National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-02-09 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1792.
NUMB. 30.
LEGISLATURE of the UNITED STATES.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Friday, Feb. 3.
IN committee of the whole, on the Cod fishery bill—Mr. W. Smith in the chair—The first section being read as follows:
“Be it enacted, &c. That the bounty now allowed on the exportation of dried fish of the fisheries of the United States, shall cease on all dried fish exported after the tenth day of June next; and in lieu thereof, and for the more immediate encouragement of the said fisheries, there shall be afterwards paid, on the last day of December, annually, to the owner of every vessel, or his agent, by the collector of the district where such vessel may belong, that shall be qualified agreeably to law, for carrying on the bank and other cod fisheries, and that shall actually have been employed therein at sea, for the term of four months at least, of the fishing season next preceding (which season is accounted to be from the last day of Feb. to the last day of Nov. in every year) for each and every ton of such vessel's burthen, according to her admensuration, as licenced or enrolled, if of twenty tons and not exceeding thirty tons, one and a half dollars, and if above 30 tons, two and a half dollars, of which bounty, three eighth part shall accrue and belong to the owner of such fishing vessel, and the other five eighths thereof shall be divided by him, his agent, or lawful representative, to and among the several fishermen who shall have been employed in such vessel, during the season aforesaid, or a part thereof, as the case may be, in such proportions as the fish they shall respectively have taken may bear to the whole quantity of fish taken on board such vessel during such season:—Provided that the bounty, to be allowed and paid on any vessel for one season, shall not exceed 170 dollars.”
Mr. Giles expressed some doubt respecting the principle of the bill; and for the purpose of collecting the sense of the committee on the subject, he thought the most effectual means would be a motion to amend the bill, by striking out the whole section.
He accordingly made the motion,—observing at the same time, that he could not positively assert, whether the reasons which determined him against the principle of the bill, were well founded or not—that, in matters where a local preference is given, it is necessary to accommodate; and he would be happy if his objections could be removed.
The present section of the bill (he continued) appears to contain a direct bounty on occupations—and if that be its object, it is the first attempt as yet made by this government to exercise such authority; and its constitutionality struck him in a doubtful point of view; for in no part of the constitution could he, in express terms, find a power given to Congress to grant bounties on occupations: the power is neither directly granted, nor (by any reasonable construction that he could give) annexed to any other power specified in the constitution: it might perhaps be brought in under a mode of construction already adopted by the house, viz. that of “ways and means”; by which any power whatever might be equally implied: but he wished ever to see some connection between a specified power, and the means adopted for carrying it into execution.
There is a great difference between giving encouragement, and granting a direct bounty.—Congress have a right to regulate commerce: and any advantage thereby resulting to a particular occupation connected with commerce, comes within that authority: but when a bounty is proposed to a particular employment or occupation, this is stepping beyond the circle of commerce; and such a measure will affect the whole manufacturing and agricultural system. In all cases, the revenue, to be employed in this bounty, is drawn from all the sources of revenue in the United States, and confined to a particular object. He was averse to bounties in almost every shape, as derogations from the common right; and he thought there would be no great difficulty in proving that a government is both unjust and oppressive in establishing exclusive rights, monopolies, &c. without some very substantial merit in the persons to whom they are granted; altho’ even in that case, the propriety of such grants is still questionable.
Under a just and equal government, every individual is entitled to protection in the enjoyment of the whole product of his labor, except such portion of it as is necessary to enable government to protect the rest; this is given only in consideration of the protection offered. In every bounty, exclusive right, or monopoly, government violates the stipulation on her part: for, by such a regulation, the product of one man's labor is transferred to the use and enjoyment of another: the exercise of such a right on the part of government can be justified upon no other principle, than that the whole product of the labor of every individual is the real property of government, and may be distributed among the several parts of the community by governmental discretion; such a supposition would directly involve the idea, that every individual in the community is merely a slave and bondman to government, who, altho’ he may labor is not to expect protection in the product of his labor. An authority given to any government to exercise such a principle, would lead to a complete system of tyranny.
He entertained fewer doubts, respecting the principle, as it regards political economy. All occupations that stand in need of bounties, instead of increasing the real wealth of a country, rather tend to lessen it; the real wealth of every country consisting in the active product of useful labor employed in it: it is therefore bad policy to encourage any occupation, that would diminish instead of increasing the aggregate wealth of the community: and if an occupation is really productive, and augments the general wealth, bounties are unnecessary to its support; for when it reimburses the capital employed, and yields a profit besides, it may be said to support itself:—when it fails in these points, any forced advantage, that is given to it by the government, only tends to decrease the wealth of the country.
The subject however might (he observed) be considered in a more favorable point of view,—and that is, whether the provision be essential to the defence of the United States, and whether the bounties proposed in the bill were more than equivalent to the portion of defence that would be procured by them. The bill does not (in his opinion) contain that kind of encouragement, which is essential to the national defence. Any man, who takes a view of this country, must be convinced, that its real support rises from the land, and not from the sea: and the opposite mistake must have arisen merely from a servile imitation of the conduct of Great-Britain: the inhabitants of this country heretofore thought favorably of her government, and the revolution has not yet altered their former ideas respecting it.
But the circumstances of the two countries will, on examination, be found widely different: Britain, surrounded by the sea on every side, finds a navy necessary to support her commerce; whilst America, possessed of an immense territory, and having yet ample room to cultivate that territory, has no occasion to contend by sea with any European power—her strength and her resources are all to be found within the United States; and if she but attends to her internal resources, the object of national defence will be much better answered.
He next proceeded to consider whether that portion of the national defence which might be derived from the fisheries, would not be purchased at too high a price. Although the apparent intention of the bill is only to convert the present existing drawbacks into a bounty, yet the drawbacks being allowed only to the actual exportation of the fish, and the bounty being granted on the tonnage of the fishing vessels, there can be no comparative value between the drawback and the bounty; they have no necessary relation to each other; and the latter may exceed the former, or the former exceed the latter.—He had made a calculation, and upon the most favorable principles, grounded on the reports of the secretary of the treasury and the secretary of state.
Here he produced a calculation, tending to shew, that the proposed bounty, on the tonnage of the fishing vessels, would considerably exceed the amount of the present drawbacks. From a comparison between the bounty, and the number of sailors employed in the fisheries, he shewed, what an expence each man would be to the United States; and, after other remarks, observed, that even Great-Britain, whose whole national support and defence depends on her navy, had found, that the men employed in the fisheries, though so necessary for that defence, cost her too much:—that America, whose consequence, as a nation, does not depend on a navy, ought to take a lesson from the experience of Britain:—that she did not wish to enter into a competition with Britain and France, in supplying the different markets with fish; that, as those nations are able to hold out greater encouragement to their fishermen, than we can to ours, we would by such a competition, only exhaust the treasury of the United States to no purpose: and upon this principle alone, he thought there was some reason to doubt the policy of the measure proposed in the section under consideration, which therefore he hoped the committee would agree to strike out, unless his objections could be obviated.
Mr. Murray observed, that, in order to demonstrate the propriety of the measure, it would be incumbent on the friends of the bill, first, to prove that the fishery trade is in a state of decay; that the stock employed in it does not yield the ordinary profits, so as to justify the merchants in embarking their capital in this branch of trade; that there is a system of defence in contemplation, which the circumstances of the country call for, and which this trade is calculated to furnish; that other branches of trade, which do not stand in need of encouragement, are not equally capable of furnishing seamen for the purpose; that this particular object so peculiarly claims the attention and encouragement of the United States, as to leave far behind every consideration of the manufacturing interest, the agricultural, &c. All this he thought necessary for gentlemen to prove, and to show some very strong necessity for encouraging one particular class of men, in preference to all others.
