National gazette. (Philadelphia [Pa.]), 1792-06-25 00:00:00

National Gazette.
By P. FRENEAU: Published MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, at THREE DOLLARS per annum.
VOL. I.
MONDAY, June 25, 1792.
NUMB. 69
AUTHENTIC
A CONSTITUTION or FORM of GOVERNMENT for the STATE of KENTUCKY.
We the Representatives of the People of the State of Kentucky in Convention assembled, do ordain and establish this Constitution for its government.
ARTICLE I.
Sec. 1. THE powers of government shall be divided into three distinct departments, each of them to be confided to a separate body of magistracy, to wit; those which are legislative to one, those which are executive to another, and those which are judiciary to another.
Sec. 2. No person or collection of persons being of one of these departments, shall exercise any power properly belonging to either of the others, except in the instances herein after expressly permitted.
Sec. 3. The legislative power of this commonwealth shall be vested in a general assembly, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.
Sec. 4. The Representatives shall be chosen annually, by the qualified electors of each county respectively on the first Tuesday in May; but the several elections may be continued for three days, if, in the opinion of the presiding officer or officers it shall be necessary, and no longer.
Sec. 5. No person shall be a representative, who shall not have attained the age of twenty four years, and have been a citizen and inhabitant of the state two years next preceding his election, and the last six months thereof an inhabitant of the county in which he may be chosen; unless he shall have been absent on the public business of the United States or of this state.
Sec. 6. Within two years after the first meeting of the general assembly and within every subsequent term of four years, an enumeration of the free male inhabitants above twenty-one years of age, shall be made in such manner as may be directed by law. The number of representatives shall at the several periods of making such enumeration be fixed by the legislature, and apportioned among the several counties, according to the number of free male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one years in each, and shall never be less than forty nor greater than one hundred; but no county hereafter erected, shall be entitled to a separate representation, until a sufficient number of free male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one years shall be contained within it, to entitle them to one representative agreeable to the ratio which shall then be established.
Sec. 7. The Senators shall be chosen for four years.
Sec. 8. Until the first enumeration be made, the Senate shall consist of eleven members, and thereafter for every four members added to the house of representatives, one member shall be added to the Senate.
Sec. 9. In choosing the Senate, one member at least shall be elected from each county, until the number of counties is equal to the number of Senators; after which, when a new county is made, it shall, as to the choice of Senators, be considered as being a part of the county or counties from which it shall have been taken.
Sec. 10. The Senate shall be chosen in the following manner: All persons qualified to vote for representatives, shall on the first Tuesday in May in the present year, and on the same day in every fourth year for ever thereafter, at the place appointed by law for choosing representatives, elect by ballot, by a majority of votes as many persons as they are entitled to have for representatives for their respective counties, to be electors of the Senate.
Sec. 11. No person shall be chosen an elector, who shall not have resided in the state three years next before his election, and who shall not have attained the age of twenty-seven years.
Sec. 12. The electors of the Senate, shall meet at such place as shall be appointed for convening the legislature; on the third Tuesday in May in the present year, and on the same day in every fourth year for ever thereafter; and they or a majority of them so met, shall proceed to elect by ballot as Senators, men of the most wisdom, experience and virtue, above twenty-seven years of age, who shall have been residents of the state above two whole years next preceding the election. If on the ballot two or more persons shall have an equal number of ballots in their favour, by which the choice shall not be determined by the first ballot, then the electors shall again ballot before they separate, in which they shall be confined to the persons, who on the first ballot shall have had an equal number, and they who shall have the greatest number in their favour on the second ballot, shall be accordingly declared and returned duly elected; and if on the second ballot an equal number shall still be in favour of two or more persons, then the election shall be determined by lot, between those who have equal numbers; which proceedings of the electors shall be certified under their hands, and returned to the secretary for the time being; to whom shall also be made by the proper officers, returns of the persons chosen as electors in the respective counties.
Sec. 13. The electors of senators shall judge of the qualifications and elections of members of their own body—and on a contested election, shall admit to a seat as an elector, such qualified person as shall appear to them to have the greatest number of legal votes in his favour.
Sec. 14. The electors, immediately on their meeting and before they proceed to the election of Senators, shall take an oath or make affirmation of fidelity to this state, and also an oath or affirmation to elect without favour, affection, partiality or prejudice, such person for governor and such persons for senators, as they in their judgment and conscience, believe best qualified for the respective offices.
Sec. 15. That in case of refusal, death, resignation, disqualification or removal out of this state of any senator, the senate shall immediately thereupon or at their next meeting thereafter, elect by ballot, in the same manner as the electors are herein directed to choose senators, another person in his place, for the residue of the said term of four years.
Sec. 16. The general assembly shall meet on the first Monday in November in every year, 'till the time of their meeting shall be altered by the legislature, unless sooner convened by the governor.
Sec. 17. Each house shall choose its speaker and other officers, and the senate shall also choose a speaker pro tempore, when their speaker shall exercise the office of governor.
Sec. 18. Each house shall judge of the qualifications of its members; contested elections shall be determined by a committee to be selected, formed and regulated, in such manner as shall be directed by law. A majority of each house shall constitute a quorum to do business, but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized by law to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as may be provided.
Sec. 19. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and with the concurrence of two thirds, ex-
pel a member; but not a second time for the same cause.
Sec. 20. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings and publish them weekly, except such parts of them as may require secrecy, and the yeas and nays of the members on any question, shall, at the desire of any two of them, be entered on the journals.
Sec. 21. The doors of each house and of committees of the whole, shall be open, unless when the business shall be such as ought to be kept secret.
Sec. 22. Neither house shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days; nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
Sec. 23. The members of the General Assembly, and electors of the Senate, shall receive from the public treasury, a compensation for their services, which for the present shall be six shillings a day during their attendance on, going to, and returning from the legislature, and the place for chusing the Senators; but the same may be increased or diminished by law, if circumstances shall require it, but no alteration shall be made, to take effect during the existence of the legislature which shall make such alteration: They shall in all cases except treason, felony, breach or surety of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the Session of the respective houses, and at the place for chusing Senators, and in going to and returning from the same; And for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place.
Sec. 24. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he shall have been elected, or for one year afterwards, be appointed to any civil office under this state, which shall have been created or the emoluments of which shall have been increased, during the time such Senator or Representative was in office: Provided that no member of the first legislature which shall be assembled under this constitution, shall be precluded from being appointed to any office which may have been created, during his time of service in the said Legislature; and no minister of religious societies, member of Congress or other person holding any office of profit under the United States or this commonwealth, except attorneys at law, justices of the peace, militia officers and Coroners, shall be a member of either House, during his continuance to act as a minister, in Congress or in office.
Sec. 25. When vacancies happen in the House of Representatives, the Speaker shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.
Sec. 26. All bills for raising revenue, shall originate in the House of Representatives, but the senate may propose amendments as in other bills.
Sec. 27. Each Senator, Representative and Sheriff, shall, before he be permitted to act as such, take an oath or make affirmation, that he hath not directly or indirectly, given or promised any bribe or treat to procure his election to the said office: and every person shall be disqualified from serving as a senator, representative or sheriff, for the term for which he shall have been elected, who shall be convicted of having given or offered any bribe or treat, or canvassed for the said office.
