National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-12-05 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
[NUMB. 11 of VOL. II.]
WEDNESDAY, December 5, 1792.
[Total No. 115.]
Strictures on Mr. Adams's political character.
[Continued from our last.]
IN denial of the fact, I offered in evidence, the whole tenor of Mr. Adams's pretended defence of the American constitutions, his discourses on Davila, and other political writings of later dates, and those abstracts in particular which have been judiciously selected by Lucius, and have lately appeared in this paper, and republished in the National Gazette, added to this testimony his own unequivocal, plain declarations of every day.
From this conclusive and undeniable evidence, it appears that Mr. Adams conceives, an hereditary monarch , possessing the whole executive influence, a positive negative upon all laws, with other distinct privileges, essential to the proper formation of one half of his political balance. The people possessing a controul over money, the other half, and a set of nobles with superior and distinct privileges from the people, the prop and pivot of this balance; That no government can long exist without all and each of these requisites. And since the adoption of the present government, he has publicly and in writing expressed a joy, that America has advanced one step towards this favourite, fanciful government of balances, hence I irresistibly infer, that Mr. Adams is not a firm and uniform patriot; that his patriotism of 1776 to the time of his mission to the British court, consisted in a love for the constitution of America, and a readiness to render her services; that from that time to 92, his spurious patriotism has consisted in a contempt or distrust for the American constitution, and an avowed preference for that of Great Britain. I infer too, that he is not the devoted advocate for the equal rights of man, nor of distinction of office, without nobility of birth.
The real difference between our author and myself consists in this:—He has taken up Mr. Adams's political character and opinions in 1776, and pursued them to the time of his mission to Great Britain; I have taken up his political character and opinions from that time, and presented them to the world as they now are.
The date of his political apostasy commenced during his residence at that court: his present opinions germinated and matured there, he did not breathe the pure political ether of America, when this wonderful conversion of opinion was wrought.
Here let me pause and ask you, Americans! Whether our author, who seems so accurately acquainted with the early part of the history of Mr. Adams's political character and opinions, should not also be supposed to know the important change which then took place, and at present exists? and what confidence can you, or ought you to have in the wenol writers of a party, who attack your prejudices, refuse all appeal to your judgments, who furnish you with misrepresentations, who endeavour to obscure from you the truth, or if the semblance of it be presented to you, it is truth mutilated or distorted!
Some have been so hardy as to enquire, admitting Mr. Adams should possess these heterodox opinions, how will they affect the administration of the government? Altho', to one acquainted with the constitution of the United States, this must appear a strange enquiry, I will nevertheless state my ideas of their probable operations and effects.
There exist at present in the world two species of government: the one growing out of the discretion of the individuals composing it, and founded in actual consent or agreement; the other the mere effect of accident, produced by the casual operation of the turbulent and militant interest of parties, without any systematic principle of consent or agreement. To diffuse knowledge, virtue and happiness a-
mongst the people, is the prime principle and the great object of a wise administration of the former, and its stability is always commensurate with the wisdom, virtue and purity of its administration.—Fraud, violence, and deception to a certain degree, are essential to the administration of the latter; and the prime object, in facilitating their operation, is the ignorance of the people at large. The stability of this species of government, is proportioned to the degree of corruption used in it, and the judgment used in its application. From the former species of government results freedom, happiness, equal law, and equal rights, to individuals; from the latter slavery and arbitrary discriminations: hence, every principle which would facilitate the operation of one species of these governments, would militate against the operation of the other. The Americans furnish the only example in the world of the first species of government; all the civilized world beside are groaning under the latter. It has long been doubted in the political world, whether the discretion of man be competent to his government, or whether some degree of force, fraud, or deception, be not essential to the completion of that object? America is anxiously looked up to by the world to ascertain the truth of this great political question.
Mr. Adams has declared himself against the ability of man to govern himself from his own discretion, and has avowed himself the champion for a different species of government:—Hence, I conclude with irresistible reason, that Mr. Adams will use his formidable talents to assimilate the administration of the government of the United States, to that form and species of government for which he has declared a decided preference, and for which he has pledged himself, as an author, to the world.
Americans, be consistent! If you be prepared to say, with Mr. Adams, that upon fair experiment, the discretion of the people of America, is found incompetent to their government; if you be dissatisfied with your present constitution; if you be so wedded to the beautiful theory of Mr. Adams's doctrine of balances, that you prefer it, to contradicting experiment & fact; if, like him, and the foolish people of Israel of old, you wish for a king to ride over you, and to judge you like other nations,—then will you do right to place him in the most conspicuous offices of your government; then will you do right to chant your laudits to him in your public and your private worship; then will you do right, to canonise him as the first to desist from the foolish attempt of administering a government founded upon consent, as the first to discover and the first to glory in avowing it to the world, that the American people, upon fair experiment, are incompetent to govern themselves; and diminish not the honor and glory of a discovery, so consonant to the dignity and pleasing to the feelings of human nature, and so honourable to its author. But if you be not prepared to go all these lengths with Mr. Adams; if you wish to persevere in the happy and honorable experiment of governing yourselves; if you wish not a king; if you be not prepared to open your purses to pay his ordinary and extraordinary revenues, his church, his armies, his placemen, his pensioners &c. &c. and in short, to defray the expenses of your own slavery; then, abandon Mr. Adams; annihilate his political existence; stigmatize him as the calumniator of your wisdom and your virtue; stigmatize him as the first innovator upon the sacred and fundamental principles of your constitution and laws; stigmatize him as a man intoxicated with props and checks and balances ; stigmatize him as an apostate from his own political creed; and, what is worse as an apostate from your political creed and the political creed of your constitution.
Perhaps those who have been accustomed to see Mr. Adams move in an exalted station, may at first conceive these denunciations too severe: for their justification, I appeal to facts. Is Mr. Adams the avowed champion for a king, lords and commons? Does the constitution of the United States proscribe the idea of kings, lords and commons? Does Mr. Adams rejoice that the United States have advanced one step towards this species of government? Would he not rejoice at their moving another step? and to proceed, step by step, until they had effected his wishes? Does Mr. Adams prefer the superior and distinct privileges of a certain hereditary titled few, to the equal rights of all? If these questions can with truth be answered in the affirmative, then no political disgrace can be tho't a sentence unjust, unmerciful, or severe.
The gratitude of America has been challenged in favour of Mr. Adams, and his former services held up as objects which demand the exercise of this gratitude. If Mr. Adams shall have rendered signal services to America, which I will not deny, because I know nothing to the contrary, acknowledge them, and remunerate them amply; but to place him in the highest office of government, when the greatest mischiefs may be wrought by the improper exercise of his talents, when he boldly asserts, that his opinion militate against its first and most essential principles, would lose the name of gratitude; it would be the excess of folly, of madness of inconsistency. It has been the object of this paper to offer to the public some considerations against the propriety of electing Mr. Adams to the next vice-presidency. It will be the object of another, to state some facts respecting the political character of governor Clinton, with some additional remarks respecting Mr. Adams.
