Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1794-02-14 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States AND EVENING ADVERTISER.
[No. 55 of Vol. V.]
FRIDAY, February 14, 1794.
[Whole No. 513.]
JAMES LEACH, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, That from the encouragement he has received, from several respectable Gentlemen, he is induced once more, to embark in the PAPER LINE...
To be Sold at Public Vendue, On FRIDAY the 11th day of April next, at the house of John Thomson, in Perth-Amboy.
The Proprietary House AND LOT OF LAND, IN THAT CITY. THE Lot contains eleven acres, on which is an orchard of grafted apple trees, a well of excellent water, a large stone cistern, and a very commodious stable and coach-house...
TO BE SOLD, A large elegant House, and Lot of Ground, IN an eligible situation, also a Country Seat within 6 miles of the City, with 9 acres of land, or 42 acres of land and meadow...
Dally's Hotel. GIFFORD DALLY, Formerly Keeper of the City Tavern, and of the Merchant's Coffee-House of this City. RESPECTFULLY informs his Friends and the Public in general, that he has THIS DAY opened a HOTEL in Shippen-Street...
War Department. January 30th 1794. INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the fourth day of September 1793...
Excellent CLARET, In hogsheads and in cases of 50 bottles each. ALSO, A few cases Champaigne Wine; MADEIRA, In pipes, hogsheads and quarter casks, FOR SALE BY JOHN VAUGHAN...
Parry and Musgrave, Goldsmiths & Jewellers, No. 42, SOUTH SECOND-STREET, HAVE FOR SALE, An elegant Assortment of SILVER & PLATED WARE, JEWELLERY & fine CUTLERY.
THE Trustees of an Academy, or any individual willing to engage a person to superintend the Education of youth, in the course of studies usually adopted in Academies, or any branch of business requiring similar qualifications...
City Commissioners Office, January 30, 1794. IN pursuance of a Resolve of the Common Council, dated the 20th day of January, 1794, for dividing the City into five Districts, by lines drawn East and West...
From the American Minerva. SUABILITY OF STATES. I have, in my preceding remarks, exhibited a moral view of this question in the abstract.
I have, in my preceding remarks, exhibited a moral view of this question in the abstract. A single and summary argument decides it in a few words. The perfection of government is to render as perfect as possible the moral system.
on the discretion or integrity of another for justice, they depend on his mere will and pleasure; and this is precisely the dependence of slaves on a master—the dependence of a Turk on the Grand Sultan.
Now if one of the contracting parties is compellable to fulfil his stipulations, and the other is not; in the name of reason and common sense, let me ask, where is the equality of their rights?
The reason is not pointed to the single question as it respects the several states of America; it is applicable to the United States so far as they form a sovereignty; and to all sovereign states on earth.
Nor can I pass over the reflections cast on the judges of the supreme court of the United States, for their decision on this question. The clear explicit phraseology of the constitution, one would think, might save them from the sneers of certain gentlemen, in high stations...
What a strange absurdity do men indulge, when they zealously contend for an arbitrary power in many hands, which they tremble at, in the hands of one man!
visions of the state between individuals and itself, where is the principle that can control the narrow, partial, selfish, prejudiced views of man? Will universal integrity ensure justice?
Objections to be answered in a future paper.
MR. FENNO, THE enclosed animadversions on a publication under the Signature of Gracchus, which appeared in the General Advertiser on Monday the 10th inst. were sent to the Editor of that paper yesterday for publication.
Philad. Feb. 12. A. B. For the General Advertiser.
MR. BACHE, THERE are Hypocrites in Politics as well as Religion. Men who, under a mask of profession, conceal principles most opposite to it. Such a canting hypocrite I take your correspondent Gracchus to be.
The envious Philippic of Gracchus, who mistakes the impudence of faction for republican freedom, is directed against the most dignified and unexceptionable public character which ever conducted the administration of any government.
From the particular charges exhibited by that malevolent incendiary, one would suppose his performance to be the desperate effort of a disappointed man, or some of his satellites of mischief, sufficiently known in America.
By such insidious methods, he hopes, to shake the public confidence in their Chief Magistrate. But let him, whoever he be, know; let him hear it from a plain citizen and as staunch a republican as he pretends to be...

public Representative, vibrates thro' the feelings of every real American citizen in the remotest corner of the United States, who feels himself personally insulted thereby. Let Gracchus, let his abettors know, that thousands and ten thousands in this extensive country, cherish the name of Washington, as the vital blood which animates their hearts. Let these men know that the envenomed shafts of envy which they aim at this unspotted character, will fall, like arrows shot against the sun, with vengeful force upon their own heads. Let them know that the people of America, are men of principle, of steady character and the most solid judgment; that they do not change their opinions, men and manners with every moon; and that they subject neither the heads of their deserving citizens to the bloody Guillotine of France, nor their fame to the unceasing guillotine of malicious pens.
Having yielded thus far to the emotions of an indignant, honest heart, rouzed by its attachment to liberty, which has been wounded in the character of her first-born Son, I can proceed the more patiently to consider the production of Gracchus, in some detail, and offer a few strictures upon it.
His general positions in the beginning are true in themselves, but without an object at this day. They are certainly inapplicable to the case, with which he connects them. He seems, either not to understand, or not to distinguish between an "implicit reliance upon influential men; and a generous confidence in those servants of the public, whose fidelity has been severely tested on many important occasions, & proved incorruptible. Unequivocal proofs of the most inviolable integrity directed the choice of America to the President of the United States; and continued experience confirms their opinion of his merit. His eminent capacity for executing important trusts and his unparallelled fidelity have united all generous, judicious, noble spirits in his favor.
This has called him repeatedly and unanimously to that conspicuous post in which he so worthily represents the sovereignty of the American States.
