The New-York journal, and daily patriotic register (New-York [N.Y.]), 1787-11-29 00:00:00

The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register.
NUMB. 56, of VOL. XLI.]
THURSDAY, November 29, 1787.
[Total NUMB. 2151.]
HERE TRUTH UNLICENSED REIGNS; AND DARES ACCOST—E’EN KINGS THEMSELVES, OR RULERS OF THE FREE! Thompson’s Liberty.
NEW-YORK: Printed and Published by THOMAS GREENLEAF, at the PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 25, WATER-STREET.
PUBLIC NOTICE is hereby given, according to an act of the Governor, Council, and General Assembly of the late colony of New-York, passed the 19th day of March, 1774, entitled, “An act for the more effectual registering of mortgages, and securing the purchasers of mortgaged estates;” that on the sixth day of June next ensuing, at ten o’clock in the forenoon, will be sold at the house of DAVID DAN, in Bedford, Westchester county, and state of New-York, to the highest bidder; all that certain Farm, Tract, pieces, or parcel of Land, lying and being in Bedford, and bounded as follows, to wit, beginning at the house of Benjamin Hayes, where he now lives, running westerly as it winds round Hayes’s land, and northerly to the high way, thence westerly along the high way until it comes to Lewis McDonald’s land, thence southerly until it comes to David Dan’s land, thence easterly and northerly along said Dan’s land until it comes to the high way or Town’s land by the burying-ground, thence by the high way westerly until it comes to Benjamin Hayes’s land, thence by Hayes’s land as it winds to the place of beginning; also one other piece of Land, lying on the north side of the high way, beginning at the Court-house, thence westerly by the high way until it comes to Lewis McDonald’s land, thence northerly and westerly as it winds to Abraham Canfield’s land, thence northerly and westerly by Abraham Canfield’s land as it winds to the high way, thence northerly by the high way to Abraham Canfield’s land, thence easterly by said land, until it comes to the land of the late Stephen Holmes, deceased, thence southerly and westerly until it comes to the parsonage lands, thence near the same course until it comes to James McDonald’s land, thence westerly and southerly winding round McDonald’s land to the place of beginning; containing in the whole eighty acres, more or less, with the appurtenances which said premises were by indenture bearing date the 10th day of May, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six; mortgaged by Jonathan Platt, of Bedford, Westchester county and state of New-York, to Daniel Bowne, of New-York, for securing the payment of eight hundred pounds with lawful interest for the same.
The conditions will be made known on the day of sale, by the subscriber, 45 th. 6m. DANIEL BOWNE.
At a Court of Probates of the State of New-York, held at the Probate-Office in the City of New-York, on the twentieth Day of November, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T, The Honorable PETER OGILVIE, Esq. Judge of the said Court.
WHEREAS Jane Crage, executrix of John Crage, late of the precinct of Memecating, in the county of Ulster, yeoman, deceased, hath by her petition, presented to the said judge, set forth, that the said John Crage was at the time of his death, seized of a real estate within this state, that the petitioner had made a just and true account of the personal estate and debts of the said John Crage, as far as she had been able to discover the same; and that thereby it appeared, that the personal estate of her said testator was insufficient to pay his debts, and therefore requested the aid of the said judge in the premises, according to the directions of the act, entitled, “An act for the relief of creditors against heirs, devisees, executors, and administrators, and for proving wills respecting real estates;” and the said petitioner hath delivered to the said judge the account in the said petition mentioned; hereupon it is ordered by the said judge, that all persons interested in the estate of the said John Crage, do appear before the judge of the said court of Probates, at the Probate-Office, in the city of New-York, on the tenth day of January next, to show cause, if any they have, why so much of the real estate whereof the said John Crage died seized, should not be sold, as will be sufficient to pay his debts.
45—th. 4w. PETER OGILVIE.
At a Court of Probates of the State of New-York, held at the Probate-Office, in the City of New-York, on the twentieth Day of November, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T, The Honorable PETER OGILVIE, Esq. Judge of the said Court.
WHEREAS Lydia Gault, administratrix of Matthew Gault, late of Rumbout precinct, in Dutchess county, deceased, hath by her petition, presented to the said judge, set forth, that the said Matthew Gault was at the time of his death seized of a real estate within this state, that the petitioner had made a just and true account of the personal estate and debts of the said Matthew Gault, as far as she had been able to discover the same; and that thereby it appeared that the personal estate of her said intestate was insufficient to pay his debts, and therefore requested the aid of the said judge in the premises, according to the directions of the act, entitled, “An act for the relief of creditors against heirs, devisees, executors, and administrators, and for proving wills respecting real estates;” and the said petitioner hath delivered to the said judge the account in the said petition mentioned; hereupon it is ordered by the said judge, that all persons interested in the estate of the said Matthew Gault, do appear before the judge of the said court of Probates, at the Probate-Office, in the city of New-York, on the tenth day of January next, to show cause, if any they have, why so much of the real estate whereof the said Matthew Gault died seized should not be sold, as will be sufficient to pay his debts.
45—th. 4w. PETER OGILVIE.
At a Court of Chancery, held at the Chancellor’s Chambers, in the City of New-York, the tenth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T, The Hon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Chancellor.
IN CHANCERY. Dirck Lefferts, Complainant, vs. Abel Jennings, George Wakeman, Daniel Campbell, and others, Defendants.
FORASMUCH as it appears to this court, that a bill has been filed therein by Dirck Lefferts, plaintiff, mortgagee, against Abel Jennings, George Wakeman, Daniel Campbell, and others, to obtain a decree for the sale of certain premises therein mentioned to have been mortgaged by the defendants, Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, to the said Dirck Lefferts, whereupon process of subpoena to appear, and answer, hath been duly issued and returned; and that the said Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, have not entered their appearance in this suit, as according to the rules of this court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said process had been duly served; and an affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this court, that the said defendants, Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, have withdrawn themselves out of this state, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process, which issued on the filing of the bill of complaint in this cause; wherefore it is ordered, on motion of Mr. Ogilvie, of counsel for the complainant, that the said Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, appear to the said bill on the eleventh day of April next, and in default thereof, that the complainant’s said bill be taken pro confesso, so far as it concerns them the said Abel Jennings and George Wakeman, to the end, that a decree may be made, a sale of the said premises, or such part thereof as to this court shall appear just and right; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order, within twenty days from the date hereof, be inserted in, at least, two of the public newspapers printed in the state of New-York, for the space of eight weeks successively.
Extract from the Minutes. 37 th. 19w W. COCK, Register.
At a Court of Chancery, held at the Chancellor’s Chambers, in the City of New-York, the tenth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T, The Hon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Chancellor.
IN CHANCERY. Dirck Lefferts, and Gerard G. Beckman, Complainants, vs. James Atle, Defendant.
FORASMUCH as it appears to this court, that a bill has been filed therein, by Dirck Lefferts and Gerard G. Beckman, complainants, mortgagees, against James Atle, mortgagor, to obtain a decree for the sale of certain premises therein mentioned, to have been mortgaged by the said defendant, James Atle, to the said Dirck Lefferts, and Gerard G. Beckman; whereupon process of subpoena to appear and answer hath been duly issued and returned; and that the said James Atle, hath not entered his appearance in this suit, as according to the rules of this court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said process had been duly served; and an affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this court, that the said defendant, James Atle, hath withdrawn out of this state, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process which issued on the filing of the bill of complaint in this cause; wherefore it is ordered, on motion of Mr. Ogilvie, of counsel for the complainants, that the said James Atle appear to the said bill on the eleventh day of April next, and in default thereof, that the complainants’ said bill be taken pro confesso, so far as it concerns him the said James Atle, to the end, that a decree may be made for a sale of the said premises, or such part thereof as to this court shall appear just and right; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order, within twenty days from the date hereof, be inserted in, at least, two of the public newspapers printed in this state, for the space of eight weeks successively.
Extract from the Minutes. 37 th. 19w W. COCK, Register.
