National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1793-09-18 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: (at No. 209, Market Street) Published WEDNESDAYS and SATURDAYS, [THREE DOLLARS per annum.]
NUMB. 93 of VOL. II.] WEDNESDAY, September 18, 1793. [Total NUMB. 197.]
From the GEORGIA GAZETTE.
A CALL to ARMS against the INDIANS.
ROUSE, countrymen of Georgia, rouse! A MISUNDERSTANDING with the red people of the west must soon awake you all to arms. A thousand tribes are leagued against you. Mutual intelligence has made their counsels the same, from the shores of lake Erie to the Altamaha, a semicircle of more than 2000 miles.
The sachems have agreed on hostilities. The priests have performed the rites of divination. The conjurer declares the omens to be good. The chieftains and warriors have gone through their feasts and ablutions, ceremonies devised by the druids of Indians to secure them success and a happy return from the towns of their enemies. They have whetted the knife and sharpened up the hatchet of death. They have brightened their firelocks, moulded their ball, painted their brow and their body for war. They are now writhing and foaming with the impatience of furies to take the path, to bend their march towards the frontiers of your country, to devote to the tomahawk your children and wives, to drag you as captives to die by the torture of flames. They only wait the appearance of the appointed moon, and then they raise the whoop of war, the yell of devils, to be communicated from wigwam, to wigwam, from town to town, from mountain to mountain, from the Muskoghe, in the south, round all the circle of Indians to the Miami in the north, to be re-echoed from the Miami back to the Muskoghe again.
Rouse, countrymen, rouse! Make ready to oppose force to force, and art to art. Federal America has her warriors too; she can point to many of the very soldiers, officers, and generals, who bore up under a seven years' war, against all the powers of Britain—Britain, great among the nations—Britain, whose arms had triumphed a few years before in every quarter of the globe. Cannot America command some of the troops of Saratoga still? Some of the captors of Cornwallis—Cornwallis, who has since become the conqueror of India? Some of the choice spirits who fought at Bennington and Monmouth, at Germantown and Guilford, at Eutaw and King's mountain, and the hardy storm of Savannah? Many of those brave men are still living, the boast of their friends and defence of their country still! kind heaven has held them in its holy keeping.
Step into the halls where the sons of Cincinnatus meet; there feast your eyes on the gallant American officers who devoted their ease, their health, their fortunes, and blood, to their country's cause, directed your thunder in the hour of battle, and led on your sons to the contest of arms. These men have fought in the smoke of battles, these men are no strangers to the music of artillery. Cast your eyes on any group of your fellow citizens, and there you will recognise the features of some veteran soldiers who never turned pale at the flash of a musket, nor fell into convulsions at the explosion of a cannon. Men who fought before can fight again, and they who have commanded can command again; they are of other metal than to flinch in the day of danger and alarm; the post of honour will be sought again. The military talents of your countrymen may find an object now—talents which have lain dormant and never been displayed since the war with Britain.
In point of defence your resources are ample and good; you can bring into the field the foot or the horse; arms and ammunition await your call. You are equally fortunate in point of subsistence; heaven has blessed the labours of the year through all the interior country; there is enough for the citizen, enough for the merchant, and a surplus still for war.
Rouse, countrymen, rouse! You have too long placed a confidence in the faith of a savage. No treaty can bind a roving horde whether Scythian, Arab, or Indian. A formal pacification with them is a farce. Treaties have no basis among a people where tribes and individuals are so independent of each other. Where senates & council fires assume only a Recommematory, the social compact binds with a very feeble tie. And as for the law of nations, it can no more bridle a banditti of Cowetas, or Chickemangahs, than a cage of cobwebs could confine a tyger.
The faith of an Indian is like that of the old Carthaginians. Punica fides et Indica
fides , are of equal merit, the one as much out of credit among the Americans as the other among the Romans. As the wants of an Indian are few, his claims and rights are few. The rights of society are too abstracted for the reasoning habits of an Indian; he has no idea of any but personal rights; it is with reluctance that he surrenders any of these; but if, to constitute any thing like a body politic, he can be brought to yield up part of his personal right to day, he will infallibly resume them again on the morrow, if to morrow should present him with an opportunity or temptation for plunder or carnage.
An Indian never meditates peace any more than an eagle or a shark; war is his profession; he enjoys it with the same rapture that the hind enjoys the chase, his rage for the glory of arms starves every other passion; the ideas of a warrior's renown are wrought into his composition from the dawn of reason; they grow as he grows, and they die not till he dies; his favorite dance is martial, and most of his songs are on the subject of war.
How many treaties have been negotiated with those cut throats from the Alleghaney to the Appalache, from the earliest times to the year 1791, and have those dogs of war become pacific still? Have they yet cooled their thirst for blood? Are they yet softened down to humanity and peace? What say the dying groans of your murdered friends, your brethren, your children? What could their gentle spirits whisper in your ear? What could the ghosts of the brave Harden and Trueman tell? Harden and Trueman, both massacred by savage hands while bearing to their towns the flag of peace. These are events of recent date; but you may call up the memory of half a century passed, call up the annals of an hundred summers; point out the year in the calendar, if you can, that has not seen the soil of America purpled with the blood of your citizens, your countrymen, and friends, their bodies left to feed the vultures of the valley, and their bones to grow white in the wilderness. What do these facts and these records announce? Do they witness the good faith or declare aloud the treachery of Indians? Do they crown them as cherubs of peace, or brand them as furies burning hot from hell?
What visionaries have we been—looking for a millennium of peace with a people incapable of amity and friendship. We have found them such by a thousand trials, and experienced all the ten thousand disasters of broken treaties; and still our statesmen adhere to the wretched policy: A minister of war locks himself up in his cabinet, sketches the preliminaries of a peace, to be ratified with a few drunken scoundrels, in the name of numerous tribes, as loose and detached from each other as the bands of marauding Saracens beyond the Red Sea; of no more existence as a body politic than Gulliver's Lilliputians. Peace-makers meet, talks are interchanged; the hatchet is buried, the calumet of friendship goes round the circle, a profusion of presents is made—presents paid for out of your pockets, a long detail of boundaries is ascertained, and peace is to be established on a firm foundation; and this last and best of all treaties is to be held most sacred by all parties, "while wood grows and water runs, or till the rivers have flowed upwards as long as they have descended." What is the result of all this parade? What are the important purposes of state answered by a treaty attended with all this solemnity and expense.
On the signing of the treaty, the savage stalks away from the arbor, where you feasted his squaws, his dogs and himself for whole weeks together; he bears home the presents with which you load him, he joins with his countrymen in laughing at the trick imposed upon the white people, in tying up their hands by a treaty, while the red people are left as free as ever to plunder, to scalp, to kill, to torture the prisoners of war; for a savage will never conceive himself bound by the little scratch he makes on paper with the feather of a wild goose.
