Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1792-11-24 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 34, NORTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
[No. 51 of Vol. IV.]
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1792.
[Whole No. 375.]
AT A MEETING OF THE Insurance Company OF NORTH-AMERICA,
Held, by adjournment, at the State-House in this City, on the 19th inst. the following PLAN, reported by their Committee, was unanimously agreed to, and adopted as the
CONSTITUTION of the SOCIETY.
1. THE subscribers agree to form themselves into a society under the name of THE INSURANCE COMPANY OF NORTH-AMERICA, for the purpose of carrying on the business of assurance, and for raising a fund to pay and satisfy any losses which may happen, or any just demands which may be made upon the said society.
II. The said subscribers do severally, that is to say, each for himself, or herself, his or her heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, hereby covenant, promise and agree, to and with each and every other of the subscribers, their and each and every of their heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, and to and with all and every person and persons who shall hereafter be admitted into the office of the company, to do, fulfil and perform each and every of the articles of this association, and such other articles as shall hereafter from time to time be made and agreed upon by the members of this association at any of their general meetings: Provided nevertheless , That no subscriber, or his or her assignee, shall be bound, or held responsible to the other subscribers, or any of them, their or any of their assigns, or to any person or persons who shall become assured by the company, for any sum or sums of money or other charge whatsoever exceeding the amount of his or her share or interest in this association.
III. The capital stock of The Insurance Company of North-America shall not exceed six hundred thousand dollars; and shall be divided into sixty thousand shares, of ten dollars each; and a subscription towards constituting such stock shall be opened in the city of Philadelphia on the 20th day of November, 1792, under the inspection of Ebenezer Hazard, and shall continue open until the whole of the said stock shall have been subscribed.
IV. Any person or persons, copartnership or body politic, may subscribe to this association; and the shares subscribed shall be paid for by instalments as follows; that is to say,
For each and every share subscribed, there shall be paid—
One Dollar at the time of subscribing,
One Dollar on the 2d Monday of July, 1793,
Two Dollars on the 2d Monday of January, 1794,
Two Dollars on the 2d Monday of July, 1794,
Two Dollars on the 2d Monday of January, 1795,
And two Dollars on the 2d Monday of July, 1795.
Provided , That until the twelfth day of December next, the payment of the first instalment shall be made in the receipts issued by the agents and secretary of the late Universal Tontine Association; and after the said twelfth day of December, no person shall subscribe for a greater number of shares than twenty.
And the monies so paid shall be vested in such securities of the United States, or of the state of Pennsylvania, or in the stock of the bank of the United States, or of the bank of North-America, as shall by the Board of Directors be thought most advisable.
V. If any subscriber or other owner of any share or shares, shall neglect to pay any one of the instalments on the day before appointed for the payment thereof, such subscriber or other owner shall forfeit all the monies which shall have been paid on account of such shares; and shall moreover forfeit all his or her right, title, interest, claim and demand, resulting from such shares, of, in, and to the funds of this association, and the privileges thereof. All monies so forfeited shall enure to the use and benefit of the company.
VI. Every subscriber to these articles, his or her assignee, or other legal representative, shall be considered as being to all intents and purposes, a member of The Insurance Company of North-America; and all shares held in the same shall be transferable in such manner, and under such regulations as the Directors of the Company shall determine and direct.
VII. For the well ordering and conducting the affairs of the company, there shall be fifteen Directors chosen by ballot, on the 2d Tuesday of January in each year, by the Stockholders, by plurality of votes; and the Directors so chosen, shall serve as such until the expiration of the 2d Tuesday of January next ensuing such election, and no longer: Provided , That as soon as forty thousand shares shall have been subscribed, notice thereof shall be given by the said Ebenezer Hazard, in at least two of the newspapers published in the city of Philadelphia; and the said Ebenezer Hazard shall at the same time and in like manner, notify a day not more than ten days distant from the date of such notification, for proceeding to the election of Directors, at a place in the city of Philadelphia, to be therein specified: At which time and place the election shall be made, and the persons then chosen shall be the first Directors, and shall forthwith commence the operations of The Insurance Company of North-America. They shall continue in office until the 2d Tuesday of January next ensuing their election.
VIII. The Directors chosen as aforesaid shall, at their first meeting, elect by ballot, one of their number to be President of the company, and shall then divide themselves (excluding the President) into committees, each committee to consist of two Directors. The said committees shall attend at the office of the company every week, in rotation; and the attending committee, with the President, (who shall also attend daily at the office) shall have full power and authority, in the name and on behalf of the company, to make such insurances upon vessels and merchandise at sea, or going to sea, or upon the life or lives of any person or persons, or upon any goods, wares, merchandise or other property gone or going by land or by water; and at such rates of insurance, or premium, as they shall deem advisable. And they shall, generally, do and transact, on behalf of the company, all the business usually attending insurances on the objects aforesaid; subject, nevertheless, to such regulations as the Stockholders at any general meeting shall think proper to make; and subject also to such rules and regulations as the Board of Directors shall, from time to time make, relating to the business of the company.
Until the company shall be legally incorporated, all notes, deeds, or other securities taken for the use of the company, shall be taken in the name of the President, as such; and all policies shall be signed by the President, as such; and such signing shall be deemed and taken to be the act of each member of the company, and for which the President shall not be liable to any peculiar personal responsibility:—and, in order to prevent disputes, there shall be inserted in every policy, a clause or covenant purporting that the assured considers the President as acting on behalf of the company, and releases him from all personal responsibility on account of such signature. But when the company shall have been legally incorporated, the policies shall pass under the seal of the corporation, and be attested by their Secretary.
The President shall lay before the Board of Directors, at each of their meetings, an account of the proceedings of the committees since the last meeting of the Board.
IX. There shall be stated meetings of the Board of Directors once in every fortnight, and occasional meetings at such other times as the President shall think proper: At all which meetings the President shall preside, but shall have no vote on any question, except in case of an equality of votes, in which case he shall have the casting voice.
Two thirds of the whole number of Directors, whereof the President shall be one, shall form a quorum; and all questions before the Board shall be decided by a plurality of votes: But no vote shall be re-considered by a less number than was present when such vote passed.
X. The Board of Directors shall have power to employ such and so many officers, clerks and other assistants, as they shall from time to time find necessary, and to make just and reasonable compensations to the persons employed by them. They shall also have power to establish rules and regulations for transferring shares in the company's stock, and for the management of the company's concerns. They shall superintend, generally, the whole business of the company,—shall examine the proceedings of the committees, and all officers employed;—they shall keep fair minutes of their own proceedings, and submit the same to the inspection of the Stockholders at every of their stated general meetings.
XI. The Stockholders shall meet together on the second Tuesday of January in every year, after the first election of Directors, for the purpose of examining into the situation of the company's affairs, and for making such additional and other rules and regulations as they shall judge necessary;—and in all questions coming before such meetings, as well as in the choice of Directors, they shall respectively vote according to their several interests in the company's stock, in the following ratio; that is to say,
Every member shall be entitled to one vote for each share of stock he or she shall hold: Provided , That no member shall have more than fifty votes: And provided also , That no proprietor of stock shall vote at any election for Directors (after the first) unless the stock shall have stood in his own name on the company's books three months next preceding the time of such election. But any member may vote either for Directors, or upon any other business, by his proxy duly authorised; and every rule, ordinance and regulation made at any such meetings, shall be binding on each member of the society as fully to all intents and purposes as if each and every member were personally present, and consenting thereto.
XII. In case of the sickness or necessary absence of the President, his place shall be supplied by such other Director as the Board shall appoint for that purpose.
XIII. No Director shall be entitled to any emolument unless the same shall be agreed to at a general meeting of the Stockholders; but the company shall allow the President a reasonable compensation for his extraordinary attendance on their business.