Sec. 28. Every bill which shall have passed both houses, shall be presented to the governor, if he approve he shall sign it, but if he shall not approve, he shall return it with his objections, to the House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large upon their journals and proceed to reconsider it; if after such reconsideration, two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent with the objections to the other House, by which it shall likewise be
reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall be a law: but in such cases, the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for or against the bill, shall be entered on the journals of each House respectively; if any bill shall not be returned by the governor within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, it shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it; unless the General assembly by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall be a law, unless sent back within three days after their next meeting.
Sec. 29. Every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of both Houses may be necessary, except on a question of adjournment, shall be presented to the governor, and before it shall take effect, be approved by him; or, being disapproved, shall be re-passed by two thirds of both houses, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in case of a bill.
ARTICLE II.
Sec. 1. THE supreme executive power of this commonwealth shall be vested in a governor.
Sec. 2. The governor shall be chosen by the electors of the Senate, at the same time, at the same place, and in the same manner that they are herein directed to elect Senators, and the said electors shall make return of their proceedings in the choice of a governor, to the Secretary for the time being.
Sec. 3. The governor shall hold his office during four years from the first day of June next ensuing his election.
Sec. 4. He shall be at least thirty years of age, and have been a citizen and inhabitant of this state at least two years next before his election, unless he shall have been absent on the public business of the United States or of this State.
Sec. 5. No member of Congress or person holding any office under the United States, or this state, shall exercise the office of governor.
Sec. 6. The governor shall at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected.
Sec. 7. He shall be commander in chief of the Army and Navy of this commonwealth, and of the militia except when they shall be called into the service of the United States.
Sec. 8. He shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint all officers, whose offices are established by this constitution, or shall be established by law: and whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for; but no person shall be appointed to an office within any county, who shall not have been a citizen and inhabitant therein one year next before his appointment, if the county shall have been so long erected; but if it shall not have been so long erected, then within the limits of the county or counties out of which it shall have been taken.
Sec. 9. The governor shall have power to fill up all vacancies, that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session.
Sec. 10. He shall have power to remit fines and forfeitures, and grant reprieves and pardons, except in cases of impeachment; in cases of treason, he shall have power to grant reprieves until the end of the next session of the General Assembly, in whom the power of pardoning shall be vested.
Sec. 11. He may require information in writing from the officers in the executive department upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices.
Sec. 12. He shall from time to time give to the general assembly information of the state of the commonwealth, and

recommend to their consideration, such measures as he shall judge expedient.
Sec. 13. He may on extraordinary occasions convene the general assembly, and in case of disagreement between the two houses, with respect to the time of adjournment, adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper not exceeding four months.
Sec. 14. He shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed.
Sec. 15. In case of the death or resignation of the governor, or of his removal from office, the speaker of the Senate shall exercise the office of governor, until another shall be duly qualified.
Sec. 16. An attorney general shall be appointed and commissioned during good behavior; he shall appear for the commonwealth in all criminal prosecutions, and in all civil cases, in which the commonwealth shall be interested, in any of the superior courts; shall give his opinion when called upon for that purpose, by either branch of the legislature or by the executive, and shall perform such other duties as shall be enjoined him by law.
Sec. 17. A secretary shall be appointed and commissioned during the governor's continuance in office, if he shall so long behave himself well, he shall keep a fair register of, and attest all the official acts and proceedings of the governor, and shall when required, lay the same and all papers, minutes and vouchers relative thereto before either branch of the legislature, and shall perform such other duties as shall be enjoined him by law.
[To be concluded in our next.]
The following Address to the Public on the subject of rendering Shingles incombustible, by Capt. John Macpherson, is reprinted from the Federal Gazette of May 25, at the request of that gentleman.
It is some time since I invented a method to prevent houses from being burnt. Nor could a house, prepared as I shall direct, be burnt, though fleaks of fire fell on it; and it was covered with shingles. A multiplicity of other matters, prevented my publishing it as soon as I intended. But lately seeing an account of the fire at Marblehead, made me sorry I had not published it sooner, and determined me to do it as soon as possible; the expense is trifling, and houses so prepared, are not only secured from fire, but will extinguish any fire that falls on them.
The method to preserve houses from fire is as follows: Let every piece of timber, before it is put on a building, be first soaked in strong brine for three weeks. This may be done at a small expense, as troughs may be made large and long enough, to admit the longest piece of timber used about a house. I think six such troughs would be sufficient for a larger city than any in America, though building as fast as we now are doing. How long they would last, I am sure no man can tell. Indeed it appears to me they never would decay, if kept full of pickle. When such troughs are filled with shingles, and weights put on to sink them, little more pickle will be wanted for a long time, as the sap and every watery particle will be expunged by the brine, which will take possession of every pore, and when brine has got that possession, I believe it cannot be displaced by any thing, not even by quicksilver, (though this I have never tried) I am sure fire cannot; for I sunk a piece of stave, and a piece of shingle in a bowl of strong pickle fourteen days, then dried them in the sun; I afterwards put them where there was a considerable draught of air, then put burning coals on them; they did not burn but extinguished the fire. I then put them on the parlour fire—they nearly extinguished that, but were not burnt.
Houses already shingled, as it would be expensive to uncover them, and prepare the shingles, as first directed, I believe, if blankets were steeped in strong brine, and spread over the roof, and frequently wet with brine from a watering pan, and that method continued till the under part of the shingles tasted salt to the tongue, it would save many lives, houses, &c.
By this method houses would last much longer than they now do, and their inhabitants, especially in inland parts, preserve better health than they now do, as the air in houses thus prepared would be something similar to sea air. Water will in time dissolve salt; therefore it would be prudent, after long rains, to sprinkle roofs with brine.
JOHN MACPHERSON.
May 14, 1792.
†† No doubt every Printer, that is blessed with philanthropy, will make this improvement known as soon as he can.
FOREIGN NEWS.
LEYDEN, April 19.
THE divisions in the court of the Stadtholder, so far from diminishing, increase every day. The intrigues against the grand pensionary redouble, and as several courtiers are his enemies, it will not be surprising if they should succeed in forcing him to resign. The extreme embarrassment of the finances is a circumstance, which must prove fatal to more than one person in place at the present moment.
London, April 22. Some of the advocates for all sorts of established power, and all kinds of prescriptive abuse, complain of what they are pleased to call the criminal supineness of government in neglecting to crush by the strong hand of authority those who suggest the expediency, or maintain the right of correcting the inherent defects, or repairing the breaches that time has made in the British constitution. These gentlemen forget that altho' the excise is in full vigour, the star-chamber is not yet restored, and that ministers cannot exert an authority which they do not possess.
His holiness the Pope has issued several bulls, excommunicating all free-masons, as the authors, abettors, and accomplices of all the disorders at present raging in the states and kingdom of Europe.
The Baron Bielke, Secretary to the late king of Sweden, was one of the foremost in perpetrating his death. After being apprehended, he confessed the crime but added he had taken care to prevent the punishment preparing for him, and the risk of being compelled by torture to betray those who had joined him in a plan to deliver Sweden from a tyrant. He soon after expired in consequence of poison he had swallowed. The next day his body was drawn on a hurdle, conducted by the executioner and the officers of justice to the place where malefactors are exposed to public view.—A detachment of dragoons escorted the procession.