In the mean time your country is amused with the dreams of peace. Confiding in a treaty which had the sanction of the highest authority, she sends out her families and plants them along the line; there they rebuild the houses burned by the Indians, and recruit their flocks and their barns; but look beyond the mountains, see the dark savage in his hut; inaction has already chilled his blood, the bile has gathered
round his heart, and clouds of gloom hang heavy on his looks; he broods designs of robbery and slaughter again; he sees your settlements unshielded from his tomahawk, a long line of frontiers naked to his insult, the inhabitants all lulled in security, intent on agriculture and the arts of peace, their swords beaten into plough-shares and their bayonets into pruning hooks, their firelocks out of order and laying useless by; with the malice of a fiend he marks them for his prey, with the velocity of a fire flying serpent he darts across the forest with a thousand warriors more, the moment they see the smoke of your chimnies they draw the hatchet of death, sound the whoop of war, and all the obligations of the treaty go to the devil.
Such are the blessed effects of Indian treaties! Mere political mummer! The theatre of ministerial speculation! A secretary of war might as well have gone into his office and there seriously penned down articles of a treaty between the wild pigeons and the eagles on the banks of lake Huron—as well might he exercise his authority to bring about a good understanding between a lion and a lamb, between a fawn and a carcajou. Rouse countrymen, rouse! Force from the savages this power of depredation and bloodshed, new model your terms of treaty altogether, never close another negotiation without adopting the policy of earl Cornwallis in his late wars of India: take hostages of the enemy as the only security they have to advance; carry fire and sword into their country, and compel them to surrender up the sons of their sachems and chief warriors. Indians are the same in the west that they are in the east, the same at Bangalore as beyond the Ohio. The British general knew it was impossible to chain Tippoo Sultan down to good faith by mere promises or belts of wampum; he demanded something more substantial; he had the two young princes delivered up to guarantee the treaty against contravention. Citizens of America, imitate this sage negotiator, have the greatness of mind to learn a lesson from your ancient enemy; he has been taught by you, he learned to his cost in America "that determined Republicans are not to be conquered."
Now, my countrymen, let me only hope that the effusions of my zeal on this subject may be received in good part by you. I feel a glow of enthusiasm for the welfare and honour of America. I boast of my birth on these plains of freedom, and I have subscribed to the doctrine, that all mankind are born in equal liberty, and even savage nations must be entitled to the rights of man. But your former mode of treating with a hostile Indian has ever been unequal and disadvantageous to you: therefore, when your national senate shall proclaim the war, and the commander in chief shall call for the regular troops and the volunteer corps, be ready for the word of command, whatever it may be, whether to a total extirpation or to drive them beyond the Mississippi and the lakes, or to humble them down to a treaty, when the best blood in the nation shall be given for a hostage, and the noblest of every tribe retained in your prisons or your guards. But whatever be the word, whether total extirpation, banishment beyond the limits of the states, or hostages agreed to, and treaties tried again, as they have no chests of gold like Montezuma, no treasuries of rubies like Tippoo Saib, no wealth nor resources to compensate you for the expenses of the war, in either case you must be indemnified by an accession of territory, the whole or a part of those charming countries over which they spread. [Aug. 22.]
From the VIRGINIA GAZETTE, printed at Richmond, Sept. 4.
THE game which the enemies to the French revolution, who are likewise notoriously the partisans for monarchy, are now playing, is entitled to particular attention: it is the more so, because the poison it contains, is covered, under specious and wholesome appearances, from the view of those to whom the dose is intended to be administered. A short comment however upon facts, will it is hoped, expose this projected scheme of deception to that reproach and censure, it justly merits from an injured community.
The French minister it appears in pressing in some instances, the cause of his country and of liberty, upon the President of the United States, has experienced some disappointments, and which in the fervor of his zeal, led him into a de-
claration, intimating a belief, that the general sentiment of the people of America, was more favourable to his country and to her cause, than our executive councils were: and that he would appeal to this sentiment. But what were the points in controversy, or to whom was this declaration made; whether by memorial to the President, or at a convivial party, or intended ever to be carried into effect, has not been shewn. The only fact which appears is that he at some time, and at some place, made this declaration; and this has been certified with great pomp and solemnity by Mr. Jay, the present chief justice of the United States, and Mr. King, a senator for the state of New-York.
With respect to the supposed disagreement, uninformed on that head as we are, it can only be said with propriety at present, that the public have been too long acquainted with the patriotism of their chief magistrate, and his virtuous exertions in the cause of liberty at home, to suspect that he can be indifferent to that interest abroad, and especially in France to whom we owe so much; and on the other hand, that they are too much attached to the great principles of the French revolution, and to the merits of that magnanimous nation struggling in the best of causes, to bestow their censure upon any of its upright advocates, and especially her Representative, however zealous they may be—that the public judgment should be suspended upon those great points, until facts should be correctly stated, upon which alone it should be formed; and that a different line of conduct would not only prove the parent of error and injustice, but lessen them in the estimation of the candid and impartial throughout the world.
But the management, by which this incident has been brought before the public, deserves to be more particularly noticed, because its object must be unfriendly to the best interests of our country.
The operations of the executive must be in some instances, from their nature, secret. A disagreement between that department and a foreign minister, whilst there was a prospect of compromise, should be held peculiarly so. It is well known that variances of that kind, often communicate themselves to the nations to which the parties respectively belong, and sometimes from the slightest causes, dissolve the most solid political connections. To adjust them in private is always the interest of all parties, who wish to cultivate harmony, and whilst the transaction is private, where there has been error, proper explanations may be made. But when the controversy is submitted to the public view, this amicable adjustment is either rendered impracticable, or becomes more difficult.
When therefore it is considered that the best interests of both countries required that these subjects should have been discussed in secret, it must be obvious that some object unfriendly to both dictated the publication. Nor can there be much difficulty, when characters and circumstances are attended to, in discovering what that object is. It is well known that there exists among us a powerful faction, who are opposed to the great principles of the French revolution, and who are likewise much more attached to the constitution of England, than to that of their own country. To introduce this latter form of government here, upon the ruin of our own, is believed to be the ruling motive of this party in all its councils; and that the dissolution of our connection with France would greatly forward that end, must be too obvious to admit of any controversy. The principles of the American and French governments are the same; they both exclude the idea of hereditary distinctions, and rest on the same basis of equality. As friends and allies the two nations might mutually support each other, and thereby at the same time give dignity to the republican cause. But if they should be thrown apart and in opposition, the contrary effect would be produced; the way would be paved for a more intimate connection with England, and at the expense of our ally, whereby all the obnoxious political heresies of that country might be introduced among us.