By Order of the Honorable RICHARD MORRIS, Esq. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York:
NOTICE is hereby given to Moses Franks, and to all others whom it may concern, that on application and due proof made to the said Chief Justice, pursuant to an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, “An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors,” passed the fourth day of April, 1786, he hath issued his warrants to the sheriff of the city and county of New-York, and the sheriff of the county of Suffolk, commanding them to attach, take, seize, and safely keep all the estate, as well real as personal of the said Moses Franks, an absent debtor, of what kind or nature soever, and every or any part or parcel thereof in whatever part of their bailiwicks the same can be found, with all evidences, books of accounts, vouchers, and papers relating thereto. And that unless he the said Moses Franks shall appear by himself, or attorney, and discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, all his estate, real and personal, will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. Dated at the city of New-York, this twenty-sixth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven.
41 m. th. 15w
At a Court of Chancery, held at the Chancellor’s Chambers, in the City of New-York, the tenth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T, The Hon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Chancellor.
IN CHANCERY. Dirck Lefferts, Complainant, vs. Stephen Tuttle, and Philip Van Rensselaer, Defendants.
FORASMUCH as it appears to this court, that a bill has been filed therein by Dirck Lefferts, mortgagee, against Stephen Tuttle and Philip Van Rensselaer, to obtain a decree for the sale of certain premises therein mentioned to have been mortgaged by the said defendant, Stephen Tuttle, to the said Dirck Lefferts; whereupon process of subpoena to appear, and answer, hath been duly issued and returned, and that the said Stephen Tuttle hath not entered his appearance in this suit, as according to the rules of this court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said process had been duly served on him the said Stephen Tuttle; and an affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this court, that the said defendant, Stephen Tuttle, hath withdrawn himself out of this state, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process, which issued on the filing of the said bill of complaint in this cause; wherefore it is ordered, on motion of Mr. Ogilvie, of counsel for the complainant, that the said Stephen Tuttle appear to the said bill on the eleventh day of April next, and in default thereof, that the complainant’s said bill be taken pro confesso, so far as it concerns him the said Stephen Tuttle, to the end, that a decree may be made for a sale of the said premises, or such part thereof as to this court shall appear just and right; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order, within twenty days from the date hereof, be inserted in, at least, two of the public newspapers printed in this state, for the space of eight weeks successively.
Extract from the Minutes. 37 th. 19w W. COCK, Register.
At a Court of Chancery, held at the Chancellor’s Chambers, in the City of New-York, the tenth Day of October, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
P R E S E N T, The Hon. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Esq. Chancellor.
IN CHANCERY. Dirck Lefferts, and Gerard G. Beckman, Complainants, vs. Andrew Liddle, and Jonathan Filer, Defendants.
FORASMUCH as it appears to this court, that a bill has been filed therein by Dirck Lefferts, and Gerard G. Beckman, complainants, mortgagees, against Andrew Liddle, and Jonathan Filer, to obtain a decree for the sale of certain premises therein mentioned to have been mortgaged by the said Andrew Liddle, to the said Dirck Lefferts and Gerard G. Beckman, whereupon process of subpoena to appear, and answer, hath been duly issued and returned, and that the said defendant, Andrew Liddle, hath not entered his appearance in this suit, as according to the rules of this court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said process had been duly served on him, the said Andrew Liddle; and an affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this court, that the said defendant, Andrew Liddle, hath withdrawn himself out of this state, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process, which issued on the filing of the bill of complaint in this cause; wherefore it is ordered, on motion of Mr. Ogilvie, of counsel for the complainants, that the said Andrew Liddle appear to the said bill on the eleventh day of April next, and in default thereof, that the complainants’ said bill be taken pro confesso, so far as it concerns him the said Andrew Liddle, to the end, that a decree may be made for the sale of the said premises, or such part thereof as to this court shall appear just and right; and it is further ordered, that a copy of this order, within twenty days from the date hereof, be inserted in, at least, two of the public newspapers printed in this state, for the space of eight weeks successively.
Extract from the Minutes. 37 th. 19w W. COCK, Register.
NOTICE is hereby given, by the petitioning creditors of John Van Zandt, an insolvent debtor, to show cause to the said Chief Justice, at his chamber, situated in Nassau-Street, in the city of New-York, on Thursday the twenty-ninth day of November inst. at ten o’clock in the forenoon of the same day, why an assignment of the said debtor’s estate should not be made, and the said debtor discharged, according to the form of an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, entitled, “An act for the relief of insolvent debtors,” passed the 13th day of April, 1786.
JOHN VAN ZANDT. Dated this 15th day of Nov. 1787. 41 m. th. 3w
Petitioning Creditors, Benjamin Van Steenburgh, Levi Jones, John Gary, Ben. I. Van Steenburgh, Peter P. Van Zandt.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to JAMES MYER, jun. of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the aforesaid James Myer, jun. their accounts will be put in the hands of an attorney; and all persons having claims against the said James Myer, jun. previous to his discharge, under the act of insolvency, are required immediately to present their accounts, properly attested, to the subscriber.
JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—th. 3m.
WHEREAS Nicholas Bayard, Esq. of the city of New-York, by his certain indenture of lease, under his hand and seal, duly executed, bearing date the sixteenth day of September, in the ninth year of the independence of the United States of America, and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, for the consideration therein mentioned, did demise and to farm let unto John Casling, all those three LOTS OF GROUND, No. 279, 280, and 281, situate in the outward, at the corner of Moll-Breer, and Bayard-street, to have and to hold the said three Lots unto the said John Casling, for and during and until the end and term of twenty-one years from thence next ensuing: and whereas the said John Casling had erected on said three Lots of Ground a dwelling house; and whereas the said John Casling, on the twenty-eighth day of February, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, by indenture of mortgage, did convey unto John Egberts, of the said city of New-York, house-carpenter, all the beforementioned Lots, No. 279, 280, and 281, with the buildings thereon erected, to hold for and during the residue and remainder of the said term of twenty-one years then to come, and, unexpired, to secure the payment of fifty pounds, with the lawful interest:—NOTICE is hereby given, that in pursuance of an act of the governor, council, and general assembly of the late colony of New-York, passed the nineteenth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-four, entitled, “An act for the more effectual registering of mortgages, and for securing the purchasers of mortgaged estates,”—the residue and remainder of the term of years yet to come, and unexpired, of, and in the said three Lots of Ground, with the buildings thereon erected, will be SOLD at PUBLIC VENDUE, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the twenty-fifth day of February next.—The sale to begin at twelve o’clock. The condition of sale will be made known at the time of the vendue, and a deed executed to the purchaser or purchasers, subject to the proviso, in the said act, in favor of other mortgagees, judgments at law, and decrees in equity, prior to the said sale.
JOHN EGBERTS. New-York, August 23, 1787. 4 th. 6m.
IN CHANCERY. Robert Richardson Crofs, et alii, vs. John Casling, et alii.
George Clinton, Esq. and Nicholas Bogert.
PURSUANT to a decree made in the above cause by the honorable the Chancellor, the following premises, late the estate of Cornelia Blau, deceased, will be sold at Public Auction, at the merchants Coffee-House, in the city of New-York, on the fifteenth day of December next, at twelve o’clock, at noon, of the same day, to wit, All that certain Messuage or Dwelling-House and Lot of Ground, situate, lying and being in the said city, in Broad-Street, nearly opposite the exchange; containing in front, on the west side, thirty-six feet six inches, and in the rear, on east side, thirty-five feet; on the south side, adjoining the lot now or late of William Milliner, sixty-eight feet, and to the north adjoining the lot now or late of Samuel Francis, sixty feet, be the same more or less; together with all and singular, the hereditaments and appurtenances to the same premises belonging, or in any wise appertaining.
The purchase money to be paid on the delivery of the deed to the purchaser or purchasers thereof, pursuant to the decree aforesaid; the other conditions will be made known at the time and place of sale, by JAMES M. HUGHES, Master in Chancery.
