Gazette of the United-States. (New-York [N.Y.]), 1789-04-15 00:00:00

Gazette of the United States.
NUMBER I.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15, 1789.
PRICE SIX PENCE.
P L A N OF THE
GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES. A NATIONAL PAPER.
To be published at the SEAT of the FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and to comprise, as fully as possible, the following Objects, viz.
 I. EARLY and authentick Accounts of the PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS—its LAWS, ACTS, and RESOLUTIONS, communicated so as to form an HISTORY of the TRANSACTIONS of the FEDERAL LEGISLATURE, under the NEW CONSTITUTION.  II. IMPARTIAL SKETCHES of the DEBATES of CONGRESS.  III. ESSAYS upon the great subjects of Government in general, and the Federal Legislature in particular; also upon the national and local Rights of the AMERICAN CITIZENS, as founded upon the Federal or State Constitutions; also upon every other Subject, which may appear suitable for newspaper discussion.  IV. A SERIES of PARAGRAPHS, calculated to catch the "LIVING MANNERS AS THEY RISE," and to point the publick attention to Objects that have an important reference to domestick, social, and publick happiness.  V. The Interests of the United States as connected with their literary Institutions—religious and moral Objects—Improvements in Science, Arts, EDUCATION and HUMANITY—their foreign Treaties, Alliances, Connections, &c.  VI. Every Species of INTELLIGENCE, which may affect the commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or political INTERESTS of the AMERICAN REPUBLICK.  VII. A CHAIN of DOMESTICK OCCURRENCES, collected through the Medium of an extensive Correspondence with the respective States.  VIII. A SERIES of FOREIGN ARTICLES of INTELLIGENCE, so connected, as to form a general Idea of publick Affairs in the eastern Hemisphere.  IX. THE STATE of the NATIONAL FUNDS; also of the INDIVIDUAL GOVERNMENTS—Courtes of Exchange—Prices Current, &c. 
CONDITIONS.
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To the PUBLICK.
AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatest magnitude—to strengthen and complete the UNION of the States—to extend and protect their COMMERCE, under equal Treaties yet to be formed—to explore and arrange the NATIONAL FUNDS—to restore and establish the PUBLICK CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices of an untried System of Government, will require the ENERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of our Country—Hence the propriety of encreasing the Medium of Knowledge and Information.
AMERICA, from this period, begins a new Era in her national existence—"THE WORLD IS ALL BEFORE HER"—The wisdom and folly—the misery and prosperity of the EMPIRES, STATES, and KINGDOMS, which have had their day upon the great Theatre of Time, and are now no more, suggest the most important Mementos—These, with the rapid series of Events, in which our own Country has been so deeply interested, have taught the enlightened Citizens of the United States, that FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT—LIBERTY and LAWS, are inseparable.
This Conviction has led to the adoption of the New Constitution; for however VARIOUS the Sentiments, respecting the MERITS of this System, all GOOD MEN are agreed in the necessity that exists, of an EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
A paper, therefore, established upon NATIONAL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRINCIPLES—which shall take up the premised Articles, upon a COMPETENT PLAN, it is presumed, will be highly interesting, and meet with publick approbation and patronage.
The Editor of this Publication is determined to leave no avenue of Information unexplored:—He solicits the assistance of Persons of leisure and abilities—which, united with his own assiduity, he flatters himself will render the Gazette of the United States not unworthy general encouragement—and is, with due respect, the publick's humble servant,
70 H N F E N N O. New-York, April 15, 1789.
EPITOME OF THE PRESENT STATE OF THE UNION.
NEW-HAMPSHIRE,
WHICH is 180 miles in length, and 60 in breadth, contained, according to an enumeration in 1787, 102,000 inhabitants—is attached to the federal Government—engaged in organizing her militia, already the best disciplined of any in the Union—encouraging the domestick arts—and looking forward to the benefits which will result from the operations of the New Constitution. New-Hampshire, from her local advantages, and the hardihood of her sons, may anticipate essential benefits from the operation of equal commercial regulations.
MASSACHUSETTS,
450 miles in length, and 160 in breadth, contained, according to an enumeration in 1787, 360,000 inhabitants—Since the tranquility of the State was restored by the suppression of the late insurrection, the whole body of the people appears solicitous for the blessings of peace and good government. If any conclusion can be drawn from elections for the Federal Legislature, this State has a decided majority in favour of the New Constitution. The great objects of Commerce, Agriculture, Manufactures, and the Fisheries, appear greatly to engage the attention of Massachussetts. Fabrication of Cotton, coarse Woollens, Linens, DUCK, IRON, Wood, &c. are prosecuting with success—and by diminishing her imports, and increasing her exports, she is advancing to that rank and importance in the Union which her extent of territory—her resources—and the genius and enterprise of her citizens entitle her to—and although the collision of parties, at the moment of Election, strikes out a few sparks of animosity, yet the decision once made, the "Calumet of Peace" is smoked in love and friendship—"and like true Republicans they acquiesce in the choice of the Majority."
CONNECTICUT,
81 miles in length, and 57 in breadth, contained, agreeably to a Census in 1782, 209,150 inhabitants, enjoying a fertile soil, this truly republican State is pursuing her interest in the promotion of Manufactures, Commerce, Agriculture, and the Sciences—She appears to bid fair, from the peaceable, loyal, and federal Character of the great body of her citizens—from the Enterprise of her men of wealth, and other favourable circumstances, to attain to a great degree of opulence, power, and respectability in the Union.
NEW-YORK,
350 miles in length, and 300 in breadth, contained, agreeably to a Census in 1786, 238,897 inhabitants. This State appears to be convulsed by parties—but the CRISIS is at hand, when it is hoped, that the "Hatchet" will be buried. Exertions on one side are making for the re-election of Gov. CLINTON, and on the other for the introduction of the Hon. Judge YATES to the chair—both parties appear sanguine as to their success. It is ardently to be wished, that temper and moderation may preside at the Elections; and there can be no doubt of it, as that Freedom, for which we fought and triumphed, depends so essentially upon a FREE CHOICE.—It is greatly regretted, that this respectable and important member of the federal Republick, should not be represented in the Most Honourable Senate of the United States. New-York, however, is rising in her federal character, and in manufacturing, agricultural, and commercial consequence: Evidenced in her federal elections—her plans for promoting Manufactures, and the increase of her Exports.
NEW-JERSEY,
160 miles in length, and 52 in breadth, contained, by a Census in 1784, 149,435 inhabitants. This State is at present tranquil, although lately agitated by a very extraordinary contested election—which by a timely interference of the Executive, appears to be settled. The inhabitants of this State are warmly attached to the New Constitution—the blessings of peace, an equal trade, and good government, being properly prized by them. The Arts and Sciences are objects of importance in this State, and many of her sons rank high in the Republick of Letters.
