Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1790-11-27 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, MARKET-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 61, of Vol. II.]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1790.
[Whole No. 165.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE Whale-fishery and Seal-catching.
IT has been verified from experience, that WHALES change their places of resort in consequence of the continual warfare against them. At the first settlement of this country, WHALES were commonly found on these coasts, and not unfrequently drove ashore. The WHALE FISHERY, carried on by the Dutch, English, and our countrymen, in the northern seas, was formerly very productive; but of late years, vessels frequently returned home without the least success. The present rout of WHALES is along the Brazil coast; and they are still tending southward, so that there can be little doubt but in a few years, the WHALE-FISHERY will be prosecuted in as high a southern, as it has been in a northern latitude.
A very serious inconvenience will arise from this change, which is indeed already experienced; and more particularly when vessels are unsuccessful, which often happens: That is, the extreme length of the voyage, which occasions an increase of the expences of outfit. To remedy, in an essential manner, this very serious inconvenience, which may eventually discourage this valuable branch of fishery, the following hints are suggested.
From some late voyages to the Falkland islands, which have been sufficiently successful to prove the experiment, there can be no doubt but by connecting the two objects of WHALING and SEALING, a very profitable voyage would be made. Should the whaling voyage prove successful, the vessel returns home to a sure and certain market. If only partially successful, or totally unsuccessful, let the vessel run to the Falkland Islands, and undertake the killing of Seals, which are to be found in different parts of those innumerable inlets and islands. A knowledge of their haunts, notwithstanding the pretensions to the contrary, can be readily acquired by a persevering search. SEALS abound in vast numbers, and keep together in herds. They are so harmless and tame, as to suffer themselves to be knocked down with clubs, the only weapon used in killing them. The point is to get between them and the shore when in a rookery, as it is phrased, of 1500 SEALS, not ten will escape, and a crew of twelve men will sometimes kill as many, or more, in one day. The Nantucket and eastern part of Long-Island Whalemens, will find themselves peculiarly adapted for this business, as being accustomed to live ashore as well as follow the seas-hunting is familiar to them. Many advantages are lost by the inexperience of the crews in this trade, and the novelty of the business. They are generally at first so terrified with the grinning and howlings of the SEALS, as to suffer a few to break thro the line which intercepts their communication with the sea, which if once accomplished, it is almost impossible to prevent the whole herd from escaping. Great resolution and alertness is therefore required, and the latter being a qualification which ordinary seamen are seldom remarkable for ashore, will prove the superior advantages of our Eastern Whalemens, in this particular, which is a very essential one.
Seal-catching has hitherto been prosecuted merely for the sake of the skins. The Hair-Seals are servicable for Leather, and will sell at market from 10 to 12 cents, pr. lb. especially the smaller kind, which are in great estimation for fine shoes. The FUR-SEALS are an object of remittance to Canton, and tho hitherto sold from half to three quarters of a dollar, pr. skin, will, no doubt, upon a fair experiment of the China-market, bring more. The skin of the Fur-Seal with the Fur on, when properly dressed, makes exceeding handsome Waistcoat-Patterns, and might be introduced for that purpose; they are of a more durable nature, and would be very serviceable, especially to labourers, having all the advantages, without the inconvenience of leather.
There is another advantage to be derived, which has hitherto been overlooked, and that is, the making of Oil from the Seals, which are remarkably fat and oily. There can be no doubt at all, but a very considerable benefit would arise on this score, and no persons can be better qualified to make the experiment than the Eastern Whalemens. The crew of a vessel will be at very little expence for provisions, except bread, as great plenty of Hogs are to be taken with dogs, and
wild fowl, such as Ducks, Geese, &c. are so abundant and tame, as to be knocked down with clubs, and afford very good sustenance. Their feathers may likewise be saved—and afford another object of profit.
By wintering in these Islands, frequent chances offer of going out with boats and taking Whales, which approach very near. Likewise great quantities of Oil may be made from Sea-Lions, and a large fish called the Black Fish, which are very plenty, and so large, as to afford two to three barrels each.
By exploring this hitherto little frequented part of the world, other advantages may possibly be found; but that arising from sealing is already proved from actual experiment. SEALS likewise abound on the opposite shores of Patagonia, where the trade may be carried on without any difficulties but what may arise from a coast, as yet little navigated.
The writer of these observations has been induced to offer them solely from a motive of communicating to his fellow-citizens at large, a branch of commerce, that promises considerable benefit to the United States, conceiving it to be the duty of every person to add, as far as is in his power, to the common stock of national profit and happiness. The remarks are founded upon an actual knowledge of facts. The few voyages which have hitherto been made, have been conducted with affected secrecy. It is impossible, however, to withhold for any length of time, what is necessarily imparted to many. To blend the two voyages of WHALING and SEALING, appears to be extremely feasible, and likely to produce a sure success; and every means that may tend to promote the navigation of the United States, will, however, humbly represented, be, no doubt, candidly accepted.
The Tablet.—No. 150.
[Continuation from the last number.]
“Conquest and plunder bring with riches, a train of pernicious vices; but this does not prove that the wealth attending industry and commerce, is pernicious also.”
TO contemplate the causes which have operated in the rise, the progress, and the decline of nations, is a task which no legislator or civilian can too often impose upon himself. Those, who employ their reflections in this way, will discover some events, which, under certain circumstances, have a pernicious influence upon society; while others, of a like nature, in a different state of affairs, produce a series of the most important advantages. For instance, wealth and luxury may push one nation into sudden destruction, while they raise another into power and distinction, and contribute to enlarge the circle of general enjoyment, as well as to secure the continuance of rational freedom. I will now submit to the consideration of the reader, a few sketches upon the situation and character of the Romans, with a view of ascertaining what occasioned the rise and downfall of that nation. It shall then be enquired of him, whether he seriously believes the affairs of the United States can ever flourish or decay, from similar causes.
That the Romans made such a conspicuous figure upon the stage of human affairs, was originally owing to the mere accident of their being introduced by such a founder as Romulus . Had any of the neighboring states been conducted by a leader of superior address, and who possessed greater talents for plunder, the name of Rome had perhaps never reached posterity. To the single circumstance therefore of his intrigue and enterprize, must be ascribed their original ascendancy over other nations. After they had once taken the lead, and begun to spread their conquests and dominion about the contiguous country, it was almost impossible their career should be checked. There was no system of combination in the adjacent states, that could bring their forces to act in such concert, as to make an effectual stand against the Roman arms. Their government was erected for the sole purpose of war. Their situation was favorable to this object, and no other. The age in which they lived was martial. They were poor, and of course, habitude of simplicity and self-denial rose naturally from that poverty. Personal safety, and the defence of the state were so blended, that the idea could not be separated. Valor was almost the only quality in repute, because it was almost the only one that was useful. The love of esteem is so strong a passion, that most men cultivate those qualities which will gain it. This accounts for their so
much boasted amor patriæ. Their fidelity to government was no less secured by the rigors of superstition, than it was incited by a desire of plunder.