A Uniform Federalist.
Doctor Priestley's two letters; the first to the Electoral assembly of the department of Orne, which had elected him as their deputy to the national convention; the other, addressed to the national convention.
Sep. 21, Fourth year of Liberty.
"Gentlemen,
"I HAVE just received, and consider as a very distinguished honor, the invitation of your department to sit in the approaching national convention of France. Such an office is certainly at this time, of the utmost importance on the theatre of the world; as the peace and happiness, not only of your country, but of all Europe and perhaps of the whole human race, are very particularly interested in every thing which may be decided in that assembly; but my imperfect knowledge of your language, local circumstances, and the important duties of my present situation, prevent me from accepting your invitation. Besides, my studies having been principally directed towards philosophy and theology and not particularly towards legislation, little could be expected from me in respect to that science; but in every case in which my abilities will permit me to advance an opinion of any weight, it shall always be at their service through the medium of my friend and correspondent Francaïs, who is also chosen a member of the conventional assembly.
"As a minister of religion, the object of my most earnest desires is your happiness. I sincerely pray, that the supreme being, the father and friend of mankind, whose providence directs all events; may destroy the machinations of your enemies, and put an end to the troubles with which you are now agitated; and may he give a speedy and happy establishment to your affairs.
"I offer up this prayer both as a Frenchman and an Englishman, since we have at length made the happy discovery so long kept a secret only by the ambition of courts, that France and England
(neighbouring nations) have an equal interest in being friends with each other.
"I am, &c.
"J. PRIESTLEY."
"Gentlemen.
"I have just received from M. Francaïs the information of my being admitted a citizen of France by the late assembly, and of my nomination to the national convention, by the department of Orne. Both these appointments I consider as the greatest of honours that can be conferred on me, whilst France in conferring them on strangers (though in my case she has been led to over rate the merit of an individual) has shown a generous disposition, to associate all nations in the common cause of liberty, and the rights of man.
"The honour of citizenship I gratefully accept for myself, as I did for my son! We will both endeavour to discharge the duties of good citizens of France, without violating any that are due to our native country, which I trust will henceforth be united with you (as it is our best interest) in the strictest bonds of paternal concord. But the honour of the important appointment to the national convention, I must beg leave to decline, from the full conviction that I have of my incapacity to discharge all its duties. In the list of these deficiencies I might enumerate, my imperfect knowledge of the language, and my ignorance of the local circumstances of the country, and most of all, that by my acceptance of the office, I shall exclude some other person, who must be so much better instructed than myself in these, as he may be in other essential and most important respects.
"Whilst then I am compelled to decline the acceptance of this dignified station, may I presume to take the advantage which my rank of citizen gives me, to offer to you occasionally, my opinions on some of the interesting subjects which must necessarily come before you. As a citizen of the world, your liberality would embolden me. As a citizen of France, your adoption invites me. I cannot remain an uninterested observer, and as my distance will allow me to view some scenes with more calmness those scenes in which you will be busily engaged, permit me, through some channel, to suggest hypothetically the result of my observations, which shall be offered in the true spirit of affection and patriotism, however defective they may be in information and judgment.
"Considering your revolution as a new and most important era in the history of man, I cannot sufficiently express the concern which I feel at this eventful moment for its success. The national convention is not going to legislate for France alone, but for Europe and the world. On its success the happiness of mankind is suspended. It were superfluous to urge any other motive than the extent and sacredness of the trust. This savage conspiracy of tyrants cannot inflict a wound, they will rather serve to hasten the progress of liberty, which sedition, lawless violence, and internal discord only can now arrest, and if continued, must inevitably destroy. J. PRIESTLEY.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, Sep 26. General view of the State of Europe as it respects the French republic [addressed by the minister of foreign affairs to the national convention.]
"The principles adopted among us have brought upon us the hatred of all kings and of all governments, but the people are our friends. The crisis in which the republic now stands is not the most dangerous; in the spring, all the kings of Europe will be leagued against us.

"If we have every thing to fear from their hatred to our republic, their mutual jealousy and mistrust, as well as a variety of other circumstances which may happen in the course of six months, ought to free us from every uneasiness."
"That woman of the north, who, for twenty years has disturbed the peace of Europe, still threatens us; she still announces the arrival of her troops, and yet she still detains them through a dread of seeing herself oppressed by her neighbours."
"We are told that thirty thousand Russians are coming to join those armies which are now fighting against our liberty—those thirty thousand men have not yet passed the frontiers of Poland. We have been told of ships in the white sea: those ships have returned to the port of Cronstadt, because they had neither provisions nor ammunition. A fleet was likewise said to be coming from the Black sea, but this fleet, so long announced, has not yet appeared. Besides, to send a fleet through the straits of Constantinople would be violating every kind of treaty with the Ottoman Porte, which is not much disposed to grant favors to the heroine of the north."
"Poland, a prey to intestine divisions, can undertake nothing abroad."
"Denmark, its interests require that it should observe the strictest neutrality."
"The court of Vienna has at length prevailed upon the German empire to declare war against France. We may expect that the Diet of Ratisbon will soon formally notify to us this resolution."
"The union of the courts of Berlin and Vienna has been blamed by all powers. The war which they carry on against us cannot fail of being prejudicial to themselves."
"A secret fermentation which increases every day, prevails at Berlin. Frederick has demanded a reinforcement of 30,000 men: They cannot be sent to him without incurring the danger of an insurrection. He can hope for no further assistance in money, and the treasures accumulated by Frederick the Great, are exhausted."
"There is a secret intelligence between the cabinet of St. James and that of the Hague. Those two courts seem to follow the same system, and they have declared that they mean to observe a strict neutrality. All their protestations, however, ought not to inspire us with confidence. Holland has not taken up arms against us, but it furnishes certain supplies to our enemies; and though England has but a very small fleet in its ports, it has such resources as may enable it to equip a very formidable one in a moment."
"Spain has only 25,000 men ready to march against us. We need not doubt that this court will take a very active part in the war against the French republic. A Bourbon is upon the throne of Spain, and he wishes to avenge the Bourbons."
"The petty princes of Italy always follow that plan which is dictated to them by the strongest party."
