Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-10-10 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
[No. LII.]
S A T U R D A Y, OCTOBER 10, 1789.
[Published on Wednesday and Saturday.]
THE TABLET.—No. LII.
“When a man doth think of any thing that is past, he looketh down upon the ground; but when he thinketh of something that is to come, he looketh up towards the heavens.”
THE lively image, we form of approaching pleasures, constitutes one of the most sublime sources of human felicity. There is scarce a man in the universe, in the vigor of life, whose heart is not often exhilarated with the hopes of seeing better days. Nature has provided the charms of anticipation to console us under the pressure of past misfortunes and to stimulate us into new efforts. It exonerates part of the load we should otherwise bear from actual evils, and relieves the painful impressions that are apt to be excited upon a retrospective view of our affairs.
No man, however pure and elevated may be his principles, however prudent and fortunate may be his conduct, can look back on the different stages of his existence without some sensations of disapprobation and sorrow. His reflections can never produce such a degree of approbation and rapture as to afford a permanent and infallible security against the assaults of a vexatious or a melancholy spirit. The reflections even of a good man can not alone infuse ardour and transport into the soul. He must imagine as well as reflect. A young man bows down his head, when he thinks of what is past; and elevates it, when he looks into future scenes. An old man ceases to feel pleasure in what is before him, he is dissatisfied with what is past, and his head is perpetually bowed down.
Old men, as well as others, may derive consolation from anticipating the happiness of a future state of existence. But it is the design of this discussion only to treat of anticipation as a natural operation of the mind, and to suggest how far superior its pleasures generally are to those of reflection. It would be well for men to attend more closely to the structure of their mental qualities; and to bring themselves into such habits of contemplation as will render old age less insupportable than most men find it.
The reflections that follow a life devoted to the cause of honor and virtue are no doubt a source of some felicity. It is worthy the pursuit of every person, if it had no other advantage than what results merely from reflecting on it. But the constitution of our nature is such, that our lively, transporting pleasures must proceed from anticipation. Old men gain, by an attachment to certain habits, part of what they lose in the diminished vigor of their anticipations. It is therefore of importance that all men should form such habits, as will not be unworthy a rational being in the last periods of his continuance on earth; and such as will probably best assimilate with that purer state of existence, of which, as the doctrines of our religion inform us, all good men will participate.
EARLY MARRIAGE.
Original Letter from Dr. FRANKLIN to JOHN ALLEYNE, Esq.
DEAR JACK,
YOU desire, you say, my impartial thoughts on the subject of an early marriage, by way of answer to the numberless objections which have been made by numerous persons to your own. You may remember when you consulted me on the occasion, that I thought youth on both sides to be no objection. Indeed, from the marriages which have fallen under my observation, I am rather inclined to think that early ones stand the best chance for happiness. The tempers and habits of the young are not yet become so stiff and uncomplying as when more advanced in life; they form more easily to each other, and hence many occasions of disgust are removed. And if youth has less of that prudence which is necessary to manage a family, yet the parent and elder friends of young married persons are generally at hand, to afford their advice, which amply supplies that defect; and by early marriage youth is sooner formed to regular and useful life; and possibly some of those accidents or connections that might have injured the constitution or reputation, or both, are thereby happily prevented. Particular circumstances of particular persons may possibly sometimes make it prudent to delay entering into that state; but in general, when nature has rendered our bodies fit for it, the presumption is in nature's favor, that she has not judged amiss in making us desire it. Late marriages are often attended too with this further inconvenience, that there is not the same chance that the parents shall live to see their offspring educated. Late children, says the Spanish proverb, are early or-
phans; a melancholy reflection to those whose case it may be! With us in America, marriages are generally in the morning of our life; our children are therefore educated and settled in the world by noon; and thus our business being done, we have an afternoon and evening of cheerful leisure to ourselves, such as our friend at present enjoys. By these early marriages, we are blest with more children, and from the mode among us, founded by nature, of every mother suckling and nursing her own child, more of them are raised. Thence the swift progress of population among us, unparalleled in Europe. In fine, I am glad you are married, and congratulate you most cordially upon it. You are now in the way of becoming a useful citizen, and you have escaped the unnatural state of celibacy for life, the fate of many here who never intended it, but who, having too long postponed the change of their condition, find at length that it is too late to think of it; and so live all their lives in a situation that greatly lessens a man's value—an odd volume of a set of books bears not the value of its proportion to the set—What think you of the odd half of a pair of scissors?—it can't well cut any—it may possibly serve to scrape a trencher.
Pray make my compliments and best wishes acceptable to your bride. I am old and heavy, or I should ere this have presented them in person. I shall make but small use of the old man's privilege, that of giving advice to younger friends. Treat your wife always with respect; it will procure respect to you, not from her only, but from all that observe it. Never use a slighting expression to her, even in jest; for slight in jest, after frequent bandyings, are apt to end in angry earnest. Be studious in your profession, and you will be learned. Be industrious and frugal, and you will be rich. Be sober and temperate, and you will be healthy. Be in general virtuous, and you will be happy! At least you will by such conduct, stand the best chance for such consequences. I pray God to bless you both! being ever your affectionate friend, B. F.
RINGWORMS, ITCH, &c.
THIS is a cutaneous distemper very common among the Europeans in Bengal, as well as among the natives; and as the disorder is very prevalent in this country also, we present our readers with the following extract, containing a remedy for so distressing a complaint, which has hitherto frequently baffled the first medical abilities.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the Faculty at Fort St. George, to Doctor B. of the Bengal establishment.
“Sir PAUL JODRELL, from his skill in Botany, has made a discovery which is likely to prove of the greatest importance to the health and ease of Europeans in India; and will tend to the extirpation of that cruel and most tormenting of all maladies the Ringworms; and the remedy is as simple as it is efficacious. It consists in nothing more than a frequent embrocation, or friction of the parts where the eruption prevails, with common mushroom ketchup. This remedy, simple as it appears, has never been known to fail in removing the ringworms, Itch, or any other cutaneous eruption, after every other nostrum has failed.