He is the people collectively; for he is chosen by their suffrage; to speak in their name; to act with their power; and to manage with singular responsibility certain specified and important concerns of the government, on their behalf. He is thus a sovereign not of the people, but for the people, to transact our business with foreign sovereignties, and to carry into execution the public will, lawfully expressed. This kind of supremacy he has obtained by the only legitimate title, the OPINION, the KNOWLEDGE, the CHOICE of the people. And will Gracchus dare to say, that the opinion, the will of the people thus largely collected, ought not to prevail? Will he avow such a sentiment and yet, with unblushing front, pretend to republicanism? Will he impertinently suppose for a moment, that we ought to submit our opinion to his, and withdraw our confidence from the man of our hearts, to place it—upon whom? Enlightened fellow-citizens! upon whom? upon some disguised foe to our liberty, happiness, and peace; some dark assassin, whose best security is—his unknown name!! To mention this monstrous phenomenon, as a possible event, even in our era of political wonders, is to expose it to the most expressive contempt.
The allusions to Tuscany and Rome are the wildest imaginable. Can ignorance itself suppose, or is prejudice hardy enough to suggest a parallel between George Washington, the first of men, and the artful Cosmo, the bloody and terrific Sulla, or the ambitious Caesar? between power committed in trust by frequent, unbiased choice, and power assumed and indefinitely exercised, thro' the insidious arts, or the military force devoted to the ambitious will of those despots? between an enlightened and comparatively virtuous nation, in the youth of freedom; and people enervated by luxury and ready to submit their servile necks to the first master who was bold enough to command them or rich enough to purchase their prostration, by furnishing unbounded entertainments and expensive raree-shews?
As Gracchus has erred egregiously in the application of ancient facts to the present situation of America, so he is not less mistaken in his interpretation of the recent governmental acts of the President, which he has specified, and which he affirms to have been "incompatible with the spirit of a free government."
The dismissal of Du Plaine from his consular functions for a daring outrage upon the authority of this country, a fact authenticated by the clearest evidence, was an act the most salutary in itself, the most necessary from its circumstances, and performed in a constitutional manner by the President, who in all such public transactions, is the only organ to express the National will. To talk of a trial by jury in a case of that sort, is a weak attempt to mislead by the sound of words; and is just as ridiculous as to expect that the Indians should be tried by a jury before Gen. Wayne shall treat them as enemies; or Great Britain, before Congress had discussed Mr. Madison's Resolutions. Yet Gracchus asserts that this necessary severity was 'an outrage upon the trial by jury,' which in fact, as has been shewn, was not applicable to a circumstance of that nature; and that 'the Consul's conduct was sub judice , when the proclamation declared his guilt,' nay further, he insinuates, that a jury of our country acquitted him in the very instance wherein the proclamation passed scire facias upon him. Is this fact? Or is it not a gross misrepresentation calculated to deceive the unwary? If Du Plaine was tried by a jury at all; was it not with regard to a question of property or damages; altogether distinct from the public breach of the peace, for which his exequatur was revoked? Does this writer ignorantly or insidiously thus confound these two different objects?
The same ignorance or insidious design, has induced Gracchus, to separate, as Mr. Genet also usually does, the people of America, from their government. This he has attempted in his statement of Henfield's case, as well as that of Du Plaine. But, as well might the body be distinguished from its form, or matter from its colour and shape, as under our constitution, the people and their government be separated. How long time will these unpledged republicans require, to learn, that our government is the appointment of the people themselves, their ostensible representative; and the organ whereby they express their will? Surely the general voice of counties, cities and towns, in various parts of America, in favour of the President's official conduct, is a decided proof that there is no repulsion between the people and their own constituted authority; as falsely asserted by Gracchus from the proceedings of one or two uninformed juries: and the tremendous resolves of a county or two in Virginia, buried in ignorance of what passes in the political world, except what they receive thro' the partial medium of a disappointed party!
The firmness and wisdom with which the President baffled the repeated attempts of Genet to disturb our happiness and peace, have been decidedly and honorably approved by Congress. The 'dignity' and 'candor' of that Minister is sufficiently obvious to all, who compare his unqualified declarations on his first arrival in America, with his succeeding and avowed attempts to involve us in war; and those public instructions which he afterwards pulled out of 'his pocket' as the French interpretation of the treaty. His factious and intemperate conduct, and his 'undisguised' impertinence, not so much to the President as an individual, or to the delicate sensibilities of some imaginary court, as to the 'Sovereign and independent Republic of America,' in her Representative or Chief Magistrate, has involved him in just suspicion, and degraded him into an object of just contempt. Finally the affair of the Southern Sicarii, who have received commissions from him to commit the peace of their country with Spain, and his wretched explanation of that dark business has finished his career, and rendered him an odious object of abhorrence. The palliative complaints therefore of Gracchus upon the subject of this, almost, ex-minister of France, and his coarse reflections upon the worthiest Magistrate in all the world; are nothing but the effusions of a fretted and cankered heart, and deserve nothing but indignant reproach, from every honest man.
To conclude, though I dislike and re-
* Amelia county, the resolves of which were published; I believe also, re-published in our newspapers; and which speak so loftily about Citizen Genet, and so pointedly against Mr. Hamilton, is the native place, and the usual residence of Mr. G—s. Albermarle, which passed similar resolves, contains Mr. J—n's seat.
probate the language and the design of Gracchus, I am neither 'a slave nor a tyrant.' I have not tameness for the one, nor power and influence, nor congeniality enough with Gracchus, Genet or hollow democrats of any party, for the other. I have no more connexion with the President or the officers of government, than the most remote or obscure of our fellow-citizens in the wilderness. I never attended a levee, because no business called me there; and have never seen Mr. Hamilton or Gen. Knox, since their residence in this city. My feelings as a free citizen, on reading the slander of Gracchus, have been my sole prompters upon the present occasion. Urged by these, I have attacked the slanderer in the stile he deserved, and leave him to his fate with the public.