XIV. The Directors shall on the first Monday of January and the first Monday of July respectively in every year, declare a dividend of so much of the profits of the society as to them shall appear advisable; and the dividend so declared, shall be paid to the respective proprietors in seven days after the same shall be so made. But the monies received as premiums on risks which shall be undetermined and outstanding at the time of making such dividend,
shall not be considered as a part of the profits of the company. And in case of any loss or losses whereby the capital stock of the society shall be lessened, no subsequent dividends shall be made until a sum equal to such diminution, and arising from the profits and interests of the society, shall have been added to the capital.
XV. The company shall hold no real estate other than such as shall be necessary for the convenient transaction of their business;—or shall be bona fide mortgaged to them by way of security;—or conveyed to them in satisfaction of debts;—or purchased at sales upon judgments which shall have been obtained upon debts due to them.
XVI. Any member of the Insurance Company of North-America, may at any time become assured by the company, on any ship or vessel, goods, merchandise or lives, in the same manner, and to the same effect, as if such member had no interest in the company.
Extract from the minutes, EBENEZER HAZARD, Secretary. Philadelphia, November 10th, 1792.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
IT was my intention to have closed with my last paper, the discussion of Mr. Jefferson's conduct in the particulars which have been suggested; but the singular complexion of the last number* of a series of papers originating in the American Daily Advertiser, obliges me to resume it.
As if bold assertion were capable of imposing any thing for truth, an attempt is made, in the paper alluded to, to impress the following opinions, 1st, That the extract which was given of Mr. Jefferson's letter on the subject of a proposition for the transfer of the French debt, is "false," "deceptive," and "mutated." These are the epithets in different passages applied to it. 2d, That Mr. Jefferson was the mere vehicle, or to use the precise terms, "only the vehicle of communication to Congress." 3d, That he "discountenanced" the proposition. 4th, That the "only" proposition which he made to Congress, was to borrow the money in Holland to discharge the debt.
To give colour to these assertions, I am called upon to produce the entire paragraph from which the extract has been made, and it is suggested, that the whole was deposited in the quarter, from whence the extract is believed to have been taken.
I pledge my veracity that this suggestion is unfounded; as is another—that the information which has been communicated by me is derived from the opportunities of official situation. I affirm unequivocally, that I obtained through different channels a full knowledge of the transaction in February, 1787—being in no public station whatever—that I then saw the extract, which has been published, and which was at that time taken from the original letter, and has been since preserved, in the most authentic form.—That I then also received information equally authentic of the general substance of the letter, as relating to the matter in question, and of all other particulars concerning it, which have heretofore been stated, and which have been preserved, in a manner, that admits no doubt of their accuracy or genuineness.
For this, I again appeal to the letter itself, on the files of the department of state, where alone, as far as I am informed, its entire contents are deposited, and which I entertain no doubt will confirm not only the truth of the extract which has been given, but the justness of the representation of the contents of the letter in all other respects.
Considering the extract as genuine, which undoubtedly it is, it speaks for itself—and unequivocally falsifies the suggestion that Mr. Jefferson was "only the vehicle" of communication to Congress.—It imports, without the possibility of evasion, advice to accede to the proposition which was made to the Dutch Company, on the dishonorable ground of there being danger, that the public payments would not be punctual, and of its being in that case expedient to transfer the discontents, which would arise from the want of punctuality, from the court of France, to the creditors of a private company. —It therefore clearly makes him more than the mere vehicle of communication—the patron and adviser of the measure upon the condition which has been stated.—It as clearly refutes the astonishing assertion, that he "discountenanced" the proposition; whatever shelter may be brought to colour it.—And it equally destroys the other allegation, that the only proposition which Mr. Jefferson made to Congress, was to borrow the money in Holland to discharge the debt.
It has been admitted, that there was another proposition, in the same letter, of that import; but it is denied under the appeal which has been made, that it in any manner derogates from the advice contained in the extract.—It is understood to have been offered as an alternative; in case the proposition of the Dutch Company should not be approved.—As another mode which might be adopted to effect the payment to France.
It will be remarked by an attentive reader, that while an artful attempt is made to
* No. IV.
bring into question the genuineness of the extract, a direct denial of its genuineness is not hazarded.—Recourse is had to equivocal implications. It is said to be "false and deceptive," not in terms, but "upon a sound construction"—that "the contents of the letter, even in the extract published, have been flatteringly misrepresented"—not that the extract is itself a forgery; but that "other parts of the letter absolutely necessary for the full comprehension of it, are kept back"—The jargon of asserting, that a literal extract from a paper is "false and deceptive, upon a sound construction," is a proof of the embarrassment of the commentator. Whoever will examine the extract will perceive, that as to the purpose, to which it has been applied, it is an entire thing. The sentiment reprobated is there complete, and can be affected by nothing collateral. The inferences resulting from it can only be repelled by establishing that the extract is in terms false.—This I believe will not be pretended.
It is as little true (in the sense in which it is evidently meant to be understood) that the proposition for the transfer of the debt has been imposed upon Mr. Jefferson as his own, as it is that he discountenanced it. It has been acknowledged, that the offer was first made by the Dutch Company; and has only been maintained that Mr. Jefferson advised its acceptance on principles contrary to good morals; a position which can never be overthrown without introducing a new system of ethics.—In this sense too, and with the disapprobation, which belonged to it, was it understood by those to whom the advice was addressed, to the honor of the public Councils of the day.
It is suggested that the animadversions upon Mr. Jefferson's conduct, in these papers, proceed from "private revenge." This supposes some private injury real or imagined.—The assertor must be not a little embarrassed to support the probability of such a cause.—It is affirmed that none such exists. Private revenge therefore cannot be the stimulus. Let Facts speak the true motives.
CATULLUS.
EXTRACT.
"Every man is born with no small propensity to power, riches, and pleasure; and has naturally a delight in idleness; consequently every man is for having the money, wives or daughters of others; would subject them all to his humors, and do no work, or at least what only pleased himself. We may see that for men with such dispositions to be equal is as impossible as that two preachers, or two professors of divinity, should not be jealous of one another."
"Mankind, in the present state, cannot subsist, unless an infinity of useful men have the misfortune of being without any possession whatever; for, to be sure, no man in easy circumstances will plough your grounds; and if you are in want of a pair of shoes, you must find some other hand than a serjeant at law or a judge advocate, to make them for you. Thus inequality is, at the same time, both the most natural and the most chimerical thing in the world."
"Men being excessive in every thing where they can be so, this inequality has been carried too far; in several governments it is a standing maxim, that a citizen is not allowed to quit the country where he happened to be born: the import of such a law is visibly this: the country is so bad and ill governed, that we forbid any person whatever to go out, lest every body should leave it.—A good government will act more wisely; it will create in its subjects a delight to remain; in foreigners, a desire of coming thither."
ANECDOLE.
AT an election in a certain State, a bye-flander observing the particular situation of a great number of the electors, who had been regaled at the expence of one of the candidates, remarked on the occasion, That the Voice of the people, was the Voice of Grog.
PORTSMOUTH, (N. H.) Nov. 7.
It appears by the votes returned for Federal Representatives, that the people of this State have made choice of the Hon. Jeremiah Smith, Nicholas Gilman, and John S. Sherburne, Esq's. as three of their Representatives in the Congress of the United States.—The Hon. Paine Wingate, and Abiel Foster, Esq's. being the highest on the nomination list, will be the two gentlemen to be sent out again for the people to make choice of one of them to fill the vacancy.
   The votes returned were for the     Hon. Jeremiah Smith, 4306   Nicholas Gilman, 2912   John S. Sherburne, 2536   Paine Wingate, 2168   Abiel Foster, 1518   James Sheafe, 1460   Nathaniel Peabody, 1370   Timothy Walker, 706   William Page, 406   Joshua Atherton, 402   Sundry scattering votes.  

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, September 19.
The house went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Lawrence in the chair, on the PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.
On that part which relates to the reduction of the public debt, Mr. Fitzsimons offered a resolution to the following purport:—
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that measures for the reduction of so much of the public debt as the United States have a right to redeem, ought to be adopted. And that the secretary of the treasury be directed to report a plan for that purpose.