Who does not perceive, in such a fabric, a constant effort, existing within itself, to fall to pieces? Such a people cannot be supposed to keep themselves together without perpetual war. If they have no foreign wars, they probably will have contentions at home; and what they call the period of peace, is precisely the time, when they will most harrafs and destroy one another. In short, they must be gaining conquests over other nations, or they fall into factions, and precipitate themselves into ruin at once. The effect of conquests is wealth and insolence. Their public virtue results from nothing but their danger and their poverty. But the period must arrive, when their situation will be no longer hazardous or indigent. What is the consequence? Their severe discipline, and rigid maxims, which were a substitute for private virtue, are shaken by faction, and relaxed by pleasure. Riches, pouring in from conquests, introduce crimes and profligacy, and thus the spirit, and even the name of civil liberty is lost in the general depravity. Is there not an essential difference between the effect of wealth thus acquired, and that which is the reward of arts and industry? Why does a robber or a gambler make a wanton use of the property he acquires? Because, the disposition, which urges him to assume such a character and conduct, implies such a want of principle, as renders him unfit to hold any of the blessings of life. Wealth will not prosper in such hands. The case is much the same with a nation of plunderers, as with a private robber. Both have hearts too unfeeling and abandoned to use the gifts of providence with decency and moderation. Excess and brutality will mark their actions. They are strangers to those restraints and refinements, which the useful employments of civil life create and support; and which guard people against those atrocious crimes, no less than against the dangerous extremes of vice and folly.
It is a maxim that will generally hold good, that no individual or community will make a proper application of wealth, which they have not honestly acquired. I will even carry the idea further and suggest, that wealth is apt to be misapplied by those who have not been personally instrumental in earning it, under circumstances that required some care and industry. It may illustrate the idea to state a case. No person will presume to say that the citizens of Philadelphia do not make a prudent and even a commendable use of their riches. But if that city should fall into the hands of an army of Tartars, and the property be divided as plunder among the soldiers, who does not paint to himself the horrid mischiefs that would be perpetrated! How suddenly would the discipline of that army be dissolved! How quick would their military ardor be dissipated and lost! Each soldier would imagine, the sooner he squandered his share, and the more outrage he committed with it, the more consistently would he appear with himself, as a barbarian and plunderer. It should not therefore too hastily be inferred, that we should experience such destructive consequences, from the affluence which attends arts and commerce, as the ancients did, from that which followed their conquests. I dwell the more minutely upon this part of the subject, and exemplify it in many different shapes, because there are many people who really apprehend that the liberties of this country must be swallowed up, if we adopt such regulations as will make us a commercial, a wealthy, and a splendid nation. To destroy such suspicions, as far as they are groundless, not only relieves those who feel from them painful and useless anxiety, but makes them better citizens and wiser politicians. It cannot then be too strongly urged upon all men, who take a part in public affairs, or who wish to discern the effect of public measures, to obtain a satisfactory solution of the following question; whether to encourage commerce, and the mechanical and liberal arts be a circumstance, unfavorable or not in the long run, to the freedom and happiness of a community? There is a certain point beyond which, it is said, wealth and refinement cannot be carried without vitiating the personal qualities of men, and rendering them unfit agents to manage and retain the blessings of civil liberty. In what light such an opinion should be considered, shall be made the subject of another essay.
(To be continued.)

PASTIME OF VENUS :
OR, THE KISS.
INTENT to frame some new design of bliss, The wanton Cyprian Queen compos'd a KISS : An ample portion of Ambrosial Juice With mystic skill she temper'd first for use ; This done, her infant work was well bedew'd With choicest Nectar ; and o'er all she strew'd Part of that Honey, which fly Cupid stole Much to his cost, and blended with the whole. Then, that soft scent which from the Violet flows She mixt with spoils of many a vernal Rose ; Each gentle Blandishment in love we find, Each graceful winning Gesture next she join'd ; And all those Joys that in her Zone abound Made up the KISS, and the rich labour crown'd : Confid'ring now what beauteous Nymph might prove Worthy the Gift, and worthy of her love ; She fixt on Chloe, as her favourite Maid ; To whom the Goddess sweetly-smiling said : " Take this my Fair to perfect ev'ry Grace, " And on thy Lips the FRAGRANT BLESSING place."
[MR. FENNO,
HAVING seen an exceeding bad translation of the enclosed Address, of the Americans at Paris, to the National Assembly, make its appearance in several newspapers, I have sent you an original copy, to publish in your extensively circulating paper either in French or English, or both languages if you please, with views of doing justice to the subscribers of the Address.
Boston, 15 Nov. 1790.
ADDRESS
Des Citoyens des Etats-unis de l'Amérique, prononcée devant l'Assemblée nationale, par M. WILLIAM HARWOOD VERNON, dans la séance de Samedi au soir, le 10 Juillet 1790.
MESSIEURS,
Rappés d'admiration, à la vue du développement & de l'extension de leurs propres principes dans cet heureux pays, les citoyens des états unis de l'Amérique qui se trouvent à Paris, sollicitent ardemment la faveur d'approcher du saint autel de la liberté, & de témoigner à l'assemblée nationale cette vive reconnaissance & ce profond respect que méritent les pères d'un grand peuple, & les bienfaiteurs du genre humain. L'étoile d'occident qui, des bords éloignés répandoit son éclat, réunit les rayons à ceux du soleil glorieux qui, "voile des torrents de lumière" sur l'empire français, pour éclairer enfin l'univers.
La force de la vérité est irrésistible, & la célérité de ses progrès est au-dessus de tout calcul. Nous avons cru, & nous le souhaitons sincèrement, que les bienfaits de la liberté seroient un jour appréciés ; que les nations sortiroient de leur léthargie, & réclameroient les droits de l'homme avec une voix que les hommes ne pourroient pas étouffer ; nous avons cru que le luxe & la passion de dominer perdroient leurs charmes illusaires : que ces chefs, ces rois, ces dieux de la terre renonceroient aux distinctions idolâtres qu'on leur prodiguoit, pour se confondre avec leurs concitoyens & se réjouir de leur bonheur ; nous avons cru que la région se dépouilleroit de ses terreurs empruntées, & qu'elle rejetteroit les armes meurtrières de l'intolérance & du fanatisme, pour prendre le sceptre de la paix. Ces évènements s'accélèrent aujourd'hui d'une manière étonnante, & nous éprouvons une joie indicible, & jusqu'à présent inconnue, de nous trouver devant cette vénérable assemblée de héros de l'humanité, qui, avec tant de succès, ont combattu dans le champ de la vérité & de la vertu.
Puissent les douces émotions d'une conscience satisfaite & les bénédictions d'un peuple heureux & reconnoissant être le prix de vos généreux efforts ! Puisse le roi patriote, qui a si noblement sacrifié avec vous sur l'autel de la patrie, en partager amplement le fruit ! Le monarque, qui, en commençant sa carrière a répandu ses bienfaits sur des régions éloignées, étoit bien digne d'échanger l'éclat séduisant du pouvoir arbitraire contre l'amour & la gratitude de ses concitoyens. Dans la France régénérée l'on peut bien l'appeler le premier roi des Français, mais dans le langage de l'univers il sera le premier roi des hommes.
