him every man of common sense and candor, justifies, for this reason, viz. in the state constitutions a bill of rights is necessary, because whatever is not reserved is given, but in this congressional constitution whatever is not given is reserved. This, says our author, "is a distinction without a difference, and has more the quaintness of a conundrum than the dignity of an argument;" and exerts himself briskly in the "play of words and quaintness of conundrums" to set aside the distinction: to all which it is sufficient to reply, that it must be obvious to the discerning and candid reader, that the new constitution, although it contains not a declaration of the rights of the people; yet it contains a declaration of the powers given to rulers; intentionally with precision defines and limits them; thus firmly and stably fixeth the boundaries of their authority, beyond which they cannot pass, unless in violation of the constitution: to have made a formal declaration, that all the rights and powers not mentioned nor defined are reserved and not granted, would have been as great an affront to common sense, as if after having made a grant of a certain tract of land or other articles of property particularly specified and described in a deed or bill of sale, I should add a particular enumeration of my every other piece of land and article of property, with a declaration in form, that none of these are meant to be granted; for not being granted they are certainly reserved, as certainly without as with a declaration of it.—Common sense requires not a declaration that articles either of property or power not mentioned in the bill are not granted by the bill.
To elucidate the danger arising from this omission of a bill of rights, and prove "that a dangerous aristocracy springing from it (the constitution) must necessarily swallow up the democratic rights of the union, and sacrifice the liberties of the people to the
power of the few," he shews that the federal government, because secure without a bill of rights, viz. "there is no power granted to regulate literature. The constitution grants power more or less with respect to the liberty of the press; but leaves it just as it found it, in the hands of the several state constitutions: but to enervate this argument, my author sagely observes, "that where general powers are expressly granted, the particular ones comprehended within them must also be granted;" and with keen sagacity discovers a general power granted to Congress "to define and punish offences against the law of nations," and after a plausible parade or inconclusive argumentation, assumes to have proved, "that the power of restraining the press is necessarily involved in the unlimited power of defining offences against the law of nations, or of making treaties, which are to be the supreme law of the land." To clear off the obscurity and confusion which involve the ideas & reasonings of this author, concerning the law of nations and public treaties, and set this matter in a clear convictive point of view, it is needless and would be to no purpose to pursue him through an intricate maze or winding in a pompous declamatory harangue; it is needful, to that end, only to consider, that by the law of nations, is intended, those regulations and articles of agreement by which different nations, in their treaties one with another, mutually bind themselves to regulate their conduct, one towards the other. A violation of such articles is properly defined an offence against the law of nations, & there is and can be no other law of nations, which binds them with respect to their treatment one of another, but these articles of agreement contained in their public treaties and alliances.
These public treaties become the laws of the land in that being made by constitutional authority, i. e. among us, by those whom the people themselves have authorised for that purpose, are in a proper sense their own agreements, and therefore as laws, bind the several states, as states, and their inhabitants, as individuals, to take notice of and govern themselves according to the articles and rules which are defined and stipulated in them: as law of the land they bind to nothing but a performance of the engagements which they contain. How then doth it appear "that a power to define offences against the law of nations, necessarily involves a power of restraining the liberty of the press?"
Have we the least possible ground of fear, that the United States in some future period will enter in their public treaties an article to injure the liberty of the press? What concern have foreign nations with the liberty or restraint of the American press?
This writer seems to have been set to work with design (not his own) to yield his assistance to verify an observation, said to be made by Dr. Franklin, viz. "That the goodness and excellency of the federal constitution is evidenced more strongly by nothing, than the weakness and futility of the objections made against it."
That our author had a design in the choice of a signature, to fasten a stigma on the worthy patriotic society, I can not assert. Be assured this is by no means the will of
ANTI-CINCINNATUS.
eighteen... Thus, in the adventurous spirit... A writer, in a late Pennsylvania... observes:—It is a common saying among poor... Indostan, that to lie is better than to stand, to sleep is better than to wake, but death is best of all; for it delivers them from the cruelty of their nabobs. Even in the freest country in Europe, a lady's lapdog is more esteemed than the child of a poor man. O God, what a monster is man! that a dog should be nourished and pampered up by him with dainties, whilst a being, possessed of knowledge, reason, judgment, and an immortal soul, bought with no less a price than the blood of our divine Redeemer, should be driven from his door, without admitting him, even for a moment, to assuage his hunger, with the crumbs that might fall from his table.