As it cannot redound to the honour nor the interest of America, to neither can it be the wish of her citizens to dissolve their connection with France. To force an honest and independent people to adopt a course in direct opposition to the most solemn, moral, and political obligations, must always require some skill and address. The stratagem fallen on in the present instance

for the accomplishment of that object, demonstrates equally a propensity to political intrigue, and a readiness to sacrifice the most sacred and delicate considerations to its attainment. The President of the United States, for his past services, has long and deservedly stood high in the confidence and affections of his fellow citizens; and he has likewise always heretofore been understood to harmonize fully with his countrymen in their sympathetic attachment to the French nation struggling in the cause of Liberty and Republican government. To expose to view any misunderstanding in the discharge of their respective duties between him and the French minister, was an expedient well calculated to produce the desired effect: nor can any situation be conceived more likely to prove injurious to the character of that illustrious patriot, or distressing to his fellow citizens, than one which would compel them to decide between their attachment to him, and their obligations to France, as well as their veneration for the great principles of liberty, upon which her revolution is founded.
That the true and genuine object of this publication has been to separate us from France, and to bring about a more intimate connection with Britain, in violation of public faith, and in contempt of other the most sacred obligations among men, and that the popularity of the President, upon the idea of the supposed variance, has been caught at as a precious means for its accomplishment, are truths too obvious to escape the attention of the most superficial observer.—Why otherwise submit the subject to the public view? Were the authors of the publication called on, for that purpose, by any obligations of official duty? And that a train has been laid, disseminating the variance and extending it to the community at large, is with equal certainty to be inferred. How account upon the same subject, and at the same time, for the prompt and correspondent publication at Richmond and Burlington, if they were not dictated, or at least suggested, from the same source? Are these citizens, or are any of them, more zealous than the rest of their countrymen, for the public honor and national prosperity? Have they exhibited, however respectable their merits, and which I am willing in some instances to acknowledge, in the course of the late revolution, or at any subsequent period, more signal proofs of a disinterested patriotism, and undeviating attachment to the equal rights of mankind, that they should thus step forward, as an example to their fellow citizens, to foment this unhappy division? Might we not rather have expected, in harmony with the general sentiment, that they would have kept aloof, and as impartial but afflicted spectators, deplored the occasion which gave birth to it! Might we not at least have expected from them some declaration expressive of their approbation of the principles of the French revolution, and of gratitude for the services rendered us by that illustrious nation?
That some misapprehension may have dictated the proceedings at Richmond, I am willing to allow; but they have gone forward under a respectable patronage, and if they have any object in view, are intended to announce abroad and influence at home, the sentiment of this country. If then the good people of this commonwealth do not harmonize with the sentiments contained in those proceedings, let them declare it to the world themselves! let them make known in unequivocal terms, that they are firm and decided friends to the great principles of the French revolution; that they are still grateful for the important services rendered us by that magnanimous nation, and consider their establishment of a republican government, as an additional bond of union between the two countries; and whatever may be the consequences, that they will never violate their faith pledged to an ally of exalted merit, but on the contrary will spurn with abhorrence every effort, however artfully covered, that may be made to produce that pernicious effect. That they revere the government under which they live, and will at all times support those who fill its different departments in the discharge of their constitutional duties. Declarations like these, being founded on the immutable basis of justice and of truth, will redound to their credit abroad, and must promote their national prosperity!
AGRICOLA.
[Extracts from late French papers.]
I. IN every democratical government the laws ought to destroy, and prevent too great an inequality of condition among the citizens. Otherwise, an equality of constitutional rights will be a mere chimera; the poor man will sell himself to the rich, will become his slave, and devoted to all his views. Laws, favourable to universal equality, ought nevertheless to be introduced without commotion, or violence, and without offending against that respect due to the first of all social rights, propriety . If possible, it ought to be done with an eye to the happiness as well as the virtue of the citizens. An equal division of landed property to every citizen, which has been proposed by some, is a project the most fatal
that could be mentioned; it would be unjust, useless, and sanguinary; unjust , because to carry it into effect, many persons must be deprived of their lawful property; useless , because the very day after the division took place idleness, luxury and extravagance would take possession of thousands; an immediate sale of property would ensue, and consequently inequality of wealth again take place; sanguinary , because it is certain the citizens would get into quarrels, and cut each others throats before the partition was half finished. Add to this, that all industry would cease, and in a little time thousands would perish of famine and misery.—There are other measures to be taken to answer the proposed end, more practicable, and much less dangerous: not to mention the sharing estates among children equally, on which opinions are much divided, I shall bring into view two of the leading measures to be adopted.
The first is, To abolish all succession to property in an indirect line of descent . Whatever may be bequeathed to the Republic, and whatever the bequests may be, let them be distributed once a year, as a gift, to young people in every district, who shall have the best reputation for industry and honesty. Such a measure will tend to prevent the re-uniting of great estates, and their accumulation into great masses of wealth. In making a division of estates, it will contribute to the relief of poor families, and will inspire the youth of both sexes with a generous emulation to out do each other in the duties of labour and benevolence. There is certainly nothing unjust in such a procedure: A man, during his life, can make use of his property as he pleases. It is nothing more than right. But, that his rights (while living) and Will , should have any force after his death; that a man, who exists no longer, should have the disposal of the good things of this world, is what the social compact never granted, although, through the prejudices of mankind, it has hitherto been permitted. The rights and the duties of man are radically derived from the necessities of the species. A man then, after his decease, having no longer any wants, cannot possibly have any rights. His whole property naturally becomes the common property of all men; and in consequence of this natural right, the Republic becomes the heir.
It is true, from this principle it results, that children themselves cannot heir the possessions of their predecessors, but by consent of the state. But there is no cause to apprehend a strict application of this principle, or any abuse of it, as theoretically laid down. The Republic of France will only so far make use of it, as to secure a voice in regulating paternal bequests, and preventing the rash injustice of capricious men to their offspring; but it is by no means her intention to take away from parents the right of conveying their property to their children. The intimate relation that exists between a son and his father, and the necessity of obligating the parents to increase their estates, and of inducing children to assist their parents, not to mention the great inconveniences that would result in a great empire, from an equal division of property, render it certain that our laws will never establish or permit any such equality, even should they abolish all claim of succession to estates in a collateral (indirect) line.
The second measure, that would greatly contribute to a political equality would be, to exempt every citizen from all taxation whatever, of the indispensable necessaries of life, and to draw a nett revenue from the remainder only. Both humanity and equity forbid that impost laws should operate to the ruin or indigence of any citizen, by claiming a share of what is absolutely necessary to his existence, while they leave others free to riot in luxury and extravagance. Would it not be glaring injustice to tax a citizen for possessing an article of property without which he would perish of hunger or cold? The sacrifice of his indispensable property, or of his life, is the duty of no citizen, unless solely when the public safety is at stake. In any other case, his first right is, To live, and his first duty, to take care of himself. At Athens, taxation was chiefly imposed on superfluities, still less on the useful things, and not at all upon the indispensable necessaries of life. At Rome, over and above citizens destitute of property, who paid no taxes, the Republic also exempted the poor holders of small properties, and did not require a tax in money. The reason was, it being thought that they paid their share of service to the Republic in begetting and bringing up, by dint of their labour, robust citizens, to be the strength and defenders of the community. If once the measures here hinted at were adopted, if the most common necessaries of life were freed from tax, and all taxes whatever collected from the rich and voluptuous, from superfluities and the artificial necessaries of life; we should then see taxation the cause of little or no evil, and vastly less of inequality among citizens than at present.