A. B.
CONGRESS.
House of Representatives.
January 25.
In committee of the whole on Mr. Madison's resolutions.
Mr. Clark observed that having made a calculation of the time which had already been expended in the discussion of this business, he found it amounted to seven days—He believed no legislative body ever before consumed so much time in deliberating on one subject—he hoped therefore, the committee would come to a vote immediately—any further expence of time he said would be to no purpose, and would be disgraceful to the legislature.
Mr. Hillhouse in replying to Mr. Clark said that it was the right of every gentleman to assign the reasons for his public conduct if he saw proper, for his part he did not wish to consume much of the time of the committee—he was not in the habit of making long speeches—and tho' he could not charge the member last up with exhausting the patience of the house, yet he never failed of exercising a right which he now appeared to wish to deprive others of—but notwithstanding the remarks of the gentleman, Mr. Hillhouse said he thought it his duty not to give a silent vote on a subject of such magnitude—he had heard with pleasure, and had been much instructed by the observations that had been made, and wished to hear what further might be said on a subject that might effect the most important interests of his country—For some time past he had, from his own observation, from the high price which our produce had borne, and the great demand there had been for it in the markets, from the pressing demand for seamen, and from the concurrent testimony of merchants, and people of every occupation, been lead to believe, that the commerce of the United States was in a most prosperous train—he had no reason to suspect his opinion till those resolutions were brought forward—They surprized him the more, as coming from a quarter of the country, from which he left expected any thing of the kind—and from which, only two sessions since opposition was made to measures which had the same object in view, so far as respects the encouragement of navigation and manufactures, because it was said, that such encouragement, tho' it operated to the advantage of the eastern, was a direct tax on the southern states—this made him less solicitous at that time, to urge measures that might have an unequal operation on the different parts of the union.—What great event has turned up since, to work this extraordinary change? He supposed the gentleman must have discovered some great impositions and embarrassments on our trade, which had escaped his attention, he had therefore listened with great attention, to hear them pointed out—as to theories, he thought they ought not to be attempted, but in extreme cases, unless the object was important, and its attainment certain; he had enquired into the restrictions laid by Great-Britain, on the commerce of the United States, and from that enquiry, as well as from the report of the Secretary of State, he found that the same restrictions are laid on other nations, that there is no marked distinction against us, but that the United States enjoyed many, and great advantages over other nations—He thought it unnecessary to go into a particular detail of those advantages, as the other gentleman had already done it. He therefore was of opinion, that to adopt the measure now under consideration, would be hazarding those advantages for the uncertain chance of obtaining something which was only in prospect. A gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Giles) had mentioned the dis-
criminating favoritism of Britain, to other neutral powers, viz. Denmark and Sweden, which was the only instance that even the ingenuity of that gentleman, sagacious in finding out difficulties, could point out in the navigation laws, or commercial regulations of Great-Britain, in which any discrimination was made to the disadvantage of the United States—and even that is not one of which we can complain; it was a regulation adopted in consequence of her present situation, as being in a state of war, and not for commercial purposes—the article complained of, is in these words: "That it shall be lawful for the commanders of his Majesty's ships of war, and privateers, that have, or may have, letters of marque against France, to seize all ships, whatever be their cargoes, that shall be found attempting to enter any blockaded port, and to send the same for condemnation, together with their cargoes, except the ships of Denmark and Sweden, which shall only be prevented from entering on the first attempt, but on the second, shall be sent in for condemnation likewise"—This article needs no other comment, or justification, than to read the remark of the Secretary of State, in his letter to the British Minister on this subject—"We had conjectured, but did not before certainly know, that the distinction which the instructions makes between Denmark and Sweden on the one hand, and the United States on the other, in the cases of vessels bound to ports blockaded, was on the principle explained by you, that it was yielded to those countries by treaty, it is not unfriendly to refuse to us, because, not yielded to us by treaty. I shall not contest the right of the principle, as a right to its reciprocity necessarily results to us." And it is upon this ground, that our conduct in admitting French privateers and prizes into our ports, & excluding those of Great-Britain, is justifiable; if then, the advocates for the resolutions, cannot find out any instance in which Great-Britain has made discriminations to our advantage, and many instances are shewn, in which we enjoy advantages beyond the most favored nations; can we complain?
The United States have not a sufficient number of ships to become the carriers of her own produce, and he much doubted whether the time was come when it would be for the advantage of the United States to extend their navigation so far as to answer that purpose; and should an imprudent adoption of these resolutions deprive us of British vessels, our produce would perish on our hands. Since we have not shipping equal to the carriage of our whole exports, we can surely find sufficient employment for those we have, independent of the trade to the British West-India islands; and tho' it would be a desirable thing to be admitted into that trade, yet is that an object of so much importance, that we could be justified in hazarding the most important interests of our country to obtain it? If the advancement of our navigation and manufactures is the real object, why adopt the discriminating quality? Is it not putting us in the power of other nations, and giving them great advantages without an equivalent?
Since it is admitted that we do not enjoy any special advantage from any commercial treaty we now have—it is my opinion, that if any regulations are adopted they ought to be general—if any nation wishes for an exemption and will give us an equivalent we can secure it to them by treaty—if we secure to them the exemption by law, they will be under no inducement to grant it as an equivalent.—France whose interest is intended to be advanced has never come forward and requested such a discrimination. Why then should we do it unsolicited? Ought we to return the late generous and friendly conduct of Portugal, by extending the discrimination to that nation? The gentleman who brought forward the resolutions seemed to be sensible of the impropriety of such a measure, and therefore, proposed to draw a line which should exclude that kingdom; this would point the resolutions to directly against Great Britain, that it would be much better to come out in an open and manly way and call her by name, than to do it in this indirect mode. He closed his remarks on this part of his argument, by saying that it was a question that admitted of some doubt, whether the commerce of the United States was not at present in as prosperous a situation as was for the interest of the country; and, whether it would be for the general welfare to give

it a greater stimulus than it now had, so as to divert the young men and farmers from other occupations and especially that of agriculture, and by that means under the pretence of encouraging navigation, to do a real injury to America?