Mr. Goodhue. It happens, that the fisheries of the United States are almost entirely confined to the state of Massachusetts; and they furnish a considerable, a principal portion of our export trade. As we are a part of the United States, the United States in general are interested in the prosperity of that branch of business, so far at least as it contributes to the national defence:—
It furnishes a copious nursery of hardy seamen, and offers a never-failing source of protection to the commerce of the United States. If we engage in a war with any European power, those seamen will be excluded from their ordinary employment, and must have recourse to privateering. During the late war with Britain, we annoyed the enemy more in that line, than all others; and had it not been for privateering, it would often have been impossible to keep together our armies, who frequently, in the hour of need, were supplied by the volunteers with ammunition and cloathing, of which they were wholly destitute. All that we wish to obtain by this bill, is that we may not be burdened with duties. An opinion has been entertained, that no drawbacks ought to be allowed on the re-exportation of articles imported from foreign countries: but if this opinion were to obtain in practice, and no drawbacks were to be admitted, we must confine our importations to articles for our own consumption.
The drawback, allowed by the existing law, on the exportation of salt fish, was calculated to be only equal to the duty beforehand paid on the quantity of salt used in curing the fish: but the fishermen complain, that as the act now stands, they are wholly excluded from any participation in the benefit, which centers entirely in the coffers of the merchants:—the object of the present bill, is only to repay the same money into the hands of those persons who are immediately concerned in catching the fish; and there can be no reasonable objection to such a transfer of the drawback, as government will not lose a single dollar by the change. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Giles] talks of the unconstitutionality of granting bounties: but no bounty is required:—we only ask in another mode, the usual drawback for the salt, used on the fish: if we can make it appear that the bill does not contemplate any greater sums to be drawn from the treasury, than are already allowed, it is to be hoped, that no further opposition will be made to the measure: and that this is really the case, can be proved by documents from the treasury office:—
Here he read a statement, and calculation, to prove his assertion; and to shew, that the United States will probably pay one thousand dollars per annum less in the proposed bounties on the tonnage of the fishing vessels, than they would in the drawbacks on the exportation of the fish.
The fishermen (he continued), are now under no controul: and in consequence of this want of a proper restraint, they often take whims into their heads, and quit the vessels during the fishing season. To prevent the inconveniences of this practice the bill contemplates their exclusion from the boundary, unless they enter into such contracts and regulations, as may be found necessary for the proper and successful conducting of the business, which, from our advantageous situation would be entirely in our hands, if we did not meet with such opposition and discouragement from foreign nations, whose bounties to their own fishermen, together with the duties laid upon our fish, would, to persons, less advantageously situated than us, amount almost to a total prohibition.
In the report from the Secretary of state, a drawback is contemplated of the duties on all foreign articles, used by the seamen employed in the fishing trade, such as coffee, rum, &c. &c.—but we ask it, on the salt alone; nor is it asked as a bounty, but merely as a transfer from the hand of the merchant to that of the fisherman.
Mr. White had no objection to give the trade a proper degree of encouragement; but he did not relish the idea of granting bounties:—if any gentlemen would prepare an amendment, so as to make them drawbacks in fact as well as in words, he would consent to the measure.
Mr. Ames said that he liked the word ‘bounty,’ which he thought a proper one,—that the House ought to adhere to the use of words, as settled by practice;—and that it would be paying too great a deference to common opinion, to alter words for the sake of meeting the ideas of the people.
He could easily (he said) if it were necessary, shew, that the government possesses a constitutional power to provide for the national defence in the way hinted at by the gentlemen who opposed the bill; and has as good a right to establish a militia on the water, as on land; and that the landed interest depends on such a mode of defence, for the safe transportation of their produce to its proper market.
He was not ignorant, that the encouragement, held out in the bill, had every where been represented as a bounty:—that local interests were said to be preferred to national ones; and that the treasury would be drained, to the advantage of the eastern states, and the disadvantage of all the rest of the union:—supposing however that Congress does not possess a right to provide for the National welfare,—supposing also that the measure under contemplation would promote the interest of only a part of the nation, still it cannot be denied, that the people have a right to keep their own money, which is all that is contended for.
The friends of the bill (he said) justly entertain the greatest confidence in the sufficiency as well as the simplicity of the grounds on which it is founded. If the existing law be found inadequate to the purposes for which it was intended, the same power that originally enacted, possesses equal authority to alter and amend it. Every person who is acquainted with the fishery business, must be sensible, that its defects are great: a bounty is given, a drawback is allowed, on the
exportation of fish: this must have been intended either to facilitate the taking of the fish, or to procure it a vent in foreign markets: when cents are allowed on the exportation of a quintal of fish, it is the merchant, who receives all the advantage; for before the fish comes to him, it passes through so many hands, that the fisherman's share of the benefit is very small indeed: the whole of the encouragement, or a very considerable part of it, must be lost to him, and thus the good intentions of government disappointed:—and this alone is a sufficient reason for making an alteration in the former law.
It is not required that the fishermen should be treated with greater indulgence than other classes of citizens: all that is expected is, that they be not treated worse: they trust the United States with their money, on condition of having it repaid to them on the exportation of their fish, let themselves receive the whole of it. At present, those drawbacks prove a heavy expense to government, though but a very small part of them comes to the fishermen:—this is a bad system, and loudly calls for a reform. The bounty, as it is now given, is very remote, and offers but a feeble encouragement; it is likewise uncertain, as it is not possible to ascertain what quantity of fish will be taken.
In more instances than one, the House has been seriously warned of the evils attendant on drawbacks: the experience of other countries has shown, that the drawbacks on a particular article often swallow up the whole duty: a great part of the fish, said to be exported, will cost government considerable sums, without operating as a bounty at all:—that is to say, that many frauds will be committed: it is to be hoped, however, that the fishermen will not be saddled with the whole duty of the salt employed, without being allowed the drawback when the fish actually is exported.
Here Mr. Ames quoted letters from respectable characters in Marblehead, respecting the quantities of salt used, and of fish exported, &c. &c. whence he concluded, that the drawback, instead of proving an encouragement to the fishermen, rather operates as a direct tax on their fish: and when we are told that all nations are combining to crush our fisheries, ought we also to co-operate with them in oppressing the oppressed, and to destroy a valuable branch of fishery, which, in time of peace, enriches us, and protects us in time of war?
The question will be, whether, if the former law be a bad one, the present bill provides a sufficient remedy. The latter proposes the money, to be paid by government, shall be allowed, or rather repaid to the fishermen, under a new contract: the new contract will be more advantageous to government, and the regulations, proposed for the government of the fishermen, will tend to produce a greater quantity of fish to an equal quantity of tonnage. In this business, however, it is but estimate opposed to estimate, there being no certain returns, by which to fix the quantum of duty paid by the fishermen, the quantity of their fish exported, or the amount of their tonnage: but even though the most satisfactory proofs cannot be given, that government will never lose by the change, this ought not to destroy the bill: for although a small quantity of fish may be taken this year, the next season may produce a larger; and it is well known, that the quantity of fish is every year increasing, in proportion to the tonnage.
It is a flattering light, to observe that the quantity of fish, taken by other nations, is less than we take with fewer seamen and fewer tons of shipping: this shews the superior skill and industry of our seamen, who are daily making a considerable progress, in consequence of which, they now take more fish than formerly.
If, by the regulations in the bill, the quantity of fish be increased, the duties, paid to government, will also increase, although the bounty on the vessels will not increase in the same proportion. To shew that the allowance proposed in the bill, is not more than the vessels will be entitled to, it is only necessary to observe, that unless a vessel takes a certain quantity of fish in proportion to her tonnage, the whole of the bounty will be saved by government; whereas, if she takes more, the bounty is still to be the same.
These are the principal facts, on which the defence of the bill is to rest: we do not undertake to say that there will not be some years, when the allowance may happen to exceed what is now given. It is acknowledged, that in bad years, government will have to pay more by the ton than by the quintal; but we have only to make an average of years, and to take care, that government shall, on the whole, give the fishermen no more than what is their own. And here it might be remarked, that the expectations of the fishermen are very modest; and that there are perhaps no class of men in the United States, who have greater claims to public munificence, or have made less. While foreign nations were making their regulations on both sides, and dictating both to buyer and seller, our fishermen had a right to expect, that government would do something in their favor; and, at the formation of the present government, few people expected that so little would be demanded.