Dated this 20th day of Nov. 1787. 44 e.d. 4w
PUBLIC NOTICE is hereby given, that by virtue of a writ to me directed, issued out of the court of chancery for this state, I shall expose to sale, at Public Vendue, on the fourteenth day of December next, at the merchants Coffee-house in the city of New-York, between the hours of twelve and two of the same day, two DWELLING HOUSES and a LOT OF GROUND, situate in the dock-ward of the said city, on the north side of Duke-Street, bounded on the south by the said street, on the west by a house and lot, now or formerly belonging to Thomas Randall, on the east by a house and lot, now or formerly belonging to James M’Cartney, and on the north by a street called Slyck-Street; containing in breadth, on the south end, twenty-two feet eight inches, and on the north end sixteen feet, all wood measure.—Given under my hand, this twenty-ninth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven. 39e.d. 5w M. WILLETT, Sheriff.
John Siemon, No. 76, William-Street, next Door to Mr. Samuel Gilford’s.
MANUFACTURES, and has for SALE, A large and general Assortment of
MUFFS and TIPPETS, Consisting of
MARTIN, and Martin Throat, real, and mock Ermin; American and Russia Squirrel; real black Gennet; red Fox; Russia Hair; and ground Squirrel.
LIKES WITSE, A complete Assortment of fur Trimmings and Edgings, for Ladies Cloaks, riding Dresses, &c. Cloak Linings, Great-Coats, lined with Fur, for Gentlemen, Caps, Gloves, &c. &c.
The above Articles he is now selling on the most reasonable Terms, for Cash, or Short Credit. Directions will be given how to preserve the Fur during the Summer Season.
New-York, October 23, 1787. 38—th. 3m.

To the PEOPLE of the State of New-York.
THERE can be no free government where the people are not possessed of the power of making the laws by which they are governed, either in their own persons, or by others substituted in their stead.
Experience has taught mankind, that legislation by representatives is the most eligible, and the only practicable mode in which the people of any country can exercise this right, either prudently or beneficially. But then, it is a matter of the highest importance, in forming this representation, that it be so constituted as to be capable of understanding the true interests of the society for which it acts, and so disposed as to pursue the good and happiness of the people as its ultimate end. The object of every free government is the public good, and all lesser interests yield to it. That of every tyrannical government, is the happiness and aggrandizement of one, or a few, and to this the public felicity, and every other interest must submit. The reason of this difference in these governments is obvious. The first is so constituted as to collect the views and wishes of the whole people in that of their rulers, while the latter is so framed as to separate the interests of the governors from that of the governed. The principle of self love, therefore, that will influence the one to promote the good of the whole, will prompt the other to follow its own private advantage. The great art, therefore, in forming a good constitution, appears to be this, so to frame it, as that those to whom the power is committed shall be subject to the same feelings, and aim at the same objects as the people do, who transfer to them their authority. There is no possible way to effect this but by an equal, full and fair representation; this, therefore, is the great desideratum in politics. However fair an appearance any government may make, though it may possess a thousand plausible articles and be decorated with ever so many ornaments, yet if it is deficient in this essential principle of a full and just representation of the people, it will be only like a painted sepulcher—For, without this it cannot be a free government; let the administration of it be good or ill, it still will be a government, not according to the will of the people, but according to the will of a few.
To test this new constitution then, by this principle, is of the last importance—it is to bring it to the touch-stone of national liberty, and I hope I shall be excused, if, in this paper, I pursue the subject commenced in my last number, to wit, the necessity of an equal and full representation in the legislature.—In that, I showed that it was not equal, because the smallest states are to send the same number of members to the senate as the largest, and, because the slaves, who afford neither aid or defence to the government, are to encrease the proportion of members. To prove that it was not a just or adequate representation, it was urged, that so small a number could not resemble the people, or possess their sentiments and dispositions. That the choice of members would commonly fall upon the rich and great, while the middling class of the community would be excluded. That in so small a representation there was no security against bribery and corruption.
The small number which is to compose this legislature, will not only expose it to the danger of that kind of corruption, and undue influence, which will arise from the gift of places of honor and emolument, or the more direct one of bribery, but it will also subject it to another kind of influence no less fatal to the liberties of the people, though it be not so flagrantly repugnant to the principles of rectitude. It is not to be expected that a legislature will be found in any country that will not have some of its members, who will pursue their private ends, and for which they will sacrifice the public good. Men of this character are, generally, artful and designing, and frequently possess brilliant talents and abilities; they commonly act in concert, and agree to share the spoils of their country among them; they will keep their object ever in view, and follow it with constancy. To effect their purpose, they will assume any shape, and, Proteus like, mould themselves into any form—where they find members proof against direct bribery or gifts of offices, they will endeavor to mislead their minds by specious and false reasoning, to impose upon their unsuspecting honesty by an affectation of zeal for the public good; they will form jokers, and hold out-door meetings; they will operate upon the good nature of their opponents, by a thousand little attentions, and seize them into compliance by the earnestness of solicitation. Those who are acquainted with the manner of conducting business in public assemblies, know how prevalent art and address are in carrying a measure, even over men of the best intentions, and of good understanding. The firmest security against this kind of improper and dangerous influence, as well as all other, is a strong and numerous representation; in such a house of assembly, so great a number must be gained over, before the private views of individuals could be gratified that there could be scarce a hope of success. But in the federal assembly, seventeen men are all that is necessary to pass a law. It is probable, it will seldom happen that more than twenty-five will be requisite to form a majority, when it is considered what a number of places of honor and emolument will be in the gift of the executive, the powerful influence that great and designing men have over the honest and unsuspecting, by their art and address, their soothing manners and civilities, and their cringing flattery, joined with their affected patriotism; when these different species of influence are combined, it is scarcely to be hoped that a legislature, composed of so small a number, as the one proposed by the new constitution, will long resist their force. A farther objection against the feebleness of the representation is, that it will not possess the confidence of the people. The execution of the laws in a free government must rest on this confidence, and this must be founded on the good opinion they entertain of the framers of the laws. Every government must be supported, either by the people having such an attachment to it, as to be ready, when called upon, to support it, or by a force at the command of the government, to com-
pal obedience. The latter mode destroys every idea of a free government; for the same force that may be employed to compel obedience to good laws, might, and probably would be used to wrest from the people their constitutional liberties.—Whether it is practicable to have a representation for the whole union sufficiently numerous to obtain that confidence which is necessary for the purpose of internal taxation, and other powers to which this proposed government extends, is an important question. I am clearly of opinion, it is not, and therefore I have stated this in my first number, as one of the reasons against going into so an entire consolidation of the states—one of the most capital errors in the system, that of extending the powers of the federal government to objects to which it is not adequate, which it cannot exercise without endangering public liberty, and which it is not necessary they should possess, in order to preserve the union and manage our national concerns; of this, however, I shall treat more fully in some future paper.—But, however this may be, certain it is, that the representation in the legislature is not so formed as to give reasonable ground for public trust.
In order for the people safely to repose themselves on their rulers, they should not only be of their own choice. But it is requisite they should be acquainted with their abilities to manage the public concerns with wisdom. They should be satisfied that those who represent them are men of integrity, who will pursue the good of the community with fidelity; and will not be turned aside from their duty by private interest, or corrupted by undue influence; and that they will have such a zeal for the good of those whom they represent, as to excite them to be diligent in their service; but it is impossible the people of the United States should have sufficient knowledge of their representatives, when the numbers are so few, to acquire any rational satisfaction on either of these points. The people of this state will have very little acquaintance with those who may be chosen to represent them; a great part of them will, probably, not know the characters of their own members, much less that of a majority of those who will compose the federal assembly; they will consist of men, whose names they have never heard, and of whose talents and regard for the public good, they are total strangers to; and they will have no persons so immediately of their choice so near them, of their neighbors and of their own rank in life, that they can feel themselves secure in trusting their interests in their hands. The representatives of the people cannot, as they now do, after they have passed laws, mix with the people, and explain to them the motives which induced the adoption of any measure, point out its utility, and remove objections or silence unreasonable clamors against it. The number will be so small that but a very few of the most sensible and respectable yeomanry of the country can ever have any knowledge of them: being so far removed from the people, their station will be elevated and important, and they will be considered as ambitious and designing. They will not be viewed by the people as part of themselves, but as a body distinct from them, and having separate interests to pursue; the consequence will be, that a perpetual jealousy will exist in the minds of the people against them; their conduct will be narrowly watched; their measures scrutinized; and their laws opposed, evaded, or reluctantly obeyed. This is natural, and exactly corresponds with the conduct of individuals towards those in whose hands they intrust important concerns. If the person confided in, be a neighbour with whom his employer is intimately acquainted, whose talents, he knows, are sufficient to manage the business with which he is charged, his honesty and fidelity unspotted, and his friendship and zeal for the service of his principal unquestionable, he will commit his affairs into his hands with unreserved confidence, and feel himself secure; all the transactions of the agent will meet with the most favorable construction, and the measures he takes will give satisfaction. But, if the person employed be a stranger, whom he has never seen, and whose character for ability or fidelity he cannot fully learn—if he is constrained to choose him, because it was not in his power to procure one more agreeable to his wishes, he will trust him with caution, and be suspicious of all his conduct.