He said he would now bestow a few observations on the political considerations which are urged to induce the adoption of these resolutions; and a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) has told us that three quarters of his arguments and inducements for adopting them are derived from that quarter. Say the gentlemen, the treaty of peace has never been complied with on the part of Great Britain: They excited a savage war on our frontiers, and Algerine depredations on our commerce.
These are serious evils that readily address themselves to our passions, and any attempts to palliate or lessen their influence, could not, he was sensible, meet with a very favourable reception. When we are, however, called upon to deliberate upon great national concerns, which involve both the honor and most important interests of our country, we ought to examine with the cool deliberate eye of a judge, and not under the influence of passion. That Great Britain has violated the treaty, does not admit a doubt, and that she was also the first to violate; but if we look at home, shall we not have the candor to own, that we have also violated that treaty? Do not some of the public officers admit that we have? There are mutual complaints—and the Executive have put that in a train of negotiation—and as the various acts of the State Legislatures, the adoption of this government, which has opened the Federal Courts in an honorable manner to the claims of British subjects, has removed the principal ground of complaint against the United States. And the able and masterly manner in which the Secretary of State has arranged and brought up the matter, he flattered himself would satisfy the court of Great Britain, and induce a full compliance with the treaty on their part, he thought the matter was reduced to such a situation that she could not withhold her compliance. A letter has been sent to the British Court thro' her Minister on the subject, to which no answer has yet been received—and one gentleman has gone so far as to call the delay a fresh insult .
He thought that candor required that we should admit that the reason they had given for this delay had some weight.—Have not we ourselves considered Great Britain as being in a very critical situation? Has not that in fact been the case? Have they not considered the government itself as being in danger? If a man's house was on fire, was it to be supposed that his attention could be engaged in regulating the mere unimportant concerns of his family? Surely no candid man will say that the government of Great Britain are very criminal for having delayed an answer to those representations, which have been forwarded from this country. It could not be expected that they would instantly lay aside all their great national concerns, to decide upon them—it does not seem to have been expected by the executive.
He noticed in the President's instructions to Mr. Pinckney—he was directed not to commit himself by ill timed or too ardent demands; he was to urge an answer as much as possible, without commitment, and on the first day of December, to give information of the state in which the matter was. The time in which we might expect an answer, is not yet arrived. We ought to wait a reasonable time—if the answer should be unfavorable, and all hopes of success from negotiation should fail, and there should be no prospect of a compliance with the treaty on the part of Great Britain; it will then be time enough to bring the subject under consideration. He wished to have it fairly brought up unconnected with any other matter, and such measures adopted as should be judged best upon mature deliberation, and after deeply weighing every circumstance. At present the subject appeared to him to be prematurely brought forward.
(To be concluded in our next.)
New Theatre.
ALL persons holding shares by transfer, are requested to give notice to the Managers at the Theatre, on or before Monday morning the 17th inst. at 10 o'clock, in order that Subscribers Tickets may be provided. Feb. 14.
PHILADELPHIA,
FEBRUARY 14.
Clergyman, whom you will recollect when you are told it is the one who debauched the daughter of his neighbor, (one of his brethren) and that almost in the presence of his wife, was the monster who added this to the list of his other abominable deeds. Forsyth was serving a civil process upon him in favor of a citizen of this state, when without the least caution or threat, he discharged a pistol at him, by which he died in 2 hours.—Allen immediately shut himself up, but it was with extreme difficulty that the magistrates could prevent the people of the town from tearing him to pieces—He was got to jail, where he is now in irons, and awaits his deserved fate. You know the situation of the worthy family of our friend, who depended entirely on him for their support, and are now entirely destitute; as he was in the service of the United States, in an office which afforded but trifling emoluments, and had long and ably served the public in the late war, would it not be possible to obtain some compensation to his distressed family for so irreparable a loss?"
CONGRESS.
House of Representatives.
Friday, Feb. 14.
A message from the Senate by Mr. Ovis their secretary, informed the house that the Senate have passed the bill for the relief of Thomas Jenkins and Sons.
The house then proceeded in the consideration of the report on the Delaware election.
The question for agreeing to the clause which states that John Patton is not duly elected to serve as a member being put, was carried in the affirmative, nearly unanimously.
The clause of the report which states that Henry Latimer is duly elected, being put, a debate ensued—
The question was at length determined by yeas and nays, 57 in favor of agreeing to the clause and 31 against it—Mr. Latimer was accordingly qualified, and took his seat in the house.
The Governor of New-Jersey has, by proclamation, dated the 10th inst. appointed the 20th of next month, to be held throughout the State, as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise.
A correspondent hopes, that the present republican Congress will, among other republican acts, bear a testimony against every practice, the offspring of monarchy. Birth-day celebrations are inconsonant with republicanism, and as such ought to be proscribed by every man who wishes to preserve the purity of the principle—It is to be hoped, that the representatives of the American nation, will not suffer a suspension of their functions, by an adjournment, to act the part of courtiers. If ladies and beaux take a pleasure in keeping up this farce, that they may have an opportunity to shew their fine cloaths, and display a pretty form, foot, hand, or face, it cannot be supposed that the American Legislators are under the influence of such frippery. Gen. Ad.
