The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1801-07-29 00:00:00

The National Intelligencer, AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
VOL. I. WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, NEW-JERSEY AVENUE, NEAR THE CAPITOL.
No. CXVI.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 29th, 1801.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
FOR RENT,
The House I now occupy, on Square No. 142, near the President's house, for six months from the first of August next. Possession will be given at that time.
July 20, 1801.
NICHOLAS KING. ep2w
TO BE RENTED,
THE store lately in the tenure of Doctor Gassip and Co. Its situation for business is preferable to any other in the City, being on the Pennsylvania Avenue, between the President's House and the Capitol, and within a few yards of the spot on which is to be immediately erected the market house.
JOSIAS W. KING. At the Capitol.
May 29, 1801.
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Land for Sale.
On the 28th day of September next, will be sold at Public Auction, at Mr. Stille's Hotel, in the City of Washington, (if not sold before at private sale)
Two Tracts of Land, lying on the Eastern Branch of Potomac river, and with in the district of Columbia—containing together ninety-two acres. On each of these tracts is a quantity of good ash wood, within a few yards of the river, and the greater part, if not the whole, of said land, at a moderate expence, may be made excellent meadow. There is on one of the tracts an eligible situation for a dwelling-house, with about four acres of excellent upland suitable for a garden. Sale to commence at three o'clock, when the conditions will be made known. Information may be had from the subscriber at the Navy-yard.
GEORGE FRANK.
On the premises, or of THOMAS HENRY, Conveyancer City of Washington.
July 20, 1801.
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NAVY DEPARTMENT,
JUNE 7th, 1800.
Regulations for ascertaining and fixing the Pensioners, and payment of pensions on the Navy establishment of the United States.
To obtain a pension the party must produce to the Secretary of the Navy a certificate from the commander of the ship or vessel on board of which he sustained the injury, which incapacitates him; or in the case of a marine, from the commanding officer of the marine corps, or commander of a detachment as the case may require; in the latter case however, if the injury happened on board a vessel of war, the certificate of the surgeon will also be required, if on shore, that of some respectable medical character of the place, that the same was received while he was acting in the line of his duty, specifying the nature and amount of the disability, the capacity or station in which he acted, and the monthly pay to which he was entitled at the time of sustaining the injury. On such certificate being produced, and it being ascertained to the satisfaction of the Secretary of the Navy, that the disability still exists and is likely to continue, he will at once direct the applicant to be placed on the books of the Loan Office of the state in which he resides, and the loan officer will make the payments half yearly, viz. On the 1st of January, and 1st of July, to the party in person or his legal attorney during his life or the continuance of his disability. But if the pension is to be paid on a power of attorney, the loan officer must have it ascertained by the certificate of a Justice of the peace of the county where the pensioner resides, that he was living, and that his disability continued, in the month next preceding that in which payment is to be made every year, and must transmit the same to the accountant of the Navy with the necessary receipts as vouchers for his payments.
Each person to be placed on the pension list, must receive at the Navy Office a certificate in the following form.
A. B. Seaman, &c. having been disabled in the service of the United States, on board of the ship of war while acting in the line of his duty, is entitled to receive dollars per month, from the loan officer of the state of payable half yearly, on the 1st of January and 1st of July in every year during his life or continuance of such disability, to commence from the day of The same will be paid to him in person or on his legal power of attorney. But no money will be paid on a power of attorney, unless the said A. B. shall send to the loan officer of said state, the certificate of a Justice of peace of the county wherein he resides, that he the said A. B. appeared before the said justice in the month preceding that in which the ill continued to be made and that his disability to payment is
Signed
BENJ. STODDERT.
The foregoing regulations are still in force.— By order,
AB. THOMAS, P. CLK.
Navy Department, June 12, 1801.
BROHAWN AND BOYS,
BEG leave to inform the citizens of Washington, that they have taken Mr. N Young's wharf, very conveniently situated to the Capitol and President's Square; where they have opened a LUMBER YARD, and expect to go pretty largely in that line of business; and in about two or three weeks will have a general assortment of the first quality of groceries that can be procured in Baltimore.
Washington June 24, 1801.
N. B. Any gentleman wishing to apply for bills of scantling of any size or dimensions, may obtain them at the shortest notice by applying as above.
Intending to leave the city in October next, I am desirous of disposing of my Furniture, two Negro Men, one a cook, the other an officer and coachman, and a pair of very well gaited Riding Horses.
It may be a convenience to any family removing here, and taking the house I now occupy upon rent, to take the Furniture (which is but little worn) by purchase. The house, one of the six buildings on Pennsylvania Avenue, is pleasantly and conveniently situated, and the furniture, which is tolerably well fitted to it, will be reduced in price in proportion to the wear and tare, and change of fashion, shall have made right.
ENJAMIN GRAYSON ORR.
July 20, 1801.
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The subscriber respectfully acquaints the public, that he has removed to the corner of Ninth and E streets, where he continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of Ornaments for Chimney pieces, Door Caps, Frontispieces, Metal Sashes, &c. which may also be had at his store No. 51, Barclay Street, New-York, and at Mr. Wild's store, Market Street, Baltimore.
GEORGE ANDREWS.
Who has gold leaf for sale by the package or book
May 8, 1801.
ry
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
JULY 6, 1801.
Notice is hereby given,
THAT PROPOSALS will be received at the office of the Secretary of the Navy until the 31st inst. inclusive, for the supply of all Rations which may be required for the Marine Corps, from the 1st day of October next, to the 30th day of September 1802, at the City of Washington, at Baltimore, at Norfolk, or any other place or places, where marines may be recruited, marched or stationed, within the states of Maryland or Virginia:—The Ration to consist of eighteen ounces of bread or flour, or where neither can be obtained, of one quart of rice or one and an half pound of sifted or bolted Indian meal, one and a quarter pound of fresh beef, one pound salted beef, or three quarters of a pound of salted pork, and when fresh meat is issued, salt at the rate of two quarts for every hundred rations; one half gill of rum, whiskey or other ardent spirits; soap at the rate of four pounds candles at the rate of one and an half pound, and vinegar at the rate of two quarts, for every hundred rations. The price of the several component parts of the ration, as well as substitutes and alternatives must be specified.
H. DEARBORN, Acting Secretary of Navy. ep1A
CONVEYANCERS OFFICE, AND
OFFICE FOR SALE OF CITY LOTS,
On the Pennsylvania Avenue fronting the President's Square, near Rhodes's tavern, City of Washington.
THOMAS HERTY has connected with the business of drawing Conveyances of Land, Wills, Mortgages, Leases, Bonds, Assignments powers of Attorney, petitions, and every other species of deed or contract in the profession; that of buying, selling and leasing lots and houses in the City, negotiating loans, &c.