If then this government should not derive support from the good will of the people, it must be executed by force, or not executed at all; either case would lead to the total destruction of liberty.—The convention seemed aware of this, and have therefore provided for calling out the militia to execute the laws of the union. If this system was so framed as to command that respect from the people, which every good free government will obtain, this provision was unnecessary—the people would support the civil magistrate. This power is a novel one, in free governments—these have depended for the execution of the laws on the posse Comitatus, and never raised an idea, that the people would refuse to aid the civil magistrate in executing those laws they themselves had made. I shall now dismiss the subject of the incompetency of the representation, and proceed, as I promised, to shew, that, impotent as it is, the people have no security that they will enjoy the exercise of the right of electing this assembly, which, at best, can be considered but as the shadow of representation.
By section 4, article 1, the Congress are authorized, at any time, by law, to make, or alter, regulations respecting the time, place, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, except as to the places of choosing senators. By this clause the right of election itself, is, in a great measure, transferred from the people to their rulers.—One would think, that if any thing was necessary to be made a fundamental article of the original compact, it would be, that of fixing the branches of the legislature, so as to put it out of its power to alter itself by modifying the election of its own members at will and pleasure. When a people once resign the privilege of a fair election, they clearly have none left worth contending for.
It is clear that, under this article, the federal legislature may institute such rules respecting elections as to lead to the choice of one description of men. The weakness of the representation, tends but too certainly to confer on the rich and well-born, all honours; but the power granted in this article, may be so exercised, as to secure it almost beyond a possibility of control. The proposed Congress may make the whole state one district, and direct, that the capital (the city of New-York, for instance)
shall be the place for holding the election; the consequence would be, that none but men of the most elevated rank in society would attend, and they would as certainly choose men of their own class; as it is true what the Apostle Paul saith, that "no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it."—They may declare that those members who have the greatest number of votes, shall be considered as duly elected; the consequence would be that the people, who are dispersed in the interior parts of the state, would give their votes for a variety of candidates, while any order, or profession, residing in populous places, by uniting their interests, might procure whom they pleased to be chosen—and by this means the representatives of the state may be elected by one tenth part of the people who actually vote. This may be effected constitutionally, and by one of those silent operations which frequently takes place without being noticed, but which often produces such changes as entirely to alter a government, subvert a free constitution, and rivet the chains on a free people before they perceive they are forged. Had the power of regulating elections been left under the direction of the state legislatures, where the people are not only nominally but substantially represented, it would have been secure; but if it was taken out of their hands, it surely ought to have been fixed on such a basis as to have put it out of the power of the federal legislature to deprive the people of it by law. Provision should have been made for marking out the states into districts, and for choosing, by a majority of votes, a person out of each of them of permanent property and residence in the district which he was to represent.
If the people of America will submit to a constitution that will vest in the hands of any body of men a right to deprive them by law of the privilege of a fair election, they will submit to almost any thing. Reasoning with them will be in vain; they must be left until they are brought to reflection by feeling oppression—they will then have to wrest from their oppressors, by a strong hand, that which they now possess, and which they may retain if they will exercise but a moderate share of prudence and firmness.
I know it is said that the dangers apprehended from this clause are merely imaginary, that the proposed general legislature will be disposed to regulate elections upon proper principles, and to use their power with discretion, and to promote the public good. On this, I would observe, that constitutions are not so necessary to regulate the conduct of good rulers as to restrain that of bad ones.—Wise and good men will exercise power so as to promote the public happiness under any form of government. If we are to take it for granted that those who administer the government under this system, will always pay proper attention to the rights and interests of the people, nothing more was necessary than to say who should be invested with the powers of government, and leave them to exercise it at will and pleasure. Men are apt to be deceived both with respect to their own dispositions and those of others. Though this truth is proved by almost every page of the history of nations; to wit, that power, lodged in the hands of rulers to be used at discretion, is almost always exercised to the oppression of the people, and the aggrandizement of themselves; yet most men think if it was lodged in their hands they would not employ it in this manner.—Thus when the prophet Elisha told Hazael , "I know the evil that thou wilt do unto the children of Israel; their strong holds wilt thou set on fire, and their young men, wilt thou slay with the sword, and wilt dash their children, and rip up their women with child." Hazael had no idea that he ever should be guilty of such horrid cruelty, and said to the prophet, "Is thy servant a dog that he should do this great thing." Elisha , answered, "The Lord hath shewed me that thou shalt be king of Syria." The event proved, that Hazael only wanted an opportunity to perpetrate these enormities without restraint, and he had a disposition to do them, though he himself knew it not.
BRUTUS.
SIR, IN my former observations on your speech, to your fellow-citizens, explanatory and defensive of the new constitution; it has appeared, by arguments to my judgment unanswerable, that by ratifying the constitution, as the convention proposed it, the people will leave the liberty of the press, and the trial by jury, in civil cases, to the mercy of their rulers—that the project is to burthen them with enormous taxes, in order to raise and maintain armies, for the purposes of ambition and arbitrary power—that this power is to be vested in an aristocratic senate, who will either be themselves the tyrants, or the support of tyranny, in a president, who will know how to manage them, so as to make that body at once the instrument and the shield of his absolute authority.—Even the Roman Emperors found it necessary to have a senate for this purpose. To compas this object, we have seen powers, in every branch of government, in violation of all principle, and all safety condensed in this aristocratic senate: we have seen the representative, or democratic branch, weakened exactly in proportion to the strengthening the aristocratic, or, what means the same thing, and will be more pleasing to your ear, Mr. Wilson, the republican branch. We have seen with what cunning the power of impeachment is apparently given to the representative of the people, but really to the senate; since, as they advise these measures of government, which experience has shewn, are the general matters of impunity the executive officers will be sure of impeachment when they act in conformity to their will. Impeachment will therefore have no terrors, but for those who displease or oppose the senate.