The chairman of the select committee on the post-office law, yesterday communicated to the house when in committee of the whole, a letter from the Post-Master-General, received since the report was drawn up, of which an extract follows:
The abuses practised by means of printers' newspapers, and the great and, for the most part useless burthen of them in the mails, induce me to suggest for consideration whether it will not be expedient to charge them with the same postage as those of their subscribers? In this case we should rid the mail of much lumber and make room for something of value. The Printers in the few great sea-ports receive large packets of newspapers by every post, many of which they do not unfold. One of the Baltimore printers lately informed me that he makes no other use of most of them than to furnish the neighboring shops with waste paper. Hardly any one printer would then take more than six or eight newspapers: now they receive from 30 to 50 or 60. Two years ago about 600 were received weekly at the Philadelphia Post-Office, for the printers of that city alone. If they are now charged with postage, the printers in half a dozen of the largest towns may, perhaps, agree on mutual exchanges, to the number of six or eight. The printers in other towns would probably content themselves with the best papers printed in their own capital, and a couple from the seat of the general government.
Formerly Printers used to publish the lists of dead letters gratis: now they demand and receive pay; and in the large offices this expense is considerable. In Philadelphia it amounts to a hundred dollars a year; though done at rates below the usual advertising prices. This circumstance at least lessens their title to the favor of receiving their papers free. If by means of the proposed restriction the Printers' newspapers were reduced (as they would be) four-fifths in number, it would be more practicable to expedite the conveyance of them; and expedition would much more than counter-balance the expense.
Extract of a letter from Georgia, Jan. 17.
"You will receive by General Gumn, an account of the melancholy and untimely death of our mutual friend Major Forsyth. That vile hypocrite Beverly Allen, of South-Carolina, the pretended Metho-
By this Day's Mail.
BOSTON, February 5.
The THEATRE in this town was opened on Monday evening—The truly Republican Tragedy of GUSTAVUS VASA, the deliverer of his country, was honoured as the introductory performance.—The House, as was to be expected, was filled, "from the lowest note to the top of the compass;" and the decorum observed was characteristic of enlightened freemen.—The ladies in the boxes, confirmed the observation of the Poet, that " beauty needs not the aid of ornament, but is when unadorned, adorned the most. " The request of the Master of Ceremonies, was universally complied with, and much benefit derived therefrom to the auditory.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 13.
Extract of a letter from a merchant in Liverpool, to the friend in this city, dated November 11—received yesterday per the ship Lydia.
"We have accounts this day, that the French have orders, and do capture, and send into port all neutral vessels, either bound to or from the ports of their enemies; for this purpose they have now seven large frigates cruising between Cape-Finister and the Lezaro. American ships are now greater risks than British vessels, as no American ship coming home, can be apprised of this late Order of the Convention. They have captured several Danes and Swedes, the only two nations they were not at war with."
Extract of a letter from Capt. Cheeseman, who sailed from Boston for Philadelphia, the 27th of November, dated Charleston (S. C.) Jan. 13.
"I arrived here after a passage of 46 days, with no provisions of any kind, having been on short allowance for 10 days, till we were reduced to half a pint of water a man, and half a biscuit between four."
"Seven days after I left Boston, got soundings off the Capes of Delaware, in 15 fathom water, but unfortunately it came on to blow a heavy gale from N. E. and by E. which obliged me to get off immediately into deeper water.—But it continued to blow so severe, that I hove her too under a balanced reefed foresail, to range off—this was 8 o'clock in the morning. A heavy sea going, and it blowing terribly, I shipped a sea, which entirely cleared the deck, washing overboard myself mate and boy; but by the blessing of God, I got on board again, and put the helm up, before my people got the mate aboard, who was 15 feet from the vessel, but fortunately caught hold of the cable, and so was saved: But the boy we never saw after; his name is Joseph Willcut. My passengers below received no material injury except being thrown from one side of the cabin to the other, notwithstanding she lay with her foresail in the water, half way to the gaff, for four minutes. The fore-sail split, and then the righted. In five days after, we got sight of the Capes again, and was again blown off. This gale blew all my sails to pieces. I have experienced eight of the most severe gales I ever knew, and was glad to arrive at any port. Having been preserved most miraculously from shipwreck. It may be proper to mention that we should all have perished after the first gale, had we not spoke a vessel from Mar-
blehead, the Captain of which generously and humanely supplied us with 40 gallons of water."
Extract of a letter from Savannah, January 29.
"Our harbor at present wears a more lively aspect than it has for six months past; we have here two copper-bottomed merchant ships from Liverpool, armed for their defence as letters of marque, and a 32 gun British frigate, called the Hussar, commanded by Rupert George, from a cruise, but last from Halifax.
"No doubt you have heard of the attempt made by the Negroes in some part of this state to rise, it was in Augusta and its vicinity, on the 25th of Dec. and there was not a Negro to be found in the town, they having all assembled privately at some house in the suburbs, all armed; but something of it being suspected, Gov. Matthews ordered out the militia, and he at their head dispersed the Negroes, and patrolled the town a whole night; by which precaution nothing was effected.
Departed this life the 6th inst. aged 23 years, William Heylegar, Esq. late of St. Croix—a gentleman of a most respectable family, and whose personal qualities and amiable disposition, endeared him to all his acquaintance, and whose death they most sincerely lament.
ARRIVED.
  Ship Wilmington, Magee, Cadiz   Alexander, Carpenter, Savannah   Lydia, Draymond, Liverpool   Brig Mercury, King, Jamaica   Nancy, Harris, Lisbon   Schr. Experiment, Bruce, Kingston   Union, Lovett, Petersburg   Atalanta, Skinner, Bermuda   Eliza, Fanning, Charleston   Sloop Industry, Allen, Fredericksburgh   Hannah, Conklin, Turks-Island 
JAMAICA, ff.
An Act for giving validity in this Island to Probates to be taken, by certain Officers in the United States of America, of Deeds to be there executed, and also to Exemplifications of Wills there proved.