His long experience as a draftsman, and knowledge of the laws relative thereto—the knowledge which he has acquired by residence of the situation of City Lots, and how their titles have been acquired, or are liable to be affected; together with his impartial and strict regard to the interest of those who may be pleased to employ him, will, he hopes, secure to him a continuance of public patronage.
Titles to real property investigated, and opinions given thereon when required.
For sale a great variety of Lots, in desirable situations in the City.
N. B. At the above office may be had, his Abridgement of the Laws of Maryland, price 6 dollars. Also his Digest of the Laws of the United States, price 3 dollars. As the Laws of Maryland are in full force on this side the Potomac, it behoves settlers to avail themselves of that information which affects their lives, liberties and property. He who is without a knowledge of his "rule of conduct" is like a stranger in his native land.
May 4.
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WASHINGTON CITY.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 29th, 1801.
We inserted, some days since, in the National Intelligencer, an article, represented to be taken from a Paris paper, which stated Mr. PAINE to have received an affectionate invitation from Mr. JEFFERSON to return to this country, and offering him a passage in a national ship.
It was not then believed that this short paragraph would be made the mighty instrument of calumniating, and even damaging, the character of the President. We possessed not the admirable penetration of discerning in such a measure a full demonstration that Mr. Jefferson entertained the same religious opinions with Mr. Paine, that he indiscriminately approved every act of Mr. Paine's life, and that he took this mode of evincing his secret pleasure in the calumny, alleged to have been cast by Mr. Paine upon the character of General Washington.
We imagined that it was possible for an individual of one set of religious principles to feel charity for the misfortunes of a fellow mortal of another set, or of no religious opinions whatever; we imagined that virtue was not exclusively confined to one kind of political sentiments; and we imagined that a country might feel grateful for the distinguished services of a man, rendered in a period of difficulty and danger, though such a man might afterwards avow opinions which some might think good, others might think bad, and others might think indifferent.—But we have discovered our mistake, and we find that not only freedom of opinion is to be discountenanced, but that a spirit of universal good will is of all possessions the most dangerous.
At the time we inserted the paragraph alluded to, we entertained great doubts of its correctness; but for the reasons above stated, we thought no more of it. As however, it is our invariable desire to diffuse truth, and, as far as we can, to repress error, convinced that our fellow-citizens only require correct information to form true opinions of public men and public measures, we will state, from sources on which we can depend, the circumstances that have given rise to the Paris paragraph.
We understand that Mr. Paine wrote to Mr. Jefferson, before he was elected President, stating to him a strong desire to return to America; but also stating his apprehension, from information possessed by him, that if he came in a private vessel, the English would be likely to intercept the ship, make him their prisoner, and convey him to England, where his liberty, and perhaps life, might be endangered. He therefore requested, in case Mr. Jefferson should be elected President, and a national vessel should be sent to France, he might be permitted to take passage in her for this country. This letter Mr. Jefferson answered, and gave the permission required.
On this explanation we shall make no further comment than to say, that it is made, not from any respect for, or fear of, that intolerant spirit which is a disgrace to our country, and which every good man should discountenance, but from a regard to that class of our citizens, who, with the best intentions, unfortunately suffer others to think for them, and are of consequence sometimes deceived.
THE BERCEAU.
The statements respecting the repairs and delivery to the French of the Berceau, published in many of the public Prints, are so replete with misrepresentation, that a mention of the real circumstances, which have taken place, may have the effect of repressing further mistakes or intentional perversions.
The Berceau was captured subsequent to the signing of the treaty lately concluded with the French Republic. Either before the Treaty was agreed to on our part, under the contemplation of Mr. Adams, then President, that it would be agreed to, or immediately after its ratification by the Senate and President, instructions were given by the Secretary of the Navy, to hold the Berceau in a state of readiness for
delivery, and it is believed further that directions were also given to place her in the state she had been in when captured.
Such was the state of things, when the new administration came into office. They did no more than pursue the steps of their predecessors, and it is a fact that the gentleman, in the temporary discharge of the duties of the Navy Department took measures, and gave instructions, in entire correspondence with those previously given by Mr. Stoddert.
It does not follow that the measures of the new administration are right, because they are conformable to those of the old; but it does follow that the friends of the old administration cannot with propriety condemn the new, for pursuing the measures of the former.
But as we are not in the habit of seeking justification of what is right in itself in precedents, which may in some cases be unsatisfactory, we shall state the probable grounds on which the Berceau was delivered, and put into a state of repair, previously to her delivery.
By the treaty with the French Republic it is stipulated, that "The public ships which have been taken on one part and the other, or which may be taken before the exchange of ratifications, shall be restored."
The Berceau was taken before the exchange of ratifications, and therefore, as directed by the Treaty, has been restored.
But it is asked why was not the restitution delayed till the exchange of ratifications?
To this question it is a sufficient answer to say, that it was the wish of the government, long and solicitously pursued, to accommodate all differences with the French Republic. In the furtherance of this interesting object, repeated missions had been sent to France. The result of the last was favorable to a full accommodation between the two nations. A treaty was formed, which was signed by all our commissioners. When this treaty was submitted to the Senate, it received the ratification of that body, with the exception of two articles, which did not materially affect the entire instrument, and which the Executive had every reason to believe would present no obstacle to ultimate ratification on the part of France.
Under this impression, which the public, as well as the government, appear equally to have felt, the former President acted, the House of Representatives acted in restoring our commercial ties with France, which had been so long suspended, and the present President acted in pursuing measures that evinced a sincere desire on his part to resume a friendly intercourse between the two countries.
Both nations, actuated by the same motives, each reposing a liberal confidence in the other, took similar steps, founded on a conviction that no obstacle would occur to the treaty being carried into full effect.
It should be recollected that the first steps were taken by France, who appointed a charge-des-affaires, and a number of commercial agents, receiving their authority and designations to office under the new treaty.
The President, after this mark of confidence in the American government, nominated to the Senate, who unanimously approved the nomination, a minister plenipotentiary to the French Republic.
These were surely strong and unequivocal expressions of amity on each side.
But one measure still remained undone, viz. the restitution of captured public vessels. To have suspended the performance of that, which Mr. Adams had entered upon the execution of, would have manifested on the part of the new administration, as much distrust, as the persevering to execute it has manifested confidence.
To have withheld this mark of confidence might, by giving occasion to France to entertain a similar distrust of us, have frustrated the wishes of both government and people to put a period to past differences; and had the actual effect been a rejection by France of the treaty, would not those murmurs, which a predisposition to criminalize takes such delight in uttering, have swelled into tones of undisguised indigna-

tion and reproach? Would it not have been said, with some colour of justice too, that Mr. Jefferson had dared to oppose his will to the collected will of the whole legislature, and the no less decided will of the whole nation.
But it seems the Borceau has been repaired. Why repair her? The light is represented as so odious, that no genuine American can behold it with out humiliation! A few lines from Vatel will decide this point, and with them, these remarks shall be closed, with the observation, that every enlightened and unprejudiced mind will discern in the conduct of our Executive on this occasion, evidence, which cannot be mistaken, and which ought not to be perverted, of a disposition to be friendly, and a determination to be just, to all nations.