A correspondent recommends the following recipe for the bite of a mad dog, which he always found successful, and which, for humanity's sake, he wishes should be made public:—Take 24 grains of cinnebar, 24 grains of fctitious cinnebar, and 10 grains of musk, reduce them into a very fine powder, and give them as soon as possible, in a tea-cup full of any kind of spirits; If the person has any symptoms of madness, they are to take a second dose immediately, and whether they are affected or not, the same must be repeated in 30 days after.
Abstract of a letter from Capt. Hodge, of the Sloop Portsmouth, dated St. Bartholomew's, 4th November, 1787.
"On the 16th of October, I spoke the Schooner Fanny, Jonathan Smith, master, from Egg-Harbour, bound to St. Lucia; the master, and one of the people, was that day washed overboard and drowned, the Schooner upset, lost her masts and sails except one, books, quadrants, provisions, &c. She afterwards righted, and was in a fair way to make some of the islands when I left her, for which purpose I supplied her with the necessaries she had lost."
We learn from Anchoran, in the Manor of Livingston, that on the 10th instant, John Tucker (son of Elias Tucker) aged 26 years, had his right thigh amputated, six inches above the articulation of the knee. The operation was performed by Mr. Darius Stoddard, with his usual steadiness, accuracy and dispatch, Mr. Charles D. Cooper secured the arteries with needle ligature, and Mr. L. Wheeler applied the dressings.
What rendered the operation necessary, was a carious ulcer of 14 years standing. On examination of the bones of the leg and foot, by Messrs. Cooper and Stoddard, they were found to be carious and rotten in many places.
Dr. PRICE observes, in his essay on the importance of the American revolution, that the United States are now sitting out; and all depends on the care and foresight with which a plan is begun, which hereafter will require only to be strengthened and ripened. But that in America abuses have not gained sacredness by time—that there the way is open to social dignity and happiness, and reason may utter her voice with confidence and success. But that there is danger a society so happy will not be of long duration—that simplicity and virtue, will give way to depravity—that equality will in time, be lost—the cursed lust of domineering shew itself—liberty languish—and civil government gradually degenerate into an instrument, in the hands of a few to oppress and plunder the many."
ARRIVED. Sloop Philad. and N. Y. Packet, Bird, Philad. — New-York Packet, Bailey, ditto. CLARENDON. Ship Generous Friends, Gray, London. Brig Sandwich, Butler, Trinidad. Sloop Sally, Coffin, Newbern. — Dolphin, Carhart, Philadelphia. — Success, Stannard, Saybrook.
MARSHALL'S Porter and Oyster-House, IS now opened at the corner of Corlandt and Greenwich-Streets, opposite Powles-Hook Ferry-House, at the North-River— where every exertion will be put in force to render those who will favor him with their commands agreeable. New-York, Dec. 18, 1787. 62 e.d.
Advice to husbands... scolding wives that visit husbands, Principles of government and commerce On bills of rights, Letter to Doctor Stiles, accounting for the fortifications west of the Allegany, Abridgment of Smith's History of Virginia, P O E T R Y.
VERSSES on the New Year, Lydia, The Virgin's first love, The seasons moralized, On a lady's striking a fly with her fan, The rare adventures of Tom Brainless; shewing what his father said of him; how he went to college, and what he learned there; Subscriptions twenty shillings a year, ten shillings for six months advanced. Subscriptions are taken by Mr. London, Messrs Berry and Rogers, Mr. R. Hodge, Mr. S. Campbell, and Mr. T. Allen, Booksellers. New-York, Dec. 28, 1787. 75 e.d.
Ran-away, from Cape Francois, A MULATTO MAN, Named JACQUES or JAMES, A CREOLE, from Martinico, An excellent kitchen and pastry COOK, 26 or 27 years of age, about 5 feet 9 inches high, middling thick, his legs are much warped, much pock-marked, a very large mouth, small eyes and sunk, a large forehead and long necked; he has a kind of ring-worm on one of his arms, and has a difficulty in his speech, stammering a little—He left Cape Francois in the beginning of May last, and was supposed to have taken passage for this continent. Whoever secures said Mulatto Man, and gives intelligence, will be handsomely rewarded, and all reasonable charges paid. Enquire at No. 15, Queen-Street. 73—e.d.
NOTICE is hereby given by the petitioning creditors of DANIEL STRANG, of Rye, in the county of West Chester, and state of New-York, late merchant, an insolvent debtor, to shew cause to the said Chief Justice, at his chamber, situate in Nassau-street, in the city of New-York, on Thursday, the third day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon of the same day, why an assignment of the said debtor's estate should not be made, and the said debtor discharged, according to the form of an act of the legislature of the state, of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th day of April, 1786. DANIEL STRANG. Dated this 13th day of Dec. 1787. 65—e.d.