Mr. Madison wished for information before he could agree to the motion just made. The exact state of our finances he conceived necessary to be well known before measures were taken for the reduction of the debt. The house of representatives had already unequivocally expressed their general sentiments on the subject, in their answer to the President's speech; but it was not time, he conceived, for the adoption of measures with a view to realize what appeared the general wish, until the information on which those measures were to be grounded, was received.
Mr. Fitzsimons argued, that the motion, if adopted, would call forth the information necessary to ground a final measure upon. The recommendation from the President was strong, and the answer of the house as positive; no difference of opinion, he therefore supposed, could exist as to the propriety of reducing the debt. The United States had paid a valuable consideration for the right of reducing it, and the first opportunity of making use of that right, he conceived the best.
Mr. Williamson was of opinion, that information would come in of course. The President, he suggested, no doubt was acquainted with the situation of the revenue when he recommended the reduction of the debt at the present time. He should be in favour of the motion. He declared it as his opinion, that our public debt was our most dangerous enemy; he wished it could be reduced twice as fast; the irredeemable quality of part of it he much disliked.
Mr. Madison again expressed it as his opinion, that information should form the basis of any provision for the reduction of the debt. If the motion was carried, information no doubt could be obtained before the final adoption of any measure; but he insisted on the necessity of making that information the groundwork of any proceeding on so important a subject.
Mr. Mercer, No question, he conceived, was of more importance than that involved in the motion before the house. He wished for time to make up his mind on it. It involved one question which had occasioned very warm debate in the house, and which was decided but by a small majority—he alluded to the reference made last session to the secretary of the treasury. He conceived it improper to commit to any man, what he was bound himself to do. He conceived the power of the house to originate plans of finance, to lay new burthens on the people entrusted to them by their constituents, as incommunicable.
As to the main object of the motion, he rather doubted the propriety of adopting, at present, a permanent system for the reduction of the public debt.
The house, he said, stood in a very delicate situation—a fuller representation will shortly succeed the present. He saw a propriety in making a temporary provision to redeem, in order to secure the right of reducing in future. He hoped the house would consent to a delay of a day or two, when members would be better prepared.
Mr. Smith, S. C. conceived, that, as the motion had been made and seconded, some decision must be obtained on it, or that the committee must rise. He saw no good reason for leaving it to a future house, to adopt a permanent plan of reduction. If it was now thought too early a period to accomplish so desirable an object, it would be a good reason for deferring it; but if it was full time, measures for that purpose should be adopted, they should go forward. If the gentleman required further time to make up his mind, the committee might rise and sit again in a day or two.
He next made some reply to the objections of the gentleman last up, to that part of the motion which contemplated a reference to the secretary of the treasury. The ultimate decision, he remarked, in no one point, was relinquished by such a reference. If such a reference was unconstitutional, he observed, much business had been conducted in the house in an unconstitutional manner, by repeated references to the heads of departments. The reference of business to select committees would be unconstitutional, he said, on the same ground.
Turning on the main question—the house, he conceived, were in possession of information already, that would warrant a beginning in the work of reducing the public debt. From the report of the trustees of the sinking fund, read in the morning, it appeared, that they had funds remaining in their hands.
The house had pledged themselves in their answer to the President's address, to proceed on the task; now to refer the business to a future Congress, would appear like great reluctance to go into the measure, and would argue great unreadiness. The system to be adopted for the purpose contemplated, could not, he conceived, be attempted, in the first instance, in so large a body as a committee of the whole house. He hoped the question on the motion would obtain a decision at the present time; but if the gentleman persisted in requesting a delay, he wished the committee to rise and ask leave to sit again.
Mr. Sedgwick concurred, the house did not need any more information than they were in
possession of, to see the propriety of adopting immediate measures for the reduction of the debt. The United States, it was evident, he said, are paying more than the market interest upon their debt—it falls above par, and, considering the rate at which loans can be obtained in Europe on the credit of the United States, that mode of reducing the debt was, he said, inconceivably eligible. It would be economical for an individual, in similar circumstances, to effect a reduction, and the case was the same, the United States being in the place of that individual. It was agreed to in the house, he said, and re-echoed out of doors, that a public debt was a public evil; it was the duty, therefore, of the representatives of the people, to use all the means in their power, whenever opportunity offered, to reduce it.
He made some observations on the propriety of referring the business to the secretary for information and his opinion, and concluded by declaring, that, viewing the main question as he first stated, he could not see any necessity in deferring a question on the motion.
Mr. Mercer expressed some surprise at the disinclination some gentlemen appeared to shew to a full discussion on so important a subject. He again objected to a reference. That mode of conducting business in the house, he said, had given very general dissatisfaction. The mode was adopted by a small majority—the house had received, since its adoption, an accession of new members—besides, since, every member had mixed with his constituents, and opinions might consequently have varied since that time. For his part, he said, he should pay great and implicit regard to the opinion of his constituents.
He again adverted to the nature of the trust reposed in the house by the constitution, in originating money bills, &c. and dwelt on the true import of the word originate, which he conceived could not be explained away, so as to warrant a reference. Besides, he argued, is not a body selected from millions of the people, more adequate to the task of originating, than a single man.
He hoped, that respect to the President's recommendation would never make the house inattentive to the great interests of the people. The President's address had not been so long before the house, as that a short delay should argue disrespect.
But the President, in his address, did not, he said, recommend a reference to the secretary.
He was willing to give a decision on the first part of the motion—though he would prefer a delay of a day or two; if this, however, was not granted, he should call, he said, for a division of the question.
He again adverted to the propriety of taking advantage of the redeemable quality of our debt as soon as possible; observing that the next term of payment of interest came round with the new year.
Mr. Fitzsimons observed that he was in the minority on the question adverted to by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Mercer)—that he had not since altered his opinion upon that subject, but considered the present reference as very different from the former, and entirely within the letter and spirit of the act for establishing the treasury department. He did not believe it would be necessary to impose additional burdens, to effect a reduction of the debt. He believed that the existing finances, assisted by a foreign loan, would enable the United States to accomplish the object.
As to the reports from the treasury or other officers,—they will stand on their own merits. If they are bad, they will be rejected.
Mr. Madison drew a distinction between the deliberative functions of the house and the ministerial functions of the Executive Powers. The deliberative functions, he conceived, should be exercised before the ministerial began to act. It should be decided by the house, in the first instance, he conceived, whether the debt should be reduced by imposing new taxes, or by varying the burdens, or by new loans. The fundamental principles of any measure he was of opinion, should be decided in the house, perhaps even before a reference to a select committee. He did not pretend to determine whether the motion now before the house might not involve a reference of a ministerial nature merely. But he well knew, he said, that the act establishing the Treasury department had been so construed as to give it a greater latitude than was contemplated when the law passed, much against the opinion of a great portion of the people. In the infancy of our government, that latitude, perhaps might be necessary; but he saw no necessity for it at present.
Mr. Page opposed a division of the question as precluding debate. He wished the motion amended, by striking out the last part.
Mr. Findley was against a reference to the Secretary of the Treasury of a matter, which, he conceived, was made the exclusive business of the house by the constitution.
Mr. Mercer expressed himself in favour of striking out the last part of the motion.
Mr. Hillhouse was of a different opinion. His constituents, he conceived, expected their business to be done in the best manner possible, and that he should not rely on his own information only, but endeavour to avail himself of the information of others. He said he should consider himself unequal to the task of taking a share in legislating for the Union if he was to depend on his own information alone. He expected to derive information from every source. It was the intention of meeting in Congress to collect information from every quarter.
He should despise any one, he said, he should despise himself if he thought his judgment could be improperly influenced by any plan reported by any of the heads of department. If any system, originating with the head of a department appeared the best that could be devised it should meet the approbation of the house; but if any amendment was thought of, it was the duty of the house to adopt or reject it according to its merits.
He considered reports in the light of information, and dwelt on the necessity of receiving information, from every quarter. He was against striking out.