WHEREAS, since the separation from the crown of Great-Britain of the late colonies, now called the United States of America, great inconveniences have arisen to many of his Majesty's subjects occasionally residing in those States, for want of a legal provision respecting the probates and acknowledgments of deeds executed in the said States, and intended to operate in this island: For remedy whereof, we, your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lieutenant-Governor, Council, and Assembly of this your Majesty's island of Jamaica, humbly beseech your Majesty that it may be enacted; Be it therefore enacted, and it is hereby enacted and ordained by the authority of the same, That, from and immediately after the passing of this act, any conveyance, letter of attorney, or other deed whatsoever, which shall be hereafter executed in any of the United States of America, and shall be proved by a subscribing witness, or acknowledged by the party or parties, before any of his Majesty's Consuls or Vice-Consuls residing in any of those States, or before the Chief Justice of any of the said States, or before the Chief Justice or any of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the said United States, and certified under the seal of any of the said States, or the seal of the said United States, shall be, and the same is hereby declared to be, as good and effectual in the law as if such conveyance, letter of attorney, or other deed, had been respectively proved or acknowledged before a Judge of any court of record in this island; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding: Provided always, That in all cases wherein the right or property of any woman under coverture is intended to be conveyed, she shall be examined separate and apart from her husband, by the Judge who attests the probate, and the said examination shall be certified in like manner as is practised in Great-Britain or in this Island.
II. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the probate of any last will and testament, taken before any officer authorized to take probates of wills in any of the said States, and exemplified under the seal of the State where such probate shall have been taken, shall be, and the same is hereby declared to be, as good and effectual in the law, as if such probate had been taken before the ordinary of this island; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
Passed the Assembly this 12th day of November, 1793.
WILLIAM BLAKE, Speaker.
Passed the Council, this 14th November, 1793.
G. ATKINSON, Cl. Council.
I consent, this 6th December, 1793.
ADAM WILLIAMSON.
Vera copia extur. G. ATKINSON, Sec.
* * The American Printers are requested to publish this act in their several newspapers.

This day is published, By MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, MARKET-STREET, (Price a quarter dollar)
A short account of ALGIERS, Containing a description of the climate of that country - of the manners and customs of the inhabitants, and of their several wars against Spain, France, England, Holland, Venice, and other powers of Europe, from the usurpation of Barbarossa and the invasion of the Emperor Charles V. to the present time; with a concise view of the origin of the rupture between ALGIERS and the UNITED STATES. Jan. 9. dit.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND SOLD BY H. & P. RICE, No. 50, Market-street, also, by BENJAMIN JOHNSON, No. 147, Market-street, (Price, bound, 6/6 3/4) Paul and Mary, AN INDIAN STORY. TO WHICH IS ADDED, The Indian Cottage
From the French of M. de St. PIERRE. "THE above Stories have been lately published, amongst the works of a very different nature, by M. de St. Pierre, who resided in the country which it describes, and was well acquainted with the principal facts. Its ornaments are the Landscape - the Climate - and the natural history of the Torrid Zone, observed with the eye of Taste, and delineated with the eye of Philosophical knowledge. It is a Pastoral, of which the fable and the machinery may be said to be equally real. To these are added, the pure vein of Moral Instruction, and the Sublime Ideas of M. de St. Pierre." Feb. 1. dit.
Insurance Company.
Philadelphia, January 6, 1794. NOTICE is hereby given to the members of the Insurance Company of North-America, that the Directors have declared a dividend (for the last six months) of SIX PER CENT, on the amount of the first and second instalments; and of one per cent per month on the sums paid in anticipation of the third instalment, calculating from the first day of the month following that, in which those payments were made. The dividend will be paid to the Stockholders, or their representatives, at the company's office, No. 119 South Front-street, at any time after the 13th instant. By order of the Directors. EBENEZER HAZARD, Secretary. Jan. 9. w&f. im.
STATE OF SOUTH-CAROLINA. In the House of Representatives, DECEMBER 21st, 1793.
WHEREAS the Commissioners of public Accounts, have reported, that they cannot proceed to the investigation of the Treasury Accounts, respecting special Indents, without knowing the outstanding amount thereof in circulation: Therefore,
Resolved, That all holders of special Indents be directed, and required, on or before the first day of November next, to deliver the special Indents in their possession to one or other of the Commissioners of the Treasury, who are to give receipts for the same, and to report to the Commissioners on public accounts, on or before the tenth day of November next, the amount by them respectively received, and also to the Legislature, at their meeting in November next. And that all special Indents not rendered into the Treasury as above, on or before the first day of November next, shall be, and the same are hereby barred.
Resolved, That public notice of this resolution be given in the several Gazettes in this State, once every three weeks, until the first day of November next. And that the Delegates of this resolution be requested to cause this resolution to be published in one or more papers in the cities of Philadelphia and New-York, and that provision will be made for the expenses attending such publication.
Ordered, That the resolution be sent to the Senate for their concurrence. By order of the House, JOHN SANFORD DART, C. H. R.
In the SENATE, DECEMBER 21st, 1793. Resolved, That this House do concur with the House of Representatives in the foregoing resolutions. Ordered, That the resolutions be sent to the House of Representatives. By order of the Senate, FELIX WARLEY, Clerk. ewt Nov.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE BY M. Carey, No. 118, High-street, The PROMPTER; COMMENTARY ON COMMON SAYINGS and SUBJECTS, which are full of Common Sense, the best sense in the world.
THIS little book is written in a style altogether novel, and is adapted to all capacities, as well as to all classes of people, merchants, mechanics and farmers. Such a reputation has this work acquired, that it has passed thro three impressions in the eastern states, and many house-holders deem it so useful as to purchase a copy for every adult in their families. - PRICE 2s. February 4. dit.