London, Sept. 28. The subscription for the relief of the Poles, which was open only a few days, amounted to 40161. 15. Since receiving the news of the unfortunate issue of their struggle for liberty, the money has been refunded to the subscribers. Previous to the resolution for refunding—at a general meeting of the subscribers, the following declaration was by them made public:
"We had hopes of being able to contribute, in some degree, to the assistance of the people of Poland.—These hopes have been defeated by the successful operations of a superior force, which the Polish nation exerting their utmost unassisted efforts in defence of their country, had no power to resist. Our only duty now is to declare our opinion of these transactions. The only consolation left us is to reflect, that we have done every thing that depended on individuals, to rescue the character of the British nation from the scandal and dishonour of affecting a base neutrality, or of looking on with indifference, while the independence of a great kingdom, and the freedom of a considerable portion of mankind, were sacrificed to lawless violence, and crushed under the dominion of a foreign tyranny.—The fact is atrocious; but the precedent is alarming. In the ruin of one helpless, inoffensive nation, the other States of Europe and this country in particular, ought to see an example, and warning of the principles and practice of ambition, which they may experience in their turn."
"We cannot be persuaded, that the rapid progress and approach of military power, that the apparent resolution of a great confederacy to divide the continent of Europe among them are objects and events in which the nation has no concern. Is it a thing to be believed, that the king of Poland would have been deserted, as he has been, by the natural enemies and rivals of Russia, if this conquest had not made part of a more extensive system, concerted among them, of which Poland is only the first victim, and which is to furnish the means of equalagrandizement to the other contracting parties. We may rely on our internal strength, or we may confide in our situation. But what solid security have we, that this powerful confederacy"
may not be able to create, or collect a maritime force, sufficient to contend with the navy of Great Britain? If that should ever happen, a single event might lay this island open to the same armies of disciplined barbarians, to which the rest of Europe may have been compelled to submit. When the force is sufficient, the pretences never fail. In the case of Poland, there was none. All we have heard is, that it did not suit the views of Russia, that a limited monarchy, an hereditary crown, or a reasonable constitution of any kind, should have a law to appeal to, or a government to protect them."
"We submit these reflections to the wisdom and generosity of the nation, with a thorough conviction, that on this subject, their wisdom and their generosity will lead them to the same conclusion."
"We have no doubt of the success of our former addresses to the public, and that a sum would have been collected, which it would have been honorable in us to offer, and to the Polish nation to have accepted: But the object is gone. We have therefore determined, that the several sums subscribed shall be returned to the subscribers, deducting a small per centage to defray the expenses incurred."
[From the Leyden Gazette.]
Leyden, Sept. 27. A people, like the French, who have massacred several of the most zealous partizans of their own revolution, because they thought it would be to the interest of France to establish a limited monarchy, will hardly spare the lives of those august personages, whom the leaders of anarchy will always consider, while they live, as standing in the way of their imaginary republic. The French, however, themselves seem sensible of the impolicy of any step against the life of his majesty. England (says one of their papers) will never intermeddle in the war against France, if the French only consider the lives of the king and queen as sacred: but should the act be committed, they will most assuredly join in it with all their strength. It is no less certain that the leaders of the present party, that have made France a theatre of blood and carnage, begin to think of ensuring themselves an asylum at all events, as well as making it agreeable by holding in possession a great part of the riches of the nation, that have been lately pillaged. On this subject we have received a printed paper, to the following effect, (but for the authenticity of which we do not vouch:—)  "Secret instructions to M. de Semonville, French ambassador at Constantinople, from the assembly of the nation.—It is evident that in the present disposition of the several European powers towards France, there is a despotic combination against our liberty. The most important members of this combination are the empress of Russia, the king of Hungary, and the king of Prussia, and under their banners are united several weaker powers, foes to our constitution. It therefore becomes our duty to dissolve the league by all means possible, and to sow divisions among the component members. The assistance of the Turkish empire would be immensely serviceable; but such assistance must be indirect, by exciting Turkey to intermeddle in the troubles of Poland. For this purpose two millions will be furnished to M. Semonville, from the national treasury, besides six millions he has already received, to be at his own discretionary disposal. The two millions are to be expended in bribing the Vizir and the Reis Effendi to favor the demands of Poland: another sum is to be expended in paying spies to be employed about the Russian minister, the Nuncio, and the English ambassador. If the Grand Vizir is for war, M. Semonville is to offer him four frigates, with guns, and ammunition, as a subsidy. The declaration is to be made with all possible expedition, in favor of Poland, in order to divert the whole force of Russia to that quarter; and as there is an appearance of Poland being partitioned between the three above named powers, a diversion on the side of Turkey will oblige them to unite their whole force against Poland, and thereby afford us an opportunity to settle our constitution, or foment lasting divisions among the three hostile powers.—It will be a matter of some consequence, too, to know from the Turks, whether, in case of things not succeeding with the French patriotic party, they will grant them an asylum in the islands of Candy and Cyprus, if the purchase of one of the Archipelago islands should be refused, for which purpose presents are to be made to the most influential ministers. If the patriots may depend upon such an asylum, they will, in case of disaster, retire thither with all their immense riches, which will be no small acquisition to the interests of the Porte."
M. Pétion, late mayor of Paris, is now in fact (as President of the national convention) President of France. M. Condorcet is Vice-President, by a large majority of votes.—From the 21st of September all official acts whatever in France are to be dated from the first year of the republic. The great seal of the nation is altered, being now the Roman fasces surmounted with the cap of liberty. On the
reverse is the legend, "La Republique Française."—The decree against choosing judges from among lawyers only, and making a person eligible from any class of citizens, has given great satisfaction to the people, and effectually checked the aristocracy of the law.
THOUGHTS ON CONSTITUTIONS.
[Translated from the writings of the Marquis de Condorcet.]
1st. THE constitution of a state, or a city, and the constitution of the human body are comparatively one and the same thing. The principles that render both one and the other durable, are the same. But if you imprudently attempt to confound the constitution of the human body with the direction or government of that body, the same evils are to be apprehended that always follow the application of the best principles, when badly understood. Instead of advancing by repeated efforts to perfect immutability, simplicity, and universality of legislation, you will fall from precipice to precipice, remote, and always separated from the important whole. Attached to a superstitious regard to a government which may have some transient charms, you feel no desire to change it, which nevertheless must change with the increase or diminution of your strength. Children choose the government of full grown men; men advanced to years of discretion do nevertheless prefer to be governed by the aged, while the aged in their turn are fond of submitting to the dominion of boisterous and unexperienced youth.
2d. Man has a body (and what particularly constitutes him MAN, is a head elevated towards the heavens) bones, feet, hands, and a prodigious variety of veins or channels for the general circulation of the fluids. But in the human constitution, the divinity called by us nature, has formed no part detached or separate. She never yet made a human head distinct from the body, arms disunited from the carcase, or the organs of perception unconnected with the corporeal frame. What madness, then, is it in the political constitution of a state or country to privilege any part with being the head and sentencing another to serve eternally the purposes of the feet!