PENNSYLVANIA,
288 miles in length, and 156 in breadth—by a Census in 1787, contained 360,000 inhabitants.—This extensive and truly respectable State, is making great proficiency in her Manufactures, Agriculture, Arts and Commerce. Her attachment to the New Constitution is unequivocal, and with a consistency highly honourary to her national character, she has lately made an effort, (which, though defeated for a time, will undoubtedly be successful) to conform their State Constitution to that of the Union. The publick buildings in the city of Philadelphia, have been respectfully offered for the accommodation of Congress. Theatrical exhibi-
tions are now permitted by law—and the city has been incorporated: Experience will determine the eligibility of the two latter transactions.
DELAWARE,
92 miles in length, and 16 in breadth, by a Census in 1787, contained 37,000 inhabitants. This State, though circumscribed in its limits, derives great importance from its rank in the Union—attached to the New Constitution, and having the honour to take the lead in its adoption, there is no doubt of its giving efficacy to its righteous administration.
MARYLAND,
134 miles in length, and 110 in breadth, by a Census taken in 1782, contained 253,630 inhabitants. From its favourable situation in the Union, this State bids fair for prosperity, wealth, and eminence. Warmly attached to the New Constitution, and enjoying a central situation, the publications there have teemed with tempting inducements to Congress, to make Baltimore the Seat of the Federal Legislature.
VIRGINIA,
758 miles in length, and 224 in breadth—by a census taken in 1782, contains 567,614 inhabitants. From the natural ardour of her sons in the cause of freedom, is frequently convulsed in her elections, and has been torn by factions.—Possessing an extensive territory and a vast income, her funds are placed on a respectable footing; but as her representation in the federal legislature is decidedly attached to the union and the new constitution—there is now no doubt but that she will see her interest and glory finally connected with a few temporary sacrifices upon the principles of mutual concession.
SOUTH-CAROLINA,
200 miles in length, and 125 in breadth—and contains, by a census in 1787, 180,000 inhabitants, an important member of the union, has appeared lately to vibrate between opposing sentiments—Her attachment to national measures we doubt not will evidently discover itself when all tender laws and pine barrens shall be done away. The prohibition of the importation of slaves, and the provision lately made for the reduction of her foreign debt are federal traits—add to these that their electors have given an unanimous vote for his Excellency GENERAL WASHINGTON, as President of the United States—by which the memorable circumstance is authenticated, that the voice of the WHOLE CONTINENT has once more called our FABIUS MAXIMUS to rescue our country from impending ruin.
GEORGIA,
600 miles in length, and 250 in breadth,—by a Census in 1787, contained 98,000 inhabitants. This state is compleating her federal character by conforming her state constitution to that of the union—and being the youngest branch of the family—and a frontier—she will doubtless experience the supporting and protecting arm of the federal government.
FOREIGN STATES.
RHODE-ISLAND,
Is 68 miles in length, and 40 in breadth, and by a Census taken in 1783, contained 51,896 inhabitants. This state has again refused to accede to a union with her sister states, and is now wholly estranged from them; and from appearances, will long continue so, unless the measure of the iniquity of her "KNOW YE" gentry should be speedily filled up—or the delusion which has so long infatuated a majority of her citizens, should be removed.—Anxious of enjoying the protection of the union, the inhabitants of Newport, Providence and other places, are determined to sue for its protection, and to be annexed to Massachussetts or Connecticut. This dismemberment of the state it is to be desired, may be prevented by her being wholly grafted into that stock from whence through blindness she has been broken off.
NORTH-CAROLINA.
Is 758 miles in length, and 110 in breadth, and by a census taken in 1787, contained 270,000 inhabitants. A depreciated paper medium, and a deficiency of political knowledge, are considered as the causes of the anti-national spirit of this State. Her extensive frontier, and being obliged to export the greater part of her productions through Virginia, it is expected will ere long evince the necessity of her acceding to the confederation. This indeed appears already to be the predominant idea of her citizens, by some recent transactions.
NOTE.
Some of the foregoing Observations are transcribed from the Massachussetts Mag. an ingenious periodical publication of I. Thomas and Co. of Boston, now in the fourth month of its progress as a Candidate for literary eminence, and publick patronage. The Enumeration of the Inhabitants of the several States, is taken from Morse's AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY—a new work just published, which from its very useful and important contents, should be introduced into every family of the United States.

NEW-YORK, APRIL 15, 1789.
THE time appointed by the Congress, under the OLD CONFEDERATION, for the assembling of the SENATORS and REPRESENTATIVES chosen to administer the NEW CONSTITUTION, was the fourth day of March last; an unfavourable season of the year for journeying. Through unavoidable delays, a quorum of the members did not arrive in this city, till Monday the sixth inst. when being assembled, the Hon. JOHN LANGDON, Esq. was chosen President pro tempore. The votes of the Electors chosen by the several States were then opened and counted, and were as follows, viz.
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 69  JOHN ADAMS, 34  JOHN JAY, 9  R. R. HARRISON, 6  JOHN RUTLEDGE, 6  JOHN HANCOCK, 4  GEORGE CLINTON, 3  SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, 2  JAMES ARMSTRONG, 1  JOHN MILTON, 2  EDWARD TELFAIR, 1  BENJAMIN LINCOLN, 1 
Upon which his Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq. was announced PRESIDENT, and the Honourable JOHN ADAMS, Esq. VICE PRESIDENT of the United States. This important business being completed the Legislature of the United States, is thus arranged, viz.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT. JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT.
SENATORS.
 New-Hampshire, { John Langdon and Paine Wingate.  Massachusetts, { Caleb Strong and Tristram Daltont.  Connecticut, { William S. Johnson and Oliver Ellsworth.  New-Jersey, { William Patterson and John Elmer.  Pennsylvania, { Robert Morris and William Maclay.  Delaware, { George Read and Richard Bassett.  Maryland, { Charles Carroll, and John Henry.  Virginia, { Richard Henry Lee and William Grayson.  South-Carolina, { Pierce Butler & Ralph Izard.  Georgia, { William Few and — Gun. 
REPRESENTATIVES.