NORRIS-COURT, Back of the New Library, between Chestnut and Walnut-Streets.
George Rutter, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he continues carrying on the business of Sign and Fire-Bucket Painting, Likewise, JAPANNED PLATES, for doors or window-shutters, done in the most elegant manner, and with dispatch. Orders from the country will be thankfully received, and duly attended to. December 30. dtf
Just Imported, From LONDON, DUBLIN and GLASGOW, And now opening for sale, by MATHEW CAREY, At No. 118, Market street, A Large and Valuable COLLECTION OF BOOKS, Among which are the following: NEW Annual Register for 1792 European Magazine for the first six months of 1793
Gibbons decline and fall of the Roman Empire Memoirs of the Manchester Society, 3 vols. Priestly on matter and spirit on christianity Disney's life of Dr. Jortin Kingville's ancient geography D'Anois of Guy Joli Memy, a collection of essays Varisco's Prussia's works Calm observer - by Mackintosh Russell's ancient and modern Europe Langborne's Plutarch Elegant extracts, superbly gilt Elegant extracts of natural history Saugnier and Brisson's voyage Rochon's voyage to Madagascar Townsend's travels in Spain Tasso's Jerusalem delivered Smellie's translation of Buffon Berwick's history of quadrupeds Buffon abridged History of birds Philips's history of inland navigation Hooper's rational recreations History of France, in 3 vols. Curiosities of literature, 3 vols. Whitaker's defence of queen Mary Sheridan's dictionary, 2 vols. Dow's history of Hindostan Sketches of the Hindoos Key to polite literature Imlay's description of Kentucky Present state of Nova-Scotia Present state of Hudson's Bay Preston on masonry Lavater on physiognomy, abridged Zimmerman's survey Murphy's life of Dr. Johnson Necker on executive power Kisses of Secundus Gallery of portraits Volney's ruins of empires
Travels Vaillant's travels, with superb engravings Downman's infancy Adair's history of American Indians Benington on materialism and immaterialism Berthold's advice to patriotic travellers Builder's magazine Complete farmer Chandon's life of Voltaire De Non's travels Franklin's life and works Grozier's description of China Murphy's translation of Tacitus Godwin on political justice Gazetteer of France, 3 vols. Helvetius on man Kames's sketches of the history of man Liberal opinions, or the history of Benignus Mawe's gardener's dictionary Noble's memoirs of the Cromwell family Playhouse dictionary Reveries of solitude Smith's theory of moral sentiments Stackhouse's history of the bible Watson's life of Philip II. & III. Wonders of nature and art, 6 vols. Wanley's wonders of the little world, called man Wallis on the prevention of diseases Moore's journal in France Cox's travels into Denmark, Russia, Poland, &c. Cox's travels into Switzerland Rabant's history of the French revolution Life of Lord Chatham Mallet's northern antiquities Motherby's medical dictionary Grigg's advice to females Hamilton's outlines of the practice of midwifery Manning's practice of physic Cleghorn's diseases of Minorca Innes on the mules Pott's works Fourcroy's chemistry Armstrong on diseases of children Quincy's dispensatory Edinburgh dispensatory Lewis's dispensatory Ryan on the asthma Robertson's treatise on fevers Lee's botany Leake on the viscera Leake on diseases of women Nicholson's chemistry Gardiner on the animal economy Lewis's Materia Medica Fordyce on digestion Withering on the fox glove Lind on the diseases of heat Monro on diseases of armies Haller's physiology Spalanzani's dissertations London practice of physic Bell's surgery Chaptal's chemistry.
Peale's Museum,
HAS lately received a number of articles; among which are the following: That remarkable bird called the Cut-water, or scissor-bill; The Avocette, commonly called the Shoemaker, because of its bill resembling a crooked awl - The Long-legs, commonly called the Black-bet, having perhaps the longest legs, in proportion to the size of the bird, of any of the feathered tribe - The Storm-finch, commonly called mother Cary's chicken - The Sea-swallow, and various Gulls; besides a variety of Cranes, Curlews, Snipes, &c.
The skull of a Whale and one of its Vertebrae. An Indian hatchet made of chrysal: It is curious that those uninformed wild people, having very little knowledge of the arts, and being ignorant even of the existence of iron and steel, should be able to form such hard substances into fanciful forms as this, and other Indian manufactures now in the Museum.
A lignified Quince: The specimen shews what a remarkable effect a dry warm situation has on fruit. It is now about 8 years since it was gathered; and it was a real quince, now become wood, at least in appearance. Presented by Mrs. Manson of Charlestown, S. C. - a tool used by the Otaheians in making their bark cloth, by pounding the bark on this instrument of wood, it produces the ribs which resemble threads: the perfectly straight and equal lines made in this extreme hard wood, by men without the use of iron, are curious & wonderful.
Also, a rope made of grass, part of the rigging of a vessel of Kamtschatka. Presented by Dr. Hall, of Lewis-town, a Squib in spirits: when this fish was found, a number of stones were appended to strings or ligaments that projected from the front of its head, which occasioned a conjecture, as it is not furnished with sufficient fins to resist the violence of the tide and currents, that it fastened with these ligaments on whatever it found at the bottom; so that the stones answered the purpose of anchors and the ligaments of a glutinous sticky nature, that of cables. Some of the stones are in the same phial.
A collection of Minerals and other Fossils are now displayed in drawers covered with glass and in a mode which will secure them from derangement. To each specimen are affixed references to a book of descriptions. This management of specimens of the Fossil kingdom, renders this part of the Museum very convenient and satisfactory, and great attention will be paid to the systematical order of them, and in making the necessary essays of each: Also in giving in a concise manner, the various uses they are applied to; thereby rendering them the more interesting to the public.