Mr. Findley was in favour of striking out. He was a friend to information, he said, but the reports from heads of departments he did not consider in the light of information merely. It was information, and plans built on that, and those plans supported by arguments.
Though a law, he said, had made it the province of the Secretary of the Treasury to report those plans;—the constitution had not enjoined the house to refer; and he hoped the house, being the masters of their own proceedings, would originate such measures themselves.
The house had a right to, and, he conceived should call for what information was wanted to enable them to digest their own plans.
Mr. Murray observed, that the debate on the propriety of referring to the Secretary of the Treasury the business contemplated in the motion, had produced but few new arguments; it was a repetition of what was said when the subject was before the house at another time.
One new idea, however, he observed, had fallen from the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Madison) viz. his distinction between deliberative and ministerial functions. This distinction, he conceived, is qualified by the nature of things.
It is qualified in this instance, by the law which establishes the Treasury department. That law makes it the duty of the Secretary, to digest and report plans to ameliorate our finances, without any call from the house. True the business of the house is to deliberate; but by references, neither is the power of the house to deliberate infringed, nor does it give the Secretary a right legislatively to deliberate, but to deliberate ministerially; and it was important, he conceived, in a government framed like ours that such officers should have the power to deliberate in that manner. The result of their deliberations was not obligatory on the house,—no further than it was warranted by wisdom.
He was averse to striking out—was willing to allow further time for consideration. He should like to see, for his own part, a statement of the revenue.
He again expressed it as his firm opinion, that a report from the head of a department could no further influence the house, than by the weight of the wisdom it contained.
Whenever ministerial influence, he observed, was felt in the house, otherwise than by weight of wisdom, it would but little matter, he conceived, whether Secretaries had it in their power to report plans or not. Reports, he conceived, would never have an improper influence, as long as the legislature preserved their character for wisdom and integrity.
The information to be derived from the head of a department, could never, he suggested, be obtained in a more proper manner, than by making it the foundation of deliberation. Supposing the house should undertake to originate without this previous step, and a difficulty should occur for want of information; it would be he conceived, derogatory to the dignity of the house to apply then to the Secretary for assistance, and more dangerous to proceed in error or ignorance.
He rather wished for a short delay;—but if the question was urged, he should certainly vote, he said, against striking out.
Mr. Madison saw some difficulty in drawing the exact line between subjects of legislative and ministerial deliberations; but still such a line most certainly existed. Gentlemen who argued the propriety of calling on the Secretary for information, plans and propositions, involved the propriety of permitting that officer in the shape of a plan or measure to propose a new tax, and say whether it should be a direct or indirect one. Yet, if it was proposed directly to give this power to the Secretary, few members, he believed, would agree to it. He was in favour of striking out.
Mr. Gerry said, that while the law establishing the Treasury department was under consideration, he had opposed that part of the bill which gave the Secretary power to propose to the house a tax and a plan to carry it into execution. He conceived such a power contrary to the principles of the constitution. This power is however, involved in that part of the law which authorizes him to propose, without being called on, plans for the support of credit, for the reduction of the public debt, &c. The Secretary, nevertheless, knowing probably, that that power, granted him by the law, was looked upon with a jealous eye by many members of the house, has never exercised it.
He, however, was not averse to referring the object of the motion to the Secretary. He saw an impossibility, if taken up in a committee of the whole, in rendering the intended measure an uniform part of the great financial whole. The clashing of various opinions would prevent it.
If the influence of the Secretary was formidable—he conceived, it would be much more dangerous if exerted against a select committee, than in the whole house.
He hoped the last part of the resolution would not be struck out.
On motion the committee rose, reported progress and asked leave to sit again.
House adjourned.
Sketch of the Observations which were made on
MR. MURRAY'S MOTION, That a Committee be appointed to bring in a Bill supplementary to the Militia Law passed the last session.
Mr. Livermore rose to enquire, what particular part of the law, was the object of the resolution?
Mr. Murray explained; he informed the house that it had special reference to the clause which respects arming the militia. He said, the injunctions of the law, in this particular, imposed equal burthens, on shoulders infinitely disproportioned as to their capacity to sustain them: it
enjoins duties on the major part of the militia, of such a nature, as renders the law totally impracticable. A man not worth one farthing, is subjected to the same expence with one who may be worth ten thousand pounds a year: the inequality, evident in the operation of such a requisition, is a glaring instance of injustice, and calls loudly for legislative interposition and relief.—He adverted to the particular situation of the state of Maryland, to shew the impracticability of carrying the law into execution in that part of the Union.
Mr. Williamson suggested an alteration in the resolution. It would be better, in his opinion, to have it read, a bill to amend the militia law. He moved for this alteration.—Mr. Williamson observed, that he thought the law susceptible of several amendments; but with respect to the objection of the gentleman from Maryland, he said it applied with equal force to many other parts of the law, particularly with regard to the general performance of militia duty.
Mr. Livermore stated some objections to the indefiniteness of the resolution.
Mr. Greenup observed, that he had seconded the motion of the gentleman from Maryland, because he thought many parts of the law might be amended in such manner, as to make it more applicable to the circumstances of the state of Kentucky; which, from its peculiar situation, could not derive those advantages from the law, which other parts of the Union might; the want of which were sensibly felt. He preferred adopting the words to amend, in lieu of 'supplementary.'
Mr. Hillhouse objected to the motion: he thought that competent relief, in the case complained of, might be obtained from the state legislature. He added, that the law had scarcely got into operation; some of the states have made provision to carry it into execution; others are about doing the same: and he doubted the policy, exceedingly, of taking any steps in the business, before any experience of the law has been had.
Mr. Fitzsimons offered some remarks of a similar nature.
Mr. Mercer supported the Motion. He urged a variety of reasons, to shew the importance of taking immediate measures to amend and ameliorate the law: if this is not done, said he, it will sanction the idea, already entertained by many of the respectable citizens of the Union, that there is a disinclination, on the part of many members of the legislature, to provide for an effective militia—that a necessity may be induced for a standing army. He adverted to the injustice of the requisition, which enjoins, that a man who is not worth twenty shillings, should incur an expence of twenty pounds, in equipping himself as a militia man.
Mr. Murray's motion, for a committee, was negatived; fourteen members, only, rising in the affirmative.
Wednesday, November 21.
The petition of John Sinclair and others was read, praying a settlement of their accounts for public services—Laid on the table.
Mr. Lee moved for the order of the day on the subject of lost certificates.—This motion was waved, to take into consideration the report of the Committee of the whole on the President's speech. The several resolutions agreed to by the committee were read; but the house being thin their consideration was deferred.
Mr. Murray called for the resolution which he laid on the table yesterday, "that a committee be appointed to repeal that clause of the militia law which relates to the arming the militia;" it is being read.
