Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-05-06 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
No. VII.
From SATURDAY, May 2, to WEDNESDAY, May 6, 1789.
PRICE SIX PENCE.
A SKETCH of the POLITICAL STATE of AMERICA.
NUMBER IV.
THAT temptation to fraud and subterfuge, which the currency of a fluctuating medium presented, had a visible effect upon the morals of the community, and tended to destroy that reciprocal confidence, between the individual members which forms the great prop and cement of all society. It is by some supposed, that a state of war is ever productive of vice and immorality, by prejudicing the habits, and corrupting the manners of a people: Perhaps the reasoning is no further true, than by opening a wider field for exertion, and greater opportunity for the display of the powers of the mind, the latent seeds of vice are invigorated, and the prolific soil which covers them being loosened, they spring into view: Habits of dissipation naturally arise in armies, and among large collections of men, which the vigour of military discipline is sometimes unable to controul; and which in a country, whose citizens are also soldiers, are easily introduced among the great mass of the people. This was peculiarly the situation of America; and that indolence and inactivity, succeeded enterprise and exertion, which but ill become a young country, just emerged from a long and expensive war; and under the necessity of obtaining future support by her own industry, and without the aid of a rich parent.
Common danger no longer operating to direct the views; and draw the exertions of her several States to one common centre, a different scene soon opened to our view: The recommendations of Congress having lost the support of that zeal and enthusiasm, which had ever given them the force of law, soon served only to present repeated proofs of its declining power: The clangor of the trumpet, and the din of arms, had deprived most of the States of an opportunity to form those plans of civil policy, which require mature reflection, and a tranquil mind; and languor and indecision became the characteristic marks of their future deliberations; and the influence of those eternal rules of Justice, which do honor to a people, daily became more faint and weak, till the opposite principle, in many instances, prevailed, and to do the most wrong became the greatest object of emulation: For want of that protection and encouragement, which is derived from the fostering hand of a good government, our citizens were obliged to resort to the dominions of our late enemies, to pursue those plans of business, and obtain that support which their own country denied them. The blood of those heroes, who had fallen martyrs to freedom, grew pale to the imagination; and the expressive tear of the widow and the orphan, no longer communicated emotion: The wretch, crippled in the service of his country, was reproached for complaining; and the foreign and domestic creditor, called in vain upon our Gratitude, our Justice and Humanity—America, blush at the recital!—Our Cæsars and Catalines watched, with an eager eye, an opportunity to seize on the liberties of their country; and fell anarchy, with all her train of concomitant evils, began to stalk with gigantic strides over these confederated republics, and they were alarmed by all those convulsions and agitations, which like the sulphureous fermentations in the bowels of the earth, frequently threaten a dissolution.
Unhappy for America, the too benevolent a presumption upon the disposition of foreign powers, prevented her seeing sufficiently seasonably, the effects of their baneful policy, while too strong a reliance on her own virtue—a supposed competition of interests between the States, and inexperience in the conduct of national affairs, rendered the establishment of necessary regulations, of a general nature, impossible to be effected: While only reasoning upon the subject, and not till an almost total decay of trade—want of employment among her mechanics, and a general poverty of her citizens, had taken place, could she be prevailed upon to adopt those measures, and pursue those principles, on which her future prosperity and happiness evidently rested. AMERICANUS.
(To be continued.)
ANECDOLE of CROMWELL.
WHEN Cromwell was in Scotland with his troops, he went out one morning to see the country with only a few guards: a Scotch soldier, thinking to make himself remarkable by doing some great deed, fired at him from behind a dyke; but having missed his aim, Cromwell's guards were going to seize and kill him. "Let him alone," said Cromwell (no way discomposed,) and darting a look at the fellow—"You lubberly rascal, if any of my soldiers had missed such a mark, I would have tied him up to the halberds."
ON SLAVERY.
EXTRACT FROM "AMERICAN ESSAYS."
EVERY man in the United States, who is tolerably acquainted with the history of the late war, cannot be ignorant that many of the citizens of the Southern States, whose property principally consists in Slaves, have greatly and gloriously distinguished themselves during the war, in every act, quality, and principle, that constitutes a true Patriot: Let not the citizens therefore of the northern States presume to censure those deserving patriots, or vainly arrogate to themselves superior virtue, merely because from local, or other adventitious circumstances, they have never owned a slave. And now that those plundered Exiles are returned to their ravaged, and ruined possessions, and are gathering the poor scanty leavings of a cruel, rapacious enemy, can any man, without a blush, express a wish, to see those worthy fellow-citizens stripped of the poor remains of their once affluent fortunes, or even talk of the future surrender of their slender gleanings, without proposing, or rather providing an ample recompence? As I am not individually interested in favor, or against Slavery, farther than I consider it the cause of my fellow-men—so not having maturely considered the subject, I do not conceive myself qualified, at present, to treat upon it so amply as its importance seems to require, and shall therefore only venture a few cursory observations.
