National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1791-12-26 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By PHILIP FRENEAU.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 26, 1791.
NUMB. 17.
The SECRETARY of the TREASURY, in Obedience to the Order of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, of the 15th Day of January, 1790, has applied his Attention, at as early a Period as his other Duties would permit, to the subject of MANUFACTURES; and particularly to the Means of promoting such as will tend to render the UNITED STATES independent on foreign Nations, for Military and other essential Supplies;
AND HE THEREUPON RESPECTFULLY SUBMITS THE FOLLOWING
REPORT.
THE expediency of encouraging manufactures in the United States, which was not long since deemed very questionable, appears at this time to be pretty generally admitted. The embarrassments which have obstructed the progress of our external trade, have led to serious reflections on the necessity of enlarging the sphere of our domestic commerce: the restrictive regulations, which in foreign markets abridge the vent of the encreasing surplus of our agricultural produce, serve to beget an earnest desire, that a more extensive demand for that surplus may be created at home: And the complete success which has rewarded manufacturing enterprise, in some valuable branches, conspiring with the promising symptoms which attend some less mature essays in others, justify a hope, that the obstacles to the growth of this species of industry are less formidable than they were apprehended to be; and that it is not difficult to find in its further extension, a full indemnification for any external disadvantages, which are or may be experienced, as well as an accession of resources, favorable to national independence and safety.
There still are, nevertheless, respectable patrons of opinions, unfriendly to the encouragement of manufactures:—The following are, substantially, the arguments by which these opinions are defended:
“In every country (say those who entertain them) agriculture is the most beneficial and productive object of human industry. This position, generally, if not universally true, applies with peculiar emphasis to the United States, on account of their immense tracts of fertile territory, uninhabited and unimproved. Nothing can afford so advantageous an employment for capital and labor, as the conversion of this extensive wilderness into cultivated farms. Nothing equally with this, can contribute to the population, strength and real riches of the country.”
“To endeavor, by the extraordinary patronage of government, to accelerate the growth of manufactures, is, in fact, to endeavor, by force and art, to transfer the natural current of industry, from a more to a less beneficial channel. Whatever has such a tendency must necessarily be unwise: Indeed it can hardly ever be wise in a government, to attempt to give a direction to the industry of its citizens. This, under the quick-sighted guidance of private interest, will, if left to itself, infallibly find its own way to the most profitable employment; and it is by such employment, that the public prosperity will be most effectually promoted. To leave industry to itself, therefore, is, in almost every case, the soundest as well as the simplest policy.”
“This policy is not only recommended to the United States, by considerations which affect all nations; it is, in a manner, dictated to them by the imperious force of a very peculiar situation. The smallness of their population, compared with their territory, the constant allurements to emigration from the settled to the unsettled parts of the country; the facility with which the less independent condition of an artisan can be exchanged for the more independent con-
dition of a farmer; these, and similar causes, conspire to produce, and for a length of time must continue to occasion, a scarcity of hands for manufacturing occupation, and dearness of labor generally. To these disadvantages for the prosecution of manufactures, a deficiency of pecuniary capital being added, the prospect of a successful competition, with the manufacturers of Europe, must be regarded as little less than desperate. Extensive manufactures can only be the offspring of a redundant, at least of a full population. Till the latter shall characterize the situation of this country, 'tis vain to hope for the former.”
“If, contrary to the natural course of things, an unreasonable and premature spring can be given to certain fabrics, by heavy duties, prohibitions, bounties, or by other forced expedients; this will only be to sacrifice the interests of the community to those of particular classes. Besides the misdirection of labor, a virtual monopoly will be given to the persons employed on such fabrics; and an enhancement of price, the inevitable consequence of every monopoly, must be defrayed at the expence of the other parts of the society. It is far preferable, that those persons should be engaged in the cultivation of the earth, and that we should procure, in exchange for its productions, the commodities, with which foreigners are able to supply us in greater perfection, and upon better terms.”
This mode of reasoning is founded upon facts and principles, which have certainly respectable pretensions. If it had governed the conduct of nations, more generally than it has done, there is room to suppose, that it might have carried them faster to prosperity and greatness, than they have attained by the pursuit of maxims too widely opposite. Most general theories, however, admit of numerous exceptions, and there are few, if any, of the political kind, which do not blend a considerable portion of error with the truths they inculcate.
In order to an accurate judgment how far that which has been just stated ought to be deemed liable to a similar imputation, it is necessary to advert carefully to the considerations which plead in favour of manufactures, and which appear to recommend the special and positive encouragement of them in certain cases, and under certain reasonable limitations.
It ought readily to be conceded, that the cultivation of the earth, as the primary and most certain source of national supply; as the immediate and chief source of subsistence to man; as the principal source of those materials which constitute the nutriment of other kinds of labor; as including a state most favourable to the freedom and independence of the human mind; one, perhaps, most conducive to the multiplication of the human species; has intrinsically a strong claim to pre-eminence over every other kind of industry.
But, that it has a title to any thing like an exclusive predilection, in any country, ought to be admitted with great caution. That it is even more productive than every other branch of industry, requires more evidence than has yet been given in support of the position. That its real interests, precious and important as, without the help of exaggeration, they truly are, will be advanced, rather than injured by the due encouragement of manufactures, may, it is believed, be satisfactorily demonstrated. And it is also believed, that the expediency of such encouragement, in a general view, may be shewn to be recommended by the most cogent and persuasive motives of national policy.
It has been maintained, that agriculture is, not only, the most productive, but the only productive species of industry. The reality of this suggestion, in either respect, has, however, not been verified by any accurate detail of facts
and calculations; and the general arguments, which are adduced to prove it, are rather subtil and paradoxical, than solid or convincing.
Those which maintain its exclusive productiveness are to this effect:—
Labor, bestowed upon the cultivation of land, produces enough, not only to replace all the necessary expences incurred in the business, and to maintain the persons who are employed in it, but to afford, together with the ordinary profit on the stock or capital of the farmer, a nett surplus , or rent for the landlord or proprietor of the soil. But the labor of artificers does nothing more than replace the stock which employs them (or which furnishes materials, tools and wages) and yield the ordinary profit upon that stock. It yields nothing equivalent to the rent of land. Neither does it add any thing to the total value of the whole annual produce of the land and labor of the country. The additional value given to those parts of the produce of land, which are wrought into manufactures, is counterbalanced by the value of those other parts of that produce, which are consumed by the manufacturers. It can therefore only be by saving or parsimony , not by the positive productiveness of their labor, that the classes of artificers can in any degree augment the revenue of the society.
To this it has been answered,
1. “That inasmuch as it is acknowledged, that manufacturing labor reproduces a value equal to that which is expended or consumed in carrying it on, and continues in existence the original stock or capital employed, it ought on that account alone, to escape being considered as wholly unproductive: That though it should be admitted, as alleged, that the consumption of the produce of the soil, by the classes of artificers or manufacturers, is exactly equal to the value added by their labor to the materials upon which it is exerted; yet it would not thence follow, that it added nothing to the revenue of the society, or to the aggregate value of the annual produce of its land and labor. If the consumption for any given period amounted to a given sum , and the encreased value of the produce manufactured, in the same period, to a like sum , the total amount of the consumption and production during that period, would be equal to the two sums , and consequently double the value of the agricultural produce consumed. And though the increment of value produced by the classes of artificers should at no time exceed the value of the produce of the land consumed by them, yet there would be at every moment, in consequence of their labor, a greater value of goods in the market than would exist independent of it.”
2. “That the position, that artificers can augment the revenue of a society, only by parsimony , is true in no other sense, than in one which is equally applicable to husbandmen or cultivators. It may be alike affirmed of all these classes, that the fund acquired by their labor and destined for their support, is not, in an ordinary way, more than equal to it. And hence it will follow, that augmentations of the wealth or capital of the community (except in the instances of some extraordinary dexterity or skill) can only proceed, with respect to any of them, from the savings of the more thrifty and parsimonious.”
