The national intelligencer and Washington advertiser. (Washington City [D.C.]), 1802-02-05 00:00:00

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER,
AND WASHINGTON ADVERTISER.
Vol. II.
WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE.
No. CXGV.
FIVE DOLLS. PER ANN.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 5th, 1803.
PAID IN ADVANCE.
CIVIL CODE OF FRANCE.
Preliminary Speech by Portalis upon presenting the first law of the civil code.
Citizens Legislators,
The government has considered as one of its first cares, the fulfilment of the wish manifested in the deliberations of our national assemblies for the formation, so ardently desired, of a civil legislation.
War, which has so frequently the effect of suspending the career of salutary projects, has not checked our operations relative to this great work.
Those operations commenced with the very constitution under which we have the happiness of living.
At the close of your last session, the plan of a civil code was distributed among you, in order that each of you might, in the bosom of his family, and assisted by the mildest inspirations of sentiment, meditate, as husband, child and father, the rules and maxims which he was loon to have to proclaim as a legislator.
At the same period, the plan of the code was sent to the tribunal of annulment ( Cassation ) and to all the tribunals of appeal, which appointed commissions composed of experienced men, capable by their worth and information, of doing justice to the task entrusted to them.
The observations that have been transmitted to us have been concentrated and printed. No work published upon the subject has been neglected.
It is impossible, upon such a subject, to have too much information. Truth, particularly in matters of legislation, is the good of all men. To endeavour to discover it is not a right which belongs exclusively to public functionaries. When private and well informed persons discuss, with good intentions, an object of legislation; when their sole aim is to offer the tribute of their knowledge to the country, we must consider them as auxiliaries and not enemies. Unhappily, after a great revolution, timid men keep silent; they seem to fear that their existence should be perceived. The indifferent, who are always the greater number, remain strangers to every thing that is passing. This is a grievous inconvenience; if bitter or discontented writers take up the pen, their ideas filtrate through their passions and are tinged with them . The discovery of true or useful things is usually the recompense of moderate characters and good minds.
We must do homage to the zeal and the researches of the magistrates that have been consulted. By transmitting to us the opinion of those under their jurisdiction, and their own ideas, they have enlightened us upon important points. The principles of laws are always usefully discussed, when they are discussed by men who, from their situation, make the most extensive and various application of them.
Thus, at the same time that the courage of our armies ensured to us large an accession of strength and of glory, the wisdom of government, calm as if it had never been diverted by other objects, laid in the interior, the foundation of that other power which commands more certainly perhaps the respect of nations; I speak of the power which establishes itself by good institutions and good laws. Foreigners, enemies, or rivals, are much more alarmed at the slightest advantage that a state can obtain over them by victory, than at any prosperity which may result from a well ordered administration. And this sentiment is natural; for the prosperity that rises out of the wise conduct of a government, recalls also the recollection of its virtues, and one sees in it a safeguard against the abuse it may make of the augmentation of its power.
It cannot be doubted, citizens legislators, that the ideas of order, of morality, and of amelioration, which have been followed with such constancy for two years, ideas which have been solemnly consecrated by you, have secured to us the confidence of Europe.
How magnificent is the spectacle which the French nation presents to the universe! On the same day in which treaties, concluded after so many negotiations so gloriously terminated, are presented to you, I am charged to submit to you, sanction the first of the plans of laws designed to form our civil legislation, and to open to you the general plan of the work. It is now true, that in this august sanctuary, peace and justice embrace each other. Not a moment has been lost. In the midst of war we were preparing for the enjoying of peace, and in peace our labours will be supported and encouraged by the grand recollection of all our triumphs in war.
Citizens legislators, before I open to you the general plan of a civil code, and
make known to you the spirit in which that plan has been drawn up, it is of importance to fix your attention upon the nature and difficulties of such an undertaking.
What is a civil code? It is a body of laws designed to fix the relations of society, of family, and of interest, which men have with each other who belong to the same country. Each society has its civil right. That right cannot be formed but successively. A people become civilized by degrees; at first they are governed more by usages than by laws. General ideas of public good, notions of all that is useful and reasonable, follow the progress of knowledge. Some laws are published at intervals to correct customs and to supply them. Multiplied and frequently contrary decisions intervene to interpret and reconcile custom and laws. Soon this civil right presents but a confused mass of usages and of rules that terrify by their number and their diversity, and which it is impossible to reduce to system.
In such a state of affairs, would we reform or reform the civil legislation of a people? The first difficulty we experience is that of collecting and concentrating the necessary points of information, almost all scattered, and the greater part of which have never even been seriously sought after.
The civil right intermixes and connects itself with every thing. We are sure then to meet with all private interests when we desire to speak in the name of the public interest. Those who find much order established, hate changes; those who find it otherwise are afraid of something worse. Each would at least convert these operations to his own personal profit, without being mindful of the prejudice that might result from them to others.
Formerly men of letters and philosophers disdained the study of jurisprudence; they were led away by the attraction of more agreeable arts, and still more by the mysterious politics of the times, which feared that men should occupy themselves with the affairs of society, and which believed that it ought not to tolerate any but literati, theologians and geometers. But whilst this ancient indifference to the objects of legislation left a free course to errors of all kinds, the interest that is now awakened forces the legislator to a circumspection, salutary without doubt, but which renders his career infinitely more difficult and laborious—the legislator finds himself incessantly engaged with the system maker.
A multitude of other obstacles rose out of this variety of usages and privileges which separated and distinguished the ancient provinces of France from each other.
In short, the continual vacillation of the laws for ten years has delivered up the minds of men to every kind of doctrine, and is only calculated to keep up resistance and opposition.
Through all these difficulties it is that a civil legislation in France must develop itself.
In tracing the plan of the legislation, we were to fortify ourselves both against the spirit of system, which tends to destroy every thing, and against the spirit of superstition, of slavery, and of indolence, which tends to respect every thing.
From the middle of the 18th century there has been a great agitation in the minds of men. Our discoveries and our progress in the exact and in the natural sciences, have exaggerated in us the consciousness of our own strength, and have produced that active fermentation which has extended to all that has fallen under our hands. After having discovered the system of the physical world, we have had the ambition of rebuilding the moral and political world. We directed our attention to the different institutions, and we never fix our attention upon an object without reforming more or less, well or ill, all that has been done or said before; hence that crowd of works which have roused warm imaginations, agitated our reason without enlightening it, and condemned us to live upon illusions and chimeras.
The prodigies that have been operated during the revolution, are well calculated to increase our confidence; but by the side of these prodigies have not the disorders, unhappily too well known, warned us of our errors and our faults?
Some persons appear to regret not meeting with any grand conception in the plan of the civil code that has been presented for discussion. They complain at seeing only a recollection of the Roman law, of our ancient customs, and our old maxims.
It would be a desirable thing to be able to attach some precise idea to what is meant by a grand conception. Would
they express some daring novelty, some institution in the manner of the Solons and Lycurguses?
Yet let us not deceive ourselves—a bold novelty is frequently nothing but a brilliant error; the sudden éclat of which resembles that of the thunderbolt which strikes the very spot it enlightens.
Let us beware how we confound the genius that creates with the spirit of innovation that destroys or disfigures.
The institutions of Solon & Lycurgus, which appear to us so singular, had their roots in the manners of the people for whom they were made. Solon himself warns us to give a people such laws only as suit them.
Antient times have no similitude to our modern. In antiquity, nations were more isolated, and consequently more susceptible of being governed by exclusive institutions. In our modern times, when commerce has established more ties of communication between different states than there existed formerly between towns of the same empire; in which the same arts, the same sciences, the same religion, the same morality, have established a sort of community between all the polished people of Europe, a nation that should wish to isolate itself from all others by its maxims, would throw itself into a forced situation that would injure its politics and compromise its power, by obliging it to renounce all its relations, or which could not subsist if those relations were preserved.
The reproach made to the framers of the plan of having laboured, at least in part, after the Roman law and ancient customs, deserves to be appreciated according to its just value.
Does any one know of a people who framed an entire civil code, a code absolutely new, without any regard to any of the things done before their time? Ask history—the experimental physics of legislation. She informs us, that every where men have respected ancient maxims, as being the result of a long series of observations.
Never did a people give themselves up to the perilous enterprise of separating themselves suddenly from all that had civilized them, and of creating their entire existence.
The law of the Twelve tables was but the collection of the laws of the antient kings of Rome. The code of Justinian, and those of his predecessors, were but compilations.
In France, the excellent ordinances of the celebrated chancellor de l'Hopital, and of Louis the Fourteenth, were but the enlightened selection of the wisest dispositions found in our customs, or in the antient depots of legislation.
In our days, did that philosophical king Frederic II. do any more than collect with method the rules and principles which he received from the Romans, and which have civilized Europe? The general code of Prussia, which has been more recently published, is more extensive than that of Frederic; but it is only the wise and faithful guardian of all received maxims; it has even respected local customs.