That two men (the Emperor of Morocco and his brother) should destroy each other in a contest for tyrannic sway, would, in any other country except Morocco, lead the people to try if they could not emancipate themselves from the fetters with which they have been so long galled—but this unhappy race have not yet learned to think. It was the opinion of Helvetius, that the world, being enslaved as it is by prejudices, would soon rid itself both of despotism and superstition if a few bold, leading truths were set on the wing, and defended as they ought to be, by a small number of men of virtue, independence, and resolution.
All attempts to carry into execution the plans of the Empress of Russia, in Sweden, must now be laid aside; and so far not only the French, but the English, are delivered from an imminent embarrassment.—At the time of the king of Sweden's death, the Russians had 27 ships of the line actually ready for sea. The Swedes were to furnish six, and the king was to have commanded a body of troops, for the double purpose of an attack on France, and of forming a Russian settlement in the Mediterranean—an object which the English court could not contemplate with indifference.
The catastrophe of the king of Sweden ought to open the eyes of kings. In the hands of the people, even when they merit indignation, kings are not exposed to violence or to invidious machination—but indignant nobles do not treat potentates with equal indulgence: and, without open resistance, meditate infernal designs, which are carried into execution without regard to morality, to religion, or to those principles of humanity which are inseparable from the collective body of every people that has emerged from barbarism. One criterion of the present times seems to be, that in most of the European nations, the great body of the people are illuminated, and are manifestly progressive, while the superior orders, the noblesse, &c. move retrograde in every line of human excellence. Perhaps, the peers of the British nation may by some be an exception to the general system: and if the prerogative of the crown had not been extended under the present administration, to an unprecedented pitch, the house of peers might have appeared at this era in all their glory. But the blow which was aimed at the constitution of this country in the year 1784, has sunk us in the scale of nations; and it is allowed by the most enlightened politicians, that in no period, since the revolution, was the influence of the crown so alarming in this country, from the creation of peers; from the application of the public revenue, as the medium of corruption; from the impress of seamen, in frivolous armaments, and from such an extension of the excise laws, and every other species of oppression, as would have been resisted with a systematic opposition in former times, which must have shaken the executive government, or hurried destruction on the responsible administration. Confidence is a new phraseology unknown to a free country, when confidence, in ministers is at variance with rational conviction. Jealousy is the principle which produces and maintains every free government; and until an equal representation of the people forms the legislature, the term confidence, when applied to any existing administration, is an insult to the human understanding.
Paris, April 20. Since the decree proscribing all clerical habits, out of church, several bishops have gone to the assembly in dress coats, and with bags to their hair. That decree is not the least important passed by the present legislative body. It is a deep and dreadful blow to superstition, of which the vulgar ever received more by the eyes than by the ears. That it is deemed so by the priesthood, and other avowed enemies to the constitution, is proved by
their rage, on occasion of a change of garb, which would otherwise be a matter of so much indifference; but they plainly perceive, that they have lost their most powerful engine of imposture.
PHILADELPHIA.
JUNE 25, 1792.
Captain Joseph Brandt, the principal warior chief of the Six Nations of Indians, arrived in this city on Wednesday evening last: it is said his errant is a visit to a number of his acquaintance residing here, and to pay his respects to the President of the United States.
Accounts from Cape Francois are received to the third of June. At that time there was not the least appearance of the re-establishment of peace, or of any succour to the white inhabitants, and every day exhibited fresh scenes of devastation. Twenty families came in the vessel that brought these accounts.
On the 14th inst. Gen. Anthony Wayne, reached Pittsburgh. On entering the town he was saluted by a discharge of the artillery from fort Fayette.
The National Assembly of France have determined to adopt the general principle of the abolition of the slave-trade; that is, they have resolved to proceed in exact conformity with other nations in effecting a complete abolition of so infamous an abuse of commerce.
Editions of the French constitution, in seven or eight languages, are now printing off to a great extent in Paris, and these are to be circulated, it is said, wherever the French arms go; a species of artillery more dangerous to despotism than the fire of all the artillery in Europe.
Mrs. Macauley, the republican historian of England, upon her death-bed recommended the writings of Mr. Paine to her children, as the best model of their political creed.—It is said a society is forming in England, to have Mr. Paine's political writings printed in such a manner, as, in point of price, to render the purchase within every one's ability, and to distribute the books gratis to those whom the tyranny of government has rendered too poor to expend their mite.—Quere, are not Paine's Rights of man entitled to something of the kind in America? As to Mr. Burke's late writings, they might be printed in a more elegant style, as being only read by the rich.
The following gentlemen were elected members of the American academy of Arts and Sciences, at a meeting held in Boston the 29th of May.—Sir William Hamilton, knight of the Bath, and fellow of the English Royal society—Rev. Joseph Lathrop, of W. Springfield, M. de Condorcet, of Paris, John Davis, Esq. of Plymouth, and the Rev. John Mellen, of Barnstable.
For want of a proper attention in taking the wool from sheepskins they are generally ruined, before they are put into the hands of the tanner.—A Connecticut writer recommends the following method: As soon as the skin is taken from the carcase, spread it on a horse or a cow, and in six or eight hours the wool will come off better than in any other way. After the wool is off, spread the skin on a pole, and let it hang in the shade, till convenient to send it to the tanner.
It is said the people of the United States are so enlightened, that it is not credible a Congress chosen by them should be guilty of such practices as have been set forth. It would be better reasoning to conclude that so enlightened a people will not suffer such practices to be continued in a body that depends on their choice.—Human nature is frail. Its frailty is never more visible than in money matters. When those concerned in them have power also, which is one tempter , and can thereby create the opportunity of profit, which is another tempter , corruption will never be incredible. If not constantly watched, it will be certain. And if not occasionally purged off, it may be fatal.
Letters from the westward intimate that several accounts of Indian murders, depredations, thefts, &c. that have been published, are unfounded. What mischief has been done, in some parts, is attributed by many to unprincipled whites, who disguise themselves like Indians for the purposes of robbery and horse-theft.
From a representation made to the French national assembly on the 9th of April, it appears that the crew of a Dutch ship in passing the Admiralty isles in the South Seas, (lat. 4 south, about 2600 leagues west of the continent of America) had seen a French flag displayed on the beach, who were supposed to be Capt. Peyrouse and his crew, wrecked some time since in those seas. The weather was so tempestuous that it was impossible to land and take them off.—This information was afterwards given to the commandant at the Isle of France, who sent an account of it to the Cape of Good Hope, which reached the Cape before the French vessels from Europe, who were sent out in search of this unfortunate commander, had touched there. Their search will of consequence be immediately directed to the Admiralty isles.
The Governor of Virginia has, by proclamation, summoned the legislature of that state to meet on the first day of October next, in the city of Richmond.
A vessel arrived here on Wednesday last from Havre de Grace, in 51 days. At the time she sailed from Havre de Grace it was currently reported, and generally believed there, that the French troops had attacked and taken Ostend.
Captain Joseph Brandt, the celebrated Indian chief, now in this city, is an officer in the British Canadian troops; his settlement is at Grand river on the north side of Lake Erie.