Vatel says, "Things, the restitution of which is in the treaty of peace, stipulated firmly, without any explication, are to be restored in the condition they were taken, the word restitution naturally signifying the re-establishment of all things to their former condition. Thus the restitution of a thing is to be accompanied with all the rights annexed to it when taken."
REMONSTRANCE of the Merchants of New Haven, on the appointment of SAMUEL BISHOP, Esq. Collector of the Revenue of that port, in the place of ELIZUR GOODRICH, Esq.—together with the President's reply.
To THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq. President of the United States.
The undersigned merchants, residing at the port and within the district of New-Haven, respectfully remonstrate against the late removal of Elizur Goodrich, Esq. from the office of Collector for the District of New-Haven, and the appointment of Samuel Bishop, Esq. to fill his vacancy. As the ground of our remonstrance we represent that the office while filled by Mr. Goodrich was conducted with a promptness, integrity and ability, satisfactory to the mercantile interest of this district—promptness and ability not to be found in his successor.
Believing the character of E. Goodrich, Esq. as an officer to be unexceptionable, we lament that it should be conceived necessary, that a change in the administration must produce a change in the subordinate officers, and in this instance we have especially to lament that certain measures have succeeded in deceiving the President so far as to induce him to appoint a man to an important office, who does not possess those qualifications necessary for the discharge of its duties. We hesitate not to say that had the President known the circumstances and situation of the candidate, he would have rejected the application. To prove this, let facts be submitted to the consideration of the President.
Samuel Bishop, Esq. will be seventy-eight years old in November next.—
He is labouring under a full portion of those infirmities which are incident to that advanced period of life.—
With these infirmities and an alarming loss of eye-sight, though he was once a decent penman, it is now with difficulty he can even write his name.—
He was never bred an accountant—nor has the course of his business ever led him to an acquaintance with the most simple forms of accounting.—
He is totally unacquainted with the system of revenue laws, and the forms of doing mercantile business; and is now too far advanced in life, and too much enfeebled both in body and mind, ever to learn either.—
A man whose age, whose infirmities, and want of the requisite knowledge is such, is unfit to be the collector of the district of New-Haven.
We are aware that it may be said he has sustained with reputation, and now holds several offices in the city, town and county—but it will be remembered that none of them are by recent promotion; his office of mayor he holds by charter during the pleasure of the legislature; and he is continued as judge of the county court, and town-clerk, because the people of this state are not in the habit of neglecting those who once enjoyed their confidence by a long course of usefulness.
Knowing the man as we do, we do not hesitate to say that he cannot, without aid, perform a single official act.
It may be said that the appointment was with a view to the aid of his son Abraham Bishop, Esq. and that he is to be the real collector. We presume the business must be done by him if done at all—Yet we cannot be led to believe that the President would knowingly appoint a person to the discharge of duties to which he was incompetent, with a design that they should be performed by his son. If however this
was the case, we explicitly state that Abraham Bishop, Esq. is so entirely destitute of public confidence, so conspicuous for his enmity to commerce, and opposition to order, and so odious to his fellow citizens, that we presume his warmest partizan would not have hazarded a recommendation of him.
Knowing these facts of which we must believe the President ignorant, and relying on assurances "that he will promote the general welfare, without regarding distinction of parties," we cherish the idea that our grief at the rejection of Mr. Goodrich, will not be augmented by the continuance of a father utterly unqualified for the office, or of a son so universally condemned.
We assure the President that the sentiments thus expressed, are the sentiments of the merchants and importers of the District. That such a class of citizens should be heard patiently, and their well founded complaints redressed, if practicable, we are fully persuaded. If it be an object, "to restore harmony to social intercourse," and if a decision, "at the bar of public reason," be worthy of attention, surely such a portion of the community will not plead in vain, for a reconsideration of this appointment, and that such an important office may be filled by a person competent to the performance of its duties, and in some degree acceptable to the public.
Signed by, Jeremiah Atwater, Elias Shipman, Abraham Bradley, Abel Burnett, and others, to the number of eighty persons.
We certify that the signers of the foregoing Remonstrance are the owners of more than seven eighths of the navigation of the port of New-Haven.
(Signed) ISAAC BEERS, President of the Bank, and of the Chamber of Commerce in New-Haven. ELIAS SHIPMAN, President of the New-Haven Insurance Company.
THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY.
WASHINGTON, July 12, 1801.
Gentlemen, I HAVE received the remonstrance you were pleased to address to me, on the appointment of Samuel Bishop, to the office of Collector of New-Haven, lately vacated by the death of David Austin. The right of our fellow-citizens to represent to the public functionaries their opinion, on proceedings interesting to them, is unquestionably a constitutional right, often useful, sometimes necessary, and will always be respectfully acknowledged by me.
Of the various Executive duties, no one excites more anxious concern than that of placing the interest of our fellow-citizens in the hands of honest men, with understanding sufficient for their station. No duty at the same time, is more difficult to fulfil. The knowledge of characters possessed by a single individual is of necessity limited. To seek out the best through the whole union, we must resort to other information, which, from the best of men, acting disinterestedly and with the purest motives, is sometimes incorrect. In the case of Samuel Bishop, however, the subject of your remonstrance, time was taken, information was sought, and such obtained as could leave no room for doubt of his fitness. From private sources it was learnt that his understanding was sound, his integrity pure, his character unblemished. And the offices confided to him within his own state, are public evidences of the estimation in which he is held by the state in general, and the city and township particularly in which he lives. He is said to be the Town-Clerk, a Justice of the Peace, Mayor of the city of New-Haven, an office held at the will of the legislature; Chief Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for New-Haven county, a court of high criminal and civil jurisdiction, wherein most causes are decided without the right of appeal or review; and sole Judge of the Court of Probates, wherein he singly decides all questions of wills, settlement of estates, testate and intestate; appoints guardians, settles their accounts, and in fact has under his jurisdiction and care all the property real and personal of persons dying. The two last offices, in the annual gift of the legislature, were given to him in May last.
Is it possible that the man to whom the legislature of Connecticut has so recently committed trusts of such difficulty and magnitude, is "unfit to be the collector of the district of New-Haven," tho' acknowledged in the same writing to have obtained all this confidence "by a long course of useful ness?"—It is objected indeed, in the remonstrance, that he is 77 years of age; but at a much more advanced age, our Franklin was the ornament of human na-
ture. He may not be able to perform in person all the details of his office; but if he gives us the benefit of his understanding, his integrity, his watchfulness, and takes care that all the details are well performed by himself or his necessary assistants, all public purposes will be answered. The remonstrance indeed does not allege that the office has been illly conducted, but only apprehends that it will be so. Should this happen in event, be assured I will do in it what shall be just and necessary for the public service. In the mean time he should be tried without being prejudged.