Masters & Owners of Vessels Are hereby informed, THAT they may be supplied with cables, large or small of any length, and cordage of all sizes, made of Peterburg hemp, first quality, at Ivers's Rope-walk, at the head of Mulberry-street, the first left hand turn above the Tea-Water Pump, on such favorable terms as to merit the attention of any gentleman that would wish to lay out his money to the best advantage. Cables spliced, with the addition of any length required, white rope of every sort for city or country use, hambro lines, deep sea lines, hand lead lines, log lines, houseline, and marine, &c. &c. by H. IVERS, Rope-maker. N. B. The above articles, whether in large or small quantities, will be delivered to any part of the city without expence of cartage to the buyer. New-York, Dec. 7, 1787. 58 e.d.
NOTICE is hereby given by the petitioning creditors of Isaac Vanduzer, an insolvent debtor, to all the creditors of said insolvent debtor, that they do appear before me Benjamin Blagge, Esq. one of the judges of the mayor's court of the city of New-York, at his office in Beckman's street, on Monday, 31st inst. at ten o'clock in the morning, to shew cause, if any they have, why an assignment of the estate of Isaac Vanduzer should not be made for the benefit of all his creditors, and the said Isaac Vanduzer be discharged, pursuant to the directions of an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," passed the 13th of April, 1786. ISAAC VANDUZER. Dated this 19th day of December, 1787. 76—e.d.

Morris-Town and Paules-Hook STAGE.
ON the 14th inst. the subscriber began to run his Stage-Waggon every Tuesday and Friday, from his house in Morris-Town, to Paules-Hook, by the way of Newark, starting at five o'clock each morning. The waggon generally arrives at Jacamiah Smith's, Paules-Hook, about one o'clock of the same day, where it remains until the next morning, nine o'clock, when it returns by the same route, and with all expedition.
The FARE for a passenger, with seven pounds of baggage, is ONE DOLLAR, and the same for one hundred and fifty pound weight. The waggon, on its route to Paules-Hook, stops at Lawrence's tavern, Springfield, where the passengers may breakfast, if they choose; the next stage is at Major Savre's, Newark, from whence they proceed to Paules-Hook.
N. B. Letters, to be sent by the above stage, may be lodged at Capt. Crane's, a few doors above the Ferry-house, in Cortlandt-street, New-York, from whence they shall always be safely conveyed to the stage. All letters carried free.
GEORGE OHARA.
Morris-Town, August 28, 1787.
THE PROPRIETORS of the STAGES, Which ply between New-York & Philadelphia,
Respectfully inform the PUBLIC, THAT, after this date, their stage will leave Paules-Hook at three o'clock in the afternoon, and proceed to Elizabeth-Town; and that in order to accommodate passengers, one stage will leave Elizabeth-Town at day-light; and another stage leaves Newark at eight o'clock, and both stages go as far towards Philadelphia as the weather and roads will permit, during the winter season. December - 3th, 1787. 46
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to the estate of Cuybert Ryan, of Huntington, Long-Island, Suffolk county, yeoman, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Gilbert Bryan, the accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney; and all persons, having claims against said Gilbert Bryan's estate, previous to his discharge under the act of insolvency, are requested immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to JOHN ARDEN, Junior, Assignee. 42 m.w.f. 3m. New-York, November 15, 1787.
Five Dollars Reward. STOLEN, on the night of the third instant, out of the house of the subscriber, the following articles, viz. one purple silk gown, two white muffin ditto, two pair of sheets; one old suit of blue and white curtains; and sundry caps, handkerchiefs, and ruffles. The above reward will be given for the thief and goods, by GARRET RAPALJE. New-York, Oct. 10, 1787. 35 m.w.f.
To the Afflicted with WORMS. LATELY received from the western country, and may be had at No. 21, Beckman-street, an extraordinary and never-failing WORM POWDER. From long experience it has been found, that three doses of these Powders will effectually destroy the Worms, either in children or grown persons. N York, Sept. 13, 1787. 32 e.d.
SHRUB, Of the very best Quality, by the Hoghead, Barrel, or smaller Quantity, FOR SALE, by Charles Tillinghast, At his House, nearly opposite the New-Market, in Cherry-street.
This Day PUBLISHED, And to be SOLD at this PRINTING-OFFICE, [Price TEN PENCE.] The Mother's Catechism. THIS Catechism is designed for the First, and should be taught to infants as an Introduction to those Catechisms which are not so easily understood. It is universally recommended by Divines. To be Sold at this PRINTING-OFFICE, B L A N K S of all Sorts
MONEY EXCHANGES.
