Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1793-03-16 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 83 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, MARCH 16, 1793.
[Whole No. 405.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, March 1.
In committee of the whole, Mr. Mühlenberg in the chair, on the 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th resolutions, respecting the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, for which see Gazette of the 6th inst.
MR. MERCER. None of the communications from the Secretary of the Treasury, he said, had removed his suspicions relative to the transactions of that department; what had fallen in the course of the discussion had not removed his doubts. He confessed himself more at a loss than ever to account for the conduct of that officer. To judge of the propriety of his conduct, it was necessary to consider what his duties are, and investigate whether a necessity existed to justify the drawing complained of. Gentlemen in their arguments had alluded to some observations that had fallen from him on other occasions expressive of his opinion—that there had been corruption in that department. This opinion he still entertained. He suggested that some irregularities had, he believed, taken place as to the money appropriated to the sinking fund. This might be the fact, and his suspicions were sufficiently urgent to warrant him in suggesting, that it might be possible. At the close of ninety-two he stated there was a balance of cash in the treasury of 2,331,182 dollars; and the bonds due in the course of the present year would produce a sum of about 2,269,000 dollars—Yet a proposition was made in the House, predicated on a total want of money in the treasury, to borrow 800,000 dollars in addition to the 400,000 already borrowed of the bank.
Here Mr. Boudinot interrupted the member, as being out of order.
The Chairman, conceiving Mr. Mercer's remarks to be introductory to, and connected with the observations he intended to make on the resolution, declared him in order.
Mr. Mercer proceeded to show, by sundry statements and calculations, that there was no necessity for this loan of 800,000 dollars. The House, he said, to discharge their duty, should be satisfied how the money appropriated was applied, before they consented to repeated additional appropriations. When calls for information had been made by the House, with a view to comply with this their indispensable duty, the Secretary had thought it sufficient to balance money actually received, by calculations of sums that would probably be wanted agreeably to appropriations—Were dollars, he asked, to be balanced by obsolete appropriations? can things certain be balanced by things uncertain?—Actual expenditure would alone balance actual receipt. Appropriations founded only on uncertain calculations could not show the money actually laid out. He adverted to some calculations made to ascertain the probable expenses of the war department.
Here the member was again called to order, and was declared out of order by the Chairman.
Mr. Mercer confined his observations more immediately to the resolution before the committee. It had been said that the interest paid was paid out of monies that were to be drawn to this country, and were replaced here by funds from the domestic resources originally appropriated for that object, and that the dead letter of the law, if any part of it, had alone been violated. He contended there had been an essential violation.
The sums drawn for and appropriated to reduce the public debt, were not applied to that purpose; the domestic resources appropriated to that object, never were exhausted. If this is the case, conclusions surely unfavorable to that officer must naturally follow.
He proceeded to make some remarks on the question, whether the Secretary had acted under instructions from the President. It was disagreeable, he premised, to criminate the character of any officer. He bore a great respect for the President, for his virtues, talents, and services, but however gratifying to his feelings it might be to find fault with any part of his conduct in this business, he was unable to discharge his duty under his present impressions, unless he avowed that he conceived that officer had violated the law, though he allowed, without intention, by not enquiring into the business, while transacting, as it was his duty to do. He must declare that he saw no proof that the Secretary had acted under the President's instructions; on the contrary he saw the reverse, there was even no presumptive proof of the act.—The House had called for information as to the extent of the authority delegated in the business by the President to the Secretary. Either the Secretary has produced the proof of this authority, or he has not complied with the order of the House;—it does appear that he has gone beyond it in making the drafts complained of. The President directed that the proceeds of the loan be immediately applied to pay the French; yet a great portion
of that money was brought over here. It was said, that he might have brought the whole here, if he chose, and paid it to the French here. This argument goes on the presumption, he observed, that the President might do wrong without incurring blame. But the President expressly directed it to be paid immediately to France; and the House had no right to presume that he did direct the money to be drawn here, when proof to the contrary appears. Upon the whole, he concluded that the law had been broken in letter and substance, and that the Secretary had acted without proper instructions from the President.
Mr. Livermore observed, that the charges against the treasury department were at first well calculated to beget serious alarm. When misapplications of the public money are found in the public ear, all feel interested, knowing, that what affects the public purse, must in a degree affect the purser of each private individual. In the present stage of the business, he was happy in being able to felicitate himself and his fellow-citizens, that even should the whole of the charges contained in the resolutions be proved, it would not appear that they had lost a farthing by the business so loudly complained of. What is the charge? That the Secretary has paid an interest that was justly due; why then, he presumed, we should not have it again to pay. If the Secretary has paid what was due, what then is the complaint? It was surely not intended, that it should not have been paid. This was not the intention of Congress; for they passed an act providing funds for its payment; the Secretary was then right to pay it. But it is said, he paid it with the wrong money; he saw no harm in not paying it with the very dollars appropriated, and approved of the operation, which saved drawing with the one hand and remitting with the other; in this there was no crime committed, no loss incurred. It appears, on the contrary, that something was gained by it: So far then, he was clear, no law had been violated, nor was any rule of propriety departed from.—He then touched upon the Secretary's disputed right to draw. He contended, that he had that right. The loans were obtained under the joint authority of the two acts. It was said that more than two millions, the amount appropriated for the sinking fund, were drawn over; but, he insisted, he might have drawn the other twelve millions, if it had been for the public interest so to do. The French wished to be paid here, and it being no loss, rather a profit to comply with their wish, where was the harm in so doing? If any public loss had been incurred owing to these drafts, then blame would lie. He concluded, by expressing his hearty approbation of the conduct of the officer who is criminated by the resolutions, and declared it as his firm intention to give them his negative.
Mr. Smith regretted that so important an enquiry had been instituted at the very close of the session, when the members were thronged with business of an indispensable nature, and it was scarcely possible for them to bestow that attention and deliberation, which the nature of the business called for. But, while he expressed this regret, he assured the committee that it was mingled with much satisfaction in finding that the vague charges of mismanagement, with which the public had long been alarmed, were at length cast into a shape, susceptible of investigation and decision.
Previous to an examination of the specific charge then under consideration, he claimed the indulgence of the committee, in offering a few preliminary remarks, which, though they did not bear precisely upon the charge itself, yet were intimately connected with the subject-matter of the enquiry, and were justified by the general remarks of gentlemen, who had preceded him.
In recurring back to the origin and progress of this examination, he said, it must appear somewhat surprising, that that, which, in the commencement of the session, was founded forth as gross speculation, now turned out to be nothing more than a mere substitution of funds, and that that which was announced as abominable corruption, was dwindled away into a mere drawing of money from Europe into this country, to be applied here according to law.
Whatever credit might be due to the motives which had originated this enquiry, every member would concur in the sentiment, that in a government constituted like that of the United States, which had nothing but the public confidence for its basis, premature alarms and groundless suspicions respecting the conduct of public officers, were pregnant with the most injurious consequences.
This opinion was more peculiarly applicable to the important station of the Secretary of the Treasury. Entrusted with the management of a large revenue, and necessarily clothed with some latitude of discretion, it was to be expected that he would excite the jealousy of the public vigilance; but as long as he kept in view the injunctions of law, and the public good, his reputation was entitled to that security which is due to every citizen.