II. Of bigots, and bigotry in patriotism. "There are bigots in politics and patriotism as well as in religion, and they are commonly known by the same tokens. That is, little exterior ceremonies are sub-
stituted for the genuine virtues of the heart, and the true adoration of the soul. Words are put in the place of deeds; with an apparent severity in judging of others, and a spirit of jealousy and intolerance. These are the usual leading marks of both descriptions of hypocrites. Our political bigots are particularly studious to wear a smooth, black foretop (expressive of the real character of their souls); with an anathema ready to be fulminated against every one who has a powdered head, or who carries a tri-coloured cockade in his hat, instead of a white one. These are mortal sins. The word Republican is impressed upon the cockades of our revolutionary hypocrites, on the buttons of their coats, in the very lids of their snuff-boxes! In short (with them) republicanism is every thing, and its principles are every where prevalent, except in their own hearts. Like devotees in general, they are anxious for occasions of calumniating; and their whole lives are passed in denunciations. In their own sections, and departments, they are constantly seen at the bar of accusation. They insinuate themselves into popular societies, they get the watch-word , and depart. Denunciations are the immediate consequence! Religious hypocrites have always some patron saint whom they invoke much oftener than their God. Political hypocrites, have also evermore some patron , whom they prefer to Liberty. One worships Robespierre ; another thinks Marat the very pink of patriotism; a third imagines Merlin the greatest political head-piece that ever existed; a fourth grounds his political creed on the opinions of Chabot ; and so on. Among all these sectarians, however, intolerance is a leading trait. Whoever does not see with the same eyes as they do, in every instance; whoever does not worship their idols , is the constant object of their abuse—and, indeed, may reckon himself happy if their rancour ends in abuse only . They entertain a more rooted hatred for patriots who do not embrace their opinions in toto , than for the very avowed enemies of the revolution; much like some vain conceited devotees in religion, who have a more cordial hatred for those they call heretics , than for atheists themselves. Demophilus (said a friend to me, one day) is a very good patriot. He never goes out of his quarter, but to a meeting of the Jacobins. He is never absent from the Convention-hall: he is a noted friend of the people, for he is never weary of talking: he is also a friend of equality, for there is not a poor man in the state that he does not call his brother. What a flaming patriot! But let us enquire—Does Demophilus pay his contributions to the public?—Does he even lift a finger for the relief of the poor man he calls his brother?—No, no.—Trust me, gentlemen, this man is a political hypocrite."
III. A work has been lately published in Paris, entitled, "The crimes of the Popes of Rome, from St. Peter down to Pius the 6th (the present Pope) with nine splendid engravings—by Citizen La Vi-compterie, Parisian delegate to the Convention—octavo, 508 pages.—Edited from the press of M. Prudhomme."—"It would be ungrateful (says a Paris paper) not to acknowledge the services M. Prudhomme has rendered the French revolution. This new work, on the crimes of the Popes, that he has published, will have a prodigious effect, in overturning the whole fabric of religious superstition, under whatever name it may lurk. Let men, labouring under prejudices of education, read and examine this inestimable work, and they will soon learn to fix a proper value upon a parcel of ridiculous idols, who have so long been the cause of shedding deluges of human blood, and filling the world with calamity."
PARIS, July 2.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Staunton, (Virginia) Sept. 3. 1793. CONSIDERING it the duty of the people of this district, to declare their principles and opinions on subjects which at present agitate the public mind, a respectable number having met for that purpose—Alexander St. Clair in the chair; A. Stuart proposed, as the sense of the present meeting, the following Resolutions, which after a full discussion, were unanimously agreed to.—
 1. Resolved, that all attempts to subvert the federal government, or violate its principles, ought to be firmly and vigorously resisted.  2. Resolved, that it is the interest of America to cultivate peace and harmony with all the world, by just and honourable means, and that our executive authority ought to be supported in the exercise of its constitutional power, for enforcing the laws and securing to us this great object.  3. Resolved, that the patriotism, wisdom, and tried virtue of the President of the U. States entitle him to the highest confidence as well as lasting gratitude of his country, to whose present peace, liberty and happiness he has so greatly contributed.  4. Resolved, that we entertain the highest respect which gratitude can inspire, for the generous and important services of the 
French nation, during the American revolution; and that we feel the strongest attachments to those principles which have given birth to a similar one in that country.
5. Resolved, that any attempts to disunite France and America, ought to be reprobated as dangerous to Republicanism in both countries, and paving the way to a connection with monarchical governments.
6. Resolved, finally, that we are attached to our own government—that we are attached to the President—that we are attached to peace, so long as it can be maintained upon honorable terms—that we are attached to the French nation, and the principles of their revolution—that we hate monarchy, and more intimate connections with it, as the worst of evils—and that we most ardently desire that the imprudence and indiscretion of a servant of France on the one hand, or an ill-judged interference of our own citizens (not in the executive department) on the other, may not disunite two nations, who have embraced the same principles of freedom, and who we believe esteem each other most ardently.
ALEXANDER ST. CLAIR, Chairman.
PHILADELPHIA.
WEDNESDAY, September 18.
The ship Manchester , from Liverpool, bound to this port, run on shore on Tuesday night the 11th inst. at Turtle Gut inlet, about 6 miles N. E. of Cape May. She was going at the rate of 8 knots an hour when she struck. It is expected she will be got off. Part of her cargo is arrived here.
The Commissioners who set out from Philadelphia the last of April, to hold a treaty, for the purpose of making peace with the Western Indians, have returned without success. Timothy Pickering, Esq. arrived in this city last Friday, and Mr. Randolph has since reached Germantown. They came back by the way of Genesee, Albany and New-York. General Lincoln took another route, and on account of the sickness prevalent in this city, will probably return directly to his home in Massachusetts.
We understand that the hostile Indians refused to make peace, unless the United States would remove all our settlers (amounting to several thousands) from over the Ohio, and make that river the boundary between them. This was obviously inadmissible.
The Governor of New-York has, by proclamation, ordered all vessels coming from Philadelphia to that port, or any other port in the state, to perform a quarantine; to continue till such time as legally discharged therefrom. No vessel is to approach nearer than within 2 miles of the city of New-York, till visited by the inspecting physicians and health officers of the port.
We hear that the citizens of Chestertown (Maryland) have entered into resolutions for preventing the stages from this city passing through, on their way to Baltimore. The stages to New-York by way of Burlington and Bordentown have been stopped some time. Indeed, we hear any person travelling on those roads from Philadelphia, though in ever so sound a state of health, is shunned like a pestilence, and viewed with the same eye of horror, as if he was bearing with him all the evils of Pandora's box, to distress and desolate mankind.