In defence of Slavery, it has incontrovertibly the sanction of numerous precedents, as it clearly appears from sacred and profane history, to have been authorized and practiced from the earliest ages, and by the greatest nations, of which we have any accurate knowledge: The Egyptians, Phenicians, Jews, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, and Romans, are recorded to have had large possessions in slaves: Athens, in the zenith of her glory, contained only twenty one thousand citizens, and four hundred thousand slaves.* In the most flourishing periods of Rome, there was a still greater proportion of slaves, and some individual citizens of Rome were said to have possessed thirty thousand slaves.†
When it is also considered, that the native subjects of Africa, as far as we are at present acquainted with the history of that country, hold their lives and property, in general, at the absolute will and disposal of their Princes, or Chiefs, and therefore may be said to be born slaves. We may rationally conclude, without supposing any natural inferiority, as some have lately pretended, that Negroes can more easily brook a state of Slavery, than any other nation we are at present acquainted with; and when we see, or hear of whole hecatombs sacrificed to the pride, or offered to the manes of some African Despot, and at the same time view the situation of slaves in general in the United States of America, it would seem, by a fair comparison, that the state of those Slaves was greatly meliorated by an exchange of masters: With these, let us at the same time compare the present state of the poor in the populous towns and cities of Europe, where passengers are continually shocked with the sight of thousands of wretches, superannuated—diseased—without shelter—without food—without cloaths—without a friend—and without a MASTER, to whom they can look up, or on whom they have a rightful and legal claim for protection and support; thus destitute and forlorn, the situation of the Slave appears comparatively enviable; for as among rude and ignorant nations, age is generally more respected than among the more polished part of mankind, so the old and decrepit slave, on a plantation, seldom wants any comforts, which are in the power of his children (who are rarely separated from him) or his fellow-slaves to bestow. But when I review the actions of that renowned race of Demi-Gods on earth, the almost adored citizens of Rome, I cannot but exclaim, with no small degree of indignation, what were they? A race of Tyrants; of Masters: Their boasted FREE Government! What was it? A scene of shocking, disgraceful, degrading tyranny, and oppression: Where even their Mechanics, and Laborers, were denied the common privileges of men, and in many respects less regarded than the brute creation: And where the wealthy citizen is said to have fed the fishes in his ponds with the flesh of his slaves: When I return from contemplating this horrid scene, and survey the no less pitiable condition of the wretched Slaves at this present day, in the English and Dutch colonies, where I behold a petty tyrant of an Overseer, lording it over his fellow-crea-
tures, with whips of scorpions, and with rods of iron; glutting by turns his avarice, cruelty and lust; with every other hateful passion, in wanton, vile excess, upon those passive, injured, and defenceless victims, my soul recoils at the word SLAVERY; and while I pity the ignorant savage tyrants of Africa, I cannot forbear execrating the more enlightened, but more barbarous tyrants in America. Yet these men will pretend to own a common Father of all Mankind, and shamelessly deny that we are brethren; and they have the presumption to affect to believe that the great searcher of hearts pays a particular respect to the colour of the Skin. But it must be allowed, that in all societies, subordination and servitude are in some degree necessary—These naturally imply superiority and power: Power therefore cannot be supposed in itself unjust, but only the abuse of that power: A frequent change, or rotation of property, occasioned by the introduction of Commerce into many of the European States, has greatly checked this wanton exercise, or abuse of power; and in many of those States, has by degrees, totally abolished that villanage which existed in the primitive ages. Yet, as in all civilized states, an excess of poverty will be the inevitable lot of some, it may therefore naturally be expected, that the poor in general will experience a certain degree of dependence, and servility. And as is not in the power of laws effectually to shield every individual from every species of oppression, so it is to be expected that some masters will maltreat their slaves, and some of the rich will oppress the poor; if the state of the poor may be supposed in some respects preferable to that of the African Slaves, yet I am of opinion, that in other respects it may sometimes be less eligible, unless we should allow an equal degree of sensibility to mankind in every state and condition, which opinion I cannot think, either reason, experience, or common observation will warrant: Be that as it may, all Europe evinces, that where there are no Black men, there must be white men to do the menial, and other servile offices requisite in society; or in other words, where there are no black slaves, there must be white slaves. But as slavery, however convenient, or even just, may not appear perfectly compatible with the opinions of Americans, as advocates for certain natural inalienable rights equally appertaining to all mankind, so it may be presumed, there are few owners of slaves, who would not freely make a large discount, in order to exchange that species of property, for such as would be more consonant to their feelings, and principles. But in what manner those slaves when manumitted, are to be supported, is a matter of vast importance to be previously considered, and adjusted; which will I fear be found to be attended with insurmountable difficulties, for however strange it may appear, it is nevertheless true, as has been proved in various instances, that there will be but a small proportion of the whole number of slaves, who will be able to provide for themselves; and therefore unless retaken into the same, or similar service, and state, will become a grievous burthen to the community; which in addition to the present numbers unemployed in America, and the price that justice will require to be paid to the owners for their manumission, will be probably more than we shall speedily be able to bear.
E. C.
MR. FENNO,
AS many persons are not possessed of any just ideas of the origin of those enormities, which have been perpetrated in the East-Indies by English adventures, the following, taken from an European publication, may be satisfactory to some of your readers, as it has been to E. Z.
The Origin and Progress of the British Power and Oppression in India.
DURING the time of the Mogul government, the Princes of that race, who omitted nothing for the encouragement of commerce in their dominions bestowed very large privileges and immunities on the English East-India company, exempted them from several duties to which their natural born subjects were liable. The company's duistruct or passport, secured to them this exemption at all the custom-houses and toll-bars of the country: The company not being able, or not chusing to make use of their privilege to the full extent to which it might be carried, indulged their servants with a qualified use of their passport; under which, and in the name of the company, they carried on a private trade, either by themselves or in society with natives; and thus found a compensation for the scanty allowances made to them by their masters in England. As the country government was at that time in the fulness of its strength, and this immunity existed by a double connivance, it was naturally kept within tolerable limits.
* Athenaeus, lib. 6, cap. 20.
† Ibid.
‡ Vadius Pollis—Donat. ad Terentii Phorm. Act 2. Scene I. See observations concerning the distinction of ranks in society. By JOHN MILLAR, Esq. page 202, in note.

But by the revolution in 1757, the company's servants obtained a mighty ascendancy over the native Princes of Bengal, who owed their elevation to the British arms. The company, which was new to that kind of power, and not yet thoroughly apprized of its real character and situation, considered itself still as a trader in the territories of a foreign potentate, in the prosperity of whose country it had neither interest nor duty. The servants, with the same ideas, followed their fortune in the channels in which it had hitherto ran, only enlarging them with the enlargement of their power. For their first ideas of profit were not official; nor were their oppressions those of ordinary despotism. The first instruments of their power were formed out of evasions of their ancient subjections. The passport of the company in the hands of its servants was no longer under any restraint; and in a very short time their immunity began to cover all the merchandise of the country. Cossim Ali Khan, the second of the Nabobs whom they had set up, was but ill disposed to the instruments of his greatness. He bore the yoke of this impetuous commerce with the utmost impatience: he saw his subjects excluded as aliens from their own trade, and the revenues of the Prince overwhelmed in the ruin of the commerce of his dominions. Finding his reiterated remonstrances on the extent and abuse of the passport ineffectual, he had recourse to an unexpected expedient, which was to declare his resolution at once to annul all the duties on trade, setting it equally free to subjects and to foreigners.