An officer, entrusted with the care and distribution of public monies, is generally looked at with a watchful eye; mankind are too prone to suspect the purity of his conduct; slight insinuations are but too often sufficient to injure him in the public estimation. Such being the natural propensity of things, it doubtless behoved those who wished for tranquility in the country, to withhold charges, not clearly warranted by proof—to suspend animadversions which were not likely to terminate in conviction. A contrary proceeding had an inevitable tendency unnecessarily to alarm the public mind, to instil into it suspicions against the integrity of men in high stations—to weaken their public confidence in the government, and to enervate its operations.
There was something remarkable in the nature of the present allegations against the Secretary; taking them all into view, they presented nothing which involved self-interested pecuniary considerations; and in this, they essentially differed from accusations against financiers in other countries, to whom motives of interest were generally ascribed as the source of their peculations. To the Secretary no such motive was imputed; notwithstanding former insinuations against his integrity, the sum of all the charges now amounted to nothing more than arrogance, or an assumption of power, or an exercise of unauthorised discretion.
With respect to discretion, Mr. Smith observed, that though in the present enquiry it was not necessary to say much on that topic, being firmly persuaded the Secretary had strictly pursued the injunctions of law, yet, while on the subject, he took occasion to insist that in all governments a latitude was implied in executive officers, where that discretion resulted from the nature of the office, or was in pursuance of general authority delegated by law. This principle was so obvious that it required no illustration; were it contradicted, he would appeal to the conduct of the Secretary of State, who, though directed to report to the House on the commercial intercourse with foreign nations, had, in the exercise of a warrantable discretion judiciously withheld his report: he would appeal to the report of the committee on the failure of St. Clair's expedition, wherein that failure was in part attributed to the commanding general's not being invested with a discretion to act according to circumstances.
There was one more observation which he thought proper to premise before he entered into a discussion of the charges; and that was the disadvantageous situation in which the financier of this country was placed, when compared with that of similar officers in other nations. The minister of finance in Great-Britain being always a member of the legislature and on a footing with other members, was prepared to defend himself when attacked; no charge could be made against his administration, which he had not an immediate opportunity of repelling, and the charge and the refutation went out to the world together. The Secretary of the Treasury was on the contrary not even permitted to come to the bar, and to vindicate himself. Through the imperfect medium of written reports he was compelled, when called upon for information, to answer, as it were, by anticipation, charges which were not specific, without knowing precisely against what part of his administration subsequent specific charges would be brought to bear.
If in his reports he was concise, he was censured for suppressing information; if he entered into a vindication of the motives which influenced his conduct, he was then criminated for sullying his reports with metaphysical reasonings. A gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Findley) had said that the Secretary's reports were so voluminous that he was quite bewildered by them, and that instead of their throwing any light on the subject, he was more in the dark than ever. It is true, the reports were voluminous, but not more so than the imputations on the Secretary's conduct, and the orders of the House justified. He did not think that any member who had attentively perused them, could justly complain of want of information, or of being more in the dark than before: he on the contrary believed, that so much light had been thrown on the whole of the Secretary's fiscal operations, that if any member could not see it must be owing to the glare of light being too strong for his eyes.
Having made these observations, Mr. Smith said he should proceed to examine the first charge, which, after much reflection bestowed upon it, appeared to him to contain nothing that was not authorised by the strict letter of the law.
Mr. Smith, in his examination of the charge under consideration, observed that it consisted, of two items: the first, the application of a certain portion of the principal sum borrowed in Europe, to the payment of the interest falling due upon that principal, which it was contended was not authorised by any law; the second, The drawing part of the
fame monies into the United States, without the instructions of the President.
The first item of this supposed violation of law appeared of so frivolous a nature, that it did not merit much discussion; at any rate, it was more an objection of form than of substance. If he comprehended well the purport of the charge, it was nothing more than this—that the Secretary, having monies at his disposal in Europe applicable to the purchase of stock in this country, and having at the same time monies in this country applicable to the payment of the interest abroad, had substituted the one for the other; he had paid the foreign interest out of the foreign funds, and he had purchased stock with the domestic funds.—This was the heinous crime with which he was charged, and which was thought sufficient to remove him from office! If the money in Europe might have been drawn to this country by bills, for the purchase of the debt, it might have equally been drawn here, by ordering the application of a sum there (in Europe) for a purpose which would be represented by an equal sum here, to be applied to the purchase. The substance, not the form, is to decide whether this mode of negotiating the business was proper. Suppose bills had been ordered to be drawn on the commissioners, and remitted to them, on account of the foreign interest, would not this have been as regular as to draw them for sale? Did the execution of the law require, that the Secretary, having funds in Europe, with which the foreign interest might be discharged, should nevertheless remit monies abroad for that purpose, and then, having funds in this country, with which the purchases of the debt might be made, should draw bills to bring the foreign funds here? Was there any necessity for this complex operation, for the expense of remittance, the probable loss on the sale of bills, the loss of interest while the money was in transitu, when the whole business could be negotiated by the simple and economical mode pursued? So far from this arrangement being a ground of censure, Mr. Smith asserted that, had the Secretary pursued the other mode, he would have been animadverted upon with great severity, for such an absurd and expensive operation; he would have been accused of ignorance of his duty, and every loss incidental to the transaction would have been charged to his account.
The second division of the charge, being of more magnitude, required a more lengthy discussion. This instance of violation consisted in a supposed deviation from the instructions of the President, or a supposed acting without any instruction whatever. It was, however, begging the question; it was taking for granted that which did not appear, and which ought not to be presumed. And here Mr. Smith observed, the gentlemen on the other side had entirely reversed one of the fundamental maxims of criminal jurisprudence, which declared that innocence should be presumed, and guilt proved; whereas they had presumed guilt, and called upon the accused to prove his innocence.
And what was the slender basis on which the presumption was built? Why, say the gentlemen, the instructions from the President to the Secretary, which have been laid before the house, relate only to the payment of the French debt, and convey no authority to draw any of the foreign loan into this country for the purchase of stock, and hence they infer, he had no authority for this latter purpose.
To comprehend the fallacy of the inference, it was only necessary to recur to the laws, and to the President's commission to the Secretary to negotiate the loans. Two acts of Congress had passed; one the 4th of August, the other the 12th August, 1790. The first authorised a loan of 12 millions of dollars, applicable to the payment of the French debt; the other a loan of 2 millions, applicable to the purchase of the domestic debt. The President's commission to the Secretary embraced both acts and both objects, and under that commission one loan was negotiated applicable to both objects. True it is that the President's first instructions

were confined to one object, namely, the French debt; but the inference is not, that no other instructions were given, and that the secretary acted without authority, but the very reverse, that the President either left the other object to the general discretion of the secretary, who was, ex officio, the proper agent, and his representative; or that he reserved it for subsequent and occasional instructions.
This inference must be the true one: first, because a contrary supposition would impute to the President an illegal intention, that of applying all the monies borrowed under both acts to the object of one only; secondly, because the commission extending to the borrowing 14 million and embracing both objects, and the instructions being confined to 12,000,000 and to only one object it followed that the other either was left to discretionary management, or to after regulation, for the law enjoined the execution of both.
If presumption then was to govern, the more natural presumption was, that the officer acted according to some general discretion reposed in him, or according to instructions from time to time given. These instructions may have been verbal, as well as written. The written instructions given in the first instance were evidently confined to the object of the first act; the necessary conclusion was, that the application of the monies borrowed under the second act was not meant to be included in the instructions, but was left to be regulated by a general discretion, or by occasional directions, verbal or otherwise.