Let us suppose that the privy councils who advise the executive government in England, were vested with the sole power of trying impeachments; would any man say that this would not render that body absolute; and impeachment to all popular purposes, negatory? I shall appeal to those very citizens, Mr. Wilson, whom you was misleading, for the propriety of what I am going to observe. They know that their constitution was democratic—that it secured the powers of government in the body of the people. They have seen
an aristocratic party rise up against this constitution, and without the aid of such a senate, but from the mere influence of wealth, however unduly obtained, they have seen this aristocracy, under the ignominious title of republicans, procure such a preference in the legislature, as to appoint a majority of the state members in the late convention, out of their body. Had such a senate, as they have now proposed, been part of your constitution, would the popular part of it, have been in effect more than a name. Can your fellow citizens then doubt that these men planned this senate, to effect the very purpose which has been the constant object of their endeavors, that is to overthrow the present constitution. And can you, O citizens of Philadelphia, so soon forget the constitution which you formed, for which you fought, which you have solemnly engaged to defend—can you so soon forget all this, as to be the willing ministers of that ambition, which aims only at making you its footstool—the confervers of that constitution, which gives your aristocratic enemies their will, and must trample your state constitution in the dust. Reflect a moment—who with to erect an aristocracy among you—Mr. Wilson and his party; who were your delegates in framing the constitution now proposed to you—Mr. Wilson, and his party; who harangues you to smooth its passage to your approbation—Mr. Wilson; who have you chosen to approve of it in your state convention—Mr. Wilson.—O sense where is your guard! there where is your blush! the intention of a state convention, is, that a work of so great moment to your welfare, should undergo an examination by another set of men, uninfluenced by partiality or prejudice in its favor. And for this purpose you are weak enough to send a man, who was in the former convention, and who has not only signed his approbation of it, but stands forward as an agitator for it: is this man unprejudiced? would any man who did not suffer party to overcome all sense of rectitude, solicit or accept so improper a trust? He knows, in the line of his profession, that the having given an opinion upon the same question is a constant ground of challenge to a jurymen. And does he think that this question is of less importance and ought less to be guarded against partiality and prejudice, than a common jury cause? He knows, that a conscientious man will not sit as a jurymen twice on the same cause: and is he in this most momentous cause, less conscientious than a common jurymen? What are we to expect from the work of such hands? But you must permit me to lay before you, from your own transactions, farther proofs of Mr. Wilson's consciousness, and of his sacred attention to your rights, when he counsels you to adopt the new constitution.
You know that he was one of the convention that formed, and recommended to you, your state constitution. Read what is there laid down as a fundamental principle of liberty—"As standing armies, in the time of peace, are dangerous to liberty, they ought not to be kept up." Read now what this identical Mr. Wilson says to you in his speech—"This constitution, it has been farther urged, is of a pernicious tendency, because it tolerates a standing army in time of peace. This has always been a topic of popular declamation, and yet I do not know a nation in the world, which has not found it necessary and useful to maintain the appearance of strength, in a season of the most profound peace." What a change of tone is here!—Formerly the mischief of standing armies was of sufficient moment, to find a place in a most solemn recognition of the fundamental rights of the people; standing armies were dangerous to liberty; but now they are only a topic of popular declamation, and are both useful and necessary in a season of the most profound tranquility!—O citizens of Philadelphia! do you hear, do you read, do you reflect? can you believe that the man means either wisely or honestly, who thus palpably contradicts himself, who treats with such levity, what your constitution declares to be one of your most sacred rights; and who betrays so little knowledge of ancient and modern history, as not to know, that some of the freest republics in the world, never kept up a standing army in time of peace! Can you, O deluded men, not see that the object of all this, is to fix upon you, with your own consent, a strong government that will enable a few proud, intriguing, aristocratical men, to make you the instruments of their avarice and ambition, and trample upon your privileges at pleasure. Your privileges, did I say, I beg your pardon; after a forerunner of every thing on your part, into the hands of a few, their pleasure will be your only privileges.
I beg you will pardon me, Mr. Wilson, for this digression: it is not a pleasant one, and I wish the cause of it had never existed. We will return, if you please, to your speech. "When we reflect, you say, how various are the laws, commerce, habits, population, and extent, of the confederated states, this evidence of mutual concession and accommodation ought rather to command a generous applause, than to excite a jealousy and reproach. For my part, my admiration can only be equalled by my astonishment in beholding so perfect a system formed from such heterogeneous materials." What a rhapsody is here; it certainly must have excited equal admiration and astonishment in your audience, and called forth those loud and unanimous testimonies of applause which Doctor Panygrie tells us, accompanied your speech. Nil admirari, Mr. Wilson, is a wise lesson, and when you recover from your admiration and astonishment which are always incompatible with truth and reason; I shall ask you what union in the world is so similar in their laws, commerce, habits, population and extent? Is there such difference between Rhode-Island and Virginia, as between Holland and Overijssel; between Massachusetts and Georgia, as between Berne and Switzers? Do not the several states harmonize in trial by jury of the vicinage; taxation by representation; habeas corpus; religious toleration; freedom of the press; separation of the legislative, executive and judicial functions. Are not these the great principles on which every constitution is founded? In these the laws and habits of the several states are uniform. But I suppose, because the citizens of New-York are not in the habit of being so ostentatious as those of Philadelphia, nor its merchants, of being such speculators in commerce as to fill the papers with bankruptcies; because in Carolina they are in the habit of eating rice, and in Maryland of eating homony; therefore the materials are heterogeneous, out of which this perfect system his subject of amazement, was formed.

What was this wonder working concession and accommodation? If they consisted in giving up, or hazarding any of the above fundamental principles of liberty, which I confess seems probable, because some furious spirits in the convention, and such there were, insisted upon it, such conduct may command your generous applause; but trust me, Sir, when the people come to feel that their rights have been so basely betrayed by those they trusted, it will command a general execration. And here I cannot avoid remarking on what I have heard and for the truth of which I appeal to you. It is that a member of the late convention said, not very honorably distinguished for his moral or political virtue, admonished his associates that, unless they carried the constitution through before there was time for considering it, there would be no probability of its being adopted. When I couple this profligate declaration, with the equally profligate measures taken by some persons to force it down in Philadelphia, and with the indecent speed with which others passed to Congress, and then to their several states, to hurry it forward—I confess I cannot help apprehending that such advice has not only given, but followed.
You would next induce us, Mr. Wilson, to believe, that the state sovereignties will not be annihilated, if the general one be established as the convention recommends. Your reason for this is as curious as it is conclusive. Because the state legislatures must nominate the electors of the President once in four years, and chose a third of the Senate once in two years; therefore they will continue to be sovereign. Sovereignty then consists in electing the members of a sovereignty; to make laws—preside over the administration of justice—command the militia, or force of the state—these I suppose, do not constitute its sovereignty, for these are totally taken away, and yet you are clear the sovereignty remains. Did you think, Sir, that you was speaking to men or to children, when you hazarded such little observations. Nor are they compensated by the very profound erudition you display in defining the meaning of the word corporation. In common parlance we should call this egregious pedantry. Such is the anxiety manifested by the framers of the proposed constitution, for the utter extinction of the state sovereignties, that they were not content with taking from them every attribute of sovereignty, but would not leave them even the name.—Therefore, in the very commencement they prescribe this remarkable declaration— We the People of the United States. When the whole people of America shall be thus recognized by their own solemn act, as the people of the United States, I beseech you Sir, to tell us over whom the sovereignty, you say you leave to the several states, is to operate. Did the generous confidence of your fellow citizens, deserve this mockery of their understandings; or inebriated with so unuseful a thing as popularity, did you think that every rhapsody you uttered, would be received as reason? That you may not expose yourself again on this subject, give me leave to recommend to you to read Mr. Locke, in whom you will find that sovereignty consists in three things—the legislative, executive, and negotiating powers, all which your constitution takes absolutely away from the several states. In Barbary-rare's Puffendorf, you will find these words, "La souveraineté étant quelle prescrit des regles generales pour la conduite de la vie civile, s'appelle pouvoir legislatif—étant quelle prononce sur les demeles des citoyens, conformément a ces regles, pouvoir judiciaire—étant quelle arme les citoyens contre un ennemi etranger, ou qu'elle leur ordonne de mettre fin aux actes d'hostilités; pouvoir de faire la guerre et la paix; étant quelle se choisit des Ministres pour lui aider a prendre soin des affaires publiques; pouvoir d'etablir des magistrats. The sovereignty, inasmuch as it prescribes general rules for the conduct of civil life, is called the legislative power—in deciding controversies among its citizens, conformably to those laws it is called the judiciary power—in arming its citizens against a foreign enemy, or ordering them to cease hostilities; it has the power of war and peace—the appointment of officers to aid it in the case of the public, is the power of establishing magistratres." Now, Sir, all these attributes of sovereignty, being vested exclusively in your new government, is it not a mockery of common sense to tell us, the state sovereignties are not annihilated? and yet you undertake to prove, that upon their existence depends the existence of the federal plan—and when this mighty undertaking is explained, it is because they must meet once in two years to elect part of the federal sovereignty. O fie! O fie! Mr. Wilson! you had yet some character to lose, why would you hazard it in this manner?