John Caldwell, Esq. is elected President of the Bank of Hartford in Connecticut, in the room of J. Wadsworth Esq. who declined.—Hezekiah Merrill, Esq. is appointed cashier; and John Morgan, George Phillips, Barnabas Deane, Timothy Burr, James Watson, Caleb Bell, and Ephraim Root, are appointed directors.
The following comparative statement is made in a late French paper of the forces of the emigrants out of the kingdom, and the real effective force, determined to support the revolution, within—viz.—On the part of the emigrants, 40 knights of the holy ghost—559 field-officers—one battalion and an half of infantry on the peace establishment— Cavalry , the life-guards, the company of Auvergne, and six hundred naval officers on horse-back— Artillery , 2 pieces of 3 inches bore—3 ditto of 3 & an half inches bore; no horse, the whole artillery conveyed and managed by noblemen.— Provisions , daily-bread; Camp-equipage , the canopy of heaven; Finances , the credit of the empress of Russia, presents from the Swedish diet; contingent of the king of Sardinia; pious legacy of Leopold; alms of the king of Spain, savings of the cardinal de Rohan.—On the part of the nation, France can boast, 1st, No knights of the holy ghost; one hundred and fifty field officers; 400 battalions of infantry upon the war establishment, 220 battalions of cavalry; Artillery , 10,000 men, 2 battering trains, 3 field equipments, 8000 horse; Provisions , 500,000 sacks of grain, enough to serve 250,000 men for one year; forage for 60,000 horses for six months; 6000 horse for the transportation of provision; tents for 250,000 men— Finances , 2300,000,000 in national domains, and 70,000,000 in specie in the public treasury.
Some have expressed their admiration at the very considerable desertion of officers from the French marine, in favor of the emigrants. Such should recollect that naval officers are always despotic; and because they are convinced republican government would not be practicable on shipboard, they very nationally conclude, that neither will it answer on terra-firma; and limited monarchical government is, with these deep reasoners, involved in the same predicament.
According to Mr. Hume's theory, the money in every country represents all labour and vendible property; increase the money therefore, and you increase the portion of it which will represent the same portion of labour and property, that is to say, you raise prices. As prices rise, other nations will undersell the country in foreign markets, and hence a diminution of its exports; whilst the high prices in its own markets will not fail to augment its imports. The balance of trade will in this manner turn against it, and the redundant money will overflow to countries where it is scarcer 'till a proportional level takes place every where. Since this proportional level of money cannot be denied generally to exist, it may be asked on what principle it is to be accounted for, if it does not proceed from the influence of plenty of money on prices?—and why a nation once possessed of a favourable balance does not by degrees draw to itself the wealth of all nations that trade with it?—It is answered; the effect ascribed by Mr. Hume to the direct and necessary influence of an increase of money on prices ought to be ascribed to its influence on demand and consumption, on the taste and manners of those who possess it. Were an augmentation of national coin to take place without augmenting demand at all, the superfluous money would either be locked up or converted into plate, and no rise of prices nor efflux of money would ensue, unless indeed it should be lent to foreigners, in which case it would only go out to return in a greater quantity: were it to augment demand but to augment industry in proportion, it is evident there would be neither a rise of prices, nor a superfluity of money: but should the augmentation of money excite demand and consumption, and these not excite industry in proportion, the case would be different. As far as the new demand beyond the national industry might have for its object national productions, it would add to their price till the addition should equal the expence of importing such articles, and a supply of the deficiency from abroad would occasion a proportional efflux of money. As far as the new demand might have for its object foreign luxuries there would be a further efflux of money to pay for them. From these new importations the balance of trade would become unfavourable, and the money would continue to overflow to other places 'till the demand excited by its excess should fall to a level with domestic industry.

Judge Powell, of Canada, is now prisoner at Quebec on a charge of high treason: letters, it is said, having been detected, written in his name and hand, giving information to his friends in the United States, how Detroit may be easily carried.
Rufus King, Esq. of New-York, has given his opinion on the contested election, contrary to Mr. Burr: that "it may be reasonably doubted whether the canvassers are obliged to reject the votes of Tioga—that part of the votes of Otsego may be lawfully canvassed—and that all the votes from Clinton county may be lawfully canvassed."
The loss of Mr. Jay's election is said to have been occasioned by the rejection of the Otsego county votes, which if legally received would have given him a majority. Mr. Burr has formally given his opinion on the circumstances of the case, as 1st. That Mr. Smith was not sheriff of Otsego when he received and forwarded the ballots (which the constitution expressly requires) and, 2d. That the ballots delivered by the deputy of Mr. Smith, could not be legally canvassed.—Mr. Burr's opinion with regard to Tioga is, in substance, nearly the same, viz. That the ballots of that county could not by any fiction or construction be said to have been delivered by the sheriff: and that therefore they were not entitled to be canvassed.
A writer in the Boston Independent Chronicle, after a number of sensible observations on the present Indian war, takes occasion to make the following remark:—"We have indeed sent missionaries to the Indians, to teach them religion; and willing enough are we that they should be saints, and go to heaven that they may be out of the way of troubling us, good folks, here upon earth.—Their having towns, or a state by themselves, and being in connection with us in civil affairs, we cannot allow.—Our conduct has concluded this to be very improper. In fact some have freely given their opinions that not only their country, but the world itself is not large enough to hold Indians and white people too; unless Indians can live under the north pole, where it is winter all the year."
After some further animadversions, he goes on as follows:—"If we wish to have peace with the Indians, under the consideration of their being men, we must go a different way to work with them, from what we have hitherto gone. Our business in a national view, is, not to convert them to religion, but to civil life. Let them have good religious instruction, and welcome; but national power is a civil thing, and can only secure, or impart, civil blessings to mankind. Civilization being a national object, is no more than a temporal matter; for although the light of moral and rational truth is necessary to the reformation of a barbarous people; yet, as a people, they are reformed in no other view than being brought to understand their natural rights."
Much is said in the Dublin papers of James Napper Tandy, the celebrated Irish patriot. This gentleman having taken offence at some words uttered by John Toiler Esq. the king's solicitor-general, in the Irish house of commons, thought proper to call him publicly to an account for the same: in consequence of which a prosecution was ordered by the House against Tandy, for a violation of its privileges. He was accordingly arrested, in virtue of the Lord lieutenant's proclamation for that purpose, and carried before the magistrates, who, after some discussion, agreed that Mr. Tandy should be discharged.—He was afterwards brought to the bar of the house, on a plea of an escape, and after some examination committed prisoner to Newgate on the charge "of questioning a member for words uttered in debate, and therefore guilty of a gross violation of the privileges of the house," &c.—Three days after, Mr. Tandy was discharged from confinement by the Speaker's warrant, in consequence of the prorogation of the parliament.—Mr. Tandy appears to possess, in a high degree, the confidence of the whig people of Ireland, in opposition to the court. The English party on the other hand, hold him and his principles in detestation, and take every method in their power to mortify and vex him—they made even their ballad-men sing of him in such strains as these during his confinement:
AH! what are become of the days, When I swagger'd and dash'd through the town? The popular pride, and the gaze, And the scourge of the courtiers and crown! When dress'd in my Bombardier cloaths The ladies proclaim'd me the dandy And the crowd bellow'd out 'there he goes; 'That's the great—there's the bold Napper Tandy!'