To presume that the secretary acted without the sanction of the President, was to suppose that the President was totally ignorant of the application of any part of the loan to the purchase of the debt.
But there is in the possession of the house abundant testimony of the President's privity and co-operation.
1st. In his speech to both houses, in December 1790, in announcing the loan, he expressly refers to its being made by virtue of both acts, thereby implying clearly that it had reference to the objects of both. He therein likewise refers the house to a further communication from the secretary, on that subject.
2dly. The secretary, pursuant to that reference informed the house, in the name and by order of the President, that a part of the loan, to wit. 150,000 florins, was applied in payment to France; another part to wit 160,000 florins, to the Dutch debt; and that it was deemed highly advisable to apply the residue to the purchase of the debt, if Congress would remove a doubt as to the terms on which the loan had been negotiated.
Congress did remove that doubt by their act of March 1791.
It followed then of course, that the residue would be applied according to the intimation given; it was so understood on all hands, and the money being to be invested in this country, it likewise followed of course, that it must be drawn here; a contrary conduct would have been censurable. And yet, notwithstanding these facts, though the President had informed the house as far back as Dec. 1790, that the loan had been a conjunct loan under the authority of both acts, and consequently for both objects, though at the same time he had referred the house to the secretary for further information, in relation to that loan and its applicability, though the secretary had in the name and by order of the President informed the house by his report in February 1791 that only a part of the money borrowed had been applied to the French and Dutch debt, and that the residue would be applied to the purchase of stock, as soon as Congress removed the doubt, though Congress passed a law expressly to remove that doubt, yet it had been gravely and earnestly contended, that the secretary was not authorized to apply any part of that money to the purchase of stock, that it was done without the sanction of the President, & that Congress, until the late call for information, were totally ignorant of the application of any part of it to that object.
There was then the fullest and most satisfactory evidence of the privity and concurrence of the President, in confirmation of the evidence resulting from official relation.
Between the chief magistrate and his immediate agents, either a general discretion or instructions must be presumed, because it is presumable he will do his duty,
and punish where either a discretion has not been allowed, or instructions have not been given, or where his instructions have been contravened.
The argument on the other side implies in the chief magistrate either ignorance or neglect of duty; on the one hand that he was unacquainted with the transaction, or on the other, that being acquainted he acquiesced in a violation of law without removing the transgressor. Could it be seriously said, would it not be absurd to suppose that an operation of such extent, provided for by law, communicated to both houses, notorious to all the merchants of Philadelphia and New-York, as that of drawing and selling the bills on Europe, was unknown to the President? Must he not have been well acquainted with these transactions, and that without daily frequenting the coffee-house, as some of his friends lately advised him?
If the instructions or the intentions of the President had been contravened, would he not have vindicated his own authority by removing the officer?
But it had been objected that bills were drawn previous to the sanction of the legislature by the confirmatory act of March 1791.
Admit the fact, and there was nothing reprehensible in it. It appears from the first general instructions to Mr. Short, in August 1790, that the Secretary considered ordinary charges, and 5 per cent. interest as within the meaning of the law.
Pursuing this construction, and believing it to be very important to the general operations of the treasury, he drew for the money, reserving himself as to the final application for an act of the house removing the doubt.
The drawing for the money was a mere intermediate step, which amounted neither to a breach, nor to a fulfilment of the law, which was wholly silent on that point.
The application was the criterion whether the law had been fulfilled or not. If the legislature had not removed the doubt, the money would have been remitted back for the foreign object, and from the relative price of public and private bills without loss, probably with advantage. It was prudent in the mean time to place it where it was likely to be most useful; this was done.
It was indeed remarkable that all the points now raised as objections were made known in the report before alluded to of February 1791, as things done or intended; no objection was then made or dreamt of.
It had been asked, why have the instructions not been produced, if any existed?
The call had been only for copies of authorities; the instructions may have been verbal. The Secretary in his report on loans informed the house, "that besides the first general instructions, the trust reposed in him was to be regulated by subsequent and occasional directions." A motive very honorable to him might be assigned for his not bringing forward the President's instructions as a cover. Relying that the province of the house was to examine into the effects of measures, their conformity to law and the public good, and that the necessary executive instructions were to be presumed, the Secretary had evidently chosen to implicate the President as little as possible.
The order requested the President to lay before the house copies of the authorities directing the application of the monies borrowed; it was evident that the President construed this order into a call not for the instructions from him to the Secretary, but for the instructions from the Secretary to his agents, because in the report made in pursuance of that order, the Secretary presents, by order of the President, his own letters to Messrs. Short, Willink and Van Staphorst, as the authorities to apply the proceeds of the loans. It followed therefore, that the paper relied on was not intended to be given as the only instruction respecting the application of the loan; the interference from it was consequently erroneous. The President could never conceive that the house meant to call for his private instructions from time to time imparted to his immediate agent under the words of the resolution: that link must have been presumed; he therefore directed a transmission of the authorities from the Secretary to his agents.
But what has the want or breach of instructions to do with the breach of the law? Suppose no instructions given, or
the instructions not pursued, and yet suppose the law to have been completely pursued, could it be said there was any breach of law? or suppose instructions given and strictly pursued, and the law to have been departed from, would the adherence to instructions have justified that departure?
Either what was done was nugatory, or it would have been agreeable to law; to affirm the contrary, would be to confound two things perfectly distinct, instructions, and laws.
The resolution imports that the secretary has violated the law of the 4th of August 1790, by not pursuing the instructions of the President; that law is silent as to instructions; it does not require that the President shall give instructions to the secretary, nor does it require that the secretary shall be alone guided by the instructions of the President; it only directs the President to cause a certain sum to be borrowed, and leaves it to him to cause a proper application to be made of the proceeds.
The drawing money into this country, with or without authority, to apply it to the purchase of the debt cannot be deemed a violation of the law of the 4th August, for it was not loaned under the authority of that act alone, but under the joint authority of the two acts; if anything is meant by the resolution, it ought to mention both the acts.
To go further, Mr. Smith insisted that the Secretary had, virtue officii, a legal authority to apply the monies, when borrowed, according to law, without instructions.
The loans might have been made in the United States as well as abroad; suppose them obtained of the bank of Boston, would it have been criminal for the Secretary, without instructions, to have drawn the money to the places where it would be most advantageously invested? Suppose the loan obtained of the bank of the United States, would it have been deemed irregular to have, without instructions, issued a warrant to place it in the treasury? Why was it more irregular or more criminal to draw it from abroad as a preliminary step?
The moment the foreign loans were negotiated, and the monies paid into the hands of the Secretary's agents abroad, from that moment they became as much under his controul and superintendence, subject to legal appropriation, as any monies in the treasury.
'Twas not necessary to establish this position, that the subject of foreign loans should have been specially mentioned in the constitution of the treasury department.
Many things resulted collaterally from the general structure of an institution which were not expressed in it.
He did not however intend, that the doctrine here advanced, should touch the question as to what official propriety might have required between the chief magistrate and the Secretary. 'Twas the point of legality only, which he meant to examine.
In all executive functions, relating to the finances, the Secretary must be considered as the agent of the President, and the legislature must take it for granted, where the contrary is not manifest, that the relation has been properly attended to; justice to both characters dictated the presumption.