3. “That the annual produce of the land and labor of a country can only be encreased, in two ways—by some improvement in the productive powers of the useful labor, which actually exists within it, or by some encrease in the quantity of such labor: That with regard to the first, the labor of artificers being capable of greater subdivision and simplicity of operation, than that of cultivators, it is susceptible, in a proportionably greater degree, of improvement
in its productive powers , whether to be derived from an accession of skill, or from the application of ingenious machinery; in which particular, therefore the labor employed in the culture of land can pretend to no advantage over that engaged in manufactures: That with regard to an augmentation of the quantity of useful labor this, excluding adventitious circumstances, must depend essentially upon an encrease of capital , which again must depend upon the savings made out of the revenues of those, who furnish or manage that, which is at any time employed, whether in agriculture, or in manufactures, or in any other way.”
But while the exclusive productiveness of agricultural labor has been thus denied and refuted, the superiority of its productiveness has been conceded without hesitation. As this concession involves a point of considerable magnitude, in relation to maxims of public administration, the grounds on which it rests are worthy of a distinct and particular examination.
One of the arguments made use of, in support of the idea may be pronounced both quaint and superficial: It amounts to this—That in the productions of the soil, nature co-operates with man; and that the effect of their joint labor must be greater than that of the labor of man alone.
This, however, is far from being a necessary inference. It is very conceivable, that the labor of man alone laid out upon a work, requiring great skill and art to bring it to perfection, may be more productive, in value , than the labor of nature and man combined, when directed towards more simple operations and objects: And when it is recollected to what an extent the agency of nature, in the application of the mechanical powers, is made auxiliary to the prosecution of manufactures, the suggestion which has been noticed, loses even the appearance of plausibility.
It might also be observed, with a contrary view, that the labor employed in agriculture is in a great measure periodical and occasional, depending on seasons, liable to various and long intermissions; while that occupied in many manufactures is constant and regular, extending through the year, embracing, in some instances, night as well as day. It is also probable, that there are among the cultivators of land, more examples of remissness, than among artificers. The farmer, from the peculiar fertility of his land, or some other favorable circumstance, may frequently obtain a livelihood, even with a considerable degree of carelessness in the mode of cultivation; but the artisan can with difficulty effect the same object, without exerting himself pretty equally with all those, who are engaged in the same pursuit. And if it may likewise be assumed as a fact, that manufactures open a wider field to exertions of ingenuity than agriculture, it would not be a strained conjecture, that the labor employed in the former being at once more constant , more uniform and more ingenious , than that which is employed in the latter, will be found at the same time more productive .
But it is not meant to lay stress on observations of this nature; they ought only to serve as a counterbalance to those of a similar complexion. Circumstances so vague and general, as well as so abstract, can afford little instruction in a matter of this kind.
Another, and that which seems to be the principal argument offered for the superior productiveness of agricultural labor, turns upon the allegation, that labor employed on manufactures yields nothing equivalent to the rent of land; or to that nett surplus , as it is called, which accrues to the proprietor of the soil. But this distinction, important as it has been deemed, appears rather verbal than substantial .
(See last page.)

PHILADELPHIA.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, December 22.
THE bill was read the second time for carrying into effect a contract between the United States and Pennsylvania, for purchasing lands on Lake Erie, and committed to a committee of the whole House tomorrow.
Petitions were read from Josiah Witter and Lawrence Furlong, the first praying recompence for a wound received &c. and the second, settlement of a claim against the United States for pilotage, during the war.—Referred to the Secretary at War, and Secretary of the Treasury.
A memorial was presented from the several religious societies of Quakers in Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia, praying that measures of peace and friendship may be pursued with the Indian tribes; which was ordered to lie on the table.
A petition was read from sundry merchants and others, of the town of Newport in Rhode-Island, praying the establishment of a weekly post from New-Port to Boston, through Bristol, Warren, and Taunton.—Referred to the committee for establishing the Post-office and Post-roads.
Mr. Gerry made a report from the committee for obtaining annual and regular statements of the receipts and expenditures of all public monies, and for duly examining such statements—Read, and ordered to lie on the table.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill sent from the Senate, relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President, in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President.
After some time spent in debating on the Bill, the committee rose, and are to take the same into consideration again to-morrow.
FRIDAY, December 23.
A message was received from the President of the United States by Mr. Secretary Lear, notifying his having approved and signed an act making appropriations for the support of government, for 1792.
A petition was then read from a number of merchants in Charleston, S. C. in trade with Great-Britain previous to the Revolution, praying to be relieved from the payment of certain demands of their English creditors, on account of their having been paid in paper currency, during the late war, which depreciated in their hands.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for carrying into effect the contract between the United States and Pennsylvania, relative to the purchase of lands adjacent to Lake Erie—After some time spent therein, the bill was reported without an amendment, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the Post-Office Bill—the eighth section of which was so amended as to fix the postage rates as follows:—For a single letter between places not more than 30 miles distant from each other six cents—from 30 to 60 miles, 8 cents; from 60 to 100 miles, 10 cents; from 100 to 150 miles, 12 1/2 cents; from 150 to 200 miles, 15 cents; from 200 to 250 miles, 17 cents; from 250 to 350 miles, 20 cents, and 25 cents for any greater distance—This was agreed to: In regard to the 17th section, it was moved to strike out that part of it which makes robbery of the mail, felony; and to insert instead thereof, that the person convicted of such robbery shall pay a sum not exceeding
dollars, and suffer imprisonment either during life or for a term of years, at the discretion of the court.
The committee then rose and reported progress.—Adjourned.
M. GARDETTE, Dentist,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed from No. 88 to No. 127, Chestnut, near Fourth street, nearly opposite the Bank of the United States. Dec. 19.
The following Communication was made to the Legislature of this state on Saturday last.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN,
IT gives me great satisfaction to communicate to you, a copy of a letter from the President of the United States; from which you will observe, that exertions are making under the authority of the Federal Government, to protect effectually the exposed part of the Frontiers.
THO. MIFFLIN.
Philadelphia, Dec. 24. 1791.
United States, Dec. 23. 1791.
SIR,
I have received your Excellency's letter of yesterday, inclosing a copy of a representation to you from the inhabitants of Pittsburgh, relatively to their apprehensions, in consequence of the late defeat of the troops under Major General St. Clair.
I can with propriety assure your Excellency, that it is my earnest desire, that all the exposed parts of the Frontiers should be as effectually protected, at the general expence, as the case may require.
I shall direct the Secretary of War to confer with your Excellency upon this subject, and to inform you of such measures as have been directed, and are in a train of execution.
I am, with due consideration
Your Excellency's
most obedient servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
To his Excellency the Governor of Pennsylvania.
PHILADELPHIA,
DECEMBER 26.
On Wednesday last Richard Henry Lee, Esq. member of the senate of the United States, appeared and took his seat in that house.
A committee of their body have been appointed by the legislature of this state for examining the ground above the city, with a view to report the most proper place, through which the rivers Delaware and Schuylkill may be united by means of a canal. The committee were of opinion that such a canal is practicable, and mentioned a gut a little above Vine-Street, as the most proper situation near the Delaware, and a smaller gut on Schuylkill which they think can be united, without a probability of the canal being obstructed by quarries of stone.—Upon the most accurate observation no part of the ground between the Schuylkill and Delaware, between the two points which appear most eligible for the mouths of the canal is more than twenty-seven feet above high-water-mark.