Why then are we to be imprudent enough to reject the best inheritance of our fathers?
Yet, it must be confessed, that there are in the duration of states, decisive epochs in which events change the position and fortune of a people, in the same way that certain crises change the temperament of individuals. It then becomes possible and even indispensable to make salutary reforms; a nation then placed under a better genius, may proscribe the abuses that overwhelmed her, and resume, in certain respects, new life and vigour.—Yet, even then, if that nation has long been celebrated upon the earth; if she has long occupied the first rank among polished people; she ought still to proceed to the work of reform, with a careful step, a cautious hand, and wise precautions. Whilst she rises with the energy of a new, she ought to preserve all the maturity of an ancient people. We may use the scythe indiscriminately in a field overgrown with weeds; but from a cultivated soil we must pluck only the plants that check and encumber the useful productions.
In applying ourselves to our civil legislation, we have thought it sufficient to trace a line of separation between the reforms that are required by the present state of the republic, and the ideas of real order which have been consecrated by time and the respect of the people.
New theories are but the systems of some individuals; ancient maxims are the spirit of ages.
Without doubt, genius may discover relations hitherto unknown; but time alone can ensue to the productions of genius homage and partisans, because time alone habituates men to the con-
ception of truths that extend or multiply our relations. The legislator who cannot without danger pass on a sudden such great intervals, ought to remain within the limits which the tradition of knowledge has determined, until events and things warn him that he may, without convulsion and commotion, proceed in the career that had been opened to him by genius.
The Agasseus and the Lamoignons, and all good minds, felt by example the necessity of having a uniform legislation. Different laws engender only trouble and confusion among a people, who, living under the same government, and in a continual communication, pass or marry with one another, and, placed under other customs, never know whether their patrimony be secure to them.
But at the time in which the Lamoignons and Agasseus manifested their wishes, it would have been dangerous, and even impossible to realize them. At present a uniform legislation will be one of the great benefits of the revolution.
As long as there existed, in France, political differences and distinctions among persons, as long as there were nobles and privileged persons, we could not eradicate from civil legislation the differences and distinctions that were connected with those social vanities, and which established in families a particular order of succession, for those who had already a particular manner of existence in the state. Now, all the laws of succession can, without contradiction and obstacle, incline to the principles of general equity.
Celebrated magistrates had demanded that civil institutions should no longer be mixed with religious institutions, and that the state of man should be independent of the worship he professed. But how could so great a change be produced whilst a ruling religion was recognized, and whilst that religion was a fundamental law of the state?
The tolerance of worship has been since proclaimed—it became possible to secularize legislation. We have organized that great idea, that we must suffer all that providence suffers, and that the law, without enquiring the religious opinions of citizens, ought to view only Frenchmen as nature views only men.
You may now, citizens legislators, judge what has been the course we have followed in drawing up the plan of a civil code. We have always kept in view, that in legislation it is not enough to do good things. We must do what is suitable; that the spirit of moderation is the true spirit of a legislator; and that political, as well as moral good is always to be found between two extremes.
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
A BILL,
for establishing the government of the Territory of Columbia.
[Now before the House of Representatives.]
BE it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the government of the territory of Columbia, (with a reservation of the constitutional authority of Congress over the same,) shall be exercised in manner following:
The powers of legislation shall be vested in a House of Representatives, to be chosen annually by ballot, by the free men, citizens of the said territory, in the separate divisions, into which it hereby is, or hereafter shall be laid off for that purpose; each division electing a number of representatives proportioned to the number of freemen therein, according to a ratio to be established by the legislature from time to time, for which purpose a census of the freemen shall be taken every fourth year at least; and whenever by an increase or decrease of the number of freemen, the whole number of representatives shall exceed
or fall below the num-
ber of the existing ratio shall be altered by the legislature, so as to bring it within those limits.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That every free white male citizen of the United States, of the age of twenty-one years, residing within the territory and paying a tax to the same, shall be a freeman of the territory, and having resided twelve calendar months in his electoral division next proceeding a election of representatives, and having paid taxes in the territory within that time, shall be capable of electing, or being e-
lected, a representative of his said electoral division.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the House of Representatives shall chuse its own speaker and other officers, and shall by law, prescribe the time, places and manner of holding elections, it shall meet on the
of in every year after that of and at other times on its own adjournment, or the call of the governor of the territory: It shall be the judge of the qualifications and due election of its own members, and a majority shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorised to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as it may have provided. It may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and with the concurrence of two thirds expel a member, but not a second time for the same cause. It shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same: And the yeas and nays of the members on every question, shall at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That no compensation shall be allowed to the members of the House of Representatives for their services, until it shall have been enacted into a law by a legislature, and re-enacted by a second legislature, after the intervention of an election, which compensation so allowed, shall be payable out of the treasury of the territory. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony or breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest, during their attendance at the session of the House, and in going to and returning from the same, and for any speech or debate therein, they shall not be questioned in any other place. No member of the House of Representatives shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office in the territory, other than that of justice of the peace, and no person holding any office under the United States, or any office under the territory, except that of justice of the peace or in the militia thereof, shall be a member of the said House, during his continuance in office.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That every bill shall, before it becomes a law, have passed the House of Representatives at two several sessions, one month at least intervening between them; and have had three several readings, on three several days each, unless in the opinion of two thirds of the House the case shall be urgent, in which case, the bill may be introduced at any time after the day of its first passage, and proceeded on to its second passage. Every bill or resolution (except decisions or votes which respect the members or officers of the House, and those only) shall also before it becomes a law, or take effect, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it with his objections to the House, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it; if after such reconsideration, two thirds of the House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall become a law; but in all such cases the votes of the House shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the votes of the persons voting for and against the bill, shall be entered on their journal. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted,) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the House by its adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. And in all cases, and at all times, the legislature of the United States shall have a power to repeal by law, but not to modify, any law passed by the legislature of the territory.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the legislature of the territory shall have power to pass all laws which are not withheld from it by this act, nor from the states of the union, by the constitution of the United States.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in case of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law: and a regular statement and account of receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That

the executive power shall be vested in a governor of the territory, to be nominated, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, appointed and commissioned by the President of the United States; or in case of temporary inability of such governor, by a lieutenant governor, to be appointed and commissioned in like manner, for each special occasion: and the said governor shall receive for his services the sum of dollars per annum, payable quarterly annually out of the treasury of the United States.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted , That no person except a freeman of the said territory who is now a citizen of the United States, or shall be a native born citizen, who shall have attained the age of thirty years, shall be capable of the office of governor or lieutenant governor.
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted , That the governor of said territory, before he enters on the execution of his office, shall solemnly swear or affirm, "that he will support the constitution of the United States, and faithfully execute the office of governor of the territory of Columbia." And the lieutenant governor (in case one be appointed) shall, before he enters upon the execution of the duties of his office, solemnly swear and affirm in like manner. The governor shall be commander in chief of the militia of the said territory, shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the said territory, and shall appoint and commission all officers of the territory, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law; but the legislature may by law vest the appointment of any such officers as they think proper, in other persons, themselves excepted. He shall from time to time send to the House of Representatives information in writing of the state of the territory, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. He may, on extraordinary occasions, convene the House of Representatives; and shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed.
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted , That the judicial power shall be vested in the present existing court, a court of chancery, and such inferior courts as the legislature may from time to time ordain and establish: and the said legislature of the territory is hereby authorized and directed to establish and regulate appeals and writs of error from the inferior to the superior courts of the territory, and from the superior courts to the supreme court of the United States. The judge or judges of the supreme court, and the chancellor, shall be nominated, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, shall be appointed and commissioned by the President of the United States; and shall hold the said offices during life, unless removed by the President of the United States, on the application of two successive legislatures of the territory, between which an election shall have intervened. They shall, at stated times, receive from the treasury of the United States as a compensation for service the sum of dollars, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.
Sec. 12. And be it further enacted , That no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger. Nor shall any person be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy trial, by an impartial jury of the vicinage, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process to obtain witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. In all suits at common law where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of a trial by jury, shall be preserved.
Sec. 13. And be it further enacted , That no law shall be made respecting any establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, otherwise than by a liability to private action for falsehood in point of fact; or abridging the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition for a redress of grievances; nor shall the right of the people to keep and bear arms be infringed, nor shall a soldier, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons to be seized.
Sec. 14. And be it further enacted , That the country parts of the said territory shall not be taxed for buildings, improvements or accommodations in any town or city, nor shall any town or city be taxed for those of another, except that the houses for the accommodation of the territorial government, (which are hereby directed to be in the City of Washington) may be built and maintained out of the treasury of the territory; and those for the government of a county or other division, by assessment on the county or other division.