“Sir Paul accounts for the efficacy of this Vegetable Curative, in the known noxious property of the mushroom to all animalcula. The solution or essence of this Fungus is proved by this discovery, to bear such enmity to the minute insect which is the occult cause of this disorder, that it immediately perforates the cuticle, and totally exterminates the infection. The experiment is easy, and a trial is recommended to those afflicted with ringworms, tatters, or eruptions of any kind.”
The “Worcester Speculator” is an excellent writer in Mr. Thomas’ Massachusetts Spy.—We have frequently enriched the Miscellany of the Gazette, by extracts from his publications—and we doubt not the following observations and facts from his 63d number will be generally acceptable.
“THE times are truly hard, and so will they ever be when intemperance prevails—when the people prefer the dissipation of a tavern to the cultivation of their fields. But happily for the community these habits seem now to be fast growing into disrepute; and temperance, economy, and industry seem now to be esteemed objects of importance: And experience will probably soon convince us, that we can labor as well, and enjoy our health better without inflammable spirits than with them. Probably not a quarter part so much rum has been drank in this part of the country the last year as was in the space of a year at the close of the war. Some of our principal retailers have not, if we can believe their asser-
tions, sold so many pints of rum the last year as they did gallons the year before; and then the quantity was much diminished from that which was sold a few years earlier. Our taverns too are generally still and quiet, and rarely do we find people of the vicinity resorting to them, but on business of some public occasion. Many of our principal farmers, in different parts of the country, have nobly broke through the pernicious custom of treating their laborers with rum; and they will not employ those who will not serve them without spiritous liquors. And they have found their account in it the present year—for it has been very observable in the course of the past summer, that those who have hired without supplying with spirits have had the best workmen and a plenty of them, and their work has been done the most neatly and with the greatest dispatch.
The mechanics also in many places, and especially the most reputable of them, have almost forsaken their cups. And men of business of all kinds appear to be convinced that they can conduct their affairs better without spiritous liquors than with them. In this way a great saving has been made the last year by the citizens in general: And let any one judge if any inconveniences have resulted from these savings.”
The following is the Speech of WARREN HASTINGS, Esq. made at the conclusion of the third Year since the commencement of his Trial.
“MY LORDS,
“MAY I be permitted to offer a few words to your Lordships? I find myself unequal to the occasion which so suddenly calls upon me to state to your Lordships what I feel of the unexampled hardships of this trial. I came here to-day utterly unprepared for such an event, as that which I perceive now impending; I therefore intreat your Lordships' indulgence for a few moments while I recollect myself.
“I must beg you will be pleased to consider the situation in which I stand, and the awe which I must unavoidably feel, in addressing this august assembly. I have already, in a petition presented to your Lordships in the beginning of this year, represented the hardships and grievances which I tho't I had sustained when only one year of this impeachment had passed. These have accumulated; many of them have proportionably accumulated with the time that has since elapsed. But in my sense of them they have been infinitely aggravated, when I have seen so little done, and so much time expended; such a long period consumed, and yet not one tenth part of one single article of the twenty, which compose the charge, brought to a conclusion on the part of the prosecution only. If five months have been thus consumed, what period, my Lords, must I estimate, as necessary for the remainder of the impeachment.
“My life, in any estimation of it will not be sufficient. It is impossible that I should survive to its close, if continued as it has hitherto proceeded; and, although I know not what to make the specific prayer of my petition, I do beseech your Lordships to consider what injury my health and my fortune must sustain, if it be your determination that I must wait till it shall please the justice or the candor of the Honorable House of Commons, which has impeached me before your Lordships, to close this prosecution.
“My Lords, I hope I shall not be thought to deviate from the respect which I feel, equally I am sure with any man living, for this high Court, if I say, that had a precedent existed in England, of a man accused and impeached as I have been, whose trial had actually been protracted to such a length, or if I had conceived it possible that mine could have been so protracted—I hope your Lordships will pardon me if I say—I would at once have plead guilty. I would not have sustained this trial. I would have rested my cause, and my character, which is much dearer to me than life, upon that truth which sooner or later will shew itself. This, my Lords, I would have done, rather than have submitted to a trial, which of itself has been a punishment a hundred times more severe than any punishment your Lordships could have inflicted upon me, had I plead guilty. What must I not continue to experience, by a life of impeachment!
“And now, my Lords, I beg leave to submit my cause to your Lordships; well knowing, that if it is in your power to apply a remedy to the hardships which I have sustained, and to those which I am yet likely to suffer, your Lordships will do it. I cannot be so unreasonable as to expect that your Lordships should waste more of your time in the continuation of this trial, when the year is so far advanced, and when, by the custom of the Parliament, it has been usual for your Lordships

to retire from the business of the session. I do, therefore, humbly submit myself to your Lordships justice and goodness. Yet, if the Honorable Managers could propose a short time, such a period as your Lordships could afford, in order to close this impeachment, which I have been told (perhaps falsely) was to end with the present article, I should be willing in that case even to waive my defence, rather than protract the decision to another year, or it may be for many years; I would pray your Lordships to proceed to judgment on the evidence which my prosecutors have adduced for my conviction.
"My Lords, I hope I have said nothing that is disrespectful to your Lordships; I am sure I have felt no other sentiments than those of deference and respect for this great assembly."
LORD CHANCELLOR. "Mr. Hastings, the Lords will certainly take into consideration every thing of the sort that has been said on your part, and which can possibly be conducive to the justice of the case: You will recollect that this is not at the instance of the Managers at all, but merely with a view to see how the best justice can be done. In any rule the Lords shall come to, they will undoubtedly entertain a full consideration of all those things which have been observed to you."
MR. HASTINGS. "My Lords, I rely with perfect confidence on your Lordships judgment."