Never was the method of defeating the oppressions of monopoly more forcible, more simple, or more equitable: no sort of plausible objections could be made; and it was in vain to think of evading it. It was therefore met with the confidence of avowed and determined injustice. The presidency of Calcutta openly denied to the Prince the power of protecting the trade of his subjects, by the remission of his own duties. It was evident that his authority drew to its period; many reasons and motives concurred, and his fall was hastened by the odium of the oppressions which he exercised voluntarily, as well as those to which he was obliged to submit.
When this example was made, Jaffer Ali Khan, who had been disposed to make room for the last actor, was brought from penury and exile to a station, the terms of which he could not misunderstand. During his life, and in the time of his children who succeeded him, parts of the territorial revenue were assigned to the company; and the whole, under the name of residency at the Nabob's court, was brought directly or indirectly, under the controul of British subjects. The company's servants, armed with authorities delegated from the nominal government, or attended with what was a stronger guard, the fame of their own power, appeared as magistrates in the markets in which they dealt as traders. It was impossible for the natives in general to distinguish, in the proceedings of the same persons, what was transacted on the company's account, from what was done on their own; and it will ever be so difficult to draw this line of distinction, that, as long as the company does, directly or indirectly, aim at any advantage to itself in the purchase of any commodity whatever, so long will it be impracticable to prevent the servants availing themselves of the same privilege.
The servants therefore, for themselves, or for their employers, monopolized every article of trade, foreign and domestic; not only the raw merchantable commodities, but the manufactures, and not only these, but the necessaries of life, or what in these countries, habit has confounded with them; not only silk, cotton, piece goods, opium, saltpetre, but not unfrequently salt, tobacco, betel nut and the grain of most ordinary consumption. In the name of the country government they laid on or took off, and at their pleasure heightened or lowered, all duties upon goods: the whole trade of the country was either destroyed, or in shackles. The acquisition of the Duanne, in 1765, bringing the English into the immediate government of the country, in its most essential branches, extended and confirmed all the former means of monopoly.
In the Progress of these ruinous measures, through all their details, innumerable grievances were suffered by the native inhabitants, which were represented in the strongest, that is, their true colours, in England. Whilst the far greater part of the British in India were in eager pursuit of the forced and exorbitant gains of trade carried on by power, contests naturally arose among the competitors: those who were overpowered by their rivals, became loud in their complaints to the court of directors, and were very capable, from experience, of pointing out every mode of abuse.
ANECDOE of Swift and Addison.
ONE evening, during a tete-a-tete conversation between Addison and Swift, the various characters in Scripture were canvassed, and their merits and demerits were fully discussed. Swift's favourite, however, was Joseph, while Addison contended strongly for the amiable Jonathan. The dispute lasted some time, when the author of Cato observed, that it was very fortunate they were alone, as the character which he had been praising so warmly was the name-fake of Swift--while the other, of which Swift had been so lavish in his commendations, was the namefake of Addison.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE,
By the Ship JANE, Capt. HAYNES, who arrived here on Friday Evening, in 49 days from London.
LONDON, FEBRUARY 26.
THE letter which Mr. PITT received from Kew on Monday night, which commanded his attendance there on his Majesty, the following day, was in the King's own hand writing, and is one of the first letters which His Majesty has written since the happy recovery from his late dreadful illness.
We are informed, that when the Ambassadors of Tippu Sultan were taking leave at the court of Versailles, they requested to know what mark of friendship from their master would be most satisfactory to the King of France: On which the King declared, "that the liberty of any English officers or soldiers, who might still be detained prisoners in the Sultan's dominions, and more especially of those who had been prisoners with M. SUFFREIN, would be the greatest test of regard for his Majesty." A declaration, which reflects honor upon the throne from which it proceeded, and which exalts its author above the rank of Kings! The Protector of Humanity!
It was not, we are informed, the intention of the court of France to make this interesting request known, till it took a happy effect in India: The Indian Ambassadors gave the first public intimation of the request: M. Suffrein wrote upon the same subject a very strong letter to Tippu, and orders have been sent to the French governors in India to use every possible influence at the court of Tippu to carry a point equally interesting to humanity, and to the policy of an enlightened and powerful nation.
The particulars of a negotiation, so creditable to its author, and which displays so happily the liberal spirit of the age, cannot and ought not to remain long unexplained.
[The above article exhibits an evidence, among a thousand others, that daily occur, of the encreasing urbanity, and refined sensibility of the present age--and while it extorts a just tribute of applause on the MONARCH OF FRANCE, the generous acknowledgement of the English is highly complimentary to their character.]
FEB. 28. By His Majesty's command the Physicians' report is to be discontinued from this day.
By private letters from Madras we learn, That Tippu Sultan has lately made on the frontiers of the Carnatic, some military movements that indicate a strong desire to break a peace to which he consented so reluctantly. Educated in camps, and accustomed from his infancy to the din of war, that turbulent and enterprising Prince will never cease to employ against the English, every engine of force or fraud, till such time as he has driven them from the Carnatic, or ruined himself in the attempt.
Mr. HASTINGS' trial is to be resumed on the 16th of April next. The King as we are happy to say, is recovered. He is now as perfectly himself as he ever was at any period of his life. All that remains to be guarded against, is, the possibility of a relapse. Against this, there are reasons as well grounded as the best observations of physicians can possibly be.
On that observation, His Majesty's malady has been held to be, not an Insanity, but a Delirium--and for this reason--In cases of Insanity, the disorder is little affected by the pulse. The patient retains his disorder, be the pulse high or low.
In cases of Delirium, the thing is directly the reverse: As the fever decreases, the patient recovers his mental faculties.
It has happened exactly so to His Majesty. When his pulse was at 120, his malady was at its height. His pulse now is at 64, and he is perfectly recollected: and it will be a satisfaction to the public to know, that cases of delirium cease with the cause, and scarcely ever return. The King now sees, and converses with perfect composure, with different people; and so sensible is he at present of what has passed, that he only requests they would not talk to him on public affairs--"Let me be quiet for the present."
Every thing announces a second campaign against the Turks. The company of miners, commanded by Capt. CHATELET, quitted Pless some time since to go to Gradiska; they are ordered to march as fast as possible. The next campaign we expect will be opened by the siege of Birbir.
The peace of the North, which many have expressed a hope to see established, does not seem likely to be settled without a farther appeal to arms. For although the King of Sweden, on the 25th ult. declared his mind to the Diet of that Kingdom, yet their continuing to arm with vigor, and the general unanimity that prevails between the King and his States, are strong motives to excite our belief, that war will continue on the part of Sweden.