He further observed, that government are not going to give a single dollar of the public money; but even if they did, they would be richly remunerated;—that the fishery has struggled under innumerable difficulties, from its very commencement;—that, although we be not in a condition
(See last page.)

PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Feb. 6.
A member from Maryland, John Francis Mercer, elected in the room of William Pinkney, who had resigned, appeared and took his seat.
A petition of James Jackson was presented to the House praying that the trial of the contested election of Anthony Wayne, a member returned from Georgia, which was assigned for this day, may be postponed for twenty days; which was granted; and that Monday the 27th inst. be assigned for the trial.
The House then, on considering the report of the committee relative to the petition of Gifford Dally, resolved that said Dally be allowed one dollar and an half per day for service as door keeper, during the recess of Congress.
A petition was read, from John Lockman, praying relief for injuries sustained while surgeon in the United States Hospital during the war—referred to the Secretary at War.
A petition of the tanners of the town of Newark in New-Jersey was read, complaining of grievances from the erection of mills for grinding bark for exportation, and praying relief—ordered to lie on the table.
The House then, in committee of the whole, proceeded to consider the bill sent from the Senate on the Bank and other codfisheries—which, after some debate, was resolved to be proceeded on again to morrow.
TUESDAY, Feb. 7.
The petition of the tanners of the town of Newark was read a second time and referred to a select committee.
A report was laid before the House from the Secretary of the Treasury, stating the amount of the unsubscribed debt of the United States, which was referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
Mr. Benson, from the committee appointed, reported a bill for apportioning representatives amongst the people of the several states, according to the first enumeration; and providing for a second enumeration, and for an apportionment of representatives thereon, after March 3d, 1797—which was read a first time.
The House then, in committee of the whole, resumed the consideration of the fishery bill.
Considerable debate took place on the motion for striking out the first section of the bill, which proposes bounties to fishermen—on which the question being taken, it passed in the negative, yeas 26, nays 31; so that the section was retained.
The committee then rose, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again.
For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
Thoughts on the EXCISE LAW, so far as it respects the Western Country. By H. H. BRACKENRIDGE, of Pittsburg.
I AM not one of those who have appeared in committees on this subject in the western country. Nevertheless my objections to the law, as locally unequal and oppressive, were not less strong than of those who did appear. I confine myself to the local reasons which operate against the tax.
First, That the want of export, by reason of the obstruction that exists to the trade of the Mississippi makes it necessary to convert our grain by distillation into the article of whiskey; and hence more distillation, in perhaps a ten fold proportion, than according to wealth and numbers, in any other part of the United States. This circumstance is, of itself, sufficient to justify a suspension of the tax until the navigation of that river is recluded, with the privilege of landing and storeage on the bank, a right which is the natural appendant of the water.
Secondly, To the impost paid by that country on teas, coffees, sugars, salt, dry goods, &c. is added the expense of a distant carriage, six pence in every pound: of course, there ought to be at least a scale of reduction in favour of the western country.
Thirdly, The means of agriculture there, are not at hand: the salt, the iron, chiefly in the small towns; the mill, the smithery, at a distance: a rugged country; bad roads; much time spent by the farmer in providing himself with necessaries to carry on his husbandry. The daily labourer, the mechanics of every kind are few, and from that scarcity, the price of work and utensils and implements is high, and falls heavy on the cultivator of the soil. His distillery is the only means by which he can supply himself, by barter, with what he wants. It is said the consumer only pays; but the distiller in the first instance pays money and receives none. He receives dry goods from the stores, or the articles necessary to his agricultural pursuits.
Fourthly, That the country is truly a country of distress and woe, subject to all the evils of the late war, the drain of riflemen and light troops for the army on the sea coast, the militia services by those at home, or oppression of the cottager in hiring a substitute to save his absence from a wife and children wanting bread; his insecurity and watchings and removals from his tene-
ment, on alarms, or his expeditions in pursuit of the parties that had murdered in his neighbourhood: of the late war, did I say? this has been continued to him for a period of seven years, since the remainder of the continent has been at peace: a period of seven years of a war more than the other parts have felt, and with a foe of inhumanity even worse than the troops of Great-Britain when at the commencement of the contest, they did not consider us entitled to the privileges of the laws of civilized warfare. Add to this, with respect to the four Pennsylvania counties, that the unsettled state of property from disputed titles, owing to the jarring claims of that state and Virginia, and adjustment on the laws of both, and to the uncertainty of legal title, interlaced with the doctrine of improvement, fancioned by county court verdicts and judgments, and various in the supreme court decisions, every case almost being sui generis, and dependant on its own circumstances. Distributive justice and the expenses of suits, has therefore been a heavy burthen on the greater part of these inhabitants.
This is therefore no country from whence to raise a revenue. It is yet at best but a nursery; and from whence you are not to expect fruit. Take your apples from your orchards, and let these young trees grow; they will bear fruit in due time.
Yes; but it is said, that the population of this country is unfavorable to the general interests of the midland and sea-coast parts; and therefore ought to be discouraged and oppressed. Adopt that principle and I have no answer. But that principle ought to have been avowed and known before the settlement; that men might not have been betrayed into a purchase and emigration. As it was a principle not known or understood, it cannot without injustice be now applied. But I say it is the true policy of the government of these states to favour emigration and the settlement of the western country—It may render less populous the midland parts, but the numbers are not lost: they are within the jurisdiction of our government and the population must be more rapid in proportion as between an older and a newer country. The idea of a new and unoccupied territory, has drawn and will draw thousands not from the bosom of our settlements, but from the continent of Europe, the kingdom of France especially, who would never otherwise have thought of mixing and sitting down with our more populated settlements. We have now a small town, but may soon have a great city of this last polished people.
Those therefore who think and act on the contrasted principles of checking emigration discover a contracted mind, and were I a great emperor, they should never be grand vizirs or ministers of state to me. I am for filling up the whole canvas of the United States territory, and for overcoming Indians, favouring settlement, and pushing out a column of inhabitants as speedily as possible to take the flank of Canada; and secure the western Indians in amity before they are made hostile by our rivals.
I consider the western country as the tiers etat, or third estate of the union, and, as necessary to hold the balance in the interests of the east and south parts. There is nothing, in my contemplation, will contribute more to the duration of our empire than such a balance. It will also serve to counterbalance the weight of the monied interests and germ of aristocracy, in the richer capitals, by preserving a bed of simplicity and true republicanism. In this point of view, every politician who wishes a long date to what we have acquired by our wars and victories, will countenance these ideas.
I have been silent in the western country, not willing to incur the suspicion of being a mover of sedition, or to be so; I state my opinions here, that they may come before the eyes of those who may give redress; the representatives of the United States. The ultramontane inhabitants, are in fact but hewers of wood and drawers of water, at this moment. So far from luxury that they are not above want. The great proportion on the frontier, that, on alarms, are obliged to desert their fields, and leave them uncultivated, feel the distress of this in the want of food for themselves or cattle. The more inland people are like troops called constantly from the centre of the camp to protect the front line. The collecting revenue from this quarter ought not therefore to be thought of so soon. Let the tax be suspended, or a scale made proportioned to these circumstances.
I profess, had I it in my power, and was answerable for the success of provision for the public debt, I would adopt this policy; because, with respect to these people, the thing is palpably so unequal and oppressive that it cannot be borne. It amounts to a prohibition of distillation altogether; and opposition necessarily generated in one quarter may communicate to another, and take flame where there are not the same strokes of the steel originally to produce it. These thoughts I submit respectfully to the Secretary of the Treasury or the representatives of the people, if an eye should be cast on this paper.
I have just to add farther; let peace be given to the western country; let the use of the waters to the ocean be established; let them have a little time to breathe and recover loss, and feel vi-
gor, and if they do not submit to every demand of contribution to the revenue, I shall be the first to bear testimony against them in their country, as I have done heretofore when I thought them wrong. But I know the yeomanry are honest, though sometimes misled, and in due time that country will afford both by trade and tax a substantial revenue to these states, but oppression will make the wife mad, and induce them to resist with intemperance what they ought to resist with reason. The western country is a glorious garden to cultivate, and the fairest blossoms will bloom and the richest fruit grow there for the benefit of this government. It will enable these states to hold both Britain and Spain at bay, and engage the most reasonable treaties of commerce, lest the one lose Canada, or the other the Floridas and the South Mines. Your strength is here, countrymen; cast this anchor to windward, and you are safe.
