Independent journal, or, The general advertiser (New-York [N.Y.]), 1788-02-13 00:00:00

INDEPENDENT JOURNAL:
O R, T H E
GENERAL ADVERTISER.
NEW-YORK: PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY, BY J. M C LEAN, AND CO. AT THEIR PRINTING-OFFICE, No. 41, HANOVER-SQUARE.
Manchester Goods,
Imported in the Montgomery, Capt. Banyan, and for Sale on very reasonable Terms, by
Daniel Tucker, and Co.
No. 202, Water-Street, for Cash or Country produce only, viz.
 3/4, 1/2, and 1/4 Cotton Checks,  Striped Tikis,  Dyed Pillows,  Black Velverets, } Low Priced,  Olive, ditto,  Checked Handkerchiefs,—Mallabars,  An elegant assortment of Shawls,  Copperplate Furniture Cottons,  Black Silk Handkerchiefs,  Cotton Thicklets,  Mehs' and Womens' Beaver Gloves,  Romall Handkerchiefs,  Fancy Printed, ditto,  1/2 dozen Cases of HATS, low priced and well assorted, &c. &c. 
New-York, November 30, 1787. 18
Geo. and Robert Lewis, and Co.
No. 233, QUEEN-STREET.
In addition to the Goods received by the Betsey and Wilson, are now opening for SALE, by the Montgomery, Captain Banyan, viz.
 3-4, 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linens,  Dowlas and Sheeting,  4-4, 5-4 and 6-4 fashionable Shawls,  Printed Linens and Cottons,  7-8 and 9-8 fancy and Chintz Calicoes,  Furniture ditto,  A general assortment of Cotton and Linen Handkerchiefs,  Lenan, Lawn and Black Silk ditto,  Bandannae and Romall ditto,  7-8 and 11-8 plain, corded, striped and checked Lawns,  Rich fashionable Waistcoat Shapes,  Striped and gold barred Tallinet Waistcoating  Florentines and Sattins,  An assortment of Hosiery,  Table Cloths, Clouting Diapers, &c. &c. &c.  Which they are determined to dispose of at their usual low prices, for Cash, Notes at a short date, and Shipping Produce.
New-York, November 19, 1787. 19
PURSUANT to an act of the Legislature of the State of New-York, entitled, "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th of April, 1786; notice is hereby given, that we Robert Bowne, John Murray, and John Murray, jun. have been duly appointed trustees for all the creditors of Ebenezer Gearey, the elder, of Lebanon in the State of Connecticut. Ebenezer Gearey, the younger, now or late of Basinghall-Street in London, in the Kingdom of Great Britain, Henry Champion of Norwich, in the State of Connecticut aforesaid, Eneas Gearey, late of the city of New-York, merchants, and partners in trade, absent debtors; and we do, pursuant to the directions of the said act, hereby require all persons who are indebted to the said Ebenezer Gearey, the elder, Ebenezer Gearey, the younger, Henry Champion, and Eneas Gearey, by the tenth day of November next ensuing the date hereof, to pay all such sum or sums of money, or other debt, duty or thing which they owe to the said absent debtors, and deliver all effects of such absent debtors, which he, she or they may have in his, her or their hands, power or custody, unto us the said trustees; and all the creditors of the said Ebenezer Gearey, the elder, Ebenezer Gearey, the younger, Henry Champion, and Eneas Gearey, by the first day of May next, to deliver to us the said trustees, or any one or more of us, their effective accounts and demands against the said absent debtors. Given under our hands the 13th day of October, 1787.
ROBERT BOWNE, JOHN MURRAY, JOHN MURRAY, jun. } Trustees.
FLAX-SEED
STORED, CLEANED, PURCHASED and SOLD, at
HERITELL and WOODWARD'S FLAX-SEED STORE,
Lately occupied by Mr. JACOB SARLY, last by Mr. NASH, between Van Zandt's and Murray's Wharves.
JUST IMPORTED, In the Ship Mercury, Captain Grant,
Teneriffe Wines,
OF a very superior Quality, which will be disposed of by the Quantity or single Pipe, by JOHN C. SHAW, at his Store opposite Van Zandt's Wharf.
TO BE HAD AT Lot Merkel's Store,
No. 33, HANOVER-SQUARE, nearly opposite the BANK,
Tobacco for Smoking.
 KITEFOOT, of the very first quality,  Ditto of an inferior ditto,  Large Roll Tobacco, fit for Manufacturers,  Segars,  Genuine Maccauba Snuff,  Gentlemen's Gloves, Buckskin and Beaver, of the first quality. 
At the above STORE, the Highest Price is given for SHIPPING FURS. New-York, May 23, 1787. 65
LOT MERKEL,
No. 33, HANOVER-SQUARE, nearly opposite the BANK,
Manufactures and has for SALE
A Complete and General ASSORTMENT Muffs and Tippets, of
 MARTIN and Martin Throat,  Swan's Down and real Ermine,  Russia and Siberia Squirrel,  American Ground Squirrel,  Russia Hare and red Fox,  Real black Jenet, best sorts,  Mole Sable and Mock Ermine. 
LIKEWISE,
A large and general Assortment of
 FURR TRIMMINGS and EDGINGS, for Ladies Cloaks, Coats and Habits,  Ladies CLOAK LININGS,  Gentlemen's GREAT COATS LINED with FURR,  FURR GLOVES, &c. &c. 
The above Articles he is now selling on the most reasonable Terms for CASH ONLY.
N. B. ORDERS from the Country executed in the best manner.
New-York, October 7, 1787. 3
THOMAS THOMAS, TINMAN, COPPERSMITH, and BRASS FOUNDER,
No. 206, QUEEN-STREET, opposite Burling-Ship,
BEGS leave to return his sincere Thanks to his Friends and the Public in general, and informs them, that he has entered very extensively into the manufacturing part of the above Branches of Business, superior to any imported and equally as Cheap. He has on hand a very large and extensive Assortment of all kinds of Tin, Copper, Brass, and Pewter Ware, which he intends selling on very low Terms for Cash. Copper and Brass Utensils mended and tinned with pure Grain Tin.
The highest Price given for old Copper, Brass and Pewter.
William Seton, & Co.
HAVE FOR SALE,
The following ARTICLES, lately imported
 JAMES-RIVER TOBACCO,  Superfine and common Baltimore FLOUR,  NUTMEGS,  Leghorn CHIP HATS, plain and striped,  Oil-Cloth UMBRELLAS,  SHERRY WINE, in Quarter Casks,  Corisca SWEET WINE,  CLARET and OLD HOCK, 
WM. LAIGHT, & Co.
Have for SALE, on very reasonable Terms,
 TEN Tons PIG-IRON.—Five Tons Batsto HOLLOW WARE, Pots, Pyepans, and Skillets.—Sweeds BAR-IRON of every dimensions.—NAILS of all sizes.—Shovels, Spades and Frying Pans.—T. Crowley and Blistered STEEL, in Faggots.—TIN WARE, in Hogheads.—ALLUM.—Low-priced Irish Linen, Dowlas, Ticklenburghs and Oznabrugs, in Bales. White Lead, Dry and in Oil.—Red Lead, Spanish Brown, and yellow Paint.—Belt HYSON TEA, by the Chest.—London particular MADEIRA WINE, in Pipes.—SALT-PETRE, &c. &c. 37 
SUGAR-BAKERS may be supplied with any Quantity of BLUE SUGAR-LOAF PAPER, by leaving their Orders with
BENJAMIN S. JUDAH, No. 12, Queen-Street. 14
Francis Panton,
No. 38, WALL-STREET.
Has imported in the Montgomery, Captain Banyan, and to be sold on the lowest Terms for Cash.