 New-Hampshire, { Benjamin West, Samuel Livermore and Nicholas Gilman.  Massachusetts, { Fisher Ames, George Partridge, George Thacher, George Leonard, Elbridge Gerry, Benjamin Goodhue, Jonathan Groot.  Connecticut, { Jonathan Sturges, Roger Sherman, Benjamin Huntington, Jonathan Trumbull, Jeremiah Wadsworth.  New-York, { John Lawrence, Egbert Benson, William Floyd, John Hathorn, Peter Sylvester, Jeremiah Van Renselaer.  New-Jersey, { Elias Boudinot, James Schureman, Thomas Sinnickson, Lambert Cadwallader.  Pennsylvania, { Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, Henry Wynkoop, Thomas Hartley, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Peter Muhlenberg, Daniel Heister, Thomas Scott.  Delaware, { John Vining.  Maryland, { Joshua Seney, Daniel Carroll, Benjamin Contee, George Gale, William Smith, Michael J. Stone.  Virginia, { James Madison, Josiah Parker, Richard B. Lee, Theodorick Bland, Isaac Coles, Alexander White, John Page, Andrew Moore, Samuel Griffin.  South-Carolina, { General Sumpter, Edanus Burke, Tho. T. Tucker, D. Huger, William Smith.  Georgia, { Abraham Baldwin, James Jackson, George Matthews. 
The Hon. CHARLES THOMSON, Esq. was appointed to inform the PRESIDENT, and Mr. SYLVANUS BOURNE, the VICE PRESIDENT, of their respective elections. Those gentlemen set out on their embassy the 7th inst.
PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES.
TUESDAY, APRIL 7, 1789.
RESOLVED—That the RULES and ORDERS following, be established STANDING RULES and ORDERS of this House—to wit:
TOUCHING THE DUTY OF THE SPEAKER. HE shall take the chair every day at the hour to which the house shall have adjourned on the preceding day; shall immediately call the members to order, and, on the appearance of a quorum, shall cause the journal of the preceding day to be read.
He shall preserve decorum and order; may speak to points of order in preference to other members, arising from his seat for that purpose, and shall decide questions of order, subject to an appeal to the house by any two members.
He shall rise to put a question, but may state it sitting. Questions shall be distinctly put in this form, viz. "As many as are of opinion that (as the question may be) say aye:" And, after the affirmative voice is expressed—"As many as are of a contrary opinion, say no."
If the speaker doubts, or a division be called for, the house shall divide, those in the affirmative going to the right, and those in the negative to the left of the chair: If the speaker still doubts, or a count be required, the speaker shall name two members, one from each side, to tell the numbers in the affirmative, which being reported, he shall then name two others, one from each side, to tell those in the negative; which being also reported, he shall rise and state the decision to the house.
The speaker shall appoint committees; unless it be determined by the house that the committee shall consist of more than three members, in which case the appointment shall be by ballot of the house.
In all cases of ballot by the house, the speaker shall vote; in other cases he shall not vote, unless the house be equally divided, or unless his vote, if given to the minority, will make the division be equal, and in case of such equal division, the question shall be lost.
When the house adjourns, the members shall keep their seats until the speaker go forth; and then the members shall follow.
SECONDLY. OF DECORUM AND DEBATE.
When any member is about to speak in debate, or deliver any matter to the house, he shall rise from his seat and respectfully address himself to Mr. Speaker.
If any member, in speaking or otherwise transgress the rules of the house, the speaker shall, or any member may call to order; in which case the member called to order shall immediately sit down unless permitted to explain, and the house shall, if appealed to, decide on the case, but without debate: If there be no appeal, the decision of the chair shall be submitted to: If the decision be in favour of the member called to order, he shall be at liberty to proceed; if otherwise, and the case require it, he shall be liable to the censure of the house.
When two or more members happen to rise at once, the speaker shall name the member who is first to speak.
No member shall speak more than twice to the same question without leave of the house; nor more than once until every member choosing to speak, shall have spoken.
Whilst the speaker is putting any question, or addressing the house, none shall walk out of, or cross the house; nor either in such case, or when a member is speaking, shall entertain private discourse, or read any printed book or paper; nor whilst a member is speaking, shall pass between him and the chair.
No member shall vote on any question, in the event of which, he is immediately and particularly interested; or in any other case where he was not present when the question was put.
Every member who shall be in the house, when a question is put, shall vote on the one side or the other, unless the house, for special reasons, shall excuse him.
When a motion is made and seconded, it shall be stated by the speaker, or being in writing, it shall be handed to the chair, and read aloud by the clerk before debated.
Every motion shall be reduced to writing, if the speaker or any member desire it.
After a motion is stated by the speaker, or read by the clerk, it shall be deemed to be in possession of the house, but may be withdrawn at any time before decision or amendment.
When a question is under debate, no motion shall be received, unless to amend it, for the previous question, or to adjourn.
A motion to adjourn shall be always in order, and shall be decided without debate.
The previous question shall be in this form: "Shall the main question be now put." It shall only be admitted when demanded by five members; and until it is decided shall preclude all amendment and further debate of the main question.
On a previous question no member shall speak more than once without leave.
Any member may call for the division of a question, where the sense will admit of it.
A motion for commitment until it is decided, shall preclude all amendment of the main question.
Motions and reports may be committed at the pleasure of the house.
No new motion or proposition shall be admitted under colour of amendment, as a substitute for the motion or proposition under debate.
Committees consisting of more than three members, shall be ballotted for by the house; if upon such ballot the number required shall not be elected by a majority of the votes given, the house shall proceed to a second ballot, in which a plurality of votes shall prevail, and in case a greater number than are required to compose or complete the committee shall have an equal number of votes, the house shall proceed to further ballot or ballotts.
In all other cases of ballot than for committees, a majority of the votes given shall be necessary to an election, and when there shall not be such majority on the first ballot, the ballot shall be repeated until a majority be obtained.
In all cases where others than members of the house may be eligible, there shall be a previous nomination.
If a question depending be lost by adjournment of the house and revived on the succeeding day, no member who has spoken twice on the day preceding shall be permitted again to speak without leave.
Every order, resolution or vote to which the concurrence of the senate shall be necessary, shall be read to the house, and laid on the table, on a day preceding that in which the same shall be moved, unless the house shall otherwise expressly allow.
Petitions, memorials, and other papers addressed to the house shall be presented, through the speaker, or by a member in his place, and shall not be debated or decided on the day of their being first read, unless where the house shall direct otherwise; but shall lie on the table to be taken up in the order they were read.
Any fifteen members (including the speaker if there is one) shall be authorised to compel the attendance of absent members.
Upon calls of the house, or in taking the ayes and noes on any question, the names of the members shall be called alphabetically.
THIRDLY. OF BILLS.
Every bill shall be introduced by motion for leave, or by an order of the house on the report of a committee, and in either case a committee to prepare the same shall be appointed. In cases of a general nature one days notice at least shall be given of the motion to bring in a bill; and every such motion may be committed.