Nous n'avons plus qu'un vœu à former ; c'est que vous vouliez bien, messieurs, nous accorder l'honneur d'assister à l'auguste cérémonie qui doit assurer pour toujours le bonheur de la France. Lorsque les François combattoient & veroient leur sang avec nous, sous l'étendard de la liberté, ils nous apprirent à les aimer ; aujourd'hui que l'établissement des mêmes principes nous rapproche d'avantage & resserre nos liens, nous ne trouvons plus dans nos cœurs que les doux sentiments de frères & de concitoyens. C'est au pied de ce même autel, où les représentans & les soldat-citoyens d'un vaste et puissant empire, prononceront le serment de fidélité à la nation, à la loi, & au roi, que nous jurerons une amitié éternelle aux François, oui, à tous les François fidèles aux principes que vous avez consacrés, car, comme vous, messieurs, nous chérissons la liberté, comme vous, nous aimons la paix.
JOEL BARLOW, SAMUEL BLACKDEN, PAUL JONES, JAMES SWAN, THOMAS APPLETON, BENJAMIN JARVIS GEORGE HOWELL CONTEE, ANDERSON, HARRISON, J. LEWIS, GEORGE WASHINGTON GREENE, WILLIAM HARWOOD VERNON.
L O N D O N, Sept. 21.
THE learned HUGO GROTIUS remarks, that however kingdoms or states may be divided by particular boundaries, the sea should be open for the fishing of all nations, as no limit can be fixed to any part of the ocean ; and tho' it may wash any shore or coast whatever, no dominion should therefore be claimed to the great liquid element, or to its stony inhabitants. Tho' this principle may not be acknowledged by Great-Britain, yet the Dutch are suffered to fish off the isles and coasts of Scotland, without impediment or interruption. The Spaniards would, however, endeavour to exclude the English from fishing off the coasts of South America, or even those of Patagonia, which approximate to the Straits of Magellan ; a tract of territory they never yet possessed, and only build their idle hypothesis on the arrogant supposition, that the whole South Sea or Southern Atlantic belongs to Spain, because possessed of the empires of Mexico and Peru.
A first rate farmer who resides at a small village near Lowth, one rainy day last week, was obliged to attend his grounds, and coming home ruing wet, stripped himself and hung his cloaths in the yard to dry, [the weather afterwards proved fine] but at the same time neglected to take his purse out of one of his pockets. In a short time, however, the honest clodhopper recollected, he did not intend to hang forty odd guineas out to dry, therefore, with eagle's wings, he flew to the yard, but alas ! the purse was gone. After some deliberation on what steps he should then take, it readily occurred to his memory to have seen a tame Mag-pye, which he kept, exceedingly busy with his breeches, and knowing that it frequently visited a neighbouring church, immediately went in search
of it ; when lo ! to his great surprise and satisfaction, he found his purse and its contents safely deposited on the top of the spire !
There are now not less than 300,000 children educated at Sunday schools in this kingdom ; a tenth of whom, were it not for so salutary a means, might remain in total ignorance of every thing but the vicious, idle practices of the world. If it is true that education forms the human mind, instead of expensive expeditions to Botany-Bay, in future, let us expend the same money in encouraging a moral education, in the poorer class of youth, and criminals, in time, will become unknown amongst us.
In such a sudden and rapid transition from a state of slavery to that of a free people, as has been experienced in France, that some circumstances should have occurred which we do not approve ; that there should have been some excesses to deplore ; some regulations to reverse ; some mistakes, which more mature consideration and further experience may, and probably will, correct—is not at all surprising. The wonder is, that, in a revolution of such immense extent and magnitude, there should be so little to blame, and so much to praise. The defects are few and insignificant. Like the spots on the sun, they are lost in the general splendour and brightness of the whole. The merits are numerous and important. In many of their proceedings, and more especially on the subject of religious liberty, the French National Assembly have set an example of wisdom and liberality to the British Parliament. Our countrymen, we hope, will not suffer themselves to be outdone in the general strive to extend the freedom and promote the happiness of mankind—the only strive and competition worthy of two great and enlightened nations.
P A R I S, August 29.
It appears from M de Montesquieu's report on the different parts of the public debt, that the interest on the funded debt amounts to 167,700,000 livres, and that the whole of the unfunded debt, independent of the 400,000,000 assignats amounts to 1,902,540,000 livres. The total mass of interest of the funded and unfunded debt, amounts to 281,000,000, which makes it necessary that the approaching taxes should produce 521,000,000.
M de Montesquieu also observed that the national effects are estimated at between two and three thousand millions, from which must be deducted 400,000,000, appropriated to the assignats actually in circulation. To avoid exaggeration, the committee of the finances supposed that the surplus of the national effects did not exceed the capital of the unfunded debt. Reasoning from this hypothesis, by employing these effects in the extinction of the public debt, it is demonstrated that 474,000,000, raised by taxes, will be sufficient to defray all expenses of every nature.
He proposed, that for the security of the unfunded debt, the newly acquired national effects should alone be applied. But the question remained undecided, whether the equivalent to be given should be new assignats, or in simple acknowledgments. This is the great problem, which remains to be determined, and which the committee of finances were content to propose to the Assembly, without venturing upon it themselves.
M de Mirabeau affirmed that a new emission of assignats could alone preserve and consolidate the existence of the constitution. He then proposed, 1. To discharge the whole of the unfunded debt—by assignats bearing no interest. 2. To put up to sale immediately, the whole of the national domains ; and that these sales by auction should take place in all the districts of the kingdom. 3. To receive the assignats in payment, to the exclusion of money, and all other paper. 4. To burn the assignats as they shall come in. 5. To order the committee of finances to present the plan of a decree, to give effect to their system as soon as possible.
His speech was ordered to be printed,—a memorial from the first minister of France, was then read, addressed to the Assembly. In this letter M de Necker warmly combats the proposal for a new emission of assignats to the amount of near two thousand ; from this emission, said the minister, the greatest disorder will result, from its destroying the due balance between paper and specie.
The sale of the national property ordered on the 6th of August; has been effected ; a further sale is to take place in the beginning of September to the amount of 1,541,745 livres.
The business of coining brass money was again brought before the Assembly. They were informed that a M de Pasquier had discovered a method to render the metal of bells ductile and malleable, and that there is in France more than two millions of that metal, which could not fail to be highly useful on the present occasion.
SEPTEMBER 12.
A petition was yesterday presented to the National Assembly by a committee from the National Guard at Versailles, through M de Berthier, their commandant, respecting the funeral honors due to those who fell in quelling the insurrection at Nanci. Part of this memorial runs as follows : " They have now sealed with their blood the oath which they took but a few days before, to devote their lives to the nation, to the support of the law, and to the safety of their King !