Sec. 15. And be it further enacted , That for carrying this government into operation, the said territory of Columbia shall be parcelled into three electoral divisions; the first division to contain all that part of the territory, taken from Maryland, lying east of Rock creek, to elect seven representatives. The second division to contain all the residue of the territory lying east of Potomac river, together with the island in said river commonly called Mason's island, to elect seven representatives. The third division to contain all that part of the territory lying west of Potomac river, to elect eleven representatives. And the marshal for the said district, having first given days notice, shall cause to be assembled on the
at such place in each division, as he shall appoint, all the free white inhabitants thereof, of Twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, who shall have resided twelve calendar months next preceding in the said territory, then and there to elect by ballot such a number of representatives, as the division in which they then reside is hereby entitled to elect; but no person shall be permitted to vote out of the division in which he shall then reside. And the said marshal by himself and his deputies, (summoning two justices of the peace for each place of election, who are required to attend for the preservation of peace) shall hold the said elections and be judges thereof and make return thereof to the President of the United States; which said representatives shall on the
after their election, meet at such place in the City of Washington as the President of the United States shall direct, then and there to hold their session. One calendar month after the end of their said first session, they shall meet at the same place, or any other to which they shall have adjourned in the said city, to hold their second session.
And the said legislature of the territory shall at any time make by law. And that the said legislature shall make provisions for taking a census of the persons qualified as freemen by this act, and for the election of a new House of Representatives, according to the same, to be assembled on or before the day of at which time the office of those first chosen shall cease.
The gentleman who exchanged a cloak at the last Dancing Assembly at Mr. Stell's, may find his own by application at the bar. Feb. 1, 1801.
Charlotte Hall School. SCHOOL will open on the 8th day of January next. The trustees at their quarterly meeting, held on the 30th of November, having taken into consideration the great increase of the School, and thinking that the moral conduct, and improvement of the pupils might be best promoted by the residence of the principal in the family, have induced him to undertake this duty; therefore the Rev. GEORGE RALPH, with proper assistants, will receive boarders, at Charlotte Hall, on the terms heretofore established, by the trustees, viz. Board, lodging, and washing, 27 10 0 Or, by furnishing bedding, 25 per annum. The payments, as usual, will be expected to be made quarterly, and in advance. Signed by order, NEALE H. SHAW, Reg. Cool Springs, Dec. 28, 1801. 22w4w
National Intelligencer. SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. TUESDAY, February 2, 1802. JUDICIARY BILL.
Mr. Ross, on presenting the memorial of the bar of Philadelphia, observed that it was not his intention to embarrass the motion of the gentleman from Kentucky, by moving, in the present stage of the business, its reference to the committee now proposed to be dissolved. He offered it, that the Senate having before them the opinions of a respectable set of men, might be properly impressed by them. The opinions expressed were unanimous and were strongly exhibited in a letter accompanying the memorial, addressed to his colleague and himself, and signed on behalf of the bar by Messrs. Dallas and McKean, the one the attorney of the district, and the other the attorney-general of Pennsylvania.
Mr. Breckenridge rose and observed, that it would be recollected he yesterday gave notice, that he should this day move to discharge the select committee, to whom the judiciary bill was last week committed. As there are some gentlemen (continued Mr. B.) now in the Senate who were not present during any part of the discussion which that subject met with, I deem it proper to lay a few words, as to its progress and as to the real situation in which it now stands.
Early in January, this discussion commenced on a resolution going to the unqualified repeal of the judiciary law of the last session. After many days debate, and at the moment when the question was about to be put on the resolution, a motion was made to transform it into a resolution for the amendment, instead of the repeal of the law. This was negatived. The resolution was then passed; a bill brought in, and carried to the second reading, when another motion was made to recommit it to a select committee, for the purpose of amending the system. This was also negatived. The bill was then ordered to its third reading, and on the question for its passage another motion was made for its commitment to a select committee, and carried by the casting vote of the chair. In this situation it now rests.
During the whole of the discussion, those who were in favor of the repeal uniformly argued and voted against anything like amendments. They over and again avowed it as their opinion, that they would not consent to go into any amendments in the judiciary system, until that law was repealed; that they considered its existence as an insuperable bar to all amendments; and that indeed the only great amendment, which they wished for at this time, was a repeal of that law, the obnoxious tendencies of which were, cancer like, to be only certainly removed by going to its roots.
On the other hand the gentlemen in opposition contended, that the law was enacted & made with great deliberation and wisdom; that it was essential to the due administration of justice, and the peace of the nation, and that even admitting the courts and judges erected by that law were useless and burthensome, yet Congress had not the power to put down those courts and judges. From this state of things, what can be expected from the labours of this committee? Can they on the one hand, forward the views of those, who carried to a third reading a bill to repeal a certain act which they considered as fundamentally vicious, by attempting to amend that act? On the other hand, can they forward the views of those who think this law the result of experience and wisdom, and moreover fastened on the nation by the constitution, by attempting to make radical changes in it? Can they in short, from two such contradictory and opposite opinions, opinions at variance in principle and not in detail, ever hope to produce any thing that will be satisfactory to both sides? They cannot, and it appears to me impossible that gentlemen can seriously expect it.
I consider it, Mr. President (continued Mr. B.) as a great contest on principles, and not on detail. A committee cannot, and ought not to settle principles. On the floor of this house alone ought principles furnishing the ground-work of legislation to be originated and settled. Details only are proper from your select committees. We cannot abandon this question. It cannot be suffered to escape us, or be entangled in forms. It must be settled. We must on this floor meet the plain unqualified question of repeal. And in order that we may be enabled to do so, I now move you, that the committee to whom the bill was referred, on Wednesday last, be discharged from proceeding further therein. The bill will then be ready for its passage; and the whole merits of the subject open to discussion.
Mr. Dayton said he would not have risen to join in the debate, had the member from Kentucky been more correct in the information he had given the Senate. It must be recollected by the Senate, contrary to the gentleman's statement, that neither the first, second or third motions made on the subject were the same. The first motion was to revise and amend, instead of repeal, the act of the last session, and was negatived; the second was for reviving the whole judiciary system, and connecting therewith a provision for the judges, which had been disapproved of by one honorable gentleman, and also negatived; the third so far differed from the second, as to be agreeable to that honorable member, and was agreed to. A committee was appointed. He recollected the anxiety of the friends of the honorable member, and of the honorable member himself, at not being one of the committee. He was sorry his anxiety had produced the extravagant proposition on the table. Is not the gentleman's ambition satisfied. He might have been contented with the agency he already had in this business. He had already delivered two speeches, that had been listened to with attention.
Gentlemen had in the first stages of this business been permitted to take their own course; while employed in the holy work of destroying the constitution, they were suffered to go on, until their course was arrested by the reference of the bill. He would ask, if, when the subject was so referred, for the purpose of reviving the whole judiciary system, it was proper, wise or decent, to discharge the committee, without their asking their discharge? He trusted a majority would not be found to sanction such a step. He trusted one at least, perhaps many, would be found among those in favor of a repeal, who would vote against discharging the committee. He trusted that a regard to appearances would save them from sanctioning such a procedure. The committee had not been inattentive to their duty. No such thing was even suggested. He trusted, therefore, the proposition would be rejected, and that in its adoption would not be found a practical comment on the conciliatory recommendation of the President, which had been echoed by gentlemen on that side of the house.
Mr. Ross said he had long had the honor of a seat in that house, and this was the first time he had ever heard a motion for the discharge of a committee made by a member of the committee itself. And what is the reason assigned? Difference of opinion on principle. With whom existed this difference? Surely not with one political side distinguished from another. For we had just heard the opinions of gentlemen of high talents, and of firm adherence to the same politics as those of the honorable gentleman, stating that the system is susceptible of amendment; and yet that we say that it is not susceptible of amendment. Are gentlemen prepared to decide instantaneously, without information, against opinions so respectable? Surely this would not be legislating with accustomed caution. Are gentlemen prepared to say there is no middle ground? The wisest men deliberate the longest. Why then not wait until the committee report? Hear what they offer. If bad reject it, but first hear. What appearance would this hasty procedure present? One day the Senate are equally divided, and by a caution and moderation, not easily forgotten, the bill is referred. Afterwards, though opinion is strengthening on one side, all modification whatever is rejected, and the subject is brought forward for a hasty decision. This Mr. Ross did not think wise. He hoped the house would proceed cautiously. He hoped they would not proceed by rapid leaps to a point that might be attended with serious consequences.
Mr. Breckenridge. It is said that what I have done should satisfy a modest man, and that my ambition should be satisfied. But, what ambition can I feel? What prospects of ambition lie before me, in proposing the repeal of this law; when instead of opening prospects of office to me, the effect is directly the reverse by destroying those very offices? No, Sir, my ambition on this, as I trust it will be on all other occasions, is to put down a system fundamentally pernicious. I have stated the grounds on which I deem it so, and I am ready to meet the sentiments of my country.