A general murmur ran through the Court when he concluded. It struck us that every spectator drew a comparison in his own mind, between the fate of the man who had lost, and of the man who had preserved an empire to Great Britain.
The Lords then retired to their own chamber, and presently a message was sent to the Commons, that they would proceed further on this Trial on the first Tuesday after the next session of Parliament.
Thus ended the third year of this extraordinary Trial.
EUROPEAN ACCOUNTS.
VENICE, JULY 22.
AT length the republic are forced into the war with the Infidel, whose restless spirit has caused the apathy of the governing power. The navy is divided into three branches; one intended to carry on an expedition against the Barbary coast, one to scour the middle seas, and the other to protect the trade at home. Our Senate have voted a million and a half of gold ducats for this purpose, which is the greatest sum employed for that service in upwards of seventy years. The necessity, however, justifies the expence.
EDINBURGH, AUGUST 6.
On Monday se'nnight as three young girls were bathing in the river Dee, near Kirkcudbright, two of them were unfortunately drowned, and the third would undoubtedly have shared the same fate had it not been for the assistance of a dog, which caught her by the hair of her head while going down. The girl when she found herself seized by the sagacious animal, grasped it with an eagerness natural to one in her situation, which would have rendered such assistance abortive, but for the timely interference of a man from the shore, who, seeing the perilous situation in which she was, humanely ventured into the water, and laid hold of the dog, which still held her fast, and by this means saved her life.
LONDON, AUGUST 1.
FROM PARIS.
From thirty to forty heads are still called for by the Nation, (not the populace) and, if got hold of, will probably be in danger. M. LE NOIR, the late Lieutenant of the Police, is said to be apprehended, and the noted BEAUMARCHAIS is strictly seeking after.
Efficacious measures are taken by the city and the permanent committee, headed by Mr. Baily and M. de la Fayette, to prevent a repetition of bloody and irregular executions; all the suspected and accused persons are to be instantly conveyed to the abbaye St. Germain, and kept there under guard of the armed citizens till trial. Over the prison is this inscription—Accused, under the hand and safe-guard of the nation.
Addresses are coming in from all the towns and corporate bodies, requiring permission to form militias in their respective districts; a measure which will certainly be adopted: The whole difficulty lies in ascertaining what part of the executive power shall have their formation.
AUGUST 4. There are two hundred and sixty female convicts on board the ship bound to New South Wales. The crew, including officers, are about thirty in number; each of them will doubtless select a mate for the voyage, and government have sent them baby-clothes on board for sixty infants, on the probability that each of the chosen ladies may have twins.
A beautiful girl is amongst the number of unhappy creatures under sentence of transportation, who a short time since figured about town in the first stile of elegance.
The committee of the Hotel de Ville in Paris has employed every means to search after, and in-
vestigate all circumstances, which can tend to throw any light on the horrid plot that was prepared against the people, and the city in particular. The utmost vigilance has therefore been observed, in sending every paper to the committee, which has been found on those persons who have been arrested in attempting to escape. The most important documents from which any thing can be drawn were found in the portfolio of M. Bethier, and in the portmanteau of the Prince de Lambese, whose equipage was stopped, altho' he himself escaped. What has been already done, is thus related to us:
"This infernal cabal (the Queen's party) did not propose to dismiss M. Neckar till the 16th of July at night, at which time the army, under Marshal Broglio, were to enter Paris, and seize on the principal posts in the city, which were to be guarded with cannon. The next morning it was to be proposed to the National Assembly, to register the King's last declaration; and in case of non-compliance, the States General were to be dismissed, and a new Assembly to be convened, to meet next November, which was to preclude a double representation of the Third Estate, viz. the latter was only to have an equal number of votes as the other two orders."
"The King's declaration was to be sent to all the provincial Parliaments and Bailiwicks, and it was expected they would enregister it.—47 Members of the National Assembly were to be arrested; and 3 Bishops, 4 Curates, 57 Nobles, among others the Duke of Orleans, and 23 Commoners, were to be proscribed."
"A subscription of 12 millions of livres was promised among a few of the Nobility and Bishops but they expected the greatest assistance from the issuing of 100 millions of paper money, which was to be forced into circulation under a heavy penalty of refusing it. These notes were already printed off.—The Baron de Bats was to have been at the head of the finances. He had undertaken to make this paper negotiable."
"When it was hinted to one of the principal persons who advised this scheme, that it was possible the National troops would not act under such a system—"Good!" said he, "promise them but the pillage of Paris, and I'll answer for their obedience."
Such were the means intended to reduce the city of Paris, which was to have been the victim of a licentious soldiery.
AUGUST 6. The conduct of SPAIN has been charged as inimical to the freedom of France, and if the insinuation be established, it will probably be fatal to her transmarine interests:—Already a participation of her South American colonies between FRANCE and NORTH AMERICA, is spoken of among the leaders of the people;—and it is said, the condition of the division is an army of 20,000 men, to be furnished by the United States.
Copy of a letter said to be written by his Sardinian Majesty to the King of France.
"Dear Brother, "I am sorry that the meekness of your own temper, as well as the inability of your character, joined to the ignorance and treachery of your ministers, have betrayed you into your present unfortunate situation; but I can see no other remedy, but that your Majesty must hasten to grant of your own accord, what will otherwise be extorted by force."
Your affectionate Brother,
July 2,
VICTOR AMADÆUS."
AUGUST 8. The four Companies of French guards which continued to do duty over the King's person at Versailles, have now left him, and joining their former comrades, are incorporated into the Versailles militia:—The Prince de Poix, late Captain of the private guard, now commands these men; and his Majesty apprehensive for the safety of his person, has written to the Prince, requesting at least some invalids to mount guard at the palace gate. This could not be complied with, as the town's-people insisted on doing the duty, which they have regularly performed, having provided themselves with arms from the armory of the Crown.
M. Touret, an advocate of Rouen, is elected President of the National Assembly, in the room of the Duke de Liancourt, whose fifteen days are expired.