To have fought and to have died by their side would have been our most sacred duty—to pay their memory the last tribute of worth, is now the most anxious desire of our hearts—and it is our most ardent wish to raise to them a monument worthy of themselves and deeply expressive of our esteem !
Let a Pyramid, simple in its structure, but of a majestic appearance, be erected to them at one of the gates of Nanci.
Upon this Pyramid let there be an inscription to this effect—Here rest the men who died for their country, soldiers as well as citizens ! The second month of the second year of the liberties of France.
Such gentlemen, is the monument we claim for those generous Frenchmen, whom a sense of their duty swayed upon this occasion. Their wives, their children, their parents, of whom they were the happiness and the stay, are witnesses to the tears we now shed upon their ashes—Be it ours by this last act of attention to perpetuate the remembrance of their glory."
Beside the 45 sail of the line, ordered by the National Assembly, there are general orders sent to all the sea ports for an augmentation. In the port of L'Orient they are to furnish four additional ships of the line, and one frigate, besides one ship of the line now on the stocks.
Late accounts from Turkey by way of Venice say, that as an acknowledgment for the powerful diversion made by the King of Sweden in their favour, in the war with Russia, the Porte has ordered the public thanks, to be given to the Swedish Ambassador ; and the Kaimacan, in the name of the grand Signior, has made him a present, in gold coin, to the value of thirty thousand dollars and an elegant horse with a most superb suit of furniture.—The Swedish interpreter has also received 10,000 dollars—and that the news of the peace between Austria and Sweden had given the greatest satisfaction at Constantinople.
SHEPHERD'S-TOWN, (Maryland) Nov. 5.
The late visit of our illustrious President, encourages a hope that the permanent seat of the Federal Government will be fixed opposite to this town, on the Maryland shore, and that one half of the ten miles square will be located in Virginia. This event, will, however, depend much on donations from the inhabitants, to defray the expenses of the Public Buildings, especially as the President himself has informed us, large offers have been made at other places on the Potomac.
When we take into our view the amazing advantages held up to the owners of lands and other permanent property in this valley, the very sudden and unexpected increase in its value, we flat-
ter ourselves that generous subscriptions will be offered ; especially as only a small part will be shortly wanted. Our friends in Maryland are making every possible exertion to effect this important purpose ; and as the inhabitants in the Virginia part of this valley will be equally benefited, they request our cordial concurrence and aid,
Subscriptions are taken in Shepherd's-Town, by Col. John Morrow, John Keasley, Esq. Capt. Charles Morrow, and Abraham Shepherd, Esq. In Martinburg, by Mr. Joseph Riddel. In Charlestown by Mr. William Cooke, and Mr. John Henderson. On Shenandoah river, by Mr. Humphrey Keyes. In Bulskin settlement by Mr. John Marke.
Very liberal subscriptions have, within a few days past, been obtained in this town and its vicinity, to be appropriated towards erecting the Federal Buildings, provided the seat of government be located so as to include Shepherd's-Town within the district.
GEORGETOWN, Nov. 20.
We hear from Alexandria, that The President of the United States, dined, on Wednesday last, at Mr. Wise's tavern, with a numerous and respectable company.
BALTIMORE, Nov. 23.
Wednesday last arrived here the brig Friendship, William Marshall, master, from Jamaica : On the 14th of October last, in lat. 24. 30, and long. 85. west from London, they fell in with the Spanish brigantine Nostra Senora de la Concepcion, Don Domingo Bretos, master, from Truxillo, bound to the island of Trinidad, in great distress. Capt. Marshall, at the request of the master of the Concepcion, sent his boat on board, and took the master and crew out of her.
The sloop Smithfield, Capt. Gardner, is arrived at Bermuda-hundred from Rhode-Island.
From the Maryland Journal.
" While, in Philadelphia, we admire the progress of manufactures and naval architecture—it is observed that one matter of importance has escaped the attention of that sagacious people—that is the fishery.
" Where so many mercantile gentlemen, of great capitals, conversant in shipping, and well acquainted with the various branches of commerce live together, they might easily associate and establish a fishing company, without interfering with their other plans of commerce—it would contribute to the encouragement of the shipbuilder and manufacturer—if well conducted, it would enrich individuals, and strengthen the marine of the nation.
" There was such a company in New-York before the revolution.—It continued only two years on account of the times ; and in that short period they doubled their capital."
NEWPORT, November 11.
The following is communicated to us by Capt. CLARK, who arrived yesterday from Martinique :—
Events which happened in the town of St. Pierre, Martinique, since the 23d Sept. the day of the arrival of the brig South-Carolina, Capt. Clark, from Rhode-Island ; the same day the embargo took place on all foreign vessels—this was done by the Council of the town of St. Pierre ; the embargo was kept on until the 5th of this month : in the mean while, and still continues, dissensions even to a civil war, on both sides, and the town of St. Pierre threatened with ruin. The people are divided into two parties, the General Damas, the planters, the free mulattoes and negroes, and slaves all armed ; those parties are headed by an Assembly Colonial, chosen from the planters, the whole are called Aristocrats : the other party are the people of St. Pierre, and some in Fort Royal ; the commerce of St. Pierre forbids any provisions to pass the other side ; the general and his army are encamped on a hill called Gros morne, where they are well fortified : the town of St. Pierre were obliged to send to Guadalupe, St. Lucie, and Marigalante, for a supply of troops, which were granted : this town we hope is sufficiently guarded and fortified against the enemy, and we expect to remain in this manner of defence until the constitution comes out from the National Assembly of France. In this critical situation we remain—not the least commerce is carried on on either side. The General and the Assembly Colonial have published a decree, by which all Americans and others are permitted to go into any port in the island with every kind of provisions, and to carry away any produce they please in return. The town of St. Pierre and Fort Royal, on their part, have armed some small vessels to cruise round the island, in order to prevent any such vessels going into any port but this. A battle was fought between the two parties on the 25th ult. The patriot party marched out of Fort Royal in number about 1200, the one half troops the other citizens, they were very badly provided for such an attack, having neither guides, nor in proper order, they marched towards Lamentine, in two columns, the one commanded by Col. de Chabrolle, and the other by Mr. Cocquil des Comiers, the column commanded by the Dernier had four field pieces, this column met with every obstacle almost possible to mention, such as the roads cut, large trees laid across, and in passing through a swamp were attacked by a large body in ambush, not one to be seen : the battle did not last long, for the two commanders perceiving they were, or should be betrayed, ordered a retreat, which they did, but in much disorder, leaving their four field pieces, some ammunition, and a day's provision ; the loss of the Aristocratic army is 247 coloured and 4 white men, all killed ; and on the Patriots side 25, and 28 taken prisoners ; since which each are on the defensive : the number of the Aristocratic army at the time of battle was 3000. There are many planters known to be patriots, these suffer greatly by frequent excursions of negroes and mulattoes, who are continually going about in the country plundering and committing horrid acts, and it is unfortunate for them that the Patriot army cannot give them any assistance, being obliged to keep in and about St. Pierre and Fort Royal, who are also in possession of Fort Bourbon and Fort Louis, the two Forts in that place, which take a great number of men to guard. At this time are come from Guadalupe twenty-two deputies, in order to offer a mediation between the two parties, but little expectation of peace appears at this day, the 12th of October.