The conduct of the Jacobin club, misrepresented by partial foreign papers, has given uneasiness to the friends of liberty, good order and the French, in this portion of the globe. Their strenuous and successful opposition to ministry has been looked upon as the victory of faction over established authority. The word CLUB gives an idea of a confined knot of men, and when the object of that club is known to be political opinions, the expression itself is almost synonymous to faction: but give them their other name. Society of friends to the constitution;—To this add, that a majority of the leading men in the nation belong to the Society, and you totally change their character. This Society, fundamentally republican, has long viewed with regret and opposed with firmness the doubtful measures of the ex-ministry. Ministers are changed, the views of the society are fulfilled; decisive measures are adopted;—the opposition of the Jacobins will die away, until a fresh cause calls it into action. (Gen. Adv.)
The insult offered by the people of Paris to the bust and name of Fayette, has given pain to all who have ever heard a name, which alone gives an idea of real greatness and disinterested patriotism. This insult, however unmerited, is perhaps not wholly to be attributed to the blind and unthinking madness of a mob. It is probable that La Fayette has shown himself too prudent in the late crisis, and that his caution, by minds enthusiastic of liberty, may have been mistaken for want of zeal in the good cause. It is certain that a line of conduct strictly proper in settled and quiet times, does not suit, in times of political agitation. When parties run high, the good cause must be supported with enthusiasm and absolute violence, to outweigh the activity and extravagance of opposite partisans: (Gen. Adv.)
We have received St. Domingo papers to the 26th of May. They are mostly filled with the minutes of the proceedings of the colonial assembly, and other local matters of rather an unimportant nature. The following selections, however, may be worth attention.
Cape Francois, May 22—26.—Some destructive fatality appears to pursue this colony to its utter destruction. While we live, or rather while we expire under the sword of our assassins, instead of uniting to ward off the blow that is threatened by our enemies, we tamely consent to become their victims, merely for the pleasure of seeing each other destroyed. The enemy, it is well known, have taken an oath to each other to destroy the white population of the island; so that we are in fact executing upon ourselves this execrable proscriptio.
It is useless to dissemble any longer—things have come to a crisis, and our perfidious enemies are only waiting a junction of forces, and some further information, to effect our ruin; while nearly one half of our brethren are either murdered, or wholly exhausted by the fatigues of this abominable warfare, or the diseases that attend it—Should we continue longer in our lethargy, what a spectacle shall we exhibit to the world—how incredible will our conduct appear.—It is high time to emerge from our slumbers, and bring ourselves to believe that we have no resource but in ourselves, and by uniting hearts, minds, and means, to march out against our enemies, conquer them and punish them—we are still a formidable force against an army of cowardly assassins, if only a union of hearts and courage are our concomitants—let us recollect that a single glance from a man of resolution is death to a coward.—Let us keep a steady eye upon the band of African robbers, and they will be either extirpated or scattered—their legions will fly before us, and the sword of the law shall devour those that escape that of war.—Then, and not till then, will happiness return to St. Domingo, and peace and prosperity will revisit her shores—but if we continue in petty quarrels with each other, lurking in our houses, and leaving the open country to the enemy, we shall be lost, and we shall deserve to be lost—what part will then be left to be acted by the truly brave and truly patriotic? what, but to imitate the conduct of Cæsar, who in similar circumstances, covered his head with his mantle, and bade his enemies strike!—One main reason of the inactivity so observable at the Cape, is the expectation of the troops that have been so long promised—this expectation for a time was excusable, and the arrival of a powerful army seemed to be the moment for making a successful attack—but, now, when we find ourselves so basely deceived, we should only take counsel from despair—we must, in short, conquer or die—but if our union is firm, and our plans judiciously laid, we shall not sink under our enemies, we shall conquer and redeem the country.
A committee of the Colonial Assembly, about the middle of May reported a plan of a constitution for the colony. The papers received do not give a copy of it. The Assembly have begun to discuss its merits; but their proceedings, owing to the restrictions laid on the press, do not appear.
Some stir has been made in the Assembly, to render its operation independent of the National Assembly, by representing that it has not the right to repeal the constitutional law of the 28th of September, which respects the colonies; and that the Colonial Assembly holding its powers as the National Assembly does, from the Constituting Assembly, will acknowledge no other law as their guide in enacting those concerning the internal government of St. Domingo, than the constitutional law of the 28th of September. It is proposed to submit to the King, for his approbation, their laws, in the same manner as the National Assembly. And also to draw up an account of the decrees proposed and enacted by the constituting and legislative Assemblies relative to
the colonies, with observations to prove, that the want of local knowledge in those bodies, has not a little contributed to blow up the flame of discord, and is one of the first causes of the calamities suffered in St. Domingo;—that the National Assembly may clearly see the propriety of leaving it to the colonies to enact the laws which are to govern them—without which power, the colonies cannot exist.
Mr. Favranges, a member of the Colonial Assembly, proposed to abolish personal slavery, and to decree, as essential to the existence of sugar colonies, a species of slavery, binding the slave to the soil. He also proposed regulations forbidding the use of slaves for domestic services, and to fill their places by hired freemen.—He represented, in support of this plan, domestic slaves as the cause of the present disturbances, from the opportunities they had of seeing, hearing and learning. He also insisted on the advantages of increasing the population of whites by this means and thereby opposing, with more force, any attempts of the negroes—and on the prospect of a more careful culture, by restoring to the sugar plantations 100,000 working negroes. These propositions of Mr. Favranges, who appear to be an eloquent and influential member, were ordered to lie on the table, to be taken up after the completion of the constitution. The Assembly appears unanimously of opinion, that slavery in some shape or other, is necessary to the very existence of the sugar colonies.
Addressed to the municipality officers at the Cape The term, former government, is echoed and re-echoed even in our popular assemblies. This rather irritates than alarms us. For too long a time the aristocratic minority taking advantage of the silence of the majority, has insulted us with impunity.
We, a number of patriotic citizens, come in the name of the majority, to declare and to swear that we will sooner perish than return under the yoke of the old colonial government—we will, further, declare that person a perjured wretch and a traitor to his country who shall dare to propose a re-enactment of this odious mode of government.
We have constitutionally demanded the new code of laws from the provincial assembly; and of the colonial assembly we request a formal and decisive answer to our requisition, in its full extent—(May 22.)
Signed, &c. John Vining, Esq. of Delaware, has issued a Notification, signifying that he declines being re-elected at the next election for members of Congress for that State—John Dickinson, Esq. has also notified that he declines serving as Governor, in case of appointment.