The paper money of this state at all times exchanged for specie, which is re-exchanged for paper money, at only half per cent. advance from the giving rate. New-York, Dec. 13, 1787. 69 e.o.d.
THOMAS SMITH, BOOT and SHOE MAKER, LEATHER CUTTER, AND CURRIER, Queen-Street, No. 179, Corner of Beekman or Chapel Street,
BEGS leave to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he carries on the above branches in an extensive manner. He makes and sells the following articles, wholesale and retail, viz.
   £ s d     Gentlemen's best boots with the best English legs and bend-foles, bound with Morocco, 2 12 0   Gentlemen's best boots turned down tops, best English legs and bend-foles, 2 10 0   Gentlemen's best boots with the best York legs and bend-foles, bound with Morocco, 2 8 0   Ditto best plain, ditto, York legs and bend-foles, 2 4 0   Ditto, ditto, with York legs and foles, 2 0 0   Best water boots with bend-foles, 2 0 0   Gentlemen's best calf-skin shoes with bound tops, 0 11 0   Mens strong shoes, from 8/ to 0 9 0   Ladies best silk shoes, 1 0 0   Ditto ditto, stuff ditto fatinet or calimanco, 0 10 0   Ditto ditto leather lined and bound, 0 9 0   Ditto do. do. common, 0 8 0   Boys, Girls, and childrens shoes of all kinds.  
As also, all kinds of leather, whether for shoemakers, faders, or harness-makers use.—English boot-legs, bend foals as usual.
He wishes to inform the public, that, as he is determined to sell on the most reasonable terms, no credit on any account will be given, except to those of his former customers.
And likewise, that no shoes will be sent to any one for trial, except they be very well known, as he has already suffered too much loss on that account.
Country store-keepers, and others, will find it to their advantage to deal at the above store, as they can be supplied with upper leathers, foles, half foles, &c. by the dozen, on the most reasonable terms.
Black-ball of excellent quality for cleaning boots or shoes, wholesale and retail.
N. B. Rough leather taken in and curried on the most reasonable terms. 24—ed. 5w.
AT THE TANNERY, Near the Fresh-Water Pond,
MAY be had of the subscriber a quantity of excellent SOL and UPPER LEATHER, tanned in the English mode, equal to any manufactured in America. He proposes, for country dealers, to supply on terms that will enable them to make large profits;—for city consumption, such as will establish the Shoe Manufacturers, and procure them a run of custom— for ships use, as good in quality, as that imported from England, and at a much less price.
Cash, Bark, raw Hides or Calve Skins taken in exchange. ISAAC COULTHARD.
N. B. A Currier, Master of his Business, is wanted immediately—Apply as above. 40—w.f.
T. GREENLEAF'S PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, Water-street.
OBSERVATIONS, leading to a fair Examination of the Government proposed by the late CONVENTION, and to several essential and necessary Alterations.
A new, complete, and correct Edition of Baron Steuben's Regulations
FOR THE Order and Discipline OF THE Troops of the United States.
Part of this Edition is rendered conformable to the Military establishment of this State, [The only printed Edition with such Alterations.] and the remaining Part correct Copies of the late Editions; each decorated with a half sheet Copper Plate Engraving. Price Three Shillings.
A PERSON perfectly acquainted with MERCHANTS ACCOUNTS, would be glad of employ, in that line, either in Posting of Books, or adjusting intricate accounts in quire of the Printer. New-York, October 25, 1787. 38 e.d.
TRAVELER REVIVED, containing singular travels, campaigns and adventures, in Russia, Iceland, Egypt, Gibraltar, up the Mediterranean, & Atlantic ocean: Also an account of a voyage into the moon, with many extraordinary particulars relative to the cooking animal in that planet, which are here called the human species, by Baron Munchaulen; the 4th edition, considerably enlarged.
DR. SPEDIAUR'S PRACTICAL OBSERVATIONS on the VENEREAL DISEASE; describing the various symptoms, and method of cure in every different state. The third edition, corrected. Price only five shillings sewed.
N. B. The great demand for this treatise, the account of it giving by the Reviewers, and the large extracts made from it by Dr. Duncan, in his medical commentaries, with the recommendation of several eminent Doctors of this city, has induced the editor to present the public with an American edition of the work, printed correctly from the last London edit. and reduced to less than two thirds of the price.
With a great variety of STATIONARY, in particular, pocket-books, ink-holders, paper, blank books, quills, wax, wafers, &c.
N. B. SAMUEL CAMPBELL returns his sincere thanks to his customers, and those who have purchased Books or Stationary at his store, and hopes, by his assiduity and attention in keeping an universal assortment of books, and the reasonable prices he sells at, will insure a further continuance of their favors. The European, Political, Edinburgh, and Scotch
MAGAZINES.