It clearly resulted from these remarks; 1st, that there was no ground to infer either want of instruction or breach of instruction, but directly the reverse.
2dly. It as clearly resulted that if there was, it would not follow that there had been a violation of law.
Having gone through this resolution, Mr. Smith observed, that if there was as little of criminality in the subsequent charges as in that which he had just discussed, and from an attentive examination he sincerely believed it, he was satisfied that notwithstanding all the severe animadversions within, and all the virulent calumny without the walls of Congress, the conduct of the Secretary would come forth chaste and unblemished, instead of any thing being detected which would disgrace Pandemonium, nothing could be chargeable to him, which would fully the purest angel in heaven. Whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the wisdom and benefit of his measures, he was confident in saying that in every thing the Secretary had done, he had been guided by principles honorable and patriotic, and he
trusted that a very great majority of the committee would by their votes evince the same sentiment.
The sword of justice, it was said, ought at times to be taken from the scabbard to keep great public functionaries within the pale of the law, but it should be remembered that if justice had its sword to punish the guilty, it had likewise its shield to protect the innocent. If the Secretary had committed a wanton violation of law let the sword be drawn forth for his punishment; but if he had pursued the dictates of an enlightened patriotism, the committee were called upon to raise the shield for the defence of a faithful officer.
Mr. Hillhouse argued, that the interest paid was not paid out of the 2,000,000 loan; and that the drafts were made agreeably to the directions of the President. He shewed this by the documents which had been already referred to.
He put in a clear point of view the propriety of avoiding the expense and risk of drafts and correspondent remittances; and concluded by giving his approbation to the conduct of the Secretary in the transactions complained of, and by expressing it as his firm belief—that a majority of the committee, from the evidence before them, would undoubtedly be of opinion—that the charges brought forward are unfounded.
Mr. Sedgwick rose to correct a mistake of Mr. Mercer's. That gentleman had asserted, that the Secretary had drawn on Europe, before the loan obtained by the commissioners under the old government was ratified. This was not the case, he said; the loan had been ratified in pursuance of the provisions of the act authorizing it. The President, in his speech on the 8th of Dec. 1790, says, "that agreeably to the powers vested in him at the last session, the loans in Holland had been completed."
By existing acts of the legislature, and from express communications from the Secretary of the Treasury, it appears, that all the monies borrowed were deemed as borrowed under the joint authority of both acts, and not to be solely appropriated for the payment of the foreign debt.
Mr. Mercer explained, that he had said that the Secretary had drawn from the loan obtained under the authority of the old government, before said loan was legalized by law. If the legislature had a right to legalize it, they had the right to reject it.
[To be continued.]
LONDON, December 20.
In times like the present, when the principles of the French Revolution are so much recommended by some, for our imitation, every thing is interesting which tends to confirm or contradict the degree of general happiness which those nations received who have adopted the opinions of this new philosophy. There is so much good sense in the following, and it is so applicable to the present times in this country, that we have thought proper to give the article a very conspicuous place.
"WE have already remarked, that the leveling principles of the French Revolution were not so successful in Germany, as in some other countries.
"The first instance of this appears in the address from the inhabitants of Mayence, in which they declare a desire of adhering to their ancient constitution, modified however with something alteration, which they had formerly petitioned from their former sovereign. Frankfort has manifested a similar disposition, in a mode emphatically pointed, and not very palatable to the French General.
"When General Custine laid this town under contribution, it is well known that he ordered the sum of two millions of florins to be levied upon the wealthy inhabitants possessed of more than thirty thousand florins* in personal estate. The inferior class of people, persuaded that industry, which forms the great resource of the poor, is entirely annihilated from the moment that the rich are deprived of the means of supporting them, have frankly expressed their sentiments to General Custine in the following address, in which the good sense of the Germans is peculiarly predominant, and expressed in a style extremely pointed.
"You have declared, General, that you are actuated by the best intentions towards the lower class of people. Permit us in our turn, with equal freedom to express our sentiments.
"You pretend to protect us against oppression of which, God be praised, we have no knowledge, and still less experience. You would give us Liberty which we already enjoy. The expenses of the government are equally divided between the magistrates and ourselves. Never have the wealthy formed a distinct class from the poor; their prosperity extends to all, and their flourishing commerce renders every one happy. Every person able and willing to labour, is certain of finding subsistence; in consequence of which we find so many persons of property. Poor indeed will be found in all countries; but so numerous are the establishments provided, by the munificence of our wealthy ancestors, from which our poor derive such relief, that our small state exceeds, in these respects, countries much larger and more flourishing.
* Between two and three thousand pounds sterling.

The people have made a government. He who would support the government of the people, may be supposed to be the friend of their power and their rights. Such a man will desire to see the people's government so stable as to protect the citizens, and so respectable in the eyes of other nations, as to induce them to follow our example, and thereby to extend republican liberty over the world. Yet our scribblers make it appear that liberty is one thing and government another. To support government and to recommend a regard to the laws, is a proof of aristo-cracy. Liberty enjoyed under the laws will not suit these men—The laws give to every man his own—but he who has nothing is no gainer by this security. No, say our mobocrats let us throw all into an heap and raffle for it.
The PEOPLE of the United States, have chosen to celebrate the birth day of the man, whom "they delight to honor," and this they have done spontaneously, of their own meer motion, free will and accord, and in a very extraordinary, and unusually extensive manner—but notwithstanding all this a correspondent observes, that the National Gazette modestly asserts, "that Birth-Day celebrations, however meritorious the character, are not suited to the genius of our country." The said Gazette also declares, "that a number of grave and worthy foreigners perfectly concur with the letter-writer of that Gazette—and say, "that however fond they might have been of celebrations of this nature at home, they consider them as rather bordering on the absurd in this country; this is not the only specimen by thousands which might be produced, of an insult offered to the whole body of the free citizens of the United States, by those who wish to legislate for the people—but it appears rather outré to make use of a foreigner as the organ of abuse.
The spirit of innovation which has done such great things in some parts of Europe, has been imported into the United States; whether it is necessary in the present circumstances of our country, time will unfold; it is however to be observed, that the importers are chiefly exotic adventurers, many of whom it may be justly supposed are as inimical to the substantials of office as they are to the titles by which they are designated—this remark may be particularly applied to the proposition for annihilating the Title of Esquire —which surely is not more odious in the view of some innovators than the office of Justice of the Peace . If the people of the United States will submit to it, they may have a number of politicians and legislators who would soon put a new face on their affairs.
It is plain the people are federal, because of late the enemies of government are obliged to pretend federalism in order the more securely to carry on their schemes. Yet they have not spared the government or its officers. These federalists, as they call themselves, speak of the constitution as a thing full of dangerous principles, and these too let loose without checks or guards. This bad system they tell us is in the hands of speculators and knaves—of men who are at work night and day to bring about a monarchy. Yet they are federalists—as Anthony says in Shakespeare's play of Julius Cæsar—they are honorable men—they would not stir up men's minds to mutiny and civil war—but they tear open every wound of the public mind, and put a tongue in it. Yet they are federal—all honorable men—We have their own word for it.
IMPROMPTU.
SOME say the Infidel VOLTAIRE, Dy'd in great horror and despair; While others—sneakers for his glory, Aver, some liar forg'd the story— It truth and falsehood are the same, Words cannot fully VOLTAIRE's fame; Let those who're puzzled in the case, Say "JUDAS went to his own place."