 An elegant assortment of Tea and Coffee Urns; Inlaid Tea Trays, with Waiters to suit; Tea Caddies; a variety of Patent Lamps; Backgammon Tables; Wood and Ivory Chess Men; folding and framed Chess Boards; Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dressing Boxes; Morocco Pouches for Travelling; Razors, and elastic Diamond-Powder Razor Straps; Table Knives, in Mahogany and Shagreen Cases; Mathematical and Teeth Instruments; Travelling Compasses; Instruments for Marking Linen; Bubbles for Proving Spirits; Spectacles, white and green, with double joints; Goggles; Reading Glasses; Cock Guffs, and Elastic Gaffers; Ladies' Tortoiseshell and Ivory Notting Shuttles; Tambour Needles, with Handles; Ladies' Paste Buckles; Gentlemen's Silver, Plated and Mourning Buckles; Paste, Silver and Plated Knee ditto; Gold and Gilt Bracelets and Whit Buckles; Gold and Gilt Barings; Figures and Blank Gold Cornelian Seals; Plated and Japanned Candlesticks; a variety of Snuffers; Plated Gerandoles and Cruets; Bowling Pieces; Pistols; Small Swords; Fencing Files; Sword Knots; Silk and Morocco Sword Belts; Shot Pouches; Powder Magazines and Flasks; Bowling Nets; Gun Screws and Scrapers; Double Battle Gun-Powder; Racket and Drum Battle-Doers; Shot-Powder; a variety of Silver and other Tooth-Pick Cases; Plain Silver Coral; an elegant assortment of the newest fashioned Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gilt, Steel and Silk Watch Chains and Strings; Patent Spurs; Silver, Plated and Steel ditto; Folding Pocket Lanterns, with Cases; Fishing Rods, and best Kerby Hooks; Chair and Horse Whips; Canes and Silk Strings; Boot Garters of different Sorts; Ladies' and Gentlemen's Morocco Pocket-Books; Thread Cases; Silk Purse; Silk, Cotton and Worsted Stockings; Knit Under Waistcoats without a Seam; Silk, Buckskin, Woodcock, Beaver, Worsted and Thread Gloves; Double and Single Cotton Night Caps; Delectable's Opiate; Hemmer's Essence and Dentifrice; Orange Flower and Rose Water; Arguebulade, and Lavender Water; Silk, Velvet and Leather Stocks; Clothes, Hat, Shoe, and Tooth Brushes, with a variety of other Goods, too tedious to mention. New-York, November 27, 1787. 17 
To the Merchants of this City.
THE Subscriber begs Leave to acquaint all Merchants and Captains of Vessels, that he will supply their Vessels with as good
SHIP BEER
as any in the City, at Eight Shillings per Barrel, on the shortest Notice.
MEDCEF EDEN. At his BREWERY, in Golden-Hill. New-York, January 26, 1788. 14
NOTICE.
FOR the information of the Professional gentlemen in the City and County of New-York, and others, whom it may concern, that the Subscriber has opened his
SHERIFF'S OFFICE
at his house in Partition-street, a little west of the south end of the Bear-Market.
ROBERT BOYT New-York, February 1, 1788.
MURRAY and SANSOM
HAVE for SALE, at their Store, No. 18, QUEEN-STREET, a neat and general Assortment of GOODS, amongst which at the following Articles, viz.
 Broad and Forest Cloths, Coatings, Frizes, Yorkshire Plains, Striped Blankets, Calimores, Camblets, Tamies, Durants, Shal-loons, Everlastings, Sattins, Calimancos, Me-verets, Worsted Plush, Cotton Stripes, Cotton Checks, Bed Ticks, Men's brown and black Hats, Quality and Shoe Binding, Calicoes, Chintzes, Men's and Women's Gloves, Cotton and Worsted fashionable Waistcoat Patterns, Men's and Women's Thread, Cotton and Worsted Hose; Women's Silk, Morocco and Calimanco Shoes and Slippers; black, brown and white Ostrich Feathers, Chip Hats, Women's Fans, Ribbons, Gauzes Modes, Sattins, Lustring, Persians, Taffaties, Silk and Linen Handkerchiefs, Saddlery, Stationary, Tin in Boxes, London and Bristol Pewter, Brass Cocks, Tea Kettles, Brass Kettles, Frying Pans, Shovels, Spades, Sad Irons, Nails, Crowley and Bristol Steel, Cross-cut Saws, Gilt and Hair Trunks, a large assortment of Shoe and Knee Buckles, a variety of Hard Ware and Cutlery, Queen's Ware in crates, Empty Bottles, Window Glass, flat and hollow Bristol Earthen Ware, long and short Pipes, Grindstones, White Lead ground in Oil, Gunpowder, Chocolate, Snuff in Bladders, Connecticut Pork and Beef, Jamaica Spirits, Fyall Wine, Molasses, Souchong Tea, Dutch Pantiles, A variety of IRON CASTINGS, Such as Pots, Kettles, Tea Kettles, Chimney Backs, Stoves, &c. M. S. & Co. Wool Cards, &c. 17 
LIKEWISE,
A Quantity of MEDICINES,
 Consisting of Peruvian Bark, Oil of Almonds, Assafetida, Cantharides, Gum Myrrh, Camphire, Nux Vomica, Spanish Juice, and Jalap. New-York, November 27, 1787. 17 
Gouverneur, Kemble & Co.
HAVE imported, and now for SALE, at their Store, No. 206, Prince Street, either for Cash, short Credit, or Bills for Country Produce, on the most reasonable Terms, viz.
 Muscovado Sugar, in hogsheads and barrels,  Windward Island Rum, and Jamaica Spirits,  Old French Brandy, in pipes & quarter casks,  Old Cherry Wine ditto,  Teneriffe Wine ditto,  Holland Geneva, in pipes and Casks, of high proof,  Black Pepper, in bales, from 100 to 400 wt.  A quantity of Spanish salted dried Hides,  Lisbon Salt,  Linseed Oil in casks,  An assortment of Cocage and Cables.  Holland Duck,  Russia ditto,  Raven's ditto,  Russia Sheeting,  Russia Dilling,  Oznabrugs,  Ticklenburghs,  Writing Paper,  Dutch Copper Tea Kettles,  London Porter, in hampers and casks. New-York, November 1, 1787. 18 
For Deacon Lane from his old friend PW

For the Independent Journal. THE FEDERALIST. No. LIII. To the People of the State of New-York.
THE next view which I shall take of the house of representatives, relates to the apportionment of its members to the several states, which is to be determined by the same rule with that of direct taxes.
It is not contended that the number of people in each state ought not to be the standard for regulating the proportion of those who are to represent the people of each state. The establishment of the same rule for the apportionment of taxes, will probably be as little contested; though the rule itself in this case, is by no means founded on the same principle. In the former case, the rule is understood to refer to the personal rights of the people, with which it has a natural and universal connection. In the latter, it has reference to the proportion of wealth, of which it is in no case a precise measure, and in ordinary cases, a very unfit one. But notwithstanding the imperfection of the rule as applied to the relative wealth and contributions of the states, it is evidently the least exceptionable among the practicable rules; and had too recently obtained the general sanction of America, not to have found a ready preference with the Convention.
All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: But does it follow from an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of slaves combined with free citizens, as a ratio of taxation, that slaves ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation? Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought therefore to be comprehended in estimates of taxation which are founded on property, and to be excluded from representation which is regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection, as I understand it, stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side.
We subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our southern brethren observe, that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation more immediately to property, and we join in the application of this distinction to the case of our slaves. But we must deny the fact that slaves are considered merely as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities; being considered by our laws, in some respects, as persons, and in other respects, as property. In being compelled to labor not for himself, but for a master; in being vendible by one master to another master; in being subject at all times to be restrained in his liberty, and chastised in his body, by the capricious will of another, the slave may appear to be degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals, which fall under the legal denomination of property. In being protected on the other hand in his life and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others; the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society; not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. The federal constitution therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and of property. This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live; and it will not be denied that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the pretext that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers; and it is admitted that if the laws were to restore the rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants.