Furniture Ware-House, INDIA Paper Hangings, Striped Satin Hair Cloth, Plain ditto, ditto, Figured ditto, ditto, Wilton Carpets, Elegant Looking Glasses, Fringes, Tassels, Cord, and Laces. Some of the above articles are just received, and are for SALE, by
William Mooney, UPHOLSTERER, At his Furniture Warehouse, Nassau-street, where the Upholstery Business is carried on in the most extensive Manner.
A general Assortment of common Paper Hangings. ** Paper Hangings put up in the best Manner, as usual.
New-York, November 15, 1787.
Craigie, Wainwright, & Co. DRUGGISTS,
No. 37, Wall-Street, Corner of Hanover-Square, Have imported in the last SHIPS from Europe, A General Assortment of
DRUGS, MEDICINE, and SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, which they will dispose of on very reasonable terms, for Cash, Bees-Wax, Snake-Root, Pot or Pearl-Asbes.
   The following are Part of their Assortment;     Genuine red Peruvian Bark, Glauber Salts,   Peruvian Bark, Opium,   Camphor, Spanish Flies,   Calomel, Manna,   Antimony, Aloes,   Cream of Tartar, Aqua Fortis,   Flower of Sulphur, Borax,   Tartar Emetic, Genian Root,   Ippacacuanha, Flowers of Lavender,   Jallap, Rhubarb, Flowers of Camomile,   Senna, &c.  
   Surgeons Instruments.     Pocket Instruments, Lythotomical ditto,   Dissecting Knives, Cupping ditto,   Crooked Needles, Lint,   Teeth Instruments, Tow,   Lancets, Sponge,   Mortars, and Pestles, Pill Boxes,   Spatulas and Bolus Phials,   Knives, [ments. Gallipots, &c.   Amputating Instru-  
At the same place may be had, a great variety
Genuine PATENT MEDICINE. Practitioners and Country Store-keepers may depend upon being well supplied at the above Store. Medicine chests for shipping, plantations, of iron works, with directions suited to the disorders of the country, are made up on the lowest terms.
SALT-PETRE, Very low, by the hundred, to be had at the above STORE. 37 e.d.
A FEW copies of that much celebrated work of the late Rev. Dr. CHAUNCY, of Boston, "On the Fall, and its consequences," to be had at this Printing-Office.
Affize of BREAD, As Established December 5, 1787. A Loaf of inspected superfine Wheat Flour to weigh Two Pounds Five Ounces for Six-pence. A Loaf of Rye Flour to weigh One Pound Twelve Ounces for Three-pence.
HIGH WATER. This Day, Dec. 29. 1h. 14m. Morning.
TO BE LET, By Moses Gomez,
A VACANT LOT, for one or a term of years, in Hage-street; 45 feet in length, and 21 feet; six inches in front, and 19 feet in the rear.
A VACANT LOT, in Ferry-street, seventy-five feet wide, and one hundred feet long. It faces Cliff and Chapple-streets. The said Lot will be let, either whole or in two separate Lots, as best suits the applicant. MOSES GOMEZ.
FLAX-SEED, STORED, cleaned, Purchased and Sold at HARTELL and WOODWARD'S Flax-seed store, lately occupied by Mr. JACOB EARLY, last by Mr. Nash, between Van Zandt's and Murr's Wharves. 38 e.d.
New-York RUM Of excellent Flavour and good Proof FOR SALE, By Charles Tillinghast, At the DISTILLERY, near the New-Market in Cherry-street, and nearest to the Ship-Yards. October 3, 1787. 35 m. 1h.
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be SOLD, at this Office, By the Gros, Hundred, or Dozen, HUTCHINS's, and the UNITED STATES'
ALMANACK, For the Year of our Lord, 1788.
FOR the Encouragement of the PAPER MANUFACTURES in America, the Printer hereat pays CASH, and the highest Price, for LINNEN, and COTTEN and LINNEN, RAGS
—LETTERS of INTELLIGENCE—occasional PARAGRAPHS—speculative PIECES—ESSAYS, &c.—are gratefully received at this OFFICE. For the greater CONVENIENCE and SAFETY of which COMMUNICATIONS, a LETTER-BOX is placed in the Window. SUBSCRIPTIONS for this PAPER (printed EVERY DAY, at Six, and ONCE a Week, at Two, Dollars per Annum) are also received here—and ADVERTISEMENTS, REASONABLY INSERTED. ** PRINTING, in all its Variety, performed with NEATNESS and DISPATCH.