We are now told that we are to suspend this business for a short time to stop us from sealing the death warrant of the constitution. Let me tell these gentlemen, whatever expressions of terror they may make, that they pass by my ear like the wind, and leave not a trace behind. Where is the precipitate talked of? Did not the discussion originate on the 8th of January, and did not the business travel as slow as it could? Had not gentlemen acknowledged it had been fully and deliberately discussed? He knew but one subject which had been so fully discussed. What can this select committee do? Have gentlemen answered my arguments on this point? If our opinions on the constitutionality of the bill are so various and contradictory, what can we expect from the magic of a committee but delay? I am sure, therefore, gentlemen are not serious, when they profess an expectation that the report will furnish a plan of accommodation. The principle must be settled here.
Mr. Morris begged leave to mention that the statement made by the
honorable member from Kentucky as far was not fact. Half of it was true; the gentlemen had said we will listen to no amendment, we will have a simple repeal. But it was not true, that this side of the House had declared the system was pure, and admitted not of amendment. It had, on the contrary, been acknowledged by every member, that had spoken, to be capable of improvement, and gentlemen had been called upon to point out the defective parts.
But, says the gentleman from Kentucky, we will have no modification of the bill. Is that gentleman then the keeper of the consciences of half the House, and the other half too? This is a degree of presumption I never before heard of—that he should get up and say, that nothing could be offered which would be approved of. Mr. Morris believed a system could be devised better than either the old or the new one.
Nay, Mr. Morris said, he would appeal to the language of the gentleman himself, who had told us that after all we were content to repeal the law so that we spared the judges. Did not a member from Connecticut declare, that he had voted against the law last session, believing it then, and still believing it to be a bad one. He could go on citing every member, that had spoken on his side, to the same effect.
Mr. Breckenridge replied, that the gentleman left out had omitted what he had said, and built all his observations upon it. He appealed to the House, whether he had not stated in so many words, when he made the motion to-day, that all the gentlemen in the opposition had during the whole course of the discussion, contended, that the courts and judges could not be put down? He had not said, that all the gentlemen in the opposition were opposed to any amendment in the system; and therefore, there was no possibility of the committee's forming any system to meet the wishes of both sides of the House.
Mr. Cocke spoke in favor of the motion.
Mr. S. T. Mason said, he had thought his friend from Kentucky had stated grounds, that would not have been treated so rudely and abruptly by the gentleman from New-York, who had so sternly reproached him with the charge of presumption. His friend had stated truly, that the question was repeal, or not repeal; and it was on this question, that the House had so often decided. As to the idea of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that to discharge the committee would be indecent and improper, he really did not see in what possible light it was so. Committees were the mere creatures of the House; even the committees of the whole, and nothing was more common than to discharge them. This had been often done, and yet no complaint had been before heard of it.
[Mr. Mason here cited an instance in Senate, where two members of a committee of three were prepared to report, when the third member, who was against the report, on motion obtained the discharge of the committee.]
Mr. Anderson said, as he was one of the select committee he thought it his duty to inform the House, that on his making enquiry, he found it had been determined by the committee to admit of no amendments to the system, that were not connected with a provision for the judges. This fact would enable the Senate to judge what prospect there was of a report that would be satisfactory to them.
Mr. Dayton confessed the fact, and declared, that though one of the committee he had no recollection of it.
Mr. Dayton then went somewhat at large into the subject of reference.
Mr. Anderson replied.
Mr. Tracy observed, that in his opinion, few committees had been raised for more important purposes than that now proposed to be discharged; it had been raised for the purpose of considering and reporting such amendments as it would be expedient to make to the whole judiciary system of the United States. They had sat but a short time; too short, he conceived to be prepared to decide on the objects for which they were appointed, with sufficient deliberation and maturity of thought. What light has been shed upon the subject since their appointment to alter the course of proceeding then marked out by a constitutional majority of the Senate? If proper then, is it not equally proper now to aim at a plan of accommodation? No new arguments have been urged. Are gentlemen determined at all events not to change their opinions? This would be improper. Daily instances occur, he hoped they always would occur, and he was sure they would occur in proportion to our desire of imbibing correct truths, of our altering our opinions. It will be recollected what fell from the chair on that memorable day, that if the object of gentlemen appeared to be delay, it would not be permitted; but when the House was nicely balanced, it was desirable to give an opportunity to those who desired to devise a plan of accommodation.
Are gentlemen sincerely for making the plan as unexceptionable as possible?

They may have their wishes gratified, by giving us an opportunity of improving it, and then, if our amendments are not agreeable to them, they may reject them.
Mr. Tracy said, he voted for the act at the last session, because he thought it a good one; he still thought it so; but he declared, that for the good of his country, he would sacrifice all his pride of opinion, and immolate it unhesitatingly whenever that good required it. Is not prudence and caution pre-eminently required at this time? Does not the state of parties—for parties there are—require that we should heal, instead of irritating, their wounds. If in this body today, one party adopts a particular measure, and to-morrow another party by accident destroys it, what would be thought of our proceedings? Was this the dignified mode in which legislation should go on? He was sure gentlemen would not in their hearts say no.
Mr. MORRIS spoke against the motion.
Mr. BALDWIN said, that from the subject as it now stood before the Senate, he was disposed to vote for the discharge of the committee, and that the Senate should itself proceed and finish the business. His reason was that his own mind was made up to come to a decision on the main question, which has been for a month under discussion; and he had no reason to believe but that this was the case with the other members of the Senate. He also thought there could not be expected a more favorable moment to come to a fair and proper decision. He hoped he should never be in any legislative assembly in which it would not be his wish to have the actual majority of both branches of the legislature make the laws and decide all legislative questions. It would give him great pleasure to see every member of the Senate present on this occasion; next to that was the pleasure of having reason to believe that the decision will now be the same as if the whole number were present; he had no doubt but it was generally understood; this is the highest evidence that can be had in any deliberative assembly of what is their duty, and is the only thing that can be expected to give the most general and permanent satisfaction. He thought it very far from being a disrespect to the committee, or an unusual mode of proceeding; when the Senate is not ready to proceed in a business, they either postpone, commit or adjourn it; whenever, in the opinion of the majority, the cause for the delay is removed, whether by the labors of a committee or of an individual member, the house proceed in the business, discharges the committee of the whole or the select committee, as is seen in every day's practice of parliamentary assemblies.
In the discussion of this morning, gentlemen appeared to have in a great degree given up what they had before considered their strong ground, viz. the superior excellency of the new judiciary system of last session, now proposed to be repealed. The argument this morning has turned on the incompetency of that system, and the importance of keeping the committee in session, to devise another new one to be composed out of both the former ones. He must beg leave to submit to the candor of the gentlemen, whether if that was, at present, the state of their minds, they had not better let the old system, which has been in operation ever since the beginning of this government, with which the country is well acquainted, and to which they have been so much accustomed, be continued in operation, till their minds are more settled, and till more time can be given to mature and perfect amendments and alterations, which it seems now to be proposed to make as to juries, and other important provisions, which seem now to be in contemplation. He was very unwilling to distract the country by many propositions of new judiciary systems following each other every session of Congress; he thought it more clearly evident than before, that it was best to go on and restore the old system for a year or two longer at least. As a member of the committee he must declare it as his opinion, that there was very little prospect of their devising a new one, during the remainder of the present session, which would be so likely to be acceptable as the old one, especially as it had never been pretended that the old one was so extremely vicious and intolerable, that it might not be continued a year or two longer, till experience and reflection could devise something in which we could be more unanimous than in anything which has as yet presented itself.
The debate was further continued by Messrs. Jackson, S. T. Mason, and Wright, for the motion, and Mr. Ross against it; whose speeches we are constrained to omit for want of room.
The question was then taken, as stated in our last, and the committee discharged.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 3, 1802. The Judiciary Bill was called up, and read a third time.
Mr. Ross submitted an amendment, the object of which was to save the third circuit court, in the repealing law.
On this motion a debate of some
length ensued. About half past one o'clock, the question was taken, and the amendment lost. The Yeas and Nays were taken; and were Yeas 14—Nays 16.
The main question then recurred, "Shall the bill pass?"
On which Messrs. Wright, Bradley, Anderson, Nicholas, Breckenridge, and Jackson, delivered their sentiments in favour of the bill; and Messrs. Ross, Ogden, Morris, and Dayton, delivered their sentiments against it.
At 15 minutes after 5 o'clock, the question was taken by Yeas and Nays, as follows:
Yeas—Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Brown, Cocke, Eilley, Th. Foster, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, S. T. Mason, Nicholas, Stone, Sumner, Wright—16.
Nays—Messrs. Colhoun, Chipman, Dayton, D. Foster, Hillhouse, Howard, J. Mason, Morris, Ogden, Olcott, Ross, Sheafe, Tracy, Wells, White—15.