BOSTON, Nov. 12.
It is a remarkable fact, in favor of the utility of moral character, in human affairs, that the three personages who appear to conduct or sustain, by their influence and abilities, the government of three great nations, are all men of fair private character. It is hardly necessary to mention that these three men are WASHINGTON, in the United States—FAYETTE in France—and PITT, in Great-Britain.
Tho' shallow politicians still may brawl, That public character is all in all, 'Tis false as gamester's oaths—or air—or hell! Who errs in private never can rule well.
Accounts from Rome, state, that the noted Cagliostro is perfectly recovered of his late indisposition—and that on a report being spread that he was to be enlarged, the government immediately planted double guards upon him to prevent the possibility of his escape.
To the splendid LUMINARIES of the Temple of Fame, in the elder world, whose radiance hath lately been extinguished—we can, with regret, add THREE in the new world, whose emanations were not less refulgent. With a FRANKLIN, who in philosophy, science and legislation , shone with peculiar splendor, one lamp went out. With a LIVINGSTON, whose philosophic, scientific, and legislative knowledge rendered him also a blaze of light, the second lamp expired—and we have recently seen the extinction of the third lamp, in the death of a BOWDOIN, who shone equally resplendent with the others, in philosophy, in science, and in legislation . But are we without consolation? No—They shall yet shine with undiminished lustre in the temples of immortality!
NEW-YORK, November 22.
Some years ago; (in the time of the late war) a citizen of Philadelphia, well known for his skill in mechanics as well as in nautical matters, set up a ship at Kensington near Philadelphia upon three keels. Some subsequent occurrences, however, prevented the completion of the design; old prejudices got the better of right reason; and the person who afterwards purchased the frame had two of the keels taken out, and the middle one left, as usual. Projectors and men of curiosity, were much disappointed at the defeat of the scheme, as it was expected a vessel upon this plan, would have had unspeakably superior advantages in holding wind , over the common models. The idea it seems, has since been taken up in England, and last year a ship was built in that country, called the Experiment, with two keels; and has been found more than to answer the expected purpose. "I failed (says the Captain, in a letter to his owner) from Burnt-Island, June 10th, with the wind at West, which on Sunday shifted to the North, blowing excessive hard, with a great running sea—hauled upon the ship close by the wind—carried a deal of sail on her to keep her to windward—she was then going five or six miles per hour, and I found, by my observations, that she had made good the course, that was steered, notwithstanding the great sea that was on her broadside. I made the Naze of Norway the 14th, and arrived at Gottenburgh the 16th. She carries a very weatherly helm."
These keels, it is said, are so fashioned as (tho' the ship heels ever so much) always to keep a perpendicular position to the horizontal line of the Sea, the same as when the Pands upright; so that it is evident they must take such a powerful hold of the water under the ship, as to admit of scarcely any leeway; and where there is no leeway a vessel, from the natural pressure to lee-ward, when close hauled, must of consequence make the greater headway. Besides other advantages attendant upon a ship's making no leeway, the most considerable is, the being able by this means to keep an exact reckoning, which can never be done, in vessels of a contrary description, and adly, the excellent quality of clawing off lee-shores in hard gales; for want of which in the common structure of vessels, many lives and cargoes are lost every year.
Philadelphia, Nov. 27.
A paragraphist in the General Advertiser of Thursday last, reprobates in very forcible terms, the mode of voting viva voce , in popular elections, as practised in some of the states. This abuse, says he, strikes at the very root of all good and free government—poisons the very source from which it flows.
It is impossible in this manner of voting, that elections should be free.—A candidate that has great wealth and influence, on whom the livelihood of many may depend, will inevitably awe all his dependants to support him. Men who owe to him their employment, or have received his bribes, dare not openly oppose him. Even a man's friends, those who are not dependant upon him, but are only in habits of intimacy, cannot well refuse to support him, lest this should interrupt that intercourse that subsists between the families. Whenever too the popular current runs violently in any particular direction, it is hardly safe to bear up against it. Many who think differently from the great body of the people, will be reluctantly hurried down the general stream. Many, rather than come forward openly to avow their sentiments, will consent to wave their privilege of voting.
We see sometimes, as in Baltimore very lately, that out of several thousand votes, all, except two or three, are in favor of the same persons; tho' the very connections and intimate friends of the opposite candidates, must have amounted to a considerable number—and all those who favored their interest, to many hundreds.
This method of voting will inevitably introduce corruption and intrigue into the elections. This is undoubtedly one cause of the corruption of elections in Great-Britain; and in some parts of the United States, where this method is adopted, the elections resemble those of England. They are little better than an auction, where the post is set up to public sale, and is struck off to the highest bidder.
The difference between the states that make use of these two methods, is very striking, and places their true influence in the strongest light—In those states where the mode of voting is by ballot, it would be exceedingly indelicate, and indeed would be considered as great presumption and effrontery for a man to come forward and hold himself up to the public as qualified for the higher posts of the government, and endeavor to procure interest. In some parts of the United States, where they vote viva voce , men, instead of being brought forward by the voice of their country, or their friends, publicly advertise themselves, openly solicit interest, and ride about the country to beg and buy all the votes they can collect. And to close this indecent scene, the candidates while the election is going on, are frequently seated upon the hustings, exposed to public view, to tamper with every elector that comes to vote.
Wealth, where elections are free, if not attended with some degree of ability, is no recommendation to a candidate; but where the viva voce method is adopted, it is the great, sometimes the only requisite.
To these observations a correspondent adds, that the practice of keeping an election open for a number of days, and sometimes weeks together, is attended with many objections; the mode is vexatious, and unnecessarily expensive to the people. Opens the door to intrigue and cabals, and is subversive of freedom.
In many of the states the election is held on the same day throughout the government.
The accounts of French affairs which have been recently laid before the public, are so vague, so extravagant, and contradictory, that it is very difficult to form any definite ideas of their real situation. The English statements of the excesses which may have taken place, from former examples, we may suppose are exaggerated. On the other hand, the enthusiastic admirers of the proceedings of the National Assembly, as is very natural, may think too lightly of the uneasinesses which prevail, and may attempt to diminish the real magnitude of the outrages committed in the provinces. The friends of the French Revolution, and such is every patriot American, must however feel alarmed for the cloud which is impending at the present moment, in the form of paper money.
If the proposed emission of Assignats, or Bank Notes, could be turned, as by a stroke of magic, into solid coin, and diffused over the face of the empire, it would depreciate the value of the precious metals in such manner, as nearly to destroy their use as a medium; but such a flood of paper money, we know, by sad experience, must create confusion, and every evil work.