On the subject of taxation, in which powers are to be given so largely by the new constitution, you lull our fears of abuse by venturing to predict "that the great revenue of the United States must and always will be raised by impost"—and you elevate our hopes by holding out, "the reviving and supporting the national credit." If you have any other plan for this, than by raising money upon the people to pay the interest of the national debt, your ingenuity will deserve our thanks. Supposing however, that raising money is necessary to payment of the interest, and such payment requisite to support the credit of the union; let us see how much will be necessary for that end, and how far the impost will supply what we want.    The arrearages of French and Spanish interest amount now to  1,500,000    Interest and installments of do. for 1788, Support of government, and its departments, for 1788, - - - - -  850,227    Arrears and anticipations of 1787, - - - - -  500,000    Interest of domestic debt, - - - - -  300,000     500,000     4,650,227  
The new Congress then, supposing it to get into operation towards October, 1788, will have to provide for this sum, and for the additional sum of 3,000,000 at least for the ensuing year; which together will make the sum of 7,650,227.
Now let us see how the impost will answer this: Congress have furnished us with their estimate of the produce of the whole imports of America at five per cent. and that is 800,000 dollars: there will remain to provide for, by other taxes, 6,850,227.
We know too, that our imports diminish yearly, and from the nature of things must continue to diminish; and consequently that the above estimate of the produce of the impost, will in all probability, fall much short of the supposed sum. But even without this, it must appear, that you was
either intentionally misleading your hearers, or very little acquainted with the subject when you ventured to predict, that the great revenue of the United States would always flow from the impost. The estimate above is from the publications of Congress, and I presume is right. But the sum stated, is necessary to be raised by the new government, in order to answer the expectations they have raised, is not all. The state debts, independent of what each owes to the United States, amount to about 30,000,000 dollars; the annual interest of this is 1,800,000.
It will be expected, that the new government will provide for this also; and such expectation is founded, not only on the promise you hold forth, of its reviving and supporting public credit among us, but also on this unavoidable principle of justice, that is the new government takes away the impost, and other substantial taxes, from the produce of which the several states paid the interest of their debt, or funded the paper with which they paid it. The new government must find ways and means of supplying that deficiency, or in other words of paying the interest in hard money, for in paper as now, it cannot, without a violation of the principles it boasts, attempt to pay. The sum then which it must annually raise in specie, after the first year, cannot be less than 4,800,000: at present, there is not one half of this sum in specie raised in all the states; and yet the complaints of intolerable taxes has produced one rebellion, and will be mainly operative in the adoption of your constitution. How you will get this sum is inconceivable, and yet get it you must, or lose all credit. With magnificent promises you have bought golden opinions of all sorts of people, and with gold you must answer them.
CINCINNATUS. New-York, November 29.
State Convention at Philadelphia. NOVEMBER 21. SIXTY members of the convention being assembled, Mr. M c Kean proposed that the returns should be read over, whereupon it was done.
Hon. Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, was appointed president, and James Campbell, Esq. secretary.
November 22. The convention met agreeably to their adjournment, and on motion of Mr. Whitehill, the members proceeded in a body to the commencement at the university. After the exercises, were concluded, the convention returned to the state-house, appointed a committee to frame a table of rules for their government, and adjourned until to-morrow morning at half past nine o'clock.
November 23. The convention being met, pursuant to adjournment, on motion of Mr. M c Kean, they proceeded to the choice of a secretary, when Mr. James Campbell was duly elected. Mr. Burt was afterwards appointed messenger, and Mr. Fry door-keeper. An application from Thomas Lloyd to be made assistant clerk, was read, and a motion, complying with the same, was postponed.
The committee appointed yesterday to frame rules for regulating the convention made their report, which was adopted.
On motion of Mr. M c Kean, seconded by Mr. Smilie, resolved that the doors of the convention be kept open.
On motion of Mr. M c Kean, the constitution proposed for the federal government, was taken up and read by the clerk.
Mr. Wilson then moved that the time of meeting and adjourning should be fixed, observing that with respect to the time of adjournment, it had been found necessary in the federal convention to make a rule that at 4 o'clock they should break up, even if a member was in the middle of his speech, and he proposed that two o'clock should be the hour now limited for adjournment; but, after a short conversation it was agreed that the convention should meet at ten o'clock each morning, leaving the hour of adjournment unspecified.
A Baltimore paper of November 20, says:—"In September last, Col. Joseph Brandt, the celebrated Indian partizan, had a great council at Niagara, consisting of some of the principal chiefs of the six nations and Messatogers; shortly after the council broke up, Col. Brandt set out for Detroit, up Lake Erie, with two sloops and seventeen bateaux, loaded with Warriors, ammunition and provisions; a few days previous to his departure, he was heard to say, that the Long Knife (meaning the Virginians) were very troublesome, and paid little regard to treaties—that he would pay them a visit, & could treat with them upon a par, being accompanied by the tomahawk, as the Long Knife are always by the bayonet, and if they were for peace, they should find that it; but if for war, they should find that war accompanied him also."
Our accounts from Europe are to the gth of October, by which we find that there is the greatest probability of a French and English war: It is said if such a war takes place, it will be on account of the French garrisons at the Cape of Good Hope, and the island of Trincomale, Dutch settlements. Various are the reports respecting Holland; some say that Amsterdam is taken by the Orange party; others, that the patriots in Amsterdam, repulsed the Prussian forces at several onsets. Various are the reports likewise, respecting the disposition of the French Monarch in this affair; many suppose, that the hostile disposition of the Russians and Turks,
will entirely change the face of French politics.—As these are chiefly British conjectures or anticipations, drawn from present aspects, as reported to them, the public must wait with patience the arrival of another vessel, before any positively authentic information can be communicated.
At a Court of Probates of the State of New-York, held at the Probate-Office, in the City of New-York, on the twenty-eighth Day of November, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and Eighty-seven.
PRESENT, The Honorable PETER OGILVIE, Esq. Judge of the said Court.
WHEREAS Stephen Haight, administrator of JOHN SHERWOOD, late of Coxsackey, in the county of Albany, yeoman, deceased, hath by his petition presented to the said judge, set forth, that the said John Sherwood, was, at the time of his death, seized of a real estate within this state, that the petitioner had made a just and true account of the personal estate and debts of the said John Sherwood, as far as he had been able to discover the same, and that thereby it appeared that the personal estate of his said intestate was insufficient to pay his debts, and therefore requested the aid of the said judge in the premises, according to the directions of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of creditors against heirs, devisees, executors, and administrators, and for proving wills respecting real estates;" and the said petitioner hath delivered to the said judge the account in the said petition mentioned; thereupon it is ordered by the said judge, that all persons interested in the estate of the said John Sherwood, do appear before the judge of the said court of Probates, at the Probate-Office, in the city of New-York, on the nineteenth day of January next, to show cause, if any they have, why so much of the real estate whereof the said John Sherwood died seized, should not be sold, as will be sufficient to pay his debts.
51—th. 4w. PETER OGILVIE.
THE PUBLIC ARE RESPECTFULLY INFORMED, THAT the subscriber has lately removed from Princeton, New-Jersey, to this city, and now keeps the house lately kept by Talma-gge Hall, No. 49, Cortland-street (commonly known by the Boston, Albany, and Philadelphia General Stage-Office) and has agreed with the proprietors of the Albany and Boston Stages, to make his house the public Stage-house. Those Ladies and Gentlemen, who wish to take passages in either of those Stages, will please to leave their names with the subscriber the evening before the Stage's departure; gentlemen passengers and others, are informed that the subscriber keeps a house of entertainment, and accommodates gentlemen with boarding and lodging. Every attention will be paid to those who please to favor him with their custom.
CHRISTOPHER BEEKMAN. N. B. The gentlemen of the city are informed, that the subscriber has a large convenient Assembly Room, which he proposes to let during the winter season, or longer if required.
New-York, Nov. 13, 1787. 51—th.