And the BILL PASSED.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.
MONDAY, Feb. 1, 1802. An engrossed bill authorizing the payment of 2,500 dollars to Philip Sloan, was read the third time, and passed.
Mr. L. R. Morris presented two resolutions of the general assembly of Vermont, proposing certain amendments to the constitution of the United States, in choosing electors of President and Vice-President, and of Representatives to Congress.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill to prevent intrusion on the public lands. After some discussion, the committee rose, and obtained leave to sit again.
TUESDAY, February 2, 1802. An engrossed bill to authorise the settlement of the account of Samuel Dexter, for his defence in defending against the suit of Joseph Hodgeson, was read the third time, and passed.
A petition from sundry inhabitants of Maletta praying that that town may be established a port of entry and delivery, was read.
Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Resolved, That the President be requested to inform this House, whether any measures have been taken for treating with the Indians south of the Ohio, in consequence of the act of May 13, 1800.
The House, after going into committee of the whole, agreed to the amendments of the Senate to the bill for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States, in the Mediterranean and adjoining seas.
The House took up the bill to prevent intrusions on public lands, and for other purposes; and after amending, recommitted it to the committee of Ways and Means.
A message was received from the President of the United States, enclosing, 1. A return of ordnance, arms, and military stores belonging to the United States. 2. Returns of muskets and bayonets fabricated at Harper's Ferry, and Springfield, with the expenses thereof; and 3. An estimate of expenditures necessary for fortifications and barracks for 1802.
The President states his opinion of the propriety of establishing an additional magazine in some point convenient for N. Carolina, S. Carolina, and Georgia.
The message notices several other interesting objects, which shall be distinctly stated.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to furnish the House, with copies of any documents in his office relative to the object of the voyage or crews of the frigate Intrepid, and brigantine Pickerling; and also to state the time when, and the place from whence they failed, together with any other information respecting their loss, which it may be in his power to furnish.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 3, 1802. The House went into committee of the whole, on the subject of military land warrants, when after discussion the committee rose, and the House agreed to the following resolutions, and appointed a committee to bring in a bill.
Resolved, That further time ought to be given to the holders or proprietors of military land warrants, to register and locate the same.
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law, authorizing the holders of warrants, or certificates in the nature of warrants, under an hundred acres, to locate the same.
Resolved, That all warrants and certificates located on a less quantity than four thousand acres, shall be located on the unlocated parts of the fifty quarter townships and fractional quarter townships.
Resolved, That warrants or certificates in the nature of warrants, which have or shall issue for a quantity less than an hundred acres, shall be located on the fractional parts of lots that are less than an hundred acres, and in no other place.
Resolved, That the holders or proprietors of warrants or military services, who shall locate the same on the quarter townships, or fractional part of quarter townships, after the day
of next, shall obtain patents in their own name.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of Daniel W. Coxe, and others; when after discussion the committee rose, and obtained leave to sit again to-morrow.
THURSDAY, Feb. 4, 1802.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of Daniel W. Coxe, and others; when the committee reported the bill; the consideration of which was postponed till Monday.
A bill was received from the Senate, to repeal certain acts for the organization of the courts of the United States, and for other purposes.
The bill repeals those acts on the 1st day of July next.
The bill was read twice, when Mr. Bayard moved the reference of it to the select committee, to which had been referred resolutions directing an enquiry into the expediency of altering the judiciary system.
Mr. RANDOLPH moved its reference to a committee of the whole House.
This motion, according to the rules of the House, superseded that of Mr. Bayard.
A debate ensued, in which Messrs. Randolph, Giles, Milledge, Smith, and S. Smith, supported, and Messrs. Bayard, Rutledge, Griswold, and Dana, opposed the reference to a committee of the whole.
The reference to the committee of the whole obtained—ayes 54—Made the order of the day for Monday week.
Mr. THOMAS moved the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of extinguishing balances due by states to the United States.—Referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
WASHINGTON CITY.
FRIDAY, February 5, 1802.
On Wednesday, the Judiciary Bill passed the Senate by a majority of one vote. Had the Senate been full there would have been a majority of two—Mr. Armstrong of New-York, being the only member absent.
This act will not fail to be recorded among the most memorable events of the present period. It pre-eminently marks the triumph of republican principles. It demonstrates the inflexible determination of those who now hold the reins of authority, to adhere in power to the same principles, avowed by them when out of power. Their theory was a good one; but their practice is better. Economy in the public expenditure, distrust of extravagant executive patronage, a dread of whatever tends to the unnecessary aggrandizement of the powers of the general government, constitute a few of the features of the repealing act; and they are features which, it is not hesitated to say, will recommend it to national approbation. Indeed so conclusive and irresistible have been the arguments urged in its support, that among the disposition part of the community, among those who have not taken their ground with a resolution not to abandon it on any conviction, in short among the nation, it is confidently believed not one man in a thousand will condemn the repealing act.
It may be proper to remark that, tho' this measure has been carried in the Senate by a majority of but one vote; the relative strength of parties is by no means to be estimated in that proportion. It will be recollected that in the House of Representatives, the division is nearly as two to one; and it will be also recollected that of the 15 members who voted against the repeal, 6 would not now hold their seats, if an election were made at this time by the state legislatures. In such event the votes would stand 22 for the repeal; and 9 against it. And had Mr. Armstrong been present, and had Mr. Colhoun voted in conformity to the sentiments of his constituents, as recently illustrated in the election of general Sumner chosen by a great majority, the vote would have been 24 for the repeal, to 8 against it.
In making this statement, we hope we shall not be understood as implying the least disrespect for the vote of the gentlemen, so situated, in the minority, and particularly for Mr. Colhoun, whom we have stated by name. So far from this being the case, we scruple not to say that in our opinion, Mr. Colhoun has been animated by the purest motives; and that he has lost none of those republican feelings and convictions, which his political deportment has heretofore developed.
The PRESIDENT of the United States has appointed John Beckley, Librarian of the two Houses of Congress.
DEATH OF TOUSSAINT CONTRADICTED.
Capt. Burbanks, (arrived at New-York in a short passage from Port-Republic) mentions, that he saw Gen. Toussaint on the 13th of January last at that place, in good health.
Capt. Obean, arrived at New-York, in 45 days from Alicante, states, that a Tripolitan corsair had gone out of port Mahon, and that two others were preparing to sail.
On the 27th ult. a motion was made in the legislature of Massachusetts, "That a committee be raised to prepare and report an ADDRESS to the President of the United States, expressive of the confidence which this house entertain in his integrity and patriotism, and in the wisdom of the measures of his administration."
The motion of leave was opposed, and a discussion ensued, when on the question, the numbers were:—
For giving leave 76 Against it 95
A reconsideration was then moved for by Mr. Morton; when after some debate, the consideration of the motion was referred to Tuesday next, 11 o'clock.
NOTICE—Divine Service will be performed in the War Office, next Sunday afternoon, at 4 o'clock, by the rev. A. T. McCormick. Feb. 5, 1802.
New-York, Jan. 30. The New-York Insurance Company, in consequence of a resolution of the Board of Directors, passed on the 9th of December, 1800, have presented a silver punch-bowl and ladle, of the value of one hundred pounds, to Capt. William D. Seton, of the ship Northern Liberties, as a testimony of the high sense they entertain of his gallant conduct in defending his vessel and cargo against a French privateer of superior force in the Bay of Bengal.
January 30, 1802. At a meeting of a number of Citizens of Philadelphia, convened at the house of James Kerr, for the purpose of considering the propriety of presenting an address to Congress praying a repeal of the law establishing a judiciary system, enacted Nov. 17, 1800.
Matthew Lawler, Esq. Mayor of the city of Philadelphia, was appointed Chairman, and Mathew Carey, Secretary.
The following resolutions were moved, and after being duly considered, unanimously agreed to, viz.
Resolved, That Mathew Lawler, Jonathan Bayard Smith, Mahlon Dickerson, John L. Leib, and Mathew Carey, be a committee to draft a memorial to the Congress of the United States, praying a repeal of the act, entitled "An act to provide for the more convenient organization of the courts of the United States," passed the 17th of Nov. 1800.
Resolved, That the said committee be directed to draft an address to the legislature of Pennsylvania, requesting them to pass resolutions instructing the members representing this state in the Senate of the United States, to exert themselves by every constitutional means, to procure a repeal of the above mentioned act.
Resolved, That it be recommended to our republican fellow citizens in the different counties of this state, to pursue similar measures to procure a repeal of the said obnoxious act.
MATHEW LAWLER, Chairman. MATHEW CAREY, Secretary.
The thanks of the meeting were then unanimously voted to the chairman.