The removal, as it is called, of Mr. Goodrich, forms another subject of complaint.—Declarations by myself in favor of political tolerance, exhortations to harmony and affection in social intercourse, and to respect the equal rights of the minority, have, on certain occasions, been quoted and misconstrued into assurances that the tenure of offices was to be undisturbed.—But could candor apply such a construction? It is not indeed in the remonstrance that we find it: but it leads to the explanations which that calls for. When it is considered that during the late administration, those who were not of a particular sect of politics were excluded from all office; when by a steady pursuit of this measure, nearly the whole offices of the United States were monopolized by that sect; when the public sentiment at length declared itself, and burst open the doors of honor and confidence to those whose opinions they more approved; was it to be imagined that this monopoly of office was still to be continued in the hands of the minority? Does it violate their equal rights, to assert some rights in the majority also? Is it political intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the direction of the public affairs? Can they not harmonize in society unless they have every thing in their own hands? If the will of the nation, manifested by their various elections, calls for an administration of government according to the opinions of those elected; if, for the fulfilment of that will, displacements are necessary, with whom can they so justly begin as with persons appointed in the last moments of an administration, not for its own aid, but to begin a career at the same time with their successors, by whom they had never been approved, and who could scarcely expect from them a cordial co-operation? Mr. Goodrich was one of these. Was it proper for him to place himself in office, without knowing whether those whose agent he was to be, could have confidence in his agency? Can the preference of another, as the successor of Mr. Austin, be candidly called a removal of Mr. Goodrich? If a due participation of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained? Those by death are few, by resignation none. Can any other mode than removal, be proposed? This is a painful office; but it is made my duty, and I meet it as such. I proceed in the operation with deliberation and enquiry, that it may injure the best men least; and effect the purposes of justice and public utility with the least private distress: that it may be thrown as much as possible on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on anti-revolutionary adherence to our enemies.
The Remonstrance laments 'that a change in the administration must produce a change in the subordinate officers': in other words, that it should be deemed necessary for all officers to think with their principal. But on whom does this imputation bear? On those who have excluded from office every shade of opinion which was not theirs? Or on those who have been so excluded? I lament sincerely that unessential differences in opinion should have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from the right and the blessings of self-government; to proscribe them as unworthy of every trust. It would have been to me a circumstance of great relief had I found a moderate participation of office in the hands of the majority; I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for prompter corrective measures. I shall correct the procedure; but that done, return with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be, is he honest? Is he capable? is he faithful to the Constitution?
I tender you the homage Of my high respect, TH: JEFFERSON.
To Elias Shipman, Esq. and the members of a committee of the merchants of New-Haven.
The United States ship of war Herald, has been sold at auction in Boston, for 14,100 dollars.—Mr. De Wolfe, of Rhode Island, was the purchaser.
Foreign Intelligence.
COPENHAGEN, May 23.
The Secretary of State, count Christian Von Bernstoff will set out for London tomorrow, as extraordinary ambassador to treat on the part of Denmark with the English ministry, on the present political circumstances. It is supposed the mission of Count Bernstoff is at once a consequence of the negotiation of Lord St. Helen's, and the intelligence since received of the taking of our West-India islands.
Secretary Plovan, of the Department of Foreign Affairs, will accompany Count Bernstoff to London. During the absence of the latter, the Minister of State, Count Reventzlaw, President of the German Chancery will transact his business. Count Frederick Bernstoff accompanies his brother, the Secretary of State, to London.
SEMLIN, May 7.
It now appears certain that the Russian army, assembled at Kamminieck, had received orders from Paul I. to penetrate into the Turkish provinces of Europe; and it was this measure that determined Pashwan Oglou to accept the amnesty offered by the Grand Seignor. The new Emperor of Russia has sent orders for this army to return to its cantonments.
HAGUE, May 23.
Last Tuesday the reports of the Committee for the Revision of the Constitution gave in their plan to the first chamber. The following are the principal heads.
There is to be an Executive, under the name of the Government of State, ( Staats Bewind ), consisting of five members as at present, who are to hold their places for five years. Under the Executive are to be four Ministers or Agents, instead of the present eight, viz. one for foreign armies, one for the marine, one for the war, and one for the interior. The Legislative Body is to consist of two chambers; the first consisting of 32 representatives, of which each is to be elected by a population of 50,000 persons; and the second of 16, making in the whole 48 representatives, or six for each department, who are to sit for three years, one third going out every year. The Legislative Body will, however, assemble only twice a year. Between the Executive and Legislative Authorities there will be a third Authority called the College of National Electors, ( Collegie van National Kiesers ), which will consist of fifteen Members, and reside at Utrecht.—The business of this will be to make all elections, for the Directory, the two chambers, and Council of Finance, according to the nominations of the Legislative Body. The administration of the Departments will retain the same form, and the territorial division will consist of eight departments; as before.
HAMBURGH, May 25.
On the 20th inst. his Highness Field Marshal Prince Charles of Hesse, delivered the following Declaration in writing to the most Noble Council of this city:
An essential alteration having taken place in political relations in consequence of late events, the King, my master, has been induced likewise to make changes in the measures he has adopted.
His majesty has thought proper to remove the obstruction to the English navigation and trade on the Elbe, which he had considered as necessary to oppose the hostilities commenced by England, and in consequence of a convention concluded between me and the English Envoy, residing in the circle of Lower Saxony, and which has been made public, the free navigation of the Elbe is already restored. The present change of circumstances has however removed the necessity of the object which his Majesty proposed in the occupation of Hamburgh by his troops, that is, the obstruction of the trade and navigation of England on the Elbe; and as his Majesty, when he resolved on this measure, solemnly and publicly declared by me, that he only yielded to the imperious and unavoidable pressure of circumstances, he is the more readily inclined to limit its enforcement to the duration of those relations which produced its necessity.
His majesty has therefore ordered me to withdraw the troops under my command, from the free imperial city of Hamburgh and its territory. On this occasion it is my duty to testify the particular satisfaction of his majesty, and my own acknowledgements, for the orderly and peaceable behaviour of the inhabitants of this city, both at the time of their entrance and during their stay, and for the suitable regu-

actions made by the magistracy and senate in that respect.
Charles, Prince of Hesse. Head Quarters at Hamburg, } May 20th, 1801.
PARIS, May 27. Proclamation by the Portuguese government to the clergy, nobility, and people. "LISBON, APRIL 26.