This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation. Would the Convention have been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the list of inhabitants when the shares of representation were to be calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of contributions was to be adjusted? Could it be reasonably expected that the southern states would concur in a system which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same light when advantages were to be conferred? Might not some surprise also be expressed that those who reproach the southern states with the barbarous policy of considering as property a part of their human brethren, should themselves contend that the government to which all the states are to be parties, ought to consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light of property, than the very laws of which they complain!
It may be replied perhaps that slaves are not included in the estimate of representatives in any of the states possessing them. They neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon what principle then ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the constitution would in this respect have followed the very laws which have been appealed to, as the proper guide.
This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a fundamental principle of the proposed constitution, that as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several states, is to be determined by a federal rule founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants, so the right of choosing this allotted number in each state is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the state itself may designate. The qualifications on which the right of suffrage depend, are not perhaps the same in any two states. In some of the states the difference is very material. In every state, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the constitution of the state, who will be included in the census by which the federal constitution apportions the representatives. In this point of view, the southern states might retort the complaint, by insisting, that the principle laid down by the Convention required that no regard should be had to the policy of particular states towards their own inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves as inhabitants should have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in like manner with other inhabitants, who by the policy of other states, are not a limited to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous adherence however to this principle is waived by those who would be gainers by it. All that they ask is, that equal moderation be shown on the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered as it is in truth a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the
equal level of free inhabitants, which regards the slave as divested of two fifths of the man.
After all may not another ground be taken on which this article of the constitution, will admit of a still more ready defence. We have hitherto proceeded on the idea that representation related to persons only, and not at all to property. But is it a just idea? Government is instituted no less for protection of the property, than of the persons of individuals. The one as well as the other, therefore may be considered as represented by those who are charged with the government. Upon this principle it is, that in several of the states and particularly in the state of New-York, one branch of the government is intended more especially to be the guardian of property, and is accordingly elected by that part of the society which is most interested in this object of government. In the federal constitution, this policy does not prevail. The rights of property are committed into the same hands with the personal rights. Some attention ought therefore to be paid to property in the choice of those hands.
For another reason the votes allowed in the federal legislature to the people of each state, ought to bear some proportion to the comparative wealth of the states. States have not like individuals, an influence over each other arising from superior advantages of fortune. If the law allows an opulent citizen but a single vote in the choice of his representative, the respect and consequence which he derives from his fortunate situation, very frequently guide the votes of others to the objects of his choice; and through this imperceptible channel the rights of property are conveyed into the public representation. A state possesses no such influence over other states. It is not probable that the richest state in the confederacy will ever influence the choice of a single representative in any other state. Nor will the representatives of the larger and richer states, possess any other advantage in the federal legislature over the representatives of other states, than what may result from their superior number alone; as far therefore as their superior wealth and weight may justly entitle them to any advantage, it ought to be secured to them by a superior share of representation. The new constitution is in this respect materially different from the existing confederation, as well as from that of the United Netherlands, and other similar confederacies. In each of the latter the efficacy of the federal resolutions depends on the subsequent and voluntary resolutions of the states composing the union. Hence the states, though possessing an equal vote in the public councils have an unequal influence, corresponding with the unequal importance of these subsequent and voluntary resolutions. Under the proposed constitution, the federal acts will take effect without the necessary intervention of the individual states. They will depend merely on the majority of votes in the federal legislature, and consequently each vote whether proceeding from a larger or a smaller state, or a state more or less wealthy or powerful, will have an equal weight and efficacy; in the same manner as the votes individually given in a state legislature, by the representatives of unequal counties or other districts, have each a precise equality of value and effect; or if there be any difference in the case, it proceeds from the difference in the personal character of the individual representative, rather than from any regard to the extent of the district from which he comes.
Such is the reasoning which an advocate for the southern interests might employ on this subject: And although it may appear to be a little strained in some points, yet on the whole, I must confess, that it fully reconciles me to the scale of representation, which the convention have established.
In one respect the establishment of a common measure for representation and taxation will have a very salutary effect. As the accuracy of the census to be obtained by the Congress, will necessarily depend in a considerable degree on the disposition, if not the co-operation of the states, it is of great importance that the states should feel as little bias as possible to swell or to reduce the amount of their numbers. Were their share of representation alone to be governed by this rule they would have an interest in exaggerating their inhabitants. Were the rule to decide their share of taxation alone, a contrary temptation would prevail. By extending the rule to both objects, the states will have opposite interests, which will control and balance each other; and produce the requisite impartiality.
PUBLIUS.
THE FEDERALIST. No. LIV. To the People of the State of New-York.
THE number of which the House of Representatives is to consist, forms another, and a very interesting point of view under which this branch of the federal legislature may be contemplated. Scarce any article indeed in the whole constitution seems to be rendered more worthy of attention, by the weight of character and the apparent force of argument, with which it has been assailed. The charges exhibited against it are, first, that so small a number of representatives will be an unsafe depository of the public interests; secondly, that they will not possess a proper knowledge of the local circumstances of their numerous constituents; thirdly, that they will be taken from that class of citizens which will sympathize least with the feelings of the mass of the people, and be most likely to aim at a permanent elevation of the few on the depression of the many; fourthly, that defective as the number will be in the first instance, it will be more and more disproportionate, by the increase of the people, and the obstacles which will prevent a correspondent increase of the representatives.
In general it may be remarked on this subject, that no political problem is less susceptible of a precise solution, than that which relates to the number most convenient for a representative legislature: Nor is there any point on which the policy of the several states is more at variance; whether we compare their legislative assemblies directly with each other, or consider the proportions which they respectively bear to the number of their constituents. Passing over the difference between the smallest and largest states, as Delaware, whose most numerous branch consists of twenty-one representatives, and Massachusetts, where it amounts to between three and four hundred; a very considerable difference is observable among states nearly equal in population. The number of representatives in Pennsylvania is not more than one-fifth of that in the state last mentioned. New-York, whose population is to that of South-Carolina as six to five, has little more than one third of the number of representatives. As great a disparity prevails between the states of Georgia and Delaware, or Rhode-Island. In Pennsylvania the representatives do not bear a greater proportion to their constituents than of one for every four or five thousand. In Rhode-Island, they bear a
proportion of at least one for every thousand. And according to the constitution of Georgia, the proportion may be carried to one for every ten electors; and must unavoidably far exceed the proportion in any of the other States.
Another general remark to be made is, that the ratio between the representatives and the people, ought not to be the same where the latter are very numerous, as where they are very few. Were the representatives in Virginia to be regulated by the standard in Rhode-Island, they would at this time amount to between four and five hundred; and twenty or thirty years hence, to a thousand. On the other hand, the ratio of Pennsylvania, if applied to the state of Delaware, would reduce the Representative assembly of the latter to seven or eight members. Nothing can be more fallacious than to found our political calculations on arithmetical principles. Sixty or seventy men, may be more properly trusted with a given degree of power than six or seven. But it does not follow, that six or seven hundred would be proportionally a better depository. And if we carry on the supposition to six or seven thousand, the whole reasoning ought to be reversed. The truth is, that in all cases a certain number at least seems to be necessary to secure the benefits of free consultation and discussion, and to guard against too easy a combination for improper purposes: As on the other hand, the number ought at most to be kept within a certain limit, in order to avoid the confusion and intemperance of a multitude. In all very numerous assemblies, of whatever characters composed, passion never fails to wrest the sceptre from reason. Had every Athenian citizen been a Socrates; every Athenian assembly would still have been a mob.
It is necessary also to recollect here the observations which were applied to the case of biennial elections. For the same reason that the limited powers of the Congress and the control of the state legislatures, justify less frequent elections than the public safety might otherwise require; the members of the Congress need be less numerous than if they possessed the whole power of legislation, and were under no other than the ordinary restraints of other legislative bodies.
With these general ideas in our minds, let us weigh the objections which have been stated against the number of members proposed for the House of Representatives. It is said in the first place, that so small a number cannot be safely trusted with so much power.