MESSAGE. from the President of the United States. Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives;
I lay before you the accounts of our Indian trading houses, as rendered up to the 1st day of January, 1801, with a report of the secretary at war thereon, explaining the effects and the situation of that commerce, and the reasons in favor of its further extension. But it is believed that the act authorizing this trade expired so long ago as the 3d of March, 1799; its revival therefore, as well as its extension, is submitted to the consideration of the legislature.
The act regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes will also expire on the 3d day of March next. While on the subject of its continuance, it will be worthy the consideration of the legislature, whether the provisions of the law inflicting on Indians, in certain cases, the punishment of death by hanging, might not permit its commutation to death by military execution; the form of the punishment, in the former way, being peculiarly repugnant to their ideas, and increasing the obstacles to their surrender of the criminal.
These people are becoming very sensible of the baneful effects produced on their moral, their health and existence by the abuse of ardent spirits; and some of them earnestly desire a prohibition of that article from being carried among them. The legislature will consider whether the effectuating that desire would not be in the spirit of benevolence and liberality which they have hitherto practised towards their neighbors, and which has had so happy an effect towards conciliating their friendship. It has been found too, in experience, that the
same abuse gives frequent rise to incidents tending much to commit our peace with the Indians.
It is now become necessary to run and mark the boundaries between them and us, in various parts. The law last mentioned has authorized this to be done; but no existing appropriation meets the expence.
Certain papers explanatory of the grounds of this communication are herewith inclosed.
TH. JEFFERSON. January 27, 1802.
[By Authority.]
AN ACT Authorising the discharge of Lawrence Ebb from his Confinement.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the marshal of the district of Pennsylvania be authorised and directed to discharge Lawrence Ebb, late a collector of the revenue of the United States, in the county of Northampton, in the district of Pennsylvania, from confinement; upon a judgment obtained against him in favor of the United States: Provided, That he take so much of an oath imposed upon persons imprisoned for debt by the second section of the act, entitled, "An act for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt," as relates to his not, having transferred his property with an intent to defraud the United States; and that he shall assign and convey all the estate, real and personal, which he may now own, or be entitled to, to some person or persons for the use and benefit of the United States, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury: Provided, also, That the said judgment shall remain, in full force against any estate, real or personal, which the said Lawrence Ebb may hereafter acquire, and that process, may, at any time, be thereupon issued against the same.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, Feb. 3, 1802. TH. JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
RESOLUTIONS Expressing the sense of Congress on the gallant conduct of Lieut. Sterret, the officers and crew of the United States schooner Enterprise.
Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That they entertain a high sense of the gallant conduct of Lieutenant Sterret, and the other officers, seamen and marines, on board the Schooner Enterprise, in the capture of a Tripolitan corsair of fourteen guns and eighty men.
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to present to Lieutenant Sterret a sword, commemorative of the aforesaid heroic action; and that one month's pay be allowed to all the other officers, seamen and marines, who were on board the Enterprise, when the aforesaid action took place.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, Feb. 3, 1802. TH. JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
NOTICE.
COMMITTED to the Jail of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, as a Runaway, a Negro Woman named CHARLOTTE, about nineteen years of age, five feet four or five inches high. She says she is the property of Lewis St. John, near Patuxent Town, Frederick county, Virginia. The owner is requested to come and pay Charges and take her away.
DANIEL C. BENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Feb. 5, 1802.
FOR SALE.
LOT No. 21. in square No. 169, in the City of Washington, fronting 53 feet 9 inches on the President's square and 89 feet 11 inches deep to a 30 feet alley, opposite the War Office, between F and G Streets. Its situation in a public point of view, cannot be excelled by any in the City; on it is a well dug and walled up, and part of the cellar cleared out. Title indisputable.—For terms apply to
THOMAS HERTY, Near Rhodes's City Tavern. Feb. 3. ept
Valuable property for Sale.
ON Tuesday the 23d of February next, will be offered to sale to the highest bidder, at Tunnicliff's Tavern at 4 o'clock in the evening, a two story BRICK HOUSE, with 2 rooms and a passage on each floor; situate on Lot No. 10, in square 728. in the City of Washington, on East Capitol Street. The terms will be made known on the day of sale, by
SAMUEL TYLER. Jan. 25, 1801. iaw 48

COMMISSIONERS' OFFICE, Washington, Jan. 26, 1802. ORDERED, By the Board that the following Proclamation be published thrice a week for three weeks successively, in the City and George Town newspapers.
THOMAS MUNROE, Clk. Com. BY THE PRESIDENT, OF THE UNITED STATES.
WHEREAS by the first article of the terms and conditions declared by the President of the United States on the 17th October 1791, for regulating the materials, manner of buildings, and improvements on the lots in the City of Washington, it is provided, That the outer and party walls of all houses in the said City, shall be built of brick or stone; and by the third article of the same terms and conditions, it is declared that the wall of no house shall be higher than forty feet to the roof in any part of the city, nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the Avenues: And whereas the above recited articles were found to impede the settlement in the city, of mechanics and others whose circumstances did not admit of erecting houses authorised by the said regulations, for which cause the operation of the said articles has been suspended by several acts of the Presidents of the United States from the 5th day of June 1796, to the 1st January 1802, and the beneficial effects arising from such suspensions having been experienced; it is deemed proper to revive the same with the exception hereafter mentioned.
WHEREFORE, I, THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States, Do declare that the first and third articles above recited shall be, and the same are, hereby suspended until the first day of January 1803, and that all houses which shall be erected in the said City of Washington previous to the said 1st day of January 1803, conformable in other respects to the regulations aforesaid, shall be considered as lawfully erected; except that no wooden house covering more than three hundred and twenty square feet, or higher than twelve feet from the sill to the eve, shall be erected, nor shall such house be placed within twenty-four feet of any brick or stone house.
GIVEN under my hand this twenty-third day of January, in the year 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON. Jan. 29, 1802. ep3w
FOR SALE.
THE subscriber is authorised to sell a tract of land containing four hundred acres, lying in Prince George county, on Oxen Run, adjoining the district of Columbia, and about two miles from the City of Washington, with a good road to that part of the Eastern Branch over which a bridge is to be built. This land is healthy and abounds with springs of excellent water.
There are between twenty and thirty acres of meadow ground, with a fine stream through it, which may be prepared for timber at a small expense, and at least two hundred acres in wood and timber. The wood itself will more than pay for the land. The cleared land, except a small part indeed, is of an excellent quality, and has on it a large tobacco house, and several houses suitable for the accommodation of labourers. This land has on it some elegant situations for country seats, commanding a view of the river and the city. of this land be not sold at private sale, before the 10th day of March next (and if it be, timely notice will be given) it will on that day, if fair, if not, the first fair day thereafter be sold to the highest bidder on the premises. The greater part of the purchase money will be required down; a credit of three months will be given on the balance, the purchaser securing the punctual payment of the balance at the expiration of that time. Persons disposed to make a private purchase, may know the terms by application to Wm. Cooke, of Baltimore Town, or Mr. James E. Leitch of Manchester, Virginia, Mr. John Addison at Georgetown, near the City of Washington, or to the subscriber in the city of Washington.
PHILIP B. BAKER, Attorney for J. Addison. Jan. 18, 1802. epts
ROBERT CHERRY,
Near the Sugar House, New-Jersey Avenue, has just received (in addition to his former stock) per the sloop Harmony, captain Elwood, from Philadelphia.
A GENERAL assortment of groceries and liquors, viz. Pennington's loaf and lump sugar, Havannah white, Jamaica and St. Croix brown do. hyson, young hyson, hyson skin, bunchong, and bohea teas, coffee, pepper, allspice, nutmegs, and cloves; hair powder, plain and scented, box and keg raisins, mould and dip candles, white and brown soap, Daxon's best mustard, (bad, mackerel, and herring in barrels, dried codfish, &c.
Cognac brandy, Holland gin, Jamaica and Antigua rum, Madeira and Lisbon wine, with other articles, all of a good quality. Also a trunk of swansdown, glass in bottles, 12 by 10 and 8 by 6, which he will sell for cash, or barter for first quality tobacco. The above articles have been laid in at a falling market, and shall sell the same at very reduced prices for cash. He returns his sincere thanks to his friends and the public, for the encouragement he has already met with since his residence here, and hopes for a continuance of their favours, which will be thankfully acknowledged. January 9, 1802. eptf
NOTICE.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of JASPER DE CARNAP, late of the City of Washington, deceased; are desired to exhibit their accounts for settlement, and those who are indebted are earnestly requested to discharge the same without delay. ELIZABETH DE CARNAP, Administrator. HENRY INGLE, Administrator. Dec. 21, 1801. ep8w
For Sale,
Or to To LET, on Ground Rent for ever, FIFTY LOTS, SITUATE between the President's House and Capitol. The titles to which is indisputable. ISAAC POLOCK. Dec. 16. eptf
Washington City, District of Columbia. BROUGHT before me as a tray, by Jared Gibson, a dark bay GELDING, about 4 years old, and 14 or 15 hands high, clumsy made, no white about him except two or three hairs on his back, no artificial mark, stood before, a short dock, with a switch tail. BENJAMIN MORE. The owner of the above horse is desired to call, prove his property, pay the charges and take him away. JARED GIBSON. Jan. 29, 1802. ep3t
Advertisement.