Philad. Feb. 7.
PHILADELPHIA.
FEBRUARY 9, 1792.
Authentic copy of a letter from a gentleman of character and information in Cape-Francois to his correspondent in this city, dated Cape-Francois, Dec. 28.
SINCE I did myself the honor to write you from hence, under date 4th current, affairs have remained in pretty much the same state throughout the northern district of this colony; I mean with respect to the ravages of the insurgents. The southern and western districts have been obliged to take copious draughts from the cup of bitterness. Should I attempt to recite the melancholy accounts which have presented themselves from day to day during my residence here, you might probably find the detail uninteresting, and it would certainly be prolix. Permit me to acquaint you simply, that since the terrible conflagration at Port-au-Prince on the 21st ult. M. Coutard, the governor of the western district, and M. Jumeacourt, the second in command, have taken up their quarters with the people of colour, at their camp in the parish of Croix-des-Bouquets. Those two gentlemen were of high military rank under the antient government, and have several hundred white adherents now with them. The mulattoes, it is said, look up to M. Coutard as to their god, and all their manoeuvres are directed by him. If he has the power of controuling the operations of that vindictive race, its successes should be carried to his account;—and whatever plausible pretexes he might place on the debit side, the balance would appear infinitely against him. The people of colour assembled at Croix-des-Bouquets, lately sent a deputation to the colonial assembly, and to the commissaires civils, to state their demands;—They not only insist on the exact observance of the concordat and subsequent treaty of peace, entered into some time since in the western district, but also that all the guards nationales soldes of the colonie and the two regiments of Artois and Normandy, shall be immediately sent to France.—And that every white man, be his occupation what it may, who is not in possession of a plantation or other effective property in the colony to the amount of £. 50,000, shall depart the colony forthwith. You may naturally suppose that such extravagant demands will never be complied with.—Those malcontents have not committed such general and indiscriminate ravages in the south and west, as the insurgents have done on this side the island; but they have been guilty of much more bloodshed. They have disarmed the whites in almost every parish from St. Marc southward, Port-au-Prince excepted.—They have afterwards, in the most cruel manner, murdered in cool blood great numbers of those whom they had thus rendered defenceless. Their savage barbarity has spared neither age nor sex. I heard a letter read yesterday, which states, that at Legogone they have basely murdered sixty persons who were in the hospital. Other accounts of their treatment of matrons, virgins, and infants, would make a Nero blush. Is it possible that the French aristocrats can be the stimulators and abettors of all the horrid proceedings which have deluged this colony in blood, and brought it to the brink of ruin, in the illusory hope of thereby effecting a counter-revolution in France? Many circumstances go far to prove the affirmative; but for the honor of human nature, and of a polished nation, I would fain persuade myself that these infernal transactions are only the ebullitions of uncultivated spirits, which have made a sudden transition from the extreme of ignorance and despotic restraint, to certain mistaken ideas of the rights of man, and that unbridled licentiousness consequent thereto.
While new clouds appear to be enveloping the other parts of the colony, and threaten a fresh inundation of misery, the aspect of the political hemisphere in this quarter, appears more serene than for months past. The chiefs of the brigands here, have taken advantage of the general amnesty recently proclaimed by les commissaires civils from France, to make overtures to the colonial assembly for causing their deluded followers to surrender their arms and return to their duty—and for liberating the whites whom they now hold as prisoners. It
was on the 8th current, that two deputies from the insurgents presented themselves at the bar of the assembly, with the proclamation in their hands, and a well written letter from John Francois. No other answer was given, than for those emissaries to retire to their camp, and return at the end of eight days to receive the determination of the assembly respecting the propositions contained in the letter. Accordingly on the 16th, the same emissaries returned, when the president of the assembly addressed them in a firm tone to the following effect: "That it was inconsistent with the dignity of the colonial assembly, to treat with revolted slaves—that whenever they returned to their duty, all the indulgence should be shewn them which could be expected from the known clemency of their proprietors, and consistent with the nature of their case; but the makers and guardians of the laws could not think of holding any intercourse with those who were actually in arms, contrary to all principles of law and order."—He then ordered them instantly to retire. The next day a new deputation from the brigands arrived with a very submissive address, proposing as a proof of their sincere desire of returning to their duty, that they would immediately release all the whites whom they hold as prisoners: they solicited a conference with les commissaires civils, in order to engage their intercession with government.—This application was so favorably received, that on Thursday the 22d current, messieurs les commissaires civils, attended by a strong escort of patriotic cavalry, gave John Francois a rendezvous at the habitation called St. Michel, near Petit Ance, on the side of the bay opposite to this city, that chief threw himself on his knees before the commissaires, and begged that he might be admitted to take advantage of the general amnesty. He likewise supplicated that the same privilege might be extended to his wife, who for some time past has been confined in the prison of this city. He promised that he would cause his partizans to send in the whites, who were held as prisoners as soon as they could possibly be conveyed from the different places where they were confined; and that he would likewise cause all his followers to surrender their arms as expeditionally as possible, and return to their duty upon the plantations, to which they respectively belong.—Several white prisoners have since been sent in, but I do not learn that any arms have yet been surrendered. The assembly remain firm in their resolution, not to hold any correspondence with the brigands, except on the base of unconditional submission. On the 18th current, the frigate La Fine, arrived here in 33 days from Brest, with a detachment of the regiment of Provence on board—and brought the animating intelligence, that great preparations were making in France to dispatch a very respectable force in order to re-establish this valuable colony. Yesterday M. de Blanchelande communicated to the president positive intelligence which he has received, though the public do not know by what route, that 18,000 troops have actually sailed from France destined for this colony. Their arrival here is ardently wished, & momentarily expected. The brigands have always had accurate intelligence of every thing that passes in this city: nay, they must have had some secret friends and abettors in the legislative or administrative assemblies here, since it has been proved that they have been speedily acquainted with what has past, even in a secret committee.—Thus, as they cannot entertain a doubt of the formidable preparations that are making against them, their chiefs are apparently convinced that they cannot extricate themselves or their deluded followers from that labyrinth of misery into which their crimes have driven them. He who arrogated to himself the title of king, now humbly supplicates the clemency of those against whom he has been the principal instrument of committing every species of outrage which the most depraved imagination could suggest. How far it may be politic to accord grace to him and his principal adherents, I will not pretend to say: If to obtain a mitigation of deserved punishment, they should be induced to discover the prime instigators and abettors of the revolt, wherein the same John Francois has acted so conspicuous a part, it might open such a field of recrimination as would give room for unquiet spirits to marshal all the forces of ingenious malice in battle array, so that by artful skirmishing, they could for a long time prevent the return of that concord and reciprocal confidence which alone can restore this colony to its former flourishing state. On this consideration it may be best, that the names of the original conspirators should still remain concealed, and to draw the veil of oblivion over all crimes and misdemeanors that have been the offspring of their nefarious machinations. The alternative of total extirpation or unconditional submission, which is all that is now left for the insurgents, seems to be a guarantee for the continuance of that tranquillity which begins to dawn in the northern district. This is, however, a very critical moment. Those who "are so far advanced in crimes that it is more difficult to return than to proceed," doubtless will to put the finishing stroke to the work of

destruction, before the arrival of the expected force from France shall blast their malignant hopes forever.