Mr. Murray said he still had hopes, though his first motion the day before had failed.—The present motion was to repeal the clause which he hoped to prove obnoxious—as it was more limited than the former one—and as he did not mean by this to go into a general revision of the whole law, but confine the repeal and substitute to the arming clause, he imagined many gentlemen would support his intentions, who yesterday were averse to opening the whole law to revision. The clause in question was obnoxious to his constituents—a late and most intimate knowledge of his district had enabled him with great confidence to say so; and he had reason to believe that unless an alteration in the law took place, no act of the legislature of Maryland would give the desired operation in that state. The clause was disagreeable to his constituents, because it was oppressive in principle, and impracticable in its operation. It was a principle of political justice which no occasion could dispense with, that protection and taxation should be commensurate: That wherever a tax was levied for the protection of society, its apportionment among individuals should be as exactly as possible correspondent with the property of each individual. There is so much justice in this, that he did not suppose it would be controverted. The oppression that will be felt in the operation of this clause, flows from the violation of that principle. The obligation to arm in a particular manner, as it will produce a uniform expence on men of unequal property, will prove a tax that will act unjustly, because unequally—men will not pay agreeably to their property. To illustrate this is easy, and the plainest mode of showing the truth. By the law, he who has past his forty-fifth year, is exempt from militia duty. It must often happen that men of large fortune will thus contribute nothing towards the species of protection, while the man of very small fortune will be obliged to furnish largely to it, if the father of a family capable and of age to bear arms. For the sake of harmony and a ready disposition to fall into a patriotic impulse, he much doubted whether his constituents would have murmured much at the violation of the principle;

but the impracticability of this clause obliges them to seek relief through their representatives. The law, in the district he came from, he much feared could not be executed. Each militia-man is to come into the field with a musket, or firelock, a bayonet, cartouch-box, and other equipments. These, he verily believed, could not be had. If the citizens, even those who would think lightly of the burthen, could not procure those accoutrements, the law must be violated. Congress, he hoped, would not force his well inclined fellow citizens to violate the law—but if the law could not possibly be executed because impracticable, the legislature would be answerable for the indignities it brought upon itself, by thus prescribing unnecessary hardships. It was then to shield Congress and the dignity of legislation from the charge of imposing impossible obligations, as well as to redress the citizen, that he wished the clause altered.—Several modes presented themselves—The most obvious is, the furnishing of the arms at the public expence—and another is, the furnishing of the arms to such as might in the opinion of certain officers be too poor conveniently to find them. Congress might leave it with either the officers of the militia, or with the deputy marshals. The disposition once felt to relieve, would presently designate its mode of accomplishing redress. Fines too would prove a perpetually accumulating fund, which could in a few years either be applied to the further purchase of arms, and further exoneration of the poorer class, who might not fall within the idea of the most rigid poverty—or, to a reimbursement of the public for the arms first purchased. At all events, it could do no harm to hear what a committee could report on this subject—and when the house reflected that this was the wish of a populous district, and he verily believed of the whole state of Maryland, he did not doubt of at least a sober regard to such claims. A matter of great importance it certainly was, that as far as is consistent with the good of the whole, the interests and wishes of a part should be attended to—in this case, his constituents argued from no partial views or local motives, but from the fundamental principles of property & taxation, equally applicable to all who thought themselves aggrieved. He was convinced the clause in question was as impracticable as it was oppressive, and he hoped to have a committee appointed. He felt, that whatever might be the event, he had discharged the duty he owed his fellow citizens, and obeyed his own opinions.
Mr. Williamson strongly reprobated the idea of making the arming of the militia a public expence, as involving a most unequal and oppressive species of taxation, especially as it is conceded that more than one half of the militia are already armed.
Mr. Kittera said he was opposed to the motion; by a calculation which he offered, he said the expence of arming the militia at the public charge would amount to 42 millions of dollars, rating the expence at £.20 per man, according to the estimate of a gentleman from Maryland.—He reprobated the idea of making any alteration in the law before any experience of its effects had taken place.
Mr. Mercer supported the estimate he had made of the individual expence; and if it amounted said he, as the gentleman from Pennsylvania has said, to 42 millions of dollars, was the expence lessened by its being imposed in the most unequal and oppressive manner? He said he never had any idea of the governments incurring such an expence—he had no conception of the policy of a militia amounting to 750,000 men—he never wished to see a militia which should exceed thirty thousand; the plan of arming such an immense mass of militia was, in his opinion, the most absurd idea that could be imagined, and amounted to a relinquishment of all hope of an efficient militia.
Mr. Page was opposed to the motion, he objected particularly to Mr. Mercer's idea of arming so small a part of the militia, and pointed out the difficulties which would naturally take place in consequence of different principles being adopted in respect to the arming the militia. He remarked that the difficulties which had presented themselves in the former discussion of this business now occurred in full force, and would involve the house in all the perplexities which had heretofore attended the business.
Mr. Dayton made a few remarks on the motion—he was opposed to it—and reprobated in strong terms any plan of arming the militia; which should give either the state or general government a right to dispose of them or their arms on any occasion.
Mr. Murray added some further remarks, and then the question was determined in the negative—ayes 6; noes 50.
The ayes and noes being as follows,
A Y E S. Messrs. B. Bourn, Key, Mercer, Murray, Sumpter, Willis—6.
N O E S. Messrs. Ames, Ains, Baldwin, Barnwell, Ben- son, S. Bourn, Clark, Dayton, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Giles, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Greenup, Griffin, Grove, Hartley, Heister, Hildreth, Huger, Kitchell, Kittera, Lawrance, Learned, Lee, Leonard, Livermore, Macon, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Niles, Orr, Page, Parker,
Schoonmaker, Sedgwick, J. Smith, W. Smith, J. Steele, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatcher, Tread- well, Tucker, Venable, Ward, White, Wil- iamson—50.
Mr. Sedgwick presented the petition of John Smith, read and referred.
The petition of Thomas and Edward Faulkner, was read and referred to the secretary of war.
Mr. Muhlenberg presented a petition from the dealers in painters oil and colours praying that the duties on dry paints may be reduced so as to afford due encouragement to the finding and preparing colours in the united states.
The motion for a committee to report a bankrupt law was called up by Mr. Boudinot, and a committee appointed consisting of Messrs. W. Smith, Boudinot Lawrance, White and Gerry.
The house then took into consideration the resolutions of the committee of the whole on the President's speech.—The first and second resolutions were agreed to.
Mr. Parker moved to strike out the latter clause of the third resolution, respecting the reference to the Secretary of the Treasury. On this motion the debate was renewed; Mr. Page, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Findley, Mr. Giles, and Mr. Madison supported it.
Mr. Gerry, Mr. Lawrance, Mr. Livermore, and Mr. Ames were in opposition: the observations, though similar to those made in the committee, were more extensive. The question was at length taken, and passed in the negative, the ayes and noes being as follows:
A Y E S. Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Clark, Findley, Giles, Greenup, Griffin, Grove, Heister, Lee, Macon, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Niles, Orr, Page, Parker, Schoonmaker, Sumpter, Treadwell, Tucker, Venable, White, Willis—25.
N O E S. Messrs. Ames, Barnwell, Ben- son, Boudinot, S. Bourn, B. Bourn, Dayton, Fitzsimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley, Hildreth, Huger, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittera, Lawrance, Learned, Leonard, Livermore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Sedgwick, J. Smith, W. Smith, Steele, Sturges, Sylvester, Thatcher, Ward—32.
THURSDAY, November 22.
John Milledge, Esq. a new member from the state of Georgia appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified and took his seat.
The house proceeded in the consideration of the resolutions of the committee of the whole on the President's speech.—The last resolution was for a reference to the Secretary of the Treasury, directing him to report a plan for reimbursing a loan made of the bank of the U. S.—this resolution was agreed to by the house.
Mr. Parker, Mr. Heister, and Mr. Macon were appointed a committee to report a bill pursuant to the resolution that provision ought to be made by law, for the widows and orphans of the persons who were killed while acting under the protection of flags of truce to the Indian tribes.
Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Dayton, and Mr. Learned were appointed a committee on the resolution—that provision ought to be made to support the intercourse of the united states with foreign nations.
In committee of the whole on the bill providing for the registering and recording of ships or vessels. Mr. Lawrance in the chair. The bill was considered by paragraphs.
The committee went through the discussion, and reported the bill to the house without any amendment.
A message was received from the President of the united states by Mr. Secretary Lear, communicating the abstract of a supplementary arrangement made by him for carrying into execution the law for collecting duties imposed on spirits distilled from foreign and domestic materials within the united states.
An account of the subdivisions of the surveys, together with an estimate of the amount of the compensations and charges attending the collection of the aforesaid revenue; the amount of these was about 45,000 dollars.
This message being read, it was ordered, that 100 copies be printed for the use of the house.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury relative to the requisite appropriations was referred to a committee of the whole house on Monday next.
In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Joseph Henderson.
Mr. Lawrance in the chair. The report was read, and a resolution moved pursuant thereto. Mr. Ames stated the reasons on which the prayer of the petition was founded.
Mr. B. Bourn observed, that the report was not so explicit as to enable the committee of the whole to form a competent judgment of the merits of the case—he moved that the committee of the whole should be discharged, and that the report be referred to a select committee—this motion obtained, and the report was accordingly referred to a select committee consisting of Messrs. Ames, B. Bourn and Clark.