A Living Elk, of 2 years old, is just received. By the account which monf. Buffon gives of the Elk, it appears that he was not acquainted with this American animal; he particularly omits all notice of the curious apertures adjoining the eyes of this Elk.
George Bringhurst, COACH-MAKER,
In Mulberry (Arch) between Fourth and Fifth Streets, adjoining the Episcopal burying-ground,
TAKES this opportunity of returning his grateful thanks to his former employers, and requesting their future favors, as well as those of the public in general.
He continues to make and repair at the shortest notice, all kinds of pleasure carriages, such as coaches, chariots, phaetons with and without crane necks, coaches, chaises, kittereens, windfor fulkeys and chairs, and harness of every description, in the neatest and newest fashion now prevailing in the United States.
And as he has a quantity of the best seasoned wood by him, and capital workmen, he has not the least doubt but he will be able to give satisfaction to those who please to employ him.
He has for sale, several carriages almost finished, such as coaches, an Italian windfor chair, hung on steel springs, a light phaeton for one or two horses, and a sulkey with a falling top.
Carriages sold on Commission. Philadelphia, Jan. 6, 1794. m&t3m
Notice is hereby given,
THAT the subscriber has been duly appointed Administratrix on the estate of his Excellency JOHN HANCOCK, Esq. late of Boston, in the county of Suffolk, deceased, and has taken upon herself that trust, by giving bonds as the law directs - and all persons interested, are desired to take notice accordingly.
DOROTHY HANCOCK. Boston, Nov. 13, 1793.
Take Notice.
ALL persons who have any demands against the Estate of his late Excellency JOHN HANCOCK, Esq. deceased, are requested to exhibit the same to the Subscriber, Attorney to the Administratrix of said Estate: And all persons who stand indebted to said Estate, are requested to settle with him immediately; as the Act of Limitation of Actions, which is to take place on the first day of December next, will otherwise render it necessary for him to commence suits against them.
JOSEPH MAY, Attorney to the Administratrix. Boston, Nov. 13, 1793.
N. B. The Printers throughout this Commonwealth, are requested to insert this in their respective newspapers, and forward their accounts for the same, to J. M.
Bank of the United States.
January 6th, 1794. NOTICE is hereby given, that there will be paid at the Bank, after the sixteenth instant, to the Stockholders or their representatives, duly authorized fifteen dollars and fifty cents for each share, being the dividend declared for the last six months. By Order, JOHN KEAN, Cashier. 3w
ALL persons having any demands against the estate of GEORGE WIBLE, late of the city of Philadelphia, baker, are requested to bring in their accounts, properly authenticated; and those who are indebted, are desired to make immediate payment. HENRY REES, Administrator. January 13. 2aw3w.
Encyclopedia, Vol. X.
JUST PUBLISHED, By THOMAS DOBSON, Bookseller, at the Stone House, in Second-street Philadelphia. VOLUME X. OF ENCYCLOPEDIA; or DICTIONARY Of Arts, Sciences, and Miscellaneous Literature, on a Plan entirely new; BY WHICH
The Different Sciences and Arts, are digested into the form of Distinct Treaties or Systems:
THIS volume contains principles of Levels, Liberty, Doctrine of Light, Lightning, Locks, Logarithms, Logic, History of London, Longitude, Luther, Lydia, Macedon, Madagascar, Magic, Magnetism, Malt, History of Man, Marriage, Mary, Maryland, Masonry, Materia Medica, Meadow, Mechanics, with a great variety of Biographical and Miscellaneous articles, illustrated with TWENTY TWO COPPERPLATES.
As a number of families are still in the country, and it is not generally known who are returned. T. Dobson, solicits the favor of the subscribers to call or send for their volumes, that they may be supplied as early as possible.
The TENTH VOLUME of the Encyclopedia is now presented to the public; but as it makes its appearance in an imperfect state, some account of the reason of that imperfection should be given. On the 8th of September last, the Publisher had the misfortune of having his Printing-Office burnt down by a fire which broke out in the neighbourhood, and a great quantity of his printing materials destroyed, and among other articles, the FIGURES, with which he was printing the TABLES OF LOGARITHMS, belonging to the present volume, were melted down by the violence of the fire. As a supply of these could not be immediately obtained, he was under the necessity of publishing the volume without these TABLES; but hopes he shall be able to publish them with the next volume which is now in considerable forwardness.
The Publisher embraces this opportunity of expressing his grateful acknowledgments to the generous public, for the very liberal patronage with which his undertaking has been honored; at the same time he takes the liberty of representing to such of the subscribers as are in arrears, the indispensable necessity of punctuality, both in taking up the volumes as early as possible after publication, and of paying for them when taken. Many of the subscribers having got only one, two, three, &c. volumes, and several volumes remain UNPAID. Thus the work hangs in all its different stages from the commencement; and though the importance of a few dollars may be but a trifle to the individuals, yet the accumulation of these trifles UNPAID lays the Publisher under very serious embarrassment, and deprives him of the use of many Thousands of Dollars which at this time would be of very essential service. For these reasons the Publisher finds himself under the necessity of recurring to the original terms of publication, and in future no volumes will be delivered but only to those who take and pay to the time of publication. December 12. 2awtt J.
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 16, Wall-street, NEW-YORK. THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE & SALE of STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch. Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States, will be strictly attended to. LEONARD BLECKER.
Terms of Subscription for this Gazette, are Six Dollars per annum - to be paid half-yearly. Subscriptions of persons who reside at a distance from the city, to be twelve months in advance, or payment to be guaranteed at the place of publication.
Advertisements of one square, or less, inserted four times for One Dollar - once, for Fifty Cents - and continuations at Twenty Cents each - these of greater length in proportion. Favors in this line, and Subscriptions, will be gratefully received at the Office in South Fourth-street, five doors north of the Indian Queen.
PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED BY JOHN FENNO, No. 30. South Fourth-Street.