Two messages were delivered from the Governor of this state, on Thursday last, to the Senate and House of Representatives; one containing a representation from the inhabitants of the town of Pittsburgh expressing their apprehensions of an invasion by the hostile Indians, the probable increase of the enemy's numbers, and the defenceless state of the Frontiers in that quarter. At present the inhabitants of Pittsburgh represent themselves to be without a garrison, arms, or ammunition to defend the place, and consequently incapable of resisting the Indians, in case of an attack.—They therefore request such assistance as can be immediately afforded them, and that their situation may be made known to the Federal and State Legislature.
The other message respected the reconsideration and improvement of the law relating to the confinement and support of debtors in the Jail of this city. The defect complained of, arises from the striking difference observable between the provision made for criminals and confined debtors . In the apartments of the former the operation of the law, respecting criminals, enables them to live comfortably and decently. In those of the latter, there is little else but extreme poverty and wretchedness—there not being an adequate maintenance for debtors, provided by law, and the very circumstance of a man's confinement being a sufficient presumption that he is no longer in a condition to maintain himself.
A vessel has arrived at Annapolis from Hispaniola, by which certain intelligence is received that the greatest part of the town of Port-au-Prince was destroyed by fire on the 22d of last month.—The disagreements of the whites and mulattoes had revived, and an action ensued, in which the whites were defeated, and the mulattoes set fire to the town, seven-eighths of which are consumed.—The negroes have become more insolent and daring than ever upon the prospect of making a common cause with the mulattoes, who are at least three to one to the whites.—The out-port of Legue has been taken from the negroes, and therein one of the principal of the negro chiefs—A vessel had arrived at Cape-Francois in 26 days from France, bringing an account of the national assembly revoking the decree which put the mulattoes and the whites upon a footing—The assembly of the island was debating whether to carry their decree into execution or not—the mere apprehension of their
compliance therewith had induced the mulattoes, who had received information of the matter, to take up arms, and exert themselves to prevent its being carried into execution—A body of mulattoes had entered a village in the quarter of Fort Dauphin, disarmed the inhabitants, and carried off their arms and ammunition—A ship with provisions had arrived from New-York—but no ships nor troops yet from France, though hourly looked for.
Between the 27th of October, 1790, and the 24th of October, 1791, the number of passengers and servants that have arrived at the port of Philadelphia only, with a view to become settlers in this country, amounts to two thousand seven hundred and forty-four persons.
Extract of a letter from Fort-Washington, Nov. 17.
"I arrived here with the army on the 8th inst. after a severe march of 97 miles from this place, and about 15 from the Miami village, where the Indians attacked us about 6 o'clock on the morning of the 4th. Their fire commenced about 600 yards in front of the main army; and in less than ten minutes, they, with our picquet guards, were drove into our camp. The enemy had posted themselves all round us during the night, for they attacked our front and rear nearly at the same time, our officers and men falling fast; the left wing was ordered to charge, which they did with great deal of success. This was followed by the left of the right wing with equal success; but the enemy still rallied and attacked us with as much violence as ever. The army, in many places, charged a second time, and with equal success; the enemy still attacked us again, and got possession of a part of our camp for about five minutes, in which time they scalped many of those who were killed. By this time our men became very disorderly, and with difficulty drove the enemy out of the camp. The officers could not bring them to any kind of order. In this action, Gen. St. Clair issued his orders with a great deal of composure: no man ever behaved with more deliberate bravery. He was continually in that part of the lines where there was most to be done—encouraging the officers and men; and, with his pistol cock'd, forced many soldiers to their duty, who had utterly refused any kind of obedience to their officers. About 9 o'clock we were forced to leave the camp, with all the baggage of the army, a quantity of ammunition, and eight pieces of artillery, to the mercy of the enemy."
Another letter of the same date, says, "You have heard of the melancholy defeat of our army. This is dreadful news to the frontiers of Kentucky. Gen. Scott is now on his way to Miami, with a thousand men. I think we shall do something!"
"What think you of a tax on newspapers?" [says a letter from a Printer in a neighbouring state]—I wish for some regulations, but I should be unwilling to be made accountable for an immediate tax, while I am obliged to give my customers credit from seven to twenty years.—Is it meant to make the Post-masters responsible collectors?—I am not in the secret, but I with my bread and cheese may not be materially affected by an abridgement of my business."
A letter appears in the late French papers, addressed "From the French nobility, assembled at Brussels and Coblenze, to the Empress of Russia."—In this address every argument is made use of that could be thought likely to flatter the vanity of the Empress, and induce her to assist them in the mad project of attempting a counter-revolution in France. They acknowledge the empress's goodness in permitting them to reside in her frozen empire (which blessed privilege, it seems, has been granted them) but at the same time, with her majesty to know, that an exertion of her power to restore them to the genial climate of France would be much more acceptable—and that they can never think of returning to that country upon any other terms than a renovation of the old government.
There has been lately republished in New-York (and for sale by Mr. Dobson in this city) a Pamphlet of 93 pages octavo, written by the Rt. Hon. Edmund Burke, and intitled "An appeal from the new to the old Whigs, in consequence of some late discussions in Parliament, relative to the Reflections on the French Revolution."—This pamphlet is, perhaps, one of the most cool and dispassionate of all the Right Honourable writer's political productions. It may be considered as an indirect answer to Mr. Paine's Rights of Man , and though it contains a sufficient quantity of that vapid stuff and mere puff-paste so much in use with Mr. Burke, it does nevertheless also contain arguments urged with much plausibility in favor of the opinion (happily exploded in America and France) that the great family of mankind come into the world without any natural rights, a very few individuals in every nation and tribe excepted, who, like Swift's Strulbrugrs , are gifted Jure divino with certain extra privileges. The pamphlet is well worth reading, were it only from motives of curiosity, to trace this writer through his ingenious sophistry; who has the assurance to conclude his pamphlet with asserting, that the pretended rights of man, which now make such a stir in Europe are not the Rights of the People .
Last Wednesday evening lieutenant Denny, aid-de-camp to major-general St. Clair, arrived with dispatches for the Secretary for the department of War, dated Fort-Washington, the 17th November.
The garrison at Fort-Jefferson was intended to be continued, and was not conceived to be in
any danger: it was well supplied with provisions, provided with artillery, and commanded by Capt. Shaler of the 2d regiment. Most of the wounded had arrived at Fort-Washington from Fort Jefferson.
Piamingo, the Chickasaw chief, had returned with his warriors, and captain Sparks, of Clark's battalion, bringing with them five scalps. The Kentucky militia, under Gen. Scott and Wilkinson, all mounted and furnished with 20 days provision, would probably arrive at Fort-Washington about the middle of November.
It was expected that the dispersed situation of the Indians would afford a good opportunity for the militia to make an important stroke yet this winter.
The brave major Clark (who covered the retreat with some soldiers) supposed to be killed, had arrived safe at Fort-Washington.
The levies were generally discharged, excepting those who had enlisted into the regular service.
In a late Charleston paper (received by way of New-York) appear the Augusta head, three papers relative to Creek Indian boundaries, &c. viz. A Report of Mr. Middleton, who was sent with dispatches by Mr. Ellicott to Gen. M'Gillivray at the Creek towns; a talk received by major Call at the Rock-Landing; and a letter addressed to the commissioners of the United States at the Rock-Landing, for settling the boundary between the Indian territory and the United States. This letter is dated Ufatchee , October 26, 1791, and signed, "Gen. Wm. A. Bowles, director of Indian affairs for the Creek nation ."
The report contains a brief account of some Indian conferences among themselves, relative to Mr. Ellicott's dispatches; and consultations, whether they should adhere to the treaty with the United States, signed in New-York in August 1790, or accept of the talks offered them by Bowles. These consultations, however, were not decisive, although they terminated in the extreme disgust of General M'Gillivray, who signified his intention of leaving the nation, on account of their listening to Bowles.