3d. The constitution-politic and the constitution-natural are an indivisible whole, which does not depend either for its form or powers of action upon any system of government whatever. It either exists positively, or exists not at all. Let the political constitution have in like manner an immutable system of superior and inferior functions, with all the proper channels of circulation. It will be perfect, it will be eternal, if it only takes its pattern from the original constitution of nature. But let us not go astray by pursuing an absurd and jarring system. Government is not constitution. The government of a state, like the management of the body, is more or less perfect when every individual particle of spirit, belonging to the great whole, circulates unprivileged throughout the body, and arrives in its turn with the blood, when sufficiently filtrated, to the seat of the purer spirits, productive of sublime ideas, grand and excellent contemplations. Herein is formed the will, that gives motion to the body, and which prepares for it its various enjoyments—and this volition will always incline to virtue, when it proceeds from the general consent of the great constitutional whole.
4th. The spirit of a nation, in a real revolution, vibrates through all its parts, and feels, as it were, the shock from an electrical machine. They have but one sentiment in general, but this sentiment is awakened by the exercise of reason. Let it be the care then of enlightened men gradually to dissipate the reign of ignorance, to extend the horizon of thought, to inculcate the supremacy of reason, and leave the rest to time, that brings all things to maturity.
5th. Governments, like the individuals that go to compose them, have at all times been subject to error. But henceforward let us follow nature (which is never retrograde) in our path to universal light. All that is perishable, or liable to change, in the constitutions contrived by man, is not copied from the constitution of nature. Friends of truth and of the supremacy of reason, lose not your courage! There is now in the world a free and generous race of men who are every where planting the seeds of truths, which in due time shall produce a new creation in government; a constitution, whose universality shall be the proof of its excellence; and which in being just to all alike, shall prove itself to be the constitution fit for man: which shall be perpetual because the nations will find their common interest in continuing it; and nations never die. Let the oppressed, then, not sink under the present weight of European, Asiatic, or American tyranny. The people, when thoroughly awakened, will themselves constitute the supreme civil power of the world.
Mr. AMES's Speech in the House of Representatives, on the 21st of November, on the motion for striking out that part of the resolution, &c. respecting a reference to the Secretary of the Treasury, on the reduction of the Public Debt.
IT is so fashionable to introduce the funding system upon every occasion—it would perhaps appear strange to say, that it is out of order upon any. To my mind and probably to most gentlemen present, it will be difficult to perceive, that the question before us bears any relation to that subject, or to the frontier-bill, the excise, the perpetual taxes, the encouragement of manufactures, and many other topics, which, somehow or other, have been interwoven with the debate. At this late hour of the day, and in so wearisome a stage of the question, I may be permitted to decline any further notice of these auxiliary subjects.
The great end we have in view, is the paying off the public debt.—This object, truly important in itself, unites the best sense and strongest wishes of the country. It is our duty to provide means for the accomplishment of this end. All agree that a plan is necessary. It must be framed with wisdom and digested with care, so as to operate with the greatest effect, till the whole debt shall be extinguished. The true question is, which is the best mode of framing this system? Several modes have been preferred by different persons—some advocate the appointment of a select committee of this house, others insist that the house in committee of the whole, is the only proper mode, while others who defend the original motion, desire to have a plan prepared, and submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury. It may obviate the force of many of the arguments we have heard, to remark, that it is not asserted that either of the several modes is intrinsically incapable of effecting the purpose. It would be improper to say, that a select committee could not be formed who would be able to collect the materials for an exact knowledge of the subject; and who, after acquiring that knowledge, would be able to form a sound judgment. Neither would it be just or respectful to deny, in the abstract, the capability of the house in committee to digest such a plan. But the question still returns, which of the three methods is the best to begin with? Neither this house nor a select committee are pretended to be already possessed of the knowledge which is requisite to the framing a system for a sinking fund. The very materials from which this knowledge is to be gleaned, are not in the possession of this house—they are in the treasury department. Neither the curiosity nor the legislative duty of members leads them to resort daily to the treasury to investigate official details; and even if it were so, the officer at the head of the department, having his mind incessantly occupied with his official business, must be admitted to possess a more familiar and ready, if not a more ample, knowledge of the subject.
Indeed the situation of the Secretary of the Treasury is so evidently favorable to his digesting the plan of a sinking fund, that it seems unnecessary to urge it even to those who are opposed to the reference. For their objections, imply the preference of the mode in point of expediency as strongly as those who explicitly recommend it. They say, the plan of the Secretary will come forward with too much advantage.
Members, say they, not having the aid of those means of information which the Secretary possesses, will not be able to resist the train of reasoning with which he will introduce his plan. It is even expressly admitted, that the information of the treasury department is necessary and must be called for; but they would not receive it with the reasoning of the Secretary. Without waiting time to prove this point, the most common sense will decide instantly, that the knowledge of our financial affairs, and of the means of improving them, is to be obtained the most accurately from the officer whose duty it is made by our own law to understand them; who is appointed and commissioned for that very purpose, and to whom every days practice in his office must afford some additional information of official details, as well as of the operation of the laws. The arguments on both sides end in the same point, that the information of the Secretary would be useful. Our object being to prefer that mode of preparing a plan, which is adapted to present us the best; the argument might end here, if it were not that the constitution is alleged to forbid our resorting to the Secretary.
I reverence the constitution, and I readily admit that the frequent appeal to that as a standard proceeds from a respectful attachment to it. So far it is a source of agreeable reflection. But I feel very different emotions, when I find it almost daily resorted to on questions of little importance; when by strained and fanciful constructions it is made an instrument of casualty, it is to be feared it may lose something in our minds in point of certainty, and more in point of dignity.
And what is the clause of the constitution opposed to the receiving a plan of a sink-

ing fund from the Secretary? Bills for raising revenue shall originate in this house. I verily believe the members of this house, and the citizens at large, would be very much surprised to hear this clause of the constitution formally and gravely stated as repugnant to the reference to the treasury department, for a plan, if they and we had not been long used to hear it.
To determine the force of this amazing constitutional objection, it will be sufficient to define terms.
What is a bill? it is a term of technical import, and surely it cannot need a definition; it is an act in an inchoate state, having the form but not the authority of a law.
What is originating a bill? our rules decide it. Every bill shall be introduced by a motion for leave, or by a committee.