JUST IMPORTED, In the Montgomery, Capt. Bunyan, from London, and other late vessels from Great-Britain, and to be SOLD on very reasonable terms,
By Robert Hodge, No. 237, Queen-street, the corner of King-street; A large and choice collection of BOOKS;
Among which are, ELEGANT folio-family bibles, with near 200 cuts in each, Burkit on the new testament, Brown's self-interpreting bible, 2 vols., Cruden's concordance, Warden's system of divinity, Whitby's commentary, Blair's Carr's, Erskine's, Boston's, Willison's, Atterbury's, &c. sermons, Neilson's festivals, Cullen's, Duncan's, and Hoffman's, practice of physic, Van Swieten's, commentaries, 18 vols., Boerhaave's aphorisms, 6 vols., Smellie, and Hamilton's midwifery, Leake on the diseases of women, 2 vols., Quincy's medical lexicon, Fourcroy's, chemistry, &c. Ainsworth's, Young's Cole's, and Besides the above, a great variety, Consisting of Ennick's latin Dictionaries, Davidson's Virgil and Horace, Duncan's Cicero, Kent's, Lucian, Clark's Cæsar, Homer, Nepos, Eutropius, Erasmus, an introduction, Simpson's fluxions, and Euclid, Hammond's algebra, Stone's Euclid, Loye's surveying, Guthrie's and Salmon's geographical grammars, Johnson's, Sheridan's, Ahe's, Dyke's, Baley's, Scott's, Perry's, and Ennick's dictionaries, Benner's christian oratory, Scott on elocution, elegant extracts in verse, do. in prose Lord Littleton's letters, Klopstock's Messiah, Hutton's mensuration, Hawney's measurer.
Also an excellent Affortment of STATIONARY, Genuine Writing Paper of different sizes and prices, Ledgers, Journals, Waste, Letter, and Blank Books of all sizes, Receipt Books, Bonnet and Commissions from the country are thankfully received, and carefully executed. 51—th.
THE subscriber will open a SINGING SCHOOL, on Tuesday evening, the 27th November, at No. 4, Peck's-Slip, for young Gentlemen and Ladies, where the Terms may be known by enquiring of Their humble Servant, THOMAS VAIL. New-York, Nov. 24/4, 1787. 46—c.d.
THIS DAY, THURSDAY, the 29th of November, Will be Sold, at the Coffee-House,
At XI o'Clock in the Forenoon, ALL that certain Messuage or Dwelling-House, and Lot, piece, or parcel of Ground, situate, lying and being on the east side of the Fly-Market, known and distinguished by No. 7; containing in breadth, in front and rear, twenty-four feet, and in length eighty feet, be the same more or less; bounded in front by the Fly-market aforesaid, and in the rear on Fletcher-street. For which an indisputable title will be given.
The premises may be sold at Private Sale, any time before the 29th of November inst. if application should be made to the subscriber, at No. 36, Smith-street, opposite Little Queen-street.
51 JOHN E. ROORBACH.
M. HARDIE, TEACHER OF LANGUAGES, RETURNS his most grateful acknowledgements to his good friends, for their generous patronage, since he opened a public school.
At their request he wished to introduce the practice of hearing his Latin Scholars occasionally read lessons in English; but finding it difficult to attend to a variety of branches at the same time, and wishing to do all in his power to promote the progress of the young gentlemen committed to his care, he has taken, as an assistant, Mr. Martin, a gentleman educated at the university of Glasgow, who, together with himself, will industriously instruct their Scholars in the following branches, viz. Writing, Arithmetic, Geography, Navigation, and the Greek, Latin, and English Languages grammatically.—Particular attention will be also paid to train up the young gentlemen to a just and graceful mode of elocution; and some time will be daily spent in teaching orthography.—Apply to the school, next door to the Methodist Church in John-street. New York, Nov. 27. 49—e. o. d.
STAGE.
THE subscriber informs the public, that he and his friends in particular, that he now runs the STAGE from this to RYE, which Mr. HALL formerly ran. This stage starts from Mr. C. BEEKMAN'S, No. 49, Cortland-street, on Mondays, and Thursdays, at five o'clock in the morning, and returns on Wednesdays, and Saturdays, at six o'clock in the evening.—As the subscriber has furnished himself with a very convenient new Wagon, and good Horses, for the purpose, he flatters himself, that he shall be able to give those Gentlemen and Ladies, who please to favor him with their custom, universal satisfaction.
N. B. The subscriber likewise keeps a very genteel COACH, with a good pair of HORSES, TO LET; likewise, Horses and Chairs, and Saddle Horses. Any order, left with Mr. Beekman, or at his stable, in Cortland-street, will be immediately attended to, for the public's most humble servant, OBADIAH WRIGHT.
Good STABLING for HORSES. New-York, Nov. 27, 1787. 49—e. o. d.
FOR BOSTON, The SCHOONER WEYMOUTH, JOSEPH TIRRELL, Master, NOW lying at the north side of Albany Pier, will sail in a few days.—For Freight or passage apply to the Master on board. Nov. 27. 49—e. o. d.
SHERIFF'S SALES, At the COFFEE-HOUSE. THE Sale of the following places, taken by execution, will commence at twelve o'clock on Monday the third day of December next, and continue from day to day until the whole are sold, viz.
The fee simple of a certain piece or parcel of GROUND, situate fronting Burling-rip, being fifty feet in front and rear, and twenty-five feet deep, on half of the lot is a store-house three stories high, which will be sold with the lot; at present in the occupation of Mr. Elias Nexen, to satisfy a judgement obtained by John Ramage against Jacob Brewerton. A House and lease of a Lot of Land in Front-street, near the Fly-Market, occupied by Mr. Cary, to satisfy several judgments obtained against Joseph Haight. Two and a half Lots of Ground on the east side of Bowry-Lane, running through, the first being 25 feet wide, and 240 feet long; on the lot fronting the Bowry is a good dwelling-house two story high, seized and taken by virtue of a warrant against the effects of Daniel Tier, issued by Gerard Bancker, Esq. treasurer, for arrears of Taxes.
A large number of very valuable LOTS OF LAND, situate, lying and being in the out-ward of this city, between Great George-street and the Bowry-Lane.
A Lot of Ground running from Fair-street to Ann-street, between William and Gold-street, with all the buildings thereunto belonging; consisting of two dwelling-houses and some back buildings, now in the possession of Adrian Bogert: the lot is in breadth about 25 feet, and in length 120 feet. One fourth part of a Lot of Ground, fronting the east side of Ferry-street, which lot is 76 feet in front and rear, and about 80 feet deep, to satisfy a judgement against the estate of Daniel Stiles, deceased. Two House-lots of Ground and Tan-Yard, bounded westerly, in front, by Ferry-street; containing in length, on both sides, 120 feet, and in breadth 50 feet, for the satisfaction of a judgement against John Harbeck, at the suit of Jacobus Van Nuyl. That convenient Dwelling-house and Lot of Ground, belonging to the estate of Doctor William Bryant, deceased, situate on the east side of Little Queen-street, adjoining the New Dutch Church-Yard.
The conditions of sale, and every other necessary information, will be made by the Sheriff, at the time and place of sale.
M. WILLETT, Sheriff. New-York, Nov. 24, 1787. 48 51 d. d.

POET'S CORNER.
ERENE COMPLACENCY, which diffuses itself over the mind when the conscience beams its approbative smiles, cannot be described;—like the peace of GOD it passeth all knowledge.
HE lives above the crowd, nor hears the noise Of wars and triumphs, nor regards the flouts Of popular applause—tho' empty found,
Now my ambition swells, my wishes soar, This be my kingdom—sit above this globe, My rising soul, address thy self around,
Yet once a day drop down a gentle look On the great mole-hill, and with pitying eye Survey the busy Emmets round the heap
ANEC DOTE.
A WELL known grave lady being in conversation with a gentleman, and asking him his opinion of several passages of scripture, desired him to say what he understood to be the meaning of the phrase, "he was clothed with curses as with a garment."