RANAWAY from the subscriber on Saturday night last a Negro MAN, named TIMOTHY FARMER, about 24 or 25 years of age, five feet 6 inches high, a chonkey made fellow, wears his hair clubbed, had on when he went away an old wool hat, new fustic lincey cost, and an old broad cloth coat, a pair of mint coloured black and yellow trousers and waistcoat, a pair of black yarn stockings, a pair of shoes lately mended; took with him a pair of white mittens, with blue & white fringes. Whoever takes up said Negro and secures him, so that his master may get him again, shall receive SIX DOLLARS if in the county, if out of the county ten dollars, and if brought home, all reasonable charges paid, by me. DANIEL ROOT, jun. Living near Liberty Town in Frederick county, state of Maryland. Jan. 29, 1802. ep3t
To Rent,
4nd possession given immediately, A TWO STORY BRICK HOUSE, North front of the President's House, CONTAINING TWO Parlours and four Bed-rooms, with Garden, &c. It is convenient to the Public offices, and may be had furnished or unfurnished, with or without board, on reasonable terms, to an agreeable tenant. Enquire of the Printer, or on the premises. Also, Wanted Employment. For a YOUNG MAN, who would engage as an assistant in a store, having kept one of his own, of course accustomed to it. Would act as Steward and superintend a plantation, or the like—would make himself useful in any situation.—Enquire of the Printer hereof. November 25. 3stwf
Mrs. PICK,
Takes the liberty to inform the ladies of George-Town and City of Washington, and its vicinity, that she has this day opened at Mr. Kirtz's, opposite the Union Tavern, an elegant assortment of MILLINERY, consisting of, Velvet bonnets, caps, shawls, embroidery, dresses, handkerchiefs, artificial flowers, plumes, trimmings both gold and silver, bugle spangles, facks, muffs, belts and tassels, straw bonnets, cashmere shawls and bonnets, gold and silver thread, wigs and frizes, perfumeery of all kinds, &c. &c. and other articles too numerous to mention; which she will sell on moderate terms. Dec. 23. eptf
CHARLES VARDEN,
Merchant Taylor, from Philadelphia, GRATEFULLY acknowledges the favors conferred on him by the gentlemen of this City, and flatters himself that the general satisfaction he has already given will merit a continuation of the same. He has also received a handsome assortment of goods from Philadelphia, consisting of, Belt superfine cloths, Cashmeres, Swansdown, Toylenetts, Velveretts, Fancy Cords, Coatings, Flannels, &c. N.B. Regimentals, Naval Uniforms, and Ladies' Habits, made in the neatest and most fashionable manner, and at the shortest notice—Washington City, New-Jersey Avenue, next to Mr. Rapine's book store. Dec. 16, 1801. eptf
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, for ready money at Tunnicliff's tavern in the City of Washington, on MONDAY the eighth day of February next, the following squares and lots, or so much thereof as will satisfy the decree aforesaid, viz. Squares 361 362 363, lots 1 2 3 8 9 10 11 in sq. 364, squares 367 368, lots 2 3 10 11 13 14 15 and 20 in square 93, lots 3 4 5 6 7 13 14 15 16 and 17 in square 96A, 1 2 3 6 7 20 21 and 24 in square 1077, lots 2 3 and 4 in square north east of square 1065, lots 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 lots 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 and 33 in sq. 1043, lots 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 and 18 in square 1017, lots 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 and 18 in square 1067. The sale will commence at 11 o'clock, and will continue from day to day until the whole of this property or so much thereof as will comply with the requisites of the aforementioned decree. PHILIP T. BAKER, Trustee. Jan. 5, 1802. epts
The Business formerly carried on By Dr. WILLIAM ROGERS, Is continued, by Dr. WILLIAM H. GRAYHAM, Who informs the inhabitants of the District of Columbia, that his opportunities of improvement in the various branches of medicines, peculiarly entitles him to their favor. Jan. 29, 1802. ep6t
Marshal's Sale.
By virtue of two writs of Venditioni Exponas issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for the county of Washington, to me directed, will be sold at Rhodes's Tavern on Tuesday the 23rd of this month, ALL the right, title, and interest of William King, to a brick house and appurtenances on Lot No. 13, in sq. No. 104, in the City of Washington, to satisfy debts due Thomas K. Beale, admr. of Joseph Clarke, for the use of Stephen Wilson's administrators. The sale to commence at 11 o'clock, P. M. Terms of sale ready money. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Feb. 1, 1802. epts
Marshal's Sale.
Notice is hereby given, that by virtue of a Writ of Venditioni Exponas issued out of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, for the county of Washington, to me directed, John Ashley and Henry Pratt, against the lands and Tenements of Robert Morris, will be exposed to Public Sale, To the highest bidder, for cash, at Rhodes's Hotel, on the third day of February next, all the said Morris's title in and to Lot No. 2, in square No. 756, in the City of Washington. Sale to take place at 11 o'clock, A. M. DANIEL C. BRENT, Marshal of the District of Columbia. Jan. 18, 1802. epts
The Subscriber
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from George-Town to the Fountain Inn, near Rhodes's City Tavern Where he is furnished with a good hostler, carriage house, and stable for eighteen horses, and every thing in his line to render the accommodation of travellers agreeable.—The strictest attention will be paid by CHARLES ROGERS. N.B. Ten or fifteen gentlemen can get board and lodging on moderate terms. Dec. 23. eptf
Just Published
And for sale at Mr. Duane's Book Store, a pamphlet, entitled "Reflections on Government, Philosophy, and Education," CONTAINING also some remarks on female education, preparatory to a series of essays explanatory of the course of instruction adopted in the Stevensburg Academy. By JAMES OGILVIE, Instructor of youth in the Stevensburg Academy. Jan. 18, 1801. eptf
THE NATIONAL "BARLEY CAKE,"
OR, The "Rock of Offence,"
Into a "Glorious Holy Mountain" in Difficulties and Letters, BY DAVID AUSTIN, A.M. Copy Right secured. To be had at Stickney's book store, near the Treasury; and at Rapine and Conrad's, on Capitol Hill.—Price 50 cents single—or, five dollars per dozen. Feb. 1, 1802. eptf
THOMAS CARPENTER, TAYLOR,
SOLICITS a continuation of that generous encouragement which he has experienced from the Ladies and Gentlemen of this City and its vicinity. Having procured an elegant assortment of cloths, cashmeres, swansdowns, &c. and engaged workmen of superior talents. His unremitting attention shall be given to merit patronage. Capitol Hill, next house east of Mrs. Finch's boarding house, and Pennsylvania Avenue between the President's square and Seven Buildings. Dec. 7, 1801. eptf
Mr. SPRIGG,
THE owner of LEBOO, was not desirous, after the races at the City, to run a gainst Mr. Tayloe's horse LEVIATHAN, he would have thought it ungenerous to have made such a proposition. But as Mr. Tayloe has declared in the public prints that "he can be accommodated for his own sum, not being less than 1500 dollars." Mr. Sprigg will run with him over the City Course, on the 13th day of May next, for 2000 dollars, the four mile heats, agreeably to the rules of racing. As major Foreman, the owner of Ranger, wishes an opportunity of contending with Leboo and Leviathan, he can never have a better one than at the same time and place; but if that should not be convenient, Mr. Sprigg will run Leboo against Ranger on the firm Monday in June, over the Goven's Town Course, the four mile heats, for 3000 dollars or for any sum between that and 1000, as major Foreman may think proper. Jan. 15, 1802. ep6t
NOTICE.
THIS is to give notice, That the subscriber has obtained from the orphans' court of Washington County, in the District of Columbia, letters of administration on the personal estate of James Robinson, late of the county of Washington deceased, all persons having claims against the said deceased, are hereby warned to exhibit the same, with the vouchers thereof, to the subscriber, at or before the first day of June next; they may otherwise be excluded from all benefit of the said estate. Given under my hand this 28th day of December in the year 1801. LEWIN TALBURTT, Administrator. December 28, 1801. eptf
FOR SALE.