SHIP NEWS.
Table with 3 columns: Ship, Port, Destination. Includes entries like Mary, Cally, Newburyport; Louisa, Birkhead, Amsterdam; Suffolk, Atkins, Tenerife.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock, Price. Includes entries like 6 per Cents, 19 1/2; 3 per Cents, 10 1/2; Deferred, 11 3/4.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
"A CITIZEN" is received—it shall appear as soon as possible.—The "IMPEACHMENT," in our next. The length of the Debates, must apologize for the present suspension of several interesting essays.
CORRECTION.
* The latter part of the first sentence in Mr. BARNWELL's Speech, published in our last, should read thus—"This subject has changed its hue from the foul skin of peculation, to the milder colouring of an illegal exercise of discretion and a want of politeness in the Secretary of the Treasury."
Philadelphia, March 16.
A letter from the southward, to a gentleman in this city, contains the following intelligence—
That a British Frigate had arrived at Dominico 18th Feb. express, in 32 days from England—and bro't information, that Lord Hood was at sea with a fleet of 32 sail of the line, having on board several regiments, and that the Duke of Clarence had a command in this fleet: The letter further states, that General Matthews had arrived in the above Frigate, vested with the supreme command of the forces in the Islands—that the army was to be augmented by adding ten men to each company—The General was proceeding through the Islands, putting them in a posture of defence, and that every appearance indicated immediate war.—The frigate brought a report that a French fleet of 33 sail of the line with a large body of troops, had failed for the West-Indies.
The ship Louisa, Capt. Birkhead, arrived here last Tuesday, left the Texel on the 16th of January, but brings nothing new, except the sailing of 6 or 7 Dutch men of war and gun-boats, destined, it was said, for the Scheldt.
The latest accounts from Hispaniola inform us, that the troubles in that island have not subsided—in a late engagement, 400 of the revolted negroes were killed. Produce is high—Flour from 6 to 6 1/2 dollars only.
A letter from Port-au-Prince, dated Feb. 13, contains a melancholy detail of the transactions in that part of the Island. The Negroes, it appears, had decoyed a convoy of the army of the Whites into an ambuscade, and cut 50 of them to pieces—this exasperated the soldiers to the highest degree; the Negro army was afterwards attacked, and 600 of them killed on the spot—without the loss of a soldier on the part of the Whites.—Immense destruction has been recently made by the Insurgents, millions of property being reduced to ashes.
The Knoxville Gazette says, that depredations, horse-stealing and murders continue to be committed by the Indians in the South-Western Territory—The Shawanese are represented as being peculiarly inveterate.
Advises from Martinico and Guadaloupe say, that the Governors of both those islands have fled, and taken with them a seventy-four gun ship, a frigate of forty guns, a sloop of war of twenty guns, and several tenders. It is not known to what quarter they are gone.
Wednesday evening, fire broke out in a building near Mulberry-Street, between 5th and 6th Streets.—By the spirited exertions of the citizens it was extinguished, in about half an hour, without much damage.
The loaf bread bakers in this city having petitioned the legislature against the law regulating their particular business—a committee of the House to whom the subject was referred, has reported in favor of their application.
The Hon. William Barry Grove is re-elected a member of the House Representatives of the United States, by a unanimous vote of the electors of the district of Fayetteville, North-Carolina.
Col. James Gillaspie is elected for the district of Wilmington and Sampson county, in the same state.
The legislature of the state of New-York adjourned on Tuesday last, to meet on the first Tuesday in January next at Albany.
While the people of the United States in the cities and towns on the sea-shore are unceasingly reprobating the war on our frontiers, and urging the policy and humanity of making peace with the Indians—let us hear what the Kentuckians say, who are in the focus of danger—"Can our public servants be capable of holding any treaty with savages, whose hands are still reeking with the blood of their fellow-citizens, and of their wives and children—nay, reeking with the blood of valuable men sent to them as messengers of peace—those murders still unatoned for?"
Kentucky Gazette.
Sure 'tis no easy task to please us all.
The General Advertiser of Monday last, speaking of Louis XVI. says, that "apprehensions were entertained for his life from the well known ferociousness of the Paris Mob"—The National Gazette of Wednesday following informs its readers, that "these apprehensions were entertained from the well known anti-royal propensities of the Parisians."—On which a correspondent remarks, that granting the two modes of expression to be the converse of each other, they serve to confound the mob of Paris with the people of Paris—or which is the same, they serve to shew that there is no such body exists as the mob of Paris; or that the people are a mob—but as excesses of every kind are the natural effects of mobs; and every good citizen and consistent republican, involuntarily condemns such excesses—it appears to be necessary, in order to justify what has been, or may be done, to say that the people, not the mob, are the actors in the Drama.
The title of Esquire is anti-republican, may, what is certainly much worse, it is anti-christian, for the Nation's Gazette says, "it favors of that worldly vanity so much reprobated by the Apostle."!!!
Statement of the number and quality of Vessels in the port of Savannah, Feb. 13.
Table with 2 columns: Vessel Type, Count. Includes entries like 59 Square rigged, British; 21 Sloops and Schooners, British; 17 Square rigged, American.
BOSTON, March 6.
It is very singular, that the founders of the new Constitution of France, have successively lost reputation, liberty and life. Many instances might be adduced in proof—we shall briefly state, that the once popular LA FAYETTE, has been compelled to fly his country, by the ingratitude of his fellow-citizens, and now languishes in captivity—and that the remains of the once illustrious MIRABEAU have been scattered to the winds of Heaven; his statues have been demolished, and his memory proscribed.
A wit on reading the direction of the President of the French Convention, to LOUIS, to be seated, observed, that the Patriots were relaxing in their enmity to the King, for that like the patriotic fans culottes he was admitted to the honor of the sitting.
The Manufactories in Lynn and Reading, (Massachusetts) of WOMEN'S SHOES, are of much greater importance and advantage to this State, than has heretofore been conceived of. There are employed in the business in the two towns, (including the women who bind the shoes) 1500 people; they make and export, annually, to different parts of this Continent, 450,000 pair of shoes; which makes a saving to the United States from the foreign importation of this article, at 46 a pair, 337,500 dollars; and they can afford their shoes cheaper than can be imported.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
FEDERAL SENATOR.
In the protest of the minority on the vote of the Senate for choosing a Senator in Congress by a joint vote of the two Houses, it is insinuated that an advantage was taken of the casual absence of two members, who were in favor of a concurrent vote.
To strike a stroke in politics, sublime, With care improve the lucky nick of time; Some happy moment—never to be lost, May call the centinels from off their post— Seize th' occasion—pass the resolution, The major vote fulfils the constitution! For thus the prompter speaks behind the scenes, "The end will always sanctify the means." Let them protest, and pout, and fowl, and grin, 'Tis our's to laugh—as those who're sure to win, We'll fix them by the choice of G—t—n. Look thro' the commonwealth, where can you find,
Bred on the soil, so good, so great a mind? Your men of wealth are all the slaves of pow'r; Your home born patriots—mushrooms of an hour! From foreign climes true virtue we import— Hence D— things a favorite at Court. While Pennsylvania's genius mourns its lot, Her sons despis'd, neglected, and forgot!
C.
From the AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER.
MR. DUNLAP.