The number of which this branch of the legislature is to consist at the outlet of the government, will be sixty five. Within three years a census is to be taken, when the number may be augmented to one for every thirty thousand inhabitants; and within every successive period of ten years, the census is to be renewed, and augmentations may continue to be made under the above limitation. It will not be thought an extravagant conjecture, that the first census, will, at the rate of one for every thirty thousand raise the number of representatives to at least one hundred. Estimating the negroes in the proportion of three fifths, it can scarcely be doubted that the population of the United States will by that time, if it does not already, amount to three millions. At the expiration of twenty five years, according to the computed rate of increase, the number of representatives will amount to two hundred; and of fifty years, to four hundred. This is a number which I presume will put an end to all fears arising from the smallness of the body. I take for granted here what I shall in answering the fourth objection hereafter shew, that the number of representatives will be augmented from time to time in the manner provided by the constitution. On a contrary supposition, I should admit the objection to have very great weight indeed.
The true question to be decided then is whether the smallness of the number, as a temporary regulation, be dangerous to the public liberty: Whether sixty five members for a few years, and a hundred or two hundred for a few more, be a safe depository for a limited and well guarded power of legislating for the United States? I must own that I could not give a negative answer to this question, without first obliterating every impression which I have received with regard to the present genius of the people of America, the spirit, which actuates the state legislatures, and the principles which are incorporated with the political character of every class of citizens. I am unable to conceive that the people of America in their present temper, or under any circumstances which can speedily happen, will chuse, and every second year repeat the choice of sixty five or an hundred men, who would be disposed to form and pursue a scheme of tyranny or treachery. I am unable to conceive that the state legislatures which must feel so many motives to watch, and which possess so many means of counteracting the federal legislature, would fail either to detect or to defeat a conspiracy of the latter against the liberties of their common constituents. I am equally unable to conceive that there are at this time, or can be in any short time, in the United States any sixty five or an hundred men capable of recommending themselves to the choice of the people at large, who would either desire or dare within the short space of two years, to betray the solemn trust committed to them. What change of circumstances time and a fuller population of our country may produce, requires a prophetic spirit to declare, which makes no part of my pretensions. But judging from the circumstances now before us, and from the probable state of them within a moderate period of time, I must pronounce that the liberties of America can not be unsafe in the number of hands proposed by the federal constitution.
From what quarter can the danger proceed? Are we afraid of foreign gold? If foreign gold could so easily corrupt our federal rulers, and enable them to ensnare and betray their constituents, how has it happened that we are at this time a free and independent nation? The Congress which conducted us through the revolution were a less numerous body than their successors will be; they were not chosen by nor responsible to their fellow citizens at large; though appointed from year to year, and recallable at pleasure, they were generally continued for three years; and prior to the ratification of the federal articles, for a still longer term; they held their consultations always under the veil of secrecy; they had the sole transaction of our affairs with foreign nations; through the whole course of the war, they had the fate of their country more in their hands, than it is to be hoped will ever be the case with our future representatives; and from the greatness of the prize at stake and the eagerness of the party which lost it, it may well be supposed, that the use of other means than force would not have been scrupled: yet we know by happy experience that the public trust was not betrayed; nor has the purity of our public councils in this particular ever suffered even from the whispers of calumny.
Is the danger apprehended from the other branches of the federal government? But where are the means to be found by the President or the Senate, or both? Their emoluments of office it is to be presumed will not, and without a previous corruption of the house of representatives cannot, more than suffice for very different purposes: Their private fortunes, as they must all be American citizens, cannot possibly be sources of danger. The only means then which they can possess, will be in the dispensation of appointments. Is it here that suspicion rests her charge? Sometimes we are told that this fund of corruption is to be exhausted by the President in subduing the virtue of the Senate. Now the fidelity of the other house is to be the victim. The improbability of such a mercenary and perfidious combination of the several members of government standing on as different foundations as republican principles will well admit, and at the same time accountable to the society over which they are placed, ought alone to quiet this apprehension. But fortunately the constitution has provided a still further safeguard. The members of the Congress are rendered ineligible to any civil offices that may be created or of which the emoluments may be increased, during the term of their election. No offices therefore can be dealt out to the existing members, but such as may become vacant by ordinary casualties; and to suppose that these would be sufficient to purchase the guardians of the people, selected by the people themselves, is to renounce every rule by which events ought to be calculated, and to substitute an indiscriminate and unbounded jealousy, with which all reasoning must be vain. The sincere friends of liberty who give themselves up to the extravagancies of this passion are not aware of the injury they do their own cause. As there is a degree of depravity in mankind which requires a certain degree of circumspection and distrust: So there are other qualities in human nature, which justify a certain portion of esteem and confidence. Republican government presupposes the existence of these qualities in a higher degree than any other form. Were the pictures which have been drawn by the political jealousy of some among us, faithful likenesses of the human character, the inference would be that there is not sufficient virtue among men for self government; and that nothing less than the chains of despotism can restrain them from destroying and devouring one another.
PUBLIUS.
New-York, Feb. 13.
On Monday last arrived his Britannic Majesty's Packet, Grantham , Capt. George , in thirteen weeks from Falmouth ; and yesterday the Packet Speedy , in seven weeks and three days. From the papers brought by the Speedy we have selected the following intelligence.
ABERDEEN, November 11, 1787.
The Principal and Professors of King's College conferred on JOHN KEMP, A. M. Alumnus of Marischal College of this University , and PROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS in Columbia College, in the State of New-York, North-America , the Degree of DOCTOR OF LAWS.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
TUESDAY, Nov. 27.
About twenty minutes before three o'clock his Majesty came to the House, and having been seated on the throne with the usual solemnities, and the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod being sent with a message, commanding the attendance of the Commons, the Speaker and several members attended below the bar, when his Majesty made the following and gracious Speech from the throne:
My Lords, and Gentlemen,
"At the close of the last session I informed you of the concern with which I observed the dispute unhappily subsisting in the Republic of the United Province."
"Their situation soon afterwards became more critical and alarming, and the danger which threatened their constitution and independence seemed likely in consequence as to affect the security and interests of dominions."
"No endeavors were wanting on my part to contribute, by my good offices, to the restoration of tranquility, and the maintenance of the lawful government; and I also thought it necessary to explain my intention of counteracting a forcible interference, on the part of France, in the internal affairs of the Republic. Under these circumstances, the King of Prussia having taken measures to enforce his demand of satisfaction for the insult offered to the Princess of Orange, the party which had usurped the government of Holland applied to the Most Christian King for assistance, who notified to me his intention of granting their request."
"In conformity to the principles which I had before explained, I did not hesitate, on receiving this notification, to declare, that I could not remain a quiet spectator of the armed interference of France; and I gave immediate orders for augmenting my forces both by sea and land."
"In the course of these transactions I also thought proper to conclude a Treaty with the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, by which I secured the assistance of a considerable body of troops, in case my service should require it."
"In the mean time the rapid success of the Prussian troops, under the conduct of the Duke of Brunswick, while it was the means of obtaining the reparation demanded by the King of Prussia, enabled the provinces to deliver themselves from the oppression under which they labored, and to reëstablish their lawful government."
"All subjects of contest being thus removed, an amicable explanation took place between me and the Most Christian King; and Declarations have been exchanged by our respective Ministers, by which we have agreed mutually to disarm, and to place our naval establishments on the same footing as in the beginning of the present year."

"It gives me the greatest satisfaction that the important events, which I have communicated to you, have taken place, without disturbing my subjects in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace; and I have great pleasure in acquainting you, that I continue to receive, from all Foreign Powers, the fullest assurances of their pacific and friendly disposition towards this country.—I must, at the same time, regret that the tranquillity of one part of Europe is unhappily interrupted by the war which has broken out between Russia and the Porte."
"A Convention has been agreed upon between me and the Most Christian King, explanatory of the Thirteenth Article of the last Treaty of Peace, and calculated to prevent jealousies and disputes between our respective subjects in the East Indies. I have ordered copies of the several treaties to which I have referred, and of the Declaration and Counter Declaration exchanged at Versailles, to be laid before you."