The talk received by major Call from the Indian chiefs and king of the Cufataths, breathes a spirit of peace and a continuance of the present good understanding with the people of the United States.—The leading idea of Bowles's letter is, his wish that the boundary-line may be fairly settled, which however he asserts not to be the intention of the white people, but to make encroachment upon encroachment on the Indian territory till they have annihilated the tribes; to prevent which, and to see justice done to them, he says he has six thousand forces on the islands, and others at command; that the convention with General M'Gillivray was merely a bargain with an unconnected individual, who was betraying the Indians and sacrificing their lands, &c. &c.
PITTSBURGH, Dec. 17.
The army of the United States having advanced about 99 miles from Fort-Washington, and about 30 miles from their last Fort, Jefferson, the two last days by considerable rapid marches, on the evening of the 3d of Nov. they came up with and encamped on the first or south-west branch of the Miami of the lakes. The Kentucky militia in front about 300 yards over the creek on the first rising ground, leaving a rich sugar tree bottom between them and the main army, who were on pretty high ground on the other side of the creek, with a small run and some low marshy ground on their left. The Indians for several days before had been seen hovering round, apparently watching the motions of our army; but this night sundry shots were exchanged between them, and our sentries, and additional parties sent out to prevent them from stealing our horses and to make discoveries; however nothing very material happened until after our reveille had beat next morning, between the dawn and sunrise, when the Kentucky militia, amounting to about 300, were attacked by a sharp fire from the Indians who at the same time set up a most tremendous yell. The militia broke, and were almost instantly through our lines, when a part of them were met again by the Indians on the other side, who were now advancing on our encampment from all quarters, and drove back; our men having been already paraded, were ready to receive them, and a general engagement immediately commenced, which lasted with great obstinacy on both sides about 3 hours—The Indians, in the beginning of the action, paid particular attention to our officers and artillery men, and before it was half over a great part of them were killed and wounded. The Indians were very numerous, which we found from their incessant heavy fire more than from what we could otherwise discover of them, for they generally fought under cover, and would frequently advance very close under the smoke of our cannon, and as soon as it began to clear away, their fire became very fatal. On their advances in this manner some of our battalions generally charged them where the ground would permit; but in these charges they found themselves flanked and the Indians who had retreated in front from our bayonets, returned with redoubled fury when they began to break, and would frequently follow them into our lines and tents. At length our men got into universal confusion, and almost every other man, who were yet able to keep together, was bleeding with wounds. The Indians in the mean time were contracting their circle, and keeping up a constant fire both with rifles and smooth bored muskets. A number of arrows were also thrown into our encampment in the course of the action, but they did no great execution. Fighting our men exhausted, and the possibility of conquering precluded a retreat back on our own road (which had been continued on the Indian path from about five miles to the southward of Fort Jefferson) was attempted, but did not succeed. We then tried the south east corner of our encampment, opposite to

which the Indians appeared to be less formidable... on this direction we were fortunate enough to break thro' and every one made the best of their way for Fort Jefferson.
Several attempts were made to form a rear guard, but they all proved ineffectual, for as the Indians gave us chase and set up their horrid yells, the greatest part of our men threw down their arms, knapsacks &c and pushed a head with all their might. The Indians followed 4 or 5 miles firing on and tomahawking all that came within their reach.
Translations from French papers, to Oct. 12, received on Tuesday last by the Betsy, from Havre de Grace.
Paris, Oct. 8.—Many people in this country complain that the mode of election adopted in the constitution is attended with too much delay, and does by no means sufficiently provide against intrigue and corruption. Doubtless a less imperfect method might be fallen upon; altho' it must be confessed that corruption always prevails more or less in every elective assembly, from that of Poland which elects a king, to the simple district which only elects a justice of the peace. If there be an elective assembly in the world, without fraud and venality, it is that of Venice. Their mode of election is of a nature too complex to be adopted in France, but is nevertheless worth mentioning. When a doge is to be chosen, all the noblemen who are convened in the supreme council, draw each a little ball out of a box of balls, among which are mingled thirty gilt ones. Those who draw the gilt balls then draw lots a second time, their number being reduced to nine; and these nine electors name forty, who by another balloting are reduced to twelve. These again name twenty-five electors, whom the chance of the lots reduces afterwards to nine. The operation is not yet ended. These nine once more choose forty-five, who are by lot again reduced to eleven, who in the last place appoint the forty-one electors by whom the doge is immediately chosen. This is something like the drawing of a lottery, and is managed with great rapidity. An election there is never known to continue more than three or four hours, although there are commonly eight or nine hundred voters present. At first sight, one would suppose that mere chance decided these elections, but the real effect of this complicated balloting is to place those in office who have a majority of votes. It is by such a mode of election, (which is practiced also at Genoa) that the Venetians prevent the intrigues of their magistrates to gain an ascendancy over each other, stifle a spirit of party and faction, and destroy the ambitious projects of an oligarchy.
Cleves, Oct. 1.—The French emigrants at Coblenze, Treves, Brussels, and most other places in the empire, and its dependencies, were thunderstruck at the king of France's acceptance of the constitution. All the consolation or advice we can afford to them in this place, is, to return to their country as expeditiously as possible and make their peace with the powers that be. They do not give the least credit to the accounts of a general amnesty, and still reckon upon the emperor's assistance in the spring. Miserable men! how greatly are they mistaken—they seem not to know that the paper called The Courier of the Lower Rhine is supported by the Imperial chamber of Finance on purpose to persuade the numerous bodies of emigrants in those parts to return to France, and restore themselves to their country at any price—That very paper has yesterday asserted from the most unquestionable authority, that "neither the emperor nor the empire, nor any other foreign power will either march their troops now, or at any future time, with a view to effect a counter-revolution; and that the king of France has acted very wisely in making his peace with a people, of whom it is in his power again to become the idol, more than ever. If the French exiles and emigrants any longer depend upon assistance from this quarter, we have authority (which they have no idea of) to say, that bitter repentance will be the consequence of their idle hopes."
Brussels, Oct. 2.—The king of Prussia has given his ultimatum to the fugitive French princes; "That the present moment is the only time at which he could possibly spare any troops to act against France. In the spring circumstances would not allow him to send a single soldier." This declaration was a dead-stroke to the poor exiled princes, and the prince of Conde even shed tears upon the occasion. The circumstances referred to by the king of Prussia, most probably had relation to the towns of Dantzic and Thorn, of which he is determined to possess himself, the first favorable opportunity by forcible means. Letters, however, from Russia, Sweden, and Poland say, that those powers are determined to oppose him with a combination of their forces.
Paris, Oct. 9. When the king understood that the usual ceremonial of salutation between the national assembly and himself was to be changed at his meeting them, he seemed very much affected.—"I should have thought (said he) that although they have deprived me of all honor, as an individual, they would have manifested some regard for the dignity of their first magistrate, the hereditary representative of the nation." This effusion spread like wildfire; and to such a height were the passions of the populace raised, that when the great chair of state was brought into the assembly's hall, they seemed to worship the very chair. Such an excess of enthusiastic applause was reprobated by one of the orators—but his voice was drowned in the murmurs of the people.—This gave great umbrage to M. Gou-
illeau, one of the members of the second legislature, who cried out that the majesty of the people was sacrificed to the majesty of the king .—"If you dare to express yourself again in that manner (said one of the officers of the national guard) I will cut you to pieces—you are a traitor—and, take notice, that we have bayonets!"—"Yes! (replied the national guard) we will cut him to pieces should he infringe the constitution—we are also ready to cut that man to pieces, who offers him the most trifling insult, while he is doing his duty!" M. Gouilleau then exclaimed aloud, The temple of the country is become the stage of bullies and gladiators. The national guard wears a menacing aspect—they tell us that the word majesty belongs to the king only—that the people are nothing and the king every thing .—The officer was then called to the bar, and desired to explain. Three hours were spent in debating on this insult, and examining witnesses. The officer at length interpreted his expressions into another meaning; and the assembly passed on to the order of day.