LISTENING the other day in Congress, with many other citizens, to the numerous proofs of mal-administration and corruption that were to have been adduced against the Secretary of the Treasury, I was pleased when Mr. Mercer rose—because, it was presumed that he, who had uniformly spoken of the Treasury Department as a renovated Pandemonium, would now give us the proof positive. The proof of corruption was in his pocket; he drew it forth, presented it to public view, and laid it on the table for private inspection and public information. It was a paper signed by Mr. Benjamin Hawkins, in the letters and characters following, viz.— "The observations I made in the Senate, on the motion to order the commissioners of the sinking fund to lay their proceedings before the Senate, were, that I understood the fund in its original creation, to be for the purpose of raising the price of funds to their true value—to call it a sinking fund, was a misnomer. That a gentleman, during the last session of Congress, who is not now in the United States, informed me in conversation, that he and some others had lent in proposals at 175, and a fraction, and at 185, and a small fraction; that the whole of the lowest was not taken, and that some of the highest was. That I stated this information by way of query, to the President of the Senate, who could put me right, if the information I had stated was otherwise. That the President answered, that he never knew that they purchased other than at the lowest market price. B. H. 27th Feb. 1793.
"N. B. The gentleman alluded to above, was Mr. Buchanan."
Such is the proof of venality and corruption, words of dreadful import, that have been ringing in our ears for several months. From all which it appears, that a certain Mr. Buchanan, expressed an opinion to Mr. Hawkins, that Mr. Hamilton, at a certain time, had given 18s. for stock, when it was offered him for 175. And that Mr. Hawkins, believing that Mr. Buchanan might have been mistaken, consulted Mr. Adams, one of the commissioners. Mr. Adams did not believe that any such purchase ever had been made. By a plain man like myself, who does not look for blos nor with to find them, this whole story would be set down as a piece of unimportant talk—the baseless fabric of a vision; but to a politician, and an opposition man, it is the substantial proof of corruption: not a proof of folly; for no man is such a fool as to give 18s. for an article, that is offered at 17. But he may be so wicked as to give 18, provided the party had previously stipulated to make him a present of half the difference. In this case, there would be corruption; and though the Secretary of the Treasury is not the buyer of stock, for it is bought by the Treasurer, and though he never sees the seller, and knows nothing about the men who sell in public market at the coffee-house, we, as good politicians, and quick-sighted watchmen, are to suppose, that every unfavourable allegation is true, and that corruption, whether possible or impossible, is the spring of all measures that we do not approve.
For myself, I have constantly supposed, that in a free Legislature, there will be opposition to the Executive—I believe that opposition is useful and necessary—but I sincerely wish, that our watchmen would not cry wolf! wolf! until they see an animal that had claws, teeth, or some other mark or feature of a wolf!
ONE OF THE PEOPLE.
"Moreover the private good which the poor receive from the wealthy, is great, and demands our gratitude. We consider also the taxes which we pay to be very inconsiderable, and of these we hear no complaint. In a word, General, we are all contented and happy; our universal prosperity is too clearly connected with our Constitution, too firmly connected with the prosperity of our wealthy fellow citizens, to prevent us from being interested in their behalf: and therefore when such heavy sums are exacted from the rich, the middling and lower classes of people are also punished, from the injury which commerce and manufactures must thereby necessarily sustain. The more, therefore, is taken from the rich, the less will be our gain; and at length we shall be entirely ruined."
"Since then, General, you stile yourself the defender of Liberty, protector of the public Good, you will act against your own principles if you do not desist from levying these contributions in which we ought to participate with the rich: To conclude, we cannot better manifest our zeal for the French Republic, than by the sincerest wish that all may enjoy the same happiness under its constitution as we enjoy under ours. We expect, therefore, of you, that you will permit us to enjoy our constitution unimpaired. SIGNED BY 700 NAMES."
NORFOLK, March 2.
Intelligence has lately been received from London, that Great-Britain has acceded to the combination, formed to arrest the progress of the Jacobin career. The principal motives stated in the British manifesto, are—"A firm determination on the part of the contracting powers to support the European nations in the enjoyment of that right, which ought to be common to all; an entire and unqualified liberty of maintaining whatever political establishments they may think most conducive to their own happiness and security—That it is time enough for one nation to assist another, when such assistance shall have been required by a majority, at least, of the nation which may become dissatisfied with its existing government. That to succour the distressed and support other nations, in a generous determination to be free, well becomes the dignity and liberty of a great and enlightened people: But it is no less unjustifiable than it is disrespectful, for any people to permit themselves to be fascinated into a wanton and violent intrusion upon the political arrangements of others—however foreign they may be thought from the favorite standard or imaginary excellence of their own. That the impulse of self-preservation, no less than the necessary independence of other nations, demands the immediate and effective interference of the British arms. Nor can the frantic excesses of a power, at once so licentious and destructive, any longer be permitted to outrage the voluntary establishments of neighbouring nations; or by an insulting imposition of pretended benefits, proceed in its designs of successive and unbounded augmentations. That while the operations of that power were directed to such objects, as might be fairly esteemed conducive to the support and defence of such arrangements as might have proceeded from the free expression of the national will, it would not have been consistent with the dignity or inclination of Great-Britain to have interfered. But however unequivocally the traces may appear among some of the neighbouring nations, of a decided attachment to the late combination against France, it cannot be reasonably expected, on the part of that power, that the effects even of its just resentment can be permitted to extend to the entire subversion of the political independence of those nations. The rights and relative duties of all nations, sufficiently inculcate the propriety of remaining satisfied with a deprivation of the power of an enemy to injure or invade the public security. The principles of self-preservation, combined with those of a just and magnanimous policy, have wisely forbidden national hostilities to exceed those bounds. With these views, the British nation feels itself constrained to announce to the existing powers of France, and to all Europe, its firm determination to prevent, by every mean in its power, any accession of territory whatever, to the known and established boundaries of France, as they may have been designated by the treaties made with other nations; nor can it be expected that the operations of the British arms should cease, until France shall have evinced a disposition, on her part, to renounce the ascendancy which she may have acquired, by violence, over those nations or cities, which may have been subjected by her power."
RICHMOND, March 8.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress.
"The politics here are to the last degree disgusting—every principle of representative government is violated; instead of feeling alike and acting for the benefit of the bulk of citizens, Congress are influenced by a monied and speculating interest, which not only bears hard upon the laboring classes of the whole community, but afflicts those of the southern states with exclusive cruelty; as their primum mobile of government, resides chiefly in the northern states, the evil can never be removed, unless all electing bodies, will with the most suspicious caution, avoid every man, who shall even smell of certificates, stock, or paper of any kind."
"I am in a state of repentance for having come to a place, exhibiting every moment to my view the fallacy of apparent patriotism. The rapacity of many who ought to be disinterested, and the poor chance the public will stand, against the machinations of a few individuals—But if the agricultural people would attend to their interest and elect proper men, these dreadful evils would soon be remedied."

BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
RESOLVED, THAT any person residing in Europe, who shall authorize the President, Directors and Company of the Bank of the United States, to receive annuities, or Interest arising from the public debt of the United States of America, shall from time to time have authority to draw on the said President, Directors and Company, to the amount of the monies by them received, which drafts shall be paid without deduction and free of expence—Or, The President, Directors and Company, if requested, will remit the monies by them received to any part of Europe, free of expence and without deduction, in Bills of Exchange at their current value, and at the risk of the person to whom the same shall be remitted. By the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.