Amidst the present distresses here, we remark with pleasure, that a more healthy season than the present has never been known in New-York.
Extract of letter from London dated July, 1793, to a friend here.
"In such esteem is Charles Fox held for his patriotic services, that the most generous subscription ever made for any man took place on last week at the London tavern, in order to relieve him in his present embarrassed state of finances, and at the same time the greatest delicacy used that he might not be hurt in his feelings on the occasion. Some subscribed 300l. and none less than 100l. by which his debts were honourably discharged, and an annuity of £.3000 per annum purchased for him and a present made to him of 20,000l. to begin the world anew. A clear proof that no nation is so generous in rewarding true merit and virtue as the British nation."
Extract of a letter from Baltimore, Sept. 12.
"One of the marks by which the cloven hoof of toryism and British influence may be known, is the almost unanimous practice of addressers in favor of neutrality, to include a volley of abuse against the citizen minister of France. The design of many of these people is to raise an indignation in the public mind against the representative of our ally, who, doubtless, expected the American government had the same view of the 22d. article of the treaty that he and the present French government have, which might have led him into a line of conduct, for which he has been so much abused. Some people pretend that a

mighty favour is granted the French in selling their prizes in our ports, which is at the same time extended to the selling of the prizes of all their enemies. I only further observe that I know it is understood by many Americans, to be the obvious meaning of the 22d article of the treaty with France, that they should enjoy a right apparently contained therein; and especially, as the cause which the French are engaged in, is to the interest of mankind in general (though many cannot and many will not see it) and as America herself is now reaping the advantages of a well established government, obtained with the assistance received from the French, are reasons sufficient for countenancing of them more than has been done. But however men now differ in their constructions of that article, the time may come, when many will wish that they had viewed it in a different light, and when, by their present political manœuvring, they may cut off the only resource that could have been obtained. National judgments are on certain occasions much complained of; but we ought to remember that national ingratitude may not improbably be the cause."
The French privateer ship Le Marseillois, of 22 guns, is arrived at Boston from a cruise. She was fitted out at Havre de Grace, and during a stay of six weeks about the western islands captured eight English prizes, some of them very rich. All the valuable ones are arrived in ports of the United States. The captain of one of the prizes (ship Neptune) in a letter dated Boston, Sept. 8th, gives the following account of his capture.
"I take the first opportunity of informing you, that on Sunday the 11th inst. in lat. 42 long. 64. 43. I was taken by the French privateer Marseilles, after being chased from nine in the morning till 10 o'clock at night, during the chase the privateer fired her bow guns, of 18 pounders. When night came on I lost sight of the privateer, I then fixed a light on a pork barrel; dropped it overboard, fired a swivel and altered my course four points; the privateer steered for the light, and all hands on board of her were prepared for action, but on finding the deception, I was again espied by the assistance of night glasses which had been taken out of British vessels which the Marseilles had captured.—Chased, taken and am now a prisoner here."
From Savannah (Georgia) August 22.
"Would to God the Creek nation, with many of their good friends here, were driven over the Mississippi; our distressed country would then stand some chance of increasing her population, and of becoming a match for her numerous internal enemies. We would be glad to know of the Secretary of War, where, when, and how Georgia offended at the commencement of the present Creek war—what have her citizens done, that instead of being supported, they should be deserted—instead of encouraged, abused, for barely making known the grievances they laboured under—why is insult after insult borne with, and our frontier settlers almost annually obliged to abandon their dwellings and their crops. Is it because Georgia is situated at a greater distance than other states from the seat of government, and her people an inferior order of citizens?—or is it an apprehension, on the part of the ministers, that if the Creeks should be effectually humbled, our fertile lands and genial climate will too rapidly increase the representation for their interests. Some affect to doubt of the President's power to march an army into the Indian country. But how did he venture to march the army under general Harmar, and afterwards that under general St. Clair, against the Northwestern tribes? Was there a formal declaration of war by Congress—neither the Secretary of War, or any other man, could produce it. Congress was not sitting when the expeditions were undertaken, and the members generally obtained the information through the channel of the newspapers. There were no qualms of conscience then, to create doubt, altho' treaties with those tribes, as solemnly entered into as that with the Creeks, were then existing, and their depredations not one jot worse, if so bad.—Those who scoff at the horrors of Indian warfare, should go to our frontiers, and view the miseries of its settlers; find out the unhappy prisoners from Cumberland, as well as Georgia, and see them at their slavish drudgery; they should enquire into the amount of property plundered from the widow and the orphan. Let them call at the Seminolas, and behold the once amiable, though humble Miss McCormicks, slaves to Indian insolence and brutality: Let them ask one of the disconsolate victims how she has been dealt with, and mark well the deep sob and heart-felt anguish of a once chaste maiden. The whites of those towns, if they have even Indian candour, will confess that the fair, the unfortunate mourner was prostituted, publicly and openly prostituted, to all who would abuse her, in derision of Georgians and their government. Methinks I hear the unhappy girl exclaim, "O my country, on your account what do I suffer, unnoticed and deserted by you! Did I acknowledge some other power, I should be demanded, and no doubt delivered from the brutal embraces of these
horrid savages."—[The other of these unfortunate young ladies works in the field with the negroes. They were taken from the Altamahaw in the year 1787 or 1788. The facts here mentioned are indisputable.] Some will ask, who is the author of this war?—we answer, The Secretary of War. Why has not the treaty of New-York been carried into execution, and the prisoners as well as property given up? Nearly one hundred negroes from Liberty county alone are at this moment in the Creek nation, the greater part of them coming under that treaty—a treaty, which although worse than the British ravages in its consequences to Georgia, might have been somewhat mended by fulfilment: of what use a new treaty, and a new peace can be until the old treaty is completely executed, by a delivery of prisoners and property, we are at a loss to account for, unless it be to encourage them to new acts of violence, to wipe off the old and the new treaty together, and bring on a third—when the same causes will produce the same effects to the end of time.
Court rhetorick and court writers will not, in future, lull the citizens of Georgia into security, or persuade them to remain at their frontier dwellings and patiently wait the next massacre. Federal quacks plead powerfully in favour of federal drugs, and would fain administer lethargic potions to destroy that independent spirit which is the soul of every free government—I mean that of boldly telling ministers of their blunders, of calling public servants to account, and of making known the grievances of the people at all times, thro' the medium of the press. Their quackish labours will be in vain; however: the night of infallibility is past—the sun of enquiry has arisen—the citizens are on their guard—experience has taught them that their prompt and unanimous adoption of the federal Constitution has been of no particular benefit to their interests, and that too little dependence can be placed on the heads of departments to trust to the dictates of inferior officers. The very order for one hundred horse, and one hundred foot, confirms it."
No less than twenty five American vessels, ships, brigs, schooners, and sloops, are advertised in the New-York papers, as recently carried into Jamaica, by the BRITISH PRIVATEERS of that island, who, in the present circumstances of things do by no means seem inclined to "neutrality" with respect to the United States.