Mr. Ames moved that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill, granting to the commissioners for treating with the southern Indians dollars for their extra expences in going to, and returning from the place of treaty—This motion was agreed to, and a committee appointed consisting of Messrs. Ames, Tucker, and Smith of N. H.
A letter was read from the secretary of the treasury enclosing reports on a large number of petitions referred to him the last session. These petitions were read and occupied the remainder of the time till the adjournment.
FRIDAY, Nov. 23. A bill to reimburse certain extra expenses of the Commissioners for treating of peace with the Creek Indians—was read the first time.
Mr. Williamson presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of Tarborough, Washington, &c. in North Carolina, praying an alteration in the route of the post through part of that state—read, and referred to the committee on the post-office law.
In committee of the whole on the bill received from the Senate, regulating foreign coins, and for other purposes.—Mr. Sedgwick in the chair.
The bill was read by the clerk, and then considered in paragraphs.
The committee agreed to sundry amendments, rose and reported progress.
A petition, presented by Col. Ashe, praying the renewal of certain lost certificates—was read & referred to the committee on lost certificates. Adjourned till Monday.
NEW-YORK, Nov. 21.
Electors of President and Vice-President. William Floyd, Esq. of Suffolk county; Samuel Osgood, Esq. of the city and county of New-York; Edward Savage, Esq. of Washington county; Stephen Ward, Esq. of Westchester county; John Bay, Esq. of Columbia county; Jesse Woodhull, Esq. of Orange county; David Van Nels, Esq. of Dutchess county; Johannes Bruyn, Esq. of Ulster county; Volkert Veeder, Esq. of Montgomery county; Abraham Yates, jun. Esq. of the city and county of Albany; Samuel Clarke, Esq. of Saratoga county; and Abraham Ten Eyck, Esq. of Rensselaer county.
Philadelphia, Nov. 24.
The Governor of this commonwealth has issued a proclamation, declaring that William Henry, Joseph Heister, Thomas McKean, Henry Miller, John Wilkins, jun. Robert Coleman, Thomas Bull, Cornelius Coxe, Robert Johnson, John Boyd, David Stewart, George Latimer, Hugh Lloyd, James Morris, and Robert Hare, are duly elected and chosen electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States, to serve at the election in that behalf to be held, at Harrisburg, in the county of Dauphin, on the first Wednesday of December next, agreeably to the act of Congress, and the act of the General Assembly of this commonwealth, in such case made and provided.
By the latest accounts from Georgia, received from Mr. Seagrave, Agent for Indian affairs in the southern department, it appears that the Chiefs of the Creek nation are not unfriendly to any part of the United States—On the contrary, Mr. Seagrave says he has reason to think it is the wish of nine tenths of that nation to be in strict friendship with us. And all danger of an interruption of the harmony, arises from the restless and vicious disposition of some of the white people among us.
His Excellency THOMAS SIM LEE, is unanimously re-elected Governor of Maryland.
Lord Macartney sailed from Spithead the 26th September last, in the ship Lion, of 64 guns, Sir Erasmus Gore, commander, on the long intended embassy to the Emperor of China.
On the 10th inst. John Trotter, serjeant in Capt. Faulkner's company of rifle-men, was shot at Pittsburgh for desertion.
The New-Brunswick Church Lottery finished drawing last Saturday; a list of the blanks and prizes has not been received.
COMMUNICATIONS.
The accusation against the Vice-President shews a disposition to make him appear unworthy of the office he now holds, as well as of the confidence and respect of his fellow-citizens which he has long held;—it is no small compliment paid him by his enemies, that they can find nothing against him but his opinions. His life is unblemished; his conduct manly and sincere—he has not, like most popularity seekers, hid himself from his countrymen.—A cunning, ambitious man instead of broaching unpopular sentiments would have locked them up in his own bosom, and have kept them there till policy would give them vent, and that would not be till the people were disposed to receive them. Mr. Adams may not have acted with policy by turning author.—But believing his sentiments well founded and very important to his country, he has not hesitated to avow them. Admit they are wrong—and his adversaries trouble themselves less to prove that they are wrong than that they are unpopular. Still it is plain that he believes them right—for it is not to be supposed he would raise a clamour against himself if he did not believe them.—His conduct is therefore that of a patriot; let them say in welcome, a mistaken patriot. The men who condemn his errors ought to do justice to his virtue and sincerity.—Examples of such manly firmness and zealous preference of what he deems truth to popularity will not be very frequent.—Even the best men will choose to enjoy their own opinions in peace and quietness, and they will rarely expose themselves to perfusion by exposing them.—It ought to be remembered, that his book has been published these eight years; his sentiments did
not prevent his being appointed Vice-President on the first election. It was then and is still perfectly well known that he is a thorough federalist, and zealously attached to our present happy constitution. In his writings quoted by his adversaries, he calls it our only hope and the ark of our safety. It is not saying too much that a man who has devoted his talents and a great part of his life with uncommon zeal and success to the service of his country, and who, his very enemies say, has scorned to deceive it, at least deserves its confidence.
While certain clamourers accuse Congress of having created a monied influence, and in order to make that influence the more extensive and mischievous have incorporated a national Bank, the Governor of Massachusetts goes so far as to recommend to the Legislature of that State to become interested in a Bank instituted by Law at Boston; He thinks it would be for the advantage of the citizens. The United States actually enjoy one fifth of the profit of the National Bank. Our fault-finders are requested to compare the opinion of the Governor of Massachusetts with their charges against Congress.
Wanted, a set of second hand grievances and complaints against men and measures.—It is supposed that they have become worn and thumb'd over during the late elections, but they will do for every day use; half price will be given for them at the Office in Street. Quere, whether it is not as proper to save grievances as rags? They will do a second time in another shape. N. B. Their being a little foul will be no objection.
Some persons make a fuss about republican principles; it is admitted that none are more excellent or more true; yet are the men who give as a toast the republican interest in the United States, meaning the ant federal interest, really republican? Turn this cant into plain English, and what does it amount to? Draw a small party closely together, and by art, industry, and lies, obstruct the laws of the people. Is he a republican who would have drawn the sword to put the state of New-York out of the union? Yet, the man who was so violent that his party shrunk from his standard, when he was willing and ready to erect it against the people of the United States, and their free constitution, is now held up as the pure republican, the man of the people—Actions speak louder than words.
LONDON, September 25. The old constitution of France, in one thing, and we believe in that single point, is superior even to this happy country. By the law, every person who has ever had ten children in lawful wedlock, whether they are alive or not, is exempted from taxes,—a law worthy to be inserted in our statutes.
The decree which enjoins, that the refractory priests shall receive no passports for any country actually at war with France, will now force them to pass into England; for in ten days from this date, France is likely to be engaged in hostilities with every power that is near them.
Several hundreds of French priests and nobles have arrived at Jersey within this fortnight; some of them are reduced to that degree of poverty, that they are obliged to teach French and Belles letters at six sous a lesson, and others are forced to hire themselves as gardeners.
Doctor Priestley has declined the office of sitting in the National Convention of France, though he has been chosen for three places.
The hall, now occupied by the National Convention of France, is on the first floor of the Thuilleries, and was once intended for a Theatre, at the spectacles of which the court only were to be present. The old decorations of the palace have been removed, and ordered to be sold.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
Want of time and room prevents the republication of "Lucius," containing extracts from Mr. Adams's Defence—also the extracts from the same work by Marcus.
"ANTONIUS and MUTIUS," in our next.
SHIP NEWS. ARRIVED at the PORT OF PHILADELPHIA. Schooner Hercules, Chadwick, N. Carolina
Price of Stocks as in our last.
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, November 20, 1799. THE Stockholders of the Bank of the United States are hereby informed, that according to the statute of incorporation, a general election for twenty-five Directors will be held at the Bank of the United States, in the city of Philadelphia, on Monday the seventh day of January next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon.