Many are firmly persuaded that there are emissaries from the malcontents now concealed in this city, who are determined, if possible, to display the same scene here which was lately exhibited at Port-au-Prince. For several days past reports have been circulated, that a collection of combustibles was discovered in one place—private conversation respecting the plan for burning the city was overheard in another—and suspected persons were arrested in a third. I suppose it has been observed by the principal guardians of the public safety, that the citizens are too apt to relax in their vigilance where they do not apprehend immediate danger; therefore, whether a report like the above is founded on fact, or merely fabricated, it is good policy to give an alarm now and then, to make people more alert in their duty.—More evil is still to be apprehended from the inveterate enmity that exists between certain individuals among the whites themselves , and from that unparalleled degree of insubordination which pervades every department of government, than from any thing that slaves or the intermediate class can operate.—Through the unhappy division of the whites , the people of colour are absolute masters in all the country adjacent to Port-au-Prince, and have long had the power of perpetrating infinite mischief with impunity. They have uniformly declared, that if the ships in the road fired on them, they would instantly set fire to the neighboring habitations. To prevent this impending destruction, M. Crimouard, captain of the Boree 74, and commandant on that station, had very prudently temporized in the expectation, that such force would speedily arrive as would give one party or the other a decided preponderance—recent advices from that quarter state, that on the 17th current, the inferior officers and crews of the Boree, and a frigate which lay before Port-au-Prince, commenced a cannonade upon a post occupied by the mulattoes, not only against the advice, but contrary to the express commands of the commandant and other commissioned officers. The mulattoes immediately proceeded to put their previous threats in execution, and the superb habitations which were situated on the plains of Port-au-Prince, now present to the enquiring eye but so many heaps of ruins!—When the latest accounts came away, on the 18th, the flames were perceived as far as the sight could reach toward Leogane. A rumour prevailed here yesterday, that the equipage of the Boree have massacred M. Crimouard their captain.—I hope this intelligence is premature, for I cannot find any one who knows how it came—all intercourse by land between this and Port-au-Prince having been long cut off, we are dependent upon the variable elements for our communications; and at this season the winds are generally unfavorable to a vessel coming from thence to this port; this accounts for our not having received later advices from that quarter than the foregoing.
It is exceedingly unfortunate for this colony, that ever since the commencement of the revolution, all confidence between the legislative and executive bodies has been annihilated. There is almost as much coolness subsisting between the present colonial assembly and M. de Blanchelande, as there formerly was between the assembly of St. Marc and M. de Penier.—As is asserted respecting the natural , so in the political system , it is apparently true that there are bodies possessed of certain repulsive qualities which cause them mutually to recede from each other, to the great detriment of that order and harmony which is so essential to general felicity. Some do not scruple to assert that so many discordant particles have entered into the composition of the present legislative body of this colony, as must accelerate its dissolution.—Some there are who pretend to such a superior degree of sagacity, that they can perceive in the intrigues of certain members of the colonial assembly, the detestable source of all the evils which have afflicted this colony. Others pretend that, as the fourteen parishes of the western district lately recalled all their deputies, the present assembly, where they continue to sit, is not legally constituted. Not to enter into the merits of this question, one thing is evident even to a superficial observer, like myself; that is, the assembly does not act as if it had great confidence in its own abilities. Its debates are generally desultory, diffuse and indecisive. Mere words, more than the essence of things, seem to occupy its attention. The discussion of the question whether the assembly should style itself “ generale ” or “ coloniale ,” lately occupied it four days, notwithstanding the same important subject had been much agitated by the same body at Leogane last summer.
From observations similar to the foregoing, many judicious men are of opinion that the inhabitants of this colony are not capable of legislating for themselves, but that it is necessary some superior, independent power should decide all their political controversies. The friends of peace and good order apparently place their ultimate hopes for the re-establishment of the colony, upon
the firmness and unanimity of the civil commissaries and of the forces momentarily expected here. If they act in concert for the general good without leaning to one party or the other, or listening to the sinister suggestions of such who would sacrifice the public welfare to their private interest or revenge, tranquility may speedily be restored, and the wealth and happiness of this unique colony may, like the phoenix, be resuscitated from its own ashes with encreasing brilliance.
A letter received from Charleston, via. N. York, of Jan. 19, mentions that port being crowded with ships from England, Holland, and the United States, so as to be obliged to lie four or five a-breast at the wharves, to receive on board their cargoes. The letter adds, that it gives pleasure to every sincere patriot to see many excellent ships carrying the American flag, arriving daily from the northward into Carolina, to wait their produce to the ports of the eastern world.
We are desired to contradict a paragraph in the National Gazette, of January 30. under the Philadelphia head, stating that a contract had been passed at Cape François on the 16th of December for a large quantity of flour from this continent; the latest letters from the Cape mentioning nothing of any such contract, besides other evidences of its falsehood.—The Printers of the Baltimore papers (in which the paragraph first appeared) must therefore have been imposed on by some person, or persons for speculating purposes.
A letter from Cape François, dated Dec. 20, informs that “the revolted slaves, expecting a large army from France, to put an end to their ravages, had, by their deputies, demanded freedom from their leaders, and they would agree to a peace. This, was refused, as unconditional submission will in a short time be required of them.”
The negroes in Jamaica having intimated that they meant to follow the example of their brethren, the French negroes in Hispaniola, the government has declared the execution of martial law through the island upon all insurgents; which it is thought will have some effect in keeping them quiet, in addition to their dread of the wild mountain negroes who are in alliance with the English.
A vessel arrived at New-York from Cape-Francois last Thursday, which place she left the 2d of Jan. The negroes were still pursuing their wonted ravages, in burning and destroying the country. Four hundred troops had arrived from France, and three hundred more were hourly expected, besides four thousand to be looked for the beginning of February. Accounts had been received at the Cape that the remains of Port-au-Prince had been totally destroyed, and the white people and mulattoes as much at variance as ever, the latter having taken possession of St. Marks, and armed several small vessels to intercept shipping bound to Port-au-Prince, in which they had been in some measure successful. Other accounts say, that 20,000 troops were daily expected from France to crush the rebellion, and if possible save the colony from total devastation.
On the 23d of Nov. the Georgia House of Representatives took up the report of their committee on the late election of a member to represent the lower district of that state in congress.—From this report it appeared that Judge Osborne was charged with various abuses of office, all tending to prevent freedom of election in the case referred to, and operating as a daring attack upon the liberties, rights and privileges of the state of Georgia; Gen. James Jackson being the duly elected representative for the said lower district instead of Gen. Anthony Wayne, who had, principally by the influence and mal-practices of said Judge Osborne, been returned as duly elected.
The report being examined into by the Senate, the said Judge Osborne was on Dec. 15, found guilty of all the charges exhibited against him (except the fourth) when the court awarded and adjudged as follows.—that the said Henry Osborne shall be no longer one of the judges of the superior court of the state of Georgia, and that his name be struck off the list of justices in Camden county. Secondly , that he shall be incapable to hold any office of trust, honor, or profit in the state of Georgia for thirty years. Thirdly , that his name shall be struck off the roll of the Attorneys at law. Fourthly , that he shall pay the sum of six hundred dollars, in specie, on or before the first Monday in June next, to defray the actual costs of prosecution; and that the recognizance of the said Henry Osborne and his sureties remain of force, until the said sum be paid into the Treasury, or his body surrendered to the sheriff of Richmond County, in discharge of such sureties.
On the 23d of December, both Houses of Assembly of that state came to the following resolution:
Resolved , That the approbation and thanks of this legislature be communicated to General James Jackson, a Representative from the county of Chatham, for his exertions in
bringing forward to public investigation an attack on the liberties and privileges of the citizens of this state, in the last election for a member to represent this state in the Congress of the United States.
The conduct of the citizens of the state of Georgia, in thus punishing an officer who had made so unjustifiable a use of his appointment, deserves to be highly applauded by every friend to his country. This noble example will prove to our rulers, that the people watch with due circumspection, their rights and privileges, and that they are at all times ready to step forth in defence of them.
Extract of a letter from Greensburg, Jan. 31.
“It is mentioned in a letter from the westward that the powder used on the last Indian expedition was nearly useless, owing to want of strength. It is a fact that the riflemen could not kill a deer with it, and therefore took the precaution to purchase powder for themselves, before they joined the army. The pack-saddles that came down seemed, from their size, rather calculated for the back of the Mammuth, or non-descript animal, than for horses, and were objects of universal contempt, even to Indians.”