Every bill shall receive three several readings in the house previous to its passage; and all bills shall be dispatched in order as they were introduced, unless where the house shall direct otherwise, but no bill shall be twice read on the same day without special order of the house.
The first reading of a bill shall be for information, and if opposition be made to it, the question shall be, "Shall the bill be rejected?" If no opposition be made, or the question to reject it be negatived, the bill shall go to its second reading without a question.
Upon the second reading of a bill, the speaker shall state it as ready for commitment or engrossment, and if committed, then a question shall be whether to a select committee, or to a committee of the whole house; if to a committee of the whole house, the house shall determine on what day. But if the bill be ordered to be engrossed, the house shall appoint the day when it shall be read the third time. After commitment, and a report thereof to the house, a bill may be recommitted, or at any time before its passage.
All bills ordered to be engrossed shall be executed in a fair round hand.
The enacting style of bills shall be, "Be it enacted by the Senators and Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled."
When a bill shall pass it shall be certified by the clerk, noting the day of its passing at the foot thereof.
No bill amended by the Senate shall be committed.
FOURTHLY. OF COMMITTEES OF THE WHOLE HOUSE.
It shall be a standing Order of the day, throughout the session, for the house to resolve itself into a Committee of the whole house on the state of the Union.
In forming a Committee of the whole House, the Speaker shall leave his chair, and a chairman to preside in Committee shall be appointed.
Upon bills committed to a committee of the whole house, the bill shall be first read throughout by the clerk, and then again read and debated by clauses, leaving the preamble to be last considered; the body of the bill shall not be defaced or interlined; but all amendments, noting the page and line, shall be duly entered by the clerk on a separate paper as the same shall be agreed to by the committee, and so reported to the house. After report the bill shall again be subject to be debated and amended by clauses before a question to engross it be taken.
All amendments made to an original motion in committee shall be incorporated with the motion and so reported.
All amendments made to a report committed to a committee of the whole shall be noted and reported as in the case of bills.
All questions, whether in committee or in the house, shall be propounded in the order they were moved, except that in filling up the blanks the largest sum and longest day shall be first put.
The rules of proceeding in the house shall be observed in committee so far as they may be applicable, except that limiting the times of speaking.
Extract from the Journal, JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1789.
THIS day the Galleries of the Hon. House of Representatives were opened. The members being convened, the Hon. Chief Justice MORRIS, of the State of New-York, administered to the Speaker and Members of the House, the Oath required by the Constitution of the United States.
Upon motion of the Hon. Mr. PARKER, of Virginia, the House then resolved itself into a Committee of the whole, to take the state of the Union into consideration. This motion was agreed to, and the Hon. Mr. PAGE, of Virginia, took the chair.
Mr. MADDISON, of Virginia, after a few introductory observations on the great subjects of Finance, and the deficiencies of the federal Treasury, suggested the necessity of immediately adopting some measures upon the subject of National Revenue. With this object in view, he produced a Resolve, specifying certain articles upon which an impost was proposed to be laid. The plan was similar to that recommended by Congress in 1783—and is as follows, viz.
[RESOLVED, as the opinion of this committee, That the following Duties ought to be levied on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States, to wit:
 On Rum, pr. gallon, of a dollar.  On all other Spirituous Liquors.  On Molasses.  On Maderia Wine.  On all other Wines.  On common Boha Teas, pr. lb.  On all other Teas.  On Pepper.  On Brown Sugars.  On Loaf Sugars.  On all other Sugars.  On Cocoa and Coffee.  On all other articles per cent. on their value at the time and place of importation. 
That there ought, moreover, to be levied on all vessels in which goods, wares or merchandise shall be imported, the duties following, viz.
 On all vessels built within the United States, and belonging wholly to citizens thereof, at the rate of per ton  On all vessels belonging wholly to the subjects of powers with whom the United States have formed treaties, or partly to the subjects of such powers, and partly to citizens of the said states at the rate of  On all vessels belonging wholly or in part to the subjects of other powers, at the rate of 
Mr. BOUDINOT, of New Jersey, and Col. WHITE, of Virginia, spoke in favour of the Resolve, from the necessity of a temporary System's being immediately adopted; but as it was presumed, that gentlemen had not come prepared to discuss the subject, an adjournment was called for, when the Speaker, resuming the chair, the House adjourned till to-morrow.
THURSDAY, APRIL 9, 1789.
The House having again resolved itself into a Committee. Mr. PAGE took the chair.
When Mr. SHERMAN, of Connecticut, proposed resuming the Resolve submitted to the Committee yesterday, by filling up the blanks.
Mr. GOODHUE suggested the propriety of again reading the Resolve—which being done,
Mr. LAWRENCE, of New-York, observed, that the immediate necessity of a publick Revenue, to answer the exigencies of the Union, was universally acknowledged, and the mode of raising it by impost was generally supposed to be the best; but that as the resolve, at present proposed, was designed as a temporary measure; and it being requisite that some System should be speedily adopted, so as to embrace the advantages that would result from the Spring importations, it appeared to him the most eligible plan to adopt a general idea with respect to impost, and lay a pr. centum, ad valorem, on articles indiscriminately, in preference to specifying particulars at various rates.
Mr. FITZSIMONS, of Pennsylvania, in opposition to the Hon. Mr. LAWRENCE, replied, that a specification of certain articles, with various rates of impost affixed to each, had been found to be more productive, easier collected, and a more certain revenue, than a pr. centum, assessed in a general way; that so far from wishing to abandon the original idea, he thought it of so much importance to be

adhered to, that he had prepared an additional list of articles, which he asked leave to read and lay on the table, that they might form part of the System which should finally be adopted. The gentleman observed, in the course of his speech, that the encouragement of the manufactures of our own country, was doubtless an object with the Hon. House, and this was connected with the laying proper restrictions on foreign articles. The Hon. Gentleman's addition follows, viz.
[Beer, ale, porter, beef, pork, butter, candles of all kinds, cheese, soap, cider, malt, nails, paper, blank books, cabinet wares, cables, cordage, salt, manufactured tobacco, snuff, ironmongery, hats, millinery, tanned leather, shoes and carriages.]
Mr. WHITE observed, that as the season was advanced, and entering fully into the consideration of the several branches of the subject, would possibly protract the debates, so as to defeat the original design; and as the present situation of the manufactures of our country was not fully known to him, and perhaps to many other gentlemen, he was opposed to an incorporation of the additional articles with those at first proposed, for the present.
Mr. THACHER proposed, that the blank annexed to the article "Rum" should be filled up with 15-90ths of a dollar.