It may be said the plan of a sinking fund, reported by the Secretary, is not in the technical, or even, in popular language, a bill—nor, by the rules of the house, or those of common sense, is this motion the originating a bill. By resorting to the spirit of the constitution, or by adopting any reasonable construction of the clause, is it possible to make it appear repugnant to the proposition for referring to the Secretary? The opposers of this proposition surely will not adopt a construction of the constitution. They have often told us, we are to be guided by a strict adherence to the letter; that there is no end to the danger of constructions. The letter is not repugnant; and will it be seriously affirmed, that, according to the spirit and natural meaning of the constitution, the report of the Secretary will be a revenue bill, or any other bill, and that this proposition is originating such a bill? If it be, where shall we stop? If the idea of a measure which first passes through the mind, be confounded with the measure subsequent to it, what confusion will ensue? The President, by suggesting the proposition, may as well be pretended to originate a revenue bill; even a newspaper plan would be a breach of the exclusive privilege of this house, and the liberty of the press, so justly dear to us, would be found unconstitutional. Yet, if, without any order of the house, the draught of an act were printed, and a copy laid before every member in his seat, no person will venture to say, that it is a bill, that it is originated or can be brought under the cognizance of the house, unless by a motion in conformity to the rules and orders. The report of the Secretary in regard to manufactures, so often adverted to, has not yet been acted upon. Does that appear on our journals as a bill? Language has not yet been perverted to such a degree, as to assert any such thing; and yet the constitutional objection implies opinions no less.
I rely upon it, that neither the letter of the constitution, nor any meaning that it can be tortured into, will support the objection which has been so often urged with solemn emphasis and persevering zeal.
If the constitution be admitted, therefore, to authorize the reference to the Secretary, why should not the mode which is proved to be the most expedient be immediately adopted? Here we meet another objection. It is said that the legislative and executive branches of government are to be kept distinct, and this reference will produce an improper blending of them. It is a truth that these departments are to be kept distinct; but the conclusion drawn from it is altogether vague. The execution of every trust requires some deliberation, and many of them call into action the highest powers of the human mind, and the most intense and persevering application of them—yet these trusts are to be exclusively performed, and it is by no means follows that the officer charged with them invades the deliberative functions of Congress. On the other hand, many laws are the result of plain principles or parts of the constitution, and Congress, by enacting them only execute the constitution. Yet here is no encroachment upon the executive branch. The truth is, the constitution has allotted powers to the several branches of the government, and by that rule we are to judge of their several limits. The President proposes measures to the legislature in conformity to the constitution—yet no one ever supposed that his doing so is a departure from a just theory; nor has it, as far as I know, been ever insinuated till of late, in this or any other country, that the calling for information from officers, any more than the calling for testimony from witnesses amounts to a transfer of our legislative duty. It is very easy to conceive how much increased information may aid us in deliberating, but it is hard to discern how we are to profit by the want of it. It is true it is our peculiar province to deliberate, but neither the letter of the constitution, nor the law establishing the treasury department, nor the reason of the case have restrained us from calling for official information. It is not true in fact that the deliberative and executive departments are blended by referring to the Secretary. Any objections deduced from an over-refining theory, and not warranted by the constitution, might need an answer if we were now framing a government, but can have no force in the administration of one. Indeed, it is a ve-
ry scholastic, and very imposing mistake to abandon the letter and meaning of the plan of government we act under, and to undertake to reason independently, as if we were now settling the institutes of a political treatise.
[Remainder in our next.]
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Nov. 30.
The House, in committee of the whole, took into consideration the Secretary of the Treasury's report on the petition of the executors of Edward Garnes, for the payment of the balance of an account against the navy board of the United States in Massachusetts, for work done, &c. during the war. After some debate, the following motion was agreed to, "That a select committee ought to be appointed to enquire and report whether any, and what measures may be necessary to facilitate the settlement of claims against the United States, not barred by acts of limitation, founded upon certificates granted, or settlements made by any officer or officers heretofore authorized to issue certificates, or make settlements on their behalf, and who have not settled their accounts".—A committee was accordingly appointed; and the Secretary of the Treasury's report referred to the same committee.
The following motion (by Mr. Dayton) was laid on the table—"That the Secretary of War lay before the House a list of the names of the invalids returned to his office by the judges of the circuit courts—also, to report the causes of the inability of such persons, and the state of the invalid pension list."
The House then went into committee of the whole on the estimate of appropriations, required for the support of government for 1793. After a debate of considerable length, relative to detailing the particulars of the expenditures either in the journals of the House or in the act, it was determined by the committee that the particulars should be entered on the journal.—After some further proceeding, the committee rose, reported progress in the report, and asked leave to sit again on Monday.
Mr. Page, Mr. Williamson, and Mr. Kittera were appointed a committee to prepare and bring in a supplementary bill for amending the act for establishing a mint, and regulating the coins of the United States.
MONDAY, December 3.
The petition of W. and J. Sinims, some time since presented, relative to the remission of duties on goods lost on the coast of Jersey, in coming round from New-York to this port, was referred to a select committee.
A petition was read from a number of citizens of Charleston, S. C. praying a bankrupt law to be passed—referred to the committee already appointed.
A letter was read from the Secretary of the Treasury, inclosing a plan for the reduction of the public debt.—Two hundred copies ordered to be printed for the use of the house.
Mr. Dayton renewed his motion, That the Secretary of War lay before the house a list of the names of the persons returned to his office for pensions by the circuit courts, in pursuance of the act for settling the claims of widows, &c. barred by the limitation law, and to regulate claims to invalid pensions, &c. This motion was grounded on the idea of the revenue being imposed on by the admitting of improper persons to pensions—After some debate, the motion was agreed to.
A bill was brought in, and read the first time, for determining the northern boundary of the territory ceded by the state of North-Carolina to the United States.
The house then, in committee of the whole, resumed the consideration of the Estimate of appropriations for 1793. The estimate of contingencies for the war department for 1793 (50,000 dollars) was struck out, and a blank left. The Estimate being gone through with, several resolutions were moved pursuant thereto, read, and laid on the table. The committee then rose, to sit again to-morrow.
In committee of the whole, some amendments were made to the bill for ascertaining the fees demandable on admiralty proceedings in the courts of the United States—when the committee rose, and reported progress.
PHILADELPHIA.
DECEMBER 5.
The light-house on Cape Henry, in Virginia, is now completed, and the lamps were lighted for the first time on the night of November the 17th ult. The foundation of this building stands about fifty feet above the level of the high water mark, and the lamps in clear weather may be seen to the distance of 30 miles. The precise latitude of the spot is 36. 56. 45.—Savanna Light-House, on Tybee island, took fire
about a month since, when the wooden work was entirely consumed. Notice will be given in the public prints when it is so far repaired as to be re-lighted.