WESTERN DISCOVERIES.
It is incredible what pains are taken at this day by more European nations than one to send enterprising travellers to explore the interior regions of America. Among these the British take the lead, and forgetting the narrow insular limits that nature has assigned them, and the various checks they have experienced in the road to universal empire, on this continent, they are still projecting a tributary government in the pathless forests of interior America. A Mr. Stuart, said to be in the employ of the British court, has not long since returned from a four years travels through the hitherto unexplored regions to the westward. Taking his course west south-westerly from the posts on the lakes, he penetrated to the head of the Missouri, and from thence due west to within about 500 miles of the shores of the Pacific ocean. Nothing prevented his reaching the coast but an inveterate war which had been for some years carried on with all the implacability of savage revenge, between the interior Indians and those towards the sea-coast parts. So great, however, was the ardour of the enterprising Mr. Stuart to attain his object [the exploring the continent from sea to sea] that he joined the interior Indians in several battles against the shore Indians, all which coming short of his object, the procuring a peace, after some stay, he returned nearly by the route he pursued in going out.—Our information adds, that beyond the Missouri, Mr. Stuart met with many powerful nations of savages, in general, hospitable and courteous. The Indian nations he visited westward appeared to be a polished civilized people, having regular-built towns, and being in a state of society not far removed from the European, and only wanting the use of iron and steel to be perfectly so. They are always clad in skins, cut in an elegant manner, and in many respects preferable to the garments in use among the whites. Adjacent to these nations is a vast range of mountains, which may be called the Alleghany of the western parts of America, and serves as a barrier against the too frequent incursions of the coast Indians, who entertain a mortal antiquity to the nations and tribes inhabiting the country eastward, beyond the mountains.
Translations from French papers (received by a late arrival at N. York) Nov. 10—15.
PARIS. Letter from the King of France to the French Princes his Brothers.
Paris, October 16. 1791.
I was led to believe that my proceedings in regard to you, and my acceptance of the Constitution, would have been sufficient without any further act on my part, to determine you to return into the kingdom, or at least to abandon the projects you have in hand. Your conduct has since impressed me with an opinion that you are still ignorant of my real intentions. For your sakes, therefore, as well as my own, I will give you my sentiments under my own hand. The wishes of the nation and a desire of peace were my leading motives for accepting the Constitution without limitation or restriction. I saw it was high time that an end should be put to the troubles of France, and finding it was in my power to effect that purpose, by a concurrence, I did not hesitate freely and voluntarily, to sign my acceptance. My determination is now unalterable, and if the new modelled laws require revision, time and reflection must precede amendment. I am fully resolved not to occasion or suffer the least infringement of the laws by any means contrary to the public tranquility, and the Constitution I have accepted.
The motives that have thus swayed me should have a similar influence over yourselves. I invite you then to follow my example. If you still regard the peace and happiness of France, which I have no reason to doubt, you will instantly concur with me in re-establishing both, and putting an end to those apprehensions which agitate the minds of the people. Be wise and moderate, and do all in your power to contribute
to that national felicity, which your absence and unnatural designs and projects tend only to keep at a distance.
I shall do my utmost that all emigrated Frenchmen, who return into the kingdom may be put into full possession of those rights which the law grants to them. Those who wish to shew their attachment to me, will not hesitate. I shall regard a serious attention, on your part, to what I have said, as the greatest proof of your attachment to your brother and of fidelity to your King. Do not expect that I can ever act in concert with you against the nation: my resolution is unchangeable, and you will find me faithful to my declaration.
Signed LOUIS.
Letter from the King to Louis-Stanislaus-Xavier, Prince of France, brother to the King.
Paris, Nov. 11, 1791.
I wrote to you, my brother, the 16th of October last, and you ought not to have entertained a doubt that I expressed my real sentiments. I am astonished my letter has not produced the intended effect. To recall you to your duty I made use of every argument that I thought was likely to influence your mind. Your absence is a pretext for every malevolent character to desert his country, a sort of excuse for all those deluded Frenchmen who suppose they do me service by keeping the nation in a state of disquiet, that is the torment of my existence. The Revolution is finished, the Constitution is completed; such is the will of France, and I will support her will. The salvation of the monarchy depends upon the establishment of the Constitution—a Constitution which has assured your rights, upon terms which ought immediately to be embraced. Believe what I say, my brother, reject those idle doubts which have been imposed upon you relative to my liberty. I am going to prove to you by a most solemn act, and in a matter which deeply interests you, that I can act freely. Approve yourself my brother and a Frenchman by yielding to my importunities; your true place is with me. Your interest, your sentiments, your regards ought to prevail upon you to re-occupy it. I invite you, and if necessary, I command you to return.
Signed LOUIS.
Letter from the King to Charles Philippe, French Prince, one of his Brothers.
Paris, Nov. 11, 1791.
You must doubtless have had information of the decree which the National Assembly has issued relative to the French emigrants from their country. I did not think proper to give my assent, being willing to persuade myself that conciliating measures would have the most effect in producing what the interests of the kingdom demand. My conduct toward you on all occasions can leave you no doubt of my intentions and my wishes. The public peace and my own quiet are concerned alike in your return. You ought no longer to persist in a conduct which perplexes France and afflicts me, without contributing to your real service—Spare me the pain of giving my assent to measures of severity against you—consult your true interest: suffer yourself to be swayed by that attachment which you owe your country—yield to the wishes of France and of your King. Such conduct, on your part, will best prove your sentiments towards me, and will ensure the continuance of those which I have ever entertained for you.
Signed LOUIS.
Ath, Nov. 8. “The Thermometer of the hopes of the French emigrants at Brussels, seems to be at the lowest point. I was much surprised at this sudden change, till one of them gave me a copy of the following note, which you may depend on as authentic.”— Message communicated Nov. 2. 1791 to M. de Laqueuille, a noble emigrant from the emperors ministers in the low countries. —“The governors general have conceived great dissatisfaction at a fact which has just come to their knowledge. Two French officers of the Berwick regiment are arrested at Ostend for having enlisted a number of the emperors subjects. A step so injurious to his majesty's authority and the rights of nations, and in direct opposition to the cartel, is singularly absurd; especially in the relative situation of the French exiles to our government, under the protection of which they have been received in conformity to the rights of hospitality only.—These rights being thus infringed, the guilty are to be prosecuted with all the rigour of the law, and it is with regret we inform the Marquis de Laqueuille, that the late injurious proceedings, in addition to the accounts the government had previously received of the assembling, arming, and plans of the French officers, have induced it to observe in future the most rigid vigilance, with respect to them.—We inform you once and again that the emperors territories in the low countries are not the proper place to raise troops for any invasion whatever. The officers of his majesty's government therefore mean to put the laws strictly in execution against these daring attempts, and those who make themselves liable must blame themselves for the consequences.”
   PRICE OF STOCKS.     Six per cents, per £. - - - 24/9.   Three per cents, - - - 14/10.   Deferred six per cents, - - - 15/.   Final Settlements - - - 23/.   Indents, - - - 14/.   Bank Stock 1-2 Shares 106, pr. ct. prem.   Canal prizes 68 to 70 dol. advance.  

to contend with other nations on sea, yet they have to contend with nature, which has placed them at a distance from the banks, whilst the proximity of our situation enables us to take the fish in larger quantities; that, however, the weight of their bounties would, notwithstanding our natural advantages, have been long since sufficient to have crushed us, if, by their foolish wars, they had not counteracted their own regulations.
It is vain to expect, that our fishery will ever be benefitted by any market in the British isles; for the British take more fish than they can consume, and export the surplus to the Mediterranean; but it is well worthy considering, whether we ought not, upon economical principles, to aid our fishermen, until the European nations be obliged to relinquish the fishery. Every quintal of fish, that we take, operates as a discouragement to their monopolies; and if we can render those monopolies more burdensome to them, they must inevitably give up the contest, as nature is in our favor. The European nations are frequently involved in war; a circumstance which gives our fisheries an opportunity of rising, whilst theirs decline: as a source of wealth, therefore, it is worth our while to protect our fishery, until it is better established; and then it will no longer stand in need of assistance;—If we can but support ours for a little while, we will render the bounties of other nations useless, and destroy their monopolies.