THE vapouring challenges, thrown out in the Gazette of the United States, to all free un-lived writers (or, as they are this day called by Mr. Fenno, "the worst of knaves," "calumniators of the government," "enemies of the public tranquility," "propagators of calumny" and "forfeited of inquiry") to point out the particular members of the national legislature concerned in speculation, &c. and to prove the facts,—remind us of the impudence of a noted prostitute in London, who having a dispute with a young man, was by him reproached with her prostitution, and called by the plain name of her profession.—"a Wh * * *!" said she: "you dare to call me a Wh * * *!—I'll make you prove it, or pay for it."—Accordingly she sued the young fellow for defamation: and although half the town knew her character, yet as nobody could prove her incontinency, without owning himself an accomplice, the defendant was cast for want of evidence, and obliged to pay heavy damages. Thus it is when any man talks of speculators—"prove the fact, Sir!" as if indeed the men who hired out the pilot boats, and the brokers who negotiated the certificates, would come forward to expose their employers and themselves! Mr. Fenno well knows they are not such fools; and therefore it is, that he vapours: for until some of the accomplices give positive evidence upon oath, the character of each individual Speculator, though ever so notorious, is safe from attack, and must be equally respected, and deemed as immaculate, as—that of the prostitute.
June 23.
*** A judicious evasion of arguments, instead of answering them, has always been a nice point of art among twissical characters. A man might as soon catch such at fire-eating as at fair reasoning. At the bar, this art has been advanced to such a height that a man of common understanding will frequently take an evasion for a solid answer. There are some coarse disputants, however, (not at the bar only) who assume another method of answering an argument, i. e. by substituting amongst their idle ravings such genteel words as slanderer, knave, calumniator, and now and then, upon occasion, villain, &c. &c. This stale trick may have its effect with the lowest class of no-thinkers, but is instantly seen through and despised by men of liberality.
On the gradual Melioration of Governments.
[From Mr. Paine's Rights of Man.]
THE best constitution that could now be devised, consistent with the condition of the present moment, may be far short of that excellence which a few years may afford. There is a morning of reason rising upon man on the subject of government, that has not appeared before. As the barbarism of
the present old governments expires, the moral condition of nations with respect to each other will be changed. Man will not be brought up with a savage idea of considering his species as his enemy, because the accident of birth gave the individuals existence in countries distinguished by different names; and as constitutions have always some relation to external as well as to domestic circumstances, the means of benefiting by every change, foreign or domestic, should be a part of every constitution.
We already see an alteration in the national disposition of England and France towards each other, which, when we look back to only a few years, is itself a revolution. Who could have foreseen, or who would have believed, that a French National Assembly would ever have been a popular toast in England, or that a friendly alliance of the two nations should become the wish of either. It shows, that man, were he not corrupted by governments, is naturally the friend of man, and that human nature is not of itself vicious. That spirit of jealousy and ferocity, which the governments of the two countries inspired, and which they rendered subservient to the purpose of taxation, is now yielding to the dictates of reason, interest and humanity. The trade of courts is beginning to be understood, and the affectation of mystery, with all the artificial sorcery by which they imposed upon mankind, is on the decline. It has received its death-wound; and though it may linger, it will expire.
Government ought to be as much open to improvement as any thing which appertains to man, instead of which it has been monopolized from age to age, by the most ignorant and vicious of the human race. Need we any other proof of their wretched management, than the excess of debts and taxes with which every nation groans, and the quarrels into which they have precipitated the world?
Just emerging from such a barbarous condition, it is too soon to determine to what extent of improvement government may yet be carried. For what we can foresee, all Europe, may form but one great republic, and man be free of the whole.
Remarkable Curiosity.
THE mimickry, or imitative sports of Nature, have long been matter of admiration to naturalists and philosophers. From what follows it would seem, that the idea of the human figure had originated in the vegetable part of the creation, and had afterwards been improved into the animal, from the less perfect to the more perfect, according to the process observable in the generality of the works of nature.—In that part of America on and about the north-western branches of the river Missouri, a country inhabited by nations of Indians called the Pawnees and Pawhawnies, is found a surprising species of plant, denominated Mandrake, which grows to about three feet in height, bearing, in general, a striking resemblance to the human figure. The feet are fixed in the ground by way of root, and the juices serving for nourishment are filtrated through the toes, and thence ascend into the veins of the plant, first in a horizontal and then in a perpendicular direction. These plants are of both sexes, and according to a wild tradition of the Indians, sprung up in this part of the country in former ages, in consequence of a number of bloody battles, in which so many persons were slain, and so much blood spilled, as to impregnate the ground with the seeds of the human form.—Plants of the same species are said to have been found in the eastern parts of Africa, but far less in size and less perfect in many respects than those of America.
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For the NATIONAL GAZETTE.
EXCISE LAW.
MR. TRENEAU,
WRITER in your last paper appears anxious that the people should be informed that the badge of slavery placed over the door of the Exciseman in Germantown, was secretly destroyed during the night—What proof does he bring forward in support of his assertion? Why that the officer was duly and immediately examined by the government upon the subject, with a view to prosecute the person or persons who had committed the offence, but that no discovery could be made." Is it possible that any man should be so ignorant of the character of the citizens of the United States to suppose that any Freeman would be an informer on such an occasion? If the PEOPLE wish to preserve that liberty for which they contended with Great Britain, they will strenuously oppose every introduction of the corrupt principles of the government of that country. The voice of the citizens of the United States respecting the Excise law, having been treated with neglect by Congress, people have no other remedy but to slight every man who may be so lost, to a sense of the duty he owes to his posterity and to his country, as to assist in carrying the law into execution. June 23.

AUTHENTIC.
SECOND CONGRESS
OF THE UNITED STATES.
At the first Session, begun and held at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday the twenty-fourth of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one.
An ACT making alterations in the Treasury and War Department.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there be an Accountant to the department of war, who shall be charged with the settlement of all accounts relative to the pay of the army, the subsistence of officers, bounties to soldiers, the expenses of the recruiting service, the incidental and contingent expenses of the department; and who shall report from time to time, all such settlements as shall have been made by him, for the inspection and revision of the accounting officers of the treasury; and the said accountant shall also be charged with the settlement of all claims for personal service authorized by the act of this Congress of the twenty-seventh of March last, and of all military claims lodged in the late office of the pay master general and commissioner of army accounts, which are not foreclosed by the acts of limitation of the late Congress, and he shall report from time to time, all such settlements as have been made by him, for the inspection and revision of the comptroller of the treasury. The compensation of the said accountant shall be a yearly salary of one thousand two hundred dollars.
And be it further enacted, That the Treasurer of the United States shall disburse all such monies as shall have been previously ordered for the use of the department of war by warrants from the treasury; which disbursements shall be made pursuant to warrants from the Secretary at War, countersigned by the accountant.
And be it further enacted, That there be a Paymaster to reside near the head quarters of the troops of the United States. That it shall be the duty of the said paymaster, to receive from the treasurer all the monies which shall be entrusted to him for the purpose of paying the pay, the arrears of pay, subsistence or forage, due to the troops of the United States. That he shall receive the pay abstracts of the paymasters of the several regiments or corps, and compare the same with the returns or muster rolls which shall accompany the said pay abstracts. That he shall certify accurately to the commanding officer, the sum due to the respective corps, which shall have been examined as aforesaid, who shall thereon issue his warrant on the said deputy paymaster, for the payment accordingly. That copies of all reports to the commanding officer, and the warrants thereon, shall be duly transmitted to the office of the accountant of the war department, in order to be there examined and finally adjusted at the treasury. That the said paymaster shall give bond in the sum of twenty thousand dollars, with two sufficient sureties, for the faithful discharge of his duty, and he shall take an oath faithfully to execute the duties of his office. That the compensation to the said paymaster shall be sixty dollars monthly, with the same rations and forage as a major.