The late tragical event at Nanci, in France, is so variously represented, that one cannot determine where the blame ought to be fixed.
There is undoubtedly a disposition very apparent to criminate the conduct of M. de BOUILLE, as harboring unfriendly designs respecting the revolution. On the other hand it appears probable, that ere this, funeral honors have been decreed to the memory of those, of his little army, who fell in the attack at Nanci. On the whole, the information derived thro' the medium of the proceedings of the National Assembly, is alone to be depended on; for it may be presumed, that as the enemies of the Revolution are at this time very alert, nine out of ten of the "letters from Paris," in the English papers, are mere fabrications, without any foundation in truth.
While the patriot and the citizen of the world cannot but admire, as moral theorists, the many humane and sublime decisions of the National Assembly of France on the Rights of Man, there is a solemn pause imposed on their admiration in contemplating the probable issue of many of their resolutions, through the natural versatility, and obstinacy of mankind. The progress of light and truth is gradual, where prejudice does not impede their operation; but habits and false principles often prove an insuperable barrier to their force and influence, and always require time to be removed, previous to the admission of just and reasonable conceptions.
To this state of things may perhaps be principally attributed the embarrassments which check in any measure, the completion of the French revolution: Even in America, it required a number of years to prepare the public mind for its emancipation from the power of Britain.
While the government of the United States is administered on its true principles, by men who merit and possess the confidence of the people, as at present, every attempt to interrupt its operations, or weaken the general confidence in our civil rulers, whether by designing demagogues, sticklers for independent State Sovereignty, or interested associations of individuals must prove abortive—for tho' particular persons, in a corner of the Union, may raise a clamor, declaim against public measures, and employ the press as the medium of inflammatory addresses—yet there is a cool judgement, a laudable spirit of deliberative candor, which distinguishes the people of the U-
nited States, and leads them impartially to weigh, and leisurely to decide, upon every subject submitted to public investigation: They also fully realize, that the expence of supporting government is a useless burthen, if an appeal must be made in the first instance to the whole body of the people in all cases of real or supposed grievance. The constitution is express in this point, and it is certainly more decent, as well as more consonant to the principles of freedom, to bring every public injury to that tribunal which is competent to doing all possible justice—the legislature of the union.
Internal resources constitute the sinews of Independence: The United States are making such rapid progress in manufactures and agriculture, that in a few years, they will be able not only to supply their own demands, but to furnish a large excess of a variety of articles for exportation.—Our coasting-trade is already supplied with several species of goods, which are vended principally in the southern States, upon terms, that have essentially diminished the importation of similar fabrics from Great-Britain—the principal article now referred to, is coarse linen-cloths: The encouragement for the raising of hemp is so great, that it is not perhaps being too sanguine to say, that the time is not very remote, when foreign cordage will cease to be imported: Iron and Duck are manufactured in great quantities, and in the highest perfection.
The prospect that is before us in respect to the carrying-trade , is highly flattering: The difficulties and prejudices which have heretofore existed, are daily subsiding and vanishing: Our reputation as ship-builders is established—to this the natural advantages we possess, that enable us to build and victual cheaper than any other country, must very soon give a decided preference to American bottoms, in all parts of the world: Already have we seen ships of great burthen sent out of our ports—the work of our own countrymen, so completely, that there was scarcely an imported article in their composition, from the keel, to the capon maintop-gallant-mast-head.
MARRIED]—At New-York, by the Rev. Dr. Rodgers Mr. PROSPER WETMORE, to Miss CATHERINE McEuen.
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Postscript.
BY THE MAIL ARRIVED LAST EVENING.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 27.
Arrived at Boston the 17th inst. the Ship Dispatch, Capt. D. LORING, in 49 days from Liverpool, who brought papers to the 27th of Sept. from which the following intelligence has been extracted.
LONDON, September 25.
A COUNCIL was held yesterday at the Duke of Leed's office, Whitehall, when Capt. Mac Donald, a gentleman his passenger, and his servant, were examined respecting the treatment from the Spanish commodore. This extraordinary circumstance was discussed with the utmost candour and precision.
Immediately after their examination, expresses were sent to collect every one of the hands who had been in the Trelawney Planter, to be brought to town, for the purpose of having them examined.
Orders have been sent to the different men of war to send to town any of the hands who were pressed, and are on board of our navy.
The Council, after closing their enquiry, immediately appointed a Charge des Affaires to the Court of Copenhagen, who was with uncommon anxiety, directed to take his departure last night, without permitting him to adjust any domestic concerns.
By private letters from Paris, we learn, that M. Necker was to set off for Switzerland on Saturday last.
A report prevails, that on Wednesday last it was publickly announced at Paris, that the Duke of Orleans had declared in favor of the French King.
On the same evening the people of Paris, to the number of 40,000, collected at the gates of the National Assembly, and being headed (as was supposed) by the Duke of Orleans, attempted to force an entrance, and persisted with all the violence imaginable for several hours.
At length, about the hour of three o'clock on Thursday morning, they were all dispersed by the National Guards, and we have not heard of any material mischief having happened. But the whole city was in the greatest fermentation when these accounts came away. (Doubtful.)
RUMORS.
That the late Resolutions of the House of Delegates in Virginia on the Assumption, are regretted by the majority that passed them.
That the Land Tax of that State will probably be repealed in the present session of their Assembly, notwithstanding the late resolutions against the assumption.
Also that the Assembly of North-Carolina are moving in the business of Assumption.
IMPERIAL, HYSON, SOUCHONG, and BOHEA
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Discourses on Davila.
No. XXIII.—CONTINUED.
Utumque regem, sua multitudo contulaverat.