M. Touret's election is said to have been carried by the intrigues of the Clergy; he is not respected in an equal degree with either of the last Presidents; and dissensions among the Members of the National Assembly daily become visible!—The court party will not fail to make their advantage of this.
The patriotism of the young Count de Broglio is the theme of universal admiration; he had determined to fulfil his duty as a soldier, by obeying his father's orders to fire; but at the same time assured the Marshal, that he would place himself so as to fall the first victim of the people.
Rumors of plots and conspiracies are in circulation; and four people are in custody, charged with attempting to set the city on fire.
The Count d'Artois's banker (Pinet) has broke for upwards of half a million sterling; and many
circumstances seem to indicate, that the troubles of this country will not be so soon, or so easily composed as the friends of freedom and humanity had indulged themselves with the hope of.
FRENCH REFUGEE NOBILITY.
AUGUST 9. M. le Comte d'Artois, M. le Prince de Henain, M. le Marquis de Polignac, M. de Vaudreuil, are at Namur.
At Brussels are the following personages:—M. le Prince de Conde, but calling himself M. le Comte de Natreuil; Mad. la Princesse Louise de Conde, under the name of La Comtesse de Watrin. Mad. la Princesse de Monaco, changing her name also to la Comtesse de Levignan—M. le Duc de Bourbon, M. le Duc d'Enghien, Mad. la Comtesse Amelie, Duc d'Angouleme, Duc de Berri, M. le Prince de Conti, Marquis and la Marquise de Seran, M. le Marquis and M. la Marquise d'Antichamp, M. l'Eveque de Tarpes, M. la Duchesse de Brancal, Mlle. de Nieuwenheim, M. le Breteuil, with his daughter and grand daughter, Marquis du Chatelet, Colonel of the French guards, Comte de Choiseul Meuse, M. le Chevalier de Virieux, M. le Marquis de Belfunce, Marechal de Camp, M. de la Robert, M. le Comte Ducayla, M. le Chevalier d'Anteuil, M. le Comte d'Anteuil, M. le C. d'Epinchal,
AUGUST 11.
At Brussels the commotions and apprehensions of the people were such, on account of the Count D'Artois, the Polignacs, and other offensive characters taking refuge in that town, that the Magistrates published a notice, by which they were required to leave Brussels, and in consequence, the Comte D'Artois is fled to Turin. The Polignacs are also dispersed, but their destination is not as yet known. The Prince de Conde has solicited the Emperor's permission to remain, but his Majesty's determination had not reached Brussels when the last advices came away.
AUGUST 12.
NEW CONSTITUTION OF FRANCE.
On Tuesday evening, the 4th inst. the Vicomte de NOAILLES rose in the National Assembly, and, in a glowing speech said, now was the time for the Assembly to prove their genuine patriotism to the people, by shewing themselves their affectionate and disinterested Representatives, devoid of every motive but the public good; and by giving a great example to nations and to ages, in the sacrifice of "every abusive right and privilege whatsoever," incidental to all the orders, provinces, cities and communities, raise the French name to a height unparalleled in history, and consecrate their memory as worthy of representing the enlightened knowledge, the courage, the virtue of so great and generous a people.
No sooner had he made a motion for the abolition of the seigniorial rights, than the whole body of Nobles and Clergy rose as it were by one common impulse to express their warmest approbation; and the most sublime struggle took place for several hours, of who should be the foremost in pointing out some fresh offering to liberty. The deputies of the provinces, such as Franche, Comte, Burgundy, Brittany, Dauphine, Artois, &c. &c. and of the cities under similar circumstances of possessing peculiar privileges and exemptions, joined in the general burst of freedom; and after an enthusiastic conversation, not debate, which lasted from seven o'clock till three in the morning of yesterday, the following articles were unanimously agreed on. I have only time to send you the heads of them.
 ART. 1. Equality of taxes, to commence from the present moment.  ART. 2. The renunciation of all privileges for orders, cities, provinces, and individuals, a general uniformity to take place throughout the whole kingdom.  ART. 3. The redemption of all the feudal rights.  ART. 4. Suppression of mortmain and personal servitude.  ART. 5. The produce of the redemption of the estates of the Clergy to be applied to the augmentation of the salaries of parish priests.  ART. 6. The abolition of the game-laws and capitaineries.  ART. 7. The abolition of the seigniorial jurisdictions.  ART. 8. The abolition of the venality of offices.  ART. 9. Justice to be rendered gratuitously to the people.  ART. 10. The abolition of the privileged dove cotes and warrens (a dreadful and serious grievance to the French peasant).  ART. 11. The redemption of tithes and field rents.  ART. 12. It is forbidden to create in future any rights of the same nature, or any other feudal rights whatever.  ART. 13. The abolition of the fees of parish priests, for births, marriages or deaths, except in cities.  ART. 14. A speedy augmentation of the benefices of parish priests.  ART. 15. The suppression of the droits d'annates, or first fruits. The sum paid by France to the Pope on this head, amounted annually to 357,133 l. sterling.  ART. 16. The admission of all rank of citizens to civil and military employments. 

 ART. 17. The suppression of the duties of removal paid by the parish priests to the bishops in certain provinces.  ART. 18. The suppression of corporations and wardenships.  ART. 19. The suppression of the plurality of livings.  ART. 20. A medal to be struck to consecrate this memorable day, expressive of the abolition of all privileges, and of the complete union of all the provinces and all the citizens.  ART. 21. Te Deum to be sung in the King's Chapel, and throughout all France.  ART. 22. Louis XVI proclaimed the Restorer of public liberty.  These resolutions to be printed, and immediately circulated through the kingdom. There are several other articles; such as, the abolition of all unmerited pensions; all artisans to be exempt from taxes, who employ no journeymen; all suits for seigniorial and royal rights now pending in the courts, to be suspended till the constitution is completed, &c.