"You all know that it is the constant endeavor of the prince who governs us, and for whom we are indebted to Providence, to obtain by every means of justice and good faith for his subjects, whom he loves as his own children, the repose and tranquility necessary to their happiness. In the midst of all the convulsions that have agitated Europe, an activity of vigilance, a system of justice equally firm and coercive, have secured to the Portuguese the calm which they enjoyed since 1790. This state, in possession of its independence, while so many countries have been subjugated, holds out to Europe the example of a scrupulous fidelity, in the execution of all its engagements with respect to foreign nations. It gives Spain a recent instance of its good faith in its adherence to treaties. A Portuguese army marched in 1793 to the assistance of that power, and the support which it received from our august sovereign was decided rather by its own wants than by other circumstances. Whoever has performed his duty has nothing to fear, and erects upon the basis of scrupulous justice his claims to gratitude. Spain, however, which should in all cases be the first power to evince its sentiments of gratitude for the generous conduct of Portugal, has, on the contrary, by terminating hostilities with France, not only endangered the nation which assisted it, but declared war against us for having remained faithful to our treaties. It sets up a pretext, that those treaties, contracted in the presence of God and man, should be suddenly broken, and that our august prince and the nation should be guilty of perjury. It is intended to degrade and debase you by reducing you to the condition of brokers and factors of your own commerce. Spain requires that our ports should be garrisoned by her troops, in order to have a guarantee of our fidelity. A nation which could resist the Romans, conquer Asia, make great discoveries by sea and land, while she was still in a weak state, the yoke of a foreign sceptre, and recover and maintain her independence—should not that nation, at present, recollect the honorable annals of our history? People of Portugal! We still preserve the courage and the sentiments of honor transmitted to us by our ancestors!
"Justice is on our side; and the true God, favorable to our cause, will punish our arms the injustice of our enemies. He will cover with glory our generous and legitimate sovereign. Our patriotism, the equity of our cause, the remembrance of our exploits will ensure victory to our standard. Can we then doubt the loyalty, the eagerness of the troops, the militia, the free corps, &c. to assemble under their commanders? Can there exist a doubt but that their attachments to the prince who governs us, as well as the animation which they must feel in the cause of a national honor, and their zeal and ardor inspired by a just defence, will oppose our enemies an invincible barrier.
LONDON, June 1. The report of Saturday was, that Sir Hyde Parker was to be created a peer, and that no enquiry was to take place. We know not, however, upon what authority this report has obtained circulation.
Admiral Vallaret Joyeuse, who was defeated by Earl Howe on the 1st June, has arrived at Brest, and taken the chief command of the French fleet, which, according to the dispatches received yesterday morning at the Admiralty, was lying ready for sea in the Outer Road. It consists of 29 sail of the line, but although more numerous, it is not so powerful as that under the command of admiral Cornwallis.—The British squadron is composed of twenty-two sail only, but we count among them no less than 13 three deckers, and those of the enemy do not exceed six. Adm. Cornwallis will also be soon reinforced by the arrival of Sir Robert Calder's division, which is every day expected, on its return from the West-Indies.
June 4. Letters from Italy, of the 16th ult. state, that the French squadron under Gantheaume had formed a junction with seven Spanish ships of the line.—This intelligence, however, does not seem entitled to much credit. It appears that Lord Nelson's sudden departure from Revil arose from an apprehension lest his delay there might be productive of uneasiness to the court of Petersburg. Upon his way to Bornholm he was joined
by a Russian frigate, having admiral Chichagoff on board, who came from St. Petersburg on purpose to assure the British commander in chief of the pacific disposition of his sovereign. Lord St. Helen's joined the fleet a few hours afterwards in the Lacona, and, after a conference with Lord Nelson, proceeded on to St. Petersburg, whence Capt. Freemantle, who had been dispatched by Sir Hyde Parker, returned on the same evening, and joined the British admiral. Lord Nelson was proceeding with Sir Thomas Graves and a part of his fleet, towards Roslock, and the remainder were to continue in the vicinity of Bornholm with rear-admiral Totty, who had met with a second accident, but not of a serious nature, his own ship and one of his squadron having run foul of each other. We are happy to hear that our gallant officers and seamen in the fleet of Lord Nelson are amply supplied with fresh beef from Dantzic, and provisions of every kind.
The preparations of the French for a naval expedition extend along the whole coast of France and Flanders. Since the French troops have evacuated Germany, great numbers have been marched to the coast. These and other circumstances have led to a belief that an attempt of invasion upon England or Ireland is certainly in agitation. The fleets in the Texel, at Brest, at Rochfort, and other ports, are ready for sea. At the same time detachments of troops have been marched to different ports of the South of France, of Italy, and even of Spain; and from the importance which Bonaparte attaches to the possession of Egypt, it is supposed he will risk every thing for the assistance of the army there. It is thought by some that the threat of an invasion of this country is to divert the attention of our government from the preparations for the relief of Egypt.
A letter from Hamburg, dated May 29, says "It is believed that the present misunderstanding between France and Prussia will be adjusted by the interference of Russia. The Count de Bernstorff arrived this day, on his way to London, at the head quarters of Prince Charles of Hesse, within two leagues of the city. He held a conference with the Prince. The three Hanseatic towns have had an application for the admission or recognition in the treaty of peace concluded with their independence, and the full freedom of their commerce in future wars. The Senator Rode, Deputy from Lubeck to the French Government, arrived here to day, on his way to Paris."
Letters from Strasburgh, dated 25th May, state, that the most express orders have been given in the department of the Rhine to compel the requisitionary troops to join their corps. They are sought out with the utmost care. A number of young men who had gone home have been sent back by the Constituted Authorities. Notwithstanding the conclusion and ratification of peace, all the French corps are to be kept up at their full complement.
June 5. By a letter received in town this morning from an officer cruising off Brest, it appears that a boat's crew belonging to the Brest fleet was shortly since picked up by Sir James Saumarez. The men reported, that the fleet was full of troops, but not half manned with seamen. It was understood on board the fleet, that the Chief Consul was to come to Brest. The whole garrison of Minorca have volunteered for Egypt.
June 6. We received last night Paris papers of the dates corresponding with the 2d and 3d of June. They are very unimportant.
Kislow, the favourite Valet-de-Chambre of the late Emperor of Russia, still enjoys, under Alexander, his former emoluments, the rank of Councillor of State, and apartments at the Hermitage.
The active King of Sweden is going into Finland, to have an interview with the Young Sovereign of Russia.
A million of florins is about to be levied by the French on the city of Leghorn.
A letter from an officer of British cavalry, dated from Aboukir Castle, March 31, says "Colonel Archdell, with a few dragoons, attacked a strong patrole of the enemy the other day. We broke through the hussars, but a concealed body of infantry dispersed us, and took prisoners capt. Butler and cornet Daniell, of the 12th dragoons; brigade major Turner of the 26th dragoons, and some privates. Col. Archdell was obliged to have his right arm cut off—the bone was shattered by a rifle, but he is doing very well."
The immediate cause of admiral Parker's recall from the command of the Baltic fleet is said to be the concessions made to Sweden, which would enable the fleet of that
nation to form a junction with the fleet of Russia.