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, I have ordered the Estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you, together with an account of the extraordinary expences which the situation of affairs rendered necessary."
"I have the fullest reliance on your zeal and public spirit, that you will make due provision for the several branches of the public service. I am always desirous of confining those expences within the narrowest limits, which a prudent regard for the public safety will permit; but I must, at the same time, recommend to your particular attention to consider of the proper means for maintaining my distant possessions in an adequate posture of defence."
"My Lords and Gentlemen, The flourishing state of the commerce and revenues of this country cannot fail to encourage you in the pursuit of such measures as may confirm and improve so favourable a situation."
"These circumstances must also render you peculiarly anxious for the continuation of public tranquillity, which it is my constant object to preserve."
"I am, at the same time, persuaded you will agree with me in thinking, that nothing can more effectually tend to secure so invaluable a blessing, than the zeal and unanimity which were shown by all ranks of my subjects on the late occasion, and which manifested their readiness to exert themselves whenever the honour of my crown, and the interests of my dominions, may require it."
His Most Christian Majesty's SPEECH to Parliament, Paris, November 19, 1787.
Gentlemen, I am come to this assembly to recall to my parliament those principles from which it ought never to deviate; to hear what you have to lay upon two great acts of administration and legislation which to me have appeared necessary; finally to reply to you upon the representations made to me by the Chamber of Vocations, in favor of my Parliament of Bourdeaux. The principles which I mean to recall to your recollection, are a part of the essence of the monarchy, and I will not suffer them to be unknown or changed. I had no need of solicitation to assemble the Notables of my kingdom. I shall never be afraid of being among my subjects. A King of France is never more happy than when he enjoys their love and fidelity; but it is I only who am to judge of the use and necessity of these assemblies, and I will not suffer myself to be indiscriminately imported for that which ought to be expected from my wisdom, and the love I have for my people whose interests are inseparable from my own. The act of administration which I propose to myself, is an edict, containing a creation of successive loans for five years. I wished to have no farther recourse to the resource of loans; but order and economy must have time to make them effectual. Limited and well calculated loans will retard the operations of the former, but they will not prevent them. No new impost will be established, and my engagements will be fulfilled. I will ever maintain by the most constant and undivided protection, the holy religion in which I have the happiness to be born, and I will not permit it to suffer the least diminution in my kingdom. But I am of opinion that this same religion commands me not to leave a part of my subjects deprived of their natural rights, and what the state of society promises them. You will see in my answer upon the subject of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, to what a degree its conduct is reprehensible. My Parliaments ought to reckon upon my confidence and affection; but they ought to merit them, in confining themselves within the functions confided to their execution by the Kings my predecessors, being careful not to depart from, nor refuse them, and more particularly never to fail in giving to my subjects an example of fidelity and submission. My keeper of the seals will more fully communicate to you my intention."
After the exile of the Duke of Orleans and the imprisonment of the two Magistrates, the Parliament went to Versailles, and the first President thus addressed the King.
SIR, Your Parliament is come, in obedience to your orders. It has this morning been informed at the opening of the sitting, that a Prince of your august blood has incurred your displeasure, and that two Counsellors of your Court are deprived of their liberty. Your Parliament, in consternation humbly supplicates your Majesty, to restore to the Prince of your blood, and to the two Magistrates, the liberty which they have lost; having in your presence, freely declared what their duty and consciences dictated in a sitting, wherein your Majesty had announced, that you came to take the sense of the Assembly by a plurality of suffrages.
The King's Answer.
When I put away from my person a Prince of my blood, my Parliament ought to believe, that I have very strong reasons for so doing. I have punished two Magistrates, with whom I ought to be dissatisfied.
In Parliament, Friday, 23d November, 1787.
The chambers being assembled at ten o'clock, the new supplications, which are to be presented to the King, to obtain the liberty of the Duke of Orleans, and that of the two magistrates (l'Abbé Sabbatier and M. Fréteaux) were read.
The immediate servants or officers of the crown were charged to inform themselves the same day, of the time and place, when and where it will be agreeable to the King to receive them.
Adjourned till the next day. 24th. The printing of the edict for the loan was declared against, as follows: "This day, has been put into the office, a printed paper, entitled An edict by the King, &c. registered in his parliament, and at the bottom, registered to his Majesty's court then sitting , at the chambers assembled. Upon which it was observed, that this was a false annunciation of an arrêt d'enregistrement , which does not exist. The matter was taken into consideration, and the deliberation referred to Thursday, the 30th instant, ten o'clock in the morning."
Afterwards a declaration was made against a printed paper, entitled, Report of the Abbe Tudeau .
The Abbé was asked, if he had got his report printed, or if he had given it to any body, and to whom. To which he answered, that the keeper of the seals had told him, that the King wished to have his report, and that he had given it to him, but had had no part in the publication.
The Protest of the French Parliament; after en-registering the Edicts by command of his Majesty.
PROTEST.
By Parliament, 19th November, 1787, after the sitting of the King.
"The Court, considering the illegality of what has just passed at the sitting of the King, where the voices were not counted or taken, in the manner prescribed by the ordinances, so that the deliberation was not complete; declares, that it takes no part in the transcription ordered to be made in the Register of the Edict, establishing gradual and successive loans, for the years 1788, 89, 90, 91, and 92; and for what remains to be discussed, the Court has adjourned sine die ."
The next day, the 21st, the King sent for the Parliament to Versailles, and thus addressed the great Deputation:
"I have ordered you to bring me the minutes to arrest, which you took on Monday, after my sitting in Parliament. I ought not to let it subsist in your registers, and I forbid you to replace it in any manner whatever. How can my Parliament say, that it takes no part in an enregistering, which I did not order, until after I had heard; during seven hours, their advice, and the opinions of all those of its Members who chose to give them; and when it is clear to every body, as well as to myself, that the plurality of voices were for the registering of my Edict, adding supplications for the hastening of the Assembly of the States General of my kingdom? I have said, that I would convoke them before the year 1792, that is, in 1791 at farthest. My word is sacred."
"I approach you with confidence, and in that ancient manner so frequently reclaimed by my Parliament of the Kings my predecessors. And in the moment when I was pleased to hold my Council in the midst of you, you endeavour to transfer it into an ordinary tribunal; and to present illegality in its result, in quoting the ordinances, to subject it, as well as myself, which regards the tribunals only in the habitual exercise of their functions."
"The reclamations of my Courts ought not to come before me, but by means of respectful representations or remonstrances, and I shall ever disapprove the arrêtés upon their registers, which state their oppositions to my will, without giving me their reasons for them, or their resolutions, without informing me of their motives."
L O N D O N.
DECEMBER 4.
At a meeting of the States of Holland and West-Friesland upon the 16th ult. Van Berkelman, Pensionary of Holland, moved, that a translation of the English statutes of the 1st. of W. and M. c. 28, and of the second of W. and M. c. 2. c. 10. whereby certain excise duties in England were appropriated for payment of 600,000l. to the States of the United Provinces for their charges for King William's expedition into England, might be read; which having been agreed to, Van Berkelman rose; and after stating, in a very able manner, the glorious revolution which had recently taken place, from the restoration of his Royal Highness the Stadtholder with peace and happiness to the distressed States, by the powerful interposition of Prussia and Great-Britain, and contrasting in forcible terms the similarity of their deliverance with that of Britain, at the above period "from popery and arbitrary sway," took notice of the very great expence that had been incurred by Britain in fitting out a fleet to co-operate with the King of Prussia; and moved, that from the same principles of honor which had actuated Great Britain, and similar reciprocity, their High Mightinesses the United States may be requested to repay to Great Britain the above sum of 600,000l. in part of the great charges incurred by them on this occasion in protecting and assisting the United States. The motion was unanimously agreed to; and this State resolved that they would make good their quota of the said sum.