THIS assembly was holden at Paris, in the beginning of the year 1562. The Queen, according to her ordinary maxims, employed herself in holding the balance between the two parties, and to hinder one from prevailing over the other, for fear she should be the victim of the strongest. The greatest part of the magistrates concurred in her views; some persuaded that it was impossible to restrain so great a multitude, animated by a furious zeal for religion, and others seeing with regret so much blood shed to no good purpose. They prepared that famous Edict of January, which granted to the Hugonots, the liberty of conscience, and the liberty of holding their assemblies and preaching their sermons, upon condition that they should meet without arms, without the cities, in the fields, and in presence of the judges of the places. The parliaments and other tribunals opposed, at first, the execution of this Edict; but it was finally registered, upon repeated letters of jussion, (sealed commands to do a thing which they had refused to do) of the King and council. This was a thunderbolt to the chiefs of the Catholic party. To bring on a crisis, to force all the Catholics to join them, and to hinder the execution of the Edict, the Duke of Guise, the Constable, all the Cardinals, except de Tournon, who was lately dead, the Marshals de Brissac and Saint Andre quitted the court, to oppose themselves with all their forces to the Calvinistical party. So near was liberty of conscience at that time, to a compleat and final establishment in France, that nothing but this violent measure could have prevented it; even this retreat of all the Catholics would not have succeeded, without another artifice. They sufficiently foresaw, that as long as the good intelligence subsisted between the Queen-mother and the King of Navarre, they should have no power to intermeddle in the government of the kingdom, and that all their efforts would be in vain: they proposed therefore to break it. Convinced that the Queen-mother would never change her plan or her conduct, at least until the majority of her son; they thought it would be more easy to gain upon the understanding of the king of Navarre. Their recess enabled them to conduct with more secrecy this negotiation, which required time and address. D'Est, legate of the Pope, and Manriquez ambassador of Spain, let into the secret and entrusted with the conduct of it, easily commenced the conferences, by the interposition of the confidants of the King of Navarre. This weak Prince, had, or pretended to have, no longer the same inclination for the Hugonots, since the colloquy at Poissy, where he had remarked their variations upon the contested points of faith, and not having found in Theodore Beza, nor in Peter Martyr, the same confidence as he thought, as they affected when they dogmatized without contradictors, he had consulted Doctor Baudouin, equally versed in scriptures and in controversy. This theologian had decided the King of Navarre, to re-unite himself to the faith of the church, and to adopt neither the profession of faith of the Swiss Protestants, nor the confession of Augsburg. His acquiescence in the Edict of January was less from any inclination to the Hugonots, than from an opinion the consciences ought not to be restrained, and that toleration was an infallible means of extinguishing the troubles of the kingdom. As soon as his confidants, already disposed to serve the Catholic party, had informed the legate and ambassador, that he was in this temper, these last failed not to take advantage of it, to open the negotiation. In order to unite to motives of conscience, personal advantages and temporal interests, they proposed to him to divorce his Queen Jane, with a dispensation from the Pope, because she was an Heretic, and to marry Mary, Queen of Scots, the niece of the Guises, and widow of Francis II, a Princess who united to the charms of youth and beauty, the actual possession of a great kingdom. The King of Navarre, attached to his children, rejected firmly this proposition. They then brought upon the carpet, once more, the exchange of Sardinia, so often proposed in vain. This was the delicate point, which touched him the most sensibly. His hopes indeed, were not very strong; but this negotiation not having been wholly broken off, Manriquez, the Spanish ambassador, by his ordinary artifice, renewed it with so much apparent seriousness, as to re-animate the desires and the confidence of the King of Navarre. Not content with giving him the strongest assurances of the good dispositions of the Catholic King, he proceeded so far as to treat of the means of exchange, and of the quality of the rents and services, which the King of Navarre should render the crown of Spain, as acknowledgments of its sovereignty. They debated these clauses and conditions as seriously, as if they were upon the point of signing the treaty. The character of the King of Navarre, and his inclination to embrace always the most honorable and plausible measures, favored the designs of the Catholics. (To be continued.)
From WEBSTER'S DISSERTATIONS on the ENGLISH LANGUAGE. OF MODERN CORRUPTIONS in the ENGLISH PRONUNCIATION.
(CONCLUDED.)
BUT whatever may be the practice in England or Ireland, there are few in America who have embraced it, as it is explained in Sheridan's Dictionary. In the middle and southern States, there are a few, and those well bred people, who have gone far in attempting to imitate the fashion of the day.* Yet the body of the people, even in these States, remain as unfashionable as ever; and the eastern States generally adhere to their ancient custom of speaking, however vulgar it may be thought by their neighbors.† Suppose custom therefore to be the jus et norma , the rule of correct speaking, and in this country, it is directly opposed to the plan now under consideration.
As a nation, we have a very great interest in opposing the introduction of any plan of uniformity with the British language, even were the plan proposed perfectly unexceptionable. This point will be afterwards discussed more particularly; but I would observe here, that the author who has the most admirers and imitators in this country, has been censured in London, where his character is highly esteemed, and that too by men who are confessedly partial to his general plan. In the critical review of Sheridan's Dictionary , 1781, there are the following exceptions to his standard.
"Nevertheless our author must not be surprized if, in a matter, in its nature so delicate and difficult, as that concerning which he treats, a doubt should here and there arise, in the minds of the most candid critics, with regard to the propriety of his determinations. For instance, we would wish him to reconsider, whether in the words which begin with super , such as superstition , superfede , he is right in directing them to be pronounced shoo-per . Whatever might be the case in Queen Ann's time, it doth not occur to us, that any one at present, above the lower ranks, speaks these words with the sound of sh ; or that a good reason can be given, for their being thus founded. Nay their being thus spoken is contrary to Mr. Sheridan's own rule; for he says that the letter s always preserves its own proper sound at the beginning of words."
Here we are informed by this gentleman's admirers, that, in some instances, he has imposed upon the world, as the standard of purity, a pronunciation which is not heard, except among the lower ranks of people, and directly opposed to his own rule. The reviewers might have extended their remarks to many other instances, in which he has deviated from general practice and from every rule of the language. Yet at the voice of this gentleman, many of the Americans are quitting their former practice, and running into errors with an eagerness bordering on insatiation.
Customs of the court and stage, it is confessed, rule without resistance in monarchies. But what have we to do with the customs of a foreign nation? Detached as we are from all the world, is it not possible to circumscribe the power of custom , and lay it, in some degree, under the influence of propriety ? We are sensible that in foreign courts, a man's reputation may depend on a genteel bow, and his fortune may be lost by wearing an unfashionable coat. But have we advanced to that stage of corruption, that our highest ambition is to be as particular in fashions as other nations? In matters merely indifferent, like modes of dress, some degree of conformity to local custom is necessary; but when this conformity requires a sacrifice of any principle of propriety or moral rectitude, singularity becomes an honorable testimony of an independent mind. A man of a great soul would sooner imitate the virtues of a cottage, than the vices of a court; and would deem it more honorable to gain one useful idea from the humble laborer, than to copy the vicious pronunciation of a splendid court, or become an adept in the licentious principles of a Rochester and a Littleton .
It will not be disputed that Sheridan and Scott have very faithfully published the present pronunciation of the English court and theatre. But if we may consult the rules of our language and consider them as of any authority; if we may rely on the opinions of Kenrick and the reviewers; if we may credit the best informed of people who have travelled in Great-Britain, this practice is modern and local, and considered, by the judicious and impartial, even of the English nation, as a gross corruption of the pure pronunciation.
Such errors and innovations should not be imitated, because they are found in authors of reputation. The works of such authors should rather be considered as lights to prevent our falling upon the rocks of error. There is no more propriety in our imitating the practice of the English theatre, because it is described by the celebrated Sheridan , than there is in introducing the manners of Rochester or the principles of Bolingbroke , because these were eminent characters; or than there is in copying the vices of a Shylock , a Lovelace , or a Richard III. because they are well described by the masterly pens of Shakespeare and Richardson . So far as the correctness and propriety of speech are considered as important, it is of as much consequence to oppose the introduction of that practice in this country, as it is to resist the corruption of morals, which ever attends the wealthy and luxurious stage of national refinements.