Balbastro, (Spain) Sept. 20. Doctor Joseph Abado continues to practice inoculation for the small-pox, in this city, with the most incredible success. Since the month of June last, he has inoculated in the different cities and towns of Aragon to the amount of four hundred and eighty patients. Out of this large number not one has died, and all are perfectly recovered. During the same space of time one hundred and fifty persons were attacked by the small-pox in the natural way, in the same towns and places where doctor Abado inoculated, out of which number seventeen died, as has been certified by the several magistrates of those places.
Warsaw, (Poland) Sept. 25. On the 15th instant the new constitutional diet opened with all that good order and dignity befitting the representatives of a free nation. The king made a speech at this session; having brought into view the general unanimity of the nation in accepting the constitution on the 3d of May 1791, he concluded a very rational and truly patriotic speech, with the following remarkable words: "We have sworn to maintain this constitution—we have engaged under the most sacred obligations, rather to die than suffer the least infringement thereof—and in speaking this, I am convinced I am nothing more than the echo of the public voice."—This was returned with suitable warmth on the part of the people, and then the diet proceeded to business.
Sept. 26.—The minister of France has caused a solemn mass to be performed in St. Mary's church for the happy success of the French revolution. The people of this country beheld with pleasure a religious solemnity which put them in mind of their own political regeneration. We love and admire the French constitution, and we may even venture to say, that it is to this constitution, in its early efforts, that we owe our revolution in Poland, which has broke the shackles of slavery, and brought us to be acquainted with the charms and blessings of liberty.
Paris, Oct. 10. Letters from Avignon mention nothing but trouble and disorder in those parts. At Sorgues, a town near Avignon, hostilities have been commenced between the parties that divide the country thereabouts. An office of the last mentioned town has been killed, several others wounded, and numberless outrages committed. The inhabitants themselves seem bent upon persecuting each other; robbery and plunder are practiced with impunity, and no one lies down at night in safety.
October 11.—M. d'Andre, not long since a dignified nobleman, and counsellor to the parliament at Aix, has become a partner in the spice trade with M. M. Ginetti and Charlemagne. Their store, one of the best in this capital, is in Glac Houle street. This citizen, at all times noted for his patriotism, after having acted a distinguished part in the first national legislature, has now enrolled himself in the national guard, and has actually twice mounted guard in quality of grenadier.
M. de Moustier, ambassador from France at Berlin, is soon to succeed M. de Montmorin in the department for foreign affairs.
THE KING'S SPEECH to the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, on Sept. 30.
Gentlemen, THE constitution being completed, your labors, for the present, are also at an end. A prolongation of the session for some time would have been desirable, that you yourselves might have seen, while in your legislative capacity, in what manner your other labors would have operated upon the public mind. But these additional objects are entered upon, and only wait to be perfected by those enlightened legislators, who well know what the nation stands in need of, from near three years painful experience. You have doubtless thought it a matter of great importance to make as short an interval as possible, between the finishing the constitution, and the conclusion of the labors of the constituting bodies, in order to determine with more precision the difference that exists between the duties of the constituting bodies and those of the legislatures.—In respect to myself, having accepted the constitution, which you have made for the kingdom, I shall employ all the power with which it invests me to ensure that respect and obedience to the laws which is due to them. I have notified to foreign powers my acceptance of the constitution, and it shall be my constant study and earnest endeavor to pursue such measures as shall secure the nation from any foreign attempts, and to exert all my vigilance and firmness in causing the constitutional laws to be executed within the kingdom, and to prevent their being changed or infringed.—As to yourselves, gentlemen, you, through a long and arduous task, have manifested a most indefatigable zeal for the public welfare—but you have still one duty to accomplish: When you shall be dispersed through this vast empire, let it be your constant care to instruct your fellow citizens in the true spirit of those laws which you have made for them—explain those which they may have misunderstood—purify all hearts, & unite all opinions by the example which you will set before them of love to their country, order, and submission to the laws.
In returning to your several homes, I trust, gentlemen, that you will transfer my sentiments to your fellow citizens. Tell them all that the king will still be their head, their protector and their faithful friend; that it is his interest to be esteemed by them, and that he cannot be happy but with them and for them. The hope of contributing to their happiness will animate my courage, and the conviction of having fully secured it, will at all times be my sweetest reward.
Signed, LOUIS. Countersigned, DELESSART.
Oct. 12. Certain intelligence is come to hand, that the French residents in Spain are preparing to quit that miserable bigotted country, to avoid falling a sacrifice to tyranny and fanaticism. Our information says, they have refused to take the requisite oath of allegiance, as the taking of it would blot out their national character. One brig only, at Cadiz, has taken on board one hundred and thirty persons of this description; eighty are embarked at Malaga; and more than 1200 have quitted Madrid and its vicinity.
A place has hitherto been set apart in the hall of the national assembly, appropriated to those members of the assembly whose times had expired. This privilege appears a contradiction to our own principles. It is essential to a free constitution, that citizens who have been honored with the public confidence, when their times are expired, should, in every sense, return to the common mass of the people. It would be absurd that such a privilege should be established in the very hall where every other privilege has been abolished. It appears that this affair has been managed by certain intriguing characters in the late assembly, who wished, after their political demise, to influence the national deliberations; and have even ventured to write billets from their seats and circulate them among the members.
The late bishop of Lucon, in a phrenzy of ecclesiastical rage and despair, has issued a pastoral letter, in which he recommends to the anti-constitutional clergy of France to continue instructing the faithful as heretofore, and to do all in their power to inspire them with a contempt for the conforming clergy. He endeavors to make the peasantries believe that to attend at a mass said by a conforming priest is a mortal sin, and that children, the offspring of a marriage, the ceremonial of which was performed by one of them, are no better than bastards; and that burials, baptisms, and other acts of religious duty, are no other than blasphemies, when under the management of these intruders.
The empress of Russia has sent M. de Romanzow (son of the famous marshal of that name) with a present of two millions of roubles, and notes to the exiled French Princes at Coblenze. The poor Princes insist upon it that M. de Romanzow comes to them in quality of Ambassador,—but they are utterly mistaken: we have the best authority to say he is invested with no public character whatsoever, beyond that of a genteel messenger.
While philosophy and liberty are making such rapid strides in France, Germany is every day bowing her neck more and more under the yoke of feudal tyranny. At Dusseldorf an ordinance has been lately published, which would have done credit to the titled robbers of the fourteenth century. It ordains that the citizens shall not enjoy the diversion of dancing more than three times in a year; and that only during the three days of the carnival. As to the nobility, they are not put under any restrictions in this matter, so that they can have as many balls, routs, &c. as they think proper. This humiliating discrimination has so incensed the populace, that it would not be surprising if they should give the nobility a dance more than to their heart's content.