A letter from Stockholm, dated Nov. 23, says, The King of Sweden having taken into consideration the war between the Russians and Turks, has ordered his subjects, not to interfere, directly or indirectly, in the outfitting of privateers, to disturb the trade of either of the two powers—neither by the sale or hire of their ships; his Majesty declaring, that those who act to the contrary shall be out of his protection.
DECEMBER, 5.
We learn from Berlin, that his Serene Highness the Duke of Brunswick arrived in perfect health the 24th of last month at Potsdam, and was most graciously received by his Prussian Majesty, who honoured that distinguished General with the most affectionate tokens of esteem.
The Baron de Lynden, Minister from the Republic of Holland at this court, is to be recalled, on a proposition made the 21st instant to the Assembly of the States, by the deputies of the city of Hoorn.
Extract of a letter from Amsterdam, Nov. 30.
"The Deputies from the Prince have at length published to the world that their errand has been to some purpose."
"This day all the Bourgomasters, Justices, and Counsellors, who were thought unfit to be permitted to exercise their respective functions of office (their sentiments being inimical to the cause of the Prince) having been deposed by force, and others from the Orange party appointed to fill the vacated seats. In February next their seats would by law have expired. Had they been permitted to remain till then, it would have conveyed ideas, that though they had it in their power, yet no pecuniary motives could induce the present rulers to such encroachments on the freedom and liberty of citizens, for which very act the Patriots were by them so stigmatized."
"The King of France wants money. The new edict which he has obliged the Parliament to swallow, cuts a ridiculous figure. The Dutch will not be so fond of lending him now as they were wont to do. The one-hundred and twenty millions which are to be raised for the services of the ensuing year, he may be assured will not be aided by the Hollanders ducats, as has formerly been the case. The assistance usually afforded him by these Provinces on similar occasions, has been of no small importance; at this time he will materially want it, and want I believe he may."
ARRIVALS since our last.
Brig Nancy, Muffet, Demarara. Louisa, Skinner, Tabago. Jenny, Griffin, Curacoa. Cato, Coffin, London and St. Eustatia. Recovery, Irish, Hispaniola. Schooner Lilly, Heard, Surinam. Sloop Suky, Brewster, Charlestown.
A Quarterly Meeting of the St. Andrew's Society, will be held at Corne's Tavern, to-morrow evening the 14th inst. precisely at 6 o'clock. By order of the Vice President. ROBERT LENOX, Secretary.
February 11, 1788.
Monthly Committee of the New-York Chamber of Commerce.
Messrs. JAMES WATSON, ARCHIBALD CURRIE, HENRY A. COSTER, CORNELIUS RAY, THOMAS TEN EYCK.
New-York, February 5, 1788.
THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, being the 13th of February, will be presented, A COMEDY, called, The School for Scandal. To which will be added, A FARCE, called, True Born Irishman, OR, THE IRISH FINE LADY. VIVAT RESPUBLICA.
For Norfolk, Petersburg and Richmond,
The SLOOP
LITTLE BETSEY,
HENRY BUTLER, Master,
Now lying at Gouverneur's Wharf, and will sail on Wednesday next.—For Freight or Passage to either of the above places, apply to the Master on board.
New-York, February 8, 1788.
39
PURSUANT to an Order made by the Honorable John Sloss Hobart, Esq. one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the State of New-York—NOTICE is hereby given to all the Creditors of JOSIAH HAZARD, an insolvent Debtor, that they shew cause, if any they have, before the said Judge, at his Chambers, situate in Crown-Street, in the City of New-York, by Saturday the 23d instant, why an assignment of the said Debtor's Estate should not be made for the benefit of all his Creditors, and the said Debtor thereupon discharged, pursuant to an Act of the Legislature of the State of New-York, entitled, "An Act for the Relief of insolvent Debtors." passed the 13th of April, 1786.
JOSIAH HAZARD.
New-York, February 9, 1788.
39
P O E T I C S.
S O N N E T,
OF PETRARCH TO LAURA.
PLACE me where blazing Phoebus burns the earth,
Or snows eternal, crush fair nature's birth; Where milder rays illumine this earthly ball, Or where his influence is not felt at all; Where fortune surly frowns, or gleeful smiles, In night, or day, in clouds, or trackless wilds, Where desert rocks, their cloud-capt summits rear, 'Midst seas immense, or vallies ever drear. Raife me from earth, to yonder skies above, Or sink me where despairing spirits rove; "Whether life fosters still, or flies this clay," Where e'er the winged soul pursues its way; Still must I love; and, still my tortur'd breast, Without its LAURA, never can have rest.
A BLACK COW,
STRAYED from her Stable, next the City-Hall, in Wall-Street.—She is a young Cow, has lately had a Calf, is marked with a white face, a white ridge of hair down her back, and has two white hind legs. Whoever will conduct her to the owner, at No. 1, the corner of Queen-Street, shall have Ten Shillings reward. 39
A New Latin Grammar.
IN THE PRESS, AND WILL BE PUBLISHED ON MONDAY NEXT,
THE PRINCIPLES OF THE LATIN GRAMMAR, adapted to the capacity of Beginners, with Notes and Observations for the use of such as have made considerable proficiency in the Classics.
By JAMES HARDIE, A.B. Teacher of the Greek and Latin Languages, New-York.
New published Books,
Imported, this day, from London, in the ship F. vorite, Capt. Taylor, and sold by JAMES RIVINGTON.
C H E E S E S,
A Work offered by its author to CHE PLAYERS, as a compilation of all anecdotes and quotations that could be found relative to the Game of Chefs; with an account of all the Chefsbooks that could be procured.
This day is published by JAMES RIVINGTON.
The New Annual Register,
FOR THE YEAR 1786; OR, GENERAL Repository of History, Politics, and Literature. To which is prefixed, the History of Knowledge, Learning, and Taste in Great-Britain.—To this Years Volume is added a copious view and characters of new Books, both in English and of Foreign Literature. A Work more calculated to inform and to please than any other periodical production whatever.—Of the said James Rivington may be had, all the preceding volumes of this much esteemed performance, from its first publication in 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, 1784 and 1785. Sir John Hawkins's Life of the celebrated Dr. Samuel Johnson.
A new English Pocket Dictionary, proper for a Gentleman's Pocket, for which only it is calculated, and a truly useful petit volume it is.
The Children's Friend, and other select Stories for the instruction and entertainment of Children, by Mrs. Berguin,—well adapted to make the young Fry read— volens volens .
Madam Genlis on Religion the only Happiness. Tales of the Castle.
Caroline, or the Diversities of Fortune. The Romance of Real Life.
The Economy of Charity, in favor of Sunday Schools, by Mrs. Trimmer.
The Emperor of Germany's Code of Laws. Baron Riebeck's, celebrated Travels through Germany, a very Tonish Work.
De Lolme on the State of the British Empire much read.
Savary's Travels through Egypt. Sorrows of Werter.
Charlotte's Letters. Smith's Longinus.
Goldsmith's Histories of Greece, Rome, and England.
Johnson's English Dictionary. Smith's History of New-York, with a Cop- perplate.
The Spanish Grammar and Dictionary, a new Edition with great Improvements, for both English and Spanish Learners, of both Languages.
Italian and English Dictionaries and Grammars.
French and English Dictionaries and Grammars, for teaching both Languages, to both French and English Students.
Offian's Works. Neckar on Finances, 3 vols.
Jenkinson's Collection of Treaties, 3 vols. Ferguson's Astronomy.
Ferguson's Lectures in Mechanicks. Nicholson's Philosophy, 2 vols.
Telemachus's French on one and English on the opposite page, for the use of Learners.
Madam Vauclues's Dialogues, French on one and English on the side facing, for Students.
Supplement to Lord Chesterfield's Letters to his Son transmitted to Mrs. Stanhope, his mother by Sir William Forbes, whose father inherited them from the late Sir Andrew Mitchell, Ambassador to the late King of Prussia, at Berlin.