AUGUST 13.
The preamble to the famous Resolution which followed the sacrifices made in the National Assembly, on Tuesday night, the 4th instant, is short and expressive:
The ASSEMBLY CONSIDERING—
 1. That in a free State, property should be as free as the person.  2. That the strength of the empire can result only from the entire union of all the parts, and the perfect equality of duties and charges.  3. That all the privileged members, and the representatives of provinces and cities, are cheerfully disposed, even in emulation of each other, to make a solemn renunciation in the name of their constituents, to the nation at large of all their particular right and privileges—  HAVE RESOLVED and DECREED, &c.
The sacrifices of the 4th instant independent of the influence they will have on industry and enterprise, will produce savings that will fructify the national revenue to an amazing degree. The savings in the pension list will be twenty millions of livres a year.
The Viscount de Veneur has given a noble example of generosity to his vassals. He has an estate near Alencon—he assembled his vassals, and in their presence burnt all the titles to his seigniorial rights.
At St. Denys, the tumults of the populace have been attended with very alarming consequences; the Chief Magistrate of the place was seized and led to execution: two other obnoxious persons were also butchered. During the uproar, the grand benedictine abbey was attacked for the sake of its treasure; but although the riches supposed to be contained in the royal tombs operated very inventively on the people, in the end they forbore to commit this regi sacrilege.
PHILADELPHIA, OCT. 6.
Extract of a letter, dated Louisville, Aug. 1, 1789. "This day week the most diabolical design that ever was formed, was discovered in Martinico: It was an insurrection of the negroes, who were that night to have set fire to the large and beautiful town of St. Pierre; while the white people were all in confusion, and striving to escape the flames, they were to be butchered indiscriminately, man, woman and child. The combustibles were laid in upwards of 100 houses, (consisting of hemp dipt in turpentine.) The plot was not discovered till 5 o'clock in the evening, when a negro belonging to an old lady, stung with remorse on thinking that he must murder the woman who had brought him up from a child, disclosed it to her. The troops being thereupon assembled, 40 of the negroes were taken, armed with a hanger and long knife—the instruments which were in a few hours to have put a period to the existence of upwards of 5000 people. All the inhabitants have been under arms ever since, as they are afraid the negroes will attempt to rescue the 40 who are in goal—but this week they will be all rescued by the grim hand of death in the dreadful form of the rack. As it is only six hours passage to Martinico, I shall go there to see the execution, to be convinced if the rack is the terrible thing it is represented."
Extract from Lindsay's Hotel Diary, Sept. 20.
We have just received a particular account of the loss of the ship William and Thomas, Capt. Hunter, of Stockton, from Gibraltar for Patuxent. That on the 20th of August they supposed themselves nigh to the coast of America, but the weather proving hazy for five days they could get no observation; and the wind during that time blowing from N. E. caused a heavy swell, which, with the current, set them much nigher the Carolina coast than they imagined: The wind increasing they drove on shore in the night of the 24th of August, and stranded. We are sorry to add, that from the desolate part of the coast on which they were lost, the materials saved could have brought but a small price to the owners.
The Association of a respectable part of the Merchants and Traders of this city, for the dis-
couragement of Smuggling, is now on the Coffee-house table, where it will remain FOUR WEEKS, to be signed by those who chuse to support the measure: after which time it will be printed, with the names, in the different newspapers of this city.
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 10.
JUSTICE and MERCY are the pillars that support the throne of the Deity: Human governments formed on these principles will stand, will flourish so long as those principles shall operate: The experience of all past and present times confirms the truth of this observation:—Happy is that people who possess the magnanimity of spirit, firmly to resolve that all their public transactions shall, under all possible circumstances, be squared by these eternal rules of right.
The important object of making provision for the payment of public Creditors lay with great weight on the minds of Congress; but the variety of other business that claimed an IMMEDIATE attention; and the uncertainty that rested upon the operation of the Revenue System, as to its COMPETENCY and PRODUCE, rendered it highly ineligible to take up so complicated, and important a subject, when matters were so situated, that no adequate plans could be adopted: However, to give the most positive and unequivocal assurances of their future determination, on the tenth of Sept. the House of Representatives passed a Resolution to the following purport, viz. That it highly concerns the honor and interest of the United States to make some early and effectual provision in favor of the public Creditors of the Union—and that the House would early in the next session take this subject into consideration—and the Secretary of the Treasury was directed to prepare and digest in the recess, the necessary plans for this purpose, to be laid before the House at the session in January.
There is no act of the National Legislature that reflects more distinguished honor on the illustrious characters which composed it, than their determination to establish public credit. So great was their ardor to convince the community of their intention to do justice to all descriptions of creditors, that they could not put off their declarations relative to this subject, till funds were brought into actual operation. We accordingly find among their acts that they have honorably recognized the public debts, and given assurances that they have it in contemplation to make such provision for the purpose as the circumstances of the government will render practicable. This should inspire hope and confidence in the well-wishers of order and justice; and should finally extinguish the doubts that have been entertained respecting the eventual payment of the public debts. It should likewise teach the enemies of our government that they have deceived themselves in expecting that our affairs would continue to wear the same disordered aspect which formerly characterized them. The confusion and discord that those reflections men have wished and anticipated seem, like the contention which Solomon speaks of, to be left off before they are meddling with—For taking all things into consideration the Legislature have made as great advances towards putting into effectual motion the objects of the Constitution as any reasonable man ever expected. We still however must bear the complaints of the envious and disappointed. The opposers of every government form no inconsiderable class of men. Innumerable are the causes which excite discontent and clamor; and no period of the world has ever been exempt from men, who take a delight in stirring up uneasiness among the people, and reproaching the conduct of all the measures of government. Let the good citizens of this distinguished nation learn to believe that their rulers have stronger motives to do good than evil; that it is less probable wise and well informed men will commit blunders than those whose situation precludes them from knowing, what are the best methods to promote the public prosperity.