Nothing could possibly be more incommode to opposition, than the recovery of the King. A noble Lord, supposing his appointment to the Lieutenancy of Ireland certain, had bespoke all his liveries, which were uncommonly ornamented with lace. They were actually finished, and ready to be packed up. The new Favorite's coach-maker indeed was less precipitate in his operations. A splendid carriage, lined with rose-colored satin, was ordered, but counter-ordered before any progress in the work was made.
THEATRE, COVENT-GARDEN.
A few minutes before the curtain drew up, on Saturday night, Dr. WILLIS took his seat in the King's Box: His green glasses were on, and he kept them on during the whole Evening. The moment he was seated, the band, as if by previous intimation, struck up GOD SAVE THE KING. And at the end of the play, the actors came on the stage and sung it. And, as Garrick said, ALL THIS FOR DR. WILLIS.
What a pity Dr. WILLIS was not sent for, previous to the breaking out of the American war. Who knows but he might have saved America, as well as an hundred millions of money, and a hundred thousand lives.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
THURSDAY, MARCH 5, 1789.
REGENCY BILL.
The Lord Chancellor left the Woolfack, and said, the idea their Lordships had gone upon in their late adjournments, had arose from their wishes that his Majesty might have as much time as possible allowed to him for the re-establishment of his health as could be allowed, consistent with the pressure of public affairs, before he took any part in the public business.
Since their last adjournment, his Majesty had found his health so far re-established and confirmed, that he had expressed his intention of signifying on Tuesday next, to his parliament, what business was necessary to be taken; he should therefore move their Lordships to adjourn to Tuesday next.
Ordered nem. dis. At five o'clock the House adjourned, till Tuesday next.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
THURSDAY MARCH 5, 1789.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose and said, from the present happy state of his Majesty's health, he had the pleasure to inform the House it was probable that they would receive a communication from the King on Tuesday next: he should therefore move the House to adjourn to Tuesday next.
The King's (of Great-Britain) personal property amounts to seven millions Sterling.
COPELY is carrying on the siege of Gibraltar, with those flow and regular approaches, which cannot fail of success. One barge of Marines, forms a principal feature of the work, and is disposed with a dexterity, and a fertility of invention, peculiar to this great master.
MARCH 7.
The commotions in Brabant seem now drawing to a crisis; for no doubt can now remain of the Emperor's intention. That he has sold the country to France appears evident; for no power can be so great a stranger to the intrigues of that court, as to allow it to garrison its fortified towns on the faith of having them restored.
We have long intimated a secret correspondence which has passed between the courts of Vienna and Versailles. The Queen has been trying every art to give the Emperor some effectual assistance, and it now seems that the country of Brabant is to be the price of it. It only remains to be shown in what manner the Flemings will resist such an usurpation.
The Emperor has presented PRINCE POTEMKIN with a star, of the value of 100,000 florins.
Letters from Warsaw, dated February 8, say, that the spirit of opposition between the two principal parties which divide that republic, far from diminishing, augments daily; they are no longer content with differing in opinion only, but even proceed to those fatal marks of distinction which, without doing the least good, excite divisions, and produce many other evils. The triumphant party wear red caps with gold lace; those of the King's green ones with gold lace. The latter use all their endeavours to re-establish the permanent council; and it is astonishing how they resist the opposite party, especially as it seems neither the court of Russia nor Vienna will support them against the patriotic party, which appears to be supported with the approbation of a powerful potentate, and will no longer bear of a permanent council, but mean to form another under the title of a council of vigilance, which will be of a quite different form, and where his Majesty will have very little influence.
PERA, Dec. 21. This morning we were astonished to hear that Oczakow had been carried by the assault of the Russians--This news was so little expected, that most part of the foreign ministers had sent advices to their courts of the siege having been raised.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, MAY 4, 1789.
The House met agreeably to adjournment.
A petition from the shipwrights of the town of Baltimore was presented by Mr. SMITH, and being read, was referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the Union.
Mr. MADISON gave notice, that on the fourth Monday of the present month, he should introduce the subject of amendments to the Constitution, agreeably to the fifth article of the Constitution: He thought it necessary thus early to mention the business, as it was weighty and important, and upon motion, the time proposed by the gentleman was assigned.
Mr. AMES presented three petitions from private persons, which were ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. GOODHUE then proposed, that the remainder of the report of the committee, respecting tonnage, should be taken up.
The first article was then read, viz. That all vessels belonging to a citizen or citizens of the United States, should pay a tonnage duty of 6 cents.
Mr. BLAND proposed an amendment, which was seconded, viz. That these words should be added--excepting vessels bound from one port to another within the United States.
The gentleman observed, that as the article now stood it was contrary to the express letter and meaning of the Constitution, which provides that vessels bound to or from one State, shall not be obliged to enter, clear or pay duties in another.
Mr. LAWRENCE was opposed to the amendment: He thought that the Constitution fully warranted the laying a tonnage duty--that the article the gentleman referred to was plain in its meaning, and ought to be construed only as referring to entrances and clearances at a third port--coasting vessels were greatly benefited by light houses, pilotage, &c. and it was but reasonable that they should pay for those advantages.
Mr. MADISON was in sentiment with Mr. LAWRENCE, in his construction of the meaning of the clause in the Constitution. The ideas of some gentlemen upon it, he observed, were unreasonable and inconsistent, he conceived, with the Constitution, and must in their opinion totally defeat the revenue--for if vessels were not obliged to enter and clear at some port, the whole duties might be evaded: He thought the construction of the article simple, and easy to comprehend.
Mr. BLAND replied, that he was not convinced of the impropriety of his motion--the gentleman's reasoning, he conceived, went too far--here was a plain, positive declaration; and if we were to suppose, that because the Constitution gave Congress necessary powers, it gave them every power, they would be absolute at once: The article was definite, he conceived; but gentlemen have put different constructions upon it--it was however well known, that the Convention in framing this article, designed to encourage the coasting trade.
Mr. LIVERMORE, Mr. BALDWIN and Mr. CLYMER coincided in sentiment with Mr. MADISON.