And pursuant to the eleventh section of the Bye-Laws, the Stockholders of the said Bank are hereby notified to assemble in general meeting at the same place, on Tuesday the eighth day of January next, at five o'clock in the evening.
By order of the President and Directors, JOHN KEAN, Cashier.

FROM A LATE HALIFAX PAPER.
AN APPEAL, FROM THE LEGS TO THE HEAD.
For a more equal participation of RIGHTS and PRIVILEGES.
Sheweth,
THAT the legs coming into the world at the same time, and often before the head, the latter cannot in point of birth claim any greater privilege than the former.
That the legs have been always of the utmost importance and utility to the head, conducting it to and from all places of business, profit and pleasure, and were the first who raised it to its present exalted station.
That in armies the legs have been occasionally found a grand specific against gun-shot wounds, bruises, dislocations, and even death itself, by running away with the head to a place of safety; witness, a late great example, where the legs by the wonderful and almost unprecedented powers of their swiftness, saved little short of four thousand magnanimous free-born Frenchmen.
That in many particular classes of life, the legs actually and bona fide support the head altogether, as in couriers, chairmen, running-footmen, dancing-masters, corn-cutters, penny-postmen, and rope-dancers.
That in consequence of these, and many other similar benefits of which they are to the head. They conceive they ought no longer to submit to those base offices which are assigned them.
That it is an hardship, an injustice, and a degree of slavery, incompatible with the rights and privileges of FREE-BORN LEGS, daily to be obliged to wade through muck and dirt, supporting the whole weight of the head, who often sits up in lazy state, curled, bedizened, and bepoudred.
That the legs are intitled to some nobler capacity, some more elevated situation.
That having nerves as well as the head (the pretended seat of intelligence) their opinions ought not only to be taken, and their will consulted, but all the arrears due to their birth, and long services fully and completely allowed them.
That for this purpose, and availing themselves of the present topsy-turvy disposition of the world: They DEMAND, CLAIM, and INSIST, that the present position of mankind (which they have arrogantly enjoyed now near six thousand years) be instantly shifted, and that ALL MEN IN FUTURE BE OBLIGED TO STAND UPON THEIR HEADS INSTEAD OF THEIR LEGS, an elevation which the legs conceive they have been long since fully entitled to by the laws of rotation, and which they likewise conceive to be most likely to produce that equality of Representation, which should always be preserved by members of the same body.
Signed by, and in behalf of himself, and the Associate Legs of Great-Britain and Ireland.
April the first, World turned up-side-down.
Bandy-leg Walk. LEG BAIL.
Extract from Governor HANCOCK's Speech to both Houses of the Legislature of Massachusetts, Nov. 8.
I SHALL beg leave to submit to your attention the propriety of the Commonwealth becoming interested in the UNION BANK. I do this, because if advantages are to be derived from institutions of this nature, a participation of them, by the State, will be for the interest of all the citizens: And because, as it is of great importance to the community to have a proper regulation of the artificial medium current within it, the public safety will be better guarded, by having the Bank more under the eye of the Legislative Power. Should you not have time to attend to this subject at present, you will judge, whether it is expedient to appoint a committee to consider it in the recess.
"GENTLEMEN, I am urged, by a sense of duty, to communicate to you my mind upon a transaction, which I cannot
but consider as an open insult upon the Laws and the Government of the Commonwealth.
In the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty, the Legislature of this then province of Massachusetts-Bay, passed an act, intitled, "An Act to prevent Stage-Plays, and other Theatrical Entertainments." The act was temporary, and only for four years. Perhaps the improbability of obtaining the Royal Assent to a permanent prohibition of such entertainments, was the reason which induced the Legislature to conduct the business in this manner. The act was continued from time to time, by subsequent acts; and on the second day of July, in the year 1785, it was, by an Act of the Legislature of the Commonwealth, continued in force until the year 1797.
The preamble of the Act is in these words, "For preventing and avoiding many great mischiefs, which arise from public Stage-Plays, Interludes, and other Theatrical Entertainments; which not only occasion great and unnecessary expenses, and discourage industry and frugality; but likewise tend generally to increase immorality, impiety, and a contempt of religion."
Whether the apprehension of the evils which might flow from Theatrical Exhibitions, so fully expressed in the preamble of that act, are well founded or not, may be a proper subject of legislative disquisition on a motion for the continuance or the repeal of the law; but the act is now a law of the Commonwealth; the principles upon which it is predicated, have been recognized by, and derive support from the consideration of several Legislatures; and surely it ought to claim the respect and obedience of all persons who live or happen to be, within the Commonwealth. Yet a number of aliens and foreigners, have lately entered the State, and in the metropolis of the Government, under advertisements insulting to the habits and education of the citizens, have been pleased to invite them to, and to exhibit before such as attended, Stage-Plays, Interludes, and Theatrical Entertainments, under the title and appellation of "Moral Lectures."—This fact is so notorious, that it is in vain to attempt a concealment of its coming to our knowledge."
To the Public.
THE subscriber begs leave to acquaint the public in general, and his customers in particular, that he has entered into partnership with Mr. HENRY KAMMERER, and that the printing business in the English and German languages is now carried on under the firm of STEINER and KAMMERER, No. 85, in Race-Street, between Second and Third-streets.
The German Newspaper will be published by them, as usual, on Tuesdays, and all kind of Printing work done with care and expedition.
MELCHIOR STEINER.
Philadelphia, Nov. 6, 1792.
TO BE SOLD,
A PLANTATION,
LYING on the river Delaware, 2 1/2 miles above Trenton, containing 165 acres; whereon is a dwelling-house, pleasantly situated, 36 by 24 feet, having three rooms with fire-places on the lower floor, and four above, one of them with a fire-place; a kitchen adjoining, near to which is a remarkable large spring of excellent water, accommodated with a good spring-house; a barn 36 feet by 26; a waggom, chair and smoke-houses, besides other useful out-buildings; a large orchard, chiefly of grafted fruit. The farm is well watered, and has a proportion of wood and meadow land, thro' which the road runs that is known by the name of the River Road.
On the Premises is also erect d,
A Grist-Mill,
In the midst of a good wheat country, on a never failing stream; the mill-house is 54 by 24 feet, has one water-wheel, a pair of burs and a pair of Cologne stones, rolling screen, bolts for merchant and country work, &c. and is accommodated with a cooper's shop, 18 feet square, near the mill—which is about 300 yards from the Delaware, and very conveniently situated to receive wheat, &c. from boats passing down the river.
There are also for Sale,
20 Acres of Wood-Land,
within less than a quarter of a mile of the above-mentioned Plantation, which lies in a fine high healthy country.—For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises.
Trenton, October, 1792. JOHN MOTT. (1aw4t)
The price of this Gazette is Three Dollars per annum—One half to be paid at the time of subscribing.
GEOGRAPHY.
Mathew Carey
Respectfully submits to the Citizens of the United States, the following
PROPOSALS
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An AMERICAN EDITION of
Guthrie's Geography
IMPROVED.
Of which these are the terms:
I. It shall be published in 48 weekly numbers, each containing three sheets, or twenty-four pages, of letter press, in quarto, printed with new types on fine paper.
II. In the course of the work will be delivered about thirty large maps, of the same size as those in the European editions, viz. most of them sheet maps on post paper.
III. Besides the maps in the British editions, this work will contain maps of as many of the United States as can be readily procured, executed by the best engravers in the United States.
IV. The price of each number will be a quarter dollar, to be paid on delivery.—No advance required.
V. The work will be put to press as soon as 700 copies are subscribed for.
VI. Subscribers who disapprove of the work, on the publication of the three first numbers, are to be at liberty to return them, and shall have their money repaid.
VII. The subscribers' names shall be prefixed as patrons of the undertaking.
Perhaps there is no science more entertaining and useful than geography. It reveals the discoveries of travellers—the remarkable curiosities of all countries, in nature and art—the situation of provinces, cities, towns, villages, rivers, & mountains—in fine, the history, manners, customs, laws, forces, revenues, and government of different nations.