PROPOSALS
For re-printing a new, entertaining and instructive Work, intitled,
Errors of Education.
BY MRS. ELIZA FARSONS.
Instability of mind impedes our road to PERFECTION; and YOUTH, if not animated by EXAMPLE, to illustrate the precepts of VIRTUE, will ever fall into ERROR.
The European edition of this work, printed last year, sells at 12s. the two volumes, (and few copies, if any, to be had at that price)—This first American edition, which shall be well executed, on an entire new type and fine paper, will be delivered to subscribers in one volume of about 420 pages 12mo. neatly bound, at a French Crown each, to be paid on receiving the book, which will be put to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscriptions are obtained to defray the expense of the undertaking.
Subscriptions will be received at the Bookstores of Messrs. T. Dobson, W. Young, J. Crukshank, and B. Johnson, and at Mr. Henry Kammerey's, No. 24, North Third-street, Philadelphia; by Messrs. R. Hodge, S. Campbell, and T. Allen, Booksellers, New-York; by Messrs. Day & Co. Printers, Trenton; by the Subscriber, in Burlington; and by others in whose hands subscription papers are lodged. Feb. 18, 1793. ISAAC NEALE.
JUST PUBLISHED,
By Thomas Dobson, Bookseller, at the Stone-House, in Second Street, PHILADELPHIA,
VOLUME VII, OF ENCYCLOPEDIA:
OR, A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, AND MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE, On a Plan entirely new:
BY WHICH THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS are digested into the Form of Distinct, TREATISES OR SYSTEMS: COMPREHENDING
THE History, Theory, and Practice, of each, according to the Latest Discoveries and improvements: and full Explanations given of the various detached parts of Knowledge, whether relating to Natural and Artificial Objects, or to Matters Ecclesiastical, Civil, Military, Commercial, &c. Including Elucidations of the most important Topics relative to Religion, Morals, Manners, and the Oeconomy of Life: together with a Description of all the Countries, Cities, principal Mountains, Seas, Rivers, &c. throughout the World; a General History, Ancient and Modern, of the different Empires, Kingdoms and States: and an account of the Lives of the most Eminent Persons in every Nation, from the earliest ages down to the present times. Compiled from the writings of the best authors, in several Languages; the most approved Dictionaries, as well of General Science as of particular branches; the Transactions, Journals, and Memoirs of the learned Societies, both at home and abroad—the MS. lectures of eminent professors on different Sciences: and a variety of original Materials, furnished by an extensive Correspondence.
The Seventh Volume contains a description of Mount Etna, Eudiometer, Exchange, Experimental Philosophy, System of Farricery, Fecal system, Fire, fixed Air, Fluxions, Food, Fortification, Fossils, history of France, Gardening, Gas, Geneva, Geography, Geometry, Gilding, Glass, &c. with a variety of articles in natural history, biography and miscellaneous. Illustrated with Thirty Eight elegant Copperplates.
CONDITIONS.
I. The work is printing on a superfine paper, and new types, (cast for the purpose) which will be occasionally renewed before they contract a worn appearance. II. The work is furnished in boards, in volumes or half-volumes, as subscribers chuse; the price of the whole volumes, five dollars each, of the half-volumes two dollars and two-thirds of a dollar each. Ten dollars to be paid on subscribing, the volumes or half-volumes finished to be paid for when delivered, the price of one volume to be paid in advance, and the price of each succeeding volume to be paid on delivering the volume preceding it. No part of the work will be delivered unless paid for. III. In the course of the publication will be delivered about five hundred copperplates elegantly engraved in Philadelphia: which by far exceed in number those given in any other scientific dictionary. At the close of the publication will be delivered an elegant frontispiece, the dedication, preface, and proper title pages for the different volumes.
It is expected the work will be comprised in about eighteen volumes in quarto. Those who wish to become possessors of this valuable work will please to be early in their applications, as the subscription is nearly closed. Jan. 23.
A large Cellar to Let,
Sufficiently capacious to store several hundred barrels Enquire of the PRINTER.
TO BE SOLD, Anoted covering Horse, OF THE HUNTING BREED.
HE was imported from England in November, seventeen hundred and eighty-six, and is now ten years old; he is a bright bay, with a blaze, fifteen hands one inch high, is well formed, has a great deal of bone and strength, and his action equal to any horse. His colts are well approved of in the different parts of the State where he has stood, of which any person inclined to purchase can inform themselves.—Enquire of the Printer. February 18, 1793. 8c
ADVERTISEMENT.
NOTICE is hereby given, That the Commissioners appointed by the Board of Trustees of the University of North-Carolina, will attend at the town of Hillsborough, on the 18th, 19th and 20th days of April next, for the purpose of receiving proposals from such persons as may be disposed to undertake the Buildings of the University. FREDERICK HARGETT, Chairman.
City of Washington.
JANUARY 7th, 1793. A NUMBER of Lots in this City will be offered for sale at auction, by the Commissioners, on the 17th day of September next.—One fourth part of the purchase money is to be paid down, the residue at three equal annual payments with yearly interest on the whole principal unpaid. JOHN M. GANTT, Clerk to the Com'rs.
Extract of an Act of the General Assembly of Maryland, concerning the Territory of Columbia, and the City of Washington. "Be it enacted, That any foreigner may by deed or will, hereafter to be made, take and hold lands within that part of the said Territory which lies within this State, in the same manner as if he were a citizen of this State; and the same lands may be conveyed by him, and transmitted to and be inherited by his heirs or relations, as if he and they were citizens of this State: Provided, That no foreigner shall, in virtue hereof, be entitled to any further or other privilege of a citizen."
Jan. 19. tf
FOR SALE,
By the Subscriber, at Walnut-Street Wharf, BILL OF EXCHANGE
Madeira Wine,
Fit for immediate use, in pipes & quarter casks, TENERIFFE WINE, in pipes, SHERRY WINE, in quarter casks, WEST-INDIA RUM, 2, 3 and 4 proof, OLD BRANDY, OLD SPIRIT, COPPERAS, BRIMSTONE, ALLUM, Two Bales 10-4 BLANKETS, and A Bale of MUSLINS. A new 13-4 Inch CABLE, 120 fathoms long. GEORGE MEADE. Philadelphia, Jan. 19, 1793. ephem
TO BE SOLD, OR LEASED
FOR SEVEN OR TEN YEARS, THE FOLLOWING
HOUSES.
ONE on Walnut-street, near Fourth-street, 23 feet front, has two parlours below, the front one 21 1/2 by 17 1/2 feet, the back parlour is 18 by 14 feet. The front room up stairs is 26 1/2 by 17 1/2 feet. There are five good chambers in this house, besides the garret is divided into three rooms, in two of them there are fire-places.
The other House is 27 feet upon Walnut-street, and 52 feet upon 4th street; there are two good parlours below, one of them 25 by 20 1-2 feet, the other 25 by 18 1-2 feet, and seven complete bed-chambers; besides the garret is divided into 4 rooms, 3 of which rooms have fire-places. The kitchens are good ones, and are under the houses; the largest house has also a house-keeper's room. It is intended there shall be a communication from both of these houses to a neighbouring ice-house, sufficiently large to supply 3 houses. Within 50 yards of these houses, there will be complete stables and coach houses, for both houses; they will be finished in the most complete manner, and the keys ready to be delivered early in the summer.