There is an unconquerable propensity in human nature to change,—To this versatility may be ascribed a great proportion of the evils of life: It seems to be more owing to accident, than to the facility, patience, and perseverance of mankind in pursuit of proper objects, that they ever enjoy the benefits connected with the best devised plans—and if America should fail of realizing all that happiness which she hath anticipated under the New Constitution it will be owing more to this cause than to any imperfection of the system, or (probably) to any faults in the administration: This fickleness of the public mind has, more than all other causes, contributed to keep the people in slavery—for the generous exertions of those who would become patriotic leaders, have too often been repressed by the dread, that the "HOSANNAS" of To-Day would be succeeded by "CRUCIFY HIM" To-Morrow.
The revolution in France is one of the most glorious objects that can arrest the attention of mankind: To see a great people springing into light, freedom, and happiness at once, from the depressions of Despotism and Bigotry, is something so novel, and so surprising, that the philosopher is astonished, and the whole world contemplates the scene with wonder, with rapture, and applause. Americans in a particular manner, rejoice to see among the most shining patriots of France, the most distinguished names of those veterans who fought by her side the battles of Freedom.
Is there nothing to be done to meliorate the condition of the lower orders of people in England, Scotland, and Ireland? There is—They too, we trust, shall ere long be completely delivered from every vestige of feudal tyranny.
ARRIVALS.—NEW-YORK.
 WEDNESDAY, Sloop Sally, Gorham, Alexandria, 8 days.  FRIDAY, Ship Hannah, Moore, Barbadoes, 27 days.  Brig Minerva, Smith, Cape de Verds.  Schooner Polly, Locey, Shelburne, 12 days.  Sloop Endeavor, Cunningham, Richmond. 
NEW-YORK, OCTOBER 10, 1789.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Sept. 19, 1789.
The SECRETARY of the TREASURY, In obedience to the Order of the House of Representatives, of the 17th inst.
RESPECTFULLY REPORTS,
THAT the schedule No. 1 contains an estimate of the total expenditure of the Civil List, for the present year, amounting to two hundred and forty three thousand three hundred and thirty three dollars, and seventy eight cents.
That the schedule No. 2 contains an estimate of the total expenditure for the Department of War, for the present year, amounting to one hundred, sixty three thousand and seventy eight dollars, and sixty six cents.
That the schedule No. 3 contains a statement of the amount of Warrants issued by the late Board of Treasury, which remain unsatisfied, being 189, 906 dollars, and 38 cents, which amount, as appears by the same schedule, comprises the sum of 34,657 dollars, and 67 cents, included in the estimate for the civil list, and the sum of 25,575 dollars, 34 cents, included in the estimate for the Department of War, leaving a balance of two hundred and eight thousand six hundred and seventy six dollars, and eleven cents, on the civil list, and of one hundred thirty seven thousand five hundred and three dollars, and 32 cents, on the Department of War: for which appropriations are requisite, besides the amount of the warrants.
The Secretary begs leave to remark, that he has inserted, in the estimate for the civil list, the compensations allowed by the late government to the Paymaster General and Commissioner of Army Accounts, and his Clerks, for the entire year, on the following grounds—The duty assigned to the Commissioner of Army Accounts, by an ordinance of Congress of the 7th of May 1787, is to receive from the District Commissioners, constituted thereby, the accounts and vouchers of the several States, for certain payments and advances on account of the Army and Militia, in the service of the United States, during the late war; and to examine those accounts; passing such as are authorized by the resolutions of Congress, and stating to the General Board of Commissioners such as do not fall under that description, with remarks tending to elucidate the nature of the claims they exhibit, to be decided by that board on equitable principles.
Hence the Office of Commissioner of Army Accounts forms a part of the system of that ordinance which appears to have been recognized as continuing in force by the act for settling the accounts between the United States and the Individual States. The Commissioner in question reports, that the accounts of New-Hampshire, Connecticut, and New-York, have been examined, stated, and are ready for the General Board; that those of Massachusetts and Rhode-Island will probably be finished in the course of a month; and that those of New-Jersey are now also under examination.
The Secretary begs leave further to remark, that the annual amount of Pensions to Invalids which has been usually comprehended in the Civil List, is estimated at ninety six thousand and seventeen dollars, and eleven cents, as per schedule No. 4, but it is understood, that a considerable part of these pensions, for the present year, has been paid by the respective States—though it is not known to what extent.
That there still remain unsatisfied warrants, which were issued by the late Superintendent of Finance, to the amount of ninety three thousand four hundred and sixty three dollars, and 26 cents, the chief part of which were granted for supplies furnished to the American Prisoners during the war.
All which is humbly submitted.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
ESTIMATE of the EXPENDITURE for the CIVIL LIST of the United States, for the Year 1789.
FIRST.—In relation to the late Government. For CONGRESS.
Dol. goths. Dol. goths.
The annual allowance made by the United States, in Congress assembled, the 23d Aug. 1787, including the salaries of the private Secretary and Steward, house rent, and expenses of the household, is thereby fixed at 8,000 dollars pr. ann. which being estimated to the 3d of March, the time fixed for proceedings to commence under the New Constitution, is, 1,358 81
  The salaries to the following officers are computed from 1st of January, to the times to which the late Board of Treasury have issued their warrant for payment, under a presumption, that they were entitled to salary until the delivery of the books, papers, and records of the late Secretary's Office of Congress, to the Secretary of State:—The Secretary of Congress, from 1st January to the 30th of June, at the rate of 2,600 dollars pr. ann.  1,300    Deputy Secretary, same time, at 800, 400  400    One Clerk to do. do.  450, 225    One Clerk to the 7th of May, at 450, 158 10  158 10    Door-keeper to the 31st March, at 400, 100  100    Do. for taking care of Office, for nine months last past,  40  
Carried forward, 2,223 10
(To be continued.)