Mr. ICKER, in a speech of considerable length, opposed a sudden decision upon the subject, as the House was not full, the members from Georgia and South Carolina, himself excepted, were absent, and in the article to which it was now proposed to have a duty affixed, those States were as much interested as perhaps any State in the Union. The gentleman represented his own situation as peculiar, being the only member from the southward of Virginia, and that he should be obliged, in this state of the business, to give his negative upon the question should it be precipitated; but were his colleagues present, whatever his sentiments now were, he might then be disposed to adopt a different opinion. More particularly, he was not prepared to form a judgment upon that part of the resolve, which referred to a duty on shipping of various descriptions: This was a particularly critical topic, about which gentlemen had very much differed; and that without consulting his colleagues in the delegation, he should not possess confidence enough in his own judgement to decide affirmatively upon a question of so great magnitude.
Mr. HARTLY, in a short address, advocated the additional articles proposed by Mr. Fitzsimons.
Mr. MADISON, in a speech of considerable length, entered into the subject of Commerce—its restrictions, &c. with respect to the resolve before the committee, his design was to have proposed a temporary system; he however perceived gentlemen were much divided—he conceived that very powerful motives existed, to induce the adoption of a plan that should come into immediate operation. He admitted there was force in the observations of the Hon. Gentleman from South-Carolina, but that national objects were paramount to all local considerations. The Hon. Gentleman appeared to reprobate excessive restrictions, or impositions on commerce as impolitic and unproductive. With respect to the discrimination upon the subject of tonnage, it was made upon principles of the best policy. Mr. MADISON agreed with the Hon. Mr. FITZSIMONS, that specific duties on particular articles, was the most eligible mode of laying an impost. He remarked that some of the articles proposed, had reference to the encouragement of our own manufactures. How far the committee was prepared to determine upon this part of the business, he could not say, but he considered it as a business that ought to be deferred for the present. Mr. MADISON spoke low. we were not in the most favourable situation to hear, and therefore could not follow that gentleman through a speech, which we are informed discovered great theoretical knowledge of the general subjects of discussion.
Mr. BOUDINOT made some general observations, pertinent to the subject, and concluded by enquiring, Why the article of glass was not included, as there are several manufactories of that article already established in the country.
Mr. FITZSIMONS and some other gentlemen added a few more observations, when, on motion of Mr. LEE, the committee rose, and the house adjourned.
FRIDAY, APRIL 10.
The House met and adjourned without doing business.
SATURDAY, APRIL 11.
The house assembled agreeably to adjournment. A petition from the tradesmen, manufacturers, and others, of the town of Baltimore, was presented by Mr. Smith, and referred to the committee of the whole house.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole. Mr. PAGE in the chair. The order of the day being called for by Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Goodhue moved, that an addition to the list of articles already enumerated in the resolve, might be made by the following, viz. anchors, wool-cards, wrought tin-ware, limes and lemons—which was done.
Mr. PARKER arose, and made a motion, that a select committee be appointed to take the important business of a system of revenue into consideration,—prepare a bill and report.
The chairman upon this, observed, that the motion was not in order,—as the house was then in a committee of the whole. It was a previous question whether that committee should rise and the speaker resume the chair.
Upon which the gentleman varied his motion by an amendment, and moved, the committee report, rise, and the speaker resume the chair, and then that the aforesaid committee be chosen,—the gentleman enforced the propriety of his motion with observations of considerable length; but his voice was so low, that it was impossible to hear him distinctly, so as to continue a connection. Mr. BOUDINOT in a lengthy address combated the idea of Mr. PARKER. He was in favour of an immediate, but temporary system;—as an attempt to form a permanent plan involved an enquiry which comprised a great variety of particulars, that the present object would not admit of: It would be necessary he observed to obtain information from various sources, viz. with respect to the actual imports of the several states. Adly The produce of the imports realized upon their amount in the respective governments. 3d. Communications from the mercantile interests through the union without the species of information to be derived from the last-mentioned source—gentlemen must be sensible, that very essential errors might be committed.
A permanent system also included the idea of framing suitable provisions for the collection of the duties, which opened a field wide and complicated. To obviate these difficulties, the gentleman proposed that a simple temporary system should be adopted—that the mode of collection should be conformable to the laws already extant in the several states for that purpose; in those states where no such laws had existed, those of the next state should be adopted. Col. BLAND, rose next. He was likewise opposed to the motion of the Hon. Mr. PARKER,—as involving the idea of permanency:—He therefore proposed, that the gentleman should withdraw his motion, in which case he was prepared to introduce a resolve which in his opinion would expedite the business before the committee, which was, that it should now be determined, whether the System should be a temporary, or a permanent one. A previous resolution of this kind, the Col. observed, would relieve the minds of many gentlemen, who in that case, would be prepared for filling up the blanks. Mr. PARKER, however, did not see proper to withdraw his motion, but re-inforced it with additional observations.
Mr. MADISON was opposed to Mr. Parker's motion. He said, that as the Committee had made some progress in the business now under consideration, and gentlemen appeared to be principally divided as to the expediency of a temporary or permanent System. It would in his opinion rather protract than expedite decisions, to throw back upon a select committee the investigation of the subject, especially as it was certain, that the same enquiries might now be made, with facility, which would arise after a select committee had prepared a draught to submit to the consideration of the whole. He was therefore opposed to the rising of the Committee.
Several other gentlemen spoke upon the question, but on a division of the house it was finally lost.
This motion being negatived, Col. BLAND's proposition respecting taking the sense of the Committee, whether the System should be temporary, was taken up. Mr. THACHER observed, that it was impossible to determine with accuracy, as to the duration of a System, before it was formed—when once completed, the House could give as long, and as short a period for operation, as should appear most eligible. Should the System appear to be good, no person would wish it a temporary existence: Should it not prove salutary, no assigned date for its termination would warrant its being continued beyond experience of its beneficial effects. He was therefore for leaving the period to an after consideration.
Mr. BOUDINOT was in favour of the temporary resolve of Col. Bland, as on the contrary sentiment, the bill to be framed must go to making provision for the collection of the duties, as also to a continental Judicial System, an object of such magnitude, as would preclude any decisive measures till such time as will entirely disappoint all our expectations of the immediate advantages that would result from a temporary system, which the gentleman observed, might be matured in two or three days.
Mr. MADISON, Mr. LEE, and other gentlemen spoke upon the motion, which was finally withdrawn.
Mr. MADISON then brought forward a motion to this effect,—That it is the opinion of this Committee, that a Committee of the House ought to be appointed to prepare the draught of a Bill to regulate the collection of Duties on Imposts and Tonnage within the United States. This motion was adopted.