The situation of France and her combined enemies, when the last accounts left Europe, may be summed up in the following short statement,—Lisle besieged by 20,000 men of the enemy; Thionville by an inferior number, but from its immense strength no probability of its surrendering. The French armies on the frontier, under Generals Moreton, Dumourier, and Kellermann, maintaining their ground and counteracting every effort of the enemy, daily receiving additional strength, and since the degradation of the royal family, beginning to be well supplied with every requisite of ammunition, arms, and provision.—General Montequieu making a rapid progress over Savoy, having planted the French republican standard at Chamberry, the capital, and the Savoyards almost every where revolting to the cause of France.—The French nation more and more unanimous, and so confident of the success of their new republican system as plainly to have (through their generals) rejected the offers of the Duke of Brunswick to make peace upon the nation's adopting a limited monarchical form of government.—The despotic forces, on the contrary, every where discouraged, a mortal dysentery wasting the Prussian army; the soldiers in a manner starving upon a pound of bread in three days, and such vegetables as could be sliced from the famished cavalry; and the only remaining hope of the enemy to effect the restoration of despotism in France was the expectation of a universal combination of despots the next year, to enter upon a crusade against the liberties of the French and mankind.
Yesterday (December 4th) was published, Number I. of LE COURRIER DE L' AMERIQUE, a French gazette, of news, politics, and entertainment, to be continued twice a week (Tuesdays and Fridays) by the editor and printer, Mr. JOHN PARKER, at No. 259, North Second-street, in Philadelphia.
Yesterday, at 3 P. M. the Legislature of the state of Pennsylvania met at the State-House in this city.
On November 10, General Sevier left Knoxville, with a troop of horse, to take command of the frontier army, amounting to near 1500 men.
The following are some of the observations of Mr. Smith (S. C.) in the House of Representatives, on Wednesday last, relative to Warner Mifflin's memorial recommending the abolition of Negro Slavery—"He admitted (he said) in its full extent the right of every citizen to petition for a redress of grievances, and the duty of the house to consider them, but the paper in question was not of that description; it was a mere rant and rhapsody of a meddling fanatic, interlarded with texts of scripture, and concluded, with no specific prayer. He observed that it was the practice of legislative bodies in general to have the contents of petitions read by the member in his place who presented them, in order to judge whether they ought to be received; but the house had gone into a loose practice of suffering every kind of application to be received and read at the clerk's table—the consequence was that the purport of them was entered on the journals; in this particular instance the practice was attended with real danger; the citizens of the southern states finding that a paper of this nature had been received by the house, and formally entered on their journals, might justly be alarmed, and led to believe, that doctrines were countenanced destructive of their interests. The gentleman who presented the paper, and who he observed with pain had not on this occasion displayed his usual regard for the southern states, had stated its contents to relate only to the slave-trade; had he stated in his place its real purport and object, namely, to create disunion among the states, and to excite the most horrible insurrections, the house would undoubtedly have refused its reception. After the proceedings at New-York on this subject, he said his constituents had a right to expect that it would never be stirred again; for his part, he assured the house, that while he continued on that floor, he should upon every similar occasion, pointedly express his abhorrence of these applications, which were productive of no kind of good whatever, and had a most mischievous tendency: They were not calculated to meliorate the condition of the persons who were the object of them, who are at present happy and contented with their situation; but, on the contrary, had a tendency to alienate their affection from their masters, and by exciting a spirit of restlessness, to render greater severity necessary on their part. He therefore earnestly called upon the house to agree to the motion, and thereby convince this troublesome enthusiast, and others who might be disposed to communicate their ravings and wild effusions, that they will meet that treatment they justly deserve; as the present application was disrespectful to the house, insulting to the southern members, and a libel on their constituents, it ought no longer to remain on the table, but returned to its author with marked disapprobation."
CAT-ISLAND.
THIS island, one of the Bahamas, is remarkable as being the first land on which Columbus set foot in America, and where, for the first time, the nations of two distant parts of the globe were introduced to each other. Cat-Island, called by the ancient native Indians GUANHANI, lies between the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth degrees of north latitude, and in about the 76th degree of western longitude from the meridian of London. Such travellers as visit Providence, frequently take a trip from thence to Cat-Island, ninety miles distant, to gratify curiosity, and feast their eyes with a scene, which tho' otherwise unimportant, commands every token of enthusiastic respect from the memory of the illustrious marine hero that first dropt a European anchor here three hundred years ago.
Cat-Island is long, and generally narrow, the most easterly of the northern Bahamas, and lies clear of the Bahama Bank. In length it is about forty-three miles, seven in breadth on an average, and extends from north to south. The shores are in most parts faced with reefs of sharp rocks lying about half a mile, frequently less, from the land, and on the western side extending to a much greater distance. Between these reefs and within them there is good anchorage on a sandy bottom, and the landing is not very difficult, particularly on the western shore; except there has recently been strong northwesterly gales, a circumstance not so common here as in higher northern latitudes.
This first discovery of Guanihani could not have inspired very elevated hopes in the crew of Columbus. The soil is generally barren, being a loose dry sand covered with small woods, in some places almost impenetrable, and infested with millions of lizards, some guanas, and several species of land-crabs, which, with a few goats and wild hogs, might have been justly denominated the lords and sole possessors of the soil till the pirates, and latterly some settlers from Providence, planted themselves on these barren shores. In other places of the island there is tolerable good timber, and towards the centre several small woody hills that have not an unpleasant appearance from the sea; but in approaching these you are not unfrequently interrupted with salt-ponds and inundated thickets of brushwood. To make amends for the barrenness of the soil, there is good fishing and turtleing on the coasts, and this must have been the principal resource, for food, of the ancient Indian inhabitants.
There are several ruins of buildings here which show something of antiquity—they appear to have been rude walled edifices, constructed from broken rocks and a soft white stone found in many parts of the island; and are generally supposed to be the ruins of chapels and other structures erected here by Columbus and his crews. I am rather inclined to think, however, from an attentive inspection some years ago, that they are either the remains of Indian antiquity, or of forts, &c. built by the pirates; tho' the latter is not very likely, as it is well known the principal resort of the pirates, or buccaneers was at Providence.
Altho' Columbus first discovered it from the eastward, it is to be presumed, from several circumstances, he landed from a bay on the south-western part of the island. Future times may possibly deem it worth their while to erect some conspicuous monument on this, or some other part of Guanihani, in commemoration of one of the greatest events that perhaps ever the world witnessed.