The following inhuman circumstance recently took place on board the ship Thomas, arrived lately at Charleston from Cape François, that was boarded on her passage by one captain Francis Tucker, of the privateer sloop Savannah, of New-Providence.
"Among the slaves belonging to the unfortunate passengers who were flying from the havoc of distresses and massacre, with the small vestige of former opulence and prosperity, was a family negro nurse, who attended upon, and was at the time the Thomas was boarded, suckling an infant babe, the child of a lady of respectability on board. These nefarious and inhuman barbarians, devoid of every feeling which can humanize the heart, tore the nurse from the infant, and notwithstanding the supplication of the mother, who, upon bended knees & with gushing tears entreated them to desist, unrelentingly persisted, carried off the nurse, and left the infant without the power of subsistence, who pined away and expired in a few days after, for the want of the nourishment of the breast, and was in the presence of the mother buried in the ocean!"
These circumstances of cruelty and the frequent piracies of the Bahama privateers on the vessels of the United States, serve to revive the recollection of what was the character of the inhabitants of Providence some many years ago, when rapine, plunder and murder were their pursuit, and the means by which they obtained their livelihood.—Beware of the vengeance of heaven, and of the resentment of republicans! If America should be provoked into a war, or to undertake to chastise you for your insults, these transgressions will not be forgotten, and the punishment you deserve will not be withheld."
There are certain swine settled near Philadelphia (says a correspondent) who deny citizens in good health the satisfaction of crossing the water, for fear of transmitting into their delicate nostrils the infection prevalent in some parts of this city. It is certain their fears are groundless, as it is well known that swine are a species of animals that the contagion rarely or never affects!
Pittsburgh, Sep. 7. Agreeable to a resolve which heretofore appeared in the Pittsburgh Gazette, No. 360, the citizens of the several townships in Fayette county met at their usual places of township meetings, and appointed two members for each to attend a general committee at Union town, for the purpose of taking into consideration sundry acts passed during the late session of the General Assembly of this State. The said members having met according to appointment on the 15th day of August, 1793, and having formed themselves into a committee, found, upon mu-
tual deliberation, that they as freemen, as citizens of a free government, were necessarily constrained to enter into the following resolutions.
1. Resolved, That the act augmenting the wages, and increasing the salaries of the officers of the legislative and judiciary departments of this state, operating before its existence, is ex post facto , and consequently unconstitutional.
2. Resolved, That the said act, in entitling the officers of the judiciary department to additional wages, and salaries, is oppressive; there appearing to have been no petition, or general complaint from the said officers, previous to the enacting it.
3. Resolved, That the militia law of this state, is in some instances oppressive, especially in allowing such exorbitant salaries to such a number of brigade inspectors.
4. Resolved, That as the law establishing a loan-office has had no good effects in this country, the principles being such that no applications have been made, it is therefore oppressive; and if such has been its effects throughout the state, ought to be revised or repealed, that the additional expense of the next year's loan may not accrue.
5. Resolved, That it be recommended to the freemen throughout the state of Pennsylvania, to manifest their abhorrence to tyranny and oppression, by withholding their suffrages from those men who have so recently violated the constitution, and in a public capacity transgressed the laws of economy.
6. Resolved, That a petition in respect to these laws, be drawn up and presented by the freemen of this county to a future General Assembly, at their first session.
7. Resolved, That the sentiments and resolves of this committee, be printed in the Pittsburgh Gazette.
BRITISH PIRACY.
"The schooner Success, commanded by Osmund Thorndike, of and belonging to Beverly, homeward bound from St. Domingo, with a valuable cargo of coffee, cocoa, cotton, and cash, was on the 28th of July last taken by the privateer Fanny and Polly, of New-Providence, a part of her crew taken out, the schooner man'd from the privateer and ordered for New-Providence, but on her passage down, on the 1st day of August, was run on shore and intirely lost, both vessel and cargo—notwithstanding captain Thorndike's remonstrances to the captain of the privateer, and of his having no property on board but American, and his having been on the same passage boarded by five privateers before, who had very particularly scrutinized his papers—all of which capt. Thorndike urged as reasons why he had no right to detain him, yet this sea plunderer man'd and dispatched the vessel without examining, or even looking at capt. Thorndike's papers."
The weather having now become cool, with a strong wind at N. W. for 30 hours past, it is hoped the mortality at present prevailing in this city will soon be abated. An equinoctial storm, however, with a plentiful fall of rain, is still wished for, as supposed to have a salutary effect in checking epidemical disorders.
DIED on Wednesday last, citizen Du-PONT, the French Consul for Philadelphia, a victim to the malignant fever now prevailing in this city. On Friday morning the frigate La Precieuse, and the India ship La Ville de l'Orient began at sunrise, and continued till the sun was down, to fire guns every five minutes in honour of this true republican, & man of universal estimation. The American and French vessels in port wore their colours half mast high. Died also, Judge Atlee, Vincent Pelosi.—Mr. Anthony, and several other citizens, since our last.
Mr. Freneau,
VARIOUS opinions having been published respecting the SUABILITY of a STATE, and the public mind being engaged on the subject, it may not be improper to publish the following extract from a work, which was considered by the friends of the Constitution as a candid construction of its several parts, at the time it was adopted by the people.
A Consistent Federalist.
"IT is inherent in the nature of sovereignty, not to be amenable to the suit of an individual without its consent: this is the general sense and the general practice of mankind, and the exemption, as one of the attributes of sovereignty, is now enjoyed by the government of every State in the Union. Unless, therefore, there is a surrender of this immunity in the plan of the Convention, it will remain with the States, and the danger intimated must be merely ideal. The circumstances which are necessary to produce an alienation of State sovereignty, were discussed in considering the article of taxation, and need not be repeated here. A recurrence to the principles then established will satisfy us, that there is no colour to pretend that the state governments, would by the adoption of that plan be divested of the privilege of paying their own debts in their own way, free from every constraint but that which flows from the obligations of good faith. The contracts between a nation and individuals are
only binding on the conscience of the sovereign, and have no pretensions to a compulsive force; they confer no right of action independent of the sovereign will. To what purpose would it be to authorise suits against states, for the debts they owe? how could recoveries be enforced? it is evident that it could not be done without waging war against the contracting state; and to ascribe to the federal courts, by mere implication, and in destruction of a pre-existing right of the state governments, a power which would involve such a consequence, would be altogether forced and unwarrantable."
FEDERALIST, Vol. 2. page 318.
From a Correspondent. DIALOGUE.