The fishing business is a profitable one, if the nations of Europe would not interfere with us:—and the day will at length come, when we will have sole possession of that field, which nature seems to have intended that we should cultivate alone. Here, perhaps, gentlemen may ask whether we are going to discourage the landed interest, and burden every other branch, in order to encourage the fishermen of Marblehead!—but those fishermen and their families were settled there, before the present Constitution was formed; and have at least as good a right to protection, as the people on the western frontier;—they may say, Congress have as little right to lay a duty on their exports as upon the Rice and Indigo of Carolina:—no such right is given to Congress by the spirit of the Constitution; and yet those people are burdened with a duty, which it is unconstitutional to lay on the people of other parts of the union. If the people of Carolina had even to pay something towards the support of the fisheries, they would still derive sufficient advantage to compensate them; for how can they be sure of their ability to export, except by being protected in time of war, and supplied with carriage in time of peace?
There is an infinite quantity of the produce of this country, which finds a market merely in consequence of our going to seek it: there is no place, to which our vessels do not go in quest of one: if we were to wait, until foreign nations should visit our ports, to look for supplies, their own economy would perhaps in the mean time supply their wants, or they might be ignorant of our ability to supply them. If it be disadvantageous to have foreigners coming here to dictate the terms of sale, it must be to our advantage to have more shipping: and in time of war, how are we to secure our property on sea? the place, where we are most exposed, is out of our own ports, where we meet with people who are tempted to offer us violence, under an idea of our inability to resist or retaliate: but if our navy was strengthened by the Fisheries, no nation would dare to insult us.
That the Fishermen are also capable of serving their country on land, as well as on sea, the events of the late war sufficiently testify. No small share of honor, acquired by our troops in the battle at Trenton, is justly claimed by 500 Marblehead fishermen: but it was chiefly on their own element, that their services were conspicuous, as during the course of the war, they captured a considerable proportion of the British shipping: Insurance never was so high in Great-Britain, as it was soon after the commencement of the late war: the number of prizes, taken during its continuance, was one to every sixth man. In time of war, the coasting trade cannot assist the United States: the merchant vessels cannot; because they must go to Europe with their exports: but the fishermen will always prove a certain resource on such occasions; as they will have no other employ, and must therefore go into the naval service. There is no principle, on which a navy can be kept up so cheaply and effectually as this, which will not be attended with a farthing of expense.
Mr. Gerry wished, those gentlemen, who were averse to the principle of the present bill, would turn their attention to the first impost law, enacted under the present government. In that act a provision was made, that all duties paid on the importation of any articles therein specified, should be refunded on their re-exportation. Salt is among the articles, which, by that act, were subjected to a duty: and the salt being expended on the fish that is exported, a drawback ought to be allowed on the exportation of the fish, as well as if the salt itself were exported. Congress were impressed with this idea, in framing the law: and besides establishing the principle, that the salt, so expended, is entitled to a drawback, as well as any other dutied article, they further established a second, that, as it would be very difficult to ascertain the quantity of salt used, they had a right to substitute an allowance, in lieu of the drawback. If Congress possessed such a right on the former occasion, they still retain it; and can by a new modification, ensure the allowance to the persons, for whose benefit it was intended, but who do not now receive it. The provision contained in the first section of the bill now under consideration, is meant for that purpose: but it is not properly introduced: there is a great difference between a drawback on exportation, and a bounty on occupation: he wished therefore to have the clause so qualified, as to comport with the existing law; and (if the gentleman from Virginia would consent to withdraw his motion for striking out the whole section) he would move to strike out the words "bounty allowed,"—and to insert, in their place, "allowance made." This (he said) would render the present bill consonant to the acts already passed; would supersede the necessity of a discussion respecting the power of
Congress to grant bounties, and would shorten the debate. At the same time, he observed, that whenever the power, and the good policy of granting bounties may become subjects of investigation, he will be ready to give his reasons to prove that Congress do possess the right, and that the exercise of it would be consistent with sound policy.
Mr. Giles declared his willingness to accommodate the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Gerry) by withdrawing his motion: though it was merely on this ground, that, if the gentleman could so modify the clause, as to make it meet the approbation of the house, he would then give his assent; otherwise, the mere change of a word would not be sufficient to satisfy him: the word "bounty" was nothing more, than an alteration of the expression used in the former act; and was introduced here, to serve as a precedent to prove that Congress possess the power of granting bounties:—his chief objections were pointed at the principle of the bill, not at any particular word.
Mr. Gerry could, in the present instance, see no difference between allowance and drawback; instead of a drawback on the salt expended on the fish, it was an allowance, to the same amount, on the fish, when exported.
Mr. Livermore was sorry that the gentleman from Massachusetts has made the new motion, which might perhaps draw the committee into a disagreeable situation; for if his amendment should be adopted, the question could not then be taken on striking out the whole section: for his own part, he wished to have the question fairly taken on the whole: and in such case, he would vote against striking out the section. The amendment did not, in his opinion, alter the principle of the sense in any degree, whether drawback, allowance, or bounty, were the word used. The only question was, whether the drawback should be so modified, as to render it more agreeable to the fishermen, who are hard laborers, though not very critical logicians. He wished the bill to be either lost or carried on plain principles, which every gentleman would understand in giving his vote; if the section were not struck out, and that any gentleman had a real amendment to offer, he would give it his assent.
Mr. Fitzsimons wished the latter motion to be withdrawn, and the question fairly taken on the original proposition for striking out the whole section. He thought it very unimportant, whether "bounty," or "allowance" were the expression used; nor could he understand the objections of the gentleman who had moved to strike out the section: it was not contended (he said) that Congress have not a right to allow drawbacks: and if they possess that right, it will be very difficult to prove, that they have not also a right to change them, and to allow them in some other way, provided that the amount of the drawbacks be not exceeded by the alteration. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Giles] had said that the bounty would exceed the drawbacks: if, upon calculation, this is found to be the case, let the bill be amended, so as to reduce the bounty within proper limits: the principle of the bill is not here involved: the question is simply, whether Congress have a right to commute the drawbacks, and to allow the same sum in another form? the next question will then be, whether they have a right to exceed it? if they have not, let the sum be limited.
Mr. Murray observed, that the question was, whether a bounty should be given for the encouragement of the fishery: the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Gerry] did not alter the principle; it was still "the old cocked hat" on the one hand, and on the other, "the cocked old hat":—the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Fitzsimons] had asserted, that Congress have a right to alter the drawbacks, and allow them in any other mode, by which the citizens may receive back their own money: but this is not a case of that nature; for the bill says, "in case the monies appropriated [for the payment of the bounties] shall be inadequate, the deficiency shall be supplied from the treasury": here the treasury is pledged for the payment of the bounties; and the question is not on the principle of changing the drawback, but of giving encouragement to a particular branch, at the expense of the community at large.
Mr. Goodhue observed, that the exact amount of the bounties cannot beforehand be ascertained: although the extent of the present exportation be known, the quantity of fish, that will be exported next year, is uncertain: the fisheries may increase; but whether they increase, or decrease, the principle upon which the bill is calculated, is, that government shall not in any case pay more than is paid at present.
Mr. Ames remarked, that although the public may some times pay more, yet it will also sometimes happen that they will pay less: the calculation had been made upon an average, and that average was supposed to be in favor of government: moreover, the money appropriated, is not the money of government; and although it be apparently taken from the public, it in fact belongs to those very people, who are to receive it back again.