On motion of Mr. LEE, it was resolved, to proceed in filling up the articles in the original resolution.
Mr. MADISON proposed 15-90ths of a dollar on Rum.
Mr. SHERMAN, as an amendment, proposed 15 cents.
Another gentleman proposed 10 cents; but without the question's being put, the Committee, moved for by Mr. Madison, was elected, and consisted of a member from each State.
Adjourned to Monday, 11 o'clock.
MONDAY, APRIL 13, 1789.
The House met agreeably to adjournment.
The additional Rules and Orders reported by the Committee appointed for that purpose, were taken into consideration—some of them amended and accepted—others recommitted.
A standing Committee of Elections is enjoined by one of these Rules—and accordingly the House appointed this Committee, which consists of Mr. CLYMER, Mr. AMES, Mr. BENSON, Mr. HUNTINGTON, Mr. CARROL, Mr. WHITE, and Mr. GILMAN.
A Committee was also appointed to confer with the Committee of the Senate, upon the subject of arrangements for the reception of the President and Vice-President, and consisted of Mr. SHERMAN, Mr. P. MUHLENBURG, Mr. BENSON, and Mr. GRIFFIN.
Mr. BURKE presented a petition from the Shipwrights of South-Carolina, praying the attention of Congress to their situation, and that a Navigation Act might be passed in favour of American vessels—this was referred to a Committee of the whole.
Adjourned.
TUESDAY, APRIL 14.
Met agreeable to adjournment. A Bill for regulating the manner of taking the oath prescribed by the Constitution, was read the first time.
The articles of the additional rules, which were recommitted yesterday, were read, as amended by the Committee and accepted.
Order of the day being called for, the House went into a Committee of the whole.
Mr. PAGE in the Chair.
Mr. LAWRENCE proposed that for the article of rum in the resolve before the Committee, ardent spirits, Jamaica proof , should be substituted; this was afterwards changed to distilled spirits, Jamaica proof , as it now stands.
Mr. BLAND, after adverting to a temporary system, as the most eligible, enforced the idea upon the impropriety of taxing several articles in the resolve, which were absolutely essential to the formation of many species of tools made use of by our manufacturers; and in order that Congress might have time, properly to discriminate between the articles, and form a compleat and permanent system, he introduced a motion to this effect, That Congress pass a law, authorizing and establishing the collection of impost thro' the states, agreeably to the revenue laws extant in the several governments, and that the officers be subject to the same regulations and penalties.
Mr. FLOYD observed, that the subject naturally divided itself into two parts, general and specified articles: The latter were too numerous, he conceived, to be taken up collectively: The question was, How shall we discriminate? he would propose therefore, to expedite the business, that the articles should be taken individually, and determined upon—and if gentlemen would bring the question to this issue, whether, considering the particular situation of the country, it would be advisable thus to tax the respective articles? A proper distinction would be made, and the business brought to a speedy determination.
Mr. BOUDINOT seconded the motion of Mr. Bland.
Mr. MADISON objected to its introduction, as not being in order.
Col. BLAND observed, that the present object of the Committee, a permanent system, would in all probability subject the States to a loss of two or three hundred thousand pounds.
The Chairman observing that he considered the motion as not in order. It was withdrawn by Mr. Bland.
Mr. LAWRENCE, upon the subject of filling up the blanks, proposed twelve cents to fill that annexed to distilled spirits, Jamaica proof: He observed, that low duties would be more certainly collected, as experience had verified, that high duties held out powerful temptations to smuggling—rendered a more vigorous mode of collection necessary, which again was proportionably expensive, and eventually diminished the produce of the revenue, below the amount of moderate duties.
Mr. FITZSIMONS was in favour of 15 cents.
Mr. MADISON proposed 10 cents.
Mr. BOUDINOT 15, which was finally voted, and 12 cents pr. gallon on all other spirits.
Upon the article of molasses, Mr. LAWRENCE proposed two cents pr. gallon.
Mr. MADISON eight cents pr. gallon.
Mr. PARKER made some observations which we could not distinctly hear.
Mr. LAWRENCE observed, that two cents were in his opinion, quite high enough, in proportion to the prime cost, the pre-conceived ideas of the duty on that article, and its being a raw material, the basis of an extensive manufacture.
Mr. MADISON continued, however, in favour of eight cents, and made some allusions to the pernicious effects resulting from the use of spirituous liquors:—He reprobated the idea of a draw-back , as opening a door to various species of fraud.
Mr. Fitzsimons was also in favour of eight cents,—upon similar principles.
Mr. GOODHUE, was totally opposed to so high a duty, which amounted to nearly 50 pr. cent:—He observed, that the importation of molasses was an important branch of commerce and principally to the Eastern states; that independent of its being a great article of manufacture, it was used by many persons as a necessary of life, being a substitute for sugar, and mixed with water, for beer: That so high a duty would operate injuriously towards a very numerous class of people; besides being attended with the most pernicious consequences to the navigation and fishery of the eastern states.
Mr. MADISON observed, that if the duty on molasses was to be complained of, where that was used in lieu of sugar, the duty on sugar would be a counter balance to it.
Mr. CLYMER, in support of an high duty, introduced the policy of discouraging the use of spirituous and encouraging that of malt liquors.
Mr. AMES combated the laying so high a duty, as it was beyond the ratio that gentlemen could possibly think eligible as a general idea,—as it operated as a tax upon a raw material, which proved to some of the states a very important branch of manufactures; as it would strike a mortal blow to this manufacture—prove highly injurious to the eastern fisheries and to their navigation, which was very extensively employed by this business: Molasses was a meer refuse article in the islands, tho' valuable to us; the refuse of our fish and lumber were the great remittances for it; when imported and manufactured, from the cheapness at which it could be afforded, it forced a sale even in the British islands. It was the ostensible design of gentlemen, to raise a revenue—this excessive duty would annihilate an extensive source of revenue: It would prove suddenly destructive to great property appropriated to that business, and effectually destroy a very important manufacture; for these reasons (and for many others, which Mr. AMES offered, but which time will not permit us to transcribe) he was decidedly opposed to so high a duty.
Mr. MADISON proposed to amend his motion by making the duty seven cents.
Mr. PARTIDGE, Mr. BOUDINOT and Mr. FITZSIMONS, severally spoke upon the subject—when the vote being called for, the duty on molasses was laid at six cents pr. gallon.
On Madeira wine, 33 1/3 cents pr. gallon.
On all other wines, 20 cents pr. gallon.
On brown sugar, at one cent pr. lb.
On loaf sugar, three cents pr. lb.
On all other sugars, one and half cent pr. lb.