The Rev. Gilbert Wakefield, was, on Friday se'nnight, liberated from his confinement in Dorchester castle, the two years having then expired to which he was sentenced, for the answer written by him to the Bishop of Landaff's pamphlet.
Private letters which accompanied the late dispatches from Constantinople, say, that Alexandria surrendered to the British troops on the 1st of May. They add, that the Turkish army advanced, the inhabitants rose every where in its favour.
Sir John B. Warren's squadron is arrived off Alexandria, and that of Commodore Blanket in the Red Sea.
Extract of a letter from an officer belonging to Lord Nelson's squadron, dated
Roslock, May 28. "One division of the Baltic fleet, commanded by Lord Nelson, has been at anchor in Roslock roads these three days. Three sail of the line are at Dantzick, taking in provisions; and a squadron of ten ships of the line, with a great number of smaller vessels, are cruising off Carlscrona.
"Yesterday a lugger reached the fleet from Peterburgh, where Lord St. Helen's had landed previous to her departure. She has brought the agreeable intelligence that the court of Russia has released all our brave seamen, and taken off the embargo from all our vessels, as a preliminary to the renewal of the ties of friendship, which had so long and so intimately connected Russia with England.
The Swedes have just sent a flag of truce to our admiral, and a general accommodation of differences is shortly expected to take place. Some of our luggers are now employed in taking soundings in the Great Belt."
The expenditure of this country in bread corn, is pretty accurately calculated at 35,000 quarters per day.
A proclamation has been published in Hungary, forbidding all persons from speaking of hostilities between the Austrians and Turks, under severe penalties. The Turks were so much alarmed by reports of that nature, as to place numerous detachments upon the banks of the Saave, and to repair the fortifications of the fortress of Dubitzka.
Orders are issued for six sail of the captured Dutchmen of war to be stationed on each side of the Nore Sand, so as to be sunk immediately, on any pressing emergency, to choke up these two main channels to the river Thames.
It has been remarked, that the defence of Alexandria, is in some measure to France now, what Massena's astonishing defence of Genoa was to the campaign of Italy last year. There is some resemblance. Every body recollects how often Massena was killed in sallies from Genoa, and how often the French lost the whole number of their garrison, and yet the siege of Genoa proved the ruin of the Austrians. Buonaparte expects that the obstinacy of the garrison of Alexandria will hold out, till some fortunate accident enables him to send troops and supplies; till disease waste the assailants; till his usual good fortune save for him this his favorite conquest. Till Alexandria fall, doubtless our army can do nothing, though, according to all ordinary calculation, the efforts of the French government to relieve Egypt must be vain, while our naval force on that station is so great; while we have a double guard of ships to blockade the place, and to observe those who attempt to raise the siege. Lord Keith conducts the siege, while Sir J. Warren more at large watches the enemy's design.
Should these projects of the enemy fail it is probable that Buonaparte ultimately intends some grand attack on this country. He may carry on, without much interference, the preparations for both at once. He has men at his disposal; and, if the contest is prolonged, he must not allow the people of France to languish in a tedious, inactive war; he must try something great and decisive, be the success what it may—and in all their designs, however varied, we must be prepared to meet the enemy.
FRENCH FORCE IN EGYPT. From the following statement of the French force in Egypt, as given in the Moniteur of the 10th of May, and the order of battle issued by Menou (and said to have been found on an officer made prisoner), it appears that exclusive of the losses in the preceding actions, and exclusive of the cavalry, artillery, guides, &c. the French force in the battle of the 21st was 14,000 men.
The account agrees in the main with that of gen. Hutchinson, because, previous to the 21st, to the corps engaged, at
the complement allowed by the Moniteur, must have been reduced to about 11,000 the number stated by gen. Hutchinson.
The two demi-brigades, not in the battle of the 21st, are the 22d and 9th, about 2200 men. Besides these, gen. Hutchinson mentions a regiment of dragoons as not engaged. The number of cavalry in the affair of the 21st was considerable. If Menou's order of battle be authentic, the French must have had nearly their whole force in action. It is true, indeed, that detachments from the different corps engaged may have been left in garrison &c. at the places where they were previously stationed, and the numbers actually brought into the field was probably very much below the rough statement of the Moniteur, many having fallen in the actions that took place between the 8th and 21st. It shows, however, that the French have no reserve to bring into the field.
Garrison of Alexandria. 61st of the line 1300 75th ditto 1200 Corps of artillery 300 Reinforcements brought by 3 frigates 800 18th dragoons 200 Crews of 3 frigates 800 Crews of boats and other vessels at Alexandria 300 5400
Joined with Lanusse previous to the 13th 4th light 1000 69th of the line 1000 20d horse chasseurs 400 Cavalry under Menou
Remained to join. 2d light brigade 1000 21st do. 1800 22d do. 1088 9th of the line 1100 13th do. 1100 18th do. 1000 25th do. 1300 32d do. 1200 85th do. 1100 88th do. 1100 Miners 600 Artillery 1000 28,188
Menou's order of battle. 13th demi-brigade 1100 85th do. 1100 25th do. 1300 61st do. 1300 75th do. 1200 21st do. 1800 32d do. 1200 2d do. 1000 18th demi-brigade 1000 69th of the line 1000 88th demi-brigade 1000 13,100 4th light 1,000 14,100
This list is exclusive of the artillery, the cavalry, and the guides; so that if any credit is to be given to the returns published at Paris, the army that attacked on the 21st, was 17,000 men.
A letter from Newcastle, of the 5th of June, says, "I am sorry to inform you, that the Riots still continue to an alarming degree in several parts of Lancashire, [England.] Troops are daily passing through here, by forced marches, with artillery, from the inland district."
A New York Print says that a gentleman passenger in the Ambition, brought a London paper to the 9th June.—He informs, that it contained an account of a battle fought on the frontiers of Portugal, by the Portuguese and Spaniards, in which the latter were defeated, with the loss of between 12 and 15000 men—but that the French had not joined the Spaniards.
The Schooners Dolphin & Kitty, now lying at Mr. Young's Wharf will constantly take freights every three weeks from this to Annapolis or Baltimore. For terms apply to BRO. HAWN and BOYS. Washington July 15, 1801.
LOTS FOR SALE, In the City of Washington. THE SUBSCRIBER offers for Sale a number of valuable Lots beautifully situated between the Capitol and the Eastern Branch. Also a few Lots to be let on lease for ninety-nine years in the vicinity of the Navy yard. WILLIAM PROUT. City of Washington. December 12, 1800. N. B. A few Tons of good Meadow Hay, one Kinn of Bricks, and some Cord wood. W. P.

EXTRACT From DUGALD STEWART's Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind. [CONCLUDED.]