Mr. BOUDINOT observed, that this amendment would deprive Congress of all power to raise a revenue: The Constitution had vested such powers in Congress; and they were sworn to support the Constitution: When these powers were duly considered, he presumed, that it would not be contended, that they had not this in particular: The idea of the Convention in the construction of the clause, was to preclude all partiality to any individual State: It moreover extends, he observed, to all vessels indiscriminately, so that the construction of the gentleman goes to exempt all from any obligation to pay duties--Sir, shall a vessel bound to Europe not pay tonnage, because she may collect her cargo at different ports upon the continent--this would entirely overset the whole system of revenue.
Mr. BLAND replied that the Constitution was express, that no duty should be imposed or paid by one State on the articles of another: Tonnage was a duty of this description.

Mr. MADISON said, it is expressly declared by the Constitution, that Congress shall have power to regulate trade, but if they cannot oblige vessels to enter and clear, to what purpose is this power given?—Can they be said to regulate trade in any degree whatever?
Mr. SYLVESTER observed, that the article was explicit as words could make it, to his apprehension these words "in another" plainly indicated, that the duty had been paid at some one port, to entitle to an exemption from duties in another.
Upon the votes being taken, it passed in the negative, so that Mr. BLAND's amendment was lost.
The first article was then put and carried.
The second article was also voted, with this amendment, the insertion of the word NOW, before owned—as it now stands.
The third article came next in course, viz. Upon all vessels owned by the subjects of powers with whom the United States had formed treaties, &c.
Mr. LAWRENCE proposed, and was seconded, that the words, with whom the United States had formed treaties, should be struck out of the report.
This produced a debate, which was supported with spirit and ingenuity on both sides.
Mr. LAWRENCE observed, that the present situation of the United States, should lead her to observe a perfect neutrality with respect to all foreign nations whether in treaty with us or not—that we had not shipping sufficient to export the produce of the country—consequently, we must employ foreign vessels—nations in treaty could not furnish us, and therefore we were under the necessity to employ the British, those of our allies, and American, to transport our produce, or else it must perish on our hands: This necessity places us in the power of foreigners, and gives them every advantage.—Freight will be enhanced in proportion to the tonnage, so that this discrimination operates as a bounty to foreigners, and a tax upon our own produce: But I appeal to gentlemen, (Mr. Lawrence said) whether the produce of the country can bear any addition to its price—with respect to rice and tobacco, gentlemen from the southward must determine—as to the produce of the eastern and northern States, it was well known it could not—the eastern fisheries, it had been plainly proved were in a declining situation already—This discrimination will be considered as a retaliating measure.—It is fact that no commercial treaties now exist between the United States and Spain, Portugal and Great Britain—we carried on a great trade with those countries; we might form such treaties; but such regulations as were now proposed, would produce similar on their part—and in that case our condition, bad as it is, will be changed for the worse.—As the fish from the eastern States will be encumbered with duties in Spain and Portugal.—As the measure respected Great Britain, the gentleman thought it was better to negotiate, than to wage a war of regulations—it would be better to try this mode at the present, the other would always be in our power—This discrimination will have a disagreeable effect—Great Britain is rich, old and powerful—we now derive advantages, great and many in our intercourse with them—their ports in India were open to us, a trade that was considered of immense importance, and which the influence of that nation in India could materially affect, either in our favor or against—the gentleman hoped we should therefore adopt negotiation before we tried the proposed expedient.
Mr. MADISON considered the subject as involving a general question—how far any discrimination should be made: Gentlemen had observed, that our shipping was not sufficient, he believed that was the fact at present, and if we did not want a maritime power, if the United States did not need a navy, he should be for opening our ports to the whole world—But it is, Sir, (the gentleman observed) necessary to provide for our security—and though we may be obliged to pay a temporary advance and make some sacrifices to obtain it, yet it would prove a saving in the end, and may prevent the horrors of war.
Nothing essentially different, from what had before been offered, has been now said—I shall therefore reserve myself to make a motion, that time may be given for the operation of this duty.
It is evident, that the sentiments of the people are in favor of a discrimination, evidenced by the separate attempts of the respective governments, and if in the first act of Congress this distinction should be abolished we shall certainly disappoint our constituents. The gentleman last speaking contends, that we enjoy advantages in our connections and trade with Great Britain. But Sir, it is evident, that the object of that nation has been an universal monopoly: selfish in her commercial regulations, we derive no benefits from her, but such as are extorted by her attention to her own necessities, and our peculiar advantages: There was a moment when Great Britain would have negotiated, but reverting to her narrow policy, the want of power on our part was objected to. The executive of that country, have the power to regulate their commerce as the state of things here may dictate, varying their systems so as to promote their own interest. I do not fear their retaliating, they have no new expedients to try: If necessary, the people will associate, and it is very certain that since the resources of the country have been explored, and our capacity for manufactures ascertained; an association against their manufacturing, will now produce a greater consternation than ever. I conceive we have nothing to apprehend: but supposing the worst, what grievous wound can Great Britain inflict? Restrictions on the trade to the West-Indies would soon bring them to reason, they must depend for the necessaries of life in those islands, on this country entirely, in a few years. What do we want from Great Britain? we may make them depend upon us, and she would very soon sacrifice her pride rather than sacrifice the essentials of her trade and manufactures.
Their islands depend upon us for subsistence—at this moment we hear the cry of distress from one of them: We have nothing to fear, the fears are on their side. I have not time particularly to go into a comparison of the commerce of foreign countries, but our OIL is now received upon peculiar advantages in France; our RICE will soon be admitted according to the best accounts. We should not surely discourage our allies at this interesting period; there are between 80 and 90000 hogheads of tobacco exported to England, and but about 16000 are consumed in that kingdom; the rest was re-shipped by the merchants of Great-Britain, to all parts of the continent, and the same may be said of the principal part of our produce sent to that country. Our ALLIES merit some advantages to place their navigation upon more equal terms: It would be pleasing Sir, if some distinction could be made in favour of Spain and Portugal, but at present, I do not see how it can be done. Treaties, however, may soon be formed between us and those powers: I rely upon the consistency of conduct, which will be observed by this house. Our constituents are all anxious for some discrimination, and will be disappointed should the words in the report be struck out. I do not contend for a great difference, but a difference is necessary, politic, and just.