On paying half the money down (if sold) the other half may be paid by instalments, or the whole may remain for 5 years, paying interest and giving security on the premises. For terms of sale or lease, apply to the Subscriber,
GEORGE MEADE. Who has for SALE,
Sundry Ground Rents,
In this city, amounting to twenty-five pounds sixteen shillings and six-pence, per annum. Also, a quantity of BAGS, that will contain two and a half and three and a half bushels. Philadelphia, Jan. 19, 1792. ephem
Insurance Company.
AT a general meeting (by adjournment) of the Insurance Company of North-America, on Wednesday the 16th instant, It was Resolved,
THAT the Instalments which, according to the Constitution, will become due on the second Monday of July and January next, or either of them, may be paid by any Stockholder at an earlier period; and any Stockholder so paying such instalment, or instalments, shall receive a proportionate share of the Dividends thereafter to be made, calculating such share from the first day of the month succeeding such payments respectively. Extract from the Minutes, EBEN. HAZARD, Sec'y. Philadelphia, Jan. 23.
TICKETS
In the FEDERAL CITY LOTTERY, May be had at SAMUEL COOPER'S Ferry.
By THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART, & DANIEL CARROLL, Esquires,
COMMISSIONERS appointed by Government to prepare the Public Buildings, &c. within the City of Washington, for the reception of Congress, and for their permanent residence after the year 1800—
A LOTTERY
FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE FEDERAL CITY. 50,000 Tickets at 7 dollars, are 350,000 dollars. LIST OF PRIZES, viz.
 1 Superb Hotel, with baths, out houses, &c. &c. to cost } 50,000  1 Cash Prize 25,000  1 ditto 20,000  1 ditto 15,000  1 ditto 10,000  2 ditto 5,000 are 10,000  10 ditto 1,000 are 10,000  20 ditto 500 are 10,000  100 ditto 100 are 10,000  200 ditto 50 are 10,000  400 ditto 25 are 10,000  1,000 ditto 20 are 20,000  15,000 ditto 10 are 150,000  16,737 Prizes Dollars 350,000  33,263 Blanks 
50,000 By this scheme at least the amount of the tickets will return to the fortunate adventurers, and yet the federal City will gain its object thereby, in a magnificent building designed both for public and private convenience.
Although some expence must necessarily attend the conducting of the lottery, (which expence will be taken from the principal prize) the Commissioners having agreed to present in return a sufficient quantity of excellent free-stone, together with the best adapted lots for the hotel and for the out-houses, the value of the lottery entire may be fairly rated at something more than par: In this important instance it will be found, on examination, to exceed all the lotteries that have ever been offered to the Public in this or perhaps in any other country. The keys of the Hotel, when complete, will be delivered to the fortunate possessor of the ticket drawn against its number.—All the other prizes will be paid, without deduction, in one month after the drawing, by the City Treasurer at Washington, or at such Bank or Banks as may be hereafter announced, for the convenience of the fortunate adventurers.
The drawing will commence on Monday the 9th of September next, at the City of Washington.
Tickets may be had of Col. Wm. Dickens, City Treasurer of Washington; Thayer & Bartlet, of Charleston, South-Carolina; Gideon Denison, Savannah; Messrs. James West & Co. Baltimore; Mr. Peter Gilman, Boston; and at such other places as will be hereafter published.
N. B. ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be given for the best Plan of an elegant and convenient HOTEL or INN, with hot and cold Baths, Stables, and other out houses, if presented on or before the 10th of April next; and a preference will be given to the Artist for a Contract, provided he be duly qualified to complete his plan. The ground on which the Hotel and out houses are to be erected, will be a corner lot of about 60 by 200 feet, with a back avenue to the stables, &c. Sections and estimates of the expense will be expected with the elevations, &c. complete; and 50,000 dollars must be regarded by the Architect as the utmost limit in the expense intended for this purpose. S. BLODGET, Agent for the affairs of the City. March 6, 1793.
War Department,
JANUARY 28, 1793. INFORMATION is hereby given to all the military Invalids of the United States, that the sums to which they are entitled for six months of their annual pension, from the 4th day of September 1792, and which will become due on the 5th day of March 1793, will be paid on the said day by the Commissioners of the Loans within the states respectively, under the usual regulations, viz.
Every application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers: 1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an Invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which, as such, he is annually intitled. 2d. An affidavit agreeably to the following form:
A. B. came before me, one of the Justices of the county of _____ in the state of _____ and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in his possession was given, of which the following is a copy (the certificate given by the state to be recited) That he served _____ (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the _____ and county of _____ and has resided there for the last _____ years, previous to which he resided in _____
In case an Invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeable to the following form:
I, A. B. of _____ county of _____ state of _____ do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of _____ my lawful attorney, to receive in my behalf of _____ my pension for six months, as an Invalid of the United States, from the 4th day of September 1792, and ending the 4th day of March 1793.
Signed and Sealed in the Presence of _____
Acknowledged before me, Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the Invalid died, whose pension they may claim. By Command of the President of the United States, H. KNOX, Secretary at War.
ADVERTISEMENT. Those persons who have received Subscription-Money for the Gazette, and those who are in arrears for the same, are most earnestly requested to make payment to the Editor as soon as possible.
PHILADELPHIA, January 9, 1793.
Mathew Carey
Respectfully informs the Citizens of the United States, that the Maps for his intended edition of
Guthrie's Geography
Are now engraving—and as soon as a sufficient number of them are finished, to secure a regular supply during the publication, which will probably be early next Spring, the work will be put to press.
He returns his acknowledgments to the very respectable number of Subscribers, who have come forward thus early to patronize this arduous undertaking. He assures them and the public in general, that no pains or expense shall be spared in the execution of the work.
Terms of the Work: 1. IT shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.
II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.
III. Besides the maps in the British editions, this work will contain nine or ten American State Maps.
IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.
V. No advance required. VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.
VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.
* Subscriptions received in Philadelphia by the intended publisher; in New-York, by all the booksellers; in New-Haven, by Mr. Beers; in Hartford, by Mr. Patten; in Boston, by Messrs. Thomas & Andrews, and by Mr. West; in Baltimore, by Mr. Rice; in Richmond, by Mr. J. Carey; in Charleston, by Mr. W. P. Young, and by sundry other persons throughout the United States. (12w1)
BOOKS,
PRINTED AND SOLD BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, seventeen dollars and three fifths.
This work, which was conducted on an improved plan, contains the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His Excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement."
2. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children. "We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed." Monthly Review, vol. 38, p. 101—Price, bound, 62 cents.
3. Duncan's Elements of Logic—75 cents.
4. Beauties of Fielding—50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair—50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennington's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies, Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
8. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 628) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful." N. B. It is introduced into the University in Philadelphia.
9. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions.—Price four-fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce—Price, on very fine paper, 5 8ths of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal. Price three-eighths of a dollar.
15. American Jeft Book. Price three-fifths of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul. Price half a dollar.
17. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto—Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2—plain, six dollars.
18. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum—Price a quarter dollar.
19. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar.
20. Christian Economy. Price a fifth of a dollar.
21. History of Charles Grandison, abridged—Price a sixth of a dollar.
22. Poems by Col. Humphreys—Price a third of a dollar.
23. Select Poems, chiefly American—Price a sixth of a dollar.
Said CAREY has for sale, a large assortment of Books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries, or to sell again.