The following lines, from Dryden, are finely descriptive of the ideas that may be supposed to have passed in the mind of an Indian, upon first viewing Columbus's squadron from the shores of Guanihani:
"I went in order, fir, to your command, To view the utmost limits of the land; To that rude coast, where no more world is found, But foaming surges burst upon the ground: There for a while my eyes no object met But distant skies that in the ocean set, And low-hung clouds, that dipt themselves in rain To shake their fleeces on the earth again: At last, as far as I could cast my eyes Something, methought, did on the billows rise Like blackish spots, which still approaching more Took dreadful forms, and mov'd toward the shore, The objects I could first distinctly view, Were tall, straight trees that on the waters flew, Wings on their boughs, instead of leaves, did grow That gather'd every blast the winds could blow, And at their feet full many a palace lay Guided by men that sail'd the watry way."
PRICE OF STOCKS.
  Six per cents. 21 3/4   Three per cents. 12 3/8   Deferred, 13 3/8   N. American 35   Bank U. S. 45 

Monongahela's address to the Supervisor of the Excise for the district of Pennsylvania.
[Continued from our last and concluded.]
WAVING for a moment the question, whether their combination was right or wrong, the honorable Supervisor's memory may readily supply him with a precedent. Recently after the declaration of independence, and the establishment of the constitution of Pennsylvania, an association was cemented, not by the remote and uninformed inhabitants, but by the respectable, the enlightened, the influential citizens of Philadelphia, with the express purpose of preventing the operation and destroying the existence of our government; and this, too, at a crisis when the state was exposed to all the dangers of an hostile invasion. Those who deemed themselves best able to serve their country, thus combined to desert her in her distress, they declared that they would accept no offices under the government, nor associate with, or aid those who assisted in its administration. The constitution of Pennsylvania could not be altered, without having recourse to the people, (the laws of Congress have not that quality) and, after all there was no suggestion, that in its principles it was partial, unjust or oppressive; but only that it was defective, according to the conceptions of its opponents, in fabric and political arrangement. To the instruments of association here mentioned, as well as to the declaration of independence, the honorable Supervisor put his hand. What then, let me ask, was the state and character of that society, if the resolutions of the committee at Pittsburgh constitute, throughout the western counties, insurgency and revolt; and not only those who entered into the resolutions, but every man who chances to breathe with them the same air, or cultivates the same soil, must be doomed to one common ignominy and punishment? Far be it from me to enter into a vindication of either of those associations; but if precedent can at all avail to vindicate what is wrong, the Philadelphia scheme excuses the Pittsburgh resolves; which indeed is so much the less culpable, as it is only an irregular opposition to an oppressive law, while the other was a direct attack upon the government.
But if every outrage on public officers constitutes insurgency, in what predicament was the city of Philadelphia a few years ago, when the representatives of the people attending at the capital, to discharge their legislative functions, were mobbed by the citizens; their lodgings violently broken into in the dead of the night, and their persons forcibly and ignominiously dragged through the public streets? The honorable Supervisor was at that disgraceful period a member of the general assembly; and, though he did not assist in the actual violence that was committed, the rioters, (for I may not say insurgents) were classed among his friends, and their object was to promote a favourite measure—a measure which he himself had introduced at a time, and in a manner calculated to stimulate and justify opposition thereto. But perhaps in the present order of things, the legislative representatives of the people are less respectable than the officers of the excise; and, (a difference in the place making a difference in the sin) what is called a breach of the peace in the city of Philadelphia, becomes an act of insurgency and rebellion in the counties near the Ohio.
It is time to reflect seriously on the consequences of the petulant conduct of the officers of government. It surely cannot be the interest of the union, nor is it the duty of its officers, to interpret acts of indiscretion into crimes; or to multiply artificially the magnitude, and numbers of offences and offenders. I am certain that a disaffection to the government of the union does not exist in any part of the western counties. It is well known indeed, that the most respectable characters who were foremost in their zeal and activity for the adoption of the federal constitution, are likewise the most solicitous for the repeal of the excise law; upon the injustice of which (let Mr. Clymer say what he will) an opinion remarkably unanimous prevails, founded on facts and experience, and not on theories and conjectures. But that the opposition to the execution of the law, and the abuse of the officers acting under it, are fomented, or in any degree countenanced by the magistrates, the
clergy, and the respectable inhabitants, is an assertion equally malicious and unfounded. These gentlemen, at whom the Supervisor particularly aims his shafts, ought, I am well informed, to be peculiarly exempted from any imputation of violence in their own conduct, or encouraging it in the conduct of others. The president of the district is so publicly called upon, that he will probably think it proper to explain and justify the part which he has acted; and, I am greatly mistaken, if his explanation will not be as much to his own honor, as to the discredit of his assailant's fortitude and candor. With respect to the person in Westmoreland, who is exhibited to the public eye as the greatest, though the most covered enemy to the government, and its laws, he may appeal with confidence to his private correspondence, and more general conversations for an acquittal. It has been his fate indeed to be charged, in the Pittsburgh Gazette, with having been a promoter of the excise, while the Supervisor distinguishes him as its most powerful adversary. Neither of the slanderers, however, will do him any injury; particularly the latter, while it rests on the solitary assertion of Mr. Clymer, without quarrel to provoke, or evidence to support it. The paramount influence ascribed to the Westmoreland character, is another proof of the Supervisor's ignorance of the habits and manners of the people whom he has traduced. No man is there so elevated above his fellow-citizens. The estates are so equal, and the modes of life so similar, that influence depends upon merit alone; and thank heaven! good sense is not so rare, nor other species of merit so uncommon as to be the monopoly of one individual.
I cannot close my animadversions without a few remarks upon the less exceptionable passages of Mr. Clymer's memorial. He says, that "to have adventured at all through a country so circumstanced, was more dangerous, perhaps, than to have taken an honorable chance in an Indian war." How callous must be the breast that is capable of insulting the calamities of his fellow-citizens with such a comparison! The horrors of an Indian war who can describe, that has not felt! But let that pass: Mr. Clymer may settle it in the account with his conscience and his feelings.
Can the supervisor tell us what were these circumstances of terror which so strongly agitated his mind, and from which he happily found devices to rescue his person? He acknowledges that near Pittsburgh the people are reputed to be temperate; and he certainly was apprised, that in his way to those temperate people, he passed through the county of Westmoreland, whose inhabitants had made no attacks upon excise officers; had threatened no man's scalp; had formed no resolutions to starve collectors; and though equally averse to the excise duty had sought for its repeal only in a constitutional way.
The Supervisor says, that he dismissed his guard when he passed the Irish settlements. Irish settlements!—There are no settlements in the parts where he travelled, known by that name. It is an invidious reflexion calculated to convey the idea, that the Irish are the only inhabitants of that district, who are opposed to the excise; and could only be uttered by a man who on the floor of Congress at New-York was capable of comparing all the citizens on the west side of the Alleghany mountains, to the rude inhabitants of Siberia.