On coffee, two and half cents pr. lb.
The Committee then rose—The Speaker resumed the chair—and the House adjourned.
(To be continued.)
A very incompetent judgment only, can be formed upon the proceedings of Congress thus far: The debates have hitherto been indefinite and so far, uninteresting. It is the part of true patriotism to wait patiently the decision of our civil fathers, when the publick affairs are in such a train as to present only, a choice of difficulties.
THE PROGRESS.
Excessive Duties produce a rigorous collection—odious revenue Officers—Smuggling—COMBINATIONS—Insurrections—Treasons—Rebellions—Civil War—Loss of Constitution—Loss of Freedom.
FUR TRADE.
The following estimate of Furs, exported from Canada, in the years 1786, 1787 and 1788, may perhaps suggest to the "POWERS THAT BE" some important ideas; it is authentic.
Table with 4 columns: Year (1786, 1787, 1788), Quantity (in lbs), Value (in currency), and Species (Beaver, Minks, Foxes, etc.).

The TABLET.—No. I.
"To rail at the times at large, can serve no good purpose: and generally ariseth from a want of knowledge, or a want of honesty."
IT is usually expected that writers, who enter upon a course of publications, should exhibit some outlines of a plan. This, in the present instance, is not practicable, with any degree of precision. With respect to this undertaking, the writer can better inform the publick, what he intends to avoid, than what he expects to perform. His attention will be entirely withdrawn from every subject or occurrence that is calculated to excite party spirit.—How far the intrigues of clubs or the jars of faction may eventually have a good or bad effect on society, enters not into the views of this publication. It can be of no importance to an author to ascertain the relative character of sects or parties; when his plan only requires him to establish such maxims, and to recommend such institutions and habits, as will not counteract the honest purposes of any man, whatever may be his ideas respecting forms of government or religion. A writer, who professes truth for his aim, and adopts reason for his guide, will not have occasion implicitly to follow the tracks of any avowed partisan. It is not presumed, however, that this performance will not participate of prejudices and mistakes. It is only declared that the topics shall generally be of such a nature, as offer the least temptation to error.
The common interest and happiness of communities, as well as individuals, leads in many essential respects, to a determinate point. There are many political subjects that are so doubtful and perplexed, that the mind, after the most impartial investigation, does not find complete satisfaction. It is however, a consolation, that truths are generally useful in proportion as they are enveloped in darkness. The most important principles are so obvious, that the natural reason of man can discern their propriety: When they are fairly explained, they will seldom be disputed. The most useful qualities and actions accord so well with the common sense and feelings of people, that we are less apt to disown than to imitate them. Why then does it happen that men have errors in opinions or practice? Perhaps one leading cause may be, that the mind is so much occupied in vain or impracticable researches, that the reason gets perverted or obscured. By this means it loses its natural clearness in the management of things, which otherwise would easily come within its reach. It shall be the object of this run of papers, to touch upon such subjects as are calculated to afford amusement or instruction, without disturbing society with calumny and petulance.
NEW-YORK, April, 1789.
DESCRIPTION.
The following extract from a letter handed to the publisher, may be amusing, if not instructive.
IT REFERS TO FACTS.
AGREEABLY to my engagement, I now propose giving you some account of my visit to the Hon. Mr. ——, of ——, in the county of ——. This gentleman you have often heard is an extensive Landholder, a great Farmer, and very affluent in other property.—His mansion-house in P——, is a very handsome, capacious and convenient Edifice, pleasantly situated on the declivity of a hill fronting the South, and commands a very extensive prospect.—There are at proper distances, every necessary building, both for the farming business, and for pleasurable accommodation—coach-house, barns, mills, granaries, poultry-yards, &c. &c. The last are constantly receiving the produce of 500 acres of land highly cultivated; so that there is a perpetual supply for the family, and domesticks, of every species of provision that fancy could imagine, or luxury desire.
Mr. ——, the truly benevolent owner of this delightful retreat, supports in his stile of living, that old fashioned hospitality, which we sometimes see extolled in books, but have seldom known to be realized: His house is the seat of ease and elegance, and his happiness is evidently increased by the presence of his guests, and the tokens of pleasure which they discover: To the poor of the town he is a daily benefactor: Constant provision is made for them as if they were part of his family. He takes the lead in every project that has publick utility for its basis—hence the roads, bridges, &c. of the town are improved and repaired—hence his name is at the head of every subscription for just and charitable designs, supporting with decency the minister of the parish, keeping the place of publick worship in repair, encouraging manufactures and experiments in agriculture, &c. In addition to these, he is not ashamed to set the best example to his neighbours, by constantly and regularly attending divine service with all his numerous family and domesticks.—Such a character is a blessing to the community in which he resides—he is the steward of the favours of Providence—beloved and happy in life, he sees the influence of his benevolent example extending far and wide—and views the approach of the King of Terrors with calmness and serenity.
MASSACHUSETTS, 1789.
Extract from the minutes of the Board of Managers of the Pennsylvania Society for the Encouragement of Manufactures, &c.
ANTHONY MORRIS, Sec'y.
PHILADELPHIA, March 24, 1789.
PREMIUM, No. 15,
OFFERED by the Board of Managers of the Pennsylvania Society for the Encouragement of Manufactures, to the person who shall discover and produce to this Society the greatest variety of specimens, with certificates of the greatest quantity of painters colours, drawn from the soils and earths of the United States, on or before the 31st day of December 1788; a plate of gold, &c. of the value of 50 dollars.
THE committee, to whom were referred the specimens of painters colours presented by Mr. SYLVANUS BISHOP, of the city of New-Haven, and state of Connecticut, report, that after consulting several painters and dealers in painters colours, respecting the quality of the specimens, and subjecting them to chymical analysis, they are induced to believe, that some of the yellow specimens are nearly equal to the imported ochres of the same colour, and that they are composed of the ingredients which constitute ochres, although, perhaps, not so well freed from foreign substances, as those which are imported; they are therefore of opinion, that Mr. BISHOP is entitled to the premium offered by this Board, and that he is deserving of the attention of the friends of the Manufactures of America.
At a meeting of the Board of Managers of the Pennsylvania Society, for the Encouragement of Manufactures and the useful arts, held March 23d, A. D. 1789, the report of the committee, on the application of Mr. SYLVANUS BISHOP, of the city of New-Haven, and state of Connecticut, for the premium No. 15, offered by the Board, was read and unanimously adopted; Whereupon resolved, that the Secretary be requested to communicate the report of the committee, and its adoption by the Board, by letter to Mr. BISHOP.
Extract from the Minutes of the Board,
ANTHONY MORRIS, Sec'y.