Philadelphia, Dec. 26. In the debate on Wednesday last in the house of representatives, on the 22nd and 23rd sections of the post-office bill, the following observations were made with regard to newspapers and their mode of transportation:
It was observed, that although it be the duty of the legislative body to make every necessary provision for the conveyance of information to the different parts of the United States, it is as much the duty of each individual to pay his quota of the expense attending such conveyance; the newspapers are conveyed, not to those members of the community who are unable to pay for the carriage, but to those who can well afford to bear the expense. The necessity of disseminating information, was admitted; and also that nothing more should be expected than what would barely defray the expense of carriage; but in the case of newspapers it was said, even that expense was not destroyed: the printers are able to pay for the papers they receive; and no exclusive privilege ought to be granted to a printer, any more than to another person; when a printer is about to enter into business, he ought to make his calculations and take into his account every circumstance of this nature, and make his arrangements accordingly: in the interior parts of the country, it is rather disadvantageous to the printer, that the newspapers are exempt from postage: a small tax on them would operate as a bounty to the printer; it would be a kind of monopoly in his favor, whilst he is taxed only for a single paper, and those around him pay for a number:—but setting this consideration aside, why should other persons be taxed for the transmission of intelligence to the man who can and ought to pay for it? the tax need not be very great on each paper: but it was hoped, that when the magnitude of the business was considered, every printer would not be allowed to send as many papers, as he may think proper: It is impossible to know how great the amount may be: in those parts, where the mail is carried in waggons, the evil perhaps may not be so severely felt; but where it is carried on horseback, it will be impossible to transport weighty packages of newspapers: besides, even where waggons are established for the purpose, it sometimes becomes necessary to have the mail carried on horseback, and in such cases either the newspapers must be left behind, or pri-
vate letters containing important communications, if an obligation be laid on the post-rider to carry both, it will operate as a prohibition to carry either; for he cannot possibly carry the whole: the conveyance of commercial intelligence is of much greater importance, than the circulation of newspapers; and yet, in the former case, a tax is laid; not only to pay for the carriage, but even with a view to revenue; whereas, in the latter, not even the expense of conveyance was contemplated.
It was further observed, that a late dispute, between one of the printers of this city and the postmaster-general, had thrown some light on this business of the conveyance of newspapers: it appeared, that near six hundred papers per week were received by the printers of this city; and surely so great a number cannot be necessary for the conveyance of intelligence:—if printers are to receive papers untaxed from all parts of the union, they may receive a still greater number: near four millions of newspapers are yearly printed in the United States; and the number may probably increase in a short time, so that it is impossible to foresee the extent of this business.
The free carriage of newspapers (it was said) would give a kind of monopoly to some states, to the detriment of others: in the state of North-Carolina, there are but two printers;—and if only half a cent is to be paid for the carriage of a paper from Philadelphia, the inhabitants of that state will have their intelligence as cheap from this place, as from the press of either of the North-Carolina printers, and earlier besides.
Considering the present number of newspapers and the probability of its encrease; it will be laying a heavy burthen on the Post-Office (or at least on the horses that carry the mail) to allow all the printers to receive the papers free; and to subject them to a tax of half a cent, without regard to distance, will be encouraging the presses in one particular place, and crushing those in the other parts of the union; for the consequence, it was said, will be, that the people will take the papers from the greatest distance, because they will convey the intelligence quicker. "It is of considerable importance to the mercantile interest, that there should be papers in every state, to circulate advertisements: it is also of great importance to the citizens of every state to have an opportunity of expressing their sentiments respecting the operations of government: these desirable objects cannot be obtained without giving an adequate support to all newspapers alike: to give equal encouragement to the printers in the different states; some regard ought to be paid to the distance to which the papers are conveyed, and the tax, whatever it may be, proportioned accordingly.
It was not however wished that any further tax should be laid upon newspapers, than barely what would be sufficient to defray the expense of postage; and to make the postmaster accountable for them, on receiving an allowance of at least fifty per cent.
A statement was read, by which it appeared, that one thousand one hundred and forty papers per week pass through the general post-office; and that the printers of Philadelphia have lately, in a single week, lodged newspapers there, to the weight of two hundred and forty-two pounds avoirdupois.
   PRICE OF STOCK.   Funded Debt.     Six per cents, per £. - - 22 5/8   Three per cents, - - - 13 3/4   Deferred six per cents, - - - 13 1/4   Unfunded Debt.   Final settlements, - - - 20 5/8   Interest due previous to 1788, 22 5/8. - -   Indents, - - - 12 5/8   Bank scripts, - - - 146 dollars.   Do. complete shares payable and deliverable 2d January, 44 per cent advance.  
   METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.   December 1791.   D. H. Bar. Ther. Wind. Weather.     Monday, 19. 7 29. 9 40 N.W. Rain.   2 29. 95 40 do. Cloudy.   Tuesday, 20. 7 30. 1 27 N.W. Cloudy.   2 30. 5 31 do. Fair.   Wednesday, 21. 7 30. 5 23 S.E. Fair.   2   Thursday, 22. 7 30. 2 27 N.W. Fair.   2 30. 5 27 do. ditto.   Friday, 23. 7 30. 2 31 S.W. Fair.   2 30. 1 32 do. ditto.   Saturday, 24. 7 30. 7 20 W. Fair.   2 30. 5 28 N.W. ditto.   Sunday, 25. 7 29. 85 23 S.W. Fair.   2 29. 7 39 do. ditto.  
** A few copies of the REPORT of the Secretary of the Treasury, on the subject of MANUFACTURES, may be had at the Office, No. 239, High-Street.
JUST PUBLISHED, and for sale by THOMAS LANG, No. 21, Church alley; An Essay on
COMMERCE and LUXURY. Re-printed from the London edition—Price 1/6. The merit of this work will be acknowledged by every judicious reader. The re-publication of it in this country, at this time, has been advised by several enlightened patriots. These wish to promote our national commerce, on the basis of agriculture and industry, and free from the base alloy of imposition and gaming. They set a proper value on the conveniencies and ornaments of civilized life; but detest that luxury which is the offspring of a frivolous taste, and the mother of profligacy, dishonesty, poverty, of numberless private and public vices and misfortunes. Nov. 23. t.c.t.

It is easily discernible, that what, in the first instance is divided into two parts under the denomination of the ordinary profit of the stock of the farmer and rent to the landlord, is in the second instance united under the general appellation of the ordinary profit of the stock of the undertaker; and that this formal or verbal distribution constitutes the whole difference in the two cases. It seems to have been overlooked, that the land is itself a stock or capital, advanced or lent by its owner to the occupier or tenant, and that the rent he receives is only the ordinary profit of a certain stock in land, not managed by the proprietor himself, but by another to whom he lends or lets it, and who, on his part, advances a second capital to stock and improve the land, upon which he also receives the usual profit. The rent of the landlord and the profit of the farmer are therefore nothing more than the ordinary profits of two capitals belonging to two different persons, and united in the cultivation of a farm. As in the other case, the surplus which arises upon any manufactory, after replacing the expenses of carrying it on, answers to the ordinary profits of one or more capitals engaged in the prosecution of such manufactory. It is said one or more capitals; because in fact, the same thing which is contemplated in the case of the farm, sometimes happens in that of a manufactory. There is one, who furnishes a part of the capital, or lends a part of the money, by which it is carried on, and another, who carries it on, with the addition of his own capital. Out of the surplus which remains, after defraying expenses, an interest is paid to the money lender, for the portion of the capital furnished by him, which exactly agrees with the rent paid to the landlord; and the residue of that surplus constitutes the profit of the undertaker or manufacturer, and agrees with what is denominated the ordinary profits on the stock of the farmer. Both together make the ordinary profits of two capitals employed in a manufactory; as in the other case the rent of the landlord and the revenue of the farmer compose the ordinary profits of two capitals, employed in the cultivation of a farm.
The rent therefore accruing to the proprietor of the land, far from being a criterion of exclusive productiveness, as has been argued, is no criterion even of superior productiveness. The question must still be, whether the surplus, after defraying expenses, of a given capital, employed in the purchase and improvement of a piece of land, is greater or less, than that of a like capital, employed in the prosecution of a manufactory; or whether the whole value produced from a given capital and a given quantity of labor, employed in one way, be greater or less than the whole value produced from an equal capital and an equal quantity of labor, employed in the other way; or rather, perhaps, whether the business of agriculture or that of manufactures will yield the greatest product, according to a compound ratio of the quantity of the capital and the quantity of labor, which are employed in the one or in the other.