Mr. FITZSIMONS observed, that Great-Britain takes exclusively from us, lumber—if 40s. per thousand duty was laid, they must pay it; the same may be said of provisions: This was proved by the rise of these articles, and the rise of their freight—the freight was not in proportion to the tonnage—the rice of Carolina, was another article not to be produced elsewhere—flaxseed and potash also from the eastward—6s. 8d. duty on tonnage had been paid in some of the states, but it did not enhance freight, the charges fall on the consumer. He acknowledged there might be some difficulties on account of Spain and Portugal, but none with Great-Britain, we were their best customers.
Mr. WADSWORTH was opposed to all discrimination—we enjoyed, he observed, great advantages in our trade with G. Britain: Our flaxseed, potash, naval stores and lumber, were carried there upon equal and better terms than from other countries, that they were not confined to our market for these articles was well known, that to deprive ourselves of this market would be the greatest ill-policy as we could find no substitute: it had been acknowledged that the shipping of the States, was not sufficient to transport the productions of the country in this situation, shall we prohibit a competition between the several maritime powers, for our carrying trade, and suffer our produce to perish on our own hands? Policy forbids it—the state of the union forbids it—and he conceived the house would be in favour of the motion to strike out the clause in the report—several other gentlemen spoke upon the subject: Mr. JACKSON, Mr. SHERMAN, Mr. LAWRENCE and Mr. MADISON, again; but the substance of the whole debate is contained in the foregoing.
The vote being taken to strike out the words "with whom the United States have formed treaties." It passed in the negative, so the motion of the Hon. Mr. LAWRENCE, was lost.
The House adjourned.
TUESDAY, MAY 5, 1789.
REV. Mr. LINN, the Chaplain of the House officiated for the first time.
Mr. BENSON presented the report of the committee, appointed to consider what title, or whether any other than what the constitution points out, should be given to the President and other officers of the national government—which was that it was not proper to give any other title, than what the Constitution contains—This report was unanimously accepted.
Mr. MADISON, one of the committee appointed to answer the Speech of THE PRESIDENT, introduced the report of that committee, which being read by the Clerk, it was referred to a committee of the whole House—where being read and amended, was unanimously passed, and afterwards accepted by the House.
Mr. BLAND introduced the resolution of the State of Virginia, upon the subject of amendments, which after some conversation, was ordered to be entered on the journals of the House, and the original deposited with the files in the Clerk's office.
That part of the report of the committee of the whole respecting tonnage, was then resumed—upon which Mr. JACKSON proposed, that the sum of 30 cents on foreign tonnage of nations in alliance, should be struck out, and 20 inserted.—This produced a long debate, sketches of which shall appear in our next.—No decision was had upon the proposition, when the House adjourned.
NEW-YORK, MAY 6.
THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSEHOLD.
WHEREAS, all Servants and others, employed to procure Provisions, or supplies, for the Household of THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, will be furnished with monies for those purposes. Notice is therefore given, That no Accounts, for the payment of which the Public might be considered as responsible, are to be opened with any of them. SAMUEL FRAUNCES, Steward of the Household. MAY 4th, 1789.
We are happy to inform our readers, in addition to the preceding Notification, that we understand THE PRESIDENT is determined to pursue that system of regularity and economy in his household, which has always marked his public and private life. As a proof of this we learn, That the Steward is obliged, by his articles of agreement, to exhibit, weekly, a fair statement of the receipts, and expenditures of monies by him, for and on account of THE PRESIDENT'S Household, to such person as THE PRESIDENT may appoint to inspect the same; together with the several bills and receipts of payment for those articles which may be purchased by him, where such bills and receipts can be obtained. And it is likewise strongly inculcated upon the Steward, to guard against any waste or extravagance, that might be committed by the servants of the family.
THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, on the day of his inauguration, appeared dressed in a complete suit of HOMESPUN CLOATHS; but the Cloth was of so FINE A FABRIC, AND SO HANDSOMELY FINISHED, that it was universally mistaken for a foreign manufactured superfine-Cloth. This FACT, the Editor hopes, will apologize for his not having mentioned, in his last paper, a CIRCUMSTANCE, which must be considered as not only flattering to our MANUFACTURERS in particular, but interesting to our COUNTRYMEN in general.
His Excellency THE VICE-PRESIDENT, appears also in a suit of American Manufacture—and several Members of both Houses are distinguished by the same token of attention to the manufacturing interest of their country.
From this bright Era, see Columbia rise! Her Empire prop'd by him who wro'th the Skies! Freedom and Independence—ARTS, and Peace, Shall crown the Scene till Time and Nature cease.
By accounts from Boston it appears, that the Tradesmen and Manufacturers of that metropolis, are following the patriotic example of their brethren of Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New-York, in associating for the promoting of the Manufactures of the Union: They all are turning their attention to the Grand Council of the Nation, as the only adequate source of relief—the prop of their hope, and from whose power alone, such great NATIONAL OBJECTS can receive competent encouragement, support and protection.
The Duck Manufacture in Boston, is patronized by gentlemen of the first character and fortune in that place; and there is the greatest probability, that the navigation of that State, will in a few years, be wafted to every quarter of the globe, by canvas from the American Looms.
The Manufacturing House for Duck in Boston, is pleasantly situated at the South West part of the town.
The building is 180 feet long—two stories high—the upper part is improved by the spinners of the chains, or warp of the Duck—sixteen young women, and as many girls, under the direction of a steady matron, are here employed.
In the lower part are twenty-eight Looms, which can turn out two pieces of Duck, of 40 yards each, pr. week.
This Manufacture is a very great public benefit, as it employs a great number of the poor.
Yesterday the Company at THE PRESIDENT's house, was extremely numerous and respectable.
The late intimation, that a GREAT PERSONAGE, will not expect visits on Sundays, has received the applause of all orders of citizens: The serious part of the community feel highly gratified in this mark of respect to what they consider a DIVINE INJUNCTION—while those, who do not reflect upon the subject in so solemn a point of view, yet, as good members of society, they rejoice in the circumstance as sanctioning a wise and political institution.—Happy talent! of adopting such regulations, as meet the approbation of all classes, and give offence to none.
The public addresses presented to THE PRESIDENT of the United States, wear a different complexion from productions on similar occasions, heretofore offered to distinguished characters: It has been remarked, that these addresses are replete with the impressive sentiments of the heart, and produce corresponding sensations in the minds of every reader.