It is an old observation, that "there is not a son or daughter of Adam, but has some concern with geography;" and that a knowledge of this science is indispensable towards the study of history with advantage or satisfaction. Indeed a man unacquainted with it, cannot discourse on the most common newspaper topics of the day without betraying his ignorance.
So much for geography generally. With respect to the present plan, let it suffice to remark, that Guthrie's Geography has been long acknowledged to be the best in the English language: however, the account of America in it has, from obvious reasons, been very erroneous and defective. The errors of former editions will be corrected, and the defects supplied, by gentlemen of abilities, who have engaged to superintend this undertaking, and to avail themselves of all the information that can be procured, to render it the most complete edition extant.
The Printer earnestly solicits the support of his fellow-citizens throughout the United States: and as no deposit is required, and every subscriber will be at liberty to withdraw his name, if, on trial, he should disapprove of the work, he hopes the friends of science, and of American arts and manufactures, will cheerfully and early patronize this useful work, the greatest and most expensive, probably, ever yet attempted in America, in the typographical line, the Encyclopaedia excepted.
Philadelphia, Nov. 2, 1792. (1awtf)
Grand Family Bible.
PROPOSALS
FOR PRINTING BY SUBSCRIPTION, An ELEGANT EDITION of the SACRED SCRIPTURES
OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS, with the APOCRYPHA. On a very large and beautiful new Type, and superfine Paper.
THE great importance of the Holy Scriptures, interesting to every individual; the divine excellence of its doctrines and precepts, and the beauty and sublimity of its passages, have so long made it a capital object of attention, as to preclude occasion or opportunity for eulogium.
The piety or caprice of individuals has presented this invaluable book to the public in a variety of forms; in some editions it has been highly embellished with superb engravings, which have greatly enhanced its price; in others it has been accompanied with voluminous commentaries, which necessarily increased the size; while a variety of plain cheap copies have generally diffused the knowledge of the Scripture, and made the purchase easy to every class.
Without wishing in the smallest degree to lessen the merits of the various editions, whether plain or ornamented, which the public are already in possession of, it is pertinent to remark, that very many readers of taste and judgment have expressed a wish for a Family Bible unencumbered with additions. There still appears room for another edition on a beautiful new type, superior in size and elegance to any bible that has yet been printed in the English language, and which, leaving the adventitious circumstances of ornament or comment, may exhibit the Oracles of God in their native simplicity.
SPECIMEN OF THE TYPE.
3 ¶ And God said, Let there be light: and there was light.
With respectful submission to the judgment and candour of the public, the following proposals are offered:
I. The work shall be printed with the greatest fidelity and attention to correctness both in the text and marginal references, on a superfine Paper made on purpose, with an elegant new Type call for the work of the size of the above Specimen.
II. The work will be comprised in twenty numbers, making two elegant volumes in Folio: to be furnished to subscribers at one dollar each number. To prevent any complaints of want of punctuality, no part of the work will be delivered unless paid for.
III. The first number, containing sixty folio pages, elegantly printed, will be furnished on the
first Saturday of July next, when subscribers are to pay the price of the first and second numbers, and the price of one number to be always in advance till the work is completed. The subsequent numbers to be published regularly on the first Saturday of each succeeding month, till the whole is finished.
Subscriptions will be received in Philadelphia by the Publishers, THOMAS DOBSON, No. 41, South Second-Street, and JOHN PARKER, No. 255, North Second-Street; and by all the Booksellers: in Charleston, by William P. Young; Richmond, by Archibald Currie; Baltimore, by James Rice; Wilmington, by Peter Brynberg; New-York, by Thomas Allen; New-Haven, by Isaac Beers; Providence, (R. I.) by William Wilkinson; Salem, by Thomas Cushing; Boston, by David West, Benjamin Guild, and Thomas & Andrews.
BOOKS,
PRINTED AND SOLD BY MATHEW CAREY, No. 118, Market-Street, Philadelphia.
1. AMERICAN MUSEUM, from its commencement in January 1787, to June 1792, in eleven vols. Price, neatly bound and lettered, seventeen dollars and three shillings.
This work, which is now conducted on an improved plan, containing the best pieces published for and against the proceedings of government, will be found to contain at least as great a variety of political, agricultural, and miscellaneous essays, as any ever published in America. Perhaps in no one work are so many valuable documents respecting the history of this country, collected together. His Excellency the President of the United States, has declared of it, that "a more useful literary plan has never been undertaken in America, nor one more deserving of public encouragement." The subscription is two dollars and a half per ann. Gentlemen in the country who wish to be supplied with this work, are requested to give commission to friends in the city to subscribe for and receive it.—Any of the back numbers may be had in order to complete sets.
2. Smith's Letters to Married Women, on Nursing and the management of Children.
We recommend these letters to the perusal of those to whom they are particularly addressed.—Monthly Review, vol. 38, p. 101.—Price, bound, 62 cents.
3. Duncan's Elements of Logic—75 cents.
4. Beauties of Fielding—50 cents.
5. Beauties of Blair—50 cents.
6. Ladies' Pocket Library, containing Miss More's Essays, Gregory's Legacy, Lady Pennington's Advice, Marchioness of Lambert's Advice, Swift's Letter to a newly married Lady, Mrs. Chapone on command of Temper, More's Fables for the Ladies, Price 6/6.
7. Smith's History of New-York. Price a dollar and a quarter.
8. Elements of Moral Science, by James Beattie, L. L. D. professor of moral philosophy and logic in the Marischal College, Aberdeen—Price three-fourths of a dollar. Of this book the Critical Reviewers (vol. 69, p. 68) say: "We have seen nothing on these subjects more plain, more perspicuous, or more generally useful." N. B. It is introduced into the University in Philadelphia.
9. Beauties of Poetry. Price four-fifths of a dollar.
10. Blair's Sermons. Price two dollars.
11. Necker's Treatise on the importance of Religious Opinions.—Price four-fifths of a dollar.
12. Examination of the Observations of Lord Sheffield on American Commerce—Price, on very fine paper, 5 8/10s of a dollar.
13. The Constitutions of the several United States, with the Federal Constitution, &c. Price five-eighths of a dollar.
14. M'Fingal. Price three-eighths of a dollar.
15. American Jest Book. Price three-fifths of a dollar.
16. Garden of the Soul. Price half a dollar.
17. The Doway Translation of the Vulgate Bible, in quarto—Price, elegantly bound and lettered, 50/2—plain, six dollars.
18. Devout Christian's Vade Mecum—Price a quarter dollar.
19. Think well on't. Price a quarter dollar.
20. Christian Economy. Price a fifth of a dollar.
21. History of Charles Grandison, abridged—Price a sixth of a dollar.
22. Poems by Col. Humphreys—Price a third of a dollar.
23. Select Poems, chiefly American—Price a sixth of a dollar.
Said CAREY has for sale, a large assortment of Books, European as well as American editions, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms. Country gentlemen, who favor him with commands, may depend upon being supplied in the most satisfactory manner. A liberal allowance to such as purchase quantities for public libraries or to sell again.
ADVERTISEMENT.
This Gazette is published in North Fifth-Street, No. 34, between High and Mulberry Streets—where the Editor now resides.
A LARGE CELLAR TO LET, Sufficiently capacious to store several hundred barrels. Enquire as above.
Stock Brokers Office,
No. 45, Great Dock-Street, NEW-YORK, THE Subscriber intending to confine himself entirely to the PURCHASE AND SALE OF STOCKS ON COMMISSION, begs leave to offer his services to his friends and others, in the line of a Stock Broker. Those who may please to favor him with their business, may depend upon having it transacted with the utmost fidelity and dispatch.
Orders from Philadelphia, Boston, or any other part of the United States will be strictly attended to.
LEONARD BLEECKER.
PLANS
OF THE City of Washington,
Sold by the BOOKSELLERS, DOBSON, CAREY, YOUNG, & CRUKSHANK.