Is it possible that a person concealing his name, or passing under a feigned one for days together, as Mr. Clymer did in Bedford; or leaving the road and entering the woods, when a peaceable traveller approached; and also refusing to call at the most decent and respectable houses, even to have his horse fed, &c. &c. as he did on the road with McDermot, in a part of the country too, where danger had not been threatened—I say is it possible that in this way a person could execute any office? Mr. Clymer has done more to defeat the execution of the excise law, and irritate the people against it than the Pittsburgh committee with all their resolves.
Upon the whole, I lament the tendency more than the defamation of the Supervisor's essay. It is calculated to inflame the passions of the most discreet and orderly class of citizens on our western frontier; and if it should be the means of seducing
any of the principal departments of government into similar sentiments, the most fatal discord may ensue. These effects however, will, I trust, be prevented; and, when Mr. Clymer discovers that conciliating manners, as well as energy of conduct; that the confidence of the people, as well as the authority of his commission, are necessary to the execution of his office; we may hope that his seasonable retreat from public life will gratify the wish of the people, and render unnecessary a salutary exercise of the President's prerogative of removal.
MONONGAHELA.
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.
Table with 5 columns: Day, D. H., Bar., Ther., W. Ind., Weather. Data for November 1792 (Tuesday to Monday).
GEOGRAPHY.
Mathew Carey.
Respectfully submits to the Citizens of the United States, the following PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An AMERICAN EDITION of Guthrie's Geography
IMPROVED.
I. It shall be published in 48 weekly numbers... II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps... III. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar... IV. The work will be put to press as soon as 400 copies are subscribed for... V. Subscribers who disapprove of the work... VI. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.
Perhaps there is no science more entertaining and useful than geography. It reveals the discoveries of travellers—the remarkable curiosities of all countries, in nature and art—the situation of provinces, cities, towns, villages, rivers, and mountains—in fine, the history, manners, customs, laws, forces, revenues, and government of different nations.
It is an old observation, that "there is not a son or daughter of Adam, but has some concern with geography," and that a knowledge of this science is indispensable towards the study of history with advantage or satisfaction.
So much for geography generally. With respect to the present plan, let it suffice to remark, that Guthrie's Geography has been long acknowledged to be the best in the English language; however, the account of America in it has, from obvious reasons, been very erroneous and defective.
The Printer earnestly solicits the support of his fellow citizens throughout the United States: and as no deposit is required, and every subscriber will be at liberty to withdraw his name, if, on trial, he should disapprove of the work, he hopes the friends of science, and of American arts and manufactures will cheerfully and early patronize this useful work, the greatest and most expensive, probably, ever yet attempted in America, in the typographical line, the Encyclopaedia excepted.
Phila. Nov. 9th. 1792. 1awtf
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, Nov. 20th. 1792.
THE stockholders of the bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the bye-laws the stockholders of the said bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting, at the same place, on Thursday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors. JOHN KEAN, Cashier. t. J. 5.
Terres à Vendre
Dans un pays bien peuplé, —
SAVOIR, soixante cinq mille, trois cens, soixante et quatorze Acres, en une seule pièce dans le canton le mieux peuplé de la Caroline Meridionale, le District de Ninety-Six. Ces terres sont situées dans une contrée agréable, et salubre où les fièvres sont inconnues; à environ vingt lieues de Colombie, la Capitale, et contiguës à la ville de Cambridge, où il y a un College, et Cour supérieure. A environ douze lieues, il y a une bonne navigation; et il est très probable, que dans quelque tems on rendra navigable le Grand Salude, rivière qui arrose les terres mêmes. Elles sont agréablement diversifiées de coteaux et vallons charmans, propres à la culture du tabac, du coton, du maïs, et du petit grain; et dont une proportion considérable se peut aisément convertir en prairies fertiles, il n'est peut-être gueres possible de rencontrer une pareille pièce de terre à vendre dans aucun autre des Etats Unis; et pour les conditions de l'achat on les rendra très commodes.
S'informer à l'imprimerie de la Gazette Nationale. Sept. 5.
LANDS FOR SALE,
IN a well settled Country. SIXTY-FIVE THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FOUR ACRES OF LAND, in one body, in the most populous part of the state of South-Carolina, in the district of Ninety-Six. It is situated in a fine healthy climate, free from fever & ague, about sixty miles from Columbia, the seat of government. The land is contiguous to the town of Cambridge, where are a seminary for the instruction of youth, and a superior law court. It is at present within about thirty-five miles of good navigation, with a probability of having the river, called the Great Saluda, that flows along one side of the land, made navigable. The land is beautifully diversified into swells and vales, and is perfectly well calculated for the culture of tobacco, cotton, Indian corn, and small grain; a great proportion of it may be made meadow ground. There is not, perhaps, such a body of land, so circumstanced, for sale in any other of the U. States. The terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser or purchasers. Apply to the Printer. August 29. 1awtf
A Bargain!
FOR ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, WILL BE SOLD, A Private LIBRARY, Of two hundred and twenty-seven volumes, (Chiefly Greek and Latin;) Among which are, several scarce and valuable editions of the CLASSICS. Further particulars may be learned, on personal application at No. 26, Pear-street.
CHARLES BITTERS, No. 120, South Market, near Fourth-street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured by Lot Merkel, A large and general assortment of Muffs and Tippets, Trimmings and Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Mitts and Gloves lined with Fur, which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest prices. Nov. 24. 2awtf
TO BE SOLD.
By public sale, on Friday the 14th of December next, at three o'clock P.M. at the house of Market Mills in Roads town, West-Jersey, Cumberland county, a house and lot of ground, late the property of Ananias Sayre, deceased, containing about nine acres situated at a place known by the name of Sayre's cross-roads, West-Jersey, Cumberland county. It is in a very healthy, plentiful part of the country, and very beautifully situated at the north west corner of said cross roads. It is particularly well suited for a store, or a tradesman of any description. More need not be said in describing the place, as it is presumed any person wanting to purchase would first see the premises. Terms of payment to be made known at the time and place of sale—The sale to be made by
LEONARD SAYRE.
Executor to the estate of Ananias Sayre deceased; Nov. 28. 1792. 1aw.ew
Manufactured and for Sale,
At No. 11, North Sixth-street,
Fashionable Round Top and Flat
BUTTONS,
Warranted superior to any imported of equal price.
Country Store-keepers supplied either in small or large quantities, By
S. POST & Co.
N.B. Conkhel Buttons, Buckles, &c. Oct. 17. 2awtf
For sale, at the printing office, a few copies of the first volume of the National Gazette
PRINTED BY
CHILDS AND SWAINE
AT THEIR OFFICE NO. 209, HIGH-STREET NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.