The œconomical system which, about thirty years ago, employed the speculations of some ingenious men in France, seems to me to have been the first attempt to ascertain this ideal perfection of the social order; and the light which, since that period has been thrown on the subject, in different parts of Europe, is a proof of what the human mind is able to accomplish in such inquiries, when it has once received a proper direction. To all the various tenets of these writers, I would, by no means be understood to subscribe; nor do I consider their system so perfect in every different part, as some of its more sanguine admirers have represented it to be. A few of the most important principles of political œconomy, they have undoubtedly established with demonstrative evidence; but what the world is chiefly indebted to them for, is, the commencement which they have given to a new branch of science, and the plan of investigation which they have exhibited to their successors. A short account of what I conceive to be the scope of their speculations, will justify these remarks, and will comprehend every thing which I have to offer at present, in answer to the question by which they were suggested. Such an account I attempt with the greater satisfaction, that the leading views of the earliest and most enlightened patrons of the œconomical system have, in my opinion, been not more misrepresented by its opponents, than misapprehended by some who have adopted its conclusions.
In the first place, then, I think it of importance to remark, that the object of the œconomical system ought, by no means to be confounded (as I believe it commonly is in this country) with that of the Utopian plans of government, which have, at different times been offered to the world; and which have so often excited the just ridicule of the more sober and reasonable inquirers. Of these plans, by far the greater number proceed on the supposition, that the social order is entirely the effect of human art; and that wherever this order is imperfect, the evil may be traced to some want of foresight on the part of the legislator; or to some inattention of the magistrate to the complicated structure of that machine of which he regulates the movements. The projects of reform, therefore, which such plans involve, are, in general, well entitled to all the ridicule and contempt they have met with; inasmuch as they employ an arrogant and presumptuous belief in their authors, of the superiority of their own political sagacity, to the accumulated wisdom of former ages. The case is very different with the œconomical system; of which the leading views (so far as I am able to judge) proceed on the two following suppositions: First, that the social order is, in the most essential respects, the result of the wisdom of nature, and not of human contrivance; and, therefore, that the proper business of the politician, is not to divide his attention among all the different parts of a machine, which is by far too complicated for his comprehension; but, by protecting the rights of individuals, and by allowing to each as complete a liberty as is compatible with the perfect security of the rights of his fellow-citizens; to remove every obstacle which the prejudices and vices of men have opposed to the establishment of that order which society has a tendency to assume. Secondly, that in proportion to the progress of the diffusion of knowledge, those prejudices, on a skilful management of which all the old systems of policy proceeded, must gradually disappear; and, consequently, that (whatever may be his predilection for ancient usages) the inevitable course of events imposes on the politician the necessity of forming his measures on more solid and permanent principles, than those by which the world has hitherto been governed. Both of these suppositions are of modern origin. The former, so far as I know, was first stated and illustrated by the French œconomists. The latter has been obviously suggested by that rapid improvement which has actually taken place in every country of Europe, where the press has enjoyed a moderate degree of liberty.
It may be farther remarked, with respect to the greater part of the plans proposed by Utopian projectors, that they proceed on the supposition of a miraculous reformation in the moral character of a people, to be effected by some new system of education. All such plans (as Mr. Hume has justly observed) may be safely abandoned as impracticable and visionary. But this objection does not apply to the œconomical system; the chief expedient of which, for promoting moral improvement, is not that
education which depends on the attention and care of our instructors; but an education which necessarily results from the political order of society. "How ineffectual (said the Roman poet) are the wisest laws, if they be not supported by good morals!" How ineffectual (say the œconomists) are all our efforts to preserve the morals of a people, if the laws which regulate the political order, doom one half of mankind to indigence, to fraud, to servility, to ignorance, to superstition; and the other half to be the slaves of all the follies and vices which result from the insolence of rank, and the selfishness of opulence? Suppose, for a moment, that the inordinate accumulation of wealth in the hands of individuals, which we every where meet with in modern Europe, were gradually diminished by abolishing the law of entails, and by establishing a perfect freedom of commerce and of industry; it is almost self-evident, that this simple alteration in the order of society; an alteration which has been often demonstrated to be the most effectual and the most infallible measure for promoting the wealth and population of a country; would contribute, more than all the labours of moralists, to secure the virtue and the happiness of all the classes of mankind. It is worthy too of remark, that such a plan of reformation does not require, for its accomplishment, any new and complicated institutions; and therefore does not proceed upon any exaggerated conception of the efficacy of human policy. On the contrary, it requires only (like most of the other expedients proposed by this system) the gradual abolition of those arbitrary and unjust arrangements, by which the order of nature is disturbed.
Another mistaken idea concerning the œconomical system is, that it is founded entirely upon theory, and unsupported by facts. That this may be the case with respect to some of its doctrines, I shall not dispute: but, in general, it may be safely affirmed, that they rest on a broader basis of facts, than any other political speculations which have been yet offered to the world; for they are founded, not on a few examples collected from the small number of governments of which we possess an accurate knowledge; but on those laws of human nature, and those maxims of common sense, which are daily verified in the intercourse of private life.
Of those who have speculated on the subject of legislation, by far the greater part seem to have considered it as a science sui generis ; the first principles of which can be obtained in no other way than by an examination of the conduct of mankind in their political capacity. The œconomists, on the contrary, have searched for causes of national prosperity, and national improvement, in those arrangements, which our daily observations shew to be favorable to the prosperity and to the improvement of individuals. The former resemble those philosophers of antiquity, who, affirming that the phenomena of the heavens are regulated by laws peculiar to themselves, discouraged every attempt to investigate their physical causes, which was founded upon facts collected from common experience. The latter have aimed at accomplishing a reformation in politics, similar to what Kepler and Newton accomplished in astronomy; and, by subjecting to that common sense, which guides mankind in their private concerns, those questions, of which none were supposed to be competent judges, but men in the mysteries of government, have given a beginning to a science, which has already extended very widely our prospects; and which, in its progress, may probably afford an illustration, not less striking than that which physical astronomy exhibits, of the simplicity of those laws by which the universe is governed.
When a political writer, in order to expose the folly of those commercial regulations which aim at the encouragement of domestic industry by restraints on importation, appeals to the maxims upon which men act in private life; when he remarks, that the taylor does not attempt to make his own shoes, but buys them of the shoemaker; that the shoemaker does not attempt to make his own clothes, but employs a taylor; and when he concludes, that what is prudence in the conduct of every private family, can scarcely be folly in that of a great kingdom; he may undoubtedly be said, in one sense, to indulge in theory; as he calls in question the utility of institutions which appear, from the fact, to be not incompatible with a certain degree of political prosperity. But, in another sense, and in a much more philosophical one, he may be said to oppose to the false theories of statesmen, the common sense of mankind; and those maxims of expediency, of which every man may verify the truth by his own daily observation.