A National Spirit distinguishes and adorns the present age—It is discovered in private circles, in villages, in towns, and cities—It shines in the acts and doings of the associated bodies of mechanics, farmers, and merchants, by their emulation, industry, and enterprize, by their improvements in arts, agriculture, manufactures and patriotic contributions and exertions, to promote plans of public utility; but the full force and glory of this SPIRIT blazes with meridian lustre in the great national council, where, even LOCAL interests are advocated only upon NATIONAL PRINCIPLES, and as they may ultimately advance the happiness and prosperity of the Union.
The last Post brought us the first number of the COURIER DE BOSTON, a paper, published at Boston, in the French language, By M. J. P. DE NANCREDE.
The utility of such a paper, properly conducted and supported, will be very generally allowed: The acquisition of the French Language, is now become an object of importance, and to have the news, politics, occurrences, &c. detailed in that language, will prove a medium of acquiring the French tongue, with the happiest facility.
EX-RATUM. In THE PRESIDENT'S Speech to both Houses of Congress, published in our last—last col. 3d page, for "concluded," read included.
PRICES CURRENT.
BOSTON.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Wine, Madeira, Lisbon, Port, Faya, Rum, Jamaica, Windward Island, Salt, first Quality, Lisbon, Tobacco, James-River, Maryland, Sugar, in Grain, Lump, Loaf, Brandy, Bisket-Ship Bread, Plank, Butter, Coffee, Cotton, Cocoa, Candles, Tallow, Spermaceti, Flour, Fine, 2d Quality, Flaxseed, Codfish, Salted, Molasses. Prices are listed in New-York Currency.
EXCHANGE
Upon London, Bills 5 per Cent. advance.
ARRIVALS.
At the Port of New-York.
Table with 2 columns: Day, Ship/Route, Destination/Details. Days include Saturday, Sunday, Monday, Tuesday. Ships include Brig Hembere, Schooner Pilgrim, Edward, Sloop Sally, Schooner Esther, Schooner Sincerity, Lively, Sloop Brothers, Ruth, Brig Columbia.
In future, this Paper will be printed and published at No. 9, Maiden-Lane, near the Oyster Market.

THE TABLET.
NUMBER VII.
"One great cause of error, is our taking for granted that habits are right because they have been long established."
NOTHING exhibits the infirmities of human nature in a more striking, and at the same time, in a more melancholy view, than that one half of life is spent in lamenting the misfortunes, and correcting the mistakes of the other. The truth of this observation, derives a still greater force, when applied to communities. From whatever cause it happens, it is an evident fact, that legislators in most countries and ages, have been so perplexed by the operation of past laws, that they either forget, or have not leisure to make regulations, that shall have a better influence in future. By this means, they are often compelled, to act, like a man embarrassed with debt: He looks only for immediate relief, and lays the foundation of far greater trouble, than that from which he has been escaping. It may be well to enquire how this happens? The solution of the question is not difficult. It has been the misfortune of most legislators, that they have framed their measures more according to their own caprices and abstract notions of government, than according to the real circumstances of the people, who are to obey those laws. National prejudice is apt to be mistaken for national interest. It is commonly supposed that laws and regulations that are ill adapted to the opinions, the prejudices and the customs of a people, expose their authors to contempt; and encrease rather than remove the disorders, for which they are calculated. The rule of government it is said, should never counteract the general opinion of the nation. These maxims, though generally true, should be practised upon with some precaution, and adopted under some restrictions. The secret plots of a cabal and the noisy clamours of a faction, are different things from the voice of a whole people. These should not be comprehended in the idea of popular sentiment. The general opinion of the community may often be proper, at the time it is established; but a change of circumstances happens more easily than a removal of prejudices. This cause constitutes one of the most arduous tasks of legislation.
As there should be a resemblance between national character and national laws, it is apt to be inferred that in loose disorderly times, the laws must wear a similar complexion. But the principle should not be carried too far. It only inculcates the impropriety of too suddenly attempting a public reformation from disorders. The work must be progressive and conciliating; not sudden and overbearing. Laws of too severe an aspect will irritate rather than reform. If these remarks are just and they really appear to me so, it is requisite that the prevailing spirit and manners of a country should be examined before it can be pronounced with certainty, what will be the most salutary and successful methods of governing it. When this knowledge is ascertained, it should be applied not only with prudence, but with honesty. It may be rashness for men to oppose with violence the current opinions of the day; but certainly if they believe them erroneous, it is dishonest not to attempt by suitable means to correct such errors.
It is an unfortunate fact, that men in public office are too apt to find their account in cherishing popular caprice. There lies a suspicion against the understanding or integrity of that administration which cannot carry into effect such measures as the public welfare requires, without fomenting a temper of disaffection, or instigating acts of disobedience. "A free and jealous people should be treated like a coy, capricious girl. If she does not at first consent, her humor must be watched; and if she is courted with a delicate kind of treatment, her obstinacy will in time subside."
In my next, the subject shall be illustrated, by remarks that are more obvious and definite.
From the FEDERAL GAZETTE.
IN the distribution of offices in republican governments the following circumstances should be attended to.
 1. Qualification for the office, in knowledge, integrity and industry.  2. An irreproachable private character.  3. Former services to the state or country.  4. Family connection. A wife and children are the best securities a man can give for his good behaviour. If a man will not trust a woman with his happiness, a State should not trust that man with its liberty or property. Besides a single man by a very little labor may always maintain himself.  5. Regard should be had to a man's conduct in his former line of business; a lazy, careless or dishonest lawyer, doctor, merchant or mechanic, will certainly make a bad public officer.  6. A proper degree of respect should be paid to a man who has been unfortunate (without imprudence) in business. Bankruptcy in America, and Europe are different things. Paper money, tender laws, and funding systems have ruined some of the best men in our country; and had these evils continued much longer, they would not have left 
a man to rule over us, or to execute an office, who had not been the subject of the bankrupt law, or of the act of insolvency.
7. In the distribution of offices, rulers should look out for the most suitable men to fill them: Modest men will not apply for them, and imprudent men do not deserve them. Perhaps an order from the President of the United States that the personal applicant for an office should never have one, might prevent much trouble, idleness and scurrility. It would moreover save the feelings of the supreme magistrate of the Union, who cannot serve every body, and therefore must often give offence.