JUST PUBLISHED, And to be Sold By Robert Hodge, No. 137, Queen-Street, and the other Booksellers, Conductor Generalis; OR the Office, Duty and Authority of Justices of the Peace, High Sheriffs, Under Sheriffs, Coroners, Constables, Goalers, Jurymen, and Overseers of the Poor. As also, the Office of Clerks of Assize, and of the Peace, &c. To which are added, Several choice Maxims in Law, &c. compiled chiefly from Burn's Justice, and several other Books on those Subjects. By JAMES PARKER, Esq. late Justice of the Peace in New-Jersey. Now adapted to these United States. The whole alphabetically digested under the several Titles; with a Table, directing to the ready finding out the proper Matter under those Titles. This Book is highly esteemed, and very necessary for Gentlemen in the Commission of the Peace; likewise for every other Person who would wish to be acquainted with the Laws of the Land we live in.
At the above Store may be had, a great variety of BOOKS, CONSISTING OF History, Divinity, Law, Philosophy, Mathematics, Biography, Geography, Poetry, Physic, Surgery, Agriculture, Nautical Books, Dictionaries, Architecture, Novels, Miscellaneous. &c. Also, an excellent Assortment of STATIONARY. New-York, January 21, 1788. 33 3w
MRS. BRYCE, Milliner and Mantua Maker, from Glasgow, RESPECTFULLY informs her Friends in general, and the Ladies in particular, that having carried on an extensive business in Britain—the has now opened Store at No. 4, opposite the middle of the Olwego-Market where all Orders received in her various branches of Millinery and Mantua Making, will be executed with neatness and dispatch. And as it is her highest ambition to merit the approbation of her employers, so she hopes to receive (though a stranger) a part of that public favor and patronage, which so eminently distinguishes the citizens of this City. N.B. All Orders from the Ladies in the Country, will be carefully attended to as above. New-York, November 2, 1787. 10
At a Court of Chancery held at the Chancellor's Chambers in the City of New-York, the third Day of December, in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Seven, P R E S E N T. The Honorable ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON Esq. Chancellor. Abraham Lent, Complainant, } In Chancery. v. s. George Ogilvie, Defendant, } FORASMUCH as it appears to this Honorable Court, that a Bill has been filed therein, by ABRAHAM LENT, Assignee of MEDCALF EDEN, Mortgagee, against the Defendant GEORGE OGILVIE, Mortgagee, to obtain a Decree for the sale of certain Premises therein mentioned to have been Mortgaged, by the said Defendant George Ogilvie, to the said Medcalfe Eden, and by him assigned to the said Abraham Lent; whereupon process of Subpoena to appear, and answer hath been duly issued and returned, and that the said Defendant, George Ogilvie, hath not entered his appearance in this Suit as according to the rules of this Court the same ought to have been entered, in case the said process had been duly served—And an Affidavit having been made to the satisfaction of this Court, that the said Defendant, George Ogilvie, has withdrawn himself out of this State, and cannot upon due enquiry be found within the same, so as to be served with the said process, which issued on the filing of the Bill of Complaint in this cause. Wherefore it is ordered on motion of Mr. Griswold, of Counsel for the Complainant, that the said George Ogilvie appear to the said Bill, on or before the twenty-ninth day of January next, and in default thereof, that the Complainant's said Bill be taken pro confesso, for the end that a Decree may be made for the sale of the said mortgaged Premises, or such part thereof as to this Court shall appear just and right. And it is further Ordered, That a Copy of this Order, be inserted in (at least) two of the public Newspapers printed in this State of New-York for the space of eight weeks successively. Extract from the Minutes. W. COCK, Register. 51w.
G E N T E E L Boarding and Lodging. ENQUIRE OF THE RINTER.
New published Books, LAW BOOKS. NEW AND CHEAP EDITIONS, Just imported, this day, and sold by JAMES RIVINGTON, REPORTS of Cases in King's Bench, in 1785, 1786 and 1787, including the very last Easter term. An History of the English Law; by John Reeves, Esq. Barrister at Law. A new edition, in 4 octavo volumes; of which the Author, among other particulars, thus expresses himself: "The History which I now presume to offer to the profession of the Law, is an attempt to investigate, and discover, the first principles of that complicated system which we are daily discussing. The investigation here made into the origin of English Tenures, the Law of real Property, the nature of Writs, and the ancient and more simple practice of real Actions, may, perhaps, facilitate the Student's passage from Blackstone's Commentaries, to Coke upon Littleton, and better qualify him to consider the many points of antient Law which are discussed in that learned book." Hargrave's collection of Tracts relative to the Law of England, from original Manuscripts, now first published. This volume was, from the beginning, designed for the use of the whole profession of the Law, in all its branches, so it is most respectfully presented for their universal acceptance, with an entreaty, that the zeal with which the Editor has thus attempted to promote professional knowledge, may receive from professional candour and liberality, a generous shelter from any errors and imperfections that may be found in it. The Attorney's Vademecum. Bacon's Abridgment of the Law; a new edition, in five pocket volumes, greatly corrected and improved, with many additional Notes and References of and to modern Determinations. To which is now first added, 1. A Table of the Names of the Cases. 2. A Table of Statutes, or Acts of Parliament, cited, referred to, or explained. 3. A Table of the Reporters and other Writers, with their several Contractions and Editions; together with a new and copious general Index, or Table of the principal Matters.—By T. Cunningham, Esq. Barrister at Law, Author of the New Law Dictionary, &c. The Pocket Conveyancer, or Attorney's Companion. Vernon's Reports in Chancery. Viner's Title Evidence. Burn's Justice, improved, with additions. Running on Executions, originally Baron Gilbert's. Gilbert's Law of Executions. Trials Per Pais. Buller's Trials at Nisi Prius, new edition. Comyn's Digest of the Law, in 5 pocket vols, Spirit of Laws. Mitford on Chancery Pleadings. Impey's King's Bench and Common Pleas Practice. Barrington on the Statutes—with all the modern Reports, &c. &c. &c.