3,582 1

The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON-WEALTH EXAMINED, (IN CONTINUATION.)
THE ninth reason is, "because the people are less luxurious than kings or grandees." That may well be denied. Kings, nobles, and people, are all alike in this respect, and in general know no other bounds of indulgence than the capacity of enjoyment, and the power to gratify it. The problem ought to be to find a form of government best calculated to prevent the bad effects and corruption of luxury, when, in the ordinary course of things, it must be expected to come in. Kings and nobles, if they are confessed to enjoy or indulge in luxury more than the commons, it is merely because they have more means and opportunities; not because they have stronger appetites, passions, and fancies, or, in other words, a stronger propensity to luxury than the plebeians. If it should be conceded, that the passions and appetites strengthen by indulgence, it must be conceded too, that they have more motives to restrain them; but in regard to mere animal gratification, it may well be denied that they indulge or enjoy more than the common people on an average. Eating and drinking surely is practised with as much satisfaction by the footman as his lord; and as much pleasure may be tasted in gin, brandy, ale, and porter, as in Burgundy or Tokay; in beef and pudding, as in ortolans and jellies. If we consider nations together, we shall find that intemperance and excess is more indulged in the lowest ranks than in the highest. The luxury of dress, beyond the defence from the weather, is a mere matter of politics and etiquette throughout all the ranks of life; and, in the higher ranks, rises only in proportion as it rises in the middle and the lowest. The same is true in furniture and equipage, after the ordinary conveniences and accommodations of life. Those who claim or aspire to the highest ranks of life, will eternally go a certain degree above those below them in these particulars, if their incomes will allow it. Consideration is attainable by appearance, and ever will be; and it may be depended on, that rich men in general will not suffer others to be considered more than themselves, or as much, if they can prevent it by their riches. The poor and the middle ranks, then, have it in their power to diminish luxury as much as the great and rich have. Let the middle and lower ranks lessen their style of living, and they may depend upon it the higher ranks will lessen theirs. It is commonly said every thing is regis ad exemplum; that the lower ranks imitate the higher; and it is true: But it is equally true that the higher imitate the lower. The higher ranks will never exceed their superiors but in a certain proportion; but difficult they are absolutely obliged to keep up, or fall into contempt and ridicule. It may gratify vulgar malignity and popular envy, to declaim eternally against the rich and the great, the noble and the high; but, generally and philosophically speaking, the manners and characters in a nation are all alike: the lowest and the middling people, in general, grow vicious, vain, and luxurious, exactly in proportion. As to appearance, the higher sort are obliged to raise theirs in proportion as the stories below ascend. A free people are the most addicted to luxury of any: that equality which they enjoy, and in which they glory, inspires them with sentiments which hurry them into luxury. A citizen perceives his fellow-citizen, whom he holds his equal, have a better coat or hat, a better house or horse, than himself, and sees his neighbors are struck with it, talk of it, and respect him for it; he cannot bear it; he must and will be upon a level with him. Such an emulation as this takes place in every neighborhood, in every family; among artisans, husbandmen, laborers, as much as between dukes and marquises, and more—those are all nearly equal in dress, and are now distinguished by other marks. Declamations, oratory, poetry, sermons, against luxury, riches, and commerce, will never have much effect: the most rigorous sumptuary laws will have little more. "Discordia et avaritia, atque ambitio, et cetera secundis rebus oriri sueta mala, post Carthaginis excidium maxime aucta sunt. Ex quo tempore majorum mores, non paulatim ut antea, sed torrentis modo precipitati." Sallust. in Frag.—In the late war, the Americans found an unusual quantity of money flow in upon them, and, without the least degree of prudence, foresight, consideration, or measure, rushed headlong into a greater degree of luxury than ought to have crept in in a hundred years. The Romans charged the ruin of their common wealth to luxury: they might have charged it to the want of a balance in their constitution. In a country like America, where the means and opportunities for luxury are so easy and so plenty, it would be madness not to expect it, be prepared for it, and provide against the dangers of it in the constitution. The balance, in a triple-headed legislature, is the best and the only remedy. If we will not adopt that, we must suffer the punishment of our temerity. The supereminence of a threefold balance, above all the imperfect balances that were attempted in the antient republics of Greece and
Italy, and the modern ones of Switzerland and Holland, whether aristocratical or mixed, lies in this, that as it is capable of governing a great nation and a large territory, whereas others can only exist in small ones, so it is capable of preserving liberty among great degrees of wealth, luxury, dissipation, and even profligacy of manners; whereas the others require the utmost frugality, simplicity, and moderation, to make human life tolerable under them.
The Editor hereof having had his name mentioned, as one of the persons alluded to in the Resolve respecting the publishing of the Debates of the Hon. House of Representatives, thinks it not improper to re-publish the following from the Daily Advertiser of the 7th instant.
From Mr. Greenleaf's Weekly Register. of Sept. 24.
"THE following motion made by Mr. BURKE on Monday, in the House of Representatives of the United States, which is supposed to respect FRANCIS CHILDS, Printer of the DAILY ADVERTISER; JOHN FENNO, Printer of the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, and THOMAS LLOYD, Editor of the CONGRESSIONAL REGISTER, was laid on the table for the Consideration of the members.
"Resolved, That the several persons who have published the debates of this House, in the Congressional Register, and in newspapers of this city, have misrepresented those debates in the most glaring deviations from the truth—often distorting the arguments of the members from the true meaning—imputing to some gentlemen arguments, contradictory and foreign to the subject, and which were never advanced—to others remarks and observations never made—and in a great many instances, mutilating, and not unfrequently suppressing whole arguments upon subjects of the greatest moment—thus throwing over the whole proceedings a thick veil of misrepresentation and error; which being done within the House, at the very foot of the Speaker's chair, gives a sanction and authenticity to those publications that reflect upon the House a ridicule and absurdity highly injurious to its privileges and dignity.