A superb Curricule with plated Harness. ALSO a pair of young, handsome and feet PONIES, and a capital saddle horse, who never was in harness. Enquire of the Printer. Dec. 18. eptf
COALS,
hickory and oak wood, all of a superior quality, to be sold low for cash, at Redmond and Garrett Barry's new wharf. Also 12 cases of hollow glass, and 14 liquor travelling cases. Jan. 27, 1802. eptm
TO THE MERCHANTS
Of George-Town and Alexandria. A GENTLEMAN of experience in business intends going to the West Indies the ensuing Spring, and will have leisure to transact any commission business that may be confided to his care. His credentials will be unexceptionable.—Any gentleman wishing further information, will be attended to by addressing a line to A. Z. and left in the care of the Editor of the National Intelligencer. Jan. 29, 1802. 2nw4w
BOLTING CLOTHS.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BOLTING CLOTHS Of the best qualities and latest importations, are kept for sale by OLIVER EVANS, at the corner of Market and Ninth streets, Philadelphia, and By OLIVER & EVAN EVANS, With BOHN and SLINGLUFF, at the corner of Market and Howard streets, Baltimore. Also, with DEAN & GARDNER, Union street, Alexandria. The book entitled the YOUNG MILL-WRIGHT and MILLER'S GUIDE, may also be had at the above places. Jan. 29, 1802. ep4w&op4w
To Osborne Sprigg, Esq.
SIR, YOUR publication of the 11th inst. has just come to hand; if I am not mistaken, my invitation informed you that Ranger was engaged to run his last race, on the 25th day of May next, over the Hunting Park Course.—I cannot with convenience to my feelings, break this engagement, or forfeit my bet—Presuming that you do not with an advantage, and that you are willing to run Le Boo against Ranger upon equal terms. I now propose, Ranger shall, on the 13th day of May next, run Le Boo over the Havre de Grace course, the 4 mile heats, carrying weight according to the rules of the Annapolis jockey club, for 3000 dollars, each play or pay. I live 44 miles from Havre de Grace, and the Susquehannah to cross; you have perhaps 20 or 30 miles further to travel your horse, without the risk of a water passage. This is as near as I can contrive meeting you half way, over the best turf in America, carrying your own weight, running your own distance, and making your own sum. I name the 10th of February next to sign the race articles, and if any thing should prevent my reaching the city on that day, Mr. Tayloe is empowered to sign my name for me. am, fir, Your obedient humble servant, T. M. FORMAN. Feb. 1, 1802. 2t
TIMBER,
Of the kind and sizes as stated in the list below. IT will be sufficient if the lengthy piles square to the dimensions mentioned, for about 15 feet from the butt, they may then taper off to 10 inches square at the other end. It is not requested that the piles and other large timber be hewn. The timber must be delivered by the first of April. On proposals for furnishing, the same must be sent in to me on or before the 12th of next month. WILLIAM BRENT, Sec'y.     Feet long.  Inches.    80 Pieces white oak for caps,  34  14 by 14    200 do. for string to lay the plank in,  42  8 — 10    400 do. do. do. do.  22  8 — 10    80 Piles, do. do. do. do.  18  14 — 14    20 do. do. do. do. do.  20  14 — 14    20 do. do. do. do. do.  30  15 — 15    32 do. do. do. do. do.  28  14 — 14    40 do. do. do. do. do.  18  14 — 14    60 do. do. do. do. do.  40  15 — 15    36 do. do. do. do. do.  26  14 — 14    40 Pieces black or white oak for girders  38  12 — 12    80 do. for girts, do. do.  24  12 — 12    80 do. do. do. do. do.  12  12 — 12    480 Pieces white oak, do. do.  10  5 — 7    480 do. do. do. do. do.  12  5 — 7    Fifty thousand feet of plank, white pine or white oak, 17 feet long and 4 inches thick. Twenty-five thousand feet of railing, 4 by 6 and by 7 inches, of different lengths. Jan. 29, 1802. eptf
JOHN BYRNE,
At his wholesale and retail Wine, Spirits and grocery Store, in Prince, near Water-street, Alexandria. Offers for sale at very moderate prices, London particular Madeira do. do. Teneriffe Choice Lisbon, Port and Malaga Wines. Cognac brandy, Holland gin, old Jamaica spirits, aniseed cordials, fine teas, coffee, chocolate, loaf, lump, and brown sugars, nutmegs, mustard, pepper, Florence oil, raisins, starch, molasses, corks, &c. &c. A small assortment of tea-trays, waiters, brass cocks, and Dutch ovens; with excellent Irish linen and dowlas sheeting by the piece. The quality and prices of the above are peculiarly calculated to recommend them to the keepers of boarding houses, and to give satisfaction to such gentlemen as may wish to provide their own wines, &c. Alexandria, Dec. 21, 1801. ep4w
The subscriber respectfully ac-
equaints the public, that he has removed to the corner of Ninth and B streets, where he continues to manufacture and sell all kinds of Ornaments for Chimney pieces, Door Caps, Frontispieces Metal Salves, &c. which may also be had at his store No. 51, Barclay Street, New-York, and to Mr. Wild's store, Market Street, Baltimore. GEORGE ANDREWS. Who has gold leaf for sale by the package or book. May 8, 1801. 1y
NEW STORE.
THE Subscribers most respectfully inform the Public in general, and their friends in particular, that they have just opened a handsome assortment of Dry Goods, SUITABLE for the SEASON, On the Pennsylvania Avenue, between the President's Square and the Seven Buildings, which they purpose to sell low for cash. ALSO, A few casks of Cut Nails. SHARPLESS & SMITH. November 25. ep3
For sale, or to be rented.
A House and lot on the Capitol Hill—the lot is 20 feet 2 inches on Delaware Avenue, and about 190 feet deep extending back to a 39 feet Alley. The House is a handsome well furnished convenient three story brick house, containing 2 leased garrets, 5 chambers, 2 parlours—kitchen with a pantry and cellar. It is directly opposite to the Buildings of WASHINGTON, occupied by Gen. Dearborn, near adjoining to a number of houses belonging to Mr. Carroll, rented to Mr. Dalton and others From its vicinity to the Capitol, it is well calculated for a private family; or a person attached to the offices of the Federal Legislature.—adjoining is a lot of about 40 feet front on same Avenue, and running same depth back. (the whole under a good pole and rail fence) which, if required would be sold at same time. If rented, the Tenant may have the use of the whole of the lot, which would make an excellent garden, having a South and Eastern exposure, as long as convenient to the proprietor. This property would be sold a Bargain for satisfactory payments, or well situated property in Philadelphia would be taken in exchange. Apply to Benjamin Dureh, New Jersey Avenue, or to the Editor of the National Intelligencer—or to Karrick and Percival, Philadelphia. Nov. 21. tf
IMPORTED,
In the Ship Thomas, from Liverpool, Ironmongery, Cutlery, Saddlery and Brass Ware— which are now opening for sale at the subscriber's store on New Jersey Avenue, Capitol Hill, viz. IRON and brass kim locks, flock ditto, butt and HL hinges, screws, bolts, saws, files, chisels, curriers knives, wagon boxes, frying pans, patent metal tea kettles, pots and faucepans, chafing dishes, iron pots, knife cases, knives and forks, bras and iron candlesticks, shovels and tongs, brushes, ladies dressing cases, mathematical instruments, mill, pit and cross-cut saws japanned ware, large scale beams, &c. &c. HENRY INGLE. October 19.
THE CABINET and CHAIR-MAKING Busi-
ness is carried on by Ingle and Pelton, at their shop next to the above store, where orders in that line will be thankfully received and punctually attended to. N.B. A good steady Journeyman Cabinet-Maker will meet with employ by applying as above. 2awtf
FOR SALE.
A TRACT of land containing 3,500 acres lying immediately on the river Potomac, in the county of Northumberland, Virginia, late the residence of PRESLEY THORNION, Esq. Seventeen hundred acres of which are of the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river; between three and four hundred acres heavily timbered, the remainder is wavy high land extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story brick mansion house and two offices, a large brick stable, a valuable barn, cow house and many other out-houses, all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore or Norfolk—There are two good mill seats for grist, or saw-mills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which if sawed up into scantling will command a price in the City of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser or purchasers, and the tract will be divided into two or more plantations if necessary.—Apply to RICHARD PETERS, junr. No. 85, Walnut-street Philadelphia. Philadelphia, Nov. 11. eptf
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RANAWAY on Saturday night the 26th of last month, a Mulatto named CYRUS, about 21 or 22 years of age, five feet six or seven inches high, with dark bushy hair. He has served an apprenticeship with a millwright, and is a good workman. He bolts from Popes Creek, the estate of Daniel M'Carty, Esq. in the county of Westmoreland, a small sorrel horse, a near light saddle, not much worn, made by James Smock, Fredericksburg, and a snaffle bridle, with a variety of wearing apparel. He has for wife a maid belonging to general Lee of Stratford, and it is conjectured he will endeavor to secret himself in the neighbourhood of the City of Washington, in expectation of meeting with his wife. Whoever will apprehend the said slave and deliver him to me, shall receive the sum of fifty dollars; and I will also give a farther reward of ten dollars to any one who may restore the horse and saddle. JOHN ROSE. Virga. Leeds, Jan. 11, 1802. w4t