NOTICE is hereby given, according to the form of an Act of the Legislature of the late Colony of New-York, entitled, "An Act for the more effectual Registry of Mortgages, and for securing the Purchasers of Mortgaged Estates;" passed the nineteenth day of March, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and seventy four—that on the sixth day of March next ensuing the date hereof, at twelve o'clock in the forenoon of the same day, will be SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, upon the Premises— The Fee-Simple of all that certain Messuage or Dwelling-House, and Lot of Ground, situate and being in the North Ward of the City of New-York, on the northerly side of a certain Street called and known by the name of Little Queen-Street, bounded southerly in front on said Street; easterly, on the house and ground now or late of Thomas Marlow; northerly, in the rear on the ground now or late of John Livingston, and others; and westerly, on the New Dutch Church Yard. The said Dwelling-House, and Lot of Ground, containing in breadth in front and rear, twenty-three feet and an half, and in length on each side ninety-six feet; together with the Houses, Edifices, and Buildings thereon erected and being, and all Gardens, Yards, Wells, Backsides, Ways, Paths, Packages, Easements, Profits, Commodities, Advantages, Emoluments, Hereditaments and Appurtenances to the said Dwelling-House and Lot of Ground, belonging or in any wise appertaining; which Sale will be made in virtue of a Mortgage of the said premises, by indentures of lease and release, bearing date the twenty-first and twenty-second days of October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, (with a power to sell therein contained) from William Bryant, of the City of New-York, Doctor of Physic, to Alexander Leslie, late of the City of New-York, aforesaid, Peruke Maker, assigned to the Subscribers, who will thereupon execute deeds of conveyance to the Purchaser pursuant to the power in the said Mortgage and the Act aforesaid. WILLIAM DAVIS, JAMES SIRACHAN. JAMES MACKENZIE. By their Attorney, CHARLES SMITH
FOR SALE, A LARGE quantity of MASTS, SPARS, SQUARE TIMBER, and PINE SCANTLING, at a convenient landing, and safe harbour, in CHESEPEAKE-BAY, near to the Capes, where the largest ships may load with the greatest facility. The terms of payment would be made easy. One or more ships would be loaded at a generous freight, payable in a proportion of the above Articles, on delivery thereof in approved Ports in Europe. Apply to ANDREW VAN BIEBER, in Baltimore, or to WILLIAM SETON, and Co. in New-York. N.B. Any of the above Articles would be prepared for shipment at a short notice, and of choice Timber, to any given dimensions. 35 By order of the Hon. Richard Morris, Esq. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of New-York. NOTICE is hereby given to SAMUEL MARSH, surviving partner of Samuel Marsh, and Giles Hudson, late of the city of London, merchants, an absent debtor, and all others whom it may concern; that on application, and due proof made to him the said Chief Justice, pursuant to the directions of the Law of the State of New-York, entitled "An act for relief against absconding and absent debtors," passed the 4th of April, 1786: He hath directed all the estate, real and personal, within the State of New-York, of the said Samuel Marsh, to be seized; and that unless the said Samuel Marsh doth discharge his debts within one year after this public notice of such seizure, all his estate, real and personal, will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his creditors. New-York, June 22, 1787. 95
ISAAC HOOK, BREECHES MAKER and GLOVER, from LONDON, BEGS Leave to inform all Gentlemen, and the Public in general, that he has now opened a Shop at No. 231, QUEEN-STREET, NEW-YORK, where he intends to carry on the BREECHES MAKING and GLOVE MANUFACTORY, in all its different Branches, both common and elastic, in a far superior manner to any yet manufactured in this Country.—All Gentlemen that please to favour him with their Orders, may depend upon being served on the shortest notice, and on the most reasonable Terms. 97
Leonard Rogers, BREECHES MAKER and GLOVER, Not from LONDON, BEGS leave to inform all Gentlemen and the Public in general, that he still carries on the above Manufactory at No. 55, Broad-Way, New-York, where Gentlemen may be served with all kinds of Articles in that branch in a far superior manner to the above advertisement. All Gentlemen that would wish to be served with Patent Breeches, may rely on their being made in the neatest manner, with punctuality, as he has now in his employ an excellent Artist from London, who perfectly understands that Branch. All Gentlemen that please to favour him with their Orders, may depend upon being served on the shortest Notice, and on the most reasonable Terms. 16
JOHN DALTON, SURGEON and PRACTITIONER of PHYSIC. HAS removed from No. 67 to No. 65, Cherry-Street, and informs his Friends in particular, and the Public in general, that by long experience he has found out a method to eradicate a certain Complaint, without one grain of that pernicious Medicine unskillfully administered, called Mercury, and in so short a time as will surprise any who favours him with their commands. The greatest secrecy may be depended on. By order of JOHN SLOSS HOBART, Esq. one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of Judicature, for the State of New-York: PUBLIC NOTICE is hereby given, that on the application of JOHN OOTHOUT, of the City of New-York, Merchant, a Creditor of JOHN DUMONT, late of the same City, Merchant, a Debtor residing without this State, he hath, in pursuance of the Act, entitled, "An Act for relief against absconding and absent Debtors," passed the 4th of April, 1786, directed all the Estate, real and personal, of the said John Dumont, within this State; to be seized; and that unless the said John Dumont does his debts within one year from the date hereof, all his Estate, real and personal, so seized, will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his Creditors. Given at New-York, this nineteenth day of April, 1787. 54
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons indebted to JACOB HAGGERMAN, of the City of New-York, an insolvent Debtor, that unless they make immediate Payment to the Subscribers, their Accounts will be put in the hands of an Attorney.—And all his Creditors are desired to bring in their Accounts, properly attested, to JOHN MURRAY, or WALTER BUCHANAN, } Assignees.
Just imported in the Ship George, from Glasgow, and the Four Friends from London, A very large and General Assortment of BOOKS. To be SOLD by S. and R. Campbell, At their Book and Stationary Store, No. 44, Hanover-Square, corner of the Old-Slip. Amongst which are the following, viz. SMELLIES large Anatomical Tables, elegantly engraved on 40 Copperplates, as large as life, with explanations and an abridgement of the Modern practice of Midwifery, by Dr. Alexander Hamilton. Spence's System of Midwifery, illustrated with copperplates. Monro's Observations on the Structure and Functions of the nervous System, illustrated with 47 Copperplates. New System of Anatomy and Physiology, from the latest and best Authors, 3 Vol. with Plates. Bell's Surgery with his Treatise on Ulcers 6 Vol. Cullen's Practice and Physiology, 5 Vol. Haller's Physiology, improved by Cullen. Hamilton's Midwifery for male and female Practitioners, with or without Plates. Smellie's Midwifery with Plates, 3 Vol. The Edinburgh new Dispensatory. Knox's Essays moral and literary, 3 Vol. new edition with Improvements. Hawkins's Life of Johnson. Burns's Poems. Kames's Elements of Criticism, 2 Vol. Goquet's Origin of Laws, Arts and Sciences, 3 Vol. Laws of the Prussian Dominions, 2 Vol. Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws, 2 Vol. Campbell's Lives of the British Admirals, 4 Vol. The Beauties of the Countess of Genlis. The History of Sandford and Merton, 2 Vol. The Children's Friend, 4 Vol. with Plates. Interesting Memoirs, 2 Vol. The Adventures of Numa Pompilius, second King of Rome, 2 Vol. Elegant Extracts in Prose and Verse. Sermons by Walker, 3 Vol. —by Blair, 2 Vol. —by Charters. Chauncy's universal Salvation. Kames's Art of Thinking. Aye on Courts Martial. English Dictionaries by Johnson, Bailey, Ash, Scott, Entick, Burn and Perry. Gibbon's and Love's Surveying. Scott's Lessons in Elocution. Mason's Collections. Drummond's ditto. With a large Assortment of Latin and English Classics. Also a great Variety of STATIONARY: Particularly Writing Paper of all Kinds, Blank Books, viz. Ledgers, Journals and Day Books. Quills, Wax, Wafers, &c. 32
NOTICE is hereby given to the Creditors of JACOB MORDECAI, late of the City of New-York, Merchant, an insolvent Debtor, that on the seventh day of March next, at twelve at noon of the same day, at the Merchants Coffee-house in the City of New-York, will be made a division of all the money, arising from the estate of the said Jacob Mordecai, which has come to the hands of the Subscribers, Assignees of said estate, under the Act for relief of insolvent debtors, passed the 13th of April 1786—And further Notice is also hereby given, by the Assignees aforesaid, that Tuesday the fifteenth day of January next, is appointed for a general meeting of such of said Creditors as shall choose to attend at the house and place aforesaid, to ascertain the debts due to such creditors respectively according to the directions of said act. WILLIAM SETON, } Surviving DANIEL LUDLOW, } Assignees. EDWARD GOOLD, } New-York, December 11, 1787. w3 3/4.
By order of the Honourable Richard Morris, Esquire, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Judicature of the State of New-York. NOTICE is hereby given to Moses Franks, and to all others whom it may concern, that on application and due proof made to the said Chief Justice, pursuant to an Act of the Legislature of the State of New-York, entitled, "An Act for relief against absconding and absent Debtors," passed the fourth day of April, 1786, he hath issued his warrants to the Sheriff of the City and County of New-York, and the Sheriff of the County of Suffolk, commanding them to attach, take, seize, and safely keep all the Estate, as well real as personal of the said Moses Franks, an absent debtor, of what kind or nature soever, and every or any part or parcel thereof, in whatever part of their bailiwicks the same can be found, with all evidences, books of accounts, vouchers, and papers relating thereto. And that unless he the said Moses Franks shall appear by himself, or Attorney, and discharge his debts within twelve months after the publication of this notice, all his Estate, real and personal, will be sold for the payment and satisfaction of his Creditors. Dated at the City of New-York, this twenty-sixth day of February, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven. 39 w. t. f.
A YOUNG WOMAN would be desirous of being a LADY'S MAID, or as a DRY NURSE. She can be well recommended—Enquire of the Printer. 34