TIMOLEON.
NATIONAL.
From the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET. It appears by the publications of this day, that the first object that has engaged the attention of the Representatives in Congress, is the revenue system, and the collection of duties by impost.
The arrangement of the financial affairs of the Union involves interest of so conspicuous a character, that it naturally claims the pre-eminence; for on the successful issue of this business depends the establishment of public credit, and all the train of benefits, of a public and private nature, that always accompany it.
The intention of this paper is to point out the similarity of situation in which we are placed, to that of the British in the reign of William.
The re-coinage of the silver had occasioned a great scarcity of specie—the opposition made by those who were averse to the revolution generated political feuds, which were attended with a general want of confidence in the government; the public securities, that had been emitted to those who had lent money, rendered services or furnished supplies, had depreciated, inasmuch that the tallies, exchequer bills, &c. had fallen from 40 to 60 per cent. discount, and all loans to government were procured on exorbitant premiums. In this alarming crisis, the eloquence and abilities of Mr. Montague (then Chancellor of the Exchequer) saved the nation.
He had a computation made of the exact amount of all the obligations due by government, for which he procured specific funds, to be appropriated by Parliament for the payment of the annual interest; the surplus, if any, to be formed into a fund for the extinction of the capital. This grant, "to supply deficiencies, and raise the public credit," was unanimously entered into, by the Commons. See 8 and 9 William III. chapt. 20, section the first, which was the principal foundation of the public credit of Great Britain, and which is worthy the most serious consideration of every member of the House of Representatives.
See Parliamentary Debates, vol. 3, page 70.
The Tendency of such measures was to restore public credit, and establish it on the most permanent and respectable footing: Since that period, it never has been violated by Great Britain in a single instance. Indeed, the benefits that were derived from its support were the foundation of all her greatness; it occasioned immense sums of money to flow into that favored country, from all quarters, which by its continual encrease and abundance so lessened its value, that the ministry were enabled to reduce the interest of the public debts (with the consent of the creditors) from 6 to 5 per cent. in the year 1717; from 5 to 4 per cent. in the year 1727; from 4 to 3 per cent. in the year 1750 to 1757; by which reductions an annual saving was made of £1,266,971 sterling.
But besides this advantage, the plenty of money animated and supported every branch of industry, and rendered the taxes a very easy burthen for the people to bear; the funded debt, from the facility of its transfer, became a representative of all alienable property, and thereby aided and encreased the circulating medium.
From the day that such a system is adopted and pursued, we may date the commencement of the rising splendor of this country. Every palliative or plan that may fall short of this system, will only tend to the postponement of this glorious period.
AGRICOLA.
HUMANITY.
Extract from the proceedings of the Association of Baptist Churches, met at Portsmouth-common, in England, May 14 and 15, 1788.
"AGREED, as an association, thus publicly to express our deepest abhorrence of the Slave Trade, and to recommend it earnestly to the ministers and members of our churches, to unite in promoting to the utmost of their power every scheme, that is or may be proposed, to procure the Abolition of a traffic so unjust, inhuman, and disgraceful; and the continuance of which tends to counteract and destroy the operations of the benevolent principles and spirit of our common christianity.
"Agreed, that the above Resolution be transmitted to Granville Sharp, Esq. Chairman of the Committee formed in London for the abolition of the Slave Trade, together with Five-Guineas as a small donation from our little fund, for the purposes of the said committee, and as a public expression of our hearty approbation of the generous cause in which they are engaged."
P L A I N OF THE
GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES, A NATIONAL PAPER.
To be published at the seat of the FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and to comprise, as fully as possible, the following Objects, viz.
 I. EARLY and authentick Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS—its LAWS, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS, communicated so as to form an HISTORY of the TRANSACTIONS of the FEDERAL LEGISLATURE, under the NEW CONSTITUTION.  II. IMPARTIAL SKETCHES of the DEBATES of CONGRESS.  III. ESSAYS upon the great subjects of Government in general, and the Federal Legislature in particular; also upon the national and local Rights of the AMERICAN CITIZENS, as founded upon the Federal or State Constitutions; also upon every other Subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion.  IV. A SERIES of PARAGRAPHS, calculated to catch the "LIVING MANNERS as they RISE," and to point the public attention to Objects that have an important reference to domestic, social, and publick happiness.  V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions—religious and moral Objects—Improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY—their foreign Treaties, Alliances, Connections, &c.  VI. Every species of INTELLIGENCE, which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political INTERESTS of the AMERICAN REPUBLICK.  VII. A CHAIN of DOMESTICK OCCURRENCES, collected through the Medium of an extensive Correspondence with the respective States.  VIII. A SERIES of FOREIGN ARTICLES of INTELLIGENCE, so connected, as to form a general Idea of publick Affairs in the eastern Hemisphere.  IX. The STATE of the NATIONAL FUNDS; also of the INDIVIDUAL GOVERNMENTS—Courts of Exchange—Price Current, &c. 
CONDITIONS.
 I. THE GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES shall be printed with the same Letter, and on the same Paper as this publication.  II. It shall be published every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY, and delivered, as may be directed, to every Subscriber in the city, on those days.  III. The price to Subscribers (exclusive of postage) will be THREE DOLLARS pr. annum.  IV. The first semi-annual payment to be made in three months from the appearance of the first number. 
SUBSCRIPTIONS
Will be received in all the capital towns upon the Continent; also at City-Coffee-House, and at No. 86, William-Street, near the corner of May, from which time at No. 9, Maiden-Lane, near the Old-Market, New-York. N. B. By a new Arrangement made in the States, Subscribers at a distance will be duly furnished with papers. POSTSCRIPT.—A large impression of every number will be struck off so that Subscribers may always be accommodated with complete sets.
To the PUBLICK.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLICK CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Mediums of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, and are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however various the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all GOOD MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, established upon NATIONAL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRINCIPLES—which shall take up the premised Articles, upon a COMPETENT PLAN, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with publick approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this Publication is determined to leave no avenue of Information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of Persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, the flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the publick's humble servant, JOHN FENNO.
New-York, April 15. 1789.
TWO YOUNG SPRIGHTLY LADS ARE wanted, as APPRENTICES to the Business of Printing.
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 86, WILLIAM STREET, NEW-YORK.