Had Sheridan adhered to his own rules and to the principle of analogy; had he given the world a consistent scheme of pronunciation, which would not have had, for its unstable basis, the fickle practice of a changeable court, he would have done infinite service to the language: Men of science, who wish to preserve the regular construction of the language, would have rejoiced to find such a respectable authority on the side of propriety; and the illiterate copiers of fashion must have rejected faults in speaking, which they could not defend.
The corruption however has taken such deep root in England, that there is little probability it will ever be eradicated. The practice must there prevail, and gradually change the whole structure of the Latin derivatives. Such is the force of custom, in a nation where all fashionable people are drawn to a point, that the current of opinion is irresistible; individuals must fall into the stream and be borne away by its violence; except perhaps a few philosophers, whose fortitude may enable them to hold their station, and whose sense of propriety may remain, when their power of opposition has ceased.
But our detached situation, local and political, gives us the power, while pride, policy, and a regard for propriety and uniformity among ourselves, should inspire us with a disposition, to oppose innovations, which have not utility for their object.
We shall find it difficult to convince Englishmen that a corrupt taste prevails in the British nation. Foreigners view the Americans with a degree of contempt; they laugh at our manners, pity our ignorance, and as far as example and derision can go, obtrude upon us the customs of their native countries. But in borrowing from other nations, we should be exceedingly cautious to separate their virtues from their vices; their useful improvements from their false refinements. Stile and taste, in all nations, undergo the same revolutions, the same progress from purity to corruption, as manners and government; and in England the pronunciation of the language has shared the same fate. The Augustan era is past, and whether the nation perceive and acknowledge the truth or not, the world, as impartial spectators, observe and lament the declension of taste and science.
The nation can do little more than read the works and admire the beauties of the original authors, who have adorned the preceding ages. A few, ambitious of fame, or driven by necessity, crowd their names into the catalogue of writers, by imitating some celebrated model, or by compiling from the productions of genius. Nothing marks more strongly the declension of genius in England, than the multitude of plays, farces, novels and other catchpenny pieces, which swell the list of modern publications.
and that host of compilers, who, in the rage for selecting beauties and abridging the labor of reading, disfigure the works of the purest writers in the nation. Cicero did not waste his talents in barely reading and selecting the beauties of Demosthenes ; and in the days of Addison , the beauties of Milton , Locke and Shakespeare were to be found only in their works. But taste is corrupted by luxury; utility is forgotten in pleasure; genius is buried in dissipation, or prostituted to exalt and to damn contending factions, and to amuse the idle debauchees that surround a licentious stage.¶
These are the reasons why we should not adopt promiscuously their taste, their opinions, their manners. Customs, habits, and language, as well as government should be national. America should have her own distinct from all the world. Such is the policy of other nations, and such must be our policy, before the States can be either independent or respectable. To copy foreign manners implicitly, is to reverse the order of things, and begin our political existence with the corruptions and vices which have marked the declining glories of other republics.
* There are many people, and perhaps the most of them in the capital towns, that have learnt a few common place words, such as torchin , nachur , virchue and half a dozen others, which they repeat on all occasions; but being ignorant of the extent of the practice, they are, in pronouncing most words, as vulgar as ever.
† It should be remarked that the late President of Pennsylvania, the Governor of New-Jersey, and the President of New-York college, who are distinguished for erudition and accuracy, have not adopted the English pronunciation.
‡ Not between different nations, but in the same nation. The manners and fashions of each nation should arise out of their circumstances, their age, their improvements in commerce and agriculture.
§ Sheridan , as an improver of the language, stands among the first writers of the British nation, and deservedly. His lectures on elocution and on reading, his treatises on education, and for the most part his rhetorical grammar, are excellent and almost unexceptionable performances. In these, he encountered practice and prejudices, when they were found repugnant to obvious rules of propriety. But in this Dictionary he seems to have left his only defensible ground, propriety, in pursuit of that phantom, fashion. He asserted his own principles, as the reviewers observe; and where he has done this, every rational man should desert his standard.
|| From this description must be excepted some arts which have for their object, the pleasures of sense and imagination; as music and painting; and sciences which depend on fixed principles, and not opinion, as mathematics and philosophy. The former flourish in the last stages of national refinement, and the latter are always proceeding towards perfection by discoveries and experiment. Criticism also flourishes in Great-Britain: Men read and judge accurately, when original writers cease to adorn the sciences. Correct writers precede just criticism.
MASSACHUSETTS STATE LOTTERY.
THE Managers of the STATE LOTTERY, present the Public, with the First Class of the Massachusetts Semi-annual State Lottery , which will commence drawing in the Representatives' Chamber , in Boston, on the Seventeenth of March next, or sooner, if the Tickets shall be disposed of.
SCHEME.
NOT TWO BLANKS TO A PRIZE.
25,000 Tickets, at Five Dollars each, are 125,000 Dollars, to be paid in the following Prizes, subject to a deduction of twelve and an half per cent. for the use of the Commonwealth.
   Prizes. Dollars. Dollars.     1 of 10000 is 10000   2 of 3000 are 6000   3 of 2000 6000   6 of 1000 6000   10 of 500 5000   30 of 200 6000   80 of 100 8000   90 of 50 4500   190 of 40 4000   120 of 30 3600   161 of 29 3229   200 of 10 2000   7585 of 8 60680   8388 Prizes. 125000   16612 Blanks.  
25000. TICKETS may be had of the several Managers, who will pay the Prizes on demand—of the TREASURER of the Commonwealth—of JAMES WHITE, at his Book-Store, Franklin's-Head, Court-Street, and at other places as usual.
BENJAMIN AUSTIN, jun. DAVID COBB, SAMUEL COOPER, GEORGE R. MINOT, JOHN KNEELAND, } Managers.
Boston, July 28, 1790.
PURSUANT to a Resolve or act of Congress of the 10th day of May, 1780, relative to the destruction of Loan-Office Certificates by accident; notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that on the 2d day of January 1780, the house occupied by the subscriber in Market-Street, Philadelphia, took fire and was consumed, in which was lodged a number of Loan-Office certificates as pr. list below, all which were destroyed by the said fire: Therefore if any person, hath any objection why the said Certificates should not be renewed, agreeable to the resolves of Congress, they must make them before the expiration of three months, from the date hereof.
Invoice of Loan-Office Certificates destroyed in the house of John Holker on the 2d day of January 1780.
   1778. No. Dols.     March 13. 1636 1 Samuel Cooke, jun. New-York, 600   1673 1 ditto. dc. 600   Dollars, 1200.  
In testimony whereof I have signed the present for publication. New-York, July 26th, 1790. HOLKER.
JOHN FRANCIS,
Late of NEW-YORK, respectfully informs the public, that he has opened a
Commodious Boarding House,
NO. 53. FOURTH-STREET, one door from Race-Street, WHERE Gentlemen may be accommodated with GENTLE BOARDING AND LODGING, By the Week, Month, or Year, and on the most moderate terms. Phila. Nov. 20, 1790.—[2aw.gm.]
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