The solution of either of these questions is not easy; it involves numerous and complicated details, depending on an accurate knowledge of the objects to be compared. It is not known that the comparison has ever yet been made upon sufficient data properly ascertained and analysed. To be able to make it on the present occasion with satisfactory precision would demand more previous enquiry and investigation, than there has been hitherto either leisure or opportunity to accomplish.
Some essays, however, have been made towards acquiring the requisite information; which have rather served to throw doubt upon, than to confirm the hypothesis, under examination. But it ought to be acknowledged, that they have been too little diversified, and are too imperfect to authorise a definitive conclusion either way; leading rather to probable conjecture than to certain deduction. They render it probable, that there are various branches of manufactures, in which a given capital will yield a greater total product, and a considerably greater net product, than an equal capital invested in the purchase and improvement of lands; and that there are also some branches, in which both the gross and the net produce will exceed that of agricultural industry; according to a compound ratio of capital and labor. But it is on this last point, that there appears to be the greatest room for doubt. It is far less difficult to infer generally, that the net produce of capital engaged in manufacturing enterprises is greater than that of capital engaged in agriculture.
The foregoing suggestions are not designed to inculcate an opinion that manufacturing industry is more productive than that of agriculture. They are intended rather to shew that the reverse of this proposition is not ascertained; that the general arguments which are brought to establish it are not satisfactory; and consequently that a supposition of the superior productiveness of tillage ought to be no obstacle to listening to any substantial inducements to the encouragement of manufactures, which may be otherwise perceived to exist, through an apprehension, that they may have a tendency to divert labor from a more to a less profitable employment.
It is extremely probable, that on a full and accurate development of the matter, on the ground of fact and calculation, it would be discovered that there is no material difference between the aggregate productiveness of the one, and of the other kind of industry; and that the propriety of the encouragements, which may in any case be proposed to be given to either, ought to be determined upon considerations irrelative to any comparison of that nature.
II. But without contending for the superior productiveness of manufacturing industry, it may conduce to a better judgment of the policy, which ought to be pursued respecting its encouragement, to contemplate the subject, under some additional aspects, tending not only to confirm the idea, that this kind of industry has been improperly represented as unproductive in itself; but to evince in addition that the establishment and diffusion of manufactures have the effect of rendering the total mass of useful and productive labor, in a community, greater than it would otherwise be. In prosecuting this discussion, it may be necessary briefly to resume and review some of the topics which have been already touched.
To affirm that the labor of the manufacturer is unproductive, because he consumes as much of the produce of land as he adds value to the raw materials which he manufactures, is not better founded, than it would be to affirm, that the labor of the farmer, which furnishes materials to the manufacturer, is unproductive, because he consumes an equal value of manufactured articles. Each furnishes a certain portion of the produce of his labor to the other, and each destroys a correspondent portion of the produce of the labor of the other. In the mean time the maintenance of two citizens, instead of one, is going on; and the state has two members instead of one; and they together consume twice the value of what is produced from the land.
If instead of a farmer and artificer, there were a farmer only, he would be under the necessity of devoting a part of his labor to the fabrication of cloathing and other articles, which he would procure of the artificer, in the case of there being such a person; and of course he would be able to devote less labor to the cultivation of his farm, and would draw from it a proportionably less product. The whole quantity of production, in this state of things, in provisions, raw materials and manufactures, would certainly not exceed in value the amount of what would be produced in provisions and raw materials only, if there were an artificer as well as a farmer.
Again—If there were both an artificer and a farmer, the latter would be left at liberty to pursue exclusively the cultivation of his farm. A greater quantity of provisions and raw materials would of course be produced, equal, at least, as has been already observed, to the whole amount of the provisions, raw materials and manufactures, which would exist on a contrary supposition. The artificer, at the same time, would be going on in the production of manufactured commodities; to an amount sufficient not only to repay the farmer, in those commodities, for the provisions and materials which were procured from him, but to furnish the artificer himself with a supply of similar commodities for his own use. Thus then, there would be two quantities or values in existence instead of one; and the revenue and consumption would be double in one case, what it would be in the other.
If in place of both these suppositions, there were supposed to be two farmers and no artificer, each of whom applied a part of his labor to the culture of land, and another part to the fabrication of manufactures; in this case, the portion of the labor of both bestowed upon land would produce the same quantity of provisions and raw materials only, as would be produced by the entire sum of the labor of one applied in the same manner, and the portion of the labor of both bestowed upon manufactures, would produce the same quantities of manufactures only, as would be produced by the entire sum of the labor of one applied in the same manner. Hence the produce of the labor of the two farmers would not be greater than the produce of the labor of the farmer and artificer; and hence it results, that the labor of the artificer is as positively productive as that of the farmer, and, as positively, augments the revenue of the society.
The labor of the artificer replaces to the farmer that portion of his labor with which he provides the materials of exchange with the artificer, and which he would otherwise have been compelled to apply to manufactures; and while the artificer thus enables the farmer to enlarge his stock of agricultural industry, a portion of which he purchases for his own use, he also supplies himself with the manufactured articles of which he stands in need. He does still more—Besides this equivalent which he gives for the portion of agricultural labor consumed by him, and this supply of manufactured commodities for his own consumption, he furnishes still a surplus, which compensates for the use of the capital advanced either by himself or some other person, for carrying on the business. This is the ordinary profit of the stock employed in the manufactory, and is, in every sense, as effective an addition to the income of the society as the rent of land.
The produce of the labor of the artificer consequently, may be regarded as composed of three parts; one by which the provisions for his subsistence and the materials for his work are purchased of the farmer, one by which he supplies himself with manufactured necessaries, and a third which constitutes the profit on the stock employed. The two last portions seem to have been overlooked in the system, which represents manufacturing industry as barren and unproductive.
In the course of the preceding illustrations, the products of equal quantities of the labor of the farmer and artificer have been treated as if equal to each other. But this is not to be understood as intending to assert any such precise equality. It is merely a manner of expression adopted for the sake of simplicity and perspicuity. Whether the value of the produce of the labor of the farmer be somewhat more or less, than that of the artificer, is not material to the main scope of the argument which hitherto has only aimed at shewing that the one, as well as the other, occasions a positive augmentation of the total produce and revenue of the society.
It is now proper to proceed a step further, and to enumerate the principal circumstances, from which it may be inferred—That manufacturing establishments not only occasion a positive augmentation of the produce and revenue of the society, but that they contribute essentially to rendering them greater than they could possibly be, without such establishments. These circumstances are,
 1. The division of labor.  2. An extension of the use of machinery.  3. Additional employment to classes of the community not ordinarily engaged in the business.  4. The promoting of emigration from foreign countries.  5. The furnishing greater scope for the diversity of talents and dispositions which discriminate men from each other.  6. The affording a more ample and various field for enterprise.  7. The creating in some instances a new, and securing in all, a more certain and steady demand for the surplus produce of the soil. 
Each of these circumstances has a considerable influence upon the total mass of industrious effort in a community: together, they add to it a degree of energy and effect, which are not easily conceived. Some comments upon each of them, in the order in which they have been stated, may serve to explain their importance.
1. As to the division of labor. It has justly been observed, that there is scarce any thing of greater moment in the economy of a nation, than the proper division of labor. The separation of occupations causes each to be carried to a much greater perfection than it could possibly acquire, if they were blended. This arises principally from three circumstances.
1st. The greater skill and dexterity naturally resulting from a constant and undivided application to a single object. It is evident, that these properties must increase, in proportion to the separation and simplification of objects, and the steadiness of the attention devoted to each; and must be less, in proportion to the complication of objects, and the number among which the attention is distracted.