Why don't you shine, quoth the Moon? Sun. I do shine, but that dirty planet the earth obscures my rays, for very lately, when I was meditating peace in the skies, and under the notice of every one, great and small, earth and mercury dug up an old lie to wound my feelings, and disparage my services; the select company of Circe's swine their associates, who met at nectar's turn to regale their beastly appetites and compose ballads, during the worship of the gods, hawked the lie round all the planets and stars, and left poor I should hazard unknown evils, and dare to contradict so vile an imposture, by a relation of circumstances, Mercury has paragraphed me in the gazette of the skies, as a traitor to the general interest, and has entered a caveat prefaced with a most impudent scrap of defamation, that none may believe me. Moon. What old lie have they revived? Sun. A lie that carries an appearance of so great profligacy that I am ashamed indeed, to gain say it verbally, or even to mention it. Why, earth affirms that you swore your life, I know not how often, against me. Moon. Alas! poor clod of clay! earth has done every thing to make us rise that ever we were made! But why should it cloud or impede your brightness, whilst I am by to prove before old Saturn, or elsewhere, that you alone are the friend, and the only friend, besides the gods, before whom I ever uttered any of my grief, or even rehearsed any complaint, or complaints of any sort. Mercury, you well know is a noted liar, and although he caveats in the gazette of the skies, no one who knows the author will hearken to his words. Exeunt.
ELEGY
On the Death of a BLACKSMITH.
WITH the nerves of a Sampson this son of the sledge, By the anvil his livelihood got; With the skill of old Vulcan could temper an edge; And struck—while his iron was hot.
By forging he liv'd, yet never was tried, Or condemn'd by the laws of the land; But still it is certain, and can't be denied, He often was burnt in the hand.
With the sons of St. Crispin no kindred he claim'd, With the last he had nothing to do; He handled no awl, and yet in his time Made many an excellent shoe.
He blew up no coals of sedition, but still His bellow was always in blast; And I will acknowledge (deny it who will) That one Vice, and but one, he possess'd.
No actor was he, or concern'd with the stage, No audience to awe him appear'd; Yet oft in his shop (like a crowd in a rage) The voice of a hissing was heard.
Tho' stealing of axes was part of his cares, In thieving he never was found; And tho' he was constantly beating on bars, No vessel he e'er ran aground.
Alas and alack! and what more can I say Of Vulcan's unfortunate son?— The priest and the sexton have bore him away, And the sound of his hammer is done! Sept. 14.
EPIGRAM.
On reading certain lines, under the signature of C—in F. Fenno's Gazette; addressed to JONATHAN PINDAR.
TELL me, good master C***, tell me pray, Did'st ever hear an Irish jack-ass bray, And mixing with his own melodious note The tuneful brogue of an Hibernian throat? Such is the ass of right Hibernian breed Who says, we throw away paper—when we read.*
* Gentle reader judge for thyself, "P—in spite of all your puffers say "Your Odes for the reading do not compensate, "The paper, ink and time are thrown away &c. See Fenno's Gazette, of Aug. 24th, 1793. BRAY ON GOOD JACK.

Continuation of Egalite's Interrogatory, &c.
Q. DID you not make a journey lately into the Departments of L'Orne and Loiret, and particularly to Orleans? What was the motive of that journey?—A. I never was at the distance of ten leagues from Paris since the commencement of the Convention; I missed very few of the sittings, never two together, never slept out of Paris but at an estate of my own, at the distance of three leagues, more than one night, and that very seldom.
Q. You, then, sent some emissaries into these departments?—A. None.
Q. Give us some motive for the doubtful character you bear?—A. I did not think my character doubtful among Patriots.
Q. Have you ever acted according to the dictates of your own mind, or from the counsel of any other person?—A. I have acted as my conscience and judgment have guided me.
Q. You have told us, that you have a decided aversion for the throne. Why did you not clear yourself of the imputations that have been made against you?—A. Relying on the purity of my conscience, on my intentions, and my conduct; persuaded that they would make me triumph over calumny, I ever despised them.
Q. Did you burn the letters you received of your sons when you received them?—A. Sometimes I did; but not always.
Q. What has been your conduct with respect to your son since you heard that he had betrayed the nation?—A. At the moment when I began to suspect his conduct, I was put under arrest. I ever hoped that he had been forced to act as he did, and I had no means of doing any thing.
Q. Did you not suffer your agents to flatter you with the idea of royalty or dictatorship?—A. All those who knew me, knew also my way of thinking, and that I should have esteemed it an insult.
Q. Why are you so ill with the persons of your family who call themselves Patriots?—A. I know no person of my family who call themselves patriots, with whom I am ill.
Q. Since you have been confined in the Fort de la Garde, have you not endeavoured to communicate with some persons of this city?—A. No, citizen; with none but the workmen I had occasion for.
Here ended the interrogatory. Certified at Paris, the 17th of June, 1793, the second year of the Republic, one and indivisible. (Signed) CHARLES VOIDEL.
Interrogatory of Alphonse Leodgard Egalite, ci-devant Count de Beaujolais, third son of P. Egalite.
Q. Your name, citizen?—A. Alphonse Leodgard Egalite.
Q. How old are you?—A. I am thirteen years old.
Q. Where were you born?—A. At Paris.
Q. Did you live there?—A. Yes, citizen.
Q. Should you not have preferred being a Prince under the old government?—A. No, certainly not.
Q. Did your papa never tell you that he should be King?—A. Never.
Q. Did he speak favourably to you of the Revolution?—A. Yes, always.
Q. He told you then to love Liberty and Equality?—A. Yes, Citizen.
Q. Did any aristocrat frequent your father's house?—No, citizen.
Q. Did not the servants and all the persons in your house talk to you much in favour of aristocracy?—A. None ever did.
Q. Did your masters ever talk to you of Liberty and Equality?—No; they often gave me good news.
Q. So that you never heard talk of the necessity of making a King?—No, never.
Q. Should you prefer the title of Prince to that of Citizen?—A. I prefer that of Citizen.
Here ended the interrogatory. Certified the 17th of June, 1793, the second year, &c.
Interrogatory of Louis Francois Joseph de Bourbon, ci-devant Conti, at the criminal tribunal at Marfeilles.
Q. Your name, citizen? A. Louis Francois Joseph de Bourbon.
Q. Your quality? A. A ci-devant Conti.
Q. Your age? A. About 59 years. Q. Where was you born? A. At Paris. Q. Where did you reside? A. Often in Paris, or in the country, having fixed my principal residence at my estate of la Lande, six leagues from Paris.