Mr. Barnwell observed (among other things) that those who are best acquainted with the fisheries, look on the proposed mode of encouragement as the best; and that they ought to be allowed to use the gifts of the public in the most advantageous manner—that, if he were himself concerned in the cultivation of any particular commodity, for the encouragement of which a sum were granted, he would be much surprised to meet a refusal, in case he should come forward, and propose some more effectual mode of applying that grant—that even if the bounties should happen to exceed the drawbacks, by eight or ten thousand dollars, the number of seamen to be maintained would be well worth that sum; that whenever the two houses of Congress and the President of the United States are of opinion, that the general welfare will be promoted by raising any sum of money, they have an undoubted right to raise it, provided the taxes be uniform;—that although it may not at present be an object of great consequence to America to become a maritime power, yet it is of some importance to
have constantly at hand a nursery of seamen, to furnish our merchants with the means of transporting their commodities across the sea;—that whatever allowance or bounty is granted upon any particular commodity, must ever be paid by the whole, for the advantage of a part, whether it be upon cotton to the southward, upon fish to the eastward, or upon other commodities in the middle states;—that, if the people cannot have so much confidence in their representatives, as to trust them with the power of granting bounties, the government must be a very paltry one indeed. The object of the bill (he said) was only to allow to the fishermen, in the manner that would be most beneficial to them, the same sum, that would otherwise be allowed; if however, from time and experience, it should appear that this bounty proved an imposition on government, he would not hesitate to revoke it. (To be continued.)
From the American Daily Advertiser.
CAIUS, No. IV.
THE minister who imitates the conduct of other nations, should be warned by their example: and whilst he seeks to obtain the good, should, at least reject the evil of their systems. Had this been the governing maxim of the American Financier, we should not have seen, in an expedient for establishing public credit, a recognition of the principle for rendering public debt immortal in an admission of the position, "that national debt is no national evil." The history of nations, and the experience of mankind should have taught him that his chimerical wish, "that the creation of debt should always be accompanied with the means of extinguishment," is wholly inapplicable to nations that have once adopted the fatal expedient of funding. With the example of Europe before him, and particularly of Great-Britain, whose systems form the prototype of his, he might have seen that the facility to borrow, which a funded debt occasions, always creates an indisposition in the legislature to impose new taxes on the people, for satisfying either the occasional or extraordinary exigencies of government, until, under an accumulation of debt, the support of public credit and the existence of the nation, irrefragably call forth the application of new resources by further burthens and impositions on the property and industry of the community. Hence also the little artifice of a sinking fund, which like the tub thrown out to the whale, might be intended to amuse the people, but could never be seriously contemplated as an effective means for the extinguishment of the public debt, sacred as this deposit may be supposed to be, each ordinary legislature possesses an equal power over it with their predecessors, and therefore whenever an exigency arises beyond the existing ability to obtain a loan, this will be regarded in the light of a subsidiary fund, ready to be pledged in aid of any other doubtful fund upon which the sum wanting may be proposed to be raised; thus, in fact, facilitating the contracting of new, whilst it should seem intended for the discharge of old debts, and affording at the same time, a full exoneration of the minister, in the apology, that the diversion of the fund was a legislative act, although, perhaps, he readily forefaw when the fund was established, the necessity that would occasion this diversion of it. A short review of the British funding system will elucidate the truth of these remarks.
In the reign of king William the 3d, about 100 years ago, the foundation of that system was laid, and in the year 1702, the national debt of Great-Britain amounted to little more than sixteen millions of pounds sterling; but in 1714 it had reached to 53 millions and a half; and in 1748 to 78 millions; in 1763 to 122 millions; in 1775, at the commencement of the American war, to about 130 millions, and in the close of that war, in 1783, to 260 or 280 millions. Thus, in a period of about eighty years, a debt originally not greater than the present debt of the United States, was accumulated to the enormous amount that has been mentioned by an addition of about 240 millions;—to point to the various causes of anticipations, loans, subscriptions, annuities, tontines, &c. which have produced this effect, would be as unnecessary as it is manifest. Suffice it, that the oppressed people of that nation, at the present day, are experiencing all the consequences of perpetual debt and perpetual taxes, for payment, not of the principal, but merely of the annual interest of that enormous debt, without any other hope than that of being able to keep up the expiring credit of the nation a few years longer. Nor is it unworthy remark, that a few years after funding their debt, they adopted the expedient of rendering all their temporary taxes perpetual, and that in almost all their subsequent laws, the sinking fund was invariably diverted in aid of that upon which the proposed loan was to be obtained, sometimes by the indirect means of borrowing from it, and sometimes by express appropriation, but always under sanction of a legislative act. Be warned, therefore, my countrymen! ponder on these things; and if you regard your liberties, hold it as hallowed as the name of Heaven, never to permit the addition of one shilling to the present funded debt of the United States, and to consider as a Traitor to his country, that man who shall ever dare to propose to divert the present sinking fund to any other purpose than that for which it is so sacredly and solemnly pledged—"the discharge of the capital of the public debt."
CAIUS.
ROBERT SMOCK, Woollen Draper & Mercer,
Has just received by the ship Pigou, from London, and for sale at his Store, on the north east corner of Market and Third streets, Philadelphia,
AN ELEGANT ASSORTMENT OF SUPERFINE and super broadcloths, in almost every colour.
Ladies superfine habit cloths, in the most fashionable colours.
Superfine cassimers, do. Do. and super elastic striped cloths.
Milled drabs and hunters cloths.
A variety of fancy waistcoating, in silk, silk and cotton, silk molekin, cassimers printed and tamboured, and superfine striped Spanish toriniers.
Mens black sattins, fiorentines, and silk prunellas of superior qualities
Silk, silk and cotton, cotton and worsted hose, assorted.
Sattins and mantuas, a beautiful variety.
Superfine rattinets, with a large collection of best trimmings for cloths, &c. of every quality.
Moreens, joans spinning, durants and calimancoes.
Haircines and camblets, &c.
9-8 wide superfine Marseilles quilting with borders.
Marseilles bedquilts and cotton counterpanes, 9-4 to 12-4.
Flanders bedbunts and bedtickings.
A beautiful variety of chintzes and cottons.
An elegant assortment of yard wide furniture chintzes, in beautiful colours and patterns, with a large variety of furniture cottons.
Velveteens, velvets, corduroys, thicksets, fancy cords, flockinets, royal ribs, fattinets, hair plushes, &c. &c.
Striped and grey, twilled and plain Bath coatings. Rose blankets assorted.
ROBERT SMOCK has also for Sale, a great Variety of GOODS of the best quality in their several kinds. He presumes it is unnecessary to be more particular in the enumeration, and that it is sufficient to say the assortment is very general and extensive, consisting of almost every article in his line of business.—Being desirous of giving entire satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favour him with their custom, as well as of meriting a continuance of those customers, whose favours he has hitherto experienced, he flatters himself the cheapness of his Goods will be the best means of effecting his wishes.
A few Copies of the following REPORTS and ACTS may be had at the Office, No. 239, Market-Street.
REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, relative to a provision for the support of public credit.
Plan for the general arrangement of the Militia of the United States, by the Secretary at War.
Report of the Secretary of State for establishing a uniformity in the weights, measures, and coins of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on establishing funds for paying interest on the debts assumed by the United States.
Attorney General's Report on the Judiciary System of the United States.
Report of the Secretary of State on the subject of the Cod and Whale fisheries.
Abstract of the Exports of the United States for one year.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on a National Bank.
Secretary of State's Report on Western Lands.
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on Manufactures.
An Act to incorporate the Subscribers to the Bank of the United States, with the Supplement.
An Act to provide more effectually for the Collection of the Duties on Goods, Wares, & Merchandise imported into the United States, and on the Tonnage of Ships or Vessels.
The Act commonly called the Excise Law.
The JOURNAL of the House of Representatives for the three first sessions, with Indexes complete, may be had separate, or half bound in one vol.
The LAWS of the first three sessions of Congress (published by authority) in folio, half and whole bound, with a complete Index.
HOWELL'S
SMALL MAP of PENNSYLVANIA,
May be had of Mr. Bailey, and Mr. Crukshank Printers, in Market-street; or of the author in N. Fifth-street, No. 88, who has the said maps pasted on canvass, cut, folded and cased for pocket carriage.
Philadelphia Jan. 30. 1792.
WANTED immediately, a JOURNEYMAN BOOK-BINDER, to go to Lancaster. Enquire of Francis Bailey, printer, No. 116, High-Street.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.