2d. The economy of time, by avoiding the loss of it, incident to a frequent transition from one operation to another of a different nature. This depends on various circumstances; the transition itself, the orderly disposition of the implements, machines and materials employed in the operation to be relinquished, the preparatory steps to the commencement of a new one, the interruption of the impulse, which the mind of the workman acquires, from being engaged in a particular operation; the distractions, hesitations and reluctances, which attend the passage from one kind of business to another.
3d. An extension of the use of machinery.—A man occupied on a single object will have it more in his power, and will be more naturally led to exert his imagination in devising methods to facilitate and abridge labor, than if he were perplexed by a variety of independent and dissimilar operations. Besides this, the fabrication of machines, in numerous instances, becoming itself a distinct trade, the artist who follows it, has all the advantages which have been enumerated, for improvement in his particular art; and in both ways the invention and application of machinery are extended.
And from these causes united, the mere separation of the occupation of the cultivator, from that of the artificer, has the effect of augmenting the productive powers of labor, and with them, the total mass of the produce or revenue of a country. In this single view of the subject, therefore, the utility of artificers or manufacturers, towards promoting an increase of productive industry, is apparent.
II. As to an extension of the use of machinery, a point which though partly anticipated, requires to be placed in one or two additional lights.
The employment of machinery forms an item of great importance in the general mass of national industry. 'Tis an artificial force brought in aid of the natural force of man; and, to all the purposes of labor, is an increase of hands; an accession of strength, unincumbered too by the expense of maintaining the laborer. May it not therefore be fairly inferred, that those occupations, which give greatest scope to the use of this auxiliary, contribute most to the general stock of industrious effort, and, in consequence, to the general product of industry?
It shall be taken for granted, and the truth of the position referred to observation, that manufacturing pursuits are susceptible in a greater degree of the application of machinery, than those of agriculture. If so, all the difference is lost to a community, which, instead of manufacturing for itself, procures the fabrics requisite to its supply from other countries. The substitution of foreign for domestic manufactures is a transfer to foreign nations of the advantages accruing from the employment of machinery, in the modes, in which it is capable of being employed, with most utility and to the greatest extent.
The cotton mill invented in England, within the last twenty years, is a signal illustration of the general proposition, which has been just advanced. In consequence of it, all the different processes for spinning cotton are performed by means of machines, which are put in motion by water, and attended chiefly by women and children; and by a smaller number of persons, in the whole, than are requisite in the ordinary mode of spinning. And it is an advantage of great moment that the operations of this mill continue with convenience, during the night, as well as through the day. The prodigious effect of such a machine is easily conceived. To this invention is to be attributed essentially the immense progress, which has been so suddenly made in Great-Britain in the various fabrics of cotton.
III. As to the additional employment of classes of the community, not originally engaged in the particular business.
This is not among the least valuable of the means, by which manufacturing institutions contribute to augment the general stock of industry and production. In places where those institutions prevail, besides the persons regularly engaged in them, they afford occasional and extra employment to industrious individuals and families, who are willing to devote the leisure resulting from the intermissions of their ordinary pursuits to collateral labors, as a resource for multiplying their acquisitions or their enjoyments. The husbandman himself experiences a new source of profit and support from the increased industry of his wife and daughters; invited and stimulated by the demands of the neighboring manufactures.
Beside this advantage of occasional employment to classes having different occupations, there is another of a nature allied to it and of a similar tendency. This is, the employment of persons who would otherwise be idle (and in many cases a burthen on the community) either from the bias of temper, habit, infirmity of body, or some other cause, indisposing or disqualifying them for the toils of the country. It is worthy of particular remark, that, in general, women and children are rendered more useful, and the latter more early useful, by manufacturing establishments, than they would otherwise be. Of the number of persons employed in the cotton manufactories of Great-Britain, it is computed that 4-7 nearly are women and children; of whom the greatest
proportion are children, and many of them of a tender age.
And thus it appears to be one of the attributes of manufactures, and one of no small consequence, to give occasion to the exertion of a greater quantity of industry, even by the same number of persons, where they happen to prevail, than would exist, if there were no such establishments.
IV. As to the promoting of emigration from foreign countries.
Men reluctantly quit one course of occupation and livelihood for another, unless invited to it by very apparent and proximate advantages. Many, who would go from one country to another, if they had a prospect of continuing, with more benefit, the callings to which they have been educated, will often not be tempted to change their situation by the hope of doing better in some other way. Manufacturers who, listening to the powerful invitations of a better price for their fabrics, or their labor, of greater cheapness of provisions and raw materials, of an exemption from the chief part of the taxes, burthens and restraints, which they endure in the old world, of greater personal independence and consequence, under the operation of a more equal government, and of what is far more precious than mere religious toleration, a perfect equality of religious privileges; would probably flock from Europe to the United States to pursue their own trades or professions, if they were once made sensible of the advantages they would enjoy, and were inspired with an assurance of encouragement and employment, with difficulty, be induced to transplant themselves, with a view to becoming cultivators of land.
If it be true then, that it is the interest of the United States to open every possible avenue to emigration from abroad, it affords a weighty argument for the encouragement of manufactures; which, for the reason just assigned, will have the strongest tendency to multiply the inducements to it.
Here is perceived an important resource, not only for extending the population, and with it the useful and productive labor of the country, but likewise for the prosecution of manufactures, without deducting from the number of hands which might otherwise be drawn to tillage; and even for the indemnification of agriculture for such as might happen to be diverted from it. Many, whom manufacturing views would induce to emigrate, would afterwards yield to the temptations, which the particular situation of this country holds out to agricultural pursuits. And while agriculture would in other respects derive many signal and unmingled advantages, from the growth of manufactures, it is a problem whether it would gain or lose, as to the article of the number of persons employed in carrying it on.
V. As to the furnishing greater scope for the diversity of talents and dispositions, which discriminate men from each other.
This is a much more powerful mean of augmenting the fund of national industry than may at first sight appear. It is a just observation, that minds of the strongest and most active powers for their proper objects fall below mediocrity and labor without effect, if confined to uncongenial pursuits. And it is thence to be inferred, that the results of human exertion may be immensely increased by diversifying its objects. When all the different kinds of industry obtain in a community, each individual can find his proper element, and can call into activity the whole vigor of his nature. And the community is benefited by the services of its respective members, in the manner, in which each can serve it with most effect.
If there be any thing in a remark often to be met with, namely, that there is, in the genius of the people of this country, a peculiar aptitude for mechanic improvements, it would operate as a forcible reason for giving opportunities to the exercising that species of talent, by the propagation of manufactures.
VI. As to the affording a more ample and various field for enterprise.
This also is of greater consequence in the general scale of national exertion, than might perhaps on a superficial view be supposed, and has effects not altogether dissimilar from those of the circumstance last noticed. To cherish and stimulate the activity of the human mind, by multiplying the objects of enterprise, is not among the least considerable of the expedients, by which the wealth of a nation may be promoted. Even things in themselves, not positively advantageous, sometimes become so, by their tendency to provoke exertion. Every new scene which is opened to the busy nature of man to rouse and exert itself, is the addition of a new energy to the general stock of effort.
The spirit of enterprise, useful and prolific as it is, must necessarily be contracted or expanded in proportion to the simplicity or variety of the occupations and productions, which are to be found in a society. It must be less in a nation of mere cultivators, than in a nation of cultivators and merchants; less in a nation of cultivators and merchants, than in a nation of cultivators, artificers and merchants.
(To be continued.)
CHARLES BITTERS, No. 120, South Market, near Fourth Street, Has received from New-York, and manufactured BY LOT MERKEL, A large and General Assortment of Muffs & Tippets, Trimmings & Edgings, Great Coats, Caps, Muffs & gloves lined with Fur which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest Prices.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAIN, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 239, HIGH-STREET, NEAR SIXTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.