PHILADELPHIA, March 23, 1789.
AGRICULTURAL EXTRACT.
From the GENTLEMEN'S MAGAZINE for December, 1788.
IT was observed in a late paper, that one farmer collected 14000 bushels apples: According to the usual quantity of 20 bushels to a hoghead, he made 700 hogheads of Cyder. And that is nothing singular in the county of Hereford; there is a farmer there who will make from 300 to 500 this year.
ANECDOTE.
A Gentleman who used indecent language in presence of his son, a fine likely lad—was very delicately reproved by a friend, who lamented that the young gentleman should be so unfortunate as to be deaf, 'deaf,' said the gentleman with surprize! yes Sir, replied his friend, or you surely would not have given your self such a latitude in speaking before him.
OBSERVATIONS.
For the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES.
A FREE PRESS has been justly considered as the palladium of liberty—the scourge of tyrants—the terror of Sycophants—and the detector and dread of mock patriots and demagogues;—it is likewise a developer of daring machinations against the peace of society—the schemes of ambition, avarice and peculation.
It is a most powerful engine to counteract the plans of policy which may be laid by aristocratical jnutos, for their own aggrandizement, and the depression of the people; as also to stem the torrent and expose the injustice of the majority of an overbearing and arbitrary Democracy. In short its effects on publick men, and publick measures, are such, that the degrees of freedom and safety, which any community enjoys, may generally be calculated by the independency and free state of the press in such community.
How highly then to be valued, and how sacredly to be preserved, is this sublime privilege! The citizens of America are justly tenacious of this darling birthright. They are nurtured in the ennobling idea—that to think what they please, and to speak, write and publish their sentiments with decency on every subject, constitute the dignified character of Americans. Having derived the most permanent advantages from this source, viz. superior light and knowledge upon the great subjects of liberty, laws and government; and having been inspired by sentiments of heroism and sound policy derived from this origin, to establish an independent empire, and adopt a glorious federal constitution; they are enthustiaffick to preserve and perpetuate this inestimable jewel.
Our children, the rising generation from the copious streams which continually issue from this fountain, early imbibe the same independent principles, and by this medium we may anticipate the transmission of political knowledge, virtue and patriotism, thro' a long lapse of years, producing a race of heroes, freemen and statesmen, till time, the invincible leveller of states and empires, shall stop the revolutions of nature.
The adoption of the Federal Constitution by this great and various people, may be ascribed to the Freedom of the Press; this is an event unparelleled in the annals of mankind; and the more it is contemplated, the greater is the admiration of the philosopher, and the citizen of the world.—While the bosoms of the patriot and philanthropist exult in anticipating the complete triumph of reason in a firm establishment of this System. C.
THE Publick approbation alone can give stability and success to any undertaking which must ultimately depend upon public opinion: This idea has generally induced the Editors of new publications to attempt anticipating that approbation through the medium of professions, which, to say the least, are, too seldom realized: The Editor of the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES would avoid, as far as possible, the imputation that has been frequently and justly incurred upon account of professions never substantiated.
Should the GAZETTE of the UNITED STATES prove a faithful register of publick transactions, especially those of the great council of the nation, the FEDERAL LEGISLATURE; he HOPES it will be patronized by those who feel interested in the welfare of the union; the patriots and independent freemen of our country.
Should it contain a competent detail of foreign and domestic intelligence; revolutions in commerce; discoveries in various parts of the globe, opening new sources of wealth to enterprising adventurers; rise and fall of stocks; prices current, &c. he HOPES it will receive the support of mercantile characters.
Should the great body of mechanics find that their important interests are attended to; that improvements and discoveries in their several branches claim an early and constant insertion.
Should this Gazette be the happy instrument of pointing out various plans, by which the music of the AX and HAMMER may again be heard in our cities, the Editor cannot but HOPE for their generous encouragement.
Should something worthy the notice of the great farming interest of our country (the bulwark of freedom and equal laws) be exhibited from time to time, the editor HOPES for their patronage. Improvements in agriculture are of the first consequence to our young, our rising country; and the labours that tend to affect this desirable object, are the result of the purest patriotism, and should demand the constant attention of the Editors of periodical publication.
The Editor HOPES that the wealthy part of the community will become patrons of this publication, as it is but just to say, that every project, which has been obviously calculated for publick utility, has met with prompt and generous encouragement from those whom Providence has blessed with affluence; without their assistance, the noble plans now on foot for the promotion of MANUFACTURES, ARTS and SCIENCES, must have proved abortive; their liberal efforts on many recent occasions, have given a spring to the publick mind. Should the Gazette of the United States suggest improvable hints, or feasible projects, which must depend upon the PURSE for their maturity, it cannot fail of being countenanced by the RICH and public spirited.
The great and momentous subject of Education is hourly appreciating in its importance: That part of the NEW CONSTITUTION, which opens the door to every man of every rank, possessing VIRTUE and ABILITIES, to the highest honours in the great American Republick, has expanded the views of every American.
This idea, places the business of Education in a point of light, in which it never has before been viewed; a point in which it cannot be considered in any other country upon the face of the earth. The MIDLING and LOWER CLASS of CITIZENS will therefore find their account in becoming subscribers for this Gazette, should it pay a particular regard to this great subject. Full justice cannot perhaps be done to it; but every attempt to illustrate and enforce its importance, must insure the applause of every person who feels the dignity of a rational being, or who prizes the birthright of an American.
Ignorance is the parent of all human degradation; every attempt therefore to disseminate the rays of knowledge will receive the applause of the truly benevolent. The happiness of mankind being inseparably connected with the practice of religious, moral and social duties, it becomes obligatory upon the Editors of publick papers, to pay a distinguished regard to every idea that may be suggested upon these important points, upon general principles, avoiding tedious dissertations upon abstruse and metaphysical subjects: Those essays that have a natural tendency to refine our manners, humanize the heart, and exalt our natures, should claim a distinguished attention. So far as the Gazette of the United States shall be instrumental in diffusing sentiments of justice, humanity and benevolence—those great moral virtues, it will doubtless receive the support of the Reverend Clergy.
In short, should this Gazette support the character of a NATIONAL, IMPARTIAL and INDEPENDENT CONVEYANCER to all parts of the Union, of News, Politics, and Miscellanies, the approbation and patronage of a generous publick will doubtless reward the exertions of
The EDITOR.
   APRIL, H.W. S.R. & S. REMARKS.     15 Wed. 0 50 5 26 7 Sun dec. 10 deg. N.   16 Thur. 1 36 5 25 7   17 Fri. 2 22 5 24 7  
Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 86, WILLIAM-STREET, NEW-YORK.