"Resolved, That to misrepresent the debates of the House, whether it arises from incapacity, inattention, or partiality, has a mischievous tendency to infringe the freedom of debate—and that this House should no longer give sanction to it."
AS the foregoing motion of Mr. BURKE respecting the misrepresentations of the debates of the House of Representatives, has been officially printed by THOMAS GREENLEAF; we think proper to acquaint the public that the intended resolution was published without the countenance or knowledge of the honorable mover, and as the motion itself, extravagant as it is, and which was withdrawn after being faintly supported, may leave an unjust impression on the minds of the public, we think proper to subjoin the following remarks, which we flatter ourselves will have a circulation and impression, at least co-extensive with the other.
It is extremely difficult to conceive how any person possessing common sense, could so far mistake the plain, full and positive meaning of the debates in the Hon. House of Representatives, as to "misrepresent them in the most glaring deviations from the truth;" but to "distort the arguments from their true meaning," requires some degree of ingenuity—it is extremely difficult however to suggest any plausible reason, which should induce the editors of the debates to do this—The whole world would resent the insult, so far as it was known; and the publishers would risk the countenance and patronage of the public. It is still more difficult to account for the long silence of those who would be more immediately concerned had this been the case—it can be imputed only to a conviction in the minds of the majority, that this has never intentionally taken place. It may have happened that one gentleman's name may have been placed before the speech of another; this may have happened without any design of "imputing to some gentlemen arguments contradictory and foreign to the subject, and which were never advanced," or "to others, remarks and observations which were never made" for humanum est errare —Mutilations of speeches are sometimes made with advantage; they seem to be the necessary consequence of a very rapid enunciation, or when the speaker's voice is small and low.
It would so completely establish the reputation of a public register of the debates, to have them perfectly accurate , that it is more difficult than all the preceding difficulties, to account for a Printer's wilfully making them imperfect, when it is in his power to do otherwise—it is a sort of felo de se against his own interest. To attempt to "throw a thick veil of misrepresentation and error over the whole proceedings" of the house of representatives, would be an undertaking so complicated in its nature, and so impracticable in its execution, that the person who should conceive the idea of making the effort in this land of freedom, and where the public proceedings are upon the day, would be a fit subject for a strait waistcoat ; and this to be done too "at the very
foot of the speaker's chair," is so ridiculous and absurd, that it carries its own refutation with it.
From whence it follows, that for a Printer in his publications to misrepresent the debates of the house, "whether it arises from incapacity, inattention or partiality," can have no "tendency to infringe the freedom of speech;" for it is impossible that any person can suppose that the house could sanction such publications; nor can any system of corruption for deceiving the people be predicated of such publications, as they would certainly appear to be without object or design.
The appeal is made to the candid and impartial. The original publishers of the debates in the newspapers, never proposed to give these debates so as to comprise the whole of the speeches at full length—Sketches only of the proceedings were their object; they have aimed to be impartial; their labors have met a favorable reception; their own sentiments have never influenced them in stating a single question; and it is not in the power of any person whatever, to point out an instance of their being controuled or influenced either directly or indirectly, by any man, or body of men, to alter, curtail, mutilate or suppress an individual speech, that has ever been heard by them, or published in their papers.
THE WISE RESOLVE.
NO more I'll wander thro' the verdant vales, No more I'll breathe the balmy western gales, No more I'll range the once enchanting bow'r, Nor strole with Laura at the ev'ning hour; But where yon wall with ivy cover'd round, Incloses sad the village burial-ground, Where weeping-willows spread a pensive shade, And mourn in silence for their neigh'ring dead: There let me walk in melancholy guise, There teach my soul t'expand her wings and rise Triumphant o'er the grave, and live above the skies.
CIVIS.
An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES. (Continued from No. XLVI.)
IN fine, we have not children or dunces to deal with, but a people who have as quick a sight of their interest, and as much courage, readiness and cheerfulness to support it, as any people on earth. We can have, therefore, nothing more to do than to make such propositions to them as are really for their interest, to convince their minds that the thing proposed is necessary and beneficial; and this is to be done, not by refinement of argument, but by devising and explaining such measures as will, from their nature and operation, produce beneficial effects. We must, with candor and fairness, in a manner open and undisguised, tell them what we want money for, and how much, and by a wise and upright management of their interests deferre and gain their confidence, that their money, when obtained, shall to the last shilling be paid for such necessary purposes; the tax will then cease to be odious. It will become an object of acknowledged interest, and every person who smuggles or otherwise avoids the tax, will be considered as shrinking from a burden which the public good makes necessary. Every attempt of this sort will become disreputable and infamous, and when you can connect the tax and character together, there will be little difficulty in collecting it, which will effectually obviate the great objection, viz that it will be impracticable to collect a heavy tax on goods of great value but little bulk, such as silks, laces, and the like, because they be easily smuggled, &c. Whenever they are to be sold, they must be exposed to view, and let the burden of proof ever lie on the possessor, that the tax has been bona fide paid. I should think it advisable to commit the management of this matter to the merchants, they are most hurt by smuggling, and of course have the highest interest in preventing it. It will be ten times more difficult to cheat and impose on them, than any others, because the matter falls wholly within their own sphere of business. Two of a trade can't cheat one another as easy as either of them might cheat a stranger. If the merchants would take the matter up, and make it a kind of professional honor to prevent smuggling, and see that the duty is effectually paid, there is little doubt but they could effect it. All this reasoning depends on this one principle, viz. that our public measures must carry in them wisdom, national fitness, justice and propriety; then they will gain character, reputation, and confidence among the people at large, and mutual interest will soon make the government easy and effective, every individual will soon find his interest connected with that of the public, and he will have every inducement both of honor and profit to stand well with the government and effectually support it. And in this way, even the great doctrine of taxation itself, that common and almost universal source of complaint, may become an object of acknowledged necessity, of confessed right, and the payment made like that of any other debt, with conviction of right and full satisfaction. (to be continued.)