Q. What part did you take in the revolution of 1789? A. I left Paris the 13th of July 1789, not having a place to rest my head, without being menaced by assassination or poison; as soon as I could find that my life and liberty were in safety, I returned voluntarily, and with eagerness to my country, on the second of April, 1790, after having previously sent my oath, which I confirmed and signed again at my section on the day following. Since my return to France, I have meddled with nothing, have led a very retired life, going sometimes to places of public amusement, and having remained at my country seat at Landau, with a very few servants, without sleeping out of it, since the 11th of July, 1792, till the 8th of April, 1793, the day when I was arrested and sent to the Abbey prison at Paris, from whence I was taken out the next night, to the fort of Notre Dame de la Garde, at Marfeilles, where I am imprisoned, without being permitted to see any one without witnesses, although the decree of the Convention, article 3, which orders the interrogation of the family of the Bourbons, interdicts all communication, only with the individuals of that family. I gave a hundred and fifty thousand livres as a patriotic donation: I gave in 1792, for the war, seventy-six horses, forty two of which were equipped: I made presents to the volunteers, who set out from all the places in the vicinity of my residence. I have paid exactly all my taxes: I have given money to my section for the poor, several times, and lately for the recruiting service; I took the oath of the 15th of August, 1792, to maintain liberty and equality, and to die in their defence; I claim my liberty since I am guilty of nothing, since I have not deserved to lose it, and sinking under infirmities, suffer too much in my prison.
Q. Did the ci-devant princes, your relations, who have emigrated, never write to you, to engage you to emigrate, and bear arms against your country? A. I never heard from them since my return to France on the 2d of April, 1790, and they would have solicited me in vain; I should never have consented.
Q. Were you never present at those private meetings, then known by the Austrian committee, where the counter-revolution was preparing? A. Never.
Q. Did you never conceive the project of favouring the flight of the ci-devant king? A. Never; I had no knowledge of his departure, till the day following the night of his flight, when the national guards came to take me in my house and conduct me to the Section. I ever took particular care since my return to France to avoid all opportunities of speaking in private to the ci-devant king, and always answered him aloud, whenever he addressed himself to me, in order to remove from me suspicions I did not deserve.
Q. For what reason did the national guards on the day following the flight of the ci-devant king, come to your house to conduct you to your section? A. I believe they took it upon themselves; they made known no order to me, and after having appeared at my section, I was sent back very quietly, and have remained free ever since.
Q. Had you no intimation of the projects of Louis Capet of ordering the troops to fire on the people on the 20th of August? A. I was only apprised of it by the journals at my estate at la Lande, where I had been since the 11th of July, preceding.
Q. What was your opinion concerning the abolition of royalty, and the establishment of the Republic one and indivisible? A. The most entire submission to the decrees of the National Convention.
Q. Did you endeavour, by intrigues, to prevent the judgment of Louis Capet? I repeat that I never meddled with any thing.
Q. Why did you interfere with nothing; was it from a sentiment of hatred for the revolution, or through indifference? A. It was not from a sentiment of hatred, for the revolution, but because being born without any other ambition than that of living peaceably in my own house (which my conduct at all times proved, even before the revolution) I never did, nor do, now, form any other wish than to end my days
peaceably in the bosom of my country, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, and to deserve, by my conduct, their suffrage and esteem.
Q. It appears to me, that a state so perfectly null, does not accord with the suffrage and esteem of which you are desirous. Did you never hear and tolerate counter-revolutionary expressions from your domestics? A. So far from tolerating them, I ever declared, that I would immediately discharge those who should dare to make use of them.
Q. If you were so cautious in speaking to a ci-devant king, why did you seek such frequent opportunities of speaking to him? A. I did not seek opportunities of speaking to him, I only answered him.
Q. Why did you visit him so often? A. I was sometimes a fortnight without visiting him (which happened very often) and being his relation, I thought it incumbent on me to pay my duty to him.
Here ended the interrogatory, which was signed L. F. I. Bourbon, ci-devant Conti.—Maillet, President, &c.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE:
I HEREBY certify that I have received official communication of a Decree of the National Convention of France, whereof the following is a translation.—
Decree of the National Convention of the 23d of May, which declares that the vessels of the United States are not comprehended in the purview of the decree of the 9th of May.
The National Convention after having heard the report of its committee of public safety, wishing to maintain the union established between the French Republic and the United States of America, decrees that the vessels of the United States are not comprehended in [les dispositions] the purview of the decree of the 9th of May, conformably to the 16th article of the treaty executed the 15th of February, 1778.
A true copy. LE BRUN. Given under my hand this 9th day of September, 1793. TH: JEFFERSON.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS an attachment at the suit of Samuel Imlay and Nathaniel Imlay, executors of the testament and last will of Peter Imlay, deceased, has issued out of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the state of New-Jersey, against the lands of Garret Voorhees, late of the county of Middlesex, and state aforesaid, returnable to the first Tuesday in September, seventeen hundred and ninety-two.—Notice is hereby given to the said Garret Voorhees, that unless he appear and file special bail to the said action, judgment will be entered against him, by default, and the lands so attached sold for the satisfaction of such of his creditors as shall appear to be justly entitled to any demand thereon, and shall apply for that purpose, according to the form of the statute in such case made and provided. By order of the Court, April 17. J. W. 17 HOWELL, Clk.
WARRANTED
Boulting-Cloths & Mill-stones, For sale at No. 437 North Second-street, by OLIVER EVANS,
WHO hath viewed the Cloths and Stones in a great many of the best mills in different parts of America, and procured samples of the cloths, with an account how they proved, and collected the opinion and judgment of many of the most experienced millers respecting the quality of cloths and stone for the different purposes: therefore, if they do not prove good, and suitable for the purposes for which he sells them, they will be received again, others delivered in their stead, and the costs of carriage paid. Drafts of the best and simplest plans for Boulting, and best and simplest constructions of mills now in use, will be shewed to the purchasers, if required. August 17. I. a. w. t. f.
Seat of War.
FOR SALE
At M. CAREY'S Store, 118, Market-street.
A SHEET MAP
Of the French, Austrian and Dutch Netherlands,
In which the progress of the present War may be traced.
Price three eighths of a Dollar. And a MAP of the Three-Northern Districts of France, divided into Departments—Price one fourth of a Dollar.
Maps of the UNITED STATES:
ANY public-spirited gentlemen, possessed with materials for correcting and improving the maps of the several states, will lay M. Carey under very particular obligations, by communicating them. He is in immediate want of some for New-Jersey and Delaware; of which states, he is now preparing maps.
Guthrie's Geography:
THE subscription for this work will be continued open, at the present rate of twelve dollars, till the first day of November next; after which it will be raised to fourteen dollars. August 10.
PRICE CURRENT.
Dollars. Cents. (100 Cents make 1 dollar.)
Table with 3 columns: Item, Price per unit, and Price per quantity. Items include: A H E S, Bacon, Beef, Beer, Bees wax, Brandy, Butter, Cheese, Chocolate, Coal, Codfish, Coffee, Copperas, Cordage, Cotton, Flax, Flour, Gin, Gineng, Gunpowder, Grain, Jersey, Hams, Hemp, Hides, Hops, Honey, Indigo, Iron, Irons, Lard, Leather, Myrtle wax, Molasses, Mustard, Nails, Oil, Pepper, Pimento, Pitch, Porter, Rice, Rum, Salt, Saltspetre, Salt, Snakeroot, Snuff, Soap, Starch, Sugar, Tallow, Tar, Tea, Tobacco, Turpentine, Wine, Sherry.