And be it further enacted, That no assignment of pay made after the first day of June next, by a non-commissioned officer or private, shall be valid.
And be it further enacted, That all purchases and contracts for supplying the army with provisions, clothing, supplies in the quarter-masters department, military stores, Indian goods, and all other supplies or articles for the use of the department of war, be made by or under the direction of the treasury department.
And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury shall direct the superintendence of the collection of the duties on import and tonnage as he shall judge best. That the present office of Assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury, be abolished, and that instead thereof there be an officer in the department of the Treasury, to be denominated Commissioner of the Revenue, who shall be charged with superintending, under the direction of the head of the department, the collection of the other revenues of the United States and shall execute such other services, being conformable to the constitution of the department, as shall be directed by the Secretary of the Treasury. That the compensation of the said commissioner shall be a salary of one thousand nine hundred dollars per annum.
And be it further enacted, That in every case of an account or claim not finally adjusted, upon which the present Comptroller of the Treasury, as Auditor, may have decided, it shall be the duty of the Commissioner of the Revenue, and of the Auditor of the Treasury, finally to adjust the same, and in case of disagreement between the said Commissioner and Auditor, the decision of the Attorney General shall be final.
And be it further enacted, That in case of the death, absence from the seat of government or sickness of the Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury or of the Secretary of the War department, or of any officer of either of the said departments whose appointment is not in the head thereof, whereby they cannot perform the duties of their said respective offices, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, in case he shall think it necessary, to authorize any person or persons at his discretion to perform the duties of the said respective offices until a successor be appointed, or until such absence or inability by sickness shall cease.
And be it further enacted, That the forms of keeping and rendering all public accounts whatsoever, shall be prescribed by the department of the Treasury.
And be it further enacted, That in addition to the compensations allowed to the Comptroller, Auditor, Treasurer, and Register of the Treasury, by the "act for establishing the salaries of the executive officers of government, their assistants and clerks," and to the Attorney General by the "act for allowing certain compensations to the judges of the supreme and other courts, and to the Attorney General of the United States," the said officers respectively shall be allowed the following yearly sums, viz. the Comptroller four hundred dollars; the Auditor four hundred dollars; the Treasurer four hundred dollars; the Register five hundred dollars; the Attorney General four hundred dollars.
And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury be authorized to have two principal clerks, each of whom to have a salary of eight hundred dollars per annum; and that the salary of the chief clerk of the department of war, be at the rate of eight hundred dollars per year.
And be it further enacted, That the restriction on the clerks of the department of the treasury so far as respects the carrying on of any trade or business, other than in the funds, or debts of the United States, or of any state, or any kind of public property, be abolished, and that such restriction, so far as respects the funds or debts of the United States, or of any state, or any public property of either, be extended to the commissioner of the revenue, to the several commissioners of loans, and to all persons employed in their respective offices, and to all officers of the United States concerned in the collection or disbursement of the revenues thereof, under the penalties prescribed in the eighth section of the act, intitled "An act to establish the treasury department" and the provisions relative to the officers in the treasury department, contained in the "Act to establish the post office and post roads," shall be and hereby are extended and applied to the commissioner of the revenue.
Approved by the President, May 8, 1792.
An ACT concerning the claim of John Brown Cutting against the United States. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in consideration of certain expenditures on behalf of the United States, made by John Brown Cutting in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, there be advanced and paid to the said John Brown Cutting, the sum of two thousand dollars, out of any public money not otherwise appropriated.
And be it further enacted, That the secretary of state be authorized to enquire into the entire claim of the said John Brown Cutting, against the United States, and upon receipt of the proofs and exhibits in support thereof, to ascertain what sum shall thereon appear to be due to or from him, in account with the United States, including the advance hereby directed, and to report the same to the next session of Congress.
Approved by the President, May 8, 1792.
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CHESTER TOWN & BALTIMORE STAGE S.
THE Eastern-Shore Stage, by way of Chestertown to Baltimore, starts regularly from James Thompson's, Indian Queen, Fourth-Street, Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, mornings, precisely at 7 o'clock, and on the same mornings at 4 o'clock, from Mr. Grant's in Baltimore. The cultivation of the country, and goodness of the roads, together with the attention that shall be paid by the proprietors, will, it is hoped, be a sufficient inducement for a preference being given to this route.
JAMES THOMPSON, ROBERT HODGSON, N.B. Light Waggons for hire by James Thompson, at the Indian Queen.
Prices Current at Philadelphia. [Dollars equal to 100 cents. ASHES Pot per ton 90 Dols. to 100. Ashes Pearl 137 — 140. Bacon flitches per lb. 7 cents. Bacon shoulders — 6 40. Bees wax, per lb. 25 cents to 27. Brandy, Coniac, per gl. 1 dol. 20 c. to 1 d. 33 c. Brandy, common, 1 dol. 26 c. Butter, in kegs, per lb. 9 c. to 10. Coals, per bushel, 20 c. to 22. Coffee, per lb. 20 c. Cotton, per lb. 26 c. to 33. Flax, per lb. 11 to 12 c. Flour, superfine, per barrel, 4 d. 67 c. 4 d. 80 c. Common, 4 dols. 40 c. Burr middlings, best, per brl. 3 dols. 84 c. Meal Indian 2 dols. 52 c. Ryas 2 dols. 67 c. Slip stuff, per cwt, 1 dol. 18. 