There is yet another mistake (of still greater consequence, perhaps, than any of those I have mentioned) which has misled most of the opponents, and even some of the friends, of the œconomical system; an idea that it was meant to exhibit a political order, which is really attainable in the present state of Europe. So different from this were the views of its most enlightened advocates, that they have uniformly rested their only hopes of its gradual establishment in the world, on that influence in the conduct of human affairs, which philosophy may be expected gradually to acquire, in consequence of the progress of reason and civilization. To suppose that a period is ever to arrive, when it shall be realised in its full extent, would be the height of enthusiasm and absurdity; but it is surely neither enthusiasm nor absurdity to affirm, that governments are more or less perfect, in proportion to the greater or smaller number of individuals to whom they afford the means of cultivating their intellectual and moral powers, and whom they admit to live together on a liberal footing of equality—or even to expect, that, in proportion to the progress of reason, governments will actually approach nearer and nearer to this description.
To delineate that state of political society to which governments may be expected to approach nearer and nearer, as the triumphs of philosophy extend, was, I apprehend, the leading objects of the earliest and most enlightened patrons of the œconomical system. It is a state of society, which they by no means intended to recommend to particular communities, as the most eligible they could adopt at present; but as an ideal order of things, to which they have a tendency of themselves to approach, and to which it ought to be the aim of the legislator to facilitate their progress. In the language of mathematicians, it forms a limit to the progressive improvement of the political order; and, in the mean time, it exhibits a standard of comparison, by which the excellence of particular institutions may be estimated.
According to the view which has now been given of the œconomical system, its principles appear highly favorable to the tranquility of society; inasmuch, as, by inspiring us with a confidence in the triumph which truth and liberty must infallibly gain in the end over error and injustice, it has a tendency to discourage every plan of innovation, which is to be supported by violence and bloodshed. And, accordingly, such has always been the language of those who were best acquainted with the views of its authors. "If we attack oppressors, before we have taught the oppressed," (says one of the ablest of its present supporters,) "we shall risk the loss of liberty, and rouse them to oppose the progress of reason. History affords proofs of this truth. How often, in spite of the efforts of the friends of freedom, has the event of a single battle reduced nations to the slavery of ages!"
"And what is the kind of liberty enjoyed by those nations, which have recovered it by force of arms, and not by the influence of philosophy? Have not most of them confounded the forms of republicanism with the enjoyment of right, and the despotism of numbers with liberty? How many laws, contrary to the rights of nature, have dishonoured the code of every people which has recovered its freedom, during those ages in which reason was still in its infancy!"
"Why not profit by this fatal experience, and wisely wait the progress of knowledge, in order to obtain freedom more effectual, more substantial, and more peaceful? Why pursue it by blood and inevitable confusion, and trust that to chance, which time must certainly, and without bloodshed, bestow? A fortunate struggle, indeed, relieve us of many grievances under which we labour at present, but if we wish to secure the perfection, and the permanence of freedom, we must patiently wait the period, when men, emancipated from their prejudices, and guided by philosophy, shall be rendered worthy of liberty, by comprehending its claims."—Condorcet
Nor is it the employment of violent and sanguinary means alone, in order to accomplish political innovations, that this enlightened and humane philosophy has a tendency to discourage. By extending our views to the whole plan of civil society, and shewing us the mutual relations and dependencies of its most distant parts, it cannot fail to check that indiscriminate zeal against established institutions, which arises from partial views of the social system; as well as to produce a certain degree of scepticism with respect to every change, the success of which is not insured by the prevailing ideas and manners of the age. Sanguine and inconsiderate projects of reformation are frequently the offspring of clear and argumentative and systematical under-
standings; but rarely of comprehensive minds. For checking them, indeed, nothing is so effectual, as a general survey of the complicated structure of society. Even although such a survey should be superficial, provided it be conducted on an extensive scale, it is more useful, at least for this purpose, than the most minute and successful inquiries, which are circumscribed within a narrow circle. If it should teach us nothing else, it will at least satisfy us of the extreme difficulty of predicting, with confidence, the remote effects of new arrangements; and that the perfection of political wisdom consists, not in incurring the machine of government with new contrivances to obviate every partial inconvenience, but in removing gradually and imperceptibly, the obstacles which disturb the order of nature, and (as Mr. Addison somewhere expresses it) "in grafting upon her institutions."
When the œconomical system, indeed, is first presented to the mind, and when we compare the perfection which it exhibits, with the actual state of human affairs, it is by no means unnatural, that it should suggest plans of reformation too violent and sudden to be practicable. A more complete acquaintance, however, with the subject, will effectually cure these first impressions, by pointing out to us the mischiefs to be apprehended from an injudicious combination of theoretical perfection with our established laws, prejudices and manners. As the various unnatural modes and habits of living, to which the bodily constitution is gradually reconciled by a course of luxurious indulgences, have such a tendency to correct each others effects, as to render a partial return to a more simple regimen, a dangerous, and, sometimes, a fatal experiment; so it is possible, that many of our imperfect political institutions may be so accommodated to each other, that a partial execution of the most plausible and equitable plans of reformation, might tend, in the first instance, to frustrate those important purposes which we are anxious to promote. It is not possible, for example, that the influence which is founded on a respect for hereditary rank, may have its use in counteracting that aristocracy which arises from inequality of wealth; and which so many laws and prejudices conspire to support? That the former species of influence is rapidly declining of itself, in consequence of the progress which commerce and philosophy have already made, is sufficiently obvious, and, I think it may reasonably be doubted, whether a well-wisher to mankind would be disposed to accelerate its destruction, till the true principles of political œconomy are completely understood and acknowledged by the world.
VARDEN & CARPENTER, TAYLORS,
Gratefully acknowledge the favors of the public, whilst carrying on business opposite Mr. Stille's Tavern, and inform, that they have removed to the next house east of Mr. Tunnicliff's Hotel, where gentlemen and ladies will be served in a style of fashion and elegance which it has ever been, and ever will be, their study to execute, and they presume, equal to the most populous cities in the Union.
Regimental and Ladies Habits made in the nearest manner.
May 15, 1801. wtf
One Dollar Reward.
RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro Boy named JACK, about sixteen years old: had on when he went away a red flannel jacket and blue cloth trowsers. Whoever apprehends him and brings him to the subscriber, shall receive the above reward.
GEORGE ANDREWS. July 22. 3t
Nail Manufactory,
ALL kinds of Cut Nails for Sale by Wholesale and Retail at the Factory on F Street, and at the Hardware Store of the Subscriber, where persons building and all others wishing to purchase may be supplied with any quantity at the most reasonable rates.
JOHN JACK. Washington Feb. 4, 1801.
Conrad & M c Munn
HAVE opened houses of entertainment in the range of buildings formerly occupied by Mr. Law, about two hundred paces from the Capitol, in New Jersey avenue, leading from thence to the Eastern Branch. They are spacious and convenient, one of which is designed for stage passengers and travellers, the other for the accommodation of boarders. There is stabling sufficient for 60 horses—They hope to merit public patronage. City of Washington, Nov. 24, 1800. tf
FOR SALE, A young Negro Girl, About 15 years old—Apply at this office. April 22, 1801.