Alfize of BREAD,
As Established October 24, 1787. A Loaf of fine Wheat Flour to weigh Two Pounds Five Ounces, for Six-Pence.
HIGH WATER.
This Day, Nov. 29. 1h. 26m. Morning.
THOMAS SMITH, BOOT and SHOE MAKER, LEATHER CUTTER, AND CURRIER, Queen-Street, No. 179, Corner of Beekman or Chapel Street,
BEGS leave to inform his friends, and the public, in general, that he carries on the above branches in an extensive manner. He makes and sells the following articles, wholesale and retail, viz.
Gentlemen's best boots with the best English legs and bend-foles, bound with Morocco, 2 12 0. Gentlemen's best boots turned down tops, best English legs and bend-foles, 2 10 0.
As also, all kinds of leather, whether for shoe-makers, fadlers, or harness-makers use.—English boot-legs, bend foals as usual.
He wishes to inform the public, that, as he is determined to sell on the most reasonable terms, no credit on any account will be given, except to those of his former customers.
And likewise, that no shoes will be sent to any one for trial, except they be very well known, a he has already suffered too much loss on that account.
Country store-keepers, and others, will find it to their advantage to deal at the above store, as they can be supplied with upper leathers, foles, half foles, &c. by the dozen, on the most reasonable terms.
Black-ball of excellent quality for cleaning boots or shoes, wholesale and retail. N. B. Rough leather taken in and curried on the most reasonable terms. 24—e.d. 5w
R A G S.
FOR the Encouragement of the PAPER MANUFACTURES in America, the Printer hereof pays CASH, and the highest Price, for LINEN, and COTTON and LINEN RAGS
A FEW copies of that much celebrated work of the late Rev. Dr. CHAUNCY, of Boston, "On the Fall, and its consequences," to be had at this Printing-Office.
Just published by M. CARY, In Philadelphia, and now to be SOLD, By THOMAS ALLEN, Book-Seller, in Queen-street, New-York
American Museum,
FOR OCTOBER, 1787.
CONTAINING,
1. OBSERVATIONS on the late insurrection in Massachusetts. 2. Adventures of Col. Daniel Boon, one of the original settlers of Kentucky. 3. On the advantage of trade and commerce.
This Work is also SOLD by Messrs. Berry and Rogers, Mr. Hodge, and Mr. Loudon. New-York, Nov. 19, 1787. 42—e.d.
SOMERSET Confiscated Property.
TO BE SOLD, At PUBLIC VENDUE,
On Monday, the tenth day of December next, at Pluckemin, in the county of Somerset; ALL the undivided shares of
Cortlandt Skinner, Stephen Skinner, and William Terrell, in the Pepecq patent, in said county. Also, at Boundbrook, in said county, on Tuesday the eleventh day of December next, 367 acres of LAND,
Also, at the same place and at the same time, a large tract of LAND in Bernard's Town, belonging to Oliver Delancey, formerly sold by the commissioners of Somerset, and now to be sold for non-compliance with the articles of sale.
Besides cash, the following state obligations will be taken in pay, viz. Notes given to Soldiers and Officers for the depreciation of their pay, Militia pay Notes, and Notes issued by Silas Conduit. PETER DUMONT, 41 m.th.4w Agent for Somerset.
WANTED, by the Printer hereof, an APPRENTICE—a Lad of 14 Years, who is Smart, and well brought up, and has been through the School Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, and Grammar Classes.—None other need apply.
State of New-York, Court of Admiralty. Charles March, Timothy Penny, Abraham P. Mendes, John Thompson, Gad Wells, and others, Libellants.
Sundry goods, Wares and Merchandize, saved out of a vessel having no person on board, by John Shannon and others, and claimed by Gibbon Bourke, John Donnand and the said John Shannon and others, and claimed in part by Daniel McCormick for Hyem Cohen, and by William Cock for Richard Hall.
WHEREAS Charles March, Timothy Penny, Abraham P. Mendes, John Thompson, Matthew Fergo, John Howard, Gad Wells, Samuel Bells, and Peter Noyes, junior, as passengers, and Malcom Taylor, and Henry Harris, as mariners on board of the brigantine Port Roseway, have filed a libel in the said court, setting forth that in and with the said brigantine, in a voyage from the island of Jamaica to New-London, in Connecticut, on or about the first day of August, in the year 1784,
By order of the court of Admiralty, JONH GRAHAM, Marshal. 36 3m
JUST PUBLISHED, And to be SOLD, at this Office, By the Gros, Hundred, or Dozen, HUTCHINS'S, and the UNITED STATES' ALMANACS, For the Year of our Lord, 1788.
To be sold at this Printing-Office, OBSERVATIONS, leading to a fair Examination of the Government proposed by the late CONVENTION, and to several essential and necessary Alterations in it.
TO BE SOLD,
And Possession given the First of April next, a very Valuable, well improved, and agreeably situated
F A R M,
Nine Miles East of Fishkill Landing, BOUNDED by the farm late of Col. John Brinckerhoff, deceased, and two streams of water, the Fishkill and Sprout-Creeks, in an agreeable and healthy neighbourhood, and a fertile pleasant country.
New-York, Oct. 25, 1787. 38—t.h. 2m
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to PETER BERRIAN, of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Peter Berrian, their accounts will be put into the hands of an attorney;
JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—t.h. 3m
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to THOMAS WHITE, of the city of New-York, an insolvent debtor, that unless they make immediate payment to the subscriber, assignee of the estate of the aforesaid Thomas White, their accounts will be put in the hands of an attorney;
JOHN LOVETT, Assignee. New-York, October 16, 1787. 37—t.h. 3m
New-York RUM,
Of excellent Flavour and good Proof, FOR SALE, By Charles Tillinghast,
At the DISTILLERY, near the New-Market, in Cherry-street, and nearest to the Ship-Yards. October 2, 1787. 35—m.th.f.
To the Afflicted with WORMS. LATELY received from the western country, and may be had at No. 21, Beekman-street, an extraordinary and never-failing WORM POWDER.—From long experience it has been found, that three doses of these Powders will effectually destroy the Worms, either in children or grown persons. N.York, Sept. 13, 1787. 32—e.d.
FLAX-SEED,
STORED, Cleaned, Purchased, and Sold, at HARTELL and WOODWARD'S. Flax-seed store, lately occupied by Mr. JACOB SARLY, last by Mr. Nalh, between Van Zandt's and Murray's Wharves. 38—e.d.
A PERSON, perfectly acquainted with MERCHANTS' ACCOUNTS, would be glad of employ, in that line, either in Posting of Books, or adjusting intricate accounts. Enquire of the Printer. New-York, October 25, 1787. 38—e.d.
ALL persons are hereby forbid to trust any one on my account, without my special order, as I will not pay any debts, otherwise contracted. GEORGE CROOKSHANK. Nov. 18, 1787. 45 lb. 3w.
S H R U B,
Of the very best Quality, by the Hoghead, Barrel, or smaller Quantity, FOR SALE, by Charles Tillinghast,
At his House, nearly opposite the New-Market, in Cherry-street. October 3, 1787. 35—m.th.f.
The PUBLIC are informed, that the STAGES, Which ply between New-York & Philadelphia,
Will, after this date, start as follows; viz. ONE Stage every afternoon from Paulus-Hook at three o'clock, and from Elizabeth-Town at day-light; and one stage every morning from Paulus-Hook at seven o'clock, to go that day to Trenton. November 10th, 1787. 41—t.h.
LETTERS of INTELLIGENCE—occasional PARAGRAPHS—speculative PIECES—ESSAYS, &c.—are gratefully received at this OFFICE. For the greater CONVENIENCE and SAFETY of which COMMUNICATIONS, a LETTER-BOX is placed in the Window. SUBSCRIPTIONS for this PAPER (printed EVERY DAY, at Six, and ONCE a Week, at Two, Dollars per Annum) are also received here—and ADVERTISEMENTS, REASONABLY INSERTED.
*** PRINTING, in all its Variety, performed with NEATNESS and DISPATCH.