33 c. Gin, Holland, per case, 4 dols. 67 c. Ginseng per lb. 20 c. to 24. Grain, barley, per bushel, 90 c. best shelled, per lb. 3 c. Buck-wheat, per bushel, 40 c. Indian corn, 40 c. Oats 26 c. pr. bush. Rye 54, Wheat 90 to 93 c. Hams, per lb. 8 c. to 9. Hemp, imported, per ton, 120 dols. to 146 67 c. American, per lb. 4 c. to 5. Hide, raw, per lb. 9 c. to 12. Indigo, Carolina, per lb. 40 c. to 1 dol. Iron, bar, per ton, 32 dols. 67 c. Castings, per cwt. 3 dols. 47 c. Nail-rods per ton 90 dols. Pig, per ton, 20 dols. to 28 dols. 67 c. Sheet, per ton, 173 dols. 33 c. Lard, hogs, per lb. 9 c. to 10. Lead, in bars, per cwt. 7 dols. In pigs, — 5 dols. 33 c. to 5 dols. 67 c. Red, — 6 dols. 40 c. to 6 dols. 67 c. White, — 10 dols. to 10 dols. 67 c. Myrtle wax per lb. 13 c. Molasses, per gal. 44 c. to 50. Nutmegs, per lb. 7 to 8 dollars. Oil, Linseed, per gallon, 65 to 67 c. Pepper, per lb. 50 c. Pimento, — 16 c. Porter, London, per dozen, 1 dol. 60 c. American, do. 1 d. 4 c. to 1 d. 60 c. Pitch, per barrel, 1 dol. 73 c. to 2 dols. Pork, Burlington, per barrel, 11 dols to 11 d 67 c. Lower County, do. 10 dols. Carolina, do. 9 dols. Rice, per 100 lb. 2 dols. 67 c. Rosin, per barrel, 2 dols. 33 c. to 2 dols. 67 c. Rum, Antigua, per gallon, 1 dol. 11 c. Barbadoes, do. do. 87 c. New-England, &c. 67 c. Jamaica, 1 dol. 18 c. to 1 d. 22 c. Windward Island, 93 c. to 1 d. Salt, (Allum) per bushel, 24 to 27 c. Cadiz, — 23 to 24 c. Lisbon, — 25 to 27 c. Liverpool, — 29 c. Skins, Deer, in hair, per lb. 20 to 30 c. Red, ditto, — 26 to 33 c. Snake-Root, per lb. 20 c. to 42. Sugar, Havanna, white, per lb. 17 to 18 c. Brown, per lb. 15 c. Muscovado, per cwt. 14 d. to 16 d. 67 c. Lump, per lb. 24 c. Loaf, single refined, 26 c. Loaf, double ditto, 36 c. Tallow, refined, per lb. 9 c. Tar, New-Jersey, 24 gal. to the brl. 1 dol. Carolina, 32 gal. 1 dol. 33 c. to 1 dol. 67 c. Tea, Hyson, per lb. 93 c. to 1 dol. 28 c. Hyson skin, 53 c. to 67. Souhong, 50 c. to 93. Congo, 43 c. to 50. Bohea, 30 c. to 33. Tobacco, James River, best, per cwt. 3 dols. 60 to 3 dols. 73 c. Inferior, 2 dols. 67 c. to 3 dols. Old, 4 dols. 67 c. Rappahannock, 6 dols. 50 c. to 3 dol. Coloured Maryland, 5 d. 33 c. to 8 d. Dark, 2 dols. 40 c. Long leaf, 2 dols. 40 c. Eastern Shore, 2 dols. to 2 dols. 23 c. Carolina, new, 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dols. Carolina, old, 2 dols. 7 c. to 3 dol. Turpentine, per barrel, 1 dol. 67 c. to 2 dols. Wine, Madeira, per pipe, 106 d. 67 c. to 200 dl. Lisbon, — 96 dols. to 100. Teneriffe, per gal. 51 c. to 60. Faya, — 44 c. 49. Port, per pipe, 106 dols. 67 c. to 120 d. Sherry, per gal. 90 c. to 1 d. 20 c.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Subscriber has it in contemplation soon to decline his present business—and having on hand a considerable quantity of superfine second and elastic cloths, together with a variety of other articles in his way, proposes to sell them at the following reduced prices—
VI Z. Best Superfine navy blue 34 3/4. Ditto ditto Scarlet 36 3/4. Common colours superfine 32 3/4. Elastic Stripes 9 3/4. London buff and white cassimers 15 3/4. Ditto, coloured do. 15 3/4. Yorkshire do. do. 13 3/4. Striped toiletens 14 3/4. Rattinets 3 3/4. Striped Nankeens 3 3/4. A variety of waistcoat shapes proportionably less, Fancy buttons and trimmings do.
London best silk hose, from 22 1/2 to 24 3/4. The above goods have been mostly imported from one of the first Mercantile houses in London, and are of an equal quality to any imported into America; they will be sold per piece or smaller quantity as may best suit the purchasers; by the public's most humble servant, JOHN SHEPHERD.
No. 3 South Fourth-street. Any person disposed to purchase the whole of the above stock, may also have on reasonable terms his present dwelling house, together with the store, a more eligible situation for business in the tailor's line is not to be found in this city. The advantage of this business being so well established by the proprietor will be very great, and from well known facts, needs no comment. A lease of six years may be had of the house. May 14, 22w. tf.
HOWELL'S LARGE MAP OF PENNSYLVANIA.
THIS work is engraved in the most elegant style, and will be ready for delivery early this summer. It is 63 inches long and 36 inches wide, and for the most part very full of work (except some small places of which materials were not to be had) and was wholly compiled from actual surveys, acquired at great expense of money, and more than four years labour, and from its manifest public utility, the Legislature has been pleased to grant the proprietor the sum of three hundred pounds.
This map exhibits the County and Township Divisions, and those of the Surveyors Districts in the New-Purchase, Donation and Depreciation Lands; the waters, portages, and the Canal, mountains and valleys, roads, towns, &c.
He thanks the Public for their very liberal subscription, and informs them that it is yet kept open. He sells his SMALL MAPS, on canvases, folded and cas'd for pocket carriage, at 10/6, and plain at 8/4.
READING HOWELL No. 83, North Fifth-Street. June 11. 12w. 6w.
Philadelphia and Shrewsbury STAGE, By the route of BORDENTOWN.
THE subscribers inform the public, that from and after the third day of June next, (and to continue during the summer season) a boat sets off from the Crooked-Billet wharf, in Philadelphia, on Sundays and Thursdays in the months of June and August: and on Sundays and Wednesdays in the months of July and September, and proceeds to Bordentown.
The next morning comfortable carriages run from Bordentown and Edington, in Shrewsbury; then meet, and exchange passengers at the half-way-house, known by the name of the Burnt Tavern, and return the same day to Bordentown and Edington, aforesaid: And on the days following the boat sets out from Bordentown to Philadelphia.
The proprietors flatter themselves this plan will particularly accommodate those who do not wish to be troubled with their own horses and carriages; and will at the same time afford them an agreeable variety, and make the journey more easy than travelling the whole distance by land.
The Fare from Philadelphia to Edington, for Passengers, £.0 13 9. Goods per cwt. 6. Way passengers and way goods, in proportion. The public's most obedient, humble servants JOHN VAN EMBURGH, DANIEL LOTT. May 21st, 1792. raw. tf.
PROPOSALS For Printing by Subscription,
THE PUBLIC REPORTS FROM THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS.
Commencing with the present Government, and ending with the close of the Session of May 1792.
THIS work is intended to be printed in one volume octavo, estimated to contain between five and six hundred pages, and will be delivered to subscribers in boards at One Dollar and a half.
A complete collection of the Reports into a convenient and portable volume has been suggested to the publishers by several Members of Congress and other gentlemen, and they are now determined to proceed on with the work, provided a competent number of subscribers appear to patronize the undertaking.
Subscriptions are received by CHILDS and SWAINE, the publishers, No. 209, Market Street, Philadelphia, and by the principal Booksellers in the United States. May 24.
THIS DAY ARE PUBLISHED, [In Octavo—Price 2/9.]
THE LAWS of the UNITED STATES, Passed at the First Session of the Second Congress. PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.
To which are added the Ratifications of the Amendments to the Constitution, by the several ratifying States; the Armistice between the United States and Great-Britain; and the Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Cherokees, which with those in the other octavo volume complete all the existing treaties.
Philadelphia, printed by CHILDS & SWAINE Printers of the Laws of the United States, and sold by them, at their office, No. 209, Market Street; also by the principal Booksellers in the city.
** The Laws are sewed in blue paper, and are intended to be bound up with those of the next session, so as to make one volume, comprising all the Laws passed by the Second Congress, when a complete Index will be added for both sessions.
The LAWS of the Three Sessions of the First Congress, With a complete Index, in one volume octavo, may be had as above. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1792.
PRINTED BY CHILDS AND SWAINE, AT THEIR OFFICE, NO. 209, HIGH-STREET, NEAR FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA.